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Witch-Hunting in Assam: Myth or Reality

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DOI: 10.20896/saci.v7i3.566

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Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 99
https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v7i3.566
RESEARCH OPEN ACCESS
Witch-Hunting in Assam: Myth or Reality
Lekha Borah†* and Madhushree Das¥
Abstract
Assam, like many other parts across the country, often witnesses deaths, injuries, and miseries
resulting from witch hunting, an atrocious practice and a socially sanctioned violence. Reiterated
incidents of killings in the name of witch-hunting have alarmingly challenged the laws and have led
to various anti-witch hunting programs. Often veiled under superstition, the factors that render this
social menace unabated is a matter of grave concern for every conscious mind. Official records
suggest 196 cases of the terrible violence to occur in the state between 1989-2014, but newspaper
reports and other agencies present the actual social reality which echoes manifold of official
records. The practice of witch-hunting, however, is not evenly distributed in all the areas of Assam,
but have gripping roots in the customary beliefs of many tribal communities residing in the state.
This research, therefore, is an attempt to illuminate the genesis of the witch hunt in Assam from the
perspective of a crime having cross-community dimensions. Further, gaining insights from primary
field survey and secondary data, it is evident that accessibility plays a trump card in this case of
witchcraft in Assam along with the superstitious belief of the communities, intermingling with
personal motives, illness and devious role of ojhas (village medicine men) which exaggerates the
menace.
Keywords: Witch Hunt; Crime; Causes; Ojhas; Cross Community; Assam

†
Research Scholar, Department of Geography Gauhati University, Assam India
*
Corresponding Author, Email: [email protected]
¥
Professor, Department of Geography Gauhati University, Assam, India
© 2019 Borah and Das. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction
in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 100

Introduction illuminate witch-hunting as something related to

law and order, superstition, religious impacts or
The phenomenon of the witch hunt is not new to
related to property matters and its linkages with
the society. Before the 18th Century, individuals
poverty (Geis, 1978; Goodin, 1981; Miguel,
ubiquitously in the world believed in
2005; Rabia, 2005) and climate and its relation to
indiscernible mystical forces; their incidence was
food crop failure and income shocks. This is
sensed in even the most mundane facets of life
because, during the period of extreme rainfall
(Bhattacharya, 1994). Flipping the pages of
resulting in droughts leading to poor harvest and
history gives testimonies to the early witch hunts
near feminine condition in poor household
of Europe, Scotland, Germany, Kingdom of Great
areas, witchcraft murders increase in order to
Britain between 1450-1750, and in the middle
safeguard near subsistence consumption
ages (1750-1900), witch hunts of Hungary,
nutrition level by eliminating older members in
Demark and Rome and more recently such
the area (Behringer, 1999; Cohen, 1941; Cohn,
activities were frequently witnessed in parts of
1990; Miguel, 2005; Pfister, 2007). Further, it has
South Africa, Cameroon, Congo, Gambia, Ghana,
been also related to politics intermingling with
Kenya, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Zambia, Papua
nonconformity of civil religion in society and
New Guinea, Nepal and India (Booth, 2001).
Interestingly enough, the roots of such social disorganisation leading to chaos,
segregation and formation of a new political
superstitious practices lie in the most developed
party and thereby, witch hunt was seen as a
countries of the western world (Behringer, 2004,
means to suppress the upheaval of traditional
14; Hsu, 1960; Kapur, 1983, 117).
order. Reference may be given to one such
With the advent of science and technology, this studies conducted by Bernhard, 2004 on
menacing practice is being wiped out if not witchcraft trails of Atlantic and Bermuda
totally in most of the developed parts of the between 1645 to 1647. It was seen that when
world. But still, vast stretches of Asia, Africa, and there was nonconformity with the existing
Latin America, Zimbabwe, USA (Bhattacharya, administration which was in that time ruled by
1994, 2; Behringer, 2004, 236) is battling out this church clergy, a group of independent puritan
grievous crime irrespective to the level of formed new group and challenged the colony
development (Bailey, 2017; Behringer, 2004, 18; government. Meanwhile the colonised power of
Bernhard, 2010; Gibbs, 2012; Himugu, 2015; England was facing huge challenged on home
James, 2012; Nath, 2016; Knut, 2014; Snodgrass ground, where religious turmoil coupled with
et. al., 2008). devastating civil war, provided fertile ground for
Indian witchcraft that has existed from millennia witch hunts (Bernhard, 2010; Kapur, 1983). This
(Bhattacharya, 1994) is not essentially political and religious upheaval had waves in tiny
accompanied by the violence that often country of Bermuda where the ruling
characterises witch-hunting in other parts of the administration, used witchhunt as a means to
world. The states of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, blame someone of rising political upheaval.
and Haryana, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Nonetheless, the dark side of kinship, marriage
are prominent among them (Bhattacharya, customs, and polygenic societies has been the
1994). main focus of many studies (Behringer, 2004, 39;
Feng, 2018). This research, however, is on the
Witchcraft and witch-hunting have been a very witch-hunting practices of Assam.
long researched subject for many papers,
monographs, and books, which dealt with The state of Assam, located in the North-Eastern
differential dimensions of it (Banerjee, 2017; part of the country India, has been a significant
Chaudhuri, 2008; Chaudhuri, 2012; Chaudhuri, hotspot of occurrence of this crime bearing
2014; Das, 2015; Kapur, 1983; Rajaram, 1981). deeper gripping roots mostly in tribal society
The usual conclusions derived out of the studies (Bhattacharya, 1994). One hundred ninety-six
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 101

