New Sound 54, II/2019

Article received on October 6th 2019

Article accepted on November 28th 2019
UDC: 78(474.5)
78(438)

Rūta Stanevičiūtė*
Lithuanian Academy of Music and Theatre

LITHUANIAN AND POLISH MUSICAL

NETWORKING DURING THE COLD WAR:
POLITICAL CURTAINS AND CULTURAL CONFRONTATIONS1

Abstract: Poland and Lithuania at the end of the Cold War serve as a case study for
the theorization of music and politics. In this article, a little-studied field of two neigh-
bouring countries’ cultures has been chosen: oppositional musical networking, that in
addition resulted in politically and socially engaged collaboration between Polish and
Lithuanian musicians since late 1970s.
Basing on the concept of a transformative contact (Padraic Kenney 2004), the author
reflects on the factors which predetermined the intercommunication of informal com-
munities in mentioned countries in the years of ideological and political constraints
and the ways in which such relationships contributed to the cultural and political
transformation of societies. Through the interactions of the milieus of the Polish and
Lithuanian contemporary music, the participation of the norms and representations
of one culture in the field of the other culture is discussed. The author shows that the
paradoxical constraints on the informal relations between Lithuanian and Polish mu-
sicians were strongly affected by the political relations between the USSR and the
Polish People’s Republic, especially in the wake of the intensification of political resist-
ance to the imposed Communist regime in Poland.
Keywords: Music and politics; oppositional cultural networking; transnational diffu-
sion; Polish-Lithuanian musicians’ collaboration; Cold War; identity (trans)formation.

* Author contact information: [email protected]

1 This article is a part of the project “Music of Change: Expression of Liberation in Pol-

ish and Lithuanian Music Before and After 1989” (Nr. P-LL-18-213), funded by the Na-
tional Science Centre (Poland) and Lithuanian Research Council (Lithuania).

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

Introduction
In recent decades, when critically reviewing the interpretations of the Sovi-
et era or, more specifically, the Cold War processes, researchers in the his-
tory of the USSR and the Communist bloc countries have been intensively
debating the issues of informally related communities and social and cultur-
al networks.2 Although the research tended to more frequently focus on the
phenomena of a single country and their impact on the political and social
transformation of societies, informal relationships and cultural exchanges
based on them have been of an increasing interest to researchers dealing with
transnational processes. What predetermined the communication of informal
communities from different countries in the years of ideological and political
constraints? How did the exchange of information, people, and ideas between
the cultures of different countries take place through informal channels? Simo
Mikkonen and Pia Koivunen who analysed the specifics of cultural commu-
nication and exchanges between the Western and Eastern countries, sepa-
rated by the ideological tension of the Cold War, noted that the traditional
comparative approaches, based on a systematic study of differences and sim-
ilarities between societies or cultures, were not sufficient there. The Finnish
researchers linked the change in the comparative perspective to the concepts
of transfer and translation, enabling one to consider how the norms and rep-
resentations of one culture participated in the field of another culture.3
Going beyond purely transnational cultural interactions, American his-
torian Padraic Kenney emphasised the need for a more in-depth discussion
of the concept of a transformative contact, conducive to more dynamic com-
parativism. Kenney noted that transnational dissemination processes were a
relatively new field of social research and identified six categories of impor-
tance for transformative contacts: command; text; legend; pilgrimage; cou-
rier; and convocation.4 Importantly, Kenney modelled the said typology to

2 In Lithuania, the most comprehensive research on informal relationships-based net-

working in the Soviet era was conducted by a team of scholars brought together by so-
ciologist Ainė Ramonaitė. Cf. Nematoma sovietmečio visuomenė [The Invisible Society of
the Soviet Era], Ainė Ramonaitė (Ed.), Vilnius, Naujasis židinys-Aidai, 2015.
3 Simo Mikkonen, Pia Koivunen, “Introduction: Beyond the Divide”, in: Simo Mik-

konen, Pia Koivunen (Eds), Beyond the Divide. Entangled Histories of Cold War Europe,
New York, Oxford, Berghahn, 2015, 11–12.
4 Padraic Kenney, “Opposition Networks and Transnational Diffusion in the Revolu-

tions of 1989”, in: Padraic Kenney, Gerd-Rainer Horn (Eds), Transnational Moments of
Change: Europe 1945, 1968, 1989, Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 2004, 207–208.

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examine the processes of resistance and transformation in the communist

countries of Eastern and Central Europe through the analysis of the origins
of the 1989 revolutions. The first category of command, or impulse, was spe-
cifically explained by him with examples from the 1989 revolutions, however,
it could be more broadly defined as a response to political or societal events
(the Soviet perestroika, debated by Kenney, could be supplemented with more
examples, such as the political Solidarity movement in Poland, the Lithua-
nian Reform Movement Sąjūdis, the introduction of the martial law regime
in Poland, the fall of the Berlin Wall, etc.). The category of text was associ-
ated by Kenney with dissident activities, samizdat publishing, and high-im-
pact publications (such as by Václav Havel’s essay The Power of the Powerless,
1978) or other broad-resonance cultural artifacts. The categories of legends
and pilgrimage, interrelated in a specific way, highlighted the importance and
use of cultural memory and the power of intercultural attraction of cities and
artistic events. Individuals (couriers), promoting transnational networking
and collaboration, inspired festivals, conferences, and other events (convo-
cations or meetings), thus enhancing the expression of liberation. Kenney ar-
gued that every form of contact – command or text, legend or courier, etc.
– functioned in two ways: actually and symbolically. For a transnational con-
tact to boost transformation (of a relationship or a self-image), real events,
cultural artifacts, or actions of individuals had to acquire a symbolic mean-
ing. In non-democratic regimes, every real action of transnational network-
ing – “crossing a border, holding a conference, even reading a foreign text or
listening to Radio Free Europe – was a symbolic act, too” that changed the
geography of the living world.5
Kenney’s typology was conducive to the discussion of the transnational
contacts and exchanges of Lithuanian musicians in the late Soviet era that
were forged and developed through informal channels. From Steven Ver-
tovec’s point of view, transnational exchanges were particularly strongly af-
fected by informal relationships between non-governmental institutions and
cultural actors which more fundamentally revealed the nature of cultural
transfer and translation.6 Peter J. Schmelz also noted insufficient attention of
researchers to informal relationships between the Soviet and Western musi-
cians – so far, emphasis had been placed on intercultural diplomacy and mu-

5 Padraic Kenney, op. cit., 221.

6 Steven Vertovec, Transnationalism, London and New York, Routledge, 2009, 3.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

sical exchange developed at the governmental level.7 It was in the late Soviet
era that transnational informal contacts became a phenomenon which trans-
formed the self-image and international reception of the field of contempo-
rary Lithuanian music. The institutional structure of the Soviet musical cul-
ture resulted in the situation when informal relationships and channels were
of particular concern to composers and musicologists, severely constrained
by two opposing features of the cultural system – the centralized internation-
al dissemination of their works and an underdeveloped institutional network
of contemporary music. Through the research perspectives implied by the ty-
pology of transformative contacts, the article seeks to identify the place oc-
cupied in the transnational relationships by close neighbourhood relations
during the period in question, which had seldom been in focus of interna-
tional research.8 For a more comprehensive analysis, the informal relation-
ships between Lithuanian and Polish musicians at the end of the Cold War
were chosen, because it was during that period that they became particularly
intense and involved a number of prominent figures on the music scene in
both countries.

