Prologue
Natasha Lushetich
Politics can only be traced as a spiral transgression, as that difference that
disorients the very idea of the limit.1
Today’s global semiocapitalism—a recombinant machine that deracinates
knowledge and habit and floods the nervous system with information deluge2—is coated in smooth aesthetics. The aesthetics of uninterrupted connectivity, of shiny Macs and iPhones, of Brasilian depilation that erases the
difference between actual and virtual bodies, of transglobal food, fashion and
telecommunication chains that make landing in Paris, New York or Taipei
into a relatively undifferentiated experience3; finally, the aesthetics of big
data working imperceptibly in the background integrating financial, medical and consumer records into a new (digital) class that segregates (human)
‘trash’ from ‘stars’4.
In such a universe, death has a bad name. It is avoided, devalued or it
returns to the scene in an overbidding gesture5 of cataclysmic destruction. In
the Western world, unspectacular death does, of course, have a long history
of exclusion from the public domain. Not only do the majority of natural
deaths occur in hospitals where the fiction of a likely recovery is maintained until the very end, but the deceased are often shown to family only
after they have been shaven, coiffured, dressed and made up to appear as if
asleep. In a society preoccupied with accelerated accumulation and rampageous consumption, death has no value as it can be neither accumulated nor
consumed. Worse still, death is that final consumption that puts an end to all
possibilities of ‘having fun’. Consequently, the dead and the dying are seen
as a class of the ‘less fortunate’ and any association with them is regarded
as best kept to a minimum. In recent years, the obstinate denial of death has
1
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been punctured by the so-called senseless violence—mass murder and suicide—conveniently attributed to individual psychopathy rather than seen for
what it is: infested, putrid social tissue, a horrifying yet utterly ineffectual
attempt to ‘trump’6 systemic biosocial violence in a gesture imitative of the
avant-garde shock tactics that propelled experimental composer Karlheinz
Stockhausen to dub the terrorist attacks of 9/11 ‘a work of art’7. (It’s important to mention that Stockhausen doesn’t exonerate killing, only draws
attention to the long history of destructive gestures in art that operate in the
manner of the speech act8.)
At the heart of these outrageous yet, it would appear, unstoppable tendencies, is endemic necropolitics in Achille Mbembe’s dual sense of the word:
necropolitics as the expression of sovereignty that resides in the power to
‘dictate who may live and who must die’9, and necropolitics as the ‘generalized instrumentalization of human existence’ and ‘material destruction of
bodies and populations’10. Rooted in Michel Foucault’s biopower11 and in
Giorgio Agamben’s (Schmittian) state of exception—which initially referred
to the concentration camp’s suspension of law12 but has, since then, come
to stand for engineered crisis—necropolitics shapes the conditions ‘for the
acceptability of putting to death’13. By extension, it also shapes the conditions for the acceptability of ubiquitous exploitation and denigration. This
phenomenon or, rather, process can be observed in many domains: in the
grand-scale destruction of the earth’s ecosystems, in the overt and covert
forms of genocide (the co-called refugee crisis), in the feeding of dead poultry
to genetically modified legless pigs, or in the more recent ‘ecological’ inventions such as biocremation, in which human remains are used to produce heat
for leisure centres14. Given that necri-fice (sacrifice without sanctity) is built
into the first principle of capitalism—the subjection of one thing to another
with the speculative aim of producing some future ‘value’—it comes as no
surprise that in the age of ‘absolute capitalism’15, necropolitical tendencies
have ramified and intensified. The problem, however, is that the increasingly
automated, logic-locked conduits of exploitation and denigration—in short,
conduits that lead to irreparable destruction, systemic violence and devalued
death—also function as a discursive and sensorial loop that produces hopelessness and devalues death and, by implication, also life.
This volume is an attempt to think necropolitics otherwise, as an emergent
practice that operates in and through interpersonal synchronisation16, existential refrains17, asignifying semiotics18, in infospheric, atomised time19. In order
to move beyond the notion of necropolitics as a logic- and sequence-locked
destiny, contributors to this volume chart the sensorial-affective cartography
of temporal, spatial, embodied, embedded, affectively, culturally and scien-
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tifically transmitted memes and ideologies. Using divergent methodologies,
such as exegesis, ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, auto-ethnography and
peripatetic decolonial knowledge production, they identify resistive potential
in the manner of the judo throw. The judo throw is a martial arts move that
does not oppose or block the opponent’s attack, nor does it launch a counterattack. Instead, it uses the impetus of the opponent’s attack to redirect its
force. Like the spiral transgression Mbembe speaks of, it is an oblique and
iterative rather than a frontal tactic aimed at destabilising existing positions
and well-rehearsed moves.
