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Dissertations Graduate Research
1989
The "Throne of God" Motif in the Hebrew Bible

Daegeuk Nam
Andrews University
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The “throne of G o d ” motif in the Hebrew Bible
Nam, Daegeuk, Th.D.

Andrews University, 1989
C o p y r ig h t © 1 9 8 9 b y N a m , D a e g e u k . A ll r ig h ts re s e rv e d .
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Andrews University
Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary
THE "THRONE OF GOD" MOTIF
IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
A Dissertation
Presented in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Theology
ty
Daegeuk Nam
February 1989
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IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
A dissertation
presented in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Theology
by
Daegeuk Nam
APPROVAL BY THE COMMITTEE:
U
ilty Advisor: Gerhard F. Hasel Raoul Dederen, Acting Dean
iessor of Old Testament and SDA Theological Seminary
Biblical Theology
___________ 7^ ? /-gay
William H. Shea, Adjunct Professor Date Approved'
Archaeology & History of Antiquity
Kenneth A. Strand, Professor of

Church History
l/Y\.
Richard M. Davidson, Professor of
Old Testament Exegesis
9JL
Kbith N. Sc
Schoville,
Professor of Hebrew and Semitic
Studies, University of Wisconsin
(c) Copyright by Daegeuk Nam 1989
All Rights Reserved
ABSTRACT
IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
by
Daegeuk Nam
Faculty Advisor: Gerhard F. Hasel
ABSTRACT OF GRADUATE STUDENT RESEARCH
Dissertation
Andrews University
Seventh-day Adventist Theoloqical Seminary
Title: THE "THRONE OF GOD" MOTIF IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
Name of researcher: Daegeuk Nam
Name and degree of faculty chair: Gerhard F. Hasel, Ph.D.
Date completed: February 1989
This dissertation explores the biblical signifi
cance and theological implications of the "throne of God"
motif through an exegetical investigation of the texts of
the Hebrew Bible which have direct reference to it.
Chapter I states the problems which the biblical
"throne of God" motif poses, and also the objectives,
limitations, methodology, and procedure of this study.
Chapter II reviews pertinent literature since the
turn of the century. This survey reveals the current sta
tus of investigation on our topic to be only fragmentary.
Chapter III is devoted to the investigation of the
"divine throne" motif in ancient Near Eastern literatures
such as Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Ugaritic, and Egyptian
texts. One of che remarkable points in these texts is that
the throne was deified and/or worshiped as a cult object.
Chapter IV presents a brief study of the throne
terminology in order to provide a linguistic background for
the exegetical study which follows. Four Hebrew terms
(kisse', kisseh, moSab, and tekiinah), one Aramaic word
(korse'), and other related expressions are surveyed here.
Chapter V undertakes an exegetical analysis of the
"throne of God" passages of the Hebrew Bible. The throne
of God symbolizes His eternal kingship/kingdom, judgeship,
and creatorship. Thus, it points to both sides of time,
i.e., Urzeit and Endzeit. It also represents the authority
ot the One who calls and sends the prophets: it functions
as the place of revelation. It is the insignia of God's
victory over the enemies and His absolute power. It is the
guarantee of safety for God's people. There are many ocher
implications. In sum, the throne of God stands for the
totality of God's attributes and activities in sustaining
the universe and bringing about salvation of His people.
Chapter VI summarizes and synthesizes the results
of the invest gation. This chapter also compares the
biblical "throne of God” motif with the extrabiblical
"divine throne" motif. Many peculiar aspects of the
"throne of God" motif in the Hebrew Bible attest to its own
unique provenance.
Dem, der
"kisse' kabod" und "miqweh yiSra'el"
(Jer 17:1?., 13) ist.,
mit Ehrfurcht und Zuversicht
gewidmet
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OFA B B R E V I A T I O N S ................................... vi
A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ......................................... xx
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION ................................... 1
Statement of the Problem ................... 1

Objectives and Limitations ................. 7
Methodology and Procedure ................. 9
II. SURVEY OF L I T E R A T U R E .......................... 12
Preliminary Remarks ........................ 12

Review of Research on the Throne ofGod . . 17
III. THE DIVINE THRONE IN ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN

L I T E R A T U R E ..................................... 59
Sumerian Literature ....................... 61

Akkadian Literature ....................... 76
Hittite Literature .......................... 84
Ugaritic Literature ........................ 89
Egyptian L i t e r a t u r e ......... . . 134
IV. THE THRONE TERMINOLOGY IN THE HEBREW BIBLE . . 119
The Hebrew Terminology ...................... 121

kisse' ..................................... 121
k i s s e h ..................................... 124
mdSal} 12 5
tek d n a h ..................................... 127
The Aramaic Terminology ................... 129
korse* ..................................... 129
Other Related Expressions ................. 131
The Thrones of Humans in the Old Testament . 13 4
V. THE THRONE OF GOD IN THE HEBREW B I B L E .......... 14 3
Pentateuch 14 3
The Book ofE x o d u s 14 3
Exodus 17:16 14 3
iv
Historical Writings ........................ 151
The Books of Kings and Chronicles . . . . 153
1 Kings 22:19//2 Chronicles 18:18 . . 153
1 Chronicles 29:23 ................... 159
2 Chronicles 9 : 8 ......................161
The Book of L a m e n t a t i o n s ............... 163
Lamentations 5 : 1 9 ................... 163
Prophetic Writings .......................... 17 0
The Eighth-Seventh Century Prophet ... 171
Isaiah 6 : 1 ............................ 171
Isaiah 66:1 ... ................. 194
The Seventh-Sixth Century Prophets . . . 205
Jeremiah 3 : 1 7 ........................ 205
Jeremiah 14:21 ........................ 217
Jeremiah 17:12 ........................ 222
Jeremiah 49:38 ........................ 236
Ezekiel 1:26 .......................... 242
Ezekiel 1 0 : 1 .......................... 272
Ezekiel 43:6 .......................... 279
Zechariah 6 : 1 3 ........................ 289
Wisdom and Hymnic Literature ............... 310
Wisdom Literature ........................ 310
Job 2 3 : 3 ................................. 311
Job 2 6 : 9 ................................. 318
Hymnic LiteraLura ........................ 323
Psalm 9:5, 8 (ET 9:4, 7 ) ............. 323
Psalm 1 1 : 4 ............................ 334
Psalm 45:7 (ET 4 5 : 6 ) ................. 339
Psalm 47:9 (ET 4 7 : 8 ) ................. 355
Psalm 89:15 (ET 89: 1 4 ) ............... 369
Psalm 93:2 ............................ 383
Psalm 97:2 ............................ 399
Psalm 103:19 .......................... 402
Apocalyptic Literature ...................... 4 07
The Book of D a n i e l ...................... 4 07
Daniel 7 : 9 ............................ 407
VI. SUMMARY AND C O N C L U S I O N ........................ 428
BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 4 66
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AA Agyptologische Abhandlungen
AB The Anchor Bible
AcOr Acta Orient;alia
ACOT An American Commentary on the Old Testament

AfO Archiv fur Orientforschuna
AfOB Archiv fur Orientforschuna. Beihefte
AGJU Arbeiter. zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums

und des Urchristentums
AION Annali dell1Instituto Orientale di Napoli
AJSL The American Journal of Semitic Languages and
Literatures
ALBO Analecta Lovaniensia Biblica et Orientalia

AnBib Analecta Biblica: Investigationes Scientificae
in Res Biblicas
ANEP The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to
the Old Testament. 2nd ed. with supplement.
Edited by James B. Pritchard. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1969
ANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old

Testament. 3rd ed. with supplement. Edited by
James B. Pritchard. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1969
AnOr Analecta Orientalia
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament: Veroffent-

lichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten
Orients und des Alten Testaments
AOTS Augsburg Old Testament Series
vi
ARAB Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. 2
vols. Vol. 1, Historical Records of Assyria
from the Earliest Times to Saraon; vol. 2,
Historical Records of Assyria from Saraon to
the E n d . By Daniel David Luckenbill. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1926, 1927
ArBiTg The Aramaic Bible (The Targums)
ASTI Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute
ASTS The ArtScroll Tanach Series: A Traditional

Commentary on the Books of the Bible
ASV American Standard Version
AT Altes Testament, or Ancien Testament
AT A Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen
AT ANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen

Testaments
ATAT Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament.

A TBAT. Zweite, vollig neugestaltete und stark
vermehrte Auflage. Edited by Hugo GrePmann.
Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & C o . , 1926
AT BAT Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten
Testament
ATD Das Alte Testament Deutsch: Neues Gottinger

Bibelwerk
AUMSR Andrews University Monographs, Studies in Reli

gion
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tion Series
AUSS Andrews University Seminary Studies
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BAR Biblical Archaeology Review
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental

Research
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Research. Supplementary Studies
vii
BAT Die Botschaft des Alten Testaments: Erlau-
terungen alttestamentlicher Schriften
BBB Bonner biblische Beitrage
BBC The Broadman Bible Commentary. 12 vols. Edited

by Clifton J. Allen et al. Nashville: Broad-
man Press, 1969-1972
BDB The New Brown-Driver-Briqqs-Gesenius Hebrew and

English Lexicon with an Appendix Containing the
Biblical Aramaic. Edited by Francis Brown, S.
R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1907; new e d . , Peabody, MA:
Hendrickson Publishers, 1979
BETL Bibliucheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovanien-

sium
BHK Biblia Hebraica. 3rd ed. Edited by Rudolf
Kittel. Stuttgart: Priv. Wurtt. Bibelanstalt,
1937
BHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttoartensia. Edited by K.

Ellinger and W. Rudolph. Stuttgart: Deutsche
Bibelgeseilschaft, 1983
BHT Beitrage zur historischen Theologie
Bib Biblica
BibLeb Bibel und Leben

BibOr Biblica et Orientalia
BibTo — The Bible Today
BJRL — Bulletin of the John Rvlands University Library
of Manchester
BKAT Biblischer Kommentar Altes Testament
BM — Bibliotheca Mesopotamica: Primary sources and
interpretive analyses for the study of Meso
potamian civilization and its influences from
late prehistory to the end of the cuneiform
tradition
BN — Barnes' Notes
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Diskussion
vn^
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BS Biblische Studien
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BST Basel Studies of Theology
BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
BTS Biblisch-theologische Studien
BWANT Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen

Testament
BWAT Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten Testament
BZ Biblische Zeitschrift
BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die alttestament-

liche Wissenschaft
CAT Commentaire de l'Ancien Testament
CBC - The Cambridge Bible Commentary: New English

0 < W 1 »
CB-OTS Coniectanea Biblica, Old Testament Series
CBO - Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBSC The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
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Christian Thought
ConJ Concordia Journal
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CT Cahiers theologiques
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betizes: Decouvertes a Ras Shamra-Ugarit de
1929 a 1939. Mission de Ras Shamra 10. Fart 1,
Texte . By Andree Herdner. Paris: Imprimerie
Nationale; Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuth-
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SB — The Expositor's Bible
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EF — Ertrage der Forscnung
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EvO — Evangelical Quarterly
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1983-
HAT — Handbuch zum Alten Testament

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HUCA — Hebrew Union College Annual
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IB — The Interpreter's Bible. 12 vols. Edited by

George Arthur Buttrick et al. Nashville:
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ICC — The International Critical Commentary
IDB — The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible: An

Illustrated Encyclopedia. 5 vols. Edited by
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IEJ — Israel Exploration Journal
IER — The Irish Ecclesiastical Record
Int — Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology
xi
Int:BCTP— Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching
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ISBE — The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia.

Fully revised. 4 vols. Edited by Geoffrey W.
Bromiley et al. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 1979-1988
ITC — International Theological Commentary
ITL — The International Theological Library
ITO — The Irish Theological Quarterly
JAAR — Journal of the American Academy of Religion
JAOS — Journal of the American Oriental Society
JB — The Jerusalem Bible

JBL — Journal of Biblical Literature
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J3R — Journal of Bible and Religion
JCBR — The Jewish Commentary for Bible Readers
JCS — Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JDAI — Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen Insti-

tuts
JETS — Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
JJS — Journal of Jewish Studies
JNES — Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JOR — The Jewish Quarterly Review
JSJ — Journal for the Study of Judaism
JSOT — Journal for the Study of Old Testament
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JSS — Journal of Semitic Studies
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xii
KAI Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften. Mit
einem Beitrag von 0. Rossler. 3 vols. Vol. 1,
Texts; vol. 2, Kommentar; vol. 3, Glossare «
Indizes » Tafeln. By H. Donner and W. Rollig.
Zweite, durchgesehene und erweiterte Auflage.
Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966, 1968, 1964
Kairos Kairos: Zeitschrift fur Reliaionswissenschaft

und Theoloaie
KAT Kommentar zum Alten Testament
KBANT Kommentare und Beitrage zum Alten und Neuen

Testament
KBB — Kleine biblische Bibliothek
KBL — Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros. Edited

by Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner.
Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958
KD — Kervcrma und Dooma: Zeitschrift fur theolo-

gische Forschuna und kirchliche Lehre
K D :COT — Commentary on the Old Testament in Ten Volumes.

By C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch. Translated by
James Martin et a l . Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1982 (reprint)
KHCAT — Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament
KJV — King James Version
KTU — Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit: Ein-
schlieSlich der keilalphabetischen Texte auSer-
halb Ugarits. Part 1, Transkription. AOAT
24/1. By M. Dietrich, 0. Loretz, and J. San-
martin. Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des
Erziehungsvereins, 1976
LAPO — Litteratures anciennes du Proche-Orient: Col

lection publiee sous le patronage de l'Ecole
biblique et archeologique frangaise de Jeru
salem
L: CHS A Commentary on the Holv Scriptures: Critical.

Doctrinal, and Homiletical. with Special Refer
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Edited by John Peter Lange and Philip Schaff.
New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1858
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LSS — Leipziger semitistische Studien
Luther — Die Bibel nach der Ubersetzung Martin Luthers
LWCOT — The Living Word Commentary on the- Did Testament
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MANE — Monographs on the Ancient Near East
Moreshet— The Moreshet Series: Studies in Jewish His

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MSiS) — Manuscript(s)
MT — Masoretic Text
NASB — New American Standard Bible
NCB — The New-Century Bible
NCBC — The New Century Bible Commentary
NEB — The New English Bible
NERTOT — Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the

Old Testament. OTL. Edited by Walter Beyerlin.
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NF — Neue Folge
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NIV — New International Version
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OTM — Old Testament Message: A Biblical-•Theological
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PCB •• Peake's Commenatrv on the Bible. Edited bv
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PEO — Palestine Exoloration Ouarterlv
PTR — The Princeton Theoloaical Review

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Handworterbuch fur Theoloqie und Reliaions-
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penhausen et al. Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B.
Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1957-1965
RHPR Revue d'histoire et de DhilosoDhie reliaieuses
RHV The Revised Hankul [Korean] Version
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RWB - Religionswissenschaftliche Bibliothek
SAHG - Sumerische und akkadische Hvmnen und Gebete.

Die Bibliothek der alten Welt. Eingeleitet und
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SANT Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament
SAT Die Schriften des Alten Testaments
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SDABC The Seventh-dav Adventist Bible Commentary. 7
vols. Rev. ed. Edited by Francis D. Nichol et
al. Washington, DC: Review and Herald Pub
lishing Association, 1976
SGKA Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums
SGVS Sammlung gemeinverstandlicher Vortrage und
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SJT Scottish Journal of Theology
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TDNT Theoloaical Dictionary of the New Testament.

10 vols. Edited by Gerhard Kittel and Gerhard
Friedrich. Translated by Geoffrey W. Bromiley.
Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Com
pany, 1964-1976
TDOT Theoloaical Dictionary of the Old Testament.

Vols. 1-5. Edited by G. Johannes Botterweck
and Helmer Ringgren. Translated by John T.
Willis, Geoffrey W. Bromiley, and David E.
Green. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publish
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TEV Today's English Version (Good News Bible)
THAT Theoloaisches Handworterbuch zum Alten Testa

m ent. 2 vols. Edited by Ernst Jenni and Claus
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ThSt Theologische Studien
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vols. Edited by Rykle Borger et ai. Gutersloh:
Giitersloher Verlagsnaus Gerd Mohn, 1982-198S
TWAT Theoloqisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament.

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Helmer Ringgren, and Heinz-Josef Fabry. Stutt
gart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1973-1988
TWNT Theoliaisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament.

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Friedrich. Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer.
1949-1978
TWOT Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament. 2

vols. Edited by R. Laird Harris, Gleason L.
Archer, Jr., and Bruce K. Waltke. Chicago:
Moody Press, 1980
TvnB — Tvndale Bulletin
TZ Theologische Zeitschrift
QCOIP The University of Chicago Oriental Institute
Publications
UCPNES -— University of California Publications, Near
Eastern Studies
UF Uqarit-Forschunqen: Internationales Jahrbuch
fur die Altertumskunde Svrien-Palastinas
Uaar Uqaritica
UMPBS — The University Museum Publications of the

Babylonian Section, The University of Pennsyl
vania
UT Uqaritic Textbook: Grammar. Texts in Transla

tion. Cuneiform Selections. Glossary. Indices.
AnOr 38. By Cyrus H. Gordon. Rome: Pontifi-
cium Institutum Biblicum, 1965
UUA Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift
VC — Viqiliae Christianae: A Review of Early Chris
tian Life and Language
VE — Vox Evangelica: Biblical and Historical Essavs
VS — La vie spirituelle
xviii
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VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Supplements to Vetus Testamentum
VKVAW Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Aca-

demie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone
Kunsten van Belgie
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WBT Word Biblical Themes
WC Westminster Commentaries
WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und
Neuen Testament
WSB Wuppertaler Studienbibel
WTJ The Westminster Theological Journal
YOSBT Yale Oriental Series: Babylonian Texts
ZA Zeitschrift fur Assvrioloaie und verwandte

Gebiete (vols. 1-48) or Zeitschrift fur Assvri
oloaie und vorderasiatische Archaoloaie (from
vol. 49 [NF 15] on)
ZAW Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissen-
schaft
ZBK Zurcher Bibelkommentare

ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Moraenlandischen
Gesellschaft
ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins
ZMR Zeitschrift fur Missionskunde und Reliaions-

wissenschaft
ZNW Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissen-

schaft und die Kunde der alteren Kirche
ZTK Zeitschrift fur Theoloaie und Kirche
xix
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First of all, I wish to express appreciation to the
administrations of Korean Sahmyook University, Korean Union
Conference, and the Far Eastern Division for granting me
study leave and financial support for the doctoral program.
Particular thanks go to Dr. Gerhard F. H a sel, who,
as my major professor, supervised this dissertation. His
Grundlichkeit. as a scholar, has helped me to keep pursuing
the highest standard of excellence and his Entqeqenkommen.
as a friend, has constantly encouraged me. I would also
like to thank the other two members of my dissertation
committee, Dr. Williirm H. Shea and Dr. Kenneth A. Strand,
for their many astute suggestions and moral support.
Dr. Richard M. Davidson as the fourth reader and
examiner gave me some important comments, both supportive
and critical. Dr. Keith N. Schoville, Professor of Hebrew
and Semitic Studies, University of Wisconsin, has kindly
assisted me as the external examiner and taken the time to
read the manuscript.
Dr. Leona G. Running has perused the manuscript and
provided many invaluable corrections, particularly in the
parts of ^he biblical and ancient Near Eastern languages.
Mrs. Joyce Jones, the dissertation secretary, has been also
xx
of valuable assistance to me in regard to the mechanical
aspects of the dissertation.
The staffs of the libraries at Andrews University
and many other seminaries and universities in the United
States, West Germany, and Austria cooperated in acquiring
sources essential to this research.
My family, friends, and many others, too many to

mention by name, also have had an important role in the
process of writing this dissertation. To these and those
mentioned above by name I owe a debt of heartfelt gratitude

for the contributions which they made for this study.
Above all, I thank and praise God, "the King Yahweh
of Hosts" (Isa 6:5), who has graciously sustained me while
wrestling with the great motif of the "throne of God" and
h?s bestowed upon me all the gifts and blessings needed

from His throne of glory.
xx i
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Statement of the Problem
Scripture contains a great number of references to
the divine throne and to human thrones.1 In some of these
references, the term "throne" simply indicates the chair on
which a king or God sits.2 But in many cases, it seems to
1The Hebrew Bible uses three main words to indicate

"throne": two are Hebrew (kisse' and kisseh) and one is
Aramaic (korse1) . According to the concordances, kisse' is
used 13 5 times, and kisseh and korse* 3 times each. Cf.
Solomon Mandelkern, Veteris Testamenti Concordantiae Heb-
raicae atoue Chaldaicae. 2nd rev. ed. (Berlin: F. Ma: ^lin,
1925), 589-590, 1329; Gerhard Lisowsky. Korkp i_a zum
Hebraischen Alten Testament. 2nd ed. (St .gart ucutsche
Bibelgesellschaft, 1958), 686-687, 1554 Abraham Even-
Shoshan, ed., A New Concordance of the Bible: Thesaurus of
the Language of the Bible. Hebrew and Aramaic Roots. Words.
Proper N a m e s . Phrases and Svnonvms (Jerusalem: "Kiryat
Sefer" Publishing House, 1985), 552-553, 563; Julius Fiirst,
Liborum Acrorum Veteris Testamenti Concordantiae Hebraicae
atoue Chaldaicae (Lipsiae: Sumtibus et Typis Caroli Tauch-
nitii, 1840), 562-563, 572; Heinz-Josef Fabry, "kisse',"
TWAT, 4:256. The NT uses mainly the word thronos for
"throne," and it occurs 62 times. Cf. Institut fur neu-
testamentliche Textforschung und Rechenzentrum der Univer-
sitat Munster, e d . , Computer-Konkordarz zum Novum Testamen
tum Graece von Nestle-Aland. 26. Auflaoe und zum Greek New
Testament. 3rd Edition (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co. ,
1980), 857-858. Thus, the whole Scripture uses the term
"throne" more than two hundred times, not to mention the
minor terms which also may indicate the seat of a king or
the dwelling-place of God.
2E . g . , Judg 3:20; 1 Kgs 10:18, 19; 22:10; 2 Kgs

25:28; 2 Chr 9:17, 18; Esth 5:1; Ezek 26:16; Jonah 3:6.
2
mean more than an item of furniture in the royal palace or
in the temple of deity. It appears to be used as a symbol,
i.e., the symbol of kingship or royal authority.1 In other
cases, it occurs with some profound meanings or theological
implications.
The present dissertation is particularly concerned
with the motif of the "throne of God." This motif has
formed one of the most important parts of the religious
life of the Hebrew nation in OT times. The sanctuary,
which was regarded as the center of life for God's people,
was built in order for God Himself to dwell among His
people (Exod 25:8). This means that the sanctuary was
God's dwelling-place on earth in which He sat upon His
throne. Therefore, the sanctuary and the throne of God are
two concepts which cannot be separated from each other.
It has been conventionally understood that the ark
of the covenant functioned as the throne of God on earth.
L. E. Toombs has stated:
G o d 's throne was early represented by the Ark

of the Covenant. . . . The cherubim associated
with the royal throne appear around Yahweh's throne
^■E.g., Gen 41:40; Exod 11:5; 12:29;Deut 17:18; 2 Sam

7:13, 15; 1Kgs 1:13, 37; 8:20, 25; 9:5; 10:9; 16:11; 2 Kgs
10:30; 13:13; 1 Chr 17:12, 14; 22:10; 2 Chr 7:18; Prov
29:14; Isa 9:6 (ET 9:7); 47:1; Jtr 13:13; 33:17; 36:30; Hag
2:21, 22. Cf. Martin Metzger, "Der Thron als Manifestation
der Herrschermacht in der Ikonographie des Vorderen Orients
und im Alten Testament," in Charisma und Institution, ed.
Trutz Rendtorff (Gutersloh: Gutersloher Verlagshaus Gerd
Mohn, 1985), 250-296.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission .
3
as well, either supporting it (Ezek. 1:22) or fly

ing around it (Isa. 6:2).*
Edmond Jacob, in the same vein, observes:
. . . the ark was conceived, at least in the most

ancient tradition, as a real dwelling-place of the
deity. Whether it had the form of a throne or . . .
of a chest, it is certain that it was considered as
the dwelling-place of Yahweh, to such a degree that
the terms Yahweh and ark of Yahweh are sometimes
interchangeable. . . . As a symbol of the deus
absconditus and of the deus revelatus, the ark
lacked neither dynamism nor objectivity.2
On the other hand, recent studies,3 based on
archaeological discoveries as well as biblical texts (1 Kgs
*L. E. Toombs, "Throne," ID B . 4:637.
2Edmond Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament,

trans. Arthur W. Heathcote and Philip J. Allcock (New York:
Harper & Row, Publishers, 1958), 256-257. In the footnote
of the same pages, Jacob adds:
"If the ark could have been called the throne of
Yahweh, it owes it not to its form, which was quite
unlike a throne, but to its association with the
cherubim which stood over it and which were con
sidered in certain texts as the bearers of Yahweh
(Ps. 18.11)."
3Tryggve N. D. Mettinger, "YHWH SABAOTH— The Heav

enly King on the Cherubim Throne," in Studies in the Period
of David and Solomon and Other Essavs. Papers Read at the
International Symposium for Biblical Studies, Tokyo, 5-7
December, 1979, ed. Tomoo Ishida (Winona Lake, IN: Eisen-
brauns, 1982), 111-119; idem, The Dethronement of Sabaoth:
Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies. CB-OTS 18, trans.
Frederick H. Cryer (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1982), 19-24; cf.
Menahea Haran, "The Ark and the Cherubim: Their Symbolic
Significance in Biblical Ritual," IEJ 9 (1959): 30-38, 89-
94; idem, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel:
An Inquiry into the Character of Cult Phenomena and the
Historical Setting of the Priestly School (Oxford: Claren
don Press, 1978), 246-259; R. de Vaux, Bible et Orient
(Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1967), 254-259, 272-276;
Othmar Keel, Jahwe—visi cn<=»n und Siecrelkunst: Eine r.eue
Deutung der Maiestatsschilderunaen in Jes 6. Ez 1 und 10
und Sach 4 . SBS 84/85 (Stuttgart:Verlag Katholisches
Bibelwerk, 1977), 15-45.
4
6:23-28, esp. vs. 27), propound the idea that the cherubim
functioned as the throne, while "the Ark served as the
footstool of the cherubim throne . . .,,:1- Tryggve N. D.
Mettinger continues:
thus we are told that David intended to build "a

house of rest for the ark of the covenant of the
Lord, and for the footstool of our God" (1 Chron
28:2). The expression does not describe two dif
ferent objects, but one and the same, since the waw
connecting both phrases is an example of the w5w
explicativum: the Ark is identical with the foot
stool. Similarly, had5m, "footstool," seems in Pss
99:5 and 132:7 to refer to the Ark.2
The Psalmist sings:
Give ear, 0 Shepherd of Israel,

thou who leadest Joseph like a flockl
Thou who art enthroned upon the cherubim.3
shine forth.
(Ps 80:2 [ET 80:1, RSV], emphasis sup
plied) .
The LORD reigns;

let the peoples tremble:
He sits enthroned upon the cherubim.4
let the earth quake!
(Ps 99:1, RSV, emphasis supplied).
^-Hettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth. 23.
2Ibid.
3The MT reads, yoSeb hakkerubim. Since there is no

particular preposition in front of "cherubim," the trans
lation of this phrase can vary: "between the cherubim"
(KJV, N I V ) , "upon the cherubim" (RSV, A B ) , "above the
cherubim" (ASV, NASB), "on the cherubim" (NEB) or "on the
cherubs" (JB). The same phrase is found also in 1 Sam 4:4;
2 Sam 6:2; 2 Kgs 19:15 (yoseb hakkerubim) . The only dif
ference here is the vowel point under r (u instead of d) in
hak!:e rub i m .
4The MT reads, ySSeb kerubim. Cf. n. 3 above.
5
These arguments and texts seem to suggest that the
throne of God is not only connected with but also composed
of the cherubim. Thus their mission or function is to
constitute the divine throne chariot upon which God sits
(cf. 1 Chr 28:18) as well as to escort the presence of the
holy God who is enthroned between them.1 Accordingly, the
appearance of the cherubim always seems to lead to the
concept of God's throne and to the presence of God Himself
(up)on/above or between them.2
Walther Eichrodt, on the other hani, holds that the
ark of the covenant together with the cherubim functioned
as the throne of God on earth. He remarks:
The earthly counterpart of the heavenly throne,

however, is the Ark of Yahweh with the cherubim.
This sacred object belongs to the class of empty
divine throne, and as the God of the Ark Yahweh
acquires the epithet yoSeb hakkGrubim, he who is
enthroned upon the cherubim. . . . In the cherub-
throne memory patently returns to Yahweh enthroned
upon the Ark . . . 3
This is an apparent disagreement in answering the
question: What really represented the throne of God in the
sanctuary in OT times?
1Ch. Pipenbring, Theology of the Old Testament,

trans. H. G. Mitchell (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell & Com
pany, 1893), 147-150.
2C f . R. E. Clements, God and Temple (Oxford: Basil

Blackwell, 1965), 28-29.
3Walther Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament. 2

vols., OTL, trans. J. A. Baker (Philadelphia: Westminster
Press, 1961, 1967), 2:193.
6
A further question is, Where is the throne of God

located? Some texts say, "Yahweh's throne is in heaven"
(Ps 11:4) or "Yahweh has established His throne in heaven"
(Ps 103:19), and the other text reports that Yahweh pro
claims, "Heaven is My throne" (Isa 66:1). Another text in
the prophetic context states, "At that time they shall call
Jerusalem 'The Throne of Yahweh,' and all the nations shall
gather to it for the name of Yahweh in Jerusalem" (Jer
3:17), and still another text quotes Yahweh's words, "I
will set My throne in Elam, and I will destroy out of it
king and the princes" (Jer 49:38). These texts seem to
mean that the throne of God is movable and moving. If so,
what do its movability and motion imply? What are the real
meanings of these texts and how are they related to one
another?
In one group of passages the throne of God is
referred to as the seat of rule or government (cf. Pss 47:9
[ET 47:8]; 103:13), and in the other group of passages it
indicates the seat of judgment (cf. Pss 9:5, 8 [ET 9:4, 7];
11:4; Zech 6:13). In yet another group of texts the divine
throne is considered as the dwelling-place or the seat of
the divine presence of Yahweh (cf. Ezek 43:7; Ps 93:2; Jer

17:12; Job 26:9 [KJV, RSV margin, NJV]1). This phenomenon
^-Job 26:9 has a textual problem: the Hebrew word

ksh can be read either as kisseh ("throne") or keseh ("full
moon [day]" or "moon"). LXX, Theodoticn, Targum, Vulgate,
KJV, N J V , etc., read ksh as kisseh and RSV, NIV, NASB, AB,
JB, etc., read it as keseh.
7
poses another question: What is the meaning and signifi
cance of the "throne of God"? This question leads to some
further questions: What theological implications are
intended by Bible writers when they mention the divine
throne or describe visions in which it is revealed? In
other words, what place does the "throne of God" have in OT
thought? What is signified by its reference and what role
does it play in the relation between God and His people?
In view of the problems noted above and the sig
nificance which the "throne of God" as a biblical motif
h a s , it is not only important but necessary that we examine
all of the passages which have references to the "throne of
God" so that we may obtain a full picture of the biblical
symbolism and theological implications of the "throne of
God." Hence, the necessity for a thorough exegetical study
on this topic. In the research which follows, the throne
passages are explored in order to respond to this need.
Objectives and Limitations
The present research has one major objective in
view: What biblical significance and theological implica
tions does the "throne of God" have? To answer this main
question one needs to deal with the following subsidiary
questions: (1) What is the relationship between the
divine/heavenly throne and the human/earthly one? (2) What
connection exists between the concepts of the divine throne
in the Hebrew Bible and ancient Near Eastern literature?
8
What is in common between them and what is unique in the OT
concept of the throne of God? (3) Is there any development
in the concept of the throne of God in the OT? (4) When
the divine throne is mentioned in a certain passage, d->es
it refer to the real heavenly throne, or is it mentioned in
a symbolic sense, or both? (5) Regardless of whether it
refers to the real throne or is mentioned in the symbolic
sense, what is the purpose of its visions or references?
(6) In cases of the symbolic use, what theology do those
scenes present?
The present investigation is limited to the Hebrew
Bible and the major literature of the ancient Near East.
It does not deal with every one of the 141 references to
"throne" in the Hebrew Bible. The focus is limited to the
foundational passages which contain the term kisse' ,
excepting those that deal with the human throne, in order
that its basic meaning, theological and biblical, may be
drawn out. Some selectivity has been imposed in this
examination of the references to the "throne," in general.
The twenty-seven passages1 which have direct reference to
the throne of God are thoroughly explored, with an emphasis
on their historical background, Sitz im Leben. context, and
meaning. Since there exists an organic relationship
between the two Testaments regarding the concept of the
1H .—J . Fabry finds only twenty-two references to

the throne of God in the OT (cf. "kissa1," T W A T . 4:266).
9
throne of God, the NT material on thrones is mentioned, but
only peripherally.
This study aims to grasp a comprehensive view of
the OT motif of the "throne of God" and its theological
implications. It is by no means intended to provide a
definitive and conclusive statement on the total biblical
concept of the throne of God, because the scope of this
study is limited to OT passages in which tne divine throne
is directly mentioned. The conclusions remain limited to
the extent that other related issues such as the heavenly
sanctuary, the ark of the covene.nt, and the cherubim are
not within the purview of this study.
Methodology and Procedure
The present dissertation is a biblical study, i.e.,
an analysis of the way the OT writers employed the term
"throne," especially "the throne of God." This requires
exagetical analysis of the relevant texts in which the term
is used. The method used m this dissertation is that of
investigating the "throne of God" motif in the various
types of OT literature and the investigation is primarily
synchronic.
It is assumed that the thrones of the earthly kings
reflect somehow the throne of the heavenly King or God or
vice versa. Therefore, some attention is paid to the
earthly thrones. This may help one to obtain a more
10
comprehensive concept of the "throne of God" by way of
analogy.
In order to achieve the above-stated objectives,
the following procedures have been followed: First, as a
foundational step, a survey that covers research done in
the area of this topic since the rise of modern scholarship
is presented in Chapter II. This indicates what particular
issues and aspects of the divine throne have been inves

tigated in the modern period and what results have been
reached. The review of literature follows generally a
chronological order.
Chapter III is devoted to determining how the
"divine throne" motif was used in ancient Near Eastern

literature. The extrabiblical texts are investigated
because Israel was not isolated from its surrounding
cultures but interacted with them. The materials treated
in this chapter are not exhaustive but are representative.
This procedure provides a general view of the concept of
the divine throne in the Near East during OT times. It
also provides points of similarity and contrast between
biblical and extraoiblical concepts regarding the divine
throne.
In Chapter IV, research is conducted on the throne
terminology in the Hebrew Bible. This is for the purpose
of providing a linguistic and theological background for
the exegetical explorations which follow. A brief survey
11
of the thrones of humans in the OT is given at the end of
this chapter.
Chapter V is the key part of the present disserta
tion, because here the twenty-seven passages of the Hebrew
Bible which mention the throne of God in various contexts
are investigated. Each passage is explored against its own
historical background and within its own context.
The final chapter summarizes and synthesizes the
results of the research. It also compares the biblical
"throne of God" motif and the extrabiblical "divine throne"
motif and reassesses the significance of the "throne of
God" as a biblical motif. Thus, an attempt is made to
integrate the motif of the "throne of God" into a biblical

theology.
CHAPTER II
SURVEY OF LITERATURE
Preliminary Remarks
In the Hebrew Bible, the "throne" as a theological
theme can be traced in two different ways: (1) as the
divine or heavenly throne and (2) as the human or earthly
throne. As far as the latter is concerned, the throne of
David or the Davidic throne is the most important one, and
it has been investigated as a biblical motif by several
scholars •^
^-E.g., J. H. Ingraham, The Throne of David: From

the Consecration of the Shepherd of Bethlehem to the Rebel
lion of Prince Absalom (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1887);
Leonhard Rost, Die uberlieferuno von der Thronnachfolge
Davids. BWANT III/6 (Stuttgart: Verlag W.Kohlhammer,
1926); ET: The Succession to the Throne of David, trans.
Michael D. Rutter and David M. Gunn (Sheffield: Almond
Press, 1982); A. G. Hebert, The Throne of David: A Study
of the Fulfillment of the Old Testament in Jesus Christ and
His Church (London: Faber and Faber, 1941); John Gray,
Archaeology and the Old Testament World (London: Thomas
Nelson and Sons, 1962), 129-145 (chap. 7: "The Throne of
David"); Jared J. Jackson, "David’s Throne: Patterns in
the Succession Story," CJT 11 (1965): 183-195; Oliver
Raymond Blosser, A Study of 'the Throne of David1Motif
in the Hebrew Bible. Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Wisconsin, 197 5 (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms
International); Tomoo Ishida, The Roval Dynasties in
Ancient Israel: A Study on the Formation and Development
of Roval-Dvnastic Ideology. BZAW 142 (Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter & Co., 1977); idem, "Solomon's Succession to the
Throne of David— A Political Analysis," in studies in the
Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays ed. Tomoo
12
13
However, research on the "divine throne" or "throne
of God" motif has generally been limited to a few scholarly
articles or prolegomena to cognate studies. Nevertheless,
many studies have been published in the areas which are
connected with our topic: e.g., the kingship of God1 ; the
Ishida (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1982), 175-187. Cf.

F. Canciani and G. Pettinato, "Salomos Thron, philologische
und archaologische Erwagungen," ZDPV 81 (1965): 88-108.
l-E.g., Otto Eipfeldt, "Jahwe als Konig," ZAW 46

(1928): 81-105; Gerhard von Rad, "Erwagungen zu den
Konigspsalmen," ZAW 58 (1940-41): 216-222; C. J. Gadd,
Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient East. The Schweich
Lectures of the British Academy 1945 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1948; reprint, Miinchen: Kraus Reprint
Co., 1980); Hans-Joachim Kraus, Die Koniosherrschaft
Gottes im Alten Testament: Untersuchungen zu den Liedern
von Jahwes Thronbesteigung. BHT 13 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C.
B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1951); Martin Buber, Kingship of
G o d . 3rd e d . , trans. Richard Scheimann (New York: Harper &
Row, Publishers, 1967); John Gray, "The Hebrew Conception
of the Kingship of God: Its Origin and Development," VT 6
(1956): 268-285; idem, "The Kingship of God in the Prophets
and Psalms," VT 11 (1961):1-29; idem, The Biblical
Doctrine of the Reign of God (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark,
1979); Rudolf Schnackenburg, Gottes Herrschaft und Reich:
Eine biblisch-theologische Studie (Freiburg: Verlag Herder,
1959); ET: God's Rule and Kingdom, trans. John Murray (New
York: Herder and Herder, 1963); E. Lipinski, La rovaute de
Yahwe dans la poesie et le culte de l'ancien Israel, V K VAW,
Klasse der Letteren XXVII/55 (Brussel: Paleis der Acade-
mien, 1965); idem, "Les psaumes de la royaute de Yahwe
dans 1'exegese moderne," in Le Psautier: Ses orioines:
Ses problemes litteraires: Son influence. Etudes pre
sentees aux XIIe Journees Bibliques (29-31 aoilt 1960) , OBL
4, ed. Robert De Langhe (Louvain: Publications Universi-
taires, 1962), 133-272; Werner H. Schmidt, Konigtum Gottes
in Ugarit und Israel: Zur Herkunft der Konigspradikation
Jahwes. BZAW 80 (Berlin: Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1966) ;
Roy A. Rosenberg, "Yahweh Becomes King," JBL 85 (1966):
297-307; J. Stanley Chesnut, The Old Testament Understand
ing of God (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968), 70-81;
Manfred Gorg, Gott-Konig-Reden in Israel und Agypten. BWANT
105 (Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1975); John H. Eaton,
Kingship and the Psalms. SBT, 2nd series 32 (Naperville,
IL: Alec R. Allenson, n.d.); Walter Dietrich, "Gott als
14
ark of the covenant, the cherubim, the sanctuary (taber
nacle and temple) as the dwelling-place of God;1 the
Konig; Zur Frage nach der theologischen und politischen

Legitimitat religidser Begriffsbildung," ZTK 77 (1980):
251-268; Gary V. Smith, "The Concept of God/the Gods as
King in the Ancient Near East and the Bible," TriJ 3
(1982): 18-38; Jorg Jeremias, Das Koniatum Gottes in den
Psalmen: Israels Beaeanung mit dem kanaanaischen Mvthos in
den Jahwe-Konia-Psalmen. FRLANT 141 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1987); Ben C. Ollenburger, Zion, the Citv of
the Great Kina: A Theological Symbol of the Jerusalem
Cult. JSOTS 41 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, The University of
Sheffield, 1987), 23-80.
1E.g., Fritz Seyring, "Der alttestamentliche

Sprachgebrauch inbetreff des Namens der sogen. 'Bundes-
lade1," ZAW 11 (1891): 114-125; Ludwig Couard, "Die
religios-nationale Bedeutung der Lade Jahves," ZAW 12
(1892): 53-90; Wolfgang Reichel, uber vorhellenische
Gotterculte (Wien: Verlag Alfred Holder, 1897); Karl
Budde, "Imageless Worship in Antiquity," ExpTim 9 (1897-
98): 396-399; idem, "Die ursprungliche Bedeutung der Lade
Jahwe's,1' ZAW 21 (1901): 193-197; Johannes Meinhold, "Die
'Lade Jahves'," TARWPV. NF 4 (1900): 1-45; idem, "Die Lade
Jahves: Ein Nachtrag," TSK 4 (1901): 593-617; Wilhelm
Lotz, Die Bundeslade. Sonderabdruck aus "Festschrift der
Universitat Erlangen fur Prinzreg. Luitpold" (Leipzig: A.
Deichert, 1901); Hermann Gunkel, "Die Lade Jahves ein
Thronsitz," ZMR 21 (1906): 33-42; Philalethes [William
Bramley Moore], "The Cherubim of Glorv." and Their Mani
festation in the Church of Christ, as Foreshadowed in the
Visions of Ezekiel (Printed privately, n.p., 1917); William
R. Arnold, Ephod and Ark: A Study in the Records and Reli
gion of the Ancient Hebrews. HTS 3 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1917; reprint, New York: Kraus Reprint
Co., 1969); Richard Hartmann, "Zelt und Lade," ZAW 37
(1917-18): 209-244; Karl Budde, "Ephod und Lade," ZAW 39
(1921): 1-42; Hans Schmidt, "Kerubenthron und Lade," in
EYXAPIltTHPION: Studien zur Religion und Literatur des Alten
und Neuen Testaments. Hermann Gunkel zum 60. Geburtstage,
dem 23. Mai 1922, dargebracht von seinen Schiilern und
Freunden, part 1, Zur Religion und Literatur des Alten
Testaments. ed. Hans Schmidt (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1923), 120-144; P. Dhorme and L. H. Vincent,
"Les cherubins," RB 35 (1926): 328-358, 481-495; Gerhard
vcn Rad,- "Zel.t und Lade," n k z 42 (1931): 476-498; william
Foxwell Albr.ight, "What were the Cherubim?" BA 1 (19 38) : 1-
3; Julian Morgenstern, The Ark, the Ephod and the "Tent of
Meeting." The Henry and Ida Krolik Memorial Publications 2
15
so-called "enthronement psalms"1 and "royal psalms";2 etc.
(Cincinnati, OH; Hebrew Union College Press, 1945; first

published in HUCA 17 (1942-43): 153-266; HUCA 18 (1943-
44): 1-52); Arvid S. Kapelrud, "The Gates of Hell and the
Guardian Angels of Paradise," JAOS 70 (1950): 151-156; J.
Trinquet, "Kerub, Kerubim," Dictionnaire de la Bible.
Supplement, ed. L. Pirot, A. Robert, and Henri Cazelles
(Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ane, 1957), 5:161-186; M.
Haran, "The Ark and the Cherubim: Their Symbolic Signifi
cance in Biblical Ritual," IEJ 9 (1959): 30-38, 89-94;
Johann Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis: Studien zur Vor- und
Fruhqeschichte der "iudischen Gnosis": Bundeslade. Gottes-
thron und Mark5b5h. KAIROS: Religionswissenschaftliche
Studien 1 (Salzburg: Otto Muller Verlag, 1964); R. E.
Clements, God and Temple (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 19 65);
Marten H. Woudstra, The Ark of the Covenant from Conquest
to Kingship (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed
Publishing Company, 1965); R. de Vaux, Bible et Orient
(Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1967), 231-259 ("Les cheru-
bins et 1'arche d 1alliance, les sphinx gardiens et les
trone divins dans l'Ancien Orient"); Niek Poulssen, Koniq
und Temoel im Glaubenszeuqnis des Alten Testamentes, SBM 3
(Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1967); Manfred
Gorg, Das Zelt der Beqeanunq: Untersuchunq zur Gestalt der
sakralen Zelttraditionen Altisraels. BBB 27 (Bonn: Peter
Hanstein Verlag, 1967); idem, "Die Lade als Thronsockel,"
BN 1 (1976): 29-30; idem, "Zur 'Lade des Zeugnisses1," BN
2 (1977): 13-15; idem, "Keruben in Jerusalem," BN 4 (1977):
13-24; Raphael Patai, The Hebrew Goddess ([New York]: KTAV
Publishing House, 1967), 101-136 (chap. 3: "The Cherubim");
Richard J. Clifford, "The Tent of El and the Israelite Tent
of Meeting," CBO 33 (1S71): 221-227; Rainer Schmitt, Zelt
und Lade als Thema alttestamentlicher Wissenschaft: Eine
kritische forschunqsqeschichtliche Darstellung (Giitersloh:
Giitersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1972); Volkmar Fritz,
Tempel und Zelt: Studien zum Tempelbau in Israel und zu dem
Zeltheiliqtum der Priesterschrift. WMANT 47 (Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukir^hener Verlag des Erziehnngsvereins, 1977);
Joe 0. Lewis, "The Ark and the Tent," RevExp 74 (1977):
537-548; D. N. Freedman and P. O'Connor, "ker\lb," TWAT.
4:322-334; Josd M. Bertoluci, "The Son of the Morning and
the Guardian Cherub in the Context of the Controversy
between Good and Evil" (Th.D. dissertation, Andrews Uni
versity, 1985) ; K. Merlina Alomia, "Lessor Gods of the
Ancient Near East and Some Comparisons with Heavenly Beings
of the Old Testament" (Ph.D. dissertation, Andrews Univer
sity, 1987), 471-505.
1E.g., Hugo GrePmann, Der Ursprunq der israeli-

tisch-iudischen Eschatoloqie. FRLANT 6 (Gottingen: Vanden-
16
These areas are inseparably associated with the concept of
the divine throne, because to speak about the throne of God
inevitably means to speak about the God as the King who
sits enthroned upon it.

In the following section we review the studies on
the throne of God which have been published since the rise
of modern scholarship.
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1905), 294-301 (chap. 27: "Die Thron-

besteigung Jahves"); Hermann Gunkel, Einleitung in die
Psalmen: Die Gattunaen der religiosen Lvrik Israels. Zu
Ende gefuhrt von Joachim Begrich (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1933; 2nd ed. , 1966), 94-116 (chap. 3: "Lieder
von Jahves Thronbesteigung"); Arvid S. Kapelrud, "Jahves
Tronstigningsfest og Funnene i Ras Sjamra," NTT 41 (1940):
38-58; Diethelm Michel, "Studien zu den sogenannten
Thronbesteigungspsalmen," V£ 6 (1956): 40-68; Walter G.
Williams, "Liturgical Aspects in Enthronement Psalms," JBR
25 (1957): 118-122; Sigmund Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien.
v o l . 2, Das Thronbesteigunasfest Jahwas und der Ursprung
der Eschatologie (Amsterdam: Verlag P. Schippers N. V . ,
1922; reprint, 1961), Allen Eugene Combs, The Creation
Motif in the "Enthronement Psalms." Ph.D. dissertation,
Columbia University, 1963 (Ann Arbor, MI: University
Microfilms International); O. Keel, "Thronbesteigungsfest
Jahwes," Bibel-Lexikon. ed. Herbert Haag (Einsiedeln:
Benziger Verlag, 1968), 1747-1749.
2E.g., Hermann Gunkel, "Psalmen," Die Religion in

Geschichte und Gegenwart: Handworterbuch in gemeinverstand-
licher Darstelluna. 5 vols. (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr
[Paul Siebeck], 1913), 4:1927-1949; idem, Einleitung in
die Psalmen. 140-171 (chap. 5: "Konigspsalmen"); Gerhard
von Rad, "Erwagungen zu den Konigspsalmen," z a w 58 (1940-
41): 216-222; Keith R. Crim, The Roval Psalms (Richmond,
VA: John Knox Press, 1962); Josef Schreiner, Sion-Jerusalem
Jahwes Konigssitz: Theologie der Heiligen Stadt im Alten
Testament. SANT 7 (Munchen: Kosel-Verlag, 1963), 191-216;
Tryggve N. D. Mettinger, King and Messiah: The Civil and
Sacral Legitimation of the Israelite Kings. CB-OTS 8 (Lund:
CWK Gleerup, 1976), 99-105 (chap. 6: "The Royal Psalms");
Simone Springer, Neuinteraretation im Alten Testament:
Untersucht an den Themenkreisen des Herbstfestes und der
Konigspsalmen in Israel (Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches
Bibelwork, 1979).
17
Review of Research on the Throne of God
The first study that dealt with an aspect of the
"throne of God" concept in modern times is Wolfgang
Reichel's book entitled uber vorhellenische Gotterculte.^
Reichel's argument starts from a gold ring which was found
at Mycenae. On the surface of the ring three figures are
portrayed engaged in a religious act, that of adoration.
The object towards which they turn and for which in some
way their adoration is necessarily meant had been explained
to be a temple or an altar. Reichel, however, placed it
beyond doubt that it is no other than a chair or throne.
It is seen from the side, the back is higher than the arms,
and the legs are all four, without regard to the laws of
perspective, presented as visible. Reichel's conclusion,
as simple as it is surprising, is:
A throne before which an act of worship is per

formed must be that of a god. But an empty throne
is, of course, only part of the apparatus used in
worship, and cannot be itself the object of adora
tion. To complete the scene we should expect a
divine figure upon the seat. This, however, is
wanting. . . . Since no one of course can imagine
that any god was ever worshipped in the form of a
chair, there must be here a certain amalgamation of
realism and idealism; in other words, the visible
throne is set up for an invisible god, to whom, and
not to the throne, the religious service of the
three women is addressed.2
■'■Wolfgang Reichel, Uber vorhellenische Gotterculte

(Wien: Verlag Alfred Holder, 1897).
2Ibid., 5-6 (ET quoted from K. Budde, "Imageless

Worship in Antiquity," ExoTim 9 [1897-98]: 396).
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission .
18
Scarcely was this conclusion announced, when many
evidences in support of it presented themselves. To this
throne cult discovered by him, Reichel assigns the Yahweh-
worship of Israel. To him, the ark of the covenant is
simply an empty throne of God, like the throne of Amyclas,
or more precisely, like the portable throne of the sun-god
which accompanied the march of Xerxes.
Reichel's argument was immediately rebutted by K.
Budde who claimed as follows:
Against this explanation of Israel's shrine,

which perhaps may appear to many very attractive,
decided protest should, in my opinion, be raised.
It is not a throne for the simple reason that it is
an ark. For even if the name of this piece of
ritual apparatus underwent manifold changes in the
course of Israel's history, yet it never inter
changed its general designation of ,aron with any
other, and this word means, not only in Hebrew but
in nearly all Semitic dialects, "ark," "chest,"
"receptacle." Such a name is never given to a
throne, for which, on the contrary, the Hebrew has
the quite common word kisse'.1
In the years 1900 and 1901, Johannes Meinhold pub
lished two articles on the ark of Yahweh.2 In these two
articles Meinhold surveyed various cases of divine thrones
in ancient times from Persia to Greece and concluded on the
ABudde, "Imageless Worship in Antiquity," ExpTim 9

(1897-98): 398 (italics his). The German manuscript of a
part of this article was published in 1901: K. Budde, "Die
urspriingliche Bedeutung der Lade Jahwe's," ZAW 21 (1901):
193-197. Budde elaborated this idea in one of his later
articles: cf. K. Budde, "War die Lade Jahwes cin leerer
Thron?" TSK 9 (1906): 489-507.
2Johannes Meinhold, "Die 'Lade Jahves'," TARWPV. NF

4 (1900): 1-45; idem, "Die Lade Jahves: Ein Nachtrag," TSK
4 (1901): 593-617.
19
analogy of these that the "ark of Yahweh" was regarded as
"a portable throne ot y a h w e h ( " e i n cragbarer Jahvethron") 1
who is invisibly present upon it.2
In 1901, Wilhelm Lotz devoted a 44-page article to
the subject of "Die Bundeslade."3 While his main concern
in this article is on the history and significance of the

ark of the covenant, Lotz offers some notable observations
about the functions of the cherubim and the ark. He
maintains that Israel has generally considered the cherubim
as the "carrier" ("Trager") as well as the "guardian"
("Huter") of Yahweh's presence.4 To put it more precisely:
"Die Kerube galten als eine Art von lebendem Thron Jahves,
. . ."5 As for the function of the ark, Lotz holds that it
was not regarded as a "dwelling" ("Wohnung") or a "recep
tacle" ("Behalter") for Yahweh,6 but that
die Lade als mit ihm in einer geheimnisvollen Ver-

bindung stehend gedacht, man kann sagen, etwa wie
ein Schemel aufgefasst ward, wo der Uberirdische
seinen Fuss in die sinnliche Welt hereinsetze.7
1J. Meinhold, "Die 'Lade Jahves'," TARWPV. NF 4

(1900): 29.
2Cf. ibid., 31-34.
3Wilhelm Lotz, Die Bundeslade. Sonderabdruck aus

"Festschrift der Universitat Erlangen fur Prinzreg. Luit-
pold" (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1901).
4Ibid., 9.
5Ibid.
6ir»id. , 22-23 .
7Ibid., 23.
20
In 1905, Hugo GrePmann published a book entitled

Per Urspruna der israelitisch-iudischen Eschatoloaie.1
GrePmann did not treat the "throne of God" motif itself in
this book but touched on the "enthronement of Yahweh" idea
within a discussion of the origin of eschatology in ancient
Israel.2
GrePmann's discussion on the topic in question
starts with the statement that the Messiah is the same
divine figure as Yahweh and His function is that of the
eschatological King.3 This statement is followed by the
discussion of the well-known formulaic clause YHWH mlk (Pss
93:1; 97:1; 99:1; cf. 47:9 [ET 47:8]; 95:3; 96:10; 98:6).
His own translation of YHWH mlk, "Jahve ist Konig gewor-
den,"4 is problematic in itself because it may imply that
there exists a certain time when Yahweh is not king.5
GrePmann's point is that Yahweh who is enthroned as king is
the eschatological King. Thus, he says, "Was bedeutet die
Thronbesteigung Jahves? Sie dient zunachst zum Ausdruck
^-Hugo GrePmann, Der Urspruna der israelitisch-

iudischen Eschatoloqie. FRLANT 6 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1905).
2Ibid., 294-301.
3Ibid., 294.
4Ibid., 295.
5For detailed discussions on the meaning of YHWH

mlk, see pp. 385-393 below.
21
der Tatsache, da£ Jahve das Weltreqiment erariffen hat."1
Yahweh is the King not only over all peoples (Pss 47:9 [ET
47:8]; 99:1) but also over all gods (Pss 95:3; 97:7).2
Grepmann appropriately mail -ains that "das .veltreqime-it
Jahves bedeutet zuqleich das Weltqericht.113 Yahweh comes
to judge the earth (cf. Pss 96:10, 13; 98:9)4 and even the
gods (Ps 86).8
What attracted Grepmann's attention is the "ascen
sion" ('alah) of Yahweh (Ps 47:6 [ET 47:5]).6 He remarks,
"Merkwurdig ist nun, dap mit dem Gedanken der Thronbestei-
gung Jahves noch die Idee einer Himmelfahrt Jahves ver-
kniipft scheintl"7 According to him, the "ascension" means
Yahweh’s eschatological "Hinauffahren" to heaven, where His
throne stands, in order to take "universal sovereignty"
("Weltherrschaft").8
1Gregmann, Der Ursprunq der israelitisch-iudischen

Eschatologie. 295 (emphasis his).
2Cf. ibid., 295-296.
3Ibid., 297 (emphasis his) .
4Cf. ibid., 297.
5C f . ibid., 298.
6Cf. pp. 358-359, 364 below.
7Gre(3mann, Der Ursprunq der israelitisch-iudischen

Eschatologie. 299.
8Ibid.
22
Grepmann's emphasis upon the "Endzeit"1 is doubt
less adequate, but his idea of "Kronungszeremonien" is also
problematic, since it may have the same implication as that
of his translation of YHWH mlk. His understanding of
Yahweh's eschatological kingship in the Psalms is expanded
in one of his later works.2 In 1920, he published a
booklet on the ark of the covenant.3 In this book he deals
only with the form, contents, and origin of the ark, from
the history-of-religions point of view, and does not relate
the ark to the throne concept.
In 1906, Martin Dibelius published his inaugural
dissertation entitled Die tade Jahves: Eine reliaions-
geschichtliche Untersuchuna.4 In this book the author,
following Reichel and Meinhold, has searched the concept of
the ark from the history-of-religions viewpoint and con
cluded that the ark was initially "an empty throne" ("ein
leerer Thron"),5 such as other nations of ancient time had
for their gods. Thus it was aniconic in its nature.
llbid.
2C f . Hugo Grepmann, Per Messias. FRLANT 4 3 (NF 26)
(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1929), 212-218.
3Hugo Grepmann, Die Lade Jahves und das Aller-

heiliaste des salomonischen Tempels. BWAT, NF 1 (Berlin:
Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1920).
^Martin Dibelius, Die Lade Jahves: Sine reliqions-

geschichtliche Untersuchunq. FRLANT 7 (Gottingen: Vanden
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1906).
5Ibid., 59ff.
23
Regarding the function of the cherubim, Dibelius
lists two main groups of texts: in one group, the cherubim
are the "Trager der Gottheit,"1 and the other group finds
in the cherubim the "Schutzer des Heiligtums."2 He traces
the same functions in the archaeological discoveries of the
mythological animals of ancient Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria,
Syria, Asia Minor, and Cyprus.3
With regard to the relation between the ark and the
cherubim, Dibelius offers the following resume of his
study:
Es zeigt sich dabei, d a p , wenn die Lade ein Thron
ist, die Keruben zu diesem Thron gehdren nicht als
ein zufalliges Merkmal, sondern als ein wesentli-
cher Bestandteil. Durch ihre Stellung an der Lade
bringen sie— eben nach Art des erwahnten Schemas—
eine Verherrlichung des Gottes zum Ausdruck, dem
sie als Throntrager dienen. . . . Das wichtige
aber ist: An der Lade qehoren Thron und Keruben zu
einander.4
The first influential studies in connection with
the topic of the "throne of God" are the works by Sigmund
^-Dibelius, Die Lade Jahves. 72. To this group

belong the following texts: 1 Sam 4:4; 2 Sam 6:2; 22:11; 2
Kgs 19:15; Isa 37:16; Ezek 9:3; 10:1-19; 11:22; Pss 18:11;
80:2; 99:1; 1 Chr 13:6; (28:18). "Die letztgenannte Stelle
[1 Chr 28:18] ist zweifelhaft," adds Dibelius, "weil einer-
seits das »Gefahrt« auf die Bedeutung des Tragens hinweist,
wahrend sich der Ausdruck »schirmende Fliigel« der zweiten
Vorstellung nahert" (ibid., 72, n. 2).
2Ibid. , 73. The texts in this group are: Gen

3:24; Exod 25:18-22; 37:7-9; Num 7:89; 1 Kgs 6:23-35; b:6,
7; Ezek 22:14, 16; 41:18-2 5; 2 Chr 3:10-13, 5:7, 8; (1 Chr
28:18). For 1 Chr 28:18, see n. 1 above.
3Ibid., 74-85.
4Ibid., 85 (emphasis his).
24
Olaf Plytt Mowinckel, one of the great Scandinavian OT
scholars.1 His considerable contribution to religious
understanding arises from a strictly academic treatment of
biblical problems,2 especially from the scholarly study of
the OT.
Mowinckel's major contribution in biblical scholar
ship is his work on the Psalms and their problems, entitled
Psalmenstudien (6 vols.), which appeared over the years
1921-1924.3 The other two important works by him are The
Psalms in Israel's Worship4 and He That Cometh.5 These
three works form his great trilogy. All of this trilogy,
especially, vol. 2 of Psalmenstudien. subtitled Das Thron-
besteicrunqsfest Jahwas und der Urspruncr der Eschatoloqie.
and The Psalms of Israel's Worship.6 include many allusions
1C f . D. R. Ap-Thomas, "An Appreciation of Sigmund

Mowinckel's Contribution to Biblical Studies," JBL 85
(1966): 315.
2This position he made clear in his book The Old

Testament as Word of G o d , trans. Reidar B. Bjornard (New
York: Abingdon Press, 1959).
3The most recent edition is: Sigmund Mowinckel,

Psalmenstudien. 6 vols. (Amsterdam: Verlag P. Schippers N.
V . , 1966) .
4Sigmund Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship.

2 vols., trans. D. R. Ap-Thomas (Nashville: Abingdon Press,
1962) .
5Sigmund Mowinckel, He That Cometh. trans. G. W.

Anderson (New York: Abingdon Press, 1956) .
6See esp. pp. 106-192 (chap. 5: "Psalms at the

Enthronement Festival of Yahweh").
25
to the significance of the throne of God, although they do
not directly deal with the "throne" motif itself.
According to the so-called "Uppsala School," to
which Mowinckel belongs, the psalms are nearly all cultic
songs,1 and a number of psalms were for use at the harvest
festival or Laubhuttenfest at which an important ceremony
was the enthronement of Yahweh.2 In Mowinckel's view, the
"enthronement psalms" are the songs of praise which salute
Yahweh "as the new, victorious king" "on his 'epiphany'."3
The festival is said by Helmer Ringgren to celebrate "the
1C f . Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship.

1:1-21. On p. 2 of this book he says:
"The title of the book of Psalms in Hebrew is
Tehillim, which means 'cultic songs of praise.'
This tallies with the indications we have that the
songs and music of the levitical singers belonged
to the solemn religious festivals as well as to
daily sacrifices in the Temple."
And he continues on p. 15:
"What is meant by cult? It has been said that reli
gion appears in three main aspects, as cult, as
myth and as ethos. Or, in other terms, as worship,
as doctrine, and as behaviour (morals). . . . Cult
or ritual may be defined as the socially estab
lished and regulated holy acts and words in which
the encounter and communion of the Deity with the
congregation is established, developed, and brought
to its ultimate goal. In other words: a religion
in which a religion becomes a vitalizing function
as a communion of God and congregation, and of the
members of the congregation amongst themselves."
2Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. 2:3-4, states, "Unter

Thronbesteigungspsalmen versteht man traditionell die Ps.
47; 93; 95; 96; 97; 98; 99; 100. Diese Psalmen bilden
deutlich eine eigenartige Gruppe" and adds many more psalms
in this category: Pss 8; 15; 24; 29; 33; 46; 48; 50; 66A;
75; 76; 81; 82; 84; 87; 114; 118; 132; 149.
3Movinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 1:106.
26
kingship of Yahweh, the creation of the world, and the
defeat and 'judgment' of enemies and rebellious nations."1
This hypothetical argument has met with both pros and cons.
John Gray not only accepts Mowinckel's view but tries to

give more evidence for it. He argues that 7«»ch is
a seasonal epiphany of Yahweh as king ani that Nah 2:1 (ET
1:15) must refer to the autumnal festival. He says that,
ultimately, the hymns to Yahweh's kingship "reproduce the
theme of the vindication of the Kingship of God in the
cosmic conflict."2
On the other hand, this festival was reconstructed
on a hypothesis which has been refuted through decades by
several scholars who have raised convincing counterargu
ments.3 They have searched the OT for evidence of the
l-Helmer Ringgren, The Faith of the Psalmists

(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1963), 33.
2John Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of

God (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 197 9), 16.
3E.g., Laszlo Istvan Pap, Das israelitische Neu-

iahrsfest (Kampen: Verlag J. H. Kok, 1933) ; Norman H.
Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival: Its Origins and
Development (London: Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 1947); Hans-Joachim Kraus, Die Koniasherrschaft
Gottes im Alten Testament: Untersuchunaen zu den Liedern
von Jahwes Thronbesteiounq. BHT 13 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C.
B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1951); idem, Theology of the
Psalms. trans. Keith Crim (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing
House, 1986), 86-91; Heinrich G r o p , "Lapt sich in den
Psalmen ein 'Thronbesteigungsfest Gottes' nachweisen?" TTZ
65 (1956): 24-40; W. Stewart McCullough, "The 'Enthrone
ment of Yahweh' Psalms," in A Stubborn Faith. Papers on OT
and Related Subjects Presented to Honor William Andrew
Irwin, ed. Edward C. Hobbes (Dallas: Southern Methodist
University Press, 1956), 53-61; Yehezkel Kaufmann, The
Religion of Israel: From Its Beginning to the Babylonian
27
enthronement festival, but no proper evidence for such has
been found so far. As Roland de Vaux notes, there is no
trace of an enthronement festival in the historical texts
of the OT.1 There is no evidence in the OT for any fertil
ity rite or any battle between Yahweh and chaos deities
such as are found in the related theogonies of Israel's
neighbors.2
Like Grepmann, Mowinckel understands the formulaic
clause YHWH mlk as meaning "Jahwa ist Konig geworden"3
("Yahweh has become King"4 ) rather than "Yahweh is King" or
"Yahweh reigns." He definitely says, "It is not a lasting
condition that the poet describes with this expression, and
the older translation 'The Lord reigneth' is misleading."5
Exile. trans. and abr. Moshe Greenberg (Chicago: University

of Chicago Press, 1960), 118; Roland de Vaux, Ancient
Israel. vol. 2, Religious Institutions, trans. John McHugh
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1961), 504-506; Adolf
Neuwirth, "ks'k 'lhym: Dein Thron, o Gott (Ps 45,7):
Untersuchungen zum Gottkonigtum im alten Orient und im
Alten Testament: Beitrag zur Psalmenforschung" (Th.D.
dissertation, Karl-Franzens-Universitat zu Graz, 1964),
152-188; James Edwin Allman, A Biblical Theology of the
Hvmns in the Book of Psalms. Th.D. dissertation, Dallas
Theological Seminary, 1984 (Ann Arbor, MX: University
Microfilms International), 147-158.
1De Vaux, Ancient Israel. 2:505-506.
2C f . Kaufmann, 118. For a further discussion, see

pp. 355-369 below.
3Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. 2:3.
4Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 1:107,

109.
5Ibid., 1:107.
28
He continues:
The poet's vision is of something new and
important which has just taken place: Yahweh has
now become king; hence the new song of joy and
praise to be sung. What the poets have seen in
their imagination, and describe or allude to, is an
event and an act which was linked with an enthrone
ment, Yahweh's ascent of the throne.1
Mowinckel emphasizes that Yahweh has become king
not only of Israel but of the whole earth2 and that this
universalistic idea is connected with the great deed of
Yahweh, namely, the Creation (Pss 93:1b; 95:3-5; 96:5).3
The only problem with him is to relate this Creation to the
Babylonian creation myth, in which Marduk becomes king,
because he has defeated Tiamat and made the world.4
Mowinckel also remarks that the idea of "judgment"
is involved in the act of Creation, for "judging" means
"setting conditions on earth in the right order" and "that
1Ibid.
2Ibid.
3Ibid., 1:108. S. Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. 2:45,

states:
"Dap die Konigsherrschaft Jahwa's im A. T. urspriing-
lich nicht eine eschatologische war, das ist schon
lange zur Genuge bekannt. Sie war den alteren
Israeliten eine in der Gegenwart wirksame Realitat,
denn Jahwa ist jetzt Konig, . . . Wenn dann uber-
haupt von einem Konigwerden Jahwa's geredet wurde
. . . so mup man von irgend einem Ereignis in der
Vergangenheit geredet haben, bei dem Jahwa Konig
ward.
"Wiederholt heipt es nun in den Thronbesteigungs-
psalmen, dap die Schopfung die Grundlage seines
Kdniqtums ist. Jahwa ist der Weltkdnig, weil er
die Welt selbst geschaffen hat" (emphasis his).
29
is the meaning of Yahweh's 'judgment' as a king."1 Accord
ingly, "der Thronbesteigungstag Jahwa's bringt Unheil uber
Israels Feinde und Heil uber Israel, das sind von jeher die
beiden Momente der Erwartung."2
Besides the Creation, Mowinckel mentions a histori
cal foundation for the kingship of Yahweh: "the creation
of Israel" as Yahweh's chosen people, i.e., "the Election,"
and "the Covenant" at the time of the Exodus from Egypt
(cf. Pss 99; 114; Deut 33:2-5).3 In Mowinckel's view,
Yahweh's enthronement or sitting on the throne means all of
these.
We may sum up that while Grepmann's understanding
of Yahweh's kingship and enthronement is eschatological,
Mowinckel5s is protological and historical.
Hermann Gunkel devoted an article in 1906 to the
subject of "Die Lade Jahves ein Thronsitz."4 His argument
is "dap die Lade ein Thron, eine Art Sitz sei, und dap
Keruben an der Lade ursprunglich so angebracht gewesen sein
mvissen, dap sie sich unter dem Sitz des Gottes befanden."5
In order to avoid the apparent conflict between the two
Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 1:108.
3Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 1:108-

109.
4Hermann Gunkel, "Die Lade Jahves ein Thronsitz,"

ZMR 21 (1906): 33-42.
30
kinds of seats, he suggests "da(3 die Hebraer zwei Arten von

Sitzen gekannt und die erste, kastenfdrraige 'aron=Kasten,
die zweite aber kisse'=Sessel genannt haben."1
Gunkel's comprehension of the "enthronement psalms"
is also eschatological.2 He notes as follows:
Der Form nach verherrlichen sie [the "enthrone

ment psalms"] Jahve als den neuen Konig der Welt.
Er ist "der Konig" ([Pss] 47:3, 8; 98:6; 99:4) und
ist es eben jetzt aeworden ([Pss] Q3:l; 97:1; 99:1;
47:9; 96:10). Er hat sich geseczt auf seinen hei-
ligen Thron ([Ps] 47:9), der im Himmel von den
Keruben ([Ps] 99:1) oder nach anderer, vergeistig-
ter Vorstellung von Recht und Gerechtigkeit ([Ps]
97:2) getragen wird. . . .
Der Stoff dieser Gedichte ist die Eschatologie.
Jahves kiinftiges Reich ist, darin stimmen all diese
Psalmen uberein, ein Weltreich. das alle Volker
umfapt . . .3
On Ps 97, one of the "enthronement psalms," Gunkel writes:
Der Psalm besingt das Ende der Welt, da Jahve

als Konig der ganzen Erde erscheint, . . . Dem
Inhalt nach ist das Lied also eine Prophetie: . . .
beschreibt der Psalmist die Zukunft . . . er preist
die zukunftige Herrlichkeit Gottes.4
Following Mowinckel's hypothetical argument for the
"enthronement festival," Gunkel observes:
Nun ist fur das Thronbesteigungsfest . . . bezeich-

nend, 1. dap Jahve an diesem Tage Konig w a r d , und
1Ibid., 39.
2Cf. Hermann Gunkel, Die Psalmen (Gottingen: Van-

denhoeck & Ruprecht, 1929), 410-411; idem, Ausaewahlte
Psalmen. vierte verbesserte Auflage (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1917), 134-139; idem, Einleituna in die
Psalmen. 94-116 (§ 3: "Lieder von Jahves Thronbesteigung").
3Gunkel, Einleituna in die Psalmen. 98-99 (emphasis

his) .
4Gunkel, Ausaewahlte Psalmen. 134.
31
2. dap er dabei, urn seinen Thron zu besteigen, in

sein Heiligtum einzieht.1
On the basis of this idea, he understands YHWH mlk as
Konia-Werden rather than as Konig-Sein. Thus his rendition
of the formula is "Jahve ist Konig geworden"2 or "Jahve
ward Konig!"3
In 1923, Hans Schmidt published an article on the
topic of the cherubim throne and the ark.4 In this article
Schmidt first discusses the cherubim throne in Ezekiel and
the cherubim in Solomon's temple with emphasis on their
constitutions,5 and then the concept of the One who sits
enthroned on the cherubim, citing seven texts from the OT.6
This is followed by the review of the empty throne of God
in the temple of Jerusalem from the history-of-religions
point of view.7 Finally, he argues that the "mercy-seat"
(kapporet) functioned as the throne of God.8
1Gunkel, Einleitung in die Psalmen. 101 (emphasis

his) .
2Cf. ibid., 94-100.
3Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 410 and passim; idem, Aus-

gewahlte Psalmen. 134.
4Hans Schmidt, "Kerubenthron und Lade," in EYXAPIE-

THPION. ed. Schmidt, 1:120-144.
5Ibid., 120-129.
6Ibid. , 129-132. The texts cited are Isa 6; Jer

17:12-18; Ps 22:5; 2 Kgs 19:14ff.; Pss 80; 99; 132; cf.
Lam 2:11.
7Ibid., 132-137.
8Ibid., 137-144.
32
Four years later (1927), Schmidt published a book
let entitled Die Thronfahrt Jahves am Fest der Jahreswende
im alten Israel.1 In this work, he compares the two
different understandings (of Gunkel and Mowinckel) of the
"YHWH mile psalms"2 and gives credit to Mowinckel because he
believes that Yahweh's kingship should be based upon "not a
hope but an experience.1,3
Schmidt's main contribution in these two works,
especially in the latter, is that he deduced the concept of
the moving throne from various texts of the OT.4 He empha
sizes that many texts, e.g., Pss 47 and 68, refer to the
"movement of God" ("Zuq des Gottes")5 and this movement or
"processions" (ha likot, Ps 68:25 [ET 68:24]) of God are
made in a divine "chariot" ("Wagen"),6 in other words, in
the "Thronwagen, der als Zeichen der Anwesenheit Jahves im
Zuge zum Tempei gefahren wird."7
1Hans Schmidt, Die Thronfahrt Jahves am Fest der

Jahreswende im alten Israel. SGVS 122 (Tubingen: Verlag J.
C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1927).
2Ibid., 4-9.
3Ibid., 7 (emphasis his) : "keine Hoffnung, sondern
ein Erlebnis."
4Ibid., 9-36. Schmidt cites the following texts:

Pss 47; 68; 24 65; Amos 4:12b-13; 5:8f.; 9:5f.; Pss 96;
99:1; 9**; Isa 30:29; Pss 48; 149; 75:9; Oba 16; Jer
25:15ff.; 51:7; Ezek 23:31-33; Isa 51:17, 22; Zech 12:2;
Hab 2:16; Lam 4:21; Ps 81; etc.
6Ibid., 21. 7 Ibid., 19.
33
Gerhard von Rad's article, published in 1931,1
reveals a new idea about the concepts of the tent and the
ark. He notes that in many of the biblical narratives
their point depends cn "the intimate association of Yahweh
with the ark."2 To quote him, "Where the ark is, there is
Yahweh,"3 and "Where the ark went, Yahweh went too."4

While he recognizes the inseparable association of Yahweh
with the ark, he finds, on the other hand, a clear indica
tion that "the conception of the ark has not by any means
developed along one single, straightforward, ascertainable
line.1,5
Von Rad supposes that there was a very old tradi
tion according to which the ark was, as its name 'aron
implies, a box, and at a later time the ark began to be
thought of as a throne. He further suggests that still
later the Deuteronomist regarded the ark as a chest and did
not intend to perpetuate the view that it is a throne; in
other words, he rather preferred to link up with the older
•’•Gerhard von Rad, "Zelt und Lade," NKZ 42 (1931):

476-498. This article is included in his book, The Problem
of the Hexateuch and Other Essavs. trans. E. W. Trueman
Dicken (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1966), 103-124. Cf.
Lewis, "The Ark and the Tent," RevExp 74 (1977): 533.
2Von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other

Essavs. 109.
3Ibid. ("Wo die Lade ist, da ist Jahwe").
4Ibid., 117 ("Wo die Lade hinkam, da war Jahwe").
5Ibid., 112.
34
tradition.1 But the OT gives no hint as to the provenance
of this view.
Apart from this, von Rad observes that the purpose
of the tent is clearly defined: "Yahweh is not in the
tent, but always comes down to it from the heaven above,
for which reason the tent is correctly known as the 1tent
of meeting'."2 This idea of von Rad is elaborated in his
later work.3 He states that "two completely different
'theologies' are connected with the Tent and with the Ark--
with the former it is a theology of manifestation. but with
the latter one of presence,"4 but in the so-called Priestly
document "the dwelling-place and throne idea is practically
superseded."5 In other words, as the place of expiation
and also the place where Yahweh spoke (Num 7:89) , the ark
with its cherubim had an indispensable importance, but it
no longer functioned as Yahweh's throne.6
l-Ibid. ; Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology,

vol. 1, The Theology of Israel's Historical Traditions,
trans. D. M. G. Stalker (New York: Harper & Row, Pub
lishers, 1962), 238.
2Von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other

Essavs. 117.
3Gerhard von Rad, Theoloaie des Alten Testaments,

v o l . 1, Die Theolooie der qeschichtlichen uberlieferunqen
Israels (Munchen: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1957). C f . ET (Old
Testament Theology [cited above]), 1:234-241.
4Von Rad, Old Testament Theology. 1:237 (emphasis

supplied).
5Ibid., 1:239.
6Ibid.
35
Von Rad's concept of "two theologies" may be bib
lically established, but his proposal that the ark was
regarded first as a box, then as a throne, and then again
as a chest, is somewhat artificial and can hardly find
scriptural evidence.
After publication of von Rad's article, two decades
passed without any noticeable studies related to the
"throne of God" motif. It is in 1951 that Hans-Joachim
Kraus published a thorough research on the "enthronement
psalms."1 For Kraus "YHWH mlk" is the "Inthronisations-
ruf," meaning "Jahwe ist Konig geworden!"2 Re notes
further:
Der Gott Israels hat soeben den Thron bestiegen, er

hat die Konigsherrschaft angetreten und regiert
ietzt im Lichtglanz seiner gottlichen Majestat.
Als liberraschende und staunenerregende Neuigkeit
dringt der Jubelruf in alle Welt hinaus: "Jahwe ist
Konig geworden!"3
It is to be noted that in this statement Kraus places two
actions in parallel to sitting on the "throne": taking the
1Hans-Joachim Kraus, Die Konigsherrschaft Gottes im

Alten Testament; Untersuchunqen zu den Liedern von Jahwes
Thronbesteicmna. BHT 13 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr
[Paul Siebeck], 1951).
2Ibid., 2-3. Cf. Hans-Joachim Kraus, Psalmen. 2

vols., zweite, durchgesehene Auflage, BKAT XV/1-2 (Neu-
kirchen Kreis Moers: Neukirchener Verlag der Buchhandlung
des Erziehungsvereins, 1962), 2:647.
3Kraus, Die Konigsherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testa

ment. 3 (emphasis his). However, in his book, Psalmen.
2:646, 670, etc., Kraus translates "YHWH mlk" as "Jahwe ist
Konig," while he thinks that the translation "Jahwe ist
Konig geworden" is better fit for the "Inthronisationsruf."
36
"royal dominion" ("Konigsherrschaft") and ruling with the

"divine majesty" ("gottliche Majestat").
In 1958, Menahem Haran of Hebrew University, Jeru
salem, published a paper on the symbolic significance of
the ark and the cherub’'™ ’" Hebrew in El 5 (1958): 83-90,
and its English version with some alterations was published
in the following year.1 Haran's argument is that in
biblical ritual the cherubim were intended to represent a
throne for God,2 and their wings, spread horizontally,
formed the throne proper,3 while the ark was the footstool
of the throne.4
However, Haran is overshooting the mark when he
says that the "cherubim cannot serve as a throne unless
they spread their wings."5 In the parallels provided by
1M. Haran, "The Ark and the Cherubim: Their Sym

bolic Significance in Biblical Ritual," IEJ 9 (1959): 30-
38, 89-94. This article has been integrated into his later
work (cf. Menahem Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in
Ancient Israel: An Inquiry into the Character of Cult
Phenomena and the Historical Setting of the Priestly School
[Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978], 246-259).
2Haran, "TheArk and the Cherubim," IEJ 9 (1959):

35; idem, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel.
251.

36; idem, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel.
252.

89-90; idem, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel.
256.
5Haran, "TheArk and the Cherubim," IEJ 9 (19 59):

36; idem. Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel.
253.
37
archaeological investigation,1 the "cherubim" frame the
seat and are not a load-bearing component. Moreover, the
cherubim of Solomon's Temple cover the Ark (cf. 1 Kgs 6:27)
just as those in the tabernacle cover the kapporet (Exod
25:20; 37:9) .
According to Haran, "the throne and footstool
indicate G o d 1s very presence in that place, and therefore
constitute the essence cf the house of God."2 Without the
two items the entire complex of ritual practices in the
temple loses its meaning. Consequently, "the whole Temple
is sometimes designated 'throne' or 'footstool', after

these two focal symbols."3
In 1960, Josef Schreiner submitted a dissertation
to Universitat Wurzburg as his Habilitationsschrift. which
was published later under the title Sion-Jerusalem Jah-
wes Koniqssitz: Theoloaie der Heiliaen Stadt im Alten
^-E.g., relief on the sarcophagus of Ahiram of

Byblos (cf. A N E P . 456, 458); ivory plague from Megiddo;
ivory model from Megiddo. Cf. Mettinger, The Dethronement
of Sabaoth. 21-22.
2Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient

Israel. 256 (emphasis supplied); c f . idem, "The Ark and
the Cherubim," IEJ 9 (1959): 90.
3Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient

Israel, 256. Haran calls attention to the following texts:
Isa 66:1; Jer 3:16-17; 14:21; 17:12; Ezek 43:7; Lam 2:1; 1
Chr 28:2; Pss 99:5; 132:7. Especially, for the word
"footstool" in 1 Chr 28:2 and Pss 99:5; 132:7, see ibid.,
256, n. 12, and 91, n. 13.
38
Testament.1 In chap. 9 of this book ("Jahwes Konigsherr
schaft auf Sion")2 Schreiner is particularly concerned with
the formulaic clause YHWH mlk and interprets it as Konig-
Sein.3 Against Grepmann and Gunkel, he concludes:
Einem Thronbesteigungsfest Jahwes, das in Jeru

salem gefeiert worden ware, konnen aus dem AT keine
sicheren Grundlagen verschafft werden. Die Jahwe-
Konigslieder feiern die bestehende Konigsherrschaft
Gottes.4
In the same year (1960), de Vaux published vol. 2
of his work, Les institutions de I'Ancien Testament.5 In
this book de Vaux remarks that the religious significance
of the ark had two notions: "as the throne of God and as a
receptacle for the Law."6 On the other hand, he notes that
the ark "etait considere comme le «trone» et le «marche-
pied» de Dieu."7 De Vaux objects to the idea "that we
^Josef Schreiner, Sion-Jerusalem Jahwes Koniqssitz:

Theologie der Heiliqen Stadt im Alten Testament. SANT 7
(Miinchen: Kosel-Verlag, 1963) .
2Ibid., 191-216.
3Ibid., 193-197.
4Ibid., 216.
6R . de V a u x , Les institutions de l'Ancien Testa

m ent. vol. 2, Institutions militaires. institutions reli-
jieuses (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1960); ET: Ancient
Israel, vol. 2, Religious Institutions (cited above [see p.
26, n. 3 (on p. 27} ]) .
6Ibid., 129 (ET 2:299).
7Ibid. , 130 (emphasis supplied) . The ET ("was

considered as the 'throne' or the 'foot-stool' of God") is
misleading (ET 2:299, emphasis supplied).
39
should make a distinction between the footstool and the
throne,l! because
there seems little foundation for this theory: in

the prose texts, the throne is never mentioned as
an object distinct from the Ark, and there is no
evidence that there was anything other than the Ark
and the Cherubim inside the Debir.1
His conclusion is that "the Ark, with the Cherubim, could
be said to represent both the footstool and the throne of
Yahweh."2
In his other book, Bible et Orient.3 de Vaux seems
to specify his position on the question of the function of
the ark. In the article entitled "Les cherubins et l'arche
d'alliance, les sphinx gardiens et les trones divins dans
1 1ancien Orient," in this book, de Vaux states:
L'arche, en effet, n'est pas le trone, mais le

trone a son marchepied et l'arche est le «marche-
pied» de Yahvd. . . . Ce sont 1'arche-marchepied
et les cherubins-siege qui, ensemble. constituent
le trone de Yahve. . . .
Cette definition de l'arche comme le marchepied
du trone divin s'accorde mieux que sa definition
comme un trone avec le nom qu'elle porte, ,aron,
«coffre», et avec la seule description qui en soit
donnee, Ex. xxv,iO: c'est un coffre rectangulaire.4
1Ibid. (ET), 2:300.
2Ibid.
3R. de Vaux, Bible et Orient (Paris: Les Editions

du Csrf, 1957); ET: The Bible and the Ancient Near East,
trans. Damian McHugh (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company,
1971) . In tne ET some chapters of the original are not
included.
4De Vaux, Bible et Orient. 234 (emphasis his).
40
De Vaux provides a great number of archaeological
and scriptural evidences to support his new position.1 His
is the fullest and most comprehensive examination of the
question of the cherubim in the light of ancient Near
Eastern iconographies, together with a detailed study of
the OT references. He concludes that the cherubim were a
form cf the winged sphinx and their origin goes back to
ancient Egypt.2 But de Vaux's argument seems somewhat
fluctuating, because, in his other article in the same

book, "Arche d'alliance et tente de reunion," he stresses
the significance of the ark as the divine presence.3 He
says, "L'arche est, en effet, le trone sur lequel Yahve
siege, invisible, sur les cherubins [1 Sam 4:4; 2 Sam
6:2].1,4 Nevertheless, he concludes: "De ce trone, l'arche
est le marchepied et les cherubins sont le siege. On
this point, de Vaux agrees with Haran.
In the year 1961, R. E. Clements submitted a
dissertation entitled "The Divine Dwelling-Place in the Old
3Cf. ibid., 235-259. On p. 254 he restates:

"Les cherubins etant le siege de Yahve, l'arche est
le marchepied de ce siege et elle est ainsi
designee dans 1 Chr. xxviii,2; Pss. xci>:,5;
cxxxii,7; Lam. ii,l. Un trone, en effet, se com
plete d'un tabouret."
2Ibid., 258-259.
3Ibid., 271 (ET 146).
4Ibid.
5Ibid., 272 (ET 147).
41
Testament" to the University of Sheffield, out of which
arose a book entitled God and Temple.1 In chapter 3 of
this book, Clements thoroughly discusses the subject of
"The Ark, the Cherubim and the Tent of Meeting,"2 and
concludes that the ark "was not a throne, but sometime,
probably when it was at Shiloh (i.e., before 1050 B.C.), it
came to be associated with the cherubim-throne.1,3
In this study, the purpose of which is "to inquire
into the meaning and theological significance of the
Jerusalem temple as a witness to the presence of God in
Ancient Israel,"4 Clements shows that throughout the pages
of the OT the conviction of Yahweh1s dwelling in the midst
of Israel forms a unifying theme and there is a certain
historical development of ideas.5
The credit for the first full-dress study on the
"throne of God" motif is ascribed to Johann Maier. In
1963, he presented a thesis to Universitat Wien as his
Habilitationsschrift. under the title Vom Kultus zur
Gnosis; Studien zur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte der "iudischen
Gnosis"; Bundeslade. Gottesthron und Markablth. It was
1r . E. Clements, God and Temple (Oxford: Basil

Blackwell, 1965).
2Ibid., 28-39.
3Ibid., 35.
4Ibid., ix.
5Ibid., 135.
42
published in the following year.1 The body of this thesis

is composed of three parts: Part 1 looks at the Jerusalem
Temple from the historical and history-of-religions point

of view; Part 2 deals with the relationship between the
ark of the covenant and the throne of God; and Part 3
traces the development and significance of the "throne of
God" concept from the time of ancient Israel to that of
rabbinic tradition.
With regard to the function of the cherubim, Maier

observes:
Es gibt auf Grund dieses (keineswegs vollstandig

aufgefiihrten) archaologischen Materials kaum eine
andere Moqlichkeit. als die Deutunq der beiden
Keruben im Allerheilicsten zu Jerusalem als Traaer
der Gottheit.2
In more detail he continues:
Der Ausdruck joSeb hak-kerubim ("Kerubenthroner")

weist jedoch daruber hinaus darauf hin, dap die
Keruben im Allerheiligsten Throntraaer darstellen
sollten. . . . Die geoffneten Fliigel der Keruben
lassen vermuten, dap schon fur den Tempel Gefahrt
und Thron in einem zu denken ist.3
J o h a n n Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis: Studien zur

Vor- und Fruhqeschichte der "iudischen Gnosis": Bundes-
lade. Gottesthron und MarkSbah. KAIROS: Religionswissen-
schaftliche Studien 1 (Salzburg: Otto Muller Verlag, 1964).
2Ibid., 72 (emphasis his). C f . Jchann Maier, Das

altisraelitische Ladeheiligtum. BZAW 93 (Berlin: Verlag
Alfred Topelmann, 1965), 53:
"Das archaologische Vergleichsmaterial aus der
Umwelt Altisraels fiihrt zu dem Schlup, dap die
»Keruben« gefliigelte Sphingen waren und u. a.
paarweise als Tragerfiguren, und zwar auch fur
Throne, dienten."
3Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis. 73 (emphasis h i s ) .
43
As a summary, he states most specifically:

Aus der engen Verbindung zwischen den Vorstellungen
von der Wohnstatt Gottes (dem Adyton des Tempels)
und dem Gottesgarten erklart sich schliefilich das
Nebeneinander von Keruben mit zweierlei Funktion im
Tempel: die Einzelkeruben. vor allem mit dem heili-
aen Baum, in der Wacnterfunktion. und das Keruben-
paar als Traaer des Gottesthrcnes .1
One of Maier's outstanding observations is about
the significance of the verb yasab in connection with the
concept of the God who sits on the throne. He remarks that
this verb occurs2 only in the Psalter except in Exod 15:17
and Isa 40:22, and that these texts can be divided into two
groups: one group "localisiert den Sitz des thronenden
Gottes an einem mythischen Ort, dem Gottesberg (bzw.
Tempel)," and the other "la0t die Gottheit im Himmel

thronen."3
As far as the biblical texts are concerned, Maier
deals with the throne visions only (1 Kgs 22:194 [= 2 Chr
18:18]; Isa S; Ezek 1; Dan 7:9),5 and thus the majority of
the references to the throne of God are not included in his
study. His statement "Der Beariff 'Thron [kisse'] Gottes'
1Ibid. (emphasis his) .
2Apart from the kissS' passages.
3Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis. 96.
4This text is mistakenly printed as "I Kon 19,22"

instead of "I Kon 22,19" in two places of his book (cf.
ibid., 6 [table of contents], 107).
5Cf. Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis. 106-128.
44
begegnet im AT verhaltnismafSig selten"1 is not only
oversimplified but misleading. Against the reading of the
MT, he notes that the ks yh in Exod 17:16 is certainly to
be emended to ns yh ("Feldzeichen Jah's").2 Toward the end
of the thesis, he treats the concept of the throne ("Thron-
vorstellung") in the rabbinic tradition3 and the symbolism

and interpretations of the "Markabah."4
According to Maier, the "throne of God" motif has a
cosmological significance and this is illustrated through
Ps 93.5 He adds: "Der ewige Gottesthron als Symbol der
Konigsherrschaft Gottes garantiert Bestand und Ordnung des
Kosmos, wogegen sich die Chaosmachte vergeblich emporen.1,6
The "throne of God" motif also implies an "eschatological
expectation."7 This means "ein Zerreigen der mythischen
Einheit zwischen dem Thron im Tempel und der 'eingent-
lichen' Wohnstatt der Gottheit,"8 and "der himmlische Thron
^■Ibid. , 96 (emphasis his) .
2Ibid.; Maier, Das altisraelitische Ladeheiliatum.

