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Witch Beliefs and Violence Against Women Among Tribal Communities in West
Bengal

Thesis · March 2017

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.21714.66243

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 WITCH BELIEFS AND VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN AMONG TRIBAL
COMMUNITIES IN THE STATE OF
WEST BENGAL

BRISHTI BANERJEE

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARMENT OF

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION AND DEVELOPMENT PRACTICE

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

TATA INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

MUMBAI

[2017]

i
 Dedicated to my parents

Mrs. Sadhana Banerjee and Mr. Samir Kumar Banerjee

For their constant belief and support in me

ii
 DECLARATION

I, Brishti Banerjee, hereby declare that this dissertation entitled: ‘WITCH BELIEFS AND
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AMONG TRIBAL COMMUNITIES IN THE STATE
OF WEST BENGAL’ is the outcome of my own study undertaken under the guidance of Dr.
Sohini Sengupta, Assistant Professor, Centre for Community Organization and Development
Practice, School of Social Work, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. It has not previously
formed the basis for an award of any degree, diploma, or certificate of this Institute or of any
other institute or university. I have duly acknowledged all the sources used by me in the
preparation of this dissertation.

[22nd March, 2017] [Signature of the Student]

Brishti Banerjee (M2015CODP031)

M.A Social Work, TISS, Mumbai

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 CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation entitled “WITCH BELIEFS AND VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN AMONG TRIBAL COMMUNITIES IN THE STATE OF WEST
BENGAL” is the record of the original work done by Miss. Brishti Banerjee under my guidance.
The results of the research presented in this dissertation have not previously formed the basis for
the award of any degree, diploma or certificate of this Institute or any other university.

Date: 22nd March, 2017 [Signature of Professor]

Dr. Sohini Sengupta (PhD),

Assistant Professor

Centre for Community Organization and Development Practice,

Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
As I look back on this journey of my research I must acknowledge the fact that it would have
never been possible without my motivation, which has been my strength and driving force. As I
moved along this path, there have been many individuals who have supported me and have
believed in me and in my ability to successfully complete the study. I thank each and everyone
who have guided and helped reach my goal.

First and foremost I would like to express my gratitude to the Centre of Community
Organization and Development Practice (School of Social Work) specifically Dr. Sohini
Sengupta, I was fortunate to have her as my research guide, she has been an outstanding mentor
and advisor. I am deeply indebted to her for sharing her views on my work, her patience, hours
of assistance, sound advice, inspiration, dedication and all that I have learnt from her. She has
willingly given me her time to ensure that true learning and a quality document results from this
endeavor. Thank you, ma’am.

I would like to sincerely thank each and every participants of this study for trusting me and
sharing their experiences. I would like to thank the professors of LifeLong Learning (Rural
Extension Centre), VisvaBharati University, Birbhum for their help and support. My sincere
thanks also go to Sub Divisional Police Officer (Birbhum) for his assistance.

I am also grateful to my aunt (Miss. Madhumita Bhattacharjee) who has helped me collect
primary data from the field for the study; she has been one of the key contact persons and has
also helped in interpreting Santali language to Bengali.

Heartfelt thanks are given to my parents and my brother for being constant in my life. Last but
not the least, I would like to thank Mr. Lavrez Chaudhary who has been my companion and has
given me unconditional love and support at all times. I am humbled by his unwavering faith in
me.

Thank You,

Brishti Banerjee

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Declaration___________________________________________________________________iii

Certificate____________________________________________________________________iv

Acknowledgement_____________________________________________________________v

Table of Contents______________________________________________________________vi

Abstract_____________________________________________________________________vii

Chapter 1: Introduction________________________________________________________1- 5

Chapter 2: Review of Literature________________________________________________6-15

Concept Map_________________________________________________________________16

Chapter 3: Research Methodology_____________________________________________17-24

Chapter 4: The Santals of Birbhum and Purulia (West Bengal)_______________________25-28

4.1 The West Bengal Scenario________________________________________________27-28

Chapter 5: Witch Beliefs and Witchcraft________________________________________29-32

Chapter 6: Witch Hunt and Violence___________________________________________33-38

Chapter 7: Legal Dimensions of Witchcraft and Witch Hunts________________________39-42

Chapter 8: Tribal Activism, Witch Hunt Protests and Sensitization____________________43-45

Chapter 9: Key Findings and Discussion________________________________________46-51

References________________________________________________________________52-55

Appendix_________________________________________________________________56-60

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 ABSTRACT

_____________________________________________________

This dissertation summarizes witch beliefs and witch hunts practices that exist in the state of
West Bengal. The study investigates the reasons behind existence of such beliefs and practices. It
also tries to locate the inter-linkages between witch beliefs and witch hunt at the same time.
Additionally the research looks at the benefits that people get from sustaining these beliefs and
practices and the role of legal authorities, local institutions and tribal activism in this regard.
The research draws upon both from primary sources (field interviews, seminars and FGDs) and
secondary sources (majorly from the writings of Ajay Skaria, H. M MacDonald and S.
Choudhuri as well as newspapers, articles and journals). The research analyses the above
mentioned dynamics by synthesizing narratives of the participants and their perspectives with
secondary data. The study captures the nature of the tribal community (Santals) where witch
beliefs and witchcraft continue to exists, the common witch beliefs and its relationship with the
witch hunting practices, it examines the interconnections between mythological tales and the
real scenario of witch beliefs and witch hunt, its association with violence, legal dimensions and
anti-witch hunt awareness and sensitization.

______________________________________________________________________________

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 CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

The practice of persecuting witches may be as old as witchcraft itself. But, of late there has been
a sharp rise in the number of women being denounced as witches and sentenced to deaths. This
trend is all the more alarming because the victims have often been women from Dalit or tribal
communities and the reasons for the "witch hunt" have actually been political, property-related
or gender-specific (Rajalakshmi, 2000).

WITCH DEFINITION: Who is a “witch”? In sociological and anthropological terms, a witch is

regarded as someone who brings misfortune or cast spell/influence on an individual or group
either within or outside the community. Generally regarded to use non physical means to cause
injury or misfortune to others and the harm is usually caused to the kin rather than strangers.
These witches can be countered by reciprocal use of non physical means (like magical powers)
or deterrence in the form of corporal punishments, execution etc. A witch in most of the cases is
a woman. Witch hunting involves killing of a ‘witch’ who is considered to be evil. This practice
is commonly associated with the tribal communities (Assam Mahila Samata Society Report,
2010).
Most of these identified witches are poor, physically handicapped, single, widows and aged
women/men. They are branded as witches by the local priest, ojhas or so called witch doctors but
the selection is based on a degree of unpredictability and randomness associated with witchcraft
(Skaria, 1997).
A person especially of the female gender may be considered a witch, she is believed to be the
one who acquires supernatural powers and is capable of performing black magic or sorcery and
of causing harm to human health. The term ‘witch’ is popularly used for women. It is a gender
attribution and the practices of witchcraft are to be seen from gender perspective as majority of
the witch killing victims are women (Iqbal, 2015).

THE TRIBES IN INDIA: There is a lot of ambiguity among researchers with respect to the
description of tribes. Phrases like “groups with pre modern conditions of living”-were used for a

1
long time to define tribes. It was only until 1950 when the Constitution of India recognized
tribals as a special category eligible for affirmative action policies. There are still many tribes
which are not even recognized and they continue to live way below poverty line. The term
“tribes” stands as vague, ambiguous and ill defined. They are referred to as aboriginal or
autochthonous by colonial administrators and now the word that is employed is “adivasis”. It is
believed that the tribes are an isolated, self constrained and socially homogeneous to a large
extent. In South Asia tribes have co existed with other types of social formations. Many
ethnographers confused tribes with caste. Generally defining the community as ‘primitive’ was
considered appropriate (Beteile, 1998). These communities belong to different ethno lingual
groups and profess deviance faiths. They are spread across entire spectrum of social evolution in
India ranging from Paleolithic hunters to gatherers of forest produce to the industrial workers
(Raza and Ahmad, 1990).
The tribes depended on subsistence farming as they initially had free access to lands but with
coming of age, improvement of communications and influx of experienced cultivators, investors
and the laissez faire system –they have lost most of their lands to non tribals and their
deterioration in the tribal status continued from then onwards. Tribals were depended on forests
but today they have been victims of conflict between tribal ownership and state claims to the
entire forest wealth followed by commercialization of the forests. Despite the Government of
India’s effort to come up with funded development projects and schemes for social welfare -very
little has changed. In this context it is important to take into account the acculturation process
(Furer-Haimendorf, 1982). With independence the tribals have interacted with the non tribals
there has been a noticeable dissolution of the tribal culture into the dominant culture of the non
tribals and this in turn has generated new aspirations and urges (Raza and Ahmad, 1990). Several
other factors are identified that have brought about changes in the tribal culture: the measures
undertaken by the government, common facilities, spread education, process of urbanization,
occupational mobility etc. Today the tribals have also induced caste system into their society.
Despite the influx of globalization, education and scientific temper if not all but most tribals
continue to hold strong belief in the magico-religious sphere and in this regard one can associate
witch beliefs and witch hunting (Sarkar, 2008).

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WITCH BELIFS, TRIBES AND SUPERSTITION: The general notion is that witch beliefs
and witch hunt superstition is only specific to tribes but that is not true. Dipesh Chakraborty
(2008) makes an interesting argument in this regard. He says that despite the progress of science
and technology superstition seems to be human universal. It can be regarded as a risk
management strategy for human individuals. Superstition has to do with life chances (on the
chances of success and survival). Till the time superstition is confined to the private sphere it is
controlled but the moment it is sanctioned publicly (like in the case of witch hunt sanctioned
publicly thus causing violence) it becomes harmful. Most of us (including people living in cities
and metropolis) believe in some sort of superstition or the other be it as simple stopping when a
cat crosses the road right before you (considered bad luck), wearing that black thread on one’s
left foot to prevent the evil eye and so on. It is important to note that witch beliefs as a form of
superstition in this context is not specific to the tribes particularly, a lot many general public do
believe in witches, there are folklores on it as well but when that belief is sanctioned publicly in
the form of witch hunt it becomes a crime, this is mostly seen been practiced among the tribal
communities.
If we specifically take into account tribal perception of witch beliefs then we can see they have a
conviction that no village is free of witches. They are considered to be the embodiment of evil
(NIPCCD, 2008). Although it widely stems from superstition there are complex web of other
factors like individual and collective conflicts, tensions, jealousies, weak governance, indifferent
law enforcement machinery, poor development indicators etc (Report on CEDAW, 2014)

WITCH HUNTING: Witch hunting is a type of gender based violence that violates women’s
rights and undermines their dignity. It is true that men are also victims of the witch hunt practice
but their count is considerably low as compared to women (Partners for Law in Development,
2012).

There are several reasons to the witch hunt practice: greed for property, depriving women of
traditional property rights is a sidelined fact, illiteracy, poor educational levels and superstitious
beliefs. Lack of sufficient health care also leaves people with no other option but dependency on
superstition. One of the root causes is the patriarchal system. Men use weapons such as witch
hunting to get rid of women they fear. Certain socio-economic factors like land-grabbing,
property disputes, personal rivalry and resistance to sexual advances also play an important role

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(Naiduk, 2014). The perpetrators are often neighbours as well as own family members. For
example due to poverty a married son may consider his ageing mother as an unnecessary burden
and may try to grab the land that she has to her name by eliminating her. There are also greedy
land grabbers who lure such men with liquor and money in order to get rid of women by
declaring her a witch. There exist a local Ojha (witch doctor) who takes bribes in order to
identify a witch. It stands important to situate the caste and class dynamics that plays a central
role in this regard. Identifying dalit or adivasi women as witches helps to preserve the upper
caste/class hegemony (Iqbal, 2015).

Today, India represents a modern-day paradox. On the one hand, it is the largest democracy in
the world and has a rapidly growing economy. On the other, most of the population remains
poor, and Indians, both educated and not, often turn to superstition to cure illness, find love, and
rationalize bad events. This modern superstition has deadly consequences. In India, a person
accused of being a “dayan” or witch can be tortured, raped, hacked to death, or burned alive
(Ryan Shaffer, 2014).