THE SENSORIAL AND TEMPORAL,
LESS-THAN-CONSCIOUS POLITICAL
Invariably, the political is both a residue of past practices and relations and
an emergent phenomenon. To borrow from Claude Lefort, it is ‘the mise
en forme of human coexistence’20 that includes conscious, unconscious
and purposefully ignored regions of being, seeing and doing. It is therefore
necessary to situate the political at the threshold of perceptibility and knowability, in spatial, temporal and sensorial terms. Arguing against the conception of politics as the (more or less consensual) governance of the commons,
Jacques Rancière foregrounds that which precedes consensus: precognitive
attunement to rhythm and patterns, shared space and time, divergent perceptual habits, affect and the correspondingly divergent ideas about what
constitutes the commons. The difference here is one between sound heard
and understood as speech and sound registered as mere ‘noise’21. Lurking in
the background of Rancière’s aesthetic conceptualisation of politics is Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s notion of perception as action22, further developed by
many phenomenologists23 as well as artists such as George Brecht, for whom
every perception is an active arrangement, in spatial and temporal terms24.
Perception partitions; it includes and excludes, organises and delimits. It
lends duration to a thing or an occurrence; it engages in its development,
or it does not. Although partially culturally formatted by a culture’s ‘phenomenological vector’, which organises ambiguous perceptual possibilities
into what is experienced as uncontestable physical phenomena—surfaces,
images and sounds25—perception is also increasingly shaped in and by the
infosphere. Consisting of perpetual communication, cultural production,
symbolic and affective regimes, the infosphere configures the grids of sociopolitical possibility by recoding spatial, temporal and corporeal parameters
and by modifying (our understanding of) attention, memory, care, support,
empathy and value.
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Natasha Lushetich
As Byung-Chul Han suggests, in the informational age, time is fragmented
not because it is accelerated; rather, time appears accelerated because things
and objects have become disposable26. Designed to last a year or two at best,
they are no longer repositories of memory; instead, they recede from the
world and from human experience with speed and indifference. While mythical (preindustrial) time was, for Han, anchored in the figure of god and, for
this reason, immobile—it resembled an image—historical (industrial) time
was anchored in the figure of the human being; it resembled a running line.
Digital (postindustrial) time, which resembles vacillating points, is anchored
in the algorithm but has no gravity27. It is unhinged. Uprooted now-moments
vacillate without a direction, or they are strung into interminable yet empty
durations that create a sense of provisionality, unfinished-ness and thus also
diminished importance. This problem, which is a problem of value, places an
enormous emphasis on the temporal, actual-virtual domain of the imperceptible, on the less-than-conscious working of the senses as well as on memory,
which, arguably, is a meta-sense—the sense of all senses. In the informational
age, learning and memory are entwined with technical objects (the computer,
the mobile phone, the camera), which function as a perceptual-mnesic motorway of sorts. As Bernard Stiegler notes, new generations are socialised into
a world in which ways of seeing, being, experiencing and memorising are
already grammatised. Grammatisation here doesn’t refer to the articulation of
the sensible only but also to the isolation and automatic reproduction of the
producers’ gestures28, that is, to the mise en forme of possibility. It overwrites
perception by means of a technocultural practice, which, in turn, overwrites
the ‘affective activity of the nervous system’29.