Political and cultural stagnation as an impetus for change

In his 1975 review of the Warsaw Autumn Festival, Krzysztof Droba, a Polish
musicologist who had then just made his debut in music criticism, wrote:
Contrary to the domains of literature, art, or theatre, no unique artistic genera-
tion emerged in musical life. In scanty debutes of the Autumn, I do not find any
signs of artistic thinking. After all, the artistic and life experience of professors is
different from that of their students. A composer making his debut in 1970s tends
to forget that. Therefore, his performance is not authentic – he never stops to
consider what was said before him or what he himself would like to say. The cur-
rent year can be called a period of debutant pupils: immature, dependent on
others, and false personalities.9

7 Peter J. Schmelz, “Intimate Histories of the Musical Cold War: Fred Prieberg and Igor
Blazhkov’s Unofficial Diplomacy”, in: Jessica C.E. Gienow-Hecht (Ed.), Music and Inter-
national History in the Twentieth Century, New York, Berghahn, 2015, 191–192.
8 In recent years, the theme in question has been especially intensely studied by Peter

J. Schmelz, developing the project Complex Webs: Unofficial Musical Exchange between
Russia, Ukraine, and West Germany during the Cold War.
9 Krzysztof Droba, “Z myślą o przyszłej Jesieni [With a View to Future Autumn]”, Ruch

muzyczny, 25, 1975, 15.

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Lithuanian composer Giedrius Kuprevičius brought similar impressions

from the 1977 Plenary Session of the USSR Composers’ Union in Moscow
dedicated to the work of young composers:
Strangely enough, quite a few young composers write very traditional music. In
terms of both expressive means and themes, that music does not go beyond the
general level of the fifties or sixties. Blank instrumentation, cold academic forms,
colourless emotions, and pseudo-philosophic posturing prompt passivity. Sur-
prisingly, after the performance of such a composition, a very young composer
comes on the stage. That reminds of the words of Aram Khachaturian at the
opening of the plenary session: “Write as you please, use whatever you like, only
make us feel that the music was written by a young, passionate, and talented
composer.”10
Warsaw and Moscow were two opposing axiological musical centres of
the Socialist Commonwealth countries, two representations of contemporary
music with radically opposite goals, however, the critical opinions that re-
flected them could be seen as symptomatic responses to the signs of ideolog-
ical and cultural stagnation in the communist world. From a historical dis-
tance, researchers on the then Lithuanian art processes noted that the first
signs of stagnation were revealed already in the years 1969 through 1970.11 In
the Lithuanian music culture, the self-image of stagnation became more evi-
dent in the period of 1972 to 1974: the number of events and articles of music
criticism decreased, and trends of creative inertia began to be recorded in the
critical discourse.12 Sociopolitical processes influenced the feeling of stagna-
tion and cultural censorship: events of political and social resistance (such
as the Prague Spring 1968, workers’ strikes and demonstrations in 1970 in
Poland, etc.) were accompanied by campaigns initiated by the communist re-
gimes to suppress the expression of liberation. Between the 1960s and 1970s,

10 Giedrius Kuprevičius, “Jaunųjų kūrybos pasiklausius [Upon Listening to Compos-

tions of the Youth]”, Kauno tiesa, 26. 03. 1977. In the review, Kuprevičius noted that,
during the plenary session, the greatest attention was attracted by Russian composers’
rock operas and the first use of a synthesizer in Soviet pop music (in David Tukhmanov’s
record The Wave of my Memory), although he described them as examples of low music
culture.
11 Cf. Jolita Mulevičiūtė, “Atsinaujinimo sąjūdis lietuvių tapyboje 1956–1970 m. [Re-

newal Movement in Lithuanian Painting in 1956–1970]”, in: Žmogus ir aplinka XX  a.

Lietuvos dailėje, Vilnius, Academia, 1992, 189.
12 Cf. Rūta Naktinytė, “Inertiškumo simptomai? [Symptoms of Inertia?]”, Literatūra ir

menas, 30. 11. 1974.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

the increased ‘witch-hunt’ of political dissidents in Lithuania, the struggle of

the Soviet authorities against the oppositional underground activities of the
Catholic Church, and the Russification of culture after the self-immolation of
young dissident Romas Kalanta in 1972 left an imprint on cultural practices.
Those activities of political restraint were further strengthened by the 1972
Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union on literary and art criticism, triggering a new wave of constraints on,
and censorship of, music criticism.
It was, however, during that period of stagnation of cultural expression
that significant changes in the artistic self-image occurred, which should be
seen as signs of a shift already made and the start of the new beginnings.
That was particularly evident in the milieu of Lithuanian musicians through
the change in geo-cultural identities. After 1970, the cultural optics changed
radically: Lithuanian composers no longer sought unconditional authorities
behind the Iron Curtain, although no stronger cultural isolationism existed,
either. Like in the previous decade, music pilgrims of the 1970s were flock-
ing to the Warsaw Autumn Festival to hear newer music, and contemporary
Western music, also performed not merely by local musicians, was increas-
ingly frequently performed on the Vilnius concert stages. The information
about topical phenomena was supplemented by music recordings, brought
from abroad, and the broadcasts of foreign radio programmes. Through them,
minimalism and European and the US experimental music became popular
quite early in Lithuania, with American John Cage becoming almost a cult
figure, while some composers sought counterbalance for the faded post-war
avant-garde fame in the works of French composer Olivier Messiaen. In that
way, a heterogeneous picture of international contemporary music as a con-
text for the inspirations and interpretations of the works of Lithuanian com-
posers started to form, although it was quite distant from the earlier identifi-
cations with the imaginary West avant-garde both in content and character.
In his influential monograph on the late Soviet era, Alexei Yurchak
identified the imagined West as a powerful myth flourishing in the Sovi-
et self-awareness in various forms, pervading both cultural expression and
everyday activities.13 Contrary to the everyday life, where the demand for
Western goods and their imitations kept growing, the power of the imagi-

13 Алексей Юрчак, Это было навсегда, пока не кончилось. Последнее советское

поколение, Москва, Новое литературное обозрение, 2014, 313–314. According to
author, through the imaginary West, the Soviet subject formed himself. (Ibid., 386).

