Books by Alessandro Taddei
Hagia Sophia before Hagia Sophia. A study of the Great Church of Constantinople from its origins to the Nika Revolt of 532, 2017
The foundation of the Great Church of Constantinople in its physical form as a building and its l... more The foundation of the Great Church of Constantinople in its physical form as a building and its legal status as the seat of the episcopate of the city dates back to the early months of the year 360. The new church represented the crowning of a large-scale religious and political operation conducted on the basis of a specific agreement between the imperial authority and the local ecclesiastical hierarchy. It also constituted an important commissioning episode for Constantine’s son and heir, Constantius II. The Great Church of Constantinople was the instrument with which an episcopate with limited prestige with respect to those of the large Eastern metropolises, such as Antioch or Alexandria or Jerusalem, managed to make its increasing power more visible. At the same time, as had already occurred in other large cities in the eastern half of the Empire, the new episcopal church quickly became a symbol of pride for citizens and a place for exchange and clashes at political and religious level. This situation also involves a form of total identification between citizens’ aspirations and the architectural symbol of local ecclesiastical power. The large edifice built by Constantius and radically restored in the first years of the fifth century by Arcadius and Theodosius II not only disappeared centuries ago, but it was replaced, in the same spot and only a few years after its final destruction in 532, by one of the most famous masterpieces of early Byzantine architecture, the Great Church (Hagia Sophia) of Justinian. It is therefore very easy to understand how the building that predated the one we can happily admire today was rapidly forgotten or relegated into a sort of nebulous “prehistory”. Therefore, the main aim of this book would be to study the pre-Justinianic phases of the Great Church not as if they were a “prehistory” but rather as a living part of the newly formed urban fabric, that of early Byzantine Constantinople.
Papers by Alessandro Taddei
, in C. Croci, M. Gianandrea, I. Quadri, S. Romano (a cura di), Una finestra su Roma altomedievale. Pitture e mosaici, Roma: Viella, pp. 173-211., 2022
Il sacello dedicato ai Santi Primo e Feliciano, ricavato nel VII secolo all'interno della chiesa ... more Il sacello dedicato ai Santi Primo e Feliciano, ricavato nel VII secolo all'interno della chiesa di S. Stefano Rotondo al Celio, rappresenta uno dei più importanti episodi di committenza di papa Teodoro (642-649). Il presente contributo intende da un lato approfondire la funzione del sacello, dall'altro rimarcare alcuni elementi negletti della sua decorazione interna.
, in A. Iacobini, L. Bevilacqua (a cura di), Fotografare Bisanzio. Arte bizantina e dell’Oriente mediterraneo negli archivi italiani, Roma: Campisano Editore (Milion. Studi e ricerche d’arte bizantina), pp. 131-147 (con M. Barbanera).., 2022
Whoever oversees an archaeological fieldwork needs to have stable, coherent, logically organised,... more Whoever oversees an archaeological fieldwork needs to have stable, coherent, logically organised, and easily accessible archives. Excavations, as is well known, are a destructive process. This is true either for those carried out in the past by digging into the soil irrespective of strata, or those most recent, which are based upon a close recording of every minimal clue found on the ground, should it be the product of an anthropic intervention or of a natural phenomenon. For decades long, such a kind of considerations was to be found in the handbook of archaeological research methodology. Those who undertook the first large-scale excavations worldwide did not feel the problem of archives: it was their action that created these latter. However, since between the 19th and the 20th centuries archaeology evolved into a discipline with its own rules, the need to support archaeological interpretation through the evidence collected on the field or by means of subsequent analyses became apparent. Archive materials are crucial when any analysis and/or re-interpretation is to be done of the ‘destruction’ of an excavated area. Archives are somewhat like excavations; they too have their own ‘stratigraphy’. An archaeological archive is a unit based upon a manifold documentation. On the one hand, we have what we collected during the project phase, either on paper or in digital form: written reports and drafts, drawings, photographs, 3D models, geophysical surveys, Lidar point clouds, etc. On the other, we should consider the evidence of material culture, including ceramics, metal objects, stone, wood, bone, environmental remains. Thus, it clearly appears that maintaining archives is a basic