Banaras

Making of India’s Heritage City

Rana P.B. Singh

 PLANET EARTH & CULTURAL UNDERSTANDING: A SERIES

Celebrating ‘learning to live together sustainably’ under the aegis of United Nations
Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005–2014), and understanding
the interdependency and fragility of planetary life support systems, and making better
global citizenship that promote more humane and peaceful life, and develop mass
awakening for universal brotherhood, this Series will publish the innovative and
interdisciplinary works that enhance better understanding and reverentially preserving
those values of the past that help the humanity in achieving the basic goals of the
UNDESD, and also mark the celebration of United Nations International Year of
Planet Earth, 2009-2010. This is in corroboration with the IGU Kyoto Regional
Congress in 2013 that focuses on ‘Traditional Wisdom and Modern Knowledge for
the Earth’s Future.’ Think universally, see globally, behave regionally, and act
locally but insightfully. This is an appeal for cosmic vision, global humanism, and
Self-realization. ……
The Series is sponsored by the ‘Society of Heritage Planning & Environmental
Health’.

Series editor:
Rana P.B. Singh (Professor of Cultural Geography, Banaras Hindu University, India)
Email: [email protected]

1. Uprooting Geographic Thoughts in India: Toward Ecology and

Culture in 21st Century.
Rana P.B. Singh.
1 June 2009, 22 x 15cm, xvi + 325pp., 7 tables, 15 figures.
ISBN: 978-1-4438-0580-3. ISBN: 978-1-4438-0579-7.

2. Geographical Thoughts in India: Snapshots and Vision for the 21st

Century.
Rana P.B. Singh.
1 August 2009, 22 x 15cm, xvi + 429 pp., 16 tables, 58 figures.
ISBN: 978-1-4438-1119-X. ISBN: 978-1-4438-1119-4.

3. Banaras: Making of India’s Heritage City.

Rana P.B. Singh.
1 October 2009, 29 x 21cm, xvi + 409pp., 60 tables, 123 figures.
ISBN (10): 1-4438-1321-4, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-1321-1

4. Cosmic Order and Cultural Astronomy: Sacred Cities of India.

Rana P.B. Singh.
1 December 2009, 22 x 15cm, ca. xvi + 202pp., 14 tables, 44 figures.

5. Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia.

Essays in Memory of David Kinsley.
Rana P.B. Singh (editor)
1 April 2010, 22 x 15cm, ca. xiv + 340pp., 20 tables, 50 figures.
 Banaras
Making of India’s Heritage City

by

Rana P. B. Singh
Banaras Hindu University, India

foreword by

Niels Gutschow
Heidelberg University, Germany
 Banaras: Making of India’s Heritage City, by Rana P. B. Singh

This book first published 2009

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2009 by Rana P. B. Singh

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the
prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-4438-1321-4, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-1321-1

 VIEWS ON THE BOOK
“The twelve essays in this book are intertwined in sequel and maintaining continuity
of the message that makes the book pioneering and challenging for understanding the
most important sacred place (tirtha) of Indian culture, a potential World Heritage Site.
I am sure this work will serve as resource and role model, as an insightful guide for
heritage studies and interdisciplinary ways of looking deeply into cultural
landscapes― their multiple layers and networks.”
―Prof. Niels Gutschow (from the Foreword)
South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University, Germany
“No one has spent more years studying the sacred city of Banaras than Rana P.B.
Singh, and this volume gives us the fruit of his labours. He has documented the city’s
religious landscape and its riverfront, and he views the city not only through the lens
of its historical heritage, but he also writes with an eye to its ever-changing present –
both the benefits and the threats that increasing pilgrim and tourist travel bring to an
age-old city. In this volume, he brings together decades of careful work and makes a
strong case for this great city as significant not only for the heritage of India, but for
the wider world of visitors who have found this city to be a place of arresting and
expansive vision”.
―Prof. Diana L. Eck,
Comparative Religion & Indian Studies, Harvard University, Cambridge, USA
“As the holiest all India’s cities, let alone a site that has probably enjoyed the longest
continuous occupation in India, or anywhere else for that matter, it is only natural that
Banaras should be world renowned. Yet, for most of us, knowledge about Banaras is
fragmentary and anecdotal. Only by exploring Banaras over many years, so as to
uncover its multiple belief systems, cultural patterns, spatial territories and
superimposed archaeological layers, is it possible to develop a satisfactorily complete
picture of the city. Surely no one is better equipped to conduct the visitor on such a
voyage of discovery as that tireless pilgrim, the cultural geographer and urban
specialist, Prof. Rana P.B. Singh, author of Banaras: Making of India’s Heritage
City.”
―Dr. George Michell,
London, UK
“The sacredness of Varanasi’s location and topography has been extolled in scriptures
since antiquity. Its landscape is still delineated by the ceaseless flow of visitors to this
holy center, within its network of pilgrimages, and around its perimeter. …..Here time
and space are malleable, and their parameters are ascertained through how one’s
consciousness experiences itself within this “sacredscape”. In this volume Professor
Rana P.B. Singh draws on his extensive expertise, and decades spent living in,
experiencing, and studying Banaras. He melds the methods of modern geography, the
social sciences, and humanities, with the enduring cartographic and mythic models
that have been fashioned by millennia of Indian religious culture. As a scholar who
comfortably inhabits both worlds, his approach does not place these in tension with
each other. Rather, in his prose, sentiment, and academic style, he articulates a
compelling, informative, intercultural, and interdisciplinary tribute to Banaras and the
heritage it bequeaths to humanity.”
―Prof. Hillary P. Rodrigues,
Religious Studies, University of Lethbridge, Canada
vi Views on the Book

“If all tirthas are threshold between this and another world, there does not exist a
hierarchy among these. Countless local mahatmyas indeed claim the uniqueness of
specific places and landscapes which surpass all others in acquiring merit. But if there
is a spiritual centre of the Hindu World it is indeed Banaras. Not only because it is
avimukta, “never forsaken by Shiva”, but because of its exceptional role in becoming
more than a centre of North India since the end of the 18th century, recovering under
the patronage of kings, nobles, scholars, teachers and ascetics from a long period of
doom. Prof. Rana P.B. Singh dedicated his life to unveiling the many layers of Kashi,
sacred and profane. As a geographer he brought with him the necessary techniques in
recording sacred space. But what would have been a faithful recording of data without
a profound devotion to the place? Rana-ji had the skills to combine knowledge
(jñāna) and insight (buddhi). This all-encompassing publication represents his
magnum opus that brings together the sacred and the profane as a basis to gain for
Banaras the title Heritage City.”
―Prof. Axel Michaels,
Acting Director of the Cluster of Excellence “Asia and Europe in a Global Context”
South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University, Germany
“This is yet another fine book from the world’s pre-eminent authority on the city of
Banaras, adding to an already substantial oeuvre of fine work. Rana P.B. Singh’s
deep personal knowledge of the history and cultural geography of Banaras informs
every page, and thus this book should find a place on the bookshelf of every student
of Indian religion and urbanism, as well as those working to conserve and protect such
culturally important cities from unsympathetic development.”
―Prof. Michael S. Dodson,
Professor of South Asian History, Indiana University Bloomington, U.S.A.
“Knowing, interacting and also working with Prof. Rana Singh since last three
decades in understanding and experiencing Hindus’ the most sacred place has been a
revelation. Along with his several masterpiece books and papers on the landscape and
sacred journeys, this pioneering book is a refreshing tour de vivre inside the spirit of
place under the towering light that guides us understand the in-depth and insightful
messages of histotico-cultural development, interconnectedness of cosmogonic frame,
variety and multiplicity of divinities making Lord Shiva’s world the complex whole,
and all these together result in making mosaicness of Indian culture. This book will
serve as a model for future studies in Asia”.
―Prof. Hisayoshi Miyamoto,
Professor of Sanskrit, Toyo University, Tokyo, Japan
“Prof. Rana P.B. Singh is a devoted and outstanding scholar of Banaras ― his
voluminous studies of the sacred city contributing greatly to its understanding in all its
multifarious aspects. His work is not only characterized by deep insight but challenges
us to look in new directions and seek fresh solutions to the complex problems of a
living city of great antiquity. His knowledge and loyalty has also led him to a deeply
felt and tenacious activism in preserving the heritage of the city; and all these aspects
of his work are at work in the present volume which should provoke new lines of
research.”
―Prof. Pramod Chandra,
History of Art, Harvard University, U.S.A.
“The world of heritage studies and preservation in India has descended, in my life-
time, into the control of ill-educated serving and retired bureaucrats manning different
 Banaras: Making of India's Heritage City vii

government bodies and NGOs. It is a world in which shady Indians and foreigners
freely move about either to make a quick buck or take control of our heritage. In such
a situation, Professor Rana P.B. Singh’s book on the religious and cultural geography
of Banaras is like a breath of fresh air. Nobody is more qualified to write this book
than Professor Singh.”
―Prof. Dilip K. Chakrabarti,
Emeritus Professor of South Asian Archaeology, Cambridge University, U.K.

“Rana P.B. Singh’s knowledge of Banaras’ architecture, alleys, lifeways, histories and
mythic undercurrents is unparalleled, grounded in all senses of the word. His
humanist geography incorporates the voices of boatmen along the ghāts, pilgrims
seeking healing, environmental scientists seeking funding, Tantrics seeking Shiva,
19th century European travelers seeking the exotic, and the vibrantly harmonic sounds
of the Banaras gharānā, a musical school still thriving today. His vision is both
microscopic and macroscopic, and his shifts of scale allow us to see 96 tirthas along
the banks of the Ganga forming a meta-mandala into which an insouciant Banarasi
lifestyle could be accommodated. There is no better guide to the Banaras that was and
is.”
―Prof. Rob Linrothe,
Art History, Skidmore College, NY, U.S.A.

“Banaras: Making of India’s Heritage City makes a compelling case for recognizing
cultural landscapes as heritagescapes. This book takes us on a journey through the
fascinating city of Banaras by un-layering its cultural complexities. Urban
connotations are un-veiled and understood in the context of ritualscapes. Rich tapestry
of cultural landscape in Banaras is laid out as an important element of national and
regional identity that also has an immense universal value. Singh calls for a paradigm
shift in the way heritage has been understood from a singular disciplinary perspective
and emphasises on using a trans-disciplinary approach. This book will hence be of
enormous interest to geographers and urbanists, and to scholars from religious and
cultural studies.”
―Dr. Reena Tiwari,
Architecture & Urban Design, Curtin University of Technology, Perth, Australia

“No other scholar knows Banaras better than Rana P.B. Singh. Although the holiest
city of Hindus has been the subject of voluminous scholarship, his interpretation of its
sacred landscape that he calls ‘mesocosm’ is unique. He takes us to the sites of its
ancient past of solar and mother goddess worship where one could connect with the
numinous energies of the cosmos. Rana P.B. Singh succeeds in deciphering the layers
of this landscape palimpsest by his careful and sustained fieldwork over three
decades. The most recent layer of this invaluable heritagescape would be the
interventions needed for its conservation.”
―Prof. Amita Sinha,
Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, USA

“The book is based on more than three decades of intimate acquaintance with the
sacred geography and urban culture of Banaras, the paradigmatic pilgrimage city in
India. What makes the account of Rana P.B. Singh fascinating reading is that he not
only presents a highly knowledgeable and detailed account of the various faces of this
rich and multi-layered heritage city, but he also provides a good sense of how it feels
viii Views on the Book

to live and act in this – in many ways – extraordinary place. It becomes clear that this
heritage has both a long past as well as a vivid present.”
―Prof. Martin Gaenszle,
South Asian Institute, University of Vienna, Austria
“Professor Rana P. B. Singh has consistently written books and papers of outstanding
interest on the holy city of Banaras. These latest works do even more to confirm his
outstanding reputation as an urban historian.”
―Sir Christopher A. Bayly,
Vere Harmsworth Professor of Imperial History,
CSAS, University of Cambridge, U.K.
“This pioneering book and life-long saga presents a model to study making of a
heritage city in South Asia through interdisciplinary approaches, architectural designs,
cosmogonic frames, layering of pilgrimage routes, etc, where gods play a harmonious
role in shaping landscapes and heritage. This is a superb and unparallel projection of
blending of the multiple levels, layers, lived spaces and lifeworld”.
―Prof. Donatella Dolcini,
Professor of Political Science and Hindi, University of Milano, Italy
“With the vision of an “outsider” approaching the unknown, contrary to those
realities displayed by ancient symbolism and myriads of multi-cultural traditions,
festivals and rituals, often taken for granted by the “insider”, Rana P.B. Singh has
meticulously managed to penetrate the shroud of mystery and put order to the history,
physical, mental and symbolic space of this Great Heritage Site and Mahatirtha of
Indian Tradition.”
―Prof. Marc J. Katz,
History of Religions, Karlstad University, Sweden
 This book is dedicated to

James Prinsep
(b. 20 August 1799 ― d. 22 April 1840)

The man whose genius discovered the name of Asoka the Great (BCE 272-
232), the Buddhist monarch, and Kanishka, another emperor, by deciphering
their Brahmi and Kharoshti edicts and coins, placing him above Champollion,
the decipherer of Egyptian hieroglyphs. Not only was Prinsep a great
epigraphist, but he was also, at the same time, an Architect (Banaras: Mint, St.
Mary’s Church, Nandeshwar Kothi, etc.), Archaeologist (restorer of the
minarets of Aurangzeb’s mosque, Banaras), Engineer (builder of Karmanasa
bridge and Circular Canal, Calcutta), Artist (Benares Illustrated, 35 plates),
Cartographer (Map of Benares, 1822), Demographer (Census and Directory of
Benares, 1828-31), Engraver, Scientist (Fellow of the Royal Society at 28;
inventor of Evaporometer, Fluviameter, Pyrometer, Assay Balance, etc.),
Journalist (editor-publisher of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, & Gleanings
in Science), Chemist (Assay Master of Benares & Calcutta Mints), Musician
and Actor. His works paved the path to study this holy city and still serving as
light tower.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Views on the Book.................................................................................... v

List of Tables ......................................................................................... xiii

List of Figures ........................................................................................ xiv

Varanasi: Light and Dark.......................................................................... 1

Foreword ................................................................................................... 3
Prof. Dr. Niels Gutschow

Preface: A call for co-pilgrimage ............................................................. 7

Acknowledgements................................................................................. 13

Chapter 1 ................................................................................................. 17
Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape

Chapter 2 ................................................................................................. 49
Transformation on the Cradle of Time

Chapter 3 ............................................................................................... 104

Representation through the Cartographic Art in the 19th Century

Chapter 4 ............................................................................................... 140

Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram

Chapter 5 ............................................................................................... 174

Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities

Chapter 6 ............................................................................................... 200

Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship

Chapter 7 ............................................................................................... 228

The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats
xii Table of Contents

Chapter 8 ............................................................................................... 255

Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township

Chapter 9 ............................................................................................... 269

Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuit of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha
Yatras

Chapter 10 ............................................................................................. 303

Making the Heritagescape: Intangible

Chapter 11 ............................................................................................. 321

Reflections on Making the Heritage city

Chapter 12 ............................................................................................. 364

Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings

Appendix: 1.......................................................................................... 390

Hindu Festivals with Tithi and Roman Dates, CE 2009-2018

Appendix: 2.......................................................................................... 392

Historical and Cultural happenings in North India and Banaras,
AD 1000- 2009

Index...................................................................................................... 403

About the Author .................................................................................. 409

 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Tables
1.1. Varanasi, Areal Units: Extension, Area and Population, 2001........................................ 22
1.2. Varanasi: Climatic Characteristics, 2006 ........................................................................ 23
1.3. Varanasi: Projected Population, 1500 BCE–CE 2001..................................................... 26
1.4. Varanasi City: Caste Structure, 1827-28 (based on Prinsep) .......................................... 27
1.5. Varanasi City (since 1991 VUA): Population Growth, 1853- 2031................................ 29
1.6. Varanasi: Population Growth, 1991-2031 ....................................................................... 30
1.7. Varanasi Urban Agglomeration: Population Characteristics, 2001................................. 30
1.8 A. Varanasi City: Employment Profile, 2001................................................................... 42
1.8 B. Varanasi: Distribution of Industrial Workers, 2001..................................................... 42
1.9. Influx of International Tourists: World, India, U.P., and Varanasi ................................. 43
1.10. Banaras/ Varanasi: Tourist Influx.................................................................................. 43
1.11. Nationality wise Foreign Tourists’ arrival in Varanasi ................................................. 44

3.1. Comparison of Maps by Prinsep, Sukul and Sharma .................................................... 124

4.1. Kashi: Pilgrimage Journey and the Cosmogonic Integrity ............................................ 149
4.2. Geometrical properties and related characteristics ........................................................ 156
4.3. Kashi/ Varanasi : Nature of distribution of Goddess shrines ........................................ 162

5.1. Kashi (Varanasi): Divine Forms/ Deities in the main Tirthayatras ............................... 176
5.2. Kashi (Varanasi): Shiva/ Linga Forms in the main Tirthayatras.................................. 177
5.3. Varanasi: Svayambhulinga of Shiva, Self-Born Forms................................................. 179
5.4. Varanasi: Vara and Nava Graha (9 planets) Yatra, KKh 46.14-17 ............................... 180
5.5. Varanasi: Jyotirlingas, Light-Manifested Forms of Shiva............................................. 181
5.6. Shiva’s five forms in Varanasi and associated sacred qualities .................................... 181
5.7. Varanasi: The 56 Vinayakas (spiral line and direction) ................................................ 182
5.8. Varanasi. Panca Vinayaka Yatras................................................................................. 182
5.9. Varanasi. Pancamrita Vinayaka Yatras ........................................................................ 185
5.10. Varanasi. Asthapradhana Vinayaka Yatras ................................................................ 189
5.11. Varanasi: Pancha Vinayaka Yatra ............................................................................... 196
5.12. Varanasi: Panchamrita Vinayaka Yatra....................................................................... 196
5.13. Varanasi: Panchamrita Vinayaka Yatra....................................................................... 197
5.14. Varanasi: Other (extra) Vinayaka Yatras .................................................................... 197

6.1. Varanasi: Sun (Surya/ Aditya ) Shrines......................................................................... 202

6.2. Varanasi: Azimuths of the Sun Shrines......................................................................... 205
6.3. Varanasi: Sun Shrines and Cultural-Astronomical Connotation ................................... 206
6.4. Varanasi: Sun shrines and their Festive and Symbolic Association.............................. 207
6.5. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Shashthi/ Chhatha, Karttika Shukla 6th, Samvata 2063................. 224
6.6. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Shashthi/ Chhatha, Karttika Shukla 7th, Samvata 2063................. 224
6.7. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Lolarka Chhatha, Bhadrapada Shukla 6th, Samvata 2063............ 225
6.8. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Lolarka Chhatha, Bhadrapada Shukla 6th, Samvata 2063............ 225

7.1. Varanasi/ Kashi: 96 Jala Tirtha Yatra (‘waterfront sacred spots’) ................................ 230
7.2. Varanasi/ Kashi: The 84 Ghats along the Riverfront Ganga ......................................... 231
7.3. Ecology of Place: Attitudes and Propositions ............................................................... 252

8.1. The Villages those lands acquired for the establishment of the B.H.U. ........................ 256
xiv List of Tables and Figures

9.1. Panchakroshi Yatra and Kashi: Shrines and Sites ......................................................... 272
9.2. Typology of Shiva Lingas in Kashi and on Panchakroshi route ................................... 274
9.3. Panchakroshi Yatra: Distance, and Shrines & Sites ...................................................... 275
9.4. Panchakroshi Yatra Pilgrims, Varanasi: 18 Sept. - 16 Oct. 2001.................................. 285
9.5. Panchakroshi Yatra, Pilgrim Origins, 2001................................................................... 287
9.6. Age-Sex Structure of Respondents’ Pilgrims, 2001 ...................................................... 288
9.7. Frequency of pilgrimage by Times of Respondent Pilgrims, 2001 ............................... 288
9.8. Professional structure of Respondents Pilgrims, 2001 .................................................. 289
9.9. Education Status of Respondents Pilgrims, 2001 .......................................................... 289
9.10. Caste and social groups of Respondents Pilgrims, 2001 ............................................. 290
9.11. Antargiha Yatra, Varanasi: Typology of Shrines ........................................................ 292
9.12. Vishveshvara Antargiha Yatra: Seven Spiral cycles and homology ........................... 294
9.13. Panchakroshi Yatra Region: Development Plan 1986, Cost in Rs .............................. 299

10.1. Ramalila at Ramanagar: 31-days performances at 20 sites ......................................... 307

10.2. Varanasi. Seasons, Sacred Cities and their replicas .................................................... 310
10.3. Varanasi. Weekdays and Cosmogony ......................................................................... 310
10.4. Sikh Festivals, 2009 – 2014......................................................................................... 318
10.4. Important Muslim Festivals, 2009 – 2014................................................................... 319

11.1. Varanasi Master Plans, MP: Land Use, I: 1961-91, and II: 1991-2011 ...................... 327
11.2. Varanasi Region: Population across the Ganga from Varanasi................................... 335

Figures
0.0. Varanasi: Location in India ............................................................................................... 2

1.1. Varanasi: The regional setting......................................................................................... 19

1.2. Varanasi District and Surroundings................................................................................. 20
1.3. Varanasi Urban Agglomeration, 2001: Areal units ......................................................... 21
1.4. Varanasi: Socio-Linguistic structure ............................................................................... 33
1.5. Varanasi: An archetype of All-India ............................................................................... 34
1.6. Banaras: The important Muslim Shrines ......................................................................... 37
1.7. Dhai Kangura Mosque: sectional view of the front......................................................... 38
1.8. Dhai Nim Kangoore Mosque: Main prayer ground......................................................... 38
1.9. Four Faces of Kashi: the cartoonist’s view ..................................................................... 40

2.1. Aryan expansion, from Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro to Kashi region............................. 52

2.2. Varanasi: Ancient site and archaeological structure........................................................ 55
2.3. Rajghat: Soil phosphate and chronosequence curve (after Eidt 1977) ........................... 55
2.4. Atala Mosque, Jaunpur: front view ................................................................................. 56
2.5. An old scene of Bakaria Kund and the ruins of Hindu temple, 1868 .............................. 72
2.6. Ruined portion of the old Vishveshvara temple, (after Prinsep, 1832) ........................... 75
2.7. Varanasi: Ancient Vishveshvara temple plan (Prinsep, 1833) ........................................ 76
2.8. Vishvanatha temple: Model view of the 1594 plan ......................................................... 77
2.9. Changing historical sites of the Vishvanatha temple, 1194-1777 ................................... 78
2.10. Vishvanatha Temple, the front view, after Prinsep 1833 ............................................ 79
2.11. Vishvanatha Temple, area plan (courtesy of Niels Gutschow 2005) ............................ 80
2.12. The City of Banaras, after Prinsep, 1822...................................................................... 84
2.13. The City of Banaras, Street Plan, redrawn on the map by Prinsep, 1822...................... 85
2.14. Varanasi: Water landscape and Forest Kshetra (after Prinsep, 1822) ......................... 86
2.15. A scene of the Sampurnanand Sanskrit University ....................................................... 93
 Banaras: Making of India's Heritage City xv

3.1. Kashi: Symbolic forms in mythical periods (as in the BvP) ......................................... 108
3.2. Kashi on Shiva’s Trident: a painting of the late 19th century ........................................ 109
3.3. The City of Banaras, by James Princep, 1822 ............................................................... 111
3.4. Saptapuri Yatra, 1873 .................................................................................................... 113
3.5. Saptapuri Yatra, 1873: Main temple and images codified ............................................ 114
3.6. Map of Kashi Darppana, by Kailashnatha Sukul, 1876............................................... 116
3.7. Fifty Six Vinayakas on the Map of Kashi Darpanna.................................................... 117
3.8. Kashi: Mandala Kshetra based on a contemporary topographic map .......................... 118
3.9. Kashi Pradakshina Map, I, 1877.................................................................................... 120
3.10. Kashi Pradakshina Map, II, 1877 ................................................................................ 121
3.11. Kashi Pradakshina Map, III, 1877 ............................................................................... 122
3.12. Correcting the Panchakroshi Pradakshina Map.......................................................... 123
3.13. Varanasi, Panchakroshi temple: front sectional view................................................. 125
3.14. Varanasi, Panchakroshi temple: Front view and the basic plan ................................. 126
3.15. Varanasi, Panchakroshi temple: Divine images in the niches .................................... 127
3.16. Panchakroshi pilgrimage cognitive map, ca 1900, contemporary version ................. 128
3.17. Panchakroshi pilgrimage cognitive map, ca 1900, old engraved version................... 129
3.18. Kashi: A Pilgrimage Cognitive Map, ca 1970............................................................. 131
3.19. Tracing of Pilgrimage Cognitive Map into outlined form........................................... 132
3.20. Image of Varanasi: Individual Tourist’s Sketches, 1980 (Singh 1982)....................... 135

4.1. The basic frame of the Cosmogram............................................................................... 141

4.2. Varanasi: The 4-Pilgrimage circuits .............................................................................. 145
4.3. Geomantic Map of Kashi Mandala................................................................................ 146
4.4. Kashi Mandala. Sacred Yatras: Directional Deities ...................................................... 147
4.5 Varanasi: Panchakroshi Yatra route and alignment of Vinayaka shrines....................... 148
4.6 Varanasi : Avimukta Yatra circuit................................................................................. 148
4.7. Varanasi : Vishveshvara Antargriha Yatra circuit......................................................... 149
4.8. Kashi Mandala: 56 Vinayakas and 3 Khandas .............................................................. 151
4.9. Old Vishveshvara temple area, & Aurangazeb mosque ................................................ 154
4.10. Plan of the ancient Vishvesvara Temple: Orientation and alignment ........................ 155
4.11. Bayalisha-Lingi Shiva Linga ...................................................................................... 157
4.12. Jyotira Lingas : (A) India, (B) Varanasi, (C) Dvadasheshvara................................... 158
4.13. Varanasi: The Goddess shrines................................................................................... 160
4.14. Gurudham Temple, Varanasi: A sketch view............................................................. 163
4.15. Gurudham Temple, Varanasi: Scene of main entrance .............................................. 163
4.16. Gurudham Temple, Varanasi: Spatial plan and symbolism ....................................... 164
4.17. Krittivasheshvara linga as Shiva’s body consisting of 18 Shiva lingas....................... 167
4.18. Ancient Shiva and Devi shrines making hexagram..................................................... 168
4.19. Yupa Image, Yupa Sarovara....................................................................................... 169

5.1. Varanasi: The three Khandas (segments) and the patron deity Shiva ........................... 175
5.2. Shiva Linga as Mandala ................................................................................................ 178
5.3. India: Shiva Jyotirlingas ............................................................................................... 183
5.4. Varanasi: location of the Bhairavas.............................................................................. 184
5.5. Varanasi: The Kshetra Devis......................................................................................... 186
5.6. Kashi Mandala: 56 Vināyakas & 3 Khandas................................................................. 189
5.7. Varanasi: The Four Pilgrimage Circuits........................................................................ 192
5.8. Kashi: The Forms of 56 Vinayakas : number 1 to 16.................................................... 193
5.9. Kashi: The Forms of 56 Vinayakas : number 17 to 32.................................................. 194
5.10. Kashi: The Forms of 56 Vinayakas : number 33 to 50................................................ 195

