Kolegium Ekonomiczno Społeczne

The aim of the European Neighbourhood Policy is to search for a new quality of cooperation between the EU and the states whose membership in the European Union is not presently considered. After preparation in 2004 of basic assumptions of the policy, activity of the ENP states in the framework programmes became a matter of interest of this policy. The paper presents the place of the framework
programs in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the changes in participation
in subsequent framework programmes, starting from 2002. It focuses on the
analysis of instruments available in the seventh framework programme presentation
of main assumptions on cooperation between ENP partner states in the
Horizon 2020 programme

The article describes the specifics of supported employment of deafblind people on the basis of a research conducted within the project „Support for deafblind people in the labor market II- Take matters into your own hands.” Within the project 257 people were supported by a job coach, which was the biggest support in terms of professional activation of this group that have ever been carried out in Poland.

The purpose of the paper is to present the development of the municipal bond market in Poland between 1989 and 2012, a characteristic of municipal bonds and their types, issued in this period. The empirical research conducted by the author provides some main financial indicators that determine the development of this market and its role for local governments in Poland. Moreover, there are analysed the types of investors on this market, organizers of the placements or the meaning of this market against the background of the municipal bond markets in the European Union (EU) countries. The study is mainly based on the miscellaneous reports and statistics of the National Bank of Poland, Ministry of Finance, Central Statistical Office of Poland, Warsaw Stock Exchange or rating agency Fitch Polska. An important source of information was also the research conducted by the author, which concerned the perspective of servicing the local governments by commercial banks and the associated risk. As a consequence, the author indicates that the value of municipal bonds issued in Poland is still relatively low in comparison with its gross domestic product and the leading EU countries. Therefore, there are possibilities of the further growth of this market in Poland. First and foremost, municipal bonds are positively perceived as an investment instrument by the investors, i.e. mainly commercial banks. Besides, these securities have a small share in the investment portfolio of pension funds and investment funds. However, one of the main obstacles of the further development of the municipal bond market in Poland is its relatively low liquidity.

Populizm bez wątpienia stanowi jedno z najbardziej złożonych zjawisk w życiu społeczno-politycznym, którego osadzenie w ramy teoretyczne od lat sprawia badaczom dość dużą trudność. Zadanie to jest o tyle skomplikowane, że populizm przyjmuje różne formy w zależności od obranej pozycji ideologicznej i doktrynalnej, przez co "literatura dotycząca populizmu często zawiera sprzeczne argumenty odnoszące się do natury ruchów populistycznych" (Marczewska-Rytko, 1995, s. 49). Można zatem śmiało zauważyć, że obecność zjawiska populizmu w głównym nurcie procesów politycznych wzbudza zainteresowanie badaczy, przeradzające się w coraz większą liczbę prowadzonych badań i proponowanych opracowań naukowych podejmujących to zagadnienie. Jak więc słusznie zauważają Autorzy recenzowanej pozycji, przygotowana przez nich książka "nie jest ani pierwszą, ani też ostatnią próbą wyjaśnienia przyczyn populizmu" (Hawkins, Carlin i in., 2019, s. 419). Niemniej jednak ich propozycja poświęce...

This paper concentrates on the Polish party system and the concept of cartel party.
Its purpose is, on the one hand, to estimate the degree of dependency between the
Polish parties and the state and, on the other hand, to analyse the development of
the Polish parties in the light of the concept of cartel party. The author argues that
the Polish party system is too unstable to recognize the emergence of a cartel. The
author also maintains that the Polish parties have adjusted the structure of the
state to suit their own needs. They have also accepted the fact that only the presently
ruling parties can derive benefits from administration. Whereas the remaining
parties, having secured their own financing from the state Budget (having secured
their survival), can only wait to gain a chance of takeover. This article
focuses on describing the establishment of the concept of cartel party and it also
analyses this concept in the light of the following aspects: the political parties’
public financing system, the Polish electoral system (described along with the
changes in the parliamentary electoral law introduced by political parties), and
last but not least, the extent of political patronage.