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM: According to media reports witch hunting or killing is

extensively practiced in India. So far out of 11 states prominently in Jharkhand, Chattisgarh,
Bihar, Rajasthan and West Bengal cases of witch hunting is reported. Certain states in India have
adopted laws in order to tackle such social evils whereas others are yet to initiate a legal
framework. At the national level also no legislation has been passed with regard to witch hunt
specifically. In the state of West Bengal witch beliefs and practice of witch hunt is commonly
found in the districts of Birbhum, Purulia, Medinipur and Bankura. But the state government has
not taken any legal initiative to curb such practice (India Times Report, 2014 & 2015).
These practices persist in India not only due to the social sanctions given to them but also
because of the lack of will to immediate response by police, investigation is weak, women also
do not want to file or register a case with the police and often do not view legal solutions as
effective. The only hope for the victims of witch hunting and superstition is immediate and
prompt action from police, relevance of new legislation and its proper implementation (Partners
in Law in Development, 2012).
Research on tribes has gone through various phases and the focus has been on anthropological

4
methods to study the social structure of different tribes in India. However, in post independence
period the academic research on tribes began to focus with a view to formulate and implement
developmental policies in the community. The study of witch beliefs and violence
requires/demands a careful study of the social structure, status of women, common witch beliefs
and violence associated with witch hunt from the tribal perspective. Here one also needs to bring
out why witch beliefs exist in the first place irrespective of tribes for that matter.
This research will try to examine the reasons given by community members (men and women)
for continuing such practices and the extent to which the state have been able to respond to witch
hunting as a violence against women.

5
 CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

WITCH BELIEFS AND WITCH HUNTS: HISTORY AND COMPARATIVE

LITERATURE: The age of witch beliefs and witch hunting dates back from fourteenth to the
seventeenth century. It was predominant in Europe (Germany to England), the witch craze took
different forms in different times and place, but it never lost its essential character: that of a
ruling class campaign of terror directed against the female peasant population. Witches were
regarded as a threat to the church as well as to the State. There were innumerable executions in
the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century in Germany, Italy, France and England and women
made up eighty percent of those executed. The advocates of witch hunt trials asserted that
females are targeted because they are the fragile sex who are feebler in mind and body and were
thus prone to witchcraft. In Europe for example assertive and aggressive women who challenged
the existing Church State order were beaten to death and burned for witchcraft. Although some
historians challenge the fact that witchcraft laws were gender-neutral but 80 per cent of the
targets were women. Witch hunting was associated with women hunting as most men and
women (especially in Europe) came to believe that women were particularly likely to use
magical powers against them (Bever, 2002).
Witch hunt represent a social phenomenon which goes far beyond in history (Ehrenreich, 2010).
According some scholars witch craft dates back to Paleolithic times, to the worship of god of
hunt and the goddess of fertility and one can trace it from the remnants of cave paintings (Adler,
2006). Ancient origin of witch craze can also be traced in South America and Africa (Miguel,
2005). In Africa (alone) around 23,000 witches have been killed and cleansing campaign has
continued with witch finders going from one village to the other with the State supported it
(Federici, 2010).
Witch beliefs and witch hunts in India is not a new phenomenon. In India witch beliefs appeared
in medieval legends such as Bhagavata Purana, Brahma Purana, Kathasaritsagara as demon in
the train of Kali who eats human flesh. Ever since the 15 th century the beliefs in Daayan existed
in India. Folklores also suggest the existence of witch beliefs. However during the colonial times
witch hunts which were a consequence of witchcraft came to be recorded. Skaria (1997) notes

6
the practice of witch hunting among tribal communities (Bhills and Dangs) in the western India
during the colonial times. He speaks of the gendered nature of gratuitous violence of witch hunt
practices and how every woman was regarded as a potential dakan and no man was. It is
important to note that not all women or even in the bulk of them might have never thought
themselves as dakans but little was known about what they felt, most were picked up by
unfortunate chance or because of deformity. There is however much of ethnographic evidence
which shows that self proclaimed dakans are not uncommon and they are distinguished from
other women. Unlike early modern Germany where such imagining was a result of psychic
conflicts which were indirectly connected to female subordination, but among the adivasi
women, their image of themselves as dakans was directly connected to the combination of their
power challenged that marginality. This was one of the ways they could present or think of
themselves enjoying considerable social status as the dakans were feared and respected (Skaria,
1997).
Dayaan, dakain, tonhi and other different names are labeled on women across India. They are
tortured, shunned and stigmatized (Skaria, 1997). In most societies including India women are
the major victims of witch hunt practices but according to Colson (2000) there has been a shift in
focus among certain communities in the Southern Province of Zambia, they have increasingly
named their father as a witch. The witch in such a case is a male and the sense of victimization is
associated with several reasons like growing tension between husband and wife as women see
themselves as exploited by their husbands who take away disproportionate share of resources
acquired by family labour, violence against women and children by angry, frustrated men who
have access to beer, frequent droughts, poor harvest and much hunger lead to much of
unhappiness and suspicion. The toothless laws fail to initiate any action against such practices
(Colson, 2000).

In India witch hunting is restricted neither to class, caste or religion. While most cases of witch
hunting are reported from rural areas, it occurs in towns and cities as well. The practice draws
upon belief and superstition, the practice has to be seen through a gendered lens and as a
manifestation of patriarchy. Labeling is invoked to punish caste, gender and sexuality
transgressions thus serving a tool for maintaining the social order (Partners for Law in
Development, 2012). In the context one can observe (with evidence) the existence of vigilantes

7
(a person who takes laws in his own hands and deliver justice in the way he/she thinks is right).
The practice of witch hunt is one such example committed in the guise of vigilante justice to get
rid of an immoral soul who could “supposedly” bring despair or cause crop or loss death of
livestock or human being (Iqbal, 2015).
STATUS OF TRIBAL WOMEN: Man and woman are two distinctive term representing two
identifiable human forms. Nature created them for the programming of our society. Both the
sexes are made complementary to have a progeny and this made them equally responsible for
carrying out nature’s command. But somewhere down the line we forgot this and started
attributing a lower status to women and gradually a majority of the women also imbibed themale
notion of women’s unimportance and started keeping a low profile. Their only identity is that of
a mother, daughter, wives of men (Thakur, 1995).
Tribal women play a dominant role not only in agricultural operations but also in the field of
crafts and forest based economy. In socio-economic sphere tribal women have an important
position more or less equal to that of men. But over the over the years as the tribal areas have
opened up to urbanization and there has been a noticeable influx of urban centres and division of
labour that has gained prominence. The tribal women in the urban and semi urban areas have
taken up agricultural cultivation where the tribal men have been taking up more of non
agricultural activities. Tribal society varies in the sense that some are matrilineal and some are
patriarchal (Santalis follow the latter). Despite their contribution women occupies a subordinate
position especially in the patriarchal scenario. But the tribal families do not have preference for
boys and girls. In most tribes women are given the liberty to choose their own life partners,
widows are free to re marry. In socio-cultural sphere the tribal women has greater say than
religious sphere. The tribal woman has little religious duties (Thakur, 1995).
The tribal population living in West Bengal constitutes Santals, Oraons, Mundas, Kimans and
Mahatos. They are spread across the districts of Malda, South Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri, Murshidabad,
Birbhum, Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia and it is interesting to note that the frequency of witch
hunting is high in these areas. In order to find a concrete answer to the question as to why
women fall prey to such inhuman practices, it becomes essential to understand their status in the
society (tribal context). Some authors like Choudhury (2013) claims that witchcraft is a
manifestation of the male dominated society which targets the economically independent women
or widows who defies the accepted norms of the society, a single woman or one without a male

8
partner –are targeted. The Santals for example think that their women as inconsistent and
irresponsible creatures belonging to sub human species and are deprived the fruits of
development. Whenever the tribals find something unnatural or beyond their control, they start
apprehending the presence of evil spirits. Today the tribal women have been empowered with
civic rights by the law of the country but community customs stands in their way. Tribal
societies have strong belief in magic and they tend to equate women with nature. Most tribal
women living in interiors of Bengal are seen to mostly confine themselves into household work
and are not exposed to the changing world.
In certain cases once declared a witch, they have to pay certain fines. For example in Purulia
(2000s) district a declared witch and wizard were asked to pay lump sum amount of money and
their house was also looted.

WITCH HUNT: VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN: According to UN Women (2012)

worldwide up to 50 percent of sexual assaults is committed against girls under 16.
Approximately 130 million girls and women in the world have experienced female genital
mutilation/cutting, with more than 3million girls in Africa annually at risk. Women and girls are
80 percent of the estimated 800,000 people trafficked across national borders annually, with the
majority (79 percent) trafficked.
In contemporary times, gender violence is a disturbing phenomenon prevalent in every society
irrespective of political boundaries. Despite human civilization having progressed in scientific
temper, there are people who believe in witch hunting and witchcraft in different lands and
culture. Certain superstitions are so heinous and inhuman that life of a woman becomes trivial so
much so that murdering her is regarded as the universal remedy. Life and liberty of a person are
two such basic rights of a person living in a civilized society that needs to be protected. Witch
hunting is a systematic violation of the rights and it is an atrocious act of violence against women
whereby the entire community/village sanctions punishment to the accused. Witch hunting and
witchcraft are rampantly practiced with modus and motives changing over time and space (Iqbal,
2015). Witchcraft has certainly victimized innumerable women innocent of inflicting harm
consciously or unconsciously. Suspects (as noted earlier) have been overwhelmingly females
(Bever, 2002).
The violence against women takes place in epidemic proportions in many countries around the

9
world. Violence against women is a gross violation of women’s rights which has serious health
impacts and is costly to economic development. Women are at risk of violence from both
intimate partners and strangers. At least one in every five women is at risk of violence when
carrying out daily activities. According to the WHO (1997 & 2002) many girls and adolescents
are forced sexual initiation in several countries. This has overall impact on the economy by
reducing women’s labour participation and productivity thus resulting in lower earnings, savings
and investment (ICRW, 2005). Violence against women has a lot to do with men and
masculinity, men’s expression of violence is closely linked to controlling women in their family
and ensuring that they fulfill their roles. Women who challenge men’s action threaten men’s
masculinity, often resulting in violent reaction. The act of violence against women has been
classified as control, emotional violence, physical violence and sexual violence (ICRW, 2002).

In South Asia, violence against women is a particularly relevant issue, which is also known to be
"the most gender insensitive region in the world” Women in countries like India suffer from and
are exploited in various ways: domestic violence, battering, rape, marital rape, incest, dowry-
related violence, female infanticide, sexual harassment, human trafficking for prostitution and,
last but not the least, witch-hunting. In recent years, the media has reported many cases of
witch-hunting incidents in the country (Shrestha, 2004).

Witch hunting is a global phenomenon which has spared neither men, nor women, nor children.
Nevertheless there is no doubt that most frequently attacked have been women and in particular
lower class and elderly women. Women living alone, single and owning property are targeted.
The shaming rituals sanctioning witch hunting is somewhat common in India and Nepal
(Federici, 2010).
According to Singh (2011) women especially dalit or adivasi women are branded as witches. The
accused women are subjected to extreme torture both physical and mental. In most cases the
women suffer silently as most of them are unable to reach out for help, given the lack of
education and poverty. The helpless “witches” are often stripped naked, their hair is burnt off,
they are forced to eat human excreta, their teeth are pulled out and where they don’t end up
losing life, they lose mental balance (Singh, 2011).

10
Rakhi Verma’s documentary “Indian Witch Hunt” (2005) provides deep insight into the practice
of itch hunting in the Eastern India. Her film captures how women are beaten and brutally
murdered. Women suspected of witch craft are hunted down and attacked. A series of witch hunt
has rocked many regions of Eastern India with several instances of individual or collective
practices of witch hunting. As societies evolved, the witch hunting or witch killing practice has
taken a different route. Today it is practiced to serve the self interest of some people. In all the
cases of witch hunting someone or the other is benefitted from their death. Contemporary witch
hunting/killing or branding may not be about witch craft after all, there are cases where brutal
witch killing took place of women who refused sexual advances of village headman or through
this practice they were denied right to land or property. Verma’s film (2005) shows how some
branded witches are forced to eat excreta or drink urine or are subjected to such barbarous acts. It
is shocking to note how their lives have changed by a single word.

Some scholars like Barman have highlighted on the property issue whereas Nathan and Kelkar
emphasized on land grabbing, Mishra views family and village politics as playing a critical role
as a major cause for perpetuating witch hunt practices. It is also practiced to get rid of “unwanted
females” such as widows and women who have become pregnant outside marriage (Choudhuri,
2012).

It is interesting to examine the connection between old age and witchcraft and its evidence traces
from historical records to the present. It is observed from cross cultural sociological and
anthropological studies that elderly women were plagued by socioeconomic problems like
poverty and marginality. Across cultures it is believed that with age (elderly women) tend to
exhibit irritable and socially disruptive behaviours during this phase of life due to combination of
psychological (death of husband) and biological (end of reproductive potency triggers)
adjustments –these general characteristics are suspected and they are mostly branded as witches
(Bever, 2002).
This is a kind of oppression that a women faces in a tribal society. Among tribals, a part of the
public sphere that is reserved for men is the ritual, magico-religious sphere. The ritual
knowledge, which is used to increase the productivity of the forest and to protect the group from
danger, is something from which women are excluded (Bagchi and Dutta, 2000).