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nary West with regard to artistic practices was diminishing in the years of the
Soviet stagnation. Similar changes in the self-image were also characteristic
of the neighboring Soviet republics: thus, e.g., Russian musicologist Tatyana
Cherednichenko wrote about the period of 1974 through 1978 as the true be-
ginning of the 1970s, a tectonic break in which seemingly undeniable truths
based on the history of modern European composition were already slipping
out of hand. Not limiting her story to Russian music, Cherednichenko at-
tributed yesterday’s avant-gardists to contemporary sibeliuses (“avant-garde
academicism”) or kabalevskies (“the garbage of contemporary music”), while
she considered Alfred Schnittke, Sofia Gubaidulina, or Krzysztof Penderecki,
inspirators of the Eastern European avant-garde of the 1960s, to have become
prestigious part of the contemporary music festivals.14
When critically exploring the changes in the creative landmarks of Lith-
uanian composers during the Soviet era, composer and music critic Šarūnas
Nakas aptly noted that, “in the 1970s, the natural attraction of several centres
formed. They were all outside Lithuania <...> – Warsaw, Tallinn, Moscow as
well as Kiev and Riga”.15 Nakas believed that the change in attraction centres
was driven by two reasons: first, over the previous decades, no genuine re-
lationships had been forged with the mythologized Western centres which
could have guaranteed the international dissemination of Lithuanian music
and due attention to it, and, second, dissatisfaction with the “transplantation
of fashionable Western styles into the local milieu” and aspirations to “create
a full-blooded world of Lithuanian music”.16 However, the “geographic turn”
of Lithuanian music in the 1970s should not be related merely to the transfor-
mation of the subjective creative orientations of several generations of com-
posers at that time or the restrictions on more intense dissemination of their
music. It is also noteworthy that, during the period in question, due to the
commercialisation of the Soviet export of music, tours of Lithuanian musi-
cians stretched far to the West and East, even though limited by ideological
or conjunctural solutions. On the other hand, the problem of a cultural dia-
logue and the understanding of compositions during the decade in question

14 Татьяна Чередниченко, Музыкальный запас. 70-е. Проблемы. Портреты.

Случаи [Musical Resources. The 1970s. Problems. Portraits. Cases.], Москва: Новое
литературное обозрение, 2002, 9, 17–18.
15 Šarūnas Nakas, “Kelionė be kelio, nes veidrodis be atspindžio [Travel with no Road,

because of the Mirror without Reflection]”. Access online: http://www.modus-radio.

com/eseistika/kelione-be-kelio [viewed on 05. 06. 2019].
16 Ibid.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

was also faced by the Soviet composers whose music received abundant per-
formances and attracted a new wave of strong interest in the West. Thus, ac-
cording to Levon Hakobian, arrogance and disdainful attitudes were frequent
in reviews of Western music critics of the USSR’s broad-resonance non-con-
formist music festival in Cologne (spring 1979) or concert programmes at the
Paris-Moscow Exhibition (1979); while the reviews of Soviet music published
between the 1970s and 1980s abounded in banal descriptions and factual er-
rors.17
Therefore, when exploring what kind of transnational aspirations and
relationships were forming in the Lithuanian music scene during the years
of the late Soviet stagnation, it is useful to consider broader changes in the
cultural self-image. To contextualise the caesura between the Soviet Thaw
and perestroika, Pierre Bourdieu’s anthropological analysis of conversation
is to be employed, which defines discursive practices as the modalities of dif-
ferent systems of self-image and modus operandi. In the Soviet period, the
outward-oriented discourse of modernisation (the search for “windows of
ideas”, external sources of the musical tradition updating, and new resourc-
es for the language of music), fueled by political liberalisation (the Thaw),
became exhausted in the mid-1970s. Based on Bourdieu’s terminology, the
new expression (from the mid-1970s) can be described as a discourse of famil-
iarity (“the spirit of co-existence”), as opposed to the previous outward-ori-
ented discourse.18 The discourse of familiarity is defined here as an imagined
commonality of values, cultural codes, and experiences of the local or native
world, which is as if taken for granted and does not require further explana-
tion. Such a modus operandi indirectly correlates with the concept of close
communication, explored by Alexei Yurchak19: according to him, it is a spe-
cial affective “space” that defines the deep and intense inter-subjectivity of the
late-Soviet era. In this way, in the 1970s shift in the self-image of musicians,
artistic, moral, and social attitudes intertwined, which enabled the interre-
lationships of the community of musicians and their transnational contacts.

17 Levon Hakobian, “The Reception of Soviet Music in the West: a History of Sympathy
and Misunderstanding”, Musicology, 13, 2012, 132–133.
18 See Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, Cambridge Univer-

sity Press, 1977, 18.

19 Алексей Юрчак, op. cit., 296.

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Meeting places in the mix of formal and informal musical life

Since the 1960s, Lithuanian performers increasingly frequently performed
in Poland under the Soviet Concert Agency (Goskoncert) and the Polish Art
Agency (PAGART) exchange agreements, and they would include national
music in their programmes. Therefore, it sounded paradoxical when some
Polish musicians claimed that, for several decades after the war, Lithuanian
music was unknown in Poland: “more was known about, for example, Poly-
nesian music than that of neighbouring Lithuania”.20 Were there any other
reasons for not to have heard it, although it was actually performed? Back in
1975, Krzysztof Droba, who accidentally met with Lithuanians at a typical
Soviet culture promotion event in Krakow, eventually became the most con-
sistent promoter of Lithuanian music in Poland, arguing that, until then, the
image of the neighbours’ music was shaped solely by official exports:
At that time, Lithuania could only exist to the extent it occupied in the culture of
the Soviet Union – as one of the republics, it could have representatives at inter-
national events, and those often had nothing to do with true values. After all,
people with ‘good reputation’ were going abroad: social activists, the bureaucratic
elite, presidents of the art unions, but not some talented non-conformists. In the
past, the music was imposed on us that had been approved by Moscow.21
It was in 1975 that Droba began organising independent festivals in small
Polish towns (Stalowa Wola, Baranów, Sandomierz), designing them as an
opposition to the formal life of contemporary music and to the Polish Com-
posers’ Union of which he was not yet a member. In that respect, until the late
1980s, the situation in neighbouring Poland was very different from that of
the USSR: despite the ideological and administrative control, organisations
outside the official network of cultural institutions could operate there, such
as the Polish Contemporary Music Society (Polskie Towarzystwo Muzyki
Współczesnej)22 which had suspended its activities only for a short post-war

