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Annual Review of Applied Linguistics (2002) 22, 3-31. Printed in the USA.

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Copyright 2002 Cambridge University Press 0267-1905/01 $9.50

Schegloff's homepage

1. CONVERSATION ANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS'

Emanuel A. Schegloff, Irene Koshik, Sally Jacoby, and David Olsher

Conversation Analysis (CA) as a mode of inquiry is addressed to all forms


of talk and other conduct in interaction, and, accordingly, touches on the
concerns of applied linguists at many points. This review sketches and
offers bibliographical guidance on several of the major relevant areas of
conversation-analytic work-turn-taking, repair, and word selection-and
indicates past or potential points of contact with applied linguistics. After
covering these areas, we include a brief discussion of some key themes in
CA's treatment of talk in institutional contexts. Finally, we discuss
several established areas of applied linguistic work in which conversation
analytic work is being explored-native, nonnative, and multilingual talk;
talk in educational institutions; graimnar and interaction; intercultural
communication and comparative CA; and implications for designing
language teaching tasks, materials, and assessment tasks. We end with
some cautions on applying CA findings to other applied linguistic research
contexts.

Its name to the contrary notwithstanding, "conversation analysis" (CA) is


not concerned with conversation alone. The term "conversation analysis" as used
here refers specifically to what some have referred to as "ethnomethodological
conversation analysis," a line of work whose earliest contributions are often
identified with authors such as Sacks, Schegloff, Jefferson, Pomerantz, and others,
and not to the literatures also sometimes referred to by that name (or by the term
"conversational analysis") associated with such authors as Grice, Gumperz, Hatch,
Tannen, and others-some in the applied linguistics community-whose declared
intnt is to describe conversational uses of language. CA's broader provenance
extends to the study of talk and other forms of conduct (including the disposition of
the body in gesture, posture, facial expression, and ongoing activities in the
setting) in all forms of talk in interaction. To be sure, work so far has suggested
that talk in ordinary conversation is the locus of the basic or default practices of
talk in interaction, and that talk in specific institutional or functionally specified

3
4 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

contexts is often characterized by describable modifications of those organizations


of practice. But wherever humans engage in talk in interaction, or in interaction in
which talk can spontaneously "break out," there will be an orientation by the
participants to the practices of talking in interaction. Understanding interaction in
such settings can be enhanced by the findings of conversation analysis, and by the
research practices underlying those fmdings. This is to say that "CA" refers to not
only a corpus of findings and accounts of talk-in-interaction, but also-perhaps
preeminently-to a method of inquiry, one addressed to distinctive data and
embodying a distinctive research stance.

A substantial proportion of the research and professional preoccupations of


applied linguists and of applied linguistics falls into the domain for which CA
resources are well-suited. Whether the area is the properties of native and
nonnative language use in a variety of settings and contexts, the organization of
discourse and interaction in the classroom and in other pedagogic settings inwhich
teaching and learning are meant to occur, the assessment of such learning, or the
like, much of what makes up the substance of these professional and research
domains is found in the real world in situations of talk in interaction. Applied
linguists can therefore potentially benefit from bringing the resources and tools of
conversation analysis to bear on those domains which engage their interest and
professional concerns-whether in conversation or in institutionally specific talk.
This chapter offers analytical and bibliographical guidance on a few main areas of
CA work, and examines their past and potential future intersection with
phenomena, problems, and settings of distinctive interest to an applied linguistic
constituency. The sections that follow next begin by sketching areas of
conversation analytic work and some of their prime bibliographical resources and
then suggest areas of potential intersection with applied linguistics. Then we take
up some long-standing areas of interest in applied linguistics and suggest some
ways in which conversation analytic resources might prove fruitful for them, along
with some exemplars of work where this promise may already be bearing fruit.

Some Fundamental Aspects of the Organization of Conversation

Whether speaking their native language or another, whether fluently or


not, whether to another or others doing the same or not, whether in ordinary
conversation or in a classroom or in the work place or in some other institutionally
or functionally specialized situation, there are certain issues all participantsin talk-
in-interaction will fmd themselves dealing with. They will, for example, need
some way of organizing the order of their participation-usually one person
speaking at a time (turn-taking). They will fashion their contributions to be
recognizable as some unit of participation-some "turn-constructional unit" (turn
organization). They will have practices for forming their talk so as to accomplish
one or more recognizable actions (action formation). They will deploy resources
for making the succession of contributions cohere somehow, either topically or by
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 5

contributing to the realization of a trajectory of action or interaction (sequence


organization). They will avail themselves of practices for dealing with problems in
speaking, hearing and/or understanding the talk (the organization of repair). They
will select and deploy and understand the words used to compose the talk, and will
do that in a timely fashion (word/usage selection). They will do all of this with an
eye to their co-participants (recipient design) and to the occasion and context, its
normative parameters or boundaries of duration, appropriate activities and their
order, etc., (overall structural organization of the occasion of interaction). All of
the preceding, and others, compose the preoccupations and major topical areas of
Conversation Analysis. It is the premise of this chapter that many of the topics and
concerns which preoccupy applied linguists intersect these aspects of the
organization of interaction and are shaped by them. The remainder of this section
will sketch several of these areas with bibliographical citations, and suggest their
the
potential bearing on applied linguistic interests. Ensuing sections start from
applied linguistic end and touch on work which has drawn on conversation analytic
resources.

