This document discusses the origins of Philippine languages. It notes that there are about 70 languages in the Philippines and 500 in the wider Malayo-Polynesian region. The document explores evidence for the Malayo-Polynesian origins of Philippine languages through examining similarities and differences in their phonology, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary. It also summarizes competing theories about the geographic origins and migration patterns of early Malayo-Polynesian speakers.
This document discusses the origins of Philippine languages. It notes that there are about 70 languages in the Philippines and 500 in the wider Malayo-Polynesian region. The document explores evidence for the Malayo-Polynesian origins of Philippine languages through examining similarities and differences in their phonology, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary. It also summarizes competing theories about the geographic origins and migration patterns of early Malayo-Polynesian speakers.
This document discusses the origins of Philippine languages. It notes that there are about 70 languages in the Philippines and 500 in the wider Malayo-Polynesian region. The document explores evidence for the Malayo-Polynesian origins of Philippine languages through examining similarities and differences in their phonology, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary. It also summarizes competing theories about the geographic origins and migration patterns of early Malayo-Polynesian speakers.
This document discusses the origins of Philippine languages. It notes that there are about 70 languages in the Philippines and 500 in the wider Malayo-Polynesian region. The document explores evidence for the Malayo-Polynesian origins of Philippine languages through examining similarities and differences in their phonology, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary. It also summarizes competing theories about the geographic origins and migration patterns of early Malayo-Polynesian speakers.
- - Origins of the Philippine Languages CEClLlO LOPEZ
1. Introduction. In the Philippines there are about 70
languages and in Malayo-Polynesia about 500. To say some- thing about unity and diversity among these many languages and about our evidence for their Malayo-Polynesian source is not an easy task, particularly when it must be done briefly and for readers without the requisite linguistic sophistication. For the purposes of this paper, therefore, the best I can do is to explain some representative phenomena, making the presenta- tion as simple as I possibly can. In determining similarities and diversitiea between lan- guages, comparison based on any one of four levels may be used: phonology, morphology, syntax, or vocabulary. The ap- proach using all the four levels is undoubtedly the mast re- liable, particularly if it fulfills the following conditions: exhaus- tiveness of coverage, simplicity of exposition, and elegance of form. So far as I know, no comparative study of a group of cognate languages has ever been written which fulfills all these conditions. The favorite hunting ground of linguists is phonology- which includes vocabulary-because vocabulary items are com- paratively easy t o collect and are subject to rigorous treat- ment. In MP languages quite extensive studies have been carried out in phonology, but those in morphology and syn- LOPEZ: PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES 131 tax have been rather scanty.' It is not surprising, therefore, that in this paper my discussion of phonology is more detailed than that of morphology and syntax. Most of the materials I use will be those of my own collection, supplemented by other sourc~~.~ To trace the Philippine languages back to MP and other sources is to get involved in the problems of origin, a subject clouded in the mists of prehistory. The discovery of origins is not easy, as one knows who has made the attempt. Because of the pressures of technology and progress, the modem man tends to think in terms of patterns and processes and not con- cern himself with origins. Yet since man is the only member of creation who can concern himself with the ideas and events of the past, I shall run the risk of being labeled old-fashioned if thereby I am also more properly human. The MP world, according to the older school of anthropol- ogists, was peopled by migration(s) from west to east, from the Asian mainland into the Pacific. One theory asserts that the river regions of western China and the borders of Tibet were the original home of Indonesian (Proto-Malay and Deu- tero-Malay) culture, and also the home of early Indian cul- ture. In migrating southward from this homeland, the streams of migration bifurcated, one branching westward into India and the other into Indo-China and Indonesia. The latter branch then spread northward to the Philippines and Formosa and eastward across the Pacific, where it formed an essential part of the Polynesian population. These migrations were not to be interpreted in the strict meaning of the word. They were quite probably slow, long and drawn-out movements, ac- companied by some assimilation along the way, with the earlier migrants pushed by the later, by mixture of languages and cultures, or even by imperfect adoption of ;the language of one group by the other. According to another theory, there are evidences of waves and periods of migration originating 1 Abbreviations and symbols used in this paper are listed after the text. 2 I have not attempted detailed documentation; however, the most important sources are listed in the bibliography. 132 PHILIPPINE STUDIES from somewhat different locations in southeastern Asia. In the Philippines, the diversity of the peoplea indicates that most of the groups have been occupying the same regions for some time, with limited intercourse with the outside world, inter- rupted occasionally by sporadic movements. Like many anthropologists, linguists of the older school point to Indonesia as the original home of the Polynesians, and hold that in a series of eastward migrations the early Indo- nesians left traces of their languages among the Melanesian- speaking peoples through whose regions they passed. Some younger linguists, and some ethnologists and archeol- ogists consulting the linguistic evidence, entertain different views. One view holds that the original speakers of MP were the remote ancestors of the present Polynesians, that the first great movement of this sea-faring people was into Indo- nesia. (This calls to mind Bowring's mention of Father Zuiliga's observation "that the peoples of the Philippines were originally colonized by the inhabitants of America.") Another claims that the place of origin of the MP peoples is rather to be sought between Formosa and Hainan. The assumption is ques- tioned that everything in the Pacific region came out of South- east Asia (or south China) with nothing going back. New Guinea, Australia, and the larger islands of Melanesia, to be sure, were originally peopled from Southeast Asia, but initial settlement occurred long before the emergence of the MP lan- guages as a distinct family. Once these areas were settled, there is no reason why they could not have become centers of cultural development or a source of movement westward into Indonesia and Southeast Asia. The great diversity of languages in Melanesia is an argument advanced in favor of that area as the springboard of MP languages; this proceeds on the as- sumption that the whole of a large number of groups of peo- ple is not likely to migrate as a collection of distinct groups. On the other hand, the languages of western Indonesia and most, if not all, of the languages of the Philippines, constitute a single group. I t is in the framework of these conflicting theo- ries that I will present some linguistic evidence. 2. Similarities and diversities among Philippine languages.