Trends in History Writing

UNIT 2 FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND

C O N S O L I D AT I O N O F D E L H I
SULTANATE*
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Conflict and Consolidation 1206-1290
2.3 The Mongol Problem
2.4 Political Consequences of the Turkish Conquest of India
2.5 Expansion under the Khaljis
2.5.1 West and Central India
2.5.2 Northwest and North India
2.5.3 Deccan and Southward Expansion

2.6 Expansion under the Tughlaqs

2.6.1 The South
2.6.2 East India
2.6.3 Northwest and North

2.7 Nature of State

2.8 Summary
2.9 Keywords
2.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
2.11 Suggested Readings
2.12 Instructional Video Recommendations

2.0 Objectives
After going through this Unit, you should be able to:
• understand the formative and most challenging period in the history of the
Delhi Sultanate,
• analyse the Mongol problem,
• list the conflicts, nature, and basis of power of the class that ran the Sultanate,
• valuate the territorial expansion of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century
in the north, north-west and north-east, and
• explain the Sultanate expansion in the south.

2.1 INTRODUCTION
The tenth century witnessed a westward movement of a warlike nomadic people
inhabiting the eastern corners of the Asian continent. Then came in wave upon
* Dr. Iftikhar Ahmad Khan, Department of History, M.S. University, Baroda; Prof. Ravindra
Kumar, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University and Dr. Nilanjan
Sankar, Fellow, School of Orinental and African Studies, London. The present Unit is taken from
IGNOU Course EHI-03: India: From 8th to 15th Century, Block 4, Units 13, 14 & 15 and MHI-04:
Political Structures in India, Block 3, Unit 8, ‘State under the Delhi Sultanate’.
31
Political Structures wave, each succeeding invasion more powerful and more extensive than the last.
In a relatively short span of time, the barbarian hordes had overrun and brought
down the once prosperous empires and kingdoms of Central and West Asia,
reaching the shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. While between the
tenth and twelfth centuries the invaders were primarily ‘Turks’, the invasion of
the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries involved a kindred but more ferocious people,
the Mongols.

Map 2.1: Central Asia during the tenth and eleventh centuries
Source: EHI-03: India: From 8th to 15th Century, Block 4, Units 13, p. 11

Turks and Mongols

The Turks and Mongols were the product of deserts and steppes that encircle Central Asia in
a massive area, extending north and east of Transoxiana. More specifically, they descended
from the mass of nomads who roamed in the area of the Altai mountains, south of Lake
Baikal-regions that are now part of outer Mongolia. They had a primitive mobile civilization
based on tribal organization and ownership of herds of cattle, sheep and horses. In addition,
the tribes often possessed camels, mules and asses. The animals supplied most of the essential
needs of the nomad in terms of food, clothing and shelter. Milk and flesh gave nourishment.
The hide of animals was used as clothing, and also to make tents, yurts, in which they lived
(For further details, see BHIC-102, Unit 11).

Mahmud of Ghazni’s invasions of India at the close of the tenth century, followed
some hundred years later by the Ghorian invasions (both Ghazni and Ghor are
in Afghanistan) were distant projections of these vast nomadic movements. As
in other parts of Asia, the Turkish irruption in India culminated in the formation
of an independent political entity; the Delhi Sultanate in the early years of the
thirteenth century. The term ‘Delhi Sultanate’ signifies the rule of Turks over large
parts of Northern India from their capital at Delhi. In more than two centuries of
existence, the Sultanate gave birth to institutions – political, social and economic
– which though greatly different from the ones existing earlier, were a unique
combination of what the Turks had brought with and what they found in India. In
political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghaznia were the actual
precursors of the Delhi Sultanate (For further details, see BHIC-132, Unit 12).
32
In this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
to the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate at the beginning of the 13th century. Delhi Sultanate
After military conquests, the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate set themselves on the
track of consolidating the Sultanate.

2.2 CONFLICT AND CONSOLIDATION 1206-1290

The period from 1206 to 1290 constitutes the formative and the most challenging
period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged, multi-
cornered conflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed
Rajput resurgence.

