Title Page (with Author Details)

Formalising the jeepney industry in the Philippines – a confirmatory thematic

Iderlina Mateo-Babianoa*, Redento B. Recioa, David P. Ashmorea, Marie Danielle Guillenb and
Sandy Mae Gaspayc

a
Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne, Australia +61383446501,
[email protected], [email protected], [email protected]
b
Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines +61383446501, [email protected]
c
Department of Transportation Philippines, +6327908300 loc 222, [email protected]

ABSTRACT
Jeepneys are paratransit vehicles which constitute the bulk of urban transport in many cities
in the Philippines. There are around 179,000 jeepneys of which 90% are fifteen years or older.
However, this is not without so many other issues on the road. To address this, the government
issued a landmark policy enabling the Public Utility Vehicle Modernisation Program (PUVMP),
a transformational large-scale initiative focused on land-based public transport in which the
majority are jeepneys. The program brings about a comprehensive reform covering new
policies in the franchising process, vehicle modernization, operator consolidation and changes
in the current business model, financing and a more structured route planning process, among
others. This is, however, an ambitious undertaking, not merely because of its scale, but the
likely disruption to the current, relatively informal model by which jeepneys are regulated. This
paper uses deductive thematic analysis, based upon a review of the literature on
informal/formal hybridised urban transport regulatory models, to investigate the reform’s likely
impact on the dynamics of the sector. As such it tentatively confirms the likely issues arising
when transitioning from an informal model to a more formalised one. The paper raises
imperatives for the global informal transport sector as a whole.
Keywords: Paratransit; Informal Transport; Franchising; Social Equity; Global South; Air
pollution
Revised manuscript

Formalising the jeepney industry in the Philippines – a confirmatory thematic

ABSTRACT
Jeepneys are paratransit vehicles which constitute the bulk of urban transport in many cities
in the Philippines. There are around 179,000 jeepneys of which 90% are fifteen years or older.
However, this is not without so many other issues on the road. To address this, the government
issued a landmark policy enabling the Public Utility Vehicle Modernization Program (PUVMP),
a transformational large-scale initiative focused on land-based public transport in which the
majority are jeepneys. The program brings about a comprehensive reform covering new
policies in the franchising process, vehicle modernisation, operator consolidation and changes
in the current business model, financing and a more structured route planning process, among
others. This is an ambitious undertaking, not merely because of its scale, but the likely
disruption to the current, relatively informal model by which jeepneys are regulated. This paper
uses deductive thematic analysis, based upon a review of the literature on informal/formal
hybridised urban transport regulatory models, to investigate the reform’s likely impact on the
dynamics of the sector. As such it tentatively confirms the likely issues arising when
transitioning from an informal model to a more formalised one. The paper raises imperatives
for the global informal transport sector as a whole.
Keywords: Paratransit; Informal Transport; Franchising; Social Equity; Global South; Air
pollution
1 1. INTRODUCTION
2 The nature of public passenger transport in many Philippine cities can be described as the
3 informal complementing the formal. With minimal barriers to entry, public transport services
4 act as a point of access for the urban labour force and provide mobility for much of the city’s
5 workforce (Mateo-Babiano, 2016).
6 Jeepneys constitute the most dominant public transport modes in the Philippines. These are
7 12 to 16-seater paratransit vehicles that were repurposed from American military jeeps left
8 over from the Second World War. Due to their predominance they have acquired significant
9 cultural, social and familial significance (Meñez, 1998). At present there are around 179,000
10 jeepneys across the country. Ninety percent of these are at least fifteen years old and produce
11 significant environmental pollution (DOTr 2018, Regidor et al., 2009; Fabian and Gota, 2009).
12 A survey of jeepney passengers found that while they consider this form of transport to be
13 familiar, easy and cheap, they are also regarded as noisy, dirty and dangerous (Okamura et
14 al, 2013) and that commuters habitually used this mode even for distances that could be
15 completed by walking and cycling (Guillen, et al., 2013).
16 Environmental, safety, and efficiency concerns around the sector have led to the establishment
17 of the Public Utility Vehicle Modernization Program or PUVMP (DOTr, 2018), a transformative
18 program that seeks to modify the entire sector and modernise the vehicle fleet. It seeks to
19 revamp the practices, policies, business models, and cultural meanings of the existing public
20 transport system in the Philippines (Sunio, et. al., 2019). The program has ten components:
21 regulatory reform; local public transport route planning for local government Units; route
22 rationalisation; fleet modernisation; industry consolidation; financing; vehicle useful life
23 program; pilot implementation; stakeholder support mechanisms; and, communication. Its
24 implementation involves more than twenty local and international partner agencies.
25 As with other cities, such as in Cape Town, many operators have opposed these initiatives
26 (Schalekamp 2017). Several transport groups have been staging strikes against the proposed
27 new regulatory model (Rey 2018), while some groups regard the initiatives as profit-oriented
28 and ‘anti-poor’ (Talabong 2017), something which may result in small individual owned
29 businesses losing autonomy and leading to bankruptcy as in Mozambique’s informal
30 employment sector (Dibben et al., 2015). Whilst there are several global studies that examine
31 the potential disruption to the informal transport sector through formalisation (Cervero and
32 Golub, 2007; Mokonyama and Venter 2013; Behrens et al., 2017) none has yet taken place
33 within the context of reform of the jeepney sector in the Philippines. It would not be
34 unreasonable, however, to assume that there would be some commonality to the problems
35 encountered for each.
36 This paper undertakes deductive thematic analysis to confirm that the problems cited in the
37 literature from other cities are likely to recur in the consolidation and reform of the jeepney
38 reform in the Philippines. It deduces several key themes stemming from the examination of
39 transport literature surrounding informal/formal hybridised transport regulatory models. It then
40 confirms the presence of these themes within the context of jeepney recapitalisation and sector
41 reform in Metro Manila, by coding a consolidated set of interviewee transcribes from informed
42 stakeholders. In eliciting these themes, the authors seek to develop a constructive research
43 agenda for jeepney sector capitalisation and consolidation in the Philippines, which may be
44 applied in other countries. This will inform the debate, explore implications for policy as well
45 as social equity, and assist the sector in managing the hybridisation of informal and formal
46 urban transport solutions. The paper will not seek to offer a normative stance regarding
47 informal transport, as shown in work of Schwanen (2018), Mutongi (2006), Kumar et al (2016)
48 and Rizzo (2015). The emphasis will be upon how to deliver better on the ground services,
49 i.e. its focus is applied.
50 The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 focuses on context and the study sites and
51 industry situation. Section 3 theoretically grounds the paper in the literature of formal/informal
52 hybrid urban transport solutions. Section 4 lays out the study’s methodology - deductive
53 thematic analysis with themes being deduced from the global literature. From this and the
54 literature review, key themes are derived and defined. Section 5 shows the results and findings
55 of the implementation of method – the presence of themes. The paper concludes in Section 6
56 by offering a research agenda which will generate applied solutions for the sector.
57
58 2. CASE STUDY: JEEPNEY CONSOLIDATION AND FRANCHISING
59 2.1 Metro Manila’s jeepneys

