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Jeepneys: Values in the Streets
Article in Culture & Psychology · June 2008

DOI: 10.1177/1354067X08088559
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C. Dominik Güss and Ma. Teresa G. Tuason
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DOI: 10.1177/1354067X08088559
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Article
Abstract Cross-cultural psychological studies mostly focus on

differences between countries. This study uniquely focuses on
intracultural variations of values based on descriptors of artifact
data, jeepneys (public transportation vehicles), and on interviews
with jeepney drivers. The sample consisted of 200 jeepneys and
their drivers in Manila and Davao, northern and southern regions
of the Philippines, respectively. Results indicated that Manila
jeepneys featured more decorations and accessories concerned
with religion, identity, and Western commercialism, while Davao
jeepneys featured more political and civic themes. In interviews
about their problems and wishes, Manila drivers expressed more
financial and road-related problems and wishes that centered on
family and happiness, whereas Davao drivers expressed more
family and other people-related problems and wishes dealing
with finances and work. Results are discussed focusing on inter-
and intracultural variation.
Key Words cultural psychology, indigenous psychology,

intracultural variation, jeepney, Philippines, poverty, qualitative
research, values
C. Dominik Güss and Ma. Teresa G. Tuason

University of North Florida, USA

Jeepneys are the most common mode of transportation in the
Philippines. Modeled after the American jeep left behind during
World War II (Makalintal, 2003), they were creatively modified by
Filipinos. The goal of this study is to investigate the artifact, jeepney,
and to interview jeepney drivers to learn more about how values
differ between the northern and southern parts of the Philippines.
Culture can be seen as ‘the man-made part of the environment’
(Herskovits, 1948, p. 17), or as a field of action ranging from objects to
institutions and ideas, with individuals repeatedly modifying this
action field (Boesch, 1991). Culture is therefore a dynamic process
as well as a structure. Values are a fundamental aspect of culture, and
the study of them has been a key topic in cultural psychology,
cross-cultural psychology (e.g., Hofstede, 2001), and sociology (e.g.,
Inglehart, Basanez, & Moreno, 1998) for some time. Numerous studies
(e.g., House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2003; Schwartz,
Culture & Psychology Copyright © 2008 SAGE Publications

(Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore) http://cap.sagepub.com
Vol. 14(2): 211–236 [DOI: 10.1177/1354067X08088559]

Culture & Psychology 14(2)
1999) have validated results from previous research and identified

additional cultural value dimensions.
A value can be defined as an ‘enduring belief that a specific mode of
conduct or end-state of existence is personally or socially preferable to
an opposite or converse mode of conduct or end-state of existence’
(Rokeach, 1973, p. 5). Rokeach defined values in the context of
preferred choices of decision alternatives and as goals when consider-
ing preferable end-states. Other researchers also see values as similar
to goals: Schwartz (1999), for example, views values as ‘trans-
situational criteria or goals . . . ordered by importance as guiding
principles in life’ (p. 25). Following both definitions, values can be
regarded as abstract goals that guide the selection of specific goals and
actions (Kluckhohn & Murray, 1953).
We asked jeepney drivers about problems, goals, wishes, and dreams
to elicit their values and validate the link between their interpretations
of the jeepney artifact, assuming it would be more productive to infer
their values from these statements than to attempt more abstract
questions. Their values were then analyzed together with the values
derived from observing their jeepneys. The jeepney can be seen as a
human-made material object, a cultural artifact, because it reflects the
beliefs and values operating at the time of its fabrication and decor-
ation (Csikszentmihályi & Rochberg-Halton, 1981; Tilley, Keane,
Kuechler, Rowlands, & Spyer, 2006).
Variability of Filipino Values: Etic and Emic Studies

Research conducted on Filipino values can be classified under etic
studies, that is, following the cross-cultural psychological tradition,
and emic/indigenous studies, that is, following the cultural-
psychological/anthropological tradition. Under a cross-cultural
perspective drawn from Hofstede (2001), Filipino values can be
characterized as high collectivism (preference for acting as group
members rather than as individuals), very high power distance (degree
of acceptance of inequality), low uncertainty avoidance (preference for
unstructured rather than structured situations), high masculinity (pref-
erence for values such as assertiveness and performance over those of
warm personal relationships and service), and high short-term orien-
tation (opposite of a long-term time orientation that stresses Confucian
values like persistence). Hofstede’s assignation of values was validated
by Acuña and Rodriguez’s (1996) study of Filipino managers.
Javidan and House (2001) characterized the Philippines as very high
on humane orientation, meaning that Filipinos try to avoid conflict in
212

Güss & Tuason Jeepneys: Values in the Streets
conversations and are caring and supportive. Smith, Peterson, and

Schwartz (2002) combined data from several value surveys and
characterized Filipinos as high in power distance and conservatism,
i.e., showing preference for the immediate circle over outsiders, main-
taining the status quo, and loyalty towards one’s boss. Similarly,
Inglehart and Baker (2000), in a study of 65 countries, characterized
individuals from the Philippines as having high traditional (religion,
national pride, and obedience to authority) and survival (economic
and physical security) values.
These studies compared Filipino values with those of people from
other countries; however, psychologists favoring an indigenous
approach criticized cross-cultural studies for imposing Western
psychological concepts. Indigenous psychology derives ‘psycho-
logically relevant concepts that were not developed in mainstream
Western psychology, but in cultures being studied, thus also reflecting
the particular way of thinking inherent in these cultures’ (Friedlmeier,
Chakkarath, & Schwarz, 2005, p. 2). Indigenous psychologists (e.g.,
Marcelino, 1990) seek to understand Filipinos’ key values and their
culture’s nuances. They argue for an approach that utilizes Sikolohiyang
Pilipino (Filipino psychology), a framework within which to under-
stand, in a non-Western context, the Filipino’s mind, personality, and
behavior (Marcelino, 1990; Pe-Pua & Marcelino, 2000).
Virgilio Enriquez (1993), who is known as the initiator of the
Sikolohiyang Pilipino movement, and Felipe Lande Jocano (1997) identi-
fied and described many Filipino principles and values in the national
Tagalog language. For Enriquez, the Filipino self is not an independent
unity, but an interconnected unity with the selves of others or with the
kapwa (the other). Thus, the Western concept of collectivism only
captures a small aspect of kapwa. Among the more frequently
mentioned values according to Enriquez (1977) and Madigan (1972)
were pakikisama (favoring smooth interpersonal relations), utang na loob
(honoring debt of gratitude), and bahala na (determination in the face
of uncertainty). These translations are only approximate, as the essence
of the Tagalog terms cannot be captured completely in English.
The description of emic and etic studies on Filipino values shows
that both approaches identify quite different relevant Filipino values
and respectively possess certain strengths and weaknesses.
Some Limitations of Etic and Emic Approaches