4, n. 12. Thus RSV ("the banner of the LORD"). Cf. Martin
Noth, Exodus: A Commentary. OTL, trans. J. S. Bowden
(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962), 143-144.
3Cf. Maier, Vom Kultus zur G n o s i s . 128-131.
4Cf. ibid., 131-146.
5Ibid., 101-102.
6Ibid., 102.
7Ibid., 105.
8Ibid., 106.
45
ist es darnach, wo Gott sich wirklich aufhalt, das Irdische
ist nur Entsprechung und Abbild."1
In the conclusions of Maier's thesis, three remarks
draw our attention: (1) The throne of God stands in the
foreground as the "place of revelation" ("Ort der Offen-
barung")2 or "revelation scene" ("Offenbarungsstatte")3 ,
especially in apocalyptic. (2) The throne of God became
an "aim," i.e., "Ziel einer in meditativer Versenkung
ri t u al i s t i s c h - m a g i s c h bewe r k s t e l l i g t e n und als real
empfundenen Aufstiegspraxis."4 (3) "Die Vorstellung vom
Gottesthron war in der israelitisch-judischen Religion so
sehr Veranschaulichung der Welt- und Geschichtsmachtigkeit

des Schopfergottes . . ."5
It is surprising that Maier does not find any
significance related to judgment in the throne visions
except in Daniel's vision (Dan 7:9).6 This seems to be
1 T* W
-i
X U »
fa m n h a e i e
y ■ w tU jifk A M W d k h /
V-» -i r- \/
tlX W •
2Ibid., 126.
3Ibid., 147.
4Ibid. Maier provides two bases for this:

"Die besondere Bedeutung des Gottesthrones als Ziel
beruht teils auf der verarbeiteten liturgischen
Uberlieferung— wahrscheinlich aus dem Hekal-Kult
des Tempels— und teils auf der durch die eschatolo-
gische Erwartung wie einst in der Apokalyptik neu
aktualisierte Bedeutung des Thrones als der Offen
barungsstatte schlechthin" (ibid.).
5Ibid.
6Ibid., 126.
46
mainly because he approaches the motif in question from the

cultic and history-of-religions point of view.1
In 1964, Jan Dus contributed an article entitled
"Die Thron- und Bundeslade.1,2 In this article Dus argues
that "die Lade hat den Israeliten ursprunalich als der
Thron Jahwes gedient"3 and "schon vor der hebraischen
Gruppe, die sie aus der Wiiste nach Kanaan brachte, wurde
sie zweifellos als ein Gottesthron verehrt."4 However, his
argument is faulty because it is based on the sheer
assumption that whenever God is present or appears to His
people, there is His throne and He sits on it.
In 1965, E. Lipihski published a large volume of
his extensive research on three psalms (Pss 93; 97; 99)
under the title, La rovaute de Yahwe dans la poesie et le
culte de l'ancien Israel.5 After a full discussion of the
three psalms, he devoted two additional chapters— one to
the topic of the formulaic clause YHWH mlk6 and the other
to the enthronement and kingship of Yahweh.7
1Cf. ibid., 27-54.
2Jan Dus, "Die Thron- und Bundeslade," TZ 20

(1964): 241-251.
3Ibid., 2 51 (emphasis his).
4Ibid. (emphasis his).
5C.ited above (see p. 13, n. 1).
6Lipiriski, La rovaute de Yahwe. 336-391.
7Ibid., 392-456.
47
Lipiriski reviews five different opinions on the
interpretation of YHWH mlk represented by many scholars
through the years and concludes:

Le cri Yahweh malak ne constitue ni une formule
d'investiture, ni une acclamation, ni une formule
d'hommage au roi divin, mais il est, du moins a
l'origine, une annonce, une proclamation de 1'ac
cession de Yahwe a la royaute. L'ordre des mots
sujet-verbe indique que l'on veut mettre en relief
le sujet Yahwe.1
The enthronement of Yahweh is presented by Lipifiski
under three different points of view: (1) victory and
enthronement in terms of the holy war; (2) cultic victory
and enthronement in Jerusalem; (3) eschatological victory
and enthronement.2 His emphasis on the significance of the
eschatological enthronement is noteworthy.3
G. Henton Davies wrote an article in 1966 on the
topic of the ark of the covenant.4 It is rather strange
and interesting to find that he enumerates six different
views on "the function and significance of the ark,"5 but
1Ibid., 391.
2Cf. ibid., 456.
3Cf. ibid., 453.
4G. Henton Davies, "The Ark of the Covenant," ASTI

5 (1966-67): 30-47.
5C f . ibid., 42-45. The six views are: (1) the ark

is identical with Yahweh (H. Schrade) ; (2) the ark bears
"witness to the invisibility of the divine Lord, whose
presence as Leader during the migration or . . ." (W.
Eichrodt) ; (3) the ark is "a domicile cf deity" (R. H.
Pfeiffer, A. Kuenen, W. R. Arnold, H. G. M a y ) ; (4) the ark
is "the guarantee of Yahweh1s presence with His people" (A.
R. Johnson) ; (5) the ark is the pledge or guarantee of
48
does not mention the view that it functioned as God's
throne.
In his book, Zelt und Lade als Thema alttestament-
licher Wissenschaft. published in 1972, Rainer Schmitt
provides the most thorough and extensive research on the
topic of the ark of the covenant.1 After reviewing and
evaluating all the authors, from Reichel to his contempo
raries who have written on the topic,2 Schmitt is inclined
to agree with R. de Vaux, J. Maier, and E. Kutsch who hold
that the cherubim, not the ark, functioned as the throne or
"Trager der Gottheit."3 He rounds off his argument with
the remark that there is "kein Platz fur den Gedanken, die
Lade sei der Thron Jahwes"4 and "»Die Thronvorstellung
besteht neben der L[ade] und unabhangig von i h r « , bemerkt
Kutsch5 mit Verweis auf Jes 6,1 und Ez 1,2 6 richtig."6
Instead, Schmitt finds three different functions of the
Yahweh's presence (H. H. Rowley, etc.); (6) the ark is the

"representation” to describe the relation between Yahweh
and the ark (L. Koehler, E. Kautzsch, H. Wheeler Robinson).
C f . ibid., 44.
1Cited above (see p. 14, n. 1 [on p. 15]).
2Cf. Schmitt, 110-128.
3Ibid., 127; cf. de Vaux, "Les cherubins et 1'arche

d'alliance," 243-250; Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gn o s i s . 72;
E. Kutsch, "Lade Jahwes," RGG3 . 4:197-199.
4Schmitt, 127.
5Kutsch, "Lade Jahwes," RGG3 . 4:198.
6Schmitt, 127.
49
ark: "Die Lade als Wander- und Kriegsheiligtum," "die Lade

als Prozessionsheiligtum," and "die Lade als Orakelheilig-
tum."1 Thus, Schmitt maintains that the ark has various
functions as the sanctuary but it does not play any role of
the throne of God.
John Gray has written several articles on kingship2
and a book on the reign of God.3 Gray regards the kingship
of God as the "central theological concept in the Old
Testament and even in the New."4 It is rather disappoint
ing to find that, in such a thorough and extensive study on
the kingship of God, Gray did not pay any serious attention
to the references to the "throne" which is the emblem of
"kingship." For, as Haran has correctly noted, "side by
side with the motif of God's kingship, these psalms [the
enthronement psalms] also contain the motif of his throne,
and the two are usually associated . . ."5
As mentioned earlier, Mettinger holds that "the Ark
served as the footstool of the cherubim throne both at
Shiloh and in Solomon's Temple"6 and "the Ark is identical
xCf. ibid., 138-173.
2See bibliography.
3John Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of

God (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1979).
4Ibid., v i i .
5Haran, "The Ark and the Cherubim," IEJ 9 (1959):

35, n. 6.
6Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth. 23.
50
with the footstool."1 In order to support his argument,
Mettinger cites several archaeological discoveries and
biblical texts.2 The same idea was expressed in his
previous article: "YHWH SABAOTH— The Heavenly King on the
Cherubim Throne."3
Heinz-Josef Fabry's study on the word kisse' in
TWAT contains a considerable amount of valuable informa
tion regarding the etymology, usage, and meaning of the
term.4 In the section of "Thron JHWHs" of this article,
Fabry deals with the "throne of God" motif from the his
torical and chronological point of view. He observes that
the concept of the throne of God was first connected with
the ark of the covenant, then with the temple, then with
Jerusalem (or Zion), and finally with heaven.5 This idea
of a "line of development" ("Entwicklungslinie")6 in the
history of the throne motif calls for further attention.
1Ibid.
2Cf. ibid., 19-24.
3Mettinger, "YHWH SABAOTH— The Heavenly King on the

Cherubim Throne," in Studies in the Period of David and
Solomon and Other Essays, ed. Ishida, 109-138.
4Cf. Fabry, "kisse'," T W A T . 4:247-272.
5Ibid., 266-270. Cf. Peter Welten, "Lade— Tempel—

Jerusalem: Zur Theologie der Chronikbiicher," in Textoemass:
Aufsatze und Beitraae zur Hermeneutik des Alten Testaments.
Festschrift fur Ernst Wiirthwein zum 70. Geburtstag, eds. A.
H. J. Gunneweg and Otto Kaiser (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1979), 169-183.
6Fabry, "kisse',” TWAT, 4:269.
51
It is the great merit of Martin Metzger that he
began to think seriously about the concept of "throne" and
published his studies on the subject.1 His two-volume
magnum opus Koniasthron und Gottesthron (1985) is, as its
subtitle tells us, mainly a research on the forms and
descriptions of the throne in the ancient Near Eastern
nations in the third and second millennia B.C. and their
relationship to and significance for the understanding of
the throne in the OT. This is a kind of comparative study
of the throne between the Hebrew nation and its surrounding
nations, as well as between the throne of a king and that
of God. The first volume (Text, AOAT 15/1) is divided into
two main sections: the first is entitled, "Thronformen und
Throndarstellungen in der Umwelt des Alten Testaments," and
the second "Der Thron Salomos, der Kerubenthron Jahwes und
die Lade im Lichte von Thronformen der Umwelt des Alten
Testaments." The second volume (Kataloa und Bildtafeln.
AOAT 15/2) is a sort of companion volume to the first. As
1M a r t i n Metzger, Koniasthron und Gottesthron:

Thronformen und Throndarstellungen in Aovuten und im
Vorderen Orient im dritten und zweiten Jahrtausend vor
Christus und deren Bedeutuna fur das Verstandnis von
Aussaoen uber den Thron im Alten Testament. vol. 1, T e x t .
AOAT 15/1; vol. 2, Kataloq und Bildtafeln. AOAT 15/2
(Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1985) ; idem,
"Der Thron als Manifestation der Herrschermacht in der
Ikonographie des Vorderen Orients und im Alten Testament."
Cf. idem, "Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt Jahwes," UF 2
(1970): 139-158; idem, "Thron," Biblisch-Historisches Hand-
worterbuch. ed. Bo Reicke and Leonhard Rost (Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966), 3:1976.
52
a whole, this study is concerned with the physical or
structural aspect rather than the theological or symbolic

significance of the throne.
Metzger is specially interested in the title "YHWH
sâ'ot yoSeb hakkerubim" (1 Sam 4:4; 2 Sam 6C2).1 After
examining various theories proposed by some twenty scholars
during the first three quarters of this century2 and the
biblical texts depicting the cherubim in the d®bir (1 Kgs
6:23-28; 2 Chr 3:10-14), Metzger concludes that the divine
title yo£efc> hakkerubia was most probably associated with
the concept of the "sphinx-throne" ("Sphingenthron").3
Metzger also reviews all the arguments on the
question of whether the ark functioned as the throne of
God.4 A great number of the names of the scholars who
dealt with this issue are mentioned— from J. Chr. K.
Hofmann, who published a two-volume book as early as in
Metzger, Koniasthron und Gottesthron. 1:309-351 (§

56: "Jahwe Zebaoth, der Kerubenthroner").
2Metzger provides an excellent epitome of these

theories together with some analytic comments (ibid.,
1:326-330).
3C f . Metzger, Koniasthron und Gottesthron. 1:366:

"Alle Wahrscheinlichkeit spricht dafur, dap sich mit
der Gottesbezeichnung 1Kerubenthroner' die Vorstel-
lung eines Sphingenthrones verband, analog zu den
Sphingenthronen, die von der Spaten Bronzezeit bis
in die romische Zeit hinein im phoenikischen Ein-
flupbereich kontinuierlich bezeugt sind" (italics
his) .
4Ibid., 1:352-365 (§ 57: "Thron und Lade").
53
1841 and 1844,1 in which he expressed the idea that the ark
should be understood as a throne, to Hans-Jurgen Zobel, who
wrote the article on ,l,ar6n" in TWAT in 1971.2 Metzger's
conclusion is:
Die Lade ist aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nicht als
leerer Thron verstanden worden. Die Aussagen des
Alten Testaments iiber die Lade zwingen an keiner
Stelle zu der Annahme, da0 sich mit der Lade die
Vorstellung eines leeren Gottesthrones verband.
. . . Aber die Hypothese, da{3 die Lade als trag-
barer Untersatz eines nicht sichtbaren Jahwethrones
verstanden worden ist, fvigt sich gut in die
wechselnden Vorstellungen, die mit der Lade ver-
bunden waren, ein und la0t manche Aussagen iiber die
Lade verstandlicher werden, als das bei anderen
Hypothesen der Fall ist.3
In one of his earlier articles, "Himmlische und
irdische Wohnstatt Jahwes," Metzger already touched on the
topic of the divine throne.4 In this article, he observes

that the sanctuary is the place where the distinction
1J. Chr. K. Hofmann, Weissacrunq und Erfiillunq im

alten und im neuen Testamente: Ein theoloqischer Versuch.
2 vols. (Ndrdlingen: Druck und Verlag der C. H. Beck'schen
Buchhandlung, 1841, 1844), 1:140-143. This book is cited
by Maier and Metzger, but it is regrettable that both quote
it with a wrong title ("VerheiBunq und Erfiillunq im Alten
und Neuen Testament") and even a wrongly spelled name of
the author ("Chr. von Hoffmann"). C f . Maier, Das altisrae-
litische Ladeheiliqtum. 55, n. 97; Metzger, Kdniosthron und
Gottesthron. 1:352, n. 3.
2Hans-Jurgen Zobel, " ,ar6n," TWAT, 1:391-404 (ET:

"'aron," T D O T . 1:363-374).
3Metzger, Koniosthron und Gottesthron. 1:367 (ital

ics his) .
4M art in Metzger, "Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt
Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 139-158.
54
between heaven and earth is removed1 and that this concept
was attested also for the Jerusalem Temple and especially
in the call vision of the prophet Isaiah (Isa 6).2 This is
an overstated idea which cannot be proved by Scripture.
Another related idea that Metzger presents in this
article is what he calls the "Gesamtkomplex der Gottesberg
vorstellung."3 According to him, "das Heiligtum, der Thron
und das Konigsein Jahwes sind Elemente, die zum Gesamt
komplex der Gottesbergvorstellung gehoren,"4 and all these
elements are found already in the "Song of the Reed Sea"
(Exod 15:17-18) and the concept of the divine mountain is
transferred upon Zion.5 Metzger summarizes his idea in the
following resume:
Im Gesamtkomplex der Gottesbergvorstellung

besteht kein grundsatzlicher Unterschied zwischen
himmlischem und irdischem Heiligtum, zwischen Jah
wes Thronen im Heiligtum, auf dem Zion, auf dem
Gottesberg oder im Himmel. . . . Im Alten Testa
ment findet sich nirgends eine systematische Ent-
faltung der Gesamtvorstellung, eine Aufgliederung
des Gesamtkomplexes oder eine genaue Abgrenzung der
verschiedenen Aspekte voneinander. Man betont
jeweils nur einen Aspekt— den himmlischen oder den
irdischen, den Berg, das Heiligtum, den Palast oder
den Thron— ohne dabei die Gesamtvorstellung aus dem
Auge zu verlieren.6
1Ibid., 144. See
2Ibid., 144.
3Ibid., 147, 149.
4Ibid., 147.
5Ibid., 147, 148.
6Ibid., 149.
55
While Fabry finds a "line of development" in the
concept of the throne of God through biblical history,1
Metzger notices that in one total and complex concept there
were various "aspects” from which the Bible writers (and
redactors) made select ir-.s for their own times and for
their individual purposes.
The other article by Metzger, which is the most
recent publication on the subject of "throne," is titled
"Der Thron als Manifestation der Herrschermacht in der
Ikonographie des Vorderen Orients und im Alten Testament.”2
In the first section of this research, Metzger demonstrates
various parallel usages of two terms, "Thron" (kisse') and
"Konigsherrschaft" (mamlakSh), from the OT and the Ugaritic
texts.3 However, his concern in this study is limited to
three fundamental concepts:
1. Im Thron ist der Herrscher- und Wirkungsbereich

des Throninhabers prasent; 2. der Thron reprasen-
tiert den Herrscher selbst; 3. der Thron reprasen-
tiert den Palast bzw. den Tempel als Statte der
Macht, der Heiligkeit und der Prasenz des Konigs
bzw. der Gottheit.4
1Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT. 4:269.
2Cited above (see p. 2, n. 1).
3Metzger, "Der Thron als Manifestation der Herr

schermacht," in Charisma und Institution, ed. Rendtorff,
250-254. Cf. idem, Koniasthron und Gottesthron. 1:349-350,
n. 3.

254.
56
To support the third concept, the identification of
throne and sanctuary, Metzger cites examples of the palace-
fagaae-throne of ancient Egypt and the temple-door-throne
of the ancient Near East.1 For the biblical evidences, he
initially quotes Jer 17:12 (kisse' kabdd marom meri'Son
me q6m miqdaSenti) . As he has suggested in his previous
works,2 Metzger interprets this text as follows:
Hier wird das Heiligtum als Thron, der Thron

wird als Heiligtum interpretiert. Samtliche Ter
mini dieses Verses haben sowohl zum Heiligtum als
auch zum Thron Bezug.
Das Heiligtum kann als kisse' kabdd, »Thron
der Herrlichkeit«, bezeichnet werden, da sich
sowohl im Thron als auch im Palast-Heiligtum der
kabdd, »die Gewichtigkeit«, »die Machtfulle«, »die
Herrlichkeit«, »die Glorie«, »die Verehrungswurdig-
keit« des Herrschers, der Gottheit manifestieren.2
This interpretation is subject to a thorough exami
nation, because Jer 17:12 is one of the cruces interpretum
in the OT. As explicated later in Chapter V,4 Jer 17:12-
13a may be poetically and logically better understood when
it is interpreted as a series of vocatives addressing God.
Thus, it may be translated as follows:
[O] Throne of Glory,

Exalted [One] from the Beginning,
1Ibid., 289.
2Cf. Metzger, "Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt

Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 140, 156; idem, Koniqsthron und
Gottesthron. 1:346, 349, 365.

289.
4Cf. pp. 225-231 below.
57
Place of Our Sanctuary,

Hope of Israel,
Yahweh!1
So far we have surveyed the major books and arti
cles by some twenty-five scholars who have substantially
contributed to the study of the "throne of God" motif
during the last nine decades (1897-1988). The works by
other authors which are indirectly related to our subject
and the Bible commentaries are referred to when the "throne
of God" passages are expounded in Chapter V.
Our survey reveals chat among the studies related
to the throne of God which have been published so far, many
are concerned with the question, Which represents the
throne of God on earth, the ark of the covenant, the cheru
bim, or the merc.y-seat?2 Some of the studies are on the
Psalms, particularly the "enthronement psalms."3 Two are
1Cf. NJV: "O Throne of glory exalted from of old,/

Our Sacred Shrine!/ O Hope of Israel!/ 0 Lord!"; Helmut
Lamparter's translation; "Thron der Herrlichkeit, erhaben
von Beginn,/ Statte unseres Heiligtums!/ Du Hoffnung
Israels!" (Helmut Lamparter, Prophet wider Willen: Der
Prophet Jeremia. BAT 20 [Stuttgart: calwer Verlag, 1964],
161). For a detailed discussion, see pp. 222-236 below.
2The works by Reichel, Budde, Lotz, Meinhold,

Dibelius, Gunkel, Schmidt, von Rad, Haran, de Vaux,
Clements, Maier, Dus, Davies, Schmitt, and Mettinger.
3Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. vol. 2; idem, The

Psalms in Israel's Worship; Gunkel, Die Psalmen; idem,
Ausaewahlte Psalmen; idem, Einleituna in die Psalmen:
Schmidt, Die Thronfahrt Jahves am Fest der Jahreswende
im alten Israel: Kraus, Psalmen. 2 vols. ; Schreiner,
Sion-Jerusalem Jahwes Koniassitz; Lipifiski, La rovaute de
Yahwe.
58
on the kingship or reign of God,1 and one is a dictionary
article on the throne in general.2 Only two studies deal
with the significance of the throne of God per se.3
In summary, the following issues are raised as a
result of our survey of literature. First, the question of
the earthly representation of God's throne is not yet fully
answered. Although, in recent years, stronger arguments
and more archaeological support are presented for the
cherubim as the throne of God, arguments for the ark and/or
the mercy-seat are still preponderant. Further study is
called for on this issue. Second, with regard to the
significance of "throne," only one aspect— the idea of
kingship or royal authority— has been dealt with; other
theological meanings are not yet explored. Third, as for
the ancient Near Eastern material, only some of icono
graphies have been treated. So far, the literary texts of
the ancient Near East and the OT have not been investigated
for the motif of divine throne. This present dissertation,
therefore, attempts to pursue some of these issues and to
answer the questions they pose.
1Kraus, Die Koniosherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testa

ment; Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of G o d .
2Fabry, "kisse1," TWAT. 4:247-272.
3Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis; Metzger, "Der Thrcn

als Manifestation der Herrschermacht," in Charisma und
Institution, ed. Rendtorff, 250-296.
CHAPTER III
THE DIVINE THRONE IN ANCIENT
NEAR EASTERN LITERATURE
This chapter is designed to examine the usage of
the term "throne” in ancient Near Eastern texts. Since the
history of kingship in the Near East is as old as its own
history,1 the terms associated with king or kingdom such as
"kingship," "crown," "scepter," "dais," and "throne" are
found even in very ancient texts from that area.2 I deal
1According to Samuel Noah Kramer, the institutuion

of kingship was established around 3000 B.C. in Sumer
(Samuel Noah Kramer, Cradle of Civilization. Great Ages of
Man: A History of the World's Cultures [New York: Time
Incorporated, 1967], 35). Cf. Sidney Smith, "The Practice
of Kingship in Early Semitic Kingdoms," in Mvth. Ritual,
and Kingship: Essavs on the Theory and Practice of Kingship
in the Ancient Near East and in Israel. ed. S. H. Hooke
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958), 22-73; Samuel Noah Kramer,
The Sumerians: Their History. Culture. and Character
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), 33-72.
2E.g. , S A H G . 118 ("Schulgi-Hyuine") :

"An hat mir die rechte Krone aufs Haupt gesetzt,
im leuchtenden Ekur habe ich das Szepter ergriffen,
auf dem strahlenden Hochsitz, dem Thron auf festem
Fundament, habe ich stolz das Haupt zum Himmel
erhoben,
die Kraft des Konigtums gro0 gemacht."
(Cf. A. Falkenstein, "Sumerische religiose Texte," ZA 50
[1952]: 71); B. Groneberg, "Philologische Bearbeitung des
AguSayahymnus," RA 75 (1981): 113 ("Der Hymnus urn iStar und
Salturn," VS 10, 214):
55
60
here mainly with the "throne" passages.1 While I examine
the references to the throne in general, my attention is
focused on the divine throne. This investigation is

undertaken not because it is believed that there is always
a general literary dependence of the OT on ancient Near

Eastern texts or vice v e r s a . but because it is expected to
find between them some points of contact, either similarity
or contrast, in the concept of the divine throne.2
"IV:1 Szepter des Konigtums, Thron, Krone,

2 ist ihr geschenkt, fur sie ist die Gesamtheit
geeignet (?)."
Cf. A R A B . 2:412 (No. 1148), 414 (No. 1156): " . . . the
crown of rulership; . . . a righteous scepter and a just
staff for the government of the widespread peoples. . . .";
Alexander Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis: The Storv of
Creation. 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1951), 36, 37 (tablet IV, lines 1, 2, 28, 29); idem, The
Babylonian Legends of the Creation and the Fight between
Bel and the Dragon as Told by Assyrian Tablets from Nineveh
([London]: British Museum, 1931), 22.
1For the study of the forms and descriptions of the

throne in the ancient Near East, see Martin Metzger's two-
volume masterpiece, Koniasthron und Gottesthron.
2Cf. Claus Westermann, "Sinn und Grenze religions-

geschichtlicher Parallelen," TLZ 90 (1965): 489-496; Samuel
Sandmel, "Parallelomania," JBL 81 (1962): 1-13; Moshe
Yitzhaki, "The Relationship between Biblical Studies and
Ancient Near East Studies: A Bibliometric Approach," ZAW
99 (1987): 232-248; William W. Hallo, "New Moons and
Sabbaths: A Case-study in the Contrastive Approach," HUCA
48 (1977): 1-3; Nahum M. Sarna, Understanding Genesis. The
Heritage of Biblical Israel, The Melton Research Center
Series 1 (New York: Schocken Books, 1970), xxvii; Benno
Landsberger, The Conceptual Autonomy of the Babylonian
W o rld . MANE 1/4, trans. T. Jacobsen, B. Foster, and H. von
Siebenthal (Malibu, CA: Undone Publications, 1976): 57-71;
Gerhard F. Hasel, "'New Moon and Sabbath' in Eighth Century
Israelite Prophetic Writings (Isa 1:13; Hos 2:13; Amos
8:5)," in »Wunschet Jerusalem Frieden«. Collected Com
munications to the Xllth Congress of the International
Organization for the Study of the OT, Jerusalem 1986, ed.
61
This chapter seeks to discover the various conno
tations and usage of the "divine throne" in Sumerian,
Akkadian, Hittite, Ugaritic, and Egyptian texts. It
examines as many texts as possible in which the toj/m
"throne" refers to the divine throne, regardless of whether
the texts are religious, didactic, epical, mythological,
historical, or economical. The material here treated,
however, is intended to be representative of what is
presently published and accessible.
Sumerian Literature
Since Sumerian is the earliest known written
language in the Near East1 or in the world,2 and the
Sumerians are "die alteste Bevolkerungsschicht, die in den
Inschriften Babyloniens fassbar wird,"3 it is natural that
this study should begin with the Sumerian texts.
As in the so-called "royal psalms" in the book of
Psalms, the king is eulogized and glorified in a number of
Matthias Augustin and Klaus-Dietrich Schunck (Frankfurt am

Main: Verlag Peter Lang, 1988), 51.
^•Cyrus H. Gordon, The Ancient Near E a s t . 3rd rev.
ed. (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1965), 17. Cf.
Samuel Noah Kramer, History Begins at Sumer: Thirtv-Nine
Firsts in Man's Recorded History (Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), xix-xxvii.
2Jean Bottero, Elena Cassin, and Jean Vercoutter,

eds., The Near East: The Earlv Civilization, trans. R. F.
Tannenbaum (New York: Delacorte Press, 1965), 31.
3A. Falkenstein, Das Sumerische. Handbuch der

Orientalistik I/II/1-2/1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1959), 14.
62
Sumerian hymns. S. N. Kramer summarizes this as follows:
The king of Sumer, in the eyes of the hymnogra-

phers, was the ideal man, physically powerful and
distinguished-looking, intellectually without peer,
spiritually a paragon of piety and probity. Cf
divine birth and divinely blessed from the womb,
he is portrayed as a comely youth, full of charisma
and majesty; his mouth was comely and his counte
nance most fair; his "lapis lazuli" beard overlay
ing his breast was a wonder to behold; his august
appearance qualified him eminently for the dais and
the throne, and for the precious regalia that cov
ered him from the crown on his head to the sandals
on his feet. . .
The Sumerian word î^gu-za may mean either "throne"
(of a king or god) or "chair" (of common people).2 How
ever, it is obvious that the Sumerians considered the
"dais" (ba-ra)3 and the "throne" (î^gu-za or sometimes
^•Samuel Noah Kramer, "Poets and Psalmists: God

desses and Theologians: Literary, Religious, and Anthropo
logical Aspects of the Legacy of Sumer," in The Legacy of
Sumer, Invited Lectures on the Middle East at the Univer
sity of Texas at Austin, BM 4, ed. Denise Schmandt-Besserat
(Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1976), 9.
2C f . Samuel Noah Kramer, "The GIR and the ki-sikil:

A New Sumerian Elegy," in Essavs on the Ancient Near East
in Memory of Jacob Joel Finkelstein. Memoirs of the Connec
ticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 19, ed. Maria de Jong
Ellis (Hamden, CT: Archon Books. 1977), 141, 142 (lines 35,
47). For an example of the Sumerian chairs, see Elizabeth
Lansing, The Sumerians: Inventors and Builders. Cassell's
Early Culture Series (London: Cassell & Company, 1974), 63.
3The Sumerian word ba-ra means "Gottergemach,"

"Heiligtum," "Wohnraum," etc. (Anton Deimel, e d . , Sumeri-
sches Lexikon. Scripta Pontificii Instituti Biblici, vol.
3 : 1 , Sumerisch-akkadisches Glossar [Rome: Pontificium
Institutum Biblicum (Verlag des Papstlichen Bibelinsti-
tuts), 1934], 29). In the English versions this word is
rendered usually as "dais" and sometimes as "throne."
However, A. Falkenstein and W. von Soden translate this
term as "Hochsitz": e.g., S A H G . 73, 80, 90, 96, 98, 102,
105, 106, 132, 134, 155, 179. In many cases, it is used as
a symbolic term for royal authority or kingship: e.g.,
63
aS-te1 ) as essential to the royalty or kingship. In many
of the royal inscriptions from Ur are found expressions
alluding to this fact.2
"May Ur, the dais of kingship, the city . . . ,

[bring (?)] to you grain, sesame oil, noble
garments, fine garments, (and) large boats."
(Kramer, The Sumerians. 279 ["Enki and Ninhursag"], empha
sis supplied);
"When Father Enlil seats himself broadly
on the holy d a i s . in the lofty dais,
When Nunamnir carries out to supreme perfection
lordship and kingship."
(ANET, 573 ["Hymn to Enlil, the All-Beneficent"], emphasis
supplied).
In one of the early incantations, the ba-ra (here
translated as "throne") is praised with majestic words:
"throne, full of awe, throne, clad in splendor,
throne I Enki founded it
[throne!] king heaven adorned it,
[the . . . god] gave it its nature,
[the . . . god] embraced, . . . "
(J. van Dijk, A. Goetze, and M. I. Hussey, Earlv Mesopo
tamian Incantations and Rituals. YOSBT 11 [New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 1985], 39 [§ 54]).
^The term aS-te is not so frequently used as gu-za,

but we find it in several texts. E.g.,
"11:22 ud-gid-du mu-|je- Length of days, abundance of
gal-la years,
23 aS-te suhuS-gi- a throne firmly established,
na
24 pa uku gam-gam a scepter subduing the people
25 sag-e &a-ma-ni- may she as a gift bestow upon
in-pa-tug-du m e ."
(Leon Legrain, Historical Fragments. UMPBS 13 [Philadel
phia: University Museum, The University of Pennsylvania,
1922], 53 ["Votive Cone of Arad-Sin"]);
"35 me-e d-mu a&-te-bd ga-tu£ aS-te-bi zd-ba-am
At my house I shall sit upon its throne! That
throne is sure to be good."
(Mark E. Cohen, Sumerian Hvmnologv: The ErSemma. HUCASup 2
[Cincinnati, OH: Hebrew Union College— Jewish Institute of
Religion, 1981], 104-105 ["ErSemma No. 159"]).
2A N E T . 575 ("Hymn to Enlil, the All-Beneficent,"

line 161), 584 ("Ur-Nammu Hymn: Building of the Ekur and
Blessing by Enlil," line 66), 586 ("The King of the Road: A
Self-Laudatory Shulgi Hymn," line 89), etc.
64
In one of the inscriptions (U. 188) 1 by Kudur-
Mabug, king of Larsa, one reads:
(40) Over my work (41) may Nannar, my king (42)

rejoice; (43) a decree of life (44) a prosperous
reign (45) a throne securely founded (46) as a
present (47) may he grant me; (48) the shepherd
beloved (49) of Nannar may I be, (50) may my days
be long!2
Similar expressions are repeated in several other inscrip
tions.3 The immediate context of these epigraphs clearly
shows that "a throne securely founded" or "a throne solidly
established" is parallel to "a prosperous reign" or "a long
reign." More simply speaking, the "throne" is an emblem of
"reign" or "rulership.1,4
■Âlso U. 212, 217, 325, 333, 861, 2611, 2614, 2679,

2794, 6329.
2C . J. Gadd and L. Legrain, Ur Excavations T e x t s ,

vol. 1, Roval Inscriptions (London: Oxford University
Press, 1928), 30.
3E.g., U. 6966, 11:37; U. 641, line 48; U. 3020;

U. 3021, Obverse:25; U. 19; U. 700; U. 751; U. 778; U.
2565; U. 2612; U. 2613; U. 2617; U. 2622; U. 2651; U.
2659; U. 3338, 11:49. All these inscriptions are by
Warad-Sin, king of Larsa. Cf. Gadd and Legrain, 32, 33 ,
34, 36, 37; Edmond Sollberger and Jean-Robert Kupper,
Inscriptions rovales sumeriennes et akkadiennes. LAPO
(Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1971), 189, 200.
4A brick inscription of Sin-idinnam, king of Larsa,

contains the following:
" (Mugheir). (1) Sin-idinnam, (2) der machtige
Mann, (3) welcher sorgt fur Ur, (4) Konig von
Larsa, (5) Konig von §umer und Akkad, (6) welcher
das alte . . . (7) wieder herstellte, (8) als vom
Throne von Larsa (9) er den Grund befestigte hatte
ft
• • •
(F. Thureau-Dangin, Die sumerischen und akkadischen Konicrs-

inschriften. Vorderasiatische Bibliothek 1/1 [Leipzig: J.
C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1907], 211). A cylinder
(Cylinder B 23) of Gudea, king of Laga£, reads: "(17) Den
65
It is remarkable that the term "throne" (gu-za) is
used for the seat of the king who is also called a "high
priest." Cylinder A of Gudea, king of LagaS, reads:
2 3.(25) Die Stele, welche er dem su-ga-lam gegen-

iiber errichtet hatte, (26) "der Konig, durch den
die welt ruht, (27-28) hat befestigt den Thron
[gu-za] Gu-de-as, des GroSprjesters Nin-gir-sus,"
(29) mit diesem Namen benannte er diese Stele.1
This reminds one of the "chair" (kisse') upon which the
priest Eli was sitting by the side of the gate (1 Sam 1:9;
4:13, 18). It is interesting that, although Gudea is both

the king of LagaS and the high priest of Ningirsu in the
present text, only the latter is referred to in connection
with the "throne" in this particular context.
In the thought of ancient Sumerians, sitting place
and seating arrangement were so important that even at the
banquets the gods were given specific seats and order for
sitting in relation to one another. Gudea has prepared a
banquet in Ningirsu's honor to which have been invited the
gods An, Enlil, and Ninmah:
Thron, welcher errichtet worden ist, andere niemand"

(ibid., 141). The similar idea is expressed in some of the
religious hymns: e.g., SAHG. 125 ("Hymne auf Lipitischtar
von Isin"), 161 ("Tempelbau-Hymne Gudeas von Lagasch,"
Zylinder A, XXIII), 182 ("Tempelbau-Hymne Gudeas vcn
Lagasch," Zylinder B, XXIII). Cf. Bertrand Lafont, "Le roi
de Mari et les prophetes du dieu Adad," RA 78 (1984): 9-11;
Helmer Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near E a s t , trans.
John Sturdy (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1973), 37.
1Thureau-Dangin, 115 (emphasis supplied). C f . M.

Lambert and R. Tournay, "Le cylindre A de Gudea," RB 55
(1948): 420.
66
For Ningirsu he (Gudea) prepared a fine banquet.

An sat at the "big side" ["place of honor"].
Next to An was Enlil,
Next to Enlil
was Ninmah.1
In one of the temple hymns one reads:
An seats him [Enki] on the place of honor (ki-mah)

Next to An seats he Enlil,
Nintud he seats in the "great sanctuary" (?),
The Anunnaki seat themselves next to them at their
places.2
This phenomenon presents a striking contrast with
the biblical accounts of Israelite monotheism in which only
God sits upon His throne and all the host of heaven stand
beside Him (cf. 1 Kgs 22:19=2 Chr 18:18; Isa 6:1-2).
The term "throne" occurs more often as indicating
the divine or mythical throne in the Sumerian literature.3
^■A. J. Ferrara and S. B. Parker, "Seating Arrange

ments at Divine Banquets," UF, 4 (1972): 38-39 ("Gudea
Cylinder B," XIX:17-21). Cf. SAHG, 181 ("Zylinder B," XIX).
2Herman Wohlstein, The Skv-God. An-Anu (Jericho,

NY: Paul A. Stroock, 1976), 55; cf. ibid., 176; S.
Langdon, "Two Sumerian Hymns from Eridu and Nippur," AJSL
39 (1922-23): 172 ("A Hymn of Eridu," IV:7-10).
3Many of the stelae and cylinder-seal impressions

show that the deities are sitting on the thrones: cf. H.
A. Groenewegen-Frankfort and Bernard Ashmole, Art of the
Ancient World: Painting. Pottery. Sculpture. Architecture
from Egypt. Mesopotamia. Crete. Greece, and Rome (Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972) , 108 (plate 129) , 109
(plate 131); U. Cassuto, The Goddess Anath: Canaanite
Epics of the Patriarchal Age: Texts. Hebrew Translation.
Commentary and Introduction, trans. Israel Abrahams (Jeru
salem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1971), frontis
piece (The Goddess Anath) and appendix (plate VIII);
Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati, e d . , Insight through Images.
Studies in Honor of Edith Porada, BM 21 (Malibu, CA: Undena
Publications, 1986), index (plate 62).
67
First of all, one of the hundred-odd ne's1 which are listed
in the myth, "Inanna and Enki: The Transfer of the Arts of
Civilization from Eridu to Erech," is "the throne of
kingship." The items of the ne's consist of various
institutions, priestly offices, ritualistic paraphernalia,
mental and emotional attitudes, as well as sundry beliefs
and dogmas. Kramer enumerates sixty-eight of them, some of
which are:
(1) en-ship, (2) godship, (3) the exalted and
enduring crown, (4) the throne of kingship, (5) the
exalted scepter, (6) the royal insignia, (7) the
exalted shrine, (8) shepherdship, (9) kingship,
(10) lasting ladyship, (11) (the priestly office)
"divine lady" . . . (15) truth . . . (22) the flood
. . . (24) sexual intercourse . . . (28) art . . .
(32) music . . . (35) power . . . (63) judgment
. . . (64) decision . . .2
Two facts are self-evident in this list: First,
the Sumerians regarded the throne as an item of the divine
laws which regulate the cosmic orders and human institu
tions. Second, the Sumerians thought that the throne is a
sign of kingship. This idea is more clearly presented in
other texts. In one of the Sumerian sacred-marriage texts,
1The exact meaning of the Sumerian word me is still

uncertain. In general, however,
"it would seem to denote a set of rules and regula
tions assigned to each cosmic entity and cultural
phenomenon for the purpose of keeping it operating
forever in accordance with the plans laid down by
the deity creating it."
(Kramer, The Sumerians. 115). In other words, the me's
mean something like "the divine laws . . . which govern
mankind and his institutions" (ibid., 160).
2Ibid., 116 (emphasis supplied).
68
"Inanna and the King," Ninshubur, the trustworthy vizier of
the Eanna, asks Inanna to bless the king with everything
essential for the well-being of the king and his people.
11:9 Give him a reign favorable (and) glorious,

10 Give him the throne of kingship on its enduring
foundation,
11 Give him the people-directing scepter, the staff
(and) the crook,
12 Give him an enduring crown, a diadem which
ennobles the head.1
Another text, entitled "The Curse of Agade," starts
with the following:
1 After the frowning forehead of Enlil

2 Had killed (the people of) Kish like the "Bull of
Heaven,"
3 After he had ground the house of Erech into dust,
like a giant bull,
4 After in due time, to Sargon the king of Agade,
5 From below to above, Enlil
6 Had given him lordship and kingship,
7 Then did holy Inanna, the shrine of Agade,
8 Erect as her noble chamber,
9 In Ulmash did she set up a throne.2
Later in the same text, over the city of Agade, which the
gods— Ninurta, Utu, and Enki— deprived of the powers and
endowments they had conferred upon it, the poet laments:
66 In days not five, in days not ten,

67 The fillet of lordship, the tiara of kingship,
68 Mansium, the throne given over to kingship,
69 Ninurta brought into his Eshumesha.
70 Utu carried off the "eloquence" of the city,
71 Enki poured out its wisdom.3
XA N E T . 641.
2ANET. 647; cf. Jerrold S. Cooper, The Curse of

Agade (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983),
50-51.
3AN E T . 648; cf. Cooper, 52-53.
69
When the city of Ur was destroyed and its kingship

was overthrown by Elam, the poet lamented:
196 Its dais stretching to heaven was filled

with lament,
197 Its heavenly throne stood there no longer,
(its) head was glorious no longer.1
416 Its throne was hurled down in front of it,

it "sat" in the dust.2
One of the liturgical texts begins with the follow
ing words:
Obverse II:
1 Whatsoever things are named . . .
2 May he with understanding of the seven (numbers)
grandly [adorn m e ] .
3 Sin first born son of Enlil,
4 A throne of royalty [îSgu-za nam-lugal-lal . . .
5 In a chamber of ruling loftily [may . . .]3
Inanna, the so-called "Queen of Heaven and Earth,"
who planted a huluppu-tree by the banks of the Euphrates,
sings:
1ANET, 615 ("Lamentation over the Destruction of

Sumer and Ur" [italics by the translator, S. N. Kramer]).
Cf. William W. Hallo and William Kelly Simpson, The Ancient
Near East: A History (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1971), 88-89.
2A N E T . 618 ("Lamentation over the Destruction of

Sumer and Ur") . A similar idea is found in one of the
liturgical texts: "In its holy throne the stranger sits"
(Stephen Langdon, Sumerian Liturgical T e x t s . UMPBS X/2
[Philadelphia: University Museum, The University of Penn
sylvania, 1917], 168 ["Like the Sun Hasten"]).
3Langdon, Sumerian Liturgical Te x t s . 14 6 ("Liturgy

of the Cult of Ishme-Dagan") . Cf. Rene Labat et al. , Les
religions du Proche-Orient asiatioue: Textes babvloniens.
ouqaritioues. hittites. Le tresor spirituel de l'humanite
(N.p.: Librairie Artheme Fayard et Editions Denoel, 1970),
242 ("L'exaltation d'Ishtar").
70
How long will it be until I have a shining throne

to sit upon?
How long will it be until I have a shining bed to
lie upon?1
Inanna sings that she wants a throne and a b e d . By this
she means that she wants "the end result— her rule and
womanhood."2
In these and other texts, the throne, along with
the fillet, tiara, crown, scepter, and dais, serves as a
symbol of kingship, royalty, reign, or sovereignty.
Among the many Sumerian records from Drehem, we
find a tablet which reads:
Obverse:
1 2 fattened sheep
2 (the) first time;
3 1 fattened sheep, (the) second time;
4 1 fattened sheep, (the third time);
5 (for the) throne (of the) divine Bur-Sin
6 Ur-Bau (being) "great official" (for the) year.3
The significance of this tablet lies in the fact that it
refers to the throne of a god as a cult object. In other
words, the throne not only represented the one who occupied
it, but the throne itself was deified and worshiped: the
sacrifices were brought before it. N. Schneider has
indicated that the practice of this cult is found in the Ur
^■Diane Wolkstein and Samuel Noah Kramer, Inanna.

Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her Stories and Hvmns from
Sumer (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1983), 5.
3William M. Nesbit, Sumerian Records from Drehem.

CUOS 8 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1914), 44 (No.
XX) .
Ill documents from the Drehem archive and the thrones of at
least six gods— An, Enlil, Ur-Nammu, Sulgi, Bur-Sin, and
Susin— were deified.^ Schneider observes that
Der Kult der gu-za dauert auch dann noch fort,

wenn die entsprechenden Herrscher schon tot sind.
Wie mit ihrem Tode der Kult der vergottlichten
Konige nicht aufhort, so dauert der Kult ihrer
Thronsessel auch weiter.2
In the other text, the god is called by the seat
upon which he is enthroned:
Wenn du in Ur das heilige Schiff besteigst,

wenn dich der Herr Nudimmud hegt,
wenn du in [Ur] das heilige Schiff besteigst,
Held, Vater Nanna, wenn man dich hegt,
bist du ein goldener Hochsitz,3 der in Sumer
errichtet ist,
bist du ein silberner Hochsitz, der sich in Sumer
erhebt.4
1N. Schneider, "Gotterthrone in Ur III und ihr

Kult," Or, nova series 16 (1947): 56-65.
2Ibid., 65.
3The word "Hochsitz” (ba-ra) is often used in par

allelism to "Thron" (S^sgu-za): e.g.,
"Ihren geliebten Gemahl umarmt sie,
umarmt die heilige Inanna,
erstrahlt auf dem Thron, dem gro0en Hochsitz,
wie der Tag.
« i • •
Ama'uschumgalanna steht da in hochster Freude:

Auf dem leuchtenden Thron moge er lange Tage
verbringen,
auf dem koniglichen Hochsitz moge er stolz thronen!"
(S A H G . 98 ["Lied auf Inanna und Idaindagan von Isin als
Tammuz," 9. Yerbeugung]). Cf. Ringgren, Religions of the
Ancient Near East. 28; S A H G . 118 ("Schulgi-Hymne"); A.
Falkenstein, "Sumerische religiose Texte," ZA 50 (1952):
71.
4S A H G . 80 ("Lied auf Nanna-Su'en").
72
Another interesting phenomenon is that, besides the
famous "Sumerian King List,"1 which was made, it seems, as
early as the reign of Utu-hegal, last king of the Late
Dynasty of Uruk about 2071 B.C., there have been found many
lists of years, each year with a distinctive name. These
"year-names" are sometimes called "year-formulae.1,2 Samuel
A. B. Mercer enumerates as many as 753 of them.3 It is
noticeable that many of these year-formulae are dated with
building the thrones for deities. E.g.,

gu-dd-a pa-te-si mu ^ ^ g u - z a ^dind ba-dim-ma,
"Gudea, patesi: year the throne of Nina was made."4
mu <?i5gu -za mafc ên-lil-ld ba-dim, "year the great

throne of Enlil was made."5
mu î-bi-^sin lugal u r i ^ - m a - k e gu-za an ^nan-na-ra

mu-na-dim, "year Ibi-Sin, King of Ur, made the
high throne for Nanna."6
1See A N E T . 265-266; NERTOT. 87-89. Cf. Thorkild

Jacobsen, The Sumerian Kina List (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1939).
2Samuel A. B. Mercer, Sumero-Babvlonian Year-

Formulae. The Oriental Research Series 8 (London: Luzac &
Company, 1946), 1. For the details about the place and
time of publication of these year-formulae, see A. Ungnad,
"Datenlisten," Reallexikon der Assvrioloqie. ed. Erich
Ebeling and Bruno Meissner (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter &
Co., 1938), 2:131-194.
3C f . Mercer, Sumero-Babvlonian Year-Formulae. 5-53.
4I b i d ., 6 (No. 31).
5Ibid., 11 (No. 108); cf. Gadd and Legrain, 59 (No.

202) .
6Mercer, Sumero-Babvlonian Year-Formulae. 14 (No.

139). For the other examples, see ibid., Nos. 140, 143,
161, 171, 172, 175, 176, 179, 186, 222, 315, 338, 503, 510,
519, 521, 523, 527, 555, 569, 571, 594, 622, 648, 689, 707,
73
Year in which the throne of Bel was erected.1
mu ^1I-dinTllDa-g[an] lugal-e 9i£gu-za ba[ra]

“ iSJcur mu-na-d[im] . . . , "The year Idin-
Dagan, the king..made the throne of the shrine of
of Ishkur of IM*1 . . . .1,2
1 Jahr: Amarsuena wurde Konig. 2 Jahr: Amarsuena,

der Konig, zerstorte Urbilum. 3 Jahr: Amarsuena,
der Konig, fertigte den Thronsessel Enlils der
Herzensfreude an.1
This reveals that for the Sumerians the construc
tion of the thrones for deities was so significant and
important as to be remembered by everybody and thus to
become a time indicator both in their daily life and in
their history and chronology.4
720, 721, 737. Cf. Gadd and Legrain, 61, 62 (Nos. 213,
215, 216, 221).
1Robert Julius Lau, Old Babylonian Temple Records.

CUOS 3 (New York: Ams Press, 1966) , 48-49 (No. 16) . The
same or similar clauses are found in many other tablets:
e.g., ibid., Nos. 75, 79, 80, 93, 104, 107, 135, 165, 187,
205, 220, 236; cf. ibid., 5 (#20).
2Ferris J. Stephens, "New Date Formulae of the Isin

Dynasty," RA 33 (1936): 18.
2TUAT, 1:338 ("Die Jahresnamen Amarsuena? v o n Ur

III [etwa 2045-2037 v'. Chr.]"); cf. ibid., 1:340 ("Die
Jahres-namen Ischbi'erras von Isis [etwa 2017-1985 v.
Chr.]"). An inscription by Sinidinnam of Larsa includes a.
similar statement:
"V. (194) Damals (198) fertigte er [Sinidinnam] (195)
fur Utu, seinen Konig, (197) seinen (196) erhabenen
goldenen Thron (197) des Wohnsitzes (198) an . . ."
(TUAT, 1:324 ["Eine Inschrift Sinidinnams von Larsa"]).
4C f . J. J. Finkelstein, "The Name of Hammurapi's

Sixth Year," RA 67 (1973): 114: "The year in which (King
Apil-STn) fashioned for Shamash the (golden) throne, the
exalted dais"; Eckhard Unger, Babylon: Die heiliqe Staat
nach der Beschreibuna der Babvloner. 2nd ed. (Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1970), 144, 149, 156, 157, 158,
etc.
74
Another concept which the throne alludes to is that
of judgment. In one of the Sumerian myths, "Inanna's
Descent to the Nether World,"1 Inanna, queen of heaven,2
visits the nether world for some unknown reason.3 The
queen of the nether world is Inanna's older sister and— at
least so it seems— bitter enemy, Ereshkigal. When Inanna
went through the seven gates of the nether world and at
last appeared before the queen Ereshkigal, the text con
tinues as follows:
162 The pure Ereshkigal seated herself upon her

throne,
163 The Anunnaki, the seven judges, pronounced
judgment before her.4
This scene provides the impression that the queen
who is seated upon the throne is the chief judge and the
seven judges, the Anunnaki, are the judges who pronounce
and execute the sentences under the supervision of the
chief judge. Thus the scene with the throne is that of a
court room. This concept is more clearly presented in the
following temple hymn:
Dap der Gerechte geleitet werde,

der Bose unterworfen werde,
1A N E T . 52-57.
2Inanna as the queen of heaven has her own throne.

Cf. SA H G . 98 ("Lied auf Inanna und Iddindagan von Isin als
Tammuz"); Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East.
28.
3For the reason of Inanna's visit to the nether

world, see A N E T . 52, n. 1.
4AN E T . 55; cf. Wolkstein and Kramer, 60.
75
das Haus gefestigt, das Haus schon gemacht werde,

da0 (Ningirsus) Stadt, das Heiligtum Girsu,
gereinigt,
der "Thron der Schicksalsentscheidung" aufgestellt,
das Szepter langer Tage gefiihrt werde . . .2
The term "der Thron der Schicksalsentscheidung" or
"le trone du destin"3 is reminiscent of the biblical term
"the thrones of judgment" (Icis'dt lîSpat, Ps 122:5). It
seems to have been the common idea among the Semites that
the "throne" should include the concept of judgment in its
symbolism.
To Siam up, in Sumerian literature the divine throne
signifies primarily king(queen)ship/royalty/reign of deity
or celestial being. Especially, "the throne of kingship"
is one of the lie's, i.e., the divine principles which
regulate the cosmic orders and human institutions. It also
symbolizes the authority of judging and deciding destiny
for deities. In addition to these, building the thrones
for deities was so significant that it became one of the
time indicators in the year-formulae. The thrones of some
gods were deified and worshiped as cult objects. At least
once the throne appears as the seat for the high priest-
king.
^-It is to be noted that in this Sumerian text the

concept of judgment is linked with the cleansing of the
sanctuary as in Dan 8:14.
2Falkenstein and von Soden, 170 ("Tempelbau-Hymne

Gudeas von Lagasch," Zylinder B, VI).
3M. Lambert and R. Tournay, "Le cylindre B de

Gudea," RB 55 (1948): 529 (VI.15).
76
Akkadian Literature
Akkadian literature contains a great number of
occurrences of the word "throne" (kussil),1 but the majority
of them are references to the thrones of the human kings.2
In this case, the most common usage of the term is that as
the symbol of kingship, royalty, or reign.3 For instance,
the inscription of the stela of Hagi reads:
Obverse:
24 . . . Je me suis porte
25 au trone de la royaute.
26 II m'a assis sur le royal flitt.: de la royaute)
27 siege a moi. . . .4
■*-A. Leo Oppenheim et al. , eds. , The Assyrian

Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago, vol. 8 (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1971),
K:587; Wolfram von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch.
Unter Benutzung des lexikalischen Nachlasses von Bruno
Meissner (1368-1947), 3 vols. (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasso-
witz, 1965), 1:515.
2The Akkadian word kussil could also indicate

ordinary chairs. Cf. Claude F.-A. Schaeffer and Jean
Nougayrol, Le palais roval d'Ugarit. vol. 4, Textes acca-
diens des archives sud (Archives internationalest. MRS 9
(Paris: Imprimerie Nationale; Librairie C. Klincksieck,
1956), 123 (V B 2, 17.35, line 14), 167 (V F 4, 17.129,
line 13).
3The kingship which is symbolized by "throne" was

regarded by the Akkadians as a gift from Ashur who is the
"king of the gods of heaven and earth, father begetter of
the gods, the chieftain and first of all, . . . bestower of
sceptre and throne [kussi]" (S. Langdon, Tammuz and Ishtar:
A Monograph upon Babylonian Religion and Theology Contain
ing Extensive Extracts from the Tammuz Liturgies and All of
the Arbela Oracles [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914], 187
["Prayer and Ceremony at a Dedication," lines 1-4]).
4M. de Tseretheli, "Etudes ourarteennes," RA 52

(1958): 31.
77
Other inscriptions say:

On my accession to the royal throne, in my first
year of reign, I carried off 28,800 Hittite war
riors from the other side of the Euphrates . . .1
In the beginning of my kingship, in my first year

of reign, when I solemnly took my seat upon the
royal throne, at the command of Assur, the great
lord, my lord, I mobilized my chariots (and) I
marched against Kumane.2
At that time, at the beginning of my kingship, in

my first year of reign, when I solemnly seated
myself on the royal throne, I mustered my chariots
and armies . . .2
1ARAB, 1:57 (§ 164, "Inscriptions Commemorating the

Founding of the Suburb of Assur Called Kar-Tukulti-Urta" by
Tukulti-Urta I).
2A R A B . 1:117 (§ 380, "Quay-Wall Inscription" by

Adad-Nirari II) . The Assyrian and Babylonian chronicles
used a fixed term, ". . . ascended the throne in . . ." to
express a new king's mounting to his kingship (cf. A. K.
Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles. Texts from
Cuneiform Sources 5 [Locust Valley, NY: J. J. Augustin
Publisher, 1975] , 71-86 passim).
3A R A B . 1:213 (§ 598, "The Monolith Inscription" by

Shalmaneser III). Cf. A R A B . 1:141 (§ 440), 232 (§ 628),
288 (§ 802); 2:5 (§ 10), 12 (§ 26), 14 (§ 31), 27 (§ 55;
cf. A N E T . 285; TUAT, 1:383), 70 (§ 134; T U A T . 1:387), 119
(§ 239), 120 (§ 240; T U A T . 1:389), 128 (§ 257), 142 (§
309), 147 (§ 324; T U A T . 1:390), 154 (§ 347), 204 (§ 645),
250 (§ 659C), 255 (§ 663), 284-285 (§ 750), 388 (§ 1011),
412 (§ 1147), 420 (§ 1180); A N E T . 288, 289-290 ("The Fight
for the Throne"), 503 ("The Creation Epic"), 534-537 ("The
Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon"), 564-566 ("The Assyrian
King List"), 567 ("A Seleucid King List"), 627 ("A Royal
Decree of Equity"); A T A T . 359-361 ("Babylonische Chro-
nik"), 379-380 ("Aus dem Funde von Boghazkoi: Aus dem
Vertrag des Konigs Hattusil III von Hatti mit Konig Bente-
sina von Amurru") ; SAHG. 280, 281, 284, 285, 286, 287,
288, 291; T U A T . 2:69, 81, 279; W. G. Lambert, "Literary
Style in First Millennium Mesopotamia," JAOS 88 (1968):
125, 127 ("BM 33328 = Rm III 105," line 6); Manfried
Dietrich, Die Aramaer Sudbabvloniens in der Saroonidenzeit
(700-6481 . AOAT 7 (Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsver-
eins, 1970), 138-139 (secs. 10, 12), 168-169 (secs. 76-77).
78
The so-called "Building Inscriptions" by Esarhaddon

include a characteristic phrase, "my priestly throne."
My [priestly seed], may it endure, together with

the [foundation platform] of Esagila and Babylon,
for all time to come; my kingship, may it bring
bodily comfort flit., comfort the flesh) to the
people, like the plant of life. . . . May I keep
the foundation of my priestly throne firm as a
rock. May my rule be secure as flit., with) heaven
and earth.1
The wider context of this phrase tells us that the
king, Esarhaddon, possessed not only kingship but also
priesthood,2 and thus his throne could be called either the
royal throne or the priestly throne. It is worthy of note
that in Assyria one person could be both the king and the
priest, whereas in Israel kingship and priesthood were
normally separate from each other.
It is somewhat surprising that there are found only
scanty references to the thrones of deities or mythical
beings in the Akkadian texts. In the creation epic, "Enuma
1A R A B . 2:248 (§ 656: "Prism 78,223 of the British

Museum," col. VI). Cf. Riekele Borger, Die Inschriften
Asarhaddons Koniqs von Assvrien. AfOB 9 (Osnabruck: Biblio-
Verlag, 1967), 2 (Assur A 11:14-15), 26 (Episode 39
VIII:26); A R A B . 2:251 (§ 659C), 254 (§ 659E), 259 (§ 669),
271 (§ 702).
2C f . A R A B . 2:258-259 (§ 668; K 2801, emphasis sup

plied) :
". . . son of Sennacherib, [the great king], the
mighty king, king of the universe, king of Assyria;
. . . who from days of old, at the word of Marduk,
came forth to rule land and people, and to be
advanced to the kingship; whose priesthood is
pleasing unto Assur; whose sacrificial offerings
the gods of heaven and earth desire."
79
eliS,"1 Marduk who is granted the "kingship of universal

power over the totality of all things,"2 is provided with
"a lordly chamber,"3 because "he was made exceedingly tall
and he surpassed them somewhat"4 and "his limbs were made
massive, and he was made to excel in height."5 The epic
continues:
IV:28 They [the gods] were glad and did homage (say
ing) "The king is Marduk."
29 They added unto him a scepter, a throne [1?u -
kussa] and hatchet.6
Ênuma eliS: The Babylonian Epic of Creation: The

Cuneiform Text. Text established by W. G. Lambert and
copied out by Simon B. Parker (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1966).
2S . Langdon, The Babylonian Epic of Creation

Restored from the Recently Recovered Tablets of Assur:
Transcription. Translation & Commentary (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1923), 129 (IV:14); cf. A N E T . 66; L. W. King, The
Seven Tablets of Creation, or the Babylonian and Assyrian
Legends Concerning the Creation of the World and of Man
kind. vol. 1, English Translation, etc.. Luzac's Semitic
Text and Translation Series 12 (London: Luzac and Co.,
1902), 59.
3King, The Seven Tablets of Creation. 1:59 (IV:1).

The Akkadian text reads: id-du-Sum-ma pa-rak ru-bu-tim
("They prepared for him a lordly chamber"). E. A. Speiser
renders this as "They erected for him a princely throne"
(A N E T . 66).
4Langdon, The Babylonian Epic of Creation. 81

(1:92)? c f . A N E T . 62.
5Langdon, The Babylonian Epic of Creation. 81

(I:100); C f . A N E T . 62.
6Langdon, The Babylonian Epic of Creation. 129,

130; cf. A N E T . 66; King, The Seven Tablets of Creation.
1:61. There is only one other reference to the word
^■^kussa in "Enuma eliS" (cf. Langdon, The Babylonian Epic
of Creation. 178-179 [VI:70]): "He [Marduk] founded his
throne . . ." (italics the translator's). Cf. King, The
Seven Tablets of Creation. 1:84-85 (V:85).
80
It is self-evident that here the throne is given as one of
the insignia of kingship.
The other reference to the divine throne occurs in
"The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon":
104. (662) May Enlil, lord of the throne, [. . -]1
The poet's real intent in stating this phrase is by no
means clear, but it seems that he praises Enlil as the
sovereign ruler.
Two other references are found in the hymns to Sin:
Sin, heller, glanzender Gott; Nannar, [. . .] Sohn

Bel's. [Erstgeborener (?)] E[kur's!]
In gewaltiger Konigsherrschaft regierst du die
Lander, ste[llst hin am glanzenden] Himmel
(deinen) Thron,
iegst ein hehres Linnen hin, [bekleidest dich] mit
der Herrschermutze, Sprieflender, herrlicher!
Ein Herrscher ist Sin; sein Licht ist ein Fuhrer
der Menschen; Hehrer, herrlicher!2
Erhabener, bei dessen Erscheinen die Land[er

[Spropiing?] Anu's [
barmherziger [Gott], bei d[em
Erschaffer der Ge(schopfe(?)
. . . . Zepter, Thron [
. . . i]m Herzen der Mensch[en
. . . . Assurbanipal . . . 3
It is obvious that in these two hymns the throne is
mentioned to make clear the idea that Sin is the king or
supreme ruler. In other words, the "throne" is used as a
LANET. 541. Cf. T U A T . 1:176 (§ 104. [662]): "Enlil,

der Herr des Thrones [. . .]."
2E. Guthrie Perry, Hvmnen und Gebete an S i n . LSS

II/4 (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1907), 23
(Nr. 5, lines 1-4).
3Ibid., 29 (Nr. 6, lines 10-16).
81
symbol of kingship or rulership of a deity. This concept

has been explored by H. Zimmern, who wrote an article on
the god-symbols of NazimaruttaS-Kudurru.1
There is one other Akkadian hymn, "Hymn to the Sun-
God," which may refer to the divine throne; however, it is
tantalizing that the inscription has lacunae in the spot
where the word "throne" is expected to appear. Ferris J.
Stephens renders the hymn as follows:
111:39 [To guide] their omens [aright] thou art

sitting on a throne.
40 In all directions thou dost investigate their
past.2
If Stephens' translation and restoration of the text are
correct, we have another aspect of the "throne" symbolism
in the Akkadian texts: it symbolizes the authority of
investigation or the power of judgment. So to speak, the
sun-god Shamash was sitting on the throne of judgment.
Supporting this idea is the famous stone tablet of Nabu-
aplu-iddina which was found in an earthenware casket at
Sippar. In this sculpture, Shamash, the sun god, sits on a
carved throne in his shrine or most holy place. Before his
eyes there is written, "Tiara of Shamash, exalted of eyes,"
1H. Zimmern, "Die Gottersymbole des NazimaruttaS-

Kudurru," in Bilder und Svmbole babvlonisch-assvrischer
Gotter, LSS II/2, by Karl Frank (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'-
sche Buchhandlung, 1906), 33-44; cf. ibid., 8-9.
2A N E T . 389 ("Hymn to the Sun-God" [italics the

translator's]). R. E. Briinnow omits this part (lines 36-
40) in his translation of this hymn (cf. R. E. Briinnow,
"Assyrian Hymns," ZA 4 [1889]: 19).
82
and over this are the symbols of the sun, the planet Venus,
and the moon. Apparently a priest is presenting a king to
the god, while a third person holds up his hands in peti
tion.1- The whole picture seems to mean that the priest and
the king come to the god sitting on the throne to ask for a
certain favor: forgiveness, permission, orratification.
The god Shamash is seen on another stela. Here again
Shamash appears as sitting on the throne, before which a
devotee waters the sacred plants.2
Other references to the thrones cf the gods are
found in the myth called "Nergal and Ereshkigal." However,
they are not referring to the royal seats but to the
ordinary chairs which were supposed to be used by the g o d s .
E.g. ,
11:36 He (Ea) called to him to give him instruction:

37 "O traveller, dost [thou] wish . . . ?
38 Whatever instructions [. . .] . . [. .]
39 As soon as they bring thee a throne,
40 Thou must not go and sit on it."3
^-Ira Maurice Price, Ovid R. Sellers, and E. Leslie

Carlson, The Monuments and the Old Testament: Light from
the Near East on the Scriptures (Philadelphia: Judson
Press, 1958), 202; Metzger, "Himmlische und irdische
Wohnstatt Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 141-144; Mettinger, The
Dethronement of Sabaoth. 29-30; R. Heyer, "Ein archaologi-
scher Beitrag zum Text KTU 1.4 I 23-43," UF 10 (1978): 95.
2C f . Felix Guirand, ed. , New Larousse Encyclopedia

of Mythology. Introduction by Robert Graves, new ed. ,
trans. Richard Aldington and Delano Ames (London: Hamlyn
Publishing Group [Putnam], 1968), 50.
3A N E T . 509. Cf. A N E T . 510 (111:51-55).
83
VI:7 When [thou] hast departed from this place,

8 I shall provide a throne for [thee to carry].1
Among the Akkadian economic texts found at Ugarit,
there are some tablets which give the same idea as the
Sumerian record from Drehem does, i.e., the concept of
deification of the throne:
50 (pieces d'etoffe) x, 10 tuniques, 10 manteaus.

50 (pieces d'etoffe) x, pour sieges. en laine uqnu.
3 lits, incrustes d'ivoire, avec leurs marchepieds.
x + 1 lits, de buis.2
3 fourneaux, de bronze, pesant: 2 talents 1600

(sides) .
6 marcassites remplies d'huile douce.
20 boites a fard (?), d'ivoire. 4 salieres,
d'ivoire.
4 (pieces d'etoffe) x, pour sieges. Total: 53 liv-
raisons.
Sceau du roi DU-teSub.3
In these two quotations, the phrase "pour sieges"
(§a kussi) indicates that the thrones were deified and
worshiped and thus the worshipers brought the sacrifices
and offerings before them.
One interesting fact is that in the Marduk temple,
Esagila,4 there were among others the bed (ir£u) and the
1A N E T . 512.
2Ciaude F.-A. Schaeffer and Jean Nougayrol, Le

palais roval d'Ugarit. vol. 3, Textes accadiens et hour-
rites des archives est. ouest et centrales. MRS 6 (Paris:
Imprimerie Nationale; Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1955) , 184
(16.146, lines 12-15, emphasis supplied).
3Ibid., 186 (16.161, lines 40-44, emphasis sup

plied) .
4C f . Unger, Babylon, 165-181 ("Kapitel XV: Der

Tempel des Stadtgottes: Der Tempel Esagila").
34
throne (kussil) for Marduk. According to the descriptions,
the throne stood facing the bed in the southwest hall of
the temple complex, and was 3 and 1/3 cubits (ca. 1.66 m)
long, 3 and 1/3 cubits (ca. 1.66 m) wide, and 1 and 2/3
cubits (ca. 0.83 m) high.1 This may reflect how ancient
people in Mesopotamia thought in regard to the dwelling of
their god Marduk. They probably believed that it was
necessary for Marduk to take rest: he needed a bed to lie
down or sleep on and a chair to sit on. It seems that this
chair was not regarded as a ceremonial or administrative
throne, because it was located facing the bed in the same
room called "Bed-House" (bit irfii) .2
In sum, the Akkadian literature has a great number
of references to the human throne, but few to the divine or
mythical throne, and the "throne" is generally referred to
as an emblem of kingship or ruling power and probably of
judgeship or investigating authority of the king or deity.
The deification of the thrones is noticed in the Akkadian
texts from Ugarit.
Hittite Literature
The Hittites used at least two different words to
refer to "seat": one is asanna and the other dag. While
the former seems to mean an ordinary chair or stool, the
1Ibid., 178-179.
2Cf. ibid., 178.
85
latter is used for the royal seat or throne. The word
asanna appears twice in "The Song of Ullikummi"1 which
belongs to the so-called Kumarbi cycle. In both cases it
refers to the ordinary "chair" or "stool."2
Several of the Hittite texts from Boghazkoy3 refer
to the thrones of deities or mythical beings. As in the

other ancient Near Eastern texts, the "throne" (dag) is
primarily the symbol of kingship in the Hittite literature.
In the political testament of Hattusilis I (1650-1620
B.C.), which is one of the "two very important documents in
Hittite from the Old Kingdom,"4 Hattusilis I enumerates the
reasons why instead of his nephew, the heir-presumptive, he
chooses as his successor his grandson Mursili I (1620-1590
B.C.). The text reads:
Great King Tabarna spoke to the fighting men of

the Assembly and the dignitaries, saying: Behold,
I have fallen sick. The young Labarna I had pro
claimed to you, saying: "He shall sit upon the
1Cf. Hans Gustav Guterbock, "The Song of Ullikummi:

Revised Text of the Hittite Version of a Hurrian Mych," JCS
5 (1951): 135-161; JCS 6 (1951): 8-42. This article* is
reprinted as a booklet with the same title by New Haven,
CT: The American Schools of Oriental Research, 1952.
Albrecht Goetze's translation appears in A N E T . 121-125.
2Giiterbock, "The Song of Ullikummi," JCS 5 (1951):

151 (Col. II.C:23), 161 (Col. A IV:52); A N E T . 122, 123.
3Cf. NERTOT. 14 6-150. For the excavations and the

deciphering of the Hittite texts from Boghazkoy, see Keith
N. Schovilla, Biblical Archaeology in Focus (Grand Rapids:
Baker Book House, 1978), 220-222.
4Ekrem Akurgal, The Art of the Hittites. trans.

Constance McNab (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Publishers,
1962), 52.
86
throne” : I, the king, called him my son, embraced

him, exalted him, and cared forhim continually.
But he showed himself a youth not fit to be seen;
he shed no tears, he showed no pity, he was cold
and heartless.1
The statement "He shall sit upon the throne” in the
text is simply a metonymic expression of "He shall be the
king" or "He shall hold the kingship."
One of the Hittite myths, entitled "Kingship in
Heaven,"2 makes references to the thrones of celestial or
mythical beings. This fragmentary myth begins as follows;
Once upon a time Alalu was king. Alalu sat

upon the throne and the mighty Anu, the first among
the gods, stood before him (in service). He bowed
down at (his) feet, whenever he handed him his cup
to drink. Alalu was king in heaven for nine
"counted" years. In the ninth year Anu made war on
Alalu. He defeated Alalu, who fled before him and
went down to the dark earth. He went down to the
dark earth, and Anu (now) sat on his throne. Anu
sat on his throne and the mighty Kumarbi waited on
him with food. He bowed down at his feet, whenever
he handed him his cup to drink.3
When Anu dethroned Alalu and occupied his throne,
he became the ruler in his domain, although he did it by
usurpation. Thus the throne represents the kingship: as
one of the Hittite ritual texts calls it, it is "the throne
of kingship."4
■Îbid. , 53 (emphasis supplied) .
2Cf. A N E T . 120-121; NERTOT. 153-155.
3NERTOT. 154 (emphasis supplied); cf. A N E T . 120.
4A N E T . 356 ("Ritual for the Erection of a House").

Cf. ANET. 206 ("God List, Blessings and Curses of the
Treaty between Suppiluliumas and Kurtiwaza"): "May they
overthrow your throne, (yours), of Kurtiwaza."
87
On the other hand, the throne sometimes represents

the king himself. The other ritual text, "The Festival of
the Warrior-God," reads:
The king takes his stand at the throne, but the

queen enters the inner temple.
The foreman of the cooks brings kattapalaS
cuts. He puts down one portion before the throne
and before the War-god; he puts down one at the
hearth, one at the throne. one at the window, one
at the bolt of the door, furthermore he puts down
one by the side of the hearth.1
The phrases "before the throne" and "at the throne" in the
second paragraph mean actually "before the king" and "at/to
the king," respectively.
One of the characteristics of the Hittite texts,
especially of the historical-chronological texts, is the
expression "to sit on the throne of one's father" ("sich
auf den Thron seines Vaters setzen"): e.g.,
A II:(16) Sowie ich, Telipinu, mich auf den

Thron meines Vaters setzte, (17) zog ich nach
Hassuwa zu Felde und zerstorte Hassuwa.^
I :(Vorgeschichte:) (3) Schon bevor ich mich auf

den Thron meines Vaters setzte, hatten die angren-
zenden (4) Feindlander samtlich Krieg gegen mich
begonnen: . . .3
I: (14) Derjenige aber, der sich jetzt auf den

Thron seines Vaters gesetzt hat, der (ist doch)
klein, (15) der wird das Land Hatti und die Gebiete
des Landes Hatti nicht am Leben erhalten.4
1ANET, 359 (emphasis supplied).
^TUAT, 1:467 ("Der Thronfolgeeriag des Telipinu").
3TUAT. 1:471 ("Die Zehnjahr-Annalen Mursilis II").
4TUAT. 1:472 ("Die Zehnjahr-Annalen Mursilis II");

cf. T U A T . 1:472 (lines 1:12, 19, 28), 481 (line IV:44).
88
§ 4: (22) Als aber mein Vater Mursili Gott ge-

worden war, (23) setzte sich mein Bruder Muwatalli
aber auf den Thron seines Vaters.1
This expression seems to have been the typicai
description for the occasion when the kingship of a father
was succeeded by his son. The succession of the throne
meant the succession of the kingship.
A striking feature of the "throne" in Hittite
literature is noticed in another ritual text, entitled
"Ritual for the Erection of a New Palace."2 In the first
part of this text,3 the "Throne" (î^dag) is personified
and engaged in a mock quarrel with the king: the king
pretends to desire the Throne's banishment, but piously
yields to the wishes of the gods, expressed through the

Throne.
The dialogue between the king and the Throne runs

as follows:
The king says to the Throne: "Come! Let us go!

But stay thou behind the mountains! Thou must not
become my rival, thou must not become my in-law!
Remain my [equal] (and) my friend!
1TU A T . 1:483 ("Die Apologie Hattusilis III").
2Cf. A N E T . 3 57-3 58; Benjamin Schwartz, "A Hittite

Ritual Text (KUB 29.1=1780/C)," Or, nova series 16 (1947):
23-55.
3The text is divided roughly into three parts: the

second part describes the ceremonies attendant upon the
construction of the new palace; and the third part reports
the rites of sympathetic magic in behalf of the king and
queen upon the completion of the new palace and its hearth.
Cf. Schwartz, 23.
89
"Come! Let us go to the Mountain! I, the king,
will give thee glassware. Let us eat from glass
ware! Rule thou over the Mountain! . . .
. .1 hailed the Throne, my friend (and
said):
"'Art thou not a friend of me, the king? Let
me have that tree (that) I may cut it down?'" And
the Throne answers the king: "Cut it down, cut (it)
down! The Sun-god and the Storm-god have placed it
at thy disposal."1
The personified Throne talks with the king and
later provides him with the wills of gods. This kind of
literary style is unique in the Hittite literature. As is
the case with the deification of the throne in the Sumerian
and Akkadian texts, the personification of the throne is
something special in the Hittite texts.
Uaaritic Literature
Since its discovery in 1928 the literature from the
ancient city Ugarit (modern Ras Shamra, "Fennel Mound" or
"Hill of Fennel"2 ) has shed much new light on the study of
the biblical world,3 especially due to the linguistic
1A N E T . 357 (italics the translator's); Schwartz,

25, 27 (lines 10-16, 34-38).
2Kenneth Lawrence Vine, The Establishment of Baal

at Uaarit. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1965
(Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International), 1.
3C f . J. W. Jack, The Ras Shamra Tablets: Their

Bearing on the Old Testament. OT Studies 1 (Edinburgh: T. &
T. Clark, 1935); Rene Dussaud, Les decouvertes de Ras
Shamra (Uaarit! et l'Ancien Testament. 2nd, rev. and augm.
ed. (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1941);
John Gray, The Legacy of Canaan: The Ras Shamra Texts and
Their Relevance to the Old Testament. VTSup 5 (Leiden: E.
J. Brill, 1957) ; M. Dahood, "The Value of Ugaritic for
Textual Criticism," Bib 40 (1959): 160-170; Charles F.
Pfeiffer, Ras Shamra and the Bible. Baker Studies in Bib-
90
affinity between the Ugaritic language and the biblical

Hebrew and Aramaic.1
Richard E. Whitaker3 and H.-J. Fabry1 find thirty-
nine references to the word ks' in the Ugaritic literature.
Besides ks' there is at least one more term in Ugaritic
which means "throne" or "chair," and that is kht.4 The
lical Archaeology (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1962);

Arvid S. Kapelrud, The Ras Shamra Discoveries and the Old
Testament. trans. G. W. Anderson (Norman, OK: University of
Oklahoma Press, 19 63); Edgar Jones, Discoveries and
Documents: An Introduction to the Archaeology of the Old
Testament (London: Epworth Press, 1974), 43-51; Gordon
Douglas Yeung, ed. , Ugarit in Retrospect: Fifty Years of
Ugarit and Ugaritic (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1981);
Dirk Kinet, Ugarit— Geschichte und Kultur einer Stadt in
der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes. SBS 104 (Stuttgart:
Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1981); Imre Mihalik, "Ugarit
and the Bible (A question still unanswered)," UF 13 (1981):
147-150; Cyrus H. Gordon, Forgotten Scripts:____ Their
Ongoing Discovery and Decipherment, rev. and enl. ed. (New
York: Dorset Press, 1982), 103-113 (chap. 6: "Ugaritic:
Decipherment and Impact"); Peter C. Craigie, Ugarit and
the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1983); Adrian Curtis, Ugarit (Ras Shamrat. Cities
of the Biblical World (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub
lishing Company, 1985).
1C f . Baruch Margalit, "Ugaritic Contributions to

Hebrew Lexicography (with special reference to the poem of
Aqht)," ZAW 99 (1987): 391-404.
^Richard E. Whitaker, A Concordance of the Ugaritic

Literature (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972),
358-359 (ksa).
3Fabry, "kisse'," T W A T . 4:251, notes: "ks' 'Thron*

begegnet im Ugar. 30mal (+ 9 Rekonstruktionen)."
4UT, 418 (No. 1219) . This word is used eighteen

times in the Ugaritic texts (cf. Whitaker, 348 [kht]). Cf.
A N E T . 132 (II AB 1:34) ; G. R. Driver, Canaanite *Mvths and
Legends. OT Studies 3 (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1956), 93
("Baal," II 1:31); John C. L. Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and
Legends (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1956) , 56 ("The Palace
of Baal,” 4 1:34); Ch. Virolleaud, "Un nouveau chant du
91
other words, mtb,1 tbt,2 'd,3 alt,4 and nfct5 which are
related with ks ' , are usually rendered as "sitting,"
"dwelling," "throne room," "support or pillar," and "rest
ing place or rest," respectively. The term kht is used in
several cases in parallel to ks' and the two words are
interchangeable.6 The legend of King Keret has the follow
ing synonymous parallelism:
poeme d'Alein-Baal," Syria 13 (1932): 114, 119; Joseph

Aistleitner, Worterbuch der uoaritischen Sprache, Berichte
iiber die Verhandlungen der sachsischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse 106/3,
ed. Otto Eipfeldt (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1965), 147 (No.
1301) .
LCf. UT. 416 (No. 1177 [ytb]) ; Whitaker, 326-327

(ytb) .
2UT, 500 (No. 2646a); cf. UT, 416 (No. 1177).
3Cf. UI, 453 (No. 1814 [*d]); Whitaker, 477-478

C d) .
4UT, 360 (No. 211). Here Gordon suggests three
possibilities for the meaning of alt: (1) it is a synonym
of ksu ("throne"); (2) it means "tool, instrument"; (3)
it means "platform" on which the throne is placed. This
word occurs four times in three different texts (cf.
Whitaker, 22 [alt]).
5U T . 443 (No. 1640). While Gordon, Ginsberg,

Driver, and Gibson suggest "resting place, couch, resting,
rest (of a chair)" as the meaning of njjt, A. van Seims
explains that n&t is a third synonym for "throne": cf. A.
van Seims, "A Guest-Room for Ilu and Its Furniture," UF 7
(1975): 472.
6Generally ks' is translated as "throne" and kht as

"seat," but Johannes C. de Moor renders them reversely.
Cf. Johannes C. de Moor, New Year with Canaanites and
Israelites. part 2, The Canaanite Sources. Kamper Cahiers
22 (Kampen: Uitgeversmaatschappij J. H. Kok, 1972), 6
(lines 5-6).
92
16 VI:
22 ytb. krt. 1'dh (and) Keret sat down on his
dais,
23 ytb. lksi mlk he sat down on the throne of
(his) kingdom,
24 lntyt. lkht. drkt on the cushion on the seat of
(his) dominion.1
In the myth entitled "Baal and Yam," Kothar-and-

Khasis proclaims:
IV: 12 gr5 ym. lksih chase away Yam from his

throne,
13 [n]hr lkht drkth. Nahar from the seat of his
dominion.2
As already noted in above cited passages, both ks*
and kht are used quite frequently in juxtaposition to the
1Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends. 101 ("Keret,"

16 VI). Cf. A N E T . 149 ("The Legend of King Keret," KRT C,
VI) .
2Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends. 44 (lines 19-
20 and 1 IV:24). Cf. Julian Obermann, How Baal Destroyed a
Rival: A Mythological Incantation Scene. Publications of
the American Oriental Society, Offprint Series 23 (New
Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 1947), 200-201;
ANET. 131 ("Poems about Baal and Anath," III AB A); CTCA.
17 (3 D I V :46—47) , 43 (6 VI:33-Jb), 51 (10 111:12-15);
Peter J. van Zijl, Baal: A Study of Texts in Connexion
with Baal in the Ugaritic Epics. AOAT 10 (Kevelaer: Verlag
Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag
des Erziehungsvereins, 1972), 62 (* nt III:34-IV:50), 140
(127:22-24), ?so (76 111:12-15); Dennis Graham Pardee,
"The Preposition in Ugaritic," UF 7 (1975): 358; H. L.
Ginsberg, The Legend of King Keret: A Canaanite Epic of
the Bronze Acre. BASORSS 2-3 (New Haven, CT: The American
Schools of Oriental Research, 1946), 31; Gray, The Leaacv
of Canaan. 24, 25, 39; Ulf Oldenburg, The Conflict between
El and Ba~al in Canaanite Religion. Supplementa ad Numen.
altera series 3 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), 187, 195, 198;
Andre Caquot, Maurice Sznycer, and Andree Herdner, Textes
ouaaritioues. vol. 1, Mvthes et leaendes: Introduction.
traduction, commentaire. LAPO 7 (Paris: Les Editions du
Cerf, 1974), 137, 138, 266, 269, 311, 472, 570-572.
93
words "kingdom" or "kingship" and "dominion" or "rule."
The Ahiram Inscription says:
tjytsp. &tr. m&pth dann soil der Stab seiner Herr-

schaft entblattert werden,
thtfk. ks'. mlkh soli sein Konigsthron [der Thron
seines Konigtums] umgestiirzt
werden.1
In the myths of Baal one reads:

3 D IV:
46 grSh. lksi. mlkh who drove him forth from the
throne of his kingdom,
47 ln&t. lkht. drkth from the cushion on the seat
of his dominion.'2
6 V:
5 b[']l. lksi. (Then) did Baal [sit] upon
mlkh the throne of his kingdom,
6 [InJjt]. lkht. drkth [on the cushion] on the seat
of his dominion.3
It seems that kht is used idiomatically together
with drJct ("rule, dominion")4 or zblkm ("princeship") ,5
LVan Zijl, 39. Cf. K A I , 1:1; 2:2.
2Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends. 50. Cf.

Charles Virolleaud, La ddesse Anat: Poeme de Ras Shamra
publie. traduit et commente. Bibliotheque archeologique et
historique 28, MRS 4 (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul
Geuthner, 1938), 56; van Zijl, 62; CTCA, 17 (3 D IV:46-
47); UT/ 254 (“nt IV:46-47); J. Aistleitner, trans., Die
mvtholoqischen und kultischen Texte aus Ras Schamra. 2nd
ed. , Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica 8 (Budapest: Akade-
miai Kiadd, 1964), 23, 35, 54; Cassuto, The Goddess A n ath.
94-9 5; J. Sanmartin, "Die UG. Basis NSS und das 'Nest' des
B L (KTU 1.3 IV If)," UF 10 (1978): 450.
3Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends. 79 ("Baal and

Mot," 6 V :5-6); CTCA. 41 (6 V:5-6). Cf. Gibson, Canaanite
Mvths and Legends. 81 ("Baal and Mot," 6 VI:33-35); CTCA.
43 (6 V I :3 3-3 5); van Zijk, 237 (49 V I :33-35).
4C f . UT, 387 (No. 702).
94
whereas ks' is juxtaposed with mlk ("kingship, kingdom").1
The concept of the "throne" as a symbol of kingship
or dominion apparently prevails in the Ugaritic texts. The
fight of the gods, especially Baal, Yam, and Mot, for the
hegemony among them is the fight for the "throne of king
ship" (ks* mlk) and the "seat of dominion" (kht drk) .2
Thus "to sit (ytb) on the throne" or "to ascend (yrd)3 the
throne" means "to be the king," while "to drive out (grS or
nr) someone from the throne" means "to deprive him of the
kingship or kingdom." As Arvid S. Kapelrud correctly
5Cf. A N E T . 130 ("Poems about Baal and Anath," III

AB B:23-23); KTU, 6-7 (1.2 1:23-23); UT, 137("Text 137,"
lines 23-29); NERTOT. 204 (lines 23-29) ; Caquot, Sznycer,
and Herdner, 130-131 ("Ba'al et la mer, II," III AB, B:23-
29); van Seims, 260-261, 265; Gray, The Legacy of Canaan.
22 and 23, n. 6. Also cf. A N E T . 148 ("The Legend of King
Keret," KRT C, V:25); Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends.
100 ("Keret," 16 V:25); Caquot, Sznycer, and Herdner, 566
("La ldgende de Keret," II K, V:25).
^■Cf. UT, 433-434 (No. 1483) . There are few excep

tions: e.g., 2.4 (68):
"6 wttn. gh. y£r Y^r cries out
7 tht. ksi. zbl. ym Under the throne of Prince
Sea."
(Pardee, "The Preposition in Ugaritic," 352; cf. A N E T . 130
["Poems about Baal and Anath," III AB A : 6-7]; van Seims,
"A Guest-Room for Ilu and Its Furniture," UF 7 (1975): 265;
Rene Dussaud, "Les elements dechaines: Une application des
regies rythmiques de la poesie phenicienne," Syria 16
[1925]: 197).
2C f . Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends. 38, 39,

44 ("Baal and Yam," 2 111:17-18; 1 IV:24-25; 2 IV:12-13,
19-20), 50 ("The Palace of Baal," 3 D IV:45-47), 73 ("Baal
and Mot," 5 VI: 11-13); A N E T . 129, 130, 131, 137, 141, 142
("Poems about Baal and Anat"), 149 ("The Legend of King
Keret") ; NERTOT. 198, 205, 217, 220.
3C f . G. del Olmo Lete, "Notes on Ugaritic Semantics

III," UF 9 (1977): 46.
95
pointed out, it constitutes a motif that "the victorious
god . . . has to fight and defeat his opponents before he
can ascend to the throne."1

On the other hand, the word ks' is also used for
the ordinary chairs in the mythical world. In the myths of
Baal one reads:
17 whin. ‘nt. lbth. tmgyn And see! Anat reaches

her house,
18 t£tql. 'ilt. lhklh The goddess comes to her
palace,
tt r. (21) ks'at. lmhr She arranges seats for

the warriors,
t'r. tlhnt (22) lsb'im
” * « ' ' «
Dressing tables for the
soldiers,
hdmm. lgzrm Footstools for the he
roes .
36 [t]'r [ .] ks'at. lks'at She rearranges chairs by

chairs,
tlhnt (37) [l]tlhn<t> Tables by tables,
hdmm. ttar. lhdmm Footstools by footstools
she arranges.2
^■Arvid S. Kapelrud, Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts

(Copenhagen: G. E. C. Gad— Publisher, 1952) , 131. Cf.
Vine, The Establishment of Baal at Uga r i t : Anton Jirku,
"Die Vorstellungen von Tod und Jenseits in den alphabeti-
schen Texten von Ugarit," Uoar 6 (1969): 303-308; Adrianus
van Seims, "Yammu's Dethronement by Baal: An Attempt to
Reconstruct Texts UT, 129, 137 and 68," UF 2 (1970): 251-
268.
2John Gray, "The Blood Bath of the Goddess Anat in

the Ras Shamra Texts," UF 11 (1979): 318-320; K T U . 10-11
(1.3.11:17-18, 21-22, 36-37). Cf. Gibson, Canaanite Mvths
and Legends. 48 ("The Palace of Baal") ; Virolleaud, La
deesse 'Anat. 25; Theodor H. Gaster, Thespis: Ritual.
Myth, and Drama in the Ancient Near East (New York: Harper
& Row, Publishers, 1950), 238; Gray, The Legacy of Canaan.
36; Wilfred G. E. Watson, "Quasi-Acrostics in Ugaritic
Poetry," UF 12 (1980): 446.
96
In the descriptions of building the palace of Baal,
one reads:
4 VI:
38 'dbt. b h t [h . b']l Baal put his mansion in
(39) y'db. order,
hd. 'db[. 'd]bt Hadad put his palace in
(40) hklh. order.
tb{j. alpm[. ap] He did slay oxen, [also]
(41) sin sheep,
• • • • ■ • • •
51 Spq. ilm. khtm. he did supply the gods with

yn seats (and) with wine,
52 Spq. ilht. ksat[. he did supply the goddesses
yn] with thrones [(and) with
w i n e ] .1
In one of the new mythological texts found in 1961,
RS 24.244 ("§apa§, la deesse du Soleil, et les serpents"),
ksa is also used to indicate the chair which the sorcerer
(mlhs) sets and sits on.2
^-Gibson, Canaanite Mvths and Legends. 63-64 ("The

Palace of Baal," 4 VI:38-41, 51-52). Cf. K T U . 19 (1.4
V I :38-41, 51-52); Caquot, Sznycer, and Herdner, 213-214
("Le palais de Ba'al," II AB VI:38-43, 51-52). Ginsberg
translates lines 51-52 as "He sates the throne-gods with
wi.[£e]// He sates the chair-goddesses [. . . ?]" (A N E T .
134, italics his). This translation is somewhat unnatural,
because we cannot find any other references to "chair-
goddesses" or "throne-gods" in the Ugaritic texts. How
ever, if Ginsberg's translation is correct, we find a
common idea of "throne-god(dess)" between the Ugaritic and
the Egyptian literatures (cf. Thomas George Allen, e d . , The
Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents in the Oriental
Institute Museum at the University of Chicago, UCOIP 82
[Chicago: University of Chicago Press, i960], 226).
2Ch. Virolleaud, "Les nouveaux textes mythologiques

et liturgiques de Ras Shamra (XXIVe Campagne, 1961)," Ugar
5 (1968): 564-572 (RS 24.244, lines 7, 12, 18, 23, 29, 34,
39, 44, 49, 56). The clause, y'db. ksa. vytb ("he set a
chair and he sat [on it]"), is repeated ten times in this
myth like the refrain in a song.
97
The position of the seat and the order of seating

were very important in the mind of the Canaanites as they
were in the thought of the Sumerians. In Ugaritic texts
mention is also found of the seating of specific gods
according to their relationship to one another. Kothar, at
Baal's invitation to a divine banquet, comes before the
gods to the seat (ksu) which is assigned to him.
t'db. ksu/ wvttb . A chair is readied and he is

seated
lymn. aliyn/ b'l. At the right hand of Aliyan
Baal,
'd. lhm. 5t[y. ilm]/ Until the gods have eaten
and drunk.1
One of the most notable scenes associated with the
throne is that of El's mourning for the death of Baal. H.
L. Ginsberg's translation reads:
"We came upon Baal

Fallen on the ground:
Puissant Baal is dead,
The Prince, Lord of Earth, is perished."
Straightway Kindly El Benign
Descends from the throne,
Sits on the footstool?
From the footstool,
And sits on the ground;
Pours dust of mourning on his head,
Earth of mortification on his pate;
And puts on sackcloth and loincloth.2
Â. J. Ferrara and S. B. Parker, "Seating Arrange

ment at Divine Banqets," UF 4 (1972): 38. Cf. CTCA, 27 (4
V : 108-110).
2A N E T . 139 (I AB VI:8-17 [italics the transla

tor's]); K T U . 23 (1.5 V I :8-17). Cf. Gibson, Canaanite
Myths and Legends. 73 ("Baal and Mot," 5 VI:8-17); Gastsr,
Thespis. 212-213; Gray, The Leoacv of Canaan. 51; Caquot,
Sznycer, and Herdner, 250 ("Ba'al et la mcrt ," I AB VI: 8-
17); Ch. Virolleaud, "La mort de Baal: Poeme de Ras-Shamra
(I AB)," Svria 15 (1934): 330-331; N. Wyatt, "Cosmic
98
El, in mourning the dead Baal, sits on the footstool on
coining down from the throne and before descending further
to the ground. This is not simply a stereotyped descrip
tion but an extraordinary expression of mourning. El's
action of mourning as a whole is of enormous significance.1
He lowers himself from the throne "to the ground" (l'ars)
as a gesture of grief over the peer who has "fallen on the
ground" (npl l'ars). "Footstool" (hdm) appears as an item
of furniture, though perhaps with cultic association, in
the scene of Anat at war.2
Frequently, however, the footstool is mentioned in
association with the throne of god: the feet of Athtar the
substitute king of the gods do not reach to the footstool
of Baal's throne;3 El sets his feet on his footstool as
Entropy in Ugaritic Religious Thought," UF 17 (1986): 385;

M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, "Die Trauer Els und Anats (KTU
1.5 VI 11-22. 31 - 1.6 I 5)," UF 18 (1986): 105, llo.
■'■Cf. Wyatt, "Cosmic Entropy in Ugaritic Religious

Thought," UF 17 (1986): 385.
2K T U . 11 (1.3 11:37).
3K T U . 25 (1.6 1:59-60); A N E T . 140 ("Poems about

Baal and Anath," I AB 59-60); N. Wyatt, "The Hollow Crown:
Ambivalent Elements in West Semitic Royal Ideology," UF 18
(1986): 430. Jonas C. Greenfield connects this big throne
of Baal with the enormous and glorious throne of God in the
call vision of Isaiah (Isa 6:1): cf. Jonas C. Greenfield,
"Ba'al's Throne and Isa. 6:1," in Melanges biblioues et
orientaux en l'honneur de M. Mathias Delcor. AOAT 215, ed.
A
**• - t
C•
w
T a / r a e e A—
— — -3— r
anH M
— •
r—T—a —r H i'on
— — — — \
a o r **
* — — — — —
a r^t
/ — — — —
Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag

des Erziehungsvereins, 1985), 192-198. Rolf Knierim has
also noted the relationship between the two ("The Vocation
of Isaiah," VT 18 [1968]: 47-65, esp. 53). But John Gray
remarks, "In the description of Isaiah's call there is no
99
Asherah approaches him;1 El does the same thing as Anat
comes to him;2 and in the above quoted text El comes down
to "sit on the footstool" (ytb. lhdm) as ne mourns over the
dead Baal.3 These divine footstools are mentioned only in
connection with rulers among the gods and clearly contain
an element of royal symbolism.4
In connection with the footstool, a few comments on
the limestone stela of a god seated on the throne are in
order. One of the most interesting iconographies from
Ugarit is the well-known stela showing two figures: the
one on the left is standing, while the other on the right
is sitting on a throne with his feet on a footstool.5 Much
interest has been raised about the identity of the seated
figure. Most scholars identify him as the chief god El
with more or less confidence.6 Especially, the footstool
trace of the mythology of Baal as King" ("The Kingship of

God in the Prophets and Psalms," VT 11 [1961]: 14).
1KTU, 17 (1.4I V :29).
2K T U . 26 (1.6III:15).
3K T U . 23 (1.5V I :11— 14).
4Nicola Wyatt, "The Stela of the Seated God from

Ugarit," UF 15 (1983): 275.
5Ibid., 271-277. Cf. Claude F.-A. Schaeffer, "La

stele de l'hommage du dieu El (?)," Svria 18 (1937): 128-
i a
»
°Marvin H. Pope, El in the Ugaritic Texts. VTSup 2

(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1955), 45-46; Cassuto, The Goddess
A n a t . caption to plate VIII; Othmar Keel, The Symbolism of
the Biblical World: Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and
the Book of Psalms, trans. Timothy J. Hallett (New York:
100
on the stela is consistent with the identification of the
god as El.1 This reminds one of the OT references to the
"footstool” (hadom, 1 Chr 28:2? Pss 99:5; 110:1; 132:7; Isa
66:1; Lam 2: l)2 and of the Egyptian iconography of the

footstools of Tutankhamun, decorated with nine bows or nine
bound enemies for whom the bows are metaphors.3
One Ugaritic text from Mari mentions the "House of
the Thrones" as a ritual building for sacrificing the
animals:
(1) Wenn der 1. Tag des Monats Addaru vergangen
ist, (2) dann (findet) das kispum inmitten (3) der
Stadt (und) im Umland (statt):
Crossroad Publishing Company, 1985), 206 (§ 283); Andre

Caquot and Maurice Sznycer, Ugaritic Religion. Iconography
of Religion XV/8 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1980), 23 (§ VII);
Pfeiffer, Ras Shamra and the Bible. 29; Wyatt, "The Stela
of the Seated God from Ugarit," UF 15 (1983): 271-277;
Schaeffer, "La stele de 1 1homage du dieu El (?)"; ANEP,
168, 307 (§ 493); John Gray, Near Eastern Mythology
(London: Hamlyn Publishing Group, 1969), 70-71.
^■W'yatt, "The Stela of the Seated God from Ugarit,"

27 5. Regarding the identity of the figure on the stela,
Wyatt continues:
"This may be further supported by his beard. Gods in
Egyptian and Mesopotamian iconography are commonly
shown with beards, but this is not the case with
Syrian or Palestinian examples. The only deity in
the Ugaritic texts whose beard is mentioned is El
(KTU 1.3 v 2, 25), in the episode where ‘Anat
threatens him with violence. It seems to indicate
his age and seniority, highlighting the impropriety
of 'Anat’s language" (ibid.).
2Cf. pp. 132-133 below.
3Wyatt, "The Stela of the Seated God from Ugarit,"

UF 15 (1983): 275; Cf. Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical
World. 255 (§§ 342, 342a).
101
(4) Das Mahl soil von Palast ausgehen: (5) Ein

Schaf wird fur die Statuen (6) Sargons und Naram-
sins (7) im >Haus der Throne< geopfert. (8) Ein
Schaf wird als kispum geopfert. (9) Vor der Ankunft
des Konigs (10) soil das Opfer im >Haus der Throne<
stattfinden.1
The German translators of this text provide the following
explanation for the "Haus der Throne": "Gebaude, in dem
sich die geweihten Gotterthrone befanden."2 If this
footnote is correct, the thrones in the building were not
those of human kings but those of gods. People brought the
sacrifices for the statues of the kings, not for the
thrones. They killed tho animals in the "House of the
Thrones." Thus, this is not necessarily related to the
deification of the thrones which is found in the Sumerian

and Akkadian texts. However, it is significant that the
divine thrones were there in the building for sacrifices.
Another symbolic usage of k s 1 is found in KTU 1.3
VI, where a messenger is instructed to go from the abode of
Ilu to the home of the divine craftsman Kothar. The

passage runs as follows:
Pass over a thousand acres of sea,

ten thousand square miles of the Two Rivers,
pass Byblos,
pass Qa'ila,
pass the islands of Memphis.
1T U A T . 2:326 ("Totenopfer des Schamschi-Addu I. von

Assyrien vor den Statuen der Konige von Akkad") . C f . M.
Dietrich and 0. Loretz, "Tocenverehrung in Mari (12803) und
Ugarit (KTU 1.161)," UF 12 (1980): 381-382; M. Birot,
"Fragment de rituel de Mari relatif au kispum," Mesopotamia
8 (1980): 139-150.
2T U A T . 2:326, n. 7 a ) .
102
. . . the skies, o fisherman of Athiratu,

come on, o Quidshu-Amruru!
Then you shall head straight
for all the divine Egypt.
Kaphtor is the chair he sits on,
Egypt the land of his inheritance.1
The statement "Kaphtor2 is the chair [ks'u, throne] he sits
on" is analogous to Jer 3:17, "At that time Jerusalem shall
be called the throne of the LORD" (RSV),3 and to Jer 49:38,
"I will set my throne in Elam, and destroy their king and
princes, says the LORD" (RSV).4 The implication of these
texts is that Jerusalem and Elam shall be the places where
God's presence is immediate and His rule is exerted in a
special way. Therefore, the metaphorical clause "Kaphtor
is the chair [throne] he sits on" means that Kaphtor is the
area of his direct administration or rule.
It is rather surprising to learn that in Ugaritic
texts one does not find any passage in which the term ks'
is used in association with the concept of "judgment."
However, one text which "seems to be a prayer to several
J o h a n n e s C. de Moor, "Ugaritic Lexicographical

Notes I," UF 18 (1986): 258-259; cf. KTU. 15 (1.3 VI:4-16).
2According to Amos 9:7 and Jer 47:4, Caphtor is the

country from which the Philistines came. Since Deut 2:23
speaks of "the Caphtorim, who came from Caphtor," it would
seem that "Philistines" and "Caphtorim" are synonymous
terms. However, it is impossible to exactly locate Caphtor
and one can never be sure if the biblical Caphtor and the
"Kaphtor" in our text are identical. Cf. F. W. Bush,
"Caphtor; Caphtorim," I S B E . 1:610-611.
3Cf. pp. 205-216 below.
4C f . pp. 236-240 below.
103
gods, especially Rapi'u,"1 connects the verb ytb with the
other verb tpt. The immediate context of the passage runs
as follows:
May the Healer, the Eternal King, drink wine,

yea, may the god drink, the Strong and Noble,
the god who thrones [ytb] with "Attartu,
the god who judges [tpt] with Haddu,
the Shepherd who s i n g s ’and plays
the l^re and the oboe,
The two verbs, ytb and tpt, are found in parallel
ism and may be understood as more or less synonyms. In any
case, "sitting” and "judging" are closely connected. And
although the word "throne" is not mentioned in the text, it
is presupposed by the verb ytb ("to sit" or "to throne").
Consequently, this passage alludes to the association of
the throne with the concept of judgment.
In summary: The word ks' in Ugaritic texts,
together with kht, is by and large the term for the prerog
ative of kingship and dominion as in other ancient Near
Eastern literatures. However, it is also used for the
ordinary chair and the sorcerer's chair. For the Canaan-
ites, the position of the seat and the order of seating
were so important that they were prearranged according to
1Johannes C. de Moor, "Studies in the New Alphabe

tic Texts from Ras Shamra I," UF 1 (1969): 175.
2De Moor, New Year with Canaanites and Israelites.

