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Gender Representation in Politics and Public Administration:

Taiwan and Asian Countries *

Article · January 2005

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 Gender Representation in Politics and Public
Administration: Taiwan and Asian Countries *

Tsai-Wei Sun

Ph.D. Candidate, Political Science, National University of Singapore

I. Introduction
Equality in gender representation in the political decision-making
process and public bureaucracy has been commonly accepted as a crucial
source of the legitimacy of democratic governance. Yet, over the past
decades, although a number of nations have achieved significant increases in
the proportion of women in institutions such as legislature, cabinet, and civil
service, women remain largely under-represented in the public sector in
most countries.
This article attempts to evaluate the status of gender representation in
politics and public administration in Taiwan in comparison with selected
Asian and Western countries. It covers the following components: (a)
general significance of women’s representation in governance; (b) the
political status of women in Taiwan and in Asia; (c) the major factors
constraining women’s participation in the public sector; and (d) remedial
policies that need to be done to improve women’s involvement in politics
and public administration.

II. Significance of Gender Representation

Fair representation in gender has normative significance in political
theory. Although from the traditional, essentially formalistic theory of
representation, as long as there are representatives to act for women as their

*
Revised version of the paper presented at the 18th Conference of International
Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA), December 6-10, 2004, Academia Sinica,
Taipei, Taiwan.

148
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 149

trustees and to speak for their benefits, it does not matter whether these
representatives are women or men (Pitkin 1967: Ch.3). However, from the
symbolic perspective, people choose representatives not only as their trustees,
but also as their delegates to stand for them in the decision making process
“as if” they themselves are present in that process. In other words,
“representation” is a kind of “symbol;” and the failure of appropriately
incorporating women into politics would be seen as “an evidence” of
structural discrimination against women (Pitkin 1967: Ch.5).
Moreover, theories of descriptive representation argue that the degree of
electors’ trust depends mostly on the representative’s visible characteristics
(e.g. gender) and shared experiences, for people with shared descriptive
traits and experiences are more likely to understand their needs accurately
and present their substantive interests. For example, it would be hard for a
male representative to realize the value of a housewife or the need of a
pregnant mother, since he has no such experiences. Given that the
representatives are not only “standing for” or “acting for” their electors but
also possessing a lot of rooms for free judgments, gender representation
becomes salient because women can predict female representatives due to
their similarity, thus trusting them to deal with the “un-crystallized issues.”
Also, the composition of the representatives should correctly reflect the
gender composition of the society as a mirror, so that there will be enough
female representatives to protect the rights of women proportionally
(Mansbridge 2000: 99-123).
Furthermore, for scholars like Peter Bachrach and Charles Taylor,
politics is not only about the pursuing of self-interest, but also about
“self-development” (Bachrach 1967) and “self-image” (Taylor 1994). To be sure,
an individual’s identity and its way of life need to be recognized as having
equal value with others in public, otherwise she would feel being oppressed
and, even worse, a sense of incapability. The improvement of women’s
participation in all aspect of public affairs is thus essential to positive
self-identity of women as well as the full development of their capacities.
150 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

Fair representation in gender also has political significance as it is

essential in the credibility and legitimacy of the democratic regime.
Although women are never homogeneous in their attitudes and female
politicians are a diverse lot, thus more female representatives in politics and
bureaucracy by no means guarantee the protection of the interests of women.
Nonetheless, since one of the responsibilities of the democratic government
is to ensure the equal rights and opportunities of citizens, the fact that
women present half of the population makes their under-representation
significant as a sign of discrimination, which decreases people’s trust of the
government and undermines the de facto legitimacy of the polity (Phillips
1995).
The lack of female involvement and participation in the government
agencies would also have serious administrative consequences. As Hale and
Kelly (1989) point out, unelected government officials, “who are largely a
technological elite group, are shaping and determining policy as well as
implementing it” (p.3). On one hand, the background, ideology, and
experience of middle- and upper-level of officials can make differences in
whether problems are defined, how the nature of interests and problems are
defined and interpreted, and what decisions are made authoritatively. On
the other hand, personal background and experience also affect how the
lower-level civil servants serve their citizen clients. In order to avoid
gender-biased service delivery, there should be enough women in the public
administration, so that their specific preferences can be better
comprehended and presented, and that their needs would not be overlooked
or neglected. Women can also bring new insights and perspectives to the
political process, which will enrich the focus and content of discourse in
politics, thus making government more responsive to the needs of all people
(Dolan & Ford 1995; Karl c1995).
Finally, there is economic significance of female representation in public
administration. As Haque (2003) points out, along with the modernization
and the globalization of production, consumption, and information, there
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 151

has been a growing need for female workforce in both public and private
sectors. In order to increase the competitiveness of the government in this
modern world, therefore, public bureaucracies should fully and wisely
utilize the female talent pool as a valuable source of human resources.

III. The Status of Gender Representation in Taiwan and

Selected Asian Countries
1. Criteria and Case Selection
In this section, I examine the status of gender representation in Taiwan
in comparison with some other Asian and Western countries from two
aspects: whether there are formal, institutional protections of gender
representation, and in what degree the fair gender representation has been
realized in these countries. Four groups of indicators are selected to examine
real status of female representation: (a) GEM (gender empowerment
measure) rank by UNDP; 1 (b) female representation in the legislature; (c)
female representation in cabinet, local government, and public
administration; (d) female representation in other higher-rank positions –
including administrative and managerial positions, and professional and
technical positions.
I choose sixteen countries in comparison with Taiwan. The distribution
of ten Asian countries is as follows: three from East Asia (Japan, South Korea,
China), one from South Asia (India), and six from Southeast Asia (Indonesia,
Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam). Six examples of
western, developed countries are used for references: two Nordic countries
(Norway and Sweden, which are the top-two countries of the GEM rank),
two other European countries (Germany and UK), USA, and Australia.

1 GEM is a composite index measuring gender inequality in three basic dimensions

of empowerment: political participation and decision-making, economic
participation and decision-making, and power over economic resources. Indicators
include: (1) female and male shares of parliamentary seats; (2) female and male
shares of positions as legislators, senior officials and managers; (3) female and male
shares of professional and technical positions; and (4) female and male estimated
earned income (women’s GDP per capita).
152 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

Seven of these countries are categorized by UNDP as the “developing

countries:” China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand and
Vietnam; while others are all the “developed countries.”