cases have been registered under this head whether occurring in public or private life
between 1989 and 2015 in police records, which (United Nations General Assembly, 1993).
is a severe quandary to this advancing society. Analysis of crime rate against women (as
However, this is merely on the scanty proportion depicted by official records) in India reflects a
of actual happening as most of it goes very surprising and essential facet which needs
unreported and unknown. This observation is attention. The western part and central of the
similar to various forms of crime against women country especially the districts of Haryana (75.7),
which also remains unreported for various Madhya Pradesh (65.5), and Rajasthan (81.5),
reasons (Bhattacharyya, 2015; Beniwal, 2017; Telangana (83.1), Delhi (184.3) and Chandigarh
Mukherjee et al., 2001). Nonetheless, (64.8) falls in very high crime against women
considering the seriousness of witch-hunting zone.2 Coincidently from early time these areas
practices, since 1995, it has been incorporated were considered as gendered unfriendly states.
in the realm of crime against women in the However, like the scenario in elsewhere in India,
country . The recurring instance of witch hunt in a similar picture echoes as we have a glimpse of
the state along with voices of pressure groups the crime statistics of Assam (131.3) in 2016
has forced Assam government to enact Assam which is more than twice of the national average
Witch Hunting (Prohibition, Prevention, and of 53.6 (Crime in India, 2016). This gives a very
Protection) Act, 2015 and made an offence depressing picture to an area where cases of
under the act as non-bailable, cognisable and dowry and bride burning were seldom heard off.
non-compoundable, torturing of women in the Witchhunt, an infectious practice affects both
name of hunting down witches. Some stringent the sexes, but due to its high propensity of
clauses integrated into the act includes female victims, it is generally regarded as a
maximum imprisonment term of three years to gendered practice. Though a considerable
life imprisonment and a fine amount ranging research on European and African witch hunt
between five thousand to five hundred has been made worldwide along with many
thousand. The most significant clause of the bill studies in Indian witchcraft mainly focusing on
is that Section 438 of Indian Penal Code (IPC)1 the Adivasi community of the country (Banerjee,
will not apply in cases of witch hunt, and with 2017; Chaudhuri, 2008; Chaudhuri, 2012;
this the provision of getting anticipatory bail is Chaudhuri, 2014) but there is a great scarcity of
wiped out in such cases. The bill further acts to any comprehensive study on witch-hunting
provide rehabilitation to the victims (Saikia, practices of Assam. Alongside, there is also a
2017). lack of cross-community genesis of witchcraft
Before discussing how exactly crime or violence and therefore, this study aims to address the
against women is plaguing the society like gap.
termites, the understanding of the term is The research addresses the issue from the
utmost essential (Borah & Das, 2018). The perspective of a crime specifically in the realm of
generic "gender blind use of the term violence" crime against women (spatially and temporally)
obscures the gender-specific forms of cruelty having cross-community dimensions in
and attacks experienced by the woman alone customary beliefs of society. Further, the
(Vauquline, 2006, 2). Violence against women research also tries to illuminate the causal and
also includes – any acts of gender-based violence consequential purview of the socially sanctioned
that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, violence, highlighting the role of ojhas (village
sexual or psychological harm or suffering to
medicine men). The methodology is discussed in
women, including threats of such acts of the next section.
coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty,

