Kenneth Burke and the Method of Dramatism

Author(s): Michael A. Overington

Source: Theory and Society , Spring, 1977, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Spring, 1977), pp. 131-156
Published by: Springer

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/656954

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory and
Society

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 131

KENNETH BURKE AND THE METHOD OF DRAMATISM

MICHAEL A. OVERINGTON

It is possible that sociologists have read the work of Kenneth Burke and
found it neither important nor interesting.1 One searches in vain for any
expository treatment of his work in those journals read by sociologists, or
indeed, for any expository treatment of the sociological importance of Burke
in other journals. Yet Burke has been lurking in sociologists' footnotes since
the 1930s, and recently his system, "Dramatism," has been promoted to
equal rank with "Symbolic Interaction" and "Social Exchange" in the cover-
age given to these aspects of "Interaction" in the International Encyclopedia
of the Social Sciences.2 What are we to make of this?

Certainly Kenneth Burke has never regarded himself as a sociologist. More-

over, his wanderings through academia have usually put him in contact with
critics, rhetoricians, and philosophers, rather than sociologists. Burke has
never been able, therefore, to develop a group of students through his
teaching and research supervision who would be able and willing to present
the position of their maltre before a broader sociological audience. Yet, the
fact that Burke himself is the author of the IESS article on "Dramatism" does
give some pause. Was there no other person capable of presenting this
systematic position? After some forty years, is dramatism so intimately tied
up with Burke as to make it his system? Is it, then, merely a brilliantly
inventive set of insights held in systemic place by the idiosyncracies of
Burke's own mind?

Clearly, Louis Wirth did not think so in 1938 when he said of Burke's
Permanence and Change (1965) that "It contains more sound substance than
any text on social psychology with which the reviewer is familiar." But in his
caution that "There is much in this treatise that will appear unsystematic and
irrelevant to those accustomed to a less personal and poetic mode of dis-
course,"3 one may find a plausible answer. The full corpus of Burke's work is

Department of Sociology, Saint Mary's University, Canada

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
132

broader than the social psychological thrust of this volume, but an idiosyn-
cratic style does characterize all his work and has surely proven to be a major
stumbling block for sociologically trained readers. Although Wayne Booth is a
little strong when he says, "Among anthropologists, sociologists, psycholo-
gists, and rhetoricians his 'dramatism' is increasingly recognized as something
that must at least appear in one's index, whether one has troubled to
understand him or not,"4 it is long since time for a sociologically interested
exposition of Burke's work to be presented to a broad sociological audience,
so as to hasten an informed recognition. The challenge here is to respect
Burke's stylistic metier, which is an integral part of his work, while offering a
translation of his systematic writings that makes sense to sociologists.

Carving a clear presentation of dramatism from Burke's immense oeuvre is

made easier by his practice of using major volumes to collect, summarize, and
organize his more fragmentary material, which runs to some seventeen pages
in the most complete checklist of his writings.5 Yet even when reduced to his
eight major volumes (1957; 1959; 1965; 1966; 1968a; 1969a; 1969b; 1970),
the task might still prove unmanageable unless some clear distinction were to
be drawn between dramatism as a method for analyzing human relationships
(which is the way Burke elected to present his system in IESS), and the
substantive contributions that Burke has made to a sociological understanding
of human relationships by applying this "method." In principle, dramatism is
a method that is applicable by anyone trained in its usage, and it should be
allowed to stand or fall as an analytic methodology quite independent of the
substantive conclusions about human conduct that Burke draws from his own
usage of the method. For the sake of clarity, therefore, this present essay will
restrict itself to an exposition of the problematic and logic of inquiry of
dramatism as a method. A companion piece provides a reconstruction of
Burke's substantive position.6

In the IESS article, the most sociologically pertinent summary of dramat

as a method, Burke defines the system as follows:

a method of analysis and a corresponding critique of terminolog

to show that the most direct route to the study of human rel
human motives is via a methodical inquiry into cycles or cluster
and their functions.7

Yet in contrast to this definition of his enterprise as an analysi

implicated in the analysis of action, he offers another stipulat
tism "in a wider sense [as] any study of human relations
'action'. .." Although in this wider sense, Burke certainly inclu

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 133

work of Parsons, and perhaps the writings of Weber, Simmel, Schutz, Mead
and other theorists of social action, Abraham Kaplan has clarified the ambi-
guity in these two definitions:

Burke explicitly declares his concern to be with the analysis of language,

not 'reality'. But it remains doubtful whether he has in fact clearly
distinguished the two and successfully limited himself to the linguistic
level.9

Much of Burke's work shuttles between these two positions, and the reader is
not always clear whether a given analysis is addressed to terms about action
or to action itself: In practice, this unclarity beclouds the use of dramatism as
a meta-method for talking about the explanatory (in his language, motivation-
a/) terms of theories of social action, with its employment as a method (with
its own terms) for explaining social action.

As a method, dramatism addresses the empirical questions of how persons

explain their actions to themselves and others, what the cultural and social
structural influences on these explanations might be, and what effect conno-
tational links among the explanatory (motivational) terms might have on
these explanations, and hence, on action itself. As a meta-method, dramatism
turns from common sense explanatory discourse to that of the social scien-
tist, in an effort to analyze and criticize the effect of a "connotational logic"
on social scientific explanations of action. Thus, dramatism attempts to
account for the motivational (explanatory) vocabulary of ordinary discourse
and its influence on human action and for particular sociological vocabularies
when they are used to explain human action. In the first case, Burke is
addressing the influence of explanatory language on human action; in the
second, he is dealing with the influence of explanatory language (its connota-
tional logic) on the social scientific explanation of human action.

But whether as meta-method or method, dramatism aims to be a logic of

inquiry, an instrumental logic which may be used to investigate hypotheses
about particular problems. Therefore, sociological examination of Burke's
dramatistic "method" will require both a brief specification of Burke's
problematic, and a rather more extensive treatment of his logic of inquiry
both in terms of its development and the intersubjectivity of dramatistic
practice.

In the most fundamental sense Burke's object of inquiry is motive: the

language of motives, motives in language, language as motive. Yet motive is a
concept which has several usages in the social sciences. The formulation of
the concept as a cause, or as some drive state of the individual, are the most

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
134

familiar in sociological discourse. Burke's conception of motive is like neither

of these, and it has provided the basis for the symbolic interactionist under-
standing of motives as the accounts people give for their action: "rationaliza-
tions," if you will, as motives.1? Nonetheless, his view of motives is not
simply that of the individual's verbal justification or explanation of his own
or another's action. Certainly, this formulation of motive would cover "lan-
guage of motives" and "motives in language." It handles Burke's emphasis on
the cultural and structural bases for particular vocabularies of motive and the
process by which some verbal explanation becomes the sufficient justification
for the individual's own action or for the persuasion of others to act. What is
omitted from this approach (which might be thought of as the study of
vocabularies of motive) is the emphasis Burke places on the motivational
influence of sheer terms. Words qua words, he suggests, because of the
connotations which hold clusters of terms together, can become justifications
for action.

