SCHNEEKLOTHand SHIBLEY

Arch. 8 Comport. 1 Arch. 8 Behav., Vol. 9, no. I , p.
121-144 (1993)
The Practice of Placemaking
Lynda H. Schneekloth and Robert G. Shibley

School of Architecture and Planning
State University of New York at Buffalo
Buffalo, N.Y. 14214-3087
and
The Caucus Partnership
Buffalo, N.Y. 14214
U.S.A.
Summary
The professional and academic pratice of architects, landscape architects, planners,
and facility managers is presented as sharing the fundamental aim of placemaking. This
article presents two stories of placemaking, one in community development and
another about an intervention into an office environment. Both stories demonstrate that
our collective practice can be inclusive, creating places that are sustained over time
with the cooperation of occupants and managers, and neighbourhoods and
;ommunities. A primary task of the placemaking practitioner, as we have come to
understand it through practice, is the creation of a special space for dialogue about the
purposes of places and the implications for actions. Within the dialogic space,
professionnals and inhabitants collectively confirm, interrogate, and frame action
through including and excluding people, outlining the boundaries of action, and
selecting methods which privilege various forms of knowledge. Through this process,
the abstractions of general knowledge from building research and other sources
becomes situated in specific places. These tasks in the practice of placemaking
structure relationships between people and their world, and must therefore be considered
inherently political and moral acts which have the possibility of creating beloved
places.
La pratique professionnelle et acadCmique des architectes, des paysagistes, des

planificateurs et des gestionnaires est considCrte comme partageant un but commun:
llamCnagementspatial. Cette article prisente deux histoires dans lesquelles un espace a
CtC amCnagC, I'une narrant le diveloppement d'une communautC, I'autre une
intervention dans le contexte d'un bureau. Ces deux histoires dCmontrent que notre
pratique collective peut Ctre inclusive, crCant des espaces qui sont maintenus dans le
temps avec la collaboration des occupants, des responsables, de voisinages et de
communautCs. Notre expkrience pratique nous a montrC que I'une des tdches
fondamentales du praticien est de crier un espace rCservC B un dialogue concernant la
fonction des espaces et leurs implications pour l'action. Cet espace de dialogue permet
aux professionnels et aux habitants de travailler en commun pour renforcer, questionner
et encadrer I'action en incluant ou excluant des utilisateurs, en dCfinissant des limites B
122 Lynda Schneekloth & Robert Shibley
l'action et en choisissant des mCthodes privilCgiant diverses formes de connaissance. Ce

processus permet de situer dans des espaces sp6cifiques les donnCes abstraites acquises
par la recherche dans le domaine de la construction et par d'autres sources. Ce genre de
tfiches structure les relations entre les utilisateurs et leur monde et doit donc &tre
considCrC comme un acte Cminemment politique et moral, capable de crCer des espaces
aim&
1 . Introduction
Those of us engaged in researching, planning, designing, constructing, and man-
aging places can be said to share a practice of placemaking, that is, the continual pro-
cess of making, transforming, and owning the world. Placemaking, like any practice,
is distinguished by its collective aim and ways of working to achieve that aim
(Ruddick, 1989, 13-14). This practice is inclusive of a wide range of activities for
which we assume responsibility including design, construction, research, management,
etc. Further, it includes those of us who call ourselves architects, engineers, planners,
researchers, professors, facility managers, or product designers, wherever we may be
located -in public service, the university, industry or professional practice.
In most industrialized countries, placemaking has been assigned to, or perhaps
even been appropriated by, professionals and academics. Professional placemakers are
given expert status regarding various knowledge and practice domains, and offer their
services according to the dictates of "professionalism" -attempting to meet the needs
of those who have requested our services. In another value framework, however, and
the one we are exploring here, the work of professional placemakers might be
understood as enabling and facilitating others in the various acts of placemaking. This
enabling and facilitation is performed as part of the process of offering expertise in
discreet acts of planning, design, scientific inquiry, representation, construction,
destruction and maintenance.
In this article we tell two placemaking stories in which we worked as profes-
sional placemakersl with the constituencies of the places. Placemaking in our stories
is understood as a form of inclusive and enabling practice which can establish a way to
sustain a place over time with the full cooperation of occupants, facility managers, in-
stitutional leadership, community groups, and others affected by place according to
their aspirations and requirements. In addition, it allows us to use buildings and their
landscape settings as opportunities for organizational development, thus adding value
to institutional investments in places. An element of the contribution of placemaking
as a form of practice is the way it reveals how building research knowledge becomes
situated in a place, thus helping to both sustain a place over time and facilitate occu-
The authors practice both in the academy, holding positions at the School of Architecture and
Planning, State University of New York at Buffalo, and as partners in The Caucus Partnership, Consultants
on Environmental and Organizational Change. The firm was founded in 1973 and is used as a vehicle for
inquiry on the idea of placemaking. Caucus has been awarded over 200 commissions for public and
private clients in four countries and 12 states.
The firm name, The Caucus Partnership, comes from Lewis Carroll's Alice in Wonderland and the
story of the caucus race in which the Dodo Bird facilitates the drying of all the creatures wet from Alice's
tears. There is an aim to the caucus race - getting dry - but there are no rules, no official beginning and no
official end. In response to Alice's question about who won, the Dodo Bird says. "Everybody has won, and
all must have prizes" (Carroll, 1972, 31). We have found this to be an apt metaphor for our own practice in
which we share the aim of placemaking and everybody winning, but all else is open to the work of all.
The Practice of Placemaking 123
pant organizational and institutional development. Finally the practice of placemaking

reveals how the subjugated knowledges2 which are embedded in places can become
powerful tools in sustaining place, developing organizations, and situating building re-
search knowledge in both place and institution. In short, our stories start with place as
a basic unit of inquiry in addition to conventional professional or disciplinary start
points. The stories demonstrate efforts to fully understand the whole of a place and its
constituencies, enabling such places to serve a broad range of human technical and so-
cial intentions.
In the stories we tell, we worked within and across many domains - as interven-
tionists, researchers, educators and designers. One story describes how a neighbourhood
planning process, The Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership, enabled groups of people
to take control of their own communities and how the city both supported and institu-
tionalized these efforts. The story of Roanoke's neighbourhoods reveals how a place-
making process served the needs of straightfornard capital improvement decision-mak-
ing while it redefined the fundamental relationship between government and
neighbourhood community groups. The other story describes how the facility
managers of a large banking institution work diligently with the people of their
institute to maintain and support the work environment. The dynamics in the banking
institution reveal how the presumably technical decision-making process of furniture
upgrade to service new office automation demands became a platform to explore how
different elements of the institution might more fruitfully collaborate in the conduct of
their missions. Both stories celebrate the common and not-so-common sense of the
everyday practices of making, claiming or reclaiming place, and conducting research
-.bout place.
The approach to placemaking assumes the legitimacy of every person's experi-
ence of living. It further assumes the potential competence and compassion of human
action, and the fundamental importance of place as an actor in living well. The ap-
proach emerges as an artifact of the ethical insertion of an explicitly conceived dialogic
space into existing settings, creating a space for conversation about place among the
various constituents and professional placemakers. In both stories we tell, the creation
of a space for dialogue about place and a structure to facilitate the inclusive exchange
of knowledge and experience improved both the sustainability of the place and the in-
stitution.
We offer the stories as a demonstration of an approach to professional placemak-
ing grounded in the appreciation of the context in which we found ourselves. We layer
this appreciation with both a confirmation of the everyday experience and knowledge of
the world by all participants, and an interrogation of such experiences through a critical
perspective (Freire, 1988). In each situation, we illustrate the imperative to frame ac-
Foucault's (1970) archeology of knowledge demonstrates the process by which one form of
knowing becomes subjugated or marginalized in favour of others. "By subjugated knowledges I mean two
things: on one hand, I am referring to the historical contents that have been buried and disguised...blocks
of historical knowledge which were present but disguised within the body of functionalist and systematizing
theory and which criticisms draws upon and reveals...On the other hand, I believe that by subjugated
knowledges one should understand something else, something which in a sense is altogether different,
namely a whole set of knowledges that have been disqualified as inadequate to their task or insufficiently
elaborated: naive knowledges...(p opular knowledge)...a particular, local regional knowledge...which is
opposed by everything around it - that through the re-appearance of this knowledge, of these local popular
knowledges, these disqualified knowledges, that criticism performs its work" (Foucault quoted in Giroux
1988, 99-100).
rion through decisions about who should be included and what boundaries should be
applied to any given problem or opportunity. After telling the stories, we will offer
some comments on the tasks we have come to see as fundamental to professional
placemaking in support of the goal of making places for and with people.
2. The Stories
2 .l. The Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership

The Setting: This is a story about a small city of 100,000 in the Shenandoah
Valley in southwestern Virginia which has struggled to create a structure of governance
in which neighbourhoods are major participants. Our work as consultants started in
1979 and has continued intermittently until the present. The Roanoke Neighbourhood
Partnership was conceived, historically, at the beginning of an extended period of fed-
eral fiscal austerity which included a major restructuring of the federal programs and
support for community efforts. Financial assistance to local governments was greatly
reduced and many communities were faced with doing more with less. It was assumed
that the citizens would have to become more responsible for their own well-being or
be satisfied with fewer services - a normal response to tight budgets.
In Roanoke at the beginning of the 1980s, there was a general feeling by many
citizens that the city government was not spending the tax-payers' dollars efficiently.
Parts of the city were beginning to feel "seedy;" there was a significant level of hous-
ing deterioration and abandonment. On the other hand, those in city administration
were frustrated by what they felt was apathy on the part of the citizens, or worse, the
beginning of an adversarial relationship in which they were being cast unjustly as "the
bad guy." This story could have been the beginning of a long and frustrating battle be-
tween the city government and city residents with attributions being made on both
sides, and the most creative energies being spent on the conflict.
Instead, there were some insightful people in Roanoke who recognized that resi-
dents and officials shared the same goal of a liveable city made up of neighbourhoods
that people cared about and in which they chose to live. The leaders of Roanoke did not
assume it was the responsibility of City Hall to fix everything (an impossibility), but
they did assume the responsibility to provide a structure wherein all who wanted to
could participate in the nurturing and care of the city. This was a government that rec-
ognized that leaders do have responsibility - it is the responsibility to frame a space
for dialogue so that all people may understand that they create their own history, and
further, that they are free to take action on behalf of themselves and their community
(Freire, 1988).
The Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership began in early 1980, not with a clear
understanding of what it was, but rather with a "utopian" vision of what it might be-
come. The vision was a call to the people of the city: w e , a partnership of
neighbourhood people, backed by the resources of the public sector, volunteer
organizations and businesses, can identify and resolve many of the problems affecting
the quality of life in our city. With the spiritual leadership of Mayor Noel Taylor, the
insightful, delegatory style of City Manager Bern Ewert, and the energy and love of
Roanoke found in Earl Reynolds, Chief of Community Development, the city found
time in its ongoing work to make a space for collaborative neighbourhood planning.
The Practice of Placernaking 125
The Planning Process: Although the vision was clear, the course of action to in-
form, involve, organize and mediate all the subjects of this project was not. At the
same time as the City Manager was working administratively to facilitate the initia-
tion of a new planning process and the mayor was creating a vision of what might
happen, Earl Reynolds, as Chief of Community Development, began meeting with lo-
cal leaders to discuss what this partnership might be, gaining insights and suggestions
from which he framed a skeleton scope of work for the consultants. This scope was
fleshed out through an on-going dialogue among what we are referring to as The
Collaborative Group -city officials, the consultants, and representatives from various
organizations and neighbourhoods across the city. Because of our proximity with
Roanoke and previous work with the city, we were involved in the earliest stages of
Reynold's investigations, thinking through with him how general ideas of
neighbourhood planning might be specifically suited to the context of Roanoke,
Virginia.
The consultant team was headed by Buckhurst Fish Hutton & Katz and included
Thomas Means Associates, Margaret Grieve, and The Caucus Partnership. We were
brought into the city to design and facilitate a planning process, and to assist the city
in structuring a neighbourhood process through confirming and interrogating their
work and our intervention. Our tasks included how to locate this project in relation to
the city's on-going responsibilities, and to design an intervention strategy which
decides who plays, when, and how. Because a dialogue about neighbourhoods depends
on engaging the residents of the city in a critical reflection on their own communities,
a significant effort was spent to develop methods of communication to inform and en-
:age the people of Roanoke.
As a beginning, a major public issue forum, The Partnership Forum (November,
1980) was designed to introduce the idea of the Partnership to the over 700 people who
came to hear each other talk about what they loved about their neighbourhoods, and
what they were afraid of. This was the first time many public officials and business
leaders heard neighbourhood people talk about their communities - why they lived
there and what they hoped for their children. An especially poignant moment occurred
when Ms. Florence Thornhill of the Gilmer Avenue neighbourhood spoke. She had
never spoken to such a large group, but was determined to tell other people in the city,
business and civic leaders, and City Hall about her area of the city. She took the stage
and although her voice shook, she calmly told the group:
"I love my neighbourhood, but it isn't a good place for children to live. I
want to talk to you about rats. I want to tell you about houses that bum down,
killing young people, because the house is so drafty and the wood stove faulty."
Stories were told about many places in the small city, about their parent's com-
mitment to the neighbourhoods in which they now lived, about the beautiful views of
the valley, about special friends. This was a beginning of a new relationship between
the people of City Hall and the people of the neighbourhoods, a space of dialogue to
displace assumptions, misunderstandings, and silence.
The consultants and city official decided to begin the city-wide intervention by
designing and implementing a neighbourhood planning process in four racially and so-
cio-economically diverse neighbourhoods as a way to test the robustness of the
intervention strategy. It was assumed that this partnership process must be able to
work for the whole city, not just some sectors. A generalized profile of the four
126 Lynda Schneekloth B Robert Shibley
neighbourhoods reflects the diversity: Raleigh Court is an upper-middle class, fairly