The emic literature showed the uniqueness of Filipino values; however,
many of these papers were theoretical postulations and were not
213

validated by empirical data (e.g., Jocano, 1997). Another criticism of

emic studies is that in the extreme, an indigenous psychology for every
culture would lead to hundreds of different psychologies, neglecting
the commonalities that exist in humankind across cultures. Often, emic
approaches are discussed in contrast to etic approaches, assuming that
both are mutually exclusive. However, research can integrate both
approaches (e.g., Church, Katigbak, & Reyes, 1996; Güss, 2002).
There are three critical aspects worth noting with regard to the etic
studies discussed previously: the research participants, the frequent
use of survey data, and the cross-cultural focus. In these studies
(Hofstede, 2001; Schwartz 1999; Trompenaars & Hampden-Turner,
1998), participants were either students or teachers, business
employees or managers who mostly came from middle and high socio-
economic backgrounds—a sampling limitation that compromises the
generalizability of these studies. Particularly in Third World countries,
these studies are not likely to be true representations of cultural values
and dimensions.
The second limitation of etic studies involves the frequent use of the
survey method. Brouwers, van Hemert, Breugelmans, and van de
Vijver (2004) reported that most articles published in the field of cross-
cultural psychology were based on survey data, and 69% were based
on self-report data. Survey studies have an enormous impact and
relevance, but like any method, they have limitations.
The third limitation refers to the focus of cross-cultural psychology
on cross-national differences rather than intracultural variation. Most
published articles in cross-cultural psychology emphasize differences
between countries, thus equating culture with nationality. Conse-
quently, intracultural variability is often neglected. Brouwers et al.
(2004, p. 255) found that only 30% of their selected articles studied
intracultural comparisons. However, many countries, including the
Philippines, consist of coexisting cultures with subcultures that possess
different languages, histories, religions, lifestyles, family structures,
and values.
Goals of the Study

Considering the limitations of emic and etic approaches, we defined the
following goals for our study. The first goal was to have participants
with low socio-economic status. The main sources of data were Filipino
jeepney drivers. By including the jeepney drivers, who have low socio-
economic status, and their jeepneys, which are the mainstream mode
of transportation from remote villages to the posh financial district of
214

Makati, the study hoped to capture a more realistic picture of Filipino

values. The second goal was to use qualitative methodology:
Filipino values and thoughts were studied based on naturalistic obser-
vation of artifact data and on semi-structured interviews with jeepney
drivers. As our sample did not have experience in filling out surveys,
we decided that conducting an informal interview was a more natural
way to get to know them and their values—an approach that is also
preferred in Sikolohiyang Pilipino. The third goal was to focus on
possible intracultural variations. The current study was intracultural in
nature and sought to compare the values of Filipinos from Manila
(north) and Davao (south).
The North and South of the Philippines

Most etic and emic studies on Filipino values hardly emphasized
possible differences within the Philippines, despite its many sub-
cultures, 11 languages, and about 80 dialects. Between the northern
(Luzon) and southern (Mindanao) parts of the country, history and
predominant religions vary. Catholicism predominates in Luzon, and
Islam was previously dominant in Mindanao, though no longer—of its
six regions, only one, the ARMM (Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao) is home to most Muslims in Mindanao. The Philippines
was colonized during modern history by Spain, resulting in the
adoption of Catholicism as the primary religion. About 91% of
Filipinos are Roman Catholics, 4% are Protestants, and 5% are Muslims
(Hicks, 1999). Though Muslims are a minority, the Islamic religion was
and is reflected in political, social, and economic concerns and is not a
separate matter (Federspiel, 1998, p. 343).
The history of Luzon is very different from that of Mindanao. The
northern part has been more open to conquest, and assimilated more
from colonization by the various imperialist powers: Spain, America,
and Japan. Up to the present day, the south has resisted conquest and
refused acculturation to the Christian majority (Hicks, 1999). The
government’s resettlement policies in the 1950s led to the appropriation
of resources previously owned by Muslims (Meinardus, 2003). Politi-
cally, though the rich resources of Mindanao were largely confiscated,
the government has neglected to serve the region, spurring Muslims to
fight for their autonomy, either as moderates or as militants.
As the regions differ in religious, historical, and political develop-
ments, one would expect differences in values. However, empirical
studies comparing values in Luzon and Mindanao are scarce. A study
by Austin (1995) on values in Mindanao enumerated the cultural
215

characteristics as familialism (strong family bonds), friendships

(compadre/comadre system extending the family system through
sponsors and godparents), and status obligations (importance of hier-
archies and status). As personality characteristics, Austin (as cited in
Paredes, 1996, p. 243) mentioned utang kabubut-ón (debt of gratitude),
pakikisama (camaraderie), and hiya (shame). All of these cultural and
personality characteristics have also been described by other authors
for other regions of the Philippines (e.g., Enriquez, 1977; Marcelino,
1990). However, regarding Luzon and Mindanao, the question remains
whether differences in history, politics, and religion have led to differ-
ences in cultural values.
Manila and Davao are the most populated and influential cities in
the northern and southern Philippines. Metro Manila is the country’s
largest city and the most important economically. Tagalog is the
predominant language. Davao, on the other hand, is the second largest
city, yet only the third most important economically. The predominant
language is Cebuano. Davao has been a center for rebels, for commu-
nists in the 1980s, and later for paramilitary and right-wing extremists
(Dusik, 1997).
The Filipino Jeepneys