2:24 ("The prayer U 5 V," Obverse 1-4). Cf. idem, "Studies
in the New Alphabetic Texts from Ras Shamra," UF 1 (1969):
175; M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, "Baal rpu in KTU 1.108;
1.113 und nach 1 17 VI 25-33," UF 12 (1980): 174.
104
the status and relations among those who were present. The
connection between the throne and the concept of judgment
is not spelled out but hinted at.
Egyptian Literature
The ancient Egyptians are unique in that they used
a great variety of terms to indicate the throne.1 They
were also more concerned about the seating furniture than
any other nation in their neighborhood. This is evidenced
by the fact that stools were used from the very earliest
period, even from the predynastic era.2 According to
Martin Metzger, the oldest r.gyptian stelae of the kings who
are seated on the throne come from the First Dynasty (ca.
3100-2890 B.C.).3 The carved stelae that have been found
from the private tombs of the First and Second Dynasty (ca.
2890-2686 B.C.) have the customary scene showing "the owner
of the tomb seated on a stool in front of a round pedestal
1Klaus P. Kuhlmann enumerates as many as eighteen

Egyptian words from the Old Kingdom to the Greco-Roman
epoch which mean "throne" (Klaus P. Kuhlmann, Der Thron im
alten Aovpten: Untersuchunaen zu Semantik. Ikonoaraphie
und Svmbolik eines Herrschaftszeichens. Abhandlungen des
deutschen archaologischen Instituts Kairo, Agyptologische
Reihe 10 [Gliickstadt: Verlag J. J. Augustin, 1977], 8-15).
Cf. Adolf Erman and Hermann Grapow, Worterbuch der aeqypti-
schen Sprache (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs Verlag, 1926);
idem, eds., Aqyptisches Handworterbuch (Hildesheim: Georg
01ms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961).
2C f . Geoffrey Killen, Ancient Egyptian Furniture,

vol. 1, 4000-1300 B.C. (Wilts, England: Aris & Phillips,
1980), 37.
3Metzger, Koniosthron und Gottesthron. 1:5.
105
table on which offerings are represented.111 The chair
proper which developed from the stool appeared already
during the Second Dynasty.2
The royal and ceremonial chairs, or thrones, were
somuch developed in both shape and decoration3 that the
Eighteenth Dynasty (ca. 1567-1320 B.C.) could produce the
so-called "Golden Throne" of King Tutankhamun, which is
"one of the most beautiful pieces of furniture ever made."4
It seems that the development of the form of the

throne led naturally to the development of its significance
and the latter, in turn, played an important role in
forming the concept of the divine or mythical thrones.
In Egyptian literature, the idea of the "throne"
is, first and foremost, that it represents the godship.
Many of the gods, goddesses, and mythical beings are
^•Hollis S. Baker, Furn-'ture in the Ancient World:

Origins & Evolution: 3100-475 B.C. (London: Connoisseur,
1966), 29; cf. 31-39 (plates 18-28).
2Killen, 51.
3For a detailed study on the forms and decorations

of the throne in ancient Egypt, see Helmut Kyrieleis,
Throne und Klinen. JDAI 24, Erganzungsheft (Berlin: Walter
de Gruyter & Co., 1969); Metzger, Koniasthron und Gottes-
thron. 5-123; Kuhlmann, 1-39.
4Killen, 62; cf. ibid., plate 102; Baker, facing

96, facing 112; Kurt Lange and Max Hirmer, Egypt: Archi
tecture. Sculpture. Painting in Three Thousand Years, rev.
and enl. ed. (London: Phaidon Press, 1968), plates 194 and
XXXV; John Baines and Jaromir Malek, Atlas of Ancient
Egypt (Oxford; Phaidon Press, 1980), 101; Mohamed Saleh
and Hourig Sourouzian, Official Catalogue: The Egyptian
Museum Cairo, trans. Peter Der Manuelian and Helen Jacquet-
Gordon (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1987), § 179.
106
referred to as seated on, or in connection with, their
thrones: e.g., Amon-Re,1 Osiris,2 Isis,3 Horus,4 Thoth,5
1A N E T . 232, 236, 238, 248, 325, 447, 448, and pas

sim; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, or
Studies in Egyptian Mythology. 2 vols. (New York: Dover
Publications, 1969), 1:2, 11, 13, 16, 17; Miriam Lichtheim,
Ancient Egyptian Literature. 3 vols. (Berkeley, CA: Univer
sity of California Press, 1973, 1976, 1980), 1:230; 2:16,
25, 26, 31, 35, 43-46 passim; 3:20, 31, 32, 74, 91; TUAT.
1:527, 554, 555, 573, 590, 591; George Hart, A Dictionary
of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses (London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1986), 4. Cf. Jan Assmann, Re und Amun: Die Krise
des polytheistischen Weltbilds im Aovpten der 18.-2 0.
Dvnastie. OBO 51 (Freiburg, Switzerland: Universitatsver-
lag, 1983) ; Barbara Watterson, The Gods of Ancient Egypt
(New York: Facts on File Publications, 1984), 138-145.
2E . A. Wallis Budge, trans. , The Book of the Dead

(New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1960), 157, 534, 550,
566, 612, etc.; idem, The Gods of the Egyptians. 2:131;
Samuel A. B. Mercer, The Pyramid Texts in Translation and
Commentary. 4 vols. (New York: Longmans, Green and C o . ,
1952), 1:212, 290; R. 0. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient
Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969),
205. Cf. Eva L. R. Meyerowitz, The Divine Kingship in
Ghana and Ancient Egypt (London: Faber and Faber, 1960),
facing 80 (plate 9) ; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris: The
Egyptian Religion of Resurrection. 2 vols. (New Hyde Park,
NY: University Books, 1961), 1:78, 104, 149, 320, 346;
2:262-264; Watterson, 72-88.
3This goddess was the wife of Osiris and the mother

of Horus. Her commonest names are "the great goddess, the
divine mother, the mistress of charms or enchantments," and
in later times, "the mother of the gods" and "the living
one." She is usually depicted in the form of a woman, with
a head-dress in the shape of a seat or throne (duset), the
hieroglyphic for which forms her name. Cf. E. A. Wallis
Budge, The Egyptian Book of the Dead (The Papyrus of A n i ) :
Egyptian Text. Transliteration and Translation (New York:
Dover Publications, 1967) , cxiv; idem, The Gods of the
Egyptians. 2:202; H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion:
An Interpretation (New York: Columbia University Press,
1948), 6; Hermann Kees, Der Gotterglaube im alten Aovpten
(Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1983), 101, 145; Meyerowitz, 48;
Watterson, 89-97.
107
Ptah,1 Keb,2 Menthu-Re,3 Har-akhti,4 Schu,5 Geb,6 Tem,7

Neserser,8 Sekhet,9 Khopri,10 'Iljzzf,11 the Falcon,12 the
4AN E T . 10; Budge,The Gods of the Egyptians. 2:153;

idem,The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 49, 165, 187, 188 and
passim; Lichtheim, 2:26, 29. Cf. Meyerowitz, 223; Watter
son, 98-111.
5Allen, The Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents.
126 ("BD 42"); Lichtheim, 3:61. Cf. Watterson, 179-182.
1A N E T . 5; Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians. 1:506-

507; Lichtheim, 1:54. The throne of Ptah would appear to
have been the Pole star (cf. Meyerowitz, 65) . C f . Maj
Sandman Holmberg, The God Ptah (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 194 6).
Cf. Watterson, 161-168.
2Budge, The Book of the D e a d . 548.
3Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians. 2:25.
4AN e T, 263 ("The War Against the Peoples of the

Sea").
5T U A T . 1:549 ("Die Israel-Stele des Mer-en-Ptah,

1208 v. Chr.").
6Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. 1,

69, 234, 287; cf. Mercer, The Pyramid T e xts. 1:20, 83,
241, 296; Lichtheim, 2:40; 3:61. Meyerowitz remarks: "The
'throne of G e b 1 continued to play a prominent part in
historic Egypt; even the deceased Pharaohs occupied the
'throne of Geb' in heaven" (Meyerowitz, 42); Kurt H.
Sethe, Uraeschichte und alteste Religion der Acrvpter.
Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes 18/4 (Leipzig:
Kraus Reprint Co., 1966 [reprint]), par. 74; Watterson,
55-56.
7Budge, The Book of the Dead. 448, 563.
8Ibid., 563, 564.
9Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians. 1:517, facing

516.
10R. O. Faulkner,The Ancient Egyptian Coffin

Texts. 3 vols. (Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, 1973,
1977, 1978), 2:77, 78; 3:64; Thomas George Allen, e d . , The
Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents in the Oriental
Institute Museum at the University of Chicago. UCOIP 82
108
Cat,1 the Beetle,2 and even Astarte.3 The following two
statements from The Book of the Dead provide the impression
that each god or goddess had his or her own throne: "May
every god transmit unto thee [Tem] his throne for millions
of years";4 "Every god giveth up to Pepi his throne in his
boat.1,5
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), 122 ("BD

39") .
11Allen, The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 149 ("BD

75") .
12A N E T . 447 ("The Divine Nomination of an Ethiopian

King").
1Budge, The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 23 3.

2Ibid., ex.
3Astarte was a Phoenician goddess. This foreign

goddess was brought into Egypt and became a familiar figure
to the Egyptians of the Nineteenth Dynasty; under Ramesses
II she possessed a special temple in his residence. This
intrusion of a foreign goddess has given rise to a tale in
which Astarte is provided with a throne. Cf. Adolf Erman,
The Literature of the Ancient Egyptians: Poems. Narratives,
and Manuals of Instruction, from the Third and Second
Millennia B.C.. trans. Aylward M. Blackman (London: Methuen
S t CO. , 1927) , 169-170.
4Budge, The Book of the Dead. 563 (emphasis sup

plied) .
5Ibid., 605 (emphasis supplied). A statement from

The Book of Two Wavs alludes to the fact that wherever a
god may go, there is provided a throne: "I go down to your
bark that I may provide your throne" (Leonard H. Lesko, The
Ancient Egyptian Book of Two W a v s . UCPNES 17 [Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 1972], 106). The other
statement from another text supports this idea: "Now Re
entered every day at the head of the crew, taking his place
on the throne of the two horizons" (A N E T . 12 ["The God and
His Unknown Name of Power"]). As John A. Wilson explained
in his note, it seems that Re "made the daily journey
between east and west in his sun barque" (A N E T . 12b, n. 1).
109
As in other literatures, the second concept of the
divine "throne” in the Egyptian texts is that it symbolizes
kingship and its power. As Henri Frankfort pertinently

pointed out, many peoples consider the insignia of royalty
to be charged with the superhuman power of kingship, and
among these objects, the throne occupies a special place:
the prince who seats himself upon it at the coronation
arises king.1 The other two objects which signify the
kingship are the crown and the scepter. In Egyptian
literature, these two— especially the crown— are by no
means less important than the throne in symbolizing the
kingship or kingdom.
For the significance of the throne, Frankfort

further observes:
The throne "makes" the king— the term occurs in

Egyptian texts . . . The bond between the king and
the throne was the intimate one between his person
and the power which made him king.2
The remark by the god Osiris Ani, "I am crowned upon my
throne like the king of the gods,"3 is one of the numerous
statements which indicate the close connection between the
throne and the king.
One of the most frequently occurring phrases in
Egyptian literature, "Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the
■'■Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion. G.
2Ibid.
3Budge, The Book of the Dead. 459.
110
Two Lands,"1 characterizes the hierarchy of the deities in
the ancient Egyptian mythology. The god Amon (or Amun)-Re2
was the king or ruler of the two lands— Upper Egypt and
Lower Egypt. The title "Lord of the Thrones of the Two
Lands," not only expresses the status of the god but also
specifies his domain or territory. As the "primeval deity
and supreme god of the Egyptian pantheon,"3 Amon is first
mentioned in the Pyramid Texts which are from the end of
the Fifth Dynasty (ca. 2494-2345 B.C.)4 and later holds the
"universal kingship."5
The third concept of the mythical throne is that of
judgment. This concept is plain especially in the follow
ing passage:
He [Thoth] is one who has come forth from that

Sound Eye. His throne is at his seat, his judgment
hall; <he> is one who has come forth from . . . the
1C f . A N E T . 232-255 passim, 325-326 passim, 367,

373-380 passim, 446-448 passim, 470, etc.; Budge, The Gods
of the Egyptians. 2:11, 13, 16, 17; Lichtheim, 1:230;
2:16, 25, 26, 31, 35, 43-46 passim; 3:20, 31, 32, 74, 91;
T U A T . 1:527, 554, 555, 573, 590, 591.
2Re was the creator sun-god of Heliopolis and thus

signified
"the quintessence of all manifestations of the sun-
god, permeating the three realms of the sky, earth
and Underworld. Hence many deities enhance their
own divinity bv coalescing with this aspect of the
sun-god, e . g . , Khnum-Re, Amun-Re" (Hart, 179).
3Hart, 4.
4C f . Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid T e x t s .

234: " . . . you have come, 0 King, as the son of Geb upon
the throne of Amun."
5Hart, 5.
Ill
Sound Eye. He is lord of the Double Crown; he

shall not be kept from seeing his father before
him. He goes forth from him; he goes forth as
Atum. He has traversed his every seat <as> he goes
to the ways of the west. He is lord cf the double
crown; his seat, his throne, he traverses <it>.1
Thoth has come from the "Sound Eye” who scrutinizes
and examines the deeds of the dead, and "his throne" is in
"his judgment hall." In addition to this, the phrases such
as "the seat of right and truth" (auset maat)2 and "the
seat of peace for doing what is right and true" (iuset
hetep en Sri maat)3 clearly indicate that the seat or
throne (Suset) was a kind of forensic or judiciax chair.
They also allude to the moral quality or ethical dimension
which the ancient Egyptians attached to the mythical
throne. Thus, they remind one of the Bible texts saying,
"Righteousness and justice are the foundation of His
[God's] throne" (Pss. 97:2; cf. 89:14 [ET 89:15]).
One of the characteristics in Egyptian mythology is
that there are so many different classes or groups of gods,
one of which is "Throne Gods."4 This seems to be a power
^-Allen, The Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents.

126 ("BD 42").
2Budge, The Egyptian Book of the Dead. 233, 179.
3Ibid., 242.

226 ("BD 141*”) . The other groups of gods are:
"the southern Gods, the northern Gods, the western
Gods, the eastern Gods; the Kneeler Gods and the
Gods who bring offerings; the Gods of the Upper
Egyptian shrine and . . . the regional Gods, the
Horizon Gods, the Cave Gods, . . . " (ibid.).
112
term: in other words, the term "throne god" may indicate a
certain category of celestial beings or deities, as noticed
in the NT (Col 1I16)1 and the extrabiblical literature (T.
Levi 3:8).
Another characteristic feature is that the ancient
Egyptians used various explanatory adjectives and modifiers
for the divine thrones. There were the Great Throne,2 the
mighty seat,3 the holy seats,4 the Beautiful Throne of the

great god,5 the chief seat,6 the hidden throne,7 the
-'-Cf. Ernst Bammel, "Versuch Col 1, 15-20," ZNW 52

(1961): 90-91; Otto Schmitz, "thronos," TWNT 3 (1950): 160-
167 (ET: TDNT 3 [1965]: 160-167); Walter Wink, Naming the
Powers: The Language of Power in the New Testament, vol.
1, The Powers (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984) , 18-20.
2ANET. 5, 21; Budge, The Book of the Dead. 448;

Lichtheim, 1:48, 55; 2:157; Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian
Coffin Texts, 1:238; idem, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid
Texts, 187, 252; William Kelly Simpson, e d . , The Literature
of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories. Instructions,
and Poetry. trans. R. 0. Faulkner et al. (New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 1972), 71, 257; Wolfgang Schenkel,
Memphis • Herakleopolis • Theben: Die epigraphischen Zeug-
nisse der 7.-11. Dvnastie Agyptens. AA 12 (Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz, 1965), 264. Cf. Siegfried Morenz, Gott und
Mensch im alten Agypten. 2nd, enl. ed. (Zurich: Artemis
Verlag, 1984), 124.
4Lichtheim, 3:45, 50, 51, 52.
5Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. 191;

Lichtheim, 1:48.
7Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians. 1:512; Faulkner,

The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts. 3:64; idem, The Ancient
Egyptian Pyramid Texts. 281, 282.
113
invisible seat,1 the veiled seat,2 the empty throne,3 the
throne of Ruler,4 the iron or alabaster throne,5 the
rectangular throne,6 the throne of the Dweller in the
fiery Lake,7 the throne of the Great Lady,8 the throne of
the two Distant Ones,9 the Thrones of the Two Lands,10
the thrones of the Two Banks,11 the throne of the two

horizons,12 the thrones of the West,13 the seat of the
Foremost of the Westerners,14 the throne of Southern
2Ibid., 542.
3Budge, The Egyptian Book of the Dead, ex.
4A N E T . 17; Simpson and Faulkner et a l . , 134.
5Faulkner, The Ancient Eovotain Pyramid Texts. 188,

206, 254, 288; cf. Budge, The Book of the D e a d . 87.
7Budge, The Book of the Dead. 563-564.
8Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin T e xts.

2:129.
9Ibid., 2:246.
10AN E T . 232, 236, 238, 248, 255, 325, 326, 367, 373,
375, 380, 447, 448, 470; Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians,
11, 13, 16, 17; Lichtheim, 1:230; 2:16, 26, 28, 31, 35,
43-46 passim, 105, 224; 3:20, 31, 32, 74, 91; Simpson and
and Faulkner et al . , 68, 143; TUAT. 1:527, 554, 555, 573,
590, 591.
11Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts.

1:274.
13Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts. 3:7.
14Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts.288.
114
On,1 the seat in the land of Upper Egypt,2 the seat in the
land of Lower Egypt,3 the throne of the land,4 the seat
of right and truth,5 the throne of the joy of heart,6 the
throne of the living,7 the seat of the quiet,8 the throne
in the darkness,9 the throne in the Field of Rushes,10 the
twin seats,11 etc.
Still another characteristic point is that the god
Horus inherited the throne of his father Osiris and,
sitting on it, he ruled the world. Great emphasis is laid

upon this in many hymns which relate to Osiris and his
successor Horus;12 e.g.,
1Lichtheim, 2:26.

228 ("BD 142a" ).
3Ibid.
4Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin T e x t s . 3:14.
5Budge, The Egyptian Book of the D e a d . 179, 233,

242.
7Lichtheim, 2:40.
8Ibid., 1:59.
10Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid T e x t s . 180.

283 ("BD 159a " ) .
12Budge, Osiris. 2:262.
115
Thy throne hath descended unto thy son Horus.1
Exalted is thy throne, 0 Osiris. . . .

Thy son Horus hath ascended thy throne.2
In truth he shall rule from thy throne, and he

shall be heir to the throne of the Dweller in the
fiery Lake [Neserser].3
The throne of Horus passed naturally to his repre
sentative on earth, i.e., to the king of Egypt. 3udge has
provided a synopsis of how the throne of Osiris and Horus
was regarded.
When the first king of Egypt sat upon that throne

the spirit of Horus, as well as that of Osiris,
protected and inspired him, and the divine power
which these gods conferred upon him, by virtue of
his succession to their sovereignty, gave to his
words and deeds an authority which was divine and
absolute.4
All these characteristic features of the mythical
thrones are the indication that the ancient Egyptians put
extraordinary importance and significance upon the throne.
In the following text one finds that they even personified

the throne:
My seat, my throne, come, given to me, and serve

me. I am your Lord, (O) gods; come to me as (my)
Followers. I am the Son of your Lord; ye belong
to me. It was my Father who made you for me while
^■Budge, The Book of the Dead. 563 (chap. CLXXV:14).
2Ibid., 534-535.
3Ibid., 563 (chap. CLXXV:15). Cf. ibid., 564 (chan.

CLXXV:2 0-21): "And, verily, his son Horus is seated upon
the throne of the Dweller in the fiery Lake [of Neserser],
as his heir. . . . Horus is stablished upon his throne."
4Budge, Osiris. 2:262.
116
I was in the retinue of Hathor. I was the priest

there, Ihy, while I was in the retinue of Hathor.1
The god who pronounces this is Osiris and he
addresses both his throne and the other gods. By doing
this he seems to regard his throne as one of the gods or to
divinize it.
This investigation of the divine throne motif in
Egyptian literary texts can be summarized in the following
way: There is a "throne" for almost every god and each
goddess in the Egyptian pantheon and, consequently, one may
say that the throne primarily connotes godship. It also
signifies both kingship (ruling power) and kingdom (ruling
territory). The throne of Osiris was inherited by his son
Horus and later the Pharaohs themselves succeeded to this
throne: this was the source of the royal authority and the
symbol of sovereignty. In rare cases the throne is related
to the idea of judgment and moral quality. The variety of
the hieroglyphic terms for "throne" as well as of the
descriptive words for it is something peculiar in Egyptian
literature. The idea of personification or divinization of
the throne is present in one of the texts.
In summary, all of the major ancient Near Eastern
literatures— Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Ugaritic, and
Egyptian— speak more or less of the thrones of deities.
The idea which is clear and common to all of them is that

130 ("BD 47a ").
117
the "throne" signifies kingship or royal authority. Many
of the texts associate the throne with the concept of
judgment. For the Sumerians and the Canaanites the posi
tion of the seat and the order of seating were so important
that the gods were given specific seats and order for
sitting according to their status and relationship to one
another. In some of the Sumerian, Akkadian, and Egyptian
texts, the mythical thrones are deified and/or worshiped as
cult objects. The Sumerians regarded the throne as one of
the me's or divine principles which regulate the cosmic
orders and human institutions. In one of the Hittite
texts, the throne is personified, and in one of the
Ugaritic texts, it is mentioned metaphorically. In the
Egyptian literature almost every deity has its own throne,
and the throne of Osiris is inherited by his son Horus and
later by the Pharaohs. The characteristic title, "Amon-
Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands," indicates both
the king's status (kingship) and his domain (kingdom).
What emerges from this study is that there is in
the ancient Near Eastern texts no exact parallel to the
idea expressed in Ps 89:15 (ET 89:14) or Ps 97:2, except an
allusion to this in an Egyptian text. In other words, the
idea of righteousness and justice as the foundation of the
throne of deity is not found in any of the Sumerian,
Akkadian, Hittite, and Ugaritic texts. This implies that
the moral quality or ethical principle upon which the
118
throne of God in these hymns of the OT is set up was miss
ing in the concept of the mythical throne in Sumerian,
Akkadian, Hittite, and Canaanite literatures.
The task now is to examine in the remainder of this
study the "throne of God" motif in the Hebrew Bible. In
Chapter IV the throne terminology of the Hebrew Bible is
Investigated and this is followed by a brief survey of the
thrones of humans in the OT. In Chapter V an exegetical
exploration of the relevant passages is undertaken.
CHAPTER IV
THE THRONE TERMINOLOGY IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
This chapter presents a study of the throne termi
nology, i.e., the OT terms for "throne" and other related
expressions, and the thrones of humans in the OT with the
purpose of providing a linguistic background for the
exegetical study of "throne of God" texts. First, some
etymological investigations are pursued. Etymology may not
reveal the total meaning of a given word, but it can con
tribute to comprehending the historical development of a
term.1 As James Barr asserted, "The etymology of a word is
1It is noteworthy that James Barr and others

recently called into question the emphasis on comparative
etymological study. They demonstrated that the history of
a word, the phonetic and morphological developments of its
etymon, and its etymological connections may have nothing
to do with its meaning in a given context. Cf. James Barr,
The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford: Oxford Univer
sity Press, 1961); idem, "Did Isaiah Know about Hebrew
'Root Meaning'?" ExpTim 75 (1963-64): 242; John F. A.
Sawyer, Semantics in Biblical Research: New Methods of
Defining Words for Salvation. SBT, 2nd series 24 (Naper
ville, IL: Alec R. Allenson, 1972) ; Anthony C. Thiselton,
"Semantics and New Testament Interpretation," in New
Testament Interpretation: Essays on Irinciples and Methods,
ed. I. Howard Marshall (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 1977), 75-104; Moises Silva, Biblical
Words and Their Meaning: An Introduction to Lexical
Semantics (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 198 3) ;
Blosser, A Study of 'the Throne of David1 Motif in the
Hebrew Bible. 2-3.
119
120
not a statement about its meaning but about its history.,,;L
Barr warns us against the so-called "root fallacy" and
against what he calls "illegitimate totality transfer."2
While Barr is correct in insisting that meaning is
found in contexts (clauses and sentences), his criticism
must be tempered.3 Although the history of a certain word
sometimes demonstrates that the word has moved far from the
sense with which it was first used, the etymology of a
given word is still useful as an introduction to revealing
its semantic value.4 In other words, it is logical and
natural that when we try to expose the meaning and signifi
cance of a certain term we should trace its origin or root
as far back as possible.
There are three terms used in the Hebrew Bible
which are translated "throne." The two Hebrew terms are
kisse'and kisseh and the Aramaic term is korse'.5 Two
other Hebrew terms, mdfilb and tekunah, are used to indicate
the divine habitation and the seat of God respectively.
l-Barr, The Semantics of Biblical Language. 109.
2Ibid., 218.
3Walter C. Kaiser, J r . ,Toward an Exegetical

Theology; Biblical Exegesis for Preaching and Teaching
(Grand Rapids. Baker Book House, 1981), 143. Cf. Norman W.
Porteous, "Second Thoughts: II. The Present State of Old
Testament Theology," ExoTim 75 (1963-64): 71.
4Blosser, 3.
5Cf. Mandelkern, 589-590, 1329; Lisowsky, 686-687,

1554; Even-Shoshan, 552-553,563; Furst, 562-563, 572?
Fabry, "kissS'," T W A T . 4:256.
121
The Hebrew Terminology
kisse'
The noun kisse' occurs 13 5 times1 in the OT. It is
suggested that the word is a derivative of the root ks'
which is of Common Semitic origin. It has been linked to
two different groups of meanings: "full moon"2 and
"throne."3 Richard S. Tomback suggests that these two
groups of meaning are originated from two separate roots:
"ks' I" (Common Semitic) for "throne" and "ks' II" (Bibli
cal Hebrew) for "covered (?) or full (?) moon."4
On the other hand, some scholars suggest that the
term kisse' derives from an Akkadian noun. According to
Maximillian Ellenbogen, the Hebrew word kisse' "is derived
from the Akkadian word ^ k ussu, which is, as the cuneiform
1Fabry, "kisse'," T W A T . 4:256. The breakdown of

occurrences is as follows:
"Am haufigsten begegnet das Wort im DtrGW (50mal,
davon 20mal in 1 Kon 1 und 2), Pss (18mal), Jer
(17mal) und im Chronistischen Geschichtswerk (16-
m a l ) . Sonst begegnet das Wort nur sehr sporatisch
(Jes 3mal, Spr 6mal, Ez 5mal, Pent 4mal, Esth 3mal,
Sach und Hi je 2mal, Jon, Hag und K1 je lmal)."
2Cf. Mitchell Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic Lexicography

III," Bib 46 (1965): 330. The form ks' in the sense of
"full moon" appears only once in the Hebrew Bible (Prov
7:20). The other form ksh is used also once (Ps 81:4 [ET
81:3]).
3"Vollmond" and "Thron" (Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT.

4:247-248).
4Richard S. Tomback, A Comparative Semitic Lexicon

of the Phoenician and Punic Languages. SBLDS 32 (Missoula,
MT: Scholars Press, 1978), 146.
122
spelling indicates, but an Akkadianized version of the
Sumerian word î^GU.ZA."1
The Sumerian noun gu-za or guzza, meaning "seat,
chair" ("Sessel"),2 is probably "derived from the Sumerian
verb GUZ 'to cower, to squat (Ak. napalsutju) , to be lowered
(Ak. Sapalu) ' .1,3 This in turn is related to the Old
Akkadian kussil(in) and the Old Assyrian term kusslun, both
of which mean "Stuhl, Thron"4 or "chair, sedan chair,
throne, rule, dominion, royal property and service. . . .1,5
One scholar suggests that kussH(m) may derive from the verb
ksi, which means "binden (von Schilf und Rohr)."6 If this
is correct, it may be assumed that the word "throne" or
"chair" originally meant a binding or fastening (a person
^ a x i m i l l i a n Ellenbogen, Foreign Words in the Old

Testament: Their Origin and Etymology (London: Luzac &
Company, 1962), 89.
2Anton Deimel, ed. , Sumerisches Lexikon. Scripta

Pontificii Instituti Biblici, v o l . 3:1, Sumerisch-akkadi-
sches Glossar. ed. Anton Deimel (Rome: Pontificium Insti-
tutum Biblicum [Verlag des Papstlichen Bibelinstituts],
1934), 52.
3Ellenbogen, Foreign Words in the Old Testament.

89. Cf. Deimel, ed., Sumerisches Lexikon^ v o l . 3:1,
Sumerisch-Akkadisches Glossar. 52, gives the meanings of
guz as follows: "sich niederkauern" and "gesenkt sein."
4Von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 1:515; cf.

Theo Bauer, Akkadische Lesestiicke. vol. 3, Glossar (Rome:
Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1953), 17.
5Oppenheim et a l ., eds., The Assyrian Dictionary.

8:587.
6Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT, 4:248. Cf. von Soden,

Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 1:455; Bauer, Akkadische Lese-
stucke, 3:16.
123
on a seat), or that the "throne, chair" was something that
was bound (together) or fixed (in a certain place). How
ever, there is no certainty that this Akkadian etymology is
correct, since the majority of scholars believe that the
Akkadian noun is a loanword taken over from Sumerian.
There are several Ugaritic terms which indicate
"chair" or "throne": kht,1 tbt,2 and ks'.3 The most
important among these is ks', and its nominative form is

ksu4 or k s ,u.5 Besides ks* or ksu (ks,u) , Ugaritic has
also ksB and ks§ for "seat f chair t throne." According to
Cyrus H. Gordon, the last three letters of the Ugaritic
alphabet (i, u, h) have been appended to a preexisting
alphabet ending in t.6 Regarding the usage of those three
letters, he observes as follows:
i and u may have been necessary for writing non-

Semitic texts (notably Hurrian), or for that matter
even Semitic Accadian, where syllables consisting
only of a vowel occur. Such syllables would hardly
occur in Hebrew or Phoenician where virtually every
vowel must follow a consonant. . . . h tends to be
limited to loanwords, such as fefew "horse" (borrowed
from Indo-European) and k&u "chair" (of Sumero-
Accadian origin); and even in such words s tends
1U T . 418 (NO. 1219).
2UT, 500 (No. 2646a). Cf. UT, 416 (No. 1177).
3UT, 421 (NO. 1277).
4Ibid.
5Aistleitner, Worterbuch der uqaritischen Sprache.

153 (No. 1351).
6UT, 11.
124
to interchange with s as the variants ssw and ksu

show.1
Based on these and other comparative Semitic con
nections in cognate languages, the noun kisse' is used in
Hebrew with the meaning of "seat, chair, throne."2
kisseh
The Hebrew term kisseh has the same meaning as
kisse'. The difference rests with the third radical.
Instead of an ' there is a h. One could conclude that
kisseh is simply a variant of kisse'. The term kisseh
occurs only three times in the Hebrew Bible:twice in 1
Kgs 10:19 and once in Job 26:9. It is remarkable that, in
the description of the throne which King Solomon made, the
two forms of the same word are used without any distinction
in meaning as follows:
The king also made a great ivory throne [kisse'],

and overlaid it with the finest gold. The throne
[kisseh] had six steps, and at the back of the
throne [kisseh] was a calf's head, and on each side
of the seat were arm rests and two lions standing
beside the arm rests (1 Kgs 10:18, 19, RSV) .
It is noted in this passage that the two occur
rences of kisseh indicate the subject or a part of the
subject, while kisse' is an object and in the construct
state. The two occurrences of kisseh in this passage refer
to the royal throne of King Solomon, whereas the other
1U T . 11-12.
2H A L . 464; KBL, 446; B D B . 490.
125
occurrence in Job 26:9 refers to the divine throne. The
following translation seems to deliver the right meaning of
Job 26:9:
He [God] shuts off the view of His throne [kisseh],
Spreading His cloud over it.
(NJV) .1
mo &5b
The noun md&ab is a derivative of the verb yaSab
("to sit, sit down, dwell, inhabit, remain sitting").2 The
term mo£ab is generally rendered as "seat, dwelling,
dwelling-place, habitation."2 The KJV, RSV, and NASB never
translate this word as "throne," and even when it refers to
the place where the king (Saul) or God sits, these versions
all render it as "seat" (1 Sam 20:25; Ezek 28:2). The NIV,
however, renders md&ab ,eloliim yaSabti of Ezek 28:2 as "I
sit on the throne of a god,"4 while the NJV paraphrases it
xThus KJV. Cf. RSV, NIV, NASB, NEB, JB, NJB, etc.,
have "moon" or "full moon" for kissSh in Job 26:9.
2C f . M. Gorg, "jaSab; inoSab," T W A T . 3:1012-1032.
3B D B . 444; K B L . 507; H A L . 532.
4Since the Hebrew word ,elohim can be translated

both in singular ("God") and plural ("gods"), the transla
tions of this text vary: "I sit in the seat of the gods"
(RSV) ; "I sit in the seat of gods" (NASB, NKJV) ; "I sit
in the seat of God" (KJV); "I am sitting on the throne of
God" (JB) ; "I am divinely enthroned" (NJB) ; etc. For a
further discussion, see Walther Zimmerli, Ezekiel:____ A
Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel. vol. 2,
Chapters 25-48. Herm, trans. James D. Martin (Philadelphia:
Fortress Press, 1983), 77-78; Moshe Eisemann, Yechezkel:
The Book of Ezekiel: A New Translation with a Commentary
Anthologized from Talmudic. Midrashic and Rabbinic Sources.
126
as "I sit enthroned like a god." The JB translates it as
"I am sitting on the throne of God," but the NJB reads, "I
am divinely enthroned."
Fabry's observation, that "moSab 'Sitz' als uberge-
ordneter Begriff alles bezeichnen kann, was sich zum Sitzen
eignet,"1 is felicitous. The noun mdSab occurs forty-four
times in the Hebrew Bible, and in most cases it refers to
"[usual] dwelling,"2 "dwellingplace, "3 "habitation, 1,4

"seat,"5 etc.
In Ezek 28:2 moSab is used to refer to the "seat"
of God (KJV) or gods (RSV, NASB) 6 and in Ps 132:13 it
refers to the "habitation" (KJV, RSV) of Yahweh. It is not
clear whether or not the moSab in these two texts refers to
God's throne itself. It is more likely that it indicates
God's habitation or the place where the throne of God is

located.
3 vols., ASTS (Brooklyn, NY: Mesorah Publications, 1977,

1980, 1980), 2:463-464.
1Fabry, "kisse1," TWAT, 4:258.
2Gen 10:30; 27:39; Exod 10:23; Lev 3:17; 7:26;

23:3, 14, 21, 31; 25:29; Num 35:29; Ezek 48:15 (KJV).
3Num 24:21; 1 Chr 6:54; Ezek 6:6; 37:23 (KJV).
4Gen 36:43; Exod 12:20; 35:3; Lev 13:46; 23:17; Num

15:2; 1 Chr 4:33; 7:28; Ps 107:7, 36; Ezek 6:14 (KJV).
51 Sam 20:18, 25; Job 29:7; Ps 1:1; Ezek 8:3 (KJV).
6NIV and JB render mo£ab in Ezek 28:2 as "throne"

and some other versions translate the clause iid£ab ,elohim
yaSabti rather dynamically: "I sit enthroned like a god"
(NJV); "I am divinely enthroned" (NJB); etc.
127
tekunah
The word tekunah occurs three times in the OT (Job
23:3; Ezek 43:11; Nah 2:10 [ET 2:9]). William Gesenius
thinks that the tekunah of Job 23:3 derives from the root
kun and that of Ezek 43:11 and Nah 2:10 (ET 2:9) from the
root takan.1 In other words, while their forms are identi
cal, their etymologies would be different on this basis and
thus their meanings should differ from each other. This
would mean that the former is a haoax leqomenon and the
latter is another disleqomenon. However, N. H. Tur-Sinai2
takes tkn for the root of the tekdnah of Job 23:3, and F.
Delitzsch,3 Edouard Dhorme,4 E. Gerstenberger,5 John N.
Oswalt,6 and K. Koch,7 on the other hand, take kvn for the
root of all three. It is difficult to decide which is the
real etymon of t®k(inah, because the two candidate verbs,
1GHCL, 863.
2N . H. Tur-Sinai [H. Torczyner], The Book of Job: A

New Commentary. rev. ed. (Jerusalem: "Kiryat Sefer" Pub
lishing House, 1967), 352-353.
3F. Delitzsch, K D :C O T . 4:2:2, notes: "everywhere

from kiln, not from takan."
4Edouard Dhorme, A Commentary of the Book of Job

(Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1967), 344.
5E. Gerstenberger, "kiln ni. feststehen," THAT.

1:813. Cf. M. Delcor, "tkn bemessen," T H A T . 2:1043; HAL.
444.
6John N. Oswalt, "kun," T W O T . 1:433-434.
7K. Koch, "kun," T W A T . 4:96.
128
kwn1 and tkn,2 have some of their meanings in common.3
However, it seems more likely that tekunah is a "tacrtul-
form" noun which was derived from kwn and obtained the noun
preformative taw (t) and the feminine ending (-ah) .4 In
any case, the term tekunah literally means "established
place" or "fixed place."5 In the case of Job 23:3, the
majority of the versions render it as "seat" or "chair."6
^■The original meaning of the verb kvin (in the gal

form) is "be firm, straight" (KBL, 426) . Its polel form
means "set up, erect, establish, found, direct" fG H C L . 386-
387; BD B . 466-467; K B L . 426-428; H A L . 442-444). Cf. E.
Gerstenberger, "kun ni. feststehen," THAT, 1:812-817.
2tkn is derived from the Akkadian taqanu ("be set

in order") and means "prufen. estimate [gal], fest hinstel-
len. adjust; bemessen. mete out [piel]" (K B L . 1028; BDB.
1067) or "weigh, prove, examine, measure, set up, fix"
(G HCL. 864). Cf. Delcor, "tkn bemessen," T H A T . 2:1043-
1045.
3The major meanings of both verbs are as follows:

takan— "to estimate, make even, level, poise, weigh" (gal.) ,
"to adjust, mete out, weigh, prove, examine, measure, set
up, establish, fix, arrange" (piel) ; ktin— "to be firm,
firmly established" (nifal), "to set up, erect, confirm,
establish, maintain, found, direct, form" (polel) , "to
constitute, appoint, arrange, prepare" (hifil). C f . KB L .
1028, 426-427; GHCL. 864, 386-387; BD B . 1067, 465-466;
HAL. 442-443.
4C f . Rudolf Meyer, Hebraische Grammatik. vol. 2,

Formenlehre. Flexionstabellen. Sammlung Goschen 7 64/764a/
764b (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1969), 36; William
Rainey Harper, Elements of Hebrew by an Inductive Method,
rev. J. M. Powis Smith (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1959), 141 (§ 98).
5B D B . 456; K B L . 1028.
6In the case of Job 23:3, the term tekunah is

translated as "mvtb" (Peshitta, "dwelling place"), "hedra"
(Symmachus, "seat"), "solium" (Vulgate, "seat, chair"),
"seat" (KJV, RSV, ASV, NASB), "dwelling" (NIV), "judgment
seat" (NAB), "Stuhl" (Luther), "trone" (La Sainte Bible,
129
In the other two cases (Ezek 43:11; Nah 2:10 [ET 2:9]), it
is translated in many different ways-1 The KBL renders it
as "Einrichtung, Ausstattung (e[ines] Hauses)i.e.,
"arrangement, disposition (of house)."2
The immediate context of Job 23:3 discloses that
this word refers to the seat or dwelling-place where God
sits enthroned as Judge (vs. 7) or it indicates His throne
itself. It is evident that the scene as a whole is related

to judgment, as we hear Job's utterance in the following
verse: "I would present my case before Him/ And fill my
mouth with arguments" (Job 23:4, NASB).
The Aramaic Terminology
korse'
The term korse' is the Aramaic equivalent of the
Hebrew term kisse'.3 In place of the gemination of the
Traduction Oecumenique de la Bible), "pojwa" (RHV, "throne"

in Korean), etc. But the LXX renders it as "telos" ("end,
accomplishment"), and this reflects that its translator
understood the word as deriving from takan rather from kun.
Cf. Donald H. Gard, The Exeaetical Method of the Greek
Translator of the Book of J o b . JBLMS 8 (Philadelphia:
Society of Biblical Literature, 1952), 52.
1E.g., Ezek 43:11— "fashion" (KJV, A S V ) , "arrange

ment" (RSV, NIV, NKJV), "structure" (NASB), "plan" (JB) ,
"fittings" (NEB) , "layout" (NJV) ; Nah 2:10 (ET 2:9) —
"store" (KJV, ASV, NEB), "treasure(s)" (RSV, NASB, NKJV,
NJV, J B ) , "supply" (NIV).
2K B L . 1028.
3G H C L . 415; BDB. 1097, 1098; K B L . 1087.
130
sibilants ss the Aramaic has the sequence rs.1 This

phenomenon is also known from various other ancient Semitic
languages: e.g., Syriac (ktirs^S'), Arabic (kursiyun) ,
Mandean (kursia), and most South Semitic languages.2
The Syriac kiirsâ' means "thronus," especially
"sedes episcopi," "dioecesis," and "caput (regionis)."3
The Arabic word, kursiyun, has a rather broad spectrum of
meanings. It primarily means "throne, seat, stool, dais,"
especially, "God's throne," "the sovereign's throne," and
"the bride's seat." Metonymically, it is used to indicate
"royal seat, residence," and later "the see of a bishop,
patriarch." The range of its meaning has been extended to
include "professor's chair, lecturing desk," "desk on which
the Qur'an is placed," "base, chapiter (of a column),"
"pillar (of a bridge)," and "mounting (of a catapult)."4
^■Cf. Fabry, "kisse1," TWAT, 4:248, who comments,

"Im Wege der Dissimilation wird im aram. Sprachbereich die
Sibilanten-Gemination ss aufgebrochen zur Konsonantenfolge
rs . . . , die zum Morphem krs' fuhrt." Cf. G H C L . 4 07
(kisse1), 415 (korse'), 748 (r) .
2C f . Tomback, 146. Fabry, "kisse'," T W A T . 4:248,

enumerates as follows:
"Sudsemit. begegnen Tigre kursi 'kleines Bett, Ses-
sel', Tigrina koras . . . , Mehri karsx, Shauri
kersi und Soq. korsiy 'trone' . . . , Harari kursi
'chair, stand on which the Koran is placed while
one recites it.' . . ."
3Karl Brockelmann, Lexicon Svriacum (Hildesheim:

Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1966 [reprint]), 348.
4Manfred Ullmann, ed. , Worterbuch der klassischen

arabischen Sprache. vols. 1 and 2 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harras-
sowitz, 1970, 1983), 1:126-127.
131
In the OT, the term korse' is found only three
times in the Aramaic portion of the book of Daniel: once
in 5:20, where it refers to the throne of Nebuchadnezzar,
and twice in 7:9, where it refers to the thrones (korsawSn,

plural) in heaven and the throne (korse', singular) of the
Ancient of Days.
Other Related Expressions
The Hebrew Bible knows no real synonyms of kisse'
other than kisseh. Yet several terms or expressions are
employed to refer to the place where God is enthroned or to
indicate the objects related to kisse'. One of these is
the expression mekon-Sibtd (Ps 33:14), which means "His
dwelling place" (NASB; cf. NJV) or "the place of his
habitation" (KJV). The Psalmist states that Yahweh as Lord
of creation ard history
looks from heaven;

He sees all the sons of men;
From His dwelling place [mimmekon-£ibto]
He looks out
On all the inhabitants of the earth,
He who fashions the hearts of them all,
He who understands all their works.
(Ps 33:13-15, NASB, emphasis supplied).
One phrase analogous to this is makdn leSibteka, "a
place for you to dwell" (1 Kgs 8:13). This is a part of
what Solomon spoke to Yahweh when the ark was brought into
the temple. It is apparent that this phrase refers to the
temple built by Solomon and called "an exalted house" in
the same verse.
132
The other term for the place where God dwells is

memih51i, "resting place"1 (Ps 132:8). Its context reveals
that it refers to "His Tabernacle" in which Yahweh's "foot
stool" and "ark" (vss. 7, 8) are laid and resting.2
Another term which is closely connected with kisse'
is hadom, which is normally translated as "footstool."3
Deriving from the verb dwm ("to lie quietly, motionless"),

hadom originally meant "a place which gives rest."4 The
word hadom always occurs with raglayim in the Hebrew Bible.
This is to say that it appears only in the construct phrase
hadom raglayim, "the footstool of the feet." This phrase
is found six times in the OT and
is used only figuratively rmetaphorisch1 for the

ark, Zion, and the earth as the "footstool of God"
[Pss 99:5; 132:7; Isa 66:1; 1 Chr 28:2], and for
enemies as the "footstool of the king" [Ps 110:1;
Lam 2:1].5
The only synonym of had3m is kebe&, "footstool,"6
which is used to denote the golden footstool of Solomon's
1B D B . 629; KBL. 537; HAL» 568.
2The noun me ndhah derives from the verb ntiah, which

means "to settle down upon, remain, rest, take rest" (gal),
and "to cause to settle down, give rest, set, lay (aside),
let (someone or something) stay" (hifil) . Cf. B D B . 628;
K B L . 601-602; HA L . 641-642; GHCL. 538, 539; H. D. Preuss,
"nilah; memlhah, " TWAT. 5:297-307.
• • ' ' '
3B D B . 213; KBL. 225; HA L . 229.
4Heinz-Josef Fabry, "hadhom," T D O T . 3:325.
5Ibid., 331 (Fabry, »hadom," T W A T . 2:353).
6B D B . 461; KBL, 423; H A L . 439.
133
throne (2 Chr 9:18). This word, a hapax legomenon, derives

from the verb kaba&,1 which means "to tread with the feet,
trample under feet," or "to bring into bondage, dominate,
subject, subdue, subjugate." The meaning of the root is
suggestive of the function which this footstool played for
the one who was seated on the throne.
The footstool of Yahweh is also called meqom kis'i,
"the place of My throne" (Ezek 43:7) and meqom kappot
raglay, "the place of the soles of My feet" (Ezek 43:7).
This is what Yahweh calls His sanctuary on Zion, where He
"will dwell among the sons of Israel forever" (Ezek 43:7,
NASB) in the temple vision of Ezekiel. In the book of
Isaiah, Yahweh's footstool is called neqdn raglay, "the
place of My feet," in synonymous parallelism with m eqom
miqdaSi, "the place of My sanctuary" (Isa 60:13). Here
Yahweh's power and kabdd ("glory") is manifested a,id the
subjugated enemies of Israel follow it in procession to
show their respect to the city of Yahweh.2
1Cf. S. Wagner, "kabaS; kaebaeS; kibSan," T W A T . 4:54-

60; B D B . 461; K B L . 423; H A L . 439; G H C L . 383-384. G.
Henton Davies suggests that kebe£ "is probably a deliberate
alteration of kbS, 'lamb,' which in turn is probably a
scribal alteration for *gl, 'calf'" (G. Henton Davies,
"Footstool," IDB. 2:309). This suggestion seems to be
based on the LXX rendition of 1 Kgs 10:19, "and there were
calves' heads [protomai moschdn] to the throne behind," and
on the remarks by C. R. North ("The Religious Aspects of
Hebrew Kingship," ZAW 50 [1932]: 28-29). This may seem
"probable" but is open to serious question.
2Fabry, "hadhom," T D O T . 3:331-332.
134
The Thrones of Humans in the Old Testament

In the OT possession of a throne is the privilege
of the king (Gen 41:10 and passim). The Hebrew word kisse'
is primarily used for the seat of the king. How closely
the king ?-.» the throne are linked may be seen from the
following passages:
And the woman of Tekoa said to the king [David],

"O my lord, the king, the iniquity is on me and my
my father's house, and the king and his throne are
guiltless1' (2 Sam 14:9, NASB, emphasis supplied).
And it came about, when he [Zimri] became k i n g , as

soon as he sat on his throne. that he killed all
the household of Baasha . . . (1 Kgs 16:11, NASB,
emphasis supplied).
However, kisse* is also used for the seat of any
distinguished person: the seat of the queen mother (1 Kgs
2:19), the judicial seat of the governor (Neh 3:7), the
tribunal of a judge (Ps 122:5), especially, the chair ^
old man who is the priest (1 Sam 1:9; 4:13, 18) and the
seat for the prophet as an honored guest (2 Kgs 4:10).
English translations normally do not use the word "throne"
in these instances, but reserve it for the ceremonial chair
of a king from which, equipped with the other symbols of
his office, he discharges his duties.1
The word "throne" can refer to the actual seat, but
more often simply stands for the authority of the king2 or
^■L. E. Toombs, "Throne," IDB, 4:637.
2C f . p. 1, n. 2 and p. 2, n. 1 above.
135
for "the Vringdom ~ a. whole (2 Sam 7:16; 1 Kgs 8:20) . The
thrones of many foreign kings are mentioned in the OT,1 but
att e n t i o n naturally centers on the He b r e w throne,
particularly on the throne of David which was established
by divine covenant. Thus, there are many references to the
Davidic throne in the sense of the eternal duration of the
Davidic dynasty promised in 2 Sam 7:12-16.2 On one occa
sion one finds a similar reference to the throne of Israel
(1 Kgs 2:4). It is in similar terms that Isaiah prophesies
that the Messiah will sit "on the throne of David and over
his kingdom" (Isa 9:6 [ET 9:7], NASB). This throne is
distinguished not only by power but also by justice (Tsa
16:5; cf. Ps 122:5).3 To the degree that this kingship of
the Davidic dynasty implies the kingship of Yahweh,4 the
^•E.g., Gen 41:40; Exod 11:5; 12:29; Judg 3:20; 2

Kgs 25:28b=Jer 52:32b; Isa 14:9; 47:1; Jer 43:10; Esth 1:2;
5:1; Jonah 3:6.
2Cf. 1 Chr 17:11-14; Pss 89:4, 28, 29, 36; 132:11,

12; Jer 13:13; 17:25; 22:30; 36:30; etc. For thestudies
on the throne of David and its succession as theological or
biblical motifs, see p. 12, n. 1 above. The most remark
able and scholarly treatment on this subject is Oliver
Raymond Blosser's A Study of 'the Throne of David1 Motif in
the Hebrew Bible.
3For the general link between the throne and jus

tice, see Prov 20:28; 25:5; 29:14.
4The Davidic kingdom is "the kingdom of Yahweh in

the hand of the sons of David" (2 Chr 13:8, emphasis
supplied). In connection with this, the Queen of Sheba's
praise of Solomon contains the following significant words:
"Blessed be the LORD [Yahweh] your God who delighted in
you, setting you on His throne as king for the LORD
[Yahweh] your God" (2 Chr 9:8, NASB, emphasis supplied).
136
throne of David to which Solomon succeeded can also be
called "the throne of the kingdom of Yahweh over Israel" (1
Chr 28:5) or "the throne of Yahweh" (1 Chr 29:23).1
The description of Solomon's throne in 1 Kgs 10:18-
20 gives us an idea of the physical appearance of the
Hebrew throne in OT times.
Moreover, the king made a great throne of ivory and

overlaid it with refined gold. There were six
steps to the throne and a round top to the throne
at its rear, and arms on each side of the seat, and
two lions standing beside the arms. And twelve
lions were standing there on the six steps on the
one side and on the other; nothing like it was
made for any ether kingdom (1 Kgs 10:18-20, NASB).
In other words, Solomon's throne was a high-backed
chair and had wide armrests. On the back of the throne was
"a round(ed) top" or "a calf's head" (1 Kgs 10:19, RSV),2
the ancient symbol of strength, and two lions stood beside
the armrests, while twelve lions stood one on each end of
six steps, symbolizing the royal authority and power. All
^■Otto Schmitz, "thronos," T D N T . 3:162. Cf. pp.

159-161 below.
2This is a case of textual problem: the MT reads,

we r o 'S - ‘agol, which means "the round(ed) top" or "(the) top
(is) round(ed)." However, Greek texts have the equivalent
of "heads of calves" ( ^ r a ' S e 'egel)— i.e., "calves" for
"round(ed)" ('egel for 'agol). Following these texts, the
RSV translates: "At the back of the throne was a calf's
head" (1 Kgs 10:19). Although this is generally accepted,
the other, "the round(ed) top," is also supported by some
important versions (e.g., Peshitta, Vulgate, M T ) , and
adopted as original by F. Canciani and G. Pettinato. Cf.
F. Canciani and G. Pettinato, "Salomos Thron, philologische
und archaologische Erwagungen," ZDPV 81 (1965): 88-108;
Simon J. De Vries, 1 Kings. WBC 12 (Waco, TX: Word Books,
Publisher, 1985), 140.
137
these descriptions and their symbol of the Solomonic throne
contribute in one way or the other to understanding the
biblical concept of the throne.
The Hebrew Bible contains numerous construct chains
in which the term kisse' is found as the first component
(nomen regens),1 and these can be divided into several
groups. The first one is the "throne of kingdom" group.
To this group belong kisse' mamlakah (Deut 17:18; 2 Sam
7:13; 1 Kgs 9:5; 2 Chr 23:20), kisse' mamlakot (plural, Hag
2:22), kisse' malkilt (1 Chr 22:10; 2 Chr 7:18), and kisse'
me lilkah (1 Kgs 1:46). One other form, kisse' hammelakim
("throne of the kings," 2 Kgs 11:19; 25:28; Jer 52:32), may
also belong to this category.
The second group is the "throne of Israel" group.
The construct form, kisse' yi^ra'el, is found four times in
the formula promising the continuous succession of the
Davidic throne: "There shall not fail you [David] a man on
the throne of Israel" (1 Kgs 2:4=9:5, RSV; cf. 1 Kgs 8:25=
2 Chr 6:162 ). Later, in the book of Jeremiah, we find a
similar form, kisse' bet-yi^ra'el: "David shall never lack
■‘•Fabry, "kisse'," T W A T . 4:256, observes:

"kisse' begegnet in knapp 2 Drittel seiner Belege in
prosaischen, sonst in poetischen Texten. 23mal
begegnet kisse' absolut, 61mal suffigiert (46mal
mit Bezug auf den Konig, 15mal mit Bezug auf
JHWH)."
2The wordings of these two verses are slightly

different from those of 1 Kgs 2:4=9:5. 1 Kgs 8:25=2 Chr
6:16 reads, "There shall never fail you a man before me to
sit upon the throne of Israel" (RSV, emphasis supplied).
138
a man to sit on the throne of the house of Israel" (Jer
33:17, RSV, emphasis supplied).
The third group is the "throne of his father"
group. This form, kisse' 'abiv, which emphasizes the
dynastic element, occurs once with reference to David (1
Kgs 2:12) and once with reference to Ahab (2 Kgs 10:3).
When Solomon applies this formula to his own relationship
to David, he naturally changes the form from "his father"
to "my father" : kisse' david 'abi (1 Kgs 2:24).
The fourth group is the "throne of judgment" group.
In this category we find two different forms of the same
idea: kisse' l®miSpat, "throne of judgment" (Ps 122:5) and
kisse' din, "throne of judgment" or "throne of justice"
(Prov 20:8, NASB). Ps 122, one of the Songs of Degrees,1
includes a meaningful verse which says, "For there are set
thrones of judgment [kis'dt lîSp a t ] , the thrones of the
house of David" (vs. 5, KJV). The expression, "thrones of
judgment," is not used here to introduce anything new that
is unknown but to indicate and explain an already existent
concept. That concept is "the thrones of the house of
David." Syntactically, the "thrones of judgment" is in
■•-This group of psalms (Pss 120-134; probably also

Ps 84) is otherwise called the Songs of Ascents, the
Gradual Songs, the Pilgrim or Pilgrimage Songs (Wallfahrts-
lieder). C f . Klaus Seybold, Die Wallfahrtspsalmen: Studien
zur Entstehunqsaeschichte von Psalm 120-134. BTS 3 (Neu-
kirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins,
1978); idem, "Die Redaktion der Wallfahrtspsalmen," ZAW 91
(1979): 247-268; Cuthbert C. Keet, A Study of the Psalms
of Ascents (London: Mitre Press, 1969).
139
apposition to "the thrones of the house of David." Thus,
this verse (Ps 122:5) reveals how closely government is
related to judgment.
The same idea is apparent also in Prov 20:8, where
the wise man says, "A king who sits on the throne of judg
ment winnows all evil with his eyes" (RSV) . Here, the
king's throne, the seat of the ruler's authority, functions
as the tribunal of the king as the judge. It was for this
reason that Solomon "made the Hall of the Throne ['Glam1

hakkisse'] where he was to pronounce judgment, even the
Hall of Judgment [ 'ulam hammi&pat]" (1 Kgs 7:7, RSV).
Therefore, it becomes evident that "throne" signifies both

government and judgment.
For the fifth group, there are a few attributive
construct chains2 with kisse': kisse' hawdt, kisse'
kabod, and kisse1 qodeS. The first one is found only in Ps
94:20: "Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with
^■According to Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baum

gartner, the lexical form of 'iilam is 'el5m. But its
orthography is varying: '(11am (20 times) , 'ulam (12 times) ,
•elammaw (7 times) , 'elammav (7 times) , etc. The LXX has
always ailam, which is a borrowed word or a translitera
tion. The origin of this word is the Akkadian i/ellamu
("yor, in front of") or i/ellami ("v o r n . in front") , thus
it means "Vorhalle (des Tempels) . porch, vestibule." Cf.
K B L . 38; H A L . 39-40.
2C f . G H G . 417. By the "attributive construct

unains" are meant the construct chains in which the ncmen
rectum does not represent merely what is the genitive
relation to the nomen regens, but only adds a nearer
definition of the nomen regens, especially the attribute of
a person or a thing.
140
thee, which frameth mischief by a law?" (KJV, emphasis
supplied). According to Mitchell Dahood, the Psalmist
contrasts kisse' hawdt ("the seat of iniquity") with ’ad
sedeq ("the tribunal of justice") in vs. 15 (AB) ,1 thus
"the phrase is metonymic for iniquitous rulers."2 James G.
Murphy has the same idea when he comments: "The throne of
mischief [his own translation] . The throne is the seat of
judgment. The throne of mischief is that which decides
contrary to justice."3
The tenor of the entire psalm is, as Derek Kidner
puts it, "A God who Punishes."4 This is obvious from the
very beginning of the psalm. Therefore, as a part of the
psalm whose theme is judgment or punishment, the expression
1Dahood's own translation of the whole verse (Ps

94:15) is: "But the tribunal of justice will restore
equity,/ and with it all upright hearts"; whereas NKJV
has, "But judgment will return to righteousness,/ And all
the upright in heart will follow it." Dahood gives the
following comments on "the tribunal of justice":
"Crucial for the interpretation of the imme
diately preceding verses, vs. 15 is unfortunately
the thorniest line of the entire psalm, grammati
cally and lexically. What is proposed here is at
least syntactically feasible.
"A comparison with vs. 20, kisse* hawwot, !the
seat of injustice,' reveals that 'ad sedeq is its
antonym, and that 'ad equals Ugar.-Heb. 'd . . ."
(Mitchell Dahood, Psalms II f51-100t . AB 17 [Garden City,
NY: Doubleday & Company, 1968], 349).
2Ibid., 350.
3James G. Murphy, A Critical and Exeaetical Com

mentary on the Book of Psalms, with a New Translation
(Minneapolis: James Family Publishing, 1977), 502.
4Derek Kidner, Psalms 73-150: A Commentary. TOTC

14b (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity Press, 1975), 340.
141
"the throne of iniquity" should mean "the tribunal of
destruction" and denote "the rulers or judges who were
ready like a yawning gulf to swallow up the innocent.1,1
The second occurrence of this type of construction
is kisse' kabod, which means "the throne of glory" or "the
glorious throne." This phrase occurs four times in the OT.
It stands as a metaphor for Jerusalem (Jer 14:21),2 as the
divine epithet of Yahweh (Jer 17:12),3 and for the throne
of David (Isa 22:23). In Hannah's prayer, it simply means
an honorable position (1 Sam 2:8). The NT has two refer
ences to "the throne of glory" (thronos doxds),4 and in
both cases (Matt 19:28; 25:31) "it is used for the sover
eign seat of the Son of Man when He is manifested in His
Messianic glory to judge and to rule [zum Gericht und zur
Herrschaft] .1,5 In other words, it is the Son of Man who
will sit "on the throne of His glory" (epi thronou doxes
autou).
1A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Book of Psalms (Grand

Rapids: Baker Book House, 1902; reprint, 1982), 571. Cf.
RSV ("wicked rulers").
2Cf. pp. 217-222 below.
3C f . pp. 222-236 below.
4In addition to this phrase ("the throne of glory"

[thronos doxes]), the NT has also "the throne of grace" (ho
thronos tes charitos, Heb 4:16) and "the throne of the
Majesty" (ho thronos tes megaldsunes, Heb 8:1), both in the
book of Hebrews.
5Schmitz, "thronos," TDNT, 3:164-165.
142
The third occurrence of this type, kisse' qodeS, is
found only once in the Hebrew Bible: "God reigns over the
nations; God sits on his holv throne" (Ps 47:9 [ET 47:8],
RSV, emphasis supplied). The MT for "His holy throne,"
kisse' qodSo, literally means "the throne of His holiness."
qode§, as a nomen rectum of the construct chain, describes
the attribute of the nomen regens, kisse' (throne).
The sixth group consists of the "throne of David"

and "throne of Solomon" group. We have already noticed the
significance of the Davidic (and Solomonic) throne and its
succession.1 The following statement by Fabry may serve as
a good summary of what the Davidic throne signifies:
Der kisse' dawid ist damit der Inbegriff fur

die von Gott erwahlte Konigsherrschaft Davids und
der Davididen in Jerusalem (vgl. Jer 13,13; 17,25;
22,2. 4. 30; 29,16). In ihm verwirklicht sich die
Konigsherrschaft JHWHs auf Erden (1 Chr 28,5), des-
halb ist ihm bestandige Sukzession und Bestand auf
immer verheissen (2 Sam 7,13; par. 1 Chr 17,12. 14;
Ps 132,11).2
The seventh and most important group is the "throne
of God" or "throne of Yahweh" group. As stated earlier,
the Hebrew Bible contains twenty-seven passages which have
direct reference to the throne of God. Each of these is
studied in the next chapter.
^•See p. 12, n. 1 above; Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT.

4:259-262.
2Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT, 4:259-260.
CHAPTER V
THE THRONE OF GOD IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
Pentateuch
The Pentateuch contains four occurrences of the
word kisse' (Gen 41:40; Exod 11:5; 12:29; Deut 17:18). In
Gen 41:40, it refers to the throne of the Pharaoh of
Joseph's time; in Exod 11:15 and 12:29, to that of the
Pharaoh at the time of the Exodus; and in Deut 17:18, to
that of the king who will be enthroned when the Israelites
will conquer the Promised Land and be given the monarchy.
Thus, in all of these occurrences, the term refers to the
throne of the earthly king.
The fifth probable reference to tli; throne, which
may be the only reference to the throne of God in the whole
Pentateuch, is found in the book of Exodus (17:16).
The Book of Exodus
Exodus 17:16
Exod 17 reports the experiences that Israel had at
Rephidim during their journey through the wilderness. The
second half of the chapter (vss. 8-16) is the narrative of
the fight between Israel and Amalek. The account after
defeating Amalek runs as follows:
143
144
Then Yahweh said to Hoses, "Write this in the book

as a memorial, and recite it in the ears of Joshua;
for I will utterly blot out the memory of Amalek
from under heaven.” And Moses built an altar and
called the name of it Yahweh-nissi [Yahweh is my
banner], and he said,
"Because a hand [has been lifted] against
the throne of Yah[weh], Yahweh [will be at]
war against Amalek from generation to gen
eration. 11
(Exod 17:14-16).1
The MT of vs. 16 reads;
w a yyo'ner
ki-yad 'al-kes yah milhamah laYHWH ba'amaleq
middor d o r ;2
It is extremely difficult to gain a correct under
standing of the Hebrew text because it contains a very
obscure expression. Two basic questions arise regarding
this verse: (1) "What does che hapax leqomenon kes3 mean?"
and (2) "whose 'hand' does the yad refer to?"
First, what is the meaning of kes? The problem of
the meaning of ki-yad *al-kes yah has been debated through
out the history of exegesis. The LXX reads, hoti en cheiri
kruphaia£, meaning "for with a secret [literally, covered
or concealed] hand." This Greek translation suggests the
same consonants for kes yah as the MT, but pointed as a
verb— kesuylh (gal passive participle of kasah, "cover,
^■My translation.
2Both BHK and BHS have the exactly same form.
3Cf. Frederick E. Greenspahn, Hapax Leaomena in

Biblical Hebrew; A Study of the Phenomenon and Its Treat
ment Since Antiouitv with Special Reference to Verbal
Forms. SBLDS 74 (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1984), 191.
145
conceal") and with the preposition transposed to go with
yad. Both Samaritan and Syriac versions read kisse' for
kes, and the Vulgate's "solium Domini" suggests a text such
as kisse'-Yah. ("throne of Yahweh"). This interpretation is
followed by many other Bible translators and commentators.1
It is interesting that the KJV and many other versions pro
vide a paraphrase in terms of "swearing" for this phrase.2
On the other hand, the RSV and some other versions3
follow the emendation nes-Yah ("banner of Yah[weh]"),
because it is possible that kes is a scribal error for nes
("banner"), as in vs. 15.4 J. P. Hyatt considers the
emendation made by the RSV as "the best solution for an
obscure text"5 and maintains that "the meaning of the RSV
1E.g., NIV— "For hands were lifted up to the throne

of the LORD"; NJV— "Hand upon the throne of the LORD!"
Fox's translation is quite literal: "Hand on Yah's throne!"
(Everett Fox, Now These Are the Names: A New English
Rendition of the Book of Exodus [New York: Schocken Books,
1986], 98).
2E.g., KJV ("the LORD hath sworn"; the margin has

"the hand upon the throne of the LORD"); cf. TheGeneva
Bible, NKJV, ASV, NASB, and RHV.
3E.g., JB, NJB, Zurcher Bibel ("Die Hand an das

Panier des Herrn!").
4For a further discussion, see Roland Gradwohl,

"Zum Verstandnis von Ex. XVII 15f.," VT 12 (1962): 491-494;
Martin Noth, Exodus: A Commentary. OTL (Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1962), 143, 144; Brevard S. Childs, The
Book of Exodus: A Critical. Theological Commentary. OTL
(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1974), 311, 312; J. P.
Hyatt, Exodus. NCBC (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publish
ing Company, 1971), 185, 186; Fox, 99.
5Hyatt, 186.
146
text as emended and punctuated is that Moses took an oath
by the 'banner of the Lord' (i.e., by the altar), declaring
that Yahweh would have continual war with Amalek.1,1
After probing various possible intepretations of
this verse, Roland Gradwohl also concluded that "die
Ubersetzung des Verses lautet daher richtig: 'Furwahr,
Hand an, auf der Gottesstandarte, Krieg hat JHWH gegen
Amalek von Geschlecht zu Geschlecht' .1,2 By saying this,
Gradwohl proposes the theory that the hand in v s . 16 is a
reference to "a votive hand" ("Votivhand")3 on the scepter
of God to guarantee continual war against Amalek.
However, this argument has a couple of serious
weaknesses. First, it does not have any support from the
ancient MSS and old translations. It has been observed

that
conjectural emendations are not to be adopted with

out necessity. . . . The text as it stands was
undoubtedly that which was alone known to the Tar-
gumists, the Samaritan, the Syriac, the Latin and
the Arabic translators.*
Second, it is unnatural and less logical to under
stand ki-yad 'al-kes yah as meaning "because a hand [is] on
the banner of Yahweh," since this clause is expected to
1Ibid.
2Gradwohl, 493.
3Ibid., 494.
*F. C. Cook, ed., The Bible Commentary. abr. and

ed. J. M. Fuller, Exodus— Ruth (Grand Rapids: Baker Book
House, 1953), 48.
147
offer the reason why Yahweh "will have war with Amalek from
generation to generation" (Exod 17:16b, KJV, RSV) . In
other words, it is more logical and natural to interpret
the clause as meaning "because a hand [has been lifted]
against the throne of Yah[weh]," for this explains why
Yahweh will have continuous wars against the Amalekites.
Recently, this has been reaffirmed by John I. Durham, who
makes the following significant remarks:
Such an interpretation ["the banner of Yah"]

may be borne out by the explanation of Moses,
though [vs.] 16 is complicated by what appears to
be a corrupt text at its crucial point. As noted
above . . . , the reading kisse' yah "throne of
Yah" is preferable to the other possibilities, in
part because it requires less textual emendation
and in part because it better fits the context.
The Amalekites have raised a hand against Yahweh's
sovereignty, symbolized repeatedly in the OT by
reference to his ks'/fcsh "throne" . . . , but not
against a flag or banner of Yahweh, never mentioned
in the OT at all.1
The recent article by David Horowitz also advocates
"throne" rather than "banner."2 More convincingly, the
Preliminary and Interim Report on the Hebrew Old Testament
Text Project, citing its "Factor 8" ("Misunderstanding of
1John I. Durham, Exodus, WBC 3 (Waco, TX: Word

Books, Publisher, 1987), 237.
2David Horowitz, "ky yd '1 ks h' [yh]," DD 14

(1985): 56, maintains as follows:
"The passage should be translated in its literal
meaning: (Because) there is a hand on the Throne of
the Lord (there is) war unto Amalek in every gen
eration (Midor dor, and not midor ledor). This
passage reveals a fundamental fact that there is a
negative 'hand' interfering with the Throne of the
Lord."
148
linguistic data”),1 reads this text as follows: "(For a
hand) [has been raised] against the throne of the LORD:
([therefore there is] war between the LORD and Amalek.)."2
Second, whose "hand" is referred to by the word
yad? There have been at least three suggestions to answer
this question: (1) Yahweh's hand;3 (2) M o s e s 1 hand;4 and
1C f . Dominique Barthelemy et al., eds., Preliminary

and Interim Report on the Hebrew Old Testament Text Proj
ect . vol. 1, Pentateuch (London: United Bible Societies,
n.d.), x i i .
2Ibid., 110.
3Tarcrum Onkelos (trawm 1nalws ) , herausgegeben und

erlautert von A. Berliner, part 1 (Berlin: Gorzelanczyk &
Co., 1884), 79; Ramban (Nachmanides), Commentary on the
To rah. vol. 2, Exodus. trans. and anno. Charles B. Chavel
(New York: Shilo Publishing House, 1973), 246; A. M.
Silbermann, ed . , Chumash with Taroum Onkelos. Haphtaroth
and Rashi1s Commentary. vol. 2, Shemoth. trans. and anno.
A. M. Silbermann and M. Rosenbaum (Jerusalem: Silbermann
Family, 1934), 91; A. Cohen, ed., The Soncino Chumash:
The Five Books of Moses with Haphtaroth (Hindhead, Surrey:
Soncino Press, 1947), 433. The Targum Onqelos paraphrases
and expands Exod 17:16 as follows:
"And he said, 'By oath it was pronounced by the Awe
inspiring One whose Divine Presence is upon the
throne of glory that it is destined that war will
be waged before the Lord against Amalek in order to
destroy them for eternal generations.'"
(Bernard Grossfeld, The Taroum Oncxelos to Exodus: Trans
lated. with Apparatus and Notes. ArBiTg 7 [Wilmington, DE:
Michael Glazier, 198t*], 48).
4J. Coert Rylaarsdam, "The Book of Exodus," I B .

1:962; W. H. Gispen, Exodus. BSC, trans. (from the Dutch)
Ed van der Maas (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House,
1982), 171; Frederick Carl Eiselen, Edwin Lewis, and
David G. Downey, eds., The Abingdon Bible Commentary (New
York: Abingdon Press, 1929), 267; Frank Michaeli, Le livre
de 1'Exode. CAT 2 (Neuchatei & Paris: Delachaux & Nieslte,
Editeurs, 1974), 153-154. A. K. McNeile, The Book of
Exodus. WC 2 (London: Methuen & Co., 1931), 104, comments
as follows:
"The Lord hath sworn. A very terse form of oath
149
(3) Amalek's hand.1 In the first two suggestions, the hand
(yad) is lifted as a cursing formula (Fluchformel^2 or a
swearing gesture (Schwurcrestust .3 The third suggestion
holds that the hand is raised as a rebelling gesture.
Menahem M. Kasher summarizes a great variety of
interpretations and comments on this verse.4 The rendition
of the text in his suggestion is "The hand upon the throne
of the LORD." U. Cassuto's interpretation is different:
(introduced by ki, the particle of asseveration),

which may have been frequently employed in ancient
days— yadh *al k.5s Yah. The alliteration formed by
the first and the last word is characteristic of
popular sayings and proverbs. The four words denote
a hand on the throne of Y a h . The expression 'lift
up the hand' as a form of oath is found in vi. 8,
Gen. xiv. 22, Num. xiv. 30, Ps. cvi. 26 al. The
words may therefore be rendered, not as in R.V.
but, I [or We] lift up a hand to the throne of
Yah" (emphasis his).
1J. Clericus (cf. K D :C O T . 1:2:82; Childs, The Book

of Exodus. 311) ; KJV margin; Samson Raphael Hirsch, Per
Pentateuch, part 2, Exodus (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag der
J. Kauffmann'schen Buchhandlung, 1869), 205; Durham, 237.
2Elias Auerbach, Moses (Amsterdam: G. J. A. Ruys,

1953), 86.
3Martin Buber, Moses. The East and West Library

(Oxford: Phaidon Press, 1956), 90-93. Cf. Rashi (Pentateuch
with Tarcrum Onkelos. Haphtaroth and Prayers for Sabbath and
Rashi1s Commentary. vol. 1, Genes is. Exodus. trans. and
anno. M. Rosenbaum and A. M. Silbermann [London: Shapiro,
Valentine & Co., 1946], Exodus 91); Abraham ibn Ezra (The
Commentary of Abraham ibn Ezra on the Pentateuch, vol. 2,
Exodus. trans. Jay F. Shachter [Hoboken, NJ: KTAV Publish
ing House, 1986], Exod 17:16); Cohen, ed. , The Soncino
Chumash. 43 3.
4See Menahem M. Kasher, Encyclopedia of Biblical

Interpretation. vol. 8, Exodus. trans. Harry Freedman (New
York: American Biblical Encyclopedia Society, 1970), 258,
259.
150
Truly (ki), this altar shall be a hand [monument],

that is, a memorial pillar, to the Lord's plan (kes
being from the stem kasas, "count,” "reckon") to
blot out Amalek's memory.1
In order to find the most suitable answer to this
question, one needs to look at the text in a broader
perspective.2 Exod 17, which is the immediate context of
the present passage, reports a crowning event on the top of
a series of God's working for His children. This chapter
is put there as a conclusion of a wider context, Exod 15-
17. The first notable thing in this series is God's
working the natural miracle at the sea which is sung by
Moses (15:1-19) and Miriam (vss. 20-21). The second
notable thing is His physical miracles to provide for
Israel's physical needs: (1) the sweetening of the bitter
water of Marah (15:22-27); (2) the miraculous provision of
manna and quail (chap. 16); and (3) the supply of water
out of the rock (17:1-7). The third notable thing is the
victory over the Amalekites which is recorded in Exod 17:8-
16. This is Israel's first warfare after leaving Egypt and
1U . Cassuto, A Commentary on the Bool of Exodus,

trans. (from the Hebrew) Israel Abrahams (Jerusalem: Magnes
Press, The Hebrew University, 1983), 207 (italics his).
20ne of the studies in this method on the present

text is Bernard P. Robinson's "Israel and Amalek: The
Context of Exodus 17.8-16," JSOT 32 (1985): 15-22. In this
article (p. 15) , Robinson looks at the text in several
contexts: e.g., Exod 17 and 18; Exod 17:8-16 and Num
21:4-9; Exod 17:8-16 and Deut 25:17-19; the wandering
stories as context; and the Pentateuch as context. He
also provides a beautiful chiastic structure of the text.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
151
it is their first victory over a heathen or Gentile enemy.1
This quintet of God's provisions should be the monuments
which remind the Israelites of God's capability and wil
lingness to meet any future needs of His people.
Amalek comes to the stage here as the first enemy
or hindrance on the way of God's people to the Promised
Land. Since the Israelites' procession and entering into
the Promised Land was God's will and plan for them, any
power or "hand" raised against His people to hinder them
from marching forward is, in reality, against the authority
of God who has chosen and led them. Accordingly, what
Amalek did toward God's people is understood by Moses as
that Amalek raised its hand against God's throne, which is
the seat of His authority.
Thus,it becomes evident that the throne of Yahweh
is mentioned here as the symbol of His sovereign power and
invincibility. Whoever raises his hand against it, Yahweh
will have war with him "from generation to generation"
(Exod 17:i6) until He gets the final victory over him.
The Historical Writings
While there are many references to the thrones of
human kings, only four references to the throne of God are
1Harold L. Willmington, Willminaton's Survey of the

Old Testament: An Overview of the Scriptures from Creation
to Christ (Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1987), 130.
152
found in the Historical Writings:1 1 Kgs 22:19; 1 Chr
29:23; 2 Chr 9:8; 18:18. 1 Kgs 22:19 and 2 Chr 18:18 are
identical because both report one and the same narrative.
In addition to these four passages, Lam 5:19 may be
mentioned in this section, not because Lamentations by
nature belongs to this division of the Hebrew Bible, but
simply because, among the five divisions of the Hebrew
Bible adopted in the present dissertation,2 the "Historical
Writings" is the nearest division that Lamentations can be
grouped into.3 This means that the historical character of
the book is more distinct than anything else.
1By "the Historical Writings" here are meant the

books of the OT, the contents of which are history: Joshua,
Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah,
and Esther.
2The five divisions are: the Pentateuch, the His

torical Writings, the Prophetic Writings, Wisdom and Hymnic
Literature, and the Apocalyptic Literature.
3Lamentations, together with the other four books

of the Five Scrolls or Megilloth, belongs to the third
major part, Kethubim, in the Hebrew Bible. However, more
often it is juxtaposed with the book of Jeremiah among the
Prophetic Books, because it has been believed that both
books are by the same author. The position in the English
Bible— immediately after the book of Jeremiah— is due to
the LXX. Cf. H. L. Ellison, "Lamentations," EB C . 6:695;
Leonard L. Thompson, Introducing Biblical Literature: A
More Fantastic Country (Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice-
Hall, 1978), 11; Norman L. Geisler, A Popular Survey of the
Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1977), vi;
Robert T. Boyd, Bovd's Bible Handbook. Cross Reference
Edition (Eugene, OR: Harvest House Publishers, 1983),
viii. This kind of classification is not always adequate,
especially when the characteristic of each division should
be emphasized. Even though Lamentations was written by a
prophet, its contents and messages are historical rather
than prophetical. This is why Lam 5:19 is included in this
section.
153
The Books of Kings and Chronicles
1 Kings 22:19//2 Chronicles 18:18
The historical setting of these texts is the last
campaign of Ahab, the king of Israel, against the Syrians.
Apparently part of the territory which Ben-Hadad, the king
of Syria, ought to have returned to Ahab after the battle
of Aphek (cf. 1 Kgs 20:26, 34) included Ramoth-Gilead.
Ahab takes steps to secure the return of thic city which is
important "because of its proximity to the eastern caravan
route through Gilead."1 Ahab had already had two battles
with the Syrians in chap. 20, and this is now his third and
last campaign against them.2 Ahab asks his ally, Jeho-
shaphat of Judah, to join him. The king of Judah wishes to
consult the prophets over the wisdom of the venture, and
with one accord they all prophesy victory. All of those
400 prophets are, as De Vries calls them, "well-sayers.1,3
1Norman H. Snaith, "The First and Second Books of

Kings," IB, 3:178.
2In the LXX and Lucian, chap. 22 follows chap. 20,

since they have placed chap. 21 after chap. 19. This
arrangement may be better for showing that chap. 22 is a
continuation of chap. 20. But the narrative of Naboth's
vineyard in chap. 21 must be describing what took place
between the first two battles of chap. 20 and the last
campaign of chap. 22. The introductory remarks of chaps.
21 and 22, such as "And it came to pass after these things
that . . ." (21:1) and "Now three years passed . . ."
(22:1), affirm that the order of the chapters reflects the
chronology of the events.
3De Vries, 1 Kings. 272.
154
Only Micaiah ben Imlah appears as a "doom-sayer."1 He
prophesies the death of Ahab and the defeat of Israel.
According to Richard D. Nelson, Micaiah1s vision
offers "an explanation of how the prophets could be
inspired and deceived at the same time" and "the four
hundred are not intentionally 'false prophets,1" because
"God still controls what they speak" and "they are part of
God's ruse to entice or deceive (Jer. 20:7; Ezek. 14:9)
Ahab that he might fall at Ramoth-gilead."2 The account of
the clash between the prophet Micaiah and all the other
prophets (1 Kgs 22:5-28) gives some insight into the
tensions that existed within the prophetic movement in
Israel and Judah.3
Right at the climax of the interlocution between
the prophet and the king, the former presents to the latter
what he saw in vision from Yahweh:
wayyo'mer la ken S®ma' d®bar-YHWH ra'iti 'et-YHWH

yoSSb al-kis'o wekol-seba' haSSamayim 'omed 'alayv
mimino u m i ^ ^ o 'lo (1 Kgs 22:19).
1Ibid.
2R i chard D. Nelson, First and Second Kings.

Int:BCTP (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1987), 149.
3This is the phenomenon which Simon J. De Vries

calls "prophet against prophet" (cf. Prophet against Pro
phet: The Role of the Micaiah Narrative (1 Kings 22) in the
Development of Earlv Prophetic Tradition [Grand Rapids: Wm.
B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978]). For a discussion
of "a lying spirit," see ibid., 44-46; Charles Conroy, 1-2
Samuel. 1-2 Kings. OTM 6 (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier,
1983), 193-194; Snaith, "The First and Second Books of
Kings," IB, 3:182-183; Karl Chr. W. F. Bahr, "The Books of
the Kings," L:CHS. 6:1:252-253.
155
And Micaiah said, "Therefore hear the word of the

LORD: I saw the LORD sitting on his throne, and
all the host of heaven standing beside him on his
right hand and on his left" (RSV).
It is not only interesting but astonishing that the
heavenly scene which this vision delineates is very similar
to the picture which the kings of Israel and Judah show us
at the same moment on earth. A close relationship between
the earthly thrones and the throne of God in heaven is
strikingly demonstrated by the juxtaposition of the two in
the same chapter.
1 Kcs 22:10 fRSVf 1 Kas 22:19 (RSVt
Now the king of Israel And Micaiah said, "There

and Jehoshaphat the king of fore hear the word of the
Judah were sitting on their LORD: I saw the LORD sit
thrones, arrayed in their ting on his throne, and all
robes, at the threshing the host of heaven standing
floor at the entrance of the before him on his right
gate of Samaria; and all hand and on his left."
the prophets were prophesy
ing before them.
Despite this kind of relationship, the earthly king
and his throne do not always well reflect their heavenly
counterparts. In other words, it is noticed that there
exist both similarity and dissimilarity, or comparison and
contrast, between the heavenly throne and the earthly ones.
In the contexts of the two texts cited above, these two
aspects are present at the same time. As the kings are
sitting on their thrones on earth, so is God sitting on His
throne in heaven. As the kings have "all the prophets'*
before them as their council, so does God have "all the
156
host of heaven"1 beside Him as His entourage. But the
counsel of the prophets on earth is not same as that of the
spirit in heaven. Actually, they are contrary to each
other. After all, the central lesson of this narrative, as
De Vries says, is that "Yahweh1s ultimate purpose super
sedes his [the king's] proximate, traditional purpose."2
De Vries proceeds:
The king was counting on the proximate goal: deliv

erance for Israel, fame and fortune for himself.
But nothing could prevent the ultimate purpose of
Yahweh from reaching fulfillment. Nothing— putting
Micaiah in jail, dressing for battle as a common
soldier, standing propped up in his chariot— could
bring the king back home in peace. Four hundred
1The
term "all the host of heaven" (kol-s®ba'
haSSamayim) has various meanings in the OT. But there can
be no mistake about its usage here. It does not refer, as
elsewhere, to the astral deities that were introduced with
the Baalim and Ashtoreth (2 Kgs 21:5; 23:4), nor to the
stars serving as God's innumerable armies (Gen 2:1; Deut
4:19; Ps 33:6;Isa 34:4; 45:12; Jer 33:22), but rather to
the heavenly beings or angels that act as God's servants
(cf. Ps 103:21). Cf. Gwilym H. Jones, 1 and 2 Kings. 2
vols. NCBC (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Com
pany, 1984), 2:367; Bahr, "The Books of the Kings," L: C H S .
6:1:252; Walther Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament.
2 vols., OTL, trans. J. A. Baker (Philadelphia: Westminster
Press, 1961, 1967), 2:194; De Vries, Prophet against
Prophet. 43-44.
The term is also suggestive of the council (sod) of
God. For a discussion of this, see H. Wheeler Robinson,
"The Council of Yahweh," JTS 45 (1944): 151-157; Frank M.
Cross, Jr., "The Council of Yahweh in Second Isaiah," JNES
12 (1953): 273-277; Edwin C. Kingsbury, "The Prophets and
the Council of Yahweh," JBL 83 (1964): 279-286; E. Theodore
Mullen, J r . , The Assembly of Gods: The Divine Council in
Canaanite and Early Hebrew Literature. HSM 24 (Chico, CA:
Scholars Press, 1980), 111-280; Mettinger, "YHWH SABAOTH—
The Heavenly King on the Cherubim Throne," in Studies in
the Period of David and Solomon and Other Essavs. ed.
Ishida, 109-111; Alomia, 333-375.
2De Vries, 1 Kings. 270.
157
popular prophets had adviced him wrongly, but

Yahweh had spoken truth through the one that
resisted.1
The vision of God as sitting (yoSeb) on the throne
is significant not only because of the throne motif but
also due to the verb yaSab. Quite often this verb is used
as a technical term to imply that the one who is sitting
(yo£e&) is the ruler.2 In the passage under discussion,
therefore, YHWH yo&eb 'al-kis'd clearly points to Yahweh as
the Ruler of the world.3

What Micaiah describes in vss. 19-22 is not a mere
parable but a "parabolic vision,"4 or more generally, a
prophetic vision which, as the Berleburoer Bibel says,
represents God and Kis government and providence in an
appropriate symbolical manner.5 Thus, the truths which are
presented to us by the prophet's vision are twofold:
1Ibid.
2C f . Frank M. Cross, Jr., and David Noel Freedman,

"The Song of Miriam," JNES 14 (1955): 248-249; Wilfred G.
E, Watson. "David Ousts the Citv Ruler of Jebus," VT 20
(1970): 501-502; Gorg, "jaSab; ~moSab," T W A T . 3:1023-1024;
Gerhard F. Hasel, "Christ's Atoning Ministry in Heaven,"
Ministry. January 1976, 16C.
3Cf. Gorg, "jaSab; mofiab," T W A T . 3:1025-1032. The

image of the sitting God is present in most of the reli
gions (cf. Walter Krebs, "Der sitzende Gott: Gedanken zum
Kultbild und seiner Verehrung," TZ 30 [1974]: 1-10).
4Alfred Edersheim, The Bible History; Old Testa

ment . 7vols. (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1876-1887; reprint, 1969), 6:66; 'lichard D.
Patterson and Hermann J. Austel, "1, 2 Kings," EBC, 4:165.
5Bahr, "The Books of the Kings," L:CHS. 6:1:252.
158
(1) Yahweh in heaven stands above all earthly thrones— He
appoints and deposes Icings and has power over all kingdoms;
and (2) Yahweh is pure to the pure and brings judgment to
the perverse— He gives over the perverse and hard-hearted
to the judgment of obstinate error.1
As Raymond B. Dillard summarized, the present text
speaks eloquently of the sovereignty of God. It

was not Ahab who ruled over Israel, seated on his
throne surrounded by his flattering prophets, but
Yahweh sitting on his throne surrounded by the host
of heaven.2
Yahweh is in control of the affairs and events in human
history. "Above, behind, and through all the play and
counterplay of human interest and power and passions,"3
Yahweh is working out the counsels of His own will. He is
the great Mind who operates and controls the entire macro
cosm and His throne room is the control center for the
1Bahr, "The Books of the Kings," L;CHS. 6:1:259.

Ernst Wurthwein also agrees on this by saying that
"Das Hauptmotiv ist vielmehr dies, dass der, der
sich durch eine List retten will, zugrunde geht,
wahrend der durch die List gefahrdete Waffenge-
fahrte mit dem Leben davonkommt. Es liegt hier
also das Motiv von dem betrogenen Betruger vor."
(Ernst Wurthwein, "Zur Komposition von I Reg 22,1-38," in
Das feme und nahe W o r t . Festschrift Leonhard Rost zur
Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres am 30. November 1966
gewidmet, BZAW 105, ed. Fritz Maass [Berlin: Verlag Alfred
Topelmann, 1967], 248).
2Raymond E. Dillard, 2 Chronicles. WBC 15 (Waco,

TX: Word Books, Publisher, 1987), 145.
3Ellen G. White, The Storv of Prophets and Kings As

Illustrated in the Captivity and Restoration of Israel
(Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press Publishing Association,
1917), 500.
159
universal administration. These concepts are implied by
the throne of Yahweh in the present texts.
1 Chronicles 29:23
The last two chapters of 1 Chronicles (chaps. 28-
29) contain David's last speeches (28:1-21; 29:1-9), his
blessing (29:10-19), and the succession of his throne to
his son Solomon (29:20-30).1 Our text is part of the
concluding narrative which describes the enthronement of
King Solomon.
And they made Solomon the son of David king the
second time, and they anointed him as prince for
the LORD, and Zadok as priest. Then Solomon sat on
the throne of the LORD as king instead of David his
father; and he prospered, and all Israel obeyed
him (1 Chr 29:22b-23, RSV, emphasis supplied).
The accession of Solomon was already once mentioned
in 1 Chr 23:1. This seems to be why the Chronicler writes,
"they made Solomon king the second time" (1 Chr 29:22).2
As Roddy Braun notes, the mention of both Solomon and David
in vss. 22, 23, and 24 seems somewhat contrived and brings
1There is general consensus among scholarship on

the unity of 1 Chr 29. However, Rudolph Mosis is an excep
tion, for he challenges the unity of 1 Chr 29:1-19 (Rudolf
Mosis, Untersuchunoen zur Theoloqie des chronistischen
G e s c h i c h t s w e r k e s . Fre i b u r g e r theologische Studien 92
[Freiburg: Verlag Herder, 1973], 105-107; cf. Mark A.
Throntveit, When Kings Speak: Roval Speech and Roval
Praver in Chronicles. SBLDS 93 [Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1987], 89-92).
2The words "the second time" are missing in the

LXX. For a discussion of this problem and the possible
reason for that, see Peter R. Ackroyd, I & II Chronicles.
Ezra. Nehemiah: Introduction and Commentary. TBC (London:
SCM Press, 1973), 95.
160
together the two unique Icings of the United Monarchy.1 The
fact that the Davidic kingdom is Yahweh's kingdom has been
affirmed emphatically (cf. 1 Chr 17:14; 28:5; 2 Chr 9:8).2
It is notable that the two parallel accounts of one and the
same event, i.e., the enthronement of Solomon, are differ
ent in their expressions: while our text (1 Chr 29:23)
states, "Then Solomon sat upon the throne of Yahweh," 1 Kgs
2:12 reports, "So Solomon sat upon the throne of David his
father." This means that the throne of David to which
Solomon succeeded was in fact the "throne of Yahweh"3
(kisse1 YHWH) , and that the real king of the kingdom was
Yahweh Himself4 and Solomon would be ruling over the king
dom only "as a leader for Yahweh" (laYHWH lenagid, 1 Chr
29:22). The term nagid, which means "chief (Vo£steher),
leader (Anfuhrer) . minor leader (Unterfiihrer) ."5 was used
as a characteristic title among the early sovereigns of
1Roddy Braun, 1 Chronicles. WBC 14 (Waco, TX: Word

Books, Publisher, 1986), 290.
2Cf. Thomas Willi, Die Chronik als Auslecruna:

Untersuchunqen zur literarischen Gestaltuna der histori-
schen Uberlieferunq Israels. FRLANT 106 (Gottingen: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 9-47 (chap. 1: "'Das Konigtum
Jahwes in der Hand der Sohne Davids' [2 Chr 13:5]— Thematik
und Wirkung der Chronik").
3C f . von Rad, Old Testament Theology. 1:320.
4Wilhelm Rudolph, Chronikbucher. HAT, erste Reihe

21 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1955),
195.
5K B L . 592.
161
Israel (1 Sam 9:16; 13:14; 25:30; 1 Chr 5:2; 11:2; l?:?).1

Here is implied that Solomon is given the rulership by
Yahweh, the real King. This is certainly a reflection of
the Chronicler's theology of kingship and kingdom.
It is adequate to understand the phrase "the throne
of Yahweh" in the present text as a briefer form of the
phrase "the throne of the kingdom of Yahweh" in 1 Chr
28:5.2 In the Chronicler's thought, therefore, the "throne
of Yahweh" stands for the theocratic kingdom of Yahweh
which is represented by the Davidic Dynasty.
2 Chronicles 9:8
2 Chr 9, which reports the visit of the queen of
sheba, closely follows the parallel account in 1 Kgs 10:1-
28 and 11:41-43 with some minor modifications. The writer
of the books of the Kings records the blessing of the queen
for Solomon as follows:
Blessed be the LORD your God who delighted in you

to set you on the throne of Israel: because the
LORD loved Israel forever, therefore He made you
king, to do justice and righteousness (1 Kgs 10:9,
NASB, emphasis supplied).
However, the Chronicler records the same blessing
of the queen in a different expression:
1J. Barton Payne, "1, 2 Chronicles," E B C . 4:438.

For detailed discussion of the significance of this title,
see Gerhard F. Hasel, "nagid," TWAT. 5:203-219, esp. 212-
219.
2Otto Zockler, "The Books of the Chronicles,"

L :C H S . 7:156; Keil, KD:COT. 3:2:291.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission.
162
Blessed be the LORD your God who delighted in you,

setting you on His throne as king for the LORD your
God; because your God loved Israel establishing
them forever, therefore He made you king over them,
to do justice and righteousness (2 Chr 9:8, NASB,
emphasis supplied).
Here again the Chronicler's theology, i.e., his
"theocratic standpoint,"1 is reflected. He firmly believes
that the "throne of Israel" is "His [Yahweh's] throne" and
the Davidic kingdom is the kingdom of God. This Tendenz of
the Chronicler2 is found also in the other texts which

emphasize that the throne and kingdom belong to God: e.g.,
1 Chr 17:14; 28:5; 29:23-25; 2 Chr 13:8.3 Yahweh God was
and remains the true King of Israel, even when no descen
dant of David sits on a throne, for instance, during the
Babylonian Captivity, for He "loved Israel establishing
them forever" (2 Chr 9:8).
1Edward Lewis Curtis and Albert Alonzo Madsen, A

Critical and Exeqetical Commentary on the Books of Chroni
cles . ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1910), 357.
2The reigns of David and Solomon as recorded in

Chronicles are markedly different when compared with the
parallel accounts in Samuel and Kings. It is apparent that
the Chronicler had a certain Tendenz or theology in his
writing the history of Israel, especially of the reigns of
David and Solomon. Cf. David Noel Freedman, "The Chroni
cler's Purpose," CBO 23 (1961): 436-442; Peter R. Ackroyd,
"History and Theology in the Writings of the Chronicler,"
CTM 38 (1967): 501-515; Mosis, 130-138; Roddy L. Braun,
"Solomonic Apologetic in Chronicles," JBL 92 (1973): 503-
516; H. G. M. Williamson, "The Accession of Solomon in the
Books of Chronicles," VT 26 (1976): 351-361; Raymond B.
Dillard, "The Chronicler's Solomon," WTJ 43 (1980-81): 289-
300; idem, 2 Chronicles. 1-7 ("The Chronicler's Solomon [2
Chr 1-9]"); Throntveit, 77-88 (chap. 4: "Theological Ten
denz in Chronicles").
3C f . Dillard, 2 Chronicles. 72.
163
The purpose of God's setting Solomon upon "His
throne" is to do "righteousness and justice," which

constitute the foundation of His divine throne (Pss 89:15
[ET 89:14]; 97:2). Solomon must have represented God by
accomplishing righteousness and justice in his government
and judgment.
As in 1 Chr 29:23, the throne of God in 2 Chr 9:8
is referred to as the sign of the true kingship of God over
Israel and His delegation of ruling authority to Solomon.
The Book of Lamentations
Lamentations 5:19
The book of Lamentations, which is called 'ekah,1
threnoi,2 or qinot,3 is traditionally believed to be the
work of Jeremiah.4 It consists of five laments presented
3This is the name in the MT, meaning "How," the

first word of the first, second, and fourth laments.
2The name in the LXX, meaning "Lamentations."
3The name in the Talmud, meaning "Dirges" or

"Lamentations." Cf. b. B. Bat. 15a (The Babylonian Talmud.
Baba Bathra, 71).
4The book does not expressly state who its author

was, yet it seems obvious that there was an early and
consistent tradition that Jeremiah composed it. This
tradition is reflected in the title of the book in the LXX
as well as by the Aramaic Targum of Jonathan. The early
Church Fathers, such as Origen and Jerome, also understood
Jeremiah to be the author without any question. A group of
modern critics, however, have rejected this tradition on
the ground of internal evidence. For a detailed discus
sion, see Gleason L. Archer, Jr., A Survey of Old Testament
Introduction. rev. ed. (Chicago: Moody Press, 1975), 365-
3 67; S. K. Soderlund, "Lamentations," I S B E . 3:65-66. For
164
because of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians

in 587/86 B.C. After the death of good king Josiah, the
political, social, and religious situation of the kingdom
of Judah deteriorated rapidly under the successive reigns
of Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah.1 The
people of Jerusalem suffered the most intense hardships
during the final siege of the city, 588-586 B.C. Practi
cally the whole population of the kingdom was swept away by
successive waves of Babylonian conquest and captivity.2
Given this setting, it is no wonder the book of Lamen
tations pours forth the mournful tones of distress and
sorrow.
Like the book of Job, the book of Lamentations is
largely a book about suffering. However, unlike Job,
listings of similarities and dissimilarities of phraseolo

gies between the books of Jeremiah and Lamentations, see S.
R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old
Testament. The International Theological Library, rev. en l .
ed. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1897; reprint, 1961), 462-
465.
^For a fuller discussion of this period, see SDABC,

4:346-348.
2SD ABC. 4:544; Charles F. Pfeiffer, O ld Testament

History (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1973), 387-392;
John Bright, A History of Israel. 3rd ed. (Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1981), 324-331; Siegfried Herrmann, A
History of Israel in Old Testament Times, rev. and enl.
e d . , trans. John Bowden (Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1981), 274-286; John H. Hayes and J. Maxwell Miller, eds.,
Israelite and Judaean History. OTL (Philadelphia: Westmin
ster Press, 1977), 469-476; J. Maxwell Miller and John H.
Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah (Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1986), 406-415. For the three principal
stages of the Captivity, 605-586 B.C., see S D ABC. 3:90-91.
165
Lamentations is closely related to a historical crisis.1
The book was written, however, not simply to memorialize
the tragic destruction of Jerusalem but to interpret the
meaning of God's rigorous treatment of His people to the
end that they would learn the lessons of the past and
retain their faith in Him in the face of overwhelming
disaster.
As Norman K. Gottwald observes, the theological
significance of Lamentations consists in its bold and

forthright statement of the problem of national disaster:
What is the meaning of the terrible historical

adversities that have overtaken us between 608 and
586 B.C.? How are we to read these events in the
light of our past? What is our duty in this pres
ent? Are we to look for deliverance and a new
life? Have the promises of Yahweh failed? Is he
powerless or does he no longer care? What are we
to make of God's nature and purpose?2
Bearing these perplexities in mind, the prophet
tries to give an answer to them by means of poems of
lament.3 In ancient Israel, as Delbert R. Hillers
^■The problem of suffering presented itself to

Israel on two levels: national and personal. The classical
work on personal suffering— the suffering of the righteous
— is Job. Lamentations deals with the problem of national
suffering. Cf. N o r m a n K. G o t t w a l d , S t u d i e s in t h e Book of
Lamentations. SBT 14 (Chicago: Alec R. Allenson, 1954), 48;
H. L. Ellison, "Lamentations,'' EB C . 6:698.
2Gottwald, Studies in the Book of Lamentations. 48.
3The first four chapters in which the poet mourns

over the destroyed city of Jerusalem are predominantly in
the so-called "qinah meter," a term coined by C. Budde in
1882 (cf. C. Budde, "Das hebraische Klagelied," ZAW 2
[1882]: 1-52). Budde claimed that the qinah meter was the
meter generally used in laments. It consists of a long
166
observes,1 laments of the community were evidently composed
and used in times of great national distress when the whole
nation appealed for help against its enemies. Lam 5
exemplifies the salient characteristics of the type: this
chapter is a prayer for restoration to God's favor rather
than mere poetry; the prayer is collective, making use of
"we," the first-person plural pronoun; it contains a
description of the distress; and it has an appeal to God
for help.
After describing in some length the pitiful plight

of the people after the fall of Jerusalem (Lam 5:1-18),
the prophet rounds off his dirge with a relatively short
but sincere supplication for restoration of the city as
follows:
Thou, 0 LORD, dost rule forever;

Thy throne is from generation to generation.
Why dost Thou forget us forever;
Why dost Thou forsake us so long?
Restore us to Thee, 0 LORD, that we may be
restored;
Renew our days as of ol d ,
line, normally of five beats, dividing unevenly (3+2)

and showing much less parallelism than normal Hebre •/
poetry. As Ellison points out,
"Whether Budde was correct in linking this metre
with funeral laments remains an open quetion, for
it is used elsewhere as well; but it would cer
tainly have suited impromptu eulogizing of the
dead."
(Ellison, "Lamentations," E B C . 6:698).
1Delbert R. Hillers, Lamentations: A New Transla

tion with Introduction and Commentary. AB 7A (Garden City,
NY: Doubleday & Company, 1972), 102.
167
Unless Thou hast utterly rejected us.