20 “A zaczeło się – od Festiwali w Stalowej Woli. Z Krzysztofem Drobą rozmawia Alwida

Rolska [It Began from the Festival in Stalowa Wola. Alwida Rolska Interviews Krzysztof
Droba]”, Kurier Wileński, 27. 11. 1990, 6.
21 “Naujasis romantizmas, Lietuva ir kontrabanda. Łukaszas Tischneris kalbasi su
Krzysztofu Droba [The New Romanticism, Lithuania and Smuggling. Łukasz Tischner In-
terviews Krzysztof Droba]”, in: Krzysztof Droba, Susitikimai su Lietuva, Rūta Stanevičiūtė
(Ed.), Vilnius, Lietuvos kompozitorių sąjunga, Lietuvos muzikos ir teatro akademija,
2018, 79.
22 The organisation was the Polish Section of the International Society for Contempo-

rary Music (ISCM), founded in 1924.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

period, or private festivals could be held, such as the Contemporary Music

Festivals initiated by Krzysztof Penderecki at his private estate in Lusławice
in 1980. Lithuanian musicians, like their colleagues from the USSR cities of
Riga, Tallinn, or Kiev which became the new centres of attraction, did not
have an opportunity to escape from the official institutional network in the
public space. However, it was in the second half of the 1970s that local groups
of musicians, related through informal contacts, began to seek opportunities
for more active public concert activities and other events not only through
official composers’ unions, but also through other institutions, such as Kom-
somol structures, higher schools, or artistic organizations. Characteristically,
in the second half of the 1970s and later, those unspecified spaces beyond
official culture produced premieres of such emblematic works as Bronius Ku-
tavičius’ oratorio The Last Pagan Rites (premiered in the Small Baroque Hall
in Vilnius in 1978) or Arvo Pärt’s Tabula Rasa (premiered in Tallinn Poly-
technic School in 1977).
In the late Soviet period, composers and musicologists of Lithuania and
the neighbouring countries were forging informal contacts, seeking to dis-
tance themselves from the semiofficial life of contemporary music culture
and the calendrical rhythm of congresses and plenary sessions of compos-
ers’ unions. However, until the mid-1980s, no independent festivals featuring
not only local, but also foreign music and performers were held in Lithuania,
therefore it would be inaccurate to talk about the informal life or institutions
of contemporary Lithuanian music. Although the studies of the history of
Lithuanian art in the Soviet era have long since abandoned the binary oppo-
sitions of formal/informal, conformist/nonconformist, etc., research in infor-
mal relationships encourages a critical revision of the established conceptions
of the application or rejection of that division. In such a context, the discus-
sion on the values-based and institutional divides in the Soviet field of culture
was given a great impetus by Alexei Yurchak’s book Everything Was Forever,
Until It Was No More (2006).23 Rejecting the binary division of the late Sovi-
et reality (state/society, oppression/resistance, formal culture/counterculture,
public/private, lie/truth, conformism/non-conformism, etc.), American an-
thropologist Yurchak inserted the predominant apolitical stance of the ma-
jority as a way of ‘being outside’ the system between the ideological discourse
and an openly opposing dissident course of action. In his opinion, that kind

23 First edition in English: Alexei Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More.
The Last Soviet Generation, Princeton and Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2006.

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of positioning typical of the late Soviet period (to get out of the horizons of
official ideology and to be invisible to the Soviet system) could not be consid-
ered as a non-Soviet existence – rather a symbiosis of the ’non-Soviet worlds’
and the Soviet system.24 Despite the broad resonance, Yurchak’s concept at-
tracted a lot of criticism – musicologists also joined the discussion. Ameri-
can musicologist Peter J. Schmelz, who had most comprehensively consid-
ered Yurchak’s interpretations of the ’existence outside’, sharply criticised the
excessively broad and inaccurate Late Soviet era periodisation (1953–1991),
which did not take into account the specifics of different historical periods
and cultural spheres.25 Schmelz also opposed the justification for the possi-
bility of change: significant turning points in the life of the USSR were ex-
plained in Yurchak’s book by the dynamic interaction between the stability of
the norms, values, and rituals of the Soviet life and the internal shifts and dis-
placements in the system, however, the Soviet music transformations did not
correlate with the performative reproduction of the unchanging authoritative
forms indicated by Yurchak.26
Be that as it may, the scholarly debate on the impossibility of drawing
a clear dividing line between the official and unofficial fields of culture pro-
voked by Yurchak’s book encouraged more careful consideration of the ex-
pression of discursive and institutional opposition in different periods of the
Soviet era. Without going into broader considerations, we shall note that, in
the years of the political Thaw and early stagnation, the meanings of opposi-
tion tended to be looked for in the language of music itself. The institutional
context of the dissemination of creation became more important in the late
Soviet era, after 1970, seeking to establish a symbolic distance from the for-
mal life of contemporary music. Of course, the divide between the formal
and the informal contemporary music life (especially in Lithuania, with its
absence of an alternative institutional network) were rather imaginary modi
operandi. However, the migration of public concerts, meetings, and debates
from specialised formal cultural spaces to institutional peripheries with
a non-specific function as well as the organisation of contemporary music

24 Алексей Юрчак, op. cit., 257–258, 399.

25 Peter J. Schmelz, Such Freedom, If Only Musical: Unofficial Soviet Music during the
Thaw, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009, 17–18, see also “What Was ’Shostakov-
ich’, and What Came Next?” by the same author in: Journal of Musicology, 24/3, 2007,
301–303.
26 Alexei Yurchak, op. cit., 295.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

festivals in provincial towns of Poland or Lithuania formed as consistent

strategies.27 As a result, in the long run, not only metropolises of creativi-
ty and major prestigious festivals of contemporary music became objects of
intercultural pilgrimage: their prestige was also becoming overshadowed by
small centres of attraction, enriched by privacy and informal contacts. When
drawing the divide between the events of formal and informal musical life
both in the cases of Poland and Lithuania, the divide between censored and
uncensored activities would be more appropriate. Differently from Poland,
where the preconditions for uncensored events formed in the 1960s and
1970s, a favorable environment for them in Lithuania emerged only after the
announcement of the Soviet perestroika. In any event, the Polish organisers
of independent festivals said they had not been bound by any restrictions on
artistic programmes.28

Borders, couriers and smuggling

The press of the 1970s boasted that the tours of the Vilnius String Quartet
reached already the African continent.29 Even more impressive was the geog-
raphy of the Lithuanian Chamber Orchestra’s concert tours (especially when
collaborating with Russian musicians), which may have given the impression
that, despite ideological constraints, the international dissemination of Lith-
uanian music was less restricted by Soviet regime than that of other cultural
spheres. However, not all intercultural contacts and cooperation initiatives
went smoothly and without external barriers. From that point of view, the
informal relations between Lithuanian and Polish musicians in the late So-
viet period were forming in a most paradoxical way. Droba, who was an ac-
tive mediator between Lithuanian and Polish contemporary music milieus,
argued that Polish contacts with its eastern neighbours were always acquir-
ing a political tint, since “every [cultural act] was observed and commented
upon. The Russian Embassy would protest against totally ridiculous things,

27 Typical Lithuanian examples included the Days of Youth Chamber Music, organized
by the Youth Section of the Lithuanian Composers’ Union since 1985, independent festi-
vals of happenings held outside of Vilnius since 1988, etc.
28 “Dar od losu. Krzysztof Droba w rozmowie z Kingą Kiwalą [Gift of Fortune. Kinga

Kiwala Interviews Krzysztof Droba]”, Teoria muzyki. Studia, interpretacje, dokumentacje.

