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Socio and psycholinguistics. Summary Regular final exam. 2019 Program.

Module 1. General framework

Historical perspective of Sociolinguistics and Psycholinguistics. Interdisciplinarity.
Delimitation of the fields of study. Approach to language in its social and subjective
dimension. The transversality of change in language.

Socio and psycholinguistics. Constitution of both disciplines based on their relationship with
linguistics: interdisciplinarity and change-heterogeneity.

Constitution of linguistics as a discipline: Saussure and structuralism.

Jean Claude Milner: “Language can be conceived as a calculable whole” > axiom that supports
linguistics.

Delimitation of the object of study: the language considered in and of itself.

Language as a delimitable and calculable reality, capable of formalization.
Distinctive character of the units > formal system.
The speaker is the support of the system.
Communication: there is no speaker. There are at least two.
Scientific nature of the linguistic discipline: linguistics wants to be a science.

In generative theory the same operations occur in another epistemological framework.

Linguistics as a model for the other human sciences:

-the linguistic turn (Giddens): shift of other disciplines towards linguistics. Rigor search. Basic
concepts that can be used: structure, syntagm, paradigm. Lines for the formulation of semiotic
programs.
Unproductivity: does not consider the social nature. Contrary movement towards disciplines that
can offer you that journey.
SOCIOLINGUISTICS. 1964. Conference on Sociolinguistics (LA, USA): social identity of the speaker,
identity of the listener, context, synchrony/diachrony, uses and conventions, applications.

1966. Labov. “The social stratification of English in New York City.” Studies on variation. Study of
heterogeneity.
Argue with the ideal speaker-hearer of the homogeneous community to account for a real
empirical linguistics.
Concept of change. Relationship between languages, contact, alternation, mixture.
Attitude of the speakers. Ideological political component.

Sociolinguistics and education: educational policies, didactic proposals.

PSYCHOLINGUISTICS.
Behavioral psychology: stimulus-response.
Speaker = tabula rasa. Behavior is accessed, not mental processes. Skinner: verbal behavior .
Chomsky: unverbal behavior ,

Language acquisition: non-speaker >>> speaker

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Bagno, M. (2017) Critical Dictionary of Sociolinguistics. Presentation (trans. of Ma.
Cecilia Milan)

Nothing is more human than language, a cognitive capacity exclusive to our species and
which makes it unique among all other animal species. And no other animal is as radically
social and dependent on community life as man. Disconnecting language and society
should be a logical > linguistic impossibility : the result of the intellectual attempt
typical of the passage from the 19th to the 20th century to transform social phenomena
and practices into objects of research and analysis similar to those of the so-called
natural or exact sciences. This was the “linguistic turn” . It served as a “pilot science” for
the other human and social disciplines (structuralism: extinguishing of the subject, the
denial of sociocultural time and space. Configuration of abstract autonomous systems to
constitute a “real science”.).
Then, sociolinguistics in opposition to an asocial, antisocial linguistics
(generativism). The first documented record of the use of the term sociolinguistics dates
back to 1952 in the title of an article by Harvey C. Currie. This caused the “pragmatic
turn.” It was possible because, starting in 1970, there occurred a rediscovery of
linguistic, psychological and aesthetic theorizations produced in the Soviet Union during
the first decades after the 1971 Revolution: Bakhtin, Vygotsky, Voloshinov, Jakubinsnkij,
Medvedev. It was also when different theoretical trends flourished that were
fundamentally concerned with discourse, language in use, language as a collective
sociocultural activity, the instrument of power and social control, dialogic work by nature
and exclusively carried out in interaction, in the spoken and written verbal intercourse.
However, this emergence of the social in linguistics did not occur with sufficient
force to dethrone theories with a formalist matrix. Generativism today enjoys a unique
prestige. Chomsky's intellectual power is such that it even influenced nascent
sociolinguistics: Labov, in his first variationist research, tried to represent empirical
findings as algebraic formulas similar to those used by generative grammar.
If everything in social life is mediated by language, does everything fit into
sociolinguistics? With its institutionalization, it was agreed to include under that
designation a set of (inter)disciplines and not others. It would be a continuum of
theories and practices that extend from what is more socio- to what is more linguistic:
sociolinguistics

your 0 'O or

In the socio-direction there are the aspects most interested in the phenomena of
interaction through language, in the constitution of sociocultural dynamics through the
verbal and non-verbal activity of individuals and social groups. To the side of -linguistics,
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the aspects that are more interested in the language construct are directed and resort to
social order factors to the extent that they help in the explanation of the functioning of
the language-system.

Valle Arroyo, F. (1991) Psycholinguistics

Conventional definition by Harris and Coltheart (1996): “psycholinguists try to discover

how we understand and produce language ; In other words, they are interested in the
processes involved in using language in spoken and written form. 4 tasks (oral
comprehension, oral production, written comprehension, written production).
Oral/written: evanescent/permanent, continuous/clear segmentation, etc.

UNDERSTANDING : It is not enough to identify a sound or grapheme as belonging to a

language. You have to know its meaning. And even assuming total knowledge of the
meaning of all the component elements of a sentence, understanding is not guaranteed. It
is more than the sum of its parts: there are meaningful relationships. The listener or
reader must relate, for example, the grammatical constituents with the semantic
functions. And finally, there are pragmatic aspects.

PRODUCTION : once it has been decided what is going to be said, a syntactic structure
must be planned that is coherent with the message to be transmitted, select the lexical
elements that meet the required meaning specifications, access their phonological or
graphemic form and Finally, execute the necessary joint or movements.

The faculty of language does not form an indivisible whole, it is not an all-or-nothing
system. It is a multicomponent system whose functions are, to a certain extent,
autonomous. Cognitive neuropsychology (hybrid between classical neuropsychology and
the cognitive approach) tries to see if it is possible to learn something about language
processing under normal conditions from the linguistic behavior of subjects who have
suffered some impairment in their competence.

The cognitive approach as a framework for the study of psycholinguistics. In contrast to

behaviorism, cognitive psychology defends that behavior is not only a function of the
stimuli, but also of mental processes that occur between stimulus and response, which, if
not directly knowable, are inferable through appropriate techniques, and are parts
components of behavior globally considered and, therefore, object of psychological study.
An adequate explanation of behavior can only be had if one takes into
account: the mental representations that constitute the database on which to
operate; the operations that the subject performs on those representations; and
the order or sequence in which such operations are performed .
Main assumptions of information processing:
1. The behavior is not instantaneous but develops over time, since prior to the final
response the subject must carry out a series of operations, each of which consumes time
(TR reaction time). Using the additive method of Sternberg (1969) it is possible to infer
whether or not a certain number of processes exist.
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2. The processing is serial : the outputs of one operation serve as input to the next.
They are not carried out simultaneously.
3. a continuous transformation of the initial data, its representations and encodings
occurs
4. continuous interaction between levels and stages

Data sources of psycholinguistics. Laboratory, observational studies, speech errors,

pauses, pen errors. The input , because it is inaccessible, is difficult to control
experimentally.
Two other sources: (1) the use of artificial intelligence (AI). Perhaps the best way
to test theories is to translate them into a programming language and see if the results
agree in terms of successes and types of failures. (2) cognitive neuropsychology: normal
linguistic performance is the result of the activity of a multicomponent linguistic
processing system (SPL).

Linguistics and psycholinguistics . There is not a single linguistic or psycholinguistic

theory, but rather many with different theoretical, epistemological and methodological
assumptions. Comparisons and relationships can be made in pairs. Within the cognitivist
orientation, the differences center around the convenience or not of collaboration with
linguistics, modularity, the role of general knowledge in linguistic processing, language
acquisition and the role of non-linguistic aspects in the same.
Linguistics: competence – ideal speaker. Psycholinguistics: performance – real
speaker.

As for methods, in linguistics the decisive criterion is the intuition of the speaker
and the linguist. In psycholinguistics such a criterion is never accepted and everything
must be subjected to experimental controls.

Recurring themes in psycholinguistics .

1. modularity . Highly modular conception of the cognitive system. Systems or
subsystems specialized in certain processes with a certain degree of independence and
autonomy with respect to others.
Characteristics: domain specificity, mandatory nature of its action, informative
encapsulation and speed of action.
2. autonomy/independence . Influence of the context on the recognition or the
possibility that a higher process conditions the performance of a lower one and vice
versa. Specifically, the problem is whether the structure or meaning of what has already
been read helps or limits interpretations.

Desinano, N. (2017) The subject from another interactionist point of view

Sociodiscursive interactionism (ISD) . It proposes a subject conceived as an agent of

linguistic-discursive actions, whose actions allow him to interact in a social environment,
integrating into it based on the recognition of the discourses generated by the culture of
that environment. Interaction is the meeting place between the discourse – its
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generation, function and social value – and the speaking subjects. He appropriates
language to manifest himself as a speaking subject and as a social agent through social
discourses.

Brazilian (-Argentine) interactionism . The subject maintains a fluctuating relationship

with the language, in which at times he will be a speaking subject and social agent and at
other times he will be dislocated in the face of the demands of linguistic action to the
extent that he will be unable to notice the failures that are generated in his own speech.
The knowledge achieved about language and discourse is not inalienable. Linguistic
action is always at the mercy of the vicissitudes of the changing relationship that the
subject maintains with language and discourse. This subject exists in a precariousness
inherent to his condition as a speaker that, although it is not decisive for his performance,
does not give rise to full confidence that this performance will be appropriate in every
communicative situation. It shows the tension inherent to his psychic activity
(Saussurean sign) that must permanently update the associations that generate signs.

Desinano, N. (2003) Reflection on error and change. Orality and acquisition.

Constructive error, as a stage / error as falsehood or transgression, punished, pointed

out, corrected / error in the adult, irrelevant / psychoanalytic error as emergence of the
subject.

Error as the locus of change. As long as the error manifests itself as a break with the rule,
it is the locus in which change can take place.

Difference/variation/change. Accommodation.

Error and acquisition. Interpretation/reformulation/adoption.

Module 2. Sociolinguistic problems

Relationships between language, culture and society. Language in use and heterogeneity.
Diachronic change and synchronic change. Language, dialect, varieties and registers.
Linguistic community. Norm and standard variety. Linguistic and communicative
competence. Attitudes and prejudices linguistics.
Monolingualism/bilingualism/multilingualism/plurilingualism. Language policy,
planning and ideology. Diglossia. Indigenous languages in Argentina. Contact and
generation of languages. Sociolinguistic problems in education. Correction and adequacy
criteria. Youth language. Language and gender.

Hudson, J. (1981) Sociolinguistics

We can define sociolinguistics as the study of language in relation to society . Its

development was widespread from 1960-1970 based on empirical discoveries achieved
in systematic research projects, although it existed previously. It is partly empirical and
partly theoretical. Personal experiences are one of your sources of information but we
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can make mistakes and they are very limited.
Much of the practical interest in sociolinguistics comes from education.

Sociolinguistics ≠ linguistics
Linguistics: it is incomplete, since it considers the structure of language to the exclusion
of the social context in which it is learned and used. This is the vision of structuralism
and generativism.
The findings of linguistics are highly revealing for a theory of linguistic structure
(e.g. in relation to the structure of language and the analysis of alternatives to a
grammar). Its value is in the light it casts on the nature of language in general or on the
characteristics of a language in particular, but language is a social notion and speech is a
social behavior with a social function. Understanding facts about language can also
contribute to understanding facts about society > sociology of language: study of society
in relation to language (the difference between the two is one of emphasis).

-Critique of Chomsky's ideal community vs. Royal community of the northwestern

Amazon region.

The individual speaker is very important in sociolinguistics. There are no two speakers
of the same language because no two speakers have had the same experience of the
language. The individual speaker is presumably much more shaped by his experience
than by his genetic makeup, and his experience consists in fact of the speech produced by
other individual speakers, each of whom is unique and has a sociolinguistic past of his
own.
The individual then filters his experience of new situations through his existing
model, and it is possible for two people to hear the same person speak and be affected in
different ways.
Furthermore, we must take into account the differences according to age, place,
origin, social class, profession and sex that determine language as an act of identity.

Individualism vs. Conformism (conforming to unproductive norms such as, for example,
irregular verbs). Tension between individual differences and linguistic similarities
between individuals. Relative powers: focus (conformity) --- diffusion
(individualism) > is a scale.

The sociolinguistic development of the child

Stages (provisional hypothesis). Models: parents > peers > adults.
Hockett: age grading : there are linguistic forms used only by children in their peer-
oriented stage that are transmitted from one generation of children to the next without
ever being used by adults.
Another source of influence is the mass media .
From a very early age (approximately 18 months) children become aware of the
existence of different forms of speech and the fact that there are social differences
between them. How long does it take to see prejudices and adopt them? Children adapt
their speech to the social context. There is no reason to think that there is an end point in
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the process of acquiring new speaking styles, nor in reaching more sophisticated goals in
the use of the styles they already have.

From sociolinguistics:
- the hypothesis that language is a discrete and identifiable system, which is made
up of dialects that can continue to be subdivided until reaching the individual as the
repository of the smallest dialect, is called into question
- knowledge of language may not be clearly distinct from knowledge of culture
- speech , qualitatively, is not clearly different from other aspects of social behavior ,
but some aspects of language structure can be adequately described only by reference to
speech as social behavior
- There is no homogeneous grammar . The speaker makes use of an extraordinarily
subtle variability at his disposal to place himself in society.
- the use we make of variability as listeners : we all have a very well developed
awareness of the social meaning of linguistic differences (in pronunciation, for example)
Is there any way we can rightly speak of some people's language as inadequate?

Language varieties. To the extent possible, relations between language and society
should be treated in terms of global categories without reference to individual linguistic
elements, although this is not always possible. Global categories and individual elements
refer to speakers as members of a community or as individuals.
Questions that arise:
-How should global linguistic categories such as “language X” be defined?
-How should its particular aspects be defined?
-Do these categories correspond to some kind of objective reality so that they make
sense?
-Can different types of global category be distinguished?
-How are the global categories related to each other?
-What does it consist on?
-How should communities be defined?
-Do communities defined by linguistic criteria have any kind of real objectivity?

What are individual linguistic elements? According to what theory:

-for Chomsky1965 it covers lexical elements, combinatorial rules and restrictions on
those rules. We should, therefore, wait for information on all of them.
-Bolinger1975 refers to constructions instead of rules. A construct is an abstract pattern
like “adjective + noun” and the elements would include constructs, rules, and constraints.

Different linguistic elements of the same language may have a different social
distribution and may be unique.

If we talk about language as a phenomenon that includes all the languages in the world,
the varieties would be the different manifestations of that phenomenon. Variety would
be defined as a set of linguistic elements of similar social distribution. For this definition,
we can use other terms: “variety” can be homologized in its use to languages, dialects,
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registers. The term is flexible. A variety can be more than a “language” stratum and
include a number of different languages, or a handful or a single element, depending on
what it is defined. Varieties can overlap, one variety can include others. It is an empirical
question.

Linguistic communities. This is another problematic concept.

Different definitions:
-John Lyons (1970): linguistic community is all the people who use a certain language or
dialect. According to this definition, communities can intersect (where there are bilingual
individuals) and do not have to have a social or cultural unity.
-Charles Hockett (1958): each language defines a linguistic community: the entire group
of people who communicate with each other directly or indirectly through the common
language.

-Leonard Bloomfield (1933): a linguistic community is a group of people who interrelate

through language.
-John Gumperz (1968): a linguistic community is any human group characterized by a
regular and frequent interrelation through a shared body of verbal signs and
distinguishable from other similar groups by significant differences in the use of
language.
-William Labov (1972): the linguistic community is not defined by a set agreement on the
use of linguistic elements, so much as by participation in a set of shared norms. Such
norms can be observed in overt types of evaluative behavior and by the uniformity of
abstract patterns of variation that are invariant with respect to particular levels of use.
-Robert Le Page (1968): each individual creates the systems of his verbal behavior so that
they resemble those of the group or groups with which he occasionally wishes to be
identified, to the point that he can identify the groups, has the opportunity and ability to
observe and analyze his behavioral systems and his motivation is strong enough to push
him to choose and adapt his behavior according to such systems. According to this point
of view, the individual places himself in a multidimensional space.

Language and dialect . Also relative distinction. It is a difference in size and/or prestige.

Standard language (≈ “language proper”): has a special relationship with society, since
it is the result of direct and deliberate intervention. Hence its unusual character.
Standardization process:
1. Selection. Gain prestige.
2. Coding: dictionaries and grammars to fix a variety.
3. Functional elaboration: it should generally be used for everything.
4. Acceptance by the population as a national language, a powerful unifying element of
the state > symbolic function.

Kinship tree model: historical study of languages. Hierarchical and historical

relationships.

Regional dialects: based on geography. Isoglosses. Geography is just one of the factors.
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Other relevant factors: social class, sex, age.

If there is no way to delimit the varieties, do they exist? The only thing that exists are
speakers and elements.

19th century. Alternative to the tree model: wave theory . Linguistic changes spread
from centers of influence to surrounding areas. It explains the intersections of different
isoglosses, postulating different geographical foci of irradiation of the different elements.
They tend to freeze and stop expanding when the strength of their influence is exhausted.
A linguistic innovation may or may not prosper (≈ metaphor for seed dispersal). It
depends on the strength with which its representatives develop, that is, the strength and
influence of their linguistic community.

Accent/dialect: pronunciation (more difficult to standardize)/any aspect of the language.

The elements play different roles in acts of identity . Pronunciation can help us
identify with our origin, morphology can help us syntax and lexicon to imply our social
status, etc.

To what extent are linguistic elements subject to variation?

Provisional hypothesis regarding the different types of linguistic elements and
their relationships with society:
-syntax: cohesion mark. Elimination of individual syntactic alternatives.
-vocabulary: marker of social divisions. Differences that can be actively cultivated.
-pronunciation: reflection of the permanent social group with which the speaker
identifies.

Registration : variety according to use depending on the identity model.

Dialect : variety depending on the user.

Romaine, S. (1996) “Linguistic problems as social problems” in Language in

Society. An introduction to sociolinguistics

Language and school failure . Hierarchies of success that disadvantage the working
class and even more so ethnic minorities > greater difficulties later in finding work.
Minorities have more restricted access to economic resources, which is reflected
in the high percentages they represent in all indices that measure educational,
psychological, economic and social failure: alcoholism, crimes, mental disorders, etc.
Bilingualism and special education : intelligence – learning difficulties –
linguistic ability. School success is measured based on mastery of the standard
language . Then, non-standard speech is seen as illogical and bilingualism as a problem.
Educators also combat the use of dialects in school because they consider them a
substandard form of speech.
Many factors are responsible for the poor performance of certain
schoolchildren: poor exposure to the school language, linguistic and cultural mismatch
between home and school, inferior quality of education provided to students from
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minority groups, socioeconomic status, of cultural transmission between generations,
attitudes of majorities towards minorities and vice versa.

Many linguists think that negative attitudes toward non-standard speech and
bilingualism are more important in determining academic outcomes than linguistic
differences (prejudices) themselves.

Difference vs. deficit .

In the 1950s, a very influential theory on the connection between language and school
success distinguished between restricted code and elaborate code. By “elaborate code”
was understood a variety endowed with greater syntactic complexity that meant that
interpretation depended on the text and not on the context, given its specificity. Each of
the codes was assumed to be acquired through socialization into different classes and
family structures. The academic failure of working class students was explained in
terms of their lack of access to the elaborate code and implied that they could
succeed if they were taught that code > deficit theory – compensatory education.
Some believed that IQ differences between children belonging to different social
classes and ethnic groups were genetically determined.
Linguists who have attacked the deficit theory argue that what is really happening
is that different groups have different ways of using language , not that any of them
are deficient.
The use of standard language is essentially an arbitrary convention that can
only be learned in school (> unnaturalness of the sequences learned in the classroom).
The crisis in language proficiency is in some respects an academic problem
created when definitions of reading and writing ability, competence, etc. They become so
narrow that they produce a gap between the linguistic experience that the student faces
at school and that which he or she has in his or her daily life.
What measures to take?
- Transitory bilingualism : there are no provisions or intention to preserve the mother
tongue of the students, who would abandon it, presumably, of their own volition due to
the lack of opportunities to use it and the absence of school support.
-Immersion programs: they usually end up in additive bilingualism , that is, they try to
add a second language without threatening the first.
- Semilingualism : it is a new theory of deficit. There is an underlying misconception of
the nature of language and what constitutes competence in a language.

SXIX craniometry ≈ SXX intelligence test.

Labov, W. (1985) Sociolinguistic models

Sociolinguistics: redundant term because it implies that there may be a linguistic theory
or practice that is not social. It arises because the social valuation of linguistic variants
and the study of ongoing change had no place in linguistics studies.

If a language must be structured to function effectively, how do we continue

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speaking while it changes? The solution is to destroy the identification between
structuration and homogeneity . In a language that serves a complex (real) community,
the absence of heterogeneity would be dysfunctional.

What is the social motivation for a phonetic change? The problem of explaining
language change seems to be broken down into three problems:
1. the origin of linguistic variations
2. the extension and propagation of linguistic changes
3. the regularity of linguistic change
Most of these variations occur only once and become extinct as soon as they arise.
A few are re-produced and, in a second phase, they may be imitated more or less widely
and may be extended to the point that the new forms come into contrast with the older
forms. Finally, in a later phase, one form or another triumphs and the regularity is
completed.
Not all changes are perfectly structured and no change occurs in a social vacuum.
The development of language change cannot be understood outside of the social
life of the community in which it occurs.

Propagation process of linguistic change

1. A feature used by group A is marked by contrast with another standard dialect
2. Group A is adopted as a reference group by group B and the trait is adopted and
exaggerated as a sign of social identity in reaction to external pressures.
3. The hypercorrection due to the effect of increased pressure combined with the force
of structural symmetry, leads to a generalization of the trait in other units of group B.
4. As the generalization process is completed, a new norm 5 is established. This new
norm is adopted by neighboring and successor groups, for which group B serves as a
reference group.

How can social pressures and attitudes influence linguistic structures? Each specific
linguistic variable would be affected differently under the influence of social forces. There
is a correlation between social patterns and the distribution model of a linguistic
variable.

Study: the social stratification of (r) in New York department stores Classic
methodological problem: the means used to collect data interfere with the data .
Taken as a whole, an interview is a public discourse, directed and controlled in response
to the presence of an outside observer.

One way to control this effect is to study the subject in his natural social
context , in interaction with his family and peers. Another way is to observe public
language use in everyday life outside of any interview situation.

-Random sampling of people from the Lower East Side

-Presence or absence of the consonant r in postvocalic position in car , card , four , fourth
> extraordinarily susceptible to multiple measurements of social or stylistic stratification,
a product of social differentiation and evaluation.
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-Hypothesis: if we place two subgroups of New York speakers according to a social
stratification scale, they will occupy the same order positions as according to their
differential use of r.
Warehouses are objectively differentiated according to a fixed order and jobs in
these warehouses are valued by employees in this same sense.
The sellers of the store located in the hierarchically superior position will have
the highest values of r; those located in the middle position, intermediate values; and
those at the bottom, the lowest.
-Top position: Saks Fifth Avenue . Near the center of the fashion district
-Middle position: Macy's . Near the garment district
-Lower position: S. Klein . Not far from the Lower East Side
≠ Advertising and pricing policy

Method: casual and anonymous speech study. Question – answer – cross-question –

emphasized answer. These were speech events whose social significance was completely
different for each of the two participants.

Independent variables:
-the store
-the warehouse floor
-sex
-age (estimated)
-position
-race
-accent

The results show a clear and consistent stratification of r in the warehouses .

The most important conclusion is that brief, anonymous studies can
constitute a valuable source of information about the sociolinguistic structure of
the speech community.

The mechanism of linguistic change

In the study of the New York linguistic community, regular relationships were found
where previous works indicated a chaotic oscillation or generalized free variations.
These findings have allowed us to establish a series of sociolinguistic principles regarding
the relationships between stylistic variation, class stratification and subjective
evaluation.

Main problems of linguistic evolution :

1. Is there a generic direction in linguistic evolution?
2. What are the universal determinants of linguistic change?
3. What are the causes of the continuous emergence of new linguistic changes?
4. What are the mechanisms of these changes?
5. Does linguistic evolution have an adaptive function?
One way to approach linguistic evolution is to study the changes that occurred in
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the past. This has been the strategy of historical linguistics as the only possible
approach to 1 and 2, while 3, 4 and 5 are better studied through ongoing linguistic
changes.
For the empirical study of the changes in progress we can see three different
problems:
1. Transition: consists of finding the path by which a linguistic change evolves from a
previous stage to the next one.
2. Insertion: consists of finding the continuous matrix of social and linguistic behavior in
which linguistic change occurs.
3. Evaluation: consists of finding the subjective or latent correlations of the objective or
manifest changes observed

The observation of phonetic change. Two successive generations of speakers. The

solution to the transition problem depends on the precise analysis of the distribution of
linguistic forms in apparent time, that is, across the age groups of the current population.

The mechanism of linguistic change

1. Phonetic changes frequently originate in a restricted subgroup of the linguistic
community, precisely at the moment when the peculiar identity of such a group has
been weakened by internal or external pressures .
The linguistic form that begins to differentiate is often a mark of regional status
with an irregular distribution in the community. At this stage, form is an indefinite
linguistic variable.
2. The changes begin as generalizations of the linguistic form to all members of the
subgroup; We can designate this stage as change from below : below the level of social
consciousness. The variable does not seem to respond to any pattern of stylistic variation
in the discourse of those who use it; it affects all items of a given class of words. The
linguistic variable is an indicator, defined as a function of group membership.
3. Successive generations of the same subgroup, always subject to the same social
pressures, continue the same process of change in this variable, beyond the model
established by their parents. We can refer to this stage as hypercorrection from below .
The variable is now defined as a function of group membership and age level.
4. To the extent that the values of the original subgroup are adopted by other groups in
the community, the phonetic change that is a value associated with group membership
passes equally to the groups that adopt it. The group membership function is
redefined at each stage.
5. The limits of the diffusion of phonetic change coincide with those of the
linguistic community , defined as a group that shares a set of normative values
regarding language.
6. To the extent that phonetic change and its associated values reach the limits of their
expansion, the linguistic variable becomes one of the norms that define the speech
community and all members of said community react uniformly to its use. The variable
now becomes a marker and the stylistic variation begins.
7. The movement of the variable within the framework of the linguistic system always
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leads to readjustments in the distribution of other elements in the phonological space.
8. Structural readjustments lead again to phonetic changes associated with the original
change. However. The subgroups that become part of the linguistic community in this
interim adopt the old phonetic change as part of the common norms and consider the
new change as a stage of the first. This recycling stage turns out to be the first cause
of the continued origin of new changes . In further development, the second phonetic
change may be carried forward by the new group beyond the level reached by the first
change.
Stages 1-8 refer to change from below. Stages 9-13 are about change from
above.
9. If the group in which the change originates is not the highest status group in the
linguistic community, the higher status members can relegate this changed form
through the control they exercise over the various institutions of the communications
network.
10. This relegation initiates change from above , which consists of a sporadic and
irregular correction of the forms that have changed, trying to lead them to the model of
the highest status group, that is, to the prestige model . The linguistic variable now
presents a social stratification.
11. If the prestige model does not correspond to the form used by other groups from
other social classes, the other groups can follow a second type of hypercorrection: they
modify their speech until they exceed the imposed level. It is the hypercorrection from
above .
12. A form that receives strong stigmatization can become against social discussion and
may disappear. This is a stereotype , increasingly foreign to real use.
13. If the change originates in the highest status group, it becomes a model of
prestige for all members of the community. The modified form is then adopted in the
modes of discourse most cared for by other groups to the extent that they maintain
contacts with the users of said prestige model and to a lesser extent it is also adopted in
casual discourse.

The social study of language. Linguistics excludes the social.

Saussurean paradox: the social aspect is studied by observing each individual, but
the individual aspect is only captured by observing the social context.
He also criticizes Chomsky's abstract language and the conception of linguistic
structure as homogeneity (cf. Hudson).

Alleged problems of the study of speech:

a. Ungrammaticality (myth, 75% of constructions are grammatical)
b. Variation (it is the result of basic linguistic factors, its structure is simple)
c. Hearing and recording difficulties (technical problem that decreases with new
developments)
d. Rarity of syntactic forms (trying to elicit them naturally without using them)
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Problem of the study of intuitions: unclear judgments.

Problems in the relationship between theory and data also arise in linguistic study: in
their perception, resource, selection, interpretation and translation.

The criticism of the methods of conventional linguistics does not imply that it
should be abandoned : the obtaining of paradigms through formal procedures, the
exploration of intuitive judgments, the study of literary texts, laboratory experimentation
and questionnaires on linguistic use. They are important and valuable modes of research.

Methodology . Methodological axioms:

1. The stylistic alternation. Each speaker interviewed shows a modification of some
variables as the social context and the topic change.
2. The attention. The auditory control of one's own speech. It is a hypothetical axiom.
3. The vernacular. The style in which there is minimal attention paid to the control of
discourse in a more systematic discourse, where the fundamental relationships that
determine the course of linguistic evolution appear more clearly.
4. The formality. In an interview we do not necessarily expect the appearance of the
vernacular element.
5. The quality of the data.
The observer's paradox : the goal is to know how a speaker acts when he or she
is not being systematically observed but can only be studied through systematic
observation. One way to overcome the paradox is to break the constraints of the
interview situation through various procedures that distract from the discourse and can
bring out more vernacular speech. This can be carried out through intervals and cuts
defined in such a way that the interviewee unconsciously assumes that at that moment it
is not. We can also involve you in issues that may produce intense emotions that you
have experienced in the past or make you enter other contexts.
Also through brief and anonymous interviews, non-systematic observations and
mass media.

The sociolinguistic structure. Some linguistic features (indicators) have a regular

distribution across socioeconomic, ethnic or age groups, but are used by each individual
in more or less the same way in all contexts. When such social contexts can be ordered on
some type of hierarchical scale, we can say that the indicators are stratified. The most
developed sociolinguistic variables (markers) present not only a social distribution but
also a stylistic differentiation. The stylistic context can be ordered according to the
dimension of attention paid to the discourse. There is, then, a social hierarchical and a
stylistic stratification. Social values are attributed to linguistic rules only when there is
variation. Some rules are invariable.

