Philippine Gay Culture: J. Neil C. Garcia
Philippine Gay Culture: J. Neil C. Garcia
Philippine Gay Culture: J. Neil C. Garcia
Gay Culture
Binabae to Bakla
Silahis to MSM
J. Neil C. Garcia
in association with
The University of the Philippines Press
Hong Kong University Press
14/F Hing Wai Centre
7 Tin Wan Praya Rd
Aberdeen
Hong Kong
ISBN 978-962-209-985-2
www.hkupress.org
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Printed and bound by Liang Yu Printing Factory Co. Ltd., in Hong Kong, China
Contents
A Transgressive Reinscription ix
Author’s Note for the Second Edition xi
Preface xv
Introduction 1
Part One
Philippine Gay Culture 39
Chapter One 61
The Sixties
Chapter Two 82
The Seventies
Chapter Three 151
Precolonial Gender-Crossing
and the Babaylan Chronicles
Chapter Four 198
The Eighties
Chapter Five 223
The Nineties
Chapter Six 246
Prologue
vii
viii | Philippine Gay Culture
Part Two
The Early Gay Writers: Montano, Nadres, Perez 276
Chapter One 287
Where We Have Been:
Severino Montano’s “The Lion and the Faun”
Chapter Two 334
Orlando Nadres and the
Politics of Homosexual Identity
Chapter Three 361
Tony Perez’s Cubao 1980:
The Tragedy of Homosexuality
Conclusion 387
Notes 457
Bibliography 507
Index 527
Introduction
That Philippine gay culture exists is an insight not very difficult to arrive at.
In our country, gays may be found virtually everywhere, and what’s strange
is they have a distinct quality about them which is sometimes unnerving,
sometimes welcome if only that it’s funny. Gays speak funnily, swish their hips,
and wave their broken wrists as though by doing so they are already movie
stars. They claim to know one another with the help of their noses, which
are especially keen in ferreting out “fishy uteruses” (malalansang matris) from
up to five miles away. They need this skill because they say one just cannot
trust appearances these days: some macho men are actually nelly little girls
once the lights go out. They also have their “haunts,” or places in which they
gather—in loud and flaming clusters inside malls, on campuses, and in the
beauty parlors which are their privileged locales because they invariably work
there. Randy and misguided boys go to these parlors a lot, for free haircuts,
ready cash, and something unspeakable. Gays are very vain. They try to look
like women when they know they really aren’t, like those impersonators that
compete with each other on “Super SiReyna,” a gaudy cross-dressing contest
on the top-rating noontime variety show, Eat Bulaga. It is plain to see that all
gays are pathetically fascinated with becoming real women, and with having
real men as lovers and lifetime partners. Of course, they’ll never be women,
and they’ll never find men who’ll love them for who they are—which is to say,
without some kind of monetary exchange or other.
Honestly, however, what everybody wants to ask is: Why are gays that way,
and what on earth do they talk about when they speak in the gratingly shrill
and punningly raucous way that they do?
1
2 | Philippine Gay Culture
the most part, self-expression rather the societal ascription. This is something
I can confidently say, as a matter of both personal and theoretical conviction,
then: if oppression and normalization were truly total, then there would be no
philosophical position from which we could conclude that oppression exists.
It would in fact be impossible for any of us to recognize it. Nonetheless, in
the case of Filipino gays, it’s undeniable that oppression does exist, and its
existence bids us now to study it assiduously, in order to uncover the intricacy
of its inner mechanisms, and to unpack these from the inside out, up to the
point of critically “voiding” them.
Gay Culture
In the first part of this book, I will trace the history of Philippine gay culture
in the last four decades. This history will be by turns empirical and conceptual,
for as I pursue the meanings of homosexuality that circulate in metropolitan
culture through the sixties and up to the nineties, I will invariably be needing
to go beyond this spatial/temporal plane, and into the “epistemological field”
from which these very same meanings and definitions emanate. As I discuss
the dominant pattern of male homosexuality as a psychosexual inversion (a
view that takes homosexual males to be psychologically “inverted” females),
for example, I will have to come face-to-face with a model of local subjectivity
which is the Tagalog-Filipino binarized self: loob/labas (literally: “inside/
outside”). As I attempt to explain the cultural allowance for male-to-female
transvestism and effeminacy, I will be led back to narratives of precolonial
and early colonial gender-crossing, as they may be inferred from the babaylan
chronicles. Needless to say, the history of Philippine gay culture is hardly a
purely indigenous narrative, as should be clear when we wade into the heady
waters of the 1970s, the time when the Philippines adopted its own versions
of what had been raging as a kind of “Sexual Revolution” in the United States
and other parts of the West in the previous decade. Hence, we will have to
implicate such neocolonial “implantations” in this study as well.
Suffice it to say that the conceptual boundaries between gay and mainstream
cultures are hardly impermeable. As should be obvious to the cultural critic or
“student,” there is always just as much evidence that cultures are distinct as
evidence that they are the same, and what probably makes a culture unique in
4 | Philippine Gay Culture
the final analysis is its differently permeable ability to disappear and reappear
as a separate object of scrutiny against a variegated backdrop, depending on
the optic through which one sees—which is to say, depending on the questions
and assumptions one wishes to “see” it from.
Nonetheless, it is not true that just because my main interest is to elucidate
the organizing structures underwriting gay culture (and therefore to employ
a “knowledge/power” model in a discussion of its history) then it is no longer
possible for me to designate to it certain empirically-arrived-at truths. For
instance, the realization that most popular writings on homosexuality are
actually homophobic and dismissive of it makes no necessary nullifying claim
to the fact that certain fabulous events did happen and certain fabulous things
did get done—for example, this or that beauty pageant for gays did take place,
with this or that famous person in attendance, etc. I maintain that the empirical
project of tracing gay history remains a most feasible one, especially when
it is complemented by the kind of critical inquiry that seeks not universally
immanent but only specifically situated “truths.”
At this point in our local and national histories, I am altogether convinced
that an empirical rendering of gay culture is necessary, especially since most
Filipino gays know very little about “their past.” It would indeed be nice if
more and more gay researchers were to put their minds to documenting all
the beauty contests, plays, parties, and all the other performances that seem
to have constituted and defined Philippine gay life for the past three decades.
While such a project can be dismissed for being a purely empiricist one, it
nevertheless answers to the twin needs for remembrance and posterity. (It is
my hope, then, that some way or other the “notes” and “bibliography” sections
at the end of this book provide rewardingly in this direction.) In any case,
the imperative for representation which I succumb to in this study may be
said to moot the admittedly academic, albeit legitimate, concern regarding the
reliability of so-called ill- or newly documented facts—“things” an otherwise
purely empirical project could scarcely care about. With respect to this issue,
my conviction is that most of the effeminate or bakla homosexuals whose
articulations have come to constitute the more visibly documented aspects
of Philippine gay culture may all be reasonably assumed to be capable of
representing themselves.
Introduction | 5
The questions I will be attempting to answer in the first part of this study
are as follows:
1. What are the male homosexual identities that constitute Philippine gay
culture?
2. Why is there no gay liberation movement in the Philippines?
Actually, the second question should precede the former, if only because I
initially posed them that way. As a gay academic and advocate, I had been one
to wonder why no unified, continuous effort to organize might be observed
among the gays of my generation. This query led me to inquire into just who
the gays were who comprised my generation, and it serendipitously dawned
on me that a kind of “conflict” exists among the ranks of urban-dwelling gays
in the Philippines, who are really a variegated, noisy, and helplessly provisional
“conglomeration” of people, whose inability to liberate themselves from
homophobic oppression is not only because they have internalized it, but also
because real forces in their lives, almost indistinguishable from who they think
they are, make such alliances and “allo-identifications” difficult if not virtually
impossible. When I began work on this project, it was clear to me that this has
been the situation for quite a while now.
The second part of this book is my attempt to come up with a specific
literary strategy to recuperate, read, and radicalize the gay writings of Severino
Montano, Orlando Nadres, and Tony Perez, whom I consider as three of the
Philippines’ first—“early”—gay writers. It’s interesting to realize that these
three male homosexual writers all lived through the harshest years of the
Marcos dictatorship, which was when they experienced a productive period in
their artistic lives. It goes without saying that in interpreting the production of
Filipino writers and artists from this time, we must “read” their works against
the backdrop of the political and ideological circumstances that could only
have informed them. To be sure, these gay writers were not alone in this, for
while the Martial Law regime was characterized by the generalized repression
of “progressive” discourses, contrary to what might have been expected, it
also bore witness to the efflorescence of urban gay culture in what was then a
militaristically manacled Philippines.
6 | Philippine Gay Culture
Problematique
This study will unabashedly begin from the assumption that it is virtually
impossible to adequately represent an abject political position without
occupying this position in the first place. In other words, one of the founding
premises of this work is the conviction that a history of Filipino gays will not
only be politically incorrect, but also profoundly inaccurate and distorted, to
the degree that it is told from the point of view of somebody who is not gay.
It should, however, be added that such insistence on “authenticity” and
“subject-positionality,” though admittedly smacking of academic correctness,
means only to address the ostensibly political absence of gay scholars in the
veritable field of research in which they should logically be found. Although
it is never completely the case that knowledge—finally—turns inutile every
time its provenance lies “outside” its purported object of inquiry, I maintain
that my being intimately indissociable from the very topic I am discussing can
only increase rather than diminish its “usefulness,” in the end. If anything, the
uniquely intriguing synthesis of the personal and the history that both haunts
and overtakes it will render this particular version of Philippine gay culture
somewhat relevant in—and revealing of—some other things which another
less reflexive study may not even be remotely aware of.
For the purposes of this introduction, the word “gay” may be regarded
as the signifier for the collective identity of genitally male individuals whose
love objects are other “genital males.” It is really more than just a synonym for
“male homosexual,” however, as it is simultaneously a given and an imagined
category of being and becoming, which signifies a certain teleology of identity
that eventuates in its liberation from the shackles of homophobia. As we know,
homophobia is the socially endorsed, prejudiced hatred and persecution of gays
and lesbians (homosexual women), because of their same-sexual orientation.
Homophobia may be institutional or personal: the first is borne out by the
hypocritical and untenable belief that sexual behavior should always be yoked
onto procreation, which in turn assures the existence of the conjugal family;
the second is largely the product of ignorance of and noncontact with “avowed
homosexuals.”1 Obviously, the institutional fear of “purely pleasurable” or
“unprocreative” sexuality privileges heterosexual unions at the same time that it
reduces the bodies of women to their reproductive capacity; thus homophobia
Introduction | 7
and misogyny are intimately linked to one another. And the discourse and
practice of “gay liberation” are both the end and the means (in other words, the
theory) to dismantle homophobia in what, globally speaking, predominates as
a masculine-ascendant, heteronormative, and patriarchal culture.
Because this study is pioneering in that it is the first to academically
inquire into the history and writings of Philippine gay culture from the avowed
perspective of one who is gay, it is necessary to explain several other assumptions
out of which it is coming. These include the problem of “depersonalized,” so-
called scholarly “objectivity,” as opposed to intersubjective research, issues of
containment, and the question of a Philippine gay theory, given the preexistent
fact of cultural and historical incongruity: the Philippines is not the West,
and therefore, abstractions that are specific to the West may not so easily
be employed in our cultures, especially not when it comes to experiences as
distinct and as culturally malleable as sex and gender relations.
Likewise, the dominant literary modes and the canon need to be
interrogated, as obviously the gay writings of Montano, Nadres, and Perez
are all positioned in contradistinction to them. A strategy of literary reading
that is specifically gay can only be beneficial to any study of Philippine gay
culture, and, as with the latter, it needs to be culled from Philippine gay texts
themselves.
When I first conceived of this project, it was of a totally different form from
what it has herein finally assumed: a narrativization of gay culture, identities,
and politics more personal than I would have preferred. In other words, I had
not planned on writing a “history from within,” insofar as any history that
is told in the present tense and from the first-person (plural or singular, the
difference is moot) point of view may be so called. My somewhat paranoid
complaint against this brand of scholarship was that it was “not very scholarly,”
precisely. In hindsight, however, and after having begun the actual writing of
this study, the distance that I thought would be necessary for a project like
this proved to be chillingly tokenist and noncommittal, especially when faced
with the reality of oppression to which both I and this particular work of mine
aspired to offer something of a curative.
8 | Philippine Gay Culture
In many different ways, and for many different reasons, the history from
which I very much wanted to detach myself was “my self,” precisely. The section
in the first part of this work about the gay culture of the eighties, for instance,
could only include me, because I was there. Boy George, Fanny Serrano, Roda.
These were the “models” for being gay that, evidently or not, have helped shape
me, determine me. In other words, I have, in timely enough fashion, come to
realize how it is not so convincing—not to mention wise and fair to myself—to
appeal to objectivity, when my very survival is at stake. “History from within” is
therefore necessarily prejudiced against the very idea of objectivity, inasmuch
as objectivity has, for the longest time, been deployed to suppress and destroy
the individuals who people such a history. In this study, gays get to have their
say about what they want, who they are, and what, in their book, defines the
world, love, happiness, and whatever “other” reality they have intimate and
powerful investments in.
The perspective on gay cultural history which I endorse here views it as
being, at heart, a story of resistance. Although the cultural critique to which
my methodology is indebted takes dominant and subordinate cultures as
mutually exclusive and antagonistic forces always in a state of struggle, my
chosen perspective will be from the subordinate’s coign of vantage. This critical
decision professes, to be sure, certain strengths as well as certain weaknesses.