6.1. Varanasi: Sun Shrines.................................................................................................... 203

6.2. Sun Shrines, Varanasi: Cosmic Order and Cyclic orientation....................................... 204
6.3. The Surya Yantra, Varanasi .......................................................................................... 210
xvi List of Tables and Figures

6.4. Designs of Surya Yantra............................................................................................... 210

6.5. Sun Images: Vimala, Draupada, Vriddha ..................................................................... 212
6.6. Samba Aditya ................................................................................................................ 213
6.7. Sun icons: Yama, Aruna, Mayukha, Khakhola, Keshava............................................. 214
6.8. Sumantvaditya, and Uttararkaditya ............................................................................. 215

7.1. Riverfront Varanasi: the Ghats along the left bank of the Ganga river ........................ 233
7.2. Riverfront Banaras: A scene of Assi to Rivan Ghat ..................................................... 236
7.3. Riverfront Banaras: The Chet Singh Ghat Ghat (cf. Couté & Léger 1989) ................. 238
7.4. Riverfront Banaras: the Raja Ghat Ghat (cf. Couté & Léger 1989) .............................. 240
7.5. Site plan of Darbhanga Palace (after Coute & Leger 1989) ......................................... 241
7.6. Riverfront Banaras: Ahilyabai Ghat: Spatial Plan Ghat (cf. Couté & Léger 1989) ...... 241
7.7. Riverfront Banaras, Ranamahal to Shitala Ghat (after Prinsep 1831).......................... 242
7.8. A scene of Dashashvamedha Ghat, early 19th century, after Prinsep 1833 .................. 243
7.9. A scene of Dashashvamedha Ghat: Marriage ritual ...................................................... 243
7.10. The Riverfront: the Shitala, Dashashvamedha and Man Mandir Ghats ..................... 244
7.11. The Riverfront: Hindu Observatory at Man Mandir Ghat........................................... 245
7.12. The Riverfront: Manikarnika to Sankatha ghats.......................................................... 246
7.13. The Riverfront: Amethy Temple at Manikarnika Ghat ............................................... 248
7.14. The Riverfront: Bhonshla ghat, 1831 (after Prinsep) .................................................. 249
7.15. The Riverfront: Bhonshla ghat, as today ..................................................................... 249

8.1. Spatial Plan of Banaras Hindu University: Basic Outline ............................................. 260
8.2. Vishvanatha Temple, Banaras Hindu University .......................................................... 263
8.3. Logo of the Banaras Hindu University.......................................................................... 264
8.4. Sayaji Rao Gaekwad Library, Banaras Hindu University ............................................ 266

9.1. Panchakroshi Yatra........................................................................................................ 271

9.2. Panchakroshi Yatra, I night halt: Kardameshvara sacred complex ............................... 277
9.3. Panchakroshi Yatra, II night halt: Bhimachandi sacred complex.................................. 279
9.4. Panchakroshi Yatra, III night halt: Rameshvara sacred complex.................................. 280
9.5. Panchakroshi Yatra, IV night halt: Shivpur sacred complex......................................... 281
9.6. Panchakroshi Yatra, V night halt: Kapiladhara sacred complex ................................... 283
9.7. Varanasi: Antargriha Yatra............................................................................................ 292
9.8. Varanasi: Central part of the Vishveshvara Antargiha Yatra ........................................ 293

10.1. Ramalila at Ramanagar: 31-days performances at 20 sites ......................................... 306

11.1. Varanasi, Development Region: Development Plan, 2011-2021 ................................ 328

11.2. Varanasi, Development Plan 2011 .............................................................................. 329
11.3. The Riverfront Varanasi, World Heritage Site ............................................................ 330
11.4. The Riverfront: a scene of the main ghats: Ahilyabai to Shitala Ghats....................... 331
11.5. Sarnath: Places of attraction ........................................................................................ 333
11.6. Sarnath: Archaeological area and remains .................................................................. 334
11.7. Manikarnika Ghat, Varanasi, the Heritage Planning sites ........................................... 341
11.8. Manikarnika Kund, Varanasi: Spatial plan and perspective........................................ 342

12.1. Shivprasad Singh’s Cognitive Map of Banaras........................................................... 368

12.2. Varanasi: Referred Sites in Shivprasad Singh’s novel ................................................ 370
12.3. Banaras, a scene of organised beggars, 1878 ............................................................. 377
12.4. All Possible Worlds: Utopian Man. (A) Animal Man, (B) Hungry Man without Head,
(C) Brutal Man; and (D) Vishvamitra’s Divine Man................................................... 384
VARANASI: LIGHT AND DARK

Kashi: thou of many names, many glories,

philic and phobic both.
Banaras: where juice is ready every time,
yet people thirst all the time.
Varanasi: city between the Varana and Asi rivers,
where people enjoy the flowing sewers.
Kashi: known as the City of Light,
also of delight and plight.
Smasana: the city of burning corpses,
making pits of garbage-ashes.
Jnanavapi: where the well of wisdom lies,
however always the rumour flies.
Holy Tirtha: the city of divine realm,
now changing to devil’s helm.
The Abode of Vishveshvara – Lord of the Universe,
where the people are diverse.
Here Police inspector Bhairava lives,
but all the time people weep!
Annapurna assures for giving alms,
however the dwellers enjoy hemp!
Ganesha watches the deeds as witness,
who can measure people’s dullness!
This is Shiva’s “Forest of Bliss”,
yet the motto to kill and kiss!
The flowing Ganga calls for eternity,
worshippers follow the path of disparity!
Good and bad: both the apexes everywhere,
one is free to march anywhere.
O Kashi! Bowing we to thy personality,
bliss and wish for our stability.
— Rana P. B. Singh
 FOREWORD

My first visit to Banaras in July 1962 was a touristic nature as I was on a trip
around the world. My second visit in January 1975 was directed toward understanding
and experiencing ‘ordered space’ of a city that was also the secret capital of Nepal,
where I mainly worked, where spatial manifestation, ritual and daily life of the devout
Hindu, all mixed up in making it a cosmic web. Kubernath Sukul (1900-1983), a man
par excellence “Banarasi”, had been my major resource of knowledge and source of
inspiration in understanding the sacred cartography and multiple layers of space of an
ordered microcosm of Banaras. His classics on Varanasi, one in Hindi, Varanasi
Vaibhav (1977) and another in English, Varanasi Down the Ages (1974) are still
important for the study of Banaras. Sukul was indeed the first scholar to present lists
of sanctuaries and pilgrimages as well as locational maps based on the original 64
inch to a mile survey of 1928-29. All following work is based on his initial studies.
While returning back in 1975, Kubernath Sukul presented me a copy of the
Kashidarppana, the ‘Mirror of Kashi’ (a ‘sacrosanct cognitive map’), printed on cloth
by his grandfather Kailashnath Sukul in 1876. The fact that this “mirror” of the sacred
realm, the kshetra of Kashi, is not a map to guide pilgrims in geographical reality but
an image that presents Kashi in its totality within a circle, instigated my further
research. Ever since, whether in Darmstadt, Münster, Hamburg or Abtsteinach, the
Kashidarppana was on the wall behind my desk ― my thoughts were always
connected to Kashi. One should not forget, that the Kashikanda (a part of the Skanda
Purana) tells us, that already listening to the reading of the text bestows liberation,
mukti. Likewise, the Kashidarppana of 1876, its 18th century prototypes and 20th
century transformations serve as images the seeing of which alone ensures merit,
punya.
This Mirror of Kashi was instrumental in raising questions about the nature and
complexity of the sacred cartography of the ordered space of Banaras and also across
Banaras: at the same time I worked in Mathura, Puri and Bhaktapur. Continuing my
journey I first met Rana P.B. Singh during an International Conference on ‘Ritual
Space in India’, at Bombay (Mumbai), 22-25 February 1979; and soon we became
co-pilgrims in search of sacred places in and around Banaras. The proceedings of this
Conference were published as a special issue of the Art & archaeology Research
Papers (London 1980) also presenting Rana’s first paper on Banaras, ‘Socio-cultural
space of Varanasi’. Only after two years his other paper on ‘Image of Varanasi city’
was published in a German series (1982). In 1987, only a few days after his
pioneering article on ‘The Pilgrimage Mandala of Varanasi’ was published, we were
marching through Shiva’s night (Shivaratri) to visit Bhairava’s temples and finally to
engage in darshana, “the divine vision” of Vishvanatha. As pilgrims we tried to
experience the dictum established by Barbara Aziz (1978) that ‘maps speak, and
through the language of a map speaks the mind of society’. Our friendship and joint
pilgrimages crossed three decades of time, and we have maintained our
interrelationship and co-sharing in understanding ‘ordering space’ and experiencing
‘spatial manifestation of place’. We walked together and performed co-pilgrimages
during last three decades, but somehow nothing published in our joint venture of co-
authorship. However, we both contributed on the religious landscape of Banaras in the
special issue of an international journal from Germany, i.e. Erdkunde (1994); in which
4 Foreword

I contributed on ‘holy territory and ordered space’, and he on ‘water symbolism’; and,
we both reciprocated our mutual understanding and supports.
During April 20-24, 1991 together with Rana I performed the pilgrimage of the
cosmic circuit that delimits Kashi, the outer territory of Banaras, known as
Panchakroshi Yatra. Here we both realised and experienced on this pilgrimage the
invisible realisation of people’s belief and the interaction between devout masses and
divine beings. We followed the text, context and the traditions and manners what
pilgrims performed, that is taking a vow at the Vyas Gaddi Jnanavapi to complete it,
and transcending a purely scholarly approach. Through this joint pilgrimage a whole
new world opened up before us. Our bodily togetherness with hundreds of pilgrims,
the understanding and sharing of experiences in course of different pilgrimages
(tirthayatras) continued in passage of time― always in search of ‘ordered space’
through the sacred pathways of spatiality of time and temporality of space. We
experienced several other co-pilgrimages like the Antargrihayatra (7th November
1991), the Avimuktayatra (8th and 9th February 1992), and the Kedarakhandayatra
(21st November 1992). Most of the time we were guided by Kedarnath Vyasa (b.
1932–), a descendant of the great Brahmin family at Jnanavapi whose members are
serving as pilgrimage priests for the initiation and start of the journey and at the
release at the end of the journey. For several times we performed pilgrimages and
visited sacred places and holy spots, which are associated with different yatras.
Kedarnath Vyas needs not to carry maps or notes. Banaras’ sacred topography is in
his body and he is so fast and directed at the desired places that it was always difficult
not to loose him out of sight.
Since 1991 when Vyas guided us for the first time to the Panchakroshi Mandir and
with access to copies of the 64 inch to one mile map we intensified our search for
places which was facilitated with the translation of the Kashikhanda in 1996 and 1997
by G.V. Tagare. In follow-up years, during 1999-2002 friends from the Heidelberg
University, Axel Michaels, Jörg Gengnagel and Martin Gaenszle worked within a
broader framework of a project called ‘Visualising Space in Banaras’, sponsored by
the German Research Society (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). Rana Singh had
been the chief collaborator from Indian side and much more: without his guidance and
support I would never have been able to locate those hundreds of places inscribed and
visually presented by reliefs in the niches of the Panchakroshi Mandir. My tribute to
Banaras has been offered in my book Benares (2006).
During last thirty years Rana Singh has published extensively on Banaras and its
vicinity, in fact, more than anybody else. This includes an anthology, a cultural
guidebook, seven books, an extensive bibliographic book and more than sixty
research papers. Based on his long services to this holy city, his magnum opus on
Bibliographic book on Banaras (2009) is released at the beginning of this year, which
would certainly serve as the resource-tank for any researcher. And, the present book
would serve as sequel to the above. Since more than a decade he has been busy as an
activist, constantly being involved in creating an awareness regarding the potential of
the unique urban fabric of Banaras as a World Heritage Site. May he succeed in
persuading the general public and administrators of the Central Government and the
governor and the bodies of the municipality to prepare the ground for getting the
‘Ganga Riverfront and Heritage of old city of Varanasi’ inscribed in the World
Heritage List of UNESCO!
The present book is a broad synthesis of a variety of information. Rana presents
data and thoughts that deal with the making of Banaras as India’s heritage city. He is
covering themes like the geographical and environmental setting, the growth and
 Banaras: Making of India's Heritage City 5

expansion of urban fabric, the frame of ordered space that allows us to see Kashi as a
cosmogram – the place where “Shiva and his family members” were instrumental in
the creation of multiple layers and pilgrimage territories. Rana was pioneering in
realizing the role of solar shrines and the spatial orientation of their locations as a
result of astronomical phenomena experienced and observed by the devout Hindu
scholars in the past. He also prepared the ground for presenting the status and role of
the Mother Goddesses, their locational patterns and symbolic orders. Finally, Rana
has raised the issue of the riverfront as a “heritagescape”, that is the ghats
(embankments) and the associated cultural heritage (tangible and intangible), the
critical appraisal of the issue of contestation and movements that took place during
last decade in documenting and understanding the riverfront.
The twelve essays in this book are intertwined in sequel and maintaining continuity
of the message that makes the book pioneering and challenging for understanding the
most important sacred place (tirtha) of Indian culture, a potential World Heritage Site.
I am sure this work will serve as resource and role model, as an insightful guide for
heritage studies and interdisciplinary ways of looking deeply into cultural landscapes
― their multiple layers and networks.

Niels Gutschow
Author of the book, Benares, the Sacred Landscape of Varanasi (2006)
Honorary Professor, Heidelberg University, Germany

Abtsteinach (Germany)
Ashvina Shukla, light fortnight 10, Samvata 2066
Vijayadashmi: 28 September 2009.

References
Aziz, Barbara Nimri 1978. Maps and the Mind. Human Nature, 8 (1): 50-59.
Gutschow, Niels 2006. Benares, the Sacred Landscape of Varanasi. Edition Axel
Menges GmbH, Stuttgart-Fellbach, Germany.
―. 1994. Varanasi/Benares: the centre of Hinduism. Erdkunde, Archiv für
Wissenschaftliche Geographie (Berlin, Germany), Bd. 48 (3), September: 194-
209.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1980. Socio-cultural space of Varanasi. Art & Archaeology
Research Papers (AARP, London, UK), special publication on ‘Ritual Space in
India’ (ed. Jan Pieper), vol. 17: 41-46.
―. 1982. Image of Varanasi city: reflection on Geography of Tourism; in, Matznetter,
J. (ed.) Alpanism and Tourism, and other Problems of the Geography of Tourism,
Proceedings of the meeting of the IGU Working Group: Geography of Tourism
and Recreation (Karuizawa, 25-30 August 1980). Frankfurter Wirtschafts- und
Sozialgeograpgische Schriften (Im Selbstverlag des Instituts für Wirtschafts- und
Sozialgeograpie der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt/ Main,
Germany), Heft 41: pp. 161-174.
―. 1987. The pilgrimage mandala of Varanasi/Kashi: a study in sacred geography.
The National Geographical Journal of India (NGSI, B.H.U., Varanasi), 33 (4):
493-524.
6 Foreword

―. 1994. Water symbolism and sacred landscape in Hinduism: a study of Benares.

Erdkunde, Archiv für Wissenschaftliche Geographie (Berlin, Germany), Bd. 48 (3),
September: pp. 210-227.
―. 2009. Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History, and Bibliography.
[1276 entries of sources, also, historical chart, a list of 1100 shrines and divinities
and their locations, and Hindu Festivals, 2006-15]. Pilgrimage and Cosmology
Series: 8. 456 pp.; 13 statistical tables, 32 figures. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Sukul, Kubernath 1974, Varanasi Down the Ages. K.N. Sukul, Patna. Printed at
Bhargava Bhushan Press, Varanasi.
―. 1977 (Samvata 2034). Vārānasī Vaibhava. (The Glory of Varanasi). [in Hindi].
Rastrabhasha Parishad, Patna.
Tagare, G.V. (translated and annotated by), 1996, 1997. The Skanda-Purana, Book
IV: Kashi-Khanda. Vols. 58, Parts X, Chapters 1 to 50. Motilal Banarasidass Publs.
Pvt. Ltd., Delhi.
 PREFACE: A CALL FOR CO-PILGRIMAGE

The sacred bond between person and place is a reciprocal process illustrated in the
realm of manifestation (representation in abbreviation), visualisation (architecture and
the symbolic meanings imposed upon) and the world of festivities (regulating and re-
awakening the spirit through rituals). The human relation with nature is realised
primarily while narrating the place, understanding the place and becoming part of the
‘spirit of place’ (genius loci). The essence of ‘place’ consists of components like
location, integration of nature and habitat, framework of circulation, system of land
ethic, and the dynamic nature of its changing value in tandem with the relevant belief
systems and the associated interlocking networks. Place is the central nexus where we
experience the harmonic relationship between man and nature. The process of
understanding a place is a walk in search of interrelationship between the physical
milieu and its metaphysical values.
All my life I have felt close to place. Place speaks. Place talks. Place
communicates. Place is a growing organism, a form of being. Place is an interrelated
community, playing between Man and Cosmos. Presence of place was real to me long
before I know anything of the energies by which this works. I remember that since my
childhood I have sensed “something” in and around a place. The visible and invisible
messages have been a source of real meaning to my life. I have moved from one place
to another, however carried with me the memories and mythic sentiments attached to
the place. I don’t know how and why this is always with me. Somehow later in life I
learn that place attachment is a human quest for understanding and also a feeling ―
the immanence and transcendence of a force linking Man and Cosmos.
We are surrounded not by sense objects but by images that are invisible to
everybody else. The symbolic expression of place, the set of symbols that gives the
people of a culture orientation in space and time, is pervasive in Hindu culture. We
find in Hindu tradition that places like special sites or natural scenarios, rivers,
mountains, grounds, sacred buildings and sacred cities replicate the forms and
processes of the cosmos, thus creating the heritagescapes. In fact, a passion for
placement is basic to Hindu thought. Sacred place as ‘storied place’ is eulogised in
Hindu mythology, or oral epics, with divine connotation – there intersects myth and
terra firma. Banaras is such a distinct place in India, known as pride of India’s
heritage city and the cultural capital.
The uniqueness and distinctiveness of a place are the special aspects of a sacred
place where genius loci and values of human environment are deeply rooted and
maintained by means of sacred ways – as reflected in pilgrimages and associated
performances and rituals. The quality of the sacred place depends upon the human
context that has been shaped by it, with respect to memories, experiences, miracles
and expectations. The city of Varanasi is unique in the architectural, artistic and
religious expressions of traditional Indian culture and is a living example of this
culture even today. The cultural heritage of the city is ‘special’ and is an exceptional
testimony to living traditions, to be seen and to be believed, in religious faith, rituals
and myriad festivals, traditional forms of worship and belief that are still practised,
asceticism, spiritual exercises, education, music, dance, handicrafts and art forms that
continue to be transmitted through generations.
8 Preface: A Call for Co-Pilgrimage

The paraphrasing of Samuel Johnson’s (1709-1784) remarks for London is well

suited to the city of Banaras: “By seeing Banaras, one can see as much of life as the
whole India can show”. In fact, Banaras is an archetype of all India, but it is full of
complexity and contrasts resulting too difficult in comprehension for those who stand
outside the Hindu tradition. Those who love this city with heart and mind will share
with me the metaphorically expressions in terms of capturing space, time and
tradition. Since the city of Banaras records a long experience in history as centre of
pilgrimages and mystics, the vast arena of puranic literature have eulogised and
glorified this place to prime importance.
The old city centre and other important cultural and religious places
(heritagescapes) are today enclosed within the modern city and are seriously
threatened by pressures of modernisation and development. The religious, philosophical
and cultural heart of India, Varanasi, or Banaras as it is popularly called, or Kashi as
the ancient centre of the city was called in the religious context, is the most important
pilgrimage destination of the Hindus. The Sarnath zone, which is within the wider city
precincts, is extremely important for Buddhists the world over. The culture as seen
and lived here is a rare heritage asset for Indians and for the citizens of the world,
contributing to the cultural, philosophical and intellectual knowledge of Indian culture
and the cultural community of the world.
Since the first stage of human evolution, the idea of mystical power of place has
been part of human consciousness. The identification of a place as sacred is never
essentially one of individual recognition; actually, the place is never ‘chosen’ by
humans, it is merely discovered by them ― to provoke the Eliadean perspective. In
some way or another the ‘spirit of place’ attracts and reveals itself to a human, and
that is how s/he merely ‘finds’ it, though the process of discovery becomes easier
when one follows the spiritual path and deeper quest for interaction.
Humans have used all their senses to search for places where divine beings
manifest their power. Several such stories are mentioned in ancient mythologies. We
learn from history that archaic people sought meaningful ways to link reality and
psychic feeling in order “to combine empirical facts with imaginative fancies and to
think in rhythm with their feelings and feel in rhythm with their thinking” (Herberger
1972: 16). Going back to history in a search for holistic theory we find the idea of
theoria – an ancient way of grasping experience that involves all the senses and
feelings and ultimately how humans express themselves: human talk. The will to
sacred journey involves a surrender of self to the divine, a kind of soul healing.
The key is a small thing, really, but its power is great. The key is genius loci. To
every place, there is a key – direct communication with the inherent meanings and
messages of the place. When the key is lost, the place is forgotten. Mythologies, folk
tales, continuity of cultural traditions, the quest to understand what is beyond – all are
the facets of crossings. In Indian culture the crossings are the tirthas (‘sacredscapes’)
where one transforms oneself from the physical to metaphysical. To cross is to be
transformed. On the ladder to cross from one side – physical – to the other end –
metaphysical – the sacred places serve as rungs. The setting of the proper ladder
relies on a secret principle – that the vertical can be attained only by strict attention to
the horizontal. The ladder provides the way of ascent through care and deeper quest.
A spiritual walk is the ladder, sacred ways are the steps, and human understanding is
the destination. Thinking together is a new vision. Going together is a new start.
Walking together is a real march. Realising together is the final destination –
enlightenment. Without a pilot, one gets lost in madness, illness, or death. Without a
way a pilgrim or traveller gets lost in the route. The way is a ‘spirit’ – spirit is an
 Banaras: Making of India's Heritage City 9

eternal sight for passing on the path in the right order. This is a message of ‘heritage
ecology’.
By spiritual walk, can we regain certain understandings that have been forgotten?
Why not? These understandings would help us to a certain extent regain our balance
inwardly (spiritually, and psychologically) and outwardly in terms of ecological
cosmology. This book is an attempt to serve as a key, a way and a companion on this
march towards crossing and soul healing, and ultimately to understand the making of
heritagescapes of Varanasi.
The devout Hindus say that the three bridge-pillars interlinking the earth to the
heaven are Prayaga (Allahabad), Kashi (Varanasi) and Gaya. This can be revealed
through the experiences of their distinct images. They express this as Prayaga munde
(by tonsure), Kashi dhundhe (by search in the labyrinth lanes), and Gaya pinde (by
offering rice-balls to ancestors). Through these steps one can get liberation. This
triadic framework of India’s cultural tradition is narrated in this companion book of
spiritual walk and communication with heritagescapes. There are many ways of
expressing the vividness and contrasts of Kashi Kshetra (territory), its cultural
heritages and its exposures. This publication is a humble attempt to present the ways
in making, means in maintaining, processes responsive to change, factors responsible
in creation, and their resultant scenes and scenarios that make the city of Banaras the
heritage and capital city of India. The stories are described with a view to
experiencing the deeper meanings and messages. Through the present one can feel the
‘process of becoming’, which reminds us that:

The future of Present is in the past,

The future of Past is in the future,
The future of Future is in the present;
Ultimately, Present makes both past and future.

It is our wish that you and we will either meet in the lanes of Banaras, or, even
better, that we will perform co-pilgrimage in and around Banaras while walking on
the cosmic circuit and communicating with heritagescapes.
Banaras: where “always ready” (Bana) is the “juice of life” (ras)! This “Life-
juice” flows in plenitude here in different colours, varying tones, multiple textures and
layers, diverse situations, contrasting conditions, etc. It is the blending or “complex
mixing” of these, which makes up the mosaic of culture known as Banaras, the City of
Lord Shiva.
Shiva’s liquid energy flows in the form of the Ganga river, and he is represented in
the iconographic form of the lingam. The residents of Banaras believe that Lord Shiva
and his associates live invisibly in the rhythm of the city, but that only the enlightened
one can experience and reveal this.
Once Mark Twain famously commented (1897: 480): “Banaras is older than
history, older than tradition, older even than legend and looks twice as old as all of
them put together”. Banaras is not the story of bricks and stones; it is in fact a living
history in itself. A son of the soil and an experiential writer (Kamal Gupt 1986: 79)
describes the city metaphorically in terms of capturing space, time and tradition:

Banaras either of the past, or of the present, and would be of the future, was a
historically important city of the past, and is of the present, and would be of the future.
Banaras is not only a city, but also a culture in itself. Looking this city is easy,
recognition difficult. Touching it is easy, capturing difficult. Making portrait is easy,
10 Preface: A Call for Co-Pilgrimage

transformation on the mental canvas difficult. In this way, in spite of easiness in

outlook, in appearance it is a city of dignity, infinity and complexity.

Describing the historicity and inherent power of preserving continuity, Sherring

(1868: 7-8) writes:

Twenty-five centuries ago, at the least, it was famous. When Babylon was struggling
with Nineveh for supremacy, when Tyre was planting her colonies, when Athens was
growing in strength, before Rome had become known, or Greece had contended with
Persia, or Cyrus had added lustre to the Persian monarchy, or Nebuchandnezzar had
captured Jerusalem, and the inhabitants of Judaea had been carried into captivity, she
had already risen to greatness, if not to glory. Nay, she may have heard of the fame of
Solomon, and have sent her ivory, her apes, and her peacocks to adorn his palaces;
while partly with her gold he may have overlaid the Temple of the Lord. Not only is
Benares remarkable for her venerable age, but also for the vitality and vigour which, so
far as we know, she has constantly exhibited. While many cities and nations have fallen
into decay and perished, her sun has never gone down; on the contrary, for long ages
past it has shone with almost meridian splendour. Her illustrious name has descended
from generation to generation, and has ever been a household word, venerated and
beloved by the vast Hindu family.

During the 11th to the 17th centuries Muslim invaders destroyed the city at least
four times. However, it survived and was repeatedly revived; the sites and holy spots
were re-searched, the monuments were re-paired and re-built and the spirit was again
re-awakened to re-unite with the primordial. In this way the eternity of life has
survived in spite of several ‘superimpositions’, or attempts to submerge it.
The multiple personalities of Kashi are projected as:

City of light, where every day the sunrise reflects on

the crescent moon-shaped Ganga River,
and finally illuminates the river front;
City of delight, where high degrees of pleasure and joy are experienced;
City of plight, where ups and downs always make life full
of frequent and sudden changes;
City of might, which possesses the power of feeling and attraction;
City of sight, which allows clear vision to emerge where humanity and divinity meet;
City of right, where all the human deeds are righteously assessed
by the patron deity Shiva, who then blesses and curses accordingly.