11
On one hand the tribal women were/are quite powerful. Ever since the colonial times, they play
an equal role in subsistence activities (like fishing) and also an equivalent role in cultivation.
Certain tribes also have a custom of bride price, autonomy of women is also evident in their
marital relations but they are still marginal and subordinate in the adivasi society. Their control
over land for cultivation is limited, political chief ship is primarily held by men. Kingship is
basically about accentuated masculinity (Skaria, 1997).
The practice of witch hunt is legitimized by the witch doctors or the community itself who
manages to gather support through gossips. Some of the most popular explanations are property
disputes, epidemics and local politics that erupt into gender conflicts against adivasi women.

For example in Malda, West Bengal, advasi widows are prosecuted as ‘dainis’ by their
husband’s kin. The accused women are mostly childless widows whose land will pass on to their
nearest male relative after death. By accusing them of practicing witch craft, those relatives can
inherit the land immediately. The advasi belts also have some of the worst health facilities in the
country and this teamed with illiteracy, marginalization and government corruption and
increasing reliance on the ojhas (traditional healers). They are viewed as religious leaders who
play an active role in saving the communities. These important religious, political and social
figures legitimize witch hunts (Soma Choudhuri, 2013).

SITUATING WITCH HUNT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SCAPEGOAT THEORY:

Soma Chaudhuri (2014) discusses in details the concept of scapegoat theory in the context of
witch hunt and violence against women. She explains the theory of dual deviance where there
exist a deviant group (the accused and family) on one side and the moral entrepreneurs (the
acusser/labeling) group on the other. The deviant group is considered to be a threat to the moral
order of the society. In this case the deviant and labeling group belongs to the same community.
The labeling group (moral entrepreneurs) consists of rule creators and rule enforcers who are
dominated by the upper strata of the society. They maintain moral boundaries; they also have
power and public support at their disposal. Now this is the first level of deviance and this
followed by what is called a second level of deviance where by the moral entrepreneurs (the
labeling group) are perceived as deviant by a third group of people from outside the community
and this third group act as moral entrepreneurs in the second level. This group consists of the

12
legal authorities or the police specifically. At this level witch hunt is seen as a phenomena
harmful for the tribal society and accused as innocent.

WITCHES
DEVIANT INNOCENT

DEVIANT
ACCUSERS POLICE

WITCH HUNTS: CRIME RECORDS, LAWS AND LEGAL ENFORCEMENTS-

According to Crime Branch (CB) sources, at least 56 persons were killed in 2013, 35 in 2012, 39
in 2011 and 31 in 2010 in the name of witchcraft and witch hunt. According to the National
Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, 54 women were murdered in Jharkhand alone in 2013, the
highest in the country, with witch-hunting as motive followed by Bihar and West Bengal.
Women alone are not the victims of witch hunt, there are male victims as well.

In West Bengal among the tribals, the Santals were regarded to be the major witch killers apart
from other tribes like Munda, Oraon, Bhil, Ho. The state of West Bengal has huge Santali
population and most of them commonly practice witch hunt. Many people falling prey to this
practice believe that the so called “witches” bring bad luck to the family or village community,
some tribal communities in the eastern regions of Assam, Jharkhand and Bengal also
systematically identifies witches (Rajalaksmi, 2000)

According to India Today, Most Santals still believe that when a witch casts an evil eye at her
victim, incurable illness and misfortune are the result. But the real victim is more often the poor
woman branded as a witch. For the unfortunate person so pronounced by the sokha (witch-
doctor) is put on trial by the village council and fined any amount from Rs 500 to Rs 5,000. If
she refuses to or is unable to pay the fine the 'witch' is often beaten or stoned to death. The

13
Santhal villages scattered among the gently wooded hills of south Purulia in West Bengal have
changed little over the years.

According to India Times 2012, three women of a family in West Bengal’s Paschim Medinipur
district were killed after a kangaroo court held them guilty of practicing witchcraft. Similar
instances took place in May, when two persons of a family were killed in the English Bazaar area
of Malda district; the State underestimated such incidents by regarding them as common in the
under developed areas (The Hindu, 2012).

According to Reuters, the year 2013 and 2014 has experienced several murders related to witch
branding especially in Jharkhand, Odisha, West Bengal, Assam and Chattisgarh. There are
instances where a couple and four of their children were hacked to death in one of the eastern
states by villagers who accused them of practicing witch craft and making their children sick.
The same month, a 63 year old woman in Assam was branded as a witch by a mob that dragged
her out of her home, stripped and beheaded her (Reuters, 2015).

While newspaper reports about witch hunts among the adivasis are commonplace, prosecutions
of the accusers are not. The lack of government initiative to look into this issue seriously has
facilitated increasing practice of witch hunting and branding. There is no national law that deals
exclusively with the prohibition of witch hunting/killing. If we look at national laws, most witch
hunt cases are dealt with by Section 323 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which prescribes one
year’s imprisonment and Rs 1,000 fine to anyone who causes harm voluntarily. In other words,
the punishment for brutalizing a woman by calling her a witch could be the same as that for
slapping a person. Other sections like 302 (murder) of the IPC are invoked in witch hunt cases
that lead to a woman’s death (The Telegraph, 2011).

Out of 11 states, presently 4 states in India namely Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Odisha
have laws to tackle the social evil of witch hunts. Chhattisgarh’s Tonahi Pratadna Nivaran Act of
2005, Bihar’s Prevention of Witch (Daain) Practices Act (1999) and the Witchcraft Prevention
Act, 2001, in Jharkhand. Rajasthan government has come up with a draft legislation that lays
down stringent punishment for those who harass or assault women by accusing them of being

14
witches. However the state of West Bengal with its heavy tribal population and practice of witch
hunt practice especially in the districts of Birbhum, Purulia, Medinipur and Bankura has not
taken any legal initiative to curb such practices (India Times Report, 2014). At the national level,
Prevention and Prohibition of Witch Hunt Bill 2013 has not been passed.
Although there exists host of witch hunt specific laws in certain states in India which promises
safety, freedom and justice to women against gender based crimes but the effective of xuch laws
are disappointing. India has failed to pass the Prevention and Protection of Witch Hunting Bill,
2013 (it is yet to see the light). The states at the same time have not been very successful in
doing away with vigilante justice in the context of witch hunt (Iqbal, 2015).

It is most likely that cases of witch-killing and persecution of women will continue as long as
economic inequities and neglect of the health care infrastructure continue. The reluctance on the
part of both the community and the law-enforcers to see the killings of these hapless women as
blatant murder, points to collusion among various elements to keep women at the lowest rung of
society. To see it merely as a tribal custom would be to ignore the various influences on tribal
life, including the political one, where the constitutional right of political participation has the
potential to bring women into public life (Rajalakshmi, 2012).
This research aims to fulfill the gaps in the existing literature by locating witch hunt within the
context of violence against women. The research also aims to understand the changing
beliefs/trends associated with witch hunting in the tribal belt. The research looks at both witch
beliefs as well as witch hunt practices.

15
 CONCEPT MAP: WITCH BELIEFS AND WITCH HUNT
SUPERSTITION

WITCH BELIEFS PRIVATE

Economic Personal
PUBLIC
suspicion benefit Rejection
in love

WITCH HUNT MAJOR

REASONS

Disease
Property /Illness
IMPACTS
/Land

Activists
VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN, ACTORS
MURDER, Accused
VIOLATION OF
HUMAN RIGHTS,
ISOLATION AND Legal
authorities Accuser
SOCIAL
EXCLUSION

16
 CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

This chapter attempts to explain in details the research rationale, aims and objectives, research
questions that the study wishes to fulfill and it also describes the methods employed by the
researcher while conducting her research on witch beliefs and violence against women among
the tribal population in the state of West Bengal.

RESEARCH RATIONALE: Witch beliefs and witch hunt as an academic genre has not been
explored extensively by scholars and academicians. Witch hunt is a sensitive topic and is
considered a taboo subject. The purpose of the research is to develop a framework so as to
understand the changing dynamics of the witch hunt beliefs and practices in the state of West
Bengal (particularly in the tribal populated district of Birbhum)and analyse the possible reasons
behind the existence and perpetuation of such beliefs. The research will try to examine the
reasons given by community members (men and women) for continuing such practices and the
extent to which the state have been able to respond to witch hunting as a violence against
women.

AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY: The research aims to analyse, understand and
comprehend the following:
 The common beliefs around witch hunt practices in West Bengal.
 The reasons given by community members for continuing such practices.
 The benefits people get from such beliefs and practices.
 Role of legal authorities in transforming such beliefs.
 The status of tribal activism and awareness with regard to anti-witch hunting.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS:

 What are the conventional beliefs among tribes (Santali) with regard to witchcraft and
witch hunt practices?

17
  Why are women considered as prime targets?
 Who are benefited from such practices? What are these kinds of benefits?
 What legal interventions have been initiated to curtail witch hunt and violence?
 What has been the role of the tribal community, local activists and institutions in creating
sensitization and anti witch hunt protests?

RESEARCH DESIGN: The designs chosen for the research are exploratory and narrative
research designs.
Exploratory Research: As the name states, intends merely to explore the research questions
and does not intend to offer final and conclusive solutions to existing problems. It is conducted
in order to determine the nature of the problem. Exploratory research is not intended to provide
conclusive evidence, but helps to have a better understanding of the problem.
Narrative Research: Like the name implies, centers around the study of stories or accounts of
individuals, but also groups, societies and cultures. It is a term that subsumes a group of
approaches that in turn rely on the written or spoken words or visual representation of
individuals. The above design would be effective in analysing the existing beliefs and causes in a
chronological order. It would also study the status of women in relation to such practices and the
existing laws.

PROFILE OF THE SITES: Fortunately, there were no barriers to locating site to conduct this
study. The research was conducted in my home state West Bengal. The districts were carefully
selected keeping in mind the prevalence of witch beliefs and witch hunt practices. The district of
Birbhum and Purulia were selected as these districts show evidence of the same. I have also
taken into consideration the rate of crimes and geographical feasibility. Major part of the data
collection was done in Birbhum.

Birbhum: The Land of Red Soil is known for its cultural values which is unique and is
somewhat dissimilar to the other states of West Bengal. The district has witnessed many cultural
and religious movements in history. Birbhum is primarily an agricultural district where in most
of populace depend on agriculture. Around 91 per cent of the population is living in the villages.
The district represents heavy tribal inhabitants (especially Santalis). The district comprises of 3
sub divisions: Suri Sadar, Bolpur and Rampurhat. There has been considerable rise in the

18
population in the sub divisions. According to Census (2011) the total population of Birbhum
stands 3,015,422 persons. Around 65 per cent constitute of Hindua and 33 per cent Muslims
among other religious groups.

[Source: www.mapsofindia.com]

19
RESEARCH METHODS:

Non participant observation: This is to gain an insider’s knowledge of the community and
people’s behaviour through research assimilation. I have made field notes and memos noting
down my observations. This was more of a quasi-participant observation.

Focused Group Discussion: The FGD was conducted with the senior citizen women in order
capture the history, mythology, narratives and diverse perspectives associated with witch beliefs,
witchcraft and witch hunt. Around 6 individuals participated in discussion in Subhash Polly,
Bolpur (Birbhum) which on for 35-40 minutes.

Key informant interviews: This involves in depth interviews with people who knows what is
going on in the community. In this context the community leaders, academicians, activists were
interviewed. This method was followed because witch beliefs and practices are community
secrets, inaccessibility becomes a possibility. This method was considered suitable in order to
gain diverse opinions on the topic.

Additionally it is important to note that the victims, accusers and villagers were also interviewed
to understand both side perspectives.

POPULATION: This includes the population in the state of West Bengal who could contribute
to the objectives of my study and successfully satisfy my research questions. The population
includes tribal people belonging to the Santali tribe. Specifically, the tribal people who believe in
witches, witchcraft, witch hunt from the district of Biribhum and Purulia are targeted. The
desired population is targeted to gain comprehensible understanding about the above mentioned
topic.

SAMPLE: The targeted samples are the following:

 The affected women (victims) and their relatives.

 The accusers and their relatives.
 Activists, professor, legal authorities and representatives of local institutions.
 The villagers who especially include traditional and community leaders.