60 Jeepneys are paratransit vehicles which typically seat 12 to 22 passengers (Vergel, 2014).
61 Jeepneys constitute the bulk of urban transport in many Philippine cities. Metro Manila, the
62 country’s officially designated national capital region and is home to 12.8 million residents
63 (PSA 2015), relies on jeepneys heavily for mobility. One out of five Metro Manila commuters
64 depends on the jeepney for their daily mobility needs (Pante, 2016).
65 The jeepneys’ ubiquitous presence within the Philippine transport landscape has had a long
66 history. At the end of World War II, the lack of reliable transport that people could use to move
67 around cities prompted the re-purposing of leftover G.I. jeeps from the United States into a
68 viable urban transport alternative (Torres, 1979). Despite being a supposedly temporary
69 solution, jeepneys persisted and have continued to offer public transport services to the
70 majority of the Philippines’ commuting public; some see jeepneys as a symbol of national
71 ingenuity and resilience (Steinberg, 2018). Jeepneys allow drivers to pick up and drop off
72 passengers at any point along a fixed route, offering a highly flexible door-to-door transport
73 service – something which may be seen as useful within the Philippine’s tropical climate.
74 Much of the current fleet is old, however, and a major contributor to air pollution. In compliance
75 with the 1999 Philippine Clean Air Act’s environmental standards, the government is
76 mandating a shift to cleaner public transport vehicles. The Philippines’ Department of
77 Transportation (DOTr) requires public utility vehicles to have at least Euro 4 diesel engines or
78 better (DOTr, 2017). Recently, e-jeepneys have begun to be phased into the market, and the
79 government is seeking to introduce more clean technology vehicles (Figure 1).
80
81 2.2. Shifting regulatory arrangements

82 The Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTFRB), an attached agency of
83 the DOTr, has the mandate to prescribe and regulate routes in economically viable areas of
84 operation, in accordance with the plans and programs of the DOTr (Executive Order 202). In
85 the following sections, various policies P1-P15 are cited with details provided in the Appendix.
86

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87
88 Figure 1. a) older, traditional jeepney; b) pilot/early implementation of an e-jeepney in Tacloban
89 city. Source: (1a) https://pixabay.com/photos/jeepney-jeep-transport-art-1651141/ and (1b)
90 author supplied
91 The LTFRB is mandated to issue franchises in the form of Certificates of Public Convenience
92 (CPCs), as well as amend, revise, suspend, or cancel them. This can be seen as a continuation
93 of regulatory shifts which began in 1997 when the DOTr provided the standard classification
94 of public transport under Department Order (No. 97-1097) “Providing Standard Classification
95 for all Public Transport Conveyances” (P1). This order was in turn amended in 1998 to allow
96 approval for additional types of public transport services (P2). Under these orders the approval
97 of CPC applications was based on the evaluated demand on the route applied for with little
98 consideration of the larger transport network.
99 In 2003, the LTFRB imposed a nationwide moratorium on franchise issuance pending the
100 conduct of a route rationalisation study (P3). In subsequent years, several issuances providing
101 exceptions to this moratorium were issued for Roll-on and Roll-off (RORO) routes (P4), clean
102 vehicles such as buses fuelled by Compressed Natural Gas (P5), electric vehicles (P6),
103 vehicles supporting the tourism industry such as vehicles for hire, tourist transport services
104 (P7), and airport services (P8).
105 In 2015, the standard classifications were further amended to include new categories of
106 services aimed at promoting mobility and the use of public transportation as well as introduced
107 the bus rapid transit, airport bus, premium taxi and transport network vehicles (P9), and
108 premium point-to-point (P2P) buses (P10).
109 During the period of changing policies, however, passenger demand has continued to grow,
110 and the relatively low supply of legal public transport vehicles has led to the proliferation of
111 unauthorised or ‘colorum’ vehicles. LTFRB officials have announced that the issuance of these
112 illegal franchises has become ‘rampant’ with franchises being traded for as much as 100,000
113 Philippine pesos - approximately AUD 2,800 (The Freeman, 2016).
114
115 2.3. The Public Utility Vehicle (PUV) Modernization Program
116 The current jeepney fleet produces considerable emissions. Generally equipped with surplus
117 or second-hand diesel engines, these vehicles significantly contribute to increased air pollution
118 levels (Regidor et al., 2009). Fabian and Gota (2009) called for the reduction of the transport
119 sector’s contribution to carbon dioxide and particulate matter emissions with better

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120 management of jeepney fleet emissions. It is important to note the small-scale manufacturing
121 nature of jeepneys, where most of the parts could be second-hand.
122 Therefore, in June 2017 the Philippines’ DOTr issued a policy (P11) that gave rise to the Public
123 Utility Vehicle Modernization Program. This set out the framework for a system-wide reform
124 of the public transportation system by including policies set to meet safety and environment
125 friendly standards. Issued along with the policy was a joint memorandum between the DOTr
126 and the Department of the Interior and Local Government on the preparation of Local Public
127 Transportation Route Plans (P12). The program features:
128 a. Reform of franchise issuance. This has effectively lifted the moratorium on franchise
129 issuance but subjects it to the Local Public Transport Route Plan or “local route plan” which
130 contains the map of rationalised routes, a prescribed mode (based on demand), and the
131 number of vehicles in each route. This plan shall be used by the LTFRB as basis for issuing
132 franchises in a region.
133 Premising that local government are more knowledgeable of the travel patterns in their
134 respective communities, local route plans are to be developed by levels: intra-city/municipal
135 routes are to be planned by local governments; inter-city/municipal or intra-provincial routes
136 are to be planned by provincial governments; and routes between independent cities,
137 provinces, and regions are to be planned by the DOTr. In 2018 the DOTr and LTFRB
138 embarked on a nationwide capacity building program to aid the more than 1,600 local
139 government units in preparing their local route plans.
140 b. Vehicle modernisation. This includes the issuance of the Philippine National Standards for
141 PUVs, which sets the dimensional and safety standards for jeepneys. Changes in the new
142 jeepneys’ design include the moving of the door to the right side for safety, and adjustments
143 in ceiling requirements to allow for standing passengers. Accessories such as GPS
144 receivers, WiFi, CCTV cameras, and speed limiters are also included as new requirements.
145 Moreover, it also requires new PUVs to have engines compliant with Euro 4 standards or
146 better, in accordance with emission standards issued by the Department of Environment
147 and Natural Resources.
148 The DOTr in partnership with two government financial institutions - the Land Bank of the
149 Philippines and the Development Bank of the Philippines – has set up a loan facility to offer
150 concessional loans to jeepney operators. An equity subsidy of Php 80,000 (AUD 2388) per
151 jeepney unit would be granted to existing operators with valid franchises and PUV operators
152 applying for new routes. The subsidy guidelines (P13) require that existing fleet within a
153 franchise be dropped and surrendered for scrapping, so as to ensure that discarded jeepney
154 parts will no longer be resold.
155 c. Change in the PUV business model. Several policies were also issued to stimulate the
156 formation of consolidated groups which are better equipped to provide quality transport
157 services.
158 Access to the loans stipulated in ‘b’ requires consolidation of individual owners who are also
159 considered the route operators. Most jeepneys are rented by individual drivers from