condition for archaeological research. They are ‘vital’ for us, in that they allow us to reassess old results or to do further research. More generally, they give everyone concerned with our common past the key to access it. Excavations at Elaiussa Sebaste (Ayaş, SE Turkey) started in 1995 under the direction of Eugenia Equini Schneider. The writer of these lines took over as director in 2020. To deal with the management of such long-established excavations is not just a routine gesture. Indeed, the Elaiussa project developed itself during a period characterised by a worldwide radical technological improvement. The Elaiussa dossier, as well as those of many similar archaeological sites, was of course affected by these transformations. Suddenly, traditional methods and tools became obsolete, and, unfortunately, some deplorable loss of data is being reported. Nonetheless, by taking advantage of the digitalisation, we are now able to use the clouds or set up a central server within our university computer system. This latter is expected to offer a repository where each member of our archaeological mission can upload the documents or photographic materials and put all of them at disposal of internal and external users. Thus far, for Elaiussa’s archive to be functional it is necessary to transfer all the information from the obsolete media to the most updated one. The core of the archive should be placed in the headquarters of the mission, ideally in a server located at the Sapienza University of Rome. All the materials will be organised and made accessible to all those who work there. To date, a substantial part of them has been already filed under specific categories. The available data was for the first time divided according to the 25 excavation areas, and further subdivisions by year of acquisition and document type were introduced. Given these preconditions, we will proceed to create digital files in almost every sector of our work – from data collecting to the production of images and the editing of written reports. All the data shall be managed in a way that ensure that they will remain secure and accessible both now and in the future. The research about the early Byzantine phase of the centre of Elaiussa Sebaste took advantage – mostly through recent years – of new sources of documentation and the image of a key harbour-city became clearer and clearer. Not incidentally, this means that the bulk of the archive of the archaeological mission is being increasing in size and quality year after year. To deal with this body of information is what all those who wish to process the data collected from the excavation campaigns are expected to do. At Elaiussa, the monuments – rather than the written sources – would tell us about the history of the settlement. This is all the more true because the rich architectural and epigraphical evidence of the late antique city may somewhat compensate for the very few surviving texts. At this stage of research, it may appear simplistic to postulate a ‘continuity’ between the Graeco-Roman and the Byzantine city. In most cases, public and private spaces are in fact maintained by means of a radical reinterpretation of their function or use. It is no coincidence that the nuclei of the Hellenistic and Roman city – i.e., the promontory, the so-called ‘island’, the area of the theatre and the suburban temple – promptly underwent, between the fifth and sixth century AD, to architectural remodelling or functional conversion. This was undoubtedly done through the agency of new social and economic factors linked to the relatively flourishing regional framework. The second part of this contribution will show the impact of the archive of the Elaiussa archaeological mission and the relevant publications in offering a comprehensive view of this renewal of the urban fabric in the Early Byzantine period.
C. Castelli, M. della Valle, A. Torno Ginnasi (a cura di), Cultura letteraria e artistica tra Bisanzio e l’Occidente, Milano: Ledizioni-LEDI publishing, pp. 15-35., 2021
Quael è il motivo per cui l'imperatore Teodosio I (379-395) pensò di costruire una copia della co... more Quael è il motivo per cui l'imperatore Teodosio I (379-395) pensò di costruire una copia della colonna coclide di Traiano nel suo Foro di Costantinopoli? La questione ha indubbiamente attirato l'attenzione degli studiosi per decenni da quando i contributi fondamentali di Johannes Kollwitz e Giovanni Becatti avevano cercato di fornire le prime risposte in merito. Il presente articolo mira a valutare lo status quaestionis e le conclusioni che sono state raggiunte finora. Attingendo principalmente ai recenti contributi, si cercherà qui di fornire una visione completa della bibliografia e delle informazioni disponibili, al fine di comprendere il contesto urbano e il quadro storico in cui venne realizzata tale impresa estremamente costosa e tecnicamente impegnativa.
