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The paper deals with the use of reflexive markers in dependent clauses in Nanai (Tungusic). V. A. Avrorin [1959] describes this system in the following way. Light reflexives in dependent clauses behave consistently as long-distance reflexives and heavy reflexives behave as local ones. However modern field data shows another picture: a system with a very limited range of long-distance contexts is attested. The hypothesis is that a rapid grammatical change takes place and that this change is motivated by sociolinguistic factors: contact influence of Russian and language attrition.

: 12 ( [ 1959] - . ). , , – . , , . . : , , , , , , The paper deals with the use of reflexive markers in dependent clauses in Nanai (Tungusic). V. A. Avrorin [1959] describes this system in the following way. Light reflexives in dependent clauses behave consistently as long-distance reflexives and heavy reflexives behave as local ones. However modern field data shows another picture: a system with a very limited range of long-distance contexts is attested. The hypothesis is that a rapid grammatical change takes place and that this change is motivated by sociolinguistic factors: contact influence of Russian and language decay. Key words: Tungusic languages, Nanai, Russian, language contact, language decay, language death, language loss, reflexives, polypredication, long-distance reflexives. 1. В , , . , , . , . , , , ( , ). , 1 « », XX , , , , 2010 . ( ). ( . . , . [ , 2016]). 1 – -3158.2017.6 « : ». 2 , . . « , », . 1 1. Ч , 2010 , , (?) 12003 11%(1347) 99%(11994) 9 (=12003-11994) , ( . [Sasse 2001]), (gradual language death), , (primary) (L1). L1 ( ), (secondary), ); – L1), (primary) ). (recessive, L2 ( (dominant, , , ) - , , ) . - , language), replica language). (source (recipient language, - – - . , , . , . - , ( ) , . , , (1) ‘ əj (1). mə̄pī xalia-gila-j-wa-ni] REFL.ACC.SG -DEB-PRS-ACC-3SG məxə-xə-ni, čop čoča-xa-ni -PST-3SG -PST-3SG ‘ ,[ ], ’. [ 1980: 279] – i i , ’3 indai [naj (1) .: , ( . (1)). « , , » , , , . 2. 2. В 3 , ,« ». . .3.2 . 2 , , . . (1959, 1940- (2015–2016) .) ( : , ) , . 1) ( ? 2) ) , , , , ? 3) , ? 4) , ? , 2015 ( 2016 . : . . . – 1961 . ., . . . – 1957 . .) ( . . . – 1934 . ., . . . – 1937 . .). : ( . . . – 1961 . .) . . ( . . . – 1938 . .), ( . . . – 1946 . .). . , , , . – . . . , . , , , , . . (М , ). (‘ / ’) ( / , , : ‘ . ’> ‘ ’), .3.1. . , , , . , . . . . , ( – , ). 2009–2013 . . [ , . . , : ) ; ) 2012], 1980- – 2000- . 1940- . 3 c [ 1980] ( [ 1986], )4. . . 