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c ha pt e r fo u r
Visual eros
Eyes are the most delicate, most powerful hands, imponderably touching the other over-there.
Hélène Cixous
Perhaps nowhere are the effects of the eye as vivid as in the realm of the
erotic. The slipperiness of vision, its potency, its adjacency to and confusion
with touch, its effects on both seer and seen, aroused fear and excitement
in ancient people. By the time we can speak of the early rabbis, somewhere
in the first or second century ce, a panoply of cultural traditions and
practices circulated in the Near East whereby sight, desire, and sexuality
were precariously entangled. Across ancient sources, from Mesopotamia to
Israel to Greece, we find nearly all looking, whether setting one’s eyes upon
a person’s form or body or the exchange of a glance, could both express
and arouse desire, lust, or love. Such notions and a variety of practices
built thereon persisted into late antiquity and well beyond, including in
the writings of those such as Cixous and Merleau-Ponty and in everyday
notions of “love at first sight.” Greek-speaking novelists and Latin poets
capitalized on them; Jewish and Christian sources attempted to police and
regulate them.
Cixous, “Writing blind,” .
E.g. Shamhat’s seduction of Enkidu, which is very explicit about how Shamhat’s display of her body
arouses Enkidu in Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet I, Column ; on visual eros in the epic, see Walls, Desire,
Discord, and Death, –. For further discussions of visual arousal, see Winter, “Sex”; Bahrani,
Women of Babylon. The literature on visual eroticism in ancient Greek culture is enormous (e.g.
Frontisi-Ducroux, “Eros, desire and the gaze”; Plato, Cratylus b for an account of how eros flows
through the eyes). While vision and sexuality is a persistent theme in biblical narrative and law (e.g.
Genesis :, Samuel :, Ezekiel :–), the Song of Songs exemplifies its use in poetry. On
gender and eroticism in the Bible, see Brenner, Intercourse.
Rosen Zvi, “Bilhah the temptress”; Glancy, “The accused.”
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Consider this rabbinic example:
A story about Rabban Gamaliel who was standing on temple steps when he
saw [ra’ah] a certain idolater [female] who was exceedingly beautiful [na’ah
beyoter]. He said, “Lord, how great are your works.”
The rabbinic story puts this Tannaitic law to the test:
One who sees beautiful human beings or beautiful trees says, “Blessed is the
one who has created such beautiful creatures.”
On the one hand, this law mandates the recognition of human (along
with arboreal) beauty by reciting a blessing; on the other hand, what is a
venerable rabbi doing gazing at a woman, and a gentile woman at that?
The Palestinian version of this story puts it this way: “was it the habit of
Rabban Gamaliel to gaze (lehistakkel ) at women”? The story exonerates
Rabban Gamaliel, stating that “even if he had seen a beautiful camel, a
beautiful horse, or a beautiful donkey,” he would have made a blessing,
but regardless, the rabbi was caught along “a winding road, like a curved
path into a town, and gazed against her against his will.” By the time the
narrative reaches Babylonia, the unease, laced with irreverence, becomes
full-fledged consternation. The Babylonian rabbis raise the stakes, challenging the rabbi’s behavior by citing prohibitions against blessing the
beauty of idolaters, as well as laws against gazing at beautiful women (even
if unmarried), married women (even if ugly), women’s colorful clothing,
or mating animals. They eventually rescue the rabbi with the same excuse:
poor urban planning. This narrative, and its framing in Palestinian and
Babylonian sources, brings to life many of the late-antique rabbinic anxieties about, and preoccupations with, vision and sex.
These worries were not unique to the rabbis – late-antique Christians,
for instance, also shared them. The sense that looking, particularly at
sexual matters, is somehow more than “just” looking, is still alive today.
We see this in a range of phenomena: from moral arguments and scientific
studies about the effects of these sights on the viewer, to debates about
B. ‘Avodah Zarah a (y. Berakhot :, b–c; y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, a–b).
T. Berakhot :. See the blessing in b. Berakhot b for “one who goes about in Nisan and sees trees
(veh.aze ilane) sprouting”; cf. m. Avot :.
Both y. Berakhot :, b–c and y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, a–b cite a teaching of R. Yoh.anan in which
“do not show mercy (teh.annem)” Deuteronomy : is read as “do not grant (titten) them grace
(h.en).” The Bavli also cites a teaching of Rav, “a person is not allowed to say, ‘How beautiful is this
[female] idolater.’”
Y. Berakhot :, b–c; y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, a–b. In the Bavli’s terms, “but is looking (le’istakkule)
even permitted?”
Sokoloff, Dictionary of Palestinian Aramaic, , s.v. prosdos.
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pornography, censorship, and childhood, to the strong responses to the
visibility of women by ultra-orthodox Jews in contemporary Israel.
Our concern here is to investigate the landscape of the ancient world,
rife with objects of and ideas about visual desire. As we have already
noted, for the ancients, and for rabbis among them, seeing was intertwined
with, and often inseparable from, the sense of touch; as a result, seeing
sexually was experienced as an even more physical, embodied, and affective
phenomenon than we may think of it today. While Palestinian Amoraic
tradition teaches that one ought to enjoy all that one sees, Palestinian
rabbis, and their Babylonian brethren, also expressed much ambivalence
about what it meant to navigate the dangerous and delightful world of
vision and desire. As we will see, the rabbis loved to look, even if only
(and somewhat paradoxically) in order to better legislate prohibition.
The story about Rabban Gamaliel captures many of the themes that
arise in rabbinic reflections on visual eros, or the desiring gaze. There is the
pleasure and delight in vision, with the designation of “beauty” expressing
the visual pleasure an object gives to its viewer(s). The story makes a woman
beautiful, following a longstanding trope that associates beauty with the
feminine and that sees feminine beauty as both asset and liability. We
will turn to this notion of beauty as a feminine characteristic in section
of this chapter. This story also underscores rabbinic concern about the
appropriateness of rabbis looking at women. Packed into this concern are
assumptions about the inevitability of certain gendered divisions of visual
labor, in terms of who sees and who is seen.
This brings us to the central concern of this chapter: the gendering of
vision in the realm of desire. If our guiding question concerns how the
rabbis understood and dealt with erotic vision, then our answer quickly
Contemporary discussions, whether posed in moral or scientific terms, about the effects of viewing
pornography (or violence), reveal that we, too, remain concerned about whether certain kinds
of seeing are “merely” looking. Research on the brain activity of various kinds of spectators has
shown that engaged viewers’ brains light up as if they were actually partaking in the activity being
watched, suggesting the existence of “mirror neurons” that break down binary conceptions of
subject/object and activity/passivity in the perceptual and visual realm (Dill, Fantasy; Barker and
Petley (eds.), Ill Effects). Examples of religious discussions about censorship and self-preservation
include the following: Struthers, Wired for Intimacy, aimed at Christian men, “married and single
alike,” which uses psychological concepts; www.guardureyes.com, an ultra-orthodox Jewish website
aimed at overcoming visual temptation on the Web and in the everyday environment, which has
the endorsement of several prominent ultra-orthodox rabbis, blends rabbinic and addiction therapy
discourse. For various haredi responses to female visibility, see Moshe-David, “Tiberias”; MakoverBalikov, “Women of the veil”; Rotem, “Mother Taliban”; Nagler-Cohen, “Taliban Rabbis”; Novick,
“Sight unseen.”
Y. Qiddushin :, d: “In the world to come every person will have to give an account for what
his eye saw but he did not eat.”
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makes apparent the extent to which visual eros was gendered. The most
obvious visual paradigm is gendered in binary terms: Vision is a predominantly masculine act with a feminine visual object. This division of visual
labor, or separation between viewing subject and visual object, fits within a
heterovisual frame. In the most simplified versions of this paradigm, gender
is aligned with sex so that the gaze is not only masculine but also male,
and the visual object is not only feminized but female, thus overlapping
with a heterosexual paradigm of desire. As John Berger put it, “According to usage and conventions which are at last being questioned but have
by no means been overcome – men act and women appear. Men look
at women.” However, as we saw in Chapter , and as our investigation
here will uncover, the rabbis imagined a more complex variety of gender
configurations.
As discussed in the previous chapter, Laura Mulvey and others generated
the paradigm of the male gaze / female visual object in order to analyze
viewing and visual culture. With all its noted insufficiencies, like many
paradigms it provides a useful starting point for thinking that may eventually transcend it. Our investigation in these pages will move outward
from this binary paradigm of visual eros to explore how visuality served
as a site for both the production and the troubling of gender in rabbinic
literature. I thus begin in the next section (“Genitalia and the gender of
the gaze”) by examining an instance of rabbinic erotic visuality that, on
the surface, corresponds with this simplest binary formulation. Here, later
Palestinian and Babylonian rabbis construct hypothetical cases exploring
whether a man can recite the Shema prayer while looking at female body
parts, including genitalia. However, the rabbis also consider scenarios in
which male genitalia come into view, whether of self or others. Here, a
simple gendered binary of male viewer / female visual object begins to
break down. The gaze, and the ways it renders the world and its objects
visible, becomes a means by which the rabbis understand gender and
subjectivity.
The following section, “Visual asceticism,” treats some of the varieties
of visual prohibition, which border on forms of visual asceticism. I argue
Berger, Ways of Seeing, , .
See Mulvey, “Visual pleasure,” and Chapter , n. . Mulvey analyzed Hollywood cinema which
frames its female subjects as objects of a male, scopophiliac gaze. Freud used the notion of scopophilia
to think about the love of looking as connected to the sex drive and knowledge. Mulvey describes how
scopophilia “arises from pleasure in using another person as an object of sexual stimulation through
sight” (Mulvey, “Visual pleasure,” –). For examples of the usage of psychoanalytical notions of
the gaze and scopophilia in classical literature, see Fredrick, Roman Gaze, –; Sutherland, “How
(not) to look at a woman.”
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that an expansive conception of prohibited visually erotic objects has a
paradoxically stimulating effect on visual eros and examine the implications
for gender of the rabbinic refusal to look at potential objects of desire. At
first sight, just as in the first section, the notion of men not looking might
seem to conform to a simple gender binary of visual labor. However, as
in the first section, I show how, particularly in the Bavli, extreme visual
abstention, results in a subversion and even reversal of expected gender
roles. The third section, “Beautiful men,” considers the vicissitudes of
gaze and gender in the context of rabbinic discourse on beautiful men,
exploitative imperial gazing, and intra-rabbinic visual eros.
A central argument in this chapter is that the erotic eye was crucial to
the rabbis both for the production of and for the troubling of gender.
That is to say, while visual eros was bound up with the production and
regulation of rabbinic gender, this gender paradigm did not maintain a rigid
masculinity, nor was the rabbi necessarily the possessor of an active male
gaze, with females as the only visual objects. The work of perfecting gender
was unstable in its efficacy and thus was in need of ongoing iteration.
Genitalia and the gender of the gaze
In biblical writings, vision and sex are often bound together in the context of
prohibition. Illicit sexual acts are described in visual terms as uncovering,
revealing, or looking at genital nakedness (‘ervah); such acts are always,
whether implicitly or explicitly, performed by a male actor. In addition to
prohibited sexual acts, the sight of ‘ervah was also forbidden in the realm
of the sacred, that is, on the altar or in the tabernacle. These concerns
make their way into Tannaitic sources, though rarely in the language of
vision and ‘ervah per se. In the Mishnah and the Tosefta, we find laws
restricting the recitation of prayers in situations where genital nakedness
might be encountered, as in certain areas in the bathhouse, or while one is
naked oneself. While these usually concern male ritual actors, one such
hypothetical scenario, in m. H
. allah, features a woman:
Exodus :, :– (priests covering ‘ervah); cf. t. Yoma :. For ‘ervah in sexual contexts, see,
e.g., Leviticus and Levine, Leviticus, –; Ezekiel :–, :. Preparations for mystical
experiences include not looking at women; see Schäfer (ed.), Synopse, §, §. Cf. Leviticus
Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, ii:).
E.g. t. Berakhot :, –; Sifre Deuteronomy (ed. Finkelstein, ). See Satlow, “Constructions
of nakedness.”
H
. allah concerns the obligation to put aside a portion of bread dough for priestly donation. A
blessing is to be uttered upon so doing. The rabbis derive this obligation from Numbers :–.
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A woman may sit and separate her h.allah naked (‘arummah), because she
can cover herself (lekhassot et ‘atsmah), but a man cannot.
While the neutral term ‘arummah (naked) is used, rather than the loaded
‘ervah (genitalia), what needs to be covered is clear from the context. The
distinction between men and women here implicitly follows differences in
genital anatomy. The Mishnah’s concern here is exposure, but to no one’s
eye in particular, and it treats the body of the ritual actor itself (male or
female). The transformation of the Mishnah’s concerns in the later sources
is quite stark. In the Talmuds, what was a question of nakedness becomes
a discussion of ‘ervah, and crucially, both Talmuds introduce the language
of vision in terms of the male gaze (see Table ).
The Yerushalmi and Bavli refer to m. H
. allah : but while that earlier
tradition dealt with the permissibility of a woman or man reciting a blessing
while naked – in other words, with a person’s status as ritual actor regarding
his or her own body – here, the mishnah is read for a scenario in which a
male ritual actor looks at a female visual object. Specifically m. H
. allah :
is seen to support a teaching that a woman’s rear is not ‘ervah; presumably
the Talmuds understand the Mishnah to be saying that blessings may be
uttered as long as female genitalia are covered but that it is permissible for
the rear to remain exposed.
The Yerushalmi’s discussion relates directly to m. H
. allah :, whereas
the Bavli cites our mishnah and related set of traditions in the context of
‘ervah and the recitation of the Shema. The Bavli’s discussion is part of a
larger passage about the permissibility of reciting the Shema while in bed
with one’s wife among other hypothetical bedmates. Both the Palestinian
M. H
. allah :. On gendered postures and labor in halakhah, see Peskowitz, Spinning Fantasies,
–, n. .
Cf. b. Ketubot b which compares the mored and the moredet in terms in the external (male, and
in context more urgent) and internal (female, and in context less urgent) manifestations of their
yetser, and b. Berakhot a “she can cover her face [i.e. genitalia] in the earth, but not the man.”
For a feminist critique of visuality based on the apparent invisibility of women’s genitals and the
visibility of men’s genitals, see Irigaray, Sex, .
See the excellent analysis of y. H
. allah :, c and b. Berakhot a (and parallels) in Brodsky, Bride,
–, , –.
It is possible that the Yerushalmi restricts the teaching that the rear is not ‘ervah not just to the case
of “blessing” but also, implicitly, to the scenario described by in the Mishnah.
The Bavli seems to be drawing from a similar (but not identical) set of traditions as that found in
the Yerushalmi. This set of teachings comes from one context – a discussion of m. H
. allah : and the
general permissibility of gazing at portions of a woman, i.e. what constitutes forbidden ‘ervah – but
is less than seamlessly integrated into another – saying Shema in bed. Thus, the line “his wife while
reciting Shema” while paralleling the Yerushalmi’s distinction between general gazing and the case
of blessing awkwardly interrupts the preceding debate about tefah versus finger and the subsequent
discussion of thigh, voice, and hair. For the argument that the Yerushalmi draws from Babylonia,
see Brodsky, Bride.
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Table
y. H
. allah :, c
This (m. H
. allah :) means that the rear
is in no way ‘ervah. That which you say
refers to blessing, but any gazing
(lehabbit) whatsoever is forbidden.
As it is taught [in a baraita]: He who
gazes (hamistakkel ) at a woman’s heel
(ba‘aqevah shel ishah), it is as if he gazes
at her vagina (bet hareh.em). And he who
gazes at a vagina, it is as if he had
intercourse with her.
Samuel said: “A woman’s voice is ‘ervah.
What is the reason? “Indeed, by the
voice of her promiscuity (mikkol
zenutah) the land was defiled (Jeremiah
:).”
b. Berakhot a
Rav Huna said: “The rear is in no way ‘ervah.”
Say that this supports Rav Huna: “A woman
may sit and separate her h.allah naked, because
she can cover her nakedness in the ground,
but a man cannot”. Rav Nah.man b. Isaac
explained it: “For example, if her face [i.e.
genitalia] were covered in the earth” . . .
R. Isaac said: “A handbreadth in a woman
constitutes ‘ervah.” How? If we were to say
when gazing (le’istakkule) at it, has not Rav
Sheshet said: “Why did scripture enumerate
the external jewelry together with the internal?
To tell you that he who gazes (hamistakkel ) at
the little finger of a woman, it is as if he
looked at her genitalia (maqom hatoref).
Rather, [here] it is regarding his own wife, and
when he recites the Shema. Rav H
. isda said: “A
woman’s thigh is ‘ervah, as it says, ‘Uncover
your leg, pass through rivers’ (Isaiah :),
and it says, ‘Your nakedness shall be
uncovered, and your shame shall be seen’
(Isaiah :).” Samuel said: “A woman’s voice
is ‘ervah, as it says, ‘For your voice is sweet
and your face is lovely’ (Song of Songs :).”
Rav Sheshet said: “A woman’s hair is ‘ervah, as
it says, ‘Your hair is like a flock of goats’ (Song
of Songs :).”
and Babylonian Talmuds consider the question of whether a woman’s rear
is ‘ervah. The Yerushalmi seems to allow that in specific circumstances the
rear is not ‘ervah but that in general circumstances “any gazing whatsoever”
constitutes (forbidden) ‘ervah. The Bavli (implicitly) sets Rav Huna’s
teaching that a woman’s rear is not ‘ervah in the specific scenario of a
man reciting Shema in bed with his wife against R. Isaac’s teaching that
a tefah. constitutes ‘ervah – the editor then narrows R. Isaac’s teaching to
Both Talmuds distinguish looking at body parts of a woman in specific contexts (the Yerushalmi: “for
a blessing”; the Bavli: “his wife while reciting Shema”) and a more general “gazing” (the Yerushalmi:
lehabbit; the Bavli: le’istakkule). In the latter case, the Yerushalmi forbids any amount; the Bavli
seems to distinguish a tefah. in the case of “his wife while reciting Shema” versus a finger in other
circumstances (non-wife, at least according to the midrash cited).
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the scenario of “his wife and when he recites the Shema.” Outside of this
scenario, in other words, when “gazing” (at a non-wife according to the
cited midrash), even a finger (less than a tefah. ) is forbidden. The Bavli then
proceeds to thigh, voice, and hair. It is only forbidden to look at ‘ervah
belonging to one’s wife while reciting the Shema, but with women who
are not one’s wife, ‘ervah is always forbidden and the definition of ‘ervah is
more expansive.
Besides quite drastically changing the terms of m. H
. allah : by inserting
an explicit male gaze at a female visual object, let us note other significant
visual features of the Yerushalmi and the Bavli. The Yerushalmi sexualizes
the gaze itself in genital terms by staging it as a phallus. This logic supports
the possibility that areas other than the vagina can be considered to be
‘ervah. The Yerushalmi bolsters the phallic potency of the male gaze by
constructing a set of similes that operate by a kind of refracting transfer
and increasing intensity of vision:
He who gazes (hamistakkel ) at a woman’s heel (ba‘aqevah shel ishah), it is as
if he gazes at her vagina (bet hareh.em).
And he who gazes at a vagina is as if he has intercourse with her.
Gazing at the heel (or “rump”) is like gazing at the vagina (a parallel in the
Bavli explains that this is because it is opposite the vagina), which in turn is
like having sex. It is precisely the tactility of the gaze that makes this logic
legible. Seeing is no cerebral, transcendent act; it is a form of touch. In
its association of vision and phallus, however, the Yerushalmi goes further
than the kind of manual vision envisaged in Cixous’ description. This
Palestinian tradition crystallizes earlier Jewish traditions, such as those
found in Matthew : and Leviticus Rabbah :, which emphasize the
sinfulness of the illicit sexual gaze. So, too, Tertullian warns that a virgin
is “endangered by the public exhibition of herself, while she is penetrated
For the suggestion that ‘aqevah here means rear or “rump,” see Brodsky, Bride, .