Whether or not there is a relation between things, Burke argues that if there is
a connotational relation between the terms which symbolize these things,
then the embedment of such a connotational relation in the linguistic struc-
tures of human mental processes is sufficient to influence people to translate
this symbolic relation into action (by providing a sufficient justification, by
making sense for them of the projected action). For example, to call some
occurrence of a death "murder" is to justify (explain, motivate) the search
for an individual who intended to kill; to call some property loss "theft" is to
sanction a police dragnet for a thief. Murder and theft are criminal acts
because of the statutory decision of some political body; they are not
inherently criminal. No matter what took place at the scene of the crime,
calling the situation "murder" or "theft" brings into play the terminological
relations which inhere in the meaning of these words. Thus, if there was a
"murder," then there was a "murderer"- a person who, having constructed
the "intention," put it into action by killing an individual. Whatever took
place to bring about this death, the attachment of meaning to it as a
"murder" requires, because of the connotational relations which inhere in
this term, that we look for an individual who planned and executed the act,
whether or not such an individual exists. It is not the fact of the act as
murder, but the fact of calling it "murder" which leads to the search for an
intentional killer. Language is itself the motive for the search.1'

This may be a rather startling idea, and it might help to clarify it if we look at
some consequences of Burke's view as it could apply to something as familiar
as the sociologist's language of explanation. We are fond of talking, for
example, about "explained variance," a concept defined in statistical theory

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 135

as common covariation between variables. While there is no sense of "expla-

nation" or "cause" in the statistical definition, the concept does have those
meanings in theoretical discourse (at least, "explained" does). Thus, we find
that a statistical measure of explained variance, e.g., R2, becomes the expla-
nation of some relationship, despite that measure's purely statistical nature.
Again, "significance tests" refer only to the improbability of some statistical
hypothesis; yet, the temptation, a temptation brought on by the other
connotations of "significance," to treat statistical significance substantively
has lured many a researcher from the paths of technical purity.12 All of
which is to illustrate Burke's view that the implicit coherency which makes
terms "stick together" (our sense of what terms go with what) is as important
an influence on the explanation we give for social behavior and action as are
the actual relations which social phenomena bear to each other.13

Thus, it is to this tripartite understanding of motives, to the language of

explanation, explanation in language, language as explanation, that Burke
turns his attention. His problematic is to describe the fundamental roots of
motives in the social world, to explicate the changes in motivational frame-
works which-can be traced across Western history, to show the importance
for all human society of the fact that persons' actions are influenced by
words of explanation and justification, and finally, to offset the possible
influence of inadequate languages of explanation employed by sociologists.
To this problematic, Burke addresses the analytic tool of dramatism.14

While motive is the object of dramatistic inquiry, dialectic is the method.

But to say that Burke's method is dialectical is, as Louis Schneider has
commented,15 to say nothing very clear; "dialectic" and "dialectical" are
ambiguous terms. Among the various meanings that Schneider finds attached
to the conception of dialectic in sociology, one has notions like the unantici-
pated consequences of human action, which is linked to questions of reifica-
tion and alienation (when persons "find" themselves confronting these unin-
tended creations as something more than human fabrications); goal displace-
ment, the emergence of means as ends; successful societal adaptations as
blockages to further change; development through conflict; contradiction,
paradox, dilemma; and the dissolution of conflict by a melding of opposites.
Yet Burke's notion of dialectic involves but one of these, the concept of
contradiction and the ironic presupposition that one approaches a fuller,
more true, explanation for social action by taking opposing perspectives on
that action.

It is not unreasonable to ask why Burke argues for a dialectical rather than
positive method for understanding the social world. I suspect that the answer

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
136

to that question reveals how similar his basic ontological assumptions about
the world are to those of Wilhelm Dilthey, although Burke does not evidence
awareness of the likeness. Like Dilthey he assumes that physical and social
objects are different kinds of realities. The physical world is whatever it is,
independent of human action, thought, belief or values. The social world,
however, is an interpreted reality erected through action, belief and thought
on the raw physical material. The consequence of this for both Burke and
Dilthey is a presupposition that the methodology of the social sciences will be
different from that of the physical sciences. For Burke, who takes the social
world to be constituted through a dialectical (contradictory) process of
interest-oriented action, this means electing a methodology which traces the
multiplicity of interests and orientations possible in any situation. A dialec-
tical ontology requires a dialectical epistemology. His dialectic thus involves
an epistemological perspectivism16 as the methodology to grasp the "essen-
tial" reality of the human world of action. His irony of contradiction,
however, does not at all lead him to a "debunking" critique of the social
realm. Rather it operates as a protection from the powerful influence of
modal vocabularies of motives which have their roots in the property rela-
tions of society. If, as Marx says, "The ideas of the ruling class are, in every
age, the ruling ideas: i.e. the class which is the dominant material force in
society is at the same time its dominant intellectual force,"17 then only
through a deliberate and seemingly perverse entertainment of contradictory
explanations can the social analyst construct an understanding of social
relations (or, taking dramatism as meta-method, erect a vocabulary of terms)
broader than that legitimated by the ruling class and its intellectual servants.
While this latter point may well be a little stronger than Burke's view, it is a
consistent conclusion drawn from two Burkean premises. First, vocabularies
of motive are rooted in the property structure and the influence of men of
property; and second, multiplying such vocabularies will lead, through a
dialectic of contradiction, to an "essentially" true explanation.

Perhaps the most formally accurate characterization of this dialectic is in

terms of its relation to the Platonic dialogue. Charles Morris, for example,
described Burke's A Grammar of Motives as:

a dramatic dialectic in which philosophers, political theorists, economists,

poets, theologians, and psychologists all have their say, and each mode of
saying is shown to need correction by each other mode. The book is
experienced as a vast dialogue.18

Indeed, Burke's dialectic is a conversation of many voices, each having its

place and its perspective, no voice supplanting or replacing another: it is the

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 137

dialogue as a whole, the voices in harmony and discord, which is the end of
the dialectic. There is here no question of a synthesis as the culmination of
the dialectic; there is no single authoritative perspective; it is only the
multiplicity of elements in the dialectic which offers an accurate account.19

The reader should not yield to the temptation to dismiss lightly Burke's use
of this particular method (logic of inquiry); it is not a literary critic's whim
but an essential philosophical and political principle which underlies its usage.
Burke finds in the institutionalizing of the dialectical process (as he conceived
it) the only chance for a society to continue to function in its contacts with
the obdurate character of the natural world. The natural world is whatever it
is inherently; to define the world incorrectly, to act in the world on a false
hypothesis has, as the limit, destructive consequences. A perspectival ap-
proach to the world offers, at least for Burke, more probability of an accurate
interpretation of, and, thus, adaptive action on the natural and social world.
This point is most clearly made where Burke says:

I take democracy to be a device for institutionalizing the dialectic process

by setting up a political structure that gives full opportunity for the use of
competition to a cooperative end... I should contend that the dialectic
process absolutely must be unimpeded, if society is to perfect its under-
standing of reality by the.necessary method of give and take.20

Now we should turn to an examination of the development of this dialectical

logic of inquiry and then to a consideration in more detail of the publicly
available rules for using dramatistic procedures.

Clearly, this dialectic did not appear fully developed in his work in the
nineteen twenties and thirties. Yet, even in Counterstatement, his earliest
critical volume, the operation of his logic is clear, and Burke's own comment
on the seminal nature of this volume is essentially accurate, both with respect
to its system and its method.21 Indeed, his later work may be seen as a
development of the method and substance of this first volume, although it
would be misleading to claim that there is anything in this work but the
conceptual possibility of the final system.

Counterstatement propounds the view that the creative artist should be an

advocate of values antithetical to those advanced by his particular time and
society. Every era and culture will be marked by one overwhelming set of
values, Burke claims, and this emphasis leads to a lack of attention to other
"perennial" aspects of human experience. Given, he suggests, the technolo-
gical emphasis, the appeal to motives like "money" and "efficiency" which

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
138

characterize the modal culture of the contemporary Western world, there is a

neglect of motives (explanations, justifications) drawn from art, religion,
mythology, and a celebration of motives taken from property, war, govern-
ment, and social organization. In the face of this, it is the artist's task to
speak "dialectically," to speak in opposition to this emphasis, in effect to
speak for "inefficiency!"