To begin with, however, it will be worthwhile to underscore a single


underlying premise of this work which should be relevant to applied linguists as
well. People use language and concomitant forms of conduct to do things, not
only to transmit information; their talk and other conduct does things, and is taken
as doing things-things such as requesting, offering, complaining, inviting, asking,
telling, correcting, and the myriad other actions which talk in interaction can
accomplish. By "actions" here we are not referring to physical actions but to ones
accomplished through the talk; and we are referring not only to actions with
familiar vernacular names like those just mentioned, but recognizable and
describable actions without such names (such as "confirming allusions," cf.
Schegloff, 1996c). Understanding analytically what action is (or actions are) being
done by some unit of talk is not accessible to casual inspection and labeling; it
requires examination of actual specimens of naturally occurring talk in interaction
and analysis of what they are designed to accomplish by their speakers and
understood to have accomplished by their recipients, and what practices implement
that design. (This stance toward action is, accordingly, quite distinct from that of
speech act theory; cf. Schegloff, 1988a, 1992a, 1992b).

The practices of talking in interaction are grounded jointly in dealing with


~
he ontingencies of managing to sustain talking together as an orderly arena of
t:c
action, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the contingencies of producing
and recognizing determinate actions, combinations of actions and sequences of
actions. For those trying to understand a bit of talk, the key question about any of
its aspects is-why that now (Schegloff & Sacks, 1973)? What is getting done by
virtue of that bit of conduct, done that way, in just that place? This is, in the first
instance, the central issue for the parties to the talk-both for its construction and
for its understanding. And for that reason, it is the central issue for
6 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

academic/professional students of the talk. If we are to understand language in its


contexts of deployment, we need in the first instance to understand how and for
what it is deployed by its participants, and how its deployments are understood by
them and reflected in their own responsive conduct. The CA literature to which
we refer the reader should be appreciated and assessed by reference to this
criterion. The examination of empirical materials of interest to applied linguists
should be guided by this question: what interactional project, what action that
composes it, does some bit of talk embody and exemplify? All the organizations of
practice discussed below are meant to provide resources for dealing with this
question.

Turn-Taking

The practices of turn-taking organize distribution of opportunities to talk


among parties to interaction and constrain the size of turns, by making the possible
completion of a turn "transition-relevant." This interactive dimension-in which
possible completion can (but need not always) occasion or trigger the start of a
next turn by another-has consequences for speakers' construction of turns, and
thereby for the form which turns (and their building blocks, "turn-constructional
units") take. The main bibliographical resources inthis area are Sacks, Schegloff,
and Jefferson (1974) on turn-taking and Schegloff (1982, 1996a) on turn
organization, but see also Sacks, 1992, Jefferson (1973, 1984), Lerner (1991,
1996, in press) and Schegloff (1999a, 2000a, 2001a).

Of the many ways turn-taking and turn organization should matter to


applied linguists, we mention only one here. The unmarked value of the transition
space is one beat of silence; that is, after possible completion of a turn, a next
speaker ordinarily allows one beat of silence to pass before starting a next turn
(Jefferson, 1984); departures from that value (shorter or longer) are potentially
marked and import-laden. One place where trouble can become apparent-for
example, trouble in understanding-is in longer silences at the transition space.
Furthermore, depending on the character of the turn which the silence follows,
silence can be taken as incipient rejection of, or disalignment from, what preceded
it (Pomerantz, 1984; Sacks, 1987; Schegloff, 1988b, 1995). This can be
problematic for those with delayed understanding or impaired capacity to start a
next turn "on time," and this is one place where orientation to nonnativeness can
be invoked, for example, to discount the rejection-implication of delayed next turn
start (e.g., Carroll, 2000).

Repair

The practices of repair constitute the major (though not the sole) resource
for parties to talk-in-interaction for displaying that they are dealing with trouble or
problems in speaking, hearing, or understanding the talk. The main
CONVERSATION ANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS

bibliographical resources are Schegloff, Jefferson and Sacks (1977); Schegloff


(1979, 1987, 1992c, 1997a, 199Th, 2000b); and Jefferson (1974, 1987).

Three points are worth special emphasis in explicating CA's treatment of


this area, so apparently relevant to diverse applied linguistic interests:

1. The practices of repair at issue for CA are discursive and


interactional, not cognitive. Initiating repair is an action or a move
in interaction, one which claims a problem; that is so whatever
may cognitively be the case. Displaying a delay before a next
word is a move in interaction, quite distinct from some delay in
the "speech planning process."

