Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

The democratization process in Africa opened up space for the emergence of several political parties across the continent as most countries moved from one-party rule to multi-party democracy. This tectonic shift signaled a new beginning in the political arena, and there were expectations that equal representation in the political sphere would be a by-product of the democratization process. This paper underscores the challenge of gender inequality in representative politics and as it would be expected in patriarchal societies; women shoulder the brunt of marginalization in the political arena.  It argues that despite the inclusion of gender-responsive texts in political parties’ manifestoes and constitution, the gender gap is still burgeoning. It recommends that political parties should come up with pragmatic strategies to enhance gender equality and cease to include gender texts as mere political rhetoric.

The relationships between economic growth and planning strategies have been debated in different disciplines of social science. However, the emphasis has been more on structural and theoretical assumptions of planning and economics at the expense of other important noneconomic and institutional factors that include social, cultural, political, and administrative dimensions. To explain the different approaches and outcomes of development planning, one needs to examine other factors that influence the nature of these plans and why they have been adopted. Using rigorous systematic and thematic review of government reports, academic publications and data from international organizations, this comparative study reveal the unique role noneconomic factors play in countries’ development. It has been revealed that these factors not only influence the nature of planning strategies adopted by governments but also affect how these plans are implemented. Since South Korea and Turkey have achieved impressive economic growth over the last half a century, they have been selected as a case study to examine the role non-economic factors in their respective developments.

The conflict in Somalia is nearing three decades since the bloody civil war that has eventually transformed into a war on terrorism begun. Three generations continue to experience the devastating impacts of the conflict that broke out in 1991. Despite the numerous peace efforts, there seems to be little success in overcoming the protracted conflict. Existing literature emphasize on the role of clan identity, poor governance and external factors as the main causes of the conflict but fall short of providing sustainable peacebuilding efforts. This article opines that in Somalia the bond between the government and the people has long been and efforts to revive the hopes and trust of the citizens on their government needs to be prioritised. It identifies several gaps in previous peace approaches that isolated public participation and gave room for laxity in implementation of the peace accords as some of the main challenges to peace. The paper argues that more elaborate efforts need to be taken to revive the social contract at two levels. One, among the people themselves and secondly, between the people and the government. The recommendation should be anchored on a new constitutional dispensation that will not only be bottom-up driven but also should address some of the deep-rooted grievances of key actors through a constitutional process.

The Sahel region has become synonymous with violence over the last three decades. Poverty, rapid population growth, food insecurity, climate change, human trafficking, migration, and poor governance have dominated the literature on the causes of instability in a region also referred to as 'the corridor of conflict. Of concern has been the rapid increase in terror-related attacks as well as violent extremism. According to the Global Terrorism Index ranking, Mali, Niger, and Chad, as well as the neighboring Libya and Nigeria, are among the top 30 countries affected by terrorism. This paper seeks to examine the instability in the Sahel through the ungoverned space theory lenses. It interogates the evolution of the crisis, and the relationship between the ungoverned spaces in the region and the unending conflict. It argues that years of systematic marginalization and ineffective administration have created pockets of ungoverned territories which are being exploited by armed groups. Based on the findings, this paper recommends a multidimensional approach that combines military, social and economic reforms, as well as inclusivity in proportional means to achieve peace and stability in the region. SAHEL İHTİLAFINDA ZOR BARIŞ VE KONTROLSÜZ ALANIN ETKİSİ Öz Sahel Bölgesi (Sahra çölünün kuzey bölümündeki yarı kurak bölge), son otuz yıllık süre içinde şiddetle eş anlamlı hale gelmiştir. Yoksulluk, hızlı nüfus artışı, radikal aşırıcılık, gıda güvencesinin yokluğu, iklim değişikliği, insan kaçakçılığı, göç ve kötü yönetim "ihtilaf koridoru" olarak da anılan bölgedeki istikrarsızlığın nedenlerine dair literatüre egemen olmuştur. Terörle ilişkili saldırılardaki hızlı artış ve şiddet içeren aşırılık endişe konusu olmuştur. Küresel Terörizm Endeksi sıralamasına göre, Mali, Nijer ve Çad ve ayrıca bunlara komşu olan Libya ve Nijerya, terörizmden en fazla etkilenen ilk 30 ülke arasındadır. Bu makale Sahel krizini, kontrolsüz alan teorisinin merceğinden incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Makalenin başında, ihtilafın evrimi ve bölgedeki kontrolsüz alanlar ile sonu gelmez ihtilaf arasındaki ilişki gözden geçirilecektir. Makalede, yıllarca süren sistematik ötekileştirmenin silahlı gruplarca istifade edilen küçük çaplı kontrolsüz toprak parçalarını meydana getirdiği iddia edilmektedir. Makale bulgulara dayanarak, barış ve meşruiyetin sağlanması için askeri, sosyal ve ekonomik hizmetler ile kapsayıcılığın orantılı araçlar halinde kullanılması şeklindeki çok boyutlu yaklaşımı önermektedir.