Pismo Akademii Muzycznej w Krakowie, IV/6, 2015, 128–129.
29 Donatas Katkus, “Vilnius groja Afrikai [Vilnius Plays for Africa]”, Gimtasis kraštas,

10. 02. 1977.

55
New Sound 54, II/2019

thus providing them with a status of political events.”30 Restrictions on cul-

tural cooperation became especially strong in the first half of the 1980s due
to certain events in Poland, such as the political Solidarity movement, due
to which the martial law regime was introduced between 1981 and 1983, as
well as the stance of Pope John Paul II on the USSR. During the period of
political changes, the above mentioned barriers were remembered with ro-
mantic pathos (“it was real underground struggle”31); authentic documents of
the period (private correspondence and archival materials of the institutions
of the USSR and the Polish People’s Republic) testified to quite a number of
prohibitions and blockages unsubstantiated by convincing arguments. The
1980–1990 correspondence of Droba with Lithuanian musicologist Vytautas
Landsbergis and composer Feliksas Bajoras abounded in considerations how
to get permission to come to one or another event or festival, to get academ-
ic internships, etc., and how to overcome real or imaginary obstacles. Oc-
casionally, even unrealistic initiatives were undertaken: thus, more than one
attempt was made to ask Penderecki, who often gave concerts in Moscow or
Leningrad, to intercede with the Chairman of the USSR Composers’ Union
and the most influential Soviet music functionary Tichon Khrennikov.32 The
trips of Polish musicians to events held in Lithuania were organised through
the Polish Composers’ Union or the Ministry of Culture of the PPR, however,
the visits of guests had to be approved by the central authorities of the USSR
through sending them a personal invitation.
Irrational trip organisation procedures constrained Lithuanian musi-
cians even to a greater degree, therefore quite a few visits of Lithuanian com-
posers Bronius Kutavičius, Feliksas Bajoras, and Osvaldas Balakauskas as well
as Lithuanian performers and musicologists to contemporary music festivals
in Poland in the first half of the 1980s took place through private invitations.
The uncertainty of the exchange system could be illustrated by the circum-
stances of the Vilnius String Quartet participation in the 1980 Lusławice Fes-
tival. Although the Quartet performed extensively on international stages and
their tour was organized through the mediation of the Polish TVR, the USSR
Goskoncert refused to officially send the ensemble – a telegram reported the

30 “Naujasis romantizmas, Lietuva ir kontrabanda...”, op. cit., 82.

31 Ibid.
32 Krzysztof Droba’s letter to Vytautas Landsbergis, 21. 03. 1982. Vytautas Landsbergis

private archive.

56
 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

performers’ being ill.33 Another ensemble, the Silesian String Quartet, was in-
vited to perform a composition by Eugeniusz Knapik, commissioned for the
festival, which was to have been played by the Vilnius musicians. However,
the Vilnius Quartet performers, who arrived as distant relatives (’cousins’) of
Penderecki at his personal invitation, were able to compete with the Polish
colleagues in the interpretation of the double premiere.34
Censorship, which restricted the exchange of literature, music compo-
sitions, and recordings between the USSR and foreign countries, also lacked
any clearer criteria. If the performances of the works of Lithuanian compos-
ers were organised through informal channels, it was not always possible to
send the sheet music or recordings legally. Moreover, because of the political
tensions between the USSR and Poland, parcels and travellers were carefully
checked:
I used to transport books that were usually taken away on the border in Grodno.
But that’s not all! After all, there was always one suitcase or bundle that remained
uninspected. Those were mostly underground Solidarity publications, books by
Czesław Miłosz, Stefan Kisielewski, and priest Tischner – that was the repertoire
of those times. I carried back, for example, letters from Vytautas Landsbergis to
Lech Wałęsa. Still, letters were easier to transport, while journals and books were,
as a rule, taken away from me. Once I lost a whole yearly set of Tygodnik Powsze-
chny, but was allowed to keep [Czesław Miłosz’s] The Valley of Isa, because I
swore I was taking it for children. The bird on the cover did not look suspicious,
and the Belarussian customs tsarina was finally convinced. Records used to be
taken away as well. At that time it was necessary to have permission for the trans-
porting of each and every cassette.35
From a historical perspective, not only the well-known practice of Soviet
censorship was important but also the cultural horizons shared by networks
of musicians linked through informal relationships. Sharing professional lit-
erature, music sheets, and recordings was not a new phenomenon – the pre-
requisites for that emerged in the years of the Soviet Thaw. In the late Soviet
era, the culture of sharing in the milieus of musicians became more active, yet

33 V. Kokonin’s (Goskoncert) telegram to PAGART, 03. 07. 1980. Russian State Archive
for Literature and Art (RGALI), fond 3162, op. 2, ye. kh. 1462.
34 Composer Eugeniusz Knapik remembered the performances in question as two rad-

ically different interpretations. See Krzysztof Droba, Spotkania z Eugeniuszem Knapikem

[Meetings with Eugeniusz Knapik]. Katowice, Akademia Muzyczna im. Karola Szy-
manowskiego w Katowicach, 2011, 43.
35 “Naujasis romantizmas, Lietuva ir kontrabanda...”, op. cit., 82.

