Gold foil figures in focus
A Scandinavian find group and related objects and images from
ancient and medieval Europe
SCHRIFTEN DES MUSEUMS FÜR ARCHÄOLOGIE SCHLOSS GOTTORF
Ergänzungsreihe
Band 14
Herausgegeben vom Museum für Archäologie
und dem Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie
in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen
Schloss Gottorf
durch Claus von Carnap-Bornheim
Gold foil figures in focus
A Scandinavian find group and related objects and images from
ancient and medieval Europe
Edited by
Alexandra Pesch and Michaela Helmbrecht
Advanced studies in ancient iconography I
Papers from an international and interdisciplinary workshop organized by the
Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA) in Schleswig, Schloss Gottorf,
October 23rd – 25th 2017
The workshop, several research trips and the printing of this book were generously sponsored by the “Verein zur Förderung
des Archäologischen Landesmuseums e.V.” in Schleswig.
Technical editor: Isabel Sonnenschein
Layout, typesetting and image editing: Matthias Bolte
Print and distribution: Verlag Dr. Friedrich Pfeil, München 2019
ISSN 2364-4680
ISBN 978-3-89937-249-6
Bibliographical data of the German National Library. The German National Library catalogues this publication
in the German National Bibliography; detailed bibliographical information is available online under
<http://dnb.d-nb.de>.
All rights reserved, including the reprint of extracts, in particular for duplication, the insertion into and processing in electronic
systems and photomechanical reproduction and translation.
© 2019 Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA) in the Foundation of the Schleswig-Holstein State Museums,
Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig, Germany.
Table of Contents
Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Alexandra Pesch, Michaela Helmbrecht
Setting the stage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Margrethe Watt
Gold foil figures – fact and fiction?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Scandinavian imagery
Siv Kristoffersen
Gestural expressions in Norwegian Style I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
Bente Magnus
Human images in the art of Scandinavia, 4th–6th centuries AD. A stylised abstraction of
the human form in ritual disguise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Torun Zachrisson
Scandinavian figurines – relatives of the gold foil figures, and a new find from Old Uppsala . . 105
Michaela Helmbrecht
The gold foil figures within the imagery of the Vendel Period and the continuation of
their motifs into the Viking Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
Other imageries and image aspects
Charlotte Behr
Framing matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Sonja Marzinzik
From Rome to the Viking Period: an overview of anthropomorphic imagery from
the British Isles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Jennifer M. Bagley
Menschenbilder der Kelten – Anthropomorphe Darstellungen der Eisenzeit in
Mittel- und Westeuropa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Manuel Flecker
Anmerkungen zum Verhältnis der skandinavischen Goldblechfiguren zur Kunst der
Römischen Kaiserzeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
Yvonne Petrina
Gold, Geld, Glaube – Frühbyzantinische Goldobjekte und deren figürliche Darstellungen . . . 239
Kyrylo Myzgin
Late Roman Period gold foil pendants stamped with anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic ornaments found in the Barbaricum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
Axel Christoph Gampp
Fingerspiele – (Mittelalterliche) Gesten und Goldblechfiguren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279
A world of warriors?
Michaela Helmbrecht
Continental figural repoussé works of the Merovingian Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291
Egon Wamers
Kaftan, Straffhaar und Stab. Ein Goldblechfiguren-Motiv und die Bilderwelt Europas
im 6.–9. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Svante Fischer
Images of Roman and Byzantine imperial dress – inspiration for the Scandinavian
gold foil figures? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
Research history and special questions
Olof Sundqvist
Communicating with the gods via humanoid images – the meaning and function of
the gold foil figures with pairs in the view of history of religions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
Sigmund Oehrl
Karl Haucks Studien zu den skandinavischen Goldblechfiguren – Zusammenfassung, Kritik
und neue Überlegungen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389
Gold foil figures in focus: results of workshop I
Alexandra Pesch, Michaela Helmbrecht
Gold foil figures in focus: synthesis and results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427
Continental figural repoussé works of the Merovingian Period
Michaela Helmbrecht, Munich
Keywords: Gold foil figures, figural art, Vendel Period, Rain am Lech (Bavaria), Pressblech
Abstract: This paper presents an overview of figural representations made in repoussé technique from
the 6th and 7thcentury Eastern Merovingian Empire. The focus is primarily on the finds that have close
parallels in Nordic figural art, like the helmet panels from Vendel and Valsgärde. In this context, two
decorated strap end mounts from Bavaria are discussed that have come to light only recently.
The striking similarities between some Merovingian Period figural imagery and Vendel Period
repoussé works have been noticed before. Through the present compilation, it becomes clear that the
gold foil figures belong to this horizon, due to the resemblance of details such as the clothing, the legs,
and the way the figures’ heads are depicted. However, there are no exact parallels to the gold foil figure
motifs in the Continental material. Its imagery – known both in the North and the South – features
warriors with a variety of weapons, unlike the (mostly weaponless) gold foil figures.
In this chapter, a short outline is presented of repoussé works with figural decoration of the 6th and
7th centuries from the eastern Merovingian kingdom.1 Anthropomorphic figures are fewer in the imagery of the Merovingian Period than contemporaneous representations of animals, but their known
number has considerably increased since the publication of Wilhelm Holmqvist’s seminal work,
“Kunstprobleme der Merowingerzeit” (HOLMqvIST 1939). This present summary cannot claim to be
exhaustive; its main objective is to present the object groups and finds relevant to the subject of gold
foil figures. Its focus especially lies on those finds that can be compared to Nordic imagery. In this
context, a recent discovery from Rain am Lech (Bavaria) is going to be discussed.
While the phenomenon of the gold foil figures is limited to Scandinavia, the images of warriors – as
we primarily know them from repoussé panels on helmets (see HELMbRECHT, Vendel Period, in this
vol.) – have parallels in the material from the Merovingian Period. It has frequently been pointed out
that there is a striking similarity between certain Merovingian period repoussé works and Nordic
imagery. 2 Thus, it is possible to map out the relation between the figural representations in Scandinavia and those in the east of the Merovingian Empire in more detail.