The inseparability of atomised time, technical objects, mnesic networks
and the nervous system are the reasons why the political cannot be thought
as separate from the interplay of perceptibility and imperceptibility, spatiotemporal and medial dynamics. ‘Process-based’ accounts of ‘co-action’, of
coexistence in time, such as those discussed by John Protevi, that do not focus
solely on communication as speech or on information as a message but foreground body postures, conversational rhythms, signals and patterns that trigger interpersonal and group ‘impulses’ and that can, for this reason, be seen
as forms of entrainment30 cannot be overestimated. The role of temporality is
crucial in this context not only because, as humans, we are profoundly temporal but also because in the deterritorialised and deterritorialising universe of
global capital, technical objects incessantly proliferate new forms of entrainment by incessantly proliferating new existential refrains. In his prescient,
McLuhanesque31 theorisation of human-machine assemblages, Félix Guattari
suggests that an existential refrain couples ‘heterogeneous leitmotifs to the
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Prologue
5
existential territory of the self’ and installs itself within the ‘sensible and
significational chaos’ like a ‘strange attractor’32. Suffice it to think of everyday refrains such as checking one’s mobile devices for messages every five
minutes or of the phantom phone vibration33 to understand the extent to which
these new biosocial patterns choreograph relations. Significantly, they bypass
consciousness. They do not communicate representations to the conscious
mind but, instead, operate through asignifying semiotics—languages that act
directly on the nervous system34. Aided by digital ‘diagrams’35, existential
refrains channel flows in a way similar to Bentham’s panopticon, in which
the incarcerated’s behaviour is spatially and temporally orchestrated through
the interplay of visibility and invisibility embedded in the architecture and independent of human agency (a particular prison guard’s intentions, views of
or attitudes to surveillance). When combined with aggressive financialisation
and precarity, grammatisation and existential refraining (which, according to
Stiegler, lead to ‘affective and cognitive proletarisation’36) make precognitive
perception of phenomena—or aesthesis—into an urgent political concern.
THE IMPASSE OF THE ‘BREAK OR
MEND’ AESTHETIC NARRATIVES
Unsurprisingly, ‘agentless’ biosocial violence and systemic denigration have
created a sense of enclosure, even hopelessness, which has, in turn, given
rise to two dominant aesthetic accounts. The first rationalises the breakdown
of perceptual orders and symbolic universes. In this category we find Paul
Virilio’s aesthetics of disappearance that focuses on the epileptic state of consciousness produced by speed—gaps, glitches and speed bumps37—Eldritch
Priest’s aesthetics of failure, which foregrounds boredom and formlessness
produced by the overload of sensory information38, and Kieran Cashell’s
transgressive aesthetics that reformulates (neo)avant-gardist practices reliant on affective deterritorialisation and cognitive disorientation39. Since the
1960s, and concomitantly with the progressive invisibilisation of control
mechanisms increasingly immanent to the social field (and therefore increasingly difficult to identify and discuss40), there has been a veritable boom of
staged pain, suffering and abjection. Between 1960 and 1990 the work of
many ‘abject’ artists made a significant contribution to identity politics41. But
we have to ask ourselves whether staging transgression of a visceral kind in a
universe in which visceral transgression is the norm—and here I’m thinking
of the run-of-the-mill online profiles that combine images of well-groomed
individuals with the images of discharging vast amounts of urine, or similar,
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Natasha Lushetich
in a drunken state42—has any politically transgressive potential. Even artists
who once articulated invisible violence with astounding poignancy, for example, Paul McCarthy in his 1970s orgies with urine, blood, ketchup, mayonnaise and excrement, are now resorting to more tongue-in-cheek references to
their formerly radical work such as dropping giant inflatable plastic poop on
cities with serious pollution problems, like Hong Kong43.
The second aesthetic account, rooted mostly in H. G. Gadamer’s dialogic
hermeneutic tradition, acknowledges the erosion of sociality, the increasing
economic injustice and pervasive biodigital violence and proposes a remedy.
In this category we find Nicolas Bourriaud’s relational aesthetics44, which
seeks to remedy social fragmentation produced by neoliberal precarisation
and market fundamentalism, found in such works as Carsten Höller’s giant slides that cue ludic sociality in an attempt to (re)create a temporary
community45. Grant Kester is even more adamant about the need to engage
participants in social utopias. Arguing vehemently against the shock tactics
exemplified by the work of the abject artists who continue to stage (what is
seen as) blasphemy, incest, deformity and disgust, Kester claims that such
symbolic order–annihilating works do nothing but cut even deeper into the
already damaged clinamen and destroy all hope of a hermeneutic community,
coordinated action or, in fact, all hope tout court. For Kester, such works
make viewers ‘viscerally aware of their own complicity in an oppressive
specular economy’ which only adds ‘both to social and symbolic oppression’46. Consequently, Kester advocates projects that defy the erosion of the
social by engaging the haptic and the visceral and by facilitating the process
of collaborative interaction and ameliorative co-creation. But doesn’t this
take us back to consensual politics and the unwavering faith in human rationality, only more attuned to the demands of emotional capitalism?