On the haptic versus optic gazes see Riegl, Late Roman Art Industry.
Both Talmuds use language of gazing (lehabbit, lehistakkel ), rather than looking (lir’ot).
Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, ii:) transmits a similar teaching of Resh Laqish, “You should
not say that [only] one who commits adultery with his body is called an adulterer, but rather [even]
one who commits adultery with his eyes is called an adulterer.” Expanding adultery this way makes it
potentially more prevalent (even as it functions preventatively). See also Mekhilta Derabbi Shim‘on
bar Yoh.ai to Exodus : (ed. Epstein-Melamed, ); Sifre Deuteronomy (ed. Finkelstein,
; parallel in b. Berakhot b). On Matthew : and visual theories, see Duff, “Theories of
vision.”
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by the gaze of untrustworthy and multitudinous eyes.” Tertullian and
the Yerushalmi both highlight vision’s phallic and extramissive potency.
While the Bavli does not explicitly make the graphic equation of eye
and phallus, it does go further than the Yerushalmi in other ways. It sees
‘ervah in a handbreadth of exposed flesh, the little finger (or a little finger’s
worth), the thigh, the hair, and the voice. This synaesthetic collapse
between voice, vision, and touch is made by both Talmuds, and while
both Talmuds emphasize the mutability and tactility of the gaze, and
transfer ‘ervah beyond genitalia, the Bavli effectively genitalizes a woman’s
entire body, when it is under the male gaze.
The logic of substitution in b. Berakhot draws on an exegesis of Numbers , in which Israelite warriors take the jewelry of Moabite women
as spoil. The Bible describes the jewelry using various terms, which Rav
Sheshet interprets as adorning both “exterior” areas of the body, such as
fingers and necks, as well as “interior” areas, such as breasts and the pubic
area. In b. Shabbat a–b, a baraita explains that the Israelite warriors
sinned (for which they required “atonement,” kapparah, in Numbers :)
by “feasting their eyes (zanu ‘enehem)” upon the Moabite women’s bodies
while removing their jewels. The Bavli (or Rav Sheshet) reads the biblical
Tertullian, De Verginibus Velandis, . (trans. Thelwall in Roberts and Donaldson [eds.], AnteNicene Fathers, vol. iv, ). Notice how Tertullian mixes his metaphors such that looking becomes
penetration, pointing becomes touching, and gazing in general becomes kissing and embracing.
This is, of course, more than the mixing of metaphors, as it is underpinned by late-antique notions
of vision as intertwined with touch.
While the usage of etsba‘ seems to play off its usage as a standard measurement and as an actual
body part (especially given its modifier qatan, “little”), it is uncertain whether tefah. plays with this
double sense of literal body-part or metaphorical measure, as well (“palm” and “handbreadth”). It
is not inconceivable that both usages (tefah. and etsba‘) convey play between measurements derived
from the human body and actual body parts. If that is the case, what a clever way of highlighting the
objectification of the body – to play on the way it is used metaphorically for measures of distance
and then to close the circle by bringing it back to measure the human body as visual object. Thanks
to Adam Parker for this wonderful suggestion.
The two Talmudic passages share several traditions, both named Babylonian Amoraic traditions
and anonymous ones; however, even setting aside the rhetorical and editorial differences, the two
passages arrange these parallel traditions to quite different effect. For example, b. Berakhot focuses
on the little finger as equivalent to the vagina, which is curious given its phallic connotations. In
addition, the euphemism for the vagina in b. Berakhot (bet hatoref, lit. “the place of filth, decay”)
conveys disgust, whereas y. H
. allah uses the more neutral bet hareh.em (“house” or “seat of the
womb”). On fingers and phalluses, see Kings :: “My little finger is thicker than my father’s
loins”; b. Shabbat b: “He did not touch me even with his little finger”; b. Ketubot a; b. Niddah
a. See also Brodsky, Bride, –.
Numbers :.
B. Shabbat a–b. The Israelites tell Moses, “Even if we escaped from sinning, we did not escape
from meditating (hirhur).” The Palestinian Targum on the biblical passage makes the opposite
argument, i.e. it praises the virtue of the Israelite men who managed to remove all these precious
jewels from the bodies of the Moabite women without even looking at them. Both the Targum and
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passage as equating all these body parts under the male gaze such that
looking at a finger is tantamount to looking at a vagina. The equivalence between “interior” (vagina) and “exterior” (parts of the body usually
exposed) is echoed in Tertullian, who suggests:
Impose a veil externally on her who has a covering internally. Let her whose
lower parts are not bare have her upper likewise covered.
Tertullian’s logic is slightly different, of course; it equates the exposure
of interior/lower and exterior/upper. Both rabbis and Tertullian share a
willingness to associate “external” body parts of women with genitalia.
This logic regarding hair is found in the teaching that “the hair of a woman
is ‘ervah.” The Bavli traces a gaze from a woman’s rear to palm to finger to
thigh to voice to hair. If a little finger can be a vagina according to the Rav
Sheshet, then the Bavli’s gaze roams across a woman’s body, fragmenting it
and pausing to focus on particular zones.
Laura Mulvey’s insights, though from the very different domain of
cinema studies, might illuminate some of these moves. Mulvey noted a
series of common cinematographic strategies used to represent women in
Hollywood film, including close-ups, makeup, and lighting, and found
that they serve to fragment and flatten the female protagonist, particularly
her face. Working with the ideas of Freud, Mulvey saw such strategies of
objectification and fetishization as a way for (male) filmmakers to disavow
their castration anxieties. Without suggesting that the rabbis were indebted
to Freud, it is noteworthy that not only does the Bavli perform something
of this fragmentation of the female figure, but it also deploys a rhetoric of
disgust for female genitalia.
While the Yerushalmi and Bavli may share a common core of teachings,
they clearly make their cases in different ways. The Yerushalmi’s statement
of the phallic gaze is the bolder, whereas the effect of the gaze across the
female body is more far-reaching and fragmenting in the Bavli. Rabbis in
both Babylonia and Palestine understand visual pleasure as tantamount to,
the Bavli were clearly stimulated by this passage to think about the problem of the gaze, even if they
came to opposite conclusions about its exercise.
Tertullian, De verginibus velandis . (trans. Thelwall in Roberts and Donaldson [eds.], Ante-Nicene
Fathers, vol. iv, ). See D’Angelo, “Veils,” .
However, Rav Sheshet’s interpretation is specifically about women who are not one’s wife, i.e.
the Moabite women. The anonymous editor in b. Berakhot a then concludes that R. Isaac’s
measurement of a handbreadth suffices when it is one’s own wife and when one is praying, restricting
Rav Sheshet’s dictum to non-wives and presumably, although not necessarily, non-prayer conditions.
“Maqom hatoref.” B. Berakhot a asks why God chose to place a woman’s breasts close to her heart:
“Rav Judah said: ‘So that he should not look upon the place of ‘ervah.’ Rav Mattena said: ‘So that
he should not suck from a place that is foul (tinofet; referring to genitalia).’”
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or superior to, actual physical satiation. Indeed, the Bavli, after a series of
Amoraic statements about how one actually has to see what one eats in
order to be satisfied, records the following teaching of Resh Laqish: “More
pleasurable is the sight of a woman than the deed itself.”
Both the Bavli and the Yerushalmi present a male gaze and scrutinize
and sexualize the sex and bodies of females. At first blush, it is hard to
avoid the conclusion that the Talmuds force bodies and eyes into a gender
binary along clearly circumscribed lines. As much as the gaze is gendered
in the masculine, the body is made female (“a woman’s thigh is ‘ervah . . . a
woman’s hair is ‘ervah”). All the active verbs apply to the man; women, and
their body parts, by contrast, are all grammatical and conceptual objects.
Gone is the female ritual actor of the Mishnah: a woman sitting, covering
herself, and saying a blessing. Instead, a woman is rendered in terms of
body parts that ultimately refer to her sex organ, and a man in terms of his
penetrative gaze and his ability to recite Shema.
What allows such gendered and sexed stratification to take hold? The
potency of the male, phallic gaze is such that it can genitalize the female
body beyond the location of genitalia. The insistence on a clearly sexed,
gendered, and seer/seen binary may be, in Mulvey’s terms, a disavowal of
the fact that these binaries themselves threaten to dissolve in the domain of
late antiquity’s tactile vision. In other words, on a strongly tactile, extramissive understanding of vision, cast as masculine, the viewer is by his phallic
eye implicated by the visual object; this is not the Cartesian transcendent
eye which preserves the difference between subject and object: This after
all is the basic logic of visual arousal – the phallic eye must be stimulated
by its visual object in order to extend toward it (the object of its gaze).
B. Yoma b, on Ecclesiastes :. The Hebrew conveys the wordplay more clearly, “More pleasurable
is the sight of the eyes (mar’eh ‘enayyim) in a woman than the deed itself (gufo shel ma‘aseh, lit.
‘the body of the deed’).” Cf. Leucippe and Clitophon ..– for an account of the mechanics of
reciprocal gazing as sexual activity. A more cautious and attenuated way of putting this idea, in the
context of a discussion about whether the exposure of the adulterous woman’s breast (part of her
trial by ordeal) will inflame the desire of the priestly onlookers, is the tradition cited by Rava: “The
evil inclination only rules over what its eyes see (‘enav ro’ot)” (b. Sotah a; paralleled in b. Sanhedrin
a). Visibility, however, could draw both the evil inclination and the evil eye. See b. Ta‘anit b and
b. Bava Metsi’a a for the inverse tradition that “Blessing is only found in that which is hidden
from the eye (hasamuy min ha‘ayin).”
In contrast to this visual economy, see that between the first two humans in the Zoroastrian
Bundahišn :, “Mashı̂ said to Mashyânı̂: When I look at your belly this thing of mine grows and
rises up. Then Mashyânı̂ said: Brother, when I see that member of yours, my belly flutters” (trans.
Skjærvo, Spirit of Zoroastrianism, ).
On the merging of gendered polarities of the gaze in Sappho’s poetry as opposed to Anacreon and
other male love poets, see Williamson, “Sappho”; Stehle, “Sappho’s gaze,” esp. –.
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Thus far, we find that vision both has a gender and helps to produce
gender. The gaze is masculine and phallic; the visual object is not only
gendered as feminine, but sexed as female. Arousal and desire are thus
problems of gender as much as vision. Such a paradigm serves to construct
what we called heterovisuality in the previous chapter; that is, a visual mode
that operates along lines of difference, in which the viewer constructs itself
by oppositional reference to an other. In this case, heterovisuality serves
to reinforce heterosexuality, even if it attempts to circumscribe it through
prohibition. If it was masculine to gaze at women, the rabbi became the
right kind of man through the inverse of that expectation, as much by not
looking as by looking. He was to understand himself as a rabbinic man
partly through the contrast of liturgical actions (reciting a blessing, saying
Shema) with female visual objects.
This all conforms to a naturalized, even if far from normalized, idea
about the gendered division of visual labor that maps heterosexuality onto
heterovisuality. In other words, in this case the paradigm of viewing that
we have described as creating difference between viewer and visual object
coincides with sexualized masculine–feminine difference. However, as we
will see, the rabbis also consider the problem of men looking at ‘ervah of
men. In b. Berakhot these deliberations occur in the context of a broader
discussion about circumstances in which it is appropriate to recite the
Shema. The Bavli considers the ways in which a man is the object of
his own gaze, an instance of what we might call “autovisuality.” It uses
different visual language when considering male–male vision as opposed
to male–female vision. When talking about a man looking at a woman’s
‘ervah, the terms used are gazing or looking (mistakkel, mebbit), as opposed
to seeing (ro’eh) used with respect to men.
Before it treats female ‘ervah, b. Berakhot a thinks about various combinations of men, women,
boys, and girls, family members and otherwise, in bed with the praying male subject; compare t.
Berakhot :–, , for similar concerns. But besides the sections examined in this chapter, it
does not articulate this specifically in terms of visuality. Rather the language is of co-presence. The
Babylonian Talmud in those cases proposes solutions such as barriers and clothing, but this could
again speak to co-presence or proximity, rather than visuality per se. I only treat here those instances
where vision is explicitly invoked rather than those in which it could, arguably, be implied.
Both b. and y. Berakhot use the language of re’iyah to think about excrement, but the latter does not
consider the problem of male ‘ervah.
In b. Berakhot b, Genesis : is used to prove that gentile genitalia count as ‘ervah in the same
ways as Jewish ‘ervah. This verse includes the terms ‘ervah and ra’u (they saw). The same terms are
used to express the problems of a man’s own genitalia. Besides this, the problem of male genitalia
in the context of shema is expressed in terms of co-presence (b. Berakhot a) rather than vision
per se.
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The Bavli imagines a curious scenario. Given that a man is forbidden to
look at his own ‘ervah while praying, the concern is whether it is permissible for “his heart to see (ro’eh) his ‘ervah.” This arises in hypothetical
scenarios, like being in bed with the covers pulled up to one’s chin or being
immersed in muddy water. One’s eyes are guarded from the sight of ‘ervah,
but the penis is visible to other parts of the body. The rabbis are not only
concerned with “his heart seeing his ‘ervah,” but also with “his heel seeing
his ‘ervah.” There are two notable distinctions between the ways that the
Bavli imagines looking (rather than gazing) at male and female ‘ervah. One
is that ‘ervah, when applied to the male body, is restricted to the genitalia
proper. It is not transferred to other areas of the male body. The other
is that the male body is “ocularized,” that is, the rabbis attribute vision
to body parts other than the eyes. To put this somewhat reductively, we
might say that the male body can become all eyes and the female body all
genitalia. Or, put differently, the male body becomes an instrument for
seeing, whereas the woman’s body becomes the quintessential visual object.
If the masculine gaze, or ritual masculinity, is constituted by eyes trained
on, or directed away from, female anatomy, it can also involve a selfsurveying and eyeless gaze under which the male body becomes visible to
itself, albeit without necessarily being sexualized. In this sense we might
say that the (male, Babylonian) gaze fragments both male and female
bodies, though under different visual, anatomical, and sexual regimes.
B. Berakhot b goes on to consider the question of whether looking
at gentile (male) genitalia while reciting the Shema is forbidden. The
Talmud understands this question, posed by Rav Judah, as resting on
B. Berakhot b, commenting on m. Berakhot :: “One who has gone down to immerse himself [in
a miqve, and the hour of the morning Shema arrives], if he is able to come out, cover himself and
recite before the sun is risen, he should cover himself and recite; if not, he should cover himself with
water and recite.” One should also consider a specifically Zoroastrian context for the preoccupation
with parts of the body seeing one another. Zoroastrians forbade the exposure of genitalia and failure
to separate upper and lower body, describing walking around without a belt (kustig) and shirt (sabig)
as going about unclothed (wisad-dwarisnih). See Sayest-ne-Sayest .–; Malandra, “Avestan Zānu.
Drāȷ̂ah”; Elman, “Middle Persian culture”; Shaked, “No talking.”
B. Berakhot b.
Note b. ‘Avodah Zarah b refers to various feminine and sexual sights as strictly forbidden, “even
if he is full of eyes (male’ ‘enayyim).”
Vision is thematized in this pericope (b. Berakhot b). The discussion goes on to discuss whether
looking at ‘ervah or excrement through a transparent substance is to be avoided while praying. (It
is to be avoided in the former case, but not in the latter.) This is in marked contrast to y. Berakhot
on this Mishnah and the continuation of the parallel pericope in y. H
. allah :, c, which discusses
praying near excrement with no reference to the visual question.
We see this particularly in the Babylonian Talmud, which moves from a gaze that genitalizes the
female body to a gaze that fragments the male body when looking at male genitalia (whether one’s
own or a gentile’s).
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the possibility that gentile genitalia is not considered human genitalia,
based on an interpretation of Ezekiel :: “She lusted after concubinage
with them, whose penises (besaram) were the penises of asses and whose
issue (zirmatam) was the issue of horses.” In other words seeing gentile
genitalia becomes a question of species. This possibility is rejected, based on
Genesis :, which praises Shem and Japheth for covering up their father
Noah’s nakedness after their brother Ham’s incestuous and homoerotic
“looking” at his father’s penis. The latter text not only uses visually emphatic
language but also, as crucially for the problem at hand, uses the term ‘ervah
for Noah’s genitalia. Thus, under the rabbinic gaze, the gentile becomes
hypersexualized and eroticized – transgressively, grotesquely, possibly even
animalistically – which helps to construct a rabbinic sexuality that is, by
contrast, restrained and modest.
A rather different sensibility colors the Bavli’s consideration of an intraJewish gaze. The Bavli’s use of the more neutral language of seeing (ro’eh)
versus gazing (mistakkel, mebbit) does not contemplate the (homo)erotic
possiblities of the male–male gaze in this context. But this kind of gazing
is not entirely absent, as we will see in the next chapter when we examine
a more explicitly homoerotic rabbinic gaze amidst a discussion of rabbinic
genitalia.
While there is no Palestinian parallel to these precise scenarios in the
Bavli, the Yerushalmi does consider the autovisual in other contexts that
juxtapose the sight of genitalia with ritual and, in our first example, with
eroticism. Tannaitic and Amoraic sources talk of King David who goes
to the bathhouse and, “seeing (ra’ah) himself naked,” laments that he
is “bare of commandments (‘arom min hamitsvot ).” However, when he
“gazed (hibbit) at the mark of his circumcision,” he rejoiced. In Sifre
Deuteronomy’s version of this tradition, a remarkably visually eroticized
and gendered parable follows this:
A king of flesh and blood [stands in for God] who said to his wife [stands in
for David, who stands in for all Jewish males], “Adorn yourself with all your
jewelry so that you are desirable to me.” Thus also the Holy One said to
Israel, “My children, be marked by my commandments so you are desirable
to me.” Thus it says, “You are beautiful, my darling, as Tirzah” (Song of
Songs :) – you are beautiful when you are desirable (retsuyah) to me.
The phrase is part of an extended parable, which describes two sisters, representing Samaria and
Jerusalem, engaged in promiscuous sex with various gentile nations.
Sifre Deuteronomy (ed. Finkelstein, ); paralleled in t. Berakhot :; y. Berakhot :, d;
b. Menah.ot b. Cf. y. Sanhedrin :, b which uses mebittin for looking at women and ra’u for the
exposure of male genitalia. The former clearly relates to female modesty and visual eros, whereas
the latter relates to male modesty but does not seem to have erotic connotations.
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The visuality of David’s circumcision and, by extension, that of all Jewish
males, is eroticized when seen through God’s eyes, and gendered in feminine terms (wife, jewelry, beauty, etc.). In David’s eyes, his circumcised
genitalia inspire a Psalm of praise. Unlike b. Berakhot male genitalia is
not opposed to ritual or sanctity; on the contrary, it becomes a marker
thereof. Just when David thinks he is stripped of all contact with ritual,
he looks down and is reminded of circumcision. This brings us to another
distinction between this source and that of the Bavli – the same body part
referred to as ‘ervah by the Bavli is dubbed milah in the Palestinian sources,
pointing to two views (literally and conceptually) of the same organ.
As significant here, is the way that David’s gaze channels the gaze of
God. In looking at his genitalia, David imagines God looking at it (or
at the genitalia/jewelry of his wife/Israel). Not only is the circumcised
organ feminized, but David’s gaze upon it becomes a place-holder for the
divine masculine gaze. Through David’s eyes divine–human vision is a
heterovisual (and heteroerotic) affair. The penis becomes a visual object
that does not look back (in other words, there is no homovisuality) and is
explicitly feminized in the parable; and it seems significant in this context
that the gaze is heteroerotic (with the transformation of the gender of
David’s genitalia) rather than homoerotic.
