Mourning and Lamentation on Coffins

BRITISH MUSEUM PUBLICATIONS ON EGYPT ANCIENT EGYPTIAN COFFINS Craft traditions and functionality edited by John H. TAYLOR and Marie VANDENBEUSCH PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT 2018 AND SUDAN 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Contributors ........................................................................................................................................... VII 2014 Colloquium Programme ........................................................................................................................... IX John H. TAYLOR and Marie VANDENBEUSCH Preface................................................................................................................................................................ XI I. CONCEPTUAL ASPECTS: RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY AND TEXTS Harco WILLEMS The coffins of the lector priest Sesenebenef: a Middle Kingdom Book of the Dead? ................................... 3 Rogério SOUSA The genealogy of images: innovation and complexity in coffin decoration during Dynasty 21 .................... 17 Andrzej NIWIŃSKI The decoration of the coffin as a theological expression of the idea of the Universe .................................... 33 René VAN WALSEM Some gleanings from ‘stola’ coffins and related material of Dynasty 21–22 ................................................ 47 Hisham EL-LEITHY Iconography and function of stelae and coffins in Dynasties 25–26 ............................................................... 61 Andrea KUCHAREK Mourning and lamentation on coffins ............................................................................................................... 77 II. RESULTS OF RECENT FIELDWORK AND ARCHIVAL RESEARCH Marilina BETRÒ The black-varnished coffin of Qenamon and Ippolito Rosellini’s excavations in the Theban necropolis...... 119 Anna STEVENS Beyond iconography: The Amarna coffins in social context ........................................................................... 139 Marilina BETRÒ and Gianluca MINIACI Used, reused, plundered and forgotten: A rare group of early Ramesside coffins from tomb MIDAN.05 in the Theban necropolis ................................................................................................................................... 161 Gábor SCHREIBER Mummy-boards from a Theban group burial dating to Dynasty 20 ................................................................ 185 Fruzsina BARTOS An example of a rare Dynasty 22 cartonnage type from the excavation of TT 65 and its surroundings ....... 201 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS III. COFFINS IN CONTEXT: BURIAL ASSEMBLAGES AND SACRED SPACE Marleen DE MEYER Reading a burial chamber: Anatomy of a First Intermediate Period coffin in context ................................... 217 Wolfram GRAJETZKI The burial of the ‘king’s daughter’ Nubhetepti-khered .................................................................................... 231 Gianluca MINIACI Burial equipment of rishi coffins and the osmosis of the ‘rebirth machine’ at the end of the Middle Kingdom ............................................................................................................................................................ 247 Anders BETTUM Nesting (part two): Merging of layers in New Kingdom coffin decoration .................................................... 275 IV. COFFINS IN CONTEXT: SOCIETY AND CRAFT ENVIRONMENT Kathlyn M. COONEY Coffin reuse in Dynasty 21: A case study of the coffins in the British Museum .......................................... 295 Alessia AMENTA New results from the CT scanning of a coffin ................................................................................................. 323 Edoardo GUZZON Examining the coffins from the collective tomb found by Ernesto Schiaparelli in the Valley of the Queens: An essay on epigraphic and stylistic ‘clustered features’ as evidence for workshops .................................... 337 John H. TAYLOR Evidence for social patterning in Theban coffins of Dynasty 25 ..................................................................... 349 V. COFFINS IN CONTEXT: REGIONAL VARIATIONS Katharina STÖVESAND Regional variability in Late Period Egypt: Coffin traditions in Middle Egypt ............................................... 389 Éva LIPTAY Burial equipment from Akhmim in ancient and modern contexts ................................................................... 403 Alexandra KÜFFER Tracing the history of a coffin and its mummy. The burial equipment from Gamhud at the Museum of Ethnology in Burgdorf (Switzerland) ........................................................................................................... 415 Béatrice HUBER with a contribution from Claudia NAUERTH Coptic coffins from Qarara. The Pfauensarg (peacock coffin) in context ...................................................... 435 MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS Andrea KUCHAREK Abstract Images and texts related to mourning on coffins are attested, with varying frequency, throughout Egyptian history. In this diachronic survey the main distinction is between divine mourning, as a rule performed by Isis and Nephthys, and human mourning. While the former finds expression in a wide array of scenes, the latter is mostly incorporated into depictions of the funerary procession and tomb rites. In both categories laments are rare. The majority of the evidence concerns the divine sisters Isis and Nephthys. The protection and revivification they convey to Osiris in the mythical precedent is likewise imparted to the deceased in his coffin. Scenes expressing this particular agency of Isis and Nephthys focus on the bier and on Osirian symbols such as the Abydos fetish and djed pillar. The gestures of the goddesses may express either mourning or protection and adoration, highlighting the ultimate equivalence of both approaches. Human mourning lacks this protective aspect; as represented on coffins its focus is on the emotional bond between the bereaved and the deceased.1 * * * The principles of Egyptian coffin decoration have varied widely over the course of several millennia, as 1 This paper is partly based on an extensive study of mourning customs in ancient Egypt, an undertaking generously supported from 2009 to 2011 by a Gerda Henkel Foundation grant. I am much indebted to Beatrix Gessler-Löhr (Heidelberg), Renate Haupt (Bournemouth), Andrei Nikolaev (St Petersburg), Maarten Raven and Lara Weiss (Leiden), John H. Taylor (London) and John Wyatt (Oxford) for their valuable contributions, and to John H. Taylor and Marie Vandenbeusch for straightening my English. A note on terminology: I employ ‘mourning’ in a predominantly visual sense – grief as expressed in gesture and posture – while ‘lament/lamentation’ applies to its verbal expression only. ‘Coffin’ refers to a mummy receptacle in general, thus comprising sarcophagi and cartonnages as well. Mummy covers are also included in this study, as their design is closely related to that of coffins. Mummy masks, trappings have those of, for instance, tomb decoration. The present paper is devoted to the recurring motif of mourning and lamentation as expressed on coffins. While such scenes and texts may not be the first that come to mind, they are, if not exactly common, certainly not rare,2 and they undoubtedly merit closer study. Acts of mourning and lamentation are performed by deities, predominantly Isis and Nephthys, as well as by humans. While both types occur on non-royal coffins, royal coffins and sarcophagi are devoid of human mourning.3 Divine mourning and lamentation Osiris constituted the role model of every deceased person, and therefore it is hardly surprising to find, among a large variety of scenes involving deities on coffins, some that represent divine grief over his death. Being mourned by his sisters Isis and Nephthys was not only a major aspect of the myth of Osiris but also provided an immediate link to the human condition in relation to death. Divine mourning is largely, but not exclusively, the province of Isis and Nephthys. The central icon is that of the two goddesses positioned at the head and foot ends of the bier.4 The iconography of this virtually canonical image may derive from the conventions of two-dimensional representation and a penchant for 2 3 4 and shrouds, on the other hand, will only be referred to when of particular interest. Pace e.g. Leitz 2011, 61: ‘… habe ich den Eindruck, daß die Trauer auf Särgen ohnehin keine so große Rolle spielt (anders als etwa in Gräbern) – vielleicht, weil das dem Verstorbenen selbst nicht allzu angenehm war’. Human mourning in a royal context is uniquely attested in the royal tomb at Amarna where it is, in fact, a major feature of the wall reliefs (Martin 1989, 23–5, 37–48, pls 25–8, 31–2, 58, 59, 63, 68, 72). This is also the central image of the BD 151 vignette, situated, however, in the tomb chamber (see Lüscher 1998, 23, 31–3). Both the vignette and text of this spell are devoid of mourning or lamentation (ibid., 154–68, 251–7, 304–14). 78 A. KUCHAREK symmetrical composition. The earliest attestations, three-dimensional models of funerary boats,5 date only from the Middle Kingdom. Ultimately, the depiction of the goddesses at opposite ends of the bier may have been derived from the fact, recounted already in the Pyramid Texts, that Isis and Nephthys approached Osiris from opposite directions when they discovered his corpse at the shore of Nedit (Kucharek 2008). This specific composition was first implemented on coffins with the actual mummy of the deceased in the place of Osiris on the bier. Therefore, Isis and Nephthys were associated with the head and foot ends of the coffin, a concept attested as early as the Old Kingdom in Pyramid Text spells linked to royal sarcophagi. Even though they would not always keep this position, there would always be a preference for depicting the goddesses at the coffin ends. As a separate entity, the bier scene appears in the late Ramesside Period, first on the side panels of the coffin, then moving to the front in Dynasty 22, where it remains until the Roman Period, when the tendency is to depict it again on the coffin sides. Considering the large amount of pictorial and textual evidence, to state that mourning and lamentation are not the primary function of the goddesses may appear contradictory. However, while an element of lament is detectable already in the Pyramid Texts, it is secondary, or rather auxiliary, to protection and vivification. Not until the Middle Kingdom are Isis and Nephthys said to mourn and weep for the deceased, and the earliest depictions of them as mourners date to early Dynasty 18. On Middle Kingdom coffins they are often represented with raised arms; this does not signify mourning but protection by embrace (Kucharek 2010, 117–18 §2; Münster 1968, 26–7). This is clarified by several instances where the arms are not raised but spread downwards,6 a gesture related to that performed by the winged goddesses on Ramesside7 and, quite frequently, Late Period coffins.8 The same array of gestures occurs with the countless figures of Nut or the goddess of the West depicted in coffin interiors, embracing and protecting the deceased. While with raised arms Nut, rather than embracing the deceased, arguably often represents the sky arching above him, in other instances her posture is quite unambiguous.9 A lateral perspective, provided in the final vignette of Papyrus Rhind I (Möller 1913, pl. XI; Assmann and Kucharek 2008, pl. 34), suggests an affinity to the welcoming njnj-gesture performed for the deceased by the Western goddess or Nut (cf. Dominicus 1994, 38–58). On the foot end of the granite coffin of queen Tausret, reused by prince Amunherkhepeshef, the Western goddess and her Eastern counterpart actually perform njnj for the deceased, flanked by the kneeling Isis and Nephthys (Altenmüller 1994, 5, fig. 2). An unusual Late Period coffin features the upright mummy tended by Anubis and flanked by goddesses performing the njnj-gesture.10 Three-dimensional representations of Isis embracing Osiris with her winged arms convey an impression of the actual gesture of protection.11 Textual evidence for the protective embrace by Isis and Nephthys is attested from the Middle Kingdom onwards (Münster 1968, 52–3). 5 9 Mourningandprotection 6 7 8 These are not actually representations of Isis and Nephthys at the bier of Osiris but of two women representing Isis and Nephthys at the bier of the deceased: e.g. New York MMA 12.183.3, probably from Meir (Fischer 1976, 43, pl. XIII fig. 6; Breasted 1948, 69); Berlin 14, from Thebes (Steindorff 1896, 37–9, pl. I). Cairo JE 37566 (B5C), associated with PT 664A (Willems 1988, 164 fig. 14; Lapp 1993, 86 fig. 98). Vatican XIII.2 (Cooney 2007, fig. 196). Edinburgh A.1910.97 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 96); London, British Museum EA 22940 (Taylor 2010, 74 no. 29), EA 6672 (www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_ object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=4377200 1&objectId=128798&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Milan E.0.9.40153 (Tiradritti 1999, 120–1 no. 24). 10 11 Stockholm NME 949 (Dodson 2015, 11); Copenhagen AEIN 299 (Jørgensen 2001, 83); Toledo 1906.4 (Peck and Knudsen 2011, 73); Exeter 11/1897.3 (Dodson 2011a, 10); London, British Museum EA 24906 (Taylor 2003, pl. 58); Toledo 1906.1 (Peck and Knudsen 2011, 83); London, British Museum EA 6668 (Taylor 2003, pl. 70); Turin S. 5226 (Greco 2015, 176 fig. 217). Truro 1837.23.2 (Dodson 2011b, 12). London, British Museum EA 1162 (Strudwick 2006, 270–1; Graefe 1981, 219–21, pl. 8*, 16–17) with a pertinent inscription (Jansen-Winkeln 1998, 7–8). For a ‘realistic‘ two-dimensional representation see Epigraphic Survey 1963, pl. 480). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS Beginning with the earliest attestations of divine mourning and lament, an important element in the assessment of these scenes is the fact that virtually any motif featuring Isis and Nephthys as mourners is also attested without any indication of mourning. While the composition as such is identical, the goddesses perform gestures of protection or adoration, not of mourning.12 Both aspects may be combined in one and the same figure.13 Within the present scope, only two gestures are unambiguous. There is the ‘default’ gesture of mourning — one or both hands raised, palm turned towards the goddess’s face. The other distinct gesture signifies protective embrace — one hand raised, the other one lowered, identical to the gesture performed by winged goddesses. Several other gestures are more difficult to read or are intrinsically ambiguous. For instance, very often goddesses are depicted standing behind their divine husband, raising one hand with the palm turned outwards while in the other hand they simply hold an ankh. Here, protection as well as adoration are implied, as indicated by two very similar early Ptolemaic stelae from Thebes. The goddesses behind Osiris on one stela (London, British Museum EA 8462) say: ῾wj=j ḥꜢ=k jw<=j>msꜢ=kr῾nb, ‘My arms are around you, I am your protection daily’, and ῾wj=jḥꜢ=kmdwꜢtḏt, ‘My arms are around you in the duat forever’. On the other stela (London, British Museum EA 8468), their 12 13 14 15 16 On gestures see Brunner-Traut 1977, 573–85. No satisfactory study on divine gestures appears to exist. London, British Museum EA 15659, Isis and Nephthys performing a gesture of mourning and holding protective shen rings (www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_ object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?partid=1&assetid =410006001&objectid=117234 [last accessed 23 August 2017]). Bierbrier 1987, 36–8, 40–1, pls 70–3, 82–3; Budka 2008, 76 fig. 13; Taylor 2001a, 163 fig. 118. E.g. Copenhagen AEIN 62 (Jørgensen 2001, 85); Appenzell (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 63 fig. 17); Atlanta 1999.1.17 (Lacovara and Trope 2001, 49, 50 no. 38); London, British Museum EA 6682 (Taylor and Strudwick 2005, 58); Hildesheim 1953 (back, unpubl., see www.globalegyptianmuseum.org/ record.aspx?id=10918 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Vatican XIII.2 (Gasse 1996, pl. XXXV/1–2, XXXVI/1, XXXVII/2; Cooney 2007, 472–5, fig. 196). Wings: e.g. London, British Museum EA 29577 (Eladany 2011, 244 fig. 5.89), EA 6672 (Li 2010, 1037); Atlanta 1999.1.13 (Lacovara and Trope 2001, 48 no. 37). Textual evidence: Cauville 1997, 36.15-37.1; Chassinat 1966/8, 587–8; Leitz 2011, 330–1. Arms: e.g. Cairo CG 6233 (Hornung and Bryan 2002, 160 no. 73); Minneapolis Institute of Arts 16.417 (unpubl.); 79 captions read: dwꜢsn=sWsjr, ‘who praises her brother Osiris’, and dwꜢsn=snṯr῾Ꜣ, ‘who praises her brother, the great god’.14 Obviously the gesture encompasses both meanings, as protection is conveyed to a revered deity or object. As noted above, a number of emblematic motifs (or ‘icons’) involving Isis and Nephthys may depict them either mourning or protecting Osiris. For instance, flanking the Abydos fetish they are just as likely to perform an obvious gesture of mourning (Fig. 1) as to convey salutation and adoration with both hands raised and palms turned outwards,15 or they may spread their wings or arms in protection (Fig. 2).16 While performing a protective gesture towards the Abydos fetish, Isis and Nephthys may be accompanied by epithets indicating their grief: both are said to be ‘weeping over her father’ (ḥrrmtn/ḫrjt=s).17 In the bier scene, the goddesses are often omitted.18 If present, their gestures are occasionally protective instead of mourning.19 This applies already to the earliest depictions. Some Middle Kingdom model funerary boats include figures of women impersonating Isis and Nephthys at the bier of the deceased, laying both hands on the mummy.20 Funerary scenes on the walls of some Middle and early New Kingdom tombs depict ḏrtwomen, impersonations of the mourning and protective aspect of Isis and Nephthys, standing at the coffin ends. They perform the same protective gesture, suggestive 17 18 19 20 Vienna 4, with captions stating the protection accorded to the fetish (Leitz 2011, 329–32); Louvre E. 5534 (Ziegler 1990, 73); St. Louis 109.989 (unpubl.). A variation of this scene with protective shen rings is on Louvre AF 1666/E.13030 (Étienne 2006, 50 no. 55.b). Cairo CG 6233 (Hornung and Bryan 2002, 160 no. 73). Particularly in Dynasties 25–26, e.g. London, British Museum EA 6672 (Li 2010, 1037); EA 20745 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?assetI d=338001001&objectId=124377&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]), EA 22814 (Taylor 2001b, colour pl. 54/3), EA 22940 (Taylor 2010, 74–5 no. 29), EA 29781 (Li 2010, 1065); Edinburgh A.1911.399.2 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 88–9); Berlin 8237 (Taylor 2003, fig. 63); Turin 2215 (Greco 2015, 188 fig. 239), Turin 2218 (Greco 2015, 188 fig. 240), Turin 2231 (Greco 2015, 188 fig. 238), but also in other periods, e.g. the Roman mummy case London, British Museum EA 29584 from Akhmim (Smith 1997, pl. 7/2). London, British Museum EA 29591 (Dynasty 21; Taylor 2010, 84 fig. 26); Copenhagen AEIN 1522 (Dynasty 25–26; Jørgensen 2001, 210–11). New York, MMA 12.183.3 (Fischer 1976, 43, pl. XIII fig. 6); MMA 32.1.124 (Forman and Quirke 1996, 76–7). 80 A. KUCHAREK Fig. 1: Isis and Nephthys mourning the Abydos fetish, London, British Museum EA 6693 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). of an embrace and being the equivalent of the raised arms of the goddesses on contemporary coffins.21 The inseparable functions of mourning and protection are further exemplified by the substitution for the mourning goddesses at the bottom of a vertical row of protective deities on some Ptolemaic coffins by Isis and Nephthys kneeling with shen rings in a gesture of protection ( ).22 Comparably, the goddess Snt wrt-fꜢw, ‘Sister-great-of-renown’, an incarnation of Isis mourning her brother,23 is part of a group of protective deities equipped with long knives on a Ptolemaic coffin.24 21 22 23 24 25 Cf. Kucharek 2010, 573–4; Settgast 1960, pl. 2. In the earlier half of Dynasty 18 the gesture, now often an evident embrace, is instead performed by men (Settgast 1960, pl. 3). Edinburgh A.1908.288 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 106). As Ꜣstwrt-fꜢw, see LGG II, 487; Assmann 2008, 465 ll. 61–2. Brussels E. 7042 (De Caluwé 1990, 249 text 102). Protection: Brussels E. 7042 (Delvaux and Therasse 2015, 145 fig. 5; De Caluwé 1990, 116; De Wit 1956, 24 fig. 4); Copenhagen AEIN 1522 (Jørgensen 2001, 232–5). Mourning: Edinburgh A.1910.97 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 97 no. 31). Combination of protective symbols and mourning gesture: Vienna 226 (Anon. Fig. 2: Isis and Nephthys protecting the Abydos fetish, Cairo CG 6233 (Hornung and Bryan 2002, 160 [detail]. © covered by Fair Use). As with the goddesses flanking the Abydos fetish mentioned above, other Osirian symbols may be featured likewise: the djed pillar,25 the sekhem sceptre,26 or the Nefertem symbol.27 On Ramesside coffins the image of a goddess at the coffin end may even be replaced by a symbolic image with raised human arms, 26 27 2007, 46–7 no. 39). Goddesses represented by their names only: London, British Museum EA 29579 (Cooney 2007, fig. 173). Protection: London, British Museum EA 24794 (Taylor 2001b, colour pl. 51/4); Bordeaux Mesuret-8590 (Dautant, Boraud and Lalanne 2011, 258 fig. 5); adoration: Cleveland 1914.714 (Berman 1999, 332). London, British Museum EA 24798 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectI d=117261&partId=1&searchText=24798&page=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 81 Fig. 3: Funerary procession, London, British Museum EA 36211 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). framed by short speeches of Isis and Nephthys.28 The depiction of the goddesses equipped with and surrounded by protective symbols — ankh signs, djed pillars and tit symbols — further emphasises their primarily protective function.29 According to the Pyramid Texts the chief function of the goddesses is to find, protect and revivify the murdered Osiris.30 As his sisters and widows,31 they mourn and lament him. Protection, aiming at revivification, and mourning are two options in reacting to the death of a closely related person. The former is feasible only in the divine sphere, while the latter is the common human reaction adopted by the gods as the human fate of mortality befalls one of their own. As the protection of the divine corpse is so closely 28 29 tit symbol: Brooklyn 08.480.1 (https://www.brooklynmuseum. org/opencollection/objects/3230 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Cairo JE 26220/CG 61011 (Cooney 2007, fig. 179). Berlin 10832 (Cooney 2007, figs 57, 58; Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 178 figs 282, 284). intertwined with the grief over death, both attitudes are interchangeable on an iconographic level. Thus, mourning on a divine level always implies protection and revivification.32 Human mourning and lamentation While with divine mourning scenes there is a certain diachronic continuity and a consistency in their position, set against a wide variety of motifs, the manifestations of human mourning on coffins are much less varied. Only two major motifs occur: the funerary procession, which frequently includes mourners (Fig. 3), and persons whose expression of grief is directed at the deceased. In the latter case the mummy 30 31 32 Kucharek 2008. Some texts accord the status of widow not only to Isis, but also to Nephthys, see Kucharek 2010, 662. On the relationship of protection and lament see Kucharek 2010, 523–4, 571, 587–91. 82 A. KUCHAREK Fig. 4: Mourning the mummy, Cleveland 1914.714 (© The Cleveland Museum of Art). Fig. 5: Mourning the deceased encased within the coffin, New York, MMA 14.10.2 (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of the Earl of Carnarvon, 1914, http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/543865). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 83 is either depicted along with the mourners (Fig. 4), or their object is the actual mummy concealed in the coffin (Fig. 5), thus rendering the scene devoid of an apparent iconographical context. The funerary procession constitutes the earliest attestation of mourning on coffins, emerging in Dynasty 11/early Dynasty 12 in the context of the funerary ritual. Renderings of a funerary procession more closely modelled on contemporary reality first occur on Theban rishi and white coffins of early Dynasty 18. This tradition is shortlived, however, as the scene soon becomes part of the tomb decoration. Only when decorated tomb chapels fall into disuse, at the beginning of the Third Intermediate Period, does it reappear in a truncated form, developing into a full rendering of the procession including the tomb rites in the short period of the transition from Dynasty 21 to Dynasty 22. A few isolated instances from Dynasty 25, again from Thebes, mark the end of the depiction of the funerary procession on coffins. Mourning the mummy is frequently depicted as a scene that originated as the final stage of the funerary procession, where the mummy is placed upright at the tomb entrance while the Opening of the Mouth ritual is performed on it. Persons mourning the actual mummy, while encompassing a relatively short time-span, appear earlier. They are first attested on some early Dynasty 18 white coffins from Thebes; they then disappear along with the funerary processions, only to resurface in Ramesside Deir el-Medina. The earliest scene with the deceased represented as well dates to the Amarna Period, closely followed by a child coffin from Deir el-Medina, depicting the mummies of daughter and mother being mourned by the bereaved family. These are isolated examples, however; in Dynasty 21 this becomes a frequent motif, only to vanish entirely Old Kingdom coffins and sarcophagi are decorated either sparsely or not at all. The sole instance of lamentation is not even placed on the sarcophagus itself. A sequence of very short Pyramid Text spells comprising a speech by Nephthys, PT 628–33, is inscribed on the wall facing one of the narrow sides of the sarcophagus of Pepy II.35 PT 664A on the opposite wall is a corresponding, much shorter, spell by Isis. Almost identical but, in the case of Nephthys, shorter versions of these spells (PT 4 and 5) in the earlier pyramid of Teti are inscribed on the narrow sides of the sarcophagus,36 leaving no doubt as to the point of reference of the spells in the Pepy pyramid.37 While the spells themselves contain no element of grief — their explicit topic is protection and revivification — the phrase numbered PT 633 adds exactly this element. It consists of a concise direction to Nephthys ‘You are the one who wails over him’ (ṯmtḥꜢtḥr=f).38 This addition clarifies that, while mourning does not feature in the spell as a text, its performative frame was informed by it.39 33 36 34 35 TT 34 (Müller 1975); TT 36 (Kuhlmann and Schenkel 1983, 177–90, 193–9, pls 62, 63, 65, 123–8); TT 312 (Pischikova 1998); TT 389 (Assmann 1973, 113–21, Taf. XXIX). This exclusively Theban evidence can be augmented by a relief fragment which may originate in the Delta (Boston MFA 1976.140; on supposed provenance see Leahy 1988, 782). In the tomb of Petosiris at Tuna el-Gebel (Lefebvre 1923–4, I, 128–36; II, 60–4; III, pls XXIX–XXXIV); an unpublished relief fragment in Brooklyn of unknown provenance is directly comparable to the Petosiris scene (Brooklyn 1998.98); tomb of Petubastis in Dakhla Oasis (Osing et al. 1982, 75, pls 21–4). See the synopsis in Allen 2013; a small fragment of this sequence is also preserved on a corresponding wall in the burial chamber of Pepy I. thereafter. In fact, after the Third Intermediate Period the depiction of private mourning is almost completely absent from coffins. Representations of funerary processions re-emerge for a while during the Late Period on tomb walls in a reprisal of New Kingdom scenes33 and, rarely, in the Graeco-Roman Period.34 The following section comprises a detailed diachronic survey of divine and human mourning on coffins, sarcophagi and comparable objects on which the above observations are based. Subdivisions are handled flexibly according to relevant categories. Divine mourning OldKingdom 37 38 39 Maspero 1884, 3–4. The sarcophagus of Pepy II is uninscribed apart from the king’s name, see Lehner 1997, 162; see also the remarks on Middle Kingdom coffins below. ḥꜢj, while clearly a form of mourning, is almost exclusively attested in divine contexts and evidently has a more specific connotation than just ‘wail’. Cf., for the time being, Kucharek 2010, 577 n. 64. PT 628–33 had been subsumed by Hays into a group of ‘Isis and Nephthys laments’ (Hays 2008–9, 58–9, 83 [Group F]) but subsequently removed to a group ‘Ascent to the Sky’ (Hays 2012, 109–10, 687 [Group M]). 