2. Formal/Institutional Protection of Female Representation

State may protect and promote better female representation in three
ways. First, the legislature may amend the existing constitutional articles or
legal rules, or make new laws or regulations, to better incorporate women
into public office. Second, the executive branch may guarantee principles of
equal opportunity and even take affirmative action for hiring, training, and
promoting women. Finally, the judiciary may also end gender imbalance in
public sphere by interpreting the laws differently (e.g. justifying affirmative
actions as necessary for attaining equality) (Hale & Kelly 1989: 7-9).
Among various institutional settings, many scholars find that “electoral
system” is the most powerful determinant of the level of female
representation in democratic polities. In particular, three types of electoral
systems have been found to contribute to achieving a higher level of female
representation: (a) proportional representation (PR) system; (b) large
multi-member districts; and (c) quota systems that ensure women a
minimum level of representation (Rule 1987; Norris 1987; 1988; Lee 2000;
Dahlerup 2002; Matland 2002; Htun 2004). 2
The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance
(International IDEA) establishes a global database of quotas for women, in which
it examines countries with quota systems in four different levels: (a)

2 Rule’s research (1987) compares the percentage of women elected to the lower
house of the national legislature in 23 industrial democracies in the 1980s, and finds
that women did much better in multi- member districts with PR and a “party list” of
candidates. In another research, Katz (1986) also finds that district size (number of
seats to be elected) has a separate and independent effect (cited from Rule 1987).
One main reason is that, under PR system, political parties have an incentive to
place at least some women high enough on their slates to win in order to broaden
their appeal, and all candidates on a list run as a team. Thus, this system overcomes
the problems of gender bias by voters and leaders and reduces the “political risk”
level (Norris 1987).
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 153

constitutional quota for national parliaments; (b) constitutional or legislative

quota for sub-national level legislatures; (c) election law quota or regulation
for national parliament; and (d) political party quota for electoral candidates.
Table 1 lists the electoral systems (under the country name), quota types, the
regulations of quota, and the number and percentage of female
representatives elected in the latest national elections.
Among seventeen cases, six countries have no electoral quotas for
women: USA, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, with two communist countries
China and Vietnam (which do not hold direct elections). For countries with
quotas for women, there are three observed tendencies: (a) the most popular
quota type is the “party quota for electoral candidates.” (b) In Asia, there are
tendencies for quota provisions to be legislated and/or for quotas to take the
form of reserved seats, rather than only relying on political parties to
implement their own informal party quotas, as is common in Europe. (c) The
quotas for women in Europe and Australia range from one-third (minimum)
to 50%; while in Asia the quotas are usually below 30%.
In eleven Asian countries, only India and Thailand hold pure
first-past-the-post plurality electoral system (although India has quota
system, it only applies to the local level bodies). This might be one reason
that female representatives in both countries remain below 10%. Indonesia
and South Korea have their election law including a quota for women
candidates, but there are no guarantees that they will be elected. As a result,
the female representatives in both countries are below the number
recommended in the election laws. Only Philippines and Taiwan have
reserved seats for women in national parliaments (for Philippines, the lower
house), thus these two countries have higher percentage of female
representatives – 17.8% in Philippines and 22.2% in Taiwan – than other
countries.
154 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

3. Female Representation in Practice: Numbers and

Implications
(1) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM)

The first and second columns of Table 2 present the worldwide ranking
of HDI (Human Development Indicators) and GEM of seventeen countries.
By comparing each country’s HDI rank with its GEM rank, one gets the first
impression of how a country attaches importance to the issue of gender
inequality. Not all the developed countries take care of this issue as seriously
as they do on other developing issues. For example, both Japan and South
Korea stand high on their HDI rank (9 and 28, respectively), with relatively
poor GEM records (rank 38 and 68). On the contrary, Philippines is just a
“developing country” (HDI rank: 83), but its GEM rank (37) is even higher
than that of Japan. The GEM records of Malaysia and Thailand are also
better than that of South Korea (Malaysia 44, Thailand 57).
Taiwan is not member state of the United Nations, thus there are no
data about Taiwan in UN’s official reports. However, the levels of female
representation in Taiwan in the major domains (which will discuss later) are
usually one of the highest in Asian countries. According to the official report
of Taiwan government, its estimated GEM rank shall be 20, similar to or
even higher than that of Singapore.

(2) Female Representation in the Legislatures

In terms of female representation in the legislature (Table 2), one finds
that three European countries with PR system set a model for women’s
equality: Sweden 45%; Norway 36.4%; and Germany 32.2% (1994 data).
Besides, the socialist countries have better records in this category: Sweden
and Norway are the top-two of the world, and Vietnam and China are two
of the top three in Asia (27% and 20%, respectively).
Among the democratic regimes, countries without quotas for women
usually lead to lower female representation in the legislature, as the cases of
USA (14%, 2004), Japan (9.9%, 2004), and Singapore (6.5%, 2001). The
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 155

exception is Malaysia, where the percentage of female representatives in

national parliament is increasing gradually since the 1990s, from 6% (1990)
to 16% (2003) (Table 3; Graph 1). Yet, female representatives in state
legislatures and local councils still remain less significant (the first and
second columns of Table 4).
The effect of electoral quotas for women is salient when looking at the
case of South Korea. The status of female representation in South Korea used
to be extremely poor in the past decades: only 2%~4% in the 1980s-90s.
However, after its Political Party Law was reformed in 2004 to include a
quota for women, it resulted in an increase of women elected to 13% in the
April 2004 election, up from 5.9% in the previous legislature.
In the case of Indonesia, Table 5 and Graph 2 shows that female
representation has declined slightly over the last decade. However, in the
past (during Suharto’s authoritarian rule), many women obtained their seats
in the DPR through their nepotistic relations with officialdom. After 1998,
the economic crisis and the chaos happened during the democratizing
process all make the overall environment unfavorable for women’s
participation in politics, thus causing the decline of the number of women
elected in the DPR in 1999 and 2002.
Table 6 and Graph 3 presents the situation of female representation in four
levels of Taiwan’s legislative bodies: National Assembly and the Legislative
Yuan (national level), Provincial Assembly, Taipei and Kaohsiung City
councils (Provincial level), City/County Assemblies (county level), and
Township/village Councils (village level). As stated in Table 1, because of
its forced, “reserved seats” for women in the 1946 Constitution 3 , plus its
electoral system design (multimember districts and single non-transferable
vote), women have held approximately 10% or more of the seats in all of
Taiwan’s legislative bodies throughout the postwar era. Initially, women
appeared to win many of their seats because of their quota, as women never