57
New Sound 54, II/2019

it had its own specifics. Based on the correspondence of both Lithuanian and
Polish musicians and the data of the correspondence with other musicians of
Western and Eastern European countries, one can argue it was mainly pro-
fessional material, literature on art, fiction, and albums that were exchanged.
Books by Czesław Miłosz, publications of Polish emigration and Vatican, and
periodicals frequently traveled from Poland to Lithuania. It was extremely
rare for samizdat or underground literature to be sent in parcels or person-
ally transported, and then only from Poland to Lithuania. However, that did
not mean that informal music communities were overtly apolitical or neutral
with regard to the ideological discourse. On the contrary, it was specifically
in the 1970s and 1980s that the private correspondence between musicians
abounded in ironic hints and comments on political events and processes,
witty observations on the ideological grimaces of the late stagnation, and in-
sightful perceptions of societal change. In that respect, the letters of Lithua-
nian and Polish musicians differed significantly from other items of foreign
correspondence, in which political topics were mostly avoided.
The colleagues’ moral stance on the political and cultural regime was
important for the relationships between Lithuanians and Poles. Mieczysław
Tomaszewski, spiritus movens of the Musical Meetings in Baranów, the head
of the Polish Music Publishing House (PWM) from 1965 to 1988, said that
moral choices accompanied every field of the professional activity: “From the
very first moment, I regarded the government [of the PPR] as an alien re-
gime. (...) I have always been a positivist, and I think that the positivist spirit
(which can be said to be typical of Greater Poland) meant acting here and
now, in the present reality, taking advantage of every possible territory of
freedom.”36 Similarly, in an interview to the Polish press in July 1990, Lands-
bergis justified the social aspect of his professional career choice: “Armed
struggle, [postwar] resistance in the forests was over, and a new basis for an
honorable life had to be found. (...) Another reason was that nobody invit-
ed me to the underground, and I had no contact with the dissident milieu.
Just in the same way I had never been in contact with the armed movement
before, I was too young. Of course, I knew about that struggle from stories,
I knew what it was, but I never really considered participation in the under-
ground activities. Quite a few people of my generation stayed at a distance
from the underground. During my studies – and those were the years of

36 Quoted from Krzysztof Droba, Odczytywanie na nowo. Rozmowy z Mieczyławem To-

maszewskim [Re-reading. Conversations with Mieczysław Tomaszewski], Kraków, Aka-

demia Muzyczna w Krakowie, PWM, BOSZ, 2011, 147.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

Stalinism – my worldview was already formed, and I remember explaining to

a doctor that, if not armed struggle, the only thing that mattered was positive
work, organic activity, however, on an individual scale.”37 During the political
events of the 1980s, most people had to choose whether to move beyond the
positivist stance: thus, e.g., after the introduction of the martial law regime in
Poland in 1981 through 1983, Polish musicians ignored the public space and
for some time did not hold either formal (the Warsaw Autumn) or informal
festivals (Musical Meetings in Baranów), while Tadeusz Kaczyński, a media-
tor in the dissemination of Lithuanian music works, set up an illegally func-
tioning Philharmonic named after Romuald Traugutt.38 More than one of
the Polish participants of the independent events in question lost their jobs,
were spied upon, or otherwise persecuted.39 However, from the beginning of
the informal cooperation, political attitudes of anti-systemic activity had a
greater impact on the commitment of Polish musicians to the development
of relationships with their Lithuanian colleagues, greatly enhancing artistic
curiosity and the understanding of the cultural mission. Therefore, in 1988,
with the formation of the Lithuanian Reform Movement Sąjūdis, the promo-
tion of Lithuanian music in Poland inevitably took on a new political dimen-
sion, which was widely echoed in the mass and musical press.40

The longing for quality communication and new musical identities

In the mid-1970s, in Poland as well as in Lithuania musical generations
changed, and new artistic attitudes were forming. Young Polish composers

37 “O muzyce, która pomaga nie kłamać. Rozmowa z Vytautasem Landsbergisem

[About Music Which Helps not to Lie. Conversation with Vytautas Landsbergis]”, Ruch
muzyczny, 18, 1990, 1, 5.
38 See Filharmonia im. Romualda Traugutta w Warszawie. https://culture.pl/pl/tworca/

filharmonia-im-romualda-traugutta-w-warszawie [viewed on 02. 05. 2018].

39 Upon introduction on the martial law regime, Director of the PWM Publishing

House Tomaszewski had to go into hiding for a while. In his letters to Landsbergis, Dro-
ba wrote about his close colleagues Andrzej Chłopecki and Małgorzata Gąsiorowska hav-
ing lost their jobs. Cf. Krzysztof Droba, Odczytywanie na nowo..., op. cit., 160; Krzysztof
Droba’s letter to Vytautas Landsbergis, Krakow, 08. 04. 1982,Vytautas Landsbergis private
archive.
40 In, e.g., interviews of Krzysztof Droba with Vytautas Landsbergis published in the

Polish press in 1990. See Krzysztof Droba, Susitikimai su Lietuva [Meetings with Lithua-
nia], Rūta Stanevičiūtė (Ed.), Vilnius, Lietuvos kompozitorių sąjunga, Lietuvos muzikos
ir teatro akademija, 2018, 37–47.

59
New Sound 54, II/2019

(including “the generation of Stalowa Wola”: Andrzej Krzanowski, Eugeniusz

Knapik, and Aleksander Lasoń) and musicologists were bored both with the
formal musical life and with the Western Second Avant-garde. New spiri-
tual and artistic authorities were looked for: “In the creation of that time, a
sharp turn was made towards traditional values which had been ousted out of
music circulation by serialism; that was the restitution of expressiveness and
emotionality, pushed out by the Second Avant-garde, as integral features of
the individual composer language.”41
Using the above-mentioned Bourdieu’s concept of the discourse of fa-
miliarity, forms of artists’ self-organization, based on the communal life prin-
ciples, emerged, promoting the movement of independent music festivals,
meetings, conferences, seminars, etc. in Poland (1975–1989) and Lithuania
(since 1985). The festivals organized by Droba in Stalowa Wola (1975–1979),
Baranów (1982–1986), and Sandomierz (1988–1989) and the Musical Meet-
ings in Baranów (1976–1981) under the patronage of Tomaszewski brought
together several generations of Polish musicians, philosophers, literary peo-
ple, artists, art historians, architects, and linguists, while only musicians
(composers, musicologists, music performers) would come from abroad. The
need for quality interpersonal communication42 and an intense intellectual
discourse brought together spontaneously emerging communities. Accord-
ing to composer Knapik, those events could not last more than several years,
because “the intensity, temperature, the heat of meetings with art, and the
height of intellectual exchange and interpersonal communication could not
be sustained for a longer period of time. Such creative tension cannot last
long.”43 Back in 1977, Zygmunt Mycielski, a Polish composer and music crit-
ic of the oldest generation, openly stated the ambition of the meetings: “We
have always been looking for what will be said about art (and about us) some-
where else. Darmstadt is already out of fashion, however, there are still Paris
IRCAM, Royan, Graz, and so many other places. Isn’t it high time that an
opinion was born with us – maybe in Baranów?”44

41 Ibid., 189.
42 Interview with Krzysztof Droba, Warsaw, 04. 06. 2017. Droba’s arguments make it
possible to revise Yurchak’s statement that intense personal communication was a special
form of social closeness and intersubjectivity in the USSR with an anti-systemic charac-
ter. Cf. Алексей Юрчак, op. cit., 299.
43 Quoted in Krzysztof Droba, Spotkania z Eugeniuszem Knapikem..., op.cit., 42.