84 A. KUCHAREK MiddleKingdom Coffin ends: The function of Isis and Nephthys as protectresses, first encountered in relation to the head and foot ends of Old Kingdom royal sarcophagi, is directly continued on Middle Kingdom private coffins.40 From Dynasty 11 onward, short phrases concerning Isis and Nephthys sometimes explicitly refer to their grief (Kucharek 2010, 573; Münster 1968, 50). Such texts occur on coffins from Asyut, the phrase used being ‘she weeps for you, she mourns you’ (rm=s ṯw jꜢkb=s ṯw),41 and el-Bersha, where it reads ‘she weeps for you, she glorifies you’ (rm=sṯwsꜢḫ=sṯw).42 On these coffins the goddesses are never depicted. The direct descent from the royal antecedents of the Old Kingdom is attested by the Isis spell PT 664A on the end panels of several coffins from el-Bersha (Lapp 1993, 85–6 §197; Falck 2001, 245–6). The phrase jj.n=jnḏr=jjm=k, ‘I have come that I may take hold of you’, excerpted from PT 664A, recurs as an Isis spell on the royal sarcophagi of early Dynasty 18 up to Thutmose III (Hayes 1935a, 74, 190 [23]). may, however, be human ḏrt-women. The woman next to the bier touches it in a protective gesture familiar from contemporary tomb decoration and model funerary boats. Immediately behind the women an ox is slaughtered, placing the bier scene in the context of provisioning (see Kucharek 2010, 592–8). Coffin Texts: Apart from the coffin end phrases the mourning goddesses occur in several Coffin Text spells as part of more extensive liturgies.44 NewKingdom:Dynasty18 The position of the two goddesses at the coffin ends is continued. With the general introduction of decorated anthropoid coffins the depiction of the goddess at the rounded head end becomes much less common, although there are exceptions, mainly on later Dynasty 18 coffins.45 Bier scene: While no mourning is discernible, the two women standing hand in hand at the foot end of the bier of the deceased, depicted on the left side of a wooden coffin,43 should be mentioned as early predecessors of Isis and Nephthys attending to the bier on coffins, first attested in the late Ramesside Period; they Rishiand white coffins: Often both Isis and Nephthys are depicted or invoked on the foot-boards of early Dynasty 18 rishi and white coffins (in general: Miniaci 2011; Barwik 1999, esp. 14–15), with a clear precursor in the Dynasty 13 rectangular coffin of queen Mentuhotep from Thebes (Geisen 2004, pls 1, 2). White coffins are the earliest examples featuring unambiguously mourning goddesses,46 while on rishi coffins texts and images generally refer instead to the 40 45 41 42 43 44 For Isis and Nephthys as ‘manifestations’ of these ends see Willems 1996, 55; 1988, 134–5; Münster 1968, 24–53. E.g. London, British Museum EA 46631 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 40, fig. 25). For further instances from Asyut, see Kucharek 2010, 573 n. 37; Münster 1968, 50 n. 638; Lapp 1993, 129 §290, 131 §292, 218–19 §512. London, British Museum EA 55315 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objec tId=117220&partId=1&searchText=55315&page=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); on EA 35285 (www.britishmuseum. org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?partid=1&assetid=18651001&objec tid=117221 [last accessed 23 August 2017]; cf. Taylor and Strudwick 2005, 45) the phrase is split between the two end panels. For further instances from el-Bersha, see Münster 1968, 50 n. 639; Lapp 1993, 79 §189, 80 fig. 82. Cairo CG 28116 from Moalla (Lacau 1904, pl. VI; 1906, II, 95–6). Assmann 2002, 266–76 (CT 49–50), 289–309 (CT 51–9), 405–42 (CT 73–4). 46 London, British Museum EA 1001 (Edwards 1939, 15–21, pls XVI, XVIII; Taylor 2010, 106 fig. 36), EA 1642 (Edwards 1939, 43–7, pl. XXXVIII); Paris, Louvre D 2 (Schneider et al. 1993, 112 fig. IV.5, 115 fig. IV.6); Cairo CG 51003 (Quibell 1908, 7), Cairo CG 51006 (Quibell 1908, 22), Cairo CG 51007 (Quibell 1908, 24), Cairo JE 31378 (Daressy 1901, 5); St. Louis 2292 (Kozloff and Bryan 1992, 313, 317); Uppsala VM 151 (Reeves 2013, 12 fig. 8); Moscow IIa.5249 (Lapis 1956, fig. 4, 5; totenbuch.awk.nrw.de/objekt/tm135550 [last accessed 23 August 2017]). Rectangular: el-Birabi 37/7 (Miniaci 2011, 86 fig. 80; Carnarvon and Carter 1912, 70–1); New York, MMA 12.181.302, (Hayes 1953, 32). Anthropoid: New York, MMA 14.10.2 (Lüscher 1998, pl. 18; kneeling on neb baskets, therefore probably goddesses). Also a unique yellow-painted anthropoid clay coffin from Tell el-Yahudieh (Brussels E. 4348, Delvaux and Therasse 2015, 55–7; Cotelle-Michel 2004, 72–3, 232–33; Petrie 1906, 16–17, pls XIV, XIVA, XV). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS protection and adoration accorded to the deceased by the goddesses.47 Gianluca Miniaci states that ‘in most of the [rishi] coffins [the foot end] is reserved for the representation of … Isis and Nephthys shown raising their hands in a gesture of lamentation’ (Miniaci 2011, 38), misinterpreting the protective gesture. The posture of the figures as well as the frequent presence of a shen ring are reminiscent of the BD 151 vignette (which they predate, cf. Munro 1987, 126–8; Miniaci 2011, 129; also Quirke 2013, xi). Frequently, besides laying their hands on a shen ring ( ), they kneel on neb baskets. 85 Nephthys kneel on a gold sign, often holding a shen ring, and without any mourning component (Hayes 1935a, 74–5, 89–91, pls XXII, XXIV). The representations on the exterior are replicated in the interior (Manuelian and Loeben 1993, 139 fig. 11, pl. XII/1.2). William C. Hayes mistook the kneeling posture of the goddesses as one of mourning (Hayes 1935a, 74) but interpreted their attributes (the gold and shen signs) correctly as protective (ibid., 90–1). NewKingdom:Dynasties19–20 Royal coffins: At the head and foot end of Dynasty 18 royal sarcophagi and coffins (with the exception of the Amarna Period, excluding Tutankhamun)51 Isis and Coffin ends: In the Ramesside Period, the two goddesses continue to be depicted on the foot-board and sometimes also on the head end of anthropoid coffins, often with raised arms and still exempt from any indication of grief.52 On the contrary, the captions as well as the ankh signs, djed pillars and tit amulets with which they are now often associated, as well as the gold signs already in use in Dynasty 18, all emphasise their protective function, in some cases even substituting a tit symbol for the image of the goddess.53 In royal sarcophagi the foot end of the case still often features the kneeling Isis on a gold sign, again in a purely protective manner.54 However, some of these sarcophagi now depict both Isis and Nephthys unambiguously mourning at the foot end of the lid.55 47 51 Black coffins: To the author’s knowledge, these never feature mourning but always protective goddesses,48 as does the earliest yellow coffin, still dating supporting the to Dynasty 18.49 The gold sign goddesses first occurs regularly in a private context in the time of Amenhotep III.50 These attestations are, however, markedly pre-dated by the sarcophagus of Senenmut, whose shape and decoration reflect the contemporary royal model (Dorman 1991, 70–2, pl. 31; Hayes 1950). 48 49 50 London, British Museum EA 6652 (Miniaci 2011, 212), EA 52951 (ibid., 215), EA 6653 (ibid., 219); Cairo RT 14/12/27/12 (ibid., 227, pl. 1c, 8a[c]); Cairo CG 61004 (ibid., 229); Cairo RT 5/12/25/2 (ibid., 233); Cairo without number (ibid., 245: ref. no. rX01C); New York, MMA 12.181.299 (ibid., 257); MMA 12.181.301 (ibid., 258; Lüscher 1998, pl. 12); MMA 12.181.300 (Miniaci 2011, 260; Lüscher 1998, pl. 11); MMA 14.10.1 (Lüscher 1998, pl. 13); coffin from tomb C 37 in el-Birabi (Miniaci 2011, 275); coffin from tomb C 62 in el-Birabi (Miniaci 2011, 304); coffin ‘no. 67’ from Dra Abu el-Naga north (Miniaci 2011, 313). E.g. Florence 6526 (Guidotti 2001, 28); London, British Museum EA 54521 (www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/ collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=117253&partId=1&sear chText=54521&page=1 [last accessed 20 December 2017]; see Taylor 2001b, colour pl. 50/2). The same applies to rectangular black coffins, e.g. Brooklyn 37.15E (Dodson 2000, pl. XVIII). Brooklyn 37.14E from Deir el-Medina (Dodson 2000, pl. XVI/A). London, British Museum EA 1001; Brooklyn 37.14E; London, British Museum EA 1642; Moscow IIa.5249; Cairo CG 51003; Cairo CG 51006; Cairo CG 51007 (for bibliography see above, n. 45; see also Lüscher 1998, 106 n. 76). 52 53 54 55 See Ikram and Dodson 1998, 260 fig. 366A–D. Berlin 10832 (Cooney 2007, figs 57, 58; Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 178 figs 282, 284); Cairo JE 26223/CG 61022 (Cooney 2007, figs 82, 83); Cairo JE 27308 (ibid., figs. 99, 100); Cairo JE 27309 (ibid., 112); Kingston Lacy (Assmann 1991, 267–73, pl. LXXXIII); Edinburgh A. 1887.597 (Anon. 2007, 108; Manley and Dodson 2010, 31; Anon. 2012, 18); Frankfurt Liebieghaus IN 1651a,b (Beck 1993, 306 fig. 70.4, 70.5); Frankfurt Liebieghaus IN 1651c,d (Beck 1993, 314 fig. 70.11); London, British Museum EA 48001 (Taylor 2010, 117 no. 46). E.g. Brooklyn 08.480.1 (www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/3230 [last accessed 23 August 2017]) ; Cairo JE 26220/CG 61011 (Cooney 2007, fig. 179). E.g. the sarcophagi of Ramesses I in KV 16 (Piankoff 1957, pl. II), of Merenptah in KV 8 (unpubl.), and of Ramesses III (Louvre D 1, Dodson 1986, pl. XX/1.2). E.g. the virtually identical sarcophagi of Siptah in KV 47 (unpubl., see www.thebanmappingproject.com/sites/browse_ tombimages_861_20.html [last accessed 23 August 2017]) and of Setnakht in KV 14 (unpubl., see www.thebanmappingproject. com/sites/browse_tombimages_828_40.html [last accessed 23 August 2017]). 86 A. KUCHAREK Fig. 6: Isis and Nephthys mourning on top of coffin foot, London, British Museum EA 29579 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). Top of foot: The mourning Isis and Nephthys are now frequently depicted on the top of the foot (Fig. 6),56 some kneeling on nbw signs, as on the coffin ends, since the later part of Dynasty 18. To the author’s knowledge, the captions never allude to mourning. Bier scene: The late Ramesside Period saw the ascent of a densely decorated coffin type which would develop into the well-known style of Dynasty 21 with its wealth of scenes, vignettes and short texts. While the majority of these scenes show the deceased adoring deities, there are a number of purely divine, often Osirian scenes, depicted on the exterior of the case, among them Osiris on his bier mourned by Isis and Nephthys (Fig. 7).57 Captions do not refer to mourning but to offerings, two closely interrelated concepts (Kucharek 56 57 E.g. Berlin 8505 (Cooney 2007, fig. 168; Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 115 fig. 161); London, British Museum EA 29579 (Cooney 2007, fig. 172); Vatican XIII.2 (ibid., 195, 197). Copenhagen AEIN 62 (Jørgensen 2001, 76–7); Berlin 8505 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 15 fig. 4, 117 fig. 163; Cooney 2007, fig. 169), both dated to mid- to late Dynasty 20. See Cooney 2007, 462; van Walsem 2000, 347; contra Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 116. MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 87 Fig. 7: Isis and Nephthys mourning at the bier of Osiris, Berlin 8505 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 15 fig. 4. © SMPK Ägyptisches Museum, Sandra Steiß). 2010, 592–8). Another late Ramesside bier scene, with Isis and Nephthys adoring, features Horus conveying life and power to the prone Osiris and is a precursor of the revivification bier scenes of Dynasty 21.58 Dynasty 20 to Dynasty 21 (Niwiński 2009, 21–47, pls I–VII; Verhoeven 2012, 182–7). The yellow coffins covered with numerous small scenes and vignettes continue and further develop a pattern already in place in the late Ramesside Period. Divine grief finds expression in a greater variety of forms. An early exponent of this trend is the coffin set of the Deir el-Medina scribe Butehamun (Turin 2236, 2237) whose career spanned the transition from Coffin ends: The foot-board is now often left undecorated. Exceptions include the protecting goddesses Khefthernebes,59 Neith60 and Nephthys, surrounded by the four Sons of Horus.61 Mourning is now almost non-existent in this position, a notable exception being the inner coffin of Butehamun with a mourning Nephthys at the head end and an elaborate design at the foot end involving Isis and Nephthys flanking a falcon crowned with the atef and perched upon a standard in an Osirian variation of the divine standard hieroglyph.62 58 61 ThirdIntermediatePeriod:Dynasty21 59 60 Vatican XIII.2 (Gasse 1996, pl. XXXVII/1). Cairo CG 61031, inner coffin (Daressy 1909, 155). Toronto 910.5.3 (unpubl.). 62 Brooklyn 08.480.1 (www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/ objects/3230 [last accessed 23 August 2017]). Turin 2237/2 (Niwiński 2009, pl. V.4, VI.2). 