1 2
Section 438 of Indian Penal Court: This provision allows The parentheses display the rate of crime.
a person to seek bail in anticipation of an arrest or
accusation of having committed a non- bail able offence.
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 102

Methodology Location and Setting

Data Sources Assam, situated in the North-Eastern part of
India, is located between 2408/ N to 2802/ N and
This research is based on both primary and
89042/E to 960E covers an area of 78,438 sq km.
secondary sources of data. Primary sources
It has a population of 31,169,272 (2011). The
include the collection of data on different
literacy rate of the state is 73.185 and has a sex
aspects of witch-hunting from the field using a
ratio of 954 females per 1000 males. Out of 35
structured questionnaire. Secondary sources
total districts present in state of Assam, 27
include the collection of data from different
districts (present in 2015) have been considered
government agencies, newspapers, journals,
as a part of the study area because of the
books and others. Interviews and cases studies
unavailability of boundaries of recently formed
were used to collect data from the victims,
districts (see, Figure 1).
instigators, ojhas and other persons involved in
cases of witch hunts. The victims were randomly Witch-hunting cases are found to be occurring
chosen through a snowball sampling method in in 20 districts of Assam out of 27 (new districts
each of the villages in each district (Goalpara- have not been included due to unavailability of
Barjhara, Jurigaon and Thakurvilla. Kokrajhar- data).
Bhatipara, Sutarpara and Habrubari. Sonitpur- 4 The cases were found to be highest among
no. Lakhipathar and 1 no Bhimajuli. Jorhat- twenty districts which included Kokrajhar (55
Balijara, Borduar, Madhyam bhahphala. cases), Sonitpur (17 cases), Goalpara (20 cases),
Sivsagar- Gorbhanga, Liabil and Sikarigaon)3 for Udalguri (14 cases), Chirang (19 cases), Baska (11
in-depth interview. Due to the sensitivity of the cases), Jorhat (16 cases), Sibsagar (8 cases)
cases, extreme care was taken to collect victim (Figure 2). Out of eight districts Kokrajhar,
data so that, the victim does not face further dire Udalguri, Chirang, Baska and Goalpara falls
consequences. This is because in many of the under Lower Assam region with the cases of
villages, the village committee prohibits them witch-hunting being dominant among the Bodo
from speaking to the outsiders about the tribes except for in Goalpara where the cases
incidents linked to witch-hunting practices. were prominent among the Rabhas. Sonitpur
Some of the cases are very fresh with accuser falling under Upper Brahmaputra valley
still in police custody and to avoid any kind of (Northern Bank) records the occurrence among
conflict situation precautions were taken. a mixed group of Karbi, Tea tribes, Bodo. Jorhat
Twenty-two victims were considered for case including Majuli and Sivasagar falling under
study analysis. Out of them, seventeen are live Lower Brahmaputra valley (Southern Bank) has
victims, and five victims are dead. Interviews maximum occurrence of witch-hunting cases
were conducted with live victims. Whereas, in amongst the Misings, Deuri and Ahom tribes.
the case of dead victims, the interview of family
members were taken. Most of the victims were In order to make a comprehensive study of the
interviewed in their houses/ villages where the practice of witch-hunting among different tribal
cases have occurred. Victims/relatives of few and nontribal communities, the final selection of
fresh cases were called upon to the local police survey area included the districts of Goalpara,
station as it was not possible to get an interview Kokrajhar, Sonitpur, Jorhat, and Sivsagar taking
in the village. Names of all the victims are into consideration the highest number of
changed to maintain privacy. registered cases and also including diverse social
and ethnic communities (Figure 2).

