Journal of the Brazilian Sociological Society
Revista da Sociedade Brasileira de Sociologia
SOCIOLOGIES
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ISSN 2447-2670
SID, Porto Alegre, v. 2, n. 1, p. 1-15, jan.-jun. 2016
http://dx.doi.org/10.20336/sid.v2i1.31
Sociologies in Dialogue
Richard Miskolci
Associate Professor of the Department and the Graduate Program of Sociology
at the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar), Brazil.
[email protected]
Soraya Vargas Cortes
Associate Professor of the Department and the Graduate Program of Sociology
at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS).
[email protected]
Celi Scalon
Full Professor of the Centre of Philosophy and Human Sciences
at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brazil.
[email protected]
André Ricardo Salata
Professor of Sociology of the Graduate Program of Social Sciences
at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS), Brazil.
[email protected]
Abstract
his article discusses the geopolitics of knowledge in the ield of sociology, with the
objective of understanding changes that have been taking place recently. We examine
three successive models of sociological production: the emergence of Sociology at the end
of the 19th century; the establishment of the disciplinary model of sociology in the United
States between the World Wars, and the emergence of sociology on a global scale by the
end of the 20th century. Our main objective is to discuss the geopolitical framework that
privileges what is created in the old colonial and imperial centers as well as the challenges
to this framework, like the publishing initiative of Sociologies in Dialogue – international
journal of the Brazilian Sociological Society.
Keywords: Geopolitics of knowledge. Sociologies. Production and circulation of knowledge.
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O
ne of the challenges for a sociology of knowledge today is to relect
upon the diferent ways sociologists research and deal with theory
in diferent parts of the world, with the awareness of the uneven forms
in which results of any sociological endeavor are disseminated. Since
the emergence of a global society, there has been growing criticism of
the highly asymmetrical structure of production and circulation of
knowledge. Besides the concentration of research in the Global North,
there is a tacit division of intellectual work: European and US scholars
produce ‘legitimate’ theory and research methods while sociologists
from the ‘rest of the world’ dedicate their eforts to gathering data,
analyzing case studies, or on applied research.
his article discusses the geopolitics of knowledge in the ield of
sociology, with the objective of understanding changes that have been
taking place recently. Sociologies in Dialogue can be seen either as an
indicator of the current process of altering the former organization
of this geopolitics or as an instrument to advance this process. By
acknowledging the existence of a diverse set of sociological traditions and
currents of thought, our journal aims at contributing to the creation of
dialogues between them. It also aspires to promote a more symmetrical
exchange between scholars all over the world, collaborating to connect
sociological traditions that historically have not been in direct contact.
Initially, we will examine three successive periods of sociological
production. he irst, inaugurated at the end of the 19th century, is
characterized by the creation of a social science in Europe. he most
remarkable event that deines the second period is the establishment
of the disciplinary model of sociology in the United States between the
World Wars. he third is the emergence of sociology on a global scale
by the end of the 20th century.
Our analysis focuses on this last period, in which sociological
production spread throughout the globe, within a geopolitical framework
that privileges what is created in the old colonial and imperial centers.
Challenges to this framework have been brought about by diferent
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currents of thought, most relevant of which are views highlighting that
the production and circulation of sociological knowledge should be
placed in a global perspective. his could open a new axis of dialogue
among sociologists from South-South or BRICS countries, or even create
more symmetrical exchanges between North and South sociologies.
From European Positivism to the rise of a world Sociology
In her instigating and provocative work, Southern heory (2007),
Raewyn Connell reconstitutes the relationships between the ascension
of a certain sort of social science towards the end of the European
19th century and the surrounding imperial context. Unsurprisingly,
the social sciences emerged during a historical moment marked by the
rise and consolidation of a model of social and political organization
that understood Europe – France and England, in particular – as the
quintessence of ‘cultured’ civilization. his consolidation would come
to be known as the West.
