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4 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER
Turn-Taking
Repair
The practices of repair constitute the major (though not the sole) resource
for parties to talk-in-interaction for displaying that they are dealing with trouble or
problems in speaking, hearing, or understanding the talk. The main
CONVERSATION ANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS
The importance of points (2) and (3) comes to a focus in one area which is
very likely of special interest to applied linguists, and that is talk in pedagogical
contexts-whether in formal classrooms or otherwise organized. In such settings,
explaining and understanding are very likely to constitute the main line of activity
occupying the talk, and problems of understanding and dealing with such problems
are endogenous to the core activities of the setting. In language teaching
classrooms, trouble in speaking and correcting that trouble may similarly constitute
the main line of activity, and not a departure from it. Discriminating the main
trajectory of the interaction from temporary suspension of it for repair can be far
less clear than in other, nonpedagogical settings. Yet this is crucial for the
application of this domain of CA's resources to be warranted. Not every
correction is repair; not every problem in understanding implicates the operations
8 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER
of repair for its solution (cf. Koshik, 2001a). Classroom and other overtly
pedagogical settings are not necessarily the most inviting settings, or the most
relevant ones, for the application of conversation-analytic work on repair. What
settings might appeal more?
Among several prima facie candidates we may mention here only a few.
What is treated in applied linguistics (as elsewhere) as "fluency/disfluency" refers
in substantial measure to a speaker's same-turn self-repair initiation and other
problems of progressivity-that is, the practice of "progressing" or advancing the
utterance being produced (Schegloff, 1979). What disrupts "fluency" are cut-offs
(or self-interruptions), sound stretches, delay markers (such as "uh") and pauses,
repeats of earlier said items, and the like. Many of these figure in CA treatments
of "same-turn repair," which is not to say that they should all be treated as repair
initiators, but does suggest the possibility of useful interchange. Applied linguists
often have to deal with trouble in understanding a speaker's talk-the sources of
that trouble, ways of displaying that there is trouble, ways of displaying what the
trouble is, and ways of undertaking to resolve it. Here CA work on other-initiated
repair can be a resource (cf. Schegloff, 2000b; Wong, 2000a), as can work on
repair in which already displayed problematic understandings are addressed (cf.
Schegloff, 1992c).
Word Selection
The fmal area of CA work which can be taken up here is that of word
selection by speakers in the course of talk in interaction. There are two main lines
of inquiry in this area. One examines the deployment of words or multiword
usages by reference to other words or usages in the immediate environments of the
talk-for example, for its "punning" relationship to that talk (Sacks, 1973) or its
sound relationship to the surrounding talk, which can, it appears, even induce mis-
speakings (Jefferson, 1996). The other line of work examines the practices for
referring within semantic domains, such as person reference, place reference
(Schegloff, 1972), measurement formulations (Sacks, 1989), etc. The discussion
below is focused on reference to persons; the main bibliographic resources are
Sacks (1972a, 1972b, l992passim);Schegloff(1991, 1996b, 1997c, 1999b,
1999c, 2001a); and Sacks and Schegloff (1979).
invites and enables such recognition (i.e., by personal name or other recogmtional
descriptor fitted to the terms of the recipient's recognition of the referent, e.g.,
"the person sitting next to you;" cf. Sacks & Schegloff, 1979; Schegloff, 1996b).
Failure to do so when the recipient was known to be acquainted with the referent
can be understood as "withholding." Such practices of talk-in-interaction might
well be a proper part of the teaching of a language.
The second point bears on the very conduct of applied linguistic research
and discourse itself. As early as the mid-1960s Sacks pointed out that referring to
persons by category terms-male/female, child/adult, American/Canadian]
Egyptian/Italian] Kenyan/ Korean/Russian..., native/nonnative speaker-can be
profoundly equivocal (Sacks, 1972a, 1972b, 1992; Schegloff, 1991). Since every
person who is a member of some category in one of these sets is also a member of
a category in
each of the other sets, referring to someone as "a woman" is not
warranted simply by being, in fact, a woman; that "someone" is also an adult, a
native speaker, and the like. The issue is not only factuality; it is relevance. (In
fact, factuality turns out not always to be required.) When a speaker in
conversation refers to someone by a category term, we can then cogently ask-we
need to ask-what made that category a relevant one for the speaker to use in that
context? What was being done thereby? The fact that the referent is actually a
member of that category is not sufficient; people are actually members of many
categories.
We have omitted from this part of the chapter some of the most central
areas of conversation-analytic inquiry-in particular, sequence organization
(Schegioff, 1990, 1995) and the analysis of the formation or construction of actions
organized into the sequences which are described in sequence organization (on
action formation, cf. inter alia, Drew, 1984; Heritage, 1998; Jefferson, 1993;
Pomerantz, 1980; Sacks, 1992; Schegloff, 1988c: 118-31, 1996c, 199Th). These
are no less important to the chapter than the topics which we have addressed, only
less tractable to compressed treatment. Their importance extends the point just
made in the preceding paragraph. What figures most centrally for the persons
10 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER
whose language use we study and hope to contribute to is what they get done by
talking, and what they understand about what their interlocutors are getting done.
