Changing Landscapes of Singapore

Ho, Elaine Lynn-Ee, Wong Chih Yuan and Ramdas, Kamalini

Published by NUS Press Pte Ltd

Ho, Elaine Lynn-Ee, Wong Chih Yuan and Ramdas, Kamalini.

Changing Landscapes of Singapore: Old Tensions, New Discoveries.
New ed. NUS Press Pte Ltd, 2013.
Project MUSE. muse.jhu.edu/book/27560.

For additional information about this book

https://muse.jhu.edu/book/27560

[ Access provided at 17 Mar 2022 19:20 GMT from National University of Singapore ]
 7
Growing Old in Singapore:
Social Constructions of Old Age and
the Landscapes of the Elderly
Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

Introduction
Population ageing is a demographic phenomenon that most governments
are concerned about and find challenging. This phenomenon has always
been cast in a catastrophic light by policymakers and the media who draw
attention to its possible social costs and detrimental effects to the economy.
Currently, 9 per cent of the resident population in Singapore are 65 years
or older. This figure is projected to hit a significant 20 per cent by 2030.
By international benchmark, Singapore became an ageing society in 2005
when the population of its residents who are 65 years or older accounted
for more than 8 per cent of its total resident population (Gavrilov and
Heuveline cited in Teo et al. 2006).
This chapter analyses the larger social context that impacts upon how old
age is perceived and understood in Singapore. Specifically, by scrutinising the
landscapes of care and landscapes of employment pertaining to the elderly,
this chapter examines the different processes that influence social attitudes
towards old age. Negative stereotypes underpinning state policies towards
the elderly in Singapore affect their experiences as well as the resources and
opportunities available to them.

126

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 Growing Old in Singapore 127

The chapter is organised into four sections: first, the theoretical per-
spectives related to ageing will be outlined. The next section examines the
key demographic profile and socio-economic circumstances of the elderly
population in Singapore. Following that will be a critical discussion of the
state policies related to eldercare and employment, which in turn impact the
landscapes they inhabit. This discussion examines how old age is perceived
within the Singaporean society which in turn shapes everyday experiences of
the elderly. The conclusion will summarise the key arguments of the chapter
as well as reflect on the future development of policies relating to the elderly
and their landscapes in Singapore.

Social Construction of Age and Ageism

The issues of ageing and old age have long captured the imagination of
social scientists. Increasingly, there is a shift away from seeing ageing simply
as a biomedical or scientific phenomenon to understand how it is socially
constructed instead. Such a constructivist viewpoint is useful for highlighting
that the process of ageing differs across cultures and societies because distinct
social-cultural processes shape the way ageing is perceived (Hooyman et al.
2008). In other words, the quintessential qualities and identities associated
with various age groups are not objective but are socially produced (Maier
2006). These age-related norms and imaginaries within any given setting
in turn have profound implications on individuals’ experience as they age
(Bengston et al. 2005).
Such “culturally prescribed sets of norms about people and their behavior
at different stages in their life course” has been termed as ageism (Pain
et al. 2000: 378). Ageism underpins
assumptions on the relation between Life course refers to the different
age and one’s abilities and the need stages in life that individuals
undergo. These stages entail
for protection. It dictates the actions
culturally defined roles such as
of organisations and how people behave
“child”, “youth”, “adult” and
and relate to one another (Bytheway “senior”, but which are oftentimes
2005). Ageism tends to generalise the socially fluid in that they vary
characteristics of people in particular across cultures and time.
life stages by marking out categories of
people based on chronological age (ibid.). The inevitable outcomes of ageism
is the systematic denial of resources and opportunities for people of certain
chronological ages and/or the allocation of resources for services and benefits
that people are assumed to need based on their chronological age.

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 128 Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

Geographers interested in elderly issues argue that “connotations of

being old with inflexibility, dependence and decline remain deeply ingrained
in how people speak about and respond to encounters with older adults”
(Schwanen 2012: 1292). As such, geographers have been especially keen to
question and expose the way that ageism creates socio-spatial inequalities in
and through various spaces, resulting in the marginalisation of the elderly
population (Laws 1995a, 1995b, 1997; Pain et al. 2000). In the words
of Laws (1997: 91), “the material spaces and places which we live, work,
engage in leisure activities are age-graded and, in turn, age is associated with
particular places and space. Our metaphorical position also varies with age as
old age is peripheralised into discrete locations while youth is everywhere.”
Hence, utilising such geographical conceptions, the rest of the chapter will
draw attention to how ageism is played out in landscapes of employment and
care for the elderly in Singapore. This will proffer insights into how social
constructions of old age are complicit in shaping the everyday geographies
and experiences of elderly persons.

Key Demographic Characteristic of Elderly Residents in

Singapore from 2000 to 2011
The proportion of elderly residents in Singapore has been growing since
1970 (see Figure 1) and current demographic statistics reveal that Singapore
is fast becoming one of the demographically oldest countries in Asia (Harper
2006). The rapid ageing situation of the country can be attributed to longer
life expectancy and a declining birth rate (Yap 2010). In 2011, there were
352,600 elderly residents comprising 9.3 per cent of the resident population
in Singapore (Department of Statistics (DOS) [n.d.] a). The majority (60 per
cent) of these elderly residents fall under the “young old” category which
means that they are between the ages of 65 to 74 years old.
In terms of the employment status of the elderly, more are now working
compared to the year 2000 (Figure 2). The main reasons cited by the elderly
for remaining economically active are that they need money for daily expenses
and to keep themselves occupied and active (MCYS 2007). The proportion
of elderly residents who are economically engaged decreases significantly with
age while more elderly males than females are economically active.
Despite an increasing number of the elderly participating in Singapore’s
workforce, about 62.7 per cent of them were still dependent on their
children for financial support in 2010. However, this number has decreased
significantly from 75 per cent in 2000. Correspondingly, the proportion of

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 Growing Old in Singapore 129

Figure 1  Proportion of elderly residents by age

10

0
Year 1970 1980 1990 2000 2005 2011

Per cent of elderly in resident population

Per cent of elderly aged 65–74 years
Per cent of elderly aged 75 years and above

Source: Adapted from Department of Statistics [n.d.] a.

elderly residents who rely on formal income sources such as income earned
from employment or generated from their own business has also increased
slightly from 9.9 per cent to 12.3 per cent (DOS [n.d.] d; DOS [n.d.] b).
Other key income sources for the elderly residents come from savings (and
interest earned from savings) as well as from rentals.
Finally, in terms of living arrangement, the majority of the current cohort
of elderly residents (81 per cent) live in HDB flats and of these most of
them reside in 4-room flats (29 per cent) (DOS [n.d.] c). Many of these
elderly residents also co-reside with their children, a trend that has remained
consistent for many decades now. However, the proportion of elderly residents
in such a living arrangement has decreased slightly from 73 per cent in 2000
to 67 per cent in 2010. The proportion of elderly residents who live with
their spouse only and not with children has increased to 19.4 per cent in

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 130 Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

Figure 2  Proportion of elderly residents in labour force

2011 20.4

2010 17.6

2005 11.4

2000 10.8

Year

0 5 10 15 20 25
Per cent of elder aged 65 years and above who are employed

Source: Adapted from Department of Statistics [n.d.] b.

2010 as opposed to 13.4 per cent in 2000 (DOS [n.d.] d and DOS [n.d.]
b). The proportion of elderly residents who live alone has also increased
from 6 per cent in 2000 to 8.2 per cent in 2010. Similarly, the proportion
of elderly residents who are not co-residing with either a spouse or with
their child, but with other elderly persons has increased from 12 per cent
in 2000 to 13.9 per cent in 2010.
The preceding demographic information pertaining to the elderly in
Singapore suggests that the city-state is indeed undergoing a greying population.
The following sections will show how ageism underpinning state policies
towards the elderly influences the landscapes of employment and landscapes
of care that they occupy.

Ageism and Employment Landscapes

In the face of an ageing population and an economy that depends heavily
on its human resource, ensuring the employment and employability of older
workers is seen as crucial for Singapore to keep up with global competition.
Demographic projections show that the size of Singapore’s labour force will

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 Growing Old in Singapore 131

only grow marginally from 2000 to 2015 and is expected to shrink as early
as 2020. The growth of the working-age population and the labour force
was expected to be driven largely by older residents who are 50‒64 years
and older while “the [relative] contribution of the younger age group to
total working population is expected to decline continuously from 2000”
(Tay 2003: 89). Ensuring that older people remain employed and employ­
able is also in line with the vision of “Successful Ageing”. Crafted in 1999
by the Inter-Ministerial Committee on the Ageing Population (IMC), the
policies associated with Successful Ageing seek to cultivate healthy, active,
financially secure and independent seniors (Yap n.d.).
In 2005, the Tripartite Committee on Employability of Older Workers,
consisting of representatives from the government, businesses and trade
unions, was set up (MOM [n.d.] a). The committee promoted four key
strategic thrusts to enhance the employability and productivity of older
workers, namely “expanding employment opportunities for older workers,
enhancing the cost competitiveness of doing so, raising the skills and value
of older workers and shaping positive perceptions towards older workers”
(Thang 2011: 69). To ensure that more people remain employed beyond the
age of 55, a minimum retirement age of 60 years was mandated in 1993,
which was later revised to 62 in 1999 (MOM [n.d.] b). More recently the
state has passed the Retirement and Re-employment Act in 2011, which came
into effect in 2012. The act made it mandatory for employers to re-employ
workers past the official retirement age of 62 on different terms and on a
case-by-case basis (depending on their work performance and whether they
are medically fit) till the age of 65 (MOM [n.d.] c). Whilst it is too early to
assess the impacts of the Retirement and Re-employment Act, other measures
described above have kept older Singaporeans in employment throughout
the 2000s. The employment rate for older workers (regardless of gender)
between the age of 55‒64 years has improved significantly overall if we were
to compare the statistics of 2010 with that of 2001 (Figure 3).
Despite the rising proportion of older workers being employed, a closer
scrutiny of these employment statistics reveals a relatively bleak landscape
of employment for elderly Singaporeans. Data collected in 2010 show that
older residents (aged 50 years and above) are concentrated in lower skilled
occupations such as cleaners, labourers and plant and machine operators
and assemblers (MOM 2010). In contrast, only 13 per cent of professionals
and 18 per cent of associate professionals and technicians comprised older
residents (MOM 2010). A profile of the labour force by industrial sector
shows that only 12 per cent of those in the information and communications

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 132 Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

Figure 3  Employment rate of Singapore citizens by age group

40.3 43.8

27.8
74.2 74.3
61.6

56.9 58.7
44

Year 2001 2009 2010

Total (55–64 years) Males (55–64 years) Females (55–64 years)

Source: Adapted from Ministry of Manpower 2011.

sector and 15 per cent of those in the financial and insurance sector are
those aged 50 years or older (MOM 2010). The median age in these two
sectors is much lower at 36 years compared to the overall median age of
41 years across all industries (MOM 2010). In addition, there is a higher
concentration of older workers in sectors such as administration and support
services (45 per cent), accommodation and food services (43 per cent), and
transportation and storage (45 per cent) (MOM 2010). These data suggest
that older workers occupy a peripheral position relative to younger workers
in the economy where high value-added manufacturing and business services
sectors dominate as engines of economic growth (refer to Chapter 11). In
other words, the workplaces that constitute landscapes of employment are
explicitly ageist.
What these statistics reveal is that ageism underpins the employment
opportunities for the elderly, thereby restricting the types of jobs available
to them. The need for affirmative action, such as legislative measures on
minimum retirement age and financial incentives like the Special Employment
Credit (SEC) which subsidises older workers’ wages, reflects a bias against
hiring older workers (The Straits Times 25 February 2012). Singapore’s Deputy

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 Growing Old in Singapore 133

Prime Minister attributed this biasness to employers being used “to the fact
that they’ve had lots of young people entering the workforce and that there’s
foreign labour” which suggests that employers generally prefer younger and
cheaper workers (The Straits Times 25 February 2012). Some companies are
skeptical about hiring older workers because the elderly are perceived as
less adaptable to changing technologies at the workplace. Others are wary
that older workers are less physically able and are likely to demand more
healthcare and medical needs thus increasing operating costs (The Straits Times
18 April 2011; Channel NewsAsia 15 December 2010). These views reflect
that ageism or generalised assumptions of older people’s characters, abilities
and biological state influence employer’s views of older workers and their
economic worth to businesses.
The difficulties faced by older jobseekers seeking re-employment after
being retrenched also hints at ageist attitudes towards hiring practices. In
2005, official estimates suggest that older workers with tertiary education find
it more difficult to find jobs as compared to their less educated counterparts
(Teo et al. 2006). A study conducted in 2002 also showed that workers in
their forties and fifties who were retrenched have greater difficulty seeking
re-employment (Tay cited in Teo et al. 2006). This trend is still prevalent
today as more recent data collected in 2010 show that older workers that
have been laid-off take a longer time to be re-employed compared to younger
workers (MOM 2011).
The state has also fine-tuned age-based wage practices and regulations
to enhance the employability of older workers. In 1988, the employer’s
contribution rate to the Central Provident Fund (CPF) for every employee
who is above 50 years of age was reduced with the aim of lowering the cost
of employing older workers. More recently, in view of longer life expectancy,
personal CPF contribution rates were increased for workers between 50–65
years old as a measure of enhancing financial security in old age. Nevertheless
the total contribution rate for people within this age bracket is still much
lower compared to workers who are below the age of 50 (CPF n.d.). This
means that workers receive lower financial compensation when they reach a
certain age, making a difference to the savings they can accumulate in the
CPF account (that can be used for purchase of homes, payment for medical
expenses, buying of shares, financing education and as monthly payouts for
retirement).
Indeed, like many other capitalist societies, there exists a strong relationship
between age and the labour market in Singapore (Walker 2008). From the
above discussion, there are ageist assumptions about the reduced working

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 134 Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

abilities of elderly persons that in turn limit their employment opportunities

and remuneration package. Such circumstances have knock-on effects on the
motivation for older people to continue working and the financial resources
they have in their post-retirement period. Indeed, census data show that
a majority of the current elderly residents in Singapore are still reliant on
their children as a key source of financial support. Furthermore, a large
proportion of those 65 years or above are engaged in employment out of
forced necessity as they do not have savings or family support (The Straits
Times 14 August 2011). Hence it can be concluded that the negative ageist
stereotypes underpinning the employment landscapes of the elderly are complicit
in (re)producing the dependency of older persons, inevitably casting them as
a burden to the family and society (Walker 2008).

Social Ideologies and the Material Landscapes of Ageing

Beside economic landscapes, the landscapes of care for the elderly also show
how ageism underpins state policies for this group of Singaporeans. Census
data show that a majority (73 per cent) of elderly residents co-resides with
their children and many of them (81 per cent) actually live in Housing
Development Board (HDB) estates (see previous section). Urban spaces that
cater exclusively to elderly population such as retirement villages have yet
to appear in Singapore’s landscapes while institutional care facilities such
as nursing homes are not a common sight. This prevalence of the elderly
population residing in HDB flats reflects the ideology of ageing in place
that is being actively pursued by the state. This ideology simply means
remaining in one’s home for as long as one can. It began gaining momentum
around the world with the rapid growth of older populations in many nations
and its popularity is premised on two reasons: first, the impracticability of
relying on institutional care to cater to the needs of the elderly who are
frail given rising healthcare costs, and second, the nostalgia of the elderly
in viewing the domestic realm as a place of care and permanence (see
Larsson et al. 2005; Teo et al. 2006). Nevertheless, ageing in place requires
various conditions to be present so as to enable the elderly to grow old in the
home and community that he or she is familiar with whilst simultaneously
gaining access to care and resources (CAI 2006).
In Singapore, the state is strongly supportive of the home as an ideal
caregiving space with the family playing a primary role in the care of the
elderly. This is in line with the “Many Helping Hands” philosophy of welfare
provision. Under this philosophy, the family is identified as the first line of

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support for those in need of help to protect their well-being. The community,
comprising a network of social service agencies such as voluntary welfare
organisations (VWOs) and Community Development Councils (CDCs) form
the second line of support for such individuals. The role of the state is to
create a conducive environment through planning and introducing policies
that facilitate families and the community to carry out these responsibilities
(Goh 2006). The rationale for subscribing to this belief is a pragmatic one.
The state believes that it would be untenable for the government to shoulder
the primary responsibility of providing social welfare needs as it would mean
increasing social spending which would require high taxes to be imposed.
According to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Singapore cannot afford
to adopt an unpopular tax policy as it has a more complex social fabric
and an economy that is not reliant on natural resources (The Straits Times
11 June 2012). Once again, ageist stereotypes persist insofar as the elderly
are seen as a burden and a drain to state resources.
In lieu of such a stance by the Singaporean state, various policies have
been devised to encourage the elderly to age in place. Public housing has
been used as a main tool to foster the (heterosexual, nuclear) family unit,
which is seen as central to the ideology of ageing in place. As mentioned
previously, public housing in Singapore is more than just a roof over one’s
head but it also serves various social objectives (refer to Chapter 3). The
state believes that a strong family unit can be a platform through which
the elderly can remain socially active and not be isolated in old age. The
family can also serve as a source of (financial and moral) support for the
elderly, thereby reducing the need for those that are frail and aged to
spend their last years in institutionalised care settings (e.g. nursing homes)
(Yap 2010). The Asian value of filial piety is embodied and entrenched in
the material landscapes of public housing so as to encourage inter-generational
living under the same roof or in close proximity (see Table 1). But as many
scholars have noted, such state discourses about Asian values associate an
essentialising set of cultural norms with Singapore in order to forward certain
political agendas (Rahim 1998; Ho 2008; refer to Chapter 6). In this case,
filial piety is invoked to delegate the responsibility of eldercare to the familial
realm. This suggests that the elderly population is dependent and can be a
huge drain on the country’s financial resources if not managed carefully. The
emphasis on “Asian family values” in official rhetoric also obscures the extent
to which elderly people have been subjected to abuse and abandonment by
their own family members (Teo et al. 2006). Indeed, the observation by
Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) that Singapore is fast becoming one of the

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 136 Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

Table 1  Policies to encourage three-generation family to live together or

near to each other

• Higher monthly household income ceiling for extended families to

buy new HDB flats.
• Higher tier housing CPF housing grant scheme for first-time
homebuyers who choose to live with their parents, in the same housing
estate or within two kilometres of their parents.
• Married Child Priority Scheme (MCPS) that prioritises married couples
who choose to live with or near their parents in balloting exercises for
new HDB flats.
• Studio Apartment (SA) scheme that enable seniors to downgrade to
small apartments fitted with elderly-friendly features so they can unlock
their asset to meet post-retirement financial needs but still live near
their children.
• Subletting Whole Flat Scheme that allows seniors to rent out their
flats and move in with their married children.

Source: Committee on Ageing Issues 2006.

most unequal societies in the world has particular resonance, leading some
to conclude that aged people are increasingly left behind and “forgotten” in
the prosperous city-state (Teo et al. 2004: 181).
In addition, the physical environment of public housing flats and estates
have been remodeled to make public housing an ideal living space for the
elderly. Upgrading programmes are carried out for older flats to be fitted
with features that are considered as elderly-friendly such as installing non-
slip tiles in common areas and bathrooms. The HDB also embarked on the
Lift Upgrading Programme (LUP) in HDB blocks such that lifts will stop
at every level to facilitate the day-to-day movements of the elderly. Ramps
are also built in and around the estates to create barrier-free access for
wheelchair-bound elderly residents. New HDB projects are now designed with
the principle of universal access in mind. This has led to the construction
of wider internal corridors and doors so as to accommodate wheelchairs
and incorporate “elder-friendly” features (The Straits Times 29 June 2012).
Furthermore, senior citizens’ corners and inter-generational playgrounds are

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 Growing Old in Singapore 137

also present in public housing estates to ensure spaces of socialisation are

available for the elderly to interact with their family and friends (The Straits
Times 29 June 2012).
In terms of providing health amenities, public housing estates are
also fitted with day care centres run by VWOs that offer both social and
rehabilitative services for the elderly when their family caregivers are at work.
Senior Activity Centres run by VWOs are also available at various housing
estates to provide recreational activities and health support to home-bound
frail seniors living in small rental HDB units. These material landscapes will
be further boosted over the next five years. The state has recently announced
that S$500 million will be channelled to build 21 Senior Care Centres, 46
Senior Activity Centres and 10 Nursing Homes in public housing estates
(Channel NewsAsia 28 September 2012). Senior Care Centres function like
day care centres but have more sophisticated services that will be able to
cater to elderly with different needs (e.g. the wheelchair bound).
Hence, from the preceding discussion, it can be seen that the ideology
of ageing in place is premised on the assumptions that older persons are
dependent and a drain to state’s resources (given their higher healthcare costs)
and hence the responsibility of eldercare has to fall under the domain of
the family. This ideology has in turn created material landscapes that cater
to different groups of elderly Singaporeans residing in public housing estates.
Policies to create social and recreational spaces for the elderly in HDB estates
reflect state efforts to integrate this group of Singaporeans into mainstream
society. Although well-intended, these material landscapes are centred on
biomedical conceptions of ageing, therefore reinforcing negative stereotypes of
old age as associated with “mental and physical decline, spatial withdrawal,
social isolation, and dependency” (Pain et al. 2000: 378).

Conclusion
Social constructions of old age have huge impacts on the experience of ageing
and the lives of older people. The landscapes of employment and care for
the elderly in Singapore reflect and reinforce stereotypes of old age associated
with physical and mental frailty. Older people occupy a peripheral role in
Singapore’s economy, which has negative repercussions on their financial
resources and making them financially dependent on their families and
societies. This helps to (re)produce the dominant idea that older people are
a burden to society. The Asian value of filial piety and the pragmatic view
of the state towards provision of social welfare guide the ideology of ageing

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 138 Noorashikin Abdul Rahman

in place. This has led to the production of particular landscapes to facilitate

home-based care. Whilst such initiatives are generally accepted by Singaporeans,
such landscapes once again reflect and reinforce the ageist stereotypes of old
age such as dependency and social isolation and withdrawal.
Is there an alternative portrayal of old age that would produce material
landscapes presenting the elderly as active, healthy and independent individuals?
Of late, the state has embarked on initiatives to promote the elderly population
as a resource to be tapped on by society both for economic and social
purposes. For instance, The Council of the Third Age was set up in 2007
to play a catalytic role in promoting active living among seniors, especially
in the area of lifelong learning and volunteerism. The state has also invested
resources in making Singapore a hub for the silver industry, which focuses
on developing products and services catering to the needs of seniors (MCYS
2007). Under these initiatives, alternative potrayals of old age as a life stage
filled with health, vitality and vigour are being recognised and reinforced.
The elderly person is regarded as one who is independent and valuable
to the economy. This coincides with wider debates in the social sciences
about “The Coming of Third Age” whereby the increasing economic wealth
of elderly population are recasting their status as valued consumers rather
than as dependent burdens (Bass 2000: 7). These initiatives could change
the material landscapes associated with the elderly and the options and
choices made available to the elderly population and their social position.
However, care should be taken that such social and economic processes do
not over-romanticise old age, thereby marginalising the biological realities
faced by elderly such as deteriorating physical abilities, chronic diseases
and illnesses.

Discussion Questions
1. Get a friend to prepare a list of adjectives and nouns he/she can think
of that are associated with the elderly population in Singapore. In
the meantime, you can list the terms associated with young people in
Singapore. Compare the two lists and discuss how “being old” is perceived
by mainstream society in Singapore. How do such perceptions impact
the experiences of the elderly in Singapore?
2. Take a walk around your HDB estate or a HDB estate near you and list
down the spaces and amenities that cater to the elderly. What are the
benefits or inadequacies of such urban designs? Suggest ways to improve
the everyday living environment in the neighbourhood for the elderly.

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 Growing Old in Singapore 139

Further Readings
1. On key characteristics of the elderly population in Singapore: see
International Longevity Centre (2011). “A profile of older men and
older women in Singapore 2011”. http://www.tsaofoundation.org/pdf/
Profile_Older_Singaporeans_rev5.pdf [accessed 10 August 2012].
2. On changing demography of the elderly population: see Tay, B.N. (2003).
The graying of Singapore. Singapore: Humanities Press.
3. On the challenges of population ageing in Singapore and a critique of
approaches in addressing these challenges: see Teo, P., Mehta, K., and
Thang, L.L. (2006). Ageing in Singapore: Service needs and the state. Oxon:
Routledge.

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