Contrast this positive autovisuality and its heterovisual overtones with
another Palestinian anecdote in which Rabbi Judah the Patriarch, dubbed
“our holy rabbi” for never having gazed (hibbit) at his own penis, refuses
to look at the emperor Antoninus’ circumcision, declaring, “I have never
in my life gazed at my own [circumcision] (bedidi la istakkelit), so [would
I gaze] at yours?” Rabbi is characterized as an ascetic, and the language
of holiness is used here to describe ocular asceticism in particular; but the
story of his perhaps superhuman visual abstinence expresses an ideal that
was surely underpinned by a certain degree of anxiety about male-on-male,
On these themes, see Wolfson, “Circumcision.”
The gendered visual dynamics are far from straightforward here: David sees his own penis as
feminine through the eyes of a masculine God. Autovisuality here does not result in homoeroticism,
as some claim is the anxiety underlying the tale of Narcissus (Bruhm, Reflecting Narcissus). See Stein,
“Maidservant,” –.
Y. Megillah :, b (paralleled in y. Megillah :, a; y. Sanhedrin :, c). Cf. b. ‘Avodah Zarah
b. See Cohen, “Conversion,” who notes the absence of this story in the Bavli. On the relationship
between y. Megillah :, b and b. ‘Avodah Zarah b, see Gray, “Power.” While the anecdote
is absent, the related tradition, which also circulates separately in the Yerushalmi (in addition to
parallels above it is found in y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, c), concerning the relationship of Rabbi’s title
“our holy rabbi” and his abstention from looking at his own penis does surface in the Bavli (b.
Shabbat b). B. Shabbat b is more explicit about the link between gazing at the penis and
touching it, adding that Rabbi’s hand also never slipped into his undergarment.
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eye-on-‘ervah looking. Furthermore, the story provides the link between
looking at oneself and looking at another.
We might say that Rabbi and David provide two Palestinian models for
seeing milah and holiness, the first in contrastive terms and the second
in complementary terms. A Palestinian example of the former sensibility
promises that “whoever sees (ro’eh) an ‘ervah and does not feast his eyes
(zan ‘enav) upon it, he merits to receive the face of the shekhinah.” Giving
up feasting upon forbidden visual objects in this world guarantees the far
more delicious sight of God in the world to come. Even as the contrastive
sensibility is clearly related, it is noteworthy that the context is about
adultery and that ‘ervah, therefore, clearly relates to women.
Concerns about a homoerotic and autoerotic gaze also motivated Christian monastic rules, for men and women, which are reminiscent of the
exchange between Rabbi and Antoninus in the Palestinian Talmud and
of Babylonian rabbinic modesty regulations. Pachomius, a fourth-century
Egyptian abbot, instructs monks to take care not to exhibit their flesh,
and Shenoute, a fifth-century Egyptian abbot, warns monks to guard their
gazes from each other and from themselves:
He shall sit with all modesty and meekness, tucking under his buttocks
the lower edge of the goatskin which hangs over his shoulder by his side,
and carefully girding up his garment [ . . . ] in such a way that it covers his
knees.
Cursed are men and women who will peer or look with lust upon the
nakedness of their neighbors in their bedrooms, or stare at them in any other
place, either when they are on a wall or up a tree, or when they urinate or
walk in mud or bathe, or while they are sitting down and uncover themselves
(inadvertently), or when they are dragging up a log to a high spot, or when
they are working with one another or washing their clothing . . . or when the
brothers who make the bread reach into the ovens or [are busy] at any other
task which some would be doing in our domain and in your domain too
and unwittingly bare (themselves). And those who will gaze at them in lust
In y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, c, Rabbi’s title, “our holy rabbi,” is juxtaposed with R. Nah.um bar Simai’s
title, “holy of holies,” with the explanation that the latter never looked at the image on a coin his
entire life. Note the language of holiness and the similar formulae about never looking at particular
visual objects. On these sources and the language of holiness for abstinence, see Visotzky, “Three
Syriac cruxes.”
Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, ii:). This is based exegetically on the proximity of “Shut
your eyes from looking at evil” (Isaiah :) and “Your eyes shall see the king in his beauty” (Isaiah
:). The larger context is about adultery, so ‘ervah in this case may refer to women but the general
contrastive message of restraint and holiness still applies.
Pachomius, Praecepta (Boon, Pachomiana Latina, ; Pachomian Koinonia, trans. Veilleux, vol. ii,
, cited in Schroeder, Monastic Bodies, ). Cf. QS .–, on the penalty for making one’s penis
(yad) and ‘ervah “visible”; Precepts, .
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with a shameless eye shall be cursed. And also those who look passionately
upon their own nakedness shall be cursed.
This juxtaposition of concerns about exposure, the gaze, and the everyday
occurs in the Bavli, as well. In b. Makkot a and b. ‘Eruvin b, the
Talmud moves from restrictions on “looking” at women doing laundry to
rules about the lengths of the rabbinic scholar’s tunics to ensure that his
calves will not be “visible.” These sources invite further consideration about
monastic and rabbinic communities. While rabbis married women, they
thought the sacred into existence partly by excluding the female sex from
their field of vision. The ideal rabbinic visual field was one populated
by rabbis; rabbis were, in Daniel Boyarin’s terms, married monks. Thus
the curious gendering envisaged in the passages just mentioned, which
juxtapose the restriction of the (rabbinic) male gaze with the restriction of
rabbinic male visibility. Notice, also, that unlike with women at their work,
doing laundry, the visibility of rabbinic calves is left uncontextualized and
absent a particular viewer.
In the Bavli, the rabbis work out their own status via the gaze, by (not)
looking at women or female ‘ervah (as in the Yerushalmi), but also by (not)
looking at men or male ‘ervah, both Jewish and gentile. In the Palestinian
sources, we have some of this as it concerns female ‘ervah but a different
way of conceiving of the problem of male genitalia which concerns milah
as it impinges upon the sacred (kedushah). The gaze then becomes no less
than a way for the rabbis to come to terms with their masculinity and, in
turn, to shape their Jewishness.
Visual asceticism
While the Babylonian Talmud is arguably not as graphic or explicit as the
Palestinian Talmud in equating looking at ‘ervah with sex, it does go much
further in lighting up the female body and its parts, under the potentially
licentious male gaze. The visual eroticization (and genitalization) of the
female body stimulates and provokes pleasure even as it is immediately
subsumed under the banner of prohibition and sin. The passages we have
Shenoute, Canon , Codex YA – (cited according to the standard White Monastery library
codex sigla, text and trans. Young, “Five leaves,” –, cited in Schroeder, Monastic Bodies, –).
See Bar Asher Siegal, “Literary analogies.”
Boyarin, Carnal Israel, .
The y. Megillah :, b story probes a borderline case of gentile/Jewish ‘ervah/milah.
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examined in the first part of this chapter come dangerously close to stimulating or enacting the very things under prohibition. This productive
power of prohibition is particularly well developed in Babylonian sources.
Spousal nudity in the context of reciting the Shema is just one liminal
expression of a more general problem of looking at women (or female
‘ervah). The close connection between gazing and touching means that
looking at someone else’s wife lustfully is a kind of adultery, a proprietary
trespass. Hence, the expression “set his eyes upon” can be used in contexts
in which the gaze is illicitly coveting, as in adultery. In the passages on
‘ervah and prayer, in both the Yerushalmi and Bavli, there is an apparent
distinction between legitimate gazing at one’s own wife (except when one
is reciting Shema) and gazing at other women’s ‘ervah, even though there
is ambiguity as to where the boundaries lie. According to the tradition
laid out in b. Berakhot a, even a little finger’s worth of lascivious looking is forbidden, if a woman is not one’s own wife. This is echoed in
b. Berakhot a, which warns that lingering while counting out coins into a
woman’s hand in order to gaze (lehistakkel ) at her will result in punishment,
regardless of one’s learning and merit. The same passage enjoins a man to
refrain from walking behind women on a narrow bridge, even his own
wife, and advises that it would be preferable to walk behind a lion than a
woman (though better to walk behind a woman than an idol). Here again,
the boundaries between the clearly forbidden and the ostensibly permitted
are elided.
Unlike the Palestinian sources, the Bavli’s tendency is to make prohibition ubiquitous when women enter the visual field. The Babylonian
version of the story of Rabban Gamaliel and the beautiful Roman woman,
discussed in the introduction to this chapter, interrogates his looking at
her on account of a set of (ostensibly Tannaitic) traditions:
“You shall keep yourself from every evil thing” (Deuteronomy :) – one
should not look (lo yistakkel) at a beautiful woman, even if she is unmarried,
or at a married woman, even if she is ugly, or at a woman’s colored clothes,
Matthew :; Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, ii:); Mekhilta Derabbi Shim‘on bar Yoh.ai
to Exodus : (ed. Epstein-Melamed, ).
E.g. t. Sotah :; b. Sotah a–b (note the wide range of those “who set their eyes on what was not
theirs”); b. Sanhedrin b; b. Sanhedrin a; b. Bava Batra b; b. Gittin a. Although cf. t. Sotah
:–. In other cases the expression natan ‘enav is used to designate the dangerous gaze of the
sages, e.g. b. Berakhot a; b. Shabbat b; b. Bava Batra a; or the direction of the eyes in prayer:
b. Yevamot b.
On some interpretations it seems as though the Babylonian editors distinguish between gazing at
a handbreadth of one’s wife’s body during prayer versus gazing at (any other) woman’s little finger
(outside of prayer).
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or at a male or female ass, or at a pig or a sow, or at birds when they are
mating.
The net of prohibition is spread very wide here, going well beyond the
adulterous and even the human.
The rabbis’ prohibitory gaze blurred the boundaries between the domestic and public spheres. An example of this slippage can be found in
b. Nedarim a–b, where the rabbis draw on popular and medical theories
of conception in order to support a visual eugenics:
() It was taught . . . And do not converse much with women, as this will
ultimately lead you to adultery.
() R. Ah.a b. R. Josiah said: “One who gazes (tsofe) at a woman eventually
comes to sin; and one who looks (mistakkel ) at a woman’s heel will
father disabled children.”
Rav Joseph said: “[This applies even to] one’s own wife, when she is
menstruating.”
R. Shim‘on b. Laqish said: “‘Heel,’ in the Tannaitic teaching, means
the place of filth [i.e. genitalia], which is directly opposite the heel.” . . .
() R. Yoh.anan b. Dahabay said: “The ministering angels told me four
things:
Why are people born lame? Because they overturn their table.
B. ‘Avodah Zarah a–b (cf. b. Shabbat b on colored garments for menstruants). M. Zavim :
(partial parallel in m. Nazir :) considers the purity status of a man who has had a genital flux, caused
by something he has seen, ingested, or fantasized about. All these sights (women’s colored clothes,
animals mating) are actually a cause for leniency, i.e. to disqualify someone from being considered
a zav. In b. ‘Avodah Zarah b, however, it is taken for granted that the Tannaitic teachings actually
forbid these sights. On phantasia (mental images) and seminal emissions in monastic culture, see
Brakke, “Problematization.” On the feminization of “colored clothes,” see Sifre Deuteronomy
(ed. Finkelstein, ), which reads the prohibition against cross-dressing in Detueronomy : as
mandating a gendered color-code: “A woman shall not wear white clothes (kele levanim) and a man
shall not cover himself with colored clothes (tsiv‘onim).” On avoiding women and women’s colored
garments among other sights (e.g. women) as part of the preparation for mystical ascent in Hekhalot
texts, see Schäfer (ed.), Synopse, §, §, §. See also (not to look at men, women, children or
any creatures) in Schäfer (ed.), Geniza-Fragmente, fr. , lines –.
Adultery in biblical and rabbinic law only applies in a case where the woman is married. A married
man who has sex with or gazes covetously at an unmarried woman is not technically an adulterer.
Compare b. Ketubot a: “R. Samuel b. Nah.mani said, R. Jonathan said: ‘It is permitted to gaze
(lehistakkel ) at the face of the bride all seven [days, i.e. following her wedding] in order to make her
beloved to her husband; but the law does not follow him.”
See Tigay, “‘He begot a son.”
Hindu and Zoroastrian religious law emphasizes the gaze of the menstruating woman as contaminating and proscribing its objects, rather than the sight of the menstruating women, or of her sex,
as forbidden or dangerous. See Manusmriti :; :, , , ; Venidad, :; VaikhanasaGrhyasutra :. See also the possibly sixth- or seventh-century Baraita Deniddah :. Babylonian
rabbinic sources emphasize the male gaze, except for b. Bava Metsi’a a, which allows for a female
gaze.
Cf. b. Ketubot a.
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Why are people born dumb? Because they kiss ‘that place.’
Why are people born deaf? Because they converse during intercourse.
Why are peope born blind? Because they look at ‘that place.’”
() And we challenged [R. Yoh.anan b. Dahabay]:
They asked Imma Shalom [mss.: the wife of R. Eli‘ezer]:
“Why are your children exceptionally beautiful?”
She replied: “He ‘converses’ [Rashi: has intercourse] with me neither
at the beginning nor at the end of the night, but at midnight; and when
he ‘converses,’ he uncovers a handbreadth and covers a handbreadth,
and he resembles one driven by a demon. And when I asked him why,
he answered, ‘So that I may not set my eyes (etten et ‘enay) on another
woman and my children come to be like bastards.’”
There is no difficulty: this [Imma Shalom] refers to [conversing
about] conjugal matters; the other [R. Yoh.anah d. Dahabay] refers to
[conversing about] other matters . . .
() “So that you do not follow your heart [and your eyes, after which you
used to go astray]” (Numbers :) – from this [verse], Rabbi [mss.:
R. Natan] taught: “One may not drink out of one cup and set his eyes
on (yitten ‘enav) another.”
Ravina said: “This [prohibition] is necessary only when both are his
wives.”
In this pericope, the Babylonian editor stitches together a host of prohibitions, connected by the tendency to circumscribe male gazing at women
(in terms of concerns about adultery) and genitalia (one’s own wife, in
certain ritual circumstances). These concerns are married to visual eugenics – visual techniques designed to affect the fetus – weaving together a net
of traditions, Tannaitic and Amoraic, Palestinian and Babylonian. The
effect is yet another way of legislating the male gaze, even within the realm
of ostensibly permitted sexual relations.
Concerns about gazing in the domestic sphere and in the extra-marital
(adulterous) sphere shift and intersect in this passage. The passage begins
in () above with the suggestion, in an unattributed baraita, that habitual
conversation with a woman will eventually result in adultery. In (), we
move from conversation to gaze, with R. Ah.a’s warning that gazing at
a woman will lead to sin and that gazing at a woman’s heel will result
in disabled offspring. Rav Joseph, a Babylonian Amora, then extends
this prohibition to one’s own wife, while she is menstruating. During a
woman’s menstrual flow intercourse was forbidden between spouses, and
See Bullough, “Attitudes.”
See Boustan, “Rabbi Ishmael’s miraculous conception,” and below pp. xxx–xx.
Cf. b. Sanhedrin a, “R. Ele‘azar says, ‘Whoever looks (mistakkel ) at ‘ervah, his bow quivers,’”
based on Habakkuk :, which Rashi understands to refer to infertility.
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here again we are reminded that looking is indeed a form of touch and
that it can have deleterious effects. Menstruation is a dangerous time, and
the “heel,” which the Babylonian Talmud (through the statement of Resh
Laqish) translates as female genitalia, is a dangerous object for the male
gaze. This introduces and comports with what follows in (), R. Yoh.anan
b. Dahabay’s “angelic” reports – that men who look at “that place” (oto
maqom, a euphemism for female genitalia) will have blind children. This
is a measure-for-measure punishment in more ways than one: first, because
looking at women’s genitalia is a visual crime, so the eyes that transgressed
are punished by transference in the offspring. Secondly, if a man’s eyes
are conceived of as phallic, then gazing at female genitalia results in the
transferred castration of his progeny by the blinding of their eyes/phallus,
an ancient castration-anxiety fantasy of sorts.
The Babylonian editor challenges R. Yoh.anan b. Dahabay’s stringent
sexual restrictions with the anecdote that follows in []. But it does so
only partially. Imma Shalom’s explanation for her physically unblemished
and “beautiful” progeny contradicts only R. Yoh.anan b. Dahabay’s warning
that talking during sex results in muteness. However, the explanation not
only upholds but also expands the warning about gazing at one’s wife
during sex. Imma Shalom’s spouse uncovers only minimal areas of his
wife’s body, has sex in the dark and in great haste, resulting in unblemished
and gorgeous children, the positive converse of R. Yoh.anan b. Dahabay’s
warning that gazing will result in blind offspring. Not only are R. Eli‘ezer’s
children not blind; they are “exceptionally beautiful” to viewers. R. Eli‘ezer’s
explanation for his behavior is truly striking; he claims that he minimizes
his sight of his own wife because otherwise he might “set eyes on another
woman” and so taint his offspring with illegitimacy.
This thinking, together with the ideas that looking at various visual
objects will cause physical damage to offspring, draws from ideas about
Here the logic of substitution operates at the semantic as well as visual level, i.e. it is not that looking
at the heel is tantamount to look at the vagina, but rather “heel” is a term for vagina (because it
“sees” the vagina).
The logic of equivalence that we saw in y. H
. allah :, c (looking at the heel is like looking at the
vagina, which is like intercourse) is here one of identity (“heel,” in fact, is “vagina”).
The relationship between male gazing at the vulva and fetal blindness plays off of Greco-Roman
mythology in which errant male eyes are punished with blindness upon seeing female (especially
divine) nudity. The association of blindness with castration is obvious when we think of the phallic
qualities attributed to male gazing, and all the more so when we note that Sasanian physiology
understood semen as fiery and composed of the same substance in the brain that explained vision.
See Daryaee, “Sight, semen and the brain,” and Soudavar, “Significance.”
This is noted in Boyarin, Carnal Israel, –.
The Babylonian editor resolves the contradiction by declaring that conversation during sex that is
about sex itself is legitimate.
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visual eugenics prevalent in ancient and late-antique Near Eastern sources.
These range from the Bible, to Mesopotamian omens, and from GrecoRoman medical tracts to the writings of the church fathers and Palestinian
rabbis and extend into Indian texts. Quite simply, the logic dictates that
what people see before, during, and even after conception shapes the visible
appearance of the fetus and eventual offspring. This notion itself, which we
will discuss in more detail below, builds on the mutability, slipperiness, and
tactility of sight, and particularly of erotic vision. Whether one operates
from the assumption that the female’s gaze is receptive of visual objects
(intromission) or that either parent transmits what she or he has seen
onto the form of the fetus (extramission), it was vision’s concrete, physical,
haptic impact on the body that fueled ancient concerns about what was
seen sexually and what was seen before, during, and after sex itself.
While most of the ancient sources that we know focus on the role of
the female gaze in visual reproductive technology, whether prospectively
(as in the case of the “ugly Cyprian” who encourages his wife to look at
beautiful statues in Soranus’ Gynecology), or retroactively (as in the case of
ostensible adultery in Heliodorus’ Aethiopica), Pliny declares that it was
a commonplace that both parents’ perceptions (sight, hearing, memory,
images, and even thoughts) influence the appearance of the fetus. The
Bavli here works within this commonplace. What is striking about Rabbi
Eli‘ezer’s statement to Imma Shalom is that the sight of his own wife
may cause him to “set his eyes” on another woman. Rabbi Eli‘ezer is so
hypervisual, or women are so hypervisible, that the sight of one woman
stimulates the sight of another, and he must effectively blind himself or
make all women invisible, including his wife during sex, in order not to
fantasize. Heightened susceptibility to visual eroticism is the underside
of his extreme visual abstinence. But the rewards (beautiful, legitimate
children) are visible proof of his success in conquering his impulses.
