18

CHAPTER -I
GENESIS OF THE DRAVIDIAN MOVEMENT
The Indian sub-continent, in five thousand years of history has a great
civilization strengthened through cross-cultural contacts. It is characterized by
the diversities of cultural and racial differences, caste, religion and language. In
North India, Aryans have inhabited whereas in the South it is Dravidians. The
Dravidian people today represented linguistically an area correspond to the
present states of Tamil Nadu, Kerela, Karnataka and Andhra. The Dravidian
nationalists, particularly the Tamils have reconstructed their history dating
from the Indus Civilization to the powerful Tamil kingdoms of the south till the
Dravidian Movement in this modern era.1
The Term ‘Dravidian’
Dravidian is a term used to refer to the diverse groups of people who
natively speak languages belonging to the Dravidian language family.2 The
English word Dravidian was first employed by Robert Caldwell in his book,
Comparative Dravidian Grammar or South-Indian Family of Languages,
in 1856, based on the Sanskrit word Dravida.3 The word Dravida is widely
used as a synonym for Tamil. Wilson and Sir Monier - Williams explained that
the word Dravida is referred to as the country in which the Tamil language is
spoken. European writers used incorrectly as ‘Tamul’ to denote the Tamil
language itself and Tamulian the people by whom it is spoken.
Caldwell says that, he preferred to designate this entire family by a term
Dravidian, which is capable of a wider application. One of the earliest terms
used in Sanskrit to designate the family seems to have been that of Andhra-
Dravida- bhasha, the Telugu- Tamil language, or perhaps, the language of the
Telugu and Tamil countries. This term is used by Kumarila - bhatta, a Brahman

1. Norman Brown , W., The United States and India and Pakistan, Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1953,pp. 26-27.
2 . Rengaraju, G., Colonial Design and Dravidian Awakening in Tamil Nadu,
Pavai Publications, Chennai, 2006, pp.13-14.
3. Robert Caldwell, op.cit., 1956, pp. 3-4.
 19

writer of eminence, who is supposed to have lived at the end of the seventh
century A.D.4 K.A. Nilakanta Sastri says that in earlier times the term Dravida
was synonymous with Tamil.5
Caldwell discusses and explains the word, Dravida at length. He has
chosen the term ‘Dravidian’, from Dravida, the adjectival form. The Sanskrit
name corresponding to Tamil is Dravida. The word, Dravidas denotes both
the country and the language spoken by the people. Thus Caldwell has come to
the conclusion that the words Tamir and Dravida, though they appear to differ
a good deal, are similar in origin. Perhaps they are one and the same word.6
The oldest form of Dravida which appears to have been most widely in
use the term Dramida. And this is the first step towards identifying the two
words, Dravida and Tamir. Both forms of the word are known in Tamil, but
Dramida (written Tiramida) is preferred by the classics, and is placed first in
ancient Tamil vocabularies. In Varaha-mihira’s Brihatsamhita, according to
Kern, some manuscripts give Dramida instead of Dravida. The Dravidas are
called Dramilas in Taranatha’s Tibetan History of the Propagation of
Buddhism in India (A.D. 1573). In the Pali of the Mahavamsa the form used
is Damilo, the derivative of which is Damilo; and as initial ‘d’ becomes ‘t’
by rule in Tamil, we now reach the ordinary Tamil mode of writing the word,
Tamir or Tamil. Each of the changes that have taken place is in accordance
with a recognized Dravidian law of sound.7
P.T.Srinivasa Iyangar in his work History of the Tamils from the
Earliest Times to 600 AD says that the Tamil language existed in South India
during the course of this evolution. The words necessary for the linguistic
expression of every stage of this culture, are found in the earliest strata of
Tamil, and the customs of these early ages continued sufficiently long to be

4
. Ibid., p. 4
5
. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Cultural Contacts Between Aryans and Dravidians,
Bombay, 1967, p.10.
6
. Robert Caldwell., op. cit., p. 5
7
. Chatterji, S.K., Dravidian, Tiruchi, 1965, p. 1-2.
 20

enshrined in the earliest existing specimens of Tamil literature. It may therefore

be taken as reasonably certain that the Tamils were indigenous to South India.8
The ancient Tamils noted that the habitable parts of the earth’s surface
were divided into five natural regions; they named each region as a tinai. The
tinai means a stretch of land. The word tinai is also used in the sense of the
earth in general. The manifestation of human life corresponded to the
characteristics of the surroundings in which each tribe has grown. The five
regions were called Kurinji - the hilly country, Mullai- the wooded land
between the highlands and the lowlands, Marudam - the lower courses of
rivers, Neydal - the seashore area and Palai - the dry waterless region. All
these five kinds of natural regions are found in the Tamil Country. The South
Indians spread from region to region, they developed the stages of culture
which each region was calculated to produce.9
Status of Tamil
Tamil, the mother of Dravidian languages possesses literary tradition of
over 2500 years. As an ancient language it is connected with Indian culture and
heritage. Tamil the language is acknowledged as one of the classical languages
of the world. Tamil is the mother tongue of nearly 75 million Tamils living in
more than fifty countries of the world besides India and Sri Lanka.10 Tamil is
the official language of Sri Lanka and Singapore. It is an official language in
Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry States in India. It is also a recognized language in
many countries like Malaysia, Mauritius, Fiji, South Africa and others.11 The
antiquity of Tamil is an accepted fact. The Encyclopedia Britannica states that
apart from literature written in Classical Sanskrit, Tamil is the oldest literature
in India.12

8
. Iyengar, Srinivasa, P.T., History of the Tamils from the Earliest Times to
600 A.D., (Sixth Reprint) Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 2001, p. 3.
9
. Ibid., p. 4.
10
. Kulandai Swamy, V.C., Tamil Among the Classical Languages of the World,
Pavai Publications, Chennai, 2005, pp.1-2 .
11
. Ibid ., pp. 8-9.
12
. The Encyclopedia Britannica Vol. II, p. 530.
 21

Tamil, highly advanced and developed of Dravidian languages, perhaps

the oldest spoken language of the world going back to pre-historic times, has
rich vocabulary and can express accurately fine distinction of thought, meaning
and ideas. It has a vast literature. Moreover, it is very difficult to identify the
age of Tamil literature.13
Origin of Dravidian Movement
Racial Factors
The origin of the Dravidian people is not clear, but it is by and large
accepted that they are not indigenous. There was a suggestion that they were
the descendents of the Tribes of Israel. Through migration by sea from North
Africa and West Asia and later they came to South India and established
themselves. It was believed that the Dravidians entered India through the
northwest. The basic Dravidian racial type is proto-Mediterranean with
Armenoid characteristics, which propose an origin in the Iranian Plateau.14
Archaeological remains at Harappa and Mohenjodaro such as the great
tanks and objects of phallic worship bear affinity to similar cultural traits of
South India today. It indicates that the civilization of the Indus Valley may well
have been Dravidian. Father H. Heras in his attempt to read the script of
Harappa claimed that the language was a primitive form of Tamil. 15 In the
beginning of about 1500 B.C., the Aryans entered the north-west of India. The
Aryans, descendants of the Indo-Europeans, had remained for some time in
Bactria and the northern Iranian plateau. But by about 1500 B.C., they
migrated into northern India through the passes in the Hindu Kush mountains.16
The Dravidians moved south and mixed with the dark proto - Australoid
people, still they exist as the tribal people of South India. As the Aryans
expanded to the South beginning about 1000 B.C. racial and cultural
assimilation between the Aryans and the Dravidians followed. It seems that the
13
. Kulandai Swamy.V.C., op.cit., pp. 8-9.
14
. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., A History of South India, Oxford University Press,
Madras, 1955,pp.57-58.
15
. Basham, A.L., The Wonder That was India, New York Grove Press,1954, p.25.
16
. Romila Thapar, A History of India Vol.I, Penguin Books India (p) Ltd.,
1966, Reprinted 1992,pp.29-30.
 22

