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38 pages
1 file
2011
"International relations both as discipline and practice has come far over the years. Many theories have evolved, most of which attempt to solve specific problems that confront the world today. In recent times, and due perhaps to the perceived limited role of the state, a good deal of ink has been spilled over theories that promote ‘global governance’ as an alternative to ‘government’ which is only realizable at the domestic level. These (neo)liberal theories, as I call them, present the world as one in which states no longer posses as much power; a case where certain norms of conformity and mutual interest underlie relations among states and non-state actors. However, this paper contends that regardless of the rising role of transnational networks and global interdependencies, states (especially powerful ones) still have enough power to manipulate and even direct what happens in world affairs mostly at the disadvantage of less powerful states. The term ‘(neo)liberal’ is used in this paper in ways that many disciples of traditional IR theories will find problematic, or perhaps, a mischaracterization of the authors’ theoretical positions. Meanwhile, for analytical purposes the term will be adhered to in order to broadly elucidate the fundamental flaws in such theorizing. In so doing, I seek to show what I call the ‘practicality deficit’ in neoliberal theories, against the backdrop that the normative underpinnings or expectations of these theories are often not reflected in the day-to-day practices and processes in global and regional institutions. The European Union and the UN Global Compact will be used to shed light on the paper’s overarching argument. Keywords: Power, order, interdependence, cooperation, regime, norms"
To what extent do neo-realists underestimate the possibilities for cooperation at an international level? "A realist walks into a bar and orders a half empty glass of vodka" Randall Schweller 1 Neo-realists (also known as structural realists) contend that cooperation in international relations is limited by the constraints imposed on states by the anarchic structure of the international system. Because states are locked in a perpetual struggle for survival, which can only be guaranteed by the accumulation of power, they are fearful that other states will cheat to gain an advantage and are averse to agreements that that confer greater benefits to another party. As all states are engaged in this calculation and are therefore seeking settlements that would leave them in a more powerful position vis-à-vis their potential competitors, cooperation is limited and international institutions are viewed as little more than tools of statecraft which are used by powerful states to advance their own interests. This essay will explore the development of neo-realism and the challenge to the perceived pessimism of the neo-realist position by liberal institutionalists -who argue that the increasing importance of international institutions means that the condition of anarchy does not prohibit greater co-operation. After setting out the key arguments against the neo-realist position the essay will briefly examine contemporary international politics to conclude that the institutionalist position does not offer a vision of international relations that is likely to be more cooperative, in the sense that that the political landscape will be more stable or egalitarian.
The debate between the mainstream neorealist and neoliberal theory has dominated the field of international relations during the 1980s, especially in the United States. Neorealist and neoliberal are both problem-solving theories, but have different objects of study. Irrespective of these dissimilarities, however, they share many assumptions about actors, values, issues, and power arrangements in the international system. This understanding thus contributed to a more and more increasing conception of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism as two sides of the same coin.
Skinner's 1 quote, by its inherited conceptions of anarchy and the state. Under this spell, anarchy stands as a historic and influential concept that has shaped discourse in this field for the past few decades. Predicated on the realism, neorealism, liberalism and neoliberalism theories of international relations, the concept is the central fact of the international system and the starting place for theorizing about it. 2
International Organization, 1988
Anarchy and the limits of cooperation: a realist critique of the newest liberal institutionalism Joseph M. Grieco Realism has dominated international relations theory at least since World War II. 1 For realists, international anarchy fosters competition and conflict among states and inhibits their willingness to cooperate even when they share common interests. Realist theory also argues that international institutions are unable to mitigate anarchy's constraining effects on inter-state cooperation. Realism, then, presents a pessimistic analysis of the prospects for international cooperation and of the capabilities of international institutions. 2 For their helpful comments on this essay, I thank
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MGIMO Review of International Relations
The article examines the major events of the two previous centuries of international relations through main concepts of political realism. The author argues that in order to understand the present dilemmas and challenges of international politics, we need to know the past. Every current major global problem has historical antecedents. History from the late 19th century constitutes the empirical foundation of much theoretical scholarship on international politics. The breakdown of the Concert of Europe and the outbreak of the devastating global conflagration of World War I are the events that sparked the modern study of international relations. The great war of 1914 to 1918 underlined the tragic wastefulness of the institution of war. It caused scholars to confront one of the most enduring puzzles of the study of international relations, why humans continue to resort to this self-destructive method of conflict resolution? The article shows that the main explanation is the anarchical ...
Keohane accepts that anarchy promotes uncertainty as to whether states will keep their commitments. But for Keohane, anarchy gives rise to the collective action problem not because of the unequal distribution of power (as in neorealism) but because of the symmetrical distribution of information or the lack of information. It is this that promotes defection and cheating because states do not know, and therefore, do not trust, the interests of others. Accordingly states created international regimes in order to enhance the destiny and spread of information, which reduces the tendency for defection and cheating, in this way, regimes can reduce the transaction costs of agreements since they reduce the need for states to monitor whether agreements are compiled with by others, thereby promoting trust and cooperation.
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