The Perception of Age and Aging in the United States

The Perception of Age and Aging in the United States Glendy Aponte July 21, 2012 The Perception of Age and Aging in the United States In recent years, the concern about age and aging in the United States has increased dramatically. A number of reviews have examined the research on ageism and much of the current research concludes that the causes of prejudicing, categorizing, and stereotyping are based on peoples race, gender and age and the causes are multi-factorial (Hogg and Copper, 2007, Ron, 2007). Sometimes these categorizations can be primitive or automatic (Crisp & Turner, 2010). However, Ageism is a form of discrimination that anyone may experience at some point in life (Palmore, 2004). Yet, ageism is typically neglected and disregarded by researchers (Nelson, 2002, as cited in Packer & Chasteen, 2006). Researcher neglect of ageism may simply reflect its broad social acceptance in the United States. Reviews of the literature on ageism has sadly concluded that social workers, gerontologists, medical specialists and other health professionals are just likely to be prejudiced against older people (Pasupathi & Lockenhoff, 2002; Troll & Schlossberg, 1971, as cited in Nelson, 2005). The meaning of what it is to age has been turned over to professionals and economic interests. Hence, Ageism has been redefined as a scientific problem and is one of the most “chronic and pervasive forms of prejudice” prevalent in the United States. (Nelson, 2002, as cited in Packer & Chasteen, 2006). As a case in point, youthful appearance has become commonplace in modern society. Societal pressures of youth and beauty push elders to question their roles in society. Continuously, as U.S. citizens continue to enter a new techno-culture, we witness how older adults in the United States tends to be stereotyped based on their age or aging. We witness in the media how active strategies are used to shrill the elderly category. To the extent, that old age culturally is being devaluated and youthfulness is emphasized by promoting cosmetic strategies to look young and not old. It seems that as social obligations increase our ideas of “productivity, achievement, and competitiveness are taking a more central role in culture” (Ron, 2007). Similarly, research on ageism has tended to focus on understanding the factors that lead young adults to develop prejudiced attitudes against older adults. Growing old in the United States is increasingly viewed negatively, there is a prevalent belief among many that elderly persons are sick, depressive and underproductive in today’s fast-paced, globalized and increasingly industrialized world (Westerhof & Barrett, 2005). Nonetheless, it was not always like this. In most prehistoric societies like Egypt, Greece, and Rome, older adults were regarded as teachers who were wise and full of valuable experience. In biblical times, “if one lived beyond age 50, it was believed he or she was chosen by God for a divine purpose” (Branco & Williamson, 1982, as cited in Nelson, 2005). However, attitudes toward older people can be attributed to the increasing emphasis on youth and beauty (Clarke & Warren, 2007), the media (Branco and Williams, 1982) and the industrial revolution (Stearns, 1986). In this sense, older persons today are “perceived as part of the past that has become a burden in the present” (Ron, 2007) and many agree that it is increasing. Paradoxically, people with negative stereotypes and prejudices toward older people seem to be force to confront their own mortality. This in turn brings anxiety and awareness of their own age and aging in the future. To alleviate this anxiety, humans invest in anti-aging cosmetics and cosmetic surgery to maintain the shared belief or cultural worldview of youthfulness and physical appearance (Muise and Desmarais, 2010). According to Harre′ (1986 as cited in Stam, 1998) our social, cultural and linguistic interactions influence our morals, rights and commitments but more importantly they shape the way we perceive age and aging in our communities. As an illustration of this point, three studies investigate ageism. In the first study, undergraduate college students from Oklahoma State University were asked to complete a serious of surveys online anonymously that measured risk taking behavior, attitude toward people of age, and perception towards elder’s behavior. The authors hypothesized that young adults who are briefly made aware of their own mortality are more likely to engage in risky behaviors than individuals with more positive views of aging and are more likely to avoid contact with people who are old and aging to shun their own mortality. The results confirmed the hypothesis, showing that young adults that have high levels of prejudice against age and aging are more likely to engage in risky experiences in order to increase their self-esteem and avoid death anxiety (Popham, Kennison, and Bradley, 2011). In the second study, the authors hypothesized that imagining oneself as an older adult may increase or decrease prejudice attitudes toward age and aging. Young adults from the University of Toronto participated in a random, experimental study that consisted of a control group and a future self-group. Participants in the control condition were asked to write a short narrative essay about