Galen (second century ce) was one of the few to make explicit the visual theory underpinning visual
reproductive technology in De Theriaca ad Pisonem . On Persian absorption of Galenic thought,
see Russell, “Greek medicine.”
In most accounts philosophical, medical, and narrative, women are especially vulnerable and impressionable (hence the oft-named theory of “maternal impression”). See Soranus, Gynaeciorum .;
Heliodorus, Aethiopica .. From Aristotle onward, most agreed that both man and woman influence the fetus with respect to matters like sex – we are here dealing with the child’s appearance. Pliny,
however, took both parents’ input into consideration including in the case of vision: “Resemblances
offer considerable food for thought. They are believed to be influenced by many chance occurrences,
including sight, hearing, memory, and images absorbed at the very moment of conception. Even
a chance thought which briefly crosses the mind of one or other parent may form or confuse the
resemblance”; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, . (The Elder Pliny, trans. Beagon, ).
See Baker, Rebuilding, –.
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In a further example of the Babylonian Talmud’s tendency to pursue
prohibition, the editor reinforces R. Eli‘ezer’s worries about fantasized
visual adultery by appending part (), a Palestinian Tannaitic tradition
that prohibits “drinking out of one cup and setting eyes on another.”
On its own, the Tannaitic teaching simply bans mental visual adultery, but
Ravina’s statement expands it to prohibit even sleeping with one wife while
visualizing a second wife.
This pericope makes a marvelous case for vision’s potency, its productive
and reproductive possibilities, which then must be controlled and legislated
by anxious, hyper-vigilant, and hypersexual rabbinic eyes. The specter of
illicit sight is ubiquitous both inside and outside the domestic sphere,
blurring the boundaries within which adultery can take place, particularly
given that adulterous vision itself blurs these very boundaries. Vision’s
power plays out most concretely when sex meets reproduction, when vision
and sex result in a direct, physical outcome.
Once all looking is potentially fraught, a hyper-vigilant gaze is produced,
one that continually polices itself, even while inciting itself. Having conceived of visual eroticism as ubiquitous, how did the rabbis, particularly
the expansively prohibitive Babylonian rabbis, navigate such a dangerous
world?
Covering up
Even if Palestinian sources do not cast the same web of visual prohibition
in terms of men looking at women, they still consider the sight of women
to be a potential problem. One can imagine several ways of approaching
the problem of living in a world pulsing with potential visual eros (in the
form of women). The first involves concealing visual objects that pose a
threat to the viewer. The second is for viewing subjects to cease looking. In
Chapter we will explore this last strategy at greater length as it pertains to
idols. A related option is for the viewer to secrete himself away from visual
temptation. At present, let us briefly consider the first strategy, in which
the visual object itself is concealed.
Greco-Roman ideas about clothing, architecture, gender, and respectability governed a series of strategies by which people would minimize certain types of exposure for fear of endangering their honor and
engendering pudicitia, a Latin term for shame that, like ‘ervah, derives
Cf. Mekhilta Derabbi Shim‘on bar Yoh.ai to Exodus : (ed. Epstein-Melamed, ). See t. Sotah
: (b. Gittin a–b) for the metaphor of a man having sex with his wife as drinking from a cup.
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from the pudenda. As Kate Cooper and others have argued, there was a
direct relationship between one’s status and the ability to limit one’s visibility. The advent and spread of Christian values brought with it a shift
in attitudes toward the exposure of the body, in which notions of sin and
desire fueled greater care and emphasis on concealment, exemplified, but
not exhausted by, the monastic instances discussed above.
In rabbinic culture, a woman’s body was, at least theoretically, governed
from head to hem by a thick web of laws prescribing the extent to which
visibility was permissible. In Tannaitic law, for example, a woman could
be divorced (without compensation) for going about with her head uncovered, among other breaches of propriety and modesty. Similarly, a woman
could be compensated for boshet, a tort which included the indignity of
exposure. Such laws echo similar Roman laws designed to protect female
(and male) dignity and honor. However, even as these laws implicitly deal
with vision and exposure, they are rarely explicitly thematized as such.
An exception to this comes in the Tannaitic ritual for the adulterous wife
(sotah) that imagines a series of humiliations for the accused woman, which
serve to invert common standards of propriety. In its stated measure-formeasure logic, m. Sotah highlights how the vision and visibility involved
in adulterous seduction are mirrored in the humiliating exposures of the
adulteress’s punishment. The sotah promiscuously exhibited herself to her
lover’s gaze – for this her punishment is a spectacle. Thus, because she
put on eye makeup, the poisonous potion she is forced to drink makes her
eyes bulge; because she girded her breasts, her dress is ripped to expose
them to the viewing public; because she coiffed her hair, it is stripped of
its customary covering; and so forth. Not only do the Tannaim perpetuate ancient traditions in which promiscuous women work their magic
partly by seducing male eyes, but they slip from condemning the adultery to condemning an array of behaviors deemed immodest (regardless of
See Cooper, “Closely watched households,” and Laglands, Sexual Morality, esp. –, on the
visibility of pudicitia.
See Brown, Body and Society; Rousselle, Porneia; Clark, Women, –; Glancy, Corporal Knowledge.
On women and head coverings, see m. Shabbat :–.
M. Ketubot :–; t. Ketubot :–; b. Gittin a–b.
M. Bava Qamma :, (includes the removal of a woman’s head covering and a man’s cloak among
its list of indignities).
E.g. shame (iniuria), violation (stuprum), and sexual indecency (impudicitia). On these terms see
Lagland, Sexual Morality, –, and Williams, “Pudicitia and pueri.”
She also transgressed as a viewer as she seductively “set her eyes” upon her lover.
See Lev, “Sotah.” On the use of kohl, i.e. cosmetic eye paint, see m. Shabbat : and t. Sotah :. For
painting just one eye and covering the rest of the face with a veil, see y. Shabbat :, b (b. Shabbat
a) and Tertullian, De Verginibus Velandis, .
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adulterous consequence). Women who cultivate the male eye are already
suspect.
If the norms of respectable visibility imposed upon women by male
authority are inferable from their transgression or reversal in the Tannaitic
sotah ritual, another interesting, if rare, instance in which female visibility
is explicitly thematized concerns female-initiated stringency and is found
in later Palestinian and Babylonian sources. This is the story of the Qimh.it,
a woman whose children all became high priests. In a baraita in the Bavli,
the sages ask her what she did to obtain such singular merit; she explains
that, “The beams of my house never saw the plaits of my hair.” The Palestinian version of this anecdote adds, “the hem of my undergarment.” Two
things are noteworthy. First, the question and answer supply a version of
the visual eugenics that recalls the back and forth of Imma Shalom and the
sages. Secondly, here, the Qimh.it’s very home has eyes: In the one place
women were imagined to escape the public eye, a voyeuristic gaze persists. In the Palestinian version, the sages respond with enthusiastic praise.
However, in the Babylonian version of the story they express skepticism,
responding: “Many have done this but have not merited a reward.” Cynthia Baker sees this remark as an expression of ambivalence toward women
taking control of their own visibility. By escaping the gaze of her own
house (even as a man’s wife is often referred to in rabbinic literature as
“his house”) the Qimh.it refuses not only the eroticizing gaze, but also the
epistemic and disciplining eye of rabbinic law. The Qimh.it unsettles the
Babylonian rabbinic eye by revealing nothing – she never reveals ‘ervah
(broadly construed, including even hair and underclothing) – and consequently disrupts the male gaze that scrutinizes sex in order to constitute
gender. In this regard her invisibility becomes conspicuous.
The idea that the promiscuous woman makes herself hypervisible is a trope found in Ben Sira and
in the Testaments of the Patriarchs. E.g. Ben Sira :: “Turn your eyes from a beautiful woman and
do not gaze upon beauty that is not for you; by a woman have many been ruined . . . ” See also
Ben Sira :–; Testament of Reuben :, :, :; Testament of Issachar :–; Testament of Judah
:, :, :, :; Testament of Benjamin :–. The female role in actively cultivating visibility,
in terms of beauty and also by gazing suggestively at men, is particularly emphasized in Testament
of Reuben :–. On the other hand, male vision is attended to in Testament of Reuben :–:.
B. Yoma a. This is another example of the type of abstinent visual eugenics that R. Elie‘ezer
deployed in the Imma Shalom passage, discussed above.
Y. Yoma :, d.
Baker, Rebuilding, –. On rabbinic resistance to woman-initiated piety, see Cohen, “Purity,
piety, and polemic.”
Note that in b. Shabbat b, R. Yose not only declares that he never looked at his penis, but also
that the walls of his house never saw the hem of his undershirt (using the same language as y. Yoma
:, d). It is unclear whether this passage is lauding or mocking of R. Yose’s boasts. R. Yose also
mentions that he refers to his wife as his house in the same passage.
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While there are Babylonian stories that express wariness about those
taking such radical steps to refuse vision, the opposite is true in monastic
literature. There we find many accounts of women and men who voluntarily guard themselves from others’ eyes. The Lausiac History tells of
Alexandra, who left the city of Alexandria and shut herself up, getting food
and drink through a window; for years did not look at the face of men or
women, or allow hers to be seen. She explains that she undertook this
practice because a man had gone crazy from desire for her, and so she chose
to bury herself alive rather than “cause a soul made in the image of God to
stumble.”
Male ascetics sought to not only protect their eyes but also to make
themselves invisible. John of Lycopolis spent forty years as a recluse, “never
beholding a woman’s face or the sight of money.” Seclusion not only
allowed him to control his vision but also his visibility. There are many
accounts of monks who locked themselves up or became recluses, so as “not
to be seen by people,” and whose project seemed to have been as much to
restrict their visibility as to withdraw from their own sense of vision. The
tactic of protecting male eyes from problematic sights seems to stem from,
and even support, expected gender roles of viewing and visibility. Yet, the
practice of male self-isolation as a response to the everyday dangers of visual
stimuli is not one we find in rabbinic sources. There, we find a greater
focus on generating restraints on the rabbinic eye than on taking the rabbi
himself out of social circulation. Perhaps this difference between rabbis
and Christian monastics makes sense: rabbis were not eremitic monks; they
For example, b. Yoma a and arguably b. Shabbat b, as well as b. Pesah.im a-b.
Palladius, Lausiac History (ed. Butler, ). Cf. b. Sotah a where R. Yoh.anan overhears a virgin
praying that she not cause anyone to sin.
Ibid. (ed. Butler, ; Palladius, Lausiac History, –, ed. and trans. Meyer). Compare b. Ta‘anit
a, where a father curses his beautiful (ba‘alat yofi) daughter to “return to ashes,” so that she may
not cause men to sin by seeing her, after a man peers at her through a hole in the fence.
Ibid.
Palladius, Lausiac History, : (ed. Butler, ; ed. and trans. Meyer, –).
Zacharias of Sakha, The Syriac Life of Abba John the Little (Holy Workshop, ed. Mikhail and
Vivian, trans. Greer, ) – here Abba John makes a cave for these purposes.
On this phenomenon see the numerous examples gathered in MacDermot, Cult of the Seer, esp.
–.
The sugya in y. Sanhedrin :, b (partial parallel in y. Sukkah :, c; b. Berakhot b) juxtaposes
a statement that women must follow men in funeral processions, “because of the honor of the
daughters of Israel, so that they do not gaze at the women (mippene kevod benot yisra’el shelo yehu
mebbitin benashim),” with Michal’s criticism of David’s genital exposure while dancing ( Samuel
:), and which then follows with a paean to the modesty of Saul’s household: “Their heel and big
toe never saw [their genitals; or: They never saw their heel or big toe].” Exegetical and associative
connective logics aside, it suggests a conceptual link between the male gaze onto women and a
rabbinic model for male visibility and modesty, which demands spatial reconfiguration rather than
permanent removal of the visual object.
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did not self-seclude in the same way, either from each other, or from the
urban environment.
Averting the eye
Faced with the two choices of policing his own gaze or policing visual
objects within his daily environment (whether female or other problematic
sights), it would have been far easier for a Palestinian or Babylonian rabbi to
opt for the former. The inverse relationship between visual pleasure and
prohibition could lead to the logical extreme of complete visual abstinence.
We now turn to this visual strategy.
We find visual ascetics in both Palestinian and Babylonian sources.
Palestinian sources go out of their way to associate such visual abstinence
with “holiness.” They exalt Elisha who was called “holy” by the Shunamite
woman, because “he never gazed at her his entire life.” They contrast
Elisha’s ocular restraint with his disciple Geh.azi, who is midrashically read
to have actually grasped the woman’s breasts. The thin boundary between
looking and acting, looking and touching, is vividly illustrated here.
Palestinian sources favor the language of holiness when describing visual
asceticism. We note that Rabbi Judah the Patriarch is called “our holy
rabbi” because he “never in his life gazed at his circumcision,” and, in one
instance, to R. Nah.um bar Simay, who never gazed at figures on a coin and
is called “holy of holies.” Leviticus Rabbah also makes the connection
explicit in the passage regarding Elisha: “Wherever one finds guarding
against ‘ervah, one finds holiness.” Such language is also found in the
Bavli, but only, it will be observed, in reference to Palestinian rabbis. We
will examine one such instance shortly.
The story of R. Shim‘on b. Yoh.ai’s isolation (b. Shabbat b) stands out in this regard. On its
relationship to monastic sources see Bar Asher Siegal, “Making of a monk-rabbi.”
Although, see again b. Ta‘anit a, which narrativizes the dream of annihilating women’s visibility
by eliminating beautiful women. See also y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, c, which imagines rabbis covering
Roman statues so that Nah.um bar Simay would not see them in death.
Y. Sanhedrin :, b (paralleled in y. Yevamot :, d), Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, ii:–
). Contrast the Palestinian sources with b. Berakhot b, which omits mention of Elisha’s looking
and focuses exclusively on what was (not) seen of him: The Shunamite woman “never saw a fly pass
over his table or . . . a seminal emission on his sheets.” Cf. b. Shabbat b’s recommendations for
proper behaviors for the talmid h.akham (or bar be rav), including the warning that it is not proper
behavior (orakh ar‘a) to send one’s clothing to one’s host for cleaning, “lest he see something (i.e.
a seminal emission) and come to despise him.”
Y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, c (paralleled in b. Shabbat b). See Diamond, Holy Men, –. For the
juxtaposition of illicit sexuality and idolatry see b. ‘Avodah Zarah a–b, where R. H
. anina and
R. Yonatan debate whether it is better to take a route that passes by an idolatrous temple or one
that passes by a brothel.
Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, ii:).
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Even without the language of holiness, the Bavli valorizes Abraham over
Job on account of his visual abstinence. According to Rava, Abraham never
looked upon his spouse, Sarah, until their arrival in Egypt; thus Abraham’s
exclamation: “Behold, I know what a beautiful woman you are” (Genesis
:). Job, however, merely abstained from looking at virgins; that is,
women who would not be adulterous visual objects anyway, because of
their unmarried status. This partakes in the tendency we have noted in
Babylonian traditions to contemplate and extend prohibition inside the
sphere of the apparently permitted.
The Babylonian Talmud also supplies its own rabbinic-era visual heroes.
We find a Babylonian blood-letter who only uncovered medically necessary
areas, so that he would not look at the bodies of his clients, and a man who
only discovered that his wife had no hand after her death. While the
latter is perhaps more shocking and is probably a better example of visual
asceticism, the former speaks more to the everyday practices of propriety,
particularly in situations that challenged such norms. We also find many
stories in the Bavli of rabbis who succumb to temptation. However, the
heroic anecdotes and figures raise other questions: If, as we noted, there
is some ambivalence in Babylonian sources about women who radically
refuse the eroticizing masculine gaze, is there corresponding concern about
men who give up the gaze?
In both Palestinian and Babylonian sources, to differing degrees, we
see that the rabbis imagined the gaze as a phallus. We have noted how
prohibition, therefore, served to uphold a binary division of visual labor,
based on the premise of an active, penetrative masculine (and male) gaze
and a feminine (and female) visual object. What then might be the
consequences of taking prohibition to its logical conclusion and giving
up the gaze completely? We end up, as we shall see, with the somewhat
paradoxical result that total visual asceticism can destabilize the traditional
B. Bava Batra a (paralleled in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan on Genesis :).
Relatedly, see b. Qiddushin b for the anecdote about R. H
. iyya b. Abba, whose wife disguised
herself as a prostitute, recounting his shame at responding to her overtures after discovering the
truth.
See b. Ta‘anit b, regarding the bloodletter (a contemporary of Abbaye) Abba who covered his
female clients in order to avoid looking at her (dela nistakkel bah). See b. Shabbat b, about
the man who only discovered upon the death of his wife that she had been missing a hand. Rav
praises the woman for her modesty, while R. H
. iyya directs his praise towards the husband, arguing
that such modesty is expected of women. On not looking at women, even one’s own wife, see b.
Berakhot a and b. ‘Eruvin b.
See, e.g., b. Qiddushin a, where various Tannaim fall prey to Satan, manifested as a woman.
We have also seen occasional discomfort with a male-on-male gaze (even when a man gazes upon
himself ), which destabilizes this gendered division of visual labor.
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binary, gendered division of visual labor. Here is a remarkable example of
this:
R. Yoh.anan said: “Concerning three does the Holy One, Blessed be He,
make proclamation every day: a bachelor who lives in a large town without
sinning, a poor person who returns a lost object to its owner, and a rich
person who tithes his produce in secret.”
Rav Safra was a bachelor living in a large town. Now a tanna recited
[this teaching] before Rava and Rav Safra. Rav Safra’s face colored (tsahavu
panav). Rava said to him: “It does not mean those like you, but rather
those like R. H
. anina and R. Osha’yah, who were shoemakers in the land of
Israel. They dwelt on a street of prostitutes and made shoes for prostitutes.
When they went in to them (‘ayyele lehu), they [the prostitutes] looked
at them (mistakkele behu), but they [the rabbis] would not lift their eyes to
look at them (la medallan ‘enayhu le’istakkule behu). And they would swear
by them thus: ‘By the life of the holy rabbis of the land of Israel.’”
In this Babylonian narrative, the Palestinian setting of the embedded narrative is ostentatiously marked. “The land of Israel” is mentioned once in
Rava’s introduction of the story, and then the prostitutes refer to their rabbinic shoemakers as “the holy rabbis of the land of Israel.” This narrative
is embedded within a Babylonian study session, and is cited by Rava in
order to humble Rav Safra, who assumes the initial praise refers to him.
The device of the nested story marks this holy asceticism as a particularly
Palestinian piety. Much as the writers and consumers of monastic and
hagiographic literature viewed and used holy persons, ascetics, and monks
of Egypt, Syria, and Palestine as models, Babylonian rabbis held up earlier
Palestinian figures as models of holiness. Certainly, as we have noted, the
conjoining of visual asceticism and holiness seems to originate in Palestinian sources. However, we will see that even if the story is held up by
The example highlights, among other things, the ways in which even rabbinic visual vigilantes
did not seclude themselves in order to preserve their visual integrity, in contrast with the visual
ascetisicm and seclusion of Christian monastics.
For this usage in the context of emotion, see b. Sanhedrin a; b. Menah.ot a, b.
See Sperber, City, –.
Cf. Ms. JTSA , which reads umesamme lehu, as does Ms. Columbia. See Ms. Oxford: ve‘ayyele
umesayyeme lehu bikhra‘ayhu vela medallu ‘enayhu le’istakkule behi and Ms. Vatican: ‘ayyelel umesayyeme lehu vela medalle ‘enayhu le’istakkule behu. The non-figurative “blind” works best here given
the story’s emphasis on eyes (cf. “to ignore”; see Sokoloff, Dictionary of Palestinian Aramaic, ,
s.v. s-m-y ()). In Galilean Aramaic, Palestinian Talmudic Aramaic, and Syriac, the verb ‘-l-l can
refer to having sexual relations; see Sokoloff, Dictionary of Palestinian Aramaic, , s.v. ‘-l-l ().