Those actions, organized into interactionally co-produced trajectories of action, are
what talk-in-interaction is all about. Language control is relevant to the
achievement of actions and the understanding of the actions of others-what are
they doing by saying what they're saying and saying it in that way? How can I do
what I want to do? Applied linguists might wish to consider focusing on these
themes to get to the heart of talking in interaction, just as they should consider the
importance of getting at which categories of participation are relevant to the parties
who are participating, not to those who are studying the participation. These are
issues of disciplined inquiry in the human or social sciences more generally, not
limited to applied linguistics. But they apply to applied linguistics as well.
From the beginning, CA has included in its research data material from so-
called institutional settings, such as a suicide prevention hotline (Sacks, 1972a,
1992), group therapy sessions with adolescents (Sacks, 1992), or calls to the police
(Schegloff, 1967, 1968), though the practices analyzed were, for the most part, not
distinctively institutional ones. Subsequent work has examined talk in a variety of
institutional or functionally specialized settings, such as legal settings (e.g.,
Atkinson & Drew, 1979; Drew, 1992; Manzo, 1993; Maynard, 1984), broadcast
media (e.g., Clayman, 1992; Clayman & Heritage, in press; Greatbatch, 1988,
1992; Heritage, 1985; Heritage & Greatbatch, 1991), business organizations (e.g.,
Atkinson, Cuff, & Lee, 1978; Boden, 1994), pedagogical settings (e.g., Kosbik, in
press a, b; Lerner, 1995; Mori, 2002; Olsher, 2001), research work groups (e.g.,
Jacoby, 1998c, Jacoby & Gonzales, 1991, in press), medical settings (e.g.,
Heritage & Maynard, in press; Heritage & Slivers, 1999; Lutfey & Maynard,
1998; Robinson, 1998), emergency dispatch centers (e.g., Whalen & Zimmerman,
1987; Whalen, Zimmerman & Whalen, 1988; Zimmerman, 1984, 1992), airport
operations rooms (e.g., Goodwin, 1996; Goodwin & Goodwin, 1996), and
counseling sessions (e.g., Peräkyla, 1993, 1995; He, 1995, 1998b), among others.
The key point about talk in such "special" contexts is that one cannot
properly understand how the parties come to talk as they do and to understand one
another as they do without making reference to special features to which they are
oriented-whether legal constraints as, for example, in the case of broadcast news
interviews (cf. Heritage, 1985; or Clayman, 1988, 1992, on "neutralism"), or
organizational and functional ones, as, for example, in some classroom settings,
etc. Institutional talk has often been of special interest to applied linguists because
of the bearing of such special contextual features on the special populations with
which applied linguists are concerned-as, for example, with second language
learners targeted at a special purpose usage, a special purpose which can impinge
and have a bearing on how talk in such settings is organized.
CONVERSATIONANALYSIS AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS 11
We limit ourselves here to only a few points about CA's treatment of such
specialized environments of talk-in-interaction. (Among the main bibliographic
sources here are Drew and Heritage, 1992b, and Heritage and Greatbatch, 1991.)
From the seminal work of Dell Hymes (1972) onward, there has been an
ongoing interest among applied linguists in communicative competence as a
conceptual frame for the range of skills and knowledges involved in understanding
and participating in the use of language to accomplish social actions (e.g.,
Bachman, 1990; Canale, 1983; Canale and Swain, 1980; and Celce-Murcia,
DOrnyei, & Thurrell, 1995). As a field of sociology, CA has been concerned with
describing the interactional practices that are competences of ordinary conversation
(Heritage, 1984b). From an applied linguistic perspective, Markee (2000) argues
for the importance of interactional competence as a collaborative, socially
constituted domain of communicative competence that includes practices such as
turn-taking and repair. Since CA research is theoretically and methodologically
grounded as a study of publicly observable phenomena, the view of competence it
supports is one of situated practices rather than psycholinguistic models of learning
processes and knowledge structures (Jacoby & McNamara, 1999). CA and CA-
informed studies which investigate the conversational competence of second
language speakers can help us to understand how the categories of native (NS) and
normative (NNS) speaker are understood by participants and what practices are
specific to this talk as it occurs in natural, as opposed to experimental, settings
(Wagner, 1996).
Conversation analytic studies have the potential to bring some clarity to the
problematic categories of "native" and "normative" speaker. Researchers from a
number of different perspectives have either questioned the native-nonnative
speaker distinction or challenged the ways in which these categories have been
interpreted (e.g., Firth & Wagner, 1997; Kachru & Nelson, 1996; Kasper, 1997).