88 A. KUCHAREK Top of foot: The mourning Isis and Nephthys first encountered in the Ramesside Period are now a common feature.63 For the first time a short lament may accompany the iconography of mourning.64 Interior: Leiden AMM 2 (M 5) is remarkable for three pairs of the figures of the mourning Isis and Nephthys in the interior of the case. Two are located at the head and in the bottom register, mourning the actual mummy (Boeser 1917, pl. X; Leemans 1867, pls IX– XI); the latter pair is accompanied by short laments (Fig. 8). The third pair is depicted on the base, mourning a sekhem sceptre (Boeser 1917, pl. IX). Bier scene: The scene of mourning at the bier of Osiris on an outer side panel of the coffin case is continued,65 but is now attested in the interior for the first time.66 The case, later on the default location of the bier scene, is attested for the first time in this respect; in these early instances it is specifically the revivified Osiris, lying in a prone position but with his head raised.67 The motif as such is also attested several times in the so-called Mythological Papyri of Dynasty 21, always featuring Isis and Nephthys either mourning or protecting the awakening Osiris.68 Abydos fetish: In keeping with the general proliferation of small-scale decorative elements, new types of ‘mourning vignettes’ are introduced, among them the Abydos fetish being mourned by the goddesses.69 63 64 65 66 67 Vatican 25016 (Gasse 1996, pl. XXIV/2); Turin 2236/1 (Niwiński 2009, pl. I.1; Greco 2015, 181 fig. 225); Turin 2237/1 (Niwiński 2009, pl. IV.1; Greco 2015, pl. 173 fig. 210); Turin 2237/3 (Niwiński 2009, pl. VII.1; Greco 2015, 181 fig. 226); Leiden AMM 2-b/M 5 (Leemans 1867, pl. III; Giovetti and Picchi 2016, 448); Munich ÄS 12 (in bottom register; Schoske 1995, 22 fig. 18). Brooklyn 08.480.1 (Bleiberg 2008, 96 fig. 94). Both Vatican 25021 (Gasse 1996, pl. XXVIII/1) and Besançon A. 776 (Legros and Payraudeau 2011, 18) combine gestures and attributes of mourning and protection, in the latter accompanied by short laments. Cairo Ch./N. 6053 (CG 6070) (Niwiński 1995, 91). Cairo CG 6003 (Chassinat 1909, 8 fig. 11), Ch./N. 6031 (CG 6043) (Niwiński 1995, 6, pl. II.1) and unidentified coffin in Cairo (Piankoff and Rambova 1957, 58 fig. 43). On this specific type of scene, usually with Horus conveying life and breath to Osiris, see Piankoff and Rambova 1957, 56–9; Assmann 1977, 90–3, pl. 41; Waitkus 1987; Willems 1997, 358–60; von Lieven Fig. 8: Isis mourning and lamenting, Leiden AMM 2 (Published in Boeser 1917, pl. X). Djedpillar: The djed pillar is mourned by Isis and Nephthys in a composition equivalent to the Abydos fetish vignette.70 68 69 70 2007, 181–4; Liptay 2014, 75–6. It is first attested in the Osireion in Abydos. The variant without Horus appears to be largely restricted to Dynasty 21, but is attested, including the mourning goddesses, on the foot end of the rectangular coffin CG 41001bis (Dynasty 26). As incorporated into a larger composition, ‘The Awakening of Osiris and the Transit of the Solar Barques’, the scene has been studied by Roberson 2013. Papyrus Cairo Khonsu-renep (Piankoff and Rambova 1957, pl. 11); Papyrus Cairo CG 40016 (ibid. pl. 18); Papyrus Cairo CG 40017 (ibid., pl. 8). Cairo CG 61030 (Daressy 1909, pl. XLV); Louvre N 2610 (Andreu, Rutschowskaya and Ziegler 1997, 167 fig. 80); London, British Museum EA 15656 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_ image_gallery.aspx?assetId=337865001&objectId=129448&pa rtId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Pittsburgh 22266-3 may date as early as late Dynasty 20 (Patch 1990, 69 no. 55). Turin 2236/2 (Niwiński 2009, pl. III.1); fragment Amsterdam inv. 8103 (van Haarlem 1997, 21–4). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS Other scenes: Further, less frequently attested new emblems include the goddesses mourning a sekhem sceptre, mostly a symbol of Anubis71 but also of Osiris;72 the ‘Nefertem’ lotus;73 the enthroned Osiris74 or enthroned Ptah-Sokar.75 Unique scenes include a mourning Isis in a line of guardian demons and divine symbols;76 Nephthys mourning a falcon-headed upright mummy labelled Horus-son-of-Osiris;77 Isis and Nephthys, in two complementary vignettes, mourning a mummy labelled WsjrnbnḥḥḪntj-jmntjw;78 Isis and Nephthys in separate vignettes mourning in front of Imsety and Qebehsenuef;79 two vignettes of Nephthys mourning Sokar and an unnamed snake-headed deity;80 a kneeling Neith holding a sekhem sceptre while mourning a personification of the duat;81 a twofold mourning Serqet accompanying a scene of ‘real-world’ mourning.82 Of particular note is a scene on the floorboard of a coffin once in Jersey (Pettigrew 1838, pl. XIX) but no longer in existence. In front of a large figure of the deified Amenhotep I, the goddess Nut kneels in mourning. While the composition as such is not unique, the mourners otherwise seem to be human women (see below, ThirdIntermediatePeriod:Mourninginfrontofthemummy). Laments: The rare existence of short laments on coffins of this period has already been mentioned. The most extensive by far are inscribed on one inner coffin.83 On the foot of the cover Isis and Nephthys kneel by Osiris: 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 Berlin 28, captioned Jnpwnbqrrt (Anon. 1924, 443[d]); Leiden AMM 2-a/M 5 (Boeser 1917, pl. IX). Leiden F 93/10.2 captioned Wsjrnbnḥḥḫntj (sic) (Greco et al. 2013, 36). Berlin 28 (Anon. 1924, 442[d]). Cairo CG 61030 (Daressy 1909, 110, 112); Kynžvart 1086 (Verner 1982, 92). Turin 2236/2 (Niwiński 2009, pl. II.2). Turin 2237/2 (Niwiński 2009, pl. V.2); in front of the goddess is a weeping eye hieroglyph above a shen ring. Cairo Ch./N. 6053b (ex CG 6070) (Niwiński 1995, 91 [‘PtahSokar-Osiris’], pl. XVIII/1). Leiden F 93/10.2 (www.rmo.nl/collectie/zoeken?object= F+93%2f10.2a [last accessed 23 August 2017]). 89 Isis: Your two great sisters weep for you, may you be full of joy! The children of your house weep for you, and the youth of your city Thebes! My arms make nini to your beautiful face, and the love for you is pleasant in my body, revered one as sovereign of joy, beloved, lord, master of Egypt! Your renown is in all lands as sovereign of the Two Lands, and I am behind you as your effective sister. Nephthys: I weep for you, <my> lord, my heart is sick! I am your beloved daughter, I circle your house, my hands [on my head like] I (once) did for Wennefer. I say to you what is in my heart: […] heaven on its supports weeps for you, the stars in it mourn you in eternity! Exactly the same laments as on the cover are ascribed to the mourning Isis and Nephthys at the bottom of the side panels of the coffin case; only their relative attribution has been transposed. Royal coffins: Isis and Nephthys mourning a sekhem sceptre identified as Jnpw ḫntj sḥ-nṯr are depicted on the interior of the lid of the coffin of Psusennes I, as well as the kneeling goddesses on top of the foot, an arrangement equivalent to that on private coffins.84 At both ends of this king’s granite sarcophagus (usurped from Merenptah) there is a depiction of a black kite, labelled Ꜣstḏrt and Nbt-ḥwtḏrt respectively.85 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 Madrid 18255 (unpubl.). London, British Museum EA 24794 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?object Id=117264&partId=1&searchText=24794&page=1 [last accessed 20 December 2017]). Appenzell (Hornung 1984, 36). Appenzell (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 65 fig. 20). Cambridge E.1.1822 (Budge 1893, 25–7, 35–6, 38–9; a glimpse of one scene in Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 183). Cairo JE 85912 (Montet 1951, 131, pls CI, CIII). Cairo JE 87297 (Montet 1951, 113, pls LXXVIII); what appears, in Pierre Montet’s drawing, to be another black kite on top of the serekh is in fact a falcon. The decoration is apparently entirely Ramesside. 90 A. KUCHAREK LateDynasty21–earlyDynasty22 The specific coffin type of this period — the socalled ‘stola coffin’ — is remarkable for the dominance of Nephthys over Isis on the one hand and the close association of Nephthys and Anubis on the other. Repeatedly, Nephthys occupies the position or role of the wife of the deceased (Kucharek 2010, 668–71); in one instance she is positioned opposite to the deceased, her garments resembling those of a human mourner.86 The stola-type coffins are also noteworthy for their extensive private funerary scenes (see below). Dynasty22 While Dynasty 21 coffin types continued into early Dynasty 22, a conspicuous new type is represented by cartonnage cases remarkable for the predominance of wings in their decoration. These wings are either attached to the arms of goddesses or belong to ornithomorphic deities. Both kinds of winged deities are arranged symmetrically on either side of the front, with a central image or symbol between them or with their wings overlapping in the centre.87 The goddesses are most often Isis and Nephthys, performing a wellknown gesture of protection. The avian deities are mostly falcons, which, if identified at all, are either Behdety, i.e. Horus, or Isis and Nephthys. The latter are in some cases identified as ḏrtwrt and ḏrtnḏst, the Great Kite and the Small Kite (Fig. 9).88 ḏrt, which is more precisely the black kite, designates Isis and Nephthys as protective mourners of Osiris (Kucharek 2008; Arpagaus 2013; for the black kite in Egyptian 86 87 88 89 90 Vatican 25012 (Gasse 1996, pls VII/1, LXII/3). On the complex designs of Dynasty 22 coffins see Taylor 2003, 103–13. Athens 3424 (Tzachou-Alexandri 1995, 168); Boston MFA 72.4835a (www.mfa.org/collections/object/mummy-andmummy-case-of-tasenetnethor-137165 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Cambridge E.64.1896 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 61 fig. 39, 199 no. 32; Quibell 1898, pl. XVI); Berlin 20135 (Anon. 1924, 559); Cairo RT 21/11/16/5 (Dodson 2009, 52 fig. 2); Leiden AMM 17e/M 18 (Leemans 1867, pl. VI). In the latter, ḏrt nḏst is preceded by ḥwt nṯr=s, ‘house of her god’, evidently an explanatory epithet of Nbt-ḥwt. Berlin 48 (Schott photos XIV, 151 b and XIV, 151c; cf. Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 81). London, British Museum EA 6666 (Ikram and Dodson 1998, 234 fig. 307); EA 22939 (www.britishmuseum.org/research/ collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_ art see Houlihan 1988, 36–8). The two ḏrt, while not depicted, are mentioned in a coffin inscription (jmꜢḫjj ḫrḏrtwrtḏrtnḏst), also dating to Dynasty 22.89 Now and then, regardless of an identifying caption, the iconography of the birds in question indicates that kites, and not falcons, are indeed depicted. Their distinctive features include a beak markedly longer and straighter than a falcon’s, as well as an indented or slightly forked tail; often features of both species are combined (Fig. 10).90 The facial markings of these birds do not correspond to those of a genuine black kite but are those of a (Horus) falcon minus the two characteristic lines adjoining the eye. On a few coffins a further iconographical element is added: the ḏrt-birds’ beak is opened, sometimes exposing the tongue.91 Of the seven attestations known to me, only one is accompanied by a caption (Fig. 11). This caption, ḏrt nḏst, identifies the bird in question, a falcon by its head markings, as a personification of Nephthys.92 The beak, wide open and with the tongue protruding, is quite obviously not that of a falcon or even a bird of prey in general. Instead it closely resembles the beak of a waterfowl, such as a goose or duck.93 This is all the more striking as Isis or Nephthys are associated with neither species — the avian species in whose guise they may appear are the black kite, the kestrel, the tern and the swallow. That the beak on the fragment in question is indeed that of a goose or duck is confirmed by a further specimen in the British Museum (Fig. 12).94 Here, again, the head markings are those of a falcon (the tail being that of a kite), while the beak is thin, long and straight. The tongue rests upon the lower mandible. Along the edge of the upper mandible there 91 92 93 94 gallery.aspx?assetId=1473786001&objectId=117332&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Louvre N 2621 (Étienne 2009, 146–7 no. 113); Lisbon E 135 (Araújo Duarte 1993, 306 no. 217); Hamburg C 3834 (Altenmüller 2000, 63–4 pls 8, 9); private collection England (cartonnage of Iuput [B], Dodson 2009, 52 fig. 1 top, pl. I). I am indebted to Beatrix Gessler-Löhr for alerting me to this feature, and for showing me photographs of the Bournemouth cartonnage taken by John Wyatt. Bournemouth 305. My thanks go to the Bournemouth Natural Science Society for permission to publish the cartonnage and to Renate Haupt of the Society for providing the images. For the eminently visible tongue in a hissing goose, see BailleulLeSuer 2012, 97 fig. 10.11. EA 6685. I am grateful to John H. Taylor for bringing this unpublished cartonnage to my notice. MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS Fig. 9: Isis and Nephthys as ḏrt-birds, Cambridge E.64.1896 (Published in Quibell 1898, pl. XVI). 91 92 A. KUCHAREK Fig. 10: Isis as a kite, London, British Museum EA 22939 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). is a row of black dots, representative of the serrations typical in many waterfowl and depicted in Egyptian art of various periods: the ‘Meidum geese’ of Dynasty 4,95 a Dynasty 12 relief from Lisht,96 or the famous fishing and fowling scene from the Dynasty 18 Theban tomb of Nebamun.97 Two further cartonnages display interesting variations: in the first (Fig. 13),98 the head and body are those of a falcon while the tail shows the indentation typical of a black kite, as in the preceding example. The beak is neither a goose’s nor a falcon’s. Almost clumsily thick and strong, its general shape, with its hooked tip and distinct projection about halfway along each mandible, is that of a bird of prey. In all probability it is meant to represent a black kite’s beak.99 It is mixed up, however, with that of a waterfowl with its distinct serrations along both mandibles. The birds on the second cartonnage100 are unique in that not only the beak but the whole head is that of a goose (Fig. 14). The rest of the body is again that of a bird of prey, clearly indicated by the talons and particularly by the plumage around the legs, unique to birds of prey; this is invariably depicted in Egyptian representations (cf. Houlihan 1988, 36–49). 95 99 96 97 98 Cairo CG 1742 (Lange and Hirmer 1983, pl. III; PM IV, 93–4). Brooklyn 52.130.2 (Karig and Zauzich 1976, no. 20). London, British Museum EA 37977 (Parkinson 2008, 127 fig. 134). Fragment offered for sale at Bonham’s, London, on 20 October 2005 (I am indebted to John H. Taylor for bringing the object to my attention). It was subsequently auctioned on 30 June 2013 on ebay (www.ebay.co.uk/itm/Ancient-Egyptian-Late-PeriodCartonnage-Sarcophagus-800-BC-/390614095897). Fig. 11: ḏrtnḏstwith waterfowl beak, Bournemouth 305 (© Bournemouth Natural Science Society). 