B. Pesah.im a–b.
For example, Richard Kalmin views b. Bava Metsi’a a as a Babylonian critique of Palestinian
rabbis; see Kalmin, Sage, .
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Rava and the Babylonian editors of the pericope as a model of piety, it is
not without a certain satirical distance or perhaps even critique.
The anecdote sharply juxtaposes great piety with extreme licentiousness. Two saintly sages set up shop and home in a red-light district,
making their resistance to temptation a great feat of restraint. Prostitutes
visit the rabbi-shoemakers to have their shoes fitted. They “went in to
them,” a phrase with clear sexual connotations, and “gazed at them,” in
an attempt to ply their trade. In a curious gender reversal, the prostitutes
bear the phallic gaze, intent on penetrating the rabbis’ chastity, apparently
by soliciting a reciprocal gaze. The rabbis, however, “would not lift their
eyes to look at them,” greatly impressing their would-be seducers, who
subsequently swear by them and their holiness.
What is at stake in this refusal to look? For one thing, the prostitutes
not only transgress normative feminine visual gender roles by gazing so
assertively at the rabbis; as is the case with the sotah and elsewhere, the
notion of gazing, or “setting one’s eyes upon,” is applied to those who
gaze illicitly or covetously, seeking an answering gaze. The prostitutes are
seeking a reciprocal gaze, a homovisuality that, when realized, becomes
ocular intercourse. In the previous chapter, homovisuality when involving
God and humans did not expressly involve a sexualized element. The latter
was, however, strongly apparent in the Babylonian heterovisual conception
of re’iyah.
Certainly the notion of ocular desire was not new or unique to the rabbis.
As Blake Leyerle puts it, “[T]he ancient Greeks had understood eros to be a
pathology of the eyes.” This notion finds its cautionary equivalent in the
reprimands of various Jewish and Christian sources from Ben Sira to John
Chrysostom. Xenophon of Ephesus’ mid-second-century ce Ephesian Tale
places it in the positive context of love, when the heroine Anthia kisses the
eyes of Habrocomes and describes them as having “first planted the goad
On the motif of rabbis and prostitutes, see Fishbane, “Go and enjoy your acquisition.”
See b. Berakhot a, which compares Israelite idolatry in Egypt to someone who sets his son up
as a perfume-seller in the red-light district and then rebukes him for consorting with prostitutes.
See McGinn, Economy of Prostitution, . On the term “innkeeper” for prostitute or madam in the
Roman world, see Sperber, City, . Sperber points out that in the Palestinian Targumim, zonah
is often translated as pundeqa’it, mistress of the pandoxeion, the tavern (brothels being rendered as
bate pundaqta). On rabbinic and Christian ambivalence about inns, for this reason, see Dauphin,
“Brothels, baths and babes.”
While the expression “raising the eyes to look” is not an unusual phrase, it works particularly well
in this scenario. The rabbi-shoemakers lower their eyes not only to avoid the prostitutes’ gaze, but
also to do their job of measuring their clients’ feet.
Leyerle, “John Chrysostom.”
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in my heart.” Such novels also express the intensity that results when
two sets of desiring eyes meet. This is the moment of homovisuality, that
is, when eye strikes eye, and vision is reciprocal. As discussed in Chapter
, we see the desire for this moment of ocular reciprocity in Leucippe and
Clitophon:
So when Leucippe heard the doors opening (there was already a light inside),
she raised her head a moment and then cast her eyes down again. Thersandros glimpsed her loveliness for a fleeting second, like a lightning flash (for
beauty resides especially in the eyes), and his soul went out to her. He stood
fixed by the sight, waiting for the moment when she would look up again to
him. As she kept her head lowered, he said: “Why do you look downwards,
woman? Why let the loveliness of your eyes spill onto the earth? Let it flow
rather into these eyes of mine.”
Thersandros’ eyes wait eagerly to receive the flow emitted from Leucippe’s.
A complex of intro- and extramission allows vision to make its way from
one lover to the other. Here, Thesandros beholds Leucippe’s loveliness,
but she withholds her ocular response and with it the intercourse that he
so desires. It is thus that Leucippe and Clitophon describes the pleasure of
looking at the beloved as “greater than that of consummation” and as a
kind of “copulation at a distance” and “intimate embrace.”
These examples gives us more of a clue as to what is at stake in the
lowered gaze of the rabbis who refuse the aggressive, transgressive, and,
in the rabbinic visual economy, penetrative gaze of the prostitutes. The
rabbis must lower their eyes; if not, (ocular) intercourse will occur. Carlin
Barton has shown how the lowered gaze in Roman culture could serve
to preserve the subject’s bodily integrity and also to manifest a certain
honorable shame. We see a similar deployment of the lowered gaze
in Syriac writings, for example, in the narrative of the Christian martyr
Anahid:
On reaching the nobles gathered in Adurfrazgard’s presence, Tahmin entered
and announced the arrival of the chaste girl. Adurfrazgard and the notables
who were with him were overjoyed when they heard this, and most of the
We get closer to the sort of exchange of gazes that the rabbis deny when Anthia dubs Habrocomes’
eyes “ministers” for guiding him to loving her, referring to her own eyes as “ministers of Habrocomes” (Xenophon, Ephesiaca, ..–, trans. Anderson, ). On eyes as “ambassadors of love,”
see Leuccipe and Clitophon ... See also “Ephesian tale,” trans. Anderson, , n. . For a Zoroastrian example, see the description of Ohrmazd and Spandarmad gazing at each other (Pahlavi
Rivayat ).
Leuccipe and Clitophon (Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon, trans. Winkler, ).
Barton, “Being in the eyes.”
Leucippe and Clitophon ..– (trans. Winkler, ).
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people present pushed their way outside to take a look at Anahid. “This is
indeed Anahid the mistress,” they shouted; “more beautiful and desirable
than any other woman!” The chaste girl did not raise her eyes in the slightest
to look at them.
Here, Anahid quite deliberately refuses to look back, even as she is being
visually objectified. The text makes clear that this redounds to her credit.
Both of these two non-rabbinic examples affirm the expected gendered
order of things, in which the modest woman preserves her honor by
casting her eyes downward. This, as we know, has to do with the expected
gendering of penetration and reception, upheld also in rabbinic culture.
Writings such as the Testament of Reuben specifically warn that “by
their glance they [women] sow the poison.” The sentiments expressed
there, and in sources like m. Sotah, move along all points of the illicit
visual erotic economy: the female visual object (who attempts to seduce
with her appearance), the male viewer (who must curb his eye), and,
perhaps most transgressive of all, the desiring female eye. The dangers
that female eyes, in particular, held for men were highlighted in Song of
Songs, Proverbs, Ben Sira, and the Testaments of the Patriarchs and church
fathers; authors from Tertullian to Jerome warned against the power of
women’s eyes. As John Chrysostom put it, “The eye not only of the
wanton but even of the modest woman pierces and disturbs the soul.”
Madeline Caviness’s understanding of such warnings is helpful here: She
sees them as gynephobia that is based in a fear “of being entered.” If
we take seriously the rabbinic idea that seeing is equivalent to intercourse,
then refusing to answer the women’s gaze ensures male integrity, as Barton
puts it.
However, the lowering of the rabbis’ gaze also accomplishes another
curious effect. The male rabbis are objects of a female gaze; this is compounded when they do not look back. A curious reversal of normative
The Acts of Anāhı̄d, in Bedjan (ed.), Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, vol. ii, (trans. Brock and
Harvey, Holy Women, ). See also Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, – (trans. Brock and Harvey,
Holy Women, ). The Persian Martyr Acts were composed around the fifth century. See Asmussen,
“Acts of Ādur-Hormizd and of Anāhı̄d.”
Testament of Reuben . (trans. Hollander and de Jonge, Twelve Patriarchs, ; ed. de Jonge, Twelve
Patriarchs, ).
Notably the male visual object is missing here.
See, e.g., Song of Songs :, “You have wounded my heart by one of your eyes.”
John Chrysostom, De Sacerdotio . (Sources Chrétiennes .) (trans. Leyerle, “John Chrysostom,” ).
See Caviness, Visualizing Women, .
Another interesting possibility is that the rabbis are acknowledging and suppressing their own
desire to look lustfully, so that their lowered eyes become a badge of shame.
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gender and gaze dynamics ensues, not only in terms of eros, but also in the
related terms of power. Here, we might think back to the dynamics at
play between the blind rabbi and his rabbinic visitors, discussed in Chapter
, and indeed to the basic imbalance that underlies a post-temple, postreciprocal visual economy, in which Jews are viewed by God, the unseen
seer. The objectification of these rabbis is further enhanced when the
prostitutes invoke them and their sanctity in their oath taking, surely the
epitome of a mixed compliment. The rabbis come by this honor at the price
of an objectified passivity. Indeed, one might wonder whether the Babylonian Talmud itself takes a certain ironic pleasure in the sight of eye-averting
rabbis, who are, after all, in the employ of these transgressive women and
who come by their exalted title while equipping prostitutes for their illicit
trade.
Something of this combination of idealization and satire may also be
at play in a fascinating story that Sozomen relates about Ephrem, who is
said to have guarded against looking (theān) at women. In this story, a
prostitute “contrived to meet him face to face in a narrow passage and stared
at him (blepousan).” As with the Palestinian and Babylonian storytellers
who wove their tale about Rabban Gamaliel and the beautiful gentile
woman and who then ask “but was it his practice to gaze at women,” here
too the holy man is redeemed by the urban landscape. He was compelled,
we are told, by circumstance or devious design, to look against his will.
Like the prostitutes in b. Pesah.im b, Sozomen’s prostitute stares at her
object of seduction; unlike Thersandros’ supplication to Leucippe, in this
narrative Ephrem rebukes the woman and orders her to turn her gaze
earthwards. Here the narrative twist lies in the woman’s reply. She tells
Even as it troubles gender, our rabbinic narrative also upholds it. The very fact that it takes
prostitutes, whose trade is transgressive promiscuity, to figure the female gaze tells us much about
rabbinic ideas about women’s eyes. It is interesting to note that the language R. Yose uses in
b. Shabbat b, following the Qimh.it’s usage in y. Yoma :, d, is in the passive voice, perhaps
bespeaking feminization. This contrasts with the active use of s-k-l by R. Judah in y. Megillah :,
b.
The rabbis thus become bound up in a heterovisual economy, even if it is one that does not
correspond to a normative heterosexual paradigm.
See Judith :: “Her sandal ravished his eye, her beauty took his soul captive.” The prostitute’s
shoes and feet were a recognized part of her advertisements in the Greco-Roman world; see
Montserrat, Sex and Society. For the use of shoes by prostitutes to lure clients, see Clement of
Alexandria, Paedagogus .; by Jewish women to attract Roman soldiers, see Leviticus Rabbah :
(ed. Margaliot, i:–); paralleled in b. Yoma b).
For the historical unreliability of Sozomen’s account, see Ephrem, Hymns on Paradise, . I am less
interested in the historical Ephrem than in how holiness is signaled by abstention from looking at
women.
The excuses of the urban setting, with its narrow paths and passages, and the forcible entry by
promiscuous women, also serve to reverse more traditionally gendered images.
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Ephrem that given that he (as a man) is born of the earth, he is the one
who should lower his gaze, whereas she (a woman born of man) should
be looking at him. Ephrem is so impressed that, as Sozomen tells it, he
records this in his writings.
What does this fifth-century Palestinian account about a Mesopotamian
figure share with the Mesopotamian rabbis’ anecdote about their Palestinian
forebears? A preoccupation with gaze, gender, sexuality, and transgression.
In both instances, a prostitute, the embodiment of the ultimate gendergaze transgression, aggressively confronts the holy man with her gaze; and
in both cases, there is a reversal of sorts. The prostitute’s teaching merits
inclusion in Ephrem’s writings: he learns from her; and the prostitutes
crown the rabbis as holy men. Both narratives uphold men as visual
objects who do not look back, whether as a strategy against seduction or as
an acknowledgment of the prostitute’s wisdom. In the Ephrem story, the
prostitute makes the case that visual objectification is specifically bound up
with being a man. Ultimately, this is what visual asceticism at its most
radical accomplishes: In giving up the male gaze, men become vulnerable
to vision. The rabbinic narrative also gestures toward the reversals that
come with the holy man’s vulnerability.
Palestinian literature, like Christian writings, valorizes visual asceticism
as holy. It does not, however, expand halakhic restrictions (or admonitions)
on looking in the manner of the Bavli. While the Bavli seems to also valorize
visual asceticism, some of its stories (the Qimh.it and the shoemaker rabbis)
question and critique certain forms of ostentatious asceticism. Babylonian
sources suggest that in giving up the gaze there is the possibility of gender
trouble.
Beautiful men
In the stories of prostitutes and holy men, men who choose not to look
turn into visual objects under a female gaze. This ascetic impulse upsets
On the implications of this for sex positions, see b. Niddah b (men who are created from the earth
turn toward it, while women who were created from man’s rib turn toward him). For a similar
argument about males born looking downwards and females looking upwards, see Genesis Rabbah
: (ed. Theodor-Albeck, i:–).
See the Syriac Life of Pelagia – (ed. Bedjan, Acta Martrum et Sanctorum, vol. vi, –; trans.
Brock and Harvey, Holy Women, –) for an example of a beautiful prostitute who draws all eyes
toward herself.
Ephrem is told that his gaze should be downcast, that he should be an unseeing visual object.
See Theodoret, Historia Religiosa ., in which James of Nisibis rebukes girls for immodesty and
staring.
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the basic binary principle of male (and masculine) gaze and female (and
feminine) visual object. As a result, these male visual objects run the risk
of feminization. Visibility itself tended to be gendered as feminine in
late-antique sensibilities. As we noted in the story of Rabban Gamaliel and
the beautiful gentile woman, the gendering of visibility and visual pleasure
is often put in the language of beauty. Beauty, that visual quality that
summons the eye, also stimulates the senses and the emotions, producing
desire.
This section of our chapter looks at the problem of beautiful men. It
begins by looking at rabbinic readings of the biblical Joseph. The treatment
of Joseph sets up the two strands of rabbinic conceptions of beautiful men,
which we then follow: the “feminization” of Jews vis-à-vis their gentile
rulers via a dominating imperial gaze, and the feminizing, homoerotic
implications of male beauty and the male visual object. As a beautiful male
who is the object of a female gaze and an “imperial” gentile gaze, Joseph
embodies both of these modes of troubling a binary gendered gaze.
Christian and Jewish sources alike invoke beauty as both praiseworthy gift and tempting trap and typically they associate it, along with its
deliberate cultivation, with femininity. Thus, men who were deemed
overly beautiful, or who sought to enhance their beauty, were often considered unmanly and feminine. We find such mixed messages about beauty
and gender, men and women, masculinity and femininity, in Jewish and
Christian writings from Ben Sirah to Paul, Clement, Tertullian, and the
rabbis.
A few examples will have to suffice. The fourth-century ce Apostolic
Constitutions warns men against “adorning” themselves “in a manner that
may entice another woman to you.” The worry is that a woman will
be “upon sight of you . . . smitten in her mind . . . wounded in her heart
We might think about the tendency of monks and nuns, noted before, to refuse to be seen by
women or men as a measure designed to protect their masculine or feminine integrity.
See also the Zoroastrian text Arda Wiraz (ed. Vahman, , ) for the gruesome sight of the
souls of women who beautified themselves and sought to catch the eyes of pious men. Contrast
this with the vision of the righteous soul whose body is described as that of a beautiful woman
(Arda Wiraz (ed. Vahman, –,–).
See Cobb, Dying to be Men, , , , , who notes how the narrative gaze tends to focus
on the beauty of female rather than male martyrs, seeing beauty along with modesty and fertility
as “quintessentially ‘womanly’ qualities.” In Joseph and Aseneth, the narrative gaze extols both
Joseph’s and Aseneth’s beauty, the former through the eyes of Aseneth, the latter through the eyes
of Pharoah’s son. For description and praise of Sarai’s beauty, see Genesis Apocryphon (Qap Genar ;
description of Sarai’s beauty, column ).
Apostolic Constitutions . (trans. in Roberts and Donaldson [eds.], Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. vii,
). This was considered to cause adultery, even if the man did not reciprocate or act on the
woman’s desire for him.
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by your beauty, and youth, and adorning.” Specifically, a man is told,
“that beauty which God and nature has bestowed on you, do not further
beautify.” He is instructed not to grow his hair long or to anoint it, but
rather to cut it short. He is ordered to wear simple garments rather than
elaborate ones, and neither fine stockings nor shoes. He is enjoined not
to wear jewelry or to style his hair or to shave. Such instructions are quite
explicitly framed in terms of gender: “For God the Creator has made this
decent for women, but has determined that it is unsuitable for men.”
Similarly, Clement of Alexandria, in the early third century ce, encourages
men not to shave their beards (“an ample beard is appropriate for men”), but
to shave the hair on their heads. He adds, “His hair should not be braided,
nor should it hang down, flowing luxuriantly like a woman’s.” One
need not posit uniformity across the varieties of Christian, Jewish, GrecoRoman, and Mesopotamian practices of viewing and displaying gender
to acknowledge how such ideas were also funded by the ancient Greek
and Babylonian sciences of physiognomy, which besides being methods
for reading faces and bodies, also funded prescriptive techniques of selfcultivation.
Christian, Greco-Roman, and Jewish sources specifically decry or mock
unmanly beauty in men, which is often characterized as such in men who
cultivate their own looks, and therefore their own visibility. The biblical
Joseph becomes a challenging figure for the rabbis in this regard. The Bible
describes his great beauty as the premise for his attempted seduction by his
master’s wife. Joseph, of course, resists her efforts and suffers as a result. On
the one hand, Joseph’s beauty cannot be disputed – it is, after all, explicit
in the Bible (Genesis :); on the other hand, neither can Mrs. Potiphar’s
desire for him. On account of the former, Joseph becomes the ultimate
emblem of male beauty for the rabbis. Because of the attempted seduction,
Apostolic Constitutions ..
Note the tactile and sensory language of pain.
Apostolic Constitutions .. This is also put in terms of gendered image theology, for men, following
a particular reading of the Genesis account, are made in God’s own image, unlike women who
hail from Adam’s rib. Women are the subject of rules including covering the head to avoid being
looked at, not putting on makeup, and looking downward (Apostolic Constitutions ; Roberts and
Donaldson (eds.), Anti-Nicene Fathers, vol. vii, ).
Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus . (Clement of Alexandria, trans. Wood, ). See also . for
more of the many characterizations of the habits of men who take care with their appearances as
feminine, including coiffing and shaving. For a Syriac source, see Didascalia Apostolorum . See
Jensen, “Femininity,” esp. .
On traditions of physiognomy, see Bottéro, “Symptômes, signes, écritures”; Gleason, “Semiotics
of gender”; William, Roman Homosexuality. The library at Qumran also included physiognomical
texts. On these and their Greco-Mesopotamian sources, see Popović, Reading the Human Body.
For the prohibition against looking in a mirror (and exceptions), see t. ‘Avodah Zarah :; y. Shabbat
:, d; y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, a; b. ‘Avodah Zarah a.
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the rabbis view Joseph as a man of heroic virtue, while also implicating
him.
