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International Electronic Journal of Elementary Education, 2015, 8(2), 179-198.

Reawakening the Irish Language through the


Irish Education System: Challenges and
Priorities

T.J. Ó CEALLAIGH 
University of Limerick, Ireland

Áine Ní DHONNABHÁIN
University College Cork, Ireland

Abstract
As a language, Irish is unique to Ireland and is, therefore, of crucial importance to the identity of the
Irish people, to Irish culture and to world heritage. The Irish language however has had a turbulent
and traumatic history and has endured a complex and varied relationship with the Irish people.
Since the foundation of the Irish Free State, the education system has been targeted as an agency
and model for Irish language planning, education and language revitalisation and has had a critical
role in generating linguistic ability in the Irish language. This paper reviews the complex and
controversial relationship between the Irish language, the State and the education system from an
historical perspective. Some key acts of recent legislation and government initiatives, which impact
on the status of the Irish language are considered and barriers and challenges to progress in the
education system are outlined. The paper concludes with a discussion on significant positive factors
which may revolutionise and reawaken the Irish language through our education system.
Keywords: The Irish language, The Irish Education System, Primary education, Post primary
education, Immersion education, Identity, Culture.

The Irish Language: The Linguistic Landscape


Irish, or Gaeilge, is an autochthonous (indigenous) language spoken in the Republic of
Ireland and in Northern Ireland. It is a Celtic language closely related to Scottish Gaelic and
Manx and more distantly related to Welsh, Breton and Cornish. ‘Celtic’ or ‘Proto-Celtic’ is
the term linguists apply to the parent-language from which Irish and related languages
evolved. Although there is no exact date denoting when the first Celtic speaking tribes
invaded Ireland or when Irish eventually overtook the then indigenous languages, it has
been postulated that the process commenced around 500 B.C. (Ó Siadhail, 1989; Ó


T.J. Ó Ceallaigh, An Roinn Teanga, Litearthachta agus Matoideachais, Coláiste Mhuire gan Smál,
Ollscoil Luimnigh, An Cuarbhóthar Theas, Limerick, Ireland. Phone: +353 61 204325 Email:
[email protected]
International Electronic Journal of Elementary Education Vol.8, Issue2, 179-198, 2015

hUiginn, 2008). Irish is recorded to be one of the oldest and most historic written
languages in the world (Nettle and Romaine, 2000; Government of Ireland, 2010).
The Irish language is the national and first official language of Ireland in accordance
with article 8 of the Constitution of Ireland, the other official language being English. Irish
is taught as an obligatory subject from primary to Leaving Certificate level in the education
system. 3% of people residing in Ireland reported Irish as being their mother tongue in a
special Eurobarometer EU survey in 2012, which suggests that the Irish language is the
main community and/or household language for this cohort of the population, mainly
located in Irish language speech communities or Gaeltachtaí. The 2011 census report
suggests that 38.7% of Irish people, aged 3 and over, (1.77 million) speak Irish. However,
of the 1.77 million persons, only 1.8% (77,185) indicated that they spoke Irish on a daily
basis outside of the education system (Census, 2011). One in four daily speakers (25.4%)
were in the school-going ages of 3 to 18. These figures raise searching and significant
questions for the future of the Irish language in its cultural and linguistic senses.
The Irish Language: Culture and Identity
All research assessments of the language attitudes of
Irish people confirm that the Irish language enjoys
immense goodwill as the enduring indicator of the
unique, distinctive history and identity of Ireland and
its people (Ó Flatharta et al., 2009, p.3).
As a language, Irish is unique to this country and is, therefore, of crucial importance to
the identity of the Irish people, to Irish culture and to world heritage. Irish is a vehicle of
cultural expression and intangible cultural heritage, essential to identity. Edwards (2009,
p. 251) notes that, “The attachment felt by the English-speaking Irish or Welsh to a culture
and an ancestry whose language they no longer possess is a psychologically real one, and
demonstrates the continuing power of what is intangible and symbolic”. The Irish
language is a ‘symbol of identity’ for the majority of the population but it is an ‘act of
identity’ for Irish speakers (Nic Eoin, 2011, p.135). The language is just another symbolic
representation in the company of emblems such as the shamrock and the harp for many
Irish citizens. It is a ‘symbol of identity’ which is rolled out at home and abroad on a
regular basis, particularly on days such as the Irish national holiday, Saint Patrick’s Day, on
March 17th. For the minority of the population who speak Irish as their first language on a
daily basis, the language is more than a national symbol. It is not only a part of their
national and cultural identity but it is part of their own personal identity.
Since the development of the Irish Free State in 1922, Irish society has undergone rapid
reform and reconstruction, thereby also reforming and renegotiating Irish culture and
identity. Yet, national identity has remained at the heart of justifications for reviving the
Irish language. Arguments in support of learning Irish, or of rejuvenating it, tend to be
founded on the claim that Irish is an essential element of Irish identity. People learn Irish
and support its promotion because of this sense of identity (Watson, 2008, p.74).
Irish identity and its associative links with culture has no doubt influenced the growth
in popularity of the Irish language. The Irish language and culture have enjoyed a period of
growth in the arts, the media and education, exemplified by increased interest in and
access to, literature, the performing arts and music, and by expanded provision for
broadcasting and pre-school play groups. The EU’s inclusion of the Irish language opens
up a new avenue for social mobility due to the need for Irish translators and interpreters.
Globalization coupled with the influence of the EU has enabled Irish people to
acknowledge that their language, Irish, is a very powerful tool to express one’s identity,
especially in Europe, and that Ireland has a responsibility for protecting it.