3
The parentheses displays the surveyed districts along
with surveyed villages.
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 103

Figure 1: Location of the Study Area

Source: Prepared by the Authors in Arc G.I.S 10.2.1
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 104

Figure 2: Location of the Survey Area Villages in Selected Districts.

Source: C.I.D. Assam. Prepared by the Author in Arc G.I.S 10.2.1

Witch-hunting as a Phenomenon certain places as domain of women which limits

her boundaries assigning a secondary status.
Witch-hunting, literally meaning hunting of a
This secondary status also gives power to the
witch who is believed to be inflicting harm to
male members of the society to control the lives
lives of other people has been a cause of severe
of women as their personal property and
moral panic and mass hysteria among many
justifies any act of violence committed against
innocent people around the world. The
them (Bhattacharyya, 2015). Besides this, the
patriarchal approach of (Dobash and Dobash,
menstruation cycle of women, which as
1979), very clearly explains as to how patriarchy
perceived in societies of India as impure also
forms the base of any crime and very often
leads to those exorcist practices (Vir, 2006).
women challenging the patriarchal societal
Tackling of these cases is perplexing, complex,
norms and breaking the stereotype of ideal
intertwine and agitated as the entire community
women have been found to be victimised
along with their customary religious and cultural
(Behringer, 2004, 41). Patriarchal society has
belief system sanctions the punishment meted
been a means for subjugating and suppressing
out to the accused witch, and the guilty are
women, whereby a secondary status is assigned
seldom punished. Moreover most of the cases
to women in society. The role of women in the
are recorded under murder category which
decision-making process of the family or the
makes identification of cases even more difficult
society continues to be meagre. In fact, even the
(Chakraborty & Borah, 2013).
decisions concerning woman’s life is taken by
the male members of the society throughout her The term witch has two different meanings. On
life cycle. Stereotypical gender roles assign the one hand, it is used to identify an individual
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 105

