History

As a Federation Nigeria is made of over 200 ethnic and sub-ethnic nationalities. The country is generally pluralistic in terms of religious identities in addition to varying cultural, historical and politico-economic experiences that combined to make these varying peoples, cultures, ethnic nationalities apprehensive of one another as federating units. This was the basis for the agitation for States creation on certain parameters as a means of assuaging minorities’ concerns. Understanding all these aspects of Nigeria’s structural processes requires not only to be historicized, but to be interrogated within the context of minority concerns. The paper argues that
the unending advocacy or agitations for States as administrative units for minority ethnic groups suggests that there were problems in identifying and app1ying the mechanisms for resolving contentious political problems affecting Nigeria's federalism for a long time. It argues further that the nation-building processes in Nigeria has been problematic just as history has shown that there is no modern or defunct nation in the world that has not taken its fair share of problems in nation-building. It contends that while ethnic minority agitations in Nigeria have been a problem even prior to the country’s independence, how to solve such problems have led to the creation of States, Local Governments, boundary adjustments, the institutionalization of the Federal Character principles as well as zoning and rotation in power sharing in order to accommodate contentious interests and fears side-by-side with the interests of majority ethnic groups. The paper raises some vital questions. For example, to what extent does the State creation exercise addressed or solved the problem of minorities that was meant to?; What has been the basic criterion for the creation of States and to what extent could this be said to have been transparent and objective?; How do we say that the creation of States exercise have improved the poor man's lot?; Is the continuous multiplication of States the only mechanism Nigerians can think of and should continue to rely upon to resolve political problems arising from problematic federal system and to bring ‘development’ to the people in this 21 st century?; What other principle(s) should we begin to look at and which is to be constitutionally appropriate and practicable to address the arrant multiplication of States as an old fashion means of addressing Nigeria’s minorities’ problems?

Every system of government always provides a workable synergy and
desirable relationship between institutions of government at the levels
of both executive and legislative systems to enhance not only
corporate governance, but institutionalize the tradition of best
international practices and to engender good governance and
accountability. This paper is concerned with the relationship between
the Nigerian Executive and Legislative arms since 1999. The aim is to
put such relations in a historical context and provide the basis for
understanding the principle of the separation of powers, as provided
in the Nigerian Constitution in the working of democracy, good
governance and accountability. It argues that apart from ensuring
citizen participation in governance and providing all sorts of freedoms as against tyranny, democracy should also provide the enabling environment for socio-economic and political development, sustainable growth, peace and stability. It also opines that the function and success that comes with a system of government is not
based on the coloration of the system per se, but that it is rooted in the
behavioural and attitudinal repertoire of the political actors in position of authority operating the system. To make the Nigerian system work effectively and better depends on the parameters and idiosyncrasies of those operating at the Executive or Legislature at any given point in time is our conclusion.

Introduction
The resurgence of terrorism at the transition into the new millennium has continued to
devolve in consequences across various sectors of the society. In Nigeria, these consequences have continued to metastasize in the educational sector, in a scale unprecedented since after the civil war. Although incessant insurgency attacks had frequently resulted in the closure of schools long before the Chibok kidnap saga, the problem has visibly escalated from the occasional use of educational institutions as soft targets for political objectives, to outright, systemic onslaughts on educational institutions by insurgents and criminal entrepreneurial agencies, for monetary, but also
ostensibly, political gains. The foremost theatres in this recent wave of insecurity have mostly been Nigeria’s northerly states, including Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, Sokoto, Borno, Adamawa and Zamfara where banditry, herdsmen-related violence and kidnapping activities have accentuated national concerns.
The paper examines this degeneration and its impact on the educational system in the
region. The paper traces the unfolding patterns of security dilemmas suffered by school systems, from insurgency related shutdowns to the escalation of banditry and kidnapping practices in many parts of northeast and northwest of Nigeria. Leveraging on extant literature, media reports and relevant institutional publications, an attempt is made at understanding of this sequence in correlation with holistic perspectives to security, but also in their individuality where they do not fit into extant paradigms.
To understand our journey in darkness within the context of insecurity as it is affecting
education and schooling, the paper begins by addressing what education supposed to mean for a nation: proving light for progress, development, security and civility. It goes on to make some contextual clarifications clarification of some key concepts namely, education, security and insecurity. It proceeds to also examine some associated theoretical perspectives to security, in relation to the praxes and development of education. Further to this, the paper examines the 3 trajectory of security challenges to education in northern Nigeria, highlighting the various phases of attacks visited on the educational sector by the activities of insurgents, bandits and organized criminal entrepreneurs. It further appraises the response of government authorities and public
opinion on these developments, and finally roosts with the implications of insecurity challenges on the educational sector in northern Nigeria. The conclusion makes a case for critical intervention in national security praxes, in addressing the blight of insecurity in northern Nigeria’s educational systems.