Firth and Wagner's (1997) critique of second language acquisition methodology
sparked a fruitful scholarly debate in the Modern Language Journal (1997, 1998),
centered in part around how these categories are interpreted. Even if it were
possible to objectively define these categories, from a conversation analytic
perspective the relevance of one's normative speaker status may at times be
demonstrably oriented to by the use of special practices of talk on the part of the
"native" or the "nonnative" speakers, and at other times language expertise and
nativeness may be virtually irrelevant (cf. Hosoda, 2001; Jacoby & Gonzales, in
press; Jacoby & McNamara, 1999).
Since the early work by Jordan and Fuller (1975), Gaskill (1980) and
Schwartz (1980), CA and CA-informed studies of naturally-occurring nonnative
talk have more recently begun to expand in focus and number, including an edited
volume of such studies currently in preparation (Gardner & Wagner, 2001).
Researchers have looked at NNS-NNS, or lingua franca, talk (e.g., Carroll, 2000;
Firth, 1996; Wagner 1996) and NS-NNS talk (e.g. Hosoda, 2000; Wong, 2000
a,b) involving both 'native' and 'nonnative' speakers. Two studies which,
together, compared interactional phenomena in 'native' and 'nonnative' discourse
are Wong's (2000a) study of delayed next turn repair-initiations found in the
nonnative English talk of Mandarin speakers, and Schegloff's (2000b) companion
article which investigated occurrences of the practice in ordinary, "native" English
talk.
linguistics." These scholars discuss not only ways in which 'grammar organizes
social interaction,' but also ways in which 'social interaction organizes grammar'
and how grammar, itself, can be seen as a mode of social interaction (Schegloff,
Ocbs, & Thompson, 1996).
closings (Schegloff & Sacks, 1973), story tellings and participation of recipients
(Goodwin, 1984; Jefferson, 1978; Sacks, 1974; Schegloff, 1997d), may offer a
broader construal of mterlanguage pragmatics as a basis for future research in this
field.
CA research has obvious implications for the design of tasks and materials
based on "authentic" talk from ordinary conversation and from a wide range of
real-life institutional settings in which L2 learners are likely to be involved, both as
professionals and as clients. Textbooks using invented dialogue based on intuitions
of how certain language functions are accomplished do not always offer students
accurate knowledge of language use. Wong's (1984, 2002) research on phone
conversations in ESL textbooks exemplifies this discrepancy between textbook
language and naturally-occurring talk. She found that most of the ESL text phone
conversations which she studied were inaccurate and misleading, both in terms of
their organization and the preferences which are displayed in the talk. Wong's
research also suggests a fruitful direction for further applied linguistic research.
Especially where learners' languages differ, e.g., not all languages share the
American English preference for recognition over identification in phone
conversations (see citations in the preceding section), it is especially important that
textbooks accurately convey how these practices are done in the L2.
CA research can also inform the design of L2 assessment tasks (e.g., role-
plays) as well as clarify the pluses and minuses of particular testing formats (e.g.,
role-play, group discussion, face-to-face interview, or candidate talking to tape-
recorded prompts). CA research also raises fundamental issues regarding the
positing of appropriate assessment criteria and the interactional processes through
which assessment criteria are applied and negotiated not only by insider members
in their own indigenous formal and informal assessment activities but also by
outsider language testing experts when actually engaged in the categorizing,
18 EMANUEL A. SCHEGLOFF, IRENE KOSHIK, SALLY JACOBY, AND DAVID OLSHER
We end this section with a caution about applying fmdings extracted from
conversation analysis literature to other research contexts. CA analyses are
grounded on recurrent patterns of talk studied with detailed attention to the specific
sequential contexts in which these practices are found. Specific fmdings should not
be used to categorize talk in other settings without investigating whether similar
practices are used to accomplish similar actions in the new setting. This is
especially relevant for those investigating institutional contexts such as classrooms.
As we have seen, CA research on institutional talk, including pedagogical talk, has
shown that, although conversational practices of talk are used in institutional
settings, both for conversational and institutional purposes, many of the practices
of talk in institutional settings have been developed to meet institution-specific
goals and are specific to the settings in which they are used. Even small variations
in the way a particular turn is designed can reflect the actions these turns are being
used to accomplish (Koshik, in press a). Conversely, similarly-formed turns can
accomplish different actions in different contexts and even in different sequential
contexts within one setting (Koshik, 2001b). These actions can only be discovered
by a close, turn-by-turn sequential analysis of the talk. It is therefore especially
important that researchers of talk investigate individual practices for what they are
being used to accomplish in a particular sequence and setting, rather than relying
on categories imported from other, even similar, settings.
Conclusion
Notes
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