Map 2.2: Northern India on the Eve of Ghorid Invasions

Source: EHI-03: India: From 8th to 15th Century, Block 4, Units 14, p. 24

Muhammad Ghori’s sudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy

among his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz, Nasiruddin Qubacha and
Qutbuddin Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between
Afghanistan and upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while
Aibak had already been deputed as the ‘viceroy’ of Muhammad Ghori and the
overall commander of the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title
of sultan was conferred upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back
to this event. Subsequent developments made this a reality.
Early in his brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore
in order to frustrate Yalduz’s ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm
Shah steadily advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz’s
attempt to establish himself in India.
33
Political Structures Aibak was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought
back the capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the
Turks had slipped out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had ‘withheld
tribute and repudiated allegiance’. Iltutmish’s quarter century reign (1210-1236)
was distinguished by a concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate authority
on areas that had been lost. In 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217
Iltutmish wrested the province of Lahore from Qubacha and placed it under his
own governor.
Within three years of this event, the Mongols, under Chenghiz Khan’s leadership,
appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalaluddin Mangbarni (the son of
the Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab. Henceforth, the Mongols
remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans. We will discuss
Mongol intrusions during the 13-14th century in the subsequent Section.
Though, the Mongol presence had upset Iltutmish’s plan of consolidation on the
north-west, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held
Uchh and faced the brunt of Mangbarni’s invasion. As a consequence, lltutmish
was able to seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. About 1228, he launched two-
pronged attack on Multan and Uchh. Defeated, Qubacha drowned himself in the
Indus. Unified control over the north-west now became possible for the Delhi
Sultanate. In Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor,
Jalor, Bayana and Thangir. After 1225, Iltutmish could turn towards the east.
Apart from sporadic military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and
Bihar continued to evade the authority of the Sultanate.
Iltutmish’s death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks.
In a period of some thirty years, four rulers (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied
the throne. The most prominent group, to decide the course of high politics during
these years is identified as the turkan-i chihilgani bandagan Shamsi (the ‘forty’
Turkish slave ‘officers’ of Iltutmish). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauddin
Barani, has left behind concise and insightful account of these critical years:
During the reign of Shamsuddin – (Iltutmish),... owing to the presence of peerless
maliks, wazirs...educated, wise and capable, the court of the Sultan (Shamsuddin)
had become stable...But after the death of the Sultan...his ‘forty’ Turkish slaves got
the upper hand...So owing to the supremacy of the Turkish slave officers, all these
men of noble birth...were destroyed under various pretexts during the reigns of the
successors of Shamsuddin...

In the main, Barani’s account is borne out by contemporary developments. During

1235-1265 political developments revolved round a conflict between the crown
and a military aristocracy determined to retain its privileged position with the
balance often increasingly tilting in favour of the latter.
In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question.
Political instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs
and local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around
Punjab.
The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler.
Balban addressed himself to two major objectives:
i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaborate court ceremonials, and
inculcation of Sasanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary
folks, converting him into a symbol of awe;
ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions were put down with determination
34 and administrative procedures were streamlined.
After the death of Balban, struggle for the throne started. Balban had nominated Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
Kai Khusrau, son of Muhammad (Balban’s eldest son) but the nobles helped Delhi Sultanate
Kaiqubad, son of Bughra Khan, to ascend the throne. Intrigues continued for more
than two years. Finally, Jalaluddin Khalji, who was a prominent noble during
this period, managed to capture the throne which was strongly resented because
it was thought that the Khaljis were not Turks but belonged to a different race.
Barani does not specify the race to which the Khaljis belonged. The Khaljis had
been occupying important positions during the period 1206-1290. For example,
Bakhtiyar Khalji was the muqti of Bengal. Even Jalaluddin Khalji was the muqti
of Sunam in Western Punjab.
Jalaluddin Khalji started consolidating his kingdom but was killed in 1296 by
his nephew Alauddin Khalji who captured the throne. For almost 20 years, the
Sultanate under Alauddin Khalji followed a policy of conquests (You will read
about this in Section 2.5).

2.3 MONGOL PROBLEM

In this Section, our emphasis would be on the Mongol threat on the north-west
border of India and its repercussions. For the Delhi Sultans, control over Kabul-
Ghazni-Qandahar line flanked by the Hindukush, was important not only for
stabilizing the ‘scientific frontier’ but also for the fact that it connected India with
the major silk-route passing from China through Central Asia and Persia. But the
development in Central and West-Asia did not permit the newly founded Turkish
state to do the job. The situation on account of the Mongol onslaught compelled
the Delhi Sultans to take comfort along the Chenab, while the cis-Sutlej region
became the cock-pit of confrontations. Thus, the ‘Indus remained only the cultural
boundary of India,’ and for all practical purposes the line of control was confined
to the west of the Indus only.
Professor K.A. Nizami has categorized the response of the Sultanate towards,
the Mongol challenge into three distinct phases: (i) aloofness, (ii) appeasement,
and (iii) resistance.
Iltutmish followed the policy of ‘aloofness’. The Delhi Sultans had to face the
Mongol threat as early as 1221 CE when, after destroying the Khwarizmi empire,
Chenghiz Khan reached the Indian frontiers in pursuit of the crown-prince
Jalaluddin Mangbarni. The latter seeing no alternative, crossed the Indus and
entered the cis-Indus region. Iltutmish had to take note of the Mongols who were
knocking at the Indian frontier, but equally prime was the presence of Mangbarni
in the cis-Indus region. The Sultan feared a possible alliance of Qubacha and
the Khokhars with Mangbarni. But, Qubacha and Mangbarni locked their horns
for political ascendancy, and meanwhile bonds of friendship developed between
Mangbarni and the Khokhars through a matrimonial alliance. This strengthened
the position of Mangbarni in the north-west. Ata Malik Juwaini in his Tarikh-i
Jahan Gusha decisively opines that Iltutmish smelt danger from Mangbarni who
might ‘gain an ascendancy over him and involve him in ruin’. Besides, Iltutmish
was also aware of the weaknesses of the Sultanate. These factors compelled
Iltutmish to follow the policy of ‘aloofness’.
Chenghiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish’s court. It is difficult
to say anything about the Sultan’s response, but so long as Chenghiz Khan was
alive (d. 1227 CE), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the north-
west region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have
possibly been arrived at. Iltutmish shrewdly avoided any political alliance with 35
Political Structures the Khwarizm Prince. The latter sent his envoy Ain-ul Mulk to Iltutmish’s court
requesting for asylum which Iltutmish denied by saying that the climate was
not congenial for his stay. On the other hand, he put the envoy to death. Minhaj
Siraj mentions that Iltutmish led an expedition against Mangbarni but the latter
avoided any confrontation and finally left the Indian soil in CE 1224.
A shift from Iltutmish’s policy of ‘aloofness’ to ‘appeasement’ was the result of
the extension of the Sultanate frontier up to Lahore and Multan which exposed
the Sultanate directly to the Mongol incursions with no buffer state left between
them. Raziya’s discouraging response to anti-Mongol alliance, proposed by
Hasan Qarlugh of Bamyan is the indicator of her appeasement policy. We must
bear in mind that this policy of non-aggression on the part of the Mongols was
due primarily to the partitioning of the Chenghiz’s empire among his sons which
weakened their power; and also on account of the Mongol pre-occupation in
West-Asia.
At any rate, between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the
policy of annexation of India and ‘the golden phase of mutual non-aggression’
with Delhi ended. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol
threat. The main reason was the change in the situation in Central Asia. The
Mongol Khan of Transoxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian
Khanate and, thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck in India.
In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed the city. It was
followed by two successive invasions in CE 1245-46. In spite of the best efforts
of Balban during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, the Sultanate frontier
during CE 1241-1266 stood at Beas. And, yet, the appeasement policy continued
for sometime. In CE 1260 Halagu’s envoy to Delhi was well received and this
diplomatic gesture was reciprocated by Halagu also.
A distinct change in Delhi Sultan’s policy can be seen from Balban’s reign
onwards. On the whole, it was the phase of ‘resistance’. By and large, Balban
remained in Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the
Mongols, at least from the Beas. Barani mentions, when the two nobles Tamar
Khan and Adil Khan suggested the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat and advised
him to pursue an expansionist policy Balban replied:
When the Mongols have occupied all lands of Islam, devastated Lahore and made
it a point to invade our country once in every year...If I move out of the capital the
Mongols are sure to avail themselves of the opportunity by sacking Delhi and ravaging
the Doab. Making peace and consolidating our power in our own kingdom is far better
than invading foreign territories while our own kingdom is insecure.