44 Quoted in Vytautas Landsbergis, “Baranovas  – dvasia ir apraiškos [Baranów: Spirit

and Manifestations]”, in: Geresnės muzikos troškimas, Vilnius, Vaga, 1990, 325.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

When talking about the festivals that became the spaces of independent
artistic life, their participants often remembered both the atmosphere of free-
dom, spontaneity, enthusiasm, and intensity as well as the unusual nature of
the events.45 The events were also very different from the typical contempo-
rary music festivals in their concert programmes. Although, e.g., one of the
incentives of the Stalowa Wola festivals was broader presentation of young
composers’ works, the programmes included compositions of the 20th centu-
ry and even of the previous epochs: Polish music from Stanisław Moniuszko
to Witold Lutosławski, Arcangelo Corelli, Johann Sebastian Bach, Wolfgang
Amadeus Mozart, Johannes Brahms, Richard Strauss, Igor Stravinsky, Alex-
ander Scriabin, and Charles Ives – as well as Mikalojus Konstantinas Čiurlio-
nis and Bronius Kutavičius.
Authorities and sources of creative freedom were sought not merely in
the music of one’s own generation. Such signposts were also looked for in the
then unexpectedly opened Lithuanian music – and the work of Kutavičius
became one of them. In 1979, in a monographic Kutavičius’ concert in the
framework of the 4th MMMM (Młodzi Muzycy Młodemu Miastu46) Festival,
his Sonata for piano (1975), Perpetuum mobile for cello and piano (1979),
dedicated to the Festival, First String Quartet (1971), Clocks of the Past for
string quartet and guitar (1977), and Two Birds in the Shade of the Woods
for voice and instruments (1978) were interpreted by Polish and Lithuanian
performers: cellist Kazimierz Pyżik, pianist Halina Kochan, singer Giedrė
Kaukaitė, Vilnius String Quartet, and guitarist Krzysztof Sadłowki. The fes-
tival was reviewed by influential critics of Polish music, including current
and future members of the Warsaw Autumn Programme Committee Tadeusz
Kaczyński and Olgierd Pisarenko, who called Kutavičius the most original
Lithuanian composer of the time.
The first performances in Stalowa Wola opened the doors for Lithuanian
music and musicians to other non-conformist festivals in Baranów and San-
domierz. Intervening among those were the private music festivals of com-
poser Penderecki in Lusławice – in 1980, the panorama of the new Lithu-
anian music in them started with Kutavičius’ Second String Quartet Anno
cum Tettigonia (1980), specially commissioned for the festival, followed by

45 Mieczysław Tomaszewski, “Wspominając [Looking Back]”, Teoria muzyki. Studia, in-

terpretacje, dokumentacje. Pismo Akademii Muzycznej w Krakowie, IV/6, 2015, 153.
46 MMMM (Young Musicians for the Young Town) festival in Stalowa Wola (1975–

1979).

61
New Sound 54, II/2019

Bajoras’ Triptych for voice and piano (1982) and Balakauskas’ Spengla-Ūla
for strings (1984), also commissioned for the festival. Over more than a de-
cade, three generations of Lithuanian composers and performers were intro-
duced to Polish independent contemporary music scenes – from Kutavičius,
Bajoras, and Balakauskas to the New Music Ensemble, brought together by
Šarūnas Nakas, and the works of his contemporaries. It was those events in
Poland that made Lithuanian music a phenomenon whose artistic influence
was enhanced by the experience of changes in the political reality.
In the discussions of independent music festivals in Poland from a histor-
ical distance, their political dimension and strategies for opposing the official
cultural discourse had been increasingly emphasised, although at the time, as
argued by their organisers and participants, it was not a conscious position –
just “people who lived at that time looked for a shelter, a place, a milieu in
which they could feel free and easy”.47 The meetings of Polish and Lithuanian
musicians were also a cultural confrontation, useful for reviewing the imag-
es created by the shared memory of the common state and for defining new
musical identities. Before 1989, due to the censorship-imposed restrictions,
only a few informative articles on the participation of Lithuanian musicians
in independent festivals were published in Lithuania, however, even before
the political changes, the feedback of Polish music criticism spread in Lithua-
nia in informal ways as the echoes of international recognition and apprecia-
tion of Lithuanian music. The performances of Kutavičius’ compositions, and
especially his oratorios, at the Warsaw Autumn (1983, 1990) and Collectanea
(1988) festivals inspired a sharp shift in the reception of Lithuanian music,
from “unknown” to “exotic”. Although different, the epithets ’unknown’ and
’exotic’ enabled Polish music critics to define through music a new Lithuanian
cultural identity, far removed from previous politicised stereotypes. Accord-
ing to Lisa Jakelski, that was influenced by a revision of Polish-Lithuanian re-
lationships among Polish intellectuals in the 1970s and 1980s: “Czesław Miło-
sz was rediscovered; independent press articles began defining Belarussians,
Lithuanians, and Ukrainians not as enemies, but as brothers that Poland had

47 “Dar od losu. Krzysztof Droba w rozmowie z Kingą Kiwalą”, Teoria muzyki..., op. cit.,

118, 124. The strategies of political opposition were more frequently emphasised in the
works of foreign reseachers, see, e.g. Cindy Bylander, “Charles Ives i festiwal w Stalowej
Woli. Inspiracje i spuścizna [Charles Ives and the Festival in Stalowa Wola. Inspirations
and Legacy]”, Teoria muzyki..., op. cit., 95–116.