Why did emperor Theodosius I (r. 379-395) devise to build a copy of the spiral Column of Trajan in his own Forum at Constantinople? The question undoubtedly involved the scholars’ attention for decades since the milestone works by Johannes Kollwitz and Giovanni Becatti had tried to provide the first answers. This article aims to assess the status quaestionis as well as the conclusions that have been reached so far. Mostly by drawing on recent contributions, it will provide a comprehensive overlook of the available literature and information, in order to understand either the urban context or the historical framework in which such a kind of extremely expensive and technically challenging endeavour apparently took place.
A. M. D’Achille, A. Iacobini, P. F. Pistilli (a cura di), Domus sapienter staurata. Scritti di storia dell’arte per Marina Righetti, Cinisello Balsamo, Milano: Silvana Editoriale, pp. 87-94., 2021
La chiesa della Trasfigurazione del Salvatore (Metamorphosis tou Soteiros) sorge, allo stato di r... more La chiesa della Trasfigurazione del Salvatore (Metamorphosis tou Soteiros) sorge, allo stato di rudere, presso i villaggi di Kondorròpi (oggi Metamorphosi) e di Photeini, sulla riva nord del lago di Kastoria, a pochi chilometri di distanza dalla omonima città della Grecia nordoccidentale. Costruzione di carattere semplice e di limitate dimensioni, essa si eleva al di sopra di una piccola altura che domina i terreni agricoli e le aree semi-paludose che si estendono lungo la riva. Il contributo è dedicato alla storia e all'architettura della chiesa, con una particolare attenzione al suo rapporto con il territorio circostante e, per quanto possibile, intende delineare le fattezze dell'originario contesto rurale in cui il piccolo edificio venne costruito, probabilmente nel IX secolo.
, in “Eurasian Studies”, 19.1 [J. Varsallona, M. Vrij, A. Taddei (eds.), ΕΙΣ ΤΗΝ ΠΟΛΙΝ. Strolling through unbeaten paths of Constantinople], pp. 29-45., 2021
L'edificio ecclesiale mediobizantino noto come Sekbanbaşı mescidi venne demolito negli anni '40 d... more L'edificio ecclesiale mediobizantino noto come Sekbanbaşı mescidi venne demolito negli anni '40 del XX secolo, nel corso dei lavori di realizzazione di una delle principali arterie urbane del centro di Istanbul, Atatürk Bulvarı. Di particolare interesse per la sua pianta (versione semplificata della cd. croce greca inscritta), la Sekbanbaşı mescidi dispone di una limitata documentazione fotografica ante distruzione ed è menzionata in maniera abbastanza episodica nella letteratura scientifica sull'architettura mediobizantina di Costantinopoli. L'articolo ne presenta un profilo il più possibile completo.
M. Tabanelli, A. Tranchina (a cura di), Calabria greca-Calabria latina. Segni monumentali nei secoli della coesistenza (XI-XII), Roma: Campisano Editore (Medioevo Mediterraneo), pp. 43-54., 2020
La chiesa a navata unica della Panagia di Rossano, monumento di spicco nell’ambito di un quanto m... more La chiesa a navata unica della Panagia di Rossano, monumento di spicco nell’ambito di un quanto mai folto gruppo di edifici di dimensioni ridotte che conoscono diffusione capillare nei territori calabresi a partire dal X e XI secolo. Chiese il più delle volte realizzate con tecniche murarie povere in contesti di committenza urbana minore, in aree rurali o fortemente periferiche, ma che restituiscono tuttavia insospettabili spunti di discussione. Il contributo si propone di analizzare le caratteristiche del monumento, prestando attenzione alla semplice ma vivace decorazione ceramoplastica del suo parato absidale.