Tamil Kings invited Brahmin priests into their court for performing the sacred
rites.17
The process of Aryanization began as Sanskritic elements were
introduced into the Tamil language. Local customs were incorporated into the
formation of a new social order. The Dravidian deities were given Sanskritic
labels and were placed in the elastic pantheon of Brahmanical religion. Aryan
and Dravidian fusion is probably the worship of Durga and Siva and it has a
greater antiquity than the Aryan Era. The progress of the Aryanization of the
south is reflected in literature and legends. Legends centering round the name
of Agastya are found in the epics and the puranas.18
The Vindhya Range was the recognized southern limit of the Aryan
land. Manu states distinctly that the country between the Himalayas and
the Vindhyas and between the eastern and western oceans comprised
‘Aryavarta’, the abode of the Aryas. When Aryanization of Northern India
had become complete, little progress had been made beyond the Vindhyas.
Only one settled Aryan kingdom was known Vidarbha, and the rest of the
South was populated by pre- Aryan inhabitants. Possibly some of the Aryans
who ventured into South married their women and raised families of mixed
descent. 19
Thus, it is evident that starting somewhere about 1000 B.C. the
movement of the Aryans to the south proceeded more or less steadily and
peacefully. The edicts of Asoka were engraved in places as far as
Mysore and Kurnool. They show that they must have been present in these
places. People of these places made use of the Brahmi script and the Prakrit
idiom. Asoka also had political and diplomatic relations with the Southern
Countries that lay outside his empire. The large movement of the
aryanization and civilization of the south that provides the historical basis
for Agastya legends figures prominently in the epics and the puranas as

17
. Nilakanta Sastri , K.A., op. cit., pp.70-71.
18
. Ibid., p. 72.
19
. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Cultural Contacts between Aryans and Dravidians,
op. cit., pp. 48-49.
 23

well as in Tamil literature. The historical Agastya played an important

role in his time in furthering the Aryanization of the South. In course of
time a number of stories have represented the further stages of the movement
started by Agastya.20
The process and results of the Aryanization of the south may be
formed by a study of the linguistic map of India as it is today. The
languages of Northern India and Maharashtra in the Deccan are clearly
dialects of Sanskrit , or some idiom closely akin to it.21 But it was quite
different on the eastern coast and farther South. In South also the Aryans
penetrated in sufficient numbers to spread their own civilization to the
local inhabitants. On the other hand , the incoming Aryans had to learn
the language of the South in addition to cultivating their own Sanskrit.
To accept local customs and incorporate them as part of the new
composite social order they evolved their own methods. The exact details
of the process of Aryanization was not clear. But the changes were
effected peacefully.22
Tradition considers Agastya as the author of the first Tamil grammar
book ‘Agatiam’. It celebrates the royal chaplain (Kulaguru) of the divine line
of Pandyan rulers. But the attempt to give Agastya the dominant position
in the evolution of Tamil culture evoked a challenge. The Aryanization
of the South was doubtless a slow process spread over several
centuries, beginning about 1000 B.C. During the long period of seven or
eight centuries when South India was being progressively Aryanized
and a new culture was being evolved. 23
Socio- Economic Factors
Caste defines the core of Indian tradition. In the Discovery of India,
Jawaharlal Nehru has written that “Almost everyone who knows

20
. Ramaswamy Sastry, K.S., The Tamils and Their Culture, Annamalai
University, 1967, pp. 7-9.
21
. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., A History of South India, op.cit., p.66.
22
. Ibid., p.67.
23
. Ibid., p p.69-70.
 24

anything at all about India has heard of the caste system”. Almost every
outsider and many people in India condemn it or criticize it as a
whole. 24 The Madras Presidency politics in the early part of the
Twentieth Century were dominated by the Brahmin and non-Brahmin
conflict . During this early period, the caste identity of certain groups
of elite non-Brahmins was challenged in the process of South Indian
social change .
The basic political entity was the non- Brahmin Community. It was
termed as the non- Brahmin movement. From it the Dravidian political
identity has emerged in the context of the non-Brahmin movement. 25
It is essential to analyse the politics and Dravidian Movement
during the period of the non- Brahmin movement. It helps to understand
the south Indian society. The Vedic Theory of the Hindu caste system
designates four divisions or varnas. The Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas
and Sudras are the four divisions of the society. These varnas are
differentiated hierarchically according to occupation and ritual status. Below
the Sudras, the outcastes or untouchables were there in the society. 26
After the 1850s the Telugu and the Tamil Brahmans, who together
comprised only 3.2 percent of the total population, enhanced their position in
the social system by gradually filling the great majority of administrative and
educational positions then open to Indians. These Tamil and Telugu Brahmins
had for centuries been respected as the guardians of Sanskrit learning and
religion. Only a few non-Brahman groups in the Telugu districts, such as the
Velamas, were allowed to study Sanskrit. The Brahmins exercised almost
complete control over the body of Hindu religious works written in Sanskrit.27

24
. Dirks, Nicholas, B., Castes of Mind colonialism and the Making of
Modern India ,Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 2002, p. 3.
25
. Barnett, M.R., op.cit., p. 15.
26
. Ghurye , G.S., Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakashan, Bombay,
1969, pp. 89-92 .
27
. Irschick, Eugene, F., Politics and Social Conflict in South India , The Non-
Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916-1929, op.cit., pp. 5-6.
 25

Thanjavur was one of the great centers of Brahmanical learning in the

Tamil country. A knowledge of Sanskrit and access to Hindu scriptures also
made Tamil and Telugu Brahmins very important as priests at family and
domestic occasions such as weddings.28
Tamil Brahmins were classified into two categories. Vaishnava Brahmins,
or Iyengars, of the Tamil Country were devotees of Vishnu. Smarthas or Iyers
are other Tamil Brahmin group, and they are Saivites, devotees of Shiva.29
The second major division in south Indian society was the non-Brahmins,
a group of castes, mostly peasants, who ranked lower than the Brahmins in
social status but above the untouchables. The Tamil Vellalas were the most
important of these cultivating castes. They form an important part of the rural
population they were employed in government services, particularly as village
revenue collectors (karnams) and in trade and commerce. In some districts,
such as Thanjavur and Tirunelveli, Vellalas were often very conventional in
their religious traditions and practice. The Vellalas were concentrated in the
inland areas west of the city of Madras, particularly the districts of Coimbatore,
Salem, and North Arcot. One account states that the Vellalas’ position in
Coimbatore characterized them as “truly the backbone of the district”. Vellalas
through hard work and prudence generate their wealth. They had extended
support to the administration, and find the money for imperial and district
demands.30
Like the Vellalas, the Reddis or Kapus were a peasant sub-caste, also
included the Kammas and the Velamas (usually considered being offshoots of
the Kapus). The Reddis, along with the Kammas, who were the major
cultivating group in the deltaic region surrounding the mouths of the Godavari
and the Krishna rivers, migrated into the Tamil districts at the time of the
Vijayanagar hegemony. The Balija Naidus, another Telugu caste, also probably

28
. Ibid.
29
. Beteille, Andre, Caste, Class, and Power: Changing Patterns of
Stratification in a Tanjore Village, Berkeley, 1965, p.58.
30
. Pillay, K.K., The Caste System in Tamil Nadu, M.J.P. Publishers, Chennai,
2007, pp.45-48.
 26

had a former connection with the Kapus. Balija Naidus were found throughout
the province.31
As most contemporaries remarked, the non-Brahman or anti - Brahman
movement from 1912 was a new political development and not the
continuation of a two thousand year political and cultural dispute. The growth
of literacy among higher non- Brahman castes has led to the emergence of the
movement says Eugene F. Irschick in his book. This has led to a growing
bitterness at the monopoly of government office and public life enjoyed by
Brahmins.32
The Justice Party has demanded reservation for the non-Brahmins to
the various departments. It wanted government to promote the growth of an
educated non-Brahmin community not simply to recognize the existence of one
which had grown already. Equally, the spread of vernacular literacy among
higher non-Brahmin castes was impressive, that led to a challenge to the
Brahmins. The growth of education among the non-Brahmans was important in
propagating anti-Brahmanism. Another reason for Brahmin and non-Brahmin
division was produced by religious and cultural revivalism, particularly among
the Tamils. This led to attacks on the Brahmins as Aryan invaders, whose
Sanskritic culture and Vedantic religion had destroyed the Tamil and Saiva
Siddhanta basis of Southern Civilization.33
Economic Condition
The economy of Madras was based on the land. More than three-quarters
of the province’s population was engaged in directly agriculture and related
occupations. The remaining was involved in the administration of the land or
commerce and manufacture of its products. The government attracted most of