who practices black magic- a sorcerer; on the communities where the incidence of daini dhora
other hand, individuals who are accused of being (witch catch) and daini (witch) are rampant.
supernaturally evil. This creates a prejudiced Everything bad which could not be explained by
mindset (Das and Sharma, 2014). The following logic was related to the evil eye (nazar) in
section discusses the witch-hunting scenario societies which lack enlightenment (Omeo
from Assam. Kumar Das Institute of Social Science, 2015;
Dwyer, 2003, 72).
Glimpses of Scenario from Assam
According to local parlance, daini is commonly
Crime against women in Assam has been
used in case of women for describing a witch in
showing an ever-increasing trend in recent time,
Assam. The Ojha, Bez or Deodhani (all names for
along with spurge in witch-hunting cases
witch doctors) do the task of identifying witch,
(Moorthy, 2015). Traditionally, witchcraft was a
the aftermath of which she is either banished
part of the social life of the tribal communities in
from the community or killed.
Assam, but now it is increasingly expanding
among the other communities as well as across Fluctuation trend is being seen in respect of
the state (Omeo Kumar Das Institute of Social official records (2008 to 2014) in the state of
Science, 2015) This issue of (in) accessibility Assam, which is just a small proportion (Figure
(Bhattacharya 1994, 18) in these cases acts as a 3). As most of the cases go unreported in the
trump card because the more inaccessible an name of the social and internal matter of village
area is, the more is the grip of the superstitious jurisdiction. Silent killing takes places in many
belief where it is very easy and safe to denounce areas to win over the demon that the villagers
anyone as a witch. assumes. The cases of witch-hunting are found
in certain pockets of Assam which includes
Assam, known as the land of tantra- mantra
Sonitpur, Darrang, Goalpara, Sivsagar, Tinsukia
(magic), which has a number of folk tales of dead
(Figure 4). The local and nuanced socio-cultural
regaining life with the mantra and had been
norms like rituals of Mangal Sowa (knowing
extensively used for the benevolent or
fortune by means of astrology), belief in
malevolent purpose (Saikia, 2017; Sarma, 2014).
incarnation of God and Goddess in human beings
Interestingly, much of the practice has survived
during Kherai Puja (special ritual) of Bodos and
over the years simultaneously with the advent of
Kechaikhati Puja (special ritual) of Deori,
modernity. Modern and modernity can be
purification rituals with the advice of Mibu
regarded as two facets of the same coin. For the
(priest) in the Misings of these areas seems to
western world in the first half of the 20th
have influenced the occurrence of cases of
Century, modernity meant new technological
witch-hunting as they have a low sex ratio,
innovations, governance, and socio-economics.
literacy and work participation and coincidently
It refers to the new changes that have taken
have the highest proportion of the population in
place in every facet of society mostly after the
Scheduled tribes category. The genesis of this
World War II when the entire society was
menace is discussed below.
blooming out of the shackles of age-old
traditions towards a better innovative and The Genesis of Witchcraft in Assam
technologically advanced society. However, the The prevalence of witch-hunting among the
use of the concept of modernity in this research different aboriginal communities of Assam can
in relation to witchcraft is development of be traced back from their genesis of cultural
advanced medical facilities, better education
beliefs and traditional values. As already
system, advancement in transport and mentioned above, prominent adherent believers
communication and diffusion of scientific milieu include the Rabhas, Misings, Bodo, Adivasis,
towards a rational development of the thinking Ahom, Deuris, Garo. It, therefore, turns out to be
process. Nevertheless, the practice of witch- utmost important to study more in-depth into
hunt and its belief is still prevailing among the the beliefs and customs of these communities.
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 106

Figure 3: The Trend of Witch hunt in Assam

Source: C.I.D. Office, Assam

Figure 4: Map Showing the Spatial Distribution of Witch Hunting Cases in Assam
Source: C.I.D Assam

Rabhas are a distinct racial community having animism and relate everything to malevolent
unique practices relating to marriage, birth, and deities; dwelling of witches on seora (a kind of
death and are one of the most conservative bush). They have two specific rituals: bai thakai
groups in the state having rigorous doctrines and bai dhankai (special offering and a strong
among them. They are stern believers of sacrosanct belief of magic, Daini (witch), Bej and
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 107