3 For example, if one seat is reserved for women in a multimember district with 5

seats, the woman candidate receiving the most votes wins a seat even if she finishes
6th or lower.
156 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

won more seats than their reserved minimum. However, the records have
gradually improved, especially since the 1980s; and now women’s shares of
seats across all levels of election are above 20% (20.9% in 2004 Legislative
Yuan, 32.7% in 2002 Taipei City Council, 22.7% in 2002 Kaohsiung City
Council, and 22.1% in 2002 City/County Assemblies). This shows that
women in Taiwan have been able to gain their seats by their own efforts
rather than relying on the “privileges” prescribed for them by law.
Nonetheless, the situations are different between city and town, and
between north and south. For Taipei City, the most urbane, liberal and
educated capital of Taiwan, the quota system has always been irrelevant to
the election result. Actually, women have come doubling their quota (5 seats)
since 1989, and tripling in 1998 (winning 17 seats). Many female candidates
even won the top-3 most votes in their districts. However, for Kaohsiung
City, the largest city in the south, it was until 2002 that women won more
seats than their reserved minimums.

(3) Women in Cabinet, Local Government, and Public

Administration

Compared with quota systems in parliament/legislature elections

implemented in many countries, there is no provision for guaranteed female
representation in executive elections or appointments. Without legal
protection, the disadvantages of women in Asian countries become salient.
As shown in Table 2, at the ministerial level, in 1999, the percentage of
female representation in western countries is mostly beyond 20% (55% in
Sweden, the highest; 19.5% in Australia, the lowest). Female representations
in cabinet or at ministerial and sub-ministerial positions in western countries
are no less than – some are even higher than – their shares in
parliament/legislature. However, in Asia, women’s share at this level is
below average – mostly below 10% (1996 data), except Taiwan (15.6% at
ministerial level) and Philippines (25.3% at subministerial level).
Generally speaking, it is very difficult for Asian women to take
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 157

leadership positions at the federal/national government. It also appears that

some of the women appointed to executive positions in the government are
seen as having been rewarded for securing the support of women voters
rather than based on their personal qualities or professional capabilities.
Besides, women have tended to be assigned either to ministers seen as
“suitable” to their roles, such as the ministers dealing with welfare, women
and family affairs, or to junior ministers such as culture, tourism and arts.
At the local government level, the situation is more disappointing. For
example, in Malaysia, there have been no female Mayors until 1999 (Table 4).
In Indonesia, while there are 2 women in cabinet in addition to President
Megawati Sukarnoputri in 1991, no women hold the position of provincial
governor; and only 1.5% of regents and/or mayors, or 6 out of 336, are
women (International IDEA 2003: 64).
Women’s involvement in the public administration in Asia is not always
promising either. While there are more and more women working in the
government based on merit or passing the national exams for civil servants,
they are hard to get promotion. Table 7 presents the number and percentage
of women working in three levels of government in Malaysia – federal, state
provincial, and local. Although at the professional and the management
level, women contains 50% of the total workforce in federal government,
15.6% in state government, and 22.7% in local, the gap between male and
female civil servants widens as they move into higher levels of the job
position. Similarly, in Indonesia (Table 8), of the top-level decision makers in
echelons I and II, only 12% and 5% are female. Women are much more
numerous at the bottom of the pecking order, in echelon V, where 18% of
posts are held by women, and where 63% of all women working at any
echelon. Furthermore, even though 38% of the overall civil servant is female,
only 16% of decision-making positions are held by women.
In Taiwan, there are relatively few women in the top leadership
positions of government. It was until 1988 that a woman, Dr. Shirley W.Y.
Kuo, gained a cabinet position in the government as minister of finance.
158 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

Since then the number of women in the cabinet has gradually increased. In
1998 there were six. However, because gender and ethnic issues are always
hot and popular in Taiwan, male candidates tend to emphasize his
pro-women characters during elections. Thus, when Taiwan held its first
direct presidential election in 1996, there was a woman chosen by a
president candidate as his vice-president partner. In 2000, there were two
female vice-president candidates, and one became the first vice-president in
Taiwan history. Later, the new DPP government nominated nine women
into its cabinet out of thirty-five to show its commitment to gender equality.
The percentage of female representation in cabinet is the highest in Taiwan
history (25.7%). Regardless of this high-percentage record, however, female
representation at the sub-ministerial level still remains low. The meaning of
women in top leadership positions is still more symbolic than essential.
The situation of female representation at the local executive level is
much less successful than that in the local legislative bodies (Table 6). In fact,
women had not won any election as a county magistrate or city mayor
before 1985 (Clark & Clark 2000). In the history of elected mayors in Taiwan,
only one seventh were female; and until now, neither Taipei nor Kaohsing
has female Mayor yet. It seems that people in Taiwan still do not believe that
women can handle public affairs as a chief leader as well as men do. One
interesting point is that, most of those female city/county mayors are either
the relatives of ex-political prisoners (“Shounan Chiashu”) from DPP camp
(the political opposition in the past) or the relatives of local faction leaders
(usually being pro-DPP).
It is relatively easy for women in Taiwan to get a job in public
administration, as long as they pass Civil Service Examinations. Civil Service
Examinations are held every year, with around 3% the qualification rate in
past 5 years. 4 Since 1981, the number of qualified females and males are
about equal. In 1993, the percentage of qualified females is 57.6% of total,
beyond that of males. In 2004, the percentage of qualified females is 53.13%

4 The rate varies at different levels of exams. See Ministry of Examination (2005).
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 159

of total (1946 people), while that of males is 46.87%. 5 Two factors contribute
to higher percentage of female civil servants. First, women are good at
written examinations. Second, in Taiwan, women are encouraged to work in
the government because the job is relatively stable and good-pay at the
beginning.
However, Table 9 shows that although the number and percentage of
female officers increase yearly, women usually work in lower positions than
men. For example, the percentage of female officers equaled 38.8% in 1996
(increasing 0.8% a year), but regardless of the educational personnel section
which is traditionally dominated by women, only 0.164% of women (1014
people) are in high positions (high-rank officials and ministers w/o
portfolio). Another way to describe the gender inequality is that, although
men and women’s rate in low level positions is about 2:1, this rate in high
level positions is 9.7:1~12.7:1. Besides, as shown in Table 10, most female
employees in public sectors are young and inexperienced. Since
opportunities for women to work in government have been increasing
recently, women are not in a position to promote other women.

