Urban sanitation in Lisbon during the 19th century

VI AISU Congress – Catania, 2013 T1 - Visioni e forme urbane dell'acqua João Paulo da Costa Amado Instituto de História Contemporânea Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa Urban sanitation in Lisbon during the 19th century Concerning urban growth in the 19th century. The 19th century witnessed an unprecedented moment in terms of urban growth. A combination of technological, political and social circumstances turned cities into attarctive places to live in. The industrial revolution put industries inside urban areas, stimulating the development of a system that fed itself – more industries attracting more people to the cities, furthering their growth and opening new possibilities for the creation of even more ways to draw more people, thus renewing the circuit. City growth is a complex process, which evolves over time, enabling much theorizing. However, it also lends itself to all sorts of hand-on approaches, be them purely written on paper (such as the utopian city addressed in Plato's Republic), or made real one way or the other (such as the rigorously structured Roman cities). Across the centuries, several urban experiments where used as answers to other sorts of problems – as an aesthetic expression (like Pienza, in Italy, in the 15th century), as an expression of authority (like Palmanova, also in Italy, in the 16th century, and Richelieu, in France, in the 17th century), or as a pragmatic answer to the needs that followed a catastrophe (such as Lisbon, from 1755 onward). Quite a few urban experiments were also undertaken as a response to health issues (mostly after the epidemic crisis of the 19th century). Sometimes, when planning faces reality, there must be changes. For instance, when rebuilding downtown Lisbon after the 1755 earthquake, it was possible to ignore most of the pre-existing property rights, since the King himself set the example, by abandoning any intention of having a royal palace in the city center 1. This rebuild also enabled the renewal of certain urban structures, such as the sewer systems2. Although this early experience didn’t quite work as expected (due to some details that will be explained further ahead), it was, at least, completed as part of the rebuilding process. A direct comparison can be established with the city of London, after the Great Fire of 1666. In this case, the most ambitious rebuilding projects (which contemplated handling urban sewage3) were simply ignored, the city being rebuilt in the same way as it was before the fire. The way in which a city grows is also useful as a mirror of the existing urban technologies in a given era. The post-earthquake Lisbon shows both ends of urban technology usage. On the one hand, specific civil engineering techniques were developed, in order to prevent the consequences of such geologic events – namely the so called cage construction. On the other hand, pre-existing technologies related to urban sewage were used in the new buildings, but soon revealed themselves to be highly inefficient, due to geographical constraints4. According to a number of existing testimonials, urban life during most of the 19th century was far from being a satisfactory experience (at least for most of the population, upper classes usually excluded). If we look into these matters from a public health point of view, then we are able to establish a few relations between specific questions, which can be expressed thus:  When faced with an explosive city growth, the inadequacy of some urban technologies enabled a large degree of incidence of contagious diseases;  The incidence of such diseases both questioned the way cities were growing and demanded the appropriate answers from those urban technologies;  Urban technologies had to quickly adapt to the needs of growing cities and to the needs of larger populations faced with disease. Such were the relations between city growth, urban technologies and public health in 19th century European cities. There is a strong negative side to these relations. When reading multiple 19th century sources, contemporary to some of the most dramatic public health episodes, it is easy to understand the deep impact caused by such events. For instance: To see a number of our fellow creatures, in a good state of health, in the full possession of their most wanted strength, and in the midst of their years, suddenly seized with the most violent spasms, and in a few hours cast into the tomb, is calculated to shake the firmest nerves, and to inspire dread in the stoutest heart.5 Although 19th century diseases and epidemics caused a deep negative impact, they also served as starting points for identifying problems and needs. Each success was tallied, recounted and used as an example to be followed (for instance, Lisbon thought highly of Paris ever since the 17th century, regarding the French practices as ideal). Urban evolution in Lisbon, between the 18th and 19th centuries. In the 17th century, Lisbon was a large city, comparable in population with cities such as Venice, or Amsterdam6. This growth was sustained until mid-18th century, the