Bypassing the hegemony of the ‘break or mend’ aesthetic narratives, this
volume’s chapters focus on specific aesthetic and pre-aesthetic dimensions
that are spirally, not frontally, political: the emptied image, the folding of
the past in the present, the incompatibility of global contemporaneity and the
outdated notions of autonomy, sensorial saturation, scientific and semantic
overdetermination, the aesthetics of annihilation narratives, indeterminacy,
other-species proximity and embodied encounters with the environmentally
embedded abuse and humiliation. Instead of formulating a political aesthetic—or defending the aesthetic space as autonomous, a gesture appropriate in, say, Herbert Marcuse’s time47, but one decidedly out of place in the
accelerated semiocapitalist infosphere in which art, technology, science and
politics all form part of a variegated topography—the authors gathered in this
volume articulate a necropolitical aesthetic as a political space.
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Prologue
7
THE STRUCTURE AND ORGANISATION
OF THIS VOLUME
This volume is divided into three sections, each of which serves a different purpose. The first—‘Sedimentations: Race and Gender’—examines the
inherited ‘conditions’ that create the ‘acceptability for putting to death’
and denigration48. The three chapters in this section make transparent the
formation, continuation and, in some cases, perverse sophistication of past
necropolitical practices, while engaging critically with their normalisation. In
FKDSWHUµ:KDW,VWKH$HVWKHWLFVRI1HFURSROLWLFV"¶0DULQD*UåLQLüWUDFHV
the historical progression from biopolitics to necropolitics. Through a crosstemporal reading of Hortense J. Spillers, Michel Foucault, Étienne Balibar
and Achille Mbembe, she identifies strategies of racial, gender and, more
generally, identitarian entrapment that are as violent as colonial subjugation.
In a single blow, these strategies imprison European citizens (third- or fourthgeneration descendants of immigrants from former European colonies) in a
foreign identity, much like they blame the supposedly ‘historically dysfuncWLRQDO¶EODFNIDPLO\RQWKHIHPDOHOLQH.H\WR*UåLQLü¶VFRQFHSWXDOLVDWLRQRI
necroaesthetics is the simultaneous invisibility and overvisibility of the image—or the emptied image—which articulates a spectrum of imperceptibility
reliant on amnesia and aphasia.
In chapter 2, ‘Get Out: From Atlantic Slavery to Black Lives Matter’,
Sarah Juliet Lauro offers a reading of Jordan Peele’s 2016 fantastical film
about body snatching (Peele refers to the film as ‘a documentary’) to accentuate the similarity between Atlantic slavery and the lives of African Americans
in the United States today. Engaging with the metaphor of social death and
drawing comparisons with the Domingue slave revolt and the figure of the
zombie, Lauro reassesses the Hegelian master-slave dialectic in light of Alexandre Kojève’s, Paul Gilroy’s and Achille Mbembe’s arguments. Relying on
Ian Baucom’s concept of temporal accumulation, she proposes a broadened
spectrum of resistance that death, killing and suicide provide.
In chapter 3, ‘Aesthetic Autonomy at the Border: Notes on Necro-Art’,
Verónica Tello analyses the legacy of artistic autonomy as an outdated phenomenon that continues to plague institutent practice, such as the Silent University (SU). Pointing to the fact that the utopistic nature of the project (which
foregrounds the knowledge of refugees) depends on a practice that, although
operative in the social realm in the manner of Joseph Beuys’s social sculpture49, remains indebted to the modernist idea of the artist as genius creator,
Tello analyses the division of labour. Separating the transformatory work of
SU’s initiator and the ‘banal’ work of the (mostly female) administrators and
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Natasha Lushetich
coordinators, the SU, argues Tello, produces necro-art. Through a reading
of postautonomy, based on feminist conceptual art and on theories of contemporaneity, she proposes that the concept-practice of maintenance replace
outdated inaugurative gestures, as maintenance relies on low-key constancy
and a distributed concept of autonomy that is far more attuned to the (uneven)
global contemporaneity.