The Kashi Khanda (35.10) says, “The Ganga River, Lord Shiva, and the divine city
of Kashi make the Trinity of grace and perfect bliss”. The Trinity is symbolised by the
three hillocks as the three forks of Shiva’s trident on which the city exists, viz.
Omkareshvara in the north, Vishveshvara in the central part, and Kedareshvara in the
south. Blessed by Lord Shiva, Bhagiratha brought the goddess Ganga to the earth, she
who provides vital life to Kashi as well as to the wide range of the plains. The
mythical figure Divodasa became a divine king of the city, but finally handed it over
to Shiva. Lord Shiva left Mount Kailash and settled here in a variety of forms. There
are more than three thousand forms of Shiva lingas. By Shiva’s power the city has
grown as a seat of knowledge. Over fifty Sanskrit schools are still preserving the
ancient traditions. Many other educational institutions have grown up here as well.
Presently there are seven universities or university-level institutions, viz. the Banaras
Hindu University, Sampurnananda Sanskrit University, Mahatma Gandhi Kashi
 Banaras: Making of India's Heritage City 11

Vidyapith University, Central University of Tibetan Studies, Udai Pratap

(autonomous) P.G. College, Agrasen (autonomous) P.G. College, and Jamia Salfia
Darul-Islamia, an Islamic university. There are also hundreds of active cultural
institutes and religious establishments, traditional schools, music, dance and art forms
that have spread to the world, local artisan and handicraft products in textiles, wood
and metal work. The city has always played a special role, at least since the 5th
century BCE in promoting education – debates and dialectics, both religious and
spiritual – traditional medicine (ayurveda), yoga, astrology. Further, the pattern of
spatial transposition of holy sites is unique in the sense that all the important holy
centres of India were replicated here before the 12th century. Varanasi can, in fact, be
considered a living symbolisation and a living expression of Indian culture and
traditions in all its religious rituals, in its multi-ethnic artistic traditions, in its
architectural treasures, in its life-expressions, in its particular relationship with life
and death, in its traditional schools where Sanskrit and the sacred texts are still taught
and in its multicultural and multi-linguist population.
The spiritual magnetism of Banaras had attracted the Buddha here in the 6th
century BCE to ‘Turn the Wheel of Law’. By the turn of the 3rd century BCE, the
great Buddhist king Ashoka had built a monastery township that flourished till the
11th century CE. Later, due to destruction by the Muslim invaders and by fire it
turned into ruins. Now, after quite some time, the restored Sarnath has become a place
of pilgrimage for Buddhists, and a place of spiritual tourism for others. In Banaras
city alone, there are over 3300 Hindu shrines and temples, about 1388 Muslim shrines
and mosques, 12 churches, 3 Jain temples, 9 Buddhist temples, 3 Sikh temples
(gurudvaras) and several other sacred sites and places. This is the only place in the
world where such a huge number of Hindu and Muslim sacred places co-exist.
The city is also known as the ‘City of Good Death’ and the place where ancestral
souls can gain final release. The fires of cremation remind one of eternity, and Lord
Shiva whispers the sacred verse (mantra) of liberation to the souls of the dead. Along
the ghats (stairways) pilgrims perform ancestral rites to the Ganga and give donations,
a rite by which they are said to get ‘reservation’ in Shiva’s heavenly abode - not only
for their own soul, but also for the wandering souls of their ancestors. For the living
there are many varieties of monasteries where one can satisfy his/her spiritual quest.
The 84 ghats along the arc-shaped Ganga symbolise the integration of the 12 signs
of the zodiac (division of time) and the 7 sheaths of the body or the 7 layers of the
atmosphere (division of space), thus 12 x 7 = 84. Among these, the five are of special
merit: Asi, Dashashvamedha, Manikarnika, Panchaganga and Adi Keshava. Yet the
whole stretch of the Ganga provides shelter and means of livelihood to thousands of
people, such as boatmen, ghatias (priests at the ghats), seller of ritual items and
flowers, and tourists too. The sunrise at the bank of the Ganga provides a scene of
transforming colourscape. Every morning around twenty thousand people take a holy
dip, but the bathers’ number near to a million on special occasions like the full moon
in October-November (Karttika Purnima) and on solar and lunar eclipses.
The natural setting, the spirit of place, and the continuity of cultural traditions have
all blended together to create and preserve a unique lifestyle known as Banarasi. This
lifestyle has manifested itself in a musical tradition known as the Banaras Gharana
(style). Many great musicians and performing artists have been born here and still
regularly return to visit and to perform their art for the public as tribute to the spirit of
the soil. Layers of time and traditions are superimposed one upon the other, but the
essence of the life has maintained its continuity. Recently some of the old festivals
have been revived in the original style, despite some modern touches.
12 Preface: A Call for Co-Pilgrimage

The Vedic sacrificial alter is connected to the transformation of energy from

heaven to the earth ― “I am Heaven, thou art Earth” (Brihadaranya Upanishad,
4.4.3). A place thus is transformed into a sacred place, showing how a macrocosm can
be transferred into a mesocosm, and further reflected into the human body
(microcosm). This process of transformation may be called sacralisation. Eliade
(1959: 11) writes, “Man becomes aware of the sacred because it manifests itself,
shows itself, as something wholly different from the profane”. He designates this act
as the act of manifestation of the sacred, i.e. hierophany. It makes a space become
something else, while continuing to remain itself and also continuing to participate in
its surrounding cosmic milieu. A sacred place’s spatial structure is visible in its
archetypal layout, where metaphysical prototypes and heavenly patterns of material
things meet (Singh 1993: 161). Walter (1988: 75) writes:

Any sacred place is a specific environment of phenomena that are expected to support
the imagination, nourish religious experience, and conveys religious truth. It organises
sight and sound, introduces light to present clarity and order, or makes things dark to
suggest unseen presence and hidden power.

That is how a sacred place is both an environment of sensory phenomena and a

moral environment for mankind. Banaras presents one of the best examples in India.
After all, the present day scenario of culture and landscape in Banaras face the
problems of chaos, crises, contextuality, contemporaneity and corroborateity,
nevertheless it maintains consistency, contemplation, contingency, coalition and
continuity ― correspondingly linking the memorial past, existent present and
visionary future.

References
Eliade, Mircea 1959. The Sacred and the Profane. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, San
Diego.
Gupt, Kamal 1986. Banaras – An unique city of historical past and present (in Hindi);
in, Verma, T.P. ; Singh, D. P. and Mishra, J.S. (eds.) 1986. Yugo Yugon men Kāśī.
(Varanasi through the Ages). Proceedings of an All-India Seminar. Bhartiya Itihas
Samkalan Samiti, Varanasi: 79-82.
Herberger, Charles E 1972. The Thread of Ariadne. Philosophical Library, New York.
Sherring, Matthew Atmore 1868. Benares. The Sacred City of the Hindus in Ancient
and Modern Times. Illustrated, 424pp. Trübner & Co., London. Cheap Publ, Delhi
(reprinted, 1990), South Asia Books, New Delhi (reprinted, 1996),
Singh, Rana P.B. 1993. (Guest Editor). The Layout of Sacred Places. Special Issue of
the Architecture & Behaviour (Lausanne, Switz.), 9 (2): 157-278.
Twain, Mark 1898. Following the Equator. A Journey around the World. American
Publishing Co., Hartford, Connecticut.
Walter, Elugene V. 1988. Placeways. A Theory of the Human Environment. The
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill.
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

All my life I have felt close to place. Place speaks. Place talks. In late 1970s my
inner quest mobilised my sight and vision for reading the genius loci of Varanasi,
ultimately trying to interpret and understand the meanings, messages and milieus
preserved there; this resulted into a constant march, a never ending journey. On this
road while walking, people from different parts of the world joined and made our
group a company of seekers, a mosaic of culture, thought and vision. The first and
foremost wanderer who inspired and persuaded me to follow this path of sacred
journey is my German friend Prof. Niels Gutschow whom I first met during an
International Conference on ‘Ritual Space in India: Studies in Architectural
Anthropology’, at Max Müller Foundation, Bombay (Mumbai), 22-25 February 1979;
and soon we became co-pilgrims in search of the genius loci of sacredscapes in and
around Banaras. In the same conference I met two other great personalities who
worked on ‘sacred space’ and also on Banaras, they are Prof. Jan Pieper, and Prof.
George Michell. In course of time, I intensively worked together with them and learnt
different perspectives to study and understand Banaras. While marching on the above
path I met Prof. Axel Michaels in an International Conference on ‘Banaras as Place of
Pilgrimage’, University of Bern, Switzerland, 25 May 1993, with whom I again
collaborated from Indian side in his directed project on ‘Visualising Sacred pace of
Banaras’ under the auspices of Heidelberg University (Germany) in 1999-2002. As
summing up celebration the South Asia Institute at Heidelberg had organised an
International Symposium on ‘Visualized Space: Constructions of Locality and
Cartographic Representations in Varanasi’ during 22-25 May 2002, where I gave a
keynote address and benefitted from scholars from all over the world working on
Banaras, including so many young researchers.
Banaras: where ‘always ready’ (Bana) is the ‘juice of life’ (ras)! This ‘Life-juice’
flows in plenitude here in different colours, varying tones, multiple textures and
layers, diverse situations, contrasting conditions, etc.; its history is rooted in my own
tour de force during the last thirty years, 1979–2009. My first paper on Banaras was
published in the proceedings-based volume in the Art and Archaeology Research
Paper Series (London) in 1980, followed with the second paper on Varanasi dealing
with geographical space and cognitive maps published in the proceedings in the
Frankfurt Social Geography Series in 1982. Since then my path has been widened and
many companions have joined at different stages, in different turnings and in different
ways. During 1998-2000 under the auspices of University of Colorado Project on ‘the
Cultural Astronomy and Sacred Space in Banaras’, I worked with the famous
astrophysicist Prof. John McKim Malville, and our collaboration flourished in several
publications; this helped us to understand the link between the mythological and the
scientific endeavours. During 1999-2003, working in the UK- DFID project on ‘Land
use changes in the Peri-urban areas around Varanasi’ has also helped me in reflecting
upon the expansion of the city.
The first draft of this book started in the congenial and friendly environment of the
VPI, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University at Blacksburg, USA
University, during January-April of 1981 where I served as Visiting Professor in the
School of Environmental and Urban Studies. I express special thanks to professors
Charles Good and Bradley Hertel, friends at VPI-SU, who treated me as their family
14 Acknowledgements

member. Being visiting professor in other countries I have been benefitted by their
support and accessories in preparing this book and doing researches about Banaras;
affiliation to such institutions include Karlstad University (Sweden) in December
1989, May-June 1993, August 1996, May 2002, May-June 2005, May-June 2006,
University of Otago, New Zealand in October 1995, Gifu Women’s University, Japan
in December 2004, and Gothenburg University in October 2008. At Karlstad my
collaborator and friend Prof. Gerhard Gustafsson has always been immensely helpful.
The first presentation on the contents of this book was given as special
presentations or lectures in different international conferences like the 28th IGU Post-
Congress Symposium on Perspective of Indian Geography towards Future
(Groningen, The Netherlands: 10-12 August 1996), International Conference on
Rethinking Development (Sida-Sando, Sweden: 14-17 June 1997), International
Conference on Development Geography (Vaasa, Finland: 21-23 June 1999), the 6th
Oxford & SEAC Conference on Astronomy & Cultural Diversity (La Laguna, Spain:
24-29 June 1999), the International SASNET Workshop on Global Networking in
South Asian Studies (Lund, Sweden: 27-28 August 2001), International
Interdisciplinary Conference on Symbology, Myths, History: Weapons and Wars in,
from Rudra to Mahatma Gandhi (Milan, Italy: 19-20 May 2003), the 3rd International
Convention of Asia Scholars (Singapore: 19-22 August 2003), the 18th European
Congress of Modern South Asian Studies (Lund, Sweden: 6-9 July 2004), the 19th
World Congress of the International Association of History of Religions (Tokyo,
Japan, 24-30 March 2005), the 19th European Conference of Modern South Asian
Studies (Leiden, the Netherlands: 27-30 June 2006), the 2nd SSEASR Conference of
South and Southeast Asian Association for the Study of Culture and Religion
(Bangkok, Thailand: 24-27 May 2007), PASR Mid-Term International Conference on
Religion and the Formation of New Publics (Manila, Philippines: 23-26 January
2008), Indo-Swedish Work-shop on Cultural Geography and Religion (Gothenburg,
Sweden: 13-27 October 2008), and the 16th World Congress of International Union
of Anthropological and Ethnographical Sciences (Kunming, China: 27-31 July 2009).
I have collaborated with and was enriched by the researches and interaction with
scholars and lovers of Banaras from different parts of the world who helped in
shaping my ideas and expanding of horizons; their number is so huge that I can only
say that their messages and ideas I have collaborated with and was enriched by the
researches and interaction with scholars and lovers of Banaras from different parts of
the world who helped in shaping my ideas and expanding of horizons; noteworthy
among them, according to country, are:

Austria: Armin Brugger, Wolfgang Dokonal, Grigor Doytchinov, Martin Gaenszle,

Götz Hagmüller, Wolfgang Heusgen, Hasso Hohmann, Klaus Rötzer.
Australia: Reena Tiwari, Peter Friedlander, Kama Maclean, Kiran Shinde, Yashdeep
Srivastava.
Belgium: Ruth Brinkmann, Winand Callewaert, Joris Gielen, Bermijn Isabelle, Greet
Van Thienen.
Canada: Christopher Justice, Anne Pearson, J. Douglas Poeteus, Hillary Rodrigues.
Denmark: Hans Helge Madsen, Erik Sand, Birgitta Schöndorf.
France: Francesco Bandarin, Ghassan Chemaly, Mathieu Claveyrolas, Catherine
Clementin-Ojha, Rémy Delage, Emmanuelle Pucci, Serge Santelli.
Germany: Joachim Bautze, Hans-Georg Bohle, Heike Dittmers, Joerg Gengnagel,
Niels Gutschow, Harry Falk, Istvan Keul, Uwe Köckman, Hermann Kulke,
Stephan Lemcke, Jan Piper, William Sax, Volkmar Schaefer, Stefan Schuette,
Annette Wilke, Xenia Zeiler, Lena Zühlke.
 Banaras: Making of India's Heritage City 15

Greece: Alexander Karsiotis, Demetrios Th. Vassiliades.

India: P.K. Agrawal, Jamal Akhtar, T.K. Basu, Bettina Bäumer, Suresh Bhatia, T.K.
Biswas, K. Chandramaouli, Charles Choreo, Vrinda Dar, D.P. Dubey, (late)
Kamal Gupt, Vidula Jayaswal, Madhu Khanna, Rai Ananda Krishna, Nita
Kumar, Ranjit Makkuni, K.P. Mishra, A.K. Narain, D.B. Pandey, Vishwanath
Pandey, Ajay Pandey ‘Pinku’, Shobita Punja, Navneet Raman, Pravin Rana,
Jyoti Rohilla, Baidya Nath Saraswati, Vinay Sharma, C.D. Singh, Pratibha
Singh, Tripurari Shankar, (late) Dhirendra Singh, Purushottam Singh, (late)
Ram Dular Singh, Ravi S. Singh, Shashank Singh, (late) Sukdeo Singh,
Virendra Singh, M.N.P. Tiwari, Mohammad Toha, Vibha Tripathi, Rabindra
Vasavada, T.P. Verma, (late) L.P. Vidyarthi, Ishwar S. Vishwakarma.
Israel: Ran Aaronsohn, Assa Doron, Revital Shoshany, Michael Turner.
Italy: Paolo Baldeschi, Georgio Bonazzoli, Urmila Chakraborty, Alessandra
Consolaro, Vrinda Dar, Donatella Dolcini, Gian Giuseppe Filippi, Giampietro
Massella, Paolo Pecile, Gianni Pellegrini, Raoul Ravenna.
Japan: Masaaki Fukunaga, Shuji Funo, Shingo Hashimoto, Taigen Hashimoto, Ryujiro
Kondo, Eiichi Matsumoto, Hisayoshi Miyamoto, Hiroko Nagasaki, Shuichi
Nakayama, Teiji Sakata, (late) Jiro Yonekura, Yoshiharu Tsuboi, Kiwamu
Yanagisawa, Yuko Yokochi, Kotani Yoshihisa.
Mexico: David Lorenzen, Natalia Gil Torner.
Netherlands: Hans Bakker, Peter Bisschop, Marten Bode, Irma Schotsman.
Norway: Kaya Borchgrevink, Knut Jacobsen, Ute Hüsken, Jon Skarpeid, Herman
Strøm, Hans Christie Bjønness.
Spain: Álvaro Enterría, Bernat Masferrer, Òscar Pujol.
Sweden: Gudmar Anéer, Eric Clark, Gerhard Gustafsson, Per-Olof Fjällsby, Sidsel
Hansson, Marc Katz, Kristina Lejonhud, Katri Lisitzin, Kristina Myrvold, Olle
Qvarnström, Åke Sander, Göran Viktor Ståhle, Ola Wetterberg.
Switzerland: Pierre R. Dasen, Beat Niederer, Nicolas Yazgi.
UK: Chris Bayly, Dilip Chakrabarti, Mark Dyczkowski, Julia Hegewald, Roger
Housden, Richard Lannoy, George Michell, Jonathan Parry, Simon Roberts,
Mary Searle-Chatterjee, Marcus Trower, Hugh Dunford Wood.
USA: Kelley Alley, Ronald Barrett, Sunther & Elizabeth Chalier-Visuvalingam,
Pramod Chandra, Vasudha Dalmia, Michael Dodson, Diana L. Eck , Sandria
Freitag, Martin Gray, Roxanne P. Gupta, Barbara Holdrege, Cynthia Humes,
Sandy Huntington, Chaise LaDousa, Rob Linrothe, Deryck Lodrick, Timothy
Lubin, John Kim Malville, Richard Salomon, Richard Schechner, Amita Sinha,
Travis LaMar Smith, L. Eugene Thomas, Richard F. Young.
Many of the above cited persons have already worked and published on Banaras,
and the others were involved in promoting studies in various pursuits, directly or
indirectly. I convey my sincere gratitude to all personalities mentioned above, and
others whose name I missed, who helped and influenced me in different ways at
several occasions in preparing this book.
My intimate friend and co-pilgrim Niels Gutschow has been so kind to write
‘Foreword’ to this work; only he can bless me through this offering, and also only he
can realise its importance. No way in words I am able to express my gratitude and
thanks to him. Prof. Diana L. Eck (Harvard University, U.S.A.) has also been very
helpful to me ever since 1982, when her classic, Banaras, City of Light, published and
even today it has received wide acclaim and recognition among the visitors to
Banaras. In fact, this book has promoted a great sense of awakening and deeper quest
to understand the intricacies of Hindu traditions. Thank you Diana for your constant
and kind help and encouragement during last three decades.
16 Acknowledgements

I am grateful to the following scholars and friends who have gone through
substantial parts of the book and the summaries of all the chapters and send their
viewpoints; they are Christopher Bayly (Cambridge, UK), Dilip Chakrabarti
(Cambridge, UK), Pramod Chandra (Harvard, USA), Michael Dodson (Bloomington,
USA), Donatella Dolcini (Milano, Italy), Diana Eck (Harvard, USA), Martin Gaenszle
(Vienna, Austria), Marc Katz (Karlstad, Sweden), Rob Linrothe (Saratoga Springs,
USA), Axel Michaels (Heidelberg, Germany), George Michell (London, UK),
Hisayoshi Miyamoto (Tokyo, Japan), Hillary Rodrigues (Lethbridge, Canada), Amita
Sinha (Urbana, USA), and Reena Tiwari (Perth, Australia).
During my post-graduate and research studies, I have been fortunate enough to
have a great teacher like (late) R.L. Singh (1917-2001), who taught, inspired and
encouraged to search and re-search the deeply rooted roots in the ancient traditions of
India. My colleague Ravi S. Singh, who did his doctoral dissertation on ‘Hindu
goddesses’, has always been a rational critic and source of inspiration; it is thankless
to thank him; however I do hope that he would possibly realise my sentiments and
expectations and re-think to continue the tradition we had followed and strengthened
once together. A special thanks is due to my friend Rakesh Singh (Harmony Books),
who during the last fifteen years helped and encouraged me in several ways to study
and write about Banaras. Likewise my publisher friend Álvaro Enterría (Indica
Books) has been invaluable source of inspiration.
With appreciation I express my special thanks to Ram Kumar Chaturvedi and
Pankaj Prakash Singh, my research students, who meticulously drawn, revised, and
modified almost all the figures and maps in presentable form, scattered in the book.
Without their help it was not possible to have these figures in the forms they are seen.
All the members of our family (elder son Pravin, younger son Prashant, daughter
Prabha, daughter-in-law Jyoti, and our lovely 1½ yrs old grandson Vishnu), and
members of our extended family (daughter Pratibha, son-in-law Ravi, and grandson
Abhisht), have been supportive to me in different ways, in distinct capacities and in
defined means. I am thankful to all of them. My elder son, Pravin S. Rana, presently a
lecturer in tourism management at Banaras Hindu University, who did his doctoral
dissertation on ‘pilgrimage tourism in Banaras region’, has always inspired me and
helped me to keep fit my computer; I hope that he will carry on the tradition what I
learnt in my whole life. This will give me solace and peaceful crossing from this
world (samsara) to enter in the heavenly realm of silence and eternity (svargarohana).
In a sense this book is a token of small tribute and dedication to my life-partner
since the last forty years, my wife Manju (Usha), who suffered and tolerated
consistently much negligence and carelessness from my end, but above all constantly
encouraged me to proceed for the good cause of studying Banaras. It is because of her
feminine spirit and deep human values and care that we call her ‘Annapurna’, the
primordial mother. I hope she will be happy to see this book and finally grant me
excuses.
― Rana P.B. Singh
# New F - 7, Jodhpur Colony, Banaras Hindu University
Varanasi: 28 September 2009: Vijayadashmi
Ashvina Shukla, light fortnight 10, Samvata 2066.
 CHAPTER 1

GEOGRAPHICAL PERSONALITY:
SETTING AND LANDSCAPE

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. Varanasi, known as the cultural capital and the prime heritage city of India,
exists at the left-hand cliff bank of the Ganga river, and is inhabited by 1.23 millions
people. It has been given several names like Kashi and Banaras, etc. that describe
several contexts. The cityscape represents mosaicness of Indian culture where many
social groups from different parts of India came, settled and imposed upon their own
territorial and cultural complexes. Similarly all the pan-Indian holy places of India are
spatially manifested here before the CE 9th century and are still popular sites for
religious visitation or pilgrimages. There are ca. 3,300 Hindu sanctuaries and 1,388
Muslim shrines, and also other religious places altogether converge into complex
socio-cultural spaces. Here in Sarnath the Buddha gave his first sermon. The
multifaceted personality of the city and variety of sacredscapes attract a huge mass of
tourists that make this city one among the five the most visited destination in India.
Keywords: geographical setting, landscape, geographical personality, topography,
nomenclature, sacred territory, population, religious landscape, mandala, tourist
landscape.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Kashi is the whole world, they (pilgrims) say. Everything on earth that is powerful and
auspicious is here, in this microcosm. All of the sacred places of India and all of her
sacred waters are here. All of the gods reside here, attracted by the brilliance of the City
of Light. All of the eight directions of the compass originated here, receiving
jurisdiction over the sectors of the universe. And all of time is here, they say, for the
lords of the heavenly bodies which govern time are grounded in Kashi and have
received their jurisdiction over the days and months right here.
— Diana L. Eck (1982: 23).

1. Background
Vārānasi, popularly called Kāshi or Banāras (wrongly spelt as Benares in the
colonial period), known as the Cultural Capital, Heritage city of India and one of the
oldest living cities of the world, records a continuous settlement history since ca. 1000
BCE. However, the present city has grown mostly during the early 18th century.
Varanasi acquired status of a ‘million+ city’ (as Urban Agglomeration1) in 1991 and
1
According to the Census of India (2001) “An Urban Agglomeration is a continuous urban
spread constituting a town and its adjoining urban outgrowths (OGs) or two or more
physically contiguous towns together and any adjoining urban outgrowths of such towns.
Examples of OGs are railway colonies, university campuses, port areas, etc., that may come
up near a city or statutory town outside its statutory limits but within the revenue limits of a
village or villages contiguous to the town or city. Each such individual area by itself may not
18 Chapter One

recorded a population of 1,231,220 in 2001, being thus ranked 23rd in the hierarchy of
million cities in India according to population. The city’s population consists of
predominantly of Hindus (63%), substantial Muslims (30%) and other religious
groups. The main city spreads over an area of 84.55km2. Additionally, everyday
about 40,000 commuters visit the city, which increases to 60,000 during festive
season. There are ca. 3,300 Hindu sanctuaries, and 1,388 Muslim shrines and
mosques (more than in any city in the world). Existence of 4 universities and 3
deemed universities, 150 Muslim schools, ca. 100 Sanskrit pathashalas (traditional
schools), and 50 Inter and Degree colleges make the place a ‘City of Culture and
Learning’. The vividness and multiplicity, the diversity and unity are easily
envisioned in its religion, culture, society and economy – altogether making a cultural
mosaic, in which festivities and performances play a major role.
Banaras is not the story of bricks and stones; it is in fact a living history in itself
(Singh and Rana 2002: 21). No other city of the world is like Varanasi, not even in
India. Its place in Hindu mythology is virtually unrivalled. The city got its name from
the two river-tributaries Varana and Asi, meeting the Ganga in the north and south,
respectively. The Kashi Khanda (of Skanda Purana; 30.17-23) refers that the two
rivers were created by the gods and placed in position to guard against the entrance of
evil; one was named ‘The Sword’ (Asi) and the other ‘The Averter’ (Varana). The
land lying between them is the holiest of all holy places in India. According to the
Vamana Purana (2.26-29), the Varana and the Asi originated from the body of
primordial Purusha (‘Man’) at the beginning of time itself (cf. Eck 1982: 27): “The
Varana issued from the right foot of the cosmic giant and the Asi issued from its left
foot; the peer of the sacred land between these two rivers does not exist in heaven,
earth, and the netherworld.” That is why Varanasi is known as the ‘Eternal City’.
Situated on the river Ganga in its middle reaches, it has always been a great centre
of learning, religion, art and culture, attracting people from all over the world – rich
and poor, men and women, young and old, and even sick and dead. Hindus perceive
Banaras as such a sacred place that if one leaves this world in Varanasi then his or her
soul will undoubtedly go to heaven.