And art exceedingly angry with us.
(Lam 5:19-22, NASB).1
Yahweh is entreated to remove the disgrace from Hie
people and restore them to their former state of grace. It
is remarkable that at this important moment the poet does
not merely invoke Yahweh but also makes reference to His
throne (vs. 19). The glory of Zion, the earthly dwelling-
place of Yahweh, is at an end, but the throne of Yahweh
endures eternally. Through this thought, the lamentation
rises to the prayer that Yahweh may not forsake His people
forever but reestablish His kingdom on the earth.2
The MT of Lam 5:19 reads, 'attah YHWH le 'dlam tSseb
k i s ,aka ledor wador. The use of the independent personal
pronoun 'attah and the prominent position in which it is
placed suggest the translation "Yet You" or "But You,"
whether or not one reads the conjunctional wav. 3 This
makes the contrast between the bitter experience in the
past and the bright vision for the future more striking.
■*-C. W. Eduard Naegelsbach observes that this short

prayer contains four thoughts: (1) a positive source of
consolation: the throne of Yahweh stands immovably fast
(vs. 19) ; (2) a question: Why then should Yahweh forget
His people forever? (vs. 20) ; (3) a petition: that Yahweh
should reestablish His people spiritually and temporally
(vs. 21); and (4) a negative source of consolation: Yahweh
cannot be angry forever (vs. 22) (C. W. Eduard Naegelsbach,
"The Lamentations of Jeremiah," L:CHS. 12:2:189).
2Keil, K D :C O T . 8:2:453-454.
3The MT does not have the conjunction (w), but most

of the other ancient versions do. Cf. RSV ("But thou"); JB
("But you"); AB ("Yet y o u").
168
The Hebrew verb teSeb, the lexical form of which is yaSab,
means literally "you sit" or "you are sitting." When this
verb is used with God or human monarchs as its subject, it
always refers to their occupying the throne.1 The king
s i t s . the subject stands. The mention of the throne shows
that this is the meaning here. Yahweh is sitting enthroned
for eternity and His throne endures from generation to
generation. Emphasis is not placed upon God's continual
existence but upon His uninterrupted sovereignty over His
creatures2 and the perpetual stability of His kingdom.3
Against the changing fortunes of men, the poet sets the
strength and stability of Yahweh's throne, which still
continues despite the destruction of the temple and the
suspension of the cultus.4
1E .g . , Pss 9:5 (ET 9:4); 9:12 (ET 9:11); 61:8 (ET

61:7); Zech 6:13. Cf. Naegelsbach, "The Lamentations of
Jeremiah," L:CHS. 12:2:189.
2Naegelsbach, ibid.
3C f . Hans Jochen Boecker, Klaqelieder. ZBK, AT 21

(Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1985), 94, where he com
ments: "Durch das Thronmotiv wird die Vorstellung vom
Konigtum Gottes prasent."
4Hans-Joachim Kraus, Klaqelieder (Threni). 3.,

erweiterte Auflage, BKAT 20 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1968), 91, where he remarks:
"Sie [die bittende Gemeinde] nimmt Zuflucht zu dem
ewig thronenden Gott, dessen Macht und Herrlichkeit
keine Einbu0e erleidet: Ps 9g 932 10213 103]_g.
In der hymnischen Anrede liegt die Vorstellung
zugrunde, da0 Jahwe als Konig thront (Ps 29iof.)-
An ihn tritt die flehende Gemeinde heran."
169
The preceding verse says, "For Mount Zion which
lies desolate;/ jackals prowl over it" (Lam 5:18, RSV) .
As Ralph W. Klein observes, "Precisely at this nadir of
emotion and theology the poet dares to confess [5:19
quoted]."1 While Yahweh's earthly dwelling-place, where He
sat enthroned on the cherubim, is destroyed, He lives above
the reach of change, and His heavenly habitation, where He
sits enthroned, abides throughout the generations. The
foundations have been shaken, but the divine government of
the world is still administered from the steadfast throne
of Yahweh. The poet makes this the basis of his appeal for
divine compassion and restoration in vss. 20-22.2 Vs. 21
expresses the longing of the poet for national renewal and
reconciliation with God in the light of his conviction that
He still has a sovereign purpose or plan for His covenant

people.
This brings us to the conclusion that the theology
of Lamentations is, as Gottwald puts it, "the theology of
hope"3 which looks up beyond the present tragic circum-
^■Ralph W. Klein, Israel in Exile: A Theological

Interpretation. OBT 6 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979),
17.
2A similar appeal is found also in Hab 1:12-13.

Haller considers this kind of appeal as a motif (Motiv) and
calls it "den Appell an Gottes Grosse und Ewigkeit." Cf.
Max Haller and Kurt Galling, Die funf Meqilloth. HAT, erste
Reihe 18 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck] ,
1940), 113.
3Gottwald, Studies in the Book of Lamentations. 90-

110.
170
stances. The throne of Yahweh is referred to here as the
anchor by which hope can be held. In other words, the
throne of God in the present text functions as the sign and
guarantee of the permanence and stability of His dominion.
As R. K. Harrison epitomizes this function, it serves as
"the ground of appeal and the prospect of future hope"1 for

divine restoration of His people by His own purpose, power,
and providence.
Prophetic Writings
There are ten passages in the Prophetic Writings in
which either the throne of God is mentioned or the vision
of it is described: two in Isaiah (6:1; 66:1); four in
Jeremiah (3:17; 14:21; 17:12; 49:38); three in Ezekiel
(1:26; 10:1; 43:7); and one in Zechariah (6:13). Each of
these passages is studied in the order of their canonical
position in the Hebrew Bible, which also appears to be
1R. K. Harrison, Jeremiah and Lamentations: An

Introduction and Commentary. TOTC 19 (Downers Grove, IL:
Inter-Varsity Press, 1973), 240. Cf. Lohr's comment on the
present text, which is also a good summary:
"Und doch lebt und waltet Jahve jetzt wie vordem.
Der V e r f .[asser] wendet seinen Blick von der ver-
ganglichen, irdischen Wohnung Jahves zu dessen
ewigem, himmlischen [sic] Thron; er nimmt einen
Anlauf zur Hoffnunq. Denn die Ewigkeit Jahves
burgt ihm fur seine nie aufhorende Gnade gegen sein
Volk."
(F. Giesebrecht and Max Lohr, Das Buch Jeremia: Die Klaqe
lieder des Jeremias. zweite umgearbeitete Auflage, HKAT
III/2 [Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1907], 2:31,
emphasis supplied).
171
their chronological order: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and
Zechariah.
The Eighth-Seventh Century Prophet
Isaiah 6:1
Isa 6 has been the object of heated debate in
modern scholarship.1 The debate centers mainly on the
1For a fuller bibliography, see Hans Wildberger,

Jesaia. 3 vols., BKAT X/l-3 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukir-
chener Verlag des Erziehungsvereir.s, 1972-1982), 1:230-
231. Some important works are: Mordecai M. Kaplan,
"Isaiah 6:1-11," JBL 45 (1926): 251-259; Karl Budde,
Jesaia1s Erleben: Eine qemeinverstandiiche Ausleounq der
Denkschrift des Prooheten fKap. 6.1-9.6f (Gotha: Leopold
Klotz Verlag, 1928); Ivar P. Seierstad, Die Offenbarunqs-
erlebnisse der Propheten Amos. Jesaia und Jeremia: Eine
Untersuchuna der Erlebnisvorqanqe unter besonderer Beruck-
sichtiauna ihrer reliqios-sittlichen Art und Auswirkunq.
2nd ed. (Oslo: Universitetsforlagets Trykningssentral, 1965
[reprint]); Ivan Engnell, The Call of Isaiah: An Exeqeti-
cal and Comparative Study. UUA 4 (Uppsala: Lundequistska
Bokhandeln, 1949); Leon J. Liebreich, "The Position of
Chapter Six in the Book of Isaiah," HUCA 25 (1954): 37-40;
Julian Price Love, "The Call of Isaiah," Int 11 (1S57):
282-296; C. F. Whitley, "The Call and Mission of Isaiah,"
JNES 18 (1959): 38-48; Ernst Jenni, "Jesajas Berufung in
der neueren Forschung," TZ 15 (1959): 321-339; Jacob
Milgrom, "Did Isaiah Prophesy during the Reign of Uzziah?"
VT 14 (1964): 164-182; N. Habel, "The Form and Signifi
cance of the Call Narratives," ZAW 77 (1965): 297-323;
Klaus Baltzer, "Considerations Regarding the Office and
Calling of the Prophet," HTR 61 (1968): 567-581; Rolf
Knierim, "The Vocation of Isaiah," VT 18 (1968): 47-68; B.
Renaud, "La vocation d'Isaie: Experience de la foi," VS 119
(1968-69): 129-145; Joh. Michael Schmidt, "Gedanken zum
Verstockungsauftrag Jesajas (Is. VI)," VT 21 (1971): 68-
90; Gerhard F. Hasel, The Remnant: The History and
Theology of the Remnant Idea from Genesis to Isaiah. AUMSR
5 (Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1972),
226-248; Gerard Meagher, "The Prophetic Call Narrative,"
ITO 39 (1972): 164-177; Odil Hannes Steck, "Bemerkungen zu
Jesaja 6," BZ 16 (1972): 188-206; K. Gouders, "Die Berufung
des Propheten Jesaja (Jes. 6:1-13)," BibLeb 13 (1972): 89-
106, 172-184; Othmar Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqelkunst:
Eine neue Deutunq der Maiestatsschilderunqen in Jes 6. Ez 1
172
following questions: Is Isa 6 Isaiah's "self report"

fSelbstberichtt1 and "memoir" fDenkschrift)2 or a fiction
of a postexilic writer? Was the vision given to Isaiah at
the beginning of his ministry or some time later during his
ministry? In other words, was the vision really a call
vision for Isaiah or not? Does the "temple" in vs. 1 refer
und 10 und Sach 4 . SBS 84/35 (Stuttgart: Verlag Katholi-

sches Bibelwerk, 1977), 46-124; Alexander Zeron, "Die
Anmassung des Konigs Usia im Lichte von Jesajas Berufung:
Zu 2. Chr. 26,16-22 und Jes. 6,Iff.," TZ 33 (1977): 65-68;
George G. Nicol, "Isaiah's Vision and the Visions of
Daniel," VT 29 (1979): 501-504; Wolfgang Metzger, "Der
Horizont der Gnade in der Berufungsvision Jesajas: Kriti-
sche Bedenken zum masoretischen Text von Jesaja 6:13," ZAW
93 (1981): 281-284; David C. Steinmetz, "John Calvin on
Isaiah 6: A Problem in the History of Exegesis," Int 36
(1982): 156-170, also in Interpreting the Prophets. ed.
James Luther Mays and Paul J. Achtemeier (Philadelphia:
Fortress Press, 1987), 86-99; Danielle Ellul, "Les struc
tures symboliques d'Esaie 6: Une hypothese," FV 83 (1984):
5:16-24.
■*-The term Selbstbericht is used by Jenni ("Jesajas

Berufung in der neueren Forschung," TZ 15 [1959]: 328):
"Gattungsmassig gehort Jes. 6 zu den prophetischen Selbst-
berichten in Ich-Form, wie sie auch bei anderen Propheten
bekanr.t sind." Knierim takes up this term as "self report"
(Knierim, 47). Seierstad uses a similar designation, Ich-
Stil. for this (Seierstad, 43).
2The term Denkschrift ("memoir") began to be used

by Budde when he observed that Isa 6 is placed at the head
of "die Denkschrift Jesajas fur seine Junger," which
comprises 6:1-8:22 or most likely up to 9:6 (Karl Budde,
"Uber die Schranken, die Jesajas prophetischer Botschaft zu
setzen sind," ZAW 41 [1923]: 165; cf. idem, Jes a i a 's
Erleben, 1-5; Wildberger, Jes a i a . 1:234). Love expresses
the similar idea, as he states that the story of Isaiah's
call is "the product of much reflection" (Love, 291) . C f .
Hans-Peter Muller, "Glauben und Bleiben: Zur Denkschrift
Jesajas Kapitel vi 1-viii 18," in Studies on Prophecy: A
Collection of Twelve Papers. VTSup 26 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1974), 25-54.
173
to the heavenly triple or to the earLniy one? Is the
trishagion1 of vs. 3 a borrowed cultic formula from the
Egyptian w'b v'b (pure, pure)2 or an authentic Jerusalemite
cultic formula? How is this vision related to the other
visions of the heavenly temple such as that of Micaiah ben
Imlah (1 Kgs 22:19-22; 2 Chr 18:18-21)?3 And, what func
tion and intention does this vision have with regard to
Isaiah's message?
This is not the place to launch into a lengthy
treatment of all these questions, but it is necessary to
elucidate some of them in the course of exegeting our text,

because they are related to the main concern of this study
in one way or another.
1Regarding the origin of the trishagion, Norman

Walker and Burton M. Leiser represent two different pro
posals: the former suggests "a strong presumption that the
1Thrice-Holy' of Isa. vi. 3 was, in origin, a conflate
reading, signifying 'HOLY, EXCEEDING HOLY'" (Norman Walker,
"The Origin of the 'Thrice-Holy'," NTS 5 [1958-59]: 132-
133; cf. idem, "Disagion Versus Trisagion: A Copyist
Defended," NTS 7 [1960-61]: 170-171), and the latter
attempts to show that the evidence for Walker's arguments
is inconclusive and that the trishagion is the original
reading (Burton M. Leiser, "The Trisagion of Isaiah's
Vision," NTS 6 [1959-60]: 261-263).
2C f . Engnell, The Call of Isaiah. 36-37; Jenni,

"Jesajas Berufung in der neueren Forschung," TZ 15 (1959):
323-324.
3For a comparison between Isaiah's call vision and

the other visions, see Habel, "The Form and Significance of
the Call Narratives," ZAW 77 (1965): 297-323; Meaqher.
"The Prophetic Call Narrative," ITO 39 (1972): 164-177;
Muller, "Glauben und Bleiben," in Studies on Prophecy. 25-
27.
174
Isa 6 is the first part of what has been called
"the Book of Immanuel" (Isa Sil-Bte).1 This chapter is
generally regarded as Isaiah's own account of his call to
the prophetic ministry. Despite such unanimity, however,
Mordecai M. Kaplan suggests that "instead of being a
description of Isaiah's call to prophecy, that chapter
merely pictures the sense of despair which came over Isaiah
in the course of his career."2 But most scholars acknowl
edge this as Isaiah's own call narrative3 and the evidences
1J. Vermeylen, Du prophete Isaie a 1'apocalvptiaue:

Isaie. i-xxxv. miroir d'un demi-millenaire d'experience
religieuse en Israel. 2 vols., EB (Paris: J. Gabalda et C ie
Editeurs, 1977, 1978), 1:187 ("le «livre de 1'Emmanuel»").
For the analysis of this section, see Karl Marti, "Der
jesajanische Kern in Jes in Beitraoe zur alt-
testamentlichen Wissenschaft. Karl Budde zum siebzigsten
Geburtstag am 13. April 1920, BZAW 34, ed. Karl Marti
(GiefJen: Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1920) , 113-121.
2Kaplan, 251-253. This view is also held by Klaus

Koch who asserts that there is "nothing in the chapter
which necessarily points to an initial call" (Klaus Koch,
The Prophets. vol. 1, The Assyrian Period, trans. Margaret
Kohl [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983], 113) and John D.
W. Watts who states, "The chapter is not a 'call narra
tive'" (John D. Watts, Isaiah 1-33. WBC 24 [Waco, TX: Word
Books, Publisher, 1985], 70, italics his).
3C f . esp. Love, 291; T. K. Cheyne, The Book of the

Prophet Isaiah: A New English Translation with Explanatory
Notes and Pictorial Illustration. SBONT 10 (New York: Dodd,
Mead, and Company, 1898), 139; J. Skinner, The Book of the
Prophet Isaiah. 2 vols., CBSC (Cambridge: University Press,
1900, 1906), 1:42; R. B. Y. Scott, "The Book of Isaiah:
Chapters 1-39," IB, 5:205; Volkmar Herntrich, Der Prophet
Jesaia: Kapitel 1-12. 3rd ed., ATD 17 (Gottingen: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1957), 92; Artur Weiser, Introduction to
the Old Testament, trans. Dorothea M. Barton (London:
Darton, Longman & Todd, 1961), 189; J. Bright, "Isaiah-I,"
PCB. 494; Otto Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduc
t ion. trans. Peter R. Ackroyd (New York: Harper £ Row,
Publishers, 1965), 310; Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament
175
for the autobiographical nature of this call narrative are
manifest in the text. For instance, the consistent and
frequent use of the first-person singular pronouns is one
of the strong evidences.1
Theology. vol. 2, The Theology of Israel's Prophe-cic

Traditions. trans. D. M. G. Stalker (New York: Harper &
Row, Publishers, 1965), 148; Ernst Sellin and Georg Fohrer,
Introduction to the Old Testament, trans. David E. Green
(Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1968), 364; James King West,
Introduction to the Old Testament: "Hear. 0 Israel” (New
York: Macmillan Company, 1971), 268; Otto Kaiser, Introduc
tion to the Old Testament: A Presentation of Its Results
and Problems. trans. John Sturdy (Minneapolis: Augsburg
Publishing House, 1975), 221; William L. Holladay, Isaiah.
Scroll of a Prophetic Heritage (New York: Pilgrim Press,
1°78). 25; Werner H. Schmidt, Old Testament Introduction,
trans. Matthew J. O'Connell (New York: Crossroad Publishing
Company, 1984), 213; Hans Wildberger, Konigsherrschaft
Gottes: Jesaia 1-39. vol. 1, Das Buch. der Prophet Jesaia
und seine Botschaft. KBB (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1984), 61; James D. Newsome,
J r . , The Hebrew Prophets (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1984),
71; Herbert M. Wolf, Interpreting Isaiah: The Suffering
and Glorv of the Messiah. Academie Books (Grand Rapids:
Zondervan Publishing House, 1985), 85. It is remarkable
and interesting that Otto Procksch put chap. 6 between 2:1
and 2:2 in his commentary on Isaiah (Otto Procksch, Jesaia
I: Kapitel 1-39. KAT IX/1 [Leipzig: A. Deichertsche Ver-
lagsbuchhandlung Dr. Werner Scholl, 1930, 1932], 51-53),
and that J. B. Allan put chap. 6 even before chap. 1, at
the very beginning in his chronological rearrangement (cf.
J. B. Allan, The Book of Isaiah. vol. 1, Chapters 1-39.
Books of the 0T in Colloquial Speech 8 [London: National
Adult School Union, 1930], 15-17).
On the other hand, Whitley claims that Isa 6 was
written by a postexilic writer. According to him, syntac
tical, word statistical, and historical (vss. 11-13) c o m
parisons prove that Isa 6 cannot have been written by the
prophet Isaiah, but must stem from a postexilic writer
(Whitley, "The Call and Mission of Isaiah," JNES 18 [1959]:
38-48) . But this idea has been refuted by many scholars.
Cf. Jenni, "Jesajas Berufung in der neueren Forschung," TZ
15 (1959): 321, n. 1; Hasel, The Remnant. 226, n. 56, and
227-230; Knierim, 47, n. 1.
^■In English translations, "I" is used nine times,

and "my" and "me" twice each (Isa 6:1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11).
176
With regard to the time of this call vision, we are
told that the vision was given "in the year that King
Uzziah died" (vs. I).1 The date of Uzziah's death cannot
be fixed absolutely. Scholars disagree about this particu
lar date, and their opinions range from 758 to 734 B.C.2
1A gravestone, which was found by E. L. Sukenik of

the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, reads: "Hither were
brought the bones of Uzziah, king of Judah— not to be
opened!" This carved inscription was found in the Russian
archaeological museum on the Mount of Olives. It is
written in Aramaic script of the type which was used about
the time of Christ. In all probability the bones of the
king had been removed and this stone erected over their new
resting place. It shows the reverence which the Jews of
Christ's time paid to the kings of their nation of old.
Cf. G. Ernest Wright, "A Gravestone of Uzziah, King of
Judah," BA 1 (1938): 8-9.
2758 (Carl Wilhelm Eduard Nagelsbach, "The Prophet

Isaiah," L:CHS. 11:104; Joseph Addison Alexander, Commen
tary on the Prophecies of Isaiah. 2 vols. [Grand Rapids:
Zondervan Publishing House, 1953], 1:145); 748 (Engnell,
The Call of Isaiah. 25); 747 (Walther Eichrodt, Der
Heiliae in Israel: Jesaia 1-12. BAT 17/1 [Stuttgart:
Calwer Verlag, 1960], 47); 747/46 (Joachim Begrich, Die
Chronoloaie der Konige von Israel und Juda und die Ouellen
des Rahmens der Koniasbucher. BHT 3 [Tubingen: Verlag J. C.
Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1929], 155); 746 (Eissfeldt, The Old
Testament, 305, 310; von Rad, Old Testament Theology.
2:148, n. 2); 742 (W. F. Albright, "The Chronology of the
Divided Monarchy of Israel," BASOR ICO [1945]: 21; A. S.
Herbert, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah: Chapters 1-39. CBC
[Cambridge: University Press, 1974], 58; John Bright, A
History of Israel. 3rd ed. [Philadelphia: Westminster
Press, 1981], 290) ; 741/40 (K. T. Anderson, "Die Chrono-
logie der Konige von Israel und Juda," ST 23 [1969]: ill;
Edward J. Kissane, The Book of Isaiah: Translated from a
Critically Revised Hebrew Text with Commentary. 2 vols.
[Dublin: Browne and Nolan, Richview Press, 1941, 1943],
1:74); (ca.) 740 (Cheyne, 141; Skinner, The Book of the
Prophet Isaiah. l:lxxvf., 43; Allan, 15; Bernhard Duhm,
Das Buch Jesaia. 5th ed. [Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Rup-
recht, 1968], 64); 740/39 (Claus Schedl, "Textkritische
Bemerkungen zu den Synchronismen der Konige von Israel und
Juda," VT 12 [1962]: 100; V. Pavlovsky and E. Vogt, "Die
Jahre der Konige von Juda und Israel," Bib 45 [1964]: 347;
177
Nevertheless, it is apparent that for some reason Isaiah
wished to locate his vision in time. The reason for this
is not readily apparent. As Helmer Ringgren and Ivan
Engnell have suggested, an enthronement ceremony may have
been the occasion for this special experience.1 If so, the
enthronement ceremony at the beginning of Jotham's reign
might have been the occasion.2 However, it was signifi
cantly "in the year that King Uzziah died" that Isaiah saw
Paul Auvray, Isaie 1-39. SB [Paris: J. Gabalda et C ie

Editeurs, 1972], 85; Edwin R. Thiele, The Mysterious
Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, new rev. ed. [Grand Rapids:
Zondervan Publishing House, 1983], 125-127; John N. Oswalt,
"Chronology of the 0T," ISBE. 1:683-684); ca. 739 (I. W.
S1otki, Isaiah: Hebrew Text and English Translation with
an Introduction and Commentary. SBB [London: Soncino
Press, 1949], 29; Edward J. Young, The Book of Isaiah:
The English Text, with Introduction. Exposition, and Notes.
3 vols., NICOT [Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1965, 1970, 1972], 1:235; Wildberger, Koniqsherr-
schaft Gottes. 1:25; idem, Jesaia. 1:3; Wolf, Interpreting
Isaiah. 85); 739/38 (Herntrich, Der Prophet Jesaia: Kapitel
1-12. 94; Procksch, Jesaia I . 53); 736 (C. Boutflower,
The Book of Isaiah. Chapters ri-XXXIX1. in the Light of the
Assyrian Monuments [London: Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 1930], 24-26); 736/35 (Alfred Jepsen, "Zur Chro-
nologie der Konige von Israel und Juda," in Untersuchunqen
zur israelitisch-iudischen Chronoloqie. BZAW 88, by Alfred
Jepsen and Robert Hanhart [Berlin: Verlag Alfred Topelmann,
1964], 38-39); 735/34 (Sigmund Mowinckel, "Die Chronologie
der israelitischen und jiidischen Konige," AcOr 10 [1932]:
271) .
1Helmer Ringgren, The Prophetical Conception of

Holiness. UUA 12 (Uppsala: Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1948),
26; Engnell, The Call of Isaiah. 25.
2John N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1-39.

NICOT (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company,
1986), 176. But Wildberger does not agree with Oswalt by
saying, "Das Todesjahr des Ussia ist nicht identisch mit
dem ersten Jahr seines Nachfolgers Jotham, da dieser schon
seit 750/49 Mitregent seines Vaters war" (Jesaia. 1:242).
178
the vision, not the time when Jotham his son was enthroned.
This is why John N. Oswalt proposes a "more compelling
reason [which] is the theological one."1 He observes:
Judah had known no king like Uzziah since the time

of Solomon. He had been an efficient administrator
and an able military leader. Under his leadership
Judah had grown in every way (2 Chr. 26:1-15). He
had been a true king. How easy it must have been
to focus one's hopes and trust upon a king like
that. What will happen, then, when such a king
dies, and coupled with that death there comes the
recognition that a resurgent Assyria is pushing
nearer and nearer? In moments like that it is easy
to see the futility of any hope but an ultimate
one. No earthly king could help Judah in that
hour. In the context of such a crisis, God can
more easily make himself known to us than when
times are good and we are self-confidently com
placent. "In the year of King Uzziah1s death . . .
mine eyes have seen the king."2
Oswalt's observation is cogent and pertinent in
that he presents a contrast between the death of an earthly
king and the immortality of the heavenly King, between the
futility of the human throne and the perpetuity of the
divine throne.
Isaiah testifies, "I saw the Lord" (va'er'eh 'et-
,ad5nay). The wav in front of 'er'eh ("I saw") is a vaw
1Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah. 176-177.
2Ibid., 177 (emphaisis supplied). Young is with

Oswalt when he observes as follows:
"The important point is that the year in which
Isaiah saw God was that of the king's death. In the
year in which the old order ended God appeared to
the prophet. The great glory and national pride of
Judah were now facing an end, never to rise again."
(Young, The Book of Isaiah. 1:235).
179
consecutive1 and emphasizes the verb which follows.2 Since
the range of meanings of the verb ra'ah is very broad,3 it
is difficult to answer the question, What type of view did
Isaiah see?4 In any case, the emphatic form, va'er'eh, is
emphasized once irore by the prophet's additional testimony:
". . . for my eyes have seen the King, the LORD of hosts I"
(vs. 5, RSV). The same verb ra'ah is used here again as in
1C f . A. B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax. 3rd ed. (Edin

burgh: T. & T. Clark, 1901) , sec. 50 (b) . The section
reads, "Vav impf. may naturally follow anything which forms
a starting-point for a development, though not a verb, such
as a statement of time, a casus pendens, or the like."
2The DSSlsa omits wav, but the use of v a v consecu

tive after a temporal phrase is sound Masoretic grammar.
(C. Brockelmann, Hebraische Syntax [Neukirchen: Verlag der
Buchhandlung des Erziehungsvereins, 1956], secs. 123-124).
Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqelkunst. 56, compares the
Hebrew v5 to the German "da": "Im Deutschen kann die
Funktion von va etwa das Wortlein 'da' ubernehmen"; Watts,
Isaiah 1-33. 68.
3C f . KBL. 861-864; w. Michaelis, "horao; . . . ,11

T W N T . 5:324-335, esp. 328-329 (ET: "horao; . . . ," T D N T .
5:324-334, esp. 328-329; D. Vetter, "r'h sehen," T H A T .
2:692-701, esp. 693-694.
4Wildberger's remark, "Mit r'h meint Jesaja ein

visionares Schauen" (Je s aia. 1:243, emphasis his), is
concise but still equivocal. For a detailed discussion,
see ibid., 1:243-244; Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqelkunst.
56-57, esp. 57, n. 50. The following remarks by Holladay
serve as an answer to this question:
"Biblical Hebrew lacks any ability to specify a dis
tinction between inner 'seeing' and the seeing of
outer, photographable objects: both are 'seen,'
both are perceived. The Israelites hardly ever
seem to have asked whether a given instance of see
ing was 'subjective' or 'objective'; instead, they
simply asked, Is God communicating through this
perception? That was the important thing."
(Holladay, Isaiah. Scroll of a Prophetic Heritage. 26).
180
vs. 1. The Hebrews normally believed that to see God was
to die,1 but it was also true that some individuals were
permitted to see Him.2 The purposes of these theophanies
were various, but an element of encouragement and confirma
tion was frequently involved.3 Because the person had seen
God, he was enabled to perform the task which God entrusted
to him in the way required. Seeing God meant receiving
both a special mission and the power to accomplish it from
Him. The same was true with the prophet Isaiah.4 By being
permitted to see Yahweh, especially as sitting on His

divine throne which is the emblem of His absolute authority
and dominion over all the peoples and nations, Isaiah was
given the assurance for his lifetime vocation and the
confirmation for his ultimate commission.
Then, with impressive brevity the prophet describes
the vision of God. It was extraordinary and tremendous
even for Israelite sensibilities: "I saw the Lord." In
contrast to Ezekiel (Ezek 1:26-28), Isaiah did not make any
attempt to delineate the form of the enthroned deity. All
f . g . , Exod 19:21; 20:19; 33:20; Deut 18:16; Judg

13:22; also Gen 32:31 (ET 32:30).
frequently in contexts with the references just

cited (see n. 1 above).
3E.g., Gen 16:9-13; 28:13-15; Exod 24:9-11; 34:5-

10; Judg 6:11-24; etc. Cf. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah.
177.
4For a further discussion of Isaiah's seeing God,

see Knierim, 50.
181
he did was to a s s e r t that he saw the Lord enthroned, thus
He was exercising His authority (cf. Isa 40:22). His words

were bold enough to frighten off the ancient Aramaic trans
lator and make him soften the phrase in his translation to
"I saw the qlorv of the Lord.1,1

The title of the One he saw is 'adon5y,2 which is
"only used of God" and is "an older form of pluralis
excellentiae. "3 The root of this word is dun or din,4 which
means "to rule, to judge, to command, to domineer." Thus
the term ,ad5n3y means "the Sovereign Ruler"5 or "the Lord
of All" ("der Allherr")6 and "the Supreme Judge." This
Lord is seated "on a throne, high and lifted up, and the
1J. F. Stenning, ed . , The Taraum of Isaiah (London:

Clarendon Press, 1949), 20 (emphasis supplied).
2Many MSS read YHWH (Yahweh) for 'dny (Lord) .

Wildberger remarks: "Die Tendenz, YHWH durch 'dny zu
ersetzen, lasst sich an manchen Stellen im Jesajabuch
beobachten" (Jesaia. 1:232). However, that the name is
used in vs. 5 ("Yahweh of hosts") argues in favor of the
originality of the term. The use of ,ad5n3y appears to
have a special intention in this vision. Cf. the distinc
tive use of 'dny by Amos in vision texts combined with YHWH
(Amos 7:1, 2, 4, 5; 8:1, 3, 11; 9:5, 8) and alone (Amos
7:3; 9:1).
3G H C L . 12.
4Cf. B D B . 10-11; K B L . 10-11; H A L . 12-13; GHCL.

12 ('adon), 14 ('adan [2]).
5Delitzsch, K D :C O T . 7:1:190.
6"Der Allherr" is the meaning of 'ad5n5y suggested

by Eipfeldt (0. Eipfeldt, "Adonaj," RGG3 . 1:97). C f. E.
Jenni, "'adon Herr," THAT. 1:34-35.
182
train of His robe filled the temple." Both "throne"

(kisse1) and "temple" (hekal, "great house, palace") are
royal and majestic terminology.1 Here again the absolute
sovereignty of God is being stressed. He alone is King.
By hekal in our text is to be meant the cemple
where Yahweh Himself is enthroned, or "die himmlische
Wohnstatte der Gottheit."2 The prophet stood in the
temple, the Jerusalem Temple, while the vision was given to
him. But the temple he saw in the vision was the heavenly
temple, of which the earthly was a reflection. In other
words, the prophet saw the heavenly temple through the
earthly.3
3The word here used for "temple," h£kal, contri

butes to the concept of God's kingship. It is a loanword
whose ultimate origin is in the Sumerian language of the
third millennium B.C.: E.GAL (literally, "big house"), a
term used for the house of the god who was considered to be
the king of the city-state. Its essential meaning was
"palace" as in 1 Kgs 21:1; 2 Kgs 20:18; Prov 30:28. Cf.
Friedrich Delitzsch, Sumerisches Glossar (Leipzig: J. C.
Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1914), 29 (e-gal: literally,
"grosses Haus," and essentially, "Palast'M .
2Wildberger, Jesaia. 1:245. Against M. Metzger,

"Himmlische und iraische Wohnstatt Jahwes," UF 2 (1970):
144; for a summary of the various views on the question of
hekal, see n. 15 on the same page.
3C f . White, The Storv of Prophets and Kings. 307,

who remarks as follows:
". . . h e [Isaiah] stood under the portico of the
temple. Suddenly the gate and the inner veil of
the temple seemed to be uplifted or withdrawn, and
he was permitted to gaze within, upon the holy of
holies, where even the prophet's feet might not
enter. There rose up before him a vision of Jeho
vah sitting upon a throne high and lifted up, while
the train of His glory filled the temple."
183
According to the position of the two attributives
(ram v ^ i ^ a ' ) in the sentence, one understands that they
should modify kisse'.1 However, the Masoretic punctuation
separates the two words from kisse', making them modify
,ad5n5y. This is in accord with other usages of this
combination in the book of Isaiah (cf. 52:13; 57:15) where
the phrase modifies persons rather than things. So here,

as Oswalt remarks, "it is saying that God was lifted up,
exalted, by means of the throne."2 "High and lifted up" is
"a reference both to the majesty of the nature and to the
physical elevation of Yahweh."3 The emphasis upon God's
exaltation is entirely in keeping with the messages of the
book. Isaiah's call came from the holy God on the heavenly
throne, high and lifted up. Hence, his was, in the fullest
sense of the words, "a holy calling" (? Tim 1:9, RSV,
NASB) ; "the heavenly calling" (Heb 3:1, KJV, NIV) ; and
"the high calling of God" (Phil 3:14, KJV).
It was "the train of His robe" (Sdlayw) that filled

the temple; not God Himself, but His §\il ("skirt, of
robe")4 filled (me le'im) the temple. This also is an
indication of God's greatness and magnificence. Whether
^•So Ibn Ezra (M. Friedlander, ed. , The Commentary

of Ibn Ezra on Isaiah. 3 vols. [London: The Society of
Hebrew Literature, 1873, 1873, 1877], 1:34).
20swalt, The Book of Isaiah. 178.
3Newsome, 72.
4B D B . 1002.
184
Sill denotes "the train of the throne," because "kings
usually have their thrones covered with drapery,"1 or, as
generally believed, refers to the train of God's royal
robe, is not a serious problem. The LXX,2 Targum,3 and
Vulgate4 have dropped the figure of the robe and train as
too anthropomorphic.5 But the important fact is that the
divine King Yahweh is infinitely great and tremendously
majestic! The following remark by Martin Luther serves as
a resume of this idea; "Deus supra templum, sola fimbria
replebat templum, et templum fimbriam non capiebat, quanto-

minus ipsum deum."6
1Ibn Ezra (Friedlander, ed., The Commentary of Ibn

Ezra on Isaiah. 1:34).
2The LXX reads, kai pleres ho oikos tes doxes autou

("The house [was] full of His glory"). This translation
avoids reference to w®5iilayw ("His skirts" or "His train") .
This is usually seen as the tendency of the LXX translator
to correct what he considers flagrant anthropomorphism.
The LXX translator of Isaiah had a special love for doxa
(cf. L. H. Brockington, "The Greek Translator of Isaiah and
His Interest in DOXA," VT 1 [1951]: 23-32). Cf. Watts,
Isaiah 1-33. 68, n. I.e.
3The Targum reads, wmzzyw yqryh 'tmly hykl' ("and

the temple was filled with the brightness of His glory") .
Cf. Stenning, e d . , The Taroum of Isaiah. 20-21.
4The Vulgate version reads, "et ea quae sub eo (or.

ipso) erant implebant templum" ("and the things which were
under Him filled the temple").
6The German translation reads: "Gott ist hoher als

der Tempel, allein der Saum seines Gewandes erfullte den
Tempel, und der Tempel fasste nicht einmal den Saum,
wieviel weniger Gott selbst" (cited from Herntrich, Der
Prophet Jesaia. 95).
185
M. Metzger's observation, "Das Heiligtum ist der

Ort, an dem der Unterschied zwischen Hinunel und Erde,
zwischen 'Diesseits' und 'J^nseits' aufgehoben ist,"1 is an
overstatement which does not find any support from the
Bible.
Vs. 2 of Isa 6 describes the surroundings of the
divine throne: "Above him stood the seraphim; each had
six wings: with two he covered his face, and with two he
covered his feet, and with two he flew" (RSV) . The sera
phim (6eraEim),2 meaning "burning ones"3 in the transitive
^■Metzger, "Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt

Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 144.
2Regarding the origin, identity, and number of the

seraphim, various opinions have been aired. Cf. Alexander,
1:146-147; Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqelkunst. 70-115;
Edmond Jacob, Esale 1-12. CAT VIII/a (Geneva: Editions
Labor et Fides, 1987), 99-100; Alomia, 463-471. Since
they are called £erapim, a term elsewhere applied to
serpents (Num 21:6; Deut 8:15; Isa 14:29; 30:6), some
scholars believe that they were serpentine or dragonlike in
appearance (e.g., George Buchanan Gray, A Critical and
Exeaetical Commentary on the Book of Isaiah, vol. 1, I-
X XXIX. ICC [New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1912], 104-
106; Duhm, 65-66). Karen Randolph Joines maintains that
they were similar to the protective uraeus-deities of Egypt
("Winged Serpents in Isaiah's Inaugural Vision," JBL 86
[1967]: 410-415; so J. de Savignac, "Les 'seraphim'," VT
22 [1972]: 320-325; cf. Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqel
kunst . 83-85). But these conclusions are either illogical
or assumptive (cf. Scott, "The Book of Isaiah," £B, 5:208).
The seraphim "have nothing in common with serpents except
the name" (Kissane, 1:74). Actually, like the cherubim and
"living creatures" in Ezekiel's vision (Ezek 1), they
belong to the category of unearthly beings, which in the
art and literature of the ancient world are commonly repre
sented as attendants upon the gods and their sanctuaries
(cf. A N E P . 649-655; T. H. Gaster, "Angel," ID B . 1:131).
Since the primary meaning of the term is "burning, fiery,"
the use of the term for the ministering beings would
indicate that they were "fiery ones" (cf. E. Lacheman, "The
186
sense, are mentioned only here in the OT, and they suggest
the luminous and awesome nature of God's throne.1
The chant of the seraphim in vs. 3 is among the
greatest of hymnology:
qadfiS qaddS qaddS YHWH ^ba'dfc
m elo' kol-ha'Ires k®b6d6:
Seraphim of Isaiah 6," JOR 59 [1968]: 71-72, where he

asserts that what Isaiah saw was the cherubim glinting in
the sunlight). Fire is frequently associated with God's
holiness (Exod 3:1-6; and passim) so that it would be
entirely appropriate for those who declare that holiness
(Isa 6:3) to be "fiery" in their appearance (cf. Oswalt,
The Book of Isaiah. 179). The Targum has "holy ministers"
in lieu of "seraphim" (Stenning, ed. , The Tarouin of Isaiah.
20).
3K B L . 932.
1For the function of the seraphim, see Manfred

Gorg, "Die Funktion der Serafen bei Jesaja," BN 5 (1978):
28-39. The following observations by Julian Price Love are
peculiar and interesting but lack textual support:
"The humility of even the burning ones before the
kingly God is stressed by the six wings of each
seraph, two covering his face, two his feet, and
two enabling him to fly— humility, reverence,
readiness to serve. Such was the trinity of graces
the prophet needed with which to meet the three-
folded echoing of God's character. Reverence is
dutiful, humility in a time like Isaiah's is a rare
and beauteous gift, but service is needed if the
reverence is not to end in formal gesture and the
humility turn to mockery."
(Love, 291). The Targum explains the meaning of Isa 6:2 as
follows:
"Holy ministers stood in the height before him: each
one had six wings; with twain he was covering his
face that he might not see, and with twain he was
covering his body that it might not be seen, and
with twain he was ministering."
(Stenning, ed. , The Tarcrum of Isaiah. 20) . C f . Albert
Barnes, Notes on the Old Testament: Isaiah. 2 vols. BN
(London: Blackie & Son, 1851; reprint, Grand Rapids: Baker
Book House, 1985), 1:139.
187
Holy, Holy, Holy, is the LORD of hosts,

the whole earth is full of His glory.
(NASB).
Holiness1 is the essential quality of deity, and
glory2 the manifestation of deity in the natural world. In
other words, holiness exists in the upper region, whereas
all that is earthly is His kabod.3 Otto Procksch also

notes: "Ist so Jahve Zebaot als qadoS seiner innersten
Natur n&ch bezeichnet, so enthalt seine 'Herrlichkeit'
(k®bddd) die Erscheinungsseite seines Wesens."4
Thus the first line of the hymn of the seraphim
declares the divine exaltation amid the hosts of heavenly
beings like the seraphim; the second line proclaims "that
the world has become the world of God, as wnen He created
^■Cf. H.-P. Muller, "qdS heilig," T H A T . 2:589-609;

E. F. Harrison, "Holiness; Holy," ISBE. 2:725-729; Snaith,
The Distinctive Ideas of the Old Testament. 21-50 (chap. 2:
"The Holiness of God"); Reinhard Fey, Amos und Jesaia:
Abhanqjgkeit und Eiaenstandiqkeit. WMANT 12 (Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirohener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1963),
105-143; Bo Reicke, "Heilig ist der Herr Zebaoth," TZ 28
(1972): 24-31; Israel Efros, "Holiness and Glory in the
Bible," JOR 41 (1950-51): 363-377.
2Cf. M. Weinfeld, "kabdd," TWAT, 4:23-40; C.

Westennann, "kbd schwer sein," T H A T . 1:794-812; E. F.
Harrison, "Glory," ISBE. 2:477-483; G. von Rad, "kabod im
AT," T W N T . 2:240-245 (ET: "kabod in the 0T," TDNT, 2:238-
242); L. H. Brockington, "The Presence of God (A Study of
the Use of the Term 'Glory of Yahweh')," ExoTim 57 (1945-
46): 21—25.
3Koch, The Prophets. 1:109.
4Procksch, Jesaia I . 55.
188
it and made Himself its king."1 Or, whereas the first line
"speaks of God's nature as such, the second refers to God's
relationship to the world."2 Therefore, what Isaiah
experiences is not merely a transcendent God, but a God who
also dwells completely within the world, even though
innerworldliness only represents one of His manifestations,
that is to say, His k5fed<t.3
The praise is directed to Him as "Yahweh of

Hosts."4 This is the cult name of God which was widely
known and often used in Jerusalem in Isaiah's time.5 As a
compound of YHWH, which is the covenant name and the only
truly personal name of God, and sÎ'ot, which means
"hosts,"6 this divine title is used "to exalt Yahweh as
1Aage Bentzen, Jesaia I (Copenhagen: G. E. C. Gad,

1944), 47 (ET by Ivan Engnell in his The Call of Isaiah.
36) .
2Newsome, 73.
3Koch, The Prophets. 1:109.
4C f . Wildberger, Jesaia. 1:28-29.
5Watts, Isaiah 1-33. 74; Wildberger, Koniosherr-

schaft Gottes. 1:83.
6Scholars hold various views concerning the identi

fication of these "hosts." In the earlier passages the
title occurs in connection with the ark of the covenant (2
Sam 6:2, 18; 7:2, 8, 26-27; cf. 1 Chr 17:7), and the ark
was used sometimes as a kind of war shrine (cf. Num 10:35),
and thus it is thought that the "hosts" were originally the
armies of Israel (cf. 1 Sam 17:45, "But I come to you in
the name of the LORD of hosts [Yahweh of Hosts], the God
of the armies of Israel, whom you have defied" [emphasis
supplied]). This meaning, however, is not found in the
prophets, where the title is used in nonmilitary con
texts (e.g., Isa 47:4; Jer 5:14; Hos 12:5; Amos 3:13;
189
all-powerful sovereign and controller of all human and
superhuman forces.This majestic title is repeated in
Isaiah's own utterances in vs. 5.

The trishagion2 or threefold sanctus praises Yahweh
for the revelation of His essential being. Since the
Hebrew language has no way to express the superlative
except by repetition, the threefold repetition of "holy" is
for great emphasis-3 God is by definition "holy." Holi
ness is not one of many attributes of God; to the Hebrew
mind it expressed the very nature of God Himself— His real
essence. He is "the Holy One of Israel" (q®d6S yi^ra'el).4
6:14). Therefore, some regard the "hosts" as heavenly,

angelic beings (cf. Pss 103:21; 148:2) or possibly astral
bodies over which Yahweh is supreme (cf. Isa 40:26).
Probably all of these senses are combined in the title.
Cf. Christopher J. H. Wright, "God, Names of," ISBE. 2:505.
bright, "God, Names of," ISBE. 2:507.
2For a discussion of the origin of the trishagion,

see Norman Walker, "The Origin of the 'Thrice-Holy'," NTS 5
(1958-59): 132-133. Scholars have suggested different
reasons for the threefold repetition of "holy": (1) a
means of the highest emphasis; (2) a secret meaning; (3)
an objective expression of the seraphim; (4) plural
persons in the subject, i.e., Holy Trinity; etc. For a
further discussion, see Eduard Konig, Das Buch Jesaia
(Gutersloh: Verlag C. Bertelsmann, 1926), 90-91; Keel,
Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqelkunst. 116-121.
3C f . Newsome, 72.
4This is Isaiah's favorite designation of God and

may have been coined by the prophet himself (Wildberger,
Jesaia. 3:1636; cf. idem, Koniqsherrschaft Gottes■ 1:78-
79) . He uses this designation thirty times (including
"Holy," "the Holy One," and "the Holy One of Jacob")in his
book: thirteen times in chaps. 1-39 (1:4; 5:19; 10:17
["the Holy One"], 20; 12:6; 17:7; 29:19, 23 ["the Holy One
of Jacob"]; 30:11, 12, 15; 31:1; 37:23) and seventeen times
190
This concept forms "the center of Isaianic theology."1 He
reveals His "holiness" by His decisions and His acts.2 And
glory, which is "the effulgence of the fullness of His
attributes,"3 shines out in creation (cf. Pss 19:1; 29:1-2,
9) , but much more splendidly in His acts of redemption and
judgment (cf. Isa 40:5; 60:1; Num 14:21; Ezek 39:21; Hab
2:14; etc.). The seraphim testify to the glory of God that
will be revealed when He comes for judgment— to punish the
ungodly and to redeem the godly.
The phenomena which followed the chant of the
seraphim (vs. 4) and the prophet's reaction to the vision
(vss. 5-8) are additional indications that the theophany
which the prophet witnessed was of the utmost sublimity and
fearful awesomeness. However, the prophet's call vision
in chaps. 40-66 (40:25 ["the Holy One"]; 41:14, 16, 20;

43:3, 14, 15 ["your Holy One"]; 45:11; 47:4; 48:17; 49:7
[twice: "their Holy One" and "the Holy One of Israel"];
54:5; 55:5; 57:15 ["Holy"]; 60:9, 14). It occurs only six
times elsewhere (2 Kgs 19:22 [= Isa 37:23]; Pss 71:22;
78:41; 89:19 [ET 89:18]; Jer 50:29; 51:5). Cf. Rachel
Margalioth, The Indivisible Isaiah: Evidence for the Single
Authorship of the Prophetic Book (Jerusalem: Sura Institute
for Research, 1964), 43-49. Delitzsch notes that "all the
prophecies of Isaiah carry this name of God as their stamp.
. . . It forms an essential part of Isaiah's distinctive
prophetic signature" (KD:COT. 7:1:193). Cf. Eichrodt, Der
Heilioe in Israel: Jesaia 1-12.
. J. M. Roberts, "Isaiah in Old Testament Theolo

gy," Int 36 (1982): 131, also in Mays and Achtemeier, 63.
2C f . Ringgren, The Prophetic Conception of Holi

ness . 19.
3J. Ridderbos, Isaiah. BSC, trans. John Vriend

(Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1985), 77.
191
reaches its climax when he utters, ". . . for my eyes have
seen the King [hanelek] , the LORD of hosts!" (vs. 5, RSV,
emphasis supplied). He saw the King, not of Israel alone,
but of "the whole earth" (vs. 3) . As Julian Price Love
notes, "Not a king, just any king, but the King, the
universal ruler, is Isaiah's mentor for the days to come."1
Another significant aspect in this throne vision is
the purpose of Isaiah's commission, which is described in
vss. 9-10— the so-called Verstockunq or hardening effect of
his preaching.2 As J. Ridderbos points out, "This outcome
of the divine Word is also a part of God's plan and a just
iudqmer.t on the sin of the people."3 The prophet can
hardly believe that this word of hardening and ruin is
God's last word concerning His people, and, full of dismay,
he asks, "How long, 0 Lord?" (vs. 11, RSV) . The answer is
that the judgment and the hardening will not cease until an
end has been made with these people and they have been sent
into exile (vss. 11-12). In ether words, "although the
people have been decimated, iudqment will not cease."4
Thus, after the judgment, only "the holy seed" of Israel
1Love, 292 (italics his).
2C f . F. Hesse, Das Verstockunqsproblem im Alten

Testament, BZAW 74 (Berlin: Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1955);
Andrew F. Key, "The Magical Background of Isaiah 6:9-13,"
JBL 86 (1967): 198-204; Jenni, "Jesajas Berufung in der
neueren Forschung," TZ 15 (1959): 326, 329-330.
3Ridderbos, Isaiah. 78 (emphasis supplied).
192
will be left (vs. 13), from which a new Israel will sprout
(cf. Isa 4:3; 7:3).^ Here again it becomes clear that the
throne of God is the place from whence the divine judgment
is issued.
This oracle of God to Isaiah (vss. 9-10) is quoted
by each Gospel writer (Matt 13:14-15; Mark 4:10-12; Luke
8:10; John 12:39-412) and twice by Paul (Acts 28:26-27; Rom
11:8). Whenever it is cited, it refers to the rejection of
God's word in Christ.The Synoptic references are of
particular interest because
they all occur in connection with the parable of

the sower, which, like this present passage,
anticipates widespread failure to make proper
response to the words but which also, as here (vs.
13), shows cause for hope.3
At the very center of the vision in which God
inaugurated Isaiah as the prophet to announce His judgment
against (and for) the people, was the throne of God which
represents the source of all powers and the universal
1For a detailed discussion on "the holy seed" as

the remnant motif, see Hasel, The Remnant. 234-236; F.
Hvidberg, "The Ma?s5b5h and the Holy Seed," NTT 56 (1955):
97-99. For the textual problems of Isa 6:13, see Wm. H.
Brownlee, "The Text of Isaiah vi 13 in the Light of DSIa,"
VT 1 (1951): 296-298; Samuel Iwry, "Massebah and Bamah in
IQ IsaiahA 6:13," JBL 76 (1957): 225-232; J. Sawyer, "The
Qumran Reading of Isaiah 6:13," ASTI 3 (1964): 111-113;
Udo F. Ch. Worschech, "The Problem of Isaiah 6:13," AUSS 12
(1974): 126-138.
2Cf. M. J. J. Menken, "Die Form des Zitates aus Jes

6,10 in Joh 12,40: Ein Beitrag zum Schriftgebrauch des
vierten Evangelisten," BZ 32 (1988): 189-209.
3Geoffrey W. Grogan, "Isaiah," EBC, 6:57.
193
rulership of the divine King. This means that the divine
throne is the headquarters of the great Commander who
commissions and dispatches His messengers to deliver His
messages of judgment to the world. This is much in
evidence in God's challenge and Isaiah's response which
follow:
And I heard the voice of the Lord saying,

"Whom shall I send. and who will go for us?"
Then I said,
"Here am I! Send me."
(Isa 6:8, RSV, emphasis supplied).
As James D. Newsome, Jr. , points out, many of the
elements of Christian devotion are embodied in this vision
which reveals the throne of God as its center: the majesty
and "otherness" of God; God's moral purity in contrast to
the sinfulness of the prophet and his people; the gracious
act of God which nullifies the destructive nature of human
sin and which calls the prophet into a new relationship
with God; and so forth.1
In summary, the throne of Yahweh in Isaiah's call
vision meant the following for the prophet: (1) It was a
continual reminder of the fact that Yahweh is always ruling
on His throne; (2) it affirmed that Yahweh is "the Lord"
(Isa 6:1) and "the King, Yahweh of Hosts" (vs. 5); (3) it
represented the authority of the One who called and sent
1C f . Newsome, 73. Heconcludes on the same page:

"It is little wonder that many individuals have
found in this passage [Isa 6:1-8] words which
describe their own spiritual pilgrimage: adoration,
confession, forgiveness, and service."
194
the prophet to deliver the divine message to his people;
(4) it symbolized the glory and greatness of Yahweh and His
kingship; (5) it taught that Yahweh is the Judge and the

message was that of judgment (reward and punishment); and
(6) it impressed the prophet with a solemn responsibility
for his prophetic ministry at such a critical moment of the

nation's history.
Isaiah 66:1
The last chapter of the book of Isaiah (Isa 66) is
a place where scholars express various kinds of opinions
and conjectures. As James Muilenburg sums up, there are
three main questions in th=; interpretation of this chapter;
(1) What is its relation to the preceding chapter? (2) Is
it a literary unit or a mosaic of disparate fragments?
(3) To what historical situation does the writer address
himself?1 The first and third questions seem to be more
important for the right understanding and interpretation of
the present text than the second one.2
Many scholars consider chap. 66 as the continuation
of chap. 65.3 Affinities between the two are evidently
^-James Muilenburg, "The Book of Isaiah; Chapters

40-66," IB, 5:757.
2For a summary of the suggestions on the question

of literary integrity, see ibid., 758.
3E . g . , Robert Lowth, Isaiah: A New Translation:

with a Preliminary Dissertation. and Notes. Critical.
Philological, and Explanatory. 12th ed. (London: Printed
for Thomas Tegg and Son, 1837), 401; Delitzsch, K D :C O T .
195
present. The eschatological point of view, imagery, and
mood persist through both chapters, and even the repetition
of the same words can be noticed.1 These two chapters form
not only the end but also the climax of the book. In them,
eschatology reaches its zenith, for the promise of new
heavens and a new earth (65:17; 66:22) goes beyond anything
else in the book. Both chapters form "a thematic unity"2
and "are set in the great hall of the heavenly king with
Jerusalem and its struggling parties visible alongside
it.1,3
7:2:451-524; Charles Cutler Torrey, The Second Isaiah: A

New Interpretation (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1928), 466,
says, "The two poems 65 and 66 are companion pieces. . . .
They have in common striking features not appearing else
where in the same way"; William Kelly, An Exposition of
the Book of Isaiah with a New V e rsion. 4th ed. (N.p. : G.
Morrish, 1871; reprint, Minneapolis: Klock & Klock Chris
tian Publishers, 1979), 388; P.-E. Bonnard, Le second
Isaie: Son disciple et leursediteurs: Isaie 40-66. EB
(Paris: J. Gabalda et Cie Editeurs, 1972), 482; August
Pieper, Isaiah II: An Exposition of Isaiah 40-66. trans.
Erwin E. Kowalke (Milwaukee, W I : Northwestern Publishing
House, 1979), 681; John D. W. Watts, Isaiah 34-66.WBC 25
(Waco, TX: Word Books, Publisher, 1987), 337-339. Some
scholars do not agree to this: e . g . , John L. McKenzie,
Second Isaiah: A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary. AB 20 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company,
1968), 203.
1E.g., 66:4 and 65:12; 66:22 and 65:17. Muilenburg

enumerates some more similarities between the two chapters:
"The division of the community into the pious faith
ful and the rebellious apostates, the description
of the syncretistic practices, and verbal affini
ties suggest a similar provenance and authorship."
(Muilenburg, "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40-66," I B .
5:758) .
2Watts, Isaiah 34-66. 338.
3Ibid.
196
The common theme of both chapters is "Yahweh's

Great Day"1 of "judgment,"2 when He punishes His opponents
and rewards His faithful3 and then the new creation and the
new age set in. Thus, the throne of Yahweh is, by its
symbolism, linked with many eschatological concepts: judg
ment, punishment, rewarding, new creation, and new age.
The One who sits on the throne is the One who judges this
world in the present age and will rule over the new crea
tion in the new age.
John D. W. Watts looks at this section as composed
of three episodes: "Episode A: Yahweh Deals with His
Opponents (65:1-16)"; "Episode B: Yahweh Moves to Finish
His New Jerusalem (65:17-66:5)"; and "Episode C:Yahweh
Confirms His Servants in His New City (66:6-24) .1,4 In the
first two episodes, Yahweh's court is prominent and two
groups are on the scene: Yahweh's adversaries on the stage
and His servants in the background. In the second episode,
1Ibid., 337.
2C f . Muilenburg, "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 4 0-

66," IB, 5:744, 757; John T. Willis, Isaiah. LWCOT 12
(Austin, TX: Sweet Publishing Company, 1980), 468, entitles
chaps. 65-66 "Judgment and Salvation" (emphasis supplied);
Ridderbos, Isaiah. 573, puts the title, "Judgment on
Sinners: The Coming Glory of Zion," for chap. 66 (emphasis
supplied).
3The idea of judgment flowsthrough chap. 66: cf.

vss. 4-6, 12, 14-16, 18.
4Watts, Isaiah 34-66. 338. It is interesting that

these three episodes have a parallel in Rev 20-22:Episode
A//Rev 20; Episode B//Rev 22; Episode C//Rev 21.
197
Yahweh's throne in the court is at the center and "the

skyline of the new city is clear in the background."1
The text reads:
Thus says the LORD:

"Heaven is my throne
and the earth is my footstool;2
what is the house which you would build for me,
and what is the place of my rest?
All these things my hand has made,
and so all these things are mine,
says the LORD."
(Isa 66:l-2a, RSV) .
This passage forms the crux of the whole chapter.
Yahweh's proclamation which is introduced by the assevera-
tive "Thus savs the LORD" (koh 'amar YHWH) and concluded by
another asservative "savs the LORD" (ne,um-YHWH) points us
to the infinity and immensity of God.3 God is so great
that even "the heaven and heaven of heavens cannot contain"
Him (1 Kgs 8:27). Stephen's quotation of our text in his
sermon (Acts 7:48-50) also stresses the same idea, i.e.,
God's greatness and transcendency. That great and mighty
God speaks now.
1Ibid.
2This highly impressive opening phrase occurs

several times elsewhere in Scripture in the same or similar
forms: Matt 5:34-35; 23:22; Acts 7:48-50; Pss 11:4; 93:2;
103:19. The passages in the Psalms are researched later in
this dissertation.
3C f . Young, The Book of Isaiah. 3:518; Elizabeth

Achtemeier, The Community and Message of Isaiah 56-66: A
Theological Commentary (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing
House, 1982), 139.
198
The reference to "the heavens" (haSSamayim) and
"the earth" (ha'ares) as God's throne and footstool1 leads
us immediately to the Creation account in Genesis. These
two creation terms are used in Gen 1:1 torefer to the
totality of creation. This idea becomes self-evident as we
read the last section of our text: "All these things my
hand has made, and so all these things are mine" (Isa
66:2a, RSV) . So in the book of Isaiah the two terms are
applied with the same meaning, but this time for the "new
creation" motif which forms the main theology of Isaiah in
the last two chapters of his book (Isa 65-66).
Since "heaven" and "earth" in Gen 1:1 refer to the
totality of creation, the "throne" and the "footstool"
which are connected with "heaven" and "earth" may be seen
to be the expressions of totality. Here totality may
include the whole creation, new creation, all powers and
authority. Thus, the divine throne and footstool as
totality terms point to creatorship and ownership, in
addition to kingship and judgeship of Yahweh over the
entire world. The text asserts once again that God is
Creator and King of all and rules over and fills the entire
world. The whole creation is subject to Him not only in
1For the term "footstool" (hadom), see Heinz-Josef

Fabry, "hadom," TWAT, 2:347-357 (ET: "hadh5m," T D O T . 3:325-
334). Cf. Isa 60:13; 1 Chr 28:2; Ps 132:7; Lam 2:1; Ezek
43:7. In 1 Chr 28:2 the ark of the covenant is the foot
stool of Yahweh, and in Isa 60:13; Lam 2:1; Ezek 43:7, the
temple is called His footstool. Cf. pp. 132-133 above.
199
terms of government and judgment but also in terms of
creation and possession.
In this figure, we notice some more significant
facts which are unique in this particular passage. First,
there is a picture of divine grandeur and immensity.
Yahweh is too great and majestic: all of heaven is His
throne and all of earth is His footstool! Second, there is
very much a feeling of the vast spaces or boundless terri
tories the Creator-King rules over. Here not only Yahweh's
kingship is revealed but also the domain of His kingdom:
the whole world is His territory.1
"All these things" (kol— 'elleh) in vs. 2 refers
back to "the heavens" and "the earth" as the expressions of
totality in the preceding verse.2 Joseph A. Alexander's
observation on this matter is worthy of notice: "By all
these it is universally admitted that we are to understand
the heavens and the earth, of which he claims to be not
M e t z g e r understands "heaven" and "earth" in our

text as meaning "den gesamten Bereich des Kosmos" (Metzger,
"Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt Jahwes," UF 2 [1970]:
154) . However, this seems to be an overstated interpreta
tion.
2So Kissane, The Book of Isaiah. 2:315-326; Muilen-

burg, "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40-66," IB, 5:760;
Ridderbos, Isaiah. 574 ("the entire visible universe");
Pieper, 684 ("all of creation, heaven and earth"); Young,
The Book of Isaiah. 3:519 ("all that is contained in heaven
and earth"); Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40-66: A Commentary.
OTL (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1969), 412.
200
only the sovereign, as in the preceding verse, but the
creator.1,1
According to the Gospel of Matthew, Jesus cites our
text (Isa 6:1) twice in His sermons (Matt 5:34-35; 23:22).

In both cases, He relates it to oath-making or swearing.
The point is that we should not make any oath by heaven or
earth, because they are not our own possession but God's;
in other words, they point to the ownership of God who
created them.
The question about the historical situation arises
from the allusion to the temple in this text. What does
the temple refer to? Is the allusion historical or ideal
istic? Who are the people who contemplate building it?
Various answers and suggestions have been provided to these
questions.2 The most widely held view is that the passage
means a complete rejection of the temple as such: many
scholars hold this view because they understand that the
^-Alexander, 2:459. Bernhard Duhm interprets this

phrase ("dies alles") to be referring to "den Bestand der
neujiidischen Gemeinde, ihren Tempel, ihren Kultus" (Das
Buch Jesaia. 482) in contrast to an opposition temple
planned by the Samaritans. But this interpretation is
unnatural both grammatically and chronologically (cf.
McKenzie, Second Isaiah. 203; Westermann, Isaiah 40-66.
412) .
2For a good summary of the possible answers, see

Muilenburg, "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40-66," I B .
5:758-760; cf. Kissane, The Book of Isaiah. 2:315-316;
Karl Pauritsch, Die neue Gemeinde: Gott sammelt Ausae-
stossene und Anne fjesaia 56-66). AnBib 47 (Rome: Biblical
Institute Press, 1971), 198-199; James D. Smart, "A New
Interpretation of Isaiah lxvi. 1-6," ExoTim 46 (1934-35):
420-424.
201
prophet, standing in the great succession of his preexilic

forebears, contends for a purely spiritual worship.1
In order to find the real and full meaning of our
text, one needs to grasp the precise meanings of the words
used in it and to look at it in its context. First, a
Hebrew expression in our passage deserves our attention.
The MT of vs. lb reads, 'e-zeh bayit ,a£er tibnA-li w e 'e-

zeh maqom m enuhati. The twice-occurring 'e-zeh, which is a
compound of the interrogative particle 'e ("where?") and
the demonstrative zeh ("this"), means "which? what manner?
what kind?"2 It also could be translated "where?" without
an appreciable change in meaning. Thus, some versions
read, "where . . . where . . .?"3 The LXX reads, poios
("what kind of?"), a rendering followed by most exegetes.
The ASV provides a more distinct rendition than the other
versions: "What manner of house will ye build unto me?"4
1Thus J. Wellhausen, K. Budde, H. GrefSmann, Hans

Schmidt, W. Rudolph, P. Volz, and C. Torrey (cf. Muilen-
burg, "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40-66," 13, 5:759).
2Cf. B D B . 262; GHC L . 35; Pieper, 684.
3E.g . , KJV, NIV, NASB, and NKJV. However, the NJV

renders the same phrase 'e-zeh in two different ways:
"Where could you build a house for Me,/ What place could
serve as My abode?" (Isa 66:1b, emphasis supplied).
4This translation (ASV) seems to be the combination

of the LXX and the Vulgate renderings. Cf. Vulgate ("Quae
est ista domus quam aedificabitis mihi, et quis est iste
locus quietis meae?") . Skinner translates this phrase in
the same way: "What manner of house . . . what manner of
place . . . " (Skinner, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah.
2:221). The idea is that whatever manner of house people
may build for God, it cannot encompass Him. Therefore,
202
If we take the first meaning ("what manner?") for
'e-zeh, the idea of the sentence would be, "Whatever manner
of building you may build for Me, it will never be able to
house Me!" If we take the second meaning ("where?") for
'e-zeh, the sentence would mean, "There is no place at all
where you can build a house big enough for Me!" In either
case, the main thought remains the same: Yahweh is too
great and grandiose to be contained in a house made by
human hands or to be limited to a location. Although both
are possible grammatically and semantically, the first
meaning is more natural and better fit for the context,
because it contrasts God's throne and footstool (heaven and

earth) with the material earthly temple which men wish to
build for Him.1
On the other hand, as Edward J. Kissane points out,
our passage expresses "the truth that the external symbols
of themselves are of no avail."2 In other words, "what
Kissanes' criticism on Skinner's translation (Kissane, The

Book of Isaiah. 2:322) is not legitimate. Konig's trans
lation is also in the same line: "Wie beschaffen ist
[infolgedessen] das Haus, das ihr mir bauen sollt, und ein
wie beschaffener Ort ist meine Ruhestatte?" (Konig, Das
Buch Jesaia. 530).
1C f . Muilenburg, "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 4 0-

66," IB, 5:760.
2Kissane, The Book of Isaiah. 2:316. He states as

follows on the same page:
"The true explanation of the passage is arrived
at by comparison with the other poems in this
section. The general theme is the exile, its cause
and its purpose. It is part of Jahweh's plan for
the chastisement of Israel, and it will end in the
203
Jahweh requires is obedience, and the external symbols are
pleasing to Him only when they are accompanied by the
proper dispositions."1 This idea is supported by the verse
which follows immediately: "But to this one I will look,/
To him who is humble and contrite of spirit, and who
trembles at My word" (Isa 66:2b, NASB).
In short, our text stresses two concepts at the
same time: (1) humans can by no means build any house
which really can house God; and (2) in man's relationship
to God, the state of heart, i.e., the attitude of obedience
and humbleness, is no less important than the place of

worship.
The last two words of vs. 1 (maqdm menuhati) show a
rather unusual form: an absolute state (maqdm)— not meqom
(construct state)— before another noun (menuhati, probably
genitive). This implies that m entihati ("my rest[ing
place]") is in apposition to maqdm ("place").2 So the more
literal translation would be "a place, even my resting
place." This makes a slight difference in meaning, but:
the general idea remains unchanged.3 All these things
destruction of the wicked and the survival of a

purified remnant."
1Ibid. Cf. Isa 1:11-17; 58:2-9; Amos 4:4-5; 5:21-

25; Hos 6:4-6; Mic 6:6-8; Jer 7:4-7, 21-26; Ps 50:8-15.
2But the LXX renders this phrase as in the con

struct state: topos tes katapauseos mou.
3C f . Young, The Book of Isaiah. 3:519; Pieper, 684.
204
considered, Isa 66:1b would be best translated as follows:
"What manner of house will you build for Me, and what place
shall be My rest?"1
In Ps 95:11 refers to Canaan, which was
denied to the wilderness generation. This phrase presents
the same tension between a rebellious generation and God's
sovereign rule over heavens and earth. It is noteworthy
that in Ps 132:8, 14 and 1 Chr 28:2 the term menflhah is
related to the temple or Zion to stress the permanency of
God's presence there.
To sum up, in Isa 66:1 the figure of heaven and
earth respectively as Yahweh's throne and footstool points
to His creatorship and ownership as well as His kingship
and judgeship over the whole world. It also points to the
grandeur and majesty of God and to the domain of His
kingdom. His territory is boundless and His administrative
power reaches everywhere. So Yahweh can never be contained
in the building made by human hands and His reign covers
the whole world.
As we compare the two throne passages in the book
of Isaiah, some aspects emerge as being common in both and
other aspects are unique in each. In both passages, the
divine throne is an indication of Yahweh's kingship and
judgeship: He is revealed or declared as the sovereign
King and the supreme Judge.
1Cf. RSV, ASV, JB, and NJB.
205
Since these two passages are the only references to

the throne of God in the book of Isaiah, and one passage
(chap. 6) reports the beginning of the prophet's ministry,
while the other (chap. 66) completes his prophetic minis
try, they form a kind of inclusio around the book as well
as around the prophet's ministry. The contrasts between

the two passages could be summarized as follows:
Isa 6:1 Isa 66:1

Throne— revealed in vision Throne— declared in oracle
Throne— high and lifted up Throne— vast and immeasurable
Throne— rises above human Throne— fills the totality of
futility creation
Throne— the headquarters of Throne— the pointer to the

the great Commander handiwork of the great
or Sender Builder or Maker
God— holy and glorious God— infinite and immense
God— the Commissioner God— the Creator and Owner
God— the Ruler of all na God— the Ruler of the whole
tions and peoples world and macrocosm
The Seventh-Sixth Century Prophets

Jeremiah 3:17
The book of Jeremiah contains four references to
the throne of Yahweh: two are in Yahweh oracles (Jer 3:17;
49*38) and the other two in the prophetic supplications
(Jer 14:21; 17:12). In the former, the throne is called
"the throne of Yahweh" (kisse' YHWH, 3:17) or "My throne"
206
(kis'i, 49:38), and in the latter, it is referred to as

'•the throne of Your glory" (kisse' k^ddeka, 14:21), or
"the throne of glory" (kisse' kabdd, 17:12).
Jer 3:17 is, in a broader vista, a part of the long
section which deals with "The Divine Judgment on Judah and
Jerusalem" (2:1-25:38)1 and, in a closer look, it forms the
central part of a shorter section which reports God's
appeals to Israel and Judah to repent (3:1-4:4). In this
shorter section, the key word is "turn" (Stib),2 which for
Jeremiah means a redirection either toward God or away from
Him. In its various forms the word occurs seventeen times
in this section.3 Jer 3:22 captures the mood, which is one
of God's earnest pleading, Subil banim Sobabim 'erpah
^J. A. Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. NICOT (Grand

Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1980), 125.
2For a discussion of Sub as an OT and biblical

theme, see H. W. Wolff, "Das Thema 'Umkehr' in der
alttestamentlichen Prophetie," ZTK 48 (1951): 129-148
(reprinted in Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament. TB 22
[Miinchen: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1964], 130-150); William L.
Holladay, The Root SQbh in the Old Testament (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1958); Th. M. Raitt, "The Prophetic S u m m o n s to
Repentance," ZAW 83 (1971): 30-49; Berthold A. Pareira,
The Call to Conversion in Ezekiel: Exegesis and Biblical-
Theolocrv. Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana Facultas Theo-
logiae (Rome: Typis Pontificiae Universitatis Gregorianae,
1975), 17-23; Dieter Schneider, Der Prophet Jeremia. 2nd
ed. , WSB (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1979), 53-55
("EXKURS: Das Thema 'Umkehr' in der alttestamentlichen
Prophetie und in der Bibel uberhaupt").
3Jer 3:1, 6, 7 (twice), 8, 10, 11, 12 (twice), 14

(twice), 19, 22 (thrice); 4:1 (twice). In the whole book
of Jeremiah it is found ninety times.
207
m e&fib5tekeni ("Turn, ever-turning children, and I will heal
your turnings-about").1
After comparing the two sisters, apostate Israel
and unfaithful Judah (Jer 3:6-10),2 Yahweh gives His first
appeal to the apostate Israel (meSubah yi^ra'Sl, literally,
"turnable or defecting Israel," vs. 11), which is recorded
in vss. 11-13. In this appeal, the apostate Israel is
persuaded to return to Yahweh by the argument that He is
merciful, gracious (heseM;• The term hese£ , ViilCh 13 Cf ucH

used in covenant discussions, signifies covenant loyalty.3
Yahweh appeals to His covenant partner to repent and return
to Him. Moreover, He promises not to retain anger against
her (vs. 13).
^■Elmer A. Martens, Jeremiah, Believers Church Bible

Commentary (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1986), 52.
2For the comparison between the two sisters, see

ibid., 54.
3C f . Exod 34:6; Deut 7:9; Neh 1:5; etc. For

detailed discussions, see Nelson Glueck, Das Word Hesed im
alttestamentlichen Sprachoebrauche als menschliche und
qottliche creme inschaftaemasse Verhaltunasweise. BZAW 47
(Berlin: Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1927; reprint, 1961);
W. F. Lofthouse, "hen and hesed in the Old Testament," ZAW
51 (1933): 29-35; Norman H." Snaith, "The Meaning of hesed,"
ExpTim 55 (1943-44): 108-110; idem, The Distinctive Ideas
of the Old Testament. 94-130 (chap. 5: "The Covenant-Love
of God"); Hans J. Stoebe, "Die Bedeutung des Wortes hasad
im Alten Testament," VT 2 (1952): 244-254; idem, "hxssd
Gute," T H A T . 1:600-621; H.-J. Zobel, "hsscd," T W A T . 3:48-
71 (ET: "hesed," T D O T . 5:44-64); Katharine Doob Sakenfeld,
The Meaning of ffesed in the Hebrew Bible: A New Inquiry -
H5M 17 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1978); idem, Faith
fulness in Action: Loyalty in Biblical Perspective. OBT 16
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985).
208
It is in the second appeal of Yahweh to the "ever-
turning" Israel (vss. 14-22a) that the throne of Yahweh is
referred to (vs. 17) . In this appeal, the adjective which
modifies the sons of Israel is Sobabim ("ever-turning,"
vss. 14, 22), and here the reasons urged for Israel to
repent are more elaborate than in the first appeal.1
Yahweh presents Himself in the more intimate relationship
to His people: ki 'anoki ba'alti bakem (vs. 14).2
1Cf. Martens, Jeremiah. 55. He outlines all the

benefits which God holds out— "all nudges toward repent
ance": (1) Return from exile, even if only by a decimated
remnant (vs. 14); (2) Godly leaders, shepherds (vs. 15);
(3) New experience of divine presence (vss. 16-17); (4)
Transformed heart (vs. 17c); and (5) United people (vs.
18), already anticipated with the mention of Jerusalem and
Zion in vss. 14-17.
2The verb ba'al has two principal meanings: "to

have dominion over, rule over, own" and "to take wife, take
possession of a woman as bride or wife, marry" (cf. BDB.
127; GHCL. 130; K B L . 137). Hence, the translations of
this clause are: "dioti egd katakurieuso humon" (LXX);
"for I am your master" (RSV) ; "for I am a master to you"
(NASB); "for I am your Lord" (AB, italic original); "for
I am married to you" (NKJV); "for I am your husband" (NIV).
On the other hand, Gesenius suggests the third
meaning of ba'al (when it is used together with the prepo
sition be ) : "to loathe, to reject." He translates Jer
3:14 (Subvl banim Sobabim . . . ki 'anoki ba'alti bakem) as
"turn, 0 ye rebellious children . . . for I have reiected
you" (GHCL, 130, italics original). He takes another
example from Jer 31:32 (w®1anoki ba'alti bam) which he
thinks means "and I rejected them" (LXX: kai ego emelesa
auton, meaning "and I disregarded them" [LXX 38:32]; cf.
Heb 8:9). However, Koehler and Baumgartner do not accept
this meaning but interpret ba'al be as "take possession of"
on the basis of the renderings of LXX (katakurieuso) and
Aquila (ekurieusa) (K B L . 137).
The more probable and reasonable translation of
this clause would be "for I am your husband" (NIV) or "for
I am married to you" (NKJV), because chap. 3 began already
with the marriage metaphor which tells us a story about the
relationship between a husband and his wife (vss. 1-5), and
209
The text reads:

"And it shall be in those days when you are multi
plied and increased in the land," declares the
LORD, "they shall sayno more, 'The ark of the cov
enant of the LORD.' And it shall not come to mind,
nor shall they remember it, nor shall they miss it,
nor shall it be made again. At that time they
shall call Jerusalem 'The Throne of the LORD,' and
all the nations will be gathered to it, for the
name of the LORD in Jerusalem; nor shall they walk
any more after the stubbornness of their evil
heart" (Jer 3:16, 17, NASB).
The text predicts that in that era of blessing no
one will even mention the ark of the covenant of Yahweh.
People would neither ask for it, nor call it to mind, nor
fashion another. For an OT prophet to make such a state
ment was an unparalleled example of boldness. The text
does not necessarily presuppose the disappearance of the
ark,1 and by no means presumes that when Jeremiah spoke or
wrote this prophecy the ark was no longer in existence.2
the whole section deals with the unfaithfulness or dis

loyalty on the part of Israel and Judah toward their God
Yahweh (as their Husband) in the covenant relationship.
Elsewhere in the Bible, Yahweh is called "Husband": "For
vour Maker is your Husband" (Jci bo'a layi]5 'o6ayi)j, Isa
54:5).
W i l l i a m L. Holladay's comments on our passage,

"God assures his people that the ark of the covenant will
no longer be needed: it is thus God's intention that the
ark disappear" (William L. Holladay, Jeremiah 1: A Commen
tary on Lite Book of the Prophet Jeremiah Chapters 1-25.
Herm [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986], 121), are
obviously overstated. And Mowinckel's view that Jeremiah's
ark-prophecy is an expression of sadness at the loss of the
ark, the greatest misfortune that could have struck the
nation, is out of place (cf. Sigmund Mowinckel, "A quel
moment le culte de Yahve a Jerusalem est-il officiellement
devenu un culte sans images," RHPR S [1929]: 210).
2Keil, K D :C O T . 8:1:94.
210
The idea is that the worship of God needs no symbolic aids,
for God will dwell among His people, and all nations will
be drawn to them. The passage introduces "the picture of
true religion."1
In the preexilic times, the ark of the covenant
functioned variously for God's people: (1) as the embodi
ment of the presence of Yahweh or a portable throne and/or
footstool for His invisible presence (cf. Lev 16:2, 13; 1
Sam 4:4; 2 Sam 6:2; 2 Kgs 19:15; Pss 80:2 [ET 80:1]; 99:1;
1 Chr 28:2); (2) as a container for the tables of the law
(Exod 25:10-16; 40:20); and (3) as a war palladium of
Israel's tribes (Num 10:35; 1 Sam 4:3; 2 Sam 11:11).2 But
now Jeremiah announces that the ark will neither be made
again nor even receive mention in the postexilic time
because Jerusalem itself, as God's throne, will guarantee
the presence of God at least as much as the ark did
formerly. Several ideas are implied in this prophecy.
First, the roles that the ark has hitherto played
for Jerusalem and Israel, Jerusalem itself will play in
relation to the restored Israel and other nations.3 In
this particular passage, it is obviously indicated that the
1Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah.203.
2C f . W. Lotz, M. G. Kyle, and C. E. Armerding, "Ark

of the Covenant," ISBE, 1:291-294, esp. 293; von Rad, The
Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essavs. 103-124 (chap.
4: "The Tent and the Ark").
3Cf. Keil, K D :CO T . 8:1:95; C. W. Naegelsbach, "The

Book of the Prophet Jeremiah," L :C H S . 12:1:52.
211
ark has functioned so far as the throne of God on earth.

Now, the throne of Yahweh is not limited to the ark but
will be extended to the whole city of Jerusalem. This
means that the concept of the divine throne has developed
or expanded.1 According to Ben C. Ollenburger, this repre
sents an exilic or postexilic development of the assertion
in Ps 99:5, such as is found in Lam 2:1, where Zion is
identified as Yahweh's crown (tp'rt) and Yahweh's footstool
(hdm rglyw).2 Jeremiah points to the new age as one in
which Jerusalem is the throne of God.
Second, our text intimates that the throne of God
will be "openly accessible to all"3 who will be saved into
His kingdom. This accessibility as a characteristic of
the divine throne, which can be discerned also in other
biblical texts, such as Pss 9:5 (ET 9:4) ;4 11:4,5 is an
indication of the closeness of God toward His people.
"Therefore," following the exhortation of a NT writer, the
people of God can "draw near with confidence to the throne
1C f . Ben C. Ollenburger, Zion. the Citv of the

Great Kina: A Theological Symbol of the Jerusalem Cult.
JSOTS 41 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, The University of Shef
field, 1987), 49-50; von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch
and Other Essays. 232-242 (chap. 11: "The City on the
Hill").
2011enburger, 50.
3Martens, Jeremiah, 55.
4Cf. pp. 323-333 below.
5Cf. pp. 334-339 below.
212
of grace," in order that they "may receive mercy and find
grace to help in time of need" (Heb 4:16, NASB).
Third, an eschatological outlook is implied in the
text. Jeremiah looks beyond the exile to a time when
idolatry is no more in Palestine, and Jerusalem will be
"holy unto Yahweh" (cf. Zech 14:20) .^ Neither Israel nor
the nations will then be misled into idolatry, and Israel,
purged of idolatry, will be a witness and blessing to all
the nations (cf. Ps 67).2 According to Marten H. Woudstra,
this period is "that of unparalleled prosperity and expan
sion" or "shalom-situation.1,3 This period is, as Otto
Eipfeldt ard Artur Weiser have correctly stated, the future
"Heilszeit.1,4 The prophet looks forward to the new earth
where God will be enthroned among His people and all
nations will be gathered before Him (Jer 3:17b).5
1Harrison, Jeremiah and Lamentations. 66.
2Charles L. Feinberg, Jeremiah: A Commentary (Grand

Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1982), 46.
3Marten H. Woudstra, "The Ark of the Covenant in

Jeremiah 3:16-18," in Grace upon Grace. Essays in Honor of
Lester J. Kuyper, ed. James I. Cook (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1975), 125.
4Otto Eipfeldt, "Lade und Stierbild," ZAW 58 (1940-

41): 215; Artur Weiser, Das Buch Jeremia: Kapitel 1-25.14.
ATD 20, 5., durchgesehene und erganzte Auflage (Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966) , 30.
5Cf. Jer 31:1; 33:16; Hos 3:5; Martin Buber, Mcses.

The East and West Library (Oxford: Phaidon Press, 1956),
160.
213
The mention of the ark of the covenant recalls the
fortunes of the ark, first in the wilderness (Exod 25:10-
22), then in Shiloh (1 Sam 4:3-4), then in Kiriath-Jearim
(1 Sam 7:1-2), and finally in the Solomonic temple (1 Kgs
S:!^).1 The last historical reference to the ark of the
covenant is in 2 Chr 35:3.2 According to this text, the
ark was still in existence in Josiah's day. Scholars
believe that the ark disappeared at the time of the
destruction of Jerusalem.3 Some think that it was taken to
M artens, Jeremiah. 55.
2The command in 2 Chr 35:3 ("Put the holy ark in

the house . . .") poses some difficult questions because it
seems to presuppose that the ark had been removed from the
temple and is addressed to the Levites rather than the
priests. For a detailed discussion on these questions, see
H. G. M. Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles. NCBC (Grand
Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1982), 405;
Dillard, 2 Chronicles. 284-285.
3E . g . , John Bright, Jeremiah: A New Translation

with Introduction and Commentary. AB 21 (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday & Company, 1965), 27; Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 120.
The narrative of 2 Macc 2:1-18, by which Jeremiah
was told to go up on Mount Nebo and take there the tent,
the ark, and the altar of incense and seal them in a cave,
is clearly a later legend. Cf. 2 Apoc. Bar. 6:7-10:
"And I [Baruch] saw him [an angel from heaven]
descend into the Holy of Holies, and take from
thence the veil, and the holy ark, and the mercy-
seat, and the two tables, and the holy raiment of
the priests, and the altar of incense, and the
forty-eight precious stones, wherewith the priest
was adorned and all the holy vessels of the taber
nacle . . . "
(R. H. Charles, ed . , The Apocrypha and Pseudeoiorapha of
the Old Testament in English. vol. 2, Pseudeoiorapha
[Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913], 484); b. Seqal. 6:2:
"Once it happened that a certain priest who was
busy [there] noticed that the pavement was differ
ent [there] from the others. He went and told [it]
to his fellow, but before he had time to finish his
214
Babylon in 586 B.C.1 This can hardly be true because it is
not mentioned among the spoils listed in Jer 52:17-23.
Menahem Haran argues that the ark was destroyed during the
reign of Manasseh.2 Whatever may have been the case, the
Bible is silent on the matter.3
On the other hand, Artur Weiser argues on the basis
of 1 Kgs 12:25-33 that there was a competition between the
ark cult in Jerusalem and the cult of the golden calves in
the northern kingdom.4 Then he explains Jer 3:16-18 as an
evidence of "spiritualization of God's relationship [with
His people]" ("Vergeistigung des Gottesverhaltnisses").5
Nevertheless, this argument cannot stand for two reasons:
words his soul departed. Then it became known of a

surety that the ark was hidden there."
(The Babylonian Talmud. Shekalim, 22).
1E.g., Feinberg, Jeremiah, 46; Ernest W. Nicholson,

The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah. 2 vols. CBC (Cambridge:
University Press, 1973, 1975), 1:46; Martens, Jeremiah.
55; Robert P. Carroll, Jeremiah:____A Commentary. OTL
(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986), 150. For the
debates on this question among the rabbis, see b. Yoma 53b-
54a (The Babylonian Talmud. Yoma, 253).
2Menahem Haran, "The Disappearance of the Ark," IEJ

13 (1963): 46-58. He argues, in fact, that king Manasseh
substituted an image of Asherah for the ark and cherubim in
the temple (cf. idem, Temples and Tempie-Service in Ancient
Israel. 281-282).
30ne possible allusion on this matter is 2 Chr

36:10: "And at the turn of the year King Nebuchadnezzar
sent and brought him [Jehoiachin] to Babylon with the
valuable articles of the house of the LORD . . . " (NASB).
This cannot prove that the ark was taken to Babylon.
4Weiser, Das Buch Jeremia: Kaoitel 1-25.14. 31.
5Ibid.
215
(1) There was not any competition between the cults during
the time of Jeremiah's ministry (ca. 626-580 B.C.)/1 since
the northern kingdom had fallen about one century before
(722 B.C.). (2) Our passage (Jer 3:16-18) is not the
description of the situation during the prophet's own time
but the prediction of the future state, as indicated twice
by the expression ''in those days” (bayyamim hahenmah, vss.
16, 18) .2 There is no evidence that the throne of Yahweh
or its symbol was dishonored at the time when Jeremiah made
this prediction. What Jeremiah emphasizes in our passage
is that when Israel is restored, the presence of God will
no more be dependent on the cultic symbol, but His presence
per se will be in Jerusalem. The concept of Jerusalem or
Zion as the habitation where King Yahweh is enthroned is
often expressed by the Psalmist (Pss 48:3 [ET 48:2]; 76:2-3
[ET 76:1-2]; cf. 29:10).3
As Lawrence Boadt points out, the imagery of the
passage resembles the thought of Ezekiel, who describes his
hoped-for restoration of the nation after exile in terms of
new shepherds (Ezek 34) and a temple without the ark (Ezek
40-43).4 The prophecy that "all the nations shall be
1Patterson and Austel, 16.
2C f . Ollenburger, 186, n. 165.
3For a further discussion, see Ollenburger, 51-52.
4Lawrence Boadt, Jeremiah 1-25. OTM 9 (Wilmington,

DE: Michael Glazier, 1982), 35.
216
gathered to it, to the name of the LORD, to Jerusalem"^
(vs. 17b) reminds us of several texts in both Testaments.2
Especially, the declaration in the present text
that Jerusalem itself will be the throne of Yahweh is
paralleled by the declaration of the Apocalypse that the
New Jerusalem will be the tabernacle of God with men (Rev
21:3), as the earth was in the beginning (Gen 3).3 The
correspondence of the Jerusalem of our text with the New
Jerusalem is further intimated by what is said in Rev
21:22, 23, that the latter will have no temple, neither sun
nor moon, "for the Lord God, the Almighty, and the Lamb,
are its temple" and "for the glory of God has illumined it,
and its lamp is the Lamb" (NASB). The analogy between the
two declarations concerning the absence of the ark and the
temple is strikingly evident.
1Keil interprets theHebrew phrase le5em YHWH

lirdSSlam not as "to the name of the LORD, to Jerusalem"
(KJV), but as "because of the name of Jahveh at Jerusalem,"
i.e., "because Yahweh reveals His glory there; for the
name of Yahweh is Yahweh Himself in the making of His
glorious being known in deeds of almighty power and grace"
(KD:COT. 8:1:95-96). This may be Ml interpretation, but
not the only possible one. Theo. Laetsch objects that one
should not translate that way (cf. Theo. Laetsch, Bible
Commentary Jeremiah [Saint Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing
House, 1965], 57). For the theological significance of the
divine name of Yahweh, see Mettinger, The Dethronement of
Sabaoth. 38-79 ("The Name Theology").
2E.g., Jer 31:6; Isa 2:1-4; 60; Mic 4; Zech 2:15-

17 (ET 2:11-13); 8:20-2 3; 14:16-21; Rev 21; etc.
C f . Naegelsbach, "The Book of the Prophet Jere

miah," L:CHS. 12:1:53.
217
Jeremiah 14:21
Jer 14:21 is a part of the prophet's lament and
supplication in the time of drought and national defeat
(Jer 14:1-15:9), which is, in return, part of a larger
section (Jer 2:1-25:38, "The Divine Judgment on Judah and
Jerusalem").1 The background to the section seems to be a
military defeat followed by a famine.2 The immediate con
text comprises the description of the plague and Jeremiah's
grief over it (Jer 14:17-18); a collective national lament
addressed to Yahweh (14:19-22), asking why He has brought
such an affliction on His people (vs. 19) , confessing sin
(vs. 20), and appealing to Yahweh for help (vs. 21), for
their trust is in Him and in no other (vs. 22). Then comes
Yahweh's answer (15:1-4), written largely in prose but with
four brief poetic phrases (vs. 2b).
The passage belongs to the second confessional
prayer (14:19-22). The first confessional prayer occurs in
vss. 7-9 of the same chapter. Both prayers are formal,
terse, and finely phrased petitions that raise the question
"Why?" without sincerely expecting an answer. In this
1Cf. Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 125-126.
2For a detailed discussion of the background of

this section, see William McKane, A Critical and Exeqetical
Commentary on Jeremiah, vol. 1, Introduction and Commentary
on Jeremiah I-XXV. ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1986),
332.
218
sense, each prayer might well be called a "half-prayer•"1
In spite of Yahweh's command, "Do not pray for this people"
(vs. 11), nevertheless, Jeremiah does pray again for them.2
The text reads:

Do not despise as, for Thine own name's sake;
Do not disgrace the throne of Thy glory;
Remember and do not annul Thy covenant with us.
(Jer 14 :21, NASB) .
As can be easily noticed, the text is an entreaty
composed of three petitions. The first phrase, "Do not
despise [n's, "spurn"]," as William L. Holladay observes,3
is based on Deut 32:19, "And the LORD saw this [the way by
which the people forgot Him], and spurned them" (NASB).
The Psalmist admits that in times past some Israelites had
"spurned the counsel of the Most High" (Ps 107:11, RSV) ,
but now they ask Yahweh to show mercy. Most translations
and commentaries have shown the tendency to add "us" as the
direct object of the transitive verb,4 which the MT does
not have. A few scholars, however, object to this inter
pretation for grammatical or theological reasons. For
instance, Mitchell Dahood argues that "the syntax of the
■'•Charles W. Carter et al., eds., The Wesleyan Bible

Commentary, vol. 3, Isaiah— Malachi (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
2C f . Solomon B. Freehof, Book of Jeremiah: A Com-

memtarv. JCBR (New York: Union of American Hebrew Congrega
tions, 1977), 103.
3Holladay, Jeremiah 1. 438.
4Thus Targum, Vulgate, Luther, KJV, RSV, NAB, NASB,

NIV, JB, NJB, AB (John Bright), NKJV, NJV, etc.
219
first colon and the parallelism of the first two cola focus
clearly when the lamedh is parsed as emphatic in Jer
14:21"1 and reads the text as follows:
'al-tin'as lime *on (MT l®ma'an) 5imeka

1al-tenabbel kisse' k ^ o d e k a
Do not despise the very abode of your name,

Do not disgrace the throne of your glory.2
Holladay, on the other hand, remarks that "it is
clear from the poetry that the verbs of both the first and
second cola [tin'as and tenabbel] carry as their object
'the throne of your glory,1" since the parallel verbs have
a similar meaning.3 Thus his translation reads:
Do not spurn, for your name's sake,

do not disdain your glorious throne.4
The main points of exegetical interest come from
the words lm' n Smk andk s ' kbwdk. Intertwined with the
various interpretations is the question: What does the
phrase lm' n &mk really mean? If the majority of versions
are followed, the sense of the MT is "Do not spurn [us] ,
for the sake of Your name," where the appeal is to Yahweh's
honor or reputation: "Do not make us despicable, else You
will make Yourself despicable" (cf. Jer 14:7). If Dahood
•'■Mitchell Dahood, "Emphatic lamedh in Jer 14:21 and

Ezek 34:29," CBO 37 (1975): 341.
2Ibid. The NEB has the similar rendition: "Do not

despise the place where thy name dwells/ nor bring contempt
on the throne of thy glory . . . " (Jer 14:21).
3Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 433.
4Ibid., 420.
220
and the NEB are followed, the text achieves a parallelism
of m'n Sink and ks' kbwdk. Then, sm is not Yahweh's reputa
tion, but is the Name of the so-called Deuteronomistic
theology— the Name which Yahweh has caused to dwell in the
Jerusalem temple.1 If Holladay's arrangement is accepted,
the parallelism is broken, but "Your name" can refer either
to Yahweh's reputation or to the divine Name dwelling in
the temple.2 It would be more natural and safe if we
interpret "Your name" as "Your honor" or "Your reputation"
as in the previous confessional prayer (cf. vs. 7).
There is no exact parallel for the phrase "the

throne of Your glory" (kisse' kôdeka) in the OT. As
stated earlier,3 however, the expression "the throne of
glory" (kisse' kabdd) occurs four times: Jer 17:12;
Isa 22:23; 1 Sam 2:8. But, in the last two references, it
refers to the human throne. A similar form is found in Ps
47:9 (ET 47:8), which affirms that iahweh sits on "the
throne of His holiness (kisse' qodSo)." In both instances
the phrases mean "Your glorious throne," "His holy throne."
Considered in view of its context as well as in the light
of the previous passage (Jer 3:17), the reference to the
^-Cf. McKane, 333 .
2Holladay is inclined to support the latter by

stating, "the mention of Yahweh's name in the first line
subtly reinforces this reference (the temple is the house
which bears Yahweh's name, 7:10)" (Jeremiah 1 . 438).
3See p. 141 above.
221
divine throne in our text is understood as indicating
Jerusalem as the habitation of Yahweh.1
The third colon of the text seems to be a rather
impudent plea, because the people ask Yahweh not to break
the covenant with them, whereas they have broken the
covenant with Him (Jer 11:10).2 One question in this final
colon is, What covenant is referred to here? While William

McKane expects the allusion to be to the Davidic covenant,3
Robert P. Carroll suggests that the covenant spoken of here
is a protective one in which Yahweh has promised to defend
the people.4 It is impossible to give a definite answer to
the question because the setting of the lament is uncer
tain. The important point is that they believed that
Yahweh would keep the covenant because it was concluded on
the basis of His faithfulness and love to them.5
1C f . Wilhelm Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT, erste Reihe 12

(Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1947), 87;
L. Elliott Binns, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah. WC
(London: Methuen & Co., 1919), 125; McKane, 334. Some
scholars understand the "glorious throne" in our text as,
more specifically, indicating the Jerusalem Temple and its
cult (cf. Feinberg, Jeremiah. 116; Holladay, Jeremiah 1 .
438; Carroll, 317).
2Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 386, calls this "a

strange inconsistency," and Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 438,
describes it as "fatuous."
3Cf. McKane, 334.
4Carroll, 318.
5Cf. Harrison, Jeremiah and Lamentations. 102.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission.
222
In sum, the people plead in desperation and provide
three reasons for Yahweh to help them in spite of their
sins: (1) His name— reputation; (2) His throne— rulership;
and (3) His covenant— faithfulness. Here again, the divine
throne occupies the center not only in order but in impor
tance and significance. Yahweh was thought of as sitting
on His throne in the temple, and this was regarded as "a

guarantee of the nation's safety"1 (cf. Jer 7:2-15). The
appeal to His throne and the temple was "a kind of last
redoubt of hope."2 The national entreaty is concluded when
it is once more intensified by an ardent appeal to Yahweh's
uniqueness and creative power3 in vs. 22:
Are there any among the false gods of the

nations that can bring rain?
Or can the heavens give showers?
Art thou not he, O LORD our God?
We set our hope on thee,
for thou doest all these things.
(RSV).
Jeremiah 17:12
Jer 17 is composed of several sections which appear
to vary in content4 and may represent "the contents of
•^-Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 386; cf. Bright,

Jeremi a h . 102.
2Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 439.
3C f . Rudolph, Jeremia, 87, who states, ". . . das

Lied schliesst mit einem leidenschaftlichen Bekenntnis zu
Jahwes Einzigkeit und Schopfermacht . . . "
4C f . Nicholson, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah.