(4) Female Representation in Other Higher-rank Positions

After presenting the status of women in politics and public bureaucracy

in Asia, there are two more indicators worthy of discussion: women’s
employment in managerial and professional/technical positions at the top of
the hierarchy. In almost every society, people in these two occupational
strata compose the bulk of the upper and upper-middle classes. Not only do
they have the highest status and income in society, but they also form the
eligibility pool from which most electoral politicians emerge. Therefore,
women’s ability to gain entrance to managerial and professional positions is
important not only as a measure of occupational equality, but because
entrance into such positions seems a prerequisite for gaining greater
representation in the polity (Chou, Clark and Clark 1990: 61-62).

5 Data from Taiwan Women Web. http://taiwan.yam.org.tw/womenweb/

160 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

In terms of female representation in managerial positions (as shown in

Table 2), the percentage in western countries is mostly above 30% (with the
lowest 28% in Norway), while it in Asia is lower. It is interesting, however,
that Philippines has the highest percentage of the seventeen countries (58%),
while South Korea is the worst case (5%).
Among all the above indicators, the overall situation of female
representation in professional and technical positions is the best one. Female
professional/technical workers share about even percentage with men
(43%~55%) in all countries but South Korea (34%). Once again, surprisingly,
Philippines has the highest percentage of female representation of the
seventeen countries (62%) while South Korea remains the worst case in this
regard.

IV. Main Obstacles to Equal Gender Representation in

Taiwan
In the above section, the article has presented the status of female
representation in politics and public bureaucracy in Taiwan and ten selected
Asian countries. It is obvious that, although the overall extent of female
representation in the public sector in Asia is gradually improving, it is
relatively low in comparison with the situation in western developed
countries.
There are diverse economic, socio-cultural, ideological, and political
factors influencing women’s participation in political and administrative
positions. First, economic development and modernization had brought
higher levels of education for women, weakened traditional values, and led
to better female representation in this region. However, financial crisis and
economic recession in past years stroke women’s political status in some
societies as it restricted financial resources for women to participate in
politics (e.g. Indonesia). Women’s job opportunities also shrank when many
governments tried to downsize the public section to reduce national deficit
(e.g. Taiwan).
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 161

Second, socio-cultural and ideological factors play a significant role in

Asia. As Haque (2003) points out, the culture in Asia is still quite patriarchal.
There are many gender norms and stereotypes, such as that women’s
primary responsibility is to take care of children and family, and that
women are not fully capable to assume public affairs, etc., which affect
public perceptions and attitudes being against women’s involvement in
governance. Moreover, such traditional thought and customs are deeply
cultivated from both women’s and men’s childhood onwards, which not
only discourage women’s active initiatives in expanding their representation
in political and administrative institutions, but also causes low commitments
for males who dominate political parties and government to take priority to
gender-related policies. Although for the younger generation, men appear to
be more willing to see women as partners in both the domestic and
professional spheres, given that political leaders tend to be middle-aged or
even order, it will take more years before this change is reflected at the
higher levels of politics (Haque 2003: 578-583).
Finally, there are political constraints. Even though many Asian
countries have implemented female-friendly electoral designs such as quota
systems, reserved seats, and large multi-member districts, which help to
increase female representation in politics, the politics in this region is still a
“masculine model of politics.” Men still dominate the political arena,
formulate the rules of game, and define the standard for evaluation. There
are still structural or informal constraints within many political parties that
do not encourage women to advance beyond a certain level. 6 Also, there are
few networks of public organizations, NGOs, and political parties to fight
for the representation of women (Rashila & Saliha 1998: 100-101).

6
Wan Azizah in his research on Indonesia (2002) finds that the nature of the
entrenched parties tends to be more conservative, while the opposition parties give
more opportunities to women. In the ruling party UMNO, there is only one elected
woman out of about forty members on its supreme council, while Parti keADILan
has eight women elected its leadership council (including the president and the
treasurer) – and two keADILan state committees in Sabah and Sarawak are also
headed by women.
162 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

In the case of Taiwan, the status of female representation in political and

public administrations is much better than many Asian countries. Three
reasons may contribute to this situation. First, in line with Sun Yat-sen’s
beliefs in gender equality, and resulting from struggles of women’s
organizations with their male supports during the drafting process, the 1946
constitution guaranteed women’s political representation by offering
reserved seats to them. Along with related regulations and electoral system
designs, women in Taiwan had begun their political participation very early
since the early 1950s (Chou, Clark and Clark 1990; Chou & Clark 1994).
Second, along with its processes of educational popularization, economic
development and modernization, not only that women’s ability in every
respect is as good as men, but also some traditional gender-biased attitudes
against women have gone with the wind. For example, women in Taiwan
are usually encouraged to work in either public or private sectors even after
their marriage. At the same time, there are fewer and fewer young women
who would think that their primary responsibility is to raise children in the
family. Third, during the political democratization process, women in the
opposition camp played crucial roles when almost all of its important male
activists were in jail or abroad. Then, as the campaign between KMT and
DPP became more and more seriously, both camps are mutually forced to
commit to improving female status in various aspects in order to attract
women’s votes. All these factors contribute to higher levels of female
representation in politics and public administration in Taiwan.
However, the problem of female representation in Taiwan is not on its
quantity (number), but on its quality (actual empowerment of women).
Specifically, there are at least five main obstacles to women’s pursuing top
positions in politics and public administrations. First, the politics in Taiwan,
especially in local level, rely largely on informal networks based on kinship,
faction, and other types of patronage relations – the culture of which is very
patriarchal and exclusive.
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 163