well orgqized white neighbourhood in a gentrifying area; Belmont, a poorly organized
neighbourhood of older, white people with few resources; Preston Park/Williamson
Road, a middle class linear neighbourhood which was organized along the major urban
business road; and Northwest/Gilmer, a very poor black neighbourhood bordering the
major urban renewal area of the city on the other side of the tracks from downtown.
Like most planning processes, we wanted to find out what the problem was,
what resources were available, and how to solve the problem. Using this very generic
set of questions, we designed a sequence of three workshops, anticipating that they
would be refined and modified in each neighbourhood and subject to revisions as the
process evolved. The three meetings, Issues, Resources, and Action Planning, were de-
signed to facilitate the neighbourhood's identification of their own issues, providing
the opportunity for neighbours to confirm and interrogate each other's experiences and
perceptions of their community, and to design ways that the issues could be resolved.
Many different "methods" were used in these workshops - group process
methods developed in the applied behavioural sciences and graphic presentations and
mapping -methods readily available in a placemaker's "toolbox." The meetings were
carefully formatted using small groups so that all people had the opportunity to be
heard. An on-going public record of large format newsprint taped to the wall was used
to be sure that all comments and concerns were duly recorded by trained volunteer
facilitators. In this way, each person had the opportunity to see what they had said
being recorded, usually abbreviated and translated; any misunderstandings could be
corrected on the spot. Each of the workshops was introduced by the City Manager, the
Mayor or the Chief of Community Development, bringing the "highest level" of city
management to church basements and school auditoria.
The first meeting in each neighbourhood was introduced by their own leaders who
introduced the city officials and consultants. People were sitting around tables in
groups of 6-8 with a very large map of their neighbourhood before them. The first
question asked was "What is special about our neighbourhood?" The facilitators
recorded responses, and marked special places on the maps. Soon everyone had markers
in their hands, talking to each other about the qualities of their neighbourhood that
they especially liked, and wanted to preserve. The second question, "What needs to be
changed?" built on the first and continued the mapping exercise and comments on
newsprint. This intense form of interaction and the openness of conversation set the
tone for all of the meetings and the homework assignments conducted between the
large meetings. At the end of the first meeting, the group had not only identified and
confirmed its experience of why this was a special neighbourhood, but it had identified
and rank ordered a set of problems that they wanted to work. "Homework" groups were
organized to work on priority problems such as trash in the alleys, or abandoned
houses, or junk cars, or flooding. These small groups came to the next meeting with
as much information as they could gather on the nature and scope of these problems,
what had already been done to resolve them, and what resources they could find that
might help them now. In addition, one group did some research on the history of the
neighbourhood and they made a presentation at the second meeting.
As issues to be addressed emerged in the first meeting, we facilitated the process
by identifying resources within their own community, the city, non-profit sector and
private businesses that could be brought to the discussion table. A critical aspect of
these 12 meetings (3 in 4 different neighbourhoods) was the intensity of work by the
consultants in preparation, in debriefing after each meeting, and on-going meetings in-
between with neighbourhoods to assist them in doing their "homework." Our work
was particular and targeted to the different groups as each neighbourhood framed their
own concerns and ways of working, some emphasizing visual presentation of material,
others using more aural forms of interaction. Some groups needed much more
assistance than others to learn how to access City Hall, how to frame questions so that
city staff could respond, how to prepare a plan, etc. The action plans which emerged
from the on-going homework assignments and presented and confirmed at the last
workshop truly belonged to the people of the neighbourhoods, enabled and facilitated
by members of The Collaborative Group.
The structure and intervention of this professional consulting was not unlike
community development work characteristic of the late 1960s and the 1970s in which
local governments, mandated through community development legislation, were re-
quired to hold a meeting to ask residents what they wanted. What was uncharacteristic,
however, was the openness of the space within which we, the city, neighbourhood and
community leaders, worked together in creating the planning process and in learning
from each other. Within this space, the process was generated, experimented with, cri-
tiqued, and learned intimately by all participants. A planning process was situated in
the city of Roanoke and specifically tailored for each neighbourhood. What finally
emerged was a homegrown version of neighbourhood participatory action planning that
has been sustained for over 12 years.
It was evident from the level of excitement and the number of people who com-
mitted their time and energy, that the Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership had suc-
ceeded in capturing the imagination of the people of the city - people in individual
neighbourhoods, people who worked in City Hall, people active in the non-profit sec-
tor, and people in business who wanted to be contributing members of the commu-
nity. The placemaking practice had created an energetic conversation among the many
sectors of the city who had come together to think about and envision their
neighbourhood and their city.
However, the maintenance of that dialogic space would have to be transferred
when the work of the consultants was completed. The experience, energy and compas-
sion that the consultants had brought to the emergence of the Roanoke Neighbourhood
Partnership had been indispensable, especially in the creation of the space for critical
discourse about our collective work. Yet, professional placemakers leave when their
contracts are finished - they are often "out-of-town consultants" and almost always
"out-of-place." This is always a period of critical transition and the place where many
projects become simply a "feel-good" experience for participants. How could Roanoke
maintain the energy and structure of dialogue? How could the city government institu-
tionalize the activities sufficiently to make it possible to continue, but loosely enough
that the fragile process might grow and change?
Part of our intervention as professionals was addressed specifically to the issue of
institutionalizing the Partnership. We helped the City develop a strategy that would
serve to maintain the special space for the conversation about placemaking in the
neighbourhoods. The City Council created a position of Neighbourhood Coordinator as
part of the Office of Community Development. The Council also named a Steering
Committee made up of diverse community representation to guide the Roanoke
Neighbourhood Partnership. Programs were instituted, such as the "Mini-Grant"
program which gave small grants to neighbourhoods for projects; Eyesore Alert gave
residents direct access to the building inspectors office; Operation Paintbrush found
volunteeqs to assist in rehabilitation work. And the office of the Roanoke
Neighbourhood Partnership, situated inside City Hall, gave the community access to
the City that they had not had. These initiatives were created to facilitate and enable the
continued work of placemaking in Roanoke.
Removing Demotivators as Critical Practice: Neighbourhood planning processes
are usually begun with great excitement, but often fail to sustain themselves because
they are added to already existing city programs and to the workload of city staff who
feel that they are already fully employed. If we wanted this placemaking effort to con-
tinue to make a difference in people's lives, we realized that we would have to under-
stand how the Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership fit into and/or could transform the
current organizational structure and standard operating procedures of City Hall, and how
it could belong to many people, not just the Office of Community Development.
This critical practice involved the confirmation and interrogation of the work of
the city in neighbourhood issues. We identified and suggested ways to reinforce the re-
wards city staff currently got from meeting the needs of neighbourhoods groups, and
identified and attempted to remove the demotivators, - those structural and institu-
tional impediments to creative placemaking in the city and neighbourhoods. The
Partnership, although couched in the language of utopian possibilities, was neverthe-
less realistic and critical. The work around the idea of demotivators to neighbourhood
work was one of the most important tasks of the project and many hours were spent
uncovering and reframing the work of City Hall in relationship to the neighbourhoods
and conversely, the relationship of the neighbourhoods to City Hall.
It was often repeated at neighbourhood meetings that one of the major obstacles
to getting things done in the neighbourhoods was "City Hall." Like all institutions,
the local government had, over time, organized itself to be accountable and efficient.
As with many bureaucratic structures, people were rewarded for getting their routine
work done efficiently - not by complicating their work and creating new problems. In
this context, the idiosyncratic demands of neighbourhoods are often interpreted as
interruptions and complications that keep one from doing a good job. It is easier to
develop structures and a manner of work that "demotivate" community people from
making demands.
It would have been a convenient organizing device to declare that City Hall was
truly the "bad guy" and that the reason that your neighbourhood wasn't everything you
wanted it to be was because of "those people" who work there. This scapegoat strategy
is often used as a community organizing mechanism in advocacy planning and is very
effective as a short-term strategy. But we had started with the assumption that people
are competent placemakers - people in neighbourhoods and people in City Hall. The
Collaborative Group involved in the intervention refused to use this process as the way
to unify neighbourhoods, recognizing the liabilities of such a method. If the Roanoke
Neighbourhood Partnership were going to work, it needed the people in the
neighbourhoods and all of City Hall. We had to find the demotivators which prevented
engineers, social workers, administrators, secretaries - everybody - from engaging
community people, and to create rewards for working with the neighbourhoods.
We engaged in careful and specific work in deconstructing current processes and
procedures to understand the existing reward system which inadvertently resulted in
demotivators to working with neighbourhoods. This work was not always easy; it de-
manded an honesty and openness on the part of all participants. But framing it within a
discourse that affirmed people's good intentions made difficult conversations easier and
facilitated a willingness to explore other forms of working. Further, through the
various planning projects representing the Action Plans of the four beginning
neighbourhoods, we were able to demonstrate to city staff that neighbourhood people
could be allies to getting things done that they knew had to be done, and in even
gathering data for certain efforts such as was done in the Williamsom Road area on the
unremitting flooding problem.
The removal of demotivators started at the top. When the Mayor, City Manager,
and Chief of Community Development focused their attention on neighbourhoods and
were willing to spend their own evenings at community meetings, this signaled a
change in business as usual. City staff were publically recognized and rewarded for
their efforts on behalf of individual neighbourhoods, encouraged to engage
neighbourhood folks and spend time helping them resolve identified problems. This
changed reward system enabled employees to conceive of their work differently: many
began to see themselves as educators and communicators, not just hassled employees.
And through the newly created space for dialogue in which conversations between city
officials and neighbourhood folks occurred, the workings of City Hall became more
transparent to the citizens, removing a major demotivator to calling on the city as new
understanding and competence developed.
"The real story of the Partnership centres around the new spirit of hope
and optimism in Roanoke's neighbourhoods. We think that people have begun
to believe that they can shape their neighbourhood's destiny if they are willing
to invest their time and energy. Every newly mowed vacant lot in the
Northwest, every recently painted house in Southeast, every monthly edition of
the Forum in Northeast, and every tree planted in Southwest is a testimony to
people's faith in themselves, their neighbourhood, their city. This faith is what
makes complex projects possible and helps people find the courage to form new
groups." (Lewis W. Peery, Chair, RNP Steering Committee, 1984)
The creation of the Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership is a testimony to the