The second part of the volume—‘Abstractions: Technological, Financial,
Cultural, Scientific’—takes stock of the multiple processes of repartitioning
the sensible via the various mechanisms of abstraction. This section accentuates emergent directions sprouting from the various abstracting mechanisms
and focuses on the reorganisation of epistemic practices as well as on the
resistive potential always already present in scientific procedures. Part II
opens with Franco Berardi’s ‘Inside the Corpse of Abstraction’, in which he
discusses the entwined problematics of financialisation, technology and capitalist immortality (immortality achieved through the virtual transubstantiation
of capital), which, in reality, is no more than dead labour, however dead labour that has usurped life and is now turning all its segments into automated
(necrotic) abstraction. Focusing on issues as diverse as Narendra Modi’s
proposed demonetarisation, Trumpism, the return of American colonialism,
and the increasingly present semiocapitalistically induced lack of empathy,
Berardi diagnoses the current condition as one of global civil war in which
aggressive identity politics is back as a form of forceful reterritorialisation,
a revenge for the violent, unceasing deterritorialision of work, culture and,
more broadly, life.
The following chapter, Jens Hauser’s ‘Greenness: Sketching the Limits of
a Normative Fetish’, develops a comprehensive analysis of the threefold trope
‘green-greenness-greening’ as a cultural and scientific fetish against whose
symbolic value noxious environmental practices are ratified. The abstracted
necropolitical line Hauser takes is less visible than the phenomena discussed
by Berardi; however it is no less important. Employing a media-theoretical
approach, Hauser deconstructs the pervasiveness of the ‘green’ metaphor
and traces its technoscientific and art-historical roots while simultaneously
articulating the absurd human need for reassurance through the conceptual
construction of ‘natural’ otherness, regardless of the widespread (human and
environmental) death and destruction resulting from programmed obsoleteness (of tools and apparata). For Hauser, what is needed is a reorganisation
of epistemic practices to foreground the relationship between modelling
technologies, measuring systems, media-specific technicity and the (human)
thresholds of perception. In chapter 6, ‘Desire, DNA, and Transgenetic Technology: Life after Necropolitics’, Mi You presents an insightful analysis of
scientific overdetermination and the necropolitical entanglement of capital-
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ism and life, not as a force to be extracted from living human beings through
labour but as a biotechnological product. Using two artistic practices, Paul
Vanouse’s and Lucie Spiess and Klaus Strecker’s, You shows how Gilles Deleuze’s notion of capitalist desire for desire permeates biotechnological necropolitics—the power to redesign, discontinue or annihilate—that concerns
both the patenting of genetic data and the subjection of the so-called healthy
bodies to medical monitoring. Pointing to the seemingly inescapable loop in
which genetic-specific medication remains tied to large-scale diagnostic testing, which turns products, such as pills, and testing technologies back into
information—databases, test results, marketing and media campaigns—You
formulates a subversive strategy of inorganic becoming based on Luciana
Parisi’s concept of abstract sex.
Although all three sections ponder strategies of resistance, the third
section—‘Tactics: Detourning the Limit, Overbidding, Mourning’—is concerned with the formulation of tactics at the limit of the necropolitical
horizon, the digital unconscious, indeterminacy and loss. The first chapter
in this section, Critical Art Ensemble’s (CAE) ‘Necropolitics and the Dark
Comedy of the Posthuman’, examines posthuman scenarios associated with
technoromanticism and technofatalism. Scrutinising cyborgs, transhumanists,
green posthumans and their various scenarios for overcoming the unfortunate
human condition, the CAE analyse existing proposals for mass extermination,
such as those put forth by E. O. Wilson and Lierre Keith. Reappropriating the
gesture of deliberative politics, they suggest that since the death of several
billion people is what seems to be needed for the continuation of life on the
planet, an open and democratic debate about who may live and who must die
should be staged as a matter of urgency.