Social attitudes toward language (e.g., hypercorrection) are extremely uniform within a
language community.
Why don't people in general speak the way they think they should? The common
response is to appeal to laziness, disinterest, or isolation from the norm of prestige…
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Saville-Troike, M. (2005) Ethnography of communication

Basic concerns of communication ethnography:

1. Patterns and functions of communication
Communicative units form patterns, regularities in the use of language. These
patterns systematically interrelate with and derive meaning from other aspects of
culture.
Language functions: create/reinforce boundaries, gather speakers as members of
a speech community, social identification.
Functions of communication: expressive, directive, referential, poetic, phatic and
metalinguistic.
2. Nature and definition of the speech community : there is general agreement that it
cannot be equated to a group of people who speak the same language.
There is no expectation that a community will be linguistically homogeneous, but
as a collectivity it will include a spectrum of language varieties (and even different
languages) that will form patterns in relation to the salient social and cultural dimensions
of communication, such as roles and domain.
3. Media
4. Components of communicative competence : involves not only the language code,
but also what to say, to whom, and how to say it appropriately in a given situation. It
relates to the social and cultural knowledge that speakers are supposed to have to be able
to use and interpret language forms (cultural competence).
5. Relationship of language with world perspective and social organization
6. Linguistic and social universals and inequalities

Garcia, E. (1995) “(Relative) frequency of use as a symptom of ethnopragmatic

strategies”

The contact between languages is reflected, fundamentally, in lexical borrowings

and syntactic interferences.
Borrowing and syntactic interference appear to differ in their social conditioning.
Borrowings originate mainly in the prestige language, while interferences mainly come
from the linguistic substrates. This asymmetry is understandable if we take into account
that:
-there are very valid social reasons to assimilate one's own speech as much as possible to
the prestigious higher language
-a speaker is much more aware of the lexicon he uses than of the syntax that integrates it
Borrowings are also much easier to identify than interferences: in the field of
syntax it is always possible to ask whether certain phenomena are due to interference, an
inheritance from Old Spanish or simply convergence. The combination and placement of
forms is subject only to the demands of communicative relevance and coherence, and in
this free combinatorial game the boundaries of language are never definitively given.
Precisely because in syntactic use it is not immediately revealed what comes from the
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grammar of the language itself and what is due to possible interference from another
language, the perspective opens up that the contact of one language with another and/or
the contact between two cultures can be traced in use.

Syntax : crystallization of use. Linguistic forms appropriate to the message that is desired
to be transmitted are brought together, juxtaposed, and placed in such a way that its
inference by the interlocutor is not too difficult.
The regularity of syntactic structures does not guarantee that speakers are
following the rules, but rather responds essentially to cognitive principles.
However, in current use the various possible arrangements may not be equally
frequent. A pragmatic approach to linguistic use that respects the combinatorial nature of
the syntactic phenomenon requires a qualitative and quantitative analysis at the same
time. It will matter not only what structures the language contains, but also when we
resort to them and how much we resort to which structure.

Methodological value of the relative frequency of use .

The variation in the expression with which the same reality is described basically reflects
different perspectives on the part of the speaker. This is more than evident in the lexical
domain, but it also happens in syntax. The variation in linguistic expression reflects a
different cognitive profiling of the reality described. The relative frequency with
which speakers in a community resort to one or another means of expression will most
likely be a consequence of the frequency with which one or another perspective is
adopted. The relative frequency of use can then be seen as a reflection of cultural values
and attitudes. It is no coincidence that this is what determines the marked/unmarked
opposition. What is considered a normal situation is not given a priori but depends on
our vision of the world.
The interference of another language – and/or other cultural values – could well
manifest itself indirectly, through an abnormally frequent use of an unusual variant in an
unexpected context.

Colombo Airoldi, F. and Ma. TO. Soler Arechalde (2003) Linguistic change and
normativity

Linguistic change > social concern to curb this natural tendency through the imposition
of prescriptive rules > conflict > insecurities between speakers, especially in situations of
linguistic self-realization such as formal speech or the use of written code.

The essence of languages is their dynamism.

Disciplines that study linguistic change:

-dialectology: synchronous variation
-historical linguistics: diachronic variation
-typology: interlinguistic variation

For a change to occur in the language, it is an essential requirement that there be a

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synchronic possibility of choice at some point in that language: that there are differences
between two speakers to express a certain referent, that the same speaker can choose
between two structures to express the same content, that the speaker opts for one
structure in a certain communicative social situation and another structure in another
communicative situation. If there are no synchronic linguistic contenders, diachronic
linguistic change will not occur.
The change may lie in one of the competing structures or forms becoming
widespread and the other reducing or losing its applicability, or in both being lost. The
relative frequency of use is one way. The other is the symptom of how the linguistic
system is moving.

Linguistic changes are multi-causal : the motivation for a change to occur is usually not
given by a single cause or level of language, but is due to multiple factors, internal and
external, which in a complementary way affect the production of the change.
Furthermore, all language levels tend to cause this change simultaneously.
Now, the probability of a change taking place depends on the conjunction of at
least four conditions: ambiguity, poor paradigmatic integration, frequency of use and
modified language level.

Linguistic change is both social and individual . It is individual because the changes
end up causing restructuring in the speakers' grammars. It is social because we can only
speak of linguistic change when it spreads through the structure of the community.

Norm : relative concept. An ideal of a Hispanic linguistic norm formed by everything that
is common to all educated languages, to all the prestigious linguistic systems of the
countries that speak Spanish.
Normativity, like any human institution , is created and transmitted through
various social practices in the form of normative actions and discourses. These practices
and discourses are produced by privileged actors and enunciators who offer fragments of
knowledge as objects of value that deserve to be recognized, executed and reproduced by
successive generations of social actors.

Medina López, J. (2002) Languages in contact

1953. Uriel Weinreich publishes Languages in contact : he laid the foundations for
modern studies on individual bilingualism and the concepts of contact, interference,
interaction or tracing.

There are numerous reasons that can be pointed out for large communities of different
speakers to have come into contact, forming multicultural communities: maritime
expeditions for colonial or commercial purposes, slave trade, historical situations of
coexistence of languages in the same territory, business trips or leisure, wars, migrations,
natural disasters... The coexistence of languages is, therefore, a natural and daily fact of
humanity. Ló pez Morales points out that “multilingual communities are the majority:
there are some four or five thousand languages in the world, but only about one
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hundred and forty national states; More than a hundred languages live in some of
them . This entails some problems related to bilingualism, diglossia, linguistic mortality,
the creation of new modalities... Weinreich indicated that when two or more languages
are used alternatively by the same people, they are said to be in contact, and in relation to
this, defines bilingualism as the alternative use of two languages.
This factor of language coexistence is the most favorable moment for
sufficient mechanisms for a possible change to occur.

Interference/transfer and convergence

We usually speak of interference/transfer or convergence when Language A begins to

show signs (phonetic, lexical, grammatical or syntactic) that distance it from the
structures of its norm to take or assimilate structures typical of the contact language.
That is, from Language B. In the case of interference the result is an ungrammatical
structure. The most frequent case is A > B.
Some authors prefer the term transfer because they consider that interference has
more negative connotations.
In the case of convergence, ungrammatical results are not given.
Interference can occur at the level of speech (individual, non-systematized
phenomena) or at the level of the language (with a more systematic, regular behavior
that affects the entire group of speakers). It can also occur at different levels of language
(phonic, grammatical or lexical). On many occasions, speakers are not aware that this or
that word has entered one of the two languages through interference. The more similar
the languages are, the less probability of identification by the speakers.

Another manifestation of languages in contact is what is called code exchange or

linguistic alternative , which occurs between an L1 and an L2. A speaker manages to
alternate certain structures in the same speech, in the same speech act. This code
switching is governed by a series of elements and it is the most balanced bilinguals (those
who know each of the languages best) who practice code switching the most. There are
external factors (physical environment, participants, topic and ethnic identification, for
example) and linguistic factors (some mechanisms specific to the spoken chain, such as
the coding of quotations and indirect speech, repetitions, interjections, subjective
personal style or the rhetorical function).
The exchange of codes does not imply the appearance of a third grammar.

Bilingualism . Interfering elements:

-individual factors (acquisition, psychological dimension, structure of the bilingual mind)
-social factors (social bilingualism, language/society relations)
-stable/unstable bilingualism (parallel coexistence without any language falling into
disuse or the reverse situation)
-bilingual education
-bilingual communities
-linguistic policies
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Classic definition of bilingualism: full command of two languages. Maitena Extebarría
defines bilingualism in this way: “we will call bilingual the individual who, in addition to
his own language, has similar competence in another language and is capable of using
one or the other in any communicative situation and with identical communicative
effectiveness.
In bilingual individuals or communities we will find phenomena such as code
autonomy (without interference), code exchange and translation.

Multilingualism or plurilingualism . It consists of the use of three or more languages by

a speaker or community of speakers and represents another manifestation of languages
in contact.

Border varieties . A linguistic border is taken for granted in which two or more
languages or varieties are used. This situation can cause cases of bilingualism or give rise
to the birth of a new type of border made up of elements of the two languages.

Koine : lingua franca .

Bilingualism and diglossia . In many speech communities two or more varieties of the
same language are used by some speakers under different conditions. The phenomenon
of diglossia is characterized by nine features:
1. Function difference
2. Prestige difference
3. Literary heritage: serious and cultured literature vs. serials and minor writings
4. Difference in acquisition: schooling vs. mother tongue
5. Standardization
6. Stability
7. Grammar: simple vs. complex
8. Dictionary: vocabulary is often shared but with differences in form, use and meaning
9. Phonology (?)
Diglossia is, according to Ferguson, a relatively stable linguistic situation in which,
in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a standard
language or regional standards), there is an overlapping, highly divergent, highly
codified, often more complex unit grammatically, the vehicle of a considerable part of
scrutinized literature, whether from an earlier period or belonging to another linguistic
community, which is learned largely through formal instruction and which is used orally
or in writing for many purposes formal, but which is not used by any sector of the
community for ordinary conversation.
Gumperz and Fishman pointed out that the concept of diglossia had to be
extended not only to communities where two varieties of the same language were
spoken, but to all those societies that had different dialects or registers or functionally
differentiated linguistic levels of whatever class they were.
Fishman proposes the existence of four types of communities:
1. Linguistic communities characterized by diglossia and bilingualism:
Spanish/Guarani in Paraguay.
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2. Linguistic communities characterized by the presence of bilingualism without
diglossia.
3. Linguistic communities characterized by the existence of diglossia without
bilingualism: upper class/lower class, the case of Tsarist Russia.
4. Linguistic communities characterized by not having bilingualism or diglossia.

Messineo, C. and Cúneo, P. (2015) “The indigenous languages of Argentina.

“Sociolinguistic and typological diversity”

It is estimated that before the arrival of the Spanish to America, about thirty-five
indigenous languages were spoken in what is today Argentine territory. Currently
there are only fourteen , grouped into six linguistic families. The languages are: Toba,
Pilagá , Mocoví, Wichí, Nivaclé, Chorote, Tapiete, Ava-Guaraní, Mbya, Guaraní
(Tupiguarani family), Quechua, Tehuelche and Mapuche.
Linguistic borders do not always coincide with the geographical limits of
countries. For example, the Quechua spoken by the Kollas of northwest Argentina is also
spoken in Bolivia, Mapudungun is the language of the Mapuches who live in both
Argentine Patagonia and Chile.

l'tthht I. Indigenous languages spoken in Argentina according to linguistic families, ethnic groups and geographical regions (Censabella, 1999).

Language Language family Ethnic group Region

kollas (ancient
Atacamas, Diaguitas
Quechua
and Omaguacas) and Salta and Jujuy, and large
Quechua
Bolivian migrants urban centers

Santiago Quichua creoles / non-indigenous Santiago del Estero

Currents; also Misiones,

Guarani from Corrientes /
creoles/non-indigenous Chaco, Formosa, N of
Goyano
Entre Ríos and large
urban centers

Paraguayan guaraní /
jopará Tupi-Guarani Border with Paraguay and
paraguayan migrants large urban centers
Chiriguano-Chané (Avá Chiriguanos and
Guaraní) Chanés N and NE of Salta

cover up mats Tartagal (Salta)

mbyá mbyás Missions

wichí wichís Salta, Formosa and

Chaco •
Mataguaya
chorote chorotes N of Salta

I emptied nivaclés or chulupíes Jump

tuff
Chaco, Formosa and E de
tuffs
Salta, and urban centers
in Santa Fe and Bs. Ace.
Guaycurú

mocoví mocovíes S of Chaco and N of

Santa Fe

pilagá pilagá Formosa

villela Lule-vilela vilelas 0 from Chaco

Santa Cruz (from the

tehuelche Chon tehuelches
Santa Cruz River to the
Strait of Magellan)

Chubut, Río Negro,

mapudungun Isolated tongue mapuches Neuquén, La Pampa and
Buenos Aires

Some of them, such as Wichí, Maká and Chorote, have a high degree of vitality , which is
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manifested in a large percentage of monolingual speakers, especially children and
women who only speak their vernacular language and have a small percentage of
loanwords. in Spanish. However, the vitality of the Wichi language, for example, is not
homogeneous, since in some Wichi settlements intergenerational transmission is being
interrupted. On the other hand, a high percentage of Mapuche or Toba children who live
in urban settlements are bilingual. An extreme case is Tehuelche, which currently has
very few speakers and is in an advanced process of extinction, since its speakers do not
use it in everyday communication, but have replaced it with Spanish.
This reality shows us that the concepts of linguistic vitality or death of
languages are relative , that the situations of languages are not static or definitive and
that their real use implies carrying out dynamic processes that depend both on the desire
and will of their speakers. as well as state language policies.

Martínez, A. (2015) “Mercosur schools: the plot of grammars and the concept of
dynamic identities”

Syntax constitutes discursive materiality and is, as semantically and pragmatically

motivated, a translator of an ordering of the world. The syntactic solutions that speakers
find to their communicative needs cannot be dissociated from the contents with which
each community manifests itself.
It is common for learners of a second language and those of a linguistic variety
different from their mother tongue to continually transgress the boundaries between
what is their own and what is foreign. The conjunction of variation and linguistic
varieties typical of some communicative spaces comes from the tensions between
cultures of origin, inherited cultures and constant interpretations and reinterpretations
that speakers develop and in which they develop.

Pedagogical proposal : a reflective grammar of Spanish aimed at teachers of spaces

where different languages and different varieties of the same language come together. It
proposes the consideration, in some areas of morphosyntax, of the systematicity of the
standardized River Plate variety and the systematicity of other varieties in an
explanatory framework of the contrast of both systematicities.

To explain different varieties of a language, it is necessary to relate, in each of them, signs

(forms and meanings) with their privileged contexts, and observe the differences that
appear.
The syntactic distribution of a form is neither random nor arbitrary. On the
contrary, it is motivated by the morphological-semantic value of the same form. The
connection between paradigmatic value in the system and syntagmatic use in speech is
established by the creative imagination of speakers who articulate (and perceive)
coherent combinations of forms as communicative expressions.

What is manifested, at the syntactic level, in situations of linguistic contact? > does not
imply, in general, that foreign syntactic structures are integrated into the structure of a
language, but rather that shifts occur in the structuring of said language.
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In the communicative process, the speaker conceives and structures a scene in a
particular way, and the listener must do everything possible to reconstruct that
intentionality. From this process, in contact situations, the grammatical characteristics of
the language of origin can promote the creative use of the potential of the other language,
often latent or underexploited. The process would be the following:
a. In light of contact, speakers reorganize paradigms based on the possibilities of the
language, motivated by their communicative needs.
b. The intraparadigmatic “game” allows reorganizations capable of reflecting the
transfer of the conceptualization of another language.

Edward Sapir: intra-speaker variation as the “escape” that every language possesses.

A linguistic system or paradigm results from the categorization of a semantic substance.

The character of imprecision in meaning gives it a communicatively productive ductility
that allows intraparadigmatic play. On the other hand, the systems are presented as a
framework in which the same morpheme can be part of several paradigms at the same
time.

Columbia Linguistic School: perspective that focuses on the communicative use of

language.
Traditional perspective: emphasis on the social prestige of a variety that promotes
acculturation.

Think of them as complementary systems, each of them based on its own

categorization. And in instrumental terms: how and why we use it. Functionalist
vision.

Hirsch, S. already. Serrudo (2010) “Education in indigenous communities of

Argentina: from integration to Bilingual Intercultural Education”

Argentina is a multiethnic and multilingual country, where Tobas, Mocovíes, Pilagá s,

Chorotes, Chulupies, Wichí, Guaraníes, Chanés, Tapietes, Mapuches, among many others,
coexist. The process of discrimination and marginalization that indigenous peoples went
through and the policies of both extermination and forced cultural change carried out by
the State and other institutions (the advance of “civilization”, the conquest, the
occupation of territories, the nineteenth-century educational system) had disastrous
consequences but did not completely eliminate their languages and cultural practices.
Learning Spanish made it possible for indigenous groups to participate more
actively in the defense and claim of their rights. On the other hand, that same education
brought with it a negative assessment of their way of life, a forced and gradual
abandonment of their own language or their confinement to the domestic sphere, as well
as a devaluation of their own practices and ways of understanding the world.

Indigenous education in Latin America has gone through various stages that have
taken different courses depending on the social, geographical and historical context in
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which they were developed.
1. Castilianization . Assimilation and incorporation of Western and Spanish guidelines.
Accelerated process of cultural and linguistic change. Diversity was considered a problem
that needed to be overcome or eradicated. Integrate it into national society. Exclude the
use of native languages and impose Spanish.
2. Transitional stage . It was developed particularly in Mexico and the Andean
countries. Use of indigenous teachers (as translators) and the native language as a form
of gradual integration into national society. The indigenous language was used as a
means to facilitate Castilianization.
3. Bilingual-bicultural model . Developed in the late 60s and early 70s. Promotion and
respect for the cultures and languages of indigenous peoples, despite the fact that the
contents of the school curriculum and didactics continued to respond to conceptions
originating in urban centers
4. Intercultural bilingual stage . Emerged in the late 70s and early 80s. Strongly linked
to the active participation of indigenous organizations in the struggles for their ethnic,
cultural and territorial claims; as well as reforms in the educational systems of several
countries in the region and the emergence and influence of alternative pedagogical
models (Ivá n Illich and Paulo Freire). Development of teaching materials and valorization
of indigenous knowledge. Involvement and participation of the indigenous community in
schooling.
One of the conceptual contributions of Bilingual Intercultural Education to
pedagogy in Latin America is the notion of interculturality, which contemplates
responding to the diversity of social, cultural and linguistic conditions of multilingual and
pluricultural societies, in which it is necessary to achieve an interrelation. between
different pedagogies.
However, within bilingual education, the meaning and practice of interculturality
remain linked mainly to the teaching of one's own culture. One of the risks is that
diversity is used to reinforce the status of “marginal minorities.”

We can distinguish three ways in which the educational and schooling processes began in
areas or zones with indigenous populations:
1. Schools founded by the Catholic Church (Salesian, Franciscan and other orders).
Conversion and civilization process. Northwest and south of the country. Already during
the 18th century the Jesuits had begun a process of conversion and non-formal education
in the northeast, but only in the middle of the 19th century did the Franciscan order
establish missions in the Chaco, beginning an intense process of civilizing work.
In the south, the Salesian and Jesuit orders (also Franciscans and Lazarins) were
established in the 17th century but only at the end of the 19th century did they begin an
intensive evangelization campaign.
This evangelizing work occurs in sync with the Desert Campaign.
2. Schools founded by Protestant missionaries (Anglicans, Assembly of God). In general
terms, in the Chaco area the work of Catholic missionaries was not very successful. They
were evangelical missionaries (Anglican, Evangelical Baptist, Mennonite, United
Assembly of God churches) who began the process of evangelization and religious
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conversion in the region and whose work was strongly linked to education.
English missionaries belonging to the Anglican Church arrived at the beginning of
the 20th century. They began to study the Wichí language, which stimulated and favored
the use of their own language, despite the religious conversion, and subsequently led to a
strong position regarding the importance of incorporating the indigenous language in
literacy.
After the untimely withdrawal of Anglican missionaries in 1982, the actions
carried out were affected, although literacy tasks in the Wichí language continued in
Sunday schools.
3. State Schools. The schooling of indigenous people in public schools began to be
discussed at the end of the 19th century with the creation of indigenous colonies and/or
reductions.

The advent of democracy in 1983 brought about a process of reorganization of

indigenous organizations, as well as greater participation in the political life and
decision-making of the communities. In relation to education, a period of recognition by
the State of the importance of implementing education that takes into account the
sociolinguistic and cultural differences of the indigenous populations begins and courses
and meetings are progressively developed whose axis was the indigenous language and
culture in the school. The EIB as a national policy initially emerged from the provinces of
Formosa, Salta, and Chaco.
The transition of the EIB to the national sphere occurred within the framework of
the Educational Reform and the recognition of the indigenous school population was
reflected in the new educational regulations, the Federal Education Law No. 24195 of
1993.
A series of compensatory actions of focused attention occurred.

In 2004, the National Bilingual Intercultural Education Program was created through
the Res. No. 549. The specific objectives of the PNEIB aimed to strengthen the teaching-
learning processes, teacher training, the production of bibliographic materials, stimulate
the development of institutional educational projects that contemplate the treatment of
EIB in schools, as well as technical and financial assistance. to educational institutions
with indigenous populations.
In 2006, as part of the process of preparing and discussing the National Education
Law, the EIB was included as one of the eight modalities of the educational system.
Thus, in 2008, the PNEIB changed its name and its location in the Ministry of
Education of the Nation, going from the Directorate of Compensatory Programs to the
Directorate of Curriculum Management and Teacher Training.

Today, the common denominator of the educational situation of indigenous peoples

continues to be social and, therefore, educational inequality.
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Carrió, C. (2014) “Languages in Argentina. Notes on some challenges”

Today 14 languages are spoken in Argentina. Although the de facto official language is
Spanish, it is necessary to consider that two of the twenty-three provinces recognize, in
their provincial laws, other languages as co-official: Corrientes, since 2004, the Corrientes
Guaraní and Chaco, since 2011, the Moqoit language of Mocoví people and the Wichi
language of the Wichi people.
Other Latin American countries recognize more than one official language:
Colombia, since 1991, recognizes each ethnic group the right to have its language as
official in its territory; Paraguay, since 1992, has adopted Guaraní as a co-official
language; the Plurinational State of Bolivia, since 2009, to all the languages of the original
indigenous nations and peoples, as well as Ecuador and Venezuela; and Peru, since 1993,
Quechua, Aymara and other aboriginal languages.

Why does a language stop being spoken? (see Calvet)

The State, through the school, together with the religious action of the Church were the
actors that carried out linguistic planning that was detrimental to the survival of the
native languages. The genocidal extermination impacted languages not only due to the
decrease in the number of speakers, but also due to the corrosion of identities through its
impact on the denial of self-identification. The policy of the State since the end of the 19th
century and the beginning of the 20th century aimed at the construction of a national
identity that would unify the Argentine people, so the installation of Spanish as a
national and, therefore, hegemonic language was a policy indisputable of a
monological, monolingual and monocultural ideology. The dispossession of the land
transformed the aborigine into cheap or servile labor for the Pampas haciendas or for
the domestic work of the elites. The connection with work and servitude forced the
aborigine to learn Spanish.
Calvet recognizes two types of management of linguistic situations: in vivo and in
vitro . In vivo language policy refers to the way in which people solve the communication
problems they face on a daily basis, without legislation or state intervention, but as a
result of practice. In vitro management is the direct and voluntary intervention of
political power in the linguistic field.
The school represents the strongest instrument for the execution of in vitro
policies. Added to this act was the evangelizing action carried out by the Church :
the missionaries addressed the aborigines in Spanish and taught them to pray in Spanish,
taking away their language and their gods, or they learned the native languages to
translate the Bible and convert the natives.
This was later complemented with different invisibility policies. For example, on
the part of adults, the prohibition of children from speaking their language of origin, in
order to hide a fundamental feature of their identity and allow integration into society.
This attitude of linguistic self-hatred was based on the sociolinguistic representation
that the mother tongue hindered the social integration and development of their
children. The implementation of this type of linguistic policies results in the
disappearance of native languages or their situation of risk and weakening. The Spanish
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language, as a hegemonic language, displaces the native languages of the different areas
of functionality.
When a language disappears, what is at stake is intellectual and cultural
diversity . Languages contribute to the totality of human thought and are repositories of
history, so when a language dies there is a serious loss of inherited knowledge, beyond
languages as an object of study in linguistics.
There is nothing a priori in languages that destine them to their disappearance
and submission or that enables their enhancement. Languages resist through strategies
of creating new words and adapting different types.

Linguistic policies need to go hand in hand with cultural and educational policies. The
urgency today lies in the design of protection and revitalization policies for indigenous
languages that have clear and feasible planning in such a way that it transcends the
discursive plane and results can be seen in the short, medium and long term.
In this framework, Bilingual Intercultural Education is presented as a means
that allows the empowerment of languages and cultures, the recognition and
valorization of diversity and the way of serving social groups that historically were
condemned to so-called academic failure.
According to a UNICEF report based on data from the 2010 Population Census, the
percentage of illiteracy in Argentina is higher among the indigenous population and,
within this, among women. In unfavorable living conditions, in a family context with a
high illiteracy rate, with teachers who think about the world from another culture, with
books designed for other areas and with the intervention of a different dialect, it is almost
a utopia to achieve school success. .
When IBE was not even a possibility, Aboriginal children were treated in schools,
especially in primary schools, as children with cognitive deficits who would after a time
be expelled from the school system .
One of the biggest problems of the EIB lies in the training of the teachers in
charge, which is generally carried out through in-service training, in the form of short
courses and not as initial teacher training.
In the case of Argentina, the organization responds more to a focused project
model. Even so, in 2004, the national State created the PNEIB, on the basis of which each
jurisdiction then developed proposals such as the MEMA (special teachers for the
Aboriginal modality), the CIFMA (Research and Training Center for the Aboriginal
Modality, in Chaco ), the Intercultural Bilingual Primary Education Teachers (in the
province of Salta) and the Bilingual Comprehensive Educational Complex (also in Chaco).
Another of the central actors for the revitalization of native languages is the media
(Audiovisual Media Law).

In the process of language empowerment and the installation and consolidation of the
EIB, university specialists play a fundamental and active role .
The problem of the weakening of languages is, in many cases, greatly exacerbated
by the little documentation of the languages and the scarce development of systematic
linguistic studies that aim at rescue and preservation; even less so that they incorporate
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the members of the communities involved as actors in these actions.
Systematic description works are central to the documentation of these
languages. But, in addition, the descriptions are presented as an unavoidable path to
design pedagogical and didactic proposals that allow Spanish-speaking aboriginal
children to learn the language of their grandparents and children who speak aboriginal
languages to also become literate in their mother tongue.
Despite current legislation, there is no single educational model designed for
indigenous populations in Argentina; rather, there are diverse projects and experiences
in different provinces of the country. The point is that the results are not consistent with
the proposals, effort and investment. Many disconnected efforts are evident. Ignorance
and lack of dialogue and connection between policies translates into loss of strength and
duplication of efforts and time. Added to this is that communities do not always respond
in the desired way, since many times the priority is focused on other concerns. It must
also be considered that the school, conceived in traditional terms, is an external agent to
the culture of these peoples.
In the same sense, monitoring progress and achievements is as necessary as
launching the project.
Finally, it is central to systematize and democratize access to information
through the design and implementation of repositories of learning objects.

Calvet, LJ. (1997) Language policies

Language policy – language planning . These concepts appear in the second half of the
20th century. “ Language planning ” appears in 1959, by Einar Haugen regarding the
linguistic problems of Norway to present the standardizing intervention that aimed to
build a national identity after centuries of Danish domination. It received its baptism at
the same time as sociolinguistics and will be defined by Fishman as applied
sociolinguistics.
The relationships between language policy and language planning are
presented as one of subordination: planning is the implementation of a language policy.

There is an important difference in perspective between North American and European

researchers. Americans tend to emphasize the technical aspects of this intervention and
raise the question of the power behind the decisions very little. Planning seems much
more important than politics. European researchers seem more involved in the question
of power.

The relationships between languages and social life are at the same time problems of
identities, culture, economy, and development from which no country escapes.

Haugen's first model

When the term planning appears in linguistic literature, it is taken in its economic and
state sense: determination of objectives (a plan) and provision of the necessary means to
achieve those objectives. In the 1920s and 1930s, only the Soviet Union had a plan.
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It is necessary to distinguish indicative or incitive planning , which is based on
coordination between different social forces, and imperative planning that involves the
socialization of the means of production.
The national or state aspect is an important feature for its definition. Any group
can develop a language policy, but only the State has the power and the means to move to
the planning stage, putting its political choices into practice.
Haugen defined planning as the evaluation of linguistic change. Diagnosis of the
problem >> conception of possible solutions >> choice of one of the solutions >>
evaluation of the solution adopted. It is a mechanistic export and application of the
models used in liberal economics and business management, without any sociological
analysis of the power relations at play.

The instrumentalist approach: P. S. Ray and V. Tauli

He insisted on the instrumental nature of the language and considered that it was
possible to improve its functioning by intervening in writing, grammar or lexicon. His
approach was relatively simplistic: on the one hand, you can evaluate the effectiveness of
a language, its rationality, its normalization, and on the other, improve the language from
these different points of view, like changing a defective part in a machine.
A language is not effective in itself or not, but rather whether or not it responds to
social needs. The real problem is to know to what extent the linguistic organization of a
society responds to its communicative needs.

Haugen's second model

In 1983, Haugen takes up a distinction raised by Kloss in 1969 between corpus planning
and status planning . Corpus planning refers to interventions in the form of the language
(creation of a script, neology, standardization, etc.), while status planning refers to
interventions in the functions of the language, its status. social and its relations with
other languages.

A criticism of the decision-making processes, or a suggestion of democratic

consultation, or anything, still does not appear in the diagram.

The contribution of “native” sociolinguistics

The originality of their contributions (from Catalan, Occitan or Creole sociolinguists) lies
in the fact that theory and practice were closely linked.

Del Valle, J. “Glotopolitics, ideology and discourse: categories for the study of the
symbolic status of Spanish”

Willingness to intervene in language. Strong determination to protect, promote and

control the symbolic power of languages > lively awareness of the linguistic >
proliferation of institutional actions aimed at monitoring and ordering the linguistic life
of the Spanish-speaking world and the communities and contact zones that constitute it;
and ideologies that are sometimes normalizing and sometimes destabilizing in the
market context of public opinion, of those institutions and of the cultural, political or
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social order that they represent.

Glottopolitical panorama : fundamentally contextual conception of language. It affirms

an interest in the dimensions of the phenomenon of language that are manifested and
must be interpreted in the political field. Placing language in this area of collective action
has consequences for its study : power, authority and legitimacy become central
categories . Language, as a political action, demands to be defined as an ideological-
discursive phenomenon , as a dynamic entity in constant dialogic relationship with the
context.

Working hypothesis: since the late 1980s, discourses have been emerging around policies
to promote the Spanish language in a changing context defined by the political
transformation of Spain after the 1978 Constitution, the country's economic takeoff at the
end of the eighties and the projection of Spanish companies that paid special attention to
the increasingly liberalized Latin American markets. There has been a recognizable
mobilization of cultural agencies in Spain that, in frequent collaboration with the
business world, implemented robust self-legitimation policies and, of course, actions
aimed at promoting a certain status for the Spanish language. With those linguistic
policies, the aim was to take the reins of the political and economic operationalization of
the language area and the organization of an industry around Spanish conceived as a
market product. All this at the same time that, within Spain itself and despite the
development of the State of Autonomies, disputes continued to arise over the relative
legal and symbolic status of Catalan, Spanish, Galician and Basque.
We have a considerable archive of texts produced and published under the
auspices of cultural agencies:

-the annual reports published since 1998 by the Cervantes Institute (an institution
created by the Spanish government in 1991 to lead efforts to promote the language
internationally)
-The Cervantes Institute has also organized three international conferences on the
Spanish language (the CILE)
-The RAE is the other central pillar of Spanish promotion policies -abundant coverage by
the Spanish and Latin American press
-other State organizations: SEACEX (State Service for Foreign Cultural Action), ICEX
(Foreign Trade Institute) and foundations created for the defense and promotion of the
language such as the San Milllá n de la Cogolla Foundation, Fundéu or the Campus
Comillas Foundation .

