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Knowing Emotions: Truthfulness and
Recognition in Affective Experience
Rick Anthony Furtak, Knowing
Emotions: Truthfulness and
Recognition in Affective Experience,
Oxford University Press, 2018, 248pp.,
$74.00 (hbk), ISBN 9780190492045.
Reviewed by Talia Morag, Deakin University
2019.06.07
Rick Anthony Furtak presents a coherent and
consistent "cognitive" view of emotions, whereby emotions are intentional
and embodied states of mind, which give us epistemic access to aspects of
the world that bear on our cares and concerns, thereby also enabling selfknowledge of what is significant to us. His book enjoys a density and
breadth of references and influences. It is scientifically informed and upto-date with the latest philosophical literature just as much as it is
grounded in the history of philosophy, fruitfully engaging with both
Anglo-American philosophy and Continental philosophy, in particular
phenomenology and existentialism.
Furtak begins by opposing the "cognitive" theories of emotions, which
argue that emotions are intentional and provide us information on what
they are about, with feeling theories that give more weight to their somatic
aspect. He claims that a theory of emotion need not prioritize one aspect
over another but should accommodate both (a claim I shall cast some
doubt on below). He acknowledges that not all theories neatly fit in those
two groups (e.g. Ben-Ze'ev 2017), but his aim is to provide a theory that
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integrates cognition and feeling rather than merely combining them in a
"hybrid" account. Part I is dedicated to articulating the view that emotions
inform us about the world through our (somatic) feelings.
Furtak criticizes the tendency of philosophers to suppose that
neuroscience has decided, or at least can decide, between those two
approaches. Non-cognitivists often cite Joseph LeDoux's studies (1996),
which, supposedly, show conclusively that there are two distinct routes in
the brain that can cause fear -- one that involves the neocortex, and
another that involves subcortical pathways. Since cognition is associated
with cortical brain activity, non-cognitivists about emotions turn to these
studies to claim that at least some if not all emotions are non-cognitive.
Furtak shows, however, that the interpretation of these and other studies
is still a matter of debate in the neuroscientific literature. This is an
interesting fact, but Furtak's philosophical point is more compelling,
namely that even if we could identify such distinct brain processes, we
would still be at pains to claim that one is "cognitive" and the other
"affective", since such an identification depends on our method of
individuation of brain processes. This, in turn, depends on our conceptual
understanding of emotions, which ultimately refers to self-reports about
somatic feelings (and I would add observable behaviours) and the
situational contexts of their occurrence, rather than to brain images (see
also Nussbaum 2004) -- matters that allow for a plurality of
interpretations.
It is disappointing, then, that Furtak does not abide by his own
recommendation to avoid strong interpretations underdetermined by the
data. He takes phenomenological arguments, which effectively rely on
self-reports, about the involvement of both beliefs about the world and
somatic feelings to indicate that cognition and affect "must" be
intertwined (47). Must they? Why must fear be interpreted as "a felt
apprehension of danger" (52); couldn't it just be an affect that is caused by
something dangerous? -- and by "affect" I include not only embodied
sensations but also action tendencies that are felt both physically and
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psychologically (Deonna and Teroni 2012), namely the motivational
aspect of emotions -- something that Furtak hardly mentions. A cognitive
theory hypothesizes one state with two aspects (affective and cognitive),
and a feeling theory hypothesizes two states that are causally connected -one cognitive and another affective, the latter being the affective core of
what we normally call an "emotion". In fact, if we take the causal
alternative over the constitutive one, then we need not say that emotions
(or, rather, their affective cores) are intentional at all. They can be caused
by an object in the environment, making it salient, without being "about"
that object (Whiting 2011). We are told without argument that the
alternative causal approach (versions of which can be found in, e.g., Prinz
2004; Harré 2009) is mistaken (47, 67). That we "must" interpret the data
in terms of cognitive-affective intertwinement is never explained in the
book, nor is it needed. It is already good news for cognitivism that the
scientific and phenomenological data that Furtak considers does not
contradict it.