When one connects this oppositional concept of dialectic with the interest-
based theory of ideational association that Burke takes explicitly from De
Gourmont, then the adumbration of his method of inquiry stands forth in
this first volume. From it, one can conclude that inquiry into human action is
to be conducted by examining the interest bases for people's ideas and
ideational relations through a deliberate introduction of a contradictory
perspective into the interaction of this action. Understanding is to be
achieved by ironic illumination. Yet it is not at all clear in this book why it is
that a contradictory perspective will lead one to a more accurate view, save
that it can bring into analytic focus other aspects of human life which are
obscured by the modal motivational framework legitimated by the "industri-
al" division of property and labor. Nor is it obvious what a contradictory
perspective would be, or how one might construct it. However, in his next
two volumes Permanence and Change (1965) and Attitudes Toward History
(1959), Burke offers a more helpful account of the process of his dialectic.
Indeed, he makes an effective presentation of a particular dialectical tech-
nique that he calls "perspective by incongruity." This is a method that operates
by bringing together terms and concepts which are normally never found
together and which, in their ironic juxtaposition, undermine the "taken for
granted" character of the motivational force of the terms in their convention-
al relations. In his words: "Perspective by incongruity [is] a method for
gauging situations by verbal atom cracking. That is, a word belongs by custom
to a certain category-and by rational planning you wrench it loose and
metaphorically apply it to a different category."22 Burke notes that this
technique is closely connected to De Gourmont's notion of the "dissociation
of ideas," which "was concerned with the methodic blasting apart of verbal
particles that had been considered inseparable; [whereas on the other hand]
'perspective by incongruity' refers to the methodic merger of particles that
had been considered mutually exclusive."23

Nonetheless, these two techniques are hardly independent. They are a kind of
early version of the "merger and division" technique, a device for exploring
connotational transformations which flowers in his later work,24 and which
Burke traces back to the Phaedrus and Plato's distinction between the twin
processes of the dialectic-organization into unity and division into parts-

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 139

which work together to produce truthful discourse. But there must surely be
many incongruous meldings of terms that one could use. Why one incon-
gruity rather than another? Is Burke arguing for a "verbal cubism," or does
the atomic imagery he uses to define this technique expose a desire to be
taken scientifically?

The best answer one can extract from this context suggests that " 'perspective
by incongruity' makes for a dramatic vocabulary, with weighting and coun-
ter-weighting, in contrast with the liberal ideal of neutral naming in the
characterization of processes."25Yet, we can only guess at the basis for the
"weighting." While it is moral and aesthetic, and it seems to be informed by
"a Marxism so tolerant, so tentative that he must find it a bit uncomfor-
table ....,"26 we have no explicit rules for it. However, it would not be
inaccurate to read Burke as offering us a three-step guide to motivational
analysis. First, identify the modal motivational framework, both its terms and
the weighting of these terms on behalf of the ruling elites. Second, construct
an ironic motivational terminology weighted in opposition to the interests of
property by constructing incongruous motivational phrases from the modal
vocabulary of motives and from whatever terms one's own inventive genius
will supply. Finally, offer this analysis in public discourse, in order to give a
truer explanation for human action and to provide people with a liberating
alternative justification for their action. This logic of inquiry, therefore, is not
simply an instrument for interpreting the social world; it also gives the
possibility of changing that world!

A penetrating example of this ironic technique is Burke's account of psycho-

analysis as a form of "secular conversion" which "effects its cures by
providing a new perspective that dissolves the system of pieties lying at the
root of the patient's sorrows or bewilderments."27 If we translate that into a
less Burkean vocabulary, then we may take him to be claiming that the
therapist uncovers the patient's neurotic tendencies and effects a "cure" by
teaching the patient to use a different vocabulary to talk about them. The
therapeutic vocabulary of motives is organized about a different "system of
pieties," a different moral order, and the analytic language works a cure as
patients learn to talk about their problems in a new vocabulary with new
moral values. Through this they discover the therapeutic effect of a new set
of motives which frees them from the old motivational framework and, thus,
from the old neurotic determination.28

However, Burke did not produce this ironic perspectivism de novo; indeed, he
relates it to the basic orientation of Nietzsche and to the system of Bergson.
Burke traces to Nietzsche the sense of perspectives as interpretations from a
particular position, which become "true" insofar as they encourage a creative

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
140

praxis to bring the "mythic" orientation into reality.29 It is to Bergson,

however, that he turns for his justification of"incongruity as a system." For
Bergson, the life process is a continuous flow within which we make distinc-
tions by the use of language. The existent world is a continuity of unified
being; we find our way through it with the abstracting power of words. But
these abstract verbal systems are not reality; if we want to get closer to
reality, we must find a technique to unify the many different abstractions.
Burke summarizes: "As the nearest verbal approach to reality, M. Bergson
proposes that we deliberately cultivate the use of contradictory concepts."30
Here is the fundamental distinction between things and words about things,
and the further emphasis on the priority of things, which Burke insists on
through all his work. Despite what he has to say about the necessity of using
abstractions and metaphors to describe facts, he does appear to believe that
the "isness" of the world exists independently of words about that "isness."
Yet what that "isness" might be without language is not very clear. Could it
have more than what he calls recalcitrance,31 the capacity to resist our
interpretations? That's hardly sufficient justification for him to give such
priority to "things in themselves"; surely the "isness" of things is their least
interesting quality to persons. Nonetheless, one cannot grasp Burke's devoted
attention to the study of language as it influences human conduct without
understanding, at the same time, his fundamental assumption of the ontologi-
cal priority of the physical, material world.

This formulation of the "perspective by incongruity" was not the final

statement of Burke's dialectic; this is to be found in the "Pentad," a
codification of the many possible perspectives into five basic questions that
are to be asked when explaining any human action. A Grammar of Motives is
devoted to these questions. The development to this last stage is best traced
by Daniel Fogarty in his effort to place Burke as a rhetorical theorist.32 The
dialectic of verbal incongruities in its initial statement, Fogarty suggests,
allowed him to formulate a position. However, Burke quickly realized that
such a simple thesis-antithesis-synthesis form neglected the potential of verbal
irony, and he began to play with the etymological (connotative) possibilities
of terms as a way of increasing the perspectives he could bring to bear, all the
time searching for an "essential" definition of his terms.33 With the many
possible "starts" provided by this etymological approach, he was able to
move "from the dialectical to the symposium type of inner personal discus-
sion. It is as though Burke were a five- or six-man discussion group taking all
the speaking parts himself until he has sifted the best resultant formulation of
the idea in question... 'Ideally [Burke writes in a letter], all the various
voices are partisan rhetoricians whose partial voices 'competitively cooperate'
to form the position of the dialogue as a whole . . , "34

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 141

The pentad retains both the "inner symposium" and the etymological ap-
proach at the same time as it offers the final reconstruction of the dialectic.
However, in this reconstruction, the "tolerant Marxism" of the earlier dialec-
tic is incorporated into a procedure wherein incongruity is almost entirely
teased out of motivational frameworks themselves, without explicit attention
to their social or cultural roots in property relations. Yet, the pentad does
codify the dramatistic logic of inquiry; it does provide rules, albeit of a
general kind, for the explanation of human action. As Burke summarizes it:

In any rounded statement about motives, you must have some word that
names the act (names what took place, in thought or deed), and another
that names the scene (the background of the act, the situation in which it
occurred); also, you must indicate what person or kind of person (agent)
performed the act, what means or instruments he used (agency), and the
purpose.35

