From Betel-Chewing To Tobacco-Smoking in Indonesia

From Betel-Chewing to Tobacco-Smoking in Indonesia
Author(s): Anthony Reid

Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 44, No. 3 (May, 1985), pp. 529-547
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
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VOL. XLIV, No. 3 JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES MAY 1985
From Betel-Chewing to Tobacco-Smoking

in Indonesia
ANTHONYREID
S outheast Asians appear to have been extensive users of mild narcotics throughout
their recorded history. For all but the past century of this history, the betel quid,
composed of areca nut, betel leaves, and lime, was the characteristicrelaxant central
to the agreeablesocial interaction that Southeast Asians valued. For thousands of years
the peoples of Southern Asia and Melanesia were inveterate chewers of betel, giving
rise to the claim that it was the most widely used narcotic in human history (Lewin
1964:23 1). In this region most other narcotics began to be used as a part of the betel
chew.
Cigarette smoking has almost completely replaced the chewing of betel among
male Indonesians during the past century. According to a recent survey (Munir et al.
1980), 85 percent of adult Indonesian men now smoke when they can afford it,
although less than 1.5 percent of Indonesian women do so. Women have abandoned
the chewing of betel more slowly, presumably because cigarette-smoking was not
deemed an appropriatesubstitute for their use. This article will examine the massive
shift in Indonesian consumption as the major case study of tropical Asia in general.
The implications of such a large-scale change for Indonesian health, expenditure
patterns, and social and ritual interaction are of major importance.
Betel in Indonesian History

The three essential ingredients of the betel quid are all naturally available in
Indonesia. Lime is readily obtained from crushed shells. The two plant elements are
the seed or "nut" of the areca palm (arecacatechu)and the fresh leaf of the betel
vine (piper betle), which forms the wrapper for the quid. In eastern Indonesia and
New Guinea the fruit or pod of the siriboavariant of the betel vine is preferredto the
leaf, and has the same chemical effect (Galvao 1970:57). Areca and betel both
appear to be native to the Indonesian Archipelago; this is indicated by the diver-
sity of indigenous terms that are applied to them.
Toba Low
English Malay Aceh Batak Javanese Bali Makassar Bugis Ternate
areca pinang pineung jambe banda rappo alossi hena
betel sirih ranub napuran suroh chanang leko' ota bido
marau
Anthony Reid is a Senior Fellow in Southeast that colloquium and Greg Acciaioli, Liz Coville,
Asian History at the Australian National University. Ruth Darusman, Jennifer Holmgren, Graeme
This article was first presented at a colloquium Johnston, Robert MacLennan, Chris Manning,
on "Disease, Drugs, and Death in Southeast Asia" David Mitchell, Chris Wake, and WA. I. M. Segers
at the Australian National University in May 1983. for their comments.
The author wishes to thank the participants in
529

530 ANTHONY REID
The same diversity is to be found in the Philippines-Tagalog bungalikmo;Pam-

pangan luyoslsumat;Visayan bungalmamon.By contrast the languages of India tend to
use cognates of the words supari and pan (Penzer 1952:188-189), suggesting a more
recent introduction of the plants. Indian sources began to refer to betel-chewing only
during the first four centuries of the Christian era, and therefore it is assumed that the
precious plants were introduced from Southeast Asia during that period (ibid.:
109-10).
In Southeast Asia there is no indigenous evidence from such early periods, though
Chinese referencesgo as far back as a second-century B.C. description of betel-chewing
in Vietnam (cited Terwiel 1980:112). By the T'ang period we have numerous Chinese
references to the use and export of areca from the Indonesian area (Hartwich
1905:49-50; Wheatley 1961:52, 56, 78-79). ChauJu-kua noted of twelfth century
P'o-ni (Brunei?) that betel was prominent in both marriage ritual and court ceremo-
nial (Hirth & Rockhill 1911:155), while Ma Huan (1970:92-93) reported of Java in
the early-fifteenth century:
Men and womentakeareca-nutand betel-leaf,and mix them with lime, madefrom
clam-shells;their mouths are neverwithout this mixture. . . . When they receive
passingguests, they entertainthem, not with tea, but only with areca-nut.
The fact that the Chinese term for areca since at least T'ang times, pin-lang,
derives from Malay pinang suggests that the area then dominated by Malay-speaking
Sri Vijaya(Sumatra, Malaya, western Borneo) was the major source of this commodity.
On the other hand, the more-isolated upland peoples of Malaya (as distinct from
coastal Malays) until recently used betel sparingly if at all, whereas the Negritos of
northern Luzon in the sixteenth century were even more addicted to it than were
lowlanders (Boxer Codex 1958:390). This tends to confirm the linguistic evidence
that it is to the islands rather than the mainland of Southeast Asia that we should look
for the sources from which areca and betel spread.
By the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when we have much fuller descrip-
tions, the chewing of betel was established virtually everywherein tropical Asia as the
indispensable politeness to be offered a guest in court or village, as a central ritual
symbol, as digestive, dentifrice, and mouth freshener, and as the relaxant that made
life more bearable-especially when traveling, warring, or otherwise short of food.
The earliest European visitors to Asia were much struck by this phenomenon.
Antonio Pigafetta, whose voyage with the Magellan expedition took him to the
Central Philippines, Brunei, the Moluccas, and the lesser Sundas in 152 1, explained:
Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they call areca, and which
resemblesa pear. They . . . wrap it in the leaves of their tree which they call
betre . . . they mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it
thoroughlythey spit it out. . . . All the people in those parts of the world use
it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceasedto use it they would die.
(Pigafetta 1969:32)
Two decades later Galvao observed that of all herbs the Moluccans made greatest
use of the betel, "They use it so continuously that they never take it from their
mouths" (Galvao 1970:57).
The habit was equally universal when the first Dutch fleet reached Banten
(West Java) in 1598:
One seldomsees the Javanesewhen they arenot constantlychewingBetel and Areca
mixed with lime, fromwhich their whole mouth becomesred . . . and if they wish
to speak with the King . . . also in visiting one another, the betel set will
1, 115)
immediatelybe placed in the center.(EersteSchipvaart:

BETEL-CHEWING IN INDONESIA 53 1
From the earliest descriptions until well into the nineteenth century we learn that
no important person left his house without a retainer or slave to carry his betel
equipment, a bronze tray with containers for each of the ingredients. The king of
Ternatehad female dwarfs, reputedly deliberately crippled in childhood, to carry his
set (Galvao 1970:115). Betel sets were among the few metal utensils in most
Indonesian households and their manufactureone of the major sources of employment
for such renowned copper- and brass-working centers as Negara (South Borneo),
Grisek (East Java), Sungei Puar (West Sumatra), and Trengganu(Malaya).A betel set
was as essential for entertaining guests as a tea set is in China or in modern Britain.
Chewing betel, in short, was not a matter of personal preference, still less of
indulgence. It was a social necessity for every adult in society. To refuse to offer betel,
or to refuse to take it when proffered, was esteemed a deadly insult.
The centrality of betel-chewing in Indonesian life reachesa deeper level, however,
when we consider its role in almost every type of ritual. Areca and betel frequently
accompanied the dead during funerals (Skeat 1900:398-402; Forth 1981:181;
Scharer 1953:68-69); in sixteenth-century Luzon betel juice was used to embalm the
dead (Chirino 1969:327). Betel chewing and its ingredients were featured widely
in healing rituals and practices (e.g., Boxer Codex 1958:390; Van Oyen 1905:126),
in offerings to the ubiquitous spirits of the dead, and in every social and ritual
function. In many societies, particularly in East Indonesia, young people began to
chew betel after the teeth-filing ritual that marked their passage to adulthood;
betel-chewing became a mark of full membership of the ritual community (Forth
1981:164; Greg Acciaioli, personal communication; field notes, South Sulawesi).
The most characteristic roles of betel in the Indonesian world (and well beyond
it), however, were in the rituals of courtship and marriage. The offering and accep-
tance of betel were so much identified with courtship and betrothal that compounds
of the Malay word for areca, pinang, have passed into the modern vocabularyon this
subject. Meminangis "to ask in marriage"or "to court";pinanganis "betrothal";pinang
mudahas become an euphemism for a go-between of lovers because of the image of the
ideal young arecawith two perfectly matching halves (Wilkinson 1959:904). In other
languages the betel leaves, rather than the areca, became the primary symbol for
betrothal. Acehnese ba ranub(to bring betel) is to offer a love gift; Makassareseleko'
passiko'(a bundle of betel leaves) is the offerof marriage, while leko'-lompo(great leaves)
represents the formal bride-price.
At the marriageceremony itself the betel ingredients are usually present as part of
the bride-price. A Javanese bride and groom throw betel leaves at each other. At
Malay and Sumatranweddings in the nineteenth century an ornate "betel tree"(Malay
pokoksirih; Acehnese ranubdong)comprised of betel leaves was carried in procession
(Skeat 1900:pl. 14; Djajadiningrat 1934:490-91). Acehnese men divorced their
women, on the other hand, by giving them three pieces of areca (Snouck Hurgronje
1906:vol. 2, 369). Todayamong people who have abandoned the use of betel a bronze
betel set is often displayed among the ritual apparatus at the wedding, and it is
handed down as an heirloom for this purpose.
There appear to be a number of reasons for the close association of betel-chewing
with marital or sexual union. Presumably the most important is that it is the
promoter of all social intercourse, including the bond between man and woman.
Beyond that, the union of its two major elements, areca and betel, undoubtedly
representscomplementarity and balance, particularly as areca is seen as "hot" in the
universal humoral classification of Southeast Asia, and betel leaves are seen as "cool."
In eastern Indonesia, where the long pod of the betel vine is a more appropriatemale
symbol than the leaves used elsewhere to match the feminine roundness of the areca,

532 ANTHONY REID
an explicit sexual symbolism is understood (Froth 1981:360; Liz Coville, personal

communication). Forman (1980: 162-63) argues for his Timor evidence that the
chewing of betel is seen as a prerequisite for real or symbolic birth, the red spittle
symbolizing the blood that is believed to be the female contribution to an embryo.
Among the Makassaeof Timor, the groom's mother ritually chews betel in the house
with the bridal couple on their first night together; after childbirth the new mother
and her mother-in-law ritually chew betel together. Similar ideas may underlie the use
of betel leaves or juice throughout the Archipelago for pregnancy and postpregnancy
disorders (Sastrowinangun 1905:38-39; field notes, South Sulawesi), or the spitting
of pieces of areca nut into the mother's vagina in the case of a difficult childbirth in
Malaya (Penzer 1952:261-62). Equally, however, we may here be dealing primarily
with the need to "heat"during pregnancy and "cool" after it (Manderson 1981).
The three key ingredients of the betel quid were widely available in the
Archipelago, and consequently it is almost impossible to establish the extent of its
consumption by using trade figures. Around 1830 James Low (1936:72) calculated
the annual consumption of betel leaves by the inhabitants of Penang and Province
Wellesley as 6,211,440 bundles of one hundred leaves, which would represent a
consumption of twenty leaves per day by every man, woman, and child in the
settlement. The leaves were so cheap that the total expenditure for them would have
been only 50 cents per person per year. Gambir became, as we shall see, an
increasingly popular additive to the betel quid, especially in Java, which had to
import almost all of its needs from Riau and Sumatra. If Raffles (1817:vol. 1, 204)
was correct in estimating that most of Riau's annual production of twenty to thirty
thousand pikul of gambir went in 1815 to Javanese betel-chewers (also Trocki
1979:19), this would have supplied 120 million biji (small cubes weighing approxi-
mately 10 grams) to a Java whose population in 1815 was less than six million. My
contemporary informants reckon one biji would last a regular chewer for fifteen days;
hence this would have been enough to keep every man, woman, and child chewing
constantly. Since the cost of a biji of gambir was less than a guilder cent, however,this
must have made little impact on the expenditure of the average consumer.
Betel, Tobacco, and the Brain
The similarity of function of betel-chewing and cigarette-smoking seems obvious