2. (long-distance reflexives, longdistance anaphora; vs. ) . , . , , , ( . , Reuland 1991] ), , [Koster, [1981]. [Cole, Hermon, Sung 1990], [Cole, Hermon, Huang 2001], . , . . - , . , , , [Cole, Hermon, Huang 2006]). : ) , . . ( ) ( , . . )– [Cole, Hermon 1998] , , ( ). ( . ( ) ) , , . . . ( / ). . . . , . , , ( , ) . [Wexler, Manzini 1987] , . . [Chien, Wexler 1990]5. 4 ) « – 2009–2013», , «elicit.» – ( ). 5 Siguródóttir 1990], . , , [Hyams, , ( . [Reuland 2006] ). 4 , , , ) ) , , ( , ) , , . ., , [Thomas 1993]; [Yip, Tang 1998]; [Akiyama 2002]; [Matsumura 2007]; [Domínguez, Hicks, Song 2012]; [Song 2013] ( . . ). , , , (John wanted Tom to know himself), (Johni thought that Tomj was blaming himself) , / ( ) ( . , [Gürel 2004], . ) , . , , , : . [Gürel 2004] . (pro-drop), , , o- ‘ / ’ kendi- ‘ ’ , , . . ) , , , ) , . 3. 3.1. И я ) - ) / mən- ( ) (w)ari~(w)əri~(b)ari~(b)əri 3. (2) gə təj tuj ‘ ), . ( . ., ’( : (2)): mə̄p- ( 2; (3)): -i~bi . ., - . bud-ki-ni=da -PST-3SG=EMPH nuči-du-i -PST -DAT-P.REFL.SG (= ’. ( i) mə̄pi wā-xa REFL.ACC.SG ‘ , Øi 2009–2013) (3) totara=tani ŋāl-i silkə-j dərəg-bi dərəg-bi silkə-j = -P.REFL.SG -PRS -P.REFL.SG -P.REFL.SG -PRS 5 ‘ Øi ) i , mən(ə), [Kemmer 1993]6). (5). . , ’. ( i 2009–2013) , vs. ) ( . (4) (4) mī 1SG ‘{ mən-ǯi=də mənə dəŋsi-ə-si-əm-bi REFL-INS=EMPH -NEG-ASSERT.NPST-1SG ! , , , ?} i ’. [ , 2012: 40, 8] (5) mənə pokto-la-i=tu ənə-ǯəm-bi -LOC-P.REFL.SG=LIMIT -FUT-1SG ‘Øi !’ ( 2009–2013) i i 3. mə̄pi (‘ REFL.ACC.SG’) ŋāla-i (‘ -P.REFL.SG’) : mənə mə̄pi (‘ : REFL.ACC.SG’) : mənə ŋāla-i (‘ : -P.REFL.SG’) 4. ACC DAT DIR ABL INS LOC SG mə̄p-i mən-du-i mən-či-i mən-ǯiəǯi-i mən-ǯi-i mən-dulə-i~mən-dul-i PL mə̄p-əri mən-du-əri mən-či-əri mən-ǯiəǯi-əri mən-ǯi-əri mən-dul-əri SG sogdata-i ‘ sogdata-si ‘ sogdata-ni ‘ sogdata-i ‘ PL sogdata-pu ‘ sogdata-su ‘ sogdata-či ‘ sogdata-wari ‘ 5. 1p 2p 3p REFL ’ ’ / (SG) ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ (PL) ’ , , : 6 « » vs. « » . : ( ( ), . – . [Kemmer 1993: 25 ff.], : , , , ), , « » , – , . . 6 ) / ( ); ) , ( , ); ) ) ; , , ( ) (mən-). 3.2. П я я , . , ; , , ; , ) ) ) (switch-reference). . I. , (« »), ( (6) ). , ), (7). (= (6) i muzej Kondon-do naj ni-xən-du-ni -DAT -PST-DAT-3SG bū-xə-pu əj əmuə-kəm-bə muzej-či -PST-1PL -DIM-ACC -DIR ‘ <DAT>, 2009–2013) (7) duj-jə-čiə xurən oja-la-nj=tani -ORD-ORD -LOC-3SG= j j un-ki-n mō təj ame-n -3SG -PST-3SG ‘ , ’. ( ’. ( 2009–2013) II. (« »), . (8) « , » - OčE, ( . (6) (-čE). (7)). (8) gə̄ təj niəčən=təni ca-d dō-go-oče-a-ni=tani ləkə-lə-xəri-ə = -DAT -REP-COND-OBL-3SG= -PFV-IMP2-EMPH ‘ , ’. ( 2009–2013) « » – , (-gO) . . (switch-reference: / ) . ( ) , . 