1:148; James P. Hyatt, "The Book of Jeremiah," IB, 5:949;
Schneider, 131; Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 127.
223
Jeremiah's 'miscellaneous file'."1 By no means, however,
is this chapter a medley cf disparate poems and discon
nected oracles. Rather it is a purposeful collection of
sources which are related to the diagnosis of Judah's sins,
providing prescriptions for them.

The first section (Jer 17:1-4), poetic in style, is
a severe accusation in the form of a judgment oracle toward
Judah. "The sin of Judah is written with a pen of iron;
with a point of a diamond it is engraved on the tablet of
their heart, and on the horns of their altars" (vs. 1,
RSV) . Because of their insincere and ineffective sacri
fices, their sins were for all intents and purposes still
stuck on the horns of the altar— the stone projections to
which the animal would be bound and where the blood was
sprinkled. Moreover, they worshiped false gods. Asherah,
a fertility goddess and consort of the Canaanite Baal,2 was
represented in wooden carvings depicting the female deity
(vs. 2). Thus they kindled God's anger, and He was going
to enslave them to their enemies (vs. 4).
1Bright, Jeremiah. 119.
2Cf. William L. Reed, "Asherah," IDB, 1:250-252;

idem, The Asherah in the Old Testament (Fort Worth, TX:
Texas Christian University Press, 1949); K. G. Jung,
"Asherah," ISBE. 1:317-318; W. H. Ward, "The Asherah,"
AJSL 19 (1902): 33-44; William Foxwell Albright, Yahweh
and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two
Contrasting Faiths. Jordan Lectures in Comparative Religion
7 (London: Athlone Press, University of London, 1968), 105-
107, 125-127, 165-166; Walter A. Maier, III, 1Aserah:
Extrabiblical Evidence. HSM 37 (Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1986).
224
The second section (Jer 17:5-8), contrasting the
righteous and the wicked, is strongly reminiscent of Ps 1.
It, therefore, often has been explained as a piece of
wisdom literature.1 An alternative view is to regard the
section as one of Jeremiah's confessions, a "personal
affirmation.1,2 This position seems more convincing. The
antithesis in this section is sharply defined, the two

courses of human conduct making the men who practice them,
respectively, to fade and to flourish.3
Two short poems follow the second section: one
given to the topic of the heart, described as deceitful and
very corrupt (Jer 17:9-10), and the other given to the

folly and shame of those who turn from Yahweh (vss. 12-13).
Thus they can be said to be expansions of the former poem
in which the self-trusting person was described as one
whose heart turns away from Yahweh (vs. 5) . Sandwiched
between these two poems one finds a proverb (vs. II).4
1C f . E. Henderson, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah

and That of the Lamentations. Translated from the Original
Hebrew: with a Commentary. Critical. Philological, and
Exeqetical (London: Hamilton, Adams, and Co., 1851), 106;
A. S. Peake, e d . , Jeremiah. vol. 1, Jeremiah I-XXIV. NCB
(New York: Henry Frowde, 1910), 221; Hyatt, "The Book of
Jeremiah," IB, 5:950-951; Bright, Jeremiah. 119.
2William L. Holladay, Jeremiah: Spokesman Out of

Time (Philadelphia: United Church Press, 1974), 98-99; cf.
Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 419-420.
3A. W. Streane, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah.

Together with the Lamentations, with Map Notes and Intro
duction. CBSC (Cambridge: University Press, 1891), 127.
4C f . Martens, Jeremiah. 122.
225
The two poems and one proverb in between have one common
message: humanity's heart condition is desperate and
hopeless.1 This message, as a general truth, is inevitably
related to the sinful condition of Judah.
The two poems are followed by the prophet's other
lament (Jer 17:14-18), in which he asks Yahweh to heal his
brokenness and to take vengeance on his enemies. Many
scholars take Jer 17:12-18 as a unit and regard vss. 12-13
as an introductory invocation for the main lamentation
which follows (vss. 14-18).2 Others take vss. 12-13 as a
separate unit3 or as forming another unit together with the
preceeding verses (vss. 9-11).4 The MT of Jer 17:12-13

reads:
kisse' kabod marom meri'Son m eqom miqdaSenu:

miqweh yifira'el YHWH kol-'ozbeka yeboSu
yesiiray ba 'Ires yikkatebd ki 'ozbO. m eqor mayim-
hayyim •et-YHWH:
[0] Throne of Glory,

Exalted [One] from the Beginning,
Place of Our Sanctuary!
Hope of Israel, Yahweh!
All who forsake You shall be put to shame;
1C f . Feinberg, Jeremiah. 129-130.
2E.g., Streane, 129-130; Albert Condamin, Le 1ivre

de Jerdmie: Traduction et commentaire. EB (Paris: J.
Gabalda et C ie Editeurs, 1936), 144-147; Henning Graf
Reventlow, Lituraie ur.d prophetisches Ich bei Jeremia
(Gutersloh: Giitersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1963) , 229-
240; Laetsch, 164-166; Weiser, Das Buch Jeremia: Kapitel
1-25.14. 146-149.
3E.g., Carroll, 357-359; Holladay, Jeremiah 1.

500-503.
4E.g., Feinberg, Jeremiah. 120-131.
226
Those who turn away from Me shall be written in

the dust,
For they have forsaken Yahweh, the fountain of
living water.1
First, one must admit that these two verses offer
difficulty in interpretation. The three major questions in
regard to this poem are: (1) How shall the six words of
vs. 12 be grouped, and what relation do those groups bear
to each other? (2) Which throne does kisse' klbdd refer
to, heavenly or earthly? (3) What is the purpose of the
words of vs. 12, or in other words, how is vs. 12 related
to vs. 13?
Regarding the first question, several solutions
have been suggested. The conventional interpretation,
based on the Masoretic punctuation, is to take vs. 12 as a
separate rhetorical unit, grouping the first four words
together, and the last two together, making of it a nominal
sentence: "A glorious high throne from the beginning is
the place of our sanctuary" (KJV).2 The whole verse is an
indicative statement.3 We may designate this case as
!My translation.
2RSV, NIV, NASB, AB, JB, and NJB translate simi

larly. Luther also has the same idea, but the word order
is reversed: "Aber die Statte unseres Heiligtums ist der
Thron der Herrlichkeit, erhaben von Anbeginn" (cf. Die
Bibel nach der Ubersetzuna Martin Luthers [Stuttgart:
Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1984]).
3So Reventlow, Lituroie und prophetisches Ich bei

Jeremia. 229-231. Targvun has basically the same but some
what redundant rendition: " . . . before the One whose
Shekhina is upon the Throne of Glory in the heaven on high,
higher than the beginning, corresponding to the place of
227
[ABCD+EF: Indicative]. The difficulty with this is that it
is not congruent with its own unit (Jer 17:12-13a) because
the second half of the unit is divided into groups of two
words.
The other possibility is to group the six words of
vs. 12 in three pairs:1 "The throne of glory [is in] the
height from the beginning, the place of our sanctuary";
[AB+CD+EF: Indicative]. In this case, the last pair echoes

the subject of the nominal clause. Taking vs. 12 as a
tricolon instead of a bicolon is quite natural. Inter
preting the whole verse as an indicative may be possible,
but it is unnatural, especially when this verse is con
sidered in connection with vs. 13.
One can also take two groups of three words:2 "The
throne of glory [is in] the height, from the beginning [is]
the place of our sanctuary"; [ABC+DEF: Indicative]. W. L.
Holladay regards this as "undoubtedly correct," for "one
the house of our sanctuary" (Robert Hayward, The Tarcrum of

Jeremiah: Translated, with a Critical Introduction. Appa
ratus . and N o t e s . ArBiTg 12 [Wilmington, DE: Michael
Glazier, 1987], 98). The words "before . . . higher than"
are found exactly at Targum Isa 6:6 (cf. also Targum Mic
6:6). On this, Hayward comments: "Probably we have a
stock Targumic expression triggered by MT's 'throne of
glory'" (ibid., 99).
1So Paul Volz, Der Prophet Jeremia. KAT 10 (Leip

zig: A. Deichertsche Verlagsbuchhandlung Dr. Werner Scholl,
1922), 184; Rudolph, 100.
2So Condamin, 144. His translation clearly reveals

two groups of three words, but he understands vocatives:
"Trone eleve de gloire,/ notre lieu saint des l'origine."
228
has a chiasmus of adverbial predicates in the central two
words surrounded by nominal clause subjects."1 However,
this interpretation also has a couple of weaknesses: (1)
if vs. 12 is an indicative statement rather than a series
of vocatives, it can hardly be congruous with the following
verse poetically as well as logically; (2) even though one
understands it as a bicolon and thus interprets meri'Sdn
("from the beginning") as modifying the following phrase,
"[is] the place of our sanctuary," the meaning of the verse
is not very different from that of the traditional inter
pretation. In that sense, this interpretation has no less
weakness or difficulty than the previous ones.
The NJV provides another option of intepretation:
"0 Throne of Glory exalted from of old,/ Our Sacred Shrine!
[ABCD+EF: 2 Vocatives]/ 0 Hope of Israel! 0 LORD!" (vss.
12-13a).
Helmut Lamparter's translation is still another
option: "Thron der Herrlichkeit, erhaben von Anbeginn,/
Statte unseres Heiligtums! [AB+CD+EF: 2 Vocatives]/ Du
Hoffnung Israels!" (vss. 12-13a).2 This is same as the
^■Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 501. His translation reads:

"The throne of glory is on high,/ from the beginning is the
place of our sanctuary" (p. 500).
2Cf. Helmut Lamparter, Prophet wider Willen: Der

Prophet Jeremia. BAT 20 (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1964),
161.
229
versions of the NEB,3- B. Duhm,2 P. Volz,3 W. Rudolph,4 and

A. Weiser.5 This is grammatically defensible. In this
case, vs. 12 has only two vocatives, because the second
phrase, aardi meri'Son ("high from the beginning"), is
understood as modifying the first phrase, kisse' kabod
("throne cf glory"). Albert Condamin6 stands on common
ground with the NEB, Duhm, Volz, Rudolph, and Weiser in
recognizing only two vocatives in vs. 12, but differs even
from them in that he divides the verse into two cola, while
they divide it into three.
The alternative which is poetically most dynamic
and logically most appropriate is to interpret the verse as
a tricolon and as a series of vocatives: "[O] Throne of
^-The NEB of Jer 17:12 reads, "O throne of glory,

exalted from the beginning,/ the place of our sanctuary."
The American Jewish Version (by Jewish Publication Society
of America, 1917) reads, "Thou throne of glory, on high
from the beginning, Thou place of our sanctuary, Thou hope
of Israel, the Lord!" (Jer 17:l2-13a). Following this
interpretation, Andrew W. Blackwood, Jr. , suggests the
following literal translation: "Throne of glory, on high
from beginning, place of our sanctuary, hope of Israel,
Lord" (Commentary on Jeremiah [Waco, TX: Word Books, Pub
lisher, 1977], 147.
2Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch J eremia. Die poetischen

und prophetischen Bucher des AT. Ubersetzungen in den
Versmassen der Urschrift 3 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr
[Paul Siebeck], 1903), 52.
3Volz, Der Prophet Jeremia. 184.
4Rudolph, Jeremia. 98.
5Weiser, Das Buch Jeremia: Kapitel 1-2 5.14. 143.
6Cf. p. 22 5, n. 1 above.
230
Glory, Exalted (or, High) [One] from the Beginning, Place
of Our Sanctuary!"; [AB+CD+EF: 3 Vocatives]. C. W. Eduard
Naegelsbach analyzes this passage in the same way.^ Unlike
those cited above, this interpretation shows three voca
tives by taking mardm meri'Son as another independent
vocative, which, together with the other vocatives, stands
as one of the appositions to YHWH in vs. 13.
To take vs. 12 as "an apostrophe" and not as a
simple statement "is more in keeping with the tension of
feeling in the discourse."2 This interpretation is more
natural, for we find some other biblical texts in which
mardm serves as a divine title or at least as an epithet.
It appears juxtaposed with YHWH or ,elohim: "Yahweh

Exalted (High Yahweh, mardm YHWH)3 is mighty" (Ps 93:4c);
"With what shall I come before Yahweh, and bow myself
before the Exalted God (the High God, ,elohe marom)?" (Mic
6:6a). This stands in a better re latio nship with the
poetic structure of the poem as a whole, since the first
pair of the words of vs. 13 (miqweh yi^ra'el) is also a
^-His interpretation of the text reads, "0 throne of

glory, height of beginning, place of sanctuary!/ Hope of
Israel, Jehovah!" (Naegelsbach, "The Book of the Prophet
Jeremiah," L:CHS. 12:1:164).
2Keil, K D :C O T . 8:1:284.
3This phrase can be rendered as "Yahweh on high,"

because marom also means "high" ("Hohe") as a noun indi
cating "the abode of God" or "heaven" (KBL, 565). C f . Isa
33:5; 57:15; Jer 25:30; Pss 7:8 (ET 7:7); 102:20 (ET
102:19); Job 25:2; Keil, K D :C O T . 8:1:284; Naegelsbach,
"The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah," L :C H S . 12:1:166.
231
vocative.1 In this case four pairs of the words stand in
apposition to YHWH, each contributing to a crescendo.
BHS supposes that the LXX hupsomenos (hupsoumenos)
may represent nurln ("elevated, exalted") rather than marom
("high, lofty").2 If this supposition is correct, "Exalted
[One]" remains a better rendition. But the deviation of
the LXX from the MT in Jer 17:12, i.e., the absence of any
representation of meri'Son meqom, 3 reflects the diffi
culty that the LXX translators were faced with in our
passage.4
The second question is, in fact, already answered
because the answer to the first question also includes that
to the second question. The phrase kisse1 kabdd is used
here as a metonymy and metaphor for Yahweh. It does not
1A few scholars disagree on this: e.g., Norbert

Ittmann, Die Konfessionen Jeremias: Ihre Bedeutunq fur die
Verkundiounq des Prooheten. WMANT 54 (Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1981), 50. But
the majority of scholars agree.
2C f . L. H. Brockington, The Hebrew Text of the Old

Testament: The Readings Adopted bv the Translators of the
New English Bible ([London]: Oxford University Press &
Cambridge University Press, 1973), 205.
3C f . Metzger, "Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt

Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 148, n. 31, where he notes that maqdm
is "in Heiligtumslegeden terminus technicus fur die Statte,
die durch ein Offenbarungshandeln Jahwes geheiligt und
dadurch als Kultstatte legitimiert ist" (cf. Gen 21:31;
28:16, 17, 19; 32:31; 35:7, 14).
4For a solution to the problem of the shorter text

of the LXX, see J. Gerald Janzen, Studies in the Text of
Jeremiah. HSM 6 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1973), 117; cf. McKane, 405.
232
cause any problem, whether it refers to the heavenly throne

or to the earthly. The phrase in our text does not and
need not refer to any particular throne or temple because
it functions as a kind of appellation of God. God Himself
is called "Throne of Glory." He is thus addressed with all

the significances and symbolism of the term. A. W. streane
writes in the same vein:
These verses [Jer 17:12, 13] are probably to be

taken as one sentence, the whole of ver. 12 being
in form an invocation of the temple as the scene of
God's visible glory, but in reality an address to
Himself. A throne of glory, exalted from the
beginning, the place of our sanctuary. hope of
Israel, the Lord, all that forsake t h e e , etc.1
By an accumulation of striking metaphors, Yahweh is
represented as the only proper and unfailing object of
confidence and source of enjoyment.2 The initial words of
vs. 13 being in apposition with those of vs. 12, the whole
is to be regarded as descriptive of the Divine Being who
alone is entitled to the trust and hope of His people. He
is metonymically called a "Throne" because He is the
universal Ruler and supreme Judge, the throne being used to
denote the One who sits upon it.3 He is the "Sanctuary"
^•Streane, 129 (italics his).
2C f . Luis Alonso Schokel, "«Tu eres esperanza de

Israel» (Jer 17,5-13)," in Kunder des Wortes: Beitraoe zur
Theologie der Prooheten. Josef Schreiner zum 60. Geburts-
tag, ed. Lothat Ruppert, Peter Weimar, and Erich Zenger
(Wurzburg: Echter Verlag, 1973), 100.
3Henderson, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah and

That of the Lamentations. 107.
233
(cf. Isa 8:14; Ezek 11:16) of His people inasmuch as He is
their Refuge (cf. Pss 14:6; 46:1; 61:3; 62:7, 8; 91:2;
142 :5 ; etc.).
The third question involves the relationship
between the two verses (vss. 12 and 13) . If, as noted
above, the first part of the poem is composed of a series
of vocatives, then the first four are in apposition to the
last one, Yahweh. In this case, Yahweh is addressed as
"Throne of Glory, Exalted One from the Beginning, Place of
our Sanctuary, Hope of Israel,1 Yahweh" (vss. 12-13a).
After this, the poet or people2 pronounce: "All who
forsake thee shall be put to shame" (vs. 13b, RSV) , and
1The expression miqweh yi^ra'el ("Hope of Israel")

can also be rendered as "Pool of Israel," since the Hebrew
noun miqweh means both "hope, expectation" and "pool,
reservoir." Cf. Mitchell Dahood, "The Metaphor in Jeremiah
17,13," Bib 48 (1967): 109; Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 500,
502 .
2Regarding Jer 17:12-18, the commonly held view is

that the passage relates to a personal experience in
Jeremiah's life, in other words, it is "a pure lamentation
of the individual" (John M. Berridge, Prophet. People, and
the Word of Yahweh: An Examination of Form and Content in
the Proclamation of the Prophet Jeremiah. BST 4 [Zurich:
EVZ-Verlag, 1970], 137, 142). However, Reventlow, Lituroie
prophetisches Ich bei Jeremia. 239, has proposed the
following:
"Von dieser Individualfunktion her, die der Form
innewohnt, wird aber zugleich auch ihre all-
gemeinere Bedeutung sichtbar: Der exemplarisch
Fromme, der hier spricht, ist zugleich Typos der
Gemeinde als ganzer, er ist der Vorbeter, der in
seinem Sein und seiner Anfechtung das Selbst-
verstandnis der Gemeinschaft vor Gott verkorpert."
Although the speaker may very well have been Jeremiah, he
does not speak for himself alone but as a representative of
the people.
234
proclaim the words as from the mouth of Yahweh: "They that

depart from me^ shall be written in the earth,2 because
they have forsaken the LORD, the fountain of living waters"
(vs. 13cd, KJV).

Despite textual difficulties or uncertainties the
main thrust of the poem is clear: Covenant-breakers who
reject the Lordship of Yahweh are guilty and will be
brought to judgment.3 The reason why Yahweh is invoked
with the titles used in the first part of the poem is that
each of them is closely related to the idea of judgment:
^■Cf. BHS apparatus (p. 816) ; Holladay, Jeremiah 1 .

500. For the consonantal text y®sxiray, a substantive with
suffix, meaning "my departers," the Qere reading of the
Masoretes is v®s\lray, a participle in the construct state
with suffix, meaning "and those who turn away from me."
The RSV and the NIV (cf. also Rudolph, Jeremia, 106) have
accepted the form "and those who turn away from
you," thereby paralleling the preceding participle in the
verse, "all who forsake you" (A. R. Hulst, Old Testament
Translation Problems. Helps for Translators 1 [Leiden: E.
J. Brill, 1960], 167).
2The MT reads y ^ d r a y ba'ares yikkatebd. Two mean
ings are possible in this phrase: "Those who turn away on
earth will be written down" (NASB) and "those who turn away
from thee [MT, me] shall be written in the earth" (RSV; so
A B ) . The latter interpretation may mean that the apostates
will be recorded in the dust and their record will soon be
erased and forgotten (cf. Bright, Jeremiah. 118; Keil,
K D :C O T . 8:1:285). On the basis of Ugaritic evidence,
Dahood takes ba'ares to denote "in hell" (Mitchell Dahood,
"The Value of Ugaritic for Textual Criticism," Bib 40
[1959]: 164-165) or "in the nether world" (idem, "The
Metaphor in Jeremiah 17,13," Bib 48 [1967]: 109-110; cf.
Frank M. Cross, Jr., and David Noel Freedman, "The Song of
Miriam," JNES 14 [1955]: 247, n. 39). But McKane refutes
this interpretation (McKane, 407). BHS makes two other
proposals: yikkaretil ("they will be cut off") and yikkalemti.
("they shall be ashamed").
3Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 424.
235
"Throne of Glory" indicates the authority and majesty of
the divine Judge; "Exalted (High) One from the Beginning"

points to His position and origin; "Place of Our Sanc
tuary" reveals the court and procedure of His judgment;1
and "Hope of Israel" tells us to whom we should turn and in
whom we should put confidence in order to pass through His
judgment. In sum, vs. 12 is, as Lamparter puts it, "nur
der Auftakt zur eigentlichen Anrufung in [vs.] 13,1,2 and
this connotes that "nicht an den Tempel heftet sich der
Glaube; zu dem lebendigen Gott, von dessen Hoheit und
Herrlichkeit der Tempel zeugt, ist das Herz des Beters
emporgewandt."3
In conclusion, "Throne of Glory" serves here as the
first of a series of epithets for Yahweh which extol the
majesty of God, introducing Him as the great and glorious
Ruler and Judge. The idea of Yahweh as Judge is apparently
presented in the whole chapter (Jer 17), especially in the
three verses which immediately precede our passage.4 As
1C f . William H. Shea, Selected Studies on Prophetic

Interpretation. DRCS 1 (Washington, DC: Review and Herald
Publishing Association, 1982), 1-24.
2Lamparter, Prophet wider Willen. 155.
3Ibid.
4Jer 17:9-11 reads:

"The heart is more deceitful than all else/ And is
desperately sick;/ Who can understand it?/ I, the
LORD, search the heart,/ I test the mind,/ Even to
give to each man according to his ways,/ According
to the results of his deeds./ As a partridge that
hatches eggs which it has not laid,/ So is he who
236
the throne of God presents a striking contrast to riches
which will be soon lost (vs. 11) in terms of duration, so
does God Himself who sits upon it. As the throne demands
both reward and punishment, so does God who is called by
that name. As the center of the divine authority and an
endless source of comfort to the believer,1 the throne
represents the One who occupies it.
To sum up, the throne of God in our passage serves
a threefold function: (1) as an indicator of the authority
and majesty of God as the great and glorious Ruler and
Judge; (2) as pointing to the trustworthiness and faith
fulness of God as our Protector; and (3) as a reminder of
the comfort, confidence, and hope that the hopeless can
enjoy in Him who is "Hope of Israel."
Jeremiah 49:38
Around the time of the fall of Jerusalem, Yahweh
pronounced through the prophet Jeremiah a series of divine
oracles against all nations surrounding the declining
kingdom of Judah (Jer 46:1-51:64).2 The present text is a
makes a fortune, but unjustly;/ In the midst of his

days it will forsake him,/ And in the end he will
be a fool" (NASB).
1Feinberg, Jeremiah. 130.
2Oracles are addressed to Egypt (Jer 46:2-28), the

Philistines (47:1-7), Moab (48:1-47), Ammon (49:1-6), Edom
(49:7-22), Damascus (49:23-27), Arab Tribes (49:28-33),
Elam (49:34-39), and Babylon (50:1-51:64).
237
part of the oracle addressed to Elam, a state in the area
of Mesopotamia (Jer 49:34-38).1

Why the oracle against Elam should be identified
with "the accession year2 of Zedekiah, king of Judah" (Jer
49:34, AB) , 597 B.C., is uncertain.3 But, as Bright has
argued, there is no reason to question the accuracy of this
date. 4 This oracle, on the other hand, is like all the
others in Jer 46-51 in that "it contains no specific
^■Elam was a state lying to the east of Babylon and

its capital city was Susa (Shushan in Dan 8:2). Contact
between Sumer and Elam in the "heroic age" of Sumer is
attested by a Sumerian text (cf. A N E T . 265). The Elamites
appeared as a tribal unit during the time of Abraham (Gen
14:1). Elam was conquered by Ashurbanipal ca. 645 B.C. It
is mentioned in Isa 22:6 as serving in the Assyrian army,
and in Isa 21:1-9 as one of the executors of judgment
against Babylon. Ezra 4:9 says that Elam still belonged to
the Assyrian kingdom in the time of Esarhaddon. Elam seems
to have regained its independence around 626/25 as Assyria
weakened (cf. D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles of Chaldaean Kings
(626-556 B .C .t in the British Museum [London: Trustees of
the British Museum, 1956], 8-10, 50-51). For a brief
history of the Elamites, see A. R. Millard, "Elam; Elam
ites," ISBE, 2:49-52; M. J. Dresden, "Elam (Country),"
IDB, 2:70-71.
2"The accession year" (re'Sit malkdt) does not mean

vaguely "the beginning of the reign" (KJV, RSV, etc.), but
corresponds to Akkadian res sarruti, a technical term for
the period between a king's accession and the following New
Year, from which his first regnal year was counted. Cf.
Bright, Jeremiah. 169; Rudolph, Jeremia, 143, 255; Hyatt,
"The Book of Jeremiah," IB, 5:1005-1006.
3Cf. Hans Bardtke, "Jeremia der Fremdvolkerpro-
phet," ZAW 54 (1936): 257. He deletes this element of the
notice in vs. 34.
4Bright, Jeremiah. 3 38.
238
historical information and its vague, stereotypical phrases
are capable of an a-historical explanation."1
Yahweh announces that He will break the bow of
Elam, which is "the mainstay of their might" (vs. 35, NIV),
since the Elamites were famous as archers (Isa 22:6). This
means that Elam's martial power is to be destroyed. Yahweh
is summoning the four winds from the four quarters of
heaven to scatter its population (Jer 49:36), and the sword
to consume them (vs. 37). Then He utters the prophecy in
the present text: "I will set my throne in Elam (wâmti
kis'i be ‘el5m), and destroy their king and princes" (vs.
38, RSV). No human agent or reason for Elam's destruction
is given.
Two motifs are noticeable in this oracle. One is
the motif of Yahweh's sword of judgment commissioned tc
consume Elam. This is in keeping with the personification
of Yahweh's sword in the oracle against Philistia (Jer
47:6-7).2 The other is the motif of Yahweh's throne
established in Elam. The picture of a conquering king
setting up his throne in the land he has defeated has been
used already in Jer 1:15 and 43:10. The setting up of
1Carroll, 812 (emphasis supplied).
2C f . Duane L. Christensen, Transformations of the

War Oracle in Old Testament Prophecy; Studies in the
Oracles against the Nations. HDR 3 (Missoula, MT: Scholars
Press, 1975), 223.
239
thrones at the gates of Jerusalem (Jer 1:15) was "a symbol

of conquest and subsequent rule over the land."^- Nebuchad
nezzar's setting up of his throne and royal canopy at the
entrance of Pharaoh's palace (Jar 43:10) meant the same
thing.2 But the reference to the divine throne established
in the heathen country introduces a new element, not only
within the oracles cf Jeremiah but in the spectrum of its
biblical thought.
We may summarize the interpretations of the throne
of Yahweh in Jer 49:38 as follows: First, it is referred
to, as in the two cases of the human kings cited above, as
"the symbol of conquest and subjugation."3
Second, it is supposed to function as "a tribunal"
or, more specifically, "a tribunal of punishment"4 for
^-Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 154.
2C f . Artur Weiser, Das Buch des Propheten Jeremia:

Kapitel 25.15-52.34. ATD 21 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Rup-
recht, 1955), 374:
"Denn an diesem Ort wird . . . Nebukadnezar bei sei-
nem siegreichen Einmarsch in Agypten als Zeichen
seiner Oberherrschaft seinen mit einem Baldachin
iiberdeckten Thronsitz aufschlagen (vgl. 1,15)."
3Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 729. Cf. Nichol

son, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah. 2:200.
4Havernick, quoted in K D :C O T . 8:2:260. So Keil,

K D :C O T . 8:2:259; Streane, 317; A. S. Peake, e d . , Jeremiah,
vol. 2, Jeremiah XXV-LII. Lamentations. NCB (New York:
Henry Frowde, 1911), 253; Harrison, Jeremiah and Lamenta
tions . 183; Laetsch, 351; Naegelsbach, "The Bock of the
Prophet Jeremiah," L :CHS . 12:1:401; Feinberg, Jeremiah.
315.
240
Elam. The following comment by Paul Volz on the Elam
oracle reveals this idea more plainly: "Dem grossen Welt-
reich Elam gegenviber tritt Jahwe nachdruckvoll als der
Gerichtsherr auf, neunmal steht das 'Ich' der Gottheit, ein
einfaches, hochst kiinstlerisches Mittel."1
Third, the divine throne established in the Gentile
nation indicates the biblical view that Yahweh is not
merely the God of Israel but is the Lord over all the
nations of the world, whose destiny lies in God's hands.2
This theme is evident and important in the overall theology
of the 0T.
Fourth, the reference to Yahweh setting up His
throne in distant Elam leads us to a different realm of
history, which is said to border on the "eschatological.1,3
The portrait of Yahweh presented in the context of our
passage is that of a terrifying conqueror: He says, "I
will break the bow of Elam” (Jer 49:35, RSV); "I will
bring upon Elam the four winds from the four quarters of
heaven; and I will scatter them to all those winds" (vs.
36, RSV); "I will terrify Elam before their enemies, . . .
I will send the sword after them" (vs. 37, RSV); and "I
l-Volz, Der Prophet Jeremia. 418 (emphasis sup

plied) .
2Cf. Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 687.
3Cf. Christensen, 22 3.
241
will . . . destroy their king and princes" (vs. 38, RSV).
The point is that in due time Yahweh will destroy the
earthly pagan powers and set up His own throne over them
and thus His universal rulership will be affirmed, even
over Elam.1 This eschatological connotation becomes more
obvious from its concluding remark, in which Yahweh
promises, "But it will come about in the last days/ That I
shall restore the fortunes of Elam" (vs. 39, NASB, emphasis
supplied). The prophetic phrase, "in the last days" or "in
the latter days" (RSV) (be,aharit hayyamim,2 literally, "in
the end of the days"), is "an eschatological term"3 and may
denote "the final period of the history"4 or "the Messianic
age,"5 when God will restore everything and make all things
new (cf. Rev 21:5).
1Christensen misses the mark, as he remarks on our

passage that "the prophet is projecting his message into
the future where he sees a new day on the horizon, a day
when pagan world powers will submit themselves to Yahweh,
the suzerain of the nations" (ibid.). Jer 49:38 does not
say that the earthly powers will submit themselves to
Yahweh, but that He will destroy and conguer them.
2Cf. Gen 49:1; Num 24:14; Deut 4:30; 31:29; Isa

2:1; Jer 23:20; 30:24; 48:47; Ezek 38:16; Hos 3:5; Mic 4:1;
Dan 10:14.
3K B L . 33.
4B D B . 31.
5Harrison, Jeremiah and Lamentations. 183. It is

significant that Elamites were in Jerusalem when the Holy
Spirit was given to the primitive Christian church at the
time of Pentecost (Acts 2:9; cf. Isa 11:11).
242
Ezekiel 1:26
The book of the exilic1 prophet Ezekiel has been
regarded as the most difficult book to understand and
interpret in the Hebrew Bible. The rabbis expressed their
difficulty in expounding Ezekiel's vision,2 and they
regulated absolute secrecy in the interpreting of the
merkabah,3 the throne-chariot of God, with the following
regulations:
MISHNAH. The [subject of] forbidden relations may

not be expounded in the presence of three, nor the
work of creation in the presence of two, nor [the
1According to the data of the book named after him,

Ezekiel was among the first captives of 597 B.C. and was
called to be a prophet in 593 (cf. Ralph W. Klein, Israel
in Exile: A Theological Interpretation. OBT 6 [Philadel
phia: Fortres Press, 1979], 70). At the beginning of this
century some scholars assigned the ministry of Ezekiel to a
different place and time from those indicated in the book.
For the history of this clever and fantastic speculation
and its refutation, see Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An
Introduction. 367-372; Georg Fohrer, Die Hauptprobleme des
Buches Ezechiel. BZAW 72 (Berlin: Verlag Alfred Topelmann,
1952) ; Carl Gordon Howie, The Date and Composition of
Ezekiel. JBLMS 4 (Philadelphia: Society of Biblical Litera
ture, 1960) ; Harold H. Rowley, "The Book of Ezekiel in
Modern Study,” BJRL 36 (1953-54): 146-163.
2C f . b. Meg. 24b (The Babylonian T a lmud. Megillah,

146) .
3Cf. Maier, Vom Kultus zur G n o s i s . 95-146, esp.

112-121. For the studies on merkabah in Jewish mysticism,
see David R. Blumenthal, Understanding Jewish Mysticism: A
Source Reader: The Merkabah Tradition and the Zoharic
Tradition. The Library of Judaic Learning 2 (New York: KTAV
Publishing House, 1978); Ithamar Gruenwald, Apocalyptic
and Merkavah Mysticism. AGJU 14 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1980).
243
work of] the chariot in the presence of one, unless

he is a sage and understands his own knowledge.1
The first reference to the throne of God in Ezekiel
is found, as in the case of Isaiah (Isa 6) , in the report
of the prophet’s own call vision (Ezek 1). Because of its

"famous and indecipherable vision of the cherubim,"2 Ezek 1
has called forth many fanciful and confusing interpreta
tions. In his dissertation, Alvin A. K. Low has surveyed
and evaluated various hermeneutical approaches to the
interpretation of this chapter.3 He enumerates as many as
ten different approaches.4 After examining each one of
these, he concludes that the only valid approach is the
literal approach5 and explains it as follows:
1B. Hag. lib (The Babylonian Talmud. Hagigah, 59).

Cf. b. Hag. ilb (ibid., Hagigah, 60 [Gemara, which has the
same regulations as the Mishnah]).
2Francis Thompson, The Academy■ January 29, 1898,

115-116, quoted in The Hebrew Bible in Literary Criticism,
ed. Alex Preminger and Edward L. Greenstein (New York:
Ungar Publishing Company, 1986), 381.
3Alvin A. K. Low, Interpretive Problems in Ezekiel

1, Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1985
(Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International), 23-
77 .
4They are: (1) mythological approach; (2) poetic

approach; (3) psychological-dream approach; (4) Jewish mys
tical approach; (5) Jewish allegorical approach; (6) cosmo
logical approach; (7) meteorological approach; (8) UFO
approach; (9) symbolic approach; and (10) literal approach.
5Low, 76-77. Against Moshe Eisemann, who says:

"Ma'aseh Merkavah: In this vision, supernatural
concepts are described in human terms . . . they
cannot be understood literally nor, in our spirit
ual poverty, are we equipped even to glimpse at
their inner meaning."
244
Literalists believe that because of the literary

genre of the visions, the details of the vision
are visual representations of realities.1
Later on he continues to explain:
. . . seeing and interpreting the symbols of

Ezekiel1s vision does not in any way minimize the
literalness of the account. . . . Literal inter
pretation allows for the inclusion of symbols and
figurative language. In interpreting symbols, the
interpreter must seek to determine the reality
behind the symbols.2
As the majority of the scholars agree and Walther
Zimmerli emphatically states, Ezek 1:1-3:15 "must un
doubtedly be understood in its present form as a complete
unit."3 This section can be divided into two subsections:
Ezekiel's call vision (1:1-28) and Ezekiel's commission
(2:1-3:15). The first subsection is composed of two parts:
datings and locale of the vision (1:1-3) and the vision
proper (1:4-28). In the second part (descriptions of the
vision), (1) vss. 4-14 delineate the four living creatures;
(2) vss. 15-21 speak of the wheels; (3) vss. 22-25 concern
the raqia' ("firmament" [KJV, RSV], or better, "expanse"
(Moshe Eisemann, Yechezkel: The Book of Ezekiel: A New

Translation with a Commentary Anthologized from Talmudic.
Midrashic and Rabbinic Sources. 3 v o ls., ASTS [New York:
Mesorah Publications, 1977, 1980, 1980], 1:84).
1Low, 65.
2Ibid., 76.
3Walther Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1: A Commentary on the

Book of the Prophet Ezekiel: Chapters 1-24. Herm, trans.
Ronald E. Clements (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979),
95. Cf. H. van Dyke Parunak, "The Literary Architecture of
Ezekiel's mar'ot elohim," JBL 99 (1980): 62-66.
245
[NASB, NIV]); and (4) vss. 26-28 provide a description of
the throne and the One who sits upon it.
Ezek l:26-28a reads:
umimma'al laraqia' ,aSer 'l-ro'Sam k^mar'eh 'eben-

sappir d ^ u t kisse' w®' al d®mut hakkisse' d ^ u t
k ^ a r 'eh 'adam 'alayw milma' elah: wa’ere' ke'en
haSmal k^mar'eh-1eS bet-1ah sabib mimmar1eh motnayw
lil^ma' elah umimmar'eh motnayw ul®mattah ra'iti
k ^ a r 'eh-'eS wenogah lo sabib: kâr'Sh haqqeSet
,aSer yihyeh beanan b®y6m haggeSem ken mar1eh
hannogah sabib hu' mar'eh d^mut k®b6d-YHWH:
And above the firmament [expanse] over their heads
there was the likeness of a throne, in appearance
like sapphire; and seated above the likeness of a
throne was a likeness as it were of a human form.
And upward from what had the appearance of his
loins I saw as it were gleaming bronze, like the
appearance of fire enclosed round about; and down
ward from what had the appearance of his loins I
saw as it were the appearance of fire, and there
was brightness round about him. Like the appear
ance of the bow that is in the cloud on the day of
rain, so was the appearance of the brightness round
about. Such was the appearance of the likeness of
the glory of the LORD (RSV).
Since this passage appears in the very last section
of the call vision, it may be a hint that the throne is not
only physically positioned at the apex of the scene, but,
in significance, it forms the climax or consummation of the
whole vision. The preceding portions are like a prelude
and provide a setting or background against which the
throne will be revealed.
Before we enter into the exegesis of the text, we
take a brief look at each of the preceding portions of the
vision in Ezek 1. For the introductory remark, "the
thirtieth year" (vs. 1), some twenty different explanations
246
have been suggested.1 The view, proposed by Origen, that

"the thirtieth year" refers to the age of Ezekiel when he
was called to the prophetic ministry, is more widely
advocated2 than any other view. This view is the only one
that would seem to hold water, while many of the sugges
tions by modern scholars assume a corruption of the text.3
Ezekiel labels what he saw as mar'ot ,elohim ("visions of
God," 1:1).4 This expression is used also for the other
two of his many visions and oracles (cf. Ezek 8:3; 40:2).
1Low examines and evaluates each of these rather

thoroughly in his dissertation (see Low, 78-121). Cf.
Julius A. Bewer, "The Text of Ezek. 1:1-3," AJSL 50 (1933-
34) : 96-101. For another survey of the explanations, see
Anthony D. York, "Ezekiel I: Inaugural and Restoration
Visions?" VT 27 (1977): 82-98.
2E.g., Patrick Fairbairn, An Exposition of Ezekiel

(Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1851; reprint, Minneapolis:
Klock & Klock Christian Publishers, 1979), 23-25; Richard
Kraetzschmar, Das Buch Ezechiel. HKAT III/3 (Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1900), 1-6; J. Battersby Harford,
"Is the Book of Ezekiel Pseud-Epigraphic?" ExpTim 43 (1931-
32): 24; Bewer, 98-99; H. L. Ellison, Ezekiel: The Man
and His Message (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1956), 16; Charles Lee Feinberg, The Prophecy of
Ezekiel: The Glorv of the Lord (Chicago: Moody Press,
1969), 17; John B. Taylor, Ezekiel: An Introduction and
Commentary. TOTC 20 (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity
Press, 1969), 52-53, cf. 37-39; Harrison, Introduction to
the Old Testament. 837; Walther Eichrodt, Ezekiel: A
Commentary. OTL, trans. Cosslett Quin (Philadelphia: West
minster Press, 1970), 51; Archer, A Survey of Old Testament
Introduction. 369; C. Hassell Bullock, "Ezekiel, Bridge
between the Testaments," JETS 25 (1982): 24; Ralph H.
Alexander, "Ezekiel," E B C . 6:754.
3Ellison, Ezekiel: The Man and His Message. 16, 17;

Low, 122-124.
4C f . Parunak, "The Literary Architecture of Eze

kiel's mar'ot 'e lohim," JBL 99 (1980): 61-74.
247
The first portion of the vision proper (vss. 4-14),

delineating the four living creatures which are identified
as cherubim1 in Ezek 10, has been interpreted in many
different ways. After examining all the interpretations
suggested so far,2 Low concludes:
The meteorological phenomena of Ezekiel 1:4 allude

to the coming judgment of God. The living crea
tures are cherubim which supported the throne
of God. The detailed descriptions of the living
creatures are symbolic of the character of the
cherubim. The four cherubim formed a complete
unit, being controlled by the Spirit. . . . The
mobility of the throne testifies to God's easy
access to all parts of the universe.3
I believe Low's conclusion is reasonable, and his
remarks, though sometimes not pinpointed, are well-founded.
On the other hand, Lorenz Durr's dissertation on Ezekiel's
vision in connection with the ancient Near Eastern reli
gious conceptions is illuminating.4 Othmar Keel discusses
Ezekiel's visions in terms of their "Grundstruktur" and
■Ône of the remarkable studies on the cherubim in

connection with the glory of Yahweh is the work by a
pseudonymous writer: Philalethes [William Bramley Moore],
"The Cherubim of Glorv." and Their Manifestation in the
Church of Christ, as Foreshadowed in the Visions of Ezekiel
(Printed privately, n.p., 1917).
2Cf. Low, 125-194. Low has dealt with nine inter

pretations of the four living creatures and eleven inter
pretations of the four faces, which have been suggested so
far.
3 Low, 193-194 (emphasis supplied).
4Lorenz Durr, Ezechiel's Vision von der Erscheinunq

Gottes fEz. c. 1 u. 10) im Lichte der vorderasiatischen
Altertumskunde (Munster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhand-
lung, 1917).
248
"Vorbilder"1 and, like Durr, tries to understand them from
the viewpoint of the ancient Near Eastern culture and art.2
In a similar way, Ernst Hohne tries to trace the genuine
ness and origin of the vision and to locate each aspect and
characteristic of the throne-chariot in the ancient reli
gious and cultural settings.3 It is interesting that Otto
Procksch connects Ezekiel's vision of God's image on the
throne which was carried by four living pillars with
Ezekiel's cosmology or Weltanschauung.4
Regarding the storm which functioned as "Trager der
gewaltigen Theophanie,"5 Durr notes that "Jahwe kommt als
Beherrscher der Elemente. der Sturm ist sein Trabant"6 and
^■Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst. 151-191.
2Cf. ibid., 191-273.
3Ernst Hohne, "Die Tnronwagenvision Hesekiels:

Echtheit und Herkunft der Vision Hes. 1,4-28 und ihrer
einzelr.sr. Ziige" (Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangen der
Doktorwvirde der hohen Theologischen Fakultat der Friedrich-
Alexander-Universitat Erlangen, 1953).
4Otto Procksch, "Die Berufungsvision Hesekiels," in

Beitrage zur alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft. Karl Budde
zum siebzigsten Geburtstag am 13. April 192 0, BZAW 34, ed.
Karl Marti (GiePen: Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1920), 141-
149, states:
"Das Gottesbild auf dem Throne uber der Kuppel,
die von vier lebendigen Saulen betragen wird, spie-
gelt nun deutlich Hesekiels Anschauung von Gott und
Welt ab" (p. 147);
"Die Berufungsvision Hesekiels zeigt uns demnach
ein Bild, in dem sowohl die Gottesanschauung als
die Weltanschauung des Propheten enthalten ist" (p.
148; cf. the illustration on p. 149).
5Durr, 8.
6Ibid. (emphasis supplied).
249
"das Erscheinen Jahwes auf dem Sturme ist die imposante
Offenbarung seiner gottlichen Macht und Maiestat.1,1 The
faces of the living creatures are the face of a man, speak
ing of intelligence; that of a lion, standing for majesty
and power; that of an ox, displaying patient service; and
that of an eagle, depicting swiftness in meting out judg
ment, and discernment from afar.2 The question of the four
faces of the cherubim have received various answers.3 The
rabbis said of them as follows:
The most exalted of all living creatures is man; of

birds, the eagle; of cattle, the ox; and of wild
beasts, the lion. All of these received royalty
and had greatness bestowed upon them, and they are
under the chariot of God, as it says, [Ezek 1:10
quoted].4
The church fathers interpreted the four faces as
symbols of the four Evangelists.5 On the other hand, Low,
2Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel. 19.
3C f . Ernst Vogt, "Die vier 'Gesichter' (panim) der

Keruben in Ez," Bib 60 (1979): 327-347.
4The Midrash (Midrash Rabban). Exodus (Beshallach)

(London: Soncino Press, 1939), chap. XXIII.13 (p. 291).
C f . b. Hag. 13b (The Babylonian Talmud. Hagigah, 79) .
5Irenaeus seems to have been the first to apply

this interpretation. He wrote:
"The winged man signifies the human nature of our
Lord Jesus. The winged lion represents His royal
character, since the lion is the king of beasts.
The winged calf testifies as to His sacerdotal
mature, for the calf is the emblem of sacrifice.
The flying eagle represents the grace of the Holy
Spirit which was ever upon the Saviour."
(Frederick Roth Webber, Church Symbolism [Detroit: Gale
Research Co., 1971], 186). Irenaeus then identified the
250
following William Greenhill,1 takes them as symbolic of the
angelic attributes2 or the character of the cherubim.
The second portion of the vision (Ezek 1:15-22)
which speaks of the wheels has also caused a variety of
interpretations in terms of their construction, their

appearance, their eyes, their size, and especially their
symbolisms.3 The very first idea that the wheels signify
for the throne of God is that it moves. The text can never
be construed as meaning that the throne in this vision is
the only one that God has. But, as far as the throne as
revealed in this vision is concerned, it is a moving throne
and its movability implies that God is also mobile and
moving. This means that God is not confined in one place
but He can move in all directions without any limitations
to have access to His people. The glory of Yahweh appeared
to Ezekiel, not in God's heavenly court (1 Kgs 22), or even
in Yahweh's heavenly/earthly temple (Isa 6), but "among the
man with Matthew, the lion with John, the ox with Luke, and
the eagle with Mark. Bede and Augustine made a different
series of identification: man— Mark, lion— Matthew, ox—
Luke, and eagle— John. There are some more transpositions:
cf. G. A. Cooke, A Critical and Exeaetical Commentary on
the Book of Ezekiel. ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1936),
14; Webber, 86.
^William Greenhill, An Exposition of the Prophet

Ezekiel, with Useful Observations Thereupon, rev. and cor.
James Sherman (Edinburgh: James Nichol, 1864), 31-32.
2Low, 190-192.
3C f . Low, 195-225, who examines nine different

explanations about the construction of the wheels and ten
different interpretations of the symbolisms of the wheels.
251
exiles by the river Chebar" (Ezek 1:1, 3). As Ralph W.
Klein remarks,
The throne appropriately was quite mobile: the

animals that bore it had wings, legs, and even
wheels! The spirit was its driving force (vs- 20).
Because of the four animals, with their four heads
and their wheels within wheels, the conveyance
could take off in a new or different direction
without turning (1:9, 12, 17). In short, a cascade
of images declares Yahweh's mobility and his
ability to be present in Babylon. *•
As for the construction of the wheels, according to
C. H. Toy,2 Sam Whittemore Fowler,3 and Low,4 the descrip
tion furnished by Ezekiel (ha'dpan b ^ o k ha'opan, vs. 16)
was not of one wheel inside or within (RSV) the other,5 but
of the rim of one wheel being smoothly level with the rim
^-Klein, Israel in Exile. 73-74 (emphasis supplied) .

Hohne, 37, says, "Das Interesse an der Bewealichkeit und
der A1laeaenwart Jahwes weisen Fs i c l die Vision ortlich und
zeitlich ins Exil" (emphasis supplied).
2C . H. Toy, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel. SBONT

12 (New York: Dodd, Mead, andCompany, 1899), 95.
3Sam Whittemore Fowler, "The Visual Anthropomorphic

Revelation of God" (Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological
Seminary, 1978), 143.
4Low, 204, 225.
5Cf. Moshe Greenberg, Ezekiel. 1-20: A New Trans

lation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 22(Garden
City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1983), 47, who states:
"Mechanically simpler is the interpretation that
concentric circles are meant. Two possibilities
come to mind: (1) an archaic type of disk wheel
with a protuberance around its axle that looked
like an inner wheel (ANEP2 , #689, from a third-
millennium cylinder seal) . . . ; (b) alternati
vely, the concentric rims of the spoked wheel on
Sargon's throne chariot . . . may be compared."
252
of the wheel it crosses at right angles.1 This idea is
supported by the NIV ("a wheel intersecting a wheel").2
This construction allows movement to any of the four
directions without turning (cf. vs. 17) . Klein remarks
that "the wheels in the present form of the call vision add
a feeling of mobility to the whole account."3 Durr's
observation is also remarkable:
Die allseitige Beweglichkeit des Wagens ist das

Symbol von Jahwes A11gegenwart und Allmacht. Jahwe
ist der auf jeheimnisvollem Wagen thronende, im
Sturm einherfahrende, durch keine Schranken gehin-
derte Konig der Gewalten.4
The appearance of the wheels is described as ke 'en
tarSIS, but its mineralogical identity and color are far
from certain.5 Whatever the identification of tar§£§
("beryl" [KJV, NASB], "chrysolite" [RSV, NIV]) may be, the
1Against Keel and Klein, who think that the wheels

within wheels may come from a misunderstanding of thick,
layered rims on certain depictions of wheels. Cf. Keel,
Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst. 263-267, and figs. 191,
192; Klein, Israel in Exile. 73, n. 7.
2C . L. Feinberg and I. G. Matthews also advocate a

similar idea, as they observe, "A second wheel was inserted
in each wheel at right angles" (Charles Lee Feinberg, The
Prophecy of Ezekiel: The Glorv of the Lord [Chicago: Moody
Press, 1969], 19) and "They were at right angles one to the
other" (I. G. Matthews, Ezekiel. ACOT [Philadelphia: Amer
ican Baptist Publication Society, 1939], 7), respectively.
3Ralph W. Klein, Ezekiel: The Prophet and His

Message. Studies on Personalities of the OT (Columbia, SC:
University of South Carolina Press, 1988), 23.
4Diirr, 14 (emphasis supplied).
5Cf. Low, 206-208. K B L . 1042, provides a simple

and dull explanation for this word: "a precious stone (kind
unknown)."
253
dazzling color of the wheels captured the attention of the

prophet. Since Ezekiel was a priest, the appearance of
tar&iS must have easily reminded him of the first stone of
the fourth row of the breastplate that the high priest put
upon his breast (cf. Exod 28:20; 39:13). The wheels were
"full of eyes all around" (vs. 18, NIV; cf. Rev 4:6), and
this also has always been a puzzle to the commentators.1
However, there is a definite symbolism involved in the
prophet's description of "eyes" in the wheels. Since an
eye represents a sense of perception, "the plentitude of
eyes in the vision symbolizes God's omniscience"2 and "the
all-seeinaness or omnipresence of God,"3 or His infinite
intelligence and "constant divine watchfulness."4 Feinberg
advocates this interpretation by saying,
The rings or fellies are the circumferences of

the wheels. The eyes in the rings are symbolic of
divine omniscience in the workings of nature and
history (see Zech. 3:9; 4:10; Rev. 4:6; II Chron.
16:9; Prov. 15:3). Though the workings are all
intricate, yet they are under the control of divine
power, "spirit." When the cherubim stood, they let
1For a discussion of various interpretations, see

Low, 208-211. Cf. Paul Auvray, "Sur le sens du mot *ayin
en Ez. i 18 et x 12," VT 4 (1954): 1-6; Ernst Vogt, "Der
Sinn des Wortes 'Augen' in Ez 1,18 und 10,12," Bib 59
(1978): 93-96.
2Lo w , 210 (emphasis supplied). So Toy, 95.
3Klein, Israel in Exile. 73 (emphasis supplied).
4Greenberg, Ezekiel. 1-20. 58 (emphasis supplied);

cf. Low, 225.
254
down their wings in reverence to listen to God's

commands.1
What Ezekiel saw is a movable throne. Its wheels,
which mean "primarily and naturally the revolution of
time," "connect the chariot with the earth."2 Nothing is
stationary in God's universe; all is in motion and
progressing. They all are moving not by themselves but by
-zhe control of the spirit (Ezek 1:20-21). These wheels are
the most concrete evidence that the throne of Yahweh is
movable and moving. They proclaim that the One who sits
upon this movable throne-chariot is in control of and
sovereign over the whole world.

The third portion of the vision (Ezek 1:22-25)
concerns itself mainly with the raqia', which was spread
out above ("al)3 the heads of the living creatures.
Whereas the wheels connected the vision with the earth, the
■'■Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel. 20 (emphasis

supplied). Against Keel, who understands them as theologi
cal interpretations of nails driven into the rims of the
wheels (Jahwe-Visionen und Sieqelkunst. 267-269).
2Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel. 20.
3The preposition 'al is correctly rendered "above"

(NIV, NKJV) or "over" (RSV, NASB). The KTV rendering
("upon") is misleading. Ernst Vogt holds that
"die Proposition in 1,22b «'al r o ’Se hahayyot [MT:
hahayyah] raqia'» bedeutet nicht «auf» (epi), son-
dern «uber» (huper), denn nichts in Ez 1 deutet
auch nur an, dass das Gewolbe auf den Hauptern der
Lebewesen ruhte und von ihnen getragen w u rde."
(Ernst Vogt, Untersuchunaen zum Buch Ezechiel. AnBib 95
[Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1981], S, emphasis his).
255
raqia'1 connected the vision with heaven. Therefore, the
raqia' ("expanse") is complementary to the wheels.2 This
term is used elsewhere of the sky nine times in Genesis
(1:6-8, 14, 15, 17, 20), twice in the Psalms (19:2 [ET
19:1]; 150:1), and once in Daniel (12:3), but always in the
context of creation. Thus, as Eichrodt observes, the
raqia' which the cherubim or living creatures carry is the
copy (Abbild) of the expanse,
which the Creator, according to Gen. 1.6, set up to

separate the earthly from the heavenly waters, and
above which he is enthroned. The four living crea
tures are thus shown to be the representatives of
the four corners of the earth, and therefore of the
world-embracing sovereignty of him who is enthroned
upon them, as is also suggested by their fourfold
faces and wings.3
Now we come to the fourth and last portion of the
vision (Ezek 1:26-28) that describes the throne and the One
1raqia' is translated variously: "firmament" (KJV,

RSV) , "vault" (NEB, JB) , "solid surface" (NJB), "expanse"
(NIV, NASB, AB, N J V ) , and "extended surface, (solid)
expanse" (BDB, 956), and "das Breitgeschlagene, (Eisen-)
Platte, Firmament, die feste Himmelswdlbung" (KBL, 909) .
The LXX renders it as steredma, suggesting some firm, solid
structure. This Greek concept was then reflected by the
Vulgate firmamentuB, which in turn is followed by the KJV
and the RSV ("firmament"). However, since its root (raqa')
means "stamp, beat (out), spread out" (K B L . 910; B D B . 955),
the better rendition of this word is "expanse" rather than
"firmament" or "vault." Cf. J. Barton Payne, "raqa';
raqia'; riqqda'," T W O T . 2:861-862; N. H. Tur-Sinai [H.
Torczyner], "The Firmament and the Clouds, Raqia ' and
Shehaqim," ST 1 (1948): 188-196.
2C f . F. Jardiner, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel.

2 vols. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1960),
1:24; Low, 229.
3Eichrodt, Ezekiel. 57-58 (emphasis supplied).
256
who is sitting upon it. We find that Ezekiel's descrip
tions in these verses are literary and artistic, on the one
hand, and cautious and reverential, on the other. First,
we need to take a close look at vs. 26. The MT of vs. 26
may be rearranged as follows:

timimna'al laraqia" ,a§er ‘al-rS'Sam
k®mar'eh 'eben-sappir
d ^ u t kisse'
V s 'al d^mut hakkisse'
d ^ u t k®mar'eh 'adam 'alayv milma'e lah:1
As far as the construction, especially the numbers of the
syllables are concerned, this verse is unmistakably chias-
tic: 13:7:4:7:13 = A:B:C:B:A. The two different words of
similar meaning are arranged to form another chiasmus:
k ^ a r ' e h : d ^ u t : d ^ d t : (d®mut :) k ^ mar1eh

= A: B: B: A (or A: B: B: B: A) .
It deserves our attention that in each case "the likeness
of a (the) throne" (d^dt [hak]kisse') occupies the focal
point of the chiasmus.
The word dîit, which is derived from the verb
damah (gal: "gleichen, be like, resemble"; D i a l : "verglei-
c hen. gleichstellen. liken, compare"),2 occurs twenty-five
^-The literal translation of the MT may read as

follows (arranged to demonstrate chiasmus more clearly):
"Above the expanse which [was] over their heads,
like the appearence of the sapphire stone,
[was] the likeness of a throne,
and upon the likeness of the throne, [was]
a likeness as an appearance of man on it, high up."
2K B L . 212-213. Cf. H. D. Preup, "damlh; dût,"

T W A T . 2:266-277 (ET: "damah; d ^ u t h , " T D O T . 3:250-260);
E. Jenni, "dmh gleichen," THAT. 1:451-456.
257
times in the OT.1 The LXX usually renders dût by
homoidma ("likeness, form, appearance" [14 times]) or
homoidsis ("likeness, resemblance" [5 times]). It is also
translated as eikon ("image, likeness" [Gen 5:1]), and idea
("appearance, aspect, form" [Gen 5:3]). The Vulgate pre
dominantly renders it by similitudo ("likeness, similitude"
[19 times]). According to 2 Kgs 16:10, it means "image" or
"copy, reproduction." It occurs most frequently in the
book of Ezekiel (16 times), and its exilic usage suggests
the translation "form, appearance," or more weakly "some
thing like, something similar to" ("etwas wie").2
In describing the climactic part of his vision,
Ezekiel seems to proceed with utmost caution and reverence,
or "with the reticence of a holy fear."3 He begins with
the more distant features before venturing to the holiest
figure, the One who sits on the throne. It looks as though
he draws near God Himself by only one trembling step after
another, as if treading on holy ground (cf. Exod 3:5). for
fear of infringing on the second commandment (Exod 20:4).
xGen 1:26; 5:1, 3; 2 Kgs 16:10; Isa 13:4; 40:18;

Ezek 1:5 (twice), 10, 13, 16, 22, 26(3 times), 28; 8:2;
10:1, 10, 21, 22; 23:15; Ps 58:5 (ET 58:4); Dan 10:16; 2
Chr 4:3.
2Ludwig Koehler, "Die Grundstelle der Imago-Dei-

Lehre, Genesis 1,26," TZ 4 (1948): 16-22, esp. 20-21; cf.
Preu0, "da m a h ; d®mdt," T D O T . 3:257; J. Maxwell Miller, "In
the 'Image1 and 'Likeness' of God," <JBL 91 (1972): 289-304.
3Cooke, A Critical and Exeqetical Commentary on the

Book of Ezekiel. 20.
258
As Low has pointed out,1 in describing the appearance of
the living creatures, Ezekiel used the expression dût
'ad5m (Ezek 1:5), but here he employs a more distant and
reverential expression, d®mut k^mar'eh 1adam (vs. 26).2 In
the description of his vision, Ezekiel uses these expres
sions "to create the impression that God's glory actually
defied description in spite cf the vague resemblance to a
human form."3
The scene, in which God sits enthroned high up (vs.
26), and particularly the two wings of the cherubim
covering their bodies (vs. 11) , remind the readers of the
call vision of Isaiah.4 There Isaiah described only that
he had seen "Yahweh sitting on a throne" (Isa 6:1), but

here Ezekiel is a little more bold to say that he saw "a
likeness as an appearance of man." We may state with John
B. Taylor that "Ezekiel opens the door a little further and
lets God be seen in a human outline but with so dazzling a
1Low, 237.
2Cf. Christoph Dohmen,"Das Problem der Gottes-

beschreibung im Ezechielbuch," in Ezekiel and His Book:
Textual and Literary Criticism and Their Interrelation.
BETL 74, ed. J. Lust (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University
Press, 1986), 330-334. For mystic and gnostic understand
ings of this term, see Gilles Quispel, "Ezekiel 1:26 in
Jewish Mysticism and Gnosis," VC 34 (1980): 1-13.
3J. M. Miller, "In the 'Image' and 'Likeness' of

God," JBL 91 (1972): 303.
4Cf. Gustav Holscher, Hesekiel: Der Dichter und das

Buch: Eine literarkritische Untersuchuna. BZAW 39 (Gie0en:
Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1924), 49.
259
splendour that nothing more could be seen or said.”1 Even
in Ezekiel's case, we can notice that he is extremely
cautious in expressing what he saw. Here he uses a double
circumlocution, d^fit kem a r ,eh 'adam ("a likeness [or an
image1 as an appearance of man").
Ezekiel reports that the throne was "like the
appearance of the sapphire stone" (kâr'eh 'eben-sappir) .
The term sappir, usually rendered "sapphire" (KJV, RSV,
NIV) or "lapis lazuli" (NASB, RSV margin, NIV margin),
means "a pure variety of corundum in transparent or trans
lucent crystals used as gems," and the name is used "for
corundum of any color except red, which is called ruby,"2
but it is usually thought of as blue or rich-blue in color.
Ruth V. Wright and Robert L. Chadbourne hold that "when the
Scriptures mention sapphire, the deep-blue, opaque lapis
lazuli is meant."3 The biblical contexts generally seem to
suggest brilliance and preciousness,4 but sometimes color
1Taylor, Ezekiel, 59.
2Ruth V. Wright and Robert L. Chadbourne, Gems and

Minerals of the Bible (New Canaan, CT: Keats Publishing,
1970), 112.
3Ibid., 113. Against E. Henderson, The Book of the

Prophet Ezekiel. Translated from the Original Hebrew? with
a Commentary. Critical. Philological. and Exegetical
(Andover, [MA]: Warren F. Draper, Publisher, 1870), 20.
4C f . W. E. Staples, "Sapphire," I D B . 4:219. Some

other biblical references are as follows:
"It is one of the marvels derived from the earth
(Job 28:6, 16). The New Jerusalem is laid in sap
phire (Isa. 54:11). It is a stone in the breast-
piece of judgment and the ephod (Exod. 28:18;
260
or hardness, as Gustav Holscher notes, "Der Sapphirstein
[Ezek] 3-26' der an d;*-e Blaue des Himmels erinnert und

schlecht zur Wetterwolke paf3t, stammt aus Ex 2410*"1 Exod
24:10 says that Moses saw under God's feet "something like
a pavement made of sapphire, clear as the heaven itself"
(NIV). According to this text, the sapphire is the basis,
not the material2 or appearance of the throne. It seems
that the LXX altered the description in Ezek 1:26 to make
it agree with Exod 24:10, as it reads.. " . . . hZz. horasis
lithou sappheirou, homoioma thronou ep1 autou. . . ."
(emphasis supplied).3 Ezekiel's description, however,
favors the appearance and/or material rather than the basis
of the throne.
In regard to the symbolism of the sapphire in our
text, E. W. Hengstenberg offers the following remarks:
39:11), a stone in the covering of the king of Tyre

(Ezek. 28:13). It is used of the girdle worn by
the scribe (Ezek. 9:2 LXX). The beauty of the form
of the princes of Jerusalem had been like sapphire
(Lam. 4:7). The body of the lover is a column of
ivory adorned with sapphire (Song of S. 5:14)"
(ibid.).
1Holscher, Hesekiel: Der Dichter und das Buc h . 49.
2So Alexander, "Ezekiel," E B C . 6:759, where he

remarks, "The likeness of a throne made from precious lapis
lazuli (NIV 'sapphire') was above this expanse."
3Alfred Bertholet also has the same idea, as he

renders this verse as ". . . war etwas was wie Saphirstein
aussah, 'darauf' ein thronahnliches Gebilde . . ." (Alfred
Bertholet and Kurt Galling, Hesekiel. HAT, erste Reihe 13
[Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1936], 6,
emphasis supplied).
261
That the sapphire is brought forward on account
of its heaven-like colour is shown by Ex. xxiv.10,
where the whiteness, or the clear shining of the
sapphire, stands in connection with the purity
of heaven. The heaven-like colour of the throne
indicates the infinite eminence of G o d 1s dominion
over the earth, with its impotence, sin, and
unrighteousness.^
High above on the throne of sapphire was "a like
ness with the appearance of a man.” This is an allusion to
the holy God. When saying this, Ezekiel "surely implies
that while God is totally devoid of form, he nonetheless
employs the term 'form' ['likeness'] to help make the image
intelligible to the listener."2
In vs. 27, Ezekiel reports that he noticed some
thing like "glowing metal" (ha&mal).3 There have been
various suggestions and speculations regarding the meaning
and significance of this term,4 which is a trisleqomenon.5
1E. W. Hengstenberg, The Prophecies of the Prophet

Ezekiel Elucidated. Clark's Foreign Theological Library,
4th series 21, trans. A. C. Murphy and J. G. Murphy (Edin
burgh: T. i T. Clark, 1869), 24 (emphasis supplied).
2Eisemann, 1:86.
3The English renditions of haSmal vary: "amber"

(KJV), "gleaming bronze" (RSV), "glowing metal" (NIV,
NASB), and "shining alloy of gold and silver; electrum
[from the LXX Slektronj" (KBL, 342). G. R. Driver suggests
"the sparkle of brass" as the meaning of the phrase "en
ha&mal from a simple survey of Semitic philology ("Eze
kiel's Inaugural Vision," VT 1 [1951]: 60-62). William A.
Irwin thinks that "it is possible that ‘en ha&mal should be
translated, not 'the cluster (or color) of amber (or brass,
electrum, or whatever else)', but 'a piece of metal inlay'"
("hashmal," VT 2 [1952]: 169).
4For the Rabbinic and esoteric interpretations, see

Eisemann, 1:77. For detailed explanations of the meaning
and kinds of ha£mal, see Greenhill, 26, 62.
262
Moshe Eisemann observes that "the mysterious significance
of this word is laden with esoteric connotation.1,1 He
continues:
It is the purest form of smokeless fire that the
human senses can perceive. . . . The word is a
compound of haS mal [lit. silent; speak1 for it is
proper to be silent about its implications which
defy human description (Metzudas David) .2
Metzudas David is quoted once again; "The word Chashmal
indicates that the Essence of God cannot be anthropo-
morphically perceived . . ."3 A Jewish fifteenth-century
savant, Hoter ben Shelomo, offered a fanciful interpreta
tion of ha&mal: haS means "speed" and mal, "cutting-off."4
5A11 of the three occurrences of the word hasmal

are in the book of Ezekiel: 1:4, 27; 8:2.
1Eisemann, 1:76-77.
2Eisemann, 1:77 (italics his). A similar remark

was given by Rabbi Judah who interpreted h&ml as an abbre
viation of hyvt '6 mmllvt ("living creatures, speaking
fire"). Concerning this, a baraitha (a teaching outside
the Mishnah) states:
"At times they are silent, at rimes they speak.
When the utterance goes forth from the mouth of
the Holy One, blessed be He, they are silent, and
when the utterance goes not forth from the mouth of
the Holy One, blessed be He, they speak."
(B. Hag. 13b l~The Babylonian Talmud. Hagigah, 78]). "At
times they are silent, at times they speak," explains h&ml
as an abbreviation of h&wt mmllwt ("silent, speaking").
Cf. Brownlee, Ezekiel l-i9. 16.
3Eisemann, 1:87.
4C f . David R. Blumenthal, "Ezekiel's Vision Seen

through the Eyes of a Philosophic Mystic," JAAR 47 (1979):
417-427. According to Blumenthal's abstract,
"Hoter began [interpreting Ezekiel's visions] by
rejecting the anthropomorphisms of the vision.
This forced him into a symbolic interpretation in
263
Hengstenberg maintains that
The shining brass [ha&mal] indicates the invariable

character of God's personality— His holiness in the
scriptural sense, i.e., His nature separated from
everything creaturely— His absoluteness, through
which He has His measure in Himself alone, and
never can be meted by a human standard.1
Regarding "the fire all around within it" (e§ bet-lah
sabib), E. Henderson states that it indicates
the intrinsic purity and terrible rectitude of the

divine judgments, [and] the appearance of the
Divine Man being wholly invested with fire, like
wise denoted his readiness to punish the wicked
with awful destruction.2
Ernst Vogt is of the same opinion as he remarks,
Die Menschengestalt auf dem Thron ist evident

Symbol des im Himmel thronenden Gottes. Das helle
Leuchten des Oberteils der Gestalt wie Weissgold
weist auf die strahlende Majestat und Heiligkeit
Gottes hin, die eine zentrale Idee Ezechiels sind.3
Vs. 28 speaks of the appearance of a rainbow in the
clouds which gives radiance around Him who is sitting on
the throne. The Hebrew word qeSet, meaning "bow," occurs
seventy-seven times in the Hebrew Bible,4 but as the
meaning of "rainbow" it is used only four times (Gen 9:13,
which he construed the text as a revelation of the

structure of the cosmos . . ." (ibid., 417).
^■Hengstenberg, The Prophecies of the Prophet Eze

kiel Elucidated. 25.
2Henderson, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel. 21.
3Vogt, Untersuchunoen zum Buch Ezechiel. 11.
4Leonard J. Coppes, "qeSet,'• TV:OT.
264
14, 16; Ezek 1:2s).1 In the rest of the references it is
used as the bow of war. Since the rainbow was given as the
sign of "the everlasting covenant between God and every
living creature" (Gen 9:16) after the destruction of the
whole world, it signifies that Yahweh is the God of "every
living creature" or the whole world,2 and that even in the
midst of drastic judgment, God still remembers His promise
of mercy and restoration. The following comments by
Delitzsch on the first rainbow are pertinent:
Springing as it does from the effect of the sun

upon the dark mass of clouds, it typifies the
readiness of the heavenly to pervade the earthly;
spread out as it is between heaven and earth, it
proclaims peace between God and man; and whilst
spanning the whole horizon, it teaches the all-
embracing universality of the covenant of grace.3
Thus, the rainbow around the throne of God in the vision of
Ezekiel manifests itself as the symbol of the confirmation
of God's covenant and the reassurance of His faithfulness
to i t .
Ezekiel rounds off his vision report with the fol
lowing concluding remarks: "This was the appearance of the
image of the glory of Yahweh. When I saw it, I fell on my
face, and I heard a voice speaking" (vs. 28b). Here again
1In the NT, the word "rainbow" (iris) is used only

in Rev 4:3 where it is seen around the divine throne, and
in Rev 10:1 where it appears upon the head of the strong
angel coming down from heaven.
2Eichrodt, Ezekiel. 58.
3Delitzsch, K D :CO T . 1:1:154-155.
265
the prophet uses the double circumlocution as in vs. 26,
but this time in the reverse word order: mar'eh d®mut
kebod-YHWH ("the appearance of the image [or likeness 1 of
the glory of Yahweh") . It is by no means accidental or
insignificant that the prophet applies this type of
expression only when he describes God Himself (vs. 26), His
glory (vs. 28), and later His throne (10:1).1 This would
be an indication that, in those cases, the prophet felt, to
a greater degree than in the other cases, how inadequate

his own language was for expressing what he saw. For what
he saw was not "a replica" or "a miniature representa
tion,"2 but something of heaven itself.
In the descriptions of his call vision (Ezek 1:4-
28) , Ezekiel uses three different words to express the
similar idea: en (five times), d®m(it (ten times), and
mar'eh (fifteen times). It seems that these three words
are used without any clear distinction in meaning. In the
English versions they are rendered "likeness,appearance,
image, form, figure, something like," etc. When two of
these words are put together, the expression or reference
becomes more remote and indirect. By using such double
circumlocutions, two things become clear: first, the whole
vision is ultimately concerning God Himself and His glory;
second, it is impossible to properly describe them.
^■The MT reads k®mar'eh d®mut kisse' .
2Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19. 18.
266
Having expounded the vision itself, it is appropri
ate now to view it against the background of the purpose
and message of the whole book.1 When Ezekiel wrote his
book, his purpose was twofold: (1) to announce God's
judgments on Israel (chaps. 1-24) and on the heathen
nations (chaps. 25-32); and (2) to prophesy God's blessing
on Israel (chaps. 33-39) and the final restoration of
theocracy and temple (chaps. 40-48).2 Or, put in other
words, the prophecies of Ezekiel may be condensed into two
words: iudqment (chaps. 1-32) and blessing (chaps. 33-48).
These aspects of the prophet's message find expression in
two of his most characteristic phrases: (1) "and they (or,
ye) shall know that I am Yahweh";3 and (2) "the glory of
1In regard to the purpose and message of the book,

Taylor's epitome is outstanding. He puts five headings in
the section "The Message of Ezekiel": (1) the otherness of
God, (2) the sinfulness of Israel, (3) the fact of judg
ment, (4) individual responsibility, and (5) the promise of
restoration (cf. Taylor, Ezekiel, 39-47).
2Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel. 14-15.
3This clause occurs sixty-six times in the book of

Ezekiel and is most frequently attached to the announcement
of a judgment, but sometimes it follows a promise of
restoration. It strikes the keynote of the book. For a
further discussion of the meaning and the Sitz im Leben of
the form, "I am Yahweh," see Walther Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh.
ed. Walter Brueggemann, trans. Douglas W. Stott (Atlanta:
John Knox Press, 1982) ; idem, "The Message of the Prophet
Ezekiel," Int 23 (1969): 147-149. Zimmerli holds that "the
formula 'and you shall know' or 'thus you will know'
derives from the legal language of a process of proof"
(ibid., 147), and continues on p. 148:
"Closer examination shows that the recognition
formula always precedes a statement about Yahweh's
267
Yahweh (or, the God cf Israel)."1 From the beginning to
the end of the book, one supreme message runs throughout,
that of the sovereignty and glory of Yahweh.2 The prophet
saw that the glory of Yahweh departed from the temple (Ezek
9-11) and that it would return to the new temple and fill
it (43:1-3). The departure of the glory3 allows for
punishment and judgment and the return of the glory looks
action; in our context, his judgmental action

toward his people. . . .
"Here the real purpose of God's action and judg
ment is expressed. It is not ethical anger which
moves the hand of the prophet in his writing and
opens his mouth in speaking. Rather, he knows that
through everything that he proclaims, Yahweh, the
God of Israel, is underway to reveal himself to his
people."
3This expression occurs fifteen times ("the glory

of Yahweh," ten times; "the glory of the God of Israel,"
five times) in the book of Ezekiel and forms the theme of
the book.
According to L. H. Brockington, the study of this
term "takes us to the very heart of Old Testament religion
and theology" and "'glory' was an apt word to use for the
apprehended presence of God" ("The Presence of God: [A
Study of the Use of the Term 'Glory of Yahweh.']," ExpTim
57 [1945-46]: 21, italics his). Cf. Arthur Michael Ramsey,
The Glory of God and the Transfiguration of Christ (London:
Longmans, Green & C o . , 1949); Frederick Donald Coggan, The
Glorv of God (London: Church Missionary Society, 1950);
August Freiherrn von Gall, Die Herrlichkeit Gottes (GiefJen:
Verlag Alfred Topelmann, 1972); Israel Abrahams, The Glorv
of God (Humphrey: Oxford University Press, 1975) ; Jacob,
Theology of the Old Testament. 79-82; Weinfeld, "kabod,"
T W A T . 4:23-40, e s p . , 29-39; von Rad, "kabod im AT," TWNT,
2:240-245 (ET: "kabod in the OT," T D N T . 2:238-242).
2Mettinger says that kabod is used in Ezekiel "as a

central theological term in texts where visual contact with
God is important" (Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth.
106) .
3C f . Herbert Gordon May, "The Departure of the

Glory of Yahweh," JBL 56 (1937): 309-321.
268
forward to restoration and blessing. These two aspects of
Ezekiel's prophecies— judgment and blessing— are intri
cately tied to the glory of Yahweh, the vision of which
constitutes the opening chapter of the book.
As Simon J. De Vries adequately observed, Ezekiel's
primary concern is "the vindication of Yahweh's honor."1
He continues:
This involved the upholding of his holiness and

justice over against Israel's sin. . . . Thus
Ezekiel's view of history and of the Covenant is
decidedly theocentric. Yahweh does not punish
first of all out of wrath and does not pardon first
of all out of pity, but to vindicate his integ
rity in purifying and yet upholding his covenant
people.2
Therefore, with Zimmerli, we may acknowledge that
"all of Ezekiel's reporting is full of Yahweh's action, and
seeks to point to the deeds of the God of Israel and to
lead men to submission to this God and his majesty."3 The
expression, "and they (or, ye) shall know that I am
Yahweh," could be understood as a "demonstration of the

divine nature in history."4 Then we learn that the highest
concern of Ezekiel is
1Simon J. De Vries, "Remembrance in Ezekiel: A

Study of an Old Testament Theme," Int 16 (1962): 59.
2Ibid.
3Zimmerli, "The Message of the Prophet Ezekiel,"
m e £ j \ / • x 4 3 •
4C f . Keith W. Carley, Ezekiel among the Prophets.

SBT, 2nd series 31 (Naperville, IL: Alec R. Allenson,
1974), 37-40.
269
neither the restoration of a healthy people nor

the reestablishment of social balance within the
people; rather it is above all else the adoration
that kneels because of divinely inspired recogni
tion, an orientation toward the one who himself
says "I am Yahweh."1
Within the frame of this overall purpose of his
book, Ezekiel reports his call vision at the outset of the
book to draw the nation's attention to the sovereignty of
God. As Low concludes, "The purpose of Ezekiel 1, standing
as a deliberate introduction to the book, reveals that God
is in control."2 It is intended that the readers of this
chapter, whether Israelites or Gentiles, should acknowledge
the supremacy and sovereignty of Yahweh who has the right
to judge and bless the nations.
When the Israelites were taken into captivity and
their faith was threatened, it must have occurred to many
of them to wonder whether Yahweh, their patron God, was
really the supreme, almighty, and only God after all.3 In
such a critical time, when "to the unbelieving mass of the
prople, as to the heathen, it must have seemed that in the
fall of Jerusalem, Jehovah had proved Himself unable to
cope with the enemies of His people,"4 Ezekiel reassures
his people that the fall of Jerusalem does not mean the
1Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh. 88.
2Low, 2 2.
3Bright, A History of Israel. 348.
4Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old

Testament. 295.
270
fall of Yahweh and that Yahweh remains sovereign. God is
still seated on the throne, fully in control of the affairs
and events of the world. Ke is sovereign not only in
Israel but in all nations of the world, though the loud and
boisterous claims of men seem to have drowned out this
truth. That He rules and judges the entire universe is
shown by the meteorological phenomena in the vision of
chap. 1. Thus it is evident that the prophet's call
vision, in which various phenomena are seen and many things
and beings come on the scene, stands as a purposeful
prelude to the whole book.
"The glory of Yahweh" is, as noted earlier, the
overriding theme which shines not only in the first chapter
but through the entire book of Ezekiel.1 To what he has
seen, the prophet applies the widely used term kabod,2
i.e., the glorious form assumed by the divine presence.
This was thought to dwell only in the tabernacle, or in
1C f . Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel: The Glorv

of the Lord: R. S. Joyce and Leslie Hardinge, eds., The
Glorv of God: The Message of Ezekiel for the Men of To-dav
(N.p.: South England Conference, 1939); Philalethes, "The
Cherubim of Glorv." and Their Manifestation in the Church
of Christ, as Foreshadowed in the Visions of Ezekiel.
These studies treat the book of Ezekiel with "the glory of
Yahweh (or God)" as its overriding theme. For a brief look
at this subject within the frame of Ezek 1, see Low, 243-
258.
2For a study on the theology of kabod, esp. in the

book of Ezekiel, see Mettinger, The Dethronement of Saba-
o t h . 97-115 ("The Kabod Theology in the Book of Ezekiel").
271
the holy of holies of the temple at Zion.1 But now, as
Eichrodt says,
he [Ezekiel] sees that it is not indissolubly tied

to those places, but is manifesting itself, by
preference, to a lost and banished one like him
self. Yet this reflected image of the heavenly
glory of Yahweh . . . imparts, not the national God
of Zion to whom Israel lays an exclusive claim, but
the Lord, free from all earthly limitations, and
able to command the whole universe.2
Therefore, "the import of the vision . . . is that the cos
mic Lord of the universe is intervening in history to judge
Israel and to warn them through one man, Ezekiel."3
The effect of this vision on the prophet was one of
utter awe, as he fell on his face in obeisance to God who
had revealed Himself (Ezek 1:28b). Yet the prophet's
feeling of distance between what he has seen and heard and
the ultimate reality, makes him say, "And I heard a voice
speaking" (wa'eSma' qol m edabber), without an explicit
identification of this voice. This same contrast exists,
even if one translates Ezekiel's language in agreement with
the LXX (kai ekousa phonen lalountos, Ezek 2:1) as "and I
heard a voice of someone speaking."4 The fact that Ezekiel
^■Cf. Exod 40:34; Lev 9:6, 23; Num 14:10; 16:19; 1

Kgs 8:11; 2 Chr 7:1.
2Eichrodt, Ezekiel. 58-59.
3Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19. 18.
4This would be the clear meaning, if the MT read

wa'eSma' qol hammedabber. As Brownlee points out, however,
the absense of the article with the construct form makes
this problematic. Cf. Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19. 19.
272
fell down upon his face means that he could not see and
identify the speaker. It was enough for the prophet to
identify him as a voice.1

We may summarize our study of the present text as
follows: The vision of Yahweh riding upon His chariot-
throne signifies that the divine throne is unutterably
splendid, mysteriously intricate, and infinitely mobile,2
and that the One who sits upon it is all-seeing and all
knowing and is not restricted to any locality, even to tne
Jerusalem temple.3 Yahweh sitting on His throne is the
never-failing, majestic Ruler over the entire macrocosm and
the supreme Judge of the whole creation. In other words,
He has the sovereign right to bless and judge His creation.
Taken as a whole, this throne vision is a revelation of
God's existence and action, His power and character, and
His way of dealing with nations and individuals.
Ezekiel 10:1
Exactly one year and two months after his inaugural
vision, Ezekiel had another similar experience which
1Ibid.
2C f . William H. Shea, "The Investigative Judgment
of Judah, Ezekiel 1-10," in The Sanctuary and the Atone
ment . ed. Arnold V. Wallenkampf and W. Richard Lesher
(Washington, DC: Review and Herald Publishing Association,
1981), 284-285; idem. Selected Studies on Prophetic
Interpretation. DRCS 1 (Washington, DC: Review and Herald
Publishing Association, 1982), 14-15.
3C f . Taylor, Ezekiel, 41.
273
constitutes the second cycle (Ezek 8-11). The vision here

is far more comprehensive than in the first cycle. It
gives a complete representation of the sins of the people.
Common to both visions is the delineation of the theophany
itself and, in particular, the description of the cherubim-
throne.
After showing the sins of Jerusalem in chap. 8,1
Yahweh gives the visions of His judgment against Jerusalem
in chaps. 9-11. Chap. 9 reveals the six (or seven)2
executioners and the punishment by slaughter in the city,
and chap. 11 shows God's judgment on the leaders (vss. 1-
13). Between these two scenes of judgment the prophet sees
another dazzling vision of the throne of God (chap. 10) .
Chap. 10 includes the vision of the fiery coals, viz.,
another vision of judgment, and parallels the description
of divine glory in chap. 1, with the living creatures of
chap. 1 referred to here as cherubim.
•^The things that were shown to Ezekiel in the

vision are the new image of jealousy (vss. 1-6), the hidden
idolatry of the elders (vss. 7-13), the women wailing for
Tammuz at the inner gate (vss. 14-15), and sun worship in
the inner court (vss. 16-18) .
2Depending on how one interprets the phrase w®'iS-

'ehad b ^ d k a m (Ezek 9:2), the number of the executioners
may be either six or seven. If one translates it as "and
one man among them" (KJV) or "and one of them" (Korean,
RHV) they are six; but if one renders it as "and with them
was a man" (F.sv,. NIV) r>r "and among them was a certain man"
(NASB) , they are seven. The majority of scholars think
that they are seven (e.g., Kraetzschmar, 99; Feinberg, The
Prophecy of Ezekiel. 54 ["the six men and one man"];
Ellison, 44; Peter C. Craigie, Ezekiel. DSB [Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1983], 66, 69-70).
274
As is widely known, the problem of the composition
of che book of Ezekiel is a difficult one. The visions of
the second cycle provide an instructive sample of these
difficulties. As Eichrodt observes, it is in chap. 10 that
"the doubtfulness of the traditional text is most obvious
to the eye."1 The scenes of visionary occurrence have been
developed in successive events, but they are suddenly
interrupted by an allegedly chaotic and lengthy description
of the throne of God in chap. 10.2 Here a series of
questions arises: What is the reason for the repetition of
what has been revealed before? Why is it repeated here?
Why is the description so wordy and vague? What is the
purpose of it all?
In order to be able to answer these questions, one
needs to look at the picture in a broader scope. Chap. 9
ended with the angelic scribe clothed with linen and having
the inkhorn at his side. He reported the completion of one
task to his heavenly Commander (vs. 11) . In 10:2 he is
entrusted with another task, i.e., the task of scattering
the burning coals3 over the city. Just between these two
^-Eichrodt, Ezekiel. 112. Cf. Cornelius B. Houk,

"The Final Redaction of Ezekiel 10," JBL 90 (1971): 42-54;
David J. Halperin, "The Exegetical Character of Ezek. x 9-
17," VT 26 (1976): 129-141.
2C f . Eichrodt, Ezek iel. 112.
3"The burning coals" (gahale— 'eS, literally, "the

coals of fire") is used to describe the living creatures in
Ezek 1:13. In Isa 6:6, however, a different term, rispah
("live coal"), is employed for a similar idea, the purging
275
incidents, 10:1 gives us a view of the throne, which is now
empty (cf. 9:3) but which Yahweh must shortly mount (cf.
10:18, 19). Because of this seemingly abrupt interruption,
some scholars think that 10:1 is "a scribal effort to
attach this chapter to the preceding.111 It is also seen as
an editorial gloss which is "out of place."2
Contrary to these suggestions, Peter C. Craigie
states that there are two new perspectives which emerge in

this scene of the vision: (1) the judgment of God cannot
be distinguished from the glory of God; (2) the judgment
of God marked the departure of God.3 By revealing the
divine throne to the prophet once again, God impresses upon
him that the judgment which is pronounced against the city
is from the sovereign Ruler and supreme Judge, deriving
from His throne. Therefore, although 10:1 seems to inter
rupt the natural flow of the vision which runs from 9:11 to
10:2, it cannot simply be deleted as a repetitive gloss.4
Ezek 10:1 thus seems to highlight the divine origin of the
judgment and its place of origin.
of the prophet's sin, and not as a symbol of judgment. It

seems that in Ezekiel's mind, Jerusalem was going to be
treated in the same way as Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 19:24).
Cf. Taylor, Ezekiel, 106.
1E.g., Matthews, 35.
2E.g., Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 113.
3Craigie, Ezekiel, 70, 71.
4Taylor, Ezekiel, 106.
276
Ezek 10:1 reads:
wa'er'eh vînneh 'el-haraqia' ,aSer ‘al-ro'TS

hakkerubim ke,eben sappir k^mar'eh demut kisse'
nir'ah *alehem:
Then I looked, and behold, in the expanse that
was over the heads of the cherubim something like a
sapphire stone, in appearance resembling a throne,
appeared above them (NASB).
Ezek 10:1 is the central point of the second cycle
of Ezekiel (chaps. 8-11). In chap. 10, God punishes the
city with fire from between the cherubim. Throughout the
chapter, the throne of God is closely related to the

process of judgment: the man clothed with linen is com
manded to go among the wheels and to take the fiery coals
from among the cherubim (vss. 2, 6); the glory of Yahweh
goes up from the cherubim and pauses over the temple (vs.
4) ; and it departs from the threshold of the temple and
stands over the cherubim (vs. 18). It is explicit that the
whole picture of God's judgment in vision is taking place
from and in connection with the throne of God.
The text places great emphasis upon the connection
of the visions of chap. 10 and chap. I.1 The cherubim are
expressly the same as the living creatures Ezekiel had seen
by the River Chebar (10:15), as are also their faces
(10:22). Their identity, according to Brownlee, means that
the heavenly vision seen on the fifth day of the

month TamL:uz (1:1-2) cannot possibly be a theophany
of Tammuz, for on that occasion this vegetation
1For a synopsis of the two visions of Ezek 1 and

10, see Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Sieoelkunst. 126-138.
277
deity is supposed to have withered away and

descended into the netherworld. If then, this same
God manifests himself again at the time and the
place of the expected epiphany of the revived
Tammuz, he is in no way to be identified with that
fictitious deity.1
The repetition of the same vision has additional
implications. First, it may indicate "the dreadful charac
ter of the approaching catastrophe to be effected by the
Chaldean power.”2 Second, by presenting another manifesta
tion of the same glorious throne of Yahweh, the Lord must
have intended that His people have a strong faith in His
kingship and an unwavering assurance in His sovereignty
over the entire universe. In other words, it is a clear
indication that whatever inferior agents might be employed
in the punishment of Israel, they were under God's supreme
direction.3 Third, as mentioned above, the repetition of
the revelation of the divine throne stresses the fact that
the throne is the seat from which God pronounces His judg
ments. Fourth, the identity of both descriptions adds
emphasis to what has been symbolized and signified by the
first vision: God's "divine might and majesty,"4 movabil-
ity and mobility— "God's easy access to all parts of the
^■Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19. 152.
2Henderson, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel. 56.
3Ibid.
4Durr, 12. Cf. Vogt, Untersuchunaen zum Buch

Ezechiel. 11 (''die strahlende Majestat und Heiligkeit
Gottes").
278
universe,"1 His omnipresence, omnipotence,2 omniscience,3
infinite intelligence and "divine watchfulness,"4 "the
infinite eminence of God's dominion,"5 etc.
Ezek 1-10 as a unit evidently reveals the process
of Yahweh's judgment of His people. As William H. Shea
points out, it represents a case of the "investigative
judgment"6 and this vision "mirrors in microcosm what is
foreseen as happening on the macrocosmic scale in the later
judgment session to be convened in the temple in heaven [as
seen in Dan 7],1,7 In Ezek 1 Yahweh came to His temple for
a work of judgment, and in the following chapters He
investigated and pronounced the sins of His people. Now in
Ezek 9-11, the execution of His judgment against His people
takes place. After completing the work of judgment, He
departs from His temple (Ezek 10:19; 11:23).
l Lo w , 194.
2Durr, 14.
3Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel. 20; Low, 210.
4Low, 225.
5Hengstenberg, The Prophecies of the Prophet Eze

kiel Elucidated. 24.
6C f . Shea, "The Investigative Judgment of Judah,

Ezekiel 1-10," in The Sanctuary and the Atonement, ed.
Wallenkampf and Lesher, 283-291; idem, Selected Studies on
Prophetic Interpretation. 13-20.
7Shea, "The Investigative Judgment of Judah, Eze-

iel 1-10," in The Sanctuary and the Atonement, ed. Wallen
kampf and Lesher, 283; idem, Selected Studies on Prophetic
Interpretation. 13.
279
More specifically speaking, therefore, while the
throne in Ezek 1 is the throne for the investigative
judgment, the throne in Ezek 10 is the throne for the
executive judgment. In sum, the visions of Yahweh's throne
in Ezek 1 and 10 affirm that the throne is the seat from
which both the pronouncement and the execution of the
divine judgment are commanded.
Ezekiel 43:7
Nineteen years have passed (cf. Ezek 8:1; 40:1)
since Ezekiel saw the vision of the Shekinah or the glory
of Yahweh leaving His temple (Ezek 10:18-22; 11:22-24).
After the two merkabah visions of chaps. 1 and 8-10, the
prophet now in chap. 4 3 has a third encounter with the
merkabah which is to crown the earlier two. The glory of
Yahweh is returning to occupy and consecrate the new
building to be His holy sanctuary. Nothing was more
heartbreaking for Ezekiel than to watch the departure of
the Shekinah from the temple, for he realized that such
withdrawal symbolized Yahweh's abandonment of His house and
His people to their foes and ultimate destruction. In a
real sense, the nation was in an "Ichabod" (•i-kabod, cf. 1
Sam 4:21) state or a "Lo-ammi" (lo'-'ammi, cf. Hos 1:9)
relationship.
But God never meant for this condition to be
permanent. At the end of the chastisement there was to be
restoration and with it the return of the visible presence,
280
viz., the glory of Yahweh to His temple. As Moshe Eisemann
appropriately remarks, "The book [of Ezekiel] began with
the tragedy of the Shechinah's withdrawal from the Temple,
leaving it an empty shell; and concludes by reversing the
process.1,1
Ezek 43 belongs to the last of the four main parts
of the book.2 In the last part (chaps. 40-48) Ezekiel
prophesies the final restoration of theocracy and the
temple.3 They form an inseparable unit with three subsec
tions: (1) architectural features of the reconstructed
temple (chaps. 40-43); (2) priestly functions in the
reconstructed temple (chaps. 44-46) ; and (3) the division
of the land among the restored tribes (chaps. 47-48).4
These nine chapters constitute an area where the two
methods of interpreting Scripture— the literal and the
spiritualizing or allegorizing methods— diverge widely.
Thus they form "a kind of continental divide in the area of
^■Eisemann, 3:667.
2The four main parts of the book are: (1) God's

judgment on Israel (chaps. 1-24); (2) God's judgment on
the heathen nations (chaps. 25-32); (3) God's blessing on
Israel (chaps. 33-39); and (4) the final restoration of
theocracy and temple (chaps. 40-48). Cf. pp. 264-265 above.
3For a theological study on this part, see Jon

Douglas Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration of
Ezekiel 40-48. HSM 10 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1976);
Moshe Greenberg, "The Design and Themes cf Ezekiel's Pro
gram of Restoration," Int 38 (1984): 181-208.
4C f . Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel. 15.
281
biblical interpretation.1,1 This section has also provided
a case study in literary-critical and traditio-historical
research.2
Chaps. 40-48 culminate in two main thoughts:
Yahweh's return to the temple (43:1-12) and His abiding
presence there (48:35). In this sense, chap. 43 forms the
climax of the concluding part,3 where "to maintain, on the
one hand the sanctity of the Temple, and on the other the
holiness of the people, is the aim of the entire system of
regulations."4 Right after receiving the vision of the new
temple (chaps. 40-42), Ezekiel is brought back to the east
gate where he sees and hears the glory of Yahweh returning
from the east, from the Babylonian Exile.
This is the same glory that appeared at his inau
gural vision (chap. 1) and at his vision of Jerusalem's
destruction (chaps. 8-11). This glory reenters through the
east gate and fills the temple (Ezek 43:1-5). The east
gate, through which this divine glory has passed, is now
1Ibid., 233. For further discussions of various

approaches for Ezek 40-48, see ibid., 233-239.
2C f . Holscher, Hesekiel: Per Dichter und das Buch.