This is only one "must" out of many that appear in the book where there is
actually freedom of interpretation. Another prime example is Futrak's
denial Part II, of "recalcitrant emotions", those emotions that persist
despite the subject's own judgment against them (e.g., fear of a spider one
judges to be harmless). The phenomenon has been traditionally taken to
challenge the idea that emotions are rational (e.g., Brady 2009). But
Furtak insists that such emotions show we are in an ambivalent state
neither fully believing nor fully not-believing. If an emotion contradicts
our avowed belief, he says, then we can conclude that there is something
defective about this avowed belief. We are somehow not fully convinced of
it and our misleadingly-called "recalcitrant" emotion reveals our wavering.
Feeling and wholehearted belief go hand in hand, he claims, and we do
not properly know anything without having our beliefs and feelings
aligned.
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That emotions are rational in this way, and that their divergence from our
avowals indicates a state of in-between believing, is a possible
interpretative route, familiar from discussions of implicit bias
(Schwitzgebel 2010) -- which, as we can see in Furtak's examples, is a
prime example of "recalcitrant" emotions. Furtak's interpretation of
recalcitrance depends on construing the data in a certain theoreticallymotivated way. The irrationalist or non-rationalist about emotions will
take people's avowals that conflict with their emotions seriously and
regard their plight when their emotion fails to subside as a riddle to be
explained. Alternatively, the rationalist will see avowals that do not align
with the appropriate feeling as defective, and the apparent confusion as
bad faith. But why is the rationalist interpretation "more accurate" (62)?
This claim is not argued for and is needlessly strong. All that Furtak is
entitled to is that rationalism is a possible interpretative schema.
What follows from Furtak's claims is the cognitive view he endorses. To
reconstruct or revise his argument: IF we only know something fully (e.g.,
that a loved-one died and how much that person means to us) when we
experience the appropriate feeling (e.g., grief), IF the feeling aspect of
emotions provides an apprehension of what various facts mean for us, a
significance that would otherwise be inaccessible to us, THEN we can say
that feelings are intentional, and that emotions track what Lazarus calls
"core-relational themes". On such an account, emotions alert us to what is
dangerous to us, or a loss for us, and (in general) what is significant to us.
And this disclosure of aspects of the environment can be true or false. The
conditional in my formulation above, however, is missing from the
unnecessarily dogmatic formulations one can find in the book, its "musts"
and "oughts" and "shoulds".
The idea that our avowals are wholehearted only when accompanied by
the respective feeling also serves to reconstrue other familiar ordinary
experiences, besides recalcitrance, where belief and emotion fail to align.
A well-known challenge to this kind of rational cognitivism is what we can
call the Emotionality Problem, traditionally posed for "judgmentalism"
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about emotions: if emotions are judgments, then how do we explain
occasions where we judge that we have been wronged, say, but fail to be
angry? As I have shown elsewhere (Morag 2016), the Emotionality
Problem haunts all contemporary views of emotions which are invariably
tracking views: if emotions track core-relational themes, then how do we
explain occasions where we track dangers or losses but do not experience
fear or grief? Furtak's answer is that these cases show that there is
something defective about our tracking on these occasions. We actually
have not univocally tracked those dangers and losses.