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The plight of the Irish language and the role of the language in Irish society have been and
still are a constant issue of debate in the media in the Republic of Ireland. Many writings
were published on the language question with specific reference to the relationship
between the national language and national identity in the 21st century since the
beginning of the millennium (Cronin, 2005; Kelly, 2002; Mac Mathúna et al., 2000; Mac
Murchaidh, 2004; McCloskey, 2001; Nic Eoin, 2004; 2011; Nic Pháidín & Ó Cearnaigh,
2008; Ó Duibhir et al., 2011). This literature recognises the controversial nature of the
language question as it remains to be a topic which evokes a wide range of opinions and
emotions amidst the Irish people. This is not surprising when we reflect upon the
complicated history of the language in Ireland. Since the foundation of the Irish Free State,
the education system has been targeted as an agency and model for language planning,
education and language revitalisation and has been viewed as one of “the critical engines
for generating linguistic ability” in Irish (Government of Ireland, 2010, p.12). This complex
and controversial relationship between the Irish language, the State and the education
system will now be considered.
The Irish Language, the State and the Education System: An Historical Perspective
The role that the Irish language has played within the education system will now be
examined from an historical perspective in order to identify the challenges and priorities
which must be addressed in our quest to reawaken the national language. We will reflect
upon the status and the history of the Irish language in the Republic of Ireland to enable us
to understand the positioning of the language in the education system in the 21st century.
The position of the language changed radically over the years, particularly since the 19th
century.
There was a shift in the attitude of the Irish people towards the Irish language during
the 19th century when the English language succeeded in gaining the upper hand on the
national language. Historical sources show that there were various reasons that the Irish
public began to support and favour the English language. It is evident that the Great
Famine (1845-49) and the subsequent death and emigration were one of the major factors
which added to the decline of Irish. It is reported that there was a decline of two and a half
million to the Irish population as a result of the death and emigration during 1846-1851
(Ó Loingsigh, 1975; Wall, 1969). It is of little surprise that the Irish language declined
when we consider that the majority of those who emigrated were native Irish speakers
because the communities in which the Irish language was still the majority language were
the poorest and the most vulnerable communities at the time. It is worth noting that the
population of the country had increased at the beginning of the 19th century and it is
believed that there were more Irish speakers at the time than ever before, more than four
million (Ó Fiannachta, 1974). It is likely that this tragic and devastating event had a
negative effect on the speaking of the language because the population that survived the
Famine began to look at the language through different eyes. The Irish language became
equated with poverty and a lack of power at the time. Not only did the disease of the
Famine kill the Irish people but it also killed the language of the people. It is often claimed
that it is likely that one in every four people died during the Famine, that another person
emigrated and that the spirit of the two left behind was broken (Ó Fiannachta, 1974).
The people of Ireland had a different attitude towards the Irish language after the
Famine. The powerful status of the English language attracted the Irish people when the
language was presented to them as the language of business, trade and commerce. The
English language was associated with power, advancement, wealth, employment and a
better future and life. The literature on language issues states that a language is a powerful
tool. As Corson (1995, p.1) says, “ … language is the vehicle for identifying, manipulating
and changing power relations between people”. It is clear that power relations were

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connected with the shift from the speaking of Irish to English in Ireland in the 19th
century.
The Irish language has had a complex and controversial relationship with the education
system in Ireland. The Irish people were pressurised as primary students into learning the
English language even before the Famine. In addition, the national primary system was
established in 1831 and a ban on teaching Irish was introduced. As explained by Ó
hUallacháin (1994, p.25), “from the outset, the officially accepted means in the national
schools (1831) was to ban all use of Irish among school children and to punish
infringement of the ban”. This policy was continued until the end of the 1870s. Corporal
punishment was often used on children if they spoke in Irish at school and their teachers
were penalised if they taught through the medium of Irish. It is often reported that parents
gave their support to this policy, “the parents have never manifested any disposition that
their children should cultivate the Irish … They have energetically demonstrated an
anxiety that their children should know English” (Royal Commission of Inquiry into
Primary Education – Ireland, 1890). The Irish education system at the time encouraged
their students to choose English over Irish if they wanted to be prepared for working life
in Ireland or abroad. Corson (1995, p.7) explains the powerful role that education plays in
turning a public’s attitude away from one language towards another, “ … education can
routinely repress, dominate, and disempower language users whose practices differ from
the norms that it establishes”. It is evident that there was a huge amount of damage
inflicted on the Irish language and on the attitudes of the children at the time because they
were pressurised into deserting their native language, their national language as well as
their home language.
The end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century saw the emergence
of a Gaelic revival. Organisations such as The Society for the Preservation of the Irish
Language, The Gaelic League and the Gaelic Athletic Association were at the forefront of
the renaissance of the Irish language and culture. These organisations put an emphasis on
the native language of the country. As stated by Moore (2012, p.27), “… the primary
objective of this new movement was to go to the country and get people speaking Irish
again”. The Irish language was recognised officially by the education system when the
teaching of Irish was placed on the primary and post-primary school programmes in 1878.
There was a change in the education system in 1904 when permission was granted for the
implementation of bilingual programmes in Irish-speaking areas. It is widely accepted that
this decision was one of the most important changes to happen in relation to the Irish
language before the foundation of the State in terms of educational policy (Akenson, 1973,
p.15). This was the beginning of bilingual education in Ireland.
There was a noticeable change to the role of Irish in the education system when the
Free State was founded in 1921. Immersion education was implemented as a compulsory
system. The revival of the Irish language was the main objective of the Government’s
policy at the time. The English education system which was in effect In Ireland before the
foundation of the State was recognised as one of the reasons that the Irish language had
declined. The Government wished to re-Gaelicise the country through the education
system. As Ó Buachalla (1988, p.345) explains, “The Provisional Government and later the
Free State Governments entrusted the Ministry and later the Department of Education
with the main responsibility in forwarding what was termed ‘The Gaelicising of Ireland’ ”.
Therefore, the method of immersion education was selected in order to give first place to
the Irish language. The infant classes were taught through the medium of Irish and the
teachers were required to spend at least one hour on the teaching of Irish in every other
class. In 1934, the Department of Education approved the recommendation in the
Conference’s Second National Programme that all school teachers would teach through the

