Media Law
Media Law
Media Law
B. The Facts
1. The case originates from events that occurred a year after the 2004 national and local
elections. On June 5, 2005, Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye told reporters that the opposition was
planning to destabilize the administration by releasing an audiotape of a mobile phone
conversation allegedly between the President of the Philippines, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, and a
high-ranking official of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The conversation was
audiotaped allegedly through wire-tapping.5 Later, in a Malacañang press briefing, Secretary
Bunye produced two versions of the tape, one supposedly the complete version, and the other,
a spliced, “doctored” or altered version, which would suggest that the President had instructed
the COMELEC official to manipulate the election results in the President’s favor. 6 It seems that
Secretary Bunye admitted that the voice was that of President Arroyo, but subsequently made a
retraction. 7
2. On June 7, 2005, former counsel of deposed President Joseph Estrada, Atty. Alan Paguia,
subsequently released an alleged authentic tape recording of the wiretap. Included in the tapes
were purported conversations of the President, the First Gentleman Jose Miguel Arroyo,
COMELEC Commissioner Garcillano, and the late Senator Barbers.8
3. On June 8, 2005, respondent Department of Justice (DOJ) Secretary Raul Gonzales warned
reporters that those who had copies of the compact disc (CD) and those broadcasting or
publishing its contents could be held liable under the Anti-Wiretapping Act. These persons
included Secretary Bunye and Atty. Paguia. He also stated that persons possessing or airing said
tapes were committing a continuing offense, subject to arrest by anybody who had personal
knowledge if the crime was committed or was being committed in their presence.9
4. On June 9, 2005, in another press briefing, Secretary Gonzales ordered the National Bureau
of Investigation (NBI) to go after media organizations “found to have caused the spread, the
playing and the printing of the contents of a tape” of an alleged wiretapped conversation
involving the President about fixing votes in the 2004 national elections. Gonzales said that he
was going to start with Inq7.net, a joint venture between the Philippine Daily Inquirer and
GMA7 television network, because by the very nature of the Internet me- dium, it was able to
disseminate the contents of the tape more widely. He then expressed his intention of inviting
the editors and managers of Inq7.net and GMA7 to a probe, and supposedly declared, “I [have]
asked the NBI to conduct a tactical interrogation of all concerned.”10
5. On June 11, 2005, the NTC issued this press release: 11
NTC GIVES FAIR WARNING TO RADIO AND TELEVISION OWNERS/OPERATORS TO OBSERVE
ANTI-WIRETAPPING LAW AND PERTINENT CIRCULARS ON PROGRAM STANDARDS
xxx xxx xxx
Taking into consideration the country’s unusual situation, and in order not to unnecessarily
aggravate the same, the NTC warns all radio stations and television network owners/operators
that the conditions of the authorization and permits issued to them by Government like the
Provisional Authority and/or Certificate of Authority explicitly provides that said companies
shall not use [their] stations for the broadcasting or telecasting of false information or willful
misrepresentation. Relative thereto, it has come to the attention of the [NTC] that certain
personalities are in possession of alleged taped conversations which they claim involve the
President of the Philippines and a Commissioner of the COMELEC regarding supposed violation
of election laws.
These personalities have admitted that the taped conversations are products of illegal
wiretapping operations.
Considering that these taped conversations have not been duly authenticated nor could it be
said at this time that the tapes contain an accurate or truthful representation of what was
recorded therein, it is the position of the [NTC] that the continuous airing or broadcast of the
said taped conversations by radio and television stations is a continuing violation of the Anti-
Wiretapping Law and the conditions of the Provisional Authority and/or Certificate of Authority
issued to these radio and television stations. It has been subsequently established that the said
tapes are false and/or fraudulent after a prosecution or appropriate investigation, the
concerned radio and television companies are hereby warned that their broadcast/airing of
such false information and/or willful misrepresentation shall be just cause for the suspension,
revocation and/or cancellation of the licenses or authorizations issued to the said companies.
In addition to the above, the [NTC] reiterates the pertinent NTC circulars on program standards
to be observed by radio and television stations. NTC Memorandum Circular 111-12-85 explicitly
states, among others, that “all radio broadcasting and television stations shall, during any
broadcast or telecast, cut off from the air the speech, play, act or scene or other matters being
broadcast or telecast the tendency thereof is to disseminate false information or such other
willful misrepresentation, or to propose and/or incite treason, rebellion or sedition.” The
foregoing directive had been reiterated by NTC Memorandum Circular No. 22-89, which, in
addition thereto, prohibited radio, broadcasting and television stations from using their stations
to broadcast or telecast any speech, language or scene disseminating false information or
willful misrepresentation, or inciting, encouraging or assisting in subversive or treasonable acts.
The [NTC] will not hesitate, after observing the requirements of due process, to apply with
full force the provisions of said Circulars and their accompanying sanctions on erring radio
and television stations and their owners/operators.
Philippine jurisprudence, even as early as the period under the 1935 Constitution, has
recognized four aspects of freedom of the press. These are (1) freedom from prior restraint; (2)
freedom from punishment subsequent to publication; 53 (3) freedom of access to
information; 54 and (4) freedom of circulation.
What is prior restraint? Prior restraint generally restricts speech before it happens, but it goes
further than that. It also is when the government requires any review or approval process
before the speech or expression occurs. Simply put: A prior restraint is anytime the government
acts as a gatekeeper to free expression.
A distinction has to be made whether the restraint is (1) a content-neutral regulation, i.e.,
merely concerned with the incidents of speech, or one that merely controls the time, place, or
manner, and under well[-]defined standards; or (2) a content-based restraint or censorship, i.e.,
the restriction is based on the subject matter of the utterance or speech. The cast of the
restriction determines the test by which the challenged act is assayed with.
Hence, it is not enough to determine whether the challenged act constitutes some form of
restraint on freedom of speech. A distinction has to be made whether the restraint is (1)
a content-neutral regulation, i.e., merely concerned with the incidents of the speech, or one
that merely controls the time, place or manner, and under well defined standards;60 or (2)
a content-based restraint or censorship, i.e., the restriction is based on the subject matter of
the utterance or speech. 61 The cast of the restriction determines the test by which the
challenged act is assayed with.
When the speech restraints take the form of a content-neutral regulation, only a substantial
governmental interest is required for its validity.62 Because regulations of this type are not
designed to suppress any particular message, they are not subject to the strictest form of
judicial scrutiny but an intermediate approach—somewhere between the mere rationality that
is required of any other law and the compelling interest standard applied to content-based
restrictions.63 The test is called intermediate because the Court will not merely rubberstamp the
validity of a law but also require that the restrictions be narrowly-tailored to promote an
important or significant governmental interest that is unrelated to the suppression of
expression. The intermediate approach has been formulated in this manner:
A governmental regulation is sufficiently justified if it is within the constitutional power of the
Government, if it furthers an important or substantial governmental interest; if the
governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression; and if the incident
restriction on alleged [freedom of speech & expression] is no greater than is essential to the
furtherance of that interest. 64
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