In the final part of the book, Furtak declares that in order to have
emotional episodes, we must have background cares and concerns, which
dispose us to emote in certain ways in certain circumstances. He calls it
"the emotional a-priori". His articulation of this notion is indebted mainly
to Scheler (also to Merleau-Ponty, Heidegger, and Kierkegaard). This is a
felt dispositional background, since Furtak takes cares and concerns, loves
and interests, to be long-standing and less conspicuous emotions. He
turns to cases of people who experience "a general diminishment of
emotional feeling" (119) and report seeing the world as unreal, strange, or
artificial -- as evidence for the existence of the emotional a priori. But,
once again, must we assume such an affective background of dispositions
to emote as the condition of the possibility of emotions? We could, so it
seems to me, conceive of emotions without it. We could see our cares and
concerns as synoptic judgments that retroactively summarize or
generalize over our history of emotional reactions rather than as
generating these reactions (see an analogous argument against traits as
dispositions that generate behaviour in Carruthers 2013). The uncanny
character of reality experienced by people suffering from diminished affect
could just be the strangeness of a life that stopped moving them
emotionally. So I am not convinced we must interpret the data as
demonstrating the kind of dispositions that Futrak and others envision
(e.g., Roberts 1988).
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Although the emotional a priori is a metaphysicalization of the familiar
idea of care-dispositions as generating emotions, Furtak gives an
unfamiliar and welcome emphasis to love, one that is often lacking from
the philosophy of emotion. His discussion of love puts an interesting twist
on his cognitive view. Since love is characterized by particularity and
idiosyncrasy, that is, since each of us loves different people, ideas and
things, loving them in our own way, then our loves make salient different
aspects of people and things. Our emotional a priori, our attunement to
what is significant to us, comprises our particular and idiosyncratic
perspective on reality -- a perspective that is nevertheless objective,
insofar as it perceives significances that are there to be perceived. Our
emotions, according to this cognitive view, then, reveal different aspects of
objective reality to different people and at the same time they also disclose
our own distinctive values and sensibilities. For this love-centered view to
count as cognitive, love cannot be a delusion or the result of "projections,"
whereby our perspective distorts or misconstrues reality. If love provides
the conditions of the possibility of a tracking view, whereby emotions alert
us to significant core-relational themes, then love itself has to be an
emotion that reveals its object and its value rather than imagining or
creating it. This notion of love as a genuine openness to the other is shared
by philosophers that Furtak discusses (e.g. Frankfurt, Murdoch), and is
presented as intertwined with the notion that love is selfless.
Furtak draws attention to the occasions where love surprises us to show
that we encounter objective significance through love rather than project
our familiar values on our loved-objects. But couldn't this surprise be
otherwise explained? Perhaps our values are not so stable and predictable.
And perhaps it is our own imagination that surprises us with new
projections. And what about the familiar experience of having a series of
romantic partners who seem similar to one another? Even if openness to
the other as other is a worthy ideal, our talk about unhealthy patterns of
relationships, of being attracted to, or attracting, certain "types", suggest
that we "project" (see ourselves in the other) or "transfer" (see our past
relationships in the other) or "idealize" (see what we would like to be or
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have in the other) all too often. One could still argue that even in those
cases we identify what is there to be seen. Neither interpretation is forced
on us by the data. It is worthwhile noting that while many see moods as
distorting significances of objects and events, Furtak also sees them as
truth revealing. Again, who is to say which interpretative framework is
best?
Furtak's bi-directional tracking view, whereby emotions provide us
simultaneously with knowledge of both external and internal reality,
allows for the explaining away of certain cases of over-reaction. "Overreactions" may be a misnomer and indicate that we do not fully know
what matters to us, and that we should adjust our beliefs accordingly. But
cases of genuine over-reactions, where our emotions fail to match our
values, remain unexplained. In passing, Furtak also allows for overreactions to indicate that we have misidentified the object of our emotions
(e.g., it is not the minor misbehavior of our child that upsets us, but our
general parent fatigue (194)). In such cases, he claims, the emotion still
discloses something true. Yet, whatever the method of investigation that
would lead us to the emotion's true object (or cause), that emotion has
concealed rather than revealed this object (or cause). How can a tracking
view deal with such cases, where no tracking has taken place? The same
problem arises for objectless emotions (e.g., an unexplained anxiety
attack) and for emotions about meaningless things (e.g., anger at a blunt
pencil). These aspects of ordinary experience comprise an ongoing
challenge for cognitive views of emotion. In fact, they may even cast doubt
on the view that emotions track core-relational themes, especially given
the plausibility of a non-cognitive view of love, moods, and recalcitrance
(Morag 2017).
