Faith and Healing

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FAITH AND HEALING:

The Lived Experience of a Mananambal

Phenomenological Case Study

Emmanuel Melendez Ozoa


TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ i


CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 1
Background of the Study--------------------------------------- 1
Review of Related Literature--------------------------------- 6
Theoretical Framework---------------------------------------- 7
Conceptual Framework---------------------------------------- 10
Statement of the Problem------------------------------------- 11
CHAPTER II: METHODS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 12
Design -------------------------------------------------------------- 12
Participants ------------------------------------------------------- 12
Instrument -------------------------------------------------------- 13
Procedure --------------------------------------------------------- 13
Data Analysis ----------------------------------------------------- 13
CHAPTER III: RESULTS -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10
Research Question: How did you become a
15
mananambal? ------------------------------------------
Research Question: What do you think are the
reasons why people go to a mananambal like 15
you instead of a medical doctor? -----------------
Research Question: What brings the healing? ----------- 16
Research Question: What is your opinion on the
16
effectiveness of medical doctors? ----------------
Research Question: What is your procedure of
17
diagnosing and healing your patients? ----------
CHAPTER IV: DISCUSSION -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 18
Interpretation ---------------------------------------------------- 18
Analysis ------------------------------------------------------------ 19
Implication -------------------------------------------------------- 20
References ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 21
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
The building of a Collective Consciousness in the concept of
1 9
Kapwa ------------------------------------------------------------------
2 The Conceptual Framework of the Study -------------------------------- 10

i
CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study

Faith and healing are two features that are difficult to separate from each other in

folk medicine practice in the Philippines. In most cases, one leads to the other and in

other cases, one reinforces the other. Faith plays a significant role in the effectiveness

of healing, while on the other hand, healing seems to have the effect of strengthening or

re-awakening a person’s religious faith. That is why folk medicine in the Philippines falls

within the realm of religion because the mananambal operates within the context of

one’s understanding and interpretation of one’s religious belief. The mananambal acts

as an instrument in the execution of the will of the mananambal’s religious Deity or

deities—it is rare to find otherwise.

The word mananambal is a term predominantly used by Cebuano speaking

Filipinos to refer to a folk healer. This study aims to explore and document the lived

experience of a person whose occupation is as a mananambal. This will be done by

understanding the process of how a person becomes a mananambal and what are the

necessary skills, talents, and characteristics they possess in order to be an effective

mananambal. Furthermore, this study would like to gain an understanding on the

psychosocial dimension of how they have remained relevant in the advent of

conventional medicine that has become more and more accessible to a large portion of

the population.
The field of Anthropology through the years has come out with a number of

significant researches on the subject matter. But in the field of Psychology, there is still

a dearth of published materials about Philippine folk healers. This study attempts to add

knowledge to this specific topic by focusing on the life of a mananambal in Barangay

Boloc-Boloc in the municipality of Sibulan.

Brief History: Zoilo

In order to provide a context for the conceptualization and the eventual analysis

and discussion of this study, a synopsis of Zoilo’s history of becoming a mananambal is

presented in this section.

Zoilo was born and raised in Boloc-Boloc, Sibulan. He was 48 years old when his

story was told. He has been a Mananambal since he was 30 years old. He is doing his

healing in a purposely built chapel/clinic within the family property. His house is adjoined

behind this chapel. He usually starts his daily healing session at around 8am. He

requires his patients to get a queue number card so that he can do an orderly way of

attending to them. His wife serves as his clinic assistant and is in-charge in the detailed

explanation of the healing instructions to the patients after Zoilo has diagnosed them.

The daily session is usually a half-day affair, it never goes beyond mid-afternoon. Zoilo

does not asked for any payment of the services he offers but welcomes gifts freely

offered by his patients. On the other hand, he sells some of the medicinal ingredients

necessary for the treatments he prescribes to his patients.

When he was a child, Zoilo remembers that he accompanied his father to a

Mambabarang/Mananambal in Maayong Tubig, Dauin. A comment made by that person

2
stuck to his memory. Allegedly, the Mambabarang/Mananambal said that he had a

patient who was rich and he could give that person some sort of illness so that he would

regularly go back to him to “renew his medication.” What he was saying in effect was

that he could milk that person for as long as he wants.