100 Cf. the rather naturalistic ḏrt kites in the late Ramesside papyrus British Museum EA 10470 (Faulkner 1985, 46). St Petersburg 19565a (to be published by A. Nikolaev and R. Meffre). I am very much indebted to A. Nikolaev of the State Hermitage for permission to discuss and illustrate this cartonnage here. MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 93 Fig. 12: Isis or Nephthys as a falcon-kite with open waterfowl beak, London, British Museum EA 6685 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). Fig. 13: Isis or Nephthys as a falcon-kite with open hybrid beak (http://www.ebay.co.uk/itm/Ancient-Egyptian-LatePeriod-Cartonnage-Sarcophagus-800-BC-/390614095897). Finally, on three further cartonnage cases (Fig. 15),101 the birds depicted are falcons in all but the indented tails; their slightly open beaks are definitely those of falcons. This detail in the otherwise similar cartonnages suggests that they were made in the same (Theban) workshop. There is also a particularly intriguing cartonnage fragment from the Ramesseum102 with a depiction of Isis as a falcon (apart from the indented tail). The beak is closed. There is a caption Ꜣstḏrtwrt, ‘Isis the great kite’ in front of her; above her part of a horizontal inscription is preserved: […] wrtjr=s ḥrnbt-prꜢst<m>-ḫbtmꜢ῾t-ḫrw […], ‘[…] the great […], may she for Asetemkheb, justified’. The beak of the make bird sign that denotes the action is clearly open; […] wrt is no doubt to be restored to [ḏrt] wrt.103 The 101 102 London, British Museum EA 30720 (Taylor 2004, 43); Berkeley, Phoebe A. Hearst Museum 6-19929 (ibid., 15; Capel and Markoe 1996, 167 no. 90, cartonnage of wife of the owner of British Museum EA 30720); Exeter 11/1897.3 (Dodson 2011a, 14). 103 Quibell 1898, pl. XXIV/2, present whereabouts unknown. Cf. Cambridge E.64.1896 from the same site (Quibell 1898, pl. XVI; Vassilika 1995, 92–3 no. 42), inscribed jmꜢḫḫrꜢstḏrt wrtmꜢ῾t-ḫrw (sic). 94 A. KUCHAREK this is all the more surprising since it was precisely the cries of these birds which were once believed to have caused the identification of the ḏrt with those particular species.104 This assumption has since been shown to be improbable, as the ḏrt originally were primarily concerned with protection, while the mourning aspects were secondary, reflecting the default role of women in a funerary setting (Kucharek 2008). As neither Isis nor Nephthys have any known connection to waterfowl, and waterfowl do not have any known connection to mourning, the tertiumcomparationis has to be sought elsewhere. As the object in question is a beak and the hybrid depiction occurs only in cases when the beak is opened, in other words, uttering sounds, it must be these sounds or noises that caused the creators of these images to choose the waterfowl beak. The cry or cackle (ngg) uttered by geese — especially the Egyptian goose (smn) — is well attested in Egyptian funerary texts, particularly in the Book of the Dead. Remarkably, it frequently occurs in couplets the other half of which refers to a falcon (bjk): I fly as a falcon, I cackle (ngg) as a smn-goose.105 I have cackled (ngg) as a smn-goose, I fly as a falcon.106 I have flown as a falcon, I cackle (ngg) as a smn-goose.107 Fig. 14: Isis or Nephthys as a goose with open beak, St. Petersburg, Hermitage 19565a (© The State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg/ Andrei Nikolaev). The falcon rejoices (hꜢ) for you, the smn-goose cackles (ngg)for you.108 phonetic value attached to is unknown but the ideogram clearly refers to the sound of grief uttered by the ḏrtwrt. It appears to the present author that in choosing to depict screaming or crying birds, their creators were uncomfortable with those cries being uttered by a bird of prey, while utilising two bird species closely connected with the mourning Isis and Nephthys, the falcon and the black kite. From an Egyptological perspective, The final couplet is particularly interesting. Firstly, the falcon here does not fly but rejoices, probably including an element of vocalisation. Secondly, comparing this passage to its Middle Kingdom predecessor, CT 24,109 the verb in question turns out to have originally been ḥꜢj (mostly , once each and ), modified to ḥ῾j ( ) only in the New Kingdom. ḥꜢj is a complex term, its phonology pointing to a non-verbal utterance and its principal determinative to an expression of intense emotion (see Kucharek 2010, 545, 577).110 On several Middle Kingdom coffins 104 109 105 106 107 108 Reiterated in e.g. Bailleul-LeSuer 2012, 134. BD 17 (Naville 1886, XXV l. 74). BD 98 (Lepsius 1842, XXXV). BD 149, 11th mound (Lepsius 1842, LXXII). BD 169 (Naville 1886, CXC l. 14; Assmann 2002, 141–4). 110 = I.73c – 74a (ed. de Buck 1935, 73–4). The study of the term by Reed 2007 (= Diamond 2010), is useful for its wealth of material but does not distinguish between the several distinct meanings of ḥꜢj. MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS Fig. 15: Isis or Nephthys as a falcon-kite with open beak, London, British Museum EA 30720 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). 95 96 A. KUCHAREK from el-Bersha the couplet in question is followed by a passage that includes the phrase jw ḥꜢ n=k ḏrtj, ‘the two ḏrt-women perform ḥꜢ for you’ (I.74e), the and , determinatives here varying between , indicating an element of movement and physical action. The context therefore suggests that ḥꜢj is used here in the sense of ‘mourning’.111 This Middle Kingdom instance of a mourning falcon seems to have been forgotten by Dynasty 22, however. Further, there is the phrase sbḥ=kmjngg, ‘may you scream like a ngg-bird’ as part of a ceiling inscription in several Ramesside Theban tombs (Assmann 2005, 592).112 ngg was thus evidently perceived as a very loud noise. It is made abundantly clear by the texts that ngg denoted a loud cackle most often connected with the smn-goose — most probably on account of the pronounced aggressive character and notorious bad temper of the species (Houlihan 1988, 62–4). In our present context it may also be relevant that the females are more vocal and louder than the males (Kear 2005, 402). It may be suggested, therefore, that it was the voice of the Egyptian goose, perceived as its defining trait, that was responsible for equipping the ḏrt-birds on some Dynasty 22 coffins with waterfowl beaks. The caveat must be added, however, that no text exists that unambiguously links the ḏrt (or Isis, Nephthys or any other mourning person) with the noise ngg. There are two possible cases, both post-dating the Third Intermediate Period. On a Ptolemaic coffin from Behbeit el-Hagar, the name of the mourning goddess Ngjt is spelled with a rather vague bird determinative (Caluwe 1990, 215, text 71), ostensibly establishing an association with ngg, ‘cackle’. However, the name of the same goddess is also attested with a cow determinative, connecting it to ngꜢw, a cattle breed (Cauville 1997, 213.9; see. LGG IV, 365; Wb II, 349.1–5). The second case is a passage in the Ptolemaic Stundenwachen for Osiris, recited by a ḏrt-woman, that runs, as suggested by Andreas Pries: ‘Osiris Khontamenti, <I> cry (ngg) <for> you when the one who enters the netherworld 111 112 113 ḥꜢj in this sense is almost exclusively used in a divine context but hardly ever in a private one, indicating that more than simple lamentation or mourning is meant. See Papyrus British Museum EA 10008 for an image of a cackling nggwr (Taylor 2010, 222 no. 106). Leiden AMM 3-b/M 41 (www.rmo.nl/collectie/zoeken?object= AMM+3-b [last accessed 20 December 2017]). (= Osiris) is caused to ascend. He (= Horus) sits on the border? of the horizon. Oh, oh, this is not a smn-goose, this is Horus the Elder’ (Pries 2011, I, 366–7, 369–70; II, 96–7). According to Pries, the ngg-cry of the ḏrt-woman alerts Osiris; however, lest he expect a ‘useless’ (Pries) smn-goose to arrive she tells him that it is in fact his son. The passage in question, preserved in only one copy of abominable quality (see Junker 1910, 31), is, however, open to alternative interpretation. The present author’s translation differs in several respects: ‘Osiris Khontamenti, may you cackle (ngg) as a smn-goose who enters the netherworld, seated in a palanquin? (?). Oh, oh, this is not a smn-goose, this is Horus the Elder’ (Kucharek 2010, 446, 486). Both translations have their weak and strong points, but as it would far exceed the scope of this paper to discuss them, this particular issue must remain unresolved at present. Coffin ends: The head and foot ends of all Dynasty 22 coffins are devoid of any representation, pictorial or textual, of Isis and Nephthys; instead, the foot-board for the first time features a representation of the Apis bull, and the top of the head is often decorated with a scarab beetle (Taylor 2003, 107). Bier scene: Preceded by a specific type of bier scene, depicting Osiris with raised head, in Dynasty 21, the earliest instance of Isis and Nephthys mourning at the bier of Osiris on the coffin front and in its prevailing version dates to Dynasty 22.113 On one cartonnage of the dark blue type, instead of Isis and Nephthys, their close associates Neith and Serqet mourn at the bier.114 Abydos fetish: On a white cartonnage, Neith and Serqet mourn the Abydos fetish while Isis and Nephthys extend their hands towards it in a gesture of adoration.115 These four goddesses are complemented, at the perimeter of the scene, by two anonymous 114 115 London, British Museum EA 29577 (Eladany 2011, 244 fig. 5.90; Andrews 1984, 47 fig. 53). On this type of cartonnage see Taylor 2003, 105 n. 100; 2001b, 172–3; 2009, 385–6, 393, 412 pl. XI/1; D’Auria et al. 1988, 170–1; Raven et al. 1998. Lisbon E 135 (Araújo Duarte 1993, 306 no. 217). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS goddesses with vulture headdresses holding shen rings. This trinity of adoration, mourning and protection encompasses the main functions of Isis and Nephthys towards Osiris. LatePeriod:Dynasties25–26 Coffin ends: The period preceding Dynasty 25 sees the advent of the outer rectangular coffin, the so-called qrsw coffin (Taylor 2003, 111–12). The coffin ends often depict Isis and Nephthys in a variety of scenes. In some instances they are placed beside a Sokar shrine, appearing under the names Shentayt and Merkhetes (Cauville 1981), designating Isis and Nephthys as protectors and mourners for Osiris, similar to the ḏrt.116 More often the mourning Isis and Nephthys appear separately at the coffin ends, surrounded by inscriptions.117 They may also, resuming a motif first encountered in Dynasty 18, kneel upon a gold sign, holding a shen ring, emphasising their protective function.118 They are also attested kneeling with outstretched winged arms, in a manner first encountered in the Ramesside Period.119 In anthropoid coffins, Isis and Nephthys return to both head and foot ends after the hiatus in Dynasty 22, in a layout similar to their appearance on the qrsw coffins: mourning;120 with outstretched wings;121 or kneeling with a shen ring.122 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 E.g. London, British Museum EA 15655 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 64 fig. 41; Strudwick 2006, 259; Sheikholeslami 2003, pl. 91); Louvre E 3913 (unpubl.). Leiden RO III (Raven 1981, pl. 6A); Oxford 1895.153 (Raven 1981, pl. 7B; Taylor 1989, 54 fig. 42); Cairo CG 41006 (Moret 1913, 93, 94, pl. XIII); Cairo CG 41014 (Moret 1913, 161, 162, pl. XVIII); Bologna EG 1957 (Giovetti and Picchi 2016, 468). E.g. Cairo 41002 (Moret 1913, pls VII, VIII). E.g. Cairo 41031 (Moret 1913, pl. XXXV). E.g. Frankfurt Liebieghaus IN 1653a,b with speeches derived from BD 151 (Beck 1993, 339 figs 73,6, 73,7; 344–5, 356–7). E.g. Cairo 41065 (Gauthier 1913, 431, 442); London, British Museum EA 20745 from Akhmim (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?asset Id=338001001&objectId=124377&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); combined with the running Apis bull on New York, MMA 28.3.54 (http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/547759 [last accessed 23 August 2017]). Berlin 43, combined with the running Apis bull (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 86 fig. 121). Copenhagen AEIN 1522 (Jørgensen 2001, 216–17); London, British Museum EA 6676 (www.britishmuseum.org/research/ collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?assetId=95711 6001&objectId=124304&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]), EA 22812 (http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ 97 Top of foot: Due to the introduction of the Apis bull motif, invariably occupying the foot-board, the goddesses were removed from their traditional location to the adjacent areas on top of the foot123 or, exceptionally, on the front panel of the pedestal,124 thereby remaining generally in their conventional position. The foot area also remains the predominant place of Isis, kneeling with wings protectively spread. She is less often depicted as mourning.125 A unique design unites Isis and Nephthys kneeling on gold signs and holding shen rings.126 The kneeling Shentayt and Merkhetes, without performing a gesture as they are clad in a wrapping completely concealing their arms and hands, now also appear at the foot end, though not on top of it, but sideways.127 Interior: The mourning goddesses may also be depicted in the coffin interior, at the bottom of each half,128 and on the lower part of the back of the exterior.129 Bier scene: The bier scene on the breast of anthropoid coffins becomes quite common now. While the central image, the mummy on the bier, hardly varies, Isis and Nephthys are a regular but not invariable element of the scene, and mourning, although it may be present, is quite rare.130 At the bier, Shentayt and Merkhetes may substitute for Isis and Nephthys.131 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?assetId=18617 001&objectId=129219&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Boston MFA 94.321 (D’Auria, Lacovara and Roehrig 1988, 171 no. 123); St. Gallen Stiftsbibliothek (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 111); Vevey MHV 4231 (ibid., 133). E.g. London, British Museum EA 22940 (Taylor 2010, 74 no. 29). Copenhagen Nationalmuseet AAa 1 (Schmidt 1919, 183 fig. 1015); Hildesheim 1953 (Germer 1997, 19) and Vienna 7497 (Anon. 2007, 64), both from el-Hiba. Leiden AMM 5 (Taylor 1989, 60 fig. 49; Giovetti and Picchi 2016, 470). Leiden AMM 19a/M 24 (Leemans 1867, pl. II); London, British Museum EA 27735 (Raven 1981, pl. 3). E.g. London, British Museum EA 22812 (Taylor and Strudwick 2005, 60–1). E.g. Hildesheim 1956 from el-Hiba (Bianchi 1998, 267 no. 214); the divine mourners remain anonymous as there is neither caption nor identifying headdress. Leiden AMM 19a/M 24 (Leemans 1867, pl. II; Giovetti and Picchi 2016, 460, 461); Berlin 12/66 from Akhmim (Anon. 1983/6, 135; Anon. 1967, 84–5 no. 868); ex-Swiss private collection (Siegmann 2012, 9); Stockholm NME 816 (Dodson 2015, 34); Würzburg A 1316 (Stadler 2005, 81 no. 18). E.g. London, British Museum EA 27735 (Raven 1981, pl. 3), located on top of the foot. 98 A. KUCHAREK An outer coffin probably from Thebes featuring several unusual traits uniquely replaces the bier scene with a vignette depicting Anubis kneeling before the standing mummy of the deceased, his hands touching it in a supportive gesture. Behind him Nephthys stands mourning.132 Abydos fetish: Isis and Nephthys mourning the Abydos fetish occur on the shoulders of one Dynasty 26 coffin from Saqqara,133 while two unidentified goddesses mourn it on the front of a coffin from el-Hiba, preceded by Isis and Nephthys flanking the fetish with their protective wings.134 el-Hiba: A group of very similar coffins from el-Hiba are distinguished by the elaborate funerary scenes on their fronts. They are traditionally dated to the Ptolemaic Period but this is far from certain. Beatrix Gessler-Löhr, who is currently studying this group, favours a Saito-Persian date.135 These coffins are unique in displaying scenes of embalming but also of Osirian rites, some of them including mourning women who in all probability are ḏrt-women, human representatives of the mourning Isis and Nephthys.136 Dynasties27–29 Sides of foot: A coffin from Akhmim dated to this period shows the mourning Isis and Nephthys kneeling on gold signs.137 PtolemaicPeriod Like the Late Period, the Ptolemaic Period offers a wide array of scenes or contexts of divine grief. These are particularly common on coffins from Akhmim. Coffin ends: At Akhmim the mourning goddesses still appear on the foot panel of coffins.139 Also at Akhmim, the rising sun in the shape of a solar scarab being mourned by the goddesses140 appears to be a new motif that recurs on one of the Soter family coffins in the Roman Period (see below). Obviously, mourning the rising sun makes little sense and must be a mistake for the adoration and protection otherwise ubiquitously accorded to the solar scarab by the goddesses. The scene is a telling illustration of the widely practised interchangeability of mourning and protection, in that here it produces an absurd result. Sides of foot: Two black Akhmim coffins depict the mourning Isis and Nephthys in this location, comparable to the slightly earlier Edinburgh A.107.692 (see note 137) and also from Akhmim.141 Interior: The mourning Isis and Nephthys may still be depicted in the bottom half of the coffin interior.142 Djed pillar: On a coffin probably from Meir, Isis and Nephthys mourn on each side of a djed pillar.138 Bier scene: The central scene of the bier of Osiris on the coffin lid is now more often associated with Isis and Nephthys mourning,143 particularly at Akhmim.144 In several of the latter examples the scene is accompanied by excerpts from an Osiris liturgy, the Lamentationsof 132 140 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 Truro 1837.23.3 (Dodson 2011b, 6, 11). London, British Museum EA 6693 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_ image_gallery.aspx?assetId=782455001&objectId=124454&pa rtId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]; cf. Taylor 2001a, 240 fig. 177; 2010, 178–9 no. 86). Hildesheim 1956 (Bianchi 1998, 267 no. 214). I am grateful to Beatrix Gessler-Löhr for discussing her findings with me. See her forthcoming contribution in the proceedings of the 31st CIPEG meeting in Copenhagen 2015 ‘Archaeological Sources and Resources in the Context of Museums’ and GesslerLöhr 2017. Hildesheim 1954 (Eggebrecht 1990, 29; Charron 2002, 97); Vienna 7497 (Anon. 2007, 64). Edinburgh A.107.692 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 101). Edinburgh A.1910.97 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 97 no. 31). Basel K-4443 (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 149); Olomouc 6182 A (Verner 1982, 113). 141 142 143 144 Cairo RT 6/9/16/1 from Akhmim (Mekis, Sayed and Abdalla 2011, 95, pl. 8a). Schloss Eggenberg 23927 (Haslauer 2012, 199 figs 11, 12; Isis replaced by uraeus with Isis headdress); London, British Museum EA 29582 (see Brech 2008, 260; I am grateful to John H. Taylor for providing access to this coffin). Basel K-4443 from Akhmim (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 151). London, British Museum EA 52949 from Kharga (Andrews 1984, 51 fig. 64); Vienna 6688 from Gamhud (Haslauer 2013, 136 fig. 4); Leiden AdS 1 (unpubl.); Leiden AMM 24 (unpubl.). Leiden AdS 2 (Giovetti and Picchi 2016, 472); London, British Museum EA 29777 (www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.asp x?assetId=411985001&objectId=128815&partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Antikenmuseum Basel K-4443 (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 148); Yverdon MY/3775-2 (Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 162); Olomouc 6184 (Verner 1982, 164–71); Hanover LMH 7849 (Brech 2008, fig. 8); Wellington GH003200 + Belgrade University without number (Brech 2008, 139, fig. 6); Cairo RT 6/9/16/1 (Mekis, Sayed and Abdalla 2011, 91, pl. 7a,b). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS Isis and Nephthys.145 The bier scene with mourning goddesses is also a frequent element of cartonnage mummy trappings, the innermost layer of the mummy cases.146 Abydos fetish: On a unique coffin from Akhmim, Weret-hekau (Isis) mourns an Abydos fetish captioned Ḫntj-jmntjnbsḫnnb=s.147 Two further instances occur on foot panels from Akhmim (see below). On a sarcophagus of unknown provenance Neith and Serqet mourn the fetish.148 Djed pillar: The foot panels of sarcophagi and rectangular coffins are now frequently occupied by a central djed pillar flanked by Isis and Nephthys as well as additional deities, often female. As in earlier instances, gestures vary, and gestures of protection may be complemented by captions evoking lament, or vice versa. On a rectangular coffin from Behbeit el-Hagar, the protective gestures of Isis and Nephthys are accompanied by speeches taken from the Opening of the Mouth Ritual but later incorporated into the Stundenwachen, evoking protection laments by Isis and Nephthys.149 On a sarcophagus of unknown provenance Isis and Nephthys appear in their avian form as the ḏrt wrt and ḏrt nḏst, protecting the djed pillar with their wings.150 A sarcophagus from Saqqara features no less than eight goddesses mourning the djed pillar, all of them wellknown protectresses of Osiris: the ḏrtwrt and the ḏrt nḏst, Neith and Serqet, Nut and Tait, Negit and Ibat.151 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 London, British Museum EA 29776 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 229 no. 47; Brech 2008, fig. 11); Munich 1624 (unpubl.); Providence RISD 38.206.2 (Budge 1896, frontispiece; Banks 1939, 33; Anon. 2008, 32); cf. Brech 2008, 233–40. For a selection from Akhmim, see Schweitzer 1998. New York, MMA 86.1.52 from Akhmim (Brech 2008, 297, fig. 13). sḫnnb=s is probably the name of the local necropolis. Leiden L.XI.16 (L 3) (Boeser 1915, 6–7, pl. XII; Leemans 1867, pt. V, pl. IIIb). Brussels E. 7042 (De Caluwé 1990, 116, 121–5; Delvaux and Therasse 2015, 145 fig. 5). Leiden L.XI.16/L 3 (Boeser 1915, 6–7, pl. XII; Leemans 1867, pt. V, pl. IIIb). Cairo CG 29303 (Maspero 1914, 96, pl. IX/2). Vienna 4 (Leitz 2011, 106–12, 171–8); Cairo CG 29303 (Maspero 1914, 103, 110–11, pls XII, XIII); CG 29304 (Maspero 1914, 149, 154–55); Brussels E. 7042 (De Caluwé 1990, 212–17). 99 Group of protective deities: Several coffins and sarcophagi from Saqqara, as well as one from Behbeit elHagar, feature groups of mourning goddesses. These groups, consisting of either eight152 or twelve153 goddesses, are always incorporated into larger assemblages of protective deities. Their short utterances mostly accord with their mourning aspect, but on one coffin they conform with those of the other deities: ‘I am/perform the protection of the Osiris of NN’.154 In smaller groups only Isis and Nephthys are included; this occurs on a number of coffins from Thebes,155 Akhmim,156 and Gamhud,157 and on some examples of unknown provenance.158 Here, they are always positioned in the bottom row, close to the foot in their traditional place. RomanPeriod Rectangular coffins: This specifically Roman type of coffin consists of a high, vaulted lid with corner posts, incorporating the ‘sides’ of the coffin as well, fixed on a flat base-board. In outward appearance they resemble the Late Period qrsw coffins. A considerable number of the known coffins belong to members of the Theban Soter family (Kákosy 1995; van Landuyt 1995; Riggs 2005, 182–205). They feature several areas with scenes of divine grief: • 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 At the top end of the base-board, the mourning Isis and Nephthys flank the head of a full-length Nut figure.159 Cairo JE 8390 (Leitz 2011, 406–7, 413–14); JE 49531 (Daressy 1917, 17–18). Cairo JE 8390 (Leitz 2011, 406–7, 413–14). Warsaw 17330 (Marciniak 1964, 91–2, pl. XIVA). London, British Museum EA 29776 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 229 no. 47; Brech 2008, fig. 11); Berlin 8501 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 136 fig. 200). Cairo, Serial No. 275 (Schreiber 2012, pl. 54/1); Vienna 6688 (Haslauer 2013, 136 fig. 4). Prague P 622a (Verner 1982, 282, 285, 286). London, British Museum EA 6705 (Herbin 2002, 12 fig. 10), EA 6706 (ibid., 13 fig. 12), EA 6708 (ibid., 16 fig. 15), EA 6950 (ibid., 16 fig. 17); Louvre E 13016 (ibid., 5 fig. 2, 37 fig. 32); Turin 2230 (ibid., 19 fig. 22); Berlin 504 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 62 fig. 71), Berlin 505 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 63 fig. 75); Louvre N 2576 (Aubert et al. 2008, 75, 76); Florence 2165 (Guidotti 2001, 52). 100 A. KUCHAREK Anthropoid coffins: Comparable with the design of rectangular coffins, mourning goddesses flank the head of the deceased on the lids of Theban anthropoid coffins.168 The bier scene, accompanied by mourning, appears, as previously, on the breast,169 but also on the side panels, again as on the rectangular coffins.170 A remarkable variant shows the deceased standing in her living aspect, bewailed by Isis and Nephthys.171 Bier scenes are now associated with the judgement of the dead (Amsterdam 7069; Minia Museum; Sydney R344) or the presence of Osiris (Berlin 505), probably alluding to the equivalence of embalming and justification (Assmann 2001, 103; Smith 2009, 6). As on both the Amsterdam and Minia coffins the deceased does not figure in the judgement scene; the bier scene may even function as a substitute for the introduction vignette which, in late judgement scenes, depicts the deceased being conducted by one or two goddesses. The unique sarcophagus of the God’s Wife Ankhnesneferibre is almost exclusively covered with inscriptions, apart from large figures of the deceased, of Nut and of the Western goddess that dominate the outer and inner surfaces of the lid and the floor of the case (Wagner 2016, 5). Dating to Dynasty 26, the sarcophagus was reused in the early Roman Period (Spiegelberg 1904; Riggs 2005, 180–1). The new owner added a line of text that runs along the upper rim of the sarcophagus base. At the centre of the head end there is a tiny bier scene, depicting Isis and Nephthys kneeling at each end of the bier while performing a typical gesture of mourning (Budge 1885, xvii; Wagner 2016, 7, pl. 6). It is entirely in line with the hieroglyphic inscription but is not part of it, separating two spells.172 Its seemingly hieroglyphic character is the result of the usurpation of an already fully inscribed sarcophagus — there was simply no space available for a larger vignette. The position of the bier scene at the head end is known from another coffin dating to the same period.173 160 167 • • • • 161 162 163 164 165 166 On the lids of two very similar coffins from Kharga, the head of the full-length figure of the female deceased is flanked by the mourning Isis and Nephthys.160 On the lid of a coffin dating to the early 2nd century AD Isis and Nephthys mourn at the bier of the deceased.161 The sides of a child’s coffin are decorated with two women mourning at the bier of the deceased.162 As the setting is divine, the mourners are probably Isis and Nephthys in their capacity as ḏrt-women. The same depiction appears on a second coffin.163 The panel at the head end may show Isis and Nephthys mourning at the bier of the deceased,164 a motif continued from Ptolemaic anthropoid coffins. Once they are attested mourning a scarab enclosed in a sun-disc,165 an inappropriate application of the interchangeability of mourning and protection. Other Soter family coffins comprise comparable scenes lacking the mourning element.166 On a solitary end board two women mourn at the bier of the deceased.167 Each figure’s appearance is that of a human wailing woman, so there is some room for doubt about their identification, but the presence of Anubis and the unambiguous designation of the mourners as Isis and Nephthys in other instances indicate that, here too, the goddesses are meant. Amsterdam 7070 (van Haarlem 1997, 95–8); Ayn el-Labakha 3446 (Dunand, Tallet and Letellier-Willemin 2005, 95 fig. 1). Leiden AMM 8 (unpubl., see Raven 1992, 80–2 no. 33). Berlin 505 (Herbin 2002, 17 fig. 18; Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 63 fig. 74). Sydney R344 (Beinlich-Seeber 2006, pl. 7a/b). London, British Museum EA 6705 (Riggs 2005, 188, fig. 89). London, British Museum EA 6708 (www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_ image_gallery.aspx?partid=1&assetid=337764001&objectid= 124291 [last accessed 23 August 2017]). E.g. London, British Museum EA 6706 (www.britishmuseum. org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=36121001&objectId=124343 &partId=1 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Louvre E 13016 + E 13048 (Herbin 2002, 30 fig. 28). 