7 - : 3SG , , (8) dō-go-oče-a-ni ‘ niəčən ‘ ’( ’ , 2SG). , . (9). (9) i naj=tani təj aleo bū-gu-j-du-əri = -REP-PRS-DAT-P.REFL.PL pərəg-du-ə-ni xaj-kam-ba=da nə̄-ri-či -DAT-OBL-3SG -DIM-OBL=EMPH -PRS-3PL ‘ , , ’. ( bi-či -PST 2009–2013) . , , ( ): III. . – ( oseni bimčəni)7. (10) xaj-wa=da -ACC=EMPH aleo soŋgo-i ‘ nə̄-rə-si-či oseni -NEG-PRS-3PL naj un-ǯi -PRS -PRS – : bi-či -PST 2009–2013) ’. ( , , , ( , ): IV. ( -mi, (11) -rA, ī-rə totara=tani = ‘ -pi) : un-ǯi-ni=go -CVB.NSIM -PRS-3SG=PART …’ ( 2009–2013) 6 , . .[ 2007]. 6. nʲoani ǯare-j-wa-ni ‘{ ,} ( PRS-ACC-3SG)’ I. NMLZ-CASE-PERS (INS, nʲoani ǯare-j-do-a-ni DAT/ESS, LOC, ACC, + ( -PRS-DAT-OBL) 3SG)’ nʲoani ǯare-j-wa-ni ‘ - I. NMLZ-ACC-PERS 7 , / , . 8 ( -PRS-ACC3SG)’ ǯaren nʲoani ǯare-j-ni ‘ , ( -PRS3SG)’ nʲoani ǯare-go-a-ni ‘ ( -PURP-OBL-3SG)’; nʲoani ǯare-oče-a-ni ‘ / ( COND-OBL-3SG)’ nʲoani ǯare-j-ni oseni ‘ ( -PRS-3SG)’ I’. V-NMLZ-PERS ( II. V-PURP(DEST)-PERS ), V-COND(DIR)-PERS - III. Vfin CONJ (oseni) .4 , 6. : ) , ) , ) , , , ) , ( . . ). , ,( , ) . .5–6. 4. я» 4.1. «С ( ) , 1959: 257–258]. [ . . 1940- . . . . « . .[ 1986], . . 1980], , 1916 . .) [ , 8 » , , ( ( ) . . . . . . 1) (12). (12) əj təkpiəliən-du Pūgə-wə wā-or-ǯi ǯoǯa-go-xa-či, -DAT -ACC -IMPS-PRS-INS -REP-PST-3PL Surgi Pūgə-wə mənə ŋāla-ǯi-j=tul wā-go-a-ni -ACC -INS-P.REFL=LIMIT -PURP-OBL-3SG ‘ , i i ’. [ 1986: 247, 44] 2) , distance»): – («long- (13) mə̄pi səkpən-ǯi-du-ə-ni 8 « , ǯapa-rā goja-do-a-ni , . . » , . , « , » . 9 [ REFL.ACC.SG -PRS-DAT-OBL-3SG sore-mi dərū-xə-ni -CVB.SIM.SG -PST-3SG ‘ . i < 1986, 38] -DAT-OBL-3SG >, -CVB.NSIM ’. i . . . , , , [Pica 1987]. . , [Haspelmath 2008: 58 ff]. [Faltz 1977: 153 ff]; Huang 2001: 29 ff] , Hermon, [Cole, / , . , . . ) . . : , , , , , ; ) , , . . , , , , , , ( ., - , , , Hermon, Huang 2006]) [Cole, vs. . . . , « » : => SUBJMAIN, SUBJDEP => SUBJDEP я» 4.2. «Н , . . ,– ( ) – . . , , , . , , , . . , , – , – . 10 , . . . .4.4. , , 1) . , . . , . . . , . , , (14), (15), : (14) soli čoča-lo-xa-ni, mapa -INCH-PST-3SG ‘ , j i (15) soli čoča-lo-xa-ni, mapa -INCH-PST-3SG ‘ , / j i <mən> sogdata-i ǯəp-či-du-ni -P.REFL -PRS-DAT-3SG ’. (elicit.) i/*j <njoani> sogdata-wa-ni ǯəp-či-du-ni 3SG -ACC-3SG -PRS-DAT-3SG ’. (elicit.) j/*i 2) . , ( , (16) mapa gujsə-du <OKmən> tətu-ji bi-i-wə-ni -DAT < > -P.REFL.SG -PRS-ACC-3SG təj osese-i-ni . -PRS-3SG ‘ , i ’. (elicit.) i , (17) ). .: . ёi <* , i (1969), .: i> .[ . . ] (mə̄pi) . , , , . . (9) . , , : SUBJDEP => *** SUBJDEP => SUBJMAIN => SUBJDEP я 4.3. , « « я » , . . 2015–2016- », 1940- , ,– , , . 4.3.1. . . . : 11 ) ( , , , , . .5); ) . « » , , « . « . , , « », » » . 1: 1. : , ) » - « (pattern-borrowing ( [Sakel 2007]) 12 , - ( ). (negative borrowing, , , , . [Sasse 2002: 1670]) : ) . . - , ) ; , , . , , ( . . ) . 4.3.2. , . (“gradual death” . [Campbell, Muntzel 1989]). , . ( [Sasse 1992; 1994; 2002]): ) ( . , ., , , , , [Trudgill 2011: 1– 15]); ) . , . , , , . . , , . , , . – . , ) . [Trudgill 1996; 2011: 21]; [Sasse 2001]: ( .); ) ) ) (transparency); ; , , . . , , « »: simplification ( ) vs. reduction ( . [Trudgill 1977], .