McGill University
Graduate Studies & Research
Ethiopia: Time to end that déjà vu! Ethiopia: Old habits die hard Yemen: The war of against all? America: For democrats, the future is a mist Nigeria: Lessons of the Lord's Resistance GDP Growth High subjective poverty High subjective... more
Ethiopia: Time to end that déjà vu! Ethiopia: Old habits die hard Yemen: The war of against all? America: For democrats, the future is a mist Nigeria: Lessons of the Lord's Resistance GDP Growth High subjective poverty High subjective poverty Pover ty gap index Pover ty gap index Poverty gap index GDP forecast GDP forecast GDP forecast Double digit GDP Double digit GDP Double digit GDP Double digit GDP
- by Hone Mandefro and +1
- •
There are contradictory statistics about the number of poor people and changes in number of poor people in Ethiopia with statistics ranging from 26 to 86% of the total population in 2013. This paper analyzed how such contradictory... more
There are contradictory statistics about the number of poor people
and changes in number of poor people in Ethiopia with statistics
ranging from 26 to 86% of the total population in 2013. This
paper analyzed how such contradictory statistics feed into
national politics focusing on who uses which statistics and based
on what justifications of authoritativeness. Drawing from data
collected from print newspapers, blogs, websites, published
articles, party publications, and interviews with four key
informants and combining an actor’s centered discourse analysis
(ACDA) with Van Dick’s (1997) approach of identifying and
analyzing political discourses, the paper deconstructed the
poverty statistics debate in Ethiopia to understand the basic
contestations. Synthesis of the data shows that poverty numbers
are being used as tools for, and manifestations of, ongoing power
struggles in Ethiopia whereby different actors selectively use
poverty statistics that promote their political agenda. While doing
so, the underlying rationale of actors for choosing one statistics
over another was not based on the merit of their preferred set of
statistics over the others but on the suitability of the data for their
political purpose. As such, the government disregards statistics
except its own which portray rapid poverty decline in the country
while opposition groups actively use and promote statistics
coming from international organizations that depict increasing
poverty or a slow rate of reduction of poverty. The paper argues
that the underlying cause of such politicization of numbers is
linked with the developmental statism ideology of the ruling party
in Ethiopia and how it tries to justify its rule in Ethiopia – claiming
that it is reducing poverty and bringing development in Ethiopia
and therefore should be allowed to continue in power. Therefore,
in debating poverty numbers what is being debated is not just
the statistics but the legitimacy of the government, hence politics
by numbers
and changes in number of poor people in Ethiopia with statistics
ranging from 26 to 86% of the total population in 2013. This
paper analyzed how such contradictory statistics feed into
national politics focusing on who uses which statistics and based
on what justifications of authoritativeness. Drawing from data
collected from print newspapers, blogs, websites, published
articles, party publications, and interviews with four key
informants and combining an actor’s centered discourse analysis
(ACDA) with Van Dick’s (1997) approach of identifying and
analyzing political discourses, the paper deconstructed the
poverty statistics debate in Ethiopia to understand the basic
contestations. Synthesis of the data shows that poverty numbers
are being used as tools for, and manifestations of, ongoing power
struggles in Ethiopia whereby different actors selectively use
poverty statistics that promote their political agenda. While doing
so, the underlying rationale of actors for choosing one statistics
over another was not based on the merit of their preferred set of
statistics over the others but on the suitability of the data for their
political purpose. As such, the government disregards statistics
except its own which portray rapid poverty decline in the country
while opposition groups actively use and promote statistics
coming from international organizations that depict increasing
poverty or a slow rate of reduction of poverty. The paper argues
that the underlying cause of such politicization of numbers is
linked with the developmental statism ideology of the ruling party
in Ethiopia and how it tries to justify its rule in Ethiopia – claiming
that it is reducing poverty and bringing development in Ethiopia
and therefore should be allowed to continue in power. Therefore,
in debating poverty numbers what is being debated is not just
the statistics but the legitimacy of the government, hence politics
by numbers
This article aims to rekindle the debate on the politics of aid in the increasingly common-yet still under-studied-authoritarian and low-intensity conflict settings , detailing the case of Ethiopia in , when a -year drought... more
This article aims to rekindle the debate on the politics of aid in the increasingly common-yet still under-studied-authoritarian and low-intensity conflict settings , detailing the case of Ethiopia in , when a -year drought coincided * This article was written as part of the VICI scheme project no. //, entitled 'When disasters meet conflict (DisCoRD)', based at the International Institute of Social Sciences, Erasmus University Rotterdam, and financed by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). We thank the respondents and fieldwork partner organisations, which must remain anonymous, and the DisCoRD team members and our two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments.