The story of how Zoilo became a Mananambal started when he suffered from a

recurring pain in his hips when he was 30 years old. This pain became more acute

when he attended a four day seminar for Samaritans at the local seminary in Sibulan.

After the seminar he went to the hospital to have it treated but the pain did not go away.

He then went to several mananambals, but still the pain persisted. Until during the holy

week he joined in one of the processions where one of the people was carrying a cross.

Suddenly he heard a sort of a whisper while he was intently watching the cross bearing

person, he was told by this whisper of a voice to run one of his hand on the cross seven

times. His perennial hip pain abruptly vanished after doing this.

During this time Zoilo was earning a living cooking and selling food and at the

same time as a plumber. He had a steady customer for his food business at that time at

Judyville Subdivision, which was under construction. The subdivision was just about

200 meters from their house, so he had his eldest son who was around six years old at

that time bring the food to his customers. But one day, his son woke up in a catatonic

state and would not respond to them. They rushed him to the Provincial Hospital for

treatment and their son was placed in the ICU. The doctor told them that, their son had

picked up some sort of bacterial infection and needs to have a lung operation. Zoilo was

in a state of disbelief because his son was relatively healthy before the episode, how

can he have an illness severe enough that merits an operation. Because of this, he had

3
second thoughts on the operation and besides they do not have the financial capacity

for the operation. These thoughts occupied his mind as he was trying to hail a Pedi cab

for a ride home. The last thing he remembered was that he was having a hard time

getting a ride and the next thing he knew, when he gained his senses he was already

home. And out of nowhere, he again heard a voice telling him that if he would touch his

hand on his son and pray over him, his son would recover. So he hurriedly went back to

the hospital and did this to his son and just like that, his son came out from his catatonic

state. He also did the same to two other patients who were already long staying in the

ICU and they also got better. He approached a third patient but the father did not

believe in such things and forbade him to do anything with their child. Afterwards, his

son was transferred to a regular room in the hospital and after a few days the mother of

the child who he was forbidden to heal came to him. It turns out that she has been

looking for him for several days now and she wants Zoilo to heal her child no matter

what her husband says. So he also prayed over the child and just as abruptly as the

others he had healed, the child became better.

Soon after when their son was released from the hospital, the story of how Zoilo

has healed his son started to slowly spread. Not long after, people came in trickle to ask

him to heal their various ailments but he was embarrassed to be approached and asked

to do these things by strangers for he did not see himself as a healer. In some instances

where he knew the person he would do the healing, but in most cases he would refuse

the requests especially if the requests came from total strangers. One day a person

visited him and befriended him. This person would regularly visit him to just talk, but

when they became friends, the person told Zoilo his story. This person, who he said is

4
named Tony, was from Meycauayan, Bulacan who has married a woman from Bindoy,

Negros Oriental. He used to be an assistant manager in San Miguel Corporation but

had to retire early because of a persistent abdominal pain. He has gone to many

different doctors but the pain did not disappear. In desperation, he went to several

Mananambal and some of them were able to make the pain disappear. But their cures

were only temporary, for a few months after the treatment the pain would return. So he

came to Zoilo hoping that he could permanently heal him. Because they were friends,

Zoilo looked him over and with the help of his gift of vision he could see inside the

abdomen of Tony that there was this scorpion-like creature eating at his innards. Zoilo

prayed over Tony and immediately afterwards Tony had to defecate and along with his

wastes came the scorpion like creature already dead and Tony was healed

permanently. One night, several days after he healed Tony, a swarm of beetles, flies,

and other insects came beating at their house. There were so many insects that they

almost covered their house. It frightened him so much that he went inside his room and

started to pray. When he was doing his prayer, an old person with long white beard—

the beard was so long that it touched the floor—came to him and reached out his arms

to give him a bible. But when Zoilo reached out his arms to receive the bible, the bible

suddenly vanished in thin air but his vision was filled with Latin phrases. The old man

also gave him a cross made of black stone and told him to always bring it with him when

he will do his healing. Later on the old man replaced the stone cross with a smaller,

more portable white stone. This stone is what Zoilo uses to “see” the true reason of a

person’s ailment. This experience became the turning point of Zoilo committing himself

to becoming a full-time healer. Later on, he has discovered that Tony was a victim of a

5
mambabarang and that the mambabarang was now attacking Zoilo as punishment for

curing Tony. This mambabarang was from Bulacan who was paid by the in-laws of Tony

because they were having a land-dispute.