31
. Irschick, Eugene, F., Politics and Social Conflict in South India 1916-1929,
op. cit., pp. 6-8.
32
. Washbrook , D.A., The Emergence of Provincial Politics, The Madras
Presidency, 1870-1920, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977 ,
pp. 274-275.
33
. Ibid., pp. 276-277.
 27

its wealth from the countryside to rule. Therefore, it had to accommodate itself
to the organizations of rural society.34
The Brahmin population of the Cauveri delta was six or seven times
higher than elsewhere in Tamil Nadu and was more affluent. Brahmins formed
about one-third of the mirasidar elite. Other social groups which were
reasonably state-level also maintained a major local presence and power. 35
The main stimulus to urbanization in the Madras of the modern period
was trade in agrarian produce. In the first half of the Nineteenth Century, the
administration had played a great part in attracting people to towns to work in
the government, low courts and schools. Some towns were found almost
wholly in this way. By 1880, the basic pattern of administration had been
established.36
The Madras Presidency possessed educated groups which were socially
top in the ladder, the Brahmin families. They invested in education, had served
as administrators under previous native regimes. The Brahmins came from an
economic background of small landownership. However, they primarily
concentrated in obtaining government services and the liberal professions. 37
The educated were engaged themselves in the systems by which wealth
was made and spent. In the industrialist - dominated economy, they were
simple, valuable, dependents. Komati merchants hired Brahman clerks and
Nadar traders used Vellala accountants. The zamindars took their
administrators from the same families as the government. All rich men
retained the best vakils and bribed the best government servants whom they
could find. As it has been indicated, many of the educated came from petty
landowning families, the incomes which they derived from land were not
sufficient for their existence in the towns. The character of economic and

34
. G.O. No. 444, Public Department , 12 July 1921, p. 66.
35
. Washbrook, D.A., The Emergence of Provincial Politics(1870-1920), op.cit.,
pp. 88-89.
36
. Census of India, 1921, Madras, Vol. XIII. Part 2, Madras, 1922,pp.8-12.
37
. Washbrook, D.A., The Emergence of Provincial Politics (1870-1920),
op. cit., pp. 119-20.
 28

educational change meant that there was no general pressure on the status of
the existing social hierarchy. 38
The Brahmins of South India often socially and psychologically aloof,
has retained an exclusiveness of caste orthodoxy. Further, the Brahmins were
separated themselves from the lower castes and increased their control over
them. With the arrival of the modern period, the Brahmins were first to respond
to Westernization. The literary tradition of the Brahmins gave them the initial
advantage in Western education. Further, fluency in English language provided
a platform to them to enter into the colonial administration. By which they
gained a new status in addition to the old. The political and economic position
of the Brahmins caused suspicion in the minds of the non-Brahmins. In many
areas of South India, the sight of a Brahmin was considered ill omen. Several
communities even observe pollution from the visit of a Brahmin to their
village. ‘Do Not Trust Brahmin’ has become a saying widespread among the
villagers of Tamil Nadu.39
The non-Brahmins of Tamil Nadu felt that without education, acquiring
economic power or political influence was not possible. For this reason the
non-Brahmins of Madras Presidency sought to ally with the colonial regime.
They believed that foreign rule would protect their position and neutralize
power differences. As the non-Brahmin elites were understood the important
role of education, which was base of the Brahmin’s virtual monopoly of
government offices. Similarly they also sought to advance their communities
first through education. 40
Political Supremacy of Brahmins
When the British assumed sovereignty in India they were greatly in need
of man power to run their government services. They began to recruit a group
of suitable persons for discharging public duties. They conducted small
examinations to recruit candidates for the offices. English knowledge was

38
. Ibid., p.120.
39
. Ibid., pp. 128-129.
40
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., Jr., Essays in the Political Sociology of South India,
op.cit., pp.11-12.
 29

essential for entering into the services. The Brahmins, promptly learned
English for professional advancement. Owing to their inheritance of literary
traditions through generations, the traditional learning helped them to learn
English quickly. As a result, the Brahmins became prominent in the
westernizing sectors of Indian society.
They first acquired a virtual monopoly of all the subordinate public
services in the Madras Presidency. In course of time, they have occupied all the
higher posts under the British Government in India. The Brahmins thus
dominated in all the new professions raised by western education. They showed
special interest for the legal profession. 41
After taking advantage of the professional opportunities offered by
English education, the Brahmans turned to the political field. They also
dominated the political scene in Madras Presidency in the beginning of
Twentieth Century. The western educated Madras Brahmins played a
significant role in the Indian National Congress. Thus the Brahmins added
political supremacy and official influence under the British. From time
immemorial, they have enjoyed social and ritual domination. However, the
British Raj did not question or curtail their hereditary supremacy in the ritual
and social status in Hinduism. This prompted the Brahmins to attain social
supremacy and material prosperity from the British regime.42
The Brahmans constituted a vast majority of the graduates of the Madras
University. The recipients of the Bachelor of Arts Degree awarded by the
University of Madras from 1870 to 1918 were predominantly Brahmins. The
Brahmins percentage during these years had never been below 67, whereas the
non-Brahmins never reached above 22 percentage. The Indian Christians,
Mohammadans and Europeans accounted for 11 per cent.43They occupied all
the superior positions of the administration, making themselves indispensable
to the alien rulers of India. Out of the 16 Deputy Collectors selected by open
competition between 1893 and 1905, 15 were Brahmans. In the second half of
41
. Ghurye , G.S., op.cit., pp. 178-179.
42
. Hindustan Times, 21 January 1941.
43
. Madras University Calendar, 1918, Madras, 1918, pp. 367-375.
 30

the 1910s, there were four Brahmin High Court Judges, one Brahmin Advocate
General, one Brahmin Government Pleader, one Brahmin member of the
Governor’s Executive Council, one Brahmin Home Secretary, one Brahmin
Secretary to the Board of Revenue and one Brahmin Vice-Chancellor in the
Presidency. The monopoly of public life by the Brahmins provoked the non-
Brahmans to question the former’s ritual supremacy which was until then been
accepted without objection. The non-Brahmins said: “In temples they are the
officiating priests, in houses they are the purohits (family priests), and in
offices they are the officers. Thus Brahmins are found everywhere”.44
An analysis of the caste distribution among those employed in the upper
levels of the Revenue and Judicial Departments of the Madras Government,
reaffirms these proportions. Brahmins again held an important lead in the ranks
of Tahsildar and Deputy Tahsildar, with 349 posts compared to 134 held by
non-Brahmin Hindus. Among the English Head Clerks, Sheristadars of District
Courts, and Sheristadars of Sub-Courts, Brahmins held 44 posts as against 16
held by non-Brahmin Hindus. This shows that the total average appointments
in the Revenue and Judicial departments in 1917 held by non-Brahmin Hindus,
Indian Christians, and Muslims was 33.3 percent. The position of the Tamil
Brahmins in administrative and professional life was due to their high literacy
rate, both in Tamil and English. But non- Brahmin groups were not that much
educated.45
The knowledge of English was essential for employment in government
services, as well as in teaching and politics. In these areas, the Tamil Brahmins
led all the other caste groups. The rapid increase in English literacy between
1901 and 1921 suggests a central reason for the non- Brahmins entry into
Madras politics during this period. Vellalas, Naidus, Chettis, Nadars, and Nairs
were all caste groups moving upward in the public life of Madras. Non-
Brahmins, seeing that their literacy rate was rising and they felt that they have
the potential for advancement. It was the beginning to resent the almost

44
. Ibid., pp. 375- 377.
45
. Justice, 28 March 1917; Dravidian, 7 July 1917.
 31

exclusive control of government jobs and political life by Brahmins. The

educational advance of non-Brahmin led to the political awareness. 46
Associations and Organisations Before 1916
Associations and political organizations were emerged within and around
Fort St. George at this time. The aspiration for career success was instrumental
in drawing the prominent western-educated families of the mofussil towards
the capital. The impact of western ideas clearly has made its deepest
impression on that section of society. In analyzing the political activities in the
47
state, the western educated along with the common man has found a place.
The Madras Native Association (M.N.A.) was formed in 1852, by a group
of western educated Hindu youths under the presidenship of Gazulu
Lakshminarasu Chetty. Since 1860 it was out of use, in 1882 the Madras
Native Association was brought back into function by Madras city lawyers,
publicists and a variety of government servants. M.N.A. used to press
government for greater measures of representation in local self-government. It
played the real political role, as the spokesmen of local powers against the
administration. But the administrators quickly crushed this association. 48
The new society, Madras Mahajana Sabha (M.M.S.) was founded by
Veeraraghavachari, Ananda Charlu, Rangaiah Naidu and other city lawyers and
publicists in 1884 and met with immediate success.49 It led campaigns over
temple reform, zamindari legislation, the income tax, the increase in excise
duties and land revenue resettlement policies. The Mahajana Sahba built up a
considerable provincial following and demanded elective representation. The
Indian National Congress in Madras was organized and run by the same people
who had founded the Mahajana Sabha, and it carried their demands before the
Viceroy and the House of Commons. 50