2. Geographical Setting
Varanasi is located in the middle Ganga valley along the elevated crescent-
shaped bank at the left of the Ganga River. Being located on a high ground, the city
has rarely witnessed devastating floods, which the other cities along the river Ganga
experience from time to time. By railway it is well connected with New Delhi (764
km), Kolkata (Calcutta, 677 km) and Mumbai (1476 km); it is also connected by
roads and air services with different parts of India (Fig. 1.1, cf. p. 2).
The city of Varanasi is the headquarters of the district (Fig. 1.2) of the same name
(Varanasi), which has been segmented into a six-tier hierarchy for administration and
planning programme (cf. Table 1.1.; see Fig. 1.2). Lower areal unit is included in the
next higher areal unit.
The extended urban area delimited by the Census as ‘Varanasi Urban
Agglomeration’ (VUA) consists of ten urban sub-units, viz. a Municipal Corporation
(MC), an Out Growth (OG), four Contiguous Towns (CT), two Notified Areas (NA),
one Municipal Board (MB), and one Cantonment Board (CB). According to the
Comprehensive twenty year Master Plan of Varanasi: 1991–2011, the Varanasi

satisfy the minimum population limit to qualify it to be treated as an independent urban unit
but may deserve to be clubbed with the town as a continuous urban spread.”
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 19

Development Region (VDR) consists of the six areas (cf. Table 1.1; and see Fig. 1.3).
For the 2011 Master Plan the VUA (Fig. 1.3) is planned to expand over an area of
144.94 sq. km.

Fig. 1.1. Varanasi: The regional setting.

Topography. The average height of the city from mean sea level is 77 m which is
around 72m in the south along the Asi stream, and 83.84m at the high ground near the
confluence of the Varana to the Ganga river in the north (known as Rajghat plateau).
This plateau is 15.24 m high above the surrounding areas, being bounded by an abrupt
break of slope with a cliff. The land away from the Ganga slopes towards the Varana,
20 Chapter One

which meets to the Ganga near Adi Keshav Ghat that records a height of 73.17 m. The
level of the land gradually drops down towards the interior from the crescent shaped
kankar (lime concretion) ridge, which is bounded on the west roughly by the present
Asi-Raj Ghat route via Godaulia and Chowk. The average elevation of the high
kankar ridge is over 76.21 m (Singh, R.L. 1955: 18). The land hemmed in between
the Vidyapith-Durgakund road on the east and Grand Trunk road on the west forms a
low divide between the Ganga and Varana and is still studded with numerous tanks
(Singh, Pramod 1985: 10). The river Varana, west of Chaukaghat meanders through a
low land subject to floods but the land north of the Varana rises gradually. The nature
and the character of the bank of the Ganga River has made the position of Banaras so
stable and enviable, making it one amongst the few cities of the world which shows
little shifting in its site. The city proper is built on a high ridge of kankar that forms
the left bank of the Ganga for a distance of 5.7 km, being quite above normal flood
level. To a large extent no doubt the city owes its importance to its peculiar site.

Fig. 1.2. Varanasi District and Surroundings.

 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 21

Fig. 1.3. Varanasi Urban Agglomeration, 2001: Areal units.

Flood. Flood is a common feature of both the rivers, Varana and Ganga. Though
most of the area of the city is above the normal flood level of the Ganga, yet at the
time of peak flood half of the city comes under water. It is obvious from the records
of the peak flood occurrences in the city that in 1916, 1948, 1972 and 1982 the flood
level reached to 73.93 m, 73.2 m, 73.5 m and 73.1 m, respectively. In these peak years
flood caused a great devastation in the city. The minimum flood level recorded so far
was 62.4 m; and the danger limit of flood level is 71.26 m. During the last severe
flood, 25 August to 5 September 1982, the floodwater of swirling Ganga spread in the
crowded market of Godaulia, reaching up to Gurubagh. During this period electricity
supply was cut off in the affected areas, and all the educational institutions were
22 Chapter One

closed for a month. The whole life of the city came to standstill. Disposal of the dead
bodies became a problem in the city as Manikarnika Ghat, where cremations take
place, was submerged under 7.6 m of water (Singh, Pramod 1985: 11).

Table 1.1. Varanasi, Areal Units: Extension, Area and Population, 2001.
Se Varanasi, V – Areal extent Area, Population, 2001
(Areal Units) Latit., Long., km2 Total % of
Nº Eº District
1 Varanasi City, VC 25º 14’– 82º 56’– 83.60 1,029,961 32.72
25º 22’ 83º 03’
2 V City Municipal 25º 14’– 82º 56’– 86.51 1,092,445 34.70
Corporation, VMC 25º 22’ 83º 03’
3 V Urban Agglomeration, 25º 14’– 82º 56’– 115.27 1,231,220 38.49
VUA 25º 23.5’ 83º 03’
4 V Master Plan (Operative) 25º 13’– 82º 54’– 144.94 1,278,934 40.63
Area, VMP-O 25º 24’ 83º 04’
5 V Master Plan (Projected) 25º 13’– 82º 54’– 179.27 1,321,568 41.98
Area, VMP-P 25º 24.3’ 83º 05’
6 V Development Region, 25º 08’– 82º 48’– 477.34 2,483,750 78.90
VDR 25º 30’ 83º 13’
7 Varanasi District 25º 08’– 82º 40’– 1,564.83 3,147,927 100.00
(as a whole) 25º 35’ 83º 15’
(Sources: Various reports of the Census, Statistical Office, Varanasi; collated by the author).

Climate. The city enjoys sub-tropical monsoon climate, recording three distinct
seasons: the cold from November to February, the hot from March to mid-June, and
the rainy from mid-June to September, while October is regarded as a transitional
month (cf. Table 1.2). The highest monthly temperature is recorded in May, varying
between 32ºC and 41ºC. With the advent of March, temperature rises very rapidly till
the maximum is reached in May. Here the temperature rises over 41.5ºC, reaching
highest up to 45.4 in 2008. The mean monthly temperature in March is 24.3ºC.
Relative humidity is quite high during the main monsoon months (July to
September) amounting to between 82% and 85%, while in August it reaches to 88%.
During December to January relative humidity ranges between 75% and 80% due to
the approach of western disturbances. In late April and May when hot and dry winds
(loo) start to blow, these keep the mean relative humidity sufficiently low and it never
exceeds over 50%. Severe dust storms, called locally as ‘andhi’ and the gusty-dusty
hot wind (loo) are among the chief weather phenomena in the area during the dry
summer months. The velocity of the wind in this season rises up to more than 50
km/per hr.
The monsoon reaches Varanasi by about 15 June. The mean monthly temperature
falls below 33.7ºC, however it continues to be above 29.05ºC. The summer monsoon
retreats by the end of September and the sky becomes clear once again. The
temperature begins to fall after the middle of October, and days are warmer than
nights. The normal annual rainfall in Varanasi city is around 1000 mm. The annual
number of rainy days is 48 days, to which 42 days occur during the monsoon season
(June to September), recording 84 percent of total annual rainfall. The highest rainfall
recorded in the recent history was 1845.06 mm in 1948 when flood level also reached
to 73.2 m crossing the danger limit of 71.26m. On average seven days of
thunderstorms are usually recorded during July-August. The maximum visibility is
recorded in March and April while minimum is in winter. Annual maximum visibility
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 23

is 4-10 km, which is recorded for 143 days, while minimum visibility is up to half km
recorded for a week. Visibility is an important factor in traffic and tourist movement
(cf. Singh and Rana 2002: 27).
Considering the weather condition, the winter (November to early March) is
recommended for visiting Banaras City and the region. During the period between
December and January fog is a common phenomenon. The period between January
and February records the finest weather when the temperature varies between 13ºC
and 17ºC (cf. Table 1.2). Sometimes when there is a snowfall in the northwest
Himalaya the wind blowing down is particularly cold and this makes the temperature
fall to around 5ºC. Relative humidity reaches a maximum of 80% at 0830 hrs and
minimum to 24% at 1730 hrs. Occasionally, the area faces severe hailstorms in the
winter, more commonly in February. The weather is generally mild and dry with light
and pure air and azure-blue sky. The patches of stratocumulus clouds are driven away
from the sky. The serenity of weather is, however, broken by the passage of “western
disturbances”, which give some rainfall in the winter.

Table 1.2. Varanasi: Climatic Characteristics, 2006.

Temperature, Cº Relative Total Air Mean
No. Month Max Min Aver- Highest Lowest Humid- month Pressure wind
age of the of the ity (%) relative (mb) speed
month month rainfall (km/
(mm) hr)
1. Jan 21.83 6.49 14.16 28.0 2.4 88.74 0.54 1007.46 2.3
2. Feb 27.00 9.61 18.30 32.3 3.9 74.61 0.97 1004.72 2.9
3. Mar 32.59 14.00 23.30 37.8 5.4 56.39 1.20 1003.10 3.7
4. Apr 37.16 19.81 28.48 43.5 15.5 39.93 2.90 999.89 4.0
5. May 38.61 25.37 31.99 44.0 15.4 62.00 43.50 994.25 4.4
6. Jun 34.97 25.83 30.40 39.6 23.9 79.00 267.50 990.23 4.9
7. July 32.86 25.65 29.25 34.8 23.7 87.55 307.00 990.50 4.0
8. Aug 33.55 25.79 29.67 35.6 23.0 88.92 322.70 993.05 3.3
9. Sept 30.50 23.51 27.00 34.9 21.2 89.80 302.40 996.30 3.0
10. Oct 33.71 19.87 26.79 35.6 16.1 81.06 0.00 1001.02 1.7
11. Nov 29.36 16.17 22.77 33.4 9.4 79.80 0.00 1005.40 1.6
12. Dec 25.63 7.53 16.58 28.1 5.6 81.16 0.00 1006.17 1.7
Monthly 31.48 18.30 24.89 35.63 13.79 68.35 104.06 999.34 3.1
average
(Source: Dept. of Geophysics, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi)

3. Nomenclature and related Tales

The city of Varanasi has been designated by different names at different times in
different contexts. Observes Eck (1983: 25): “The names express the various powers
and attributes of the city and reveal the dimensions of its sacred authority”. Of course,
the two names Kashi and Varanasi are the most common and were in use in early
antiquity. By the turn of the CE 2nd century the words Kashi and Varanasi became
synonymous for the holy city. However, as a reference to an administrative territory
only Kashi had been used. To make it clear in the Puranic era the word Kashipuri was
used to denote the city of Kashi (cf. Dubey, 1985/ 1993).
Kashi. The word Kashi means ‘concentration of cosmic light’. Kashi is the oldest
name and was first used in the Atharva Veda (5.22.4), a ca. 15th century BCE text:
“Kashi shines and illumines the universe. Kashi makes moksha (liberation) dawn on
24 Chapter One

everybody by giving wisdom”. In the period of the Mahabharata Kashi refered to the
sacred city and its territory (cf. Altekar, 1937: 58-59), which is similar to the present
area of Kashi Kshetra delineated by the Panchakroshi Yatra circuit. Kashi is also
interpreted as a derivation of Kasha, who was the 7th king of the earliest known
dynasty ruling over Kashi, which would have been thus named after him. According
to another version, it is said that the area was dominated by a tall silver flowering
grass, called kasha (Saccharum spontaneum), and that is how it received the name
Kashi. The Kashi Khanda (26.27) mentions that Shiva, being settled on the three high
peaks in Varanasi, spreads light all around the city, thus the name Kashi. The rays of
the early-morning sun spread across the river and strike the high-banked face of this
city, which devout Hindus call Kashi – the Luminous, the City of Light (Singh 2009:
36).
Varanasi. This is the capital city of the historical past, lying along the western
bank of the Ganga river. In all the puranic literature and treatises this name has been
popularly eulogised in this context (cf. Sircar 1967: 104, 106-107). The city lying
between the Varana river in the north and the Asi stream in the south is known as
Varanasi (Varana + Asi). A myth establishes that the two rivers Varana and Asi are
respectively originated from the right and left legs of Vishnu lying at Prayaga
(Allahabad). According to a myth of the 15th century, the two rivers were created by
the gods and placed in position to guard against the entrance of evil. The northern one
was named “The Averter” (Varana) and the southern river was named “The Sword”
(Asi). In the early Puranas the Varana river is called Varanavati or Varanasi, and the
old city would have then got its name as it was settled along the river.
Banaras. The Buddhist literature like the Jatakas frequently referred to Varanasi
as Banarasi or Banaras. This is in fact a Pali version that became more popular during
the period of the Mughal emperor Akbar (1556-1605) as reported by Abdul Fazl, the
court historian of the emperor (cf. Ain-e-Akbari, II.169, III.333). The name Banaras is
still frequently used by the masses. In the colonial rule the British misperceived the
name and spelt it as Benares, Bunarus, and Benaras, etc. In both Muslim and British
India, the city was called ‘Banaras’ (cf. Singh and Rana 2002: 29). One of the
etymologies explains the word Banaras as: ‘Bana’, ‘readymade’, and ‘ras’, ‘the juice
of life’; thus Banaras means ‘the place where juice of life is always readymade’ --
high and low, both. The bad image goes back to the 12th century CE. In an epithet
Hemachandra (Kumaracharita, 3.59) referred this place as ‘seat of thieves’
(thaganam sthanam). A similar viewpoint was held by Pt. Damodara (Ukativyakti
Prakarana, 38.28-30), who says that there was no dearth of thieves in the city during
the 12th century.
Avimukta. According to the puranic literature (e.g. MtP, 179.54; SKP, IV.26-27;
SP, IV.22.21) Lord Shiva said “Because I never forsake it, nor let it go, this great
place is therefore known as Avimukta (‘never forsaken’)”. This refers to the myth that
the city was never abandoned, even in the cosmic dissolution, and additionally
suggests that the spirit of the city itself is the bestower of liberation to everybody,
irrespective of caste, creed, hierarchy or class (cf. KuP, I.29.59-60; SP, IV.23.21-22).
Even at present pilgrims follow the sacred journey of the Avimukta territory. The
name Avimukta is often used to emphasise the fact that people should never leave this
place. According to one of the myths the Sun advised Shiva to dwell in this city and
he conferred the name Avimukta upon Banaras. Today it has fallen into disuse, and it
is only referred to in the mythologies.
Anandavana. The Kashi Rahasya (6.40, 14.39) mentions that Shiva himself
explains: “My lingas are everywhere there, like little sprouts arisen out of sheer bliss”
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 25

(also see, Skanda Purana, VI.26.35). Thus it is called the Forest of Bliss (Anandavana,
or Anandakanana). The remnants of the five old forests are now preserved as the
names of the neighbourhoods. The puranic sources describe the ‘Forest of Bliss’ as a
garden paradise, sprinkled with the waters of the heavenly Ganga. Here everything
exists and bestows bliss. Therefore all those who crave for supreme bliss or mukti
(liberation), and all varieties of living beings, desire to come and live here. The
fascination and the enchantment of Varanasi goes far back in time and are deeply
rooted in the hearts of devout Hindus. The city today is so dense that it is difficult to
imagine it as a Forest of Delight. The name actually refers to this place in the idyllic
times of its mythological beginnings.
Rudravasa. The ‘City of Shiva’. From ancient time the city has been known as the
resort of Lord Shiva. Varanasi is first of all Rudravasa because Rudra (Shiva) lives in
and protects it (SKP, IV.11.114, 21.97, 81.8). In the common feelings of the people,
in Varanasi everything is pervaded by Shiva, even the pebbles and dust are saturated
with him: “Kashi ke Kankara Shiva Shankara” (the very pebbles of Kashi are Shiva).
This prevalence of Shiva in Varanasi naturally made it Shankarapuri (‘the abode of
Shiva’; KP, I.28.61). It is also believed that everyone who lives here is a form of
Shiva (Rudrarupina). Says the Kashi Khanda (30.102b), “a man who adores all those
stationed in Kashi belonging to the different castes and the different stages of life with
great faith and the belief that they are the Lord himself, attains the benefit of the direct
worship of Rudra-Shiva”.
Mahasmashana. ‘The Great Cremation Ground’. The whole of Kashi is a
cremation ground. Shiva is the controller and divinity of the cremation place. The
Skanda Purana (IV.30.103-104) explains the word as follows: ‘Maha’, the great,
‘sma’ means a corpse, and ‘shana’ means final rest; when the dissolution of the
universe comes, even the great beings lie here as corpses and therefore this place is
called Mahasmashana”. In Puranic myth Lord Shiva said: “Avimukta is a famous
crematorium; assuming the form of Death-god at this place I destroy the world” (cf.
PdP, III.33.14, and KuP, I.29.27). It is also said that the great (Maha) five gross
elements (bhutas, viz. earth, water, air, fire, and sky) all live here like corpses, hence
the name. Even at present there are two cremation ghats along the Ganga river, i.e.
Harishachandra and Manikarnika. All together, more than 38,000 corpses are
cremated here in a year. People from different parts of India come here to die with a
view to receiving relief from transmigration. Here death is an auspicious event, almost
a festival.
During the colonial British rule the popular name Banaras was distorted as
‘Benares’, or ‘Benaras’, and it is something of a surprise to Indians that people in the
West still prefer to spell it in its distorted form. This shows either their ignorance,
unwillingness to accept the facts of history, or maybe their vested interest to
disrespect Indian culture. By the efforts of Dr Sampurnananda, the then Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh, the Govt. of India on 24th May 1956 has officially restored
and declared the name of the city as ‘Varanasi’. A railway station in the northern
outskirts of the city now represents Kashi. Nevertheless millions of pilgrims and
devout Hindus in all parts of the country continue to call the holy city as Kashi.

4. Growth of Population
It is a difficult task to estimate the population of the ancient past, however by
following the crude method of geometric progression and adjusting the results in
26 Chapter One

accordance to the historical and literary sources, a tentative outline of population

growth of Varanasi is presented here (Table 1.3).
The life of courtesans in Varanasi as described in Damodara’s Kuttanimatam (ca.
735-810), written in CE 8th century, refers the peaceful and harmonic life pattern.
After the passage of time, during the rules of Pratihara (9th century) and Chedis (10th
century) again the city had flourished. During CE 01-1000 the city recorded a very
high growth of population. From about 8,000 inhabitants in 1000 BCE it went up to
about 90,000 in CE 1100. By this period the city had extended southwards and got
divided into many neighbourhoods. Of course, in CE 1013 Ahmed Nialtagin invaded
the city and demolished many temples, however again during the 12th century under
the Gahadavalas (1137-1183) the city recorded peace and growth. But in 1194 Qutb-
u-ddin Aibak invaded the city and demolished the temple of Vishvanatha as well as
the main Vishnu temple. The city was invaded again in 1197 by Sultan Ahmed, and in
1248 by Mohammad Ghori, followed by destruction of temples by Firoz Shah in
1375. According to earlier estimates, by CE 1300 the population of Banaras had
already crossed 100,000 persons. In 1526 after defeating Ibrahim Lodi, Babur also
demolished many temples in Varanasi.

Table 1.3. Varanasi: Projected Population, 1500 BCE–CE 2001.

Year Population Growth rate, %

2001 1,231,220 82.52
1901 215,223 12.9
1800 190,583 12.1
1700 170,966 13.7
1623 110,304 – 26.6
1600 150,280 12.2
1500 133,965 11.1
1400 120,540 11.0
1300 108,625 10.7
1200 98,105 11.2
1100 88,245 69.8
1000 51,960 69.8
CE 500 30,595 62.6
0 18,815 54.8
BCE 500 12,150 48.5
1000 8,180 46.1
1500 5,600 ---

In 1623 the city had badly suffered to plague; and according to literary sources
one-third of the population had died (cf. Motichandra 1985: 210). This was the time
when the great bhakta-poet Tulasi died. According to an estimate the population of
the city in 1600 was around 150,280, but it fell down to 110,304 in 1623 (a loss of
26.6%). However, in the following years the population recorded an unprecedented
growth – by 1700 reaching to 170,966 (cf. Table 1.3).
The rapid growth and recovery of population had its root in history as Varanasi
was an important river port and the cotton, silk (tussore) and other manufactures of
the city were famous (Kosambi 1970: 123), all which attracted a large mass of
population to settle here. The city of Varanasi records an enormous diversity in urban
economics and urban culture during Mughal rule; it was also a major manufacturing
and commercial centre (cf. Hambay 1982: 438).
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 27

In 1700 primate cities like Delhi, Agra and Lahore had lost their regional status,
but Varanasi and Lucknow had achieved a comparable degree of dominance (cf.
Naqvi 1968; also Bayly 1983: 112). In the late 17th century communications with the
Deccan improved and a large body of Deccani and Western Indian teachers began to
come and settle in Varanasi (Bayly 1983: 186).

4.1. Population in the early 19th Century

In mid 18th century, the city had grown in different ways mostly under the
patronage of Marathas; especially after 1735 with the support of Peshavas many ghats
were constructed along the Ganga river. The mahals (neighbourhoods) like
Chaukhambha and Thatheri Bazar were developed in 1765 by cutting the woodlands
covering the area. By the early 19th century Varanasi grew to be one of the northern
India's largest cities (Varady 1989: 231). Based on folklore, James Prinsep had
described the forest territories of the city. He opined that before the palace of Man
Singh, the Commander-in-chief of Akbar (1556-1605), there was no palatial building
in the city (Prinsep 1832: 11; also Singh 1955: 10).
In 1828-29 James Prinsep (1832: 472) for the first time took a detailed census of
the city. He had also tried a cross-check taking into account the consumption of salt,
but he was aware of the inaccuracy (cf. Bhattacharya and Bhattacharya 1965: 278).
According to him in 1827-28 there were 30,205 houses, scattered in 369 mahals. The
city was inhabited by 181,482 persons, excluding 11,876 native population and 7,092
Europeans in Secrole (Cantonment), thus altogether the total population reached to
200,450, but he had presented the details of only the main city. Bishop Heber (1828, I:
270) believed that in the year mentioned, the population of Varanasi was larger than
in any European city. However Hamilton (1820: 306) grossly exaggerated the
population to 582,000, which may not be accepted.

Table 1.4. Varanasi City: Caste Structure, 1827-28 (based on Prinsep).

Religion / Caste Persons %
Hindus 122,446 67.5
Shudras 60,302 33.2
Brahmins 32,381 17.8
Kshatriyas & Bhumihars 14,292 7.9
Vaishyas 8,300 4.6
Hindu Fakirs (Sadhus) 7,171 4.0
Muslims 31,248 17.2
Julahas 10,000 5.5
Sheikh, Saiyyad, and Pathans 10,000 5.0
Fakirs & Chandals 1,200 0.7
Others 10,048 5.5
Children & Visitors (not mentioned) 26,387 14.5
Omissions 1,401 0.8
TOTAL 181,482 100.0

According to Prinsep the population density per house varied between 4.5 and 7.0
people, with an average of 6.0. The one and two-storied houses together recorded
about 81 per cent of total houses. In addition to these houses, Prinsep had observed
ruins of houses, or spaces marked out for buildings, numbered to 1498. He had also
recorded 174 gardens and ponds, etc., 1000 Shivalas (Shiva temples) and other Hindu
28 Chapter One

temples, and 333 mosques. Prinsep had made a detailed survey of the caste structure
of the city (cf. Table 1.4); accordingly there were 67.5 per cent of Hindus divided into
five groups, 17.2 per cent Muslims divided into four groups, and 14.5 per cent
children and other visitors not mentioned. Excluding these numbers he had also
mentioned the omission of 1401 persons (0.8 per cent); thus the total population
reached to 181,482 in the main city, excluding Secrole area. The castes were further
identified with reference to the dominance of their occupation.

4.2. Population in the 20th Century

After Prinsep's survey (1827-28, 1829) the next census was taken in 1853
recording a slight decrease (185,984 persons in City and Cantt.). This tendency
continued in the following decade, but the growth recovered in 1872 at the rate of
8.07 per cent. The first reliable and detailed census was taken in 1881 recording
218,573 persons, followed by population in 1891. Subsequently, at decade intervals,
the counting of population was started. Since then the population has been growing
continuously, except for a short break during the following decades (1891-1921)
when the population of the city declined by 11.2 %, mainly due to unfavourable
natural conditions.
During the following three decades (1891-1921), the population of the city
declined by 11.2 per cent mainly due to several unfavourable factors like poor
harvests, droughts, irregularities of weather, floods, epidemics and the post-war
effects of World War I. In fact, during 1901-1925, Varanasi was one of the most
deadly cities in northern India recording high population and unsanitary conditions
(Arnold 1989: 248). The city and its environs suffered severe epidemics in 1878,
1884, 1889, 1897, 1926, 1930, 1934, 1944-45 and 1951-52 (Joshi, 1965: 353). On the
other side, surprisingly thousands of persons from eastern India and the Deccan came
to this city in 1901-02 to get escape from the plague, believing that the dreaded
disease could never enter into such a sacred place (Nevill 1909: 27). Alas! their belief
was not proved, and calamities occurred ultimately.
Since 1921 the city has recorded constant growth of population (Table 1.4),
reaching to 1,026,467 persons in 1991, recording a growth of + 28.77 per cent in
1981-91. During 1821-31 the growth rate was 3.81 per cent, while it reached to 28.10
during 1931-41. In fact, “in the first half of the decade the falling prices consequent
upon the depression of 1931 must have given a stimulus to the city-ward population”
(Singh 1955: 56). The closing impacts of World War II had also encouraged city-ward
march of population. The post-war developments, the influx of rural population for
employment and immigration of refugee population due to India’s independence in
1947 were responsible for a very rapid growth during 1941-51 (i.e. 39.02%). However
the abrupt situation had changed in course of time. In the succeeding decades the
growth rate recorded a tendency to decline due to stage of settlement. That is how
during 1951-61 the growth rate had slightly declined. This tendency had continued till
1971-81 (Table 1.5). However, again during 1981-91 the growth rate became slightly
higher, mainly due to impact of tendency of rural to urban migration in search of
better livelihood and employment opportunities in the city. The city was conferred the
status of metropolis (Urban Agglomeration) in 1991. The decline resulted from urban
sprawl in peri-urban areas, which were not counted as part of the city. The heavy
influx of migration from rural to urban in search of better livelihood has supported the
high growth rate of population, recording around 32.5% in 1991-2001. The birth rate
in 1991-2001 was 27 persons/ per 1000 population. The family welfare programmes
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 29

have had a strong impact resulting in decrease of birth rate, and on the other end
increasing health facilities have improved life and longevity. In 2001 the population
of the city reached 1.23 millions (cf. Tables 1.5, and 1.6). A little over one-third of the
population is Muslim, while their share was only 17 per cent in 1828-29. Muslims are
mostly engaged in weaving saris and carpets.
Like most of the developing societies the city of Varanasi also records a typical
pattern of age-sex structure. A little less than 40% of the total population belongs to
the age of 0-14 years. Only one quarter of the total population falls under 25-44 years
of age, and only 3.5% of the population was recorded to be above 65 years of age.
The male-female ratio observed was 896 females/ per 1000 males, which is higher
than the average of the State. The average literacy in Varanasi is recorded as 54% of
the total population, but it was 63.25 for males and 48.355 for females (as per the
Census 2001). In the old-settled central part of the city the density of population
reaches to 1600 persons/ha, and nearby areas recorded 750 persons/ha; however the
outer areas record a density of 200 to 300 persons/ha.
Recent acceleration in population growth can be attributed to the widening
development gap between rural and urban areas in the country. And since there is no
visible change in the rural development policy, urban explosion would continue in the
next decades. However, the city has grown at slower rate when than other large cities
of the country. In 1961 it ranked 12th among the large cities of India. In subsequent
decades its rank came down to 15th in 1971, 18th in 1981, 22nd in 1991 and 23rd in
2001. This happened because industrialization, which worked as the engine of growth,
almost bypassed Varanasi. In comparison to other metropolises, its growth is slower
mostly due to lack of services related to administrative-capital and diversified
industrial developments.