Balban used both ‘force and diplomacy’ against the Mongols. He took some
measures to strengthen his line of defence. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana
were reinforced to check any Mongol advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in
occupying Multan and Uchh but his forces remained under heavy Mongol pressure
in Punjab. Every year Prince Muhammad, Balban’s son, led expeditions against
the Mongols. The Prince died in CE 1285 while defending Multan. Actually, till
CE 1295, the Mongols did not show much enthusiasm to occupy Delhi.
During Alauddin Khalji’s reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they
attempted to ravage Delhi for the first time in CE 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja.
Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols. For the second time,
Qutlugh Khwaja in CE 1303 attacked Delhi when Alauddin Khalji was busy in
his Chittor campaign. The attack was so severe that the Mongols inflicted large-
scale destruction and so long as the Mongols besieged Delhi, Alauddin could
36 not enter the city.
Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution. He Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. As a result, Delhi Sultanate
the Mongols were repulsed in 1306 and 1308. Another reason for the Mongol
reversal was the death of Dawa Khan in 1306, followed by civil war in the Mongol
Khanate. It weakened the Mongols greatly, and they ceased to remain a power to
reckon with. This situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend their frontier as far
as the Salt Range. The last significant Mongol invasion was under the leadership
of Tarmashirin (1326-27) during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq.
Thus, the Delhi Sultans succeeded in tackling the Mongol problem and succeeded
in keeping their kingdom intact. It shows the strength of the Sultanate. Besides,
the Mongol destruction of Central and West-Asia resulted in large-scale migration
of scholars, mystics, artisans and others to Delhi, which transformed it into a
great town of Islamic culture area.

2.4 POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE

TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA
The Turkish conquest of India brought about some far reaching changes in the
political, economic and social conditions of India.
Its first major consequence was to replace the ‘feudal’, multi-centred, polity of
the country by a centralized state, in which the king enjoyed practically unlimited
powers. The chief institution which made the Sultanate possible was that of the
iqta: transferable revenue assignments, an institution which the Seljuqs found in
operation in the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of their
own requirements. In the next theme, you will be reading the history of the iqta
system in India in greater detail. Here we will simply touch upon its principal
features to illustrate how it provided the basis of a different polity. Under this
system, the officers of the king were assigned territories to realize revenue
and maintain troops and cavalry contingents. The holders of such assignments
were known as muqti. Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees
had acquired permanent rights of ownership, the iqta-holders were regularly
transferred and their tenure in particular places or localities was normally for 3
to 4 years.
Taking the Delhi Sultanate as a whole, such a system made the assignee dependent
on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was possible under the earlier
Indian politics. While the rais, ranas and thakurs failed to unite the country, the
Turks succeeded in establishing an ‘all-India administration by bringing the chief
cities and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhi.’
Much as the iqta system provided the base for a despotic state, it was also a
means of extracting the agricultural surplus. The Turks had brought with them
the tradition of living in the cities and, as a result, the large surplus produce of
the countryside found its way into the cities in the form of land tax. This led
to a considerable growth of urban economy. Turks also brought with them the
Persian wheel and the spinning wheel. The former helped greatly in increasing
the agricultural production (for further details see Theme III, Unit 14).