V. Laviola, M. Massullo (a cura di), Maḥabbatnāma. Scritti offerti a Maria Vittoria Fontana dai suoi allievi per il suo settantesimo compleanno. Roma: Istituto per l’Oriente C.A. Nallino (Pubblicazioni IPO, 125), pp. 377-404., 2020
The main church (katholikon) of the Monastery of Hosios Loukas in Boeotia (Central Greece), found... more The main church (katholikon) of the Monastery of Hosios Loukas in Boeotia (Central Greece), founded slightly after 1000 and maybe finished before 1030 is one among the most renowned examples of the so-called Greek cross domed octagon type or – more precisely – “compound octagon domed”. Although quite foreign to the local Helladic architectural practices and traditions, the model met with a certain success across the Greek provinces of the middle Byzantine empire. Some plain evidence of this could be found even in nearby major centres: as a matter of fact, one may easily observe the church of the Panagia Lykodemou in Athens (built after 1044) having been designed according to a layout overtly influenced by that of the katholikon. Still, considering the church buildings I would like to discuss in this paper, it appears that occasionally there is something more than simple imitation of formal features at work. Since its early evolution to a wealthy and powerful owner of large agricultural estates, the monastery’s governance prompted the deployment of dependencies (metochia), intended to help in attaining a more effective control of its lands. Three of such dependencies were established at a relatively short distance from the motherhouse, with small monastic communities appointed to rule them on the spot. These are the metochion near Antikyra (Gulf of Corinth), Hagios Loukas of Aliveri in the island of Euboea and Hagios Nikolaos at Kambià (Orchomenos, Boeotia). The latter monastery is the only one which survived, its main church still standing today, while the other two are either archaeologically documented or known by means of literary sources and fragments of their marble liturgical furnishing. I will use the metochion of Antikyra as an interesting clue to discuss what follows: Being small monasteries, these metochia had their own katholika built as quite similar micro-replicas of that of Hosios Loukas, implying even the adoption of some peculiar features of the prototype – e.g. the funerary crypt of the “founder”-saint – which, at a first glance, would seem to be of no use outside Hosios Loukas itself. This does undoubtedly represent a definite – self-conscious – step toward a more literal or even mechanical reproduction of original architectural layouts, taken together with their intended or alleged functions, for the sake of ‘shaping the identity’ and drawing out the lineage of the new building complexes.
“East & West”, I/1, pp. 123-140., 2020
L’edificio noto come Skeuophylakion (Tesoro) della Grande Chiesa di Costantinopoli si eleva con i... more L’edificio noto come Skeuophylakion (Tesoro) della Grande Chiesa di Costantinopoli si eleva con il suo corpo cilindrico – a pianta leggermente ellittica – presso l’angolo nordorientale del complesso della odierna Santa Sofia. Si tratta di una costruzione con ogni evidenza antecedente alle due fasi maggiori del grandioso progetto architettonico giustinianeo (532-537 e 558-563). Seppur senza mai studiarlo approfonditamente dal punto di vista architettonico, la critica ne ha riconosciuto la notevole rilevanza. Ciò soprattutto al momento in cui si voglia mettere a fuoco il ruolo chiave che esso giocava nella complessa liturgia della chiesa già in epoca protobizantina. Per altri aspetti, non va trascurato il fatto che esso costituisce una sorta di “fossile guida”, di grande utilità per chi desideri puntualizzare aspetti fondamentali dell’assai confuso quadro delle conoscenze sulla storia e architettura del complesso nei secoli IV e V. Il tentativo di precisare la relazione dello Skeuophylakion con alcuni degli eventi salienti della vicenda storica della primitiva chiesa episcopale si accompagna, in questa sede, ad alcune riflessioni sulla sua peculiare articolazione architettonica, nell’attesa di auspicabili studi sistematici.