A country’s means of transportation can reveal a poignant description
of that society’s dynamic values and culture. In the Philippines, equiv-
alent to the public bus or train system in other countries, the jeepney
is the national mode of transportation (see Figure 1 for an example of
a jeepney). When the US left the Philippines in 1945, thousands of jeeps
were left behind, which creative Filipinos converted into jeepneys. The
jeepneys crowd the streets, serving the people by transporting them to
their destinations. One jeepney ride costs about P7.50 in Manila and P5
in Davao, roughly equivalent to $0.15 and $0.10, respectively. Although
a jeepney offers seats for about 16 passengers, it is not unusual to see
more than 20 passengers, with some people squatting and standing in
the entrance or hanging on to the side. Jeepneys are also works of art.
Decorating them is a collaborative effort of both jeepney owners and
drivers. Painted in the brightest colors, inside and outside the vehicle,
are stickers, advertisements, paintings, and inscriptions like ‘Jesus is
always with you.’
This study will interpret material culture through the jeepney, a
medium symbolizing current social and cultural values (Hodder, 2000).
The jeepney is a substantial and concrete artifact of Filipinos’ beliefs
and values, as evidenced by how it was created, the needs of the people
216

Figure 1. Photo of a jeepney
it serves, and how it has become a means of transportation for

everyday commuters. Conscious or unconscious, and intentional or
not, the jeepney carries with it the meaning constructs of life in the
Philippines. As a cultural article, it manifests, through its accessories
and decorations, the values and sentiments of its passengers, owners,
and especially drivers. By asking the drivers about their problems,
goals, and wishes, we can examine what they value as significant and
meaningful. Thus, jeepneys and their drivers mutually reflect the
culture that conceived them and that they continue to create.
This study followed an indigenous approach, which typically
emphasizes the importance of the researcher–participant relationship
(Pe-Pua, 1989). In interviewing the drivers and riding in jeepneys to
observe and record their decorations, the researcher is quite involved
in the experience of data-gathering. Many non-Western cultures, like
the Philippines, have traditions that are based on oral communication.
Asking questions or the informal interactive (pagtatanong-tanong) is a
common indigenous research method in Philippine social science
research (Marcelino, 1990; Pe-Pua, 1989). This form of questioning is
unstructured and assumes a level of trust (pakikitungo) and deep
respect (pakikiisa) in the relationship between researcher and partici-
pant (Marcelino, 1990).
217

Method
Participants
The participants in this study were 200 jeepney drivers: 100 in Metro
Manila (Luzon) and 100 in Davao (Mindanao). Table 1 summarizes
drivers’ demographic information. Data from three Manila jeepney
drivers were eliminated as they were incomplete. Regarding the demo-
graphic characteristics of Manila and Davao jeepney drivers, the proto-
typical driver was a Roman Catholic male in his mid-30s, married with
two children, who had some high school education and had been
driving jeepneys for over 10 years. Manila and Davao drivers only
differed in factors involving their standard of living (i.e., Manila drivers
earn twice as much and pay more rent for the jeepneys compared to
Davao drivers) and family characteristics (i.e., Davao drivers have more
siblings and are less often married). These differences confirm that the
standard of living is distinctively higher in Manila.
Three demographic characteristics of the sample are worth mention-
ing: education, income, and religious denomination. More than 80%
of our sample completed high school. Although the literacy rate of the
Philippines is 93% (UNICEF), poverty is still prevalent. In general, a
high school education or college degree does not assure employment.
In terms of income, a small percentage, 10%, of all the jeepney drivers
owned their jeepneys;1 the majority rented the jeepneys weekly. With
the average rent subtracted from the average weekly earnings, jeepney
drivers’ income amounted to about P1,500 (approximately $30). This
is about half of the national average income (National Statistical
Office, 2000), verifying that our sample belongs to the lower classes of
Philippine society. Regarding religion, 87% of the drivers identified
themselves as Catholic, some were Protestant, a few belonged to other
Table 1. Mean values, absolute and relative frequencies of demographic data

Demographics North M North SD South M South SD t or χ 2
(n = 97) (n = 100)
Age 36.30 7.60 37.62 10.70 –1.00
Years of driving 14.03 6.75 11.57 10.40 1.97
Religiosity (1 – religious to 5 –
not religious) 2.48 1.93 2.87 1.18 –1.69
Weekly income 2528.09 744.94 1349.15 703.52 11.42*
Payment to jeepney owner 467.89 104.91 318.20 165.53 7.50*
Children 2.37 1.22 2.42 2.27 –0.19
Siblings 4.11 2.44 6.98 3.02 –7.32*
Married (percent) 89.7 72.7 9.21*
* Significant at p < .05.
218

religious denominations such as Islam, and only a handful identified

themselves as not adhering to any religion.
Instrument and Procedure

Three randomly selected jeepney end terminals were approached in
Manila and Davao at different times of the day. The jeepney drivers
were asked for their consent to participate in the study. Two sets of
qualitative data were collected; one consisted of artifact data, that is,
focusing on the jeepneys’ characteristics. A list with the following
categories was filled out for every jeepney: colors, stickers and adver-
tisements, decorations and accessories, pictures and paintings. The
second set of data was short interviews with the drivers consisting of
the following three open-ended questions:
1. What are the problems and worries you face in daily life?
2. What are the problems and worries you face at work?
3. What are your goals, wishes, and dreams in life?
These interview questions were explicit solicitations of what drivers