to modern Indonesians. "Men are expected to smoke if they do not chew betelnut"
(Miles 1976:35; also Stoll 1905:16). The two drugs are felt to have the same calming
effect on tension, pain, and hunger while stimulating the appropriate mood for
agreeable social intercourse. This similarity of effect was brought to the attention of
the scientific world as early as the eighteenth century by Kaempfer (Penzer
1952:29 1). In the 1930s it was shown that arecoline, one of the major alkaloids in the
areca nut, had an effect similar to that of nicotine in stimulating the central nervous
system, increasing breathing and perspiration while keeping the heart rate steady
(ibid. :291; Chopra et al. 1956:23; Juptner 1968; Porsius et al. 1978). For reasons of
this sort, most of the general literature still classifies the betel quid as a mild
stimulant (Lewin 1964:239; Penzer 1956:291; Emboden 1979:146; Burton-Bradley
1966:746).
The situation is more complicated, however. As Emboden puts it (1979:35),
tobacco can act variously as "a stimulant, a depressant, a tranquilliser or a
hallucinogen," and recent research has revealed a similar mixture of seemingly
contradictoryproperties in the betel quid. It has been shown that arecoline hydrolizes
when chewed with lime into arecadaine,which, along with another arecaconstituent,

BETEL-CHEWING IN INDONESIA 533
guvacine, is an amino acid that enhances the sedative effect of GABA (Gamma
Aminobutyric Acid) in the brain. Experimentally, these amino acids have been shown
to have a sedative effect on mice, reducing their spontaneous activity and curbing
artificially induced epilepsy (Johnston et al. 1975; Lodge et al. 1977; Nieschultz
1970). The only controlled experiment with human subjects of which I am aware
(Stricherzand Pratt 1976) showed that betel-chewing markedly slowed reaction time
among a group of Micronesian students. The major psychic effect of betel-chewing, as
of smoking, appears therefore to be a sedative or relaxant one, even though certain
other metabolic and nervous functions are stimulated by it.
The extraordinary place that betel-chewing assumed in the ritual and social
lives of Southeast Asians has to be attributed primarily to its relaxant properties,
which are readily acknowledged in the literature. In the SejarahMelayu, Javanese
women sick with love for Hang Tuah were offered betel "to allay the pangs of love"
(Brown 1952:78). In the eighteenth-century Acehnese epic Hikayat PocutMohammad,
tired and frightened warriors calmed and revived themselves by chewing betel, even
swallowing the spittle for maximum effect (Drewes 1979:223-25). The chewing of
betel before social or diplomatic encounters must have made it easier for Indonesians
to bear the demands made on men of higher social levels, in particular, for self-
restraint and calmness.
Medicinal Effects of Betel-Chewing
The use of betel, like the use of tobacco and opium, was justified by its apologists
in terms of the manifold medical benefits thought to flow from it. Some of these
claims were real, some were imagined, and many have not yet been adequately tested.
There seems to be little doubt, however, that the balance of positive and negative
effects on health is much more favorablein the case of betel than in the case of either
of its two modern rivals.
The most universal claims for betel-chewing have been that it prevents dental
decay and toothache and sweetens the breath. The sixteenth-century tribute of Tome
Pires (1944:516) may be taken as representative:
It greatly helps digestion, comfortsthe brain, strengthensthe teeth, so that men
herewho eat it usuallyhaveall theirteeth, withoutanymissing, evenat eighty years
of age. Those who eat it havegood breath,and if they do not eat it one day their
breathis unbearable.
Indonesian informants in modern times continue,to stress the care of the teeth
as the primary medical advantage of chewing betel. On the other hand, Bontius
(1776:190-92) was the first of a number of Western observers who took the
contrary view that in prolonged betel-chewing the lime caused decay, giving as
evidence that many betel-chewers became toothless in old age, and most had their
teeth stained-in reality the stain was a deliberate attempt to achieve the black
teeth then admired by Southeast Asians. On balance, Western scientific opinion has
been in favorof betel for the teeth, however,attributing negative effects to the lack of
proper cleaning. Many Europeans adopted the chewing of betel for this reason, and
powdered areca nut was sold in England as a dentifrice as late as the 1930s (Penzer
1952:291-95).
Only recently have these rival claims been subjected to controlled analysis.
Surveys of patients in New Guinea (Schamschula et al. 1977) and in East Java
(Moller et al. 1977) have shown conclusively that dental caries are markedly less
frequent among betel-chewers, although the reasons for this are not entirely clear.