Sociology linked European imperialist interests with the desires of
colonized elites to follow the path of progress. Evolutionism was the
common language mobilized in this endeavor, deploying a grammar that
upheld European hegemony while promising the rest of the world that it
would, some day, become like the metropolis. It was mainly based on an
epistemology derived from natural knowledges that considered science
objective, neutral and built by universal laws. In Europe and the US,
sociology acquired authority and recognition, giving a neutral aura to a
vision of the world that was committed to and based upon the interests
and alliances of elites on both sides of the Atlantic.
he Brazilian and Mexican elites’ fascination with French positivism
and sociology during this period shows that this paradigm stretched
well beyond the North Atlantic boundaries. he acknowledgement of
cultural and political elites legitimated the positivist stream of thought
as scientiic, as a form of public discourse that became widely difused
among the educated classes. By the end of the 19th century, in several
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Latin American countries, it became one of the bedrock foundations
for the formation of medical doctors, engineers and others university
educated professionals (Gilson and Levinson, 2012).
his model of social science would not survive the turbulent and
multidimensional crisis that took place between the First World War
and subsequent years. According to Connell, the initial, Darwinian
model of the social sciences was replaced during the interwar period
by another more powerful model largely founded in the United States.
During the 1920s and 30s, sociology in the US created its foundational
narratives and was transformed from a political discourse employed by
modernizing elites into a specialized profession. In the new paradigm, the
social sciences became an integral part of the professional specialization
of the middle classes.
If the irst formulation of sociology connected the so-called
“civilized” world to the interests of colonial elites, the second tended
to specialize in studying the reality of countries of the global center.
his was made possible because the teleological objective of progress,
understood as a means of reaching the civilized European ideal, had
been replaced by that of modernization. he Euro-American standard of
modernity established the parameters for the analysis of the functioning
of societies and for the production of the means to reproduce such
modernity in other parts of the world, which led to the hegemony of a
sociology of development that tended to transversally mold all areas of
sociological research.
In this context, the hoary opposition between modernity and
tradition was imposed not as a theme subjected to an objective
analysis, but as a division of intellectual labor that was itself linked to
geopolitical interests. In the context of a historical period marked by
increasing levels of higher education among the middle classes, the social
sciences employed professionalism to become an autonomous body of
knowledge. hese were thus transformed from a generalist discourse,
used by political and economic elites, to a form of professional expertise
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employed by the middle classes often to defend sectional interests of the
State, market or civil society groups.
In sum, the creation of the social sciences in the 19th century was
directly related to the modern management of an urban, industrial,
colonializing society. Its transposition to the professional sphere was
related to the creation of modern mass society, with the ‘social’ being
situated within the sphere of administration and colonialism.
Connell’s account of sociology’s history is substantial and tries to
place its European origin into perspective. However, there are other
perspectives that argue that Sociology was born during the Industrial
Revolution, following the French Illuminist ideals (Collins, 1994,
p. 38-46); therefore, as an academic discipline, it could not emerge
anywhere but in Europe. It is crucial to point out that Connell analyses
both academic and societal knowledge, examining knowledge that
emerges from indigenous or social movements as well. If we understand
Sociology as a plural discursive narrative any social actor can use, we
can accept Connell’s view; but if we regard it as an academic ield that
should function under the strict rules of a ‘scientiic discourse’ (Bauer
et al., 1999, p. 10-17), the comparison between sociology and other
forms of the production of popular knowledge could not be sustained
on reasonable grounds.
In fact, sociology was not the only knowledge that emerged in
industrial societies. he very idea of science as a structured body of
knowledge, organized alongside specialized disciplines, emerges from
these processes of modernization. herefore, Sociology can be understood
as a relexive discipline focusing on understanding the transformations
brought about by new forms of economic, political and social relations.
Democracy, industrialism and urbanization were the main challenges the
irst sociologists had to deal with in the European and North-American
scenario of the 19th and early 20th centuries.
In point of fact, like in many other countries, sociology was only
introduced as a professional area of expertise in Brazil in the late 1930’s
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and, until the 1950’s, there were no graduate courses1. It was only long
after Europe and the US that Brazilian sociologists begun to investigate
the society they lived in. It is important to consider that, at the time,
there was no alternative other than adopting the theoretical and research
agenda laid down by the North. Notwithstanding, it makes sense to
consider, as Connell did, that there was a lack of communication among
sociologies from outside Europe and the US until the 1970’s, when
Latin American sociologists, as a number of other colleagues in the so
called “periphery”, began to produce and/or circulate their sociological
analyses.
Given that sociology is a social product as well as a relexive instance
of society, the same force that moves societies drives sociology. Hence, the
relationship between North and South, and South to South sociologies,
which is at the center of the sociological debate today, is not a random
phenomenon. he world is experiencing a shift in power, as well as
changes in its geopolitical organization and in the balance of power
among countries in the economic, political and social realms.
In the last third of the 20th Century, sociological production entered
a new historical moment characterized by two main features. Firstly, an
expressive growth in social research in various regions of the world2 .