2. The courses of conduct treated as "repair" in CA involve the


parties stopping the course of action otherwise in progress-
whether turn or sequence or activity-to address a trouble/problem
of speaking, hearing or understanding the talk, and resuming that
course of action upon completion of the repair segment (either
with success in dealing with the trouble or with failure).
Undertakings to deal with trouble en passant, without stopping the
ongoing activity to do so, are empirically different in various
respects (cf. Jefferson, 1987), and are distinct from repair
organization.

3. Note in particular the phrase "understanding the talk" which


appears recurrently in accounts of repair. This is meant to
discriminate dealing with problems of understanding the talk
(ordinarily the just-preceding talk) from other problems of
understanding (e.g., understanding the events, conduct, etc.,
being described, as compared to understanding the talk describing
them).

The importance of points (2) and (3) comes to a focus in one area which is
very likely of special interest to applied linguists, and that is talk in pedagogical
contexts-whether in formal classrooms or otherwise organized. In such settings,
explaining and understanding are very likely to constitute the main line of activity
occupying the talk, and problems of understanding and dealing with such problems
are endogenous to the core activities of the setting. In language teaching
classrooms, trouble in speaking and correcting that trouble may similarly constitute
the main line of activity, and not a departure from it. Discriminating the main
trajectory of the interaction from temporary suspension of it for repair can be far
less clear than in other, nonpedagogical settings. Yet this is crucial for the
application of this domain of CA's resources to be warranted. Not every
correction is repair; not every problem in understanding implicates the operations
8 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

of repair for its solution (cf. Koshik, 2001a). Classroom and other overtly
pedagogical settings are not necessarily the most inviting settings, or the most
relevant ones, for the application of conversation-analytic work on repair. What
settings might appeal more?

Among several prima facie candidates we may mention here only a few.
What is treated in applied linguistics (as elsewhere) as "fluency/disfluency" refers
in substantial measure to a speaker's same-turn self-repair initiation and other
problems of progressivity-that is, the practice of "progressing" or advancing the
utterance being produced (Schegloff, 1979). What disrupts "fluency" are cut-offs
(or self-interruptions), sound stretches, delay markers (such as "uh") and pauses,
repeats of earlier said items, and the like. Many of these figure in CA treatments
of "same-turn repair," which is not to say that they should all be treated as repair
initiators, but does suggest the possibility of useful interchange. Applied linguists
often have to deal with trouble in understanding a speaker's talk-the sources of
that trouble, ways of displaying that there is trouble, ways of displaying what the
trouble is, and ways of undertaking to resolve it. Here CA work on other-initiated
repair can be a resource (cf. Schegloff, 2000b; Wong, 2000a), as can work on
repair in which already displayed problematic understandings are addressed (cf.
Schegloff, 1992c).

Word Selection

The fmal area of CA work which can be taken up here is that of word
selection by speakers in the course of talk in interaction. There are two main lines
of inquiry in this area. One examines the deployment of words or multiword
usages by reference to other words or usages in the immediate environments of the
talk-for example, for its "punning" relationship to that talk (Sacks, 1973) or its
sound relationship to the surrounding talk, which can, it appears, even induce mis-
speakings (Jefferson, 1996). The other line of work examines the practices for
referring within semantic domains, such as person reference, place reference
(Schegloff, 1972), measurement formulations (Sacks, 1989), etc. The discussion
below is focused on reference to persons; the main bibliographic resources are
Sacks (1972a, 1972b, l992passim);Schegloff(1991, 1996b, 1997c, 1999b,
1999c, 2001a); and Sacks and Schegloff (1979).

Two aspects of the work in CA on word selection, and person reference in


particular, may be of special interest and relevance to applied linguists. First,
work on person reference has brought to explicit notice various practices that
inform fluent, idiomatic, "competent" language use, but which have no established
place in linguistic or pragmatic description, and therefore may easily escape
pedagogical attention. For example, there is a preference for "recognitional"
reference if possible; that is, if a recipient is figured by a speaker to know the
person to be referred to, the speaker should do the reference in a fashion that
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 9

invites and enables such recognition (i.e., by personal name or other recogmtional
descriptor fitted to the terms of the recipient's recognition of the referent, e.g.,
"the person sitting next to you;" cf. Sacks & Schegloff, 1979; Schegloff, 1996b).
Failure to do so when the recipient was known to be acquainted with the referent
can be understood as "withholding." Such practices of talk-in-interaction might
well be a proper part of the teaching of a language.

The second point bears on the very conduct of applied linguistic research
and discourse itself. As early as the mid-1960s Sacks pointed out that referring to
persons by category terms-male/female, child/adult, American/Canadian]
Egyptian/Italian] Kenyan/ Korean/Russian..., native/nonnative speaker-can be
profoundly equivocal (Sacks, 1972a, 1972b, 1992; Schegloff, 1991). Since every
person who is a member of some category in one of these sets is also a member of
a category in
each of the other sets, referring to someone as "a woman" is not
warranted simply by being, in fact, a woman; that "someone" is also an adult, a
native speaker, and the like. The issue is not only factuality; it is relevance. (In
fact, factuality turns out not always to be required.) When a speaker in
conversation refers to someone by a category term, we can then cogently ask-we
need to ask-what made that category a relevant one for the speaker to use in that
context? What was being done thereby? The fact that the referent is actually a
member of that category is not sufficient; people are actually members of many
categories.