46
. Irsckick, Eugene, F., Politics and Social Conflict in South India, op.cit,
pp. 13-14.
47
. Ibid., pp. 16-17.
48
. Jadayan, T., Politico-Economic Developments in Tamil Nadu, 1905-1922,
Unpublished Ph.D., Thesis, Madras University, Chennai, 2005, pp.33-35
49
. Madras Mail, 20 May 1884.
50
. Hindustan Times, 21 January 1941.
 32

The 1887 session of the Congress held at Madras. The responsibility was
given only to a small group of the western educated at Madras P.Ananda
Charlu, S.Subramania Iyer, G.Subramania Iyer, M.Viraraghavachari and a few
others were in it.51 However the money, which made the session possible, came
from mercantile elites like Raja Sir Savalai Ramaswami Mudaliar,
P.Somasundram Chetty, G.Mahadeva Chetty and others.52
Meanwhile, the Congress was becoming the target of all criticism for
being sectarian. It was pointed out that from the year 1910, the delegates
attending the Congress sessions from the Madras Presidency were mostly
Brahmins. The Madras Mahajana Sabha and the Madras Provincial
Congress Committee were dominated by the Brahmins.53 Prominent non-
Brahmin leaders like C.Karunakara Menon and P. Kesava Pillai could not find
a place. And in general the non-Brahmins were ignored, that created
unfriendliness in the Congress. 54
During the 1890s and 1910s, there was a competition among the elites of
Madras city. A group of powerful bureaucrats, called the Mylapore clique
headed by the family and relations of C.P.Ramaswami Aiyer played a leading
role to get government favour. Those who were opposed to this move were
styled as the extremist element in the Congress. The lawyers, administrators,
educators and entrepreneurs began to show interest in political revival towards
the end of the Nineteenth Century and the beginning of Twentieth Century.
This group of Moderates captured all the seats of power and influence. It had
also control over the Madras Provincial branch of the Congress.55
The other group was the “Egmore Clique” which comprised the
extremists as the nationalists were called. Acting as a counterweight to the
“Mylapore Set”, the group consisted of both Brahmins and non-Brahmins. The

51
. Nanteeswaran, S., Socio- Political Awakening in Tamil Nadu, 1852-1917,
Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Madras, 2008, p.78.
52
. Sundararajan, Saroja, March to Freedom in Madras Presidency, 1916-1947,
Lalitha Publications, Madras, 1989, pp. 56-57.
53
. Irschick , Eugene, F., Tamil Revivalism in the 1930s, Madras, 1986, pp.28-29.
54
. Saroja Sundararajan, op.cit., pp. 56-57.
55
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., The Dravidian Movement, op.cit ., p.21.
 33

most prominent among them were the Tamil Brahmins Kasturiranga Iyengar,
A.Rangaswamy Iyengar and T.Rangachari. This group was not as powerful and
influential as the Mylapore Set. 56
In 1885 Rev.John Rathinam of depressed class started a Magazine by
name ‘Dravida Pandyan’. Dravida Mahanasabha was an organization started
by Iyothee Thasa Pandidar in 1892. He was the first man to launch a movement
by applying the word ‘Dravida’. Two years later Rettaimalai Srinivasan
established Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha. Later it was converted into ‘Dravida
Mahajana Sabha’.57 Depressed people, to avoid insult and to have a dignity in
life, used the word, Dravidian. It was stated by B.B.Majumdar in his book ,
‘Indian Political Associations and Reforms of Legislature’.58
Identity politics among linguistic groups was common in British India. In
every area, some groups considered the British less threatening than a Congress
led independent government. In 1909, two lawyers, P. Subrahmanyam and M.
Purushotham Naidu, announced their plans to establish an organization named,
"The Madras Non-Brahmin Association" and recruit a thousand non-Brahmin
members before October 1909. 59 They received no response from the non-
Brahmin population and the organization never became popular.60

Later in 1912, disaffected non-Brahmin members of the civil service like

Saravana Pillai, G. Veerasamy Naidu, Doraiswami Naidu and S.
Narayanaswamy Naidu established the "Madras United League". C. Natesa
Mudaliar was the founder Secretary of the League. The league restricted itself
to social activities and distanced itself from contemporary politics. On 1st
October 1912, the Madras United League was reorganised and renamed as the
"Madras Dravidian Association". The Association opened many branches
in Madras city. It’s main achievement was to establish a hostel for non-
56
. Washbrook, D.A., op.cit., p. 239.
57
. Rosemary, Justice Party and Depressed Classes , 1916-1937, Unpublished
Ph.D. Thesis, Dravidian University, Kuppam, 2011,pp.118 and 125
58
. Chaterji , S.K., op.cit., p. 7.
59
. Thandavan, R., (ed.), The Dravidian Movement , Chennai, 2001, p.60.
60
. Veerapandyan, Suba., Dravitathaal Ezhunthom, (Tamil),
Vanavilputhakalayam, Chennai, pp. 9-10.
 34

Brahmin students. It also organized annual "At-Home" functions for non-

Brahmin graduates and published books presenting their demands. P.Kesava
Pillai and P. Thyagaraya Chetty participated in this annual function. The
Madras United League was changed into the Madras Dravidian Association in
1913 and the movement came to be called as the Dravidian Movement.61

C.Natesa Mudaliar in 1914, then a medical student in Madras, founded

“The Dravidian Home,” a hostel for non-Brahmin students. Natesa Mudaliar
had found that, the non-Brahmins were unable to find hostel accommodations
in Madras because of caste barriers. The Home functioned for only two years.
But during that time, Natesa Mudaliar began The Dravidian Association, with
the purpose of advancing non-Brahmin political power through “Dravidian
Uplift.” T.M. Nair, and Natesa Mudaliar, both were elected as President and
Secretary respectively. The organization sought to safeguard the political,
social, and economic interests of the Dravidian people. 62
The Dravidian Association, with little funds and modest influence, had
published two books in 1915. Sri C.Sankaran Nair has written Dravidian
Worthies, and Non-Brahmin Letters. These books were published by one of
Annie Besant’s chief opponents, C.Karunakaran Menon, formerly he was the
staff of The Hindu and now editor of the Indian Patriot. 63 The more
important of the two publications of the Dravidian Association is Non-
Brahmin Letters. It is a series of twenty-one letters concerning the position
and the desires of non-Brahmin caste groups in Madras Presidency. They
emphasize that the non-Brahmins are disunited and jealous of one another. But
they were attached to their traditional occupations such as business, translators
and clerks.64

61
. Neduncheliyan , R., Dravida Iyakka Varalaru, (Tamil), Nedunchelian
Education Trust, Chennai, 1996, pp. 189-19.
62
. Maran, Murasoli, Dravida Iyakka Varalaru , (Tamil), Third edition, Suriyan
Pathipagam, Chennai, 2012, pp. 17-20.
63
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., Essays in the Political Sociology of South India,
op.cit., pp. 12-13.
64
. Indian Patriot, 21 August 1916 ; 8 September 1916.
 35

Formation of Justice Party

India entered an age of mass politics in 1920. Ever since, politics and
government have been a part of the central core of Indian life. The youth was
united by the cause of nationalism in those days. National prominence was
achieved by suffering and sacrificing for the national cause of Independence.65
Following the publication of Non-Brahmin Letters successful attempts
have been made by Natesa Mudaliar, the secretary of the Madras Dravidian
Association. He made an arrangement to meet two non-Brahman leaders who
were important figures in Madras city affairs, T.M. Nair and P. Thyagaraya
Chetty. Natesa Mudaliar requested them to forget their petty differences and
help him to form a non-Brahmin party.66
Finally, on 20th November 1916, some thirty non-Brahmin leaders,
including T.M. Nair and Thyagaraya Chetty, met at the Victoria Public Hall in
Madras City. This meeting was considered the real beginning of a non-Brahmin
party. Although the decision was that simply to form a joint stock company, to
be called the South Indian People’s Association, Ltd., for the purpose of
publishing English, Telugu, and Tamil newspapers to voice non-Brahmin
grievances. 67
On 20th December 1916 there was an announcement in The Hindu and
New India, that in the form of a “Non-Brahmin Manifesto.”68 In addition to
the joint stock company, there was now an organization called the South
Indian Liberal Federation (S.I.L.F.), whose purpose was to promote the
political interests of non-Brahmin caste Hindus. “The time has come,” the
manifesto began, “when an attempt should be made to define the attitude of the
several important non-Brahmin Indian communities in this Presidency.”69

