I 2 Solheim
I 2 Solheim
I 2 Solheim
Wilhelm G. Solheim II
Abstract
This is a subject that is still controversial, both as to the area of origin and the routes
between that area and the Philippines. There are two opposing hypotheses on both
subjects. Both hypotheses are agreed that the differing major languages and the many
different dialects spoken in the Philippines at the time of Portuguese and Spanish entry to
the Philippines in the early 15th century were all of the Austronesian Super Family. That
is where the agreement ends.
In the Philippines, the two best known hypotheses are those of Peter Bellwood and
mine (Solheim). While my hypothesis—which will be the main subject of this
presentation—started developing over 40 years ago, Bellwood’s is more recently
developed and has had much greater acceptance outside of the Philippines. Simply put,
he believes that ProtoAustronesian originated in eastern South China opposite Taiwan
and was brought from there to Taiwan by maritime Chinese bringing with them rice
agriculture; this around 7000 years ago. After about 2000 years, developing several
distinct Austronesian languages in Taiwan, there was movement of people speaking one
unknown Austronesian language to northern Luzon, bringing rice agriculture with them.
The rice agriculture led rapidly to increasing population and absorbed most of the hunter
gathering populations they came in contact with in the Philippines. They moved south
through the Philippines and by about 4500 years ago had reached southern Mindanao and
from there spread south and both east and west. By this time the Austronesian branch that
had developed somehow between Taiwan and the Philippines was widespread and is now
called the MalayoPolynesian language family.
My hypothesis is much more complicated with no simple direct route to and through
the Philippines, but with exploratory maritime movement bringing peoples in many
directions over many different routes. This goes back with remote origins over 50,000
years ago from coastal present day eastern Viet Nam and South China. I hypothesize the
beginning development of PreAustronesian in the general area of the Bismark Islands
south and east of Mindanao. From this area the development of ProtoAustronesian as a
trade language took place among the maritimeboat people who were sailing in all
directions throughout the South China Sea, including to Japan and Korea, and throughout
much of present day Island Southeast Asia. With the development of the Malayo
Polynesian Language Family (still a mystery to me) after about 4000 years ago from
southern Mindanao they spread east into and throughout the Pacific islands and ultimately
spread west to Madagascar around 2000 years ago. From about 6000 years ago the
Philippines was central too much of this development.
Introduction
I have written two general articles, one short (Solheim 1999) and the other long
(Solheim 1981), about the prehistory of the Philippines and the relationship with
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surrounding areas. There has been much more fieldwork and publication relevant to this
paper since they were written. At the time they were written I did not feel it important to
present the one major different interpretation involving the origins and spread of
Austronesian languages as it had not started to develop at the time of the earlier article
and was little concerned with the Philippines in the later paper.
There are two differing hypotheses on the origins of the Filipinos and their
languages. Peter Bellwood includes the Philippines in his much wider scale hypothesis on
the origin and spread of the Austronesian languages and the peoples speaking these
different languages. He does not present an explanation for the Philippines as a specific
topic. The two professional linguists whose opinions on this matter I am acquainted with
—Robert Blust (19841985) and Lawrence Reid (1982)—“both agreed with Bellwood]
that a PreAustronesian form was in South China and brought by people moving by boat
to Taiwan where Austronesian developed into its original form. Both agree with Peter
Bellwood (19841985), following Shutler and Marck (1975), that Austronesian was taken
south from Taiwan to the northern Philippines, spread south through the Philippines, and
from southern Mindanao spread both west and east.” (Solheim ND).
The opinions of all these authors have evolved since these early statements and I have
been unable to keep up with their evolving interpretations. I continue quoting myself
(Solheim ND):
If I understand Bellwood correctly the main Austronesian stem
apparently evolved in the Philippines into MalayoPolynesian and then
branched into many further MalayoPolynesian languages in the
Philippines and as it moved both west and east from the southern
Philippines. There is no Philippine language that I know of as having
been suggested as the ancestor of the MalayoPolynesian languages of the
Philippines and the rest of Island Southeast Asia, and no language that I
know of in Taiwan has been considered as Pre or ProtoMalayo
Polynesian. Therefore MalayoPolynesian, according to Bellwood’s
theory, must have developed directly out of one of the Taiwan
Austronesian languages (i.e. ProtoMalayoPolynesian) as soon as its
speakers reached the Philippines. This seems like an impossibility to me,
but I am not a linguist.”