1
2
Other groups of materials of equal date featuring figural depictions are not going to be considered here. For cast openwork disks, see R ENNER 1970; KOCH 2017. For gravestones and other stone monuments, see ROTH 1976; böHNER 1976/77;
WAMERS in this vol.
H AUCK 1957a; 1957b; böHNER 1968; 1976/77; 1991. See also WAMERS in this vol.
291
“WOLF WARRIORS”
On its left side, the well-known bronze sheet fragment from Obrigheim (Lkr. Bad Dürkheim, Rhineland-Palatinate) features a warrior in the shape or guise of a wolf, holding a sheathed sword in front
of him, the point downwards (Fig. 1).3 The right hand holds a spear with its tip lowered. On the
right side, there is a running or dancing human figure, which is holding two crossed spears in his
left, another spear (?) in the right hand.
On his head, he wears what might be a
“horned helmet”. The object is fragmentary and incomplete: originally, it seems,
there had been at least one further figure
on the right side. It was discovered in a
burial and found to have been re-used as a
mount on a bowl of maple wood. The perforation in the sheet makes it impossible
to read significant details of the image and
possibly is the result of the piece having
been mounted. While its furnishings date
the burial to the middle third of the 7th
century (ENGELS 2002), the repoussé sheet
itself probably was produced considerably
earlier.
Significantly easier to recognise are the
details of the “wolf warrior” on the silver
mounts of the scabbard from Gutenstein
(Stadt Sigmaringen, Baden-Württemberg)
(Fig. 2). In this case, too, the plates with
figural
decorations had been re-used:
Fig. 1. Repoussé fragment from Obrigheim, Lkr. Bad Dürkheim,
originally intended to be attached to
Rhineland-Palatinate (Historisches Museum der Pfalz, Speyer,
Inv. No. 789a), 7th c. Width 4.3 cm. a Photo; b drawing of the cast
larger surfaces, they were cut up and atin the Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz (a photo
tached to the scabbard of the spatha in
Peter Haag-Kirchner; b after BÖHNER 1991, 717 fig. 29).
the later 7th century. Aside from the “wolf
warrior” in the prominent position at the scabbard’s throat (top centre), there was as least another,
similar warrior to be seen further down (Fig. 2a).
The upper “wolf warrior” is rendered in great detail: in his left hand, he is holding in front of him
a sheathed spatha with a ring fixed to the pommel, and a spear, the point lowered, in his right. The
details of the image reveal astounding parallels to the plate from Obrigheim. The sword with its scabbard had been discovered as early as 1887 in a warrior grave of the late 7th century (GARSCHA 1939).
After World War II, it was deemed lost, until it re-appeared in Russia about ten years ago (STEUER
2008).4
The motifs on the decorated plates from Obrigheim and Gutenstein are closely related to the
model C of Torslunda, Öland, Sweden (Fig. 3).5 Here, the running or dancing warrior is wearing a
“horned helmet” (or rather, a headdress with horn-shaped extensions terminating in birds’ heads6)
3
4
5
6
ZEISS 1941, pl. 10 fig. 5; H AUCK 1957a, fig. 4; böHNER 1976/77; 1991, 717–718.
I am very grateful to Dr. Marion Bertram for the procurement of the photos.
böHNER 1991, 717–718 with ref.; H AUCK 1957a; see WAMERS and HELMbRECHT, Vendel Period, both in this vol.
HELMbRECHT 2007–2008; 2011, 140–146.
292
and holds a spear in each hand. The fact that
he is portrayed as one-eyed could be interpreted as indicating a reference to Odin. The
“wolf warrior” next to him holds his spear
pointed down and is in the process of drawing his sword. In the details of their design,
the two Continental images show clear characteristics of the Germanic animal style II.
Unfortunately, the find context of the patrices
of Torslunda does not provide any indication
towards a dating: they had been found as early as 1870 “near or in a stone cairn”. There are
no known accompanying artefacts.
Karl Hauck identified the motif from GuB
A
tenstein and Obrigheim as a defeated warrior
handing over his sword to Odin, god of the
Fig. 2. a Sword scabbard from Gutenstein, Stadt Sigmaringen,
th
dead (HAUCK 1957a, 19; cf. böHNER 1991, 718).
Baden-Württemberg. 7 c.; b detail. Not to scale (© Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, phoAlternatively, the images were regarded as detos A. Kudrjawizkij).
pictions of either real persons or characters
from heroic stories (HøILUND NIELSEN 2001,
478 with ref.; WAMERS 2009, 26–27). Quite
correctly, Karen H øILUND NIELSEN (2001,
478) pointed out that Hauck’s interpretation
was based on a very wide reconstruction of
the fragmented plates and that it is difficult
to give a weapon to someone already holding
a weapon in both his hands, especially as in
Torslunda – with the “wolf warrior” being in
the act of drawing his sword – a handover is
not really an option in any case. Occasionally, the “wolf warrior” has been associated
with the úlfheðnar (literally: “wolf pelts”,
“wolf coats”) mentioned in Haraldskvæði by
Þórbjorn hornklofi, a poem praising Harald
Fairhair (~860–940). It also refers to another
Fig. 3. Bronze patrix for the production of decorated panels
strange group of warriors: the Berserkers. Both
from Torslunda, Öland, Sweden (Patrix C). 6 th –7th c. Width
groups probably represent extraordinary war5.7 cm (photo © SHM).
riors of high rank, who also had a certain connection to the spiritual sphere (HøILUND NIELSEN 2001, 479; WAMERS 2009, 26–27; OEHRL 2013, 311).
Is it possible that the images of Gutenstein, Obrigheim, and Torslunda C depict certain rituals which
were performed (only?) by the “wolf warriors”?
The motif of Torslunda C is not unique in the north. Human figures with animal heads – whether
the head of a wolf, a bird, or one with pig-like appearance – are well known in the pictorial record
(HELMbRECHT 2011, 172–175). It is difficult to make the decision in favour of a particular interpretation to these motifs. Shape-shifting has been suggested, for example, as well as masquerading or
certain composite beings.