thought about their problems, goals, and dreams under the presump-
tion that talking about concrete aspects of life would reveal drivers’
values, thus adding to the interpretation of the values identified from
the jeepneys’ material culture.
The interviews were conducted in the jeepney driver’s native
language and transcribed in that language as well, that is, Tagalog or
Cebuano. The transcriptions were translated from Tagalog into English
by the Manila interviewer and from Cebuano into English by the
Davao interviewer and put into an Excel sheet for data analyses.
Subcategories were abstracted for the main categories. Finally, the data
were back-translated to ensure quality and accuracy.
Data Analysis
The research team was comprised of the authors: a Filipino female and
a German male; and three graduate students: two Filipino females, one
from Manila and one from Davao, and an American female.
The descriptions of the jeepneys’ characteristics and the demo-
graphic data were collected in semi-structured worksheets for analysis.
Three categories were delineated for jeepney characteristics (colors;
decorations; and stickers, paintings, and pictures) and another three
comprised the interview content (problems in daily life; problems at
work; and goals, wishes, and dreams). Raw data within each category
were grouped together further in subcategories. Any data that did not
219

clearly fit the subcategories were resolved through reaching consensus

within the research team.
The authors and the three graduate student assistants, all bilingual
in English and either Tagalog or Cebuano, coded the data. Interrater
agreement was calculated on a subset of 150 randomly selected
response items from all categories. The range of interrater agreement
between the two raters on the subcategories was 84–100%. The average
of agreement in the subcategories was 92.3%. The lowest agreement,
84%, was in the category ‘Stickers,’ and the highest, 100%, was docu-
mented in the category ‘Problems in life.’
Results
The results section is divided into two parts. The first consists of the
findings on jeepney characteristics. A general overview of the
categories is presented alongside comparisons between Manila and
Davao jeepneys on categories within the three domains. The second
part refers to drivers’ interview data.
Jeepney Characteristics
Colors
Jeepneys are very colorful. In coding jeepneys’ dominant colors, we
found that many colors were bright in hue to attract attention in the
crowded streets. Jeepneys’ main colors are prescribed by the Land
Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board’s (LTFRB) color-
coding system to identify specific routes. Whereas jeepneys in Manila
had, on average, six different colors, jeepneys in Davao had only
two to three. Comparing the distribution of percentages, Manila
jeepneys were more frequently painted in silver/grey and black
colors, whereas Davao jeepneys were more frequently adorned with
red, white, and blue. Despite the regulations of the LTFRB, sub-
stantially more colors are used on Manila jeepneys than on Davao
jeepneys. Greater competition to attract commuters may account for
these differences. In Manila, there are more people, more routes, but
also more jeepneys.
Decorations
On average, jeepneys in Manila had four decorative items to Davao
jeepneys’ eight or nine. Only one jeepney in Manila and four in Davao
had no decorations. In both cities, the most frequent decorations were
additional lights and sound accessories, for example sound systems or
220

speakers,2 followed by religious and aesthetic items. Samples of

religious items were crucifixes, small Buddha statues, rosaries,
figurines of Santo Niño, Mary, and the saints, with phrases like ‘God
bless our way.’ Religious beliefs play an important role in Filipino
life–religion acts as an anchor and a source of hope to survive desti-
tution. Religious decorations serve as requests for protection against
harm and guidance on the busy streets. The importance of religion is
shown not only in the many religious items, but also in drivers’ actions.
Often, drivers make the sign of a cross and mumble a short prayer at
the start of their work day or when beginning a route, passing a church,
or passing an accident. Passengers also get a sense of the driver’s
religiosity through the jeepney’s decorations.
Examples of aesthetic items were animal figurines, toys, crocheted
curtains, and hanging CDs that reflected the sunlight to catch
commuters’ attention. Crocheted curtains often separate the driver
from the passengers’ area to give the driver a semblance of privacy
while still allowing him to see the passengers and collect the
money.
Among the functional decorations were small fans, sampaguita
flowers (jasmine, the national flower) and air fresheners, lights, small
mirrors, and trash cans. Most of the functional decorations are for
making driving more comfortable for all concerned. Temperatures
often reach 35 degrees Celsius (95 degrees Fahrenheit) and passengers
are squeezed together in the limited space. Extra lights make it easier
for the driver to see and be seen, especially during strong rains and at
night, while mirrors in the front allow the driver to observe what
passengers are doing in the back—specifically, if commuters alight
without paying. Sometimes a driver hires someone to keep track of the
passengers and collect fares, but usually he is alone. The jeepney driver
is a splendid example of multitasking in action. While driving a
manual transmission jeep in extreme conditions—traffic, heat, tropical
rain—with bills organized by denomination between his fingers and
coins in a small can close to the steering wheel, he stops to let people
off and on, collects fares and gives exact change, and deals with
occasional conflicts between passengers or with other drivers. The job
is so challenging it is no wonder drivers feel the need for decorations
to provide some sense of security and comfort.
Manila and Davao jeepneys are more similar than different with
regard to decoration (see Figure 2). The differences lie in the amount
of décor per theme. In Manila, jeepneys were more often decorated
with religious items and small cooling fans; Davao jeepneys, on the
other hand, had more aesthetic items and lights.
221

35
30
25
Relative frequencies
20
15
10
0
Aesthetics Cooling Functional Light Music/sound Religion Other None
décor
Manila (n = 414) Davao (n = 805)
Figure 2. Relative frequencies of jeepney decorations in Manila and Davao
Stickers, Paintings, and Pictures

The jeepneys in Manila and Davao had stickers, paintings, and pictures
with these subcategories: religion, politics, names, and advertisements
(see Figure 3). The subcategories included in the analyses were those
found on at least 50 jeepneys. Similar to the jeepneys’ decorations,
religion was a dominant theme in the stickers, paintings, and pictures
as well: for example, the Black Nazarene, the Sacred Heart of Jesus,
Santo Niño (the child Jesus), and Our Lady of Manaoag (a town in the
province of Pangasinan). There were also one-liners about reliance on
God, such as ‘The Lord is my Shepherd,’ ‘In God we trust,’ and ‘God
bless our trip.’ Several stickers alluded to some aspect of the Philippine
Roman Catholic Church, like Couples for Christ, El Shaddai (a born-
again Catholic group), and angel stickers. The jeepneys’ array of
stickers, paintings, and pictures show that religion is an integral part
of the Filipino’s life. For drivers and passengers who see them
every day, there is a mutual expressiveness of reliance on God. Being
maka-Diyos (faithful to God) is reiterated when they see their struggles
and difficulties in a hopeful light. We did not find Islamic stickers,
paintings, or pictures, which is not surprising since Muslims in Davao
are a minority and Islam prohibits making pictures of Allah.
222