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Reawakening the Irish Language through the Irish Education System / Ceallaigh & Honnabháin

medium of Irish in infant classes, as well as teaching History, Geography, Music and
Physical Education through Irish in other classes (Shiel et al., 2010, p.1).
The status of the Irish language was also confirmed in the 1937 Irish Constitution:
Article 8.1
The Irish language as the national language is the first official language.
Article 8.2
The English language is recognised as a second official language.
Article 8.3
Provision may, however, be made by law for the exclusive use of either of the said
languages for any one or more official purposes, either throughout the State or in any part
thereof.
The various Governments continued to emphasise the importance of the Irish language
in the education system until 1960 when teachers were granted permission to spend more
time on oral Irish instead of teaching through the medium of Irish. A circular (0011/1960)
was issued in January 1960 which explained to teachers that they had permission to
implement this change if they considered that it would be more beneficial for their
students. This was the first twist in language policy since the foundation of the Free State
in 1922. Ní Fhearghusa (1998) explains that the number of schools that were teaching
through Irish fell drastically in the 1960s to the point there were only 11 primary schools
and 5 post-primary schools teaching through the medium of Irish outside of the Irish-
speaking regions at the beginning of the 1970s.
The emphasis on oral Irish in the education system continued when there was an end
to the Primary Certificate written examination in 1967 and the new Irish language course,
Cúrsaí Comhrá, for primary schools was implemented in 1969 (Coolahan, 1981). In
addition, the Leaving Certificate Irish Oral Examination was introduced in the 1960s As
Coolahan (1981, p.197) explains, “An oral examination in Irish was introduced as part of
the Leaving Certificate in 1960, accounting for one-sixth of the allocated marks and later
one quarter”. It is interesting to note that emphasis was once again placed on the speaking
of the Irish language 43 years later when the Leaving Certificate students of 2012 were the
first group of students to sit a new examination which awards 40% of the marks for the
Oral Examination, 10% for the listening examination and 50%for the written examination
(Circular 0042/2007).
It was parents that put the Irish Governments from the 1970s onwards under pressure
to establish Irish-medium schools in the country. Ó hAiniféin (2008, p.11) explains that it
is a movement founded by parents from the ground up. The growth and development of
Irish-medium schools outside of the Irish-speaking regions confirms the positive attitude
of the parents of Ireland in relation to the Irish language, to Irish-medium education and to
bilingual education. This is a significant change of attitude from the attitude of Irish
parents in the 19th century.
The restoration of the Irish language has been a key policy objective of successive
governments since the foundation of the State in 1921. As previously mentioned, Article 8
of the present (1937) Constitution designates Irish as the first official language by virtue of
its being the national language. The English language is recognised as a “second official
language” in the same Article. Faced with the slow but constant decline of the use and
transmission of the national language, including in the Gaeltacht (i.e. Irish-speaking
regions) areas, where there is an ever-increasing number of non-native speakers of Irish,

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the political authorities have engaged a maintenance and revitalisation policy which
comprises of different components.
The Irish Language: Government Priorities and Policies
From the outset, the Republic of Ireland attempted to halt language loss by declaring Irish
its national language in the hope of re-establishing it as the language of everyday
communication. No other European state has addressed minority language issues in such a
way (Romaine, 2008, p.17). In other words, the Irish language is supported by the state to
a degree to which other minority languages are not. In general Irish people support this
level of commitment because of the “perceived connection between the Irish language and
Irishness” (Watson, 2008, p.74). Some key acts of recent legislation and government
initiatives, which impact on the status of the Irish language, will now be reviewed.
Good Friday Agreement 1998. In the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, it was stated that a
North/South Implementation body be established to promote the Irish language. Foras na
Gaeilge, a cross-border, inter-governmental institution was established in 1999 to carry
out this task. Foras na Gaeilge’s main work is to facilitate and encourage the speaking and
writing of Irish in public and private arenas in the Republic of Ireland and in Northern
Ireland in accordance with part three of the European Charter for Regional and Minority
Languages. This sets out specific measures to promote the use of regional or minority
languages in public life.
Education Act 1998. The Education Act 1998 contains other important references to the
Irish language. It states, for example, that every person involved in the implementation of
the Act shall have regard to the following objects: “to contribute to the realisation of
national policy and objectives in relation to the extension of bilingualism in Irish society
and in particular the achievement of greater use of the Irish language at school and in the
community” and “to contribute to the maintenance of Irish as the primary community
language in Gaeltacht areas” (Government of Ireland, 1998, Section 6). Section 31 of the
Education Act 1998 sets out the structure for the provision of educational services for the
Irish-medium sector and also for the teaching of Irish. An Chomhairle um Oideachas
Gaeltachta agus Gaelscolaíochta (COGG) was established in 2002 under the provisions of
Section 31 of the Education Act 1998. Its functions include:
 the planning and co-ordination of provision of textbooks and teaching resources
through Irish;
 advising on promotion of education through Irish in schools generally and in Irish-
medium schools;
 providing support services to Irish medium schools; engaging in research. COGG’s
website contains a comprehensive directory of resource materials now available to
support teaching and learning through Irish.
The Official Languages Act 2003. The Official Languages Act 2003 sets out a statutory
framework for the provision of public services through the Irish language. A key aspect of
the Act is the establishment the office of An Coimisinéir Teanga (Language Commissioner)
to monitor and enforce compliance by public bodies with the provisions of the Official
Languages Act. The Act guarantees the right of all Irish citizens to communicate with the
State in either Irish or English, and provides mechanisms to ensure that this right is
respected by public officials. It also provides for the simultaneous publication of important
official documents, such as annual reports or policy statement in both languages. The
Official Languages Act also makes provision for the designation of official Irish language
versions of placenames and the removal of the official status of English placenames in the
Gaeltacht.