- . , simplification. ), ). , . ), : , , ( , , 13 ). , , - , ( ). , « » ó ( ): , , / , , . .2. « « » » , . .4.4, , , , « » .4.2 « » ( . [Campbell, Muntzel 1989]). , , « , , » , , – ( ), . , ( 1) « => => ) . : » ; . 2) ( « » , ): => => ↓↓ ; => , , « » ( . [Campbell, Muntzel . 1989]). , , , . [ ) ]. « , / ) » / « ( », ) ( , , ), , ( ) . , , , , , – , « » . , , , , ( ) , , , . , , . 14 . – , « . => », ‘ , i ’, i , ‘ , , i ’. i . , , , ( , , , , ). , , ( М , – – ). / , . Muntzel 1989]: ) . [Andersen 1982] [Campbell, ( ) ; ) , , , ; ) . ) ). ), .4.3.1 « ». , , ( , ) , , . . 4.3.3. В . . , – – (« » ), ( , (18 )) . . . , (19), , . .3.2. . . : , ( – - , ) - . .: 15 (18) ‘ (19) mapa ǯobo-j-ni ( -PRS-3SG) = ) ‘ (-ni = SBJ.3SG)’ mapa ǯobo-j-do-a-ni ( -PRS-DAT-OBL-3SG) ‘ (-ni = POSS.3SG)’; ’ (. . « [ ) » 1961]) , , [ . 2015]. ( , – , ) , , . « », « . » . , (19), , : i. ‘ , ’( -ni, ii. ‘ ) ( ’( ) – , , – ) (i) , (ii) – . . , / . . , , , , . ( . . , , , ), , « .6. » , « », . . . – . , , , « » . , , . , , , . ( – ) - я 4.4. , – . : , , , : , .4.2. . . , , . . .4.2 . « » « » . 7 16 : ( . .3.2) ( 7. : . .3.1). ( - ) ( ) . . . . . . . . . . . ._acc ) . ._acc , ) . ._acc , dep, ?main dep, ?main, * dep . dep main dep main . ( , ( ( dep main * dep main main main-ok ?main dep main dep dep main main main-ok ?main dep main mainok main-ok main main ) ( , . ._acc ) ._acc ( main main , ) _da dep dep main dep dep main main main, ?dep, ? main main main main t main _in main, *, dep main str . _cvb _cvb _fin dep, * dep, * main dep, ?main dep, ?main(+ac c) dep main ?main main main main dep : dep – dep, *, ?main dep dep, ?main dep = , ? – ; * – main main ; main – = , ok – – ; ; main ?main main-ok – . 4.4.1. : , . , . . . , / . : 1) , ; : 2) ( ), 17 – ( (20) mapa . ): OK/??? sogdata-i <(nʲoani) sogdata-ni> nʲā-xam-ba-ni -PRS -P.REFL 3SG -3SG -PST-ACC-3SG OK/??? , ’. (elicit.) i< i> sā-ri ‘ , i . , , , , . , , « . . ». , , , , . 4.4.2. , mən) ( : , – ( ). , , : , , , . . . , , . . ( ) ( ), ( . 8. . 8. – . . ., – , , vs. . . . .) .4.4.3 . : = SBJMAIN * = SBJDEP = SBJDEP = SBJDEP = SBJDEP 4.4.3. В , , ( . ( ) / .3.2) / ) / - , , ( . .4.3 ). ), . ( ( ), ). , . ó , , ( , . ). , . . 18 ) . . , , – , ( . . , ). , , , , . , . , . . . ), ( . , , , . (21) , .: OK Ami-ni / amim-bi əjniə əčiə ǯiǯu-ə -3SG / -P.REFL NEG . piktə nʲoambani ičə-či-nə-gu-ǯə 3SG.ACC -IPFV-MPURP-REP-FUT ‘ , i/ i i OK osi, -NEG ’. (elicit.) ) - , ( , , . ) . , . . . . 1) ( / ( ) ). . 2) , , , , , , .4.4.1. 3) , .4.4.2 , . ó , , . , . 19 , ( . [Verstraete 2008] ). . , , : 1) , , ( . О . .3.2), : … ( 2) ). , « » , . – , . 