placemaking activity of people - their concern for their places and their willingness
to work hard together to make it better. The knowledge of how to access City Hall has
been translated into many different situations, as has the knowledge of how to structure
planning processes and write grants. In each specific place, the situated knowledge is
extremely useful not only to the neighbourhoods who now own it, but to the local
officials who have the knowledge that the people of the city are appreciative of their
work and recognize what they can and cannot do.
The story of the Roanke Neighbourhood Partnership is also a demonstration of
the power of professionals to enable people to make their places through the
structuring of special dialogic space in which such work can be discussed, planned and
done. The critical practice demands attention to small details such as how meetings
happen and where, and to much more complex issues such as neighbourhood
organizing and governmental bureaucratic reward systems.
The Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership has changed greatly since the early
1980is,reflecting new times and new people. The important aspect of a utopian project
such as that initiated in Roanoke is not the achievement of an end state, but the
struggle to engage in history making and placemaking. The City of Roanoke, VA and
all the people, including professionals such as ourselves, participated in the exciting
inception, growth and transformation of the Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership.
130 Lynda Schneekloth 8 Robert Shibley
Such activity reveals the power of placemaking as a democratic project when the
commitqent to an on-going dialogue about the never-ending creation of place is made
and continually remade by people in places.
2.2. A large international banking institution