The five terms of the pentad are therefore Act, Scene, Agent, Agency,
Purpose, to which he later added Attitude (as incipient act) to make a hexad.
He notes that, as terms, they are neither positive nor dialectical, defined
neither lexically nor oppositionally; rather they are collapsed questions, e.g.,
Act is equivalent to "U hat was done?";Scene is the same as "In what sort of
a situation was it done?" and so on.36

Nor, he comments, is there anything particularly original about the pentad. It

is parallel with Aristotle's four causes; we can correlate material cause and
Scene, efficient cause and Agent, formal cause and Act, final cause and
Purpose, and, as a subdivision of final cause, means and Agency. The pentad
has a similar relation to the "hexameter" of the mediaeval schoolmen, which
was used as a mnemonic guide for rhetors when they were discussing an
event, i.e., who, what, where, by what means, why, how, when. In the
hexameter, "who" correlates with Agent, "what" with Act, "where" and
"when" go with Scene, "why" with Purpose and "by what means" with
Agency37 Finally, a similar correlation can be found between the pentad and
the journalist's catechism: who, what, when, where and how. It is these
similarities which give Burke such confidence in the basic nature of his
terms.38 Thus, it is the pentad which provides the fundamental dramatistic
technique for methodic analyses of human action, or for the meta-methodo-
logical critique of the terminology about human action.

In the relationships among these five terms there is a whole series of word
pairs, correlations, or "ratios," which may be used to explain action or to
explicate explanations of action. The Scene-Act ratio, for example, is an

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
142

assertion that particular acts correlate with particular scenes, and "sensible"
explanations will exhibit a consistency between acts and their scenes. Like-
wise, the Scene-Agent ratio explains action as a result of a correlation
between agents and scenes: "It is a principle of drama that the nature of acts
and agents should be consistent with the nature of the scene."39 However,
the original "consistency" of the ratios has, in the latest formulation, become
"correspondence," such that with respect to a Scene-Act ratio he is talking
about "a proposition such as: Though agent and act are necessarily different
in many of their attributes, some notable element of one is implicitly or
analogously present in the other."40

The context in which we can best make sense of these explanatory correspon-
dences between various terms of the pentad is to be found in Burke's early
work, The Philosophy of Literary Form. There he notes that dramatism is an
heuristic for the analysis of human action; it is

a calculus - a vocabulary, or set of coordinates, that serves best for the

integration of all phenomena studied by the social sciences. We propose it
as the logical alternative to the treatment of human acts and relations in
terms of the mechanistic metaphor (stimulus, response, and the condi-
tioned reflex). And we propose it, along with the contention that mecha-
nistic considerations need not be excluded from such a perspective, but
take their part in it, as a statement about the predisposing structure of the
ground or scene upon which the drama is enacted.41

Burke recognizes that only a mechanistic explanation, perhaps in terms of

"equilibria,"42 will be appropriate for human aggregates and their behavior.
Indeed, "Man's involvement in the natural order makes him in many respects
analyzable in terms of sheer motion .. ."43 However, the dramatistic analysis
of action is intended as a corrective to mechanistic perspectives and aggregate
analysis. Through it, Burke hopes to rescue the human person, as a concept,
from collapse into a conceptual universe suitable only for particles or organ-
isms; and human persons, as living, acting symbolizing animals, from the
"temptation to become sheer automata."44

The basic, corrective principles of dramatism and the ratios are taken from
drama because human action is "essentially" dramatic, for Burke. The drama
presumes human action; the playwright's task is to offer a plausible account
of the acts of agents in terms of scenes, purposes, and agencies. As Burke puts
it in "Dramatism," "drama is employed, not as a metaphor but as a fixed
form that helps us discover what the implications of the terms 'act' and
'person' really are."45 In other words, the drama is Burke's choice for an

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 143

analytic model of the social world. What makes drama work is the ability of
playwrights to call upon cultural expectations of consistency between scenes
and both acts and agents. Burke is saying that drama provides a form for the
analysis of human action; drama "works" only when it draws on these
cultural expectations so as to build plot and characters around these ratios.
Thus, the drama is a major research site to which Burke has turned for his
insight into motives. When he understands how a play operates, he knows
about the expectations of both audience and playwright with respect to a
convincing explanatory framework. It was precisely from his study of the
drama that he was able to abstract the terms of the pentad as the major
dimensions of the explanation of human action.

The most common ratios used by Burke are Scene-Act and Scene-Agent.
When engaged in a dramatistic study, he notes, "the basic unit of action
would be defined as 'the human body in conscious or purposive motion',"46
in other words, an agent acting in a situation. For example, in a mental
hospital (scene) one would expect to find insane acts performed by insane
agents; and conversely, one would also expect that agents who are insane and
so act are properly found in mental hospitals. The correspondence between
the pentadic terms is transitive. In this example, we can see that these ratios
(linguistically based expectancies) provide guidance for people unsure of how
to act in a situation (like a mental hospital), a framework with which to
understand and explain the interaction around them, and justification for
bringing some consistency into a situation which may lack it. Thus, in
addition to their analytic contribution here, dramatistic ratios make explica-
ble placing people into mental hospitals whom we find to be insane. Whether
or not such action makes any therapeutic sense, it does bring the situation
into line with the cultural expectancies that are encoded in the linguistic
structure of mind.

When Burke is analyzing something, he is trying to come to an understanding

of its substance, its essence, which is equal to the sum of its connotational
attributes. Thus, the ratios are used as heuristics to locate the essences of
concepts or (methodically) of action. When one views the ratios as tools for
uncovering the substance of terms, or the substance of action, i.e., when they
are used so as to focus on one of the pentadic terms as it is affected by all the
others; when a dialectic of many beginnings, many investigative starts, is used,
then it is helpful to follow William Rueckert's lead and take the many ratios
as reducible to but four distinct terminological emphases which get at
essence, at essential definitions, in different ways.47

The first of these four, contextual definition, locates the essence of objects

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
144

(concepts, processes, conduct) in their setting, for example, the use of

"organizational climate" as an independent variable. Genetic definition lo-
cates substance in the origins of things; this can be exemplified in the
explanation of a son's occupational status by reference to the father's
occupational status. The third of these, directional (entelechial) definition,
treats essence as a trend or the perfection of a process; this is clearly what
Marx is doing when he conceives of the perfecting, the transcending, of the
class struggle in the trend toward the revolution and the establishment of a
classless society. The last of these four is uniquely Burke's, encompassing the
other three, converting contextual, genetic and directional substance into
dialectical essence. All terms locating substance in background, origins, or
trends can be shown to form part of a cluster of terms that are related to each
other by Burke's use of a dialectic of merger and division, similarity and
difference.

This pursuit of dialectical substance is perhaps the most fundamental opera-

tion in Burke's logic of inquiry. With it, he argues, terms of explanation and
justification may be shown to cluster together about some master term. For
example, in A Grammar of Motives, he spends much time arguing that the
metaphysical positions of various philosophical schools may be explained as a
result of their clustering around a master term (in this case drawn from the
pentad); idealism around Agent, pragmatism around Agency, materialism
around Scene, and so on.48 It is here, perhaps, that his logic of inquiry is
weakest; there are no explicit rules for accomplishing this analysis of clusters
of motivational terms. Yet this particular procedure is central to his work, for
he claims that it is the dialectical substance of clusters of any explanatory
terms which implies "logically" all the other parts. Thus, an explanation of
human action which draws upon one term in any cluster will bring all the
other terms to bear upon the explanation through a kind of connotive logic.
And further, insofar as the mind is social, is built from, among other things,
the motivational commonplaces of a particular social order, then the connota-
tional relations in the cluster become a motivational (explanatory) resource
for the individual person. Willy nilly, people are drawn to explain and justify
their acts, to urge themselves and others to act, by the internal logic of these
dialectical clusters.

