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“Merenptah’s involvement with the Osireion raises some questions, not least, how did he gain access when the brick arch appears to have been blocked up by Seti?” Keith Hamilton.
“… when [Frank J. Yurco] scraped away the superimposed names, he determined that the original inscription was not Ramses II but Merenptah …. The visage of a pharaoh carved on a nearby block resembled not Ramses but the figure found on Merenptah’s tomb”. John Noble Wilford.
B. P. Muhs, & F. D. Scalf (Eds.), A master of secrets in the Chamber of Darkness: Egyptological studies in honor of Robert K. Ritner presented on the occasion of his sixty-eighth birthday (pp. 329-402). Institute for the Study of Ancient Cultures., 2024
The 327-year-old theory that identified King Merenptah of Egypt, the son and immediate successor of Ramesses II, with the biblical "pharaoh of the Exodus" 3 was very widely accepted in 1896, when Flinders Petrie made the most sensational of his many archaeological discoveries. In the ruins of Merenptah's funerary temple in Thebes, Petrie found a stela bearing an inscription from year 5 of Merenptah's reign "specifically naming 'the people of Israel'"-a socioethnic group, with no fixed address, mentioned together with seven city states or lands in or near Canaan-"and recording their defeat by King Merenptah. " Petrie began immediately "to consider the historical setting" of the allusion to Israel. For Petrie, it appears, the ideal historical interpretation of Merenptah's victory ode would have been consistent with six basic premises: (1) Merenptah's clash with Israel, before year 5 of his reign, took place in or near Canaan; (2) Ramesses II was the pharaoh of the Oppression, who conscripted the Israelites to (make bricks to) build the vast Delta capital bearing his name (Exod. 1:11, 13-14); and (3) Merenptah was the pharaoh of the Exodus, who succeeded the pharaoh of the Oppression immediately after the latter's death (Exod. 2:23, 4:19) and during whose reign (4) Israel, more or less in its entirety, left Egypt, after which (5) it spent forty (2 + 38) years in the desert before (6) it crossed the Jordan into Canaan after year 8 of Ramesses III, the year of the last Ramesside military expedition to Asia. However, Petrie was unable to find a hypothesis consistent with all of these premises. He was not alone. James Henry Breasted, for example, believed it was "certain" that premise (1) had made premises (3) and (5) mutually exclusive. 163. All the rulers are prostrate, saying "Peace!". .. [š-r-m = Shalom], 164. not one among the Nine Bows dare raise his head. 165. Plundered is Libya (Tehenu), Hatti is at peace, 166. Carried off is Canaan with every evil. 167. Brought away is Ascalon, taken is Gezer, 168. Yeno'am is reduced to non-existence. 169. Israel[ 7 ] is spoiled, his seed is not, 170. Khurru has become widowed because of Nile-land. 171. All lands together are (now) at peace, 172. and everyone who roamed about has been subdued, 173.-by the King of S & N Egypt, Baienre Meriamun, 174. Son of Re, Merenptah, 175. given life like Re daily. 8 When Petrie first laid eyes on what would soon become known as the "Israel Stela, " it was lying-with Merenptah's inscription face down-in the ruins of that king's funerary temple at Thebes. To expedite the decipherment of the inscription, Petrie mounted the stela on stones and had the ground cut away beneath it. 9
Ancient Egypt Magazine 103 (2017), 18-23, 2017
Nicky Nielsen profiles Sety I, the king overshadowed by the achievements of his own son.
Merenptah must be cast right out of the picture from being a son and successor of Ramses II ‘the Great’.
The Syrian Bay would be none other than Ay(e), with Queen Tausert being one of those left-over daughters of pharaoh Akhnaton and Nefertiti, Ankhesenamun Ta-sherit.
Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 2011
The thesis examines the monuments of Seti 1. Various epigraphic, art historical, iconographical and historical criteria are used to analyze his afi and architecture, especidy monumental reliefs, to elucidate a number of chronological and historicd issues, including the probiem of the hypothetical coregencies of the early Nineteenth Dynasty, the accession dates of the first three Rarnessides and the length of Seti 1's reign. In chapter one, a number of iconographic, epigraphic and art historicai characteristics of Seti's monuments usefùl for dating monuments within the reign and for distinguishing his work bom that of his imediate predecessor and successor are identifid, an important point since both Seti 1 and Ramesses ii dedicated monuments in mernory of their deceased fathers. Chapter two cataiogs Seti 1's alterations and restorations of existing monuments, in panicular, his repairs to monumental reliefs vandaiized by Akhenaten and his treatrnent of restorations previously made by Tutankhamen. The intmt is to diagnose the scope of this policy to gain a better undentandhg of its ideoiogical ends. Chapter three catalogs origuial monuments of the king throughout Egypt, Western Asia and Nubia. Discussion focuses on art histoncal, epigraphic and iconographic questions. Extended discussions of the Baugeschchte and chronology of decoration of Seîi's temples at Abydos, Kamak and Gumah are given here. Chapter four examines chronological and hiaorical issues of Seti's reign. A reappraisal of the accession dates of the nrst three N i n e t h Dynasty pharaohs supports the dates of III fmw 24 for Seti 1 and III .fmw 27 for Ramesses. Eleven years is the most plausible length for the reign. A new examination of the hypothetical coregencies of Seti 1 with Ramesses 1 and Rarnesses If indicates that there was no coregency in either case. In partiçular. Ramessrs II remained crown prince until the death of his father. and thni relief decoration at Karnak, Gumah and Abydos previously taken as evidenci: of a coregency are posr monem Seti 1. Chapter five diagnoses the scope of Seti's building program and its state at his death at various sites in Egypt. Western Asia and Nubia. Among those to whom I owe the greatest debt of gratitude for their assistance, I must thank first and foremost my advisor Professor Donald B. Redford, to whom I am profoundly grateful for his encouragement in completing this work, and for his expertise and the excellent training in Egyptology I received under his direction. I also owe a debt to my first mentor Professor William I. Murnane, whom I thank for his years of tireless support and invaluable advice freely given.
Pharaohs of Ancient Israel, 2020
This article is devoted to solving the problem of the historicity of the first Jewish king Saul. The author adheres to the hypothesis that Saul is not the name of the king, but the Hebrew word for the pharaohs. Behind the image of King Saul is not any one particular Egyptian ruler, but a long line of representatives of several Egyptian dynasties. Conventionally, the article is divided into two parts. In the first part, the author raises the question of the identity between the biblical names of the three sons of Saul, on the one hand, and the three different names of the famous Pharaoh Akhenaten, on the other. This identity gives rise to the problem that in the biblical record Pharaoh Akhenaten was the son of the Jewish king Saul. The author further solves this problem by assuming that Saul was, in fact, not a Jewish king, but the ruler of Ancient Egypt.
The discovery at the site of Gezer of a jar handle stamped with the cartouches of Pharaoh Sety II offers an opportunity to review the reign of this minor king, who ruled in Egypt at the critical period at the very end of the Late Bronze Age. A description of the context of the jar handle in the Gezer excavations serves to introduce a review of the life of Sety II as revealed in Egyptian sources and through the corpus of objects assigned to this king. Sety’s family background and particularly his career as prince and military commander under his father Merenptah expose his significant role in the campaign in Canaan by year 5 of Merenptah, as recorded in the Israel Stela and at Karnak. Upon Merenptah’s death the throne was seized by a rival claimant, Amenmesse, and only after three years was Sety II able to exercise his own claim with the demise of the interloper. Sety reigned for six years, during which he continued the tradition established by his predecessors of building in Egypt and campaigning abroad, before his death led to another succession crisis featuring his unhealthy son Ramesses-Siptah, his widow Tewosret and the shadowy chancellor Bay.
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