Second, although according to legal regulations that women and men

are treated equally, the informal “rules of game” are mostly decided by men
that are very masculine. As a result, a woman must force herself into
behaving in a masculine way in order to be accepted “as if” she was a man;
otherwise she may have difficulty to be included into this “men’s club.”
Sexual discrimination still exists, although it may present in subtle ways
(rather than structurally). For example, female representatives in the various
state assemblies still face sexual harassment in the form of disparaging
remarks and offensive jokes made during assembly sessions. There has been
no effective action taken to ameliorate such abusive practices and both
female and male members of parliament have not been successful in making
any concerted effort to change the situation. In public administration, even
though there are laws against sexual harassment and discrimination, not all
female civil servants have courage to sue their boss under the risks of losing
the job.
Another “subtle but profound way” of sexual discrimination is the way
in which female representatives and governmental officials are portrayed in
the mass media. Regardless that most of these women are highly educated,
professional and talent, more often the media still depict them as beautiful
objects and identify them according to their physical capacities than their
mental faculties. The news reports care more about the sexual scandals,
marital status, and fashion competitions of the famous women than their
efforts on their professions. All of these not only reflect the traditional,
masculine, culture which is brutal to women, but also negatively affect
public perception on women and their values in public.
Moreover, although women are encouraged to participate and involve
into politics and administrations, they are expected to participate as
“supporting” roles to help men, but not to go beyond. In other words, the
social values of Taiwan society remain not much encouraging and
supportive of women to become top leaders in politics. Another
conventional conception of labor division between male-political and
164 亞太研究論壇第二十八期 2005.06

female-social is still unchanged. As a result, even though women in Taiwan

are highly involved in the political institutions and decision making
processes, they typically focus on issues of local or social concern, such as
housing, childcare, education, and environment, but seldom take up the
topics of natural defense or foreign affairs. In other words, such traditional
attitudes of “labor division” in politics prohibit women from widely and
fully participate in public affairs.
Furthermore, female governmental officials in Taiwan also face more
extra expectations and tougher moral requests than men. Women officials
not only should do their jobs better than men (otherwise why use them
instead of men?), but also need to be good wives and mothers. Most
important of all, because the social welfare system in Taiwan is still far from
perfect, how to take care of children and the seniors in the family while
concentrating on their work becomes an endless nightmare for most of the
married office ladies. It is because of this reason that many female civil
servants abandon (or miss) various promotion opportunities, or quit job
early – as already shown in Tables 9~10.

V. Conclusion: Strategies to Increase Gender Equality in

Taiwan
Haque (2003) suggests five ways to promote women’s involvement in
the public sector in Asia: (1) make constitutional and legal provisions in
favor of gender equality; (2) take affirmative action that guarantees female
quota in legislative and administrative institutions; (3) political parties take
appropriate initiatives to expand female representation in the parties; (4)
political commitment of top leaders to adopt and implement all necessary
measures for ending gender-based discrimination and expanding female
representation in various domains of governance; and (5) change traditional
norms and perceptions by redesigning the education curricula at various
levels in order to reduce female stereotyping (pp.585-587).
In the case of Taiwan, since the problem of female representation is
 專題研究 II：亞洲的性別議題 165

more on quality than quantity; and since its legal regulations already protect
women’s representation well, I only have two suggestions in mind at this
point. First, the social welfare system must be further improved, especially
the cares of children and the seniors. Without this supporting system,
neither women nor men could concentrate on their jobs without worrying
about their children and parents at home.
Second, the educational system shall pay much more attention on how
to essentially improve gender equality by changing people’s stereotypes and
traditional attitudes toward men and women. Given the fact that those
identities are formed in people’s childhood and then consolidated via long
processes of socialization, it is optimistically supposed that, as girls’ and
boys’ childhood and adolescent learning experiences are changed, with the
help of the transformation of the old cultural norms, there should be a
parallel increase in women’s interest and engagement in politics as well as in
men’s commitment on gender equality. Only when both men and women
are willing to cooperate to move all obstacles such as masculine game rules,
improper expectations and burdens on women, and gender-biased labor
divisions, then can the gender gap in public sphere be eliminated indeed. It
is valuable to note that, such “educations” shall never be limited in school
curricula. Mass media, newspapers, TV programs, the movies, as well as
social movement targeting on promotion of women rights, etc., are all
effective channels for education.