20
SAMPLING PROCEDURES: Snowball sampling is used in this qualitative research. Through
snowball sampling two participants were found initially and these participants further forwarded
couple of other references and so on. The above mentioned sampling strategy was chosen
because witch beliefs and witch hunt is considered a community secret and it is not openly
discussed. Therefore considering the sensitivity of the topic this kind of sampling is best suited.

SAMPLE SIZE: A total of 17 interviews along with a FGD were completed using the
mentioned sampling process. The numbers (17+1) were targeted as it was expected that it would
satisfy the required data for the research. The interviews lasted mostly for one to two hours and
the FGD went on for 35-40 minutes. The participants were thanked individually for their
participation. Additionally the time feasibility was also kept in mind.

TOOLS: The tools used for the research includes the following:

An interview guide: These consists of semi structured and open ended questions. The questions
are broad and are directed to fulfill the objectives of the research.

FGD check list: Here too the questions are broad and semi structured. The comfort of the
participant will determine the direction of the questions.

NOTE: The tools (interview guides and FGD checklist) are attached in the annexure.

DATA COLLECTION:

Primary data collection: As mentioned above the participants were selected on the basis of
snowball sampling. Initially I and the contact person got in touch with two artists who run their
entrepreneurial venture with the Santali tribal venture, they act as facilitators by creating
alternate livelihood options for the tribal people. On interviewing them I got few other references
including the contact of Sub Divisional District Police (SDPO) and then on I could get couple of
other references from the referred contacts. Additionally for interviewing the victim I went on a
transect walk and during that process I came across a woman who works as a domestic help and
was a victim of witch hunt violence and further on requesting her she personally accompanied
me to one other victim’s house and so on. For the FGD I along with my contact person went
about door to door to draw elderly women in the discussion and after making such an effort
around 6 of them turned up at one village elder’s house where the venue was set. As a researcher

21
I made sure that I was able to obtain rich data and diverse opinions of people on the issue.
Therefore I have interviewed victims, Jangurus, academicians, research scholars, tribal activists,
police and community members both men and women in order to come by a comprehensive
opinion on the issue.

The data was collected during the month of April-May (over one month). I visited Bibhum in the
month of April (before election) and again in May (after election). For Purulia my respondent (an
eminent tribal activist) from the district was interviewed in Kolkata. The reference of this activist
was given by Action Aid, an NGO in Kolkata

Secondary data collection: The secondary data was collected from various sources like
newspaper reports/records which included local as well as national newspaper, media records,
articles, NCRB database, NGO reports and documentaries.

DATA ANALYSIS: After the data collection process was completed. Each and every in-depth
interview and FGD were transcribed from Bengali and Santali to English. Each transcript was
reviewed several times and codes, themes, patterns and insights were documented.
All the 17 in-depth interviews and a FGD were coded and subsequently codes were established
and after that themes and sub themes were developed (which evolved) and the relationship
between them were identified, summarized and interpreted. The following are some of the broad
themes which have evolved and have been documented in the form of chapters.
 The Santals of Bengal (Birbhum and Purulia) districts.
 Witch beliefs and witchcraft.
 Witch hunt and violence
 Witchcraft and witch hunts –legal dimensions.
 Anti witch hunt protests, tribal activism and sensitization.

THE ROLE AND JOURNEY AS A RESEARCHER

As a researcher my role has been dynamic. During my phase of research I have realized that it is
not an easy task to identify a meaningful topic, develop objectives, formulate appropriate
questions, comprehending research plan, analyse data –all of this was indeed challenging given
the short span of time that I had at disposal. It was a laborious task to locate an area, find

22
samples, contact persons and collect data given the topic of research is quite sensitive. As my
research topic is considered a community secret I had to be very careful while formulating my
interview guides and during interviews I had to prioritize participants comfort while keeping in
mind the objective of the study.

The topic chosen for my research was inspired by my own interest. I came across the idea while I
was working on another research proposal on tribal livelihood and status of women. Witch
beliefs and the issue of witch hunt drew my interest and I started to look up on the topic and I got
more and more into reading on it. I strongly felt that this is such an issue which in very rare
instances has been taken up singularly for scholarly investigation and there has always been
some sort of ambiguity with respect to the validity of such beliefs and practices. I consulted my
research guide and she expressed her support which further motivated me to take up witch
beliefs and witch hunt in the context of violence against women. My research is based in my
home state of West Bengal considering the geographical feasibility as well in the context of
heavy tribal population present in the some of its districts. The prevalence of witch beliefs and
witch hunt in West Bengal is prominent and more specifically speaking unlike in other states
where there is a law on witch hunt, Bengal does not have any such law indicatively addressing
the practices of witch hunting. As a researcher I thought it will be also interesting to look at
Bengal in this regard because there has been quite number of available literature of witch hunt
states like Assam, Rajasthan, Jharkhand and Chattisgarh as compared to Bengal where witch
hunt and violence is significantly present as well.

My journey has been very vivid and rich. It was a valuable experience which has helped me
grow professionally as well as personally. I thoroughly cherish my journey as a researcher which
began more as someone who is an amateur to a research professional. It was a thorough learning
experience. Although my research career has just begun, I have accumulated a strong
background which I am sure will be beneficial for my future research career.

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS: The study strengthens the understanding and provides an
insight into the culture of the Santali tribe. It highlights one such prominent cultural custom of
witch beliefs and witchcraft. The study investigates the inter linkages between witch beliefs and
witch hunt, it brings out the reasons why women are primarily targeted, the community
perspective of witch hunt, legal interventions in this regard and the role of tribal activists,

23
community and local institutions in creating sensitization and anti witch hunt protests.
This research does not aim to present a top down view of the tribal community rather it brings
out the perceptions, opinions and suggestions of the community itself.
The topic chosen for the research is a sensitive one and hence comes with necessary restrictions
at the same time. There were times it was not feasible to conduct in depth interview due to time
constraints. The West Bengal elections during the data collection phase caused additional delay
in the process. It was difficult for the researcher to get adequate statistical data of the number of
witch hunt death as there is no specific law on witch hunt in Bengal and it becomes difficult to
get quantitative data in this regard. There were instances when the researcher faced ethical
dilemmas and that consumed her time to resume her data collection. Finally, the research
presents an all-inclusive investigation but given the constraint that it is only a research of
Masters level, there is scope for future extensive research on the topic.

ETHICAL DILEMMAS AND CONCERNS: The major ethical dilemma was maintaining
anonymity and confidentiality of the participants especially the victims because witch hunt is
considered a taboo subject and a community secret hence I went through dilemmas while
analyzing the data and chose to retain anonymity of all the participants including the interviewed
academicians, legal authorities and activists along with the victims and community people.
As I researcher I initiated all the interviews by first verbally informing the participants about the
research (I also had the authorization letter from my research guide). The consent of the
participants was taken into account. Interview was conducted in a sensitive manner keeping in
mind the comfort level of the participants, they were also given the liberty to not answer
questions that they were uncomfortable with. Due care was taken while interviewing the victims
as not to invoke that they went through in the past. Time and venue of participants were also
given priority. The use of appropriate research methodology was ensured, the anonymity and
confidentiality was maintained.

24
 CHAPTER 4
THE SANTALS OF BIRBHUM AND PURULIA

The Santals or Saontal are considered as scheduled tribe of people who are indigenous to Indian
states like Jharkhand, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha, Assam. They are largely a social group of
simple kind connoting generally ‘primitive’ or ‘aborginal’ (Bhaumik, 1985). Their presence can
also be traced in Nepal and Bangladesh. Santals are regarded as the third largest tribal
community (next to Bhils and Gonds) of India with a population of 4,260,842. The Bengali,
Devnagari and Olchiki scripts are used by them. They are believed to belong to Austro-Asiatic
family of languages. The Santals are divided into twelve patrilineal totemic clan (pari) namely,
Hansdak, Murmu, Kinku, Hambram, Soren, Marandi, Tudu Boske, Besra, Pauria, Charrey and
Bedia which are then further divided into several clans and sub clans (TRIFED, 2016).

The Santals add diversity to the mosaic population of this ever peculiar demographic
composition of the state of Bengal. Despite non existence of no recorded history, their origin can
be traced from migration from outside and further followed by assimilation and interactions with
early settlers. They are autochthonous and they maintain certain degree of distinctiveness in their
religious and cultural spheres (Bhaumik, 1985). The Santals tried to explore the mystery of
creation, history and life by means of myths and legends. Their tradition is mostly oral rather
than being written (Beals, 1958).

According to Dr. Dhuni (History of Santals, 2011) Santals are said to have migrated to Eastern
India during the end of eighteen century. It was regarded that they migrated from north eastern
regions of India gradually to the valleys of Ganges –along this line there has been couple of
theories and assumptions regarding the origin of Santals but as of yet it is very difficult to say
anything about their origin. They differ in minor details (based on demographic location) else
they have common songs, common ceremonial feasts and common mythological value.

An academician from Birbhum was interviewed and he mentioned that most of the Santals are
settled agricultural community. Land is considered precious than their own lives. Majority of
Santals are involved in agricultural operations. Animal husbandry is common but it plays a

25
minor part in maintaining the food supply. Their cultivation includes rice, maize and certain
winter legumes. Both men and women are equally involved in agriculture. Among others hunting
and fishing plays important role in the Santals economy. The historian who was interviewed
clearly mentions that “with changing economy the Santals are no longer confined to their
traditional forms of livelihood practices…..they engage in varied other occupations like running
small scale businesses, daily wage work in the cities, some of them migrate to cities or different
states after attaining education to take up white collared jobs”.

A Santali PhD scholar who was interviewed is pursuing his research on Santali culture and
customs says “in relation to the agricultural operations the Santals celebrates festivals and rites
like Sohre (the harvest festival), Baha (celebrating the first fruits and other wild fruits and
flowers), Erok Sim (sowing rice seeds in the field). They celebrate seven traditional forms of
marriage. There is prevalence and practice of child marriage, widow/widower marriage,
remarriage, polyandry, polygyny, levirate, sororate and divorce. However among the Santals
there is no such practice of dowry but there exist bride price which again varies from place to
place. Santals strongly believes in life after death and this occasionally is attached to witchcraft
as well. The dead body is buried in most cases and not cremated. In most cases a ritual is
performed on the dead body so that the dead person gets peace after death or else his/her spirit is
believed to haunt people, possess people as witches. The Santals are non idol worshippers, no
temples and no official founder of religion. They believe that the world is inhabited by
supernatural entities that they refer to as Bonga. Their God and Goddesses includes Maran Buru
(the great mountain), Moreko-Turuik (the supreme deity), Thakur-Jiu (the sustainer of universe),
Jahar Era (the Lady of the Sacred Love).”

The political organization and administrative unit of the Santal village is mostly governed by a
council of elders who also tend to regulate the lives of the people. The Santals govern by their
own laws. The village council consists of Manjhi (a head man), Paranik (a deputy headman), Jog
Manjhi (overseer), his assistant, a messenger and a village priest and his assistant. The council is
again responsible to the community (Troisi 1982).

It is important to bring in Beteille’s (2012) perspective to think beyond the stereotypical

perceptive that tribes are meant to be isolated, self contained and socially homogenous. No doubt
it is true to a large extent but that is not the case everywhere. In South Asia tribes had co existed

26
with other types of social formations for centuries, they is considerable diversity among the tribal
population themselves and in this context even say for example tribal religion has also been
influenced by Hinduism to a large extent. In India it can be easily established that some tribes
have ceased to be tribes and have become caste or something else and this problem of losing the
indigenous title happens when they are dispersed (Beteille, 2012). Just to set a comparison one
can note that in West Bengal there are tribal folks live in the cities, educated tribals, tribal people
who have moved out of their indigenous location, migrated tribal folks continue to reflect very
little of their indigenous culture, most of them have adapted the customs, folkways or life styles
of the dominant culture and one can thus validate the whole acculturation or semi acculturation
argument.

4.1] THE WEST BENGAL SCENARIO:

West Bengal is a truncated state and has its origin from the partition of the country. The name
Bengal has been possibly derived from the word ‘Benga’ which is a popular Austro-Asiatic word
signifying ‘holy’ or ‘super natural powers’ and this word largely in vogue among the Santals
(one of the largest tribal group in our country). West Bengal has many tribal groups like Garo,
Oraons, Raba, Mohi etc. But the tribal population consists of majorly Santals (Bhaumik, 1985)

The majority of the Santals in West Bengal are found in the districts of Bardhaman, Purulia,
Paschim Medinipur, Birbhum, Bankura and Hoogly (Mukhopadhay, 2009). The district of
Birbhum and Purulia in Bengal consist of large number of Santali population. Among the people
of different races and functional affinities, the Santals alone stands foremost in the population of
the two district (Birbhum specifically). The Santals are devoid of any caste system and there is
no distinction based on birth. They loves music and dance, they have their own traditional music
and dance. Dance is considered as one activity that is in their blood. Magic and witchcraft are
figuratively prominent in Santhal religious and cultural practices (The Joshua Project, 2017).