Secondly, new theoretical streams of thought that emerged within or in
dialogue with the discipline, such as, for instance, feminist theory, post
and decolonial studies, critical race studies and Queer heory. In this
1
2
A rich and important sociological production was carried out mainly by autodidactic scholars, but
there was no professional ield, such as is found in countries like the United States. his initial
Brazilian sociological production has been intensely researched by the Pensamento Social Brasileiro.
Similar pre-professional sociological production might exist in diferent national realities with a more
or less similar recognition of its historical contribution for the later development of an organized
academic ield. In this paper we opted to understand sociology as the academic discipline and scientiic
production created and disseminated within an institutionalized university system, but we recognize
the importance and the legacy of the works of pioneers that created social thought under diferent
conditions.
Connell shows this change beginning with the work of Cardoso and Faleto on the theory of dependence
in the 1960’s, a sociological analysis that she considers, to an extent, a pioneer of globalization theories
that would appear in the following decades.
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new global scenario, the hegemony of the sociology of modernization
was strongly criticized, since the view that there are multiple modernities
gradually became a paradigmatic idea for most sociologists.
We live in a new world scenario in which several streams of
sociological thought do not consensually accept the ideas of progress
and modernization as the desirable destiny of societies. In this sense,
emerging centers of sociological production can bring about more
pluralistic features to our discipline. It must be made clear, however,
that this does not guarantee equitable conditions for the circulation of
knowledge produced in these centers in comparison with sociological
studies from the US and Europe. he established historical hegemony of
the creation and circulation of science gives momentum to a conirmed
tendency of conversion to a single model of sociological thought,
research and its dissemination, instead of the recognition of multiple
models.
Globalization not only normatizes life styles, but also afects the
way knowledge is created and circulates. Individuals are all connected
to a market that promotes global consumption which applies also to
ideas, since we ind many people all over the world wishing for global
‘objects of desire’. hus, the speed and itensity in the exchange of ideas
can lead to greater homogeneity and less diversity, a tendency that has
been challenged in the academic world of social sciences. International
events and publications have shown divergence and diference as major
features of the current intellectual transnational debate.
According to Renato Ortiz (2004), the sociological debate on
modernity or post-modernity has obscured the discussion on globalization
in its various aspects. Ortiz has made a fundamental contribution to the
understanding that, while globalization refers to a uniied process of
dissemination of an economic and technological paradigm, what he
calls “mundialization” can be understood as the new social scenario
in which diferent and, sometimes, conlicting ways of thinking
cohabit.
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To Ortiz, the “mundialization” process denotes the cultural and
political feature of our era that allows us to picture the existence of a
global sociology. While deconstructing sociology conceived as a uniied
discipline, the ‘mundial’ perspective favors the recognition of sociological
production that has not yet been put into a symmetrical and democratic
dialogue. he current shift of power relations in the world scenario raises
the possibility of building this more symmetrical exchange.
his dialogue does not imply necessarily the deconstruction of the
classical basis on which our discipline has lourished. Western knowledge
has shaped sociology as an organized body of knowledge, while sociology
is a science that is shaped to analyze and understand the transformations
brought about by the 20th century. Despite relevant critiques that
propose the reevaluation of the history of the discipline, opening it to
new interpretations, sociology can be regarded as ‘a’ science due to the
theoretical tradition that has uniied it. Hence, sociologists can interact
because they share concepts, repertories and identify ‘positions’ in the
sociological ield, though this interaction is certainly not symmetrical.
To reduce the asymmetry, Western sociologists must acknowledge the
existence of a thriving sociological practice elsewhere.
Creating dialogues among Sociologies
Just as important as the central nations’ political and economic
power is their almost monopoly over the deinition and circulation of
authorized and recognized forms of science and technology. Connell
emphasizes the wedge that is driven between the global North and South
in this unequal division, in which the northern nations are associated with
the Euro-North-American production poles of “science” and the South
(Latin America, Africa, Asia and Oceania) relegated to the consumption
or application of theoretical models developed by northern scholars.
his is an understandable geopolitical division whose simplicity
tends to neutralize its colonial and imperial origins. In the geopolitics
of knowledge, the North is not just geographical, and therefore cannot
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erase its historical and political condition as the “West”, a geopolitical
deinition that commands the abovementioned near monopoly over
authority and knowledge, to the detriment of the knowledge produced
everywhere else. History – briely sketched in this paper – has not
reshaped this power coniguration in a radical manner, nor altered the
low between areas that are considered to be producers and consumers
of knowledge.
he hegemony of the historical center of sociological thought
involves aspects such as its power to establish the research agenda
elsewhere, as well as to maintain itself as the principal axis of the
circulation of knowledge. his fact cannot be seen merely as the
imposition of theories and concepts upon the rest of the world; it is
based on a powerful political and scientiic hegemony which highlights
and privileges what is created in the United States and Europe, while
seeing southern sociological production as sources of data or descriptive
case studies. For this reason, the intellectual production of other regions
of the world is still scantly disseminated in hegemonic academic circles,
remaining largely conined to specialized publications.