The strengths include, among other things, the granting of point of view and
the investiture of a distinct identity, to gays, as well as the concomitant agency
such moves entail. One weakness is that in so focusing on the homosexual
minority’s positive projection of itself—its subjectivity and reactive agency—I
may be overlooking the chances that, and eliding the actual instances wherein,
such gestures and strategies are themselves contained and/or relegitimated by
the dominant ideology. In other words, just because gays have been able to
textualize themselves, it does not necessarily mean such textualizations are
ultimately “good” for them. The theoretical concern over the violent dynamics
of subversion and containment has been expressed by various oppositional
intellectuals all over the world, and the implications of this so-called
“containment theory” are intriguingly relevant to this project, too; hence, they
can only deserve some discussion of their own.
Increasingly in the West, “containment” has understandably become an
important issue among a number of postmodernist critics, since they deem the
Introduction | 9
they merely invert the hierarchies of logocentric thought, in this light is seen
merely to be yet another instance of containment.
But containment presumes that subversion is ever only an effect of the
exercise of power. The view that I will take in this project is that this is not
necessarily so. Via what Jonathan Dollimore calls “transgressive reinscription,”
the very instance of subversion may be traced back to the power which has
ironically produced it, but rather than becoming contained, subversion may
then be seen to possibly transvaluate and therefore modify the repressiveness
of power itself, chiefly by exemplifying how resistance is always capable of
producing dissidence—and likely to do so. By demonstrating the inherent
contradictions within and the very instability of hegemonic control itself,
transgressive reinscription makes it possible to see reversals of the binaries
natural/unnatural, heterosexual/homosexual, masculine/feminine, and depth/
surface to be in fact revolutionary undertakings.4 We must remember that
these binaries describe the violent hierarchies which have policed social
and epistemological life in the West; hence, they have been the targets of the
initial deconstructive projects of feminism, gay and lesbian discourse, and
postmodernism itself.
Therefore, any history that articulates the subjectivity of an abject group
in society is always potentially dangerous to the dominant culture. The catch is
that, as is basically the case with any kind of social struggle, inversion will also
most likely engender a violent counterreaction, as inversion does not reveal
only those contradictions within the particular binary that has been inverted,
but also contradictions within the other elements of the social formation in
general which gather around the privileged term of the binary. Any project
whose end result is the production of dangerous knowledge is potentially
dangerous to everybody, but it is most acutely dangerous to the subordinate
culture which has called the fixity of the specific metaphysical binary into
question. By the mere act of calling more attention to themselves, subordinate
groups/individuals already risk further marginalization, if not demonization,
by the dominant dispensation. As we know, demonization is the process
whereby all other conflicts that have been festering within the dominant get
displaced onto the subordinate, as a form of psychosocial projection. These
conflicts, in the case of homosexuals, are not simply about sexuality alone, but
also about gender, class, race, and ethnicity.
Introduction | 11
Which is why, ultimately, this project can do either of two things: circulate
meanings of homosexuality which will prove helpful to the homosexuals
themselves; or court a conservative backlash that will bear witness to a more
sustained and comprehensive persecution of gays and lesbians. Either way,
transgressive knowledge is produced, and though essentialist in many respects,
the assumptions of Philippine gay culture, as well as the many different
assertions made by the male homosexual personalities and authors I have
chosen to study here, may just prove an indispensable stage in what could later
turn out to be a more constructionist and transgressive project. Nonetheless,
the thought of the second scenario—that of a backlash—though daunting
enough, has not really dissuaded me, precisely because between remaining
silent and expressing myself, it is silence that is always the less livable way
to live—and love. The analogy for this can only properly be a personal one,
again: “coming out” with a history from within gay culture is always better
than dying in the musty depths of the closet of nonexistence. The personal
connects inextricably with the public once seen in the light of the annihilating
experience of oppression.
In other words: the closet of Philippine gay history is my closet, and this
is my own liberation. Likewise, my hope is that our national history’s closet
will empty a little with this work, and at the very least allow a booster of air
and light into the breathless inanimation and dolor to which closetedness
reduces everyone. Should much more persecution follow this declaration of
gayness within the many imaginative and “historic” spaces where there used
to be none, I am only sorry for not being able to fight fire with a much shriller,
eerier, and more discomfiting backfire. After all, the shout of transgression that
writes itself back on the page of conformity is one of dissident and troubling
identification, both familiar and rebellious: I am like you—we are alike—but
not quite!
Moreover, this present work may be understood as partaking of what
Dollimore calls the characteristically modern imperative of the Nosce Te
Ipsum (“Know thyself ”), although this time it is less one’s “self ” one begins to
know by reading one’s own histories and narratives than the different forces
which have shaped this self, the many different definitions coming from many
different books and many different minds about who one is/“are.” This task
is as necessary now as it was to anybody who ever wanted to escape from
12 | Philippine Gay Culture
The AIDS pandemic and its initial homosexualization have seen the
revitalizing of gay communities in the West, where the already difficult problem
of homophobic discrimination has joined forces with, and found legitimation
in, the identification, early in the pandemic, of AIDS with male homosexuality.
AIDS, the so-called gay plague, has admittedly diminished the ranks of gays
literally, but it has not diminished their morale nor dampened the spirit of
the Gay Movement in general. On the contrary, the bitter loss of lives and the
persecution spurred by this horrific disease have spawned a new radicalism
among gays (and even lesbians). Perhaps nowhere has this progressive reaction
been more unmistakably felt than in academe, where the prevailing spirit of
political correctness has proven nourishing of, and become the new haven
for, the recently inaugurated field of knowledge and interdisciplinal research
called Gay and Lesbian Studies.
Although there has not been any evidence that AIDS will become
homosexualized anytime soon in the Philippines—as it was in the United States
and Europe—the need to open an academic clearing for homosexual issues has
long been overdue.5 More than in any other place in the world, homosexuality
in the Philippines would seem to have largely been “humorized”—that is,
obsessively rendered into an unsuitable topic for serious discussion—ever
since it started becoming a reality in the lives of city-dwelling Filipinos from
the second half of this century onward.
Such humorous dismissal of homosexuality has generally been the case
in the last three decades, even as it is becoming more and more apparent
to everyone that homosexual men and women constitute an important
minority in Philippine society. We need only turn on the television or read
the tabloids to discover the palpability of the “bakla sensibility” permeating
the very texture of our lives. Swardspeak and the notably gay affectations
Introduction | 13
which many women are now seen to be deploying, as well as the recent
resurgence of gay and lesbian organizing within several Manila campuses and
nongovernment organizations (NGOs), only point to the intransigence of
homosexuality and the growing awareness among many gays and lesbians of
their homosexual identity. Should we not also cite the increasing visibility of
gays and lesbians within the hallowed spaces of our lives? A gay father, brother,
uncle, cousin, nephew or son; a lesbian friend; a homosexual professor. No
wonder the West has seen our society, in particular, to be “tolerant” of the
tomboy and the bakla: it indeed appears, to all intents and purposes, that
we are everywhere! Such exoticizing notwithstanding, we must nonetheless
acknowledge that the immensely underhanded concept of “tolerance” is
hardly the case with our culture’s attitude toward homosexuality. In fact, as
this study of Philippine gay culture’s last thirty years indicates, the rhetorical
pronouncements of “tolerance” have been precisely just that: rhetoric. And it
is this rhetoric—as well as its concrete enactments—which has been used to
legitimate the countless instances of discrimination against homosexuals, in
terms of employment and career specification, political (mis)representation,
and symbolic ghettoization.
Gays do apparently exist in our society, but they have been either
minoritized in their occupation, or silenced (that is, closeted) about their
identities in case they are not. Among the urban poor, it may be noticed that
a marked increase in wife beatings has gone hand in hand with gay bashing,
as machismo has somehow institutionalized such forms of behavior. It isn’t
any less strange for husbands to batter their wives than for fathers and uncles
to beat up effeminate boys in an often vain, albeit shamelessly inhumane,
attempt to masculinize them. In terms of textual production, homosexuals
have also not been given an equal chance to explore, invent, and reproduce
their subjectivities in their writings or whatever mode of expression they want,
which is why the dominant representation of the homosexual has continually
been a ridiculously funny one. A joke. Stereotypes of the loud and funny faggot,
as well as of the darkly moody and vengeful tomboy are, for a long time now,
the only images heterosexuals have had of homosexuals; and more tragically,
the only images homosexuals have had of themselves.
It becomes clear, therefore, that a theory specifically attuned to the local
homosexual’s situation is needed, as long as theory may still be looked upon
14 | Philippine Gay Culture
as a frame of values, a battle plan or map for lives whose abjection may still
be helped if not eliminated. It may be useful to summarize the most essential
features of such a theory, even as this project cannot really pursue each of these
at length. They are as follows:
1. Gay theory in the Philippines will have to address the most basic problem
of cultural incongruity: seeing as how there are no native counterparts to
the homo/hetero distinction, in what manner may it prove illuminating to
utilize the obviously Western terms and concepts gay, homosexual, lesbian,
heterosexual? Consequently, how are these different from or similar to the
indigenous concepts binabae, binalake, bakla, lakin-on, babay-on, agi, etc.?
This part of the theory must therefore necessarily include a postcolonial
critique of the genealogy of gender and sexuality in our country, as well as
an archeological movement toward precoloniality.
2. Gay theory will have to establish sites for intervention within the dominant
macho culture, and map out the points at which issues of sexuality overlap
issues of gender oppression. This part of the theory must take cognizance of
feminism and of the local and translocal struggles for women’s liberation.
3. Gay theory should include a local and materialist critique of the class system,
as issues of homosexual prostitution, discrimination, and oppression in
general are intimately linked to class-supremacist ideologies.
words, the first perspective sees sexuality (here functioning as another term for
sexual orientation) to be an essential, transcultural quality (like height, blood
type, skin color, etc.) which people either may choose to or cannot help but
demonstrate; while the second looks at sexuality as not culture-independent,
but simply as a social construction or socially enforced label or role ascribed
by certain cultures to what are clearly malleable human desires or behaviors.
Consequently homosexuality—which is the erotic orientation toward same-
sexual partners—may be seen either as an objectively real category that
remains essentially the same across histories and cultures, or as a category
of being which is, according to Foucault’s axiomatic study, peculiar to mid-
nineteenth-century Europe up to present-day Western civilization.6
This arguably bifurcated situation may still be complicated further by
implicating other debates: nature vs. nurture and determinism vs. voluntarism.
These debates pertain to the controversy behind conflicting theories on the
origin of homosexuality. With the first pair, the issue being raised is whether
homosexuality is inborn, or socialized. We must realize that an essentialist
theory can assert both, because what is required by it is only that homosexuality
remain a “transculturally valid” and objective category. An example of an
essentialist theory of nature is the genetic theory, which attempts to explain
people’s sexual orientations as predetermined, by hypothesizing how certain
factors already transcribe one’s sexual orientation in the genes even before
birth. An example of an essentialist theory of nurture is the “first pleasurable
experience” theory, which basically claims that the psychological inclination
toward a certain kind of sexual partner is determined—or rather, “fixed”—by
one’s first sexually pleasurable experience. It isn’t very accurate to say, then,
that all essentialist theories are necessarily determinist, because as the theory
of “first pleasurable experience” proves, it is possible to think of homosexuality
as an essential and transcultural property and yet maintain that people can
choose to have it or not (inasmuch as they can choose the gender of their first
sexual partners). On the other hand, constructionism can only (obviously)
advance a “nurture” hypothesis on the origin of sexual orientation, even as
it does not necessarily claim that the kind of socialization—as homosexuals,
bisexuals, or heterosexuals—a person goes through may be so easily chosen or
avoided (as in the case when to belong to a certain sexual orientation is pretty
much like being born into a certain socioeconomic class).7
16 | Philippine Gay Culture
on this issue along two intersecting, finally political axes: the act/identity axis,
and the gender axis.8
Sodomy is an example of a discourse of sexual acts, more specifically
“unnatural” sexual acts, which became ascendant in Europe and its colonies—
including the Philippines—before the consolidation of the discourse of
homosexuality in the West as a form of psychopathology in the mid-nineteenth
century. Sodomy did not presume that the sodomite was a certain kind of
person who was distinct from all other people, for it could refer to all sorts
of sexual activities, and most often these were heterosexual ones. The only
requirement for a sexual act to become sodomitic was that it be not missionary
(the position), or procreative and/or conjugal, even. Hence, to read references
to sodomy in the Philippine archives would not necessarily be to read the
homosexual act—and most certainly not the homosexual person—within
our early colonial history. It would be necessary, first of all, to determine
just what kind of sodomy was being alluded to, before one could employ the
moderate constructionist perspective with regard to historical references to
the homosexual act.
By referring to the homosexual act instead of the homosexual person, I am
accomplishing two things: the assumption, mainly for heuristic purposes, of
the cross-cultural presence of distinctions of genitally marked bodies; and the
preclusion of the myth-making project of looking for gay “affectional ancestors”
(or famous homosexual personages) in our history as an oft-colonized people.
Hence, even if it can be empirically shown that this certain eighteenth-century
indio personage manifested extensively homosexual behavior in his lifetime, it
is not correct to call him gay or homosexual because this self-identification was
not possible at the time. Simply put, the abstractions of homo/hetero and gay/
straight were precisely, during such presexological periods in our history, not
available. As one of the more famous early social constructionist researchers
of human sexuality, Robert Padgug, writes:
then, to try to uncover and explain the categories appropriate to each society,
before undertaking any discussion of such extremely sensitive, and hence
consequential, “truths.”
Moreover, constructionist historiography cannot be too hasty in equating
non-Western concepts of gender and sexuality with Western ones (in other
words, the specifically Western homo/hetero dualism). Cultures are self-
sufficient signifying systems which do not evolve along any single pattern
of development. Hence, it would not be accurate to impose one culture’s
definitions on another. For this reason, I will be making clear that the
traditional Philippine concept of gender-crossing—a transitivity between
genders, paradigmatically seen in the phenomenon of the binabae—is simply
not the same as homosexuality, even as the two concepts seem to be the same
in the sense that the gender-crosser’s sexual acts are invariably same-sexual
(i.e., homo-genital).