Review of Related Literature

The folk healer has always been an important member in Philippine society

though the significance of their role has ebbed and flowed throughout the years

(Gaabucayan, 1971). In the Cebuano speaking parts of the Philippines, the folk healer

is called Mananambal. A mananambal is a person who does the panambal, a local

medicinal doctor who resorts to indigenous means of treating patients who are in pain or

have been long suffering from various forms of illness caused by supernatural factors.

But this does not mean that they do not treat ailments with natural causes, stories about

them treating very unusual ailments tend to be more instilled in the memories of the

people because it is more sensational (Berdon, Z. J. S., Ragosta, E. L., Inocian, R. B.,

Manalag, C. A., & Lozano, E. B., 2016). Panambal comes from the root word tambal

which means “medicine”, “cure”, or “remedy”. A mananambal is a person who has

knowledge and use of herbal medicine. But a mananambal who receives tuga from a

supernatural being becomes endowed with supernatural powers. A tuga is commonly in

a form of a stone that the mananambal can use in diagnosing and curing even diseases

of supernatural causes (Mascuñana and Mascuñana, 2004).

When people are ill in most rural areas in the Philippines, they seek help first

from Folk Healers rather than from professional doctors or hospitals (Mansueto, J. B.,

Sia, I. C., & de la Pena, M., 2015; Jocano, F. L., 1966). Even in this era when

6
conventional medicine has become increasingly accessible to people in rural areas

because of the government’s creation of community hospitals, there is still a great

demand for the service of the folk healers. It cannot be denied that financial concerns is

an important factor in this but there seems to be other reasons why many people prefer

to go to a folk healer because even people with financial means still prefer to go to

them.

To most rural Filipinos, the act of going to a mananambal seems to be a natural

thing and going to a hospital or to a clinic of a medical doctor evoke a different feeling.

This maybe because of the double reason that they are more at home interacting with a

mananambal and that the language and concepts discussed with them by the

mananambal is in tune with the tradition of their culture. According to Jocano (1966),

“causes of disease in many places in the Philippines are defined in terms of their social

and cultural context…In fact, in many cases, even the patient's own categories of his

illness are culture-bound” (p. 42). This means that it is easier for them to explain and

understand their diseases through the logic of the anitistic belief system. The religious

practice of most Filipinos today still has a strong element of anitism. Anitism is the

prehistoric religion in the Philippine which is a form of spirit worship wherein they

worship the spirits of dead ancestors, elemental spirits, and invoking the aid of lower

deities in communing with the Supreme Being. Most Filipinos in rural areas merged the

concept of the Christian santos and the anitos of the pagan belief, and eventually came

to believe that many of the anitism practices came from the Christian church. When

Christianity was first introduced in the Philippines, the same images through which the

anitos were worshiped were then used to worship the santos of the Church (Hislop,

7
1971). That is why Catholicism in the Philippines is sometimes called “Folk Catholicism”

or “Christian Anitism”. Folk healers in the Philippines are the present-day descendant of

the baybaylans and catalonans of anitism tradition. Their method of healing is effective

because it is deeply rooted in the indigenous psyche (Enriquez, 1992). In effect the

healer and the patient see eye to eye, they are in the same wave length. Salazar (1980)

believes that, “no real healing could really take place if there were no common ideology

or frame of reference-a language, in fact, a metalanguage understood and accepted by

both healer and patient” (p.34). The presence of this belief system gives the Filipino an

assurance that there is order in their universe. If we look at the Philippine religious

rituals in cultural-context it could be described as the people’s psychological tool to cope

with the vagaries of a world that is so full of mystery (Jocano, 1967).

Theoretical Framework

The reason why there are still many Filipinos who avail of the services offered by

a mananambal can be explained in the context of their social interaction. A core concept

in Filipino psychology introduced by Virgilio G. Enriquez (1978) that explains the nature

of the Filipino identity is Kapwa. He defined it as the Filipino’s recognition of shared

identity. It is a sense that one is not separate from others that they are of the same

nature. And this is possible because being in a collectivist community they share the

same orientation. The effect is that the interrelatedness of different individual

consciousness helps in building a collective consciousness of a community of people of

the same cultural tradition (Figure 1).

