Chapter 2
Chapter 2
Chapter 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
A literature review gives scholars information and direction on the subject of their study. It
displays academics' and researchers' earlier published work in the relevant topic (Sekaram,
1992). The review of the study highlights the significance of body image for females and its
complexity. This chapter examines the historical foundations of society's perception of body
image and how important it is to women's self-concepts and to ascertain the degree to which
certain sociocultural factors (parents, peers, and the media) are indicative of problems with
2. 1 Background
Body image is a sociocultural construct formed by one's own perception of oneself as well as the
perceptions of others. Reviewing previous body image studies is the first step towards
understanding how the concept of body image has changed throughout time. In light of this,
contemporary standards of female beauty are discussed and a contrast between perceived and
sociocultural ideal body images is made. John Horton Cooley (1902) coined the phrase "the
reflected or looking glass self" to describe social self-concept; it's worth mentioning that the
"mirror" metaphor is still used in many studies today. In Human Nature and the Social Order,
Cooley (1902) highlighted that social interactions with others play a role in shaping one's sense
of self. This marked the beginning of the twentieth century for the concept of body image in the
social and medical fields. He argued that "others" act as a social mirror, reflecting the opinions
one seeks to understand oneself. Cooley concluded that as these opinions are internalized over
women are unable to meet the criteria of beauty since they are based on an unrealistically low
body weight (Walsh and Devlin, 1998). According to Schulken et al. (1997), the focus placed on
disorders, and many women turn to extreme means to reach their ideal of beauty (Guzman,
2003). Individuals who fall short of society's standard of beauty frequently experience body
dissatisfaction, which is linked to negative body evaluations and continuous dieting (Herman,
1995).
According to a survey done on elementary school students, 80% of girls as young as the fourth
grade said they were following a diet (Sloan, 2003). Dieting can trigger the emergence of
clinically documented eating disorders, body image abnormalities, and negative body image
impressions when paired with other activities. Young adults seem to be most susceptible to
eating disorders and body dissatisfaction (Mintz and Betz, 1988). According to Schulken et al.,
1997, when one looks at universities from organizational, community, and societal perspectives,
it is not surprising that university women have a high frequency of body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating behaviors. Schulken et al. (1997) suggest that at the organizational level, the
context in which these behaviors are enacted. As a societal institution, the university setting
influences social values that guide students' choices and decisions regarding eating habits and
weight control. Subsequently, humans are fundamentally impacted by body image, which
profoundly impacts our emotions, self-perception, interactions with others, and, ultimately, how
we live.
Negative body image judgments lead people to believe that other people are attractive and that
their size and form indicate a lack of personal success, according to the National Eating
Disorders Association (2004). Individuals with poor body image are more prone to experience
depressive symptoms, social isolation, low self-esteem, and preoccupation with losing weight.
They also have an increased risk of developing an eating disorder (NEDA, 2004). According to a
study by Mossavar-Rahmani et al. (1996), women were more likely to be on a diet if they
perceived their body size was amiss. Stuhldreher and Ryan (1999) also discovered comparable
trends, demonstrating that dieting, avoiding fat and high-fat foods, using laxatives and diet pills,
and desiring to lose weight were all substantially correlated with a distorted body image.
According to Thompson and Heinberg (1999), culture is primarily responsible for the promotion
of slender body ideals and clearly dictates how women should and can achieve this goal. In
Westernized cultures, the thin ideal, which denotes a thin or slender figure with low body fat,
thin thighs, narrow hips, long legs, and a toned physique, is the dominant appearance ideal for
women (Thompson and Stice, 2001). Over the years, this ultra-slender body image has been
promoted as the societal standard of female beauty, which is unattainable for most women
(Thompson et al., 1999). The more women are exposed to the thin ideal, the more they perceive
it as the cultural standard and strive to attain it. This disparity between a realistic, achievable
body shape and the thin ideal often leads to body dissatisfaction and behaviors such as dieting,
strict dietary control, and heightened concerns about shape and weight. Ultimately, the thin ideal
is driven by cultural influences, especially Western ideals that emphasize thinness for women.
Cultures differ in how they interpret body image, and even within the same culture, various
people will interpret it in different ways. The concept of an ideal body image is influenced by
societal expectations, but ultimately, the individual strives to achieve the desired body image. As
a result, the person begins to acquire attitudes and body image perceptions that may (to varying
degrees) diverge from those of the culture. People are guided by their views and attitudes to
adopt behaviors that will help them realize their preferred body image. This involves taking part
in particular exercise regimens and eating habits. The individuals involved in these behaviors
may or may not be aware of the beneficial or negative effects on their health.
Moreover, research has shown that in Pakistan, societal pressures to attain the ideal body shape,
both directly and indirectly, contribute to body dissatisfaction and disordered eating. Families,
particularly parents, and peer groups often reinforce these cultural appearance norms by
encouraging women to strive for thinness or by making critical remarks about their weight.