The paper deals with the issue of the reasons for the replacement of the leaders of political parties in Poland. It takes into consideration the two main factors that have been agreed by academic circles to be decisive for the duration of a leader’s staying in his/her post. Firstly, an analysis of the formal procedures regulating the dismissal of the leaders of political parties provided by the party statutes is conducted. Secondly, the paper presents the influence election results (the number of votes won and the fact of establishing a government coalition or failing to do so) have on the leaders’ ability to keep their post. The analysis encompasses the political parties that won a mandate in the 2011 parliamentary elections, that is Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), Polish People’s Party (PSL), Palikot’s Movement (RP) and the Democratic Left Alliance (LSD). The paper discusses the topic of the replacement of the leaders since the beginnings of these parties. The analysis reveals a strong influence of election results and statutory provisions on the duration of respective leaders’ terms. The fact of entering into a government coalition, or failing to do so, does not have a significant influence on the leaders’ maintaining their position.

Over the last two decades, an increasing number of political parties have gradually formalized the influence of members in the process of leadership selection. This evolution has determined two partly contrasting behaviors in the new democracies of Eastern Europe: inclusive decision-making was formally mentioned but empirical evidence indicates implementation problems. Consequently, it remains an empirical question to what extent the East European political parties apply the formal provisions of inclusiveness when selecting their leaders. In order to provide an answer, this article compares the statutes and election regulations of four Polish parties with opinions of party members and voters. This study combines qualitative content analysis with aggregate statistics from individual-level data collected at the national level and covers the 2007–2011 electoral cycle.

The aim of this paper is to analyse leadership in Polish political parties in comparative perspective. In the further parts of this paper, the methods of leader selections, their competitiveness, as well as reasons for their stepping down are discussed. Similarly to the western political parties, the Polish ones have been changing their methods of leadership selection. So far each time it has consisted in a formal increase in the inclusiveness of the selection. The reasons for transferring the rights relating to the leadership selection to party members were brought closer to the premises typical for Westminster democracies rather than the consensual ones. The analysis of the Polish case shows that the internal elections have been characterized by different levels of competitiveness.

Między koronacją a rywalizacją. \ Proces wyłaniania przewodniczącego w polskich partiach politycznych Zamiast wstępu W yraźną i zasadniczo niekwestionowaną tendencją we współczesnych demokracjach jest wzrost pozycji liderów partii politycznych. Rośnie ich status jako szefów rządu, poszerzają oni swoją autonomię we własnych ugrupowaniach, a takżechoć w mniejszym stopniu -na nich skupiają się kampanie wyborcze 1 • Niektórzy badacze uznają nawet, że partie polityczne i ich liderzy stają się pojęciami tożsamymi 2 • Pojawiają się ponadto nowe czynniki, jak europeizacja, które wzmacniają ich pozycję 3 • Naturalny jest zatem fakt coraz większego zainteresowania badaczy przywództwem partyjnym. Co istotne jednak, w jego analizach ujawnia się słabość ogólnych teorii przywództwa. Wynika ona -jak się wydaje -ze znacznego zróżnicowania przywództwa partyjnego 4 • Stąd literatura dotycząca przywództwa w partiach politycznych 1 T. Poguntke, P. Webb, The 291 Michał Radecki jest rozproszona. Dominują w niej studia przypadków, podejmujące kwestie m.in. zmian przywództwa w partii, konkurencyjności wyborów czy przyczyn zmian procedur powoływania liderów partii politycznych.

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza przywództwa Benjamina Netanjahu. Artykuł krótko omawia drogę Netanjahu do przywództwa i skupia się na trzech rolach, jakie pełnił on w izraelskiej polityce: przywódcy partii, premiera i lidera opozycji w latach 1993-2009. Opracowanie pokazuje, że cechy osobiste, dzięki którym Netanjahu został liderem partii, okazały się prze-szkodą w efektywnym rządzeniu. Konkluzją opracowania jest stwierdzenie, że najważniejszym zasobem dla premierów jest niekwestionowana pozycja we własnej partii.