Check Your Progress-1

1) Write in five lines how Qutbuddin succeeded in crushing the power of Yalduz.
.......................................................................................................................
....................................................................................................................... 37
Political Structures .......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Iltutmish was the real founder of the Turkish rule in India. Explain.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
3) Aloofness, appeasement and resistance were the three weapons used by the
Delhi Sultans to face the Mongol challenge. Explain briefly.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
4) Briefly discuss the political consequences of the Turkish conquest.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

2.5 EXPANSION UNDER THE KHALJIS

The initial surge of occupation under the early Turkish Sultans died down about
the middle of the thirteenth century. Now the primary objective of the later Sultans
became the consolidation of the Sultanate. Thus, it was not until the establishment
of the Khalji rule that the boundaries of the Sultanate expanded beyond the
early gains. The overthrow of the Turkish hegemony at the end of the thirteenth
century and its replacement with the Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial
character of the ruling class was thoroughly diluted, is thus an event not without
significance. The opening up of the Sultanate and diversified participation of
ruling groups in managing the affairs of the Sultanate made territorial expansion
a feasible proposition. Initial forays into Jhain and Ranthambhor soon after the
accession of Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji to the Sultanate of Delhi, had brought home
the fact that territorial expansion was now a political necessity. Neighbouring
kingdoms had become strong and any concerted attempt against the Sultanate
could cost it dear. Moreover, Alauddin’s glittering prospect of the acquisition of
wealth, besides extending territorial gains, had set the stage at the beginning of
the fourteenth century for the adoption of an expansionist policy.
The first of the Khalji Sultans, Jalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources
to undertake any large-scale expansionist programme. His six years’ reign was
gripped by the internal contradiction of having to reconcile between the policies
of the Sultan and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of this problem
came in the unfortunate assassination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin
and successor, had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of
territorial annexation and expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of
the Sultanate reaching close to the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle
38 of the fourteenth century.
 Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
Delhi Sultanate

Map 2.3: Maximum extent of the Delhi Sultanate under Khalji dynasty
Credit: User: Uwe Dedering
Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Delhi_Sultanate_under_Khalji_dynasty_-
_based_on_A_Historical_Atlas_of_South_Asia.svg

2.5.1 West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself
at Delhi, undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299. This
also happened to be the first project of territorial expansion under him. Possibly
Alauddin was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade bad
always lured invaders.
The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan,
two of Alauddin’s best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey – the province
was plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control
of Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.
In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall
was that of Malwa in 1305. It was an extensive region and was governed from
the capital Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful minister
Koka Pradhan. The imperial army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did
eventually succeed and the fort of Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa,
after its fall, was given for administration to Ainul Mulk who was known to have
soon brought Ujjain, Dhar and Chanderi, too, under his control.
Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the
south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin’s army had been besieging Siwana for five or
39
Political Structures six years beginning 1304-05 without much success. The fort was finally captured
in 1309. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and
territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg.
In the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in
the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Kamaluddin
Gurg.
2.5.2 Northwest and North India
Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing
the prospects of revolt by the surviving members of Jalaluddin’s family who
had fled to Multan. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job of
eliminating Arkali Khan at Multan. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted
to Delhi. Multan once again came under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking,
Multan expedition was not an act of territorial expansion but formed part of the
policy of consolidation.
In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai
Hamir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army
captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take
the command of the campaign. The siege lasted for over six months. Ultimately,
the women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort
were opened by Hamir Dev who died fighting.
In pursuance of the same policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor
in 1303. After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of
surrender to the Sultan on his own. The heir apparent Khizr Khan was assigned
the governorship of the territory. But soon the fort was bestowed upon Maldeo,
a son of the sister of the earlier ruler of Chittor who remained loyal to Delhi till
the end of Alauddin’s reign.
By the end of the first decade of Alauddin’s rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate
had expanded to cover almost the whole of north, west and central India. From
Multan in the northwest to the Vindhyas in central India, and almost the entire
Rajputana, had now been brought under the expanse of the Delhi Sultanate.
2.5.3 Deccan and Southward Expansion
Devagiri in the Deccan had already tasted Alauddin’s plunder in CE 1296 during
his tenure as the governor of Kara. The next military campaign in the Deccan
was again planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Devagiri in
1306-7. An immediate cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the
annual tribute to Delhi in 1296.
The command of the Deccan campaign was given to Malik Kafur, and directions
were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only
a feeble resistance was provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the
imperial army under the assurance of personal safety. His son, however, fled with
a part of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan
and restored to the throne of Devagiri in return for the assurance of regular and
prompt payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan. The Rai also gave his daughter
in marriage to the Sultan. It appears that Alauddin’s policy was not to annex
Devagiri but retain it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible
from the kingdom.
Malik Kafur’s careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan’s
40 confidence in his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with
the responsibility to make forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
of wealth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to Delhi Sultanate
have been the prime motive in sending these expeditions. Accordingly, in October
1309, the imperial army began its southward march under the command of Malik
Kafur. Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Khazain-ul
Futuh. Enroute a surprise assault was made by Malik Kafur on the fort at Sirpur
(in Adilabad District). The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal
and the fort was captured by the Imperial army.
By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of
Warangal. On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end
because Rai Rudra Dev decided to surrender. He agreed to part with his treasures
and pay an annual tribute as token of submission.
Warangal was a spectacular success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised
of 20,000 horses, 100 elephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious
stones laden on thousand camels. The province was not territorially annexed but
accorded the status of a protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at
the beginning of June 1310. Sultan’s avarice now knew no bounds. Since the
Sultanate was by this time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire
country to the north of the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he
planned another military campaign in the far south.
The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal.
Malik Kafur was once again commanding imperial army and was instructed to
capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones.
The fort was besieged in February 1311 and the very next day a message seeking
peace came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the
terms included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute.
Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kapur decided to move
further south. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma’bar in a little less than a
month's time reached Madura, the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the
ruler, had already fled. The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur.
There were 512 elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.
Alauddin’s Deccan and southward campaigns were aimed at achieving two
basic objectives: (i) a formal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over
these regions, and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss
of life. His policy of not annexing the conquered territories but accepting the
acknowledgement of the Sultan’s suzerainty speaks of Alauddin’s political
sagacity.
Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur’s return from Ma’bar, developments in
the Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dev, the
ruler of Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 and was succeeded by
his son Bhillama. Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of
Delhi and declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to suppress the
rebellion and instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik
Kafur was soon called back and asked to handover charge of the province to
Ainul Mulk. In January 1316, after Alauddin’s death, even Ainul Mulk was called
back to Delhi, leaving the affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji,
the successor of Alauddin, wanted to march to Devagiri soon after his accession,
but was advised by his nobles to take some more time so as to consolidate his
position in Delhi. In the second year of his reign in April 1317, Mubarak started
for the campaign. The march was uneventful. Devagiri offered no resistance, 41
Political Structures and the Maratha chiefs submitted before the Sultan. The province was annexed
to the Sultanate.
Check Your Progress-2
1) From the places given below, identify the first one conquered by Alauddin
Khalji as Sultan of Delhi:
a) Devagiri
b) Malwa
c) Gujarat
d) Ma’bar
2) Which of the following places were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate by
Alauddin Khalji:
a) Warangal
b) Siwana
c) Devagiri
d) Jalor
3) Explain Alauddin’s policy with regard to the kingdoms in the Deccan and
far south.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
4) Who among the names listed below was appointed the first governor of
Devagiri after its annexation by the Sultanate:
a) Rai Ram Chandra Dev
b) Malik Kafur
c) Mubarak Khalji
d) Khusrau Khan