While family and peers have considerable influence, mass media is the primary driver of cultural
The family plays a crucial role in imparting values, beliefs, and customs throughout a child's
upbringing. Parents typically serve as primary role models, conveying their messages to their
children. Children's perceptions of body image are shaped by observing and receiving feedback
from family members. For female adolescents, daily interactions with their families expose them
to comments about their physical development. Through these interactions, the family
communicates how the adolescent's body image compares to the sociocultural ideal.
While scholars have paid great attention to the fact that cultural standards have shifted to
unrealistic thinness, they have not placed as much emphasis on comprehending how social
pressures to conform to the ideal figure impact eating disorders and body image (Murray et al.,
1995). Considering the "more immediate sub-cultural influences, such as parents who may
transmit sociocultural messages to their daughters," Benedikt et al., (1998) proposed that it
could be worthwhile to investigate these factors. Studies on body image and parental influence
have mostly concentrated on the role of the mother (Kaplan, 1997; Wertheim et al., 1997).
According to research of Birch, 1990, parents may intentionally or inadvertently shape their
children's eating habits from an early age by influencing their body standards and food-related
ideas. It has come to light that parents seem to devote an incredible amount of time, energy, and
money to their children's appearances (Heinberg and Thompson, 1995). In instance, some moms
only give their babies skim milk out of concern that they would grow up to be "chubby." Levine
and Smolak (2002) noted that direct remarks about weight, body, and eating habits were
powerful forms of parental influence. In particular, parents often became more critical of their
In a similar study, Kaplan (1997) interviewed 24 young women from diverse backgrounds, aged
between 19 and 35 years, with an average age of 22. She examined their perceptions of their
adolescent experiences and found that parents began focusing on their daughters' appearance
during adolescence. Some parents pressured their daughters to adopt a more feminine image and
conveyed expectations about the ideal female body. Negative remarks from parents about their
daughters' body image were remembered as particularly hurtful. Conversely, when parents were
satisfied with their daughters' body image during adolescence, it was reflected in the daughters'
According to Burns and Farina (1992), there is broad agreement among people regarding how
physically beautiful other people are. Consequently, this could establish the basis for the growth
and sustenance of unfavorable body perceptions and harmful endeavors to elevate one's physical
appeal or attractiveness. Influences from peers can be rather strong, especially in adolescence.
Oliver and Thelen (1996) discovered that girls were more prone than boys to report eating and
body-sharing conversations, as well as to think that being skinny makes one more likeable. The
extent to which this has been held was proven to be a predictor of issues with body image and
weight.
Two components of peer encounters may influence internalization and body image, according to
research. These elements include peer judgment of appearance and appearance discussions with
friends (Jones et al., 2004). The social context of friendships is shaped by discussions about
appearance among friends, which is crucial for the increasing intimacy that occurs during
adolescence. Appearance talks support the establishment of body ideals and serve to focus
attention on appearance-related issues. In a relaxed, social context, regular chats with friends
There is a wealth of research on peers' criticism of looks, particularly in adolescence (Eder et al.,
1995). It has been discovered that poor body image and critical remarks about one's appearance
are significantly correlated. There is proof of this direct correlation between female students
from elementary school and college. Peer criticism not only causes a negative experience with
one's own body, but it also plays a role in the internalization of the key components of acceptable
cultural appearances. This is because the experience of being the target of peer criticism can
reinforce the value of appearance to peers and emphasizes desirable appearance attributes (Jones
et al., 2004). Additionally, researchers have discovered that the "group" environment may
promote restricting eating beyond what is considered normal (Vaismann et al., 1996) and that
friends and peer groups are labeled as "potential sources of sub-cultural influence" (Wertheim et
al., 1997). According to research, people in friends’ circle share similar views, as well as
physical and social characteristics like looks and habits like drug and alcohol usage.
In social psychology, these sociocultural influences are fundamentally real. Festinger (1954)
discovered that attitudes and actions that the group values are prone to be shared by its members,
and that the idea of the social ideal is highly significant to young women in society. Research
clearly shows that our perceptions and feelings about ourselves can be influenced by our peers.
According to Festinger's 1954 theory, people prefer to base their assumptions about themselves
on their own self-reflections. Festinger postulated that if someone is unsure about a particular
quality, they will evaluate the quality in relation to others in order to determine where they stand.
Character, aptitudes, and strengths are a few examples of traits for a person. The foundation of
Festinger's Theory of Social Comparison Process was the process of assessing oneself in relation
According to this hypothesis and the extensive study it has produced, social comparison might be
the main mechanism by which knowledge is gathered. This implies that people could define
themselves more by their place in their social context rather than by an objective benchmark
The media has made the thin ideal inescapable, as women are continuously exposed to pictures
In addition to family and peers, the media is one of the three primary determinants of body
image. Therefore, the media greatly influences how the ideal woman is portrayed. In fact,
according to Groesz et al. (2002), the media is the most potent of the three factors. Pervasive
messages about the ideal woman are directed towards both adult women and young girls. Since
many of them are aware of the thin ideal, enabling internalization—the acceptance of others'
beliefs that being thinner is preferable—to occur well before the girls reach adulthood (Cash &
Smolak, 2011). Acoording to Levine and Chapman (2011), the internet, video games, television,
movies, and magazines are all considered forms of mass media. These sources are now a
common occurrence in people's daily lives of all ages. Girls and women have numerous
opportunities to be influenced by the thin ideal due to their extensive exposure to diverse media.