Nonetheless, within the last three decades, and in the urbanized,
“metropolitan” spaces of Philippine life, homosexuality may be shown to have
already been implanted as a discourse, by way of the institutions of biomedicine,
church, academe, and media. And if homosexuality is to be seen as a question of
identity—because there are people who are homosexual, and they are distinct
from people who are heterosexual—then the perspective is a minoritizing one,
for it limits itself to a politics of militant difference. Consequently, gay liberation
must be seen as a simplistic issue of civil liberties, and hence, of sociopolitical
reform. If, on the other hand, homosexuality is really not a matter of people, but
of what and how people do (and feel), then the issue becomes much wider, or
universalizing, for it involves potentially anybody who has ever engaged or can
engage in homosexual sex (meaning, presumably, all of us). The consequence
of this view is that gay liberation as a political notion is false, for it is possibly
sexual revolution, or the liberation of all sexual potentialities that have been
“locked up” inside all of humanity, which will ultimately liberate the homosexual,
whose suffering will consequently disappear together with the disappearance
of sexual distinctions among all of us: polymorphously bi-, multi- or even
asexual beings.
The axis of gender delineates the opposite views toward homosexuality
as either a liminality of genders or gender exclusivity. Homosexuality can be
seen either as a transition of gender from one to the other (as for instance,
20 | Philippine Gay Culture
The ideology of male sexual needs serves no purpose other than the
perpetuation of a sexual hierarchy which serves the interest of men well.
This ideology sees to it that men have much more opportunity to be sexual
and more social support for their sexuality; women remain at a particular
disadvantage in terms of their right to have sex, much less enjoy it.13
homosexuality, even as this very same act lays them open to the ravages of
institutional homophobia.
The third function of a locally based gay theory seems the hardest to
presently address, as it is common knowledge that class-conscious critiques
are mostly unconscious of and dead to other axes of oppression (and almost
everything else). In fact, it is most interesting to note that unlike the historical
developments in gay organizing in countries like Argentina, Mexico, Cuba,
and other places in the Third World, the beginnings of the “gay movement”
in the Philippines did not evince any socialist or Marxist texture.15 Quite
the opposite, in fact: the first gay liberationist calls were sounded by gay
middle-class artists and intellectuals in Metro Manila, who apparently had no
ideological linkages with any of the “people’s movements” that—it has recently
been revealed—were all extremely antigay anyway.
In a seminar on “Homophobia in the Philippine Popular Movement”
held at the University of the Philippines early in 1993, male and female
homosexuals who used to belong to the many “collectives” comprising the
“Philippine Left” bewailed the homophobia to which they were subjected
for so many years.16 The socialist dismissal of homosexuality as a form of
“bourgeois decadence” was unabashedly present among and exhibited by
the leaders of a number of progressive groups in the Philippines during the
seventies, and this is true even up to now. This was another reason, perhaps,
for the “permission” ostensibly granted by the Marcosian dispensation to local
gay discourse: because despite the fact that gay progressivism in other Third
World nations was intimately linked to revolutionary-socialist thought, the
local counterpart socialist movements practically and disgustedly disowned it.
So, the agonistic space which was granted Filipino gays for a good part of the
Martial Law period may have become the logical trade-off for the generalized
suppression of socialist discourse at the time.
In this project, this function is the least evident of the three necessary
functions of a Philippine gay theory, and I am hereby confessing that I will not
really pursue this point here. This, however, is only because my framework
is not single-mindedly Marxist-inflected, even though the assumptions and
conclusions I will be having/making as regards ideology, class, and power do
effectively gesture toward an inevitably materialist critique of gay culture as
well.
Introduction | 27
In the West, the newest and most insightful critical debates have come
to dilate upon sex and sexuality, and the dynamically multidisciplinary
field of Gay and Lesbian Studies has been responsible for the many recent
critiques of what has otherwise been long presumed dead and buried: the
lie whose name is humanism. On the contrary, as gay and lesbian scholars
have demonstrated, the oppressive criteria of humanism are still very much
alive and well within many so-called oppositional practices. First World
feminism, for instance, has suffered extremely from the attack of lesbians,
who used to be called “radical feminists,” but have now emerged from the
project that singularly aimed to criticize gender oppression, and linked arms
with gays whose homosexual orientation they have seen to be a more urgent
and real basis for movement. Together, gays and lesbians in the West have
reminded feminists that at the heart of liberal humanism is heterosexism,
an ideology (and discourse) of identity which needs to constantly demonize
and displace its own contradictions onto its logical inverse, homosexuality.
Dollimore has convincingly shown in his book, Sexual Dissidence, that
although socially marginal, homosexuality is symbolically central to Western
civilization, precisely because homosexuality is never simply about sexuality
alone, but also about race, class, and gender—contradictions the unified
Self of humanism has sought to suppress. The convergence of misogyny and
homophobia, for instance, illustrates how patriarchy itself is premised on the
denial of difference, be it in sexual or gender terms. Dollimore’s may hence be
seen as exemplifying one vein of gay literary scholarship: a cultural materialist
venture of re-reading history in a specifically homosexual way.
The project that reinstates upsetting and transgressive difference within
patriarchy is a central one for much of gay and lesbian cultural critique, and
this may best be seen in the work of Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, a soft-spoken
yet headstrong gay-identified woman whose fellow-feeling for gays and
commitment to the gay cause have merited her the admiration of many other
scholars doing work in gay and lesbian studies. Her first book, Between Men:
English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire,17 for instance, explores the
male homosociality to be found in the Gothic and Victorian novels of the mid-
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as Laurence Sterne’s Sentimental
28 | Philippine Gay Culture
is a process admittedly painful and difficult for many Filipino gays, whose
specifically homosexual writings remain just as closeted as their authors.
The tragic thing is that Coming Out is still an indispensable element in any
homosexual movement, and yet in the Philippines we have pretty much not
seen any other kind of male homosexuals other than the markedly bakla
ones.
The approach I shall be advocating in this study is “gay biographical
critique,” and by this I mean a critical approach to textuality which sees the
text’s representation of gender and sexuality to be indicative of the author’s own
position concerning the oppression of gays and women. Obviously, the easiest
way to guarantee the fruitfulness of this approach is to look for avowedly gay
writings from known homosexuals, and see just how their political vision of
liberation is shaped and/or limited by prevailing dominant ideologies. This
is easier said than done, however, for there are as yet quite a small number of
works that are identifiably gay. In his book, Perez declares himself to be “gay
liberationist,” although of course the critical perspective I seek, and which
will be more desirable in the final analysis, will have to develop finer tools
and methods for appreciating gay texts. In other words, gay criticism cannot
do without at least a modicum of aesthetic theorizing. Thankfully enough,
in the local scene, there is of course Ladlad, the multigenre anthology of
post-Marcosian gay writings which I coedited with another gay writer.19 All
the authors in this groundbreaking collection are unapologetically gay, and
almost all of them are thirty years old and younger. Just now I’d like to say that
it is patently not true that just because one is young one has nothing to lose.
Only now I realize that it is precisely because they are young that they have
their entire futures, their whole lives, to lose. Nonetheless, it’s quite possible
that a generational dynamic is at work here, as generations are merely nodes
for other elements and determinants of subjectivity which have admittedly
changed over the last three decades or so.
Severino Montano’s unpublished novel, “The Lion and the Faun,” is
an opus written in the roman à clef tradition. Its relative obscurity only
emblematizes the homophobia that has conspired with New Criticism—the
dominant aesthetic mode of his time and ours—in order to silence Montano
and make unavailable his radical work. Montano’s case is a particularly
problematic one, for he is a canonical writer whose “dossier” as a writer has
30 | Philippine Gay Culture
that Florante’s protracted narration on the hardy lap of the darkly ravishing
Persian Aladin may be more than meets the metrical eye.
In order to come up with a Philippine homosexual canon, therefore, it
should first of all be clear to us that what will ultimately prove most useful is
the abandonment and “unburdening” of the many literary biases the past has
given us as Literature’s votive subjects. The ascendancy of New Criticism and/
or Formalism in the production and dissemination of Philippine literature—
and of literature in general—made it possible for there to be canonical
writings, but not necessarily canonical writers, within the privileged list of
literary texts which the canon is. Formalist perorations against biographical
interpretation and the so-called intentional fallacy have made it possible for
homosexual writers—the likes of Montano, Perez, and Guerrero—to become
canonical, even as their identities as homosexuals are not exactly “canon-
worthy.” (Actually, these writers’ subscribing to such heavily formalist tenets
must have been simply a means of coping.) Perhaps, the solution is to come up
with an alternative canon: one that will contain not so much texts as people.
Such a project doubtless will prove useful, as the gathering and recuperation
of those texts which did not measure up to the literary shibboleths of the New
Critical—really, uncritical—past may now be undertaken to grant these very
same texts their deserved political and interpretive space. Such a project can
doubtless only benefit gays in the long run.
In a paper l delivered at the 1992 University of the Philippines National
Writers Workshop (where I was myself a fellow), I revaluated the place writing
workshops should play in the lives of gay writers, whose works continue to
be marginalized not because of their lack of formal merit—or at least not for
that alone—but also for other, more politically charged reasons. What I ended
up saying then turned out to be most meaningful to those gay fellows whose
otherwise honest and remarkable gay plays had become the beating post of so
much of the homophobic—disguised as merely technical and/or formalist—
attack coming from certain tetchy members of the workshop panel:
As regards the project of periodizing gay texts, the gay critic’s task will be
primarily to establish a certain tradition of gay authorship: a task also known
as archival work. This can only be done through extensive “search-and-
rescue” operations that will seek to recover those gay texts which have been
institutionally forgotten, ostensibly because they have failed in the outmoded
32 | Philippine Gay Culture
This study is divided into two parts: gay history and culture, and gay
writings. Either part may be taken by itself and not necessarily “linked” to the
other. In fact, I would prefer them to be read not sequentially but as mirror
images of each other, whereby two different text-milieus are able to come up
with relatively “same” pieces of reading. The first part implicitly talks about
how culture has produced gays and vice versa, and the second more or less
demonstrates—through modest readings of Montano’s, Nadres’s, and Perez’s
identifiably homosexual works—how gay literary texts have produced gay
culture, and how gay culture spurred the writing of such texts. My framework
in both enterprises emerges from the “contact zones” between and among
feminist and materialist cultural critiques, cultural and social anthropology,
gay and lesbian theory, historiography, deconstruction, biography and social
semiotics.22 In the process of mediation I assume I must have fashioned my
own particular versions of such “traveling theories.” The organizing principle
within each component has been thematic, but in this case, I have let the
material suggest the themes that have become the subheadings in each section.
I literally sat down and wrote the central arguments of this study in one go.
This does not necessarily commend the less deliberate and more compulsive
method of research, but it does demonstrate, I suppose, the rare and happy
coincidence between intuition and intelligence.
Introduction | 35
than the difference that is implied by this dynamic, bakla’s other, presexual
connotations are also considered in terms of their potential impact on the
issues of gayness and (male) homosexuality by the time the next decades
swish along.
From the sixties, the study moves on to a discussion of gay culture in
the seventies (its actual “efflorescence”). In this section, specifically gay—
hence, political—issues are discussed the way they are understood by the
purveyors and discussants of what by this time is clearly evolving as the
official Philippine urban “homosexual” script (namely, “Third Sex”), and
analyzed in terms of their actual, historically positioned significance in the
ongoing struggle by Filipino homosexuals to achieve liberation. The eighties
and the nineties are also considered in terms of the cultural themes by which
they may be seen to be most easily remembered. This analysis includes the
discussion of topics which are not strictly about gays or homosexuality, but
which nonetheless shed light on certain concepts in gay culture that either
presuppose them or are their logical extrapolations. (An example would be
a discussion of loob as a local cultural trope that connotes internal sexual
subjectivity.)
An important section that departs from the apparently diachronic
ordering of gay culture’s themes is the one about gender-crossing in pre-
and early colonial Philippines. For this section, I will rely on ethnographies,
confession manuals, and dictionaries written by Spanish chroniclers and
priests, and also on the more recent feminist scholarship that focuses on the
Philippine and regional precolonial gender systems, in order to postulate the
historiographic cogency of an institutionalized and prestigious status that was
uniformly accorded the “transgenderal,” genitally male babaylan, who were
the earliest Philippine gender-crossers—“precursors” even, in a more or less
culturally verifiable way, to the twentieth century’s bayot and bakla.
Finally, I summarize the results of the study by way of a model that
accounts for the different expressions of the homosexual identity in the
gay culture of the last three decades. For part 2, I select and look into the
identifiably homosexual writings of Montano, Nadres, and Perez (an
unpublished novel, a “cult classic” of a stage play, and a multigenre book,
respectively) and analyze them individually, in an attempt to rearticulate
their positions on the question of homosexual oppression and liberation,
Introduction | 37
Coming Out
Introduction
1. Gregory Herek, “Homophobia,” Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, ed. Wayne R.
Dynes (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), 552-55.
2. Jonathan Dollimore, “Becoming Authentic,” in Sexual Dissidence: Augustine to
Wilde, Freud to Foucault (London: Oxford University Press, 1991), 39-63.
3. Terry Eagleton, “Capitalism, Modernism and Postmodernism,” Against the Grain
(London: Verso, 1986), 131-47.
4. Dollimore, “Early Modern: Cross-Dressing in Early Modern England,” in Sexual
Dissidence, 284-85.