What is the nature and origin of the power held by these institutions? What is your
authority based on? How do they legitimize their management? What is the full meaning
of polycentric normativity? Are the categories of linguistic imperialism or neocolonialism
applicable?

Linguistic ideologies: they are systems of ideas that articulate notions of language,
languages, speech and/or communication with specific cultural, political and/or
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social formations. Although they belong to the realm of ideas and can be conceived
as cognitive frameworks that coherently link language with an extralinguistic
order, naturalizing and normalizing it, it must also be noted that they are produced
and reproduced in the material realm of linguistic and metalinguistic practices .
The analysis of linguistic ideologies, therefore, must aim to identify the context in which
they take on full meaning.
Linguistic ideologies represent a perception of language and discourse as a
product of the interests of a specific cultural or social group. It is beneficial to conceive
linguistic ideologies as multiple due to the multiplicity, within sociocultural groups, of
relevant social divisions (class, gender, clan, elites, generations and so on) that have the
potential to produce divergent perspectives expressed as an index of belonging. To the
group. Members of a group may exhibit different degrees of awareness of local language
ideologies. Ideologies function as mediators between social structures and language uses.

Language Policy and Planning . Language planning includes a set of ideas, laws,
regulations (language policy), rules of change, beliefs and practices that aim to
implement a previously planned change or prevent a possible change from occurring in
the language use of one or more communities > this definition is framed in the initial
phase of the PPL, characterized by its epistemological dependence on
structuralism and positivism , by its pragmatic orientation (aimed at the solution of
linguistic problems) and by responding to the conditions of a specific historical context:
postcolonial processes of national construction and theories of development.
Einer Haugen (2006) offers us a definition that describes the object of PPL:
standardization. Linguistic planning is understood as the activity of preparing a
normative spelling, grammar and dictionary to guide writers and speakers in a non-
homogeneous speech community. In this practical application of linguistic knowledge,
value judgment is manifested in making decisions about available alternative linguistic
forms.
The most traditional definitions of standardization conceived it in practical terms:
technical knowledge at the service of national development. It was conceptualized as a
management process in several phases:
1. Corpus planning and status planning.
Corpus planning: codification (establishment of a writing system, a grammar and
a lexicon) and elaboration (creation of mechanisms that keep the language always ready,
always up to date, ensuring, for example, its lexical modernization).
Status planning: selection of the base variety for the standard and its
implementation, that is, design and implementation of measures that lead to its
generalized use in the desired contexts. This is often done through the educational
system and other laws and legal regulations that encourage and/or require the use of the
standard and perhaps discourage the use of other languages or dialects.

Language as discourse . Discourse is the use of language in relation to cultural, political

and social formations, it is language that reflects a social order but also that shapes the
social order and the interaction between the individual and society.
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-link with use (interaction) and context (social order)
-performative nature: condition of a tool that intervenes in the reality it represents
-contextual, naturalizing and institutional ideological condition

For example: through ideologemes such as “total Spanish”, “polycentric language”,

“common homeland”, “encounter language” or “mestizo language” a linguistic-ideological
system is manifested and realized that conceives language as the basis of legitimation of a
politically and economically operational entity. Also, through the discursive elaboration
of these and other ideologemes that describe Spanish as a “global language”, “our oil”,
“economic resource” or “strategic asset”, an image of the language as a commodity is
produced and configured a linguistic market with very specific characteristics
(mercantile linguistic ideology) .

del Valle, J. (2007) “Language, common homeland: Hispanophonia and pan-

Hispanic nationalism”

Spanish Constitution of 1978. State of the Autonomies: a legal and political framework
that aspired to accommodate, on the one hand, the claims about the cultural and political
unity of Spain, and on the other, the demands of Catalan, Galician and Basque
nationalisms. From the establishment of Spanish or Castilian as the language of Spain to
the official recognition of the plurilingual character of the country.

The RAE changes its motto: from “clean, fixes and gives splendor” to “Unity in diversity.”

A strategically central aspect of language policy is its invisibility . This does not imply
that it is done behind the backs of the population: a large number of public events
associated with its implementation are characterized by their spectacular nature and
wide media coverage. What is hidden is its political and economic character . The
visibility of these dimensions is what glottopolitics studies must consider.

The hispanophonia
The efforts from Spain to develop a shared community consciousness with the former
colonies, especially with the American ones, date back to the nineteenth century and can
be identified with the cultural movement that some historiographers have called
Hispanism or Hispano-Americanism. This was based on the idea that a common Spanish
culture materialized in the Spanish language existed on both sides of the Atlantic and
constituted the basis of a politically and economically operational entity. It is an
Andersonian imagined community, based on a common language, also imagined, that
unites, forming an emotional bond, all those who feel in possession of it and who share a
feeling of loyalty towards it. Hispanophonia is, then, a linguistic ideology: a system of
ideologies around historically localized Spanish that conceives the language as the
materialization of a collective order in which Spain plays a central role.
The preservation of the unity of the language, that is, the guarantee of the loyalty
of Spanish speakers to the cultured norm and its guardians, and the international
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promotion of Spanish, that is, the stimulation and exploitation of an interest in the
Spanish language in the world, have been declared priority objectives by the Academy
and Cervantes. In short, a vision of Spanish and its relationship with Spain, with the
Hispanic community and with the world (hispanophonia) has been developed and
measures have been implemented to achieve its acceptance and dissemination > a
linguistic ideology has been produced.

Spanish as an economic resource . Spanish as a product desired by foreigners eager to

learn it and thereby increase their cultural capital ; as an advertising instrument, as a
brand image that makes a product more attractive; and as the foundation of the
Hispanophony that naturalizes and legitimizes Spanish investments and
interventions in the Americas .

The ideology of linguistic nationalism .

Construction of an image of Spanish based on the rejection , often explicit, of the
premises of linguistic nationalism.

Linguistic nationalism is a discourse that articulates language and collective

identity , probably the one that has most influenced governmental and non-
governmental language policies in recent centuries.
Nationalist political movements are defined by affirming the existence of a
national identity and claiming for it the right to exercise the level of self-government
that its members desire. Some tend to point out the subjective nature of the nation, as a
social contract of coexistence renewed daily in a metaphorical plebiscite that confirms
the loyalty of citizens to the common political project. Others have preferred to affirm the
cultural substance of the nation, a human collective that a series of historical
circumstances has endowed with its own and uniform culture, understood as a way of
rationalizing the vital experience in which the individual develops.
Nations, therefore, are defined discursively from a list of potentially constitutive
elements, a menu of national properties (language, religion, folk traditions, social
traditions, historical narratives, political institutions, systems of laws, etc.). .) from which
each nationalist movement will select those that suit it according to the specific needs of
the political context in which it develops.
Every nationalist movement affirms the existence of a group identity that
legitimizes the exercise of sovereignty and the institutions that exercise it.
Linguistic nationalisms place language at the center of this identity.
The spokesmen of the new Spanish linguistic policy and the authors of
ideologically related discourses have flatly rejected linguistic nationalism and with it
what has tended to be its fundamental premise: the vision of language as the incarnation
of the culture of a people, as very unique way of interpreting the human life experience.
Faced with this vision, a linguistic ideology is promoted in Spain that frees Spanish
from its cultural and national ties so that it becomes a pan-Hispanic language, so
that it leaves the physical borders that delimit a specific national territory and so
that it assumes an expansive character. and international. There is a rhetorical
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distancing from linguistic nationalism, but the conceptual scheme on which it is based is
not completely abandoned.
Spanish itself replaces the territory (meeting place) and the national culture
(superior concord), becoming the “common homeland”, the imagined post-national pan-
Hispanic community, which, due to its virtues (concord, internationalism and
profitability) , we will give our loyalty.
The current configuration of the Hispanic community is a contested process in a
dynamic that confronts discrepant visions about the nature of the past, present and
future relationship between the different nations of the Spanish-speaking world.

Di Tullio, Á. (2003) Language policies and immigration

In Argentine history the question of language develops in two acts: in the first, the other
had Spain as a reference; in the second, to immigrants. It is organized around three
axes: the question of nationality, the question of language and the immigration
question . A question of collective identity is involved in all three.

Three meanings come together in the concept of nation , which are not necessarily
coincident:
-an essentialist definition: the nation exists prior to its political organization due to the
set of distinctive cultural features (traditions, social practices and language). These
essential features are actually adduced a posteriori as an emotional justification for the
creation of an autonomous State.
-a historical definition: the nation is a sovereign and autonomous unit with respect to
other similar units
- a strictly political definition: the nation is the set of institutions and legal systems

The feelings that define national identity do not arise spontaneously but require a
certain amount of manipulation . Nationalism specializes in inventing and imposing
symbolic elaborations through various mechanisms:
- the manipulation of the past through myths that give national history the character of
exemplarity
- the creation of representations – images, symbols and rituals – that condense and
awaken feelings (here comes the exaltation of the national language as a privileged way
of expressing collective identity)
- the formation of a common public culture, expressed in social practices that are based
on agreements, more or less explicit, on the values and guidelines that must govern
coexistence

The magnitude of the flood of immigration that arrived in Argentina at the end of the
19th century was evaluated as a problem that caused fear that the native society was not
in a position to assimilate it not only because of its demographic scarcity but also because
of its still poorly defined cultural identity. . In turn, sectors of the Italian intelligentsia and
government conceived expansionist projects regarding the settlement of their fellow
citizens in Argentina. The competition between identities also appeared on the linguistic
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level.

Linguistic identity comes from the mother tongue, which is not chosen.
The formation of a national language is not explained by linguistic reasons (the
intrinsic superiority of one dialect over another) but is due to socio-political reasons. Its
symbolic capacity is increased by the prestige that comes from its unifying condition, in
internal terms, and identifying externally. Its strong roots in the collective imagination, to
the extent that it represents the broader collective identity, increases as a seat of
collective memory.

The formation of modern States imposed the standardization of a variety

through diffusion through public education and bureaucratic and technological
apparatuses.
The national language is a construction that is imposed on the heterogeneous
linguistic reality.

In our country, the inherited language character of our language runs through
the writings from the Generation of '37 to Borges. The question is always what elements
will distinguish it? What is consolidated is the balanced position that accepts belonging to
the Spanish-speaking world but at the same time marks the idiosyncratic differences of
the dialect modality, defined with a more or less broad criterion.
Most immigrants were not speakers of standardized national languages, but of
Italian, Galician, Basque, colloquial Arabic, and Yiddish dialects. All vernacular varieties
that did not arouse a loyalty strong enough to resist the onslaught of the linguistic policy
designed precisely to eradicate them. All this accelerated the process of
transculturation.
Language appears as one of the objective factors on which the idea of nationality
is built. Although it is not, in reality, a necessary or sufficient condition, it appears
privileged by the symbolic function attributed to it as an idiosyncratic expression of the
national spirit.

Depending on the dominant representation of a language, attitudes towards it are

organized into two different complexes:
-The conservationist sacralizes the language as a treasure, formed in the past and that
has reached its maximum splendor, so it must remain intact. In the face of change, his
pessimistic attitude means that it must be avoided to preserve the language from
deterioration.
-The progressive enables the language to be an increasingly efficient and powerful
instrument in national and international communication, which favors its modernization,
intellectualization and flexibility. This attitude favors change as a driver of progress

In the language policies of the period considered, two phases are distinguished:
1) 1830 – beginning of the 20th century. Informal and ad hoc proposals regarding factual
situations that arose from situations such as political independence, the need to outline
the cultural and linguistic identity of the new nations, and the formation of the State.
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Sarmiento's Spelling Reform project (Chile, 1842), for example.
The vague allusions of the representatives of the Generation of '37 to linguistic
independence with respect to peninsular Spanish problematized the status of the dialect
modality.
2) In the second stage, the latent conflict represented by the presence of immigration
forces concrete measures to be taken to ward off the danger. During Roca's first
government, antecedents were outlined – legislation, study plans and programs,
accompanied by the respective grammars – and, starting in 1908, the implementation of
a policy specially designed to solve the immigration problem, especially in the primary
school apparatus.

In the project of the Generation of '37, to which the men of '80 adhere and put into
practice, European immigration is a means of populating the territory, in Alberdi's
famous formula: "To govern is to populate." It is also an expectation of economic
development for the country's entry into a modern production system and cultural
contribution of a population that would be imbued with a republican and liberal
tradition. It is thought of as a way to change the size, demographic composition and
geographical distribution of the population: through European membership it was not
only interesting to have more population, but also to modify the percentage
corresponding to the native population in which it was considered almost impossible to
achieve good results.
More than a strictly racial prejudice, it was about changing the economic, political
and cultural patterns rooted in the native population.
Argentina at the end of the 19th century had achieved important advances:
- the success of the formation of the national State with the presidency of Roca, “Peace
and administration”, with institutions and laws, a common culture and a single language
- The national territory, extended and unified with the extermination of the Indians in
the Desert Campaign, had expanded the arable areas that, thanks to the work of the
settlers, provided enormous wealth to the country.
- The Sá enz Peñ a law that grants the vote to all men allowed the representation of the
middle sectors through political parties
- The intellectual presidencies of Mitre, Sarmiento and Avellaneda organized the school
system, especially the primary school, to eradicate illiteracy. Law 1420 of Secular
Education, mandatory and free, sanctioned in 1884, was the privileged tool of social
modernization
- The success of literacy campaigns creates the conditions to expand the circuits of
reading dissemination

In that Argentinian-centrist euphoria, the immigrant was considered in an

ambivalent position : on the one hand, a condition of this progress through work; on the
other, due to their number, a possible agent of dissolution of national values, not yet fully
consolidated.

1876. Government of Nicolá s Avellaneda. Immigration Law. From xenophilia there was
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a gradual transition to xenophobia .
-massive presence of immigration whose ethnic makeup did not respond to the original
project
-disturbing social changes for the ruling classes, excessive urban growth, little response
from immigrants to the citizenship law that entailed a meager participation in political
life, exclusive interest in economic objectives, formation of an increasingly active labor
movement

-a new international scenario in which the expansionist desire of the colonial powers
justified the occupation of territories as colonies of their respective countries to favor
commercial or political interests

Endogamy in immigrant groups, their resistance to naturalization, the political

marginalization that derives from it, the conservation of ethnic identities, which is
manifested in adhesion to institutions based on national solidarity (mutual societies or
foreign schools) indicate the resistance of immigrants to fully incorporate into a society
that views them with suspicion. The stereotypes that caricatured them, the ethnic,
cultural and religious reaffirmation of the ruling class, the resentment of the natives, the
xenophobic campaigns are indices of a level of conflict that undermined the relations
between the newcomers and the receiving society.
In linguistic terms, cocoliche was marked by the effort to approach Spanish and
lunfardo by mockery of the clumsy speaker. The first, although it was a hybridization
process aimed at the acquisition of Spanish at the expense of Italian, was interpreted as a
threat to the purity of Spanish.

López García, M. (2015) We, you, them. The River Plate variety in school textbooks

Impact of neoliberal policies on educational policies: cultural identities in the context

of globalization are structured based on the logic of the transnational market and
not from the logic of the Nation-State.
The school no longer fulfills the socializing function (in the sense of generating
and educating the habitus ) but that function is resolved in the cultural industry . The
dominant classes of the capitalist system actively operate in the deinstitutionalization of
the school and seek to replace it with other mechanisms that guarantee the unequal
distribution of knowledge as a symbolic good, hegemonizing the distribution and
selection of the cultural pattern.
The educational system, under the protection of neoliberal economic policies
(whose clearest exponent was the Federal Education Law ), supported the change in the
role of the State from educating citizens to merely coordinating educational demands.
The reforms implemented in 1978 had organized the curriculum as a means of
individual self-realization, while subsequent reforms, crystallized in the Federal Law,
favored a curricular approach oriented toward the promotion of active subjects in a
social framework.
Those who determine the criterion of social significance are the designers of the
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curriculum, Buenos Aires education specialists, who turn it into content as arbitrary and
distant from the specific social practices of each region as any other.
The National Education Law (2006), intended to surpass the previous one,
sought to strengthen the role of the school in the reduction of social inequality
through the basis of equality of minimum contents, the NAP, which would become a
new version of socially significant knowledge. Under the protection of a discourse
that respects diversity, we sought to level practices through content, rejecting basic
disciplinary teacher training and control over the material that is distributed.
Teachers are asked to develop their own curricular project based on the NAP,
select the relevant content for that project and design work materials (or select from
existing ones). However, and probably due to incomplete training , they lose sight of the
intentions prescribed by the specialists and focus on working with the contents and
materials that are familiar to them. In this way, teachers are encouraged to operate from
their prejudices about the content.

The delicate balance between common core content and regional contexts is
accompanied by a homogenizing and centralist tool driven by economic interests:
the manual . The contents of the old curriculum were transformed into skills, practical
knowledge gained greater importance compared to the encyclopedia. Manuals and school
books accompanied this process, adapting the amount of information, teaching resources
and geographical layout. The accommodation to each community reality encouraged
by the curriculum opposes the manual's need to build an undifferentiated
consumer public that allows a good insertion of the material in the greatest
number of sectors. Furthermore, the insistence on segmentation by disciplines and
the articulation between topics coming from different theories of the same
discipline, convenient to the editorial organization, hinders the articulation and
confluence encouraged by the Law.
The editorial proposals advance sheltered from the insecurity of teachers in
relation to their disciplinary training and their inability to analyze their own role
in the system of reproduction of knowledge and social roles . The teacher becomes a
mere vehicle in the relationship between the Ministry/publishers and students, and
reproduces the class division without being aware of his role.

-The students express the absence of a relationship between the contents of the
manual and the social context of insertion
- Parents conceive the textbook as an unavoidable condition for their children's
learning . The symbolic value of the printed letter of the manual prevails over the
teacher's knowledge. Furthermore, access to the textbook carries for many low-income
parents the symbolic value of access to a certain standard of consumption.
- Teachers select the texts based on the adequacy of the price of the copy to the
economic possibilities of the parents, the affiliation to the curricular proposal, the ability
to constitute a valid alternative for work in the classroom and as a safe resource, and the
ability to function as a tool to stimulate the reading habit.
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- The publishers have inserted the textbooks benefiting from the teachers' need to
have material that facilitates the task of selecting content and designing specific
activities, the lack of specificity in the "diverse and plural" curriculum and the lack of
regulatory commissions for printed material intended for classrooms.
The reproduction of social roles is always guaranteed. Behind the disciplinary
content and teaching methodology there is a nation model. The selection of content is
an ideological practice . In the manuals, official(ized) knowledge is presented,
autonomous from the scientific vicissitudes and the historical situation that made it
possible, and its political nature is hidden.
The Argentine modality leaves the production and distribution of textbooks in the
hands of the market and participates by subsidizing the purchase by schools or by
delivering batches of books for school use. The excuse of pedagogical action thus
conceals a subsidy to the publishing industry that subjects its decisions to
economic interests, without being regulated or contained by a legal framework
from the State. It constitutes a failure in the implementation of the Law and the NAP to
allocate more resources to the design of the curriculum and less to the control of the
editorial interpretations that decide what content to highlight and what didactic modality
to use to convey it.
While the school manual or textbook was the discursive genre established as a
disseminator of the nation model, it is there where one can best trace founding myths,
booming scientific paradigms, models of construction of social knowledge and their
adaptation methodologies to school. . The current pedagogical didactic current can also
be examined there as a strategy for validating the dominant ideology.
The vehicle language used in the manuals of any subject exposes the social
representations that the school system generates and reproduces about the variety
of Spanish as a national identity trait . The manual constructs a historical
discourse, a citizen model and a linguistic pattern.
Teacher and student speak in the Rio de la Plata regional variety. The manual,
forced to consider its economic interest in being marketable in a broad territory, alien to
the discussions on the establishment of a regional standard and left by the Education Law
to the exercise of self-regulation of its productions, attempts to avoid regional brands in
the writing. The oral variety of the geographical area is taken as a mark of orality and is
excluded from written texts. The class adapts to a genre of writing, linked to “standard
pan-Hispanic Spanish.” Such discrepancy becomes a political identity exercise by
constituting him as a speaker of a substandard language, not suitable for use in a
written medium.
Voseo, for example, despite being mentioned in some manuals, is not applied in
the examples of verbal conjugations.
The lack of decision about which grammatical person the slogans will assume and
the lexical repertoire to include is also evidence of a problem.
All this educates an insecure speaker.
Another common practice is to use literary texts as examples of colloquial
register, which collaborates with the representation that examples of community use
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could be found in the poetic uses of the language. This assumption ignores the mediation
that the aesthetic fact imprints on the language and that necessarily affects the linguistic
value.
The textbooks also confirm the representation that dialect variety basically
involves terminological differences and that informal registers are directly linked to
youth.
The Argentine school, inhabited by teachers insecure in their disciplinary
training, citizens insecure in their linguistic norm, transmits through the manuals
a representation of the variety that coincides with the proposal of the academies.
This explains why the accentuation of second-person voseante verbs, pronominal
paradigms and substandard linguistic marks typical of the area are not addressed
as school content.
The manuals reaffirm the speakers' prejudices about the existence of a
homogeneous language that allows global communication. The existence of general
Spanish is explained as a solution to the problem of varieties and the need to guide uses
towards a common pattern. The manuals would be adhering to political-linguistic
guidelines coming from the Peninsula, positioning themselves at the Hispanophile pole of
the discussion about the national language. The standardizing project no longer comes
from the Argentine State, promoter of the educational system, but from transnational
economic groups through publishing companies. The operation is functional to the
globalization of the market.
On the other hand, the representations reproduced in these books are linked to
the urban forms of childhood. Although the Education Law highlights the need to value
diversity and adapt the curriculum to each region of the country, the media validate
Buenos Aires culture.

Kuguel, I. (2014) “Young people speak increasingly worse.” Description and

representations of Argentine youth speech

There is no single youth language. In addition to age, other contextual variables – social
and cultural – influence young people's use of the language.
The most common social representation of youth language values it in negative
terms. The identity affiliation of young people as a group is obtained on the basis of
differentiation with other generational groups. Otherness allows identity and the feeling
of belonging. From the “outside”, the entity of young people is built on two axes: a
negative one (abolic, rude, socially dysfunctional) and a positive one (vitality, beauty, joy,
energy, personal development, promise for the future. The common places about youth
language in Argentina are built on the first. During the last century, youth has been
associated with rebellion and militancy, in addition to insecurity, through a criminalizing
gaze. With technological advances, there was a generational reversal: young people
became teachers of adults.
Prejudices against youth language in Argentina are organized into three large
groups: lack (poverty of vocabulary), excess (use of unnecessary words) and obscurity
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(they are not understood what they say).
With respect to poverty, it is not true that language becomes poorer from
generation to generation, and young people do not lack vocabulary to express
themselves. On the contrary, what emerges when observing how they communicate with
each other is the amount of resources they deploy in the service of expressivity
(suffixation, prefixation, loans, resemantization, syntactic changes).
Regarding excess, we can point out that new words are not unnecessary if
communicative intentions are taken into account. The creation of words or neologisms
has always been one of the main drivers of linguistic evolution. Most of the words created
in youth language have an expressive purpose.
In relation to the prejudice of darkness, the resources that young people use serve
to constitute their own code that has the double function of identification and
differentiation. Communication between young people is built on budgets and shared
habits in front of another, which is the adult, who is left out because they do not know the
code.
Youth is constituted as an innovative group , which carries out linguistic
changes. Although a large part of these changes are ephemeral and function only as an
identity element, which is why they remain only as generational traits or period
memories, a smaller part can influence the language, making it evolve.
To complain about identification and differentiation strategies because they make
youth language incomprehensible is to not understand the pragmatic conditions in which
these resources appear. By demanding intelligibility from youth language, the adult
makes the mistake of thinking of himself as a participant in a communicative
situation in which he is neither sender nor recipient.
The attitudes that derive from these prejudices are rejection, but they are not
limited to the stigmatization of youth language, but rather, in addition to being censored,
it is intended to be corrected.

Bengoechea Bartolomé, M. (2015) Language and gender .

Language and gender studies are linguistic studies that have been promoted by feminism.
They explore the role that language plays in establishing and maintaining differences
between women and men not marked by biology, differences called “gender.” Studies
assume that the function of language in the reproduction and survival of gender is carried
out through what is said about women and men, expectations about how they should
speak, the division of conversational roles, representations of femininity and masculinity
in the media, the sanction for speaking in public and a long etcetera of verbal and social
practices that make up the research topics of the discipline.
For feminism, the social position of women is not dictated by nature (by their
biology or their sex) but depends on a cultural artifice . The concept of “ gender ”
allows us to establish this differentiation. It is a normative system (dictates the standards
of conduct for women and men) and coercive (represses behaviors that do not conform
to those standards). It assigns differentiated roles and functions, as well as different
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spaces, activities, identities, rights and duties. It is concerned with constructing sexual
difference as inequality , with women in a subordinate position and men in a position of
power.
The gender mandate is internalized through consensus and naturalization, in
which myths, stories, narratives, discourses, and verbal and iconic language play a
fundamental role. It is a cultural artifice susceptible to modification,
reinterpretation and reconstruction.

Grammatical gender / social gender

gender ideology
Ideologies are sets of social values, beliefs, ideas, feelings, representations, images and
institutions through which people, collectively, make sense of the world in which they
live.
According to Althusser, all societies have a dominant ideology, shared by most of
society and formed by what is understood as “common sense”, which supports the beliefs
and interests of the dominant groups, which become accepted. even by those who are
harmed through the educational system, family, media, religions, etc.
For Gramsci, the dominant ideology becomes hegemony when, almost always
unconsciously, it moves us to action and intervenes in the organization of daily private
and public life. This hegemony must be constantly renewed, recreated, defended and
modified.
By gender ideology we understand the characteristics and attributes that
are recognized as masculine or feminine in a given society and the value assigned
to them. It is hegemonic in the sense that it is not perceived as a form of domination, but
as something accepted by the entire society. It also has a structural character: it is
constantly recreated and renewed in institutions and social practices, independently of
individual will. It is easier to analyze it than to change it.
How is gender ideology produced and recreated through language and
discourse and how does it affect the behaviors of men and women? Language as a
point of articulation of the link between representation, subjectivity and ideology plays a
fundamental role in social and personal identity (with the name we acquire status,
function, prestige and even access to material goods) and is a basic resource for thought
and the action. Furthermore, the asymmetry is supported by certain discourses.

The fundamental operation of feminist linguists has been to dissect how language,
as a system, is responsible for placing women in the place that the gender hierarchy
assigns them. It has been shown that the devalued and inferior position that language
indicates for women is produced mainly through grammatical gender, which makes them
invisible and gives them a secondary role, and certain lexical constructions, e.g., lack of
terms for professions in the feminine, words with different meanings depending on
whether they are applied to women or men, vocabulary that trivializes, degrades or
diminishes women, asymmetrical verbal constructions, etc.
On the other hand, they have analyzed how, through the practices and discourses
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of power, inequality between women and men is learned, accepted, and respected.
Feminist linguistics has demonstrated the effect of internalizing prevailing norms.

Gender and representation: the politics of the name

How are women named? Who do they resemble? How are they metaphorized? How are
they hidden in language? How do you make them appear?
Does language play any role in the maintenance and reproduction of patriarchal
ideology? What steps can be taken to transform ideology and build an egalitarian culture?

-As language is an eminently social phenomenon, it has necessarily been shaped by

history and power.
-The evolution of the linguistic system reflects the evolution of ideas.
-We observe and interpret reality through the sieve of language, which has a certain
influence on the way we conceptualize and memorize that reality, fundamentally at a
semantic level.
-Power relations in the symbolic order tend to reinforce and reproduce the power
relations that constitute the structure of social space.
-In all societies there is a series of dominant ideologies that explain how society works
and interpret the world to us and that, despite benefiting the interests of powerful
groups, are accepted and shared by many other groups.
-To study ideologies it is essential to pay special attention to language
-Signs do not have their own meaning, but rather acquire it in their relative situation in
the linguistic system. Therefore, signs are not sexist in themselves, but in relation to
other signs. Hence the relevance of the asymmetry between feminine and masculine
forms.
These assumptions are the starting point of the first linguistic feminisms, with a
structuralist basis, whose research continues to the present day, starting in the 70s.

The grammatical gender . There exists in the mind of the speaking community a link
between grammatical gender and sex, and the behavior of the masculine grammatical
gender is identified with the historical position of men in patriarchy. Like this, the
grammatical gender system would seem to be impregnated with androcentrism, in its
manifestation of the masculine as a universal value (the so-called generic masculine).
The grammatical gender system is not parallel: “men” includes women but not
vice versa. Therefore, it is very ambiguous: it can sometimes include them, and
sometimes not. Its configuration is asymmetric. Sex is, in Spanish and other languages, a
semantic operator of the gender category. It establishes a hierarchy by establishing the
universal primacy of the masculine over the feminine, which is evident as a construct
consciously elaborated over time until it becomes a doctrine and not as something casual,
random or unmotivated.
The problem consists of understanding how sexual difference, a biological fact,
and therefore prior to semiotic structuring, is socially and culturally elaborated, that is, it
is semiotized by being inscribed in a system of representations. The biological data is
transformed into a symbolic structure endowed with significance and producing
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meaning. Perhaps gender is especially involved in maintaining the androcentric
perspective.
In general, it can be stated that the pejorative evaluation achieved by common
words of the language whose referent is “woman” in Spanish is regular and extensive.
There are several factors that have contributed to the worsening of the concept “woman”
in Spanish: its relationship with prostitution, prejudice against them, and social
valuation. (Also for homosexuals). To understand why harmed groups coin and
reproduce these uses, we refer to Althusser and Gramsci: hegemony – resistance –
hegemonic counter-resistance (e.g. The invention of the term “feminazi”).
It is a problem of prestige, boundaries of privilege and social class. This is evident,
for example, in the resistance to the feminization of names of professions socially
monopolized by men, and in the opposition to the masculinization of tasks (domestic,
care) that are understood as feminine. This resistance seems to have ideological, not
linguistic, roots. Given the formidable influence of institutions like the RAE, it does not
seem surprising that the speech community hesitates when calling women professionals.
One of the values of feminist criticism of the DRAE is to deny it the consideration
of a neutral, objective, timeless and scientific work, questioning the presumed authority
of the norm and those who create it (mostly men).

Do sexist or androcentric representations have any effect on the real lives of women and
men? The pejorative meaning that names attributed to women routinely suffer reflects
and helps perpetuate the social attitude of contempt towards women. For example, the
proliferation of nouns for “prostitute” serves to have on hand an insulting epithet that is
used to keep feminine behavior in check. Language serves to define behaviors, and also to
delimit and control them.
A society also controls behaviors through definitions. The internalization of these
issues has consequences in the daily lives of women and men.
Justified by its belief in the name effect, the feminist movement tried to modify the
connotative values of some terms or create new concepts that would provide their
perspective of reality. However, although all groups have the ability to name their
experience, what is not available to everyone is the possibility of the name becoming
more or less permanently fixed in the language, because to do so it must be used
repeatedly by a certain number. of speakers, move into public language, and be accepted
by the RAE.
In any case, whether the language and its uses change or not, whether the feminist
proposals are successful or not, they have at least managed to unmask the alleged
semantic neutrality of the uses considered normative or hegemonic.

