CUBAN VOICES ON BEING CUBAN AND THE FUTURE IN CUBA

Amanda D. Holmes CUBAN VOICES ON BEING CUBAN AND THE FUTURE IN CUBA ‘‘What does it mean to you to be Cuban,’’ I asked the twenty-seven year old black male sitting across from me. In response, he, like the majority of my consultants during those last two months of ethnographic research, broke out into a huge smile. He then affirmed, ‘‘Soy orgulloso de ser Cubano,’’ (I am proud to be Cuban).1 He continued to explain that despite ‘‘all of the problems, the Cuban is a happy, charismatic person, very friendly. Although there are those who aren’t, the Cuban is solidario, the Cuban is a friend. The Cuban dances, especially salsa, he is happy in general, not like in Europe or America . . . for me the Cuban is lo maximo (the ultimate).’’ This same young man explained, ‘‘When Cubans live outside of Cuba, how serious, but when they arrive here, all their teeth show in a huge smile [He demonstrates by grinning a wide toothy smile]. They become happy.’’ He continues to articulate, however, that despite the many opportunities available in Cuba, particularly the health care and the educational system, ‘‘lots of problems [exist] here: to change money, to cook, to eat, to bathe . . . .it’s all a problem here.’’ Hence, this man who has won the lottery that allows Cubans to go to the United States and live, is going to leave, not for political reasons so much as for economic ones. From late October to late December 2006, I traversed Havana and Matanzas with a video camera and a list of a few questions about people’s family backgrounds, personal backgrounds, present lives, religions, definitions of development, the biggest problems in Cuba and how they could be fixed, perspectives on being Cuban, and views of the future. I am presently analyzing these data and data from several other ethnographic experiences in Cuba. Over the last few years, my research has focused on Afro-Cubans (specifically on their eco-religious values and environmental behaviors). Herein are some of the responses to the question of Cubanidad, or a sense of a common Cuban identity, and visions of their future that were offered by to a few of the people I interviewed. A sixty-two year old black, retired woman broke into an immediate smile full of warmth and pride in response to the question, ‘‘What does it mean to you to be Cuban?’’ Then, she verbally responded by highlighting the happiness, the enthusiasm, the playfulness of Cubanness. She pointed 70 out another key aspect of the Cuban character, the ‘‘internacionalista y luchador,’’ (internationalist and fighter) which she emphasized, ‘‘que no se puede nadie quitar de encima’’ (that no one can take away). Moreover, a forty-nine year old self-identified mulata art history professor described the Cuban as ‘‘un ser amable, ayudar en la calle, ayudar al campesino, a veces gritar en la calle, ser revolucionario’’ (friendly, helpful in the street, helpful to a rural person, sometimes shouting in the streets, a revolutionary). These personal as well as national characteristics of identity are vital to consider when reflecting on the future of Cuba. Being Cuban is about the person and a way of life, which is based on specific values that support community, solidarity, helping the elderly, standing up for your rights, standing up for other people’s rightsFyour families’ and neighbors’ as much as a stranger in the street or strangers in another country. These messages are not external, but intrinsic to a Cuban character and way of life, as conveyed through the media including billboards on the streets, television shows and advertisements (see Figure 1), as well as articulated repeatedly in interviews with consultants. Like most values that one sees repeatedly in the media, these values are also expressed through human contact and interaction. I witnessed these exchanges daily. My consultants gave examples of them repeatedly and explained their significance to me in their interviews. For instance, the elderly peo- Figure 1. Billboard on street expressing how neoliberalism breaks up solidarity. Transforming Anthropology, Vol. 16, Number 1, pp. 70–71, ISSN 1051-0559, electronic ISSN 1548-7466. & 2008 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/j.1548-7466.2008.00008.x. ple with whom I talked mentioned how they felt very happy because they have children and grandchildren with whom they live who dote on them and take good care of them. The retired woman who has a young eleven year old boy with Down syndrome explained how the government services really helped her understand the illness, offered practical skills of how to cope with it and has helped encourage exceptional developmental growth. Besides, she stated, she gets so much help from her neighbors, she does not even need to ask (Figure 2). The values that are culturally promoted are family values and social values. For example, when speaking of their childhood many adults when speaking of their childhood referenced the idea of having very little materially: some had only one or two pair of shoes, and another had none until he reached seventeen years of age.2 Nevertheless, the sentiment that was expressed continuously was not the lack but instead the abundanceFthe abundance of family, friends, laughter and play. One woman in her fifties, a nurse of mixed heritage, explained that she never had any socks to go to school, but she always had a tribe of siblings and cousins with whom to run around and enjoy life. One fifty-five year old white male scientist explained, ‘‘la persona valia mas que las cosas que tuviera’’ (the person was valued more than the things that they had.) These social values are what help define being Cuban or Cubanidad to Cubans currently. And these are the values that the Cubans with whom I spoke do not want to lose. They declare that they will fight for what they have gained. Many people expressed the general sentiment of pride in being Cuban. They emphasized the strength of a certain type of person and a certain type of character in their responses, irrespective of their ethnic, religious, gender, or occupational affiliations. This identity connection with being Cuban and the sentiment of not wanting other people to attempt to dominate or change them was almost ubiquitous. As one white woman scientist in her early fifties asserted, ‘‘El futuro es trabajar, seguir trabajando . . . .Y seguir que la Cuba sea de Cuba y nadie mas!’’ (The future is to work, and continue working . . . And continue that Cuba is for Cubans and no one else!). Figure 2. With our ideas toward the FUTURE. That does not mean that everyone sees the Cuban future as positive. One young white man, twenty-six years old, the son of two professional scientists, is disillusioned with his life and the possibilities of a future in Cuba. He reports that he sees the future as ‘‘lejos, aqui en mi pais, lejos, no veo futuro, en el horizonte lo veo y bien al norte, practicamente 90 millas’’ (far, here in my country, far, I don’t see a future, on the horizon I see it and well to the north, just about 90 miles). He wants his daughter to leave to take advantage of the opportunities that the U.S. may give her, and as he sees it, Cuba will not.3 These CubansFthose who came of age during the Special PeriodFhave had a difficult time, especially since they themselves did not experience the deprivations of the pre-Revolutionary period or the transformations immediately afterward. Now, despite the fact that both of the parents of the man I cite above are professionals and work with national government organizations, it is not easy for them to put food on the table; and toilet paper, shampoo or soap are luxuries in the bathroom. These discomforts are why people talk about leaving for economic reasons. When I asked how people would like to see the future, the fulfilling of these economic necessities was often first. A middle-age scientist responded: ‘‘Que todos tengamos todos los necesidades’’ (That we all have all of the necessities). A seventy-two year old, white male retired economist wished for ‘‘problems that could be resolved . . . for everyone to have shoes . . . and that a person have the possibility to be what they would want to be’’ (que se haya problemas que se resuelve . . . que todos tengan zapatos . . . que tengan la posibilidad de ser lo que quiere ser). Race itself was not mentioned in my interview questions nor in the conversations in those two months, even though I interviewed people across a gamut of ethnic heritages. Instead, people referred to helping PEOPLE. And in national rhetoric, policy, and local behaviors this seems to be what people do. They are fighting to create a future that is not capitalist and may not be socialist, but is Cuban. NOTES 1. I am employing a style that prioritizes the language that the people proffer, and parenthesize the translation. 2. However, this same man now works all over Cuba as well as internationally as a scientist and a professor of science. 3. Her grandparents, who have been the primary caretakers of the young eight-year old, however, do not want their treasure to leave. Amanda D. Holmes 71