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Reawakening the Irish Language through the Irish Education System / Ceallaigh & Honnabháin

Government Statement on the Irish Language 2006. In 2006 the Irish Government issued a
Statement on the Irish Language. Thirteen key objectives were identified in the Statement,
each in support of the Irish language and the Gaeltacht. “Preservation as well as promotion
and development” of the Irish language is illuminated throughout the Statement (Ó
Flatharta, 2007, p.3). The Statement affirms not only the Government’s continuing belief in
the importance of the language for citizens and residents of Ireland, but also for the vast
and dispersed Irish diaspora in many parts of the world.
Irish as an Official Language of the European Union 2007. When Ireland joined the
European Economic Community (EEC), now referred to the European Union (EU) on 1
January 1973, Irish acquired a unique status as a treaty language, though not an official
working language. Irish was however granted the status of an official and working
language of the EU with effect from 1 January 2007. The status of the language was
automatically enhanced at EU level not only giving greater attention to the entitlements of
Irish-speakers but also creating and enhancing employment opportunities for them across
a range of translation and interpretative needs on a European stage.
The 20-year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-2030. A key objective of this Strategy “is
to increase on an incremental basis the use and knowledge of Irish as a community
language” (Government of Ireland, 2010, p.3). Particular emphasis is also placed on the
development of bilingualism, rejuvenation of Irish in Gaeltacht areas, increased use of
Irish in public discourse and services and heighted visibility of the language in society. The
Strategy sets out a number of objectives and aims to increase over 20 years:
 the number of people with a knowledge of Irish from the then 1.66 million in 2010
to 2 million by 2030;
 the number of daily speakers of Irish from 83,000 in 2010 to 250,000 by 2030.
This is, without doubt, an ambitious challenge and requires determined, judicious and
balanced implementation approaches. The difficulties however inherent in the
implementation of this road map for the Irish language are considerable. Plans to establish
a new authority, Údarás na Gaeilge agus Gaeltachta have been shelved. This authority was
to be one of the key players in the implementation. Údarás na Gaeltachta and the
Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht are now responsible for the
implementation of the Strategy in conjunction with Foras na Gaeilge and other
Government departments such as the Department of Education and Skills. Additional
concerns in relation to effective implementation include identification of concrete and
practical steps, allocation of financial resources and lack of appropriate timeframes
regarding completion, evaluation, enforcement and cross-checking of goals. Clearly, a few
broad strokes will not suffice; the devil is in the detail. The implementation process
therefore, faces critical and unique challenges.
Like previous government policies, the state’s revivalist commitment is most palpable
in the education system. The Strategy states that effective implementation requires:
a focus on developing expertise and skills among the teaching profession - given the
critical importance of the school in influencing language awareness and behaviour -
as well as in the wider society, in highlighting the cultural value and importance of
Irish to the Irish people (Government of Ireland, 2010, p.10).
Despite the sentiment of this statement, there has been little or no follow through in
terms of clearly identifying either the expertise and skills required, or programmes aimed
at developing such. The education system however is viewed as one of “the critical engines
for generating the linguistic ability” on which this 20-Year Strategy is based (Government
of Ireland, 2010, p.12).

