House of God His Tor 0000 Shor
House of God His Tor 0000 Shor
House of God His Tor 0000 Shor
The Library
SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY
AT CLAREMONT
THE
HOUSE of GOD
A History of Religious Architecture
and Symbolism
: By
ERNEST H. SHORT
Author of 4 History of Sculpture,
Introduction to World History,
G. F. Watts, etc.
ILLUSTRATED
Nets Work
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1926
[All rights reserved|
Made and Printed in Great Britain
To my Wife
Methodist
Service
World
Fund
V
fi Vv
fale
School of Theology
AQ 39 £ at Claremont
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am indebted to Mrs. Hugh Spencer for photographs of
the Cairo mosques and several Far Eastern temples, and to
Dr. Arthur Bodington, of Winchester, for Italian and French
pictures. I have also to thank Mr. S. Smith for permission
to draw upon his unrivalled collection illustrating Lincoln
Cathedral. Colonel Shakespear kindly provided the pictures
of primitive shrines. The British Museum, especially
Mr. T. A. Joyce of the Ethnological Department, and the
Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington, particu-
larly Mr. A. J. D. Campbell of the Indian Section, have
been most helpful, and I have to acknowledge the generous
aid of the India Office Library in illustrating the Buddhist
and Hindu chapter. Mr. Brewer’s drawing of Old St.
Paul’s is reproduced by kind permission of “‘ The Builder.”
My thanks are due to Mr. W. F. Mansell, of Teddington,
for continual help in securing foreign and American photo-
graphs ; several American objects are reproduced by per-
mission of the Boston Museum and the Metropolitan
Museum, New York, and Dr. Ralph Adams Cram generously
provided the drawing of St. John’s the Divine, New York.
Lastly, I thank Mr. Roland Short, of Westminster School,
for his illustrative diagrams and plans.
vi
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION :—Architecture as a means of religious expression.
Greek and Gothic outlook ; their sources in history. The architecture of
serfdom. Scope of the book. Religious architecture of to-day; what is
- wanting?
Page 1
CHAPTER I.
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE. ANCIENT EGYPT.
Worship of primitive man. Magic and the primitive shrine. Hindu lai-pham.
River-valley civilization. Megalithic architecture of Egypt. Social and
economic factors. “ Soft countries and soft men.”’ Worship of the Sun God.
Ritual and temple planning. Temples of Luxor and Karnak, Age of Akhen-
aten and Tutankhamen. Test of modern “ values.”
Page 8
CHAPTER II.
PYRAMID TEMPLES. MAYA OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
BABYLONIA.
ts.
World distribution of pyramid architecture and megalithic monumen
Stonehen ge, Easter Island, Peru. Pyramid temples of Mexico,
Malta,
Honduras and Yucatan. Palenque and Chichen Itza. Analogies with
Egypt and Babylonia. Maya sculpture. The Babylonian Ziggurat.
Religious belief in the Tigris and Euphrate s Valley. Ziggurat of Ur.
bulls.
Babylonian monarchy and the art fund. Khorsabad ; the man-headedquality.
Age of Nebuchadnezzar. Persian architec ture ; its eclectic
Persepolis, Susa and Ktesiphon. Page 21
CHAPTER III.
THE LEGACY OF GREECE. THE ARCHITECTURE OF
PAGANISM.
in the age of
Light and Liberty. The Hellenes, a race of artists. Athens Greeks.
Pericles. The Parthe non. Elemen ts in a Doric temple. The earliest
ve ritual in Greece. Growth of
Mycenae, Tiryns, and Knossos. Primiti cture. The
Pisistr atus and Athens. Science and archite
city-state idea. architecture.
Hellenic builders. The classical Orders. Hellenistic
Page 39
vii
CHAPTER IV.
JEWISH FAITH AND ROMAN ORGANISATION.
The Hebrews. Belief in Jehovah. Hittite architecture. The Temple of
Solomon. The Captivity and the Return. Herod’s temple. Jews and Greeks.
Foundation of Rome. Roman religion. Greco-Roman temples. Rome at
the time of Augustus. The Pantheon. Concrete domes. Greek and Roman
building methods. The Imperial Metropolis. Rome the organiser.
Page 59
CHAPTER V.
THE COMING OF CHRISTIANITY.
Spread of Christianity. Influence of St. Paul. ‘“‘ Theatre of the Pious.”
Early churches of Rome. The House of St. Clement. Roman gild-houses, or
Scholz, and the Christian basilica. Shrines of the early Martyrs. Churches
of Constantine at Jerusalem. Roman basilicas. Ritual and Church planning.
San Lorenzo Fuori le Mura, Rome. Old St. Peter’s. The Basilica of St.
John in Laterano. St. Ambrose and St. Augustine at Milan. Early
churches of Milan. Churches of Gaul.
Page 75
CHAPTER VI.
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM. BYZANTIUM.
Christianity in the East. Armenian architecture. Foundation of Con-
stantinople. A Byzantine church. Justinian and Sancta Sophia.
Comparison with San Marco, Venice. Ravenna Churches. S. Apollinare
Nuovo and S. Apollinare in Classe. San Vitale, Ravenna. Byzantine
mosaics. Purpose of Christian decoration. Political and Social System in
Byzantium.
Page 86
CHAPTER VII.
THE ART OF ANCIENT INDIA AND CHINA.
Buddhist and Hindu art; Western affinities. Aryan Invasion. Vedic
fire-house. Rise of Buddhism. Asoka, the Constantine of India. Buddhist
Stupa. The monasteries ; stupa-house at Karle. Ajanta frescoes. Buddhist
sculpture. Jain temples. Rise of Hinduism. Sikhara of Vishnu. Cult of Siva.
Dome temples of Southern India. Benares. Hindu craftsmen. Shrines at
Ellora. Indian art and Indian philosophy. Spread of Buddhism in Asia.
Temples of Burma and Ceylon. Cambodia. Buddhism in Central Asia.
Temple Architecture in China. Religious sculpture. Temple of Heaven,
Peking. Japanese House of God.
Page 102
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH. ANGLO-SAXON AND
CELTIC CHURCHES.
Incursions of Northmen. Earliest Christian Sanctuary in Britain.
Glastonbury. Roman Britain. St. Alban’s. Benedictine Missionaries.
St. Augustine and St. Martin’s. Canterbury Cathedral. The first St.
Paul’s, London. Idol-houses and the Christian Church. Celtic
Missionaries. St. Patrick in Ireland. St. Colomba and Iona. Cuthbert of
Durham. Synod of Whitby (664). Benedict Biscop and Wilfrid of York.
Vill
Hexham Abbey. Anglo-Saxon parish church. Bradford-on-Avon. The
Saxon Tower. British Missionaries in Europe. Saint Boniface.
Page 130
CHAPTER IX.
THE ARCHITECTURE OF ISLAM.
Arabia and Mahomet. Medina and Mecca. A Moslem mosque. Mihrab,
or praying niche; Minbar, or pulpit. Moslem decoration. Mosques at
Damascus and Jerusalem. Moslems in Egypt. ’Amr and the Mosque of the
Conquest. Ibn Tulun. Mosque builders of Cairo. Mosque el Azhar.
The Kala-un. Mosque of the Sultan Hassan. Kait Bey tomb-mosque.
Moslems in India. Hindu craftsmen. Mogul emperors and the Art Fund.
Akbar’s reforms. Shah Jehan and Delhi. Pearl Mosque and the Taj Mahal.
Aurangzeb. Moslems in Spain. Visigothic church. Mosque of Cordova.
Moorish influences upon Gothic. Moors in Sicily.
Page 154
CHAPTER X.
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE IN ITALY, FRANCE AND
GERMANY.
Unity in religious architecture. Definition of Romanesque. Ritual and
Structure. Lombards and the building gilds. The Comacini. Italian
Romanesque. San Michele, Pavia. Romanesque sculpture. Byzantine and
Saracen influences. San Marco, Venice. Apulia and Sicily. Development
of Italian Romanesque. S. Miniato, Florence; S.Ambrogio, Milan.
Structure in Romanesque, Barrel Vaulting. Italians in Northern Europe.
Charles the Great’s church at Aix la Chapelle. The Mystic Year, a.D.
1000. Reforms of Cluny. Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire. Feudal
lords of France. Churches of the Auvergne. St. Front, Perigueux.
Poitiers and Toulouse. Dominicans in France. Vezelay Abbey. German
Romanesque. Builders of Normandy. Duke William, Lanfranc, and
Caen. A Norman minster-church.
Page 168
CHAPTER XI.
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE. FRENCH GOTHIC.
Structural deficiencies of Romanesque. Support and burden in Archi-
tecture. Development of Rib Vaulting. Transition from Round to
Pointed Arch. French Communes as Church Builders. Medizval masons.
Kingship in France. Suger’s Abbey-church of St. Denis. Notre Dame,
Paris. Bourges Cathedral. Rheims and Amiens. The Wonder of Beauvais.
Chartres Cathedral. Gothic Sculpture; its Symbolism. End of the
Gothic Age.
Page 193
CHAPTER XII.
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND.
English and French Gothic. An early Norman church. St. Bartholomew’s,
Smithfield. Durham Cathedral. Malmesbury Abbey. Norman symbolic
God. An
sculpture. Cistercian architecture. The Norman House of
on to Gothic. Chapel of the Nine Altars,
English monastery. Transiti
Pilgrim
Durham. Rebuilding Canterbury. Influence of the Becket cult.
Shrines of Christendom.
Page 218
ix
CHAPTER XIII.
ENGLISH GOTHIC.
Hugh of Lincoln and the Early English style. Lincoln Cathedral.
Sanctuary furniture. English Gothic sculpture. Bishop Hugh and Wells.
“The Perfect Cathedral.” West front of Wells. Symbolism of statuary.
Salisbury. Henry III. and Westminster Abbey. The Gothic builders.
Decorated Period. Porches, towers, windows and glass. Perpendicular
style. Gloucester Abbey. Edward II., Martyr. William of Wykeham and
Winchester. Chantry Chapels. End of English Gothic.
Page 242
CHAPTER XIV.
GERMAN AND SPANISH GOTHIC. THE RUSSIAN HOUSE
OF GOD.
Renaissance and Gothic. Transition from Romanesque in Germany.
The Hallenkirchen. Nuremberg churches. Shrine of St. Sebald. Church
of St. Lawrence, Nuremberg. The Sacrament House. Spanish Gothic.
The Moors and Seville. France and Spanish Gothic. Eastern Christendom.
The Turkish supremacy. Christianity in Russia. Church of the Assumption.
Moscow. Russian dome architecture. Churches of Kiev. Bolshevik
Russia. Taklin’s Temple of Reason.
Page 262
CHAPTER XV.
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES.
Italian Gothic ; comparison with French. Architecture of Humanism
Emperor versus Pope. The City-State system. Normans in Sicily and
Apulia. Duomo at Pisa. Pisan builders. Gian Galeazzo of Milan. Milan
Cathedral, Certosa, Pavia. Orvieto Cathedral. Benedictine and Franciscan
churches. Rise of Florence. Florentine gild system and the Duomo. Or
San Michele. Brunelleschi. Age of Lorenzo the Magnificent.
Page 273
CHAPTER XVI.
THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND.
Rome of the great Popes. Influence of Florence. Rebuilding St. Peter’s.
Bramante da Urbino. Michelangelo’s dome. Bernini and the baroque.
Architecture of Humanism. Jesuits and the baroque. Renaissance churches
of Venice. Palladio. The Plague churches. Santa Maria della Salute.
Gothic and Renaissance.
Page 294
CHAPTER XVII.
POST-REFORMATION ARCHITECTURE: FRANCE AND
ENGLAND.
Iconoclasm. Notre Dame, Antwerp. Iconoclasm in England. Politics and
Religion. French monarchy and the building fund. Lemercier’s Church
of the Sorbonne. Renaissance architecture in France. English Reformation.
Archbishop Laud. Renaissance in England. Christopher Wren. Wren in
France. His City churches. St. Paul’s. Grinling Gibbons, wood-carver.
Page 306
x
CHAPTER XVIII.
RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE IN THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY.
Greco-Roman revival in England and France. The neo-Gothic revival.
Pugin and George Gilbert Scott. Bentley’s Westminster Cathedral.
Religious architecture in America. St. John the Divine, New York.
Liverpool Cathedral. Giles Gilbert Scott.
Page 323
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Amiens Cathedral: the West Front... na of frontispiece
A Greek Temple, Paestum es * oe oh face page 2
Rheims Cathedral : the West Porch wale
A Primitive Sanctuary, Nambishi, India iy 8
An Indo-Burmese Lai-pham, Langkhiyet ne su hh. 30
An Egyptian Temple, Karnak .. te “i eee
Forecourt of the Temple of gr Ill, Liteon mae ea oath tO
The Hypostyle Hall, Karnak... = - e. a i oe
The Temple of Hatshepsut, Der-el-Bahri a Ms 5; nao
The Castillo at Chichen Itza... oF male a ae
The Priest’s slab, Temple of the Sun, PAewues 3 ppenge2b
The Ziggurat at Ur . i rae “% id a +98
“A Winged Beast from Renaees?sg : i sh as 3036
The Parthenon, Athens .. ae iB ae a eee
Dancing Victory :the Acropolis, Scena es os r: yea8
The Temple of Concord, Girgenti A A a eee
The Temple at Segesta .. om {2 B6
The Altar of Zeus, Pergamus: the Triumph ofWihéne: 3 es
The Temple Area, Jerusalem :the Mosque of Omar .. a it, 62
Greco-Roman Temple of Vesta, Tivoli .. = 0d a 66
The Pantheon, Rome Gas
The Forum, Rome if 42
The Temple of the Sun, Sey es fe es oy 45 A
San Clemente, Rome oe ne ae a. i I
San Lorenzo Fuori le Mura, Rome fi j ante RO
The Church of St. Ambrose, Milan 2, a a Iv G4
The Church of the Citadel, Ani, Armenia bg oe ie > tee
Sancta Sophia, Constantinople .. a i 4 - » 94
S. Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna ie oe #} ff | 6
San Marco, Venice ned
xiii
Mosaic of the Emperor Justinian, San Vitale, Ravenna face page 98
Sanchi Stupa : Northern Gateway = a #2 : ‘| ane
A Buddhist Stupa, Ceylon pa np Ss 2 com
Rock-cut Stupa-House, Karle .. = ae sf fe 7 108
Gopuram of a South Indian Temple... - ae Pe woes
The Ganges at Benares .. as ae rs - ee i EL
Siva’s Rock-cut Kailasa at Ellora. . me 3 a as orate
A Chinese Buddhist Altar-piece .. x fe es oe 55 ZO
A Buddhist Temple, Peking zi B J. ea a| gieiae
Tuan Fang Altarpiece .. sic ee a a a 54 E24
Kwannon, Goddess of Mercy .. LE ae .s ,| bs 5
A Buddhist Lohan.. sit ne ‘
A Japanese Temple e a =. + a 928
St. Mary’s Chapel, Glee ais = 34 iF - stsz2
St. Martin’s, Canterbury. 4 2, 2S j3* 596
Old St. Paul’s, from a aaa oeH. W.Brédise ss of +P MgO
Whitby Abbey, engraved by J. Coney .. Be ny +. ae 21
Earl’s Barton : the Saxon Tower ee as oh A 3° se
The Mosque of Ibn Tulun, Cairo = Pi zh = Se
The Kala-un Mosque, Cairo ae ne a os = 3 55
Cenotaph of the Sultan Hassan, Cairo .. : », 160
The Jumma ere ee Delhi, eo: the F
Fridaykaa
meeting »37 262
The Taj Mahal, tes es e ie - és an
Temple at Tehri, Central India .. : she 4: :| age
The Mosque of Cordova 5S, ife +3 ou ae » 166
Monreale Abbey : the Cloisters .. ae - #% <2 5 REO
San Michele, Pavia: Romanesque Doorway .. :. . )
St. John Lateran, Rome : the Cloisters ‘ ) > ate
San Michele, Pavia ; x. Tie 2
San Marco, Venice ;doorway oe mosaic 5. at7D
San Miniato, Florence .. fis o of i ote EGS
San Ambrogio, Milan : » 180
Notre Dame la Grande, Poitiers ahs se or te 53 Stee
St. Front, Périgueux <e ws st MH _ » 188
Worms Cathedral 7 ae at ee .. we » 188
L’ Abbaye aux Hommes, Caen »» 190
L’ Abbaye aux Hommes, Caen és
L’ Abbaye aux Dames, Caen a ed tie anaes! 792
Rheims Cathedral : the West Front te 5 a y. » 198
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Bourges Cathedral :the Nave face page 200
The Last Judgment, West Front, eetees oe
204
Beauvais Cathedral :Choir and Transept oe
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INTRODUCTION
“I find I never weary of great churches. It is my favourite kind of
mountain scenery. Mankind was never so happily inspired as when it
made a cathedral ; a thing as single and spacious as a statue at first
sight and yet, on examination, as lively and interesting as a forest in
detail.” R. L. STEVENSON.
Stevenson’s spirited suggestion of adventure in each cathedral and
minster church has an application far beyond the Christian House of
God. Any building which serves as a symbol of the immanence of the
All-Good in nature and humanity affords the same lively variety of
interest. There are forms of art which are the possession, as they were
the creation, of a few craftsmen and a limited number of instructed
esthetes. Not so the House of God. A shrine, a temple or a church,
just because it is a place for communal worship, is part of the great
picture-book of humanity. If we are to enjoy and understand, we must
search with the uncritical joy of children, not for some new esthetic
shiver, but for thoughts and emotions which testify alike to the beauty
and to the goodness of human life. We must know the faith and thought
of the builders, as well as the craft with which the walls were built and
the span was roofed.
Accordingly, it is with the ever-changing experience of man, bodied
forth in ever-varying architectural and sculptural forms, that this story
of “‘ The House of God ”’ is concerned. It seeks to show how the chief
manifestations of religious art are connected with outstanding social,
political, and geographical circumstances ; to gauge the emotions and
thoughts embodied in various types of buildings, and the actions and
reactions which created the different national styles ;always striving
to penetrate through the artistic production to the intellectual and emo-
tional circumstances which shaped and vitalised it. Convinced of the
general sameness of human lot through the ages, we would know how the
human constants—hunger and labour, seed-time and harvest, love and
death, faith and doubt, operated to produce this temple or that cathedral.
Though the primary interest is Christian, no religious architecture is
excluded. As Abul-Fazl wrote above the portal of his temple in Kashmir
in the days of the Emperor Akbar :—
“O God, in every temple I see people that see Thee,
And in every language I hear they praise Thee.
If it be a mosque, people murmur the holy prayer ;
And if it be a Christian church, the bell is rung for love of Thee.
Sometimes I frequent the Christian cloister and sometimes the
mosque,
But it is Thou whom I seek from temple to temple.”
2 THE HOUSE OF GOD
The basic principle of architecture is found in the capacity of matter
column
to bear a weight and span a space. The essential forms are the
arch or beam which span the
or wall which carry the weight, and the
set up his first tent-po le,
space. From the time the nomad of the steppes
al
the capacity to bear a weight and cover a space has been an essenti
element in every building. Even earlier, in the cave hollow ed by primi-
ting
tive man, the cave walls represented the columns and their suppor
buttresses, while the rock of the roof was the equivalent of the spread
of the arch or beam between its supports. The first law of architecture
is that every burden must have its due support and every support its
due burden.
The philosophy arising from this thought was beaten out by Schopen-
hauer in a famous essay in which he described the column as the symbol
of the will to work. “I am here to hold up this roof” murmurs the
column. Ever-struggling with the forces of gravitation, the column has
taken on a measure of the humanity of those who set it to its work.
When effort, thought and emotion are in harmony, the resulting art
makes its deepest and most permanent impression. Among the works
of man, there is no more perfect evidence of humanity’s capacity to
subdue matter and master the ever-present forces of gravity than a
nobly-planned house in which a god may fitly be worshipped. When
the structural forms and proportions of such a building can be related
to the experience of the men who devised and fashioned them, a shrine,
a temple, or a church is really understood.
The column in its simplest form may be seen at its work in a Greek
temple. Two rows of Doric columns and between them the lintel
holding up the roof. As Schopenhauer said, we see in good Greek
architecture each part—column and lintel—attaining its end in the
most direct and simple way. But the splendid lucidity of the Parthenon
also tells of a civilization in which intellectual clarity was a dominant
characteristic. Without that knowledge, the riddle of a Doric temple
is not to be solved. Every art has its own method of touching the
imagination and each art is more clairvoyant in some respect than any
other. Sculpture and lintel architecture proved specially fitted for the
expression of Greek experience, and those who cannot find beauty in
Greek social life usually fail to find it in Greek art. What is austere in
temple or statue seems empty, so that the seeker is tempted to echo the
exuberant dictum of Morris regarding the Parthenon—‘ A table on
four legs ; a damned dull thing!”
Yet William Morris was ready enough to find beauty in the by-ways
of the past and longed to diffuse it over every phase of human activity.
What escaped him in connection with the temples of the Greek world
were Marathon and Salamis. It was not zsthetic grace but the memory
Alinari.
(face
2.)
p.
PAESTUM.
GREEK
TEMPLE
A
INTRODUCTION 3
of victory over the hordes of the barbaroi which made the Parthenon
a House of God for the Athenian, a thing which was religious in its
power to enforce and maintain a strenuous moral ideal. The Greek
saw in the Parthenon human thought and emotion taking a visible
shape which satisfied his longing for a power beyond man, surely the
very quality which makes architecture religious. The thought and emo-
tion in the temples of the Acropolis or the five shrines of Girgenti
differ in many respects from the ideas enshrined in a Gothic cathedral,
but both are in a high degree religious. As Maximus of Tyre wrote :
“The Greek custom is to portray the gods by the most beautiful
things in the world—pure material, the human form and consummate
craft. The idea of those who make divine images in human form is
entirely reasonable, since of all things, the spirit of man is nearest to
the gods and most god-like.”
The fearless intellectuality and clarity of vision which the Greeks
applied to the pursuit of knowledge, they used for the refinement of
a Doric temple. At his best, the Greek builder did not press beyond
the point where perfect expression was possible ;vagueness was ab-
horrent to him, and, instinctively, the Greek felt that the verge of the
unknowable was the point where the full expression became impossible.
He did not experiment in the costly Gothic method of failure and repair,
and so was spared the final catastrophe of Beauvais. Nor did he forget
he was building for men and not for Cyclops. At his best he refrained
from emulating the megalithic art of the Egyptians, though the habit
of setting great rocks one above another had long been familiar to the
Greek world. A Doric temple is essentially the architecture of intellec-
tual sanity ; it was built for men who understood what freedom is and
what it implies.
As the Parthenon was the expression of a people inspired by the prick-
ing desire for intellectual truth, so the churches of Christendom in the
Gothic Age were the natural expressions of an age of faith. At Bourges,
at Amiens, at Chartres, we watch the imaginations of disciplined artists
steadily working out a vast, yet unified, series of ideas which embody
all the phases of religious emotion to be found in Christendom at the
time of the Crusades. Forget the Catholic Church ; forget the Crusades ;
and the minster and communal churches of Western Europe lose their
deepest meaning. And not the walls, piers and vault alone, but all the
arts associated with architecture must be borne in mind if the adventuring
spirit is to learn the full meaning of a Gothic cathedral. Wall paintings,
stained glass, and stone carvings were part of a whole which was greater
than the building itself. A medizval architect was the trainer of a team,
not the mere designer of a core, working with ruler and compass miles
away from the actual building, as is so frequently the case with the
4 THE HOUSE OF GOD
es of a Gothic cathedral
architect of to-day. The carvings on the porch
They summ ed up the science,
were more than surface decoration.
for child ren, who learnt with
history and dogma of Mother Church
wall- paint ings, and tapestry
the eye, rather than the ear. Sculpture,
The visio n of a thousand
hangings were an integral part of liturgy.
ays of Chart res and their
years found expression in the three great doorw
regar ded the whole world
symbolism was plain because the Gothic age
Male has said, the
as a symbol of the thought of God. As M. Emile
spiri tuali sing mater ial
sculptor was as skilful as the theologian in
de all human
objects. As his craft grew in power he desired to inclu
lle, Saint Louis
experience within the House of God. In Sainte Chape
of the columns
set statues of the twelve apostles, one against each
true pillars of the
of the chapel, signifying that the apostles were the
by the twelve
Church. A great tract of gospel history was suggested
e Chape lle with a
statues, yet Saint Louis added windows to Saint
sculp tors, glass-
thousand medallions. In a single chapel, the painters,
the proph ecies
makers and tapestry-weavers recalled all the Law,
in porch,
and the Gospel. Who shall say that this Bible illustration
led light, or the
nave, or window is of less significance than the jewel
the depth and
mysterious beauty of the great porches ‘‘ scooped into
l of sense
darkness of Elijah’s cave at Horeb” ? Nor can the appea
and spirit be divorced from the intellectual understanding of the
ess
building in terms of support and burden, thrust and balance, weakn
stand ing
and power, arising from structural requirements. Full under
the sense s
comes from remembering the craft element, the appeal to
and the uplift given to mind and spirit. The best art satisf ies the body
inates.
that creates, the mind that understands, and the spirit which illum
Mention has been made of the megalithic art of Egypt. The piling of
great stones one upon another was common in the Mediterranean area
in early historic times, and the Egyptians used the architecture of mass
and the statuary of great stones as a definite esthetic motif. In this
they were followed by the Maya of Central America when they raised
their temples to the Sun God and other powers of the natural world.
At the moment this argument is not concerned with the belief of Pro-
fessor Elliot Smith and Mr. Perry that the Maya culture was actually
derived from Egypt. In prehistoric times there may have been navi-
gators bolder than Magellan or Drake who carried the secret of Egyptian
culture across the Pacific to Peru, Central America and Mexico, but
this is still doubtful. What is certain is that Egyptian and Maya alike
were social systems in which the priest-king and the priestly hierarchy
of the Sun God were dominant. In a moment of insight Amiel said,
“Great men are the true men—the men in whom Nature has suc-
ceeded.” We begin to grasp the problem of Egyptian and Mayan
ae fa <a} i = mM oOis is= g i=)eS < 4 Tue Wes tr P ORCH.,
ee
INTRODUCTION 5
architecture when we realise that life in the Nile Valley and in the
jungle clearings of Yucatan and Guatemala did not make for true men,
whereas in Greece, Nature succeeded. Superb craftsmen as they were,
the Egyptians failed to animate their architecture or decorative sculpture
with the ideas which make humanity fully human. Whereas the Greek
craftsman released from the stone column and the carved entablature
the joy of ordered effort, in Egypt, the craftsman’s joy was swallowed
up in the mighty pride of a ruling Pharaoh or the high priests of Amon
Ra. The satisfaction of the Athenian in the exercise of his mental and
emotional faculties was not for the Egyptian. Safe within their desert
walls, the Egyptians escaped a succession of disasters which educated
the Greeks. ‘‘ The frog in the well knows nothing of the great sea,”
says the Japanese proverb.
The ultimate truth of these general propositions cannot be tested by a
few selected cases. All the outstanding schools of religious architecture
must be passed in review. Was the Temple of Herod, in truth, a Jewish
Parthenon, or did the genius of the Jews, a God-fearing people if ever
there was one, build Zion in the strophes of their poet-prophets rather
than in stone ? There is insight to be gained from the negative evidence
in such an enquiry. It by no means follows that the most religious
people build the most significant House of God. Rome, whose builders
developed the dome into an architectural feature of sublime unity and
brooding beauty—what was its contribution to religious architecture ?
The development of the Roman basilica into the Christian Church,
too, is a problem rich in interest, as is the change from Romanesque
to Gothic. The growth of a priestly hierarchy necessitated a chancel
and with this went a tendency to exclude the people from the holy
of holies about the altar, a change foreshadowed by the fourth canon
of the Second Council of Tours, in A.D. 567, which forbade lay folk
to stand among the clergy at vigils or at mass, the sanctuary being only
open to the laity for communion. The purpose of the transepts in ritual
would seem to have been the necessity for space for marshalling com-
municants, though they became a structural necessity when a central
tower was added to a Romanesque church. These are a few of the
problems which suggest themselves. The Moslem architecture of Spain
and Northern India ; the churches of Moscow and Kiev, when Russia
took up the mantle of Byzantium and became the acknowledged leader
in the Orthodox Eastern Church; the Italian city-states during the
centuries of the Renaissance ; the iconoclasm of the early Reformation ;
the churches of the Louis in 17th century France ; our own Christopher
Wren, who endowed Italo-Roman architecture with the measure of
flexibility necessary if it was to serve as a House of God for the reformed
Anglican faith ; our cousins in America, too, with the special problems
6 THE HOUSE OF GOD
which have arisen from their Puritan prejudices, and the absence of
first-hand knowledge of the heritage of religious architecture which
belongs to Europe. All these phases of architectural history call for
survey, and the mention of them brings us from the past to the active
present.
An old-time art effort is of small importance if it throws no light upon
the problems of life to-day. Have the weakening of the primal faith
and the sundering of art, science, and religion had no effect upon
religious architecture and sculpture in our own time ? Surely they have.
Coventry Patmore once asked whether the task of bearing the gospel
message was not beyond the power of any craftsman ; he doubted indeed
whether poetry, most expressive of all the arts, was capable of the task.
“Can poetry attain to express the sweetness, sadness, or graces
of life in any common passion—love, pity or the like ? What insanity
then to write poetry and music about the Crucifixion.”
Coventry Patmore was wrong ; the thing has been done before and
will be done again. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the weakening
of the primal faith in deity and the division between art, knowledge,
and religion have had serious consequences. When faith and its expres-
sion in art were a unity, craftsmen did right, as it were, by instinct.
The pose of to-day, under which certain craftsmen pride themselves
upon their superiority to their public, gives no such assurance. Yet
the relation between a people and its art interested many 19th century
thinkers who watched democracy struggling into being after the Indus-
trial Revolution, among them Ruskin and Morris, though both were
less concerned with the historical than with the moral aspects of the
problem. Sordid lives and ugly environment tend to kill the sense
of beauty in a community, but it does not follow that the strength and
beauty of Gothic art were due to exceptional moral worth in the people
of Christendom at the time of the Crusades. There were ugly and tainted
lives in the thirteenth century, but it chanced that the great body of
human endeavour was guided by forces which were religious in origin.
Where the forces in the body-social follow religious channels, there re-
ligious art in plenty arises. To-day, the public demand for churches is
fully sufficient to employ every architect of real talent and enthusiasm,
but is such public demand sufficient to ensure worthy work? Near
Ilford, a town of 120,000 people, Becontree by name, is being
built on a London County Council estate in the Chelmsford diocese—
rising at the stroke of a municipal official’s pen. Ten parishes have been
planned in Becontree and, in each, a temporary mission hall will eventu-
ally give place to a stone church. It has been suggested that some of
the unwanted City churches might be moved stone by stone and rebuilt
at Becontree; Wren’s church of St. Stephen, Coleman Street, for
INTRODUCTION 7
example, where Keats was baptised, with its carved communion table,
altar rails and pulpit. The alternative will be that the making of these
new churches is delegated to professional architects, most of whom
are designers rather than builders. Only too often the church of
the professional architect is based upon plans which Greek, Roman,
or medizval builders evolved to meet their own needs, but which are
only a medley of outworn styles for the people of to-day. Professional
architects are guided by their conception of what constitutes beauty in
architecture, but is not the modern trouble precisely this—that archi-
tecture tends to be too beautiful ? It has lost its crowning satisfaction,
the accidental, which gives the impression of a new thing growing
from the soil for which it was devised. Pretty ornament will not suffice
to impress millions of men and women with the sense of the Eternal
struggling out of Time.
The Great Exhibition of 1851 marked the end of the ages-long tradition
under which architects, sculptors, and the rest of the builders’ team
were trained in connection with their job. Since, there have been artist-
decorators of genius who recognised their duty to the public and what
they themselves, in turn, could gain from a lively popular interest in
their work. Nor is there any reason why their work should not be em-
bodied in a building where the people will frame and enforce their
deepest beliefs regarding the mysteries of spiritual life. In that day
the maker of a House of God will combine the science and organising
capacity of Wren with the insight and temper of such a man as George
Frederic Watts. Knowing that the innermost truths can only become
familiar to the many in material form, he will lead his countrymen to
the church door and allow them to seek their God in their own way.
Nor will the architect work alone. With him will be the goldsmith,
the sculptor, the tapestry-maker and other craftsmen. Mural painting
and sculpture will be, not isolated works of art, but a vital part of the
architectural scheme. John Sedding made an attempt when he enlisted
the aid of Alfred Gilbert and Burne-Jones in beautifying Holy Trinity,
Sloane Street. Giles Gilbert Scott is carrying through an even greater
work at Liverpool.
The purpose of this book is to trace the ages-long effort to enclose
and cover a space which should enshrine the idea of Godhead, remem-
bering that craft, communal enthusiasm, organisation, and spiritual
symbolism, all have their part in making beautiful the House of God.
CHAPTER I.
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT
Before the invention of agriculture, when the social organisation
was that of wandering pastoral tribes, religious architecture only existed
in embryo. Indeed, until community life developed considerably, the
capacity for religious emotion itself was limited. Communal worship
attains an intensity which is rarely found in individual worship and
gives a peculiar reality to the things of the imagination with which the
builder of a House of God is necessarily concerned. It is communal
rather than individual religious belief and emotion which the student
of religious art must understand. Nevertheless, the rudiments may
be found even among savages. The Obibos of the African forests build
elaborate mausoleums for their dead, roofed with palm leaves and
decorated with painted pots, gourds and skulls, not omitting that final
emblem of savage power, the umbrella. From such a tabernacle the
Papuans of New Guinea evolved their ravis, with mangrove saplings
as columns and a vaulting fashioned from a thatch of the leaves of the
sago palm. The great Ravi at Kaimari is seventy feet high at the entrance
and 380 feet long, being comparable with a medizval cathedral in size.
Over the entrance hang tufts of palm which serve as a charm against
the entrance of evil spirits. At the rear of the building, where it slopes
to a height of ten feet, is the ‘‘ holy of holies,” where the crocodile
masks, bull-roarers and other magical paraphernalia are stored under
the charge of the ancients of the tribe. Lastly, from the primitive
tabernacle which their Aryan forefathers dedicated to the Spirit of
Fire, the Buddhist priests evolved the domed memorial stupa as a sym-
bol of the union of Buddha with eternity, carving the “ hti”’ or sacred
umbrella at the top as an emblem of the kingly power of the Buddha.
The common origin of all forms of sanctuaries is worthy of mention,
though a detailed discussion regarding primitive places of worship
is not essential to understanding the House of God as an expression
of the faith of civilised communities. With the fact of the common
origin goes the truth that there is no essential difference between the
national deity and the godlet of the primitive village. Faith in the
god and the godlet can exist side by side. The hill tribesmen of Manipur,
a country where Hinduism is the state religion, build thatched huts
or shrines of stone and foliage to their village godlets, though they
remain devout Hindus. As a Hindu, the Manipuri calls in the Brahman
for a birth, a marriage or a death, but, as a hunter or agriculturist,
he trusts the godlets of the forest, the hills and the rivers. The same
is true in Burma, where Buddhism is the state religion, but the little
A PRIMITIVE SANCTUARY rd NAMBI sui, INDIA.
(fa ce p. 8.)
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT 9
hut of the village nat is decorated daily with flowers, though worship
at the Buddhist pagoda may be regarded as a duty on more ceremonial
occasions. The truth would seem to be that the godlet does not differ
essentially from the national God, unless the values of Western Europe
are taken as the standards of comparison. Then, indeed, thousands of
years of experience and endeavour separate the hut of the godlet from
a House of God. But the deeper truth is that God and godlet alike have
their lai-pham, or god’s place, within which is the Jai-sang, or god’s
house, though the one has the beauty and worth of the Parthenon and
the other is only a thatched hut.
The magical control of weather, the worship of trees, the ritual of the
spell and the taboo, and other rites of the hunter and pastoralist do
not require an elaborate shrine, and still less a temple for worship.
Primitive man regarded himself as surrounded by multitudinous
invisible beings, maybe spirits dwelling in natural objects or the spirits
of the human dead. Feeling that his fate and fortune were at the mercy
of these spirits, man sought to propitiate them, and thus primitive
forms of religious art were associated with sympathetic magic. The
earliest existing House of God may be such a wall-painted cave as the
Font de Gaume in the Dordogne Valley or the Salle de Cartailhac of
Tuc D’Audoubert. The Cavern of Altamira, near Santander, with its
“« magical ” hunting scenes painted or engraved on the walls and roof,
may justly be regarded as the Sistine Chapel of Aurignacian or Mag-
dalenian man. It is to be noted that the gloom of the caves favoured
the mood of fear which engenders faith. Note, too, that the animals
represented were not lions and tigers, but beasts which a hunter would
desire, such as the bison and the deer. The Cavern of Altamira would
seem to have been a Holy House of the Bison Magic, where the priestly
leaders of the hunt staged the seasonal festivals, which were believed
to ensure good hunting. Attired in the horns of a stag, and donning
the all-seeing eyes of the owl, the sharp ears of the wolf, the tail of the
speedy horse and the paws of the strong bear, the Priest of the Cavern
tock the luck-giving images from the altar of the House of the Bison
Magic and handed them out to the tribal hunters. The bison-magic
caves of Altamira were a House of God, as primitive man understood
the things of the spirit.
Very early, doubtless during the glacial age in Europe, man began to
associate personalities with the forces of nature. The nomad hunters
and fishers of the North told of Y’mir, the god of Chaos, who was born
of the struggle between heat and cold, and how from Y’mir arose the
race of the frost-giants. When Odin and his brother slew Y’mir, they
flung the huge form into the Abyss of Abysses, where the blood of the
god formed the water of the earth, his bones making the mountains,
Ke) THE HOUSE OF GOD
his teeth the rocks, his skull the firmament, his brain the clouds, his
hair the plants, and his eyebrows the strong walls which defended
the new race of gods against the frost-giants.
Men who lived in the pleasanter regions to the south pictured the
Shaper of Things in very different forms. They regarded the Earth
and the Heaven as the mother and father of all human and natural
things. The shining vault of the sky became the Vedic god Dyaus.
The name is preserved in our own Tues-day, and the god later became
the Zeus of the Greeks and the Jove of Rome. Zeus was also the rain
and thunder god, and his worship was associated with the mighty
oak which was blasted by the lightning of the Sky God. Accordingly
the oak was conceived as his earthly abode.
An early sanctuary was a clearing in the natural forest. Sir James
Frazer tells that among the primitive Finns such a clearing was enclosed
by a fence and included a few trees upon which the skins of victims
were hung. In the centre was the sacred tree, before which the priest
of the grove offered praise or sacrifice. Passing to modern times, Colonel
Shakespear, in an interesting paper in Folk Lore (December 1913),
has described similar forest shrines among the Manipuri on the borders
of India and Burma. A typical example is the lai-pham of Nambishi,
a village in South Tangkhul on the borders of Burma, a grove
where cultivation rites are observed, whereas, at Langkhiyet,
the rites celebrated in the lai-pham ensure good sport. At Langkhiyet,
there is a circular pillar about thirty inches high in the centre of the
enclosure, with a semicircle of upright stones on the north and two
forked upright posts behind the pillar, these holding the poles on which
the dead animals were borne to the god-place. A drum announces a
“kill” to the villagers, and the hunter, bearing the head of the beast,
marches around the lai-pham six times before handing it to the priest.
Surely, as religious observance, such rites differ only in value from
the ritual in a Greek temple or a Christian church, while, from the
standpoint of the builder’s art, the lai-pham points the way to the
megalithic architecture of Stonehenge, and the temple courts of Luxor
and Karnak. In the Jat-sang of the Manipuri we come even nearer to
the House of God of Christian acceptance. The god’s house itself is a
thatched hut, and nearby are long open sheds, on either side of which
sit the villagers, the men on one side and the women on the other, in
due order of seniority, “‘ during the pleasing of the god,” a description
which would serve for many gatherings of the early Christian Church.
In the house of the Manipur godlet the sacred fire is ever burning,
and from this the first fire in every new home is lighted, linking the
Manipuri lai-sang with the Roman temple of Vesta.
The rudiments of a House of God can also be recognised in the dairy
10.)
(face
p.
LANGKHIYE
Lal-pHAM,
Invo-Bur
Aw
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT II
temple of the Todas, herdsmen who live in the Nilgiri hills of Southern
India, where an elaborate magical and religious ritual has developed
from dairying operations. Here the herdsman-priest officiates in a place
which is at once a dairy and a temple. Toda temples have varying
degrees of sanctity corresponding to the sanctity of the buffaloes
tended at each. Only on Mondays and Thursdays may a Toda villager
approach the place where the sacred buffaloes and their keepers reside.
Among primitive agriculturists the great Earth Mother seems to have
been the earliest known deity, her function being to ensure fertility
and hasten the growth of grain.
Magical practice and the worship of the Earth Mother do not favour
the building of temples or churches. Religious architecture only came
into existence when large settlements arose and man acquired a surplus
of production wherewith to satisfy the asthetic sense. About the same
time the development of communal life favoured the superexcitation
of physical and emotional life which gave the individual a sense of new
birth and domination by some unknown power which are still basic
factors in religious ecstasy. To this day among the Australian abori-
ginals, religious activities are practically confined to times when tribal
assemblies are in being. The domestication of animals, which converted
the savage pack into the patriarchal tribe, was followed by the garden,
in which the germ of the zsthetic sense manifested itself.
These several factors—the fixed shrine, the growing delight in the
beautiful, a deeper sense of religious ecstasy and fear and a surplus of
production were, doubtless, present in some degree in the steppe lands
of mid-Asia, Europe and Northern Africa, where civilisation first deve-
loped the forms which still characterise human society. But historical
evidence is wanting to complete the story. When migration on the
steppes became difficult owing to increase of population, some of the
pastoralists came into the fertile valleys of the Tigris, the Ganges, the
Hwang-ho and the Nile, where the “ food-gathering ” age gave place
to the “ food-producing” age, and it became possible for much bigger
centres of population to arise. In each of these centres a religious art
developed which we can recognise as akin to that which gives us the
House of God of to-day. Shrines and temples arose in fixed places as
towns came into being. Symbolic decoration developed in which repre-
sentations of men replaced the non-representational decoration general
among wandering tribesmen. In the new art of the river-valleys man
became the dominant theme, because man, as opposed to nature,
seemed the prime factor in success or failure. In small communities the
craftsman can satisfy his own sense of what is fitting in craft, but in
larger communities the artist works to satisfy communal, rather than
in Egypt,
personal inclinations. An art beset with human motives arose
12 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Mesopotamia, the Ganges Valley, and later in Greece and Italy. Mean-
while the non-representational art of the nomad herdsman and agri-
culturist continued among the less developed communities of the steppe,
the forest and plain country of Germany, Scandinavia, Britain and Ire-
land, where it was still an active factor when the Christian church
developed in the Islands of the North.
Remembering that the germs of religious architecture were elsewhere,
the story of the House of God may best begin with the temples of Egypt.
In the Nile Valley the craft of irrigation was invented, and developed
into a mighty engine, favouring the establishment of political power.
In the Nile Valley, too, man tested the advantage of life in capital
towns, and here we can trace the effects upon religious art of the passage
from the life of a nomad hunter and pastoralist to the stage of settled
agriculturist, with a fixed abode and a permanent cult centre. In Egypt,
the scattered agricultural settlements were united into a single political
state under the rule of a priest-king, whose house was at once a temple,
palace and judgment hall. Royal power and religious authority in the
Nile Valley were inseparably connected with irrigation works. When a
ruler organised the annual labours of his people, his subjects were
readily persuaded that he was the actual source of the benefits which
successful organisation bestowed. Just as the host-leader seemed the
cause of success in war, so the director of irrigation took to himself
the attributes of the mysterious spirits of the living and dead world
who were supposed to determine fruitfulness in field and health in
human life. After death the irrigation-director and host-leader was
worshipped as one of the immortals, and his tomb tended to become
a place of worship, as his home had been in life.
On its material side art is a product of leisure, leisure arising when the
prime material necessities—-food, shelter and clothing,—have been
satisfied. Leisure is a basic condition of art in any civilisation. ‘The more
the leisure, the more abundant the art fund. Of the peoples of the world,
none have had more leisure that the Ancient Egyptians. Perhaps,
none have had more art. At all times the isolation of Egypt has been
remarkable. The protecting deserts, the encircling hills, the harbourless
Delta and the rocky barriers of cataracts, all guaranteed to the Egyptian
leisure and the fruit of leisure. These things were denied to the busy
Babylonian trader, ever fearful of a raid from the warlike mountaineers
on his eastern borders and compelled to travel great distances if his
affairs were to prosper. With an ample water supply and long periods
during which agricultural work was impossible, the Egyptian had more
leisure than the leisurely Greek ; as the Greek, in his turn, had more
leisure than the energetic Empire builders and organisers in Rome.
One of the first uses to which dwellers in the Nile Valley put this leisure
An Eqypettan Temple, Karnak.
(face p. 12.)
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT 13
was the construction of tombs for the dead. A tomb is not necessarily
a temple, but in primitive worship, tombs and temples were nearly
akin, and this was especially so in the case of an Egyptian king. In time,
he had reigned on earth as a God and, at death, he became identified
with the Sun God who controlled the Nile floods and assured fruitful
crops to his land. The earliest religious structures were fragile shrines
at which offerings to the spirits of the dead were made, little more
enduring than the palm leaf mausoleums of the Obibos in the African
forest. The primitive Egyptians decorated them with garlands of leaves
and flowers, which may well have been the forerunners of the lotus
and lily columns of a later age. An Egyptian column seems to have
originated from a handful of papyrus stems, bound together with leaves
at the base and breaking into bloom at the top. When stone buildings
took the place of the early wood or brick shrine-tombs, King Zoser,
the forceful king who established the supremacy of Memphis about
2950 B.C., built a vast six-terraced pyramid in the desert behind his
capital, aided by his vizier, Imhotep. The terraced pyramid of Zoser
was originally a multi-chambered subterranean tomb, fitted with a
of
stairway from the ground level and covered with a superstructure
his
brick and rubble. In front was a temple shrine for offerings. During
tomb,
long reign Zoser added rectangular additions above the original
a huge terraced pyramid 195 feet high. A century or
until it became
broke
two later, Cheops (Khufu), the mighty Fourth Dynasty King who
district governors and created the system of Egyptian
the power of the
blocks
bureaucracy, built the Great Pyramid at Gizeh. 2,300,000
24 tons apiece, went to the making of the tomb,
of limestone, averaging
seven million
which was 130 feet higher that St. Paul’s. When the
fitted together, they covered 13} acres and
tons of masonry were
in their casing of
rose 480 feet above the desert, ‘“‘ firm as the heavens,”
a large, square
smooth white limestone. Each pyramid stood within
by a wall and, to the east, was a mortuary
paved court, surrounded
itself attached
chapel, similar to the temple of the Sphinx, which was
was a richly
to the Pyramid of Khafra. Connected with the temple
with maintaining the ritual necessary for
endowed priesthood, charged
and the food, drink, and clothing
the happy after-life of the monarch,
required by the royal Ka.
power of a mighty
Primarily, the Pyramid at Gizeh is a symbol of the
and the royal mines,
king. Doubtless the control of the canal system
to the syste m of corvees, made the
which accustomed the Egyptians
Corve es for quarr ying stone and mov-
building of the Pyramids possible.
g and clearing the
ing building material followed corvees for cuttin
the Secon d Pyramid, barracks
national and municipal canals. Behind
long series of low mud-brick
for 4,000 workmen have been traced, a
14 THE HOUSE OF GOD
hovels, with thatched roofs. The workers were given food and clothing
but no wage, say four pounds of bread daily, two bundles of vegetables
and a roast of meat. Twice a month, a worker had a new linen garment.
An inscription of the Sixth Dynasty at Dendereh records, “* I satisfied
all artificers who did work for me on this tomb with bread and beer,
clothes and all good things.”
Work on a corvee was not regarded as slavery. The Egyptian suffered
more from slavery of the mind and heart than from slavery of the body.
The flat land and the vast spaces of the surrounding desert subjugated
the imagination and chained the understanding to the concrete things
of day to day existence. This was at once the strength and weakness
of Egyptian art. For the vast majority of Egyptians there was no
adventure. True there were sea-faring Egyptians, but they were few
in number and the best of them made homes in the Mediterranean
islands, Arabia, India and other far-away lands and did not return to
stir the imaginations of their stay-at-home brethren. Most of the people
followed a routine which aroused little interest because it entailed
small responsibility and called for no exercise of the individual judgment.
The agriculturist’s year was mapped out as that of his father and grand-
father had been. The warm climate led to a dense population; the
dense population to cheap labour ; cheap labour to serfdom. Liberty
was neither wanted nor desirable. Without a powerful master, an Egyp-
tian peasant or artisan was without a protector. A papyrus at Berlin
tells of a peasant who addresses his lord as “ the support of tottering
walls, the support of that which falls, who takes the man who is without
a master to lavish on him the goods of his house,—a jug of beer and
three loaves each day.”
“ Soft countries,” wrote Herodotus, “‘ are wont to produce soft men.”
This is what the comfort-giving Nile did in Egypt. Recall how different
were the conditions in ancient Attica, where life was far from soft but
where Nature bred hard men. Whereas the social order in Attica was
flexible, in Egypt it was fixed. Whereas in Athens, the ideal was an un-
folding of every capacity of the individual, in Egypt the ideal was the
due use of corporate effort. In Athens, every experience from the outer
world was welcomed, whereas, in Egypt, the priesthood and bureaucracy
regarded every new thing as likely to vex the calm established by cen-
turies of unquestioning obedience. In Egypt, progress was sacrificed to
order ; in Attica, order was of less account than progress. The one
gave the world the ever-during pyramids ; the other the Parthenon.
As we think of it, the cutting and transport of these great monoliths
and their erection into a vast, unmeaning pyramid become, not more,
but less wonderful. The Egyptian pharaoh had command of unlimited
labour and used it. The astonishing thing is that, for thousands of years,
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT 15
the mass of the Egyptian people were willing that this should be so.
At any one time, there were in Egypt a few score of outstanding men,
the Pharaoh, his prime-minister, the leading officials and the high
priests of the greater temples. There was also a handful of master-
sculptors, painters and architects, but they were too few in number
to foster a great art effort. When compared with a Greek shrine, a
Gothic church or even with the temples which arose later in Egypt
itself, the Great Pyramid must be confessed empty of idea. It does
not even express its size. é
The conquerors and builders of the Fourth Dynasty passed away
and were succeeded by rulers who came under the domination of the
priests of Ra, the Sun God. The worship of Ra was not a popular religion
like that of Osiris, Isis and Horus. Rather, it was a cult of the upper
classes which established itself as a state religion. At the time of the
early pyramid builders the cult of the Sun God had its centre at On,
better known as Heliopolis, where a solar calendar was devised, based
upon the date, July 19th, on which the Dog Star, Sirius, rises. The
solar calendar gave the people of the Nile Valley a uniform agricultural
year and replaced the earlier lunar calendar and may have led the priests
of the Sun God at Heliopolis to the invention of the Nilometer. In any
case the worship of the local sun god of On became associated with
political power, not only in the district of Heliopolis but throughout
Egypt. The pre-dynastic rulers of On seem to have been the high
priests of the Sun God, and later associated themselves with the deity
himself, as earlier rulers had tended to become associated with vege-
tation or fertility gods. In the end the priests identified the King of
All Egypt with the Sun God and taught that through his veins flowed
“ the life fluid of Ra, the gold of the gods and the luminous essence
from which is the source of all vitality, strength and wisdom.” When
the capital of united Egypt was fixed at Memphis, the City-God of On
became the chief god of Egypt, and provincial deities tended to be
identified with the Sun God. Local temples were built on the pattern
of the temple at On and the liturgy practised in them was based upon
the Heliopolitan pattern.
When the ruling Dynasty moved to Thebes, the worship of the Sun-
God became the centre of an organised national church. An inventory
of the time of Rameses III. shows that the temples of Egypt had 107,000
slaves. The sacred endowment amounted to three-quarters of a million
acres, that is one-seventh of the cultivable land, almost all of which
belonged to Amon-Ra, the Sun-God. Under the famous 18th Dynasty
Kings, the high priest of Amon-Ra was the chief vizier of the king and
all the high offices of state were held by members of the same priestly
caste.
16 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Thebes was built at a spot where the desert on the west sheered away
to the Libyan hills, leaving a broad plain. To-day, it is represented
by four great groups of ruins. On the west of the Nile, Medinet Habu
and Kurnah; on the east, Luxor and Karnak. The Theban kings
were not pyramid-builders ; they were buried in the slopes of the west-
ern hills; instead of mighty tombs they built temples, represented
by the four groups of ruins. On the western bank of the Nile is the
Ramesseum, with the sixty foot Colossus to which Shelley wrote his
““ Ozymandias.”’ Opposite is Luxor, including the beautiful forecourt
of Amenhotep III., with its clustered papyrus bud columns, and
Karnak, with a group of temples built by the kings of the 12th and 18th
dynasties. ‘The royal conquests in Syria did little good to Egypt, but
they enriched the sun-god, Amon, whose coffers were filled with Syrian
booty. Asiatic slaves were brought in to work upon the temples, when
the supply of Egyptian labour was insufficient. Temple after temple
arose around the house of Amon at Karnak, which itself arose around
the sacred lake, a remnant of the Nile, which had once flowed over the
site of the temple.
An Egyptian House of God was not a place of public worship ; it
was primarily a royal oratory, raised by a king as a home for his patron
deity. At first, it was of woven wattle ; later a gloomy hall, covered by a
slightly vaulted roof. Finally, it became a vast aggregation of courts,
porticoes, pylons, colonnades, obelisks and avenues. In the shady
courtyards were flowers and ornamental waters, including the sacred
pool from which water for the lustral washings was taken. In front of the
open forecourt was a gateway with two towers (the pylons), dedicated
to Isis and Nephthys, the divine midwives who assisted at the rebirth
of the Sun God each morning. Behind the open forecourt was a col-
onnaded hall, and, beyond, a labyrinth of dark chambers containing
the furniture for the temple services. Lastly, there was a holy of holies,
containing the cultus image of the god. The image was usually of wood,
one or two feet high, and adorned with gold and jewels, standing in a
shrine fitted with double bronze doors, the opening of which was
the first act in the daily ritual. Beneath the image was a boat-like shrine,
fitted with poles that it might be carried by the priests in procession.
Under the conception of the Sun God voyaging each night through the
underworld of death and arising each morning to bring light and life
to the earth, all Egyptian ritual gains unity. The darkened sanctuary
behind the hall of many columns was the underworld in which the Sun
God spent the hours of darkness and death. When the sun had risen
the temple was “ like Heaven, while Ra was within it.” The priests of
a temple of Ra were divided into four watches—the bow, the stern,
the starboard and larboard,—in token of service aboard the sacred
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THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT 17
vessel in which the Sun God made his daily voyage across the sky.
Egyptian ritual arose from furnishing the god or goddess with these
tokens of wealth and such things as food, drink, music and dance.
Practically all Egyptian ritual took place in the open courtyards. The
temple proper was not a church for worship, but a store house for the
sacred objects and a setting for the priestly processions. These pro-
cessions were marshalled in the hypostyle hall, the great colonnaded
hall before the Holy of Holies. Thence the priests made their way to
the open courts. On festal days the people gathered in the forecourt
and shared in the distributions of food.
Passing from the general to the particular, an avenue a mile and a
half long, with carved rams or sphinxes on either side, connected the
temples at Luxor with the temple of the Sun God at Karnak, where the
circuit of the sacred enclosure was 24 miles. In front of the central
doorway were two obelisks, each as high as Cleopatra’s Needle, and
several colossal statues of the kings who built the temple, 20 to 45 feet
high. Within the gateway was an open court with twelve great columns
to mark the processional path of the priests and beyond was the
Hypostyle Hall with its 134 columns. The central columns are 69
feet high, each equal to the column of Trajan in girth. The difference
in height between the columns in the central aisle and those to the right _
and left, which are only 43 feet high, gave opportunities for very original
lighting effects, similar to those from the clerestory of a Gothic church.
The 122 columns to right and left supported a flat roof, 33 feet lower
than the central aisle. The light filtered through a series of stone slabs
16 feet high and 14 inches thick in which slits were pierced, each slit
being 6 feet long and 10 inches wide. The cross lights coming through
the grating and breaking upon the rows of columns below must have
been sublime in their effect, the awe aroused by the vast dimensions
of the hall being increased by the mysterious beauty of the lighting
scheme.
Certain Gothic cathedrals were hundreds of years in building, but
the making of the temple at Karnak took even longer. The sanctuary
was dedicated about 2400 years B.c. and 600 years later it was sur-
rounded by a temple court. Later Thothmes I. added a gateway with
pylons, while Thothmes III. built a columnar hall between the pylons.
The Hypostyle Hall was commenced by Rameses I. and completed
by Rameses II. The temple was finished about 980 B.c. in the time
of the 22nd Dynasty, when the buildings covered a space 1,200
feet long by 350 feet wide, probably the largest building ever put up
by man.
And the abiding value of this thousand and more years of effort?
Breasted has said :
c
18 THE HOUSE OF GOD
elming
“ He who stands for the first time in the shadow of its overwh
of mighty shafts, the largest ever erected by
colonnades,—that forest
by the swellin g capital s of the nave, on
human hands,—crowned
d men may stand togeth er ;he who
each one of which a hundre
observes the vast sweep of its aisles, roofed with 100-ton architraves,
and knows that its walls would contain the entire cathedral of Notre
l
Dame and leave plenty of room to spare ; he who notes the colossa
portal over which once lay a lintel block over 40 feet long and weigh-
ing some 150 tons,—will be filled with respect for the age which
produced this, the largest columned hall ever raised by men.”
“ Will be filled with respect.” Yes, none will deny that to the builders
of the temples of the Sun God at Karnak. But those who have been bred
in the Greek tradition may yet ask if the main appeal of the Egyptian
architect is not rather to the awe which arises from over-powering
size and mass than to the joy that comes from a sense of the worth and
potency of humanity. As Mr. March Phillips has said :—The fluting
of a Doric column or the slight and invisible swell which modifies its
contour, do not add to the actual strength of a column, but they add
to its apparent strength and beauty, whereas the lotus-like columns of
Egypt fail to suggest power and capacity to bear a weight with ease.
An Egyptian column is vastly too big for the burden it carries ; nor are
the forms carefully distinguished so that the understanding is satisfied
by the evident relation of the parts to the whole.
It is not surprising that Greek intellectuality secured results which
escaped the less logical method of the Egyptian. The richer in worth
art is, the more profoundly will it portray aspects of emotion and
thought. In Hegel’s words, the more exalted the rank of an artist, the
more profoundly ought he to portray depths which can be sounded
only by the direction of his intelligence upon the human spirit and the
objective world of nature. Egyptian architects and sculptors failed to-
master the formal aspects of religious art just because the content of
their religion was, in itself, indeterminate. At one time the Egyptian
might be a polytheist, at another a monotheist; or again the determining
factor in action might be a vague belief in the efficacy of magic. The
absence of ordered logic in his faith necessarily made it difficult or
impossible to find the forms which would truly express the divine and
bring the idea of God home to human consciousness.
Nevertheless, there are outstanding exceptions ; for example, the cliff
temple which Queen Hatshepsut, co-regent of Thothmes III. built in
honour of Amon and as a mortuary chapel for herself in the hills west
of Thebes. The proportion of the columns and their setting against
the yellow cliffs are Greek in their happy perfection. At the time the
temple of Der el Bahri was projected “ All Egypt was forced to labour
Tue HypostyLe Hatt, Karnak.
(face p. 18.)
THE FIRST GOD’S HOUSE, ANCIENT EGYPT 19
with bowed head ” for Hatshepsut, as Ineni the architect recorded.
Assisted by her favourites, the tutor Senmut and the bronze worker
Thutiy, who wrought the bronze doors at Der el Bahri, Hatshepsut
built a terraced court which was to recall the myrrh-decked terraces of
Punt, where the Egyptian gods had made their first home. The carved
reliefs at Der el Bahri recall the mighty expedition sent to Punt for the
myrrh trees, which the Queen planted along the terraces. The photo-
graph of the ruins of Der el Bahri shows the northern colonnade of
the middle terrace of the Myrrh Garden of Amon, which rose from the
plain about Thebes and reached the cliff of the western hills, where the
holy of holies was cut.
During the brief reign of Akh-en-Aten (about 1370 B.c.), there seemed
a chance that the more spiritual elements in Egyptian belief would
triumph over the careless materialism of the common faith. Akh-en-Aten
has been called “ the first monotheist, the first individualist, and the
first idealist.” Be this as it may, the young king sought to give his
countrymen a religion of congruous content and coherent form, and the
hymns in his ritual stir Christian sympathies :
Thy dawning is lovely in the horizon,
O living Aten, parent of life,
When Thou risest in the east Thou fillest the land with thy beauty.
Akh-en-Aten’s religion may have had its origin in Asia Minor, the
birthplace of so many forms of monotheism. Its basis was the worship
of the Sun’s disc, Aten being regarded as a personification of the vital
and creative power residing in the sun’s rays, rather than the solar
disc itself. Under the influence of the new faith, the king took the name
of ‘‘ Glory of the Solar Disc,” and, leaving Thebes, founded a new
capital about 300 miles to the north on a virgin site, “ belonging to
no god or goddess and to which no man could lay claim.” Here the young
king, assisted by his architect, Bek, built three temples of red granite,
alabaster, and brick, in a picturesque style, very different from that of the
old regime. One of the temples to Aten was built for the Queen Mother,
Ti; a second for the King’s daughter, “ The maidservant of Aten,”
and the third for the King. In Aten worship blood sacrifices were un-
known ; instead the altars were laden with fruits and flowers, cakes
and ales ; the temple sculpture attained a happy naturalism, in striking
contrast to the convention-ridden forms of earlier temple decoration.
Akh-en-Aten proved a futile dreamer, and when he died his dreams
crumbled before the substantive might of the priests of Amon. Akh-en-
Aten was succeeded by his sons-in-law, one of whom was Tutankhamen,
who abandoned the association with Aten in the royal name, and
returned to Thebes to build the famous colonnade in celebration of this
counter-reformation. Tutankhamen’s inscription at Karnak records :
20 THE HOUSE OF GOD
The temples of the gods fell upon bad times ; their courts were a
road for common feet ; the land was given up to the plague ; the gods
were neglected. It was then that the King searched for the things
which Amon needed. He made the god’s image in pure gold and
raised monuments to the other gods ; he filled their buildings with
slaves and multiplied their estates.
Egypt showed that it had no use for monarchs who dreamed dreams.
The Egyptian people could understand a king who ruled, but the
Athenian’s joy in personal liberty was beyond their conception. Caring
little for free mental activity, their play of emotion was limited to
the physical plane. They were a moral people ; a happy people ; they
had a real appreciation of the mildly graceful and the mildly interesting.
But, as a nation, they never possessed that pricking desire to know
the inner nature of things which enabled the Greek architect to make a
right synthesis of the ideas and materials which go to the making of a
House of God. In so far as the Egyptian architects and sculptors suc-
ceeded, their temples were the embodiment of thought and emotion
which modern values suggest are less than worthy of humanity at its
best.
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21
CHAPTER II.
PYRAMID TEMPLES. MAYA OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
BABYLONIA
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PYRAMID TEMPLES 25
the best period being that of the Maya, between the first and the fourth
centuries after Christ. Two thousand years ago, and 1,500 years before
the Spanish invasion, the low-lying country at the foot of the Mexican
plateau and the Cordilleras was one of the most populated districts
in the world. To-day, it is swallowed up in the jungle growthof Yucatan,
Honduras and Guatemala, and the ruins which testify to the greatness
of Maya civilization are slowly being rediscovered by chewing-gum
gatherers, working for the United States markets. Some of the most
remarkable existing remains are at Palenque, the latest of the central
Maya sites and the place where Mayan sculpture reached its prime.
Later in date, but still preserving the characteristics of Maya civilization,
are the temple mounds of Chichen Itza, a settlement which was due
to the curious natural wells formed by deep caverns in the limestone
floor of Yucatan. A memorable group of religious buildings at Chi-
chen Itza includes the temples with the ball court and the imposing
«« Castillo,” where the temple proper arises upon a pyramid 200 feet
high and approached by a flight of 103 steps. It may date from A.D.
1000 or 1100, when Toltec influence from Mexico was strong. For
temples of earlier date and definitely Mayan character the extensive
ruins at Tikal must be studied. Archzologists owe the greater part
of their knowledge to Dr. A. P. Maudslay, who worked among the
ruins between 1881 and 1887. Dr. Maudslay’s photographs, drawings,
4« mouldings,” and original carvings may be seen at the British Museum
and studied with the aid of Mr. T. A. Joyce’s admirable handbook,
Mexican Archeology.
Whereas the civilization of Egypt depended upon an irrigation system
derived from the Nile overflow, Maya civilization was based upon maize.
Following a familiar primitive method, the Maya agriculturists burnt
the dense forest growth and sowed the maize seed in soil fertilized by
the
the ashes of the burnt vegetation. The bush was cut at the end of
season in
‘rainy season in January and burned at the end of the dry
May, the maize being planted in holes. After a crop the field lay fallow
system
and another section of bush land was fertilized and planted. The
until the
-was wasteful, as the maize farmer had to wait after each crop
it
‘bush had re-grown before he could use his land again. In the end,
le
is probable that the bush land became open plain, and it was impossib
essential
to grow maize in sufficient quantities to support the population
for Maya civilization. Most of the Maya were agriculturists or hunters,
are
living in villages, all traces of which have been lost. What remains
al rites
the religious centres where the seasonal festivals and ceremoni
-were celebrated.
agriculture
Accurate time records were of the same importance to Maya
or in the Nile Valley . As forekn owledge
as they had been to the irrigat
26 THE HOUSE OF GOD
of the Nile floods was invaluable to the priests of Amon-Ra in Egypt,
so their astronomical observations added to the prestige of the Mayan
priesthood, and their possession of esoteric knowledge largely accounts
for the size and magnificence of their temples. A community does not
render its wealth and labour to the king or priests without due reward.
The price may seem excessive to other communities with different
“values,” but it should always be sought. The Mayan people lived in
houses of wood and leaves with a gabled roof supported on a ridge
pole, as do the peasants of Yucatan to-day, but the temples of the gods
and homes of the priests were of stone, the material in Yucatan being a
soft limestone. Each temple was built upon a platform of earth and rub-
ble faced with stone and upon this pyramid foundation the temple
proper arose. ‘The Maya builders knew nothing of the arch and seldom
used the column. Instead, they relied upon massive walls and the
“false ” arch. When the heavy walls were raised to the desired level,
the builders closed the roof by building inwards with overlapping
courses until a single slab of stone sufficed to cover the gap. There was
no megalithic building in Mexico as in Peru, and the Maya building
method proved very wasteful and gave little room inside. Often the room
space did not amount to more than a third of the area occupied by the
stone and rubble walls. Consequently many Maya temples were little
more than two or three shrines under a single roof. In the elaborate
Temple of the Sun at Palenque, one of the latest Maya sites, the temple
seems to have been built around a small shrine containing a mural
tablet picturing two priests worshipping the symbol of the Sun God.
The temple included a low entrance stairway, pillars or breaks in the
wall leading to a vestibule, and two chambers, one of which contained
the shrine with the wall tablet. Surmounting the whole temple was a
curious roof crest, which gave additional space for decorative carving
and stucco painting. The entablature of a Maya temple was necessarily
large owing to the height of the overlapping courses which made up
the roof. The facade of the temple was decorated with reliefs of priests,
rulers and gods, the whole being gay with paint—red, green, blue,
yellow, black and white.
Until the Maya inscriptions have been read the significance of much
of the carved symbolism must remain doubtful. But some of the figures
have been recognised and their meaning made plain. In Maya ritual
considerable importance attached to the cardinal points of the compass.
A Maya legend tells that, at the Creation of the world, four beings were
placed at the north, south, east and west to support the sky. The divine
being holding the “ bar” carved on many Maya stele, seems to be
one of these Bacab or Sky-supporters. The “ bar ” represents a two-
headed serpent, bearing representations of the planets, the sun and
THE PRIE ST *s SLAR, op EMPLE O
¢ THE SUN, PALENQUE.
( face p. 26. )
PYRAMID TEMPLES 27
the moon, and may, therefore, be regarded as a symbol of the sky.
The Maya were wont to liken the earth to a monstrous alligator which
was said to swallow the sun each night. A monolith found by Maudslay,
of which there is a cast in the British Museum, represents this double-
headed earth monster, with the sun god in its jaws at the one end,
and the death god within the secondary head, held by the taloned
feet of the earth monster. The death god and the ruler of the under-
world was represented as a skeleton with skull and crossbones. Another
familiar symbol of the powers of Nature was the feathered snake who
moves in the great waters, recalling primordial motion and, therefore,
the source of life.
Certain aspects of Maya sculpture are not to be attributed to the short-
comings of the sculptors. Thus, the Maya practised head deformation
and the ugly features in many of the reliefs are due to this. The flattening
of the forehead tends to throw the nose and jaw into unnatural relief.
Other effects are due to incongruous ceremonial masks. Thus, the
rain god wore a mask recalling a tapir-like creature, the tapir being
associated with lightning. /ésthetically, Maya carvings are over-
elaborate and the design suffers from the amount of symbolism ex-
pressed. But, at their best, Maya reliefs equal those of Egypt and Baby-
lonia in the purity and restraint of their line and the skill with which
a highly conventionalized symbolism is expressed. There is no finer
example than the triple slab from the Temple of the Sun at Palenque,
already mentioned, showing the two priests offering small images to
a shield bearing the face of the Sun God, the shield being slung between
two stone-headed spears and resting upon a ceremonial base with two
grotesque supporters. Among the early Maya there was little or no
human sacrifice, the usual offering being incense and animals. Many
ceremonial reliefs, however, picture blood offerings, as in the well-known
sacrificial
relief in the British Museum, showing a priest, with the
In
basket, drawing a rope furnished with thorns through his tongue.
time, human sacrifice became an important element in the worship
of the maize goddess. Occasionally, the victim was flayed ; at other times
decapitated, the feast of the first-fruits of the maize being accompanied
by the decapitation of a maiden, representing the spirit of the growing
plant, Xilonen. In Aztec times, human sacrifice was a cardinal rite
temple-
and young men and women were slain on the summits of the
pyramids during the spring and autumn festivals.
ic
The civilization which produced Maya architecture and symbol
of the first
sculpture seems to have been fully established at the end
Menché.
century B.c. Later came the settlements at Palenque and
century
These sites were abandoned about the middle of the fourth
rn
for unexplained reasons, but Maya civilization lasted on in Northe
28 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Yucatan for several centuries. Then it was superseded by the Toltec
art, associated with invaders under priest-kings who drove the Maya east
and south, borrowing as much of the Maya civilization as they wanted.
The Toltec civilization gave place to that associated with the domination
of the Aztec fighting clan, which ruled the Mexican plateau and neigh-
bouring lands when Cortez conquered the country for Spain in the
16th century. Mexican religious art, therefore, had an opportunity for
developing for at least 1,500 years, say the time needed to produce
the great Gothic cathedrals of Christendom. As a fact there was no
Mayan Parthenon or Rheims, and the reason would seem to be that
neither faith nor craft knowledge reached the needful plane of achieve-
ment. Maya, Toltec and Aztec religion was even more primitive than
that of Egypt, and the belief in magic was general. National wealth was
readily diverted into religious channels, but in Mexico, as in Egypt,
Nature failed to make men with minds and spirits which would soar.
Mexican architects and sculptors, in spite of their energy and technical
skill, were unable to give free play to the instincts which make men
truly human. The pyramid temples of central America were no nearer
to a structure in which God could reveal His nature than the pyramids
of Egypt had been.
Before passing to the religious art of Greece, where full beauty and
significance were attained for the first time in religious art, one more
ancient civilization calls for review—that of the Tigris and Euphrates
valleys. The architecture of Assyria, and that of Persia which followed,
were largely an architecture of fortifications and palaces. Nevertheless,
in Babylonia, we can watch a mighty national system expressing itself
in brick and stone, so that even the negative evidence is not without
significance.
TEMPLES OF BABYLONIA
The factors which conditioned the form and significance of the House
of God in Babylonia and Assyria were different from, and yet akin
to those in ancient Mexico and Egypt. In Babylonia, as in Egypt,
there were the wealth-giving streams of the Tigris and the Euphrates,
and elaborate irrigation systems, under State control. But the protecting
deserts of Egypt were wanting in Babylonia. The “ deserts ” and high-
lands on either side of the land watered by the Tigris and Euphrates
were never so arid that they did not breed considerable numbers of
hardy pastoralists who, from time to time, were tempted to raid the
rich settlements in the fertile plains. Unlike Egypt, Mesopotamia was
open to ever-changing influences from without, and a never-ceasing
stream of traders and fighting men who continually vitalised the ex-
perience of every class. In Babylonia, supplies of building stone were
PYRAMID TEMPLES 29
wanting, but there was stone in plenty in the Assyrian uplands, parti-
cularly a gypseous alabaster which was soft and easily worked by sculp-
tors. City walls, temples, and palaces were made from sun-dried or
kiln-baked bricks, and the cheapness and plenty of labour enabled large
buildings to be put up in a very short time, the building site of one
Assyrian king being frequently forsaken and his temples and palaces
allowed to fall to ruins by his successor. In Babylonia and Assyria,
accordingly, there were many opportunities for builders and sculptors,
and like the Egyptians and Maya they were fond of the pyramidal
form. Every important town in Mesopotamia had its ziggurat, or staged
tower, fashioned from sun-dried bricks, on the top of which was a small
all-
shrine or temple. The Babylonian ziggurat was not the tomb of an
powerful monarch as in Egypt, or an observatio n station for priest-
astronomers as was the teocalli of Mexico. Rather, it was a representation
to
of the celestial hill upon which the Babylonian gods were supposed
temple in which a god was supposed to lodge
dwell, crowned by the
was
when he came to earth for the service of humanity. The ziggurat
hillsmen who had come into the flats of Baby-
a God’s House, built by
the manner
lonia and desired to worship the gods of the mountains after
Heaven,” ‘‘ The
of their forefathers. The ‘“‘ Link between Earth and
the names
House of the Mountain ” and “ The Holy Hill ” were among
mia gave to the ziggurat. It remains to
which the people of Mesopota
with the people and circumsta nces
connect so significant a building
which brought it into being.
itself, remem-
First, let us summarise the growth of the religious idea
faiths of four or more thousa nd years are
bering that the changing
here, curiosity
being summarised in a few hundred words. Everyw
ation of the earlies t religious belief.
and a vague terror led to the formul
the Earth Mother, which
In Babylonia, there was first the worship of
Sun God. There were
gradually gave way to the worship of the supreme
ses. Very early
also numberless tribal or communal gods and goddes dragon
with Tiamat, the
the worship of the Earth Mother was associated
s of the river
of the watery chaos, as was natural in the mud lagoon
was, the gods were created, with
valleys. In the days before time k),
to Merodach (Mardu
Father Anu (the sky) at their head, and it fell
“ the glory of the sun,”to vanquish the dragon of chaos. Before he set
and filled his
out, Merodach was armed with spear, bow and arrow, the Four
lightni ng. He placed
body with the darting flames of the Tiamat
escape, and in the end
Winds, so that the Demon should not great waste
Her body—the
was caught in the net of Merodach and slain.
into a covering for
or chaos of waters—was divided, one part being made
ent »»__the other remaining
the heavens—* the waters above the firmam
Merod ach then ordered
on earth—‘ the waters under the firmament.”
30 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the world anew, and with the goddess, Aruru, was the creator of the
world. Man was created from potter’s clay and animated by the blood
of an earlier race which had perished in the Flood. The primitive
kings were regarded as descendants of men who had escaped the Flood
and who restored the earth to fertility by their control of sunshine,
rain, and the natural powers making for growth in the fields. But,
allied with these beliefs generated in the marshlands of Mesopotamia,
was the recollection that their forefathers had been hillsmen. The
problem of the religious architect in Babylonia was to link Earth with
Heaven, and he achieved his end by the device of the ziggurat, which
was, moreover, a natural building form in a land which was periodically
flooded when the snows of the Armenian highlands melted in spring.
As the ziggurat differs essentially from the pyramid tomb, so there is
a deep rooted difference between the Babylonian and the Egyptian
idea of life after death. Compared with the sunny optimism of the
Egyptians, Babylonian belief was harsh and cruel. The Babylonians
disbelieved in a resurrection of the body, or a spiritual life after death.
** When the gods made man,” said Sabitu to Gilmanesh, the Baby-
lonian Noah, “‘ they made him mortal ; life they kept for themselves.”
In Babylonia, men believed that the dead passed to the underworld
and stayed there in an unbroken sleep. All their prayers were for long
life. ‘‘ Make my years to endure like the bricks of Ibarra, prolong
them into eternity.” So ran a prayer of Nebuchadnezzar. Again and
again Babylonian mythology insists that all riches go and all strength
fails when man comes of the Gate of Death, the most haunting embodi-
ment of the belief being the story of Ishtar’s descent into Hell. Perhaps
this harsh faith was one reason why the Babylonians tended to utilise
architecture and sculpture to celebrate the aims and ideas of alien
warrior castes—Semites, Assyrians, Medes or Persians. The necessity
for guarding the rich trading centres of the Euphrates valley by an
offensive, rather than a defensive, foreign policy forced Babylon to
accept the domination of these warlike invaders, and these conquerors
controlled the building fund. The House of the Mountain of All Lands,
which joined earth and heaven, however, was religious architecture
beyond a doubt, and is the characteristic House of God in the Tigris
and Euphrates valleys.
One of the earliest settlements in Mesopotamia was Ur, the first home
of the patriarch, Abraham. The town lies on the right bank of the Euph-
rates, about 125 miles from the present head of the Persian Gulf.
The mound which covers the ruins of Ur is being excavated by a joint
expedition organised by the British Museum and the Museum of the
University of Pennsylvania, and the result has been to disclose the
character of a ziggurat for the first time. Hitherto there has been
THe Ziccurat at UR.
PYRAMID TEMPLES 53
but their work was employed for the glorification of warrior kings and
was not under the direction of a priesthood as in Egypt.
One can judge why the temple architecture of Babylonia was, rela-
tively, of small importance when we picture the contrary operation—
the building of a great Assyrian palace, with its central courtyard,
perhaps 2} acres in extent, and its hundreds, even thousands, of store-
rooms, corridors and halls. All the larger halls were decorated with
the familiar stone reliefs and the colossal man-headed bulls, two flanking
each doorway. The bull was the first sign of the Babylonian zodiac
and marked the beginning of the solar year, hence its significance to a
military caste of sun-worshippers. Twenty-six pairs of these colossal
man-headed bulls were found in the palace of Khorsabad. At one spot,
a vista of eight doorways, each with its attendant bulls, could be seen.
Six of these stone monsters decorated the central gate with its domed
arch and overhanging decoration of coloured tiles.
Some of these bulls weigh 40 tons, so the task of bringing them from
the quarries must have been heavy. Two marble slabs from Sennache-
rib’s palace at Nineveh (now in the British Museum) show how the
Babylonian architects handled them. After being roughly carved at
the quarries, the statue was floated on barges to the foot of the vast
platform upon which the palace arose. Three hundred men or more
were attached to the towing ropes. Then came an even harder task,
dragging the statue to the top of the mound. The reliefs depict the
overseers, with their rattans, urging the unfortunate labourers to exert
all their power. Some of them are naked ; others wear short chequered
d
tunics. Before the statue was placed in position the sculptors complete
the carving. Doubtless the rattans of the overseers were as active while
the sculptors were at work as they had been while the labourers were
dragging the statue to the foot of the mound. In the last stage, the colos-
of wooden
sal bull was laid on its side upon a large sled and, with the aid
rollers and a huge lever, hoisted on to the platform and into position.
upon the
The relief at Nineveh pictures the scene. Four overseers stand
gang which picks
hill, directing the operation. One has charge of the
his
up the wooden rollers upon which the colossus moves ; under
when the statue
instructions, the men bring the rollers to the front again
the great
has passed. Another shouts orders to the men who manipulate
The lever
wooden lever and move the wedges which form its fulcrum.
rougher
raises the statue from time to time and so helps it over the
repeats these
ground. The third overseer, with a speaking trumpet,
sly rhythmic
orders. A fourth claps his hands to secure a continuou
was sung
effort from the hundreds of labourers. Doubtless a rude chant
their place after
by the workers as they dragged the great statues into
the manner of the Venetian pile-drivers to-day.
36 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Of the significance of one of these stone colossi according to modern
values, Dante Gabriel Rossetti has sung in his “ Burden of Nineveh.”
The poet had been lingering
“* O’er the prize
Dead Greece vouchsafes to living eyes,”
and was turning once more towards the noisy city, when he found his
passage stopped by a party of workmen hoisting in the winged beast.
‘* A human face the creature wore,
And hoofs behind and hoofs before,
And flanks with dark runes fretted o’er.
’T was bull, ’twas mitred Minotaur,
A dead disbowelled mystery.”
a buried faith ” did not answer to what was most worthy in Christian
experience and then, quick, the haunting fear that factors in modern
civilization might again make the winged beast a fit embodiment of
the values accepted by Western Europe to-day. :
-wes
PYRAMID TEMPLES 37
Grant me what may seem good to thee, for thou art the one who has
granted me life.”
Before the faith suggested by this prayer and by Nebuchadnezzar’s
order that the statue of the Moon God at Ur should be worshipped in
public found expression in architecture, Assyrian power ended. Cyrus
of Persia captured Babylon in 538, and in 525 B.c. Cambyses led a Baby-
lonian army once more into Egypt. Darius and Xerxes extended their
dominions to the borders of Greece, and the Persian Empire was not
overthrown until Alexander the Great’s campaign in 331 B.C.
The Persians were a race of hardy mountaineers until the time of
Cyrus, living in small communities and knowing little of art until
conquest made them familiar with the luxurious court life of Babylonia.
Having no architecture of their own, they copied freely. Persian sun-
worship did not necessitate large temples, and all that matters to the
student of architecture is the eclectic style, based upon Babylonian,
Egyptian and Greek elements, to be found in the palaces of Darius
and Xerxes at Persepolis and Susa. From Babylo-Assyria the Persian
builders borrowed the habit of building in brick, the elevation of their
buildings upon lofty platforms and the gateways flanked by colossal
man-headed bulls. From Egypt, they borrowed the great columnar
hall, such as the Hall of Xerxes at Susa. As the superstructure in a
Persian building was of wood, a wider spacing was allowed between
the columns than in Egyptian temples, and the columns were more
slender.
At Persepolis, the royal city was raised upon a platform, 1,580 feet
by 850 feet, and 30 or 40 feet above the level of the plain, the platform
being cut from the base of a mountain and levelled into a series of
terraces, approached by a great double stairway of black marble. At
the top was a gateway adorned with monster man-headed bulls. Within
the gateway was a second terrace, with the great columnar Hall of
Xerxes. Other terraces with numerous courts and halls were cut from
the mountain side behind the main platform. On the roofs of some of
these buildings a talar or prayer platform was built, as pictured in the
tomb of Darius, cut in the rocks behind Persepolis.
There was a sense of colour and mass and exquisite craftsmanship
in the work of the Persian builders. Almost 1,000 years after Darius
and Xerxes, there was a revival of Persian power under the Sasanian
the
kings (A.D. 226-651), and the palace of Khosroes at Ktesiphon on
of
Tigris shows work of interest in connection with the development
the arch and the dome, but little was added of definitel y religious
based
interest. It was the strength and weakness of all the architecture
upon the wealth of the river-valleys that it was essentially a courtly
38 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the feminine graces
art. While the Frenchmen mirrored in their art
of the Baby-
and vivacity of Versailles in the 18th century, the purpose e
erors and enforc
lonian was to extol the virile qualities of his conqu
werful monarchy.
the impression of the immovable strength of an all-po
ed for a House
As in Egypt and Mexico, the ideas and ideals requir
architecture
of God of full significance and worth were not present. The
lled the art fund, has
of Babylonia, whether Assyrians or Persians contro
speaks through
the message of unthinking and unfeeling power which
onian con-
the man-headed bull of Khorsabad. The might of a Babyl
tax gatherers,
queror lay in his mercenary army and the ingenuity of his
the designers
and these factors did not give any special opportunity to
empire
and decorators of temples. There were in the Babylonian
sion in the
religious ideas of sublime potentiality, but they found expres
such as the Jews, not in the temple s and temple
poetry of subject races,
ring kings. What might have develo ped from the
statuary of the conque
about the time of Nebuc hadne zzar, can only
religious ideas to be traced
l, Babylo nian religi ous art tells of a physical
be guessed. In genera
persis tent as that of Egypt, and the emotion
and mental serfdom as
aroused is the cruel tyrann y of mass.
39
CHAPTER III.
THE LEGACY OF GREECE. THE ARCHITECTURE OF
PAGANISM
Only a nation of artists would have permitted its art fund to approxi-
mate to the expenditure upon defence in time of war, but the Athenians
were in no doubt regarding the rightness of the policy, even from the
standpoint of imperial politics. It seemed a paying policy to build a
marble temple to Athena ; plain stone would not serve for the central
shrine of the city-state which sought the hegemony of the Greek world.
The people of Athens rebuilt the temples on the Acropolis ; not this
man or that. If any single man can claim the chief share of the glory,
it is Pericles. He divined that the proud boast of the Athenians, “‘ we
love the beautiful without extravagance, and knowledge without
exaggeration,” was incompatible with strivings after a wide-flung
empire. To engage the Athenian imagination and draw it from the road
which eventually led to ruin, Pericles determined to build a series of
public buildings and memorials which should witness to the glory
of the first city in Greece. In carrying through the scheme, he never
allowed the enthusiasm of his countrymen to wane. Pericles it was
who, about 455 B.C., issued a call to all Hellenes, wheresoever they lived,
in Europe or Asia, to send delegates to Athens to confer regarding the
rebuilding of the shrines which the Persians had burnt. The decree
added, as though it was a secondary consideration, that the conference
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 41
of the
should also consider the question of maintaining the freedom
other states of Greece paid no heed to the
high seas. Naturally, the
fully aware that to Athens would fall the major
proclamation. They were
n, the
part of the credit in any joint scheme. Foiled in this directio
art fund with one-six tieth part of the tribute
Athenians credited the
Persia
paid by her subject islands and colonies. When the war with
art fund, and the
ceased the tribute monies were combined with the
. About
whole was used indiscriminately for temple building or defence
pted by the
440 B.C. the building of the Parthenon was actually interru
tated drawing upon the buildin g fund,
revolt of Samos, which necessi
still taken for the gold and ivory statue
though even then money was
was making. Thucyd ides estimat ed that at
of Athena which Phidias
totalled 9,700,000
one time the accumulations in the Treasury of Athena
Mr. Zimmer n’s chapter upon the public
talents (about £11,000,000).
student of reli-
economics of Periclean Athens is full of interest for the in art
material element
gious art. The details may seem sordid, if the
but it is an aspect of the problem
production can thus be described,
ignore. At moment s in human history
which no historian of the arts can
ed in circums tances which were
things of beauty have been produc
to the nobler element s in human
also beautiful, and which witnessed As Dean
It is folly to grumbl e at this.
character ; at other times, not.
n, by their fruits, and not
Inge has said, “ When values are in questio
In the case of Periclean Athens,
by their roots, we shall know them.”
;that, and the inspiration
its triumphant beauty is its own justification
races of men.
it has been, and will be, to succeeding
ng to the summ it of the Acropolis
Climb the marble stairway leadi
the sth century B.c. The great
and see the place as it was at the close of
betw een 436 and 431 B.c. The com-
entrance, the Propylza, was built a dark lime-
Pentelicus and
bination of the white marble from Mount columns,
stone from Eleusis is a daring innovation The sturdy Doric
.
the architect, Mnesicles, with the
too, have been gracefully combined by c columns,
portico of six Dori
lighter Ionic form. In the centre is a its own Doric
flanked by projecting wings to right and left, each with
into three parts by Ionic columns,
portico. Behind is a vestibule divided
Doric columns without. Hard
contrasting happily with the heavier
, is the little temple dedicated
by, on a projecting terrace to the right
crates, who assisted Ictinus in
to the Wingless Victory, built by Calli platform,
standing upon a low
building the Parthenon. It is a single cella
in front and four behind, but the
with four columns forming a portico
decoration make the tiny temple
perfection of craft and the grace of the for
y. The terrace is surrounded
memorable among things of beaut ptur ed relief s, amon g
d with scul
safety with a breast-high parapet carve figur e brimf ul of light
sandal, a
them the lovely Victory adjusting her
42 THE HOUSE OF GOD
and liberty. The Temple of the Wingless Victory dates from between
450 and 430 B.C.
Passing through the central hall of the Propylaa, pause a moment
before the bronze lioness set up in honour of Lezna, the courtesan.
The woman was an associate of Harmodius and Aristogiton, the
democratic rebels. Though being tortured to death, Lezna refused to
disclose her knowledge of the plot. The Athenians kept her in memory
by this tongueless lioness in the Propylea. Leaving the great entrance,
we come out upon the Acropolis hill, where the colossal bronze statue
of Athena by Phidias meets the gaze. Dedicated from a tithe of the
spoils of Marathon, it may have been set up by Cimon in memory of
his father Miltiades, the hero of Marathon. The Lemnian Athena,
also by Phidias, stands near by. Beyond is the Parthenon, the temple of
the Virgin goddess, built from the golden-hued marble of Mount
Pentelicus. The principal chamber of the temple, the naos or cella,
in which stands the chryselephantine statue of Athene Parthenos, is
surrounded by a colonnade of the stately Doric pillars, the exterior of
the cella being decorated with a frieze in low relief. The metopes, or
square panels above the colonnade, are carved in high relief. The
triangular pediments above the eastern and western porticoes are filled
with two marble groups, carved in the round ; the one picturing the
birth of Athena, the other, the encounter between Athena and the sea
god Poseidon. On the metopes are scenes recalling the victories of the
Athenian spirit in its conflicts with the barbarians, while the frieze
depicts the Pan-Athenaic procession to the shrine of the goddess,
culminating in the group of the gods who witness the presentation
of the sacred robe at the shrine of Athena.
This is not sculpture as we know it in the Luxembourg or the Tate
galleries. The frieze of the Parthenon is a religious rite, “ the thing
done,” which has taken a marble, rather than a human, form. Centuries
earlier, a wooden image of Athena stood in the temple of the tribal
goddess on the Acropolis. This the townsfolk decked with a new robe,
woven by the girls of Athens, during the July festival, when the need
for rain was greatest. The robe was a luck-bringer, and by carrying
their gift in solemn procession to her shrine the Athenians ensured
their state against the ill-will of the goddess. At first the rite was per-
formed at any time of need ; then each year and, at last, the presentation
of the peplos was associated with the Pan-Athenaic games, which were
held every four years, and witnessed to the solidarity of the people of
Attica. Thus the sculptured frieze became a summary of Athenian life.
At the west end of the Parthenon are the youths with their horses,
who divide into two parties, the one going by the north side of the cella,
the other by the south. The sacrificial beasts ;men carrying olive
(apd aonf) ‘SNEHLY ‘NONGHLUVG FHL,
“UkDUnyey
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 43
with its
branches and women bearing water vessels ; chariots, each
and knight s;
marshal and armed soldier; magistrates, ambassadors
all are there.
decora-
The frieze above the colonnade of the Parthenon was not mere
Goddess of
tion. It was an integral part of the House of the Virgin
of gold and
Attica, as was the statue of Athena itself. The statue was
lighted by
ivory and stood, 40 feet high, within the windowless cella,
in the roof.
the soft glow which filtered through the thin tiles of marble
which fell in heavy
Phidias, the sculptor, employed gold for the dress
arms and feet,
folds to the ground,—using ivory for the face, neck,
the goddess. On
as well as for the Gorgon’s mask on the breast of
her right hand she
Athena’s head was a helmet with triple crest. In
left side was a shield
bore a figure of Victory, 6 feet in height. At her
the statue of Phidias
with carved reliefs. If the frieze is a choral ode,
the honour of Athena
is a pean in gold, ivory and jewels, destined to cry
who fought at Marathon
to the world when the voice of every Greek
the actual stonework,
or Salamis had long been hushed. Apart from
columns, preventing
bronze screens were fixed between the external or the statue
public entryinto the shrine and yet allowing the treasure
the bronze doors were
of the goddess in the interior to be seen when
r seems to have been
open. In most temples the lighting of the interio
16 feet wide and 33 feet
by the doorway. In the Parthenon, this was
with sunlight so bright as
high, ample to light the 100 feet building
an open skylight in the roof
it is in Greece. A system of lighting by
of wood, ivory and gold,
was impracticable where there was a statue
or heat. The interior ceiling
which would have been ruined by damp
was of marble. The long
was of wood, painted and gilded, and the floor
s, surmounted by an
eastern chamber contained a double row of column
row of columns supporting the
architrave, above which was a second
end of the chamber was the
roof. In front of the columns at the western
eastern entrance with its bronze
statue of Athene Parthenos, facing the being supported
, its roof
screen. The small western chamber was square
by a column at each corner.
less so because this temple
Truly the house of a goddess, and none the
the summit of a rugged rock,
of Athena was no austere shrine set upon
could make it. There was a
classically cold as crystalline white marble
ng the last 50 years, however,
time when such a view was tenable. Duri
ks coloured their buildings
evidence has accumulated that the Gree
pigment were found on the
and their marble statues. Traces of red
ment of the temple of Zeus, at
mantle of Apollo in the western pedi
ules and the Cretan bull, the
Olympia. In one of the metopes, Herc
and the body of the bull brown,
hair of the hero was found to be red ground of blue. The
against a back
and the whole group stood out
44. THE HOUSE OF GOD
broader masses of a Greek temple, such as the columns and architraves,
were the tones of the original marble, but ultramarine and vermilion
were used generously on the smaller detail, the figures of the frieze
standing out from a background of blue, the flesh being a dun tone and
the drapery and armour coloured. There can be no doubt that the
Greeks constantly relied upon colour to give the marble of their
buildings an even deeper beauty than we can realize from the uncoloured
fragments that remain. And why not ? Surely it would have been strange
if the Greek genius had excluded the due use of colour—colour which
Meredith called “ the soul’s bridegroom, which makes the House of
Heaven splendid for the bride.”
Such was the Acropolis. Even to-day, standing among its ruined
temples, men cease to wonder that, for a while, the individual Athenian
was willing to sacrifice many an ambition and liberty which modern
men deem all-important. Looking up to the temples on the Acropolis,
he could believe the gods had indeed come to earth. In his pride he
forgot the self within him ; he was an Athenian in very deed. The broken
columns still sing the emotions of the men who put them up. The per-
fect proportions witness to a harmony which their builders found in
this fifty years of Athenian life, a harmony which included the wild
beauty of forest, hillside and sea, as well as the beauty of the human
mind. The Parthenon, as the shrine of the Virgin Protector of his city,
satisfied every emotional, philosophic, and esthetic craving of the
Athenian. When his gaze rested upon the temples which crowned the
low hill, he could forget the perpetual sacrifice of personal liberty
and will, and say with all sincerity, “it is worth while.”
It has been said that the Parthenon was nothing more than a highly
idealised expression of the pile-house of the early European lake
dwellers, the piles representing the columns, and the cross-beams
and their support the architrave above. Even if this be more than a fancy,
it is more fruitful to trace the gradual refinements upon the primitive
stone temple which resulted in the graces of the Doric and Ionic orders.
Nothing could be simpler in origin than a Greek temple. An early
form was a small rectangular hall—the naos or cella—with a porch
supported by two columns in front. Later a similar porch, also with
two columns, was added at the opposite end. The lowest courses of
the cella wall were of stone, the remainder being of clay bricks, each
wall being protected at the ends by upright beams, which developed
into the pilaster-like ante of the Doric temple. The cella within was
divided into two unequal parts by a cross wall, the eastern part being
long and the western part short. In course of time a frieze of carved
metopes and triglyphs was added to the side walls of the cella. It has
been suggested that the triglyphs represent the ends of the roofing beams
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 45
and the metopes (the carved panels between the triglyphs) represent the
spaces between the beams. An alternative suggestion is that the érig-
lyphs and metopes arose from a colonnade of wooden posts which was
put up around the cella to support roof beams which rested between
an architrave above the posts and the cella wall. Be this as it may, in
later times, a row of stone or marble columns was placed around the
cella and roofed to form a colonnade and the decoration of metopes and
triglyphs was now set above the outer columns. A frieze in low relief
was added to the walls of the cella, this frieze being viewed from within
the cool ambulatory of the colonnade.
In the most developed form of a Greek temple, for example, the Temple
of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, the cella was surrounded with a double
row of columns, while the porticoes at front and back showed a vista
of three rows of columns, the original two columns in the pronaos and
posticum being added to the double row surroundin g the cella. In time,
too, the parts of the column were differentiated into base, shaft and
capital, while the entablature was made up of an architrave, the frieze
of metopes and triglyphs, and cornice, except at the front and back
where the porticoes were surmounted by a triangular pediment, with
carved groups in the round. But the outstanding truth is that, in spite
of these refinements and embellishments, to the last the Greek architect
held to the simplicity of the early form. Always there was the central
cella and the surrounding porticoes and colonnade. At no time was a
Greek temple of great size ;some of the most famous are no larger
than an ordinary English parish church. For size and mass the Greeks
substituted grace of detail and logic of design. There was reason for
everything in a Greek temple; every part, and every part of every part,
was a harmony. Perfection of craftsmanship and intensity in working
out a limited number of established forms was the Greek ideal rather
than ever-increasing size and embellishment.
Doric architecture and its decorative sculpture did not spring into
of a
sudden being, like Athena from the head of Zeus. The beginnings
s, even thousan ds, of years.
Greek House of God date back hundred
into the
About the time the Indian Aryans were making their way
along the Danube valley
Punjab, other steppe tribes were pushing
they were near neighbo urs
and thence into the Balkan areas, where
the Greek islands. Owing
of the primitive inhabitants of Greece and
blue-
to the pressure of other steppe dwellers, swarms of sturdy, tall,
dialect, crossed the
eyed, sandy-haired invaders, speaking an Aryan
of the
Balkans and imposed their rule upon the primitive inhabitants
g 1,500 years,
7Egean area. This was about 3000 B.C. In the followin
hed settlem ents
the Greek invaders and the earlier inhabitants establis
the coasts of Asia
in the Greek peninsula, in the AXgean islands and on
46 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Minor, and saved themselves from slavery or extinction by building
citadels with walls formed of huge stones. This was the so-called
Cyclopean architecture, the name coming from the Cyclops, fabulous
giants who tore great rocks from the hills and piled them into mighty
strongholds. Among these settlements were Troy, Mycenz, Tiryns and
Knossos, the first at the entrance to the Dardanelles, Mycene and
Tiryns on an important trade route commanding the isthmus of Corinth,
and Knossos, the capital of a sea-empire based upon the possession of
Crete. By 1500 B.c. Crete—the Venice of Antiquity—had won the
headship in a maritime confederacy which controlled commerce in the
eastern Mediterranean.
In early Cyclopean architecture, the points between the unwrought
stones were filled with clay and rubble, but later the big stones were
carefully squared and bonded without rubble. ‘The Citadel of Tiryns
was 980 feet by 330 feet, and was surrounded by a wall formed of blocks
of stone between 6 and 10 feet long and 3 feet wide, the wall being 65
feet high and 26 feet thick. There were spacious courtyards, halls with
pillared porches and vast magazines for the storage of food and muni-
tions of war.
The ruins of Knossos were excavated by Sir Arthur Evans from the
Cretan mound known as ‘“ The Gentleman’s Head.” The palace
buildings were found to lie around a great central court, 200 feet long
and 100 feet wide. A strong wall with bastions and guardhouses enclosed
the whole settlement. Though not fortified, it was always ready to
stand a siege. There were great store-houses containing rows of earthen-
ware jars for oil, grain, wine, dried fruits and other non-perishable
foods. Works of art were found in great variety, including fresco wall
paintings, reliefs, marble carvings and ivory statuettes, but of distinctly
religious architecture there is little or nothing. Two chambers, orna-
mented with the sign of the double axe, have been identified with a tribal
shrine, and the bath in the throne room may have been used for cere-
monial ablutions. The /Egean civilization reached its zenith about
1400 B.C., under a priest-king who may be associated with the fable
of Minos of Crete. The throne of Minos may still be seen in its place,
carved from solid stone, set against a wall painted with frescoes of the
sacred gryphon. Legend tells that every nine years Minos held converse
with Zeus in the Dictzean cave, when he received instalments of the
code of laws, which were recognized throughout the Minoan Empire,
as the god-given laws of Moses and Hammurabi were recognized in
Judzea and Babylonia. Figures of the Snake goddess and the sacred relics
of her cult, including a marble Greek cross, were also found. It would
seem that the ritual of the priest-kings of Knossos was so simple that it
did not require a special temple ; all that was wanted was a room in the
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 47
priest king’s palace. This is not surprising. In early Attica, Athena
was a visitor “‘ in the well-built house of Erechtheus.”
At no time was Greek religious thought associated with an elaborate
creed, nor was the Greek priesthood organised into a hierarchy, though
priests and priestesses superintended sacrifices and assisted the civic
officials in the organisation of public festivals.
In early times, Greek ritual seems to have been magical rather than
propitiatory and there was no idea of gaining the favour of powers
superior to man by sacrifice, prayer or praise. These elements were
added to Greek religion later. When shrines were needed by a
semi-wandering people, it was natural that sanctuaries should arise
in clearings in the primeval forest. Such a clearing, as has been said,
was enclosed by a fence and included a few trees upon which the skins
of sacrificial victims were hung. At the foot of the sacred oak, in the
centre, the priest of the grove offered prayers or sacrificed to Zeus.
From such a ritual of prayer and sacrifice, the transition to temple
worship was simple, especially when the ritual of the unwrought
stone was added to the magical element already present in primitive
Greek religion. At first Zeus and Hermes were no more than spiritual
forces associated with inscribed boundary stones ; then an altar was set
up and store-houses were added. By this time the Greek gods were
divided into two classes ; those who were the sources of good things—
the Olympians—and those who were connected with calamities and
punishment. As Isocrates said, “ to the first we erect altars and temples.
The second are not worshipped with prayers or sacrifices ; instead we
perform ceremonies of riddance.”
Very significant, too, was the festal element in Greek religion, which
has already been mentioned in connection with the representation
of the Pan-Athenaic procession on the Parthenon frieze. Plato tells in
The Laws that the gods, pitying the toilsome race of men, appointed
the sequence of religious festivals to give them times of rest and gave
them the Muses and Apollo, the Muse-leader, as fellow revellers.
Pericles, in his speech in honour of the Athenian dead, made it one of
the boasts of Athens that for the spirit had been provided many oppor-
tunities for recreation, by the celebration of games and sacrifices
throughout the year.
The festivals included athletics, chariot racing, military tourna-
ments, dancing, musical competitions and the recitation of Homeric
poems and tribal histories. If some of these acts seem non-religious to
the twentieth century, it is because we are apt to forget the primal
unity of art, science and religion. Sitting in the theatre, the Athenian
was within the temenos, or precinct, of the god. The actors wore ritual
garments and, before the play began, the image of the god was borne
48 THE HOUSE OF GOD
bearing torches. The priest
into the orchestra by a band of youths
re, and in front of his seat
of the god had a place of honour in the theat
tation of the Cretan ritual
was a stone frieze carved with a represen
of spring, thus associating the
which was concerned with the coming
up” of the Earth Mother,
dramatic performance with the “ calling
The procession of Athenian
or the “driving out” of the Ox-hunger.
led a bull in procession,
youths which initiated the festival of Dionysus
of the god and accompanied
headed by the chief-priest and priestess
participants in the cere-
by women who wore bulls’ horns. Even if the
the bull was a luck-bringer
mony had forgotten it, it is certain that
the nomad ancestors of the
and the rite had its origin in times when
ful fields.” Greek temple
Athenians leapt for “ fleecy flocks and fruit
crafts of architect and
architecture attained full beauty when the
tions whic h collected around the
sculptor were fused with the accre
a unity, in which Greek
original ritual of magic and thus formed
ly methods of the barbarot.
logic triumphed yet again over the disorder k mind,
, as well as the Gree
The Doric temple showed that Greek sight
in the lucid arrangement
had learnt to abhor confusion and took delight
due prop ortion between support
and articulation of parts, and in the
and burden in architecture.
Olympia and the
The oldest existing Doric temples are the Herzon at Aegina
The temple at
temple at Corinth, dating from about 550 B.c.
War. The great
dates from about 480 B.C., the time of the Persian
chrys eleph antin e statue of the
temple of Zeus at Olympia, with the
The Parth enon itself was
god by Phidias, was built about 460 B.c.
By this time the last
commenced in 447 B.C. and was completed in 438.
Helle ne was present, the city-
factor essential to transform Greek into
ry colon y or rural community
state system. By about 650 B.C. the milita
life in and for the city-state,
had given place to the city-state. It was
zean times from the Hellene
which distinguished the Greek in Mycen
upon the Acrop olis. So far
who fought with Persia, and built temples
zation was
as politics were concerned the essential factor in Hellenic civili
n could exerci se personal
the polis, the social system in which every citize
politi c. In a Greek city-
influence upon the decisions of the whole body
of the com-
state the life of the individual was largely merged in that
c act. In every
munity. Church-going was not a private but a publi
State ;
direction the individual found himself an integral part of the
, or deman ded
not because the State claimed his forced labour as in Egypt
fellow s actual ly
his fighting powers as in Assyria, but because he and his
ct from the
were the state. There was no government in Athens as distin
tunit ies for all
people. The Athenian political system furnished oppor
tual— and yet
the energies of its citizens—physical, mental and spiri
. In Dr.
the imagination of man was free to develop as never before
Sebah.
52.)
(face
p.
GIRGENT
ConcorD
TempeLe
oF
Tue
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 53
the delicate volute, a thin moulded abacus was inserted to bear the weight
of the entablature, the volute being thus left free. When used at the
corner of a building, a special form of capital was designed in which
the outer volute was turned at an angle of 45 degrees, and so did duty
for both front and side.
The Doric order was most popular in Greece itself, and in the Dorian
colonies of Southern Italy and Sicily. After 500 B.c. the Ionic order
became common in the Greek cities of Asia Minor, but famous examples
may be seen in Athens, as in the Temple of Nike and the Erechtheion.
The House of Erectheus, the Erechtheion, was perhaps the oldest
religious shrine in Attica. It stands on the opposite side of the Acropolis
hill to the temple of Athene Parthenos, and the present temple was built
after the death of Pericles to mark the site of the fabled struggle between
Athena and Poseidon, carved on the pediment of the Parthenon. ‘The
Erechtheion was built on sloping ground, and had entrances at different
levels. Moreover, it not only housed an ancient image of Athena, but in-
cluded the shrines of several nymphs and heroes. Hence its peculiar ir-
regular form, with three porticoes. Most famous and most original is the
so-called Portico of the Six Caryatids. The marble maidens stand upon a
parapet and support the roof of the porch. One of them may be seen
in the Elgin Room at the British Museum, forlorn but ever lovely.
She bears upon her head the suggestion of architectural burden, a capital
with egg and dart moulding, and its surmounting abacus. Like the
figures on the Parthenon frieze, this Maiden of the Porch is more than
sculpture, more than architectural decoration. It is part of a religious
rite, which has taken a marble form. The Maiden is, in truth, one of
the stately ladies of Athens, wearing the peplum of a festal day, and
taking her part in the service of the Virgin goddess. The strong youthful
figure and the lines of the drapery happily accord with the architectural
purpose.
The Ionic columns in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus were fitted
with elaborately carved drums, standing upon a base of broad marble
steps. But, in general, the refinements upon a Greek column did not
go beyond the Doric and Ionic forms. ‘The Corinthian form, though of
Greek invention, is rare in Hellenic architecture, and may best be
regarded as a thing of Roman taste and Roman development. The
Corinthian order seems to have been evolved about 420 B.c. Of its
origin, a fable, narrated by Vitruvius, tells that the Corinthian sculptor,
Callimachus, saw an acanthus plant growing around a basket, with a
tile on top containing a girl’s toys, which had been set before a tomb
by the dead child’s nurse. Thus he conceived the Corinthian capital,
the basket representing the column, the abacus, the flat tile, while the
acanthus leaves fill the basket and branch out to clutch the angles of
54 THE HOUSE OF GOD
of leaves and then the
the square tile above. First there are two tiers
of the caulicoli are half
pairs of caulicoh, or stem leaves. The lower
form volutes; the only
opened, the upper being closed so that they
the middl e of the abacus. The core
addition is a rosette, or flower, in
r-clad capital juts
of the column carries the weight ;hence the flowe
beyond the entablature in a classical templ e.
a broad surface
Architecturally, the function of the capital is to provide .
rch may spring
on which a lintel can rest, or from which a pier-a
the elemen t, support, is dis-
Incidentally, it marks the spot where
point this for
tinguished from the element, burden. A very proper
to a building.
decoration which shall add,at once, beautyand significance
t block, was placed above
Later, in Byzantine times, a dosseret, or impos
ed to the classic al temple,
the abacus. In the Christian church, as oppos
n had to carry an arch and
interior space was essential, and the colum
to the timbe red roof, a much
the clerestory wall above, which reached
That the colum n might
heavier burden than the classical entablature.
dossere t, was placed on the
bear this weight easily the impost block, or
the dosser et becam e so
abacus, and from this the arch sprang. In time
two parts could not easily
closely associated with the capital that the
to a hollow-
be distinguished, while the original abacus was cut down
lly united, the
sided form, so that the abacus and dosseret were virtua
al
one time abacus being no more than ornament recalling the origin
Architec-
rosette of the classical capital. Sir T. Jackson, in Reason in
l and its devel opmen t.
ture, has a delightful chapter upon the capita
involve d in transpo rting
Mention has been made of the physical labour
an
the Egyptian and Assyrian monoliths. Compare the labour by which
tion at Eleusis tells
Athenian temple was built. A 4th century inscrip
that the first thing was to cut a road from the quarry to the city, which
was paved with grooved stones, with sidings at intervals. Then wagons
were made. A journey of 30 miles took three days, and thirty or forty
pairs of oxen were required for the large stones. The best marble came
from Mount Pentelicus, near Athens. It was a close-grained stone
which weathered to a colour of rare beauty. Parian marble was used
for sculpture at times, while the dark grey marble of Eleusis was used
as a contrast to the white marble of Mount Pentelicus in the Propylaa.
Many temples, however, were made of limestone, and where mouldings
were required the parts were covered with a thin layer of marble-dust
stucco. At Paestum and Girgenti, portions of the stucco on capitals can
still be seen.
At the quarry, the drums of the columns were cut with projecting
points, ancones, which made it easy to hoist the blocks into position,
the ancones being dressed off later. Penrose in his Athenian Architec-
ture, tells that in constructing a temple the first thing was to lay down
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 55
the pavement and steps, leaving the surface of the marble rough.
Then outlines were drawn on the pavement where the columns were
ced
to arise. When the lowest drum was in place, the fluting was commen
as a guide to those who set the remainder of the drums in their place.
being
Then the entablature was set upon the columns, the surfaces
the whole constru ction was complet e were the
left rough. Only when
s added.
surfaces and mouldings smoothed and polished and the pigment
being
The fluting of the columns was done from the top, the carvers
the drums.
guided by the fluting lines already indicated on some of
d and polishe d was the stylobat e, or stairway,
The last part smoothe
those who fell
at the bottom. In the Funeral Oration to the memory of
the Athenian
in the battles of 431 B.C., Pericles said that it was the boast of
s for emer-
to remain an amateur, to be supreme in improvising remedie
the Athenia n had a supreme joy in the exercise
gencies. For this reason,
Athens and
of his faculties. The difference between the conditions in
n recalls that
those in Egypt and Assyria is manifest, but Mr. Zimmer
the Athenians
there was also a vast difference between the methods of
industrial system
and the ways of our own masters and workers. The
so chokes the very
to-day tends to take the joy from craftsmanship and
by inhuman
springs of art. It has replaced the skill of the human hand e
xus for the old-tim
machinery. It has substituted a deadening cash-ne
master-craftsman
effort in a corporate cause. In Athens, the supervising
pay than his stone-
worked among his apprentices, receiving little more
to the Erechtheion,
cutters. An inscription from 409 B.C., and relating
rs and fifteen slaves
tells that twenty-seven citizens, forty free outlande
by a squad of four to
were engaged on the work. A column was fluted
six men under a master-mason. All were paid a drachma a day, or
.
about four shillings in twentieth century currency
e-cap ped hill of the Acrop olis is too ordered
It may be that the marbl
e to show itself. Set in
a setting for the full beauty of a Greek templ
haunts of men, its poetry
some wild and barren upland, far from the
historic significance may be
makes an even deeper appeal, though its
the temple of Poseidon
lost. Those who feel thus have the memory of rising 200 feet
solitary cape
at Sunium, now a noble ruin crowning a
at Paest um near Naples, the temple of
sheer from the sea. The temples
are others that seem to gain
Apollo at Bassae and the temple at Segesta,
they rear their beauties. The
a new grace from the solitude in which
at Paestum, has all the thirty-six
hexastyle temple of Poseidon (Neptune),
e in having nine columns at
outer columns standing. The plan is uniqu
ns dividing the interior
both ends, the extra three being due to colum
temple stood an altar,
into two aisles. At the east end of the
of the shrines at Paestum is the
70 feet long and 20 broad. The smallest
columns at the sides of the
very perfect temple of Ceres, with thirteen
56 THE HOUSE OF GOD
cella and six columns at either end. The tapering of the columns in
this temple is marked, the diameter being 4 feet at the base and 23 feet
at the top. The temple of Ceres is 105 feet long and 45 feet wide, com-
pared with 197 feet long and 80 feet wide, the size of the temple of
Poseidon.
The five temples at Girgenti in Sicily were built upon a long straight
lofty wall crowning a steep slope of Mediterranean coast land. The
templeof Zeus at Girgenti, commenced by Theron about 480 B.C.,
was never finished, owing to the Carthaginian invasion. ‘The decoration
included a number of big male figures carved in stone, each about
26 feet high. They were vigorously modelled, and seem to have been
intended to be seen from afar. The so-called temple of Juno stands
on the cliff-edge, overlooking the sea. Twenty-two of the thirty-four
columns are intact. It had a portico of six columns. The other hexa-
style temple at Girgenti is known as the temple of Concord. All the
thirty-four columns of the peristyle are standing. At Segesta, another
Sicilian site, the temple was built by Hellenized Sicilians and is un-
finished. It is not even roofed, but very lovely in its setting of desolate
hills. The columns are unfluted, and on the edges of the stylobate may
still be seen the projecting bosses left to give a purchase for the ropes
used in lifting the heavy blocks of stone.
If art arose when man was first possessed by the idea of an unrealised
principle of order and proportion, Greek architecture and its decorative
sculpture nearly approached one of the few perfections allowed to man.
Nevertheless, Greek civilization was the possession of a strictly limited
number of people. With the coming of Alexander, the times were ripe
for the organisation of Rome, which was to give to the western world
the knowledge and art which a few hundred thousand Hellenes had won.
Necessarily, the Hellenic effort was short-lived. Emotional and cerebral
activity, in a nation as in a man, cannot remain at white heat for long.
Moreover, such an institution as the polis presupposes a strictly limited
number of citizens. Only for a few years could the Greeks keep heart
and mind eager for any experience and any adventure. This energy
of mind and heart was the dominating characteristic of Greece during
the 150 years which followed Marathon. As the Corinthian envoy,
quoted by Thucydides, said of the Athenians: ‘“They are revolutionary,
equally quick in the conception and the execution of each new plan.
They are always abroad, for they hope to gain something by leaving
their homes. They deem the quiet of inaction as disagreeable as the
most tiresome occupation.” When the pricking desire for knowledge
and experience passed away, the Hellene became Hellenistic. At the
same time the city-state system waned before the military strength of
Macedonia. When Athens and the other city-states failed to withstand
inart.
Al
56.)
(face
p.
SEGESTA
TEMPLE
THe
AT
THE LEGACY OF GREECE 57
Philip and Alexander, social and political life were changed and
a new art arose. In the Hellenistic age, the Greek essayed to show
not only the Mediterranean world, but Egypt and Persia the value
of that clarity of expression which was the supreme beauty of Doric
architecture.
The Hellenistic period dates from 323 B.c., when Alexander died,
to the sack of Corinth in 146 B.c. by the Romans, though it may be
extended by a century to include the conquest of Syria by Pompey.
During these 300 years, the lands between the Adriatic and the Indus
were united into one Hellenized-Oriental Empire, with Greek cities
arising in all parts. Greek architects and builders were to be found at
work in places as remote from Athens as Alexandria and Pergamus,
while a semi-Greek style arose in Bactria. But Hellenistic history was
made by men rather than by city-states, and a restless egoism took the
place of the singleness of purpose which had characterized the art of
the Hellenic age.
Pergamus, with its citadel, was the purest and noblest expression of the
Hellenistic age. After Alexander’s death Lysimachus accumulated a
vast treasure in the Acropolis at Pergamus. Placing his lieutenant Phile-
tairus in control, he occupied himself with a career of conquest. A
rebellion under Philetairus resulted in the seizure of the treasure and
the foundation of the Kingdom of Pergamus in 283 B.c. Immediately,
came the testing time. Hordes of Gauls were pouring through the
Balkan passes and threatening the Greek world. Some of them crossed
the Bosphorus and founded the Gallo-Greek Kingdom of Galatia.
Allying himself with the ruling Seleucus, Attalus I. of Pergamus defeated
the Gauls in 241 B.c. The results upon the art of the builder were not
unlike those which followed Salamis. A great series of public buildings
were put in hand until the Acropolis at Pergamus rivalled that at Athens
itself. The second defeat of the Gauls by Eumenes II. (197 to 159 B.C.)
led to the building of the great altar of Zeus at Pergamus. It stood upon
a base 100 feet square, a little below the temple of Athena, on the south-
west terrace, and was surrounded by an Ionic colonnade. 'The worship-
pers approached by a broad stairway. Around the whole structure was
carved a frieze in relief, so high that many of the figures project beyond
the architectural setting. The great altar was excavated by the young
figures,
German engineer, Carl Humann, and is now in Berlin. Colossal
g feet high, picture the triumph of Athena and the battle of Zeus and
the Giants. They display technical skill and vigour of imagination,
but the controlled intensity of thought and emotion of the Hellenic
Athenians was not for the people of Hellenistic times.
The Hellenic impulse was outworn and the world was ready for a
new thing when the Roman rule finally extended to Asia Minor and
58 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Egypt, as well as to Greece itself. In 146 B.c. Greece was conquered
by Mummius and became a Roman province. In 133 B.C. Attalus III.
willed Pergamus to Rome. In 65 B.c. Pompey ended the rule of the
Seleucidae in Syria. When the rule of the Ptolemies in Egypt closed
after the sea-fight at Actium, the last Hellenistic stronghold fell. It
was left to another Aryan stock, the Roman, to give a new life to archi-
tecture and establish a tradition of religious art which was to serve
Christendom until the coming of the Romanesque and Gothic builders.
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59
CHAPTER
IV.
JEWISH FAITH AND ROMAN ORGANISATION
The Emperor Justinian’s church of the Holy Wisdom at Constan-
tinople may be regarded as the first Christian cathedral. Earlier, there
were shrines in honour of tribal or national deities, and certain pagan
buildings had been adapted for Christian worship and even for the
reception of a bishop’s throne. But there was no independent invention
of a gathering place in which the townsfolk of a great metropolis could
follow the performance of sacred rites and lift their hearts in communal
prayer and praise. Justinian’s church was the culminating triumph of
more than 1,000 years of architectural invention, and it is of interest
to recall the factors which contributed to its creation. One has already
been mentioned, Greek science. The other factors were the religious
Both
beliefs of the Jews and the organisation of the Roman Empire.
the establish ed faith of the
were changed when Christianity became
to be understo od in their native
Roman Empire, but they require
is to
forms if their contribution to distinctively Christian architecture
be understood.
and pagan
This chapter treats of the House of God among the Jews
the religio us beliefs of an Eastern
Romans and passes in rapid survey
; in the case of the Jews, the
and Western people during 1,000 years
and the
1,000 years between the building of Solomon’s Temple
destruction of the Temple of Herod, and, in the case of Rome, the
in 753 B.C. to
period between the foundation of the city by Romulus
in A.D. 324.
the Edict of Constantine which closed the pagan temples
ing that is akin between the
Amid much that differs, there is someth
Both were intens ely national
genius of the Hellenes and that of the Jews.
confin ing limits of nationality,
in their outlook ; yet, in breaking from the
al experi ence to the world
they passed on the essence of their nation
of the sublime
at large. Both civilizations owed much to their sense to
led the Greek
worth of liberty. But whereas the desire for liberty
Hebre w to visage God from
unfold every capacity of man, it led the
became fitted
every standpoint, until the Jewish conception of Deity n world.
only of a tribe and a nation, but of the wester
to be the God, not
had temporarily shaken
One among a number of petty states which
Jews gave birth to a series
off the dominion of Egypt and Babylonia, the
ous genius. Aided by their
of leaders and prophets of astonishing religi
when other states and em-
guidance and teaching, the Jews persisted,
unity depended upon
pires passed from history. How absolutely national
of the ten tribes. The
belief in a single God is proved by the dispersal
60 THE HOUSE OF GOD
builders of the Temple at Jerusalem were the people of Canaan who
held to the belief in Jehovah.
What must have happened had the faith been absent may be gauged
by the fate of the Hittites, a people who had far more natural advan-
tages than the Hebrews, and yet passed away while the Jews persisted.
The Hittites were among the welter of tribes in Syria and Palestine,
and established themselves in Asia Minor along the bridge between
Asia and Europe, their first capital being Boghazkeui on the northern
mainroad from Ephesus to the Cilician Gates. Later the Hittites
moved their capital to Carchemish on the Euphrates. Historians
have laboriously been searching for evidence of what must have been
a rule of high importance for several centuries, yet we know nothing
of Hittite literature, and very little of Hittite religion and art. The shrine
of the Earth Goddess at Boghazkeui was a natural recess in an out-
crop of rock, decorated with bands of symbolic sculpture. At Car-
chemish, the remains of a shrine have been unearthed, which was once
the Hittite equivalent of the Temple of Solomon. The great limestone
slabs are there and fragments of enamelled bricks decorated with floral
designs. But almost the only thing which really recalls the Hittite
faith and art is a basalt laver, resting upon two great oxen, which was
set before the shrine at Carchemish about 1000 B.c. Much more surely
does the Temple of Solomon live to-day in the Bible description of
the Book of the Kings.
““And he made a molten sea of ten cubits from brim to brim,
round in compass, and the height thereof was five cubits. It stood
upon twelve oxen, three looking towards the north, and three towards
the west, and three towards the south, and three towards the east ;
and the sea was set upon them above, and all their hinder parts
were inward.”
Jewish history, like that of the Hittites, owed something to geo-
graphical situation, but more to religion. It was from the national faith
and trust in Jehovah that the genius of the Jews developed. Beyond
the low-lying plains of Philistia, the country of Judza rises in terraces
to the drear plateau on which Jerusalem was built. The city arose on a
rocky eminence formed by two deep gorges, one, the Kidron valley,
and the other the valley of Hinnom. Running at right-angles the preci-
pitous sides of the valleys protected Jerusalem on the west and south.
On the other sides, the city was protected by walls. A fortress was built
above the Kidron valley where the rocky cliff was most precipitous.
Here was the King’s Palace, with the House of Heroes for the royal
body-guard. Where the cliff was highest, on the bare rock of Mount
Moriah, was built an altar to Jehovah. Around this altar, by the use of
JEWISH FAITH AND ROMAN ORGANISATION 61
great slabs of white limestone, a platform 1,000 feet square was raised,
on which Solomon built his temple, a building which was to be proof
of the nearness of God to Israel. ‘‘ I am,”’ who once dwelt in the * thick
darkness,” was now to dwell in the midst of His people, in a House of
Heaven, where He might abide for ever.
a
The Temple of Solomon might have been a Jewish Parthenon. As
rather of material and decorati on than of structur e.
fact, its beauty was
d
Essentially the Temple was a series of public courtyards. Only favoure
sanctuar ies and the dwellin g place of Jehovah , the
priests entered the
Holy of Holies. Reading the 5th, 6th and 7th chapters of the 1st Book
of Kings, we are apt to be deceived by the lyrical rapture of the Bible
narrative, though even that makes it plain that the Jews were far behind
the people of the coastal plain in the art of building. Craftsmen from
rest,
Tyre had a great part in the making of Solomon’s temple. For the
of the
there was the size of the wrought and hewn stones, the beauty
work, bronze,
cedar wood and the worth of the decorations of metal
was a
gold and silver. Nowhere do we feel that the Temple of Solomon
Jehovah , as the Parthen on was of the religiou s
real expression of the idea
it is when the imagina tion lingers upon
belief of the Athenians. Indeed,
of the
Solomon’s Prayer in the 8th chapter that the real significance
of heavens
Temple comes to us. “ Behold, the heaven and the heaven
I have builded.”
cannot contain Thee, how much less this house that
The Jewish
Centuries passed. The Temple of Solomon was destroyed.
greater than the tribal deity, and the God of
poets learnt to know a God
the Hebrews became fitted to be the God of the world.
ns and stretched
“ Thus saith God the Lord, he that created the Heave
them forth ;
cometh out of it ;
He that spread abroad the earth, and that which
and spirit to them
He that giveth breath unto the people upon it
that walk therein ;
will hold thy
I, the Lord, have called thee in righteousness and
hand.”
onia, in which
The religious revival during the captivity in Babyl
humiliation, was followed
Israel arose above defeat and above national y
of the priestly famil
by an age of military glory. When the patriotism
Jews from the tyranny of the
of the Maccabees, which freed the an, Anti-
ue, the Idumz
Seleucid, degenerated into dynastic intrig
son Herod , in 39 B.c., took the
pater, secured control of Judza, and his
the Roma n Triumvir. Herod’s
title of king, by favour of Mark Antony,
and Perea , Galilee being
kingdom included Galilee, Samaria, Judea
nces.
the most fertile and best populated of the provi
a Jew. As a Greek ruler,
At all times, Herod was rather a Greek than
62 THE HOUSE OF GOD
he sought to be a mighty builder. Apart from his gifts of buildings
to Athens and other cities in the Roman Empire, Herod built the
citadel on the Temple hill, the theatre, the forum, the hippodrome,
and other public buildings in Jerusalem. Then he essayed the rebuilding
of Zerubbabel’s Temple. There were difficulties owing to the reverence
of the Jews for the house of Jehovah. Not a stone could be taken down
until another was ready to put in its place. As iron is created to “ shorten
the days of man,” no iron tool was allowed within the sacred area.
Every stone was cut and squared at the quarries. As the Jews objected
to Gentile workmen entering the holy places, Herod offered that these
should be built by the Jewish priests themselves, wearing their priestly
robes. T'wo years were spent in turning 1,000 priests into masons and
carpenters. For the rest, Herod had 10,000 trained builders and 18,000
workmen. Work began in 20 B.c. The Outer Court of the Temple was
enclosed by two rows of white marble columns 36 feet high, supporting
a cedar roof. On the south were four rows of columns, and the porch
was two stories high. This was the Royal porch. On the east was Solo-
mon’s Porch, where Christ disputed with the Jews. Within the Court
were the stalls of the traders and money-changers.
The temple of Herod, like the temple of Solomon, was a place of
resort rather than a place of communal worship. Here the faithful
congregated at festival seasons such as the Passover, spending whole
days in the various courts, exchanging ideas with friends. The gathering
was more like the meeting of the Greeks at Olympia during the pan-
Hellenic games than what English people describe as church-going.
The Inner Court of the Temple was reserved for Jews, being separated
from the Court of the Gentiles by a balustrade. The Inner Court
included the Court of the Women, the Court of Israel and the Court
of the Priests. Immediately within the balustrade were fourteen steps
which led up to the higher inner platform. Then came a terrace with
nine gate openings, each with double doors, 45 feet high and 22 feet
broad, adorned with gold and silver. The gate on the east, leading to
the Court of the Women, was of bronze and so heavy that it could
hardly be closed by twenty men. Between the Court of the Women
and the Court of Israel was the Beautiful Gate, 75 feet high, with two
doors 60 feet high decorated with gold and silver. Here Jesus was
presented when he was 34 days old, with a sacrifice of two turtle doves,
and was blessed by Simeon and Anna. A flight of steps led to the Court
of Israel, open only to male Israelites who were ceremonially clean.
Here Jesus came when he was twelve years old. At the western end was
the Court of the Priests, enclosing the sanctuary and the Altar, separated
from the Court of Israel by a beautifully ornamented stone balustrade,
1% feet high.
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63
JEWISH FAITH AND ROMAN ORGANISATION
feet high and
The main body of the Sanctuary was 150 feet long, 150
on’s Sanctuary.
go feet broad, being twice as large as that of Solom
plates of gold.
It was built of immense blocks of marble, decorated with
tier, like a
The white courts, porches and buildings rose, tier upon
any painting,
palace of snow from a hill of gold. Nowhere was there
ns, and gold, silver
and carved decorations were rare. Woven curtai
and copper work formed the ornamentation. who
Indeed, the metal-workers, carpenters and tapestry-makers
architects, builders
adorned the Temple were more potent than the they
of gold with which
and sculptors. The walls shone with the plates
roof was covere d with an elaborate gold inter-
were inlaid, while the
ption ? Surely that the
lacing. What impression arises from this descri
ie of courts, without
Temple of Herod, like that of Solomon, was a conger
Richness of material
the unity which is essential to a great art-effort.
. The Jew had all the
could not compensate for want of logic of design
to see architecture as an
spiritual influences necessary, but he was unable
was the real art of the Jews.
art, with its own laws and principles. Poetry
land on which he dwelt,
Harsh and crabbed as the desolate grey table
the Athenian. Only in
the Jew had none of the lively inventiveness of the
of the Song of Songs, the book of Job, and
the dramatic idylls
h imagination reach the
dreams of the greater prophets, did the Jewis it was in
built Zion
highest planes of art. When their national genius
words not in stones,—
s :
“ Look upon Zion the city of our solemnitie
habit ation, a tent that shall
Thine eye shall see Jerusalem a quiet
not be moved,
ked up, neither shall any
The stakes whereof shall never be pluc
of the cords thereof be broken.
ty, a place of broad
But there the Lord will be with us in majes
rivers and streams ;
er shall gallant ship
Wherein shall go no galley with oars, neith
pass thereby ;
For the Lord is our King ; He will save us.”
a belief in architecture as a
The Jew lacked what the Athenian had,
ght and emotion of man. To
means of embodying the religious thou
conception of a tribal god, Jehovah
the Jew, when he passed beyond the
had a very different conception
was a far away wonder. The Greeks
were curious about the myriad
of divinity in its relation to man. They
Their faith furnished thoughts and
things the mind of man can know. sculpture.
in architecture and
emotions very fitting for expression
wher the Jews failed. But no true
e
Therefore, the Greeks succeeded
Jew desired to do anything else but fail.
64 THE HOUSE OF GOD
“Cursed is the man who allows his son to learn the wisdom of the
Greeks,” thundered the Talmud.
Or again, the Jewish proverb :—“ Go not near the Grecian wisdom.
It has no fruit, but only blossoms.”
Nevertheless, in other lands and in other circumstances the God of
the Jews was to be furnished with an earthly habitation of full beauty
and significance. What Herod and the Jews of the first century failed
to do, the builders of Justinian, and the masons and carvers of the
Gothic age, were to do with full success.
Ant 1e7SOn.
evening, early in the third century after Christ. With the setting sun
at our backs we look down upon the crowded Forum. Immediately
below, at the head of the narrow valley, about 36 feet above the level
of the Forum, is the Tabularium, an open corridor with an arcade
fronting the Forum, and above, a gallery with Ionic columns. In the
cells behind the gallery are stored the brass tablets, inscribed with the
public records of the republic and empire. Originally a flight of steps
led from the Forum to the top of the Capitoline, and passed through the
Tabularium ; the steps were closed when the Temple of Vespasian
was built. Three Corinthian columns of Carrara marble from the east
corner of the portico, recall the temple of Vespasian to-day. On the
right is the temple of Saturn, with its eight columns, the Ionic
e
portico still retaining an architrave inscribed Senatus Populusqu
Restituit. The Temple of Saturn was
Romanus Incendio Consumptum
steps,
the earliest treasury of the Roman people. A flight of marble
resting upon massive blocks of travertine, led to the treasury chamber.
gilded bronze,
Near by is the Milliarium Aureum,a milestone sheathed in
of Italy
upon which are inscribed the distances of the principal towns
of Rome. Yes, from the platform
from the capital. Here is the Cornhill
Roman life
of the Temple of Jove we are looking into the very heart of
Forum is the low line of the Palatine
and history. To the right of the
the Forum of
Hill ;to the left the Forum of Augustus and, beyond,
around the
Trajan, with the great column of the emperor. Passing
of the Yellow Tiber claims attention
temple platform, the broad stream
its gates. The hill of the Janiculum
with its wharves, its bridges and
hippodrome of
rises beyond the river, with the theatre, baths and
the river, the Campus Martius
Nero’s pleasure gardens. Recrossing
porticoes, promenades
can be seen with its theatres, temples, baths,
baths and the
and shops. The baths were a combination of common
their usual form being a large quadrangl e, the sides
Greek gymnasia,
and outbuildings, the
of which were formed by various porticoes
with stucco, mosaics and marbles.
interiors being elaborately decorated
302 and 305 A.D., by 40,000
The baths of Diocletian were built between
mile in circumfer ence. Twelve
Christians, and were upwards of a
the church of Santa Maria
hundred years later, Michelangelo built
’s tepidarium . The circular
degli Angeli from the ruins of Diocletian
another hall in the great baths.
church of St. Bernardo was built from
to the Forum Romanum.
Circling the temple platform, our gaze returns
Way, leading eventually to the
Through the centre winds the Sacred Way
Hill. The Sacred
Circus Maximus on the other side of the Palatine
which made up so much of
is the path of the semi-civic processions,
the temples at the foot of the Capitoline Hill,
Roman religion. Beyond
temple of Concord, built by
and in front of the Tabularium, stands the
72 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Camillus to commemorate the reconciliation of the Patricians and Ple-
beians in 367 B.c. The cella of the temple was, at times, a meeting place
for the Senate, and it was here that Cicero denounced the conspiracy of
Catiline. In front of the Temple is the Rostra Julia, a platform adorned
with a balustrade and statues, where Antony thrice presented Czsar
with the “ kingly crown which he did thrice refuse.” The actual Senate
House is the building to the left of the Forum, raised on a platform
and approached by steps. In Christian times the Senate House was
consecrated by Pope Honorius (625) in memory of the martyr, St.
Hadrian, who had died 300 years earlier in Nicomedia. Honorius
added two rows of columns and an apse, converting the parliament house
into a Christian church. In front of the Senate House are the Comitium
and, beyond, the Argiletum, a booksellers’ quarter, where Martial
recommended patrons to buy his poems. Nearby is the Basilica Azmilia,
a great rectangular hall divided by two colonnades of carved Corinthian
columns. On the other side of the open square, facing the Basilica
Emilia, is the Basilica Julia, a court of law, open to the sky in the middle,
but surrounded by a double colonnade. At the north end is a low screen
which shuts off the space given over to the Judges and the advocates.
These basilicas have a special interest, as they were the architectural
prototypes of some of the early Christian churches. In the Forum, too,
are several dedicatory arches and columns, among them the Arch of
Severus, dedicated in 203 in memory of the Parthian victories, and deco-
rated with reliefs picturing the passage of the Euphrates and the entry
of Severus into Babylon. The Arch of Titus commemorates the con-
quest of Jerusalem in a.p. 70. Originally, it stood to the south of the
Forum, but was moved by Hadrian to make room for the Temple of
Venus and Roma. This great double temple was built about a.p. 12%)
upon a platform extending from the Via Sacra to the Colosseum.
The two celle, with semi-circular apses, are placed back to back and are
surrounded by a colonnade of seventy-two columns. Within is the
altar at which every newly-married couple in Rome offers sacrifice.
For the rest, there is the temple built by Augustus to the genius of Julius
Cesar, and the Regia, where the colleges of the pontifices and flamines
were housed. To-day, this part of the Forum is distinguished by
the
three columns of the Temple of Castor and Pollux, rebuilt by Augustus,
but recalling the aid given by the gods during the battle of
Lake
Regillus, 500 years earlier. The space between the Temple of
Castor
and that of Julius was used for public meetings in republican
times,
and the terrace of the Temple of Castor and Pollux served as a platform
for orators.
And Rome, be it remembered, was only a metropolis from which
radiated the energy and organisation which set up similar temples
,
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JEWISH FAITH AND ROMAN ORGANISATION 73
CHAPTER V.
THE COMING OF CHRISTIANITY
So we pass from the pagan shrine to the Christian House of God.
Long before the incursion of the German tribes, certain Roman thinkers
had forsaken the ideas inherent in polytheism, though polytheism
still lingered on as the national religion of the Roman Empire. The
grammarian, Maximus, was only one among many who reached the
conclusion of Abul-Fazl, the Vizier of Akbar, that the true God is
praised in every tongue and by all people. Writing to Augustine, Maxi-
mus said : :
““ Who then is so foolish and crazed as to deny the absolute certainty
of a One and Only God, without beginning, without natural offspring,
the great and glorious Father ?Whose forces scattered throughout
the world we invoke under many names, since His real name is un-
known to all, for God is a name common to all religions. So doth it
come to pass that while invoking the parts singly, piecewise, separately,
we manifestly worship the Whole.”
The Augustan “ pax ” at the time of Christ’s birth made the Roman
world ready for a religion which could be accepted by the various races
and classes under the rule of the Emperors. The seas were open and the
great state highways assisted the passage of ideas, while the Greek
language ensured a speedy sifting of thought. Christianity was quick
to benefit by the organisation of Rome, and when the gospel message
spread through Asia Minor and Greece to Rome itself, the problem
of the Christian House of God became important. First the dogma and
it
its essential ritual must be understood, and then the means by which
As the
found expression in architecture, sculpture, and wall painting.
task of Christianity was to restate the truths of the Greco-Roman philo-
y,
sophers and the teachings of Eastern mysticism in terms of personalit
that the union of the individual man and his Creator might seem possible,
place in
so the task of the Christian architect was to create a meeting
which the mystic mood should not clash unduly with the elements
which recalled the humanity of the worshipper.
found
It was Paul, a Romanised Greek of Tarsus in Asia Minor, who
n fitted for the Roman world. He visuali sed the
in Christianity a religio
and the
idea of the God-Man allied with the organisation of Rome
we see
philosophic artistry of the Greeks. In St. Paul’s later epistles
reunion
God’s eternal plan realised through the agency of Christ by the
between life
of redeemed humanity with God himself. This union
anity,
temporal and life eternal is the outstanding strength of Christi
signifi cance of Gothic archite cture and
as it was to be the supreme
76 THE HOUSE OF GOD
sculpture. The Jews had been familiar with the conception of an extra-
mundane God working from time to time through certain members of
the human family. They even reached the conception of a Messiah,
the human incarnation of this far-distant Godhead. But the unity of
the human and the divine through this Messiah was only accepted
by the Roman world when the subtle philosophy of the Greek was
added to the vision of the Jew. At first Christianity had more than one
rival. It had to struggle not only with the cult of Osiris and the cult of
Mithras, which had arisen from the sun-worship of Persia, but other
Eastern religions. Humanly speaking, it was as a new mystery religion,
rather than as the Jewish faith in Jehovah, that Christianity spread
through the Roman world when Greco-Roman polytheism proved
inadequate for the realm of the Czsars.
To the theologian Paul must be added the poet who wrote the Fourth
Gospel. To St. John was vouchsafed the truth that the Spirit of
Love and the Spirit of Truth are not two but one. Only those who love
can really know. It was because Christianity led to adoring love, joyous
confidence, and exaltation of the spirit, that it proved an inspiration
for church builders such as the Roman Empire had never known before.
Christianity reached the hearts of the Roman people, and particularly
the hearts of the Roman women and children.
The conception of the all-loving Christ as the redeemer of fallen
humanity vitalised western architecture for 1,500 years. Indeed it
vitalised practically all western art and thought. The philosophy of
Thomas Aquinas, the poems on the Holy Grail, the Little Flowers of
St. Francis, the “ Stabat Mater,” the hymn which tells of the Seven
Sorrows of the Virgin, are among the glories of Christian art which
arose from constant meditation upon the mystery of Christ’s life and
death. Above all, there is the Sacrament of the Mass, which has so
profoundly influenced the buildings in which the people of Christendom
meet for prayer and praise.
Tertullian, writing as a Christian theologian about A.D. 200, described
the place where the Sacrament of the Mass was celebrated as the
“Theatre of the Pious.” Accepting the vivid phrase, the Greek orchestra
became the Christian choir, the skene or tent behind being the priest’s
vestry. Whereas the orchestra had been circular because the primal
rite in Greece was a dance around an altar, the Christian Church
developed a form suitable to the ritual of the Mass. At first, there was
no division in a Christian Church between the actors in the sacred
mystery and the congregation. The early apostles were only leaders
in a rite. As the ritual increased in complexity, a place for the actors in
the Christian sacrament was evolved, apart from the congregation
and even from the singers who represented the Greek chorus. As the
THE COMING OF CHRISTIANITY 77
Greek drama had been an effort to recover the emotion arising from the
fabled histories of tribal demi-gods, so the Mass was a synthesis of
the story of Christ’s passion, ever keeping in mind the life and message
of the Christ. The faith inspiring the Christian architect did not differ
from that of the celebrant at the high altar. As a mystic union with the
invisible Trinity was achieved through the Sacrifice of the Mass, so
the architect, the painter, the sculptor and the goldsmith worked
together to make the Christian ritual real for all who gathered within
the four walls of a church. Hegel, in the Zsthetic, emphasised an abiding
characteristic of religious architecture when he wrote that the building
is only an environment of the image of the god. It does not possess its
spiritual content in itself, but through another thing. Hegel
added : architecture levels a space and builds a fit place for the con-
centration of Spirit. Into this temple the God enters in the lightning
flash of individuality which smites its way into the inert mass. With
religious sculpture the Infinite takes form.
This was the architectural ideal, though centuries were to pass before
the cathedrals and monastic churches were fashioned for the perfect
rendering of Christian ritual and thus achieved the unity of thought,
emotion and expression which characterises truly great art. Both the
rites and the church in which the rites were performed were made
perfect by men who knew because they also loved, and so won the purity
of vision which is the privilege of deeply loving souls. In Christian
architecture, this spiritual insight was analogous to the science in Greek
temple-building and it is deeply interesting to trace the steps by which
and
the Christian vision fashioned the greater Gothic cathedrals
churches, as Greek science had fashioned the Doric temple.
At first advance was slow. Christian communities were numerous
world.
but relatively small and scattered widely throughout the Roman
made little advance while the meeting -place was
Christian architecture
er convert s, as was common during the
the house of one of the wealthi
domestic
first three centuries after Christ. The first chantry was a
g of wine.
chamber, used for the breaking of bread and the drinkin
In the New Testament we read of “‘ The church in the house of Chloe.”
was reputed
The house of the Senator Pudens in Rome, where St. Peter
Church of St. Pudenzi ana, a daughter of
to have lodged, became the
consecr ated by Pius I. in A.D. 145,
Pudens. It is reputed to have been
of the Christi an city. Where stood
and in early times was the cathedral
the Church
the house of St. Clement, the third bishop of Rome, arose
Clemen t on the Esquili ne Hill
of San Clemente, the oratory built by
Under the church of the
being rebuilt as a basilica after Constantine.
a Roman house of the Im-
fourth century may still be found traces of
as a holy shrine and was
perial period, in which one chamber served
78 THE HOUSE OF GOD
arranged as an oratory. Near by is a room roughly fashioned into
the semblance of a cave for the celebration of the rites of Mithras.
The Christian and pagan shrines below the church of San Clemente
were not used at one and the same time. Probably Mithras was an in-
truder into the Christian home and was expelled when Christianity
triumphed under Constantine.
The house of a well-to-do Roman was readily adapted to a Christian
service. The colonnaded open court with its impluvium served as a place
of baptism ; later it became the atrium of a basilican church, the open
court with its colonnaded arcade being in course of time transferred
from the front to the side of a church, when it became the cloisters
of a medizval minster. The house under Santa Maria Antiqua, exca-
vated in 1900 near the Roman Forum, may be compared with San
Clemente. In Hadrian’s time it was a typical Roman dwelling house.
By the sixth century it had been transformed into a church by converting
the vestibule into a narthex in front of the atrium, while an apse was
hollowed out from the brickwork of the tablinum.
The schole, or private meeting halls of the industrial colleges, also
were used as Christian assembly places in early times. A schola as a
rule possessed a memorial chapel in which was an apse where members
of the fraternity were buried. Dr. Baldwin Brown, in his From Schola
to Cathedral, has demonstrated the importance of the schola in the
development of the basilica church of early medizval times. If the taking
of refreshment in a private house suggested the agape or “‘ feast of
charity,” so did the hall of the schola, in which the fraternity dined and
shared the memorial bread and wine in recollection of dead comrades.
“The feast of charity’ had a special significance as the festival in
memory of dead friends. The will of a pagan Roman provided that a
cella should be built, with an alcove containing a statue of the dead
man in marble. Under the alcove was to be set a couch with two marble
seats and here a feast was to be held on the birthday of the dead, the
celebrations including the issue of festal garments, cushions and rugs.
In the Acts of Martyrdom of St. Polycarp (a.D. 155) may be found a
further reference to the “‘ feast of charity ” in early Christian custom.
““ We took up his bones, more precious than costly jewels, and more
highly approved than tried gold, and laid them in a fitting place, where,
so far as possible, the Lord will grant us to assemble together with
rejoicing and praise to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom, both
in remembrance of those who have fought the fight and for the practice
and preparation of those whose time is coming.”
As has been said, the dominant conception in Catholic ritual is the
altar as the Hill of Calvary, the altar as the place where the Supreme
Sacrifice is renewed daily in obedience to the ordinance of Jesus
THE COMING OF CHRISTIANITY 79
himself. If the ritual of the Mass had profound effects upon Christian
architecture, the plan of the Christian Church was also evolved under
the guidance of the fact that apostles, saints and martyrs often found
a resting place near the high altar of a church. From very early times,
Christians have sought to associate their saints and martyrs with the
central mystery of their faith. Tertullian had said : ‘‘ The blood of the
martyrs is the seed of the Church.” It was natural that the relics of
those who had died for the Faith should be enshrined beneath the
altar whereon the Supreme Sacrifice was daily renewed, per sacra-
mentum, and equally natural that architects, sculptors and decorators
should not be forgetful of those who were laid to rest near the high
altar. When the Edict of Milan established Christianity throughout
the Roman Empire in A.D. 313, many churches were built above the
burial places of martyrs.
The early Christians did not burn their dead. They preferred to inter
them after the Jewish manner in the garden of some wealthy member
of the community. This was “ the hospitality of the tomb.” There was
first an original family tomb ; later, corridors were cut in the tufa and
fitted with narrow shelves upon which the dead were placed, the body
being sealed in with plaster, or a slab of marble, inscribed with
such a phrase as “ She Sleeps,”’ or “ He Went to God.” At times,
a section of the underground crypt was hung with lamps and used as a
chapel, or a small oratory was raised above the entrance. St Peter’s,
at Rome, stands on the site of the cemetery of the Vatican ; St. Paul’s
stands over the catacomb of St. Lucina ; San Lorenzo over those of St.
Hippolytus and St. Cyriaca. This custom gained the highest authority
when Constantine built a church above the Holy Sepulchre and made
Jerusalem the place of Christian pilgrimage, which it remained for
a thousand years.
Zenobius, the architect employed by Constantine, built the Anastasis,
or Sanctuary of the Resurrection. About the same time, Constantine
caused a great basilica, the Martyrium, to be built behind the Sanctuary
of the Cross, this being a great courtyard surrounded by cloisters
in which the True Cross was shown to those who were making pil-
grimage. A trefoil-ended church was also built above the Cave of the
Birthplace at Bethlehem. In these buildings were enacted the beautiful
memorial ritual described by Eucheria, a cousin of the Emperor Theo-
dosius, who made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem about a.D. 385 and wrote
an account of her journey to the Sisters of her “ religious-house ” at
Etheria, in Spain. The Peregrinatio Etheria is included in Mgr.
Duchesne’s Christian Worship. The purposes served by a House
of God in the century after Constantine cannot be studied more con-
veniently than in the travel-diary of Eucheria, which narrates in detail
80 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the daily services as well as the special ritual followed during Lent
and Easter-tide. The original church of the Holy Sepulchre seems to
have included a small dome supported upon a ring of twelve columns,
the columns representing the twelve apostles. The form was repeated
in the well-known Church of Sant’ Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna. The
motif of the twelve columns upholding a church is found again and
again in Christian architecture, notably in Sainte Chapelle, Paris.
The present church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem was built by
the Emperor Constantine Monarchus, who raised a circular church
above the tomb of Christ about 1040. When the Crusaders, in 1099,
added a chancel to the circular church, the form familiar in the church
of the Knights Templar in London was complete. There are similar
circular churches, derived from Constantine’s church of the Holy
Sepulchre, at Cambridge, Northampton, and Little Maplestead.
For all their beauty, circular domed buildings would seem to be ill-
fitted for Christian worship, at any rate as it developed in Western
Europe, if only because it offered no natural place for the altar and no
natural divisions for keeping the various elements in the congregation
apart from each other, and from the officiating priests and the choir.
A new type of building had to be devised, based upon and yet differing
from anything known in earlier architecture. In Italy, during the fourth
and fifth centuries a.D., the basilica form proved to have conveniences
for Christian worship. The basilica was a rectangular building supported
by four walls and divided by two rows of columns into a central nave
and two side aisles, the nave being higher than the side aisles. The only
departure from the simple rectangular design was a small semi-
circular apse, which held the Holy Table, the main doorway
being at the opposite end of the church, usually flanked by smaller
doorways leading to the aisles. In the outer court stood a fountain
under a baldachino in which worshippers washed their hands and lips
before entering. This was the cantharus. At times the outer court
(atrium) was colonnaded, but it was often reduced to a narrow portico
across the end of the church forming the narthex, as the entrance portico
was called in the Eastern Empire. The Baptistery was usually a small
domed building apart from the church containing the piscina, or tank,
for immersion. As this could not conveniently be placed in the church,
separate octagonal or circular buildings were constructed, the piscina
being sunk in the floor. The practice of separate baptisteries continued
until the seventh century, when the font was placed in the portico of the
church.
Within the church the apse was reserved for the officiating priest
and the elders who sat on the stone benches around the circular head
of the church, the apse being surrounded by an “ arch of triumph ”
Anderson.
Anderson.
CHAPTER VI.
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM. BYZANTIUM
From what has been written it will be plain that, during the early
centuries of Christianity, there was not one style of religious archi-
tecture, but several. All the known types were in competition, the
religious and secular styles of Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia and Persia,
as well as those in Italy and Greece. The unity achieved in a Gothic
cathedral was secured by drawing upon numerous sources of invention,
and continually rejecting methods which failed to meet Christian re-
quirements. In one centre a Greco-Roman temple might be converted
into a Christian church by cutting away the walls of the inner cella
and blocking up the partitions between the outer columns of the colon-
nade, as was done in the seventh century at Syracuse. Elsewhere, a
private house, a magistrate’s basilica, or the domed hall of a public
bath might be adapted. It remains to consider the special contribution
which Eastern Christendom made to religious architecture and
decorative art. The theme owes its content to the researches of Josef
Strzygowski, who has shown that the influences arising from the East
are no less significant than those derived from Italy and Greece.
Hitherto, Christian historians have been apt to forget that just as the
gospel message spread westward through Asia Minor, Northern
Africa, Greece, Rome and Gaul to Britain and Ireland, so it spread
eastward into Syria, Mesopotamia and Persia. The writer of “‘ The
Acts ” has recorded that Parthians, Medes, Elamites and dwellers in
Mesopotamia were members of the early Christian church in Jerusalem,
together with Phrygians from Asia Minor, Egyptians and Romans.
In the second century A.D. there were Christian communities beyond
the Tigris, and the churches included one which Bishop Isaac built
at Arbela about A.D. 130. Within 600 years Christianity had reached
China. It is said that in the seventh century the Emperor Kao Tsung
caused Christian churches to be built in all the provinces of China.
Owing to the Babylonian origin of the Jewish faith and the later
dispersion of the Ten Tribes over the Tigris Valley, circumstances
were very favourable to the spread of Christianity. They were equally
favourable to the rise of a Christian art based upon the well-tested brick
architecture of Mesopotamia. Above all, Persia, the great rival of the
Roman Empire, must be remembered. In Persia, Christianity was in
competition with the doctrines of Zoroaster, as, in the West, it was
struggling against Greco-Roman polytheism or the Orphic mysteries.
In Egypt, Syria, Armenia and Persia, a domed House of God developed
from the circular tomb, a nave with barrel vaulting being added where
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM 87
congregational requirements necessitated. Vault architecture develops
naturally where brick is available and timber is scarce. In Mesopotamia
and Persia, the basis of Christian architecture was not the classical
column surmounted by a timber roof, but a vaulted dome of concrete
or brick. Similarly, in Eastern Christendom, decoration was not per-
sonified, inasmuch as man was not the key to the whole philosophy
of nature and humanity as in Greece and Rome. In Persia, religious art
had long been non-representational and relied upon animal and bird
imagery and such architectural forms as arcading and blind arches
for its effects. Space-filling ornament, which the forerunners of the
Persian people had used when still pastoral nomads, was general.
Whereas in the West the development of a distinctive Christian archi-
tecture was crippled by the tradition of the timber-roofed and long-
naved basilica, in Eastern Christendom vault architecture was quickly
adapted for Christian worship, and the barrel vault, as well as the dome,
was exploited as an element in Christian architecture. It is even sug-
gested that the barrel vaulting of Armenia was a potent example when
the Romanesque builders of Italy devised the vaulted churches which
developed into the Gothic House of God.
Geographically, Armenia is a tableland in the upper valleys of the
Tigris and Euphrates. At the time of the Seleucid Kings of Syria,
Armenian authority reached to the Orontes, but it fell before the might
of Rome, and later before the might of Persia. When King Tiridates
was converted to Christianity by St. Gregory the Illuminator (a.D. 323)
the mission of Armenia was plain. It was to be the bulwark of Chris-
tianity in the Hither East against the Fire-worshippers of Persia and
the Moslems of Mesopotamia. For centuries, Armenia protected the
Eastern flank of Christendom. The country was hilly and encouraged
the growth of tribal principalities. The only binding political force was
Christianity. Without this Armenia was bound to fall to Persia, a fact
the Persians also knew. On one occasion 300 Iranian priests entered
Armenia with a Persian army, but the Armenian zeal for Christianity
was unshaken.
St. Gregory founded several churches in Armenia, notably at Vaghar-
of
shapat, the best known being built on the site of the martyrdom
St. Gaiana, Gregory using stone, brick and cedar wood, collected
specially for the purpose. The existing church of St. Gaiana dates from
the seventh century and is a concrete building, faced with stone, having
ng
a central dome raised upon a drum. Spirelets and bell turrets, suggesti
an open lantern, were added in the thirteenth century.
Architecturally, the golden age of Armenia was from the sixth to the
in
thirteenth century. The churches and monasteries may be studied
Travels in Armenia, in numerous volumes
Mr. H. F. B. Lynch’s
88 THE HOUSE OF GOD
by Professor Strzygowski, and in the sketches of Mr. A. Fetvadjian,
who spent 20 years in making detailed drawings of Armenian churches
and their decoration. Armenia was deforested early in its history and,
in place of wood, builders used concrete made from river mud mixed
with lime. Finely jointed masonry in large blocks was added to the
concrete core with such effect that after 1,000 years and more, and after
500 years of abandonment, the wrought stone can hardly be detached
from the concrete. In planning round and cruciform designs, in roofing
their concrete vaults, and ornamenting their churches, the Armenians
showed remarkable invention. In form, the Armenian church seems
to owe much to the domed tomb of Zoroaster, the founder of the faith
enshrined in the Zend Avesta. A surviving example of the one-domed
church based upon the typical Persian tomb is the Baptistery at Nisibis
in Mesopotamia, which was built in a.p. 359. The single-domed tomb
was enlarged so that it became a hall of assembly, an apse being added
on one side and, if necessary, a barrel vaulted nave. King Gagik built
some remarkable churches in the tenth century at Ani and Vaspurakan
with the aid of his court architects, Manuel and Trdat, who based their
designs upon a dome building, arising from a square plan, in the
Persian manner.
The Cathedral of Ani, which is 100 feet long and 65 feet wide, was
commenced about 989 and was completed by Trdat in 1oor, the archi-
tect using piers of clustered columns and slightly pointed arches for
the support of his dome. The date of the Cathedral at Ani is important,
especially as the Gothic features can be traced in Armenian architecture
even earlier. Apart from the dome, other arches in the Cathedral at
Ani are rounded. The Church of St. Gregory, also built by King Gagik,
the Church of the Holy Redeemer (twelfth century) and the Church on
the Citadel, with its circular tower crowned with a dome, are other
notable buildings at Ani. Generally, the dome was raised on a lofty
drum and covered the crossing, the rest of the church being covered with
barrel vaults. Other features of Armenian design were triapsal endings
and the use of blind arcading for the decoration of the lower walls and
the drum beneath the dome. Western architects who attempted to
adapt the Roman basilica to Christian usage had found it difficult to
give a sense of spaciousness and secure unity of design. This was partly
due to the narrowness of the western nave with its timbered roof,
and partly to the importance of the apse in early ritual, which made it
difficult to exploit the device of a spacious dome over the crossing.
In Armenian designs, the space under the dome was utilised as a means
for awakening the devotional mood, and developing the sense of
solemnity and awe which accompanies the religious mood as surely
as joyful exaltation. Nevertheless, it must not be thought that the builder
Toe CHURCH OF THE CrrapEL, ANI, ARMEN
(face p. 88.)
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM 89
in Armenia had freedom to develop his art, guided by architectural
considerations alone. On the contrary, authority continually controlled
his use of material and design. Canon 182 in the Armenian Church Law,
which was drafted well before the eighth century, lays it down :
“ Only the bishop orthodox in faith may design the plan of a church,
or the Chorepiscopos or the Peredut with the bishop’s consent. If
any presume to plan a church without the bishop or Chorepiscopos,
we ordain the destruction of the plans. Should, however, an un-
authorised plan be sanctioned, we recommend that it be again
submitted for approval. Thus shall the designing of the church be
blameless.”
The altar in an Armenian church was raised 3 feet above the floor
for the congregation and was approached by a flight of steps. In the
cupola was often placed a figure of Christ Pantokrator, Christ as the
all-powerful ruler, a form which was natural in the East where power
had long been associated with despotism. Painted and carved symbolism
can be studied in the remarkable monastic Church of the Cross at
Achthamar, an island in Lake Van, where the carved decoration dates
from the early part of the tenth century. The church was built by
Gagik, then Prince of Van, from material taken from a fortress destroyed
in war. A frieze in low relief runs round the church, showing a hunting
scene set in a conventional “‘ forest ” of vine leaves and pomegranates,
as if to suggest at one and the same time the joys of the chase and the
goodfellowship of the wine cup. From the religious standpoint the design
seems to be connected with the Hvarenah landscape theme in Persian
art, which is connected with the cult of the dead, Hvarenah being the
power of vital growth in nature and humanity, which is also regarded
as governing the course of the sun, the moon and the stars in the
heavens. In Zoroastrianism, Mazda the Brilliant, the Majestic, Greatest,
Best and Most Beautiful, was the source of Hvarenah, and the All-
‘knowing was, therefore, the source of the life in the vine and the
pomegranate, as he was the source of life in the lions, bears,
bulls and birds which also mingled in the vine scroll. On the
exterior of the Church of the Cross are also carved scenes
from the life of Jonah, while on the western side King Gagik
is represented standing before Christ and holding a model of the Church.
Elsewhere evangelists and saints are carved with winged monsters
-which recall the decorations of an Assyrian palace, all evidence of the
‘manner in which a score of national styles were struggling one against
another for a part in the final unity which would represent Christian
-symbolical decoration. Persian, Syrian, Mesopotamian, and Byzantine
influences are apparent in the Armenian House of God between the
go THE HOUSE OF GOD
ture
sixth and the twelfth centuries, and, in its turn, Armenian architec
influenced Byzantine and other Christian art in the West. What precise
to
form this Eastern influence took and what was its extent have still
in
be determined, but that the domed church of Armenia was a factor
the evolution of Christian architecture seems beyond doubt.
Unfortunately, Armenia was not allowed to carry her architectural
inventions to full accomplishment. Neither the leisure, which only
peace can give, nor the wealth, which is another concomitant of major
art productions, were at her command. A warrior like Tigranes the
Great was not only able to make Armenia the seat of a self-supporting
monarchy, but engaged in a policy of national expansion, attacking
Persia and subduing Syria and Palestine. Armenia, however, was a
chaos of tableland and mountain and had no fruitful plain or important
trade-route to assure her of continued wealth. When the strong hand
of a Tigranes was removed, Armenia became the battle-ground of
contending civilizations and creeds, Byzantium on the west and Islam
on the east, and the development of religious art in Armenia suffered
accordingly.
BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE
When Constantine, by the Decree of Milan in a.D. 313, conceded
religious liberty to his Empire, the days of classic Rome were numbered.
The long threatened invasion of the Germanic tribes was at hand.
Even in the time of Marcus Aurelius every Roman capable of bearing
arms had been enrolled in the forces defending the Empire. Italy itself
was secure. But such outposts as the Danubian provinces were only
saved by calling upon the barbarian allies to assist in the defence of the
Empire.
Constantine anticipated the inevitable when he determined upon the
bold policy of transferring his capital to the shores of the Bosphorus,
the site of the Greek towns of Byzantium and Chalcedon. This course
was the logical outcome of Diocletian’s policy of making the Imperial
office an Oriental despotism. The foundation stone of Constantinople
was laid in A.D. 326. For a time the Emperor maintained his hold upon
the western portions of his dominions, but during the century after
Constantine’s death, the Empire was definitely divided, and Rome be-
came “‘a provincial city with a past.”’ The immediate future was with the
Eastern Empire.
Life in Constantinople closely resembled that in Rome. Senators
were brought from the West and induced to settle in the new capital
by bribes of estates on the shores of the Bosphorus. The mass of the
population—artizans and labourers—were attracted by periodical
distributions of oil and wine and by largesses of corn. Indeed, the very
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM gi
site of Constantinople, with its hills and cliffs, recalled that on which
Imperial Rome had arisen. Constantinople also has its Seven Hills,
crowned to-day with mosques built upon the pattern of Sancta Sophia.
Unlike Rome, Constantinople was a city built about three seas—the
Golden Horn, the Bosphorus and the Marmora—the last having a
wondrous beauty, with its cliffs breaking into the sky-blue waters and,
above, the mosque-crowned heights affording a lovely skyline of domes,
half domes and minarets. To this site, works of art were brought from
different parts of the Empire, until Constantinople was as richly
furnished with art treasures as Rome or Athens had been.
The wealth of the city grew apace. All the greater trade routes between
Europe and Asia converged naturally upon Constantinople. It became
a recognised clearing-house between the two continents.
Two constructions of the time of Constantine remain, the Bin-Bir
Derech, or cistern of One Thousand and One Columns, and the
Yeribatan Serai, two underground reservoirs for storing water. Most
of the Emperor’s buildings at Constantinople were hastily built, however,
and of poor material, and were rebuilt by Justinian in the sixth century.
There were no stone quarries near Constantinople ; when the supply
of marble columns from Greece and Italy was exhausted, builders in
the Eastern Empire relied upon rubble, mortar and particularly fine-
quality, well-baked bricks about 14 inches thick. This naturally led to
arch-construction replacing the Greek method of lintel building. The
most characteristic feature of the new buildings was their domes—
shells of brick concrete veneered with marble and mosaic, the marble
and mosaic not only covering the vaults but the arches upon which
the domes were built. The domes seem to have been largely the work
of Eastern craftsmen, though Greeks were also employed. Byzantine
architecture, in general, was a compromise between Eastern and
Western influences, prominent among the Eastern influences being
that of Persia with its exquisite sense of decorative detail.
Until the sixth century, then, Constantinople was a second Rome,
touched with Christian and Oriental influences, but a second Rome.
A change came in the time of the Emperor Justinian. The only existing
church in Constantinople dating from pre-Justinian times is St. John
Studios, a three-aisled basilica which was built in a.p. 463. The church
was part of the monastery of the akoimetat or Sleepless Monks, who
were pledged to carry on a ceaseless divine service, day and night.
Under Justinian, the Byzantine style not only developed but was
perfected.
In general a Byzantine church stood apart in a close surrounded by
trees, and was entered through a cloistered forecourt having a fountain
the
in the middle. The vestibule was in the form of a narthex, while
92 THE HOUSE OF GOD
apse at the opposite end was shut off from the body of the church
by a screen. In the Eastern ritual the divine mysteries were celebrated
behind this solid stone screen, which was pierced by doors, the centre
one being curtained. During the prayer of consecration the doors of
the screen were closed and the veil before the central door was drawn.
Around the curved wall of the apse were seats, with the Patriarch’s
throne in the centre. Before the throne was the altar, under a balda-
chino held up by four columns.
Eastern monasticism did not favour great monastic churches, such
as those which arose in the West under the rule of St. Benedict, St.
Bruno and St. Bernard. Thus Mount Athos was the centre of a group
of autonomous monasteries, which united to form a federal theocracy
under the rule of St. Basil, this regula being supplemented by the
typikon of each house. Perched on rocky crags above the Aegean, the
monastic buildings of Mount Athos surrounded an insignificant
church in which the Divine Offices were continually recited. The
monasteries on Mount Athos commenced with lonely hermits who
lived in caves. Gifts from pious benefactors made collegiate life possible,
but Mount Athos, and eastern Monasticism in general, never forgot
its hermit origin, or adopted the missionary ideals of the Benedictines.
The circumstances favourable to outstanding architectural efforts,
therefore, were not present so far as Eastern Monasticism was concerned.
In Byzantium, the organizing force was the Crown, not the Church,
which was subordinated to the State in the Byzantine imperial system
in a manner unknown in the West.
Justinian came to the throne in A.D. 527. He was not an inexperienced
ruler. Justin, his predecessor, had been a man of small political genius.
He had willingly allowed his nephew to take a larger share of control
than is usually given to an heir-apparent. Justinian saw that the political
situation in the East differed from that which earlier Roman Emperors
had faced. In the fifth century the Germanic nations had been strong
enough to encroach upon the Empire. In the sixth century Justinian
felt that the Eastern Empire was strong enough to strike back. Britain,
Gaul, and other lands in North-Western Europe were lost, but the Vandal
Empire in Northern Africa was vulnerable. It might be that Rome itself
could be regained for the Empire.
Justinian was not without resources. The Byzantine army was the
best equipped and most reliable force in the Western World. The old
Roman infantry system had been put aside. The generals of Justinian,
Belisarius and Narses, won their victories with armies in which mail-
clad horsemen were the most potent factor. By 533, Justinian felt that
the political position in Constantinople itself was sufficiently stable.
Belisarius, with 5,000 horsemen and 10,000 foot, sailed for Africa.
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM 93
Carthage was taken. Two years later Belisarius captured Sicily, and,
in A.D. 536, he entered Rome. Ravenna, whither the Ostrogothic king
had retired, fell four years later. A Roman emperor again ruled over a
dominion comparable with that of Augustus, Trajan or Hadrian.
After the custom of great conquerors, Justinian celebrated his victories
by a series of public buildings, among them Sancta Sophia, the Church
of the Holy Wisdom. ‘ Hagia Sophia’ was dedicated in A.D. 537 to
the second person of the Trinity, God the Son. Architecturally, Sancta
Sophia solved a problem which had been troubling Christendom since
a religion of personal devotion superseded the earlier religion of com-
munal thanksgiving. The earlier Greek and Roman temple had been
a shrine. In the age of Justinian, a church was first and foremost a
meeting place where the faithful could lift up their hearts in prayer
and watch the performance of the sacred rites. A few priests and the
privileged heads of certain clans had entered the shrines of the great
gods and goddesses of Greece and Rome. The whole body of townsfolk
might seek admission to the cathedral of Constantinople. In the sixth
century after Christ the first essential in a church was large, unen-
cumbered floor space ; indeed, it was the general problem of Roman
civic architecture applied to religious art. This problem of interior space
was solved by Anthemius, of Tralles, and Isidorus, of Miletus. Unlike
a Greek temple, the exterior was of small importance. The confusion
of half domes and shelving roofs of Sancta Sophia had none of the
austere beauty of a Doric temple or the beautiful grace of the Maison
Carrée at Nimes, with its delicate Corinthian columns. But within,
it had a beauty all its own. The central cupola is 107 feet in diameter
and rises 180 feet from the ground, springing from a square connected
by arches. Procopius (De Aedificiis, I1.) described the dome as floating
in air and “ suspended by a golden chain from Heaven.”’ It dominates
the
the building. Instinctively, the eye is led from the central altar in
apse to the side galleries and thence from arch to arch of the sub-
©
sidiary domes to the central cupola. Whereas a low half-light was suffi-
cient to display the meagre decorations of the cella of the Parthenon,
the interior of Sancta Sophia is aflame with light. Salzenburg wrote,
East
“A flood of light pours itself through the house of God. The
sends its first rays through the six large apse windows into the nave,
and the evening sunshine, glowing through the large western window,
bathes the vault in fire.” And what a beauty of form and colour the light
reveals ! The interior of Sancta Sophia is a glow of multi-tinted stones
and
and brilliantly-coloured mosaics, the columns of marble, porphyry
on which the great
verd antique rising in tiers to support the arches
Sophia was
dome and half-domes rest. The central square of Sancta
the ambulatory, with
the equivalent of the basilican floor space, while
94 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the surrounding colonnade, served the purposes of the aisles of a basilica.
And above is the soaring cupola, together with the blaze of gold and
colour, which together symbolise and express the mystery and might
of God. “I have surpassed thee, O Solomon,” cried Justinian.
Beautiful as was the decoration of Justinian’s church, the true glory
of Sancta Sophia was the work of its architects, Anthemius and Isidorus. _
The unifying effect of the central dome was increased by the succession
of semi-domes on either side. As has been said, the central cupola
rose from four arches, this being possible owing to the device of
pendentives, spherical triangular constructions which were set between
the arches of the dome and which also helped to support it. ‘The square
open space in the centre was thus enlarged by the space beneath the -
half-domes, which was increased still more by the space beneath the
surrounding colonnade. What the Parthenon is in the architecture of
the column and the lintel, Sancta Sophia is in the architecture of
the column and the dome. The architectural beauty lies in the fact
that it is a full and perfect expression of dome structure, inasmuch
as all that does not belong to dome structure has been eliminated, as
all that did not belong to lintel architecture was eliminated from the
Parthenon. Throughout Anthemius and Isidorus had a clear, intellectual
perception of the end they had in view and how it was to be attained.
They knew that the dome, the semi-domes, the arches and the walls of
Justinian’s church would be enriched with coloured marbles and mo-
saics, “‘ fresh green as the sea or emerald stone,” or again, like “ blue
cornflowers in grass.” But they so ordered their design that formal
beauty gave character to the church, not the added decoration. This
is the height of architectural achievement ;when it is added to a rich
originality, it sets the architects of Sancta Sophia high among the
masters of their art.
This becomes plain when Sancta Sophia is compared with the church
of San Marco, at Venice, where the dome principle is merely used to
display the resources of mosaic as a building material. The art of gilding
a vitreous cube with gold leaf, which is fixed by melting over it a trans-
parent film of glass, was a Byzantine invention. Used with similar cubes
of coloured glass, it was the basis of the wall-paintings in Sancta
Sophia, and, centuries later, suggested the domed church of San Marco.
As Mr. March Phillips has written in a brilliant page of his Works
of Man, structural form tends to kill mosaic by making it appear thin
and superficial, while mosaic tends to vitiate structural form by making
it appear indecisive. A substance embedded in a cement ground-work
does not lend itself to perfect smoothness of surface or perfect sharpness
and regularity of edge. The decorators of San Marco sacrificed form to
colour. Their ideal was a dark interior, built out of solid gold and
Sebah.
SANCTA SopHiIA ’
CoNSTANTINOPLE.
(face
p. 94.)
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM 95
studded with figures and groups in swarthy crimsons and blues. The
lofty array of light and airy domes which made the fascination of Sancta
Sophia was exchanged for a group of low, heavy domes of ponderous
solidity. San Marco seemed rather “a cavern delved out of the earth.”
Whereas, in Sancta Sophia, the light was brilliant, in San Marco, it
was deep twilight.
The beauty of San Marco is not due to structural form, but to the
wealth of mosaics. The many vaults and domes, the chapels and
the upper parts of the walls are all covered with rich ly
-coloured
scenes. This soft flush of prismatic light, together with the glow of the
multi-coloured marbles which encase the pillars and lower walls of
the church, are not to be forgotten . The colour in San Marco has been
an inspiration to all who have used colour for 1,000 years. No one who
turns from the glow within San Marco to the glow on the canvases
of the greater Venetian painters can fail to perceive the source of the
rich suffusion of colour. The colour in San Marco has not only purity and
brilliance. It has depth ;it has light and shade. The makers of San Marco
did their best. But those who realise the fundamentals of architecture
most fully will know that the builders of Sancta Sophia did a greater
thing when they combined colour and form and, at the same time,
demonstrated the possibilities of the dome in Christian architecture.
Apart from Constantinopie, the most characteristic churches in the
in
Byzantine style are to be found at Salonica in Greece, and Ravenna
the Northern Adriatic. The Ravenna churches have aspecial interest,
influences derived from the Latin West being mingled with charac-
derived from Eastern Christendom. Like Venice, Ravenna
teristics
on
lies in a great lagoon at the mouth of the Po, and the houses are built
piles in the Venetian manner. During the Germani c incursio ns such
a place afforded a better chance of safety than a walled city in a plain.
c,
In A.D. 396, the Emperor fled to Ravenna from Rome, and Theodori
493 and 525, made Ravenna his capital.
the Ostrogothic King, between
d by the
The basilica of Sant’ Apollinare Nuovo, originally dedicate
recalls Theodori c’s efforts as church builder.
Arian Goths to St. Martin,
Theodoric said,
The basilica was designed in the Roman manner. As
‘We owe everything to Roman artists.”
are in Classe, a
Very-characteristic, too, is the church of Sant’ Apollin
about 550,
basilica of brick designed under Theodoric, but finished
the Byzanti nes. ‘The nave is large, being
after Ravenna had passed to
aisles making the church almost 100 feet
almost so feet wide, the side
is reached by a flight of steps, the
across. The chancel is raised and
saints, approa ched by a narrow
space below being a burial place for
s might view
passage following the semi-circular apse, so that pilgrim
for burial in
the shrine. In 563, the Council of Braga gave permission
96 THE HOUSE OF GOD
churchyards “‘ in case of necessity,” though the Council forbade burial
within the walls of a church. Later, a Council at Mayence decided that
“ no one should be buried in a church except bishops, abbots, worthy
priests and faithful laymen.” In the end the habit of burying saints or
prominent Churchmen near the altar led to the increase in size of the
crypts until the chancel was raised several feet above the level of the
nave, as at San Miniato, Florence, or San Zeno, Verona. A later
development was the chantry chapel of late medizval times.
—
, het
7. Oe w.
i é..
a
4» a
ref S. Vitale, Ravenna.
The domed church of San Vitale at Ravenna was also planned in the
time of Theodoric. The King’s intention was to put up a personal
mausoleum, but the church was completed by Justinian after the
capture of Ravenna by Belisarius. San Vitale is a beautifully-planned
octagonal building with an apse and a vestibule, arched and vaulted
throughout, but the central dome makes it appear more Byzantine
than Sant’ Apollinare in Classe. The architects at Ravenna, however,
were not particularly interested in the dome as an architectural motif,
and none of them experimented in the mingling of domes and half-
domes, which gives the plan of Sancta Sophia its unique interest. In
general, the designers of the Ravenna churches relied upon the hori-
zontal lines of the Roman basilica. The decoration of the Ravenna
churches, however, was Eastern in character. The long-naved Roman
basilicas had been decorated with columns or pilasters and ceilings of
Al UNATL.
ap) = ey S) =| A Lala < an is} i ‘i S)= ef a = > ENNA
=< nm172)
(face p. 96.)
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM 97
gilded wood, the mosaic decorations being fashioned from coloured
marbles. The decorators of the Ravenna churches, however, followed
the Byzantine example and used cubes of coloured glass. In the
Ravenna churches, the things of supreme worth are the brilliant glass
mosaics, seen by the diffused light which filters through the
clerestory windows. The mosaics are very different from the sculpture
with which the Greeks and Romans decorated their temples.
Whereas the Greco-Roman decorator was a naturalist, the Byzantine
was content to treat the human form as a symbol. In representing a
man or woman, he flattened the figures, made little use of light and
shade, and eliminated the impression of three-dimensional space.
The suitability of the strongly-drawn Byzantine figures to the severe
lines of a basilica, however, is self-evident. Standing out in dark outline
from backgrounds of blue or gold, these mosaics fill the rectangular
spaces afforded by the basilican plan in the happiest manner, and are no
less successful in filling the semi-domed space above the altar in the apse.
The famous groups of Justinian and the Empress Theodora, with
their suites, on either side of the sanctuary of San Vitale, are examples
of Byzantine mosaic work at its best. The composition is necessarily
cold and unemotional, but the colouring of the glass cubes is so glowing
and harmonious that the eye forgets that the medium is the uncom-
promising mosaic. In the portrait of the Emperor, the sensitive lips
are in character with the ascetic scholar—hard, narrow, but determined—
known to the world as Justinian. Over and above these charms of colour
and draughtsmanship, the mosaics are in a high degree ‘ decorative,’
and have a fitting place among the severe lines of a basilica. Regarded
from the standpoint of suitability to a House of God, however, these
mosaics suggest an imperial rather than a religious origin, in the sense
that they were set there because a powerful ruler had associated himself
with Christianity and linked political ambition with religious architec-
ture. Much was gained from this association in rich material and
abounding craftsmanship, but something was lost. Inasmuch as the
Emperor chose to make Christian doctrine and ritual a secondary
consideration, a scene of courtly pageantry was naturally set upon the
walls of San Vitale, Ravenna, rather than a representation of the
Virgin Mother of Galilee or the sacrificed Jesus of Golgotha. When
the First Person of the Trinity was represented, it was God as Judge
rather than the kindly Father of man.
Elsewhere, as in the old cathedral of Ravenna, which was unfortunately
destroyed, non-representational methods of decoration were adopted.
The nave walls were ornamented with hunting and fishing scenes and
the apse was decorated with a symbolic landscape, doubtless the
Christian equivalent of the Paradise pictures of Persia, described by
H
98 THE HOUSE OF GOD
tion
Strzygowski. In many respects this non-representational decora
an outloo k during the first six
was more characteristic of the Christi
than such design s as the
or eight hundred years of Christendom
themes
Justinian or Theodora groups. The insistence upon human
,
represented the triumph of the Greco-Roman West over the Jewish
Syrian and Persian East.
there is
So far as the early Fathers of the Church were concerned,
no doubt as to their purpose in authorising wall pictures, and making
lived about
them a feature of the Christian House of God. St. Basil, who
s
379, said in a sermon, “‘ Rise up now, I pray you, you famous painter
by your art the mutilat ed
of the good deeds of this army. Make glorious
images of our leader. With colours laid on by your cunning, make
illustrious the crowned martyr, by me too feebly painted. I retire
.”
vanquished before you in your painting of the excellences of the martyr
written or
The purpose of the painted symbol was to reinforce the
(Ep. VII. 3)
spoken word of the gospel message. Pope Gregory I.
wrote :“ Painting is used in churches that they who are ignorant of
letters may, at least, read on the walls by seeing what they cannot
read in books.”
Paulinus Nolanus explained his reason for covering the church of
St. Felix at Nola with pictures even more fully in a letter (Poema de
S. Felice natal, TX., p. 541).
“You ask my object for adorning the walls with animated figures.
This is the reason. The gatherings which the fame of St. Felix brings
together are known to all, the crowd is great. Here are rustic minds,
not wanting in faith, but unskilled in letters and long accustomed
to profane rites. These, coming as strangers, are brought home to
Christ through the merits of the saints. They have left their far-away
homes, regardless of the frosty weather, for their warm faith keeps
out the cold. Now in throngs they fill the hours of the wakeful night
with joyfulness, dispelling sleep by mirth, and by candles the shades
of darkness. But pity it is that, in all their joy, they fail to keep the
bounds of temperance, and quaff the wine-cup within the holy places.
To a sober gladness one would wish to set no limit. Nevertheless,
I pardon the mistake of their untrained spirits. Unconscious of
error, they fall through their warmth of enthusiasm, thinking in
their blindness that the saints rejoice when their tombs are reeking
with the odour of wine. Wherefore, it seemed to us good to deck the
house of Felix with sacred pictures, that haply their forms and colours
might seize upon the astonished imaginations of the country folk.
Above the designs are placed their titles, so that the written word
amplifies what the hand has drawn. Thus, while the crowd point out
wmarr.
Al
98.)
(face
p.
RAVENNA
VITALE,
SAN
JUSTINI
Empero
Mosaic
THE
or
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM.” 99
the pictures one to another, they are less quick than before to turn
to feasting ;they feed with their eyes instead of with their lips.
Wondering at the paintings, they forget their hunger and a better
habit lays gradual hold upon them. As they read the sacred stories
they learn from pious examples how honourable are holy deeds and
how satisfying is sobriety. So comes forgetfulness of wine. The cups
grow fewer as the day passes in contemplation, and the time devoted
to these sights of wonder leaves but few hours to be spent at table.”
Lastly, the Synod of Nicza, sitting in a.D. 787, made this declaration
regarding the stone and bronze statues :—
“Venerable and holy images should be set up in the same manner
as the figure of the precious and life-giving Cross—the images,
to wit, of our Lord and God the Saviour, Jesus Christ, and the one
undefiled Lady, the holy Mother of God, and of the honourable
angels and all saints and holy men, for the honour of the image
passes on to the original, and he who reverences the image reverences
it in the person of Him who is therein depicted.”
After the times of Justinian there was a declension from the high
standard of craftsmanship and architectural propriety shown in the
Ravenna mosaics. A stiff Byzantine figure in its stiff robes, repeated
again and again along a church wall, lacks the charming variety which
Hellenic art had taught the world to look for. In the end the Byzantines
devised a series of symbolical figures to represent the principal person-
alities in the Bible story. So long as the painted figures could be recog-
nised, all was well. To this day the Greek Church insists upon the
production of formal designs, which have been repeated with little or
no change for centuries. When M. Didron discovered the ‘ Painter’s
Guide,’ at Mount Athos, the explanation of Byzantine formalism was
apparent. The guide enumerates the motifs of hundreds of themes
from Old and New Testament story and hagiology. Here is a passage
from the instructions regarding the method of depicting the ‘‘ Holy
Patriarchs according to the Genealogy.”
“ The First Father, Adam ; an old man, long hair, white beard.
The righteous Abel, son of Adam ; young, beardless.
The righteous Seth, son of Adam ; an old man, brown beard.
The righteous Enosh, son of Seth ; an old man, beard bifurcated.
The righteous Mahalalel, son of Cainan ; an old man, bald.
The righteous Jared, son of Mahalalel ; an old man, beard tri-
furcated.”
When it is remembered that such inventions were repeated during 1,000
years, the question must arise : What was there in this denaturalised
art which made it acceptable to the Byzantine people ? ‘The answer
100 THE HOUSE OF GOD
al, philo-
carries one into the deeps of Byzantine life—social, politic
sophical and spiritual. It is an histori cal, not an zsthet ic problem.
Byzant ine style was not due to faulty
Certainly, the formalism of the
judged to be
technique. A denaturalised and schematic method was
nt in Easter n Roman Christianity.
best suited to convey the ideas inhere
at Consta ntinop le was deemed
The presence of an Emperor ruling
to be
necessary if the Eastern possessions of the Roman Empire were
Byzantine
held. This brought certain consequences in its train. The later
emperors chose to dispense with the energetic deputies of earlier Roman
relied
history. A strong body of bureaucrats, each member of which
on a superior, replaced the military administrato rs who had served
by four
earlier Roman Emperors. The official hierarchy was headed
being a silver inksta nd,
Pretorian Prefects, the symbols of their office
A silver inksta nd and a
a lofty chariot and a great pencase of gold.
gold pencase! And among the subservient bureau crats were the Pat-
ine
riarchs of the Byzantine Church ! The characteristics of the Byzant
Empire were those of a soulless machine rather than a living organism,
but on the whole the system served well. While Italy, France, Germany
and Spain were in the throes of political strife, the Byzantine polity
maintained itself. Nevertheless, in Byzantium, bureaucracy and
departmentalism assumed a peculiarly vicious form owing to the fact
that so many offices were hereditary, and there were thus two reasons
for keeping in a fixed groove—the parental as well as the official.
Bureaucratic methods led to mechanical and unemotional methods of
thought, in marked contrast to the human methods which had charac-
terised Greek and Roman life, and were later to vitalise Gothic archi-
tecture. In the centuries following Justinian, moreover, the international
situation forced Byzantium to emphasise rather than relax its chosen
political and religious system. After repulsing Persia, early in the seventh
century, Byzantium was faced with an even more dreaded foe, the Arab
followers of Mahomet. The Prophet himself had not considered the
possibility of conquests outside Western Arabia. His follower, Abu
Bekr, however, was more hopeful. In a.p. 633, the Arabs marched
to the Euphrates, and Damascus in Syria capitulated in 635. In the
following year Heraclius, the Byzantine Emperor, took the fragments of
the True Cross from Jerusalem, the city falling to the Arabs in 639.
Egypt was lost in 641. True, Byzantium stayed the onward rush of the
Arab power, but only at the cost of most of the Greek and Roman ele-
ments in life and thought. The philosophical Schools at Athens were
closed ; the Consulate was abolished ; a bastard Greek replaced Latin
in official documents. In short, the Eastern Roman Empire of Constan-
tine and Justinian gave way to Byzantium, and Greco-Roman art became
Byzantine.
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CHRISTENDOM 101
There is no more illuminating chapter in art history than the Icono-
clastic movement which followed the conflict between the Saracens
and the Byzantine kings of the eight century. Although the Saracens
failed to capture Constantinople they had such success in Northern
Africa and Syria that the Byzantine rule was threatened with des-
truction. The Saracens besieged Constantinople in A.D. 717, and the
capital was only saved by the military and administrative genius of
Leo the Isaurian, who became Emperor in 717. He was a man of low
birth, a native of the Taurus, a wild, wooded district, whence were
recruited the fierce soldiery who made up the bodyguard of a Byzantine
Emperor. Leo defeated the Saracens but failed to conquer the Lombards
in Italy, who took Ravenna from the Byzantine Empire and threatened
Rome. The failure to hold Ravenna persuaded the Eastern Emperor
to emphasise the pre-eminently Byzantine qualities in the Eastern
Empire. In 725, Leo put himself at the head of the movement for the
destruction of all religious pictures, the movement being really directed
against his enemies, the monks, who were the principal manufacturers
of sacred pictures. The Emperor ordered that all pictures and images
should be removed from the Churches and the painted walls covered
with plaster. Many Byzantine artists moved to Italy and other places
under the control of the Pope. The Iconoclastic disturbances did not
end for 150 years. The Iconoclastic party was finally defeated in a.p.
842, in the reign of the Empress Theodora, when painted figures were
once more permitted in the decoration of churches, though the ban
upon statues continued.
Mosaic decorations, based on the Byzantine manner, were common
throughout medieval Christendom, particularly in Italy, where it was
easy to import expert mosaic workers, especially after the Iconoclastic
troubles in Constantinople. Characteristic examples of this schematic
art can be seen in the Baptistery built by Constantine in connection
with St. John Lateran, and recall the close connection between the
eastern and western branches of Christian art.
The Byzantine Empire, and the rich and ingenious, but de-humanised,
art which it encouraged, lasted on for many centuries, influencing the
Latin West continually. In times of disorder in the West, and they
were frequent, Byzantium was the only stable polity in Christendom,
so the influence of craftsmen trained in Byzantine methods must never
be forgotten. Our search for buildings which serve as worthy symbols
of the All-Good and the All-Beautiful, however, calls us to other lands.
Before we consider the circumstances which made a Gothic cathedral
possible, the architecture and symbolic sculpture of the Far East
demands attention, and it is to the House of God in India, China and
Japan, that we turn.
102
CHAPTER VII.
THE ART OF ANCIENT INDIA AND CHINA
The art of the East, particularly that of the Buddhists and Hindus
of India, affords many analogies with Christian art in Western Europe.
A Western critic may deny his admiration to a Buddhist or Hindu
temple ;but he should attempt to understand it; if not because it
represents the art effort of one-fifth of the human race, then for the
analogies it offers to the art of his own people. Eastern art differs from
Western, but the affinities are more deep-rooted than many would
admit at first sight.
In Asia, civilization has been chiefly confined to great river valleys,
where a rich alluvial soil quickly gave the leisure which is a necessary
prelude, not only to art and science, but even to the due development
of the emotional side of human character. One can be so busy that there
is not even time for hope, and certainly none for dreams. Owing to
cold, or the absence of water supplies, the greater part of Northern and
Central Asia is suited only for over-worked hunters and pastoralists.
It was when these hardy Aryan, Mongol or Tartar tribesmen fought
their way to the west, the south and the east, that they organised great
civilizations in Persia, India and China. In the fertile plains they
developed national polities, produced epic and lyric poetry, and made
progress in the sciences and arts.
Of early civilization on the banks of the Indus and Ganges little need
be said. The Aryan invaders, it may be, separated from their Persian
cousins in Iran two or three thousand years before Christ, though
the time may well be extended. A thousand years may have
gone before the dark-skinned aboriginals were driven to the
forests or were forced to refuge in their mountain fastnesses. Many
more centuries were occupied in tribal warfare between the Aryan
princelings, centuries in which the Vedic ritual of sacrifice was ela-
borated, and such epics as the Ramayana and Mahabharata were written.
The epic age did not give rise to vital architecture and sculpture in
Hellenic Greece ; it does not seem to have done so in the Indus and
Ganges valleys. Mention has already been made of the primitive House
of God in India—a tabernacle where the fire for an Aryan settlement
was tended by the Brahman priest. A hut of mud, wood or thatch,
known as the fire-house, became the dwelling of a God because of this
kindling of the sacred fire. For very many centuries all the needs of
ritual were satisfied by the construction of tabernacles of various shapes,
in which sacrifices to the Spirit of Fire were made by the tribal ruler
THE ART OF ANCIENT INDIA AND CHINA 103
or the priest attached to the shrine. If more was needed, carved posts
were cut from a sacred tree and were decorated with the serpent
emblems of the Fire Spirit, or the mystic lotus flower, which was the
emblem of the life in the cosmic waters. In time, a body of builders
and wood carvers arose, which was honoured by inclusion in a special
caste, ranking with that of the Brahman priests and protected by special
laws. When circumstances favoured the rise of a permanent House of
God, the craftsmen were ready to hand.
In the natural religion of the early Aryans fire was the primal wonder,
to be worshipped as was the light of the sun, the lightning of the storm
or the magic ‘soma’ of water. Even the trees had their vital heat,
as the fire-drill revealed. Everywhere experience suggested that heat
was the source of life in man and beast. Accordingly, Brahma, thecreator,
was symbolised by the rising sun, while Brahma’s active principle in
the natural world was Sarasvati, the lady of the lotus pool, whose
flowers unfolded under the sun’s rays. Later Brahma became associated
with the Universal Soul of the Brahman philosophers, and men were
taught that the individual souls of man and beast changed their shapes
until they were merged in Brahma.
“« Asa goldsmith taking a piece of gold, turns it into newer and more
beautiful shapes, so does the Soul of Man, after having thrown off
this body and dispelled all ignorance, make unto itself another new
and more beautiful shape.”
Religious architecture and symbolic sculpture are little concerned
with the Vedic ritual of sacrifice ; nor were they much influenced when
Buddhism was introduced as a philosophy of personal morality and
spiritual culture. At first, Gautama Buddha was conceived as the Great
Guru, or Teacher, who, by the virtue of meditation and asceticism,
had insight into the mysteries of the universe. The early Buddhists
were forbidden to worship graven images, and there was no incentive
however, was also a democratic revolt
to build temples. Buddhism,
against Brahmanism and a re-affirmation of the religious faith in a
form fitted for the servile nations, among which the Aryan military
of
colonies were settled. It was when Buddhism became a religion
pilgrimage and image worship that a vigorous school of architect ure
in
developed in Northern India. Whereas the Brahmans had preached
disciples preached in the
Sanscrit—the Aryan Latin—Buddha and his
popular tongue. Thenceforward, the rites and sacraments of Brahma
Buddhism
were confined to men of high caste and deep learning, but
s
became the religion of the masses, not only of the Aryan conqueror
the caste
but of the non-Aryans. Buddhism, by refusing to recognise
a single
system of the Brahmans, united Aryans and non-Aryans into
religious community.
104 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Gautama was born about 543 B.c. Later came the Great Awakening
whereby Gautama became the Buddha or ‘ The Awakened.’ He
preached in many parts of northern India until his death in 483
B.C., but Buddhism made little progress until 260 B.C., when it
was accepted by King Asoka, the Constantine of Northern India.
By this time the Aryans had extended their influence over India,
except among a few savage tribes in the forest lands or hill country.
Irrigation systems had brought prosperity to the dwellers in the Ganges
valley ; great codes of criminal and civil law had been evolved ; such
sciences as astronomy and philosophy had been developed. The wealth
and craft of a vast territory became available for a great art effort when
Chandragupta drove out the Alexandrian Greeks from the Punjab,
established himself upon the throne of Magadha, and made Northern
India a united empire.
Asoka was the grandson of Chandragupta. He raised Buddhism from
a struggling sect to a powerful state religion. Two thousand years after
his death the memory of Asoka the Great is still revered wherever
Buddhism has flourished. If he was the Constantine of India, he was
also its Saint Louis, an example of mercy, charity, truth and purity.
As Buddha had made his humanitarian precepts available for all castes,
so Asoka ordained a service of goodwill to all people and the possibility
of conversion to all sects.
‘* All men are to me as my children. As I wish my children welfare
and prosperity in this and the next world, so I do to men.”
Like Constantine and St. Louis of France, Asoka was a mighty
builder. As a state religion Buddhism required permanent shrines,
and stone architecture took the place of the earlier tabernacles of wood,
clay and thatch which had served the Brahman priests. Asoka recruited
many builders from Persia, where stone-working was common, and
painters, sculptors and wood-carvers were also enlisted in the service
of Buddhist art. Rock-cut caves were excavated by Buddhist monks
for contemplation and retirement. In course of the centuries these
developed into monasteries even larger than the medizval monasteries
of Christendom, each with its central shrine, its assembly hall, its
gardens, its lotus pools and its cells, grouped about a central court.
Here the youth of the Aryan nobility were taught, and, indeed, students
from all parts of the East. In the assembly hall attached to the shrine,
the peripatetic preachers of Buddhism met during the rainy season,
when travelling was difficult, to recall and develop the teaching of
Gautama. A great Buddhist monastery, with maybe 10,000 monks and
students, was another Oxford, with its towers and spires, its college
halls, its quadrangles and chapels.
THE ART OF ANCIENT INDIA AND CHINA 105
(fuce p. 106.)
THE ART OF ANCIENT INDIA AND CHINA 107
monk. The influence of Greek sculpture in the treatment of drapery was
also marked. This was natural, inasmuch as the Buddhist sculptors were
developing an art which had been symbolic and non-personal. ‘They
could not fail to borrow elements from Greek, Roman and even Chris-
tian sources, where representational art based upon the human figure
had been fully tested. Nevertheless, the deeper truth is that Indian
sculpture was never Hellenised, and certainly never developed under
the guidance of the Greek principle of pydev aya. If Buddhist
art is to be understood by the aid of Western analogies, it is to Gothic,
rather than to Greek, art we must turn.
The dome of a stupa, the symbol of the cosmos, was covered with
plaster and painted in fresco like the walls of a medieval church, the
carved stonework of the processional way being also finished in colour,
as were Gothic doorways in the Middle Ages. Indeed, the historical
and symbolic reliefs upon the Sanchi stupa recall Gothic sculpture at
every turn. Instead of the Nativity of Christ, Maya, the mother of
Gautama, is pictured seated upon a lotus flower, being bathed by the
elephants. In place of the ancestors of the Messiah are the Seven Bud-
dhas. There are reliefs which recall events in Asoka’s reign, and an
elaborate symbolism for the initiated, such as the Wheel which repre-
sents the Buddha’s first sermon, by which he set in motion the Wheel
of the Law, or the throne beneath a pipal tree which represents Gautama
himself at the supreme moment when he reached enlightenment.
Like Francis of Assisi, the Buddha founded a monastic system which
included a large body of laymen who obeyed a less strict rule than the
monks. The monastic organisation was based upon the Sangha, or
general assembly of the Aryan clan. Accordingly, a meeting place was
attached to the shrine, which served the same purpose as a chapter
house in a medizval monastery. This stupa-house originated from the
memorial chapel attached to the mausoleums of Aryan kings. The
Aryan mausoleum was made of wood to last the three generations during
which the soul of the ruler was journeying to swarga. When Buddhism
was established as a state religion a permanent assembly hall was re-
quired, and large stone buildings were put up. An alternative was to
cut the stupa-house in a rocky-cliff, with an aisle on either side, by
which pilgrims could approach the shrine without interrupting the
assembly of monks in the stupa-house.
At Karle in the Western Ghats there is a famous rock-cut assembly
hall, 124 feet in length, 45 feet high, and 25 wide. It resembles a mediz-
yal cathedral with its relic shrine behind the high altar. At Karle, each
pilgrim’s aisle had its doorway to right and left of the principal entrance
leading to the ambulatory around the stupa, which was the Buddhist
equivalent of the feretory in a Gothic pilgrim church. Passing along the
108 THE HOUSE OF GOD
ambulatory from left to right, the Buddhist pilgrims recalled the uni-
versal law which directed the sun in its orbit, and therefore guided the
faithful to salvation by the Way of Knowledge of the Law. Above
the central doorway was carved a sun window, much as a rose or wheel
window was cut above the western porch of a Gothic cathedral. On
the facade, too, was a wooden music-gallery, from which a drum, the
equivalent of the Christian bell, announced a meeting of the Buddhist
Sangha. Entering the great nave, decked with its painted banners and
swinging lamps, the monks had on left and right a row of lotus columns
which extended from the doorway to the stupa shrine.
Each of the thirty columns at Karle is octagonal in shape, and is
surrounded by an inverted lotus flower and a carving representing the
heavenly home of the Devas. From their chariots, the Devas, the
shining ones, are watching over and ordering the decisions of the yellow-
robed monks who sit in consultation in the chapter-house below. In
Buddhist symbolism, the pillar is the mystic lotus plant supported by
the holy mountain and keeping the balance of the universe. The pillar
with its decoration was derived from the carved sacrificial posts set
up near the tabernacles to the Fire Spirit in Vedic times. The lotus is
the blue canopy of the heavens with the sun as its golden pericarp, and
Indian sculptors carved the open flower with turned-down petals in
preference to the lotus-bud of Egypt. Mr. Havell recalls that the Indian
carvers of the early Buddhist ages, understanding the symbolism of
the lotus as the emblem of the vault of the heavens, decorated the lotus
pillar with the characteristic pointed petals of the flower, and indicated
the stamens and seed vessels, whereas the Persian and Greek carvers
conventionalised the decoration until resemblance to the lotus was
lost, and even added acanthus leaves to the inverted flower. The lotus
motif occurs as frequently in Buddhist and Hindu art as does the cross
in Christian art.
The frescoes in the rock-cut temples at Ajanta are familiar to
Londoners through Lady Herringham’s copies at South Kensington.
Painted between the first and the seventh century after Christ, they
cover a period when Buddhist art was influencing all Eastern Asia. ‘The
rock-chambers recall an apsed Romanesque church, but the frescoes at
Ajanta are more perfect than any wall-paintings in our own Norman
churches can have been, ranking with the masterpieces of Italy and
recalling such a painter as Sodoma. The tender and languid grace of the
scenes of human and animal life, the variety of gesture and attitude
in the grouping and the sensuous charm of the designs, place the Ajanta
cave frescoes among the outstanding decorative paintings of all time.
The painters represented either episodes in the mystic and historical
life of the Buddha, or scenes in the Paradise where the Buddhas and the
A Buppuist Stupa, CeyLon.
dawn on the winter solstice. The central altar was furnished with a fire
for the roasting of the sacrifice, but near by was a smaller altar, before
which prayers for a goodly grain crop were offered. Lastly, there is a
triple-roofed Ch’i Nien Tien, or Temple of Prayer for the Year, where
the Emperor offered prayers for the spring crops each year. The Ch’1
Nien Tien is 99 feet high and is roofed with tiles of deep cobalt blue.
When the service was in progress within the temple everything was in
the key of blue, the sacrificial vessels being of blue porcelain and the
Emperor and his attendants robed in blue brocade. Even the light was
azure in tone, as the sunshine filtered into the shrine through blinds
fashioned from thin rods of blue glass. As has been said, colour sym-
bolism plays an important part in Chinese worship. The temple of the
Heavens is blue, the temple of the sun is red, the famous sang de beuf
glaze being specially invented for the decoration of ritual utensils
in sun worship. At the temple of the Earth all is yellow, while the temple
of the Moon is a pale grey blue, known as yueh pat, or moonlight white.
with
In Tibet, Buddhism developed a complex priestly hierarchy, and
Catholic ism, includin g an
it certain characteristics akin to Roman
monks spend their days
extensive monastic system. The Tibetan
wheels
praying, reading the sacred books, and turning the prayer
gained the close contact
containing sacred formule, but they have not
ure
with Tibetan social life, which so powerfully influenced the architect
In practice, religion
of the monks and friars in medizval Christendom.
ed
in Tibet is a polytheism in which many minor godlets are worshipp
of Buddhis m. Never-
along with the more philosophical abstractions
in connec-
theless, many remarkable temples and shrines have been built
is furnishe d with a
tion with Lamaism. A famous temple at Peking
by the Emperor Ch’ien
stupa of sculptured marble, which was built
to die in the capital
Lung in memory of a Grand Lama, who chanced
of the stupa consists
from smallpox during a visit in 1780. The spire
of the
of thirteen step-like segments, symbolising the thirteen heavens
bronze. On the
Bodhisattvas, and is surmounted by a cupola of gilded
including the
eight sides are carved scenes from the life of the Lama,
Chinese Art.
remarkable birth-scene, pictured in Mr. Bushell’s
BUDDHIST ART IN JAPAN
be looked
At first sight religious architecture of a high order might
of natural and
for in Japan. Here is a people endowed with a sense
since the city-
artistic beauty in a high degree ; indeed, in no nation
prevalent. Joy
states of Greece or Northern Italy has art been more ter-
are national charac
in beauty, refinement of taste and skill of craft,
people, as in
istics rather than the endowment of specially favoured s
most lands. Japane se temples, moreover, have the advantage of setting
128 THE HOUSE OF GOD
of exceptional loveliness, to which the cherry in spring and the reddening
maple in autumn give added charms. Of the temples at Nikko the Japa-
nese themselves say : “‘ Do not use the word magnificent until you have
seen Nikko,” and, in truth, the temples owe not a little of their charm
to the avenues of fir and the superb mountain scenery in which they
are set. In a Japanese temple area, carved gateways, paved courts with
their votive lanterns, stages for the mystic dance, shrines with their
golden walls and coloured pillars, stairways, and cloisters with their
gilded demons and dragons, make up a fantasy which is bewildering
in its variety and ingenuity, and yet fails to answer to the description
architectural beauty. Like China, Japan has developed an architecture
of the roof, and its graces are those of carpenter work. Japan is an earth-
quake country. On an average four earthquakes are registered in Tokio
every day and the danger of destruction by earthquake is ever present.
Experience showed that wooden buildings last when stone erections
would fall. Perhaps this sufficiently accounts for the absence of a
vigorous school of architectural design in the Greece of the East, since
the Hellenes themselves were not great architects while they built in
wood.
After Nikko, the temples of Kyoto, including the Hall of a Thousand
Statues, dedicated to the Mother of Mercy, Kwannon, are justly famous.
In Tokio, too, there is a famous group of temples gathered about the
tombs of the Six Shoguns. Each sanctuary has a court with stone railings,
where votive lanterns are hung, the whole being in a dark grove of fir
trees. Entering a Buddhist temple in Japan, a worshipper washes his
hands, chooses the incarnation fitting for his special needs, and pulls a
bellrope to awaken the deity. Then, throwing a coin into a grated recep-
tacle, he whispers a prayer and makes way for another dévot. The
Japanese worship of the Buddha cannot be said to be heart-felt.
Indeed, if any religion has a firm hold upon the imagination of the
educated Japanese, it is Shintoism, the combination of ancestor and
nature worship, in which God is worshipped in a temple imitating
an ancient Japanese hut, with its thatched roof and unpainted walls.
Under such circumstances it would have been strange if architecture
had acquired in Japan the strong religious bent which the alliance
between Church and State secured for it in medieval Europe. Nor,
in religious sculpture, did the Japanese achieve the serene spirituality
of Buddhist art in China. Famous among Japanese Buddhas is the
Daibutsu of Kamakura, the colossal bronze image of Amida which was
cast by Ono Goroemon in the thirteenth century. At one time the statue
was sheltered by a great shrine, but this was destroyed by fire. The
Daibutsu is over 40 feet high and was made from bronze plates, separ-
ately cast and then riveted together. The interior of the statue serves
(8a “a anf)
‘ATING]T, GSANVdIVE? V
THE ART OF ANCIENT INDIA AND CHINA 129
as a little chapel. The sentiment of deep meditation in the bowed head
and the purity of the lines made the Daibutsu memorable in religious
statuary, but few will credit it with the mystic repose and sense of spiri-
tual attainment which characterise the best Buddhist sculpture in China.
At the end of this summary of 2,000 years of religious art in the Far
East, it may be repeated that its worth will only be revealed to those
who will look beyond the temple and its decorative statuary to the ideas
regarding the Eternal enshrined in them. In so far as it is art, every
House of God is an effort to express man’s sense of deity. Forget this
search for deity and the thing made becomes a riddle without an
answer. Nevertheless there are thoughts and feelings which fail to
find due expression in certain arts. It does not follow that every idea
which the artist seeks to express does,in fact, find expression. It may be
that the effort was a vain one ; that the idea could not be expressed.
Certain critics of Buddhist art may be justified because the artists of
India, China and Japan attempted the impossible. If this be so, the
Western critic is only entitled to judge when he has made due search
for the idea that sought expression. Until recent years few among
Western art lovers were willing to make the effort needed for a judgment
of any worth. Now, books and museum objects have accumulated which
make such an effort relatively easy and the reward of labour sure.
130
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH.
ANGLO-SAXON AND CELTIC CHURCHES
In Christian architecture, the church of the Holy Wisdom at Con-
stantinople was the outstanding achievement of the Greco-Roman
period. Nevertheless, in the East, Justinian’s miracle was not repeated,
and, in the West, the song of joyous light which echoed through the
arches, domes and half-domes of Sancta Sophia, seems not to have
answered to the mood which the Faithful sought in a House of God.
It may be that the basic plan of Justinian’s church was too secular for
Christian usage. The architectural prototypes of Sancta Sophia were
the public baths, while, in respect of ritual, Western Christendom was
developing the basilican form to its needs. Five centuries more passed
before a style was evolved which answered more surely to the needs of
Christian worship, and then the new thing was found by builders who
had no first-hand knowledge of either Rome or Byzantium. To under-
stand these centuries, a vivid sense of the Germanic incursions and the
changes they wrought in the Western Roman Empire is necessary.
Incursions of Northmen were no new thing in Roman history. A
hundred years before Christ, the Cimbri, driven from their home in
Denmark by floods, settled for a while in the Danube Valley, whence
they ravaged Gaul and Northern Italy. The Cimbri were crushed by
a Roman army under Marius in ror B.c. For a time the campaigns of
the Czsars stopped the German movements south of the Elbe and the
Danube. Nevertheless, the victory of Arminius over Varus in A.D. 9,
the defeat which forced from Augustus the cry ‘“‘ Varus, Varus, give
me back my legions,” was prophetic. Hungary was won by the Goths
in A.D. 270,and Athens, Corinth and other Roman seaports were ravaged
by Gothic pirates. In a.D. 378 Valens was defeated before Adrianople,
and, in 410, Rome was besieged and sacked : the Emperor Honorius
fled to Ravenna. Twenty years later, the Vandals overran Gaul and
Spain, and formed a kingdom in Northern Africa. When Carthage fell
in A.D. 439 Western Christendom had passed to the invading Germans.
A student of the arts will not need a detailed picture of these incursions.
It will be enough to visualise Christendom in the making, as Hardy
visions Napoleonic Europe in The Dynasts. The nether sky opens
and Europe is disclosed as a prone, emaciated figure, the Alps shaping
like a backbone and the branching mountain chains like ribs. Drawing
nearer, the peoples are seen writhing, heaving, vibrating—Angles,
Saxons and Jutes on the coast-lands of England, Visigoths in Gaul and
Spain ; Vandals in Northern Africa, until both Visigoths and Vandals
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 131
are dispossessed in time by the conquering Arabs. To the east, the
Eastern Roman Empire is threatened by the Ostrogoths, who have
crossed the Balkans, as their cousins, the Western Goths, have broken
into France and Spain. In France, the Franks and Burgundians hold
the power, while Austria, Hungary and Eastern Europe are threatened
by the Huns, fierce horsemen of the steppes. Forty-six churches of the
Constantine age were destroyed in Rome alone when Genseric the
Vandal took the city in A.D. 455. Gregory the Great, in his Homily
upon Ezekiel, wrote :
“‘ Everywhere we see mourning ; we hear laments : cities, fortresses
and villages are devastated ; the earth is a desert ;there is no end
to the scourging of God’s judgment. Behold Rome, once the Queen
of the World, to what is she reduced ? Rome is empty and has barely
escaped the flames ; her buildings are thrown down; the fate of
Nineveh is upon her.”
In the chaos which followed the Germanic invasions the one stable
element in Western Christendom was the community headed by the
Pope at Rome. When Alaric reached the walls of Rome in 408, Pope
Innocent I. was the chief negotiator with the enemy. In 451, Pope
Leo I. saved Rome from Attila, the Hun. The power of the Popes in-
creased still more when Gregory the Great converted the barbarian
conquerors from Arianism to the orthodox Catholic faith. Headed by
the greater Popes, the Catholic faith set itself to realise Augustine of
Hippo’s “‘ City of God,” the world-wide theocratic state which would
replace the Empire of Rome. Greek philosophy was embodied in the
scheme of Christian dogma, and the constitution of the Church was
strengthened by elements of Roman political and social organisation.
As Roman Christianity was accepted throughout Western and Northern
Europe between A.D. 400 and A.D. 1000, the Roman tradition of law
and administrative order was extended to lands which had not known
it even in the times of Trajan and Hadrian. Slowly, the bishops made
themselves masters of every form of political, social, mental and spiritual
life in Western Europe, and sought to endue them with a distinctively
Christian spirit.
At first, the leaders of the Church had no desire to usurp the functions
of secular government. If the Church claimed temporal as well as the
spiritual power, it was not that the Pope might actually handle the tem-
poral sword, but that it might be wielded under conditions controlled
by the Church. Rather there was a separate organisation of professional
priests, claiming a special authority from God to declare His will.
When European society began to reconstruct itself after the invasions
of the Northmen, the greater bishops and abbots had administrative
authority similar to that of the feudal princes.
132 THE HOUSE OF GOD
There is no better guide through the seething chaos of possibilities,
which culminated in the new unity, Western Christendom, than some
knowledge of the Early British Church. Legend tells that Joseph of
Arimathea brought the gospel to Britain. In a vision, he was told to
seek a hill resembling Mount Tabor, the oak-clad summit near Nazareth,
which the early Christians regarded as the Mount of the Transfiguration.
Accompanied by twelve holy men, Joseph came to Avalon, a little island
in the Bret Valley in Somersetshire. When he saw the Tor of St. Michael,
near Glastonbury, Joseph knew it to be the hill of his dream. Below
the Tor he cut caves for his twelve companions and buried the Cup of
the Last Supper. Here blossomed the Holy Thorn, which sprang from
Joseph’s staff when he came to Weary-all Hill. Ever after the Thorn
flowered on Christmas Day. Here, too, Joseph built a church of
“‘ twisted wands,” which we may regard as the earliest Christian sanc-
tuary in our islands. It was a link between the British and the Saxon
House of God. North Somerset did not pass into the possession of the
Saxons until a.D. 658, when the Saxons had accepted Christianity for
some years. Glastonbury, therefore, is the one religious foundation in
England which survived the Germanic invasions, and there the Saxon
priest knelt before the very altar which the Briton had used. Later,
the church of wattle was enclosed in wood and a leaded roof was added,
this being the Lignea Basilica mentioned in an alleged deed of King
Ina (A.D. 725). Finally, Glastonbury became the premier mitred abbey.
Since the Dissolution of the Monasteries, Glastonbury Abbey has had a
chequered existence, but the ruins, with the so-called Chapel of St.
Joseph and the great piers of the choir, remain as a beautiful memorial
of the chapter which the foundation added to our island story.
Read aright, the plan of the minster church of Glastonbury sums up
the history of a score of great English foundations. First, the missionary
monks and their church of daub and wattle ; then a Saxon church of
wood or stone, and, at the last, the vast Norman or Gothic nave, tran-
septs and sanctuary, with shrines, altars and chapels,which summed up a
faith that had been more than 1,000 years in the making. In the plan
of Glastonbury the original church of St. Joseph is represented by the
lovely little ruin generally called after the reputed founder of the mona-
stery, but really the Chapel of St. Mary. The first church of St. Joseph
had so many sacred associations that Paulinus of York, in Saxon times,
protected it with a roofing of lead and a casing of wood. There were
numerous rebuildings and additions to the Lignea Basilica, but the
wooden church was not destroyed until the fire of May 25, 1184. It
was then replaced by the chapel of St. Mary, built in the transitional
Norman style and dedicated in 1187. The abbey church,60 feet eastward
of the chapel,
wascommenced at the same time and the building occupied
“BET “d aonf’) :
‘KUNANOLSVTH) “IGAVHD S,ANVIL “LS
0D P UIT
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 133
70 years. The vaulting and deco-
ration of the nave were added by
Abbot Adam de Sodbury in the
fourteenth century. Somewhat
earlier the nave was connected
with the Chapel of St. Mary by
building a great Galilee porch
wus we which filled the 60 feet between
the west end of the nave and the
eastern wall of the chapel, which
was broken down and an arch
substituted so that Chapel,
Galilee, nave and sanctuary made
one great church, 460 feet long.
In the fourteenth century the
choir was enlarged eastward by
the addition of a processional
path at the back of the High
Altar and a series of eastward
chapels, and, when the Edgar
Chapel was added at the east-end
by Abbot Bere, on the eve of the
Reformation, the church was 580
feet, that is the longest church in
England except Old Saint Paul’s.
The porch on the north side of
the nave was almost twice as
large as the corresponding doorin
Bb
1294
~
Wells Cathedral, and contained
the relic cupboard of the monas-
tery before the Great Reliquary
NAVE was built in the north transept.
Inside, the nave was separated
from the choir by a rood screen,
and in a bay further east stood the
pulpitum. The nave, which was
built at the end of the twelfth
GALILEE
century and in the early years of
the thirteenth century, was aus-
tere Early English work, but the
choir enlargement, due to Abbot
Walter de Monyngton, was in the
Perpendicular style derived from
134 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Gloucester Abbey. In front of the High Altar, slightly to the south,
was the tomb of King Arthur and Queen Guinevere, which was
enshrined during a visit of Edward I. to the Abbey in 1278. The Edgar
Chapel behind the altar was specially built to contain the body of King
Edgar, and was finished by the last abbot of Glastonbury, Richard
Whyting, who also built a sacristy in the south wall and the polygonal
apse at the east end. The Loretto Chapel to the west of the north
transept was of Italian Gothic workmanship, due to a visit of Abbot
Bere to Italy. The sites of the two chapels were revealed by the excava-
tions of Mr. Bligh Bond, whose disinterested researches have done so
much for England’s premier abbey.
Joseph’s coming to Glastonbury Tor is first recorded by William of
Malmesbury in the twelfth century, so the story must be left in the
realm of Christian legend. Sober history suggests that the earliest
Christians in Britain were Roman soldiers and “ Romanised natives,”
at the best an insignificant minority living among the pagans. As in
Italy, other Eastern cults were in competition with Christianity. An
altar inscribed “ Sancto Mithre ” has been found at. Caerleon, near
Glastonbury, and at Borcovicus, on Hadrian’s Wall, there are remains
of a grotto dedicated to Mithras with six altars, dating from A.D.
252. Another altar found along the Wall represents Mithras coming
from the egg and surrounded by the signs of the Zodiac. As Gaulish,
German, Spanish, and other provincials enrolled in the Roman army
of occupation were attracted to the “ Invincible Sun God,” as the deity
of the lowly and afflicted, so they were attracted to the Christ of Galilee.
Early in the fourth century Christianity had established itself sufficiently
to justify persecution, and St. Alban was martyred. During the perse-
cutions of Diocletian, Alban gave shelter to a fugitive Christian cleric.
Alban was a Roman officer, and was so impressed by the Christian’s
habit of prayer that he accepted baptism, and when the soldiery came
to arrest the cleric, Alban put on the hooded cloak of the Christian and
gave himself up in place of the fugitive. A shrine in honour of Alban’s
martyrdom was raised at Verulamium and, later, a famous Benedictine
community associated itself with the cult of Britain’s proto-martyr,
hence St. Alban’s Abbey and Cathedral. By 314, the Christian com-
munity in Britain was sufficiently organised to send three bishops to
the Council convened at Arles by Constantine, and 100 years later,
A.D. 429, the British Christians received the memorable mission led by
Germanus of Auxerre. With Bishop Lupus of Troyes, Germanus came
to Verulam and faced the Pelagian heretics in open debate. Already
there was ‘‘ a church of admirable workmanship ” above the shrine of
the martyred Alban, and we are told that Germanus and Lupus sought
the blessed Martyr Albanus “ in order to render thanks for his mediation
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 135
to God, and here Germanus, having with him relics of all the apostles
and of different martyrs, offered prayer and commanded the grave to
be opened in order to deposit the precious gifts therein.’’ Doubtless
the first church of St. Alban was built in the Roman manner. The
foundations of a Roman basilica, probably a church, have been excavated
at Silchester. They show a three-aisled building with a narthex, and
an apse to the west. There was a square mosaic in the apse in which
stood the altar.
Twenty years before the mission of Germanus and Lupus the Roman
legions had been recalled to Rome. During the following 500 years
England and Southern Scotland were captured by bands of sea pirates
from Northern Germany, Denmark and Scandinavia. The earliest of
the conquerors were Angles and Saxons, most of whom entered by the
larger rivers and so worked their way inland, a practice later adopted
by the Danes. The war bands settled in rural districts in small, self-
sufficing groups, which offered few opportunities for trade. They brought
no tradition of religious architecture with them, and it is strange that
the history of so many churches can be traced to Anglo-Saxon times.
The monks of the Benedictine order were the real makers of Western
Christendom in these troubled centuries, and the ideals of St. Benedict,
the father of monasticism, influenced church building until Norman
times. Benedict was born about A.D. 480, and lived as a solitary in the
wilderness of Subiaco near Rome. Disciples were attracted, and huts
and cells of hermits arose in the desert. At length Benedict directed
that twelve monasteries should be built, in each of which he placed a
prior and twelve disciples. The house on Monte Cassino, built around
an ancient shrine of Apollo, was the forerunner of all Benedictine
monasteries. Here St. Benedict formulated his ‘‘ Rule,” based upon
the experience of St. Basil and St. Martin. St. Maurus introduced the
Rule of St. Benedict into France, and Augustine brought it to England.
It was adopted at Canterbury, St. Albans, Glastonbury, and Jarrow,
among other famous houses, and in London at Bermondsey, and at
the West Minster on Thorn Island. After Augustine, Benedictine
houses arose in such places as Lincolnshire and Somersetshire. The
monks drained the marshes and cleared the forests. In the Middle
Ages, the foundation of a monastery was the equivalent of the foundation
of a modern British colony. Monks went into the waste places of the
earth and won them for civilisation with as much fervour as they won
souls for God. At first it was the tribe which was converted rather than
the nation. Consequently English cathedrals tended to arise in places
away from the centres of population, whereas in France, where the
organising unit was the bishop, rather than the abbot, they were set in
large towns. Later, Benedictine houses served as fortresses for the
136 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Norman Kings. Along the marshes of Wales a chain of monastic houses,
Gloucester, Worcester, Tewkesbury and others, made a barrier against
the Welsh, just as the disaffected fen-land of East Anglia was dominated
by Ely, Croyland, Peterborough and Norwich.
A marsh ribbed with occasional dykes: how often was this the
economic background against which a medizval monastery arose.
The dykes, cut by the monks and their men, gave the first stretch of
land for the little settlement ; elsewhere the waters lay stagnant over
the undrained moor, with long, grey veils of mist above them most of
the year. Even where the dykes had been cut, the waters were ever ready
to claim the low-lying meadows once more.
Cicero once described the Roman colonia as an image and model
of the Roman state; so the monastic settlement was an image of Mother
Church. Every monastic house was a mission station, but it would have
lacked most of its usefulness but for the unifying influences emanating
from the Popes at Rome. If the Benedictines were the soldiery of
Christendom, the Pope was the Emperor ; St. Benedict’s plan was that
each monastery should form a permanent community distinct from every
other monastery, the Papacy being the organising factor. The effect
of the Benedictine missionary policy can be followed in the story of the
evangelisation of Kent by St. Augustine, at the end of the sixth century.
The Venerable Bede tells :
“In the year of our Lord 582, Maurice, the fifty-fourth from
Augustus, ascended the throne and reigned 21 years. In the tenth
year of his reign, Gregory,a man renowned for learning and behaviour,
was promoted to the apostolical see of Rome and presided over it
13 years, 6 months and ro days. He being moved by Divine inspira-
tion, in the 14th year of the same emperor and about the 150th after
the coming of the English into Britain, sent the servant of God,
Augustine, and with him several other monks who feared the Lord,
to preach the word of God to the English nation.’
Augustine’s first church was Queen Bertha’s oratory of St. Martin, at
Canterbury. Here the missionaries met to sing, pray, celebrate the mass,
preach and baptise, until Ethelbert allowed them to preach openly and
build or repair churches in all parts of his tiny kingdom. The little
church was built, as Bede tells, before the Roman legions left in 408.
The masonry of the chancel is composed of Roman bricks for about
18 feet, and traces of a square-headed Roman doorway can be seen
in the south-western corner of the chancel. The font, of Caen stone,
in which Ethelbert is said to have been baptised on the Feast of
Whit-Sunday, June 2, 597, is still used at St. Martin’s. It consists
of a base, three tiers and a rim, the lowest rim being decorated with
scroll-work and the second with groups of entwined arches. It is likely
(oer “a anf) “KUNGUAINVY ‘SNILAVL “LS
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 137
that the font was shattered when the Danes sacked Canterbury and
murdered Archbishop Alphege, and that the fragments were reunited,
a third tier being added with Norman ornamentation. After Ethelbert’s
baptism, Augustine received the grant of a Roman idol-house close to
St. Martin’s, where Ethelbert himself had been wont to sacrifice.
Augustine consecrated it to St. Pancras, in accordance with Gregory’s
instructions : ‘“ If the temples of the idols are well built, it is requisite
that they be converted from the worship of devils to the service of
the true God.” St. Pancras had a nave 47 feet long by 26 wide, with
an apsidal chancel of about the same size, separated from the nave by
four Roman columns.
Augustine also made a Roman church at Canterbury the foundation
of his cathedral, Christ Church, using the Vatican basilica of St. Peter
as a model. The earliest Canterbury Cathedral had a nave and aisles,
and eastward of the “ Choir of Singers ” a raised altar, under which
was a crypt for the relics of saints. There was an apse at the east and
the west ends, the latter containing an altar to the Virgin and the archi-
episcopal throne. The stone chair of St. Augustine may still be seen
in Canterbury Cathedral. A baptistery was added to the east end about
A.D. 750, and the shrine of St. Wilfrid was set in the eastern apse.
When St. Dunstan died he was buried between the altar steps and the
choir. Augustine’s cathedral was in being until the fire of 1067, when
the church was rebuilt in the Norman style by Lanfranc.
Augustine also founded the abbey of St. Peter and St. Paul (now known
as St. Augustine’s), the Abbey Church being designed as a burial place
for the Kentish kings and archbishops of Canterbury. Augustine,
Ethelbert, Bertha, and her French chaplain Luidhard, were all buried
in St. Augustine’s. Bede tells that the inscription upon the missioner’s
tomb read :
“ Here rests the Lord Augustine, first archbishop of Canterbury,
of
who, being formerly sent hither by the blessed Gregory, bishop
,
the city of Rome, and by God’s assistance supported with miracles
reduced King Ethelbert and his nation from the worship of idols
to the faith of Christ, and having ended the days of his office in peace,
died the 26th day of May, in the reign of the same king, A.D. 604.”
The first monastic settlement at St. Augustine’s was a group of wooden
buildings, surrounded by a hedge of thorns, and including a common
ry was
dormitory and refectory. In the course of centuries, the monaste
the most striking feature to-day being the gate-
rebuilt again and again,
between 1283 and 1309. It is flanked by
way of Abbot Fyndon, built
arch joining tower to tower. Above the
two octagonal towers, a pointed
State bed-
gate, with its vaulted archway, is a gate-chamber, formerly the
Hard
room of the monastery. The traceried windows are very beautiful.
138 THE HOUSE OF GOD
by, outside the walls, was a granary and the almonry, served by a society
of brethren and sisters. Here a school was held and doles given to the
poor and aged. Near the gateway, too, was the Guesten Chapel and
the Guesten Hall, with its kitchen beneath, still used for its original
purpose and, therefore, one of the oldest dining halls in the country.
Crossing the great garth, with its well, the monks came to the Abbot’s
House, where Abbot Clarembald, the creature of Henry II., took counsel
with the murderers of Becket. Beyond, was a door leading to the cloisters
and the cloister gardens, and at the back of the cloisters, the refectory
and the great kitchen, a vaulted hexagonal building, beneath which
ran the watercourse. The lavatory near by was used for “ the weekly
feet washing’ and the ‘“‘ fortnightly shaving’ of the monks. The
minster-church was rebuilt between 1070 and 1091, when the body
of St. Augustine was translated to a shrine near the high altar. The
new minster-church consisted of a nave and aisles of ten or eleven bays,
with two western towers. The choir occupied the crossing and the
easternmost bays of the nave. The eastern arm of the church consisted
of three bays with an apse and an encircling aisle, out of which opened
three circular chapels. A central tower, north and south transepts,
each with an eastern apse, completed the upper structure. The crypt
below with its altars can still be seen.
For several centuries St. Augustine’s outshone the Cathedral itself
in the beauty of its buildings and the fame of its wonder-working relics.
Custom ordained that no King of Kent or Archbishop of Canterbury
should be buried within the precincts of the Cathedral. Their final
resting place was always the Abbey church just beyond the walls, and
the Anglo-Saxon kings were buried at St. Augustine’s until the end of
the eighth century. In 758 Archbishop Cuthbert determined to break
the precedent. Secretly, he secured the sanction of the King of Kent
and the Pope to the change, and, on his death bed, he gathered the monks
of Christ Church around him and delivered the warrant to them. It
ordered that the cathedral bell should not be tolled until three days
after his death and burial. The mandate was obeyed, and Cuthbert
was buried before the monks of St. Augustine’s Abbey learnt what had
happened. So the cathedral became the burial place of St. Dunstan,
of the martyred Alphege, of Lanfranc, the first Norman archbishop, of
St. Anselm, the great theologian, and, finally, of Thomas of Canterbury.
From Canterbury, Augustine colonised Rochester, the Roman station
commanding the passage of the Medway, and a second cathedral was
consecrated. From Rochester, Christian influences spread to London,
where little remained except the ruined walls to mark the Roman settle-
ment after the town was taken by the East Saxons about A.D. 570.
Mellitus, the first Saxon bishop, was enthroned in 604, and, under the
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 139
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THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 141
From York, Paulinus went to the Roman hill-town of Lincoln, where
he converted the prefect, Blaecca, and persuaded Blaecca to build the
stone church, still known as St. Paul’s, Bailgate (meaning St. Paulinus).
In this church Paulinus consecrated Honorius Archbishop of Canter-
bury, on the death of Justus.
One more episode from the early history of St. Paul’s on Ludgate Hill
will suffice to show the dangers which Christianity was ever facing
in these early times. Mellitus owed his early success in London to the
influence of the East Saxon king, Sebert, whose tomb is still to be seen
in Westminster Abbey. When Sebert died, his three sons relapsed into
idolatry. Coming one day to St. Paul’s they found Mellitus celebrating
Mass.
“Why do you not give us also a share of the white bread which you
used to give to our father, Saba?”
“If you are willing,” retorted the bishop, “ to be washed in the font
of salvation in which your father was washed, you shall partake of the
holy bread which he ate ; but if you despise the laver of life, you cannot
have the bread of life.”
Cried the young kings : “‘ We will not go into that font, for we know
not what need we have, but, nevertheless, we choose to eat of the
bread.”
The dispute resulted in the expulsion of Mellitus from the East Saxon
kingdom, and accounts for the fact that the fourth bishop, Erkenwald,
and not the founder, Mellitus, became the patron saint of London’s
cathedral. Erkenwald was a son of an East Saxon king, Offa, and held
the bishopric from 675 to 693. In life, he had founded a monastery at
Chertsey, and when he died the monks contended with the clergy of St.
Paul’s for the right of burial. The energetic Chapter of St. Paul’s went
to Barking and seized the bier, regardless of the cries of the monks,
“ He is our Abbot.” On the way to London, however, certain happenings
persuaded the good monks of Chertsey that the will of Heaven was
that Erkenwald should rest in St. Paul’s, the swollen waters of the
Lea dividing so that the funeral procession crossed the river dry-shod.
Erkenwald’s body was buried in the nave of St. Paul’s, but was later
moved to the Lady Chapel, where the shrine was regarded as the pal-
ladium of the city until the Reformation. Saxon St. Paul’s, which was
burnt in A.D. 962, had a narthex and atrium at the west end and a pres-
bytery and apse to the east. The walls were of rubble, with ashlar
masonry at the angles, and the windows were round, with triangular
heads. In the nave the piers were short and crowned with square blocks
of stone, the mouldings being axe hewn.
142 THE HOUSE OF GOD
THE CELTIC MISSIONARIES
The churches founded by the Roman missioners under Augustine
were only a part of the Christian movement in the British Isles. Of equal
importance were the Celtic churches of Western England, Ireland and
Southern Scotland. The first Celts, a tall, fair, round-headed people of
good physique, seem to have reached Britain from Gaul about 1300 B.c.
bringing a well-skilled craft in metal working. The worship of such a
God as Bel, however, required no temple, the stones of worship and
other idols being set up in the open air. A large stone, like the Cromm
Cruach, in County Cavan, had twelve smaller idols around it, covered
with bronze plates, ornamented with the familiar whorls and spirals.
Later, this non-representational ornament was utilised in Christian
decoration where the Celtic missionary monks established themselves,
and it distinguished much Christian art in the North from the represen-
tational decoration derived from the Greco-Roman example.
During the Roman period there were some Christian conversions in
Ireland, but it was not until the fifth century that the Irish Celts and
their relatives in Southern Scotland accepted Christianity generally,
their teachers being Gaulish missionaries, of whom the best known are
St. Patrick and St. Ninian. It is recorded that Ninian built a stone
church, dedicated to Martin of Tours, at Whithorn, in Wigtownshire.
The church was known as Candida Casa, and here Ninian was buried
in A.D. 432. It seems probable that St. Patrick was trained at the monas-
tery of Lerins,near Cannes,and reached Ireland by way of Glastonbury.
In the fifth century, when St. Patrick entered upon his missionary
effort, Ireland was the one western land which had escaped the ravages
of the Northmen. The Irish monastic system, however, differed from
that of St. Benedict. Whereas Benedict aimed at the growth in grace of a
brotherhood, the Irish system was content with individual lives of
holiness, and, unlike the early Alexandrian mystics, or the fierce
missionary spirits sent forth by the great Popes, the Irish monks did not
lose their hold upon the joys of the natural world. Their poems tells us
this. A shieling in the wood ; a bush of rowan; a clutch of eggs ; ale,
with herbs ; swarms of bees and chafers, the little musicians of the
woods ; birds, the choristers of God—these also went to the strengthen-
ing of their faith :— .
‘“‘ A few men of sense—we will tell their number—
Humble and obedient, to pray to the King :—
Four times three, three times four, fit for every need,
Twice six in the church, both north and south :—
Six pairs besides myself,
Praying for ever the King who makes the sun shine.
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 143
A pleasant church and with the linen altar cloth, a dwelling for
God from Heaven;
Then, shining candles above the pure white Scriptures.”
In general the Irish clergy were hermit monks, living in separate
cells, and the chief element in community life was the tiny oratory
used by the hermits for common prayer. These little churches consisted
of a nave, a western door and a small square-ended chancel. They had
no apse. In certain monasteries, it was customary to keep a fire per-
petually burning in the little chapel. The chapel of St. Patrick, at Hey-
sham, Morecambe Bay, a little church 27 feet by 8, gives an idea of
what the oratory of an Irish hermitage must have been in the centuries
immediately following St. Patrick. The doors were generally constructed
of very large stones with a horizontal lintel, and the jambs were often
inclined so that the bottom of the opening was wider than the top. In
general, they were roofed with flat stones. The aisleless churches of
Yorkshire, such as Adel, seem in the direct descent from these early
Celtic plans.
In the sixth century, the centre of Irish Christianity was the monastery
of Clonard, founded by St. Finnen about a.p. 527. From Clonard,
men went out to all parts of Christendom, preaching and teaching
and founding schools and colleges. Not only did these missionary
efforts spread wide the gospel message, but they became centres from
which Christianity grew through the ministrations of a second, third
and fourth generation of missionary monks. After St. Ninian, Columba,
in 563, ventured forth from his well-loved Derry, in a skin-covered
coracle, to conquer the land of the Picts for Christ. In Iona, Columba
built a church with walls of unhewn logs and a roof of thatch. From
Iona, in A.D. 635, went St. Aidan to Northumbria, where he set his
bishop’s stool on the lonely island of Lindisfarne. Aidan’s church was
made of stones set upon layers of turf, the roof being thatched with
‘© bents,” a reed which grows luxuriantly on themoorsnear Bamborough.
Later the thatch of reeds was taken away and the exterior walls and
roof were covered with plates of lead.
Of even more significance from the standpoint of the Celtic church
‘builders was the life of Cuthbert, the patron saint of Durham. Born
near Melrose, Cuthbert travelled in the hills preaching to the semi-
‘barbarous dalesmen. Later he lived as an anchorite in Lindisfarne,
until called to the see of St. Aidan. When he died, in 687, Bishop Cuth-
bert’s tomb was regarded as of high sanctity, the honour in which it
-was held being increased when the head of the martyred St. Oswald
_was also laid in Cuthbert’s tomb. Accordingly, during the sack of Lindis-
_farne by the Danes in the ninth century, the precious coffin was carried
-into the interior.
144 THE HOUSE OF GOD
‘“O’er northern mountain, marsh and moor,
From sea to sea and shore to shore,
Seven years St. Cuthbert’s corpse they bore.”
A number of churches in Northern England and Southern Scotland
are said to mark the resting places of the relics during this long search
for safety. In 883 Bishop Eardulph came to Chester-le-Street, the old-
time Roman camp near Newcastle, and there re-established the bishopric
of Bernicia for more than 100 years. Finally, in 995, the holy men
of Lindisfarne came to Durham, a rocky headland in the river Wear,
and here they found peace and security. First, a church of ‘‘ wands and
branches ”’ was built to shelter the bones of Cuthbert and Oswald ;
then a stone chapel, and, lastly, the “White Church” of Bishop Aldhun,
which was consecrated in A.D. 999, portions of which may be incorpo-
rated in the present Norman cathedral.
Durham cathedral was but one result of the spiritual influence of
Cuthbert. In Cuthbert’s monastery were four brothers, the eldest of
whom was Cedd, founder of the Priory of Lastingham, a wild district
in Yorkshire, ‘‘ where dragons were wont to dwell,” and where Cedd
hoped that “ grass and corn should grow, and that the fruits of good
works should spring where beasts dwelt, or where man lived after the
manner of beasts.” In a.D. 653, Cedd made a mission to the East Saxons,
building churches and ordaining presbyters and deacons to assist him in
preaching and in baptising, thus foreshadowing the parochial system
which was to add so many glories to English religious architecture.
The church of St. Peter on the Wall, at the mouth of the Blackwater, a
building largely composed of material taken from the ruins of the Roman
station, Othona, seems to have been one of the churches founded by
Cedd, and here he established ‘‘ a swarm of servants of Christ,” to
whom he taught “‘ the discipline of the regular life,” meaning by this
the monastic system of the Scotic Church.
When the saintly Cedd died of plague, his younger brother Chad
took up the good work. He was chosen bishop of the Mercians and
Northumbrians, and made his see at Lichfield—the field of the dead—
where he built a church. It was not until a.D. 1148 that the shrine of
St. Chad was placed in the cathedral at Lichfield, but the fame of Chad’s
relics is associated with the existing cathedral, as Cuthbert is associated
with Durham, Erkenwald with London, or Augustine with Canterbury.
One other influence calls for mention—the founders of the Church
in Wales, among them St. David, Abbot and Bishop, who built the
cathedral which bears his name in a district, angulus remotissimus, terra
Saxosa, sterilis, infecunda, following the preference of the Celtic
hermits for seclusion, rather than a spot which would favour the rapid
organisation of a district won to the Church Militant. The twelve
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 145
monasteries founded by David became centres for Christian study
where problems of dogma were discussed and decided, though David
did not omit to “ lay the yoke of divine fatigue upon the shoulders ”’
of his followers. Of David’s community at Glyn Rosyn we read that,
when outside labour was over, the monks were wont to return to their
cells and spend the time until Vespers in reading, writing or praying.
“* At vesper time, when the bell was heard, everyone left his employ-
ment, for if the tolling was heard after the top or the half of a letter
was written, they rose quicker than was required for the forming of
the character. Thus, silently, with no talk, they seek the church.
After the singing of the Psalms, with heart and voice attuned in har-
mony, they prolong their genuflexions until the stars in heaven
close the day. The father, however, alone, after all are gone out,
pours forth unto God secret prayer for the state of the Church.”
Beautiful souls, these Celtic saints, whether in Western England,
Wales, Ireland, Scotland or Northumbria. But something more than
gentle piety and full-hearted enthusiasm were required if the House of
God, which Christendom unconsciously sought, was to arise. Compare
the Celtic saints with the men trained by Gregory in the hard school
of Rome. Heirs to the imperium of the Roman consuls and emperors,
the popes were insistent upon the necessity for one fold and one
Shepherd. Whereas the Celtic bishops did not even claim a territorial
jurisdiction, and maintained their office for ordination and confirmation
alone, the Augustine tradition demanded a strong central authority.
Indeed, the more the Church was threatened from without, the more
its leaders insisted upon the necessity for an iron discipline within.
In the middle of the seventh century Britain was about equally divided
between the Celtic and the Roman missionaries. Already Augustine
had failed to persuade the Welsh Bishops to accept the leadership of
Rome, but, in Eastern England, Roman discipline triumphed. The
Synod. of Whitby met in a.D. 664 to decide whether the future of the
Christian church in Northern England should be Roman or Celtic.
One set of disputants appealed to the authority of St. Columba, the
other to that of St. Peter. King Oswin, as president, suggested a method
of settling the matter.
‘You own,” he said to Bishop Colman, “ that Christ gave to Peter
the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven? Has he given such power to
Columba ? ”
Colman could only answer “‘ No.”
“Then will I rather obey the porter of Heaven,” retorted Oswin;
“Jest when I reach its gates he who has the keys in his keeping turn
his back on me and there be none to open.”
So the King’s judgment went in favour of Rome. Nine years later,
L
146 THE HOUSE OF GOD
at the Synod of Hertford, in a.D. 673, Archbishop Theodore established
the parochial system by which manorial chiefs were encouraged to
build churches on their estates, the English parish being approximately
equivalent to the Saxon estate. Later, the Christian tithe was instituted
in England, to which the country owes the preservation of its parish
churches. Under an edict of King Edgar in a.D. 970 the non-payment
of tithes was punishable by law, and, in time, the bishops made payment
of tithe a condition of consecration when a parish church was built.
In cases where a monastery was responsible for a church, the monastery
usually took the tithe of corn, while the smaller tithes were reserved
for the parish vicar. On the Continent the customary division was four-
fold—between the clergy, the poor, the bishop, and the fabrics of the
churches, though in some cases the bishop was omitted.
As has been said, most of the early Anglo-Saxon churches were of
wood, or of wood and thatch. If the foundations were of stone, the
upper portions were usually of hewn oak ; the wealthy communities
faced their wooden exteriors with plates of lead and their interior
walls with plates of gold and silver. Stone construction in England
seems to date from the time of Benedict Biscop (St. Bennet of Wear-
mouth, 628 to 690), who founded the monasteries of St. Peter and
St. Paul at Wearmouth and Jarrow.
St. Bennet was a man of high learning, and made five journeys to Gaul
and Italy in search of art treasures and craftsmen. He brought back
masons, glaziers and metal-workers, and placed many pictures in his
churches. Bede, a pupil of St. Bennet, in his life of the saint, tells that
a year after the monastery of Wearmouth was built, in 674, Benedict
crossed the sea to Gaul and brought back masons who built the church
at Wearmouth “ of stone, after the Roman manner, which Benedict
always loved.’”’ The furniture and vestments which could not be made
in Britain were purchased abroad, and Benedict so arranged the pic-
tures which he brought from Rome that a scene from the New Testa-
ment was always explained by a scene from the Old. Thus Isaac,
carrying wood for the sacrifice, was placed opposite Christ bearing the
Cross. In the twin monastery at Jarrow, the abbey church was com-
pleted in two years and was dedicated to St. Paul. The Venerable
Bede, a boy of eight years, was one of the twelve untonsured members
of the fraternity at Jarrow who was present at the dedication of the
basilica, and at Jarrow he was buried, though his present resting-
place is the crypt at Durham Cathedral. Nothing written upon the
technique of architecture throws so much light upon church building
in Britain as the books of Bede, in which we can watch bodily, mental
and spiritual energy combining to raise houses meet for Christian
usage. In his life of Benedict Biscop, Bede tells that, in 710, Naitan,
146.)
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THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 147
king of the Picts, asked Abbot Coelfrid, of Jarrow, to send architects
to build a church after the Roman manner, promising to dedicate it
to St. Peter, and that he and his people would follow the custom of
the Holy Roman Apostolic church. Coelfrid sent the builders, and thus
reintroduced stone churches into Scotland, following the Candida
Casa of St. Ninian.
Benedict’s friend, Wilfrid of -York (634-709), was even more energetic
in establishing the Roman building craft in England. When he succeeded
St. Chad at York, Wilfrid found the cathedral in sad disrepair, the walls
stained with rain and the aisles haunted by birds. He covered the roof
with lead, glazed the windows, lime-washed the walls and refurnished
the church. At Ripon, where he built a “‘ basilica of polished stone,”
with pillars of varied form, winding cloisters and arched vaults, the
crypt under the present cathedral is still associated with St. Wilfrid,
and is the oldest complete room in an English cathedral. With the crypt
at Hexham, it remains as evidence of seventh-century work, both con-
sisting of an oblong cell, 13 feet long and 8 feet wide, with massive
walls and a passage in the thickness of the walls round three sides of the
cell. There are openings at intervals, doubtless that pilgrims might see
the relics exhibited in the cell, the custom being to enter by the stairway
on one side, pass along the passage, and then leave by the other stairway.
The story of Hexham Abbey is typical of the circumstances under
which many a church arose in early centuries of the Age of Faith.
Near Hexham was fought the decisive battle of Hevenfelth, in which
the Christian Oswald defeated the pagan Cadwalla in 634. Forty years
later, in 674, St. Wilfrid, to whom Queen Etheldreda had given her
marriage dowry, consisting of the Hexham district, decided to build a |
basilica on the south bank of the Tyne, close to the spot where the North —
and South Tyne joined. The stones were brought from the abandoned
Roman town of Corstopitum, about three miles from Hexham. Having
worshipped at St. Andrew’s Church, on the Coelian Hill in Rome,
Wilfrid desired that St. Andrew’s Church, Hexham, should resemble
its Roman namesake, and brought skilled builders and carvers from
Italy, so that the church of St. Andrew was of great length and height,
with “ manifold columns and porches, a complexity of ascending and
descending passages,” even the cloisters having oratories and altars
of their own. Near St. Andrew’s, Wilfrid, at the instigation of the Virgin,
built another church to St. Mary, in celebration of his recovery from a
serious illness at Meux. Whereas the church of St. Andrew was built
in the form of a Latin Cross, the congregational basilican type, that of
St. Mary was a Greek Cross, resembling the Eastern martyreion
churches. In 681 St. Andrew’s Church became a cathedral and remained
so until the diocese of Hexham was absorbed into that of Lindisfarne
148 THE HOUSE OF GOD
in 820. The apse of St. Wilfrid’s church was at the west end, and the
walls were covered with polished stone and the capitals were carved
with sculptures. There were bell towers and, apparently, galleries over
the aisles, reached by spiral stairways in the walls, as at St. Agnese
in Rome. A Saxon frith-stool may still be seen at Hexham, this being
a stone seat placed near the altar for those who sought sanctuary.
It would be easy to multiply examples of famous foundations which
are associated with the great Anglo-Saxon churchmen and church-
women. Etheldreda, who also received the Isle of Ely as a marriage
dowry, founded the nunnery which gave rise to Ely Cathedral. Ethel-
dreda’s own church was destroyed during a Danish raid in A.D. 870,
but the Benedictine monks in the time of Archbishop Dunstan secured
a fresh grant of the Isle of Ely from King Edgar, and a new church was
built. It cannot longer be said that ‘‘ with body uncorrupted Etheldreda
rests even to this day in her white marble mausoleum,” but the shrine
of the Virgin Queen can still be seen in Ely Cathedral.
In the Fen district, too, the fame of St. Guthlac led to the foundation
of the Benedictine abbey of Croyland. A roisterous youth, Guthlac was
persuaded to retire to the monastery of Repton, where he learned to read.
Later, he chose to live a hermit life in the marshes of Mercia, where he
was tempted by demons, as St. Anthony had been before him, and would
have fallen but for the aid of the apostle, Bartholomew. Helped by
King Ethelbald of Mercia, Guthlac built an oratory in the marshes,
where later arose a church built on piles, the church of St. Bartholomew,
of Croyland.
Very interesting as an example of the smaller churches of Britain
is that of St. Culbone, near Porlock, which lies in a wooded coombe
above the British Channel, and which Dr. Cox claims to be the smallest
parish church in England. It is 35 feet long, the width of the nave being
12 feet 8 inches, and that of the chancel 10 feet. The foundation may
well date from the time when the hermit Culbone came from Wales
with St. Dubricius in the sixth century, and ended his days in this
lonely Somersetshire glen. The evidence is set out in Dr. Cox’s delight-
ful English Parish Church.
After St. Wilfrid’s death, in 709, church building declined. There
was much political unrest, which was followed by Danish incursions
which almost destroyed monastic life in Britain. As in Normandy,
Apulia and Sicily, however, the Vikings brought to England a tireless
energy and a capacity for administration which were to become deeply
rooted in the English temperament. When the wanderings of the North-
men ended in the eleventh century, the effects were quickly felt. Trade
routes were secured and manufacture began. One thousand seven hun-
dred churches were built in England between the coming of Canute
THE ISLANDS OF THE NORTH 149
and the compiling of Domesday Book in 1086, the date which marks
the development of the Norman style in Britain. Earlier there was a
revival of English monastic life under Archbishop Odo (942 to 959),
and between 958 and 975, several of the bishops of Edgar the Peaceable,
Dunstan at Canterbury, Oswald at Gloucester, and Athelwold at Peter-
borough, Ely and Winchester, were builders of churches and monas-
teries. Wolstan, the biographer of Athelwold, describing the abbey at
Winchester, tells how the bishop repaired the courts of the old temple
with lofty walls and new roofs, and strengthened it at the north and
south sides with solid aisles and various arches. He added also many
chapels, with sacred altars, until a stranger, “ marvelling, crosses himself
and knows not how to quit, so dazzling is the construction and so
brilliant the variety of the fabric which sustains this ancient church.”
The minster church at Winchester was dedicated on October 20, 980,
in the presence of King Ethelred, Archbishop Dunstan and eight other
bishops.
No less important in the history of English church buildings were
the parish churches which arose owing to the parochial reforms of
Dunstan and the efforts of local piety. Archbishop Dunstan gave
reality to parochial services by ordaining that the priest should say
the seven Canonical Hours in the church at fixed times, just as if he
was attached to a monastic community. Later, however, services in
parish churches were restricted to Matins, Mass and Evensong, the
first and last being abbreviated forms of the Seven Hours. High Mass
was given at 9 a.m., but memorial masses might be said at any time.
“ Morrow mass” was celebrated before sunrise for the sake of
travellers, say at 4.a.m. .
The typical stone-built church of later Saxon times was a single-aisled
nave with a small square-ended chancel. The chancel arches were usually
narrow, due, maybe, to the Eastern custom of drawing a curtain before
the altar so as to hide the consecration of the sacred elements from
the view of the congregation. The custom was perpetuated throughout
the Middle Ages by hanging a veil before the chancel arch during
Lent, and hooks for the Lenten veil may still be seen in many
churches. Other characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon and Danish
style were semi-circular arches, occasional triangular doors, scroll-
work carving and baluster-shafts. The angles of the walls and
towers in Anglo-Saxon buildings were often strengthened by long
upright stones, alternating with stones laid horizontally. This was the
so-called “long and short” work, which is found in early churches in the
the
Rhine Provinces. It appears to be characteristic of a district where
stone is generally small and where rubble, intermixed with biggerstones,
is used. “ Long and short” work, therefore, is indicative of rough
150 THE HOUSE OF GOD
craftsmanship, and marks the period before the Norman builders
learnt to quarry and square big stones, as they did at Caen in the eleventh
century.
Very characteristic is the Saxon church of St. Lawrence, at Bradford-
on-Avon, which is connected with an abbey founded by St. Aldhelm,
Bishop of Sherborn, in a.D. 705. The existing masonry, however,
belongs to the period just before the Norman conquest. At Bradford-
on-Avon the nave of the church is 25 feet long, the chancel being 13
feet by 10, while the north porch is 10 feet 6 inches by 10 feet. There
are three small windows, one in the porch, one in the chancel and one
in the nave. The outer walls are divided into three stages, the central
one being decorated with an arcade of round-headed arches, rising
from flat pilasters with bases and capitals. This arcade was cut after
the walls were built and the stone was in position. The Saxon carving
includes angels with aureoled heads, with wings expanded and maniples
over their arms, suggesting, as is usual with Saxon stone-work, greater
familiarity with wood work. In general, Anglo-Saxon pictures and
carvings were symbolic in type, and their makers made little effort at the
vivid representation of a person or event. In the early Crucifixion
carving at Langford, Oxfordshire, the Christ is robed, as though wearing
the crown of glory, not the crown of thorns. Later the tunic and the
tunicles were replaced by the loin-cloth, an indication that insistence
upon the bodily sufferings of Christ was now regarded as an all import-
ant part of the Church’s teaching in connection with the sacramental
efficacy of pain.
The church at Bradford-on-Avon is to be compared with the earlier
churches of wood, which have long disappeared. As has been said, the
only Anglo-Saxon timber church remaining is that at Greensted,
Essex, where the walls were built of halved-trunks of oak trees, placed
side by side, the rounded halves being outside. Such churches of wood
were the origin of the Saxon masonry, which recalls timber work,
though it is really rubble concrete, faced with stones, which take the
place of the earlier beams of wood.
Another characteristic of late Saxon churches was the western tower
built above the western porch. It was more than a place for a bell.
Rather the Saxon tower was an aid to defence, as might be expected -
in times when danger was continual. For this reason the Saxon tower
was not built for height, like a Moslem minaret or an Italian campanile,
but for massive strength. Fifty or more of these Saxon towers remain,
which arose under the influence of the building tradition common in
England before the Conquest. A characteristic example is the fine tower
of Earl’s Barton, which was built from rubble concrete, but was faced
with stone beams which give it the appearance, at a distance, of being
Frith & Co.
-
THE ARCHITECTURE OF ISLAM 157
according to whether the mosque was in Spain, Egypt, Syria, Meso-
potamia, Persia, or India. What the mosques of Islam had in common
were the non-architectural factors dictated by the forms of Moslem
worship. The first Moslem temple at Medina was a courtyard, partly
roofed with palm branches and containing a prayer niche. Such an
open court with arcades remains a prime essential in a Moslem House
of God to this day. Later, halls with slender columns supporting their
roofs were built against the side of the courtyard in many places, but
the familiar dome was not an original element in the architecture of a
Moslem mosque. A dome is the sign of a tomb, not of a church. Many
mosques, however, arose around the tombs of their founders. In general,
though the congregational characteristic is seldom entirely wanting,
a mosque is a place for private devotion and prayer, rather than a place
of public worship, but the courtyards of the large mosques were devised
for the great gatherings at the Friday services and festal days. A foun-
tain or tank for ceremonial washing, a covered cloister, affording shelter
from the sun and rain, and a minaret, from which the public-crier can
call the faithful of Islam to their devotions, are primary requirements.
Inside, there must be a mihrab, or praying niche, a minbar, or pulpit,
from which the Koran is read, and a platform from which the priest
intones the prayers. The beautiful praying-niche and pulpit in the
Mosque of Bourdeni at Cairo are typical. In general, the art of Islam
did not allow of representation, and covered its walls and domes with
surface-filling ornament in which the human figure was avoided.
Images were accursed in the eyes of the Moslem, at any rate if he
followed the canonical rule of the Sunni. As the Koran forbade the
making of any graven image, or the likeness of anything in heaven or
earth, a premium was set upon the development of geometrical design.
Slant-cut surfaces, colour, cunningly-devised schemes of light and shade,
and sheer mastery of formal design were the means upon which the
Moslem relied for his most telling architectural effects.
Though certain appointments in each mosque answered to the needs
of Islam, Moslem architecture and decorative art developed in widely-
distributed communities, with little in common except the fact that they
had been forced at some time or other to submit to the armies of the
Moslem conquerors. Damascus fell to the Arab arms in A.D. 635,
within three years of Mahomet’s death. The great T emple of the Sun,
which had been converted into a Christian church in the fourth or
fifth century, was divided into two parts, one half being Moslem and
the other remaining Christian, until Walid I. took possession of the
whole building in the eighth century and converted it into the famous
mosque which still bears his name, and is reckoned fourth among the
mosques of the Moslem world. It covers a rectangular site, 530 feet by
158 THE HOUSE OF GOD
320, about half the enclosure being occupied by the Moslem church,
the rest being the open court with its covered walks. The actual church
is 140 feet long, and is divided into a nave and aisles by arches rising
from columns with carved capitals, which, in turn, carry the tier of
smaller arches supporting the roof. In the great days of Damascus,
a dome, decorated with carved rosettes and designs in colour and gold,
rose above the building. The Mosque of Walid was burnt in 1893,
but has been restored.
Jerusalem capitulated in 637, a year after Damascus, and a mosque was
built on the site of Solomon’s temple, the central point being the sacred
rock of Zion. The “ Mosque of Omar ” seems to have been built by
Abdal Malik, who ruled Egypt in the eighth century, in the hope that he
might divert pilgrims from Mecca to Jerusalem. Workmen were brought
from all parts of the Moslem world and the wealth of Egypt was spent
freely. The Mosque of Omar is an octagon with four porches, three
concentric colonnades surrounding the sacred rock in the centre. The
whole, including the dome above the sacred rock, was decorated with
marble mosaic work, after the manner of Walid’s mosque at Damascus.
Inflamed by the success which won them Damascus and Jerusalem,
the Arabs spread into Mesopotamia and Persia on the one side, and
into Egypt and Northern Africa on the other. In time, the Arab armies
abandoned the tribal organisation which gave them their early victories
and became mercenaries, forming the personal bodyguards of successful
commanders and rulers. Later, the Moslem leaders were Turks, or
any other race which provided soldiers of courage and decision. In
the time of Mahomet and Omar, Arabia had been the centre of Moslem
power, but when Syria, with its agricultural wealth and large population,
was taken, Arabia was relegated to a second place. Then came an age
when Persia was the centre of Moslem effort and the army commanders
learnt the power of Islam as a rallying cry for overcoming geographical
conditions which tended to break up social units into small groups.
In the eighth century Bokhara and Samarkand were taken. Only the
folly of the Kaliph Suleiman stopped the progress of the Moslem arms.
Later, the region under the sway of Islam was larger, but there was never
the same central control again. Thenceforward, the history of the
Moslem empire is a record of sectarian quarrels, family strife and army
revolts. In the end three Kaliphates were established, one with its centre
at Bagdad, a second at Cairo, and a third, ruling Spain, at Cordova.
The architectural glories of Bagdad and the Eastern Kaliphate were
only less memorable than those of Spain, but space will not allow of
even a summary of the manifold achievements of Moslem art and
architecture. All that can be done is to recall a few characteristic build-
ings which suggest the form a House of God took in the various
ses SER
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THE ARCHITECTURE OF ISLAM 163
Babur, conqueror and administrator, and Babur’s grandson, Akbar.
With Akbar, Moslem architecture in India reached full beauty and
significance. Three other emperor-builders followed, Jehangir (1605-
1627), Shah Jehan (1627-1658) and Aurangzeb (1658-1707). With
Aurangzeb, Mogul domination ended, and the empire of the British
Raj was built from the fragments of the shatteréd empire.
Akbar’s reign commenced in 1559, and at his death, in 1605, he ruled
an empire which included Kabul, Kashmir and Kandesh in the Deccan.
Desiring to unite all castes and races, Akbar constructed a state religion
which was catholic enough to be accepted by Hindus as well as Mahome-
tans. An inscription, written by Akbar’s counsellor, Abul-Fazl, for a
temple in Kashmir, has already been quoted and suggests what this
creed was.
““ Oh God, in every temple I see people that see Thee, and in every
language I hear spoken, people praise Thee.
““Polytheism and Islam feel after Thee. Each religion saying :
‘Thou art one, without equal.’ If it be a mosque, people murmur
the holy prayer. If it be a Christian church, people ring the bell
from love to Thee. Sometimes I seek the Christian cloister and some-
times the mosque. But it is Thou whom I seek from temple to temple.
Thy elect have no dealings with heresy or with orthodoxy. For
neither of them stands behind the screen of Thy truth. Heresy to
the heretic and religion to the orthodox, but the dust of the rose-
petal belongs to the heart of the perfume-seller.”
An orthodox Moslem disliked painting, but Akbar said :
“There are many who hate painting, but such men I dislike. It
appears to me as if a painter has quite peculiar means of recognising
God. For a painter in sketching anything that has life, and in devising
its limbs one after another, must come to feel that he cannot bestow
individuality on his work, and is thus forced to think of God, the
giver of life, and will thus increase in knowledge. God, and God
alone, can give life.”
Just the sentiments required of a prince who controlled an immense
art fund and could call upon an unrivalled body of builders, sculptors
and designers. Earlier conquerors had often converted a Hindu temple,
which, with its large vaulted court, was readily transformed for Moslem
religious use. Akbar built not only temples anew but cities. He raised
the city of Agra on the site of a village, and named it after himself,
Akbarabad. What Benares and Patna are to the Hindus, Delhi and Agra
are to the Moslems of India. Shah Jehan rebuilt Delhi between 1638
and 1648. Bernier, writing in 1663, tells that Delhi was built in crescent
form on the right bank of the Jumna, the circuit of the walls being six
or seven miles. Outside were the suburbs, where the rich merchants
164 THE HOUSE OF GOD
lived with their courtyards and gardens, fountains and cool, matted
chambers open on all sides to the winds. Two main streets led to the
Emperor’s palace. The inscription on the wall read :
“ Tf there be a Heaven upon earth, it is Here, it is Here.”
Perhaps the final criticism of the Moslem House of God is that its
builders found ‘“‘ heaven” in the palace rather than in the mosque.
Nevertheless, the might of the Moguls found expression in churches
of rare beauty. None is more lovely than the Pearl Mosque (Moti
Masjid) built by Shah Jehan at Agra, the white, blue and grey marbles
used being responsible for the name. The front consists of seven arches
and is surmounted by cupolas ; in the centre are three lofty marble
domes, supported by pearl-coloured pillars. In the centre is a large
marble tank. The floor of the mosque is divided by black and yellow
marble lines into 600 divisions, corresponding with the Moslem
Masalas used for prayer. Equally famous is the Pearl Mosque built
by Aurangzeb within the fort at Delhi. The photograph of the Jumma
Masjid at Delhi pictures the exterior of the mosque during the Moslem
Friday prayer meeting.
Not strictly a House of God, but very characteristic of Mogul art
and the influences which brought its happiest examples into being, is
the Taj Mahal at Agra. This was built by the Emperor Shah Jehan,
that a well-loved wife might have a memorial as beautiful as she had
been in life and, himself, a worthy tomb. Though a tomb, the Taj
Mahal, and similar buildings of the Great Moguls, had some of the
characteristics of a House of God as Eastern peoples understood the
thing. A pavilion, consecrated as the tomb of a great ruler, was a shrine
for pilgrims. Prince Jehan met his future bride at a charity bazaar,
where the Emperor, his father, had ordered his nobles to pay whatever
was asked for the goods on sale. Jehan stopped before the booth of
Arzumund Banu, daughter of the vizier Asiph Jehan, and already the
wife of Jemal Khan. With pretty impudence, the young beauty asked
a sum equal to £12,500 for a bon-bon of sugar-candy. Jehan paid the
toll and asked Arzumund to visit his palace, where she stayed for three
days. Jemal Khan was none too pleased at the honour done to his
bride, but self-interest and discretion alike demanded the sacrifice.
He exchanged his wife for a command of 5,000 horse, and Arzumund
became Mumtaz-i-Mahal, “‘ the Elect of the Palace.”
The Taj Mahal was begun in 1631, after the death of Mumtaz-i-Mahal
in childbirth. Twenty thousand men were employed for 20 years in
building it. The Emperor seems to have employed the builders who
had previously set up the domed tomb of Ibrahim II., and his wife
Taj Sultana,in Bijapur. A manuscript in the Imperial Library at Calcutta
records that the three principal designers of the Taj were each paid
TempeLe av TEHRI, CentRAL INpIA (MovERN).
(fuce p. 164.)
THE ARCHITECTURE OF ISLAM 165
1,000 rupees a month, six others receiving 400 rupees, and nine others
200 to 400 rupees, payment which contrasts favourably with the £200
a year which Wren received in the same century as architect of St.
Paul’s. The Taj stands on the banks of the Jumna, about a mile beyond
the walls of Agra, in a setting of cypress trees and shadowed pools,
which would haunt the imagination, apart from the pearl-grey dome of
marble, inlaid with jasper, bloodstone and agate, which rises from the
dark grove to the sapphire sky. The Taj is built upon a marble platform,
18 feet high and 313 feet square, the mosque being 186 feet square
and having a minaret at each corner, 138 feet high. The central dome is
80 feet high and 58 feet in diameter. A marble screen of trellis work
surrounds the tomb-chamber where Shah Jehan lies with his Queen.
Shah Jehan was deposed by his son, Aurangzeb, the last of the Great
Moguls. Aurangzeb set himself firmly against Akbar’s policy of uniting
Moslems and Hindus, and broke from the artistic traditions of Shah
Jehan, by reverting to the strict Sunni rule which enforced the religious
law forbidding sculpture and portrait painting. Architecture of beauty
was produced under the influence of the strict Sunni tradition, including
the tomb of Sher Shah, a central octagon, surrounded by arcaded
corridors, with a great lotus-crowned dome above, not unlike the plan
of a Hindu temple, but displaying a finer sense of formal beauty.
More serious even from the standpoint of religious art were the political
consequences of Aurangzeb’s policy. To his Moslem co-religionists
Aurangzeb was devout. He ate no animal food ; he drank only water ;
he knew the Koran by heart, and copied it twice. Yet Aurangzeb’s
asceticism did not make for general popularity. In 1669, he commenced
his persecution of Hindus, and the temples and schools of the infidels
were destroyed. In the Hindu insurrection which followed, thousands
were slain. Still, money in plenty flowed from the Imperial court. It
has been estimated that 300,000 people followed the Emperor in his
travels. Nevertheless, the bigotry of Aurangzeb made the fall of the
Mogul Empire certain and, doubtless, he saw the dangers ahead as
clearly as any man. When his long rule ended in 1707, in the eighty-
ninth year of his life, his death-bed order was :
“‘ Carry this creature of dust to the nearest burial place and lay him
in the dust with no useless coffin.”
With Aurangzeb ended an art movement with a continuous history
of over 1,000 years, which included such triumphs of human ingenuity
and taste as the Mosque of Cordova, the Mosque of Sultan Hassan
in Cairo, and the Moti Masjid at Agra. In the eighteenth century the
fourth Sikh Guru, Ram Das, founded Amritsar and built the Pool of
Immortality, with its Golden Temple, which became the centre of the
Sikh religion, But the tradition of Moslem art patronage had been
166 THE HOUSE OF GOD
broken, and the English Raj which followed has not yet found a right
employment for the heritage of Hindu craft which comes naturally to
those who control the Ganges valley. The Indian Museum at South
Kensington (too little known) is rich in interest, but might well be
supplemented by an adequate collection of casts and models repre-
senting the masterpieces of Buddhist, Hindu and Moslem art, that
those who have responsibility for the welfare of India may know the
full worth of India’s contribution to religious art and so learn Britain’s
full debt to her Aryan brothers.
MOSLEMS IN SPAIN AND SICILY
Lastly, the Moslem kingdom in Spain. Tarik, the Moor, led an army
through Spain early in the eighth century (A.D. 711) and reached the
Loire valley. The old Roman and Gothic population were not destroyed,
but the invaders brought methods of agriculture and irrigation, which
gave a new prosperity to the central plains of Spain. Taking the place
of the Visigothic feudal lords, the Arab or Moorish chiefs in Spain
formed a new nobility, Islam offering a temporary bond alike to
Spaniards, Carthaginians, Romans, Celts and Goths. This was the
origin of the blend of classic and oriental influences in Spanish archi-
tecture between A.D. 800 and 1500. The Visigothic House of God is
represented by the Church of San Juan Bautista, at Banos de Cerrato,
though the present church seems to have been rebuilt after a.D. 1000.
The little basilica has an apse at the east end and two apses opening
from the arms of the transept, one of which served as a baptistery.
There was a porch at the west end, with a wooden roof supported by
Roman columns. Whereas the Visigoths and the Spaniards, who did
not submit to the Moslems, favoured the rounded Roman arch, the
Moorish architects in Spain developed the horseshoe arch, which is
seen at its best in Cordova Cathedral.
Cordova fell to the Moors in 711, and the conquerors allowed the
Christians to keep the cathedral of St. Vincent until a.D. 747, when they
obliged them to give up half the building to the Moslems. In 784, the
Moslems purchased the remainder, and Abd al Rahman pulled down
the cathedral and laid the foundations of the famous congregational
mosque, which was completed by his successors. In the year 793
one-fifth of the booty taken in war was set aside for the building fund
of the Cordova mosque. Enlarged and embellished in the ninth and
tenth centuries, it was excelled by no church in the Moslem world.
The beauties of the horseshoe arch can be studied in the great columnar
hall, 428 feet by 378, with its nineteen aisles, formed by horseshoe
arches rising from columns, many of which were taken from Roman
temples or Visigothic churches. The minbar in the eastern aisle was of
(991 “¢ aon)
Ses pein ¢
UOs.LapUy
' i
THE ARCHITECTURE OF ISLAM 167
CHAPTER X.
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE IN ITALY, FRANCE AND
GERMANY
Every great art has a final unity, but this unity is not of a piece, obeying
a single law. The apparent uniformity masks a thousand currents and
counter-currents. Before a church lives as art it must give the simple
satisfactions which arise from an impression of height, breadth,
mass, colour, light and shade, and also embody a vast com-
plexity of ideas and emotions. A synthesis must be made so
that the building will not only shelter a great congregation
and be fitted for an ages-long ritual, but will be a visible
embodiment of the inner world of ideas in which, alone, a satis-
fying art can arise. This inner world of ideas does not belong to the
architect alone ; it is what he shares with his countrymen at large. In
respect of it the architect obeys the ghostly promptings of the citizens
of a town, the men and women of a city-state, or the people of a nation.
Without realising its own collective character, this ghostly body of
actual and potential critics proffers suggestions and even commands,
which the architect avoids at his peril. Even if he rejects its promptings,
he must listen.
In approaching the master synthesis of religious architecture—a Gothic
cathedral—art efforts of many types have been passed in review. The
Greek shrine served for men who found God in the idea of man made
perfect, but not for those who believed that their best hopes lay beyond
man, and, indeed, beyond the range of the senses. Eastern mosques,
supreme in their graceful beauty, witnessed to the wealth their builders
were able to grind from subject races, while they recalled the binding
force of Islam in alliance with relentless autocracy. The Buddhist
temples of India, Ceylon and Burma, allied as they were with intense
conviction, contributed other elements to religious architecture. The
structural experiments of the Armenian vault and dome builders may
also be recalled. But still the House of God was wanting which would
suggest and amplify the manifold associations and emotions which the
people of Northern Europe sought in a place of Christian worship
and, at the same time, afford that zsthetic delight which, like religious
emotion itself, adds vigour to the soul by lifting man to a plane which is
above self.
The fusion of structural, zsthetic, emotional and associational elements
required in the ideal Christian church affected every part. At times an
innovation was due to structural needs ; at others, to meet an associational
requirement. When St. Ambrose of Milan, in the fourth century,
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 169
built some early cruciform churches, the cross-like shape served struc-
tural and esthetic ends, but it was also symbolical. Later, builders
moved the bell-tower from the side to the centre of the church and so
increased the structural importance of the transepts, but the symbolical
significance remained.
And what was true of the whole was true of the parts. The porch was
a means of entrance, but it also had its symbolic significance in an age
which revelled in symbolism. With the nave, the choir and the sanctuary,
it recalled respectively the penitential, the Christian, the Saintly and
the Heavenly life; the porch saying to the churchyard, the nave to the
porch, the chancel to the nave, and the sanctuary to all—‘‘ Stand further
off, for I am holier than thou! ”’ in the beautiful phrase of Fuller. The
stone screen, which separated the nave from the choir, was ‘‘ the portal
of glory,” by virtue of the cross above it. The apse was the emblem of
the head of Christ ;the halo of chapels at the east end recalled the
aureole about the dying Saviour’s head, as the transepts recalled the
outstretched arms and the choir-transepts the scroll on the Cross—
“This is the King of the Jews.” The double-lighted windows sym-
bolised the two lights of the law and the gospel, the threefold nave
being regarded as an emblem of the Trinity. Mr. Edward Hutton has
even suggested that one purpose of the trifortum in a Romanesque or
Gothic church—he says the “‘ real purpose ”—was to house the invisible
witnesses of the central mystery of the Catholic faith. These invisible
witnesses are actually pictured in mosaic in the nave of Sant. Apollinare
Nuovo at Ravenna, occupying the place above the columns and under
the clerestory where the triforium of a Romanesque and Gothic church
was later to arise. If Mr. Hutton’s suggestion is tenable, it was not
only in the presence of the living believer that the Mass was celebrated,
but “in the midst of the chivalry of Heaven, a multitude that no man
can number.”
Lastly, the whole church was “a tree of life planted in Paradise;
sending its roots deep down into the crypt ; rising with stems in pillar
and shaft ; branching out into boughs over the vaulting, blossoming
in diaper and mural flora ; breaking out into foliage, flower and fruit
on corbel, capital and boss,” while, above, the towers or spires raised
themselves skywards, soaring
“‘ Like hearts of hapless men who dare
To sue for gifts the gods refuse to allot;
Who climb for ever toward they know not where,
Baffled for ever by they know not what.”
This is poetry, not historical fact ;it must only be used as the key
to a mystery, of value because of the treasure of understanding which
it reveals. It may be that only a little of this poetic symbolism can belong
170 THE HOUSE OF GOD
to those who live in the twentieth century. But to some people, and at
some time, a Gothic cathedral has given rise to all these thoughts and
emotions, and a Gothic church cannot be fully understood unless they
are borne in mind.
So much by way of prelude to the Romanesque church, which was the
forerunner of the House of God of the Gothic age, in which structural,
ritualistic and symbolic unity was secured after a thousand years of
experiment. The Romanesque style may be defined as the architecture in
vogue between the decline of early Christian art and the rise of Gothic.
It was Roman in origin, but included features drawn from Byzantium,
Sicily, Moslem Spain and, it may be, from Armenia and Mesopotamia.
When fully developed, the Romanesque church was characterised by
a cruciform shape, formed by transepts, on either side of the choir,
and the apse, the unit of design being the square of the crossing.
This square was repeated three times in the nave, and once in the choir
and in each transept. The cross-like form was occasionally found in an
early-Christian basilica, but, in the Romanesque church, it was the
key to the design, and was accompanied by the extension of the eastern
apse into a chancel and the development of the transepts. With the
coming of a chancel went a tendency to exclude the people from the
“holy of holies ” about the high altar. This had been foreshadowed
by the fourth canon of the Second Council of Tours in a.p. 567, which
forbade layfolk to stand among the clergy at vigils or at mass, and
reserved all the church on the altar side of the screen to the clergy
engaged in the service, the sanctuary being only open to the laity during
communion. The purpose of the transepts in ritual seems to have been
the provision of extra space for the marshalling of communicants.
Later, the transepts became a structural necessity, and took the strain
of the great arches east and west of the crossing, particularly when a
central tower was added to the Romanesque church. This central tower
was originally the detached bell-tower of the basilica, which now came
to be an integral part of the architectural scheme. In the Romanesque
nave the arches were of bigger span, and piers replaced the classical
columns in order that the greater mass of a pier might bear the weight
of the roof more easily. When the vault was of stone this was the more
necessary. The arches above the piers were often recessed in two or
three orders, the piers being arranged accordingly. In place of the flat
wall of a basilica, the triforium was developed, becoming an open gallery
in a Romanesque church, with an arcade of small arches overlooking
the central nave. Virgins and married women, when they had no place
in the aisles of the nave, occupied the triforium galleries, which were
reached by a stairway and ambulatory in the facade. At the same time,
the window-space in the clerestory above the triforium was greatly
= a ion]& = 4 <>] a a ea)2] bs THE CLOISTERS.
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 171
enlarged, especially in northern Romanesque churches where light was
desirable.
During the evolution of Romanesque, the narthex of the early
Christian basilica tended to be transformed into three great western
doors, cut in the thickness of the western wall, while the square, open
colonnade tended to be moved from the front to the side of the church,
where it became the monastic cloister. The increasing frequency of
child baptism did away with the probationer class in the Christian com-
munity, and so with the necessity for a narthex, though occasionally,
as at Cluny and Vezelay, a narthex was included in a Romanesque
church, possibly for marshalling crowds of pilgrims. The typical
Italian Romanesque cloister was a square court with a well in the centre,
the court being surrounded by a colonnade. The columns were generally
in couples and rested on a low wall, supporting a roof on a row of arches.
The columns had every variety of form, as in St. John Lateran at
Rome, where porphyry, serpentine and gold enamel were inlaid in
the marble. In the charming cloisters of the Abbey at Monreale, dating
from 1174, there are traces of Saracenic and Byzantine influence, due
to the Norman princes who had established themselves in Southern
Italy by this time.
ITALIAN ROMANESQUE
To understand the historical factors which contributed to the Roman-
esque House of God, reference must be made to circumstances in Italy
after the fall of the Roman Empire and the apparent break with the
Roman building tradition. Romanesque means Roman. Last of the
German invaders were the Lombards, who entered Northern Italy
about A.D. 550. Earlier conquerors of Italy had been assimilated by
Roman civilization or had departed without leaving any deep impression
upon the peninsula. Such a leader as Athaulf, the successor of Alaric,
seeing the folly of destroying the achievements of Rome, said :—
«When I was young and eager in mind and body I at first eagerly
desired to blot out the Roman name, and make all that was Roman
the kingdom of the Goths alone. But, taught by long experience of
the savagery of the Goths, and fearful of depriving the state of those
laws by which a state alone existed, I chose to make it my glory to
restore and exalt the Roman name through the vigour and strength
of the Goths, so that posterity might know me as the renewer of
Rome, since Fate would not allow me to be Rome’s remover.”
Theodoric, too, was a patron of Roman art; his sons were taught
Virgil and the elements of Roman law. The Lombard, however, refused
” In
to be tamed. He kept at once “his savageness and his ground.
A.D. 553, when Narses drove the Ostrogoths from the valley of the Po,
172 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the Lombards were living in Pannonia on the Middle Danube. They
advanced into Italy in 567. Pavia was taken in 574,and became the Lom-
bard capital. Coming with their wives and children, the Lombards
sought suitable settlement places. As each town was taken, troops were
left behind as a military colony. Henceforward, Lombardy was inhabited
by two peoples, acknowledging two systems of social custom. The Lom-
bards, however, displayed a real capacity for government, and a sense
of the need for compromise. They accepted Catholicism in place of
Arianism ; they intermarried freely with the Roman population. In
Lombardy, unlike France, Germany and Britain, those who had known
Roman rule lived side by side with those who had not. For this reason
the Lombards tended to be patrons of Italian, rather than Byzantine,
art. In Lombardy, it was possible to save a measure of the Roman
building tradition, and here the Romanesque style developed, the word
indicating a tendency to follow Roman models, and including the archi-
tecture of post-Roman times, before the Norman and Gothic styles were
matured. Like Byzantine architecture, Romanesque developed under the
influence of Christian worship and the requirements of Christian ritual.
But whereas Byzantine architecture was Eastern, Romanesque was
Western.
The credit for preserving the Roman building tradition would seem
to belong to the gild known as the Comacines. When Alboin the
Lombard overran Venetia in A.D. 569, many Romans took refuge
on Comacina, an island in Lake Como. The derivation is convenient
rather than certain. Accepting it, among the refugees upon Coma-
cina were a party of Roman builders and sculptors. Under a Roman
governor, Francione, the island held out for 20 years, when it was
taken by Autharis, who seized the treasure stored there by Narses.
Having no building tradition of their own the Lombard conquerors
were willing enough to employ the Comacines, and for a long time
this Roman influence tended to stop the spread of the Byzantine
building craft in Western Europe, and favoured the building of Latin
basilicas rather than the domed churches of Byzantium. An edict of the
Lombard King Rotharis, dated a.D. 643, recognised the Comacines
as a gild with legally-defined privileges. Master builders were not
forced to work as serfs, as an edict of King Luitprand, dated 713,
shows. The decree also fixed the price of various types of buildings.
In the following centuries, bulls and diplomas from Popes and Kings
confirmed these privileges and absolved members of the building-gild
from local taxation and gave them freedom to travel. Painters, sculptors,
carpenters who designed the scaffolding, metal workers and wood
carvers, were members of the corporation, which, in course of time,
included a schola for novices, a laborarium for the operatort, and an
Anderson.
St. JoHn Lateran, Rome: THE CLoistTErs.
(face p. 172.).
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 173
opera, or fabbrica, for the masters. Each lodge had a secretary and
treasurer, and arranged for the initiation of novices and the discussion
of craft affairs. Fratelli, meaning brethren, magister, meaning the archi-
tect or master of administration, murarius, any builder, and operarius,
subordinate mason, are grades constantly mentioned in connection with
the Comacini and kindred gilds. A lodge of freemasons might work
' upon a cathedral or put up churches or state buildings for a ruler,
decade after decade. At Modena, a family of freemasons worked for
200 years upon the cathedral, son succeeding father, and nephew
uncle. ‘The sons and nephews of Magistri appear to have had the pri-
vilege of membership of a building-gild by heritage, and were spared
a long novitiate. One contract tells that “the Magister and his heirs
in perpetuo shall work at the said church of Modena, and either the said
Master or any other Master, his descendant, shall receive each day
eight imperials in the days of May, June, July and August, but six
imperials only in those of the other months, for their recompense and
their work.”
Since the publication of Leader Scott’s fascinating record of the
Magistri Comacini, there has been a tendency to exaggerate the influence
of the Lombard builders. In truth, the troubled personal history of the
Langobard kings did not encourage a vigorous art, as we may judge
from the story of Theodolinda, through whom the Lombards were
won from Arianism to Catholicism. After Alboin was poisoned by his
wife Rosamund in A.D. 575, King Autharis succeeded to the Langobard
throne. He was an Arian, but wedded Theodolinda, a protegée of Pope
Gregory the Great. In 590, Autharis was poisoned in his turn, and
Theodolinda wedded herself to Agilulf, Duke of Turin. A tale of the
courtship is well known. When the queen offered Agilulf a cup of wine,
he kissed her hand, but she said with a blush, “‘ He who has a right to
the mouth, need not kiss the hand.” 'Theodolinda and Agilulf founded
the cathedral at Monza, near Milan, in 590, where early examples of
Lombard art may still be seen. Gundeberg, a daughter of Theodolinda,
married Rotharis and built San Giovanni in Borgo at Pavia, a church
which was unfortunately destroyed in 1811.
This early Lombard art reached its climax about A.D. 725, in the time
of King Luitprand, whose services to religious art are suggested by the
fact that he brought the body of St. Augustine of Hippo to Pavia.
St. Augustine was originally buried in the church of St. Stephen at
Hippo, but, at the time of the Vandal invasion, the body was carried to
Sardinia where it remained in the church of San Saturnino at Cagliari
for 200 years. When the Saracens overran Sardinia, Luitprand proposed
that the sacred relics should be brought to Pavia. The existing tomb-
shrine was built about 1380 by the Eremitani di Sant’ Agostino, with the
174 THE HOUSE OF GOD
aid of Gian Galeazzo, by Matteo and Bonino of Campione, pupils of
Balduccio of Pisa, who carved the shrine of St. Peter Martyr in Sant’
Eustorgio, Milan.
There has been so much rebuilding that it is impossible to point to
any Lombard church as the undoubted work of the Comacine builders
at the time when the Lombard kings directed the art fund in Northern
Italy. The architectural characteristics in the age must be gauged from
numerous buildings of very varied dates. Among the characteristics
were the rows of colonettes decorating the exteriors, which developed
into a familiar feature of later Italian Romanesque. The overhanging
cornice was another pleasant characteristic, as was the square bell-tower.
Early Lombard decoration can best be studied at San Michele,
Pavia. Much of the present church dates from the eleventh century,
but the strips of ancient sandstone reliefs let into the facade come from
the church which was in existence in the time of Luitprand. The church
itself iscruciform,and is divided into a nave and aisles by pillars spanned
by round arches. The short, raised choir, with its crypt, ends in an apse,
while the church is vaulted with square bays. The symbolic sculpture
is fully described by Leader Scott. A huntsman and his dogs serve as
emblems of the Christian driving out heresies. A fisherman recalls the
priesthood fishing for souls in the ocean of sin. The four beasts are
emblems of the evangelists, the lion, the calf, the eagle and the man of
Revelations iv., 7. The vine is Christ, the peacock with an olive leaf
is the Church bringing peace ; the six-breasted woman, veiled, carrying
two pine-cones and wearing a long robe, is the world-mother, Cybele.
The dragon ridden by a child is a symbol of Christ overcoming sin ;
the two sphinxes represent the knowledge of good and evil. The hippo-
griff, a combination of horse and eagle, represents the redemption of
man. Of deep interest in itself, this symbolic decoration gains even
richer significance when compared with the naturalistic sculpture of
France in later Gothic times, when the entrance to a House of God
became a library of Christian fact and theory. In the interval the sym-
bolic and non-representational methods of the early Christians had given
place to the human representation which the Greeks had exploited
on their temples.
The leaders of the church were never in doubt as to the value of this
symbolic art. Centuries earlier, Dionysius the Areopagite had said:
“Tt is necessary to teach the mind regarding the spiritual hierarchies
by means of material figures and formal compositions, so that by com-
paring the most sacred forms in our minds we may raise before us the
spiritual and unpictured beings and similitudes on high.” Leader Scott,
in The Cathedral Builders, also recalls a letter written by St. Nilus
(A.D. 985). Writing to Olimpiodorus, St. Nilus said :-—
Alinari.
San MICHELE u7 SP AVIA.
(face p. 174.)
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 175
“ You ask me if I think it an honourable thing that you erect temples
to the memory of martyrs as well as to that of the Redeemer... .
You ask also whether it would be wise to decorate the walls on the
right and left with animal figures, so that we may see hares and goats
and every kind of beast flying away, while men and dogs follow them.
Whether it would be well to represent fish and fishermen throwing
the line or not ; whether on the stone shall be well-carved images of
all kinds of animals, and ornamental friezes and representations of
birds, beasts and serpents of divers generations ? ”
The reply of St. Nilus was “ Yes.”
Desiderius (756) was the last of the Lombard kings. He quarrelled
with Pope Adrian, who persuaded Charles the Great to dethrone
Desiderius. The battle of Pavia ended 200 years of Langobardic rule.
On Christmas Day, A.D. 800, Charles was crowned in the basilica of
St. Peter at Rome, and hailed by Pope Leo III. as Augustus. The Fran-
kish king and the Roman Pope formed an alliance which made Charles
supreme in Central and Western Europe, with the exception of Spain.
A time of strife followed the death of Charles until Otto the Great
consolidated the German Empire and, in 962, was crowned Emperor
at Rome, where Otto III. made his capital.
The Roman Empire was now divided into two parts, with different
social customs and racial characteristics. In the East, Oriental influences
were intermixed with Greek thought and craft, while, in the West, the
Roman building tradition was dominant, though changing to meet the
needs of the northern invaders, Franks, Germans and Normans.
A result of the political system established by the Carlovingian kings
was largely to increase the art fund available for religious purposes in
Western Christendom, as may be judged from the Saxon Capitulary
issued in A.D. 782, the time of Charles the Great. Here are four clauses :
“If any man despise the Lenten fast for contempt of Christianity,
let him die the death.
“If any man among the Saxons, being not yet baptised, shall hide
himself and refuse to come to baptism, let him die the death.
“Let the men of every hundred give to their church a house, two
hides of land, a male and female slave.
«Let all men, whether nobles, free, or serfs, give to the churches
and the priests the tenth part of their substance and labour.”
By A.D. 800, after three or more centuries of chaos, there was a possi-
bility of political security in Western Christendom. At the same time,
the presence of an ample art fund and an exceptional supply of gifted
craftsmen gave promise that Romanesque architecture and art might
produce the unity of structure, ritualistic requirements and symbolic
significance which Christendom had been seeking from the moment a
176 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Christian House of God became desirable. In connection with the
development of the Romanesque church between the time of Charles
the Great and the creation of Gothic architecture in the twelfth century,
Italy was specially favoured in the supply of skilled craftsmen. Not
only the Comacine builders of Lombardy, but Byzantine and even
Saracen builders and decorators offered their services. The beauty of
the Romanesque churches in Italy was largely due to the gildsmen
trained in this eclectic school, who were responsible for a wonderful
series of churches which arose in all parts of Italy at the time the Norman
style was passing into Gothic north of the Alps.
Nowhere can Byzantine influence be seen operating more directly
than in San Marco, Venice. The church was the chapel of the Doges
and, perhaps, is more rightly regarded as a religious museum than a
House of God of formal architectural beauty. San Marco, as we know
it to-day, really dates from 829, when the Egyptian Moslems determined
to pull down the church of St. Mark at Alexandria, and so made it
possible for the chapel of the Doges at Venice to secure a relic which
assured it a foremost place among the churches of Christendom. The
reception of St. Mark’s body in Venice is pictured in a mosaic above one
of the doors in the facade, which also shows the church as it was in
the middle ages. Since the Arab conquest of Egypt in 640, the relics
of St. Mark had been the object of continuous insults, and, in 829 A.D.,
the Kaliph determined to despoil the church in which the saint was
buried. Two Venetian traders, Rustico of Torcello and Buono of Mala-
mocco, were advised of this by the priest Theodore, the custodian
of the sanctuary, and we may believe that it was to satisfy no personal
ambition that they determined to carry the body of the saint to their
ship. To avoid unnecessary risk, they resorted to a trick. A picture in
the Presbytery of San Marco is inscribed :—Marcum furantur:
Kanzir hi vociferantur (They steal the body of Mark, crying as they
come, “ pork, pork ’’).
Pork, of course, was an abomination to pious Moslems, and in the
picture the customs officials of Alexandria are seen turning away in
disgust. In the early thirteenth century mosaic two churchmen are
carrying the sacred body upon a bier into the church, in the presence
of a princely throng, supposed to have gathered in Venice in honour
of the Evangelist, who, thenceforward, replaced St. Theodore as the
patron saint of the Venetian republic. Spurred by the success of Rustico
and Buono, every wealthy merchant-voyager felt under an obligation
to search for treasure for the civic church. Now it might be a slab of
alabaster, or a column of jasper, serpentine, or porphyry ; now a pillar
from the Temple at Jerusalem, or, treasure of treasures, the Pala d’Oro
itself. Yes, San Marco was nearly akin to a state museum. The church
San Marco, VENICE.
(face p. 176.)
ea
Par
> yin
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE £77,
itself was planned by the Doge Participazio, who was in office when the
body of St. Mark was received, but a fire in a.D. 976 necessitated
a partial re-building of Participazio’s basilica, and the present church
of St. Mark seems to date from a.D. 1063. The plan chosen was that
of the church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, which had the
form of a Greek cross, with a dome above the crossing and four other
domes over the nave, transepts and choir. San Marco was finally
completed with a Gothic facade.
In Apulia and Sicily, Byzantine craft influences were mingled with
Saracen, while the art fund was directed by Norman dukes, who had
established themselves in Southern Italy, particularly Robert and Roger
Guiscard. Before the Norman conquest, Apulia, with Bari as its capital,
belonged to the Byzantine Empire, which also ruled in Sicily until
A.D. 827, when the island was taken by the Saracens. In 1090, the
Norman dukes in Apulia defeated the Saracens, and for 200 years were
the patrons of art in Southern Italy and Sicily. The churches built
under their direction have characteristics derived from Byzantine and
Saracenic art, as well as those due to the Romanesque traditions of the
North. Domes, Arabesque mosaics and Saracenic ‘honeycomb ”
ceilings characterise Apulian and Sicilian architecture, the churches
being also rich in furniture decorated with inlays of glass mosaic.
In the twelfth century the surest craftsmen were working in the south,
and it was to Apulia that Rome, Pisa and other North Italian towns
sent for the builders and decorators, who decked their cities in the new
White Robe of Churches, which replaced the Romanesque churches
of the Comacine and Lombard building-gilds. The inlays of coloured
stone and glass mosaic on their pulpits and pavements, or on the columns
supporting the cloisters, were as beautiful as anything in Europe during
the twelfth century, as may be seen in Dr. Arthur Bodington’s
photographs of the pulpit in Ravello Cathedral and the cloisters of the
Abbey of Monreale. No less memorable is the mosaic work, such as the
great mosaic head of Christ which fills the semi-dome of the apse of
Monreale, and the doors, cast in solid bronze, such as those at Troja,
Trani and Ravello. The decoration of ciboria, ambones, pulpits, choir-
enclosures and baldacchinos was largely Byzantine, though the Cosma
family, which seems to have had its headquarters in Rome, executed
some remarkable mosaic pavements and other decorative work between
1150 and 1300. By this time the interior wall paintings in the apse and
elsewhere had lost the schematic character which was essentially
Byzantine, and were developing the contact with naturalism which
was Italy’s contribution to mosaic and fresco painting.
The operation of these factors may be judged in the basilica of San
Miniato, a church on the outskirts of Florence, which dates from 1013,
N
178 THE HOUSE OF GOD
and is one of the oldest in Tuscany. In San Miniato, there is the raised
chancel of the early Christian basilica, occupying the whole space be-
neath the chancel with charming effect. The Roman custom of covering
the walls with a thin veneer of marble has also been followed, doubtless
owing to Byzantine influence. The roof of the nave is supported by
marble columns, taken from earlier buildings, as in San Lorenzo or
San Clemente at Rome, but, in the case of San Miniato, piers have also
been introduced and are connected by great transverse arches, which
span the nave, a step in the direction of vaulting, though the roof of
San Miniato is of wood. Of no less interest in the development of Italian
Romanesque is the basilica of San Ambrogio, at Milan, which has
already been mentioned in connection with that memorable church
builder of the fifth century, St. Ambrose. The choir of San Ambrogio
was rebuilt about a.p. 850, but the nave dates from the eleventh century.
Unlike San Miniato, the nave of San Ambrogio is vaulted and has a
large, open triforium gallery, and massive piers have replaced the classical
columns, each pier being connected with its fellow on the other side
of the wide nave by a great transverse arch. The sense of space and
the impression of simplicity and restful power left by these churches
are happily characteristic of Italian Romanesque at its best.
Interesting as were the developments in church decoration in Roman-
esque times, they are of minor importance. What really matters is
structure, and it is structure which must be studied if the contribution
of the Romanesque builders to the final unity, Gothic art, is to be under-
stood. Moreover, these problems of structure are not to be studied
fully in Italy. For many centuries Italian builders were hampered by a
lack of the excellent concrete which the Roman builders had used in
imperial times. Whereas the Romans had opposed the resistance of
massive walls to the thrust of their great vaults and domes, the Lombard
builders had to work with light material which could be carried up a
ladder on a man’s back. Instead of big stones and first-rate mortar,
the Comacini builders were forced to work with rubble and poor mortar.
Unable to construct vaults of concrete, as the Romans had done, the
early Italian builders constructed semi-circular barrel-vaults, an art
in which they may have learnt something from Armenian example.
The evidence for this mingling of Eastern and Western elements in
Romanesque architecture is not yet fully accepted by scholars, and must
not obscure the fact that barrel-vaults made of concrete were used by
the builders of classical Rome. In any case, the Romanesque builders
developed the science of vaulting. The name “ barrel-vault ” arose
from the fact that the vault resembled the inner side of a barrel, cut
in half, lengthways. Other Romanesque churches were built with
semi-circular vaults in four sections, made up of two barrel-vaults
ins eae rennet
Alinart.
RM<= Z, = 7, =< a S
_ & 4 ° =} =| Zz,
(face p. 178.)
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 179 .
which crossed one another. The weakness of these umbrella-like vaults
is at the points where the sections meet, and here the Romanesque
builders strengthened them with ribs of stone. The Romanesque
builders were also interested in the problems arising from the necessity
for making the semi-circular ribs cover spaces of varying size and at
different heights from the floor. Arches of different curvature were
necessary to vault an oblong space to those required for a square.
When these problems of ribbed vaulting were solved the Romanesque
builders had prepared the way for the triumphs of Gothic.
The Lombard gildsmen and their Byzantine and Italian associates
made the initial experiments and inventions in Romanesque, but
the full reward of their enterprise was denied them. For several centuries
Italian masons, carvers and mosaic workers were acknowledged to be
the best in Europe, and were freely employed in all parts of Christendom.
Benefitting by the ampler art fund established under the Carlovingian
kings and profiting by the patronage of the Franco-German rulers,
Italian builders travelled freely in the lands to the north of the Alps,
bearing with them their knowledge of the Romanesque style with its
heavy walls, its bulky piers and its barrel vaulting. Through the instruc-
tion Italian gildsmen gave to German and French builders knowledge
of Romanesque spread by way of the Rhine valley to Normandy,
where Romanesque was merged into the style Englishmen know as
Norman. Instructed by Charles the Great, Italian masons, under
Master Odo of Metz, built a church at Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) which
was at once a mausoleum for the conqueror, a church for worship,
and acrowning place for the dynasty. The central octagon was covered
by a dome and a sixteen-sided aisle surrounded this octagonal centre,
the aisle itself being surmounted by a vaulted gallery. The plan of
Charles the Great’s church is manifestly inspired by that of San Vitale,
Ravenna, on page 96. The altar was placed under the dome, though
the church had a small apse. Classical columns and rare marbles
were brought from Rome and Ravenna, and the dome was
decorated with a mosaic of Christ and the twenty-four elders.
Aix-la-Chapelle being a Northern town, the roof of the cathedral
was more sloping than the flat roof of the Lombard buildings
in Italy, so that, even at this early date, the style had affinities with
the later Gothic architecture of France, with its pointed arch, steep
gable and large windows. After the death of Charles the Great, Italy,
France and Germany faced two dark centuries of stress and reshaping.
The Germanic incursions had been checked, but there were invasions
by Magyars, Slavs and Saracens, and the sea-raids by Danes and
Norsemen continued until about a.D. 1000. Western Europe then
entered upon an era of expansion which afforded the building arts
180 THE HOUSE OF GOD
an opportunity they had not had since the times of Imperial Rome.
The year A.D. 1000 selects itself on account of the feverish anxiety
with which Christendom awaited the end of the Millennium and the
expected loosing of Satan. Those who made a will or executed a deed
commenced with such a phrase as “‘ Seeing that the end of the world
is at hand.’ Terror was increased by the indefiniteness of the fears.
Though the mystic year passed without any untoward happening, it
was followed by a devotional impulse of vast extent. Radulf Glaber, who
died in 1045, tells that so early as 1003 nearly all bishops’ seats, churches,
monasteries and even village oratories were being rebuilt by the faithful
until ‘‘ the world seemed to be doffing its old attire and putting on a
new white robe of Churches.”
THE HILDEBRANDINE CHURCH
Up to a.D. 1000 Christendom had been an agricultural community
organised on a basis of feudalism. The typical man of substance, outside
a few capital cities, was a franklin or landowner, whose chief desire
was to farm his homestead and see his children farm the homestead
after him. A body of kinsfolk made up an agricultural village, the grazing
land being held in common. In course of time, however, certain of these
agricultural villages on important trading routes became towns and a
civilization developed very different from that enjoyed by the Romanised
serfs, the German franklin, the rough feudal lord, the Benedictine
abbot or the missionary bishop in the centuries which followed the fall
of the Western Roman Empire. Trades and crafts became more clearly
differentiated from each other. Monasticism no longer consisted of the
Benedictine Order alone ; new Orders tended to arise, each having
its own characteristics. The Benedictine system served during the
missionary age, but it proved inadequate when the Catholic monks
were required to act as a unifying factor in a country which included
France, Germany, Britain and the greater part of Italy.
This weakness in the monastic system was, in part, righted when the
Abbey of Cluny was founded in Burgundy in A.D. gog. The Cluniac
Order was free from all control except that of the reigning Pope, but
the several houses of the Order were under the close and continual
jurisdiction of the Abbot of the parent monastery at Cluny. The chief
aim of the Cluniac system was to do away with the autonomy which
characterised an abbey under the earlier Benedictine rule. The Cluniac
rule combined formal adherence to the strict “ regula ” of St. Benedict,
with full control over daughter communities. Through her priories,
the Cluniacs sent architects and builders to all parts of Western Europe.
The abbey church of Cluny, commenced in 1089, marked the culmina-
tion of the Romanesque style. Most of it is in ruins to-day, though the
Cost ‘d aonf)
‘NVIIJA ‘OINOUMNY NVG
“Luu
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 181
cathedral at Autun, a copy on a small scale, remains to recall the main
features of the Cluniac design. The church of Cluny had double aisles
in the nave, a long choir at the east end, also with aisles, and a chevet
in place of the single apse, features which were developed in most
of the later French cathedrals. The church at Cluny also had a narthex
with three doors leading into the aisles and nave, a feature well suited
for a church which made a special appeal to pilgrims. Meeting in the
narthex, a band of pilgrims passed through one of the aisle doors,
came to the ambulatory circling the altar and its shrine, whence they had
a momentary sight of the relics before they passed from the church
by the other aisle door.
The Cluniac system gave the Papacy trusty lieutenants, but, to under-
stand the impulse which made Christendom put on the new white
robe of Romanesque, Norman and Gothic churches, the ever-extending
influence of the Pope at Rome must also be remembered.
Between the time of Charles the Great and the year a.D. 1000, the
Papacy suffered many vicissitudes. At times the Pope was little more
politically than the nominee of a ring of corrupt Roman nobles. It was
the age of the dissolute Theodora and Marozia. With the coming of
the Emperor Otto, a new conception of the relation between Church
and State arose. The Pope at Rome secured his own position by assisting
the Emperor against recalcitrant churchmen in Germany. Dimly
realising that Christendom had taken the place of Roman Imperialism,
Otto I. had dreams of a Holy Roman Empire which would serve as a
unifying force in Western Europe. Aided by Sylvester II. (Gerbert
of Aurillac in the Auvergne), who became Pope in A.D. 999, Otto III.
built his palace on the Aventine Hill and made Rome the seat of the
Empire of his dreams. Pope Sylvester, for his part, sought to make Rome
the seat of a spiritual empire which should dominate Christendom and
also built a vast palace on the Aventine Hill, secluding his sacred person
from the world, after the manner of a Byzantine emperor. He sur-
rounded himself with a body of officials and met Otto as an equal.
Pope Sylvester and the Emperor Otto passed away, but for many years
Europe was influenced by the dimly-realised ideal of a Universal Empire
working hand in hand with a Universal Church. Men held the opinion
that God had two vicars on earth, the Emperor who was supreme in
temporal things and the Pope whose power was paramount in spiritual
matters. With this belief went the dream of a vast European Empire
ruled by two powers, to one of which God had delegated the temporal
sword, and the other to which He had entrusted the spiritual staff.
It was not to be expected that such evenly-balanced powers as the
Empire and the Papacy would long remain in alliance. Directly the
Papacy found its privileges infringed by the Emperor’s desire to confirm
182 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the election of a Pope, a counterclaim was advanced. “ I am the source
of the imperial dignity,” said the Pope. Both Emperor and Pope agreed
that the Papacy and the Empire were of divine origin. But was the
temporal ruler in the last resort subordinate to the spiritual ? That was
in dispute.
The matter was of importance. During the two centuries after the
reign of Charles the Great, the Church of Rome became increasingly
secularised. Lay abbots arose, upon whom were bestowed the benefictum
of the King. Monasteries were given as dowries to princesses. Moreover,
churchmen were approximating closely to the great feudal lords.
Early in the eleventh century the spirituality of churchmen seemed on
the point of being lost in the depths of feudalism. Had this tendency
persisted, humanly speaking, the spiritual power must have succumbed.
By A.D. 1000 the Catholic church was not only the largest landowner
in Western Europe but the chief depository of capital. This tendency
developed as the centuries passed. When feudal lords needed money,
they mortgaged their land to monasteries. In the Middle Ages between
one-eighth and one-quarter of the land was in the hands of the Church.
It was plain that the Church could not maintain its spiritual attributes
unless a strong central executive and a stern discipline counteracted
the tendency to secularisation.
Leo IX. came to the Papal throne in a.D. 1048. He was a cousin of
the Emperor Henry III., but he took a strong stand for the clerical
rights. He insisted that he should be canonically elected by the Church,
and would not agree that his election depended upon the will of the
Emperor. Energetic and honest as Leo IX. was, the Church of Rome
would have fared badly in the struggle with the Empire had Leo not
chanced to call at the Abbey of Cluny on his way to Rome. Here he’
met a young monk named Hildebrand whom he took to Rome. Hilde-
brand duly came to man’s estate, gained a man’s experience, and, years
later, Christendom found in him the gifts it required. Hildebrand was
preaching the funeral sermon after the death of Pope Alexander
in A.D. 1073. Overcome by emotion, he faltered and broke down.
Then, on a sudden, the stillness of the crowd was broken by a voice
crying : ‘‘ Hildebrand for Pope ; Hildebrand for Pope ; He is the choice
of Saint Peter.” The College of Cardinals—only created in a.D. 1059—
bowed to the popular demand and Hildebrand became Pope Gre-
gory VII.
Pope Gregory VII. was the real creator of the system which was
primarily responsible for the new white robe of churches. The son of
of a carpenter, he was not a man of deep learning or spirituality.
Damiani indeed called Gregory ‘“‘ My holy Satan.” Far from with-
drawing himself for the world Hildebrand lived in constant intercourse
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 183
with the secular powers. Fat, short of leg, low in stature andastammerer,
Pope Gregory VII. was not a man who might have been expected to
inspire the trust and enthusiasm of a vast community, but he had learnt
the elements of clerical politics at Cluny, and his experience at Rome
gave him astonishing driving force. The keynote of his policy was to
withdraw the priesthood and the monks from the secular and feudal
systems. Instead of paying homage to dukes or kings, he instructed
bishops and abbots to acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope and the
Pope alone.
The first difficulty Gregory faced was due to the large part which the
bishops played in the politics of Italo-Germany. The Emperor sought
to bind his clerical administrators to his throne by granting to them
their insignia of office. Thence arose the Investiture Quarrel, which
was not settled until a.p. 1122, when the imperial claim to the right of
investiture was abandoned. Henceforward, the only authority exercised
by the Emperor depended upon the fiefs held by clerical lords upon
similar terms to those held by lay barons.
Having enunciated his demand that the Papacy should rule its servants,
the monks and clerics, Gregory VII. raised the great leaders of the
Church above the temptations of power, wealth and family affection.
In 1073, priests as well as monks were ordered to take the Vow of
Chastity. Thenceforward, a childless cleric could not be affected by
the feudal desire to “‘ found a house.”
Gregory VII.’s last claim on behalf of the Papacy can be summed up
in a single sentence from one of his letters.
“ Human pride has created the power of Kings ; God’s mercy has
created the power of bishops. The Pope is the maker of Emperors.
He is rendered holy by the merits of his predecessor, St. Peter. The
Roman Catholic Church has never erred and Holy Scripture proves
that it never can err. To resist it is to resist God.”
Faced with Gregory’s claim that the Pope was sovereign arbiter in
all disputes, judge in every succession, “‘ forming, instead of king or
emperor, the coping stone on the feudal system,” it is not strange
that the Emperor Henry IV. determined to defy the Papacy. The
astonishing thing is Gregory’s complete victory at Canossa in January,
1077. The Emperor found that his subjects would not obey an ex-
communicated man, and he was forced to throw himself upon the
Pope’s mercy. On the 21st of January, the Emperor left his wife and
courtiers at Reggio and climbed the 15 miles of snow-bound roadway
to Canossa, a mountain fortress in the Apennines. Gregory refused to
receive the penitent Emperor. He said :
“ Let him surrender his crown and the insignia of royalty into our
hands and confess himself unworthy of the name and honour of King.”
184 THE HOUSE OF GOD
For three days Henry waited outside the inner gate of the castle,
bare-footed and garbed as a penitent. On the fourth day, the Pope
received him. Crying, “‘ Holy Father, spare me!” Henry flung himself
at Gregory’s feet.
Gregory died in exile in 1085, but the memory of the penance at Ca-
nossa did not fade. The authority of the Pope had been established very
surely. How surely was proved when Urban II. called Europe to the
First Crusade at Clermont. “ It is the will of God,” cried his hearers
in response. Later the Popes were able to divert the crusading zeal
of France, Britain and Germany against heretics of all kinds, and,
finally, against the political enemies of the Papacy, when the spiritual
supremacy of Rome was threatened.
The religious system which found expression in a Romanesque
House of God after A.D. 1000 was essentially that of an organised
priesthood. The missionary age in Western Europe had passed or was
passing. In place of individual enthusiasm, or the efforts of tiny com-
munities of Benedictine monks or secular canons, came the organised
efforts of men who constantly renewed their strength by the knowledge
that behind any individual effort was the experience of a mighty central
institution, the Papacy. The hierarchic spirit differentiated a
Romanesque church from an early Christian basilica or the churches
built by such pioneers as Martin of Tours, Wilfrid of York, or the Lom-
bard and Franco-German kings. By A.D. 1000 the men of God, whether
monks or priests, had secured a recognised place in national and
international politics, and a major share in the available art fund was
assured to Mother Church.
ROMANESQUE IN FRANCE
One other factor in the political organisation of Western Christendom
calls for mention—the feudal lords. Though of less importance in
connection with the Christian art fund, they were not without influence.
After the reign of Charles the Great, Western Europe tended to be
organised as a series of great fiefs, worked partly by serfs and partly
by tenants, under the control of Lords of the Manor. These manorial
lords were the liegemen of the Counts who led the militia, administered
justice and collected the royal dues. The system gave the people some
protection against barbarian raiders and set up local centres of jurisdic-
tion, which, at any rate, were better than no justice at all. This social
and economic system culminated in the holders of the great fiefs, who
acknowledged fealty to none except the King. By absorbing their weaker
neighbours, the great feudal leaders were preparing for the stable
political system on which arose the great kingdoms of Central and
Western Europe.
Norre Dame TA GRANDE, Porriers.
(face p. 184).
a
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 185
Among the feudal lords were the Counts of Southern France, who
ruled at some distance from Paris and for a time escaped the unifying
influences arising from the pressure of the French and English kings
and, in a lesser degree, from the Dukes of Burgundy. The special:
characteristics of the Romanesque churches between Poitiers and
Toulouse are in a large measure due to the peculiar political and social
conditions in these minor principalities. At Poitiers is the church of
Notre Dame la Grande, one of several which witnesses to the splendid
court of Count William IX. (died 1127), whose followers included
such a man as Bertran de Born. Notre Dame du Port, at Clermont
Ferrand in Auvergne, is memorable as the place where the Church
Council of 1095 was held at which Urban II. instituted the Crusade.
Before the doorway of Notre Dame du Port, the cry of “ Diex el volt!”
was raised in response to the appeal of Peter the Hermit. Before the
Black Virgin within, the first Crusaders made their vows. Notre Dame
du Port has four apsidal chapels, a feature which gave rise to the chevet.
As German Romanesque developed the tower, so French Romanesque
developed the eastern chapels until they had an integral place in the
Gothic House of God. First there was the rounded apse derived from
the Roman schola ; then altars were added on either side of the high
altar, so that the apsidal ending tended to have a three-fold form.
Finally, the chapels increased in number, and instead of being separated
one from the other were united by an ambulatory, until at Le Mans
Cathedral there were thirteen apsidal chapels, east, north and south of
the high altar. The chevet never became popular in England, but there
is a beautiful example at Westminster Abbey, where French planning
was followed. ‘There was a simple example of the chevet at Croxden,
a Cistercian abbey in Staffordshire, consisting of five chapels radiating
from the sanctuary. The chevet is yet another example of the principle
of unity in structure which the church builders of Christendom were
seeking.
The Cathedral of St. Pierre, at Angouléme, is another well-known
example of French Romanesque. St. Pierre is a Latin cross with four
projecting chapels at the east end, but the four bays of the nave and
crossing are domed, probably a Roman element which tradition
preserved in Aquitaine from classic times. Even more famous among
the domed churches of Southern France is St. Front, Périgueux,
which appears to be Byzantine rather than Roman in origin, and bears
a resemblance to St. Mark’s, Venice. The resemblance has been traced
to a colony of Venetians and Greeks in the neighbouring manufacturing
town of Limorges. Périgueux, however, was a place of importance in
Roman times, and the town contains some of the most remarkable
Roman remains in France, including the Tower of Vesuna. Christianity
186 THE HOUSE OF GOD
came to Périgueux early, legend says, through the intervention of St.
Peter himself, who sent St. George and St. Front to the district in the
apostolic age. On the journey St. George died, and St. Front made a
grave for his companion by the roadside and returned to Rome to tell
the apostle what had happened. St. Peter gave St. Front his own staff
and sent him again to Gaul. Coming to the roadside grave Front planted
the staff in the ground and the dead arose, St. George, to found the
Cathedral at Velay, and St. Front to build his church in Périgueux,
which was to become the centre of a great Benedictine community.
St. Front was rebuilt, after a fire in A.D. 1120, with five domes, 40 feet
in diameter, one over each arm of the square church and the centre
one above the crossing. The decoration of these Romanesque churches
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 187
in Southern France, such as the carving on the Corinthian columns,
shows more finished craftsmanship than work of the same date in other
parts of France.
The great domed pilgrim church at Le Puy, in the Auvergne, was the
home of the miracle-working Black Virgin, which St. Louis bestowed
upon the church as a thanksgiving for his release from captivity in
Egypt. Legend told that the statue was carved by the prophet Jeremiah,
though modern archeologists suggest with greater probability that it
was a statue of the goddess Isis, with her child. During the Reign of
Terror, the Black Virgin was dragged from her shrine and burnt in
the market place by the revolutionaries. Le Puy cathedral is entered
by a great stairway with numerous flights of steps, which continue
beyond the great triple porch until the interior is reached.
Beautiful, too, is the church of St. Trophime, at Arles, with its highly
decorated porch and its charming cloisters. Trophimus was one of the
early founders of the Gallic church. At his prayer, says legend, Christ
appeared to consecrate the cemetery of the Aliscans, which was so
holy in the eyes of the Faithful that poor folk placed the bodies of their
dead in casks and committed them to the river in the hope that they
would be salved as they passed the cemetery gates, and so find burial
in a place which Christ himself had blessed.
An uncouth but labour-loving people were the Auvergnats, with
more of Celtic blood than most Frenchmen, if only because their
mountain fastnesses helped them to withstand invaders, whether the
legions of Czsar or the hordes of Goths, Burgundians and Franks.
Much of the Auvergne is mountainous, but there are fertile districts
on the banks of the Allier where volcanic dust has proved a fertilizer
of rare quality. These were the economic factors which explain the
flowering of the Romanesque in the Auvergne. The Aquitanian was a
pleasure lover, and the sculptured doorways of Poitiers recall his charac-
teristics by their wayward luxuriance of fancy, which seem the richer
because of the strong light and shadow cast by the sun of Provence,
which also adds significance to the shadowed porch and dark nave
within.
Even in Gothic times these churches of Southern France had charac-
teristics which distinguished them sharply from those of the north,
where the monarchy had already established its power. The Roman
tradition persisted in the south, and the church builders preferred wide
naves and large floor spaces. Here, too, the influence of the preaching
orders, the Dominicans and Franciscans, was strong, and there was an
urgent need to accommodate large congregations. Many of these
southern churches were built during the crusade waged by the Domini-
cans and Franciscans against the Albigenses in the thirteenth century.
188 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Indeed, it was at Toulouse, during the struggle to extirpate the heretics
in the time of Count Raymond, that the Dominican Order came into
being. In 1208 it chanced that Peter of Castelnau, a Cistercian monk,
was murdered by Raymond’s retainers, thereby precipitating the con-
flict with Simon de Montfort, which ended in the conquest of Languedoc.
In 1213, just before the battle of Muret,in which Simon defeated Count
Raymond, Dominic, who had come over from Spain, founded the Order
of the Friars Preachers. The zeal which enabled Dominic to bring the
Friars Preachers into being also showed itself in the Romanesque
churches of the district. The cathedral at Toulouse, dedicated to St.
Sernin, is the largest barrel-vaulted church in France, rivalling the ruins
of Cluny Abbey in this respect. The cathedral at Albi has no transepts
and is aisleless, the nave and choir being surrounded by chapels, a
happy method of planning when the first requirement is space for a
large congregation, and very different to the aisle and double-aisle
designs of the northern builders. There are churches in Toulouse with
a span of 50 or 60 feet, which consist of a nave and apse alone.
The Albigensian wars between 1208 and 1229 deprived these Southern
feudal lords of their wealth, and the leadership in the arts they had
exercised passed to the kings of France, the dukes of Burgundy, and
the kings of England, who were also dukes of Normandy. With the
growth in power of these great royal houses came political stability,
which enabled the Church to replenish the art fund from large, wealthy
and ambitious communities. ‘The province of Burgundy, on the German
border, was nominally ruled by its dukes, but these temporal rulers
really shared power with the abbots of Cluny, Citeaux and Vezelay.
It was in the church at Vezelay, in 1146, that the French king, at the
bidding of St. Bernard, proclaimed the second crusade. Here, in 1190,
Philip Augustus of France and Richard the Lion-Hearted of England
inaugurated their march for the Holy Land. The enthusiasm which
drove the Burgundian knights and their retainers to the Crusades had
its architectural counterpart in the great church of Vezelay Abbey.
The nave of Vezelay was consecrated in 1104 and is Romanesque,
but the choir, dating from about 1180, is early Gothic. Great transverse
ribs span the nave and form square compartments, within which are
plain intersecting vaults in place of the barrel-vault of Cluny, and thence-
forward the transition from Romanesque to Gothic can be followed in
detail, as the choir at Vezelay shows.
The early Romanesque churches in Germany were built on Italian
models, with a nave, and aisles and apse at the east end. Later a second
apse at the west end became common in Germany, one apse containing
the seat of the abbot and the other that of the bishop. The double apse,
which was often accompanied by double transepts, adds greatly to the
N. D. photo.
Worms CATHEDRAL.
(face p. 188.)
~>
i nee)
i
PS.
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 189
} N. D. photo,
Aux Hommes, CAEN. :
L’ApBayE
(face p. 190.)
ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE 1g!
After William de Volpiano came Lanfranc, another Italian, born at
Pavia in 1005. As a youth he was tempted to migrate to Normandy,
about the time the Normans were finally abandoning the worship of
Odin and Thor. By chance he came to the monastery of Bec, where he
was made Prior. Lanfranc made the monastery at Bec a centre of
learning to which students flocked from all parts of France. Later,
Lanfranc became Abbot of St. Stephen’s at Caen. His buildings in
Normandy became a model for the great English churches which
followed the Conquest. As William’s chief clerical adviser, Lanfranc
had much to do with the two great abbey churches built at Caen by
the Conqueror and Queen Matilda, after their condemnation for marry-
ing within the prohibited degrees. A dispensation was granted by the
Pope on condition that two abbeys were built, one for men and the
other for women. The results were St. Etienne, for men, dedicated by
Lanfranc in 1077, and La Trinité for women, being the largest Roman-
esque churches in Normandy.
The Norman builders owed something to the limestone quarries of
Caen, especially as the town lay on the river Orne, making water trans-
port easy. The oolitic limestone of Caen was not only used in Normandy
but in England. Canterbury, Winchester, and Henry VII.’s chapel at
Westminster were built from it, as well as many English par‘sh churches.
Caen stone is a fine-grained, easily chiselled material of uniform colour,
its chief defect being a tendency to decay in the open air.
Supplies of suitable building stone, the example of the Roman building
tradition which persisted in Lombardy, the Norman genius for organisa-
tion and the urge of the hierarchic ideals coming from Cluny and Rome,
might well have given to architecture the House of God which Christians
had been seeking for a thousand years. As a fact, this was not done by
the Normans of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, but by the builders of
Northern and Central France, who followed in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. Enough has been said to suggest why massiveness and power,
rather than grace and structural rightness, were the characteristics of
the Norman style. The “ will to power ” was the dominant impression
it sought to make, as we see if we recall a Norman cathedral or minster
church, not as it is to-day, but as it presented itself to the men of the
twelfth century.
Picture the rebuilding of a great Benedictine minster church in Norman
England, as it arose at the instigation of Lanfranc or his fellow
bishops and abbots. Centuries earlier, a band of missionaries had put
up the first tiny church of twigs and osiers on some grassy islet set in a
waste of moor and marsh. A village was added to the little monastery,
as larger and larger stretches of corn or orchard land were reclaimed
from the marsh under the direction of the monks. Then a church of
192 THE HOUSE OF GOD
ragstone took the place of the first praying-house ; to give way, after the
coming of the Normans, to a pile which was at once “ a joy to the ser-
vants of God and a sure resting place in time of trouble.” Maybe the
heavy masses of a Norman castle arose hard by, its polygonal keep
standing at attention beside the massy nave of the abbey church. A
frowning fortress of God—that was what the Norman intended when
he built a minster church. Each stone roughly squared and no more.
No effort after mere surface beauty. So far as the exterior was concerned,
the native strength of the quarried stone was beauty enough. ‘The double
walled castle did not seem more secure than this fortress of the Faith.
Only the sharply defined cruciform shape of the church, and the bells
which sounded from the western towers, told that this was in truth
a House of God.
Within, the Norman church was very different. Of the exterior, its
builder would have said “that is only the wrong side of the stuff.”
Inside the church, all trace of the woven thread—the axe-hewn surfaces
left by the mason—were hidden ina glow of colour and tapestry work.
In early Norman times, the builders’ art was secondary rather than
primary. The bare spaces of the walls were filled with pictures, some in
monochrome, others in colour—red and yellow ochres and lamp-
black—each with its story written below in elegiac verse. The drawing
was crude but the low-toned pictures were redeemed by the gorgeous
distemper in which they were framed.
The memory of this crude picturing is only the first levy upon the
treasure of colour which accumulated in a Norman minster church or
cathedral. The pavement was made of many coloured tiles ; above, a
long wooden ceiling glowed with stars and the emblems of the Apoca-
lypse. Beams and rafters were covered with chevrons and scrolls, rich
in pigment and gold leaf. Lines of blue, scarlet and gold relieved the
rafters of the wooden roof. In the splays of the windows were designs of
flowers. On the retables above the altars were images of silver and gold,
bronze and alabaster. Rich-dyed hangings served a decorative purpose,
and also protected the shivering churchmen from the cold of winter ;
illuminated and embroidered screens ; carved woodwork ; a black
basalt font. And, lastly, richest of all the colour treasures of the church,
the windows with their deep-toned glass, small in comparison with the
windows of later centuries, but each a mine of be-jewelled light.
A frowning fortress of God without, but, within, made splendid for
the bride by a rich dower of colour and ornament—such was the
Romanesque House of God at the moment of the transition to the full
glories of Gothic.
L?ABBAYE AU x Hom MES , CAEN.
NV. D. photo.
L’ABBAY E Aux DAm ES, CAEN.
(face p. 192.)
93
CHAPTER XI.
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE. FRENCH GOTHIC
The Romanesque and Norman churches, built under the guidance of
Cluny and embodying the ideas of the Popes and their temporal allies,
failed to give Christendom the perfect House of God. In a Norman
church there was an over-plus of building material. True, this over-plus
was made to serve a definite zsthetic purpose ; it had a message of
power of its own. But, in part, it was due to poor building. The early
Romanesque builders lacked the military organisation of the Roman
empire ; they had to collect their material from any available source ;
they could not draw upon the resources of a far-flung empire. Con-
sequently, they used rubble and small stones where they would have
preferred granite and marble, had granite and marble been available.
As the decades passed, the church builders realised the deficiencies
in their method, and masons and craftsmen were trained who proved
themselves able to dispense with the over-plus of material and devices.
Utilising the new methods, the builders of Christendom gave a new
meaning to their work, a meaning inextricably commingled with the
ecstatic zeal and spiritual ecstasy which the ideal of an all-powerful
Church, obeying an all-powerful Pope, had aroused. It was then the
Romanesque style became Gothic.
The term Gothic came into use during the eighteenth century, when
its association with the Goths and Huns who destroyed the Roman
Empire, suggested the rough and rugged qualities which were held to
distinguish medizval architecture from the simpler and more hare
monious neo-classical style which came into favour after the Reformation.
What was originally a term of reproach now signifies the most logical
and vital development in the ages-long story of religious architecture.
Everywhere in Gothic art is to be found a fusion of two motives, one
witnessing to an intense interest in mundane pursuits, and the other
to a whole-hearted absorption in things spiritual. In medizval times,
the hold of men upon things earthly was just as strong as their urge
towards the things of Heaven. The inward rapture and the joy in sheer
physical energy found a single expression in stone and structure.
This is what might be expected. The purpose of a House of God is to
allow of worship according to an established ritual, and this ritual is
only another embodiment of thought and emotion which the beholder
may equally seek in art. The ritual and the building, in fact, express
one and the same thing.
The coiners of the term ‘‘ Gothic’ went to the root of the matter
when they consciously compared the medizval House of God with an
)
194 THE HOUSE OF GOD
ancient Greek temple. After centuries of experiment by Lombard,
Romanesque and Norman builders, architecture was to prove itself
capable of embodying a new ideal, different from, though not necessarily
superior to, the simple directness of the Greek temple. Whereas the
Greeks accepted the fundamental conflict between the column and its
burden, the Gothic masons and builders strove to make the burden seem
an illusion. The Greek was right : the force of gravity is an actuality,
not an illusion. It is a fact from which there is no escape, save in
dreams. Nevertheless, the inventions of the Gothic masons and builders
were so ingenious and their methods of illusion so perfect, that they
gave to their columns and arches the mysterious beauty of a dream world
in which the forces of gravity appear to lose their power to oppress weak
humanity. Whereas a Doric temple was built by men who had found
an escape from the burden of life in a balance between the attainable
and the unattainable, a Gothic cathedral was built by rebels
who refused to acknowledge the limits of experience set by
mundane things. It may be that the Gothic builders never
found a final harmony, but in their search they disclosed beauties
which answer to some of the deepest searchings of the human heart—
the urge towards the unknown which will complete what is wanting on
the mundane plane, the help from Heaven which will make the burden
of humanity a thing of joy. Whereas Greek architecture was dominated
by the horizontal line, the characteristic line in Gothic is the vertical,
which is ever striving upwards. The Gothic arch is not flat or even
semi-circular, but pointed. “‘ The arch never sleeps,” complained the
Indian builder. As a source of ceaseless activity, the Gothic
architect used the arch in its most active form to demonstrate
the ease with which burden can be borne. In comparison
with Romanes que, the Gothic wall was broken by windows,
which became bigger and ever bigger; the buttress was intro-
duced to aid the illusion of constant effort. The vaults reached higher
and higher, until a Gothic cathedral was actually able to express the
energy which drove Western Europe to the Crusades, which created
the Great Orders, developed the Catholic ritual, which invented the
feudal system and, finally, gave rise to the bourgeoisie of the later
Middle Ages.
In opening this survey of religious art reference was made to Schopen-
hauer’s analysis of the essential elements in architectural art. Recall
his argument.
‘““We see in the good antique style of architecture every part,
pillar, column, arch, entablature, attain its end in the directest and
simplest manner, at the same time displaying it openly and naively.
The tasteless style of architecture, on the contrary, seeks in everything
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 195
useless, round-about ways and delights in caprices, and thereby
hits upon aimlessly broken and irregular entablatures, grouped
columns, fragmentary cornices on door, arches and gables, meaning-
less volutes, scrolls, and such like. It plays with the means of art
without understanding its aims, as children play with tools. Of this
kind is every interruption of a straight line, every alteration in the
sweep of a curve, without apparent end. On the other hand it is just
that naive simplicity in the disclosure and attainment of the end,
corresponding to the spirit in which nature works and fashions, that
imparts such beauty and grace of form to antique pottery, that it
ever excites our wonder anew.
“ Tf we are to attribute this spirit and fundamental thought to Gothic
architecture, and would like thereby to set it up as the equally justified
antithesis of antique architecture, we must remember that the con-
flict between rigidity and gravity, which the antique architecture so
openly and naively expresses, is an actual and true conflict founded
in nature ; the entire overcoming of gravity by rigidity, on the con-
trary, remains a mere appearance, a fiction accredited by illusion.
Every one will easily see clearly how, from the fundamental thought
given here, there arises that mysterious and hyperphysical character
which is attributed to Gothic architecture. It principally arises from
the fact thathere the arbitrary has taken the place of the purely rational,
which makes itself known as the thorough adaptation of the means
to the end. The many things which are really aimless but yet are so
carefully perfected, raise the assumption of unknown, unfathomed
and secret ends, .e., give the appearance of mystery.
“The brilliant side of a Gothic church is the interior ; here, the
effect of the groined vaulting borne by slender, crystalline, aspiring
pillars, raised high aloft and, all burden having disappeared, pro-
mising eternal security, impresses the mind. . . . Whoever then insists
upon Gothic architecture being accepted as an essential style, may
regard it as the negative pole of architecture, or, again, as its minor
key.”
There is little to be added to Schopenhauer’s analysis. It only remains
to illustrate it. From his argument arises the corollary that a Gothic
church cannot be really appreciated without constant reference to the
structural principles at the basis of all architectural art. Whatever the
Gothic builder was finally able to express by his work, the origin of a
Gothic church lies in the effort to put a roof of stone over the nave and
aisles of a lofty basilica. The gradual evolution of vaulting finally brought
about the transition from Romanesque to Gothic.
For scores of years the Romanesque builders experimented in vaulting ;
the problem was not solved until the Normans hit upon the plan of
196 THE HOUSE OF GOD
covering the space with a framework of ribs and laying the stones in
courses from rib to rib. The novelty of the method lay in the use made
of the principle of balance as a means of ensuring stability, a principle
which, incidentally, did away with the necessity for columns and piers
of great size and strength, Sir T. Jackson, in his Reason in Architecture,
gives an illuminating account of the influence of structure upon
a Gothic church. He shows that an arch is only a system of wedges,
each of which is driven home by the load on its back and each striving
to rend the structure apart. From this endeavour to rend the structure
apart arises the ¢hrust of an arch, which must be resisted by the immov-
able mass which constitutes the abutment. Only if the abutment stand
firm is the arch an element of strength. If the abutment counteracts the
thrust, there is security ; if not, there is disaster. Gothic vaulting is only
an application of the principle of balance to the roof. The ribs of the
vault, balanced the one against the other, and not the material between,
are the real roof. What the Gothic builders did was to create a science
of vaulting out of the idea of balance which the Romanesque masons
had tested, and Gothic science made possible the light, graceful piers
and large windows which characterise the later style. With pointed
arches, fully-developed rib vaulting, light clustered piers, large window
spaces and flying buttresses, church architecture passed from Roman-
esque to Gothic.
At least as interesting as the structural reasons for the change from
the massive columns and heavy rounded arches of the Norman style
is the problem how the people were persuaded to assent to the
new thing. It may be that they were not so unfamiliar with the esthetic
effects of the pointed arch as might be thought. Recall the nave of a
Norman church—St. Cuthbert’s at Durham, the Abbey of St. Peter
and St. Paul at Gloucester, or St. Bartholomew’s, Smithfield as evening
is coming on. A half-light is stealing through the windows of the western
aisle. One side of every column and arch is clothed in shadow, but the
opposing face of the arch, gathering and giving the rays of the setting sun
seems to arouse a new emotion. The heavy round pillars have become
lighter; they spring more surely towards the burden they are carrying. ‘The
rounded arches are round no longer. The sharp stroke of sunlight on
the one side and the deep shadow on the other, enclose a new space ;
they suggest another and more inspiring line. The weight resting on
the columns suddenly seems borne with greater ease—as it were by
a youth with the vigour of the twenties, rather than the full strength
of manhood. The barbaric power, the solemn grandeur of an immovable
pile, has given place to a new message. This is the Early English style.
When it came into being, every stone in the church seemed to gain life
because the work it had to do was plain. The structural parts of the
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 197
church were not only so contrived that they did their work, but they
were contrived that they might be seen doing it. The pointed arch took
on an element of humanity, expressing the eternal tension which was
the mood of the builders of a Gothic church, as it is the mood of men
and women to-day. Not in one, but in every detail of the architectural
scheme, there was unappeasable desire and restless upspringing. Above
the great arches of the nave were those of the triforium and clerestory.
All echoed the prevailing mood or pointed to the central mystery of the
Catholic church—the sacrifice of Calvary as solemnised in the Mass at
the high altar. As every part of a Gothic cathedral spoke of energy and
desire, so every line tended towards the east end where the Mass was
celebrated.
In the Gothic style, the ribs of a vault are sinews doing work as cer-
tainly as the muscles of a body do work, and they were evolved in the
same organic manner. The vault was built in skeleton and the inter-
sections were filled with light stones. Instead of the massive walls
required by the heavy barrel-vaults of Romanesque and early Norman
times, the Gothic architect was able to concentrate the thrust of a given
vault at special points. Sections of a wall which were no longer required
as an abutment could be used for window space. This is the purpose
enshrined in a Gothic building. Concentrate all the supports of the
stone vault in vertical shafts, between which are screens of coloured
glass. Let these shafts run as high, let the screens of glass be as large
and the colour as glowing as possible. If the means by which gravitation
is defied cannot be altogether concealed, let the interior, at any rate,
be sublime in its soaring beauty, even if the buttresses of the exterior
are there to witness that there are forces in nature which may be tamed,
but cannot be ignored.
About a.D. 1100 the church builders began experiments on a large
scale in new methods of vaulting. Mention has been made of Vezelay
Abbey, and Mr. Bilson has shown that ribbed vaults were used in the
choir of Durham Cathedral, which was built about 1104. Mr. Bilson
says every part of the church was covered with ribbed vaulting between
1093 and 1133. By 1150 the new method was generally adopted through-
out Western Europe. The heavy piers in an early Norman church had
carried the burden of the vault. The walls were thick and the thrust
from the vaulting and superstructure was distributed over the greater
part of the wall face. Under the new system of ribbed vaulting and
pointed arches, the various weights were gathered together, distributed
to piers or buttresses, or carried to the ground. The wall-space, being
only a connecting link between actual buttresses, was free for window
space. An outstanding defect in the Romanesque waggon vault,
especially in northern lands, had been the lack of lighting in the
198 THE HOUSE OF GOD
upper part of the nave. Cross vaulting now allowed of direct light
from the clerestory windows.
In working out these structural problems the church builders displayed
a logic and understanding only less complete than that of the Greeks,
and a capacity for invention and engineering skill which the Greeks
had never attempted. Apart from their definite work, the outer buttresses
were used to give scale to the exterior and to divide the nave wall into
bays corresponding with the interior arches. The Gothic builders
found that a buttress weighted heavily on top need not be more than
half the size of an unweighted buttress. This was their structural
justification for decorated pinnacles, which are not mere ornaments
but evidence that the Gothic architect converted a structural require-
ment into an ornamental feature. Owing to the greater height of a
French Gothic church, pinnacles were of less importance in English
than in French Gothic. In the twelfth century, the Gothic builder even
cut a niche in his buttress and filled it with statuary, as at Wells. In
Gothic, as in Hellenic architecture, the rule holds that decoration should
emphasise a definite structural necessity, and never be mere purposeless
and meaningless ornament.
FRENCH COMMUNES
Nevertheless the question remains. Why, after about 1150, was a new
structural method adopted of rearing a lofty vault over a House of
God and supporting it by pointed arches and exterior buttresses?
Why not 100 years earlier ? Or 100 years later ? Cathedrals and minster-
churches of rich beauty and significance had been put up by the Roman-
esque builders ;why was not Christendom content ? Many of these
great churches were barely finished ;yet churchmen in all parts of
France and England, obeying as it seemed a single impulse, were driven
to rebuild their churches in accordance with the new ideas. Surely,
builders and worshippers alike found in a Gothic church something
which was not to be found in Romanesque. The strain of bonded piers
and the travail of the labouring vaults answered to something in Gothic
life. Was this something the ceaseless contentions of kingdoms,
principalities and communes, in the making ? A Gothic cathedral was
the creation not of a state organisation or even of an international
church; it was raised by men who felt the drive of life,and had a sense
of the harmony that arises from strenuous endeavour, a harmony which
even failure may not destroy.
Romanesque was the architecture of a monastic and hierarchic age.
Gothic was the expression of a fuller religious zeal, of a deeper pride.
Whereas the makers of Romanesque were monks, and the allies of monks,
the creators of Gothic were mostly freed townsfolk. Just because the
Rueims CarHepRaL: THe West Front.
(face p. 198.)
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 199
the Gothic
Communes were strongest in France at the critical time,
and best in the French towns, particu larly
style is found at its fullest
consoli dation of the French kingdo m, which
in the years following the
Under-
Philip Augustus accomplished with the help of the Communes.
liberties, and the
stand how Laon, Le Mans, and Chartres won their
mystic enthusiasm
secret of Gothic will reveal itself. It is not an art of
church , a domina nt impres sion is that its
alone. In a great French
the practical ends
builders were men who never lost their hold upon
of physical energy,
of life. Gothic architecture represents a combination
. It was men who had all these qualities
stern logic and spiritual ecstasy
the Romanesque
who found the massy walls and low barrel-vault of
the surge of ideas and emotions, which
church inadequate to express
rise to the Crusad es and the great Orders.
at the same time were giving
of Athens, a great
If the Doric Parthenon enshrined the civic pride
medizval city. If a
French cathedral did the same service for the
factor in the making
deep absorption in things of the spirit was one
the intensi ty of energy which won liberties
of a Gothic church, so was
from the feudal barons and held them.
the rise of medizval
The exchange of wares was a primary reason for
in its results compared
towns. But the growth of trade was unimportant
ers when once the
with the communal rights which came to the burgh
had been gained. These
privilege of holding a regular market, or fair,
of the Middle
communal rights distinguished the towns and cities the trading
Ages from theearlier agricultural village and, indeed, from
their individuality in that
cities of to-day, which have largely merged
ed without a struggle,
of the nation. Communal rights were not secur
a feudal lord or bishop.
sometimes with the king, more often with
and the agriculturist in the
The right to trade was of manifest value,
dues given to the bailiff
village had to pay for it ; at first by tolls or
covered the right to
of the feudal lord ; later by a money rent, which
of time, these dues were
hold a weekly market or a yearly fair. In course representing
a merchant-gild
paid, not by individual traders, but by
tion of wages, the control of mono-
the burgesses of a town. The regula
gild-membership, were other
polies, and the admission of apprentices to
th century, medieval bur-
rights which accrued to a town. In the eleven
knew that communal rights
gesses in all parts of Western Europe
defending. The burghers
were not only worth securing but worth feudal lord
neighbouring
made alliances with the bishop against the
local bisho p or feudal lord. The
or king, or with the king against the
the fourteenth century.
struggle for communal liberty lasted until ,
Italy, France, Flanders and, finally
In the end, the greater towns of
to independence. They
Germany, secured rights which amounted
gover nment were vested in
virtually became city-states. Rights of
200 THE HOUSE OF GOD
delegates chosen by the craft and trading gilds, or some other body
recognised by the burghers. As their wealth increased the French
bourgeoisie sought to express its pride in the communal life which
it had created. What could be more fitting than a place of worship
which would not only witness to the might of the town—Amiens,
Rheims or Bourges—but would testify to the equally inspiring thought
of the all-powerful Catholic Church. In a.p. 1145, at a time when the
cathedral of Chartres was being rebuilt, Abbot Haimon, of St. Pierre-
sur-Dives, Normandy, writing to the prior of his dependent cell of
Tutbury, Staffordshire, described the wave of enthusiasm which im-
pelled rich and poor to labour together. Just as the town walls were
put up by communal effort in times of danger, so the churches of the
municipality were set up. The Abbot tells :—
“Then He drew to Himself those that started away from Him, and
recalled the wandering, and taught them a new manner of seeking
Him, a manner new, I say, and unheard of in all ages. For, who ever
saw, who ever heard, in all the generations past, that kings, princes,
mighty men of this world, puffed up with honours and riches, men
and women of noble birth, should bind bridles upon their proud
and swollen necks and submit them to wagons which, after the
fashion of brute beasts, they dragged with their loads of wine, corn,
oil, lime, stones, beams and other things necessary to sustain life
or to build churches, even to Christ’s abode ? Moreover, as they
drew the wagons we may see this miracle that, although sometimes
1,000 men and women, or even more, are bound in the traces, yet
they go forward in such silence that no voice, no murmur, is heard. . .
Nor can we wonder that the aged undertook this burdensome labour
for the multitude of their sins ;but what urged boys and children
to the work ? For you might see them, with their own little kings
and leaders, bound to their laden wagons, and not dragging with
bowed backs like their elders, but walking erect as though they bore
no burden and, more wonderful still, surpassing them in nimbleness
and speed.” (See Coulton, A Medieval Garner, p. 102).
Such communal enthusiasm is not without parallel in the twentieth
century. Some years ago in Jersey City, New York, parties of men and
women were to be seen building a church after their day’s work was
done. By lantern or torchlight, they mixed their mortar, or laid the
bricks, for Mrs. Sarah Earle’s Apostolic Church, believing that if they
freely offered their physical effort, material and expert skill would be
forthcoming. As this is being written comes news of the noble Benedic-
tine Abbey, at Buckfastleigh, which has been built entirely by monks
and is being added to daily by the same hands.
But it must not be thought that malcontents and critics were wanting
N. D. photo.
BourGrEs CATHEDRAL : Tue Nave.
(face p. 200.)
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 201
in Christendom during the Middle Ages. If the many approved, there
was a minority who considered church building foolish and wasteful.
Mr. Coulton recalls a medizeval condemnation, based upon the allegation
that the Gothic church builders seemed unable to believe that the world
was doomed to come to a speedy end. If they. did, urged the critics,
they would never rear such lofty masses to the very sky, or lay such
foundations, even in the abysses of the earth.
““ Wherein they resemble those giants who built the Tower of Babel,
rearing themselves against the Lord. Moreover, this superfluity
and costliness of buildings and stone is a cause why we have in these
days less pity and alms for the poor. Let us remember what Esaias
saith :—‘ Heaven is my throne and the earth my footstool. What
is this house that you will build to me? and what is my place
ofyrest 2; ”
It is easy to see why in the Middle Ages the architect was rather the
trainer of a team than the designer of a building, working in an
office miles away from the actual work, as is often the case nowadays.
At first, monks were often trained for the necessary expert work.
There were Magistri—fratri, as well as the travelling master-gildsmen
from Lombardy or elsewhere. In the church of San Francesco, at Lodi,
there is a picture showing San Bernardino directing a group of monks
who are building a convent. It is on record that at the monastery of
Tiron, founded by St. Bernard, there were 500 artists of various crafts.
St. Bernard was mindful of the section in St. Benedict’s regula which
set out:
“Let such craftsmen as be in the monastery ply their trade in all
lowliness of mind.”
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries lay master-masons were
more generally employed by the bishops for expert advice and super-
vision. These master-masons were men of education such as De Honne-
court, author of a well-known book upon the mason’s craft. This
addition of lay experience in church building meant much, but the
deeper truth is that a House of God at the end of the Middle Ages
as
was due, not to the skill and imagination of an architect of genius,
it was in the Renaissance and as it is to-day, but was the result of team
work. In the windows at Chartres, there are pictures of these Gothic
another
builders. A mason, in a round hat, lays a cornice stone, while
are
carries a carving up a ladder to set it in its place. In the background
four sculptors carving full-length statues for a porch. One statue has
been roughly blocked out, and the mason is resting while his assistant
is putting the finishing touches to the work. From the records we
in
may guess at an occasional name. At Chartres, for example, we read
son of Vital, the clever and
the Necrology of Notre Dame of “ Jean,
202 THE HOUSE OF GOD
faithful carpenter of the church, who always worked with love and zeal
at the work of this Church.” But, as a rule, we can only recognise
team work—the co-operation of craftsmen who shared the knowledge
accumulated by their fellow workmen, and were ever passing on this
store of experience, through gild organisation. So much is plain when
we read of the building of such churches as Notre Dame at Paris and
Chartres, and of the great churches at Bourges, Amiens and Rheims.
When Charles the Simple, the last of the Carlovingian kings in France,
died in 929, political power had already passed to the Counts of Paris.
Hugh the Great had the gift of patience, which is essential to kingdom
as well as to church building. He stored treasure and continually
added fiefs to his own estates between the Seine and the Loire.
He was succeeded by Hugh Capet, another cunning, resourceful and
tenacious ruler, who utilised the feudal system to the full in building
up the power of his house. By the end of the tenth century, Hugh,
with his capital at Paris, made the House of Capet the most stable
political entity in the land and himself king of France. Largely owing
to this centralisation of authority a new vigour in social life showed
itself in central France. Relative peace was established and trade flour-
ished. Philip Augustus (1180-1223) did even more, not only for the House
of Capet but for the prosperity of Central France, by allying the Crown with
the Communes against the hired levies of the feudal counts. Troops,
furnished by the French Communes, helped Philip Augustus to consoli-
date his power. The citizens of Soissons and Beauvais won the battle
of Bouvines. When Philip Augustus died, seventy-eight Communes
had obtained charters, and thirty-nine great churches had been com-
menced. The bishops had also made a common cause with the
Crown and the Communes, and they shared in the triumphs of their
allies.
The reigns of Louis the Young, Philip Augustus, and Saint Louis
(1226-1270) cover the building of the greater French cathedrals.
Louis VII.’s minister, the Abbé Suger, perhaps did more than any
Frenchman to bring about the change from Romanesque to Gothie.
It was the time of St. Bernard’s revolt against the abuses of Benedictine
monasticism. A convocation of nobles and clergy at Vezelay in 1145,
at which St. Bernard preached, initiated the Second Crusade. The
streets of Vezelay rang with shouts of “The Cross! the Cross!”
Two years later a French army gathered at Metz, and marched for the
Holy Land under the leadership of Lewis the Young. Suger utilised
the enthusiasm for Catholicism, which showed itself in the Second Cru-
sade, to rebuild the Abbey Church of St. Denis. The need was urgent.
On festival days, the crowd viewing the relics of Denis, the first bishop
of Paris, was so great that many were trodden underfoot. Suger devoted
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 203
all that could be spared of the abbey resources to the work. Counts,
burgesses and gilds offered money or goods. Bodies of pilgrims
harnessed themselves to carts, and dragged stone columns for Suger’s
church along 14 miles of road from the quarries of Pontoise ; coming
to the unfinished church, they broke into a song of praise.
It was while Suger’s abbey-church was being rebuilt that the Ori-
flamme of St. Denis took the place of St. Martin’s cloak as the royal
standard of France. A German army, under the Emperor, Henry V.,
was threatening Paris, and Louis went to pray before the relics at St.
Denis. He was met by the Pope Eugenius and the Abbot, who took
the standard from the altar and gave it to the king. Legend told that
the Oriflamme, which was made of silk of gold and flame tones, had
fallen from heaven. Until it was borne by the French king it had been
carried by the Count de Vexin, the first liege-man of the abbey of St.
Denis.
A few years later, in 1163, the foundation stone of Notre Dame,
Paris, was laid. Then, with Philip Augustus and Saint Louis, came the
final flame of pious enthusiasm which gave to France, Chartres (1194),
Bourges (1199), Rouen (1202), Rheims (1211), Amiens (1220), and
Beauvais.
The cathedral church of Paris, Notre Dame, has been called the tomb
of the Romanesque and the cradle of Gothic. When Christianity was
established in Paris, about A.D. 365, under Valentian I., a church was
built for the bishop and dedicated to St. Stephen. After Clovis, a new
church was built near by, dedicated to the Virgin. In 1163, the two
churches were united into one. The new Notre Dame, in the transitional
style, was consecrated in 1182. In the thirteenth century, a communal
church in such a centre as Paris required an open hall. Not being in
the main a pilgrim church, Notre Dame had no narthex. Instead, there
were double aisles around both nave and choir, along which pilgrim
processions could move without interfering with service in the nave
or Mass at the High Altar. On occasions of high festival the galleries
in the triforia were also open. If the imagination will not pass
to the Middle Ages, recall Notre Dame in the nineteenth century
when the Dominican, Lacordaire, thrilled the crowded cathedral with
his cry:
“‘ People, people, tell me. What do you ask, what do you want of
to
me ? The Truth ? Then you have it not ; you seek it ; you wish
receive it. You have come to be taught.”
ys are
Being the church of the Virgin Mary, four of the six doorwa
n
in her honour, and the Queen of Heaven has also the central positio
The double aisles of Notre Dame not only
in two of the rose windows.
three
allowed of imposing western towers, but gave breadth to the
204 THE HOUSE OF GOD
western doors, the northern and southern doors occupying two bays,
and yet leaving the full width of the nave free for the central doorway.
This noble facade with its statues of the kingly ancestors of the Virgin
dates from the early years of the thirteenth century, and the figures
and reliefs once stood out, glowing in colour, from a background of
gold. On the central doorway is a representation of the Last Judgment,
with the dead arising from their graves, carved upon the lintel. Above
is the archangel Michael, Lord of Souls, carrying out the duties of the
Greco-Roman Hermes as guide of the dead, with the damned on his
left hand and the elect on his right.
Bourges, built between 1199 and 1230, is also a vast sacred hall of
assembly. It has no transepts, so the nave and choir form a single archi-
tectural whole, giving a sense of immense length. Like Notre Dame,
Bourges has a double aisle to both nave and choir, but the intermediate
aisle has a triforium and clerestory. While the nave is 123 feet high,
the aisles are only 71 feet high ; the decoration of the double aisles
can thus be seen beyond the piers of the nave, suggesting wondrous
profusion of effort, and exalting spiritual fervour. In strong contrast
with the simplicity of the central idea—a building without transepts,
in which the lofty columns and vaulting are uninterrupted from western
doorway to eastern apse—are the low clustered piers of these aisles,
with their carved leafage and rich mouldings. The unity of design at
Bourges is unique even among the cathedrals of Northern France.
At the west end the towers project beyond the aisles, thus allowing of
no less than five double doorways leading into the nave and the four
aisles. Over the central door is a memorable Last Judgment, dating
from a time when Gothic masons had not only achieved perfect skill
but were imbued with frank enjoyment and interest in the themes
portrayed. The twelfth-century sculpture on the side porches at Bourges
are splendid in achievement, but the west front is among the Gothic
masterpieces. Whether it be the charm of an angel face, the terror or
hope of a human creature undergoing judgment, or the glee of a grinning
devil, the carvers who worked upon the west front of Bourges displayed
the acme of their craft. There are no children or aged men and women
among those who rise from the tombs ; all are in the full vigour of man-
hood or womanhood, of the age of Christ at the time of His death.
From the “ hell-mouth ” the gildsmen of the Middle Ages derived the
property, with moving eyes and joints, used in the Harrowing of Hell
and similar scenes in mystery plays. As it was carved in stone above the
western doors of Bourges, so it was painted by the rude draughtsmen
of Surrey on the wall of Chaldon Church. The conception was taken
from the description of the Leviathan in the 41st chapter of Job, the
Leviathan being regarded as Satan :
Tue Last JupcmMent, West Front, BourceEs.
NV. D. photo
near and far, the peasantry brought gifts of corn. If ever a House of God
was built by the people for the people, it was Chartres.
The main body of the new church was finished by 1210. After the fire
of 1194, all that remained was the narthex, with its- western porch
(the Porche Royal), the twelfth century windows above with their
glass, and the two unfinished towers and spires which were connected
with the porch during the rebuilding by lengthening the nave. The
southern tower, Le Clocher Vieux, is one of the most beautiful
things in architecture—the feature of Chartres which gave rise to the
popular saying that a perfect cathedral would include the spire of
Chartres, the nave of Amiens, the choir of Beauvais, and the porch of
Rheims. In all, Chartres was to have had nine towers, but only two were
completed. No great French church ever received its full complement
of towers. Most of them were carried no farther than the springing of
the gable. Seven towers were commenced at Laon; three only were
finished. Six towers were actually built at Rheims.
By 1230 the nave and choir of Notre Dame, Chartres, were complete,
and the church was consecrated in 1260 in the presence of St. Louis.
It will be seen, therefore, that the church is a work of art of the thir-
teenth century, due to the genius of some unknown college of architects
and sculptors, probably drawn largely from the monks of Tiron and
St.Pére. The minster-church of St. Pére at Chartres is only less wonder-
ful in its architecture, its glass and its history, than the cathedral itself.
The monkish builders and sculptors may have been assisted by a body
of wandering gildsmen who had been employed on some other great
church in central or Southern France. There are traces of southern
feeling in Chartres. There must also have been some single genius
capable of utilising team-work to the full and directing a vast weight
of popular enthusiasm—bishop, mayor, master-mason or engineer.
As a result, the type of a great Gothic church was fixed for all time.
Other cathedrals were built later, but Chartres proved the possibility
of expressing the myriad vitalities of a great age and making all men feel
that here, in truth, was a House which brought God to earth and raised
man to the gate of Heaven. Amiens was to be bigger and more varied
in its decoration, Bourges more daring in design, and Beauvais, failure
though it was, more astonishing in its engineering ; but Chartres is the
master-design ; it fixed the type of a vast communal and pilgrims’ church.
The beauty of Chartres is sombre and brooding, not buoyant, almost
blithesome, as are the more feminine graces of Amiens. The interior
of Chartres is lofty, but it does not soar skyward as does its cousin at
Amiens. The nave of Chartres is broad, though short in proportion to the
transepts and choir. This might be expected in a pilgrims’ church, where
the service of the altar was of more importance than the day-to-day
N. D. photo.
B EAUVAIS CATHEDRAL : Tr 7
4 C HOIR.
(fac ep, 210.)
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 211
ministrations in the nave. The six great piers supporting the vault of
the nave are alternately octagonal and round, and each is flanked by
four smaller columns cut from the same block of stone. The subordinate
shafts of the round column are octagonal; those of the octagonal
column are round. The capitals are carved with foliage, a reminder that
the makers of Chartres had not lost all touch with the Roman building
gilds. The piers of the nave bear clusters of slender pillars which carry
the vault, but, at the crossing, the four great piers, which were intended
to carry the central tower, rise sheer to the roof, a height of 120 feet.
The apse has a double ambulatory, another feature of a pilgrims’
church, from which open six chapels. A triforium with a beautiful
masonry arcade runs round the whole building, while the clerestory
is made up of pairs of lancet windows, with a rose window above, the
three windows just filling a bay. And the glass ? A hundred and twenty-
four great windows, wine-red and azure blue, in addition to half a
hundred rose-windows, the hues not evenly distributed, as in the
glass of to-day, but various and broken like the colours of nature,
complete the heavenly alchemy of Chartres.
Unlike the makers of Amiens and Beauvais, the builders of Chartres
aimed at more than providing a support for windows of glowing glass.
They never forgot that they were building with stone. They had a love
for masonry, “‘ for great rocks set one above the other.” Though we are
before a miracle of the mason’s craft, we still seem within the realm
of human activity ; the forces of gravity are recognised, and the means
by which they are countered are made plain. The wondrous “‘ folly ”
of Beauvais was not yet.
A Gothic cathedral had not the surface perfection of a Greek temple
or a Renaissance church. It was made of building-stone. Nor did the
statues which decorated its porches mimic the polished perfection of
Hellenic statues. Again, their makers were concerned with stone, not
with marble. Judged by Greek standards, the statuary on a Gothic
church may seem rude, even “ barbaric,” as a Grecophile like Schopen-
hauer cried. The statuary at Chartres, Bourges or Rheims, like the
church itself, is stone-carving and must be judged as stone-carving,
it being always remembered that the medizval colour has been lost.
In the Middle Ages, the carvings on the porch of a cathedral or pilgrims’
church stood out from a background of gold. The shafts were decorated
with chevron patterns and the garments of saints or angels were decked
with diaper. The colour not only added gaiety to the general design
but protected the stone from rain and frost. It would seem that the
carvings were washed with ochre, while touches of green, red or blue
paint were added, the whole being finished with gold, so that the
ivory
porch of a thirteenth century church resembled a colossal painted
212 THE HOUSE OF GOD
triptych, as Mr. Lethaby has said. Early Gothic carvers had only
an elementary knowledge of human anatomy, but they had the all-
essential insight into the fundamentals of their art. This insight told
them that their carved figures were part of a building for the use of
man, not a shrine to be gazed upon as had been the Parthenon at Athens,
or the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. Gothic sculpture was architectural ;
its makers worked on the porch itself, as at Vezelay, or cut their figures
in a quarry-workshop near by, as at Chartres. Religious sculpture lost
this outstanding merit when the sculptors of the Renaissance supplied
churches with statuary, much as a church is supplied with a factory-
made lectern to-day. In losing its architectural quality, it lost its chief
charm. Like the lines and masses of the interior, the stone on a porch
at Chartres was vitalised without losing its stony nature.
This gives a clue to the beauty of the west front at Chartres, the triple
porch which was built for the twelfth century church of Fulbert and
St. Ives, and not for the church which arose after the fire of 1194.
Being the chief entrance, the builders of Chartres determined that the
Western portal should be, indeed, a doorway to the House of God, an
expression of the place of pilgrimage within.
It has been said of these Gothic porches that they were “‘ scooped into
the depth and darkness of Elijah’s cave at Horeb.”’ Their purpose was
mystical, not mere decoration. Consequently, their builders used
symbolism rather than realism to achieve their mystic end. All Gothic
sculpture was in a measure symbolical, but the predominance of
symbolism gives peculiar character to late Romanesque, as compared with
the Gothic sculpture proper of the thirteenth century. A Romanesque
figure at Chartres, or Bourges, has spiritual vitality and architectural
rightness, whereas the thirteenth or fourteenth century Gothic figures
have a richer grace and naturalness. The Romanesque Christ is an
image of divinity ; the Gothic Christ is the Man who called little children
to come unto Him and forbade them not ; the Romanesque sculptor
showed the Saviour upon a jewelled cross, crowned and triumphant ;
the later Gothic artist, less insistent upon doctrine, showed the God-
Man on the Cross, with stricken form and eyes weary with pain, appeal-
ing to the emotions of the man or woman who gazed, rather than of
the believer who could accept the symbol for the fact.
But Gothic sculpture was more than symbolism and more than repre-
sentation. As a whole it made up the picture book of the Faithful,
summing up the science, history and dogma of the Church for a people
who learnt by the eye rather than the ear, and understood men and actions
better than words. Sculpture and painting between 1150 and 1350 were
a form of the liturgy, as M. Emile Male has shown in his remarkable
study of Gothic sculpture, Religious Art in France. He shows that it
N. D. photo.
were among the most honoured possessions of Chartres. For this reason
pier
St. Anna, rather than the Virgin, has the place of honour on the
. In the tympan um above is carved in high relief
of the central doorway
s
the Coronation of the Virgin. Twelve angels and twelve prophet
orders of the vault, the third and fourth orders
occupy the first two
stem. The
being devoted to ancestors of Mary, branches of Jesse’s
Virgin assumed a new importa nce in Catholic doc-
glorification of the
trine and ritual in the thirteen th century, hence the statuary lavished
life-sized
in her honour. On either side of the central doorway are ten
ed the
statues of Bible personages whose lives or words had prefigur
Moses, Samuel
coming of Christ. They are Melchizedek, Abraham,
one side, and Isaiah, Jeremia h, Simeon, St. John the
and David on the
porch
Baptist and St. Peter on the other. In the left bay of the north
and virtues.
is yet another series of carvings illustrating the Virgin’s life
above, is a battle
The tympanum pictures the Birth of Christ, while,
the Mother
of the virtues and vices, emblematic of the perfect life of
details are taken from Prudent ius. On the right are
of the Saviour. The
vices. Prudence
represented the four cardinal virtues and their opposite
and scales,
with an open book treading down Folly ; Justice with sword
the left are the
Strength and Cowardice, Temperance and Lust. On
with Infidelity;
three theological virtues with their contraries, Faith,
balance the four
Hope with Despair ;and Charity with Avarice. To
added. Lastly,
virtues on the other side, Humility and Pride have been
which once bore
in the fourth order, are twelve queens with scrolls
by St. Paul in the
their names—the Fruits of the Holy Spirit, set out
and bay, on the
sth Chapter of Galatians. The statuary of the right-h
Old Testament per-
other side of the central doorway, is devoted to
such as Balaam,
sonages who foretold the Messiah and the Holy Virgin,
by reason of his
the Queen of Sheba and Joseph, a prototype of Jesus
In the tympanum
persecution, his captivity and his deliverance of Israel.
of Solomon.
are carvings showing the trials of Job and the Judgment be akin
would seem to
At first sight the sculpture on the south porch
, concerned
to the triumph of Christ on the west porch. It is, however popularly
rs
with the Last Judgment and the martyrs, saints and confesso n or
y, the norther
associated with the Last Judgment. More naturall
been devoted to this theme, but the
western porches would have
illustrates a local theme,
statuary around the northern entrance
due to the cathedral num-
the story of St. Anna, a special circumstance
which was brought
bering among its relics the head of St. Anna,
The south porch was built in 1245 and
from Constantinople in 1205.
In the central bay is depicted
the sculpture was completed by about 1280.
to the martyrs and the
the Last Judgment, the left bay being devoted
um, Christ enthroned
right bay to the confessors. In the central tympan
216 THE HOUSE OF GOD
shows His wounds, the Virgin standing on the one hand, and St. John
on the other, while six angels bear the instruments of the Passion.
In the lintel is the Archangel Michael with the scales, while Good Deeds
and Bad Deeds, a dwarf-like figure with an ugly face, are on the other
side. The dead awaken for judgment in the presence of the twelve
apostles, the Judges of the Twelve Tribes, as recorded in Matthew
xix., 28. In the arch above the tympanum are nine choirs of angels,
together with twenty-eight prophets and twenty-four elders, the latter
in relief on the pillars of the bay. An angel carries a soul to Abraham’s
bosom, while other angels crown the blessed, who look to the Saviour
with clasped hands. In the group of the damned, Satan is represented
as the Leviathan of the Book of Job, a flame going out of his mouth.
One devil bears a soul on his back, while another thrusts a soul into
hell with his foot. Yet another devil leads a lady of rank to her doom,
while the fourth has charge of a miser with his money-bags and a fifth
drags along a woman, head downwards.
All the portals of a great Gothic church were furnished with heroic
statues of saints, martyrs or ancestors of Christ, some of which have a
majesty of pose and a grace of drapery which we are apt to associate
only with great Greek sculpture. But perhaps the most characteristic
carvings of a Gothic cathedral—most characteristic because most
democratic—are those which testify to that part of human nature
which derives from Caliban rather than from Christ. The grotesque
is as typical of the drama of Gothic architecture as the spiritual. The
Gothic craftsman was at no pains to hide his weakness. It was his
fortune to pay homage to One who could understand weakness and
strength alike. At times men and women of the modern world may
smile; but, in the end, we also worship in the shrine which Gothic
faith created. The sculptor had a joy in carving his comic devils. He
added a lampoon to a church porch much as the men of to-day send a
political caricature to a comic paper. M. Male recalls that, in ‘‘ Dante’s
Hell,” there was a circle for ‘‘ those who were sullen in the sweet air,
that is gladdened by the sun.” An age which had fair joy in laughter
could not deny an artist his jest, bitter or sweet as the occasion demanded.
The architectural purpose of a gargoyle was to carry the rain water
clear of the masonry. Consequently, the Gothic imagination visioned
the gargoyle as a creature all mouth and throat. The gargoyle witnesses
to the truth that the earthly origin of man is not incompatible with the
divinity of God. If the Gothic builders raised man Heavenward, amid
the soaring piers of the interior and under the glow of the bejewelled
windows, they also brought God to earth amid the carvings of the
western face and the transept porches.
The enthusiasm of the French communes did not suffice to complete
STRUCTURE IN ARCHITECTURE 2u7
the larger cathedrals. Bourges was not finished as its designers intended.
Beauvais is only a hint of what it might have been. No French cathedral
received its full complement of seven or nine towers. After 1250,
progress was only made by utilising the enthusiasm of the gilds. Each
trade in a town desired a chapel dedicated to its own saint. In the
fourteenth century fresh funds were forthcoming to build these chapels
between the buttresses of the nave in the great cathedrals. Finally,
during the Hundred Years War with England, between 1338 and 1453,
France stopped building. When the war ended French builders had
to learn their craft afresh. What work was done in the churches and
cathedrals was by individuals, rather than by the communal effort
which built Chartres, Amiens and Rheims. The Gothic era had ended.
218
CHAPTER XII.
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND
The structural problems involved in Gothic architecture must
necessarily be illustrated by the achievements of the master-builders
of Northern France. Nevertheless, many details are revealed by tracing
the more ordered development of church building in England. At
no time did English builders face the structural problems implicit in
Gothic architecture with the courage of their French rivals. Not being
pricked on by a passionate desire for the sublimity of height, they were
content with beauty of detail and perfection of finish, where the French
sought the pulsing emotion expressed by soaring piers and deep vaulting.
For the English master-mason a stone vault was a method for protecting
his building from fire rather than a source of zsthetic emotion. The
flying buttress was not exploited in English Gothic because the tradition
of thick walls established by the Norman builders persisted. The French
architect, with a deeper insight into structure, noted that ribbed vaulting
brought the stresses to particular points, and felt that it was fitting that
these points should be specially marked and strengthened.
The chevet, too, that beautiful development of the apse, which became
so characteristic of French Gothic in its prime, was not popular in
England. English ecclesiastics insisted upon the eastern orientation of
their chapels, which was impossible in an elaborate French chevet,
such as the east end of Le Mans Cathedral, with its thirteen chapels.
Instead, English church builders preferred a square-headed apse.
Numerous altars were common in an English cathedral, but they were
distributed through the church. At Salisbury there were twenty or more
altars, six in the western transepts, four in the smaller eastern transepts,
two in the nave and five in the sanctuary, ambulatory and Lady Chapel.
The French architect, however, was quicker to see how the
needs of worship could be made to serve an architectural purpose,
and he made the chevet at once a thing of beauty and utility. In the same
way the double aisle was exploited in France much more freely than
in England, and the French architect linked the aisles of the choir up
with the ambulatory with beautiful logic. The veneration of relics was
observed in both countries, but it had more effect upon the basic plan
of a pilgrim church in France than in England. Perhaps the chief
reason for the richer content and fuller development of French Gothic
may be found in the fact that a great French church was usually built
for townsfolk, whereas the majority of English cathedrals arose in the
quiet of the countryside or, at any rate, in the peace of a cathedral close.
The English church was not specially designed to make its presence
felt among hundreds of houses. Lanfranc, the first of the great Norman
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 219
builders, was deeply obsessed by the monkish ideals which he had
absorbed at Bec and Caen. Lanfranc not only permitted monastic
chapters to conduct services in episcopal churches, but allowed secular
canons to be dispossessed by monks. Some of the most famous cathedral
churches in England were monastic in origin. Winchester, Gloucester,
Durham, Norwich and Peterborough were originally Benedictine
abbey-churches. They were preserved because neighbouring bishops
chanced to have their episcopal seats in the church of a great monastery.
In France, the greater cathedrals were communal churches in towns
whose histories went back to Roman times. An English cathedral
indeed served three, and even four purposes. The eastern transept
and choir were the monks’ church with the shrine of the local saint,
while the nave and western transept served as the bishop’s cathedral,
a parish church, and a gathering place of the pilgrims who came to
view the relics. In no fewer than 119 Benedictine churches the nave
or an aisle served as a parish church, Sherborne Minster being an
example. So did many naves built for the Austin Canons, among them
the nave of Dorchester church. It would have been strange if some loss
of logic in planning and decoration had not resulted from this division
of purpose. Nevertheless, English Gothic developed characteristics
of its own, which are full as worthy of study as the achievements of the
builders of France.
On entering an Early-English church such as Wells, Lincoln and Salis-
bury, the general impression is that the banded shafts of stone or
Purbeck marble are cut off from the triforium and vault. The eye is
drawn eastward. French Gothic, on the contrary, is a style of soaring-
arches, reaching up to a roof, vaulted above windows of coloured light.
In this lies the difference between English and French Gothic. The
French made its bolder appeal to the emotion of the worshipper,
while the English led the imagination to the central “‘ Mystery of the
Faith ” enshrined in the altar. Whereas the French Gothic genius
spent itself upon structural discovery, in England there was a tendency
to search for beauty of detail. Pier-shafts, the moulding of arches and
windows, the carving of capitals, corbels and dripstones, suggest that
the English mason had found a new and native joy.
Before the Norman Conquest, England was a poor country and away
from the centre of European ideas. In the 150 years following the
invasion of William I., however, it shared in all the great movements
which were stirring the western world, including the growth of towns,
the struggle for communal liberty, the efforts of the Catholic Church
for political power, and the Crusades. As the chief organising factor
after the monarchy, and far more potent than the monarchy in all
matters of art and culture, the Church was the first among English
220 THE HOUSE OF GOD
institutions to profit by the great changes consequent upon the Norman
invasion. French bishops, familiar with the Romanesque churches
arising on the Continent under the influence of the Cluniacs, were
appointed to English Sees. Their first thought was to rebuild their
cathedrals in the new style. In the villages Norman nobles built stone
churches in place of the earlier thatched shrines of wood. William of
Malmesbury records that a rich Norman would have considered that
he had lived in vain if he left no monument of his piety behind him.
During the reigns of William the Conqueror, William Rufus and Henry
I., almost every cathedral church was rebuilt from its foundations.
The principle generally followed was to rebuild in sections from the
east end, using the nave as a church while the choir was being built.
When the choir had been dedicated, the builders set to work to demolish
and rebuild the nave. Then a Lady Chapel or chapels around the apse
were added. Much of the building was poor and was probably done by
English workers with some supervision from Norman master-masons.
Gundulph, Bishop of Rochester, was famous as a builder in the time of »
William the Conqueror. He was responsible for the Keep in the Tower
of London, with its tiny Norman chapel, a very perfect example of
the early Norman style. The plan includes a nave with narrow aisles ;
the pillars are massive and short and the capitals have little ornamenta-
tion, while the nave has plain barrel vaults.
A cruciform shape, with a low tower at the intersection of the nave,
choir and transepts, was a feature of the larger Norman churches.
The choir was generally short and often had a semi-circular apse at the
east end. In the apse was the bishop’s seat. A short choir of four bays
was deemed sufficient for the drama of the Mass, the chorus cantorum
having their place beneath the central tower. The unbroken nave,
sometimes 250 feet long, was roofed with painted wood, while the
thick Norman walls were composed of rubble and mortar, faced with
cut stone. The columns, too, had cores of rubble and were only faced
with hewn masonry (ashlar). Hence their apparent strength but innate
weakness. ‘The early Norman builders were aware of the shortcomings
of their material, and accordingly stone vaulting and large windows
were not popular.
In London, the earlier Norman style is happily represented by the
church of St. Bartholomew, built about fifty years after the Conquest,
in the Smooth Field (Smithfield), just outside London Wall, between
New Gate and Aldersgate. Its story serves to illustrate the circumstances
under which many twelfth-century foundations came into being.
The priory of St. Bartholomew belonged to the Augustine (Austin)
canons, known as the Black Canons owing to the black cassock, cloak
and hood, the last two worn over a white embroidered rochet.
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 221
The order was monastic and arose from a desire among the secular
canons to bring themselves under corporate discipline. The first
London foundation was Holy Trinity, Aldgate ; the second, the priory
of St. Bartholomew, was founded by Rahere, a witty courtier of Henry I.
The Book of the Foundation of St. Bartholomew’s Church, in the Cot-
tonian collection, tells that when Rahere attained “‘ the flower of youth,
he began to haunt the households of noblemen and the palaces of princes
where, under every elbow, he spread cushions for the great men, with
apings and flatterings, delectably anointing their eyes to draw to him
their friendships.”
If monkish legend be accurate, Rahere’s capacity for friendship was
to serve the Austin Canons well. He became a Canon of St. Paul’s and,
in 1120, when visiting the scene of St. Paul’s martyrdom at the Three
Fountains near Rome, was stricken with malaria. Rahere vowed to
found a hospital for the poor of London if he recovered. A few days
later the sick man had a remarkable vision. A winged beast with eight
feet seized him and carried him aloft, whence he threatened to drop
Rahere into a deep pit. The Canon’s cry for aid was answered by one
who said :—
“ T am Bartholomew, the Apostle of Christ, that is come to succour
thee in thine anguish and to open to thee the sacred mysteries of
Heaven. Know, therefore, that it is the will of Heaven that thou
shouldest choose a place in the suburbs of London, at Smithfield,
and there build a church and hospital, and this thou must do in my
name.”
Having been received into the Order of the Canons Regular of St.
Augustine, Rahere returned to London. He sought the help of Bishop
secured
Richard de Beaumeis, himself a builder, and through the bishop
in
a grant of waste land in West Smithfield. The church was founded
built the hospital, a long lofty hall with aisles on
1123. Then Rahere
either side ; the beds of the women patients being on one side, those
other
of the men on the other. Later, a cloister, chapter-house and
monastic buildings arose around the church. South of the church
for
and north of the buildings were a mulberry garden and a cemetery
the canons.
the
Most of the nave of the monastic church was destroyed after
choir has been preserv ed as a parish
Reformation, but the Norman
d capitals,
church. The columns were circular, with short solid-cushione
arch includi ng four smaller arches and a
with a triforium above, each
that in
broad tympanum. Above was a flat painted wooden roof, like
Behind the altar was an apse and
the nave of Peterborough cathedral.
St. Bartho lomew’ s to-day give no
ambulatory. The bare grey walls of
the Austin Canons were at
real idea of the church as it was when
222 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the height of their influence and wealth. Imagination must add the
embroidered hangings, the wall paintings, the gilded and coloured
mouldings of the columns, images over a score of shrines, finely-wrought
lamps hanging from the roof, a pavement of multi-toned tiles and the
radiant beauty of the windows. The beams of the roof were covered with
chevrons and scrolls in rich pigments and dulled gold leaf. The whole
made up the most complex harmony of beautiful things ever attempted
by an age of artists. To-day, the painter, the sculptor, the goldsmith,
the tapestry worker, the glass worker and the architect work alone,
with little heed for their brother artists. In the Gothic age, a harmony
was reached because every worker felt that, though he had freedom
within the limits of his own craft, far above personal reputation was the
joy of helping to make perfect a House of God.
Then, as now, a central feature in the church was the tomb of Rahere.
He lies, with shaven crown, in the habit of his Order, under a vaulted
canopy with tabernacle work of the fifteenth century. The inscription
reads :—
“ Hic jacet Raherus primus canonicus
et primus prior hujus ecclesiz.”
A crowned angel at the feet of Rahere holds a shield bearing the arms
of the Priory, doubtless added in the fifteenth century. More in the
spirit of the twelfth century are the two small kneeling monks, bearing
Latin bibles open at the 51st chapter of Isaiah. The passage recalls the
original wilderness of the Smooth Field and the work that many
a monastic house was doing for civilization in those times :—
“For the Lord shall comfort Zion. He will comfort all her waste
places and He will make her wilderness like Eden and her desert
like the garden of the Lord.”
Inspired by the corporate pride aroused in such a monastery as St.
Bartholomew’s, Smithfield, hundreds of similar foundations were created
in the twelfth century. For a hundred years the English builders per-
fected their craft. Instead of coarsely-hewn stones, with mortar joints,
surfaces were carefully finished and the stones were accurately fitted.
Fine-jointed masonry replaced the earlier wide-jointed work, in which
the joints between the stones were filled with a thickness of mortar.
In the transept at Winchester, is a spot where the wide-jointed work and
the fine-jointed work can be seen side by side. William of Malmesbury,
speaking of churches put up by Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, records
that “‘ he put up great buildings at vast cost and of surpassing beauty,
the courses of the stone being so correctly laid that the joint deceives
the eye and leads it to think that the whole wall is made of a single
block.” In the same century, chisel-carving superseded the earlier
axe-carving, as may be seen in an arcade at Canterbury, where the
Mansell.
(am) a
7 22 <q = S < a ea) <>} i=}fs < = Tue Nave.
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 223
from the nave. When the monastic system was fully established in
England, there were three entrances to the east end of the minster-
church, one through the Pulpitum (this being the Lower Entry), the
other entries being the ostia chori on the north and south of the choir
screen. Within the enclosed space were rows of stalls for members of
the monastery, which at Westminster numbered sixty-four, twenty-
eight being on the north and twenty-eight on the south, and the other
eight at the west end. Seats of honour were reserved for the abbot and
REEN
prior, one of the abbot’s seats being south of the Lower Entry, while
the prior’s seat was on the opposite side of the Lower Entry. An abbot
during
also had a second “ throne ” near the high altar, which he used
Pontifical High Mass.
choir was
In monastic churches after the thirteenth century, the
being the Pulpitum,
separated from the nave by two screens, the eastern
choir
and the western the Rood Screen, which not only closed the
228 THE HOUSE OF GOD
from the nave, but held the Rood. When there were two screens, the
pulpitum consisted of a broad gallery with a lectern and a pair of organs,
and upon it, according to the Use of Sarum, the singers were placed.
The rood-screen was built one bay west of the pulpitum, the space
between the screens being devoted to the infirm and elderly brethren
of the community. Here they held their offices with less ceremony
than was judged necessary in the choir to the east of the pulpitum.
The rood-screen itself was substantial enough to form a loft, which
might be approached by steps against, or in, the piers supporting the
chancel arch or the western arch of the crossing. In addition to an altar
dedicated to St. Paul in the loft, there was the crucifix which gave the
Rood its name, with statues of the Virgin and St. John to right and left.
At Westminster, worshippers used to ascend by one stairway, kiss the
feet of the Rood, and descend by the other stairway. At Lichfield, in
addition to the rood-screen in the nave between the west-crossing piers,
there was a rood-screen in the north transept. The altar on this rood
was later removed to the north choir-aisle, owing to the difficulties old
people experienced in climbing the stairway when making their devo-
tions at the altar of the rood loft. Fuller says :
“‘ And wot you what spiritual mysterie was couched in this portion
thereof ? The church typifieth the Church Militant, the Chancel
represents the Church Triumphant ; and all who pass out of the
former into the latter must go under the Rood-loft ; that is, Carry
the Cross and be acquainted with affliction.”
The rood-screen in the nave was furnished with two processional
doorways on either side of the central altar, which faced the nave.
This was the Altar of the Holy Cross and, to right and left, beyond
the processional doorways, were two other altars. Usually, the Altar of
St. Mary stood on the south side, the altar on the north being, perhaps,
that of the Holy Trinity. At first, a single altar had sufficed, but as the
monastic system grew and the habit of pilgrimage increased, extra
altars were required. At St. Gall, the famous Swiss monastery which
arose around the cell of the Irish missionary, Gall, who died in 645,
there were seventy altars. At St. Alban’s, four piers in the nave were
each furnished with an altar on its western face for the service of pil-
grims. In certain cases, however, the inhabitants of a district acquired
the right to use the nave of a monastic church, and a single altar was set
against the rood-screen for their use. In such a case the monks moved
the other altars east of the crossing to the privacy beyond the screen,
where they were shown to the faithful on high days and holy days.
Every Sunday before High Mass a procession of the brotherhood
left the choir by the upper entry, on the side furthest from the cloister.
During the procession the celebrant sprinkled each altar with holy
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 229
water, while anthems were sung by the monks. After making “ stations ”
at each of the eastern chapels, the brothers came into the transept next
the cloister, and, having visited the altars, passed through the eastern
doorway of the monk’s cloister. The final station in the Sunday proces-
sion was in the middle of the nave, before the rood-screen. Here the
brothers stood in two rows, the position of each member being regulated
by stones in the floor of the nave, as at Fountains Abbey, while the
celebrant sprinkled the Altar of the Holy Cross. Then the monks
passed through the two doorways, united in the bay beyond, and passing
through the doorway in the west end of the stone pulpitum, entered
the choir once more.
The monkish church beyond the screen was not necessarily confined
to the transepts and the space beyond the crossing; it often included
three bays of the nave, as at St. Alban’s and Westminster. This enclosed
space, and not the nave, was the place of worship in medizval times.
In the centre was the ambo, or reading-desk, used by the lectors during
Prime, None, Terce and other offices, and also by the Cantor for the
direction of the singing, ‘‘ when the moncks did sing ther legends at
mattins and other tymes.” The Presbytery in a Norman church was
the open space east of the choir where stood the High Altar. It was
separated from the choir by a step—the gradus presbyterti—the extra
height enabling all to witness the sacred drama enacted at the altar
during the celebration of Mass. In the Presbytery, too, stood the Paschal
Candlestick, and on the south side were the sedilia (sedile—a seat),
occupied by the celebrant, the deacon and the sub-deacon during High
Mass. The high altar frequently had a retro-sanctuary behind, in which
stood the feretory, or shrine of the local saint, and near the altar might
be a platform upon which sacred relics were exposed on festal occasions.
(See the plan of the choir and sanctuary in a medizval church on page
244. The throne at the eastern end of the southern stalls is in accordance
with the Use of Sarum, but, in the Roman Use, the bishop’s
throne was on the north side of the sanctuary, as shown in the plan).
In order to guard the relics and see that no harm came to the shrine,
a watching-chamber was often built, as at St. Alban’s or the Church of
St. Frideswide, at Oxford, now Oxford Cathedral. The watching-
chamber at St. Alban’s is a two-storied erection of oak, the lower portion
being furnished with shuttered aumbries (lockers) for minor relics.
The monk on duty reached the watching-loft above by a narrow stairway.
The stone slab of the high altar was a monolith, symbolising the unity
of the church, and on it were five crosses, one cut at each of the spots
where the bishop touched the altar with chrism during the act of dedica-
tion. The five crosses recalled the Five Wounds of Christ. Behind the
be a retable, such as that of silver and gold, known as
altar might
230 THE HOUSE OF GOD
“The Great Sapphire” of Glastonbury, a gift of St. David, who
brought it from Jerusalem. On either side of the altar were curtains
to keep any draught from the tapers, and above there was often a beam
from which reliquaries were suspended, or which held carvings of the
twelve apostles or Our Lord in Majesty.
No summary can suggest the variations in the plan and appointments of
a medizval church. There were considerable differences, due to the taste
of an individual monastery or chapter, and the requirements of the several
Orders were also very various. A Cistercian monastery was not identical
with a Benedictine house. All that can be done is to give a general idea
of the manner in which a monastic church satisfied the main require-
ments of a community—the recitation of the canonical “hours,”
the weekly and other processions, and the needful celebrations of
the Mass.
A monastic church was used by night as well as by day. Called from
their beds at midnight and dressing by the light of cressets—wicks
floating in oil which were set upon square stone stands at either end
of the dormitory—the brothers entered the church by the night-stair,
such as the beautiful example in the south transept at Hexham Priory,
Northumberland. Wearing their fur-lined “ night-boots,” the brethren
took their places in the choir and, when all were seated, the abbot or
prior gave the signal for the tolling of the bell to cease, and took his seat
in the stall next to the Lower Entry. Every monk and novice rose to
his feet and lowered his head for the Triple-prayer—the Pater, the
Ave and the Creed—with which the night-office opened. When the
Psalms had been recited, those monks who had duties to perform left
the church, and the bell announced the beginning of the real service
of Matins. This was followed by Lauds, the “‘ Office of Morning Praises”
in honour of the dawn of a new day, after which the community re-
mounted the night-stair, leaving the Sacrist in the church to replace
the service books in their locker and put out the lights. It was between
1-30 and 2 a.m. before the monks were in bed again. They rose at
daybreak for the Hour of Prime, for which the sub-prior unlocked the
day-stair, so that the church might be entered from the cloister. The
Day Hours were said every third hour—Prime at the first hour, Terce
at the third, Sext at the sixth, and None at the ninth.
A monastic church was generally built on the northern side of the
monks’ dwellings in order that its massive walls might give shelter
from the cold north winds. In Southern Europe, however, the church
was generally on the southern side of the buildings, that the church
walls might give protection from the sun. With regard to other monastic
buildings, the holy Benet had said : ‘‘ A monastery, if possible, should
be so built that all things necessary—that is water, the mill, the garden,
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 231
the bakery and the different arts—may be exercised within the precincts,
so that the monks be not compelled to wander outside, which is altogether
unprofitable to their souls.” The buildings of a typical monastery
,
included a bake-house, a brew-house, a granary, a smithy, an infirmary
as well as a guest-house with its chapel and kitchen.
The chapter-house was the executive and disciplinary centre of the
community. Here, after Prime and Chapter Mass, the brethren gathered
the
about nine o’clock to discuss communal affairs. Matins for
dead were sung in the Chapter -House, before the body was carried
through the parlour to the graveyard. The abbot had his seat at the east
end with a crucifix above, the rest of the brethren sitting on stone
benches around the walls. In the centre was a lectern, where the daily
lection from the martyrology was read by the weekly reader.
the
The cloister was the study of the monks, and was entered from
outer court at the end of the western wall of the cloister. ‘The walk
the
next to the church was used for quiet thought. Being on the south—
the walk was shelter ed from the north
sunny side—of the church,
divided
and east winds by the walls of the nave and transept, and was
of small rooms, known as carrels, each con-
by screens into a number
were book cupboar ds, built of wainsco t, against
taining a desk. There
Next to
the church wall, though some houses had a special library.
abbot being
the door of the church was the prior’s seat, the seat of the
cloister, too, but at
at the end of the eastern cloister. In the eastern
the novice-
the southern end, were the novices, under the charge of
taught them the proper chantin g of the Divine
master or the Cantor, who
of the cloister was devoted to the junior monks,
Office. The western side
school.
still under strict discipline, and constituted the monastic
and not a des-
Remembering always that this is a general account,
monast ery, the other monast ic buildings may
cription of a particular
the cloister, facing
be passed in rapid review. On the southern side of
or refect ory, where the community
the church, was the frater,
of the hall being partit ioned off from the
took their meals, the west end
d a passage to the
rest of the frater by screens. The screens forme
g in the frater wall,
kitchen, and food was served through an openin
often a lavatory,
called the dresser window. Near the frater entrance was frater
r garth. The
an octagonal building projecting into the cloiste
the chief members
stself was an aisleless hall, with the high table for
at the east end. The other monks sat at two or more
of the convent
a reading place, set in the
tables, set lengthwise. Near the high table was
thickn ess of the wall, such as that in
wall, and entered by a stair in the
be a big wall-painting
the refectory at Chester. Lastly, there might
ixion or the Last Supper in
over the high table—usually the Crucif
and other places.
fresco, as may still be seen at Cleeve Abbey
232 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Generally the dorter or dormitorium, where the monks slept, was an
upper room above the eastern range of the cloister and, therefore, next
to the chapter-house. If the dorter did not reach the south transept
owing to the height of the chapter-house a passage or gallery was built
to the night-stair. In the dorter itself wainscot partitions divided the
long room into a series of cubicles, giving a passage down the middle.
Each cubicle was lighted by a window and contained a desk. Here a
monk could work, if he did not wish to sleep, during the midday siesta
in summer-time. For the rest, a large monastery included a warming-
house, lodgings for the abbot, and the infirmary buildings, colloquially
termed the “ farmery.” The principal building was the hall, an aisleless
room with beds on each side, and a chapel on the east end. A special
kitchen, where more delicate food was cooked, was connected with the
hall by a covered passage. The infirmary was not only used for the sick ;
it was also the home of the infirm and a temporary lodging for those
undergoing the periodical bleedings, though in some monasteries the
monks were sent to small granges near by during bleeding times. The
guest-house was in the outer courtyard, near the brew-house, the bake-
house, the granary and the smithy. The almonry, or casual ward, was
just outside the gate-house. Here the daily dole of broken meat was
given to the poor by the almoner. In the almonry were lodged ‘‘ the
children of the almery,” who were educated at the expense of the monas-
tery and were taught daily in the outer infirmary. Near by was an
infirmary for the poor, also outside the walls. The plan of the monastic
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 233
buildings at Fountains Abbey has the general characteristics of all
English monasteries.
A monastery in the later Middle Ages served many social needs.
It took the place of the poor-law system of to-day ; it provided hostels
for travellers ; its funds served as an important source of capital; it
undertook many forms of research which would now belong to univer-
sities or the State ; in the guest-houses for the reception of travellers
and pilgrims, the Guest-Master, occupying the head of the table,
might call upon anyone present to entertain the company with music,
song, story or dance, and in this sense the monastery was a precursor
of the modern music-hall, as certain forms of service gave rise to primi-
tive drama. The place of worship was the centre of this complex whole,
and only by continually bearing in mind the manifold social ends
served by a monastery can the House of God itself be understood.
TRANSITION TO GOTHIC.
The transition from the Norman style to the Early English is approxi-
mately the equivalent in British architecture to the transition from
Romanesque to Gothic in France and Germany. Mention has been made
of the use of pointed arches in certain Cistercian churches built between
1130 and 1170, among them Fountains Abbey, though the church
as a whole was Norman in mood and craft methods. Such examples
recall that the pointed arch alone is not evidence of Gothic workmanship.
It will be remembered that there were pointed arches in the mosque
which his Coptic architect built for Ibn Tulun, in Cairo, in the ninth
century. Pointed arches appear in the church of the Holy Sepulchre
built by the Crusaders at Jerusalem about 1100. They may be found
in the nave of Malmesbury, as well as in the ruins of Fountains
and Kirkstall, where the pointed arch is traceable to the fact that the
Norman builder, working from pillar to pillar, had to span a space
which was less than the width of the adjoining aisles. To do this he
utilised the device of a pointed arch, but his choice in no way makes
Fountains or Kirkstall Gothic buildings.
The difference between Norman and Gothic is not defined by the
presence or absence of one or two architectural features. The difference
is one of mood rather than of craft. Powerful and significant as was
Norman church building, it was not destined to enshrine all the
enthusiasm and imaginings of medieval England. While St. Bartholo-
mew’s, Smithfield, and the abbey churches of Gloucester and Durham
were being built, Christendom was becoming discontented with the
the
church which was primarily a “fortress of God.” Throughout
pilgrimag e increased , and the popularit y
twelfth century the habit of
of the shrines of the local saints necessitated greater space about the
234 THE HOUSE OF GOD
high altar and, often, the rebuilding of the apse with an ambulatory
which made approach to the lesser altars easy. The outburst of devotion
towards the Virgin Mother initiated by Innocent III. (1198-1216) also
led to many changes in planning and building. When the services
in honour of the Virgin were attended by the whole company of monks
or canons a small apsidal chapel no longer sufficed and a large Lady
Chapel became essential.
At Durham, where Bishop Pudsey had previously built a western
chapel in honour of the Virgin, Bishop Poore, in 1229, took down the
eastern apse and substituted an eastern transept. It is now called the
Chapel of the Nine Altars, and consists of three bays divided by massive
buttresses, each bay containing three lofty windows, with three altars
below, dedicated to (1) St. Andrew and the Magdalen, (2) St. John the
Baptist and St. Margaret, (3) St. Thomas of Canterbury and St. Catherine,
(4) St. Oswald of Canterbury and St. Lawrence, (5) St. Cuthbert
and the Venerable Bede, (6) St. Martin, (7) St. Peter and St. Paul,
(8) St. Aidan and St. Helen, and (9) Michael the Archangel. The tomb
of St. Cuthbert still stands in the Chapel of the Nine Altars, a bare
platform, 37 feet by 23 feet, lacking the shrine which used to stand
above it, though the body of the saint is still there. The Rites of Durham
describe the altars thus :
“Each had their several shrines and covers of wainscot overhead,
in very decent and comely form, having likewise betwixt every altar
a very fair and large partition of wainscot, all varnished over, with
very fine branches and flowers and other imagery work most finely
and artificially pictured and gilded, containing the several lockers
or ambers for the safe keeping of the vestments and ornaments
belonging to every altar.”
The Chapel of the Nine Altars with its clustered columns of polished
marble, its deeply vaulted roof, its rich arcading and natural sculpture,
stands in graceful contrast to the massive beauty of the Norman nave
and choir, and may be taken as typical of the change in English church
building between 1175 and 1225. The simple cross, formed by the nave,
transepts and short choir of a Norman church, became obscured by the
addition of shrines and chapels. In some cases, chapels projected
eastward from the transepts ; in other cases aisles were built around the
choir and sanctuary, as they had been added hundreds of years earlier
to the nave. Above all, a more devotional and romantic mood called
for expression in the churches, which had been “ fortresses of God.”
The builders and masons, striving after constructive lightness, sub-
stituted piers of smaller shafts for the massive Norman columns,
each shaft carrying a share of the arch which they united to support.
Stone vaulting replaced flat wooden roofs, and lofty lancet windows
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 235
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NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 237
between the altars of St. Augustine and St. John the Baptist. No Mass
was said over the grave, for the church had been desecrated. The
pavements of the cathedral were taken up ; the altars were stripped ;
hangings were taken from the walls ; the crucifixes were veiled. Service
was taken in the chapter-house without chanting. This continued for a
year, when the Pope granted a reconsecration of the Minster.
On the day following the murder certain monks of Christ Church
had embarked for Rome, bearing an account of the crime. In 1172 the
papal legates took back the tunic stained with the martyr’s blood and a
piece of the pavement on which the brains were scattered. In 1173 the
Pope adjudged Thomas a saint. In February, 1174, he was canonised
and the 29th of December was set apart as his feast. All over Europe
churches were dedicated to his memory, many of which may still be
seen.
King Henry II. was not slow to recognise the consequences of the
archbishop’s death. For three days he shut himself up, refusing all
food except milk of almonds. Covering himself with sackcloth, he called
Heaven to witness that he was not responsible for the sacrilege. Envoys
were sent to Rome announcing his submission to the Pope. In reply,
In
two cardinals were sent to Normandy to meet the royal penitent.
ed his first penance at Avranche s. For two
May, 1172, the King perform
upon
years the fortunes of Henry were chequered. Finally, he decided
ry. Malchan ces in war, the failure of
the great penance of Canterbu
God
crops and the evils of storm, were all attributed to the wrath of
worker
at the saint’s death. Every month Becket’s fame as a miracle-
1174, Henry reached Southam pton.
increased. On the 8th of July,
Feeding upon the penitential diet of bread and water, he reached
l Henry
Canterbury. When he first caught a glimpse of the cathedra
he
got off his horse and walked to the church of St. Dunstan, where
and
put on the guise of a pilgrim, going on to the cathedral barefoot
clad in a woollen shirt.
was con-
After kissing the stone upon which Becket had fallen Henry
and kissed the tomb, remain ing
ducted to the crypt, where he knelt
the King’s
long in prayer. The Bishop of London then announced
ion. Receiv ing the kiss of recon-
penitence, and Henry asked for absolut
the tomb. Remov ing the rough
ciliation from the prior he knelt again at
hide the hair-cl oth, the King
cloak but retaining the woollen shirt to
the tomb and receive d five
placed his head and shoulders against
Foliot, who had
strokes from each bishop and abbot, beginning with
ny. Three
carried the balai, or monastic rod, through the earlier ceremo
absolved, Henry
strokes from each of the eighty monks followed. Fully
during the night. At
resumed his robes, but remained in the crypt
the upper church.
early Matins, he went around the shrines and altars of
238 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Finally, after hearing Mass and receiving one of the phials of the Canter-
bury Pilgrims, he rode to London. The defeat of the Scots at Richmond,
in Yorkshire, a few days later, was regarded as justification for the
penance.
So the human agent received the Church’s pardon. But it seemed that
Heaven had ordained that the cathedral itself should be purged of sin.
Two months after Henry’s penance, on the 5th of September, 1174,
the Norman choir, which Prior Conrad had built in 1135, was burnt to
the ground. The nave was saved with difficulty. William of Sens was
commissioned to rebuild the choir, and based his design upon that of
his own church at Sens, built a short time before. The architect fell
from a scaffolding during the building operations. For a while he con-
tinued to superintend the work, being carried round the church in a
litter. At last he relinquished the task to William the Englishman,
who had designed the Trinity Chapel for the shrine of St. Thomas,
placed over the spot where Becket had celebrated his first Mass.
The new choir was finished in 1184, and proved to be Angevin rather
than Norman work. That is, it reflected the ideals of the reformed orders
rather than those of the earlier Benedictines of Christ Church Priory.
The arcades of alternately circular and octagonal pillars in the choir
were richly carved with foliated capitals. A transition was being made
to the lightness of form and profusion of natural carving which
characterised the Early English style. But much of the cathedral re-
mained as before. Not all of Conrad’s choir had been destroyed. The
south-eastern transept, with its beautiful little staircase tower in the
inner angle, can be seen to this day. This was the Tower of St. Anselm,
within which was placed the watching-chamber, with its fireplace,
whence the monks kept guard over the treasure on the saint’s shrine.
The double crypt, or rather undercroft, was also unharmed. Built in
imitation of the catacombs, it had now an added glory in the treasured
relics of St. Thomas which lay in the eastern portion.
The Trinity Chapel was completed in 1220. Two years before, Arch-
bishop Langton made a proclamation throughout Europe that the
translation of the Martyr’s remains would take place on Tuesday, the
7th of July, 1220. During the festival hay and provender were given
to all who asked for it on the road from London to Canterbury. At
each gate of Canterbury wine was distributed free. On the evening
before the translation the archbishop, the prior and the monks, entered
the crypt and opened the tomb. Four priests, distinguished for the sanc-
tity of their lives, took out the relics. First, they offered the head to be
kissed, and then deposited the bones in a chest, which was laid in a secret
chamber. Next day, ‘‘ King Henry, the young child,” then thirteen
years old, headed the procession of notables who carried the chest to
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 239
the shrine. Hubert de Burgh, the Papal Legate Pandulf, two arch-
bishops and a great train of prelates and nobles supported the boy king.
For a graphic picture of the pilgrims at the shrine of St. Thomas,
we turn to the pages of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. Their doings
in Canterbury itself are to be found ina post-Chaucerian Tale, which
Dean Stanley drew upon when writing the Memorials of Canterbury,
that masterpiece among cathedral guide-books. On reaching the
cathedral the pilgrims knelt before the wooden altar in the
transept of the martyrdom and were shown the rusty fragments of
Le Bret’s sword. Then they went down the steps to the crypt, where
the martyr’s shirt and drawers of hair-cloth were shown. The empty
sarcophagus in the crypt was built into a wall of large hewn stones,
rising a foot above the coffin and covered by a large marble slab. In
each side were two openings enabling pilgrims to kiss the tomb.
Leaving the crypt, the pilgrims mounted the steps to the choir, on
the north side of which about 400 relics, mostly in ivory, gilt or silver
coffers, were exhibited. The privileged were also shown an array of
vestments and golden candlesticks in the sacristy, among the treasures
being the pastoral staff of the martyr. Many of the pilgrims mounted
the steps on their knees, receiving exhortations from the Priory monks
as they passed along the choir aisle.
At the extreme east end of the cathedral was ‘‘ Becket’s Crown.” Pil-
grims were led first beyond the shrine to this eastern-most apse, where was
preserved a golden likeness of the head of the saint, richly studded with
jewels, which contained the scalp of the saint. A desire to give pilgrims
as much to see as possible led to this dismembering the bodies of
holy men, limbs or bones being distributed among several religious
houses, or even placed in various parts of the same church. Thus,
at Lincoln, the head of St. Hugh was severed from the body and placed
in a special shrine in the retro-choir. The custom also led to the making
of gold or silver shrines resembling the head, arm or foot enclosed,
in St.
a famous example being the Chef, or head shrine, of St. Peter
John Lateran at Rome. The head reliquary of St. Eustace, dating from
British
the thirteenth century, once in Basle Cathedral, may be seen in the
Museum. In Canterbury Cathedral, apart from the body of St. Thomas,
there were the bodies of eleven saints, among them Archbishop Dunstan,
Archbishop Alphege, St. Odo, St. Wilfrid and St. Anselm, in addition
to the heads of St. Blaise, St. Furse and St. Austroberta, and eleven
arm reliquaries, one of which contained the arm of Pope Gregory.
the
Nor were the faithful content to reverence. Many wished to touch
was so
relics and so absorb their healing effluxes. Accordingly a shrine
contact
constructed that the body of the worshipper could come into
with its precious contents. In other cases it was only possible to display
2.40 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the relics under special conditions. At Prato, near Florence, the sacred
girdle of the Virgin was shown on the day of Mary’s Assumption from
a pulpit on the outer wall of the church, the pulpit being specially
designed by Michelozzo and decorated with reliefs by Donatello. In
the Sainte Chapelle, Paris, a single pane of glass was left uncoloured,
through which a fragment of the True Cross was shown to the faithful
outside.
From the Corona, at Canterbury, the pilgrims passed to the shrine
in the Trinity Chapel. In the thirteenth century, the shrine of Becket
was the only object in the chapel. The space it covered can still be traced
by the large purple stones which surround the vacant square. At the
western end was the great mosaic pavement with the signs of the
zodiac. Immediately in front was the altar of St. Thomas, at which
pilgrims knelt. The long furrow in the purple pavement shows the place.
Before them rose the shrine within iron railings. For the privileged
these gates were opened. The lower part of the shrine was of stone,
supported on arches where sick and lame pilgrims were allowed to
rub their diseased limbs. The shrine was concealed under a wooden
canopy painted with sacred pictures. At a given signal this was drawn
up, and the shrine revealed in all the splendour of its gold and jewels.
In one of the painted windows of Canterbury is a portion of thirteenth-
century glass showing the shrine. Becket is depicted issuing from the
shrine in full pontificals. Benedict, the monk, lies on a couch asleep.
The drawing shows that the shrine, shaped like an ark, was placed upon
a stone platform which rested upon arches supported by six pillars.
The wooden boards were covered with plates of gold and set with gems.
As the wooden canopy was raised, every pilgrim fell to his knees, and
the tinkling of the silver bells on the canopy indicated the moment
to all the pilgrims in the great church. The inner iron chest, containing
the saint’s body, could only be seen by mounting a ladder. The prior,
with a white wand, indicated the principal jewels, giving the name of
each donor, particularly the great carbuncle, large as a hen’s egg,
given by Louis VII. of France.
Then the canopy descended upon the jewelled ark and the pilgrims
withdrew by the opposite flight of steps, dropping their offerings into
the boxes at the “ Point of the Sword,” “‘ The Head,” “ the Crown,”
and “‘ the Shrine.” Securing their leaden bottles, they left the precincts
of Christ Church.
The shrine of St. Thomas and the pilgrimages to Canterbury were
typical of circumstances which determined the character of most of
the greater English churches. When St. Chad died at Lichfield, his
body was placed under a wooden erection, fashioned like a little house.
A hole in the wood allowed those who honoured the memory of the
NORMAN ARCHITECTURE IN ENGLAND 241
saint to take out handfuls of earth, ‘‘ which they put into water and gave
to sick cattle and men to drink, upon which they are presently eased
of their infirmity,” as Bede tells. When Bishop Roger de Clinton
rebuilt Lichfield Cathedral in 1148, he placed the relics of St. Chad
in a special shrine, and in 1296 and 1386 the shrine was rebuilt, the final
form being a substructure of marble bearing a feretory of gold and pre-
cious stones. The head of the saint was separated from the body and
preserved in a chef of painted wood in a special chapel. Some of the relics
of St. Chad now lie in a feretory above the high altar in the Roman
cathedral at Birmingham. In as much as a saint’s feretrum, or chest,
was usually too large to be displayed upon the high altar, it was set upon
a superstructure in the retro-choir, whence it could be seen from all
parts of the choir. There was first the marble or stone substructure,
decorated with carving or mosaic, then the feretrum, decked with gold-
work and jewels and, finally, the box-like cover of wood, working upon
pulleys, which could be readily raised when the custodians wished to
display the saint-chest to pilgrims. The relics of St. Etheldreda were
enshrined in this fashion behind the high altar at Ely ; so were those of
St. Cuthbert at Durham, St. Swithun at Winchester and St. Edward
at Westminster.
242
CHAPTER XIII.
ENGLISH GOTHIC
As the rebuilding of Canterbury illustrates the effects of medizval
pilgrimage upon the English House of God, so the work of St. Hugh
at Lincoln recalls the structural transition from the massive Norman
manner to the style happily described as Early English. The main
characteristics have already been set out, but they can be better
appreciated in a concrete example, and Lincoln Cathedral immediately
suggests itself, followed by Wells, Salisbury and Westminster.
When William of Normandy secured the throne of England, he re-
warded Almoner of Fechamp (Remigius), who had aided him with
a ship and twenty knights, with the bishopric of Dorchester. The
diocese was large, extending from the Thames to the Humber, so the
Norman prelate determined to make Lincoln his cathedral city instead
of Dorchester on Thames. On the summit of Lincoln Hill, within the
Roman wall, and a short distance from William’s castle, Bishop
Remigius built a church, “strong as the place was strong and fair
as the place was fair, which should both be a joy to the servants of God
and, as befitted the time, unconquerable by enemies.” (Henry of
Huntingdon). A hundred years later a fortress of God was no longer
required, and when Hugh of Avalon became bishop of Lincoln in 1186
he determined to build the cathedral anew. Hugh was a man of high
character and steady purpose. Son of a Lord of Avalon, near Grenoble,
in France, Hugh had entered the Grand Chartreuse in youth. Henry II.
persuaded him to come to England and take charge of the newly-
established Carthusian monastery at Witham in Somersetshire. Ten
years later Hugh was promoted to Lincoln. Hugh found part of his
church in ruins owing to an earthquake, and determined to rebuild
the short Norman choir in the Gothic manner, with pointed arches.
Aided by his architect, Geoffrey de Noyers, Hugh planned a choir of
four bays, with aisles and a large chevet. The foundations of the chevet
can be traced beneath the Angel Choir, an extension of five bays which
was added to Hugh’s choir in the thirteenth century. In rebuilding
Lincoln Choir, Bishop Hugh created the Early English style. The
pointed arch had been used elsewhere, but Hugh and Geoffrey de
Noyers allowed the new form full play and devised the appropriate
decoration, including clustered shafts, crockets, lancet windows and
the characteristic carving on the piers. Always they bore in mind the
unity which is the final test of a great work of art. Good decoration
must not only be harmonious with structure but have a definite connec-
tion with it by emphasising the constructional lines of a building.
S. Smith.
Opposite the piscina and the sedilia, on the north side of the Presbytery,
might be the Easter Sepulchre, a representation of Christ’s tomb, which
was used for the reservation of the Holy Elements during the Easter
celebrations. There is an Easter Sepulchre of great beauty in Lincoln
Cathedral, dating from the end of the thirteenth century. Under a
beautifully-carved stone canopy are panels decorated with the figures
S. Smith.
Manseli.
Pe ce
At
?
7 7
ee i
a
a)
oa
ENGLISH GOTHIC 255
Chapel at Ely and Prior Cruden’s tiny chapel also bear witness to Alan
Flower
of Walsingham’s claim to the title Flos operatorum—‘ The
of Craftsmen.”
lancet
The early Gothic windows were of lancet form ; later, two
and the space above was
windows were placed under a single dripstone
three lancets were placed
pierced, leading to “ plate tracery.” When
the
together, the space above was pierced with three foliated circles,
until “‘ bar tracery ”
dividing masonry becoming lighter and lighter
nth century a large bar-
was reached. By the middle of the thirtee
ed. From
traceried window of three, five or seven lights had develop
these arose the even more beautiful windows of the Decorated Period.
,
Very characteristic are the windows in the ruined abbey at Tintern
about 1131.
a Cistercian house founded by a party of French monks
arose in a spot remote from
Like all Cistercian houses, Tintern Abbey
gs and a church,
town. First a thatched hut and, at last, the abbey buildin
was rebuilt
in which kings were proud to lodge and worship. Tintern
and in its beautif ul windows
in 1269, about fifty years after Salisbury,
in Englan d. The east window
may be found the first geometrical tracery
exampl e of Decora ted tracery.
at Ripon (about 1300) is another superb
enth-c entury glass. Beauti ful,
York Minster is unrivalled in its thirte
at Canter bury, pictur ing scenes
too, is the glass in the Trinity Chapel
the north transept
from the story of St. Thomas. The rose window in
1220, the design represent-
at Lincoln, the Dean’s Eye, dates from about
h in Heaven .” In the centre
ing ‘‘ The Church on Earth and the Churc
the trefoil in the angles contain-
is Christ among the Blessed in Heaven,
circles formin g the outer
ing an angel tossing a thurible. The sixteen
tion throug h the Church.
part of the design picture ‘man’s redemp
s ; angels suppor t the Cross
Christ is shown displaying the Five Wound
are conduc ted to Heave n
and the instruments of the Passion, holy people
lower circles are filled with
by St. Peter and other saints, while the
nts. Not only the
figures of bishops and archbishops in their vestme
minste r church were to be
statuary, but the windows of cathedral or
sunt quasi libri ecclesiarum.
read like holy books. Picturae fenestrarum
eleme nts of danger. The
This desire to teach as well as to please had
content to present
maker of a window in the best period of Gothic was Just
y proper to glass.
a design of coloured light which had the beaut
was coloured light, held togeth er by lines of lead,
because his medium
g. The leads
he was content to do without even such an aid as shadin
invited to focus atten-
made pattern enough, and the spectator was not
distur bing the rhythm
tion upon a single feature of the design, thereby
of coloured light.
arising from the lines of the leadwork and the glow
ental to representa-
During the Decorated Period the difficulties incid
of stain ed glass were
tion were avoided. The decorative possibilities
256 THE HOUSE OF GOD
exploited to the full. Echoing and emphasising the emotion aroused by
the purely architectural features of the church, the coloured glass flooded
the whole building with a mystic light in which the devotional mood was
nourished to the full and the sense of the majestic power of Mother
Church made plain. Vestments, hangings, tapestries, illuminated
missals—all were made of the richest materials and adorned with glowing
colour. Ruby, sapphire, emerald and gold were the dominant hues,
so that a Gothic interior seemed like some dream cavern, “ lit only
by the light of jewels, myriads of these gleaming darkly through the
gloom,” as Mr. Lewis Day said of Chartres.
A French or English church was even richer in emotional colour
than the Byzantine House of God had been, because of the solemn
beauties due to the half-lights of North Europe. Thenceforward, the
ideal of a Gothic architect was to increase the window space in a church
until the walls virtually disappeared and were replaced by piers, with
their buttresses, which framed pictures or designs in coloured glass.
The principles of Gothic vaulting were so familiar that walls, as walls,
were no longer required to hold up the roof. At the same time top-
lighting, through the clerestory, developed until the triforium dis-
appeared altogether and the Perpendicular style arose, this being the
last phase of English Gothic.
Churches in the Decorated style continued to be built during the reign
of Edward III., but the fourteenth century was already producing a
change in the intellectual outlook of Western Europe, which was to
bring about a difference in English architecture far more marked than
that which distinguishes the Decorated from the Early English period.
We describe the change in intellectual outlook as the Coming of the
Renaissance. As Christianity was the solvent of the ideas which made
the Roman Empire strong, so the Renaissance spirit proved the solvent
of medizval ideas. The Age of Faith was passing. In the middle of the
fourteenth century Wycliffe was a power at Oxford and religious dis-
content showed itself in the form of Lollardism. The Black Death
brought about a new economic position, the consequent changes in
social conditions being seen in the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. While the
Wars in France thinned the ranks and broke the fortunes of many
English noble houses, they established the authority of the burghers
in the larger towns. Henry V’s victories in France, including Agincourt,
England’s eventual defeat at the hands of Joan of Arc, and the new era
of prosperity established after the Wars of the Roses, all had their effects
upon church building in Britain, and the Decorated style gave way to
the Perpendicular.
The characteristics of the Perpendicular style are vast window space,
the abolition of the triforium, the absence of deep carving, the use of
ENGLISH GOTHIC 257
panel decoration and a peculiar straight-lined tracery. The Perpendicular
arch was not pointed but square-headed, while the mullions of the
windows were straight. The desire of the Perpendicular builders was
to dispense with the ornate detail of the Decorative period, with its
insistence upon flowing curves and decoration derived from natural
objects, and to substitute bigger and broader effect, without symbolism,
without mystery, but showing a splendid mastery of constructive
principles and a perfect appreciation of outline and mass composition.
Instead of the flowing lines of Decorated tracery the rigid lines of the
mullions were connected with the mouldings of the architrave, the
spaces of the window being similarly divided into rectangles. So, in
the flat spaces of the buildings, rectangular panelling, in which the
rigid straight line was dominant, characterised every part. Mason’s
work and decoration alike tended to take on the appearance of wood-
carving, which was particularly fine in Perpendicular times, the screens,
fonts and choir stalls of the period being superb.
Under the influence of these changes, English church architecture
lost something of its distinctively religious character. The earlier
enthusiasm and emotion were replaced by science and standardisation.
The craftsmen had become officialised. The Renaissance differed from
the later Middle Ages in being more intellectual, more beset with class
distinctions. It renounced the popular element, which had been a link
between art and all departments of national life; art tended to
become the cult and the privilege of a small and wealthy minority.
During the reigns of Henry V., Henry VI., Henry VII. and Henry
VIII., when the Perpendicular style was established, building was a
highly organised trade, and included all branches of church decoration
and furniture. The architect tended to become a professional man,
rather than a bishop, assisted by a master-builder, as in the days of
St. Hugh and Geoffrey de Noyers. Thus William of Wykeham, the
rebuilder of Winchester, commenced his career as a clerk of buildings,
then became a keeper, and finally a designer and superintendent of
building operations.
The change was in the direction of modern custom, where the archi-
tect or engineer (the modern equivalent of the medizval ‘“ master ’’)
has little in common with the subordinates who carry out his ideas.
No architect engaged on a big building has ever been able to be his
own craftsman. He has always had to rely upon a host of subordinate
workers and their inductive knowledge of his intentions. In the past,
however, there was far more supervision than there is to-day and an
architect lived upon a single big job, superintending everything from
the quarrying of the stone onward, “ working with his own hands
both in building and in sculpture, as befits the reputation of any good
s
258 THE HOUSE OF GOD
sculptor and master of the stone-cutting art.” It was this personal
contact with the job in the doing which tended to be lost in Perpen-
not the
dicular times, though at first only the tendency was there,
architec t often furnish es
actuality which we find to-day, when the
no more than the design for a building.
Nevertheless, the Perpendicular style came into being in much the
in
same way as the Early English style. Though it proved to be secular
expression it was religious in origin. It originated at Glouces ter Abbey.
A great cathedral might be looked for at Gloucester. The town was a
centre of the royal power in the west of England throughout the Middle
Ages. In the Chapter House William the Conqueror had “‘ deep speech ”
with his Council ; here he ordered the compilation of Domesday Book.
Henry III. was crowned in Gloucester Abbey and there Edward I.
held a parliament which passed the Statutes of Gloucester. A monastic
house had been founded in a.p. 681 by Osric, Viceroy of King Ethelred,
whose sister, Kyneburga, presided over a double foundation of monks
and nuns. The Benedictine monks were introduced by Canute in 1022,
though with little success. When Serlo, chaplain of William the Con-
queror, became abbot in 1072, the convent only contained two monks
and eight novices. Serlo rebuilt both church and monastery, the church
being dedicated in 1100. The nave remains to recall Serlo’s cathedral.
It is 174 feet long, 67 feet high and 34 feet broad, its characteristic
being the great height of the massive columns and the dwarfed triforium
above.
The foundation ran its course until the time of Edward IJ., when
Abbot Thoky was desirous of embellishing the old Norman church.
But means were small and Thoky was an old man before much had been
done. Then came the murder of Edward II. at Berkeley Castle, seven-
teen miles from Gloucester, on September 21, 1327. Bristol, Malmes-
bury and other monastic houses in the district refused to grant burial
to the king, fearing Queen Isabella. Only Thoky had courage. He sent
to Berkeley Castle. The king’s body was embalmed and wrapped in
folds of lead, before it was placed in an oak coffer and buried in
Gloucester Abbey. When Edward III. came to the throne, his father’s
tomb became a place of pilgrimage. A statue of the murdered king,
carved in alabaster from a mask modelled after death, was the gift
of Edward III. to Thoky’s Abbey.
Abbot Wygmore succeeded Thoky, and determined to remodel the
transepts and choir. Between 1337 and 1377 the old Norman windows
were replaced with Perpendicular windows; vaults were carved,
and over the Norman walls and rounded piers was cast “a mighty
stone veil of traceried panel work.” Thus Gloucester was the birthplace
of Perpendicular. The choir at Gloucester, in which stands the shrine
Mansell.
CHAPTER XIV.
GERMAN AND SPANISH GOTHIC. THE RUSSIAN HOUSE
OF GOD
ities north
The passage of Renaissance ideas from Italy to the commun
cture. Chris tendom was
of the Alps presaged the end of Gothic archite
the new
seeking other methods of expression. But before the growth of
n must be made of
spirit in Italy, its birthplace, is reviewed, mentio
d. Reference
Gothic art in other parts of Europe than France and Englan
buildi ng methods
has already been made to the influence of French
Moor-
upon German architecture and the medley of French, Roman and
interest to
ish influences in Spanish religious art. It would be of deep
t it with the social
trace this mingling of styles to its sources and connec
Spain, but space
and political conditions in medieval Germany and
As has been
will admit of no more than a bare summary of the facts.
ion of Amiens ,
said, the choir of Cologne Cathedral was a frank imitat
n builde rs in
beautiful but borrowed, a fact to be regretted, as Germa
ng
Romanesque times had shown themselves fully capable of devisi
unatel y
methods suitable for their special building material, brick. Unfort
Roman -
at the very time French builders were making the change from
al
esque to the new thing required by the age of the Crusades, the politic
situation in Germany was anarchic. There was no powerful monar chy
s
to which the German trading towns could rally and the German bishop
and abbots were too much occupied with their interests as feudal
princes to spare the thought needed to organise and direct the religious
art fund. Until 1254, when the rule of the Hohenstaufen ended, there
was a political premium upon conservatism and consequently upon
the Romanesque style. It was not until 1274, when the Hapsburgs
established their authority, that Germany found temporary peace. Such
a town as Nuremberg then developed her wealth and independence,
aided by grants of special privileges from the Holy Roman Emperor
who supported the townsfolk against their feudal rival, the Margrave
of Brandenberg.
An early example of German Gothic is the Liebfrauenkirche at Trier,
built in 1240. The plan is distinguished by the absence of a triforium.
The later medieval German churches were congregational and were
designed for spaciousness rather than the ritual requirements of a
monastic community, or the special needs of a pilgrim church. Being
churches for townsfolk, there was space in the nave and aisles rather
than in the choir. Such spacious congregational churches are known
as “ hallenkirchen,” and frequently the naves and aisles are of approxi-
mately the same size and are covered by a single high-pitched roof, the
262.
(
face
p.
CHorR.
Tue
CATHE
CoLOG
GERMAN AND SPANISH GOTHIC 263
lighting coming from the aisle windows instead of the clerestory. ‘The
church of St. Elizabeth, at Marburg, is an example of a design without
a triforium and with aisles and nave of the same height. St. Stephen’s
Cathedral, Vienna, has neither clerestory nor triforium, and the aisles
and nave being of equal height are covered by a single high-pitched
roof. Very effective, too, is the great pyramidal spire of St. Stephen’s.
The brick-built Marienkirche, at Lubeck, has neither transepts nor
triforium, but in this case there is a lofty clerestory, the nave being
125 feet compared with the 67 feet of the side aisles. The dexterous
craftsmanship of the German builder is shown in such work as the
pierced spiral staircases on the outside of the towers of Ulm and Stras-
bourg, and the pierced spires of Strasbourg Cathedral.
Away from the Rhine Valley, in such a town as Nuremberg, a German
church attracts less by the originality or vigorous logic of its planning
than by the picturesque buttresses, doorways, shrines and sacrament
houses with which the German master carvers embellished the buildings.
At Nuremberg, the church of St. Sebald was rebuilt in 1309 and a Gothic
choir replaced the Romanesque choir between 1361 and 1379. The ex-
terior of the choir of St. Sebald has highly ornate buttresses which frame
the windows, each buttress being decorated with canopies and niches for
sculpture, and each window being surmounted by carving which leads
up to the delicate openwork parapet which encircles the exterior of the
choir. The north porch is known as the Bride’s Doorway and here the
blessing of a bridal pair took place. The porch is decorated with pierced
tracery of wonderful delicacy and carvings of the Wise and Foolish
Virgins, which once glowed with happy colour, as may be seen on a
similar doorway at the Liebfrauenkirche, Nuremberg. The preservation
of original colour is a feature in German churches of the medizval
age. Inside the church is the shrine of St. Sebald upon which Peter
Vischer and his five sons worked for thirteen years. Such a shrine had
long been contemplated but funds were not forthcoming until 1506,
when a robbery in the church persuaded the Society of Patricians to
promise the 2,000 gulden required. As a fact the subscriptions were not
easy to secure, but in 1522 the shrine was completed. It took the form of
a miniature Gothic chapel, 15 feet high, enshrining the oak coffer
encased in beaten plates of gold and silver in which the bones of St.
Sebald lie. Below are bas-reliefs of scenes from the life of the Saint
and on the pillars supporting the richly worked canopy are the twelve
Apostles.
Cupids, sirens and other Italian ornament recall that, in time, the
shrine of St. Sebald belongs to the Renaissance, but the craft mood
is that of its pious, stay-at-home maker, as he modelled himself, garbed
in the leathern apron of a founder and carrying hammer and chisel.
264 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Peter Vischer may be regarded as the last of the gild craftsmen who made
Gothic art possible. He was followed by the individualists of the
Renaissance, scholars, travellers and men of the world, who could hold
their own with kings and popes—by Brunelleschi, Bramante and Michel-
angelo. Peter Vischer was paid 20 gulden for every hundredweight of
completed work, “‘ as in the case of the monuments in the cathedral
at Bamberg.”’ There is much significance in the contract.
Equally characteristic of this phrase of German Gothic is the church
of St. Lawrence. It was originally a little chapel of the Holy Sacrament.
When the citizens of Nuremberg won wealth in the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries, the chapel was rebuilt to meet the growing needs of the
town and dedicated to St. Lawrence, deacon and martyr, a saint who
had much honour in Nuremberg. The western facade, with its towers
flanking a rose window and a carved doorway, is a pleasant combination,
the carving on the doorway showing what German sculptors could
do in competition with their rivals in medieval France. The Virgin
Mother is a central figure in the scheme and is surrounded by seated
prophets and apostles, who fill the mouldings. The tympanum is divided
into three zones, the lower containing scenes from the childhood of
Christ. Scenes from the Passion occupy the central zone and the Last
Judgment the upper zone. The most characteristic feature in the interior
of St. Lawrence is the Sacrament House of Adam Kraft. A German
sacrament house is to be compared with the Easter Communion at
Lincoln or the tabernacle which Donatello carved for the Church of
Santa Maria della Febbre, now in the Sacristy of St. Peter’s, Rome, with
its charming groups of child angels, who gaze, with the shyness of real
children, upon the wonder-working picture of the Madonna in the
centre of the tabernacle. None of the English Easter sepulchres or the
Italian tabernacles compare in ingenuity of craft with the great sacra-
ment houses of Germany. That in Ratisbon Cathedral is 52 feet high,
while that in Ulm Cathedral is go feet from base to top. A German
sacrament house is a tower-like structure resembling a miniature
Gothic spire and takes the place of the monstrance and ciborium as a
host-shrine enclosing the body of the God-man. In the earliest Christian
age the consecrated bread was hidden, but, as Christianity came to its
own, the Eucharist was displayed, recalling that God was indeed in
His House. When more of the sacred bread or wafer was consecrated
than was required for a particular celebration, what remained was
placed in a receptacle which might be regarded as a tomb, and
accordingly was decorated with carvings of the raising of Lazarus, the
Three Marys and the sleeping Roman soldiers. On the contrary it
might be regarded as a tower for the protection of the holy wafer or as
an altar shrine. At St. Lawrence, the conception adopted was a tower,
ad
SPREE
LR LE
a
ae
a)
aa peel Fhe et
Ee See Fagg
ek SE
4 as
Sr. LAWREN CE ?
NUREMBERG : ES 2) & Ma 2) ex <q a Ss& a is x ° p 2 ea
(face p 266.)
GOTHIC 267
GERMAN AND SPANISH
are the
the vaulting. Noteworthy, too,
to the Gothic piers which carry squ e chur ches of
Spanish churches whic h derive from the Romane
ped Gothic of the Ile de France.
Toulouse rather than the fully-develo bays, recalling
Thus the cathedral of Gerona has an aisleless nave of four
ouse. Guillermo Boffiy, the
the aisleless churches of Albi and Toul
culty in persuading the Chapter
master of the works at Gerona, had diffi but he had his
of a 73 feet span,
to allow him to attempt the vaulting ,
al church of splendid spaciousness
way and the result was a congregation The Cath edra l of
from every part.
giving a clear view of the high altar
lla (reb uilt abou t 1100), is almost a replica of the
Santiago de Composte
church of St. Sernin, Toulouse.
ic had its drawbacks, and the style
The eclectic origin of Spanish Goth
which characterises the best French
often lacks the logical construction
interested themselves greatly in the
churches. Spanish builders never deco ration
tion, and over-elaboration in
forms which arise from func of the best French
balanced beauties
deprived their churches of the more l
rs and lantern of Burgos Cathedra
examples. The florid western towe r of Toro , the orna te
sided central towe
in Northern Spain, the sixteen- y
facade of the church of San Pablo de Valladolid and the Glor
be ment ione d to recal l
have only to
Porch of Santiago de Compostella, Church
art fund of the Catholic
the energy and craft skill which the times. Amazing, too,
could command in late Gothic and Renaissance
ish
shed upon the retables in Span
is the wealth of decoration lavi lavis h orna ment atio n
ched with the
churches, where a reredos is enri sacr amen t hous es. The
to their great
which the German carvers devoted
edra l, in the church of St. Nicholas at Burgos,
retables in Seville Cath ples.
a, are a few outstanding exam
in the larger churches at Saragoss Sara goss a, and it will
os, Toledo and
Add the carved wood stalls of Burg 400 year s after San
of God during the
be plain that the Spanish House sect ion of a chap ter.
book, rather than a
Fernando afford matter for a
RISTENDOM—RUSSIA
CHURCHES OF EASTERN CH
Spain, especially in its over-lavish
As the House of God in medizval
itioned largely by influences derived
and redundant decoration, was cond Europe, the Christian place of
Eastern
through the Moors, so, in kish
hist orical events arising from the Tur
worship was conditioned by l our own day. Thu s the
operated unti
conquests, some of which r religious
secure the recognition of thei
Bulgarian Christians did not Chri stia nity was
Adrianople in 1829.
freedom until the Treaty of fro m Byz antium
864 and art influences
introduced into Bulgaria in g a cruc iform
s, a popular form bein
were potent for several centurie deco rate d with
plan, the interior being
domed church on a square tured Bulg aria in the
richly-coloured frescoes. When the Turks cap
268 THE HOUSE OF GOD
ToLEDO CATHEDRAL.
(face p. 268.)
GERMAN AND SPANISH GOTHIC 269
an alternative faith to the primitive Slav nature worship, Vladimir
sent deputations to several Christian lands. One party of Slav magnates
came to Constantinople and were astonished by the lights, the singing
and the processions of deacons in Sancta Sophia. In particular they were
impressed by certain youths in white wings and dazzling robes, who
seemed to float in the heights of the great church, singing “ Holy,
Holy, Holy.”
‘“‘ Who are they ?” asked the Slavs.
“ Ah, those are the Holy Angels,” replied the wily Byzantines.
“‘ Enough,”’ replied the Russians, ‘“‘ we will search no more, but return
to our king and tell him what we have seen.”
As a consequence of their report, Vladimir was baptised and a bishop
from Constantinople was established as the first Metropolitan at Kiev.
Later, the monks of the Order of St. Basil established themselves in Russia.
The first Russian churches were square log huts, with an apse at the
east end and a domed roof, probably derived from poles of birch wood,
which were planted in a circle and bent to a centre to form a wattle
roof. For many centuries wood was the only material for building in
Russia, and, to this day, Russian architecture has not lost the traces
of its origin in wood, particularly in the domed towers and steeples.
A typical Russian church has three apses and four domes arranged
around a central dome. The famous Church of the Assumption in
Moscow, built by Boris Gudonov, has thirteen of these domes, arranged
around the central cupola. Other characteristics of Russian church
architecture are due to weather conditions. There is much moisture in
spring following the melting of the winter snows and the flooding of the
great rivers. It has, therefore, been customary to build churches so that
the place of worship formed the second storey, the ground floor being
often occupied with shops. Cold necessitated small windows, while the
heat of summer may explain the covered gallery surrounding the
Church of the Assumption. Damp and frost also made carved exterior
decorations, such as gargoyles, unsuitable, so brightly-coloured distem-
pers and mural pictures were freely used. Inside, a Russian church
is decorated with mosaic pictures and frescoes, the chief ritual feature
being the ikonostas, a sort of rood screen east of the pillars supporting
the central dome, which separates the priests in the sanctuary from the
worshippers in the body of the church. This screen is adorned with
ikons and other relics, and is a development of the primitive cancelli,
which were often furnished with curtains on rods which concealed the
celebrant at the altar as the ikonostas does to-day. The sanctuary in a
Russian church is disclosed during Mass by the sudden opening of
the Royal Doors in the centre of the ikonostas. The Holy Table in the
apse is surmounted by a small baldachino, behind which is a thronos
270 THE HOUSE OF GOD
for the chief priest, with seats on either side for the minor celebrants.
The choir is a raised dais immediately to the west of the ikonostas.
Beyond the nave is a narthex, which often has a gallery for women
above. During service, priests and acolytes move freely among the
congregation, censing the sacred ikons in turn, while the voice of the
celebrant behind the screen is answered by the deacons on the other
side. Then the Royal Doors fly open and the priest is seen amid clouds
of incense. The worshippers prostrate themselves and the doors close.
Ritual and religious art have changed little during the centuries. Russia
has never had its Reformation, though no country has more Dissenting
bodies. ‘‘ Always,” as Soloviev has said, “ the pearl of the Gospel
has been covered with the dust of Byzantium.” The ikons, for example,
owe nothing to Russia, but are Byzantine in design and workmanship ;
the type was fixed by the Mount Athos monks in the tenth century.
For more than a century Kiev was the centre of Russian national
life and a city comparable with Constantinople itself. The religious
influence of Kiev may be judged from the fact that, under Jaroslav
(died 1054), it contained 400 churches, including St. Sophia, with the
tombs of the Grand Dukes. Then came the Tartar raids, during which
Kiev was plundered and destroyed and its influence passed to Moscow,
which, in future centuries, was to be the dynastic centre and rallying
point of the Russian Slavs. Moscow was further north than Kiev and
much colder; the Tartars found it correspondingly difficult to winter
there, after a successful raid for slaves. The River Moskva served as a
highway for trade, and the Kremlin hill, which was fortified after 1147,
enabled the people of the Moscow district to put up a defence against
the dreaded raiders. By establishing monarchism in Russia, Moscow
aided the growth of the autocratic system which enabled Russia to rid
herself of the Tartar yoke and withstand the threats of Swedes, Lithu-
anians and Poles. As an aid to establishing the influence of Moscow, Ivan
Kalita (the Purser), who reigned from 1328 to 1340, established Moscow
as the religious centre of Russia by moving the Metropolitan from
Vladimir and building the Cathedral of the Assumption, the Uspenski
Sobor on the Kremlin. This became the mausoleum of the Patriarchs
and the crowning place of the Tsars. Ivan Kalita’s church was built
of wood, but the Church of the Patriarchs was rebuilt in stone in the
reign of Ivan III. by the Italian architect, Aristotle of Bologna. The
most prized treasure in the church, a relic which served as the palladium
of Russia for centuries, was the ikon of the Virgin from Vladimir, with
its rich garniture of jewels, said to have been painted by the apostle
Luke himself. The ikon hung upon the ikonostas, and was credited with
saving Moscow from the Tartars in the time of the mighty Tamerlane.
When the Church of the Patriarchs was rebuilt in 1472, Russian
; Anderson,
SEVILLE CATHEDRAL.
Photochrom Cv.
CHAPTER XV.
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES
What of the Gothic element in the House of God to the south of the
Alps, in Italy, where an intellectual outlook had developed very
different from that in Northern Christendom in the Middle Ages ?
Let it be said at once that the Italians never fully grasped the structural
principles of Gothic architecture. When they tested the potentialities
of the pointed arch, the buttress and ribbed vaulting, they did so with
diffidence. Nevertheless, when the Renaissance outlook established
itself, the Italians formulated an architectural style well fitted for their
own needs and also for the requirements of other European com-
munities which based their social systems upon humanism, a national
state, and the other social and political circumstances which distinguish
modern from medizval times.
It would have been strange if an architectural style suited to Italy
proved equally fitting for France, Germany and England. The light,
the spacing, the very flora of an Italian countryside, are different. The
cypresses and aloes, the silver-grey tones of the olives and the rich masses
of the lemon trees of Northern Italy, recall nothing in northern flora.
Above all, Italy has the blueness of its blue skies, which intoxicates the
Northerner with its strange beauty. He may have seen as rich a blue,
but never one with such radiance. Every tone in the landscape is
keyed to this wondrous azure, as scenes on the other side of the Alps
are keyed to the grey skies of the North.
Largely because of these differences in geographical situation the
mysticism of the south differs widely from that which arose in the dim
forests of Germany, where the northern outlook was born. The
Southerner contents himself with life as he finds it, and has no special
yearning for communion with some dim, far-away reality, lost to man
in the depths of the Unknown. This was one reason why the Italian
architects failed to appreciate the characteristics of the House of God
in which the northern temperament found expression. Preferring the
flat roof, the blank walls and horizontal lines of the familiar basilica,
Italians failed to cultivate the taste for the clustered piers and pointed
arches of the Gothic manner. With many reminders of Roman architec-
ture about them, they hesitated to abandon the semi-circular arch.
Feeling instinctively that space was wanted, the Italian builders widened
their naves and depressed the vertical lines of their designs, searching
for the serenity which belongs to Greek lintel architecture, or the round
arch of Rome, rather than to the upspringing, unresting arch of the
Gothic style.
ei
274 THE HOUSE OF GOD
growth of Gothic.
Other circumstances tended to discourage the essary but
not only unnec
In Italy the strong light made big windows
insist ent cravi ng for vast expanses of
undesirable, and there was no
the Italians relied upon
coloured glass. In place of pictured windows,
space s in their churches. A preaching
painting the walls, vaults and other
stood as architecture alone ;
church such as Santa Croce cannot be under
the tombs of the great
to the walls, columns and roof must be added
in fresco with which the chapels
Florentine families and the sermons
, and the walls substantial
are decorated. Window spaces were small
therefore,
enough to resist the thrust of the vault. Flying buttresses were, and
y. The Italian campanile, too, remai ned a bell- tower
unnecessar
n as in the north,
did not develop into a feature of the general desig
the detac hed bell-towers.
fear of earthquakes, in part, accounting for
an Italia n churc h is almost
The central tower over the crossing of
the Byzan tine dome.
unknown; instead, the Italians developed
find the princi ple of archi-
In Italian Gothic, accordingly, we do not
builder s. Instea d of one
tectural unity exploited as it was by French
ds said, we welco me
presiding, all-determining idea, as J. A. Symon
of indepe ndent genius ,
many separate beauties, wrought by men
of pictur esque, rather
whereby many diverse elements become a whole
was very
than architectural, impressiveness. The influence of Florence
in the fourte enth
potent, and the method of training Florentine artists
ance of the com-
and fifteenth centuries tended to increase the import
ip,
plementary arts. In Milan, a young architect served his apprenticesh
upon some big
working under the instruction of a master of the works
promis e, paid their
public building. The authorities selected youths of
s.
apprenticeship fees, and later they were admitted to the gilds as master
but a goldsm ith’s
In Florence, the training school was not a building
shop. In a bottega, such as that of the Pollaiuoli or Verrocchio, the crafts
er, tomb-
of the painter, sculptor, goldsmith, architect, bronze-found
maker and decorative designer were united. A young Florentine
apprentice began at the bottom, only slowly rising to the position of
assistant and, finally, to the skill which justified admission to the gilds.
Thanks to this system, the Florentine was, in turn, mason, carpenter,
painter, glass-stainer and sculptor, while, all the time, he might really
be perfecting his capacity as a master-builder. The arts, the greater
and the lesser, were a unity in fifteenth-century Florence, and an archi-
tect instinctively learnt to utilise them all for the glory of God.
It was under these conditions that the new architecture of humanism
arose and was brought to perfection. This was based upon the art of
Greece and Rome, but it was not because the Italians of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries saved a mass of Greco-Roman art from destruc-
tion that they were able to hand on to the world of to-day most of the
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 275
positive forces which make up modern art and culture. Rather, it was
because the Italians liberated thought, and set education above tradition
and knowledge above surmise. Decision, clarity of judgment and sim-
plicity of taste made it possible for the Florentine builders of the
fifteenth century to bring something of worth from the past and yet
give it the turn which signifies fresh invention. By 1500 the pioneer work
was done and the Florentine impulse passed to Rome and Venice.
For fifty years it had full power ; then it tended to weaken, though
afterwards Italy had Bernini and the masters of the baroque. At last, the
impulse was transmitted to France and England and, eventually,
wherever men have accepted Renaissance architecture as an expression
of Western European civilization.
Like every art movement, the architecture of humanism must be studied
in its origins. There were centuries in Italy, as in France, Germany
and England, when circumstances favoured the growth of an architec-
ture akin to Romanesque or Gothic. When the Carlovingian Empire
broke up after the death of Charles the Great, the political situation
in Northern Italy was closely analogous to that in France and Germany.
Power passed to nobles trained in arms, each supreme in his own district.
At the same time the more powerful churchmen sought independence
as feudal lords. When Otto I. became Holy Roman Emperor in a.D. 962,
he created a number of new marches in Northern Italy and handed them
over to German feudal chiefs. To the House of Scala, with its home in
the fortress of Verona at the foot of the Alps, was entrusted the task
of defending the passes between Germany and Italy. To the House of
Este, the Italian branch of the House of Welf, were given the keys of the
Po. To guard against an undue increase in the authority of the nobles,
Otto made a bargain with the Catholic Church. In exchange for temporal
sovereignty, he offered to recognise the spiritual supremacy of the Pope
at Rome and the feudal rights of leading bishops and abbots.
Otto and his successors miscalculated the results. The Catholic
Church refused to acknowledge the Holy Roman Emperor’s claim to
unrestricted control in secular matters. A remedy for the political tur-
moil which ensued would have been a North Italian kingdom, strong
enough to withstand both Emperor and Pope. But, as in Greece,
geographical conditions favoured disunion. The Apennines cut off the
Northern plain from the rest of Italy and divided the plain itself into
two parts which, again, were divided and sub-divided by mountain
spurs. For many years, Northern Italy was forced to submit to the
raids which the German emperors made upon papal territory. Leagues
of townships were formed which allied themselves, now with Emperor,
now with Pope. At last the cities found they were stronger by acting
alone than when they acted in leagues. By a.D. 1150, each big town
276 THE HOUSE OF GOD
employing
was an independent community, making its own treaties and
adors. To win and mainta in their rights the Lombard
its own ambass
lord, or played off
and Tuscan city-states pitted bishop against feudal
did they have recourse
Emperor against Pope. Only if diplomacy failed
to arms.
The struggle between the Emperor Henry IV. of Germany and Pope
Gregory VII., which ended in the chilly penance at Canossa in January,
1077, assured the triumph of the city-state system. Gradually, the
North Italian townships developed strongly differentiated character-
istics. Genoa, Pisa, Siena, Florence, Milan were not only sharply
distinguished from the feudal principalities of Northern Europe, but
families, was a
from one another. Aristocratic Siena, with her lordly
democratic
very different social entity to Florence, which gloried in her
of a ford
gild system. Siena was a hill-town ; Florence lay on either side
genera lly
over the Arno, at the foot of the hills. Whereas Siena was
ce was
Ghibelline and supported the Holy Roman Emperor, Floren
as
Guelph and based her political fortune upon that of the Pope. Where
be demo-
Siena was aristocratic and conservative, Florence tended to
Ghi-
cratic and progressive. Throughout Northern Italy, where the
and
bellines controlled the art fund, the change to Renaissance art forms
methods was slower than in places where the art fund was controlled
by the democratic Guelphs.
life
The greater share which the Italian townsfolk had in communal
brought about many changes in the general mental and emotional outlook.
The Italian citizen was not required to jettison a hundred ambitions
which would have been out of place in the service of the Catholic Church
or in a community dominated by a French or German feudal lord.
Before the growth of town life, variety of mental or emotional experience
was difficult to secure. Travelling was not easy; books were not
common ; news passed slowly from place to place. But in Italy, as in
Greece, the city-state system led to a new order of things. Each citizen
could share in communal politics. A social philosophy arose in which
human interests and civic pride were dominant. The Catholic idealists
had taught that man must mortify his natural instincts ; that he must
fix his thought, not upon the present, but upon eternity ; that from the
renouncement of earthly satisfactions and desires true worth would
arise. Not so the men of the Italian city-states. They viewed life as a
river in full flood : to be crossed, but to be enjoyed in the crossing.
Among the Northern Italians there was never the unreasoning passion
and fierce energy which drove the French knights to the Crusades.
Instead, there was a discovery of the essential worth of the individual,
a mystical intuition of the relation between nature and humanity and a
rediscovery of the forgotten beauties and interests of Greek and Roman
ee
salma
Sei
lonloonts
akfe
:i)
2
A Puupit, RaveELto.
(face p. 276.)
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 277
civilization. No one has put this better than Burckhardt. Speaking of
the connection between art and the rise of individualism, he says :
“In the Middle Ages, both sides of human consciousness—that
which was turned within as that which was turned without—lay
dreaming or half awake beneath a common veil. The veil was woven
of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession, through which the world
and history were seen clad in strange hues. Man was conscious of
himself only as a member of a race, a people, party, or corporation—
only through some general category. In Italy this veil first melted
into air ;an objective treatment and consideration of the state and
of all the things of this world became possible. The subjective side
at the same time asserted itself with corresponding emphasis ; man
became a spiritual individual, and recognised himself as such.”
Not all Italy shared in this emotional and mental development with
the same fulness. Time, place and circumstance proved specially
favourable, firstly, in Lombardy, the broad plain bounded by the Alps,
the Apennines and the Adriatic, and watered by the Po and its tributaries,
and, secondly, in the fertile valley of the Chiana, through which the
Arno flowed west from the Apennines, past Florence and Pisa, to the
Mediterranean. In both cases, but particularly in the valley of the Po,
the detritus from the mountains produced fertile alluvial plains which
favoured the rise of wealthy trading and manufacturing communities,
the cities in the valley of the Po including Milan and Mantua ; Parma
and Bologna ; Verona, Padua and Venice. The North Italian merchants
early invented methods for exchanging commodities for cash and
systems obviating the necessity for carrying coined money. They were
the leaders in the development of international exchange and the clearing
house system. In a word, they were moderns.
By the middle of the twelfth century, about the time Northern Europe
was donning its new White Robe of Churches, the citizens of the North
Italian city-states had gained sufficient authority to have a voice in
the distribution of the religious art fund. When a baptistery, a cathedral
or a Franciscan or Dominican church was to be built, they made their
influence felt.
Nevertheless, it was not in the north that Italian builders and their
patrons first passed from influences which were definitely Romanesque
to those which corresponded with the Gothic movement north of the
Alps. It will be remembered that the Normans had established them-
selves in Apulia in the eleventh century. Being quick to assimilate
what was useful in neighbouring cultures, they attracted Byzantine,
Greek and Moslem craftsmen, as well as builders and masons versed
in the Comacine and Lombard building tradition derived from classical
Rome. Mention has been made of their mosaic and bronze work in
278 THE HOUSE OF GOD
connection with Italian Romanesque. The Capella Palatina, at Palermo,
built by Roger II. about 1132, with its lovely campanile of coloured
marbles and exquisite interior, was described by Ibn Jubair, at the end
of the twelfth century, as “‘ the fairest building in the world.” The con-
struction and decoration of these South Italian churches was largely
the work of Byzantine, Greek and Saracenic craftsmen, though the
original urge came from the hardy Norse conquerors of Apulia and
Sicily who controlled the art fund. From Apulia, the building tradition
and craft skill, accumulated from Moslem, Byzantine, Greek and Italian
sources, passed to Pisa.
Pisa was the first of the Italian city-states to win wealth, individuality
and power. The Crusades did much for Pisa, as they did for all the
North Italian towns. As early as 1022, Pisa sent an expedition to expel
the Saracens from Sardinia. In 1099, the Pisans joined the second
Crusade, and, in spite of struggles with Genoa and Lucca, Pisa was the
most prosperous town in Tuscany during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. The city had consuls, warehouses and trading privileges in all
the greater eastern ports.
The foundations of the Pisan Duomo (cathedral) were laid in 1063,
directly after the great naval victory of the Pisans near Palermo. Building
material in plenty was available. The Carrara mountains lie a few miles
north of the town—dark, cloud-capped heights, with their faces scarred
by the white ravines cut by the quarrymen. The Duomo was consecrated
in 1118. In shape it is a basilica, with an added dome. The west front
consists of four arcades of columns, deeply recessed, so that they stand
out from the shadow behind, the whole building being faced with white
marble. Inside, the roof of the nave is borne by sixty-eight ancient
Greek or Roman columns, captured by the Pisans in war. ‘The transepts
are long and each has an apse at the end. The Duomo owes much of
its beauty to its setting in a corner of the city wall, with the Campo
Santo, the Baptistery and the Campanile near by. The Baptistery was
commenced in 1152, while the Campanile (the Leaning Tower) dates
from 1174. Like the Duomo, the tower is designed with a series of
colonnettes, rising in six tiers above the base to the summit.
Perhaps the classical columns in the nave of the Duomo are the most
significant feature in this famous group of buildings. Vasari tells that
in Niccola Pisano’s time certain Greek sculptors were working in the
cathedral and baptistery, and adds that “‘ besides the ancient sarcophagi
there were many spoils of marble brought by the Pisan fleet.” The
dilettanti of Pisa felt no prejudice against sculpture, but rather welcomed
examples of Greco-Roman art of the classical age. It is often forgotten
that, not only in Pisa but throughout medieval Italy, there were re-
markable remains of classical buildings ; many more, indeed, than
Brogi.
278.)
(face
p.
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THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 279
exist to-day. This contact with classical art was a potent reason why
the Gothic mood failed to establish itself in Italy and did no more than
share a fugitive influence with Byzantine, Romanesque, Moslem and
Greco-Roman influences which were contending for mastery in the
architectural unity which was to express the faith of the North Italians.
Sir Martin Conway has divided the Pisan builders into four classes—
Greeks, local masons, Lombards of the Como school and South
Italians. The Greeks were superior craftsmen and carvers with know-
ledge of the dignified Byzantine tradition ; the South Italians had
knowledge of the Greco-Roman classical tradition, while the Comacini
were trained in Romanesque methods. Under these combined influences
an eclectic style was evolved in the district which accepted the hegemony
of Pisa, differing alike from Gothic, Romanesque, Byzantine and classical,
but owing something to all four. Amid this conflict of contending
styles, Niccola, the earliest of the great Pisan artists, fashioned his art
and transmitted it to followers who were a potent influence in Northern
Italy for a century or more.
Niccola Pisano himself had strong sympathies with Greco-Roman art,
but the influences which were to give Italy its architecture of humanism
were of slow growth. For a long time tendencies nearly akin to those
which brought the Gothic style into being north of the Alps were trace-
able in Italy—veneration of relics, pride in a religious Order, or the
anxiety of a city to identify itself with the might of the Catholic church.
The influence of this veneration of relics and images is happily illustrated
from the history of the dainty little Chiesa della Madonna della Spina
in Pisa.
About 1230 A.D. a tiny Gothic chapel was erected on the banks of the
Arno for sailors about to go to sea. The possession of a thorn from the
Crown of the Passion gave the little sanctuary a claim upon the affection
of the Pisans. When, in the thirteenth century, a wealthy mayor chanced
to cross the Alps into France and returned deeply impressed with the
beauty of the Gothic style, the Pisans consented to build a Gothic sanc-
tuary for the Sacred Thorn. The tiny church was enlarged in 1323
and decorated by pupils of Giovanni and Andrea Pisano. The Pisan
builders and sculptors were also responsible for some of the most famous
at
shrines in Northern Italy, among them that of Augustine of Hippo
San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro, Pavia, or that of St. Peter, Martyr, in San
Eustorgio, Milan.
It is natural that the influence of the alien Gothic mood and craft
and
methods should be seen most clearly in these smaller sanctuaries
shrines. Milan Cathedral, however, is an example of Italian Gothic
on the biggest scale. It can be called the eighth wonder of the world
of
without obvious folly. Historically, Milan Cathedral is an example
280 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the rule that where Italian Gothic is most successful it is most Ghibelline
and most German. It also introduces another source of building activity
during the late Middle Ages—the feudal despots who won power with
the aid of the German Emperor and held it by the swords of their re-
tainers at the price of a princely munificence in public works.
The principality of Milan, a land of fruit trees, corn, horse-breeding
and silk-culture, owed much of its art to the Visconti family, which
established itself in the Po valley during the Guelph and Ghibelline
feuds of the thirteenth century. Gian Galeazzo, after making himself
Signore of Milan, became hereditary Duke in 1395. He had already
ousted the Scalingers from Verona and, when he possessed himself
of Perugia, Lucca, Pisa and Siena, few feudal princes in Europe were
his equals in wealth and influence.
A man of letters, a gifted diplomatist, and as successful an adminis-
trator as he was a soldier, Gian Galeazzo was not the man to neglect
the art fund of his state. When the Archbishop of Milan in 1386
announced that “‘ the hearts of the faithful’ proposed to rebuild the
Duomo of Milan and called upon his clergy to institute offerings in their
churches, Gian Galeazzo was manifestly behind the scheme. Indeed,
Milan Cathedral was dedicated to Mary who brought the Christ into
the world, and may be regarded as a votive offering to Heaven that a
son might be vouchsafed to the childless wife of Milan’s first duke.
Magister Simone da Arsenigo seems to have been the first architect
of Milan Cathedral and was followed in the office by Jacopo of Campione,
a member of the famous building gild of the Campionese. They were
a band of builders from the little hill-town of Campione, who established
themselves at Modena and were later to be associated with some of the
greatest public works in Lombardy. Apart from Lombard masons and
sculptors, many German builders were employed, for Gian Galeazzo
was determined to build in the Northern manner. The account sheets
exist, and from them we learn of the purchase of the two large sheets
of parchment upon which Arsenigo traced the first plans and that,
in 1387, Arsenigo was receiving ten imperial soldi a day, the wage being
later increased to ten gold florins a month. When sculptors were
needed at Milan, Zeno da Campione, a brother of Jacopo, brought 250
stonecutters to carve pillars and pinnacles. Another master-builder
brought 188 stonecutters to the work in 1399. A hundred years later
five youths of promise were sent to Rome for ten years to study the
antique and fit themselves to become masters. There are 4,000 and more
statues on the cathedral, many of heroic size, so all this talent was re-
quired. The wonder is that skilled craftsmen in such numbers could
be found, especially as Milan was only one church among scores which
were arising in Italy during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Alinart,
Tue SHRINE oF St. AUGUSTINE, Paya.
(face p. 280.)
. THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 281
When Duke Gian Galeazzo died in 1402, the great pillars of the nave
had been built and the walls were rising. By 1415, the greater part of
the work was done, though Milan Cathedral was actually finished by
Napoleon between 1805 and 1811. When the driving force of Gian
Galeazzo was removed it was difficult to find the funds and labour
required for the largest Gothic church in Europe, with the exception of
Seville Cathedral. To-day, the exterior of Milan is wondrous in its
prodigal display of white marble and sculptured ornament, but won-
drous rather than satisfying. Within, the vista of mighty piers, each
with a carved capital 20 feet high, combined with the great breadth
of the nave and the lovely lighting effects, can never be forgotten.
The nave has a double aisle but is without a triforium, while the cleres-
tory windows are only small traceried lights. Most of the light enters,
not by the clerestory lights, but by windows in the aisle walls. Yet,
while the romance of the interior is making its appeal, the question
arises whether this beauty is fully worthy of the God of Christendom
or whether it does not represent the very human ideals of Gian
Galeazzo and the Visconti? Pride and ostentation are manifest ; there
is also a laziness of criticism which rejects restful significance for a
boastful display of wealth and craft. Nevertheless, while the sentence
is being written, a contrary thought, suggested by John Addington
Symonds, comes to mind, and it may be the final judgment upon
Milan Cathedral :—
“No other church in Europe, perhaps, leaves the same impression
of the marvellous upon the fancy. The splendour of its pure white
marble, blushing with the rose of evening or of dawn, radiant in
noonday sunlight and fabulously fairy-like beneath the moon and
stars, the multitudes of statues sharply cut against a clear blue sky
and gazing at the Alps across that memorable tract of plain, the im-
mense space and light-irradiated gloom of the interior, the deep
tone of the bells above at a vast distance and the gorgeous colours
of the painted glass, contribute to a scenical effect unparalleled in
Christendom.”
The Certosa of Pavia is another vast religious building which arose
at the bidding of Gian Galeazzo and which, while it witnessed to his
devotion to Mother Church, cried aloud the might and wealth of the
Visconti to Christendom. In 1396, Gian Galeazzo offered the site to the
Carthusian monks five miles north of Pavia, in atonement for the murder
of his uncle, and later gave 15,500 gold florins a year to the building
fund. The interior of the church is mainly Gothic, but the well-known
facade is in the Renaissance style. Very beautiful is the cloister of the
Certosa, with its white marble columns and its terra-cotta arches.
French and English Gothic was an art of stone, whereas brick or marble
282 . THE HOUSE OF GOD
were more natural building materials in Italy. Milan Cathedral is a
stone building, and for that reason alone is less characteristic of the _
Italian style than the churches in which marble is the principal material.
Thus the cathedrals of Siena and Orvieto were built with alternate
courses of black and white marble, the facades being richly decorated
with marble carvings and mosaic. At Siena, Giovanni of Pisa was in
charge of the building operations in 1284, the year in which he received
the freedom of the city and was granted immunity from taxation.
Giovanni may have suggested the use of dark and light marble, which
had already been tested at Pisa. He was a man of deep-lying religious
sensibility and he was building in Siena, where, above all the cities
of Italy, men sought to find in art a release from natural things, and
desired to body forth their understanding of the ways of God. The very
use of black and white marble in alternating courses, which gives such
splendid character to the interior of the Duomo at Siena, emphasises
the horizontal lines of the building at the expense of the uprising lines
of true Gothic. Both interior and facade are things of beauty, but this
very beauty emphasises, rather than disproves, the unsuitability of
Gothic for the expression of Italian mysticism.
Orvieto Cathedral was due to a visit of Pope Urban IV. in 1263,
during which a Bohemian priest of Bolsena, who doubted the doctrine
of transubstantiation, was convinced of his error by the miraculous
appearance of drops of blood upon the Host which he had just con-
secrated. Pope Urban, having instituted the festival of Corpus Christi
in consequence of the happenings at Bolsena, ordered a cathedral to
be built in the neighbouring town of Orvieto. Apart from the conjunc-
tion of white and black marble and the splendid sense of space in the
interior, the most interesting feature is the great fresco which Signorelli
painted upon the dome of the chapel of San Brizio. Signorelli’s work
approximates closely to that of Michelangelo in the Sistine Chapel at
the Vatican, and suggests the transition from Gothic team work to
Renaissance individualism, especially when the fresco of the Last
Judgment is compared with a carving of the same subject on the fagade
of the church, begun in 1310. The carving by the Pisani can be compared ~
with the work of the Gothic masons in France, but not with the frescoes
which Signorelli painted in 1499, at the very time Florence was passing
her dower of humanism to Rome. In the chapel of San Brizio, angels,
men and devils alike are as Signorelli visioned them, and owe little to
communal imagination or the teaching of Mother Church.
Before the growth of humanism and the circumstances which led to the
self-assertion of the individual architect, painter or sculptor are con-
sidered, one other factor in Italian church building must be mentioned.
In Italy, the great preaching orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis
Alinari,
‘did the service for architecture which the Benedictines, Cluniacs and
Cistercians had done for Romanesque and Gothic north of the Alps.
Both Orders made their appeal far beyond the borders of Italy. There
were great Benedictine and Franciscan churches in London and Paris.
London had its Dominican church at Blackfriars ; its Franciscan church
in Newgate Street. The Dominicans reached Paris in 1217, and St.
Louis proved a generous friend of the Order, as he was of the Francis-
cans. But the Dominicans and Franciscans were primarily the mission-
aries of the Church to the rising democracies of Christendom and,
just because democracy in Italy outstripped the democracies of France,
Germany and England, the most characteristic churches of the Friars
arose in Italian city-states. In Venice, SS. Giovanni e Paolo and the
Frari may still be seen in opposing quarters of the town, with San
ans
Marco, the civic church, in the centre. In Florence, the Dominic
began to build Santa Maria Novella in 1279. Fifteen years later, the
Franciscans laid the foundations of the Church of the Holy Cross
(Santa Croce), on the opposite side of the town. The pious task of build-
ing and decorating these churches occupied the following century
and a half.
The aims of the Dominican Order differed from those of St. Francis.
The one thing in common was the appeal to the democracy. The
;
Dominicans were primarily theologians ; they were the foes of heresy
should believe, whereas the Francisc ans taught
they taught what men
l
what men should do. Whereas the Franciscans required an anecdota
made ideas the subject of decorati on in their
art, the Dominicans
churches. Of the Dominicans it was said :—
“ Farming in all its branches was the order of the day among the
from the
Cistercians. But among the Black Friars, those who issued
in the open air, at the foot of a cross,
house went forth to preach
which
in some lonely parish, or else in the cathedral of some town
of the hoe, the plough and the reaping -
contained a university. Instead
ink-horn, the
hook, the tools of the Dominican were the pen, the
copybook, the Summa and the Bible.”
the Dominican
Reference has already been made to the foundation of
was in 1213,
Order at Toulouse, during the Albigensian crusade. This
Salerno came to
and, in 1219, a party of Dominicans under John of
gave the Domin ican friars an oppor-
Florence. A few years later, chance
in the city. In 1231, the Pope and
tunity of establishing their influence
course of the strugg le Frederic II.
Emperor were at open enmity. In the
extended to cover
was charged with heresy, and the accusation was
or in Floren ce. Anti-papal
the Ghibelline adherents of the Emper
the Cavalc anti and the Pulci,
families such as the Baroni, the Cipriani, Pope
and, in 1244, the
found themselves under the ban of the Church
284 THE HOUSE OF GOD
sent St. Peter Martyr, a famous Dominican preacher, to deal with the
heretics. He delivered his denunciations of the heretics in the Piazza
of Santa Maria Novella and, to deal with possible rioting, he organised
a bodyguard called the Compagnia della Fede. On August 24, 1245,
the Bartholomew’s Day of Florence, the Dominicans exterminated
the Ghibelline Paterines.
The Papal success of 1245 was memorialised by a great Dominican
church and friary, built on the Piazza, in which the triumphs of Peter
Martyr had been won. The foundation of Santa Maria Novella dates
from 1278, and it was built of black and white marble. During the next
century great sums were lavished upon the church. Buonamico di Lapo,
a wealthy Florentine merchant who was childless, devoted his fortune
to building a chapel of the Holy Sacrament, which should also serve as a
Chapter-House. This is the well-known Spanish Chapel. The walls
were decorated with a theological discourse in fresco, setting out the
Dominican traditions. Other patrons of Santa Maria Novella were the
Rucellai, the Strozzi and the Tornabuoni. The facade was designed by
Leon Battista Alberti at the expense of a member of the Rucellai family.
The building of the Dominican church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo in
Venice was no less typical. First, there was a miracle, then an outburst
of popular enthusiasm, and, finally, an intervention of the commune
which resulted in the building of the church which popular feeling
demanded.
The original Dominican foundation in Venice was due to a body of
friars from the monastery of St. John and St. Paul in Rome. Early in
the thirteenth century these Dominicans had a small oratory in Venice,
upon the site where the Church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo now stands.
In 1234, the Doge Giacomo Tiepolo had a dream. This was the miracle.
He saw the little oratory standing in a great field of roses, among which
white doves, with golden crosses on their heads, were flitting. As he
watched, angels with censers came down from the heights and a voice
was heard :—‘‘ This place have I chosen for my Preachers.” When the
Doge narrated his dream to the Venetians they were deeply impressed,
and the Senate handed over to the Dominicans the ground upon which
the celestial roses were seen to bloom.
We do not know why the Venetian Senate responded so readily to the
Doge’s proposal. Probably political motives were potent and, doubtless,
they continued to operate while the church was being built. When it
was finished in 1430, the church became one of the recognised burial-
places for the famous men of Venice. It is vast, lofty and bare, and its
interest is largely due to the tombs on the aisle walls. Doge Tiepolo
himself is buried here, as is his brother. In an age when few could read
and dictionaries of national biography were difficult to find, civic life
(fuce
284.)
p.
CaTHEDRA
Srpena
me roeeenre
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 285
was ennobled by the imagery of the tomb. SS. Giovanni e Paolo is the
Westminster Abbey of Venice.
To St. Francis himself religious architecture owed little. When the
saint sent a party of Franciscan friars to Paris in 1216, they refused
to accept endowments of land or money, and spent their lives working
among the sick and poor. It was only after the death of St. Francis
that the building enthusiasm was aroused by the generation of friars
which followed Francis of Assisi. Brother Elias saw that the Order could
not do the work before it if the simple ideal of the founder was followed.
A vast church was built at Assisi as the burial place of Francis and,
within 100 years, great monasteries, nunneries and churches arose in
all the greater towns of Christendom.
In Florence, the Franciscan church of the Holy Cross was designed
by Arnolfo di Cambio in 1294. It had a great preaching nave and, at
the east end, a corona of ten chapels giving the T-shape so common
in churches designed for the friars. Here scholars, soldiers, churchmen
and civic leaders were buried, including Michelangelo and Galileo.
But the outstanding characteristic of the church is to be found in the
wall paintings, especially those in the chapels on either side of the high
altar. The mission of St. Francis was to the poor and not to the rich; to
the ignorant, not to the learned, and commonsense led his
followers to abandon the methods upon which Byzantine sym-
bolism had thriven, and to adopt others based upon man’s
natural interest in the natural world. Those who heard St.
Francis preach were not content with the symbols of the earlier age ;
they wanted actually to see Christ and the saints. The demand for
anecdotal fresco painting thus created found expression in the art of
Giotto, which is so happily illustrated by the painting in the Chapel of
the Bardi, in Santa Croce. In Italy, fresco paintings were a second Bible,
another Golden Legend. The Italian architect was well content to leave
great wall spaces knowing that they would be filled by his ally, the
painter. What the glazier did in a Gothic church north of the Alps,
the painter did in a spacious Italian preaching church.
Florence shared the teaching of the Dominicans and Franciscans
with other towns in Western Europe, but the blend of communal
pride and individual self-assertion which its city-state system engendered
belonged to Florence alone. It is to this we must turn if we would gauge
the growth of individualism and humane interests which came to flower
in Tuscany at the end of the fifteenth century. Nowhere can the move-
ment be studied better than in Florence, which succeeded Pisa as the
most powerful town in Tuscany during the thirteenth century and,
in the course of the fifteenth century, became the political rival of Milan,
Naples, Venice and the Papacy itself.
286 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Originally, Florence was a small trading settlement at the ford over
the Arno on a main-road between Rome and the north. Cornlands,
vines and olive-trees testify to the rich alluvial soil. Above are hills
rising to 3,000 feet, clad in cypress, chestnut and pine. In the tenth
century, Florence was dominated by the German Count whose castle
was set on the neighbouring hill of Fiesole. But by the end of the thir-
teenth century the traditions of communal liberty were established,
and Florence became distinguished among Italian cities for its whole-
hearted support of the popular, or Guelph, cause.
After the fall of Fiesole, the wealth of Florence grew quickly, the pros-
perity of Florence being due to the activities of its sober burgesses
in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Control by manufacturing
and trading gilds superseded the rule of the German nobles, the city
being governed by a Council elected by the trade and art gilds. In
the twelfth century the Calimala, the gild of dressers and dyers of foreign
cloths, was all powerful. It developed trade in Lombardy and Germany
to the north, down the Arno to the sea, and through the Alpine passes
to France and Flanders. At first the Florentines did not weave their
wool. Thick heavy woollens were imported from Northern Europe and
dyed and dressed in Florence. At the end of the thirteenth century,
however, the Arte della Lana arose. By 1239 this gild of wool workers
had learned the secrets of northern looms ; henceforward the Calimala
bought wool, instead of cloth, the best coming from Great Britain.
In 1300, there were 300 weaving shops in the city. The lowest class of
wool-worker were those who washed and combed the fleece on its arrival
in Florence. The second class were the spinners of the yarn. Above
them there were the weavers, the dressers, and, at the summit of the
trade, the laniefex, who sold the manufactured cloth from his basement
shop. The laniefex was the capitalist of the Florentine wool trade, and
directed the trading operations of the Arte della Lana. When the
Florentines determined to build a new cathedral (the Duomo) the
Arte della Lana were delegated to oversee the work and collect the
necessary funds.
At the time, a.D. 1294, the octagonal Baptistery served as the cathedral
of Florence. Seeing the Dominican and Franciscan piles of Santa
Maria Novella and Santa Croce arising, the townsfolk were naturally
troubled about their tiny communal church, especially as Pisa, Siena
and other rival republics or principalities were rapidly rebuilding
their cathedrals. Accordingly, Arnolfo di Cambio was instructed to
furnish a design for the new cathedral, “in a style of magnificence
which neither the industry nor the power of man can surpass, that it
may harmonise with the opinion of many wise persons in this city
and state, who think that this commune should not engage in any
FLORENCE CATHEDRAL: Gtiorro’s CAMPANILE.
(Jace p, 286.)
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 287
enterprise unless its intention be to make the result correspond with
that noblest sort of heart which is composed of the united will of many
citizens.”
There was material in plenty, white and coloured marble, and pietra
serena from the Apennines near by. As a youth, Arnolfo had worked
under Niccola Pisano. Coming to Florence, Arnolfo was set to work
upon the Baptistery, until he was commissioned to supply a design for
the Florentine Duomo. Arnolfo’s design has been described as superb
in its colossal simplicity. The piers are 55 feet apart, and there are only
four great arches to support the nave. There is no triforium within and
no pinnacles or flying buttresses without.
The foundation stones of the new cathedral were laid in 1295. Three
years later, Arnolfo di Cambio was solemnly exempted from all taxation
“‘ by reason of his industry, experience and genius,” and as a token
that ‘‘ The Commune and People of Florence, from the magnificent
and visible beginning of the said work of the said church, commenced
by the same Master Arnolphus, hope to have a more beautiful and more
honourable temple than any other which is in the regions of Tuscany.”
Then there was a pause owing to lack of funds, until Giotto became
master of the cathedral works in 1334. Painter, architect and sculptor,
Giotto added a bell-tower to Arnolfo’s design, decorating it with reliefs
depicting human life in all its aspects. Commencing with the Creation,
Giotto represented the various arts and crafts as symbolic of the various
forms of human endeavour. The whole decorative scheme of Giotto’s
campanile was a sculptural discourse upon the civic virtues.
Then there was a further pause in the work upon the cathedral in
honour of Santa Maria del Fiore, “‘ Our Lady of the Florentine Lily.”
Let us utilise it to glance at another Florentine public work which
testifies to the art activities of the Florentine gildsmen—Orcagna’s
shrine in Or San Michele, the granary of St. Michael, and the sanctuary
which enclosed it. The shrine was commenced after the great Plague
of 1348, and was intended to enclose a picture of the Virgin which had
won fame as a wonder-worker. A century before, the site of Or San
Michele was occupied by a parish church dedicated to St. Michael the
archangel. It was pulled down and a grain-market built in its place,
where country-folk sold their corn and merchants did business in bad
weather. For some reason a picture of the Madonna, which Ugolino da
Siena had painted on one of the pilasters of the loggia, became endowed,
in the popular mind, with miracle-working powers. A company of lay-
men called the Laudesi, or Singers of the Virgin, met every evening in the
loggia to sing Jaudi in honour of the Holy Mother. In 1304, the loggia
was burnt during a faction riot, but the pilaster survived the fire, and the
sacred picture upon it naturally gained in popular estimation. In 1336,
288 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the municipality commissioned the Gild of Silk Weavers to rebuild
the market.
Meanwhile the sacred picture remained in charge of the Laudesi.
The plague of 1348—Boccaccio’s plague—brought a great increase of
wealth to the brotherhood, given by devotees who relied upon the
succour of the Virgin Mother in this trial. A year after the plague, the
Laudesi decided to expend part of their wealth upon changing the
original loggia into a church, with a grain loft above. In addition the
brotherhood decided to build a tabernacle for the sacred picture, the
commission being given to the sculptor, Orcagna, who decided upon a
Gothic shrine adorned with statuary. The building still resembles a
three-storied warehouse, but the church on the ground floor is redeemed
by the windows and the sculptured niches which adorn it. The statues
in the niches were given by the Florentine gilds, in honour of their
patron saints, and are the work of such men as Donatello and Lorenzo
Ghiberti. Donatello’s “ Saint George” was carved for a niche upon
Or San Michele.
Still the Florentine Duomo was unfinished. After Giotto, there was a
pause in the building operations until 1357, when the foundations
were relaid on an even larger scale. Early in the fifteenth century,
the great church was completed, with the exception of the dome. The
cathedrals of Pisa and Siena had their domes, and the original design
of Arnolfo di Cambio contemplated a dome as a crowning feature.
Florence could not be behind its rivals.
RENAISSANCE ARCHITECTURE
It was in A.D. 1407 that Brunelleschi, the creator of the Renaissance
style, became associated with the Florentine Duomo. In 1420, he was
appointed architect to complete the dome. Twenty-five years later,
at his death, it was finished, save for the lantern.
Brunelleschi was an artist of a very different type to the anonymous
masters who built the Gothic churches of the Middle Ages. He was a
scholar versed in classical tradition, a student of Dante and familiar
with the science of his age, a master of perspective and geometry.
Above all he was a man of affairs, quick-witted and intelligent—a
personality. The story goes that Brunelleschi, who was of low stature,
was in the company of Pope Eugenius IV.
“ Are you the man who can move the world ?” asked the Pope.
The retort came on the instant. “‘ Show me where to fix the lever and,
at this moment, your Holiness shall see what I can do.”
Renaissance architecture came into being when Brunelleschi left
Florence on his first visit to Rome. Already a skilled goldsmith and
sculptor, Brunelleschi spent several years studying Roman construction,
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 289
measuring ancient buildings, searching out remains of classical detail
and ordering his mind regarding methods of constructing vaults and
arches. “‘ Seeker after buried treasure,’ the Romans called him. The
only existing Gothic church in Rome is the Dominican foundation of
Santa Maria sopra Minerva, and Brunelleschi profited by the fact.
Throughout the Middle Ages there was a bias in favour of Roman
architectural forms throughout Italy, but nowhere was the prejudice
more marked than in Rome. Brunelleschi, therefore, had less to unlearn
than a French architect. Had Gothic art impressed itself upon the
Romans as it did upon the peoples north of the Alps, the Renaissance
in architecture must have been of much slower growth.
The greatness of Brunelleschi lies in the fact that from the first he
did more than borrow Greco-Roman detail. He sought the underlying
principles of the style he was studying, and grasped them so firmly that
his designs had an organic vitality of their own. Brunelleschi followed
Greco-Roman precedents, but from them he made new things. The
dome of the Duomo owed much to the Roman example, it owed some-
thing to Gothic experiment ; but it also had something in it that was
individual to Brunelleschi. In this lies the secret of the Renaissance.
It was a rediscovery of the satisfactions of classical art and life, but it
was also a revelation of what liberty of thought and emotion had done
for the Greeks. The artist learnt that he was possessed of a free and
responsible personality, and a philosophy arose which interested itself
in the earth. Architecture no longer desired to soar, unless a flower can
be said to soar. Brunelleschi’s invention, with its slender shafts and
columns and its delicate mouldings and ornament, derived its easy
grace from Mother Earth, as does the chrysanthemum or the dahlia,
both things of art, but also things of earth.
The earliest religious building in the Renaissance style was the
sepulchral chapel of the Pazzi, built by Brunelleschi in the cloisters of
the Franciscan church of Santa Croce, where it also served as a Chapter
House. Brunelleschi’s portico occupies part of the loggia passage, and
the little chapel derives its main proportions from this fact. The facade
consists of a Corinthian portico of four bays, divided by a lofty arch
leading to the chapel door. The dome and wagon-vaulting construction
of the portico is repeated in the interior of the chapel on a larger scale.
The classical columns are of the Corinthian order, somewhat stiffly
carved, but the mouldings are very graceful, and the chapel is orna-
mented with sculpture by Donatello, Desiderio da Settignano and the
della Robbias.
Brunelleschi’s patrons in this chapel for the Franciscans were the
Pazzi family, infamous in later years for their association with the
conspiracy to murder Lorenzo and Giuliano dei Medici. For the Medici
U
290 THE HOUSE OF GOD
family Brunelleschi designed the church of San Lorenzo. An earlier
church, reputed to have been consecrated by St. Ambrose in A.D. 393,
was destroyed by fire during a public service in which the Florentine
Signoria invoked the help of St. Ambrose in their war with Filippo
Maria Visconti. A new church, dedicated to St. Lawrence, was built at
the cost of the Medici and seven other Florentine families. Brunelleschi
furnished it with a small dome, but the interior was a basilica with a
flat roof and vaulted aisles, ended by a transept. The rounded arches
with an entablature above the column recall Brunelleschi’s studies in
classical architecture. The bronze pulpits and marble singing gallery
by Donatello and Bertoldo, a marble tabernacle by Desiderio da
Settignano, together with the Old Sacristy of San Lorenzo, recall that
many diverse elements went to the finishing of a House of God in
Renaissance Italy. Even more memorable is the Sacristy of San Lorenzo,
with the tombs of the Medici, built by Michelangelo to the order of
Popes Leo X. and Clement VII.
Lastly, there was the dome which Brunelleschi added to the Cathedral
of Florence. He was forty-three years of age when he was appointed to
complete Arnolfo di Cambio’s church. Vasari tells that Heaven willed
that Filippo Brunelleschi “‘ should leave to the world from himself the
greatest, the most lofty and the most beautiful construction of all others
made in the time of the moderns and even in that of the ancients.”
The Florentine epigrammatist was even more outspoken in his praise.
“The heavens are jealous of our dome,” he cried, “‘ which bids fair
to rival the beauty of the blue ethereal vault itself.” Michelangelo, who
added the dome to St. Peter’s at Rome, turned aside as he rode from
Florence to gaze yet again upon Brunelleschi’s work, saying that he
could do nothing more beautiful. The Florentine dome was 133 feet
high and 138 feet in diameter. It was raised upon a drum high above the
three great semi-domes roofing the nave, the eight sides of the drum being
each pierced with a window. Brunelleschi’s dome is Gothic inasmuch
as it is supported by eight main ribs and sixteen lighter ribs. But it is
also a new thing which Brunelleschi devised and erected, though the
lantern was not actually completed until 1461, and the bell-tower was
only added by Andrea Verrocchio a generation later. Curiously enough,
the dome has not been quite finished to this day. The pillared gallery
which Brunelleschi intended to run round the base was only built
on one side of the octagonal tower ; seven sides still remain to be added.
Only an outstanding personality, living in an age of high sensibility,
could have inaugurated such a revolution in art. The science accumu-
lated by Brunelleschi made it possible for other architects to work in the
classical style with confidence. He was followed by another student of
Greco-Roman art, Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472), who also spent a
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life-time in the study of arch and vault construction as revealed in the
Roman ruins and his De Re A%dificatoria in ten volumes was an archi-
tectural classic for several centuries. Alberti was also a man of marked
personality though without the energy and originality of Brunelleschi.
Born in Florence, he was a member of the noble family of the Alberti
and received a first-rate education. In middle life he worked in Rome
for Pope Nicholas V. The circular chancel which Alberti added to the
Church of SS. Annunziata, Florence, shows the influence of the Pantheon.
Alberti also built the marble facade of Santa Maria Novella for Giovanni
Rucellai. But his influence was due less to his achievements than to his
writings and his personality. Vasari describes Alberti as “‘ a person of the
most courteous and praiseworthy manners, a friend of distinguished
men, generous and kind to all, who lived honourably like a nobleman
all his days.” That the science of architecture should occupy such a
man for a life-time is proof of the difference which the Renaissance had
brought about in the builder’s art. Once again the architect was ah
artist. Michelozzo (1396-1472), the architect of Cosimo dei Medici,
Giuliano da San Gallo (1445-1516) and Andrea Sansovino (1460-1529)
are other distinguished Florentines who carried forward the art and
science of architecture in the fifteenth century.
The new position of the architect is shown by the fact that, in so far
as it was architecture, a Renaissance church was the design of one man,
uniform and symmetrical, and that it was intended to produce its effect
as a whole. Other craftsmen and artists added grace to the purely archi-
tectural scheme, and these additions must not be forgotten. It may be
that Renaissance architecture degenerated into a formal copying of
Greco-Roman methods ; but, at its best, it was vitalised by a spirit
all its own. An Italian architect did not take over Greco-Roman methods
as he might a second-hand doublet. For that reason we do not say of his
buildings, “‘ How classical they are!” Rather we say, ‘‘ How individual
they are!” Instead of a nation co-operating in building a co-ordinated
series of churches, as the French of the Middle Ages had done, a
number of city-states gave their encouragement to the efforts of indi-
vidual artists, not all of whom were architects. Whereas the Greek and
the French builders were content to perfect a national style, the Italian
artists chose to devise novel and pleasing combinations of well-tested
architectural elements.
The Renaissance architect did not face the problems of lintel construc-
tion or the rounded arch and dome for the first time, as the Greek and
Roman had done. For that very reason, he was less interested in the logic
of design which was an obsession with the Greek and, accordingly,
structure was not emphasised. Instead the Italian took the classical
column, pilaster, cornice and other elements and strove to build them
292 THE HOUSE OF GOD
into new combinations of line and mass, light and shade, which should
seem beautiful to the eye. It was the unity and novelty, not the logic,
of his scheme which pleased him. Architectural design became a con-
scious esthetic effort, not the solution of an architectural problem
according to certain definite laws as in Greece, or the speedy carrying
out of an engineering scheme as in Rome, or the gradual evolution of a
significant thing, following upon experience, failure and success, as a
great church tended to be in Romanesque and Gothic times.
During the fifteenth century the democratic basis of Florentine life
tended to decline; the democratic Gild of Wool-Workers was superseded
in political affairs by the Gild of Cloth Workers, which was wholly
composed of capitalists, and occupied itself with financing the importa-
tion and sale of cloth rather than its manufacutre. An aristocracy of
merchants replaced the earlier democracy. Fortunately for art, what
was lost in the direction of political freedom was gained in the far-
sighted control of the art fund. The political discontent enabled Cosimo
dei Medici to establish himself in control of Florentine affairs, while
the wealth of the Medici enabled Cosimo to pass on his power and
popularity to his son and grandson. Lorenzo the Magnificent, who
took up the reins of Florentine government in 1469, became a patron
of art comparable with Pericles of Athens, so that the bottega system
of training was, in part, superseded by the school in the Casino
Mediceo, near San Marco, with its bursaries for poor students and its
remarkable collection of classical remains. Here Andrea Sansovino
and Michelangelo were educated. Lastly, for a generation after 1450
Italy enjoyed an unwonted peace. As Guicciardini wrote :
“‘ The people had taken advantage of this halcyon season and been
busied in cultivating all their lands, as well as mountains and valleys ;
and, being under no foreign influence, but governed by their own
princes, Italy not only abounded with inhabitants and riches but grew
renowned for the grandeur and magnificence of her sovereigns, for
the splendour of many noble and beautiful cities ; for the seat and
majesty of religion, and for a number of great men of distinguished
abilities in the administration of public affairs, and of accomplish-
ments in art and science.”
Nor was it a matter of Florence alone. In the middle of the fifteenth
century, all the leading Italian states entered upon a period of peace
and prosperity. In 1447, Nicholas V. restored the papal court to Rome
after the period of Papal exile at Avignon and Florence. In 1450,
Francesco Sforza conquered and pacified Milan. Eight years earlier
Alfonso of Aragon had won the kingdom of Naples while, in the early
part of the fifteenth century, Venice had acquired sufficient coast land
to make her island possessions secure. After generations of political
THE ITALIAN CITY-STATES 293
instability, Lorenzo the Magnificent, Ludovico of Milan and Ferdinand
of Naples established a temporary balance of power, which served to
keep Venice and the Papacy at peace ; at other times the alliance took
the form of Milan, Venice and Florence against the Papacy and Naples.
When Lorenzo the Magnificent died in 1492, the curb upon the ambi-
tions of Naples and Milan was withdrawn. Ludovico invited Charles
of France to attempt the conquest of Naples. The invitation resulted in
the conquest of Milan. Milan commanded the passes into Germany,
so its occupation by the French hampered the efforts of the Holy Roman
Emperor to interfere in Italian affairs, and the Emperor Charles V.,
when he came to man’s estate, was not slow to accept the challenge of
France. Once more Northern Italy was the battle ground upon which
great European princes decided their quarrels ; political and economic
chaos replaced the social order established by the tyrants and preserved
for a generation by the guile of such men as Cosimo dei Medici or
Lorenzo. No longer was Italy governed by her own princes. After years
of political stress, the Florentines expelled the Medici, and by 1530
were standing a siege by the forces of the Pope and Emperor. While
Michelangelo was devising the defences of San Miniato hill he was
working upon the tombs in the New Sacristy of San Lorenzo. When the
Medici were forcibly restored to Florence, Italian independence was
lost. The free burghers who had built the Duomo and San Michele
and spurred Brunelleschi to complete his dome, were forced to acknow-
ledge the rule of a selfish nobility, which could claim neither the wisdom
of Cosimo nor the diplomatic success of Lorenzo the Magnificent.
So far as Florence was concerned the Renaissance was ended.
294
CHAPTER XVI.
THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND
It was fortunate that other Italian communities had prepared them-
selves to take up and carry on the Florentine architectural tradition.
If the Renaissance movement had been confined to Florence the loss
to the world would have been great. The disasters which followed the
death of Lorenzo the Magnificent in 1492, brought it about that Floren-
tine science and skill were at the service of any community which cared
to bid for them. In particular, Florentine art was ready for the service
of the Papacy at Rome. Unlike the Florentines, the burgher class in
Rome did little to encourage art. It was the Pope, the cardinals and
bishops, who were the builders and art patrons.
At the end of the fifteenth century the ideals of the Age of Faith had
changed. After a.D. 1250, the belief in the joint rule of an all-powerful
Emperor and an all-wise Pope became weakened. It was destroyed by
the so-called ‘‘ Babylonian Captivity ”’ between 1308 and 1376, when the
Popes were exiled at Avignon. Philip the Fair of France had defied
Boniface VIII. and countered his claim to be set over the nations and
kingdoms, “‘ to root out or to pull down ; to overthrow, to build and
to plant.” The captivity at Avignon followed. While it lasted art effort
in Rome lapsed.
A change came when the anti-pope at Avignon was condemned and
Otto Colonna (Martin V.) came to the throne of St. Peter in 1417.
There was a pause during the troubled reign of Eugenius IV., a Pope
who spent nine years in Florence at a time when Brunelleschi, Ghiberti,
and Donatello were working. Once more established in Rome, the Popes
recognised the failure of the effort to enforce a spiritual despotism and
Nicholas V. determined upon a new policy. He would make the Pope
a King and the Papal Court a centre of European culture. Aided by the
wealth poured into the papal coffers during the jubilee of 1450, Nicholas
sought to make the seat of the Papacy as splendid as Augustan Rome
had been in the time of the Casars, whose authority he meant to emulate.
It was natural that the fifteenth-century Popes sought the aid of
Florentine artists in carrying out their schemes. While Pope Eugenius
was at Florence, he sent Antonio Averlino to add a worthy gateway to
the Basilica of St. Peter ; the new gates were set up in 1445. In the first
half of the fifteenth century, much Renaissance work was done in Rome
by architects and sculptors from Florence. Nicholas V., who had been a
protégé of Cosimo dei Medici, and had lived in Florence, engaged the
Florentine Rossellino to repair and enlarge St. Peter’s.
Nicholas V. died in 1455 and in 1458 came Pius II., a typical Pope
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THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND 295
of the Renaissance, who chose his very name, Pius, because of its associa-
tions with Virgil’s Aeneas rather than for any association with sanctity
which the word might have. Bishop Creighton has described Pius II.
as a Gil Blas. Under his leadership, the Catholic Church was severed
even more completely from the earlier faith. Religious festivals became
“ games ” of the sort Roman leaders had devised for the amusement
of the Roman plebs. Yet even Pius II. could be provoked to a service
for religious art upon occasion. He set Isaia da Pisa and Paolo Romano
to work upon the famous tabernacle, prepared for the skull of St.
Andrew, which Thomas Palzologus brought to Rome from Morea.
Three cardinals met the relic at Narni and brought it, on Palm Sunday
in 1462, across the Ponte Molle, where a small shrine marks its first
resting-place south of the Tiber. Thence the Pope headed a procession
of a thousand priests in white, along the Via Flaminia to the Church of
the Popolo, where it rested for a night. Next day, Pius II., who had
watched it all night, carried the relic to St. Peter’s, bearing it barefooted
through the streets, followed by 30,000 candle bearers. Fragments of the
tabernacle can still be seen in the crypt of St. Peter’s. Isaia’s tomb of
Eugenius was one of the earliest Renaissance tombs in Rome, though
the present figure of the Pope is by another sculptor.
The Florentine artistic invasion of Rome, apart from short visits by
Donatello and Mino da Fiesole, reached a climax at the end of the
fifteenth century and in the early years of the sixteenth century, when the
Sistine Chapel in the Vatican was being decorated. Like Pius II.,
Sixtus IV. was a worldly Pope. He was a son of a shipman at Savona,
yet, in thirty years, his family gave two Popes and seven cardinals
authority.
to Rome, as well as bishops, abbots and men of secular
man of culture and
But, for all his spiritual disabilities, Sixtus IV. was a
a builder of renown. The Sistine Chapel was built for him by the Floren-
Perugino,
tine Giovanni dei Dolci, and was decorated by Cosimo Roselli,
churches
Botticelli, Ghirlandaio and Signorelli. Sixtus IV. also built the
of Santa Maria del Popolo and Santa Maria della Pace at Rome.
Peter’s,
Pope Julius II., who finally inaugurated the rebuilding of St.
IV. Indeed,
was at least as earthly in his ideals as his uncle, Sixtus
in the secular
Julius was the equal of any monarch in western Europe
Bologna in
character of his ambitions. He led the papal army into
of his namesake,
November, 1506, and was hailed as a warrior, the equal
a triumph
Julius Cesar. In the following March the Pope celebrated
Leo X. (Giovanni
as though he were in very truth a Roman Emperor.
the secularisation
dei Medici), who became Pope in 1513, emphasised
since God has
of his office, when he cried, “ Let us enjoy the Papacy
given it to us.”
II. or Leo X. had
It would have been strange if such men as Julius
296 THE HOUSE OF GOD
thought of building a vast Gothic cathedral in Rome as the House of
God, which was to embody the association of the Papacy with the power
and authority of the Roman Empire. The ideals of unity, vast size,
breadth of design, sumptuous grace and rich delicacy of detail made
possible by the Renaissance style, were far closer to the ideas of the
sixteenth century Popes. Already the Florentine architects and sculptors
had proved their worth in all parts of Northern Italy, including Milan
and Venice. Michelozzo, in 1462, had built the Capella Portinari in the
Church of San Eustorgio, Milan. Even more important was the employ-
ment given to the Florentine Bramante by the Dukes of Milan. It was
his good fortune to be employed by Julius II. for the rebuilding of
St. Peter’s and to be assisted in the work by architects trained in the
Florentine tradition, such as Antonio Sangallo (1485-1546).
Donato Bramante da Urbino had the same birthplace as Raphael.
He was born in 1444, and learnt painting under Mantegna, at Mantua,
where he seems to have come under the influence of Alberti, who was
building the church of St. Andrea there in 1472. From about 1476 to
1500, Bramante was in the employ of the Milanese. In 1492, he was at
work in the abbey church of Santa Maria delle Grazie at Milan. Santa
Maria, near San Satiro, is also his design. About 1500, Bramante
came to Rome and worked upon the choir and cloister of Santa Maria
della Pace for Cardinal Oliviero Caraffa. The cardinal introduced him
to Pope Alexander VI. A charming evidence of Bramante’s work in
Rome is the little domed temple in San Pietro in Montorio, built at
the cost of Ferdinand of Spain on the spot where St. Peter was
supposed to have suffered martyrdom. It is a small circular building,
fifteen feet in diameter, surrounded by sixteen columns of grey granite,
and recalls the small Roman circular temples. When Julius II.
determined to rebuild St. Peter’s, he made Bramante architect in chief.
Bramante’s design never reached actuality. The architect had ingenuity
and experience in plenty, but high originality and abounding energy
were required for the rebuilding of St. Peter’s. Size was a prime
essential ; grandeur and dramatic impressiveness were other necessary
qualities. Bramante was capable of satisfying a scholarly connoisseur,
but his insight into classical proportion, his sense of grace, and his happy
reticence in decoration were not the qualities required to impress the
pilgrims of Christendom who would crowd into the Eternal City during
a jubilee year. Towards the new St. Peter’s Bramante contributed the
idea of combining the lintel architecture of Greece with the round
arch and dome of Imperial Rome, but the church itself was not built
until the Popes called to their aid the energy of Michelangelo. In a
sense the vision of the painter-sculptor inspired the scheme of St.
Peter’s from the beginning. Michelangelo had been commissioned to
THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND 297
design a sculptured mausoleum for Julius II., and suggested a vast
marble memorial symbolical of the victory of human energy over death.
On the lower tiers, figures of the Arts and Sciences ; above, the Prophets
and Graces ; the apex of the design was to be a group in which the
powers of earth and heaven upheld the open tomb where Julius II.
would awaitthe Resurrection Day. The basilica, as rebuilt by Nicholas V.,
was not large enough for Michelangelo’s monument, and Julius asked
what would be the cost of rebuilding. ‘‘ One hundred thousand scudi,”
said the sculptor. “‘ Let it be 200,000,” said the Pope. As a fact, St.
Peter’s eventually cost something like 50,000,000 scudi (£10,000,000).
Bramante’s design for St. Peter’s was a Greek cross, crowned by a
great dome raised on four piers, which should embody the Roman
idea of majestic spaciousness and unity and replace the upsoaring spire
or tower of a Gothic exterior. When Bramante died in 1514, however,
little was done beyond building the four central piers with the massive
arches above them which were to be the basic feature of the design.
Troubled times in Northern Italy, and such an episode as the plundering
of Rome by the troops of the Emperor Charles V., stopped the work
for a generation. It was not until the time of Paul III., the last of the
long line of Renaissance Popes, that real progress was made. He
commissioned Michelangelo to continue rebuilding St. Peter’s regard-
less of cost. The sculptor-painter was seventy-two years of age, but he
had lost none of his driving force. His titanic energy left only the
eastern facade to be finished by his successors, his principal achievement
being the building of the dome, “ raising,” as he said, “ the Pantheon
in air.” The lantern of St. Peter’s is 405 feet above the ground, the full
height of the church being 448 feet, compared with the 384 feet of
St. Paul’s. The drum was finished when Michelangelo died in 1564, at
the age of eighty-nine, and the dome was raised upon sixteen ribs of
stone from his model. Moreover, Michelangelo’s example was so potent
that the work upon St. Peter’s continued until 1601, and so reached
completion. Bramante’s original Greek cross plan was modified by the
addition of two piers to the nave, giving the church a Latin cross form,
and the facade was modified to the detriment of the dome, but, in the
main, Michelangelo’s scheme was carried through. There is no tri-
forium or clerestory in St. Peter’s ; only a gigantic semi-circular vault
raised upon mighty pillars. Though the nave is 300 feet long, it has only
four bays, each bay being 75 feet wide. What this means may be gauged
from the fact that if St. Peter’s had had a proportionate number of bays
to Westminster Abbey, there would have been fifteen bays in the 300
feet nave. So vast is the scale that it is some time before the spectator
realises that the area of St. Peter’s is 18,000 square yards, twice that of
St. Paul’s, London.
298 THE HOUSE OF GOD
The dream of pride which Michelangelo brought to earth for the great
Popes in the sixteenth century was completed in the following century,
when Bernini (1589-1680) added the four-fold colonnade which en-
closes the Piazza of St. Peter’s—a majestic threshold on which all
Rome could gather before entering Michelangelo’s House of God.
Within the church Bernini built the amazingly clever bronze baldachino
over the high altar and the tomb of St. Peter, 95 feet in height. ‘The very
cherubs who bear the holy-water stoup are 10 feet high. Bernini cast
the baldachino from the bronze gates of the Pantheon, a piece of
vandalism of which the Roman wits said “‘ quod non fecerunt barbart
fecerunt Barberini” —the jest being at the expense of Maffeo Barberini,
the Pope who commissioned the baldachino. Bernini also designed the
bronze chair of St. Peter, supported by the fathers of the Church,
St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, St. Chrysostom and St. Athanasius.
Bernini’s influence, too, was paramount in the colossal statuary decorat-
ing the nave and cupola of St. Peter’s. Restless and mannered, pre-
tentious and sensational, the baroque art of the seventeenth century
has qualities which a cultivated judgment may understand, but cannot
justify. Always there is a determination to compel attention, whatever
may be the sacrifice of taste. Nevertheless, the religious architecture
and statuary of the age are alive with emotion, and are animated with
the passion which carried the Roman communion through the testing
time of the Counter Reformation. This fervid activity of spirit shows
itself in another form in Bernini’s ‘“‘ Santa Theresa,” in the church of
St. Maria della Vittoria, Rome, built by Paul V.in 1605 for the bare-
footed Carmelites. Here Bernini represented the Saint sinking back
in an ecstatic swoon before the stroke of the angel, who is wounding
her with the arrow of divine Love. Crashaw found expression for the
emotion in poetry :
“O how oft shall thou complain
Of a sweet and subtle pain !
Of intolerable joys !
Of death in which who dies
Loves his death, and dies again,
And would for ever so be slain.”
The poet succeeded, but the effort was more than the chisel of Bernini
could accomplish. If the spiritual transports of the writer of The
Conceptions of the Love of God could be expressed in marble, a nicety
of taste was required which Bernini and his followers never acquired.
It was sacrificed to enthusiasms generated by the belief that their
art was forwarding a great ideal. In this lies the justification for baroque
art, but, if zsthetic values have any validity, it will be admitted that
later Italian architecture and statuary witness to qualities which are
Anderson,
300.)
(face
p.
Rome.
JESUITS,
CuuncH
Tar
THE
oF
tis oO , ‘ =e i) f a
THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND 301
and thus ended the purely Renaissance phase of the Classical Revival.
The body of the founder of the Jesuit Order lies in an urn of gilt bronze,
under an altar in the left transept, the chapel being decorated with lapis
lazuli and gilded bronze—ad majorem Dei gloriam. 'The followers
of Loyola were wise in their understanding of men. The intellectual
significance of the classical orders interested them not at all, but they
had no intention of abandoning anything which was alluring in
paganism, any more than they abandoned any attraction in Christian
faith or doctrine. Not for them the slow building method of the Gothic
age—experiment, failure, repair and, at last, temporary success.
The Renaissance style was well tested, and offered speedy building.
Magnificence of scale impressed the uncritical many. A few massive
piers were less costly to build than a number of smaller ones. The open
spaces in the nave and crossing were also desirable for congregational
purposes, and left the high altar plain to view. The Renaissance style
as developed by the baroque artists afforded opportunities for dramatic
contrasts of light and shade, and suggested the self-confident authority
of those who built it. Above all, the style was regarded by the public
as “ up-to-date.” Students familiar with the lore expounded in Vitru-
vius’s “ De Architectura,’ and the books of Alberti, Vignola and
Palladio, which followed, might know that the new building method
was Greco-Roman in origin, but to the public the style was Italian, and
Italian of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
At the end of the sixteenth century ideas and reputations travelled
readily ;craft knowledge and technical skill were common, and the trans-
port of material was relatively easy. The baroque style in architecture
and sculpture passed to all parts of Italy and thence over the world.
At first the Jesuits favoured churches of circular or octagonal shape,
but the needs of large congregations soon necessitated naves and aisles.
For their exteriors, the Jesuits favoured a facade two orders high in the
centre and one order high on each side, masking the nave and aisles.
the
respectively. The Church of SS. Annunziata, at Genoa, belongs to
end of the sixteenth century and was built by Giacomo della Porta.
Marble columns of large scale, inlaid on the flutings with another
marble, carry the pier arches. The design of SS. Annunziata recalls
derived
that by A.D. 1700 the only school of architecture in Italy was
the political and cosmopoli tan ideals of the
from Rome, and expressed
.
capital rather than ideas evolved in Pisa, Florence, or the city-states
will
in which the neo-classical ideals and ideas were evolved. Baroque
one prefers the ideals of the North Italian
be accepted or rejected as
city-states to those of Rome and the Papacy. Call the baroque
or sublime :
magnificent or ostentatious, pretentious or stately, empty
But, after all, it is more important
that is a matter of personal opinion.
302 THE HOUSE OF GOD
to understand. In this case understanding means linking baroque with
the work of the Roman Church at the time of the Catholic revival, and
Rome’s wondrous success.
Renaissance architecture was slow to reach Venice, and the Jesuits
never secured the authority there they attained in other parts of Italy.
Indeed, the Order was expelled from Venice in 1606. A blend of Gothic
and Byzantine architecture persisted in Venice until the new Italian
style was introduced from Florence and Milan by the Lombardi and
Sansovino of Florence. This was about 1470 or 1480, fifty years after
Brunelleschi had built the Pazzi Chapel. Like Rome, Venice was a
collector rather than a creator of architects.
The change came at a crisis in Venetian history. During the fifteenth
century Venice had extended her rule into Lombardy. By capturing
such towns as Vicenza, Padua, Verona and Brescia, she extended her
territory to the very gates of Milan. This apparent success sealed the
military fate of the Venetian republic, for Genoa had also been humbled
and Venice had to hold the Mediterranean by her own power alone.
The double burden proved too much for the Venetians. On the Italian
continent, Venice was faced with foes who could strike and strike hard.
Such were Mantua, Ferrara and Milan. The fall of Constantinople
should have been a warning when war with the Turks threatened in
1463. Thirty-six years later, the Vizier at Constantinople cried to the
Venetian ambassador :
“You can tell the Doge that he has done wedding the sea. It is
our turn now.”
Finding her island possessions in the Eastern Mediterranean less
secure, Venice pursued her policy of Italian aggrandisement. In 1508,
she completed the circle of her foes by coming into conflict with the
Papacy. Venice equipped mercenary armies, but Julius II. replied by
organising the League of Cambray. By 1510 Venice had lost all her
continental territory.
Yet the material losses of Venice proved to be her spiritual gain;
her shame was her great glory. The loss of her mainland possessions
and a period of peace with Turkey gave Venice an opportunity for
cultivating the arts. It was when her wealthy merchants had retired
from active trade, when her leaders were no longer concerned with the
acquisition and administration of new territories, that the artists of
Venice had their supreme opportunity. When the Doge’s Palace was
burnt in 1577, fifteen architects were called in to repair the damage
and the decoration was commenced afresh with a new body of artists.
Churches, gild-halls, scuolz, vast tombs and palaces, all furnished
opportunities for architects versed in the new Italian style. One of the
earliest churches in the new manner was Santa Maria dei Miracoli,
THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND 303
designed by Pietro Lombardo. It included a cupola above a raised
chancel, richly decorated with inlaid coloured marbles. Venetian
architecture also owed much to Andrea Palladio of Vicenza, a student
of classical art as indefatigable as Alberti, and also an architect of high
gifts. In 1549, Palladio proved his skill by building an arcade around
the Gothic Town Hall of Vicenza, an attempt to reproduce the Basilica
Julia of the Roman Forum. This arcade was of stone, unlike most of
Palladio’s building at Vicenza, which were of cheap material such as
wood, stucco or brick. In spite of poor material, Palladio was able to
endow the building with noble appearance by virtue of well-spaced
design. His outstanding gift was his fine perception of the value of space.
In Venice, Palladio was responsible for the church of San Giorgio
Maggiore (1565) and the Chiesa del Redentore, the latter, one of the
richest and most stately interiors in Renaissance art, the clustering
of the pillars under the dome being specially happy. Nor is the im-
pressiveness of the design due to a grand scale. The nave of the church
of the Redeemer is only 52 feet wide.
Palladio’s church of the Redeemer was built in 1577 as a votive offering
after the plague of 1576, in which 50,000 Venetians lost their lives.
The lovely church of Santa Maria della Salute, at the head of the Grand
Canal, was also built as a national thanksgiving after a time of pestilence,
in which 46,000 people died in Venice itself, and 94,000 in the lagoons.
During the epidemic the Republic vowed a church to “‘ Our Lady of
Health ” and, between 1631 and 1682, it was built in the Renaissance
style by Longhena, a pupil of Palladio. Santa Maria della Salute is an
octagon with eight chapels, the central space being covered by a circular
dome. Behind is a second dome and small bell-towers, the whole making
one of the most picturesque exteriors in church architecture, which is
the more charming because of its situation in the Venetian lagoons.
Longhena gave height to his central dome by raising it above an inner
shell of brick which carries the lantern, and the line and mass are almost
as delightful in memory as in actual experience, lit by the azure of the
Venetian sky and sea. In a memorable passage, Mr. Scott justifies the
various architectural elements of Longhena’s church.
“The sweeping movement suggested by the continuous curve of
the Grand Canal is brought to rest by the static mass of the church
that stands like its gate upon the sea. The lines of the dome create
a sense of massive bulk at rest ; of weight that loads, yet does not
seem to crush, the church beneath ; as the lantern, in its turn, loads
yet does not crush the dome. The impression of mass immovably
at rest is strengthened by the treatment of the sixteen great volutes.
These, by disguising the abrupt division between the dome and the
church, give to the whole that unity of bulk which mass requires.
304 THE HOUSE OF GOD
Their ingenious pairing makes a perfect transition from the circular
plan to the octagonal. Their heaped and rolling form is like that of a
heavy substance that has slidden to his final and true adjustment.
The great statues and pedestals which they support appear to arrest
the outward movement of the volutes and to pin them down upon
the church. In silhouette the statues serve (like the obelisks of the
lantern) to give a pyramidal contour to the composition, a line which
more than any other gives mass its unity and strength.”
The neo-classical style did not minister in any marked degree to
mystical feeling, but the achievements of the Renaissance architects in
Venice, whether in the restrained manner of Palladio, or the fantastic
mood of Longhena when he designed the church of Our Lady of Health,
show that it had a value in emphasising the romance of a world-wide
communion, even if it lacked the spiritual appeal which speaks from a
church of the Gothic prime. By virtue of these qualities of pomp and
romance, the Greco-Roman style as modified by the Italians has per-
sisted to our own day and will persist.
Even in the days of Palladio, still more in those of Longhena, the social
and political circumstances which brought about the classical revival
were passing. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 was the beginning of
the end, though the end was long deferred. Italy’s real danger was the
closing of the trading routes to the East, which led directly to the dis-
covery of America, and of the Cape route to India by Vasco da Gama.
Until the first voyage of Columbus, the Mediterranean had been the
sea upon which the Western nations had fought and traded. The centu-
ries that followed belonged to the Atlantic Ocean. The effect of the dis-
covery of the Southern route to India was quickly realised. Here is an
entry from the diary of Priuli, setting out the manner in which Venice
received the news of Vasco da Gama’s voyage in 1498. Priuli writes :
“On receipt of the news the whole city was distressed and the
wisest heads take it to be the worst piece of information that we could
ever have had. For it is well known that Venice reached her height
of reputation and riches through her commerce alone, which brought
foreigners to the city in great numbers, and now by this new route
the spice cargoes will be taken straight to Lisbon where the Hun-
garians, Germans, Flemish and French will flock to buy them ;
they will find the goods cheaper in Lisbon than they can be in Venice,
for before the freights can reach Venice by the old route they have
to pay exorbitant dues for transit through Syria and the lands of the
Soldan of Egypt.”
Against the Portuguese, the Venetian merchants held their own in
the Eastern trade, but they found rivals of sterner stuff in the Dutch.
In 1656, the Dutch secured Ceylon. In earlier times the difficulties
Sta. MARIA DELLA SALUTE, VENICE.
(face p. 304.)
THE PAPACY AND THE ART FUND 305
would only have persuaded the Venetians to combat them. Now a milder
race inhabited the islands of the lagoons. A Venetian of the seventeenth
-century reflecting upon the changed circumstances wrote in this fashion :
‘“‘ Our ancestors were brave, fierce, impatient of injuries, quick to
strike, prone to fight. Now we are of milder mind, meek, long
suffering, shy of a blow, shrinking from war. And this, I take it,
because in the olden times we all lived by trading and not on fixed
incomes ; we spent many years of our lives away from home in distant
lands, where we dealt with different races and grew courageous.
Most of our days were spent at sea in struggle with storm and tempest
and buccaneers, and we waxed ferocious and strong to strike; for
those who tried to take our goods, tried to rob us of our food, and
with our food went our life. Now few of us live by trade. Most subsist
on their incomes or on their official pay.”
A hundred years or so later came Napoleon, and the end. In 1797 the
reigning Doge burnt the Golden Book of the Venetian Republic, and
handing his ducal cap to an attendant, said : “ Take it away. We shall
not want it again.” And what was true of Venice was true of Italy also.
The glory of the city-states had long gone ; they had neither the power
nor the desire to build communal churches, and criticism passed from
the public to the priest. As Mazzini cried :
‘« The Pope clutches the soul of the Italian nation, Austria, the body,
whenever it shows signs of life ; and on every member of that body
is enthroned an absolute prince, viceroy in turn, under either of those
powers.”
In Northern Europe men had accepted the teaching of Luther that
“all Christians are priests,” and accordingly came to the conclusion
that they had the right to say in what kind of church God might best
be worshipped. The student of religious art therefore moves northward
once more, and takes up the story of the House of God where he left
it when the Perpendicular style was superseding the art of the Early
English and Decorated periods and architecture tended to identify
itself with the ruling monarchy. The taste for Gothic declined until,
in the eighteenth century, such a man of taste as Addison could write :
“A monstrous Fabrick built after the Gothick manner and covered
with innumerable Devices in that barbarous kind of sculpture.”
This was also the case in France. After the time of Louis XI., archi-
tecture was more and more closely associated with the ruling classes
and the court, and the mystic urge was replaced by a secular impulse,
as it had been in Renaissance Italy. Thenceforward, architects were
concerned with the translation of the ideas of Alberti and Palladio
into a French idiom, until the Renaissance manner was as familiar to
the north of the Alps as it was in the south.
x
306
CHAPTER XVII.
POST REFORMATION ARCHITECTURE :
FRANCE AND ENGLAND
York.
New
JoHN
Divine,
St.
CATHEDR
Tue
THE
oF
RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE 327
a steel frame and reinforced concrete. American architects have suffered
even more than their English colleagues from being required to put up
elaborate buildings with insufficient funds. When Anglicanism
established itself in America, religious architecture in the Mother
Country was far from vigorous, and the typical American church
included a Georgian facade in the neo-pagan style, with a steeple at one
end, and a screened chancel as the dominant element in the interior.
Architects of vision also had to contend with prejudices, derived from
Puritan tradition, against columns or piers which would distinguish
a church from a lecture hall. Puritan opinion favoured a white-
washed room with box pews from which decorative art was excluded
as idolatrous. The first Gothic revival in America was led by Upjohn
and Renwick, but failed to make a lasting impression, and was followed
by the vogue of Romanesque established by Richardson. Only within
the last twenty years did American architects follow the lead given by
such men as Bodley, Sedding and Garner in England. Bodley himself
was invited to design a cathedral in the fourteenth-century English
style for Washington, and when he died was followed by Vaughan,
another Englishman. The cathedral at Washington is now in the hands
of five architects, who are working upon the sketch plans of Bodley
and Vaughan. Since 1900, American architects of high enthusiasm and
ability have set themselves to the task of supplying the various de-
nominations of the United States with the churches they require, and
the present output is described as enormous. Mr. B. G. Goodhue has
produced a noble design for a cathedral at Baltimore, and the Chapel at
West Point, and St. Thomas’s Church, New York, stand to the credit
of Messrs. Cram, Goodhue and Ferguson, who are also associated with
the cathedral of St. John the Divine, New York. With the marked
advance in architectural vision has gone a remarkable development
in decorative design, associated with such men as J. Kirchmeyer, the
wood-carver, B. G. Goodhue, who designed the magnificent reredos
which occupies the entire east end of St. Thomas's, New York, and Cope
and Stewardson, who designed the beautiful choir screen for St. Luke’s,
Germantown, Pennsylvania.
America’s greatest effort, however, has been reserved for the vast
in
cathedral in the French Gothic style which the Episcopal Church
New York are building to the glory of God and in memory of St. John
the Divine. Fifty years passed between the inception of the scheme
and the selection of a site on Morningside Heights in 1891. By 1925,
the crypt, the choir, the apse and the crossing—a square of 100 feet—
00 will
had been built at a cost of £1,300,000. At least another £3,000,0
will then be the third
be required to complete the cathedral, which
largest church in the world, the central rotunda being even larger than
328 THE HOUSE OF GOD
the central space in St. Peter’s, Rome. The appeal of the trustees for
funds was addressed to Christians of every creed. One sentence ran :—
““ New York impresses the imagination by visible evidence of the
power and splendour of material achievements in American life.
Such a city should be dominated by a building which, in its greatness,
dignity and beauty, bears witness to the spiritual forces without
which material achievement is valueless because soulless.”
The area of St. John’s, New York, will be 109,000 square feet, com-
pared with the 128,000 feet of Seville Cathedral, and the 227,000 feet
of St. Peter’s. In style, the New York plan is a modification of French
Gothic, with the characteristic chevet, doorways, towers and soaring
piers of the French style. Originally, the idea was to build a church
which would be French Romanesque on the exterior and Byzantine
within, but the clash of styles was too marked and Dr. Cram was called
in to remodel the design, and he is replacing the Byzantine semi-dome
with a Gothic clerestory and vaulting. In the nave the main piers will
rise unbroken from the floor to the vault, the triforium and clerestory
being carried upon the piers of the first pair of aisles, there being two
aisles on either side of the central nave.
The narrow outer aisles replace the row of chapels in many French
Gothic churches. Though there will be nine bays in the nave, there will
be only four bays in the nave vaulting, these four bays springing from
major piers which alternate with five smaller piers. The seven Chapels
of the ‘Tongues about the sanctuary recall the many racial sources from
which the American people are derived, and are dedicated to St. James,
St. Francis of Assisi, St. Martin of Tours, St. Saviour, St. Columba,
St. Boniface of Germany and St. Ansgarius of Denmark, the services
in the chapel of St. Saviour being frequently in Chinese or Japanese.
The shaft of the credence table beside the high altar is supported upon
three stones from the ruined abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. The canopies
above the choir stalls are copied from those in Henry VII.’s chapel at
Westminster. At the entrance to the choir is a parapet carved with
figures representing Christians who have contributed to the spread of
the Gospel during the twenty centuries since the Christian era. The
chosen characters are :
St. Paul, Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Athanasius, Augustine
of Hippo, St. Benedict, Gregory the Great, Charles Martel, Charles
the Great, Alfred the Great, Godfrey of Bouillon, St. Bernard, St.
Francis of Assisi, John Wyclif, Columbus, Cranmer, Shakespeare,
George Washington and Abraham Lincoln.
An uncarved block remains for the saint of the twentieth century.
The English equivalent of St. John the Divine, New York, is Liverpool
Cathedral. Commenced in 1903, it is being built by Sir Giles Gilbert
Si tewart Bale.
Li ERPOOL CATHEDRAL.
(face p 328.)
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RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE 329
Scott, a grandson of the leader in the Gothic revival. Liverpool is the
first cathedral built in Northern England for 700 years, and the Con-
secration Service, celebrated in July 1924, was the first of its kind since
the site of Roman Sarum was abandoned, and Bishop Poore built
Salisbury Cathedral two miles away. The beautiful service at Liverpool
was based upon St. Bernard’s sermon “ On the Consecration of a
Church.”
The diocese of Liverpool was established in 1880, and the site of the
cathedral, St. James’s Mount, a low hill about a mile from the Mersey,
was secured in 1902. A year later, the building committee selected a
design by Giles Scott, a youth who was not even out of his apprentice-
ship. Time has justified the choice. There were the doubters who
thought the twentieth century could not build a truly great House of
God. Sir Giles Scott and the people of Liverpool have shown the belief
was wrong. Not only is the cathedral of rich beauty and significance,
but the architect has provided a meeting place, where a vast con-
gregation can see and hear, without sacrificing the spiritual appeal
of a House of God in the age of Faith. ‘‘ My aim is to make those who
go in want to pray,” said the builder.
Liverpool Cathedral was designed by a youth of twenty, and is being
built by a man who will not be sixty when the task is ended, provided
the work proceeds as it has done for twenty years. When the competition
was announced Giles Scott was working as an articled apprentice,
_ his master, also an entrant, being unaware he was competing against
his pupil. When he returned home each night, young Scott worked
into the small hours of the morning. “ As the thing took shape it became
harder and harder to see the dream through the lines and colours of
my plan. I was very near to failure, but, while my enthusiasm flagged,
that of my friends grew.” Towards the end, all the family, headed
by the architect’s mother, were marshalled to aid in finishing the detailed
drawings. So success was achieved. By 1925, the choir, two of the four
transepts flanking the central space, the Lady Chapel and the Chapter
House, were built. When the cathedral is completed it will be 619 feet
long with the area of 101,000 square feet, making it the largest church
in Britain, and the fourth largest in the world. Throughout, decorative
detail has been subordinated to architectural mass. Where a Gothic or
neo-Gothic builder would have used eight or nine bays to form a nave,
Giles Scott has used three, each with a single two-light window.
The choir also consists of three bays, the exterior being divided by
immense and many-stayed buttresses, pierced near the top by an arcaded
gallery. Between each pair of buttresses there is a window, occupying
practically all the spare wall space. The great sloping buttresses give a
sense of mass to the choir, as the great piers and arches do to the interior
330 THE HOUSE OF GOD
of the nave and choir. For the same reason there is no clerestory, and
the triforium is thrust between the lower stages of the vaulting that
nothing may detract from the strong, certain spring of the piers to the
roof. The choir aisles appear to be tunnelled through the huge exterior
buttresses, and, indeed, are little more than passage-ways. Very
characteristic of the design are occasional glimpses through low arches
of soaring lines which lead upward to the unseen vault. The broad,
aisleless nave and choir, the vast central rotunda, with its four transepts
—just because they are so big in scale yet so simple in treatment—have
a quality of power which is rare in modern architecture, secular or
religious. The builder’s aim was to unite Romanesque mass and space
with the Gothic sense of line, but, in practice, he has relied more upon
mass and space than upon line. This is his contribution to the art of
church designing, and distinguishes Liverpool Cathedral from the
churches of the leaders of the Gothic revival in the nineteenth century
with their hard, linear treatment. Sir Giles is building his church in a
warm red sandstone, varying from a light buff to purple, the joints
between the stories being emphasised by lines of grey concrete. The
varying colours of the sandstone are utilised with happy effect in the
reredos, where a lighter stone is used for the sculptured panels, con-
trasting with the lower toned sandstone around and the glow of the
“Te Deum ” window above.
At the head of the “‘ east ” window is Christ in Glory, with the arch-
angels Raphael, Michael, Gabriel and Uriel below. The rest of the win-
dow pictures the Glorious Company of the Apostles, the Goodly Fellow-
ship of the Prophets, the Noble Army of Martyrs, and the Holy Church
throughout the World. A modern note is struck by the inclusion of
John Wesley and Keble, the hymn-writer, among the prophets, and
Bishop Hannington of Uganda among the martyrs. In the fourth
light—the Church throughout the World—are Roberts of Kandahar,
a Christian soldier, and John Sebastian Bach, a Christian musician.
The lighting of the cathedral reaches its maximum intensity in the
transepts, where the tall windows lighting the central square are of
silver glass. It is subdued in the sanctuary, that the carved story of the
reredos may make its due effect, unspoilt by the glow of the “ east ”
window. The carvings of the Last Supper and the Crucifixion on the
reredos are by Walter Gilbert and Louis Weingartner, who also modelled
the novel altar rail, ornamented with statuettes recalling the command-
ments of the Decalogue.
And, lastly, the significance of Liverpool Cathedral, as a whole, by
virtue of the communal effort which it enshrines, rather than the con-
ception and craft of the architect and his assistants. St. James’s Mount
is a site with almost as much natural beauty as the low hill upon which
eee
Stewart Bale,
THEDRAL: THE RERE DO Ss
(F ace p. 330.)
RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE 331
Durham rises. The Mount was once a stone quarry, and, to-day, it
rises sheer from the green cloak of sycamore, thorn and mountain
ash, with which time has covered the rocky ravine. On the opposite
side of the hillock there is a gradual descent to the Mersey. The single
central tower, with the nave and choir reaching out on either hand,
will dominate the houses and factories of the city, but they will remain
a part of it. In the words which the Archbishop of York used during
the Consecration service:
*« As it stands on its rock above the ebb and flow of the city’s river,
so its witness will stand above the ebb and flow of the city’s life,
consecrating, uplifting, guiding. There are central homes of the city’s
government and merchandise and art and learning ; let this be the
central home of the city’s soul. Here its citizens will see the beauty
and hear the laws of that city whose maker and builder is God—the
city which must even come down from heaven to transform the cities
of the earth. Men going down to the seas in ships, moving westward
in quest of a new home, will keep this building in their lingering
gaze, and they will be reminded that, though here we have no con-
tinuing city, we seek one which is to come. Returning after their
voyaging, men will behold it shining in the eastward light, and they
will have a vision of that last haven where we would be when the
voyage of life is ended. As men look across the river from the other
side and see it rising above the harbour and the houses, wreathed in
the smoke of the city’s industries, sometimes, perchance, the old
‘words will come back to them— Upon the north side lieth the city
of the great King, God is well known in her palaces as a sure refuge.
Mark well her bulwarks, set up her houses ; that ye may tell them
that come after. For this God is our God for ever and ever. He shall
be our guide unto Death.’ ”’
So our argument returns to the conclusion reached in the introduction
to this story of the House of God in many lands and at many times—the
necessity for once more allying the faith of the many with art in all its
forms. Westminster Cathedral, St. John the Divine, New York, and
Liverpool Cathedral show that builders and decorators can still work
together for a communal end, which may rightly be described as of the
people and for the people. The last original architectural style, the
Renaissance, was developed by men who regarded the State as the
property of a ruling family. Slowly this idea of the State as the personal
property of its ruler has passed away. In the eighteenth century a
European ruler wished to be a despot, but he could not forget that he
had to justify his ambitions by increasing the security and prosperity
of his subjects. In the end, the very increase in material prosperity
made the middle-class merchant or tradesman insist upon his right to
332 THE HOUSE OF GOD
be heard in the management of national affairs. So the era of Revolution
and Reform was ushered in. To-day, the insistent recognition of the
worth of the individual has led many artists to neglect the equally
vital truth that complete personal liberty is impossible, since the basis
of religious art is a partnership between the artist-producer and his
clientele, the public. At the same time the decay of royal patronage
has destroyed the ages-long system under which architects and decora-
tive craftsmen were trained in connection with their jobs. Fortunately,
the builder of Liverpool Cathedral has adopted the earlier and sounder
method, and his success is of the happiest augury. If Sir Giles Scott
proves himself another William of Wykeham, or Wren,itwill be by virtue
of what he learnt during the years Liverpool Cathedral was in the build-
ing, and not by the brilliance of the design which established his pro-
fessional reputation. To the necessity for training architects and crafts-
men in connection with actual work must be added the desirability of
continually enlightening the public regarding the interest and signi-
ficance of architecture and its subordinate crafts, this constituting the
intellectual side of the problem. Well-illustrated text-books and periodi-
cals, and the active influence of such professionals as Sir Thomas
Jackson, Sir Richard Blomfield and Professor F. M. Simpson in
England, and Dr. Cram in America, have done much towards
producing an enlightened public opinion. Finally, there is the spiritual
aspect. When those who worship seek in a House of God the shadow
of the beauty, the love and the wisdom enshrined in the idea of the
God-man, religious architecture will, in truth, have a new birth. When
what is best in art is allied with what is noblest in thought and feeling,
a House of God will arise again equal in beauty and significance to
any in the long history of man.
THE END.
INDEX
Names of Churches and Temples will be found under their towns.
Page Page
Abacus .. WA a 6 54 Art fund in—
Abdal Malik 158 Greece. . on AOeAT
Abul-Fazl Ti, T2ieeshor India j eis 109
Abu, Mount em Be CG) Mexico F 28
Achthamar a 3s na 89 Modern times. 31II .ar7s "326-327
Adel, Yorkshire. . Eis inetd Moslem 158, 160-161, 163-164, 166
Adler, Professor. . hs - 68 Rome .. ae . 67, 73, 90-93
Aegina, temple at 48, 50 Ashton, Leigh es Pre 124
aepiparene me x raphy dTO Asoka, King a 105, 119, 121
gra . au a 163-165 Assisi :aeoS
Aidan, Ss. 3 Be Hiss 3 Assyria . ne ae -. 29-38
Aix- la-Chapelle .aie j 179 Athaulf .. are a %a 171
Ajanta | 108-109, 115 Athens os - 39-55
Akbar... 163, 165 Erechtheion 47553655
Akh-en-Aten . 19 Parthenon saaeraas 48, 51
Alban’s, St. , Abbey I 34-13 ss 228-229, Theseum a 52
261 Victory, temple of or fs 41
Alberti, Leon Battista 290-291, 296, Athos, Mount 92, 99
301 Atrium .. ae si 80
Albi Cathedral . ve 188 Aubazine Abbey... : ae 208
Albigensian Crusades .. 188 Augustine of Hippo, 85, 13Y, F7Gne20s)
Aldhelm, S. eae 150, 224 279
Altamira cavern. . 5 Augustine of Kent 136-138
Amaravati stupa. . ee Aurangzeb 164, 165
Ambo... ai Austin Canons 221, 226
Ambrose, S. 84-85, 168-169 Avalokitesvara Pane eetest
Amenhotep III, temple of as Aztecs 24, 27-28
ida... 125 we
Amiens Cathedral,1189,2
I 20aa 251,262
Amritsar . sae 165 Baalbec : 66, 73, 74
Andrew, S. bie : 295 Babylonia a a .. 28-38
Angkor "Thom .. 7a, eS. Bactria .. 106, 124
Anglicanism aye 314-316, 319, 321 Baltimore Cathedral 327
Anglo-Saxon church .. 130-153 Banos de Cerrato 166
Characteristics of style 149-150 Baptistery ae ae id 80
Angouléme Cathedral .. piel SS Baroque style 299-304.
Ani, Armenia .. F Me 88 Barrel-vaulting .. 178-179
a, S. 5 208, 215 Basil, S ot 269
Anthemius of Tralles .. sik 93 Basilicas .. 53 ; . 80-85
Antwerp Cathedral 306-307 Basse, temple .. ae 55
Anuradhapura 105, 119 Bath Abbey 246, 309
Apse . 80, 81, 169, 185, 188 Beauvais .. 206, 207
Apulia TIN 27278 Bec Abbey 190, I9I
Arch— Becontree es ik 6
Etruscan ae 5 54 64 Bede .. 136, 146, 223
Gothic . 194-197, 233 Benares : ME Te
Indian =e 114, 194 Benedict, Biscop 146-147
Moslem ..160, 166-167 Benedict, S. is f 135, 142
Roman ‘ aie - 54, 70 Benedictines 135, 180, 191, 201, 219,
Arles a te Sy, 226
Armenian architecture .. . 87-90 Bentley, John ee aeO
Arnolfo di Cambio 285-287 Bernard of Clairvaux . 201, 202, 226
Arsenigo, Simone da se OO: Bernini ae 81, 298
Art fund in— Bestiaries i OO
Babylonia 33-35, 38 Beverley Minster 206, 254
Christendom 167, 171,"184, 200, 217, Bhuvaneshvar Bs 112
243, 250, 252, 263, 266, Binyon, L. 122
Es 284, 297 Birmingham Catholic Cathedral 241
Egypt .. . 12-16 Blomfield, Sir R 213,0332
334 INDEX
Page Page
Bodhisattvas oe .. 109, 125, 127 Carchemish : - Be 60
Bodington, Dr. A. a i 177 Carlisle Cathedral ae 22 259
Bodley,G. F. . : 325, 327 Caryatid portico. . a i 53
Boghazkeui are oe AS 60 Cedd, Bishop .. a is 144
Bond, F. Bligh .. a eae & 4 Celtic church 142-145
Boniface, S. rs ea ae 152 Ceylon . 105, 117, 119
Boro Budur ; 105-106 Chad, S. - 44, 147, 240-241
Borromini ee ae +. 299 Chaldon Church i ZOOM
Boston Museum .. 125, 126, 127 Chandragupta, King .. J. EOS
Bourges Cathedral . + 204, 205, 217 Chantry Chapels .. 260-261, 316
Bradford-on-Avon. se 51 ELEO Char-i-Gholghola 3 fe
Brahmanism .. 102, 103, 110 Charles the Great 175, 179
Bramante 296-297 Chartres Cathedral 199-202, 207-216
Breasted, J. H. . a 17 Foundation of 207-208
Brown, Dr. Baldwin .. 78-81 Fulbert’s church 209, 212
Brunelleschi 288-291 Glass - wo 2075, 2155250
she apeak Abbey “i aan eeZOL Relics . . 208-209, 215
Buddha on 103-104 Sculpture in fs 211-216
Buddhism | : 103-129 Chartres, S. Peré ay + @ SEO
Ceylon, Burma and Siam 118-120 Chaturbhuja Temple .. vat SEL?
China and Japan ‘ I2I-129 Chefs Be ws 239, 241
Monasteries . 107-109, I15 Chester refectory ie 231
Sculpture es ee we 109 Chevet .. ee vs 185, 218, 252
Stupas 105-107 Chichen Itza .. ae ae 25
Bulgaria .. i 267-268 China’... Foe ne I2I-127
Burgos Cathedral 4 eeet267 Buddhism in .. Fs & I2I
St. Nicholas .. = ne 267 Buddhist sculpture . 123-126
Burgundy ma .. 188 Christianity in ae 86
Burne-Jones, Sir E. 7325 Roof architecture 122-123
Butterfield, W. .. she x9 GZS Chola art.. ais os Pet Serr
Buttress .. ‘ <s Ae 198 Christianity—
Byzantine Art— Early churches 77-85
Bureaucracy .. 100 Missionary age 86, 87, Iwie 53
Comparison with Greek temple 93, = Papal power pete EE Ly
Formalism 181-1
Foundation of Constantinople He: Rise of.. - 75-78
Justinian’s buildings.. ba 93 Ciborium 81
Circular churches. 80, 85,88, 95, 96,179
Cistercians és _ 226, 255
Caen, St.— Cleeve Abbey .. gg er be
La Trinité .. A a IgI Clerestory 17, 81, 170, 204, 251, as?
S. Etienne .. A 8 IgI Clermont Ferran Sez85
Cairo— Cloisters . 78, 91, 138, Es 187, 231.
Bourdeni Mosque .. tt Ee 259-260
El-Azhar Mosque .. 160 Clonard Monastery .. “leas
Ibn Tulun Mosque .. - 59-160 Cluniac Order - 180-181, 188
Kait Bey Mosque .. ee ror Colman, Bishop.. ae kas
Kala-un Mosque se ote 160 Cologne Cathedral 189, 262
Mosque of Conquest. . 159 Columba,S. . A oes Ye
Sultan Hassan Mosque 160 Columban, S. .. ax rier
Cambodia I20-I21 Columbus’ as a 266, 304
Cambridge, King’ s College hae Columns and piers—
Campionese gild.. 280 Egyptian ne s 13, 17, 18
Cancelli . 81 Gothic 197) 205, 211, 246, 251
Canossa . 183-184, 235, 276 Greek .. - 2, 51-54, 70
Canterbury Cathedral 137,151, 191,223, Indian aa ar we 114
260 Maya .. i 26
Conrad’s Choir 236, 238 Romanesque . . oa; 82, 179, 221, 223
Pilgrimage 239-240 Symbolism of . 2, 80, 194
St. Augustine’s e 137-138, - Comacines, gild of 172-174
St. Martin’s Communes, influence of 198-202, 217,
St. Pancras 7. key 276
St, Thomas’s martyrdom 23 5-240, 308 Confucianism .. as an 122
INDEX 335
Page Page
Constantine 74, 83-84, 90-91 Eccleston, St. Mary 325
Constantinople— Edinburgh Cathedral Se eSeg 25
Foundation of ++ QO-QI Edward II., King Se aaa a58.
Sancta Sophia '59, 93-94, 130 Beypt. ..; 4, 5, 12-20, 38
S. John Studios a a gI Comparison with Greece 5, 18, 52
Cope and Stewardson .. “Ge Lye Moslem conquest I 58-161
Cordova mosque . 166-167, 265 Royal power .. .. 12-14
Corinthian order 53-54, 70 Sun God worship 15-17, 19
Cosmati work ez. World-wide influence an 21
Coulton, G.G. . 200-201 Elias of Dereham HMC S ST
Cox, Dr. Ns ts Nemes Elizabeth, eS 308, 316
Cram, Dr. 32950331 Ellora> =. I15-116
Cram, Goodhue and Ferguson. 527 Ely Cithedial- 4
Cromm Cruach.. es Etheldreda’s shrine . 148, 241, 254
Croyland Abbey.. 148 Foundation .. ate saa,
Croxden Abbey .. 185 Galilee porch 3 I5I, 254
Crusades 185, 1995202,278 Lantern-tower 254-255
Culbone, S. 148 Entasis .. a 51
Cuthbert, S. (see Durham). Ephesus, Temple of Diana. 53
Erkenwald, Bishop ee thee tad
Ethelbert, King 136-137
Daibatsu of Kamakura . 128 Ethelburga, 5S. aoe eet 40:
Damascus— Etheldreda, S. “147-148, 254
Mosque of Walid 157-158 Etruscans : .. 64-65
Temple of Sun +, DS7 Eucheria, Princess ane iz 79
David, 144-145
Day, Lewis eea56
Decorated Period 253-256
Delhi Fe 163-164 Felix, church of St... 36 98
Pearl Mosque.. 164 Fenelon .. Fat 310
Denis, S., a} 202-203 Feretory . ++ 229, 240, 241
Denmark. . oe 152, 307 Fernando, 8., of ‘Spain .. 265-266
Der el Bahri... A .. 18, 19 Fetvadjian, A.
Didron, M, si es 99 Feudalism 184-185, 188, 199
Dijon, Benigne 190 Finnen, S. SeeerEAS
Dionysius the Areopagite 174 Firmin, S. 206
Djelalabad stupas i Ag2E Florence .. 283-293
Dome architecture 68, "88, 93-95, 105, Baptistery ane ek ae
254, 278, 290, 297, 312, 319 Cathedral eel 288-290
Dominicans a .. 188, 282-284 Foundation of. . 286
Donatello 240, 264, 288, 290 Gilds .. ve 274,286-288, 292
Doncaster, St. George’s 325 Or San Michele 287-2888
D’orbais, Jean .. ri 205 Pazzi Chapel .. 289
Dorchester : 219, 242 SS. Annunziata is ee eOE
Doric style 3,44°45, 48-51 S. Croce . 274, 283, 285
Dosseret . : ‘ a S.Lorenzo .. .» 290, 293, 299
Downside Abbey ae 325 S. Maria Novella . 283-284, 291
Dunstan, S Bac 138, 148-149 S. Miniato : 177-178
Durer, A. ; wpeego6 Forest Sanctuaries 10,.4'7,1052
Durham Cathedral— Foucher, Professor ; see kot
Chapel of Nine Altars 234, 251 Fountains Abbey 226, 229, 232-233
Foundation 143-144 France—
Neville screen. . ey Early Christian churches 85, I51
Norman church 196-197 Gothic churches 193-217, 21 eee @
S. Cuthbert « cAg Roepe 34 261
Modern churches af e323
Renaissance churches 309-313
Earl’s Barton .. wrrerso Romanesque churches 185-88, 190-
Early English architecture 193- 197, 191
233-235, 242-243 Franciscan Order 282-285
Sculpture mare 248-250 Frazer, Sir James 10, 123
Easter Island .. , A 22 Front, S. E ae ee 186
Easter Sepulchre ; 244-245, 264 Fulbert, Bishop — 209
336 INDEX
Page Page
Gainsborough, Richard of 243 Greece—
Galeazzo, Gian .. 280-281 Comparison with Jews =A 63
Galilee porch ; 133, I51 Comparison with Rome he 65
Gall, monastery of S. 30 228 Greek building methods - 54-55
Gandhara ‘ 106, 124 Influence in East a 106, 124
Gargoyles 216 Neo-Greek style 324
Garner, Thomas 325 Sculpture .« 41-43
Genoa, SS. Annunziata. 301 Greensted, Essex st 140, 150
Geoffrey de Noyers 242 Gregory the Great sts 98, 139
Germanic incursions 57, 65, 130, 125- Gregory VII., Pope 182-184
142 Gundulph, Bishop 220
Germantown, St. Luke’s 327 Guthlac, S. 148
Germanus of Auxerre .. 134-135
Germany—
Gothic and Renaissance 262-265 Hallenkirchen .. aie 262
Romanesque churches 188-189 Leetiet bane’hae of Queen sh 18
Gerona Cathedral 267 Havell, E. B 108, 167
Gibbons, ernie 319) 321-322 Hawksmoor - 322
Gibbs Bn pki Headlam, Cecil. -. 209
Gilbert, Alfred . Ip Bee Hegel .. AS NG]
Gilds, Building, etc. 69, 78, 172-173, Heliopolis (On) . as he 15
oto neon: ate 286, 292 Hellenistic temples ; - 57-58
Gill, Eric. esas 26 Henry III. of England. 251-252
Giotto 285, 287 Henry IV. of France 310-311
Girgenti .. 50, 54, 56 Henry IV., Emperor 183-184
Glaber, Radulf . Ac meteke: Herod’s temple . . 61-63
Glasgow— Hexham—
St. Vincent’s Street Church 324 St. pes Ene 147, 230
Glass windows’ 17, 43, 192, 211, 240, St. Mary a 147
255-256, 259, 274, 281, 285, Heysham, ee Patrick’s. 143
308, 311, 321, 330 Hinduism oe 2 110-118
Glastonbury Abbey 132-133 Hittite shrines .. = oe 60
Gloucester Cathedral .. 219 Hoar Cross Church .. oar 325
Foundation Ae 257-258 Holy Roman Empire . 181-184, 275
Norman church . 196, 223, 258 Honnecourt, de .. 3 201
Perpendicular work .. 258-260 Hugh of Avalon, S. . 239, 242-243
Glyn Rosyn_.. 145 Hugh of Wells .. F Se ete
Goodhue, B. G... a7 Huitzilopochtli .. a 24
Gopuram 113 Hutton, Edward #3 169
Gothic art ; 193-194 Hvarenah landscape theme .. 89, 97
Characteristics of 3, 168-169,
273-274
Comparison with Greek 3, 49, Ibn Tulun mosque 159
194-195 Iconoclasm—
Comparison with Romanesque 193 Byzantine oi NE = IOI
English 218-219, 242-261, 314 China .. : eaerZ4,
French ; same t 2 310 Reformation 306-309
German ; 189, 262 Iffley Church 224
Historical conditions | 198-199 Impluvium 2 os bt 78
Italian 273-275, 279-281, 289, 296 India és 102-118
Neo-Gothic sion . « 323-325, 330 Brahmanism .. 102-103
Spanish : : 265-267 Buddhism 104-109
Statuary 211-216, 247-250 Comparison with European art
Structural problems 189, 194, 116-118
196-197 Hinduism 110-118
Granada Cathedral vts06 Jains 109-110
Greece a2 .. 39-58 Moslem art 161-166
Characteristics of architec- Sculpture I13-114
ture . 2-3; mnt » 51 Industrial system 6,+5rece.
Christianity and 76-77 Inge, Dean & a ‘ 41
Comparison with Egypt 14, "38, 54 Inigo Jones 314
Comparison with Gothic 49, 194- Iona, Columba’s church 143
195, 274 Tonic Order 51-52, 70
INDEX
KRY)
Page Page
Ireland, early Christian churches Ni aa 9,10
142-143 Lai-sang. - 2e'9} TO.
Isidorus of — «+ 93-94 Lanfranc - 191, 218-219
Islam 154-155 Laud, Archbishop 313-315
Italy— Leeds—
City-state system 276-279 St. John’s, New Briggate 313
Gothicin, 273-275, 279-281, 289, 296 Le Mans Cathedral = 218
Preaching Orders in . 282-285 Lemercier, P. ; 310
Renaissance in 288-293, 294-305, Lemercier, Je 311
309, 313 Lenten veil 149
Romanesque art 171-179 Leo the Isaurian IOI
Ittagi, temple at.. Ill Le Puy Cathedral 187
Ivan the Terrible 271 Lethaby, Professor : 252, 320
Lichfield Cathedral—
Jackson, Sir T. .. 54, 196, 332 Doorways 5x 254
Jains eres Lioane £OO Foundation 144
Japan— Rood-screen .. 228
Buddhism in .. a 128 Shrine of S. Chad 240-241
Religious sculpture .. 129 Lincoln Cathedral—
Roof architecture 122 Angel choir 243, 325
Jarrow Abbey eS Easter Sepulchre ome 4
Java oe 105-106 Foundation 141,242
Jerusalem— Glass .. 255
Captured by Arabs .. 100 Hugh’s church 242-243
Church of Holy esa . 79,80 Norman sculpture 225
Martyrium .. 79 Sculpture 245-246
Mosque of Omar 158 Lindisfarne 143
Sanctuary of Resurrection .. 79 Linga-raj temple 112
Temple of Herod - 59-63 Liverpool Cathedral 329-331
Temple of Solomon .. . 59-61 Lodi, S. Francesco se Ee20%
Jesuits 300 Lohan .. - 126
Jetawanarama stupa ck SEES Lombard architecture ae 171-175
Jews : 5,59-64 Longhena é 303-304.
Babylonian captivity. . at: 61 Louis, St. - 207,210, 283
and Christianity .. ie 76 Louis XIV. 311-312
Belief in Jehovah 4 . 60-61 Louvre :| 311, 316-317
Comparison with Greeks “593,03
Religious poetry 5, 60, 63 London—
Jocelin of Wells 246-250 All Hallows .. ae 350
Joseph of Arimathea . 132,134 All Souls’, Langham Place .. 324
Joyce, T. A. a ad 25 Bow Church ~~ 318
Julius II., Pope . 3 295-297 Christchurch, Spitalfields 322
Church of Redeemer, bei
Justinian 59, 91-93, 96-97 well . 325
Fire of London 317
Kaaba 154,156 Holy Trinity, Sloane ‘St. 7, 325
Kailasa, Siva’s . III, 115-116 S. Alban’s, Holborn . 325
Kala-un gy age 160-161 S. Anne’s, "Limehouse 322
Karle é 107-108 S. Bartholomew’s - 196, 220-222
Karnak . . 16,17 S. Bride’s sears:
Khajuraho ) 112 S. Clement Danes 320
Khmer temples . = 120 S. Dunstan’s in East 318
Khorsabad a% ate std 34 S. Dunstan’s in West 322
Kibla = , 155 S. George’s, Bloomsbury 322
Kiev— S. George’s in East .. 322
S. Sophia sa m27O S. Margaret’s, Lothbury 319
S. Vladimir 271-272 S. Martin’s in Fields. . 322
Kirchmeyer, J. .. 327 S. Mary Abbot’s 325
Kirkstall Abbey ‘ 233 S. Mary, Woolnoth .. 322
Knossos, shrine at eis “te 46 S. Mary le Strand 322
Kraft, Adam... : 264-265 S. Peter’s, Cornhill 318- 319
Kwannon, goddess : 126,128 S. Pancras Church 324
Kyoto temples .. A SeESS St. Paul’s, see Paul’s.
AA
338 INDEX
Page Page
London— Megalithic art—
. 6,319 Greece. . si es =i 46
S. Stephen’s, Coleman St.
S. Stephen’s, Walbrook 319 Malta . + 21-22
Southwark scchiiie 4 Cathe- Mexico ; - 24-27
dral . oe ee Pert Ace Xe ne 26
Tower of London ; 220 Mellitus, Bishop - 138-141
Westminster Cathedral 326 Menec, avenue of + 21-22
Westminster Abbey, see Westminster. Metope 42,44,45
Lubeck Marienkirche 263 Mexican art, see “Maya.
Luitprand, King 172-174 Michelangelo, 71,290, 292-293,296-299
Lung Men caves - 125 Michelozzo 291,296
Luxor. eu LO, LH Mihrab 155, 157, 160, 167
Lynch, H. F, B. : 87 Milan .. .. 280, 292-293
Cathedral 84, 279-281
Edict of sis Fe 79
Madura .. ite 7Shie S. Ambrogio .. 84,178
Magic and architecture 9, II, 27, 28, 42, S. Eustorgio 279, 296
S. Lorenzo ae 85
47, 76-77 Minaret . me 156, 160
Mahayana ag 125
161-162 Minbar .. . 156-157, 166
Mahmud of Ghazni Ming Ti, Emperor oe a ak
Mahometanism—
Conquests 153, 158-159, he Minos of Crete .. as ee 46
I Mithras .. 76,78, 134
In Egypt 159-161 Modena Cathedral 173
In India . 110, 162-165 Monasticism, see various Orders.
In Spain 166-167 Eastern : 92,269
Mahomet 154,155 Indian 104, 121
Maitreya ris 125 Monastic buildings, II19, 219, 227-233
Malé, Emile 206, 212-213, 216 Suppression of 353,310
Malmesbury Abbey . 224-226, 233 Western F 135,143
Malta, megalithic temples [28,22 Monreale Abbey U7E E77
Manipuri shrines 8-10 Moon worship 5 Soe ae
Mansard, F. : 311 Morris, William oe pails
Marburg, S. Elizabeth’s 263 Mosaic 94, 96,177
March-Phillips .. .. 18,94 Mosaic pavement ee
faa oo of France, statue 245-246 Moscow .. 270
Mark, S. : san £46 Church of Assumption 269
Martin of Tours 85,142 Church of the Patriarchs 270
Mary, S., the Virgin 215,234 Uspenski Sobor 270
Mass, Sacrament of, 76-79, 220, 244, 314 Vasili Blajenni 271-272
Material, building— Mycenzan architecture. . a 46
Brick .. e a 31
Caen stone aa as I9I
Concrete 68-69, 87, 88, 178, 327 Nankin pagoda .. 123
Marble ; 54,171, 278, 282 Narthex .. “80 7O%s “171, ae
Mosaic . 93-95, 97, IOI Nash a :
Stone 18, 23, "14, 115, 218, 222, 250, Nebuchadnezzar 30,32,38
320 New Guinea ravis
Wood .. 140, sas 206, 269 New York—
Maudslay, Dr. ? 25 Apostolic church : «« aw20e
Maximus of Tyre Ki ag 3 Cathedral (St. John’ 3) 327-328
Maximus the grammarian Si 75 Metropolitan Museum 123, 124, 126
Maya architecture .. 23-28 S. Mary the Virgin .. aint 336
Connection with Egypt 23-24, 26 S. Thomas’s .. a 327
Nature worship ‘ts 23, 25-27 Nicza, Synod of or oe: 99
Sculpture ‘ akg 27 Nicholas V., Pope . 291-292, 294
Mecca 154-156 Nikko temples : a 128
Medici, Cosimo dei ten 252 Nilus, S. : 174-175
Medici, Lorenzo dei 292-294 Nimes, Maison Carrée.. .. 66,93
Medina anh 154-155 Nineveh . Lx = ES 35
Megalithic art 4, 21 Ninian, So es 142
Babylonia ite 5. 35 Nippur, Ziggurat | ne a: $2
Egypt .. . 13-15,17,18 Nolanus, Paulinus ci 28 98
INDEX 339
Page Page
Norman style— Patrick, S. 142-143
Characteristics of 193, 196-197, 233 Pauli Sets: the 75-76
In England $1975; 210-233 Paul TIL., Pope’... 297, 300
In Normandy Si Ste. £90 Paul’s, St., London
Norse conquests 177, 190, 221-222, Foundation .. .. 138-140, 141
268, 277-278 Old St. Paul’s . 41, 307-308
Northampton, St. Giles pe lrsr Wren’s church 319-321
Norwich Cathedral 219, 247 Paulinus, S. 140-I41
Nuremberg ue e262 Pavia 172,175
Liebfrauenkirche rie 203 Certosa : Sra OE
S. Lawrence .. ee S. Augustine’s ’ shrine 173-174
S. Sebald ate 263 S. Giovanni in Borgo PO R Go]
S. Michele : Fy eee
Pearson, J. L. 323,325
Obibos (Africa). si a 8 Peking—
Olympia, temple at ise se 48 Ch’i Nien Tien 127
Omar, Mosque of 158 Lama temple .. 127
Orders, Classical 52-54,70 Temple of Heaven
a
126
30
Orvieto Cathedral eee se Pennsylvania University
Oswin, King... peat Penrose .. ‘ = 54
Otto I., Emperor 181,275 Pergamus, Altar of Zeus a3 57
Otto III., Emperor Se eek Pericles . iy «e -405.55
Oxford— Périgueux, St. Front 185-186
Cathedral ‘ 229 Perpendicular style . 133, 256-261
Exeter College chapel _ 325 Perry, W. J . ; 4,21, a
Magdalen tower 261 Persepolis
S. John’s chapel 325 Persian architecture +37,86-88, I 33
Peru ae eceTes
Peruzzi, B. . 299
50, 54,55 Peterborough 219, PIN ee236, 248
Paestum temples ie 279, 284
Pagan 119,120 Peter Martyr
Peter’s S., Rome . 79,81
Beacua: Christian 98,“146, 192, 226,
Basilica of : 83,; 294-295
253, 269, 271, 282, 285, 307 Renaissance church .. 295-298
Palzolithic shrines os Si SO
Petra bas 74
Palenque, temple at - 26,27 42-44, 48
xee78 Baidiasy... ;
Palermo, Capella Palatina 126
Palitana, Jain temple .. +) - £10 Philadelphia University Museum
Philip Augustus. 199, 202-203, 209
Palladio, Andrea 301,pea
Palmyra Re »73 Pilgrimage—
. 67,68 Buddhist . 107,110,114
Pantheon. .
Papacy .. . 81,84 Christian 208, 235-24, 2439294 se
131,e "136, 139-140, Jerusalem igs - 79-80
Early Popes I156, 158
145, 152 Moslem
Hildebrandine Popes 181-184, 191, Pras
Duomo Simmer o
235, 237, 275-276 279, 282
Renaissance Popes . 292, 294-302 Giovanni of .. 7
Madonna della Spina oe HK)
Paris, churches of—
Niccola of oe 278-279
Cathedral, Notre Dame 203-204, 311 : 80, 244
Friars’ churches 283, 285 Piscina ..
312 Pisistratus of Athens cao a 50
Hétel des Invalides 295
Madeleine B25 Pius II., Pope ..
9. sma 25 Plague churches. . 287-288, 303-304
Panthéon
S. Chapelle . : 4, 240, 324 Poitiers—
te he gEe Notre Dame la Grande 185
S. Etienne du Mont . . + 234, 250-251
S. Eustache .. 8 310 Poore, Bishop
S. Vincent de Paul 323 Porch 169, 187, 189, 203-204, 206,
; 311 212-216, 224-225, 254
Sorbonne Pee : 240
Val de Grace .. 311 Prato pulpit
146, 149, Prior, Professor . . ae 248, 253
Parish churches, England is m2 77
151, 219, 261 Pudens, Senator. .
Pudsey, Bishop . ink 6223
Parthenon 2-3, 39-45, 48 324-325
113,116 Pugin, A.W. ..
Parvati, goddess sya 227
Patmore, Coventry Pulpitum..
340 INDEX
Page Page
Pyramid architecture— Rome, churches of—
Egyptian oe 13-14, 23 S. Clemente Seah ig[|
Maya .. Bes ae ue 2 i=24. S. John Lateran "82, 83,101, His
Tahiti .. % He as 22 S. Lorenzo... 79,
S. Maria Antiqua... : 78
S. Maria degli Angeli am 71
Rahere ‘ <3 221-222 S. Maria sopra Minerva 289
Ramesseum ; a ot 16 S. Maria della Pace .. 295-296
Ramnad gopuram : cic | ES S. Maria della Vittoria 298
Rangoon, Shwe Dagon . 118-119 S. Paul’s A .. 79,83
Ratisbon sacrament house 264. S. Peter’s, see under Peter’s.
Ravenna— S. Pietro in Vincoli 82-83
Cathedral ae os att 97 S. Pietro in Montorio 7 § 206
History of ne 95, 101 S. Pudenziana : 97,82
Mosaics é +» 97,99 Sistine Chapel (Vatican) 205
S. Apollinare Nuovo 80,95, 169 Rood Screen 227-228
S. Apollinare in Classe - 95,96 Rossetti, D. G. rd i6 36
S. Vitale 96,97,179 Rotharis, King .ths 172
Ravi at Kaimari. . 8 Ruanweli stupa .. 105,120
Ruskin, J. : 206
rir
Reformation 298, 306-309, 313- 314 Russia. 5
Remigius, S. a ROS
Renaissance style— Bolshevik Temple of Reason 272
In England . 256, 313-325 Characteristics of churches .. 271
In France . 305, 309-313 Introduction of Christianity 152, 268
In te ae 294-305 Ritual . é . 269-270, 272
Renwick . . ee 27 Wooden churches 269
Retable .. a 244 253, 267
Rheims Cathedral : 205
Ripon Cathedral P "147, 255 Sacrament house 264-265
Rivoira,G. T. . sd eer TO7 Salisbury Cathedral : 218, 250, 251
Rochester Cathedral we ra) as Salisbury, S. Edmund’s soi aS
Romanesque architecture— Salonica churches ag See 95
Definition r ie he: Salzenburg Ss rc a 93
English (see also Norman) "149-1 50 Sanchi stupa 3S 106
French .. 185-188, 190-192 Sanmicheli wd «<u 200)
German - 179, 188-189 Sansovino 291,292
Historical associations 171-173, Santiago de Compostella 267
179-185, 190 Saragossa ‘ 267
Italian .. reg 171-179 Sarasvati Ae as ats 103
Structure in . . 170,178-179 Sargon .. oe aa a 34
Symbolic sculpture orl wee Scholze 69, 78
Rome, republic and empire— Schopenhauer aif194-195
Building methods... ae 69 Scotland—
Christianity in 59, 75-85 Christianity in ‘ a 143
Dome architecture .. .. 67-69 King Naitan’s churches 147
Germanic invasions 74,90, 130-131, Scott, Geoffrey. . 300, 303-304
171-172 Scott, Sir Gilbert 325
Gild system . « MOQs78s72 Scott, George Gilbert .. ann 25
Greco-Roman temples 58, 65-67, Scott, Sir Giles pares 325, 329-331
71-72, 86 Scott, Leader é 173-174
Political system 65, 66, 74 Sedding, J. Dik. See peer
Primitive shrines = “8 64 Segesta, temple at . 55-56
Provincial temples “92-74 Seleucid - 57,61
Rome, city of— Sens, William of wh 238
Augustan : oe ie 67 Serlo, Abbot... 258
Castor, temple eee ae 72 Seville Cathedral 265
Forum b 65,7p kale. Shah Jehan . ae 164-16 5
Foundation 65 Shakespear, Colonel .. Ra 10
Pantheon 675 63 Shaw, John A oa 322
Venus and Roma, temple of.. 72 Sherborne Minster 219
Rome, churches of— Sher Shah’s tomb aiceeeGs
Gesu .. ae a 300-301 Shinto temple .. Ac 128
S. Agnese i 148 Sicily an : 53, 56,177
INDEX 341
Page Page
Siena 5 276, 282 Thomas of Canterbury
Signorelli yo weAse) 38s 208, 235-240
Sikhara of Vishnu III, 112 Thomson (Greek) 324
Sikhs 2 oP she 165 Thothmes III. .. 5 Gee
Silchester = ae eeets 5 Tibet Br ie 127
Silpa—Sastras ne 114 Tigranes .. AS Re ae go
Simpson, F. M a 332 Tintern Abbey .. 255
Siva temples ty 111-1 14,116 Tiron Monastery : 201
Statues of 113-114 Wiryns. <. : ar +3 46
Sixtus IV., Pope 295 Tithe, Christian 146,175
Smith, Sir Elliot “i A, 2,23 Tivoli, temple at ; ais 66
Sofia Cathedral .. xe a r268 Todas, dairy temple .. Fe II
Spain— Tokio temples . 128
Eclectic architecture .. 266-267 Toledo Cathedral . 266
Gothic art : 265-267 Toltecs ats —25u25
Moslems in .. 166-167, 265 Torel, William .. 245
Sphinx, temple of the 2 13 Toro Cathedral . 267
Stanley, Dean ; 239 Torrigiano ene
Stein, Sir Aurel : 122 Toulouse Cathedral 188, 267
Steppe dwellers .. 2,1, 12,45) 102 Tournai Cathedral 5 eet
Stone, N. ae ; See ra Tours—
Stonehenge Pekin eee Council of -. 5,170
Stoss, Veit 26 5 S. Martin’s P 85
Strasbourg Cathedral "1809, 263 Towers—
Street, G. E. e325 Assyrian and Mayan = 24, 29, 32,34
Strzygowski, Josef . 86-88 Eastern III-113, 119, 123
Stupa, Buddhist— Gothic 207,210,251, 254, 261, 263,
At Sanchi ‘ 106 267, 287
Cingalese .. 195, 119-120 Moslem E 5 156, 160
Stupa-house .. 107,115 Romanesque 150-1 st, 169, 170, 192
Symbolism of.. 8, 105-107, 115,118 Tractarianism 319, 324
Tibetan Go Ley) Transepts es 3 169-170
Stylobate. . .. 51-52 Trdat Ey 88
Suger, Abbé 202-203 Trier, Liebfrauenkirche — A202)
Triforium oe 81, 169-170
Sun God, temples of—
Central America . 21-26 Triglyphs . 44-45, 52
Trophimus, S. .. me Seer,
Egypt .. . a . 15-19 Truro Cathedral 323,325
Sunium, temple at as Bs 55 Tuan Fang altar-piece .. Ps 125
Susa Ns BS a7 Tun-Huang caves 122
Sylvester Il, Pope ac ea eT On Turks 158, 159,267,271, 302
Symonds, £. A.. 274, 281 Tutankhamen . : .. 19-20
Syracuse, temple-church rane 86 Tyre, craftsmen of a te 61
Syria T3714 ee 154,158
Sweden .. a NGTey)
Swithun, S. 241 Ulm Cathedral .. 263, 264
Switzerland 307 cite States, church ‘building
.. 5-6, 326-328
U soba, American aoe: 327
Taj Mahal 164-165 Ur Ziggurat ; . 30-32
Taklin’s Temple of Reason 272
Tarik 166
Zsenochtitlan, temple of ie 24 Vagharshapat .. 393 Se 87
Teocalli (Mexican) +2 29-30 Vast, Jean Aa AG 207
Tertullian aie ne 76 Vaughan .. 327
Tewkesbury Abbey 261 Vaulting—
Thebes . 15-20 Gothic ; : 194-198
Theodora, Empresses ..97; a Romanesque .. . 196-198, 223
Theodore, RADON fot 914 Venice—
Theodoric --95,171 Chiesa del Redentore eo 18303
Theresa, S. F yea 205: Decline of : . 302, 304-305
Theseum. . LA oe ad 52 S. Giorgio Maggiore esos
Thoky, Abbot .. ae -. 258 SS. Giovanni e Paolo 283-285
342 INDEX
Page Page
Venice— Westminster Abbey—
S. Marco ; ; 94,176, 185 Chevet.. ; 185,252
S. Maria dei Miracoli ns ie Oe Foundation .. si one aEi
S. Maria della Salute 303 Henry III.’s church .. 252
The Frari 283 Henry V.’s chantry .. iG ROE
Versailles is mcongt7 Henry VII.’s chapel .. 191,260, 313
Vesta, temple of. . 10, ee 66 Monastery .. : 227,228
Vezelay Abbey .. 188, 212 Queen Eleanor’s statue 245
Vienna, S. pi tena83 263 Renaissance work . 313-314, 322
Vignola . + 299, 300-301 Retable a Wess
Vikramaditya EO The King’s craftsmen 252-253
Viollet le Duc .. 324 West Point chapel 327
Vischer, Peter 263-264 Whitby, Synod of «opp RRS
Vishnu temples Af . r11-112,114 Wilfrid of York .. » 4379147, 148
Vishvakarma stupe boule 115 Winchester—
Visigoths : 166 Chantry chapels 260
Vitruvius. . 53301 Monastic foundation 219
Vladimir of Russia 268-269 Norman cathedral 222, 260
Volpiano, William of 190 Perpendicular nave 260
Saxon cathedral 149
Woolley, C. L. .. 31
Worms Cathedral : cope ek 89
Wales— Wren, Sir C. 6, 309, 315-322
Culbone the hermit .. 148 Wu Tsung, Emperor . wishie Gee
Monasteries on marshes 136 Wygmore, Abbot 258
S. David in oa 144,145 Wykeham, William of .. 260
Waley, A. EZ
Walid, I . 157) ae York Minster 140, 255,259, 260
Walsingham, Our Lady of 64 Yiin-Kang caves, Shansi aoe MER
Warwick, Beauchamp aes
Washington Cathedral . 327
Wells Cathedral sak 247 Zeus . 10,66
Foundation .. : 246 Ziggurats 24,29-32, 34, 160
Lady Chapel .. . 246 Zimmern, A. s 41,55
West Front 247-250 Zoser, pyramid of 13
School of Theology
at Claremont
‘NA Short, Ernest Henry, 1875-
4800 The house of God; a history of religious
($5 architecture and symbolism. New York, Macmillan,
1926 1926.
xv, 342p. illus., plates. 26cm.
CCSC/mmb
A396
F aN