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2012, Ethology
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4 pages
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Some comments are appended to Patrick Bateson's reflections on the future of behavioral biology that were triggered by remembering the contributions of Gu ¨nter Tembrock to ethology. While the suggestions made are valid and insightful, a few specific areas where exciting research possibilities may reside are added including those involving communication and language, culture and ritual, brain imaging, genetics, animal tracking, and aesthetics. The need for the historical grounding of graduate education in behavior studies is also emphasized as an important possible factor if the future will effectively fulfill its mission and recognize its legacy.
Biotechnology & Biotechnological Equipment, 2010
Whether behavior is present in the science for many years, it is still young and very attractive discipline that needs interdisciplinar approach for studying. Large scale of experimental models makes experimental and scientific work more exciting. At the Faculty of Biology, University of Belgrade (Serbia), we have behavioral courses at all three levels of studies (bachelor, master and PhD). At the basic level, we have Animal Behavior course, than, at the master level, we offer to our students two courses, Biology of Behavior and Introduction into Behavioral Genetics. Finally, for PhD students of Neuroscience we have two courses-Cellular Basis of Behavior and Neurobiology of Behavior, while PhD students of Genetics attend course Behavior Genetics. In this way, all aspects and levels of understanding behavioral mechanisms are covered.
Boston studies in the philosophy of science, 2011
No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfi lming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifi cally for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.
Boston studies in the philosophy of science, 2012
No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfi lming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifi cally for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.
The Behavior Analyst
Evolutionary theory, comparative psychology, British empiricism, the reflexwe learn in graduate school that all of these had something to do with the origins ofexperimental psychology in general and behaviorism in particular. Somehow Watson got tired of introspection and of inferring mental events in animals and so founded behaviorism with his manifesto of 1913. But is this so, and how did it happen? This book tells the story. It covers a relatively brief period of about 60 or 70 years from the impact ofDarwin's Origin ofthe Species in the 1860's to the establishment of behaviorism in the 1920's, just before Skinner came on the scene. The tale is told with thoroughness, care, good humor, and-best of all-with understanding, because the author is no outsider, no professional philosopher or historian, who might tell it with scorn and the misapprehension that behaviorism is dead, but an experimenter who did his graduate work at Harvard during the 1960's when, under Herrnstein, and with Skinner still present, quantitative studies of behavior and the development of modern behaviorism were in full swing. To anyone interested in behaviorism, pro or con, this book should be required reading. I found it entertaining and provocative from beginning to end. It was many years in the making. I know, be
I n t r o d u c t i o n The scientific study of animal behavior is also called ethology, a term used first by the nineteenth-century French zoologist Isidore Geoffroy Saint Hilaire but then used with its modern meaning by the American zoologist Wheeler (1902). Ethology is derived from the Greek ethos, meaning " character. " There is some resemblance with the word " ethics, " which is derived from the same Greek word. This makes sense, seeing that ethics is basically about how humans ought to behave. Unfortunately the word " ethology " is often confused with the word " ethnology " (the study of human peoples), with which it has nothing in common. In fact the very word processor with which we are writing this chapter keeps prompting us to replace " ethology " by " ethnology " ! For whatever reason, the word " ethology " is not used as much as it used to be, although there is still an active animal behavior journal bearing this name. Instead of " ethology, " nowadays many authors use the words " animal behavior " or " behavioral biology " when they refer to the scientific study of animal behavior. A Brief History of Behavioral Biology Early days S cientists (and amateurs) studied animal behavior long before the word " ethology " was introduced. For instance, Aristotle had many interesting observations concerning animal behavior. The study of animal behavior was taken up more systematically mainly by German and British zoologists around the turn of the nineteenth century. The great British naturalist Charles Darwin (1809–82), pioneer of the theory of
Applied Animal Behaviour Science, 1984
Ethologists and psychologists have traditionally taken different approaches to the study of animal behavior. Recently, there has been something of a rapprochement between these two schools of the study of behavior. The range of animals and the number of groups available in the zoo for comparison provide a wealth of topics for study by the behavioralist. At the same time, the new behavioralist is perfectly equipped to make important contributions to solving the problems that the zoo faces on a daily basis. Evidence provided by limited associations to date argues convincingly that more frequent and formal cooperation between the zoo and the behavioralist promises substantial mutual benefit.