They believe that their sustenance is largely depended on nature. Nature to them is the greatest
source of life and without it living becomes impossible (Karua, 2009). The Santals in Birbhum
lives both in the town and in forest interiors. Many Santals (some with their family) has migrated
to Kolkata or other neighbouring areas in search of livelihood, here seasonal migration for work
is also present. Some Santalis run small businesses, some are teachers, some (especially youth)

27
are pursuing higher education and those living in the forest interiors bears strong adherence to
customs and traditions. According to one local artist, the Santals living in the forest interiors
have their own laws, they also have certain codes and gestures as a means of communication for
example if there is a danger they communicate it through gestures and actions to other members
of the community. In Birbhum for Santals living in the core forest areas farming is the main
activity. Another artist at Kala Bhavan (Birbhum) who runs an art initiative says that today the
Santals also prefer alternate means of livelihood like they engage in MGNREGA works, non
agricultural sector works etc. Santals living in the forest interiors enjoy a lot of autonomy, they
have their own set of laws and legal authorities do not interfere in their affairs and this is
applicable even in the cases where violence is involved. One of the professors of a University in
Birbhum (who was an interviwee) remarks that it is difficult to question their practices and this
also includes the custom of witch hunting as these kind of practices are regarded as community
secrets. The artist from Kala Bhavan shares an interesting observation. He mentions that in
today’s times the tribal culture has been jeopardized to an extent as modern culture has made
inroads to the indigenous culture and this has resulted into increased level of exploitation of the
tribals like for example the construction of tourist resorts near tribal villages in
Shantiniketan/Sriniketan (Birbhum) to give the tourists the rich experience of so called
“indigenous culture” –these resorts lure the tribals (especially women)by offering money, to
dance or entertain the tourists –this has led to practice of sex work which in most cases are
forceful because of monetary needs. Now some of the women who engage in sex work or in
tourism business or those who are said to have momentary affair with any tourists –are branded
as a witch. They are regarded as outcaste, shame to the society and then they are tortured for the
rest of their lives, forced to drink urine or eat excreta. He regards that this is a result of modern
culture interfering with indigenous culture which has accelerated due to growing consumerism
and acculturation process whereby tribal indigenous culture and customs has undergone
noticeable changes due the influence of the dominant culture.

28
 CHAPTER 5

WITCH BELIEFS AND WITCHCRAFT AMONG THE SANTALS

In The American Journal of Sociology (1951) Wilson mentions uses witchcraft as belief in a
mystical power innate in certain individuals, it is the innate power used to work evil/to harm
others directly (Wilson, 1951). Witchcraft and witch beliefs are not specific to India it has its
history in Europe and Africa. Just to set the context in this direction let us draw the example of
certain African tribes who holds strong belief in witches and witchcraft in no way finds it
contradictory to empirical knowledge. It has been noted that witchcraft beliefs varies in nature
and that with every culture there are distinct beliefs with respect witches and witchcraft. It is a
mode of behaviour and also a mode of thought (Evans-Prichard, E.E & Gillies, 1976).

With regard to India the belief in witches occupies a central place in the adivasi cosmology and
moral economy. It is often said that there is no Santal who doesn’t believe in witches. Witchcraft
creates hatred between Santali people (Sinha, 2007).

The adivasis made a distinction between white and black magic where on one hand white magic
was socially and psychologically beneficial black magic on the other hand was evil and
maleficent. The minister of the magic belief system is the Ojha/Janguru who is sought the
inherent powers to counter the evil activities of the witches. The witches were feared as
mysterious creatures and are supposed to have intercourse with the spirits, which gave them the
powers of killing people by eating their entrails and also of causing them fever etc. The “dains”
are considered to have evil eyes on a person who is then eventually taken ill. The adivasi
construction of diseases and sickness and how they are related has to do with the urgent need of
elimination of the witches. But the contrary one cannot also ignore the adivasi medicinal system,
they have a fairly elaborate system of root medicines and herbs which are then supplemented or
substituted by prescriptions of Ojhas (Sinha, 2007).

The Santals, like many other tribes, have evolved a system of beliefs and practices to face the
unknown supernatural world which, according to them, is peopled with large number of

29
supernatural spirits and powers. Magic, from many points of view, is the most important and the
most mysterious aspect of primitive man’s pragmatic attitude towards reality. It enables man to
carry out with confidence his most vital tasks and to maintain his poise (Troisi, 1982).

Santals believe in a class of mischievous impersonal spirits and evil powers which are not object
of worship but which need to be shooed away through exorcism or magic and this task can be
performed only by men who are referred to as “Ojha”. An Ojha is a physician having extensive
knowledge of the magical properties. He is able to cure diseases and misfortune as Santals looks
at most diseases as unnatural, ascribing them to the agency of evil spirits (Troisi, 1982).

A tribal activist of an organization which works towards eradication of social evils (was
interviewed) says that “Jangurus are religious leaders who are tribals and they are considered to
hold extensive power and are in direct connection with the Almighty. They are said to know
everything. They can predict future as well. In the villages they are the key power holders. They
fit in multiple roles like doctors, priest, astrologer etc”

Witchcraft on the other hand is believed to give power to women to transform themselves and
cause harm. If a witch casts her evil eye on a human being then he/she is believed to fall ill.
Santals believe that witches can influence evil with their feminine charm. This power of
witchcraft is acquired through training and not inborn. Once the witchcraft is suspected it
becomes a community affair and efforts are made to eliminate it by taking vigorous action
against the accused witch as identified by the Ojha/ Janguru (Troisi, 1982).

The Santals have different sets of village rituals for the village collectives and families. Tribal
women are not allowed to participate in rites and worship, they enjoy very little autonomy in the
magico-religious sphere. Women cannot sacrifice animals, perform religious functions, they are
excluded from most of the village collective rituals. Witches are mostly women, it is believed
that Santal witches have their own system of incarnation, rites and magical codes. The power of
a female to be witch begins at puberty when the women are no longer allowed to participate in
rituals as it is then considered as evil. This kind of categorization of women as witches is
essential for establishing man’s authority (Nathan & Kelkar, 1998).

According to Nathan & Kelkar (1998) the origin of witches relates to Santali mythology and
there are several myths justifying women as witches and practice of witchcraft. An Ojha/Janguru

30
in Birbhum was interviewed and he mentions the mythology associated with witchcraft
education. He mentions a tale of a guru and his disciples. The guru asked his disciples to
consume his little finger after his death and by doing that they would gain all the knowledge that
the guru had. But the male disciples took it as a joke and threw the little finger away, the finger
flew and some women managed to consume it and they ended up gaining the knowledge of witch
beliefs and in the process acquired supernatural power which the men did not possess. He recalls
an incident where he himself had encountered witches. He saw them dancing naked in the
graveyard where he used to meditate before he attained enlightenment.

An academician from a local institution (was interviewed) remarks saying “a witch can be both
male and female but in most cases it is a female who is a witch. Suppose someone in the village
is taken ill, people are dying (may be due to spread of some sort of epidemic), goats and animals
are dying then in that case the Ojha/Janguru brands a person who is weak, old, unable to bear the
burden, displays traits which are different from others in a village –as ‘daini’ (witch).”

According to a Santali activist who runs an organization which work for the cause of tribals
remarks that these Jangurus are considered to have extensive knowledge about witchcraft, they
are regarded as experts in identifying witches. He remarks that this is a deep rooted belief which
exists in tribal communities.

Another elderly tribal activist from Purulia who has been fighting witch hunt since last twenty
years or more (was one of the participants) elucidates witch beliefs associated with witch hunt
with the help of an example: “Suppose there is a TB patient in a village, then the parents goes to
the Ojha who is again considered a doctor in most tribal villages. He generally prescribes some
sort of herbal medicines like mustard oil with herbal leaves or alcohol which is a result of his
meditation and prayer offerings to God. These Ojhas or Jangurus ask for huge amount of money
in return. Suppose the TB patient do not recover even after taking the medicine then the
Ojha/Janguru helds meeting with the villagers to figure out the reason behind it and then a ritual
is performed based on ‘daini vidya’ (witch knowledge), the Ojha chants the mantra to hunt the
witch. During the rituals the following Gods and Goddesses are worshipped: ‘Aturnadi’,
‘Bhagatandi’ and ‘Shima monga’. The witch is then identified by the Ojha and is then forced to
pay monetary compensation for being a witch or is killed for bringing ill omen.”

31
Witch beliefs if not witch hunt cannot be narrowed down to the conclusion saying that it is result
of lack of education among tribals. One village man who was interviewed mentioned that he
does not think witches exist in reality, but there is also a counter to this argument. A scholar of a
Central University in Birbhum who is pursuing his PhD in Santali culture and customs says:
“Despite knowing the fact that witch beliefs and witchcraft has no scientific ground, I know it is
irrational but I have been socialized in a culture which strongly believes in witches and I cannot
try not to believe in it. I believe in witches”. Witch beliefs are deeply ingrained in the tribal
cultural fabric and not always it is the uneducated that promotes or sanctions such beliefs and
practices. Most importantly a witch belief is a form of superstition and sociologically speaking it
is not just the tribal community who holds belief in superstition. Actually it is a general tendency
of most human beings to hold beliefs in some sort of superstition or other. But when such
superstition is sanctioned by a particular community then it takes the shape of brutality and
violence.

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 CHAPTER 6

WITCH HUNT AND VIOLENCE

This chapter deals with the prevalence of the practice of witch hunt and the violence associated
with it. At the outset it is important to get a clearer understanding of the concept of violence.
Violence is not a single kind of activity but rather a socially defined category of activities that
share some common features. Violence is a social phenomenon. For an action to be considered
violent it needs a victim or group of victims. People’s individual experiences become social as
they are shared and the combined experiences of many individuals make up a culture, a society
or a family and within it shared experiences are organized into categories of events referred to
variously as concepts, constructs and schemas (Blume, 1996).

Violence is strongly associated with gender, males not only commit more violence acts, and they
also are the primary consumers of entertainment with violent themes. The constructionist theory
of gendered violence suggests that men perpetuate this pattern in their discourse (Bhume, 1996).

One of the main questions that this chapter tries to answer is that why women are popular targets
during witch hunts. Chaudhari (2012) raises the critical concern that witches in most cases have
been women. Chaudhari (2012) highlights Levack’s work where he assumes that women have
typically participated in roles as traditional healers, midwives, heretics and cult leaders in which
they have been portrayed as powerful actors rather than helpless scapegoats. These roles stand in
sharp contrast to the evil role of a witch. Levack (1992) tries to argue that by taking up these
powerful roles, women are rebelling against the traditional view that they are passive and
powerless. But the literature on witch hunts is uncertain as to whether women really have
typically performed these roles as most of the accused in witch hunts have been women. Another
approach that Levack brings forward is the stereotypical argument where women are considered
weaker than men and thus are more susceptible to evil forces as they do not possess the resistant
power like men to defend the evil. Chaudhari (2012) adds on to this argument and tries to explain
witch hunts that have taken place among indigenous population. She mentions that the violence
against women approach to the understanding of witch hunts proposes that men through violence

33
exert power and authority to control the body and behaviour of women. During witch hunts men
legitimizes violence against the accused women by using rumor and conspiracy, and the women
are made scape goats in the process.

One historian who was interviewed mentions that “it is due the fact that women re considered as
physically inferior to men and someone who can be fooled easily and will not have the power to
protest. This can be located in the broader framework of patriarchy”.

According to a NGO Report on CEDAW (2014) Witch hunting as a form of violence against
women stems from a combination of factors. It can be individual or collective conflict, tensions,
jealousies, weak governance, indifferent law enforcement or poor development indicators.

A middle aged woman in Purulia who was a victim of witch hunt says “this is what they call me
my people ‘daini’. I labour along with them, my land was ripped apart, and I was beaten by these
villagers, now I can’t live in my own village. Here I live in the outskirts with barely anything of
my own –they call me a witch. Look straight into my eyes, am I a witch?”

Laxmi’s (name changed) family called her a witch, she says “they came to my house and threw
stones at me shouting alongside –WITCH! WITCH! WITCH! My nephew had threatened me; he
dug a hole under the jackfruit tree in our village to bury me alive otherwise I would eat his
children. After begging to them I was released and taken to the priest and asked to pay a fine of
Rs.250 (in 1990s that is) and I had to pay the fine and move out of my village…All of this
happened by but the police never came”.