The fifth-century Palestinian midrashic collection Genesis Rabbah and
the Bavli both contain several traditions characterizing Joseph as “immune
to the evil eye.” In the former case, the lasciviously gazing Mrs. Potiphar
personifies the evil eye. In the Bavli, Joseph’s immunity from the evil
eye, which is provoked by his great beauty, is due to his refusal “to feast his
eye on what did not belong to him.” The Palestinian sources bring both
ends of the visual economy – Joseph’s eyes and those who gaze at him –
together, explaining that when he walked the streets of Egypt, princesses
would peer at him through lattices and throw jewelry at him so that he
would “lift up his eyes and look at them; nonetheless, he would not look
at them.”
Even as they announce his virtue, Palestinian sources state that Joseph
had every intention of sleeping with Potiphar’s wife but was only stopped
from consummating his desire when his upright “bow” was felled by
the sight of his father’s or his mother’s image (ikonin, from the Greek
eikonion). Most interesting for our purposes, is how the Palestinian
midrash blames Joseph for luring Mrs. Potiphar’s eyes:
[“His master’s wife cast her eyes at Joseph” (Genesis :).]
What precedes this passage? “And Joseph was of beautiful form, and fair
to look upon” (Genesis :). [And this is immediately followed by] “His
master’s wife cast her eyes [at Joseph].”
[It may be compared] to a man who sat in the street, making up (or
fluttering) his eyes, curling his hair, and lifting his heel, while he exclaimed,
“I am indeed a man. [Some mss. I am beautiful (ya’ey) I am a mighty man
(gibbor).]”
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:). For other accounts of Joseph’s vulnerability
and immunity to the evil eye, see Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:), : (ed.
Theodor-Albeck, iii:, ). See Kugel, In Potiphar’s House.
The notion that the beautiful courted the evil eye was widespread in antiquity and is attested in
Jewish sources. See b. Berakhot b; Ulmer, Evil Eye; Harari, “Sages and the occult”; Bohak, Ancient
Jewish Magic; Turan, “‘Wherever the sages set their eyes’”; Ross, “Notes”; Thomson, “Evil eye.”
B. Berakhot a; see also b. Berakhot b; b. Sotah b; b. Bava Metsi’a a; b. Bava Batra b;
b. Zevah.im b.
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:–).
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:–), : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:); y.
Horayot :, d; b. Sotah b. The midrashim of Joseph’s near-sinning also inject a virile masculinity
to an otherwise troubling gender. Joseph himself is described as Jacob’s spitting image (ziv ikonin)
in Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:), and as resembling his mother Rachel in
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:). Thanks to Adam Parker for his wonderful
suggestion that Joseph is looking in a mirror when he sees his father’s image.
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They said to him, “If you are a man, here is a bear; get up and fight it!”
While the rabbis cannot dispute Joseph’s beauty, they can implicate him in
its cultivation through their parabolic figure. They play with his complicity
in pointedly gender-troubled terms: Joseph’s ways of dressing and moving
around are described in language most often reserved for female promiscuity, and this is juxtaposed with his declaration of manliness. Joseph
attends too much to his hair, eyes, and deportment. While the Bible does
not present Joseph’s beauty in anything but neutral or even positive terms,
the rabbis express ambivalence about it and read it as purposeful gender
transgression.
However, to reiterate, even as the rabbis suggest that Joseph’s erotic
visibility may have been related to his troubled gender, they emphasize that
he never meets the gaze of those women attempting to entice him. In
one midrash, Ms. Potiphar puts an iron fork to Joseph’s neck to force him
to look at her, but still he resists. In this line of midrashic exegesis, he is,
like the cobbler-rabbis, a visual object but not a seeing subject. At most,
he is a gorgeous object, apparently guilty of taking a certain pleasure in his
own beauty. Both his virtue and his vanity are described by the rabbis in
terms of visual eros: its cultivation and its suppression.
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:). Cf. Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck,
i:–), “When he [the evil inclination] sees a man dressed up, making up (Sokoloff suggests
‘rubbing’) his eyes, curling his hair, and lifting his heel, he says, ‘This one is mine.’” See also
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:) on Genesis :, which describes Joseph as a
seventeen-year-old youth (na‘ar): “He was seventeen years old, but you say he was a boy? Rather,
[it means] that he was engaged in childish behavior (ma‘aseh na‘arut, or girlish behavior), making
up his eyes, curling his hair, and lifting his heel.” On this and other rabbinic and ancient Jewish
traditions that queer Joseph’s gender, see Boustan, “Eunuchs.” Cf. Kugel, In Potiphar’s House, ,
on Joseph as a dandy. Note that these traditions focus on Joseph’s eyes whether as part of his
seductive sexuality or as an emblem of his virtue. On Joseph’s beauty, see Testament of Simon
: and Testament of Joseph :.
For more examples of the feminization of seduction and appearances (eye makeup, shoes, tinkling,
mincing, etc.), see Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, i:–); Lamentations Rabbah : (ed.
Buber, b–a); b. Shabbat b; b. Yoma b. Curled hair signifies for a certain type of male
beauty, as is evident in the emphatically visual story in t. Nazir :. Its deliberate cultivation
through coiffing is taken as a sign of transgressive sexuality in both men and women.
We may even read the Palestinian tradition that Joseph almost succumbed to temptation as an
effort to redeem his masculinity.
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:–).
To the extent that Joseph is presented as a seeing subject, he sees an icon of his father (or mother),
which stops him from sleeping with Potiphar’s wife; see above, n. . See also Genesis Rabbah
: (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:). On Jacob’s face, see Joseph and Aseneth :–: “Joseph said:
‘I will not sin before the Lord God of my father Israel nor in the face of my father Jacob.’ And
the face of his father Jacob, Joseph always kept before his eyes, and he remembered his father’s
commandments.”
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This last feature, Joseph’s self-awareness, reveals one of the ways in
which male beauty troubles the rabbis. As scholars have argued for the tale
of Narcissus, the story of a man’s discovery of his own beauty does not
just thematize the dangers of vanity and the feminizing of gender, but also
arouses (anxieties about) the homoerotic gaze. Another significant aspect
of Joseph’s refusal to return the gaze of Ms. Potiphar is the context of his
Egyptian captivity and enslavement. Joseph’s beauty can serve as a useful
paradigm not only for the feminizing effect of a rapacious gentile and
imperial gaze, but also for the homoerotic dangers of male beauty. We turn
first to how the rabbis depicted the imperial gaze before returning to an
intra-rabbinic visual eros toward the figure of R. Yoh.anan, a self-proclaimed
beauty and rabbinic “descendant” of Joseph.
Jewsploitation and the imperial gaze
Thus far we have seen how Palestinian and Babylonian sources eroticize
the gaze in gendered terms: first, in the most bluntly gendered terms
aligned with visible sex; then in terms of rabbinic masculinity (vis-à-vis
other men and gentiles); thirdly, in terms of prohibition, with the extreme
logical outcome of visual abstinence, which in turn upset gender and
elicits ambivalent rabbinic reactions; and, finally, in terms of male visual
objects, particularly those possessed of the quintessential visual aphrodisiac
of beauty. Here we examine rabbinic meditations on gentiles and their
visual-sexual exploitation of beautiful male Jews.
In the seventies of the first century ce, the Romans minted a set of coins
to mark their defeat of the Jewish Revolt. While a variety of iconographical
motifs appear on these Judea capta coins, many depict an armed Roman
soldier towering over a mournful, seated woman who leans on her arm,
head downcast, as the soldier looks down at her. The woman represents
the territory and populace of Judea; that is, she stands for the Jews who are
rendered passive, feminized visual objects by their defeat. The soldier not
See Bruhm, Reflecting Narcissus. Cf. t. Nazir : (paralleled in Sifre Numbers [ed. Horowitz, ];
y. Nazir :, c; y. Nedarim :, d; b. Nazir b; b. Nedarim b) which recounts how a beautiful,
gorgeous-eyed, curly-haired (description presented as the visual testimony of Simon the Righteous)
shepherd boy gazed (nistakkalti) at his reflection and confronted his own potentially annihilating
gaze of desire.
On “Jewsploitation” and its derivation from and relationship to “Blaxploitation,” see Jackson and
Moshin, “Scripting Jewishness.”
Some depict a trophy of arms over the woman, others show bound males. Many show a seated
woman under a palm tree (with or without a Roman soldier). For a study of Judea capta coinage
and bibliography, see Vermeule, Jewish Relations. Compare the iconography of gender and gaze on
other Roman capta coinage, e.g. Aegypto, Germania, Dacia, and Armenia capta coins.
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only represents the military power of Rome but is a symbol of masculinity,
in stark contrast to the subjugated Judea. Here the imperial iconography
distributes power across sex, gender, body language, and gaze. The visual
economy has a lofty masculine gaze versus downcast feminine gaze.
We also find coins depicting a male (meant to be Judea), often bound
and sometimes nude. These figurations and configurations of sex undergird a basic gendering of Roman masculinity and Jewish femininity. As
Virginia Burrus puts it, “Roman imperialism aggressively imposed itself
as a triumph of masculinity, dominating conquered nations as women or
feminine males.”
Rabbinic storytellers also employed the image of the exploited, feminized
Jew, albeit to different ends from those of the Roman state. In some of
these rabbinic narratives, the gendered nature of Jewish subjugation is
expressed through accounts of Jewish women who are sexually humiliated,
sometimes as part of a measure-for-measure punishment for having courted
gentile eyes. Leviticus Rabbah, for example, has a lengthy explication of
Isaiah :: “Because the daughters of Zion are haughty, and walk with
necks stretched forth and ogling eyes, walking and mincing as they go, and
making a tinkling with their feet; therefore, God will smite with a scab
the crown of the head of the daughters of Zion.” Amoraic rabbis read the
verse to refer to the seductive behavior of Jewish women, who “adorned
themselves and went out like prostitutes”; they give a blow-by-blow account
of the various devices these women used to lure the eyes of Roman governors
and soldiers, each of which is punished in kind with a corresponding type of
sexual humiliation at the hands of the Roman conquerors. The violent,
See Lopez, Apostle, –.
For a nuanced and textured account of alternative and resistant masculinities that reconfigure the self-mastery associated with masculinity into a kind of “passive resistance,” see Shaw,
“Body/power/identity,” .
Burrus, “Mapping,” .
Thus, in Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, i:–) and b. Shabbat b, Isaiah : (“Because
the daughters of Zion are haughty . . . with wanton eyes, walking and mincing, making a tinkling
with their feet”) is read not only as a description of the promiscuous behavior of Jewish women,
but as part of a measure-for-measure account of their eventual punishment. For each way the
women “adorned themselves” and made themselves “beautiful” for Roman eyes (e.g. by “filling
their eyes with kohl and beckoning”; cf. Isaiah’s “wanton eyes”), they endure violent sexual assault.
The measure-for-measure symmetry recalls the m. Sotah’s explicit rationale for the sotah‘s ordeal.
We saw something akin to this feminization and sexualization of imperial conquest in the previous
chapter’s discussion of the shameful, sexualized exposure of the holy of holies.
Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, i:–); cf. b. Shabbat b. The language is emphatically
visual. The women “show off their neck . . . to appear tall,” so that the soldier or governor will “see
me and take me.” This hope is violently realized during the capture of Jerusalem when “they came
out like prostitutes and a general saw them and took them, a governor saw them and took them, a
commander saw them and took them.”
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tit-for-tat punishment of this female, but improperly feminine, sexualized
spectacle recalls the punishment of the adulterous woman in m. Sotah.
A similar logic runs through b. ‘Avodah Zarah a, where R. H
. anina b.
Teradyon’s daughter, overhearing Roman nobles walking behind her and
complimenting “the beauty of her steps,” measures her steps even more.
She ends up being forced into prostitution. On one level, such tropes
incriminate these victims of sexual exploitation for their transgression of
scopic and gendered roles, and on another level they have the effect of
implicating Jews in general in their domination by Rome. This has its
echoes in the Joseph midrashim.
An opposite and inverse logic underpins martyrological stories, imagining exploitation in heroic and virtuous terms. There are a cluster of
tragic tales of imperial exploitation of Jews (men and women), redounding
with visual motifs, in the Palestinian midrashic collection Lamentations
Rabbah and in b. Gittin a. These anecdotes feature the juxtaposition
of beautiful Jewish looks and a rapacious Roman gaze, though the gaze is
explicitly emphasized only in the Bavli. The anecdote to which we now
turn, however, appears only in the Bavli:
Recall the foot (and eye) motif in the Joseph midrashim, as well as the link between prostitution
and feet below, n. .
B. ‘Avodah Zarah a. However, the story continues to show that her virtue remained intact.
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:) employs a similar logic, reading, “Now Dinah
went out . . . and Shekhem son of H
. amor . . . saw her” (Genesis :), to mean that “Her arm
became exposed.” (Cf. b. Ketubot a, where Rava reacts with great lust upon seeing Homa’s
exposed arm.) Targum Neofiti reads Dinah’s going out “to see” the local women as going out “to
be seen” by the local men.
For treatments of Christian martyrdom narratives that deploy an analytic of visuality, see Castelli,
Martyrdom and Memory, and Burrus, Saving Shame, –. See, again Shaw, “Body/power/identity,”
and Burrus, Saving Shame, on the complex gendering that ensues (in Burrus, particularly along
scopic lines). See also Campbell, “Sacrificial spectacle.”
For example, the story of the four hundred boys and girls brought to Rome for sexual purposes
who jumped into the sea rather than submit to their fate (b. Gittin b; Lamentations Rabbah :
[ed. Buber, a–b]).
On the Greco-Roman novelistic motifs that appear in these stories, see Stern, “Captive woman.”
See also Hasan-Rokem, Web of Life, –, esp. , , and Levinson, “Tragedy of romance.” Daniel
Boyarin looks at the Babylonian versions of these stories in terms of emasculation and the gaze, but
not in terms of the more literal, physical sense of sight. See Boyarin, Dying for God, –, esp. .
It does not appear in the parallel collection in Lamentations Rabbah; it does, however, surface in a
late Aramaic translation of the Bible (Targum Lamentations to Lamentations :). The other three
anecdotes are also replete with the theme of visual-sexual exploitation of Jews. They include () the
story of the young R. Yishma’el b. Elisha, a boy with “beautiful eyes, face, and curly hair” who is
rescued from a prison (in b. Gittin a, or brothel in the Palestinian versions); () the beautiful son
and daughter of R. Yishma’el b. Elisha, who are captured by two different Romans who wish to
have them reproduce; they embrace and weep until they die rather than fulfill their masters’ wishes
(paralleled in Lamentations Rabbah); () the gruesome story of Tsaphanat (so called “because all
gazed, tsafu, at her beauty”), who is raped by a battalion of Roman soldiers and then stripped in the
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[It is written]: “The precious sons of Zion, comparable to fine gold” (Lamentations :). What is meant by “comparable to fine gold”? . . . It means that
they put fine gold to shame with their beauty. Previously, the Roman nobility used to attach the seal of a ring in front of them and have intercourse in
their bed. From now onwards they brought the sons of Israel, tied them to
the foot of their beds, and had intercourse.
Before moving to the political implications of this anecdote, let us recall
why it made sense for the rabbis to imagine the Romans putting images
(or Jewish men) in front of them while having sex. As we noted in the
case of Imma Shalom’s visually abstinent spouse, R. Eli‘ezer, in b. Nedarim
a, the logic undergirding this practice of visual eugenics is found in an
abundance of sources: biblical, Mesopotamian, Indian, Jewish, Christian,
and Greco-Roman. In his Gynaeciorum, Soranus explains:
The tyrant of the Cyprians, who was misshapen, compelled his wife to
look (blepein) at beautiful statues (agalmata perikalla) during intercourse
and became the father of well-shaped children; and horse-breeders, during
covering, place noble horses in front of the mares.
In their telling, the rabbis mark gazing during sex as a practice of Roman
nobility, and, as we saw earlier, its inverse (not looking) is marked as
rabbinic. Both Roman and rabbinic sources also make clear that it was
not just what was seen at the moment of intercourse, but also desirous
looking in other contexts (for example, in accounts of women falling in
love with statues), that could affect the fetus. As Genesis Rabbah puts it:
marketplace for a prospective buyer who wishes to see her beauty. In the first story, R. Yishma’el’s
beauty is expressed in the conventional terms of a certain type of youthful, feminine male beauty.
The motif of youth, aside from pointing to the Roman practice of homosexual relations between
an older and a younger man, also seems to signify a vulnerability related to gender and power
configurations. On R. Yishma’el’s beauty, see Boustan, “Rabbi Ishmael’s miraculous conception.”
See also t. Horayot :–; y. Horayot :, b.
For Mesopotamian evidence, see the recommendation that a woman who is pregnant adulterously
“constantly pray to Ishtar while looking at her husband all the time” while reciting “I shall what
is inside my belly make look like my husband,” in Clay and Keiser, Babylonian Records, vol. iv,
:– (trans. Stol, Birth in Babylonia, ).
Soranus, Gynaeciorum .. For an excellent account of “maternal impressions” and gynecological
visual theory in rabbinic, Hekhalot, and Greco-Roman materials, see Boustan, “Rabbi Ishmael’s
miraculous conception.”
E.g. b. Nedarim b and b. Bava Mets’ia a.
E.g. the first-century Aetius reports in the name of Empedocles: “How do offspring come to
resemble others rather than their parents? [Empedocles says that] fetuses are shaped by the
imagination (phantasia) of the woman around the time of conception. For, often women have
fallen in love with statues of men and with images and have produced offspring which resemble
them,” Aetius .. (Diels, Doxographi Graeci ; Empedocles, Poem, trans. Inwood, ).
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“And afterwards, when the sons of God came to the daughters of men [and
they bore them children]” (Genesis :). R. Berekhyah said: “A woman
would go out into the marketplace, and she would see (hayetah ro’ah) a
young man and lust after him (umit’avvah lo). She would go and have
intercourse and bring forth a young man resembling him.”
This comports with the reversed practice in b. Nedarim a, where
R. Eli‘ezer avoids adulterous and spousal sights in order to ensure his
offspring’s status, looks, and health. All three sources (b. Nedarim a,
Genesis Rabbah :, and b. Gittin a) imagine different variations of the
gendering of the scopic regime: in b. Nedarim, a man attempts (not to) look
at or visualize a woman; in Genesis Rabbah, we find a lusty and transgressive
female gaze at males; and in b. Gittin, we have heterosexual Roman couples
gazing at Jewish men, with homoerotic overtones. As discussed in section , most Greco-Roman sources focus on the female gaze, but Pliny, like
b. Nedarim a, allows for the impact of the male gaze. A similar lack of
distinction between male and female progenitors is found in b. Gittin a.
Whether presuming an intromissive theory of vision, in which the woman
(and ultimately the fetus) is “impressed” by what she sees, or an extramissive theory, in which “sight (opsis) transmitted the features (tupoi)” onto
the fetus, the rabbinic and Roman scenarios share a tactile understanding
of vision and its effects. We must also note an extremely interesting
Zoroastrian source in which gazing during conception is supposed to give
rise to black-skinned people.
B. Gittin a turns the beautiful Jewish youths into more than just
eugenic visual objects; they also function as erotic visual stimuli. The
Babylonian rabbis make these Jewish men into living substitutes for the
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, i:).
For gentiles having sex in front of slaves as opposed to rabbis who drive away even mice and insects,
see b. Niddah b–a. For the Zoroastrian context for Babylonian rabbinic sexual practices,
including eugenic concerns coupled with demonology, see Elman, “He in his cloak.”
Galen, De Theriaca ad Pisonem (in Claudii Galeni, ed. Kuhn, vol. xiv, ; trans. Stol, Birth in
Babylonia, ). Note, though, that in most of the discussions about using images or visual objects
for reproduction – whether human, equine, or ovine – e.g. Genesis :–; Genesis Rabbah :
(ed. Theodor-Albeck, II:), substitutes are brought for the purposes of female eyes and arousal.