Module 3. Psycholinguistic problems I: acquisition theories

Theoretical points of view about acquisition: interactionism and nativism. Historical-
social approach: thought-language relationship in Vygotsky's Psychology and regulatory
function of language. Nativist approach: genetic basis of acquisition in Chomskian
generative linguistics. Pragmatic approach: importance of cultural context in Bruner and
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its interaction with innate cognitive requirements. Socio-discursive approach: activity,
texts and discourses in Bronckart. Neopiagetian approach: Karmiloff Smith's model of
representational redescription. Interactionist approach: acquisition as subjectivization in
Lemos's interactionism.

Chomsky, N. (1977) Reflections on language

Vygotsky, L. (2007) Thought and Speech

What and of what nature is the internal relationship that exists between thought and
word in the earliest stages of phylogenetic and ontogenetic development ? The
beginning of the development of thought and speech, the prehistoric period in the
existence of thought and speech, does not manifest any specific relationship or
dependence between their genetic roots, but arise and are formed only in the process of
historical development of consciousness human They are not a condition, but a
product of the person's formation process.
Thought and word are not related to each other by an original link. This link
arises, transforms and grows in the course of the development of thought and word
. This does not mean in any way that the link can occur only as an external relationship
between two essentially heterogeneous forms of consciousness activity. The union of
thought and speech occurs in the meaning of the word , a verbal and intellectual
phenomenon that constitutes the indivisible unit of both processes.
The meanings of words develop. Vygotsky discards both the associationist theory
and that which replaces the idea of association with that of structure. None of them
captures in the psychological nature of the word the main, basic and central feature that
makes the word a word and without which it ceases to be what it is: the generalization
implicit in it, the particular way of reflecting reality. in consciousness. They also consider
it and its meaning outside of development. These two aspects are internally linked to
each other, since only an adequate representation of the psychological nature of the word
can make us understand the possibility of development of the word and its meaning.
The meaning of the word is not constant . It changes during the child's
development. It also changes with the different modes of thought functioning. It is a
rather dynamic formation. If the meaning of the word can change its internal nature, it
means that it can also change the relationship of the thought to the word.
The relationship between thought and word is a process , the movement of
thought towards the word and from the word towards the thought. It goes through a
series of phases or stages, undergoing modifications that can be considered
development. It is not about age development, but functional development. The
thought is not reflected in the word, but is realized in it . For this reason, we could
speak of a process of thought formation in words.
Speech has two planes : one internal, meaningful, semantic, and another
external, sonorous and manifest. Each has its own laws of motion. The semantic aspect
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develops from the whole to the part, from the sentence to the word, and the external
aspect, from the part to the whole, from the word to the sentence. This does not mean in
any way a break between the two, nor the autonomy or independence of each one.
The child's thought is originally born as an uncertain and indivisible whole ,
and precisely for this reason it has no choice but to find verbal expression in a single
word. As the child's thinking branches out and begins to structure itself on the basis of
isolated parts, the child moves, in speech, from the parts to the complex whole. And
conversely, as the child moves in speech from the parts to the whole of the sentence, he
can also move in thought from the complex whole to the parts. Therefore, thought and
word are from the very beginning cut by a different pattern . The structure of speech
is not the simple reflection of the mirror structure of thought. Speech is not the
expression of accomplished thought. Thought, when it becomes speech, restructures
itself and modifies its appearance.
The sound and semantic aspects of the word represent for the child a natural,
undifferentiated and non-conscious unit. One of the most important lines of the child's
verbal development consists precisely in the fact that this unit begins to differentiate and
become conscious. The insufficient differentiation of the two levels is linked to the
limited possibilities of expression and understanding of thought at early ages. At
the beginning of development, in the structure of the word there is exclusively its
referent and, of its functions, only the indicative and the nominative. The independence
of the meaning with respect to the referent and the independence of the signification
with respect to the indication and naming of the object emerge later.
Speech requires moving from the internal to the external plane, and
understanding presupposes the reverse movement, from the external to the internal
plane. The semantic plane is only the initial and first of all the internal planes of speech,
in the same way that verbal memory is only one of the elements that determine the
nature of internal speech. None coincides directly with the whole.
What is inner speech? A special formation due to its psychological nature, a
special form of verbal activity that has very specific characteristics and that establishes a
complex relationship with other forms of verbal activity. Vygotsky does not limit his
analysis to considering it as unfinished external speech, nor as unsound speech. Internal
speech is speech to oneself. External speech is speech for others . The problem does
not lie in vocalization.
The child's egocentric speech represents a series of stages that precede the
development of internal speech . It has a triple character: functional (it fulfills
intellectual functions similar to those of the internal one), structural (it is structurally
similar to the internal one) and genetic (it disappears at the beginning of school age,
when the development of internal speech begins. In reality, it does not disappear, but is
transformed). It is internal due to its functions and structure, but external due to its
mode of manifestation.
For Piaget , the child's egocentric speech is a direct expression of the egocentrism
of childhood thought, which represents a compromise between the original autism of
thought and its gradual socialization. Egocentrism is being reduced to zero in both
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thought and speech. In egocentric speech, the child does not have to adapt to the adult's
thinking, so his thinking remains maximally egocentric. It is a complementary
phenomenon, which plays no role in the child's behavior and thinking. It is natural that
its genetic destiny is the disappearance, parallel to that of egocentrism in the child's
thinking.
According to the contrary theory, egocentric speech is one of the transition
phenomena from interpsychic to intrapsychic functions, that is, from the child's
forms of social and collective activity to his individual functions. This transition
represents a general law of development of all higher psychic functions, initially arising
as collaborative forms of activity and later transferred by the child to the sphere of his
psychological forms of activity. The function of egocentric speech is similar to that of
internal speech . It is an autonomous melody, an independent function, which serves
mental orientation, awareness, overcoming difficulties, understanding and thinking. It is
a speech for oneself that serves the child's thoughts in the most intimate way. Its destiny
is the transformation into internal speech .
The structural peculiarities of egocentric speech that reflect its separation from
social speech and determine its incomprehensible character for others, do not decrease,
but increase with age. The decrease in egocentric speech does not
indicates something other than the reduction of only one of its properties: its
vocalization, its sonority. Their vocalization becomes functionally unnecessary and
meaningless. It should be considered as a manifestation of the development of the
abstraction of the sound aspect of speech and as a sign of development. The study of
egocentric speech constitutes a fundamental method to understand the nature of
internal speech. The advantage of studying egocentric speech is that we can follow step
by step how the particularities of internal speech arise.
Internal speech must be considered not as speech without sound, but as a
completely special and particular verbal function due to its structure and mode of
operation that, precisely because it is organized in a totally different way from external
speech, forms with the latter a indissoluble dynamic unit of transitions from one plane to
the other.
The first characteristic of inner speech is the particularity of its syntax , which is
made up of fragmentations, fractions and abbreviations.
Written and internal speech, compared to oral speech, are monologic forms of
speech. On the other hand, oral speech is, in most cases, dialogic. Dialogue always
presupposes knowledge by the interlocutors of the essence of the matter, which allows a
whole series of abbreviations in oral speech and generates, in certain circumstances,
purely predicative statements. Knowledge of the subject and the direct transmission of
thought through intonation facilitate the abbreviation of oral speech, but are excluded
from written speech. Therefore, written speech is the most elaborate, precise and
developed form of speech.
If in oral speech the tendency to preach appears sometimes and in written speech
it never does, in internal speech it always appears: it is composed entirely of
predicates. We always know what our inner speech is about. The theme of our internal
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dialogue is always known to us, it is always understood. Piaget observed that we
ourselves easily believe our word and that is why the need to demonstrate and the ability
to find foundation for our thinking only arise when our ideas collide with those of others.
Inner speech is almost wordless speech. In the manifest aspect of speech, once its syntax
and phonetics have been reduced to a minimum, simplified to a maximum, and
condensed, the meaning of the word comes to the fore. Inner speech operates above all
with semantics .
What are the particularities of the semantics of internal speech? The first of
them is the preponderance of the meaning of the word over its meaning . The
meaning of the word represents the sum of all the psychological facts that arise in
consciousness because of the word. It is a dynamic, fluid, complex formation that has
several areas of unequal stability. Meaning is only one of the areas of meaning that the
word acquires in the context of a certain discourse, the most stable, unified and precise
area. The word acquires its meaning only in the phrase, but the phrase itself acquires its
meaning in the paragraph, the paragraph in the book, the book in the work. Words can be
dissociated from the meaning expressed in them, changing it. If the word can exist
without the meaning, the meaning can also exist without the word.
Another particularity of the semantics of inner speech is agglutination as a
procedure for forming compound words to express complex concepts . In internal
speech, the word is much more loaded with meaning than in external speech. It is not
possible to understand the child's egocentric statement if one does not know what
subject it refers to, if one does not see what the child does and what he has before his
eyes.
By its very function, this speech is not predestined for communication, it is speech
for itself, a speech that develops under internal conditions very different from those of
external speech and that performs a totally different function. It is its own dialect. In
internal use, each word gradually acquires different nuances, different semantic facets
that, added and brought together, become a new meaning of the word. Naturally, it is
incomprehensible and difficult to translate into the usual language.
If external speech is the process of transforming thought into word, the
materialization and objectification of thought, in internal speech we observe a process in
the opposite direction, a process that goes from the outside to the inside, a process of
evaporation of speech into thought.
Thought has its own structure and flow, and translating it into the structure and
flow of speech presents great difficulties. The thought does not coincide directly with the
verbal expression. It often takes several minutes of speaking to develop a single thought.
Immediate communication between consciousnesses is impossible physically and
psychologically.
Thought is not yet the last instance in this process. The thought itself does not
arise from another thought, but from the motivational sphere of our consciousness,
which includes our inclinations and needs, our interests and impulses, our affections and
emotions. Behind the thought is the affective and volitional tendency.
To understand other people's speech, it is never enough to understand just a few
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words, we must understand the thoughts of the interlocutor. But even that
understanding, if its motive is not understood, will be incomplete.

Bruner, J. (1983) The child's speech. Learning to use the language

Language acquisition can be studied only in vivo , not in vitro .

How the young child acquires the uses of his native language and how, beginning to
use the language for limited purposes, he eventually comes to recognize more
effective and productive uses (emphasis on pragmatics).
How the language community arranges speaking encounters so that young
aspirants figure out how to make their communicative intentions clear and penetrate
those of others.
How the communicative intent is successively transformed, through negotiation,
into increasingly powerful linguistic procedures.

Young children are supported to master language. The child enjoys privileged
access to language : his entry into it is systematically arranged by the linguistic
community. It has a Language Acquisition Mechanism (LAD) and a Language Acquisition
Support System (LASS).
There are three facets that you must master to become a native speaker: syntax,
semantics and pragmatics. Of course, their learning is interdependent.

Human aptitude is biological in its origins and cultural in the means with which it is
expressed. There is something in the mind or in human nature that mediates between
genes and culture, and that makes it possible for the latter to be a prosthetic resource for
the realization of the former.
The requirement to use culture as a necessary form of management forces
man to master language. Language is the means of interpreting and mastering culture.
Interpretation and negotiation begin the moment the child enters the human scene. The
main tool that the baby has to achieve its goals is another human being. A large
part of the child's activity during the first year and a half of life is extraordinarily
social and communicative. Many of the first childhood actions take place in restricted
family situations and show a high degree of order and systematicity . From the
beginning, the child adapts to doing a lot with very little through combination. The
systematic character is surprisingly abstract .
Learning language consists of learning the grammar of a particular language and
learning to achieve one's purposes with the appropriate use of that grammar. The child
must master the conceptual structure of the world that the language is going to cover,
both social and physical; and conventions so that their purposes are clear through
language.

(Games. Study of the cases of Richard and Jonathan)

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Bruner, J. (1984) Action, thought and language

Knowledge of the world, both social and physical, would or would not naturally
lead to knowledge of lexical-grammatical language. Language acquisition is
influenced by knowledge of the world and by maturation and the privileged social
relationship between the child and an adult (LASS), quite well tuned to their linguistic
level. If the child did not have a mechanism that allows him to decompose language
(LAD), knowledge of the real world would be of no use.
Speech act theory maintains that children of prelinguistic age already know,
for example, how to declare and request using means other than language, such as
gesture and intonation. They must then replace old non-linguistic forms with linguistic
ones with the help of an adult who already knows the language and its social
conventions. This pragmatic dimension is necessarily related to discourse and always
depends on the shared context.

For the child to receive the keys to language, he or she must first participate in a
type of social relationships that act in a manner consonant with the uses of language in
discourse, in relation to a shared intention, a deictic specification and the establishment
of a presupposition. He calls this social relationship format : it is a microcosm defined by
rules, in which the adult and the child do things for each other and with each other. It is
the instrument of regulated human interaction. Familiarity and structure free the
child and guide him in the search for necessary linguistic procedures. The adult helps the
child maintain the goal despite distractions, reduces the degrees of freedom in choices
regarding lexis and grammar, coordinates his vocalizations with established segments of
action, and generally serves as a linguistic organizer . Above all, it helps the child link
his intentions with the linguistic means to achieve them. The formats also provide a
basis for sensitivity to context and indexical function; They provide in the discourse the
necessary microcosm so that the child can signal intentions , act indicatively and then
intralinguistically. and develop
presuppositions , within the framework of interactions whose properties can be easily
projected into the forms and functions of language. At first, it is under the control of the
adult, but they become increasingly symmetrical and can be easily initiated by the
child.
It would be impossible to learn a language without knowing in advance or
learning at the same time the complex perspectives involved in using the same set of
symbols for representation and communication. Language acquisition would be a
subtle process in which adults artificially organize the world so that the child can
develop culturally by participating in what happens naturally and with the
cooperation of others.

Karmiloff Smith, A. (1994) Beyond modularity

Fodor. 1983. The modularity of mind. Unlike Bruner (1974-75) and Piaget (1952) who
defend the idea that development is general to all domains, Fodor supports the idea
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that the mind is composed of genetically specified modules or input systems.
independently operating and dedicated to specific purposes . Each functionally
distinct module has its own dedicated processes and has its own data inputs.
According to Fodor, information from the external environment first passes
through a system of sensory transducers , which transform the data into the format that
each specialized input system can process. In turn, each input system outputs in a
common format suitable for general domain central processing. Modules are considered
to be pre-established , have a fixed neural architecture , are domain-specific, fast,
autonomous, obligatory (they cannot refrain from processing relevant inputs), automatic,
activated by the stimulus, produce superficial or poorly elaborated data. and are
insensitive to the cognitive goals of central processes. They are informationally
encapsulated: the other parts of the mind cannot influence or have access to the internal
workings of a module, only the data it produces. Modules only have access to information
from processing stages at lower levels, not information from top-down processes.
Karmiloff-Smith proposes that development involves a process that consists of
going beyond modularity: a process of modularization that occurs repeatedly as a
result of development. For Fodor, development does not exist and central processing
receives information from each input system in a common representational format, the
language of thought.
According to Karmiloff-Smith, nature specifies initial biases or predispositions
that channel the organism's attention toward relevant data in the environment,
which, in turn, influence subsequent brain development. It is plausible that a very
limited number of innately determined, domain-specific predispositions (that are not
strictly modular) are sufficient to constrain the kinds of input that the infant's mind
processes. It can thus be hypothesized that, over time, brain circuits are progressively
selected for different domain-specific computations, in certain cases forming relatively
encapsulated modules.
Proposes a phase model . In a stage model, such as Piaget 's, global changes
occur that span different domains more or less simultaneously. There is another view
according to which broad changes occur within a domain. The phase model appeals to
the existence of recurrent phase changes that occur at a different time in each
microdomain (pronouns) and, within each domain (language) , they occur
repeatedly .
Piaget 's theory argues that neither processing nor storage are domain-specific.
Development thus involves the construction of changes that affect representation
structures, general for all domains and that operate on all aspects of the cognitive system
in a similar way. Neither Piagetian nor behaviorist theory grants the child innate
structures or knowledge of specific domains: they therefore coincide in the conception of
the initial state of the baby's mind. They differ in that Piagetians consider the child to be
an active constructor of information, while behaviorists see the child as a passive storer
of information. Furthermore, Piagetians believe that development involves fundamental
changes in logical structures that give rise to a succession of stages, while behaviorists
speak of a progressive accumulation of knowledge.
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The modularist innatist thesis considers the baby as a being programmed to
understand specific sources of information . Learning is guided by innately
established, domain-specific principles, and these principles determine the entities upon
which subsequent learning takes place. (It is important not to forget that the greater the
number of domain-specific properties of the baby's mind, the less creative and flexible
the subsequent system will be.)
For Chomsky1988 and Spelke1991, the nativist position excludes constructivism.
Karmiloff-Smith argues that Piaget's nativism and epigenetic constructivism are
not necessarily incompatible as long as : 1. Let's add domain-specific biases to the
initial endowment, and 2. Let us not identify innate with what is present at the moment
of birth or with the notion of a static genetic template that would determine maturation.
It adheres to Piaget's epigenetic and constructivist conception of the developmental
process, but dispenses with his insistence on domain generality in favor of an approach
that gives more weight to domain specificity.

How is information stored in the child's mind? It hypothesizes that the human mind has
both a certain number of things specified in detail and some very schematic
domain-specific predispositions, depending on the domain in question. A
specifically human way of obtaining knowledge is for the mind to internally exploit the
information it already has stored, both innate and acquired, through the process of
redescribing its representations or, to be more precise, iteratively re-representing
them, in different representation formats. , which is represented by its internal
representations. There is a gradual process of proceduralization (making knowledge
more automatic and less accessible) followed by a process of explicitation (explicitly
representing the information implicit in the procedural representations on which the
structure of behavior is based).
The representational redescription (RR) model aims to explain how children's
representations become progressively more manipulable and flexible, how conscious
access to knowledge arises, and how they build theories. It consists of a cyclic process
through which information already present in the representations of the organism that
function independently and serve particular purposes are progressively made available
to other parts of the cognitive system thanks to the intervention of redescription
processes.
The process of representational redescription is domain-general in itself, but it is
influenced by the form and level of explicitness of the representations on which specific
domain knowledge is based at a given moment. It does not imply simultaneous changes
in all domains, but rather, within each domain, the process of representational
redescription is the same. It occurs recurrently within microdomains throughout
development.
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Defagó, C. (2012) “Following the traces of language: theoretical review of the
Karmiloff-Smith RR model”

From the middle of the 20th century, particularly with the development of Generative
Grammar (GG) with a Chomskian imprint, language ceased to be considered only as an
instrument of communication (a cultural object), and was also conceived as a form of
knowledge. , a specific capacity of the human mind for whose development processes
independent of other cognitive domains are postulated (Chomsky, 1965, 1986, 1988).
This proposal had a strong impact within the cognitive sciences. During the decades that
followed, attention focused especially on the description of linguistic competence rather
than on the development of language, on the study of what is considered innate, rather
than on its learning process. This reduction of the field of research was not the only one;
the social, cultural and pragmatic aspects of language, related more to performance than
to linguistic competence, were also left out of their studies.
Chomsky (1965, 1986, 1995) redefined the scope of the term “language”,
limiting it to those aspects that are not shared with other cognitive areas (such as
meaning and sound). From this perspective, what is properly linguistic corresponds to
syntax, or in other words, to a set of algorithms or innate patterns from which it is
possible to acquire the language of the environment. However, the boundaries between
what is typical of language (in cognitive terms) and what corresponds to other cognitive
areas is not clear.
Karmiloff-Smith adopts the developmental perspective (which brings it closer to
the constructivist proposal) but recognizes that human beings are endowed with innate
information and cognitive faculties, both domain-general and domain-specific (which
brings it closer to the modularity model). From the Mind of Fodor, 1983). The main
function of the mind is to complete cognitive patterns (with which we are innately
endowed) based on environmental stimuli and to dynamically manipulate the
representations that are stored in the mind.
It raises instances of redescription that make implicit knowledge explicit. To
explain it, he proposes a model of the functioning of the mind with three recurring
phases and four levels of redescription. The phases and levels are cyclical and
recursive . It maintains that cognitive processes are domain general because they are
common to different areas and not because they occur simultaneously in all cognitive
domains.
The other fundamental difference with the Piagetian proposal is that it considers
that human beings are endowed with innate specifications that channel the organism's
attention to certain data or stimuli in the environment. The poverty of stimulus lies in
the fact that speech is only speech and not language, and the child experiences
speech but also acquires language.
Chomsky1965, in the Standard Theory, postulated that language is a specific
cognitive capacity of the human species (later it will be argued that the difference with
other species is not quantitative but qualitative), which due to its innate endowment is
capable of developing syntax, and that this knowledge is not the product of general
cognitive processes. Fodor1983 developed modular organization in different cognitive
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areas. Karmiloff-Smith's approach to innate predispositions is distinguished from Fodor's
proposal in that it does not consider that there is a static genetic template that
determines the maturation and functioning of the modules and proposes a greater
dynamism of the internal activity of the mind, with representations stored in successive
transformation.
The Karmiloff-Smith RR model postulates that there are, in addition to implicit
processes and representations (NI, implicit level), different instances of
explicitness of mental representations: unconscious (E1), conscious (E2) and
verbalizable (E3). It postulates the existence of implicit and unconscious, explicit
and unconscious, conscious but non-verbalizable and, finally, conscious and
verbalizable cognitive processes. In this way, accessing explicit, conscious and
verbalizable representations does not necessarily occur simultaneously, since they
correspond to different cognitive instances that, if traversed, cause
representational changes, and therefore, learning.
Within RR, “development” and “learning” are synonyms for “ representational
change ” and this does not necessarily happen due to exposure to new stimuli.
During the first phase ( phase 1 ) children focus on external data from which
they create “additional representations.” These neither alter the already existing
stable representations, nor are they related to them . They are stored independently
as “ indecomposable all ”. This phase culminates with the ability to correctly and
automatically execute a certain behavior corresponding to a microdomain, that is,
behavioral mastery is achieved , but this does not imply representational change.
Hence, it is considered that the representations stored by the child are not necessarily the
same as those that the adult has.
This is followed by the second phase ( phase 2 ) which is internally guided , no
longer focused on external data. The stored representations begin to be redescribed ,
contacting others from the same domain, recognizing relationships between them,
common features, differences, etc. They do not come into contact with external data, so a
decrease in the behavioral achievements achieved in phase 1 can be observed, as a
result of the representational change that occurred .
Finally, in the third phase ( phase 3 ), the internal representations come into
contact again with the environmental data, producing a balance between the
search for internal and external control.
With respect to language, Annette Karmiloff-Smith observes that the first
linguistic representations received through stimuli are stored independently, without
being integrated with each other. This corresponds to phase 1 and the implicit level (N1)
mentioned above. Subsequently, these representations are redescribed, becoming
increasingly more accessible to each other (recognizing similarities and regularities),
thus forming a domain of knowledge. This first redescription corresponds to phase 2 and
explicit level 1 (E1). The redescriptions that follow put this domain of knowledge in
contact with others, which places us in phase 3 and in explicit levels 2 and 3 (E2 and E3
respectively).
In this way, representations that are implicit become explicit, first to other
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representations, without said redescription involving conscious processes (as happens
when children begin to regularize irregular verbs that they previously used well).
Subsequently, they are made even more explicit, becoming accessible to more cognitive
domains, being redescribed in a format accessible to consciousness, without necessarily
being able to be expressed verbally, to finally be redescribed in a format that allows their
verbalization. However, Karmiloff-Smith herself recognizes that the relationship between
consciousness and its possibility of linguistic expression is so intrinsic that in her
analyzes she works both levels together (E2 and E3). “ Late errors ” make redescription
processes visible. In this way, A. Karmiloff-Smith distinguishes between behavioral
change and representational change, since while a decline in behavioral mastery is
observed, it is possible to infer a strengthening of stored representations. The third
phase corresponds to the instance in which children recover behavioral mastery, but now
with more stable cognitive representations.
The RR model, then, allows us to explain some observable phenomena of language
development, however the same A. Karmiloff-Smith warns that other aspects are
beyond its scope . This researcher maintains that it is possible to redescribe
morphological and syntactic aspects of the language, but not discursive aspects.
But what do redescriptions consist of? One of the main characteristics is that
the redescription process is domain general , that is, it occurs in all cognitive domains in
the same way, although not necessarily at the same time.
Another characteristic of redescriptions is that they are abstractions, whose
function is to recode certain information. Recoded representations are simpler and
less specific in purpose, so they are more cognitively flexible .
From what has been explained so far about the RR model, learning in general and
language development in particular is due to the performance of redescription processes,
understood as abstractions that are made on representations stored in memory. But if
language were learned through abstraction processes , from the simplest to the most
complex, then children should carry out, to learn more complex structures, a sequence
like the following:
1. First you learn simple sentences like “Juan is my uncle.”
2. From this structure, it is possible to make said knowledge more complex by
establishing a relationship between said linguistic representation and that of the simplest
question, that of “yes” or “no”, which is constructed only with the change of position of
the verb: “ “Is Juan my uncle?”
3. The rule is inferred: “to construct a question from a simple expression, place the verb
in the first position”
4. Learning is made more complex by inserting a simple expression inside another (thus
going from the simplest to the most complex), such as “Juan, who is a doctor, is my uncle.”
5. From this a question is constructed, again applying rule (3), advancing the verb to the
first position. But the resulting expression will be ungrammatical: “*Is Juan a doctor who
is my uncle?” Since the rule should be applied in the simplest way, it will be applied to the
first element involved.
However, no child makes that mistake. And as Tomasello (2003) points out, errors
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that are not made give as much information about the processes involved in language
learning as those that are actually made. It is not possible to interpret the learning of
structural dependencies assuming processes of abstraction and generalization.
We can consider that representational change is not only due to the existence of
redescription processes, but also to the presence of principles that restrict
computations. And it is possible to consider that there is a difference in the operation
between redescriptions and the restrictions that operate on computations: while the
former put representations in contact with each other, the latter operate on
representations. The “late errors” mentioned in the previous section seem to correspond
more to the application of principles that restrict computations than to redescriptions in
the terms in which Karmiloff-Smith defines them, since the observed phenomenon seems
to be better explained assuming restrictions that are They apply to representations,
which as a result of abstractions that bring representations into contact.
The fact that these phenomena appear late (between 4 and 6 years) does not
detract from this explanation, since it can be assumed that these restrictions act on
representations that reach a certain degree of stability, as the author assumes. It happens
with redescriptions.
The non-distinction between redescriptions and the principles that restrict
computations leads to confusing what is represented with the means or instrument of
representation. In the RR model, we observe that language is both an object of
redescription and an instrument of redescription.
We consider that the development of discursive skills involves redescription
processes, but not at the linguistic level, but rather at the mental models.

Bronckart, J. EITHER. (2004) Verbal activity, texts and speeches. For a socio-
discursive interactionism

Proposal: a new theoretical framework that deals simultaneously with the conditions of
production of texts, the problems of their classification and the operations that allow
their functioning.
It has to do with a psychology of language , guided by the epistemological
principles of social interactionism .

Inscription in psychology implies that the linguistic units, from the phoneme to
the text, are taken as human behaviors or as properties of human behaviors , whose
conditions of acquisition and functioning must be studied.
Adopting the framework of social interactionism involves analyzing human
behaviors as sensible actions or situated actions , whose structural and functional
properties constitute primarily a product of socialization. In this perspective, inherited
from the works of Vygotsky (1934/1985), but which also resorts to the sociology of
Habermas (1987) and Ricoeur (1986), it is in the context of the activity that operates in
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social formations where They construct the actions attributable to singular agents, and it
is in the structural framework of the actions that the mental capacities and consciousness
of those same human agents are elaborated. Verbal behaviors are conceived as forms
of action that are both specific and interdependent on non-verbal actions. It is
situated in radical opposition to the mentalist and biological currents that currently
predominate in the human sciences, in particular the various variants of psychological
cognitivism and Chomskian-inspired linguistics.
Adhering to a social interactionist psychology leads to approaching the study of
language in its discursive or textual dimensions . Texts and speeches constitute the
only empirically verifiable manifestations of human communicative actions and
there the interdependent relationships between linguistic productions and their actional
and social context are manifested.
Every linguistic action is carried out within the framework of a particular
natural language and each natural language certainly constitutes a system.
The framework is that of socio-discursive interactionism .
Genres are considered as communicative forms that are correlated with the
psychological units that constitute verbal actions, while types of discourse are
considered as more specific linguistic forms that enter into the composition of genres.
Types are the linguistic materializations of virtual or discursive worlds that are
necessarily constructed in all verbal production.
Regarding the internal architecture of the texts , its three levels present a series
of properties: the textual infrastructure, the textualization mechanisms and the
mechanisms for assuming enunciative commitment. Textualization mechanisms
guarantee thematic coherence. The mechanisms for assuming enunciative commitment
maintain pragmatic coherence.

The expression social interactionism designates a general epistemological position that

adheres to the thesis according to which the specific properties of human behavior
are the result of a historical process of socialization that was made possible above
all by the emergence and development of semiotic instruments. Human ways of
behaving testify to new capacities (of thought and consciousness) that were built in the
course of evolution through a progressive weakening of biological and behavioral
ties.
It is part of the problem raised by Hegel 's The Phenomenology of Spirit , from
which it takes the fundamentally dialectical character of the development of human
activity and psyche. It also integrates the change of perspective introduced by Marx and
Engels on the role played by instruments, language and work (or social cooperation) in
the construction of consciousness.
For the analysis of social structures and modes of functioning, interactionism
draws on the original theory of social facts developed by Durkheim , in particular the
articulation he proposes between collective representations, social representations and
individual representations; and refers to approaches that integrate psychosocial
dimensions.
It is also supported by Saussure's analysis of the radical arbitrariness of the
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sign and a critical rereading of Piaget 's work, which highlights the decisive role of social
conditions and interventions in the configuration of the child's cognitive abilities.
And, above all, it is Vygotsky 's work that constitutes the most radical foundation
of interactionism in psychology. This author formulates a theoretical and methodological
program in which psychology occupies a crucial place in the field of human sciences,
because its problems are invariably linked to the physical-psychic duality of observable
phenomena in human beings. Man constitutes a living organism endowed with biological
properties and acts with certain behaviors, but he is also a conscious organism that
knows how to have those psychic capacities reflected by ideas, projects and feelings. It is
the specific task of psychology to describe and explain these two orders, as well as their
modalities of articulation.
Vygotsky discards the dualistic epistemology inherited from Descartes and
maintains that psychology must be inscribed in Spinoza 's monistic psychology
according to which:
a. Nature or universe belongs to a single substance, matter that is homogeneous and in
perpetual activity.
b. The physical and the psychic constitute two of the multiple properties of this active
material substance, in this case the only two accessible to human intelligence.
c. This intelligence, given its limited properties, cannot apprehend the matter from
which it comes as a homogeneous or continuous entity, but rather apprehends it in the
partial and discontinuous form of phenomena.
This monistic thought has two main issues
1. the circumstances in which active behavior, conditioned by genetic potential and by
the limitations imposed by the need for the survival of the species, leaves, in every
organism, more or less stable and effective internal traces of certain properties of the
environment. This is a first sedimentation of the behavioral or physical into an
elemental psychic functioning.
2. the conditions under which, in humans, this elemental psychic functioning is more
openly separated from the genetic and behavioral conditioning of its constitution and
becomes an active and self-reflective mechanism, apparently under the control of the
organism. It is the second sedimentation that converts the dependent psychic, without
forgetting the behavioral, to the autonomous psychic; from the elementary psyche to an
active psyche.