Another villager in Purulia says: “I found my mother dead in the pond, I never kept quiet, I
fought alone, I had written and sent consent to Delhi to stop such violence and I am still trying
and will continue making efforts”

According to Nathan and Kelkar (1998), violence/ attack on women were just not ideological,
religious and political but also there was specific attack on women’s land rights. Witch hunting
can be regarded as an attack on the existing status of women and their right to land on the
grounds that they are the carrier of evil. The struggle between men and women (which ultimately
led to the establishment of patriarchy) in the sphere of ritual knowledge and transformation of
the belief systems preceded changes in the control of labour and production.

34
While conducting in-depth interviews with villagers I came across couple of narratives that
explains the nature and proportion of violence against accused women. A Santali activist who is
also a member of a tribal organization which works on eradication of social evils mentions some
incidents of violence and witch hunts. He recalls a narrative which happened in the year 2008 in
Kankalitala (Birbhum district) one child fell ill and in the Gram Sabha the villagers identified an
Ojha/Janguru who further identified three potential witches (two were women and one man).
Then other Jangurus in the village were communicated and one woman (among the three) was
identified as the witch. She was then asked to pay Rs. 60,000/- which was indeed impossible for
her. But since majority of the villagers were against her and her family. She was beaten up and
was forced to pay the fine. The activist was helplessly present there witnessing the incident. He
recommended in the Sabha saying that the patient should get proper treatment and this is no way
of treating him. He will never recover like this. He also volunteered to take the responsibility of
admitting the patient and of funding his treatment in Kolkata but the villagers warned him
(activist) not to interfere in their internal affair and was threatened to get killed. The money that
is fined is shared among the accusers, supporters in the village and the major share is given to the
Janguru. The accuser throws feast to the village supporters with the money and the money in turn
acts a profit for both the accusers and income for Janguru. A witch is accused to serve the
purpose of some people.

Another narrative which the activist recollects was an incident which happened around six to
seven years ago in a village named Mordanga in Birbhum district where one man Naba (name
changed) murdered his step sister and mother because he thought they were witches who were
responsible for his son’s illness. This person’s son fell ill and was not recovering so he went to a
Janguru instead of visiting a doctor. Janguru (very cleverly) tried to extract some hints as in who
are the women in his family and all. Then after when Naba mentioned that he has a step mother
and step sister at home apart from his wife, the Janguru quickly knew who the potential witches
were. He branded the step mother and sister as witches. One night the man was drunk and after
he returned home he stabbed his mother and sister to death. On the next day there was a marriage
in the same adivasi village and in order to avoid chaos and commotion, some villagers buried the
dead bodies secretly. Witch hunt is not always linked to witch beliefs and witchcraft, it is just a
justification to the public, the actual motive varies from personal jealousies to land issues to
rejection in love to suspicion of wealth etc.

35
Among the scholars who have studied the issue in India, gender and property rights have been
the leading causes of witch hunts among the tribal communities. The witch accusation compels
the woman to give up her claims on land. Family and village politics plays a critical role in
depriving the accused woman of her economic assets. Again the fines imposed on the accused
are often taken in the form of goods or money. Witch hunts provide an opportunity to men to get
rid of “unwanted woman” such as widows and women who have married outside caste, pregnant
without marriage (Chaudhuri, 2012). One such narrative which illustrates this point involves a
story of woman in Birbhum district who was branded as a witch because she chose to marry a
Brahmin man. She says she was beaten up and dragged to the well. She is sixty five years old
now and still bears the scars on her forehead and body. She says “I was just unlucky, they called
me a witch, when I was beaten up and couldn’t move for couple of days, The Janguru and the
accusers celebrated it with alcohol”

A tribal female in her late 30s, explained how her accusation begun almost leading to a homicide
case but she managed to escape: “My brother lived in the plot located right next to ours. After
my husband passed away, my brother made it impossible for me to live in the village. He held
me responsible for the spread of some kind of disease in the village that was killing village
people. In this way he somehow managed to convince the villagers that he was right….. I was
alone and had three children who could barely walk…… I was scared and used to lock myself in
the house. Every time I used to go out, people threw stones, spat on me and accused me by
calling me a witch…... I was not allowed to draw water from the well…..My children were
starving…. I didn’t know what to feed them. I was helpless. Then on one fine day, I was taken as
a ‘daini’. People came to my house and dragged me by hair, beat me up with axes and sticks and
tried to tie me to a tree. I begged their mercy and narrowly escaped death. That night I escaped
from the village as I knew that survival in this village was impossible especially for the sake of
my children…. I couldn’t believe that my real brother could do this to me to serve his purpose.”

From the above mentioned narratives one can trace that the accusers in most cases has been the
close relatives of the accused and this accusation has been confirmed in majority of the cases by
a Janguru. It is believed that a Janguru can destroy the power of the witches; they (Jangurus)
possess a strange of energy in their body which is considered as abnormal. The thing that is

36
common between the accusers and Janguru/Ojha is the fact that both seek opportunistic gains by
hunting witches.

The helpless ‘witches’ are hounded and punished by being stripped naked, paraded around the
villages, their hair is burnt off their heads, their faces are blackened, their noses cut off, their
teeth pulled out –so that they can no longer curse, they are whipped, they are branded,
sometimes, they are forced to eat human excreta and finally are put to death. But it is surprising
to note that such stomach churning, toe curling torture takes place not in shadowy places but out
in the open in village lands where cheering crowds can fill a modest stadium (Singh, 2011).

Although witch hunts is generally associated with women but there have been cases where even
men have been branded as witches (of record it is much rare). The violence against men witches
is much uncommon and less brutal than women. One school teacher of a government school
narrated the story of his uncle who was considered a witch. Around seven to eight years ago the
villagers in Supur village (Birbhum) claimed that his uncle-in-law was a witch. The villagers
envied his uncle as he was economically well off as compared to others in the village. One fine
day his uncle saw that lines of rice grains from some village houses followed till his doorstep.
The villagers then accused him to have consumed all the wealth of the village. He was asked to
pay a fine of lump sum amount. He then went to local MLAs and party people. The police
provided him with initial safety but later was bribed to fall into the trap. The police authorities
are tied by their hands, their mouths are shut –they become puppets in the hands of the ruling
political parties who play it safe by taking the side of the majority (accusers) in order to retain
their vote banks. At the same time it is important to note that not all the police authorities were
ineffective, there are also counter narratives where police have actually taken action and the local
politicians has supported the case of the accused.

Coming back to the main argument, mostly the economically well off village citizens are
targeted/attacked. One Janguru who was interviewed mentioned that in tribal communities
people are meant to have equal wealth. When some families acquire more wealth in comparison
with others that means something is wrong. In that case the family is looked upon in suspicion
due to the wealth that the family possesses. Therefore, there can be host of irrational reasons
behind sanctioning witch hunt practices.

37
Chaudhuri (2012) remarks that the witch hunts can be of two types:

1. Calculated Witch Hunts: Witch hunts are heralded by clear motives on the part of the
accuser based on what the accusers claim to be “investigations”. In such cases witch hunt
serve the purpose of revenge over personal conflicts, disease or ailments play a major
role in instigating the hunt.
2. Surprised Witch Hunts: Here the women victims and their families are claimed to be
unaware of the accusation against them. The attack happens withot any investigation in
the form of prior conflict.

In case of witch hunt one can identify the following progression of steps: First the conflict
between the accuser and the accused, the accuser stands to gain something out of the hunt.
Second, the manifestation of witchcraft that usually takes the form of illness in the family of the
accuser. Third, the witch is identified and whispering campaign against her continues (in the
process attracting supporters by offering local liquor haria). Finally, the witch hunt takes place
where the entire village attacks the accused witch. (Chaudhuri, 2012).

Gender violence is a broad concept which involves whole lot of things from partner abuse to rape
to forced ‘purdah’ system to trafficking of minor girls and so on. Gender violence takes multiple
dimensions. Violence against women is deeply entrenched in our social systems. It exists
everywhere in home, in neighbourhood, in public places, in transport or in work place. One
noteworthy visibility in this context is the fact that women suffer silently.

According to IJARMSS (2015) violence denies women her dignity and identity by causing
physical and mental trauma which adversely impacts the society at large. In the case of witch
hunt terms like daayan, tohni, chudail et al are used to brand woman as a witch. The term ‘witch’
popularly indicates women in a negative, fearful and destructive light. Violence against women
in witch hunt context traces from historical times. Until 18 th century in Europe many thousands
women were murdered and tortured as witches. Today, despite the progress of human
civilization in scientific temper –there are societies steeped in ignorance and superstition and
some of these are heinous and inhuman. Witch hunt is one such crime. Despite the existence of
legal legislation of its prevention (certain states have laws against witch hunts), other factors like
socio-cultural set of beliefs and ignorance are deep seated in their faith (Iqbal, 2015)

38
 CHAPTER 7

LEGAL DIMENSIONS OF WITCHCRAFT AND WITCH HUNTS

This chapter tries to trace the status of legal intervention with respect to prevention of witch hunt
or witchcraft. It locates the role of police authorities, political parties and bureaucracy in
checking such practices and stopping violence. This thematic chapter also presents both side
perspectives in this regard to capture a bigger picture of issue.

Witch hunting, the practice of naming an individual a witch and then causing her harm, is an
established problem in India that often results in the dispossessions, brutalization and the murder
of Indian women (and men). Indian witchcraft is not necessarily accompanied by the violence
that often characterize witch hunting. Over the last fifteen years witch hunt has taken the lives of
2,500 women in India. When the branded witches are not killed, they have been beaten, tortured,
raped, imprisoned and driven away from their village (www.lawschool.cornell.edu)

Witchcraft/witch hunting is a unique problem which unquestionably requires special laws which
already prevails in some states and in certain states like West Bengal such legislative initiative is
crucial. Certain states like Bihar (The Prevention of Witch (Daain) Practices Act 1999),
Jharkhand (The Prevention of the Witch-hunting (Dayan Pratha) Act 2001), Chattisgarh (Tonahi
Pratadna Act 2005), Odisha (Prevention of Witch-hunting Act 2013), Rajasthan (Prevention of
Witch-hunting Act 2015), Assam (Prhobition, Prevention and Protection, 2015) –have laws that
criminalizes witch hunts specifically. In the light of the above mentioned legislation it is seen
that interpersonal jealousies, conflicts and tensions are the main reasons behind witch hunting.
The high rates of lack of formal education among the victims and perpetrators and the large
number of health issues are regarded as pretext for labeling women as witches. Witch hunting
has both short term and long term consequences for the victim. A victim of witch hunting faces
stigma, isolation, verbal abuse, ostracism, displacement, expulsions from homes and villages and
no access to common resources of the village –these are some of the most prevalent and
persistent forms of violence (Mehra and Agrawal, 2013).

39
It is striking to examine that a great number of cases are never taken to the police. It is observed
from the available police records that the spectrum of violence is much broader and it is usually
when physical violence occurs then the role of the police/criminal justice system comes into
comes into play. Police records show that the offences in most cases are bailable or closed on the
account of mutual compromise. This kind of apathy of the police further creates continued
victimization. Even with state bills and amendments the legal vacuum with respect to witch hunt
still continues to exist. The criminal law fails to address the long term consequences and
compensation demands of the victims. There is an urgent need to visualize and craft justice from
the perspective of the victims (Mehra and Agrawal, 2013).

According to Helen MacDonald (2009) policing practices is viewed in a negative light. It is

generally associated with corruption, misuse of authority, violence and criminalization of
politics. In the state of Chattisgarh her findings illustrate the police has taken prompt action and
preventive measures. They were described of having performed their duty. This is very similar to
the situation in Birbhum, West Bengal. The police (in most cases) have taken timely action and
made arrests of the perpetrators and have provided the victims with protection. The Sub
Divisional District Police Officer forwarded me (researcher) some past case records where the
police have intervened and taken action. There were two cases which happened in the year 2015.
In one case a young girl was accused as a witch by her neighbor whose love proposal she had
rejected and the other was the case of an old woman who was beaten up. The police has
intervened, the girl is now sent to rehabilitation home run by a professor, and the other case is in
court.

Only some months later the SDPO initiated collaboration with the Visva Bharti University in
Birbhum (Department of Lifelong Learning) to organize a seminar specifically on the issue of
witch hunt. In this seminar the tribal leaders were invited along with other activists, notable
professors and students. This was more of a sensitization programme and the success behind this
seminar was the participation of tribal leaders themselves who had left their day’s work to show
their support and the output of the seminar (apart from sensitization) was the proposal of forming
an anti-witch hunt committee at the district level. It can be observed that these piecemeal efforts
are effective only for a short while; something much more holistic needs to be done to uproot

40
this deep rooted belief and practices associated with it. But looking at it from positive lens it can
be regarded as a step ahead in affirmative direction.