Earlier research favoured the view that the Alamannic pieces represent the models for the Nordic examples (for instance böHNER 1991, 718). Egon Wamers recently disagreed and advocated that
293
the plates from Obrigheim and Gutenstein “probably are secondary attachments on Nordic helmets
which somehow got into the Alamannic area” (WAMERS 2018, 225). Considering the many clear
iconographic parallels in the Merovingian Period and Scandinavian material, this assumption does
not appear far-fetched at first. Analyses of the material of the plates from Rain am Lech, however,
shed a different light on it (see below).
HORSEMEN
Horsemen are the most common motifs in the later 6th to the 7th centuries in the Merovingian Empire.
As Continental and Scandinavian depictions of horsemen both have been dealt with extensively in
scholarly literature7 and are being discussed in a separate chapter (WAMERS in this vol.), a summary of
the most important findings will suffice here.
By the second half/fourth quarter of the 6th century, the motif of the horsemen was adopted and
formed part of the distinctive “Mediterranean horizon”, when many objects from Langobardic Italy
and the Mediterranean found their way to the regions north of the Alps. After that, it can be found
on objects fashioned in the Mediterranean as well as on local products (qUAST 2009).
There are several variants of the motif, such as the lancer with or without a serpent (see WAMERS
in this vol., Figs. 7–10) or extended scenes with additional figures. Particularly the motif featuring a
horseman with his spear raised, riding down a fallen antagonist, which in turn stabs his sword into
the horse’s body, while a small figure on the horse’s croup is assisting the rider in directing his spear,
links images in the North and the South (Figs. 4–5; WAMERS in this vol., Fig. 9).
The most exquisite example of this group of motifs is the gold repoussé disc from Pliezhausen,
Baden-Württemberg (Fig. 4), which was discovered in 1929 in a female grave. Originally, it was part
of a phalera of a horse harness (böHNER /qUAST 1994, 388–390), before its edge was trimmed slightly
to adapt its size to a disc brooch.
A
B
Fig. 4. Golden repoussé disc brooch from Pliezhausen, Lkr. Reutlingen, Baden-Württemberg. Ø 7.5 cm. a Photo; b graphic
rendering (a Landesmuseum Württemberg, P. Frankenstein/H. Zwietasch; b after BÖHNER 1991, 706 fig. 20,3).
7
HOLMqvIST 1939, 110–128; HAUCK 1957a; böHNER 1976/77; 1991, 706–717; böHNER /qUAST 1994, 388–398; qUAST 2002; 2009.
294
In the upper part, two antithetic lions can be seen
to both sides of a plant – possibly a tree of life. Underneath, taking up most of the space of the round
field, there is a horseman on his galloping steed,
with a round shield in his right hand and a spear
(with a bird’s head) in his left; a small figure on the
horse’s croup behind the horseman also grasps the
shaft of the spear. A foot soldier on the ground, his
body virtually interwoven with the horse’s legs,
stabs his sword into the horse’s chest from below.
In the Vendel Period North, this motif ‘circulated’ in many versions, and further details were
introduced here, especially the “horned helmets”
of several figures (Fig. 5). The helmets from ValsA
gärde 7 and 8 alone display two different variants of the lancer motif each (A RWIDSSON 1977,
figs. 122–134; böHNER /qUAST 1994, 389–399). The
motif was also used on the Sutton Hoo helmet
(MARZINZIK in this vol.).
Obviously, this specific motif appears to trace
back to Roman cavalry tombstones fashioned
several centuries before (see WAMERS in this vol.,
Fig. 10). These stones featuring the depiction of a
victorious mounted warrior were erected not only
in Italy, but also in the provinces on the Rhine.
They probably were still apparent during the Merovingian Period and became a source of inspiration for the later repoussé designs – with the long
chronological gap causing a certain discomfort,
however. As the media of the images were changB
ing (gravestone to helmet; phalera to disc brooch)
and as the chronological distance is so great, it
Fig. 5. Horseman motifs in Vendel and Valsgärde, Sweden. a Repoussé plate of the helmet from grave Valsgärde
may confidently be assumed that gravestones and
8; b repoussé plate of the helmet from grave Valsgärde 7,
repoussé works are based on the same idea – that
motif C. Scale 1:1 (a after A RWIDSSON 1980, 58; b after
of the “victorious mounted warrior” –, but it has
A RWIDSSON 1977, fig. 128).
to be kept in mind that the specific meaning afforded to the image in its respective chronological, spatial, and practical context, may have shifted.
While early researchers regarded the figures in the repoussé depictions as gods, nowadays the horsemen on the helmets usually are interpreted as humans or heroes, albeit without them being able to be
identified by name (bECK 1964 with ref.; HELMbRECHT 2015).
PHALERAE
As mentioned above, the repoussé plate of the disc brooch of Pliezhausen originally was a phalera,
and it can be assumed that once there was second disc with the same – but inverted – motif (böHNER /
qUAST 1994, 390). Phalerae – an element of the “Mediterranean horizon” referred to above – were
an important medium for images. Surviving sets usually are composed of three discs: two discs of
295
identical size, mounted on belts on the sides of the horse, and a larger breastplate (for the phalerae of
Ittenheim, with a reconstruction drawing of their way of wearing, see WERNER 1943, 12 fig. 4).
Of particular interest in our context are the three phalerae from Eschwege-Niederhone in Hesse
(Fig. 6), which were found in a richly furnished male burial from the beginning of the 7th century
(böHNER 1991, esp. 685). The large disc is decorated with a depiction of a human figure, seen en face,
with a highly elaborate hairstyle, flanked on both sides by lions and rosettes. In its hands, it holds
serpents (?) or rods (?). Karl Hauck interpreted it as the goddess Freyja, accompanied by her cats
(HAUCK 1987, 166–170); Kurt Böhner assumed that it was derived from images of the Persian goddess
Anahita (böHNER 1991, 686–695). Recently, Margarete Klein-Pfeuffer, referring to the contemporary
repoussé disc brooches and their iconography, regarded the figure as Christ vanquishing death
(K LEIN-P FEUFFER 2015).
Fig. 6. Silver phalera from Eschwege-Niederhone, Hesse. Ø of the larger disc 10.3 cm, Ø of the two smaller discs 8.6 cm (after
BÖHNER 1991, pl. 55).