S. Cosentino, M. E. Pomero, G. Vespignani (a cura di), Atti dell’VIII Congresso dell’Associazione Italiana di Studi Bizantini. Dialoghi con Bisanzio. Spazi di discussione, percorsi di ricerca. Ravenna, 22-25 settembre 2015. Spoleto, pp. 1039-1052., 2019
L’introduzione ad un monumento onorario antico quale la cosiddetta “Colonna di Giuliano l’Apostat... more L’introduzione ad un monumento onorario antico quale la cosiddetta “Colonna di Giuliano l’Apostata” ad Ankara si rivela complicata, e per più motivi. In prima istanza per la sua denominazione attuale, che è frutto di erudizione archeologica moderna. Belkis Minaresi sarebbe il vero nome ottomano, vale a dire “Colonna della Regina di Saba”: la Regina del Sud, come la chiama laconicamente il Corano, Bilqis o Belkis, la cui leggenda giunge al mondo turco grazie alla rielaborazione dei testi esegetici ebraici condotta dai commentatori persiani come al-Tabari già a partire dai primi secoli dell’Egira. Belkis, figura femminile positiva, esorcizza in questo caso il tabù che la società ottomana tradizionale riserva spesso ai monumenti di questo tipo giunti dal passato. Non vi è invece puntello storico o documentario, che asseveri la dedica della colonna all’imperatore Giuliano, sovrano che tuttavia si prestava bene al caso per aver svernato nella capitale della Galatia nella primavera del 362, alla vigilia della sua sfortunata campagna persiana. L’attribuzione a Giuliano, data per acquisita per inerzia nelle pubblicazioni di carattere divulgativo e in molte guide della moderna città di Ankara, deve tuttavia fare i conti con alcuni elementi ostativi, messi opportunamente in luce da Rudolf Kautzsch già nel 1936 o, più di recente, da Clive Foss nel suo lungo articolo “Late Antique and Byzantine Ankara”, del 1977 ma ancor oggi imprescindibile: rapide considerazioni che tuttavia lasciano il monumento del tutto negletto dal punto di vista scientifico, escluso com’è finanche dal prestigioso volume Das Säulenmonument, del 1995, nel quale Martina Jordan-Ruwe includeva come capitolo finale una disamina puntuale dei monumenti onorari a colonna della tarda antichità, con particolare attenzione proprio alla pars orientalis.
“Atti della Accademia Roveretana degli Agiati. Classe di Scienze Umane, Lettere ed Arti”, VIIIa/fasc. IX, pp. 96-102.
L'articolo prenede in esame i motivi decorativi, zoomorfi e vegetali, caratterizzanti la cornice ... more L'articolo prenede in esame i motivi decorativi, zoomorfi e vegetali, caratterizzanti la cornice della porta sud della chiesa dei Santi Anargiri (Hagioi Anargyroi) a Kastoria (Grecia), piccolo edificio mediobizantino risalente alla prima metà dell'XI secolo ma trasformato nel XII.
M. D’Onofrio, M. Gianandrea (a cura di), Gaeta medievale e la sua cattedrale. Roma: Campisano Editore (Medioevo Mediterraneo), pp. 113-122., 2018
The Museo Diocesano of Gaeta preserves a remarkable "treasure" made of Byzantine objects: a golde... more The Museo Diocesano of Gaeta preserves a remarkable "treasure" made of Byzantine objects: a golden, cross-shaped pendant, three tin and bronze pectoral crosses, and a group of coins. Among these latter, there are two remarkable gold pieces, one struck by emperor Michael VII (1071-1078), the other by Manuel I (1143-1180). Furthermore, various exemplars in alloy of "poor" metals (billon) are to be noted, which were issued by Isaac II Angelos. All the objects found so far emerged fortuitously during renovation works of the floor of the cathedral. They were held together by a case, which quickly crumbled as soon as it came in contact with the air. Although these objects cannot be put in context with a medieval archaeological layer, their discover is in itself an important clue to be considered for the study of the history of the cathedral of Gaeta.
V. Lucherini (a cura di), Reliquie in processione nell’Europa medievale: arte, paesaggio e liturgia / Reliques en procession dans l’Europe Médiévale: art, paysage, liturgie, Roma: Viella, pp. 21-32., 2018
Il saggio analizza nel particolare la procedura di accoglienza delle reliquie a Costantinopoli, c... more Il saggio analizza nel particolare la procedura di accoglienza delle reliquie a Costantinopoli, così come essa era venuta "cristallizzandosi" nei primi anni del V secolo, sotto l'egida della dinastia di Teodosio. Le fonti relative all'episodio scelto come "fossile guida", ovvero la ricezione dei resti del profeta Samuele e la loro collocazione in un sacello del suburbio della città, forniscono notevoli informazioni sulla topografia del centro cittadino e sul ruolo giocato dai maggiori edifici religiosi presenti in esso.