brain is the most complex of all biological organs; it not only gives rise to consciousness—that most fascinating but elusive phenomenon —but also mediates our behavioural responses. The structure of the brain and its higher cognitive functions are the product of evolutionary history, embedded within the genome. One of the great scientific challenges today is therefore to integrate the results from two different lines of investigation into the biology of behaviour—using genes and the brain—with the goal of bringing both to a deeper level of understanding. Modern biology has taught us how genes and genomes serve as blueprints for all living organisms. Not only physiology, but also some forms of behaviour seem to be innate or predisposed by genes. Today, most scientists agree that genes alone do not cause behaviour, but merely influence how an individual will react to a particular set of environmental and biographical circumstances. Genes are seen as determinants of behaviour insofar as they code for the assembly of the neural circuits that are necessary for the development and survival of the organism. But how does the brain, which owes its functional structure partly to the concerted action of genes, give rise to or cause behaviour? These were some of the questions that were addressed at the seventh European Molecular Biology Laboratory (EMBL)/European Molecular Biology Organization (EMBO) joint science and society conference on 'Genes, Brain/Mind and Behaviur', held on 3–4 November 2006 at the EMBL in Heidelberg, Germany, which are discussed further in this special issue of EMBO reports. Basic research on behavioural genetics is thriving. Researchers have developed powerful tools to disentangle the underlying complexity between genes and behaviour, and are amassing a body of knowledge about how phenotypic variation relates to and influences distinct patterns of behaviour. Although researchers recognize the importance of environmental factors in the development of living organisms, they have also produced solid evidence showing how genes are relevant to basic forms of behaviour. Giovanni Frazzetto and Cornelius Gross emphasize the complex relationship between genotypes and phenotypes in their article (pS3). Similarly, Pierre Roubertoux critically reviews some of the overly simplistic assumptions that geneticists have made (pS7). In particular, Roubertoux stresses how pleiotropy, epistasis, interactions between genes and the environment, alternative splicing and neuronal integration give rise to, and contribute to, many aspects of behaviour. The manifold steps that lead from genes to brains to behaviour are highly complex, but scientists are gradually elucidating the molecular and cellular mechanisms behind brain structure and function. The biggest challenge now is to understand how neurons interconnect to form larger networks, and how these intricate neural structures give rise to consciousness and a sense of self. Neuroscientists are confident that they now have the tools to enable them to solve this mystery. As a background, the essay by Anne Harrington provides an illuminating historical overview of how people in the Western world have perceived the mind–body relationship (pS12). Even today, there are differing opinions on whether the human mind can be fully elucidated. Whereas many scientists remain wary that we will ever understand human consciousness, optimists claim that the brain sciences will eventually explain how we are constituted from the molecular level up to the cerebral level. Hence, the second main topic at the 2006 conference was neuronal organization and cognitive functioning of the brain, and how basic molecular mechanisms and neural networks give rise to awareness. In his essay, Wolfgang Singer succinctly deconstructs an image of a 'self' that is seemingly disconnected from the brain (pS16). By explaining how neurons encode information through varying the amplitude and/or adjusting the precise timing of electric discharges, Singer lays out a model of the brain as a complex nonlinear system with emerging properties, which does not need a higher-order controlling structure or res cogitans to create consciousness. The second group of essays in this special issue focuses on new technologies that have grown out of behavioural genetics and the brain sciences, and on the influence that their application has, or will have, on society. These essays deal with various applications of science to monitor and map the brain, and to influence human behaviour, as well as the ethical questions that many such applications entail. Stéphanie Perreau-Lenz, Tarek Zghoul and Rainer Spanagel argue that a better understanding of clock genes can pave the way for new therapeutic approaches to treat pathological conditions such as addiction and depression (pS20). These are examples of what has been termed 'neurotechnology': tools that are designed to analyse, cure and enhance the functions of the human nervous system, especially the brain. At the leading edge of neurotechnologies are various forms of brain imaging and neuropharmacology. These techniques not only have been used for understanding normal brain function, but also provide new insights into the physiological basis of neuropsychiatric disorders. Their future uses might extend to forensic and commercial purposes, such as in marketing or research on consumer preferences. Clinical depression is the leading cause of disability in the USA and other countries today, and is expected to become the second leading cause of disability worldwide—after heart disease—by the year 2020 (Murray & Lopez, 1997). Klaus-Peter Lesch describes in more detail how variants of the serotonin system give rise to depression and other anxiety disorders (pS24), while Turhan Canli describes how his group has made the link from research on the molecular level of behaviour to clinical psychology, in an approach that he has termed genomic psychology (pS30). The pharmaceutical industry has already responded to the apparent increase in behavioural disorders with new anti-depressants such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors and stimulants to treat attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder. Although their prescription—to children in particular—is rapidly increasing, there are few clinical studies on young patients who take psychotropic drugs. The article by Ilina Singh therefore provides a unique insight into how children who are subjected to stimulant treatment engage in clinical research as capable and informed actors, and she convincingly refutes protective impulses to exclude children from clinical studies (pS35). Degenerative disorders of the brain, such as Alzheimer disease and Parkinson disease, are among the largest public-health problems in fast-ageing populations. But intense efforts by the pharmaceutical and biotech industry have produced no cure or treatment to halt or even reverse neurological degeneration in older individuals. Lars Sundstrom describes a new drug-development strategy that might help to provide these much-needed therapies: so-called 'chemical genomics' (pS40). Instead of identifying possible drug targets and then searching for compounds that interfere with them, numerous compounds are tested on biological material—cells, tissues or model organisms such as Drosophila or zebrafish, for example—to see if they can trigger the desired physiological response. Future neurotechnologies will not be limited to medical uses alone, as shown by the emerging field of 'neuroeconomics', which analyses neurological determinants of decision-making as well as their social and economic implications. The essay by Michael Kosfeld provides an interesting introduction to the general approach of neuroeconomics through his case study of the neurobiology of trust (pS44). Kosfeld describes a key experiment that proves the important role of the neurohormone oxytocin in the willingness of individuals to trust others.