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The Gaeltacht Act 2012. The Gaeltacht Act 2012 has two primary objectives, namely, to
provide for a new definition for the Gaeltacht (primarily Irish-speaking region) and to
make modifications to the structure and functions of Údarás na Gaeltachta. Údarás na
Gaeltachta is the regional authority responsible for the social, cultural and economic
development of the Gaeltacht. The overall objective of Údarás na Gaeltachta is to stabilise
the current patterns of language shift and to ensure the future of the Gaeltacht as a distinct
Irish-speaking community. Under the Gaeltacht Act 2012, it is envisaged that the Gaeltacht
will in future be based on linguistic criteria instead of on geographic areas which has been
the position to date. Language planning at community level will be central to the new
definition of the Gaeltacht. Areas located outside the existing statutory Gaeltacht will be
given the opportunity to achieve statutory recognition as Irish Language Networks or as
Gaeltacht Service Towns, subject to fulfilling particular criteria. This approach is based on
the Comprehensive Linguistic Study on the Use of Irish in the Gaeltacht (2007) and
concluded that, without urgent remedial action, the Irish language may only have a
lifespan of 15 to 20 years as a community or household language in the Gaeltacht.
Educational Contexts and the Irish Language: Role of the Education System
The education system and schools plays a critical role in supporting the maintenance and
revitalisation of the Irish language. Ó Laoire and Harris (2006, p.7) note:
While it is true that languages can survive without schools, education systems,
nevertheless, have become the cornerstone in the process of reversing language shift
in cases of minorised or endangered languages…. The school has become one of the
most critical sites for reversing language shift and for language revitalisation in
minority/endangered language contexts. Of all domains, the school is perhaps the
most crucial and often bears the entire burden of language planning implementation.
The diverse educational contexts and levels will now be critically examined with a
particular focus on Irish language development.
Educational Contexts and the Irish Language: Pre-Primary Education
Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE), outside families and junior and senior infants
in primary schools, is provided by the private, voluntary and community sector. Service
provision is diverse and fragmented. Different settings e.g. crèches, playgroups, nurseries,
Irish-medium playgroup settings known as naíonraí, pre-schools, childminders and
daycare services, operate within different philosophies e.g. Froebel, High Scope,
Montessori, Steiner, and play-based philosophies. This diversity of provision raises some
critical questions in relation to the varied experiences children have with the Irish
language and culture in ECCE settings and how a sense of personal and cultural identity
may be nourished.
The naíonraí play a critical role in play in establishing language usage patterns and in
developing competence in the language (Hickey, 1997; Hickey, 1999). Hickey and de Mejía
(2014, p.141) argue however that the most significant challenge for the future of naíonraí:
… centres on training and retaining effective and experienced educators with
qualifications in early years’ education as well as access to effective ongoing training in
immersion methodology, accompanied by fluency in the target language and the empathy
and personal qualities required for working successfully with very young children.
Educational Contexts and the Irish Language: Primary and Post-Primary Education
The primary and post-primary education sector includes state-funded schools, special
schools and private schools. Primary education consists of an eight year cycle: junior
infants, senior infants, and first to sixth classes. Although children are not obliged to

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attend school until the age of six, almost all children begin school in the September
following their fourth birthday. The curriculum for primary education covers the following
key areas: Irish, English, mathematics, social, environment and scientific education, arts
education including visual arts music and drama, physical integration, social personal and
health education. There are currently 3,286 primary schools catering for a student
population of 536,317 (www.education.ie).
There are currently 723 post-primary schools catering for a student population of
367,178 (www.education.ie). The post-primary education sector comprises secondary,
vocational, community and comprehensive schools. Secondary schools are privately
owned and managed. Vocational schools are state-established and administered by
Education and Training Boards (ETBs), while community and comprehensive schools are
managed by Boards of Management of differing compositions.
Post-primary education consists of a three-year Junior Cycle (lower secondary),
followed by a two or three year Senior Cycle (upper secondary), depending on whether
the optional Transition Year (TY) is taken. Students usually begin the Junior Cycle at age
12. The Junior Certificate examination is taken after three years. The main objective of the
Junior Cycle is for students to complete a broad and balanced curriculum, and to develop
the knowledge and skills that will enable them to proceed to Senior Cycle education.
The Senior Cycle caters for students in the 15 to 18 year age group. It includes an
optional Transition Year, which follows immediately after the Junior Cycle. TY provides an
opportunity for students to experience a wide range of educational inputs, including work
experience, over the course of a year that is free from formal examinations.
During the final two years of Senior Cycle students take one of three programmes, each
leading to a State Examination: the traditional Leaving Certificate, the Leaving Certificate
Vocational Programme (LCVP) or the Leaving Certificate Applied (LCA). The traditional
Leaving Certificate examination is the terminal examination of post-primary education
and is taken when students are typically 17 or 18 years of age. Syllabuses are available in
more than 30 subjects and students are required to take at least five subjects, one of which
must be Irish.
There are three distinct categories of primary and post-primary education: English-
medium, Irish-medium education in a Gaeltacht region (i.e. Irish-medium
maintenance/heritage language education) and Gaelscoileanna (i.e. Irish-medium
immersion education outside of a Gaeltacht region). Each of these categories will now be
considered below in relation to the Irish language.
English-medium Primary and Post-Primary Education
In English-medium schools, Irish is taught as second language (L2) subject area to all
students and is part of the core curriculum during the years of compulsory schooling 6-15.
Results however are deemed to be inadequate in spite of the 1500 class hours that a
student spends being taught Irish. A notable minority of students fail to attain mastery in
Irish listening, speaking, and general comprehension skills (Harris, 1984, 1988, 1991;
Harris et al., 2006; Harris and Murtagh, 1998, 1999). It appears that English-medium
education is “no longer playing the revitalization and language maintenance role it
traditionally did” (Harris, 2007, p. 361). Yet, despite the challenges, notably in the sphere
of English-medium education, findings of a 2009 survey revealed that 71% of respondents
agreed that Irish should remain as a compulsory subject in school (Hickey, 2009). Hickey
(2009, p.8) concluded that “the great majority of Irish people see the language as central
to the history and culture of Ireland”.