200
180
160
140
Frequencies
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
ts
e
on
a
ct
e
Ad r
al/ cs
Re s
re
r
Ad d
Ad edi
io
a
am
ic
ge
on
lad
or
du
-c
ti
tu
to
lit
l ig
en
-fo
An the
N
Sp
-m
Ad
N
ro
na
Po
ar
xy
ss
-p
C
s
Se
Ae
pa
im
To
Figure 3. Relative frequencies of jeepney stickers, pictures, and paintings in Manila and
Davao
Another prevalent subcategory in stickers, pictures, and paintings

was politics, for example ‘No to oil price hike’ and campaign ads for
political candidates. Jeepney drivers, not exclusively, have an extensive
awareness of politics and politicians as they understand the substan-
tial impact both have on their everyday life, for example road
conditions, food prices, jeepney fares, and so on. Out of nationalism or
desperation, Filipinos are highly involved in the governmental insti-
tutions running the country. For instance, beginning in 1986, several
non-violent manifestations successfully toppled presidents, that is,
Ferdinand Marcos (the country’s dictator during a 20-year regime) and
Joseph Estrada (who allegedly pocketed millions of pesos in excise
taxes and bribes from illegal gambling syndicates). These demon-
strations or People Power movements were attended by millions of
Filipinos who prayed, held vigils, sang, and stayed in the streets until
the incumbent president fled or stepped down. People Power move-
ments attest to the Filipino’s pakikibaka (advocacy for change or some
kind of rebellion) and pakikisama sa kapwa (cooperation with others).
Filipinos believe and have experienced that as citizens they have a
direct impact on political change.
Compared to Manila, Davao jeepneys have considerably more
political stickers, paintings, and pictures, indicating the importance of
223

publicizing political opinion or political campaigns there. As

mentioned previously, Filipinos in Mindanao have actively resisted
foreign occupation over the centuries and continue to resist oppression
from Luzon—as evidenced by the existence of militant groups, civic
organizations, and political institutions working for more governance
and autonomy for Mindanao.
Names written on jeepneys abound, including names of drivers or
owners (e.g., Armando, Roldan), their loved ones—spouses, parents,
or children, (e.g., Rowena, Princess Vivienne)—coined names for the
jeepney (e.g., Tagudin Express, Sitio Bagsik), or fabricated names that
represent two or three people’s names combined (e.g., KhitJanLy,
Pol-pog part 1). These names express regard, honor, or affection
towards people significant in drivers’ lives. Names on jeepneys show
a preference towards people (makatao) and the value of family relation-
ships. They may signify toil and perseverance (pagsisikap) for someone
or gratitude to someone (utang na loob). There are substantially more
names on Manila jeepneys than on Davao jeepneys. This may be
predicated by the need to personalize the jeepney in order to dis-
tinguish it from the many other jeepneys in Manila.
Advertisements about cars (e.g., BMW, Lamborghini, Mercedes
Benz) and other products (Guess, McDonald’s, Levi’s) display the
Filipino’s colonial mentality, that is, an obvious preference for anything
‘Stateside’ and an inferiority complex over things made locally. The
greater number of advertisements on Manila jeepneys compared to
Davao jeepneys signifies an increased colonial mentality in Manila, an
openness to assimilation from other cultures, and a greater valuing of
material articles from abroad. Particularly in Manila, a jeepney with
many of these ads can be regarded as ‘in’ or up-to-date. Davao
jeepneys, on the other hand, are accessorized with numerous animal or
nature symbols (e.g., eagles, horses, dinosaurs, a sunset, the beach, or
a rainbow) and cartoons (Felix the Cat, Disney characters, Ghost
Fighter) that cater to families and children. Many of the animal/nature
symbols stand for beauty, strength, simplicity, and swiftness. Both for
the driver and for the passengers, these are preferred virtues.
A Manila jeepney had, on average, nine stickers/pictures, while a
Davao jeepney had eight. Although Manila and Davao jeepneys did
not differ significantly on the number of these accessories, they had
meaningful differences in the categories. Manila jeepneys had
substantially more advertisements for cars, more names, and more
stickers, paintings, and pictures alluding to religion. Davao jeepneys
had comparatively more stickers, paintings, and pictures of cartoon
characters and political issues.
224

The importance of advertising the jeepney is not only recognized by

drivers and owners, but also by the Philippine government. According
to the May 6, 2006 issue of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, the government
launched a new Jeepney Wrap Stickers program called Makisaya, Biyahe
Na (Share the Joy, Take a Ride). Over 1,000 jeepneys will ‘get a fresh
coat of paint’ provided by the Department of Tourism according to the
LTFRB color codes. In turn, jeepneys have to put stickers showing
tourist attractions.
Several themes—religion, politics, and advertisements—were preva-
lent in the jeepneys’ decorations, stickers, pictures, and paintings.
Functional decorations, lights, sound systems, and cooling fans
demonstrated drivers’ attempts to make driving more comfortable for
themselves and their customers.
Jeepney Drivers
Problems in Daily Life
Regarding life problems, both Manila and Davao drivers identified
financial (Manila 56%, Davao 40%), personal (Manila 14%, Davao 9%),
and family problems (Manila 9%, Davao 21%), with both groups
identifying financial issues as their biggest concern. Financial problems
included not having enough money to pay for the education of their
children, buy food, pay rent on their homes, and for needed repairs to
the jeepney. A driver exclaimed, ‘My problem is to earn money in order
for me to afford rice . . . to feed my family and milk powder for my
children.’
Family problems referred to relational concerns, such as conflicts
with a partner, and responsibilities, such as not having enough time for
family or providing for their family of origin. When asked about
problems, one driver said, ‘Well, the usual, when my wife and I
quarrel. But problems in life can’t be avoided, anyway. These problems
are always there.’ Another described his care-taking responsibility, ‘My
problem is how to help my mother in feeding the entire family because
we don’t have a father anymore.’
Both Manila and Davao drivers generally identified one personal life
problem, mainly health issues such as back pain or persistent
coughing. One driver explained, ‘My problem is that if I get sick, even
for just a few days, because that would mean I won’t have any income
for those days.’
Manila jeepney drivers reported lack of money more strongly than
Davao drivers. In addition, almost one-third of Davao drivers (and
one-fifth of Manila drivers) claimed that they did not have major life
225

problems, for example, ‘I don’t have problems, God is in control.’