Some interviews that I conducted (much like MacDonald’s study) reported that the police were
good, helpful and supportive. But at the same time it is important to note that there are cases
where the police professionalism has been compromised by corruption, human rights abuses,
misuse of authority and all of this compounded by political system that foster police
identification with the ruling political party thus leading to decline of political neutrality and
personal dignity of the police (MacDonald, 2009).

In an interview a tribal activist cum high school teacher mentioned that many a times there have
been instances where the legal authorities hesitate to interfere in the affairs of the tribals.
Political parties are involved in the process and there have been times when the real perpetuators
get away and the opponent party supporters were arrested. It is important to note that the party-
bureaucracy-police nexus is quite evident in this context, they try to take the side of the majority
(perpetrators/villagers), very cleverly aiming to retain their vote banks. It is better to let go of
one-two voters (victim and family) than say most people in the village. According to another
prominent tribal activist in Birbhum it can be traced from his narratives that in certain cases the
police has intervened and arrested the perpetrators only cases were reported to them rather than
suo moto. The activist mentions that: “The legal authorities generally do not try to interfere in the
affairs of the adivasis as they are theirs major vote banks…..and sometimes police and political
party has mutual agreement amongst themselves as both decides to stay away from dealing with
such incidences…there are cases where the police personnel have successfully intervened and
arrested the perpetuators or rescued an accused woman…..it actually depends on the police as an
individual”.

One police hawaldar who was interviewed mentions that “whenever such incidences have come
to our notice, the police have taken action”. Now one cannot question the police in this regard as
they have their own justification.

An activist from Purulia district was interviewed and he said that when his wife was branded as a
witch and he was charged with the murder the police did ensure their continuous support and this
further encouraged him to initiate the movement against witch hunt. The support gave him better

41
ground. This was also possible because he had the full support of the MLA. Here too the party-
police nexus is noticeable. If one has the party by their side one also has the police to their
support.

A professor who was interviewed points out that the state of West Bengal does not have a
specific law that deals with witches. Police treat witch hunting as a part of general crime. The
hands and legs of the police authorities are tied. It varies with change of every political regimes.
Here it is significant to note the role of media in exposing the crime and bringing it out in the
open but this too is recent phenomena.

The responsibility and accountability is delegated to the police who occupy a crucial role in
administering the points of interface between citizens and the state. It is essential to bring the
role of police as they exercise a permission, privilege and prerogative to use judgment in
wrestling with social sites and actions that surround witchcraft/witch hunt accusations. The logic
of this ‘practice at work’ transmit the hopes of humanization, equality and citizenship rights to
those who are typically marginalized (MacDonald, 2009).

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 CHAPTER 8

TRIBAL ACTIVISM, ANTI-WITCH HUNT PROTESTS AND

SENSITIZATION

The anti witch hunt movement is not a new phenomenon. Witch hunting has spared neither men
nor women nor children. It is mostly journalists and academics who has analysed witch beliefs
and witch hunting. Few scholars have words of sympathy for the women, men and children who
have been murdered. It all began with American scholars writing and conducting ethnographic
studies on witch hunt and thus bringing the issue out in the open platform. Feminist interventions
further provided better understanding of the conditions that produce witch hunts and also
contributed to the building of a constituency of human rights activists and social justice groups,
committed to end this prosecution (Federici, 2010). It is to be noted that for years Indian
feminists and human rights activists have mobilized public opinion against dowry murders,
growing number of women killed by fire, they have launched educational campaigns, street
theatre and sit ins front to draw attention to various gender issues. The same direct actions tactics
are now being applied to confront witch hunters who continue to kill and torture women. Along
with thius some legal organizations in India are also joining the fight. These forms of
mobilizations are no doubt crucial but what is needed additionally is a more systematic and more
specific analysis of broad researches in this context. The body of scholarship devoted to the issue
is still very limited (Federici, 2010).

According to Soma Choudhuri (2008) the anti witch hunt campaigns in Bengal has been poor in
scope as well as in effectiveness mainly because of suspicion and fear among the villagers.
Hence any sort of meetings and gatherings solely organized on the issue of witch hunt has
limited participation. For any movement to succeed it is important that the audience targeted
reverberate with the theme of the protest. It becomes really difficult to organize protests or
meetings on such sensitive issues. Additionally the police along with the administration are too
insensitive to the sentiments of the tribals (Choudhuri, 2008)

43
The movement actors in the anti witch hunt movement has mostly been social activists. The
supporters of such movements have been villagers, legal and police administrators who provide
secondary support in creating sensitization to stop such beliefs and practices. The common
frames used in the anti witch campaigns and meetings are “the beliefs in witches and witch hunts
as superstition”, women development and the justice frame. In these campaigns women are the
main audience. However police plays a passive role in these campaigns and meetings, NGOs act
as “over the top” advocates, there are no rehabilitation services for the victims/accused women
and most importantly lack of funding and organized strategies are the biggest challenges in this
respect (Chaudhuri, 2008)

In contrast Birbhum district (West Bengal) tribal activism in the context of witch hunt is
prominent. Some educated teachers belonging to the Santali tribe in Birbhum have come together
to form the Adivasi Bagzulu Society (ABS). The organization started off with publishing a
newspaper daily and magazine (on a half yearly basis) in Santali and Bengali languages. Initially
the aim of the society was to promote literature in Santali but with time ABS has moved much
beyond that and is now functioning as a full-fledged organization which deals with social evils
that prevails in the tribal community. They create awareness and sensitization on social issues by
strengthening people’s reliance on science. They use science as a tool to deal with superstitious
beliefs. One of the co-founders of the organization mentions that creating sensitization against
witch hunt has been their priority. ABS has agents in most of the villagers who reports them
about cases of witch violence and then they intervene, they also creates awareness through gram
sabha meetings. Once the case is reported to them, they intervene at the village level and further
reports to the police. They continuously lobby with police and leading political parties to seek
justice for the victim and her family. Another co-founder of ABS says: “the police generally tend
to avoid interfering in matters where the tribal communities are involved but when a
death/murder takes place police do intervene”

The founder of ABS is a well known tribal activist and according to him the role of police
effectiveness and efficiency depends on the police as an individual. To give an example the
present Sub Divisional District Police Officer (SDPO) is a man of honour and within the short
span of his tenure he has taken steps to prevent the frequency of witch violence. The researcher’s
visit to the police station exposed her to the number of cases that has been registered during last

44
couple of years and the status of such cases. Mr. Ghosh (SDPO) states that superstition should
not lead individuals and communities as it will never lead them in the right direction. Mr. Ghosh
(on behalf of the district police) has also taken initiative in collaboration with the Department of
Lifelong Learning and Rural Extension Centre, Visvabharati University (Birbhum) to organize
an annual sensitization workshop on witch hunts. The main audience and participants of the
workshop were the tribal leaders (Manjhi Harams). In the seminar the issue of witch beliefs and
witch hunting were discussed by the speakers which included professors, tribal activist and tribal
leaders. It was a daylong session with overwhelming response from audiences. The speakers
highlighted their ideas and evil and violence associated with witch hunt, a speaker (who was a
doctor) explained what should be done if someone falls ill in the village, he insisted of not taking
that ill person to the Ojha rather he recommended some home remedies He made people aware
of the possible diseases which exists like epilepsy or schizophrenia. The seminar was
participatory in nature as the platform was provided for the tribal Manjhi Harams to express their
opinion and it was unbelievable to find that some of them actually raised their voice against such
practices and beliefs. The outcome of the seminar was the proposal for the creation of an anti
witch hunts committee with the ADS founder as the convener.

It was captivating to find such steps and initiative being taken despite all odds. Such
participatory grassroots initiative and academic collaborations act as important tools in
addressing such issues which are deeply ingrained in the minds of the people.

45
 CHAPTER 9
KEY FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

The following chapter highlights the key findings, discussion and concluding remarks of the
research. It has been ensured that the findings and discussion are in tune with the research
questions and fulfills the objectives of the research.

The Tribal Santals: Acculturation or assimilation

The initial finding has been about the Santali community itself. It is felt by the researcher that in
order to understand or analyze a community’s cultural sanctions or customs, first and foremost it
is important to understand the nature of the community. Most Santals in the districts of Birbhum
(specifically) and Purulia have sustained their cultural homogeneity. There are always efforts
being made by them to retain their indigenous culture. In Birbhum the researcher came across
couple of local tribal organizations composed of educated Santali men and women who aim to
promote Santali literature and other cultural forms like pottery, tribal art, dance etc. Birbhum can
be considered a rural district but the process of urbanization has made its way in the district and
today one can locate ATMs, banks, shopping plazas, cinema theatres etc in the city which are
indicators of how the district is transforming. The heavily populated tribal district has also
opened up scope for cultural exchanges. One could also find influx of foreigners from outside
India in certain brackets of the district as well and this is mainly because of tourism and
education. Some Santalis have out migrated to neighbor cities and states to earn a better living or
for the purpose of education. However most of them continue to live in the district and some are
living in the interior forest areas. The Santali tribe (especially the ones living in the core area)
enjoys considerable amount of autonomy, they have their own customary laws, communication
codes and outside forces refrain from interfering in their internal affairs.

Keeping the context in mind an interesting uncovering in present times is that the tribal culture
has been endangered by the infiltration of the modern culture (data based on interviews) that is
making inroads despite the effort of the tribal community to hold on to the indigenous culture.
Irrespective of the benefits that modernization brings with it this infiltration of modern culture

46
has affected the tribal community, it has led to the exploitation of tribals like for example the
construction of tourist resorts near tribal villages in Shantiniketan/Sriniketan (Birbhum) to give
the tourists the rich experience of so called “indigenous culture” –these resorts attract the tribals
(especially women)by offering money to dance or entertain the tourists –this has led to practice
of sex work of Santali women which in most cases are forceful because of monetary needs. Now
some tribal women who engage in sex work or in tourism business or those who are said to have
momentary affair with any tourists –are branded as a witch. They are regarded as outcaste,
disgrace to the society and then they are tortured for the rest of their lives, forced to drink urine
or eat excreta. This sort of violence against women witch hunt through witch hunt is a result of
modern culture interfering with indigenous culture which has accelerated due to growing
consumerism.

Witch beliefs, myths and superstition: The public and the private

Witch beliefs is not uncommon in tribal societies, the Santals tribe is no exception to the rule. A
witch is typically a woman who is said to posses some kind of evil supernatural powers that can
cause harm to other individuals. These witch beliefs are built on mythological tales having
multiple interpretations. The researcher came across educated individuals pursuing doctoral
research and professors who holds firm belief in witches. They agree that witch beliefs and
witchcraft are devoid of scientific grounds, they think that if these beliefs are confined to the
private sphere and are not publicly sanctioned then it should not be questioned. It must be noted
that witch beliefs is not specific to people who are uneducated/illiterate, witch beliefs is a deep
rooted belief which continues to exist among both the educated and uneducated folks when the
private sphere is concerned. At the same time there are both educated and uneducated Santals
who does not hold beliefs in witches and witchcraft. Therefore it is not specific to getting
educated/education. The moment witch beliefs break this “private” boundary and gets publicly
sanctioned then it take the shape of witch hunting and violence.

“They call me a witch” –women as witches

Women are the prime targets of witch hunting. It is not specific to elderly women per say they
can be woman of any age especially 20 years and above but for them to be targeted they need to
be weak and vulnerable. It is interesting to note that the narratives that were shared by different

47
interviewees were cases of both men and women being branded as witches. In the event of witch
hunt murder narratives all the victims were women. The treatment and sanctions in the case of
male witches (as can be gathered from the narratives) is less brutal than in the case of females.
Here one could justify the argument by taking into account the larger picture of the patriarchal
structure of Indian society in general and situate the secondary status of women in this context.
Holistically, this in turn could explain the consistent incidents of violence against women.