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160 independent jeepney owners1. For about 12 hours per day, the drivers pay the owners a
161 daily rental fee, referred to as the boundary system (Kurokawa & Iwata 1984). This
162 boundary system was the customary way of compensating the owners/operators. Its
163 downside is that drivers tend to wait for passengers to ensure that jeepneys are full at the
164 terminal before they start the route – they run ‘full to full’ not to a timetable. Fares are
165 collected by conductors to avoid fare evasion. Revenue risk lies with the operators – i.e.
166 they keep the cash from the farebox.
167 d. A mechanism for consolidation (P14), wherein individual franchise holders that consolidate
168 into a single juridical entity shall be prioritised in the issuance of updated franchises and
169 access to loans. Minor operators within a primary operator’s franchise will be eligible for
170 the loans only if they join the primary operator’s juridical entity which is commonly in the
171 form of a cooperative or corporation. Based on the LTFRB’s figures, only 10% of the total
172 number of operators in the country are currently members of cooperatives.
173 Recognizing challenges in consolidation of ownership, operators failing to consolidate are
174 encouraged to at least share a common fleet management with organised dispatching
175 system (P15).
176 e. A general policy was issued wherein drivers will be salaried instead of the current
177 commission-based practice (P11). Moreover, this is also in preparation for the plan to
178 transition to an ‘Automatic Fare Collection System’ such as tap cards which enable cashless
179 transactions further down the line.
180 The program envisions a three-year transition period. During the transitory period, existing
181 operators are to consolidate into legal entities. Social support programs will be made available
182 for displaced operators, drivers, and transport industry allied workers in partnership with other
183 government agencies. One of these is the “Tsuper Iskolar” program, a partnership with the
184 Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) which offers alternative skills
185 and entrepreneurship training for drivers and their beneficiaries, who may suffer disbenefits as
186 a consequence of consolidation.
187 With the program being a systemwide reform which attempts to transform existing norms
188 involving stakeholders from both the government and private sector, it faces significant
189 opposition from the transport industry as a whole, as well as politicians. Many single-unit
190 operators and drivers rely on the earnings from jeepney operations for their daily needs and
191 have little spare capital for maintenance; as such they feel their fleet may become redundant.
192 Moreover, the government’s intent to consolidate existing operators, and promote shared
193 resources, fleet management and maintenance for more efficient operations, is not well
194 understood. For operators, being ‘forced’ into a cooperative and taking on a loan from the state
195 may be something they see as undesirable. Throughout the process, a lack of a sense of

1
In few cases, small owners are also the ones driving their own jeepneys.

6
196 agency2 continues to be a persistent challenge as the government, the transport users and the
197 transport providers/operators/workers pursue different sets of objectives brought about by
198 diverse sets of challenges, experiences, perceptions and motivations, resulting in transport
199 planning and policymaking challenges (Ferris,1992). There is also a sense of social
200 displacement for new migrants as the industry currently has limited barriers to entry, thus
201 making it an occupation many enter into upon arrival in a city. There are also ancillary agencies
202 that may suffer adverse effects through consolidation such as “barkers” - individuals who shout
203 the route names or destinations for potential passengers to hear; “starters” who ensure that a
204 jeepney is full before leaving the origin of the route. and “bantays”, usually children sleeping in
205 jeepneys to guard them overnight (Hermoso, 2018). With the consolidation of individual PUV
206 owners into transport cooperatives in the Philippines, the driver’s salary will be paid by the
207 transport cooperatives. The assumption is that under the PUVMP, these transport
208 cooperatives is professionalised, with clear fleet management system and that the new system
209 will also open new opportunities for employment other than driving the unit. However, the
210 program is just starting and some issues still have to be addressed.
211 Globally, this sense of coercion, disruption, and lack of autonomy is not a new problem when
212 attempting to consolidate and formalize urban transport networks. This is discussed in the next
213 section which theoretically grounds the paper in the literature surrounding hybridity.
214
215 3. THE FORMAL/INFORMAL TRANSPORT INTERFACE
216 As noted in Cervero (2000), paratransit and informality do not typically occur as a consequence
217 of a conscious policy choice, but due to demand not being met by fully regulated or formalised
218 supply, what Cervero and Golub (2007) refer to as ‘consummate gap filling’. Mateo-Babiano
219 (2016) argues that informality is also necessitated by local conditions, practices and vernacular
220 qualities to support local mobility requirements. Ferro et al. (2015) stress that paratransit's
221 flexibility is essential for Global South cities as they are expanding and changing at rates which
222 cannot be catered to by formal transport provision (Phun and Yai 2016). Dube and Chirisa
223 (2012) stress the sector’s resilience in being able to cater to evolving situations. Guillen, et al
224 (2013) also noted the common perception in the Philippines that informal transport service
225 exists because the commuters have no other mobility options and that it is usually cheaper.
226 The regulatory continuum in public transport may be seen as having at one end a model where
227 the government plays no role – what might be seen as a ‘free for all where the war for the cent
228 predominates’ (Chavis and Daganzo, 2013), and where supply side monopolies often
229 eventuate (Amin, 1981). An example would be the minibuses of Nairobi (Kenya) where market
230 competition and local dynamics set regulatory standards (Behrens et al., 2017). At the other
231 end of the regulatory spectrum would be the example of Melbourne, where all public transport
232 is state-regulated or provided, and highly integrated, although, as with many cities, the recent

2
Sense of agency refers to the subjective awareness of one’s capacity to act independently, for instance, in
initiating change.