168 169 170 171 172 173 Boston 1979.37 (D’Auria, Lacovara and Roehrig 1988, 209 no. 158). Double-coffin Edinburgh A 1956.357 (Manley and Dodson 2010, 142); Florence 2168 (Guidotti 2001, 49). Louvre E 12056 from Tuna el-Gebel (Anon. 1998, 33 no. 1); Berlin 13463 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 166 fig. 260; Germer 1997, 74 no. 78; Priese 1991, no. 131). Amsterdam 7069 (Kurth 1990, 7, pl. A, 1a). Minia Museum (Kurth 1990, pl. 5). Wagner 2016, 8 with n. 31, reads the vignette as sntjmktnmjt, ‘(mögen) die beiden Schwestern die Bahre schützen’, noting that the exact reading is uncertain. London, British Museum EA 6705 (Riggs 2005, 188 fig. 89); perhaps also the isolated board Boston 1979.37 (D’Auria, Lacovara and Roehrig 1988, 209 no. 158). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 101 Finally, the mourning goddesses are still present on the latest attested coffin with ‘pharaonic’ decoration,174 dated to the 4th century AD (Dunand and Lichtenberg 1998, 106). While the figures are not unambiguously divine, they lament a clearly Osirian figure. Several other scenes of lamentation on the coffin may depict human wailing women rather than goddesses (ibid.). Human (‘private’) mourning As detailed above, the divine mourners Isis and Nephthys are documented almost continuously from Dynasty 6 onward into Late Roman times. But grief, whether conveyed in words or in images, is only one of several manifestations of their actual function, the protection of the deceased. Scenes of ‘private’ mourning are much less ambiguous. OldKingdom Highly expressive depictions of mourning by the deceased’s family are attested in the wall decoration of several tombs of the period (Kucharek 2010, 22). Mourning or lamentation does not feature on coffins or sarcophagi, which are hardly ever decorated beyond certain symbolical elements. MiddleKingdom Fig. 16: qrstdeterminative, Boston MFA 03.1631 (Redrawn from Brovarski 1998, 39 fig. 2). Dynasty 11 coffin from Gebelein.176 In a vignette set between the eye panel and an offering list, two women at the bier ends extend their arms over the deceased, not quite touching him. A third woman appears to be suspended horizontally above the mummy. This has led to diverse interpretations, explaining the third woman, for instance, as a fully human ba-bird, a sexual partner or an act of resurrection comparable to that effected by Isis on Osiris (Lapp 1993, 187). There has also been a proposal ‘to explain the three women as Isis, Nephthys and Nut’ (Willems 1996, 292). In comparison with the Farshût coffin hieroglyph, the equivalence of the woman standing in the background with the ‘suspended’ woman seems fairly obvious. As a result, the interpretation as a mourning scene is the most plausible alternative, with the depiction of the third woman resulting from the artist’s preference for non-overlapping figures (see also Lapp 1993, 187–8). Bier scene: A singular scene on a Dynasty 11 coffin from Moalla (Cairo CG 28116) may depict divine or human attendants, see discussion above (Divine Mourning/Middle Kingdom). The earliest unambiguous instance of human mourning on a coffin is the elaborate determinative of qrst, ‘funeral’, on a coffin said to be from Farshût and probably also dating to Dynasty 11 (Fig. 16).175 At each end of the bier a man stands, reaching out to touch the head and feet of the deceased, while a woman standing behind the bier extends her arms sideways so as to touch the head and feet as well. Her mouth appears to be opened in a cry or scream. This elaborate hieroglyph is immediately comparable to a scene on the outside of another The ‘Heqata group’: The earliest funerary scenes on coffins occur on three examples dating to Dynasty 11 and early Dynasty 12 (Willems 1996, 233–9).177 These scenes contain elements of the funerary ritual best known from Theban tombs of early to middle Dynasty 18 (Settgast 1960; Theis 2011). There is no overt mourning or lamentation, but pairs (or double pairs) of ḏrt-women, the human women personifying Isis and Nephthys in real-life funerary scenes, are present in several scenes on the coffin interior, all of which can 174 176 175 Cairo JE 56229 from Bagawat, Kharga Oasis (Hauser 1932, 46 fig. 14). Boston 03.1631 (Brovarski 1998, 39 fig. 2, 53 fig. 10, 64 fig. 12a). 177 Berlin 13772 (Steindorff 1896, pl. III; Brovarski 1998, 64 fig. 12b). Cairo JE 36418 (A1C) from Aswan; Turin 15774 (G1T) from Gebelein; Cairo JE 47355 (T3C) from Thebes. 102 A. KUCHAREK be defined as processions: one probably related to the Opening of the Mouth Ritual (Willems 1996, 205–6, item FR.2.13), a ‘rite at the river bank’ (ibid., 217–18, item FR.3.1), and the funerary procession (ibid., 236–7, item FR.3.15). While a detailed discussion of the scenes would lead too far and has moreover been admirably done by Harco Willems, a few observations on the ḏrtwomen seem appropriate. First of all, their gestures again are hardly indicative of mourning but of protection. Their pose, kneeling with their hands stretched towards their knees, is strongly reminiscent of Isis and Nephthys kneeling with their hands touching a shen ring ( , see above, Divine Mourning/Dynasty 18). Here, however, if there is an object at all beneath their hands, it is a small bowl, resembling the ointment vessel but more likely a somewhat elongated depic(Willems 1996, 218 fig. 56), tion of the small pot very much reminiscent of some later representations of the mourning goddesses associated with offerings.178 A text on the foot ends of both A1C and G1T (ibid., 103, 105 fig. 28, pl. 17) determines the names of Isis and Nephthys by two kneeling females virtually identical to these ḏrt-women. The pots suggest an association with offerings, a context well established for Isis and Nephthys (Kucharek 2010, 592–8) as well as human mourners (Kucharek in preparation). The destination of the funerary procession on these coffins, a shrine where the upright mummy is presented with incense, is the earliest attestation of a scene which still appears as part of the funerary ritual in several early Dynasty 18 tombs, where it is often clearly recognisable as an Opening of the Mouth scene. In most of these later attestations mourning women are present (Kucharek in preparation). The kneeling ḏrt-women are twice accompanied by a pair of other women standing or kneeling with both arms raised, their headdress identical to that of the ḏrt-women (Willems 1996, 205, fig. 46; 218, fig. 56). On one coffin they are identified as ḏrtj by a caption. A further caption is ḥkn jrt-Ḥr, ‘praising the Eye of Horus’ (ibid., 217–18). This indicates that the raised arms, also known as a mourning gesture, here denote praise (ibid. 217–18). 178 E.g. New York, MMA 25.3.182 (Winlock 1924, 25 fig. 25; 1942, pl. 82; O’Neill 1987, 75 fig. 51). NewKingdom The rise of the New Kingdom sees a variety of mourning scenes on coffins, some of which may even date to the late Second Intermediate Period. In contrast to the highly mythologised funerary ritual depicted on Middle Kingdom coffins, the early New Kingdom coffins introduce a representation of the funerary procession and tomb rites that conveys a notion of the actual proceedings. Remarkably, the ‘realistic’ procession featured on these coffins predates its counterpart on tomb walls by more than a century, the earliest attestation dating to the early reign of Amenhotep II.179 As a vignette to BD 1 it appears somewhat earlier; its initial attestations are, however, restricted to the transport of the mummy as its core element, to be extended to the full array of elements only later in the dynasty (Munro 1987, 16–20; Tawfik 2008, 4, 231–2). While rishi coffins appear slightly before the white coffins (Ikram and Dodson 1998, 207–10; Taylor 2001a, 223–6), both groups overlap to a considerable extent and are, therefore, treated in one section. SecondIntermediatePeriod–Dynasty18 Rishi and white coffins: Only one single rishi coffin featuring a funeral scene is known. A tableau of singular sobriety and detail adorns each long side of the base of this specimen from the Asasif (Fig. 17).180 The funeral procession accompanied by numerous mourning women (and men) on one side is complemented on the other by the offering rites for the mummy in front of the tomb. No touch of visible grief is detectable in the latter. In contrast to the rishi coffin evidence, a considerable number of the mostly Theban white-painted coffins, rectangular as well as anthropoid, feature realisticstyle funerary processions. While these early scenes in their overall design are quite individual, they are united by a predilection for including several women clasping their hands beneath their breasts, a mourning gesture that subsequently survives as the signature pose of a 179 180 TT 85 (PM I/1, 174 [22], 175 [29], to be published by H. Heye). New York, MMA 14.10.1 (Lüscher 1998, 116–17, pls 14, 15; Miniaci 2011, 262; Kucharek 2012, 249 fig. 4). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 103 Fig. 17: Funerary procession and rites at the tomb, New York, MMA 14.10.1 (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of the Earl of Carnarvon, 1914, http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/544783). particular type of female funerary ritualist (Kucharek in preparation). As a default gesture of mourning it is soon superseded by the more expressive raising of both arms, which, denoting embracing and protection, we have already encountered as a divine gesture. As a human mourning gesture the stylised iconography hints at an actual slapping of the face or head, as borne out by later depictions and texts.181 Apart from women performing these default gestures the scenes hardly ever include more individually executed images of mourning. A rectangular coffin from el-Arabah (Abydos) depicts a weeping woman, doubled up in grief, her long hair falling forwards — but for all that still exhibiting the same gesture as the rest of the mourners.182 On a well-preserved side panel of excellent quality auctioned in 2003, four mourning women follow the coffin sledge drawn by two cows.183 The four half-naked women with raised arms on a rectangular coffin184 are not part of a procession but are placed in a context whose elements — a number of vessels, an altar for burning offerings — indicate that their gesture is one of mourning. The alteration in terms of gesture is not the only one. White, mainly anthropoid coffins feature scenes separated into vignettes by vertical bands of short inscriptions. The mourning women (hardly ever men) now almost invariably come in pairs, squatting on the ground with one or both hands on their knee or with one hand raised to their heads. They are much less associated now with the funerary procession than with the rites in front of the tomb, in keeping with their stationary posture.185 There is some evidence, nevertheless, that mourners also squatted along the path of the cortège; while this is not evident from the abbreviated scene on a coffin from Deir el-Medina,186 a contemporary depiction in a Deir el-Medina tomb chapel is unambiguous.187 In the same period a new composition emerges at Deir el-Medina that interrelates the painted, virtual mourners on the coffin surface with the actual deceased encased within. The mummy is no longer represented being drawn on a sledge or standing upright in front of the tomb. Mourning female and male family members of the deceased are now depicted turned towards the 181 185 182 183 184 E.g. TT 181 (Davies 1925, pl. XIX); for textual evidence see Kucharek 2010, 601. Cambridge E.283a.1900 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 47, 168–9; Vassilika 1995, 38–9 no. 15). Anon. 2003, 126–7 lot 504. New York, MMA 12.181.302 (www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/552356 [last accessed 23 August 2017]; see Hayes 1953, 32). 186 187 37/74 from Asasif tomb C 37 (PM I/2, 616; Carnarvon and Carter 1912, 85 pl. LXIII; Lüscher 1998, 118); Cairo JE 63642 (Bruyère 1937, 38 fig. 18). Louvre E 14543 (Dawson and Strudwick 2016, 172 no. 22; Andreu 2002, 299 no. 247). TT 340 (Cherpion 1999, 23, pls 14, 15, 17B). 