This is the second podcast, of three, in a series that discusses the changes that have taken place in Ethiopia since 2018; changes which have raised many hopes as being transformational, while also many questions. This conversation... more
This is the second podcast, of three, in a series that discusses the changes that have taken place in Ethiopia since 2018; changes which have raised many hopes as being transformational, while also many questions. This conversation occurred over Skype on March 2, 2019, with Logan Cochrane based in Ottawa and Hone Mondefro in Montreal. The podcast for this discussion is available on the Nokoko journal website. This version of the PDF has been reviewed by Logan Cochrane and Hone Mandefro. In addition to the conversation, a set of annotations have been added as footnotes so as to strengthen the value of these publications and enable them to act as a resource for listeners and readers who want to have additional context and/or find additional resources on the topics discussed.
Domestic workers are one of the most vulnerable groups of workers. In Ethiopia, however, the vulnerability, legal protection, and work conditions of female domestic workers are not well-documented and researched. Hence, the purpose of... more
Domestic workers are one of the most vulnerable groups of workers. In Ethiopia, however, the vulnerability, legal protection, and work conditions of female domestic workers are not well-documented and researched. Hence, the purpose of this study was to investigate the vulnerability, legal protection, and work conditions of female domestic workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. A cross-sectional qualitative research design was employed using in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. The study participants were 15 domestic workers, three officials from the Office of Labor and Social Affairs, and five brokers of domestic workers. Findings indicate that female domestic workers experienced abuse in various forms including verbal or psychological abuse, physical abuse, and sexual assault. Female domestic workers in the study area had few or no labor rights or protection. They rarely had clear contractual relations, worked long hours for low pay, and had little or no privacy. There is neither a proper state institution to promote the rights of domestic workers nor a strong viable movement among or on behalf of domestic workers. Hence, a relevant legislative framework developed by the city and national governments, and strong advocacy efforts to expose their working conditions are needed to improve the work conditions of female domestic workers.
- by Hone Mandefro and +1
- •
Domestic workers are one of the most vulnerable groups of workers. In Ethiopia, however, the vulnerability, legal protection, and work conditions of female domestic workers are not well-documented and researched. Hence, the purpose of... more
Domestic workers are one of the most vulnerable groups of workers. In Ethiopia, however, the vulnerability, legal protection, and work conditions of female domestic workers are not well-documented and researched. Hence, the purpose of this study was to investigate the vulnerability, legal protection, and work conditions of female domestic workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. A cross-sectional qualitative research design was employed using in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. The study participants were 15 domestic workers, three officials from the Office of Labor and Social Affairs, and five brokers of domestic workers. Findings indicate that female domestic workers experienced abuse in various forms including verbal or psychological abuse, physical abuse, and sexual assault. Female domestic workers in the study area had few or no labor rights or protection. They rarely had clear contractual relations, worked long hours for low pay, and had little or no privacy. There is neither a proper state institution to promote the rights of domestic workers nor a strong viable movement among or on behalf of domestic workers. Hence, a relevant legislative framework developed by the city and national governments, and strong advocacy efforts to expose their working conditions are needed to improve the work conditions of female domestic workers.