7
233 entrance of ride-hailing platforms has presented governments in such jurisdictions with
234 regulatory and market challenges (Legacy et al., 2018). Urban public transport regulation
235 models at a general level is discussed in Ashmore and Mellor (2010).
236 The recapitalisation of the industry through loans to operators consisting of primary and
237 secondary contractors, to improve emissions standards, is an example of the state seeking to
238 further formalise the sector. As alluded to in the previous section, typically, this bring clashes
239 between public policy imperatives and commercial operator dynamics. The authors would
240 refer to this as the ‘challenge of an informal/formal transport interface’. This challenge is well
241 documented with different stances on the desirability of informality being clear. Not everyone
242 celebrates informality in transport provision. Arimah (2017) calls for greater formality to meet
243 policy objectives. Chavis and Daganzo (2013) note how the lack of regulatory models
244 disempowers the consumers. Kassa (2014) takes a punitive stance, linking informality in the
245 bus sector in Ethiopia with tax evasion, high rates of accidents, and driving over the distance
246 threshold. Hidalgo and Gutiérrez (2013) lament the lack of full modal integration in hybrid
247 models and see the need to absorbing paratransit, such as jeepneys, into a formal
248 arrangement to ensure best outcomes.
249 A great deal of the critique, however, surrounding making dual models workable hinges around
250 operator recalcitrance to being regulated. Whilst consolidation into industry bodies may suit
251 dominant operators and enable greater efficiencies, it can come at the expense of jobs through
252 reduced fleet size; moreover some operators may be adverse to losing their autonomy,
253 preferring to take risks in the market they currently understand (Del Mistro and Behrens, 2015).
254 In this regard it may be necessary to sell the concept of cooperatives and contracting, to non-
255 dominant operators by insulating them from business reduction and risks (such as the ‘Tsuper
256 Iskolar’ program noted above), and ensuring they are fairly and transparently remunerated (Del
257 Mistro and Behrens, ibid). Schalekamp (2017) also notes that to form cooperatives
258 programmes are needed to improve the managerial and technical capacity of the operator
259 unions to train operators to work within an integrated model and under contract.
260 To expand on the above with further locational case studies topics which frequently recur in
261 the literature are the capacity of the government, corruption at state and street (law
262 enforcement level) and the incentives needed for operators to enter into a franchise model or
263 cooperative. Perhaps the largest scholarly output dealing with topics such as these, in recent
264 years has stemmed from attempts to encourage formality and workable hybridised models,
265 within the African minibus taxi industry. Papers such as Schalekamp and Behrens (2010),
266 Walters and Heyns, (2012) and Schalekamp (2017) chart the progress made in integrating the
267 bus networks in Cape Town and Johannesburg. Behrens et al (2017) examine the self-
268 regulating cooperatives that have arisen in the matatu industry in Nairobi.
269 As to the capacity of the state to regulate the sector, Schalekamp and Behrens (2010)
270 discussing minibus taxi reform across South Africa, note the slow progress of reform is often
271 due to constraints on the government side as well as sector resistance from the market. They
272 echo a general perception that many public agencies in charge of reform lack the capacity or
273 capability to concurrently manage both necessary capital requirements, and the process of
274 sector reform and change management, and that this is responsible for the observable delays.
275 Ehebrecht et al. (2018) discuss how in Tanzania there is a need for public authorities to help
276 facilitate the introduction of driver training and rule adherence schemes, but local authorities
277 do not have sufficient resources or skills to carry out such programmes, not the capacity to

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278 effectively enforce traffic rules. Sohail et al (2006) citing case studies from Colombo (Sri
279 Lanka), Faisalabad (Pakistan) and Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) flag that:
280 ‘…the importance of the capacity of the industry to self-regulate in conditions of
281 weak government regulation and enforcement capacity, and argued for regulatory
282 frameworks that strike a balance between avoiding the negative externalities of
283 paratransit, while avoiding overly detailed or ‘heavy’ regulations that increase the
284 potential for non-compliance and corruption.’
285 Corruption of officials and law enforcement is often a topic that comes to the fore when
286 considering the informal transport sector. Amin (1981) noted frequent reports of harassment
287 by law enforcers of rickshaw drivers for bribes to allow them to operate; little seems to have
288 changed in forty years. Arimah (2017) within the context of Africa, sees corruption placing a
289 huge burden on the transport sector with some highly placed officials discouraging efficiency
290 so as to be in a position to extract bribes for works and licences. Behrens et al (2017) notes
291 how minibus taxi operators in Kenya feel that corruption is widespread in the Kenyan public
292 transport sector and that operators frequently encounter demands for bribes which they have
293 to pay in order to stay in business. One interviewee cited in Behrens et al’s (ibid) paper
294 described how if a driver does not give a bribe then he can be charged for anything and the
295 magistrates always side with the police. This interviewee felt that the government was
296 ‘encouraging corruption’. In Bangkok, Cervero and Golub (2007) highlight informal motorcycle
297 taxis being regularly harassed by police at critical intersections for bribes – a form of site rent
298 and permission for the right to congregate.
299 Persuading operators to join cooperatives, subcontract, and be paid for service kilometres
300 alone is problematic. Incentives need to be offered to encourage them to transition into such
301 a model. Amin (1981) notes the preference of many working in the informal sector to be self-
302 employed, and control their own destiny and progression. As such they tend to instinctively
303 resist formal employment. The authors wish to stress that this is not a problem unique to the
304 informal sector and the Global South: in Sydney’s bus reforms of 2005 many operators were
305 consolidated into area franchises under a primary operator, and many operators set to be
306 subsumed under another’s contract resisted strongly in an adversarial manner (Mellish et al.,
307 2008). Behrens et al (2017) notes that within the context of the urban informal sector in nations
308 such as Kenya and Uganda, members of a cooperative need to be persuaded that the benefits
309 outweigh the loss of autonomy. These benefits typically come through access to a depreciation
310 fund to replace vehicles when life expired, legal representation in the courts, and purchasing
311 economies of scale for new fleet. Hidalgo and King (2014) describe how in Cali, Colombia the
312 incumbent informal operators opposed a citywide regulated system, until they were guaranteed
313 tenure for 25 years, on the condition that they joined a cooperative.
314
315 4. METHOD
316 There seems a strong degree of similarity between the problems cited in the field in section 2,
317 and the academic literature on hybridity in section 3. The authors of the paper therefore sought
318 to rigorously confirm whether or not the key themes emerging from the literature review were
319 relevant to the jeepney sector reform in the Philippines. This paper is an offshoot of a
320 qualitative research utilizing unstructured in-depth interviews with government officials (5
321 officials), two transport academics, one transport worker union leader and one jeepney driver.
322 We also conducted a focus group discussion with four jeepney commuters.