It may be a causative risk factor for body dissatisfaction because of the powerful mass media's
influence and its capacity to impose standards of beauty and physical appearance. Several
experimental investigations have shown a causal relationship between media exposure and
factors linked to body image in female participants, including body dissatisfaction. For instance,
an experimental study was carried out by Halliwell and Dittmar (2004), to investigate the impact
of commercials featuring a model with a petite physique, a standard-size model, and no model on
advertisements featuring thin models, who internalized the concept of the ideally slim exhibited
higher levels of body-focused fret than those who viewed advertisements featuring models of
(2004) in which they saw television commercials featuring either no appearance-related pictures
or body ideal images—that is, skinny ideals for girls and muscular ideals for boys. It's interesting
to note that the authors discovered that girls experienced a significant rise in body dissatisfaction
The media is a potent surrogate that spreads sociocultural messages. According to Strasburger
and Wilson (2002), their signals are cumulative, nuanced, and indirect. Media has always had a
role in the lives of today's youth. They use it when they wake up, take it with them when they go
to bed, and so on. Young people use media for one-third to one-half of their waking hours.
Therefore, adolescents are undoubtedly receiving messages from the media. The ideal body
image of society is mostly communicated through the media. Every day, it is on display. And
teenagers today are more enamored with superstars than they were in the past.
According to Signorelli (1997), 69% of the girls in the survey expressed a desire to have a
modeling, the majority of female superstars represent the ideal of being slender.
The media conveys to adolescents the idea that celebrities are content, well-liked, in charge, and
have a choice of partners (Grogan, 1999). The thin ideal message is undoubtedly glorified by the
media. Over time, the ideal body image promoted by the media has overwhelmed female
adolescents. With the help of this widely used visual symbol, female teenagers may absorb and
modify the message presented in the media. It serves as the benchmark by which women can
assess how they now feel about their bodies. In turn, this contrast between the ideal body images
of today and those of the media typically shapes the attitudes and actions of youngsters.
According to Strasburger and Wilson (2002), female teenagers are under pressure to conform to
the portrayal of women with perfect physiques in various media such as magazines and
television. According to studies on the media, television programs, magazines, and music videos
are the favored forms of amusement for young women in their twenties. These mediums have an
Sixty-seven Australian sixteen-year-olds who participated in the Tiggemann et al. (2000) body
concern study were interviewed. They listed the fashion industry, the media, and peer pressure as
some of the sociocultural factors that influenced their desire to be skinny. According to
Tiggemann et al. (2000), for these teenage girls, media was the most common and significant
predictor. They stated that they came to believe that being thin was the standard in society since
they were constantly exposed to images of slender women in the media. Even though this group
understood that achieving the ideal of thinness was unattainable, they yet valued trying to be
slim. The girls also mentioned that when they were slim, they felt more self-assured.
Interestingly, though, the desire to lose weight did not always indicate that girls were dissatisfied
with their bodies. This study basically showed that adolescents' desire to be slim and the
standard of the thin ideal were impacted by the media; nevertheless, a negative attitude toward
one's body was not always the result of the disparity between the current body image and the
societal ideal.
Garner's survey study (1997) looked into the widening discrepancy between desired and current
body images. According to Garner's (1997) research, forty-three percent of the women said they
felt self-conscious about their weight because of the media's portrayal of "very thin or muscular
models". Furthermore, forty-eight percent of the women said that they were inspired to lose
weight by the extremely slim models to achieve the same body type. He found that the media had
a slightly selective effect, as it primarily affected people who were unsatisfied with their size and
appearance. Actually, fifty-six percent of the women said they were unhappy with the way their
bodies looked, with young women being particularly affected. Women expressed greater
dissatisfaction with their body image when Garner compared his three research using body
image surveys. Results from surveys conducted in 1972, 1985, and 1997 showed that
respectively, twenty-five percent, thirty-eight percent and fifty-six percent of women said they
were dissatisfied with their bodies. According to the author, more women than ever before were
disenchanted with the way they felt about their bodies. According to Garner (1997), "thinness
has become the preeminent yardstick for success or failure, a constant against which every
Posavac (1998) carried out three trials in a social comparison research with 370 college females,
aged 18 to 25 in a university setting, to ascertain how media exposure altered body worries.
According to research by Posavac et al. (1998), most young women may become more
concerned about their weight if they are exposed to the media's ideal. The study hypothesized
that social comparison is the source of the impact of media exposure on women's body concerns.
Additionally, when exposed to the media ideal, women who were content with their body image
did not alter their opinions. Although they could not determine why, the researchers observed
that the participants' body concerns were not significantly affected by the slides of attractive