5. Actually, all the current government figures on AIDS are at best tentative and
misleading. According to one particular Department of Health report, by September
of 1993, the total number of reported HIV infections has risen to 416, 75 of which
were homosexually transmitted. See Christine Avendaño, “AIDS-Related Deaths
Now 69; 8 More Pinoys Infected,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, September 18, 1993,
1, 14.
Nonetheless, it must not be ignored that the chances of Philippine gays
becoming stigmatized with AIDS are always there. In the same article, the
wording—and in a potentially explosive issue such as disease-control and the
labeling of so-called risk groups, the official wording of statistical data is always
rather crucial—the breakdown of the total number of HIV infections goes this way:
“most of the 416 HIV cases in the country or 290, however, were acquired through
sexual contacts. This involved 215 heterosexuals and 75 homosexuals.” The use
of the words homosexual and heterosexual is rather telling: the report prefers to
look at AIDS as an issue of identity rather than behavior, the more proper wording
for which should have been “homosexually/heterosexually transmitted,” and not
“homosexuals” or “heterosexuals.” (Or perhaps the best would be to simply state
that so many cases were “sexually transmitted.”) A more recent article also makes a
457
458 | Philippine Gay Culture
similar linkage between AIDS and gay identity: “31 percent of infected persons (of
more than 31,000 in the Western Pacific region) are homosexuals” (“AIDS Cases
Rising in Western Pacific,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, November 24, 1993, 10).
The Filipino gay communities in the United States have another story to
tell, however. They have the “highest incidence of AIDS among Asian-Pacific
immigrants in San Francisco.” See Arlene Chipongian, “AIDS Strikes Filipinos
Hard on West Coast,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, January 1993, 1.
6. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, trans. Robert Hurley (New York:
Pantheon, 1978).
Actually, the social constructionist position was first articulated not by
Foucault but by sociologist Mary McIntosh, in her paper “The Homosexual Role.”
Here, she concludes that “homosexual” is not really a psychiatric and medical
description that is completely scientific, but rather a social category (label) which is
coercively imposed on certain people for purposes of social control. Nonetheless,
it was Foucault who historicized the subject and came out with the actual date
and context of the manufacturing of the homosexual person. See Mary McIntosh,
“The Homosexual Role,” in Forms of Desire: Sexual Orientation and the Social
Constructionist Controversy, ed. Edward Stein (New York: Routledge, 1992), 25-42.
7. For this whole section on the theoretical distinctions between essentialism and
social constructionism, I am much indebted to Edward Stein’s illuminating
discussion on the matter. See Stein, Forms of Desire, 325-53.
8. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley: Regents of the
University of California Press, 1990), 49.
9. Robert Padgug, “Sexual Matters: On Conceptualizing Sexuality in History,” in
Stein, Forms of Desire, 43-67.
10. Leonore Tiefer, “Social Constructionism and the Study of Human Sexuality,” in
Stein, Forms of Desire, 297-98.
11. “Kinsey’s Report” is actually a two-part study: the first is about sexual behavior
among American males, and the second about sexual behavior among American
females. For the former, see Alfred C. Kinsey, W. B. Pomeroy, and C. E. Martin,
Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1948).
12. We were together in a forum on homosexual issues held on August 18, 1993,
sponsored by a student gay organization of the University of the Philippines, UP
Babaylan. The other gay and lesbian speakers and reactors all agreed that the plea
for “acceptance” which is implicit in the forum’s title, “Acceptance or Struggle:
Positioning the Homosexual in the Social Order,” is no longer to be desired.
Homosexuals are not defectors to be accepted back into proper society—the same
way that heterosexuals do not have the God-deemed right to accept anyone. In
any case, this might well be the first time Filipino gays and lesbians dialogued
Notes | 459
with each other, and we were all rather amused by the fact that some of our many
concerns, though apparently divergent, converged in rather telling and beautiful
ways.
13. Elizabeth Uy Eviota, The Political Economy of Gender: Women and the Sexual
Division of Labour in the Philippines (London: Zed Books Ltd., 1992), 170.
14. I refashion this critical method out of the redefined position of the autobiography
within the feminist movement. Feminist critic Rita Felski writes: “It is the
representative aspects of the female author’s experience rather than her unique
individuality which are important, allowing for the inclusion of fictive but
representative episodes distilled from the lives of other women.” See Rita Felski,
“On Confession,” in Beyond Feminist Aesthetics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1989), 95.
In the case of Philippine gay autobiography, the “other women” can only be
the homosexual minority that already exists and that suffers from homophobic
subordination: the outwardly bakla, precisely.
15. Stephan Likosky, “New Understandings,” in Coming Out: An Anthology of
International Gay and Lesbian Writings, ed. Stephan Likosky (New York: Pantheon
Books, 1992), 119.
16. I refer here to the Lean Alejandro Lecture Series held on March 26, 1993, at
the University of the Philippines Diliman. All the speakers for the symposium
subtitled “I’m Gay. Will You Still Be My Friend and Comrade?” were members of
the different leftist collectives in the Philippines. Some of the speakers were Rody
Vera of PETA (Philippine Educational Theater Association); Ding Quejada of
Education Forum; visual artist Alex Umali; lesbian freelance writer Nini Matilac;
former League of Filipino Students member and current PRO-Gay Philippines
president Allan Tolosa; and KALAYAAN feminist Aida Santos. Soxy Topacio, the
current artistic director of PETA, reveals the same experience of oppression in the
hands of Philippine progressive movement leaders in an interview with Graphic,
sometime in February of 1993.
17. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial
Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985).
18. Marjorie Garber, Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety (New York:
Routledge, 1992).
19. The title of the anthology, edited by poet Danton Remoto and me, is Ladlad:
An Anthology of Philippine Gay Writing. Published by Anvil Publishing in May
1994, the book took a little over a year to finally put out, but the interim had been
instructive. Also, the wait proved salutary, because other gays were emboldened
to have their works published in the anthology after they had won in some local
contest or other. Read from cover to cover, the anthology wonderfully reveals the
460 | Philippine Gay Culture
PART ONE
Philippine Gay Culture
1. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley: Regents of the
University of California Press, 1990), 49.
2. Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, 19-21.
“Homosexual panic” is a pseudo-psychiatric concept that is currently being
used as a legal defense in order to exculpate the perpetrators of gay bashing from
their “hate crime.” This notion admits to the possibility that men who are latently
homosexual (universalizing view) cannot be blamed for becoming violent and
“panicky” in the presence of gays (minoritizing view) because they have merely
been overcome by irrational fear. Hence, it exemplifies how the conflictual views
on homosexuality, or its “definitional crisis” (as Sedgwick puts it), can and actually
does work against gays.
3. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley
(New York: Pantheon, 1978). Cited in Sedgwick, 45.
4. A.C. Kinsey, W.B. Pomeroy, and C.E. Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male
(Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1948). Cited in Warren Blumenfeld and Diane
Raymond, Looking at Gay and Lesbian Life (Massachusetts: Beacon Press, 1988), 79.
5. David M. Halperin, One Hundred Years of Homosexuality (New York: Routledge,
1989), 16.
The passage pertaining to this goes:
I, like Sedgwick, agree with both the impulse and the insight of this passage,
if only as a formulation of the discourse of gender-intransitive homosexuality. I,
like Sedgwick, take issue with the unproblematic incumbency of postinversion.
Obviously, my grounding in Philippine gay culture’s “realities” tells me that
462 | Philippine Gay Culture
hereabout at least inversion is still the dominant pattern, and will likely stay that
way for some time more.
6. Jonathan Goldberg, Sodometries: Renaissance Texts, Modern Sexualities (Stanford
University Press, 1992), 7-11.
7. Emerito Gonzales, “Homosexuality: An Ethical Appraisal,” The Thomasian
Philosopher, 1991, 28-40. University of Santo Tomas.
8. Jonathan Dollimore, Sexual Dissidence: Augustine to Wilde, Freud to Foucault
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
9. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, “A Poem Is Being Written,” in Tendencies (London:
Routledge, 1994), 204.
10. Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, 184-86.
Sedgwick elucidates further on her idea of homosexuality by citing the works
of Claude Levi-Strauss and Heidi Hartmann, and by linking her own project with
the New Historicist readings of the Renaissance scholar, Alan Bray.
See Claude Levi-Strauss, The Elementary Structures of Kinship (Boston:
Beacon Press, 1969), 115; Heidi Hartmann, “The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism
and Feminism: Towards a More Progressive Union,” in Women and Revolution: A
Discussion of the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism, ed. Lydia Sargent
(Boston: South End Press, 1981), 14; and Alan Bray, Homosexuality in Renaissance
England (London: Gay Men’s Press, 1982), 25.
11. Gert Hekma, “Homosociality,” in Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, ed. Wayne R.
Dynes (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), 560-61.
12. Alan Bray and Michael Rey, “Friendship (Male),” in Dynes, Encyclopedia of
Homosexuality, 444.
13. Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, 41.
14. Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, 40.
15. This gay bar first opened in 1970. See Eric Catipon, “Cruising,” Sunday Times Life
Magazine, February 21, 1993, 3-6.
Paul Morales. For a review of Pichay’s play, see J. Neil C. Garcia, “Karga Mano: A
Gayer Kind of Love,” Manila Chronicle, January 18, 1993, 14.
7. Carmen Santiago, “Ang Kahulugan ng Pagkalalake sa mga Pilipino,” in Ulat ng
Ikalawang Pambansang Kumperensya sa Sikolohiyang Pilipino, ed. Lilia Antonio et
al. (Manila: Lathalian ng Pambansang Samahan sa Sikolohiyang Pilipino), 101-19.
8. Frederick Whitam and Robin Mathy, Male Homosexuality in Four Societies: Brazil,
Guatemala, the Philippines, and the United States (New York: Praeger Scientific,
1986).
9. Joseph Itiel, Philippine Diary: A Gay Guide to the Philippines (San Francisco:
International Wavelength Inc., 1989), 10.
10. Banzhaf, 1.
11. In any case, it doesn’t seem the practice of early American medicine in the
Philippines was very much interested in the field of psychiatry. On the contrary,
the Bureau of Science in Manila undertook a number of laboratory projects aimed
at classifying the different tropical parasites residing in native bodies in order to
protect the health of the racially superior albeit microbially vulnerable American
settlers here.
See Warwick Anderson, “‘Where Every Prospect Pleases and Only Man Is Vile’:
Laboratory Medicine as Colonial Discourse,” in Discrepant Histories: Translocal
Essays on Filipino Cultures, ed. Vicente L. Rafael (Manila: Anvil Publishing, 1995),
83-103.
12. Gayle Rubin, “The Traffic in Women: Notes on the ‘Political Economy’ of Sex,” in
Toward an Anthropology of Women, ed. Rayna Reiter (New York: Monthly Review
Press, 1975), 182. Quoted in Harriet Whitehead, “The Bow and the Burdenstrap:
A New Look at Institutionalized Homosexuality in North America,” in Sexual
Meanings: The Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality, ed. Sherry B. Ortner
and Harriet Whitehead (Cambridge University Press, 1981), 110.
13. It is to explicate the complexities of this “reality” that Sikolohiyang Pilipino, under
the charismatic leadership of Virgilio Enriquez, has sought to indigenize the study
of the psychology of Filipinos from within their own culture: this implies that the
energies of social science research should now be directed less to the uncritical
adoption of Western categories than to the culling of indigenous concepts and
research methods that will respect the cultural givenness of Filipinos. While at
first blush merely relativist, Sikolohiyang Pilipino actually remains very much
interested in the scientific project of searching for “universals.” It must however
be qualified that only a cross-indigenous model of psychologies will suffice in
carrying this out, which therefore presupposes that even Western industrialist
psychology is an ethnoscience specific to its social milieu. In this respect, the
cultural validation of psychological models and theories across different cultures
Notes | 465
In this most recent edition, a footnote reference explains the word “bakla” to
mean manghang may takot (“fearful awe”). From Balagtas, Orosman at Zafira, ed.
B.S. Medina Jr. (Manila: De la Salle University Press, 1990), 254.
17. Jose Villa Panganiban, Diksyunaryo-Tesauro Pilipino-Ingles (Quezon City: 1972),
91.
An “obverse” of this compendium came out almost two decades later,
and it is interesting how the English word homosexual is translated—rather,
transliterated—therein as “omosekswal.” Such liberally orthographic translation
may have been a result of the newer trend emerging out of the national language
debates, which allows for direct phonetic equivalences between foreign words and
Filipino. On the other hand, however, such an exclusively orthographic way of
translating words may also effect a more conservative movement which aims to
mark off what is inherently “foreign” from what is “indigenous.” See Jose Villa
Panganiban, English-Filipino Thesaurus-Dictionary (Marikina: 1988), 372.
18. See Juan de Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala
(Reimpreso en Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, 1860), 49; Pedro Serrano
Laktaw, Diccionario Tagalog-Hispano (Manila: Imprenta v. Lit. de Santos y Bernal,
1914), 131.
19. Michael Tan, “Sickness and Sin: The Medical and Religious Stigmatization of
Homosexuality in the Philippines,” MS (1992).
20. Donn V. Hart, “Homosexuality and Transvestism in the Philippines: The Cebuano
Filipino Bayot and Lakin-on,” Behavior Science Notes 3 (1968): 211-48.
21. James Weinrich, “Reality or Social Construction,” Forms of Desire: Sexual
Orientation and the Social Constructionist Controversy, ed. Edward Stein (New
York: Routledge, 1991), 175-208.
Weinrich identifies three patterns of homosexuality that supposedly exist all
over the world: the age-biased pattern (exemplified by the Greek and New Guinea
models), the inversion pattern (exemplified by the Amerindian berdache, the
Indian hijra, and may I now add, the Philippine bakla/bayot), and the role-playing
pattern (to be seen in some Latin American and Middle Eastern cultures).