Indeed, one of these clusters, "order" (the cluster of terms which are
connotatively implicit in this concept), contains, for Burke, the whole drama
of human relations - contains, therefore, the essence of the human condi-
tion. Through his analysis of the connotations of the term "order," Burke
tries to show that the substance of the human social realm is that of an
hierarchial order held together by norms, where both hierarchy and norms are

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 145

rooted in property interests and stabilized by processes of scapegoating

through which the reality and morality of the hierarchial order are af-
firmed.49 It is the centrality, therefore, of this dialectical procedure which
makes Burke's omission of any set of rules for the use of the technique (save
the heuristic employment of the pentad) so problematic for his methodic
position. However, a careful search of Burke's writings does provide some
lead as to the overall critical method he proposes, at least with respect to
literature.s? We must not forget that Burke developed dramatism as a system
for the analysis of action (and terms about action) out of a method of literary
criticism. His remarks here may be taken, therefore, as a basis for understand-
ing his general method. For Burke, any kind of literary work, any kind of
symbolic action, can be analyzed as "dream," "prayer," or "chart," i.e., in
terms of its sub-conscious elements, its communicative aspects, or its efforts
to give realistic meaning to a personal or social situation.5s But in any of
these cases, the essential facts in a literary work are its words; thus, the basic
tool for analysis is a selected concordance of terms, a list of words with the
frequency and context of their occurrence. From this list, the literary
analyst's task is to develop an interpretation of the work's "solution" to some
problem in the life of the artist or the society in which he lives.

In constructing an interpretation, Burke acknowledges that the analyst's

fundamental assumptions about the social world must play a part. For, he
says:

Facing a myriad possible distinctions, he should focus on those that he

considers important for social reasons. Roughly, in the present state of the
world we should group these about the 'revolutionary' emphasis involved
in the treatment of art with primary reference to symbols of authority,
their acceptance and rejection.52

Burke also outlines some principles for the selection of words into the
"concordance," which are of interest in that they give an idea as to why he
focuses on one word rather than another; but they do not help to explicate
the relation between words, which is crucial to understanding word clusters.
Indeed, when he summarizes the essay and its methodological advice, he says
to "look for moments at which in your opinion, the work comes to fruitiorL
Imbue yourself with the terminology of these moments. And spin from
them."53 But it is precisely this "spinning" for which we are trying to
discover a logic; it is "spinning" which is his technique for constructing
dialectical clusters.

We are not completely without guidance. There is one important clue to the

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
146

criteria for the relations between words, which may be found in Burke's
comment:

We consider synecdoche to be the basic process of representatio

approached from the standpoint of 'equations' or 'clusters of what g
with what.' To say that one can substitute part for whole, whole for
container for the thing contained, thing contained for the container,
for effect, or effect for cause, is simply to say that both members of
pairs belong in the same associational cluster.54

"[S]ince substitution is a prime resource available to symbol

and if the synecdoche is the basis for relations within dialec
I would argue that it is to the peculiar logic of the dream,
Freud,56 and to the techniques of free association,57 that
understand the process of dialectical substance. The logical r
dream are different from the logic of consciousness. In th
connections are represented by temporal simultaneity, cau
by the transformation of a causal object into its effect, by
"either/or," and most importantly, as Freud notes, by the f
feel themselves at liberty... to represent any element by it
trary."58 The dream is characterized most fundamentally, in
doche and an ironic dialectic of opposites.

Now while, admittedly, Burke's discussion of the logic of t

larly the concepts of "condensation" and "displacement," w
priates as "the tendency of one event to become the synecd
tive of some other event in the same cluster,"59 takes place
his analysis of his analysis of subconscious elements of po
dream), the synecdoche is the fundamental relational proce
tional logic, tout court. It is the synecdoche together with t
metonymy, metaphor, and irony, which serve as the relata between motiva-
tional (explanatory) terms. Thus, in the exploration of the relations within
dialectical clusters, terms are shown to be related as parts to wholes, as
tangibles for intangibles, by representation, and in paradox and contradic-
tion.60 Which is to say that, loosely speaking, it is a "figurative" or "meta-
phorical" logic which underpins the connotational organization of terms in
particular dialectical clusters.

Perhaps these comments will become clearer if I provide an example of

Burke's own application of a dramatistic procedure to a situation in which his
assumptions about the interrelationship of language, mind and action are used
to frame the interpretation of a complex social action. Burke claims that, just

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 147

as language is the unique human capacity, and the mind is formed out of the
social process (which is one of communication), so the principles of mental
functioning (and the symbolic and social action in which it results) are built
on the syntactic and semantic qualities of particular languages.61 Thus,
grammars of motivational terms can also be treated as grammars of human
action.

Burke's explanation for the rise of Christian anti-Semitism in Nazi Germany

seems a useful example of his method, although no claims are made that this
analysis is empirically substantiated. For Burke, as for others like Lipset
(1963), anti-Semitism is an example of scapegoating. Burke is here addressing
the same problem as social scientists, the correlation between economic
depression and anti-Semitism. The problem is familiar to sociologists; it is his
analysis which will appear unusual. Let me quote Burke's analysis at some
length so that readers may appreciate the flavor of his work and have the text
to refer to as I try to provide a fuller explication:

Economic depression means psychologically a sense of frustration. The

sense of frustration means psychologically a sense of persecution. The
sense of persecution incites, compensatorily, a sense of personal worth, or
goodness, and one feels that this goodness is being misused. One then
'magnifies' this sense of wronged goodness by identification with a hero.
And who, with those having received any Christian training in childhood,
is the ultimate symbol of persecuted goodness? 'Christ.' And who perse-
cuted Christ? The Jews. Hence, compensatorily admiring oneself as much
as possible, in the magnified version of a hero (the hero of one's first and
deepest childhood impressions) the native Christian arrives almost 'syllogis-
tically' at anti-Semitism as the 'symbolic solution' of his economically
caused frustrations.62

Of course, one could see this argument as nothing more than an attempt to
fill out the linkages concealed by the "frustration-aggression" hypothesis,
and, given Burke's familiarity with Freud, it may well be that this particular
explanation of aggressive behavior was a stimulating influence in Burke's
development of his own more elaborate theory. Nonetheless, we will not get
far in understanding this example of Burke's analytic technique if we treat
him as a plagiarizer of Freud. Nor would it greatly assist this illustration of
the figurative logic of dramatism if we were to use the merger and division
technique, as does Burke himself in a later volume.63 On the other hand, if
we reconstruct this argument and try to amplify the links in the argument by
appeal to the pentadic ratios, it may help to bring out the mixture of
metaphorical, "logical," relata in the theory.

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
148

Economic depression leads to psychological frustration. When the scene for

people is economic depression, then the acts of agents who take that scene as
their frame will exhibit depressive qualities, like frustration, in consistency.
Thus is enacted the correspondence of Scene-Act, Scene-Agent ratios. When
frustration is taken, in its turn, as the scene, the context, for agents acting, it
offers only a very limited and constrained frame within which to understand
and justify one's ability to act (or rather one's inability to act), and this leads
to a "Why me?" attitude. The compensatory way in which a sense of
persecution can lead to a sense of personal worth and "wronged goodness"
appears to be an operation of antithesis: people could equally well be
depressed by a sense of persecution. Thus, a feeling of persecution, when it
leads to a sense of increased self worth, is achieved through the logic of
opposites. Compare the ironies of the Sermon on the Mount: the progression
to a sense of "wronged goodness" is accomplished through an Agent-Scene
consistency-good people, good agents, are treated well, operate against a
good scene.