The Setting: This story describes how the facility managers of a large banking
institution work diligently with the people of their Institute to nurture, maintain and
support the people and offices under their care. This is a crucial activity since many
people today spend more of their waking time in offices than in their homes. How do
people and facility managers continually transform and change their places as technol-
ogy and organizations shift? How do professionals facilitate this placemaking? How
does this process of change contribute to the organizational development of the institu-
tion?
We had an opportunity to explore these questions when we received the call from
the Facilities Management Section of a large international banking institution (The
Institute) in 1982. The call was from a former student who asked, "Do you remember
when you used to talk about the relationship between organizational development and
design interventions?" to which the reply was, "Of course. What's up?"
What followed was a description of how the caller's facility management section
had recently completed a lengthy and very professional study on the telecommunication
needs of the Institute, submitted their findings to the head of the Administration
Department and were given the clearance for the wholesale conversion of the phone
system in the 10 story headquarters building. They had completed the procurement ac-
tion and were installing the systems when the proverbial "shit hit the fan." Angry
questions, memos, snide references to the phone system change requiring a PhD in
phones to operate all indicated that the users of this new phone system were furious.
The system was complex; they did not know how to use it; they were not consulted in
its procurement; and in general, they felt the change was an outrageous imposition on
their daily lives. The relationship between the facilities organization and a large por-
tion of all of the Institute staff including leadership, professional and clerical personnel
was severely strained.
Well, the caller explained, the problem would settle down after a while. Efforts to
provide instruction on the system were already in place and over time the employees
would see the wisdom and usefulness of the procurement decision (which all turned out
to be true). But, in the meantime, the work of the Facilities Section was continuing in
a low trust environment, and the management team in charge of the Facilities
Management Section were having to operate with the legend of the phone system deci-
sion hanging over their head. The lack of trust generalized to an attribution of
"thoughtless management," straining staff relations in often completely unrelated ar-
eas. The correct technical decision, poorly implemented, helped to create a serious at-
mosphere of distrust and several organizational development problems.
All of this was occumng, the caller explained, when even more complex and sig-
nificant facilities decisions were on the horizon. Wasn't there some way to proceed
with the work in a way that avoided confrontations and angry constituents in the fu-
ture?
The Institute was preparing to automate the offices of the entire staff (over 2,000
employees) beginning with virtually no pc-based computer equipment in place and
anticipating full PC automation and networking five years hence. The Facilities
Management Section had to establish the infrastructure for the systems including ev-
erything from office automation furniture, telephoneldata communications, and local
area network system support. The caller was clear that the staff in the department was
very competent and capable of making the correct technical decisions. But they needed
to develop a way to do it so the relationship with the rest of the Institute staff was ac-
tually better after they finished rather that repeat the phone "fiasco." In short, the caller
requested help in using the technical decision process they were about to undertake to
address the organizational development goal of restoring trust between her section, her
superiors, and the large majority of Institute personnel who were to be affected by the
automation project.
The User Perspective on Office Automation: A variety of circumstances in the
modern office work environment argue for working in a way that facilitates trust be-
tween organizational elements. Without such trust there is no clear communication and
decision-making is based on damage control thinking rather than the creative advance
of the organization (Gibb, 1963). A process of working through "so-called" technical
decisions which have broad impact is an excellent opportunity to establish both
competent technical decisions and organizational development as management goals for
a project.
One central strategy we employ in pursuing the dual goals is to include users of
all ranks affected by decisions in a process which facilitates repair and change rather
than working toward fixed, unbreakable or more "permanent" solutions. Rapidly
changing computing and communications technology and the continuing rise in per-
sonnel costs make for constantly changing equipment, new organizational designs, and
changes in personnel assignments. Such dynamics inevitably mean new people on the
job, new insights on how the job might be done, and even why it might be done. It
can also mean increased error rates and a loss of learning curve efficiencies. All of these
circumstances suggest a process of engaging people in decisions affecting how they do
their work so that both new and existing staff "own" their work tasks. Involving them
in decisions about the on-going repair of their work place is a form of on-the-job
training as well as on-the-job work designing.
An approach which consciously focuses on the facilitation of repair creates the
conditions for continued reflection on the appropriateness of work place design, new
hardware requirements, and current work procedures. If the ability to repair or improve
all of these and other dynamics of the work place is perceived as accessible to all, if the
process of repair is comprehensible and encouraged, then physical solutions to man-
agement and job design problems are considered in tandem with the organizational so-
lutions, resulting in more integrated and informed organizational renewal. For exam-
ple, new office automation furniture means new inventory designations and procedures,
more complex processes of furniture delivery to the office work place, more complex
assembly and computer hook-up dynamics involving more than one facility or com-
puting specialization, a change in requisition procedures that more closely relates furni-
ture requirements to specific hardware requirements, etc. Further reflection on all of
this leads to a reconsideration of who should get which types of hardware and why. All
of which leads to repaired procedures to procure and deliver furniture systems and
repaired work procedure in the office receiving the computing and furniture systems.
We introduced the "facilitation of repair" theme to the Facilities Management
Section but did not impose it, encouraging them to open the dialogue with eventual
users of the new computing systems and see if such a concept might emerge through
the collatoration. In the process of collaboration through workshops, surveys, and test
furniture1 computer hardware installations, there was a clear resistance from the users
to any wholesale change without several tests of appropriateness. They wanted to see
several options, test some of them in scattered sites throughout the building, and then
test a preferred set of options in whole departments of the Institute. There was a
general request for ways to adjust what was eventually to be acquired to meet new
demands as they occurred. In short, there was a very sophisticated call for the fa-
cilitation of repair that recognized that, for example, "printers might not always be this
big and noisy and someday they may require a lot more power to operate," "computers
seem to be getting smaller," and ". . . space for computer manuals is needed at first but
after a while I never refer to them any more." There was no assumption by the
Institute staff collaborating with the Facilities Management Section that things should
be maintained "like new." They wanted the ability to adjust to new organizational, in-
terpersonal, individual, and technological demands as they occurred.
The sequence of events after the initial telephone call involved first a small meet-
ing with the staff of the Facilities Management Section which was designed to list all
their aspirations for the office automation project and for the process it would employ.
Given that list and a beginning understanding of the organizational structure of the
Institute, we (the Facilities Management Section and Caucus) collaboratively devel-
oped a preliminary "proposed approach" to the project which would be an invitation for
comment. The first step was to prepare and conduct a series of briefings on the ap-
proach for a group of Administrative Officers who represent administrative support
functions for all of the operating divisions. These 22 Administrative Officers service
operating departments in the Institute by handling their procurement requests, facilities
and computing needs, routine personnel paperwork processing, training requests, etc.
They had the ear of both the boss and the rest of the unit. These were also the people
who complained the most vigorously about the telephone decisions. They were an
important group with which to start in the establishment of a new relationship be-
tween the Facilities Management Section and the rest of the Institute personnel.
The Administrative Officer briefing began with the honest expression of a desire
to avoid the dynamics of the telephone system procurement as the Institute moved
forward with its office automation project. In essence, the Facilities Management
Section and Caucus began by confirming what they perceived to be the experience of
the Administrative Officers in past work. The briefing was presented as an invitation
to the Adminhtrative Officers to interrogate that experience and influence how best to
proceed with staff and management consultations. We indicated that we were less in-
terested in consensus than on commitment to the actions necessary to make the office
automation project successful in the eyes of those who would be affected by it. The
briefing was approximately fifteen minutes long and left a full 45 minutes for ques-
tions, discussion, and summation. The questions and issues they raised were all
recorded on newsprint and all accounted for in a summation at the conclusion of the
session which involved suggested changes to the proposed approach.
The eventual approach resulting from the two rounds of collaboration, first with
the Facilities Management Section and then with the Administrative Officers, called
for a brief review of the literature on office automation and a tentative listing of fumi-
ture performance criteria. The review process employed the resident expertise of the in-
house design staff at the Institute, a literature review, and experience of personnel at
Caucus. From these sources, a list of criteria were drafted to serve as the starting point
for a series of workshops drawing on a wide cross-section of the Institute staff that
would be the eventual end users of the furniture to be procured. Administrative Officers
decided to seek volunteers from among groups of representative user types for one-half
day workshop sessions that they also attended. In this fashion they were affirming the
value of the briefing-turned-workshop approach employed with them. They liked the
aspiration expressed by the Facilities Management Section for a fresh start and liked
the apparent openness of the discussion. They also felt that face-to-face discussions
like they had with the Facilities Management Section should also occur with users,
furthering the development of trust and ownership in the process. All of this was seen
as partially restoring some of the trust lost by the Facilities Management Section,
helping to fulfil the organizational development goal of the project.
The workshops were conducted in a way that allowed small groups to review the
tentative list of performance criteria, discuss their relative merits, and to add or subtract
criteria. The work sessions concluded with participants rank ordering the revised per-
formance criteria according to "importance," discussing proposed next steps, and ex-
pressing concerns on the further direction of the project.
One of the results of the workshops was the well received suggestion that the
project proceed slowly from performance specification to procurement so that some
small number of new office set-ups might be tested in-use prior to the large volume
buying that was anticipated. This suggestion, the test site program, became one of the
cornerstones of the office automation project, playing a major role in workspace
standards development, installation and inventory procedures development, a custom
furniture design modification project, and wire management studies.
Another return from the workshop was clarity on the furniture users' desires for
more horizontal work surface than they currently enjoyed and for more storage space to
accommodate computer manuals as well as other references related to the demands of
their newly emerging job descriptions. As already indicated, participants in the work-
shop also requested workstation flexibility so they could adjust to changing job de-
signs and computing equipment as it became available.
The clearly stated priorities combined with a number of other factors led the
Facilities Management Section to propose experimenting with renovations of the ex-
isting line of furniture at the Institute in addition to possible new vendor and furniture
line options. This "repair" of the existing furniture line appeared to accommodate the
user's perspective on the automation of their work environment while allowing the
Institute to maintain a 40 year relationship with a furniture manufacturer they had
come to know well and trust. The manufacturer was willing to re-tool to help with the
office automation modifications. Office automation and conventional furniture would
be "compatible," and there were real cost savings in that the existing inventory could
largely be reused.
In order to acquire feedback on this proposal to retool existing furniture, an open
house was scheduled for the entire Institute which attracted over 400 people. On dis-
play at the open house were some examples of the modified furniture as well as off-
the-shelf office automation furniture for staff to see and compare. The open house was
followed by another workshop with Administrative Officers and those designated to re-
ceive test furniture installations. This workshop was designed to review the proposed
"test-site" program. The users or "co-researchers" (Hirschorn, 1988) were invited to re-
view the entire test site protocol, challenging and in some cases modifying the
approach in a way that would assure their creative contributions to what became a
month of on-site testing. For example, the participants in the test site wanted to add an
open log of their experiences to a structured set of essay type questions they were to
respond to at the end of each day. The log became a valuable tool recording
observations as they occurred for later reflection.
The process of inquiry, and the results of the inquiry, were always designed to re-
ceive different insights and to take advantage of them. It was never too late to influ-
ence. Even in the closing days of the automation project at the Institute, the office
standards, furniture inventory, and procedures for installation were still under revision.
The process and the product both facilitated repair and facilitated commitment to the
repair process.
Other Work at the Institute: Virtually every major commission we have since
received from the Institute involved the concept of facilitating repair. . .learning from
the act of implementing so future implementations could be still further improved or
reconfirmed. Often the work we would negotiate called for the delivery of a product and
an investigation into the way in which the product should be implemented. Workspace
Standards, Automated Procurement Systems Development, Local Area Network
Planning and other contracts all had a similar set of concerns for both the quality of the
new product and the modification of the product overtime to meet changing or newly
revealed needs. The experience of the office automation project helped to establish an
approach to contracting that was open ended, allowing the initial framing of the
problem to emerge through interviews and workshops intended to confirm and
interrogate the experience of those related to whatever problem was up for considera-
tion.
A clear intent of the Facility Management Section and Caucus in the facilitation
of repair was to involve enough members of the Institute in their facilities that they
might understand place as a strategic tool in the conduct of several aspects of their
work. The resulting, "aware client" makes better workstation requisitions and work
orders because they understand the rationale for why things are the way they are. The
procedures for improvement are accessible and not viewed as threatening to facilities
management staff when invoked. On the contrary, each request is analyzed for its im-
plications to the ongoing management of the rest of the facility. The facilities man-
agement staff and Institute personnel have, in effect, redefined error. Error is now seen
as both inevitable, given changing dynamics, and as part of the appropriate process of
repair. The Institute staff are co-researchers in the ongoing experimentation with facil-
ities management. This dynamic of enabling Institute personnel to help situate as well
as construct knowledge relevant to their workplace keeps them informed and committed
to the important tasks of sustaining the workplace.
One organizational development return to the Institute involved the evolution of
a very general approach to problem-solving which has been applicable well beyond the
scope of the facilities management mission. For example, even while the office au-
tomation project was in process, Caucus was requested to conduct a conflict resolution
process between two different organizational units with apparently conflicting agenda.
The request came to us when the units in conflict asked if it could be resolved "the way
we worked on the furniture project."
A potential conflict in the furniture project may serve to illustrate how tension
turns into creative solutions rather than a fight. Most of the staff of the Facilities
Management Section began the project with an assumption that new office automation
furniture would be required to address the demands of the new technology. Renovating
the existing line thus saving hundreds of thousands of dollars, maintaining a compati-
ble system with the old line, and continuing a satisfying vendor relationship with the
old furniture manufacturer was not seen as a viable option because the users would ex-
pect "what they see in the magazines." It became easy to suggest this renovation ap-
proach, however, as the users described their performance criteria, including compati-
bility with existing furniture, including an ability to adjust such things as storage
shelves and work surface areas as hardware changes occurred, and as they expressed their
general satisfaction with the existing line for conventional office functions. It is pos-
sible that the Administrative Officers would have interpreted the modification of the
existing line as an attempt to cheat their people out of new office furniture if they had
not participated fully in that decision. The process of collaboration confirmed a set of
shared aspirations even while, through interrogation, some wholly new open office au-
tomation stations were also procured based on special performance needs. The potential
conflict never emerged.
The processes of placemaking in large institutions are special opportunities for
collaboration between professional placemakers and professional place users. These are
special spaces for conversations about how to renovate, manage, and maintain places,
and for an increased understanding of the power of employing environmental interven-
tions as an vehicle for organizational critique and change.
3. The Tasks of a Placemaking Practitioner