Of course, the most insightful work on Melanesia and New Guinea was
undertaken by Gilbert H. Herdt. See for instance his Ritualized Homosexuality in
Melanesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
22. Stephen O. Murray, Latin American Male Homosexualities (Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1995).
23. Whitehead, 97.
On the centrality of homo/sexuality in the matter of defining gender in
contemporary Western civilization, Whitehead argues: “Homosexual activity has
Notes | 467
33. Denise Chou Alas, “Four on the Third Sex,” Celebrity, May 31, 1980, 18-23.
34. Darang, 16.
35. Sedgwick, 87.
This is the classic Christine Jorgensen one-liner: A woman trapped inside a
man’s body.
36. That “manly women” are better indulged by a society than “womanly men”
probably reflects that society’s belief that “it is degrading for a man to be reduced
to the status of a woman, while it is a step up for a woman to be credited with the
qualities of a man.” See Wayne R. Dynes, “Effeminacy (Semantics),” in Dynes,
Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, 349.
37. Santiago, “Gay Manila:”*
38. Ponteñila, 45.
Ponteñila’s work, sadly, only mentions briefly the lakin-on of Dumaguete
City. Nonetheless, for researchers who may be interested in carrying out “lesbian
studies,” the following materials are available in the libraries of UP Diliman:
Edna Aceveda et al., “Paraan ng Panliligaw ng mga Babaeng Homosekswal,”
panel na inihanda para sa klase ni Propesor Mita Jimenez, Departamento ng
Sikolohiya, Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, Diliman.*
Josefina Cacnio, “A Study of the Female Homosexual in the University of the
Philippines” (undergraduate thesis, Institute of Mass Communication, University
of the Philippines Diliman, 1973).
The De La Salle University Library also keeps a couple of undergraduate
theses on female homosexuals in the campus:
Sheila Cardiel and others, “Ang Pakikipag-ugnayan ng mga Binalake, o
Ganda Babae: Pusong-lalake.”
Christy Catanghal and others, “Like Poles Attract: Female homosexuality in
De La Salle University.”
39. Victor Gamboa and Henry Feenstra, “Deviant Stereotypes: Call Girls, Male
Homosexuals, and Lesbians,” Philippine Sociological Review 17, nos. 3-4 (July-
October 1969): 136-48.
40. “Prostitution Report,” prepared by the Special Squad of the Manila Police
Department, Philippines Free Press, April 14, 1962, 3.
41. Wayne R. Dynes, “Third Sex,” in Dynes, Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, 1306.
42. Manila Paper, “Three Boys in the Band,” May 1975.*
43. Manila Paper.
44. Manila Paper.
45. Ponteñila, 118.
She adds that most of the terms of bayotspeak (my coinage, not hers) are
disguised; some less disguised, particularly the sex terms; others are universally
used and understood by both homosexuals and heterosexuals.
472 | Philippine Gay Culture
52. Joanne Ramilo et al., “Gay Bar: Isang Pagsusuri at Pagbibigay-Puna” (paper in
psychology, submitted to Prof. Virgilio Enriquez, Philippine Psychology Research
and Training House).
The researchers interviewed some of the patrons of the “Amulet” gay bar in
Ermita, and their respondents gave them the names of six gay organizations and
a brief description of each:
1. Boston Guys – composed of straight-acting gays; membership is by invitation
only.
2. Cosmopolitan Circle of the Philippines – all members of this group sport
a moustache, as proof of the fact that they are all former straights; most of
them are married, even.
3. Kami-kami Atbp. – the gays who make up this group all have celebrity
nicknames, after the current showbiz stars; e.g., Charito Solis, Hilda Koronel,
etc.
4. Mothers, Sisters, and Daughters – only impersonators may join this
organization; members are called “mujeristas” or “feministas.” (I must say I
find the latter monicker outrageous.)
5. Sining Kayumanggi Royal Family – the name of this group comes from the
bar its members regularly meet in; this group is largely geriatric. (I met the
original members of SKRF at their silver anniversary in the stately house of
one of its founding members, in San Mateo, Rizal, late 1992.)
6. A-Z International – supposedly the biggest gay group, with members from all
over the archipelago; there is a screening committee that decides on whether
or not an aspirant is “talented” enough to become a member. (I suspect the
group has since splintered and/or disintegrated. The current organization
KATLO seems to have inherited some of the A-Z International’s criteria for
selecting members.)
53. Ponteñila, 47.
54. This account appeared in the Sunday magazine of a daily broadsheet only in 1993.
It takes the form of a feature article in which an anonymous speaker provides a
chronological listing of the many different gay “cruising” spots from the 1970s
onward. Some of the places in which local gays had regular sex in the seventies
are the following: movie houses in Quezon City and Manila (Delta, Circle, New
Frontier, Coronet, Grand, Ever, Ideal, and Galaxy); gay bars in Quezon City,
Manila, and Pasay (690, Karetela, Taberna Taboso, Karachi, Adam and Eve, Can-
Can, Bar Gay-zer, Gas-Light, Inside Bar, Pendulum, The Saint, and Kalesa); and
public parks (Mehan Gardens, Luneta or Rizal Park, and the golf course in front
of the Manila City Hall, provocatively called “Chocolate Hills”). See Eric Catipon,
“Cruising,” Sunday Times Life Magazine, February 21, 1993, 3-6.
474 | Philippine Gay Culture
55. Nick Joaquin, Manila: Sin City? and Other Chronicles, May 1970 (Manila: Cacho
Hermanos, 1980), 270.
56. Ricardo Dimayuga, “Libreng Kaligayahan: Landas ng mga Bakla sa Lungsod
ng Maynila” (paper submitted in Psychology 118 to Prof. Bartolome, October
1, 1979; found under “kabaklaan,” Philippine Psychology Research and Training
House).
57. Lamberto Nery, “The Covert Subculture of Male Homosexual Prostitutes in
Metro Manila” (paper prepared for Psychology 150 under Professor Benedicto
Villanueva, Department of Psychology, University of the Philippines, first sem.,
1977-1978).*
An intriguing description of gay bar life in the eighties may be found in Cris
Marimla, “The Gay Life,” National Midweek, April 16, 1986, 32-33.
58. Martin Manalansan IV, “Speaking of AIDS: Language and the Filipino ‘Gay’
Experience in America,” in Discrepant Histories: Translocal Essays on Filipino
Cultures, ed. Vicente L. Rafael (Manila: Anvil Publishing, 1995), 193-200.
Manalansan distinguishes the Philippine pattern of male homosexuality from
the Latin American activo/pasivo, which is (strictly) characterized by a distinction
of anal receptive/penetrative roles.
59. Frederick Whitam, “Philippines,” in Dynes, Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, 981.
On the bakla’s claims, see Manila Paper; Birion, 132; and Ponteñila, 115.
60. The notion of “pseudohomosexuality” is itself rather pseudo. According to
historian Kenneth Lewes, a certain psychoanalyst named Ovesey and his
colleagues advanced the idea of the pseudohomosexual in order to “come to the
aid of men troubled by feelings of inferiority and powerlessness, (but) to whom
the charge of latent homosexuality would be ‘catastrophic.’” Hence, the notion
of pseudohomosexuality is simply another heterosexual invention meant to
minoritize the question of homoeroticism by focusing the psychiatric model
of sexuality on a certain part of the population (in this case, the psychosexual
inverts) alone.
See Kenneth Lewes, The Psychoanalytic Theory of Male Homosexuality (New
York: Simon and Schuster Inc., 1988), 238.
61. Ponteñila, 55-56.
62. Sofronio G. Calderon, Diccionario Ingles-Español-Tagalog (Manila: Libreria de J.
Martinez, 1915).
63. Prospero R. Covar, “Kaalamang Bayang Dalumat ng Pagkataong Pilipino,” Diliman
Review 41, no. 1 (1993): 10-15.
64. Vicente L. Rafael, Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Conversion in Tagalog
Society under Early Spanish Rule (Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1988),
125.
Notes | 475
65. Alejo’s is the latest and inarguably most expansive scholarship on the Tagalog-
Filipino concept of shared inner self, or loob. See Albert Alejo, SJ, Tao Po! Tuloy!
(Office of Research and Publications, Ateneo de Manila University, 1990).
Alejo’s work aims to prove that loob is not a flat, static structure, but rather,
that it has “roundness” (lalim) and is dynamic. His framework is largely Christian
structuralist-Humanist, and as with other texts of this sort I choose to look at his
work not as descriptive (not in the least), but as prescriptive.
66. Rafael, 124-26.
67. Alejo, 104.
68. Joseph Itiel, Philippine Diary: A Gay Guide to the Philippines (San Francisco:
International Wavelength Inc., 1989), 12.
69. Reynaldo C. Ileto, Pasyon and Revolution: Popular Movements in the Philippines,
1840-1910 (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1979), 143.
70. Rune Layumas collaborated on this film project with German avant-garde
filmmaker Jürgen Bruning. It is the second part of the trilogy, Maybe I Can Give
You Sex, which is really Layumas’s work. The film came out of Bruning’s curiosity
concerning the reality of “straight-gay” relationships in the Philippines, a sexual
arrangement quite kinky and unheard of in the West. For more on the film, see
this study’s Conclusion.
71. A similar point is raised by Manalansan, in his essay on the strategies of Filipino-
American gays in the wake of AIDS.
“The Roman Catholic Church, with its coterie of female saints, martyrs
and most especially the Virgin Mary, has provided the models par excellence of
suffering” (Manalansan, 216).
While I can perfectly understand the argument that suffering has come to
be identified with femininity in the current time, I nonetheless disagree with
Manalansan’s implicit assumption that all suffering has always been feminized
within the history of Roman Catholic Philippines. As Reynaldo Ileto points out in
Pasyon and Revolution, the “stylized forms of behavior” of Christ and the faithful
in the sinakulo (passion plays) in the nineteenth century were not necessarily
understood by the Tagalog peasants to be indications of subservience. On the
contrary, the story of the sinakulo demonstrated Longinus’s “defiance toward the
authorities out of commitment to an ideal”; hence, Ileto’s work rests on the thesis
that the popular movements borrowed their ideology from the passion texts of
their time. See Ileto, 17.
72. Emerito Gonzales, “Homosexuality: An Ethical Appraisal,” The Thomasian
Philosopher, 1991, 29. University of Santo Tomas.
73. Dollimore, 131-47.
476 | Philippine Gay Culture
74. This may be linked to the notion of the homosexual as a joke: neither here nor
there, he is deemed funny because he cannot be placed anywhere. Alanganin has
been translated as “deviant,” and deviant means a quality of having strayed from a
path; wayward. In light of Augustinian theodicy, deviance is also evil itself.
I suggest, therefore, that rather than look at the conventionalized funniness
of the bakla, it is better to inquire into the insights that his being evil/deviant, or
“alanganin” brings.
75. Warren Blumenfeld and Diane Raymond, Looking at Gay and Lesbian Life
(Massachussets: Beacon Press, 1988), 214.
76. John Silva, “Filipino Resistance to the Anti-Homosexual Campaign during the
Spanish Regime.”*
77. Manalansan’s observation that the “masculine bakla is the cassowary (anomalous
category) in the Philippine taxonomy of sexual behavior” doesn’t take into account
the slippage of categories implicit in the bakla/homosexual dynamic: precisely, the
bakla cannot be masculine, according to the native distinctions of gender; but to
the degree that sexuality is not reducible to the categories of gender, that there can
indeed be homosexual males who are masculine and not bakla, as this study has
been trying to say all along. See Manalansan, 198.
78. Maria Aurora Garcia, “Ang Paglaganap ng Kabaklaan sa Pilipinas.”*
79. Leo Sergio, “Manila and the Male Homosexual,” Graphic, August 31, 1966.
80. Ponteñila, 58.
81. So popular did these gay representations become that clones of them appeared
in a number of movies in the 1970s and early eighties. Some of these are Tubog
sa Ginto, Maynila: Sa mga Kuko ng Liwanag, Ang Tatay Kong Nanay, Lumakad
Kang Hubad sa Mundong Ibabaw, Showbiz Scandal, City After Dark, Si Malakas,
si Maganda, at si Mahinhin, and Mahinhin vs. Mahinhin. See Lamberto Antonio,
“Ang Tauhang Alanganin,” Observer, June 2, 1981, 44.
82. Julian E. Dacanay, “Pain and Reality in a Spoof Show: Close Encounters with the
Third Sex,” Who?, January 12, 1980, 8.
83. Manila Paper.
84. Manila Paper.
85. Arlene Babst, “Feminism and Gay Liberation,” Who?, August 23, 1980.
86. G. Gonzales, “The Funny Company,” Who?, July 21, 1979, 46.
87. Santiago.
The person who makes this remark is Dr. Lourdes V. Lapuz, a psychiatrist
who may be found giving interviews in many magazines at this time.
88. Marjorie Garber, Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety (New York:
Routledge, 1992), 70.
89. Manila Paper.
Notes | 477
99. Margaruite Evans, “The Case of Bobby Torres” (master’s thesis in Education,
major in Guidance and Counseling, La Salle College, April 1972).
His story takes the form of a short autobiography he wrote himself, and
transcripts from several sessions with the researcher and a certain psychiatrist.
Suicidal when Evans met him, Bobby nonetheless manages to maintain a
relationship with a girlfriend who understands all his problems and whom he
marries after a false pregnancy. At the end of the case study Bobby is looking
forward to fatherhood and a busy career, and he forgets all about his homosexuality
of which he has been cured.