534 ANTHONY REID
Unfortunately for English areca users, it appears probable that it is the fluoride
content and antibacterial effect of the betel leaves which produce the positive effect
(Moller et al. 1977; Nanda and Kapoor 197 1). On the other hand, it has also become
clear that betel-chewers are relatively prone to periodontal disease and breakdown.
Bachand (1967) reported of his betel-chewing patients in Vietnam that far more of
them lost teeth through periodontal causes than through tooth decay. In attributing
this to the irritational effect of the lime, he to some extent confirmed the views of
Bontius three centuries earlier.
That betel-chewing sweetens the breath may be accepted fairly readily: this is
attested with confidence by all the early European observers (whose own breath
must have been appalling). Numerous writers assert that Asian women would not
think of making love without first sweetening their breath with betel, and we know
that Portuguese and Dutch women in Southeast Asia quickly adopted the same
precaution (Penzer 1952:197, 222, citing Linschoten and Garcia da Orta; de Haan
1922:vol. 2, 145).
The next most frequently attested virtue of betel-chewing among early writers
is that it aided digestion. In the twelfth century Chau Ju-kua noted that betel-
chewing prevented Southeast Asians belching after meals (Hirth and Rockhill
1911:214). Subsequent visitors such as Pires, Garcia da Orta, the writer of the Boxer
Codex, Pyrard, Dampier, and Bowrey all insisted that betel-chewing settled the
stomach and prevented intestinal and digestive disorders. Early in this century Louis
Lewin (1964:240-41) provided a plausible explanation of this observation in relation
to the nitrogen-deficient diet of tropical Asians:
An excessof acid decompositionproductsof this overuniformfood is very liable to
formationin the stomach. The alkaline juice of the betel morsel neutralizesthis
acidityandacts as an astringent,hardeningthe mucousmembranesof the stomach.
For similar reasons French military doctors in Vietnam in the 1890s prescribed the
betel ingredients as part of military rations for all soldiers (Rookmaker 1905:20).
Among the other claims made in the literature for betel-chewing, the most
common were that it prevented diarrhea and dysentery (Scott 1943:173; da Orta,
cited Penzer 1952:192), as well as scurvy (Linschoten, in Penzer 1952:221; Schoute
1929:107-8); that it combatted parasiticworms (Arjungi 1976:955), aided menstrua-
tion (ibid.), and prevented hunger pains, enabling people to journey for several
days without food (Pires 1944: 516). Numerous writers also claimed areca was an
aphrodisiac(Penzer 1952:223, 226, 298; Chopraet al. 1956:23), but we may ascribe
this with reasonable confidence to the symbolic and stimulating qualities described
above, and to the classification of areca as "heating" in the humoral system.
From this list, which could be lengthened, the only claim that appears to have
been adequately tested by modern methods is that betel-chewing is effective against
parasites-notably roundworms and tapeworms (Hsia 1937; Chung and Ko 1976;
Chopra et al. 1956:23).
Although less prominent in the Western historical literature, the role of betel
leaves as an antiseptic, antibacterial agent is particularlystriking in the contemporary
pharmacopoeiaof Indian and Southeast Asian practice. The juice of betel leaves has
long been used against eye infections (Sastro Winangoen 1905:14; Copra et al.
1956:194; field notes). Betel leaves were also placed over wounds and sores to prevent
infection (Rookmaker 1905:37; Nguyen Duc Minh:52, 68). The effectivenessof such
remedies appears to be the only way to account for the striking absence of infections
noted by numerous early observers of Southeast Asia, even in cases of the most
appalling wounds (Beaulieu 1666: 102; Crawfurd 1820: 1, 31). The juice of the betel

leaf is also believed to be effective against swelling, morning sickness, headaches,

drunkenness, and fever (Rookmaker 1905:37-38; Sastro Winangoen 1905:134-41;
Chopra et al. 1956:194)-perhaps partly because of its humoral reputation as
"cooling."
Recent research in Vietnam has isolated the following bacteria against which an
extract of betel leaves has been found to be effective: bacterium pyocyaneum, candida
albicans, diplococcus pneumoniae, salmonella para typhi B, shigella flexneri, shigella
largei sachsii, staphylococcus aureus, and streptococcus haemolyticus (Nguyen Duc
Minh:68-69). These are responsible for various types of dysentery and typhoid.
Scientific work on the beneficial effects of betel-chewing is still in its infancy, even by
contrast with the efforts that have gone into studying the higher incidence of oral
cancer among betel chewers, particularly those who mix tobacco with their chew
(e.g., Kandarkarand Sirsat 1977; Reed 1977; Kapadia et al. 1978; Randadive et al.
1976). The beneficial properties already demonstrated, however, seem to justify the
claim that the constant chewing of the betel mixture by premodern Indonesians (and
others) had extensive medical implications, not only in preventing dental decay and
promoting digestion but also in protecting users against some of the more serious
hazardsof their environment, including intestinal parasites and water-bornediseases.
The betel-chewing habit seems likely to have been one factor that may explain the
surpriseof early Europeanvisitors to Southeast Asia at the seeming good health of the
people they encountered, in contrast not only to the enormous mortality of Europeans
in the East in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries but also to conditions in Europe
itself. Miguel de Loarcanoted of Visayans in the 1560s, 'Among them are found no
crippled, maimed, deaf or dumb persons. . . . They reach an advancedage in perfect
health" (Blair & Robertson vol. 5, 116-17). Similar comments are made of the
Javanesein the 1650s by Rijklof van Goens (1956:180); of the Acehnese in the 1680s
by ibn Muhammad Ibrahim, a Persian (O'Kane 1972:179); of West Sumatransin the
1770s by William Marsden (1811:44)4 and as late as the early 1800s of Vietnamese by
de la Bissachere (1812:vol. 1, 63-68); and of Siamese by Brugiere (1844:191).
Tobacco as a Supplement to Betel
Despite John Crawfurd'sargument in favor of the Portuguese, it appears to have

been the Spanish who introduced tobacco to Asia; they brought the plant from
Mexico to the Philippines in 1575. When the first Dutch expedition reached Banten
(Java) in 1596 there was no sign of tobacco, whereas Scott (1943:173) noted only a
decade later how fond the Bantenese were of it. The Kartasurachronicle dates the
arrival of tobacco in Central Java much more exactly, in the Saka year 1523 (March
1601-February 1602):
In the same year [as King Senopati'sdeath] was the first tobacco;when it had
appearedwas the beginningof people smoking, and "twofiresfell upon the earth"
[chronogramfor 1523]. (Ricklefs 1978:29)
The chronicle no doubt refersto the practice of the Mataramcourt, which appears
to have been introduced to tobacco in the way it was then smoked by fashionable
Europeans, using a long reed pipe. Among the thirty young women who accompa-
nied Amangkurat I (1646-77) whenever he went outside the palace, there was one to
carryhis pipe and tobacco and another to carrythe fire to light it. Yet another carried
his betel set (van Goens 1956:257). Guests at royal banquets appeared to have been
offered the choice of smoking or chewing betel after the meal (ibid. :2\35).
The growing of tobacco spread quickly in Java, as it did in the Philippines and