The practice of placemaking as revealed in these stories embodies a set of tasks
which are performed in support of the aims of practice. It's primary activity is the
opening of a public space for dialogue about place and placemaking by creating a rela-
tionship with the place constituencies. This act, the spacemaking, is probably the
most important activity of professional placemakers, because it is within the set-aside
time and space that the dialogue of placemaking occurs.
"By public space, I mean ...a concrete set of learning conditions where
people come together to speak, to dialogue, to share their stories, and to strug-
gle together within social relationships that strengthen rather than weaken the
possibility for active citizenship" (Giroux, 1988, 100).
Within the dialogic space, we have found three activities, central to our work and
the work of others - a project of confirmation, interrogation3 and framing action
through processes of inclusion1 exclusion.
Confirmation is the act which looks at the context of work with an appreciative
attitude in order to understand what is and what has been historically taking place. It
involves focusing on the concrete experience of place as it has been made and taken
(experienced) over time by the various inhabitants. It is equally important to interro-
gate that context by asking questions, by problematizing the place through a disci-
plined and critical perspective. The on-going, iterative and dialectic actions of confir-
mation and interrogation sets the frame for the action. Framing action involves the
Freire (1988) has developed the language of confirmation and interrogation in his work. He
outlines his practice of educating campesinos in Latin America as a process of liberation in which he both
confirms and interrogates their lives to facilitate their own questioning of their existence.
processes of shaping attention, of deciding what and who to include and exclude in
placemakpg.
In the Roanoke community development work and the facility management pro-
ject, we continually engaged in these tasks in our professional role as placemakers. We
structured a dialogic space within which groups of people joined us in these tasks. In
doing so we did not talk about "confirmation, interrogation, and action framing."
Rather we collectively confirmed, critically interrogated, and constantly framed action
in the shifting world of placemaking. The tasks of placemaking are not discrete or se-
quential functions; they occur simultaneously and iteratively throughout any profes-
sional intervention, facilitating action and non-action, framing and working through
conflicts, and incorporating new knowledges.
3 . I . Confirmation: The Appreciation of Context

Each act of intervention in the world is unique even when framed by the same
practice, based on similar theories, and using similar methodologies. Because practice
in placemaking is about "everything", it is always about different things. Rittel and
Webber (1973) call such unbounded interventions "wicked problems" because there is
no easy way to bound the sphere of intervention or the starting or stopping of them.
Each place occurs only once and to act responsibly in that historical moment requires
knowledge of that time/place/cultural reality; wisdom to recognize that we never have
sufficient information or insight on which to base a "rational" decision; and that we
must proceed. It is an attitude that acknowledges that we learn by doing in many situa-
tions. As in the Roanoke context, we had to try a planning process in collaboration
with the neighbourhoods in order to understand how the knowledge we had as profes-
sionals was best placed in their world. We could not "know" precisely how to proceed
before engaging the dialogic space because of each place was particular and special.
Confirming a place requires knowing who the decision-makers are, what their re-
wards are, and how to achieve the goals set in the context in which they have to be
implemented. Ethical action also requires knowing who has no access to power or in-
fluence but will be affected by any action. To act with and for others requires an un-
derstanding of the complex nature of social and environmental relationships, both for-
mal and openly acknowledged relationships, and informal, tacit webs of communities
and power.
Confirmation also requires experts who listen to and empower formerly subju-
gated knowledges in framing an intervention, recognizing the insights of others as a
different particularistic interpretation of the world, just as our own is specific and lim-
ited. People living in places "know" many things about their places. This knowledge,
although different from professional knowledge about science, design, planning,
engineering, etc., nevertheless has the same legitimacy as the expert knowledges that
we bring to our interventions. The knowledge that people have about places is usually
unstructured, informal, and hesitant. It is not the kind of knowledge that is given voice
in the normal professional arenas. The creation of a space for dialogue about
placemaking activities often uncovers and confirms various forms of subjugated
knowledges which enrich the context of placemaking, and move the discussion beyond
the possibly patronizing and often coopting rhetoric of participation.
Social change, environmental change and management, and competent re-
search in the practice of placemaking occurs when there is a congruence between the
various intentions and motivations of the place dwellers and people affected by this
place, and our goals as interventionists. This confluence does not happen by chance; it
must be nurtured in dialogue and exchange. Part of the professional's role is to couch
their work -research and action -in the framework of the people who must live in,
manage, and maintain the environment which will be impacted by the work. This
complex task of situating knowledge from one discourse into another, places profes-
sional insights into the dialogic space where it can be transformed, appropriated as
needed, and reconstructed by the people living in places. This work depends on our
willingness to understand and fully "appreciate" the context of each professional inter-
vention (Vickers, 1965).
In our practice, the confirmation of the everyday experience of people occurs
through careful observation, and lots of talking and listening - in workshops,
meetings and interviews with carefully recorded participant perceptions and values.
These records are open, public, often displayed on newsprint, in newsletters, in the
press, or through other media. Such records confirm interpretations of everyday
experience and are part of the media with which we all work as we set about the
placemaking tasks.
To appreciate people and their place c o n f i s their experience of the world, and
recognizes that their lives and their place have meaning to them. It acknowledges that
the place in which they live has existed prior to a professional intervention, and will
continue long after our presence. It accepts and understands their interpretation of their
lives and place as their truth, and a f f m s that their knowledge and experience is critical
to the processes of environmental change and management.
3.2. Interrogation: The Conduct of Critical Theory

To appreciate a place does not imply an uncritical stance toward it. The practice
of placemaking is inherently about transformations, changes, modifications, and
preservation -all are acts of intervention. In order to make judgments about any form
of intervention one must both understand and confirm what it is, and simultaneously
ask how it might be changed in accordance with negotiated goals. In this context, the
interventionists present as clear an understanding of the context as is possible - to
both c o n f m and interrogate it. As noted earlier, the work on uncovering demotivators
to neighbourhood work in Roanoke started with an appreciation of the complex work
of City Hall and a confirmation of the competence of city staff, and yet was very
critical of their organizational structure which rewarded staff for not addressing requests
from community groups.
The task of interrogation involves a process of inquiry designed to uncover the
basic values and assumptions forming human institutions and actions referred to as
"critical theory" (Habermas, 1979, 1984; Albrecht & Lim, 1986; Forester, 1985,
1989). Critical theories, unlike theories in science which are about the establishment
of "objective" knowledge, are reflective and self-referential. In other words, "a critical
theory is itself always a part of the object-domain which it describes; critical theories
are always in part about themselves" (Geuss, 1981, 55). Critical theory is squarely lo-
cated in the domain of human action; it is about our intentions for and activities in the
world. It is concerned with empirically adequate descriptions of places, and about the
values and interpretations of those constructed descriptions.
The stories reveal a process of recording several voices together with their subju-
gated or privileged knowledges. In arraying each voice in relation to others, the
placemaking process employs state-of-the-art research, practitioner expertise, and the
structure of everyday life, each as a foil for the other. The result opens a dialogue on
the underlying agreements and perceptions of conflicts between participants in the pro-
cess. The same public record that confirms the everyday experience of those who oc-
cupy our stories also establishes the basis for some of the interrogation. Initially, it is
the interrogation of individual perception measured against the collective in both the
Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership and Institute story. This is not, however, a
tyranny of community over the individual. It is more precisely to be understood as a
dialogue between the individuals and the community they choose to make and remake
as circumstances change and take place. As the process progresses to decisions about
action, all voices can see themselves in the approach, have a higher level of commit-
ment to the decisions, and often are more willing to live with the resultant conditions.
The context of every situation in which we take action, professionally and per-
sonally, is framed by legitimated and subjugated knowledges. In any location, we can
critique and deconstruct the structure of institutions and organizations to test the ade-
quacy of their aims and form to the project of both community and individual emanci-
pation. This includes our own location as practitioners of placemaking, whether we are
primarily professionals, researchers, or academics. These locations have historically
privileged the domain of science as the legitimate form of knowledge, assuming that
"objective" knowledge is more true than the subjective knowledges of lay people
(Harding, 1991; Schneekloth forthcoming). This belief is the origin of the language of
"application" in which it is assumed that knowledge generated through the dictates of
science should replace other forms of knowledge. One can argue, however, that ob-
jective knowledge, that is knowledge from nowhere, is as limited as subjective
knowledge, knowledge from everywhere. What we need to make places in the world is
situated knowledges in which the knowledge of science is transformed by the particu-
lars of each context, and in which the private, subjugated knowledges enter into the
public discourse for confirmation or interrogation (Fraser, 1989; Haraway, 1988).
Critical theory offers insight into the socially constructed reality of a place,
which has been reified through history and maintained by the social and physical struc-
tures of its institutions. The purpose of engaging in critical theory is to deconstruct,
and thereby reveal socially constructed worldviews, including our own. By asking
questions about the history and societal purposes of any place (institution, city,
neighbourhood, office, research institute), the views of the multiple members, and
power relationships, one gains insights into how the environment is used to support,
maintain and/or subvert the agreed upon purposes of the social form. Because the
practice of placemaking is contained in particular socially constructed realities, all
actions either maintain existing worldviews or challenge them. An interrogative
inquiry such as critical theory is required for competent and informed practice.
However, engaging in critical theory is not a "magic answer" that will tell us
how to proceed in any placemaking activity. Neither confirmation nor interrogation
alone is adequate grounding for action because human action is embedded in political
and social contexts. Yet the process of confirmation and interrogation is the foundation
of a collaborative dialogue which affirms meanings and activities, and at the same
time, interrogates those activities and meanings from a perspective which reveals their
structure and inequalities. Decisions for action rely on these understandings, but must
be recognized as political and ethical positions.
3.3. Framing Action: Processes of Inclusion and Exclusion