The two smaller discs from Eschwege each feature a human figure between bear-like animals that
seize the (apparently naked) person’s upper arms. After comparing them to other finds, especially examples picturing Daniel in the lions’ den, a Biblical story popular at the time, Böhner interpreted the
images of these discs as depicting a Christian Saint being beset by monsters (böHNER 1991, 695–703;
cf. the critical review by WAMERS 2009, 32).
The closest parallel to this motif is patrix A from Torslunda on Öland (Fig. 7), but here the man between the animals is
clothed as well as armed: he is thrusting his sword into the
body of the animal to the right.
Both the discs from Eschwege and the patrix from Torslunda
can be traced back to antique depictions of bear hunts and bear
fights (cf. A RWIDSSON 1977, 122–123; WAMERS 2009, 25–42).
These models were transformed, however, and adapted to the
conceptual world of the 7th century. The nub of the matter is
that the discs from Eschwege and the patrix from Torslunda are
so very similar, whereas to our knowledge, the socio-religious
conditions in their respective regions were different: while the
South had been converted to Christianity throughout, the
Fig. 7. Bronze patrix for the production of
northern regions were still pagan. The image composition and
decorated plates from Torslunda, Öland,
the two bear-like animals resemble each other to such an extent
th
th
Sweden (Patrix A). 6 –7 c. Width 4.8 cm
(photo © SHM).
that the design of the respective pieces surely cannot have de296
veloped independently from each other. In the case of Torslunda, usually a non-Christian semantic
background is assumed. Sigmund Oehrl related this motif to rites of initiation within a warrior community based on the Odin religion (OEHRL 2013, 311). Earlier, Hauck regarded the depiction of “a
man, dancing between aggressive bears” as pre-Christian (HAUCK 1987, 167; see OEHRL 2013, 311).
In the case of Eschwege, however, it is difficult to imagine that pagan subjects are depicted here,
as in the Christian environment of the eastern Merovingian Empire of the 7th century – and especially on phalerae –, these are hardly to be expected anymore. Kurt Böhner found a solution to this
problem by pointing out a difference between the discs from Eschwege and the patrix of Torslunda:
the warrior on the latter is armed, the figures on the former are not. He regarded this difference as
so significant that he considered the figure on the Torslunda patrix as an (implicitly non-Christian)
hero, fighting the attacking bears with his sword, but interpreted the disc from Eschwege as Christian objects, conveying the message that God will protect his Saints from mortal danger (böHNER
1991, 695–703).
Whether Torslunda should be regarded as a bear fight, in which a hero proves his worth (böHNER
1991, 704) or as a religious initiation ritual (OEHRL 2013), the depictions from Eschwege – taking its
macrosocial context and especially other phalerae into account – probably are to be understood in a
Christian sense. That the discs from Eschwege – being closer to the antique models – are forming a
link between the antique depictions of bear fights and the patrices from Torslunda, as it were, appears
unlikely in light of the superior quality of the patrix.
THE STRAP-ENDS FROM R AIN AM LECH
The old and well-known finds have now been supplemented by a new one, which was excavated in
2011 or 2012 in a burial ground of the 6th to 7th centuries in Rain am Lech, Lkr. Donau-Ries, Bavaria.
Judging from its furnishings, Grave 209 had been constructed in the first half or the middle of the 7th
century. In it, a complete set of garter fittings with two identical repoussé strap-ends of 9.4 cm length
(Fig. 8) was found, which are decorated with animal art in Germanic animal style II on one side, with
figural depictions on the other (ZINTL/bLANA 2016; ZINTL/HELMbRECHT in prep.). They belong to a
strictly regional group of repoussé strap-ends, which in the 7th century was common particularly in the
areas between the rivers Iller and Lech as well as in the adjoining territories to the north of the Danube.
Thus, the form is characteristic for the region; the decoration, however, has supra-regional parallels.
Both strap-ends are made of two silver plates each, cut into a lingulate shape and decorated with
repoussé patterns. Front and back are held together by a clamp of non-ferrous metal. On one side,
there are two fields, one above the other, each with the identical figural motif, and – on the upper edge
of the strap-ends – another field with ornament in style II. On the other side, there is only one field,
also decorated in style II.
The obverses of the strap-ends each show the same motif twice: two antithetical warriors. Thus,
this motif is represented four times altogether. The four images on the plates have been reproduced
from the same die (patrix), yet are in different conditions of conservation. The reconstruction
drawing (Fig. 8c) brings together information from all four images: two warriors, both in profile, are
standing opposite each other or pacing towards each other. Their heads are fashioned with a round
eye and a marked chin thrust forward. Each warrior is holding his spear vertically, with the point
upwards, in front of him. The two spears are close together, resting in some kind of holding device or
on a small hillock directly above the front foot of the respective warrior. Both warriors are wearing
a knee-length gown with trimmings and a belt represented by rows of bead moulding – obviously a
braided kaftan. The area of the chest and the sleeves are unclear. There appears to be a sword pommel
at the belt, but it is shown upside down.
297
A
B
C
D
Fig. 8. One of two identical strap-ends from a suit of garter fittings from Rain am Lech, Lkr. Donau-Ries, Bavaria. Length
9.4 cm. a Drawing of the face with animal style; b drawing of the face with figural depictions; c enlarged drawing of the motif,
assembled from pieces of information gathered from of all four plates; d greatly enlarged photo (a–c drawings Siegfried Köglmeier, BLfD; d photo Matthias Blana, BLfD; the objects are the property of the Archäologische Staatssammlung, Munich).
The drawing (Fig. 8c) not only is an idealised picture of the four repoussé plates, but at the same time
also a reconstruction of the motif of the patrix, from which the plates had been moulded. That patrix,
however, probably was larger and included the complete figures of the warriors. The motif originally
was not intended for the strap-ends from the suit of a garter fittings, therefore – yet the question
for what it was made must remain unanswered. Results of an X-ray fluorescence analysis (ZINTL/
HELMbRECHT in prep.) suggest that most likely the different elements of the garter fittings have been
produced from a single batch of silver sheet, as in all samples the silver has a similar chemical composition. From this it follows that the repoussé plates cannot have been made in the North, but must
originate in south Germany (see above).
This also enables us to draw conclusions regarding the production process of the strap-ends.