S. Pedone, A. Paribeni (a cura di), «Di Bisanzio dirai ciò che è passato, ciò che passa e che sarà». Scritti in onore di Alessandra Guiglia, Roma: Bardi Edizioni, vol. I, pp. 17-30., 2018
La decorazione musiva delle gallerie superiori della Santa Sofia di Costantinopoli è giunta a noi... more La decorazione musiva delle gallerie superiori della Santa Sofia di Costantinopoli è giunta a noi solo parzialmente. Alle estese distruzioni del parato nelle volte delle campate si contrappone la sopravvivenza di gran parte delle stesure che decorano gli intradossi delle arcate delle esedre e di quelle pertinenti ai colonnati che sorreggono i grandi timpani finestrati nord e sud del naos. Lo stato di conservazione attuale di tali mosaici trae origine da un complesso susseguirsi di fasi di restauro che sono andate a "sovrapporsi" o ad integrare l'originario parato giustinianeo. Il saggio propone una rilettura della scansione cronologica di tali fasi sulla base di un esame autoptico ravvicinato.
a cura di F. Coden, in «Atti della Accademia Roveretana degli Agiati. Classe di Scienze umane, Lettere ed Arti», a. CCLXVIII, s. IX, VIII, A, 2018, pp. 29-193. (issn 1122-6064), 2018
Th is issue of Minima medievalia hosts fourteen original studies, which, following the tradition ... more Th is issue of Minima medievalia hosts fourteen original studies, which, following the tradition of the series, starting from a specifi c point of view converge around the monographic topic chosen for the occasion. In the following essays, Byzantine sculpture is approached in its various forms, iconographies, techniques, and typologies, over a chronology that spans from the Proto Byzantine period to the Palaiologan era. From the point of view of artistic geography, ample space is given to works of art distributed in areas that are also considerably distant from each other: from the Balkans to the capital Constantinople, including peripherical areas if compared to the main centers of cultural elaboration.
M. D'Onofrio. La committenza artistica dei Papi a Roma nel Medioevo. 1st edition. Rome (Italy): Viella (I libri di ViellaArte). ISBN 978-88-6728-446-7., 2016
Il contributo si basa sulle fonti testuali e sull'evidenza archeologica per ricostruire le caratt... more Il contributo si basa sulle fonti testuali e sull'evidenza archeologica per ricostruire le caratteristiche della committenza artistica della Chiesa di Roma fra il pontificato di Sabiniano e quello di Sergio I.
This study largely relies upon written sources and archaeological evidence. It aims at reconstructing the features of the artistic patronage of the popes of Rome throughout the time-span corresponding to the 7th century.
M. Bottazzi, P. Buffo, C. Ciccopiedi, L. Furbetta, Th. Granier. La società monastica nei secoli VI-XII. Sentieri di ricerca : Atelier jeunes chercheurs sur le monachisme médiéval. , 2016
Relying upon a case study, the Monastery of St. Andrew in Peristerai near Thessalonica (founded A... more Relying upon a case study, the Monastery of St. Andrew in Peristerai near Thessalonica (founded AD 870/871), this paper aims to present the formation and development of a regional monastic institution in ninth-century Northern Greece. St. Andrew turns out to be of interest, since its formative period dates back earlier than the golden age of the Mount Athos monasteries, i.e. the second half of the tenth century. Peristerai lays very close to the Holy Mountain: it therefore will become a competitor of its monastic communities as far as the acquisition of extensive land plots is concerned. This state of affairs will not be a long-lasting one. Quite soon, the lack of spiritual leadership or – more likely – economic mismanagement led Peristerai to undergo to a sort of protectorate of the Great Lavra of Athos. Since no countermeasures were put in effect to prevent the decadence, St. Andrew was soon reduced to a filiation of Great Lavra, being deprived of any autonomy. Of the former monastery complex at Peristerai the sole katholikon (the monastic church) survives to date. Built on a quatrefoil plan, it shows a central square naos and four, triconch-shaped adjacent bays. The apse is flanked by two parabemata or parekklesia, serving as autonomous chapels. Such a peculiar plan, being of late antique origin, finds its closest prototypes in small middle Byzantine monastic churches throughout the Helladic territory, both in the mainland and in the islands. It may have played the role in the introduction of lateral conches (chorostasia) in the layout of the most part of the monastery churches of Athos as well as in some church buildings of northern Greece, even in the post-Byzantine and modern times.