Bejali (words used for local medicine men) in this Bordoloi, 1987; Payeng, 2011; Padung, 2005).
society. Some beliefs include the domestication Acquisition of witches is carried out secretly, but
of bira (ghost), worship of Goddess Kali in the the punishment is mostly in the form of exile
cremation ground, chaya mara (being invisible from the village for some time, and in most
but perform acts) (Omeo Kumar Das Institute of cases, purification by a priest and mingling back
Social Science, 2015; Hakacham, 2006, 2012). to the community is natural, witch murders are
Accusation and trail process takes place in secret not common.
gathering in the community. Adivasis mostly resides in the tea gardens of
Similarly, the Bodo society is a historical believer Assam (Magar & Kar, 2016). Although
in the existence of witchcraft and magic and collectively known as Adivasi there are different
regards witches as dread. They also believe in sections among them having unique rights,
animism and consider bathou (God) as guardian rituals, and traditions. When somebody falls sick
of the family. Rites of Bodos consists of offerings, in their house, they usually take up to tantra
sacrifice, and prayers, and extant belief is still mantra (magic) and offers special puja. The
prevalent that supernatural creatures cause remains of ingredients used in puja (offering) are
diseases. They are also a believer of Deodhani— then placed in a dola (open plate) in crossroad
a special dance performed by a person thought without knowledge of others. They do not have
to be possessed (incarnation of spirit in the any persecution process of a witch hunt, and
body) during kherai puja (offering). It is believed once a group identifies a person to be a witch,
that during the time of dancing, the deodhanis silently the victim is killed by chopping off her
can detect any such evil spirit in the village or any head. The head is then offered to their Goddess
particular house and can also reveal if there is Kali for doing away with misfortunes
any daini or witch present (Charan, 2012; (Bhattacharya, 1994, 7). The factors leading to
Daimari, 2012). The denouncement of a witch is witch hunts are discussed below.
kept utmost secret, and silently the victim is Causal Factors Implicating Witch Hunts
killed by cutting into pieces and burying it in the
soil in different mounds. Various structural and individual factors
undermine the targeting of individuals as
The Misings, originally a hill tribe comprise witches. These people mostly live in interior
strong belief on supernaturalism and animism. remote areas. 8 out of 15 surveyed villages are
They believe that ui or uyu, two kinds of located around a distance of 25 km minimum
benevolent or malevolent spirits regulate the from the town centre. They lack consciousness
universe, and they are held responsible for the about health and modern methods of treatment
various phenomenon. They believe that spirits of disease. 67 per cent of the surveyed
are everywhere and Mibu (the village priest) can population refrain from going to the doctors
appease these spirits. Offerings in the form of (Rabia, 1983; Rabia, 2005), and even if they visit
pigs, fowls, and apong (local beer) are made to doctors, they first offer their offerings to local aie
the spirits. They also believe in yalo (a shadow than or deo (local deity/ priest) (Das, 2012).
of a soul) which can leave the body when a
person is asleep, and it is the mibu who can bring Besides this, the hygienic living condition is very
him back by performing certain rituals. There is poor, which causes many inert diseases, are
also another priest Deodhai known as Miru, later thought to be the work of a witch, but actually,
came to be known as Dondai. Mirus perform are caused by impure drinking water. It may be
special kind of ritual during the night, and during mentioned here that 90 per cent of the
that period they get possessed by deo (spirit). household do not treat water, nor do they have
They believe in the existence of daini and fears a proper source of drinking water. Almost all the
that dainis can send tekeli ban (pitcher belly villages lack proper sanitation facilities, earthen
magic) and cause disease of pitcher's belly, pits are widely present. Though toilets were built
which can be only cured by Dondai (Doley, 2012; in some villages with the governmental initiative
of Swacch Bharat Abhiyan their usage is
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 108