8
Figure 1: The building of a Collective Consciousness in the concept of Kapwa
This concept of interrelatedness is facilitated by levels and modes of social

interaction. Those people who share a collective consciousness have deeper level of

social interaction and they are categorized as belonging to Hindi Ibang Tao Category

(“one of us”). On the other hand a shallow level of social interaction exists with those

people who do not share in this collective consciousness and they are categorized as

Ibang Tao (“outsider”). Most Filipinos are more comfortable and more open to people

they consider as belonging to the Hindi Ibang Tao Category, while they have the

tendency to be distant but cordial—sometimes to the point of deference—to people they

consider as belonging to the Ibang Tao Category.

9
Figure 2: The Conceptual Framework of the Study

Conceptual Framework

This section will conceptualize the reason why many rural Filipinos still avail of

the services of the mananambal when they have the option of getting medical help from

conventional medicine.

Because the rural Filipino and the mananambal share a common orientation with

regards to their medico-religious belief their individual consciousness builds into a

collective consciousness. The building of this collective consciousness make the rural

Filipino and the mananambal consider each other as belonging to the category of Hindi

Ibang Tao. It is under this condition, that the rural Filipino and the mananambal are

comfortable with each other and understand each other’s language. Together they can

discuss and define the disease of the patient according to their cultural context. This is

not the condition that the rural Filipino find when they go to a hospital or to a clinic of a

10
medical doctor. Often times they are in awe of a medical professional and they have

trouble understanding western science based explanation of the doctor. That is why

there are still a number of Filipinos who prefer to avail of the services of a mananambal

(Figure 2).

Statement of the Problem

The purpose of this study was to explore and document the lived experience of a

person whose occupation is as a mananambal in Barangay Boloc-Boloc, Sibulan,

Negros Oriental. The problem of the study is stated as:

What is it like to be a mananambal?

The conversation I had with Zoilo was steered by the following topics such as

the story of how he became a mananambal, the reasons why people go to a

mananambal like him instead of a medical doctor, what brings the healing, on the

effectiveness of medical doctors, and his procedure of diagnosing and healing his

patients.

11
12
CHAPTER II

METHODS

Design

This qualitative study used a phenomenological inquiry through an indigenous

data gathering method called Pakikipagkwentuhan conducted using a conversation

guide prepared beforehand. I encouraged Zoilo to talk freely about the story of his life

by creating a conversational atmosphere in our vernacular. He refused to give his

consent that the sessions be recorded using a voice recorder but agreed that I take

notes while he was telling his story. The first session was around an hour long while the

second session lasted around 20 minutes. In each session, I immediately transcribed

and reconstructed Zoilo’s story with the help of my field notes. The data gathered was

then processed using a phenomenological data analysis anchored on Earthy and

Cronin’s Narrative Analysis (2008).

Participant

The participant in this case study is Zoilo, a long-time mananambal in Barangay

Boloc-Boloc in the municipality of Sibulan, Negros Oriental. He is a renowned

mananambal whose patients not only come from the surrounding areas but also come

from different parts of the country. He was 48 years old when this study was conducted

and has been a mananambal for 18 years. He was chosen as the participant of this

study with the help of a gate-keeper. This gate-keeper is an aunt of my wife who has

been a patient of Zoilo and has good relation with him and his wife.
Instrument

The data in this study was gathered through Pakikipagkuwentuhan. The

instrument used in aid of these storytelling sessions was a conversation guide—a set of

broad, open ended questions. These are some of the questions: What is it like to be a

mananambal? How did you become a mananambal? What do you think are the reasons

why people go to a mananambal like you instead of a medical doctor? What brings the

healing? What is your opinion on the effectiveness of medical doctors? And what is

your procedure of diagnosing and healing your patients?