This lack of distinction between male and female progenitors also goes for Bundahišn b (text and
trans. in Lincoln, “Human unity,” ; ed. and trans. Anklesaria, –).
Bundahišn b, on which see Lincoln, “Physiological speculation”; Lincoln, “Center of the world”;
Shapira, “Zoroastrian sources.” My thanks to Moulie Vidas for his help in thinking through this
puzzling source.
It is striking that in the concatenation of tales in the Bavli, women are imagined actually to be
abused, whereas the narratives involving males stop short of physical abuse.
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material images that Romans would gaze at during sex. That the production of beautiful offspring was a likely motive for the Romans’ behavior is
implied from the biblical prooftext (“comparable to fine gold”), although
it is possible that the “sons of Israel” were thought to have been used as
much for aphrodisiac purposes as for image reproduction. The use of
visual stimuli is attested in another remarkable tradition in the Babylonian Talmud, in which Jezebel is said to have arranged to have images of
prostitutes placed in front of Ahab in order to “heat” the usually “frigid”
king.
The underlying analogy between the Jewish men and plastic art also
brings home the heterovisuality of the gaze, in which Jewish men become
quintessential visual objects. At the same time, the hope of producing
children in the image of these Jews points to the slipperiness of the gaze in
blurring subject and object and in confounding an essentially heterovisual
gaze with the mimetic effects of a homovisual one.
On a number of levels, this is a far cry from the first-century Roman
depictions of nude, bound Jewish males. This vignette of the beautiful
Jewish men is not just a lament about the Roman colonization of Jewish
bodies; it is also a paean to the pornographic effect of Jewish masculinity.
Even more intriguing are the reproductive effects thereof, beneath which
lies a rabbinic fantasy about Romans giving birth to what are, in fact,
(copies of ) Jews. What seems at first glance to be a story about Jewish
sexual shame is actually a rather explicit fantasy about the Jewish origins
of Rome, one that turns the gender and visual regime on its head.
We find motifs similar to b. Gittin a in another Babylonian story, which
also trades in the imperial visual-sexual exploitation of Jewish men. This
anecdote, in b. Sanhedrin b, also challenges a straightforward application
of a binary gender and scopic regime. The story highlights the violence of
the imperial gaze, rather than its exploitation:
R. Yoh.anan said: . . . When Nebuchadnezzar the wicked drove Israel into
exile, there were among them young men whose beauty shamed the sun
As interesting is the question of how and why the Babylonian rabbis thought of the imperial gaze
in the ways that they did. Were they thinking of the Roman empire, or did this stand in for the
Persian imperium? If the former, how did the greater distance from Rome affect their relationship
to its imperialism?
See the later parallel in Targum ad Lamentations :.
B. Sanhedrin b. Compare the reverse scenario of Joseph seeing his father’s image and cooling his
passions in y. Horayot :, d (b. Sotah b).
The overlaps between b. Gittin a and Bundahišn b are particularly salient not only for their
use of visual reproduction but also for their ethnogenetic motifs (of Africans as demonic, and of
Romans as Jewish).
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(megannin et hah.ammah beyofyan). The Chaldean women would look (ro’ot)
at them and emit [vaginal] fluid. They told their husbands, who told the
king, who ordered they be killed; but they still emitted fluid. The king
ordered that they be crushed.
The model of beauty here is linked not only to radiance but also to
youth, highlighting the vulnerability of these young men under the imperial
gaze. The youths here are described in a similar manner to the Jewish
men in b. Gittin a; here, the boys’ beauty shames the sun, whereas there,
they shame gold. Beauty strikes the eye in a physicalized fashion, akin to
light and radiance. In this case, the beauty of these male youths inflames
their female observers to the point of sexual arousal, which persists beyond
their death. The king must trample them beyond recognition to stop the
flow of desire elicited by their sight. Here, the rapacious imperial gaze is
attributed to women, who melt with passion. Jewish male beauty upsets
the local, imperial, masculine sense of pride and proprietary interest. The
beauty of the boys must be physically crushed in order for it to release
its hold over the Chaldean women. The impotence of the Chaldean
men is ironically signaled by their recourse to murderous violence as the
only solution to “controlling” their wives again. Like b. Gittin a, the
colonized visual objects here exert a certain kind of power over empire. In
both of these narratives, b. Gittin a and b. Sanhedrin b, Jewish men are
dominated, exploited, and visually objectified, yet they subvert and resist
a straightforward account of imperial domination. Even if these men do
not fare well, when we compare their fates to the explicit violence and
humiliation that the storyteller in b. Gittin a imagines for women, we
find that even if the rabbis concede that a man’s gender can be unsettled
B. Sanhedrin b.
See Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:); Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck,
iii:). See also Bartman, “Eros’s flame,” , on “sexy boys” and what I would call their “agequeerness,” a feature we will see highlighted in R. Yoh.anan, a “descendant of Joseph,” in b. Bava
Metsi’a a. On a crisis of Roman masculinity that led to the formation of a gender-ambiguous
Christian masculinity, see Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch.
The problem of viewing God is compared to the problem of looking at the sun. Adam’s heel is
compared to the sun for its radiance in Leviticus Rabbah : (ed. Margaliot, i:); b. Bava Batra
a. Apocalyptic, pseudepigraphic, and Hekhalot literature refer to angels and divine beings in terms
of their luminosity. Wisdom, too, is supposed to be expressed visibly as light, and we will touch
on this motif in Chapter , “Seeing sages.” Ancients, Aristotle among many others, understood
vision to be a process enabled by the transmission of light. Radiance was not only a common way
to describe beauty but it was also a way to understand vision itself.
Compare the spectacular and sexualized undoing of Christian women in martyrologies. See Brock
and Harvey, Holy Women, –; Burrus, Sex Lives of Saints. Brock and Harvey note that sexual
mutilation happens to women but not men. Here, albeit in a less drawn out fashion, spectacularly
beautiful men have their beauty violently, and equally spectacularly, erased.
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by domination, a far more graphic and abject outcome can be imagined
for a woman.
In this subsection, we have treated narratives of imperial visual exploitation. While such stories about men and women appear in both Palestinian
and Babylonian collections, it is only in the Babylonian Talmud that we
find a fully developed sexualization of Israelite or Jewish “beautiful” men,
along with a somewhat subversive effect on the imperial-colonized power
dynamic. The Bavli’s vignettes consider both Roman and Babylonian eyes
(it seems feasible to read Nebuchadnezzar as a figure for either imperium).
Rabbinic ambivalence about gentile eyes fetishizing Jewish men is found
in Palestinian and Babylonian sources, as we have seen, particularly centering on the biblical figure of Joseph. However, these sources are far more
explicitly about the imperial gaze and do not depict Jewish male beauty
as a questionable product of feminine self-cultivation (as with Joseph)
or as seduction (as in some of the stories about women, and, to some
degree, Joseph), but rather as something that potentially confounds imperial domination. This very confounding is related to the prominence of
vision in these stories, which relates back to how the tactility of vision itself
undermines a clean distinction between viewing subject and visual object.
Visual homoeros
In this subsection, we encounter a Jewish male and rabbinic visual object,
one whose beauty employs some of the motifs we have seen in the rabbinic
depiction of Joseph and other Israelite males under the imperial gaze, but
who is, himself, the object of an ambivalent rabbinic erotic gaze. While this
Thus, the rabbis tell of the violent sexual abasement of Tsafanat, so called “because all gazed
(tsafu) at her beauty.” The stories in b. Gittin a about the Jewish men tied to Roman beds and
about Tsafanat, are emphatic about the beauty of their protagonists. The Tsafanat story is far more
developed and recalls some of the blow-by-blow humiliations of the sotah ritual. Having been raped
by a Roman battalion and then put up for sale, Tsafanat writhes in the dust and imprecates and
implicates God in her suffering.
For a different meditation on the misrecognizing gaze of empire, see b. Ta‘anit a, where the
emperor’s daughter is taught to understand why wisdom is stored in such an “ugly vessel” as
R. Joshua b. H
. anina. He informs her that beautiful scholars would know more if they were ugly.
Compare this self-aestheticization to Andrew Jacobs’ notion of the Christian “aestheticization”
of Jews in Jacobs, Remains, –. Also consider the versions of the story of Rabban Gamaliel’s
encounter with the beautiful gentile woman in y. ‘Avodah Zarah and b. ‘Avodah Zarah. These
versions specify that Rabban Gamaliel met the woman on the Temple Mount, enhancing the sense
that what we are dealing with here, in part, is the gaze of the “colonized” turned back at the
imperium (albeit very ambivalently). Consider, further, that the version of this story in b. ‘Avodah
Zarah is followed by the story of R. Akiva’s reaction to the beauty of Tinnaeus Rufus’ wife: he
laughs because, in the future, she will convert and he will marry her.
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is a particularly Babylonian rabbinic phenomenon, the rabbi in question,
R. Yoh.anan, also figures as a visual object in the Palestinian sources:
When R. Yoh.anan died, the icons bent over; they said it was because no
icon was [as beautiful] as he [was].
We have seen tales, in both Palestinian and Babylonian sources, in which
Jewish beauty is devastated by the imperial gaze; here, we find a startling
reversal: R. Yoh.anan’s looks actually topple icons of imperial domination, and with them, a certain kind of masculinity. R. Yoh.anan’s beauty
receives a fuller treatment in the Babylonian Talmud, in which it not only
elicits strong responses – of admiration, desire, and ambivalence – but also
upsets gender.
The locus classicus for the effects of R. Yoh.anan’s beauty is b. Bava
Metsi’a a–b. Scholars have read this multivalent narrative for, among
other things, what it has to say about Babylonian attitudes toward Palestinian rabbis and its ample treatment of gender, sexuality, and rabbinic
scholasticism, whether in relation to Greco-Roman notions of gender,
masculinity, and homoeroticism or in terms of erotic transference and the
life of study. To these rich readings of this pericope, I bring the added
perspective of visuality. I suggest that vision and, more specifically, visual
eros, is a prominent trope that runs through the narratives and allows us
to read and contextualize this story in new ways. Here is the narrative:
() (a) R. Yoh.anan said: “R. Yishma’el son of R. Yose’s penis was like a
bottle of nine qav [capacity].” Rav Papa said: “R. Yoh.anan’s penis
was like a bottle of five qav”; others say, three kav. That of R. Papa
himself was as [large as] the jugs of Harpania.
(b) R. Yoh.anan said: “I am the [last] remnant of Jerusalem’s men of
outstanding beauty.”
(c) Let one who desires to see R. Yoh.anan’s beauty take a silver cup as it
emerges from the crucible, fill it with the seeds of a red pomegranate,
encircle its brim with a wreath of red roses, and set it between the
sun and the shade. Its lustrous glow is akin to R. Yoh.anan’s beauty.
(d) But that is not so! For did not a master say: “Rav Kahana’s beauty
was akin to R. Abbahu’s; R. Abbahu’s beauty was akin to Jacob our
ancestor’s; and our ancestor Jacob’s beauty was akin to Adam’s,”
Y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, c (partial parallel in b. Mo‘ed Qatan b).
This hagiographic vignette comes amidst a series of other rabbinic deaths that result in symbols of
Roman power being adversely affected.
Kalmin, Sage, –; Boyarin, Carnal Israel, –, and, recently, Boyarin, “Rabbi Yoh.anan,” –
and –; Fraenkel, Studies, –.
Following Ms. Hamburg unless otherwise noted.
See parallel in b. Bava Batra a, which concludes: “And Adam’s beauty was akin to God’s.”
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() (a)
(b)
() (a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
(f )
(g)
and R. Yoh.anan is not mentioned! R. Yoh.anan is different [and thus
not included here], because he lacked splendor of face [i.e. a beard].
R. Yoh.anan used to go and sit at the gates of the miqve [ritual
bath]. He said, “When the daughters of Israel ascend from ritual
immersion they will look (mistakkelin) at me, that they may bear
sons as beautiful and as learned in Torah as I am.”
The rabbis said to him: “Do you not fear the evil eye?”
He replied, “I come from the seed of Joseph our patriarch, over
whom the evil eye does not rule, of whom it is written, ‘Joseph is a
fruitful bough, a fruitful bough by a spring’” (Genesis :).
R. Abbahu said [of this verse]: “Do not read, ‘By a spring (‘ale
‘ayin)’ but, ‘Beyond the power of the eye (‘ole ‘ayin).’”
R. Yose b. R. H
. anina deduced it from the following: “‘Let them
multiply abundantly (veyiddegu larov) in the midst of the earth’
(Genesis :) – just as fish in the seas (dagim shebayam) are covered
by water and the eye has no power over them; so also are the seed
of Joseph – the eye has no power over them.”
One day R. Yoh.anan was bathing in the Jordan.
Resh Laqish saw him and thought he was a woman, and he stuck
his lance in the Jordan and jumped to the other side.
When R. Yoh.anan saw Resh Laqish, he said to him, “Your strength
for the Torah.”
He [Resh Laqish] said, “Your beauty of (or, for) women.”
He [R. Yoh.anan] said, “If you repent, I will give you my sister, who
is more beautiful than I [am].”
He [Resh Laqish] consented. He sought to return and collect his
things, but he could not.
He [R. Yoh.anan] taught him Bible and Mishnah and made him
into a great man.
One can divide this passage into three narrative segments (as enumerated).
The first is a comparative account of rabbinic masculinity and beauty, from
which R. Yoh.anan emerges in a (relatively) feminine light. The second
depicts R. Yoh.anan’s self-presentation to women at the miqve and treats
the dangers posed to the beautiful by the evil eye. The third follows
R. Yoh.anan from miqve to river and his initial encounter with Resh Laqish.
As a whole, this narrative set brings together many of the themes we have
See parallel in b. Berakhot a. See also Targum Yerushalmi’s on this verse.
Munich, Vatican, and Florence have variations of “he resembled a woman (idme ke’ittetah).” Note
the similar form in the narratives in b. Qiddushin a in which Satan appears as a woman (idme leh
satan ke’ittetah) tempting rabbis, in one case, across a river.
See b. ‘Avodah Zarah a, where Beruriah’s sister tries to excuse herself from sex work with Rabbi
Me’ir by claiming that she is menstruating and that, “there are many here who are far more beautiful
than I.”
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encountered so far: a treatment of gender in terms of genitalia and other
physical markers (a; b; d); Joseph’s beauty (b) and its visually seductive
(a; a–d) and gender-troubling effects (d; a–d); visual eugenics (a);
and the subversion of expected power and gender dynamics, including a
potentially exploitative visual homoerotics (a–g).
The Babylonian Talmud introduces R. Yoh.anan amidst its comparison
of rabbinic genitalia (a), according to which he falls shortest (with the
still not inconsiderable five, or three, qav). This reduction of maleness
and masculinity to visible sex or genital anatomy is something we saw
earlier with respect to ‘ervah and the recitation of the Shema. Furthermore,
a forensic rabbinic gaze scrutinizes bodies for visible signs (simmanim) –
genitalia, hair (facial and pubic), and, for women, breasts – in order to
determine sex. However, the storyteller here is at pains to upset an easy
reduction of gender to sex. R. Yoh.anan’s looks are troubling for he has no
“facial glory,” no beard. The inability to produce hair on the face throws
into doubt his ability to produce pubic hair, a determining factor in the
legal status of manhood. This visible challenge to gender is expressed
quite clearly when (in b) Resh Laqish sees him and thinks he is a woman
(as per Hamburg), or (as per other mss.) R. Yoh.anan appears to him as a
woman, and also by the symbolism of pomegranates, cups, and roses in
the ekphrasis of R. Yoh.anan’s beauty (c).
In light of all this, it is also no coincidence that R. Yoh.anan casts himself
as a descendant of Joseph, with whom rabbinic tradition also associates
feminine beauty. Both R. Yoh.anan and Joseph are feminine men and
feminize themselves partly by making themselves into visual objects.
One qav is a liquid measure of approximately two quarts. In absolute terms, this is considerable;
in relative terms, and comparison is rather the point of this rabbinic exercise, R. Yoh.anan’s three
(or five) qav, versus seven or nine, is the least.
See, e.g., m. Niddah :–; :, . See b. Niddah b, where Resh Laqish defines the “outer house”
(bayit hah.itson) of the genitalia as “all that is seen when a little girl sits.” On this attempt to
asexualize while visualizing the forbidden sight of female genitalia, see Fonrobert, Menstrual Purity,
–.
On beardless men, eunuchs, and boys being banned from monasteries, see Cyril of Scythopolis,
Vita Euthymii , ; Vita Sabae , , ; Vita Kyriaki . For the view that ban is related to
antipathy toward women, see Harvey, Asceticism, . Such a ban could just as possibly relate to
gender ambiguity in men.
See m. Niddah :, which talks in terms of “lower and upper hair.”
See the play on gender, appearance, and scholarship in a midrash attributed to R. Berakhiah which
takes Proverbs : to apply to “disciples of sages who appear (domin) like women but who act
mightily (‘osin gevurah) like men” (b. Yoma a).
They are both self-aware of their beauty: Not only is R. Yoh.anan self-aware () but he also sets
himself up, albeit more deliberately, to be gazed at (). Similar to Joseph, R. Yoh.anan does not look
at women, and he even refuses to look at his own sister when she entreats him to heal her husband
Resh Laqish. However, he does see Resh Laqish’s strength.
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Despite the non-trivial absolute measure of R. Yoh.anan’s genitalia, gender
in this pericope is decidedly not reduced to anatomical sex. The pericope
differentiates between maleness and masculinity, or, in other words, sex and
gender. The warrior-like figure of Resh Laqish confirms this: His masculine
gaze and manhood turn out to be ineffectual.
The contrast of masculine and feminine beauty is reinforced in the
exchange of looks between Resh Laqish and R. Yoh.anan (recalling Proverbs
:, “Do not give your strength to women -al titten lanashim h.elekha”).
Resh Laqish saw him and thought he was a woman, and he stuck his lance
in the Jordan and jumped to the other side. When R. Yoh.anan saw Resh
Laqish, he said to him, “Your strength for the Torah.” He [Resh Laqish]
said, “Your beauty of (or, for) women.”
The text describes a visual exchange: Resh Laqish sees R. Yoh.anan as a
woman and his beauty as feminine, while R. Yoh.anan sees Resh Laqish’s
mighty lance, his “strength.” Here is a story in which the visual object
(R. Yoh.anan) looks back, openly assessing its viewer and challenging what
might be the expected order of things.
In the expected order of things in classical Greco-Roman and Persian
homoerotic economies of gender and power, the beardless, feminine rabbi
would be vanquished by the masculine bearer of weapons. However, the
mutual visual exchange between the two announces a different, perhaps
sublimated transaction, in which Torah study and a beautiful female double
(R. Yoh.anan’s sister) become transferential objects of desire. As initial visual
object, R. Yoh.anan returns the gaze; the literary crafting suggests that he
See Boyarin’s reading of Resh Laqish’s spear as a phallus, which later loses its virility when he cannot
retrieve it; Boyarin, Carnal Israel, –. Resh Laqish’s masculinity is not completely quelled; it
surfaces during the final episode, in which he and R. Yoh.anan have a fiery disagreement about the
purity of weaponry.
Resh Laqish’s inability to retrieve his lance echoes the story that follows in b. Bava Metzi’a b
about the patriarch Rabbi’s marriage proposal to R. Eli‘ezer b. Shim‘on’s widow, to which she
replies: “Shall a vessel (keli) that has been used by holy (qodesh) be used by the profane (h.ol )?
There, [in Palestine] they say, ‘In the place that the master of the house has hung up his weapons
(zeneh), there the shepherd hung up his wallet.’” Recall that R. Yoh.anan is compared to a cup.