circumscribed. Firstly, insights from field study Similarly, Jona Rabha was accused by her
suggest that due to miss management of neighbour who was suffering from prolonged
governmental machinery and also the presence illness on the pretext of seeing her as a witch in
of mediators, the majority of the toilets were his dreams. Seemingly, in the case of Biru Rabha
poorly constructed or half-built (Massive whose husband was suffering from cancer and
Corruption, 2019), and secondly, most of the Ojha was unable to cure it, one of her relatives
surveyed area people are more comfortable, due asserted her as a witch.
to traditional mindset, with to defecate in open Pammi Orang was accused as a witch by the
areas. These observations bear similarity with village priest on the death of her granddaughter.
the observations made by Mishra (2018) and Purnali Pegu was accused by a fellow villager as
Singh & Mishra (2019). a witch who was suffering from chest pain. All
Very often diseases caused by consuming of these victims were on suspicion of causing
dead animals get misinterpreted as the work of diseases and death among the villagers.
a witch, and accusation takes place in respect of Jealousy, Animosity and Conflict
the person with antagonist relation. Non-
availability of a reasonable standard of Jealousy, Animosity and Conflict often,
healthcare nearby makes them more dependent inconsequential or random events such as
on local Ojha, where they fall prey to repeated bad dreams, death on account of an
misguidance. Furthermore administrative failure undiagnosed illness, and an altercation with the
in terms of providing basic needs and services victim see to trigger such accusation where pre-
available at a closer vicinity creates conditions, existing conflict, tension jealousy helps the
whereby diseases and routine illness are instigator to tackle personal grudges with the
common and fatal. Lack of consciousness and victim by a socially sanctioned means (Panthers
knowledge about many diseases and illness of law and Development- PLD, 2014). The
forms the backbone in most of the cases of symbolic interaction theory of Mead (1918),
witch-hunting (Bhattacharya, 1994, 2). Despite Blumer (1973) and Beker can be cited here
the Right to Education policy of the Government explaining the underpinning cause of crime; that
of India, the literacy level of the people, provocation or any activity done by the victim
especially those belonging to the Scheduled does not always lead to such violence, but it is a
Castes and Scheduled Tribes population of the means which offender use to achieve his/her
state are very poor (Barooah, 2014; Das, 2012; end. Moreover as stated by symbolic interaction,
Das and Das, 2018; Kar, 2002). Getting insights it is from the social interaction of victim and
from the fieldwork and literature review, the offender that crime takes places. The process of
causation can be classified under broad social interaction and meaning that is given to a
overlapping themes as: certain activity in a society that instigates or
deviates crime, labelling and stigma play an
Illnesses, Death, and Tragedies important role. An offender always refrains from
Illness or death of a human being or animal, committing a crime if he has fear of being
inability to conceive, the birth of stillborn babies, labelled as a deviant from society. But since in
even sometimes illness or death of victims’ own case of witch-hunting the entire society
children led to attribution to the victim. The sanctions the violence so the offender uses
attribution becomes more natural if the victim violence and support of the members of society
shares physical and familial proximity with to achieve his ends and settle his grudges (Vir,
instigators’ family. 2006).
Cases of Jyoti Sangma, Jona Rabha, Biru Rabha, The cases of Ruhumi Rabha, Ani Rabha, Mahi
Pamii Orang, Purnali Pegu can be cited as Pegu Doley, Rash Konwar depicts the factual
examples. Jyoti Sangma was accused as a witch social reality as to how jealousy leads to
by a fellow villager when his son died of witchcraft cases.
diarrhoea and lack of proper medical care.
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 109

Ani Rabha, a middle-aged woman, suffered the Transgression, Non-Conformity Difference

grudges of fellow villagers for her self-sustaining Transgression, Non-Conformity Difference
living. Moreover her husband abstained from particularly her assertiveness and characteristics
consuming alcohol which was a common habit that set the victim apart as different or
among the Rabha Community.
transgressive, also become a reason for
Mahi Pegu Dolley was accused as a witch due to labelling. In a few cases, the victim’s outspoken
her growing prosperity. Firstly she and her family nature and assertive behaviour evoked suspicion
had been successful in buying a pond/fishery within the community which fuelled the
along with her acquiring a job in village targeting (PLD, 2014).
Anganwadi centre. She acquired the job by The case of Jyoti Sangma confirms the fact that
competing with her fellow villager cum relative sometimes outspoken nature of women, can
which made her relatives envious of her and lead lead to no conformity and accusation. She had
to the acquisition. been an outspoken lady in the village community
Material and Economic Reasons about hygiene, about good and bad habits, and
In most of the cases, the sticking factors appear many a times had caught the accuser red-
to be land disputes between parties, intentions handed in stealing.
to grab victim’s property, to lay illegitimate claim Inauspicious single women
over the property and material resources, Patriarchal society like India, regards a separated
jealousy regarding economic prosperity of the or widowed as inauspicious in society, and this
victim leading to the targeting of a witch. As subconscious mind or prejudiced view forms the
described in rational choice theory (Cornish and bases of such witch-hunting cases. They become
Clarke, 1986) crime is committed by the a suitable target in the absence of any capable
preferences or choice that an offender makes
guardian becomes an easy prey as explained in
among the accessible options by weighing his routine activity theory (Cohen and Felson, 1979).
benefit. An offender always abstains from such a As asserted in the theory, three necessary
crime that has risk and has chances of being conditions are prerequisite for occurrence of a
penalised. In witch-hunting cases also the crime—suitable target, absence of capable
accusers weigh his benefit before committing guardian and a likely offender. It gives more
the crime, and since easy escape is possible, importance to the environment and situation
accuser applies it as an easy means to achieve his than individual responsible for creating
ends (Vir, 2006). possibilities of crime. Since all the prerequisite
Riatmoni Doley of Majuli clearly remembers the falls in right position in case of single women a
day when a mob attacked her suddenly on the suitable target, and patriarchal mindset— the
pretext that she refused to follow a village priest. situation in the presence of any
She recalls as to how her brother-in-law fueled person(offender) who can firmly assert her as a
the situation and chased them out of the home witch, single women falls victim to the social
and grabbed their property. dilemma (Vir, 2006).
Ruhmi Rabha of Goalpara narrates her story of a One of the most exciting facets of these tribal
small fight regarding house boundary with her communities is their own local brewed alcohol
neighbour cum brother-in-law. Using some foul which forms an indispensable part of the social
words from her led to the acquisition of her life. Prominent among them are Haria among
being a witch. She not only lost her property, but Tea tribes, Nogen and Poro Apong and Sai mod
her livestock was also sold off by the villagers among Mising, Rohi and Saj among Ahoms, Zwu
and made to pay a massive fine from the money or Zu mai among Bodos. Many times as seen in
which the family derived from construction most of the cases, excess alcoholism by the
work. victim or other members of society, misspelt or
Borah and Das. Space and Culture, India 2019, 7:3 Page | 110