And the same issue arises for academic or professional researchers;


referring to people being studied by category terms cannot be sufficiently
warranted by their actually being members of those categories; the relevance of the
categories being used has to be warranted. And for many purposes, the pertinent
relevance is not relevance to the investigator, but relevance to the persons being
categorized while engaged in the activities being studied. The emergent issue for
applied linguists, then, is: when is it warranted to characterize the persons being
discussed as "native" or "nonnative" speakers of the language? When do
they-the objects of inquiry-orient to these category memberships? How should
that bear on and constrain the usage by the applied linguistic researcher (cf.
Hosoda, 2001)?

We have omitted from this part of the chapter some of the most central
areas of conversation-analytic inquiry-in particular, sequence organization
(Schegioff, 1990, 1995) and the analysis of the formation or construction of actions
organized into the sequences which are described in sequence organization (on
action formation, cf. inter alia, Drew, 1984; Heritage, 1998; Jefferson, 1993;
Pomerantz, 1980; Sacks, 1992; Schegloff, 1988c: 118-31, 1996c, 199Th). These
are no less important to the chapter than the topics which we have addressed, only
less tractable to compressed treatment. Their importance extends the point just
made in the preceding paragraph. What figures most centrally for the persons
10 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

whose language use we study and hope to contribute to is what they get done by
talking, and what they understand about what their interlocutors are getting done.
Those actions, organized into interactionally co-produced trajectories of action, are
what talk-in-interaction is all about. Language control is relevant to the
achievement of actions and the understanding of the actions of others-what are
they doing by saying what they're saying and saying it in that way? How can I do
what I want to do? Applied linguists might wish to consider focusing on these
themes to get to the heart of talking in interaction, just as they should consider the
importance of getting at which categories of participation are relevant to the parties
who are participating, not to those who are studying the participation. These are
issues of disciplined inquiry in the human or social sciences more generally, not
limited to applied linguistics. But they apply to applied linguistics as well.

Talk in Institutional Contexts

From the beginning, CA has included in its research data material from so-
called institutional settings, such as a suicide prevention hotline (Sacks, 1972a,
1992), group therapy sessions with adolescents (Sacks, 1992), or calls to the police
(Schegloff, 1967, 1968), though the practices analyzed were, for the most part, not
distinctively institutional ones. Subsequent work has examined talk in a variety of
institutional or functionally specialized settings, such as legal settings (e.g.,
Atkinson & Drew, 1979; Drew, 1992; Manzo, 1993; Maynard, 1984), broadcast
media (e.g., Clayman, 1992; Clayman & Heritage, in press; Greatbatch, 1988,
1992; Heritage, 1985; Heritage & Greatbatch, 1991), business organizations (e.g.,
Atkinson, Cuff, & Lee, 1978; Boden, 1994), pedagogical settings (e.g., Kosbik, in
press a, b; Lerner, 1995; Mori, 2002; Olsher, 2001), research work groups (e.g.,
Jacoby, 1998c, Jacoby & Gonzales, 1991, in press), medical settings (e.g.,
Heritage & Maynard, in press; Heritage & Slivers, 1999; Lutfey & Maynard,
1998; Robinson, 1998), emergency dispatch centers (e.g., Whalen & Zimmerman,
1987; Whalen, Zimmerman & Whalen, 1988; Zimmerman, 1984, 1992), airport
operations rooms (e.g., Goodwin, 1996; Goodwin & Goodwin, 1996), and
counseling sessions (e.g., Peräkyla, 1993, 1995; He, 1995, 1998b), among others.

The key point about talk in such "special" contexts is that one cannot
properly understand how the parties come to talk as they do and to understand one
another as they do without making reference to special features to which they are
oriented-whether legal constraints as, for example, in the case of broadcast news
interviews (cf. Heritage, 1985; or Clayman, 1988, 1992, on "neutralism"), or
organizational and functional ones, as, for example, in some classroom settings,
etc. Institutional talk has often been of special interest to applied linguists because
of the bearing of such special contextual features on the special populations with
which applied linguists are concerned-as, for example, with second language
learners targeted at a special purpose usage, a special purpose which can impinge
and have a bearing on how talk in such settings is organized.
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 11

We limit ourselves here to only a few points about CA's treatment of such
specialized environments of talk-in-interaction. (Among the main bibliographic
sources here are Drew and Heritage, 1992b, and Heritage and Greatbatch, 1991.)