65
. Ibid.
66
. Weiner, Myron, Party Politics in India: The Development of a Multi-Party
System, Princeton University Press, London, 1957, p. 7.
67
. Rajaraman, P., The Justice Party, A historical perspective, 1916-37,
Poompozhil Publishers, Madras, 1988, pp.22-23.
68
. Madras Mail, 27 November 1916.
69
. See Appendix- I for the full text of the Manifesto.
 36

The first issue of the English daily, called Justice, the official organ of
S.I.L.F. was issued on 26th February 1917 edited by T.M. Nair. A second daily,
the Dravidan, printed in Tamil, was also begun in mid-1917. For Telugu
readers, the South Indian People’s Association acquired a well-established
Telugu paper, the Andhra Prakasika founded in 1885. Within a year of its
establishment the S.I.L.F. came to be known as Justice Party after the name of
its English-language newspaper.70
Soon after the formation of the South Indian Peoples’ Association, in
December 1916, P.Thyagaraya Chetty, the Secretary of Association, issued The
Non-Brahmin Manifesto, surveying the conditions of the non-Brahmin
community and pointing out the directions for development. The non-Brahmins
of Madras Presidency (excluding the Scheduled Castes) outnumbered the
Brahmins 22 to 1, and the untouchables alone outnumbered them 5 to 1.
However the Brahmins because of education, economic power, political
influence, and social prestige, stood as exclusive elite. The illiterate masses
constituted more than 95 per cent of the society. The Manifesto discussed the
overwhelming predominance of Brahmins in public services and
legislative bodies, and it recognized that the virtual monopoly of political
power was due to the educational advancement of the Brahmin community.71
The Manifesto voiced firmly against the transfer of power from the
British to the Brahmin overlordship. The Manifesto proclaimed that they were
deeply devoted and loyally attached to British Rule. 72
Thyagaraya Chetty called upon all non-Brahmins to unite and to draw
the attention of the government to the grievances voiced in the Manifesto. “Let
the non-Brahmins do everything needful to ensure a sustained educational,
social, political, and economic development as a broad and long-lasting
basis. And then, their future as British subjects will be brighter and more
prosperous than it is today.” With the proclamation of the Non-Brahmin

70
. Sundararajan, Saroja, op.cit., pp. 65-66.
71
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., Essays in the Political Sociology of South India,
op.cit., p.13.
72
. See Appendix I, The Non-Brahmin Manifesto.
 37

Manifesto, it was decided that an association for the political advancement of

the non-Brahmin community should be formed. It was to function along with
the South Indian Peoples’ Association.73
T.M. Nair has become the most prominent spokesman of the Justice
Party. He defined its objective as justice for all Dravidians through the
establishment of a separate state under the guidance of British rule. His idea
was to secure needed reforms at once for the betterment of the non-Brahmin
community. Thus the Justice Party would support every act of government
beneficial to the people. 74
Following a call of T.M. Nair in a speech, “Our Immediate Political
Outlook,” the first conference of the Justice Party was held at Coimbatore in
August 1917. The Rajah of Panagal called a conference of non-Brahmins and
in the opening address of the first session of the Non-Brahmin Confederation;
he expressed the Justice Party’s views on “Progressive Political Reform.” In
calling for gradual reform towards representative government, Thyagaraya
Chetty made a request for communal representation in Legislative Councils. He
bitterly attacked caste and condemned it as a tool of oppression.75
Montagu’s announcement on 20th August 1917 not only intensified
political activity but also assisted in the definition of various political interests
in the Madras Presidency. With his announcement on 20th August, Montagu
had declared his intention of heading a mission to India in order to view the
political scene at first hand, to make himself and his colleagues accessible to all
groups interests and, so far as possible, to work out the principles and some of
the details of constitutional reform.76
A separate association to promote the educational, social and political
advancement of the non-Brahmins of the Madras Presidency was perceived by
some non-Brahmins and non-Justicites. Under the leadership of P. Kesava
73
. Ibid
74
. Ibid.
75
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., Essays in the Political Sociology of South India,
op.cit., p.16.
76
. Varadarajulu Naidu, T.,The Justice Movement: 1917, Justice Printing Works,
Madras, 1932, p.30.
 38

Pillai, the Madras Presidency Association (M.P.A.) rendered meritorious

service to the Congress and the country at large during the “crisis of the anti-
Congress movement of T.M. Nair”.77
In the meantime, the Government of India formed in 1918 a seven
member Franchise Committee under the Chairmanship of Southborough which
was empowered to examine questions relating to the electorates, constituencies
and franchise. This Committee had two Indian members on it, V.S. Srinivasa
Sastri and Surendranath Banerjee. The Justice Party objected to the nomination
of both these Indians because they were Congress Brahmins. The re-
establishment of Brahmin supremacy was detrimental to the advancement of
the non-Brahmin communities”. 78
The Government sent letters well in advance to the leaders of the Justice
Party requesting to appear before the Franchise and the Division of Functions
Committee during their stay in Madras. P.Thyagaraya Chetty declined to
appear before or in any way to co-operate with the Reforms Committees unless
one or more non-Brahman members representing the views of the S.I.L.F. are
appointed to each of the Committees.79
The Committee on the basis of whatever facts they could ascertain
from other sources during their stay in Madras decided on reserving a
considerable number of seats for non-Brahmans in plural member
constituencies. They ruled out as “unreasonable” that the constitution of a
separate communal electorate for non-Brahmans who had an “overwhelming
electoral strength”. The militant Justice Party leaders rejected the proposal
outright. The Brahmins and some sections of the non-Brahmins accepted it.
The Congress, fighting for self-government, was prepared to accept any
solution to reach its goal.80
Representatives of the Home Rule League, the Muslim League, the
Congress, the M.P.A., the Moderates, the Landholders’ Associations, and, of

77
. The Hindu, 14 September 1917 ; Saroja Sundararajan, op.cit., p. 73.
78
. Justice, 16 May 1919; Andhra Prakasika, May 1919.
79
. Sundararajan, Saroja, op.cit., p. 77.
80
. Report of the Franchise Committee, p. 9; The Hindu, 24 November 1925.
 39

course, the Justice Party went to London to present their cases before the
Committee and to press their own interests.81 In 1919, all the political Parties of
India sent representatives to London for the Joint Parliamentary Committee, a
body appointed to submit recommendations to Parliament on the course of
constitutional reform in India. T.M. Nair led the Justice delegation. But died
unexpectedly soon after his arrival in July 1919 in England. In memoranda and
oral testimony before the Joint Committee, the Justice Party pushed hard
for the cause of communal representation.82
Then the recommendations of the Joint Select Committee on Reforms
under the Chairmanship of Selborne came. This Committee had already
received much evidence from various witnesses. Based on it, the committee
recommended reservation of certain number of seats to non-Brahmans in the
new legislature in the Madras Presidency, similar to what was being done for
the Europeans, the Anglo-Indians, the Indian Christians and the
Mohammadans. But it did not specify the number of seats. As per the Joint
Committee’s recommendations it was decided to secure special representation
for non-Brahmins.83
One of the very first acts of Willingdon after assuming the Governorship
of Madras in 1919 was to invite representatives of both the communities to
settle the question of reservation of seats. Two rounds of discussions were held
in the Governor’s chamber. In the second meeting held on 31 January 1920 and
fifteen leading members of both communities were present. Willingdon, who
chaired the meeting, reiterated that a 50 per cent reservation to non-Brahmans
in the general constituencies which then numbered 63 (9 urban and 54 rural),
would be a fair compromise against their demands of 70 percent of the seats.
The Brahmans agreed to this proposal.84

81
. Nanteeswaran, S., op.cit., p.186-187..
82
. Hardgrave , Robert, L., Essays in the Political Sociology of South India,
op.cit., p.19.
83
. Willingdon to Montagu, 15 January, 1920, Willingdon Papers.
84
. Ibid
 40