I emphasize again, as I have done in many other articles, that “Austronesian” is a
linguistic term and is the name of a super language family. It should never be used as a
name for a people, genetically speaking, or a culture. To refer to people who speak an
Austronesian language the phrase “Austronesian speaking people” should be used.
Genetically the Nusantao have become a mixture of many different peoples.
Presenting the second hypothesis, i.e. my interpretation of the archaeological,
linguistic and genetic data for the origin of the Filipinos and their languages, is the body of
this report.
Where did the Filipinos Come From and How Did They Get Here
Filipinos and most of the peoples of Island and coastal Mainland Southeast Asia were
a maritime oriented population. The formation of this population goes back at least
50,000 years, long before the development of Austronesian languages and took place on
the Southeast Asian mainland.. This maritime development is indicated by the first people
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going to Australia from Southeast Asia and this happened some over 50,000 years ago as
has been shown by Australian and New Guinea archaeology. At that time the sea level was
much lower, but it still would have been necessary to cross water out of site of land for
several days between the nearest Indonesian islands to Australia. Once this was done there
must have been twoway contact for some time. This suggests that rafts with some sort of
center board to provide some directional control must have been in use at that time.
There is no archaeological indication how early small boats came into use. I suspect
that they were invented and first in use well up one or more of the major rivers of
southeastern China and/or northern Viet Nam around 13,000 years ago or earlier. The
first, crude, heavy earthenware pottery known not only in eastern Asia but in the world
starts showing up in four widely separated areas in Siberia, Japan, southern China and
northern Viet Nam. All of this was at about this same time, made in the same way and the
same forms (Vandiver 1998ab; Ha Van Tan ?; MacNeish et al 1998.) The knowledge of
how to make this crude pottery must have been spread down and up major rivers and along
sea coasts in small boats with or without single outriggers. Some of the islands of Japan
were connected to the mainland at this time, as was Taiwan. For some reason these early
sailorpotters did not stop in Taiwan, or at least their rare, early sites have not yet been
found.
With very little archaeological evidence I hypothesize that singleoutriggers for these
small boats had been invented sometime between 13,000 and 10,000 years ago as contact
between central, coastal Viet Nam and the Bismark Islands, northwest of the northwestern
end of New Guinea by around 10,000 years ago is indicated by the spread of arboriculture
and some of the plants involved. Several types of shell artifacts have been recovered in the
general Bismark area at around this time and earlier and appear to have spread to the west
at a somewhat later date.
Sailing from Mainland Southeast Asia to the Bismark area and south to the Solomons
would have been possible with singleoutrigger canoes. Moving out into the Pacific over
much wider ocean distances probably needed larger, doubleoutrigger canoes. It has been
hypothesized that the doubleoutrigger was invented somewhere along the east coast of
Viet Nam at an unknown date, allowing long distance travel out into the Pacific. I
hypothesize that this was happening to Taiwan, the Philippines, into western Micronesia
and back out to the Bismark area by 6000 years ago now using the doubleoutriggers ,
larger canoes, but without bringing the knowledge of pottery manufacture, would then
have been able to extend their explorations further to the south and east into the Pacific.
What had been happening in the Philippines during this time? Palawan and Mindanao
would have been in contact with coastal Viet Nam and South China, but not bringing in
agriculture. It is quite possible that arboriculture was brought in to the Philippines during
this time both from the west and the east. While archaeological sites in western Palawan
show that there was contact with Viet Nam, and there was probably contact between
coastal South China and coastal northern Luzon, the Babuyan and Batanes Islands and
Taiwan. These maritime boat people I have called the Nusantao.
The Nusantao
The importance of the maritime organization of many people in Island Southeast Asia
first came to me in 1963 (Solheim 1963:258). I had this to say: “The majority of the
prehistoric relationships between Formosa and Southeast Asia do not appear to me to be
direct, but the result of small movements from a common general source in South China
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and northern Indochina and possibly even more important, diffusion of specific culture
elements in all directions from late neolithic times on.”