Procedure

After approval of the research proposal by my course adviser, I then went in

search for a participant who qualifies with the inclusion criteria of this study. I started my

search by asking around people that I know who may have knowledge of well-known,

long-time mananambal. When I was able to find an individual who fits the criteria, I

approached him with the help of a gate-keeper and asked him to participate in my

study. The sessions were conducted within a period of a week in one site, at the

chapel/clinic of the participant. After obtaining his informed consent, I asked Zoilo the

questions in the interview guide. I gave a bag full of assorted bread on the offering table

in Zoilo’s chapel just like a regular patient.

Data Analysis

This study utilized a phenomenological data analysis anchored on Earthy and

Cronin’s Narrative Analysis (2008). According to Earthy and Cronin (2008) it is, “an

13
approach taken to interview data that is concerned with understanding how and why

people talk about their lives as a story or a series of stories. This inevitably includes

issues of identity and the interaction between the narrator and audience(s)” (p. 4). There

are two units of analysis for this analysis technique; one is called Categorical Approach

which is the comparing of all “references to the selected phenomenon within one

interview or across several interviews, while holistic approaches seek to understand

how a particular section of text is part of a life story narrated during the course of a

single interview or several interviews with the same individual” (p. 13). Categorical

analysis is more appropriate to researches that are concerned with an experience that

is shared by a group of people such as the process of migration whereas holistic

analysis is more appropriate to researches that focus on exploring the significance and

change in the context of one person’s life such as the effects of migration on identity.

This study uses the holistic approach to Narrative Analysis.

14
CHAPTER III

RESULTS

The sessions I had with Zoilo resulted in one narrative of his life experience as a

mananambal which I was able to reconstruct based on my field notes. The following are

the summary of his respective answers to the research questions.

Research Question: How did you become a mananambal?

Zoilo’s account of how he became a mananambal has already been presented in

the Introduction part of this study.

Research Question: What do you think are the reasons why people go to a

mananambal like you instead of a medical doctor?

According to Zoilo, there are basically two groups of people who go to him to ask

for his help. There are those who believe that the nature of their illness has a better

chance of being healed by a Mananambal instead of a medical doctor. This is especially

true to people who believe that causes of their ailments are unnatural like being a victim

of a mambabarang or being punished by an offended duwende. These people believe

that the Mananambal would be more accepting of their theory of the reason for their

ailment and that they would be ridiculed by a medical doctor if they tell the doctor about

their theory. The other group is composed of those who have been to different medical

doctors but have not been cured. In desperation, these people would turn to a

Mananambal for help. He said a majority of them has the attitude of namahala na or has

resigned their fate to God. A few of these people are actually advised by some doctors

to go to a Mananambal because their cases are beyond the capacity of medical

science.
Research Question: What brings the healing?

According to Zoilo, the faith of the patient towards his method does not affect his

healing effectiveness. He said that sometimes God would use these people with little

faith and transform them into strong believers by healing their ailments. Therefore, the

ailment of a person is healed if it is the will of God.

His healing power is bestowed to him by God. He believes in the existence of

enkantos and other elements and that they also have power but he does not want to

associate himself with them. Though he believes that these creatures are God’s

creation, he said that he does not play the same role as these creatures in the greater

scheme of God. God has given him a material to help him in his healing work through

the old man who he first saw when his house was attacked by the swarm of insects.

This material is in a form of white smooth stone about 1.5 inches in diameter and about

half an inch thick. This stone helps him in diagnosing and curing an illness. This stone

could be considered as a tuga.

What is your opinion on the effectiveness of medical doctors?

According to Zoilo, medical doctors are also instruments of God. He further said

that the medical doctors and the Mananambal are only effective in their own realms. For

ailments that have natural causes such as high blood due to poor diet, stomach ulcer,

broken bones, and the like, the medical doctors are effective in healing these

conditions. The Mananambal can also be helpful in some of these conditions, but he

admits that the medical doctors are more effective. On the other hand, if the ailment is a

result of unnatural causes such as being a victim of a mambabarang or being

possessed by an element, then the Mananambal is the only solution. In fact he knows of

16
several medical doctors who actually go to him for treatment and also refer some of

their patients to Zoilo.

What is your procedure of diagnosing and healing your patients?