Table 1.5. Varanasi City (since 1991 VUA): Population Growth, 1853-2001.
Decadal year Population Growth rate, %
1853 185,984 ---
1865 173,352 - 6.79
1872 187,347 8.07
1881 218,573 16.67
1891 223,375 2.20
1901 215,223 - 3.64
1911 205,420 - 4.55
1921 200,022 - 2.63
1931 207,650 + 3.81
1941 266,002 28.10
1951 369,799 39.02
1961 505,952 36.82
1971 635,175 25.54
1981 815,366 28.37
1991 1,030,863 29.48
2001 1,231,220 19.44
(Source: Based on Census of India reports. *Low projection estimates)
[Decadal figures given in table 3 are not comparable. The 1991 and
onwards population figures relate to the Varanasi Urban
Agglomeration (VUA), which consists of seven urban units of
different categories including the Varanasi Municipal Corporation.
The figures for earlier years relate to the Municipal Corporation only].
30 Chapter One

Table 1.6. Varanasi, Municipal and Urban Area addition: Population Growth,
1991-2031.
Units / Year 1991 2001 2011* 2021* 2031*
Municipal Area 929,270 1,103,951 1,367,278 1,640,216 1,835,197
Urban area Addition 101,593 127,269 205,558 344,502 511,962
VUA, Varanasi Urban 1,030,863 1,231,220 1,572,836 1,984,718 2,347,159
Agglomeration
Decadal growth, VUA,% 29.48 19.44 27.75 26.19 18.26
(Source: Based on Census of India reports. *Low projection estimates)

Varanasi Urban Agglomeration (VUA), i.e. metropolis, is constituted of seven

urban units of different characteristics and status as defined by the Census of India
1991 and 2001. The details of the population of these units are given in Table 1.7. It is
estimated that the growth of Varanasi UA would reach 27.75 per cent in 2011.
Thereafter, it will taper off to 26.19 per cent in 2021 and 18.26 in 2031. Due to family
planning measures and peoples’ awakening towards population the speed of growth
will be reduced.

Table 1.7. Varanasi Urban Agglomeration: Population Characteristics, 2001.

Urban unit Population, Decadal Growth Rate, %
(Uttar Pradesh code 67) 2001 1961- 1971- 1981- 1991-
71 81 91 01
VARANASI U.A. (Varanasi Dt.) 1,231,220 25.54 28.37 29.48 19.44
(1) Varanasi 1,103,951 23.04 22.45 28.95 17.58
i. Varanasi (MC) 1,091,917 23.89 22.45 28.57 10.83
ii. Lahartara (OG), Ward 91 5,223 ---- ---- 53.46 67.03
iii. Maruadih (OG), Ward 92 6,811 ---- ---- 76.34 35.33
(2) Varanasi Cantt. (CB) 17,259 81.99 65.73 1.64 18.03
(3) Lohta (CT) 19,706 ---- ---- 44.71 52.56
(4) Kandwa (CT) 7,555 ---- ---- 98.50 21.80
(5) Sheodaspur (CT) 11,420 ---- ---- 85.43 50.08
(6) Phulwaria (CT) 11,971 ---- ---- 61.87 22.60
(7) Maruadih Rly. Sett. (NA) 18,739 ---- 85.38 17.56 -23.45
(8) Ramanagar (MB) 40,619 7.17 35.13 28.26 34.87
§ Banaras Hindu University 10,788 40.90 26.12 - 6.63 - 6.24
(NA), [included in Varanasi MC]
Mughalsarai U.A. (Chandauli 116,308 35.69 141.94 32.19 27.11
Dt.) [nearly urban area]
(1) Mughalsarai (MB) 88,387 28.14 25.38 38.42 32.85
(2) Mughalsarai Rly Sett. (NAC) 27,921 43.32 40.80 18.79 11.79
(Source: Census of India 2001, Series-1, INDIA. Registrar General of India Office, New Delhi, 2003).

It is estimated that the decadal growth rate of Varanasi UA will be increased

slowly from 16.64 to 26.19 per cent from 2001 to 2021; however, most likely the
growth rate will decline to 18.26 by 2031 (cf. Table 5). The earlier estimates by R.L.
Singh (1985) are therefore not fitting to the present estimates. In fact, R.L. Singh has
not considered the case of Mughalsarai and Ramnagar, the two satellite towns, for his
estimates. At present the Varanasi UA spreads over 144.96 sq.km, thus recording a
density of 7,081 persons/ sq. km, while it was 9,434 persons/ sq. km in 1981. The
decline of density is the result of the growth of residential colonies outside the UA
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 31

area together with an increase in the defined area of the UA in 1991. According to the
Census of 2001, of the total population (1,231,220) only a little over a quarter (26.6%)
was employed, in which industry and manufacturing recorded 10.72%. Trade and
commence (6.8%) and other services (5%) were the other main categories of
employment. Among the population engaged in industry and manufacturing about
half were in spinning and weaving, followed by metal and manufacturing (15%),
printing and publishing (6.2%), and electrical machinery (5.02%).

5. Religious Landscape
5.1. Ethnic and Social Structure

Owing to different immigrants who came to this city for solace, peace and sacred
merit, (Sanskrit) education, and as a consequence of various invasions, Varanasi
developed a diversified community structure while preserving its regional
characteristics. In this manner Varanasi has evolved a mosaic of social-cultural
spaces, representing the whole of India (Fig. 1.4). Brahmins from different parts of the
country came and settled around the important Hindu temples. The priests of the
Vishvanatha temple and also of the major temples of the Omkareshvara Khanda (in
the northern part) are Sarayuparina Brahmins. The priesthood of the southern
segment, Kedara Khanda, is controlled by the Gauda Brahmins from South India;
however Bhadaini and Asi area are mostly under the priesthood of Sarayuparina.
South Indians are mostly concentrated in the Kedara Khanda, but the Tamil people are
around the Vishalakshi temple and Hanuman Ghat. Maharastrians are settled in
Durgaghat, Chowkhambha and Brahmanal area, and Gujaratis are concentrated in
Hatakeshvara (Haraha Sarai), Bhaironath and near Kath-ki-Haveli and Soot Tola.
Sikhs have occupied many pockets of the city like Bari Ash Bhairo, Gurubag,
Agastyakunda and Chaitanyamath at Visheshvarganj. Sindhis have established
Sadhubela Ashram at Bhadaini and pilgrims’ rest houses at Agastyakunda, Kamachha
and Assi. Recently Sindhis have settled in Gulab Bag, Maldahia, Orderly Bazar and
Kamla Nagar. Bengalis are concentrated in Jangambari, Ramapura, Bangalitola,
Sonarpura and Bhelupura areas. Several areas of Varanasi have also been dominated
by different minority groups like Kashmiris and Punjabis in Lahori Tola, Nepalis in
Dudhvinayaka and Nepali Khapra.
Muslims are settled mostly in the suburban areas in the north, i.e. Alaipur, Jaitpura,
Adampura, Kamalpura, Machhodari and Nakhighat. During the Muslim rule the
military officers destroyed the notable Hindu temples and converted them into
mosques, and the neighbouring areas have been settled by them. The neighbourhoods
of Lallapura, Nawabganj, Bhadaini, Daranagar, Alaipura, Aurangabad and Madanpura
are the other concentrations of the Muslims.
The opening of missionaries and churches in the early 19th century attracted a
Christian population to settle down around those centres. Of course, the earlier
churches had been established in Sigra and the Cantonment, but the main
concentrations of Christians are at Ramkatora near Queen’s College and in Sigra on
Aurangabad road.

5.2. Archetype of an All-India Holy Place

Perceived as a site of ‘vigour and rigor’, and vividness and multiplicity, diversity
and unity are easily envisioned in its religion, culture, society and economy –
32 Chapter One

altogether making a mosaic, called ‘microcosmic India’ (cf. Eck, 1982: 283, also
Singh, 1994: 223). Diana Eck writes (1982: 6), “There are few cities in India as
traditionally Hindu and as symbolic of the whole of Hindu culture as the city of
Banaras. And there are few cities in India, or in the world for that matter, as
challenging and bewildering to Western visitors as Banaras. It is a city as rich as all
India. But it is not an easy city to comprehend for those of us who stand outside the
Hindu tradition”.
Varanasi: the city that is a prayer. On the banks of the river that is almost a faith,
the flowing Ganga, stands Hinduism’s greatest city: Varanasi. For several thousand
years, pilgrims have cleansed themselves of their sins here and sought release from
the cycle of rebirth. Hinduism, deep and mystical, is perceptible everywhere here: in a
decorated doorway, in a glimpse of a glittering temple, in the sound of a sacred bell,
in the chant of the priests and in the fragrance of flower oblations.
The sense and spirit of holiness embedded in Banaras has attracted people from
various sects and religions like Vaishnavas, Shaivas, Tantrics, Buddhists, Jains, and
even Muslim Sufis. For many of the adherents, this is a special place of pilgrimage. In
the course of time, people from all parts of India came and settled here to have the
experience of that spirit. Later, many foreigners from all countries were also attracted
to this paradoxical city, bringing to light its universal character. Says Richard Lannoy
(2002: 58), “Banaras, in its unimaginable antiquity, belongs not just to Hindus, but to
Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and Christians. But it also belongs to everybody. …
A sacred city dreamed into existence over the ages, it is also a state of mind. As an old
saying puts it: Banaras is wherever you are”.
The process of spatial transposition of holy centres of India has started in the 6th
century and reached its climax by the 13th century, the Gahadavala period. All the
pan-India and regionally prominent sacred sites have been replicated in Varanasi (Fig.
1.5). Mythological literature has been created to manifest the power of holiness in
those sites, which finally resulted in making this city the ‘holiest’ for Hindus that
preserved the ‘wholeness’. This together with the mosaic of ethnic and social structure
further helped in the formation of Varanasi as the ‘cultural capital of India’. The sites
of the four dhams (abode of gods) ― the holy centres in the four cardinal directions of
the country, i.e. Badrinath in the north, Jagannath Puri in the east, Dvaraka in the west
and Rameshvaram in the south ― are re-established in Varanasi in archetypal form as
their representative around the nuclei of the presiding deities at Matha Ghat
(Badrinath), Rama Ghat (Puri), Shankudhara (Dvaraka) and Mir Ghat (Rameshvaram).
Other religio-cultural places of India have also been conceived in the different
localities of Varanasi ― Kedaranath at Kedar Ghat, Mathura at Bakaria Kund or
Nakhi Ghat, Prayag (Allahabad) at Dashashvamedha Ghat, Kamaksha (Assam) at
Kamachha, Kurukshetra at Kurukshetra Kund near Asi, Manasarovar Lake at
Manasarovar near Shyameshvara, etc. The process of spatial transposition has
promoted a sense of awakening and a notion of ‘national consciousness’ among the
dwellers of Varanasi to perceive this city as a ‘mini-India’ or a ‘cultural capital of
India’. Similarly other sacred centres are spatially manifested in Varanasi. There are
also 12 churches, 3 Jain temples, 9 Buddhist temples, 3 Sikh temples (Gurudvaras)
and several other sacred sites and places. This is the only place in the world where
such a huge number of Hindu (ca. 3300) and Muslim (1388) sacred places co-exist.

5.3. Jains and their temples

After the Mahabharata War (ca 1400 BCE), changes and transformations in
Hinduism had took place. At this moment Jainism appeared as an alternative
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 33

reformation movement. The Jain literature refers to Banaras as a Jain Tirtha (holy
place) because here were born 4 of the Jain Tirthankaras (the ‘ford-makers’). In the 8th
century BCE Parshvanatha was born around Bhelupur in Varanasi; he established the
triad-principle of the mahavratas (‘great vows’): ahimsa (non-violence), asteya (non-
stealing) and aparigraha (non-accumulation). The main Jain images excavated at this
site belong to the 9th-11th centuries. Parshavanath was followed in the 6th century BCE
by Mahavira, a younger contemporary of the Buddha, who also visited Varanasi
during his 42nd year of itinerant teaching.

Fig. 1.4. Varanasi: Socio-Linguistic structure.

 34
Chapter One

Fig. 1.5. Varanasi: An archetype of All-India.

 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 35

The birthplace of Suparshvanatha, the 7th Tirthankara, is also described in the Jain
literature, though its location and identification have still not been confirmed. The
temple of Suparshvanatha in Bhadaini (house no. B 2/ 89) commemorates that
incident. It is believed that the present Jain temple in Sarnath, near the Dhamekha
Stupa, was built to commemorate the birthplace of Shreyamshanatha, the 11th
Tirthankara. He was born in the nearby village of Simhapur. The birthplace of the 8th
Tirthankara Chandraprabhu is identified with Chandravati. This is an ancient village
lying on the Varanasi-Ghazipur road at 23 km northeast from Banaras, at the western
bank of Ganga River. There are two Jain temples belonging to the Svetambara and
Digambara groups of the Jains. These temples were built in 1892 and 1913,
respectively.

5.4. Sikhism and their holy shrines

Sikhs themselves have a clear articulate history of their community, which they
refer to as the panth, meaning ‘path’ or ‘way’. The world ‘Sikh’ itself means
‘disciple’. Sikhs are known as a special community called into being through the work
of Guru Nanak (1469-1539), the founder, and his successors. Says Guru Nanak,
“What terrible separation it is to be separated from God and what blissful union to be
united with Him”. In northwest India Nanak was a leading Sant (saint) during the
medieval period of Muslim suppression, and was very much influenced by Kabir and
Raidas, two leading saints living in Banaras. The original teachings of Guru Nanak,
Guru Grantha Saheb, were compiled by the 5th Guru, Arjan (1581-1606) and given
the name Adi Granth, ‘the original text’. Nanak’s writings synthesise Hindu
devotionalism and the Sufi tradition of Islam.
Legends suggest that Nanak visited Banaras two times, most probably in 1502 and
1506; first in his youth when he was on pilgrimage as described in the janam-sakhis.
Later he came to have discourses with saints living in Banaras and also to convey his
messages in 1506 on the day of the Maha Shivaratri festival; he stayed in a garden at
Luxa, which later came to be known as the Guru Bagh, where he impressed the
learned scholars of Banaras though his deeper and synthesising message of religions
(Myrvold 2007: 85). The Adi Granth consists of the hymns of Guru Nanak and of the
first five gurus as well as poems by great earlier saint-poets and singers such as Kabir
and Raidas. The Guru-ka-Bagh (the gurudvara at Gurubagh) commemorates the
locality where Guru Nanak stayed and the Asu Bhairava Sangat (Nichibagh), the
place where the 9th Guru Tegh Bahadur (1664-1675) had stayed in 1666. Asu
Bhairava had also been the residence of Guru Govind Singh (1675-1708), the 10th and
last guru. During his period of stay Guru Tegh Bahadur gave a few lessons of
teachings at Dhupachandi, Jagatganj, where in course of time a gurudvara has been
built in memory of the incident. Legends also relate that Guru Govind Singh sent his
five disciples to Varanasi to get Sanskrit education, and the school is still continuing
under the name of Nirmal Sanskrit Mahavidyalaya in Lahori Tola. The Guru Nanak
Sanskrit Vidyalaya in Bisheshvarganj is also dedicated to his memory. There are three
more sacred sites, Sangats, associated with the Sikh community. There is another
monastery at Ramanagar, which possesses an authentic copy of the Guru Grantha
Saheb. Finally, a palatial gurudvara was also constructed near Augharnath-ka-Takia.
The majority of Sikhs arrived in the city during the years surrounding India’s partition
in 1947either as migrant traders or refugees from Western Punjab in the present
Pakistan (Myrvold 2007: 36). Their present population is around 5,000 people.
36 Chapter One

5.5. Christianity and Churches

Banaras came under the direct political control of the East India Company in the
time of Warren Hastings, by the end of the 18th century. By serving the cause of
Sanskrit teaching and Hindu theology through establishing a Sanskrit School in 1791
(by Jonathan Duncan), the East India Company established a strong foothold for
Christianity in the city. This step helped to popularise the Christian faith and to
prepare Pandits for assisting the British judges in deciding cases involving the Hindu
Law. The first English Seminary, named Anglo Indian Seminary, was established in
1830, and this encouraged the arrival of Christian missionaries. Christianity had very
little impact on the high castes Hindus. Among the poorer and illiterate group of
downtrodden masses, especially the untouchables, some accepted Christianity as a
route to prosperity. However, in course of time, the end of colonial rule and the Hindu
awakening have all worked to check the expansion of Christianity. Presently, there are
twenty-two important churches in Banaras, viz. St. Mary Cathedral (Cantt.),
Methodist Red Church (Nadesar), Catholic Church (Cantt.), David’s Church
(Teliabagh), St. Paul Church (Sigra), Bethlehem Gospel (Mahmoorganj), St. Thomas
(at Godaulia), Church of Banaras (Cantt.), CNI Red Church (Cantt.), CNI Church
(Ramkatora), Pentecostal Church (Newada, Sunderpur), Pilgrims’ Mission (Cantt.),
St. Joseph (Lohta), St. Francis Assisi (Nagwa, Lanka), St. John Church (D.L.W.), St.
John Baptist (Marhauli), Fatima Church (Mawaiya), St. Thomas the Apostle
(Benipur), Evangelical Church of India (Kakarmatta, DLW), New Life League
(Cantt.), Internal Life (Indiranagar, Sundarpur), Nav Sadhna Chuch (Shivpur).

5.6. Muslims’ Sacred Places and Sites

Muslims constitute 29.7% (i.e. 365,672) of the total population of Varanasi City
(1.23 million in 2001) and have earned a significant place in the society, culture,
landscape and traditional economy of the city. The invasions of Mahmud of Ghaznawi
in 1021-1030 CE had opened the door to Muslim settlement in Varanasi. The two-fold
transformation process taking place in this period were (i) to convert the maximum
number of people to Islam, and (ii) having converted them, to teach a set of standards
that was a suitable compromise between the ideal and the practical. Cruel deeds of
Ghaznawi are remembered in the form of plundering, destroying and killing. His
nephew Salar Masud was only 16 years old when he joined one of the marches, but
was killed in the fight. His sacrifice is commemorated in the form of a festival
honouring him, i.e. Ghazi Miyan (“Salar Masud”) ka Mela, and celebrated by most
of the poor and lower classes of Muslim. The first and the most important pillar of
Islam is the declaration of faith (Al-Shahadah) which announces that “There is no
God, but Allah, Muhammad is the messenger of Allah” (La-Ilaha illallahu
Muhammad-ur Rasul-ullah).
With reference to spatial, functional and numerical perspectives, the Muslim
sacredscapes of Banaras may be grouped into 7 types. They are: masjid (mosque) 415,
mazar (religious-cultural sites) 299, imamchauk (the crossing sites for taziya) 197,
takiya (burial ground) 88, idgah (place of special prayer) 11, imambara (the burial site
for Taziya) 3, and Others 375 (cf. Fig. 1.6). The total number of sacred places reaches
to 1,388 of which about 30 per cent are mosques. There are two types of mosques –
the one historical, and the other general. Among the 15 historical mosques the most
famous are Dhai Nim Kangoore, Ganje Shahada, Chaukhambha, Bibi Razia,
Gyanavapi, Alamgiri Dharahra, Fatman and Abdul Razzaq (Fig. 1.6). Most of these
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 37

mosques were built using the debris of Hindu temples demolished by the Muslim
invaders or rulers. Ahmad Niyaltgin invaded the city in 1033, and demolished the
Vishnu temple of Hindus and in 1071 those debris were used to build the Dhai
(Ardhai) Nim Kangoore mosque (Fig. 1.7).

Fig. 1.6. Banaras: The important Muslim Shrines.

38 Chapter One

Fig. 1.7. Dhai Nim Kangoore Mosque: sectional view of the front.

Fig. 1.8. Dhai Nim Kangoore Mosque: Main prayer ground.

The oldest mosque in the City, known as Dhai Nim Kangoore, or Do Kangoore
Masjid, lies in the neighbourhood of Daranagar, or Hanuman Phatak. Its magnificent
and lofty dome is testimony of Islamic architecture (Fig. 1.8). Historians narrates its
story as linked to the invasion and plundering by Mahmud Ghaznawi (CE 987-1030),
one of his military commanders, Niyaltgin had attacked the city in 1033 and had
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 39

demolished most of the major Hindu temples and Buddhist monuments. After this
invasion Niyaltgin had built a mosque on the debris of a famous temple. An
inscription in Sanskrit found on the second storey of the mosque, dated to 1190, refers
to the site as a grand temple that was demolished by the Muslim invaders. At different
places, niches and walls, one finds remnants of the Buddhist and Hindu monuments
and architectural remains. The grandeur and massive scale of stone work is an
example of the 12th century, showing the downfall of the Gahadavala dynasty. The
structure of the mosque is still in good condition and it is active and open for prayer.
A Muslim school (madarasa) is also running inside the mosque. The small side-door
or postern has massive wall to the right of building.
Along the Fatman Road towards the Station Road exists the compound of Fatman.
Folk legends relate that this area was a site for ancestral worship by Hindus who were
offering sacred water and performing rituals near the tank. Later on, Muslim settlers
took over this area and changed it into a burial ground. As one enters, on the right one
encounters a mosque, believed to be built by the teacher of the last Mughal king,
Bahadur Shah Zafar in 1850s. Nearby to it is a shrine consisting of the grave of the
master and his disciples. In the veranda, passages from the Holy Quran are written on
the wall. There are two Imambaras: one belonging to Sunni and the other to Shiya
group of Muslims. Within the compound of Shiya Imambara, in the room of Fatima
Bibi, there is a tomb where only ladies are permitted to visit. Close to the gate of
Fatima Bibi is a tomb of one of the greatest Persian poets and philosophers, Sheikh
Ali Hazim (1697-1766) who, in 1734, came and settled in Varanasi, to which he took
a particular fancy. After passing 32 years in Banaras Hazim died here in 1766. The
Hindu king of Banaras, Balwant Singh (1740-70), was his patron. Besides compiling
four diwans that contain all forms of poetry, he wrote his autobiography, Tazkira-I-
Ahwal (1741-42), a biography of about a hundred contemporary poets, Tazkira-ul-
Masir (1752), and 20 volumes of prose works of which only 13 are now extant. On
his tomb one of his inscribed poems says:

I don’t leave Banaras for elsewhere,

As it is a house of worshipping wholeness.
In fact, each and every Brahmin boy,
Looks like Rama and Lakshmana here.

6. Varanasi, the Mini India

Banaras is mosaic of Indian culture, representing all the diversity and

distinctiveness of the regional cultures of India. Superimposition of various traditions
has taken place upon the course of time. People from all parts of India, speaking
different languages and dialects and carrying their own traits, taboos and traditions
have settled in this city while preserving their own culture inwardly, and becoming
part of the mosaic culture of the city outwardly. This synthesis of diversity in regional
identity, language and tradition converges to form the personality of an all-India city,
Banaras. Unity and integration among diversity and multiplicity are the unique traits
this city presents. Mythology says that even those who came to disturb the city, ended
up settling here and became an integral part of its culture. Ultimately they accepted
Vishvanatha Shiva as their main deity.
The city has possessed a strong force of spiritual magnetism, the special power of
genius loci, and the sacred bondage between person and place called mysterium
tremendum. This power always enhances the sensitivity to the ‘crossings’ from this
40 Chapter One

world to the world beyond, where humanity meets divinity. It is not a surprise why the
city has found its place in all the great Indian epics, Puranas and other ancient Hindu
as well as Buddhist literature. This is the city preferred by the gods, demi-gods,
godlings, sages, kings and the common men, who worshipped Shiva and established
their mark in the form of a linga named after the person who consecrated it. That is
why there are around 3,300 Shiva lingas in the city. The city is believed to be out of
this world, and one must try to see it through the eyes of a Banarasi, ‘a dweller of
Banaras’. Only by walking one can realise that. A British, settled and transformed
himself into a Banarasi lifeways, suggests, “You have to try and get lost in the maze
of lanes and then find your own way out”.

Fig. 1.9. Four Faces of Kashi: the cartoonist’s view.

It is said “by seeing Varanasi, one can see as much of life as the whole India can
show”; but it is not an easy city to comprehend for the outsider. The life style of
Banaras is distinct in nature; it is and referred to as banarasipan. It is an art of living,
both passionate and carefree, what the Banaras dwellers call it masti (‘joie de vivre’),
mauj (‘delight, festivity’) and phakarpan (‘carefreeness’). The life style can be
represented with the help of sketches (Fig. 1.9): washing clothes while drying wet
clothes in the sun, grinding of a narcotic hemp (Cannabis Indica, bhang) to make a
special cold drink (thandhai), a hippy smoking and discoursing with an Indian mystic,
and life in the lanes of Varanasi showing scenes of a wandering widow (rand), a
wandering bull (sand), steep stairways (sirdhi) and a wandering ascetic (sanyasi).
This illustrates a common proverb about Banaras: “Get escape of wandering widows,
bulls, ascetics, and steep stairways; then only you can stay in Kashi” (“rand, sandh,
sirdhi, sanyasi, ense bache to seve Kashi”).
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 41

6.1. Banaras as a superb blending of the Spiritual and the Material

Varanasi in comparison to cities of its size is a balanced multifunctional city with

six sporadic industrial areas at Ramnagar, Chandpur, DLW, Lahartara, Lohta and
Shivpur. The urban morphology of the city shows a complex pattern where traditions
are maintained and modernity is introduced in an often discordant way. The areas that
are with the highest density of religious and heritage properties have also the highest
density of commercial wholesale and retail outlets. These commercial activities range
from gold and silver jewellery, saris, typical food products of the city ― utensils, jute
and bamboo carpets, handicrafts, publishers and book shops, stationery articles and
handmade paper, etc. and the lanes are still called by the category of wares they trade
in. And it is here that one finds some of the oldest and most important shrines of
Hindu deities like Kal Bhairava, Dandapani Bhairava, Vishveshvara, and Annapurna
as well as the several kundas (water tanks). It is here that one finds products for the
enjoyment of man’s material life, and here that one is en route to the cremation ghat
— life and death, material enjoyment and spiritual quest, immanent and transcendent
uniquely juxtaposed together.