My concept of the Nusantao and its associated Nusantao Maritime Trading and
Communication Network (NMTCN) has evolved considerably over time since I first
proposed it (Solheim 1975:158). In my book on the Nusantao (Solheim ND) I have gone
into considerable detail to explain this evolution of the two terms, but this book will not be
out until a month or two after this paper is presented. I leave the details for those of you
who might be interested to my book and here present the latest definitions that I have made
(Solheim ND).
Probably originating along the major rivers in the mountains of eastern, central Viet
Nam during the late Pleistocene, “The Nusantao are a prehistoric, maritimeoriented
people along with their cultural descendants who have maintained their cultural
orientation until today or the recent past in many coastal and island areas in Southeast
Asia, coastal China and north to Japan and Korea, and Oceania. I believe that the concept
of the Nusantao and their expansion is “useful in understanding the widespread
dissemination of particular interrelated languages and items of material culture, even
though none of these actually define the Nusantao.” It is also of major importance for
explaining the origins of the Philippines and of their languages, as I see it.
In the beginning the Nusantao were primarily fishermen and expanded their territory
for fishing out of curiosity looking for new fishing areas (Solheim 1981: 3334). Coming
into contact with new people and settlements they began to add trading of materials
available in one area but not in an other. “In this way, without major movements of
people, a relatively informal, longdistance trade that also involved longdistance
communication of ideas, knowledge, genes, and language (in the form of the trade
language that people moving through this chain needed to talk to others) could have
developed. This sort of trading system would help explain why, in the absence of
migrations of people and in an area where there were differing cultures, so many forms of
stone artifacts, ornaments, patterns found on pottery, etc., were shared over such a wide
territory.”
“While I was writing this article [1981] my concept of the Nusantao was shifting from
an allencompassing “Austronesian speaking people” to a maritime oriented trading
people probably speaking an Austronesian language. In 1985 I changed the first
definition as follows (Solheim 19841985:8586): “To remove [the term Nusantao] from
a direct relation to a language and to a biological entity I now define Nusantao as natives
of Southeast Asia, and their descendents, with a maritimeoriented culture from their
beginnings, these beginnings probably in southeastern Island Southeast Asia around
5000 B.C. or possibly somewhat earlier.”
“Most of the Nusantao probably spoke a pre or related Austronesian language, but
there may well have been at times some that spoke a nonAustronesian language. At the
time of this redefinition I did not consider nonmaritime Austronesian speakers as
Nusantao. “The Nusantao and the nonmaritimeAustronesian speakers no doubt [were]
constantly mixing genetically, culturally, and linguistically. Their genetic ancestry no
doubt varied from time to time and place to place to include Southern Mongoloid—
probably as a central core—and Melanesoid, and I would suggest that this may well have
been the case from their very beginning.”
Through time, as the Nusantao expanded their fishing and trading areas there was also
a gradual expansion in the variety of maritime orientations. The extremes extend from
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whole families who lived until a generation ago, all their lives mostly on their boats to
families that had permanent or relatively permanent bases on land.” (Solheim ND).
The Nusantao Maritime Trading and Communication Network
I like very much what Wolters (1999) has said about the importance of maritime
communication for Southeast Asia. I quote portions from my review of his book
(Solheim 2004: 101105):
The sea provides an obvious geographical framework for discussing
possibilities of regionwide historical themes. The sea facilitates
communication between peoples, and there is much of it. Indeed, Coedès
characterizes the Southeast Asian seas as “a veritable Mediterranean
formed by the China Sea, the Gulf of Siam and the Java Sea. This
enclosed sea, in spite of its typhoons and reefs, has always been a unifying
factor rather than an obstacle for the peoples along the rivers.” (Coedès,
1968:32).
The peoples on and near the shores of the Southeast Asian seas were
certainly in communication with each other from very early times. . . .
The sea to which I am now referring is not the Southeast Asian
“Mediterranean” but what I shall describe as “the single ocean,” the
vast expanse of water from the coasts of eastern Africa and western
Asia to the immensely long coastal line of the Indian subcontinent and
on to China. The sea defined in this manner, was, I believe, a significant
fact of life in earlier Southeast Asia not only because treasure from
distant places always arrived but also for other reasons that I shall
consider. [I would add that this should include all of the Pacific islands,
except some portions of New Guinea plus Japan and Korea.] . . . .