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 Table 1. Selected Database of Quotas for Women
Country Quota Type(s) Regulation Result
Norway Political party quota * 40% quota for both sexes: Socialist Left Party (SV) since 1975; Norwegian Labour Party (DNA) 60 of 165
List PR for electoral candidates since 1983; Centre Party (SP) since 1989; Christian People’s Party (KrF) since 1993. (36.4%)
* Liberal Party (V) also has a quota, but percentage unconfirmed. (2001)
Sweden Political party quota 50% quota for women on party lists: Left Party (VP) since 1987; Green Party of Sweden since 157of 349
List PR for electoral candidates 1987; Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party (SAP) since 1993 (with a zipper system: (45.0%)
alternating men and women). (2002)
Germany Political party quota * 50% quota for women on party lists: Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS); Alliance 90/The 194 of 603
MMP (PR) for electoral candidates Greens since 1986. * one-third quota: Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in 1996. (32.2%)
* Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD): quota system since 1988 – 25% by 1990, 33% by (2002)
1994, 40% by 1998 (zipped: allocating every 5th place to someone of either sex).
UK Political party quota * Liberal Democrats: in each constituency at least one-third of the short-lists of candidates 118 of 659
FPTP for electoral candidates must be female. The party implemented a "zipping" system on their candidate lists for the last (17.9%)
European election in 1999 which were conducted using List-PR. (L: 2001)
* The Labour Party in the 1997 General Election ring-fenced 50% of their winnable seats for
female candidate-only shortlists.
USA No electoral quotas for women in this country
FPTP
Australia Political party quota Australian Labor Party (ALP): 40% quota for party positions, union delegations and for pre- 38 of 150
AV (Majority) for electoral candidates selection for public office and positions at a State and federal level (2002) (35% in 1994). (25.3%)
(L: 2001)
Japan No electoral quotas for women in this country. Yet in 2003, a Committee on Positive Action in the Ministry of Gender Equality was
SNTV established to investigate different positive action measures in Japan. Debates are ongoing.
S. Korea Election law regulation, The Political Party Law of 2000 was reformed in 2004 to include a quota for women. Article 31 39 of 299
Parallel-FPTP national parliament specifies that for the list PR portion of the election, whereby 56 deputies are elected, political (13.0%)
(Semi-PR) parties must include 50% women in its list. For the majority portion of the election, whereby 243 (2004)
representatives are elected in single member districts, political parties are recommended to
include 30% women candidates.
Political party quota Grand National Party (GNP) supports quotas of 30% for women candidates
for electoral candidates
China No electoral quotas for women in this country
 India Constitutional/legislativ 33% of seats in all local bodies are reserved for women according to the 73rd and 74th 45 of 541
FPTP quota, sub-national level Constitutional Amendments (1993). This includes the provision that 33% of the seats reserved (8.3%)
(Plurality) for the scheduled classes, etc., shall be women. (L; 2004)
Political party quota Indian National Congress (INC) has a 15% quota for women candidates;
for electoral candidates Assa People’s Council (AGP) has a 35% quota for women candidates
Indonesia Election law regulation, Article 65 of the election law: "Each participating political party may nominate candidates for 61 of 550
List PR national parliament the DPR, Provincial DPRD, and Regency/City DPRD, for each electoral district, giving (11.1%)
consideration to representation of women of at least 30%." (2004)
Malaysia No electoral quotas for women in this country
Philippines Constitutional quota The Party List Law (RA 7941) (1995) makes it compulsory to include women on political party 38 of 214
Parallel-FPTP for national lists. It allocates 20% of the 250 seats in the Philippine House of Representatives for (17.8%)
(Plurality) parliaments marginalized sectors of society and women. The law mandates that voters elect both a district (L: 2001)
representative and a party or sectoral group of their choice. To elect one candidate, each sector
must get at least 2% of the total number of votes cast for the party list system.
Election law regulation, An Act passed in 1995 makes it compulsory to include women and other underrepresented
national parliament groups) on political party lists.
Constitutional/legislativ The 1991 Local Government Code requires that a woman be 1 of 3 sectoral representatives that
quota, sub-national level sits in every municipal, city, and provincial legislative council
Political party quota Philippines Democratic Socialist Party (PDSP) has a 25% for women.
for electoral candidates
Singapore No electoral quotas for women in this country
FPTP+GRCs * GRCs=Group Representation Constituencies (quota for minorities)
Thailand Political party quota Democrat Party (DP): has a target of 30% women candidates for election 46 of 500
Block for electoral candidates (9.2%)
(Plurality) (2001)
Vietnam No electoral quotas for women in this country
Taiwan Constitutional quota The 1946 Constitution states that there should be reserved seats for women in each legislative 50 of 225
Parallel- for national body. But the exact number of seats is not regulated by the constitution but by the statutory law (22.2%)
SNTV parliaments of each legislative body. The number of reserved seats varies from 10%~25%. (2001)
(Semi-PR) Constitutional/legislativ The Local Autonomy Act (1998) reserves 25% of all local council seats for women
quota, sub-national level
Political party quota Democratic Progressive Party (DPP): 25% quota for women candidates (1996);
for electoral candidates Kuomintang (KMT): 25% quota for women to parliament (2000).

Source: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA).
 Table 2. Selected Database of Women’s Empowerment

Ministerial/sub ministerial position

HDI GEM Seats in parliament held by Female manager/ Female professional
%
rank rank women % administrator % /technical worker %
Ministerial Sub ministerial
2004 2004 87-91 92-97 00 01 04 94 96 99 94 96 98 85-97 2000 01 04 2000 01 04
Norway 1 1 35.8 -- -- 36.4 36.4 -- 28.6 42.1 -- 22.7 -- -- 30.6 31 28 58.5 58 49
Sweden 2 2 38.1 -- 42.7 42.7 45.0 -- 38.1 55.0 -- 27.3 -- -- 27.4 29 31 48.6 49 50
Germany 19 9 20.4 -- 33.6 31.4 32.2 -- 10.7 35.7 -- 5.3 -- -- 26.6 26 34 49.0 50 49
UK 12 18 6.3 -- 17.1 17.9 24.4 -- 8.3 33.3 -- 6.6 -- -- 33.0 33 31 44.7 45 44
USA 8 14 6.4 11 12.5 13.8 14.0 -- 14.3 31.8 -- 34.5 -- -- 44.4 45 46 53.4 53 55
Australia 3 8 6.7 -- 25.1 25.3 26.5 -- 14.7 19.5 -- 25.9 -- -- 24.0 25 35 44.4 47 55
Japan 9 38 2.3 -- 9.0 10.8 9.9 -- 5.9 5.7 -- 10.1 -- -- 9.5 9 10 44.0 44 46
S. Korea 28 68 2.0 2 4.0 5.9 13.0 4 3.0 6.5 0 0.6 -- 4 4.7 5 5 31.9 31 34
China 94 -- 21.3 21 21.8 21.8 20.2 6 6.1 5.1 4 3.9 -- 12 -- -- -- -- -- --
India 127 -- 7.1 8 8.9 -- 8.3 3 3.2 10.1 7 6.2 -- -- -- -- -- 20.5 -- --
Indonesia 111 -- 13.0 12.0 11.2! 8.8 9.0 6 3.6 5.9 1 1.6 1 17 -- -- -- -- -- --
Malaysia 59 44 6.1 7.8 10.4 10.4 16.3 7 6.1 16# 0 9.0 13 16 19.5 21 20 43.9 44 45
Philippines 83 37 9.0 9 -- 11.8 17.8 8 4.5 10# 11 25.3 19 35 33.7 33 58 64.6 63 62
Singapore 25 20 4.9 4.3 4.3 6.5 -- 0 0 5.7 4 9.6 8 36 20.5 21 26 42.3 42 43
Thailand 76 57 3.8 6 -- -- 9.6 0 0 5.7 2 2.6 7 21 21.6 22 27 55.8 55 55
Vietnam 112 -- 17.7 18 26.0 26.0 27.3 5 7.0 0# 0 4.4 5 -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Taiwan -- *20-1 12.9 14 19.1 22.2 20.9 -- 15.6 >25+ -- 1.4 1.4 -- 14.3 14.8 15.9 -- -- --

Note: #Data in 1998. !Data in 1999. +Data in 2000. *Estimated.