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323 Thematic analysis was the method of choice due to its flexibility (Boyatzis, 1998). Within
324 thematic analysis, researchers ‘code’ selections of text within a qualitative transcript – in this
325 case obtained through a series of interviews with relevant stakeholders – to confirm (deductive)
326 or unearth (inductive) underlying phenomena. Thematic analysis is an appropriate qualitative
327 technique to address a multi-disciplinary problem (Braun and Clarke 2006). Denzin and Lincoln
328 (2005) see thematic analysis as an epistemological glue that connects diverse disciplines.
329 Thematic codes utilise ‘coding’ in their method, with a ‘good code’ referring to a meaningful
330 aggregation of a block of text which may be categorised under a particular theme (Fereday
331 and Muir-Cochrane 2008). A codebook documents these codes and when they should be
332 coded to ensure consistency (Guest et al. 2012; Braun and Clarke 2006).
333 In this instance, having engaged with theory the thematic analysis used was deductive - it
334 sought to confirm the presence of deduced themes within the interview transcripts. Further
335 inductive analysis of the dataset is possible at a later date to see if there are location specific
336 issues at play, but as the goal of the exercise was to seek insights as to the problems faced at
337 a generic level globally, from published material, this necessitated the use of deductive, theory-
338 driven analysis at this phase of the work.
339 In keeping with the method outlined in Braun and Clarke (2006) five phases of thematic
340 analysis were used. The manner in which these themes were generated is outlined in Table 1.
341 Five themes were deduced: 1) government capacity; 2) risk to smaller operators; 3) change
342 aversion; 4) risk insulation by government, and; 5) upskilling industry. In seeking to examine
343 the evolving jeepney sector in the Philippines these five themes form a sound basis for
344 grounding the deductive analysis. These themes are outlined in the thematic codebook (Table
345 2) and utilise three of the elements of the codebook structure offered by Boyatzis (1998) (i.e.
346 title, description, and when to code).
347 Table 1: Generation and examination of the key themes using Braun and Clarke’s (2006)
348 method of thematic analysis.
STAGE CONTEXT & HOW THIS WAS UNDERTAKEN
1. Familiarising yourself For theme generation the academic literature on the informal-
with your data. formal transport nexus, and the challenges of formalising
informal transport, constitute the data. The authors
immersed themselves in this literature.
2. Generating initial codes. Follow repeated re reading of the academic literature (data)
the authors made individual notes and discussed key
sections from the papers.
3. Searching for themes. The individual notes were compared to see where there was
strong overlap supported by sections of the relevant papers.
A preliminary list of themes was drawn up.
4.Reviewing themes. The dataset (academic literature) was re-examined to
confirm the presence of the broad themes.
5.Defining and naming The authors settled on the key themes and developed the
themes. codebook.
349
350
351

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352 Table 2. The Deductive Thematic Codebook
CODE DEFINITION DESCRIPTION
Code 1 Regulatory Code this when clear reference is being made to their
Government constraints on the inappropriate capacity or skills to manage the scale of
capacity government side - the exercise, and its technical nature on the side of
capacity, skills, the procurers – e.g. the state. This could be an
funding and inability to deal with the volume of the exercise, a lack
processing of skills in house for service contracting and
bottlenecks. performance monitoring, a lack of money, and the
likelihood that things will get ‘stuck’ in the government
apparatus. Operator trust in the government being
able to deliver is crucial here.
Code 2 Perceived risks to Code this when the text flags that smaller operators
Risk to smaller businesses are expressing vulnerability. That they do not feel
smaller through comfortable entering into an operator cooperative for
operators consolidation; lack of control. Or they may not be paid by the primary
and drivers being contractor. Or they feel that their business would not
subcontractors to be able to compete with the larger operators and there
large primary is a concern that they will be ‘swallowed up’.
entities.
Code 3 Reluctance to Code text to this theme when it is clear that a view is
Change change the existing being expressed that operators like things ‘as they
aversion model due to are’. That they know how the existing model works
familiarity (change and have geared their lives and businesses around it.
aversion) and That change is worrisome and stressful. That they
perceived loss of feel change will bring them considerable loss of
control. control over their business decisions and end up with
them just selling kilometres.
Code 4 Government need Code this when either the national government states
Risk to insulate smaller that operators need to be insulated against risk. This
insulation by operators from risk could be the risk of losing their business or of not
government –transition, being paid by the primary contractor. It could also be
retention of a fleet transition issue or a maintenance issue with the
businesses; new vehicles.
sustainable and
transparent
renumeration,
redress.
Code 5 Upskilling operator This should be coded when it is clear that scepticism
Upskilling cooperatives to is being expressed as to whether or not operators,
industry work with the new who are used to just operating services and taking
contracted model - cash, will lack the accounting, technical and
managerial and managerial capacity to work within the confinements
technical capacity. of a contracted arrangement.
353

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354 The subsequent phase of the process was to confirm the presence of the derived themes in a
355 further dataset. Interviews with key informed actors was chosen as the preferred method.
356 Data to confirm the validity and presence of these themes, was collected via a semi-structured
357 interview process (Edwards and Holland 2013). Interviewers posed the questions in a relaxed
358 way to encourage rapport. The emphasis was on active listening - probing or seeking
359 elucidation from key ideas shared to yield insightful data. Data was collected using two
360 interview methods: online via skype for Melbourne-based researchers, or face-to-face for
361 researchers in the case study cities. Thirteen participants were drawn upon to ensure sufficient
362 data to enable the confirmation of themes in the dataset (Baker and Edwards 2012; Guest,
363 Bunce and Johnson 2006). Consent was first obtained via email. Participants were recruited
364 via snowball sampling technique. English is one of two official business languages in the
365 Philippines, and is commonly used, particularly in academic and business settings. Interviews
366 were conducted either in English or the local Filipino language, depending on which language
367 the interviewees were comfortable with. Each interview was an hour long. While the interview
368 was not recorded, two researchers were present to conduct the interview and notes were taken
369 by both researchers. The thirteen interviewees were made up of jeepney transport workers,
370 transport union leader/s, local transport researchers with specific expertise on governance
371 and/or public transport, civil/servant/transport authorities and transport commuters.
372 Commuters are also a key stakeholder who provided insights on the current issues they face
373 as primary clients of jeepneys. Given their varied experiences, we asked them of the critical
374 transport issues (from commuters’ perspective) that they feel have been overlooked in the
375 PUVMP design and implementation. In terms of gender, six of the interviewees were female
376 (Refer to Table 3).
377 TABLE 3. List of Interviewees
INTERVIEWEE AFFILIATION GENDER CODE
1 Transport union leader/representative M T1
2 Office of the Transportation Cooperative M T2
representative
3 Office of the Transportation Cooperative M T3
representative
4 Department of M T4
Transportation representative
5 Department of Transportation consultant F T5
6 University academic and independent M T6
technical consultant (transport)
7 PUVMP Program Manager F T7
8 University academic and transport expert F T8
(28 years)
9 Local jeepney driver (Marasbaras route) M T9
10 Transport commuter F T10
11 Transport commuter F T11
12 Transport commuter F T12
13 Transport commuter M T13
378
379 Interviews with government officials revolved around the five themes (refer to Table 2) such as
380 operation of jeepneys and e-jeepneys, franchising and financing for the proposed modernised
381 jeepney fleet, roles of government agencies involved in PUVMP, transport cooperatives and
382 proposed rationalised route system and the challenges faced by the government in