The human species is characterized by the extreme diversity and complexity of its forms
of organization and activity. This evolution is linked to the emergence of a particular
communication model, language, and the emergence of language gives human
organizations and activities a particular dimension that justifies calling them social. (It
postulates an evolutionary process by which, given the liberation of the hands, the first
sound productions arise motivated by a need for agreement, which is then the object of
negotiation until some signs are stabilized).
Communicative action, in addition to being constitutive of the organization of the
psyche, is constitutive of the social. Signs convey collective representations of the
environment, represented worlds: the objective world, the social world and the
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subjective world. In turn, these worlds are constructed from the semantic mediation of
each language, which operates not only in confrontation with contemporary
representations but also with previous generations. Intertextuality is synchronic and
diachronic, historical.
Being a product of social interaction, signs, like the texts in which they are
organized, maintain their relationship of dependence with respect to use. The meanings
they convey are only stable momentarily, in synchronic space. And yet, within the same
language there are diverse discursive formations. A language cannot be considered a
single, homogeneous entity.
Communicative action is also the instrument through which actions are delimited.
What is specific about human behavior is the dimension of behavior as an action, not as
an event. The human receives agent status.
The central thesis of socio-discursive interactionism is that action
constitutes the result of the appropriation, by the human organism, of the
properties of social activity mediated by language. Without social evaluative
interventions, no baby is capable of constructing a language. Initial vocal productions are
the subject of permanent evaluations by the environment, and the child's appropriation
of the criteria of this evaluation transforms them into verbal actions and transforms the
child into a verbal agent, capable of managing the intentions and reasons for his or her
saying. The internalization of autonomous representation units of objects or behaviors
(second sedimentation) would make possible the emergence of thought itself. The human
environment provides the correspondence relationships between objects and behaviors
with segments of sound production. The child integrates into the designating practices of
the environment and progressively acquires the ability to reproduce sound sequences
that are more or less consistent and more or less appropriate for designating.
Internalization is the step that makes this functioning dependent on the social to the
extent that the meaning of signs must be a permanent object of negotiations and learning:
practical thinking is permanently restructured through genres. The second
Sedimentation is the product of the appropriation and internalization of the social,
communicative, unmotivated, arbitrary and discrete properties of signs.
When the child internalizes signs, he does so with their communicative value. By
knowing that through language you can act on others, you end up knowing that you can
act on yourself, your behaviors and representations, and you begin to think.
Consciousness emerges as a form of social contact with oneself.

Lemos, M. T. (1995) “Child speech as interpretation: an analysis of theories of

language acquisition”

Starting from the question about the relationship between language acquisition studies
and linguistics. The question of the linguistic description of the child's speech.
Relationship between psychoanalysis and linguistics. Psycholinguistics. It was created to
respond to a demand: the need to introduce structural linguistics into American
positivist psychology as an element of behavioral analysis . Then, with Chomsky, we
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moved from a demand to linguistics (a demand to a knowledge that could account for the
effects of having language for the psychological subject) towards the assumption of a
demand from linguistics: the demand to write the child's grammar. For Chomsky1965 it
was possible to construct a model of language acquisition, that is, to define the linguistic
theory that specifies the form of a possible human language and allows the child to
formulate the specific theory of his particular language. But all this had nothing to do
with the real child whose productions the psycholinguists analyzed. Psycholinguists
abandoned Chomsky and remained faithful to speech analysis. The child's speech was
defended as an object.
It was a failure. It was not possible to find syntactic regularities. The bet continued
because another type of regularity was found, the semantic ones, which were no longer
explained by Chomskian competition, but by cognitive development.
This systematicity, however, resisted being written into a system.
The child's speech is revealed as a structure capable of being interpreted by
the psycholinguist, interpreted in the psychoanalytic sense of the term:
highlighting a significant structure capable of interrogating an already constituted
meaning, updating the division of the subject and leading it, thus, to produce a new
meaning for what he was alienated from.

Lemos, C. T. g. de (2014) “A radical critique of the notion of development in

Language Acquisition”

Linguistic development has been defined as a process of learning or construction of

knowledge necessary for the child to become a native speaker of a particular language
intended to be his or her mother tongue. According to this definition, language is
necessarily assumed as an object that can be parceled out or whose properties can be
investigated by an ordered series of reorganizational processes. There are reasons to
argue that the language does not fit this framework .
Most attempts to describe children's speech, guided by the objective of identifying
stages of development or states of knowledge, faced the impossibility of transforming
linguistic theories into descriptive instruments . Research in Language Acquisition,
empirically based on children's speech, always failed to relate phonological development
with semantic or syntactic development. Added to this is the difficulty of attributing
linguistic status to the child's initial productions.
An adequate formulation of these questions requires that some empirical findings
collected by child speech researchers be taken into consideration. Firstly, the fact that
both correct and incorrect expressions (apparently constructed according to
morphological and syntactic processes) can be found in the speech of the same child, in
the same recording session. Secondly, the fact that the order of emergence of expressions
and structures cannot be predicted based on their degree of complexity. Thirdly, the
fact that, despite the heterogeneity and unpredictability of the child's speech from a
linguistic point of view, the speakers of a linguistic community address him and
interpret him as a speaker of their language. Fragmented utterances, errors, and
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everything that can apparently signal the child's lack of knowledge lead neither to
explicit misunderstandings nor to adult speakers teaching him to speak.

What changes in language acquisition? Would change be an issue irremediably linked to

the notion of development?
- the Saussurean paradox of change (mutability and immutability of the linguistic sign).
Although the speaking subject can recognize the variation, he is not aware of the change,
which is determined by particular historical and cultural factors. The change is irrelevant
to him. In his attempt to resolve this paradox, Saussure decided to ignore diachrony: the
speaker is faced with a state. Language implies at the same time an established
system and an evolution, at every moment it is a current institution and a product
of the past . This methodological procedure, later adopted by structuralist linguists,
involves understanding langue as the mechanism that transforms an accidental,
contingent speech act ( fait de parole ) into a fact of language ( fait de langue ). Once
assimilated by the langue , the fait de parole is obliterated, as are the external factors that
made it emerge. These historical, cultural, psychological, physiological factors are the
object of study of other sciences.
Considering the act of the speaker as a place where difference emerges, the
processes through which the speaker is identified and identifies with others, and langue
as a system of internal relations, as permanent conditions, it is impossible to conceive
language as an object of knowledge to be acquired by the child as an epistemic subject,
whose perceptual and cognitive properties precede and determine his or her approach to
language. It is the language that precedes and determines the child's transition from the
state of infans to that of speaker. The child is captured by language, crossed and
signified as it is by the parole of another, matrix of his identification as a similar
person, referred to a subjectivity figured as individual.
Since the parole of the other is the instantiation of langue as a systemic
functioning, that is, one that undoes and remakes structures and meanings, the child's
trajectory through language is not conceivable as directed either to a final state of
linguistic knowledge, or to a subjective position seen as a mere product of the
identification processes that can be associated with the speech of the other.

Definition proposal: the acquisition of language as a process of subjectivization

configured by changes in the child's position in a structure in which the langue and
parole of another, in their full sense, are inseparably related to a drive body, to the
child as body cuta activity demands interpretation.

In structural positions, the dominant pole can be the child's relationship with the other's
speech that makes the functioning of the language visible, it can be the langue or it can be
the speaking subject (for example in the recognition of one's own error). The change
from one to another does not imply development.
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Lemos, C. T. g. de (2014) “On parallelism, its extension and the disparity of its
effects”

The phenomenon of parallelism is present in poetry, rituals, in the speech of aphasics, etc.

What is specific about parallelism in the child's speech?

This proposal is characterized by the search for an alternative to the notion of

development in the interpretation of the language acquisition process . This search
is motivated by the recognition that changes in the child's speech do not lead to them
being classified either as accumulation or as construction of knowledge . They are
understood as a consequence of the capture of the child, as a drive body, by the
functioning of language in which it is signified by another as a speaking subject .
This capture has the effect of placing the child in a structure in which the other appears
as an instance of interpretation and the language itself in its functioning. This structure is
the same in which the adult moves as a speaking subject also subject to the
functioning of language.
In this way, the changes that characterize the child's trajectory from infans to
speaking subject are changes in position in that structure , antinomic with respect to
the notion of development. In effect, there is no overcoming of any of the three positions,
but rather a relationship between these poles that is manifested, in the first position, by
the dominance of the other's speech , in the second position, by the dominance of the
functioning of the language , and in the third position, by the dominance of the
relationship of the subject with its own speech.
The first position is characterized by the dependence that the child's speech
shows in relation to the speech of the other and to the specific situations through which
that speech went. The second position is characterized by the distancing of speech from
the other, representing both what the literature has dealt with under the name of
reorganization error and the impermeability that the child shows in the face of the
correction of these errors by the adult. In relation to the first position, there is a
displacement of the child in relation to the other and the primacy of the functioning of
language as Other. In the third position, the child, as a speaking subject, is divided
between the one who speaks and the one who listens to his own speech, being able to
take it up, reformulate it and recognize the difference between his speech and the speech
of the other, between the subjective instance that speaks and the subjective instance that
listens from one place to another.

Carvalho, G. (2007) “The error in language acquisition: an impasse”

Module 4. Psycholinguistic problems II: studies on the oral modality of language

Orality and writing: continuum of channels and conceptions. Psychodynamics of orality.
Non-linguistic and paralinguistic aspects of oral communication. Oral interaction.
Theoretical-methodological perspectives on the analysis of oral linguistic structures.
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Cognitive and interactionist-based conceptions about the functioning of the subject in
language. Language effects and discourse effects.

Ong, W. (1987) Orality and writing

Primary oral cultural: without knowledge of writing . Without writing, words have no
visual presence, even though the objects they represent are visual. Words are sounds.
Maybe you call them to mind, you evoke them, but there is nowhere to look to see them.
They have no focus or footprint, not even a trajectory. Words are events, facts .
Sound has a special relationship with time. It exists when it leaves existence. It is
not simply perishable but, in essence, evanescent and is perceived in this way. There is
no way to stop the sound and contain it . If I paralyze the movement of sound I get
silence. All sensation takes place in time, but no other sensory field totally resists an
immobilizing action.
The fact that oral peoples consider words to carry magical potential is clearly
linked to their sense of the word as spoken, phonated, and therefore actuated by power.
Oral peoples consider that names confer power over things. Typographic or calligraphic
people tend to think of names as imaginary written or printed labels attached to a named
object.
In an oral culture, the restriction of words to sound determines not only
modes of expression but also thought processes: one knows what one can
remember. An oral culture does not have texts. How do you gather organized material to
remember? What do you know or what can you know in an organized way? With the
complete absence of writing, there is nothing outside the thinker to enable him to
produce the same course of thought again, or to check whether he has done so. An
interlocutor is virtually essential. In an oral culture, sustained thought is linked to
communication. And how does it become possible to bring to mind what has been
carefully prepared? The only answer is to think memorable things . The process must
follow the mnemonic guidelines, formulated for prompt oral repetition. Thought must
originate according to balanced and intensely rhythmic patterns, with repetitions or
antitheses, alterations and assonances, qualifying expressions, common thematic
frameworks, proverbs that everyone constantly hears. Serious thinking is intertwined
with memory systems. Mnemonic needs determine even the syntax.
The more complicated the thought modeled orally, the more likely it will be
characterized by skillfully employed fixed expressions.
In an oral culture, analyzing something in non-mnemonic, non-normative, non-
formulative terms, even if it were possible, would be a waste of time, since such a
thought, once formulated, could never be recovered with any effectiveness. In an oral
culture, experience is intellectualized mnemonically.
Of course, every expression and every thought is formulaic to some extent in the
sense that every word and every concept communicated in a word constitutes a kind of
formula, a fixed way of processing the data of experience, of determining the way in
which the Experience and reflection are organized intellectually and act as a kind of
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mnemonic device.
In a primary oral culture, thought and expression tend to be: -cumulative rather
than subordinate
-cumulative rather than analytical (without a writing system, thinking that divides into
parts represents a very risky procedure)
-redundant or copious
-conservatives and traditionalists
-close to the vital human world
-of agonistic nuances
-empathic and participants rather than objectively separated (learning or knowing
means achieving a communal, empathetic and close identification with what is known,
identifying with it)
-homeostatic (oral societies live intensely in a present that maintains balance by letting
go of memories that no longer have current relevance. When generations pass and the
object or institution to which a word refers is no longer part of the current and lived
experience, although the voice has been preserved, its meaning is altered or disappears)
-situational rather than abstract
Venturing to claim that oral peoples are essentially unintelligent, that their mental
processes are primitive, is the kind of speculation that for centuries led scholars to
wrongly infer that, because the Homeric poems were so perfect, they must have been
written compositions. .
In a literate culture, word-by-word rote learning is usually accomplished on the
basis of a text, to which the person turns as often as necessary to hone and test literal
mastery. Learning to read and write incapacitates the oral poet : it introduces into his
mind the concept of a text that governs the narrative and therefore interferes with the
oral processes of composition.
Much of this description of orality can be used to identify what can be called
verbomotor cultures, that is, cultures in which the courses of action and attitudes
towards different matters depend much more on the effective use of words and,
therefore , of human interaction, and much less of the non-verbal stimulus of the
objective world of things.
Primary orality fosters personality structures that in certain aspects are more
communal and externalized, and less introspective than those common among
schoolchildren. Oral communication unites people in groups. Writing and reading are
solitary activities that make the psyche concentrate on itself.
Oral memory works effectively with great people whose exploits are
glorious, memorable and public . The intellectual structure of his nature engenders
figures of extraordinary dimensions, heroic figures; and not for romantic or reflexively
didactic reasons, but for much more basic reasons: to organize the experience in a kind of
permanently memorable way. The heroic and the marvelous played a specific role in the
organization of knowledge in the oral world. With the control of information and memory
established by writing and printing, a hero in the old sense is not needed to capture
knowledge in a story.
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Blanche-Benveniste, C. (1998) Linguistic studies on the relationship between orality
and writing

The author chooses the name “orality” over “spoken language” to avoid the habits and
prejudices linked to this second term: the opposition with written language, the idea of
improvisation, etc.

We live in a tradition of written languages and our image of language is strongly marked
by it.
In the 20th century, North American anthropological linguists such as Sapir,
Whorf or Bloomfield developed rigorous methods to describe the unwritten languages of
America, called “Amerindian languages”, and they insisted a lot on this idea: the
languages only spoken by the populations that during They had long been called
primitive, they had a rigorous structure and grammar, which could be described
perfectly, provided the necessary means were procured and new description procedures
were invented.
The Chomskian school contributed to distancing linguists from this type of study,
since the analysis of spoken languages threatened to lead us astray in the vagaries of
performance and distract us from the essential work of accounting for linguistic
competence. For Saussure, speech was heteroclite and individual.
Oral speech must be studied according to its own categories

To a large extent, oral productions are analogous to drafts of writing. Most oral
productions should be treated as pre-texts . There we see amendments, advances,
setbacks, comments, a mixture of language and metalanguage , in a word, both texts
and the traces of their elaboration . These pre-texts contain quantities of fragments: as
if the text were not produced at once, but in pieces.
Oral productions can be done by several people, they are easily collective . The
syntax of the discourse can be shared in its production and does not presuppose a unique
subjectivity. This changes perspectives regarding the place of the subject in his speech.
Furthermore, the production of terms is not done according to a simple process
(something to say and words to say it), but rather by successive approximations , with
comments on the relevance of the name.
Oral production shows an important organization of rhythms: symmetries, figures
of style.

All the studies show that, when it comes to our own language, rather than listening, we
reconstruct the statements based on the predictions that we usually make about our
language and according to the degree of probability of this or that element, also based on
the judgments about the speaker.
As for proper names or figures, it is difficult to make predictions and this seems to
explain why they are particularly difficult to perceive.
When listening to an oral production, phrases are discerned and not isolated
words. In what is written we identify the units through graphic words, the perception
process is fundamentally different .
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We can identify a series of typical statements about the symmetry model: correlations,
lists (repetitions). Heterogeneity will probably be found in the same speaker.

The study of orality does not consist of adding oral features to an already
constituted analysis of the language, but rather it calls into question many of the
principles of

this analysis. We must redefine certain units: prayer, coordination, complemente.

We must take seriously what appear at first glance as production difficulties: they
are, in fact, essential revealers of the functioning of language, which is a
heterogeneous object.

Kerbrat-Orecchioni, C. (1994) The conversation

Communicative vocation of verbal language. The exercise of speech implies an

address , that is, the existence of a recipient physically different from the speaker, and an
interlocution , that is, an exchange of words. The most common linguistic practice is
dialogue , in which the roles of sender and receiver are exchanged. This represents, for
the individual, from birth, the linguistic experience par excellence.
The exercise of words implies an interaction. For there to be a communicative
exchange, it is not enough for two interlocutors to speak alternately, but rather for them
to speak to each other , that is, for them to feel committed to the exchange and to
produce signs of that mutual commitment by resorting to various procedures of
interlocutory validity : the sender, through the orientation of your body, the direction of
your gaze, different sensors to maintain attention and repair errors (increasing vocal
intensity or taking back what was said, for example); the receiver, through attention
signals such as gaze, head movement, vocalizations, repetitions, etc. Both the phatic
activity of the sender and the regulatory activity of the receiver are supportive. The
interactants permanently adjust, coordinate, harmonize their respective behaviors. The
speech is entirely co-produced and is the result of incessant collaborative work >
interactionist approach.
The means through which members of a society can interact are extremely
diverse and are not always linguistic in nature. Certain types of communicative exchange
are mixed , verbal and non-verbal actions that are equally essential for the development
of the interaction follow or intermingle.
Conversations are governed by a series of rules . These are strongly linked to the
context, vary widely according to societies and cultures, are relatively flexible and are
acquired progressively from birth without being the object of systematic learning.

Reflection on interactionism is extremely diversified: rather than a homogeneous

domain, it is convenient to speak of a movement that crosses several disciplines
and whose unity rests on some fundamental postulates (such as the idea that
discourse is a collective construction) rather than on the existence of a unified set
of descriptive propositions.
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Transdisciplinary from its origins, the analysis of conversations began linked to
these disciplines: social psychology, interactionist psychology, microsociology, cognitive
sociology, sociology of language, sociolinguistics, linguistics, dialectology (especially
urban), study of folklore, philosophy of language , ethnolinguistics, ethnography,
anthropology, ethology of communications... a multiplicity of methodological
frameworks. There are four main types of approaches:
1. Contributions of the Psi type (psychological, psychiatric). Palo Alto School.
Therapeutic concern: treating cases of dysfunction of the global system of relationships.
Some of the concepts developed are easily transportable from pathological
communication to normal communication: the opposition between symmetrical and
complementary communication, the distinction of levels of content and relationship, the
notion of double repression.
2. Ethnosociological contributions
-Ethnography of communication: in reaction against the Chomskian conception of
language, Hymes1962 postulates that knowing how to speak is not only being able to
produce and interpret an infinite number of well-formed sentences (linguistic
competence) but also having the appropriate conditions of use. within the possibilities
offered by the language (communicative competence). The ethnography of
communication is also interested in the variation between communities and within the
same community, against the Chomskian homogeneous community, and in the possible
applications of theoretical reflection.
-Ethnomethodology: it is a perspective of describing the methods (procedures,
knowledge and know-how) used by the members of a given society to conveniently solve
the set of communicative problems that they must solve in their daily lives. Its
fundamental principles are:
a. All behaviors observable in daily exchanges are routinized, they rest on implicit
norms, admitted in fact.
b. the norms that support social behaviors are in part pre-existing to them, at the same
time that they are permanently updated and regenerated by the daily practice of an
infinite movement of interactive construction of social order c. It is theoretically
applicable to all domains of social activity
3- The works of Labov, Fishman, Ervin-Tripp and Goffman can be mentioned in
sociolinguistics.
3. Linguistic contributions. interactionist movement. Late interest.
4. Philosophical contribution. Austin, Searle. The pragmatic conception of discourse.

From the interactionist contribution, the object of research becomes constituted by the
discourses updated in specific communication situations.
The context is made up of: the site or spatio-temporal framework, the global
purpose of the interaction and specific purposes of each language act, the participants
and the participatory framework (made up of the interlocutionary roles, the
communicational trope, the interactive roles) .
As far as production is concerned, the context determines the set of discursive
choices that the speaker must make: the selection of topics and forms, language level, etc.
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Regarding interpretation, it plays a decisive role in identifying the implicit
meaning of the discourse.
Not all elements are equally decisive for the mechanisms of production and
interpretation of textual units.
The relationship between the context and the text is not unilateral but dialectical:
the context is constructed at the same time according to the way in which the interaction
develops and the situation is constantly redefined by the set of conversational events.
Discourse is an activity that is both conditioned by the context and transforming it.

The failures of oral discourse such as confusion, stuttering, lapses, unfinished

sentences, incoherent constructions, repetitions, reformulations, rectifications, signs of
doubt occur because, orality expressing itself in urgency and improvisation, the speakers
fail to control the whole better. of the cognitive operations that require the production of
coherent discourse. But this explanation does not account for the totality of observable
phenomena. Many of these alleged failures, in reality, are functional, a kind of
unconscious strategy of the speaker . Instead of demonstrating the defective character
of speaking subjects, these phenomena constitute so many manifestations of their ability
to construct interactively effective statements. Under the apparent disorder of
spontaneous orality, regularities of a different nature are hidden from those observed in
writing, since the conditions of production and reception are also of a different nature.

Oral communication is multichannel and plurisemiotic . The different channels

(audio visual, tactile, etc.) and the different types of semiotic units (verbal, paraverbal,
non-verbal) are complementary. The referential function is ensured above all by the
verbal material, as is the metacommunicative function; while the expressive and phatic
functions rest mainly on the paraverbal or non-verbal elements.

A rule of verbal interactions is the principle of alternation : in a conversation, the role

of speaker must be successively occupied by different actors with relative balance. Only
one person speaks at a time and there is always one person speaking. Shift changes are
negotiated by the participants themselves. It is systematized.
They are also governed by certain principles of internal coherence: a
conversation is an organization that obeys rules of syntactic, semantic and
pragmatic chaining . The respective statements must be mutually determined. A
conversation is a text produced collectively.

Finally, courtesy: all aspects of discourse that are governed by rules and whose
function is to preserve the harmonious nature of the interpersonal relationship.

Brown and Levinson propose a concept of courtesy that is articulated and based
on the notion of face.
Every individual has two faces: the negative face, the territories of the self (bodily,
spatial or temporal territory, material goods, secret knowledge, etc.) and the positive
face, which corresponds to narcissism and the set of valorizing images that the
interlocutors construct. to try to impose your own persona during the interaction. In
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every interaction with two participants there are, then, four faces present. All acts, verbal
and non-verbal, constitute potential threats to these four faces: the Face Threatening
Acts FTA:
1. Threatening acts for the negative face of the person who carries them out:
offers, promises
2. Threatening acts for the positive face of the person who performs them :
confession, excuse, self-criticism
3. Threatening acts for the negative face of the person who suffers them : body
contacts, sound or visual attacks, indiscreet questions but also orders, requirements or
advice
4. Threatening acts for the positive face of the person who suffers them : criticism,
refutation, reproach, insult, injury, mockery, sarcasm.
The loss of face is a symbolic defect that, as far as possible, one tries to avoid for
oneself and economize for the other. The desire to preserve faces is called face want.
Politeness strategies would enter into face work , the work of figuration.
Certain speech acts can also be valorizing: the Face Flattering Acts FFA:
compliments, thanks, gifts, praise.
Negative politeness is abstentionist or compensatory, it consists of preventing an
FTA from occurring. Positive courtesy is productionist, it consists of carrying out some
FFA.

Kabatec, J. (2002) “Orality, process and structure”

Structural interpretation: assuming the existence of a syntopic and synestratic variety of

taxi drivers in Mexico City, diaphasic variation can be observed in two different styles. On
the one hand, a formal, elaborate style, with orientation in the written variety and on the
other hand, an informal, less elaborate style, of oral conception. Reflect on the
relationship between orality and literality.

Structuralism as the dominant paradigm of 20th century linguistics seems particularly

hostile to variation: Saussure's langue is, by definition, unitary, and Saussure postulates
the elimination of variation as a methodological principle prior to analyzing the
functioning of a linguistic system.
Given the difficulty of finding unitary systems, two alternatives arose: -rejection of
Saussure's theory and structuralism in general as a theoretical edifice considered
arbitrary, artificial and inadequate to the description of linguistic facts.

-criticism of an absolute structuralism that is based on the assumption of the existence of

structures and structured parts in human language, systems that can and should be
described as such, but at the same time proposes extensions and alternatives for the
description of the non-structural.
The misunderstanding occurs when structuralist concepts, whose purpose is the
exclusion of variation, are taken as suitable for the description of the phenomena of
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variation in their entirety.
Starting with Coseriu, several authors have asked themselves whether it would
not be better to talk about linguistic varieties in cases in which there are no differences
between two systems, but there are two different norms. At the same time, it is proposed
that differences between two systems would already constitute differences between two
languages. The statement that we should talk about languages when talking about
diasystemic varieties is either circular in nature or confuses totally different fields. It is
circular if language is understood as functional language: the definition of linguistic
variety in the functional sense is precisely that of a system different from others. Saying
that varieties are languages is equivalent, in this sense, to saying that varieties are
varieties. If, on the other hand, language is understood as a historical language, the
sociolinguistic status of a historical language (as a set of varieties) is confused with the
definition of a functional language.
Furthermore, we must not lose sight of the fact that the speakers' perspective is
not that of functional linguistics.
To solve the terminological dilemma (resolved, in principle, by Cosrian
terminology), we could introduce a new differentiation and speak of paradotic varieties
(from the Greek paradosis , tradition) or simply of dianormal varieties in the case of the
perspective of linguistic norms and reserve the term systematic or disystemic varieties
for functional varieties.
Once this difference is established, numerous discussions of variational linguistics
are resolved. For example, it is clear that functional varieties are discrete and there may
be a continuum in variations between norms.

Leaving aside variational linguistics that investigates variation for the purpose of
describing systems and norms, there is no shortage of attempts to cover the phenomena
of linguistic variation, including the variation between oral and written. In the tradition
of German Romance, the most notable proposal has been that of the Freiburg School, in
particular of Peter Koch and Wulf Osterreicher, who develop a communicative
theory of proximity and distance, two terms closely related to those of orality and
scripture. .
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Proximity Distance
Communication conditions: Communication conditions :

- private - public
- trust - less confidence
- lack of emotion
- emotion
- lack of situational reference -
- nal location reference
physical distance
- physical proximity
graphic - monologue
-dialogue
- ebG reflexivity.
- spontaneity etc.

Communication strategies: phonic Communication strategies:

- preference for contexts - preference for linguistic

extralinguistics, gestures, etc. - contexts
low degree of planning - - high degree of planning
provisional value - definitive value
- aggregation - integration
etc of.

They are not limited only to offering a universal scheme of the communicative conditions
between the two poles but also aim to apply it to the internal organization of historical
languages and their varieties. According to Koch and Osterreicher, the organizing
principle of proximity and distance underlies all linguistic variation.

universal-
essential
proximity

It seems unnecessary to add another dimension of variety beyond the traditional ones
and it would be contrary to the primary postulate of science that advises us not to
complicate the description beyond the complexity of the objects.
If the oral and the written mark the diaphasia and this, in turn, is related to all the
other dimensions of variation through the chain of varieties, it can be said that the entire
architecture of the language is characterized by the opposition between the oral and
written.
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There are varieties associated with the written language and others associated
with the spoken language and the selection of varieties by speakers depends on
factors of proximity and distance. Combining the continuum between proximity and
distance with the existence of processes and varieties, we can arrive at the following
scheme of communicative action:

The communicative act includes, therefore, the selection of a specific linguistic tradition
according to the criteria of proximity and distance. At the phonic level and in
communities of presence of the written language, realization processes frequently
associate the forms of the distance pole with the full forms of the written language, while
the forms of the proximity pole usually allow reductions.
At the level of the utterance, not only can a variety be realized, but it gives the co-
presence of varieties or traditions , even in the same utterance of the same speaker
different forms may appear, sometimes analogous to changes in the communicative
conditions, sometimes, apparently random.

Gülich, E. and Kotschi, T. (1995) “Discourse production in oral communication. A

study based on French

They study the activities that speakers carry out in the process of discursive production.
In particular, formulation activities , for which the speaker takes responsibility and for
which an interlocutor may, in turn, hold him or her responsible; to observe the
characteristic features of oral statements .
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Focusing on the concept of discursive production and, in particular, formulation
activities, in the analysis of statements of oral communication means at the same time
devoting special attention to the process by which these statements come to exist .
They do not emphasize cognitive aspects, but rather focus attention on phenomena that
are directly observable in the discourse (which is, of course, a simplification). When
problems arise or there are obstacles that must be overcome, a speaker's work of
discursive production leaves traces in his or her linguistic utterances, which are
accessible to linguistic analysis.
They combine two lines of research: spoken language, and textual linguistics and
pragmatics. The development of research on spoken language exhibits a clear trend
towards considering spoken language as an independent field that follows its own
rules and regulations , rather than an analysis that opposes it to written language.
The framework for the analysis of discursive production procedures is supported
by the methodological considerations proposed within the framework of the studies that
are mainly linked to two approaches: 1) Conversation Analysis from ethnomethodology,
developed by Sacks, Schegloff, Jefferson and others and 2) the type of discourse analysis
developed in Geneva by Roulet and others, which is based on dialogue, speech act theory
and argumentation theory.
Within this framework, there are three central principles:
- emphasize the sequential aspects of verbal utterances : discursive production
activities are considered processes in the course of which formulations are produced,
considered unsatisfactory, and reformulated in such a way that progressive
achievement can be observed in the utterances.
- accentuate the interactive nature of discursive production and treat verbal
statements as the result of an interactive construction.
- take into account the specific function that certain groups of markers fulfill in
creating and specifying relationships between discourse constituents at various
hierarchical levels . By subjecting some of these markers to semantic and structural
analysis, more appropriate distinctions and classifications of discursive production
activities can be made. Some of these markers (especially connectors) combine
discursive production and argumentative functions. To the extent that discourse
production studies resort to these marker analyses, new perspectives may emerge for the
description of the structure of conversational argumentation.