I conclude my comments on “the cultural matrix’ by considering
an alternative vision of prehistoric Southeast Asia unimaginable, I
suppose, in 1982. Few developments excited me more when I prepared
myself for writing this postscript. I seemed to have stumbled on a long
awaited launching pad in Southeast Asian prehistory. I refer to the
concept of “heterarchy” in contradistinction to “hierarchy,” the concept
usually associated with this region. The concept of “heterarchy” is
examined in Joyce Whites contribution [White 1995] to a volume on
Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies …in which she
revalues evidence from some amply stocked prehistoric burial sites in
northeastern and central Thailand.
Her analysis and argument are sufficiently thorough to convince me,
at least, that she has established a promising direction for future
prehistoric archaeological research and also for historical studies of early
Southeast Asia … her essay provides insights in connection with
continuities in southeast Asian historical experience and contributes
towards delineating the “regional” shape of southeast Asian history …
White understands the term [“heterarchy”] to signify societies that
exemplify: Cultural pluralism; indigenous economies that tend to be
characterized by householdbased units of production, communitybased
economic specialization, and competitive, multicentered, and
overlapping mechanisms for the distribution of goods rather than
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monopolies controlled by a single center, social status systems that tend to
be flexible in practice and include personal achievement even where
ascribed systems exist in theory, conflict resolution and political
centralization strategies that tend to have alliance formation … at their
core, and that may be periodically renegotiated…. [White 1995:104],
(12223). . . .
Wolters points out in several places (28, 114 footnote 30, 134, 139, and 148) the
importance to the overlord of the mandala of being “up to date” and the importance of
rapid information dissemination over Southeast Asia.
“The past in Southeast Asia in general and including Vietnam
would therefore be perceived for its relevance to the present and not for its
own sake, It was ‘now’ and being ‘uptodate’ that mattered (148). On
the other hand, as earlier mentioned, continuity is evident in all of
Southeast Asia from prehistoric times up to the present.”
The NMTCN was the prehistoric and historic equivalent of the present day email
network. In its communication over the vast area of its coverage it provided up to date
information on all subjects of interest to its members.
At this point I leave Wolters, but continue with a little of my own comment (Solheim
2004: 105106). “My concept of the Nusantao Maritime Trade and Communicati8on
Network presents a good example of many of the comments mentioned by Wolters for
demonstrating the unity of ‘Southeast Asia,’ . . . .
“I proposed the term Nusntau in 1975 [Solheim:158; I later changed the spelling to
Nusntao] to refer to ‘people of the southern islands.’ I said that it should apply both to the
people and the culture of those who spoke Austronesian.
Difficulties soon became apparent in the use of this term. At present the term has two
uses. The first is used as a general term: The Nusantao . . . refers to a maritimeoriented
people who originated in eastern Island Southeast Asia and along the southern coast of the
South China Sea at the end of the Pleistocene with its sea levels rising to the general level
of today. Many varieties of this maritime orientation developed over time and are still
found today. What I am most concerned with is my second use to refer to those who have
specialized in maritime trade; for this I use the term The Nusantao Maritime Trading and
Communication Network. This network ultimately spread to wherever Austronesian
languages are spoken today, including the coast of China, Korea, Japan, and probably the
Americas” (Solheim ND).
I emphasize that the Nusantao who were maritime people were knowledgeable about
life on the land as well as on the sea. After arboriculture, horticulture and/or agriculture
were known these people expanding into the Pacific always had a base on land. They
brought with them domesticated plants and animals which became important in their life
after they had exhausted the fish and shellfish of the area to the extent that they did not
provide sufficient food.
Prehistory of the Philippines According to Archaeology, Genetics, Linguistics
I believe that we are all agreed that archaeology, genetics and linguistics do not
present the same picture of prehistoric and historic development and expansion. There
obviously has to be some correlation among the three as all three are developed and
expanded by the same people, but each one evolves on its own through time. To my
knowledge very little research has been done on the detailed genetics of the Philippine
people. There has been some done with the several Negrito groups, but to my knowledge
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this has only shown that they are not closely related to each other, rather they are more
closely related to their near neighbors over time. It is my personal supposition that the
ancestors of the Negritos were the same as of the general Southeast Asian populations say
20,000 years ago and that they evolved very rapidly to their distinguishable appearance
when they started living in very similar ecological situations in the rainforest. I know of
no Negrito skeletons that have been excavated in archeological sites. I go no further in
treating genetics.