536 ANTHONYREID
most other parts of Southeast Asia. Java tobacco acquired a special reputation and was
exported to other parts of the Archipelago, and by the late-nineteenth century
there [was] virtuallyno inhabitedareaof the NetherlandsIndies, whetherin the
lowlandsor in highlandsup to about 1500 m., wheremore or less tobaccois not
cultivatedby the nativepopulationfor their own use or for the nativemarket.(Van
LookerenCampagne1905:230-31; also Raffles1817: vol. 1, 134)
Gradually, therefore, the use of tobacco came within the reach of almost everyone.
Stavorinus(1798: vol. 1, 245) noted in the 1760s that the Javanese still used the
pipe to some extent. As early as 1658, however, an indigenous form of cigarette
appeared; it was known as bungkus(lit. bundle) and composed of shredded "Java
tobacco"wrapped in a dried leaf of maize or banana (de Haan 1922: vol. 2, 135; van
LookerenCampagne 1905:222). This must have been a cheaper, easier, and therefore
more popular way of smoking the new drug, although the pipe retained a certain
deftig (genteel) status among the elite of Batavia and the Javanese aristocracy who
intermingled with them. It was not until the end of the eighteenth century that the
pipe began to lose its fashionable associations in Europe, and eventually also in Asia
(Apperson 1914:89-91).
The bungkusappears to have come along the same route as the original pipe
tobacco, initially spreading from the Philippines to the Moluccas, where native
cultivation of tobacco for use in the bungkuswas noted by Rumphius in the 1660s (van
LookerenCampagne 1905:23 1). "Ternatanbungkus"were especially popular in Java in
the eighteenth century (de Haan 1922: vol. 2, 25). The bungkusappears to have
preceded and probably influenced the Indian and Burmese cheroot (from Tamil
shuruttu), of which the earliest recorded citations are in the eighteenth century.
Lockyer(17 11) implies that the common term for such homemade cigarettes, even in
India at that time, was the Malay word bungkus(bunco,buncus-Yule and Burnell
1903:126, 188). In Sumatra and Malaya, on the other hand, a similar form of
homemade cigarette, frequently wrapped in a nipahpalm leaf, was referredto by the
eighteenth century as rokoor rokok(the modern Malaysian and Indonesian word for
smoke or cigarette), probably because the usage was first spread by Dutch seamen and
traders (Dutch roken,to smoke) (Marsden 1811:283; Iskandar 1970:973).
In various forms, then, the smoking of tobacco established itself throughout
Indonesia-indeed, throughout the world-during the seventeenth and eighteenth
century. However, none of these forms were ever as popular among ordinary Indone-
sians as the habit of adding tobacco to the chew of betel became by the end of the
eighteenth century.
As we have seen, the earliest European accounts of betel-chewing in Indonesia
mentioned only the three key ingredients-areca, betel, and lime. Nevertheless, the
habit of adding spices, aromatics, and other precious commodities to the betel quid
was of long standing, particularly as a luxury among the rich. Some of the Sanskrit
literature of the first Christian millennium refersto the "fivefruits"that flavorbetel,
although there is no fixed list of what these were. The most frequently mentioned
additives in this Indian literature are camphor (the most prized aromatic of the time),
cloves, nutmeg, ambergris, cardamom, and musk. A single clove has remained in
India as a fastener for the elegant betel quid of polite society, the same role it plays in
Sumatra and Malaya (field notes; McNair 1978:182). Cloves and cardamom were
among the additives that the Javanese and Sumatran aristocracy kept in their betel
sets (Raffles 1817: vol. 1, 10). Opium was also added to the quid by those requiring a
stronger relaxant (see James Rush, in this issue of theJournal).
By the end of the eighteenth century, however,throughout Indonesia gambier and

tobacco had become the two standard additions to the three ancient elements.
Whether or not as a reflection of the Sanskrit convention of "five fruits," Indonesian
bronze and silver betel sets in the nineteenth century had to have five containers for
these five conventional elements.
Gambier, an extract of the climbing shrub uncariagambir, was the earlier of the
two new ingredients to take its place. The Dutch encountered gambier for sale in the
Banten market in 1596, as a medicine rather than in that part of the market where
betel ingredients were sold (EersteSchipvaart:vol. 1, 112, 152). About this time,
however,the Indian habit of adding cutch, the astringent extract of the acaciacatechu,
to the betel quid was beginning to spread to Southeast Asian ports. During the
seventeenth century gambier was recognized as a better and cheaper locally available
substitute for cutch. Rumphius described it as being chewed with betel in the
Moluccas in the late-seventeenth century (Yule and Burnell 1903:363).
Gambier (Malay.gambir)appears to be native to the Sumatra/Malayaarea, and its
leaves were probably used medicinally (as they are today, notably against dysentery
-Maradjo, 1977:15) for centuries before the imitation of cutch began. To achieve the
effect of cutch, the juice of the leaves was boiled down until it reached a rubbery
consistency; it was then cut into the characteristic one-inch cubes (biji) in which it
was sold throughout the Archipelago. During the seventeenth century a trade in
gambier developed from Palembang to all points of the Archipelago; in the 1740s the
Bugis,- followed by the Chinese, made Riau the primary export base (Trocki
1979:19-20; Ali Haji 1982:90-91). Chinese, followed by Europeans, eventually
discovered in gambier the best natural source of tannin, so that a major international
trade was added in the nineteenth century to the longer-standing interisland trade.
Although gambier was valued for its medicinal effects against dysentery and
diarrhea, the main reason for its prominence in the betel chew was presumably its
taste, "affecting the tongue at first with a mixed sensation of bitterness and astrin-
gency . . . and leaving a lasting and not disagreeablesweetness"(Crawfurd1820: vol.
1, 406). Having come to appreciate this astringency from the areca nut, betel users
must have found gambier a durable and transportablesubstitute when fresh arecawas
not available. In Central Java today gambier has almost completely replaced areca in
this role.
When and how the chewing of tobacco with betel became common is far from
clear. Van LookerenCampagne (1905:222-23) speculates that Indonesians may have
learned the habit of chewing tobacco from Portuguese and Dutch sailors, who were
forbidden to smoke on board ship because of the risk of fire. Given the precedent of
chewing so many other things in the betel quid, however,as well as the difficulty of
procuring fire when traveling, such an example was probably not necessary.I have not
been able to find definite referencesto the addition of tobacco to the betel quid before
the second half of the eighteenth century (Marsden 1811:283; Stavorinus 1798: vol.
1, 245). If the practice really began as late as this, its progress was extremely rapid.
By the time of the British interregnum in the Indies (1811-16), the primary use of
tobacco in the Archipelago was undoubtedly as a wad to cram between lip and gum
after the initial salivation produced by the betel chew:
The practiceof smoking tobacco,firsttried, has beengenerallydiscontinued,and the
Indianislandersnow use it in a peculiarmanner.The tobaccois finelyshred,and a
portionof it, in this form, is prettyconstantlyheld betweenthe lips and teeth, and,
when the person wishes to speak, thrust between the latter and the gums, adding, in
eithercase,greatly,in the opinionof a stranger,to the disgustingeffectsof the betel
and arecapreparation.(Crawfurd1820: vol. 1, 105; cf. Raffles1817: vol. 1, 101)