Modern disciplinary academia is hindered by a lack of cohesiveness and foresight in its application. A clear example of this is the conflicting views within the fields of Biology and Behavioural Ecology. Within each field respectively, there is discourse on the inter-field applicability and share-ability, and the divided opinion on theoretical modeling approaches in answering evolutionary questions. In this discussion we are focused solely on the implications of modern techniques used to study Behavioural Ecology. I will look to explore the history and current implications of the methods on studying behavioral mechanisms. Furthermore, I will analyze behavioral syndromes as a subset in a distinct set of case studies. This discussion will respectively illuminate these factors and their effects on social foraging and individual optimization. With these ideas in mind, we should reach a synthesis in which we are able to analyze the current weaknesses in these areas of behavioral ecology, and determine a proper course of action for the future in regards to behavioural mechanisms, and their influence and relation to behavioural syndromes.
2005
The central idea in behaviorism can be stated simply: A science of behavior is possible. Behaviorists have diverse views about what this proposition means, and particularly about what science is and what behavior is, but every behaviorist agrees that there can be a science of behavior. Many behaviorists add that the science of behavior should be psychology. This causes contention because many psychologists reject the idea that psychology is a science at all, and others who regard it as a science consider its subject matter something other than behavior. Most behaviorists have come to call the science of behavior behavior analysis. The debate continues as to whether behavior analysis is a part of psychology, the same as psychology, or independent of psychology, but professional organizations, such as the Association for Behavior Analysis, and journals, such as The Behavior Analyst, Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, and Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, give the field an identity. Since behaviorism is a set of ideas about this science called behavior analysis, not the science itself, properly speaking behaviorism is not science, but philosophy of science. As philosophy about behavior, however, it touches topics near and dear to us: why we do what we do, and what we should and should not do. Behaviorism offers an alternative view that often runs counter to traditional thinking about action, because traditional views have been unscientific. We shall see in later chapters that it sometimes takes us in directions radically different from conventional thinking. This chapter covers some of the history of behaviorism and one of its most immediate implications, determinism. Keyterms Anthropomorphism Behavior analysis Caloric Comparative psychology Continuity of species Determinism Folk psychology Introspect Just-noticeable difference Libertarian free will Methodological behaviorism Objective psychology Phlogiston Psyche Radical behaviorism Reaction time Standard narrative Vis viva
American Anthropologist, 1976
ETHOLOGY AND PRIMATES 593 the author, equipped with boxes of fresh 3x 5 cards, going through the literature, writing down a quick summary of his quote and sorting the cards into their appropriate piles, just as Marler and Hamilton did in their Mechanisms of Animal Behavior, although there the categorization was done on the basis of endogenous or exogenous, subclassified by perceptual modality, and phylogenetically ordered. His last chapter on "The Ethology of Man," illustrated in large part by his own photographs in widely separated cultures, shows cross-cultural parallels and the essential homologies of facial expressions in man and the other primates. Yet one is left with an empty feeling after finishing this book. In the author's own words, "The main problem-which has been little investigated t o d a t e i n respect to the fixed action patterns, is the lawful fluctuation of the inner readiness to act, which cannot be explained on the basis of factors discussed so far" (p. 59). More generally, he and most other ethologists are strongly bound by the psychological model of motivation and stimulusresponse, even though the latter blank palimpsest is now scrawled with innate releasing mechanisms in contradistinction to most American psychologists. Thus they fail to utilize the remarkable understanding of the biological rhythms developed in the last 25 years. After all, Lorenz and von Holst studied the evidences of spontaneous activity in animals and discussed the accumulation of central excitatory potential in various types of behavioral automatisms. But this is where ethology stopped. Even though Eibl-Eibesfeldt devotes a chapter to "Temporal Patterns of Behavior," the circadian and other rhythms, including the circannual, are touched upon as another discrete category, unrelated t o the basic properties of the fixed action patterns as the ethologists describe them. Throughout, the emphasis is on the natural selection process and, in particular, the reconstruction of the phylogeny of motor patterns. How did these innate differences evolve and how are they modified by environmental differentiation? Thus the book provides an up-to-date summary of ethology, but does not take its development as far as Tinbergen did in his work with autistic children. Ethology and Primates: Some New Directions for the 1970s Ethological Studies of Child Behaviour. N. Blurton Jones, ed. Foreword by Professor N.
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