Witch hunt: The actual and notional reasoning

Specifically speaking the reasons associated with witch hunt can be categorized into two types:
the actual and the notional. This can be better explained with an illustration: A woman (in one of
the villages in Birbhum) was branded as a witch and was eventually killed by her step son. The
actual reason behind this witch hunt practice was property issue. The step mother had most of the
land to her name and the son could not buy this reality, his greed, jealousy and materialistic
needs forced him to kill his mother. But the notional reason (justification given to the public)
was “she is a witch” and was responsible for his son’s illness, this was further sanctioned by the
community on the declaration made by the Ojha/Janguru. The main rea sons that have come out
are property issues, jealousies and sibling rivalries associated with it (as mentioned above),
rejection in love (one boy killed the girl he loved because she rejected him and got engaged to
someone else, he branded her as a witch), rejection of sexual advances (one woman in a village
in Birbhum was put to death because she declined a sexual gesture of an influential village
person, she was beheaded and it was declared that “the witch is dead and there is nothing to
fear”), inter tribe or outside tribe marriages/love affairs (a tribal woman from Bolpur, Birbhum
married a Brahmin man and the villagers branded her as a witch), when a tribal family attains
economic prosperity (an old man and his family were branded as witches when he made some
profit from his business. It is believed equal wealth in tribal community is essential. The old man
had grown wealthy so he was envied and was accused of “eating” others’ wealth in the village)
and personal grudge (which can be diverse and may include all the above reasons and more).
These reasons are unique to this research and in addition to the conventional causes this study
brings out some less talked about explanations used to justify such actions of violence. Such
actions of violence benefit the accuser groups as they attain personal satisfaction. Most of them
have no regrets in committing such crimes and they continue to sustain such beliefs.

48
Legislation and the role of police

Witch beliefs and witchcraft is not always associated with violence. The public sanction of it by
accusing fragile and susceptible women makes it a crime, it causes violation of human rights and
dignity. A victim of witch hunting is also a victim of isolation, abuse and exclusion. The legal
intervention in this regard has varied with changing police authorities and political parties. It is
undeniable that there exist a strong and well crafted nexus between the police, bureaucracy and
ruling political party and this has not changed much over the years. The vote bank politics
continues to play its role, the ruling political party does not want to lose out the vote bank of the
majority (the accusers) and it in turn influences the police to take actions accordingly. The
common say is that “it is the community’s internal affair and we do not interfere” but in cases of
witch hunt murders initial police intervention is noticeable but little or no actions are taken post
that. Another important addition here is that since West Bengal does not have any law specific to
witches hence the offences are mostly bailable where the police make huge amount money under
the table by joining hands with the accusers. But as mentioned this scenario changes with
change of office holders/bearers. In some cases the researcher found out that police have
intervened and taken action and in one recent case (2015) the police have facilitated
rehabilitation of the young girl who was accused as a witch. The present office holder Sub
Divisional Police Officer, Bolpur, Birbhum has taken couple of initiatives after he shortly
attained office. During his tenure two cases were registered (2015), he has taken action, the cases
are in court now. He and his team have also made efforts to organize annual seminars on
eradication of social evils among tribals in collaboration with Visva Bharati University. These
seminars are participatory in nature where the tribal representatives themselves take part and
keep their opinions. Such productive initiatives have been positive in sensitizing people at the
local level.

Tribal activism and anti-witch hunt protests

The level of tribal activism in the area is quite prominent. The sensitization and awareness
building mechanism is a result of joint effort made by the tribal activists, the local university
(Visva Bharati University) and to an extent the present police is making an attempt in this regard
(at the local level). The researcher’s interaction has been with each and every founding members
of the Adivasi Bagzulu Society –an organization working to eradicate social evils among tribal.

49
It is composed of Santali tribal men and women and was founded by tribal high school teachers.
Most of members of ABS are school teachers and rest of them is community members from
different villages in the district who have shown their support to the organization. The main
purpose of ABS is to promote Santali literature and to eradicate social evils from the tribal
community through literature as well through activism. ABS works closely with the community
and are active in creating awareness, reporting cases of witch hunt murders and violence, they
believe that pen is mightier than sword and thus through their weekly magazine they promote
Santali literature that discusses social issues, many of its members also organize village sabhas
and take part in seminars. The members of ABS consider that the tribal society still lives in a
shell of their own where superstition dominates and science is invisible. They believe education
and awareness can change people’s perception for better. They have been working closely at the
community level in the district and they have stories of success and failures. There have been
cases of witch hunts where their intervention has been fruitful but they have had to face life
threats to deal with the perpetrators. ABS acts as a link between people and legal authorities at
the community level. ABS is also working closely with academic institutions collaborating with
them to create awareness and sensitization workshops.

The recent workshop on witch hunt held in the month of November 2016 has put forward a
proposal to create an anti witch hunt committee at the district level. Such initiatives and
collaborations make possible awareness building and sensitization which do help to make a
difference at the community level.

Concluding remarks

The dissertation highlights witch beliefs and witch hunts inter-linkages and some of the reasons
for their existence in the first place. The study draws upon the grounds as to why these practices
are sustained and the benefit people get from it. Additionally it looks at the role of legal
authorities and legal initiative taken to curb such practices like awareness building, sensitization
and legal intervention in case of witch hunt sanctions. The research uses in-depth interviews with
the key informants (tribal activists, victims, legal office bearers, academicians, tribal leaders and
community people) in order to understand how the accusers within the community justify their
actions, their decision of violence in the society where on the other hand society sanctions such
beliefs and practices as illegal. The research provides a meaningful contribution to the existing

50
literature of witch beliefs and violence among tribal Santals. It is an effort to draw attention to
the issue by providing much needed data on witch beliefs and violence through accurate data
analysis which helps to develop a deeper understanding of the phenomenon. It is a specific study
of the district of Birbhum (tribal district) in Bengal which brings out most of the existing
literature on the topic by adding on other dominant dynamics that influence such beliefs and
practices.

Witch beliefs and witch hunting is not specific to the Indian society and it will be rather
problematic to say that it is something specific to the tribal communities. But the instances of
witch hunting can be located mostly among the tribal folks. We cannot completely blame it on
lack of education or bad health care systems. It is deeply ingrained in the patriarchal structure
characterized by neo liberalism. There is whole range of other factors which adds on to the
explanation of the practice. In this context awareness building, sensitization and anti witch hunt
protests at the local level can make a difference which could be noted in the district of Birbhum
(West Bengal) where tribal organization like Adivasi Bagzulu Society has taken initiatives
towards anti witch hunt by setting up of anti witch hunt committees, participative academic
seminars and workshops and gender sensitive panchayats, they have also collaborate with
academic institutions and legal authorities in this regard.

Although policy level changes and legislations are awaited with respect to witch hunts but it is
high time to stop ignoring the issue and violence associated with it as a particular community’s
affair or a taboo subject. It is a vicious reality and should involve strict legislation and punitive
actions against the perpetrator, compensation and rehabilitation for the accused persons and last
and the most importantly implementation and monitoring of the laws to hold back such practices.

______________________________________________________________________________

51
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 ANNEXURE I: INTERVIEW GUIDE

____________________________________________________
NOTE: The particular interview guides consists of semi structured and open ended questions.
The level of comfort of the interviewee will determine the direction of questions. Some
controversial questions will be dropped depending upon the cooperation of the interviewee. The
questions are broad and are directed to fulfill the objectives of the research. Ethical concerns are
kept in mind while conducting interviews

______________________________________________________________________________

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR THE ACTIVISTS, PROFESSOR AND LEGAL

AUTHORITIES:

1. Hello sir/madam what do you for a living? What is your profession?

2. How long have you been living here?
3. To the best of your knowledge, what is the frequency of witch hunts that occur here?
Apart from Birbhum where are the other places that it is seen?
4. Are there any quantitative data/statistics available in this regard?
5. Are witch hunts common features in the tribal communities?
6. What do you think are the major reasons witch hunt and violence?
7. Why do tribals believe in witches? What is their idea of a witch?
8. Do you think witch hunting is always connected to witchcraft/beliefs? Could you narrate
some incidents in this regard?
9. Does village politics play a role in instigating an attack? Who brands the witches?
10. Do you think women are mostly targeted as witches?
11. What do you think is the ratio of men and women witches (in terms of accusation)?
12. What is the status of women in a tribal society?
13. What is the reaction of state and legal authorities with respect to the witch hunt violence?
14. As so far there are no separate law on witch hunt in Bengal then under what legal
grounds are the accusers or murderers arrested?
15. What kind of legal support does the victim gets? Are there shelters for the victims?
16. What is the role of local police in this context?
56
 17. What percentage of accusers (involved I the practice of witch hunting) are punished?
18. Is with hunting only specific to tribal communities or rural areas?
19. Do you think there should be a separate law in this regard?
20. Has there been a rise or decline of witch beliefs and witch hunt?

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR THE VILLAGERS (ACCUSERS, VICTIMS/ACCCUSED,

RELATIVES AND SENIOR CITIZENS):

1. Tell me about yourself.

2. Since how long you’ve been living here?
3. What are some of the customs and tradition that you follow?
4. What are some of the common beliefs that the villagers share?
5. Do they believe in witches?
6. What are some of the predominant witch beliefs? Why do think such beliefs exist?
7. Have you ever witnessed witch hunting? What was the last incident you remembered that
occurred?
8. Could you recall some incidents of witch hunt?
9. Do you think witch hunting is always connected to witchcraft/witch beliefs?
10. Who is a witch? Are witches predominantly women?
11. What are some of the reasons behind branding a woman as a witch?
12. How is a witch punished? What happens during witch hunt? Who administers such
punishments?
13. Do you personally believe in witches?
14. Do you think witch beliefs and practices are sustained because they benefit the
community pr a particular group in a way? What are the kinds of benefits?
15. In case of incidents of violence and deaths (frelated to witch hunting), what has been the
role of police? Do the local police interfere in that case? What has been their role in this
context?
16. Anything else you would like to share?

Additional questions for the accuser and their relatives:

1. What were the instances that made you think that the accused was a witch?

57
 2. Did you go to a witch doctor (Jan guru)?
3. What punishment was given? Did that help?

Additional questions for the accused and his/her relatives:

1. What were the reasons given to you?

2. Do you believe that this can actually be true?
3. What was the reaction of the community? Did they stand by you?
4. If you don’t mind could you describe the incident?
5. What do you think was the real intention behind the accusation?
6. How does the community treat you now?

______________________________________________________________________________

*THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME*

58
 ANNEXURE II: FGD CHECKLIST

FGD was conducted with the senior citizens (women) in the community.

TIME: 35-40 minutes

NUMBER OF PARTICIPANTS: 6

VENUE: Subhash Polly, Bolpur, Birbhum

THEME: Witch beliefs and witch hunt in the context of violence against women

QUESTIONS METHODS
1. What are the conventional witch
beliefs? How has it evolved over the
period of time?
2. What is the mythology associated
with witch beliefs?
3. Could any of you share some witch
hunt incidents? Focused Group Discussions, Observations
4. Are traditional witch beliefs related to and Questions (Semi structured).
witch hunt practices?
5. Have you witnessed any such
incident?
6. What is your opinion about witch
hunt?

NOTE: The questions are broad and are directed to fulfill the objectives of the research. Ethical
concerns and comfort of the participants were kept in mind while conducting FGD.

*THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME*

59
 ANNEXURE III: PARTICIPANTS’ DETAILS
NO. DETAILS OF PARTICIPANTS SEX

1 FOUNDER OF ADIVASI BAGZULU SOCIETY MALE

2 CO-FOUNDER OF ADIVASI BAGZULU SOCIETY MALE

3 HIGH SCHOOL TEACHER AND TRIBAL MALE

ACTIVIST
4 TRIBAL ACTIVIST AND BOOK SELLER MALE

5 PhD SCOLAR, DEPT. OF SANTALI, UNIVERSITY MALE

OF VISVABHARATI
6 PROFESSOR, DEPT. OF SANTALI, UNIVERSITY MALE
OF VISVABHARATI
7 PROFESSOR, RURAL EXTENSION CENTRE, MALE
UNIVERSITY OF VISVABHARATI
8 A TRIBAL WOMAN (VICTIM) FEMALE

9 A TRIBAL WOMAN (VICTIM) FEMALE

10 A JANGURU/OJHA MALE

11 ARTIST AND TRIBAL ACTIVIST FEMALE

12 ARTIST AND TRIBAL ACTIVIST MALE

13 SUB DIVISIONAL POLICE OFFICER, BIRBHUM, MALE

WEST BENGAL
14 A VICTIM’S RELATIVE MALE

15 A PROFESSOR AND FOUNDER OF A MALE

REHABILITATION HOME FOR TRIBAL WOMEN
16 A TRIBAL WOMAN (VICTIM) FEMALE

17 A HISTORIAN WHO HAS WRITTEN MALE

EXTENSIVELY ON TRIBALS AND BIRBHUM

NOTE: Additionally, a FGD with elderly women were conducted (mentioned above). The
names of the participants are not disclosed for the research purpose.

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