First, conversation-analytically speaking, the sheer fact that the physical


environment or social occasion in which talk is conducted can be characterized as a
courtroom, a hospital, or a TV studio does not render that talk "institutional." As
with the earlier mentioned categorization of individuals, it is the relevance and
procedural consequentiality (Schegloff, 1991) of that character (qua courtroom,
hospital, etc.) to the participants, manifested in the talk, which underlies its
potential bearing on their production and understanding of the talk; if they are not
oriented to it, it cannot be shown to be implicated in their construction of the
interactional activity For example, in a famous broadcast interview in the late
1980s, an interviewer's interaction with a presidential candidate turned into a
verbal confrontation mid-course, though the physical setting and public identities
remained constant. But as their practices of talking changed, they progressively
showed that they were no longer treating that physical and social context as
procedurally consequential for their conduct of the talk (Clayman & Whalen,
1988/89; Schegloff, 1988/89). Treating episodes of talk in interaction as
"institutional" involves showing how that institutional character is embodied-is
"done"-in the details of the talk and other conduct. As Heritage and Greatbatch
(1991) suggest, where a distinctive turn-taking organization (or other such
omnipresent organization) is involved, the sheer turn-by-turn development of the
talk displays the parties' orientation to the institutional character of the interaction,
as in news interviews or courtrooms; in its absence, discrete practices of talking
need to be elucidated to warrant the characterization of the interaction as relevantly
institutional.

Second, there is no sharp segregation between the practices of ordinary


talk and interaction and the practices of talk in institutional settings. People engage
in ordinary conversation in institutional settings, e.g., when coworkers chat around
the water cooler or intersperse bits of ordinary conversation in the course of task-
related institutional interaction, talk which commonly has a bearing on the setting's
"business," but which is organized by the practices of ordinary conversation.
Institutional activities which have distinctive "speech exchange systems" (Sacks et
al., 1974) can also transform themselves into everyday activities, as in the case of
the news interview just described or when classroom group work or a business
meeting or group therapy session goes off task and turns into small talk. Likewise,
specific conversational practices, such as the sequential organization of searching
for a word (Goodwin & Goodwin, 1986), can emerge in the course of a spate of
institutional talk, such as a teacher's grammar explanation during an ESL writing
conference (Koshik, in press a). General conversational practices can also be
deployed to serve institutionally specific purposes, e.g., when teachers use repair
initiation as a pedagogical prompt to get students to self-correct their own language
12 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

errors, even when the teachers experienced no problem in hearing or


understanding the student's talk (Koshik, in press a). And specialized institutional
practices of talk (what Levinson, 1979, terms "activity types") can also be
deployed (and can be topicalized as such) in everyday settings in order to
accomplish specialized tasks. For example, parents can "interrogate" their
teenager when she asks for an increase in allowance or comes home after curfew,
or can make use of "display question" sequences in the course of reading a
storybook to a toddler. Of relevance to applied linguists is the implication that
communicative competence includes knowing, to various degrees, when, how,
with whom, and when not to use both conversational and institutional practices of
talk and interaction in both institutional and noninstitutional settings, and
understanding what is being done by users of these various practices in both kinds
of settings.

As noted, there do appear to be distinctive practices for various aspects of


talk in institutional contexts, which generally involve a reduction and specialization
of practices, fitted to the character and focal activities of the institutional setting
(Drew & Heritage, 1992a). But much of the talk in institutional settings is the
product of the practices of talk in ordinary contexts; resolving overlapping talk, the
practices of repair, word selection by reference to recipient design, the practices of
turn and sequence construction, and many other practices figure in institutional
settings in much the same way as they do in everyday conversation. So the default
analytic orientation needs to be to address "institutional" data in much the same
way as one addresses talk in unspecialized contexts, while being alert to
modifications best understood by reference to participants' orientation to the
particular circumstances and constraints of the occasion, whether institutional or
functional in character. Limiting one's interest and analytic tool kit only to
institutional talk, to a particular domain of institutional talk, or only to practices of
" everyday conversation can result in missing the complexity of all kinds of talk and
interaction and in restricting particular findings to one domain or the other.

CA Research in Areas of Interest to Applied Linguists

This section will focus on specific areas of intersection between applied


linguistics and recent CA and CA-informed research. One type of intersection
concerns CA and CA-informed research on talk-in-interaction in various contexts,
including nonnative talk and talk in educational contexts, which are of special
interest to applied linguists. The second intersection concerns ways in which CA
research on talk-in-interaction has the potential to inform various domains of
interest to applied linguists, such as grammar, intercultural communication, and
language pedagogy.
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 13

Native Normative and Multilingual Talk

From the seminal work of Dell Hymes (1972) onward, there has been an
ongoing interest among applied linguists in communicative competence as a
conceptual frame for the range of skills and knowledges involved in understanding
and participating in the use of language to accomplish social actions (e.g.,
Bachman, 1990; Canale, 1983; Canale and Swain, 1980; and Celce-Murcia,
DOrnyei, & Thurrell, 1995). As a field of sociology, CA has been concerned with
describing the interactional practices that are competences of ordinary conversation
(Heritage, 1984b). From an applied linguistic perspective, Markee (2000) argues
for the importance of interactional competence as a collaborative, socially
constituted domain of communicative competence that includes practices such as
turn-taking and repair. Since CA research is theoretically and methodologically
grounded as a study of publicly observable phenomena, the view of competence it
supports is one of situated practices rather than psycholinguistic models of learning
processes and knowledge structures (Jacoby & McNamara, 1999). CA and CA-
informed studies which investigate the conversational competence of second
language speakers can help us to understand how the categories of native (NS) and
normative (NNS) speaker are understood by participants and what practices are
specific to this talk as it occurs in natural, as opposed to experimental, settings
(Wagner, 1996).