538 ANTHONY REID
The bungkusnever died out entirely; it made its greatest comeback in the form of
kretek during our own century. However, most nineteenth-century Indonesians
absorbed their nicotine directly through the sensitive tissues of the gums. As a
narcotic this must have had a stronger effect than the areca nut. I interviewed
betel-chewing women in Central Java and the Sa'danTorajaarea who conceded that
they got their "kick" primarily from the tobacco. With gambier to provide the
astringency, it is thereforeunderstandable that the arecanut, the original source of the
appeal of betel-chewing, should have largely dropped out of use in Java.
Tobacco as a Substitute for Betel
Europeansnever took the step of adding a wad of tobacco to the betel chew. Dutch
men in Batavia abandoned the habit of betel-chewing during the middle years of the
eighteenth century, although their womenfolk continued it well into the nineteenth
century (de Haan 1922: Vol. 2, 145). In its new, unsightly form, with the tobacco
wad held in the mouth, the betel-chewing habit began to seem repulsive to Europeans
who encountered it.
For European men in the East it was the Manila cigar that assumed the role in the
first half of the nineteenth century which betel-chewing and pipe-smoking had once
occupied. About 230 million Manila cigars were imported to Java in the period
1856-64, at a cost of over 8 million guilders, for wealthy Europeansand Chinese and
for aristocratic Javanese. From imported cigars the transition was not a large one to
imported cigarettes. These first made their appearance in Batavia in 1845, substan-
tially earlier than they did in England (1854), and following the latest mode in France
and Italy (de Haan 1922: vol. 2, 135; Apperson 1914:179-91). Once European
males, the highest social caste of colonial society, became firmly committed to the
smoking of cigars or cigarettes, it was only a matter of time before the whole society
adopted the habit.
As the nineteenth century wore on, the cultural gulf between the European (by
1900, typically a Dutch-born totok)and the Indonesian became ever wider. To the
European, nothing seemed more emotive a demonstration of the inferiority of the
Indonesian than his habit of chewing betel, spitting the saliva on the roadside or even
in the house, and stuffing a wad of tobacco in his mouth. No doubt the development
of bacteriological theory at the end of the nineteenth century added to the righteous
indignation with which Europeansfrom then onwardviewed the habit of spitting in a
public place. One Dutch travelerdescribed the Raja of Goa (Makassar),whom he met
in the 1880s, as "a dirty old fellow who chewed betel and looked more like a monkey
than a man" (G. Verschuur, cited Van Oyen 1905:128-29). Little wonder that the
successor of this ruler chose to impress Dutch visitors by handing round cigars.
The transition in South Sulawesi from betel-chewing to cigarette-smoking must
have been one of the more spectacular in its speed. Eerdmans (1897:57) pointed out
that no Makassaresein the 1890s smoked cigarettes or cigars except those few princes
most anxious to impress Europeans:the bulk of the population "chewsirih the whole
day and often night, as long as they are awake."Yet in the market of Makassar(Ujung
Pandang) today there are only two Torajanwomen who sell the betel ingredients, and
the buyers are exclusively elderly Torajans.When Makassareseor Bugis buy betel at
all, it is purely for the ritual requirements of marriage. One of the two sellers does not
herself chew betel; she moved to MakassarCity as a child in the 1930s, and in that
urban environment nobody chewed it. The transition among Bugis and Makassarese
seems to have been completed in a half-century. Virtually everybody chewed betel in
1900, and virtually nobody did so in 1950.

BETEL-CHEWING IN INDONESIA 5 39
In Java, Bali, and Sumatrathe impact of "modernization,"like that of colonialism,

was rather more gradual. In 1903 hardly any Javanese regents chewed betel, even
though the betel set was ritually carried on all formal occasions. By the second half of
the nineteenth century the elite of Java were alreadysmoking, and the habit gradually
spread downwards (Veth 1875:547; Van Oyen 1905:128).
Around 1900 in West Sumatra,whereonce the Padriscampaignedin vain against
the use of sirih. . . the young men in particularbegin to adopt the chicwhich is
associatedwith a new type of civilization(also evidentin the clothing which more
and moredivergesfromthat of the adat),leavingthe use of betel to olderpeople. To
farin the interiorone now finds"modern" youngmen. . . . Theyleavethe sirih-tray
for the oldies, just as we in our youth left the snuffbox.A very educatednative
teacherconfirmedto me . . . that formerlyeveryonechewedbetel the whole day.
"But now only the old people are fond of it, and the young chew it only when
courting . . . or during feastsand rituals."(Rookmaker1905:29)
The spreadof Western-style education appearsto have been closely correlatedwith
the abandonment of chewing betel. In areassuch as TanaToraja,where betel-chewing
among both sexes is still common today, the first generation to have been exposed to
education was also the first to abandon betel. The whole image of "modernity"that
education conveys to a young person is contradictory to the chewing of betel. Their
association with education, and subsequent employment in the modern sector of the
economy, is no doubt part of the reasonwhy men generally abandonedbetel-chewing a
generation or so ahead of women. It is by no means the whole reason, however, for
men without any education had abandoned betel for cigarettes in most of Java and the
towns of outer Indonesia by 1950. The second factor is that the fashion, which
steadily descended through colonial society from the dominant Dutch down, was
exclusively a rnaleimage of cigarette-smoking. For women there was nothing to fill
the enormous social and relaxant role of betel.
During the nineteenth century those who wished to follow the "modern"style had
to purchase imported cigars or cigarettes, since homemade bungkus,now known as
strootjes(Dutch) or kelobot(Javanese), had an image almost as rustic as betel itself.
Local manufacture of international-style "white" cigarettes was begun by British
American Tobacco(B.A.T), with a factory in Cirebon in 1924 and a subsequent one
in Semarang. B.A.T.'s "white" cigarettes led the expansion of the industry consis-
tently until the 1970s. In the long run, however,the new dominant fashion did make
it possible for the indigenous style of cigarette to make a comeback on a large scale.
The bungkusor kelobothad always resembled betel in the propensity of Indonesians
to add aromatic spices to it. Among the additives for roll-your-own cigarettes sold in
the tobacco section of the Yogyakartamarket in 1982 were ground cloves, menyan
madu(gum of the Styrax Benzoin), kelembak(root of the Rheum officinale), and woor
(an alternative to cloves). Local manufacturersfound that a mixture of cloves, tobacco,
and a little sweetening saus (flavor)proved to be the most popular. The manufactureof
such cigarettes on hand-operated rollers was begun in Kudus in the 1880s, initially
with traditional maize leaves as wrappers. After World War 1 production in Kudus
expanded to the point that it catered to a substantial proportion of the Java market.
Such clove cigarettes became known as kretek,evidently an onomatopoeic reflection of
the tendency of the cloves to crackle and explode as they burned. To judge by the level
of import of Zanzibar cloves for this expanding industry, its output grew roughly
tenfold during the 1920s. The depression curbed its expansion, largely because
B.A.T. lowered the cost of its "white"cigarettes to compete directly with the Javanese
kretek(Creutzberg 1975 :i, 265-72). Nevertheless kretekproduction reached a prewar
peak in 1939 with an annual output that has been variously calculated (depending on