The traces that the speaker leaves in the production of utterances are divided into three
groups, related to different aspects of the work of discursive production:
1. Phenomena usually considered typical of parole or performance : phenomena of
hesitation, incomplete statements, false starts, repeated words or syllables,
etc They point out verbalization procedures , such as autocorrections,
completions, etc.
2. Phenomena that refer to a preceding segment through a new statement, which, in
some way, changes, modifies, reformulates or expands the previous statement. In other
words, the speaker exercises some type of treatment on an utterance that has already
been produced. They are the treatment procedures: paraphrases, repetitions,
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corrections or explanations.
3. Metadiscursive procedures of explicit evaluation and comment. With such statements,
a speaker refers, at a metadiscursive level, to different types of problems in discursive
production. They tend to point out certain communication problems, rather than solve
them. These procedures are, in some way, an explicit manifestation of the speaker's
constant cognitive monitoring of his discursive production. These are the qualification
procedures.
Verbalization is the fundamental activity among those mentioned, to the extent
that it takes place every time linguistic utterances are produced, while the treatment and
qualification of utterances already uttered are additional activities, although very
common in spontaneous spoken discourse. . The analysis of traces makes it possible to
infer different types of activities. In addition to the marker itself, the respective
procedure it specifies is also considered as a trace of the activities of discursive
production.

VERBALIZATION TREATMENT
markers procedures
markers procedures

CALIFTCACTON

markers procedures

Verbalization procedures
Markers: filled pause, false start, correction marker, a new beginning after an unfinished
utterance, a lengthened vowel towards the end of a word, cases of syntagmatic
combination of two elements that belong to the same morphological paradigm. They are
relatively well known because they have been described time and again as typical
features of spontaneous discursive production.
Verbalization procedures and their markers interrupt the linear succession
of the constituents of the surface syntactic structure.
In the transcription system suggested by Blanche-Benveniste (1990), all
verbalization procedures are located along the axis of paradigmatic relations, so that only
syntagmatic relations are exposed on the “horizontal” axis.
(la")c'est le:
them::
les papiers que(e)j 'avals
euh: . that cned m 'avait envoyés

(Transcription in grids)
Treatment procedures
They consist of retrospectively characterizing a previously uttered expression as
insufficient and therefore merely preliminary. They give rise to reformulations,
paraphrases, corrections, generalizations or exemplifications.
The semantic relationship between reference and treatment expressions is, at the
same time, one of equivalence and difference . Both relationships can be present in
different degrees, including a wide range of degrees.
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Every expression of treatment contains something new, an element of
change, of communicative progression. Even in a borderline case of syntactic and
lexical identity between both expressions (the three “ma” that do not mean the same), the
repeated segment can receive a modified meaning due to some type of intonational
deviation. The difference consists, at least, in the fact that, simply because of its position,
the treatment expression has a different, broader discursive history compared to the
reference expression. Every segment of discourse must be interpreted in light of the
preceding ones, therefore there can be no pure repetition that does not have an increase
in semantic features.
They may be:
-Reformulative or non-reformulative. The procedures by which the speaker
retrospectively characterizes an utterance as insufficient, and therefore recognizes it as
the source of the problem, are not the only class that is part of this group; There are also
procedures in which the motivation to work on a preceding expression seems to derive
less from a source of problems than from independent discursive goals (such as certain
rhetorical or argumentative strategies).
-Paraphrastic or non-paraphrastic reformulatives.

treatment procedures

non-reformulative reformulative

I-
repetitions

-Repetitions or paraphrases. This distinction arises from the particularities

regarding its structural characteristics and its functions.
We speak of repetitions if the reference expression and the treatment expression
are identical with respect to their lexical and syntactic structure, and we assume that this
is also the case when pronouns, verbal morphemes, etc. of the
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reference expression are substituted in the treatment expression to adapt the
personal and temporal deixis to the requirements of the communicative situation
(distinguishing literal and non-literal, and complete and partial).
Paraphrases can be expansions, reductions, variations. Expansions are cases in
which the treatment expression has a longer extension than the reference expression, so
that a sememe (or several sememes) of the reference expression is disassembled, more
or less arbitrarily, into individual features. , which are represented by independent
linguistic units in the treatment expression. Reductions reverse the process: the semantic
features of a previously longer semantic unit appear “gathered” and “condensed” in the
sememe (or sememes) of the treatment expression. In variations, the same words are
presented but in a different sequential arrangement.

-Dissociations or corrections. The differentiation between dissociations

and corrections as types of non-paraphrastic reformulation treatment procedures is
based on the criterion of invalidation: the validity of the reference expression is partially
or completely nullified in the instance of a correction, which does not apply to
dissociations. .
We can distinguish three types of dissociation: recapitulations, reconsiderations
and instances of distancing. These procedures can only be performed (and recognized) if
the corresponding markers are present.
dissociations
,---------------1---------------,
recapitulation reconsideration distancing

Corrections can be in form, formulation or content.

corrections

I—
form content
corrections corrections
corrections
formulation

Qualification procedures
Expressions of a metalinguistic or metadiscursive type (more or less explicit) that
speakers use to evaluate or comment on expressions (or sequences of expressions) that
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are part of the discourse that is being developed and, in doing so, point out certain
problems of verbalization or communication.

If we say that different types of discursive production activities can be recognized by the
traces they leave in discourse, our interpretation of the notion of trace presupposes the
distinction between markers and procedures: markers are typical features of spoken
language and appear, therefore, so much, frequently; have already been described from
various linguistic approaches. The assumption that these markers signal discourse
production procedures that speakers employ to solve production problems is
fundamental to our analysis of formulation activities.

VERBALIZATION TREATMENT

markers procedures markers procedures

pauses completions 3
c est-á-dire (on one 's own or another 's
phenomena of progressive (interactive) donated statement ):
hesitation false autocorrections in d'autres tenues paraphrase
beginnings statements “ denomination ” work enjin corrections
interrupted construction change quoi repetitions
syntactic aprés tout dissociations
bref

pair exempts exemplification

generalization
in general

QUALIFICATION

markers procedures
c'est Joli votre expression assessment

comment dirais-je comme on dit

comment
ce qu'on appelle

"rodeo"
If you want in what sorts a kind of

Desinano, N. (2004) “Structuring phenomena in oral text”

Research on parallelism and completion.

Parallelism manifests itself as a succession of two or more phrases that are
structurally similar and that present variations caused by the change of some
constituents for others or by a change in the position of the same constituents within the
phrase.
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Completion is a phrase that is presented in the manner of a clause that interrupts
the continuity of a phrase to complete another previously appeared, creating a break in
textual continuity.
The research is presented as an attempted study focused on the grammatical
organization of oral texts, which leaves aside both the relationship with the phonological
or prosodic as well as with the pragmatic or communicative.
It seeks to explain the occurrence of parallelisms and completions from the
functioning of the subject in the language, according to the interactionist proposal, that
is, considering that the mechanisms of the language lead to a textual configuration that is
not always controlled by the speaker. In particular, the point of view adopted is that of
Brazilian interactionism , according to which the subjects – captured by the
language that has allowed them to constitute themselves as such in relation to the
language – permanently fluctuate in their interaction with the language within the
discourse, giving give rise to instances in which they more or less adequately
control the future of that person and others in which, unable to listen to each other,
they produce apparently anomalous statements or that, in a certain sense, surprise
the listener with an effect of strangeness. The appearance of an anomaly in parallelism
arises from the appearance of a repeated constant, whose variables are usually close
paradigmatic options. In the case of completion, the emergence of a phrase foreign to the
immediate textual continuity produces in the first instance an effect of incoherence
within the text. These cases are configured grammatically according to the language
system, which presupposes linguistic analysis, regardless of whether they generate
secondary effects (rhetorical, pragmatic or communicative).
It is possible to affirm that in some cases the appearance of parallelism and
completion is linked to the listening that the speaker applies to his own saying and
that both phenomena constitute attempts at textual reorganization . In other cases
they are generated as a realization of a possibility of the syntagmatic continuity of the
language, which arises without the conscious activity of the speaker.
These explanations can be related to a psychological subject who functions in
language because he has been constituted thanks to language, but who is far from
controlling his statements based on what he knows about it.
The choice of the phenomena studied is based on the fact that it seems possible to
notice through them two forms of systematic structuring within the statements, which
are directly related to the interplay of the paradigmatic and syntagmatic axes.
The repetitions with slight changes that enable the continuity of the text configure
parallelisms that can be interpreted from a pragmatic point of view as an emphasis, like a
paraphrase in which one element is changed and another is maintained, like a correction
or modalization. It is a constant/variable set. It apparently stops the progression of the
text as it repeats, but it also makes its continuity possible because it adds something new.
It is possible that some successive parallel inclusions come from the fact that the speaker
paraphrases his saying in search of significant variables, but beyond a possible
intentionality. Our point of view is that parallelism is a form of organization of the phrase,
to which different functions can be assigned, which proposes a systematic
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combinatorial structuring and is not usually a result of the intentional and conscious
actions of the interlocutors in order to create pragmatic or rhetorical effects.
It can be stated that parallelism in all cases is an organizational structure that
generates continuity in the oral, dialogic or monologic text. It is a syntagmatic
organization typical of the language, capable of being interpreted functionally in
different ways, many of which are foreign to the intentionality of the speaker, but
which should be studied fundamentally as a morphosyntactic and semantic
phenomenon within orality, in direct relationship in many cases with the position
of the speaker in his functioning in the language.
The diversity of meaning is related to the fact that each of the constituents of
parallelism is integrated with the others due to their similarity, but is distanced from
them due to their difference.
The parallelism is detected as a strange element in the text not because it
constitutes an ungrammaticality, but because it makes evident elements that are
normally maintained in a latent form, silenced by the validity of the only element present
in the syntagm arising from the selection exercised on the paradigmatic axis. .
Completions , for their part, manifest themselves as phrases dislocated from
the structure within which they should fulfill their clarifying or disambiguating
function, to appear later in the chain, interspersed in other phrases with which
they no longer have a direct relationship . The added is isolated from the phrase for
which it would eventually be functional and produces the break of continuity in another
later place in the continuum . The inclusion of the constituent is not only non-functional,
but also disturbs the general syntagmatic organization, forcing a backward search to find
the place of its reference.
The syntagmatic break, although it immediately creates an incoherence, is at the
same time an explanatory element from the textual perspective and as regards its
structuring it is not ungrammatical. The completion manifests itself as a strange element
to the extent that it arises from a feedback effect on the continuum whose referent is not
evidently manifested. The phenomenon takes the form of an irruption that is
immediately perceived as an incoherence.
Its appearance is an attempt to strengthen the reference in many cases,
disambiguate it or establish it a posteriori with respect to a previously included
constituent.
Parallelism leads to the same possible place in the syntagmatic chain appearing
oversaturated by elements of the same paradigm: it subverts the principle of
inhibition that makes selection possible . Completion subverts the principle of
progression of the syntagmatic chain.

Arbusti, M. (2011) “Interaction and textual reformulations”

Studying orality implies the need to start from the affirmation that oral texts are
generated in a special way that determine specific structures , so that we are faced
with organizational linguistic procedures typical of this modality. In this paper, Arbusti
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studies the phenomena of change and, in particular, reformulations that the speaker
imprints on his utterances, demonstrating a certain regularity in the appearance of
parallelisms and completions that effectuate the reformulation generated by the
speaker.
The differences between the structures of both modalities of language
(oral/written) should not be underestimated, and their comparison must be limited to
categories of analysis that take into account these essential differences, so that the
ungrammaticality of oral constructions is not the only conclusion. which can be reached.
The texts that are generated in each of the modalities have, from their genesis,
different mental habits whose foundations and characteristics determine parallel
training processes, which translates into structural features that are at first glance
different. The communicative processes and the axis of temporal development that
underlie orality give rise to the appearance of special syntactic structures that bear
little resemblance to the almost fixed and stable order of writing.
Reformulations manifest themselves as an ordinary and constant resource in the
speakers' utterances, produced in the search for utterances more appropriate to the
situation, their intention, goal, the interlocutor, among other factors.
There are authors (Fuchs, Parret, Gü lich and Kotschi, Silvestri) who consider
these activities as cognitive strategies of a thinking and reflective subject of their own
words who can paraphrase and/or reformulate their statements when they believe it is
relevant and/or necessary. According to Gü lich and Kotschi's model, during the process
of discursive production, subjects carry out different formulation activities that tend to
resolve the problems that hinder communication with their interlocutor. Reformulation
is seen by these authors then as a strategy and work on the part of the speaker who seeks
more perfect versions of their utterances. Fuchs proposes that the paraphrase
relationship does not occur in the field of language but rather is a cognitive-linguistic-
discursive strategy of the subjects who proceed to a momentary identification of the
meanings of each of the statements, canceling the differences. for the benefit of their
similarities. Once again, the idea of a subject capable of mastering the language he or she
speaks, recognizing the deficiencies that his or her utterances present, and correcting
what he or she believes is pertinent underlies the idea.
Logic, for its part, considers the semantic equivalence between the components, a
debatable fact from linguistics, since any change - even minimal - in the statements
implies a change in meaning. Is it possible to establish the equivalence between the
statements? Can 'the same thing' be said in two different ways? Accepting this type of
proposition would mean stating that language represents reality in a transparent way,
and that it is also possible to differentiate and separate form – how it is said – from
substance – what is said.
Arbusti distances himself from these positions. In the framework of this
research, the subject participating in dialogic interactions is not the owner of the
language he speaks, and with this, he does not have full control over it, but is a
subject who, in his functioning in the language, relates to language in different
ways. It is part of the theory of Lemos and the Campinas group .
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This relationship has fluctuations that manifest themselves in different ways: first
the subject completely recovers the other's speech, without being able to produce
statements per se , then he manages to make his own statements but does not notice the
flaws that they may contain, which demonstrates the capture of the subject. on the part of
the language, and in a third position there is the possibility of interaction between subject
and language, since the speaker manages to hear the possible failures of his statements
and tries to change them. Only when there is listening can changes be observed in
the organization of the speakers' statements.
Lemos studies the field of the acquisition of the mother tongue, Desinano extends
the theory to explain the acquisition of a new discourse in the written modality of the
language, and Arbusti presents a proposal to understand the acquisition of a new
discourse – the disciplinary expository – in the field of orality.
The subject who listens to his own speech and that of his interlocutor, in oral
interactions, formulates statements in which it is possible to observe changes in the
linguistic structure that denote a return to his saying in order to correct, modify,
complete, what he has considered erroneous, insufficient, inadequate. These failures that
interrupt discursive continuity have been conceptualized by Desinano as language
effects. Arbusti proposes that reformulations are an attempt to suture that previous
rupture by a subject who listens to his own speech . In other words, reformulation
will not be possible if the subject is not able to objectify his statements and listen to the
effects of language. When speakers are capable of listening, reformulation occurs, and the
restructuring that the statements undergo evidences an arrangement of parallelisms or
completions in the phrase.
Far from maintaining that speaking subjects manage to exercise absolute control
over what they say and therefore include modifications of any type and at all times, it is
maintained that organizational changes are subject to the relationship that the subject
establishes with their language: in In cases of capture, speakers are not capable of
carrying out any reformulation , something they do achieve when their words are
heard.

Arbusti, M. (2014) Text organizational changes in oral interactions between teacher

and student. Linguistic categorization of change phenomena
Orality and writing present different patterns of organization. There is no univocal
correspondence between the phenomena of orality and writing that would allow
establishing an equivalent theoretical approach. The oral modality prints aspects of its
instance of enunciation in the statements that are generated there.
For a long time the features of orality were observed from the same
perspective with which writing was studied . In this way, and taking as a paradigm the
grammatical and normative canon of writing, certain - or most - of the oral configurations
were classified as anomalous, losing sight of the singularity of those verbal projections
that, without a doubt, owe their form of be and can be explained by their oral lineage. The
opposition between orality and writing erected through pairs such as careful/relaxed,
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cultured and formal/familiar and informal, or, even more dangerous from the point of
view of grammatical-based discrimination, correct/incorrect, runs the risk of becoming
restrictive and culminate in losing sight of the study of texts that, being written, are
familiar and informal, or belonging to orality, are characterized by being rigorous and
complex in their syntactic and semantic composition.
The uniqueness of oral texts gives them features of spontaneity and
fragmentation, which does not mean that their syntactic structures should be labeled as
ungrammatical and thus be relegated to an eternal deficiency in relation to writing.
With respect to the object, it is possible to limit the scope of oral interaction to the
scope of the word through the concept of dialogue, whose meaning, from its very
etymology, denotes the conversation between two or more people who alternately
externalize their ideas or affections.
If there is interaction it is because there are at least two subjects who relate - in
fact, the Latin prefix 'inter' marks that contact - in this case, through the word. However,
it is too naïve to think that this is reciprocal. In the interaction, at least two discourses
intersect (let's think that each participant generates one) and that intersection is not
always balanced, negotiated, happy. The textual and discursive fact will present fractures
and fragmentations because it is, from its origin, the product of the intentions, interests,
and purposes of different subjects. Each speaker has a particular history and an
unpredictable discursive linguistic functioning that somehow hinders the fact that
interaction always involves correlation and equivalence between discourses.
Communication in an oral interaction is possible, but it is not smooth as
one might think if it is characterized by presenting traits of mutual identity between the
participants; The discursive linguistic functioning of each subject does not correspond to
their conscious intentions but rather goes beyond that first will.
The speaker, from this point of view, is not capable of controlling all his
utterances, there is always a remainder, in relation to the unforeseeable, with his
unconscious, which blocks the possibility of mastering his own language. The
subject of the interaction is subject to his discursive linguistic functioning, to his
past, to his present; he cannot free himself from these situations, of which he is not
fully aware either. And in relation to another subject, who is also framed by
particular features, it is not possible to affirm that oral interaction is a reciprocal
exchange and that it implies correspondence between the participants.
Oral interaction is understood as all those oral texts in which two or more
people intervene, without taking into account or judging the emotional bond that unites
them, the privacy of the context in which they are developed, the register used, and other
features. that characterize communicative immediacy. The only characteristic that each
and every oral interaction can possess is heterogeneity.
Furthermore, these are subjects who manifest their uniqueness also in their
variable relationship with the language , since from the acquisition process itself the
speaker goes through a process of subjectivization in which he or she is linked to the
language in different ways, which determine different linguistic phenomena.
For pragmatics, the speaker is a rational subject who uses language, is aware of
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his or her utterances, who is capable of expressing and recognizing communicative
intentions, an undivided subject, with a single voice. The interactionism proposed by
Lemos reduces this absolute dominance of subjects since it conceives them in a different
way. Readings of psychoanalytic works by the author bring her a different vision of the
subject, which, rather than being comparable to an individual or organism, is the result of
the subjective constitution in language: the infans is constituted in its encounter with the
significant environment. It is a subject in whom the presence of the conscious and
the unconscious is perceived and, for this reason, it does not voluntarily govern all
its actions and many times it neither notices nor recognizes them . Speech does not
escape this characterization, so there will be occurrences that do not respond to
conscious intentions.

Arbusti, M. (2016) “Discourse effects and reformulation”

Discourse effects are manifestations that emerge on the linguistic surface of the
utterance, whose impact goes beyond the syntagmatic structure since they consider the
relationship between text and discourse; Its appearance does not draw our attention to
any transgression with respect to the norms of the system but, above all, it shows us a
tension with the discursive universe in which textualization is inscribed. There is no
ungrammaticality that must be corrected, it is not an inconsistency with the rules of the
system but what we observe is the non-relevance of a lexical item that in some way
obstructs the flow of the statement since it does not correspond to the discursive
conventions. that govern the situation that frames the interaction .
The categories of subject, capture and listening provide the possibility of
thinking about certain linguistic structures as effects of a certain relationship between
the subject who enunciates and the discourse in which he or she functions in a particular
communicative instance. The subject is a subject of the unconscious.

In the always dynamic relationship that Claudia Lemos proposes as the process of
subjectivization in language, the subject is linked to another and to language in
different ways . In a certain instance, the language captures the speaker , who is
capable of proposing statements per se , but often failed, that is, with the presence of
anomalous elements within the system. The theory maintains that it is this capture that
the language makes of the subject that makes it impossible to suture that failure, and that
it is an eventual subsequent instance, that of listening, that would allow the
speaker to restructure his utterance , modifying what in its first version had not been
correct/adequate.
The failure can affect, in the cases studied by Arbusti, lexical selection, loyalty to
the source text, an incompleteness of meaning, a failed didactic resource,
ungrammaticalities of agreement, and unexpected morphological conformations. These
failures are effects, phenomena that exceed the subject; The speaker is far from wanting
to be wrong or inappropriate. The failed element is the effect, result, derivation of
the overdetermination over the subject that either language or discourse (or both)
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exert.
The language effects show the preeminence of the system over the speaker ,
since in its utterances it is possible to observe emergencies that concern the functioning
of the language, grammatical discordances of gender and number, for example, or
unexpected morphological combinations.
The discourse effect category corresponds to another type of failure that does
not have to do with transgressions or lack of knowledge about the system, but rather
refers to inadequacies related to the type of oral interaction that is being developed, the
speaker's objective, the source text. that served as a basis etc., that is, to questions of the
discursive order . The discourse effect is generated where an element of the
statement presents some inconvenient feature with respect to the rules of
linguistic-discursive functioning that are interwoven in a given sphere , a fact that
culminates in destabilizing – to a greater or lesser extent – its meaning, because it does
not adapts to the speech.
The possibility of listening and re-organization is eventual, nothing can be assured
from the outside: the subject is not always in a position to objectify what he says to
evaluate it and thus modify what is not pertinent, adequate, correct .

Module 5. Psycholinguistic problems III: reading and writing

Reading and writing as cultural practices. Characteristics of alphabetic systems. The
writing system and its regulations. Initial literacy: access to the writing system and
teaching methods. Theories about writing and reading. The writing of texts and access to
discourses. Academic literacy. Written discourses and concrete reading and writing
practices in secondary school. Cognitivist positions and alternative proposals. Didactic
material and school instructions. Strategies to guide and evaluate reading and writing
practices: scope and limits.

Braslavsky, B. (1962) The dispute over methods in teaching reading

Synthetic walking methods: alphabetic (part of simple signs, letters or graphemes) –

phonetic (part of simple sounds or phonemes, or of the syllable)
Analytical walking methods: analytical global (part of complex written signs that can be
the word, phrase or story; the teacher directs the analysis) – global (part of the word,
phrase or story; the teacher does not direct the analysis, the child must spontaneously
come to it)

In the Río de La Plata, the alphabetical method was put into practice during the colonial
era. Around 1780, the Expó sito printing press published primers and cartoons and then
Astete published primers, letters and characters. After the May Revolution, they were
applied in the “schools of the country” together with the monitoring method of Bell and
Lancaster. They were later transferred to Cuyo, Chile and Peru.
Sarmiento praised Naharro's syllabary because his lessons were condensed and
methodical. The method, which was actually syllabic, could, according to Sarmiento,
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serve as a guide to the students' intelligence.
In its primitive form it was not really a method. The spontaneous procedure of
teaching the letters according to the order imposed by the alphabet was absolutely
unfounded and for that very reason it was barbaric in its application. As for spelling and
the mnemonics that emerged to overcome the difficulties of learning letters and their
combinations, they do not constitute a method either.

The phonetic method takes the sound as a starting point to then teach the sign and finally
the name of the letters.
In the first stage, we began by teaching the shape and simultaneously the sound of
the vowels and then the consonants. First the vowels were combined with each other,
then the combinations with a consonant were taught. In this way, words, phrases and
sentences were combined, which filled two or three exercise books that the children had
to learn before moving on to reading itself.
Its advantages were that it was a logical method, that it can be graduated and that
it saves effort for the child and the teacher.
One of the biggest objections, in addition to those that pointed to the difficulty of
pronouncing isolated sounds, has to do with the lack of interest that this method offers
and its excesses of mechanism. The repetition of meaningless sounds dulls the ability to
understand what is read.
In syllabic methods, syllables are used as key units, which are then combined into
words and phrases. It tends to resolve the difficulty created by the inaccuracy of the
pronunciation of isolated consonants.

Some languages, which have many monosyllabic words, favor the purpose of
beginning by teaching meaningful reading. After teaching the first syllables in this way,
phrases and words are created. To diversify the combinations, the monosyllables learned
in this way and others that express the first part of a word are used.
In the most modern psychophonetic method, syllables are taught by comparing
words. The “identification habit” is developed by comparing syllabic structures with
others already learned. These structures are presented gradually according to a
systematic order so as not to alter the psychology of the student's memory.

The author insists on the superiority of the phonetic method over the alphabetic method.
However, both suffer from defects in their psychological foundations. Both are unaware
of learning theory in general and the process of reading acquisition in particular,
implicitly responding to pre-scientific associationism.

The global method: Ovide Decroly.

Its precursors: the Orbis sensualium pictus of Comenius. Then, in the 18th century,
Nicholas Adam, who advised the natural order, which is the same one followed to learn
spoken language, acquiring words and not letters.
In the Río de La Plata, the influence of the North American teachers from
Sarmiento played its part. In 1875, Marcos Sastre's Anagnosia appeared, which ordered
teaching without an alphabet, without spelling, without a primer or syllabaries, inspiring
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a love of reading and a love of virtue and work.
In the confines that separate the 19th century from the 20th, the word, as a
starting point, seemed indisputable. The authors objected only by discussing whether or
not the word should be followed by the analysis.
Fundamental to this method are: motivation, interest, natural gait, totality as a
starting point, the predominance of visual perception.
Interest came to have such an influence in the first part of the 20th century that
the “New Education” deserved to be called “pedagogy of interest.”
Interest defines a need that guides the activity towards what can satisfy it. This
internal or natural motivation emanates from the subject himself, and he must feel free
so that interest determines the direction he will give to all his behavior. Knowledge,
which in the human being is a specific means of adaptation, is also a need, which must be
satisfied like all others, leaving the subject the freedom they need to manifest themselves.
The activity that the child displays to satisfy that need, the effort he makes to achieve his
object, arouse in him a feeling of liberation, increasing his satisfaction until he reaches joy
and pleasure.
Decroly was the one who most vehemently proclaimed the principle of interest to
reject the handling of abstract symbols, empty of meaning, and proposed that the vision
of symbols be immediately transformed into the representation of ideas, since only the
concrete representation of ideas Through things or figures he could awaken the interest
that dead letters or language alone never arouse.

The need to use play as a child's spontaneous activity par excellence gave rise to
the creation of his famous reading games, whose use became almost universal.
The fundamental principles that justify the global method are: the order of
globalization, visual perception as a dominant activity, the reading of ideas and the
natural nature of the process involved in global reading.
Global perception => analysis => synthesis
Globalization satisfies the need for a rational demonstration of reading (or not).
There are representatives of the New Education who did not take globalization as a
starting point: María Montessori, who emphasizes the difference that exists between
spoken language and graphic language, and that is why it is necessary to create a means
of communication between the two through analysis. of sounds and the correct
articulation of words. In our country, Martha Salotti.
For Decroly, reading has no relationship with the sense of hearing. It is a purely
visual function. This concept determined, for example, the imposition of silent reading
and the prohibition of dictation.
It is a reading of ideas and not graphic signs: ideovisual reading. A vision of ideas.
We begin with the meaning and should never draw attention to the mechanism. Semantic
material must be used from the beginning and emphasis must be placed on the
development of a reflective attitude towards reading. The discussion consists of defining
which linguistic unit (word, phrase, sentence, story) is most effective to express the idea
captured by the vision.
Decroly demonstrates the naturalness of the method because all its conditions are
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natural: syncretism or globalization as a natural procedure of intelligence in the act of
knowledge, the exclusive or dominant use of sight, the reading of ideas or the capture of
meanings.
It boasts of stimulating natural acquisition through functional procedures. The
most orthodox tendencies will go so far as to prohibit all help that can be given to the
child.
By 1950, three things could already be criticized for this method based on that
notion of interest: the impossibility of anticipating interest and preparing the class, the
difficulty of discovering true interest, the difficulty of reconciling spontaneous interest
with the demands of certain techniques. , such as reading, arithmetic and grammar.

An attempt has been made to find a better definition of interest, overcoming the concept
of innatism, of instincts, of needs, of appetites, of certain dark forces whose impulsive and
spontaneous emergence the teacher must wait to subordinate his educational action to
them.
Taking as an undeniable starting point the enormous importance of interest as a
necessary condition to achieve a favorable disposition for learning, it is about defining it
from a scientific point of view, in relation to numerous factors that determine and modify
it: the environment, the teaching processes, the personal and professional conditions of
the teacher, the subjects, the values involved, the physiological and psychological
evolution of the subject.

De Vega, M; Carreiras, M.; Gutiérrez-Calvo, M.; Alonso-Quecuty, M. L. (1990)

Reading and comprehension. A cognitive perspective

What is reading? From a cognitive perspective, it is a set of mental operations . The

reader performs a multitude of operations almost simultaneously with a fine temporal
adjustment between them: recognizes letters, encodes them into sounds, accesses the
meaning of the word, performs a syntactic analysis, integrates the meaning of the
sentences, etc.
Comprehensive reading requires that the reader individually process the
contents of the clauses and integrate the information into more global units of meaning,
revealing the coherence relationships between the sentences, since the meaning of a text
is not the sum of the meaning of its parts. individual sentences.
The coherence relationships that link the contents of the text can be very diverse.
Referential coherence or coreference is the most basic: the sentences of a text share
common arguments or ideas, they deal with the same thing. This is a superficial feature of
the text that by itself does not determine semantic integration. It is usually associated
with other relationships that do induce true cohesion of the text: causal coherence
relationships establish conceptual links between sequential actions in a narrative or
explain mechanisms in expository texts. Motivational coherence relationships are
characteristics of narrative texts and group the characters' actions into goal-directed
plans.
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The coherence relations and the calculation that the subject performs of
them determine the understanding of the general meaning of the text.