Sources: Awakening Foundation Taiwan (2002), Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (Taiwan), Division for
the Advancement of Women (1996), Khofifah Indar Parawansa (2002), Rule (1994: 17, 23, 25), United Nations
Development Programme (2000-2004).
 Table 3. Malaysia: Women in National Parliament, 1955-2003

1955 1959 1964 1969 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1995 1999 2003
Total seats 52 104 104 144 154 154 154 177 180 192 193 --
Women MPs 1 3 3 2 5 7 8 7 11 15 20 --
% 2.0 2.9 2.9 1.4 3.3 4.5 5.2 4.0 6.1 7.8 10.4 16.3

Source: Wan Azizah (2002).

Table 4. Malaysia: Women in State Legislatures, Local Councils, and Government, 1990-99

State Legislatures Local Councils Federal Cabinet State Cabinet Mayors

Fe/Male % Fe/Male % Number % Number % Number %
1990 15/428 3.5 -- -- 2 8 -- -- -- --
1995 24/474 5.1 244/2785 8.1 2 8 10 6.3 0 0
1999 21/373 5.6 285/2921 8.9 2 8.3 -- -- 1 0.7

Source: United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asian and the Pacific (UNESCAP).

Table 5. Indonesia: Women in the DPR, 1950-2002

1950-55 55-60 56-59* 71-77 77-82 82-87 87-92 92-97 97-99 1999-2002
Number 9 17 25 36 29 39 65 60 56 44
% 3.8 6.3 5.1 7.8 6.3 8.5 13.0 12.0 11.2 8.8
* Constituent Assembly formed by President Soekarno to revise the constitution. This assembly was dismissed in 1959 because it
was deadlocked.
Source: Khofifah Indar Parawansa (2002).
 Table 6. Taiwan: Women in the Legislatures and Local Government, 1950-2002

Year Women Candidate # Women Candidate % Total seats Gender quota # Gender quota % women winner # women winner %
National Assembly (1969-1999; terminated in 2000)
1969 2 6.9 15 2 13.3 2 13.3
1972 10 12.8 53 5 9.4 8 15.1
1980 17 9.2 76 7 9.2 12 15.8
1986 25 14.8 84 8 9.5 16 19.0
1991 -- -- 325 -- -- 42 12.9
1996 103 17 334 -- -- 61 18.3
Legislative Yuan (Since 1969)
1969 4 16.0 11 0 0 1 9.1
1972 6 10.9 36 3 8.3 4 11.1
1975 4 6.6 37 3 10.8 4 10.8
1980 17 7.8 70 5 7.1 7 10.0
1983 22 12.9 71 5 7.0 8 11.3
1986 12 8.8 100 6 6.0 8 8.0
1989 26 8.7 101 7 6.9 13 12.9
1992 46 11.4 161 10 6.2 17 10.6
1995 50 12.6 164 -- -- 23 14.0
1998 86 17.3 225 -- -- 43 19.1
2001 110 18.8 225 -- -- 50 22.2
2004 -- -- 225 -- -- 47 20.9
 Provincial Assembly (terminated in 1998)
1951 12 8.6 55 5 9.1 5 9.1
1954 18 16.4 57 6 10.5 6 10.5
1957 22 18.6 66 9 13.6 9 13.6
1960 18 14.3 73 9 12.3 10 13.7
1963 14 10.2 74 9 12.2 10 13.5
1968 19 14.7 71 10 14.1 11 15.5
1972 21 17.4 73 10 13.6 12 16.4
1977 23 18.4 77 10 13.0 13 16.9
1981 34 17.1 77 9 11.7 10 13
1985 28 17.7 77 9 11.7 13 16.9
1989 30 19.1 77 9 11.7 14 18.2
1994 32 18.0 79 9 11.4 16 20.3
Taipei City Council
1969 8 10.4 48 4 8.3 7 14.6
1973 8 12.7 49 4 8.2 7 14.3
1977 8 13.1 51 5 9.8 8 15.7
1981 11 13.3 51 5 9.8 7 13.7
1985 10 13.5 51 5 9.8 9 17.6
1989 24 24 51 5 9.8 10 19.6
1994 29 20 52 5 9.6 12 23.1
1998 27 25 52 5 9.6 17 32.7
2002 -- -- 52 5 9.6 17 32.7
Kaohsiung City Council
1981 15 18.5 42 5 11.9 6 14.3
1985 13 18.3 42 5 11.9 6 14.3
1989 14 14.9 43 5 11.6 6 14.0
1994 16 12 44 5 11.4 6 13.6
1998 14 14.4 44 5 11.4 5 11.4
2002 -- -- 44 5 11.4 10 22.7
City/County Assemblies
1950 116 6.3 814 70 8.6 69 8.5
1952 224 12.1 860 74 8.6 74 8.6
1954 142 9.0 928 94 10.1 94 10.1
1958 168 10.4 1025 102 10.0 101 9.9
1961 162 9.9 929 91 9.8 95 10.2
1964 230 14.7 907 108 11.9 123 13.6
1968 208 16.5 847 100 11.8 123 14.5
1973 206 13.9 850 99 11.6 119 14.0
1977 190 14.9 857 93 10.8 121 14.1
1982 226 13.4 799 89 11.1 115 14.4
1986 209 14.2 837 97 11.6 127 15.2
1990 265 15.2 842 -- -- 128 15.2
1994 -- -- 842 94 11.2 128 15.0
1998 316 16.2 891 -- -- 151 17.0
2002 454 22.0 897 -- -- 198 22.1
Township/Village Councils
1952 -- -- 5695 0 0 11 0.2
1954 -- -- 6397 -- -- 550 8.6
1958 -- -- 6834 -- -- 629 9.2
1961 1068 12 5260 -- -- 660 12.5
1964 668 7.8 4776 -- -- 411 8.6
1968 736 9.5 4709 -- -- 497 10.6
1973 516 9.3 3757 -- -- 378 10.1
1977 872 13.5 3793 -- -- 488 12.9
1982 878 13.1 3700 397 10.7 490 13.2
1986 901 14.9 3754 417 11.1 560 14.9
1994 -- -- 6317 -- -- 937 14.8
1998 1104 16.5 3663 -- -- 322 8.8
2002 -- -- 3717 -- -- -- --
City Mayor/County Magistrate (Since 1951) * No women were elected to these executive positions before 1985
1985 -- -- 21 0 0 2 9.5
1989 -- -- 21 0 0 3 14.3
1994 -- -- 23 0 0 1 4.3
1997 5 6.6 23 0 0 3 13.0
2001 -- -- 23 0 0 2 8.7
 Township/Village Mayors (terminated in 2006)
1994 -- -- 309 0 0 6 1.9
1998 67 7.6 319 0 0 18 5.6
2002 67 7.5 319 0 0 19 6.0

Sources: Chou & Clark (1994: 164-166), Lee (2000: 53-55), Ministry of Personnel ( 1997), Taiwan Women’s Link, Awakening
Foundation Taiwan (1999).