He does impress me to be a genuinely distraught homosexual, although I
could sense a certain pressure being brought to bear on him by the guidance and
counseling situation. Authentic or not? I dare not answer, because, as with all of
these archival materials, the more important line of inquiry is not authenticity or
its opposite (apocryphality). Rather the more interesting question relates to the
material and cultural effects these texts have produced. In the end, the voice of
a true anguish manages to whisper across the obvious restrictions an MA thesis
bent on mobilizing the myth of heterosexual panacea straddles along the way.
Bobby wrote poems—for self psycho-help perhaps? The sheaf of verses
that I found alongside his autobiography also reveals a certain yearning for
belongingness, something a gay community, had it existed then, would have given
him ungrudgingly. But certainly, minus all the trappings of a hateful humanism
that is bent on making everybody the same as everybody else.
One of the sadder and therefore necessarily gloomier poems is called “The
End.”
The End
Where is Bobby Torres now? The part of him that died in this poem lives now
in our remembering.
100. Darang, 16.
101. Marcos.
102. Mendoza, 62.
103. Manila Paper.
104. Marcelino R. Realeza, “Every Inch a Woman,” Expressweek, September 27, 1979,
31.
of this passage and this section’s subsequent references to Alcina’s account had
all been culled from that forthcoming book’s typescript. See Francisco Ignacio
Alcina, “Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas,” part one, book three, chapter
13, 195-209.
17. Harriet Whitehead, “The Bow and the Burdenstrap: A New Look at Institutionalized
Homosexuality in North America,” in Sexual Meanings: The Cultural Construction
of Gender and Sexuality, eds. Sherry B. Ortner and Harriet Whitehead (Cambridge
University Press, 1981), 80-115.
18. Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, ed. Jose Rizal (Paris: Garnier,
1890). See Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, 130.
19. Miguel de Benavides (1605), Archbishop of Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 13,
278.
20. Gaspar de San Agustin (1717), Confesionario Copioso en Lengua Española y
Tagala, Para Direccion de los Confesores, y Instruction de los Penitentes (Sampaloc:
Convento de Nuestra Senora de Loreto, 1787), 148-49.
21. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley: Regents of the
University of California Press, 1990), 202-3.
For these particular quotes on the “unmentionable sin/crime” (sodomy),
Sedgwick cites: John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality:
Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian Era to the
Fourteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 349; and Alan Bray,
Homosexuality in Renaissance England (London: Gay Men’s Press, 1982), 62.
22. Tomas Pinpin, Librong Pagaaralan nang manga Tagalog nang Uicang Castila
(1610), La Primera Imprenta en Filipinos, ed. Manuel Artigas y Cuerva (Manila,
1911), 218-22.
23. This is an unpublished translation by William Henry Scott.
24. Francisco Blancas de San Jose, Librong Pinagpapalamnan yto nang Aasalin ng
Tauong Christiano sa Pagcoconfesar at Pagcocomulgar; nang capoua napacagaling
at capoua paquinabangan niya ang aua nang P. Dios (Santo Tomas, 1792), 160.
25. Francisco Combes, “Historia de las Islas de Mindanao” (Madrid, 1667) ed.
W.E. Retana (Madrid, 1897). An English translation may be found in Blair and
Robertson, vol. 40, 150.
The “pathologizing” of homosexuality, if the account is accurate, was not,
after all, exclusively a product of our Christianization, as University of the
Philippines anthropology professor Michael Tan would assume. See Michael Tan,
“Sickness and Sin: Medical and Religious Stigmatization of Homosexuality in the
Philippines,” MS (1992).
26. “Ordinances for the Sangleys” (Manila, January 26, 1599), in Blair and Robertson,
vol. 11, 56-57.
Notes | 483
27. The foremost young researcher doing work on the Mindanaoan bayot is a poet
from Iligan City, Ralph Semino Galan. He is currently carrying out an archival
project that aims at retrieving and documenting the noncanonical literary
productions of the Mindanaoan bayot, in order to demonstrate the luminous fact
that despite or precisely because of the strictures of Philippine southern macho
culture, effeminate homosexual men therein are able to express and constitute
themselves in their writings.
28. William Henry Scott, Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino (Manila: New Day,
1993).
29. Combes, chapter 16. See Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, 158-64.
30. While seemingly tongue-in-cheek and catty, this “malicious” reading that seeks to
locate desire in the ethnographic rendering by Combes of the exotically feminine
bido, actually explores the implication of Antonio de Morga’s observation in his
Sucesos that the Spanish were themselves committing with the natives—actually,
they were communicating to them—the “abominable sin against nature.” Morga
writes: “As long as the natives lived in their paganism, it was not known that they had
fallen into the abominable sin against nature. But after the Spaniards had entered
their country, through communication with them … it has been communicated
to them somewhat, both to men and to women (underscoring mine). In the matter
it has been necessary to take action” (see Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, 130).
Consider Morga’s statement that the Spaniards were not much loath to
the idea of sodomizing both local women and men, and then juxtapose such a
thought with the mixedness of gender characteristics in the bido, bayoguin, et al.,
and this specific reading of Combes’s text takes on an entirely new and refreshing
quality! Certainly, though, the ellipsis dots in this quotation conveniently excise
the typical indictment—even or especially in Morga’s text—of the Sangleyes, “who
are much (more) given to this vice.”
31. Combes, Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, 160.
32. Jonathan Goldberg, “Discovering America,” in Sodometries: Renaissance Texts,
Modern Sexualities (Stanford University Press, 1992), 179-92.
33. Chris Berry, A Bit on the Side: East-West Topographies of Desire (Sydney: Empress,
1994), 75-76. On this matter Berry quotes the work of Joao Trevisan on the
colonization of Brazil. See Joao Trevisan, Perverts in Paradise (London: Gay Men’s
Press, 1986), 19-24.
34. Goldberg, 216.
35. William Henry Scott, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain (Manila: New Day
Publishers, 1985), 98.
36. “The Manners, Customs and Beliefs of the Philippine Inhabitants of Long Ago;
Being the Chapters of a ‘Late Sixteenth-Century Manila Manuscript,’” trans. Carlos
484 | Philippine Gay Culture
Quirino and Mauro Garcia, Philippine Journal of Science 87, no. 4 (December
1958): 374-75.
The English translation here is by the editors, and may be found on page 430
of the same journal.
37. Sedgwick, 184.
38. McCoy, 167.
McCoy uses the term “homosexual” by which to describe Elopre. As I have
already distinguished the difference between the concepts of identity based on
demeanor and sexual object choice in the preceding discussions, I presume he must
have mistranslated the obviously transgender term bayot into the only popularly
used Western concept that came closest to it: homosexual, precisely. Furthermore,
Hart’s description of Buhawi, from which McCoy derives the comment, doesn’t
use the word homosexual at all: “Buhawi was tall, had a long nose and fair
complexion … Buhawi’s classification, by one informant, was as bayut-bayut (a
somewhat feminine-acting male).” In any case, McCoy himself interviewed a
descendant of another gender-crossing babaylan, Gregorio Lampiño, who also
led peasant uprisings in Panay, and whom he also describes as a homosexual. See
McCoy, 168.
See Donn V. Hart, “Buhawi of the Visayas: The Revitalization Process and
Legend-Making in the Philippines,” in Studies in Philippine Anthropology, ed.
Mario D. Zamora (Manila: Alemar-Phoenix Publishers, 1967), 336-96.
39. The transparent visibility and “freeness” of sex among the precolonial natives
of the Philippines make their sexuality not sexuality at all. According to lesbian
feminist Judith Butler, (Western) sexuality must always be partly undisclosed and
hidden in order to qualify as sexuality at all.
See Judith Butler, “Imitation and Gender Insubordination,” in Inside/Out:
Lesbian Theories/Gay Theories (New York: Routledge, 1991), 15.
40. Rex Wockner, “Homosexuality in the Arab and Moslem World,” in Coming Out:
An Anthology of International Gay and Lesbian Writings, ed. Stephan Likosky
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1992), 102-16.
Wockner declares that the Middle East may well be the most homosexualized
region in the world; and yet, despite this fact, it is also where one finds the world’s
harshest penalties for homosexuality.
41. Sebastian de Totanes, Arte de la Lengua Tagala y Manual Tagalog (Sancto Tomas,
1745), part two: 143-46.
42. Vicente L. Rafael, Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Conversion in Tagalog
Society under Early Spanish Rule (Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1988), 122.
43. Louie Cruz, “Pretty Woman?” in the weekly column “Off the Shoulder,” Sunday
Chronicle, May 2, 1993, 35-36.
Notes | 485
44. Jerome Bailen, “Medical Anthropology: The Pal’awan Babaylan’s Views on Disease
Causation,” in Anthropology: Range and Relevance, ed. Mario D. Zamora and Zeus
A. Salazar (Quezon City: Kayumanggi Press, 1969), 477-88.
45. Juan de Noceda y Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala (Reimpreso
en Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, 1860), 45.
See Pedro de San Buenaventura, Vocabulario de Lengua Tagala (Con licencia
infresso en la noble Villa del Pila, por Thomas Pinpin y Domingo Laog, 1613),
28; Guillermo Bennaser, Diccionario Tiruray-Español (Manila, 1892), 24; Jacinto
Juanmarti, Diccionario Moro-Maguindao-Español (Manila: Tipografia Amigos del
Pais, 1892), 339; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la Lengua Pampanga (Manila:
Ramirez y Giraudier, 1860), 33; and Lorenzo Fernandez Cosgaya, Diccionario
Pangasinan-Español (Manila, 1865), 70.
46. Diego Aduarte, OP, “History of the Province of the Holy Rosary and the Order of
Preachers in the Philippines, Japon and China,” Blair and Robertson, vols. 30, 31.
47. Juan Felix de la Encarnacion, Diccionario Bisaya-Español (Manila: Imprenta de los
Amigos del Pais, 1851); respective pages are 49, 37, and 30.
48. See the most recent ethnography on the bantut of the Tausug and Sama of
southern Philippines: Mark Johnson, “Cross-Gender Men and Homosexuality
in the Southern Philippines: Ethnicity, Political Violence and the Protocols of
Engendered Sexualities Amongst the Muslim Tausug and Sama,” paper presented
at the European Conference on Philippine Studies, London, April 13-15, 1994.
49. That an effeminate bayot could lead an armed rebellion is something that cannot
be accounted for within Zeus Salazar’s evolutionary schema of the babaylan-
function within an essentially unchanged and unchanging Philippine history.
His biologistic, heterosexist, and egregiously sloppy transhistorical categories of
Philippine genders are seven: tunay na babae, tunay na lalaki, binabae, tomboy,
hermaphrodite, lalaking AC/DC (bisexual), and babaeng AC/DC. See Salazar, 35.
Salazar’s conclusion that the babaylan, who led the numerous peasant
uprisings against Spain, were “real men” begs the question of what exactly such
a concept signified during that time. (In any case, we must remember that the
category of “realness”—predicated as it is on anatomic immutability—would seem
to be more operative in our anatomy-obsessed century than during the Spanish
colonial period.) Precisely, as Perez’s account of the Zambal bayoc and Buhawi’s
case would appear to exemplify, effeminacy may not have necessarily entailed an
inability to fight, hunt, or perform certain acts we would nowadays thoughtlessly
equate with masculinity. It appears that, the “native” division of male and female
“experiences” aside, armed rebellion and gender-crossing, though apparently
independent and unrelated phenomena, may not have been mutually exclusive,
after all.
486 | Philippine Gay Culture
11. Editorial, “From Man to Maternity,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 31, 1992, 4.
12. Editorial, “Truth and Media,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June 17, 1992, 4.
13. Cynthia de Leon, “Male Nurse Faked Pregnancy,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June
11, 1992, 1.
14. Cynthia de Leon, “Carlo Is Expecting a Boy,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 28,
1992, 1.
15. Cynthia de Leon, “‘Pregnant’ Male Nurse Loses Face, Job, Lover,” Philippine Daily
Inquirer, August 17, 1992, 1.
16. Gay screenplays constitute yet another area that sadly I have not been able to
exhaustively cover in this study.
As an undergraduate thesis in Mass Communication puts it, the popularization
of swardspeak as a lingua franca in Philippine television seems to accompany—
if not confirm—the ever-increasing presence of gay images and “lifestyles” in
popular media, particularly during the 1980s; nonetheless, I think it may be too
soon to celebrate the complete liberation of gays by virtue of this fact alone. See
Juan Leonardo Gonzales, “Homosexual Language in Philippine Television: A
Historical Case Study” (undergraduate thesis, College of Mass Communication,
University of the Philippines, 1988).
17. Cris Marimla, “The Gay Life,” National Midweek, April 16, 1986, 32-33.
6. Senator Leticia Ramos-Shahani, Senate Bill 427, typescript (July 21, 1992).
7. Laura Claridge and Elizabeth Langland, eds., “Introduction,” Out of Bounds: Male
Writers and Gender(ed) Criticism (Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts
Press, 1990), 3-21.
A relevant passage about a more constructionist feminist critique of
patriarchy is this (7): “Both terms (feminine and masculine) … are implicated in
patriarchy … the movement suggests the first step in a Derridean deconstruction
in which the hierarchies are reversed preliminary to dismantling the hierarchical
structure.”
8. The University of the Philippines’ theaters-in-residence have likewise been
regularly staging gay plays. For the first half of the 1990s, David Henry Hwang’s
M. Butterfly and Anton Juan’s Death in the Form of a Rose were presented at UP,
and both were notably outstanding productions. (For a critical essay on the latter
see J. Neil C. Garcia, “Death in the Form of a Rose: A Gay Perspective,” Diliman
Review 39, no. 2 [1991]: 24-30).