Conversation analytic studies have the potential to bring some clarity to the
problematic categories of "native" and "normative" speaker. Researchers from a
number of different perspectives have either questioned the native-nonnative
speaker distinction or challenged the ways in which these categories have been
interpreted (e.g., Firth & Wagner, 1997; Kachru & Nelson, 1996; Kasper, 1997).
Firth and Wagner's (1997) critique of second language acquisition methodology
sparked a fruitful scholarly debate in the Modern Language Journal (1997, 1998),
centered in part around how these categories are interpreted. Even if it were
possible to objectively define these categories, from a conversation analytic
perspective the relevance of one's normative speaker status may at times be
demonstrably oriented to by the use of special practices of talk on the part of the
"native" or the "nonnative" speakers, and at other times language expertise and
nativeness may be virtually irrelevant (cf. Hosoda, 2001; Jacoby & Gonzales, in
press; Jacoby & McNamara, 1999).

At least to some extent, conversation analytic studies of talk involving


"normative speakers" can reveal that identities related to nativeness and
nonnativeness, such as expert and novice language speakers, are locally constituted
within the ongoing communication. In studying this talk, we can come to
understand how participants themselves understand and express native/nonnative
identities, and what special practices of talk may be involved. Hosoda (2001), for
example, describes various practices of repair (as well as their nondeployment) that
14 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

display participants' orientation at that moment to the relevance of relative


competence in the language, and thereby provide a data-internal warrant for the
use of terms such as "native/nonnative speaker" as relevant characterizations of the
parties. Such a demonstration of the possibility of empirically warranting such
characterizations presents an invitation and challenge to others to address the same
or similar issues.

Since the early work by Jordan and Fuller (1975), Gaskill (1980) and
Schwartz (1980), CA and CA-informed studies of naturally-occurring nonnative
talk have more recently begun to expand in focus and number, including an edited
volume of such studies currently in preparation (Gardner & Wagner, 2001).
Researchers have looked at NNS-NNS, or lingua franca, talk (e.g., Carroll, 2000;
Firth, 1996; Wagner 1996) and NS-NNS talk (e.g. Hosoda, 2000; Wong, 2000
a,b) involving both 'native' and 'nonnative' speakers. Two studies which,
together, compared interactional phenomena in 'native' and 'nonnative' discourse
are Wong's (2000a) study of delayed next turn repair-initiations found in the
nonnative English talk of Mandarin speakers, and Schegloff's (2000b) companion
article which investigated occurrences of the practice in ordinary, "native" English
talk.

Talk in Educational Institutions

A small but increasing amount of CA and CA-informed research on talk in


educational institutions directly addresses issues of interest to applied linguists.
Markee (2000) explains how this research "can help refme insights into how the
structure of conversation can be used by learners as a means of getting
comprehended input and producing comprehended output" (p. 44). Markee's
(1994, 1995) and Ohta's (2001) work, informed by both CA and discourse analysis
and, in Ohta's case, set within a sociocogmtive framework, point to possible new
avenues of exploration for SLA research. Wffley (2001) adds to our understanding
of communication strategies by analyzing what researchers have called "appeals
for assistance" as used in naturally-occurring classroom talk. He shows how
"appeals" that occur during word searches embedded within a student's turn at talk
differ from those used to initiate a new sequence.

Even though CA methodology may be appropriate to answer some existing


applied linguistic questions, most CA research, including some research on talk in
educational institutions, is not built to answer theoretically motivated research
questions of the type that applied linguists often ask. However, applied linguists
may also usefully be informed by this research, as it addresses issues of how talk
in educational contexts is organized, how particular goal-oriented actions are
accomplished through this talk, and ways that this talk differs from ordinary
conversation and from talk in other educational contexts. Recent CA research on
L2 pedagogy has explored a variety of practices. Lerner (1995) focuses on the use
CONVERSATION ANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 15

of incomplete turn-constructional units to structure participation by students in a


bilingual elementary school classroom. Koshik (in press a,b) analyzes the
functions of particular teacher question types in ESL writing conferences. Mon
(2002) studies how instructional design affects ways in which students' talk
develops in a Japanese language classroom. Olsher (2001) describes the uses
language learners make of special practices for combining talk and gesture in order
to facilitate small-group interaction in an EFL class. CA work on other school
contexts encountered by language learners includes physics research team
interactions (Jacoby & Gonzales, in press), language institute front-desk encounters
(Kidwell, 2000), and academic counseling sessions (Guthrie, 1997; He, 1994,
1995, 1998b).