2.6 EXPANSION UNDER THE TUGHLAQS

The Tughlaqs came to power in Delhi when Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq ascended the
throne in 1320. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions
and demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had
proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk
only to the heartland. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear
and the treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed
himself first to the task of restoring the exchequer and the administration. But soon
after that came the question of restoring prestige and authority in the outlying
parts of the empire.
2.6.1 The South
The political condition in the Deccan was not assuring in any way. The acceptance
of Alauddin’s suzerainty and the promise of loyalty by the rulers of the South
were only nominal. Fresh military expeditions were certainly needed for the
reinforcement of imperial authority in Devagiri and Telingana. Devagiri, as you
have already read, had been annexed to the Sultanate by Mubarak Khalji. But
the southern states beyond Devagiri had completely overthrown whatever little
semblance of imperial authority remained there. The Telingana, therefore, claimed
42 Ghiyasuddin’s immediate attention.
In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughlaq) started for the south with a Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
large army. Without much resistance on the way he reached Warangal. After Delhi Sultanate
two sieges, each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally
decided to surrender. But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the
fort was occupied, plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made
a prisoner and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under
direct imperial administration.
In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma’bar to submission
and set up direct imperial administration there. The local talent was abundantly
employed in the administration and acts of vandalism against the vanquished
were forbidden.
2.6.2 East India
The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars
in the South. Bhanudeva II, the ruler of Jajnagar in Orissa, had given support to
Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter.
Ulugh Khan, therefore, after leaving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324,
marched against Jajnagar. A fierce battle took place in which victory sided with
Ulugh Khan. He plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar
was annexed and made a part of the Sultanate.
Bengal was another kingdom in the east which had always been a hotbed of
seditions. Its governors would not miss any opportunity of asserting independence.
In 1323-24 a fratricidal quarrel broke out in Lakhnauti after the death of Feroz
Shah, the ruler of this independent principality. Some nobles from Lakhnauti
came to Ghiyasuddin for help who responded and decided to march to Bengal
in person. After reaching Tirhut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed
Bahram Khan with a host of other officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces
confronted each other near Lakhnauti. In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi
easily pushed back Bengal army and pursued them for some distance. One of the
warring groups led by Nasiruddin was conferred a tributary status at Lakhnauti.
2.6.3 Northwest and North
Since Alauddin’s expedition to Multan, the north-western frontier of the Sultanate
had remained fixed. Subsequent Sultans were mostly occupied with the affairs of
the South and Gujarat. It was after Muhammad Tughlaq acceded to the throne that
attention was paid to the north-west frontier. Soon after his accession, Muhammad
Tughlaq led campaign to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was a sequel to the
invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 and was aimed at
securing north-western frontier of the Sultanate against future Mongol attacks. On
his way to Kalanaur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to march
and conquer Kalanaur and Peshawar. The task seems to have been accomplished
without much difficulty. The Sultanate settled the administrative arrangement of
the newly conquered regions and marched back to Delhi.
Sometime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq planned the conquest of the
Qarachil region identified as the modem Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal
Pradesh. It formed part of the plan to fortify north and north-west frontier. For
this purpose, he enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The
army succeeded in occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and
was then instructed to return. But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the
instruction and marched ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army
was overtaken by disease and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers 43
Political Structures returned to tell the tale of the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous
waste of resources and erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughlaq.
A little before Qarachil expedition, Muhammad Tughlaq had launched an
ambitious project of bringing Khurasan under submission. A large army of soldiers
numbering about 370,000 was recruited for this purpose and the soldiers were
paid a year’s salary in advance. Large sum was also invested in the purchase of
costly equipments for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as
an unrealistic scheme and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial
loss. The authority of the Sultan also suffered a serious setback and a series of
rebellions followed that hollowed the most extensive of the empire of Delhi
Sultanate.