Over the last five decades, several reforms have been undertaken in Turkey's Public sector with the goal of achieving efficiency in service delivery. While existing studies have focused on the nature of these reforms, little attention has been drawn to the challenges facing the implementation of strategic management in the public sector. This study seeks to examine the experiences Turkey is facing in the adoption and implementation of strategic management reforms, the challenges as well as application issues that have emerged over the years. The findings help to identify some policy recommendations that Turkey and other developing countries can adopt to overcome challenges in strategic management reforms and applications.

Kenya’s post-independence political scene has been characterized by continued efforts to structure and restructure the country’s political system on the one hand and pro-democratic struggles on the other. Despite the importance of political systems in understanding and implementing public administration and governance in a given country, most studies on Kenya’s politics have focused on the role of gender and electoral violence. This study aims to examine the status and evolution of Kenya’s political system and some hindrances to a successful transition to democracy. It argues that Kenya’s political system has continuously been shaped by practices adopted from other countries but sometimes varies during implementation. The chapter divides contemporary Kenya’s politics into pre- and post-2010. It identifies issues such as ethnicity, lack of homegrown political system, fake news, populism, and weak institutions as serious threats to the country’s democracy.

Kenya’s postindependence political scene has
been characterized by continued efforts to structure
and restructure the country’s political system
on the one hand and prodemocratic struggles on
the other. Despite the importance of political systems
in understanding and implementing public
administration and governance in a given country,
most studies on Kenya’s politics have focused on
the role of gender and electoral violence. This
study aims to examine the status and evolution
of Kenya’s political system and some hindrances to a successful transition to democracy. It argues
that Kenya’s political system has continuously
been shaped by practices adopted from other
countries but sometimes varies during implementation.
The chapter divides contemporary Kenya’s
politics into pre- and post-2010. It identifies issues
such as ethnicity, lack of homegrown political
system, fake news, populism, and weak institutions
as serious threats to the country’s
democracy.

To examine how relations between public servants and political elites influence performance and affect administration in general. This is done by examining the nature and processes through which administrative structures and features are shaped within developed and developing countries. It examines how political players use their positions and instruments of power for personal gains or attempt to fulfil promises they made to their electoral base by influencing bureaucrats involved in policymaking and implementation. More often reforms have entailed making changes in the administrative structure of a particular country so as to overcome challenges and promote efficiency. However, an unhealthy interaction between politicians and bureaucrats has lots of negative consequences on public service delivery.

Maintaining global peace and security remains an essential concern for many actors in the international system. To achieve this goal, both states and international organizations commend that action needs to be taken against perceived threats to national and international security. However, how to respond to these threats continues to divide the world. The declining role of the UN in peace enforcement, emergence of non-state actors, new forms of threats, and increasing unilateral actions by states have raised questions over the legitimacy of who, when, and how these actions can be taken. This article seeks to examine how international actors respond to transnational counterterrorism events. It adopts a comparative case study to discuss how regional and international actors reacted to Saudi Arabia's Operation Decisive Storm in Yemen (2015) and Turkey's Operation Peace Spring in Northern Syria (2019). It draws important similarities in the justification of both countries' actions and the varying responses and attitudes these countries have received for their actions. The study identifies the lack of international consensus on transnational counterterrorism as a catalyst in the crisis being witnessed in crisis resolution. Factors such as timing, universality of the threat, prevailing circumstances, actors involved, and mode of operation shape international response on transnational actions.

Decades after independence, Cameroon, once divided between the British and the French during the colonial period, continues to experience sustained conflicts between its Francophone and Anglophone citizens. The government has failed to reconcile the sharp differences coined around linguistic identities inherited from the former colonial powers. While this crisis threatens to split the country, it has received little attention from scholars and peace advocates. This entry traces the historical roots of the conflict and discusses the role of social media in spreading identity consciousness, and how slow response by international actors has prolonged the crisis. The entry identifies government failure in postindependence state/nation building as being a catalyst to the protracted conflict. The entry provides recommendations encouraging swift action to address the deep-rooted grievances, proactive measures to avert a possible crisis in the future, and involvement of regional or international actors to pool resources needed to promote sustainable peace.

Maintaining global peace and security remains an essential concern for many actors in the international system. To achieve this goal, both states and international organizations commend that action needs to be taken against perceived threats to national and international security. However, how to respond to these threats continues to divide the world. The declining role of the UN in peace enforcement, emergence of non-state actors, new forms of threats, and increasing unilateral actions by states have raised questions over the legitimacy of who, when, and how these actions can be taken. This article seeks to examine how international actors respond to transnational counterterrorism events. It adopts a comparative case study to discuss how regional and international actors reacted to Saudi Arabia's Operation Decisive Storm in Yemen (2015) and Turkey's Operation Peace Spring in Northern Syria (2019). It draws important similarities in the justification of both countries' actions and the varying responses and attitudes these countries have received for their actions. The study identifies the lack of international consensus on transnational counterterrorism as a catalyst in the crisis being witnessed in crisis resolution. Factors such as timing, universality of the threat, prevailing circumstances, actors involved, and mode of operation shape international response on transnational actions.