104 A. KUCHAREK head of the coffin.188 The mourning women depicted on both sides of a contemporary mummy-mask reflect the same notion.189 By removing the intermediary depiction of the deceased the focus is directed to the deceased as a physical presence. This way of linking image and body re-emerges in Ramesside Deir el-Medina (see below).190 Late Dynasty 17–early Dynasty 18 is clearly a period of experimentation and one in which the representation of the funeral and the grief associated with it is the foremost feature of coffin decoration. Black coffins: With the advent of the black-type coffins, funeral and mourning vanish from coffins, a phenomenon probably associated with the funerary procession now becoming a regular feature of tomb decoration. Amarna/Post-Amarna: A mourning woman features on a coffin from Amarna (obj. 38819: Kemp 2008, 37–41, figs 11, 12; 2015, 30, 31); the figure, reconstructed as standing, might as well have been kneeling or squatting. On a second coffin the remains of a standing female figure suggest mourning (obj. 13281: Kemp 2010, 20 fig. 8; 2012, 260, fig. 7.33; 2015, 30, 31). A miniature coffin from Amarna preserves two scenes of women mourning an upright mummy.191 Some fragments of a high-quality stone coffin of unknown provenance, dating to the Amarna Period or immediately afterwards, depict a widow mourning and lamenting her husband’s corpse on a bier, and a statue of the deceased mourned by two women.192 On a child’s coffin from Deir el-Medina, dating to the post-Amarna Period, a father and his two children weep before the upright mummy of the child on one side of the rectangular coffin, and before the mummy of the child’s mother on the other.193 188 189 190 191 New York, MMA 14.10.2 (Hayes 1953, 69 fig. 37, 70; Lüscher 1998, pls 16–17); Warsaw National Museum 138979 = Bruyère no. 1371 (Barwik 1999, 24–5 fig. 2; 1989–90; Andreu 2002, 67 fig. 32; Bruyère 1937, 26 fig. 10); Bruyère no. 1388 (Bruyère 1937, 33). Cairo JE 45629 (Miniaci 2011, 99 fig. 98; Lansing 1917, 23 figs 28, 24). Cf. Nyord 2014 who discusses, restricted to Middle Kingdom coffins, ‘the most important ways in which the decoration of the coffin is dependent on the body lying within’ (ibid., 29). London, British Museum EA 63635 (Pendlebury 1951, 90, 92, pl. CIV; Taylor 2001a, 226 fig. 166; Kemp 2012, 254 fig. 7.25). The substitution of mummy or coffin by corpse and statue on the stone coffin fragments is remarkable, particularly so as it is paralleled by the various scenes of mourning the corpse and statue of deceased princesses in the royal tomb at Amarna (Martin 1989, pls 25–6, 58, 63, 68). Representation of the coffin was evidently not proscribed as perhaps being too reminiscent of Osirian concepts of the afterlife; this is indicated by the mourning scenes on the miniature coffin described above. Mourning at the coffin occurs, moreover, in Amarna tomb decoration194 and on a wooden box that belonged to Ay when still only god’s father. His widow, Tey, is twice depicted embracing his mummy.195 The resurgence of mourning on coffins in the Amarna Period was due at least in part to the necessity to replace pre-Amarna decoration, dominated by divinities, by unobjectionable subjects. Therefore, deities were replaced by humans, e.g. officiants offering, censing etc., as well as by mourning persons (Kemp 2012, 254 fig. 7.25, 260–1). Dynasties19–20 Deir el-Medina: Coffins dating to the Ramesside Period are practically devoid of scenes of human mourning, since, as in Dynasty 18, the funerary procession became a prominent subject of tomb decoration and ceased to be so frequently depicted on coffins. The few, mostly fragmentary specimens known to the present author are all from Deir el-Medina and date to the earlier part of Dynasty 19. They take up decorative patterns of early Dynasty 18. Thus, two coffin fragments show mourning women and men whose expression of grief is directed at the actual mummy and not at a depiction of the deceased.196 The third object is the mummy-board of Ii-neferti, the wife of Sennedjem, 192 193 194 195 196 Kemp 2015, 32 refers to a further coffin, excavated by Ludwig Borchardt in 1912, whose decoration included mourning women. Strasbourg, Musée de l’Université 15 (Gallo 1993, 16 fig. 1a, c; Gabolde 1998, 108–9, pl. VII). The fragments were probably stolen (as opposed to destroyed) in the course of World War II, as Laetitia Martzolff kindly informed me. Munich ÄS 23 (Grimm 2009, 178 figs 12, 13). Tomb of Huya (Davies 1905, pl. XXII). Berlin 17555 (PM IV, 175; Schaden 1966, 38–41; Anon. 1924, 267–8; Anon. 1967, 56, fig. 583). TT 290 (Bruyère and Kuentz 1926, 103–4 with fig. 7; Bruyère 1924, 35–6 with fig. 8), tomb 1180 (Bruyère 1929, 99 fig. 57/4, 132). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 105 Fig. 18: The daughters of the deceased mourning and lamenting her on the foot panel, New York, MMA 86.1.5c (http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/561774). owner of TT 1, whose frontal surface shows her as a living person.197 Beneath the feet, on the narrow bottom panel, two of her daughters kneel, facing each other (Fig. 18). They perform a typical gesture of mourning and between them a short line runs: ḏd=sm jr ḫꜢ῾=j, ‘She says: “Don’t leave me!”’, a lament uttered by close relatives.198 Both the placement and posture of Ii-neferti’s daughters are highly reminiscent of the foot-boards of many anthropoid coffins of the earlier part of Dynasty 18 depicting Isis and Nephthys protecting the deceased (see above). ThirdIntermediatePeriod 197 199 198 New York, MMA 86.1.5c (www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/561774 [last accessed 23 August 2017]; cf. Hayes 1953, 416). TT 218 (Bruyère 1928, 67 fig. 47, 68; Kitchen 1980, 709.15); TT 219 (Bruyère 1928, 77 fig. 52, 58; Maystre 1936, 11, pl. II; Kitchen 1980, 759.3); TT 255 (Baud and Drioton 1928, 12 fig. 7, 30 no. 7). Human mourning re-emerges as a subject of coffin decoration in this period. It is largely restricted to two types of scene: a mourning woman cowering in front of the upright mummy, and a more or less extensive funerary procession. Mourning in front of the mummy: This scene is invariably located on the coffin interior, either on the floor-board199 or in the side panel registers.200 In some 200 Cleveland 1914.714 (Berman 1999, 61 colour pl. 27, 331–3); Vatican 25008 (Gasse 1996, pl. II/2, LXI/2); Cairo RT 23/11/16/12 (Saleh and Sourouzian 1986, no. 238). Cairo JE 29669/CG 6084 (Niwiński 1995, pl. XXI/1); Toronto ROM 983X2.1 (Gibson and Trumpour 2006, 104 pl. 17–17, 105 pl. 17–18). 106 A. KUCHAREK Fig. 19: Funerary procession, Berlin 20132 (© SMPK Ägyptisches Museum). specific cases, on the floor-board a mourning woman appears in a place where otherwise a non-mourning Nephthys might be depicted (see Kucharek 2010, 669 n. 32).201 The depiction of a human woman may be related to the fact that in these coffins the deified Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari take the place of Osiris. A woman mourning a male mummy is not inevitably a widow. She may be his daughter202 or simply an anonymous woman, as evidenced by a scene involving the mummies of a couple.203 Funerary procession: The second type of mourning context occupies one of the exterior side panels. In its full form, it occurs exclusively on coffins of the socalled ‘stola type’ dating to the transition from Dynasty 21 to Dynasty 22.204 It is preceded by shorter scenes on a few coffins dating to Dynasty 21.205 A unique extensive scene featuring numerous mourning women is also 201 202 203 204 New York, MMA 11.154.8a (www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/552634 [last accessed 23 August 2017]); Berlin 1075 (Germer, Kischkewitz and Lüning 2009, 76 fig. 101). Cleveland 1921.1029 (Berman 1999, 61 colour pl. 28, 339 no. 253). Vatican 25008 (Gasse 1996, pl. II/2, LXI/2). Leiden AMM 18/M 3 (van Walsem 1997, I 225–39, II. pls 10, 11; Araújo Duarte 2014, 83 fig. 2; Boeser 1916, pls VI–VII); London, British Museum EA 22941 (Taylor 2001a, 188 fig. 131, 189 fig. 132; Araújo Duarte 2014, 84 fig. 3), EA 36211 (van dated to this period.206 There may be a reciprocal influence between these funeral scenes and scenes from the Amduat depicted on the other side panel of some of these coffins (Araújo Duarte 2014). LatePeriod To the author’s knowledge, there are very few isolated instances of private mourning on coffins dating to Dynasty 25. On both side panels of a rectangular coffin from Thebes a unique funerary procession unfolds (Fig. 19).207 On one side the funerary barque is received by a group of wailing women on the western bank of the Nile; on the other the wheeled carriage carrying the mummy arrives at the necropolis. Both panels teem with original detail. On a second coffin, again a rectangular one from Thebes but of completely different design, a funerary procession 205 206 207 Walsem 1997, II 145 figs 365, 367, 368, 146 fig. 371); Vatican 25008 (Gasse 1996, pl. II/1); Helsinki National Museum KM/ Vk/14560:660 (Grothe-Paulin 1988, 66). Neuchâtel, Musée d’Ethnographie 184 (detail in Küffer and Siegmann 2007, 76 fig. 30); see Appenzell (ibid., 65 fig. 20). Brussels E. 5881 (Vanlathem 1983, 14, 17; Delvaux and Therasse 2015, 109 figs 24, 25, 198–9). Berlin 20132 (Anthes 1943, 37–8, pl. 12; Lüddeckens 1943, 161–6 Nr. 82–4, pl. 20). MOURNING AND LAMENTATION ON COFFINS 107 Fig. 20: Bier scene with lament, Leiden AMT 3 (Boeser 1915, pl. IX d). occupies one half of the lid, balanced on the other half by a procession of the Sokar barque.208 On both coffins, the bark helmsmen perform a mourning gesture; on the second coffin, the helmsman is actually the only person to do so, mirrored in the pendant Sokar procession scene. Both coffins omit the previously ‘default’ scene of the rites performed in front of the tomb. On the foot-board of an unpublished anthropoid coffin in the Elephantine Museum, presumably dating to Dynasty 25/26,209 three women, one of them holding a small girl by the hand, perform identical gestures of mourning. This random example indicates that provincial types may always hold surprises. This period would be virtually devoid of attestations of private mourning, were it not for one rectangular sarcophagus from the Memphite necropolis, dating to the latter half of the 3rd century BC (Fig. 20).210 This is not only the final testimonial of human mourning, but also a unique one, deserving closer attention. On each long side a number of deities venerate the mummy of the deceased on a bier; above the bier, the great and the small ḏrt hover as falcons. In view of the choice of deities this is most likely to be a depiction of the hour vigils, performed in the night preceding the funeral.211 Below this scene there is an inscription, both copies of which are virtually identical. The unnamed speaker(s), quite certainly the deities represented above, address the deceased, evoking the grief that women and children, as well as friends and neighbours, suffer for him. The deceased is then called upon to return to his former home, protecting and guiding his children as he used to do while alive. The inscription ends with an invocation to the deceased to be recited by the bereaved ‘while mourning you daily’. In complete contrast to the preceding passage, the sole purpose of this concluding section is to commend his tomb to the deceased. This inscription is not itself a lament but a descriptive and, in its final passage, prescriptive utterance, focusing on the grief of the deceased’s relations, friends and neighbours. This last witness of human mourning on a coffin is, therefore, a remarkable hybrid, being uttered by gods but concerned with the human grief surrounding the man for whose mummy they are keeping vigil. 208 211 Graeco-RomanPeriod 209 210 Cairo CG 41038 (Moret 1913, 314, pl. XXXVIII). I am grateful to John H. Taylor for this estimate of the date, made on the basis of a few unsatisfactory images from the internet. Leiden AMT 3 (Boeser 1915, 6, pls IX, X; Borghouts 1998; Assmann and Kucharek 2008, 583, 867). For the divine personnel of the vigil see a passage on the sarcophagus of the god’s wife Ankhnesneferibre, enumerating all the deities present on the Leiden sarcophagus with the exception of Hathor, mistress of the West, and adding several more protective goddesses (Sander-Hansen 1937, 66–8, ll. 161–5; Wagner 2016, 169–74). For comparable scenes see Cauville 1997, 420, pl. 253; Bénédite 1893, 119, pl. XXXV. 108 A. KUCHAREK Conclusion In his publication of the very last item in the above survey — the unique inscription on a Memphite sarcophagus in the Leiden Museum — Joris F. Borghouts noted that ‘it is remarkable to find a text like this … on a sarcophagus at all’ (Borghouts 1998, 31), referring also to funerary laments in general. Concerning divine mourning, ample evidence for its function as found on coffins has been presented and discussed above. Its purpose to protect and revivify Osiris is also abundantly attested in other media and has long been recognised (e.g. Bleeker 1958; Münster 1968). Why scenes of human mourning should have been included in coffin decoration is less evident. It has been observed above that the depiction of the funerary procession and tomb rites was absent on coffins in periods when decorated tomb chapels became the norm. As has been noted, ‘the coffin … acted as a tomb in miniature’ (Taylor 2001a, 216) and, in a hierarchy of subjects deemed essential enough to be allotted some of the limited space on a coffin, the funerary scenes did not enjoy the highest priority. Arguably, the utilisation of this space would have been reserved for the most crucial and significant mortuary aspects for the deceased entity encased within them as in a tight-fitting shell or armour. Interestingly, even though the surface available for decoration was often multiplied by the utilisation of inner and outer coffins, mummy covers etc., this did not automatically result in an expansion in the thematic array of scenes. In coffin sets of the Third Intermediate Period, layers of icons which varied only slightly may have aimed at heightened effectiveness, while at other times there would be a discernable shift of emphasis within a thematic framework (Taylor 2001a, 216–17). Willems has argued that the various metaphorical terms applied to Egyptian coffins — such as house, palace, ship, divine mother, egg and funerary chapel — were ‘symptoms of one religious phenomenon’, concluding ‘that the decoration as a whole served to regenerate the reality of the funerary ritual’; therefore, ‘the coffin could be called a “ritual machine”’ (Willems 1988, 238–9). Tracing the development of Middle Kingdom coffins, he noted that by the time of Senwosret I ‘the ornamentation of the coffin as a whole can now be “read” as an account of the ceremonies on the day of burial as they are described in, e.g., the king’s letter to Sinuhe’ (ibid., 240). Mark Smith, taking up Willems’ notion of the coffin as a ritual machine perpetuating and constantly reactivating the rituals depicted and inscribed on it, states that ‘the mummification of the deceased [is] a cyclical, eternal process, rather than a single event’ (Smith 2009, 39). Taking this into account, the presence on coffins of the funerary scenes, including mourners, is unsurprising as the rites embedded in the funeral are in a way the concluding extension of those performed during mummification, so often invoked by the bier scene. One might argue that human mourning and lamentation were merely incidental to these scenes, lacking any intrinsic value to the deceased. The transcending power of the manifestations of mourning and lamentation is borne out by a number of texts, however, testifying specifically that the sound of wailing summoned the deceased, dwelling in the underworld, to return to his tomb in order to partake of his offerings, and that indeed mourning and weeping as such sated him (see Kucharek 2010, 622–7; 2016, 78). 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