2.7 NATURE OF STATE

To study the state under the Delhi Sultanate we need to bear in mind the means
of acquiring and maintaining power at that time. While it is true that power could
be wrested by a group of people, usually with superior military skills, it is not as
if this was enough for the rulers to rule. Rulers felt the need to legitimize their
authority through various other means. Legitimization included not just patronage
of important groups of people like the nobles or religious classes (in the Delhi
Sultanate, the ulama, i.e., theologians), architectural constructions, etc. but also
by instituting various other systems of administration and control which would
allow the ruling classes to demand and extract levies (in the forms of various
taxes, for instance) which in turn would allow them to maintain their position of
dominance. These administrative structures (which you will read about in Themes
II and III) allowed the rulers to make their presence felt in areas that were far
away from the central/political capital of the kingdom. To put it simply, these
acts of legitimization give the state a dominant position in society.
In the Delhi Sultanate, the nobility, who was an important part of the state,
comprised largely of Turkish slaves who had a very complex relationship of
loyalty with individual rulers. Once their master-ruler died, they had no attachment
with the new ruler and often revolted against him. Struggle between the sultans
and the nobles for power was a common phenomenon of the Sultanate. In the
beginning the Turkish nobles monopolized all powerful positions, but with the
coming of the Khaljis the character of the nobility changed. In the subsequent
period different sections of the Muslims, including Indian Muslims, got a berth
in the nobility. The ruling class in spite of its narrow social base was sensitive
to the composite character of the local society. Growth of Sufism and Bhakti
movements during the rule of the Delhi Sultanate indicates the spirit of toleration
prevailing within the state.
Modern scholars have used Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adab ul harb wa’sh Shujat
(‘Customs of Kings and Maintenance of the Subjects’) and Zia Barani’s Fatawa-i
Jahandari (‘Precepts on Governance’)2 and various other sources of evidence
to opine about the nature of the ‘state’ under the Delhi Sultanate. It has been the
focus of a lot of debate especially because it is generally believed that the Delhi
Sultanate laid the groundwork upon which the Mughal Empire was later able to
build its might and splendor. In his Economy and Society, Max Weber remarked
in passing that the Delhi Sultanate was a ‘patrimonial state’. In explaining this
concept, Jakob Rösel says that such a state is one in which the rulers are dependent
upon a small number of trained and loyal state officers to exert control over
2
For further details on Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adab ul harb wa’sh Shujat and Zia Barani’s Fatawa- i-Jahandari
44 please refer to Section 8.3, Unit 8, MHI-04.
the kingdom, and are involved in specialized administrative functions such as Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
collection of taxes, control over trade and commercial activities, law and order, Delhi Sultanate
etc. In most other matters, it vests power in the hands of local power-groups
and intermediaries at various provincial and regional levels. This idea, however,
requires much investigation for which sufficient evidence may not be available
at present and has therefore not been very popular in later characterizations of
the Delhi Sultanate although it has been applied more successfully to the Mughal
empire.
Historians like Stanley Lane-Poole, Ishwari Prasad, A.B.M. Habibullah,
Mohammad Habib, K.A. Nizami, etc. and, more recently, Peter Jackson has
characterized the Delhi Sultanate as a ‘centralized state’. This needs to be
explained. The Delhi Sultanate was established after the second battle at Tarain
in 1192 CE. One of the important reasons why the Turks were able to establish
a base in the subcontinent – first in Lahore, and after 1206 CE in Delhi which
served as the capital of their kingdom thereafter with a brief interregnum between
1324-27 CE. – was, according to Simon Digby (War-Horse and Elephant in
the Delhi Sultanate: A Problem of Military Supplies) because of their superior
military strength and organizational capabilities. On the other side, as Romila
Thapar has argued (Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300) that disunity and
in-fighting among the local (especially Rajput) power- blocs, along with inferior
military tactics led to the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan in 1192 CE. The kingdom
that emerged thereafter was one which showed relative stability and was able
to expand and consolidate its political base in course of time. This was in large
measure because they were able to harness various resources available to them
– a plan that would not have been possible without a centralized, authoritarian
state which controlled the various organs of the state to control its resources for
its benefit. To paraphrase Hermann Kulke, these models place the state under
the Delhi Sultanate at the end of a continuum of pre-modern state formations.
They depict the post-1200 medieval (‘Muslim’) state as a polity headed by a
strong ruler, equipped with an efficient and hierarchically organized central
administration based on a religiously legitimated monopoly of coercion in a
(more or less) clearly defined territory.
However, more recent research has shown that while it is true that political rule
of the Turks survived and consolidated itself consistently, it was not a smooth
process which was unchallenged. The degree to which the state was ‘centralized’,
i.e., how far the central, political power-group of rulers and court nobles could
exert actual power and control in the wider kingdom has been much debated and
there is as yet no consensus about it. Such studies suggest that the state at this
time was only slightly bureaucratized, and there is no agreement about the degree
of political fragmentation or segmentation on the one hand, and temporally and
spatially fluctuating unitary tendencies within these states on the other. Central
political power was constantly being challenged by various local power groups,
and the sultan at the centre spent precious time and resources trying to subjugate
such forces. Opposition also came from other nobles who were posted in different
parts of the empire (as iqtadars; officers assigned territories in lieu of salary, the
revenue returns of which were enjoyed by the officer with surplus going to the
state) and wanted to carve out their own independent principalities.
It may however be said with some surety that there was a certain degree of
centralized authority at work in the empire, and even where local powers were