how they imagined themselves one year from now and participant’s in the future self condition were asked to write a short narrative essay about how they imagined themselves at the age of 70. Within the control condition the results showed that participant’s attitude toward age was not affected but within the future self condition participants expressed age and aging negatively and were more prejudice toward older adults. In the third study, Clarke and Warren (2007) conducted biographical interviews with 23 people between the ages of 60–96 years old. The purpose of their research was to find out what were these individuals future hopes and concerns about old age and aging and whether people responded to aging in different ways, as well as to identify what was unique and what was shared about later life. It was found that elders fear acceptance, lack of choice, physical and cognitive decline, dependency, and decreased income. Their hopes and expectations are to live independent, longer, healthy, and happy. Many participants explicitly stated it was pointless to think about the future because later life was often unpredictable. In contrast, there are also positive references in the literature towards old age and aging. Sayings such as elderly people are wise, good hearted and experienced (Ron, 2007). Elders themselves have positive view on their age and aging and are sometimes likely to avoid risk, because they desire to live as long as possible; the preservation of the physical body is essential to achieving old age. Others, affirm that as an individual grows older, their attitudes towards old age become more, and more negative because of the social perceptions and demands held towards them (Ronen & Dowd, 1998, as cited in Ron, 1997). These explanations might explain the changes in attitudes of old age and aging in the United States. According to social psychologist stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination is a social phenomenon that is embedded in our culture and society by language, education, and hierarchies of power and status. It is often exaggerated, reinforced and generalize and often times embedded in our minds (Lopman, 1922, as cited in Hogg and Copper, 1996, p.361), which in turn becomes part of our shared understanding. These believes confirmed and strengthen by norms and practices of a society and are transferred to others through socialization channels (Hogg and Copper, 2007, Crisp and Turner, 2010, p.198). Consequently, people attitudes of aging are formulated at an early age and life experience, norms, family cultural perceptions, and experiences gained have an effect on the continuance or change of these perceptions (Ron, 2007, p.659, Hogg and Copper, 2007). Ageing is no longer a natural process that is part of the human condition, but a problem that needs to be overcome. In this sense, prejudice in the United States is increasing and it is the future of this population that requires immediate attention. The empirical evidence strongly suggests that people’s attitudes and perceptions of old age and aging have both internal and external psychological, social, cultural, and cognitive components. Therefore, the magnitude of such beliefs may vary across cultures. In the United States, when young adults are compared with older adults, older adults are evaluated more negatively. Interestingly, older adults are stereotyped and discriminated against as incompetent and as a burden on society. In Hispanic society, Hispanics tend to value family unity and loyalty. This includes nuclear and extended family (Triandis, Marin, Betancourt, Lisansky & Chang, 1982). These findings suggest that people perception about age can be both blatant and subtle and may vary depending on the cultural differences. A number of complex factors give rise to age prejudice such as our tendency to have social dominance, Hierarchies among groups and they serve as an ego-protective function, and as a social identification (Hogg and Copper,2007,p.362;Nelson,2005). This phenomenon can have major implications on elders in the workplace and other settings. Projections by the U.S. Census Bureau (2004) predict that the percentage of the American population over the age of 65 will rise from 12.4 in 2000 to 19.6 in 2030. As such, understanding the causes and consequences of ageism is a pressing and important task. Researchers suggest that understanding the causes and consequences of ageism can; reduce the anxiety of aging, risk-taking in daily life and may enhance people’s perception that age and aging as a positive experience. In addition, it may encourage young people to accept their own mortality and help change their ideological beliefs of the meaning and value of age and aging. Nevertheless, the perception of productivity, achievement and competitiveness may increase young people sensitivity towards older elders (Packer & Chasteen, 2006; Popham, Kennison, & Bradley, 2011; Aosved, Long, & Voller, 2009; Ron,2007). Finally, to reduce this type of blatant and subtle prejudice on age and aging, researchers should explore the relationship between individualistic and collective cultures attitudes toward older adults universally. As such, future investigations should consider what maintains and endorses these intolerant attitudes and beliefs. 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