foul words or self-acquisition aggravates the Serious economic consequences due to loss of
scenario leading to acquisition. livelihood were faced by the victim and family
after accusation. Further, it was seen that this
Khedai Rabha of Goalpara is believed to be
helplessness situation was taken advantage of
under the influence of alcohol when she uttered
by many to get hold of the property and other
some illogical facts, and self-proclaimed herself
materials of the victim. Loss of access to public
as a daini, which was then misinterpreted by
resources such as hand pumps, local shops,
villagers as a witch.
markets, community meetings, and centres are
Ruhmi Rabha of Goalpara asserts how she had a also widespread in cases. There is a common
small fight with uttering of a few foul words belief that a witch passes on the malevolent
eventually led to her victimisation. Her powers of witchcraft to her daughters, as a
instigator brother-in-law served massive result, the unmarried daughters of a victim
quantity of alcohol to the village jury and local rarely get offer for marriage.
bej before pronouncing her case verdict. The
A variety of local common abusive words and
entire jury was so much under its influence of
labels that imply a witch (such as Diani, Dayan,
alcohol that the instigator could easily mould
Tikker, Hawa Khawa, Bateloga, Sikkhal, Boxi) are
them in making his points valid.
used. The consequences do not limit themselves
However, the cause relating to sexual to the victim alone but have several collateral
harassment or unfavoured sexual advancement victims.
as found in many parts of the world and also in
different parts of India has not been found Conclusion
directly in the study areas and case studies, The witch hunt is a superstitious practice that
though slight inclination was present in one or has been inflicting the lives of many since ages.
two cases. Recurring instances of the crime is seen to occur
among many tribal and aboriginal communities
Consequential After Effects
of Assam today. The genies of the practices have
Various factors give an intricate understanding its roots in the tantra- matra rituals that have
of witch-hunting and intertwine to target and survived overages and has small reminisce of it
victimise particular individual and their near in the traditional and customary beliefs of many
ones. The cases of witch-hunting might appear tribal communities of the state. Accessibility,
for outsiders as mere backwardness and along with superstitions fuels the cases which
superstitious belief, but the impact as a result of lead to extreme brutalisation of the accused
it on victim’s life is far from the imagination of an along with many collateral victims. It is thus
outsider. The actual mental and emotional utmost necessary to raise awareness, try to
upheavals that the victim and family have to go prevent and protect from becoming the victim of
through have far-reaching and deep scratches on such a superstitious belief which leads into such
their lives (PLD, 2014). a heinous crime.
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