dominant they were expected to acknowledge the court and the sultan as their
superiors. This is obvious from the fact that often the sultan would need to wage 45
Political Structures wars against ‘rebellious’ groups, be they state officials who had turned against
the centre, or other local powers. Also, the centre was present in various parts of
the kingdom through activities viz. tax collection, building roads, architecture,
mosques, giving charity to religious foundations and individuals, and so on.
An important feature of the presence of the state was the constant movement
of the army from one part of the sultanate to another as it expanded its domains
or tried to suppress uprisings. Often, local areas had to extend hospitality – in
the form of providing food and shelter – to the central armies as they passed
by. It should be mentioned here that in many cases (in the Delhi Sultanate) the
local areas were governed by local chiefs, and even everyday administration
continued according to local custom. The central presence in local areas did
not necessarily upturn all existing structures at work, and they often worked in
unison. A uniform administration across the empire would occur only with the
maturation of political and administrative rule under the Mughals, which would
be more than 200 years later.
There have been some other writings which have tried to characterize the state
from other perspectives: Stephan Conermann, for instance, has suggested a more
economic (‘prebendal’) nature of the Delhi Sultanate on the basis of his study
of the Rihla of the 14th century traveller Ibn Battuta, while also emphasizing the
features of ‘patrimonialism’. Other scholars have focused on other power groups,
such as the sufis, to argue that the effectiveness of the state was often hindered
because of the power of the sufi spiritual masters (pir) who had a strong influence
over the people of the surrounding areas. Importantly, in this case the religion of
the local population did not come in the way of the influence of the sufis. Usually
the sufis settled in areas that were a little away from the urban areas, but perhaps
the most dramatic situation arose in the reign of Sultan Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-
1316), when the sufi pir Shaikh Nizam ud-din Auliya set up his hospice in the
capital city itself, thereby posing a very important challenge to the effectiveness
of the sultan’s political rule.
It is on such occasions that it becomes clear that for the effective execution of the
policies of the ‘state’, it was necessary for rulers to keep politics separate from
religion and religious activities and individuals. Such examples, as also the nature
of language in the various textual sources available to us (which uses a religiously
coloured vocabulary) may sometimes suggest that the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate
were engaged primarily in the glorification of Islam and the subjugation of other
religious groups in their territories. Such an impression is abetted by the superior
and authoritative position that the theologians were said to occupy in the court and
other important offices that they may have held; but a careful examination will
show that offices of the greatest consequence, especially of military command,
went to able and loyal warriors who never practiced religious dogmatism. The
theologians were in reality one (of many) group who remained in the official
bureaucracy and served the purpose of legitimizing kingly rule (through their
knowledge, which was always couched in religion), of dispensing justice and
education in madrasas.
But the suggestion that religion was the touchstone of medieval politics in the
subcontinent – that the Delhi Sultanate should thus be termed an ‘Islamic’ state
– is not fully supported by the available evidence. They may have sometimes
used religion as a means to mobilize people or to explain certain actions, but all
actions were in their essence political, and the ‘state’ under the Delhi Sultanate
never took any special action for the glorification of religion if there was no
46 attendant political gain.
As mentioned earlier, the ‘state’ also manifested itself through a variety of other Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
actions in the larger realm. Chief among them were acts of building, and charity. Delhi Sultanate
As part of the dominance of the state, as also a physical marker of its presence, the
state often encouraged construction of buildings, mosques, or canals and wells,
etc. These would be physical, visible reminders of the presence of the state all
over the realm, as also, manifestation of the glory of the state. Finally, the state
also gave charitable endowments to the needy and to the intellectuals as part of
its patronage of its subjects.
Thus, the state under the Delhi Sultanate was not a unified entity which existed
from the beginning to the end as a singular category. Rather, it was the coming
together of various actions of the ruling classes as part of their act of effective
governance. Some of its components were universal, such as taxation; others
were variable, and there were still others which grew with the passage of time
and according to need. Obviously, the immediate concerns of a newly emerging
‘state’ at the beginning of the 13th century were different from those of a more
mature and confident political ‘state’ at the end of the 14th century. Hence, in as
much as the ‘state’ was an expression of the vested interests of the ruling classes,
it was a public political institution whose primary function was to bind together
its subject population into a, universally disciplined mass – a community of
people acculturated to structures of power – upon which political authority and
power could be imposed. ‘Justice’, howsoever understood and articulated by the
different groups, was the central axis of the state, and the degree of its success
depended upon the skill with which the rulers were able to mobilize the (mainly
economic) resources at their disposal, as also various other internal and external
factors which determined their effectiveness.
Check Your Progress-3
1) When were southern kingdoms first annexed to the Delhi Sultanate:
a) Under Alauddin Khalji
b) Under Mubarak Khalji
c) Under Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq
d) Under Muhammad Tughlaq
2) Which of the following military expeditions was abandoned by Muhammad
Tughlaq:
a) Warangal
b) Qarachil
c) Jajnagar
d) Khurasan
3) Why was Qarachil expedition a disaster?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
4) Which of the following formed the eastern limit of the Sultanate in 1335?
a) Jajnagar
b) Peshawar
c) Kalanaur
d) Malwa
5) Briefly analyse the nature of state under the Delhi Sultanate.
....................................................................................................................... 47
Political Structures .......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