For the replication of the figures, an already existing, possibly older patrix was used which not quite
matched the dimensions of the strap-ends – it was too large. Hence, the artisan only moulded the
middle part – which contained the image’s central message, viz. the gripping of the spears – four
times, and then trimmed the plates according to the sizes of the strap-ends. In doing so, however, he
or she took special care to position that all-important part exactly in the middle.
The nearest object directly comparable to the warriors from Rain is the lyre from Trossingen,
Lkr. Tuttlingen (Fig. 9). On it, twelve warriors are depicted walking towards each other. The two in
the middle are holding a lance between them, with its point upwards and furnished with a little flag.
Each of the warriors is equipped with two shields and wears an ankle-length pleated gown. For the
iconographic interpretation, the lance in the middle is crucial. It was, however, partly covered by the
bridge as long as the lyre was in use. This bridge is now lost, and its original position is only apparent
by the holes to the left and right of the lance.
298
Fig. 9. Image on the lyre from Trossingen, BadenWürttemberg. Not to scale (after THEUNE-GROSS KOPF 2005, 305 fig. 3; drawing M. Lier).
According to dendrochronological dating collected from, inter alia, oak boards of the burial chamber, the lyre from Trossingen was deposited in the year AD 580, after it had been in use for some
time. Hence, it probably was made in the third quarter of the 6th century (THEUNE-GROSSKOPF 2005,
303–304).
The warriors of Rain present certain parallels to the gold foil figures. Many of the male figures on
the latter are carrying staffs in front of them, in a posture similar to that of the former, namely, either
standing or walking slowly (see WATT in this vol., Fig. 7; WAMERS in this vol., Fig. 1), and just as these,
most of the staff bearers are wearing a braided kaftan. The way to visualise the braids as rows of bead
moulding or egg and dart pattern is known from gold foil figures as well (Fig. 20). Apart from the
attire and the formal posture, the shape of the head and of the face is another characteristic which
links many gold foil figures to the warriors from Rain, inasmuch as a round eye is surrounded by a
kind of bulge of equal width, terminating in an angular nose; the chin is elongated (Fig. 10).
Weapons, however, are extremely rare on the gold foil figures. Only on a single example is there a
man holding a spear or a lance in front of him – but this figure is not moulded, but the contours are
carved into a rectangular piece of gold, and the man is wearing a cloak with pointed tips, instead of
a braided kaftan (Fig. 11).
Fig. 10. Gold foil figure from Sorte Muld
(after WATT 1992, 210 fig. 5a; drawing
Eva Koch).
Fig. 11. Gold foil figure from Sorte
Muld, Bornholm, Denmark (drawing Eva Koch).
GOLD FOIL CROSSES
Parallels to the Nordic gold foil figures in many ways are the so-called gold foil crosses, cut from
thin gold foil and often decorated with repoussé ornament. They were in use between the 6th and 8th
centuries AD in Langobardic Italy, Alamannic-Bajuwaric Germany, and today’s Switzerland. A few
crosses were discovered also along the Rhine, in Anglo-Saxon England, and in the Byzantine territo-
299
ries around the Mediterranean.8 In the Langobardic and Alamannic regions, gold foil crosses were an
important part of the burial custom, as they were sewn on to the shroud, which then was placed on
the dead person’s chest. In other areas – in the eastern Mediterranean – they also were used as votive
offerings (vIERCK 1975).
Many of these crosses remained plain, and in those that were decorated, interlace ornament and
animal style II are most common. A male face, seen en face, occasionally occurs in the centre of the
cross and rarely on the arms as well (TERP-SCHUNTER 2017a, 168–178).
In Giengen an der Brenz, Lkr. Heidenheim,
a gold foil cross was found lying on the chin
of the dead person, accompanied by two eagle
figures fashioned in the characteristic way
of animal style II (Fig. 12), which have many
comparative pieces in northern Europe.9 All
three pieces had been cut from gold foil and
moulded from patrices. The upper cross arm
shows a bearded man’s face. The other arms
and the centre are decorated with interlace
ornament characteristic of the Alamannic
region.
Due to the differences in religious or poFig. 12. Gold foil cross and two eagle figures from Giengen an
litical
concepts constituting the background
der Brenz, Baden-Württemberg. Height of the cross 6.5 cm,
for its design, it cannot positively be decided
height of the eagle figures 2.2 and 2.3 cm, respectively (photo
Landesmuseum Württemberg, Hendrik Zwietasch).
who or what is depicted here: is Christ portrayed by the bearded face or a Byzantine emperor? Can the birds be interpreted as eagles
and Christian symbols of the Resurrection or
as Odin’s ravens? In any case, this example
makes it very clear how close the parallels are
between Vendel Period images in Scandinavia
and those on certain finds on the Continent.
Depictions of complete figures are very rare
on the gold foil crosses, but these few instances
are extremely interesting in connection with
the gold foil figures (Figs. 13–17). Jan Peder
Lamm pointed out that some gold foil crosses’ motifs are reminiscent of the gold foil figures, as they feature upright figures within
a beaded frame (L AMM 2004, 127–128). A
good example for this is the cross from Leno,
Brescia, Italy (Fig. 13), which in all four crossarms features a standing figure with crossed
Fig. 13. Gold foil cross from Leno, Brescia, Italy. Height 7.5 cm
(photo Municipal Archive Leno).
arms. Each man’s hands are gripping a long
8
9
For the gold foil crosses: HÜbENER 1975; R IEMER 1999; GUT 2017. Recently, getting an overview of this subject was made
considerably easier by the extensive treatise by Martina TERP-SCHUNTER (2017a; 2017b). Special thanks are due to Dr.
Martina Terp-Schunter for giving me access to her unpublished dissertation.
Cf. e.g. the two birds on shield III from Valsgärde 7: A RWIDSSON 1977, 39 fig. 43; pl. 10–11; OLDTIDENS A NSIGT 1990, 163;
LUNDSTRöM 1980, 14; for the depictions of faces, see HELMbRECHT 2011, 181–218.
300
cross that continues outwards as a rounded beaded rim. The long dress must be interpreted as a
tunic. Over it, the figure is wearing a stole, identifying it as a Church official (TERP-SCHUNTER 2017a,
180). The similarities to several gold foil figures, such as Uppåkra, Eketorp (Fig. 14), and Sorte Muld,
are obvious (see WATT and bEHR in this vol.). On these, however, men as well as women, in full face
or in profile, can be surrounded by a beaded frame.