In ‘Dirty Your Media: Artists’ Experiments in Bio-Sovereignty’, Tiffany
Funk examines the integrated problematics of big data, medical and police
surveillance and tracking. Analysing artistic-activist practices that focus on
social and ethical problems inherent in the fact that medical and criminal
records are shared across governmental agencies, she foregrounds the work
of glitch and dirty new media artists who employ indeterminacy to detourn
necropolitical operations that stigmatise individuals as criminal, ill or uninsurable. Discussing such practices as obfuscation and Trackmenot plugins created
by Helen Nissenbaum et al., plugins that, in a gesture of overbidding, bombard
tracking programmes with an overload of information, Funk argues against the
foreclosure of the future. Despite the fact that big data predicts human behaviour and thus, arguably, confiscates the future, Funk’s focus on the zone of
imperceptibility, usually referred to as the ‘digital unconscious’, makes clear
that resistance is not impossible, only that it has relocated to a different realm:
the infosphere. In chapter 10, ‘Intimacy, Ignorance and Mourning in Iowa Hog
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Natasha Lushetich
Confinement’, Malin Palani offers an auto-ethnographic account of caring for
an injured pig. Analysing the confluence of entrepreneurism, the corporate
tactics of evasion and cultivated agnotology in light of Foucault’s biosecurity
and Rancièrian blind spots, she arrives at an affirmative tactics of death care.
Anchored in mourning—not as a state to be rid of but as a process grounded
in the materiality of existence—Palani argues for the need to restore dignity
and faith to, within and around death. This is not a weak strategy of acceptance
but a form of articulating the full cycle of composition, decomposition and recomposition that is life-death. In the epilogue, ‘Archipelagoes of the Unseen’,
May Joseph brings the multiple violent pasts of New York, a city often associated with what Berardi has termed the ‘global civil war’, triggered by 9/11,
into the present moment. Using a decolonial methodology of reenvisioning
what lies below the surface of ecological meaning, she roams the forty islands
that shape the New York archipelago listening to ‘quiet soundings’, a form of
ontological excavation of the erased (yet resurrectable) spaces of possibility,
and a form of attunement to the longue durée of death. Death as a dimension
of ‘being otherwise’ that needs to be valued and honoured as such.
NOTES
1. Achille Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, trans. Libby Meintjes, Public Culture 15,
no. 1 (Winter 2003): 16.
2. Franco Berardi, Heroes: Mass Murder and Suicide (London: Verso Books,
2015), 68.
3. Byung-Chul Han, Sauvons le Beau: L’esthétique à l’ère numérique (Paris:
Actes Sud, 2016), 9–10.
4. Byung-Chul Han, Psychopolitics: Neoliberalism and New Technologies of
Power, trans. Erik Butler (London and New York: Verso, 2017), 65.
5. Overbidding, which refers to raising the stakes higher than the system can endure, is a concept first introduced by Jean Baudrillard in The Illusion of the End, trans.
Chris Turner (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994).
6. It is, of course, ironic that in the age of perpetual stake-raising, in the vortex
of abstraction that is the financial world, and overbidding in the form of terrorism
or mass murder, the name of the president of the United States is (Donald) Trump.
7. See Anthony Tommasini, ‘Music; The Devil Made him Do It’, New York Times,
30 September 2001, http://www.nytimes.com/2001/09/30/arts/music-the-devil-made
-him-do-it.html (accessed 22 December 2017).
8. Many radical performance art practices—the Viennese Actionists, Gina Paine,
Carolee Schneemann, Paul McCarthy, ORLAN or, more recently, Michael Landy—
used blood, semen, urine, excrement, self-inflicted pain and the destruction of material objects as a performative statement against the absence of the lived body from
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social systems, the glossing of pain and misery, the suppression of nondominant
knowledges, such as female knowledge, and against aggressive consumption.
9. Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, 11.
10. Ibid., 14.
11. Michel Foucault, ‘Society Must Be Defended,’ in Lectures at the College de
France 1975–76, ed. Mauro Bertani and Alessandro Fontana, trans. David Macey
(New York: Picador, 2003), 255.
12. See Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans.
Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 168–70.
13. Michel Foucault, quoted in Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, 17.
14. See Hannah Rumble et al., ‘Disposal or Dispersal? Environmentalism and
Final Treatment of the British Dead’, Mortality 19, no. 3 (2014): 243–60.
15. Berardi, Heroes, 87.
16. See John Protevi, ‘Political Emotion,’ in Collective Emotions, ed. Christian
von Scheve and Miko Selmela (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), http://www
.protevi.com/john/PoliticalEmotionOUP2014.pdf, 3.
17. Félix Guattari, Chaosmosis, trans. Paul Bains and Julian Pefanis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 17–19.
18. Maurizio Lazarrato, Signs and Machines: Capitalism and the Production of
Subjectivity, trans. J. D. Jordan (Amsterdam: Semiotext(e), 2014), 80.