7. Industrial Landscape
Out of a total of inhabitants of 1,231,220 (in 2001) in Varanasi UA, only 26.64%
were recorded as employed, in which only 10.72% were engaged as industrial and
manufacturing workers2. Earlier the city had attracted artisans, potters, and weavers
who initiated household industrial establishments like ivory work and making of
idols, silken brocades, utensils and zarda. Even at present the people engaged in
household industries (like spinning and weaving) constitute a very high share of
workers (50%), more than that of Kanpur, the industrial hub of Uttar Pradesh (cf.
Table 1.8 A, B). Among the occupational structure of employed workers, the two
predominant groups that share the maximum number of the male working population
are trade and commerce (17.25%) and household industry (23.50%). The other
occupations include manufacturing (16.15%) and transport, storage and
communication (6.14%). The demand for various ritualistic items and souvenirs by
the pilgrims and tourists promote the structure of household industries.
The small scale and household industrial sectors consist of the major share of
industrial workers and commuters. These industries mostly include spinning and
weaving, followed with textiles, hosiery, chemicals and soap, food, printing and
publishing, utensil, fencing net, tobacco, golden and silver foil making, etc. Spinning
and weaving is the oldest and most important household industry, employing more
than half of the industrial workers.
During the post-independence period several large scale factories have been
developed in and around the city, especially along G.T. Road (N.H. 2) between
Mughalsarai and Parao, e.g. Hari fertilisers, Woollen Mill, Engineering units,
Agricultural equipment manufacturing plants, etc. With the establishment of Diesel
Locomotive Works (D.L.W.) in 1961 in the western part of the city, another industrial

2
According to the Census of India 2001, those workers who had worked for the major part of
the reference period (i.e. 6 months or more) are termed as Main Workers. And, those workers
who had not worked for the major part of the reference period (i.e. less than 6 months) are
termed as Marginal Workers.
42 Chapter One

landscape has also emerged. The factory manufactures diesel locomotives and
employs more than 10,000 workers. Encompassing about 200 ha of land there has
developed a well-planned colony of 3,000 quarters. Asia's leading designer and
manufacturer of diesel and electric locomotives, this unit supplies locomotives not
only to the whole of India but also to Asian, East African and other markets.
An Industrial Estate has been developed at the west of the city at Lohta, where
small-scale industries have sprung up. These incorporate manufacturing of chemicals,
plastic goods, iron bars and metal equipments, etc. The city has recently developed a
specialised industrial wing of bead and carpet manufacturing. No industrial zone is
identifiable as such. The city has grown haphazardly in a natural unchecked process.
Some newly planned residential have also been erected, with assistance of the Town
Planning Organisation, Vikas Pradhikaran, Avas Vikas Parishad and private
colonisers.

Table 1.8 A. Varanasi City: Employment Profile, 2001.

CATEGORY No. of Percentage
Employees Share
Not Employed, UE 890,878 73.52
Total Employed, TE (Main Workers) 314,933 26.00
Manufacturing 128,930 10.64
Trade and Commerce 82,035 6.77
Other Services 60,466 5.00
Transport &, Communications 24,235 2.00
Agriculture 12,239 1.01
Construction 7,028 0.58
Marginal Workers, MW 5,938 0.49
TOTAL (UE + TE + MW) 1,211,749 100.00
(Source: VDA, Vision 2025 Draft Final Report. Feb. 2004)

Table 1.8 B. Varanasi: Distribution of Industrial Workers, 2001.

CATEGORY No. of Percentage
Employees Share
Spinning and Weaving 65,368 50.70
Metal and manufacturing 19,223 14.91
Food and food products 4,938 3.83
Timber & wood workers 4,487 3.48
Printing & Publishing 7,981 6.19
Manufacturing & Machinery 4,435 3.44
Textile 1,354 1.05
Zarda and Tobacco 1,147 0.89
Chemical products 2,669 2.07
Transport equipment 1,405 1.09
Electricity Machinery 6,472 5.02
Miscellaneous 9,451 7.33
TOTAL 128,930 100.00
(Source: VDA, Vision 2025 Draft Final Report. Feb. 2004)

8. Tourist Landscape
The diversities, contrasts and distinctive features of Varanasi have played a major
role in attracting tourists from India and abroad. Varanasi is one of the top individual
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 43

tourist destinations in India and about 7 per cent of all the international tourists
coming to India pay a visit to Varanasi. Like any other heritage city, Varanasi is also
the product of a unique set of historical, cultural and functional circumstances and
presents itself to particular group of people (i.e. devout Hindus) as a distinct sacred
place (for pilgrimage). Every year over 2.8 millions devout Hindus (domestic) pay a
visit to this holy city and perform rituals and pilgrimages. The multiplicity and
distinctiveness of this city has also attracted a huge mass of tourists. Arrival to
Varanasi in recent years shows a continuous increase of national tourists/pilgrims and
also of international tourists. In 2008 the city recorded a little over 2.9 million
domestic tourists and around four hundred thousands international tourists,
respectively recording an increase of 14.9% and 28.0% over the previous year (Table
1.9). Tourists’ arrivals in recent years in Varanasi (Table 1.10) show a continuously
increase of domestic tourists, and a tendency to decrease in international tourists
during 1998-2001. Still the volume of international tourists in Varanasi is
considerably high, as it is almost double to some states of India.

Table 1.9. Influx of International Tourists: World, India, U.P., and Varanasi (Vns).
(World data in million, and the rest in thousands)
CE 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010*
World 546.5 594.8 625.2 698.3 714.2 779.3 846.2 983.6 1,006.5
India 1,886 2,288 2,361 2,642 2,384 3,457 4,008 5,946 9,885
U.P. 571 680 760 850 813 963 1,174 1,456 1,520
Vns 69.2 134.1 132.6 123.8 86.2 121.9 289.0 512.3 680.5
Vns % 3.7 5.9 5.6 4.7 3.6 3.5 7.2 8.6 6.9
% AC 72.6 281.0 - 2.4 +10.3 - 20.5 +11.2 + 74.4 +28.0 +32.3
(Source: WTO, Annual Report, Dept. of Tourism, UP Tourism Statistics, and Tourist Bureau Varanasi,
* estimated). Note: Vns, Varanasi; Vns %, share in India; % AC, Annual variation of tourists in
Varanasi.
Table 1.10. Banaras/ Varanasi: Tourist Influx.
Year Domestic International TOTAL
Total Growth, % Total Growth, % Total Growth, %
1991 109,924 + 38.3 28,436 - 38.3 138,360 + 10.3
1992 98,738 - 10.2 28,342 - 00.3 127,080 - 8.2
1993 130,370 + 32.0 40,119 + 29.4 170,489 + 34.2
1994 179,669 + 37.8 69,156 + 72.4 248,825 + 49.9
1995 118,969 - 33.8 116,529 + 68.5 235,498 - 5.4
1996 157,768 + 32.6 134,091 + 15.1 291,859 + 23.9
1997 166,492 + 5.5 135,779 + 1.3 302,271 + 3.6
1998 287,606 +22.7 132,588 - 2.4 420,194 + 39.0
1999 341,974 + 18.9 112,141 - 15.4 454,115 + 8.1
2000 431,901 + 26.3 123,786 + 10.4 555,687 + 22.4
2001 454,832 + 5.3 108,546 - 12.3 563,378 + 1.4
2002 496,539 + 9.2 86,267 - 20.5 582,806 + 3.4
2003 534,269 + 7.6 89,658 + 3.9 623,927 + 7.1
2004 597,543 + 11.8 121,942 +11.2 719,485 + 15.3
2005 792,630 + 32.6 165,714 + 35.9 958,344 + 33.2
2006 1,455,492 + 83.6 289,010 + 74.4 1,744,502 + 82.0
2007 2,552,365 + 75.4 400,320 + 38.5 2,952,685 + 69.3
2008 2,932,446 + 14.9 512,395 + 28.0 3,444,841 + 16.7
(Sources: FRO (LIU), Varanasi, UP Tourism, and Dept. of Tourism; collated by the author)
44 Chapter One

It is obvious that the major international catastrophes have directly affected the
inflow. The terrorist attack on the World Trade Center, New York on 11 September
2001, which produced an atmosphere of insecurity and fear, had directly checked the
inflow of international tourists. Thus in 2002 there was a decline of 20.5% in tourist
influx in Varanasi (cf. Table 1.10). This had a severe and multiple bad affect,
resulting in the great loss of number of tourists. The estimated number of international
tourists to Varanasi in 2001 was 130,000; it means that there was loss of 65,000. This
threat had a strong inverse impact in the following year, i.e. loss of 20.5%. In 2002,
tourism industry in Varanasi gained a little but again faced great loss in 2003 due to
the spread of SARS disease in Southeast countries. However, since 2004 the tourist
flow to Varanasi has recorded an appreciable growth.
A good number of foreign tourists visit the city and live in cheaper guest houses,
and in many cases their data are not recorded. Under the current Master Plan the idea
of Heritage Zoning and its special plans are taken into account, and five areas are
identified as heritage zones ― their package for cultural tourism and heritage
planning is in process. Recently, the increasing pace of modern facilities of transport
and organisation and package programmes, together with the increasing
consciousness of religious activities as good means of healing and solace, have
promoted a drastic increase of domestic visitors, especially since the turn of this
century (Table 1.10).

Table 1.11. Nationality wise Foreign Tourists’ arrival in Varanasi.

Country 1986 2000 2006 2008
Total % Total % Total % Total %
Japan 1,248 2.10 18,568 15.00 35,490 12.28 61,795 12.06
France 2,318 3.90 13,888 11.22 26,358 9.12 49,651 9.69
U.K. 4,160 7.00 13,121 10.60 24,219 8.38 42,273 8.25
U.S.A. 4,873 8.20 8,108 6.55 21,271 7.36 42,170 8.23
Germany 2,258 3.80 8,665 7.00 17,948 6.21 30,385 5.93
Italy 1,545 2.60 3,342 2.70 12,688 4.39 22,955 4.48
Mauritius 4,754 8.00 3,340 2.70 13,497 4.67 22,648 4.42
Thailand 2,496 4.20 1,438 1.16 10,289 3.56 21,879 4.27
Sri Lanka 2,674 4.50 1,659 1.34 9,017 3.12 18,344 3.58
Australia 1,457 2.45 4,295 3.47 9,711 3.36 18,139 3.54
Spain 980 1.65 2,008 2.44 6,243 2.16 15,064 2.94
Netherlands 2,674 4.50 1,232 1.00 7,514 2.60 13,937 2.72
Switzerland 1,188 2.00 3,095 2.50 6,705 2.32 12,041 2.35
Poland 2,377 4.00 1,139 0.92 7,081 2.45 11,478 2.24
Canada 1,248 2.10 2,191 1.77 5,838 2.02 9,121 1.78
Israel 327 0.55 591 0.47 3,699 1.28 6,917 1.35
Malaysia 1,426 2.40 718 0.58 5,809 2.01 6,046 1.18
Iran 3,209 5.40 87 0.07 3,410 1.18 5,944 1.16
Saudi Arab 1,070 1.80 62 0.05 260 0.09 564 0.11
Others 19,145 32.21 34,231 27.65 61,963 21.44 101,044 19.72
Total 59,427 100 123,786 100 289,010 100 512,395 100
(Source: FRO (LIU), Varanasi, UP Tourism, and Dept. of Tourism; collated by author).

Among the international tourists to the city Japan maintains its predominance,
although in percentile share it has tendency of decline. Due to long historical and
cultural linkages, recognition of Buddhism and cultural ties the Japanese prefer to
visit this city from where the first message of Buddha was proclaimed. France, U.K.,
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 45

U.S.A. and Germany are the other countries that record high share of tourists.
Economic development and an increased Buddhist consciousness have encouraged
pilgrimage to Sarnath and Varanasi from the Buddhist countries of Southeast and East
Asia (viz. Thailand, Sri Lanka, Myanmar; cf. Table 1.11). The recent agreement
between Andalusia (Spain) and Varanasi has also promoted increase of tourists from
Spain, thus recording a little less than three percent of total tourists in Varanasi.
The city of Varanasi and its surrounding region (Kashi Kshetra) are visited by
thousands of Hindu and Buddhist pilgrims, Jains, Sufi saints and foreign visitors each
day. Known the world over as the ‘sacred city’ and ‘the ancient most continuously
living city’, Varanasi and its region is rich in architectural and cultural heritage
(comprising tangible and intangible: temples, shrines, palaces, maths, mosques,
ashrams; and fairs, festivals, musical performances, wrestling traditions, handicrafts,
silk weaving, sari, Rama Lilas), natural aesthetics (e.g. the crescent form half moon-
shaped northerly flow of the Ganga. The local religious and cultural life of Varanasi
together with its built architectural heritage and the natural landscape of the Ganga
river constitute an immense resource for heritage and sustainable tourism, both Indian
and foreign.
This city is very important, especially for pilgrimage tourism where the visitors
enjoy morning a boat ride, walk through narrow lanes (gali), feel the Banarasian and
visit Sarnath where Lord Buddha gave his first sermon and established his community
(sangha). Sarnath is the second most important tourist attraction after the ghats of
Varanasi. By attracting many tourists who are followers of Buddhism, Sarnath
indirectly supports tourists’ growth in Varanasi. The number of Indian tourists is
continuously increasing since 1998, but the tendency of international visitors changes
according to the global happenings (cf. Table 10).
In spite of rise of prices and lack of infrastructural facilities in comparison to the
West, the quest for experiencing awe, wonder and the mystical image of India, the
beautifully blended together ‘spirituality’ (yoga) and ‘materialism’ (bhoga) in
Varanasi, the number of tourists from abroad has been constantly increasing. The
media, film, internet and websites have further strengthened the desire to visit this
city. Another reason is cheap flights and cheap travel agency programmes. Of course,
till the turn of the century UK and USA recorded the highest position in the number of
tourists, but by 2006 the situation turned towards Japan and France, together recoding
a little over one-fifth of the total visitors (Table 1.11). Recently Israel, Spain, Italy and
Germany have recorded more incoming of tourists. Various studies and cultural
programmes promoted by French and Spanish organisations and governmental
institutions are praiseworthy in this direction.

9. Epilogue

Varanasi, an ancient and sacred city, gives solace to millions of Indians and a sense
of wonder to thousands of foreigners each day and year. With the growth of global
tourism and a widespread interest in seeing culture in the mirror of history and
tradition, religious heritage resource management becomes a critical issue in two
primary ways: 1) protection and maintenance of sacred sites, and 2) the survival and
continuity of pilgrimage ceremonies that preserve centuries-old human interactions
with the earth and its mystic powers. Fostering a rediscovery of forgotten (or almost
forgotten) common cultural heritage and practices at sacred places that centred on
reverence to and harmony with the Earth as source and sustainers of life, the
conservation and preservation of such holy sites would be a strong step in this
46 Chapter One

direction (Singh 2006: 233). The ‘Riverfront Heritage and the Old City’ of Varanasi
is in the process of getting inscribed in the UNESCO World Heritage List. Let us
hope that we will succeed in a very near future (for details, see chapter 10 of this
book).
Varanasi has been a sacred city of scholarship and wisdom. To continue and re-
enforce the intellectual and spiritual tradition of the city universities like Banaras
Hindu University, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University, Mahatma Gandhi Kashi
Vidyapeeth and Central University of Tibetan Studies have been set up in relatively
recent times. But the city appears to be losing its serenity and sacredness. Ganga, its
soul, is polluted. Today it is so polluted that many people have started wondering if it
is still suitable for the bathing ― the most important ritual that pilgrims perform. The
city has become so congested that it is difficult to reach the ghats and more difficult to
have the darshan (‘auspicious sight’) of Vishvanatha? The past is there to inspire; the
future is there in dreams; the present is the time to act. Some saints have given a lead.
Let us hope that the caravan would lengthen and a time will come, sooner than later,
to make Varanasi what it deserves to be (Singh 2009: 69).

10. References
Altekar, Anant Sadasiv 1937. History of Banaras: From Prehistoric Times to Present
Day. Cultural Publications, Banaras. ii + 76pp. First published in The Journal of
Banaras Hindu University, vol. 1 (1): 47-75, and vol. 1 (2): 253-286 pp.
Arnold, David 1989. The ecology and cosmology of disease in the Banaras region; in,
Freitag, S. B. (ed.) Culture and Power in Banaras. University of California Press,
Berkeley: 246-267.
AV, The Atharva Veda of the Paippalasa. Ed. Raghuvira. The International Academy
of Indian Culture, Lahore, 1936-41.
Bayly, Christopher A. 1983. Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaar: North Indian Society in
Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
BvP, The Brahmavaivarta Puran, Ed. J. L. Shastri. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi.
Bhattacharaya, D.P. and Bhattacharya, B. (eds.) 1965. Census of India 1961. Reports
on the Population Estimates of India (1820-1830). Manager of Publications,
Government of India, Delhi. City of Benares: pp, 241-278, 280-281.
DN, The Digha Nikaya, Gen. Ed. Bhikkhu J. Kashyap. Pali Text Society, London,
1890-1911. Reprint, Board, Bihar Government, Patna, 1958.
DR, The Duncan Records. Benares 1772-95. (Settlement and Miscellaneous). U.P.
Central Revenue Records, Allahabad.
Dubey, D.P. 1993. 1985/ 1993. Varanasi: A name study. Archiv Orientalni
(Academia, Praha), 53 (4): 347-354. Revised and expanded version published in,
Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) 1993, Banaras/ Varanasi (Tara Book Agency, Varanasi):
29-36.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras. The City of Light. Penguin India, New Delhi (Indian
Reprint). Glossary.
Eidt, Robert C. 1977. Detection and examination of anthrosols by phosphate analysis.
Science, 197 (30 Sept.): 1327 - 1333.
Freitag, Sandria B. (ed.) 1989. Culture and Power in Banaras. University of
California Press, Berkeley.
Hambly, Gavin R.G. 1982. Towns and cities: Moghal India. The Cambridge
Economic History of India, eds. T. Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Vol. I: ca.1200-
ca.1750. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 434-551.
 Geographical Personality: Setting and Landscape 47

Hamilton, Walter 1820. A Geographical, Statistical and Historical Description of

Hindostan and the Adjacent Countries. Vol. I. Reprint, Orient Publishers, Delhi,
1971.
Heber, Bishop Reginals 1828. Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of
India, from Calcutta to Bombay, 1824-1825. 2 vols. Carey, Lea, and Carey,
Philadelphia.
Jenkins, R. 1827. Report on the Territories of the Rajah of Nagpore. Government
Press, Calcutta.
Joshi, Esha Basanti (ed.) 1965. Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Varanasi.
Government Press, Allahabad.
Kosambi, D. D. 1970. The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical
Outline. Vikas Publishers, Delhi.
Ktm, The Kuttanimatm by Damodara Gupt. Indological Book House, Varanasi, 1961.
Lannoy, Richard 2002. Benares: A World within a World. The Microcosm of Kashi
Yesterday and Today. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 2. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Mbh, The Mahabharata. Ed. V.S. Sukthankar, et al. Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, Poona:
Motichandra 1985. History of Kashi. [in Hindi]. Vishvaviadyalaya Prakashan,
Varanasi. 2nd ed.
Myrvold, Kristina 2007. Inside the Guru’s Gate. The Ritual Uses of Texts among the
Sikhs in Varanasi. Lund University Studies, ISSN: 0284-8651. Lund University,
Lund, Sweden.
Naqvi, H. K. 1968. Progress of urbanisation in the United Provinces, 1550-1800.
Journal of the Economic History of the Orient, 10: 81-101.
Nevill, Herbert R. 1909. Benares: A Gazetteer. Vol. XXVI of the District Gazetteers
of the UP & Agra & Oudh. Government Press, Allahabad.
Peterson, W. 1975. A demographer’s view on demography. Current Anthropology,
16: 227-246.
Prinsep, James 1832. Benares Illustrated in a Series of Drawings. Lithographed in
England by Eminent Artists; I to III Series. Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta; and
Smith, Elder & Co., London 1834.
―. 1832. Census of the population of the city of Benares. Asiatic Researches
(Calcutta), XVII: 470-498.
Singh, Pramod 1985. Environmental Pollution and Management (Case of Varanasi).
Chugh Publications, Allahabad.
Singh, R.L. 1955. Banaras. A Study in Urban Geography. Nand Kishore & Sons,
Banaras.
―. 1985. Ecology of urban habitat and environmental planning in India. National
Geographical Journal of India, 31 (4): 280-290.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1994. Water symbolism and sacred landscape in Hinduism: A study
of Benares. Erdkunde, Archiv für Wissenschaftliche Geographie (Bonn, Germany),
Band 48 (3), September: 210-227
―. 1996. The Ganga River and the spirit of sustainability in Hinduism; in, James and
Roberta Swans (eds.) Dialogues with the Living Earth. New Ideas on the Spirit of
Place. Quest Books, Wheaton, IL, USA: pp. 86-107.
―. 2009. Geographical Personality: Setting, Nomenclature, Humanscape & Religious
Landscape; in his, Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History and
Bibliography. Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 8. Indica Books, Varanasi: 27-
69.
48 Chapter One

Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin. S. 2002. Banaras Region: A Spiritual & Cultural
Guide. Indica Books, Varanasi. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 1.
Sinha, S. and Saraswati, B.N. 1978. The Ascetics of Kashi. N. K. Bose Foundation,
Varanasi.
Sircar, D.C. 1967. Cosmography and Geography in Early Indian Literature. Indian
Studies: Past & Present, Calcutta.
Swan, James A. (ed.) 1991. The Power of Place. Quest Books, Wheaton, Ill.
Varady, R. G. 1989. Land use and environmental change in the Gangetic plain; in,
Freitag, S.B. (ed.) Culture and Power in Banaras (loc. cit.) 229-245.
Vishwakarma, I. S. 1987. Historical Geography of Kashi. (From earliest times to 12th
century AD). [in Hindi]. Ramanand Vidya Bhavan, Delhi.
VmP, The Vamana Purana. Ed. A. S. Gupta. All-India Kashi Raj Trust, Varanasi,
1968.
VP, The Vayu Purana. Gurumandala Granthamalaya No. XIX, Calcutta, 1959.
 CHAPTER 2

TRANSFORMATION ON THE CRADLE OF TIME

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. Varanasi, the city of history and continuity, is one among the oldest living
cities in the world, recording settlements since ca 1000 BCE, and eulogized in the
followed up mythological literature. Recent archaeological investigations in its
vicinity date it back to 1500 BCE. Visit of the Buddha in the 5th century BCE is a
testimony to its importance, which helped to develop a monastic township of Sarnath.
By the turn of the CE 6th century the city was established as a great sacred place
(tirtha), and by the end of the 9th century most of the pan-Indian sacred places were
re-established here. The turn of the 11th century, known as Gahadavala period,
recorded the golden era, however by the invasion of Aibek in 1197 and assassination
of the king, the city fell into darkness that continued till the mid 16th century when
Mughal Emperor Akbar patronised its growth and glories. During the British period,
in the 19th century, the city was marked by establishment of modern educational
institutions in imperialist frame, including introduction of railway. Recently being
conscious of maintaining identity, the issue of heritage conservation and related
movements are the important scenario.
Keywords: British period, Delhi Sultunate, early period, Gahadvalas, Mughal eras,
Modern period, pilgrimage, post-independence, Pratihar, soil phosphate, transformation,
Vishvanatha.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

“Reviewing the history of Benares over the last two centuries, the city has clearly
lacked an overarching focus (if that is not a contradiction in terms). There can be
no question of there being anything like the focus, apex or axis in the way that,
anciently, the symbolism of the Cosmic Pillar or the Cosmogram served. Could
there be some pristine and shining Image which lifts everyone clear of
complexities and ‘communalism’, which surpasses the humdrum limitations of an
ageing city? …… By now the hidden order of Benares is only just discernible, a
substructure almost completely buried under the detritus of the ages, and only
with the greatest diligence can we have direct experiential access to it.”
― Richard Lannoy (2002: 367-368).

1. Background
Banaras is a city where the past and the present mingle so beautifully that the joy
of visiting it and even living in it is unforgettable. It has now become a large city with
more than a million people, but the basic culture of the city has remained alive. Today
Varanasi is a complex web of old and new, stability and change, industry and
agriculture, and business and spirituality. To be in Varanasi is an extraordinary
experience, an experience in self-discovery, an eternal oneness of the body and soul.
It is a city where experience and discovery reach the ultimate bliss. Varanasi or Kashi
popularly known as Banaras is one of the oldest living cities of the world. Its history
50 Chapter Two

goes back to several millennia. Mark Twain (1898: 480), the famous American
litterateur once wrote:
“Banaras is older than history, older than tradition, older even than legend and looks
twice as old as all of them put together. … It has had a tumultuous history, both
materially and spiritually. It started Brahminically, many ages ago; then by and by
Buddha came in recent times 2,500 years ago, and after that it was Buddhist during
many centuries ― twelve, perhaps ― but the Brahmins got the upper hand again,
then, and have held it ever since.”

The older city was spread in the territory between the Varana (in the south) and the
Gomati (in the north); the latter meets the Ganga ca 20 km north from the Varana.
Reading the pages on the historical growth of this city gives an understanding of the
growth of Indian civilisation itself [cf. Appendix: 2, pp. 392-401 of this book].
During the first millennium BCE there developed an established habitation in the
Banaras area based on commercial transaction with the nearby rural areas, as
exemplified by the excavations at Rajghat, Sarnath, Bairat, Baigar (Chakia), and most
recently at Akatha (Jayaswal 2008). The suitable contact-point location (where water
is available throughout the year) along the river Ganga had helped accessibility and
transport. References in the ancient mythologies mention the existence of Banaras as a
port town and later as a political, administrative, educational, and religious centre. It is
commonly accepted that the oldest core of Banaras was definitely in the northern part,
which was mostly occupied by small peasantry villages, with an elongated projection
along the Ganga to a little north of Raj Ghat, and expanded up to the confluence of the
Gomati to the Ganga rivers (village Kaithi). Most of the ruins of the past lie north of
the present Maidagin-Kashi Railway Station Road and near the confluence of the
Varana river with the Ganga. The two rivers that once sandwiched the city were the
Varana and the Asi which is now reduced to dirty a nala (drain), hence the name
Varanasi.