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Irish-medium Education in the Gaeltacht


Irish-medium maintenance/heritage language education is characteristically provided to
Irish language mother tongue (L1) students who attend an Irish-medium school in the
Gaeltacht. Clear threats to the sustainability of Irish as a community language in Gaeltacht
regions have been well documented of late and it is evident that the threat of language
shift is intensifying. Ó Giollagáin et al. (2007, p.11) state that “46% of school-going
children in the core Gaeltacht areas start school with little or no Irish”. Native-speaking
pupils also increasingly constitute a minority of the overall enrolment of an increasing
number of Gaeltacht schools. Gilleece et al. (2012) found that just a fifth of second grade
pupils and a quarter of sixth grade pupils spoke Irish as the first language at home. Ní
Shéaghdha (2010) found that in Gaeltacht communities where Irish is the most
widespread language of the community, only 60% of pupils (less than 1000 pupils),
attending primary schools speak Irish as their first language. This profile places competing
demands on the Gaeltacht education system and therefore gives rise to a model of
Gaeltacht education which caters for a broad and diverse range of socio-linguistic needs
i.e. native speakers (maintainence/heritage) and learners of Irish (immersion) alike. The
role of Gaeltacht schools has evolved from mainly supporting the maintenance of the
language to supporting the revitalization of the Irish language as a community language in
Gaeltacht areas (Mac Donnacha et al., 2005; Ó Laoire & Harris, 2006; National Council for
Curriculum and Assessment, 2007; Ní Shéaghdha, 2010). This linguistic diversity and
complexity coupled with the increasing use of English in Gaeltacht communities presents
serious and significant challenges for the Gaeltacht education system.
Irish-medium Primary and Post-Primary Education outside of the Gaeltacht
Irish-medium immersion (IMI) education is normally provided to students for whom Irish
is not their L1 in Gaelscoileanna (Irish-medium schools) outside of the Gaeltacht. IMI
students achieve much higher levels of L2 proficiency than do non-immersion students
studying the L2 as a subject area in English-medium education (Harris, 1984; Harris and
Murtagh, 1987, 1988; Harris et al., 2006). Even though immersion students display fluency
and confidence in their L2 use, the level of L2 accuracy and the range of L2 competencies
achieved are less than native-like (Harris et al., 2006; Ó Duibhir, 2009). Immersion
students use a restricted vocabulary and simplified grammar limited to domains
experienced in school, they often transfer from English syntax and lexicon, they do not
acquire native-like syntactic competence and lack distinctive idiomatic conversational
features i.e. lack lexical and pragmatic expressions natural to a native speaker (Genesee
and Lindholm-Leary, 2013; Harley, 1992).
Baker (2001, p.233) suggests that a “lack of spontaneous or contrived second language
opportunity and a dearth of cultural occasions to actively and purposefully use the second
language” may partly be the explanation. Ní Mhaoláin (2005, p.25) too remarks that one of
the recognized weaknesses of the Irish immersion system is that “a full language context
cannot be created within the classroom because the natural context is not there”. The
pervasive presence of a majority language beyond the school is a challenge that all
minority language programmes face.
The Irish Language and the Education System: Barriers to Progress
In spite of the various and converging governmental initiatives and the teaching of the
Irish language in different educational contexts as a compulsory subject area, results are
somewhat limited and the situation of Irish appears as problematic. Briefly summarized,
the following facts are often mentioned to underline the difficulties that the promotion of
Irish has to face:

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 A significant number of reports and research findings clearly reflect the low level
of proficiency in the language attained by many students in the education system
(Mac Donnacha et al., 2005; Department of Education and Skills, 2005, 2007, 2015;
Harris, 1988, 1991; Harris and Murtagh, Harris et al., 2006; National Council for
Curriculum and Assessment, 2008; Péterváry et al., 2014).
 The low level of motivation for learning and using Irish among many students
along with the dearth of opportunities to use the language continues to pose one of
the more serious challenges to the societal revitalization of the Irish language
(Department of Education and Skills, 2015; Harris et al., 2006; Ó Duibhir, 2009; Ó
Giollagáin et al., 2007, Ó Giollagáin & Charlton, 2015).
 The lack of linguistic proficiency among some teachers is well documented
(Department of Education and Skills, 2005, 2008; Harris et al., 2006; Mac
Donnacha et al. 2005; National Council for Curriculum and Assessment, 2008).
 Many teachers experience difficulty in implementing a convincing pedagogy
(Department of Education and Skills, 2005, 2008; Harris et al., 2006; National
Council for Curriculum and Assessment, 2008; Ó Duibhir, 2009; Mac Donnacha et
al., 2005; Ní Shéaghdha, 2010).
 The Gaeltacht education system is not succeeding in meeting the needs of young
native speakers of Irish or transforming those who come to school as English
speakers into active Irish speakers (Department of Education and Skills, 2015; Ó
Giollagáin et al., 2007; Péterváry et al., 2014).
 The need for targeted support across the continuum is continually called for (Mac
Donnacha et al., 2005; Department of Education and Skills, 2005, 2008, 2015;
Harris et al., 2006).
 2,023 students in their fifth or sixth year of post-primary schooling were exempted
from studying Irish for their Leaving Certificate in 2012/13
(www.oireachtasdebates.ie). This is yet another element of the language debate
which needs to be addressed if we are to reawaken the language in our education
system.
Concluding Remarks: Cautious Room for Optimism
It is important to highlight at this juncture, significant positive factors which may
revolutionize the way in which students relate to the Irish language into the future. It is
only through combining our strengths with a rational assessment of the challenges and
priorities that we can hope to be effective in reviving and reawakening the language
through our education system. Please refer to Table 1.1 for an overview of key positive
factors which give rise to cautious room for optimism.