19. Byung-Chul Han, Le Parfum de temps (Paris: Edition Circé, 2016), 17–23.
20. Claude Lefort, quoted in Chantal Mouffe, ‘Artistic Activism and Agonistic
Spaces’, Art & Research 1, no. 2 (2007): 4, http://www.artandresearch.org.uk/v1n2/
mouffe.html.
21. Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy, trans. Julie Rose
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 29.
22. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, The Primacy of Perception, trans. J. M. Edie (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1964), 162–63.
23. See, for example, Alphonso Lingis, Sensation: Intelligibility in Sensibility
(New York: Humanity Books), 1996.
24. See Natasha Lushetich, Fluxus: The Practice of Non-Duality (Amsterdam and
New York, 2014), 41–52.
25. Drew Leder, The Absent Body (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1990), 150.
26. Han, Le Parfum, 17.
27. Ibid., 22–23.
28. Bernard Stiegler, For a New Critique of Political Economy, trans. Daniel Ross
(Cambridge: Polity, 2010), 33.
29. Ibid.
30. Protevi, ‘Political Emotion’, 3.
31. For Marshall McLuhan, the medium is the message. It is not what we are
watching on TV that matters—the news, a children show or a football match—but the
fact we are receiving televised information passively. See Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964).
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Natasha Lushetich
32. Guattari, Chaosmosis, 17.
33. The phantom vibration syndrome refers to the mobile phone user’s experience
of vibration or, more precisely, his or her hallucination of vibration when the mobile
phone is, in fact, not vibrating at all. As two separate groups of researchers have
shown, one reason for the high percentage of such hallucinations (70 to 90 percent) is
stress. The other is the close proximity of the phone—usually carried in the pocket or
in a handbag—and the nervous system. See Michelle Drouin et al., ‘Phantom Vibrations among Undergraduates: Prevalence and Associated Psychological Characteristics’, Computers in Human Behavior 28 (2012): 1490–96.
34. Lazarrato, Signs and Machines, 80.
35. Lazzarato borrows this notion from Gilles Deleuze’s reading of Michel
Foucault’s theoristation of nondiscursive power, found in such technologies as the
panopticon. See Gilles Deleuze, Foucault (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 2004), 78–81.
36. Stiegler, For a New Critique, 30.
37. See Paul Virilio, The Aesthetics of Disappearance, trans. Philip Beitchman
(Los Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2009).
38. See Eldritch Priest, Boring Formless Nonsense: Experimental Music and the
Aesthetics of Failure (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013)
39. See Kieran Cashell, Aftershock: The Ethics of Contemporary Transgressive
Art (London: I. B. Tauris and Co., Ltd., 2009).
40. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 23.
41. Abject art is a form of public outrage at the diffuse yet palpable effect of the
increasingly invisible violence, perpetuated by all sorts of consumerist, class, and
gender interpellations. Prominent examples are Paul McCarthy, Kiki Smith and Andreas Serrano, among others. For a discussion of abject art, see Hal Foster, The Return
of the Real (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press).
42. For more information, see Natasha Lushetich, ‘The Performative Constitution
of Liberal Totalitarianism on Facebook’, in æLçHN DQG 3HUIRUPDQFH, ed. Broderick
Chow and Alex Mangold (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2014), 101–5.
43. The reference here is to Paul McCarthy’s 1974 performance Hot Dog and
video work Tubbing and his 2013 mixed media work Complex Pile.
44. See Nicolas Bourriaud, Relational Aesthetics (Paris: Les Presses du Réel,
2002).
45. This is a reference to Carsten Höller’s 2006 Test Site, made for Tate Modern,
London.
46. Grant Kester, The One and the Many: Collaborative Art in a Global Context
(Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 62.
47. In 1979 Herbert Marcuse argued the following: ‘The truth of art lies in this:
that the world really is as it appears in the work of art . . . the political potential of art
lies only in its own aesthetic dimension’. Herbert Marcuse, The Aesthetic Dimension,
trans. Erica Sherover (London: Penguin Random House, 1979), xii.
48. Michel Foucault, quoted in Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, 17.
49. For Joseph Beuys, social sculpting was a socio-aesthetic practice aimed at
transforming society through interdisciplinary multilogue, relationality and co-action.
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Prologue
13
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Natasha Lushetich
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