Die Paepste und Rom zwischen Spaetantike und Mittelalter. Formen paepstlicher Machtentfaltung (Publikation der Reiss- Engelhorn-Museen, band 76), Regensburg: Schnell&Steiner, ISBN: 978-3-7954-3089-4. , 2017
Eine Diskussion zu Papst Theodor als Auftraggeber von Kunst ist zweifellos eine spannende Herausf... more Eine Diskussion zu Papst Theodor als Auftraggeber von Kunst ist zweifellos eine spannende Herausforderung. Im Unterschied zu anderen römischen Bischöfen des 7. Jahrhunderts, die eine ideologische Förderung der Kirche durch mehr oder weniger ehrgeizige Bauvorhaben bzw. Ausschmückung und Ausstattung schon existierender Gebäude vorantrieben, zeigte Theodor anscheinend ein deutlich schwächeres Profil, obwohl er sich dieser Verpflichtung nicht entzog. Dieser Eindruck könnte jedoch teilweise trügen. So ist dieser Beitrag als Prämisse gedacht für eine künftige, detaillierte Studie zu diesem hochinteressanten Pontifex.
A discussion about Pope Theodore as a patron of art undoubtedly represents a challenge for art historians. In contrast to other Roman bishops of the 7th century, who fostered an ideological promotion of the church through more or less ambitious construction projects or embellishment and equipment of existing buildings, Theodor appeared to have had a much shy profile. Nonetheless, he did not escape this obligation. Thus, this contribution is intended as a premise for a future, detailed study of this highly interesting pontiff.
Hortus Artium Medievalium, 2016
Diversi monumenti, all’interno o al di fuori delle mura di Costantinopoli, sono quasi certamente ... more Diversi monumenti, all’interno o al di fuori delle mura di Costantinopoli, sono quasi certamente attribuibili all’imperatore Giustino II (565-578). Le fonti parlano sia di alcuni edifici pubblici commissionati ex-novo, sia di restauri intrapresi in complessi gia esistenti. Quest’ultimo e il caso – per esempio – del vecchio porto di Giuliano, che si trovava a sud-ovest dell’ippodromo, in una profonda insenatura della costa del Mar di Marmara. Inaugurato con il nome di Portus Novus sotto l’imperatore Giuliano (361-363), esso forniva un comodo approdo per navi, anche di notevoli dimensioni, nelle vicinanze del Grande Palazzo. Facilmente soggetto all’insabbiamento, fu interessato da frequenti lavori di dragaggio. Un intervento ben piu radicale fu quello eseguito per ordine di Giustino II. Si tratto di un vero e proprio restyling architettonico. Statue del sovrano e dela moglie Sofia vennero erette su apposite colonne onorarie. Il porto venne ribattezzato “Porto di Sofia” in onore dell’imperatrice.
Several monuments, either within or outside the walls of Constantinople, are to be quite certainly attributed to emperor Justin II (565-578). Sources inform us about some public buildings he commanded ex-novo, as well as concerning restorations he undertook in many already existing complexes. This latter is the case – for instance – of the old Harbour of Julian, located to the southwest of the hippodrome, in a deep inlet of the coastline of the Sea of Marmara. Having been inaugurated with the name of Portus Novus under emperor Julian (361-363), it provided a convenient shelter even for large ships in the very proximity of the Great Palace. Since it proved to be quite exposed to sand filling, it underwent to frequent dredging works. Further – significant – works were carried out at the harbour by order of Justin II. These works consisted in a whole architectural restyling. New honorary columns were raised, bearing the statues of the emperor and – notably – of his wife Sophia, after whom the harbour was renamed “Harbour of Sophia”.