The book presents a richly articulated cognitive view of emotions that
hangs together well and is consistent with the empirical data. Unlike other
rationalist and cognitive accounts, this one does justice to the centrality of
love in our lives, to the particularity and idiosyncrasy of our emotions as
well as our endorsed values, and to the need we feel to negotiate occasions
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in which they conflict. The book's clarity of exposition and span of
references, detailed in useful footnotes, make it ideal for teaching
purposes as well. Its main problem, as I see it, is its dogmatic
presentation, that does not appreciate the possibility or plausibility of a
non-cognitive view that coheres equally well with the empirical data. The
view presented rests on a vision of our emotional life as, by and large,
straightforwardly providing us with important information about our
environment and about our values. It is a rational vision of the soul, with a
regulative ideal to have our emotions aligned with our avowed beliefs, and
a moral ideal of love as a selfless relation to a genuinely different other. It
is a vision that serves to interpret the data, from science and ordinary
experience, but it is not determined by them. Furtak and his fellow
rationalists are entitled to their interpretative schema. But so are noncognitivists such as myself, with our entirely different vision of our
emotional (or, better, affective) lives as non-rational, of people as
irreparably conflicted and disunified, who are often unaware of their
emotions and who can see others as genuinely different to themselves (or
their parents or other figures from their past) only with great difficulty.
When reading Furtak's book, I get the impression that he and I live in
different worlds. I learned much from reading his compelling description
of his rational world. But I am not convinced that we, non-cognitivists -whose heritage includes Plato, Kant, Hume, Nietzsche, William James
and, of course, Freud -- do not have the truer vision of the human
condition.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many thanks to Aaron Ben Ze'ev, Anthony Hatzimoysis, Demian Whiting,
and especially David Macarthur for their comments.
REFERENCES
Ben-Ze'ev, Aaron. 2017. "The thing called emotion: A subtle perspective."
In A. Ben-Ze'ev & A. Krebs (eds.), Philosophy of emotions, Vol. I.
(Routledge), 112-137.
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Brady, Michael S. 2009. "The Irrationality of Recalcitrant Emotions."
Philosophical Studies 145: 3, 413-430.
Carruthers, Peter. 2013. "On knowing your own beliefs: A
representationalist account." In N. Nottelmann (Ed.), New essays on
belief: Constitution, content and structure (Palgrave MacMillan), 145-165.
Deonna, Julien. A. and Teroni, Fabrice. 2012. The Emotions: A
philosophical introduction (Routledge).
Harré, Rom. 2009. "Emotions as Cognitive-Affective-Somatic Hybrid,"
Emotion Review 1: 4, 294-301.
LeDoux, Joseph. 1996. The Emotional Brain (Simon and Schuster).
Morag, Talia. 2016. Emotion, Imagination, and the Limits of Reason
(Routledge).
-- . 2017. "The Tracking Dogma in the Philosophy of Emotion,"
Argumenta 2: 2, 343-464.
Nussbaum, Martha. 2004. "Emotions as Judgments of Value and
Importance." In Robert Solomon (Ed.) Thinking about Feeling (Oxford
University Press).
Prinz, Jesse J. 2004. Gut Reactions: A Perceptual Theory of Emotio.
(Oxford University Press).
Robert, Roberts. 1988. "What an Emotion is: A Sketch." The Philosophical
Review 97: 2, 183-209.
Schwitzgebel, Eric. 2010. "Acting Contrary to Our Professed Beliefs or the
Gulf between Occurrent Judgment and Dispositional Belief,"
Philosophical Quarterly 91, 531-553.
Whiting, Damien. 2011. "The Feeling Theory of Emotion and the ObjectDirected Emotions," European Journal of Philosophy 19: 2, 281-303.
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