One of the more recent gay productions on campus was a trilogy staged
by the Playwrights Theatre and directed by Alex Cortez. All three plays in Tatlo
forward a universalizing opinion on homosexuality, and as a whole they revaluate
macho culture itself by turning its sexual structure inside-out: sexual dissidence
inheres within the boundaries of hetero and homo, and all three plays consider
it to be actually necessary for the existence of macho myth and domination. See
J. Neil C. Garcia, “A Theater of Sexual Dissidence,” Manila Chronicle, September
29, 1992, 16.
9. Other than Silva’s, another example of irresponsible gay historiography that
essentializes and mystifies precolonial “gayness” (precisely!) in regard to the
babaylanic chronicles is Jomar Fleras, “A History of Gays in the Philippines,”
Manila Chronicle, October 23, 1991, 16.
10. The Western (especially American) connection in the local AIDS-awareness
efforts by NGOs whose leaders and staff are gays is apparent to anybody keeping
tabs on the Philippine HIV/AIDS prevention scene. Some of these organizations
are ReachOut Foundation, The Library Foundation, HAIN, and the Remedios
AIDS Foundation. As early as 1990, an article that appeared in Katipunan seemed
to foreshadow the local movement that would originate from the Filipino gay
populations in the United States to combat the spread of AIDS from a specifically
homosexual front. See Benjamin Pimentel Jr., “AIDS Among US Filipinos: Silence
Equals Death,” reprinted from Katipunan 4, no. 3 (November 1990) in Health
Alert 6, no. 112 (December 1990): 500-502.
11. Alya Honasan, “Homosexuals: To Hire or Not to Hire,” Manila Chronicle, June
4-5, 1991, 11.
490 | Philippine Gay Culture
12. Allan Tibbey, “Is There Safe Sex?” Philippine Daily Inquirer, January 6, 1993, 11.
13. Mariquit Almario, “Tatad Seeks Ban on Gay, Showbusiness Senators,” Manila
Times, May 12, 1993, 1.
14. Michael Tan, “Foreword,” in Margarita Go-Singco Holmes, A Different Love: Being
Gay in the Philippines (Manila: Anvil Publishing, 1993), x.
15. Go-Singco Holmes, 171.
16. Tan, “Foreword,” ix.
television. Anna obviously hasn’t left her home in Pateros, and this arrangement
impressed Goldin immensely (96).
This tableau strikes the Western gaze as emblematic of familial and social
tolerance. I, on the other hand, see something different in it altogether: it isn’t
so much because of tolerance as the fact that Anna is the breadwinner of this
household that she can pretty much have her way. Again, what needs to be said is
that Philippine gays need to compensate for being “different” before they are even
granted the most grudging amounts of this “tolerance.” Also, in the photograph,
the mother’s face turns scornfully away from what her “daughter” is doing in
front of the mirror, thereby telling us a lot about what she actually feels about the
matter.
This “sociological” reading in regard to the putative familiar “acceptance” of
gays in the local culture is actually similar to what Ponteñila discovered in her
ethnography almost two decades ago: the bayot/bakla becomes “acceptable” to
his family only when he possesses some utilitarian value for his parents and/or
siblings. (For instance, when—like one of Ponteñila’s subjects—he is industrious
and does the laundry for all the members of the household.) See Ma. Simeona
Ponteñila, “An Ethnographic Study of the Bayots in Dumaguete City” (master’s
thesis, Silliman University, March 1975), 43.
17. Fenella Cannell, “The Power of Appearances: Beauty, Mimicry, and Trans-
formation in Bicol,” in Discrepant Histories: Translocal Essays on Filipino Cultures,
ed. Vicente L. Rafael (Manila: Anvil Publishing, 1995), 223-58.
18. Cannell, “The Power of Appearances,” 245.
PART TWO
The Early Gay Writers
1. Some of these writers are Nicolas Pichay, whose gay poetry collection, Ang Lunes
na Mahirap Bunuin, recently won in a literary contest and has just been published;
Tony Perez, whose newest book set in nightmare district Cubao promises to
be equally exciting and controversial; and Nick Deocampo, whose essay on
Philippine homosexual cinema, entitled “Homosexuality as Dissent/Cinema
as Subversion: Articulating Gay Consciousness in the Philippines,” appears in
Queer Looks, a book on homosexual cinema recently published in New York by
Routledge.
2. Wilfrido Ma. Guerrero, “A Clash of Cymbals,” Diliman Review (Quezon City:
University of the Philippines Press, 1968).
Notes | 493
Hence, we can see how the novel’s own version of “talking cure” is not
even credible or correct: the diagnosis can only be made—the cure can only be
ascertained—after the ego has been laid bare of its trappings, a process which is
described as potentially “interminable.”
7. J. Neil C. Garcia, “Gender Theory and Gay Writing,” paper read at the PAKSA
Conference, Polytechnic University of the Philippines, February 1992.
This “teleology of martyrdom” is the major preoccupation of Philippine gay
productions of the Coming Out period, by way of a predominant theme. This may
have something to do with the observation that, here, the ideal of a “real man” to
whom many gays are subjected, has made it very difficult to think of an “equal
partnership” taking root in gay relationships.
It is a fact that the economic complexities attendant upon the local gay
scenario only add to the disparity between the complexions of gayness here and
elsewhere in the West. Here, the homosexual is expected to “reward” his lover
with something invariably monetary, as a sine qua non to the existence of the
relationship itself.
Mainly, it is because the gay thinks it his duty: the illusion of a “real man”
prevents gay relationships from ever turning mutual because the “real man” has
to be compensated for loving not a “real woman,” who is his due, who proves his
realness, but another man, one who is not even “real” to begin with.
The philosophical underpinnings are truly a matter of ethics: here, it is
possible to remain a “real man” even when party to a homosexual relationship,
so long as the “real man’s” sexual love object is still a “real woman.” Indeed, most
men who have gay lovers also have female girlfriends, and in almost all such
cases, the gays themselves consent to the arrangement. The issue is an ethical one
not only because it can be said to lie at the heart of the macho culture itself, but
because in the Philippine sexual context, inner subjective “desire” (kalooban) is
most important, and actually offsets the resultant act which is regarded as purely
incidental anyway.
8. Kenneth Lewes, The Psychoanalytic Theory of Male Homosexuality (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1988), 230-41.
9. John Fletcher, “Freud and His Uses: Psychoanalysis and Gay Theory,” in Coming
on Strong: Gay Politics and Culture (London: Unwin and Hyman Ltd., 1989), 91-
118.
10. Michel Foucault, “The Repressive Hypothesis,” in Foucault Reader, ed. Paul
Rabinow (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), 301-9.
11. Jimmy Alcantara, “jonathan n.,” in The Flame (Manila: University of Santo Tomas,
1989), 4.
Notes | 495
directly to sexuality, and no longer strictly to gender and gender roles. The most
recent gay theatrical production furthering the same politics of homosexual love
was Nicolas Pichay’s Karga Mano. For a review of Pichay’s interesting play, see J.
Neil C. Garcia: “Karga Mano: A Gayer Kind of Love,” Manila Chronicle, January
18, 1994, 16.
6. This biographical tidbit comes from R. Galang, “Orlando Nadres,” in Tiongson,
358.
7. Michel Foucault, “The Repressive Hypothesis,” in Foucault Reader (New York:
Pantheon Books, 1988), 301-9.
Conclusion
1. John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino
Responses (1565-1700) (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1959), 186-87.
2. A sample account of the Spanish friar’s distrust of the Sangleyes may be found in
the testimony of Fray Juan Ibañez, Regent of the College of the University of Santo
Tomas, before the ecclesiastical Commission headed by the Archbishop of Manila,
in 1685: “He (the Reverend Father Fray Ibañez) started preaching to all and except
for the Sangleyes and the Chinese, others asked for his forgiveness … he does not
trust these Chinese people since he has heard that those who have repented before
have gone back to their old ways, though they do it with much secrecy and fright.”
This translation of the Spanish colonial church’s efforts to curb the recurrence of
“demonic idolatry” among the newly converted indios and Chinese, may be found
under the file, In San Gabriel Extra Muros de Manila, Bolinao Manuscript, in the
library of the Institute for Women’s Studies, Malate, Manila.
3. Vicente L. Rafael, “Writing Outside: On the Question of Location,” in Discrepant
Histories: Translocal Essays on Filipino Cultures, ed. Vicente L. Rafael (Manila: Anvil
Publishing, 1995), xxiii.
4. Fenella Cannell, “The Power of Appearances: Beauty, Mimicry and Transformation
in Bicol,” in Rafael, Discrepant Histories, 241.
5. Marcelo de Ribadeneira, History of the Islands of the Philippine Archipelago and
the Kingdoms of Great China, Tartary, Cochinchina, Malaca, Siam, Cambodge and
Japan (Barcelona, 1601), ed. Legisma (Madrid, 1947), 50. This quotation is an
unpublished translation by William Henry Scott.
6. Jonathan Goldberg, “Discovering America,” in Sodometries: Renaissance Texts,
Modern Sexualities (Stanford University Press, 1992), 179-222.
498 | Philippine Gay Culture
Wayne R. Dynes, “Wrestling with the Social Boa Constructor,” in Forms of Desire:
Sexual Orientation and the Social Constructionist Controversy, ed. Edward Stein
(New York: Routledge, 1992), 209-38.
12. Peter A. Jackson, Male Homosexuality in Thailand: An Interpretation of
Contemporary Thai Sources (New York: Global Academic Publishers, 1989), 228.
13. For instance, this book has looked into two recent ethnographies on the Philippines
authored by London-based anthropologists and discovered their Orientalizing
projects. See Fenella Cannell, “Catholicism, Spirit Mediums and the Ideal of
Beauty in a Bicolano Community, Philippines” (dissertation in anthropology,
London University, 1992); and also Mark Johnson, “Cross-Gender Men and
Homosexuality in the Southern Philippines: Ethnicity, Political Violence and
the Protocols of Engendered Sexualities amongst the Muslim Tausug and Sama,”
paper presented at the European Conference on Philippine Studies in London,
April 13-15, 1994.
14. Frederick Whitam, “Philippines,” in Encyclopedia of Homosexualty, ed. Wayne R.
Dynes (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), 980.
15. Rev. Eddie Karnes, Tears in the Morning (Philippine Publishing Company, 1979).
16. Joseph M. Carrier, “Gay Liberation and Coming Out in Mexico,” in Coming Out:
An Anthology of International Gay and Lesbian Writings, ed. Stephen Likosky
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1992), 482- 98.
17. Stephen 0. Murray and Manuel C. Arboleda, “Stigma Transformation and
Relexification: ‘Gay’ in Latin America,” in Likosky, 412-18.
18. Dennis Altman, “Liberation: Toward the Polymorphous Whole,” in Likosky, 123-
52.
19. This may no longer be true in certain parts of the West. Queerness has emerged
as a signal for the return of the revolutionary perspective on sexual (no longer
just gay) liberation. Queer signifies the polyvalencies of desire which do not fall
within the normative homo/hetero dualism, and it arose in the 1990s because
of the stigmatizing effect of using “gay” as a self-identificational sign for young
queers and because of the increasing visibility of bisexuals within the Gay and
Lesbian Movement. It signalizes new identifications across race and gender
primarily on the grounds of nonnormative and dissonant sexuality and gender.
See Simon Watney, “Queer Epistemology: Activism, ‘Outing,’ and the Politics of
Sexual Identities,” Critical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (Spring 1994): 13-27. Cambridge:
Blackwell Publishers.
20. Barry D. Adam, The Rise of a Gay and Lesbian Movement (Boston: Twayne
Publishers, 1987), 6.
21. Margarita Co-Singco Holmes, A Different Love: Being Gay in the Philippines
(Manila: Anvil Publishing, 1993).
500 | Philippine Gay Culture
22. Doctors from the Medical City hospital in Manila have been quietly performing sex
change surgeries since the early eighties. One of the first preoperative transsexuals
to undergo sex change in this hospital was Vinna—formerly Gavino—Santiago-
Robinson who bravely faced the media in the early nineties (after the collapse of her
six-year marriage to a British man), supposedly in order to enlighten the general
public on the complex nature of the transsexual surgery. See Joanna U. Nicolas, “Sex
Change,” Moneysaver: The Discount Card Magazine 3, no. 12 (December 1994): 7-9.
23. Whitam, 982.
24. Lorna Barile, “Pagsanjan and Puerto Galera Revisited,” National Midweek, January
15, 1992, 12-15.
25. Eric Catipon, “Cruising,” Sunday Times Life Magazine, February 21, 1993, 3-6.
26. Cora Lucas, “Breaking Free,” Sunday Times Life Magazine, March 27, 1994, 7.
27. Doreen Jose, “UP Offers Course on Gay Literature,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, June
8, 1994, 1.
28. Oskar Atadero, “Philippine Gays Go Mainstream,” Mr. & Ms., July 19, 1994, 16-17.
29. The clamor for gay rights in the Philippines has apparently been heard by certain
magnanimous souls. One such soul is Congressman Reynaldo A. Calalay of Quezon
City, who has just filed a bill providing for a “third sex” sectoral representative in the
House of Representatives. See Ceres Doyo, “Encounter: Rep. Reynaldo A. Calalay, A
Champion of Gay Rights,” Sunday Inquirer Magazine, September 24, 1995, 10-11.
30. Gerard Ramos, “Going, Going … Gay,” Philippines Free Press, August 6, 1994, 26-
27.
31. Venir Turla Cuyco, “No-Gay School Policy,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, July 25, 1995,
9.
14. For some of the better-written reviews of Zsazsa Zaturnnah Ze Muzikal, see Roel
Hoang Manipon, “Zsazsa Zaturnnah Zings,” L Magazine, vol. 2 no. 1 (2006): 49;
Francis Martinez, “Zsazsa Zaturnnah Inside Out,” L Magazine, vol. 2 no. 1 (2006):
50-51; and Francezca C. Kwe, “Zsazsa Zaturnnah Off the Page,” L Magazine, vol. 2
no. 1 (2006): 52-53.