Uploads
Books by Alessandro Taddei
Papers by Alessandro Taddei
Why did emperor Theodosius I (r. 379-395) devise to build a copy of the spiral Column of Trajan in his own Forum at Constantinople? The question undoubtedly involved the scholars’ attention for decades since the milestone works by Johannes Kollwitz and Giovanni Becatti had tried to provide the first answers. This article aims to assess the status quaestionis as well as the conclusions that have been reached so far. Mostly by drawing on recent contributions, it will provide a comprehensive overlook of the available literature and information, in order to understand either the urban context or the historical framework in which such a kind of extremely expensive and technically challenging endeavour apparently took place.
This study largely relies upon written sources and archaeological evidence. It aims at reconstructing the features of the artistic patronage of the popes of Rome throughout the time-span corresponding to the 7th century.
A discussion about Pope Theodore as a patron of art undoubtedly represents a challenge for art historians. In contrast to other Roman bishops of the 7th century, who fostered an ideological promotion of the church through more or less ambitious construction projects or embellishment and equipment of existing buildings, Theodor appeared to have had a much shy profile. Nonetheless, he did not escape this obligation. Thus, this contribution is intended as a premise for a future, detailed study of this highly interesting pontiff.
Several monuments, either within or outside the walls of Constantinople, are to be quite certainly attributed to emperor Justin II (565-578). Sources inform us about some public buildings he commanded ex-novo, as well as concerning restorations he undertook in many already existing complexes. This latter is the case – for instance – of the old Harbour of Julian, located to the southwest of the hippodrome, in a deep inlet of the coastline of the Sea of Marmara. Having been inaugurated with the name of Portus Novus under emperor Julian (361-363), it provided a convenient shelter even for large ships in the very proximity of the Great Palace. Since it proved to be quite exposed to sand filling, it underwent to frequent dredging works. Further – significant – works were carried out at the harbour by order of Justin II. These works consisted in a whole architectural restyling. New honorary columns were raised, bearing the statues of the emperor and – notably – of his wife Sophia, after whom the harbour was renamed “Harbour of Sophia”.
Why did emperor Theodosius I (r. 379-395) devise to build a copy of the spiral Column of Trajan in his own Forum at Constantinople? The question undoubtedly involved the scholars’ attention for decades since the milestone works by Johannes Kollwitz and Giovanni Becatti had tried to provide the first answers. This article aims to assess the status quaestionis as well as the conclusions that have been reached so far. Mostly by drawing on recent contributions, it will provide a comprehensive overlook of the available literature and information, in order to understand either the urban context or the historical framework in which such a kind of extremely expensive and technically challenging endeavour apparently took place.
This study largely relies upon written sources and archaeological evidence. It aims at reconstructing the features of the artistic patronage of the popes of Rome throughout the time-span corresponding to the 7th century.
A discussion about Pope Theodore as a patron of art undoubtedly represents a challenge for art historians. In contrast to other Roman bishops of the 7th century, who fostered an ideological promotion of the church through more or less ambitious construction projects or embellishment and equipment of existing buildings, Theodor appeared to have had a much shy profile. Nonetheless, he did not escape this obligation. Thus, this contribution is intended as a premise for a future, detailed study of this highly interesting pontiff.
Several monuments, either within or outside the walls of Constantinople, are to be quite certainly attributed to emperor Justin II (565-578). Sources inform us about some public buildings he commanded ex-novo, as well as concerning restorations he undertook in many already existing complexes. This latter is the case – for instance – of the old Harbour of Julian, located to the southwest of the hippodrome, in a deep inlet of the coastline of the Sea of Marmara. Having been inaugurated with the name of Portus Novus under emperor Julian (361-363), it provided a convenient shelter even for large ships in the very proximity of the Great Palace. Since it proved to be quite exposed to sand filling, it underwent to frequent dredging works. Further – significant – works were carried out at the harbour by order of Justin II. These works consisted in a whole architectural restyling. New honorary columns were raised, bearing the statues of the emperor and – notably – of his wife Sophia, after whom the harbour was renamed “Harbour of Sophia”.
Hacettepe University - Ankara, 3rd to 5th October 2019
University L'Orientale - Naples, 16-19 September 2015