From this point, the argument is somewhat more obvious! By identification

with the hero-figure, persecuted individuals are able to make their own
feelings consequential on a broader scene. They can locate themselves in a
cultural rather than personal context: But why Jesus? The subsumption of
terms under the connotative influence of a master term is one of the most
important elements in motivational grammar. In much the same way that
terms "transcend" the things they represent, there is a tendency in grammars
of motive to "transcend" motivational (explanatory) terms with one summa-
ry, essential, "God term." What more appropriate "God term" for the hero,
as a motive, than "Jesus" could we find? The individuals and Christ are now
"condensed" for the individuals' motivational understanding of the economic
depression. Their sufferings are now synecdochically involved with Christ;
they are part of the whole that is Jesus. The rest flows, Burke remarks,
"almost 'syllogistically.' " When the individuals are Christ, and are identified
with him "essentially," then the persecutors, equally "essentially," are the
persecutors of Christ: the Jews.

This illustrative reconstruction from Burke's work, selected for its sociologi-
cal topic, does pose the two questions that remain to be asked about
dramatism. First, how are we to separate the methodic use of this system
from its employment as a meta-method (as an analytic device for examining
explanatory terms)? The illustration, of course, is methodic in character; it
implies that this account of anti-Semitism is a description of the process
through which individual Germans came to hold their position. Nonetheless,
it would take little effort to suggest that, whether or not this description was

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 149

empirically substantiated, the connotational relations of the terms used by

the analyst could produce that same analytic description. Method and meta-
method are entwined. Indeed, from another perspective, the distinction
between dramatism as a method and as a meta-method could be eliminated,
and both modes of analysis could be treated as procedures for interpreting
explanations of human action that are different only in terms of the audi-
ences to which these motivational accounts are addressed. Thus, what has
been called the meta-methodic use of dramatism may be viewed as a sociolo-
gical procedure for interpreting explanations of action offered to a sociolo-
gical audience, and what has been termed the methodic use may be seen as a
sociological procedure for interpreting explanations of action (and hence
action itself) offered to any audience other than a sociological one.64 In both
cases, however, the dramatistic logic of inquiry is directed to the interpreta-
tion and analysis of explanations (motivational accounts), and the dramatistic
procedures of analysis are the same. Thus, in assessing the utility of drama-
tism, it makes little difference if we draw a distinction between its employ-
ment as method or as meta-method.

This moves us to the second, and perhaps more important question, one that
relates directly to the sociological efficacy of dramatism. Is there a practical
limit, a limit that would make analytic sense, to the kinds of descriptive
accounts that could be spun out of the terms of this illustration, or, more
generally, out of any set of analytic terms? Certainly there is no reason to
scorn the pentad as a guiding rule for the critique of analyses of human
action. Indeed, Zollschan and Overington (1975) have exhibited the pentad's
utility as a rule for assessing the theoretic generality of theories of motiva-
tion. Yet, the actual operation of such dramatistic critiques of explanations,
as well as dramatistic explanations themselves through the development of
dialectical clusters of terms, raises problems.

Clearly, the connotational relata of synechdochy, metonymy, metaphor, and

irony, which constitute the internal logic of dialectical clusters, precisely
because of their figurative (metaphoric) character, make it possible for
individuals to present highly personal analyses of explanations for human
action. What makes terms relative as parts for wholes, as tangibles for
intangibles, as representational, and as contradictions is manifestly dependent
upon what metaphoric connotations they have for a particular user of the
dramatistic critique. Fortunately, we can assume that these figurative relata
will not be merely idiosyncratic; nonetheless, they will be influenced by the
analyst's experience. Yet, surely, this need not condemn the dramatistic logic
of inquiry to the realm of the intra-subjective and the merely personal.

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
150

Although Burke's discussion of the analysis of literary work, in "Fact,

Inference and Proof in the Analysis of Literary Symbolism", may well not be
directly applicable here, it does provide a guide to the production of evidence
within the dramatistic logic of inquiry. Whatever the nature of a particular
dramatistic interpretation, however a person spins the analysis of some
explanation of human action (whether that be addressed to a sociological or
some other audience), the text of the explanation (the motivational account)
is always available as a concrete "fact" from which to generate rival interpre-
tations. And here, is the dramatistic analyst worse off than any sociologist
engaged in the reconstruction, the representation, of another's theory? Are
there rules comparable to those applied in the reconstruction of survey,
observational, or experimental evidence that one can use in the reconstruc-
tion of theories (explanations) of action? Some sociologists have argued that
since there are rules for any theorizing that is addressed to a sociological
audience (usually they mean constructing logically well-formed propositions
that are "testable"), one should reconstruct such theorizing according to
these same rules. Others have made a practice of reconstructing some aspect
of another's explanation so that it will organize a data set with little attention
to the relationship that these selected aspects bear to the totality of the
other's work. To a degree, therefore, there are rules that some follow in the
reconstruction of theories (explanations) that are addressed to sociologists.
Nonetheless, the majority of such reconstructions follow neither of the
patterns that we have portrayed and rely instead upon the plausibility secured
by the interpretation in relation to its audience. Certainly, we know little or
nothing about the rules for achieving this plausibility. Our studies of the
rhetoric of sociology are barely nascent.

And so to repeat the question: "Is the dramatistic analyst worse off than any
sociologist engaged in the reconstruction, the representation, of another's
theory?" If we restrict the answer to those theories (explanations of action)
addressed to a sociological audience, then I believe the answer to be "No." In
the first place, we do not know what the rules are for presenting plausible
reconstructions (unless stylistic familiarity or sociological fashionability be
crucial!); a dramatistic reconstruction has as much a priori plausibility as any
other interpretation that could be generated with the text. In the second
place, to match the claimed reconstructive adequacy of well-formed and
testable propositions (either in interrelated nets or wrenched out of any
context), the dramatistic logic of inquiry proposes its own criteria. These are
twofold. First, identify the key analytic terms in the explanation; and second,
explore the connotational links in dialectical clusters formed by these key
analytic terms under the pentadic rubric (Remember that "In any rounded
statement about motives, you must have some word that names . . . [the act,

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 151

scene, agent, agency, and purpose]."65 Performing both of these tasks leads
to a rounded dramatistic analysis, and, insofar as the original explanation of
action (theory) is inadequately developed with respect to the pentad, makes a
dramatistic critique possible.

Thus, to answer our original question as to the possibility of a limit on the

dramatistic spinning out of connotational relata, it is possible to indicate
three limiting factors. First, the text as a "fact" imposes an overall framework
within which these dialectical clusters may be explained. Second, the aim of
the dramatistic analyst, to spin out the pentadic terms through an exploration
of these clusters, directs the analysis. Finally, the audience to whom the
dramatistic analysis is directed provides a culture within which some connota-
tions will be more acceptable (perhaps because they are more familiar and
fashionable?), and hence the analysis more plausible.