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Table 1. Cautious Room for Optimism


Irish identity and its associative links with culture has no doubt influenced the
growth in popularity of the Irish language. The Ireland of today is a much more
confident country where people are proud of their Irish heritage and its new role in
Europe (Mac Craith, 2008). The EU’s inclusion of the Irish language opens up a new
avenue for social mobility due to the need for Irish translators and interpreters.
Globalization coupled with the influence of the EU has enabled Irish people to
acknowledge that their language, Irish, is a very powerful tool to express one’s
identity, especially in Europe, and that Ireland has a responsibility for protecting it.
There has been an unprecedented influx of people to Ireland from different ethnic
and cultural backgrounds resulting from increased immigration, in recent years. As a
International
result, a changing sociolinguistic ecology is emerging in Ireland. The 2011 census
dimension
revealed that more than half a million Irish residents (514,068 people) speak a
language other than Irish or English at home. This dramatic change to the linguistic
composition of Ireland’s population may also have created an awareness of the
importance of the Irish language as an element of national identity and global
diversity.
The Fulbright Commision Ireland sponsors student and teacher exchange
programmes between the US and Ireland. In 2006 it was sending four Irish-language
teachers to the US every year. Now it sends 10 and has links to 50 or so third-level
American institutions and 90 community organizations involved with teaching and
promoting the language.
Throughout this paper, it has been articulated that the current state of the Irish
language is inseparable from the wider cultural situation. Irish has been given a boost
by the success of the Irish-medium television station, TG4, the Official Languages Act,
2003 and, since 2007, the official working status of Irish in the EU. One obvious
benefit is on the jobs front.
Nowadays, blogging and tweeting through Irish is commonplace. It seems obvious
Identity
that if students are led to areas of Irish which are of interest to them, they find it
Affirming
energizing and invigorating and can relate to Irish and express themselves in new
Opportunities
ways while affirming their Irish identities.
We are forever hearing about the imminent death of the Irish language, but there
is a growing interest in Irish among the next generation. The Irish language’s vitality is
more aptly represented by an image of the Connemara-based band, Seo Linn, who
recently succeeded in raising €50,000 on Kickstarter, a crowdfunding site, singing the
latest chart hit as Gaeilge with hundreds of teenagers.
The lack of linguistic proficiency among some teachers is well documented and
impacts on some students’ bilingual abilities and development. The Policy on the
Continuum of Teacher Education recognizes the need for high standards of Irish among
both primary and post-primary teachers “in regard to teaching Irish as a subject, using
it as a means of communication and as a medium of instruction” (Teaching Council,
2011, p.11). The Teaching Council expects that this need can be factored in at each
phase of the continuum.
As discussed earlier, The 20 year Strategy for the Irish Language (2010) outlines
significant support for Irish in the education system. The Strategy points out that a
Policy National Centre for Irish-medium Teacher Professional Development, will lead, manage,
develop and support teacher education provision for the entire cycle of Irish-medium
schools through consultancy, professional development activities, accredited training
programmes and resource development. As part of the 20 Year Strategy for the Irish
language 2010-2030, the Department of Education and Skills has developed a range of
policy proposals that are designed to strengthen Irish-medium education in the
Gaeltacht. The proposals have been shaped by the experience of Gaeltacht schools and
a number of major research studies. These policy proposals are outlined in ‘Policy
Proposals on Educational Provision in Gaeltacht Areas’. The views of all stakeholders
are being sought on these policy proposals at present.

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Reawakening the Irish Language through the Irish Education System / Ceallaigh & Honnabháin