Davao drivers were more concerned about their families and less about
themselves than were Manila drivers. A Davao driver explained, ‘I
have responsibilities towards my parents. I’m still single and I feel the
need to help them.’ Davao drivers’ more frequent mention of family
problems might be related to their larger families of origin and higher
number of siblings. On the other hand, Manila drivers were more
expressive of personal concerns: ‘I worry about temptations of faith,’
‘My hotheadedness is my concern.’
In essence, the problems mentioned more often by Davao drivers
highlight the relational nature of their worldview, a finding that
validates Austin’s (1995) descriptions of familialism in Mindanao;
financial problems are often related to concerns for the family. The
driver would like to earn more because he would like to pay for his
children’s education, provide for enough food, and pay the rent.
Manila drivers, in contrast, more frequently expressed financial
problems. Manila is the center of the Philippines in terms of govern-
ment, trade, economics, and commerce, and it is undeniable that
people move to Manila to work on the supposition that it offers more
job opportunities. Thus, financial concerns are at the fore. The data also
show that Manila drivers described more problems plausibly resulting
from financial stress, for example health and fatigue.
Problems at Work
The jeepney drivers reported work-related issues: bad road conditions
(e.g., traffic congestion, rerouting, weather conditions), people
concerns (e.g., fights with other drivers, police enforcers, non-paying
passengers, unfriendly passengers), jeepney problems (e.g., motor
troubles, overheating), and lack of money. Both Manila and Davao
drivers mentioned, on average, around one to two work-related
problems (see Figure 4).
Drivers spoke of job stressors. Comments indicating concerns about
the road and the weather included: ‘heavy traffic leading to less money
earned,’ ‘when the weather is really hot,’ and ‘if it rains hard.’ They
talked about fatigue and stress. One driver expressed this worry, ‘When
I get too tired that I’d almost fall asleep while driving.’ Drivers also
mentioned issues with others that affect income such as competition for
customers. Because of this competition, one driver feared for his life,
‘My enemy might stab me one of these days.’ Drivers also talked about
not having enough passengers, or ‘having only a few passengers
because there are no classes in school.’ Some other drivers described
problems with other people such as police enforcers. A driver said,
226

60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Jeepney Money People Road Tired None
Figure 4. Relative frequencies of Manila and Davao jeepney drivers’ problems at work
We get caught by the police . . . because the signboards and rules are not
clear, and the passengers usually crowd in the restricted place [where the
stopping of jeepneys is prohibited], and the policemen usually hide, so they
would catch us without any warning.
Some others narrated that they were caught for traffic violations and
had no money to bribe the officer who caught them. An added burden
on drivers is the condition of their jeepneys, such as ‘running out of
money when I encounter engine problems or flat tires.’ They also
constantly worry about their finances, ‘When I can’t reach my set quota
earning for the day.’
Manila drivers identified more problems on the road such as traffic
and accidents, while Davao drivers acknowledged more problems
concerning others, for example not having enough passengers or
problems with the police. The importance to Davao drivers of inter-
connectedness with others is obvious in this statement, ‘It gets lonely
when there are no passengers.’ This statement validates the value given
by Davao jeepney drivers to people and companionship, pakikisama and
pakikipag-kapwa tao.
Similar to their responses on life problems, Davao compared to
Manila drivers more often reported that they did not have major work
problems. Davao drivers claimed the problems as given: for example,
227

Nothing really. Problems are natural. We’ll just have to accept the nature and
demands of our work. You just have to know how to play the games of life,
and you should know and be good at what you are doing.
By not identifying their problems, Davao drivers signify acceptance of

problems natural to their life conditions. There is a certain sense of
readiness to face the challenges of everyday life, which is related to the
Filipino value of bahala na (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). When
Filipinos say bahala na, it indicates a feeling that they can do their best
when crises arise and a confidence in their ability to handle whatever
form problems take.
Worries about work and conflicts with others are often due to money.
The focus on financial problems substantiates Inglehart and Baker’s
research (2000), characterizing Filipinos as high in survival values. To
the Filipino driver, being able to survive includes pagsisikap (persever-
ance), tiyaga (hard work), and the courage to continue to work and
survive impoverished conditions. Drivers frequently expressed the
constant need to earn money; determination to work long hours; and
the boldness and courage, bahala na, to put food on the table in any way
possible.
Goals, Wishes, and Dreams

In terms of goals, wishes, and dreams, both groups discussed topics
that involve work-related issues—financial security, family, children,
happiness and comfort—and virtues they live by and would like to
improve. Similar to responses on life and work problems, some drivers
had no response regarding goals or dreams. The average of expressed
goals, wishes, and dreams was one to two for Manila drivers and one
for Davao drivers (see Figure 5).
The drivers aspired to work-related goals like ‘to drive for a big
bus company’ or a change of career. One driver wanted, ‘To become a
businessman. I don’t want to be a driver anymore— if only I have the
capital to start a business.’ In terms of finances, drivers wished to have
money to ‘eat three meals a day’ or ‘finish paying for the house.’ Their
wishes were mostly for their families and children. One driver wanted
‘to be able to support my sister to finish school.’ Another focused on
his role in the family, ‘To be a good husband and to be a good father.’
Drivers expressed wishes for better lives for their children. One
driver said, ‘I only wish that I can take my children out of poverty.’
Additionally, they wanted personal happiness or comfort. One driver
articulated happiness as ‘I’m already happy as long as I don’t get sick,’
and another said, ‘I wish for peaceful living.’ Drivers had wishes
228