CA research can also illuminate what is going on in particular interactional


L2 assessment encounters, not only so as to monitor interrater reliability and
potential contamination of oral proficiency scores by interaction with the examiner,
but also to discover routine and unique communication practices through which
participants co-construct the assessment format itself as well as the actions these
practices accomplish (Egbert, 1998; He, 1998a; Marlaire & Maynard, 1990;
Lazaraton, 1991, 1997; McNamara, Hill, & May, this volume; Riggenbach, 1998;
Young, this volume).

Grammar and Interaction

Despite its origins in sociology, CA research has always had a keen


interest in the lexical and grammatical details of everyday and institutional talk.
From the syntactic typology of turn-constructional units (Sacks, Schegloff, &
Jefferson, 1974), through discussions of reference terms for persons (Sacks &
Schegloff, 1979; Schegloff, l996b), lexical phenomena such as "and"-prefacing
(Heritage & Sorjonen, 1994), "okay" (Beach, 1993, 1995), "uh-huh" (Schegloff,
1982), "yeah" and "mm hm" (Jefferson, 1984), "oh" (Heritage, 1984a), and
"actually" (Clift, 1999, 2001), reported speech (Golato, 2000, in press, a, b; Holt,
1996), and the collaborative construction of one turn unit by more than one
of
participant (Lerner, 1991, 1996), CA treats grammar and lexical choices as sets
resources which participants deploy, monitor, interpret, and manipulate as they
design turns, sort out turn-taking, co-construct utterances and sequences, manage
intersubjectivity and (dis)agreement, accomplish actions, and negotiate
Ford, 1993;
interpersonal trajectories as real-time talk and interaction unfold (e.g.,
Ford, Fox, & Thompson, in press, Ford & Wagner, 1996; Fox, 1987; Goodwin,
1979, 1986; Hayashi, 1999, in press; He & Tsoneva, 1998; Heritage & Roth,
1995; Ochs, Schegloff, & Thompson, 1996; Schegloff, 1972, 1979, 1990; Selting
& Couper-Kulilen, in press). Recently, the number of studies has begun to expand
and benefit not only from the insights of scholars rooted in CA studies of language
use, but also from scholars rooted in linguistic traditions of analysis who have
embraced a CA perspective, in some instances under the rubric "interactional
16 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

linguistics." These scholars discuss not only ways in which 'grammar organizes
social interaction,' but also ways in which 'social interaction organizes grammar'
and how grammar, itself, can be seen as a mode of social interaction (Schegloff,
Ocbs, & Thompson, 1996).

Intercultural Communication and Comparative CA

Another area of research where conversation analysis offers the potential


for a useful contribution is the study of intercultural communication and
interlanguage pragmatics. While much research on interlanguage pragmatics (e.g.,
Kasper & Blum-Kulka, 1993) has been based on data collected with written
"discourse completion" surveys, there has been a call for increased attention to the
sequential organization (Kasper & Dahi, 1991) of practices with which participants
carry out social action through talk. CA studies of speaking practices across
languages and cultures can provide a basis for comparison of L2, or language
learner, speaking practices with native speaker norms in both Li and L2. There is
an expanding body of research using conversation analysis to study talk-in-
interaction in a variety of languages, including German (Egbert, 1996, 1997a, b;
Golato, 2000, in press a, b, c), Finnish (Sorjonen, 1996, 2001, in press a, b);
Swedish (Lindström, 1994, 1997, 1999); Japanese (Hayashi, 1999, in press;
Hayashi, Mon. & Takagi, in press; Tanaka, 1999), Mandarin (Wu, 1997, 2000);
Korean (Kim, 1999a, 1999b, 2001a, 2001b; Park, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 1999, in
press; Suh & Kim, 2001); fmdings from such studies may inform our
understanding of the mother-tongue practices of learners of English from various
linguistic backgrounds. Golato (in press c), for example, noted similarities and
differences in responses to compliments in English and German, and there is a
substantial literature on commonalities and differences between societies in the
ways in which conversational openings on the telephone are organized (Godard,
1977; Hopper, 1992; Hopper & Koleilat-Doany, 1989; Hopper & Chen, 1996;
Houtkoop-Steenstra, 1991; Lindström, 1994; Park, in press; Schegloff, 1968,
1979, 1986, 1993, 2002a, b, c, in press).