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 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

to support in their struggle for national self-determination.”48 According to

Jakelski, the Polish music critic who interpreted the oratorios by Kutaviči-
us was filled with sentiments to a history of Lithuania published by Polish
independent publishers in 1984: “We must forget the common trauma and
no longer regard Lithuania as part of Poland. Every nation has the right to
independent life, therefore, if we are to become a sovereign and free nation,
we must respect the aspirations of independence of the people we are related
to through historical and cultural bonds.”49
Resistance to the official discourse and the imposed political and cultur-
al regime enabled Polish and Lithuanian musicologists to get to know each
other and to engage in a more active dialogue in the late 1980s. It is symp-
tomatic that, in the years of political changes, conferences of Lithuanian and
Polish musicologists were first organized: in 1989, the first one was held in
Vilnius by the musicologist sections of the Lithuanian and Polish Composers’
Unions. Although in that year the Lithuanian Composers’ Union declared its
separation from the central organization of the USSR, the Polish colleagues
who undertook the initiative had to obtain permission from the USSR Com-
posers’ Union for a joint event in Lithuania. Delegated by the Polish Compos-
ers’ Union to Moscow, Droba recalled spending a week in Moscow persuad-
ing USSR music functionaries of the benefits of contacts between the “fra-
ternal countries”.50 The Polish Composers’ Union did not participate in the
organization of the conference and just paid a honorarium (PLN 125,000) to
the coordinator of the Polish participants,51 which were rapidly devalued by
inflation. The topic chosen for the 1989 conference in Vilnius _ The Music of
the Late 20th Century in the Eyes of Lithuanians and Poles – brought together
active participants of the festivals and meetings in Stalowa Wola, Baranów,
and Sandomierz, providing the milieu of musicians, born of informal rela-

48 Lisa Jakelski, “The Polish Connection: Lithuanian Music and the Warsaw Autumn

Festival”, in: Agnieszka Pasieka, Paweł Rodak (Eds), #Polishness. Rethinking Modern Pol-
ish Identity. (Forthcoming).
49 Ibid.

50 Krzysztof Droba, “Ku pamięci [In Memory]”, in: X Polsko-Litewska Konferencja

Muzykologyczna. 14–16 grudnia 2006. Program, Kraków, Akademia Muzyczna w Kra-
kowie, 2006, 5.
51 In 1989, due to the inflation in Poland, over the several months of the conference

organization, the exchange rate of the Polish currency fell several times: in March 1989, 1
USD cost 3,000 zloty, while in June, it was already 8,000 zloty. The seemingly impressive
honorarium was worth 25 USD. See http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989.

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tionships, with a stimulus for the renewal and improvement of transnational

cultural exchanges. The thematic guidelines of the annual conferences, tak-
ing place alternately in a different country, were matured at the meetings and
conferences of independent festivals: common cultural memory and heritage
and new Lithuanian and Polish music in cultural and political contexts.52

Conclusion
The informal relationships between the musicians of the two neighbouring
countries, analysed in the article, opposed the sham internationalism and of-
ficial musical export carried out by the central institutions of the USSR and
the Polish People’s Republic through their hierarchical channels. The pursuit
of keeping distance from the official centre and the musical phenomena pro-
moted by it predetermined the location of the informal contemporary music
scene in both Poland and Lithuania: musicians were getting together off the
censored culture centres and forming communities thirsty for intense and
high quality artistic communication in cultural peripheries. Thus, during the
Cold War period, informal contacts between Lithuanian and Polish musicians
developed into effective networking. In the Lithuanian music culture of that
time, it was an exclusive communion, formed by overcoming long-standing
political stereotypes and being able to recognize the difference and otherness
of a close neighbour’s culture.
Padraic Kenney’s analytical approach, adapted to the analysis of the Lith-
uanian-Polish musical cooperation, revealed that, just like in political and
social movements, the effectiveness of networking in cultural domains was
predetermined by its contribution to social and cultural transformation. Not
only the transnational migration of ideas and artistic phenomena, but also
the synergistic potential of different cultural perspectives was important in
that case. The informal networking of Lithuanian and Polish musicians high-
lighted the transnational competences of both milieus necessary to under-
stand the practices and values of the other culture as well as the political and
national self-image. As a result, at the end of the Cold War, the relationship
between Polish and Lithuanian musicians was accompanied by intercultural
empathy as well as a deep interest in, and respect for, the traditions and ex-

52 Over the period of 1989–2010, ten conferences of Lithuanian and Polish musicolo-

gists were held in Vilnius, Krakow, and Łódź. The programmes of the conferences were
published in: Krzysztof Droba, Susitikimai su Lietuva..., op. cit., 235–256.

64
 Stanevičiūtė, R.: Lithuanian and Polish Musical Networking During the Cold War...

periences of the other – and a very different – culture.53 The discussed pro-
cesses took place in the context of the political transformations of the bloc of
the communist countries, and although they were not inspired by any specific
events of political history, the political and social commitment of musicians
was evident, while some activists of the Lithuanian and Polish musical net-
works joined the political movements. However, in this case, it is not possible
to speak of absolute synchronisation of political and cultural history, which is
confirmed not only by the origins of the phenomenon in question but also by
the ebb of cooperation between Lithuanian and Polish musicians in the 21st
century, having nothing in common with any specific political impulses.

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53 Cf. Vertovec, op. cit., 70.

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New Sound 54, II/2019

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Summary
During different stages of the Cold War, the communication and collaboration of
Polish and Lithuanian musicians were of various levels of intensity and rather contro-
versial. For a long period of time, Lithuanian music spread through Poland only via
vertical channels, as part of the USSR’s foreign cultural (and economic) policies – in
the international activities of influential Soviet institutions, such as Goskoncert, the
official state concert agency of the USSR, and the USSR Composers’ Union. The lim-
itations and constraints imposed by the centralized music exports were circumvented
due to the special role of Poland on the contemporary musical scene both in the Com-
munist world and in the ideologized East-West confrontation. However, the break-
through in the dissemination of Lithuanian and Polish music and its transnational
cultural understanding in Poland and Lithuania occurred not because of the liberali-
zation of political constraints or the strengthening of the economic leverage through
the vertical (centralized institutions) and horizontal (national organizations) channels,
but due to the forging of informal relations between the unofficial Polish stage of con-
temporary music and the institutionally independent actions of Lithuanian composers
and musicologists since mid-1970s. That promoted the full-value representation of the
works of Lithuanian composers on the official stages of Poland, which formed an in-
ternationally influential Polish critical discourse on Lithuanian modern music. In both
Poland and Lithuania, independent music festivals, artistic actions, private lectures
and semi-official publications (samizdat/magnitizdat) flourished on the margins of
official culture as cultural expression of liberation. From oppositional to mainstream
culture festivals in Stalowa Wola, Baranów, Sandomierz, cultural activism during Mar-
tial Law such as the Traugutt Philharmonic (Poland), privately grounded youth music
festivals in Druskininkai, Anykščiai, Kaunas and Vilnius, underground Fluxus move-
ment (Lithuania) to Baltic Singing Revolution – all these cultural events and activities
demonstrate the rupture between the attempts of authorities to maintain a total insti-
tutional control and the distrust of the society in it, the emancipative needs of individ-
ual. In that particular environment, a new view on Lithuanian culture was shaping in
Poland, which allowed Polish critics through music to define a new Lithuanian cul-
tural identity, different from the previous politicised stereotypes, while the Polish
music and musicology contributed to the renewal of the music modernisation dis-
course in Lithuania.

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