Vessel (keli), cup, and scabbard were vaginal terms in antiquity (see t. Sotah :; Mekhilta Derabbi
Shim‘on bar Yoh.ai to Exodus : [ed. Epstein-Melamed, ]), whereas bow, lance, and weapons
were either metaphors or designations for phalluses.
This is not quite a reciprocal or homovisual encounter, given that each objectifies the other
(lance/woman).
See Boyarin, Carnal Israel. The poetry of Abu Nuwas (eighth century ce; born in Iran, died in
Baghdad; wrote in Arabic) extols the virtues of androgynous beauties, particularly beardless young
boys (ghilman). See Sharma and Hilsdon, “Love: pre-modern discourses,” –, on gazing, love,
and eros in heteroerotic and homoerotic contexts in Persian poetry and novels, and Sprachman,
“Le beau garcon”; Rowson, “Categorization of gender.”
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looks at Resh Laqish’s lance or “might.” Even more than this, in the
exchange that follows he also succeeds in sapping Resh Laqish of his manly
power and rebuilding him into a “great man” on his own terms, those of
Torah. Put differently, not only does R. Yoh.anan escape Resh Laqish’s
rapacious gaze, but the feminine rabbi actually appears to topple, or at least
top, the masculine bandit, and, as Daniel Boyarin has argued, (re)produce
him (as he tried to do with women, by other means, outside the miqve) as
a rabbinic scholar.
Aside from this relatively unusual, and likely late, Babylonian narrative instance of reciprocal gazing between two male (but not masculine)
figures, other gazes redound in this passage, including the gazes of the
women at the miqve, the evil eye, and the gaze of the storyteller himself.
R. Yoh.anan skirts the edge of the permissible by courting the female gaze
(adulterously), albeit in the name of scholarly and aesthetic reproduction.
Through his visibility and the desire that it excites, he inserts himself
quite purposefully into conjugal beds, reproducing his image using the
ancient visual reproductive technologies discussed above. The storyteller expresses unease through the device of the back-and-forth between
R. Yoh.anan and other rabbis about the evil eye, which, as scholars have
noted, redeploys Palestinian midrashic traditions. Specifically the excerpt
of Genesis :, “Joseph is a fruitful bough, a fruitful bough by a spring,”
is read to mean that the evil eye has no power over the descendants of
Joseph. Palestinian midrash explicitly links this to the continuation of the
As per n. , R. Yoh.anan embodies the refusal to look at women, even as he deliberately courts
their gaze in what seems to be an adulterous intrusion into marital intercourse. This is a different
female gaze from the adulterous gentile or the prostitute. It is a gaze precisely in the context of
ritual piety. He also refuses to look at his sister when she asks him to look at her and her children,
who will suffer if he allows Resh Laqish to die. The language, “She is more beautiful than me,”
echoes that used by the daughter of R. H
. anina b. Teradyon when she seeks to protect her virtue in
the brothel (b. ‘Avodah Zarah a).
Boyarin, Carnal Israel, –. Here is the homovisual effect at work: the two exchange looks, and
one becomes a reflection of the other. Strikingly, the third-century Indian Vaikhanasa-Grhyasutra
: proposes that “a woman who has bathed after menstruation will have such offspring as the man
is whom she looks at” (cited and trans. in Gonda, Vedic Ritual, ).
See Rubenstein, Culture, ; Friedman, “Historical aggadah.” Friedman, Sperber, and Schremer
note the relationship between this narrative and b. Bava Qamma a–b. See Friedman, “Further
adventures”; Sperber, “Unfortunate adventures”; Schremer, “He posed him a difficulty.”
As noted, Palestinian sources and b. Niddah a seem to imply that an adulterous gaze of this sort
might impact the legitimacy of ensuing progeny.
In this case, the effect is mimetic and homovisual (boys as beautiful and scholarly as R. Yoh.anan),
even if the women’s eyes, through which it is channeled, are not.
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:) has Joshua inquire of the children of Joseph,
“Are you not fearful of the [evil] eye?” Their reply invokes Genesis :, “Let them multiply
abundantly (veyiddegu larov) [like fish in the sea],” the blessing Jacob gave to the descendants of
Joseph, as the source of their protection, i.e. that the “eye has no power over them.”
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verse, “The branches [or, daughters] step [or, look] over a wall,” which
it rereads as “the Egyptian women, daughters of kings, wished to gaze at
Joseph’s face, but he would set his eyes upon any of them.”
This relationship between “Josephan” immunity from the evil eye and
a refusal to look at women is made explicit in a Talmudic parallel (b.
Berakhot a) to part of this pericope (a–b). At least two important
additional features make this clear. First, the parallel adds the following to
the midrashic explanations that follows R. Yoh.anan’s invocation of Joseph’s
protection from the evil eye, “The eye that did not wish to feast upon that
which did not belong to it [i.e. to Joseph, referring to the Egyptian women,
cited above], the evil eye does not rule over it.” Secondly, b. Berakhot
a contrasts R. Yoh.anan with another rabbi, Rav Gidol, who frequented
the miqve in order to instruct women about proper immersion, but who
did look at them. He, too, is questioned by the rabbis, but he is asked
whether he does not fear the evil inclination, rather than the evil eye. In
this literary context, it seems that both rabbis were right near the bath
itself, one looking and the other appearing but refraining from looking.
R. Yoh.anan is protected from the ostentatious display of his beauty, which
would normally be a cause for concern, because of his merit in not engaging
in a mutual gaze. There is no ocular interchange and thus he, like Joseph
(and like the Jewish men subjugated by Rome), can trigger visual eros
(relatively) blamelessly.
The ambivalence of the storyteller about this technically correct yet
questionable behavior is apparent in the swift comeuppance that follows the
midrashic justification. No sooner do we hear that Joseph’s “descendants”
are immune from the evil eye, than the narrative shifts to Resh Laqish
looking at R. Yoh.anan in the waters of the Jordan river (), the very waters
that supposedly protect Joseph’s descendants; R. Yoh.anan’s immunity is
Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, iii:) and see Targum Yerushalmi s.v. Genesis ::
“And when [the Egyptian sages] praised you, the daughters of the rulers [of Egypt] would walk
along the walls and cast down in front of you bracelets and golden ornaments so that you might
look at them.”
Joseph’s immunity to the evil eye is rooted in a midrashic reading of Genesis : (Boyarin, Carnal
Israel, ; Kugel, In Potiphar’s House, –) but appears in various narrative exegeses.
B. Berakhot a (paralleled in b. Zevah.im b).
B. Berakhot a. Rav Gidol claims that his evil inclination is not aroused; that these women look
like so many white geese to him.
The contrast between R. Yoh.anan’s willingness to look at Resh Laqish and his refusal to look at
women is starkly drawn in the later request of his sister to look at her and her children (Mss.
Hamburg and Florence) – a request that he ignores.
Cf. y. ‘Avodah Zarah :, a–b, which contrasts Rabban Gamliel’s blessing over a beautiful animal
with the utterance of “abaskanta.”
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thereby challenged. This ironic editorial juxtaposition and those that follow
bring us to the gaze of the storyteller himself.
We can trace the storyteller’s gaze by observing his heavy hand. R.
Yoh.anan’s self-proclamation of beauty (b) is evoked by the anonymous
narrative voice by means of a recipe by which to elicit comparable radiance
(c). It then undermines this astonishing beauty by questioning whether
R. Yoh.anan really belongs among the most beautiful male (rabbinic) specimens (d), concluding that R. Yoh.anan, indeed, does not possess this
visible, masculine beauty because he lacks a beard (d), referring back to
R. Yoh.anan’s relative lack of masculinity (a). The storyteller’s delight is
evident in his invitation for the reader to “see R. Yoh.anan’s beauty” via
a vivid instructional ekphrasis that radiates with silver, red, and golden
hues. This is no realist portrait, however. The motifs invoked in this nonrepresentational description focus on the physical properties of color and
light that R. Yoh.anan emits, rather than on the contours of his features.
The motifs are also recognizably feminine – cup, roses, and pomegranate
seeds. This vivid image that the storyteller encourages us “to see” is a
crucial manifestation of his own idolizing gaze at his protagonist.
The question and answers that follow (d) make explicit what is already
implied (a): that compared to paradigmatic Jewish males, R. Yoh.anan
in decidedly feminine. The succession of masculine beauties runs from a
Babylonian-born Amora to a Palestinian Amora, through to biblical Jacob
and Adam, and ultimately to God, in whose image Adam was created.
R. Yoh.anan is presented by the Babylonian storyteller as a rabbinic figure
who subverts the normative, rabbinic, gendered regime of visual eros, partly
See b. Berakhot b’s description of R. Yoh.anan’s beauty as radiance (ziharurey) emitted from his
exposed skin, which lights up the room. Both Yoh.anan and Ele‘azar weep for its mortality. For the
same act of revealing the arm and casting light (nafal nehora) as an incitement to desire, see b.
Ketubot a. Zoroastrian sources emphasize a particular quality of radiance (xwarrah) as an aspect
of a deity, king, or priest’s glory. See Soudavar, “Significance”; Gnoli, “Farr(ah),” –. Compare
the genealogy of š-p-r in b. Bava Metsi’a a that goes all the way back to God to the Naqsh-e
Rustam inscriptions in which Sasanian monarchs are said to have inherited their “face/appearance
(čihr)” from the gods (see Chapter , p. xxx). Relatedly, on the light and xwarrah created by
Ohrmazd, and attributed to Iranians, priests, and Ohrmazd himself, see Bundahišn .– (ed. and
trans. Anklesaria, –); Kreyenbroek, “Cosmogony”; Bundahišn : (ed. and trans. Anklesaria,
–; cf. trans. Zaehner, Zurvan, ). On xwarrah as produced by Ohrmazd, see DkM. .–
(text and trans. in Zaehner, Zurvan, –).
B. Sotah b describes the biblical Joseph as having a rose-colored face; this could refer to skin color
or radiance. See Asclepiades, who talks of dark skin or coals shining as bright as roses (Asclepiades
). On roses as feminine imagery, see Irwin, “Roses.” On the rose as a symbol of beauty in Persian
literature, see Diba, “Gol o bolbol.” In Ben Sira :, the high priest is compared to a rose in
springtime. On a pomegranate-colored complexion as a mark of feminine beauty, see Kosrow and
¯
his page, (Pahlavi Text, ed. Unvala, ).
See Friedman, “Anthropomorphism.”
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by eliciting desire on the part of all who see him: the women at the miqve,
Resh Laqish, and the storyteller himself.
At this point in his biography, Resh Laqish is a useful figure: not yet a
rabbinic insider, nor exactly an outsider (he is Jewish and conventionally
gendered, more like the illustrious rabbis and biblical figures listed in
d). He is close enough for the rabbinic storyteller to express a certain
homoerotic desire while being sufficiently “other” or distant to displace
it. And yet, the (ultimately uneasy) incorporation of Resh Laqish into
rabbinic scholasticism “under the wings of the shekhinah,” or (arguably)
the sublimation of desire thereby, does not quite resolve or dissolve the
erotic tension.
The ambivalence of the storyteller toward his beautiful protagonist persists, as is evident from the plot twists that follow, including the denouement, in which Resh Laqish and R. Yoh.anan quarrel to fatal effect. Retribution occurs at the very end of the story: when Resh Laqish and R. Yoh.anan
argue, Resh Laqish becomes ill and dies as a result of R. Yoh.anan’s anger,
and R. Yoh.anan goes out of his mind from grief at the loss of his friend and
dies, as well. We might ask whether the storyteller is punishing R. Yoh.anan
for his flagrant exhibitionism, a trope familiar from Joseph and from other
contexts involving seductive women; or, having ogled R. Yoh.anan’s beauty,
through the figures of the women at the miqve, Resh Laqish, and otherwise,
is the storyteller enacting and then disciplining his own desire?
It is true that the story idolizes, and perhaps exoticizes, R. Yoh.anan’s
brand of radiant, feminine beauty, but it also annihilates him through a
dramatic account of love and angry emotion between men. As we have
seen, the feminizing effect of being a visual object desired by women is
thought in terms of gender trouble and transgression or imperialism, in
other words, in terms of a feminization that can carry homoerotic desire,
and sometimes violence, in its tow. However, the deliberate deployment
While the male homoerotics of this narrative have been well explored, it is worth drawing attention
to the possibility of homoerotic vision on the part of females, who do, after all, “gaze” at the rabbi.
Indeed, the passage goes to much effort to convince us that R. Yoh.anan was ambiguously gendered,
that he was a very feminine man who passed as a woman. This leaves various possibilities open as
to what precisely those women whose eyes caught him and brought his vision home to bed with
them thought that they saw and desired, including the possibility that they, like Resh Laqish, saw
him as a woman.
So too, Genesis Rabbah : (ed. Theodor-Albeck, ii:–) has Joseph as a slave who is desired
not only by his adulterous Egyptian mistress, but also by his master, who is consequently castrated.
B. ‘Avodah Zarah a, where Rabban Gamaliel’s pronouncement upon the beauty of the beautiful,
female “idol-worshipper” articulates the same power dynamic in reverse. The story’s concern is not
just about gazing at beautiful women but about appreciating gentile beauty; it follows a baraita
and halakhic discussion about granting h.en (favor, grace, or beauty) to gentiles.
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of the many visual motifs we have identified – the female gaze, male
resistance to looking at women, seductive hypervisibility, all culminating
in a male–male gaze – in the context of rabbinic gender, reproduction, and
scholasticism, makes for more than a tale of forbidden pleasure followed by
punishment. What still remains, I would suggest, is a critique of rabbinic
masculinity and visuality, from the inside and at its core.
From human–divine to human–human visuality
In the previous chapters we suggested homovisual and heterovisual
paradigms in order to analyze divine–human visualities. The former was
characterized as a reciprocal, mirroring mode of seeing in which two seeing
subjects exchange a gaze in a mirroring fashion. In the case of re’iyah, it
turned out that rabbinic halakhah and narrative promoted such a shared
gaze between an idealized, able-bodied, male pilgrim and a divine equivalent. Heterovisuality, on the other hand, was characterized as a mode of
looking which separates seeing subject and visual object. In the case of
re’iyah, this could involve a pilgrim looking at cultic objects such as the
leh.em hapanim. In a more complex version, it could involve pilgrims being
directed to look at a material representation of themselves engaged sexually with God, or (implicitly) at feminized manifestations of God (e.g. the
poles of the ark, or “temple furniture” analogized to a modest woman).
Furthermore, gentile conquest and penetration into the holy of holies is
depicted along the lines of an aggressive heterovisuality.
Homovisuality and heterovisuality can be usefully applied to rabbinic
conceptions of visual eros, as well, which inevitably but not exclusively
focus on the male gaze. At times, it seems as if the rabbis elide heterovisuality with heterosexuality, at others it is clear that this is not the case.
However, in both scenarios, the gendering of gazing and being seen does
not necessarily fall along predictable lines. The rabbis seem to promote a
refusal of homovisuality, and a restraint of heterovisuality. One could argue
that this underpins a fundamental conception of normative heterovisuality,
and even of heterosexuality, but, as I hope to have shown, rabbinic visual
eros resists such easy categorization.
I hope to have brought another lens to the analysis of this rich Talmudic passage by drawing out
how much work the eye does in channeling desire. In presenting this narrative of R. Yoh.anan, I do
not mean to suggest that it stands for all rabbinic visuality, or for a consistent ambivalence about
the homoerotic and homo-rabbinic gaze. Neither do I mean to imply that this gaze is only a later
Babylonian phenomenon. In Chapter , we will see a visual eroticism in the Palestinian Talmud,
which surfaces in the context of learning, but which has a rather different character.
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Visual eros
Given the temporality of God gazing, the loss of both divine–human
homo- and heterovisuality and the substitutional logic of seeing sages
and (not) seeing idols needs no special explanation. What, though, is the
relationship between God gazing and visual eros? I suggest that the closest
we come to answering this question is by taking seriously the inverse
relationship that we find in Tannatic and later sources between the sacred
(whether conceived of as such, as the shekhinah, or as liturgical acts such
as prayer or blessing) and ‘ervah. Put most explicitly in Leviticus Rabbah’s
promise that one who “closes his eyes” to ‘ervah will receive the face
of the shekhinah is the juxtaposition of the restoration of divine–human
homovisuality and self-denial of humanhuman heterovisuality.
Conclusion
In these pages, we have traced a number of instances in which the Palestinian and Babylonian rabbis treated the erotic gaze. We began by looking
at how the gaze was gendered when directed at genitalia and have ended
with the scrutiny of rabbinic genitalia. Along the way, we have seen how
readily the rabbis, like many ancients, understood vision to be capable of
both arousing desire and transmitting lust. In other words, merely looking
could produce desire. And, conversely, looking with desire was dangerous
because vision, with its implicit connection to touch, was no casual form
of contact. The effects of desirous looking could range from adultery to
visually imprinting the fetus. Its suppression, on the other hand, could
shape and have unintended consequences on the dynamics of gender and
subjectivity. In other words, the guiding of the erotic gaze served to temper
and shape rabbinic masculinity and sexuality, and to direct men toward
the sacred.
The rabbis engaged in considerations about sexuality through the sense
of vision in significant ways, and these considerations of visual eros were
complexly gendered. We have noted how the rabbis deployed contemporaneous modes of visuality and ideas about gender, even as they sometimes
did so in ostensible opposition to non-Jewish conceptions (by casting nonJews as transgressive). Rabbinic gender and sexuality is articulated by a
paradoxically prohibitive gaze or by a complicatedly seductive visibility of
Jewish male (and rabbinic) eros. By constructing their own masculinity in
terms of a restrained gaze, and by conceiving of themselves as erotic objects
Both of these concerns are present in Palestinian and Babylonian texts and sources.
This is not to suggest that there is a stable account of gender and sexuality in Greco-Roman and
Persian cultures against which the rabbis staged their own conceptions of gender and sexuality.
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of vision, the rabbis end up confounding a straightforward account of the
male gaze or of masculinity. At the same time, prohibition itself is productive of the forbidden. Especially as visual restraint or abstinence, it serves to
form an idealized, “holy” rabbinic subject. We have examined the variety
of ways in which the erotic gaze was gendered, legislated, and deployed
by the rabbis, even, and especially, in the guise of prohibition. Scholars
of religion, law and legal theory, and psychoanalysis debate the cultural,
social, and psychological effects of prohibition or self-denial. The case of
rabbinic prohibitive visuality, despite our ignorance about praxis, offers a
complex construction of prohibition that goes beyond an understanding
of its function as either repression or inverse enactment of desire.
Both those who challenged the rabbinic ideal and those who embodied
it were objects of rabbinic fascination. We can recognize in the rabbis
something similar to what we find in the late-antique writers of Christian
hagiographies: a fascination for those who pushed the boundaries of gender,
vision, and eros, for those who dived into extreme asceticism or those who
transgressed. Both cases reveal how the gendering of vision, when inflected
with eros or when agitated against it, was mutable. At some point, the logic
of the gaze could fold in on itself, demanding withdrawal from the field of
vision, and this itself could have potentially subversive effects on standard
dynamics of gender. Relinquishing the gaze could easily turn one into a
visual object; the rabbi or the Jewish male could easily become a thing
of beauty eliciting a homoerotic gaze, particularly and most explicitly, in
Babylonian sources. We glimpse such a homoerotic gaze in the eyes of
the gentile, masculine other who wishes to dominate, and in the complex
and sublimated visual eros among rabbis themselves. However, the effects
of imperial visual domination are not straightforward in these stories and
open up spaces of resistance on the part of their beautiful protagonists.
In short, the rabbis were caught between the dangers (and pleasures) of
looking and the very different, but equally tantalizing, dangerous pleasure
of being seen; the exploration of these dangers had marked effects on their
desire, their sense of desirability, and even their gender.