On a gold foil cross from Turin (Fig. 15), a figure is shown in each of the four cross arms, seen
en face and with a conspicuous hairstyle. Here also, there is a beaded frame above the head. Just as
other representations on gold foil crosses, these figures draw their inspiration from coin images and
thus ultimately from the portraits of emperors. However, on the crosses, their meaning probably was
transformed, and the figures were considered as Saints or Christ.
Hence, the similarities between the gold foil crosses and the gold foil figures lie in their material,
their production technique, and their date. Some examples of both groups have been fashioned very
meticulously. But occasionally, only part of the decoration was reproduced, regardless of its dimensions and the motif. Some gold foil crosses create the impression of having been ‘ad-hoc products’ that
A
Fig. 14. Gold foil figure with portallike beaded frame, probably depicting a
woman. Eketorp, Öland (SHM 31597;
after L AMM 2004, 102).
B
Fig. 15. Gold foil cross from Turin, Villa Monplaisir, Italy. Height 6.2 cm.
a Photo; b graphic rendering of one of the four figures (a after TER P SCHUNTER 2017b, 207 fig. 495; b after ROTH 1973, fig. 119).
Fig. 16. Graphic rendering of the figures on the
gold foil cross from Dueville, contr. Belvedere,
Italy. Not to scale (after CINI /R ICCI 1979, pl. 12).
301
A
B
Fig. 17. Gold foil cross from Cividale, Italy. a Photo; b graphic rendering. Scale 1:1 (a after A HUMADA SILVA 2012, 33;
b after TERP -SCHUNTER 2017b, 114 fig. 232; drawing Monika Möck-Aksoy).
were made quickly by using the patrix available at the moment. This is reminiscent of certain gold
foil figures (see e.g. WATT 2004, 179 fig. 11). Generally, interlace ornament and animal style are most
common on gold foil crosses, yet do not play any role on gold foil figures at all.
At the current status of research, the idea that gold foil crosses could have been the models of the
gold foil figures, seems rather unlikely. They only emerge as of the late 6th century in the regions
mentioned above, later than the gold foil figures. More precisely, they are first documented “in a quite
homogenous time window in the first decades of the second half of the 6th century in burials on both
sides of the Alps” (TERP-SCHUNTER 2017a, 282). The rise of this custom is still associated with the
immigration of the Langobards to Italy in the year 568. There is no archaeological evidence for earlier
crosses. Moreover, the vast majority of gold foil crosses decorated with motifs with human figures
originates from Langobardic Italy. The Alamannic crosses rather tend to feature interlace patterns
and animal ornamentation.
Therefore, gold foil crosses and gold foil figures possibly should be regarded as parallel phenomena: the objects of both groups could be considered as “tokens of faith” of the upper strata of society
(GUT 2017), while the respective cultural and religious contexts – and thus also the finds contexts –
are entirely different.
bRACTEATE bROOCHES
From the 7th century, a large number of brooches and pendants made from repoussé has come down to
us, with the pendants beginning to occur a little earlier that that, in the 6th century (KLEIN-PFEUFFER
1993). The examples with figural decoration generally have a Christian meaning (KLEIN-PFEUFFER 1993,
216–217) (Fig. 18). The thematic basis are Biblical passages which almost universally reflect the Christian
hope for Resurrection. The artisans often referred back to antique models in order to depict scenes or allegories from the Bible, especially to Roman or Byzantine coin images. In doing so, they did not imitate
the complete motifs, but chose and used individual elements from them (KLEIN-PFEUFFER 2015, 262).
Some examples, however, feature images that cannot immediately be interpreted in a Christianreligious sense. On the silver repoussé brooch from Eichtersheim, Rhein-Neckar-Kreis, BadenWürttemberg (Fig. 19), there are two figures, probably men, sitting on a ‘double chair’, turning away
from each other, and each holding a large drinking horn with rim fittings in their hands. The chin of
302
Fig. 18. Repoussé disc brooch from Kirchheim am Ries,
Ostalbkreis, Baden-Württemberg, grave 208, with the
depiction of two angels beside the cross shaft. 7th c. Not
to scale (after ROTH 1986a, pl. 39a).
Fig. 19. Repoussé disc brooch from Eichtersheim, Rhein-Neckar-Kreis, Baden-Württemberg. 7th c. Not to Scale (after KLEIN-PFEUFFER
1993, 334 no. 54).
each highly stylised figure is – a characteristic well known from other examples (e.g. Rain, Fig. 8) –
stretched forwards, the ears are hook-like, and the hair is sticking out, probably indicating a special
hairstyle. The top part of their clothing is decorated with beaded bosses, and the ends of the trouser
legs are marked by a thick hem (KLEIN-PFEUFFER 1993, 333–335).
‘Double chairs’ as the one shown on the Eichtersheim brooch also are known from the archaeological record, for example from the richly furnished “singer’s grave”, no. 84, in Oberflacht (PAULSEN
1992). This also contained a bed, spatha, lance, bow and arrows as well as pottery and dishes made
from bronze and wood. Peter Paulsen interpreted the image on the brooch as a group of sworn brothers ceremonially drinking to their fraternisation. If this were correct, the ‘double chair’, as the scene
of this important moment, would have to be considered as a very special piece of furniture.
Men holding drinking vessels are also known from the gold foil figures (Fig. 20; see WATT in this
vol., Figs. 27–28). Here also the angular chin can be stretched forward. The clothing is decorated with
beaded bosses or egg and dart patterns, probably representing an ornament of the braids. Yet the cut
of the dress is completely different: the men on the gold foil figures are wearing a kaftan, and they
are shown individually and in a standing position. But then a small detail can be determined on both
the Echtersheim brooch and the gold foil figures: a dot and a tongue-shaped extension above the
drinking vessel indicate that it is full to the brim and its contents appear to be spilling over.