189-212; Hartmut Gese, Per Verfassunqsentwurf des Ezechiel
(Kap. 40-48): Traditionsaeschichtlich untersucht, BHT 25
(Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1957).
3C f . Levenson, 10, who says that the return of the

glory of Yahweh is "the climax of the restoration vision of
[chaps.] 40-48."
4Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old

Testament. 292.
282
permanently closed, and no one will ever again step on the
holy path by which Yahweh has returned (Ezek 44:1-2). "With
the gate permanently closed," as Ralph W. Klein notes,
"Yahweh's presence could also be considered permanent."1
Around the middle point of these incidents and in
the inner court of the temple (Ezek 43:5), Ezekiel hears
One speaking (middabber)2 to him from inside the temple
(vs. 6) . The speech of Yahweh on this special occasion

(43:7-12) falls into two parts: (1) vss. 7-9 (the holiness
of the temple is not to be violated in the future) ; and
1Klein, Israel in Exile. 94.
2The construction middabber is equivalent to

mitdabber, the hitpael reflexive meaning "He spoke to
Himself." Quoting Rashi, Eisemann comments, "This reflex
ive mood is used to minimize the apparent anthropomorphism
inherent in God's addressing himself directly to man"
(Eisemann, 1:89). According to his observation, throughout
Scripture, the direct piel form (wayyedabber) is used. The
exceptions are Ezek 2:2; 43:6; and Num 7:89. On the same
page (1:89, n. 1), he says:
"Perhaps this can be explained by the fact that in
all the three instances there is an element of won
der that God had deigned to speak to man. In Num
bers the verse refers to the initial address from
the Tabernacle which had just been dedicated.
Israel's repentance of the sin of the Golden Calf
had been accepted and God was actually revealing
Himself to them from the Tabernacle which was their
own handiwork! In [2:2] it is the first communica
tion to a prophet in exile. And in Ch. 4 3 it her
alds God's return to the future Temple. The reflex
ive voice in all these cases sets the tone of awe
and wonder with which these manifestations of God's
love were perceived."
He adds: "This displays respect for God; He does not lower
Himself to address man directly" (Eisemann, 3:669). Cf.
Keil, K D :C O T . 9:2:273; Andrew W. Blackwood, Jr., Ezekiel:
Prophecy of Hope (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1965),
248; Hulst, 217; Cooke, A Critical and Exeqetical Commen
tary on the Book of Ezekiel. 463.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without p erm ission.
283
(2) vss. 10-12 (the regulations of the temple are to be
announced to Israel) . The first part forms a kind of
conclusion to chaps. 40-42, and the second leads up to
chap. 44 and the following.1 Having described the larger
context, we can turn our attention to Ezek 43:7:
wayyo1mer *elay ben-1adam 1et-meq6m kis'i w6 'et-

meqom kappot raglay 'aSer 'eSkan-Sam bctok bene-
yisra’Sl le olam welo' y^tamn'ti 'od bet-yi6ra'el
San qodSi hemmah umalkehem biznutam ubepigre
malkehem bamotam:
And He said to me, "Son of man, this is2 the place
of My throne and the place of the soles of My feet,
where I will dwell among the sons ofIsrael for
ever. And the house of Israel will not again
defile My holy name, neither they nor their kings,
by their harlotry and by the corpses of their kings
when they die" (NASB).
The address commences with an explanation that the
temple into which the glory of Yahweh has entered is the
place of His throne, where He will dwell forever among the
sons of Israel.
Yahweh calls the temple "the place of My throne and
the place of the soles of My feet." This unusual Hebrew
construction emphasizes the idea of "place" (maqdm). As
Andrew W. Blackwood, J r . , remarks on this point,
Ezekiel has told as, with every symbolic device he

could command, that God is not bound to this place.
He could agree with the thoughts expressed in
Isaiah 66:1:
1Cooke, A Critical and Exeoetical Commentary on the

Book of Ezekiel. 463-464.
2The phrase "this is" (italics in NASB) is the ren

dition of the Hebrew particle 'et in front of m eqom. For
the discussion of the meaning of this particle, see below.
284
Heaven is my throne
and the earth is my footstool.
And he could echo the spirit of Solomon's prayer (I

Kings 8:27). Yet, in a particular place, a hilltop
in Jerusalem, man is uniquely conscious of God's
universal presence. In the Temple area structures
of wood and stone sing aloud the message that the
Lord who is sovereign over all the world has chosen
Israel to be His redemptive agent on earth.1
Regarding the particle 'et in front of m eqdm in the
text, C. K. Keil understands that it is nota accusativi,2
so we have to supply in thought either r'eh or hinneh:
"behold the place."3 This is grammatically feasible but
contextually and syntactically unlikely. Since the first
sentence ("[This is] the place of My throne . . .") is to
be the reason for the second sentence ("And the house of
Israel will not again defile My holy name . . ."), the
particle 'et in the first sentence should be understood as
used for the purpose of emphasis.4 This idea is well
1Blackwood, Ezekiel. 248.
2Cf. G H G . 362-363 (§ 117, a and b ) .
3K D :C O T . 9:2:279. Cf. LXX: heorakas ton topon tou

thronou mou. This "seems at first sight to presuppose a
hr'yt, which might then have fallen out by homoioteleuton
alongside 't" (Walther Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2: A Commentary
on the Book of the Proohet Ezekiel: Chapters 25-48. Herm,
trans. James D. Martin [Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1983], 408; so Bertholet and Galling, Hesekiel. 150). It
is interesting that Eichrodt takes the sentence as inter
rogative: "Do you see the place of my throne . . . ?"
(Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 551). For a further discussion of
this, see Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2 . 408-409.
4Cf. G H G . 365-366 (§ 117, m) ; Cooke, A Critical

and Exeqetical Commentary on the Book of Ezekiel. 464.
285
expressed when some English versions render it as "This is
the place of My throne." 1
"The place of the soles of My feet" (mGq6m kappot
raglay) seems to be a more detailed expression of "the
place of My feet" (meqom raglay, Isa 60:13). The term
maqom ("standing-place, place"),2 deriving from the verb
qflm ("arise, stand up, stand"),3 occurs 401 times in the
OT4 and is used with many different shades of meaning.5
When it is used in connection with Yahweh's presence, it
points to the specific heavenly place, where He dwells (1
Kgs 8:30; Hos 5:15). Especially when maqdm is applied in
the cultic contexts, it indicates the holy place or the
sanctuary/temple, which He chose to make His name dwell.6
Another point which should be observed here is that
Yahweh says, "This is . . . the place . . . , where I will
Ê.g., NASB, NIV, R S V , etc. [R.] Radak comments

that 'et in our text is to be rendered "this," as though it
were written: zeh (Eisemann, 3:670; so Kraetzschmar, 277).
Henderson also notes that "the particle 'et here possesses
a peculiarly demonstrative and emphatic power, and requires
the substantive verb is’1 (The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel.
211).
2BD B . 879. Cf. K B L . 559; H A L . 592 ("Standort,

Ort, Stelle, Platz, Raum, Gegend, Ortschaft, Wohnort").
3B D B . 877. Cf. K B L . 831; H A L . 1015 ("aufstehen").
4S . Amsler, "qum aufstehen," THAT. 2:636.
5Cf. J. Gamberoni, "maqdm," T W A T , 4:1113-1124.
6 E.g., Exod 29:31; Lev 6:9, 19-20 [ET 6:16, 26-

27]; Deut 12:5; 14:23-25; 1 Kgs 8:29; Ezra 9:8; Ps 24:3;
Isa 60:13; Jer 7:12.
286
dwell in the midst of the people of Israel for ever

[le ‘olam]1,1 (RSV) . The theme of His dwelling among His
people by means of dwelling in the sanctuary is not new.
When Yahweh commanded Moses to build the sanctuary, He
said, "And let them ['the people of Israel,1 Exod 25:2]
make me a sanctuary, that I may dwell in their midst" (Exod
25:8). This was stated within the context of the Sinai
covenant. The covenant was renewed in Ezek 37:26-28, where
Yahweh says, "I will . . . set my sanctuary in the midst of
them for evermore. My dwelling place shall be with them."
Yahweh calls this "a covenant of peace" and "an everlasting
covenant" (vss. 26-27).
Yahweh's dwelling among the people of Israel by
means of dwelling in His sanctuary is by no means a natural
phenomenon. It is, as Zimmerli notes, "summons and obliga
tion."2 God's presence requires that the people should
leave off the previously practiced atrocities. The demand
made in our text indicates that neither the temple nor even
Yahweh's dwelling in it can be contemplated by the people
as independent facts. Rather they must be connected with
Ôn the meaning of "forever" (le 'ollm), see Ernst

Jenni, "Das Wort 'olam im Alten Testament," ZAW 64 (1952):
197-248; ZAW 65 (1953): 1-35. The term 'olam serves as
the "Bezeichnung der Entgultigkeit des kommenden Heils oder
Unheils" (Jenni, ibid., ZAW 65 [1953]: 18). Cf. Zimmerli,
Ezekiel 2 . 276.
2Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2 . 416.
287
the whole direction of the people's lives.1 The two verbs
in the future and the jussive— lo' y^tamm'u ("not defile,"
vs. 7b) and y®raliaqfl. ("put away," vs. 9a)— well summarize
that summons and obligation. God's requirement is speci
fied as part of the renewal of the covenant relationship.
The presence of Yahweh in the temple necessitates and
emphasizes the distinction between the sacredness of the
temple area and the profaneness of the territory outside;
the palace can no longer be essentially a part of the
temple complex, and the surroundings of the temple should
no longer be contaminated by their harlotry (zenut)2 and
the corpses (peger)3 of the kings as in the preexilic
period.4 The MT reading bamdtam ("their high places")
1M. E. Andrew, Responsibility and Restoration: The

Course of the Book of Ezekiel (Dunedin, New Zealand: Uni
versity of Otago Press, 1985), 209.
2This refers to "licentious pagan rites" (May, "The

Book of Ezekiel," IB, 6:302) or "religious prostitution"
(Cooke, A Critical and Exeaetical Commentary on the Book of
Ezekiel. 4 64), "by the idol worship which was occasionally
practiced (Metzudos)" (Eisemann, 3:670).
3pgr may be rendered "monument" or "stela" as in

Ugaritic (cf. David Neiman, "pgr: A Canaanite Cult-Object
in the Old Testament," JBL 67 [1948]: 55-60). Hence, we
can translate the phrase, ilbîgre malkehem, as "and by the
stelae (or monuments. RSV and NASB margins) of their kings"
(Ezek 43:7b). See also Lev 26:30, and read, "the monuments
of your idols," i.e., "your idolatrous monuments." Cf.
Hulst, 217; Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2 . 417.
4See 1 Kgs 6:1-10; 7:1-12; cf. 2 Kgs 12:20; 20:8.

For the suggested reconstruction of palace and temple, see
Kurt Galling, ed . , Biblisches Reallexikon. HAT, erste Reiho
1 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1977),
159. Cooke notes:
"We are told that fourteen kings of Judah were
288
could make sense in this context of religious pollution of
the temple area, but the other reading b®m6tam ("in their
death," i.e., "after their death"3- or "when they died"2 )
seems better fit for the preceding phrase.
This great scene, though described so simply, is
seen as "the culmination of Ezekiel's prophecy."3 The
previous vision report (chaps. 8-10) and this one stand in
clear and conscious parallelism with each other. On the
former occasion, the prophet witnessed the departure of
Yahweh from a temple polluted by heathen abominations and
profaned by the presence of men who disowned the knowledge
of the Holy One of Israel. Now he is privileged to see the
return of Yahweh to a new temple, corresponding in all
respects to the requirements of His holiness. These two
scenes represent in dramatic form the sum of Ezekiel1s
buried in the royal sepulchres at Jerusalem, i.e.,

on the S.E. hill, 'the city of David,' where the
temple and palace stood; here it is implied that
the kings were buried within the temple precincts,
no doubt as being holy ground and near to their
palace [cf. 1 Sam 25:1; 1 Kgs 2:34; 2 Kgs 21:18,
26] ."
(Cooke, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of
Ezekiel. 464).
1Hulst, 217.
2Some twenty MSS together with Theodotion and

Targum read b ^ o t a m , though it seems to be the result of
corrupt dittography of the following word (b®tittaai, Ezek
43:8a). Cf. Keil, KD:COT. 9:2:280-281; May, "The Book of
Ezekiel," IB, 6:302; Alexander, "Ezekiel," E B C . 6:970.
3John Skinner, The Book of Ezekiel. EB (New York:

Funk & Wagnalls Company, 1900), 422.
289
message: iudoment (chaps. 1-32) and blessing (chaps. 3 3-

48). The whole vision is one of hope and promise. Central
to all Ezekiel's promises is Yahweh's permanent dwelling
with His people.1 The throne of Yahweh which has been
shown on both occasions is the surety of divine judgment
and blessing and it serves as the center around which
Israel's hope in God's promise clusters. The One who
occupies it will remain there in the city among His people
for eternity and thus "the name of the city henceforth
shall be, YHWH §5mn5h ['Yahweh Is There']" (Ezek 48:35).
Zechariah 6:13
The present text is the only passage in the Minor
Prophets that makes reference to the divine throne. There
are two other kisse'-passages in the Minor Prophets: one
refers to the throne of the king of Nineveh (Jonah 3:6);
and the other to that of the earthly kingdoms (Hag 3:22).
The book of Zechariah, which is normally divided into two
sections (chaps. 1-8 and 9-14)2 or sometimes into three
1Klein, Israel in Exile. 96.
2The majority of the commentaries divide the book

like this, and some authors not only divide but treat one
part separately from the other: e .g ., Paul Lamarche,
Zacharie IX-XIV: Structure litteraire et messianisme. EB
(Paris: J. Gabalda et C ie Editeurs, 1961); W. Neil, "Zecha
riah, Book of," ID B . 4:943-947; Benedikt Otzen, Studien
iiber Deuterosacharia. Acta Thsologica Daniua 6, trans.
(from the Danish) Hanns Leisterer (Copenhagen: Prcstant
Apud Munksgaard, 1964); W. A. M. Beuken, Haqgai— Sacharia
1-8: Studien zur uberlieferunosgeschichte der friihnach-
exilischen Prophetie. Studia Semitica Neerlandica 10
(Assen, Netherlands: Van Gorcum & Comp. N. V., 1967), 84-
290
sections (chaps. 1-8, 9-11, and 12-14),1 is preeminent
among the major messages of the Minor Prophets, and its
author, Zechariah, is understood as one of the great
prophets during the time of return from the Captivity.
There have been various studies which attempt to
prove or disprove the unity of the book.2 To sum up, as
3 36; Albert Petitjean, Les oracles du Proto-Zacharie; Un

programme de restauration pour la communaute iuive apres
1 1exil. EB (Paris: J. Gabalda et C ie Editeurs, 1969); Magne
Saebo, Sacharia 9-14: Untersuchungen von Text und Form.
WMANT 34 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erzie-
hungsvereins, 1969); Wilhelm Rudolph, Haggai— Sacharia 1-
8— Sacharia 9-14— Maleachi. KAT XIII/4 (Gutersloh: Gviters-
loher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1976), 59-243; Jerome Kodell,
Lamentations. Haggai. Zechariah. Malachi. Obadiah. Joel.
Second Zechariah. Baruch. OTM 14 (Wilmington, DE: Michael
Glazier, 1982), 61-89, 155-185; David L. Petersen, Haggai
and Zechariah 1-8: A Commentary. OTL (Philadelphia: West
minster Press, 1984), 107-320; Carol L. Meyers and Eric M.
Meyers, Kaggai. Zechariah 1-8: A New Translation with
Introduction and Commentary. AB 25B (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday & Company, 1987), 85-445.
^-Cf. Elizabeth Achtemeier, Nahum— Malachi. Int:BCTP

(Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1986), 107-169; Klaus Koch, The
Prophets. vol. 2, The Babylonian and Persian Periods,
trans. Margaret Kohl (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984),
180-182; Otto Ploger, Theokratie und Eschatologie. WMANT 2
(Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsver-
eins, 1962), 97-117 ("Tritosacharja" [Sach. 12-14]).
2An excellent summary of the history of various

studies on the problem of the unity of Zechariah is pro
vided by Ralph L. Smith (Micah— Malachi. WBC 32 [Waco, TX:
Word Books, Publisher, 1984], 170-173). For detailed
discussions of some notable approaches, see E. W. Hengsten-
berg, Dissertations on the Genuineness of Daniel and the
Integrity of Zechariah. trans. B. P. Pratten (Edinburgh: T.
& T. Clark, 1847), 293-315; Bernhard Stade, "Deutero-
zacharia: Eine kritische Studie," ZAW 1 (1881): 1-96; ZAW
2 (1882): 151-172, 275-309; W. D. Monro, "Why Dissect
Zechariah," EvO 10 (1938): 45-55; Robert H. Pfeiffer,
Introduction to the Old Testament (New York: Harper &
Brothers Publishers, 1941), 604-612; Edward J. Young, An
Introduction to the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
291
Ralph L. Smith remarks, "Most modern scholars agree that
there is 'unity' in the whole book of Zechariah but there
is little agreement about what constitutes the 'unity' and
how that 'unity' came about.”1 We may assume the unity of
the book.
Following the superscription and the first oracle
(Zech 1:1-6) are the eight night visions and accompanying
oracles (1:7-6:8), which constitute the substance of the
first part of the book. The present text belongs to the
subsequent pericope (6:9-15) which is concerned with the
symbolic crowning of the high priest Joshua.
Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1950), 269-275; Gleason L.

Archer, Jr . , A Survey of Old Testament Introduction
(Chicago: Moody Press, 1964), 423-430; Roland Kenneth
Harrison, Introduction to the Old Testament: With a Com
prehensive Review of Old Testament Studies and a Special
Supplement on the Apocrypha (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 1969), 949-957; Otto Kaiser, Einleituno
in das Alte Testament: Eine Einfuhruna in ihre Erqebnisse
und Probleme (Gutersloh: Gutersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn,
1969), 214-216, 222-224; Magne Sabo, "Die deuterosacharja-
nische Frage: Eine forschungsgeschichtliche Studie," ST 23
(1969): 115-140; Joyce G. Baldwin, Haaaai. Zechariah.
Malachi: An Introduction and Commentary. TOTC 24 (Downers
Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity Press, 1972), 74-81; Yehuda T.
Radday and Dieter Wickmann, "The Unity of Zechariah Exam
ined in the Light of Statistical Linguistics," ZAW 87
(1975): 30-55; Eipfeldt, The Old Testament: An Intro
duction . 429-44 0; J. Alberto Soggin, Introduction to the
Old Testament: From Its Origins to the Closing of the
Alexandrian Canon. OTL.. trans. John Bowden (Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1976), 329-334; Rex A. Mason, "The
Ralation of Zech 9-14 to Proto-Zechariah," ZAW 88 (1976):
227-239; Sellin and Fohrer, 460-468; Werner H. Schmidt,
Old Testament Introduction, trans. Matthew J. O'Connell
(New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 1984), 273-280;
Rolf Rendtorff, The Old Testament: An Introduction, trans.
John Bowden (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986), 238-241.
^-Smith, Micah— Malachi. 173.
292
The MT of Zech 6:12-13 reads:

Vs 'Smarta 'elayw le'mor koh 'Umar YHWH sÎ'ot
le'mor
hinneh-'iS semah umittaht5yw y ismah
ubanah 'et-hekai YHWH:
wîi' yibneh 'et-hekal YHWH wû'-yiiâ' hod
w®yaSab umaSal 'al-kis'o
w^lyah kohen 'al-kis'o wa‘asat Salom tih®yeh
ben Senehem:
And say to him, "Thus says Yahweh of Hosts,
'Behold, a Man whose name is Branch, and He
will branch out of His place,
And He will build the temple of Yahweh.
Yes, He will build the temple of Yahweh, and He
will bear the honor and sit and rule on
His1 throne.
And He will be a Priest on His throne and the
counsel of peace will be between them
bo th.'"2
Many contemporary commentators do not take the
"throne" in this passage to refer to the divine throne,
because they do not recognize this passage as a Messianic
prophecy.2 While many scholars use the historical-critical
method in interpreting Zechariah, one can still find other
examples of interpretation of this book.4 As in many other
1The antecedent of the personal pronoun "His" may

be either "He" ("Branch") or "Yahweh." According to the
general usage of the personal pronoun, the latter is more
appropriate because its position is closer to "His" than
the former. However, taking the former ("He" ["Branch"])
as the antecedent of "His" seems to be more adequate for
the meaning of the whole passage. Therefore, "His throne"
here indicates the throne of the "Branch."
2My translation.
2E . g . , D. Winston Thomas, "The Book of Zechariah,"

I B . 6:1080-1081; Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1-8. 275-
278; Beuken, 270-271; Smith, Micah— Malachi. 218.
4C f . Smith, Micah— Malachi. 176.
293
passages of Zechariah, our text with its immediate context
(6:9-15) has explicit Messianic anticipations.1 In order
to properly understand this pericope, one needs to look at
it from a wider angle.
As Karl Marti recognizes, the eight visions (Zech
1:7-6:8) "bilden ein nach Anlage und Reihenfolge gut
geordnetes und wohl abgerundetes Ganze."2 They were not
delivered as addresses but were written in "literary
form."3 When we view our passage in this perspective, the
position of the symbolic crowning of Joshua becomes very
meaningful. Kenneth L. Barker's observation on this is
pertinent:
1C f . E. Henderson, The Book of the Twelve Minor

Prophets. Translated from the Original Hebrew: with a
Commentary. Critical. Philological, and Exeqetical (Ando
ver, [MA]: Warren F. Draper, 1860), 388-390; H. C.
Leupold, Exposition of Zechariah (Columbus, OH: Wartburg
Press, 1956), 123-124; Merrill F. Unger, Zechariah: Pro
phet of Messiah's Glorv (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing
House, 1963), 112-114; Homer Hailey, A Commentary on the
Minor Prophets (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1972), 352-
354; Baldwin, Haaaai. Zechariah. Malachi. 134-137; Rax
Mason, The Books of Haaaai. Zechariah. and Malachi. CBC
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 62-63; Fritz
Laubach, Per Prophet Sacharia. WSB (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus
Verlag, 1984), 74-75; Achtemeier, Nahum— Malachi. 131.
2Karl Marti,Das Dodekapropheton. KHCAT 13 (Tubin

gen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck],1904), 400. For
a detailed explanation, see ibid., 400-401.
3Hinckley G. Mitchell, John Merlin Powis Smith, and

Julius A. Bewer, A Critical and Exeqetical Commentary on
H aggai. Zechariah. Malachi and Jonah. ICC (Edinburgh: T. &
T. Clark, 1912), 99 (Haggai and Zechariah, by Mitchell).
Cf. Herbert Gordon May, "A Key to the Interpretation of
Zechariah's Visions," JBL 57 (1938): 173.
294
The position of this actual ceremony after the

eight visions is significant. The fourth and fifth
visions, at the center of the series, were con
cerned with the high priest and the civil governor
in the Davidic line. Zechariah here linked the
message of those two visions to the messianic King-
Priest. In the fourth vision (ch. 3), Joshua was
priest; here [6:13] the Branch was to officiate as
priest. In the fifth vision (ch. 4), Zerubbabel
was the governing civil official; here [6:13] the
Branch was to rule the government. In 4:S Zerub
babel was to complete the rebuilding of the temple;
here [6:12] the Branch would build the temple. In
4:14 Zerubbabel and Joshua represented two separate
offices; here the Branch was to hold both offices
[6:13]. Thus restored Israel is seen in the future
under the glorious reign of the messianic King-
Priest. The passage is typical-prophetical.1
Merrill F. Unger also emphasizes the importance of

the context of our passage:
Immediately following the overthrow of Gentile

world power by the earth judgments symbolized by
the horse chariots (Zech. 6:1-8) occurs the mani
festation of Christ in His kingdom glory (Zech.
6:9-15) typified by the crowning of Joshua the
high priest. This is the usual prophetic order:
first, the judgments of the day of the Lord; then
full kingdom blessing (Ps. 2:5, cf. Ps. 2:6; Isa.
3:24-26, cf. 4:2-6; 10:33, 34, cf. 11:1-10; Rev.
19:19-21, c f . 20:4-6).
The eight night visions have ended, but the
coronation of Joshua is closely connected with
these revelations which extend in scope from Zecha-
riah's day to the full establishment of Israel in
blessing. The crowning of King-Priest Messiah is
thus set forth symbolically by the coronation of
Joshua . . .2
It seems that we can interpret the passage of Zech
6:12-13 legitimately only when we approach it against this
^■Kenneth L. Barker, "Zechariah," E B C . 7:638-639.
2Merrill F. Unger, Zechariah: Prophet of Messiah's

Glory (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 19 63),
109.
295
background. The divine oracle of which our passage is a

part starts in vs. 10 and ends in vs. 15. Vs. 12 reads:
And say to him [Joshua], "Thus says Yahweh of Hosts,

'Behold, a Man whose name is Branch, and He
will branch out of His place,
And He will build the temple of Yahweh.1"
This typically brief and cryptic oracle1 contains the words
which Yahweh has spoken to Joshua, not about Joshua.
Although the oracle explains the coronation of Joshua, it
does not directly point to the office he fills. It is true
that Joshua the high priest in Israel prefigured in his
person and office the Man, the Branch, known to us from the
revelation given in Zech 3.2 But the oracle iLself directs
Joshua's attention to the Man ('iS) whose name is "Branch"
and "whom the crown really fits."3 "Behold, the Man!" (in
popular Latin, Ecce Homo, John 19:5)— these words are the
very words uttered of Christ by Pontius Pilate centuries
later in those tragic hours of redemption history.4 The
^•In Hebrew, the first line of this section of the

oracle is a cryptic four-word phrase without articles:
"Behold, a Man, Branch, by Name." Cf. Baldwin, Haaaai.
Zechariah. Malachi. 134.
2Eichrodt has analyzed of the figure of the high

priest in Zechariah as it progresses from a symbol to a
typological representation of the coming Messiah (cf.
Walther Eichrodt, "Vom Symbol zum Typos: Ein Beitrag zur
Sacharja-Exegese," TZ 13 [1957]: 509-522).
3John D. W. Watts, "Zechariah," BB C . 7:329.
4Charles Lee Feinberg, The Minor Prophets (Chicago:

Moody Press, 1977) , 301. For a further discussion of the
theological implications of hinneh-'iS, see David Baron,
The Visions and Prophecies of Zechariah: "The Prophet of
296
"Branch" (semah, "Sprout" or "Shoot") is primarily a clear
reference to Zerubbabel (cf. Zech 3:8), whose name in the
Akkadian language (zerubabili) means "Sprout (zeru: 'seed,
descendant, shoot')1 of Babylon (babili),” and without
question he was the temple builder (Zech 4:9). But, ulti
mately, Zerubbabel is not the Branch; he, as a typical
"sprout," effectively prefigures and points to the Sprout.2
The term semah, together with the other terms of similar
meaning (hoter ["Spross, twig, shoot"],3 Isa 11:1; neser
r"Spross. Schoss Iv. Pflanze), sprout, shoot (of plant}"],4
Isa 11:1), is loaded with Messianic significance.5 Joyce
G. Baldwin has already demonstrated that semah is a techni
cal term in the writings of the prophets when the offices
of both priest and king are to be brought together.6
Hope and of Glory": An Exposition (London: Morgan and

Scott, 1919), 191.
1Cf. A. Leo Oppenheim et al., eds., The Assyrian

Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1961), 21:89; von
Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 3:1521.
2C f . Joachim Becker, Messianic Expectation in the

Old Testament, trans. David E. Green (Philadelphia: Fort
ress Press, 1980), 64-67.
3K B L . 291. Cf. B D B . 310; H A L . 295.
4K B L . 631. Cf. BDB, 666; HAL, 678.
5Cf. Chaney R. Bergdall, Zechariah's Program of

Restoration: A Rhetorical Critical Study of Zechariah 1- 8 .
Ph.D. dissertation, Fuller Theological Seminary, 1986 (Ann
Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International), 66-69.
6Joyce G. Baldwin, "semah as a Technical Term in

the Prophets," VT 14 (1964): 91.
297
Jeremiah vises this term twice in connection with
the coming Davidic Messiah-King (Jer 23:5 [semah saddiq];
33:15 [semah sedaqah]),1 whose name will be "Yahweh Our
Righteousness" (23:6; 33:16). It is remarkable that in
both Jer 33:15 and Zech 6:12 the cognate verb samah is used
in juxtaposition to the noun semah. Jer 33:15 reads:
bayyamim hahem u b a 'et h a h i ' 1asmiah ledawid semah

sedaqah v e ' a£ah miSpat usedaqah ba'ares:
In those days and at that time I will cause a

righteous Branch to branch for (or, from] David,
and He will execute justice and righteousness on
the earth.2
Given this statement, the phrase "for/from David" in Jer
33:15 is syntactically parallel to "out of/from His place"
in Zech 6:12.3
The MT for "from his place," mittahtayw, means
literally "from under him." In the LXX it is rendered
hupokatdthen autou ("from beneath him"). This, according
to Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, "serves to indicate
the future setting of the dynastic hope. That is to say,
from his loins ('under him') or 'after him,' later on,
another Davidide will arise or 'shoot up,' yismah."4 This
interpretation emphasizes the pedigree of the Branch.
Feinberg notes that it points to the growth of the Messiah
^-Cf. Baldwin, Haaaai. Zechariah. Malachi. 135.
2My translation.
3C f . Petersen, 276.
4Meyers and Meyers, 355.
298
11from lowliness and obscurity to note and eminence from His

own nation and country."1 This interpretation stresses two
ideas at the same time: (1) "from lowliness and obscurity"
and (2) "from His own nation and country." Feinberg prob
ably reads too much into the text for the first idea. But
the second idea seems more natural and is advocated by the
majority of commentators. Talbot W. Chambers summarizes
this position as follows:
Better is the view (Cocceius, Hengstenberg, Baum-

garten, Keil, etc.), that the Branch will grow up
from his place (cf. Ex. x.23), i.e., from his own
land and nation, not an exotic, but a genuine root-
shoot from the native stock to which the promises
had been m a d e .2
This understanding is more reasonable and congruous
with other biblical texts, for it indicates the pedigree
and the place from which the Branch will come. It denotes
that the Branch will be from the seed of promise in the
land of promise.3
^■Charles Lee Feinberg, "Exegetical Studies in

Zechariah," BSac 99 (1942): 174.
2C f . Talbot W. Chambers, "The Book of Zechariah,"

L :C H S . 14:53; Keil, KD:COT. 10:2:299.
3W . Rudolph, Haqqai— Sacharia 1-8— Sacharia 9-14—

Maieachi. 130, supports this idea with the following obser
vations :
"Man hat mit Recht immer wieder festgestellt, dap in
den beiden Worten wmthtyv ysmh eine Anspielung an
den Namen Serubbabels »SproP*Babels« liegt, aber
man hat sie in der falschen Richtung gedeutet, als
ob hier positiv auf ihn hingewiesen wurde. Das
Gegenteil ist der Fall: Serubbabel war zwar
Davidide, war aber in der Fremde geboren, offenbar
299
The oracle stresses the role of the Branch: He
will build the temple (hekal) of Yahweh.1 Being derived

from the Sumerian word e-gal, meaning "large house,"
"palace," "temple,"2 the term hekal means both "palace" and
"temple":3 for a god it is a temple and for a king a
palace. Thus the word hekal in our text denotes Yahweh's
palatial dwelling and provides the association of royal
residence.4
On the other hand, since this "temple" is said to
be built by the prophetic Figure, named "Branch," it will
not be the literal or material temple but the "temple" in
the spiritual or symbolic sense, i.e., the community or
people of Yahweh.5 The oracle continues in vs. 13:
Yes, K g will build the temple of Yahweh, and He

will bear the honor and sit and rule on His
throne.
wollte Yahwe jedoch einen Nachkommen Davids, der

»an Ort und Stelle aufspro|3te«, d. h. im Heiligen
Lande selbst geboren war."
^•The prophecy of building the temple in the present

passage has a Voraeschichte: cf. 2 Sam 7:13; 1 Kgs 5:19
(ET 5:5); 1 Kgs 8:19-20=2 Chr 6:9-10; 1 Chr 22:10; 28:5-7
(Beuken, 278; see a synopsis and explanations on 279-280).
2M. Ottosson, "hekal," TWAT. 2:409 (ET: "hekhal,"

TDOT, 3:382).
3B D B . 228; cf. KB L . 230-231; H A L . 234-235.
4C f . Meyers and Meyers, 59-60, 356.
5Cf. John D. Davis, "The Reclothing and Coronation

of Joshua," PTR 18 (1920): 2 b/, n. 2 . Note that the
"house" (bayit) of Yahweh had already been used in this
higher spiritual sense: Num 12:7; Jer 12:7; Hos 8:1; etc.
300
And He will be a Priest on His throne and the

counsel of peace will be between them both.
The repetition of the statement "He will build the
temple of Yahweh" is troublesome to many commentators, some
of whom regard it as representing a scribal error. Albert
Petitjean notes that "plusieurs arguments plaident pour la
distinction des deux pieces litteraires VI, 10-12 et VI,
13-14.1,1 It is noticeable that the Syriac version omits
the last clause of vs. 12, and the LXX the first clause of
vs. 13. However, Joyce G. Baldwin rightly maintains that
insufficient weight has been given to the possibil

ity that the repetition was deliberate, a device to
distinguish between 'he' Joshua and 'he' the Branch,
as well as between the contemporary Temple and one
to come.2
The following argument by Meyers is admitted:
The repetition of "build" in verses 12 and 13, and

the presence of the independent pronoun "he"
together form a sequence remarkably similar to and
in chiastic arrangement with the repetition of the
verb "come" and the use of the independent pronoun
"you" in verse 10.3
Feinberg sees the full import of the repetition of
the personal pronoun (hA1) as he observes that it "points
to (1) the certainty of the fact, (2) the importance of the
Person, and (3) the greatness of the tasks set forth."4
^•Petitjean, 289. For a detailed discussion, see

ibid., 28G-291.
2Baldwin, Haaaai. Zechariah. Malachi. 135-136.
3Meyers and Meyers, 358.
4Feinberg, "Exegetical Studies in Zechariah," BSac

99 (1942): 175.
301
The second clause of vs. 13 says, "He [emphatic
htt'] will bear the honor." The "honor" (hod, meaning
"Hoheit, Majestat,"1 "splendor, majesty, glory, honor"2 ) is
a word often signifying the splendor of the king (Pss 21:6
[ET 21:5]; 45:4 [ET 45:3]; Jer 22:18) and the majesty of
God (1 Chr 16:27; Pss 8:1; 96:6; 104:1; 145:5; 148:13; Isa
30:30; Hab 3:3).3 Then arises the most important and most
difficult question in the present passage: Who is "He"?
A suggestion, which originated with Lars Gosta
Rignell4 and has been adopted by P. R. Ackroyd,5 Douglas R.
Jones,6 and John D. W. Watts,7 is that Zechariah was
speaking to Zerubbabel and Joshua alternately in vs. 13:
XD. Vetter, "hdd Hoheit," T H A T . 1:472; cf. G.

warmuth, "hod," TWAT, 2:375-379 (ET: "hclh," T D O T . 3:352-
356) .
2B D B . 217; cf. KBL, 227; H A L . 231.
3For a further discussion of the usage of hod and

its synonym hadar, see Meyers and Meyers, 358-359.
4Cf. Lars Gosta Rignell, Die Nachtqesichte des

Sacharia: Eine exeaetische Studie (Lund: CWK Gleerup,
1950), 231-232. Rignell takes the two as meaning zeh
... zeh ("this ... that" or "the one ... the other"): the
first points to Zerubbabel and the second to Joshua.
5Ackroyd, "Zechariah," PCB. 649; idem, Exile and

Restoration: A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth
Century B . C . . OTL (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968),
198-199.
6Douglas Rawlinson Jones, Haggai. Zechariah and

Malachi: Introduction and Commentary. TBC (London: SCM
Press, 1962), 92.
7Watts, "Zechariah," BB C . 7:330.
302
And he [Zerubbabel] shall build the Temple of

Yahweh,
And he [Joshua] shall put on splendor,
And he [Zerubbabel] shall sit and rule on his
throne,
And he [Joshua] shall be priest on his
throne,
And a counsel of peace shall be between them.
Theophane Chary rejects this by saying, "Cette lecture fait
violence au texte hebreu,"1 and W. A. M. Beuken does not
follow it either. He remarks: "Von der Syntax her ist dies
unverstandiich.1,2 For "la juxtaposition de hil' . . . hu'
exprime toujours une coordination, jamais une opposition.
Celle-ci aurait ete rendue par zeh . . . zeh ou bien par
zeh . . . hfi'."3 Baldwin also does not agree with Rignell;
she states:
Attractive as Rignell's suggestion is, it does

not find support in the text. The symbolic corona
tion and the enigmatic term 'Branch' referred to a
future leader, who would fulfil to perfection the
offices of priest and king, and build the future
Temple with all appropriate splendour (Hag. 2:6-9).
In this way the priestly and royal offices will be
unified.4
Baldwin continues: "The old interpretation that
Messiah is meant has not been displaced. Nowhere else in
the Old Testament is it made so plain that the coming
^Theophane Chary, Aqqee-Zacharie. Malachie. SB

(Paris: J. Gabalda et C1® Editeurs, 1969), 112.
2Beuken, 277, n. 3.
3Chary, 112.
4Baldwin, Haqqai. Zechariah. Malachi. 136-137 (em

phasis supplied).
303
Davidic king will be a priest."1 One possible exception is
Ps 110:4. The interpretation of our text by "two offices"
has been maintained by many expositors through the cen
turies.2 One of them is Hengstenberg, writing in the early
nineteenth century.3 His argument is that the coming
Messiah should be both the true High Priest and the true
King, and thus the last words (ben £ enehem, "between them
^•Baldwin, Haaaai. Zechariah. Malachi. 137. The

Targum translates the word "Branch" (semah) by "Messiah"
(me§iha'). For a comparison of various versions, see
Petitjean, 282-283.
2E.g., Henderson, The Book of the Twelve Minor Pro

phets . 390: " . . . but the kûnnah, priesthood, and the
mimSal, regal dignity, which [are] mentioned as unitedly
exercised by the Branch"; Charles A. Briggs, Messianic
Prophecy: The Prediction of the Fulfillment of Redemption
through the Messiah (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1886; reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1988),
448; Baron, 201; Davis, "The Reclothing and Coronation of
Joshua," PTR 18 (1920): 257, n. 3; Leupold, Exposition of
Zechariah. 124; Unger, Zechariah. 114; Hailey, 353;
Baldwin, Haggai. Zechariah. Malachi. 136-137; Achtemeier,
Nahum— Malachi. 132; Feinberg, The Minor Prophets. 302;
Laubach, 75. Cf. Keil, K D :C O T . 10:2:300, who argues that
"£enehem cannot be taken as a neuter in the sense of
'between the regal dignity of the Messiah and His
priesthood,' . . . but to the MSshSl and KOhSn, who
sit upon the throne, united in one person, in the
Tzemach."
However, there is no serious difference between the
two arguments, as far as both hold that the two offices are
united in one person. Cf. NASB:
"Yes, it is He who will build the temple of the
LORD, and He who will bear the honor and sit and
rule on His throne. Thus, He will be a priest on
His throne, and the counsel of peace will be
between the two offices" (Zech 6:13, emphasis
supplied).
3E . W. Hengstenberg, Christologv of the Old Testa

ment and a Commentary on the Messianic Predictions. 4
vols., trans. Theod. Meyer and James Martin (Grand Rapids:
Kregel Publications, 1956 [reprint]), 3:318-321.
304
both") mean "between the two offices or persons of High
Priest and King united in the Messiah."1 This implies that
the Messiah will be both King and High Priest on one and
the same throne. These two offices had been combined in
the historical Melchizedek, for he was "king of Salem
[peace]" and "priest of God Most High" (Gen 14:18).2 As a
corollary, this precludes the necessity of polemic on the
identities of those who are referred to in vs. 13 and of
debate on whether the textual alteration took place or
not.3
^-Ibid. , 295 (italics his). Cf. Briggs, Messianic

Prophecy. 448, who remarks:
"The Messiah, named Branch, is to be the builder of
that temple of Jahveh of which the temple of Zerub
babel was the preparation. He will be crowned, and
will be enthroned. He will unite in his crown the
royal and the priestly offices, for he will sit on
his royal throne as a priest, and the two offices
will combine in him in a ministry of peace."
2Cf. Hailey, 353.
3T o some commentators, the clause, "he shall be

priest on his throne," is "the most difficult part of the
oracle" (Achtemeier, Nahum— Malachi. 131). Much discussion
and emendation exist in the scholarly literature dealing
with this clause. Since it appears to place a priest on a
par with a dynastic scion, its originality in the MT has
been held as unacceptable by many modern commentators.
Some of them argue that the second occurrence of the phrase
"on his throne," in reference to priest, is a deliberate
alteration of the original text (e.g., Beuken, 281). The
LXX reading, ek dexion autou, which omits "throne," offers
support to exegetical views that doubt the authenticity of
the MT (cf. Meyers and Meyers, 361-362). The LXX seems to
derive from a different Vorlaqe. or it reflects some
sectarian tendencies (e.g., "The Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs" in the Pseudepigrapha and the writings of the
Qumran sect, which was priestly: for them, the priestly
Messiah was elevated over the kingly Messiah and both
Messiahs were to be God's instruments in the end time; cf.
305
It is apparent and true that the two individuals,
Zerubbabel and Joshua, played indispensable roles in this
significant oracle. Their roles were as tupoi or types, or
to put it another way, they were the instruments which
Yahweh used for pointing to the great Antitype or Reality
by means of their offices and names.1 The relationship
between these two OT types (tupoi) and the NT Antitype
(antitupos) represents a case of what Richard M. Davidson
calls "Christological-soteriological structure,"2 for both
Zerubbabel and Joshua are "salvific realities, and they
find their fulfillment in the soteriological work of
Christ."3
The coming Messiah "will sit and rule [or reign] on
His throne." H. C. Leupold notes that the first verb "sit"
MiloS Bi£, Das Buch Sachar~ia [Berlin: Evangelische Verlags-

anstalt, 1962], 85; idem, Die Nachtaesichte des Sacharia:
Eine Auslecruna von Sacharia 1- 6 . BS 42 [Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1964], 71;
Barker, "Zechariah," E B C . 7:640-641). Or, most likely the
LXX has been influenced by some other biblical passage (cf.
Ps 110:4-5, which has "priest" and "right hand").
^•Their names, Joshua ("Redeemer") and Zerubbabel

("Sprout of Babylon"), also point to the names or epithets
of the Messiah, "Jesus" and "Branch," respectively.
2C f . Richard M. Davidson, Typology in Scripture: A

Study of Hermeneutical tupos Structures. AUSDDS 2 (Berrien
Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1981), 282-283, 417-
418. Davidson finds five tupos structures from his analy
sis of the NT hermeneutical tupos passages: (1) the
historical structure; (2) the eschatcvlogical structure;
(3) the Christological-soteriological structure; (4) the
ecclesiological structure; and (5) the prophetic structure
(cf. ibid., 416-420).
3Ibid., 418 (emphasis his) .
306
(yafiab)1 refers to "the new dignity that shall be His in
occupying the royal throne" and the second verb "rule"
(mafial)2 implies "the successful administration of His
office."3 Hengstenberg understands that the expression "he
sits" denotes "the possession of the honour and dignity of
a king," and the expression "he rules" signifies "the
actual exercise of the royal authority."4 According to a
word study by Meyers, "in reference to the reign of the
Davidic kings, the verb mSl is used only of David, Solomon,
and Hezekiah, monarchs whose realms extended beyond the
borders of Judah," and "God's rule over all kingdoms is
often denoted by m&l."5 Meyers also notes that "this verb
signifies the imperial domination of other nations over
1Cf. Manfred Gorg, "jaSab; moSab," T W A T . 3:1023-

1024; Cross and Freedman, 248-249; Watson, "David Ousts
the City Ruler of Jebus," VT 20 (1970): 501-502.
2Cf. H. Grof3, "maSal II," T W A T . 5:73-77; J. A.

Soggin, "rnSl herrschen," T H A T . 1:930-933.
3Leupold, Exposition of Zechariah. 124. Thus Fein

berg, "Exegetical Studies in Zechariah," BSac 99 (1942):
175: "The first verb speaks of the dignity of the office,
and the second speaks of the exercise of its authority."
4Hengstenberg, Christoloov of the Old Testament and

a Commentary on the Messianic Predictions. 3:319 (emphasis
supplied). Beuken, 277, notes that "diese zwei Zeitworte
bilden ein hendiadvoin rhendiadvsl ." and "zusammen aber
umschreiben sie nur einen einzigen Begriff, und daher steht
hw' allein vor dem ersten Zeitwort (whw* yfi* hwd)." But
this argument cannot be accepted for two reasons: (1) it
weakens the force of the sentence, and (2) it is syntac
tically improper to take only two out of the three verbs
(yi§6a', yaSab, ma§al) which the pronoun hw* leads and
regard them as a hendiadvs.
5Meyers and Meyers, 3 60 (emphasis theirs).
307
Israel or Judah," therefore, "not surprisingly, in his
vision of the future Zechariah foresees a Davidide
representing on earth the universal sovereignty of Yahweh
and utilizes the word n£l for 'rule.'"1 The Messiah will
be, in the fullest sense of the words, "King of kings and
Lord of lords" (Rev 19:16; cf. 17:14; 1 Tim 6:15).
One important element in our passage is that the
term klsse' is used to denote the "throne" of a nonroyal,
priestly official.2 A priest occupying a royal throne in
the text has puzzled many scholars, even the authors of the
LXX who translated the clause, "And He will be a Priest on
His throne"(whyh khn ‘l-ks'w), as "And he shall be a
priest on his right hand" (kai estai hiereus ek dexion
autou).3 Petitjean attempts to prove that the LXX repre
sents the correct rendering and that the MT should be
emended accordingly.4 On the other hand, B. A. Mastin has
shown how the LXX reading arose from the Hebrew text and
should not be used, therefore, to emend the text.5
1Ibid.
2Cf. Andrew E. Hill, "Throne," ISBE. 4:844.
3For a detailed discussion of this question, see B.

A. Mastin, "A Note on Zechariah vi 13," VT 26 (1976): 113-
116.
4Cf. Petitjean, 292-293.
5Mastin, "A Note on Zechariah vi 13," VT 26 (1976):

113-116. Cf. Richard John Zanghi, God's Program for Israel
in Zechariah's Niaht Visions. Th.D. dissertation, Dallas
Theological Seminary, 1986 (Ann Arbor, MI: University
Microfilms International), 270.
308
However, this usage is not new or unique to the

present text. It is recorded that in the days when Eli the
priest was ministering to Yahweh during the premonarchic
period at the Shiloh sanctuary, he was sitting on the
kisse' (1 Sam 1:9; 4:13, 18). The first reference, in 1
Sam 1:9, indicates that Eli's kisse' was positioned at the
doorpost of the temple— "a significant location in terms of
Eli's priestly and judicial responsibilies.h1 And these
references to Eli's chair (kisse') seem to demonstrate
"that the chair was his judicial and sacramental seat and
that its location in the temple precinct was quite inten
tional."2 It is evident in these references and Zech 6:13
that, in the biblical usage, the term kisse* is applied for
priesthood as well as for kingship.3 The chair for both
regal and sacerdotal offices could be called kisse'.
Now, one more important question is left: What
functions will the throne of the Messiah have? The Messiah
shall be the King-Priest,4 and as such He shall sit and
^■Meyers and Meyers, 361 (emphasis supplied) .
2Ibid. (emphasis supplied). Against W. H. Lowe,

who says, ". . . it is accidental that it was a High-Priest
who is mentioned as sitting on it [Eli's kisse']" (W. H.
Lowe, The Hebrew Student's Commentary on Zechariah: Hebrew
and LXX (London: Macmillan and Co., 1882], 63).
3Even in the extrabiblical texts in OT times, the

same word "throne" is used for both kingship and priest
hood. See p. 65 above.
4C f . 1 Pet 2:9: "But you are . . . a royal priest

hood [basileion hierateuma]."
309
reign upon His throne. Feinberg appropriately remarks,
"Permanence, security. and a finished redemption are all
here in this replete word concerning the Messiah.
Through the union and harmony between the two offices of
the Messiah who deserves and occupies the throne, the
"counsel of peace" (*asat Salom) will be fulfilled. This
means that "they would not only work together harmoniously,
but they would execute the counsel of God which would be
peace (Slwm) indeed."2 In other words, by the collabora
tion of the two offices, the "counsel which produces peace,
that is, the highest in temporal and spiritual blessings"3
will be accomplished. The counsel of peace has existed
between the Father and the Son from all eternity, but here
we see the reference as made to the two offices residing in
the Messiah in such a way as never before and in such a
manner as fully to realize Salom— the perfect peace, the
real good, and the perpetual welfare— of His people.4
Significantly enough, the counsel for this Saldm would be
upon "His throne"— the throne of the Branch-Messiah who is
both King and Priest.
^Feinberg, The Minor Prophets. 302 (emphasis sup

plied) . Cf. Gen 14:18; Ps 110:4; Heb 5:10; 6:20; 7:1-28.
2Smith, Micah— Malachi. 218.
3Feinberg, The Minor Prophets. 302.
4C f . Feinberg, "Exegetical Studies in Zechariah,"

BSac 99 (1942): 175-176.
310
In summary: The throne in Zech 6:13 is the one
which the Messiah,symbolically called "Branch," would
occupy as both King and Priest. It is a throne in the
future that would exist beyond the time of Zechariah and
his contemporaries.1 The two salvific offices, kingship
and priesthood, were associated with this throne and
functioned as the symbol of possessing the regal dignity/
honor/authority and the power to exercise it. The divine
oracle of this Messianic throne would be an assurance as
well as a prophecy for the sure accomplishment of the
"counsel of peace" or the work of salvation, for which both
kingship and priesthood were to be united in one Person.
Wisdom and Hvmnic Literature
Wisdom Literature
The book of Job has two possible references to the

throne of God (23:3; 26:9). They belong to the third cycle
of speeches (Job 22-26) between Job and his three friends.2
1C f . Rev 3:21: "He who conquers, I will grant him

to sit with me on my throne, as I myself conquered and sat
down with my Father on his throne" (RSV). According to
this NT text, Christ sat down on the divine throne when He
ascended to heaven.
2There is a general agreement among scholars in

taking three cycles of speeches or debates in the book of
Job, but they are not unanimous on whether chap. 28 is part
of the third cycle (so E. J. Kissane, R. Gordis, G. L.
Archer, Jr.) or an independent section (so H. Lamparter, N.
H. Snaith, N. C. Habel, F. I. Andersen, L. Alonso Schokel
and J. L. Sicre Diaz, J. G. Janzen, J. C. L. Gibson). For
Kissane and Archer, the third cycle extends to chap. 31.
Cf. Claus .v'estermann, Der Aufbau des Buches Hiob. BHT 2 3
(Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1956), 5-7.
311
Job 23:3
The first text appears in Job 23:3 and comes from

Job's reply to Sliphaz (Job 23-24). In his speech to Job
(chap. 22), Eliphaz enumerates a long list of sins alleg
edly committed by Job (vss. 3-11) , of which we have

previously heard nothing. Eliphaz explains these alleged
actions of Job on the grounds that he expected to be safe
from punishment because God is so far away from man (vss.
12-15). Then he counsels Job to "yield now and be at peace
with Him" (vs. 21, NASB). He also makes a final appeal to
Job to "return to the Almighty" and "remove unrighteous
ness far from your [Job's] tent" (vs. 23, NASB). Eliphaz
is a good man in whose words there appears no trace of
malice. The irony of his speech lies "in his failure to
see Job's problem with Job's eyes, or more, to feel it with
Job's feelings."!
In his reply to Eliphaz (Job 23-24) , however, Job
does not dignify Eliphaz's accusations with a direct
denial. Instead, he tells of his efforts to find God,
hoping to be vindicated through this confrontation. It is
at this juncture that he mentions the seat (tekunah) upon
which God is seated.
mx-yitten yada'ti w®'ensa'ehil

'abo * 'ad-tekunato:
^•Francis I. Andersen, Job: An Introduction and

Commentary. TOTC 13 (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity
Press, 1976), 202.
312
'e'erkah lânayv miSpat

upi 1amalle1 tokahot:
'ed'ah millim ya'anSni
w®’abinah mah-yyo1mar li:
habberab-koah yarib 'imrnadi
lo' 'ak-hu' yasim bi:
Sam yaS5r nokah 'immd
wa'apa11et5h lanesah miSSSpti:
(Job 23:3-7)
Oh, that I knew where I might find him,

that I might come even to his seat!
I would lay my case before him
and fill my mouth with arguments.
I would learn what he would answer me,
and understand what he would say to me.
Would he contend with me in the greatness of
his power?
No; he would give heed to me.
There an upright man could reason with him,
and I should be acquitted for ever by my
ju d g e .
(RSV, emphasis supplied).
This first part of Job's speech is superb. Even in
his extremity Job still believes that if he could meet his
"divine Adversary,"^ God would recognize his essential
integrity and deliver him. Job has tried, therefore, to
find Him, but God has eluded him. God is present but
invisible. Thus His presence for Job seems to be unreal.2
Job is plagued with a sense of the inaccessibility and
remoteness of God (cf. Job 23:8-9). For him, God is deus
absconditus. Nevertheless, Job's acknowledgment of this
fact is more admiring than complaining.
1Robert Gordis, The Book of Job: Commentary. New

Translation, and Special Studies. Moreshet 2 (New York: The
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1978), 253.
2Cf. Jean Leveque, Job et son Dieu: Essai d'exeaese

et de theolooie bibliaue. 2 vols., EB (Paris: J. Gabalda et
C ie Editeurs, 1970), 1:387.
313
Before entering into the exegesis of the passage,
it is necessary to know what the term tekuriah really means.
The LXX rendition of Job 23:3 reflects the difficulty in
finding the right meaning of tekun3h.
Tis d' ara gnoie, hoti heuroimi auton,

kai elthoini cis telos;
Who would then know that I might find Him,

and come to an end [of the matter]?
(emphasis supplied).
Two points may deserve special remarks. First, as
in the case of the whole book of Job in the Greek, 1 the
translator of this passage wants to avoid the thought that
one may come to God's dwelling or that God has a physical
dwelling or tribunal.2 Second, accordingly, the translator

treats tekunah "as if it were from the root tkn fp i e l . 'to
determine, mete out'; tikKSn 'fixed quantity, measure')
instead of from kvn 'to dwell,' and renders it freely as
telos 'end, accomplishment'."3
On the other hand, the rest of the ancient versions
favor the other meaning for tekunah, i.e., "dwelling-place"
or "throne": the Syriac, 'dm' lmwtbh ("to His dwelling-
place"); the Targum, "d indvr byt mvqd&yh ("to the place
where His sanctuary lies"); Symmachus, heds tes hedras
1-Cf. Donald H. Gard, The Exegetical Method of the

Greek Translator of the Book of J o b . JBLMS 8 (Philadelphia:
Society of Biblical Literature, 1952), 47-70.
2Ibid., 52.
3Ibid.
314
autou; Jerome and the Vulgate, usque ad solium ejus.

Among modern translations, some havi also "throne" for
tekunah in Job 23:3.1
The same form tek<inah occurs two more times in the
Hebrew Bible (Ezek 43:11; Nah 2:10 [ET 2:9]), but its
meaning is quite different in each case. This is why
William Gesenius takes two different verbs for the root of
tekdnah: kfln for Job 23:3 and takan for Ezek 43:11; Nah
2:10 (ET 2:9).2 He finds a pair of homonyms deriving

from two different roots but having the same form. Other
scholars do not regard any of those three occurrences
as a hapax leqomenon.3 Rather they find here one and
the same word occurring in three different texts with
different nuances of meaning. Thus they regard it as a
trisleoomenon.
1E.g., Gustav Holscher, Das Buch Hiob. HAT, erste

Reihe 17 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck],
1937), 54 ("Thron"); Helmut Lamparter, Das Buch der
Anfechtunq: Das Buch H i o b . BAT 13 (Stuttgart: Calwer
Verlag, 1952), 143 ("Thron"); John E. Hartley, The Book of
Job. NICOT (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1988), 337 ("throne"); RHV ("pojva" ["throne" in
Korean]).
2GHCL. 863.
3E.g., two doctoral dissertations of recent years

on the biblical hapax leqomena do not include tekdnah in
their lists and indexes: cf. Harold R. (Chaim) Cohen,
Biblical Haoax Leqomena in the Light of Akkadian and
Ugaritic, SBLDS 37 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1978);
Frederick E. Greenspahn, Hapax Leqomena in Biblical Hebrew:
A Study of the Phenomenon and Its Treatment Since Antiquity
with Special Reference to Verbal Forms. SBLDS 74 (Chico,
CA: Scholars Press, 1984).
315
Since the meanings of the two verbs (kun and takan)
partly overlap each other, and both are similarly related
to tekunah morphologically as well as semantically, it is
rather difficult to take one and discard the other for the
root of tek<lnah. N. H. Tur-Sinai favors takan,1 and F.
Delitzsch takes kin,2 for the etymon of tek<lnSh in all
three occurrences. Edouard Dhorme, while acknowledging
that the tek<lnah in our passage is derived from kQn, notes
that the abstract teldlnah
will mean the installation and, by extension, the

residence (cf. Syr.), which, however, does not
exclude the connotations accepted in Ezk and Nah.
The idea common to these various passages is that
of a special organisation or disposition, whether
with reference to a building, or to precious
objects, or to a dwelling place.2
However, as noted earlier,4 the Hebrew word for
"seat" in Job 23:3, t®!^!!!^, is most probably derived from
the verb kfln and has the noun preformative taw (t) and the
1Tur-Sinai renders the tek(lnah in Job 23:3 as

"measurement," i.e., 'character, definition' and states
that its meaning "is apparent from the use of this noun and
the verb tkn in EZcklcl7 there, XLIII, 11, the tkwnh of a
house is its measurements, in accordance with the sense of
the verb tkn in the Bible: 'to measure' [Ezek 33:17, 20]"
(N. H. Tur-Sinai [H. Torczyner], The Book of Job: A New
Commentary, rev. ed. [Jerusalem: "Kiryat Sefer" Publishing
House, 1967], 352-353).
2Edouard Dhorme, A Commentary of the Book of J o b ,

trans. Harold Knight (Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers,
1984), 344.
4See pp. 127-129 above.
316
feminine ending (-ah).1 Thus, its literal meaning is
"established place"2 or "fixed place."3 In the present
passage, therefore, it seems to indicate the throne of God.
This becomes more obvious when one notices that the verb
kiln is quite often used in connection with the "sanctuary,"
"seat," and especially with God's "throne."4
Thus, it is evident that the term tekunah refers to
a kind of seat or a place where God is seated as the
supreme and final Judge (cf. Job 23:7). The whole speech
of Job is his ultimate appeal to God and His fair dealing
with himself. He wants to present his "case" (miSpat)
before Him and fill his mouth with "arguments" (tdkahot)
(vs. 4) . The term mi£pat, usually rendered "judgment" or
"justice,"6 has the meaning "decision" ("Entscheidung") as
its primary and important aspect.6 Although the word has
experienced considerable development in its meaning in OT
1C f . Meyer, 2:36; Harper, 141 (§ 98).
2Gordis, The Book of J o b . 260.
3Hartley, 3 38, n. 8.
4E.g., Exod 15:17, "Your [Yahweh's] hands estab

lished the sanctuary ( m i q q ^ a S konend) "; 2 Sam 7:13, "I
[Yahweh] will establish the throne of his kingdom (konanti
'et-kisse' mamlaktd)"; 2 Sam 7:16, "Your [David's] throne
shall be established (kis,aka yihyeh nlkon)"; Job 29:7, "I
took mv seat ('akin mdsabi)"; Ps 9:8 (ET 9:7), "Yahweh has
established His throne (konen kis'o)"; Ps 103:19, "Yahweh
has established His throne (hekin kis'o)."
5G H C L . 519-520. Cf. K B L . 579-580; H A L . 615-616

("Schiedssprucn, Rechtsentscheid, Rechtssache, -streit").
6B . Johnson, "miSpat," T W A T . 5:96.
317
times, its basic concept as a legal or forensic term has
always remained.1 It is noticeable that this term has been
used to mean "a forensic cause"2 elsewhere in the OT:
e.g., Num 27:5 and Job 13:18. The other term tckahot
(plural of tokahat) , which is derived from the verb yakah
(hifil, "argue, prove, confute, reprove"),3 also has a
judicial flavor in its basic meaning.4 Accordingly, the
seat (te]dlnah) of God which Job sought to find was a seat
of judgment or vindication. John E. Hartley's remarks on
Job 23:3-5 are particularly to the point:
If he only knew where to find God, he would enter

the hall leading to God's throne (tek£tnah) , if that
were possible. There justice would be fully ren
dered in his regard. . . .
Before the heavenly court, Job would persua
sively present his case before God. Out of his
mouth would pour an array of convincing arguments.
After resting his case, he would anxiously await
God's response. Whatever the judgment might be, he
would accept it, confident that justice had been
done.5
C f . Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the Old

Testament. 72-78; H. W. Hertzberg, "Die Entwicklung des
Begriffes mfipt im AT," ZAW 40 (1922): 256-287; ZAW 41
(1923): 16—76^ Osborne Booth, "The Semantic Development of
the Term mi&pat in the Old Testament," JBL 61 (1942): 105-
110; Zeev W. Falk, "Hebrew Legal Terms," JSS 5 (1960):
350-354; Eliezer Berkovits, "The Biblical Meaning of Jus
tice," Judaism 18 (1969): 188-209.
2GHCL, 519.
3GHCL, 347-348. Cf. B D B . 406-407; K B L . 380; HAL.

391-392.
4Cf. K B L . 1021; G H C L . 858-859; B D B . 407.
5Hartley, 338 (italics his).
318
In sum, tekunah is the place or seat of God where
His people wish to come to utter their complaints and
arguments so that they may defend themselves against any
unfair charges and false accusations leveled at them. In
other words, it is God's tribunal1 (or courtroom)2 or
judgment seat3 where the righteous can get the divine
vindication and deliverance.
Job 26:9
There are divisions of opinions among scholars as
to who the speaker is in the section to which the present
passage belongs (Job 26:5-14). While some interpreters
take it as a continuation of Job's reply to Bildad which
begins at 26:1,4 others argue that the order of this
section is not that of the original writer and thus it is a
1C f . Victor E. Reichert, Job with Hebrew Text and

English Translation. SBB (Hindhead, Surrey: Soncino Press,
1946), 122; Edward J. Kissane, The Book of Job Translated
from a Critically Revised Hebrew Text with Commentary (New
York: Sheea & Ward, 1946), 249; L. Alonso Schokel and J.
L. Sicre Diaz, Job: Commentario Teologico v Literario.
Nueva Biblia Espanola (Madrid: Ediciones Cristiandad,
1983), 344.
2Elmer B. Smick, ''Job,'' E B C . 4:961.
3C f . NAB; John Noble Coleman, The Poem of Job: The

Most Ancient Book in the Universe (Printed for private
circulation, n.p., 1871), 62; Otto Zockler, "The Book of
Job," L:CHS. 8:497; H. H. Rowley, The Book of J o b . NCBC
(Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1976),
159.
4E.g., Roland E. Murphy, Wisdom Literature: Job.

Proverbs. Ruth. Canticles. Ecclesiastes, and Esther. FOTL
13 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company,
1981), 36.
319
continuation of Bildad's speech which starts in 25:1.1 In
the present study, the section is taken as part of Job's
reply, not only because it appears so in the MT but because
the words in this section seem to have been as well spoken
by Job himself.2
One crucial question that the passage exposes is
that of textual ambiguity. The MT of Job 26:9 reads:

m'ahez pene-kisseh
*par£ez alayw ‘anand:
He shuts off the view of His throne,

Spreading His cloud over it.
(NJV).
The question is whether the MT-pointing of kisseh
is the best pointing of ksh. The Hebrew consonants ksh can
be pointed with the Masoretes as kisseh (equivalent with
kissS') as in 1 Kgs 10:19, or they can be pointed as keseh
(equivalent with ket>«=;, meaning "[the day of] the full
moon")3 as in Ps 81:4 (ET 81:3) and Prov 7:20. Hence, two
^•For a detailed discussion on the "misplaced or

unfinished fragments," see John C. L. Gibson, J o b . DSB
(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1985), 186-194; cf.
Kissane, The Book of J o b . 163-165; Gordis, The Book of
J o b . 276, 534-535; Marvin H. Pope, Job: A New Translation
with Introduction and Commentary. AB 15 (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday & Company, 1965), xx.
2C f . Daniel J. Simundson, The Message of Job: A

Theological Commentary. AOTS (Minneapolis: Augsburg Pub
lishing House, 1986), 99.
3K B L . 446, 447; HAL, 463, 465; G H C L . 406.
320
entirely different translations have been given.1 A third
possible way of reading ksh is to take it as a verb and not
as a noun:e.g., the Syriac tksyt' which connects ksh with
the verb kasah.2
For several reasons, the noun kisseh is considered
as a variant spelling of the noun kisse1. First of all,
this reading is particularly appropriate in connection with
sapon (Job 26:7, "the dwelling-place of God").3 There is
no need to vocalize ksh with a pronominal suffix (kis'oh or
kis'o)4 for the throne of God needs no particularizing.5
Second, ksh (or ks') is not the (full) moon itself, but the
day of the full moon, the fifteenth of the month (cf. 1 Kgs
12:32), as in Ps 81:4 (ET 81:3) and Prov 7:20.6 That being
the case, ksh should mean something else in the passage
^■LXX, Theodotion, Targum, Vulgate, KJV, NJV, etc. ,

read ksh as kisseh ("throne") , whereas RSV, NIV, NASB, AB,
JB, NJB, etc., read it as keseh ("full moon" or "moon").
2Thus Tur-Sinai, 382. His translation reads: "He

concealed its face from view,/ and spread his cloud upon
it" (p. 380, emphasis supplied).
3Gordis, The Book of J o b . 279. Cf. Andersen, J o b .

217-218.
4C f . Karl Budde, Das Buch Hiob. HKAT II/l (Gottin

gen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1896), 145; Samuel Rolles
Driver and George Buchanan Gray, A Critical and Exeqetical
Commentary of the Book of J o b . 2 vols., ICC (Edinburgh: T.
& T. Clark, 1921), 2:179.
5Cf. Gordis, The Bock of J o b . 279, who takes Ps 2:7

as an example: ,asapperah 'el hoq ("I shall proclaim the
decree of God"). Cf. Hartley, 364, n. 4.
6Cf. Tur-Sinai, The Book of J o b . 382.
321
under discussion. Third, the eclipses of the moon (in case
that "He covers the face of the full moon") have no
relevance in the context.1 While the reading "keseh" is
possible, it cannot be followed because no other heavenly
bodies are mentioned in the context.2 Fourth, as Norman C.
Habel appropriately observes, the relevance of "kisseh" in

relation to Job's earlier speeches is immediately evident
when we recall Job's desire to find God's dwelling-place
(cf. Job 23:3) and his obsession with presenting his suit
before God's "face" (panim, Job 23:4; cf. 13:15, 24), even
though that "face" terrified him (Job 23:15; cf. 13:20-
21).3 Job sought to behold God's "face," but God hides
even the "face" of His throne (pene-kisseh).4 Fifth, God's
presence and His dwelling-place, when revealed to human
beings, are always accompanied by clouds. H a b e l 's remarks

follow:
Clouds have various functions in the design of

the cosmos. They may serve as God's celestial
chariots in his movements across the heavens (Ps.
104:3). Yahweh even usurped the title "Rider of
the Clouds," a title once proudly borne by the
Canaanite storm god Baal (Ps. 68:5, 34 [ET 68:4,
33]). Clouds, however, not only signaled God's
operations but they also veiled his presence at
Sinai (Ex. 19:16; 24:15-16), in the tabernacle (Ex.
40:34-38), and in the Solomonic temple (I Kings
1Samuel Terrien, "The Book of Job," IB, 3:1094.
2Hartley, 364, n. 4.
3Norman C. Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary.

OTL (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1985), 372.
4Ibid.; Smick, 967.
322
8:10-11). The cloud functioned as the "mask of

God" both identifying his manifest operations and
veiling his essential being, that is, his glory or
face (Ex. 33:17-23; . . .). Thus the traditional
motif of the cloud ('anan) covering the ark, where
Yahweh is enthroned above the cherubim (I Sam.
4:4), to hide God's glory or face is here asso
ciated with the realm of God's celestial abode.
The "face of his throne" is covered quite explic
itly by "his cloud" (‘anano, v. 9b), that is, by
God's own cloud, not clouds in general.1
God's throne seems to be both invisible and inac
cessible for Job. Since the glory of God is too brilliant
and awesome, the cloud protects His creatures from being
consumed by divine glory.2 His throne stands there as the
center from which God's creating power is generated and His
controlling authority is exercised over the entire universe
and all creatures (cf. Job 26:5-14). By this throne is
presented a striking contrast between man's frailty and
God's majesty, even between man's creatureliness and God's

creatorship.
To recapitulate the significance of the throne of
God in both Job passages: the throne of God is the place
where His people who are unfairly treated and unjustly
accused come to seek the ultimate protection and the final
1H a b e l , The Book of J o b . 372. Cf. George E. Men

denhall, The Tenth Generation: The Origins of the Biblical
Tradition (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1973), 56-66; Leopold Sabourin, "The Biblical Cloud:
Terminology and Traditions," BTB 4 (1974): 290-311.
2Cf. Hartley, 366. The God who sits upon His

throne is, as Paul describes, the One "who alone has immor
tality and dwells in unapproachable light, whom no man has
ever sten or can see" (1 Tim 6:16, R S V j .
323
vindication from God. It is covered with a cloud to hide

God's glory, which is too brilliant to be seen by human
eyes. It is the divine Supreme Court for the righteous who
are persecuted, suffering, and agonizing. It is estab

lished in heaven as the administrative chair upon which God
rules over the universe. It also functions as the tribunal
upon which He as the supreme Judge hears the arguments and
cases that His people present and thus vindicates and
delivers the righteous.
Hymnic Literature
The book of Psalms contains a number of references
to the throne of God. The term kisse' , referring to or
related to the divine throne, occurs nine times in eight
different psalms: Pss 9:5, 8 (ET 9:4, 7); 11:4; 45:7 (ET
45:6); 47:9 (ET 47:8); 89:15 (ET 89:14); 93:2; 97:2;
103:19.1 Each of these passages is investigated in its own
context and historical background in order to determine the
place, role, and meaning of the "throne of God" motif in
this type of OT literature.
Psalm 9:5. 8 (ET 9:4. 7)
As one considers the first two references in the
Psalter (Ps 9:5, 8 [ET 9:4, 7]), one needs to look at both
Pss 9 and 10. They are usually taken together as a single
^■The term kisse' occurs nine more times in the book

of Psalms, mainly referring to the throne of David: 89:5,
30, 37, 45 (MT); 94:20; 122:5 (twice); 132:11, 12.
324
literary unit.1 The two psalms have much in common, while
their moods are quite different: Ps 9 is a song of thanks
giving and Ps 10 a psalm of lament.
In this pair of psalms, the Psalmist watches the
great conflict between good and evil being waged in the two
fields: in the world, between Israel and the heathen
nations (goyim)2 (Ps 9);in the nation of Israel, between
1Thus LXX, Vulgate, and Jerome's Latin Version.

Cf. Hermann Gunkel, Die Psalmen (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1929), 32-33; E. Podechard, Le Psautier. vol.
1/2, Psaumes 1-75: Notes critiques. Bibliotheque de la
faculte catholique de theologique de Lyon 4 (Lyon: Facultes
Catholiques, 1949), 44; Nic. H. Ridderbos, Die Psalmen:
Stilistische Verfahren und Aufbau mit besonderer Beruck-
sichtiouna von Ps 1-41. BZAW 117 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter
& Co., 1972), 140-146; Peter C.Craigie,Psalms 1-50. WBC
19 (Waco, TX: Word Books, Publisher, 1983), 116-117. On
the other hand, A. F. Kirkpatrick states:
"The two Psalms present an unsolved literary problem.
... Ps. ix however appears to be complete in
itself, and it seems preferable to ragard Ps. x as
a companion piece rather than as part of a continu
ous whole. The connexion ofthought is clear."
(A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Book ofPsalms. Thornapple Commen
taries [Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1902; reprint,
1982], 42). For detailed discussion of the acrostic
structure of the two psalms, see George Buchanan Gray, The
Forms of Hebrew Poetrv Considered with Special Reference to
the Criticism and Interpretation of the Old Testament. The
Library of Biblical Studies ([New York]: KTAV Publishing
House, 1915; reprint, 1972), 265-295 (Chap. VIII: "The
Alphabetic Structure of Psalms IX. and X."); G. R. Driver,
Semitic Writing from Pictooraph to Alphabet. rev. ed.
(London: Oxford University Press, 1976), 200-2 06.
2This term is used five times in Ps 9 (vss. 6, 16,

18, 20, 21, MT) and once in Ps 10 (vs. 16). In all of
these occurrences it is used as an "enemy-designation"
("Feindesbezeichnung”). For a detailed discussion of this,
see Harris Birkeland, Die Feinde des Individuums in der
israelitischen Psalmenliteratur: Ein Beitraq zur Kenntnis
der semitischen Literatur- und Reliaionsaeschichte (Oslo:
Gr0ndahl & S0ns Forlag, 1933), 152-160.
325
godless oppressors of the weak and their innocent victims
(Ps 10) . In Ps 9, usually regarded as a song of thanks
giving (Danklied),1 the Psalmist begins with expressing his
intention of praising Yahweh for victory won by His help
(vss. 2-3, MT) . Then he contrasts the transitoriness of
the nations in their wickedness with the eternal sover
eignty of the righteous Judge (vss. 4-9, MT) who never
fails to defend the godly (vss. 10-11, MT) . The metaphor
changes from that of God as Judge to that of God as
"refuge" (mi£gab),2 literally meaning "secure height" (cf.
Isa 33:16) or "towering, protecting walls" (cf. Isa
25:12).3 Yet both metaphors are intimately related, for
the same God who appears as awesome Judge to the wicked
offers refuge to the oppressed in their times of trouble.
Then the Psalmist offers a renewed invitation to praise
(vss. 12-13, MT) , which is succeeded by a prayer for help
in the hour of need (vss. 14-15, MT) . He proclaims once
more the judicial righteousness of Yahweh which is revealed
in the discomfiture of the heathen (vss. 16-17, M T ) . After
an interlude of music (selah), the psalm concludes with a
1Artur Weiser, The Psalms: A Commentary. OTL,

trans. Herbert Hartwell (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,
1962), 149; Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 33.
2This term as a metaphor of God occurs very often

in the OT, especially in the book of Psalms: e.g., 2 Sam
22:3; Pss 18:3 (ET 18:2); 46:8, 12 (ET 46:7, 11); 48:4 (ET
48:3); 59:10, 17, 18 (ET 59:9, 16, 17); 62:3, 7 (ET 62:2,
6); 94:22; 144:2.
3KBL, 570.
326
confident anticipation of the certainty of judgment and

deliverance (vss. 18-19, MT) and a prayer that the nations
may be taught to know their human impotence (vss. 20-21,
MT) . The psalm as a whole testifies to the enduring
existence and unchanging dominion of Yahweh, which are firm
foundations of our joy.1
In Ps 10, the Psalmist turns from the conflict
between Israel and the nations, in which God's sovereignty
has been victoriously manifested, to the triumph of might
over Israel itself. He remonstrates with Yahweh for His
apparent indifference (vss. 1-2) and draws a graphic
picture of the atheistic self-complacency and pitiless
tyranny of the wicked (vss. 3-11). An urgent appeal to
Yahweh to intervene and right these crying wrongs is
followed by a confident expression of assurance that they
are not unobserved or disregarded (vss. 12-14). The prayer
for the extirpation of evil finds a pledge for its ful
fillment in the eternal sovereignty of Yahweh and the
extermination of the heathen from His land (vss. 15-16) .
The prayer of faith cannot remain unanswered, and heaven-
protected right will finally be triumphant over earthly
might (vss. 17-18) .
Against this background the Psalmist celebrates the
name of Yahweh ‘elydn (9:3, M T ) , the righteous Judge of the
1For the summaries of both Pss 9 and 10, I am

indebted to Kirkpatrick and Craigie: cf. Kirkpatrick,
43; Craigie, Psalms 1-50. 117-120, 123-126.
327
world and the upright Ruler of all nations (vs. 9, M T ) , who
is "the Enthroned in Zion" (yoseb siyyon, vs. 12, MT) and
"the eternal King" (melek 'ol3m, 10:16). He extols this
God who also rebukes the nations and destroys the wicked
(9:6, MT) and is "the Avenger of Blood" (doreS damim, vs.
13, MT) and the Defender of the weak, never forsaking those
who trust in Him (Ps 9 passim) . At all events, the theme
is well calculated to appeal to God as King and Judge.1 As
E. Beaucarop remarks, "on ne distingue pas le trone du juge
de celui du roi; car c'est pour 1'etablissement de la
justice (Ps 89,15 [MT]; 122,5) qu'est dresse le trone
royal.1,2
The one thing that is notable in the first part of
Ps 9 (vss. 2-13, MT) is that "le psalmiste evoque, avec
enthousiasme, le Juaement eschatoloaiaue. auquel le fait
aspirer l'hostilite persistante des paiens ([especially,
1J. H. Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms. S B T , 2nd

series 32 (Naperville, IL: Alec R. Allenson, n.d.), 32-33;
cf. 13 5, 186, 191. Cf. Arnold Gamper, Gott als Richter in
Mesopotamien und im Alten Testament: Zum Verstandnis einer
Gebetsbitte (Innsbruck: Universitatsverlag Wagner, 1966),
101-241 ("II. Teil: Rechtsstreit und Gottesgericht im Alten
Testament"); Marion Frank Meador, The Motif of God as
Judge in the Old Testament. Ph.D. dissertation, South
western Baptist Theological Seminary, 1986 (Ann Arbor, MI:
University Microfilms International), 130-163; Allen Eugene
Combs, The Creation Motif in the "Enthronement Psalms."
Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1963 (Ann Arbor,
MI: University Microfilms International), 167-189 (chap. 4:
"God's Judgement").
2E. 9eaucamp, Le Psautier. 2 v o l s . , SB (Paris: J.

Gabalda et Cie Editeurs, 1976, 1979), 1:69.
328
vss.] 2 - 5 ) . Then the Psalmist's prayer mounts in
urgency: "Arise, Yahweh! 0 God, lift up Your hand! . . .
Break the arm of the wicked and evil man! Seek out his
wickedness until You find none!” (10:12a, 15). From the
beginning to the end, he appeals to Yahweh's kingship and
judgeship. Within this larger context the Psalmist states
in Ps 9:5 (ET 9:4):
ki-'aîta miSpati w^ i n i
y5£abta l®kisse' Sopet sedeq:
For You have maintained my right and my cause;
You have sat on Your throne,
judging righteously.2
Later on it is stated in vss. 7-9 (ET 6-8):
ha'oyeb tammd h°rabot lanesah

we 'arim nataSta 1abad zikram hemmah:
waYHWH le 'olam yeSeb
konen lammiSpat kis'o:
w ^ u ' yiSpot-tebel besedeq
yadin l6,ummim b^meSarim:
The enemy have vanished in everlasting ruins;3
their cities thou hast rooted out;
the very memory of them has perished.
1Louis Jacquet, Les Psaumes et le coeur de 1 1homme:

Etude textuelle. litteraire et doctrinale. 3 vols. (Bel
gium: Duculot, 1975, 1977, 1979), 1:335 (italics his).
2My translation. The participial phrase, &dpet

sedeq, may also be rendered "a judge of righteousness"
(Qimhi), "righteous judge" (NJV) or "the righteous Judge"
(A. Cohen, The Psalms: Hebrew Text & English Translation
with an Introduction and Commentary. SBB [London: Soncino
Press, 1945], 20).
3For a possible emendation of this clause suggested

by Dyserinck and Leveen, see J. Leveen, "Textual Problems
in the Psalms," V T 21 (1971): 49-50.
329
But the LORD sits enthroned1 for ever,2
he has established his throne for judgment;
and he judges the world with righteousness,
he judges the peoples with equity.
(RSV) .
In these two passages it can be observed that the
Psalmist starts his praise to God for His favorable judg
ment over his own case ("my right" and "my case") and moves
from the individual to a universal sphere: "He judges the
world . . . and the peoples . . . " This shows that the
throne of God is regarded as the judgment seat for both the
individual and the universal cases.
Two words deserve special attention in relation to
the divine throne in the passages under discussion: sedeq
("righteousness") and konen ("establish"). The root of
sedeq basically connotes conformity to a moral or ethical
1The Hebrew verbal form ye£eb may seem to say only

that Yahweh "will sit" ox. "is seated," but the meaning "sit
enthroned" is well established from Ps 29:10 and Exod
18:14, where the same verb is obviously used in this higher
sense. Ps 29:10 reads: YHWH lammabbtil ya&ab wayyeSeb YHWH
melek le 'olSm. Cf. H. C. Leupold, Exposition of the Psalms
(Columbus, OH: Wartburg Press, 1959), 111.
2Dahood translates le 'olam as "from eternity" and

remarks that there is a clear counterpart to this in Ps
29:10b ("And Yahweh has sat enthroned, the king from eter
nity"; cf. n. 3 above) (Mitchell Dahood, Psalms I fl-50):
A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 16
[Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1965], 56). This
has been recognized also by Siegfried Kirst ("Sin, Yerah
und Jahwe: Eine Bemerkung zum vorderasiatischen Mondkult,"
FF 32 [1958]: 216, n. 46, where a number of biblical texts
with le r"v o n , seit, from"] are listed [Gen 41:57; Josh
3:12; 2 Kgs 4:24; 14:28; Ps 84:2; Isa 59:20]). Cf. Pss
45:3 (ET 45:2); 78:69? 119:152 (qedem yada'ti me'edoteka ki
le ‘olam ^ s a d t a m , "Of old I have learned from Your testi
monies, since You have established them from eternity").
330
standard.1 The original significance of the root sdq is
"to be straight or stiff."2 This word and its derivatives3
have many different shades of meaning in the OT. The
masculine sedeq occurs 119 times and the feminine sedaqah
occurs 157 times.4 Alfred Jepsen's distinction between
the meanings and usages of sdq and sdqh seems appropriate.5
After examining the various usages of both terms, Jepsen
concludes:
So scheint sdq zunachst angewandt zu werden,

wenn essich urn Richtigkeit und Ordnung handelt,
um einen Zustand also, der so ist, wie er sein
soli oder m u 0 . . . . Jedenfalls liegt bei sdqh
in sehr viel starkerem Ma0e der Ton auf dem
Handeln und Tun, nicht auf einem Zustand. . . .
sdq und sdqh sind zunachst zu unterscheiden:
1Harold G. Stigers, "sadeq," T W O T . 2:752. Cf.

Jerome P. Justesen, "On the Meaning of sadaq," AUSS 2
(1964): 53-61; W. E. Read, "Further Observations on sSdaq,"
AUSS 4 (1966): 29-36.
2Cf. Robert Baker Girdlestone, Svnonvms of the Old

Testament: Their Bearing on Christian Doctrine (Grand
Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1897; reprint,
1983), 159; Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the Old
Testament. 73; K B L . 794.
3The four derivatives of sdq are sadeq (verb) ,

sedeq (masculine noun), sedaqah (feminine noun), and saddiq
(adjective). For the occurrences of these words, see K.
Koch, "sdq gemeinschaftstreu/heilvoll sein," THAT, 2:511.
4Koch, "sdq gemeinschaftstreu/heilvoll sein," T H A T .

2:511.
Âlfred Jepsen, "sdq und sdqh im Alten Testament,"

in Gottes Wort und Gottes* Land. Hans-Wilhelm Hertzberg zum
70. Geburtstag am 16. Januar 1965 dargebracht von Kollegen,
Freunden und Schlilern, ed. Henning Graf Reventlow (Gottin
gen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1965), 78-89. Against Snaith
and Stigers, who argue that the two forms do not differ in
meaning (Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the Old Testa
ment . 72; Stigers, "sadSq," T W O T . 2:752).
331
sdq geht auf die richtige Ordnung, sdqh auf ein

rechtes Verhalten, das auf Ordnung zieit.1
Hans Heinrich Schmid expresses the similar idea
when he maintains that sedeq is "Weltordnung" and Yahweh is
the "Wahrer des Rechts."2 Thus the administration of
Yahweh is accomplished besedeq, i.e., "ordnungsgemaP" or
"richtig."3 However, the significance of sedeq is not
limited in "Weltordnung" but it also involves ethical and
forensic aspects.4 As Stigers notes,® sedeq is used
attributively when applied to God Himself as to His
character: Yahweh is the just Judge (2 Chr 12:6; Ps 11:7;
Jer 12:1; Lam 1:18) even to the utmost degree as the Judge
^■Jepsen, "sdq und sdqh im Alten Testament," in

Gottes Wort und Gottes Land, ed. Reventlow, 79, 80; cf.
Koch, "sdq gemeinschaftstreu/heilvoll sein," THAT. 2:513-
514. Against Snaith and Stigers, who argue that the two
forms do not differ in meaning (cf. Snaith, The Distinctive
Ideas of the Old Testament. 72; Stigers, "sedeq," T W O T .
2:752). Cf. von Rad, Old Testament Theolocrv. i:370-383.
2Hans Heinrich Schmid, Gerechtiokeit als Weltord-
nuna: Hinterarund und Geschichte des alttestamentlichen
Gerechtiokeitbeoriffes. BHT 40 (Tubingen: Varlag J. C. B.
Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1968), 144.
3C f . ibid. On the other hand, Friedrich Vinzenz

Reiterer understands sedeq in the second part of Isaiah as
"Heil" (Friedrich Vinzenz Reiterter, Gerechtiqkeit als
H e i l : ^da bei Deuteroiesaia: Aussaae und Veraleich mit
der alttestamentlichen Tradition (Graz: Akademische Druck-
u. Verlagsanstalt, 1976), esp. 175-205; cf. Alfred Jepsen,
Der Herr ist Gott: Aufsatze zur Wissenschaft vom Alten
Testament (Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1978), 227.
Koch summarizes the essential meanings of sdq with two
words: "gemein-schaftstreu" and "heilvoll" ‘(Koch, "sdq
gemeinschaftstreu/ heilvoll sein," T H A T . 2:507).
4Cf. Stigers, 753.
5Ibid., 754.
332
of all the earth (Deut 32:4; Ps 119:137; Isa 5:16). Hence,

His standards and His judgments set out in His word are
righteous (Ps 119:144, 160, 172). God's hatred of sin and
love of righteousness (Ps 45:8 [ET 45:7]) express His
essential righteousness.1 Thus, righteousness and judgment
are the habitation or foundation of God's throne; i.e.,
they always characterize His action (Pss 89:15 [ET 89:14];
97:2). Therefore, Yahweh's judging the world "with

righteousness" (besedeq) is a way of His directing and
sustaining the world in the divine order which is morally
straight and right in nature.
The term konen is a polel form of kdn which means
"hinstellen. bereiten, set up, establish."2 It has been
remarked that this word is frequently connected with the
throne (e.g., Pss 93:2; 103:19) and many of its usages have
"royal overtones."3 Since it is said that "Yahweh sits
enthroned for ever" in the same verse (Ps 9:8a [ET 9:7a]),
the location where Yahweh set up His throne is heaven.
This means that the heavenly throne of God functions as the
judgment seat for the individual and universal cases.
1C f . John A. Bollier, "The Righteousness of God,"

Int 8 (1954): 404-413; W. F. Lofthouse, "The Righteousness
of Jahveh," ExpTim 50 (1938-39): 341-345.
2K B L . 427; B D B . 466. According to the word study

by John N. Oswalt, five different connotations can be found
in the usages of this word: "These connotations move from
provision through preparation and establishment to fixity
and rightness" ("kQn," T W O T . 1:433).
30swalt, "kdn," TWOT. 1:433.
333
In summary, the divine throne is the symbol of the
judicial power1 as well as the regal authority of Yahweh.
In the present passage, it is primarily the throne "for
judgment" (lammiSpat).2 Especially, Ps 9:7-9 (ET 9:6-8)
specifies the following: (1) the duration of Yahweh's
enthronement— "for ever"; (2) the purpose of establishing
His throne— "for judgment"; (3) the scope of His rule and
judgment— "the world"; (4) the nature of His judgment—
"with righteousness" (besedeq)3 and "with equity"; and (5)
the object of His rule and judgment— "the peoples." This
means that "all the peoples of the earth are under the
jurisdiction of the eternal Judge" and "He pronounces
judgment equitably."4 All these things are executed by
Yahweh from His throne. It is by this throne that the
eternity and universality of Yahweh's sovereignty is
contrasted with the annihilation of all His enemies, and
the righteousness of His judgment with the injustice of the
wicked.5
1A. A. Anderson, The Book of Psalms. 2 vols., NCBC

1:107.
2Cf. Prov 20:8 (kisse'-din); Ps 122:5; Dan 7:9;

Matt 19:28; Rev 20:4.
3Schmid, Gerechtiqkeit als Weltordnung. 148-149.
4Cohen, The Psalms. 21.
5Kirkpatrick, 45.
334
Psalm 11;4
Ps 11 is classified as a "psalm of confidence"
fVertrauenspsalm)1 or a "psalm of petition,"2 or a "Klage-
lied des Einzelnen.1,3 The psalm consists of two equal
stanzas of three verses each, with a concluding verse: (1)
the sense of despair (vss. 1-3); (2) the restoration of
confidence (vss. 4-6); (3) the outlook of faith (vs. 7).4
The setting of this psalm is a time of danger for
the Psalmist. His life is threatened by his enemies, and
the faint-hearted friends advise him to "flee like a bird

to the mountains" (Ps 11:1, RSV) where, from a human
perspective, security might be found. But he stands his
ground because he has confidence in divine protection. The
psalm seems to fit in best with what is recorded in 1 Sam
18 ff. and seems to supplement this historical narrative.
When Saul's obsession became apparent, it is natural to
suppose that David received advice to flee.
^•Harrison, Introduction to the Old Testament. 991.
2Pius Drijvers, The Psalms: Their Structure and

Meaning (Freiburg: Herder, 1965), 230-231.
3Ridderbos, Die Psalmen. 146.
4 Isaiah Sonne, on the contrary, thinks that vs. 1

is merely a superscription which indicates the theme of the
psalm by stating the two opposite positions, i.e., that of
the poet on the one hand, and that of his adversaries on
the other, and that the psalm proper then unfolds the theme
in two symmetrical portions: (1) vss. 2-4 expound the
contention of the adversaries; (2) vss. 5-7 stress the
Psalmist's convictions (cf. Isaiah Sonne, "Psalm Eleven,"
JBL 68 [1949]: 241-245).
335
At such a critical moment, the Psalmist evaluates
in the second stanza who Yahweh is and what He does. He
finds his own right attitude toward Him. He begins with a
consideration of the exalted nature of the God who sits
enthroned in His sanctuary.
The MT of Ps 11:4-6 reads:

YHWH b e hekal godSo
YHWH baSSamayim kis'o
'enayw yeê zd 'ap appayw yibhanti.
bene 1adam:
YHWH saddiq yibhan we raSa‘
w ^ 1oheb hamas ân'ah napSo:
yamter ‘al-r^sa' im pahim 'eS wegaprit
we rQah zil'apot menat kosam:
The LORD is in his holy temple,1

the L ORD1s throne is in heaven;2
his eyes behold,3
1It is noteworthy that Ps 11:4, which has the

reference to the temple and the throne, occupies the center
of the chiastic structure of Ps 11 (cf. Robert L. Alden,
"Chiastic Psalms: A Study in the Mechanics of Semitic
Poetry in Psalms 1-50,'* JETS 17 [1974]: 16-17).
2On the juxtaposition of two statements, "The LORD

is in his holy temple” and "the LORD'S throne is in
heaven," see M. Metzger, "Himmlische und irdische Wohnstatt
Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 139-158. Cf. Hans-Joachim Kraus,
Psalms 1-59: A Commentary, trans. Hilton C. Oswald (Min
neapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1988), 203.
3Since the object of the verb "behold" (yehe z<l) is

absent in this clause, some commentaries insert 'labeled
(e.g.: Friedrich Baethgen, Die Psalmen. zweite neubearbei-
tete Auflage, HKAT I1/2 [Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1897], 30, 31 ["auf die Welt"]; Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 40,
42 ["auf die Welt"]; Charles Augustus Briggs and Emilie
Grace Briggs, A Critical and Exeaetical Commentary on the
Book of Psalms. 2 vols., ICC [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark,
1906], 1:88 ["the world"]: they think that this is "most
appropriate to the context" [ibid., 1:90]; Jacquet, 1:350
["le monde"]). But Leveen suggests that "this is effec
tively supplied by tebel, 'the inhabited world'" (Leveen,
50-51). Both correspond to eis ten oikoumenen found in one
336
his eyelids1 test,

the children of men.
The LORD tests the righteous and the wicked,
and his soul hates him that loves violence.
On the wicked he will rain coals of fire and
brimstone;
a scorching wind shall be the portion of
their cup.
(RSV).
Apostolos Makrakis observes2 that Yahweh's temple
and throne signify His local and sovereign relationship and

superiority to His creatures ruled by Him. The first two
clauses of Ps 11:4 indicate "His absolute and universal
sovereignty and lordship" and "an eternal and stable king,
administering justice justly."3
The remarks by Peter C. Craigie4 that "his holy
temple" in the text may refer to the earthly temple and the
papyrus. The LXX reads: hoi ophthalmoi autou eis ton

peneta apoblepousi ("His eyes look upon the poor"). As for
this rendering, Kirkpatrick's explanation seems right:
"The consonants of the word for poor (* ny) resemble those
of the word for his eves (*ynyv), and this word appears to
have been doubly read and translated by the LXX" (Kirkpat
rick, 59, n. 1, italics his).
•’■Following H. L. Ginsberg, and on the basis of the

meaning of the Ugaritic 'p'p, Dahood holds that the Hebrew
'ap'appayim should be rendered "pupils" rather than "eye
lids" (Mitchell Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic Lexicography VII,"
Bib 50 [1969]: 351-352: ['ap'appayim "pupils, eyes"; Ugar.
P P])• Anderson says that this is "possible but not
certain" (Anderson, The Book of Psalms. 1:122).
2Apostolos Makrakis, Commentary on the Psalms of

David. trans. (from the Greek) D. Cummings (Chicago:
Orthodox Christian Educational Society, 1950), 80.
3Ibid.
4Craigie intimates that "His holy temple" in our

text refers to His earthly temple (Craigie, Psalms 1-50.
133) .
337
Psalmist, too, was in the temple can hardly be accepted.
First, the immediate context makes it clear that "Yahweh's
throne is in heaven" (Ps 11:4b). Second, the temple as
such did not exist yet during the time of David and even
David could not enter the temple because he was not a
priest. Therefore, the temple referred to in the text is
the heavenly temple in which the divine throne is located.1
While "heaven" indicates the general location of Yahweh's
throne, "his holy temple" indicates the specific location
where the throne is established. Yahweh is enthroned in
the temple of heaven. He is the transcendent God. The
concept of the high and holy God does not imply remoteness
on His part or unfamiliarity and indifference toward what
is going on upon earth. On the contrary, just because He
is so high, nothing can escape Him and no one can be out of
His surveillance. To put it another way, He is always
available and accessible for the people who put their trust
in Him. He is aware of everything that happens in the
world and thus can help His people in any case of danger or
persecution. This kind of accessibility or availability of
God for His people is not only an aspect of God's nature
but a practical fulfillment of His covenant.
■^Thus Briggs and Briggs, 1:90; Leupold, Exposition

of the Psalms. 126; Derek Kidner, Psalms 1-72: An Intro
duction and Commentary. TOTC 14a (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-
Varsity Press, 1973), 73.
338
The rest of our passage (Ps ll:4b-7) is replete
with the expressions connected with evaluation or judgment:
His eyes "behold" (hzh; "observe" [NIV]); His eyelids
"test"1 (bhn; "scrutinize" or "examine" [NIV]) the sons of
men. In the majority of its occurrences in the OT, bhn
expresses the concept of divine examination and divine

knowledge.2 This "examination" or "testing" is a judicial
investigation which safeguards the righteous and destroys
the wicked. This is necessary because God "hates him that
loves violence" (vs. 5) and "loves righteous deeds" (vs.
7). The result of this testing is that God rains "coals of
fire and brimstone" upon the wicked and "a scorching wind"
is "the portion of their cup," while the upright behold His
face (vss. 6, 7). Fire can be both a purifying element and
a symbol of judgment,3 and brimstone reminds us of the
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen 19:24) which was the
divine judgment for them. Both the wicked and the right
eous experience God's judgment, but only the righteous are
saved to "behold [His] face in righteousness" (Ps 17:15).
1In the ancient Near East, the testing of metals

was done by fire, which is a symbol of judgment as well as
a purifying element. For an illustration of this, see
Othmar Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient
Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms, trans.
Timothy J. Hallett (New York: Crossroad Publishing Company,
1985), 183-186. Cf. Delitzsch, K D :C O T . 1:189.
2M. Tsevat, "bhn; bahon," T W A T . 1:589 (ET: "bhn,

bachon," T D O T . 2:70). Cf. E. Jenni, "bhn prufen," T H A T .
1:272-275.
3Craigie, Psalms 1-50. 134.
339
It is the task of the righteous and almighty God to
regard and protect the indigent man who trusts in Him. His
all-seeing eyes examine for purity the works of all mankind
to distinguish the righteous from the impious. Each man's
deeds are under His continual scrutiny, so that His justice
and righteousness may be administered and His character may
be vindicated.
After all, the dominant theme of Ps 11 is
faith in God, absolute and unshakable, faith in

God's just administration of the world and all its
creatures, His regard for and protection of the
righteous and His antagonism to and proper punish
ment of the wicked.1
This faith can hold fast because its possessor
looks up to the throne of God who is the Ruler and Judge of
the universe.2 A twofold thought enables the Psalmist to
enjoy the peace of mind and the assurance which are the
result of trust, the thought, namely, that with God are
equity and righteousness which are the sum and substance of

His throne.3
Psalm 45:7 (ET 45;6t
Ps 45 has been classified into at least four dif
ferent genres. First, it is one of the forty-two "Elohim"
psalms (Pss 42-33) in which the term 'lhym predominates as
Julian Morgenstern, "Psalm 11," JBL 69 (1950):

221.
2C f . Baethgen, 30-31.
3Weiser, The Psalms. 156.
340
the divine name.1 Second, it is said to belong to a group

of some ten "royal psalms" ("Konigspsalmen") in which the
king is the central figure.2 S. Mowinckel thinks that "Ps.
45 is the only example in the whole of Israelite psalm
poetry of a true hymn to the king."3 Third, it is claimed
to be one of the "Messianic psalms" which sing of the
coming Messiah.4 In determining the Messianic character of
1In this "Elohistic psalter," the title 'lhym

occurs some two hundred times, while the ineffable name or
Tetragrammaton YHWH appears only forty-two times. For the
detailed and relevant statistics, see M. H. Segal, "El,
Elohim, and Yhwh in the Bible," JfiR 46 (1955): 104-105.
Cf. Robert Dick Wilson, "The Names of God in the Old Testa
ment," PTR 18 (1920): 460-492; idem, "The Names of God in
the Psalms," PTR 25 (1927): 1-39.
2The "royal psalms" include: Pss 2; 18; 20; 21;

45; 72; 89; 101; 110; 132 (probably also Pss 118; 144).
Cf. Keith R. Crim, The Roval Psalms (Richmond, VA: John
Knox Press, 1962), 69-123; Helmer Ringgren, The Messiah in
the Old Testament. SBT 18 (London: SCM Press, 1956), 11-24;
Claus Westermann, The Psalms: Structure. Content. and
Message. trans. Ralph D. Gehrke (Minneapolis: Augsburg Pub
lishing House, 1980), 105-107.
3Sigmund Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship.