Every time we decide to do something, we simultaneously decide not to do some-
thing else, whether we are aware of this decision or not. Placemaking is no different.
In each intervention, each research inquiry, each act of management, we decide what we
are going to do by naming the players, the boundaries of action, and the rules for ac-
tion. Placemaking includes people and excludes people in every intervention. Those
involved select and exclude aims and boundaries for any project; privilege ways of
working at the expense of alternative methods; and produce knowledge, products, and
processes as a result of specific ways of working with particular people. Through the
activity of inclusion and exclusion, those who engage in the tasks of placemaking de-
termine who owns the work of practice: products, knowledge, and processes.
All placemaking activities are acts of intervention in already whole fabrics of life
(Borgmann, 1992). When professionals such as architects, planners and/or researchers
assist in this activity, they recognize this condition, especially when they step in for
this activity and then leave again. This knowledge embodies the imperative to work
collaboratively in any context (Shibley & Schneekloth, 1988). This is not to suggest,
however, that the role of the professional in placemaking is only facilitator and never
contributor. This attitude would deny the knowledges and experiences that the profes-
sional brings to each act of making. Such an attitude is insulting not only to profes-
sionals and our knowledges; it is also patronizing to the people with whom we work.
Yet neither is the expert form of knowledge to be privileged above the knowledges of
others. The professional can engage in a dialogue with others in which all knowledges
are valued, shared, and used in the process of decision-making, and wherein our h o w l -
edges as professionals are situated and transformed.
As seen in the two stories, framing action continues to be a dynamic process.
The office automation story created experience with a process initially devoted to furni-
ture. Later, a similar process was developed to assist in a conflict resolution contract
related to organizationa1 turf, demonstrating that the clients understood the relationship
between the environmental intervention and more general processes of organizational
development. The experience of the initial neighbourhoods in the Roanoke
Neighbourhood Partnership led to very different actions in each of the neighbourhoods,
from neighbourhood clean-ups to building restoration to storm water management up-
grades. The combination of all four test neighbourhoods created part of the story base
useful in framing action for future neighbourhoods who participated in the Roanoke
Neighbourhood Partnership. Stories, as they unfold, create familiar contexts for future
stories which in turn, frame new action.
4. Who Can Play?

One of the most difficult technical and ethical decisions in any placemaking in-
tervention is the decision concerning who will be involved. The inclusion and exclu-
sion of peoples and knowledges frame all action by limiting what can be known and
who is empowered to make decisions. Placemaking, whether it is design, construction
or research, is best done collectively within its own social and political context
(Lewin, 1951). To be effective, people involved in social and environmental change
must be involved in the process of generating knowledge about that change, in posing
issues to be researched, in implementation, and in evaluation.
For example, in the Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership story, the thorny ques-
tion of "what is a neighbourhood?" was handled through a process of self-definition.
When a group of people came forward for the initiating Partnership Forum and defined
their neighbourhood, they were taken at their word. This resulted in planning with
neighbourhood groups as small as five blocks, and with much larger allied groups of
block clubs and business associations. The activity of their naming "who can play" to
a large extent framed the kind of action agenda they set for themselves, with larger,
more organized neighbourhoods taking on more complex projects initially, such as
changes in the zoning ordinance to exclude "adult book stores," and the smaller groups
working to take care of immediate problems such as clean-up, crimewatch, and light-
ing.
In this intervention, we framed participation not by defining what a
neighbourhood was, and therefore determining who could play, but by giving the
power of self-definition to the neighbourhood groups, facilitating and perhaps, forcing
them to name the people with whom they would work. We both confirmed and
interrogated their decisions: Why this boundary? Who lives over here and are they
organized? Who are the leaders of groups contiguous to your neighbourhood? These
kinds of questions sometimes led them to expand or consmct their original boundaries,
enabling them to problematize their own definitions. We assumed that if later it were
discovered that the area was not collectively self-defined, this would be addressed with
the constituencies. However, in the years since the beginning of the Roanoke
Neighbourhood Partnership, neighbourhoods continue to define themselves and their
own boundaries appear to "work."
In a similar fashion, in the Institute story, the Facilities Management Section,
our client, knew that the Administrative Officers were key to any environmental and
organizational change, and they had to be included. In turn, it was the Administrative
Officers who named the participants in the test site program. Collaboratively we dis-
cussed the kinds of people who might participate, but they, knowing their own unit
intimately, invited the players.
Practically, all decisions cannot be made by everyone. But ethically, the process
of exclusion serves specific interests, always at the expense of others. The task of se-
lecting who can play frames the discourse and privileges perspectives and knowledges.
In Roanoke, the self-selection process reified the racial separation of neighbourhoods
and thereby limited the kinds of knowledge that could be exchanged in the
neighbourhood conversation. But by creating many opportunities for self-defined
neighbourhoods to share and work together, these very reified boundaries began to be
problematized as residents from the Williamsom Road area visited the Gilmer Avenue
area for Gospel sings and people from the Northeast were conspicuously present at the
dedication of the new storm drainage system by another member of the neighbourhood
partnership.
There are no rules or simple guides for selecting who plays, only values and be-
liefs. However, the tasks of confirmation through an appreciation of the context and
interrogation by the conduct of critical theory offer insight into the implication of
those selected to be included.excluded.
What are the Boundaries for Action? Another domain of inclusion and exclusion
in the practice of placemaking is the selection of the boundaries of any action, focus-
ing attention on what is part of the discourse and what stands outside this particular in-
tervention. Each act of intervention may address many universal and theoretical issues,
such as the legitimacy of knowledge or theories of territoriality. Yet when one is con-
fronted with an actual act of placemaking in a specific place, the questions are always
concrete. The work of planners and other professionals can be seen as "selective orga-
nizers of attention to real possibilities of action" (Forester, 1989, 14).
The decision of what to include and exclude in any discourse is part of the collab-
orative work done in the dialogic space. Depending on what knowledge we bring to
conversation, the practice may at times be subversive relative to existing power struc-
tures; it may also be addressed to making the best of the situation within the current
social structure. For example, when working in community development, the decision
of what issues are permissible to discuss sets the context within which action can be
taken. To present the neighbourhood with alternatives of rehabilitating the physical in-
frastructure of their community without confronting the segregation by race or class
permits positive action in one aspect of community life. However, this boundary de-
nies discourse on one of the basic structural conditions which permitted the infrastruc-
ture to deteriorate in the first place. It does not create the conditions of change which
would eventually give a community the ability to manage and maintain its infrastruc-
ture so as to avoid serious deterioration in the future.
Practitioners working in the domains of the professions, government andlor the
academia know that not every act of placemaking can address all issues of the human
tondition. Yet we recognize that each inclusion/exclusion is a non-innocent decision
that has significant political and ethical ramifications. We must have the courage to
know what we are nor doing as well as what we are able to do.
What are the Rules for Action? The rules for action, discrete methods for in-
tervention, embody the same dilemma as the setting of boundaries for action and in-
cluding/excluding participants. How should we proceed? What are the implications for
one way of working as opposed to another? What happens if we chose not to act? The
selection of methods of work and approaches to framing and solving problems is not a
technical activity.
Knowledge and methods from elsewhere are incredibly useful in placemaking -
but only in a dynamic sense. They are part of the knowledge that we, as professional
p!ccemakers, bring to our practice. But this knowledge cannot be "applied" in any
context, only appropriated and reconstructed by those engaged in the dialogic space of
making this particular place.
Further, every one of our methods is rooted in beliefs and ideologies and these
meanings are communicated in placemaking processes. The placemaker's toolbox of
methods, strategies, and procedures can be used for many purposes. For example, the
small group work we use frequently in Roanoke and the Institute, can empower many
voices and insure that formerly subjugated knowledges are revealed. This same method
has been successfully employed to diffuse and deny collective action.
". . .me~hodologicalfailings can always be traced to ideological errors . .
. If, one is to adopt a method which fosters dialogue and reciprocity, one must
first be ideologically committed to equality, to the abolition of privilege, and
to non-elitist forms of leadership wherein special qualifications may be exer-
cised, but are not perpetuated" (Freire, 1988, xi).
The selection of ways of working and the ways in which methods are employed
are always rooted in basic assumptions about human beings and ultimate aims of prac-
tice.
5. The Place of Research in Placemaking