Zoilo diagnoses a patient with the help of the white stone while feeling the pulse

of the patient and asking about the related details about the patient’s condition. With the

guidance of God sent through the white stone, Zoilo is able to “see” what is ailing a

person, he will then instruct the patient of the appropriate procedure that would bring

about the healing. But Zoilo can also diagnose and heal patients who cannot physically

come to him by just consulting with his white stone and getting the related details from

the representative of the patient. Some personal belongings of the absent patient, such

as ID cards, are preferable but not necessary.

17
CHAPTER IV

DISCUSSION

Interpretation

Zoilo’s story of becoming a mananambal has a mystical-religious theme. His

story tells us that he has had a religious bent even before becoming a mananambal as

he was active in church activities. He acquired his special power as a gift bestowed to

him by God. He has a special amulet in the form of a white smooth stone that helps him

in effectively diagnosing and healing the diseases of his patients. In this sense, the

essence of his story of becoming a mananambal parallels the common experience of

many mananambals as discussed in the review of related literature.

We could also deduce from Zoilo’s story that the reason why people go to a

mananambal can be categorized into two groups. One, are those people whose going

to the mananambal are their first choice. This group usually has two main reasons for

doing this; one is that they believe that there are certain diseases that only a

mananambal can heal. Their second reason is that they are more comfortable dealing

with a mananambal compared to a medical doctor. The second group of people is

composed of those whose going to a mananambal is not their first choice. These people

are forced by their circumstances to go to a mananambal. Usually, they have already

gone to several doctors and for some reason their disease still remain unhealed. A very

small portion of these people in this group were actually advised by their medical

doctors to go to a mananambal.
Zoilo also narrated that the only reason that the ailment of a patient is healed is

because it is the will of God. The faith or the lack of it does factor in to the successful

cure of a patient. Only God, in his infinite wisdom has the power to cure an ailment.

Zoilo does not disregard the importance played by medical doctors. He strongly

believes that they have a role in the greater scheme of God. He admits that there are

certain diseases that are more appropriate to be attended by medical doctors.

Based on the narration of Zoilo, it is clear if we base it on the description of

Mascuñana and Mascuñana (2004), that the white smooth stone that he uses in his

diagnosing and treatment of his patient is a tuga. His method of feeling the pulse of the

patient while consulting his tuga is resonant of the procedure common to many

mananambals.

Analysis

Zoilo, as a mananambal, is not significantly different from other mananambal. His

story of becoming a mananambal, the procedure of his diagnosing and healing patients,

and his use of a tuga all paint an image that could also be seen in other folk healers. He

fits the mold of the typical folk healer in the context of the Philippine culture whose

characteristics is reminiscent of those babaylans of pre-historic Philippines. It could be

said that Zoilo is the cultural descendant of those ancient babaylans.

Because Zoilo fits the mold of a typical mananambal, the rural Filipino recognizes

him in the context of their collective consciousness. Zoilo and his patient understand

each other for they speak the same language due to their shared orientation. His

patients see him as Hindi Ibang Tao that is why they feel at ease with him and that is

why they prefer going to him rather than to a medical doctor.

19
Implication

The long line of patients awaiting the services of Zoilo and the prevalence of folk

healers in many parts of the country shows that the practice of folk healing is still

flourishing in our contemporary society. It would also seem to appear that the presence

of folk healers in the medical field will be here for a long time. They are being patronized

by a significant portion of the population. With this in mind, it would therefore be prudent

for the government to create measures that would protect the welfare of the people who

patronize folk healing. One way that could be done is to bring the practice of folk healing

to legitimacy and general acceptance. The government should also make an effort to

regulate the practice of folk healing in order to help combat the existence of those

people whose primary purpose is to take advantage of the people by practicing a

fraudulent form of folk healing. This could be done by empowering the Barangay level

officials to be able to regulate the operations of service providers—such as automotive

mechanics, electricians, midwives, and folk healer—in their jurisdiction by issuing some

sort of certificate of good standing. The possession of this certificate would mean that

the service provider is personally known to the barangay officials to be trustworthy.

By legitimizing the practice of folk healing, this part of the Filipino culture will gain

back the respectability that it has once enjoyed during our pre-colonial past. In a way,

legitimizing this practice will, in effect, help preserve an important part of our culture

which will in turn contribute to the quest of defining the Filipino Identity.

20
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