It is not enough to simply recognize that this hegemony exists,
or to create a discourse that speaks for the South: it is important to
analyze how this hegemony is constituted, often with the aid of the
subalterns themselves, as well as how it can be altered. he existence of
“multiple modernities is bound to challenge not only Western economic
prowess and military might, but its hegemonic sociological theories and
methods” (Alexander, 2010, p. 4). However, as Alexander points out
(2010, p. 4), the sociology from South is not an indigenous species,
but the product of centuries of intense intellectual globalizing. Unequal
economic and political conditions produce and are reinforced by the
way knowledge is produced and circulated.
here are singularities in the Global South that are fully
contemplated in Connell’s analysis who, rather unproblematically,
situates Australia – whose colonial history is linked to England – therein.
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hus, Australia’s colonization – predominantly North European – as
well as its particular colonial history, places the country in a privileged
place within international academia. A mapping of the relationships
between the centers of production and consumption of knowledge of
the social shows that the North-South cut is quite imprecise. he postcolonial binary West-Rest is better suited for a discussion that evokes
historical and political frames such as colonialism and imperialism, but,
perhaps, the best option in order to understand the present structure in
the creation and circulation of knowledge would be to comprehend that
sociological research has spread far from its initial center. New emerging
producers of knowledge have started to appear in the map of exchanges.
Larissa Pelúcio airms that “the frontiers drawn between the
North and South are more porous and penetrable than we would
believe. Centers always have their peripheries and peripheries, in
turn, their centers” (2012, p. 3). If the world has become politically
and economically decentered, it should be no surprise that particular
countries are the irst to integrate or disturb the established academic
circuits. Pelúcio’s relection prompts us to think about the role some
Latin American countries have begun to play in the world sociological
community in the last years.
To participate in the global production of knowledge, a sociologist,
or scientist, does not have to be in the North. To be in the ‘periphery’
has allowed sociologists to absorb the theoretical debate from several
centers of the North without being restricted to national boundaries.
Moreover, they can listen to their colleagues from the South without the
social barriers found pervasively in the minds of northern sociologists.
his more open and enriched position is, in fact, an advantage in terms
of knowledge.
In this changing global scenario, our understanding of lows
and hierarchies of knowledge production and circulation may be less
dependent of the historical tradition that attributes to ‘the West’ the
status of center and regards the ‘non-West’ as periphery. he division
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between the West and the Rest, highlighted by post-colonialists, is
capable of supplying core elements for our comprehension of the present
geopolitics of knowledge, especially since it emphasizes its colonial and
imperial historical origin. During the last decades, there has been a
visible emergence of new centers of sociological production that are
defying this geopolitics. It may be that we are witnessing the creation of
a more symmetrical scenario for the production of social science.
In this changing world, whether in Latin America or in many African
or Asian countries, sociologists are consistent readers of academic studies
produced in Europe and the United States. Nonetheless, even today the
scholars from the North rarely read the sociological works produced in
the emergent centers of sociological production, since scholars from
these emergent centers are perceived merely as a potential audience for
northern production. If the exchange of knowledge tends to maintain
its old colonial/imperial pattern, journals like Sociologies in Dialogue
can bolster relexive analyses regarding how sociologists, whether from
established centers or emerging ones, act and create knowledge framed by
power relations. Relecting on this framework of sociological production
can help build a more symmetrical dialogue, and, perhaps, reshape the
global terms of the exchange of knowledge.
Another keystone in this discussion is the incontestable
contemporary hegemony of the English language in the circulation of
sociological production. English is not simply a lingua franca, a ‘neutral’
language for academic exchanges. Some say its assimilation and use
tend to mold the themes studied, the sources utilized and the means by
which the resulting research and discussions circulate. A more attentive
look into the subject would necessarily take into account that this power
frame is not only connected to the language itself, but also to the fact
that most international journals are US and UK based.