2.8 SUMMARY
On the eve of Turkish invasion, India was not a unified political unit but divided
into number of small states ruled by kings and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad
Ghori tried to subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the
defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan at the battle of Tarain. This laid the foundation
of the Turkish rule in India. After Muhammad Ghori’s departure one of his
commanders, Qutbuddin Aibak got busy in establishing the Turkish power in
India. In the process he suppressed Yalduz, the Muizi slave who had rival claims
to the Muizi throne in India. But, be failed to suppress Qubacha. The task was left
to Iltutmish. Iltutmish not only expanded the Muizi empire but also organized and
strengthened the administrative machinery with the help of the group of nobles
called – the ‘Forty’. He also introduced certain Sassanid institutions like iqta that
helped greatly in centralizing the administration.
Turks succeeded primarily because of their superior military technology and
on account of the fact that Indian armies mainly consisted of ‘feudal levies’.
Turkish conquest was not, simply the change of one dynasty by another. It had a
far reaching effect on Indian society, economy and polity. You will study about
these aspects later during this course.
Following the death of Iltutmish in 1236 CE, for nearly a half century all efforts
of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards consolidating early territorial gains
by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base of the Sultanate. The next
phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the opening of the fourteenth
century under the Khaljis. Alauddin’s administrative and economic measures had
helped consolidation as well as widen the base of the Sultanate. The acquisition
of new territories had thus become a feasible proposition.
Even then we find Alauddin moving in this direction with a reasonable distance
from the central seat of the Sultanate for implementing an effective control of
the Sultan over directly annexed territories and made them the provinces of the
Sultanate. But more distant regions were conquered for two main reasons – the
acquisition of wealth and according the status of a protectorate rather than making
them a part of the Sultanate. This was particularly true of kingdoms conquered
in the Deccan and in far south.
This policy was changed, in the case of Devagiri, by Mubarak Khalji. It was
followed by Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq in the distant kingdoms in far south like
Warangal and Ma’bar. The question of effective administrative control was
addressed by Muhammad Tughlaq by making Devagiri the second administrative
seat of the Sultanate. But that experiment was shortlived and failed partially due
to the unwillingness of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate. Nonetheless,
under Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign the boundaries of the Sultanate were at their
apex touching Peshawar in the north-west and Ma’bar in the South, and Gujarat
in the West and Jajnagar in Orissa in the East. It was, however, an irony of fate
that in the closing years of the reign of the same Sultan, the boundaries of the
Sultanate shrank nearly the CE 1296 status.

2.9 KEYWORDS
Bandgan Shamsi Iltutmish’s Turkish officers’ group (known as group of
48 (Turkan-i Chihilgani) ‘forty’)
Persian wheel A water-lifting device used to lift the water from some Foundation, Expansion
and Consolidation of
depth Delhi Sultanate
Spinning wheel Device for spinning the cotton. This was moved with the
help of crank-handle and had six spindles
Jauhar The practice of committing mass self-immolation by
women in case of imminent defeat at the hands of enemy

2.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress-1
1) See Section 2.2
2) See Section 2.2
3) See Section 2.3
4) See Section 2.4
Check Your Progress-2
1) (c) Gujarat
2) (b) Siwana
3) See Sub-section 2.5.3
4) (b) Malik Kafur
Check Your Progress-3
1) (b) Under Mubarak Khalj
2) (d) Khurasan
3) See Sub-section 2.6.3
4) (a) Jajnagar
5) See Section 2.7

2.11 SUGGESTED READINGS

Habib, Mohammad and Nizami, K.A. (ed.), (1970) Comprehensive History of
India, Vol. V: Delhi Sultanate AD 1206-1526 (Delhi: People’s Publishing House).
Habibullah, A.B.M., (1967) The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India (New Delhi:
Central Book Depot).
Husain, Agha Mahdi, (1935) Tughluq Dynasty (New Delhi: S. Chand & Company
Pvt. Ltd.).
Lal, K.S., (1980) History of the Khaljis AD 1290-1320 (New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publisher Pvt. Ltd.).
Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1970) Early Medieval India (Allahabad: Central Book
Depot).

2.12 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATIONS

Establishment and Consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate | IGNOUSOSS
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WCmtBgS1csM
Talking History |2| Delhi: The Foundation of Dilli Sultanate | Rajya Sabha TV
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TJOsomraCaM
Talking History |4| Delhi: The Era of Alauddin Khilji | Rajya Sabha TV
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PrTs0B1qQ9s

49