35
30
25
20
15
10
0
n
ily
fe
e
s
k
l
ue
re
cia
on
or
Li
m
ld
rt
W
an
N
Fa
le
hi
Vi
b
Fin
C
tar
fo
om
/c
ss
ne
pi
ap
H
Figure 5. Relative frequencies of Manila and Davao jeepney drivers’ goals, wishes, and
dreams
demonstrating spirituality related virtues; said one driver, ‘To be

worthy of God’s love,’ and another, ‘Not to commit much sin.’
Drivers’ dreams and wishes related to children and family indicate
the responsibility they feel in regard to family relationships. This
finding coincides with Hofstede’s (2001) findings on the Philippine
value of high collectivism, and de Mesa’s (1992) finding of family as
the source of security. These results signify the value of interpersonal
relationships, and reiterate Enriquez’s (1992) discussion on pakikisama
(favoring smooth interpersonal relations), pakikipagkapwa (to be
concerned with the other), and pakikiramdam (sensitivity and regard for
others).
The dreams, goals, and wishes of drivers indicate their hard work
and perseverance, pagsisikap at tiyaga, which are anchored to their faith
in God’s love and mercy, maka-Diyos. A driver eloquently expressed,
‘To persevere and endure hardship. I don’t know what the future has
in store for me, but we’ll just have to strive hard until the second
coming of Jesus Christ.’
Overall, Manila drivers expressed slightly more wishes than did
Davao drivers. Manila drivers identified more wishes having to do
229

with their happiness/comfort and their families. Davao drivers

expressed more hopes and dreams involving betterment of work and
financial conditions. Similar to their responses regarding problems,
Davao drivers more frequently claimed that they did not have any
wishes, dreams, and goals. In some responses, there was a kind of
realism, acceptance, resignation, or—one might say—wisdom: ‘Well, if
I get lucky! Whatever fate or God will grant me, I will accept. Since I’m
also old, so there is no sense of dreaming or wishing. I won’t have the
time to reach those dreams anyway.’ Others expressed that having
wishes was futile as they could not attain them. One driver said,
It’s also not good to keep on wishing or dreaming. Thinking about such all
the time will only lead you to insanity. It is hard to dream when you’d end
up with nothing. . . . I don’t dream, anymore because I’m only a driver. One
only dreams when he can do something to make that dream come true!
These answers reflect a sense of bahala na—an acceptance of life’s

realities—and demonstrate the wise acceptance of conditions that are
hardly changeable.
The Prototypical Manila Jeepney and Driver

The prototypical Manila jeepney is adorned with many bright colors,
filled with accessories to make it attractive, and equipped with one or
two cooling fans. It has the name of a person, most likely a female, on
its exterior, and stickers about cars such as BMW or Mercedes Benz
and advertisements for products like Guess jeans, Dove soap, and
Palmolive shampoo inside the vehicle. There are some small religious
figurines such as the Baby Jesus, a painting of the Sacred Heart of
Jesus, a sticker of Mother Mary, and a crocheted piece that reads, ‘God
bless our trip.’ Its driver may typically express financial concerns and
worry over not earning money if he gets sick—particularly as his back
aches every so often. He may complain frequently about traffic, the
potholes in the roads, and the hot weather wearing him out. His
heart’s desire is to live a comfortable life with his family, which means
having three decent meals a day to feed his wife and children.
The Prototypical Davao Jeepney and Driver

The prototypical Davao jeepney has a few solid colors on its exterior
and is decorated with colorful lights and aesthetic items such as
Chinese dolls, glittering flowers in a vase, and hanging balls. It has a
few religious items like a rosary and a cross made of dried leaves, but
it also has pictures of nature, such as the beach or a painting of an
eagle, along with stickers of cartoon characters like Tweety Pie and
230

Pokemón. It has political advertisements for candidates for senator and

government councilor and radio station advertisements for stations
like Monster Radio and Energy FM. Its driver may typically express
concerns about responsibilities towards his parents, worry about disci-
plining his children and not getting along with his mother-in-law. He
may complain about not getting along with other drivers, passengers
who do not pay, and being lonely when there are no passengers. He
wishes to have enough money to start up a business in hopes of
earning more or says he does not have any problems, goals, or wishes.
Discussion
This research focused on the poor, who characterize the majority of
people in the Philippines. By observing artifact data (the jeepneys), and
interviewing drivers about their problems, goals, and dreams, the
current study captures the values vivid in the everyday life of everyday
people in two regions of the country. Using an indigenous conceptual-
ization, the purpose of this study was to assess value orientations,
cultural similarities and differences in the northern and southern
Philippines.
The intracultural differences between Manila and Davao jeepneys
were meaningful. Religious decorations, pictures, and paintings were
more frequent in Manila jeepneys. This difference is noteworthy
considering that the drivers in Davao and Manila did not differ in their
degree of religiosity. It may be that in Manila, jeepneys are bearers or
manifestations of religious values, while in Davao, as religion is a
sensitive issue, jeepneys cannot endorse religious convictions because
these are varied and conflicting, and doing so could render drivers
vulnerable to several Muslim extremist groups. Davao jeepneys, on the
other hand, had more advertisements pertaining to political figures
and parties. This interest in political issues may result from greater
loyalty to politicians due to their meaningful impact upon drivers’
lives. In follow-up interviews with people from Davao, we learned of
this political patronage and the mutually beneficial relationship
between citizens and government officials. For instance, the mayor of
Davao helps when there is no funeral money for a dead relative or
when a carabao (water buffalo, an expensive farm work animal) dies
and the family is in need of financial support.
Problems and wishes from both regions reveal financial and familial
values. Manila drivers had financial problems, while their wishes
concerned familial relationships. Davao drivers had family problems,
while their wishes involved financial issues. Because many Manila
231