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383 implementing the PUVMP. For the transport leader, the conversation touched on the
384 membership and geographical presence of their members, the organisation’s position on the
385 PUVMP, the difficulties experienced by their members in relation to PUVMP, and the group’s
386 proposed alternative schemes or key steps to address key issues of PUVMP.
387 Thematic validity in deductive thematic analysis is seen when coders observe the presence of
388 a code in the dataset. This emerges through the process of Inter-Rater Reliability (IRR), which
389 ensures that such a qualitative data is assessed in a systematic and objective manner. Three
390 analysts undertook theme identification and classification. Data passages were highlighted and
391 coded into one of the five themes. The results of the coding exercise (Table 4) demonstrate
392 the authors’ attempt to show how the different text passages illustrated the five thematic codes
393 (Gibbs 2007). The IRR demonstrates a high percent agreement, signalling that the coding
394 scheme used is robust, resulting in consistency amongst raters. The lack of zero coding
395 incidence shows thematic validity.
396 Table 4. Coding densities
Themes
IRR Coding
1 2 3 4 5
Number of times all saw the code 12 17 6 17 19
present
Number of times first coder saw it 12 17 7 18 19
Number of times second coder saw it 15 20 6 18 21
Number of times third coder saw it 17 17 6 17 23
Percentage agreement on presence 82% 94% 95% 96% 90%
397
398 We found that amongst the five themes, ‘change aversion’ (theme 3) received the lowest
399 frequency of coding. This is because some coded statements that are closely related to
400 ‘change aversion’ (theme 3) have been coded under theme 2 (risks to smaller operators) and
401 theme 5 (upskilling industry). The following section discusses each of the themes emerging
402 from the literature review as seen in the dataset and coded by the researchers. Selective
403 interviewee quotes are offered to augment the discussion.
404
405 5. RESULTS
406 This section discusses the five topics defined in the deductive thematic codebook: government
407 capacity, risk and risk insulation; reluctance to change; government need to insulate smaller
408 operators; upskilling operator cooperatives. Participant quotes are offered where salient in
409 italics.
410 5.1 Government Capacity
411 One interviewee felt the PUV modernization program “impacts many stakeholders [but] is very
412 challenging to implement”. Many participants were not confident that the government had the
413 capacity to deal with the volume of the exercise, or the skills for service contracting and
414 performance monitoring: “a transition will entail a comprehensive and multi-disciplinary
415 solution…its success would largely depend on the cooperation of various government
416 agencies, stakeholders, transport industry”. Building relationships and encouraging

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417 cooperation seems set to take time, yet the government’s aspiration is to implement the
418 program in just two years, making this transition more difficult if not unrealistic. One interviewee
419 opined: “the government has no ability to undertake a sweeping transition program in just two
420 years.”
421 Two interviewees were concerned about the resourcing implications that the government are
422 presently encountering given that “there’s only one OTC (Office of Transport Cooperatives)
423 office that caters to the needs of all transport cooperatives in the country”. Currently, only 10
424 percent of all jeepneys belong to cooperatives yet the expectation is that 100 percent of drivers
425 and operators will become members of cooperatives when the program has fully been
426 implemented. This may, on the basis of the experiences of elsewhere, be seen as a
427 convoluted and perhaps unrealistic expectation.
428 Route rationalisation is one of the key components of the transport reform program. Local
429 Government Units (LGUs) such as cities and municipalities are mandated to identify
430 underserved and over-served routes and then propose the appropriate routes. Once
431 submitted, the LTFRB recommends revisions or approves the submitted plan. The approved
432 routes will then form the local public transport route plan. The successful delivery of this task
433 largely depends upon the capacity of the LGUs concerned to identify holistic outcomes that
434 would guide public transport rationalisation. One interviewee noted “the limited capacity of
435 LGUs to undertake large-scale route rationalisation.” Moreover, four interviewees expressed
436 that because route rationalisation is a complex and challenging exercise, these LGUs often
437 “lacked the capacity to effectively perform their role in the PUVMP implementation,” particularly
438 when undertaken in a liberalised environment, where ‘colorums’ (operating without franchise)
439 proliferate. This is coupled with the emergence of ride-hailing services, which often replicate
440 existing routes.
441 5.2 Financial risks to smaller operators and drivers
442 This theme captures the real or perceived risks that consolidation could impact smaller
443 operators. A major concern for small operators is the perception that the way franchising is
444 setup favours big transport operators. As one interviewee laments “operators felt that their
445 businesses are unable to compete with larger operators.” One participant felt strongly about
446 how this “threatened the livelihood of jeepney drivers/operators”.
447 Another perspective mentioned was the ‘exorbitant cost’ associated with the reform falling on
448 operators: “what I have heard the price of the e-jeepney is quite expensive”. Smaller operators
449 and drivers are expressing vulnerability due to the “lack of financial capacity to raise the said
450 amount.” One interviewee stated that “this is the reason why the total phaseout planned to be
451 implemented in the first quarter of 2019 has been postponed because of the lack of clarity on
452 how jeepney drivers will be able to afford the purchase of new vehicles.” If the modernisation
453 program is to be implemented as planned, “jeepney drivers would be out of a job while public
454 transport will be limited and not be able to respond to the demand of passengers.” Some
455 groups supported the new model because ‘…their leaders had the capacity to provide the
456 needed capital”. Keeping with this theme of financial barriers and skills one interviewee noted
457 how ‘the subsidy is still subject to the loan requirements from both banks, as well as franchise
458 requirements … requirements for loan applications generally include several documentations
459 which may be difficult to comply with for drivers/operators.”
460 The drivers’ salaries being coupled to the number of passengers they picked up was seen to
461 be a major risk where there was a large pool of drivers and a diminishing fleet pool. This

14
462 exposes that the payments suggested are not a salary as such but a commission per
463 passenger. An example of an early implementation demonstrates this. The first route that
464 DOTr implemented was in Tacloban City in 2018. The Tacloban jeepney pilot showed that it
465 was possible to salary and hire drivers. But this did not seem to displace the underlying market
466 dynamics or vested interests. According to one interviewee: “for seven round trips in one day,
467 they get paid 350 pesos (AUD 10).” It is notable that the salary paid was still based on the days
468 of work and the hours they drive. This means that, as mentioned by two of the interviewees,
469 that “taking out the boundary system benefits drivers” and confirmed by another “they (drivers)
470 do not have a boundary system in place anymore’; drivers still need to wait until their -jeepneys
471 are full before they start their journey, affecting the reliability of the service. Such a setup while
472 it appears formalised still encourages informal behaviours and persistent informal practices.
473 5.3 Change aversion
474 This is expressed by the operators’ reluctance to change the existing model because they have
475 geared their lives and businesses around it, and would prefer for things to continue as they
476 are. One participant mentioned the strong opposition to the proposed regulatory model by
477 another transport union, stating that they “strongly opposed the modernisation program and
478 push instead for the rehabilitation of the old jeepney units.” Furthermore, there were issues
479 noted with the new jeepney designs. One participant stated that there was still a “lack of
480 acceptability of operators and drivers to the new designs of the modern jeeps.” Some
481 operators just did not wish to “join or form a single juridical entity.”
482 5.4 Risk insulation by government
483 This theme was coded when participants expressed that the government had an important role
484 to play in order to insulate smaller operators from multiple risks resulting from the large-scale
485 transport reform, including transition, retention of businesses, and sustainable and transparent
486 renumeration, and redress.
487 One interviewee called for “the government to facilitate a level playing field, for government to
488 protect smaller operators from risks associated with transition, retention of businesses”. A
489 transport union leader suggested a proposal to overcome issues was to “increase the subsidy
490 to 10% of the total cost and to reduce the required cooperative capital to PhP 15,000 (AUD
491 428)”. The same participant also noted that “using Euro 4 might be a temporary option while
492 in the transition phase.”
493 Five interviewees mentioned that transport operators are given several options to help
494 minimise transition effects: “some transport operators/drivers can be part of the new routes to
495 be identified as part of the route rationalisation program while others who prefer not to join the
496 program can avail of the benefits from the PUVMP’s ‘support mechanism’ program”. There is
497 training available, including: “alternative skills training, alternative livelihood options, and
498 scholarships for their beneficiaries.” However, “before this can be effectively undertaken, a
499 massive inventory of affected stakeholders would be requisite.”
500 5.5 Upskilling stakeholders to become cooperative members
501 The transport modernisation program needs operators to aggregate to form cooperatives,
502 consortiums or corporations for easier regulation; one interviewee showed clear preference for
503 the formation of cooperatives because ‘cooperatives were more democratic and can empower
504 the transport operators (drivers, operators, workers), a viable alternative to a corporate set-up
505 as small-scale transport operators/workers will not be displaced by big corporate players who