Three types of structural text processing theories:

a. Narrative grammars , which divide the text into macro-constituents of beginning and
plot or argument, which, in turn, are divided into episodes defined by goals, actions that
attempt to achieve the goal and results of the actions.
Its units of analysis are nodes or propositions that are hierarchically combined
with each other according to certain rules. They propose that at least certain types of
conventional texts can be described according to abstract formal structures
independent of their specific content and that people know and actively use such
structure during comprehension.
An attempt will be made to establish specific predictions about the understanding
and memory of the elements of a text based on the structural description offered by these
grammars.
Some empirical findings indicate that subjects are sensitive to the structural
importance of sentences. Propositions that belong to higher hierarchical levels of the
text structure (basic nodal structure) are remembered better than those at a low
hierarchical level (simple elaborations) . The former are also read more slowly, since
subjects use the structure to decide which sentences are important and require more
attention.
The structural analysis carried out by the reader is a psychological activity
different from the processing of meaning.
The results are far from being generalizable to other types of narratives.
They conform, at best, to a very particular type of highly stereotyped narratives.
b. Macrostructure theories , which include at least two levels of text representation: a
microscopic level that minutely represents the events of the narrative and a macroscopic
level that abstracts the more global or general meaning of the text. Each level is the result
of a specific understanding operation.
The most representative and influential theory is that of Kintsch and van Dijk
(1973 1988). It has two components:
-the formal description of the semantic structure of the texts
-a psychological processing model of text structure
The reader starts from the superficial text and constructs a double
structural interpretation of the text . Firstly, it develops the microstructure or base
text based on the propositional coding of the text (referential coherence relations). Some
propositions are more central and others are subordinate. Secondly, it elaborates the
macrostructure , a semantic representation of a global nature that reflects the general
meaning of the discourse.
It is assumed that part of the working memory is a buffer that keeps active a
selection s of the propositions processed in the previous cycles to contrast them with
those of the current group n.
Establishes a functional relationship between micro and macrostructure: the
reader elaborates the second from the first by applying macrorules: suppression of those
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propositions with little structural value; generalization in those cases in which a group of
propositions can be replaced by a general proposition; construction of thematic
inferences that involve active use of world knowledge by the reader: some groups of
propositions can be substituted by propositions absent in the base text but that can be
induced as normal conditions, components or consequences of explicit facts.
While reading a certain portion of surface text, a multitude of propositions and
concepts are activated in real time in semantic memory. Many are erroneous, irrelevant
or incoherent since it is a blind associative mechanism.
This theory has a greater degree of computational elaboration and
psychological plausibility than narrative grammars. However, it is unable to
develop effective procedures essential for computation.
c. The approaches of mental models , which propose that the structural
organization is not in the text or in the mind as a previous template, but is a
dynamic product resulting from the genesis and transformation of mental
scenarios in the course of reading.
The reader constructs a representation about the content of the text, including the
situation, objects, characters, events, processes, causes or intentions described in the
text.
Mental models are dynamic . During reading a text the initial representation is
rough and provisional, but as understanding progresses the model is updated or refined,
adding more specific details.
It may be that mental models are developed, at least partially, from schematic
content. Understanding and inferences, however, are not schematic but intelligent.

Mendoza Fillola, A. (1995) From reading to interpretation

Reading as a process.
The reader is an “informed” entity, competent in the language in which the text is written,
who has semantic knowledge and experience as a sender and receiver that contributes to
the act of reading, since he has internalized some properties of literary discourse; is
endowed with literary competence .
However, in reality these conditions are not met in all cases or to an optimal
degree; nor perhaps are they always necessary to understand and enjoy a literary work
for the standard reader.
Operationally, a reader will be able to generate textual expectations and
recognitions, related to their linguistic, paralinguistic and extralinguistic
knowledge.
Mastering reading mechanics is only the starting point of the reading act. The
teaching of reading does not end in mechanical learning or literal understanding .
The reader must learn to grasp the expressive complexities contained in the texts, to
know how to formulate hypotheses, to evaluate them (controlling their adequacy to the
characteristics of the text) and to justify their personal interpretations.
The recognition of formal features and the understanding of the literary text
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are two parallel processes between which the receptive synthesis is built.
When faced with a given text, the reader performs the following functions in his
reading process:
1. Disposition/attitude/situation . Adopt an attitude adjusted to the type and intention
of the text and activate your available knowledge.
2. Decoding .
3. Recognition of overlapping structures, activation of the repertoire and reading
strategies . Activate the notions of repertoire (common conventions and intertextual
references) and their reading strategies.
4. Metacognition of reading activity . Throughout the process, the reader organizes
and identifies the different phases of his reading to infer any new application of any
strategy that, due to its characteristics, the text provokes.

Therefore, facing a text for reading implies that the reader is able to reconstruct
(imagine or accept) the enunciative situation that corresponds to the text, taking into
account the co-text (textual sequence) in which it is inserted.
As for the strategies , it would be necessary to differentiate between those that,
as a guide, appear noted in the text (planned or suggested by the author, conditioning for
perception) and the personal strategies that the reader uses.
Collins and Smith (1980) point out the strategies that the reader resorts to when
faced with comprehension problems : ignore and continue reading, suspend judgments,
develop a trial hypothesis, reread the sentence, reread the context, consult an expert
source.
For Otten, the act of reading is an operation of application, in which the basic
functions for the reader are: react, recognize, readjust and interpret .
1. Formulation of a first hypothesis regarding global significance .
2. Choice of a semantic base, accompanied by a logic that articulates the terms of
the paradigm among themselves .
3. Anticipation strategies .
4. Formulation of expectations (confirmation or non-fulfillment)
5. Personal assessment .
Reading is an interactive process between text and reader.
Comprehension and interpretation turn out to be the two final cognitive
objectives of all reading.
It is the reader who leads and organizes the interaction : he is the reference
system of the text.

Flower, L. And Hayes, J. (1996) The theory of writing as a cognitive process

There is a respectable tradition in rhetoric and composition that views the composition
process as a series of decisions and choices, dating back to Aristotle. What guides a
writer's decision about what to write?
This article presents a theory of the cognitive processes involved in
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composition.

1. The action of writing is the set of distinctive thought processes organized or

orchestrated by the writer during the act of composition.
2. These processes have a hierarchical organization with a high insertion capacity in
which a particular process can be inserted into another.
3. The act of composing itself is a goal-oriented thought process, driven by the writer's
ever-growing network of goals.
4. Writers create their own goals in two ways: by setting high-level goals and supporting
subordinate goals that give life to the writer's developing sense of purpose, and then,
sometimes, by changing the main goals or establishing entirely new ones at the same
time. based on what has been learned through the writing itself.

Writing models in stages.

The wide acceptance of prewriting has helped improve teaching in composition by
bringing attention to planning and discovery as legitimate parts of the writing process.
However, many question whether this linear stage model really constitutes a
correct or useful description of the composition process itself. The problem with
describing writing in stages is that they model the development of the written
product, not the internal process of the person who produces it .
Writers are constantly planning (pre-writing) and revising (rewriting) as they
compose (write) and do not do so in clearly identifiable stages.

The cognitive process model .

In the stages model, the main units of analysis are the completion stages that reflect the
growth of a written product and these stages are organized in a sequence or linear
structure.
In a process model, the main units of analysis are elementary mental
processes, such as the process of generating ideas. And these processes have a
hierarchical structure. Each of these mental acts can occur at any time during the
composition process.
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The act of writing involves three essential elements that are reflected in the three units of
the model: the work environment, the writer's long-term memory, and the writing
processes.
When starting the composition, the most important element is the rhetorical
problem , which includes not only the rhetorical situation and an audience, but also the
objectives themselves.
As composition continues, a new element enters the work environment that adds
even more limitations to what the writer can say. Each word in the unfolding text
determines and limits the choices of what follows.

Unlike short-term memory, which is our active processing capacity or conscious

attention, long-term memory is a relatively stable entity and has its own internal
organization of information.
In the planning process, writers form an internal representation of the
knowledge they will use during writing . It involves a number of subprocesses, such as
conceiving ideas, which includes retrieving relevant information from long-term
memory.
The organizing subprocesses take on the additional task of helping the writer
make sense, that is, help his ideas achieve a meaningful structure: identifying categories,
looking for subordinate ideas. They also deal with the presentation and organization of
the text.
The most important thing about writing goals is that it is the writer who
creates them .
Then, the translation process consists of converting ideas into visible language.
The information produced during planning can be represented in a variety of symbolic
systems other than language, in images or in kinetic sensations, for example.
The subsequent review depends on two subprocesses: evaluation and review;
leading to new cycles of planning and translation.
As they compose, writers also monitor the process and its progress.
The writing processes are organized hierarchically, with process-
components that are, in turn, inserted into other components.
Writing is a goal-directed process . In the act of composition, writers create a
hierarchical network of goals that in turn guides the writing process: process goals and
content goals.
Beginning of a network of objectives
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What guides the composition? The set of objectives developed by the writer.
This does not mean that a writer's goals are necessarily elaborate, logical, or
conscious. On the other hand, knowledge of the topic itself or the text itself can take
control of the process with the same frequency as the objectives.
In the act of writing, people re-generate or recreate their goals in light of
what they learn .
The writer begins with a relatively generic high-level objective that he proceeds to
develop or break down into subordinate objectives.
The writer during the development of a set of subordinate objectives

Scardamalia, M. and Bereiter, C. (1992) “Two explanatory models of written

composition processes”

Say knowledge vs. Transforming knowledge: The main difference between the
composition processes of experts and novices lies in the way that knowledge is
introduced into the composition process and what subsequently happens to that
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knowledge.
The first model attempts to explain the processes of immature composition and
the second, of mature writers. The difference in the overall way of writing of these
two groups is of profound educational significance .
Many experienced writers claim that their understanding of what they are trying
to write grows and changes during the writing process. These effects on understanding
are not universal properties of the composition process, but the result of certain complex
problem-solving procedures present in one mode of composition and absent in the other.
When the composition process is documented using protocols that record
thinking aloud, it is found that children and mature writers
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They proceed differently , particularly with regard to goal planning .
It is necessary to help students move from composition processes that
consist of “telling knowledge” to composition processes that consist of
“transforming knowledge.”

First model: say the

knowledge
It explains in a general way the
content of a text, based on a topic
about which it has to be written and
based on a known genre (statement of
the facts, personal opinion,
instructions, etc.).
The text is generated as follows: the
writer constructs a representation of
what he or she has been asked to
write, then locates the topic and genre
identifiers. These identifiers serve as
clues for the memory search and
these clues automatically trigger
associated concepts. Once some text
has been produced (either mentally or
in writing) it serves as an additional
source of topic and genre identifiers.
These additional identifiers not only help with content retrieval, but also increase the
tendency toward coherence, since the next item to be retrieved will be influenced by the
previously retrieved items .
In the “telling knowledge” model, coherence and good form do not depend on the
deliberate or conscious application of knowledge about the world or literary genres, but
rather would result from automatic processes set in motion thanks to this activity.

Second model: transform the

knowledge
It is not a mere elaboration of the previous model, although it is not completely detached
from it either. Contains it inside as a
subprocess .
This process involves two different kinds
of problem spaces: content and rhetorical. In
content, the states of knowledge can be
characterized as

beliefs and operations such as deductions or

hypotheses that lead from one belief state to
another. In rhetorical space, states of
knowledge are the multiple representations
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that include the text and its subordinate objectives; and operations are those that alter
the text, the objectives or the relationships between the two.
The transformation of knowledge occurs within the content space, but for it to
take place there must be an interaction between both spaces. The key is to translate
problems from the rhetorical space into sub-objectives to be achieved within the content
space, and vice versa. The dialectical interaction between the two problem spaces could
produce changes in the content and organization of the writer's knowledge.
The information retrieved must not only adapt to the needs of the topic and genre,
but must have a good chance of adapting to the specific constraints caused by the writer's
analysis of the rhetorical problem.

Are the models compatible with people's subjective experience of writing? Is there any
plausible information on how the cognitive structures described by the models can be
acquired?

The “say knowledge” model does not maintain that young people do not have objectives
or interests when writing. He maintains that his execution system lacks the resources to
actively introduce these objectives or interests into the composition process. The big
problem that novice writers encounter is converting the language production system
they have developed for conversation – a system that depends at all levels on inputs from
the social environment – into a system capable of functioning autonomously. .
The “telling knowledge” model is, at least, a plausible result of the situation in
which children find themselves in the first years of literacy. It should be clear that the
“transform knowledge” model is not a consequence of the more primitive model.
Rather, it is a new structure, which includes the most primitive model as a
component.

Certain characteristics of the text are affected by the mode of production:

1. Topical coherence . The texts generated by the “say knowledge” model will tend to
stick to their simplest topics.
2. Good shape . The “telling knowledge” model predicts that texts will tend to conform
to the structural requirements of literary genres, even if they do not necessarily achieve
their objectives.
3. Prose based on the writer . It reflects the writer's course of thought rather than
adapting to the reader's course of thought.

According to the “tell the knowledge” model, no objectives or planning are established.
Therefore, the time to start should be the time it takes to retrieve a first piece of
information whose content fits the requirements of the topic and genre.

What the young immature writer has in mind while writing must be very similar
to what appears on the page. However, the “transform knowledge” model suggests that
mature writers have greater activity. At all ages, writers say more than they write, but the
difference in adults is, proportionally, much greater. In immature writers, the text
The written text would seem to completely reflect the text represented in the mind,
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while, in mature writers, the written text would correspond to only a part of the
mental representations. The other part would include more abstract codifications of
the content of the text, of structures, objectives, strategies, etc.
For example, when trying to remember things about their texts , writers use
whatever stored knowledge is connected to what they are trying to remember. We
assume that mature writers use complex paths to retrieve textual information, going
through representations of all kinds, while immature writers would use a smaller variety
of representations and would depend more on direct recall of what they have been asked
to do.
Novice writers depend for their compositions on knowledge already being
grouped, in memory or through teacher-directed activities, into forms ready for written
presentation. The experienced can make use of complex knowledge elaboration
procedures to transform it even if it is not grouped in a coherent and effective way. For
novices, composition serves more to reproduce than to refine knowledge.
Going from “saying knowledge” to “transforming knowledge” in composition
is not a growth process but rather the reconstruction of a cognitive structure.

Schneuwly, B. (1992) Vygotskian conception of written language

Vygotsky maintains that oral language produces constructions of a certain type in

consciousness and writing produces them of another type so that the psychological
processes of oral and written language are different, as are the psychological mechanisms
involved in education with one and another type of language.
Vygotsky flatly rejects the position according to which to acquire written
language the student goes through the same stages as for oral language.
The child has to abstract from the sensitive aspect of language, sound. Since the
acquisition of written language has to go through the development of representations of
phonemes, this means – at least in the alphabetic system – the establishment of a
complete system of correspondences between phonemes and graphemes, a
symbolization.
Furthermore, the absence of an interlocutor in a speech -monologue stands out.
Lastly, motivation . In the case of oral language, it is not necessary to create
motivation, the dynamic situation is responsible for regulating its course. Dialogue is a
chain of reactions. For written language we are forced to create situations ourselves,
more accurately we represent them with thought.

It requires a more independent, more voluntary, freer relationship. It goes through an

internalization of the global control of linguistic activity.
The essential differences between oral language and written language can be
summarized in that oral language is non-conscious and involuntary, while written
language is conscious and voluntary.
Vygotsky also speaks of a voluntary construction of sentences, of a voluntary and
intentional recreation of the sound word from isolated letters, of voluntary work on the
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meanings of the words and their arrangement in a certain order of succession. We can,
therefore, speak of a conscious relationship both with respect to psychic processes
(representation of the situation, of the purpose, of the interlocutor, planning processes)
and with respect to linguistic units. What changes at the moment of transition from
oral language to written language is the very relationship of the subject with its
own production process.
Vygotsky emphasizes the importance of the functional diversity of language. It
allows us to relativize the oral/written dichotomy and situate dialogue and monologue
from a psychological point of view as processes of different levels. The monologue
represents a higher, more complex form of language, which historically develops later
than dialogue. The monologue is a superior psychic function that is built by the
transformation of a function that previously existed, for better control of the psychic
process.
Every higher psychic function is a social product and therefore has a history that
must be reconstructed from a psychological point of view; each of these functions also
has a genesis that it is up to psychology to reconstruct.
The analysis of the major stages of development of writing is not sufficient to
understand the historicity of the psychic function that is written language. If we limit
ourselves to this analysis, we could believe that a certain writing system corresponds to a
homogeneous psychic system. The place and status of writing changes fundamentally
from one social formation to another, and the status of written language in the psychic
system is profoundly affected by this.
A Vygotskian approach to written language cannot consider it as a purely
cognitive variable, an apparatus or psychic system of an individual, said apparatus being
neutral in relation to the social context that makes it possible and necessary. The context
forms and shapes the system (historical-cultural approach) .
Children build the assumptions that allow their access to writing at a given
moment in three fields: role simulation, drawing and primitive, non-conventional forms
of writing. They discover, at very different levels, the same aspect: the possibility of
second-degree symbolism, that is, the discovery that one object (drawing) represents
another. For writing, the child becomes aware at a given moment that it does not directly
denote objects, but rather represents spoken language.
It is proposed to build a psychological model of linguistic production:

All linguistic activity arises from the needs, emotions, and interests of the subject, in the
motivating sphere of consciousness.
Thinking is a prelinguistic stage: it is possible that the transition from thought to
language fails. The representation of content at that level is global, not differentiated.
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Every thought solves a problem, intervenes in a situation to transform it, define a goal.
To assume the transition, there is an intermediate phase: inner language . It is
predicative, it contains only new information, what is said about a thing and not the
thing. The meaning, namely the set of all the psychological facts that a word makes
appear in our consciousness, dominates in relation to the meaning. Words can come
together. It is a language for itself.
A deep transformation is necessary to move to the semantic phase , to the syntax
of meaning. It requires, on the one hand, an expansion and reduction of meaning through
sequentialization procedures, and on the other hand, the existence of enunciation
programs that stabilize meanings at a certain level and lead to the semantic phase.
The semantic phase is always internal. Externalization supposes a final
transformation qualified by the term phasic plan : the need to put the elements in a
temporal succession. Lexicalization and syntagmatization, on the one hand,
textualization, on the other.
Writing appears as endowed with a double status : medium and act at the same
time. It is useful to distinguish two concepts: on the one hand, writing , not in the narrow
sense of the code (alphabet), but as a system of signs that present a certain materiality
from which properties are deduced that allow a radical transformation of the
relationship with the language and with language: slowness, permanence, independence
of the place of production, relationship of transcription in relation to oral. On the other
hand, written language , the ability to use writing or written language and which is a
psychic function, the same as memory or will. Writing is the material support that
allows the transformation of the linguistic production system itself.

Ferreiro, E. and Teberosky, A. (1979) Writing systems in child development

The processes and ways through which the child learns to read and write: the path that
the child must follow to understand the characteristics, value and function of writing,
since it becomes the object of his or her attention.

Along with elementary calculation, reading and writing constitutes one of the
objectives of basic instruction, and its learning is a condition for academic success or
failure.

Synthetic methods / analytical methods

> The emphasis placed on perceptual skills neglects two fundamental aspects: the
child's linguistic competence and his or her cognitive abilities.

Associationist models (fail): in the child there is a tendency to imitate and in the social
environment that surrounds him there is a tendency to selectively reinforce the child's
vocal emissions that correspond to sounds or complex sound patterns of his own
language. Due to repeated associations between the sound emission and the presence of
the object, the former ends up becoming a sign of the latter and becomes a word. How to
account for the acquisition of syntactic rules? > Fail.
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The vision proposed of the process is radically different: instead of a child who
passively waits for external reinforcement of a response produced almost at
random, there is a child who actively tries to understand the nature of the language
spoken around him. and that, trying to understand it, formulates hypotheses, looks
for regularities, tests its anticipations and forges its own grammar (which is not a
simple deformed copy of the adult model, but rather an original creation). Instead
of a child who gradually receives a language entirely manufactured by others,
there appears a child who reconstructs the language for himself, selectively taking
the information provided by the environment. > PIAGETIAN SUBJECT: intellectually
active (opposite to the behaviorist conception of passive receiving subject). The subject
is the starting point of learning – not the method or the content.
Systematic errors, for example, that normally occur in the development of
language in children, testify to a learning process that does not involve the acquisition of
isolated elements that will later be assembled, but rather through the constitution of
systems where the value of the parts are redefined based on changes in the total system.
There are what we can call constructive errors , that is, responses that deviate from
what is correct but that, far from preventing achieving it, seem to allow subsequent
achievements.
It is not about teaching children to make a distinction [of the minimum
elements - phonemes] but about making them aware of a distinction that,
genetically, they already know how to make.
Progress in knowledge is obtained through a cognitive conflict , when the
presence of an object is not assimilable and forces the subject to modify their assimilative
schemes, to make an effort of accommodation aimed at incorporating the unassimilable.
In practical terms, it is not about continually introducing the subject into conflictive
situations that are difficult to bear, but rather about trying to detect which are the crucial
moments in which the subject is sensitive to disturbances and his own contradictions, to
help him move forward in the right direction. of a new restructuring.
If learning cannot be reduced to a series of specific skills of the child or to the
methodological practices developed by the teacher, we must take into account the true
process of knowledge construction .
Basic principles:
1. Do not identify read with decryption
2. Do not identify writing with a copy of a model . Writing is a conceptual task.
Writing is not a passive copy but an active interpretation of the models of the adult
world.
3. Do not identify progress in conceptualization with advances in deciphering or
the accuracy of the copy .
From the interactionist point of view of Piagetian conceptualization ,
knowledge is constructed from the knowing subject and the object to be known,
where the object serves as an occasion for knowledge to develop.

Long before knowing how to read a text, children are able to treat that text based on
certain specific formal characteristics.
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The early appearance of something is often explained because it involves concrete
content and the late appearance of another behavior as requiring abstraction capabilities.
It's a pseudo-explanation. Requiring at least three letters for something to be read, or a
variety of characters, are purely formal requirements that have nothing to do with
anything specific...
The systematization of the child operates on very different bases than that
of the adult .

Bronckart, JP. (2007) “The didactic transposition. History and perspective of a

fundamental problem”

Every teaching practice of an object presupposes the prior transformation of the

object into a teaching object. A distance is necessarily established between the
practice of teaching and the practice of what is taught.
The division of labor, characteristic of contemporary societies, translates into
different and autonomous practices, practices aimed at different objects that mobilize
and/or generate specific knowledge. The knowledge put into play by didactic
transmission differs from the knowledge mobilized in scientific transmission and from
knowledge as it is invented or put into practice.
Transposition designates the transformations that a given knowledge
undergoes during the didactic presentation , considering the behavior that this same
knowledge has in scientific transmission or in the processes of invention and
implementation.
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In the case of the practice of didactic exposition, the methodical use of knowledge
is subject to three sets of demands or determinations. The first set is related to the very
nature of the knowledge mobilized, with its intrinsic complexity, with the type of
relationship it has with the invention practices from which it comes, with the way in
which it has been textualized in the scientific exhibition. The second set designates the
status of the recipients of the transmission. The third set concerns the institutional
context of transmission practices. With these demands, taught knowledge presents the
following characteristics : - desyncretization : the reduction of knowledge -
depersonalization
- programmability : organization of knowledge in reasoned sequences to achieve
progressive acquisition
Given these demands, the transmission process is characterized by the publicity of the
knowledge to be transmitted: its explicit definition that also requires a process of social
control of learning. These properties allow us to delimit the knowledge that is
transmissible in schooling and that which is not, for social or gnoseological reasons.

Chevallard (1985-1991). The didactic system organizes a didactic relationship

between three poles (teacher, student, knowledge to be transmitted) developed in a
particular temporality (didactic time) and where (didactic) contracts are established. He
deliberately focuses his questioning on the status of taught knowledge. Its object is
transposition , defined by the transformations that take place or the distance that is
established between scientific knowledge, the knowledge selected for teaching and the
knowledge actually taught. The question raised is the status of the knowledge-origins
that emanate from the institutions of scientific production (scientific knowledge) under
the effect of a sociocultural process of valorization. Then, the nature of the
relationships of the didactic system with its social environment , which allow us to
understand the reasons for the transformations. Didactic systems are immediately
integrated into a teaching system , which can be defined as the set of structural devices
of a teaching order (type of educational establishment, nature of the programs and
pedagogical instruments, etc.). Education systems are articulated with the social
environment , which includes parents, political authorities, school administration, etc.

Education system

Transposition dynamics: Scientific

The didactic system is open to its environment
knowledge and can only survive if it is compatible

with it. The knowledge to be taught must remain close enough to scientific knowledge to
not receive condemnation from scientists, andKnow appear sufficiently different
how to teach fromtype
Teaching systems
common
Course,
students, teacher, 0
tai as it appears in
sense knowledge and parental knowledge tothepreserve
| Pedagogical the
texts legitimacy of school teaching.
of teaching contract

We can distinguish the written texts of the knowledge to be taught, as presented

Knowing taught as it
in pedagogical documents, and the oral texts of the knowledge actuallyworks taught,
in as they are
Pedagogical Practice
developed in the concrete interactions of a didactic system or a class.
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Chevallard's work generated controversies around the difficult context of the
institutionalization of didactics:
1. The status of the sources of the loans . Can the programs of an educational system
be directly inspired by practices? Are loans not necessarily mediated by those
representations of practices that inevitably tend to be organized into knowledge?
On the other hand, knowledge can come from other fields of knowledge
production, not necessarily the “scientific” one. Furthermore, a form of transformation
already begins in the scientific field and produces certain effects (reification and
depersonalization) attributed until then to the transfer from the scientific field to the
school field.
2. The stages of transpositional movement . Chevallard is dedicated to the study of the
knowledge to be taught and its relationships with scientific knowledge, but points out
that it must be distinguished from the knowledge as it is taught. Expanding this outline of
diversification of the taught contents, his successors differentiated the contents to be
taught as they are presented in the pedagogical texts, the contents actually taught
(whose properties vary depending on the teaching modalities), the contents as
they are learned by the students and the learning contents as they are evaluated.
This diversification shows the complexity of the transpositional movement, clearly
associates the properties of the taught content with the discursive specificities of its
mode of presentation and integrates the necessary distinction between teaching
processes, learning processes and evaluation processes.
3. The position of the didactics specialist and the status that Chevallard attributes
to didactics as a scientific discipline. The transpositional movement moves from the
fields of reference to the didactic field. This discipline has as its primary objective some
observable phenomena in didactic systems and it is from the analysis of these systems
that the problems derived from and the problems prior to the didactic systems can be
addressed, which leads to enrolling didactics in the field. of educational sciences.
Since the emergence of the social sciences in the second half of the 19th century,
the educational field has seen an almost uninterrupted succession of applicationist
procedures descend upon it:
1. applied (Piagetian) constructivism , translated into the development of a child-
centered but essentially indicative psychopedagogy, in the absence of technical means
that allow the required focus on the specific characteristics of the students
2. applied behaviorism , which proposed, in opposition to the precedent, a
modernization and technicalization of the old scholastic procedure (programmed
learning, without errors, etc.)
3. applied linguistics , which introduced a structuralist and then generative
reformulation of ancient grammatical notions
4. applied mathematics , which generated the reform we know
5. applied cognitivism , which activated a centralization in metacognitive and
metalinguistic processes
All ephemeral and almost all quickly rejected and abandoned awaiting a future
new scientific revelation and, therefore, inefficient. These procedures transfer to the
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educational field the limits and aporias of scientific currents: inability of Piagetian theory
to grant status to adult training interventions and, consequently, incapable of
conceptualizing learning in its effective framework; insensitivity of behaviorism to the
social implications and specific properties of learners; limitation of the space of validity
of modern grammars to only some basic syntactic structures of languages; etc

Cardenas, V. (2008) The visual zone in children's writing

Only when writing acquired autonomy from the spoken language did the resources with
which the author assume and exploit the spatiality of the page begin to emerge in order
to make reading faster, resolve structural uncertainties and point out nuances of meaning
that the reader he couldn't understand by himself. These graphic resources make up a
zone different from the alphabetic zone: the visuographic zone , which are the visual
resources for the organization and presentation of the written page and the graphic
conventions that define a grammar of readability.
The purpose is to investigate the way in which children construct this zone
when they write a text .
Just as the constitution of this zone is late in phylogenesis, it is also late in
ontogenesis.
Within the framework of interactionism (Lemos), unlike cognitivist and
constructivist positions that focus only on the cognitive abilities of the subject, as they are
biologically predetermined or as they are developed in a pure relationship with the
object, outside of any relationship with language and with society; They focus on the
subject-language-discourse relationship, also stating that the relationships between
thought and language cannot be dissociated from the social and historical dimension.
Hypothesis:
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1. If the visual zone does not function as a system, it is much more sensitive to contextual
conditions and would require permanent reconstruction.
2. While the elements of the alphabetic zone operate as a model of analysis of the spoken
chain, those of the visuographic zone are constituted from the same visual space of
writing. A decisive factor is the frequency and type of interaction with the written
language.

Writing, from the beginning, was excluded from linguistics. (As a representation of the
oral, because speech has priority by nature).
Both – orality and writing – are linguistic norms that in the same community
have different functions that users recognize as such. The written standard has not
been developed in all communities. The structural relationship between both norms is
not defined in terms of meaning but of correspondence. The norm of the written
language establishes correspondence with the norm of the spoken language of the
language at some level of the language that is not always the phoneme-grapheme
relationship.
Each standard has its own structure . While the spoken norm has a wide range
of melodic elements, the written norm only has a restricted inventory of visual resources,
such as punctuation and some graphic means of differentiation. These resources allow,
for example, to indicate the organization of the text for the reader or to introduce clarity
in expressions constructed with a syntax that is noticeably more complex than that
commonly found in the spoken norm.
Language ,
(or universal linguistic norm)

spoken language norm oral expressions

Fig 2
Relationship between language- oral language- written language

cenomas

morphogrumas
articulated logograms
Components of the plcreams
partial systems: punctuation, capital letters, abbreviations, acronyms, ele.
writing system
seniasigranic reinforcements

The visual zone of the writing

not articulated
system coincides with a broad
definition of punctuation , which we can translate as the setting on the page ( mise en
page ) : punctuation, capital letters, spaces, fonts. All the resources necessary to design
the total presentation of the written page.
The historical construction of the visual zone occurs in a process of gradual
autonomy of writing with respect to orality , since the Greeks and Romans, the
rhetorical punctuation of the classical era; going through the Middle Ages, a writing
closely linked to reading aloud, then moving to a higher degree of importance since the
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possibility of salvation was contained in the texts, with a classic punctuation; and
reaching the printing press, which will enhance the spatialization and visuality of the
page, with reading becoming a silent trajectory and personal journey. Long before the
end of the 17th century, signs were already being used with the names by which we
know them today.
Writing establishes an absence: the reader is alone and there the visual zone is
constructed.
The markings of the visual area allow the writing to be hierarchized and
visually organized by introducing segmentations in what would otherwise be presented
as a continuum . Many of them have a double function, since they also introduce duration
and melody in the discretizing analysis of speech carried out by alphabetical notation.

In Establish correspondences between

sense • graphemes andlanguage in he level

strict phonological.
ZONE
ONOGRAPHIC

In Establishes correspondences between

feel it graphemes andlanguage inlevels
broad higher, introducing variables
related to meaning

SYSTEM
OF
WRITING Visual resources presentation and
ZONE organization of the text. They operate in different
VISUOGRAPHIC word Operation: text, phrase, (Catach)
areas.

It is about making the segmentation visible to the reader : that the reader
perceptually identifies the central characteristics of the organization of a text, its
belonging to a discursive genre, and anticipates.
There is a bounding function and a qualifying function. The qualification function
is closely related to enunciation: modality and enunciative hierarchies.
The production of a written text then requires a subject that operates within
the framework of the criteria and values of the written culture itself, a subject
competent to participate in the discourse of the textual communities of societies
with writing.
The mere presence of these marks in a writing already implies an important
degree of elaboration and the author's awareness of the need to collaborate with the
readability of the text, the exercise of a metalinguistic practice , possible only when
there is already a level of written language developed. .

Desinano, N. (2004) “Punctuation and grammar”

Score: fuzzy contours phenomenon : brand/function relationships are not as clearly

determined as we assume. We all talk about the period as the final mark of a sentence or
the commas that segment the enumerations, but in truth this is very little and is not
enough for a systematic approach, but the same function is not always fulfilled by the
same mark, nor the same brand is capable of always fulfilling the same function.
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Punctuation can be placed for prosodic, rhetorical, grammatical purposes, or according to
less consistent criteria, such as placing a stronger mark to segment periods that have
already been segmented by a weaker mark. Punctuation marks exist, but you can also
write without them or against them. They have not always existed throughout history
and not in all scriptures have they been considered necessary.