However, although these same three factors provide practical limits in the
dramatistic analysis of motivational (explanatory) frameworks that are not
addressed to sociologists, they do not offer guidance in the sampling of
motivational discourse that is to become the "text" for the inquiry. Of
course, such a sampling problem does not arise with motivational frameworks
(explanations of action) that are offered to a sociological audience. But when
it comes to an attempt to analyze the frameworks of motives that members
of some group, organization, institution, or even a whole culture66 employ in
explaining their completed or proposed actions, we are very much in need of
some rules for sampling. These the dramatistic logic of inquiry fails to offer,
and Burke's own practice suggests little more than the rhetorical techniques
of example and illustration as procedures for sampling. These are certainly
not adequate as systematic rules for selecting items of motivational discourse
from socially bounded universes of motivational talk. Yet, surely we have
enough theories of sampling in use among sociologists engaged in observation-
al, experimental, and survey research to provide some basis for sampling
items of motivational discourse from motivational frameworks. This defect of
dramatism is hardly crippling!

We have traced the development of dramatism as a method of inquiry into

motivational (explanatory) frameworks of all kinds, from its early formula-
tion as an emancipatory analytic counterpoint against motivational frame-
works that serve the interests of property to its last change into an internally
self-sufficient procedure for uncovering the connotational influences on
explanations of action (particularly, sociological explanatory terminologies).
This change (from a "tentative Marxism" to an essential perspectivism) is the
last stage in Burke's struggle to formulate a general system for the analysis of

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:3 1976 12:34:56 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
152

motives and language. In this final transformation, he isolates language from

its embedment in patterns of interaction in order to treat the "purely"
linguistic relationships among words. Of course, such a treatment has to
assume the cultural actuality of the metaphorical relata through which
analysis takes place, much as Levi-Strauss has to presume the actuality of a
binary logic for his analysis of myth.67 Sociologists concerned to utilize a
dramatistic logic of inquiry must decide for themselves whether they will use
it to study the purely internal relations of motives and language, or whether
they will employ it in an examination of the social and economic roots of
motivational discourse. The procedures for analyzing motivational frame-
works will be the same in either case.

Clearly, the present brief exposition has not provided an inventory of the
techniques to be used in a dramatistic analysis; that was not its purpose.
Indeed, from the dearth of sociological commentary on dramatism, it would
appear that no sociological audience is yet available for the monographic
length that such completeness would entail. Here, rather, we have examined
the sociological pertinence of Burke's work through a concentration on the
intersubjectivity of his methodology. This intersubjectivity is a necessary
condition for the sociological import of dramatism. It is reasonable to
conclude from the present reconstruction that dramatism does provide such
an intersubjective method for the analysis and critique of explanations of
action. Dramatism meets the necessary condition for its sociological impor-
tance. Only time will tell if that necessary condition is also "sufficient."

REFERENCES

Burke, Kenneth, The Philosophy of Literary Form, New York: Vintage, 1957.
Burke, Kenneth, Attitudes Toward History, Boston: Beacon Press, 1959.
Burke, Kenneth, "Fact, Inference and Proof in the Analysis of Literary Symbolism,"
Stanley Hyman, ed., Terms for Order, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana Universi
Press, 1964, pp. 145-172.
Burke, Kenneth, Permanence and Change, Indianapolis, Indiana: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965.
Burke, Kenneth, Language as Symbolic Action, Berkeley: University of California Press,
1966.
Burke, Kenneth, Counterstatement, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968a.
Burke, Kenneth, "Dramatism," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, New
York: Macmillan, 1968b, pp. 445-452.
Burke, Kenneth, A Grammar of Motives, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969a.
Burke, Kenneth, A Rhetoric of Motives, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969b.
Burke, Kenneth, The Rhetoric of Religion, Berkeley: University of California Press,
1970.
Lipset, Seymour Martin, "The Sources of the Radical Right," in Daniel Bell, ed., The
Radical Right, Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1963.

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 153

NOTES

1. This work incorporates portions of a chapter of a dissertation submitted to the

Department of Sociology at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. Joe Elder, Lloyd
Bitzer, and Warren Hagstrom met together with Kent Geiger and Nick Danigelis in
1974 to sign away their blame for that project. Failing to persuade George
Zollschan that he should take some share of the culpability, the writer is left to
acknowledge full responsibility for whatever sins of commission and omission that
this latest revision includes.
2. Kenneth Burke, "Dramatism," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences
(New York, 1968), pp. 445-452.
3. Louis Wirth, "Review of Permanence and Change, "American Journal of Sociology
43 (1938), pp. 483-486.
4. Wayne Booth, "Kenneth Burke's Way of Knowing," Critical Inquiry 1 (Septembe
1974), p. 2.
5. See Armin Paul Frank and Mechthild Frank, "The Writings of Kenneth Burke," in
William Rueckert, ed., Critical Responses to Kenneth Burke: 1924-1926 (Minne-
apolis, 1969), pp. 495-512.
6. See Michael A. Overington, "Kenneth Burke as Social Theorist: He's Got Some
Explaining to Do," St. Mary's University, Halifax, Canada (1975).
7. Kenneth Burke, "Dramatism," op. cit., p. 445.
8. Ibid., p. 448.
9. Abraham Kaplan, "A Review of A Grammar of Motives," in William Rueckert, ed.,
op. cit., p. 170.
10. The classic essay here is C. Wright Mills, "Situated Actions and Vocabularies of
Motive," in Irving Louis Horowitz, ed., Power, Politics and People (New York,
1963), pp. 439-452. Here Mills acknowledges his debt to Burke's Permanence and
Change, first published in 1935. This paper by Mills in 1940 was the debut of
Burke's ideas in sociology. The most recent analytic attention to the issue of
motives from a similar position may be found in George K. Zollschan and Michael
A. Overington, "Reasons for Conduct and the Conduct of Reason," in George K.
Zollschan and Walter Hirsch, eds., Social Change: Conjectures, Explanations and
Diagnoses (Boston, 1975).
11. It is interesting here to compare David Matza's treatment of the "essential thief."
Matza points out that the common sense view of the way in which police
investigate crimes is hardly in keeping with their practice. They do not tackle such
matters with a Holmesian technique, i.e., inductive clue collection leading to a
deduction of the identity of the culprit; rather, they have a pre-selected collection
of individuals in the community who are, by their reputation, thieves, what Matza
calls "essential thieves." The police turn to this group for their suspect. As Burke
would expect, an act which is "essentially" that of theft, requires for its motivation-
al complement (its explanation) a person who is "essentially" a thief. A person
and his acts become so confounded that the person's identity is seen as nothing
more than his actions written large. This identification of a person with his acts is
the result, Burke would say, of the power of motivational terms to create a
coherent justification which will have consequences for people. The "essential
thief" is the necessary dramatistic complement to the act of theft, when the
connotative logic implied by the term "theft" is worked out in practice.
The use of deviant acts in this example will surely remind the reader of some of the
concerns of "labeling theory" which has commonalities with Burke's position.
Nonetheless, his understanding of the motivational force of verbal labels is a good
deal broader than the position of the labeling theorists.
12. See also K. W. Taylor and James Frideres, "Issues versus Controversies: Substantive
and Statistical Significance," American Sociological Review 37 (August 1972),
pp. 464-472.