Table 7. Malaysia: Women in Public Administration, 1999

Federal State Provincial Local

Number % Number % Number %

Chief Secretary to the Government 0 0 0 0 0 0

Staff Post (1-3 Levels) 1 5.9 0 0 0 0

Superscale Level (A,B,C) 21 10.9 0 0 0 0

Professional and the management 30965 50 517 15.6 135 22.7

Source: The Information Technology Unit, Public Service Department, Malaysia.

 Table 8. Indonesia: Women in Public Administration, 2000

Men Women Total Women at each

Echelon %
# % of men # % of women # %

Posts with decision-making power

Echelon I
235 0.1 31 0.1 266 0.1 12
(director generals, deputies)
Echelon II (directors, bureau chiefs) 1359 0.8 72 0.2 1431 0.7 5

Echelon III (section chiefs) 14379 8.2 1374 4.2 15753 7.5 9

Echelon IV (subsection chiefs) 64814 36.8 10637 32.2 75451 36.0 14

Echelon V (Uuit chiefs) 95532 54.2 20901 63.3 116433 55.6 18

Total 176319 100.0 33015 100.0 209334 100.0 16

Civil Service level (individual civil servants)

Level IV (highest) 91677 3.7 36444 2.5 128121 3.2 28

III 1167710 47.4 821734 55.3 1989444 50.4 41

II 972193 39.5 600310 40.4 1572503 39.9 38

I 229434 9.3 26276 1.8 255710 6.5 10

Total 2461014 100.0 1484764 100.0 3945778 100.0 38

Source: Mayling Oey-Gardiner (2002: 108-109).

 Table 9: Taiwan: Women in Public Administration, 1981-1996

Ministers w/o High-rank official Level Educational Total official

portfolio 10-14 Middle-rank Lower-rank Employed
Year Sex personnel
Level 6-9 (%) level 1-5 (%) staff (%)
number % number % (%) Number %
Male 125 0.028 12814 2.89 14.79 27.71 8.50 16.46 311,772 70.38
1981
Female 0 0.000 289 0.07 2.03 9.29 3.54 14.69 131,219 29.62
Male 136 0.027 15602 3.13 14.69 25.04 9.97 7.49 339,908 68.13
1986
Female 0 0.000 636 0.13 2.85 11.71 3.51 14.55 159,001 31.87
Male 184 0.032 9424 1.64 16.28 26.88 6.56 12.67 368,115 64.06
1991
Female 0 0.000 413 0.07 4.88 12.73 2.42 15.84 206,543 35.94
Male 188 0.032 9782 1.65 16.14 26.36 6.75 12.53 376,248 63.46
1992
Female 0 0.000 585 0.10 5.25 12.69 2.64 15.87 216,728 36.55
Male 231 0.038 9958 1.64 16.03 26.11 6.59 12.87 384,477 63.29
1993
Female 0 0.000 714 0.12 5.54 12.91 2.58 15.56 222,980 36.71
Male 269 0.044 9750 1.59 15.95 26.21 6.34 12.54 383,875 62.67
1994
Female 23 0.004 777 0.13 5.77 12.86 2.53 16.04 228,639 37.33
Male 268 0.043 9658 1.56 15.85 25.54 6.34 12.67 383,238 62.00
1995
Female 23 0.004 869 0.14 6.93 12.32 2.52 16.09 234,932 38.00
Male 305 0.049 9604 1.54 16.09 25.09 6.13 12.31 381,116 61.20
1996
Female 24 0.004 990 0.16 7.44 12.06 2.58 16.56 241,583 38.80

Note: all figures from various data sources (listed below) are re-calculated by the author.
Sources: Awakening Foundation Taiwan (1999), Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (Taiwan); Ministry of
Personnel (1997); Taiwan Women Web.
 Table 10: Taiwan: Women in Public Administration, by Length of Service, 1996

Class of Work Gender Under 5 years 1- 10 years 11- 15 years 16- 20 years 21-25 years 26 years & over Total
Ministers w/o Male 52 14 18 18 33 141 276
portfolio Female 8 0 1 2 3 5 19
Male 429 334 726 959 1,123 2,255 5,826
High rank
Female 45 49 128 156 134 101 613
Male 8,452 7,131 7,541 6,091 4,108 8,842 42,165
Middle-rank
Female 5,995 4,424 4,470 2,488 1,270 1,108 19,755
Male 14,563 7,690 5,738 3,665 2,108 3,815 37,849
Lower rank
Female 21,541 6,765 5,272 2,883 1,798 1,867 40,026
Male 23,444 15,425 14,005 10,715 7,339 14,912 85,840
% 27.31 17.97 16.32 12.48 8.54 17.37 100
Total
Female 27,581 11,238 9,870 5,531 3,202 3,076 60,394
% 45.67 18.61 16.34 9.15 5.30 5.09 100

Sources: Taiwan Women Web, Ministry of Personnel (1997).

 Graph 1. Malaysia: Women in National Parliament, 1955-2003

20

Women MPs %
15

10

0
55

59

64

69

74

78

82

86

90

95

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03
19

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20
 Women in the DPR %

0
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4
6
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14

50
-55

55
-60

56
-59

71
-77

77
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82
-87

87
-92

92
-97
Graph 2. Indonesia: Women in the DPR, 1950-2002

97
-99

99
-02
View publication stats

Graph 3. Taiwan: Women in the Legislatures

35
National Assembly
Legislative Yuan
30 Provincial Assembly
Taipei City Council
25 Kaohsiung City Council
City/County Assemblies
20 Township/village Councils

15

10

92

95

98

01

04
56

59

71

86
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77

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83

89
50

53

62

65

68

19
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