2 v o l s . , trans. D. R. Ap-Thomas (Nashville: Abingdon Press,
1962), 1:74.
4C f . Philip J. King, A Study of Psalm 4 5 (441

(Rome: Pontificia Universitas Lateranensis, 1959), 103-130
(chap. 4: "Messianic Significance of Ps. 45"); George
Dahl, "The Messianic Expectation in the Psalter," JBL 57
(1938): 11-12; Helmer Ringgren, "Konig und Messias," ZAW
64 (1952): 127-128; idem, The Messiah in the Old Testament.
25-38; Aage Bentzen, Kina and Messiah. Lutterworth Studies
in Church and Bible (London: Lutterworth Press, 1955), 16-
20; Sigmund Mowinckel, He That Cometh. trans. G. w.
Anderson (New York: Abingdon Press, 1956), passim; Hugo
GrePmann, Der Messias (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1929) , passim; J. Barton Payne, The Theology of the Older
Testament (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1962),
262; Leopold Sabourin, The Psalms: Their Origin and
341
Ps 45, vs. 7 must be given special consideration, espe

cially the use of the title "Elohim" in this verse.1 And
fourth, it is suggested that it is a "love song” (sir
ye didot, Ps 45:1 [ET superscription]; Liebeslied)2 or even
an enithalamium (wedding song) that was written for a royal
marriage.3
Meaning (New York: Alba House, 1974), 156-163; T. Ernest

Wilson, The Messianic Psalms (Neptune, NJ: Loizeaux
Brothers, 1978), 104-115. For a comprehensive treatment of
the "enthronement psalms,” see E. Lipitiski, La rovaute de
Yahwd dans la podsie et le culte de 1 1ancien Israel. VKVAW,
Klasse der Letteren XXVII/55 (Brussel: Paleis der Acade-
mien, 1965), 7-90.
3In this regard, John L. McKenzie states:

"The Ps (45) contributes to our understanding of the
Hebrew conception of the monarch; but the messianic
interpretation of the Ps rests chiefly, if not
entirely, upon v. 7, in which the king possibly is
addressed as Elohim.11
(John L. McKenzie, "Royal Messianism," CBO 19 [1957]: 40).
2Cf. Oswald Loretz, Das althebraische Liebeslied:

Untersuchunqen zur Stichometrie und Redaktionsqeschichte
des Hohenliedes und des 45. Psalms. Studien zur alt-
hebraischen Poesie 1, AOAT 14/1 (Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon &
Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag das Erzie-
hungsvereins, 1971), 67-70.
3Dahl, 11-12. Cf. Charles Foster Kent, The Songs.

Hvmns. and Pravers of the Old Testament. The Student's OT 5
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1914), 87-88; J. H.
Darby, "Psalm XLIV (XLV): The King and His Bride," IER 91
(1959): 248-255; Hans-Joachim Kraus, Psalmen. 2 vols.,
BKAT XV/l-2, zweite, durchgesehene Auflage (Neukirchen
Kreis Moers: Neukirchener Verlag der Buchhandlung des
Erziehungsvereins, 1961), 1:332; Joachim Becker, Israel
deutet seine Psalmen: Urform und Neuinterpretation in den
Psalmen. SBS 18 (Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk,
1966), 80 ("ein Hochzeitslied, ein Brautgesang"). With
regard to the identity of the king and queen, several
proposals have been made: David and Maacah (Ibn Ezra);
Solomon and the daughter of Pharaoh (Kirkpatrick); Joram
of Judah and Athaliah of Israel (Delitzsch); Ahab and
Jezebel (Hitzig); Jeroboam II (Ewald); Jehu (Briggs);
342
Ps 45:7-8 reads:
kis'aka 'elohim olam wa' ed
Sebet miSor "Sebet malkviteka:
'ahabta ssedeq watti^na' re%a*
'al-ken m®£ahaka 'elohim 'eloheka
Semen £a£on mehabereka:
Your throne, O God, is forever and ever;
A scepter of uprightness is the scepter of
Your kingdom.
You love righteousness and hate wickedness;
Therefore God, Your God, has anointed You
With the oil of joy above Your fellows.1
Ps 45:7 (ET 45:6) is "one of the most celebrated
cruces interpretum in the OT."2 It has caused a great
number of serious studies and heated discussions for more
than a millennium, starting with Jewish scholars like
Saadija, Ibn Ezra, Qimhi, and Rashi. The primary question
in this verse is, How are the two Hebrew words ks'k 'lhym
to be understood? Or, more directly to the main concern of
etc. For the summary of proposals, see Jacquet, 2:42;

Kraus, Psalmen. 1:333; Murray J. Harris, "The Translation
of Elohim in Psalm 45:7-8," TvnB 35 (1984): 65, n. 3.
After a thorough examination of the literary back
ground of the psalm, J. S. M. Mulder concludes: "Ps. 45 was
all but certainly written before the exile under the influ
ence of the court style of the later Neo-Assyrian empire.
It originated probably in the seventh century B.C. in the
Southern kingdom, with a good chance that Josiah is the
king who is celebrated in the psalm" (Johannes Stephanus
Maria Mulder, Studies on Psalm 4 5 [Oslo: Offsetdrukkerij
Witsiers-OSS, 1972], 158). T. H. Gaster, however, suggests
in light of the common Near Eastern practice of treating a
bridal couple as royalty, that the psalm describes a con
ventional wedding ceremony, with a comparison between the
characteristics of a bridegroom and the qualities of a king
(Theodor H. Gaster, "Psalm 45," JBL 74 [1955]: 239-251).
^•My translation.
2Harris, 69.
343
the present study, Whose throne is meant by ks'k? The
answer to this question relies upon how one translates
'lhym.
Syntactically, three possibilities of translating
'lhym in the present passage exist: (1) as a vocative, (2)
as the subject or part of it, and (3) as the predicate or
part of it.1 The LXX rendition, ho thronos sou ho theos
eis aiona aionos (ho theos [= 'lhym] as a vocative2 ), is
followed by the other classic versions such as Aquila,
Symmachus, Theodotion, the Peshitta, the Vulgate, and
Luther. This translation ("Your throne, O God, is forever
and ever") is also sustained by the majority of English
versions3 and by a considerable number of modern scholars.4
^•Cf. Mulder, 35-65.
2The ho theos as cited in Heb 1:8 is correctly

understood by Raymond E. Brown as a vocative (Raymond E.
Brown, "Does the New Testament Call Jesus God?" TS 2 6
[1965]: 562). Vincent Taylor admits that in Heb 1:8 the
expression ho theos is a vocative spoken of Jesus, but he
says that the author of Hebrews was merely citing the psalm
and using its terminology without any deliberate intention
of suggesting that Jesus is God (Vincent Taylor, "Does the
New Testament Call Jesus God?" ExoTim 73 [1961-62]: 117).
3E . g . , KJV, RV, RSV margin, NASB, NAB, JB, NIV.
4E .g., F. Delitzsch, K D :C O T . 5:2:72, 82-86; J. J.

Stewart Perowne, The Book of Psalms: A New Translation with
Introductions and Notes Explanatory and Critical. 2 vols.
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1878; reprint,
1966), 1:371; Rudolf Kittel, Die Psalmen. KAT 13, 3rd and
4th ed. (Leipzig: A. Deichertsche Verlagsbuchhandlung Dr.
Werner Scholl, 1922), 156; Oswald T. Allis, "'Thy Throne,
O God, Is for Ever and Ever' : A Study in Higher Critical
Method," PTR 21 (1923): 236-266; Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 189,
190; C. R. North, "The Religious Aspects of Hebrew
Kingship," ZAW 50 (1932): 27; Hans Schmidt, Die Psalmen.
344
But not all scholars agree that this vocative should be
rendered "O God." Alternative translations include: "0
Elohim," "0 Divine One," "O Ruler," "O divine king," "0
majesty," "O divine one," "Gottlicher," "o Gottlicher," "du
Gottlicher," "du Gott," "o Divin," etc.
When 'lhym is considered to be the subject or part
of it, then three possible translations have been suggested
HAT, erste Reihe 15 (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul

Siebeck], 1934), 84; Edward J. Kissane, The Book of Psalms
Translated from a Critically Revised Hebrew Text with a
Commentary (Dublin: Browne and Nolan, The Richview Press,
1953), 198; Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament. 236;
King, A Study of Psalm 45 f44) . 83; Weiser, The Psalms.
360; Johannes Schildenberger, "Zur Textkritik von Ps 45
(44)," BZ. 3 (1959): 36; Kraus, Psalmen. 1:330, 334 (ET:
Psalms 1-59. 451) ; Karl-Heinz Bernhardt, Das Problem der
altorie n t a l i s c h e n Koniasideoloaie im Alten Testament:
U nter besonderer Berucksichtiauna der Geschichte der
Psalmenexeaese daraestellt und kritisch aewurdiat. VTS 8
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1961), 255, n. 6, and 263; J. R.
Porter, "Psalm XLV.7," JTS 12 (1961): 51-53; Sigmund
Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. 6 vols. (Amsterdam: Verlag P.
Schippers N. V., 1961), 3:98; idem, The Psalms in Israel1s
Worship. 1:73; Claus Schedl, "Neue Vorschlage zu Text und
Deutung des Psalmes XLV," VT 14 (1964): 316; Adolf
Neuwirth, "ks'k 'lhym: Dein Thron, o Gott (Ps 45,7):
Untersuchungen zum Gottkonigtum im alten Orient und im
Alten Testament: Beitrag zur Psalmenforschung" (Th.D.
dissertation, Karl-Franzens-Universitat zu Graz, 1964),
196; Becker, Israel deutet seine Psalmen. 82, 84-85;
Bertil Albrektson, History and the Gods: An Essav on the
Idea of Historical Events as Divine Manifestations in the
Ancient Near East and in Israel. CB-OTS 1 (Lund: CWK
Gleerup, 1967), 51, n. 46; Avrohom Chaim Feuer, Tehillim/
Psalms: A New Translation with a Commentary Anthologized
from Talmudic. Midrashic and Rabbinic Sources. 2 vols.,
ASTS (New York: Mesorah Publications, 1969), 1:567; B.
Couroyer, "Dieu ou roi?" RB 78 (1971): 233-241; Michael
Goulder, The Psalms of the Sons of Korah. JSOTS 20 (Shef
field: JSOT Press, The University of Sheffield, 1982), 129;
Harris, 87; Fabry, "kisse'," T W A T . 4:263; Jacquet, 2:38.
345
for ks'k 'lhym: (1) "God is your throne"1 ; (2) "your
divine throne"2 or literally, "your throne of God"3 or
"your God-throne"4 ; and (3) "God has enthroned you."5
If 'lhym is regarded as the predicate or part of
it, ks'k 'lhym has been rendered four different ways: (1)
"your throne is God"6 ; (2) "your throne is God's throne"7
1For further discussions of this, see Mulder, 49-

51; Harris, 72.
2R S V ; NJV. Th. C. Vriezen, An Outline of Old Tes

tament Theology (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1958), 220, n. 1,
remarks that "In Ps. xlv.7 the word ,e16hini is not to be
connected with the king himself but with the throne."
Martin Noth translates Ps 45:7 as "Dein Thron ist (wie) der
(Thron) Gottes, namlich bestehend fur immer und ewig"
("Gott, Konig, Volk im Alten Testament: Eine methodologi-
sche Auseinandersetzung mit einer gegenwartigen Forschungs-
richtung," ZTK 47 [1950]: 188). For further discussion of
this, see Mulder, 51-54; Harris, 71-72.
30n this view 'lhya is genitival: "Your throne of

God" means "your throne established and protected by God"
or "the throne that God has given you" (TEV).
4C f . Carl Bernhard Moll and Thomas J. Conant, "The

Psalms," I.:CHS . 9:296.
5Dahood, Psalms I (1-501 . 269, 273; Craigie,

Psalms 1-50. 336-337. Dahood vocalizes ks'k as the pjel of
a denominative verb, "enthrone."
6G . R. Driver, "The Modern Study of the Hebrew

Language," in The People and the B o o k , ed. Arthur S. Peake
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925), 115-116, observes:
"'Thy throne is God' is an archaic form of comparatio
compendiaria which has survived unaltered in an
early poem; its genuineness is attested by a
passage in the Babylonian Epic of Creation,
which itself comes down from a very early period;
there it is said of Marduk: segarka (il)Anum 'thy
word is the heaven-god' (iv.4 and 6), v i z . like
that of the heaven-god. In fact, the phrases 'thy
throne is God' and 'thy word is the heaven-god'
are precisely parallel expressions, each in its
346
or "your throne will be a divine throne"1 ; (3) "your

throne is like God's throne"2 ; and (4) "your throne is
God's."3
While scholars have resorted to so many different
solutions and made various attempts to solve the enigma of
own language a rare relic of a primitive syntax."

For further discussions of this, see King, 74-75; Mulder,
54-56; Harris, 72.
7This translation presupposes the ellipsis of ks'.

In other words, the expression ks'k 'lhym is a case of
brachylogy. It calls to mind 1 Chr 29:23: "Then Solomon
sat on the throne of the LORD ('al-kisse' YHWH) as king
instead of David his father, . . . " (KJV). Cf. Hermann
Hupfeld and Wilhelm Nowack, Die Psalmen. 2 v o l s . , dritte,
neu bearbeitete Auflage (Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes,
1888), 1:619: "Dein Thron ist ein Gottesthron immer und
ewig"; Eduard Konig, Die Psalmen (Gutersloh: Verlag C.
Bertelsmann, 1927), 474: "Dein Thron wird [infolgedessen]
ein Gottesthron fur immer und ewig"; Kirkpatrick, 248
(tentatively): "Thy throne [is the throne of] God" (RV
margin). The RSV margin makes the supplied ks* indefinite
in meaning: "Your throne is a throne of God"; R. Tournay,
"Les affinites du Ps. xlv avec le Cantique des Cantiques et
leur interpretation messianique," in Congress Volume: Bonn
1962, VTSup 9 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1963), 185-187; John
H. Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms. 142-143: "Your throne,
the throne of God" (cf. idem, Psalms. TBC [London: SCM
Press, 1967], 125); Tryggve N. D. Mettinger, King and
Messiah: The Civil and Sacral Legitimation of the Israel
ite K i n g . CB-OTS 8 (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1976), 264-265, 273.
For further discussion of this, see King, 75; Mulder, 57-
62; Harris. 7 3-75.
3Cf. G H C L . 50, where Gesenius paraphrases "divine"

as "guarded and made prosperous by God." But Moses Butten-
wieser prefers to render it in the optative mood: "May thy
throne be a throne divine forever" (Moses Buttenwieser, The
Psalms Chronologically Treated with a New Translation
[Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938], 82, 91).
2NEB; cf. Kraus, Psalms 1-59. 4 52. For further

discussions of this, see King, 75-76; Mulder, 57-62;
Harris, 75-77.
3Mulder, 7 3-80.
347
this particular passage,1 one has the impression that none
of them is fully satisfactory.2 Most scholars see a basic
lrrhe attempts of interpretation include textual

corrections which have been proposed since the times of
Saadija, Qimhi (cf. Sidney I. Esterson, "The Commentary of
Rabbi David Kimhi [Qimhi] on Psalms 42-72," HUCA 10 [1935]:
3 31), and Ibn Ezra. The following are the two most radical
cases of proposed textual correction:
(1) Th. Noldeke, "Kleinigkeiten," ZAW 8 (1888):
156-157, states that " •lhym Ps. 45,7 ungehorig ist" and
that "dies Wort schon friih von einem Manne eingeschoben
sei, welcher daran Ansto0 nahm, dag einem Konig eine ewige
Herrschaft zugesprochen wird, selbst wenn er ihn als den
Messias fa0te."
(2) Briggs and Briggs, 1:387, dispose of the whole
vs. 7 (and vs. 8a ) , with the following argument: "There is
nothing in the context that has any relation whatever to
the thought of these lines. When they are removed they are
not missed"!
For the various proposed textual emendations and
the discussions of them, see Allis, 236-264; Mulder, 65-72.
2 Among them Charles Bruston's conjecture is most

well-known. He suggests that an original yhyh was read
YHWH which was then subject to an "Elohistic" alteration to
'lhym. The text, therefore, should be rendered: "Your
throne will be eternal" (Charles Bruston, Du texte primitif
des Psaumes [Paris: Sandoz & Fischbacher, 1873], 91-92).
Bruston was followed by Julius Wellhausen and Bernhard Duhm
(J. Wellhausen, The Book of Psalms: A New English Trans
lation. SBONT 14, trans. Horace Howard Furness [New York:
Dodd, Mead, and Company, 1898], 45, 183; Bernhard Duhm,
Die Psalmen. KHCAT 14 [Freiburg: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr (Paul
Siebeck), 1899], 129). In 1887 F. Giesebrecht independently
proposed the same theory as Bruston's (cf. F. Giesebrecht,
"Zwei cruces interpretum Ps. 45,7 und Deut. 33,21," ZAW 7
[1887]: 290-291). Giesebrecht explains the change in the
following way:
"Doch irrte er [the redactor] sich in seinem Eifer,
den nicht auszusprechenden Gottesnamen zu entfer-
nen, und corrigirte ein yhyh statt YHWH in 'lhym./
Hief) demnach der Text ursprunglich k i s ,aka yih®yeh
'olam va'ed, so ist nicht nur ’lhym beseitigt, son-
dern auch das Verbum gewonnen" (p. 291).
Cf. J. C. Matthes, "Noch einmal Ps. 45,7," ZAW 8 (1888):
264. Cf. 2 Sam 7:13, 16; Pss 21:5 (ET 21:4); 72:5; 89:5,
30, 37-38 (ET 89:4, 29, 36-37). Moffat's version follows
this line: "Your throne shall stand for evermore." For
further discussions on Bruston's suggestion, see Allis,
348
problem of the Hebrew syntax in this verse,1 because it
seems that, while the pronominal suffix of the second
person in kis'aka ("your throne") refers to a human king,
that king is called 'lhym. There are other factors which
intrude upon any consideration of this difficulty, such as
one's view of the OT Scriptures, the place of predictive
Messianic prophecies in the OT, and the normative character
of NT interpretation for our understanding of OT passages.2
Thus scholars will doubtless continue to disagree about the
meaning of our text.3
Various suggestions and explanations have been
provided to solve this crux interpres. P. van Imschoot4
238-239; King, 76-77; Neuwirth, 205; Mulder, 67-71;

Harris, 69.
^■Cf. Schedl, 310-318; J. A. Emerton, "The Syntac

tical Problem of Psalm XLV.7," JSS 13 (1968): 58-63; Allan
M. Harman, "The Syntax and Interpretation of Psalm 45:7,"
in The Law and the Prophets. OT Studies Prepared in Honor
of Oswald Thompson Allis, ed. John H. Skilton et al.
[Philadelphia]: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Com
pany, 1974), 337-347; North, "The Religious Aspects of
Hebrew Kingship," ZAW 50 (1932): 29-31; E. Podechard,
"Notes sur les Psaumes: Psaume XLV," RB 32 (1923): 28-38.
2Cf. Leslie C. Allen, "Psalm 45:7-8 (6-7) in Old

and New Testament Settings," in Christ the Lord. Studies in
Christology Presented to Donald Guthrie, ed. Harold H.
Rowdon (Leicester, England: Inter-Varsity Press, 1982),
220-242; Harris, 80-82.
3C f . Emerton, "The Syntactical Problem of Psalm

XLV.7," JSS 13 (1968): 63.
4P. van Imschoot, Theoloaie of the Old Testament,

vol. 1, G o d , trans. Kathryn Sullivan and Fidelis Buck (New
York: Desclee Company, 1965), 13.
349
and R. de Vaux,1 along with many others, assert that
"Elohim" designates not only the supreme Being in the
metaphysical sense, but it may also be used metaphorically
in reference to such charismatic figures as judges or kings
in their capacity as representatives of God. Mowinckel
notes that the Israelites "could use the word 'god'
('e lohi») of many kinds of subordinate supernatural
beings."2 The title "Elohim" is applied to human judges
(Ps 82:1, 6). As a titre protocolaire it is also applied
to Moses (Exod 4:16; 7:1) and to the House of David (Isa
9:6 [ET 9:7]; Zech 12:8). In a similar manner "Elohim" in
our passage can designate an earthly king, not by reason of
any divine character on his part but in view of his regal
dignity and in his role as the anointed of God3 (cf. Pss
45:8 [ET 45:7]; 89:21 [ET 89:20]), as the son of God4 (cf.
2 Sam 7:14; Ps 89:27-28 [ET 89:26-27]), or as the leader

for Yahweh (laYHWH le nSgid, 1 Chr 29:22).
H. GrePmann explains that Ps 45:7 has an earthly
king in mind and this passage is unique in that it is the
only place in the OT where the king is addressed directly
1Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel. vol. 1, Social

Institutions. trans. John McHugh (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, 1961), 112.
2Mowinckel, He That Cometh. 76.
3Cf. Neuwirth, 207.
4C f . Helmer Ringgren, "Konig und Messias," ZAW 64

(1952): 128; Gerald Cooke, "The Israelite Kina as Son of
God," ZAW 73 (1961): 202-225.
350
by the title "Elohim."1 This idea has been maintained by
H. Gunkel.2 More recently it is claimed that this par
ticular usage of "Elohim" may reflect the influence of the
ancient oriental "court style" ("Hofstil") in which the
Icings were accorded divine titles.3 H.-J. Kraus under
stands this usage as an exaggeration of the court style:
The bold hyperbole is unmistakable when the ruler

is then described as "the fairest among the sons of
men" (v. 2 [MT 3]), and when the epithet "divine"
is added (v. 6 [MT 7]). In the exaggerated praise
of a wedding song the term 'lhym ("god") is not
reliable indication of apotheosis, but a bold
stroke of the court style in praise of the
"divine." The context makes this clear.4
^•Gre Pm a n n , Per Ursprung Jar israelitisch-iudischen

Eschatoloaie. 256-257.
2Gunkel, Einleituna in die Psalmen. 166, states:

"Israel, von Anfang an monotheistisch gestimmt, hat
die Vergotterung der Konige, wie sie ihm aus den
Weltreichen zugekommen war, im ganzen abgelehnt.
Die Benennung dos Konigs a?s 'Gott' findet sich nur
ganz selten . . ."
3Cf. Bernhardt, Das Problem des altorientalischen

Kdniasideoloaie im Alten Testament. 255, n. 6:
"In Ps. xlv 7 wird der Konig allerdings 'lhym
genannt. Dabei ist aber nicht zu verkennen, dap es
eben nicht heipt: 'Der Konig ist Elohim', sondern
'Elohim' nur vom hofischen Dichter in der iiber-
schwanglichen Anrede gebraucht wird" (italics his).
4Hans-Joachim Kraus, Theology of the Psalms, trans.

Keith Crim (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1986),
110. Kraus notes that "thus 'lhym in Ps. 45:7 is under
stood as a reference to the deity of the ruler" (p. 182) .
The meaning of this statement by itself is ambiguous
because the word "deity" can be understood as deification
of the ruler. But in its context, it seems evident that it
does not mean that. Cf. Michael D. Goulder, The Psalms of
the Sons of K orah. JSOTS 20 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, The
University of Sheffield, 1982), 130.
351
Martin Noth's argument is cogent as he states:
Es wird also daran festzuhalten sein, da8 nicht

einmal dem Jerusalmer Konigtum, geschweige denn
den Konigtumern in den Staaten Israel und Juda,
jemals Gottiichkeit beigemessen worden ist. Wenn
das behauptet wird, so ist damit zugleich aus-
gesprochen, dap auch in Ps. 45,7 nicht damit zu
rechnen ist, dap der Konig hier als "Gott" ange-
redet werde. . . . 1
All things considered, two suggestions deserve
serious attention. The first concerns J. S. M. Mulder's
comparison of the text with other expressions in parallel
verses. He concludes that Ps 45:7a should be rendered:
"Your throne is God's for ever and ever."2 The second is
provided by Murray J. Harris. After considering the
1Noth, "Gott, Konig, Volk im Alten Testament," 2TK

47 (1950): 188 (ET: The Laws in the Pentateuch and other
Studies. trans. D. R. Ap-Thomas [London: SCM Press, 1984],
174-175). Against David F. Payne, Kingdoms of the Lord:
A History of the Hebrew Kingdoms from Saul to the Fall of
Jerusalem (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Com
pany, 1981), 272. Recently John Gray suggested that
"kis,aka 'e 15him '61am wa'ed may mean 'Thy throne,
0 God-like one, is eternal,' . . . 'e lohim, like
'el in Isa. 9:5 [ET 9:6], may mean something like
'superman,' not actually divine, but, as Ps. 45:3
[ET45:2] indicates, something more than ordinary
men 'a little less than God' (Ps. 8:6 [ET 8:5]),
hence our translation 'God-like'."
(Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of G o d . 125-126).
2Mulder, 80. In his conclusion, Mulder summarizes

the reasons for this translation as follows:
"Because of the generic character of the expres
sions brk ['bless,' Ps 45:3, MT] and m£h ['anoint,'
Ps 45:8, MT] in the parallel verses and due to the
multiple references and the allusions in Ps. 45,7a
to the relation between God and the king, such a
translation should be chosen as admitting the
widest range of possible implications. The most
literal translation, using the same brachylogy as
the Hebrew original does, is most probably the best
one here, too" (ibid.).
352
various objections (grammatical, structural, contextual and

theological) raised against the traditional interpretation,
he concludes:
The traditional rendering, "Your throne, 0 God, is

for ever and ever," . . . remains the most satis
factory solution to the exegeticai problems posed
by the verse. In addition, we have proposed that
in this verse it is a king of the Davidic dynasty
who is addressed as 'lhym.1
In Mulder's interpretation, the relation between
the king and God and between the king's throne and God's is
stressed. In Harris' interpretation, however, kingship or
royal ideology is elevated. If the traditional translation
is the correct reading and the word 'lhym is addressed to

the king, royal ideology reaches its highest point in this
passage.2 Even in this case, however, the full meaning of
the text can be realized only when one looks on the king as
a king of the Davidic dynasty through which the Messiah
would come. In this sense, the king was, so to speak, a
1Harris, 87. Neuwirth, 226, offers the same con

clusions in his dissertation on the present passage:
"(a) Der Elohim-Titel [ist] nicht ausschliepiich
Gott vorbehalten;
(b) Der biblische Sprachgebrauch wendet ihn auch an
andere Geschopfe an;
(c) V. 7 [ist] kein Beleg fur das Vorhandensein der
Idee des gottlichen Konigs in Israel;
(d) V. 7 berechtigt nicht eine Hieros-Gamos-Zeremo-
nie fur Israel zu postulieren."
2Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament. 236-237.

Jacob notes further:
"Even in admitting that the king is treated as
Elohim . . . it must be borne in mind that the term
,elohim has a variety of shades of meaning which
forbid our speaking of a real deification" (p. 237,
n. 1) .
353
"divine king." Gosta W. Ahlstrom offers an appropriate
remark on this question:
Wenn der Konig mit *lhym angeredet w i r d , bedeutet

das, dap er dem divinen Kreis z.ugehort, jedoch
nicht, dap er notwendigerweise als identisch mit
Jahwe angesehen werden mup.1
In the case of Mulder's translation, the king's
throne is God's throne forever. This implies that the
king's throne belongs to God and that it is as eternal as

the throne of God is. As John H. Eaton notes, this
expresses "the theology of the Davidic ruler as organ of
God's own kingship; he reigns on Zion from God's own
throne (I Chron. 29.23; 28.5; Pss. 2.6; 110.I)."2 On the
other hand, in the case of Harris' rendering, the throne of
God or of the One who is addressed as "God" is eternal. In
both cases, the throne is inseparably related to God, and
thus it is a "divine throne."
The Messianic import of this passage is its cita
tion in the letter to the Hebrews (1:8-9) as part of a
catena of OT quotations. The words are taken over with but
minor modification from the LXX and are used to prove
Jesus' superiority over the angels. The LXX rendering can
hardly bear any other translation than "Your throne, 0 God,
1G6sta W. Ahlstrom, "Die Konigsideclogie in Israel:

Ein Diskussionsbeitrag," TZ 18 (1962): 207; cf. idem, Roval
Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine.
Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East 1 (Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1982), 6, n. 36.
2Eaton, Psalms. 125.
354
is for ever and ever.” The point is that the words quoted
are expressly said to be words addressed by God to the Son
of God. Since the NT writer quotes and interprets the text
as a Messianic reference, his understanding of the text
must remain normative for us.^- Accordingly, the king who
is addressed as 'lhym or theos is none other than the
theocratic Messiah-King, identified as Jesus Christ in the
NT, and the throne which is hailed as eternal refers to no
one else's throne but that of the Messiah-King. The
quotation from Ps 45:7-8 (MT) in Heb 1:8-9 forms part of
the total NT witness to the kingship of Christ with the
reminder that deity and royalty were predicted of Him from
of old, and that His everlasting reign— both government and
judgment— is characterized by absolute righteousness.
Despite all kinds of difficulties in interpreting
the passage in question, one item of certainty is the
concept that the throne will endure for eternity. This
will be truly so, because the One who occupies it is
"divine" and "eternal." Together with "the scepter (Sebet)
1Cf. Allen, "Psalm 45:7-8 (6-7) in Old and New

Testament Settings," in Christ the Lord, ed. Rowdon, 231-
241; Harman, 346-347. When the NT writers quote the OT
texts, their interpretations may not always correspond with
the precise historical meaning which the texts have in
their contexts. In other words, the argument of the NT
writers may not be founded upon the primary literal and
historical meaning of the OT texts, but upon the secondary
significance— prophetic, typical, Messianic, spiritual, or
even allegorical— of the texts. Therefore, the interpreta
tions of the NT writers as scriptural authors can and
should remain normative, although they may not be the only
possible interpretations.
355
of justice1 [which is] the scepter of Your kingdom" (Ps
45:7b, MT) , throne (kisse') symbolizes the eternal kingdom
(malkiit) of the Messiah-King2 who has the eternal kingship
and will rule and judge with justice (mi&or) and righteous
ness (sedeq) (cf. vss. 7-8 [ET 6-7]).
Psalm 47:9 (ET 47:8)
As one of the so-called "enthronement psalms"3 and
the second of the "trilogy of praise [Pss 46-48], in which
^-Zeev W. Falk points out the two symbols of royal

justice: one is the royal throne and the other the rod in
the judge's hand (cf. Isa 11:4; Mic 4:14) or the royal
scepter (Ps 45:7, MT) . This concept of the "scepter of
justice" is paralleled in the ancient Near East. (Cf. Zeev
W. Falk, "Two Symbols of Justice," VT 10 [I960]: 72-74).
The Babylonian king Hammurabi, in the epilogue to his laws,
says: "The great gods called me,/ so I became the benefi
cent shepherd whose scepter is righteous" (ANET/ 178) .
Also in the inscription of Ahiram of Byblos one reads:
"If there be a king among kings and a governor among
governors and an army commander up in Byblos who
shall uncover this sarcophagus, let his judicial
staff be broken, let his royal throne be upset!"
(A N E T . 661).
2C f . Gunkel, Ausaewahlte Psalmen. 75, who notes:

"Wenn der Thron an die Ewigkeit des Konigtums erinnert, so
das Zepter an die Gerechtigkeit des Herrschers."
3The other so-called "enthronement psalms" are Pss

93; 95-99. Cf. Gunkel, Einleituna in die Psalmen. 94-116;
Elmer A. Leslie, The Psalms Translated and Interpreted in
the Light of Hebrew Life and Worship (New York: Abingdon-
Cokesbury Press, 1949), 63-84; Andre Caquot, "Le psaume 47
et la royautd de Yahwe," RHPR 39 (1959): 311; Mowinckel,
The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 1:106-192; Drijvers, 164-
182; Claus Westermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms.
trans. Keith R. Crim and Richard N. Soulen (Atlanta: John
Knox Press, 1981), 145-151; Walter Brueggemann, The Message
of the Psalms: A Theological Commentary. AOTS (Minneapolis:
Augsburg Publishing House, 1984), 140-152; Gray, The Bib
lical Doctrine of the Reign of G o d . 39-71.
356
some signal deliverance of Jerusalem from foreign enemies
is celebrated,"1 Ps 47 has a many-sided interest. Espe
cially since the publication of Mowinckel1s influential
monograph,2 it has been considered, together with other
members of this group, related to the cultic celebrations
of the Babylonian New Year (Sumerian zagmuk, Akkadian

akitu)3 festival. Henri Frankfort calls this festival "the
great rite de passage which would lead nature and society
to a new period of fruitfulness."4
It is Mowinckel's hypothesis that originally a part
of Israel's Feast of Tabernacles had a previously unnoticed
enthronement festival in which Yahweh newly "ascended his
royal throne to wield his royal power."5 The arguments
1Kirkpatrick, 2 53. Cf. W. Graham Scroggie, The

Psalms, 4 vols. (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell Company,
1965) , 1:264, 268.
2Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. vol. 2, Das Thron-

besteiqunosfest Jahwas und der Ursnruna der Eschatoloaie
(first ed. 1922).
3Henri Frankfort remarks:

"The New Year's festival could be held in the autumn
as well as in the spring. We translate Sumerian
zagmuk, which means 'beginning of the year,' and
the Akkadian akitu, which has an uncertain meaning,
'New Year's festival,' because these feasts are
essentially what the modern term indicates— festive
celebrations of a new beginning in the annual
cycle."
(Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient
Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and
Nature [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948], 313-
314) .
4Ibid., 315.
5Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 1:106.
357
by Kraus against an annual enthronement of Yahweh are
penetrating:
Anyone who posits an annual enthronement of Yahweh
in the worship of Israel must assume— even regard
as fundamental— the possibility that Yahweh could
lose his lordship for a period of time, that is,
that the God of Israel "functioned" in a manner
analogous to the dying and rising deities. There
is no basis for such an assumption in the psalms of
Yahweh's kingship, indeed in the entire Old Testa
ment. Moreover, to assume that the enthronement
concept was adapted to the situation found in the
worship of Yahweh is a last resort which ends in
abstractions and lacks any relationship to the
facts. . . . Thus, in the light of the data, the
assumption of an "enthronement of Yahweh" is an
impossibility.1
After a detailed discussion on the theories of
Mowinckel and his followers, James Edwin Allman concludes:
Certainly the hymns to Yahweh's Kingship demand

no interpretation along the lines developed by
Mowinckel. There is nothing in them of the death
or renascence of Yahweh, of His captivity in the
underworld, of mock battles or sacred marriages.
All of this is impossible in the Old Testament.
Yahweh the king is neither a new chief god, nor a
god who must periodically overcome the opposition
of chaos. Myth, as represented, for example in the
Enuma elis. has no value as a device to unlock the
Hebrew Scriptures, . . .2
•^Kraus, Theology of the Psalms. 88.
2James Edwin Allman, A Biblical Theology of the

Hvmns in the Book of Psalms. Th.D. dissertation, Dallas
Theological Seminary, 1984 (Ann Arbor, MI: University
Microfilms International), 151. W. Stewart McCullough also
concluded
"that there is no evidence that Yahweh was annually
'enthroned' at such a celebration, and that ir is
highly improbable that the theology of Israel's
religious leaders would have countenanced any such
'enthronement' ceremony, particularly if its tenor
was similar to that of Marduk's enthronement in
Babylon."
(W. Stewart McCullough, "The 'Enthronement of Yahweh'
358
No clear evidence is found in Scripture to posit an annual
enthronement of Yahweh or a ceremony to celebrate any event
like that.
Some similarities exist between the Hebrew poems
and Babylonian rituals, as suggested some time ago by Hugo
GrePmann1 and others.2 It is alleged that, in addition,
certain affinities are found between the Hebrew poems and
ancient Egyptian texts, especially the dramatic Ramesseum
papyrus.3 However, these phenomena do not provide the
evidence for the existence of the annual enthronement of
Yahweh in Israel.4
Psalms," in A Stubborn Faith. Papers on OT and Related

Subjects Presented to Honor William Andrew Irwin, ed.
Edward C. Hobbs [Dallas: Southern Methodist University
Press, 1956], 60; cf. idem, "The Book of Psalms," £B, 4:7).
1Hugo GrePmann, e d . , Altorientalische Texte zum

Alten Testament. ATBAT, zweite, vdllig neugestaltete und
stark vermehrte Auflage (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter &Co.,
1926), 295-303.
2Paul Volz, Das Neuiahrsfest Jahwes (Laubhutten-

fest) (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck],
1912); F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels accadiens (Paris: Presses
Universitaires des France, 1921; reprint, Osnabruck: Otto
Zeller Verlag, 1975), 129-146; Heinrich Zimmern, "Das
babylcnische Neujahrsfest," Der Alte Orient 25/3 (1926);
Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. vol. 2, Zum israelitischen
Neuiahr und zur Deutuna der Thronbesteicrunqspsalmen; Pap,
Das israelitische Neuiahrsfest.
3Karl Heinz Ratschow, "Epikrise zum Psalm 47," ZAW

53 (1935): 176-177.
4Erhard Gertenberger, "Chapter Five: Psalms," in

Old Testament Form Criticism. ed. John H. Hayes (San
Antonio, TX: Trinity University Press, 1974), 196-197.
359
Mowinckel suggests that "Jewish tradition affirms
the enthronement psalm (Ps. 47), to be a new year psalm."1
This statement seems to be based upon the Talmud,2 but
whatever tradition there may be, it began only in later
Judaism.3 In the Christian Church, however, the reference
to God's ascension (Ps 47:6 [ET 47:5]) has been the basis
for the use of Ps 47 as one of the proper psalms for
Ascension Day.4
A. Weiser interprets the "enthronement psalms" in
the context of the Covenant Festival.5 This also cannot be
clearly established in the history of Hebrew worship. It
has been subjected to thoroughgoing criticisms, which call
into question the viability of the Covenant Festival as a
setting for the so-called "enthronement psalms." Another
proposal for the setting of those psalms, particularly of
2C f . Sop. 19:2. It is in the Synagogue, not the

Temple, that Ps 47 has been recited before the sounding of
the shofar on the Rosh ha-Shanah or the New Year, a day
"when the liturgy dwells upon the thought of God's uni
versal Sovereignty" (Cohen, The Psalms. 147). C f . Kirk
patrick, 259; Leslie, The Psalms. 65.
3Weiser, The Psalms. 374; Craigie, Psalms i-

50, 348.
4James Muilenburg, "Psalm 47," JBL 63 (1944): 236;

Anderson, The Book of Psalms. 1:361; Craigie, Psalms 1-50.
34 8. Cf. Hans-Joachim Kraus, Psalms 1-59: A Commentary,
trans. Hilton C. Oswald (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing
House, 1988), 470.
5Weiser, The Psalms. 23-52.
360
Ps 47, has been made by J. J. M. Roberts.1 He posits the

setting for the psalm "in a cultic celebration of Yahweh's
imperial accession, based on the relatively recent vic
tories of David's age, which raised Israel from provincial
obscurity to an empire of the first rank."2 P. C. Craigie
looks at the "enthronement psalms" from a historical view
point of Israelite traditions. He states that they
should probably be interpreted as the culmination

of an ancient tradition, beginning with particular
victory hvmns (Exod 15:1-18), developing into gen
eral victory hymns (Ps 29), and being represented
eventually by the general praise of God's kingship
(PSS 47, 93, 96-99).3
A very recent monograph on the "enthronement
psalms" authored by Jorg Jeremias tries to comprehend the
kingship of Yahweh against the background of Canaanite
myth.4 With regard to Ps 47 in particular, he puts a
special importance on the difference between the nominal
state-sentences and the verbal action-sentences in the
psalm. He states:
Dabei wird recht bald erkennbar. daB die zustand-

lichen Aussagen in den Nominalsatzen, mit den^n der
!j. J. M. Roberts, "The Religio-Political Setting

of Psalm 47," BASOR 221 (1976): 129-132.
2Ibid., 132.
3Craigie, Psalms 1-50. 348 (italics h i s ) ; c f .

idem, "Psalm XXIX in the Hebrew Poetic Tradition," VI 22
(1972): 143-151.
4Jorg Jeremias, Das Koniotum Gottes in den Psalmen:

Israels Beaecnung mit dem kanaanaischen Mvthos in den
Jahwe-Konia-Psalmen. FRLANT 141 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1987) .
361
Psalm beginnt . . . (Glied B, V. 3. 8. 10ba), tief

in mythischen Vorstellungen verwurzelt sind, die
imperfektischen Verbalsatze (Glied C, V. 3 f .)
dagegen Ereignisse der Geschichte Jahwes mit: seinero
Volk benennen, wahrend die perfektischen Verbal
satze (Glied D, V. 6. 9. 10b{5) gegenwartig vor der
Gemeinde sich voliziehendes kultiscnes Geschehen
darstellen und deuten.1
Thus, witn Jeremias, "die entscheidende Differenz
zwischen dem Konigtum Jahwes und dem Els und Baals zeigt
sich aber erst in den imperfektischen Verbalsatzen von V.
4f ."2 The historical events through which the Israelites
have experienced God as their Ruler, Protector, and
Provider (vss. 3-5, MT) are here emphasized and especially
the idea of "our King" (vs. 7, MT) who "is seated on His
holy throne" (vs. 9, MT) is stressed.
Andre Caquot summarizes the various interpretations
which have been proposed for Ps 47 in five groups.3 But
^Tbid. , 52. Jeremias restates his idea as follows:

"Das hier besungene Konigtum Jahwes ist also 1) ein
von Urzeit her gesetztes und universales Konigtum,
das sich aber 2) in der Geschichte verwirklicht und
3) im gegenwartigen Kult neu als Realitat erfahren
wird. Im Unterschied zu Ps 93 wird das Konigtum
Jahwes in Ps 47 somit nicht nur zustandlich
beschrieben, sondern auch als Ereiqnis geschildert,
und zwar als Ereignis der Vergangenheit und der im
Gottesdienst erfahrenen Gegenwart."
(Ibid., p. 53, italics his; cf. the whole section dealing
with Ps 47 [pp. 50-69]).
2Ibid., 55 (italics his).
3C f . Caquot, 312-314. The five groups are: (1) a

hymn composed to commemorate a historical event— e.g., the
dedication of the Second Temple (Baethgen) , the deliverance
of Jerusalem besieged by Sennacherib in 701 B.C., like Pss
46 and 48 (Kirkpatrick, Kissane), the conquest of Palestine
by David or his successors (Podechard); (2) an eschato-
logical hymn (Briggs, Kittel, Stark, Buttenwieser, Tournay,
362
none of these can be explicitly affirmed as the setting or
occasion of this psalm. It is not certain whether it was
occasioned by a historical event or a cult in Jerusalem.
However, the tenor of the psalm seems to favor the idea
that it is a prophetical and eschatological hymn.1 First,
acclaiming God as "the Great King over all the earth" (vs.
3 [ET 2]) and "the King of all the earth" (vs. 8 [ET 7])
points to the end-time. Second, God's reianing "over the
nations" (vs. 9 [ET 8]) and the gathering of "the princes
of the peoples" (vs. 10 [ET 9]) also have an eschatological
overtone.
Ps 47 is a finely structured literary unit and can

be viewed as a hymn which has two "stanzas" with an inter
lude, each stanza starting with the call to praise:2
Gunkel, Westermann); (3) a hymn of the royal cult

(Ratschow) ; (4) a hymn of the preexilic Israelite cult—
the feast of the enthronement of Yahweh at the time of the
Feast of Trumpets and the Feast of Tabernacles, i.e.,
during the New Year celebrations (Volz, Mowinckel, Schmidt,
Muilenburg) ; and (5) a hymn of the postexilic Israelite
cult (Kraus).
A similar summary of the interpretations of the
"enthronement psalms" in general is found in Kraus, Die
Koniqsherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testament. 15-20: (1) die
zeitgeschichtliche Deutung; (2) die eschatologische Deu-
tung; (3) die kultisch-mythische Deutung; (4) die kultisch-
eschatologische Deutung.
1C f . John Phillips who gives Ps 47 the title "A

Millennial Hymn" (John Phillips, Exploring the Psalms. 2
vols. [Neptune, N J : Loizeaux Brothers, 1988], 1:370).
2C f . Craigie, Psalms 1-50. 347. I modified and

slightly rearranged Craigie's diagram, which has only two
"stanzas" (or as Craigie says, "verses") : vss. 2-6 and
vss. 7-10. But it seems that Craigie did not pay attention
to the "Selah" at the end of vs. 5 which most probably
363
A Call to praise (vs. 2)

1
B Praise of God's victories (vss. 3-5)
Interlude God's ascension (vs. 6)
A Call to praise (vs. 7)

2
B Praise of God's kingship (vss. 8-10)
The hymn opens with the characteristic exordium of
the Hebrew hymn. An imperative appeal is addressed to "all
peoples" (vs. 2, MT) . All the peoples and nations of the
earth are clearly meant: three different words ('ammim
[vss. 2a, 4a, 10a, MT] , le •ummim [vs. 4b, MT] , goyim [vs.
9a], MT) are used to give emphasis to this address, and the
poet sings in the three pivotal points of the hymn that the
whole earth (kol-ha'ares or 'eres) is the range of his
vision (vss. 3b, 8a, 10c, MT) .1 Thus the whole world is
called to praise the God of Israel and to celebrate His
kingship.
This idea is once more stressed by the use of the
divine name "Yahweh Elyon" (YHWH “elyon, vs. 3a, MT) :
"Yahweh" is the personal name of the deity and "Elyon"
("Most High") is the title which "sets God in an interna
tional context . . . where foreign peoples, in addition to
marks the end of the first stanza. Vs. 6 can stand as an

independent interlude and vs. 7 starts the second stanza
with a call to praise as vs. 2 does in the first.
l-Cf. Muilenburg, "Psalm 47," JBL 63 (1944): 244-

245.
364
the Hebrews, are present"1 and "emphasizes God's sover
eignty and authority over all nations."2
God is described as nora1 ("terrible" [KJV, RSV] or
"awesome" [NIV, NKJV] , vs. 3a, MT) , which is the nifal
participle of yare' meaning "furchten. in Ehren halten.
fear, stand in awe of."3 This form (ndra') occurs some 45
times in the OT and in most of those occurrences it is used
in connection with God's appearance, name, works, place,
countenance, majesty, and Yahweh's great day of judgment.4
All these usages indicate Yahweh's overwhelming sublimity

and "tremendous majesty."5
He is also called "Great King" (melek gadol, vs.
3b, MT) which is in parallel with Yahweh Elyon. "Great
2Peter C. Craigie, The Book of Deuteronomy. NICOT

379.
3K B L . 399; H A L . 413; GHCL, 364. This word and

its derivatives occur 435 times in the OT (H.-P. Stahli,
"yr' furchten," T H A T . 1:766). Cf. H. F. Fuchs, "jlre',"
T W A T . 3:869-893.
4In connection with God Himself: Deut 7:21; 10:17;

1 Chr 16:25; Neh 1:5; 4:8 (ET 4:14); 9:32; Joel 2:11; Zeph
2:11; Pss 68:36 (ET 68:35); 76:8, 13 (ET 76:7, 12); 89:8
(ET 89:7); 96:4; 139:14; Dan 9:4. With God's name: Deut
28:58; Mai 1:14; Pss 99:3; 111:9. With the works of God:
Exod 15:11; 34:10; Deut 10:21; 2 Sam 7:23; 1 Chr 17:21; Isa
64:2 (ET 64:3); Pss 65:6 (ET 65:5); 66:3, 5; 145:6. With
His place: Gen 28:17. With God's countenance: Judg 13:6.
With God's majesty: Job 37:22. With the day of judgment:
Joel 3:4 (ET 2:31); Mai 3:23 (ET 4:6).
5Eaton, Psalms. 130. Cf. Fuchs. "jare'," TWAT,

3:879-893.
365
King" as a title evokes specifically the covenant-treaty
context of Israel's faith. Just as a Hittite suzerain was
addressed as "great king" in the introductory sections of
vassal treaties,1 so too God is here the "Great King" in
relation to all His vassals, both Israel and the "peoples"

(vs. 2, MT) who had become Israel's immediate vassals.2 In
the full sense of the word, He is the "Great King over the
whole earth" (vs. 3b, MT) who subdues and conquers all the
world (cf. vs. 4, MT) . For all the victories He won, God
is to be applauded and praised.
The interlude (vs. 6 [ET 5]), with its poetic
language, describes how "God has ascended" (*alah 'e lohim) .
This means that He had previously "come down." God is said
to "come down" when He manifests His presence by active
interposition in the affairs of the world (Gen 11:5, 7; Isa
31:4; 64:1, 3; Ps 18:10 [ET 18:9]). He is said to "go up"
or "ascend" when His work is finished and He, as it were,
returns to His throne in heaven (Ps 68:18). This ascension
brings to mind the triumphal procession in which the
Israelites carried the ark of Yahweh to the temple and
celebrated the victory which He had won for them with
shouts and blowing of trumpets (cf. 2 Sam 6:1-17, esp. 15).
1E.g., ANET. 201-203. Cf. Meredith G. Kline, Treaty

of the Great Kina: The Covenant Structure of Deuteronomy:
Studies and Commentary (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub
lishing Company, 1363).
366
Prophetically, this refers to His intervention and triumph
in the person of the Messiah.1
The second stanza of Ps 47 begins also with the
call to praise God, but this time not only for His vic
tories but for Kis kingship.

zammenl 'elohim zammerd
zammerd leaalkend zammerd:
ki meleJs kol-ha'ares ,elohim
zammerd ma&kil: *
(Ps 47:7-8).
Sing praises to God, sing praises 1

Sing praises to our King, sing praises!
For God is the king of all the earth;
sing praises with a psalm!
(ET 47:6-7, RSV).
A jubilant fivefold imperative, zammerd ("sing praises" or
"make melody"), binds the lines into a firm unity.2 In the
first stanza, Yahweh Elyon is the King over all the earth,
but here in the second stanza it is Elohim about whom prac
tically the same words are used: Elohim is "our King" and
"the King of all the earth." God's kingship, and that over
the whole world, is greatly stressed.
The last two verses of the second stanza (Ps 47:9-
10, MT) form the climax of the hymn.

malak 1elohim 'al-goyim
,elohim yaSab al-kisse' qodSo:
nedibe *ammim ne'esapd
'am 1elohe 1abraham
1C f . A. G. Clarke, Analytical Studies in the Psalms

(Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 1979), 132; cf. Kirk
patrick, 261; Kissane. The Book of Psalms. 206; Leupold,
Exposition of the Psalms. 371.
2Muilenburg, "Psalm 47," JBL 63 (1944): 247.
367
ki l e 'IShim maginne-'eres
m'od na'alah:
God reigns over the nations;

God sits on his holy throne.
The princes of the peoples gather
as the people of the God of Abraham.
For the shields of the earth belong to God;
he is highly exalted!
(ET vss. 8-9, R S V ) .
The Psalmist sings of a universal God as Sovereign of the
nations: "God reigns (malak ^ l d h i m ) 1 over the nations;
God sits on His holy throne." There He sits as the victor
ious universal Monarch that He really is. So this part of
the psalm comes to an effective conclusion by emphasizing
in a new and colorful manner the truth of God's kingship,
which is taught so abundantly in many other passages of
Scripture.2
The throne is called "His holy throne" (kisse'
qod&d, literally "the throne of His holiness"). The divine
throne is holy, because it is set up and set apart for the
holy One. Since the throne is the foundation of His gov
ernment, it is to reflect the nature and attributes of the
One who reigns sitting upon it. Thus "the throne of His
holiness" implies that all the divine activities, govern
ment and judgment, will be characterized by holiness, which
is God's own nature and character.
1For a discussion of the phrase malak 'e lohim, see

pp. 383-393 below, where an analogous phrase YHWH malak is
discussed.
2Leupold, Exposition of the Psalms. 372.
368
Vs. 9 (ET 8) shows a sort of "parallelism"1 in its
poetic form. Since there is a great variety of parallelis-
tic lines in the biblical poetry,2 it cannot be expected
that each half of the pair of parallelistic lines should
parallel the other in meaning.3 In the case of Ps 47:9,
the parallelistic lines have an A:B // A':C formation. In
other words, whereas the first halves of the two lines
parallel each other ("God reigns" [A] // "God sits" [A'])/4
the second halves of the two lines do not parallel in mean
ing ("over the nations" [B] and "on his holy throne" [C]).
1C f . Robert Lowth, Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of

the Hebrews. trans. (from the Latin) G. Gregory (London:
n.p., 1787; reprint, Boston: Joseph T. Buckingham, 1815),
253-273; Aelred Baker, "Parallelism: England's Contri
bution to Biblical Studies," CBO 35 (1973): 429-440; M.
O'Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure (Winona Lake, IN: Eisen-
brauns, 1980), 88-96.
2Lowth, Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the

Hebrews. 259, remarks:
"This parallelism has much variety and many grada
tions; it is sometimes more accurate and manifest,
sometimes more vague and obscure; it may however,
on the whole, be said to consist of three species.
[The synonymous parallelism, the antithetic paral
lelism, and the synthetic or constructive paral
lelism] ."
Cf. James L. Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetrv: Parallel
ism and Its History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1981), 1-58.
3C f . Kugel, 2. Here Kugel points out that, in many

cases of the so-called "parallelism," the name "parallel
ism" is not adequate, because it misleads the students of
the phenomenon to expect that each half must parallel the
other in meaning, or indeed that each word of the first
must be matched bya word in the second.
4The MT of Ps 47:9 has, in addition to "parallel

ism," a chiastic form in word order: malak ,e13him . . .
'e lohim ySSab . . . [A:B=B:A'].
369
The tenor of the psalm is explicitly eschatologi
cal.1 His being "highly exalted" (vs. 10b, MT) together
with the holiness of His throne (vs. 9b, MT) and His
ascending (vs. 6a, MT) allude to the transcendency and
supremacy of God's government which ultimately will be
established. Accordingly, the throne mentioned in our
passage must be the one in heaven.
When we take Ps 47 as a whole, there is no passage
of more genuine universalism in the whole of the Hebrew
Bible, not even Mai 1:11.2 Kraus epitomizes the content of
the entire psalm in one simple but significant sentence:
"Der gro£e und herrliche Gott Israels ist jetzt Konig alier
Welt geworden. . . .1,3 This is the meaning symbolized by
"His holy throne" and His sitting upon it.
Psalm 89:15 (ET 89:14)
Ps 89, the last psalm of the third book of the
Psalter, has posed many questions with regard to (1) its
relation to the preceding psalms, i.e., the psalms of Asaph
(Pss 73-83) and the psalms of the Korahites (Pss 84; 85;
1W. Stark, Lvrik (Psalmen. Hoheslied und Ver-

wandtes). SAT III/l (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1911), 56-57. Cf. Kraus, Theology of the Psalms. 195.
2Muilenburg, "Psalm 47," JBL 63 (1944): 237.
3Kraus, Koniasherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testament,

125. To this remark Kraus adds, "und hat ein neues Reich
heraufgefiihrt." But this additional remark is both over
stated and misleading, because the concept of "bringing
about a new kingdom" is not found in the text.
370
87; 88)— especially Ps 88, (2) its provenance, (3) its
composition, and (4) its Gattunq and type.1
Mowinckel has assigned Ps 89 as "a lament, attri
buted to the king on a day of penance and prayer after lost
battles."2 Ahlstrom classifies the psalm as a ma^kil, a
psalm belonging to the annual renewal-of-life ritual.3
Belonging to the "divine-kingship school,"4 which asserts
that the king represented the dying and rising nature deity
in the cultic renewal ceremony,5 Ahlstrom follows this
tendency in his study on Ps 89. However, many other
^-For the many suggestions on these questions and

detailed discussions of them, see G. W. Ahlstrom, Psalm 89;
Eine Lituroie aus dem Ritual des leidenden Koniqs. trans.
(from the Swedish) Hans-Karl Hacker and Rudolf Zeitler
(Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1959), 16-2 0; Anderson, The Book of
Psalms. 2:631; James M. Ward, "The Literary Form and
Liturgical Background of Psalm LXXXIX," VT 11 (1961): 321-
322 .
3Ahlstrom, Psalm 8 9 . 21-2 6. Joseph J. DeVault has

properly summarized Ahlstrom's views: "As a ma£kil, the
Psalm belongs to those rites in which joy over the renewal
of life is expressed, but to which are to be added also
rites which represent suffering and death, dramatizing the
(temporary) victory of the forces of chaos and the humilia
tion of the king" (Joseph J. DeVault, Review of Psalm 89:
Eine Liturqie aus dem Ritual des leidenden Koniqs. by G. W.
Ahlstrom, £S 21 [I960]: 281).
4Ward, "Literary Form and Liturgical Background of

Psalm LXXXIX," VT 11 (1961): 327.
5E.g., Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in

the Ancient Near East (Uppsala: n.p., 1943; reprint,
Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), 170-210; Geo Widengren,
Sakrales Konigtum im Alten Testament und im Judentum
(Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1955), 62-65.
371
scholars reject this position.1 As "the most interesting
and important of the royal psalms,"2 Ps 89 treats at length
the Davidic covenant and the king's humiliation. The
foundation of this psalm is the great prophecy of 2 Sam
7:4-17, at the heart of which is the promise of a throne
for David's dynasty forever, and of unique honors for its
occupant. The whole poem is "a commentary on Nathan's
prophecy to David" in 2 Sam 7:12-16 and summarized here in
vss. 3-4.3
This psalm consists of three main sections: the
first section (vss. 2-19, MT) can be described as a hymn
1E.g., Sabourin, The Psalms. 355; Ward, "The Lit

erary Form and Liturgical Background of Psalm LXXXIX," VT
11 (1961): 327-328.
2Ward, ibid., 321. According to John H. Eaton, Ps

89 is "explicitly royal" (Kingship and the Psalms. 56).
Weiser, Kraus, and many others have no hesitation in
accepting it as a royal psalm (cf. Weiser, The Psalms. 590-
591; Kraus, Psalmen. 2:615-616). But Gunkel places the
psalm in his royal group with some reservation because he
understood vss. 39-46 to describe the cessation of the
Davidic dynasty from 586 B.C. (cf. Gunkel, Die Psalmen.
386-396; Gunkel, Einleituna in die Psalmen. 140-142).
Waldo s. Pratt says that "in [Ps] 89 it is certain that
two-thirds of the poem are concerned with topics in the
'royal' circle" ("Studies in the Diction of the Psalter,"
JBL 33 [1914]: 137). Lipirtski deals with only vss. 1-5 and
20-38 as a royal poem in his study on Ps 89 (E. Lipifiski,
Le poeme roval du psaume lxxxix 1-5.20-38. CRB 6 [Paris:
J. Gabalda et C ie Editeurs, 1967]). Stark, Lvrik. 122-123,
excludes vss. 6-19 in his treatment of Ps 89. Gunkel and
Kraus treat vss. 4, 5, 20-38only (Gunkel, Die Psalmen.
392-394; Kraus, Die Koniasherrschaft Gottes im Alten
Testament. 75-77) .
3Derek Kidner, Psalms 73-150: A Commentary. TOTC

14b (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity Press, 1975), 319,
320.
372
praising Yahweh's covenant loyalty, His faithfulness and
power; the second section (vss. 20-38, MT) is a review of
the Davidic covenant and its promises in the form of an
oracle (cf. 2 Sam 7; Ps 132); and the third section (vss.
39-53, MT) contains a lament over the misfortunes of the
Davidic king (vss. 39-46, MT) , a prayer for Yahweh's
intervention and deliverance (vss. 47-52, MT) , and a
doxology to the third book as a unit (vs. 53, M T ) .1
The first section with the passage of the divine
throne motif can be divided into two subsections: the
first subsection (vss. 2-5, MT) is an introductory avowal
which includes the Psalmist's vow for the perpetual praise
to Yahweh (vss. 2-3, MT) and the divine covenant (vss. 4-5,
MT). The second subsection (vss. 6-19, MT) sings of Yahweh
as the incomparable Creator. The heavens and the celestial
beings praise Him (vss. 6-8, MT) and the earth and the
terrestrial beings give glory to Him (vss. 16-19, MT) and
between these two is described His power in nature and
history (vss. 9-15, M T ) .Yahweh is the Creator par
excellence. with whom no one can compare (vs. 7, MT) , and
the God of Hosts (,elohe s®ba'6t), who is greatly feared
(na'aras), awesome (nor!'), and mighty (hasin) (vss. 8-9,
MT) . The Psalmist continues to praise Him for His power
revealed in nature and history:
^-Cf. Anderson, The Book of Psalms. 2:630.
373
Thou dost rule the raging of the sea;

when its waves rise, thou stillest them.
Thou didst crush Rahab like a carcass,
thou didst scatter thy enemies with thy
mighty arm.
The heavens are thine, the earth also is thine;
the world and all that is in it, thou hast
founded them.
The north and the south, thou hast created
them;
Tabor and Hermon joyously praise thy name.
Thou hast a mighty arm;
strong is thy hand, high thy right hand.
(Ps 89:10-14 [ET 89:9-13, RSV]).
Yahweh God is honored and praised with a series of
great titles in a crescendo: He is the Ruler of nature
(vs. 10, MT) , the Conqueror of the enemies (vs. 11, MT) ,
the Owner of everything (vs. 12a, MT) , the Founder of the
universe (vs. 12b, M T ) , the Creator of directions (vs. 13a,
MT) , the Establisher of the mountains (vs. 13b, MT) , and
the Possessor of might and power (vs. 14, M T ) . In sum, He
is "one God and Father of all, who is over all and through
all and in all" (Eph 4:6, NIV). The crescendo reaches the
climax in vs. 15 which contains the divine throne motif:
sedeq timiSpSt mekon kis'eka

hesed ve,emet yeqaddemli paneka:
(Ps 89:15).
Righteousness and justice are the foundation of

thy throne;
steadfast love and faithfulness go before
thee.
(ET 89:14, RSV).
The throne of Yahweh stands for all the relation
ships and titles which He holds toward all kinds of His
counterparts. It is the symbol of Yahweh's dominion—
supremacy and superiority, by way of His creatorship and
374
rulership— over the entire universe. He is the King and
Creator who is peerless in power and authority.
His throne is not founded on the arbitrary and
whimsical sway of dictatorial power. To the contrary, its
makdn ("foundation") is sedeq timiSpat ("righteousness and
justice").
The Hebrew noun makdn needs careful attention. It
is a derivative of the verb kiln ("be firm, be firmly estab
lished").1 The noun occurs seventeen times in the Hebrew
Bible. All but one of its usages (Ps 104:5) refer either
to God's dwelling-place in heaven or to the temple place.2
According to the word study by John N. Oswalt, the verb kiln
is used with five somewhat different connotations, all
having basic theological significance, and "these connota
tions move from provision through preparation and estab
lishment to fixity and rightness."3 Oswalt points out that
some references have "royal overtones" and
1KBL. 426-427; cf. HMi# 442-443. The polel form

of kiln means "set up, erect, found, direct, create, form"
and its hifil form also means "set up, erect, constitute,
appoint, found, direct" (GHCL, 386-387).
2Twelve times it refersto the dwelling-place of

Yahweh: Exod 15:17; 1 Kgs 8:13, 39, 43, 49; 2Chr 6:2, 30,
33, 39; Isa 4:5; 18:4; Ps 33:14; cf. Dan 8:11. In Ezra
2:68 it indicates the temple place and in Pss 89:15 (ET
89:14) and 97:2 the foundation of the throne. In Ps 104:5
it refers to the foundation of the earth.Cf. John N.
Oswalt, "kiln," TWOT, 1:434; Ahlstrom, Psalm 8 9 . 78.
3Oswalt, "kun," T W O T . 1:433. Cf. E. Gerstenberger,

"kiln ni. feststehen," THA T . 1:812-817; K. Koch, "kiln,"
T W A T . 4:95-107.
375
some twenty-five times the word [kiln] is used with

reference to the establishment of a dynasty. . . .
The culmination of this thought is found in Isa 9:6
[MT 9:7] where the kingdom of the Messiah is estab
lished by G o d .1
The feminine form m ^ o n a h is also used for a kind
of holy place (Zech 5:11) and the place of the altar (Ezra
3:3), or more frequently for the undercarriage or stand
(for cauldron).2 A brief survey of the usages of makon,
m ekdnah, and their root verb kiln, reveals that the throne
of God is set up in the heavenly temple/sanctuary and the
mSkdn is that which is specially prepared for the throne to
be established on. This makdn is best called "foundation,"
especially when it is related to "righteousness and jus
tice," because these are not physical terms but belong to
the conceptual language which expresses the principles of
divine government.
The usage and meaning of the term sedeq have been
discussed above.3 With regard to the origin of the concept
of righteousness as the foundation of the throne, Hellmut
Brunner claims that
die Vorstellung . . . dass die sed3qah das Funda

ment, makdn, des Thrones sei, geht auf agyptisches
Geistesgut zuruck und wurde vermutlich zusammen mit
10swalt, "kiln," TWOT, 1:433. Cf. Lipiriski, La

rovaute de Yahwe. 211; Koch, "kiln," TWAT, 106-107.
2E.g. , 1 Kgs 7:27, 28, 30, 34, 35, 37, 38, 43; 2
Kgs 16:17; 25:13, 16; Jer 27:19; 52:17, 20; 2 Chr 4:14.
Cf. Koch, "kiln," T W A T . 4:96.
376
den Formen des Konigsthrones in salomonischer Zeit

ubernommen.1
It is true that in many descriptions of the ancient
Egyptian thrones the pedestal (Sockel) under the throne has
a sign reading "righteoueness, truth, right divine order."2
But it is not at all certain that the Israelites imported
this idea from Egypt.3 Zeev W. Falk has claimed that the
conception of the king's throne resting on justice can be
explained without reference to foreign influence.4 Since
the chief function of the king was the administration of
justice, and the royal throne was used primarily for this
purpose, it was only natural that the k i n g •s throne became
the sign of judicial office.5 It is noteworthy that three
or four other biblical texts (Ps 97:2; Prov 16:12; 25:5;
cf. Prov 20:28®) speak of sedeq as the foundation or
1Hellmut Brunner, "Gerechtigkeit als Fundament des

Thrones," VT 8 (1958): 428.
2Ibid., 426.
3Thus Mitchell Dahood, Psalms II f51-100): A New

Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 17 ^Garden
City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1968), 315: "Hence it is
difficult to accept the view of Hellmut Brunner . . . that
we must seek in Egypt the direct ancestry of this motif."
4Falk, "Two Symbols of Justice," VT 10 (1960): 72-

74 .
5Ibid., 73; cf. Keith W. Whitelam, The Just Kina:

Monarchical Judicial Authority in Ancient Israel. JSOTS 12
(Sheffield: JSOT Press, The University of Sheffield, 1979),
32.
®The MT reads bahesed, but the LXX reads en dikaio-

sune^. Cf. BHS apparatus on Prov 20:28.
Ill
establishment of the throne. The ethical quality or moral
principle is stressed in rulership and judgeship.
The term miSpat "represents what is doubtless the
most important idea for correct understanding of govern
ment— whether of man by man or of the whole creation by
God."1 An analysis of all uses of ■l&pa't in the Bible
reveals at least thirteen related but distinct aspects of
the central idea, which may be rendered in English by a
word with a similar range of meaning, namely "justice."2

From these various aspects of the meaning of the term
miSpat emerge two main ideas: One idea is "litigation"2 or
judgment and the other is "sovereignty, the legal founda
tion of government in the sense of ultimate authority or
right"4 (cf. Deut 1:17; Prov 16:33; Ps 72:1-2). It also
designates "an ordinance of law— often used co-ordinately
with hoq 'ordinance1 (Exod 15:25) and torah 'law' (Isa

4 2:4)."5 However,
wenn vom miSpat Jahwes gesprochsn wird, ist an

Urteilsspruch (Jes 3,14; 30,18; Ez 39,21; Zeph
1Robert D. Calver, "Sapat," TWOT. 2:948.
2Ibid., 948-949. Forthe origin and meaning cf

miSpat, see Snaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the Old Testa
ment. 74-77.
3Calver, "Sapat," T W O T . 2:948.
4Ibid., 949. For the historical development of the

concept of mi£pat, see H. W. Hertzberg, "Die Entwicklung
des Begriffes mSp't im AT," ZAW 40 (1922): 256-287; ZAW 41
(1923): 16-76.
5Calver, "Sapat," T W O T . 2:949.
378
3,5.8; Hi 40,8 u.o.), an Ordnung, Art und Weise,

Rechtsanspruch Jahwes (2 Ron 17,26f.; Jes 51,4;
58,2; Jer 5,4f.; 8,7; Hos 6,5; . . . ) gedacht,
kaum an das »Gesetz«.1
The present text indicates that the concepts of
sedeq and mi£p3t are parallel with those of hesed and
,emet. Yahweh's hesed, upon which He chose David and made
the covenant with him, is praised and promised as His
perpetual gift to His people in the present psalm (vss. 2-
3, 34, MT) . Therefore, as Schmid remarks, those concepts
"qualifizieren die Erwahlung Davids bzw. des Volkes und
betonen die Bestandigkeit, mit der Jahwe an ihr festhalt."2
The two concepts, sedeq and miSpat, characterize
Yahweh's rule— His government and judgment: they form the
foundation on which His throne and thus His kingship are
established.
Some scholars point out that there are various Near
Eastern texts in which righteousness and justice appear as
divine beings.3 Ahlstrom, for example, regards them as
1G. Liedke, "Spt richten," T H A T . 2:1008-1009. On

the other hand, Kirkpatrick, 535, remarks that ''righteous
ness [is] the principle of justice, and judgment [is] the
application of it in act" (italics his) and Cohen, The
Psalms. 291, notes that "justice is righteousness in prac
tice" (italics his). These remarks sound likely but have
no biblical support.
2Schmid, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung. 80.
3E.g., In one of the Old Sumerian hymns, one reads:

"moge 'Recht' zu deiner Rechten stehen,
moge 'Gerechtigkeit' zu deiner Linken stehen!"
(SAHG, 2 22); one of the Akkadian hymns for Shamash refers
to "truth" and "righteousness" even as divine powers:
379
hypostases, which, in his view, may be identified with the
cherubim and seraphim.1 The latter point does not seem
likely.2 There is no hint at all in Scripture that the
cherubim or seraphim are the hypostases. They appear as
real living beings not as personified virtues.
The other two concepts, hesed and ,emet, reveal
Yahweh's nature— His attributes and character: they are
"personified as attendants to do God's bidding rather than
as couriers to run before."3
Here in Ps 89:15 [MT] , as in Pss 85:11-14 (ET
85:10-13) and 96:6, one has a tetrad of virtues which are
inseparably related to Yahweh's throne and His presence.

It is true that this reminds us of the four living crea
tures or the cherubim in Ezekiel's vision which bear and
carry the chariot-throne of Yahweh (Ezek 1; 10). But
"Gottin «Wahrheit» (Kittu) | moge zu meiner

Rechten hintreten,
Gott «Gerechtigkeit» (Mischaru) | zu meiner
Linken hintreten!"
(SAHG, 320) ; in one of the Akkadian hymns for Ishtar,
"righteousness" functions as a tutelary god (Schutzgeist):
"Vor dir steht der Schutzgeist, | hinter dir
die Schutzgdttin;
zu deiner Rechten ist die Gerechtigkeit, | zu
deiner Linken das, was (uns) gut ist."
(S A H G . 334). Cf. Kraus, Psalmen. 2:621.
1Ahlstrom, Psalm 8 9 . 78.
2C f . Anderson, The Book of Psalms. 2:637-638.
3Clarke, 226. Cf. Kirkpatrick, 535, who notes:

"Lovingkindness and truth are represented as angels
attending in God's Presence ([Ps] xcv. 2), ready to
do His bidding (xliii. 3), rather than as couriers
preceding Him" (italics h i s ) .
380
Michael D. Goulder's idea that these virtues are "four
extensions of yahweh's presence which . . . were . . . at
least in part domesticated Canaanite gods"1 has no biblical
support in this text. According to Goulder's study, the
three psa1ms had three different origins: Ps 89 was a
Tabor psalm, Ps 85 a Dan psalm, and Ps 96 a Jerusalem
psalm.2 The following is a synopsis of those tetrads:
Text Tetrad Place

Ps 89:15 sedeq miSpat hesed '®met Tabor
Ps 85:11 hesed '®met sedeq Sal 6m Dan
Ps 96:6 hdd had5r 'oz t i p 1ere£ Jerusalem
Ps 45:5 (ET 45:4) has another tetrad of virtues
(hadar, 'e»et, anwah, and sedeq), but there is some
irregularity in enumerating them. We have a duo (hod and
hadar) in Ps 45:4 (ET 45:3), another duo (ge'ut and ‘oz) in
Ps 93:1, and still another duo (sedeq and mi§p5t) in Ps
97:2, which is identical with the first half of Ps 89:15

(ET 89:14).
There is no consistency among the various tetrads
of virtues. They are listed purely as the virtues, i.e.,
qualitative concepts which delineate the divine presence
and the holy place of Yahweh. Thus it does not seem that
1Goulder, 225.
2Ibid., 112-125, 225.
381
they were regarded as "attendant angels,"1 "dienende
Engel,"2 or "gottliche Genien, Schutzgotter, die Gottes
Throne umgeben."3 If they should be somehow designated, I
would call them the divine virtues by which God reigns and
judges, i.e., by which He rules His kingdom and deals with
people.4
One other point that should not be overlooked in Pc
89 is the connection between the throne of God and that of
the Davidic dynasty. While Yahweh's throne is mentioned
only once, David's throne is mentioned four times in this
psalm (vss. 5, 30, 37, 45, MT) . The celebration of the
thrones of Yahweh and David as symbols of their respective
cosmic and terrestrial sovereignty is an important dual
theme in the psalm. Both thrones are supported by hesed
and ,emet or ,eatinah (vss. 15, 31-34; cf. Ps 61:8, MT) .
1Engnell, The Call of Isaiah. 34.
2Duhm, Die Psalmen. 222.
3Ahlstrom, Psalm 8 9 . 78. Cf. "gottliche Machte"

and "kosmisch-soziale Gotter" (Sigmund Mowinckel, Religion
und Kultus [Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1953], 39).
4Ellen G. White considers these divine virtues as

"the attributes" of God's throne:
"There is a day just about to burst upon us when
God's mysteries will be seen, and all His ways vin
dicated; when justice, mercy, and love will be the
attributes of His throne."
(Ellen G. White, Testimonies to Ministers and Gospel
Workers [Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press Publishing Asso
ciation, 1923], 433, emphasis supplied).
Dahood calls them the "personified attributes of
God" fPsalms I I . 361).
382
The psalm is a covenant psalm from the beginning to the

end. The covenant terms hesed and ,emet or ,em<lnah
comprise the central theme that runs through each of its
major sections (vss. 2, 3, 9, 15, 25, 34, 50, MT) .1 The
solidity and durability of the Davidic throne depend upon
the moral principles of God— righteousness and justice upon
which His throne is established, and lovinakindness and
faithfulness by which His dealings are characterized. The
covenant by which the throne of David will endure for
eternity (vss. 5, 30, 37, MT) is sure and will be fully
fulfilled because the throne of God, on which the Davidic
throne depends and of which it is a type or shadow, is
eternal.
Here again the throne of God is spoken of as the
firm foundation upon which His people can put their trust
in Him and endure the present misfortunes. The throne of
God which is supported by righteousness and justice is the
surety for His children that He is always in control of all
affairs and events in the universe. It is a reminder of
the fact that the seemingly most undeserved calamities are
the results of the right and just judgment of God who is
the summum bonum, and even the best treatment for the
eternal benefit of God's children.
1Cf. Ward, "The Literary Form and Liturgical Back

ground of Psalm LXXXIX," VT 11 (1961): 331-332. On the
covenant character cf these terms, see Snaith, The Distinc
tive Ideas of the Old Testament. 94-130.
383
Psalm 93:2
Ps 93 is a sort of prelude to the remarkable group
of the so-called "theocratic psalms" (Pss 95-100).1 The
kinship between these related psalms is scarcely so close
as to allow for combining them into one unit psalm.2
Yahweh has been the original King of Israel (Exod 15:18;
Num 23:21; Deut 33:5; Judg 8:23; 1 Sam 8:7; 12:12), and He
will forever be the King of the universe (Ps 47:2, 6-9).3
The theme of God's kingship4 and the proclamation
and/or acclamation of it (YHWH mlk)5 belong to the most
1Kirkpatrick, 563.
2Briggs and Briggs, 2:29 6-3 03, note that "Pss. 93,
96-100 were originally a song of praise, celebrating the
advent of Yahweh, the universal King, for judgment";
Julius Boehmer, Per alttestamentliche Unterbau des Reiches
Gottes (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1902),
150-159. On the relations with other psalms and on the
arguments for an early dare of composition, see Helen
Genevieve Jefferson, "Psalm 93," JBL 71 (1952): 155-160;
James Donald Shenkel, "An Interpretation of Psalm 93,5,"
Bib 46 (1965) : 401-416; Lipifiski, La rovaut6 de Yahwe.
163-172.
3C f . Ludwig Kohler, Old Testament Theology, trans.

A. S. Todd (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1957), 31-32.
4C f . p. 13, n. 1 above.
5Cf. Ludwig Koehler, "Jahwah malak," VT 3 (1953):

188-189; J. Ridderbos, "Jahwah malak," VT 4 (1954): 87-89;
Arvid S. Kapelrud, "Nochmals Jahwa malak," VT 13 (1963):
229-231; John D. W. Watts, "Yahweh Malak Psalms," TZ 21
(1965): 341-348;A. Gelston, "A Note on YHWH mlk," VT 16
(1966): 507-512; Roy A. Rosenberg, "Yahweh Becomes King,"
JBL 85 (1966): 297-307; Lipifiski, La rovaute de Yahwe.
33 6-391; Jarl H. Ulrichsen, "JHWH malak: Einige sprach-
liche Beobachtungen," VT 27 (1977): 361-374; Allman, 153-
158. Cf. Buber, Kingship of G o d . 99-107.
384
frequently and most hotly discussed arena of the OT.

Especially in the study of the Psalter, one of the most
debated questions is whether there was in the religious
life of Israel a special "Enthronement Festival" for which
the royal psalms and perhaps others were prepared or

adapted. Many scholars have given much thought to this
question.1 Although B. Duhm2 and P. Volz3 had suggested
this idea, it is S . Mowinckel who has brought it to a wider
1E . g . , Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien. vol. 2; Gunkel,

Einleituna in die Psalmen. 111-115; W. 0. E. Oesterley,
"Early Hebrew Festival Rituals," in Mvth and Ritual;
Essays on the Mvth and Ritual of the Hebrews in Relation to
the Culture Pattern of the Ancient East, ed. S. H. Hooke
(London: Oxford University Press, 1933), 122-126; S. H.
Hooke, The Origins of Earlv Semitic Ritual. The Schweich
Lectures of the British Academy, 1935 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1938), 51-57; H. Wheeler Robinson,
Inspiration and Revelation in the Old Testament (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1946), 32-33, 139-145; Aubrey R. Johnson,
"The Role of the King in the Jerusalem Cultus," in The
Labyrinth: Further Studies in the Relation between Mvth
and Ritual in the Ancient World, ed. S. H. Hooke (London:
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1935), 71-111;
idem, Sacral Kinaship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: Univer
sity of Wales Press, 1967); idem, "The Psalms," in The Old
Testament and Modern Study: A Generation of Discovery and
Research, ed. Harold H. Rowley (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1951), 166-169, 190-197; G. W. Anderson, "Hebrew Religion,"
in The Old Testament and Modern Study: A Generation of
Discovery and Research. ed. Harold H. Rowley (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1951), 291-300; Snaith, The Jewish New
Year Festival. 195-220; Bentzen, King and Messiah. 7-39;
Geo Widengren, Sakrales Konigtum im Alten Testament und im
Judentum. Franz Delitzsch-Vorlesungen 1952 (Stuttgart:
Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1955).
2Cf. Duhm, Die Psalmen. 133, 134.
3C f . Paul Volz, Das Neuiahrsfest Jahves fLaubhiit-

tenfest) (Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck],
1912).
385
attention in biblical scholarship. In his book, Psalmen-

studien. vol. 2, Das Thronbesteicrunqsfest Jahwas und der
Urspruna der Eschatoloaie (192 2), the extraneous influ
ences of both Babylonian and Egyptian worship have been
confidently detected. In particular, it is claimed that
the Israelite festival was modeled upon the Babylonian
pattern of the New Year celebration of the victory of
Marduk over Tiamat.1 It is held that at the New Year Feast
of Tabernacles in Israel an annual celebration of the
annual revival of Israel as a social unit was held, and the
principal feature was a ceremony of Yahweh's accession to
His throne.2
With this hypothetical background, Mowinckel holds
that the characteristic phrase in the "enthronement
psalms," YHWH mlk3 (Pss 93:1; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1; cf. 47:9
[ET 47:8]), should be interpreted as "Yahweh has become
■*-Cf. Svend Aage Pall is, The Babylonian Akitu Festi

val . Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Historisk-
filologiske Meddelelser XII/1 (Copenhagen: Andr. Fred. Host
& Son, 1926).
2C f . Sigmund Mowinckel, Zum israelitischen Neuiahr

und zur Deutunq der Thronbesteicrunqspsalmen. zwei Aufsatze,
in Avhandlinoer ntaitt av Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i
Oslo. 1952 (Oslo: I Kommisjon Hos Jacob Dybwad, 1952), 5-
39.
3The translations of this expression vary: "The

LORD reigneth" (KJV) ; "The LORD reigns" (RSV, NIV, NASB,
NKJV); "The LORD is king" (NAB, TEV, N J V ) ; "Yahweh
reigns" (AB); "The Lord has begun His reign" (Hirsch);
"Yahweh is king" (NJB); "Der HERR ist Konig" (Luther,
1897); "Jahve ward Konig" (Gunkel); "Jahwe ist Konig:"
(Eipfeldt, Kraus); "Le Seigneur est Roi" (Beaucamp);
"Yahve est le Roi" (Jacquet).
386
King” ("Jahwa ist Konig geworden").1 According to him,
"the older translation 'The Lord reigneth' is misleading"
because "it is not a lasting condition that the poet
describes with this expression.1,2 He understands the verb
of this state-sentence in the ingressive sense rather than
in the durative sense. He supports his argument with the
following explanations and illustrations:
The poet's vision is of something new and

important which has just taken place: Yahweh has
now become king; hence the new song of joy and
praise to be sung. What the poets have seen in
their imagination, and describe or allude to, is an
event and an act which was linked with an enthrone
ment, Yahweh's ascent of the throne. . . .
. . . "Yahweh has become King" is just such a
cry of acclamation as "Absalom has become king!".
"Jehu has become king!" (2 Sam 15:10; 2 Kgs 9:13).2
Mowinckel's interpretation, however, has caused a
lot of reconsideration and counterarguments in terms of
grammatical, syntactical, and cultic problems.
Otto Eipfeldt pointed out that the verb mlk does
not need to be rendered "has become king" or "is become
king" because the verb mlk is a stative perfect.4
A. Gelston's understanding is just the opposite to

that of Mowinckel. He notes:
M owinckel, Psalmenstudien. 2:3; idem, The Psalms

in Israel's Worship. 1:107.
3Ibid. (emphasis supplied).
4Ei0feldt, "Jahwe als Konig," ZAW 46 (1928): 100-

102 .
387
The verb mlk is best translated "is king" or

"reigns" rather than "has become king"; where this
nuance is present, it is indicated by the context.
When the verb precedes, there is a presumption in
favour of the statement being emphatic, and being
modelled or. the proclamation/acclamation formula:
"Yahweh, and no other deity, is king/reigns." . . .
When the noun precedes, we probably have generally
a straightforward statement of fact: "Yahweh is
king/reigns"; certain implications of this fact are
then drawn o u t .1
Allman has the same idea; he says:
Since there is no mention in the psalms of an

enthronement festival; no place or time for Yahweh
to ascend a throne; no powers by which Yahweh
might be overwhelmed, the conclusion is compelling:
the formula is to be understood as a description
of the condition or state of affairs. Yahweh
reigns.2
And he proceeds:
The hymns to Yahweh's kingship, then, do not

testify to an annual enthronement festival. They
do not tell how Yahweh became king; rather they
tell what His kingship means. So they are celebra
tions, not of His enthronement, but of His royal
r u l e .3
Ludwig Koehler raises a question on Mowinckel1s
translation of YHWH mlk in Ps 93:1 because he holds that
the phrase YHWH mlk has an unusual word order in which "das
voranaestellte Subi ekt betont ist" ; thus its meaning is
different from that of mlk YHWH which is "ein einfacher
Aussagesatz.1,4 Koehler's own translation of YHWH mlk is
1Gelston, 512.
2Allman, 155-156.
3Ibid., 156-157.
4Koehler, "Jahwah malak," VT 3 (1953): 188 (italics

his) .
388
"Es ist Jahwa, der Konig (geworden) ist,” in the sense that
"Es ist Jahwa und nicht ein anderer Gott (Baal, Marduk,
Schamasch, usw.), der Konig ist."1
J. Ridderbos suggests "dass die Anfangsworte von
Ps. xciii 1 nicht zu ubersetzen sind als 'J. ist Konig
geworden1, sondern 1J. ist Konig' und dass der Psalm ein
allgemeiner Hymnus auf Jahwahs Konigsherrschaft ist."2
H.-J. Kraus maintains that the Hebrew perfect3
malak, in its meaning, is close to the Akkadian permansive,
which is "das pradikativ gebrauchte participium perfecti.
das wie das lat. part. perf. meist Passivbedeutung hat."4
Based on this alleged analogy, the translation of YHWH mlk
should be "Yahweh has become King (and still reigns as
King)."5 Kraus's own rendition is "Jahwe ist Konig."6
Diethelm Michel understands YHWH mlk as a nominal
sentence, describing not an event but a quality of the
subject. He suggests:
xIbid., 188-189.
2Ridderbos, "Jahwah malak," VT 4 (1954): 88.
3For a detailed discussion of the perfect tense of

mlk f goo Kz’uvis, Die Konigsherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testa
ment . 3-8.
4Arthur Ungnad, Grammatik des Akkadischen. dritte

durchgearbeitete Auflage der babylonisch-assyrischen Gram
matik (Munchen: Biederstein Verlag, 1949), § 30; cf.
Kraus, Psalmen. 2:648.
5Kapelrud, "Nochmals Jahwa malak," VT 13 (1963):

230.
6Kraus, Psalmen. 2:646.
389
Wenn wir die Satze vom Typ YHWH mlk als zusara-
mengesetzte Nominalsatze verstehen, konnen wir die
Ansichten von KOHLER und RXDDERBOS vereinigen:
Als Pradikat eines zusammengesetzten Nominalsatzes
berichtet mlk keine neue Handlung, sondern einen
Aspekt des Subjektes, ja fast schon eine Eigen-
schaft. "Mit Jahwe verhalt es sich so, dass er
Konigsherrschaft ausubt" Oder "Jahwe ist einer,
der Konigsherrschaft ausubt.1,1
However, Jarl H. Ulrichsen does not agree with
Michel. After investigating various usages of the word
mlk, he concludes:
Die vorhergehende Darstellung hat gezeigt, dass das

Verb malak sowohl "Konig sein" als "Konig werden"
bedeuten kann, und dass die Wortfolge keine Hilfe
gibt, wenn man nach der richtigen ubersetzung
sucht. Um das Problem zu losen, haben wir immer
wieder auf die Kontexte verwiesen. Leider zeigt
es sich, dass es unmoglich ist, die Kontexte der
umstrittenen Psalmen mit Sicherheit festzustellen.2
According to Ulrichcsn, however, "der Sitz im Leben dieses
Kultrufes ist das Neujahrsfest, wo die Konigsherrschaft
Jahv/es gefeiert wurde,"3 and "der Konigsantritt Jahwes
bezeichnet lieber den Beginn des neuen Jahres, wo Jahwe
herrscht wie im vergangenen."4 Therefore, "das wesentliche
ist also nicht, dass er den Titel Konig fuhrt, sondern dass
er die Konigsherrschaft ausubt und sich dadurch als Konig
zeigt."5
^■Diethelm Michel, "Studien zu den sogenannten

Thronbesteigungspsalmen," VJ 9 (1956): 51.
2Ulrichsen, 372.
3Ibid., 373.
4Ibid., 374.
5Ibid.
390
Arvid S. Kapelrud is also inclined to understand
the verb in the sense of activity and says, "Die lebendige
Aktivitat, ingressiv sowohl als durativ, ist der Kern und
die eigentliche Meinung des Verbums,"1 and thus his trans
lation is "Jahwe herrscht jetzt aktiv als Konig."2
Claus Westermann contends that the perfect of the
verb in YHWH mlk and other perfects in the "enthronement

psalms" are prophetic perfects referring to the future in
an eschatological prospect.3
John Gray has surveyed the debate on the "enthrone
ment psalms" from the viewpoint of Mowinckel's side,4 and
then translated— or paraphrased— the formulaic clause YHWH
mlk as "Yahweh has proved Himself King!"5
Allen Eugene Combs maintains that "the most satis
factory translation of YHWH mlk is 'Yahweh reigns'"6 and
"the expression denotes a gualitative aspect of God's rela
tion to the universe and refers more to the manner of hio
rule (i.e., with complete authority and power) than to the
^-Kapelrud, "Nochmals Jahwa malak," VT 13 (1963):

231.
2Ibid.
3C f . Westermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms.

145-151.
4C f . Gray, The Biblical Doctrine of the Reign of

G o d . 7-38.
5Ibid., 45.
6Combs, 219.
391
condition of his rule (i.e., recently acquired)."1 There
are some additional suggestions for interpreting YHWH mlk,2
but it may be wise to limit our discussion to major v i e v s .
It is E. Lipinski who has undertaken the most
extensive research on the formulaic clause YHWH mlk and the
"enthronement" of Yahweh.3 He maintains that the shout
YHWH mlk was not a formula of investiture, nor an acclama
tion, nor a formula of homage to the divine king, but, at
least in its origin, an announcement, i.e., a proclamation
of Yahweh's accession to the kingship.4 One of his view
points for the "enthronement" of Yahweh is eschatological.5
Yahweh's eschatological enthronement is, according to
Lipinski, connected with the apocalyptic vision of the NT.6
The key question to the problem is, Does YHWH mlk
mean Koniq-Werden or Konia-Sein?7 Or, how should we inter
pret mlk? Is it a noun (melek) or a verb (malak) ? If a
verb, how should we understand the perfect tense of the
1Ibid., 219-220.
2For more discussions of various suggestions, see

Michel, 40-68; Kraus, Psalmen. 2:648-649.
3C f . Lipifiski, La rovaute de Yahwe. 336-456.
4Ibid., 391.
5Cf. ibid., 451-455.
6C f . ibid., 454-455. Lipifiski cites Rev 11:15, 16-

18, 19; 14:l-3a, 14; 19:6.
7Cf. Kraus, Die Konigsherrschaft Gottes im Alten

Testament. 8-9.
392
verb mlk? One of the best ways to solve the problem is to

take the perfect tense as performing a dual duty: first,
it "represent [s] actions, events, or states, which,
although completed in the past, nevertheless extend their

influence into the present"1 ; second, it alee ncy "express
future actions, when the speaker intends by an express
assurance to represent them as finished, or as equivalent
to accomplished facts."2 In other words, the phrase YHWH
mlk initially refers to the past event, i.e., the fact that
Yahweh was and has been King; and it also points to the
future action of His becoming King. The proclamation/
acclamation is both historical and prophetic. Its perfect
tense denotes not merely a fact but an act. Since the
subject of the verb is Yahweh and the "enthronement" is
that of Yahweh, the picture is obviously eschatological.3
On this point, Artur Weiser offers a remarkable observation
as follows:
. . . the psalm with its hymnic style exhibits

those typical features which are the hall-mark of
the Old Testament faith. The hope of the Kingdom
of God, the coming of which is linked up with the
Enthronement of Yahweh, and the emphatic linking
of creation and eschatoloov within the idea of
the eternal reign of God, have sprung from Old
1G H G . 311-312 (§ 106 g-1). Cf. Ronald J. Williams,

Hebrew Syntax: An Outline. 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1976), 29 (secs. 161-162).
2G H G . 312-313 (§ 106 m-p) (italics original). Cf.

Williams, Hebrew Syntax. 30 (sec. 165).
3Cf. Stark, Lvrik. 57-58.
393
Testament soil and are the ripe fruit of its belief

in God.1
Thus it becomes evident that Yahweh's kingship
symbolized by His throne points to the end or eschaton of
the world as well as to the beginning or proton of the
world. Accordingly the phrase YHWH mlk is better inter
preted if we understand the perfect tense of mlk both as
indicating an established fact that Yahweh was and has been
(and is) King and as a perfectum propheticum or perfectum
confidentiae.- meaning "Yahweh will surely become King!" cr
"Yahweh will really reign!" As Kraus notes, "In the
eschaton God's kingship will finally be established."3
The whole psalm, which is "mighty in utterance,
colorful in language, and a strong incentive to faith,"4
sings of the sovereignty of Yahweh: the first two verses
declare its certainty; the next two demonstrate its mani
festation; and the last one describes its administration.5
R e iser, The Psalms. 618 (emphasis supplied).
2Cf. GHG, 312-313 (§ 106 n ) . Here Gesenius notes:

"To express facts which are undoubtedly imminent,
and, therefore, in the imagination of the speaker,
already accomplished (perfectum confidentiae) . . .
This use of the perfect occurs frequently in pro
phetic language (perfectum propheticum)" (p. 312).
Cf. A. B. Davidson, Hebrew Grammar: Syntax (Edinburgh: T.
& T. Clark, 1901), 61-63.
3Kraus, Theology of the Psalms. 195.
4Leupold, Exposition of the Psalms. 663.
^But Jorg Jeremias divides the psalm into two

strophes: vss. 1-2 and vss. 3-5 (Das Koniotum Gottes in den
Psalmen. 16).
394
The first two verses read:
YHWH malak ge'tit labeS

labeS YHWH ‘oz hit'azzar
'aE-tikkon tebel bal-timmot:
nakdn k i s ,aka me'az
me'61 am 1attah:
(Ps 93:1-2).
The LORD reigns, He is clothed with majesty;

The LORD has clothed and girded Himself
with strength;
Indeed, the world is firmly established, it
will not be moved.
Thy throne is established from of old;
Thou art from everlasting.
(NASB).
Arthur G. Clarke comments that this passage speaks
of God's "self-coronation in self-created and self
manifested power."1 Yahweh is robed in majesty (ge'xit) and
armed with strength ('oz)— another duo of the "virtues"
with which the Psalmist delineates the divine presence. It
is noteworthy that vs. 1 praises Yahweh not only for His
kingship but also for His creatorship.
Vs. 2 forms a synonymous parallelism in the frame
of a chiastic arrangement; i.e.,
nakdn k i s 'aka m e 1az

V
/\
me olam 'attah
In this literary form Yahweh's throne is in parallel with
Yahweh Himself and both are eternal (me'az and me'olam) in
their existence. Thus, in the first two verses, the throne
of Yahweh symbolizes Yahweh's identity; in other words, it
1Clarke, 237.
395
signifies both that Yahweh is the King and the Creator in
relation to His creation and that He is the Eternal One by
nature.
It is noteworthy that in vss. 1-2 the verb kun is
used twice: once in the nifal imperfect form (tikkon) as
the verb of tebel ("world") and once in the nifal parti
cipial form (nakon) in connection with k i s ,aka ("thy
throne") . This indicates that both the world and the
throne of God were "established" or "founded" as products
of the divine power and act of Yahweh, the Creator. It is
also noteworthy that the verb nakdn in Ps 93:2 and the noun
makon ("foundation") in Pss 89:15 (ET 89:14) and 97:2 come
from the same verb kiin. While makdn in Pss 89:15 (ET
89:14) and 97:2 specifies the nature or quality of the work
which is done from the throne ("righteousness and jus
tice") , nakon in Ps 93:2 connects the throne with the time
element ("from of old").
In vss. 3-4 are described the "enemies of Yahweh"
("Jahves Feinde"J1 : n®hard£ and mayia rabbim, which are

"simile[s] for powerful nations that swell with pride and
work destruction"2 (cf. Isa 8:7-8). But Yahweh on high
(bammarom YEWH) is mightier than these (vs. 4c ) . He is far
higher and stronger than any earthly ruler or power. As
Westermann points out, Yahweh is "the Creator in vss. lb-2,
1Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 411.
2Hirsch, The Psalms. 161.
396
and the Lord of history in vss. 3-4."1 Yahweh is "on high"
(bammarom) and His throne is "high and exalted" (ram
weni^6a', Isa 6:1). Vss. 3-4, therefore, show that Yahweh
is supreme and sovereign, and His throne is the symbol of
this supremacy and sovereignty of Yahweh as the Lord of
history.
The last verse, vs. 5, describes the Sovereign's
"statutes" (‘edot), i.e., "the law regarded as bearing
witness to Jehovah's will and man's duty,"2 and His "house"
(bayit) , i.e., the place of His government. On the basis
of the Ugaritic comparative material, James Donald Shenkel
explains *dt of 'dtk (vs. 5a) as a lexical variant of 'd
("seat,throne"), which derives from 'dd.3 His translation
of vs. 5 reads:
Your throne has been firmly established;

in your temple the holy ones glorify you,
Yahweh, for length of days.4
According to one view, this may be "ein reizvolles Beispiel
frommigkeitlicher Neuinterpretation,"5 and especially the
new interpretation "throne" instead of "statutes" is
1Westermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms. 150.
2Clarke, 237.
3Shenkel, 408-409.
4Ibid., 416.
5Becker, Israel deutet seine Psalmen. 73.
397
"besonders tiefgreifend und interessant," but it is "auch
besonders fragwurdig.!!1
On the other hand, M. Dahood argues that since 'dtk
contains the root of Ugaritic 'd//ksu in UT 127:22-24 (the
Keret cycle)2 and *dfc is an infinitive construct from y'd
or w'd ("to appoint, assemble") which connotes jurisdic
tion, derivatives from this root denote "seat, throne."3
Hence, he vocalizes infinitive construct 'i d t ® ^ for MT
‘edSteka ("your statutes" or "your decrees") and translates
the first colon of vs. 5 as "Your enthronement was con
firmed of old."4 This argument is also open to debate.
Jorg Jeremias epitomizes the psalm: "Die Festigkeit
der Konigsherrschaft Gottes, der Ort ihrer Ausiibung und
ihre unendliche Dauer sind also die entscheidenden Themen
des Psalms."5 More specifically, he states:
1Ibid.
2The text reads:

(22) wtn . ytb . krt . 1'dh
(23) ytb . lksi . mlk
(24) lnfct . lkht . drkt
Ch. Virolleaud explained 'd of line 22 as follows: "Cest
un equivalent de hkl (ou de b t ) , ou bien une partie du hid,
et, a en juger par la presente locution, celle ou se dresse
le trone" ("Le roi Kdret et son fils," Syria 23 [1942-43]:
9-10). Cyrus H. Gordon has accepted the meaning given by
Virolleaud to the word *d in the text cited above and gives
the meaning "throne room" for 'd in the same text (cf. UT,
453 [No. 1814]: "Krt returns to his throne room").
3Dahood, Psalms I I . 342.
4Ibid., 339.
5Jeremias, Das Koniqtum Gottes in den Psalmen. 17.
398
Ps 93 erzahlt also nicht, wie Jahwe sein Xonigtum

uber die Welt errungen hat, sondern er stellt dar,
wie sich Jahwes Konigtum fiber die Welt gegenwartig
wie schon seit Urzeit und fur alle Zukunft stets
gleichartig auswirkt.1
In sum, the throne of God, which has been "estab
lished of old" (93:2), is the heavenly throne and points to
the fact that Yahweh has been, is, and will surely be the
King. It also indicates that Yahweh is the Creator of the
world. In short, the throne of God signifies both the
eternal kingship and creatorship of Yahweh. Thus, the
formulaic proclamation/acclamation YHWH mlk points to both
directions of time. In other words, it is both historical
and prophetic, or protological and eschatological.2
1Ibid., 19.
2It is remarkable that in the LXX (Codex Vaticanus

and Codex Sinaiticus) , Ps 93 has the inscription, Eis ten
hemeran tou prosabbatou, hote kato^kistai he ge, ainos
o^des toj[ Dauid (Codex Alexandrianus erroneously has tou
sabbatou for tou prosabbatou). The first part is corrobor
ated by the Jewish tradition. Cf. Tamid 7:4: "On the
sixth day they [the Levites] did sing, The Lord is kina and
has put on glorious apparel (Ps 93)" (The Mishnah: A New
Translation. trans. Jacob Neusner [New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1988], 873? cf. The Mishnah Translated
from the Hebrew with Introduction and Brief Explanatory
Notes, trans. Herbert Danby [Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1933], 589). In other words, Ps 93 was the Friday
Psalm, as is said in the Talmud: "On the sixth day they
said, The Lord reiqnerh. He is clothed in majesty, because
He completed His work and reigned over His creatures" (b.
Ros Has. 31a rThe Babylonian Talmud. Rosh Hashanah, 146]).
Perhaps this is what is meant also by the second part of
the inscription: "when the earth was peopled [with living
creatures]" (cf. Delitzsch, KD:COT. 5:3:74; Perowne,
2:182) .
399
Psalm 97:2
Ps 97 is an eschatological hymn1 of three parts
portraying the coming of Yahweh as universal Judge.2 The
first part (vss. 1-6) describes the theophany in terms
reminiscent of Pss 18:9, 13-14 (ET 18:8, 12-13); 50:3;
77:19 (ET 77:18); Hab 3:10; etc.; the next part (vss. 7-9)
speaks of Israel's joy at paganism's defeat; and the last
part (vss. 10-12) betrays kinship to Ps 36:10-11 (ET 36:9-
10) in depicting what God holds in store for those who
worship Him.3
As one of the so-called "Yahweh-King-hymns," Ps 97
celebrates Yahweh's kingship.4 It starts with the same
formulaic "Inthronisationsruf" or Huldicrunqsformel.5 YHWH
mlk (vs. la). The whole world is exhorted to rejoice (vs.
lb-c). Then, with the description of the theophanic
phenomena of Sinai (cf. Exod 19:16-20; 20:18-19; Judg 5:5)
which supply the symbolism, the Psalmist recites that
famous throne hymn which was cited in Ps 89:15 (ET 89:14):
1Gunkel, Ausaewahlte Psalmen. 13 4, says, "Der Psalm

[Ps 97] besingt das Ende der Welt, da Jahve als Konig der
ganzen Erde erscheint, da er die Herrschaft der Gotter in
the Staub wirft und Zion erlost."
2Dahood, Psalms I I . 361. Cf. Stark, Lvrik. 59-60.
3C f . Dahood, Psalm I I . 361; Jeremias, Das Konigtum

Gottes in den Psalmen. 138.
4Kraus, Psalmen. 2:671; Anderson, The Book of

Psalms. 2:686.
5Kraus, Psalmen. 2:672.
400
sedeq CtmiSpat mek6n kis'd:
(Ps 97:2b).
Righteousness and justice are

the foundation of His throne.
(NASB).
Yahweh who occupies this throne is "the Lord of all
the earth" (,adon kol-ha'ares, vs. 5b) and "the Most High
over all the earth" (* elydn *al-kol-ha'a r e s , vs. 9a). He
is "exalted far above all gods" (vs. 9b) and His holy name
is praised and thanked for by the righteous ones (vs. 12).
That throne is established upon sedeq and miSpat, which are
the divine virtues. "Righteousness and justice" are what
"Yahweh works for all the oppressed" (Ps 103:6). This
affirms that the throne of God is founded upon the divine
principles (cf. 2 Sam 3:10) which are characterized by

righteousness and justice.1
On the other hand, Yahweh who sits on the throne is
surrounded by clouds and darkness (vs. 2a),2 but fire goes
before Him (vs. 3) and lightning lights up the world (vs.
4). The important idea that these phenomena reveal isthat
1Aiiderson, The Book of Psalms. 2:687. See pp. 3/2-

378 above.
2Weiser, The Psalms. 632, comments on this:

"God appears as one who is veiled. Whereas in other
religions the unveiling of the image of a god, the
eoopteia (the vision of G o d ) , represented the
solemn climax of the cultic ceremony, the Old Tes
tament idea of God as one who is surrounded by the
impenetrable darkness of clouds reverently main
tains the mystery of his nature and impressively
indicates the threateningly serious character of
his appearing."
401
the place or location of the throne may be elsewhere than
the earthly temple (cf. Pss 11:4; 103:19). Here we have
another tetrad or a pair of duos which delineates the
environment of the divine presence. This time, however,
the duos are not virtues but physical manifestations of
God's glory (vs. 6b). Between those two duos we have
another duo, righteousness (sedeq) and justice (or judg
m e n t . miSpat), which form the foundation of Yahweh's throne
(vs. 2b ) . Significantly enough, each member of this duo is
mentioned in the following verses (vss. 6, 8) of the hymn:
The heavens declare His righteousness (sedeq),

And all the peoples have seen Hisglory*
Zion heard this and was glad.