2. Early Historical Period

Possessing the spirit of divinity, the myths and traditions have maintained the
vibration of life in Varanasi since time immemorial. Of course, archaeologically it has
been proven that since ca 800 BCE the city has continuously been inhabited by
humans; the more recent excavations date the settlements to about 1200 BCE (cf.
Jayaswal 2000-02, 2008). However, some historians of religions opine that the
“ancient site of Varanasi can not be pushed further back than the 8th century BCE”
(Bakker and Isaacson 2004: 19). The early literary evidence that confirm the
archaeological findings is provided in Patanjali’s Mahabhasya (MbP 4.384). That is
why the city is metaphorically known as one of the ‘oldest living cities in the world’.
While a number of cities and cultures have risen and disappeared, Varanasi continued
to grow and to follow its ageless traditions of religious discourses, learning, and arts
and crafts. Shushruta, the father of Indian surgery, was educated in Banaras. A little
before the Mahabharata War (ca. 1400-1200 BCE) Krishna had introduced natural
symbolism in worship; this was an indication of reformation in Vedic Hinduism.
According to mythological sources, Kashi had been an Aryan settlement at least since
the post-Vedic period (about 1500 BCE). Of course, it was more famous as a seat of
learning, and also a centre of cottage industries and textile manufacturing even in pre-
Buddhist times.
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 51

The first reference of the Vedic battle between Pratardana and Videha (ref. Rig
Veda, RgV 10.179.2) was an example of two regional cultures. The essence of the
battle is detailed out in a historical novel by Shivprasad Singh, i.e. Vaishvanar (‘the
Primordial Fire’, 1996; here after referred as, VS: ). According to mythology
Dhanvantari was the 7th in the lineage of Manu, the primordial man described in the
Brahminical creation theory. Dhanvantari, known as the father of Indian medicine,
was one of the earliest kings of this city (cf. VyP 92.33.28; and BdP 3.63 and 119-
141). No details about his son, Bhimaratha, are given in the mythologies. The myth
tells that Dhanvantari’s grandson Divodasa was once exiled from the city and thus
made another capital city at the confluence of the river Ganga and the Gomati, which
was described as Markandeya Tirtha in the Mahabharata (Aranyaka 82.68-70),
identified today with Kaithi (Kitagiri), lying 28 km northwest from Varanasi city.
Divodasa first defeated the Haihayas, another group; but his son Pratardana was
defeated by a non-Aryan chiefdom Kshemaka who had threatened Brahminical
rituals. After passage of time Pratardana’s son Alarka killed Kshemaka and re-
established the Brahminical code of rituals under the guidance of the Brahmin sage
Bharadvaja. One of the puranic myths tells that Pratardana had destroyed his
opponent Hehayas ruled by their king Vitahavya, and re-established the kingdom of
Kashi (Sherring 1868: 381). The story of Divodasa and his son Pratardana refers to
the threats of migration groups from the west who had made conquest for settling
down in the Ganga Valley (Singh, Rana 2004: 42). This is in accordance to the
Mahabharata (13.31.19) referring that Divodasa is driven out of Varanasi after an
attack by the hundred sons of Haihaya.
The mythology of Dividasa has two main sources, viz. the Mahabharata, and the
Puranapanchalakshna (based on the Vayu Purana and Brahmanda Purana), which
significantly differs to one another. However the common elements in both the stories
are: (1) Divodasa, king of Kashi tribe (Kashiraja), rules Varanasi, (2) Divodasa is
forced to give up this city, (3) Divodasa had an enemy who had a hundred sons, and
(4) only after Divodasa had left Varanasi, a son was born to him, named Pratardana
(Bakker and Isaacson 2004: 188, for detailed discussion, see pp. 187-194).
The later version of the Divodasa story refers to the battle between the patron deity
Shiva and the king Divodasa (cf. Brahmanda Purana, 2.3.67-68; also Vayu Purana,
92; both dated ca 9th-10th centuries). Divodasa is described as a man of unusual purity
and of strict integrity who resisted the encroachments of Brahminism on its first
approach to Banaras, but eventually was obliged to succumb to it, and to surrender his
crown to the Brahminic followers (worshippers of Shiva). According to another
interpretation Divodasa might had been a Tantric, follower of indigenous belief
systems! However, this is a matter of debate.
The story further continues that due to catastrophic drought and epidemic in mid
17th century BCE, the Aryans migrated from the west to the Ganga Valley and
succeeded in superimposing their culture at the place of indigenous culture (cf. Fig.
2.1). For the first time in history a Great War spread by the Yadu clan of Haihaiyas
spread from Gandhara (Afghanistan) to Saptasindhu (northwest part of India). This
was the first dark spot on human migration when all the codes of human values lost
their hold and one brother killed the other one (cf. VS: 194).
There is no common agreement as to when the Aryan came and settled in the
central Ganga valley. Most likely the heavy pressure of population encouraged the
Aryans to migrate from their major areas of concentration in northwest India, the
Indus valley, mostly along the Sarasvati river (that vanished around 1750 BCE). The
core was the township of Harayupiya (Harappa) in the Sarasvati basin, referred as
52 Chapter Two

Brahmavarta (Fig. 2.1). The Mahabharata (3.83.4 and 205) mentions this land as
Kurukshetra. Chaudhuri (1966: 49) mentions: “The Vedic Aryan settled down in the
Punjab, but they could not remain satisfied with it, nor confined to it. For one thing,
they were a restless warrior folk with wanderlust. Next, they had come into India, not
simply as an aristocracy, but as a complete society”. They initially spread in masses
up to the coast of the Gulf of Kutch (Gujarat). Around 1000 BCE another stream of
Aryan migrant went to Bhrigukachha and from there to Mahishmati (‘source of the
Narmada river’). And, the other one went to Pratishthan (Allahabad), Ayodhya and
Kashi (Singh 2004: 43).

Fig. 2.1. Aryan expansion, from Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro to Kashi region.

According to another view (based on remote sensing data) a catastrophic drought

and epidemic in ca. 1750 BCE (VS: 8) were the main factors resulting in the drying of
the course of the Sarasvati river. The settlers were bound to search for an alternative
land for survival and subsistence. The drought was so intense and widespread that
people even ate the meat of dead animals. One of the sages said (cf. RgV, 4.18.13)
that “leaving aside the religious codes, I have eaten the boiled intestine of a dead dog;
I have seen how my wife took her last breath because of the lack of food. Even in this
crucial time the gods did not help us. Finally, O Shyena (‘Rays of Light’), you offered
the rains to us”. The Shatapatha Brahmana (1.4.1.15-17), a ca 8th century BCE text,
narrates the story of Aryan expansion. It says that from the dried bed of the Sarasvati
river a noble Aryan group marched towards the east under the leadership of Videgha
Mathava and in the course of time reached the bank of the Sadanira (Gandaki) river.
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 53

They established the kingdom of Koshala. Another branch, named Kashya, at the
same time established its separate kingdom, which was called Kashi. The Ramayana,
another contemporary text, also described Kashi as a kingdom and an important city
(Motichandra 1985: 26). It is obvious from these sources that Kashi was well known
as a glorious kingdom in the ancient past, around 1000 BCE. The archaeological
evidences further support this on the basis of the scientific analysis of chronosequence
of non-occluded/ occluded phosphate ratio of the vertical profile of anthrosols in the
Rajghat area of Varanasi, which has been dated from 800 BCE to CE 800. The results
support the fact that residential settlement during this time span was uninterrupted (cf.
Eidt 1977: 1330-31).
The conflict between sage Vashishtha (a Brahmin) and sage Vishvamitra (a
Kshatriya) is a metaphorical narration of the battle between Brahmincal rigidity and
the challenges against it (cf. Atharva Veda, 12.1-69). For the cause of humanity
Vishvamitra immerged himself into a long state of torturing, arduous austerities,
fasting, and humiliation from the predominant Brahmins; however finally he
succeeded to acquire the power of supreme bliss and ultimately was accepted by
Vashishtha. To commemorate it he manifested the most sacred mantra of the Vedas
― still having the same status, called Gayatri (RgV, 3.62.10), which says:

“Let us obtain the adorable splendour of the Sun; may He arouse our minds.”

By this prayer Vishvamitra succeeded in challenging the supremacy of the Vedic

gods like Indra, Varuna, Vayu, Agni, Mitra, etc. and finally started a kind of
hermitage school to teach the holistic knowledge of life with yoga, law,
administration, science, astronomy, and health (cf. VS: 345). The conflict of
Vashishtha and Vishvamitra symbolises the two phases of Aryan civilisation.
Ultimately Vishvamitra prophesied the image of Universal Man (Vishvamanusha)
who can constantly shed light upon humanity through the use of spiritual resources, as
echoed in the words of Trishoka Kanva (cf. RgV, 8.45.42):

Bring that divine wealth,

Which does Vishvamanusha have?
Let’s take work to get that wealth,
And have that ambrosia forever.

Dhanvantari, grandfather of Divodasa, honoured as the first Vishvamanusha, who

had accepted suffering as his destiny to save the humanity. As the “self” is completely
merged into superconsciousness, ‘self’ is in the service to others. He by churning the
ocean of milk received the amrita (ambrosia) and presented it to the human being.
Most of the times battles in the ancient past turned into acceptance of each other’s
codes, rituals, ways of performances and also the divinities. One of the earliest
mythologies narrates that Vishnu was performing austerities to please Shiva who by
his persuasion accepted the city of Kashi as his abode. This is the example of
acculturation between two groups. Of course, on the human side there are examples of
battles between the adherents of Vishnu and Shiva, but again it was settled down. Its
climax was reached in the early medieval period through the worship of Harihara
(joint form of Vishnu and Shiva), as narrated by the saint poet Tulasi. Moreover,
examples of battles challenging Brahminism (either by gods or men) and its
ideologies were also found in the Vedic literature, including the Rig Veda (10-12th
century BCE). The ancient literatures describe the settling process and the conquest
and conflicts that went together, until finally peace was established in a unitary
54 Chapter Two

manner. Amidst the battles the light of peace spread by the Vedic seers is the real
message for the compassion and welfare of humanity.
It was at this stage that Jainism was introduced as a reformation movement. In the
8th century BCE Parshvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara and the leading prophet of
Jainism was already born near a mythical tank in Varanasi (presently identified with
the Parshvanatha Jain temple in Bhelupura) and the influence of Jainism was
recorded. The main Jain images excavated at this site belong to the 9th-11th centuries
BCE; however a few of the images dated back to the 5th century. His father
Ashvasena was described as the king of Kashi (Motichandra 1985: 39). Later on
Mahavira (599-527 BCE), the last Tirthankara, a younger contemporary of the
Buddha, also made his imprint on the cultural arena though his visit to the city in his
42nd year of itinerant teaching. The birthplace of Suparshvanatha, the 7th Tirthankara,
is also described in the Jain literature, though its location and identification have still
not been confirmed. Traditionally, the temple of Suparshvanatha in Bhadaini
commemorates that incident. It is believed that the present Jain temple in Sarnath,
near the Dhamekha Stupa, was built to commemorate the birthplace of
Shreyamshanatha, the 11th Tirthankara. The birthplace of the 8th Tirthankara
Chandraprabhu is identified with Chandravati, an ancient village lying on the
Varanasi-Ghazipur road at 23 km northeast from Banaras at the western bank of
Ganga River. That is how it is known as a Jain tirtha. A huge mound (ruins of a fort)
near the bank of Ganga at this site was eroded during the flood in 1912, and that is
how a huge stone cage was recovered that contains copper inscriptions of the
Gahadavala king Chandradeva (1085-1100). The copper plate found at this site, dated
1091 CE (Samvata 1148) mentions the chief fort of the Gahadavala dynasty and a
temple of the patron deity Chandramadhava (a form of Vishnu). Oral history narrates
that this site had a glorious history in the past, but during the Mughal period (14th to
16th century) the site was turned into ruins by the Muslim rulers.
Walking near the confluence of the Varana and the Ganga, the area known as
Rajghat plateau, one can have a glimpse of the ancient site. Presently the area is
occupied by grounds of the Annie Besant College, the Krishnamurti Foundation, and
the Gandhian Institute. The epic Mahabharata has a passing reference to the city, but
on the other hand the Jataka Tales, written after the Mahabharata, record vivid
descriptions of the city. This is further supported by the literary description given in
the Shatapatha Brahmana, dated ca. 9th century BCE, which mentions the rich
pastoral life and habitation in the Rajghat area. The Jataka Tales, 6th to 3rd century
BCE, refer to Banaras as the site of manifestation of previous Buddhas, the last one
being the Gautama Buddha (563-483 BCE).
The archaeological findings and the C14 dating of some of the wares excavated
from the earliest level (upper part of IA layer, sample No. TF-293) in the vicinity
confirm the existence of urban settlements in the period during 1000-500 BCE.
Because of frequent use of clay, mud and wood for building, human habitations were
least resistant to the flooding of the river and as such physical and material evidence
of earlier occupation appears to have vanished. Such evidence was unearthed at
Kamauli village, lying 4 km northeast from Rajghat across the Varana river. Here
microlithic tools associated with a kind of Red Ware, datable to the 5th and 3rd
millennium BCE were obtained underneath the sterile deposits at about 4 m, just
below the Sunga levels (200 BCE to the beginning of Christian era (Narain and Roy
1976 I; Fig. 2.2).
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 55

Fig. 2.2. Varanasi: Ancient site and archaeological structure.

Fig. 2.3. Varanasi, Rajghat: Soil phosphate and chronosequence curve

(after Eidt 1977).
56 Chapter Two

Archaeological investigation is further supported by Robert C. Eidt (1977: 1332)

on the basis of scientific analysis of chronosequence of non-occluded/occluded
phosphate ratios of the vertical profile of anthrosols in the Rajghat area of Varanasi,
dated from 800 BCE to CE 800 (Fig. 2.3). The results support the fact that residential
settlement during this time span was uninterrupted. This further supports a claim that
the site is the original centre of one of the oldest continuously occupied modern cities
in the world. Moreover the results of phosphate fractionation further indicate that the
residents combined small farming with pastoral life.
The archaeological remains (e.g. pottery, terracotta, iron implements, artefacts,
seals, etc) found in the area are datable to the ca 9th century BCE, and include
evidence of Black Slipped Ware Culture. This indicates that the population of the city
was small and spatially dispersed. Probably copper and iron working appear to have
engaged a section of the society. The evidence further indicates to domestication of
animals, a further sign of pastoral economy. The evidences at Aktha site further
extend the settlement to ca. 1200 BCE (cf. Jayaswal 1998, also 2009).
The story of Divodasa and Prataradana represents the incidence of an early ancient
period by referring to the migration and expansion of the Aryans from the northeast
part of Bharata/India (Motichandra 1985: 24). Prataradana was the son of Divodasa,
who defeated the Haihaiyas and re-gained his crown over Kashi, which had been
earlier lost by his father. Again in the later part of life Prataradana was defeated by the
non-Aryan chiefdom Kshemaka. He made the palace his own fort (Singh 2004: 42).
Kshemaka, who was a king, stopped all the Brahmanic rituals and learning of the
Vedas, which was directly a great loss to Brahmins because their livelihood depended
upon these activities. After the passage of time Prataradana’s son Alarka killed
Kshemaka and re-established his own sovereignty. The Panchavimsha Brahmana
(15.37) narrates that the Brahmin sage Bharadwaja later became the priest of
Divodasa and had helped to return his crown. The medieval text Vishnu Purana
mentions that the king Divodasa sought refuge with Bharadwaja, and by his favour he
had a son named Pratardana who destroyed his opponent Haihaiyas ruled by their king
Vitahavya, and re-established the kingdom of Kashi (cf. Sherring 1886: 381). Using
imaginary incidences and plots of minute stories, the novelist has successfully woven
the details of the culture and social life of ancient Banaras.
The story referring to Shiva’s involvement in getting Divodasa out of Kashi is
clearly a later version; most probably in the later Puranic mythologies this story is
elaborated in so many ways (cf. Eck 1982: 53). The earlier Puranas accounting the
story of Divodasa and the rivalry of the Kashis and the Haihaiyas are the Brahmanda
Purana (2.3.67-78) and the Vayu Purana (92), both dated ca. 6th-7th century CE. One
of the speculations tells us that the story of Divodasa as a man and king of unspotted
purity and of the strictest integrity “may be conceived to have resisted the
encroachments of Hinduism on its first approach to Banaras, but was eventually
obliged to succumb to it, and to surrender his crown to the Brahmanical invaders
(associates of Shiva)” (Sherring 1868: 83-84). But Sherring (ibid.) has wrongly
speculated that Divodasa was a Buddhist, because during that period nowhere was
Vajrayana Buddhism mentioned in the Vedic literature; however Tantric rituals are
described at many places that were based on the indigenous belief systems.
The Puranic myth of Divodasa, a story of the struggle for power in the ancient
period, also sheds light on the religious and political changes (cf. KKh 43). During
this period the worship of Yaksha, a demigod (vegetal deity) and Surya (the sun) was
prevalent (see Motichandra 1985: 31-33). The offshoots of this tradition are still
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 57

recognisable in the form of Bira images, and solar discs and shrines. The later Jain
and Buddhist literature refer to the visits of Tirthankara Parshvanatha and Mahavira,
and the Buddha several times for learning, meditation and discourses. These accounts
also mention the crafts, fabrics and mercantile goods such as perfumes, wood and
ivory articles. Banaras was also mentioned as a famous halting station on the ancient
northerly route, Uttarapatha, which had connected Rajagriha in the southeast and the
sea coast to as far as Taxila (now in Pakistan) in the northwest (cf. Vinayapitaka
1.262; Dhammapada 1.126; Motichandra 1985: 48). During the Mauryan period this
was a famous route and it grew in importance; later during the Muslim rule this road
was renovated and revived, and it is presently known as the Grand Trunk Road,
National Highway No. 2. The Buddha also walked on this great path and it figures
importantly in Kipling’s classic Kim. The city was a known centre of trade and
commerce. It commanded an ideal position on the Ganga, linking the fertile Magadha
(western Bihar), Anga (eastern Bihar) and Vanga (Bengal) regions with a number of
developed cities of the West and Northwest on the one hand and Central India and
Deccan on the other.
From Pali texts such as Anguttaranikaya and Dighanikaya and several Jatakas we
can form some idea of Banaras in Buddhist times, during which the city-territory was
generally known as Kashi. These sources mention the structure, condition, and
components of early Banaras, especially the six beautiful gates surrounding the city,
perhaps linked to the market areas of the city, the moats along the main protecting
rampart walls, and the rest-houses for pilgrims and visitors. The archaeological
excavations at Rajghat to the north of the present city inform on the earliest form of
Banaras (cf. Jayaswal 1998). It is evident that by the turn of the 8th century BCE the
city was established near the confluence of the Ganga and Varana, dominated by mud
houses planned in a rectangular design, protected by a massive earthen wall. But by
the turn of the 2nd century BCE burnt bricks became common for building. Other
materials used in building construction included limestone concrete (kankar), burnt
brick, mud, and wood (Singh, B.P. 1985). The plan of the city clearly showed open
spaces between adjacent houses as well as segregating lanes. Sanitary arrangements
were also developed in various phases by lining vertical pits with terracotta rings. At
many places wells were situated close to main buildings. Houses of this period mostly
had three to four rooms and an inner courtyard. Existence of ditches and drains near
house-blocks indicate a functioning sewerage system (Singh 2005: 23). More recent
excavations by the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology,
B.H.U. in Aktha village, about 3 km southwest of Sarnath, has pushed back the
horizon of Kashi’s culture to about 1200 BCE (Jayaswal 2000-02).
The excavations of Rajghat indicate the first use of brick traceable to the 3rd
century BCE, from which time houses were built of both burnt and unburnt mud
brick. Terracotta tiles and iron nails were also found. The lower portions of walls
indicated dwellings without any regular formation, but with brick-lined wells and
drains. There was no indication of structures with a religious purpose. Similar
architectural remains were exposed for the next period, coinciding with the 1st-3rd
centuries CE. Here, however, the walls of the houses were oriented approximately to
the cardinal directions. A lesser number of domestic structures were noticed at the
later level coinciding with the 4th-7th centuries. Noteworthy here were two square
kunds (tanks) with widening sides, a brick-edged platform, kitchen with oven and
storage jars, an apsidal structure (a shrine?), and another structure with large circular
brick platforms. An outstanding feature associated with all these phases at the site was
58 Chapter Two

a rammed clay embankment rising more than 10 metres, presumably to shield the
settlement from the Ganga floods (Biswas 2005: 43).
At the end of the 5th century BCE there was a short period in which the
Shishunaga and Nandas ruled over the kingdom of Kashi. However, by the 4th
century BCE the Mauryan dynasty took the rule. Ashoka (272-242 BCE), the great
Mauryan king, had favoured Buddhism especially, even if also promoting and helping
other religious and sects, and visited Sarnath (cf. Jataka 4.15), where under his
patronage there developed a Buddhist township with many monasteries, stupas and
shrines. After the downfall of the Mauryas, the glory of the city declined till the rule
of the Kushanas in the 1st century CE. The inscriptions of the Kushana king
Kanishka, dated 3rd century CE, refer to the persistence of Buddhism together with the
animistic religion of Yaksha. In this period, Shaivism, which was closely associated
with asceticism, received recognition as a popular religion. The city had not yet
become apparently the prominent sacred place (tirtha) so famous in the following
centuries. A number of clay seals discovered at the Rajghat mounds testify to the
prosperity of the township. Rajghat is a site that was ‘settled for about 600 years (ca.
800 – 200 BCE) but was abandoned for a considerably long time and was reoccupied
only during the late medieval times’ (Singh, B.P. 1985: 3). The archaeological layout
of the houses, lanes and drainage channels shows a developed pattern of planning, as
it is visible even today in the old parts. The city of Banaras from the Kushana to the
beginning of the Gupta period was rich in artistic finds, as exemplified by the images
of Bodhisattvas, Yakshas, and Nagas (cf. Vishwakarma 1987: 140-175). While
descrbing the grand pilgrimage the Mahabharata also mentions Vrishabhadhvaja
Shiva sanctuary, with annexe bath pool Kapilahrida ― presently called Kapiladhara.
While the Sarnath site preserves specimens of stupas, viharas, temples, and votive
shrines spanning a period of almost a thousand years, the same cannot be said of
Banaras itself where there is a dearth of such architectural evidence. All we have are
wall panels, doorjambs, columns, and capping superstructure slabs discovered
haphazardly in different parts of the city. Significantly, none of these remains is of
any great size, suggesting that they come from modestly scaled shrines consecrated to
different religious cults. Among such pieces are two inscribed stone pillars, perhaps
from a temple porch (see BHU Museum BKB 225 and 29). One is incised with the
name of its donor, Damasvamini, and a date equivalent to 478 CE. It is adorned with
carvings of Vishnu, Vamana, Kevala Narasimha, and an unidentified deity (a
goddess?) holding a lotus stalk. Its companion displays icons of Vishnu, Varaha,
Narasimha, and Kapila –forms of Vishnu (Biswas 2005: 45). Stone icons recovered
from different parts of the city testify to the profusion of acculturating Buddhist, Jain,
Hindu and animistic (e.g. Yaksha) cult divinities that received worship in ancient
Kashi.
The Gupta period (ca 320-550 CE) was a time of great religious vitality and
transformations. It is known as India’s Golden Age. The Vaishnava tradition of Hindu
religion was introduced, and cults like Skanda, Surya and folk and village guardians
were also revived and given recognition. Architectural fragments of this period are
scattered in and around the city. If one travels on the Panchakroshi road, one will find
ample proof of the Gupta temples – surviving as fragmentary sculptures or with their
architectural remains studded in the walls of these resurrected temples. The clay seals
from this period give evidence of business, educational institutions and the
importance of forests (cf. VyP 29.383; Jayaswal 1937: 123). During this period many
of the earliest Puranas were composed. In literature the theology, symbolism and
manifestations of Shiva became prominent and the earliest Puranas like the Vayu,
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 59

Markandeya, and Matsya speak of the greatness of Shiva, his consort, many of his
forms and the series of territories devoted to him. The Varanasi Stone Pillar
Inscription of Buddhagupta, dating from the Gupta year 159 (CE 478), found in
Rajghat, testifies to the foundation of Krishna temple in the city and other pious
activities that promoted the establishment of religious monuments (cf. Biswas and Jha
1985: 43; also Bakker and Isaacson 2004: 25-26).
The use of burnt brick for building of storehouses, temples, and shrines was
prevalent in the Banaras of the Gupta period. Besides continuing the structural
conditions of the earlier period with necessary modifications, this period is also
credited with an impressive and peerless trade and warehouse complex. Iron nails for
making joints, wooden beams, and stone pieces were also common. The houses at this
time may be categorised into three major groups. The first group consists of mud
houses with bamboo thickets for making walls and grass and weeds for roof, used by
the poorer people and the artisan class. Later, such houses used fired clay tiles and
bricks in addition to mud. The second group belonged to the merchant community and
is represented by multi-storeyed houses of four to five rooms, the use of stone in the
basement, an inner courtyard, and in some instances an attached warehouse complex.
The third category of houses belonged to a higher class. Such dwellings were
distinguished by their large size, three to five storeys in height with multiple rooms
for different functions, several gates, and water pools or wells. Admittedly, the
existence of houses of this type is mostly supported by literary sources but lacks
archaeological evidence. By this time the city had expanded following a rough
rectangular plan. The main road ran north-south, parallel to the Ganga. With buildings
on either side, this road was regarded as one of the main thoroughfares, passing
through the heart of the city. There were also side lanes similarly lined with
residential structures. While there is evidence to demonstrate that Banaras was
divided by many wide roads and lanes, there was no well-planned design (Singh
2005: 23-24).
Varanasi finally was established and recognised as a great sacred place (tirtha) in
the late Gupta period. The association of the Shiva lingas, the Ganga river, and a few
of the ghats was given religious meaning and ritual as described later in terms of its
material position. Banaras was also able to maintain its glory as an old centre of trade,
banking and commerce. During the first half of the 7th century, in the reign of
Emperor Harsha of Kannauj (r. 606-48) the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, Hsüan-tsang
(Xuan Zang) arrived in the city and described it as thickly populated, prospering and
an important seat of learning. He describes the city as a conglomerate of congested
houses separated by narrow lanes, gardens and groves, and water pools with lotus
flowers. He notices a predominance of Shiva temples, numbering twenty, and shrines
with beautifully carved stone and wooden pillars and roofs. He also remarks on one
particular Shiva linga that was about 30 metres high and clad with copper plate (Fleet
1963). This, in fact, was a Maurya-period Buddhist pillar, a fragment of which
survives to this day under the name of Lat Bhairav, presently only 1.5 m tall.
Furthermore, Xuan Zang described the nearby Buddhist township of Sarnath, with its
many stupas, commemorative pillars, temples and shrines, eight divisions of
residential quarters for the monks, surrounding wall, three water pools and numerous
wells, a deer park and a forest tract.
By the turn of the 8th century widespread clearing of the forest took place and
Banaras started expanding south of the present Dashashvamedh Road. This area was
first settled by Hindu sages who were engaged in scholastic pursuits and who founded
several small hermitages (ashrams). These ashrams, mostly associated with sacred
60 Chapter Two

places, were established under patronage, not only to consolidate Hindu worship but
also to disseminate shastric knowledge. Besides, there was major expansion and
transformation of landscape to the north of the city, which continued up to the 12th
century.
The arrival and preaching of Adya Shankaracharya (ca CE 788-820) marks the
revival of the Brahmanical thought, which finally uprooted Buddhism from this soil
(Shankaradigvijaya 6.81-84). It was here that Shankaracharya completed his main
portion of the Brahmasutra (7.1). Shankara has established the non-dualistic Shaiva
doctrine that promoted the formation of the adherents’ group, further segmented into
‘ten’ groups (dashanami). For the spatial expansion and dissemination of his ideas he
established sacred sites (pithas) in the four corners of India, viz. Sharada at Shringeri
(in the south, Karnataka), Kalika at Dvaraka (the west, Gujarat), Jyotira at Badrinath
(the north, Uttarakhand) and Govardhana at Puri (the east, Orissa). It is strongly
believed that he had also built his seat in Kashi, which in course of time converted
into a large monastery known as Jangamabari Math. Further, after the passage of time
this monastery became the headquarters of Virashaivism of the Lingayata sect. One
of the inscriptions possessed by the monastery mentions that a yogi and Shaiva
Jayanandadeva had founded the math in CE 574. During the Mughal period (1526-
1707) many of the emperors donated grants of villages and landed properties to this
monastery (cf. Sinha and Saraswati 1978: Appendix 7; 264-266). This points to the
glories and recognition of the power of the monastery. The main linga,
Chandramaulishvara, is said to be installed by Shankara himself.