Basically, there are no known seated gold
foil figures, but two examples from Bolmsö in
Småland, Sweden, might constitute an exception (LAMM 2004, 96) (Fig. 21). The figures are
shown en face, their legs are splayed sideways,
and between them, there is an object with a
horizontal plane and two short, vertical bars,
which could represent a kind of stool. These
figures are not holding a drinking vessel, however, so that certainly another background
Fig. 20. Gold foil figure with
and a different meaning must be assumed for
drinking vessel (“Sturzbecher”)
from Sorte Muld, Bornholm
them (see also bEHR in this vol.).
(photo Martin Stoltze).
303
EXCURSUS: “bURGUNDIAN” bUCKLES
Buckles with decorated rectangular mounts made
from bronze or bone are documented from the beginning of the Merovingian Period burial custom
and were common until the decades around AD 600.
As far as the date is concerned, they might therefore
be considered as models or parallels of the gold foil
Fig. 21. Gold foil figure from
Bolmsö, Småland, Sweden (affigures – but is this probable from an iconographic
ter L AMM 2004, 96).
perspective as well?
The bronze examples are not made using repoussé,
but cast. Thence, they are treated here in an excursus. The buckles are concentrated in Burgundia,
trace back to late antique roots, and are particular to the female costume in this region. Only reliquary brooches are also found in male graves. The figural images decorating buckle plates (Type D)
occasionally are annotated with Latin inscriptions and convey Christian contents: Daniel in the
lions’ den (so-called “Daniel brooches”), Jonah and the whale, the prophet Habakkuk, the armed
Christ, Christ’s entry into Jerusalem, apostles, worshippers etc. (M ARTIN 1981, 258–259; LEUCHbARTELS 1996). Offering a wide range of subjects, it is not surprising that they have been consulted
as parallels for the gold foil figures’ motifs (WATT 2004, 205–207; 2007, 139–141). Especially certain
gestures of the hands and arms are found on both the gold foil figures and the “Burgundian” buckles.
On the latter, the arms – with clearly defined hands – are either stretched upwards (Fig. 22) or downwards (Fig. 23a) on both sides of the body, which in all likelihood can be identified as the “orans
posture”. Conceivably, the corresponding gold foil figures (Figs. 23b–d) are to be understood in this
sense as well (WATT 2007, 139–140).
On one “Burgundian” buckle, figures can be seen who hold up one hand with the fingers outstretched in front of the face and the thumb apparently stuck into the mouth (Fig. 24). This motif is
not unknown in the North and occurs in several variants (thumb near, in, or in front of the mouth),
in different contexts, and thus certainly with different iconographic meanings (PESCH 2017; WATT in
this vol.) (Fig. 25).
A
Fig. 22. “Burgundian” buckle from Lutry, Switzerland. 6th c./
about 600. Not to scale (after L EUCH -B ARTELS 1996, 127
no. 35).
Fig. 23. Different depictions of a characteristic arm and
hand posture. a “Orans posture” on a “Burgundian” buckle
from Marlens, Haute-Savoie, France. 6th c./about 600. Not
to scale (after LEUCH - BARTELS 1996, 127 no. 38).
Cont. Fig. 23.
304
B
C
D
Fig. 23. b–c Gold foil figures from Sorte Muld, Bornholm; d gold foil figure from Uppåkra, Skåne, Sweden (b–c after WATT
1991, 97 figs. 9b–c; d after WATT 2004, 179 fig. 11).
Summing up, it can be stated that the “Burgundian” buckles feature several characteristic types of
body postures that have parallels on the (roughly contemporary) gold foil figures. It is, however,
doubtful whether there is a common semantic background for both. Just as the gold foil figures, the
“Burgundian” buckles have a rather wide range of motifs altogether, and only individual examples
of each can be regarded as being parallels – and even this only regarding to certain, albeit significant
details. Taking the different religious backgrounds into account as well, great caution needs to be
exercised when interpreting the gold foil figures by consulting the “Burgundian” buckles.10
Fig. 24. “Burgundian” buckle from Echallens-Les Condemines,
Switzerland. 6 th c./about 600. Not to scale (drawing Margrethe
Watt).
Fig. 25. Gold foil figure from Sorte
Muld, Bornholm (after WATT 2004,
185 fig. 17c; drawing Eva Koch).
10 Quite rightly, Margrethe Watt, too, was wary on this issue.
305
SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND RESULTS
Despite its cursory nature, various new findings concerning the gold foil figures can be gained from
this overview of the figural decorations on Merovingian Period repoussé objects.
To modern viewers, the imagery of the 6th and 7th centuries in the eastern Merovingian empire
appears as a hybrid mixture of traditional elements going back to pre-Christian imagery and new,
Christian motifs which can, however, be highly stylised and adopted to temporal and regional
custom. Hence, it often cannot be decided in every case who or what precisely might be depicted.
Depending on context, a bearded man’s head shown en face, for example, may represent either Christ,
a secular ruler, an apostle or Saint, or perhaps someone else entirely. As its meaning generally does
not become clearly apparent from the image itself, it must have been dependent on the context, i.e. on
the combination with potential other motifs on the same image medium and on the nature and
function of that medium.
While some classes of objects (the strap-ends from Rain am Lech are a good example) were limited
to a certain region, their imagery has its source in a motif pool with supra-regional distribution.
Some motifs – such as the “wolf warriors” from Gutenstein, Obrigheim, and Torslunda C, the imagery of the phalera from Pliezhausen recurring on the helmets from Vendel and Valsgärde in Uppland, or the “bear fighter” from Eschwege and Torslunda A – are corresponding to each other in the
North and the South in so many details that the supposition of a development independent from each
other is inconceivable. The common motif pool is characterised by the subject “fight”, as frequently
there are scenes of warriors or combat. Whether these similarities in presentation are matched by
similarities in content, i.e. whether those so very similar images meant the same in the North and in
the South, respectively, must be discussed on a case-by-case basis. Considering the fact that contrary
to the North, the South largely had already embraced Christianity, it is hard to imagine that the
images should have conveyed exactly the same meaning in both regions.