However, a caution remains in considering ways that conversation analysis


might contribute to interlanguage pragmatics research. While CA studies
sequences of actions carried out through naturally-occurring talk based on instances
found in the data, interlanguage pragmatics begins with a linguistic pragmatic
inventory of speech acts, defined according to speakers' intent, and then looks for
the instances of these categories. A strict application of CA to interlanguage
pragmatic research may not be wholly appropriate. On the other hand, CA work
on familiar social actions such as invitations (Davidson, 1984; Drew, 1984),
complaints (Schegloff, 1988a), disputes (Goodwin & Goodwin, 1990), and
assessments (Pomerantz, 1984), or unfamiliar actions such as "confirming
allusions" (Schegloff, 1996c), as well as work on other aspects of social action and
sequential organization of talk-in-interaction such as conversational openings and
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 17

closings (Schegloff & Sacks, 1973), story tellings and participation of recipients
(Goodwin, 1984; Jefferson, 1978; Sacks, 1974; Schegloff, 1997d), may offer a
broader construal of mterlanguage pragmatics as a basis for future research in this
field.

Implications of CA Research for Design of Language Teaching Tasks Materials


and Assessment

CA research has obvious implications for the design of tasks and materials
based on "authentic" talk from ordinary conversation and from a wide range of
real-life institutional settings in which L2 learners are likely to be involved, both as
professionals and as clients. Textbooks using invented dialogue based on intuitions
of how certain language functions are accomplished do not always offer students
accurate knowledge of language use. Wong's (1984, 2002) research on phone
conversations in ESL textbooks exemplifies this discrepancy between textbook
language and naturally-occurring talk. She found that most of the ESL text phone
conversations which she studied were inaccurate and misleading, both in terms of
their organization and the preferences which are displayed in the talk. Wong's
research also suggests a fruitful direction for further applied linguistic research.
Especially where learners' languages differ, e.g., not all languages share the
American English preference for recognition over identification in phone
conversations (see citations in the preceding section), it is especially important that
textbooks accurately convey how these practices are done in the L2.

CA research on institutional talk also has implications for the design of


syllabi, tasks, and materials for learning Language for Specific Purposes (Jacoby,
1998a, 1998b, 2001; Koshik, 2000). Competent and successful special purpose
communication is a challenge for anyone, NS or NNS, professional expert or
novice, lay person or client. Since most CA research on institutional discourse is
not explicitly concerned with NNSs or with externally evaluating and isolating
instructable aspects of professional communication, applied linguists and LSP
practitioners may need to create their own thoughtful and specific bridges between
the fmdings of CA research and the content of particular LSP courses and
materials.

CA research can also inform the design of L2 assessment tasks (e.g., role-
plays) as well as clarify the pluses and minuses of particular testing formats (e.g.,
role-play, group discussion, face-to-face interview, or candidate talking to tape-
recorded prompts). CA research also raises fundamental issues regarding the
positing of appropriate assessment criteria and the interactional processes through
which assessment criteria are applied and negotiated not only by insider members
in their own indigenous formal and informal assessment activities but also by
outsider language testing experts when actually engaged in the categorizing,
18 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER

judging, and rating of particular communication performances in formal assessment


settings (Jacoby, 2001; Jacoby & McNamara, 1999).

Cautions in Applying CA Findings

We end this section with a caution about applying fmdings extracted from
conversation analysis literature to other research contexts. CA analyses are
grounded on recurrent patterns of talk studied with detailed attention to the specific
sequential contexts in which these practices are found. Specific fmdings should not
be used to categorize talk in other settings without investigating whether similar
practices are used to accomplish similar actions in the new setting. This is
especially relevant for those investigating institutional contexts such as classrooms.
As we have seen, CA research on institutional talk, including pedagogical talk, has
shown that, although conversational practices of talk are used in institutional
settings, both for conversational and institutional purposes, many of the practices
of talk in institutional settings have been developed to meet institution-specific
goals and are specific to the settings in which they are used. Even small variations
in the way a particular turn is designed can reflect the actions these turns are being
used to accomplish (Koshik, in press a). Conversely, similarly-formed turns can
accomplish different actions in different contexts and even in different sequential
contexts within one setting (Koshik, 2001b). These actions can only be discovered
by a close, turn-by-turn sequential analysis of the talk. It is therefore especially
important that researchers of talk investigate individual practices for what they are
being used to accomplish in a particular sequence and setting, rather than relying
on categories imported from other, even similar, settings.

Conclusion

Although the areas of intersection between applied linguistics and CA


touched on inthis review have of necessity been limited, there are indications that
the relationship between the two fields is growing. The topics touched on in the
present chapter range from the more theoretical and analytical stance which
examines the nature of language use and of its acquisition to the more practical one
concerned with actual pedagogy, assessment, and the like. One might even
venture the suggestion that exposure to conversation-analytic accounts of
conversational episodes can itself be a powerful resource in advancing the learning
of a language by those with moderate to advanced proficiency in it. This
possibility has just begun to be explored (Barraja-Rohan & Pritchard, 1997).
There is open terrain for inquiry in this whole area for those who will undertake to
bring together the necessary training in CA with engagement with the issues which
applied linguistics brings to the fore.
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 19

Notes

1. We would like to thank Marianne Celce-Murcia, Fred Davidson, Malcoto


Hayashi, Numa Markee, and Jane Zuengler for their valuable comments on earlier
drafts of this paper.

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