And the daughters of Judah have rejoiced
Because of Thy iudgments (mi&patim), 0 LORD.
(NASB, emphasis supplied).
This means that nature andcreature alike praise
and rejoice at the throne of Yahweh who is their Creator,
King, and Judge. As Jeremias points out,
Es sind somit zwei Begriffpaare, die alle drei

Strophen durchziehen und gliedern: Jubel/Freude
(V. 1. 8. Ilf.) einerseits, Gerechtigkeit/Gericht
(V. 2. 6. 8. Ilf.) andererseits.1
In other words, God's throne is the reason and source of
joy for His creation.2
^■Jeremias, Das Konigtum Gottes in den Psalmen. 139.
2Kraus, Die Konigsherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testa

m e n t . 133, summarizes the content of Ps 97 as follows:
''Der Konig Jahwe erscheint zur Freude and zum Gericht aller
Welt; Zion jauchzt iiber die Offenbarung Gottes."
402
Psalm 103:19
Ps 103, which opens a group of psalms of praise
(Pss 103-107),1 falls into five approximately equal
stanzas, the first (vss. 1-5) and the last (vss. 19-22)
forming the introduction and the conclusion, and the other
three (vss. 6-10, 11-14, 15-18) the main body of the
psalm.2 The psalm ends as it begins, with "Bless (or
Praise) Yahweh, O my soul!" (vss. la, 22b). Thus it
represents a case of inclusio.3 Thomas Boys and E. W.

Bullinger have shown that in form the psalm is a chiastic
or inverted parallelism:4
A— Exhortation to Bless (1-5)

B— Yahweh's Kingdom: Israel (6-7)
C— Merciful Goodness (8)
D— Sparing Goodness (9)
E— Pardoning Goodness (10)
E— Pardoning Goodness (11-13)
D— Sparing Goodness (14-16)
C— Merciful Goodness (17-18)
B— Yahweh's Kingdom: Universe (19)
A— Exhortation to Bless (20-22)
1Leslie C. Allen, Psalms 101-150. WBC 21 (Waco, TX:

Word Books, Publisher, 1984), 21.
? J 1____ a. ^ «
xGA. , OUUt
3Cf. Beaucamp, 2:146.
4Thomas Boys and E. W. Bullinger, A Kev to the

Psalms: Being a Tabular Arrangement, bv Which the Psalms
Are Exhibited to the Eve According to a General Rule of
Composition Prevailing in the Holv Scriptures (London:
n.p., 1890), 99. Cf. Scroggie, 3:23; Claus Westermann,
Ausgewahlte Psalmen (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1984), 169.
403
It is noticeable that vss. 1-5 are personal; vss.
6-18 are national; and vss. 19-22 are universal. These
three divisions have five stanzas, all telling cf God; His
benefits (vss. 1-5), righteousness (vss. 6-10), lovingkind
ness (vss. 11-14), eternity (vss. 15-18), and sovereignty
(vss. 19—22).1
It is significant that the Psalmist refers to the
throne of God after mentioning a long list of divine
attributes and acts that have been shown to His people. In
fact, our text (vs. 19) forms the climax of the song and
thus also the conclusion of the psalm. Thus it embraces
and rounds off what has been enumerated in the preceding
verses. In other words, the throne of God represents the
power and character of the One who has provided all the
benefits such as forgiveness (vs. 3a),2 healing (vs. 3b),3
redemption (vs. 4a), lovingkindness (hesed, vss. 4b, 8b,
^•Scroggie, 3:23; Westermann, Ausaewahlte Psalmen.

169. Briggs and Briggs, 2:323-324, remark:
"Ps. 103 is a summons to Israel to bless Yahweh for
all that He had done for them (v. 1-2), His pardon
and redemption (v. 3-4a, 5a), His deeds of right
eousness and justice (v. 6-7), His long suffering
(v. 9-10), His kindness in removing sin (v. 11-12),
His fatherly compassion (v. 13-14), His everlasting
kindness and righteousness to frail man (v. 15,
17) ."
2Cf. Henry McKeating, "Divine Forgiveness in the

Psalms,” SJT 18 (1965): 69-83.
3Cf. Klaus Seybold, Das Gebet des Kranken liu A1 ten
Testament: Untersuchunoen zur Bestimmunq und Zuordnunq der
Krankheits- und Heilunaspsalmen. BWANT V/19 (Der ganzen
Sammlung Heft 99) (Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1973),
142-146.
404
17a),1 mercy and compassion (vss. 4b, 8a),2 satisfaction
(vs. 5), righteousness and justice (vs. 6), etc.
As for the type of the psalm, Gunkel and many other
scholars classify it as an individual hymn.3 For its Sitz
im Leben, Kraus,4 Weiser,5 and Anderson6 suggest the cultic
setting or congregational recital.7 Klaus Seybold main
tains that. Llie Lheme of this thanksgiving psalm is sickness
and healing (vss. 3-5).8 At any rate, the psalm is the
praise of God's abundant grace.9
l-Cf. N. H. Parker, "Psalm 103: God Is Love: He

will Have Mercy and Abundantly Pardon,” CJT 1 (1955): 191-
196; Hans Joachim Stoebe, "Die Bedeutung des Wortes hasad
im Alten Testament," VT 2 (1952): 244-254; Glueck,” Das
Wort qesed im alttestamentlichen Sprachoebrauche; Saken-
feld, The Meaning of Hesed in the Hebrew Bible; idem,
Faithfulness in Action. 83-100.
2C f . Alfred Jepsen, "Gnade und Barmherzigkeit im

Alten Testament," K2 7 (1961): 261-271; Hupfeld and Nowack,
2:425.
3Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 442; Gunkel and Begrich, 66;

Kittel, Die Psalmen. 3 30; Anderson, The Book of Psalms.
2:712; etc.
4Kraus, Psalmen. 2:871-872.
5Weiser, The Psalms. 558.
6Anderson, The Book of Psalms. 2:712.
7Against Becker, Israel deutet seine Psalmen. 74-

77. Cf. Schmidt, Die Psalmen. 186.
8Seybold, Das Gebet des Kranken im Alten Testament.

142-143.
9Westermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms. 13 5.
405
The motif of the divine throne appears in vs. 19:

YHWH baSSamayim hekin kis'd
Omalkiltd bakkol maSalah:
The LORD [Yahweh] has established his throne
in the heavens,
and his kingdom rules over all.
(RSV).
The first thing to note is the peculiarity of
Yahweh's authority: it is Yahweh Himself that established
(hekin) His throne. The word hekin is the hifil form of
kiln. It is to be noted that here again the verb kiln is
used to indicate the "establishment" of God's throne.1
Setting up of the throne is Yahweh's divine action for His
own government and kingdom. Yahweh is not a delegated
Sovereign for whom a throne is set up by someone else. His
ruling and judging authority originates from within
Himself. He is an Autocrat, but not a despot, and His
dominion arises from Himself and is sustained by His own
innate power. His dominion is one that originally resides
in His nature, not derived from any by birth or commission.
He is the sole cause of His own kingship and kingdom. This
matchless sovereignty, symbolized by the throne which
Yahweh Himself set up, is the pledge of our security, the

pillar upon which our confidence may safely lean.
Second, here again the Psalmist proclaims the
universality of Yahweh*s kingship (kisse') and His kingdom
(malkilt) : His throne is established in the heavens (cf. ?s
xCf. Koch, "kOn," T W A T . 4:107.
406
11:4) and Kis kingdom rules over all (cf. Ps 47:9 [ET
47:8]): all places and all peoples. As in Ps 11:4,1 the
phrase "in the heavens" indicates the general location of
the throne of God, while the sanctuary/temple in heaven
means the specific location of it. The One who has set up
the throne and sits upon it is the Lord of All.2 His is
the only universal monarchy and He is the blessed and only
Potentate, King of kings, and Lord of lords. The psalm
starts with a personal praise and develops to a national
hymn and now reaches its climax as a universal jubilate.
Makrakis interprets "heaven" (Samayim) as meaning
"the spiritual world of angels" and "throne" (kisse') as
meaning "the angelic battalion of Cherubim on which God
sits."3 This interpretation seems arbitrary and can hardly
be maintained, both syntactically and contextually (cf.
vss. 19-21) .
Third, Yahweh's kingdom and kingship are eternal.

"His kingdom rules over all" : all time and everywhere.
Everything under the sun dies and disappears, "but from
everlasting to everlasting Yahweh's heseg is with those
who fear Him, and His sedaqah with their children's
children" (vs. 17) . Yahweh is our God from everlasting to
^-See p. 336 above.
2Gunkel, Die Psalmen. 4 43.
3Makrakis, 587.
407
everlasting (Ps 90:2) and shall reign for ever and ever
(Rev 11:15).
Fourth, the phrase "His throne in the heavens"
denotes the glory of His dominion and the vastness of His
realm. The heavens are the most stately and comely pieces
of the creation: God's majesty and greatness are there
most visible, and His glory and power most splendid (cf.
Ps 19:1) .
The Psalmist has depicted the varied attributes of
Yahweh as seen in his personal experiences, in the nation's
history, and in nature. He has proclaimed the majesty and
greatness of Yahweh's universal sovereignty. Now he
gathers up all his energies for one final outburst of
adoration, in which he would have all unite, since all are
subjects of the Great King:
Bless the LORD, 0 you his angels,

you miahtv ones who do his word,
hearkening to the voice of his word!
Bless the LORD, all his hosts.
his ministers that do his will!
Bless the LORD, all his w o rks.
in all places of his dominion.
Bless the LORD, O my soul!
(Ps 103:20-22, RSV, emphasis supplied).
Apocalyptic Literature
The Book of Daniel
Daniel 7:9
Dan 7:9 is the only passage where the Aramaic term
korse' is used for "thrones" in heaven, including the
408
throne of the "Ancient of Days."1 It is also the only text

in the apocalyptic literature of the OT that has a refer
ence to the divine throne.
Containing "one of the most majestically conceived
scenes in the entire Old Testament,"2 Dan 7 has been called
"the heart of the Book of Daniel,"3 "the pivotal chapter of
Daniel,"4 "das Zentrum des Danielbuches,1,5 "a middle pivot
or hinae which ties together the beginning and the end of
the book,"6 and "the single most important chapter of the
1As noted earlier (see pp. 129-131 above), the

Aramaic korse' occurs only three times in the OT: once in
Dan 5:20 to refer to the throne of Nebuchadnezzar and twice
in 7:9 to refer to the celestial thrones.
2Edward J. Young, "Daniel's Vision of the Son of

Man," in The Law and the Prophets.OT Studies Prepared in
Honor of Oswald Thompson Allis, ed. John H. Skilton et al.
([Philadelphia]: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Com
pany, 1974), 425.
3Norman W. Porteous, Daniel: A Commentary. OTL

(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1965), 95.
4Norman C. Habel, "Introducing the Apocalyptic

Visions of Daniel 7," CTM 41 (1970): 13.
5Helge S. Kvanvig, "Struktur und Geschichte in Dan.

7,1-14," ST 32 (1978): 95, states:
"Dan. 7 bildet das Zentrum des Danielbuches. In
diesem Kapitel sind die wichtigsten Themen des
aramaischen Tails des Buches gesammelt, und das
Kapitel bildet die Basis fur die Visionen im
hebraischen T e i l ."
Cf. Otto Ploger, Das Buch Daniel. KAT 18 (Gutersloh:
Gutersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1965), 105; Harald
Sahlin, "Antiochus IV. Epiphanes und Judas Mackabaus," ST
23 (1969): 47; Gerhard Maier, Der Prophet D a n i e l . WSB
(Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1982), 259.
6Paul R. Raabe, "Daniel 7: Its Structure and Role

in the Book," in Hebrew Annual Review, vol. 9 (1985), ed.
Reuben Ahroni (Columbus, OH: Department of Judaic and Near
409
Book of Daniel,"1 for the vision reported in this chapter

is "the most important one" and "constitutes the veritable
centre of the book."2
On the other hand, the vision of Dan 7 is "one of
the great riddles in OT research."3 There are some impor
tant and hard issues in this chapter which many scholars
have wrestled with: e.g., the identities of "ten horns"
(vs. 7), "the little horn" (vs. 8; cf. 8:9), the "Ancient
of Days" (vs. 9) , "One like a son of man" (vs. 13) , and
"the saints of the Most High" (vss. 18, 22, 25, 27).4
Eastern Languages and Literatures, The Ohio State Univer

sity, 1986), 272; Cf. 273.
1W. Sibley Towner, Daniel, Int:BCTP (Atlanta: John
Knox Press, 1984), 91. Towner continues on the same page:
"Its position is pivotal, both in terms of the architecture
of the book as a whole and in terms of the brilliance of
the vision which it contains."
2Andre LaCocque, The Book of Daniel, trans. David

Pellauer (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1979), 122.
3Helge S. Kvanvig, "An Akkadian Vision as Back

ground for Dan 7?" ST 35 (1981): 85.
4For a bibliography of relevant literature dealing

with these issues, see the bibliography that accompanies
the dissertation by Arthur J. Ferch (The Son of Man in
Daniel Seven. AUSDDS 6 [Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews
University Press, 1979], 205-237). Literature published
thereafter includes: Klaus Koch, Das Buch Daniel. EF 144,
unter Mitarbeit von Till Niewisch und Jurgen Tubach (Darm
stadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1980), 214-239;
Gerhard F. Hasel, "The 'Little Horn,' the Saints, and the
Sanctuary in Daniel 8, ” in The Sanctuary and the Atonement:
Biblical. Historical, and Theological Studies, ed. Arnold
V. Wallenkampf and W. Richard Lesher (Washington, DC:
Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1981), 177-227;
Arthur J. Ferch, "The Judgment Scene in Daniel 7," in The
Sanctuary and the Atonement: Biblical. Historical, and
Theological Studies. ed. Arnold V. Wallenkampf and W.
410
Besides these, there have also been questions concerning
the unity of this chapter.1 These significant issues and
difficulties involved make Dan 7 "fascinating, tantalizing,
and challenging.1,2
Richard Lesher (Washington, DC: Review and Herald Publish

ing Association, 1981), 157-176; Shea, Selected Studies on
Prophetic Interpretation. 94-131 (Chap. V: "Judgment in
Daniel 7"); Helge S. Kvanvig, "Henoch und der Menschensohn:
Das Verhaltnis von Hen 14 zu Dan 7," ST 38 (1984): 101-133;
Paul G. Mosca, "Ugarit and Daniel 7: A Missing Link," Bib
67 (1986): 496-517.
1C f . August F. von Gall, Die Einheitlichkeit des

Buches Daniel (Gie£en: J. Ricker, 1895); Martin Noth, "Zur
Komposition des Buches Daniel," XSJS 99 (1926): 143-163;
Gustav Holscher, "Die Entstehung des Buches Daniel," TSK 92
(1928): 113-118. For a fuller discussion on this topic,
see Arthur J. Ferch, Daniel on Solid Ground (Washington,
DC: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1988), 23-31;
idem, The Son of Man in Daniel Seven. 108-145; Kenneth
Orville Freer, A Study of Vision Reports in Biblical
Literature. Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1975 (Ann
Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International), 24-34;
William H. Shea, "Unity of Daniel," in Symposium on Daniel:
Introductory and Exeaetical Studies. DRCS 2, ed. Frank B.
Holbrook (Washington, DC: Biblical Research Institute,
General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, 1986) , 165-
255. The two most vigorous champions contending for
opposite viewpoints regarding the unity of the Book of
Daniel are H. Louis Ginsberg and H. H. Rowley; cf. H.
Louis Ginsberg, Studies in Daniel. TSJTS 14 (New York: The
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1948); H. H.
Rowley, "The Unity of the Book of Daniel," HUCA 23 (1950-
51): 1: 233-273; idem, Review of Studies in Daniel, by H.
Louis Ginsberg, JBL 68 (1949): 173-177; H. Louis Ginsberg,
"Two Replies," JBL 68 (1949): 402-407; H. H. Rowley, "A
Rejoinder," JBL 69 (1950): 201-203; H. Louis Ginsberg,
"The Composition of the Book of Daniel," VT 4 (1954): 246-
27 5. For a convenient summary of views, see John J.
Collins, Daniel: With an Introduction to Apocalyptic Lit
erature . FOTL 20 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, 1984), 74-83; cf. idem, The Apocalyptic Vision of
the Book of Daniel. HSM 16 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press,
1977), 7-8.
2Ferch, "The Judgment Scene in Daniel 7," in The

Sanctuary and the Atonement, ed. Wallenkampf & Lesher, 157.
411
Dan 7 is generally divided into two major parts:
the first part (vss- 1-14) contains the visions; the
second (vss. 15-28) provides the interpretations.1 The
visions are divided into three main sections by the long
introductory formula hazeh havet b®hezwe ('im-)lelya' ("I
saw in the night visions" [or "I saw in my vision by
night"], vss. 2, 7, 13).2
The whole chapter relates events which took place
"in the first year of Belshazzar king of Babylon" (vs. 1),
^ o s t scholars regard the basic literary structure

of Dan 7 as clear and simple: a prologue (vss. l-2a) and
an epilogue (vs. 28) framing a vision (vss. 2b-14) and its
interpretation (vss, 15-27). E.g., Ploger, Das Buch
Daniel, 106; Ziony Zevit, "The Structure and Individual
Elements of Daniel 7," ZAW 80 (1968): 385-396; Matthias
Delcor, Le livre de Daniel. SB (Paris: J. Gabalda et C ie
Editeurs, 1971), 142-143; Peter Weimar, "Daniel 7: Eine
Textanalyse," in Jesus und der Menschensohn. ed. Rudolf
Pesch and Rudolf Schnackenburg (Freiburg: Verlag Herder,
1975), 11-36. However, J. Coppens divides the chapter into
vss.2a-18 and 19-28 ("Le chapitre VII de Daniel: Lecture
et commentaire," ETL 54 [1978]: 301).
Raabe holds that Dan 7 consists of three formal
elements: vision (vss. 2b-14, 21-22), the seer's request
for clarification (vss. 15-16a, 19-20), and angel's inter
pretation (vss. 16b-18, 23,-27) (cf. Raabe, 267-268). Cf.
Susan Niditch, The Symbolic Vision in Biblical Tradition.
HSM 30 (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1980), 184.
2C f . Zevit, 388; Raabe, 268. On the other hand,

Arnold B. Rhodes, "The Kingdoms of Men and the Kingdom of
God: A Study of Daniel 7:1-14," Int 15 (1961): 414-429,
divides the visions into four scenes: Scene One— the four
beasts (vss. 2-8); Scene Two— the convening of the heav
enly court (vss. 9-10); Scene Three— the execution of the
sentence (vss. 11-12) ; Scene Four— the one like a son of
man (vss. 13-14). Cf. Helge S. Kvanvig, "Struktur und
Geschichte in Dan. 7,1-14," ST 32 (1978): 95-117.
412
i.e., 550/49 B.C.1 In that year Daniel had a dream in
which he saw four great beasts, each different from the
others, coming up out of the sea (vss. 2-3): the first was
like a lion, with the wings of an eagle (vs. 4) ; the
second looked like a bear raised up on one side, with three

ribs in its mouth (vs. 5) ; the third resembled a leopard
and had four wings of a bird and four heads (vs. 6) ; and
the fourth was nondescript, compared to no animal, but it
was "dreadful and terrifying and extremely strong" (vs. 7,
NASB). Particular attention, however, was directed to this
fourth beast and to the ten horns which were upon its head.
There arose a little horn, which uprooted three of the
horns and had eyes of a man and a mouth speaking boastfully

(vs. 8) .
At this juncture, from the earthly scenes of strife
and contention for a political supremacy the attention of
the prophet was drawn to heaven where he beheld the com
mencement of a great assize in the presence of God. The
text, which has been in prose up to this point, changes
over to poetry:2
1Cf. Gerhard F. Hasel, "The First and Third Years

of Belshazzar (Dan 7:1; 8:1)," AUSS 15 (1977): 153-168;
William H. Shea, "Nabonidus, Belshazzar, and the Book of
Daniel: An Update," AUSS 20 (1982): 133-137.
2The same thing also happens in vss. 13-14 (the

section about the Son of Man) and 23-27 (the interpretation
of the whole vision). James A. Montgomery calls this kind
of free use of metrical forms "a poetical rhapsody" (A
Critical and Exeoetical Commentary on the Book of Daniel.
ICC [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1927], 311). It is fitting
413
The MT of Dan 7:9-10 reads:
hazlh hawet
'ad di korsawan r ^ i w
v®'attiq yomin yetib
l^dSeh kitlag hiw a r
Ctfi®'ar re' Seh ka'amar n®qe’
kors^yeh S®bibin di-ndr
galgillohi n&r daliq:
n®har di-ndr naged
w®napeq min-q°d3m6hi
1elep 1alpim ye£amme§iinneh
v®ribbo ribwan q°damdhi y®qvbntin
dxna' yetib
^sigrin pet ihil:
I kept looking
Until thrones were set up,
And the Ancient of Days took His seat;
His vesture was like white snow,
And the hair of His head like pure wool.
His throne was ablaze with flames,
Its wheels were a burning fire.
A river of fire was flowing
And coming out from before Him;
Thousands upon thousands were attending Him,
And myriads upon myriads were standing
before Him;
The court sat,
And the books were opened.
(NASB).
to turn to rhythmical style to describe the royal court of

the Ancient of Days. With regard to the literary structure
of Dan 7, the following observation by Jacques B. Doukhan
is noteworthy:
"Three times, we shift alternatively from prose to
poetry and from poetry to prose, following the pro
phet's gaze as it looks to earth or to heaven,
vss. 2-8 on earth, in prose
9, 10 in heaven, in poetry
11, 12 on earth, in prose
13, 14 in heaven, in poetry
15-22 on earth, in prose
2 3-27 in heaven, in poetry
In that way, a bond of mysterious dependence is
suggested between the destiny of the earthly world
and 'history' in heaven, thereby opening a perspec
tive of hope for this world."
(Jacques B. Doukhan, Daniel: The Vision of the End [Berrien
Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1987], 22).
414
This "well-known judgment scene" ("die bekannte
Gerichtsszene")1 is followed by the descriptions of the
loquacity of the little horn (vs. 11a) ,the fate of the
fourth beast (vs. lib), the fate ofthe first three beasts
(vs. 12), and the glorious triumph of "One like the son of
man" (vss. 13-14). Thus the first part of Dan 7 (espe
cially the details of vision, vss. 4-14) forms a chiastic
mold, ar, Ferch haj pointed out:2
I. Preliminary view of the earthly kingdom (vss.

2b-3).
II. Details of vision (vss. 4-14).
A. First three beasts (4-6).
B. Fourth beast (7).
C. Description of little horn with loquacity
(8 ) .
D. The JUDGMENT (9-10; supplemented by its
second half, 13-14).
C1 . (Fate of] little horn with its loquacity
(Ha) •
B1 . Fate of the fourth beast (lib).
A 1 . Fate of the first three beasts (12).
D1 . The JUDGMENT and the Son of Man: A
GLORIOUS TRIUMPH (13-14) .
1Gamper, Gott als Richter in Mesopotamien und im

Alten Testament. 219. The judgment is described three
times in Dan 7: vss. 9-10/13-14, 21-22, and 25-26.
2C f . Ferch, The Son of Man in Daniel Seven. 136-

137; idem, Daniel on Solid Ground. 27. Raabe, 270, finds
a similar chiastic structure in Dan 7:2b-14 as follows:
"A w . 2b—7 - - - - - - Four beasts
B v. 8 — Little horn
C w . 9-10 - - Throne scene
B* v. lla - - - - - Little horn
A' w . llb-12 - - - - - Four beasts
C' w . 13-14 - Throne scene."
The difference between Ferch and Raabe is that while the
former separates the fourth beast (vss. 7, lib) from the
first three (vss. 4-6, 12), the latter considers that the
four beasts form one unit.
415
This chiastic structure of vss. 4-14, with the
judgment at its center, first describes the measured rise
of the earthly powers before it traces their fate in exact
inverse order in the second half.1 According to Erik W.
Heaton, the whole judgment scene (vss. 9-14) in this vision
forms the climax of both the vision and the whole book of
Daniel:
We now come to the climax, alike of the vision

and the whole book. All that goes before leads up
to this passage and all that comes after flows from
it. Set over against the destructive beasts is the
power and purpose of God, who, as in the beginning,
will in the end subdue all things to himself (cf. I
Cor. 15.28).2
Considerable speculation has been devoted to the
plural "thrones" (korsawan) inthe description of the
judgment scene. "Thrones" were setup, one of which is

first occupied by the "Ancient of Days" ('attiq ydmin).3
1Ferch, The Son of Man in Daniel S e ven. 137.
2Erik W. Heaton, The Book of Daniel. TBC (London:

SCM Press, 1956), 178.
3The term 'attiq ydmin, literally meaning "one

advanced in days," is a unique expression in the OT,
although corresponding titles can be found in 1 Enoch 46:1-
2; 47:3; 98:2 ("Head of Days"). This term ('attiq ydmin),
which LaCocque renders as "The-One-Who-Endures," apparently
refers to God (LaCocque, The Book of Daniel. 142). This
particular name for God seems to be based on the concept
of longevity and eternal existence of God (cf. Pss 9:8
[ET 9:7]; 29:10; 90:2). Cf. Walter Baumgartner, Das Buch
Daniel, Aus der Welt der Religion, AT 1 (Giegen: Verlag
Alfred Topelmann, 1926), 20; Heaton, The Book of Daniel.
178; Maier, Der Prophet Daniel. 275. For a brief summary
of views, see Harry Bultema, Commentary on Daniel (Grand
Rapids: Kregel Publications, 1988), 218-219.
416
Now the question is, How many thrones are left and who will
occupy them (or it)?
Some commentators, both Jewish and Christian,
understand that there were two thrones. R. Johanan's
dictum is that "one [throne] was for Himself and one for
David."1 R. AJciba was of the same opinion.2 But R. Jose,
the Galilean, reproached R. Akiba for this view: "Akiba,
how long wilt thou profane the Shechinah? Rather, [it must
mean] one [throne] for justice, and the other for mercy."3
Rashi understood that one throne was for judgment and the
other for justice.4 One author in the last century even
noted that "these thrones are the thrones of the four
kingdoms of the metallic image."5 Some other scholars hold
that the Sen of Man occupied one throne alongside the
Ancient of Days, since they argue that in an alleged pre-
Danielic Son of Man tradition (so-called Dan ielvorl acre t the
manlike figure was a judge who took his seat alongside
1B. Sanh. 38b (The Babylonian Talmud. Sanhedrin,

245) .
2B. Sanh. 38b (ibid., Sanhedrin, 245). Cf. b. Hag.

14a (ibid., Hagigah, 83-84).
3B. Sanh. 38b (ibid., Sanhedrin, 245). Cf. b. Hag.

14a (ibid., Hagigah, 83).
4LaCocque, The Book of Daniel. 142, n. 96.
5Alexander Arthur, A Critical Commentary on the

Book of Daniel (Edinburgh: Norman Macleod, 1893), 86.
417
God.1 Ferch represents several reasons why this view
cannot be accepted.2 It is true that nothing in the text
suggests that the figure who appears in vs. 13, the Son of
Man, has any judicial function.3 However, since it is
evident that vs. 13 describes a royal investiture and vs.
14 states, "And to him was given dominion and glory and
kingdom, that all peoples, nations, and languages should
serve him" (RSV) , it is not impossible that the Son of Man
was seated on the throne alongside God.4 For the throne is
not only the seat of a judge, but more basically the seat
of a sovereign ruler or king.
The explanation that the plural of "thrones" in the
passage is a "majestic plural"5 or plural of majesty seems
to be inappropriate. The interpretation that two or more
^■E.g. , Fridolin Stier, Gott und sein Engel im Alten

Testament. ATA XII/2 (Munster: Verlag der Aschendorffschen
Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1934), 98-99; Aage Bentzen, Daniel.
HAT 19, zweite, verbesserte Auflage (Tubingen: Verlag J. C.
B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1952), 63; Mowinckel, He That
Cometh. 352-353, 393-399; Horst Robert Balz, Methodische
Probleme der neutestamentlichen Christoloqie. WMANT 25
(Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsver-
eins, 1967), 70.
2C f . Ferch, The Son of Man in Daniel Seven. 148-

149.
3C f . Robert A. Anderson, Signs and Wonders: A Com

mentary on the Book of Daniel. ITC (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
4C f . Gleason L. Archer, Jr., "Daniel," EB C . 7:88-

91.
5John Joseph Owens, "Daniel," B B C . 6:423.
418
thrones indicate "a duality of functions"1 has no basis in

the context of the passage. Another opinion that Dan 7:9-
12 presents "more than one judgment"2 lacks support in the
text. According to this view, one judgment is represented
by the "thrones" (plural) and the other by the "throne"
(singular), and the latter points to the "great white
throne" judgment depicted in Rev 20:11-15.3 This view does
not recommend itself for the following reasons: First, it
is artificial and arbitrary to divide the one judgment
scene with the thrones. upon one of which the Ancient of
Days sat, into two different judgment scenes: even though
the thrones are plural, the judgment involved is only one.
Second, although there are some similarities between the
descriptions of the two throne scenes (Dan 7:9-10, 13-14
and Rev 20:11-15), the similarities by themselves cannot be
the evidence that they indicate one and the same judgment—
all throne scenes have some elements or descriptions in
common. Third, the throne scene in Dan 7 presents a phase
of the heavenly assize which is convened while the "little
horn" blasphemes God and persecutes His saints on earth
(Dan 7:8, 11, 21-22). This means that the judgment was
1Andre LaCocque, Daniel in His T i m e . Studies on

Personalities of the OT (Columbia, SC: University of South
Carolina Press, 1988), 155.
201r\:er B. Greene, Daniel: Verse bv Verse Study

(Greenville, SC: Gospel Hour, 1964), 272.
3Ibid.
419
given in behalf of the saints, before the Son of Man

receives the eternal kingdom (vss. 13-14), i.e., before the
Second Coming of Christ. In other words, the judgment
scene in Dan 7:9-10 is a prophetic vision of the pre-
Advent or investigative judgment because of the timing
indicated and the nature of the judgment with "books" being
opened (vs. 10) . On the contrary, the other throne scene
in Rev 20 reveals the final judgment of "the dead" (Rev
20:12, 13) after the Second Coming of Christ, even after
the millennium (vss. 4-7). The latter may be designated
the executive judgment.
Many exegetes maintain that the thrones were for
"the assessors"^ or "das Richterkollegium,1,2 i.e., "the
angelic associate judges who constitute the celestial
'court [A.ramaic dina'. short for bet d i n a 1] that •sat In
judgment' (vss. [Dan 7:]10, 26)."3 This view would suggest
^-Arthur Jeffery, "The Book of Daniel," JB, 6:457.

Cf. H. C. Leupold, Exposition of Daniel (Columbus, OH:
Wartburg Press, 1949), 300.
2Jurgen-Christian Lebram, Das Buch Daniel. ZBK, AT

23 (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1984), 90.
3Louis F. Hartman and Alexander A. Di Leila, The

Book of Daniel: A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary. AB 23 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company,
1977), 217. Cf. Keil, K D :C O T . 9:3:229-230; Otto Zockler,
"The Book of the Prophet Daniel," L :C H S . 13:2:154; Mont
gomery, 297; Robert H. Charles, A Critical and Exeoetical
Commentary on the Book of Daniel (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1929) , 181; Paul Volz, Die Eschatoloaie der iudischen
Gemeinde im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter. zweite Auflage
des Werkes "Judische Eschatoloaie von Daniel bis Akiba"
(Tubingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1934), 11,
277; John Calvin, Commentaries on the Book of the Prophet
420
that the Ancient of Days is enthroned as the presiding

Judge in the assembly of the angels, a conception which is
echoed in such OT passages as 1 Kgs 22:19; Pss 50; 72;

82:1; Joel 3:2-17. But the context of the present text
does not say anything about the identity of the ones who
will take the thrones. Vs. 10b says, "Thousands upon
thousands were attending Him,/ And myriads upon myriads
were standing before Him" (NASB). This means that these
numberless celestial beings are not described as sitting on
the thrones but standing before the Ancient of Days.
Therefore, Norman W. Porteous' cautious assessment seems to
do the greatest justice to the text:
If there were assessors there is no specific

mention of them. . . . Nor is there any definite
suggestion in the text that the thrones were
intended to be occupied later on by the one like a
son of man or by representatives of the saints of
the Most High, though the reader may have been
expected to draw that inference for himself. It is
true that in later thought about the judgment it
was believed that the saints would have a part in
it, but that is not conclusive for the intention of
the author of Daniel.1
It is remarkable that in the passage under discus
sion the judgment commences when the Ancient of Days sits
Daniel. 2 vols., trans. (from the Latin) Thomas Myers

2: 32.
^■Porteous, 108; cf. Ferch, The Son of Man in Daniel

Seven. 149-150. Cf. John F. Walvoord, Daniel: The Kev to
Prophetic Revelation: A Commentary (Chicago: Moody Press,
1971), 164: "Who sits on the thrones first mentioned is
not indicated, but this may either refer to angelic
authority or the Second and Third Persons of the Trinity
may be intended."
421
down or takes His seat (yîb) . The verb "to sit" (Hebrew
ySb; Aramaic ytb) is closely connected with the throne (cf.
1 Kgs 1:46; 2:12; Jer 22:4; Esth 1:2),! and in many cases
sitting on the throne means starting to exercise kingship
and/or judgeship (cf, Deut 17:18; 1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13;
Esth 1:2; 1 Chr 28:5; 2 Chr 6:10). The truly venerable
appearance and nature of the King-Judge are heightened by
the description of various aspects of God, as John G.
Gammie notes:
The divine rule is indicated by His throne and by

the ten thousands standing before Him; the divine
wisdom by the title "Ancient of Days" and by His
white hair; the divine purity by His white raiment;
the divine majesty by the thousand servants; and
the divine judgment by the throne of fire, the
court, and the opened books.2
That Yahweh Himself might be seen sitting in the
form of a man on His throne was an idea familiar to a

Hebrew audience (Ezek 1:26; 43:6-7; Isa 6:1), and that He
was the appellation "Ancient of Days" could not have seemed
strange to people who were acquainted with Job 36:26; Ps
102:25-29 (ET 102:24-28); Isa 41:4; or Ps 90:1-12, which
^•Cf. M. Gorg, "jaSab; mdSab," T W A T . 3:1023-1025.
2John G. Gammie, Daniel. Knox Preaching Guides

(Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1983), 75. Desmond Ford also
has offered a remark similar to Gammie's:
"The holiness of God is emphasized by the sym
bols of white wool and burning fire. His eternal
nature is hinted at by the expression 'Ancient of
Days.' His absolute sovereignty is stressed by
mention of the hosts of unnumbered millions who
stand in His presence awaiting His bidding."
(Desmond Ford, Daniel [Nashville: Southern Publishing Asso
ciation, 1978], 146).
422
explicitly speaks about the eternal preexistence of Yahweh.
Hubert Junker remarks:
. . . das wei0e Gewand und das reine (= helle) Haar

sollen die Gestalt als eine himmlische Licht-
gestalt kennenzeichnen. Wir haben also keinen
Anla0, den "Hochbetagten" als altersschwachen Greis
zu denken.1
Since the One who is sitting on the throne is called the
"Ancient of Days" (literally, "advanced in days") or "der
Urewige"2 or "der Uralte,"3 it is only natural that the

throne itself is also "advanced in days" or "urewig" or
"uralt." This alludes to the fact that the throne of God
points to the Urzeit by its long existence with its eternal
Occupant while the judgment which started upon the session
of the Ancient of Days takes place in the Endzeit.
The description of the throne in vss. 9b-10a
recalls the merkabah, the divine chariot of Ezekiel's
vision with its flames and wheels (Ezek 1 and 10). Fire is
the dominant motif, a sign of a theophany (Exod 24:17; Deut
4:24; 9:3; 33:2; Ezek 1:13-14; 10:6-7) and of divine judg
ment (Lev 10:2; Num 16:35; Ps 50:3-4; 97:3-5; Isa 30:27-28;
Mai 3:2). Quite clearly, in this passage at least, the
^•Hubert Junker, Untersuchunaen uber literarische

und exeaetische Probleme des Buches Daniel (Bonn: Peter
Hanstein Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1932), 52.
2Ploger, Das Buch Daniel. 110.
3Lebram, 90: "Als Vorsitzer tritt der Uralte,

wortlich «der Alte der Tage», womit der ewig unverander-
liche Himmelsgott gemeint ist." Cf. Maier, Der Prophet
Daniel. 275: "einer, der uralt war."
423
fire not only represents the blindingly brilliant manifes
tation of God's splendor but also the fierce heat of His
judgment on sin and on all those opposed to His supreme
authority.1 The wheels of the divine throne, as in
Ezekiel's vision, indicate that the throne is movable and
the One who occupies it may move or drive/ride it.2
One important fact in the present passage is that
thrones "were set up" (râiw) . This is the peal form of
the verb râ' which means "cast, throw, place, set."3
This Aramaic verb occurs twelve times in the Aramaic
section of the book of Daniel.4 The same form of this
verb, E^miw, is used in Dan 3:21b, where it says, "They
were cast into the burning fiery furnace" (RSV, emphasis
supplied) . These usages reveal that râ' indicates an
action of casting or placing an object in a place where it
has not been. This means that the "thrones" which "were
setup" are not the abiding thrones which have been
functioning for their ordinary purpose but the special
^-Archer, "Daniel," EBC. 7:89.
2That Yahveh Himself is thought of as riding in a

chariot is seen from Hab 3:8, 15. The throne of Yahweh in
the vision of Ezekiel is, in fact, a throne wagon or
chariot, and it runs on four wheels and is able to move in
all four directions because there is ruah in them. Cf.
Sigmund Mowinckel, "Drive and/or Ride in 0. T.," VT 12
(1962): 296-299.
3B D B . 1113; K B L . 1124.
4The 12 occurrences of r ^ a ' are Dan 3:6, 11, 15,

20, 21, 24; 6:8, 13, 17, 25 (ET 6:7, 12, 16, 24); 7:9, 24.
Cf. Even-Shoshan, 1077-1078.
424
thrones which are newly placed for a unique purpose.
"Setting" these thrones means at least two things: (1) the
thrones are not fixed in one location but movable and

moving; and (2) their purpose is beginning to be carried
out. The purpose of setting these thrones is to judge by
examining the records of the people.
Besides the judicial throne and the supreme Judge,
integral to judgment was the opening of "the books" (vs.
10b) which would provide "evidences" ("Beweismittel") .1
Several references to the "books" appear in the OT and
other Jewish literature. In Pss 56:9 (ET 56:8); 139:16;
Isa 65:6; and Mai 3:16 ("book of remembrance") we read of a
book of man's activities available for scrutiny (cf. Rev
5:1-9; 20:12b),2 and in Exod 32:32; Ps 69:28; Isa 4:3; and
Dan 12:1 we find another book often referred to as the
"book of life" (cf. Luke 10:20; Phil 4:3; Rev 3:5; 13:8;
17:8; 20:12a, 15; 21:27).3 These books seem to be used as
the evidences for the judgment and redemption of people.
Dan 7:13-14 says a number of things of "One like a
son of man" (k®bar iena£) and His royal investiture: He
1Maier, Der Prophet Daniel. 277.
2Cf. Jub. 30:22; 1 Enoch 81:4; 89:61-64; 98:7-8;

104:7; As. Isa. 9:22; T. Levi 5:5; b. 'Abot 2:1 (The
Babylonian Talmud. Aboth, 11-12).
3Cf. Jub. 30:22; 1 Enoch 47:3; 90:17, 20; 103:2;

108:3. Cf. Paul A. Porter, Metaphors and Monsters: A
Literarv-Critical Study of Daniel 7 and 8 . CB-OTS 20 (Lund:
CWK Gleerup, 1983), 55, 59; Volz, Die Eschatoloqie der
iudischen Gemeinde. 276-277.
425
came "with the clouds of heaven";^ He was presented before
the "Ancient of Days"; He received everlasting "dominion
and glory and kingdom" as well as the obeisance of "all
peoples, nations, and languages." These things imply the
following; (1) the kingdom of the Son of Man originates
from heaven; (2) its authority comes from God; (3) it is
eternal in duration; and (4) it is universal in scope.2
Thus, together with the other descriptions of the
judgment (vss. 21-22 and 25-26), Dan 7 reveals
the sweep of history from the time of Daniel to the

establishment of the everlasting kingdom at the
transition of the present historical reality to the
future reality of the new age at the time of the
end [Endzeit].3
The significance of this "symbolic dream vision"4 is great,
especially because it tells us the place, time, and object
of the judgment: (1) the judgment takes place in heaven;
(2) it is in progress during the end-time between the
termination of the little horn's dominion over "the saints
3The reference to the clouds is frequently con

nected with the presence of Yahweh (e.g., Exod 16:10;
19:9). Cf. Leopold Sabourin, "The Biblical Cloud: Termi
nology and Traditions," BTB 4 (1974): 290-311. For the
significance of the cloud imagery, see Ferch, The Son of
Man in Daniel Seven. 162-166.
2C f . D. S. Russell, Daniel, DSB (Edinburgh: Saint

Andrew Press, 1981), 122-125.
3Gerhard F. Hasel, "The Theology of Divine Judgment

in the Bible: A Study of God's Past, Present, and Future
Judgments and Their Implications for Mankind" (unpublished
paper, 1983), 5.
4Collins, Daniel. 78.
426
of the Most High"1 and the beginning of the everlasting
kingdom which is given to the saints (vss. 21—22, 25—26);
and (3) it involves "an examination of the cases of the
professed people of God" as well as "a decision in the case
of the little horn," because "the little horn represents a
religious communion, especially its leadership, that
professes to be Christian in nature" and thus it has
"followers represented by this corporate symbol."2
Therefore, the divine throne in the book of Daniel
appears first of all as the symbol of the supreme judgeship
of the Ancient of Days who examines the records in the
celestial "books" as a process prior to the change of the
aeons in the end-time. It also symbolizes the absolute and
sovereign authority of God who invests the Son of Man with
universal kingship and entrusts Him with the everlasting
kingdom. The title of the One who takes the throne, "the
Ancient of Days," points to one side of time, the Urzeit.
whence He has been sitting on the throne. But the throne
1C f . Gerhard F. Hasel, "The Identity of 'The Saints

of the Most High' in Daniel 7," Bib 56 (1975): 173-192.
Hasel concludes that "the saints of the Most High" are to
be identified with
" . . . God's faithful followers who constitute His
remnant people, who are His chosen ones, set apart
from the rest of the nations, persecuted by the
power opposing God, but keeping the covenant faith
and maintaining their trust and confidence in God
from whom they finally receive an everlasting
kingdom" (p. 192).
2Shea, Selected Studies on Prophetic Interpreta

tion. 130-131.
427
itself points to the other side of time, the Endzeit. when

God sitting upon the throne will investigate and judge
people on the basis of the records in the celestial books.
With all these implications, God and His throne occupy the
centrc-.l position cf the esuidtoiogical heavenly judgment
scene depicted in the apocalyptic vision of Dan 7.
CH A PTER V I
SUMMARY AND C O N C L U SIO N
The present dissertation has explored the biblical
significance and theological implications of the "throne of
God" motif through an exegetical investigation of the
twenty-seven passages of the Hebrew Bible which have direct

reference to the divine throne.
In the first chapter the problems which the "throne
of God" motif poses were stated and the importance and
necessity of the research of this motif were presented.
Since the symbolism and significance of the "throne of God"
motif is presented only partially and incompletely in the
individual vision or oracle, it is desirable that we should
grasp an overall view of the theology of the throne of God
as presented in the Hebrew Bible.
In the second chapter I attempted to provide a
substantial survey of pertinent literature since the turn
of the century. This survey reveals the current status of
investigation on our topic to be only fragmentary and thus
unsatisfactory. During the last nine decades (1897-1988),
some twenty-five scholars have contributed substantially to
the study of the subject. Some studies deal with the
428
429
"enthronement psalms" and two are investigations of the
kingship or reign of God that touch on the "throne of God"
motif. The majority of works surveyed are concerned mainly
with another question, Which item of the sanctuary repre
sented the throne of God on earth, the ark of the covenant,
the cherubim, or the mercy-seat? While scholars such as
Wolfgang Reichel, Johannes Meinhold, Martin
Hermann Gunkel, and Jan Dus maintain that the ark of the
covenant functioned as the throne of G o d ,1 others such as
Wilhelm Lotz, Menahem Haran, R. E. Clements, Rainer
Schmitt, and Tryggve N. D. Mettinger argue that the cheru
bim were regarded as the throne of God.2 Roland de Vaux
suggests that the ark of the covenant and the cherubim

represented respectively the footstool and the throne of
God.3 Hans Schmidt holds that the mercy-seat functioned as

the throne of God.4 In contrast to the above scholars,
Johann Maier and Martin Metzger treated a part of the
significance of the "throne of God" motif itself. In his
book Vom Kultus zur Gnosis. Johann Maier dealt with but
five "throne of God" passages (1 Kgs 22:19 [//2 Chr 18:18];
Isa 6; Ezek 1; Dan 7:9) which are parts of vision reports.
1See pp. 15-17, 17-18, 21-22, 28-30, 44-45 above.
2See pp. 18, 34-36, 39-40, 46-47, 48 (cf. pp. 3-4

above).
430
He did not pay any attention to the other twenty-two
"throne of God" passages which are found in various other
parts of the OT. Nevertheless, there are three notable

observations in his conclusions: (1) The throne of God
stands in the foreground as the "place of revelation" ("Ort
der Offenbarung"1 or "Offenbarungsstatte"2 ). (2) The
throne became a "goal of ascending exercise which is
accomp l i s h e d rieual i s t i c a l l y - m a g i c a l l y by meditative
contemplation and is felt as real."3 (3) "In Israelite-
Jewish religion, the concept of the throne of God was very
much an illustration of the power of the Creator-God both
in the world and in history . . .1,4
Martin Metzger's works are the most important

studies in the field of our subject.5 His most recent
article entitled "Der Thron als Manifestation der Herr-
schermacht in der Ikonographie des Vorderen Orients und im
Alten Testament'• (1985) deals more directly with a single
1J. Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis. 126.
2Ibid., 147.
3In German: "Der 'Thron der Herrlichkeit' [wurde]

auch Ziel einer in meditativer Versenkung ritualistisch-
magisch bewerkstelligten und als real empfundenen Auf-
stiegspraxis" (ibid.).
4In German: "Die Vorstellung vom Gottesthron war

in der israelitisch-jiidischen Religion so sehr Veranschau-
lichung der Welt- und Geschichtsmachtigkeit des Schopfer-
gottes . . . " (ibid.).
5See pp. 49-55 above and bibliography.
431
aspect of our subject than any other work.1 His concern in

this article is limited to three basic concepts: (1) the
throne represents the domain or ruling territory of the one
who occupies it; (2) it represents the ruler himself; and
(3) it represents the palace or temple as the place of the
power, holiness, and presence of the king or deity.2
The following emerged from the literature survey:
First, the majority of pertinent studies did not deal witn
the "throne of God" motif per s e . Even the few studies
which treated the motif directly limited themselves to a
few biblical passages or to a part of the significance of
the throne motif. Second, contradictory conclusions have
been reached regarding the earthly representation of the
throne of God. Third, many important questions and issues
have not been considered, such as the origin of the "throne
of God" motif, the location of the throne in heaven and/or
on earth, the nature of the throne as God's seat, other
various functions and significance of the throne of God,
and the development of the throne motif over the centuries
2Metzger, "Der Thron als Manifestation der Herr-

schermacht in der Ikonographie des Vorderen Orients und im
Alten Testament," in Charisma und Institution, ed. Rend-
torff, 254. In German:
"1. Im Thron ist der Herrscher- und Wirkungsbereich
des Throninhabers prasent; 2. der Thron reprasen-
tiert den Herrscher selbst; 3. der Thron reprasen-
tiert den Palast bzw. den Tempel als Statte der
Macht, der Heiligkeit und der Frasenz des Konigs
bzw. der Gottheit."
432
during OT time. Thus, the "throne of God" motif calls for
a comprehensive investigation of all specific and direct
references in various parts and literatures of the Hebrew
Bible.
The third chapter of this dissertation is devoted
to the investigation of the divine throne motif in ancient
Near Eastern literature. The material examined consists of
representative Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Ugaritic, and
Egyptian literary texts. The outcome of this investigation
is of considerable consequence for both comparison and
contrast between the "throne of God" motif in the OT and
the "divine throne" motif in the extrabiblical traditions
of other cultures.
One of the few authors who touched extensively on
the throne motif in the ancient Near Eastern materials is
M. Metzger.1 He limited his investigation to iconographies
and did not consider literary sources. Many years ago, E.
A. Willis Budge allotted but the briefest space to the
motif of the throne of Osiris in his 844-page work on that
god.2 Other scholars are not known to have dealt with this
subject.
Sumerian has two different words for "throne": one
is 9i5gu -za and the other aS-te. But the latter is not so
^-Ibid., 250-296.
2E. A. W. Budge, Osiris. 2:262-264 (sec. 34: "The

Throne").
433
frequently used as the former.1 î^gu-za may mean either

"throne" (of a king or god) or "chair" (of common people).
However, ancient Sumerians considered the throne essential
to royalty or kingship. Thus, in Sumerian literature, the
divine throne is, first of all, the symbol of king(queen)-
ship/royalty/sovereignty and reign of deity. At least once
the term "throne" (gu-za) is used for the seat of Gudea who
was not only a king but also a high priest.2 In this
particular case, therefore, the throne is the emblem of
priesthood and possibly of kingship.3
In Sumerian texts, both sitting place and seating
arrangement were so important that the gods were given
specific seats and a specific order for sitting in relation
to one another. This is in contrast to Israelite mono
theism in which the one God sits upon His throne and all
the host of heaven stand beside Him.4 According to one
1C f . p. 63, n. 1 above.
2F . Thureau-Dangin, 115; cf. Lambert and Tournay,

"Le cylindre A de Gudea," RB 55 (1948): 420. See p. 65
above.
3Note that although Gudea is both king and high

priest, only the latter is mentioned in connection with the
"throne" (see p. 65 above).
4One possible exception may be Dan 7:9 which says,

"Thrones [plural] were set up" (NASB) . Even in this text,
however, who will occupy those thrones is not mentioned,
whereas the next verse (vs. 10) says that "thousands upon
thousands were attending" God and "myriads upon myriads
were standing before Him" (NASB, emphasis supplied).
434
Sumerian myth,1 one of the hundred-odd me's or divine
principles which regulate the cosmic orders and human
institutions is "the throne of kingship." The items of the
me's consist of various institutions, priestly offices,
ritual i s t i c paraphernalia, and mental and emotional
attitudes, as well as sundry beliefs and dogmas. This
seems to indicate that the Sumerians regarded the throne as
one of the divine principles by which the universe is
operated.
The "throne" was also connected with the concept of
judgment and destiny-making. In one of the temple hymns of
Gudea, his throne is called "der Thron der Schicksals-
entscheidung"2 or "le trone du destin."3 Herce, the throne
represents the one who sits upon it as deciding destiny or

fate, and thus it is a symbol of the power of determining
fate or deciding destiny.
Some of the tablets from Drehem refer to the throne
of a god as a cult object.4 In other words, the throne not
only represented the god who occupied it, but the throne
per se was deified and worshiped. This cultic practice has
^■"Inanna and Eiiki: The Transfer of the Arts of

Civilization from Eridu to Erech." Cf. S. N. Kramer, The
Sumerians. 115-116. See p. 67 above.
2Falkenstein and von Soden, 170 ("Tempelbau-Hymne

Gudeas von Lagasch," Zylinder B, VI). See pp. 74-75 above.
3Lambert and Tournay, "Le cylindre B de Gudea," RB

55 (1948): 529 (VI.15). See p. 75 above.
4A . Nesbit, 44 (No. XX ) . See p. 70 above.
435
been found for the thrones of at least six gods.1 In these
cases, so to speak, god and throne are merged.
For the Sumerians the construction of thrones for
deities was so important and significanr that it became one
of the time indicators in their history and chronology.
This is reflected in the fact that many of their "year-
names" or "year-formulae" are dated by or from the time of
the construction of the thrones of their gcds.2
In Akkadian literature the term kussil ("throne") is
most commonly used as the insignia of kingship or of ruling
power. This idea is found in the references both to human
thrones and to divine thrones. However, compared with the
enormous number of references to the human thrones, ths

occurrences of divine thrones are relatively rare.
One Akkadian hymn, entitled "Hymn to the Sun-God,"
mentions a divine throne.3 Although the exact meaning of
the line which has this reference is uncertain, its context
cells us that the throne symbolizes the authority of inves
tigation or the power of judgment. The sun-god Shamash was
sitting on the throne of judgment in this case.
Some of the Akkadian economic texts found at
Ugarit describe how the worshipers brought sacrifices and
1N. Schneider, "Gdtterthrone in Ur III und ihr

Kult," Or, nova series 16 (1947): 56-65. See p. 71 above.
2Cf. S. A. B. Mercer, Sumero-Babvlonian Year-

Formulae. 5-53 passim. See pp. 71-73 above.
3A N E T . 389. See p. 81 above.
436
offerings for the thrones.1 These Akkadian economic texts
manifest the same phenomenon as the Sumerian tablets from
Drehem, in which sacrifices were provided for thrones,
suggesting the close identification of deity and throne.
Hittite texts from Boghazkoy provide the term dag
for "throne," primarily as the emblem of kingship.2 A
throne may represent the king himself.3 One of the charac
teristic expressions in the Hittite texts, i.e., "to sit on
the throne of one's father," indicates that the succession
of the throne meant the succession of kingship.
Unique in Hittite literature is the personification
of the "throne" (î^dag) which is engaged in a mock quarrel
with the king.4 The personified Throne not only talked
with the king but later provided him with the will of the
gods. In contrast to the throne in both Sumerian and
Akkadian texts, in Hittite texts no sacrifices are offered
for a throne.
Ugaritic texts from Ras Shamra use two main and
distinct terms for "throne": ks* and kht. They seem to be
1Schaeffer and Nougayrol, 184(16.146, lines 12-

15), 186 (16.161, lines 40-44). See p. 83 above.
2E. Akurgal, 53; ANET, 120 ("Kingship in Heaven");

NERTOT. 154 ("The Kingship in Heaven"). See pp. 85-86
above.
3C f . ANET, 3 58 ("The Festival of the Warrior-God").

See pp. 86-87 above.
4C f . ANET. 3 57 ("Ritual for the Erection of a New

Palace"); B. Schwartz, 25, 27 (lines 10-16, 34-38). See
pp. 88-89 above.
437
interchangeable in their meaning and usage. These two
words are quite frequently juxtaposed to the words "king
dom" or "kingship" (mlk) and "dominion" or "rule" (drkt).
The concept of the "throne" as a symbol of kingship or

dominion prevails in Ugaritic literature.
As in Sumerian texts, so also in Ugaritic texts the
position of the seat and the order of seating arc very

* V
important. The gods are described as taking their specific
thrones prearranged according to their status and the
relationship to those who are present.1 Israelite mono
theism is devoid of this idea since there is but one God.
The connection between throne and the concept of
judgment is alluded to by way of parallelism between the
two verbs ytb and tpt.2 A metaphorical usage of the
"throne" (ks') is found in one of the Ugaritic texts:
"Kaphtor is the chair [ks'u, throne] he [Ilu] sits on."3
Analogous to some biblical passages (Jer 3:17; 49:38), this
clause means that Kaphtor is the area of Ilu's direct
administration or rulership.
^■Ferrara and Parker, 38. Cf. C T C A . 27 (4 V:108-

110). See p. 97 above.
2J. C. de Moor, New Year with Canaanites and

Israelites. 2:24 ("The prayer U 5 V," Obverse 1-4). See
pp. 102-103 above.
3K T U . 1.3 VI; cf. J. C. de Moor, "Ugaritic Lexico

graphical Notes I," UF 18 (1986): 258-259. See pp. 101-102
above.
438
One text from Mari refers to the "House of the
Thrones" as a ritual building for sacrificing animals.1 It
seems that the thrones in this building were not those of
human kings but those of gods. Whereas this is not related
to the deification of thrones which is found in both
Sumerian and Akkadian texts, it is striking that the divine
thrones were in the building where animals were sacrificed.
Egyptian literature employs a great variety of
hieroglyphs for "throne." Ancient Egyptians began to use
the seating furniture from the very early period of their
history, even from the predynastic era. For them the idea
of the "throne" was, first and foremost, that it repre
sented the godship. It seems that almost every one of the
Egyptian gods, goddesses, and mythical hpings had his or
her own throne.2
The second concept connected with the divine throne
in Egyptian texts is, as in the other ancient Near Eastern
literatures, that it was symbolic of kingship and its
power. As H. Frankfort observes, "The throne 'makes' the
king— the term occurs in Egyptian texts . . ."3 One of
the most frequently occurring phrases in Egyptian texts,
1T U A T . 2:326 ("Totenopfer des Schamschi-Addu I. von

Assyrien vor den Statuen der Konige von Akkad"). See pp.
100-101 above.
3H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion. 6. See

p. 109 above.
439
"Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands,”1 not only

expresses the Icing's status (kingship) but also, by way of
metaphorical usage, specifies his domain or territory
(kingdom).
The third concept of the deity's throne is that of
judgment. Thoth's "throne” was in "his judgment hall."2
Another divine throne was called "the seat of right and
truth."2 This evidently indicates that the throne was
sometimes considered a kind of judicial chair or seat.
A characteristic phenomenon of ancient Egyptian
texts is that all kinds of explanatory adjectives are used
to describe the divine thrones. Another characteristic
point is that the throne of Osiris was inherited by his son
Horus4 and later the Pharaohs themselves succeeded to this
throne.5 This indicates the divine aspects of the Egyptian
1C f . A N E T . 232-255 passim, 325-326 passim, 367,

373-380 passim, 446-448 passim, 470, etc.; E. A. W. Budge,
The Gods of the Egyptians. 2:11, 13, 16, 17; M. Lichtheim
1:230; 2:16, 25, 26, 31, 35, 43-46 passim; 3:20, 31, 32,
74, 91; TUAT. 1:527, 554, 555, 573, 590, 591. See pp.
109-110 above.
2T. G. Allen, ed . , The Egyptian Book of the Dead

Documents. 126 ("BD 42") . See pp. 110-111 above.
3E. A. W. Budge, The Egyptian Book of the Dead.

233, 179; cf. 242. See p. Ill above.
4C f . Budge, Osiris. 2:262; idem, The Book of the

Dead. 534-535, 563-564. See pp. 114-115 above.
5Cf. Budge, Osiris. 2:262. See p. 115 above.
440
kings. It was a prominent source of divine authority and
the symbol of divine and royal sovereignty. As in Sumerian
and Akkadian texts, the personification or divinization or
the throne is present also in one of the Egyptian texts.1
The investigation of the "throne of God/gods" motif

in ancient Near Eastern literary texts thus shows that the
"throne" signifies and/or is used as the following:

(1) The throne is the seat of government; it is
the emblem of kingship or ruling power (Sumerian, Akkadian,

Hittite, Ugaritic, and Egyptian).
(2) It is the seat of judgment; it is the symbol
of judgeship (Akkadian, Ugaritic, and Egyptian).
(3) The throne is the place of the decision of
fate (Sumerian).
(4) It is the seat of priesthood (Sumerian).
(5) The throne is used as a metaphor for dominion/
territory or kingdom (Ugaritic and Egyptian).
(6) It is the seat of godship or deity (Egyptian).
(7) The "throne" is one of the divine principles
which regulate the the whole world (Sumerian).
(8) The position of the throne or seat and the
order of seating represent the position and relationship
among deities (Sumerian and Ugaritic).
1Allen, ed. , The Egyptian Book of the Dead Docu

ments . 130 ("BD 47a "). See pp. 115-116 above.
441
(9) The throne receives sacrifices or is located

in the building of sacrifices; it is deified and worshiped
as a cult object (Sumerian, Akkadian, and Ugaritic).
(10) It is personified or divinized (Hittite and
Egyptian).
(11) The construction of the thrones for deities
provides "year-formulae" or "year-names" (Sumerian).
The first two ideas in the above list (Nos. 1 and
2) have very much in common with the biblical throne motif
and the next three concepts (Nos. 3-5) are also found in
the Hebrew Bible. But the rest of the list (Nos. 6-11) is
totally absent in the literature of the ancient Hebrews.
As a result of the investigation of ancient Near
Eastern texts, it is recognized that the appearance of the
"divine throne" motif in these texts antedates that of the
"throne of God" motif in the Hebrew Bible. This recog
nition leads to the question of the origin of the biblical
"throne of God" motif. There are some points of contact of
the "divine throne" motif in biblical texts as compared to
extrabiblical literature. However, distinctly dissimilar
and contrastive aspects and some unique ones are part of
the biblical "throne of God" motif that point in the
direction that the "throne of God" motif in the Hebrew
Bible has not been borrowed or taken over from the neigh
boring cultures. Its origin lies elsewhere.
442
’ have not treated the subjects of the cherubim,
the mercy-seat, and the ark of the covenant in the present
dissertation. Nevertheless, it seems appropriate at this
juncture to take a brief look at those items of the
sanctuary in connection with the origin of the "throne of
God" motif. The "divine throne" motif is already implied
in the early part of the Hebrew Bible. When God commanded
Moses to build the sanctuary as His dwelling-place, the
first things to be made were the ark, the mercy-seat, and
the cherubim (Exod 25:10-22), i.e., the items which would
be placed in the holy of holies. The entire building of
the sanctuary was built "that I [God] may dwell among them"
(vs. 8) , and the holy of holies was the room where God
would sit enthroned. Yahweh said, "There I will meet with
you, and from above the mercy s e a t , from between the two
cherubim that are upon the ark of the testimony, I will
speak with you . . ." (Exod 25:22, RSV, emphasis supplied).
Here two facts become evident: (1) all three items— the
mercy-seat, the cherubim, and the ark of the covenant—
worked together to bear, carry, and escort the presence of
God; and (2) the location of God's presence and thus of
His throne in the sanctuary was the space above the mercy-
seat and between the two cherubim. This means that, while
each item could indicate God's presence and/or His throne,
the three as a unit fully represented the presence and
throne of God on earth. It is evident that the idea of a
443
"throne of God" and its place was given to Moses and the
Israelites through the divine oracle, in other words, it
was provided by revelation.^- In Exod 25:9, 4 0 it is
explicitly affirmed that the sanctuary and its content are
to be built according to the "pattern" (tabnit) as shown or
revealed (mar'eh) to Moses on the mountain.
The fourth chapter of this dissertation is devoted
to a concise investigation of the throne terminology of the
Hebrew 3ible. Four Hebrew terms (kisse*, kisseh, mdsab,
and t®3s<liiah) , one Aramaic word (korsS'), and some other
related expressions are studied here. The major Hebrew

term for "throne" is kisse' , occurring 135 times in the
Hebrew Bible. It is a cognate of the Common Semitic root
ks' which seems to be linked to the Sumerian term ^ ^ g u - z a
("seat, chair") . The Hebrew term kisseh is a variant of
kisse' and occurs only three times (twice in 1 Kgs 10:19;
once in Job 26:9). The two forms are used without any
difference in meaning. The term mogab is a derivative of
the verb yaSab ("to sit, dwell, inhabit") and occurs forty-
four times in the OT. In most cases this word refers to
the usual dwelling-place or a habitation, but in two texts
(Ezek 28:2; Ps 132:13) it seems to indicate the place where
the seat of God is located. The noun tekilnah is used three
times (Job 23:3; Ezek 43:11; Nah 2:10 [ET 2:9]), but only
in Job 23:3 it refers to the seat or throne of God. The
^-Cf. H.-J. Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT. 4:270.
444
Aramaic term korse', which is the equivalent of the Hebrew
kisse', is used only three times in the Aramaic portion of
the book of Daniel (once in 5:2; twice in 7:9) and only in
7:9 it refers to the divine throne. Chapter IV concludes
with a brief overview of other expressions related to
"throne" and the thrones of human beings in the Hebrew
Bible.
The fifth chapter represents the heart of the
present dissertation. It presents an exegetical investi
gation of all passages referring to the "throne" of God in
the Hebrew Bible. As a general overview, it is noticeable
that the "throne of God" motif is found in all major parts
or divisions of the Hebrew Bible: Pentateuch (once in
Exod), historical writings (once in 1 Kgs, three times in
1-2 Chr, and once in Lam) , prophetic writings (twice in
Isa, four times in Jer, three times in Ezek, and once in
Zech), wisdom and hymnic literature (twice in Job, eight
times in Pss), and apocalyptic literature (once in Dan) .
The two major parts, i.e., prophetic writings and wisdom
and hymnic literature, have ten "throne of God" passages
each. The "throne of God" motif clusters heavily in the
book of Psalms.
The first "throne of God" passage appears in Exod
17:16. Here the throne of Yahweh is referred to as the
symbol of His sovereign power and invincibility. Whoever
raises his hand against Yahweh's throne, as was done by
445
Amalek, will have war with Yahweh "from generation to
generation" until He gets ultimate and complete victory
over him. Two other early references to the throne of God
are found in the book of Job. The divine seat (tekCinah)
is mentioned in Job 23:3 as the place where God's people
come to utter their complaints and arguments. In other
words, the throne of God is God's tribunal or judgment seat
from which the righteous can get divine vindication and

deliverance. In Job 26:9 the throne of God stands as the
center from which God's creating power is generated and His
controlling authority is exercised over the entire universe
and all creatures (cf. Job 26:5-14). This throne motif
presents a striking contrast between human fra:lty and
divine majesty. Thus, these three early passages already
reveal three different aspects of the significance of the
divine throne: God's sovereign power, His authority as
Judge, and His ability and majesty as Creator. These ideas
of the "throne of God" motif are rooted in the Mosaic and
premonarchical era.
During the early monarchical era, David, if the
superscriptions of the Psalms have some historical signifi
cance, refers to the throne of God in at least three of the
Davidic psalms (Pss 9:5, 8 [ET 9:4, 7]; 11:4; 103:19). In
Ps 9, the author contrasts the transitory nature of the
nations in their wickedness with the eternal sovereignty of
the righteous Judge and Ruler who is sitting on His throne.
446
This psalm manifests the divine throne as the symbol of the
judicial power as well as the regal authority of Yahweh.
Ps 11 expresses the author's faith in God's just adminis
tration of the world and all creatures, His regard for and
protection of the righteous and His antagonism to and
proper punishment of the wicked. This faith can hold fast
because its possessor looks up to the throne of God who is
the Ruler and Judge of the universe. In Ps 103, praising
God with a long list of divine attributes and acts, the
author refers to the throne of God at its climax and
conclusion. This means that the "throne" of God mentioned
in vs. 19 represents the power and character of the One who
has provided all benefits such as forgiveness and healing
(vs. 3), redemption and lovingkindness (hesed, vss. 4, 8,
17), mercy and compassion (vss. 4, 8), righteousness and
justice (vs. 6), etc. The Psalmist sings that it is Yahweh
Himself who established His throne (vs. 19). This affirms
that Yahweh is the sole cause of His own kingship and
kingdom. The universality and eternity of Yahweh's

kingship (kisse') and His kingdom (mallet) are proclaimed.
The phrase "His throne in the heavens" denotes the glory of
His dominion and the vastness of His realm in cosmic terms.
This matchless sovereignty symbolized by the throne which
Yahweh Himself set up is the pledge of our security and the
pillar upon which our confidence may safely lean. The
divine Ruler rules from the realm beyond this world.
447
Five other psalms which have reference to the
throne of God (Pss 45; 47; 89; 93; 97) cannot be precisely
dated. It is suggested that the setting for Ps 47 is to be
found in the cultic celebration of Yahweh's imperial
accession, "based on the relatively recent victories of
David's age, which raised Israel from provincial obscurity
to an empire of the first rank."3- The language and
conceptions of Ps 89 comport well with ^ dating in the
post-Davidic monarchic period because the covenant with
David is a matter of the past and dynastic considerations
are uppermost.2 Strong arguments for a tenth-century date
have been suggested for Ps 93.3 On the basis of these and
other observations, it seems safe to date the majority of
the psalms which contain the "throne of God" passages as
from the early or at least middle period of the monarchical
era.
Ps 45:7 (ET 45:6), which is one of the most celeb-
rdted cruces interoretum in the OT because of the exegeti-
cal problems posed by the enigmatic phrase Ics'k 'lhym,
connects the throne inseparably with God. Despite various
possibilities of translating this passage, the main idea
1J. J. M. Roberts, "The Religio-Political Setting

of Psalm 47," BASOR 221 (1976): 132.
2M. Dahood, Psalms I I . 311.
3J. D. Schenkel, "An Interpretation of Ps 93,5,"

Bib 46 (1965): 401-416; E. Lipiriski, La rovaute de Yanwe.
163-172; cf. H. G. Jefferson, "Psalm 93," JBL 71 (1952):
155-160.
448
remains the same, that the throne will endure for eternity,
symbolizing the everlasting duration and stability of God's
kingship and kingdom. In Ps 47:9 (ET 47:8), Yahweh sits on
His throne as the victorious universal Monarch that He
really is. The tenor of Ps 47 is explicitly eschatological

and universalistic. The whole psalm alludes to the tran
scendency and supremacy of God's government which will be
ultimately established.
Yahweh is praised with various titles in Ps 89:
the Creator par excellence (vs. 7, MT) , the God of Hosts
who is awesome, mighty, and greatly feared (vss. 8-9), the
Ruler of nature (vs. 10) , the Conqueror of the enemies
(vs. 11) , the Owner of everything (vs. 12a) , the Founder
of the unverse (vs. 12b) , the Creator of directions (vs.
13a) , the Establisher of mountains (vs. 13b) , and the
Possessor of might and power (vs. 14). This crescendo
reaches the climax in vs. 15 (ET 14) : "Righteousness
[sedeq] and justice [miSpat] are the foundation of thy
throne; steadfast love and faithfulness go before thee"
(RSV). Thus, Yahweh's throne stands for all the relation
ships and titles which He holds toward His creation.
The throne is the symbol of Yahweh's dominion over
the entire universe. But this throne is not based on any
arbitrary and whimsical sway of autocratic power; to the
contrary, it is founded upon and supported by "righteous
ness and justice." These are the divine virtues or divine
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission of the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission.
449
principles1 by which God reigns and judges. This throne is
the surety for His children that He is always in control of
all affairs and events in the world. In Ps 93, the throne
is the seat for the Person who is both Creator and Judge,
because the alk (vs. 1) points to both directions: to the
past or beginning (prdton) and to the future or end
(eschaton). Therefore, the picture of the throne of God in
this psalm is both protological and eschatological. Ps
97:2 recites the idea of Ps 89:15 (ET 89:14). While Ps 97
as a whole is an eschatological hymn portraying the coming
of Yahweh as universal Judge, it also celebrates Yahweh's
kingship. The divine throne is symbolic of both judgeship
and kingship of Yahweh.
Thus, it is evident that in the Psalms the "throne
of God" motif has developed in its meanings and its connec
tions have been greatly expanded. The throne of God is not
only the symbol of the judicial power and regal authority
of Yahweh but also the emblem of the eternal duration,
stability, and universality of Yahweh's kingship and king
dom. It is also symbolic of God's matchless sovereignty
and of the transcendency and supremacy of His government.
The throne of God points both to the beginning of time and
to the end of time, presenting God as the Creator and the
final Judge respectively. In addition to these, it stands
1Against 3. Duhm, I. Er.gnell, S. Mowinckel, G. W.

Ahlstrom, and M. Dahood.
450
for all relationships and titles which Yahweh holds toward
His creation, especially His people. Hence, the throne of
God becomes the pledge of security for God's people.
The books of Kings and Chronicles have four refer
ences to the throne of Yahweh. 1 Chr 29:23 and 2 Chr 9:8
refer to the throne of Solomon as "the throne of Yahweh" or
"His throne." This means that the true king of Israel is
Yahweh and Solomon is only His deputy re ruie over His
kingdom as a prince of the King. The remaining passages (1
Kgs 22:19//2 Chr 18:18) describe the throne vision which
the prophet Micaiah saw during the time of Ahab (874-853
B.C.). This vision presents the truth that Yahweh in
heaven stands above all earthly thrones. He appoints and
deposes kings and has power over all kingdoms. He also
judges kings and punishes them according to their deeds.
This throne vision signifies that Yahweh is the great One
who operates and controls the entire macrocosm and His
throne room is the control center for His universal
administration.
In the present context, these "throne of God"
passages of the historical writings suggest that during the

tenth and ninth centuries B.C. the throne motif was used as
an indicator pointing to the fact that the Davidic/
Solomonic rulership originated from Yahweh and the real
kinqship over Israel still belonged to Yahweh Himself.
451
During the eighth century B.C. when Isaiah was
called in his throne vision to the prophetic ministry, the
"throne of God" motif appeared with added meaning. The
divine throne which Isaiah saw in his inaugural vision (Isa
6:1) impressed him with the unbearable holiness and over
whelming glory of Yahweh. Here is also a remarkable
contrast between the death of the earthly king Uzziah, thus

Vi ^ j ■ s nf t jp g i > Tiris '’ g ’ v c n i y
King, thus His intransitoriness. It is the contrast
between the futility of the human throne and the perpetuity
of the divine throne. This vision confirmed to the prophet
that although King Uzziah died, Yahweh who is "the Lord"
(,ad5nay, Isa 6:1) and "the King, Yahweh of Hosts" (vs. 5)
is still ruling on His throne in heaven and from there
continues to direct the affairs of humans. This King on
His throne calls Isaiah and inaugurates him as prophet to
announce His judgment against or for the people. Thus, the
divine throne is the symbol of the divine headquarters of
the great Commander who commissions and dispatches His
messengers to deliver His messages of judgment and His
invitation to salvation to the world.
Around the end of his prophetic ministry (early
seventh century B.C.) within the longer eschatological
context, Isaiah delivered a divine oracle in which Yahweh
proclaimed the infinite and immense nature of His throne.
As Yahweh declares that heaven and earth are respectively
452
His throne and His footstool and both are His own handiwork
(Isa 66:1), He refers to His throne as pointing to His
creatorship. The immediate context of the passaqe (Isa 65-
66) not only constitutes the end of the book but also
describes the end of the world and a "new heaven and new
earth." Here the eschatological message moves on toward
its ultimate climax, for the promise of new heavens and a
new earrn (Isa 65:17; 66:22) goes beyond anything else in

the message of the book. The common theme of these two
chapters is Yahweh's great day of judgment, when He
punishes His opponents and rewards His faithful. Then the
new creation takes place and the new age sets in. Thus the
throne of Yahweh is, by its symbolism, linked with all of
these eschatological concepts: judgment, punishment,
rewarding, new creation, and new age. The One who sits on
the throne is the One who judges this world in thepresent
age and will rule over the new world in the age to come.
In both passages of Isaiah, the divine throne indicates
Yahweh's kingship and judgeship: He is revealed or
declared to be the sovereign King, the supreme Judge, and
the Maker of all things, old and new.
Between the late seventh century and the late sixth
century, four books (Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and
Zechariah) contain visions or oracles relating to the
throne of God. Jer 3:17 predicts tlu. ;n the coming era of
blessing no one will even mention the ark of the covenant
453
of Yahweh, and people will call Jerusalem "The Throne of
Yahweh." At least three things are implied here: First,
the function which the ark of the covenant as a represen
tation of the throne of God has hitherto had for Israel,
will be performed by Jerusalem for the renewed Israel and
other nations. This means that the old covenant will come
to an end and the era of the new covenant will set in (cf.
Jer 31:31-34). Second, the text intimates that the throne
of God will be openly accessible to all who will be saved
in His kingdom. The theme of access stands at the fore
ground. Third, an eschatological outlook is implied in the
text: Jeremiah looks beyond the exile to a time when
Jerusalem will be holy unto Yahweh, even to the time of the
renewed earth (cf. Rev 21:1-5).
Jer 14:21 contains three petitions as a part of the
collective national lament addressed to Yahweh (Jer 14:19-
22) in the time of drought and national defeat. In this
text the people in desperation plead three reasons for
Yahweh to help them in spite of their sins: (1) His name—
reputation; (2) His throne— rulership; and (3) His covenant
— faithfulness. The divine throne occupies the center not
only in order but in importance and significance. Yahweh
was thought of as sitting on His throne in the temple, and
this was regarded as "a guarantee of the nation's safety."1
1J. A. Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah. 386; cf. J.

Bright, Jeremiah. 102.
454
The appeal to His throne and the temple was "a kind of last
redoubt of hope."1
Jer 17:12 may be rendered in several different
ways. The alternative which is poetically mcst dynamic and
logically most appropriate is to interpret it as a tricolon
and as a series of vocatives: ” [0] Throne of Glory,
Exalted [One] from the Beginning, Place of Our Sanctuary!"
The three pairs of the Hebrew words in this verse make
three vocatives, and the first pair of the words in vs. 13
makes another vocative ("Hope of Israel!"). Thus, four
pairs of the Hebrew words, i.e., four vocatives, stand in
apposition to "Yahweh" in vs. 13, each contributing to a
crescendo. The whole is to be regarded as descriptive of
the Divine Being who alone is entitled to the trust and
hope of His people. He is metonymically called a "Throne"
because He is the universal Ruler and supreme Judge, the
throne being used to denote the One who sits upon it. To
sum up, the throne of God in this passage serves a three
fold function: (1) it indicates the authority and majesty
of God as the supreme Judge; (2) it points to the trust
worthiness and faithfulness of God as our Protector; and
(3) it reminds us of the comfort, confidence, and hope that
the hopeless can enjoy in Him who is the "Hope of Israel."
Jer 49:38 is a part of the divine oracle addressed
to Elam (Jer 43:34-38) around the time of the fall of
1W. L. Holladay, Jeremiah 1 . 439.
455
Jerusalem. Yahweh announces that He will break the bow of

Elam and scatter or consume its population (vss. 35-37).
He then utters the prophecy: "I will set my throne in
Elam, and destroy their king and princes" (vs. 38, RSV) .
The interpretations of the throne of Yahweh in this oracle
can be summarized as follows: (1) it is used as the symbol
of conquest and subjugation; (2) it functions as a tri
bunal of punishment for Elam; (3) it indicates that Yahweh
is not merely the God of Israel but is Lord over all the
nations of the world; and (4) it has eschatological conno
tations by promising that "in the last days" Yahweh will
"restore the fortunes of Elam" (vs. 39, NASB). This oracle
provides the idea that the throne of God is movable and can
be set in various places, oven in a Gentile city, Elam.
During the destruction of the temple and the
suspension of the cuitus, the throne of God is once
mentioned in the lament over this national disaster (Lam
5:19). The reference to the throne of Yahweh at such a
tragic moment indicates that He is still in control.
Emphasis is not placed upon God's continual existence, but
upon His uninterrupted sovereignty over His creatures and
the perpetual stability of His kingdom.Against the
changing fortunes of humans the poet sets the strength and
stability of Yahweh's throne. The throne of Yahweh is
referred to here as the anchor upon which His people can
put their hope even at the most hopeless hour. It serves
456
as "the ground of appeal and the prospect of future hope"1
for divine restoration of His people by His own purpose,
power, and providence.

The most extensive visions about the throne of God
were given to the prophet Ezekiel in early years of the
sixth century B.C. (Ezek 1; 10). Ezek 1:26-28, which forms
the climax of the call vision of the prophet, which is here
again a throne vision, provides an extensive description of
the throne and the One who sits upon it. When Ezekiel
wrote his book, his purpose was twofold: (1) to announce
God's judgments on Israel (chaps. 1-24) and on the heathen
nations (chaps. 25-32) and (2) to prophesy God's blessing
on Israel (chaps. 33-39) and the final restoration of
theocracy and temple (chaps. 4 0-48). The whole book may be
summed up with two words: judgment (chaps. 1-3 2) and
blessing (chaps. 33-48). These two aspects of Ezekiel's
prophecies are intricately tied to the glory of Yahweh who
appears sitting upon the throne. Within the frame of this
overall purpose of his book, Ezekiel reports his call
vision which is a throne vision at the outset of the book,
so that the readers may read the book with an acknowledg
ment of the supremacy and sovereignty of Yahweh, sitting
upon His chrone and having the right to judge and to bless
Israel and the nations. Yahweh was revealed in Ezekiel's
call vision as riding upon His chariot-throne which
1R . K. Harrison, Jeremiah and Lamentations. 240.
457
typified the "sense of otherness and majesty" and "was
unutterably splendid, mysteriously intricate, superhuman
and supernatural, infinitely mobile but never earth-bound,
all-seeing and all-knowing.111 Taken as a whole, this
throne vision is a revelation of God's existence and
character, His power and action, and Hisway of dealing
with the nations and the entire creation. By giving
another vision of the glorious throne of Yahweh in chap. 10
several major points were indicated: (1) the dreadful
character of the approaching catastrophe is to be effected
by the Chaldean power; (2) the people need to have a
strong faith in G o d 1s kingship and an unwavering assurance
in His sovereignty over the entire world; and (3) the
throne is the very seat from which God pronounces His
judgments. The identical nature of the two throne visions
adds emphasis to what has been symbolized by the first
vision: God's divine might and majesty, movability and
mobility, omnipresence and omnipotence, and readiness to
punish the wicked with awful destruction.
The last reference to the throne of God in the book
of Ezekiel (43:7) is found in the last main part (chaps.
40-48) of the book that prophesies the final restoration of
theocracy and the temple. This great scene is the culmina
tion of Ezekiel's prophecy. In the second throne vision
(chaps. 8-10) the prophet witnessed the departure of Yahweh
1J . B. Taylor, Ezekiel. 41.
458
from a temple, but now he sees the return of Yahweh to a
new temple. These two visions of the divine throne
represent in dramatic form the sum of Ezekiel's message:
judgment (chaps. 1-32) and blessing (chaps. 33-48). The
throne of Yahweh which has been shown on both occasions is
the very surety of divine judgment and blessing and serves
as the center around which Israel's hope and trust in God's
promise clusters. The One who occupies the throne is
proclaimed to remain there in the city among His people for
eternity and thus "the name of the city henceforth shall
be, YHWH Sammah ['Yahweh Is There']" (Ezek 48:35).
The latest reference to the divine throne in the
Heorew Bible seems to be found in Zech 6:13, a Messianic
prophecy. Two figures, Zerubbabel (ruler) and Joshua
(priest), play indispensable roles in this oracle. But
they are tne types or symbols which yanweh used for
pointing to the great Antitype or Reality by means of their
offices and names. This implies that the coming Messiah
will be both King and Priest. In biblical and extrabibli-
cal texts, the word "throne" (klsse' and its equivalents)
was used not only for kingship but also for priesthood. As
King-Priest the Branch-Messiah "shall sit and rule on His
throne." The "counsel of peace" would be made and ful
filled through the union and harmony between the two
offices of the Messiah, which were prefigured by the
offices of Zerubbabel and Joshua. The throne is the seat
459
upon which the Messiah sits, as He plans and accomplishes
His works as the King and Priest.
During the Babylonian Captivity Daniel was given a
most majestic vision of the throne of God (Dan 7), which is
the only reference to the divine throne in the apocalyptic
literature of the Hebrew Bible. Called "the heart of the
book of Daniel," Dan 7 presents the great scene of the
divine judgment in heaven (vss. 9-10, 13-14). The text
states that "thrones were set up" and the "Ancient of Days"
"sat" upon one of them. The title "Ancient of Days"
(*attiq ydmin, "advanced in days") points to the Urzeit
from which God and His throne have existed. The verb "to
sit" (ytb) is closely connected with the throne and, in
many cases, sitting on the throne means starting to exer
cise kingship and/or judgeship. Dan 7 reveals the sweep of

history from the time of Daniel to the establishment of the
everlasting kingdom at the termination of the Endzeit. To
sum up, judgment issues from the throne of God for those
written in the books before the kingdom is given to the
saints of the Most High. Thus the divine throne in Dan 7
reveals: (1) the supreme judgeship of the Ancient of Days,
and (2) the absolute and sovereign authority of God who at
the conclusion of the judgment invests the Son of Man with
universal kingship and entrusts Him with the everlasting
kingdom.
460
Our investigation of the "divine throne" passages

in the Hebrew Bible has indicated that the "throne of God"
motif from its rootage in the sanctuary context has
retained the significances and meanings of the premonarchi-
cal era. Ac che same time it also has grown so as to
include more comprehensive and complicated implications.
That is to say, there ic growth, or a line of development
in the "throne of God" motif throughout the period of
biblical history.1
It is remarkable that there are more differences
than similarities between the biblical "throne of God"
motif and the "divine throne" motif in ancient Near Eastern
literatures. The unique aspects of the "throne of God"
motif in the Hebrew Bible are as follows:
(1) The throne of God signifies the creatorship of
God and points to the beginning of time.
(2) It is never deified or identified with God

Himself.
(3) It is never called "God" or worshiped as a

cult object.
(4) Itis referred to with eschatological or Mes

sianic expectation.
1So Fabry, "kisse'," TWAT, 4:269; Ben C. Ollenbur-

ger, 49-50; G. von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch and
Other Essays. 232-242; against M. Metzger, "Himmlische and
irdische Wohnstatt Jahwes," UF 2 (1970): 149.
461
(5) It functions as the place of revelation.

(6) It represents the authority of the One who
calls the prophets and sends them to deliver the messages
of judgment or blessing.
(7) It is the emblem of God's victory over the
enemies and His invincibility.
(8) It is the sign of God's perpetual supremacy.
(9) It is the guarantee of national or individual
safety, the ground of appeal, or the last redoubt of hope.
(10) It is referred to as the evidence of God's
accessibility or closeness to His people.
(11) It is established on moral principles.
(12) While it is set up in heaven for eternity, it
is revealed frequently as movable and moving in order for
God to accomplish His works in the areas and arenas of His
activity.
These ideas are not found in the "divine throne"
passages in the extrabiblical literature. The differences
are obviously so fundamental that we can only conclude that
the "throne of God" motif, in the way it is found in the
Hebrew Bible, is apparently not found in ancient Near
Eastern literatures.
We may recapitulate the biblical implications and
symbolism of the "throne of God" motif as follows: In the
Hebrew Bible, the throne of God is most frequently con
ceived of as the symbol of divine kingship, God's kingdom,
462
and His sovereign authority over the whole universe and the
entire creation.1 It signifies that Yahweh is the eternal
King or Ruler of all nations and peoples. In many cases,
it is seen as the center of the universal administration of
the divine Monarch. It also stands for the eternal dura
tion of God's kingship and kingdom.
Next to the kingship of God, the throne of God
symbolizes the judgeship of God.2 In many passages the
divine throne appears as the judicial tribunal before which
all men and women will be judged according to their deeds.
Various kinds of judgment are issued from the throne of
God: judgments of both Israel and other nations, judgments
of both the righteous and the wicked, reward for the faith
ful r.nd punishment for the unfaithful, and judgments for
both the present time and the end-time. All the judgments
pronounced from the throne of God are right and fair
because the foundation of the throne is "righteousness and
justice." It indicates the moral principle by which Yahweh
rules and judges His creation.
The throne of God points to the creatorship of
God.3 It testifies that the whole world was made by His
11 Kgs 22:19//2 Chr 18:18; 1 Chr 29:23; 2 Chr 9:8;

Isa 6:1; 66:1; Jer 14:21; 17:12; 49:38; Ezek 1:26; 10:1;
Zech 6:13; Pss 47:9 (ET 47:8); 93:2; 97:2; 103:19; Dan 7:9.
2Isa G :1; 66:1; Jer 17:12; 49:38; Ezek 1:26; 10:1;

43:7; Job 23:3; Pss 9:5, 8 (ET 9:4, 7); 11:4; Dan 7:9.
3Isa 66:1; Job 26:9; Pss 93:2; 37:2.
463
hands and even the throne itself is His own handiwork. By
pointing to God's creatorship, it speaks of the proton of
time or Urzeit. In other words, it leads people to look at
the beginning of human history or protology.
In many of the texts which refer to God as Judge,
the throne of God naturally points to the eschaton of time
or Endzeit. This eschaton may be the national end-time in
microcosm as in some cases or the universal end-time in
macrocosm as in the other cases.1 This means that it
concerns the end, i.e., eschatology in salvation history.
In a couple of these texts the throne of God also provides

Messianic expectations.2
In the call visions of the prophets, the throne of

God represents the authority of the One who calls and sends
the prophets.3 It is revealed as the place or headquarters
of the yreac Commander from which the message of judgment
and warning as well as the prophecy of blessing and reward
goes forth. In the throne visions, including those of the
call visions, the throne of God appears as the "place of
revelation."
In several cases, the throne of God is referred to
as the insignia of God's victory over the enemies, His
xJer 3:17; Pss 9:5, 3 (ET 9:4, 7); 47:9 (ET 47:8);
93:2; Dan 7:9.
2Jer 3:17; Zech 6:13.
3Isa 6:1; Ezek 1:26.
464
absolute power, and His invincibility.1 In other cases, it

serves as evidence of the uninterrupted supremacy and
perpetual stability of God's kingdom.2

In the days of disaster and despair, the throne of
God is regarded as the guarantee cf individual and national
safety and as a kind of last redoubt of hope.3 In the time
of defeat and destruction, the prophets mention the throne
of God as the ground of their appeal to God and as the
prospect of future hope for divine restoration.

Quite often the throne of GoH stands for divine
attributes.4 It symbolizes the holiness, righteousness,
faithfulness, trustworthiness, eternity, immortality, omni
presence, omniscience, omnipotence, and creating power of
Yahweh. Sometimes it shows us the contrast between human
frailty and divine majesty and between man's creatureliness
and God's creatorship. It also provides the contrast
between the vicissitudes of the earthly nations and the
perpetual sovereignty of God's kingdom.
For those who are unfairly treated or unjustly
accused, the throne of God is the place where they come to
1Exod 17:16; Jer 49:38.
2Lam 5:19; Jer 17:12; Pss 11:4; 45:7 (ET 45:6);

93:2; 103:19.
3Lam 5:19; Jer 14:21; 17:12; Ezek 43:7; Pss 11:4;
89:15 (ET 89:14); 97:2.
4Isa 6:1; 66:1; Ezek i:26; 10:1; Job 26:9; Pss 45:7
(ET 45:6); 89:15 (ET 89:14); 97:2.
465
utter their complaints and arguments and obtain vindication

and deliverance from God.1 For those who are persecuted
and suffering, the throne of God is the surety that He is
always available and accessible for them, and thus it
becomes the unshakable foundation of their faith and trust
in God.
Thus, the throne of God in the Hebrew Bible, by way
of its various implications and symbolisms, represents
God's existence and character, His attributes and ability,
and all the titles and relationships which God holds toward
His creation, especially human beings. In short, it stands
for the totality of God, i.e. , who He is and what He does
in sustaining the universe and bringing about the salvation
of His people.
■klob 23:3.
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The "Throne of God" Motif in the Hebrew Bible

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University Micr ofi' ms I nte rna tio na l

The “throne of G o d ” motif in the Hebrew Bible

Nam, Daegeuk, Th.D.

Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary

THE "THRONE OF GOD" MOTIF

IN THE HEBREW BIBLE

Presented in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

APPROVAL BY THE COMMITTEE:

Kenneth A. Strand, Professor of

THE "THRONE OF GOD" MOTIF

IN THE HEBREW BIBLE

Faculty Advisor: Gerhard F. Hasel

Seventh-day Adventist Theoloqical Seminary

Title: THE "THRONE OF GOD" MOTIF IN THE HEBREW BIBLE

Name of researcher: Daegeuk Nam

Name and degree of faculty chair: Gerhard F. Hasel, Ph.D.

Date completed: February 1989

This dissertation explores the biblical signifi­

cance and theological implications of the "throne of God"

motif through an exegetical investigation of the texts of

the Hebrew Bible which have direct reference to it.

Chapter I states the problems which the biblical

"throne of God" motif poses, and also the objectives,

limitations, methodology, and procedure of this study.

Chapter II reviews pertinent literature since the

turn of the century. This survey reveals the current sta­

tus of investigation on our topic to be only fragmentary.

Chapter III is devoted to the investigation of the

"divine throne" motif in ancient Near Eastern literatures

texts. One of che remarkable points in these texts is that

the throne was deified and/or worshiped as a cult object.

Chapter IV presents a brief study of the throne

terminology in order to provide a linguistic background for

the exegetical study which follows. Four Hebrew terms

(kisse', kisseh, moSab, and tekiinah), one Aramaic word

(korse'), and other related expressions are surveyed here.

Chapter V undertakes an exegetical analysis of the

"throne of God" passages of the Hebrew Bible. The throne

of God symbolizes His eternal kingship/kingdom, judgeship,

and creatorship. Thus, it points to both sides of time,

i.e., Urzeit and Endzeit. It also represents the authority

ot the One who calls and sends the prophets: it functions

as the place of revelation. It is the insignia of God's

victory over the enemies and His absolute power. It is the

guarantee of safety for God's people. There are many ocher

implications. In sum, the throne of God stands for the

totality of God's attributes and activities in sustaining

the universe and bringing about salvation of His people.

Chapter VI summarizes and synthesizes the results

The most advanced technology has been used to photo

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are re

This dissertation explores the biblical signifi

turn of the century. This survey reveals the current sta

AUMSR Andrews University Monographs, Studies in Reli

AUSDDS — Andrews University Seminary Doctoral Disserta

CTCA - Corpus des tablettes en cuneiformes alpha