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
154

13. I agree with Burke that "things" and the symbols for things are not the same; but
what one can know about "things" without symbols, apart from their resistance, is
quite mysterious. Thus, what the actual relations between phenomena might be is
always an hypothesis; the only way to address this is in the selection of a set of
terms by means of which to conduct an analysis. If human knowledge is acquired
through symbols, then the "actual" state of affairs of the world is not open to
human knowledge, only that "actuality" which enters in its symbolic "transforma-
tion."
14. See further, Overington, "Kenneth Burke as Social Theorist: He's Got Some
Explaining to Do," op. cit.
15. Louis Schneider, "Dialectic in Sociology," American Sociological Review 36
(August 1971), pp. 667-678.
16. "Epistemological perspectivism" is a locution chosen to express a philosophical
view of knowledge of the social world as fundamentally available only within
personal, social, and ideological perspectives; to claim that there is no knowledge of
social objects, no knowledge of persons, no social knowledge, therefore, which is
complete, absolute, unconditioned by intellectual frameworks and language. One
should not be tempted to see Burke as idiosyncratic in his perspectivism. Others
who have advocated similar positions are Karl Mannheim, George Mead, Alfred
Schutz, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, a distinguished collection of people who have
had some influence on the development of sociological thinking.
17. Karl Marx, Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy, T. B. Bottomore
and Maximilien Rubel, eds. (New York, 1956), p. 78.
18 Charles Morris, "The Strategy of Kenneth Burke," in William Rueckert, ed., op.
cit., p. 164.
19. Here Burke differs from both Plato and Hegel, for, of any one voice in the dialogue
(or dialectic, the terms are equivalent for him), "[It is] necessarily a restricted
perspective, since it represents but one voice in the dialogue, and not the perspec-
tive-of-perspectives that arises from the cooperative competition of all the voices as
they modify one another's assertions, so that the whole transcends the partiality of
its parts." [Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (Berkeley, California, 1969),
p. 89.]
20. Kenneth Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form (New York, 1957), p. 328.
21. Kenneth Burke, Counterstatement (Berkeley, California, 1968), p. xi. 22.
22. Kenneth Burke, Attitudes Toward History (Boston, Mass., 1959), p. 308.
23. Kenneth Burke, Permanence and Change (Indianapolis, Indiana, 1965), pp. liv-lv.
When not applied too narrowly, this conception of "perspective by incongruity" is
not strange to sociology. Most familiar to American sociologists, perhaps, will be its
application by the Chicago School. Although the University of Chicago Sociological
Series, which is the best collection of the work of the researchers at Chicago,
contains around thirty-five volumes, it is the studies of deviance which are best
known and are seen as best representative of the School. It is in these volumes that
irony can be seen in the use of terms like "profession," "career," "morality," etc.,
to analyze the activity of deviants and criminals. This linking of "respectable"
terms with deviant activity quite clearly captures the sense of verbal incongruity to
which Burke is referring.
24. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., pp. 402-418.
25. Burke, Attitudes Toward History, op. cit., p. 311.
26. Crane Brinton, "What is History?, " Saturday Review of Literature 15 (August,
1937), pp. 3-4, 11.
27. Burke, Permanence and Change, op. cit., p. 125.
28. For similar accounts of the procedures of psychoanalysis, cf. O. Hobart Mowrer,
The Crisis in Psychiatry and Religion (Princeton, New Jersey, 1961) and Jerome
Frank, Persuasion and Healing (New York, 1961). A parallel description of con-

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 155

version through the provision of new vocabularies of motive is to be found in a

study of brainwashing in China by Robert Jay Lifton, Thought Reform and the
Psychology of Totalism (London, 1961).
29. It is not altogether clear that Burke's essentialist and substance-oriented philosophy
is a comfortable bedmate with Nietzsche's perspectivist and process vision. Surely
Burke is also a perspectivist, but one always feels that he is struggling to an
understanding of the essence of persons and their world. On the other hand,
Nietzsche's "myths" appear to be instruments through which he seeks to realize his
own potential. It may well be that Frederick Copleston's summary of the impor-
tance of Nietzsche's work as "a dramatic expression of a lived spiritual crisis" [A
History of Philosophy, Vol. VII (New York, 1963), p. 199] captures the real
common ground between these two men. Burke's works published before the
Second World War speak of the effect of the economic depression on the artist's
mind (his own): the Depression overturned a whole system of values and motives
and threw into chaos the minds which had been socialized to these same values and
motives. These volumes further speak of Burke's attempt to use them to put his
"world" back together (see particularly, Permanence and Change, op. cit., p. xlvii).
It may well be that the common spiritual crisis which he shared with Nietzsche led
to his electing a similar perspectivist orientation which would insulate him from the
collapse of another absolute system of values and motives. Yet, in Language as
Symbolic Action (Berkeley, California, 1966), pp. 3-24, one finds Burke endorsing
his own perspectival analysis as that best suited to tracking down the essence of
human conduct. In the culmination of the dramatistic system, therefore, perspecti-
vism is swallowed up in a dialectical method which no longer requires ironic
counterpoint.
30. Burke, Permanence and Change, op. cit., p. 94.
31. Ibid., pp. 255-261.
32. Daniel Fogarty, Roots for a New Rhetoric (New York, 1959). This work gains its
authority from Burke's comments on Fogarty's reconstruction of his method,
which are included in the volume.
33. One should note the parallels between Burke and Durkheim, The Rules of the
Sociological Method (New York, 1938), p. 35, and Aristotle's method of many
beginnings and the search for an "essential" definition for the concept under
investigation, cf. Richard McKeon, "Aristotle's Conception of the Development and
the Nature of Scientific Method," Journal of the History of Ideas 8 (January,
1947), pp. 4-5.
34. Daniel Fogarty, "Kenneth Burke's Theory," in William Rueckert, ed., op. cit.,
p. 326.
35. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., p. xv.
36. Kenneth Burke, The Rhetoric of Religion (Berkeley, California, 1970), p. 26.
37. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., p. 228.
38. Fogarty, "Kenneth Burke's Theory," op. cit., p. 327.
39. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., p. 3.
40. Burke, "Dramatism," op. cit., p. 446.
41. Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, op. cit., p. 90.
42. See Burke, "Dramatism," op. cit.
43. Burke, Language as Symbolic Action, op. cit., p. 60.
44. Ibid., p. 59.
45. Burke, "Dramatism," op. cit., p. 448.
46. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., p. 74.
47. William Rueckert, Kenneth Burke and the Drama of Human Relations (Minne-
apolis, 1963), pp. 153-154.
48. Burke, A Grammar ofMotives, op. cit., pp. 127-317.
49. Kenneth Burke, A Rhetoric of Motives (Berkeley, California, 1969), pp. 183-294,
and Burke, The Rhetoric of Religion, op. cit., pp. 172-272.

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
156

50. Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, op. cit., pp. 56-75, and Kenneth Burke,
"Fact, Inference and Proof in the Analysis of Literary Symbolism," in Stanley
Hyman, ed., Terms for Order (Bloomington, Indiana, 1964), pp. 145-172.
51. Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, op. cit., pp. 6-7, 241-243.
52. Burke, Attitudes Toward History, op. cit., p. 200.
53. Burke, "Fact, Inference and Proof in the Analysis of Literary Symbolism," op. cit.,
p. 167.
54. Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, op. cit., p. 65.
55. Burke, "Dramatism," op. cit., p. 450.
56. Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams (New York, 1965).
57. Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, op. cit., p. 229.
58. Freud, op. cit., p. 353.
59. Burke, The Philosophy of Literary Form, op. cit., p. 239.
60. Burke, A Grammar ofMotives, op. cit., pp. 503-517.
61. The parallels here with G. H. Mead, Sapir-Whorf, and the symbolic interactionist
tradition, are obvious.
62. Burke, Attitudes Toward History, op. cit., pp. 168-169.
63. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., pp. 406-408.
64. See further, Zollschan and Overington, op. cit.
65. Burke, A Grammar of Motives, op. cit., p. xv.
66. For example, see Burke, Attitudes Toward ttistory, op. cit., pp. 111-165.
67. See Edmund Leach, Claude Levi-Strauss (New York, 1970).

Theory and Society, 4 (1977) 131-156

? Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam - Printed in the Netherlands

This content downloaded from

132.174.251.50 on Sat, 18 Jun 2022 16:50:39 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms