g

Putting Gender Back

in the Picture:
Ret h in ki n
Wom e n's E c on om ic
Emp o we rm en t
Presented by Cañamaque, Cerafica, Dadula
Today's Discussion
THINGS TO COVER

Financial gain and women’s empowerment: exploring the

gendered dimensions
Access to credit and entrepreneurship
Globalisation, trade liberalisation and the
‘feminisation of labour
The realities of women in the workplace
Migration for work

Tackling the ‘double burden’: a practical place to start

Towards an equitable distribution of care
State responsibility for the provision of care
OWF • 2020
‘THE GLOBAL COMMUNITY MUST RENEW ITS ATTENTION TO WOMEN’S
ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT AND INCREASE INVESTMENTS IN WOMEN…
INCREASED WOMEN’S LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION AND EARNINGS ARE
ASSOCIATED WITH REDUCED POVERTY AND FASTER GROWTH; WOMEN WILL
BENEFIT FROM THEIR ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT, BUT SO TOO WILL MEN,
CHILDREN AND SOCIETY AS A WHOLE…’.

(WORLD BANK’S GENDER EQUALITY ACTION PLAN 2007-10: 2)

OWF • 2020
 FINANCIAL GAIN AND
WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT:
EXPLORING THE GENDERED
DIMENSIONS

 Access to credit and entrepreneurship

Based on research into the impact of credit programmes in
Bangladesh, advocates have argued that women’s access to
credit strengthens their bargaining power within the
household, improves their perception of self worth and can
lead to a long-term decrease in domestic violence (Hashemi
et al 1996; Kabeer 1998, 2001, 2005b)

Critics, by contrast, have claimed that women's loans are

often controlled and invested by male relatives, while women
borrowers bear the liability for repayment (Goetz and Gupta
1996)
 Globalisation, trade liberalisation and the ‘feminisation of labour’
Women’s labour force participation rates have been rising over the
past 40 to 50 years in almost all developing regions (Fontana et al
1998), a trend often referred to as the ‘feminisation of labour’.
This is partly due to the increased employment opportunities
generated by trade liberalisation, especially in certain types of
informal employment such as clothing and textiles, non-traditional
agriculture (such as cut flowers), the service sectors, and in the
electronics-oriented Export Processing Zones (EPZs)

Because young women in particular are cheaper than men to employ

due to assumptions that they are less skilled and are not the
primary earners, women are attractive to employers (Randriamaro
2006). Women are also supposedly more ‘docile’ and less likely to
complain than men (see Elson and Pearson 1981).
Globalisation, trade liberalisation and the ‘feminisation of labour’
CONSTRAINTS ON MOBILITY

In some parts of the world, controls on women’s and

girls’ mobility create powerful barriers to their
economic participation in paid work,
entrepreneurship, or credit programmes.

With the rise of new religious fundamentalist movements in

the Middle East and South Asia, restrictions on women’s
mobility in public places are increasing, pushing women out
of the formal labour market (AWID 2004). Innovative
programmes to challenge the norms around women’s sexuality
which underpin restrictions on women’s movement are thus
critical to achieving meaningful, accepted and long-term
change.
 The realities of women in the workplace
Even where women are accessing the labour market, the mere
presence of work does not guarantee empowerment. Questions
need to be asked about the quality of women’s employment:
about the earnings, benefits and conditions that accompany it.

‘Women’s access to paid work may give them a greater sense of

self-reliance and greater purchasing power, but if it is
undertaken in conditions that erode their health and exploit
their labour, its costs may outweigh its benefits’

(Kabeer 2005a: 24)

 The realities of women in the workplace
THE GENDER PAY GAP

Despite advances in women’s and girls’ educational

attainments, a gender gap in earnings persists across almost
all employment categories, including informal wage employment
and self-employment (ILO 2007).

Even in the UK, women working full-time earn, on average, 17

percent less an hour than men working full time – equivalent
to men getting paid all year and women working for free for
two months (Fawcett Society website).

The gender pay gap is underpinned by gendered norms which

assume that men are primary breadwinners and women are
secondary or supplementary earners, meaning that women’s work
is accorded less recognition and value than the work done by
men.
 The realities of women in the workplace
UNREGULATED, UNCONTRACTED OR SUBCONTRACTED LABOUR

With increasing ‘informalisation’ of the labour force over the

past few decades and the growth of flexible labour markets and
outsourcing of production, women are increasingly engaged in
unregulated, uncontracted work which is often casual or
temporary, including a growth in subcontracted home-based work
(UNICEF 2002).

As a consequence of these informal work arrangements, women

have little bargaining power, particularly with regard to
negotiating better conditions of work, such as shorter hours
(Seguino 2006). This kind of work is characterised by a lack
of choices and may not be seen as empowering by the women
doing the work.
 The realities of women in the workplace
DISCRIMINATION AND HARASSMENT

Gender-based workplace discrimination has other manifestations,

including violation of childcare and maternity rights – for example
when women are dismissed from work for being pregnant.

A recent ILO study of women workers in the garment industry in

Cambodia revealed that women faced regular harassment from
supervisors, as well as unfair working conditions, such as lack of
sick or holiday pay, being refused permission for leave, having to
do forced overtime, and receiving irregular salaries (ILO 2006).

Steps should be taken to address sexual harassment in the

workplace, such as employing more women in supervisory and
management roles, creating opportunities for women to safely report
incidents, and adopting zero tolerance policies towards
perpetrators (Prieto-Carron 2006)
 The realities of women in the workplace
FIGHTING FOR RECOGNITION IN THE WORKPLACE

‘When individual women from amongst the poorest, least educated and
most disenfranchised members of society come together, they
experience dramatic changes in … the balance of power, in their
living conditions, in relationships within the household and the
community. Perhaps the most important effect of empowerment is that
the woman says: “Now I do not feel afraid.”’

(A woman Organiser in India, cited in Chen et al 2005, 75)

As noted by the 2005 Progress of the World’s Women Report, ‘for

women whose world has been confined to home, family and work, the
very act of joining an organisation adds breadth to their lives’ –
enabling them to take on leadership roles, build their self-
confidence, and gain new skills (Chen et al 1995: 76)
 Migration for work
Changing patterns of migration – with increasing numbers of women
migrating independently in search of jobs rather than following
male relatives – have also created new opportunities for women’s
economic independence and empowerment.

As women migrants take up new income earning opportunities created

by increased demand for female labour in some services and
industries, particularly export-oriented industries, they are
gaining greater visibility in development policy.

In particular, increasing attention is being given by the United

Nations and other multilateral and bilateral organisations to the
potential of female migrants’ remittances as a ‘motor of
development’ (Jolly with Reeves 2005: 26).
 Migration for work
‘Every year millions of women working in jobs
overseas send hundreds of millions of dollars back to
their homes and communities. These funds go to fill
hungry bellies, clothe and educate children, provide
health care and generally improve living standards
for loved ones left behind…their remittances
constitute a significant contribution to poverty
reduction and development’

(UNFPA 2006:1)
 Migration for work
Remittances – and migration more broadly – is also being
promoted by some as a vehicle for women’s empowerment. Women
migrants may gain kudos from the remittances they are able to
send home. They may also feel empowered by new opportunities to
take on paid work, gain new skills with increased employment
prospects on their return, and escape gender-specific
discrimination or pressure to conform to gender norms.

‘While working in Hong Kong I experienced many things – the way

people treat a dependent or independent woman. I have gained
much experience and my confidence has grown. Now, I have a say
in decision-making at home. My husband does not shout at me. I
have bought a piece of land and four rickshaws and I am
creating a means of livelihood for four other families…’

Sushila Rai, Nepalese migrant domestic worker

 Migration for work
Moreover, seeking to make money is only one among many factors
influencing decisions to migrate.

Current policy interest remains focused on the economic impact

of migration, with women being viewed primarily as economic
migrants. Yet the empowering potential of migration will only
be realised if the social – including gendered – motivations
and impacts are given greater recognition in policy and
practice. This requires a shift to a gendered, human rights-
based approach to migration (see Jolly and Reeves 2005).
 Migration for work
The key elements of such an approach could be:

1. Immigration and emigration policies that enable

women as well as men to take up opportunities that
safe and regular migration may offer
2. Mobilisisation around and support for international
rights frameworks that offer protection for women
migrants, to ensure that governments ratify and
adhere to them.
3. . Support for the acknowledgement and realisation of
the rights of migrants throughout the migration
process
 TACKLING THE
‘DOUBLE BURDEN’:
A PRACTICAL
PLACE TO START
 Double Burden
Traditional divisions of labour and socially ascribed
responsibilities mean that it is women and girls who generally
assume primary responsibility for unpaid care work.

This includes both the direct care of dependents – children,

elderly, people with disabilities, the sick – and the daily
domestic work, including cooking and cleaning, that women are
usually expected to take on. These obligations pose a serious
obstacle to women’s labour force participation, and have a major
impact on their lives and well-being more broadly.

It also notes that the double burden of paid work and care work
undermines women’s quality of life and wellbeing and is
profoundly disempowering.
 Double Burden
TOWARDS AN EQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION OF CARE

The proliferation of initiatives to make men more ‘gender

equalitable’ offer opportunities here. But critical equity
issues such as who does the housework or cares for the children
are rarely addressed in programmes working with men.

One exception is the Nicaraguanbased Centre for Popular

Education and Communications (CANTERA), which runs a course on
'Masculinity and Popular Education’, including modules on
fatherhood and responsibility for domestic tasks. Another
exception is Institute Promundo in Brazil which has developed a
manual series which includes training manuals on fatherhood and
care-giving.
 Double Burden
TOWARDS AN EQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION OF CARE

Legislative change offers another avenue for transforming relations

of fatherhood. In various countries in the North and South,
policies have been introduced to encourage fathers to take care-
related leave. In Iceland, for example, no distinction is made
between paternity and maternity leave, but a nine-month paid leave
after childbirth – at 80 percent of salary – is granted instead.
This leave is split into three equal parts between the mother, the
father (whose share is non-transferable) and the couple (ILO 2007).

While this degree of financial support from the state may not
always be possible in low and middle income countries, other steps
can be taken to promote greater involvement from men in childcare.
In Costa Rica, for example, a ‘Responsible Fatherhood’ law was
passed in 2001 and a similar law is being talked about in Nicaragua
(Patrick Welsh, personal communication).
 Double Burden
STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE PROVISION OF CARE

Efforts to reconfigure arrangements of care between

women and men are critically important. Yet
governments also have a responsibility to recognise
and measure the care activities that women and girls
in particular absorb, and to respond to this through
the provision of targeted services and state-funded
care provision. This is essential if women are to be
empowered by economic opportunities.
 Double Burden
STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE PROVISION OF CARE

A recent briefing by DFID calls for three key

interventions:

Targeted infrastructure such as wells, energy

(stoves, lighting etc) that improve access, reduce
time burdens and/or increase ease of use of domestic
services;

Reducing the cost of existing infrastructure and

domestic services to increase usage; and •

Childcare schemes, which are often essential for

labour market participation by reducing time
burdens.
 Double Burden
STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE PROVISION OF CARE

Voluntary Services Overseas (VSO) makes additional

recommendations to support women caring for people
living with HIV/AIDS:

Increase delivery of social protection schemes to reduce

the burden of care, for example through the provision of
nutrition in schools •

Strengthen public health systems and increase the capacity

of governments to meet care needs •

Promote initiatives to address the health care worker

crisis in many countries, for example through improved
conditions of service and promotion opportunities. (VSO
2006)
 Double Burden
STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE PROVISION OF CARE

A recent UNRISD document on The political and social

economy of care in a development context also sets
out possible policy interventions on care:

Provisions relating to monetary and social security

benefits (for example, cash payments, social security and
pension credits, tax allowances)
•
Provisions relating to employment-related measures (for
example, paid and unpaid leave, career breaks, severance
pay, flexi-time, reduction of working time) •
 Double Burden
STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE PROVISION OF CARE

A recent UNRISD document on The political and social

economy of care in a development context also sets
out possible policy interventions on care:

• Services or benefits provided in kind (for example, home

help and other community-based support services, childcare
places, residential places for adults and children)
•
Incentives toward employment creation or toward provision
in the market (for example, vouchers for domestic
employment, exemptions from social security contributions
for people employed as carers, tax reductions for the costs
of employing a domestic helper, subsidies for private care)
AS IS CLEAR FROM THE ABOVE
BOXES, CONSIDERABLE
THINKING HAS ALREADY BEEN
DONE TO IDENTIFY
APPROPRIATE POLICY
INTERVENTIONS TO ADDRESS
THE PROBLEM OF THE DOUBLE
BURDEN. WHAT IS NOW NEEDED
IS THE DEDICATED POLITICAL
WILL AND RESOURCES REQUIRED
TO PUT THESE
RECOMMENDATIONS INTO
ACTION.
FINALLY, WE NEED TO
REMEMBER THAT ECONOMIC
GROWTH IS NOT THE PANACEA
OF DEVELOPMENT. DEVELOPMENT
SHOULD ALSO FUNDAMENTALLY
BE ABOUT WELL-BEING, RIGHTS
AND JUSTICE. AS SUCH, IT IS
IMPERATIVE THAT INITIATIVES
TO EMPOWER WOMEN AIM NOT
ONLY AT BRINGING ABOUT
FINANCIAL GAIN, BUT ALSO,
CRITICALLY, AT ENSURING
WOMEN’S RIGHTS, EQUALITY
AND DIGNITY.
 RETHINKING WOMEN'S ECONOMIC
EMPOWERMENT

Thank You!
REFERENCE:
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