But the non-Brahmin representatives were determined not to shift from

their stand. Since the proportion of Brahmins and non-Brahmins on the
electoral roll was 1 to 8, Thyagaraya Chetty was against giving more than 7
seats out of the 63 to Brahmins. 85
Taking a decision regarding the reservation for the non-Brahmins,
Lord Meston was appointed as the arbitrator. On 1st March 1920, Lord Meston,
who was acquainted with all the predecessor facts, met the representatives of
both the parties for consultations.86 The final award made by Meston by way of
solution to end the stalemate gave only 28 seats for non-Brahmins out of 65.
But many sections were disappointed at the award. 87
The non-Brahmin leaders were most dissatisfied with the quantum of
representation they got under the Meston Award. The very first elections of
1920 held under the Reforms showed that they managed to win more seats than
they had claimed for. Out of the 65 general seats (including the 28 reserved),
47 were won by the non-Brahmins and only 18 by the Brahmins. 88 The
Government of India Act of 1919, which provided for dyarchy in the provinces,
introduced limited responsible government. The elections that were held under
this scheme offered an opportunity to the political parties to seek a sharing of
administrative work with the British. 89
The Act of 1919 had a mixed reaction. The nationalists condemned it as
inadequate, and disappointing. 90 In view of this dissatisfaction the Congress
refused to contest the election of 1920. The Justice Party on the other hand
welcomed the reforms and decided to co-operate with the British, by which it
found an opportunity to capture power and check the Brahmin influence. The
British favoured the Justice Party as they wanted to keep the Home Rule

85
. G.O. No. 142, Public Department, 28 February 1920 .
86
. Irschick , Eugene, F. , Politics and Social Conflict in South India, 1916-1929,
op.cit., p.164.
87
. Ibid .
88
. Meston to Willingdon on Reforms, 8 March 1920, Meston Papers.
89
. Rajayyan.K., Modern Tamil Nadu-History, Society and Culture, Ratna
Publications, Madurai, 1994, p. 152.
90
. Nagoorkani, P., Struggle for Social Justice in Tamilnadu, 1916-1939, Kabi
Publications, Madurai, 2006, p.97
 41

League under check. For fear of continued Brahmin domination, the caste
Hindus extended their support to Justice Party. In the election of 1920 it faced
the Brahmin dominated Home Rule League. The party captured sixty three out
of ninety eight elected seats in the Madras Legislative Council and also it got
the support of 18 of the Government nominees. Lord Wellington, the Governor
of Madras, invited A.Subbarayalu Reddiar, leader of the party, to form the
ministry.911
It had the strength of 81 in a total house of 127; the party leaders
assumed office as ministers and held the Transferred portfolios - like
Education, Public Health, Local administration, Development, Public works
and others. The Justice Party’s main objective was to secure greater and the due
representation for non-Brahmins in government services. The Party was able to
accomplish this by persuading the Governor to pass government orders
regulating representation in services. The Justice Party remained in power for a
period of thirteen years.92 2
Justice Ministry
Lord Willingdon, the Governor of Madras, in order to constitute first
ministry appointed Subbarayalu Reddiar as Chief Minister in December, 1920,
and he was in charge of the Education portfolio. In April 1921, Subbarayalu
Reddiar resigned on the grounds of ill-health. He was replaced as Education
Minister by A.P. Patro, P.Ramarayaningar, a Telugu speaking Velama
Zamindar from Chittoor district the Minister for Local Self-Government, took
over the duties of chief minister. Reddi Naidu was appointed Minister of
Development.933
The first ministry of Justice Party came to an end on 11th September,
1923. The second general election for Madras Legislative Council held on 31st
October 1923. Again Justice Party won and formed the second ministry on 19th
November 1923 P.Ramarayaningar (Raja of Panagal) as Chief Minister. A.P.
Patro and T.N. Sivagnanam Pillai as ministers. L.D. Samykannu was elected as
91
. Ibid.
92
. Ibid., p.96.
93
. The Hindu, 25 November 1921.
 42

the president of the Legislative Council and P. Kesavapillai was elected as

Vice- President.94
The most respected and influential person in the opposite line
C.R.Reddy with a support of Swaraj party members and Independent
candidates, has introduced a no confidence bill in the legislature on 27th
November 1923 against the Ramarayaningar’s Ministry. Panagal Raja had
given answer to all the questions and strongly defended his ministry. Finally
the no confidence bill was defeated in the house by 21 votes. In favour of
motion 44 votes and against 65 votes was cast.95
In the third general elections of 1926 the Justice Party suffered a reverse.
The Swarajya Party captured a majority of seats but refused to form a ministry
and take up administration. An independent P.Subbarayan who was supported
by the Swarajya Party, accepted office. In 1926 Raja of Panagal and his allies
were pushed into opposition. This was due to the poor showing of the Justicites
at the elections in face of the contest by the Congress Swarajist Party. The
Justice Party had lost many influential supporters in the capital. 96 In April
1925, Panagal Raja used the occasion of Thyagaraya Chetty’s death to put his
house in order. Natesa Mudaliar was wooed back with a promise of support
for some of his friends in the coming Madras Corporation elections. Reddi
Naidu formally returned to the party and refused to contest against Panagal for
the leadership. Other ex-dissidents were given posts in a new skeletal
framework of party organization.97
Thus in December 1925, observers noted the poor attendance at the
annual Justicite conference, and in particular the absence of the big estate-
holders who were the financial backbone of the party. The reason for this
absence was said to be the quarrel over the Endowments Bill, but it was evident
that the Justice leaders had already settled this matter with the estate-holders.

94
. Nedunchelian , R., op.cit, pp.265-266.
95
. Ibid., pp. 267-268.
96
. Baker, C.J., The Politics of South India 1920-1937, Vikas Publishing House,
New Delhi,1976, p. 71.
97
. Ibid .
 43

The truth was that the party leadership had lost the confidence of the Governor
by being to the opposition benches.98
Ramaswami Iyer went on to engineer an independent ministry. The chief
minister was P. Subbarayan, an Oxford-educated estate-holder from Salem
district. He had been in the Congress. His two colleagues, A. Ranganatha
Mudaliar and R.N. Arokiasami Mudaliar, were notable for having kept well
clear of the commotion of recent years. C.P. Ramaswami Iyer was generally
recognized as a man of eminence to the ministry. The ministry remained
formally ‘Independent’ until after the next elections in 1930.
The Justicites, were excluded from influence in government circles. At
their meetings they stepped up their attacks on dyarchy and on the Governor.
At the annual confederation in Coimbatore in July 1927, they demanded the
recall the Governor, slated the power of C.P.Ramaswami Iyer. 99
On 8th November 1927 the British Government announced the
appointment of the Indian Statutory Commission under the chairmanship of Sir
John Simon with seven members, all of them being English. There was all-
round criticism and opposition to the Commission. The Congress, which held
its annual session in Madras in December 1927, under the President-ship of Dr.
M.A. Ansari, called upon the people of India to organize hartals and mass
demonstrations on the day of arrival of the Commission in India. 100
In the Madras Legislative Council, a resolution disapproving of the
Statutory Commission and refusing to co-operate with it was moved on 23rd
January 1928 and passed by a majority. A curious situation was created when
the Governor insisted on the ministers to co-operate with the Commission in
spite of the resolution passed by the Council. While P. Subbaroyan, the Chief
Minister, was prepared to bow to the wishes of the Governor, the other two

98
. The Hindu, 24 December 1926.
99
. Baker , C.J., op.cit., pp.74-75.
100
. Parthasarathi, R., Builders of Modern India S.Satyamurti, Publications
Division, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 1979, pp. 73-74.
 44

Ministers, R.N. Arokiyasami and A.Ranganatha Mudaliar refused to obey the

compulsion of the Governor and resigned.101
The Simon Commission landed in India on 3rd February 1928. Total
hartal was observed throughout the country and black flag demonstrations held
on that day. In Madras, demonstrations and processions and public meetings
were held. Srinivasa Iyengar, Satyamurthi, T.Prakasam and other leaders urged
the people to boycott the Commission.102 A few days later, the Governor asked
the ministers to resign. But Subbaroyan remained as Chief Minister, along
with Muthiah Mudaliar, and M.R. Seturatnam Iyer.103
When Panagal Raja died in December 1928, the party lost the man who
had dominated Madras politics in the 1920s. The next two years witnessed a
struggle among nine main contenders to inherit Panagal’s mantle. The struggle
was fought on two levels. On press and platform, the aspirants adopted policies
on two new questions – the possibility of admitting Brahmans to the party, and
the possibility of letting Justicites to join the Congress. The man who emerged
as leader was both pro-Congress and pro-Brahman. It was B.Munuswami
Naidu who emerged as leader. He had been Panagal’s Chief Lieutenant, and
was made to assume his crown, and to maintain the influence over the ministry
which Panagal had possessed.104
Elections of 1930 and Justice Ministry
The Congress, under the leadership of Gandhi, again boycotted the
Legislative Councils and in the elections of 1930 the Justice Party made a clean
sweep at the polls. Soon after B.Munuswamy Naidu formed the Ministry in
1930. He was pushed from the reigns of party leadership. In 1932, the Rajah of
Bobbili became First Minister.105
The election to the Assembly was held in December 1934. In Madras
City and all over Tamil Nadu, the Congress came out in flying colours. In
101
. Ibid., pp. 74-75.
102
. Ibid., pp. 76-77.
103
. Justice 16 and 17 July 1928; The Hindu 6 and 18 July 1928.
104
. Baker, C.J., op.cit., p. 77.
105
. Hardgrave , Robert, L., Essays in the Political Sociology of South India,
op.cit., pp.22-23.
 45