Linguistics is an other matter. I suspect there has been more study done of the
Philippine languages than of the archaeology, this, much of it, by the Summer Institute of
Linguistics. I do not try to examine Philippine linguistics in any detail, but rather come at
it from the other direction, i.e. the relationships of the Philippine languages to the other
Southeast Asian languages. As all of the local languages of the Philippines are
Austronesian in origin languages are a common way of approaching the origins of the
Filipinos.
Gaillard and Mallari (2004) have provided us with eight different maps showing
proposed routes by different authors of Austronesian coming to the Philippines. A major
portion of each route had to come by water. Wolters (179180) mentioned that “Evidently,
the boat was conventionally used in island Southeast Asia as the metaphor for emphasizing
the meaning and importance of an ‘ordered social group,’ whether it be an organized social
unit or the spatial classification of social groups within a larger social framework.” For the
Philippines the Barangay or balangay (meaning boat) was a word known by the first
Spaniards to come to the Philippines. When Antonio Pigafetta went ashore to talk with the
chief of Limaswa, they met in a boat on the shore. When they arrived at Luzon they found
that balangay was also used for the smallest political unit of Tagalog society. “The word
barangay call[s] attention to two important characteristics of the sixteenthcentury
Philippines . . . dependence on boats and highly localized government” (Scott 1994: 45).
Itbayat, the most northerly of the Batanes Islands north of Luzon has, a number of
different words for boat. Maria Mangahas has reported at a Brown Bag lunch of the
Archaeological Studies Program on 1 September 2005 that an elderly informant on Itbayat
told her that one of the words for boat (vanua) also means homeland. “One of the
interesting parts on Dr. Mangahas’ talk is the linguistic relation of the word vanua with
other Austronesian words in the Philippines and other parts of Southeast Asia and the
Pacific. Its cognate words vanua, banua, benoa, and fanua all denote the concept of
village, port, town, house, land, country, cosmos, and even boat” (Vitales 2005 :19).
In their early movements by water before 5000 B.C. I long ago had hypothesized that
the Nusantao developed a trading/ communication network between the northern
Philippines, Taiwan, and the coast of South China and northern Viet Nam. I suggest that it
was the trading people making up this network who helped develop Austronesian out of
Pre and ProtoAustronesian, as a lingua franca by which they were able to communicate
among themselves and the peoples with whom they traded in the Nusantao network.
Linguists agree that a trade language must start with some regularly defined language
that has evolved with admixtures of other languages. I would now agree with this, but say
that Austronesian had its beginnings, as PreAustronesian, by around 12,000 B.P. and as it
is impossible to take linguistic origins back this far in time there is no way that we can
discover its probable single linguistic family origin. Thus I would say that at the present
time this is a nonproblem.
The route that I have proposed for bringing the Austronesian languages and its
speakers to the Philippines is very complicated and actually is many different routes (Fig.
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1). For my interpretation of how Austronesian came to the Philippines it is necessary to go
back to the beginnings of PreAustronesian. I have proposed that the origin of Pre
Austronesian was in the Bismarcks in northwestern Melanesia (Wallacia could be
considered its homeland) and then ProtoAustronesian developed among the sailors and
their families of the NMTCN in their communication and trading back again to the west
through much of coastal eastern Indonesia and the Philippines, and along the coast of
eastern Viet Nam and South China. This resulting communication brought with it the
knowledge of the Tridacna shell adze and other shell artifacts and ornaments. As the
Nusantao came in contact with ProtoAustroTai speaking people along the coasts of South
China and northern Viet Nam and up the major rivers of this area ProtoAustronesian (still
a trade language) further evolved. The people moving from South China to Taiwan about
7000 B.P. would still have been speaking ProtoAustronesian, and there it evolved into the
several different TaiwanAustronesian languages.