540 ANTHONYREID
Table 1. Indonesian Clove Consumption in Metric Tons
Domestic Production Imported Total

1920 185 185
1930 3,039 3,038
1940 7,060 7,060
1956 4,000 12,700 16,700
1974 15,000 4,900 19,900
1978 21,100 9,800 30,900
SOURCES: Segers 1982:Bijl 5; Biro Pusat Statistik, Statistical Pocketbook,relevant years.
the formula used) at between 5 and 16 billion cigarettes (Harahap 1952:144-45;

Segers 1982:Bijl 2-6). The labor-intensive industry of rolling kretekcigarettes became
one of the great success stories of indigenous enterprise, employing 80,000 people in
1934. Most of them were women in the two major manufacturing centers of Kudus
and Blitar (Segers 1982:Bijl 57).
By the time of independence in 1945, cigarettes had usurped the role of betel for
most Indonesian men, as a relaxant as well as a polite prelude to social intercourse. In
areas where traditional rites of passage were still celebrated, tobacco was even taking
over some ritual functions. As early as the nineteenth century some brides and grooms
among the SarawakDayaks exchanged cigars as well as betel at marriages (St. John
1862:vol. 1, 50). In Kelantan of the 1930s betel was still essential in all social and
ritual occasions, but Rosemary Firth was told that she might use cigarettes if she was
unable to obtain in England the betel which had to be offered to spirits at every birth
(Firth 1943:74). The Berawanof Borneo in the 1970s used cigarettes to substitute for
betel in accompanying the dead on their last journey (Metcalf 1982:41-42). At the
great death feasts of the Sa'dan Toraja, hosts and guests now reciprocally offer
cigarettes rather than betel.
Tobacco in Contemporary Indonesia
Like betel-chewing before it, cigarette-smoking for males is now more than a
personal indulgence. It is a social necessity in many circumstances. Unlike opium,
which was always condemned by a large section of Islamic and other leaders and did
not therefore become socially central, cigarettes have few critics in Indonesia. The
social and ritual gap left by the passing of betel was filled, if at all, by cigarettes. No
doubt there was also a physiological gap for a people whose culture required them to
endure poverty and injustice with calm and elegant civility. In this respect opium
became a more potent resource than betel for a minority in the nineteenth century,
but its even more sudden passing left tobacco without major competitors.
The extent of Indonesian smoking since World War II is not fully revealed in the
official statistics derived from excise duties paid. An indication of the speed of the
increase in kretekproduction is given by the rapid escalation in clove consumption in
Indonesia during the period 1920-78. While we may reasonably posit a tenfold
increasein the smoking of kretekcigarettes between 1930 and 1978 on the basis of the
figures in table 1, it is difficult to translate this into numbers of cigarettes smoked
because of the large proportion of homemade cigarettes outside any government
control. Official figures for the large-scale industrial production of cigarettes subject

Table 2. Annual Production of Cigarettes in Indonesia
Population Production
Production in billions over age 15 per head of adult
Kretek "White" Total (in millions) population*
1972 20.1 21.6 41.6 67.9 613
1976 37.9 30.0 67.9 76.9 883
1980 51.0 29.1 80.1 86.7 924
1982** 62.8 25.7 88.5 90.1 982
SOURCE: Biro Pusat Statistik, Statistik Industri, relevant years.
* To give consumption per adult, this figure should be increased slightly to accoulntfor the small
and declining excess of imports of "white" cigarettes over exports of kretek.(The excess of imports meas-
ured in weight was 1,300 tonnes in 1976 and 477 tonnes in 1980.)
** Provisional data.
Table 3. Smoke Analysis of Four Kretek Brands and Australian Brands

of Cigarettes
Dry
Puff particulate Carbon
Brand of kretek count Moisture matter Nicotine monoxide
Djarum 17.1 2.4 mg 51.3 mg 5.07 mg 19.5 mg
Djarum 16.7 2.56 51.6 5.02 18.9
Dji Sam Soe 23.2 2.09 38.6 5.31 23.0
Gudang Garam 16.8 2.26 49.7 5.28 18.2
Gudang Garam 15.0 2.83 44.5 5.37 14.9
Wismilak 16.4 3.01 45.3 5.1 19.7
Wismilak 17.0 2.77 46.5 5.02 21.3
Australian brands
(average) 8.0 2.0 15.0 1.1 14.0
SOURCE: Australian Government Analyst Laboratory analysis for Dr. Robert MacLennan, April 1980
(made available by Dr. MacLennan).
to excise nevertheless indicate the steady increase in consumption over recent years
(see table 2). These figures for consumption per adult are far above those issued by the
World Health Organization for Indonesia (WHO 1979:86). They place Indonesia
above most Asian and African countries, but still well below the levels of affluent
Europeanand North American countries, which consume between 2,000 and 3,800
cigarettes per adult per year. Given the understatement caused by homemade ciga-
rettes in Indonesia, the much more intensive use of each cigarette than in affluent
countries, and the content of Indonesian cigarettes, there is no cause for complacency
concerning the impact of smoking on the health of Indonesian males.
The increasing share of the market occupied by kretekcigarettes, whose popularity
has spread from Java throughout the Archipelago in the past decade, multiplies the
effect of a single cigarette on health. One 1980 Australian analysis of four kretek
brands in comparison with the international standard brands smoked in Australia
yielded the results that are shown in table 3. Smoke analyses such as these were

542 ANTHONY REID
designed especially to test the nicotine content of the tobacco smoked, which appears
to be five times as high in kretekas in international brands. The effect of smoking the
cloves and other additives in the kretek remains unknown, although it may be
expected that the eugenol of the cloves when burned would produce vanillin, which
has soothing anesthetic properties. 1 Lung cancer is not listed among the ten major
causes of death in Indonesia, and as long as the kretekindustry continues to be one of
the most remarkable successes of the Indonesian manufacturing sector, there is no
official encouragement for research into its effects on health.
The shift from betel to tobacco has important social implications, too. Whereas
betel-chewing preeminently symbolized the union of male and female, cigarette-
smoking has become one of the most important symbols of the expanding modern
sector of the economy which is dominated by men, in contrast to an older agricultural
market economy in which women were prominent. Smoking is almost entirely
restricted to men, and is seen as a luxury item men pay for outside the household
budget that is controlled by women. Smoking therefore celebrates both modernity
and maleness. It also celebrates the increasing role of wealth in the new status system.
Betel was economically within the reach of all, and its ritual functions served chiefly
to underline status based on age or birth. The great variation in price range of
cigarettes, from the cheapest homemade kelobotto the most expensive Bentul Biru,
serves as a precise marker of the achieved status of the host who dispenses this new
narcotic.
Betel and Tobacco in Indonesian Expenditure
Betel was alwaysregardedas an important item of expenditure. The pocket money

received by Dutch-owned slaves in the eighteenth century was known as siriegeld
("betel money"-Abeyasekere 1983:308), just as similar pocket money today is
known as uang rokok(cigarette money). A time-honored Indonesian saying to express
the deepest poverty was kepengpembeli
sirih tidak ada lagi ("he hasn't even the money to
buy betel"-Rookmaker 1905:30). However, the expenditure required for a chew of
betel was very modest, and it remains so. For those who bought all the ingredients in
the market (many would have grown at least betel themselves), the cost of a chew in
markets in Java and Sulawesi in 1982 was, on average:
betel leaves (sirih) 1 rupiah
areca (1/4 nut) 1
lime (tiny amount) 0.4
gambier (fragment) 0.6
3 rupiah (0.4 U.S. cents)
A quid of tobacco to add to the betel chew cost, by contrast, almost 100 rupiah,
though many chewers reused the tobacco for the three-to-six betel-chews they had in a
single day. A packet of cigarettes in Indonesia cost from 200 rupiah (30 U.S. cents)
upwards.
A detailed survey of expenditure by Javaneseworkersin 1938-39 showed that the
richest categories of skilled workersand supervisorsspent no more than 0.22 guilders
l Kretekmanufacturershaverevealedthat 1,000 crystals, 417 grams Coumarine crystals, and 330

kretekcigarettescontainon average1.2 kg tobacco, grams Saccharine crystals (IndonesiaRaya June 2,
0.8 kg dried clove flowers,743 grams Vaniline 1970, Special Supplement).

per family per month on betel, whereas the expenditure on tobacco was between 0.24
guilders and 1. 17 guilders. Everygroup of workersspent three or more times as much
on tobacco as on betel, the two items together amounting to about 5 percent of total
expenditure for ordinaryfarmers, and up to 8-9 percent for estate workers(Van Niel,
1956:78, 92-93).
The most recent measure of Indonesian expenditure is the increasingly sophisti-
cated National Socio-Economic Survey (SUSENAS), which breaks expenditure
patterns of a large sample of urban and rural households into eleven income
categories. Biennial surveys have given the average proportion of expenditure for
"tobacco and betel nut" over all Indonesian households as 5.37 percent of the total
expenditure in 1976, 4.95 percent in 1978, and 5.7 percent in 1980. Indonesian
households in 1980 spent more on tobacco than they did on clothing and footwear,on
meat, or on medical and educational needs combined, and twice as much as they
spent on festivals. The poorest households spent more on tobacco than they did on
fish, meat, and eggs combined.
The breakdown of the "betel and tobacco" category shows that expenditure on
betel is now low enough to be taken as insignificant. The poorest households spend
mainly on shredded tobacco, not on cigarettes, revealing the inadequacy of the
cigarette production figures as a measure of total consumption. The higher the
income category, the more cigarettes dominate in expenditure. Overall, almost twice
as much is spent on kretekcigarettes as on "white" brands (SUSENAS 1980:32-33,
116-17, 184-85).
Conclusion
The large role once played by betel in Indonesian life has been partly filled by
cigarette-smoking. Today men enjoy relaxant, analgesic, and social advantages from
cigarettes similar to those they once derived from betel; women appearincreasingly to
be able to get through the day without any such support. The passing of betel-
chewing has meant the loss of certain antibacterial safeguards, which are still
imperfectly understood. The large and rising consumption of cigarettes, on the other
hand, brings with it a very certain negative effect on Indonesian health. Indonesian
medical statistics, unaided by autopsies, are not sufficiently accurate to distinguish
tobacco-related deaths among the large proportion of respiratory, pulmonary, and
cardiovasculardisorders recorded. From research elsewhere, however, we know that
Indonesian lives are being shortened by the smoking habit, almost certainly on an
increasing scale.
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