The first situation that we must take into account when we try to evaluate the
importance of the score in relation to the school environment is the consideration of the
aspects of the Area in which it appears relevant: it is then when we notice that the entire
linguistic-discursive practice , as a whole – reading and writing – is directly
compromised by the use of punctuation marks.
This need for punctuation is manifested in those who are aware of its value based
on an assiduous practice of reading and writing, and the fact of considering as natural the
permanent decision-making that the segmentation of the text forces us to do. The marks
that organize the text are of a visuographic order and do not necessarily agree with
features that arise from or in oralization: word, phrase, sentence, paragraph are
recognized precisely by visuographic marks: white between words, comma, semicolon,
period and continued, full stop.
The presence of punctuation in a text is not natural, but acquired , depending
largely on the practice of reading and writing itself, and on the types of texts with which
each person is most familiar through that practice.
School linguistic-discursive practice in relation to punctuation is essential
so that students can work better in the field of reading and writing . The teacher, as
a literate person accustomed to an almost automatic use of punctuation, must dismantle
the imaginary system that is generally attributed to punctuation to begin to
understand the real difficulties that students face when reading or writing, when faced
with marks whose function within the text it is variable.
Punctuation should not be confused with spelling. Correcting the spelling of a
text becomes automatic to the extent that the reading teacher almost always knows
which word is written or misspelled. The problem of punctuation cannot be solved in the
same way. Punctuation requires a greater effort of interpretation and a weighing of the
phrase, sentence or paragraph as a whole, to decide which is the most appropriate mark
and change it or fill a gap in the visual area. This same fact should make the teacher
reflect on the real difficulty that punctuation of a text implies for the student. On the
other hand, to punctuate another's text is to give it meaning , a meaning that does not
have to be the one that its author intended at the time of writing, and then it is likely that
many times the texts that we have corrected end up saying something that our students
never thought to say. The scope of punctuation implies greater openness towards
personal use, which is why it becomes more diffuse, seen from the possibility of
regulations . The stylistic features are dominant, so there is a wide margin of flexibility
in their use.
The teacher opens a panorama of use that makes the student aware of the
interpretations to which the texts are subject depending on who reads them, and it is
from this comparison of interpretations that the students will be able to discover the
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places in their texts in which It is possible and/or necessary to use punctuation marks
and they will also learn to choose those that seem most appropriate for their text.
Keep in mind that it took centuries of use for written language systems to
employ segmentation consistently. From their beginnings (Latin and Greek) the
functions assigned to brands posed a double belonging in relation to orality and the
grammatical requirements of the text: they were rather instructions for the reader to
take the necessary pauses to breathe. Almost all of the contributions were incorporated
from the constant technological achievements of the printing press and the creativity of
those who, beyond the text, were incorporating the added value of the aesthetic work of
the graphic space.
The requirements of writing do not arise from natural laws that are noticeable
from simple perception, but are the product of a long cultural experience in the work
of writing, whose methods of use must be shown and taught to be understood. ,
beyond the margins of freedom that can be exercised with respect to a possible
regulation in relation to them.
The regulations constitute an indication of possibilities . In general terms, the
specific use is resolved based on the decision that the writer makes about the ways they
consider most appropriate to segment their text. This regulation can also be used as a
guide to the extent that the writer has clear notions in relation to grammatical
structuring or is very skilled in the recognition and transposition of certain prosodic
features, learned in the practice of oral reading, to your own written text. In the case of
punctuation, decisions must be made regarding the text itself and these decisions depend
on other knowledge and also on a linguistic-discursive practice; neither one nor the other
ever guarantee the elimination of doubts regarding the possible segmentation of a text.
It is necessary to differentiate punctuation from punctuation . Punctuality is the
existence of possible places within a text in which a segmentation can be carried out, at
the same time that there is a whole range of marks that can eventually be located in those
places in order to determine that segmentation. Punctuality is presented as a pure
possibility that the writer transforms into a concrete phenomenon when he uses that
possible segmentation space and even uses it by placing a mark that can be one of several
possible ones within the existing range. The concrete presence of a graphic mark must be
considered as an act of punctuation. This implies supporting the hypothesis that it is
possible to study punctuation and its regulations in school, but the punctuation
will only be the concrete result of the personal use that each student makes of the
possibilities offered . The freedom of the subject within his writing will play a
fundamental role even if it has normative frameworks as a reference.
Reaching a good level in the use of punctuation marks – knowing how to segment
a text – starts from becoming aware that a text is a continuum that can be
interpreted thanks to the segmentation that is proposed for it through the
punctuation marks. punctuation. That is, acquiring an awareness of punctuation .
The relationship with language and discourse is played out for each subject in
each of the opportunities in which they write a text . The students' writing always
presents a punctuation that may or may not agree with the notions of punctuation that
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would be learned in school. Disagreement with regulations does not often imply
ignorance of such notions, but rather the impossibility of realizing how and when they
are useful. In some cases, employment not considered in normative principle may also be
acceptable.

Desinano, N. (2009) University students and academic writing

Expository-disciplinary texts as manifestations of scientific discourse.

School texts (those made by students in evaluation instances, in close relationship
with the first ones).
Framework of interactionist theory.
A language constituted in texts on the basis of an individual discursive
functioning (which is presented in the statements). This constituted language is capable
of allowing the generation of any linguistic-discursive manifestation, even absurdity,
polysemy and ambiguities. It is the place of emergence of subjectivity, the breaking point
where misunderstanding is manifested. (It is different from language as a supposedly
homogeneous system).
A confrontation between the other constituted in the disciplinary scientific
discourse and the subject that functions at that moment and in that discourse generating
the school text. Heterogeneity resides in features that expose the subject , that support
its emergence, and cannot be considered simple errors. (It has nothing to do with textual
polyphony).
Access to a new discourse hinders functioning in the language . The state of
tension between subject/language/discourse manifestly emerges in the student's text in
an unpredictable way. (Capture).

Cardenas, V. (2006) “Relationships between subject, writing and discourse genre”

The incidence of text genres in the written production of subjects based on the
instability that subjects demonstrate in their relationship with language and discourse.
Is it true that once a student “knows how to write” he can always solve the
problems posed by different genres of text? Does your performance always depend on
your knowledge of language and discourse? How effective can teaching focused on
mastering the forms of different textual typologies be?
When the subject speaks or writes he settles into a specific discursive genre,
whose rules he follows. However, it is not enough to teach the formal characteristics of a
genre to achieve consistent writing, since research shows that there are instabilities in
the performance of the same subject when faced with different tasks in the same genre or
even in the same text, and that it is not enough It is possible to determine a priori what
degree of difficulty a genre is going to present to the subject.
Writing has a great scope for our way of knowing since it has been what has
founded the condition of possibility of science by founding the condition of possibility of
ideal objects. The Vygotskian approach maintains that this invention has allowed man to
control his own behavior and the behavior of others. Indeed, thanks to the permanence
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that writing ensures as an inscription in a materiality, men were able to create arbitrary
associations between different orders (for example, a fact that must be remembered and
a handkerchief). They thus gained power over the evolution of memory and action in
time, the registration of new ways of storing knowledge and new ways of thinking. Since
writing has created a new way of reproducing and storing knowledge, it is also closely
linked to the institutionalization of teaching.
It has also allowed us to gain awareness about language. Writing transforms the
use of language. It is the language of distance, typical of speakers who do not necessarily
know each other, who are distant in time and space, who do not share more knowledge
than the same discourse that they are developing at that moment about a defined topic.
This second language, which requires a process by which the situational and cultural
context must be reconstructed linguistically, involves a significant number of complex
operations such as a global planning of what is going to be said, a verbal construction of
the referents and a maintenance adequate of them, a greater explanation regarding the
forms and type of relationship between the parties, a different level of information and
particular forms of inscription of the enunciator in the text.
It has been fundamentally the functionalist and cognitive lines in
linguistics (Halliday, Ochs, Givon) and the interactionist orientations in psychology
(Bruner, Schneuwly, Bronckart) that have clearly maintained the importance of writing
for the human mind. Unlike nativist lines, which maintain that any human being, by the
mere fact of being one, speaks a complex language endowed with grammatical rules;
functionalisms and interactionisms have argued that grammatical structures are not
innate but develop from discourse . Syntax emerges from pragmatics .
In general, many of these schools admit that the ability to speak is part of the
genetic heritage of human beings. However, they emphasize the idea that linguistic forms
are closely related to the functions that language fulfills in society .
Interactionist lines maintain that one of the keys to language development lies in
the variety of communicative situations that subjects must resolve, since the progressive
resolution of increasingly complex situations transforms the subject's psyche. The
importance of education grows, since it is the intervention of new systems of signs,
among which writing plays a fundamental role, since it makes the subject capable of
developing a new system with which he can control the production of spontaneous
language. . Through the production of written texts, the subject progressively builds a
complex linguistic production system that will finally allow him to produce autonomous
texts.
Such reorganizations of the linguistic production system are not carried out
homogeneously in the different genres, since the different genres make different
demands on the subjects.
The explanation of discursive interactionism about the relationship between
discursive genre, subject and linguistic production focuses on the fact that each genre of
text would require different linguistic tasks – the definition of the parts and their
relationship, the way of creating the chains. referential, the intervention of the enunciator
– in the different instances of textualization that must be specifically elaborated.
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Cognitivism has contributed a theoretical tool to this discussion: the genre
scheme, which consists of knowledge available to direct a writing class, as it guides its
intentions, its strategies, the necessary content categories and the instructions for its
implementation in language.
There are discourse genres that may pose more cognitive problems than others,
which will be more difficult to solve.
Cognitivism and sociodiscursive interactionism explain the impact of gender on
the performance of subjects based on the problems that writing different discursive
genres poses to subjects, depending on the diversity, number and difficulty of the
operations to be mobilized. But this explanation leaves out several cases. It is possible to
think that not only do the subjects not reach the same level of development in the
different genres, but the hypothesis can be even more radical: it cannot be determined
a priori , based on the formal characteristics of a genre, the type of performance of
a subject .
For this reason, it is necessary to take into account Claudia Lemos' proposal of
interactionism: one cannot account for linguistic phenomena without considering
the changing relationship that the subject establishes with the language and
speech of another. Linguistic production is not always directly related to linguistic
knowledge nor can we speak strictly of development .
Variations in production cannot be separated from the way in which the subject
relates to his own word and the word of the other. Following Desinano, we could add that
here the word of the other is not only that of the teacher, but it is also a written word,
that of the texts that adolescents have read or listened to and that they must rework to
produce their own discourse. When, through reading or listening or a command, subjects
enter discursive domains that are, in principle, foreign to them, they seem to lose the
relationship with their own word, since it finds its place and is completed not in the own
discourse, but in the discourse that constitutes its domain of reference.

Arbusti, M. and Romanini, L. (2018) “Initial writings in the disciplinary scientific

discourse and reformulation structures”

This work presents an analysis of the explicit reformulations indicated by discursive

markers in the writing of students entering university, which is part of the framework
of Brazilian-Argentine interactionism.

Initial structures: the textualizations that students carry out in the instances of access to
new discourses .

Reformulation : a discursive linguistic procedure through which an utterance or a

segment of it is reconfigured; The reconfiguration imposes a difference between the first
and the second version, made possible by the subject's need to modify the first attempt at
verbalization. The most important feature of this definition is its eventuality . It cannot
be predicted. The reformulation assumes that the subject can objectify his or her saying
and perceive the flaws and inadequacies. We are not talking about disability; All subjects
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have the possibility of metalinguistic reflection , but it is evident that not all of them
can put it into practice every time they speak or write, and this happens because in their
relationship with language, always dynamic and constantly changing, they go through
instances that They often block the possibility of listening – of distancing and
objectification – and, consequently, of reformulation.
The tension between capture and listening , the two categories that,
respectively, interactionism uses to name this impossibility and possibility of
reformulation, accompanies each of the communicative instances of the subjects' lives,
even when they are adults – since failures are not always They are due to ignorance of
the rules of language or discourse, which at a certain moment can be postulated as having
been overcome.
Entrants, in general, are not familiar with the discursive traditions that circulate
at the University. The instance of access to new discourses puts the subject in a situation
comparable to that of the child who acquires the language, a situation in which successes
and failures occur, which never stabilize - as shown by the fact that every subject
eventually utters linguistic elements that the system does not register.

From an internal perspective to the text, and whenever connections have been achieved,
connectors and markers make explicit relationships between elements of the text and
therefore contribute to textuality. Now, the fact that this constitutes a resource that the
subject uses strategically to link the statements of his text is based on a conception of the
discourse and the relationship that the subject establishes with it that does not
correspond to the one we maintain. . The fact that the subject incorporates these
operations in his text can sometimes explain that he perceives the need to adapt
his statements, but not that he can control them and, therefore, incorporate
markers that explain relationships that are in fact linguistically relevant. and
congruent with the reference discourse.
It has been postulated, based on the notion of academic ethos (García Negroni,
2009), that reformulation in academic texts also constitutes an activity through which
authors seek to present a certain image of themselves, as capable of controlling the sense,
guiding the interpretation of the statements in a certain direction, which would also
constitute an instance of metadiscursive control. Although it is true that this is postulated
in relation to writers who are classified as experts and, to a lesser extent, to postgraduate
students, whose relationship with disciplinary discourses is undoubtedly in a different
instance from that which characterizes subjects with whose texts we work on, the
conception that underlies it postulates the ever-present possibility of exercising control
over one's own statements. Our investigations reveal subjects who, functioning in
discourses that are not familiar to them, and although including reformulative
structures in their textualizations, are unable to guide the meanings, since the
second versions, many times, do not achieve the precision or adequacy supposedly
sought. , and therefore, the eventual cooperative feature with its reader recedes
into the intended effect . The mere appearance of the discursive marker is not enough
to account for a reformulation operation, since linguistic or discursive failures end up
dismantling the possibility of considering reformulation as a resource always accessible
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to a subject always aware of his speech and audience. , with full control over its
textualizations.

Atorresi, A. (2005) “Construction and evaluation of instructions to evaluate writing

as a skill for life”

Offer some elements that guide a more efficient construction and correction of written
production instructions as an essential part of the socialization of knowledge.
The theoretical models developed to explain what happens when writing
generally agree that competent writers proceed more or less as follows:
• They think before writing and while they write about the topic they want or should
develop, about the information they have about it, how it is best to express it, about the
recipient to whom they intend the writing, about the purpose or purpose of writing,
about its possible effects, and so on;
• they outline the organization of the text, that is, they mentally outline and then, in
drafts, a text project and/or successive versions;
• They reread the writing to verify if it meets the stated objectives; correct
Regardless of the various types of written evaluation and the objectives with
which it can be carried out, the assessment of the capacity for written expression
involves the consideration of two complementary and related aspects:
- the written product , or the speeches that a student is able to write;
- the writing process , or the work procedures and strategies that the student uses to
produce these speeches.
The evaluation of the writing process consists of observing the information
analysis strategies and the writing method - or response, in the case of subjects in which
verbal language does not predominate - of the student. In reality, it is an unusual type of
evaluation in the educational system: more qualitative than quantitative. The aim is to
determine if the student: -mentally draws up a plan -writes drafts
-recovers ideas from the bread and then from the draft; reformulates them, relocates
them, expands them - resorts to sources of information or support
-makes corrections recursively, privileging global aspects, or focuses exclusively on
surface issues, maintaining the initial planning (or does not correct anything)
-works comfortably, motivated, focused on the task or dispersed
Post-hoc introspective analysis of the writing task ("What did you do before
writing? Did you check the text? Did you revise it as you wrote or did you leave the
revision for last? What corrections did you make?", etc.) is a common way to evaluate the
process. It is not absolutely reliable , since the answers given by the writer are almost
always interfered with by what he believes the teacher thinks he should have done.
One of the methodologies for analyzing the written response process that has
been particularly successful is protocol analysis . The protocol is the detailed record of
all the reasoning made by someone who performs a written task. It involves a trained
interpreter, as well as a recording device per subject; If we add to this that faithful
transcription of the recording is sometimes difficult, it is understood that its
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implementation is difficult.
Written expression is a skill that involves a series of micro-skills -
procedures, concepts and attitudes - which, although they can all be manifested and do so
at the same time, cannot always be evaluated in their entirety or in an overlapping
manner , since the measurement would lose objectivity and validity. For example, if the
aim is to evaluate the ability to distinguish and characterize three parts (paragraphs, lists,
sections) differentiated by their scope: the union / work / home, the activities of women
in the mid-19th century,
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When correcting, it will be necessary to privilege the relevance of the selected
organizational axes, the organization into parts, the fact that reference has actually been
made to activities and that they have been characterized, over local aspects such as
spelling regulations or presentation.
Once the objectives have been defined, the appropriate instruction or
instruction must be selected to assess them. The most valid technique (because it is the
most global) to evaluate specific knowledge linked to the thinking skills that are
manifested through writing is the indication of writing a complete text according to
defined characteristics.
It is appropriate to include in the formulation of the instruction instructions that
include considerations about the purpose, the topic, the communication situation, and
the type of text. And, later, during the correction, do not limit yourself to pointing out
surface errors, but rather attend to all the requested aspects which, for their part, should
not necessarily be all those involved in the writing of a text. This observation weighs even
more when it is intended to evaluate different aspects of the production to assign a score,
since, in this case, the instruction should explicitly include all the points that will be
considered if we do not want to incur situations of injustice when grading. . Furthermore,
it is necessary to take into account that, even though multiple aspects can be observed
from a writing, these are, in some way, limited by the slogan itself. Thus, the creativity of
a writer cannot be evaluated if the genre in which his text must be inscribed allows few
variations in structure, theme and style (the "scientific" description is an example). As a
consequence of the above, at the time of analyzing the results, only conclusions can
be drawn regarding the performance in relation to the instruction that gave rise to
it.
It is usually considered that the success criteria are the set of general and/or
specific communicative aspects that the writing must achieve in order for it to be
appreciated as acceptable; The rating scale or scoring scale, for its part, is the numerical
value given to each aspect, each response or the writing in
total. Any product evaluation must take into account and Adequacy (5 points)
The presentation of the text is clear and

determine the specific objectives or aspects that are correct 1 point

intended to be evaluated, the appropriate instruction or The appropriate register is used 2 points

instruction to evaluate them and the success criteria or set The purpose is clear 2 points

Coherence (5 points)
of general and/or specific communicative aspects that the The text contains the necessary 1 point
information
writing must achieve. The a priori assignment of the score The text has the appropriate structure
that each assignment of a test will deserve and, internally,
2 points

the determination of the aspects that will be weighted to

The paragraphs are well structured
2 points

assign a score to each assignment should be carefully Cohesion (5 points)

considered by the evaluator. Commas and periods are well used 2 points

Connectors are used properly

1 point

Cohesive pronouns are well used 2 points

Grammatical, spelling and lexical

correction 5-0 points

Variation in syntactic structures,

lexicon and stylistic resources
5-0 points
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Even score gluttony the informative text

The application of synthetic
correction grids in massive evaluation
Excellent (25 to 20) Regular (13 to 10)
■ Information is developed and structured with well > Presents some clear information , but in the form of
-chosen details throughout the entire writing. a list lacking development , or repeated or limited
■ The text is well organized: it presents tran marked
locations.
to a beginning.
• It is irregularly organized; may be dismembered
systems or in institutional evaluations has
the drawback of not allowing results to be
■ It has a variety of sentence structures and a good > Exhibits uneven control of boundaries and
selection of words sentence structure , may have some inaccurate
■ The enors of syllable and pun grammar tuation word choices
are few and do not interfere
communication comprehension of the writing or
in the . Grammar, syllabus and punctuation errors tuation
often interfere with understanding.
returned based on each of the problems
detected; On the contrary, one only gets to
are absent

know that the students' writings were

Skillful (19 to 17) Insufficient (9 to 7) .
• In parts of the response , well-chosen information . Presents fragmented or very repetitive or poorly
is developed and structured. developed information
• The text is clearly organized, but some transitions
are missing and/or there are occasional lacks of
■ Is very disorganized; the ideas are tenuously
connected or the answer is so brief that its
rated as, for example, regular, but not on
what topics to return to to correct those
continuity . organization cannot be recognized nization.
. Exhibits some variety in sentence structure and . Minimal control of sentence boundaries and
some good word choices. structure, lexical selection is often inaccurate
• Grammar , syllabus and punctuation errors
tuation do not interfere with understanding.
• Grammar, syllabus and punctuation errors tuation
interfere with understanding
flaws that resulted in such a rating.
The rating scales shown up to this
Enough (16 to 14)
■ Information is developed in some detail.
Unsatisfactory (6 or less)
' ■ Constitutes an attempt at an answer, but provides
point are useful for allowing a detailed or
■ The text is organized with general ideas rally
related, but having little or no transition.
little or no coherent information or only
paraphrases the question
global evaluation of aspects that transcend
the most superficial features of the text;
■ A centroid displays the limits and structure of the . It has no clear organization or with It consists of a
sentence but the sentences and words chosen single statement.
are simple and little varied. ■ Minimal or no control of the limits and structure of
■ Grammar , syllabus and punctuation errors
tuation do not interfere with understanding.
the phrase, the selection of blade bras is
inaccurate in almost the entire answer.
They are also because, applied by a
■ Many grammar, syllabification and punctuation
errors tuation interfere with understanding ,
■ Variation in syntactic structures, vocabulary and
stylistic resources

same person, respond to evaluation criteria that are in principle similar for all recipients.
Thus, each teacher could use a synthetic grid in the classroom because, if he always uses
the same criteria, the students are graded fairly.

Tapia, S. M. (2016). Correction of written texts: what, how and why it is corrected in
Language

Definition of “correction” : dialogic text made up of an utterance, a verbal mark, a

graphic mark or the combination of two or more of them made by a teacher on the
utterance (product of the language activity) of each of the students. guided by a
command. It has different levels and is presented simultaneously and overlapping.
The slogan in the strict sense is a segment of text that defines and initiates the
activity produced by the class. There are three types: questionnaires, guides for the
production of texts in general and instructions that guide the production of texts with
subjective reasons.
Corrections can be classified into: global corrections, meaning corrections and
form corrections, which correspond to the levels at which teachers correct the texts
written by students based on the work assignments.

Global fixes . They are those that refer to the genre and the text produced, those that
explain how a concept that has been taught according to the instructions in the strict
sense has been applied, those that indicate procedural issues, those that mark the
adequacy (according to the situation). given communicative) of the language used, those
that identify features of expressiveness or style in a written production and those that
intervene on issues in which an ideological accent not shared is revealed in the use of
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linguistic signs by the teacher and the student. They concern what Riestra calls “use”
and Coseriu “what is appropriate.”
Global corrections are closely related to the work assignment since they
evaluate, in the broad sense of evaluation as an assessment of the action carried out, the
completion of the task carried out by the student, depending on the teaching object.

Meaning corrections. They are those that refer to the internal coherence of the text
and the congruence between what is written and the extralinguistic reference or the
worlds represented. The corrections that teachers make in the order of meaning
contemplate both the relationships between the text written by a student and the
represented worlds that are transmitted in texts and the intratextual relationships that
account for the progression of the thematic content.

Form corrections . They are those that refer to language as a semiotic system and as a
historical technique . They have a direct relationship with the normative language as
a state of language that is shared by the community of speakers of a given era and that is
the object of description by grammarians and linguists. They cover corrections that
refer to morphosyntax and lexicon, and corrections that address punctuation,
spelling, and the use of accent marks.

Other corrections that teachers make to students' texts are related to the presentation,
including aspects of various kinds (such as justifying and leaving blank spaces in
computer-written work), or pointing out deletions and observations about the
calligraphy.
It is important to highlight that each of the texts presents corrections at different
levels at the same time and each correction does not necessarily correspond
unequivocally and exclusively to a category.

What is corrected at the medium level?

Although the percentages vary from teacher to teacher, in no case do corrections
predominate at the level of meaning. There are between 20 and 40% of errors (for
example, in the use of graphemes) that teachers do not correct.
9% of the corrections made by secondary school teachers refer to the meaning of
the texts written by the students. Corrections at this level mark errors or problem areas
but, exceptionally, they inform about the cause of the error committed.
Corrections that refer to the form of students' texts make up the majority of total
corrections at the secondary level (54%). In turn, we can distinguish the aspects
corrected within this category, represented in graph 8: 74% of the corrections
correspond to spelling errors due to incorrect use of graphemes and omission or
incorrect use of accent marks; 14% refer to morphosyntactic aspects, mainly to
agreement errors; 11% address the use of punctuation marks, either by omission or
incorrect use (since they have been placed where they should not have been used);
Finally, only 1% of the aspects corrected within the form account for the lexicon or the
words used.
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What is corrected at the university?
A priori a difference is observed between the group of teachers of the university courses
and the middle-level teachers: the former make up two groups with work planned in
didactic sequences organized around academic textual genres and regulated with a
shared evaluation scale ; This could lead us to assume that their corrections, both in what
is corrected and in the way it is done, would be more uniform and homogeneous than
those analyzed at the secondary level.
Focusing on the aspects that are corrected in the students' tasks, of the 2,396
corrections, 443 correspond to global corrections; 421, to corrections of meaning and
1,523, to corrections of formal aspects. In percentages, as illustrated in graph 10, 64% of
the interventions carried out by teachers are corrections that refer to form and the
remaining 36% are distributed between corrections of meaning (18%) and global
corrections (18% ). It is observed the predominance of formal issues in the corrections
relatively independently of the activities and tasks proposed by the instructions.
Corrections at the level of meaning make up 18% of those made by teachers in the
texts of students at the university level. They correspond mostly to marks in the margins
of problematic areas of the texts; In the margin or at the bottom, teachers record the
corresponding item from the evaluation scale: “coherence.”
Meaning corrections that focus on textualization mechanisms focus on errors in
connection or errors in nominal cohesion. These factors are also corrected through short
questions or through amendments (substitutions, strikeouts) that teachers make to
students' texts.
Corrections of formal aspects of students' texts at the university level make up
64% of the total corrections that teachers make. Within the form corrections, as
represented in graph 12, 56% refer to spelling due to the incorrect use of graphemes and
accent marks; 19% address punctuation aspects; 18%, morphosyntax issues and 7%,
lexicon or the precision of the words used.

At both levels, corrections of formal aspects of the language predominate, specifically, of

its writing, among which those that refer to the use of graphemes and accents stand out.
These occupy 40% of the total corrections made by secondary school teachers and 36%
of those that occur at the university. Although the cause of this predominance is a greater
number of errors in graphemes and uses of accent marks by students, it is necessary to
consider that spelling constitutes the most stable and fixed aspect (RAE and AALE, 2011)
of the historical norm of the Spanish language, which would give greater homogeneity
among teachers regarding the criteria of what is considered an error and, therefore,
subject to correction.
Corrections at the form level also include punctuation, syntax and lexis, where a
greater disparity is observed between what is corrected at the intermediate level and
what is corrected at the university: while 5 are allocated to punctuation .5% of the total
corrections in secondary school, the figure rises to 12% of corrections in the university.
Regarding syntax, 8% of the total corrections intended for this level were
observed in secondary school, compared to 11% in university. At this level, more aspects
of the syntax that are subject to correction are also recorded: at the intermediate level,
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agreement and the use of prepositions and pronouns are mostly corrected; while at the
university level, in addition to these aspects, teachers mark the incorrect use of gerunds,
determining articles and the absence of arguments, according to the valences of the
verbs, in sentences that thus remain incomplete.
In relation to the lexicon, corrections represent 0.5% of the total in secondary
school and 4% in university.
In total, corrections that refer to the level of form constitute 54% of corrections at
the secondary level and 64% at the university.
Regarding the meaning of the texts, it is the aspect to which the smallest
number of corrections is allocated at both levels .

How is it corrected? The ways of correcting can be classified into statements, marks and
amendments.
The statements , specifically, take the form of responses intended for the
student-producers of each text. They account for the immediate social relationship
between the participants in the communicative action, the teacher and the student, in a
broader and more encompassing social situation such as the school institution or the
academic institution. The context of these statements is also determined by the tasks
directed by a work order.
Trademarks , for their part, make up a non-articulated and articulated
semiological code of greater or lesser complexity, depending on whether they consist of
two or more signs. It is a secondary representation system made up of a non-
linguistic code that intervenes in the linguistic code . Their meanings are non-finite
and superimposable. Some examples are what is underlined as opposed to what is not
underlined or what is enclosed in brackets as problematic or wrong.
Brands form subcodes in which they should function in a non-creative way , if
their recipients are to be able to understand their meanings. That is, if the objective of
using marks is for students to recognize their meaning when reading the corrected texts,
first of all, the code of marks must be finite (admitting a finite number of signs, as in fact
we see in the texts corrected by teachers, who consider a maximum of eight signs).
Secondly, the meanings of these signs, once given, cannot vary from one context to
another (from one corrected text to another). Thirdly, the relationship between signifier
(type of mark, be it underlined, circle, question mark, etc.) and meaning (error committed
at one level of the student's text) should be univocal. Finally, it should tend to avoid
synonymy, that is, reduce the creativity of the code. When marks are used
systematically, and what is marked in one way has a different meaning from what
is marked in another way, they guide their recipient about the specific level of the
texts in which the teacher considers it necessary to intervene . When the brands do
not form a code, that is, there is no univocal relationship between the brand used and the
meaning at the level of the text in which the teacher wanted to intervene, it could not be
concluded that the effect intended by the teacher is for the student to search for meaning.
, but rather the brand would function as a paratext or complementary means of reading
that aims to attract attention, and this would explain its frequent redundancy with
statements and/or amendments as a way of correcting.
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Amendments are direct interventions by the teacher on another's statement that
is found or perceived to be erroneous. It involves the replacement, by the teacher, of the
linguistic signs and punctuation marks, the accent marks and the omitted graphemes, the
crossing out of extra signs or elements and the substitution of one element for another.
None of the corrected texts present the amendment as the only form of correction,
rather, the three categories that have been described appear combined, there are no
univocal correspondences between levels of correction of the texts and ways of
correcting and situations are even observed in which that a teacher, in the same text of a
student and faced with a similar type of error, corrects it once with an amendment and
then marking it, or identifying it through a statement.

Statements, marks and amendments are three ways that teachers combine to
correct their students' texts, without there being a direct and univocal relationship,
systematically applied, between what is corrected and how it is corrected. However, a
relative predominance of statements has been identified to refer to the general aspects of
the texts that we have framed within the global corrections, while marks and
amendments are articulated with aspects of the meaning and form of the writings.
On the other hand, a certain redundancy has been noted consisting of the
combination and simultaneity of different correction methods to point out the
same error . This redundancy could have an intention that, from Leontiev's theory of
activity, I called presentation, that is, the objective of double correction would be to make
conscious operations that students perform unconsciously when writing. Likewise, this
redundancy produces a visual reinforcing effect that reveals the teachers' concern to
verbalize, in the dialogue established by the corrections, what they consider significant
for the students' learning.

The comparison between how teachers correct at the secondary level and how they
correct at the university does not reveal, on the other hand, substantial differences.