time when the 1755 earthquake caused a major break in this tendency. This catastrophe had deep consequences, regarding not only the total number of inhabitants (with a large decrease in the following years, due to the death toll and the fear of living in the city), but also a reduction of useful urban structure. At the same time, it was the starting point towards a new and different city7. Although nearly 98% of the structures belonging to the rebuilding plan were in place in the beginning of the 19th century, the full rebuild took more than 80 years and demanded nearly 340 documents of a legislative nature8. The first few decades of the 19th century were particularly troublesome, both for Lisbon and Portugal. In the period between 1807 and 1834 events such as three foreign invasions, a civil war and several epidemic crisis (mostly typhus and cholera) impacted deeply over Lisbon. When comparing the population census of 1801 and 1849, there is decrease of more than 10.000 inhabitants9. Details such as the repeated printing of the same city plan for decades, show a lack of urban growth, with a small number of initiatives concerning urban improvement and embellishment10. From the 1850s onward, changes in the Portuguese political and social background pointed towards a period of economic development. The following decades saw the opening of large avenues towards the north, as well as the making of plans concerning further expansion in that direction, away from the river. The so called «Avenidas Novas», whose project was presented in 1888, were inspired by the Parisian boulevards and included sewer networks in their planning11. Although the final decade of the 19th century was one of deep economic crisis, a few urban projects were completed, giving Lisbon an aura of modernity – for instance, the central train station of Rossio, several railway and tramway lines, as well as some large and iconic buildings that still exist today (such as the Campo Pequeno bull-fighting arena). This growth and modernization exemplify the triumph of a European point of view, concerning city development12. Urban technologies related to water usage in Lisbon. Public urban health is absolutely dependent upon a reliable water supply. And this important aspect was a serious problem in Lisbon during several centuries. Although the large «Águas Livres» aqueduct began operating in 1748 (and was essential for population support after the 1755 earthquake), it was soon deemed insufficient. In the early years of the 19th century, water was already being ferried from across the Tagus River, in order to complement the aqueduct13. It wasn’t until nearly the end of the 19th century that significant steps were taken, in order to solve the water supply problems once and for all (1880 being the year when the first steam-powered pumping station started operating). If there was an insufficient water supply for human usage, then those shortages had a direct impact on urban sewage disposal. When downtown Lisbon was rebuilt after the 1755 earthquake, the streets and buildings included sewage disposal networks. However, since sewage was directly discharged into the Tagus River, there was an unexpected consequence, poorly addressed by the construction methods used – when high-tide came, raw sewage returned to its point of origin, the sort of event that prompted highly negative opinions about Lisbon’s sewers. In fact, rebuilding after the earthquake changed little in the way urban sewage was taken care of by the population. Most of the time, sewage was simply thrown in the streets. It is possible to find quite a few comments by foreign visitors to Lisbon, spanning several decades, all of them concurring towards the same conclusion – Lisbon was a dirty city14. The picture presented on the next page depicts a typical scene from the early 19th century. The city hall was well aware of the problem, passing legislation on this subject several times along the years. It was supposedly responsible for building the «canos gerais» (main sewer pipes along the streets), while home owners and Agua vae!, or There goes water! – A daily exercise in sewage disposal. builders would have to deploy «canos parciais» (secondary sewer pipes, connecting individual houses to the main pipes)15. However, not only there sometimes was a strong opposition towards these rules, but also a large degree of uncertainty concerning the building methods to be used. Public opinion towards these indecisions was less than favorable, especially after the 1857 yellow-fever epidemic, one of the more serious that affected Lisbon in the 19th century. The effects on public health. All things related to public health gained huge visibility on the second half of the 19th century, mostly due to the negative effects of several epidemic crisis, between the years of 1847 and 1859 – including several bouts of typhus, diphtheria, yellow-fever and cholera. Finding solutions to the problems relating to public health became a starting point towards the modernization of the sewer network. However, financial constraints and technical doubts severely slowed the process. The Portuguese