Professional placemakers are critical and reflective of their practice, engaging in
research to better understand the dynamics of making places, and in working with peo-
ple to design, build, renovate, manage, and demolish places. Those more closely
aligned with the building research establishment, academics and other professional
practitioners who do research using the methods of science, are all in a unique position
to facilitate the tasks of placemaking. Specifically, the knowledge they develop can
provide the "outside" catalyst often needed to help open the dialogic space within
which the tasks of confirmation, interrogation, and action framing occur.
In the Institute story, for example, state-of-the-art literature review and expert
opinion based on a knowledge of current research in office automation gave partici-
pants in this project a place to start in their construction of furniture performance crite-
ria. By offering the criteria from such sources as tentative, that is, as unsituated
knowledge, the Facilities Management Section and Caucus improved the potential for
Institute personnel to interrogate it, relating it to their specific situation. This process
increased their ability to influence and be committed to decisions which build upon the
research insights. In the test site program, as well, a traditional field test design was
modified to engage end users of the workstations as co-researchers. Their empirical
observations helped acquire knowledge useful as general insights in office environ-
ments while they specifically situated this knowledge in the Institute's offices. It gave
both our firm and the Facility Management Section a new place to start in future office
automation work.
Situating knowledge also facilitates an organizational development agenda by cre-
ating opportunities for collaboration grounded in research but not dictated by research.
The work of placemaking within organizations and communities appropriates general
knowledge in the collaborative space, transforming it to facilitate appropriate action in
each complex set of place specific circumstances. It is this process of working within
the dialogic space that acts to create situations of trust between different interest groups
as they search for the ability to act cooperatively. Our experience suggests that success
in cooperating on something as relatively unthreatening as cleaning alleys or
modifying workstations establishes the experience and confidence needed to try such
collaborative processes in more threatening circumstances encountered in work and liv-
ing places (Schneekloth & Shibley, 1990; Shibley, 1985; Shibley & Schneekloth,
1988)
Part of developing trust in the process of situating place research knowledge is
making it vulnerable to organizational development and/or community goals and to the
often subjugated knowledges of such place constituents as secretaries, maintenance per-
sonnel, or "just folks." The process of confirmation and interrogation based on an as-
sumption of human competence helps create a new social dynamic in groups of people
who share work and communities. For example, the research by community groups in
Roanoke became a valuable part of the city's capital improvement program as well as
its operations and maintenance programs, changing the relationship between formerly
demotivated neighbourhood organizations and City Hall. The collaboration work on
"demotivation" itself was a direct response to organizational development goals in both

the Office of Community Development and in the neighbourhoods.
6. Conclusion
All of the tasks of placemaking as we have presented them occur within the spe-
cially created dialogic space. Each task is embedded in all of the others. Confirmation,
for example, as it occurs through exposing different points of view on the newsprint
notes in the public-record meetings is also a form of interrogation. Any process
revealing difference invites questions as to the origins and motivations of the
difference.
"Dialogue includes the possibility and indeed the likelihood of conflict.
Outside the domain of dialogue, such conflict is destructive: we seek victory
over the other. But within a relation of dialogue, conflict - insofar as it leads
to discoveries and transformations of the self - will only strengthen the
relation. In agreement, we confirm each other in our shared experiences; but in
disagreement, we affirm each other in our difference" (Friedmann, 1979, 103).
Comparing subjugated knowledges with place research knowledge is a powerful

form of interrogation that tests whether the unsituated knowledge of the research com-
munity can be situated in this place at this time. The comparison is also is a powerful
form of confirmation for those who hold the subjugated knowledges as they acquire a
voice in the process of framing action about their place. Still more interrogation is de-
rived from this comparison as closely held subjugated knowledges become revealed and
,hallenged by other forms of knowledge. Action framing itself is a powerful form of
confirmation as it respects the process of collaboration and a powerful form of critique
as it presents actions not to be taken, or people not to include, or knowledges not to
be considered.
Placemaking is about everything because the making and sustaining of place is
about living - about places, meanings, knowledges, and actions. Those of us who en-
gage "professionally" in the making of places with and by others are involved in a
practice which aims at creating beloved places through the making and/or renewal of
relationship among all participants and their places wherever we find ourselves - in
the professions, government services and/or universities.
The tasks of practitioners of placemaking, confirming and interrogating contexts
and framing action, are inherently political and moral acts. There is no formula or
method which can simplify the tasks or free the practitioner from the ethical implica-
tions of taking action. We make mistakes, have errors in judgment. And we often find
ourselves in situations where we know through critical interrogation, that our work
will not be as liberating as we know it could be. But with an attitude that facilitates
repair, and with the promise of forgiveness embedded in communities of people who
have come to trust each other by working together in special spaces for dialogue about
places, we proceed in our collective, very human work of placemaking.
Note: This article is based on a forthcoming book by L.H. Schneekloth and R.G.Shibley, Placemaking.
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Arch. 8 Comport. 1 Arch. 8 Behav., Vol. 9, no. I , p.

The Practice of Placemaking

Lynda H. Schneekloth and Robert G. Shibley

La pratique professionnelle et acadCmique des architectes, des paysagistes, des

l'action et en choisissant des mCthodes privilCgiant diverses formes de connaissance. Ce

pant organizational and institutional development. Finally the practice of placemaking

2 .l. The Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership

neighbourhoods reflects the diversity: Raleigh Court is an upper-middle class, fairly

The creation of the Roanoke Neighbourhood Partnership is a testimony to the

2.2. A large international banking institution

3. The Tasks of a Placemaking Practitioner

3 . I . Confirmation: The Appreciation of Context

3.2. Interrogation: The Conduct of Critical Theory

3.3. Framing Action: Processes of Inclusion and Exclusion

4. Who Can Play?

5. The Place of Research in Placemaking

"demotivation" itself was a direct response to organizational development goals in both

Comparing subjugated knowledges with place research knowledge is a powerful

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