15
506 have the needed capital; and once ‘cooperativised’… the jeepney drivers do not have to
507 compete for passengers in their route”.
508 There are multiple criteria by which an operator can become part of a franchise. There are,
509 however, seeming challenges associated with forming cooperatives. One interviewee
510 articulated the upskilling required: “establishing a transport cooperative and sustaining its daily
511 operations requires time for social preparation, organisational consolidation, and a series of
512 capacity development activities for transport operators”. Two other interviewees added several
513 other requirements to be able to form cooperatives which may have limited the formation of
514 transport cooperatives to date. A cooperative “needs to have at least 15 members, a capital
515 of PHP 300,000 and the financial capacity to borrow.”
516 Three interviewees are conscious that smaller operators may have “little to no experience of
517 single-unit operators in formal operations. Hence, they may not be adept in operating a formal
518 transport business and may be susceptible to new risks”. One of the mandates of the OTC is
519 to “hold training to capacitate the drivers and operators to better organize themselves, ….
520 introduce the benefits of PUV modernisation program. The training includes financial
521 management and fleet management in order for the drivers and operators to handle their
522 cooperative/corporation’s budget properly”. It was also noted that the stakeholders may work
523 together to resolve transition issues. One interviewee stated that ‘upon the initial
524 implementation of the PUVMP, the DOTr, LTFRB, and Office of Transportation Cooperatives
525 aim to frequently conduct stakeholder consultation where operators, manufacturers, and banks
526 are present to resolve the challenges they encounter.
527
528 6. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
529 Efforts to regulate informality in public transport service and provision continue to be a major
530 challenge, particularly in developing city contexts such as the Philippines. Using a thematic
531 framework drawn from the literature on informal/formal hybridised transport regulatory models,
532 this paper has critically examined the recapitalisation and sector reform of the Philippine
533 jeepney sector.
534 It seems clear that whilst jeepneys provide far reaching benefits to transport users - providing
535 alternatives, promoting equitable transport and improving access to destinations – as well as
536 to transport workers (i.e. offering a point of entry to the local urban economy), urgent action is
537 required to ameliorate transport’s adverse contributions to the environment. Yet it appears that
538 whilst there is a clear and compelling case to support cleaner public transport, the challenges
539 shown by the implementation of the Public Utility Vehicle Modernization Program, mirror those
540 happening elsewhere where there is a hybridised model in place. This confirmatory exercise
541 has established, through confirmatory thematic analysis, key generic transition issues in the
542 implementation of the large-scale transport reform in the Philippines. These have commonality
543 with similar exercises in specific developing city contexts particularly in the Asian and African
544 regions, although they also mirror experiences faced in cities in South America such as Bogota
545 when the high capacity bus rapid transit Transmilenio was implemented.
546 Five generic transition issues were confirmed. As per elsewhere, there are concerns about
547 the government’s ability to oversee sector reform. Moreover, many smaller operators, as well
548 as being change averse, are concerned about risks to their current business model and feel
549 the state should insulate them from these. Finally, there is a concern that the operators need
550 upskilling to face the contracting model being presented to them.
16
551 In terms of what should be done to rectify these issues so as to ensure that the market can
552 move to a more cost efficient and network effect model, the authors feel that a logical step
553 would be to pool ideas with other global entities who have faced similar problems to form a
554 best practice repository of knowledge. An international knowledge exchange forum should be
555 established to ensure that all agencies facing the generic problems identified can learn from
556 each other. With technology allowing web-based networking and forums this need not be cost
557 prohibitive. This will allow qualified personnel from the government to build their institutional
558 capacity to oversee reform. It is notable that agencies in cities who have been grappling with
559 these issues for decades, continue to do so, so whilst conclusive solutions may not be the
560 outcome of such networking, understanding the scale of the government entity required to
561 push reform, and the skills needs, as well as the governance models established, should be
562 of great assistance to the government bodies within the Philippines.
563 Such knowledge exchange will allow the government to become aware of the training and skills
564 requirements of the operators under a future model. Programmes taken from elsewhere could
565 be customised to suit the local environment and culture. Such policy transfer could take the
566 form of operator academies or education programmes; and making attendance of these a
567 condition of bridge financing to support transition may maximise their take up. Within such
568 local knowledge hubs, the government could learn from the operators as to specific risks to
569 their business models, and where they are concerned about the nature of change, and
570 therefore further grow their own capacity to oversee transition. Under the proposed model the
571 manner in which operators run their business is set to change, and as environmental
572 regulations are introduced and take effect the older fleet will begin to disappear, compelling
573 operators to acquire new fleet through the proposed loan programme. Showing operators how
574 their businesses will de-risk at the farebox level to a situation where they are paid per kilometre
575 operated through a cooperative arrangement is a necessary step to building confidence and
576 partnership. But first the government must fully understand these risks themselves. The
577 solutions all come back to well informed governance drawing upon relevant insights from best
578 practices in other contexts.
579 With respect to research agenda, our empirical insights reveal the importance of understanding
580 informal practices/norms for effective policy reforms in the formal sector. This is a key direction
581 that transport scholars could undertake in the coming years. Another critical theme emerging
582 from the paper is a holistic investigation on how incremental policy reform might work in a
583 context where there is entrenched interface between formal and informal transport operation.
584 Designing this policy reform requires understanding the intricacies and policy imperatives of
585 this interface.
586
587 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
588 The authors would like to extend their utmost gratitude to all individuals, groups and
589 associations who contributed their time and resources to this study. The authors would also
590 like to acknowledge the support of the Informal Urbanism Hub. The views expressed are solely
591 those of the authors and do not reflect any organisations. The authors take full responsibility
592 for all errors and omissions.
593
594