parliament discussed this subject decade after decade in the 19th century, and was still discussing it in the early 20th century16. The Boavista embankment, built between 1855 and 1867, not only allowed land to be conquered from the Tagus River, but also enabled the cleanup of an extremely dirty and unhealthy area, one of the darkest spots in Lisbon at the time. It also allowed for the first time the placement of a downtown sewer collector17. However, due to the systematic lack of water, it was only from the 1890s onwards that the sewer network became somewhat more efficient. The relationship between public health and urban sanitation became global in the 19th century. It seems that there was a sort of universal wake-up call about this issue. In fact, public works conducted in two specific cities – London and Paris – became the guiding light to a series of projected changes, made real or not. Paris was used as an inspiration for Lisbon, since the 17th century. After the mid-19th century epidemics, London was also looked upon as a perfect example of what could be done. In the list of cities with problems, projects and solutions it is possible to include Lagos (Nigeria), Bombay and Madras (India), Sydney (Australia Amsterdam and Utrecht (Holland), Hamburg and Altona (Germany), Tokyo (Japan), Singapore and Pittsburgh (United States of America), to name but a few. Is there was a universal urban problem in the 19th century, it was one related to sewage disposal. The question that still needs to be answered. This paper is a work in progress, since it deals with the main subject of my doctoral thesis (to be concluded until 2015). As such, after presenting the essential information about Lisbon’s urban evolution and its complex relation with urban technologies, like water supply and sewage disposal, there remains an important question to be answered, one that sums up the subject of my investigation: why did it take so long for Lisbon to develop an effective sewer handling strategy? The main needs in this area were identified since the beginning of the 19th century, and became dramatic by mid-century. There were a couple of good examples to follow (Paris and London) and a strong predisposition to learn from them. There was enough scientific and technical knowledge to solve the existing problems. Dark spots were known throughout the city and the city hall was expected to eliminate them. Cause and effect relationships between improperly handled urban sewage and health problems became common knowledge. Politics discussed most of these questions in parliamentary sessions. And yet, problems persisted well into the 20th century. Answering this question will be, hopefully, the end result of my work. 1 R. Tavares, O pequeno livro do grande terramoto. Ensaio sobre 1755, Lisboa, Tinta da China, 2009, p. 128. 2 F.A.S Miranda, Caracterização dos edifícios pombalinos da Baixa de Lisboa (Master Thesis in Civil Engineering), Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2011. 3 R. Trench and E. Hillman, London under London. A subterranean guide, London, John Murray, 2001, pp. 63-64. 4 J.L. Cardoso, Água, iluminação e esgotos em Lisboa nos finais do século XVIII, «Análise Social», XXXV(156), 2000, pp. 495-509: 505. 5 Methodist Magazine, 1832, cited by A.S. Whol, Endangered Lives. Public Health in Victorian Britain. London, Methuen, 1984, p. 199. 6 T. Rodrigues, População in Dicionário da História de Lisboa, Lisboa, Carlos Quintas & Associados - Consultores, Lda., 1994, pp. 721-723: 722 7 V.M. Ferreira, A cidade de Lisboa: de capital do império a centro da metrópole, Lisboa, Publicações D. Quixote, 1987, p. 77. 8 N.L. Madureira, Cidade: Espaço e Quotidiano (Lisboa 1740-1830), Lisboa, Livros Horizonte, 1992, p. 25 9 L.N.E. Silveira (coord.), Os Recenseamentos da População Portuguesa de 1801 e 1849. Edição crítica, Lisboa, Instituto Nacional de Estatística, 2011. 10 M.H. Barreiros and M.T. Conceição, Virtual Tour. Lisbon: Ancient and Modern, «European Architectural History Network Newsletter», nº 3/10, 2010, pp. 28-43: 34-36. 11 R.H. Silva, Lisboa de Frederico Ressano Garcia in Lisboa de Frederico Ressano Garcia 18741909, Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1989, pp. 17-38: 27-28. 12 R.H. Silva, As Avenidas Novas de Lisboa, 1900-1930 (Master Thesis in History of Art), Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1985, p. 20. 13 C.M. Oliveira, Memória das Águas de Alfama (Master Thesis in Heritage Studies), Lisboa, Universidade Aberta, 2008,p. 101. 14 A.L. Vieira, Os transportes públicos de Lisboa entre 1830 e 1910, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda, 1982, p. 38-39. 15 R.H. Silva, Lisboa Romântica: urbanismo e arquitectura, 1777-1874 (Doctoral Thesis in History of Contemporary Art), Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1997, p. 337. 16 A non-exhaustive listing can include documents from parliamentary acts of June 6, 1857, November 24, 1865, February 2, 1873, May 14, 1884, December 10, 1895 and February 26, 1917. 50 years is quite a long time to discuss the same problem. 17 M. Pinheiro, Biografia de Lisboa, Lisboa, Esfera dos Livros, 2011, p. 265.