Madras, the Justice Party was routed and the hero of the phenomenal victory
was of course Satyamurthi. He himself won in the election over his formidable
rival. A. Ramaswami Mudaliar, by an overwhelming majority.
C.Vijayaraghavachariar, the grand old man of Salem was complimented
Satyamurti in his speeches. 106 In the 1934 elections, the Justice Party was
completely defeated by the Congress, which had lifted its ban on Council entry
and won every seat it contested. The Congress did not accept office, however,
and the Rajah of Bobbili continued as First Minister through an extension of
the Fourth Council until the end of 1936, when provincial autonomy under the
Government of India Act of 1935 came into operation.107
With the Act of 1935, dyarchy in the provinces was abolished and
responsible government instituted, except in certain matters over which the
Governor exercised individual control. In Madras, the Act provided for a
Legislative Assembly and a Legislative Council, both based on a widely
extended franchise. In the elections of 1937 Congress won a decisive victory,
securing 159 out of the 215 seats in the Assembly and 26 of the 46 seats in the
Council. The Congress Party refused to form a ministry until it had assurance
against the misuse of the discretionary power held by the Governor. An interim
ministry was formed under K.V. Reddy, but within six months the Congress
Party accepted the assurances of the Viceroy and accepted office, forming a
ministry under C.Rajagopalachari.108
Decline of the Justice Party
The reasons for the Justice Party’s decline are complex, with two major
causes. First, they lost Muslim and untouchable support after taking office.
Second, as the Self-Respect League became more radical, it tended to divide
elite non-Brahmins. The non-Brahmin wing in Congress was increasingly
attractive in 1930s that independence would be achieved and Congress would
be the ruling party in an Independent India. 109

106
. Parthasarathi , R., op.cit., p.115.
107
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., op.cit., p.23.
108
. Ibid., pp. 23-24.
109
. Barnett, M.R., op.cit., pp. 46-47.
 46

These categories provide an insight into political affiliations in the late

1920s and 1930s. The radicals became involved in Self-Respect League on non
political activity, while the moderates supported the Justice Party and the
pragmatist were drawn to Congress. By the early 1930s, the Congress was
making a sustained attempt to attract non-Brahmins. In 1927, the Justice party
passed a resolution permitting Justice party members to enter Congress. But
K.V. Reddi did not favour Congress entry.110
In Tamil Nadu, non-Brahmins joined as Congressmen in large numbers.
During the 1930s many changes occurred in Congress, and non-Brahmins
entered Congress in large numbers. The Congress issued bitter attacks on the
Justice Party for its communal orientation. The Congress called the Justice
Party as an agent of British imperialism, and the long history of intimacy
between the non-Brahmin movement and the British Raj was cited. But with
the impact of national self-consciousness and aspiration for Swaraj, its imperial
connections brought it defeat.111
On 27th August 1944, sixteenth annual confederation of Justice Party
took place in Salem where the pro-E.V.R. faction won control. The
confederation passed four resolutions. The fourth resolution states that the
party changed the name as Dravidar Kazhagam (D.K.). Annadurai, had played
an important role in passing the resolution for the formation of D.K.112
Works of Justice Party
Legislative Initiatives
After the Justice Party had come to power as a result of the 1920
elections, it proceeded to strengthen its position in the public life of south India
by bringing before the Legislative Council in Madras a series of resolutions
designed to give non-Brahmins in the Madras Presidency a greater proportion
of government jobs. Appointments in favor of non-Brahmins would fulfill

110
. Ibid., p. 47.
111
. Hardgrave, Robert, L., op.cit., p.24.
112
. Diehl, Anita, Periyar E.V.Ramaswami, A Study of the Influence of a
Personality in Contemporary South India, B.I.Publications, Bombay, 1978,
p. 15.
 47

some of the party’s first articulated ideals – administrative power, social

position, and economic security. 113
The Justice Party sought to implement this ambition through pressure on
the Madras government to issue an executive order that would assure the non-
Brahmins a more prominent place in the government services.114 Indeed, there
was a long series of conflicts in the early Nineteenth Century over the
dominance of Brahmins in government jobs and positions. To end this, Board
of Revenue in Madras promulgated in 1851 a standing order – popularly known
as Standing Order No. 128, Clause 2. It was stated that in the order the
Collector should always divide the appointments among the several castes.
However, the Tahsildar post in each district should be distributed to all castes.
Also, it was made compulsory a standing rule that the “two chief revenue
servants in the Collector’s office (the Huzur Sharistandar and the English head
clerk) should be of different castes.” Nevertheless, attempts to implement the
Standing Order were mostly unsuccessful. At last, in the 1890’s, in an effort to
achieve this, again orders were issued. Thus, urged the collectors and other
appointing authorities to comply with the Board’s Standing Order No. 128.115
When the Public Services Commission visited Madras early in 1913
Alexander Cardew, the Chief Secretary of the Madras government, gave his
evidence. Cardew emphasized his belief that it was impossible to employ the
competitive system of recruitment to government service in southern India
because of “the intellectual superiority of a small caste, the Brahmin.” And he
gave figures: “Out of a population of 41 ½ millions, the number of Brahmans
(all ages and sexes) is 1½ million, or about 3 percent, while out of the total
number of Graduates of the University of Madras, 8,821 or 72 percent, are
Brahmans. In the competitive examinations for the Provincial Civil Services
which were held between 1892 and 1904, out of 16 successful candidates, 15

113
. Irschick, Eugene, F., Politics and Social Conflicts in South India, op.cit.,
p.218.
114
. Ibid., p. 219.
115
. G.O. No. 3722, Revenue Department, 21, November 1918.
 48

were Brahmans and only one was a non-Brahman, giving a ratio of 94 percent
of Brahman success.”116
Cardew concluded that “The Brahmans have maintained their lead for 30
years and shows no signs of losing it. Cardew’s evidence supporting the claims
of the non-Brahmins and urging a more careful control over the number of
Brahmins entering the government services was supplemented by the evidence
of a large number of non-Brahmins, including T. M. Nair and P. Thyagaraya
Chetty, and others who condemned the great Brahman preponderance in the
Provincial Civil Services.117
The Justice Party referred to Alexander Cardew’s evidence in its 1916
Manifesto, citing it as conclusive proof of the Brahman’s grip on the
administrative services. Indeed, T.M. Nair and Thyagaraya Chetty adopted as
part of party policy Cardew’s recommendations that two separate competitive
examinations be held – one for half the posts, to be open to all Persons
including Brahmins, and another for the remaining posts, to be open only to
non-Brahmins. 118
At a Collectors’ conference at Ootacamund in August 1917, he made a
stand in favor of practical and strong measures to better the condition of the
non-Brahmins in the Madras Presidency. Some of his arguments reflected in
Justice Party’s policy, as promulgated by Justice Leaders in Madras and in
London before the Joint Select Committee. For example, he made the point that
since the major portion of the population “the bulk of the tax-payers and a
considerable proportion of the landed classes” – were non-Brahmin Hindus the
existence of a large majority of Brahmins in all the government offices was
unfair, and the source of much dissatisfaction. 119

116
. Irschick, Eugene, F., op.cit., pp. 222-223.
117
.Anbazhagan, K., Vakuppurimai Porattam,(Tamil ), Dravidar Khazhagam,
Madras, 1951, pp. 26-31.
118
. Varadarajulu Naidu, T., op.cit., pp. 8-9.
119
. Ibid., pp.225-227; G.O. No. 1123, Home Department, 23 October 1917.
 49

First Communal G.O.