15. For news coverage on this pioneering film festival, see the following related
articles: “Pink Festival Celebrates Gay Pride,” Inquirer Libre, May 28, 2004, 8; Vives
Anunciacion, “Festival Queens: Second International Gay and Lesbian Film and
Video Festival,” Inquirer Libre, July 5, 2004, 8; and “Gay Films: UP Seeing Pink,”
Inquirer Libre, July 5, 2004, 13.
16. Some of these outstanding films were the following: Markova: Comfort Gay, Aishite
Masu, Ang Lalaki sa Buhay ni Selya, Miguel/Michelle, Paraiso ni Efren, Pusong
Mamon, Happy Together Forever, Sibak, Burlesk King, and Twilight Dancers.
17. These digital-format indie films include the stylistically erotic Duda, Bathhouse,
Masahista, Ang Lalake sa Parola, Daybreak, and Ang Lihim ni Antonio; the
lesbian family drama Kaleldo, and the wonderful and internationally acclaimed
Ang Pagdadalaga ni Maximo Oliveros, which, among other things, tackles the
controversial issue of pubescent gay sexuality. For reviews of Ang Pagdadalaga …,
see Marcus Iñigo Laurel, “Budding but not yet Blooming,” L Magazine, vol. 2 no. 1
(2006): 8-10; and J. Neil C. Garcia, “Paradoxical Philippines: On Ang Pagdadalaga
ni Maximo Oliveros,” L Magazine, vol. 2 no. 1 (2006): 13-14.
18. For commentaries on the changing attitudes toward gay and lesbian representations
on Philippine television, see Nestor U. Torre, “Gays on TV,” Philippine Daily
Inquirer, June 25, 2005, A 31; and Arvin Adina, “Boob Tube Reflects Changing
Gay Image,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, November 6, 2002, D2.
19. For GMA 7’s press release on this show, see “Out,” iGMA tv (News and Public
Affairs), http://64.41.100.97/npa.html (accessed September 15, 2007).
20. That the reason for the show’s cancellation was not that it was rating poorly (it was
the best-performing program in its time slot) but that the advertisers all decided to
mysteriously pull out was among the insights shared in a candid interview with Jigz
Mayuga, who hosted Out! together with JM Cobarrubias and Awi Siwa. For a text
of the interview, see Diana A. Uy, “The Colorful Life of an Ex-TV Host,” Manila
Bulletin Online, http://www.mb.com.ph/issues/2005/04/18/SCTY2005041832950.
html (accessed September 14, 2007).
21. “Controversies: Out of the Closet,” Asiaweek, October 5, 1994, 33.
22. See “Statement of the First National Lesbian Rights Conference, December 7-9,
1996,” http://hain.org/badaf6/lesbian-rights.htm (accessed February 3, 1998).
23. See Tabi-tabi sa Pagsasantabi: Kritikal na mga Tala ng mga Lesbiana at Bakla sa
Sining, Kultura, at Wika, eds. Eugene Y. Evasco, Roselle V. Pineda, and Rommel B.
Rodriguez (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2003).
504 | Philippine Gay Culture
24. For an analysis of this march’s significance, especially in relation to the framework
of “gay rights,” see my “Philippine Gay Rights,” in Slip/pages: Essays in Philippine
Gay Criticism (Manila: De La Salle University Press, 1998), 60-64.
25. This march received much media attention. The newspaper and magazine articles
that covered it include the following: Nati Nuguid, “All About Rights,” Philippines
Free Press, July 13, 1996, 16; Choong Tin Sieu, “Revolution by Stages,” Asiaweek,
August 7, 1998, 38; Nati Nuguid, “Acceptance, Not Just Tolerance,” Philippines
Free Press, July 13, 1996, 14; and Anna Leah Sarabia, “Filipino Lesbians and Gays
Make History,” Gayzette, The Evening Paper, March 8-10, 1996, 29.
26. See “Encounter: Rep. Reynaldo A. Calalay, A Champion of Gay Rights,” Sunday
Inquirer Magazine, September 24, 1995.
27. See the related articles: Dinah Macatiis, “Lesbian and Gay Rights Act of 1999
Languishes in Congress,” ManilaOut, no. 2 (2000): 12; “Prohibiting Discrimination
on the Basis of Sexual Orientation (On Senate Bill 18631 and House Bill 9095),”
ManilaOut, no. 2 (2000): 38.
28. See Ross von Metze, “Gay Communist Rebels Marry in Philippines,” February
28, 2005, www.gmax.co.za/look05/02/08-philippines.html (accessed September
14, 2007).
29. For an overview of the last decade’s worth of accomplishments on the Filipino
LGBT rights movement, see: “LGBT Rights in the Philippines,” http://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/LGBT_rights_in_the_Philippines (accessed January 12, 2007).
30. The reason given by the Commission on Elections is that Ang Ladlad lacked a
truly national constituency, and that Remoto, who heads it, and many other well-
educated and middle-class gays like him do not comprise an oppressed sector at
all.
31. Neil Lazarus, “Introducing Postcolonial Studies,” in Lazarus, The Cambridge
Companion to Postcolonial Literary Studies, 5.
32. Arif Dirlik, “The Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global
Capitalism,” Critical Inquiry 20, no. 2 (1994): 328-56.
33. Andrew Smith, “Migrancy, Hybridity, and Postcolonial Literary Studies,” in
Lazarus, The Cambridge Companion to Postcolonial Literary Studies, 260.
34. Vincent B. Leitch, general ed., “Introduction to Theory and Criticism,” The Norton
Anthology of Theory and Criticism (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2001),
25-26.
35. John McLeod, “Introduction,” The Routledge Companion to Postcolonial Studies,
ed. John McLeod (London: Routledge, 2007), 7.
36. Peter Childs and Patrick Williams, An Introduction to Post-Colonial Theory
(Hertfordshire: Prentice Hall, 1997), 17.
37. This threefold model was first proposed by Michel Pěcheux in relation to the
“collusion/resistance” question of language and ideology. See Michel Pěcheux,
Notes | 505
46. Parry, in Lazarus, The Cambridge Companion to Postcolonial Literary Studies, 78-
79.
47. Stephen Morton, “Poststructuralist Formulations,” in McLeod, The Routledge
Companion to Postcolonial Studies, 172.
48. This has been the point of many of the critics of the postmodern-inflected
varieties of postcolonial discourse. See Aijaz Ahmad, In Theory: Classes, Nations,
Literatures (London: Verso, 1992), 43; and Kumkum Sangari, “The Politics of the
Possible,” Cultural Critique 7: 157-86.
49. See one of this new “philosophy’s” most important books: Paula M. L. Moya
and Michael R. Hames-Garcia, eds., Reclaiming Identity: Realist Theory and the
Predicament of Postmodernism (Los Angeles: University of California Press,
2000).
50. Linda Hutcheon, “Circling the Downspout of Empire: Postcolonialism and
Postmodernism,” Ariel 20 (4): 149-75.
51. Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, found in The Philippine Islands,
1493-1898, ed. Emma Blair and James Robertson (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark,
1903-09), Volume 16, 130.
52. The Rizal-Blumentritt Correspondence (Manila: Jose Rizal Centennial Commission,
1961), 120.
53. Jaime Bulatao, SJ, “Split-Level Christianity,” Manuud, 1971, 16-33.
54. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1993), 45, 75, 86.
55. McLeod, in McLeod, The Routledge Companion to Postcolonial Studies, 6.
56. According to Benita Parry, it is imperative that postcolonialism perform the
following critical tasks, if it is to become truly relevant in these neocolonial and
globalized times:
… empirical investigations of economic migrants, … the substantive and
experiential situations of the majoritarian settled populations of the nation-states
of Asia, Africa, and Latin America … [of] the millions of people whose mobility
is constrained; who are not part of the reservoir of cheap labor in either the home
cities, the Gulf States, or the old and new metropolitan centers; who still engage
in subsistence farming, or in extracting raw materials and producing goods for
world markets.
See Parry, in Lazarus, The Cambridge Companion to Postcolonial Literary
Studies, 74.
57. Gigi M. David, “Gay Contestant Natigok sa Stage,” Standard Xpress, December 5,
2006, 2.
Index
A androgyny, 257
Ang Ladlad, 430, 504
activo/pasivo, 78, 407 Ang Lalake sa Parola, 503
Adam, Barry D., 411 Ang Lalaki sa Buhay ni Selya, 503
A Different Love: Being Gay in the Ang Lihim ni Antonio, 503
Philippines, 236-45, 412 Ang Lunes na Mahirap Bunuin, 492
Aduarte, Diego, 192 Ang Pagdadalaga ni Maximo Oliveros,
aginging, 191 503
Aguja, Mario, 429 Angara-Castillo, Bellaflor, 428
AIDS, 12, 213, 231-35, 260, 408, 416, aniteras, 192
467, 489 antibakla utopia, xvii
Aishite Masu, 503 antigay school policy, 419
Akbayan Citizens’ Action Party, 428 antigay violence, 351-52
Ako si Emma … Babae, 96 antipornography law, 227
alanganin, 74, 476 A Portrait of the Artist as Filipino, 423
Alcantara, Jimmy, 331-33 Aquino, Corazon, 413
Alcina, Francisco Ignacio, 163-64, 174 Asian Queer Studies, xiii, 431
Alejo, Albert SJ, 124-26 asog, 165-66, 174
Alfar, Dean, 336 Atadero, Oscar, 501
Alfon, Estrella, 293 Ateneo de Manila University, 430, 450
Altman, Dennis, 408 Augustine, St., 131-32
Alvaro, DJ, 501 Aunor, Nora, 270
Alyansa Laban sa Kalalakihang Bakla, authenticity, 6
413 autobiography, gay, 289-91, 497
Amador, Zeneida, 103, 501 Avenida, 114
527
528 | Philippine Gay Culture
B binabai, 191
binabay, 191
babaeng bakla, 105-7 binabayoguin, 191
“Babaye Bana Kini,” 107-8 biniboy, 79-80, 467
babayenon, 192 biographical criticism, gay, xvi, 25, 29,
babaylan, 154, 162-97, 395 290
Babette, 149-50 Birion, Juan, 94,145
“Badaf Forever,” 100 Blair and Robertson, 178
Bagong Pag-asa, 416 Blanc-Szanton, Cristina, 158-60, 174
bakla, 50, 316-23, 330-31 Blumenfeld, Warren, 132
as phase, 74-76 bodabil, 81
etymology of, 462-63 Bolinao Manuscript, 497
homosexualization of, 85 Bowers vs. Hardwick, 45, 393
bakla/homosexual dynamic, xvi, xxi-xxii, Boxer Codex, 181-82
50, 58-59, 62-66, 69-70, 82, 86, 88, boyos, 191
97, 134 Boys in the Band, 91, 372
Balagtas, 30, 74 Boys in the Band II, 142
Balboa, Vasco Nuñez de, 391 Bray, Alan, 49
Baligtaran, 229 Bruning, Jürgen, 396-97, 498
bantot, 192 Buhawi, 184, 484
bantut, 73, 193, 272-75 Bulatao, Jaime, 450
Banzhaf, Jane S., 63, 88 burlarse, el, 186
Baquiran, Romulo Jr., 502 Burlesk King, 503
Barrios, Joi, 229 butch-femme, 215, 257-60, 390
Bathhouse, 503 Butler, Judith, 265-66
bayas, 191
bayog, 190-91
bayoguin, 164, 181-83, 191 C
bayot, 50, 76-79, 89, 129, 195, 250
songs about the, 472 Cabagnot, Ed, 502
Bayot, Antonio, 300 Calalay, Reynaldo, 428, 500, 504
Bayron, Edwin, see Carlo/Diane Calderon, Sofronio, 120
Baytan, Ronald, 502 call boys, 114-17
Benavides, Miguel de, 168 camp, 43, 204-212, 265
berdache, 167, 174, 190, 254 Can’t Live in the Closet (CLIC), 416
Between Men: English Literature and Cannell, Fenella, 266, 269-92
Male Homosocial Desire, 27 Cano, Louie, 502
bido, 177, 182 canon, Philippine homosexual, 30-31
Carandang, Ernesto II, 502
Index | 529
M. Butterfly, 99
L maaram, 160
Madrigal-Vazquez, Chito, 293-95
Lacan, Jacques, 28 Magsaysay, Ramon, 293-95
ladlad ng kapa, 144-45, 147 Mailer, Norman, 28
Ladlad: An Anthology of Philippine Gay Malate, 413
Writings, 29, 287-88, 423, 459-60 male homosexual identities, 5
Lady Valerie, 223-24 Male Homosexuality in Four Societies, 246
Lamangan, Joel, 424 Male Homosexuality in Thailand: An
Lapuz, Lourdes V., 476 Interpretation of Contemporary Thai
Las Casas, Bartolome de, 392 Sources, 398-99
Lawrence, D.H., 28 Manalansan, Martin IV, 193, 505
Layumas, Rune, 475 manananggal, 217-18
Lazarus, Neil, 432-33 manang bali, 178
Lean Alejandro Lecture Series, 459 Mananzan, Sister Mary John, 157
Lesbian Advocates of the Philippines, 429 Manila Standard, 453
Marcos, Fely Luz, 90, 144, 335
Index | 533
U
Z
Ugarte Field, 414
Zsazsa Zaturnnah: Ze Muzikal, 423, 503
unay, 118
universalism, xxi
University of the Philippines, 425
UP Babaylan, 225-27, 425, 458
utopia, 316-22
The Author