5. , , . , , ( , , , - .) ( [Timberlake 2001: 248–252]). ( ) , ‘ , (22) a. , ’, (‘ , (22 ), , ’), . (22 ). j . , (23 ) (23 ) . . j (1978-1980), яi. [ . , i ] , (1963)] . j (2001), . ?[ . j . ] i [ . , , , .[ . . . (23) . – i . , ... i . (2013), ] , ó ( . ) . 9 9. . , . 20 un- ‘ CVB.PURP ’+ main/dep main, *dep main/dep main, *dep main/dep main, *dep dep main, *dep + inf, , gələ- ‘ ’ + CVB.PURP + , inf, alose- ‘ ’ + CVB.PURP + ( čexala‘ ’ NMLZ-ACC ) inf + + inf 9, , , , ( ), . (24): . ( ) (24) mapača mama-či un-ǯi-ni tətuə-ji ulpi-gu-ə-ni -DIR -PRS-3SG -P.REFL.SG -CVB.PURP-OBL-3SG OK OK ‘ ( / ) ’. (elicit.) i j i j , - , ( , ; / , . ‘ ( (25) . 23 ). ), - ’, , , . (25): ama čexala-xa-ni mī meočam-bi -PST-3SG 1SG -P.REFL.SG ( ‘ i j j/* i) ǯap-i-j-ə -PRS-1SG-ACC ’. (elicit.) , . (24) (25) , , vs. .4 (mamači ‘ ). - , (. . , , (mī ‘ ’), ’), – , , . , , / ). , ( bələči- ‘ ) ’( , , . ( , ( ) 2), ( 1). ) 21 ( , , ( 1), ), ) 2) – ( , , . , – . , , , , , . , « » ( ), , , . , , , ( . [Dorian 1982; 1989]). , ), . . ( , , . , – ( – , ). ( , , . un-, alose– čexala-) ( , .), , , , čexala-, ( . 1980] – ‘ , . . . [ . , , , , ’) , - ( ) , - , . 6. : , . (-wAn) . , : ) – - , ; ) ,– , - , . 22 , , . , – . , – , , , , – . , , 10. ) . , , : ) : ; ) : , . . (26) (27). , « : ( , – » – ) . 10. / * ( ) (26) arčokan (27) ‘ arčokan mə̄pi uləsi-wəŋ-ki-ni REFL.ACC -CAUS-PST-3SG ’. (elicit.) j mə̄pi uləsi-wəŋ-ki-ni REFL.ACC -CAUS-PST-3SG ( ) i’. (elicit.) naonǯokam-ba -ACC j naonǯokam-ba mənə -ACC ‘ i . , (26) – . (27) c , , sea-wan- ‘ , -CAUS’), : ( , . 7. , Tolskaya 2001: 779–780], , , « , . . » , [Nikolaeva, , « » . . , 23 , , (28): (28) Ise-sī-ni, b'ata-ŋī omo -IPFV-3SG -P.REFL ‘( , i) i Tolskaya 2001: 779] aziga gumu EVID - eme-ini -3SG [Nikolaeva, ’. , , . : ; ( , , ), ; , , - . , « , » , , , , [Nedjalkov 1997: 109 ff], . ., , , . . , . 8. . . . . . XX ( ) ( ) . , , . , : . , . , , ( , « ,« » , ») , . ( ), (« ») ( ) , , – . « » « » , . , . . , . , , , 24 ( , , ). , - , ( « » ) . , « » « », ( - ). (. . ) , . , . , , . « « » » , , « » . , , , ( ), , . , . ( ) , ( « » : ). , , ( « , , « » ) , . » , , . , , , ( , ), . ( , , : ) . , . - . , . , , , , , ( , ). 1959 – 1961 – . . 1959. . . 1961. . . I. .– .: . . II. .– .: . . 25 1986 – . . 1986. . .: . , 2012– . ., . . . 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ABL – COND – DEP – ESS – ; ACC – ; ASSERT – ; CAUS – ; ; CONJ – ; CVB – ; DAT – ; DEB – ; ; DEST – ; DIM – ; DIR – ; EMPH – ; ; EVID – ; FUT – ; IMP – ; IMPS – ; INCH – ; INS – ; IPFV – ; LIMIT – ; LOC – ; MAIN – ; MPURP – ; NEG – ; NMLZ – ; NPST – ; NSIM – ; OBL – ; ORD – ; P– ; PART – ; PERS – ; PFV – ; PL – ; POSS – ; PRS – ; PST – ; PURP – ; REFL – ; REP – ; SBJ – ; SG – ; SIM – . 27