Obviously, however, the difference in religious backgrounds was not an obstacle to the functioning
of a far-reaching network of artisans who communicated and possibly also collaborated closely with
each other. This network becomes apparent not only by means of the figural depictions, but also –
and much more so – by means of objects decorated in animal style. Its infrastructural basis probably
was formed by the communication systems of the social elite, on the behalf of which those objects
were designed and created. Merovingian Period figural repoussé images – at least those known today
– appear to have been a matter of the wealthy upper strata of society. Gold and silver are very common in them, the repoussé work is of good quality, and not produced in bulk.
Little is known, however, about the places the repoussé works were produced in. The plates from
Rain am Lech most certainly were fashioned locally, yet patrices are known so far only from Torslunda
in Sweden. The examples from Gutenstein, Obrigheim, Pliezhausen, and Rain am Lech are fragments
that were trimmed after their production and their original use to fit the requirements of a secondary
function. Their date of manufacture therefore is probably considerably earlier than the time when they
were deposited in the graves. This custom of secondary utilisation can also be observed with the representations of horsemen of the 6th–7th centuries (qUAST 2009, esp. 334–336). Obviously, figural depictions were valued highly – perhaps, because the necessary patrices were rare and often unavailable and
because it was not possible to reproduce the decorated plates again and again, according to demand?
There are no direct models or parallels for the gold foil figures in the Merovingian Period archaeological record. The motifs discussed in this paper differ from those of the gold foil figures in several
ways, as usually the latter images do not feature weapons of fight scenes (for greater detail, see HELMbRECHT, Vendel Period, in this vol.).
Nonetheless, the gold foil figures are linked to the repoussé horizon – which ultimately was
inspired by Mediterranean models and dates to the second half of the 6th to the first half of the 7th
306
Vendel
Valsgärde
Torslunda
Sutton Hoo
Eschwege
Obrigheim
Eichtersheim
Pliezhausen
Rain
Giengen a. d. Brenz
Trossingen
Gutenstein
"Burgundian" buckle
Brooch
Fragmentary repoussé work
Echallens
Gold foil cross
Helmet with repoussé panels
Marlens
Lyre (wood)
Leno
Patrices
Turin
Strap end mounts
500 km
Phalerae
Fig. 26. Find localities mentioned in the text (map K. Göbel, ZBSA).
307
centuries – by a number of characteristics or details in the motifs. The similarities in regard to the
design of the figures’ heads, the clothing (especially the braided kaftan), the composition of the
image, and other details are striking enough to assume that probably their respective dating was
similar as well. This provides a welcome indicator towards a dating of the gold foil figures: in most
cases, their date must remain vague, as mostly, the stratigraphy of the settlement contexts is unable
to support a precise chronological classification.
In conclusion, it is safe to say that the best parallels to the gold foil figures clearly are concentrated
in the first half and the middle of the 7th century. This does not mean, of course, that all examples
of this group can be dated to this interval. Simple, rather crudely fashioned figures, for instance, or
figures without beaded kaftan might well be earlier or later. Thus, the gold foil figures – despite their
clear links to the repoussé works of the Eastern Merovingian Empire – remain an independently
Nordic phenomenon.
LITERATURE
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bECK 1964: Heinrich bECK, Einige vendelzeitliche Bilddenkmäler und die literarische Überlieferung. Bayerische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Sitzungsberichte Jahrgang 1964, Heft 6
(München 1964).
böHNER 1968: Kurt böHNER , Beziehungen zwischen dem
Norden und dem Kontinent zur Merowingerzeit. In:
Sveagold und Wikingerschmuck. Ausstellung von Statens
historiska Museum Stockholm vom 12. Juli bis 15. Oktober 1968 im Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum
Mainz. RGZM Ausstellungskataloge 3 (Mainz 1968)
168–198.
böHNER 1976/77: Kurt böHNER, Die Reliefplatten von Hornhausen. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 23–24, 1976/77, 89–138.
b öHNER 1991: Kurt b öHNER , Die frühmittelalterlichen
Silberphaleren aus Eschwege (Hessen) und die nordischen Preßblechbilder. Mit einem Anhang von Dietrich
Ankner. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 38, 1991, 681–743.
b öHNER 1994: Kurt b öHNER , Die frühmittelalterlichen
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CINI /R ICCI 1979: Susanna CINI /Marco R ICCI, I longobardi
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ENGELS 2002: Christoph ENGELS , Obrigheim. In: Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 21 (Berlin, New
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FINGERLIN 1974: Gerhard FINGERLIN, Ein alamannisches
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GARSCHA 1939: Friedrich GARSCHA, Die Schwertscheide von
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Katalog zur Sonderausstellung im Alamannenmuseum
Ellwangen vom 16. September 2017 bis 8. April 2018.
Mit Texten von Andreas Gut, Martina Terp-Schunter,
Barbara Theune-Großkopf. Schriften des Alamannenmuseums Ellwangen 3 (Ellwangen 2017).
H AUCK 1957a: Karl H AUCK, Alemannische Denkmäler der
vorchristlichen Adelskultur. Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 16, 1957, 1–40.
H AUCK 1957b: Karl H AUCK, Germanische Bilddenkmäler
des früheren Mittelalters. Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift
für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 31/2,
1957, 349–379.
H AUCK 1978: Karl H AUCK , Bildforschung als historische
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figuralen Helmprogramme aus der Vendelzeit. In: Karl
Hauck/Hubert Mordek (ed.), Geschichtsschreibung und
geistiges Leben im Mittelalter. Festschrift für Heinz
Löwe zum 65. Geburtstag (Köln, Wien 1978) 27–70.
H AUCK 1981: Karl H AUCK , Die bildliche Wiedergabe von
Götter- und Heldenwaffen im Norden seit der Völkerwanderungszeit (Zur Ikonologie der Goldbrakteaten,
XVIII). In: Ruth Schmidt-Wiegand (ed.), Wörter und
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168–269.
HAUCK 1987: Karl HAUCK, Die religionsgeographische Zweiteilung des frühmittelalterlichen Europas im Spiegel der
Bilder seiner Gottheiten. Fornvännen 82, 1987, 161–183.
H EIZMANN /O EHRL 2015: Wilhelm H EIZMANN /Sigmund
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H ELMbRECHT 2007–2008: Michaela H ELMbRECHT, Figures
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Dr. Michaela Helmbrecht
Landsberger Str. 217
80687 Munich
Germany
[email protected]
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