17
595 DECLARATION OF INTEREST
596 None.
597
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719 and Practice 104, 58–66. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tra.2017.08.002
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723 Transport throughout the World 29, 371–378. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2010.07.047
724 Schwanen, T., 2018. Towards decolonised knowledge about transport. Palgrave
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726 Sohail, M., Maunder, D.A.C., Cavill, S., 2006. Effective regulation for sustainable public
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729 Steinberg, D. J. 2018. The Philippines: A singular and a plural place. Routledge.
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734 Rappler Philippines. Retrieved from: http://www.rappler.com, 19 July 2019.
735 The Freeman, 2016 September 02. Delgra: LTFRB-7 compliant to franchise moratorium.
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746
747
748

20
749 APPENDIX: List of Policy Issuances Cited
750
ID Policy Number Title Date Issued

P1 DOTC Department Providing Standard Classification for all Public Transport Conveyances September
Order (D.O.) No. 97- 29, 1997
1097

P2 DOTC D.O. No. 98-1127 An Order Providing Additional Types of Public Transport Service and/or Modifying January 21,
Certain Provisions of Department Order No. 97-1097 1998

P3 LTFRB Memorandum Nationwide Moratorium on the Acceptance Of New Applications/Petitions For The November
Circular (M.C.) No. Issuance Of A Certificate Of Public Convenience Except Truck-For-Hire Service 17, 2003
2003-028

P4 DOTC D.O. No. 2011-03 Allowing the Acceptance and/or Processing of Applications to Operate PUB January 3,
Services in Roll-on and Roll-off (RORO) routes 2011

P5 DOTC D.O. No. 2011-14 An Order Exempting CNG Buses from the Moratorium in Accepting, Processing January 21,
and Granting of Certificate of Public Convenience (CPC) for Public Utility Buses 2011

P6 DOTC D.O. No. 2011-16 Inclusion of Electric Motor Powered Vehicles in Item No. 4 of DOTC Order No. 97- March 3,
1997 “Providing Standard Classification for all Public Transport Conveyances” 2011
and the Exemption of all Electric Vehicles for Public Transport from the
Moratorium on Franchise Applications

P7 DOTC D.O. No. 2011-18 An Order Exempting “Vehicles for Hire” and “Tourist Transport” Services from the April 11,
Moratorium on Franchise Issuance 2011

P8 DOTC D.O. No. 2012-12 Amending Department Order No. 97-1097 (Providing Standard Classification For October 5,
All Public Transport Conveyances) And Providing Exemptions To The Moratorium 2012
On Acceptance Of Applications For Certificates Of Public Convenience

P9 DOTC D.O. No. 2015-11 Further Amending DO 97-1097 to Promote Mobility May 8, 2015

P10 DOTC D.O. No. 2015-18 Premium Point-to-Point Bus Services for Greater Manila October 14,
2015

P11 DOTr D.O. No. 2017- “Omnibus Guidelines on the Planning and Identification of Public Road June 19,
011 Transportation Services and Franchise Issuance 2017

P12 DOTr-DILG M.C. No. Guidelines on the Preparation and Issuance of Local Ordinances, Orders, Rules June 19,
001 Series of 2017 and Regulations Concerning the Local Public Transport Route Plan (LPTRP) 2017

P13 DOTr D.O. No. 2018- Guidelines on the Availment of the Equity Subsidy under the Public Utility July 31, 2018
016 Vehicle Modernization Program

P14 LTFRB M.C. No. 2018- Consolidation of Franchise Holders in Compliance with Department Order No. March 18,
008 2017-011, Otherwise Known as the Omnibus Franchising Guidelines (OFG) 2018

21
 P15 LTFRB M.C. No. 2019- Consolidated Guidelines on the Process of Issuance of Certificate of Public March 16,
013 Convenience (CPC) and Provisional Authority (PA)/ Special Permit (SP) Under 2019
the Omnibus Franchising Guidelines and Public Utility Vehicle Modernization
Program (PUVMP)

751
752

22
Author statement

CREDIT AUTHOR STATEMENT

Valerio Gatta  
Editor-in-Chief  
Research in Transportation Economics

10 March 2020
Dear Valerio Gatta,
We are pleased to submit the revised research article entitled Formalising the jeepney industry in
the Philippines – a confirmatory thematic analysis of key transitionary issues by Iderlina Mateo-
Babiano, Redento B. Recio, David P. Ashmore, Marie Danielle Guillen and Sandy Mae Gaspay for
re-consideration for publication in the journal Research in Transportation Economics.
We have now addressed the comments and feedback provided by you and the two reviewers to improve
the paper. Revisions made to the revised manuscript our outlined in the attached ‘Response to
Reviewers’ file.
We believe that this manuscript is appropriate for publication by Research in Transportation
Economics as it offers important insights on the experience of implementing a large-scale government
regulatory transport reform in a developing context, clearly aligning with the journal’s key
focus/theme.
All persons who meet authorship criteria are listed as authors, and all authors certify that they have
participated sufficiently in the work to take public responsibility for the content, including participation
in the concept, design, analysis, writing, or revision of the manuscript. Furthermore, each author
certifies that this material or similar material has not been and will not be submitted to or published in
any other publication before its appearance in Research in Transportation Economics.
Authorship contributions
Please indicate the specific contributions made by each author. The name of each author must appear
at least once in each of the three categories below.
Category 1
Conception and design of study:
Iderlina Mateo-Babiano, David P. Ashmore, Redento B. Recio, Marie Danielle Guillen, Sandy Mae
Gaspay
Acquisition of data:
Redento B. Recio, Iderlina Mateo-Babiano

Analysis and/or interpretation of data: Iderlina Mateo-Babiano, David P. Ashmore, Redento B.

Category 2
Drafting the manuscript: Iderlina Mateo-Babiano, David P. Ashmore, Redento B. Recio, Marie
Danielle Guillen, Sandy Mae Gaspay

Revising the manuscript critically for important intellectual content: Iderlina Mateo-Babiano,
Redento B. Recio, David P. Ashmore, Marie Danielle Guillen, Sandy Mae Gaspay
Category 3
Approval of the version of the manuscript to be published:
Iderlina Mateo-Babiano, Redento B. Recio, David P. Ashmore, Marie Danielle Guillen, Sandy Mae
Gaspay

Acknowledgements
All persons who have made substantial contributions to the work reported in the manuscript (e.g.,
technical help, writing and editing assistance, general support), but who do not meet the criteria
for authorship, are named in the Acknowledgements and have given us their written permission
to be named. If we have not included an Acknowledgements, then that indicates that we have not
received substantial contributions from non-authors.

Thank you for your re-consideration of this manuscript.

Sincerely,

Iderlina Mateo-Babiano
Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne, Australia,
[email protected]

Redento B. Recio
Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne, Australia,
[email protected]

Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne, Australia,

Marie Danielle Guillen

Department of Transportation Philippines, [email protected]