Table 1 (Cont.). Cautious Room for Optimism


A new integrated language curriculum for primary schools is currently being
developed by the NCCA (National Council for Curriculum and Assessment) and will be
Curriculum available for junior classes (infants to 2nd class) in September 2015. It is envisaged
that this integrated language curriculum will address second language (L2)
acquisition and development and the complex issues that attend teaching Irish as both
a medium and as a subject in the primary sector.
All Initial Teacher Education (ITE) programmes have been re-structured and re-
envisioned and now incorporate specific modules which focus on Irish-medium
immersion (IMI) and bilingual pedagogy and theory.
The supply of teachers with the necessary language and pedagogical competence
is a key driver of effective delivery of Irish-medium education. A particular challenge
for teachers in Gaeltacht and IMI schools is how to differentiate teaching and learning
approaches in classrooms in order to cater for the specific needs of native speakers of
Irish, particularly in the multi-grade or multi-class context. It is in this context that
Initial Teacher some ITE institutions have expressed interest in the provision of an ITE programme,
Education An B. Oid. san Oideachas Lán-Ghaeilge (Bachelor of Education in Irish-medium
Education). This programme will be shaped by the learning outcomes set by the
Teaching Council (2011) and which will specifically incorporate and develop the
following critical components:
 High standards of teacher competency in the Irish language and a knowledge of
second language teaching and learning;
 Content and language integrated learning (CLIL) and integrated curriculum
development and assessment;
 Culturally responsive pedagogy and language-attentive teaching.
The steady rise of Irish-language preschool and primary education since the
1970s, may now be contributing to an increased demand for Irish-language courses at
third level. According to the Higher Education Authority, the number of students
studying through Irish at third level ‘is not only very healthy but has been described as
a mini-revival’ (Wallace, A., 2015). Innovative new programmes are constantly being
developed. Fiontar, an interdisciplinary school established in 1993 at Dublin City
University, aims to link the Irish language with contemporary finance, computing and
Additional enterprise, all taught through the medium of Irish.
Postgraduate Mary Immaculate College, Limerick provides a hybrid postgraduate programme,
Opportunities An M. Oid. san Oideachas Lán-Ghaeilge (M. Ed. in Irish-medium Education). This
programme is the first in the Republic of Ireland to incorporate a coherent set of
modules designed specifically for IMI educators and other professionals in Irish-
medium education. National University of Ireland (NUI) Galway, provides a
Professional Master of Education (PME) programme conducted solely through the
medium of Irish for teachers working in the Irish-medium post primary sector. These
programmes target the unique professional development needs and linguistic
competencies of teachers in Gaeltacht and IMI schools.
A growing number of IMI practitioners and IMI research students are engaging in
small-scale qualitative research. Such research has the potential not only for crafting
Research
and legitimating policy on IMI education but may also herald benefits and expose
challenges to advance this educational sector in Ireland in the coming years.
In the current climate of constrained resources, An Chomhairle um Oideachas
Gaeltachta agus Gaelscolaíochta (COGG) continues to cater for the diverse Irish
language needs of the educational sector through the provision of teaching resources,
Support
support services and research initiatives. Such support is essential to ‘future proof’
our capacity to respond to rapidly changing demands and new circumstances in
relation to the Irish language.

While the positive factors outlined above in Table 1.1 are admirable, they continue to
provide an exemplary vision of just what can be achieved.
The analysis of an Update Report to the Comprehensive Linguistic Study on the Usage
of Irish in the Gaeltacht: 2006-2011, shows that the rate at which the Irish language is

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being eroded as a community language in the Gaeltacht has not abated since the first
research report, The Comprehensive Linguistic Study on the Usage of Irish in the
Gaeltacht, which was published in 2007. According to the authors, erosion is now taking
place at a faster rate than was predicted in the original study and demands urgent
intervention.
The Irish language is the Republic of Ireland’s official language as discussed earlier, yet
the majority of the Irish population does not speak the language in their daily personal
lives. If we look back at the role of the Irish language in society, it is clear that the language
has had a turbulent and traumatic history and has endured a complex and varied
relationship with the Irish people. The language we chose to use on a daily basis conveys
our identity as people. When we discuss the decline of the Irish language in Irish society
and the challenges and barriers we are confronted with on a daily basis, we often tend to
critically examine the role of the State and its failure to preserve and to promote the Irish
language in the education system, in the Gaeltacht regions and in Irish society in general.
Although we have acknowledged and addressed these failings in this paper, we also
believe that it is now necessary for the Irish people to examine their own personal
reflections in the mirror which convey their “psychological make-up” (Ó Tuama, 1995,
p.28).
The Irish poet, Nuala Ní Dhomhnaill, in her poem ‘Ceist na Teangan’ (‘The Language
Issue’), presents the language as a little boat carrying hopes and dreams, but ultimately
abandoned to the stream of fate (Nic Eoin, 2011, p.111). We are now placing our fears and
hopes in this boat and sending her out to sea to find her fate. We remain optimistic that
the next generation will be happy to accept the oars and hopefully continue with the
journey.
Cuirim mo dhóchas ar snámh I place my hope on the water
i mbáidín teangan in this little boat
faoi mar a leagfá naíonán of the language, the way a body might put
i gcliabhán … an infant
ansan é a leagadh síos in a basket…
i measc na ngiolcach then set the whole thing down amidst
is coigeal na mban sí the sedge
le taobh na habhann, and bulrushes by the edge
féachaint n’fheadaraís of a river
cá dtabharfaidh an sruth é,
féachaint, dála Mhaoise, only to have it borne hither and thither,
an bhfóirfidh iníon Fhorainn? not knowing where it might end up:
in the lap, perhaps,
Of some Pharaoh’s daughter.
(Ní Dhomhnaill, 1991:128). (trans. Paul Muldoon, 2007:155).

• • •

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Reawakening the Irish Language through the Irish Education System / Ceallaigh & Honnabháin

Acknowledgements:
We would like to thank Professor Kathy Hall and Dr. Mary Horgan in the School of
Education in University College Cork for inviting us both to submit an article.
T.J. Ó Ceallaigh, Dr T.J. Ó Ceallaigh is a lecturer in the Department of Language, Literacy
and Mathematics Education at the Faculty of Education, Mary Immaculate College,
University of Limerick, Ireland. His main research interests focus on the pedagogy
required for the successful integration of language and content instruction and on initial
teacher education and continuing professional development, with particular reference to
language immersion contexts. T.J. is the coordinator of a blended learning postgraduate
programme, The Master in Education in Irish-medium Education, at Mary Immaculate
College.
Áine Ní Dhonnabháin, Dr Áine Ní Dhonnabháin is a post-primary school teacher of Irish
and English in Co. Waterford. Her doctorate researched the identity of bilingual
adolescents attending Irish medium post-primary schools in the Republic of Ireland in the
21st century. She is a part-time lecturer on the postgraduate programme, The Master in
Education in Irish-medium Education, at Mary Immaculate College, Limerick.

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