Red R
iver
WESTERN MICRONESIA
MADAGAS
CAR
Pre
MALAYSI WAK
RA Austronesi
A SA
an MELANE
BORNEO
SIA
BISMA
RKS
PAP
A Ir U
i
Jaya an
Dispersal and further development of Pre
Austronesian
ProtoAustronesian Development
Area of Development of Proto
Austronesian
Figure 1. Suggested formation and movement of Pre, Proto, Austronesian and
MalayoPolynesian Development
MalayoPolynesian languages.
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Pawley and Green (1973:3536) had this to say about the cultural content of Proto
Austronesian:
“They had a mixed economy, based on agriculture and fishing, but
supplemented by hunting and arboriculture. Cultivated crops included
taro, yams, banana, sugarcane, breadfruit, coconut, the aroids Cytosperma
and Alacasia, sago, and (probably) rice. . . . They sailed outrigger canoes.
Their tools were of stone, wood and shell. . . .” (final italics mine).
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Table I. Linguistic “tree” showing the origins and development of Austronesian
and MalayoPolynesian out of Austric as proposed by Solheim.
Solheim/Origins of the Filipinos and their Languages
The presence of shell tools was at least one element of the culture of the people
speaking ProtoAustronesian that had been added as a result of their presence in the
Wallacia/Bismarks area. The use of shell for tools in this area goes back before 12,000
BP.
If I understand correctly, AustroAsiatic and Austronesian evolved out of Austric. I
have proposed that Austric languages were spoken in greater Southeast Asia before the
rising of sea levels to present day levels and that with the rise of the sea level the
Austronesian languages developed in the newly formed islands of the east and Austro
Asiatic developed on the mainland.. I present above my Table I showing my
interpretation of this development as included in my Nusantao book (ND).
Summary and Conclusions
If I am correct in my suggested formation and movements of languages as illustrated
in Figure 1 it can be seen that the Philippines is within the areas of development and
movement of all levels of evolution of the languages from ProtoAustronesian into
MalayoPolynesian. It could be possible that development of PreAustronesian could have
included southeastern Mindanao. Very little archaeology has been done throughout this
area in recent years. What has been done and reported by Spoehr ( 1973) and Solheim et
al. (1979), was done long before we recognized the earliest materials recovered.
We do not really know whether Taiwan might have been involved in the development
of ProtoAustronesian. All we can say is that several different Austronesian languages
evolved there presumably out of ProtoAustronesian. There is no indication that Pre or
Proto MalayoPolynesian were present there. I have mentioned (ND) the possibility that
Amis may have moved north from the Philippines at a relatively early date. I do not know
whether the Amis language has been compared to any of the Philippine languages, but I
have felt there were indications of contact between the Amis and the Philippines that have
not been seen with any of the other Taiwan ethnic groups. The only definite relationships
between the Philippines and Taiwan are between Itbayat and Botel Tobago the latter being
an island off the southeast coast of Taiwan. Here the people of both islands recognize that
the ancestors of those living on Botel Tobago came from Itbayat (long ago). I have gone
into the relationships between Taiwan and the Philippines in my Nusantao book (ND).
My interpretations of the relationships of the Philippine languages, all being western
MalayoPolynesian, all suggest that the Philippine languages are related in an ancestral
way with all the other Western MalayoPolynesian languages.
The trading relationships of the NMTCN go in every which direction. For the
MalayoPolynesian speakers this suggests to me that Filipinos were in communication
directly and down the line with all coastal areas of Southeast Asia and to some extent up
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the major rivers to the interior and that they are a genetic mixture that would result from
these contacts. From my interpretation presented in Table I it can be seen that I feel that at
the earlier times of the NMTCN. the Philippines were pretty much at the center of this
network.
Until much more archaeological excavation has been done and final reports published
in all areas of Southeast Asia the details of these relationships can only be hazily
recognized. The one thing I feel confident in saying is that all native Southeast Asians are
closely related culturally, genetically and to a lesser degree linguistically.
References
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9th Philippine Linguistics Congress (2527 January 2006) 12
Organized by the Department of Linguistics, University of the Philippines
Solheim/Origins of the Filipinos and their Languages
9th Philippine Linguistics Congress (2527 January 2006) 13
Organized by the Department of Linguistics, University of the Philippines