drivers are immigrants from other provinces who have ventured into
Manila primarily for job opportunities, their problems revolve around
earning more money. Their wishes, however, illustrate that the reason
they desire more money is to improve their family’s quality of life. In
contrast, Davao drivers are more likely to have lived in the same town
that their families have for generations. This rural lifestyle, including
close proximity with relatives and bigger families of origin, explains
why their problems involve these familial ties. Financial concerns,
which to them are secondary, are expressed in wishes for better job
opportunities and yearnings for more money to spend on family.
One of the most striking results of the study is that both Manila and,
even more so, Davao drivers claimed not to have any problems, goals,
or wishes. The lack of identification of problems and the deprivation
of dreams are identical with results of a qualitative study on Philippine
poverty (Tuason, in press). It is probable that not identifying problems
is a way of coping with experienced poverty, since admitting to
problems could cause more emotional struggle. Limiting dreams and
wishes is a coping strategy, that is, as protection from future
disappointment. This way of coping with the circumstances of constant
poverty is characterized by resignation and may be related to Reyes-
Sagun’s (1988) resignation in difficulty, Enriquez’s (1993) bahala na, or
Smith et al.’s (2002) status quo orientation. Other research has
described Filipinos as passive and apathetic due to their history of
colonialism (e.g., Licuanan, 1994). However, passivity and fatalism
may be adaptive in situations where even the most personal struggle
would not lead to change and success. This is similar to a semiotic
interpretation highlighting a distancing from reality through signs,
symbols, and language. Briggs (1970), for example, who spent almost
two years with Eskimos, reported fatalism (ayuqnaq) as an emotion that
they expressed, defining it as an ‘attitude of resignation to the inevi-
table’ (p. 364). In some situations, Eskimos made a rational decision to
accept an unpleasant but unavoidable circumstance. Aware of their
suffering but unemotional about it, they were able to remain relatively
content.
Limitations
The study’s limitations are related to the sample and method. The
jeepneys were only from metropolitan areas and drivers were all male.
The study’s comparison is limited to Manila and Davao. For further
research, we recommend studying other towns and provinces in the
different island groups, for example the Visayan region, the third of the
three major island groups. Also, future research could address drivers’
232

interpretations of their jeepneys, for example, what certain decorations,

paintings, stickers mean to them, or their relationships with passengers
and owners.
Implications
In terms of implications, this study has employed an uncommon
paradigm in current cross-cultural psychology, that is, studying intra-
cultural values in the Philippines (in the field), and an uncommon
methodological approach combining artifact and interview data. Our
study showed—not so novel for cultural but often neglected by cross-
cultural psychologists—that within one nation there are different
cultures, and these groups expressed differences and variable values,
not only between but also within the groups. It might be possible to
identify cultural subgroups or more categories of variability between
Luzon and Mindanao. Cross-cultural and intracultural comparisons
often stress differences between groups rather than variability within
groups.
This study has afforded Filipinos a representation of their values
through scrutiny of the jeepney. The jeepney is not only a viable means
of transportation, but a glimpse of Philippine culture, created by
drivers and owners, sustained and authenticated by its commuters,
and revealed to the rest of the street world.
Notes
We would like to thank Joanne Rachelle L. Valle, Irish T. Lopez, and Tara Such
for their help during data collection and analysis. We are very thankful to Paul
Go, Ernita Joaquin, and Stephen McCarthy and the two reviewers for their
thoughtful comments on earlier versions of this article.
1. A regular jeepney costs between P260,000 and 300,000 (Romero, 1994),
which approximates to between $5,200 and $6,000.
2. New laws, however, do not allow loud music and speakers in jeepneys.
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Biographies
C. DOMINIK GÜSS is an Assistant Professor in the Psychology Department
at the University of North Florida. Dominik received his Ph.D. from the
Otto-Friedrich Universität Bamberg, Germany. He also lived and worked in
Brazil, India, and the Philippines. His main research areas are cross-cultural
psychological studies on decision making, complex problem solving, disaster
management, and suicide terrorism. ADDRESS: C. Dominik Güss, Ph.D.,
University of North Florida, Department of Psychology, 1 UNF Drive,
Jacksonville, FL 32224–2673, USA. [email: [email protected]]
MA. TERESA G. TUASON is a Filipino citizen living in the US and has been
involved in research and advocacies of those who are oppressed. She is an
Assistant Professor at the Psychology Department of the University of
North Florida. She received her Ph.D. in Counseling Psychology from the
State University of New York in Albany. Specifically, her research work has
focused on two areas: counseling underserved minority populations and
resolving protracted conflict due to poverty in the Philippines. ADDRESS:
Ma. Teresa G. Tuason, Ph.D., University of North Florida, Department of
Psychology, 1 UNF Drive, Jacksonville, FL 32224–2673, USA.
[email: [email protected]]
236

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Jeepneys: Values in the Streets

Article in Culture & Psychology · June 2008

C. Dominik Güss Ma. Teresa G. Tuason

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Jeepneys: Values in the Streets

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Abstract Cross-cultural psychological studies mostly focus on

Key Words cultural psychology, indigenous psychology,

C. Dominik Güss and Ma. Teresa G. Tuason

Jeepneys: Values in the Streets

Culture & Psychology Copyright © 2008 SAGE Publications

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1999) have validated results from previous research and identified

Variability of Filipino Values: Etic and Emic Studies

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conversations and are caring and supportive. Smith, Peterson, and

Some Limitations of Etic and Emic Approaches

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validated by empirical data (e.g., Jocano, 1997). Another criticism of

Goals of the Study

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Makati, the study hoped to capture a more realistic picture of Filipino

The North and South of the Philippines

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characteristics as familialism (strong family bonds), friendships

The Filipino Jeepneys

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Figure 1. Photo of a jeepney

it serves, and how it has become a means of transportation for

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Table 1. Mean values, absolute and relative frequencies of demographic data

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religious denominations such as Islam, and only a handful identified

Instrument and Procedure

These interview questions were explicit solicitations of what drivers

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clearly fit the subcategories were resolved through reaching consensus

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speakers,2 followed by religious and aesthetic items. Samples of

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Manila (n = 414) Davao (n = 805)

Figure 2. Relative frequencies of jeepney decorations in Manila and Davao

Stickers, Paintings, and Pictures

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Another prevalent subcategory in stickers, pictures, and paintings

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publicizing political opinion or political campaigns there. As

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The importance of advertising the jeepney is not only recognized by

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problems, for example, ‘I don’t have problems, God is in control.’

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