However, Justice Pressure was sufficiently strong to force the
Government of Madras to issue a Government Order on 16th September 1921,
which came to be known as the First Communal G.O. Its provisions included a
government instruction that the Board’s Standing Order No. 128, Clause 2, be
extended from the Revenue to all departments. Secondly, a report was required
of all Heads of Departments, Collectors, and District Judges twice a year
indicating the classification of each new recruit to the public services according
to the following six categories:1) Brahmin 2) non-Brahmin Hindu 3) Indian
Christian 4) Muslim, 5 )European, Anglo-Indian 6) and others. The issue of
this First Communal G.O. was the Justice Party’s first major breakthrough. It
proved that if it pressed the government hard enough, then it would help the
non-Brahmins in their rise to administrative and economic position.120
Second Communal G.O.
On 15th August 1922, another government order was issued which was
complete, and much more definitive than that of the First Communal G.O.
Popularly referred to as the Second Communal G.O., this major policy decision
on the six categories set out in the First Communal G.O., not only for new
appointments but for all government employees, including personnel in
permanent, temporary, or acting appointments, and those appointed either for
the first time or promoted from subordinate grades.121
It further directed that the principle implied in the Board of Revenue’s
Standing Order no. 128, Clause 2 – that the main appointments in each district
should be “divided among the several communities” – should be realized not
only at the time of recruitment but at every “point at which men are promoted.”
Legislative Council members be informed of the progress, especially in
distributing the government appointments among all the communities of the
Madras Presidency. Moreover, yearly returns were to be prepared by heads of
departments “showing the extent to which each of the six main sub-divisions is
120
.G.O. No. 613, Public Department, 16 September 1921. For Full Text see
Appendix II.
121
. G.O. 658, Public Department, 15 August 1922. For Full Text see Appendix III.
 50

represented in each department.” This order was an important landmark in the

history of the Justice Party and in the non-Brahmin movement generally.122
In February, 1924, the Madras government had taken a step to meet the
ever increasing demands of the non-Brahmins for more representation in
government services. Therefore the establishment of a Staff Selection Board
consisting of three senior civil servants and two non-official appointees of the
governor. There was a heavy demand from non - Brahmins for the
representation in Government services. Hence Madras Government preferred to
set up its own Staff Selection Board. In 1929 Madras became the first province
to institute a Provincial Public Services Commission.123
At last, in December, 1928, the government agreed for the establishment
of a Communal Representation Committee, which would survey the procedures
of the Staff Selection Board. The willingness of at least some senior
British bureaucrats in the Madras government was gained to cooperate with
the Justice Party in its upward journey. The Madras government was quite
aware of the opposition, as it showed in passing the Communal G.O.s and
establishing first a Staff Selection Board and finally the first provincial Public
services Commission. These developments were appreciable successful to the
Justice Party. 124 The subsequent developments of communal reservation
policies were brought into realization by the Congress government and the
developments of reservation policy after Indian Independence in higher
educational institutions and in employments by the poplar governments in
Tamil Nadu.125
The suggestion of creating an Andhra University was first brought up in
1921, but Tamils raised objections on the grounds that it was difficult to define

122
.Ibid; Ramasamy, E.V., Thanthai Periyar, Communal G.O. Vaguppu Vari
Urimai Ean? (Tamil), Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution, Chennai,
1979.
123
. G.O. 76, Public Department , 6 February 1924 ;G.O. 392, Public Department , 3
July 1919.
124
. G.O. No. 1129, Public(Service) Department) 15 December 1923.
125
.Thennarasu, A., Reservation Policy in Tamil Nadu - A Study in Socio-
Economics and Weaker Sections, Ph.D. Thesis, Annamalai University,
2001,pp.2-6.
 51

Andhras or the Andhra Country. As a peace offering compromise, in 1923

T.N. Sivagnanam Pillai of Tirunelveli district was accommodated in Justice
Ministry. The peace offering was accepted, and harmony was restored. The
Telugus then got their university with the help of the Tamils. The Bill was
passed in the Legislative Council on 6th November 1925. The Andhra
University was established in 1925 for the development of Telugu language
and literature, with C. Ramalinga Reddi as the Vice Chancellor.126
Tamils also demanded a separate university to be created to serve the
interests of Tamil culture. Their demand was supported by the Madras
University Senate. Thus Tamil wishes were met, and in 1929, Annamalai
University was established at Chidambaram in Tamil Nadu. Under the terms
of the funding, the university was to encourage both Tamil and Sanskrit.127
Justice Party paid its attention to regularize temple and maths
administration. In connection to that the 1923 Act established the Board of
Commissioners to supervise the working of the endowments, to settle disputes
over the use of temple and math funds. And it tried to divert it to the works of
sanitation and roads around the temples. The bill encountered much opposition
from members of the Council as well as from temples and maths such as the
Chidambaram Temple, the Ashta Math at Udipi in South Kanara district, and
the famous Tirupati Temple in Chittoor district. But it was finally passed. The
Rajah of Panagal assured Council members that each endowment would be
respected, and promised that the Board of Commissioners established by the
Bill would not lead to additional expense but in fact would diminish the
unnecessary and costly litigation caused by temple mismanagement of funds.128
Education is considered the most powerful vehicle of social change. The
modern system of education in India was done by Christian missionaries under
the British. The society brings out desirable changes through education. The

126
. Irschick, Eugene .F., op.cit., pp. 248-249.
127
. Ibid., p. 250.
128
. Iyer, Ramanatha, P., Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act II of 1927,
Third Edition, Madras, 1946, pp. 28-31; Irschick , Eugene, F., op.cit., pp.
253-254.
 52

Justice Party concentrated its energy on primary, technical and industrial

education. Free compulsory education was first introduced in Madras at
primary level. Justice Party paid more attention on girl children education. Free
education was extended upto VIII standard. The expansion of free education
extended to other parts of Madras Presidency also. Education Minister,
A.P. Patro in the first Justice Ministry introduced a large number of measures
for the progress of education. A conference of educational officials was
summoned at Ooty in 1923 by A.P. Patro to review the progress of education.
In that conference there was recommendation for starting more aided schools.
And it also recommended to open a school where 500 people and more are
there in a village.129
The mid day meal scheme was first introduced in India to the school
children by the Justice ministry. This scheme really helped socially backward
and poor children to go to schools. The Corporation of Madras under
Thyagaraya Chetty made a modest beginning in the Madras Corporation in
1920. Later it was extended to more schools. 130 As a result, this scheme
increased the enrolment of more children to schools. Separate Kallar Schools
were opened for the Backward communities. Similarly separate School for
fishermen at Kavayi in Malabar district was opened.131
Industries Aid Act of 1922 was also passed. As per this Act, credit
facilities were given to industries, besides land and water facilities. This Act
greatly helped the growth of industries in general.132
The Justice Party also encouraged the indigenous medical practice called
Siddha Medicine. During the Period of Panagal Raja Siddha, Ayurveda and
Unani received great impetus and encouragement. Siddha and Ayurveda
educations were encouraged and research also was carried out.133

129
. Thangavelu, G., Tamil Nadu Samuga Kalachara Varalaru, (Tamil), Part.II,
Amizhtham Pathippagam, Chennai, 2002, p. 293.
130
. Ibid.
131
.G.O. No. 1322 , Development Department, 4 October.1922; G.O. No. 1518,
Public (General) Department, 27 September 1921.
132
. Nagoorkani, P., op.cit., p. 127.
133
. Thangavelu , G., op.cit., p. 293.
 53

In Temples of Tamil Nadu dancing girls were there patronized

particularly by a community Isai Vellalas. These Dancing girls are called
Dasis or Devadasi that means servants to god. In course of time they have
involved in prostitution to the rich men. This anti social custom made many
worry; many raised their voice to stop this custom. S. Muthulakshmi Reddy
introduced a bill in the Madras Legislative Council on 2nd February 1929.
After a heated debate and discussion in the council and outside the council, the
bill was passed. Nevertheless, legally the devadasi system was abolished in the
Madras State by the Justice Ministry.134
The poor people were granted house sites from the poramboke land.
Justice government had created a labour commissioner to look after the welfare
of Adi - Dravidas. Justice government also initiated slum clearance schemes,
housing colonies and public bathing houses in the congested areas and many
more welfare schemes were taken up.
The origin of Dravidian Movement and genesis of the Justice Party was
the result of the existing peculiar socio-political situation and a variety of
factors at work in the Madras Presidency. The main purpose of the Dravidian
Movement and the Justice Party was securing proportionate representation for
the majority of the people in the educational institutions and government
positions. During the second half of the Nineteenth Century , socio-political
awakening emerged due to the spread of western education and ideas. It paved
the way organization of a number of political associations.

The formation of the Justice Party marked a significant change in the

political development of Tamil Nadu. The Justice Party was in power for
thirteen years. During its rule, the Justice Party initiated many social measures
which promoted the interest of the non-Brahmins or Dravidians. The Dravidian
Movement consolidated itself into a counter political movement to the
Congress Organisation which was dominated by the Brahmins.

134
. Muthukumar , R., Dravida Iyakka Varalaru- Part I, Kizhakku Pathippagam,
Chennai, 2010, pp. 125-127.