Currently it is not admissible to deine ‘internationality’ by
merely considering the language of publication; in other words, it is no
longer acceptable to state that ‘if a journal is produced in English, it is
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international’. In this sense, a journal published in English, but whose
editorial policy and referees are local (American or British), should not be
considered international. In contrast, a journal published in Portuguese
or Russian whose objective is to foster comparative international analysis
should be regarded as international. However, as English – or the many
variations of the English language spread around the globe – is the most
disseminated ‘tongue’ of communication, nowadays, the best way to
be international is to combine criteria related to language and editorial
policy, even if the substantive criterion of the editorial policy is regarded
as the most decisive factor.
he adoption of English as the journal’s oicial language is connected
to Renato Ortiz’s perception that “in the context of globalization, English
is no longer a foreign language, something imposed from abroad, but
an internal idiom, autochthonous of a modern world3 (2004, p. 10)”
In other words, though our journal chose English as a means for global
dialogue, we expect this choice will not condition the terms of our
exchange, given that our political-intellectual commitment regards
a project that comes from the South or the Rest not as a subaltern
localization, but as a possible vantage point in creating a new axis of
sociological exchange, one that is more innovative, symmetrical and
connected with the changes taking place in our times.
In this context, by adopting English, Sociologies in Dialogue intends
to create not just a South-North exchange, but also one that is SouthSouth or, in more politicized terms, between what was once called Rest
with the West, as well as ‘intra’ the Rest. We are well aware that the
binary North-South, Center-Periphery, West-Rest dichotomies are oversimplistic since the knowledge produced within the North-Center-West
countries and regions cannot be reduced to the institutional thought
accepted as legitimate there.
3
Authors’ translation.
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It is important to take into account that sociological studies
produced in the South-Periphery-Non-West often do not maintain
a critical dialogue with hegemonic local or international interests.
Furthermore, critical or anti-establishment thought predates, in the
North as well as in the Rest, the critique we summarize in this paper. We
do not assume the view that we are somehow enlightening people here
or in the North about the asymmetries of the geopolitics of knowledge.
What we wish is to be part of a wave that, hopefully, will make the world
more multi-centric and pluralistic, although our action is restricted to
the geopolitics of sociological production.
During the last decades some scholars from the North began to
recognize that their way of producing and circulating knowledge sustains
international hierarchies and inequalities. his is evident in the scarce
dialogue North and the Rest sociologists conduct among themselves.
Boaventura de Souza Santos (2010) contributed to the debate creating
discussions about Southern Epistemologies; Raewyn Connell (2007;
2015) through innovative works that deconstruct the Euro-American
canon and bring into light what she calls Southern heory; while Michael
Burawoy (2015) has had the initiative of publishing Global Dialogue,
International Sociological Association journal, available in 17 languages
with an emphasis on mapping contemporary social movements4.
Sociologies in Dialogue is an initiative created in the South and
edited by he Brazilian Sociological Society, a non-proit professional
association that has worked incessantly to promote dialogues open to a
pluralistic and multi-centric vision of our discipline. Since the journal
aims at focusing on dialogues, the option to publish in English is in no
way connected to any intention of hegemony: adopting the English
4
In Burawoy´s reading, the irst three years of Global Dialogue, the journal of the International
Sociological Association, has mapped the upwelling period of social movements reacting to a recent
phase of corporate commodiication. he prospect that guides the publication is sociology as a
knowledge on civil society that emphasizes social movements. See Burawoy, Michael. Times of Turmoil.
Sociologies in Dialogue, v. 1, n. 1.
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language, at least nowadays, is the most suitable form of allowing these
dialogues to take place among the largest number of sociologists.
We live in a context that is increasingly referred to as global.
Nevertheless, the production and circulation of knowledge is frequently
organized alongside an old and highly unequal worldwide framework
of academic distribution of power. We are aware that new hegemonies
can emerge from the current changes in contemporary societies. he
academic ield is not detached from other spheres of life and it is,
ultimately, a ield of dispute for power and legitimacy.
However, the main objective of the editorial policy of Sociologies
in Dialogue is the promotion of a more symmetrical geopolitics of
sociological production. A tool to achieve this major aim is to stimulate
the acceptance of studies, as well as the recruiting of referees, from
various regions of the globe.
We consider it is possible to learn together, and to deepen our
learning, if we adopt an egalitarian exchange of ideas. Knowledge does
not simply circulate: is also produced in circulation (Hanai, 2016).
his possibility implies creating transnational dialogues among diverse
sociologies: that is the main mission of Sociologies in Dialogue.
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