3. Pratiharas and Gahadavalas Period

In the early medieval period, Banaras had passed from one ruler to another ― from
the Maukharis of Kannauj to the Gurjara Pratiharas (9th century). In the mid-10th
century Banaras was under the rule of the Pratihara dynasty and had expanded
southwards. At the turn of the 11th century the city came under the sway of the
Kalachuris, a period that is generally acknowledged as the golden era in the city’s
history. Finally in the early 11th century it went under Gangeyadeva, king of Kannauj,
descendant of the Kalachuris. Their first king Chandradeva is said to have acquired
the kingship of Kanyakubja, i.e. Kannauja by his valour of arms after quelling the
unrest among the people. Kanyakubja being a traditional seat of empires since the
time of the Maukharis, it might have been their capital of honour; but Varanasi
seemed to be their most favoured capital. There are about ninety inscriptions of the
Gahadavalas, and a majority of them record donation of land to Brahmins after
bathing in the Ganga river at Varanasi. This shows that they mostly lived in Varanasi
and its environs. Karna was the most illustrious ruler of the Kalachuri dynasty. He is
credited to have erected a Shiva temple at Varanasi, known as Karnameru, at a place
that is still known as Karnaghanta. Varanasi and Allahabad were his favourite cities
and at Allahabad he is said to have constructed a ghat called Karna Tirtha on the
banks of Ganga. It is also said that the Kashmiri poet Bilahana or Chauras (ca. 11th
century) stayed with him at Varanasi for some time.
The Gahadavalas provided strong Hindu leadership and saw themselves as the
protectors of the tirthas, especially four of the great tirthas of their realm, the most
important of which were Kashi and, farther west along the Ganga, ancient Kannauj
(cf. Niyogi 1959: 200-02, 234-36). Kannauj was the city which, for three centuries,
had been the political heart of North India, following the Gupta age. Now, Kannauj
and Kashi became not only the recipients of the religious patronage of the
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 61

Gahadavalas, but the administrative centres of their empire as well (Eck 1982: 80-81).
With the Gahadavala kingdom, the city of Kashi came into political prominence for
the first time in nearly two thousand years. Not since the days when Kashi vied with
other North Indian kingdoms for prestige in the 6th and 7th centuries BCE had this
been an imperial capital. Now Kashi entered a golden age. The Gahadavalas were
liberal and eclectic in their religious patronage. In their inscriptions the kings
described themselves as ‘great worshippers of Shiva’, the Lord of Kashi (Niyogi
1959: 196). Shiva is referred to as Krittivasa in some inscriptions, indicating that the
great temple of Krittivasa was at its height in this period. Nonetheless, the most
famous of these kings, Govindachandra, had two queens who espoused and patronized
Buddhism. For the most part, however, the Gahadavalas were worshippers of Vishnu,
and in one inscription, Govindachandra (1114-1154), the greatest in the history of this
dynasty, is praised as an incarnation of Vishnu, commissioned to protect Vishnu’s
favourite abode, the city of Varanasi (Niyogi 1959: 202-3). He had defeated the
Muslim invaders two times during 1114-1118, and patronised the Hindu religion.
Queen Kumar Devi, wife of Govindachandra, came from a Vajrayani (Tantric)
Buddhist family. She restored several buildings at Sarnath and built a new vihara
(hostel for monks) there.
The Rajghat Plateau had once served as the centre of the royal capital of
Gahadavala dynasty, and at the patron temple of Adi Keshava, the ‘Original Vishnu’,
the king Govindachandra made numerous ritual donations, including the gift of the tax
revenues of a small village to the support of some particular Brahmin or temple. An
inscription dated CE 1093 refers to this Vishnu temple and the associated ghat named
after him. Govindachandra left over fifty inscriptions recording such charitable
donations to temples of Shiva, Vishnu, and Surya (Eck 1982: 81). In the days of
Govindachandra the city was known as an important centre for learning Vedas,
Sanskrit grammar, philosophy and medicine. Perhaps later in this period the Kashi
Khanda became attached to the Skanda Purana as a major canto.
Govindachandra was indeed a great patron of learning, and perhaps the most
important thing he did in his entire reign was to hire the learned Brahmin
Lakshmidhara as his chief minister. Almost single-handedly, Lakshmidhara inaugurated
a new era in Hindu religious literature by compiling one of the earliest, most
reputable, and most extensive digests (nibandhas) of literature on dharma, composed
in 14 volumes, known as the Krityakalpataru, ‘The Magical Wishing Tree of Duties’
(cf. Epigraphica Indica 2.1, 9.59). Later compilers of digests borrowed extensively
from this pioneering work (Eck 1982: 81-82). Here he brought together quotations
from the vast literature of the Epics, Puranas, and Dharmashastras, topic by topic,
covering such subjects as the duties of householders and kings, the establishing of
divine images, the rites of worship, the rites for the dead, the giving of charitable
donations, and, of course, the visiting of tirthas. In one of its volumes, he mentions
the scriptural references to over 350 shrines in Kashi, to the development and
demarcation of holy territory of the Panchakroshi (an archetypal cosmic circuit) and
also the close connections between the scholars of Banaras and Kashmir. He had
advanced his theory of Hindu tirtha, which is grounded both on an inner level
(archetype and body symbolism) and an outer one (spatial affinity and orientation).
Govindachandra gave Lakshmidhara the lofty epithet of ‘Spokesman for Reflection
upon All Knowledge’ (sarvavidya-vichara-vachaspati) (Niyogi 1959: 230).
Another scholar of the period, Pt Damodara Bhatta’s work the Uktivyakti
Prakarana expresses the culture and social life of the people, mentioning conditions
of houses and the use of space, farming and cooking of rice and wheat, gardens and
62 Chapter Two

groves and fruits, cows and oxen, the king and the people, economy and business, and
religious life and taboos. Anandadhara’s Madhavanalyakhyana, also describes the
glories as well as the defiled culture of the period.
Banaras under the Gahadavalas was at its zenith. The three sacred zones,
surrounding the present Ornkareshvara, Vishveshvara, and Kedareshvara Temples
were fully developed and inhabited by traders and migrants from different parts of the
country. A chain of shrines linked by pilgrimage routes delineated these three
segments. Various occupational groups with artisans, craftsmen, and other service
people settled on the western margin of the ridge that lined the Ganga and also along
the streams that lay inland. Most of the ponds and lakes were converted into
jalatirthas (water-front sacred sites) associated with both Puranic and other deities, or
even special deities belonging to a particular social group. This development led to
the diffusion and spread of miscellaneous types of settlements from the limit of
Rajghat in the north to Asi Nala in the south and Pishachmochan and Baijnattha in the
west. The Gahadavala king Govindachandra is credited for the development of proper
ghats along the Ganga, as well as several sacred wells, gardens, groves, and pools.
Madanpura, a neighbourhood in the then southern part of the city, was inhabited by
the people in the name of the Gahadavala ruler, Madanpal (r. 1104-1114). Later,
another ward, Govindpura, was founded by Dalel Khan during the reign of
Govindachandra. The glories and prosperities of the Gahadavalas are exemplified by
the 84 inscriptions (mostly on copper plates, except the one on stone) found in the
middle Ganga valley – the stronghold of their kingdom. Out of the total, 41 were
directly referring to donations and gifts of the king, and were found in Varanasi city
and its environs.
After the demolition of the Rajghat fort in 1194 by Qutbuddin Aibak and
Shahabuddin, the inhabitants of the area had to shift toward the west and southwest.
Most of the main deities at the time were situated to the west and southwest of
Rajghat. The great Patan Darwaza standing to the south of Matsyodari (now
Machhodari) near Gai Ghat was the main gate to the river port, with most of the city’s
population located to its north, southeast, and southwest. Numerous groups of people
also settled around sacred places in Pakka Mahal, areas which had been forested in
pre-Gahadavala times. People also lived in small wards in the peripheral areas of the
city, including a Muslim community descended from the military men of Malik Afzal
Alvi, the then general of Salar Masud Ghazi who invaded Banaras in 1034-35.
With the spread of Shaivism across northern India the religious prestige of Banaras
continued to increase. Shiva, the principal divinity of Banaras, was recognised as
Mahadeva, the Great God, or Ishvara. Thus there spread hundreds of temples and
shrines with the suffix ‘ishvara’, such as Tarakeshvara (built in 1792 by Ahilyabai
Holkar), Ratneshvara (built in 1828 by Baijabai), Samrajeshvara (built in 1843 by
Rajendra Vikram Shah, king of Nepal), etc., all being dedicated to some particular
manifestation of Shiva. With the growth of the city’s population, augmented by
migrants from different parts of the country, the city must have acquired a
cosmopolitan character. A large number of temples and shrines were established and
several places within the urban territory became tirthas (holy spots) of varying sizes
and glories. It was during this period that the well-known Avimukteshvara linga came
to be replaced by that of Vishveshvara. Even so, the Adi Keshava (Vishnu) Temple
seems to have served as the cult shrine for the royal family. The noted scholar of this
era, Lakshmidhara, describes no less than 350 temples in the city, thereby confirming
the growth of Banaras as the pre-eminent religious nucleus of northern India under the
Gahadavalas. During this era the city expanded up to Lolarka Kund in the south,
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 63

where lies the famous solar disc. Here Queen Goshala Devi performed sacred baths
and donated villages to the Brahmins. The inscriptions of this period mention seven
ghats along the Ganga.
In the Gahadavala period Vajrayana Buddhism had reached its climax. Their
followers were mostly engaged in enjoying liquor, non-vegetarian food, sex and
terrible gestures. Innumerable variety of deities and divinities were introduced in this
period. There were example of conflicts among Brahminical Hindus and Vajrayani
Buddhists. The battle between these two groups is narrated in the various
mythologies. The sense of animosity, the culture of cheating, the dominance of
prostitutes and brothel culture were the offshoots of such downfall.
The Tantric rituals were transferred to left-handed black magic (vamacaras), and
even soldiers from the royal court were involved in such activities. Such practitioners
were called Kapalikas. In some of the monasteries (mathas) on auspicious occasions
like Chakra puja there also performed animal sacrifices and even human ones (Singh,
SP BM: 80). Such seats received the protection of the royal soldiers because both the
sadhakas and soldiers both tried to bring people against Chandradeva, the peace-
loving king of the half-territory whose palace was across the Varana river. Day-by-
day the Tantrics were increasing in number.
A sect of Buddhism practising Tantrism, called Vajrayanis, dominated the territory
of Rishipattan (modern Sarnath) which was formerly surrounded by dense forest,
Mahavana (Singh, S.P. BM: 53, 54). In this Mahavana, the Buddhist Vajrayanis were
performing their sacrifice and rituals of Panchamakaras with the help of mans (meat),
mina (fish), madira (wine), mudra (physical postures), and maithuna (sex). [Note the
Pancha, five; and makaras, the letters]. This promoted terror among the people, who
were scared of such rituals performed in that central tract of forest. Even today some
of Aghoris, follower of the left-hand Tantrism, practice such rituals.
Jayachandra, the grand son of Govindachandra Gahadavala, was a rival against
Chahamana king Prithaviraja. Both of them wanted to establish hegemony over all of
North India; both wasted their efforts in the rivalry and both were the losers. Taking
advantage of their internal conflict, Qutbuddin Aibak, slave-general of Muhammad
Ghori, defeated Jayachandra in 1193/94 and beheaded him. His army sacked and
looted the city, destroying nearly one thousand temples in Banaras City alone and
raised mosques on their foundation using the debris of the temples (Niyogi 1959:
193). It took 1,400 camels to haul away their plunder. The glorious century of the
Govindachandra ended in catastrophe (Eck 1982: 82). The second invasion by
Qutbuddin Aibak in 1197-98 that records the defeat of King Harishachandra, son of
Jayachandra, marks the end of the glories of the Gahadavalas (cf. Motichandra 1985:
126).

4. The Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Eras

In the late 12th century conflicts among Chandelas, Gahadavalas and Chahamanas
started, especially for their ascendancy of power. Alas, they were unaware about the
turning of the wheel of time of cycle which was ended by the invasion of Sultan
Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam (generally known as Shihabuddin or Muhammad
Ghori) in 1192-94, and finally by the defeat of the Hindu king Harishchandra, the last
Gahadavala king. This opened the door for the Muslim rule. A book of that period,
Jayachandra Prabandha, describes the glories, pitfalls, diplomatic relations and
political corruption. With the second invasion on Banaras by Aibak in 1197 the glory
of the Gahadavalas was lost forever. Mosques like Dhai Kangure, Chaubisa
64 Chapter Two

Khambha, Bhadaon and Ganje Shahida the representative of this period; they were
built with the debris of the Hindu temples demolished in the recent past, mostly at the
same sites.
In 1206 Aibak became the emperor at Delhi and reigned till 1210; he issued an
order for the destruction of temples. This was the period when the major Shiva
temples in Banaras, like Vishvanatha, Krttivasheshvara, Avimukteshvara, Kala
Bhairava, Adi Mahadeva, Siddheshvara, Kumbhishvara, Hiranyaksheshvara,
Yajnavalkeshvara, Baneshvara, Balishvara, Kapaleshvara, Kapileshvara, etc. were
demolished. In this way the Delhi Sultanate was established and the entire Ganga
valley came under Muslim domination.
After about sixteen years after the first destruction by Aibak, in the period of
Iltutamish (1211-1226) a revolt took place in the city which slowed down the speed of
destroying the temples. However, the processes of demolishing of temples and the
construction of new temples were going on together parallel (Motichandra 1985: 182).
It was said that in the period of Iltutamish the temple of Vishveshvara was rebuilt. An
inscription of that period mention that a well known devotee and merchant from
Gujarat, named Vastupala, had donated hundred thousands rupees as gift to
Vishveshvara. A muhalla, Hajidaras, named after him, still exists in the city.
Iltutamish died in Banaras where his tomb is still stands in muhalla Qazzaqpura. In
the period of Allauddin Khilzi (1292-1316) the process of destruction of Hindu
temples continued. However, it is surprisingly to note that in 1296 a saint Padmasadhu
built a grand temple of Padmeshvara facing Vishveshvara. However, during the reign
of the Sharqi Sultans this temple of Padmeshvara was destroyed and Lal Darwaza
Mosque (Atala, Fig. 2.4) was built up at Jaunpur with the same materials in CE 1447
(cf. Pathak 2007-08: 172). The inscription on the wall of this mosque refers that it was
made with the remains of the Padmeshvara temple. Based on inscriptional
information, it is obviously noted that during 1296-1447 the temple of Vishveshvara
was the sacrosanct landmark in the city. This is a clear indication of a change in the
attitude of fanatic Muslim rulers. In this period Manikarnika Ghat was constructed in
stone in 1302; this is confirmed by inscriptional evidence, which makes this ghat the
first for which we have a date. Another inscription mentions that on 24th July 1302, a
person named Vireshvara built Manikarnikeshvara Temple, which was
commemorated by giving the same name to the adjacent ghat (Motichandra 1985:
183).
During the 14th century the city was divided into two broad segments. The ‘Deva
Varanasi’ was spread over in the southern part surrounding Vishvanatha temple. The
‘Yavana Varanasi’, predominantly occupied by Muslims, was situated in the northern
part. This spatial segmentation has prevailed even today. In spite of great turmoil and
dominance of Muslim culture and Islam, the city of Varanasi maintained its glory as
the city of Shiva through the system of rituals and performances. Everywhere there
were monasteries and houses of various sects, and also everywhere deceitful people
and swindlers were flourishing.
According to local tradition Jalaluddin Ahmad was in charge of Banaras during the
reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq (1321-1325), and he founded a muhalla named
Jalaluddinpura. Following the sack of the city by the forces of Muhammad Ghori,
again in the late 14th century Firoz Shah Tughlaq (1351-1388) destroyed the temples
(Elliot and Dowson 1905, II: 222-224). In November 1353, Firoz Shah Tughluq
marched against Ilyas Hazi, who had declared himself Sultan Samsuddin and included
Banaras into his dominion (Joshi 1963: 45). It was only after reaching Banaras that
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 65

Firoz could collect Government dues from the people of Varanasi. In 1394
Mohammad Shah Tughluq established the dynasty of Sharqi Sultans in Jaunpur; they
imposed heavy taxes on the pilgrims visiting Varanasi (Pathak 2007-08: 272). In the
15th century, the city came under the rule of the Sharqi kings of Jaunpur, and temples
were again destroyed, and their blocks hauled away for the construction of a mosque
in Jaunpur. During the moments of calm, Hindus rebuilt temples and lingas but these
were again destroyed by the next wave of invaders. After the passage of time, the city
came under the rule of the Lodis (1451-1526), who had seized power from the
Sharqis, and again a major part of the city was destroyed by Sikander Lodi.

Fig. 2.4. Atala Mosque, Jaunpur: front view.

The main revolutionary and reformer in this period was Ramananda (1299-1411),
who challenged the rigid rule of Brahminic social hierarchy and propounded
devotionalism (bhakti) as a way to God. He told that there is no line defining purity
and pollution in the eyes of God. It is the human intention and wish for supremacy
that produced a hierarchical order; all those who worship God are only ‘devotees’
(bhaktas), irrespective of caste, creed and ways of worship. Additionally, he raised
and awakened the low caste people (including untouchables). The best known
propagator of Ramananda’s noble thought was Kabir (1398-1518). Kabir was known
as a great challenger of superstitions, who struck at the root of caste distinctions,
idolatry and all the external paraphernalia of religious life (cf. Singh 2009: 89).
Kabir never tried to adjust with the situation; rather he followed the path of
challenging evils existing both among the Hindus and Muslims. Kabir emphasised the
universal integrity and its understanding through the path of love. Even Mullahs were
impressed by his revelation as “he may be saying the plain truth exemplified by deep
experiences, therefore whenever he spoke people were attracted to hear him silently,
whatever their status were ― high or low!” He proclaimed that “All the paths merged
into the path of love, either Hinduism or Islam; it is our convenience to put them
under dogmatic limitations that nurture disparate identity and belonging”. One of his
close friends, Raidas/Ravidas (1418-1547), a cobbler saint, said “there is no authority
66 Chapter Two

in caste and kin, he who practices devotion crosses over the world”. Another
contemporary saint and founder of Sikhism, Nanak (1469-1539) is also said to have
paid several visits to Varanasi and have discussions with Kabir and Raidas. These
saint-poets and reformers taught the idea of a formless ultimate being.
In the 15th century the Brahminical belief systems were laden with a dominance of
rituals, superstitions, folk totemism, oracles, performances of fasts and festivals,
variety of sects and groups, using Tantra’s distortion as black magic. In fact, the
Brahminical religion became more like a loose assemblage of many contrasting and
desperate ideologies based on personal whims. The Brahmin priests became more
materialist, desperate and victims of worldly pleasures and corruption. On the other
end Islam was a well organised religion promoting a strict following of its rules, thus
no freedom for escape was given to the person who had once accepted Islam. The
sympathetic attitude to living beings, respect to mankind, tolerance, non-violence,
etc., all such norms of Hinduism had to face the rules and system which were against
this conception. Nevertheless, the Hindus learnt how to adjust and survive in the new
situation, of course after a great sacrifice.
During the Sultanate period from ca 1200 until the reign of Akbar (r. 1556-1605),
the history of the city cannot be easily reconstructed. However, many of the mosques
and tombs that still survive were built during the Sultanate period, presumably with
both local and imported craftsmen and labour, thus providing employment. The fact
that few temples of this or earlier periods have survived is significant. Certain sultans
were less tolerant than others. Not until the Mughal emperor Akbar ascended the
throne did Hindu patrons again begin to build religious edifices. Man Singh and Raja
Todarmal, the two senior Rajput ministers in the court of Akbar, participated actively
in repairing the temples and ghats of Banaras. One of the oldest ghats, called Adi
Vishveshvara Ghat, named after the Vishveshvara Temple in its close vicinity, was
partly constructed in stone by the king of Bundi in 1580, which led to the renaming as
Bundi Parkota Ghat (Hegewald 2005: 68). It is commonly accepted that in the regime
of Akbar the Christian priests started visiting north India, and during his time already
in Goa the Portuguese missionaries established a few churches.
Akbar visited Jaunpur to crush the rebellion of Ali Quli Khan in 1566, and after
quelling the rebellion, he marched towards Chunar and Banaras on 24 January 1566.
Immediately after Akbar’s departure, Ali Quli again revolted against the Emperor and
sent troops to Ghazipur and Jaunpur. In such a period of turmoil Iskander and
Bahadur attacked Banaras and plundered the whole city (Srivastava 1972: 94). Akbar
decided to stay for sometime to see the rebellion quelled, and finally he marched from
Jaunpur on 3 March 1566 (Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama, p. 397). In the following year,
1567, Akbar made a second visit to the holy city but was not welcomed by the local
people who shut their doors against the Emperor. Humiliated by this behaviour, he
issued a general order to plunder the city of Banaras. The order was countermanded,
but it was too late by then (ibid.: 435).
Like Mirza Chin Qulij, the fauzdar of Banaras, who rebelled during Jahangir’s
reign (ca. 1611) but was killed, Jahangir’s son Khurram (later known as Shahjahan)
also rebelled against his father but was compelled to return to Banaras in 1624 (Elliot
& Dowson 1867, IV: 394; also Fisher and Hewett 1884: 218). Abdul Hamid Lahori
(the author of the Badashahnama, the official history of Shahjahan’s reign) has
described this incidence in detail. A Persian inscription found in Banaras, dated 1618,
mentions that in the Jahangir’s reign Khwajah Muhammad Salef, the fauzdar of
Banaras, had sponsored and supervised the building of a mosque, and also founded a
neighbourhood called after him as Muhalla Khwajapura (Fisher and Hewett 1884:
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 67

132). During the reigning period of Shahjahan an order was issued that new temples
under construction at Banaras should be pulled down without delay. The Subedar of
Allahabad reported to the Court about the destruction of 76 temples in Banaras in
1632 (Elliot & Dowson 1867, VII: 36). In 1657 Banaras was attacked by Shuja,
younger brother of Aurangzeb and then in-charge of Bengal, but he was defeated by
his brother Dara Shikoh. But Shuja did not squander the chance when Dara Shikoh
was defeated at the hands of Aurangzeb in the struggle for succession. He seized
Banaras and ejected Ramdas, the commander of the fort and exacted forcefully loan
of 3 lakh rupees from the city and proceeded to Jaunpur (cf. Sarkar 1928: 184).
A great sigh of relief was surely heaved in the late 16th century when Mughal
Emperor Akbar granted more religious freedom. The Rajputs Man Singh and
Todarmal, the two senior ministers in the court of Akbar, participated actively in
repairing, rebuilding and in new construction of temples and ghats in Banaras during
this part of the Mughal period. It is commonly believed that the Vishveshvara temple
was rebuilt in 1585 for a third time at a third site (see the model view, Fig. 2.4) under
the supervision of Narayana Bhatta, the noted scholar and compiler of the
Tristhalisetu (‘Bridge to the Three Sacred Places’: Kashi, Prayag, and Gaya).
Unfortunately, still no inscriptional source was found to prove the testimony and this
interpretation. In most instances, except of course many mosques constructed in the
city, Islam had largely been associated with destruction and forcible conversion of
sacred buildings in Banaras. It was Raghunath Tandan, the finance secretary of the
Mughal emperor Akbar, who initiated the firm construction in stone of the previously
unbound sand embankment of Panchaganga Ghat. In the 17th century Raja Man
Singh, the king of Amber, made Manasarovar Ghat had using stone slabs. Because of
its pre-eminent ritual importance Manikarnika Ghat is an exception with respect to the
early date of its secure building in stone. Little information with regards to the
architecture of other ghats is available before the 16th century. Based on inscriptional
evidence, Panchaganga Ghat, which is one of the five most sacred bathing places on
the Ganga, as well as Adi Vishveshvara Ghat, were clad in stone in 1580 (Hegewald
2005: 68).
During the 15th century the culture and people of Kashi faced serious threats, but
in the late 16th century, they enjoyed an era of peace under the reign of Akbar (r.
1556-1605) who was liberal in tolerating Hindu religion. Akbar is often adduced as an
example of the tolerant ruler, whose policies demonstrate that though he himself was
a Muslim, the state was not Islamic. Some have even pointed to him as a ‘secular’
ruler, when scarcely any monarch in Europe was such at this time, and his advocacy
of a new faith, the Din-i-ilahi, which combined elements from various religions,
exemplifies the ecumenism with which he is associated. Due “to diffuse,
individualistic system, putting stress, on the one hand, on concrete ritual acts of
worship of the physical, symbolic representations of divine persons and forces, and on
the other hand, on broad, speculative, and free thinking about eternal questions of
right morality, and the nature of the universe” (Cohn 1971: 67), Hinduism had
reached to the cliff of devastation. In this context Kabir took lead to provide a path but
succeeded only marginally, while Tulasi succeeded well. Tulasi (1547-1623) followed
a different form of bhakti (devotionalism) based on incarnation and anthropomorphic
vision of God. He had been preceded by Vallabha (1479-1531), who was born near
Chunar, a town 40 km southeast of Banaras, and who studied and passed many years
in Banaras. It is no doubt that Tulasi was disturbed with the defiled condition of the
city, as he narrated it at many places. Tulasi felt that such happenings were due to the
inauspicious moment of time, as there lays the shadow of Saturn at constellation
68 Chapter Two

Pisces (cf. Kavitavali VII. 177). At the outset of one of the sections of his work,
Vinaya Patrika (‘Petition to Rama’) Tulasi praises Kashi and its Lord, Shiva.
Although as devotee of Rama one might call Tulasi a Vaishnava, the poet consistently
displays a non-sectarian spirit in his apprehension of the Divine (Eck 1982: 88). He
begins one hymn to Kashi:

Serve with love all life through Kashi, the wish-giving cow of this Dark Age,
It banishes woe, affliction, sin, disease, and it amasses all things auspicious.
— Allchin 1966: 22-23

The magical wish-giving cow of which Tulasi writes is the bestower of all desires.
At the close of his last collection, the Kavitavali, Tulasi blesses Kashi as that place
where all men are as Shiva and all women as Parvati. And he takes his leave with a
note of mourning for the plague which was then causing great suffering to the citizens
(Allchin 1964: 197-204).
The greatest mistake of Tulasi was his submissive nature and the glorification of
the conservative ideas of Brahmins, and also denying the acceptance of the dalits.
Being born in a traditional Brahmin family and having being nurtured along these
lines, he was unable to escape from the social and cultural evils thrust upon by the
Brahmins. Of course, he succeeded in establishing an ideal order of society and
culture, however he failed measurably to challenge the social hierarchy based on
purity-pollution grading and the exploitative strategies of the landlords and Brahmin
priests. Tulasi lived through the best days of the Mughal period in Banaras.
The late medieval period in the history of Banaras saw the rise and spread of a new
wave of popular bhakti devotionalism in North India. In this movement, the classical
Sanskrit literature yielded to a vibrant new poetic literature composed in the
languages of the common people. Despite its reputation as a stronghold of Hindu
orthodoxy and conservatism, Banaras participated in the vibrant devotional
resurgence during the 14th to the early 17th centuries. Among the active poets and
reformers the most notable were Vallabha, Ramananda, Kabir, Raidas, Tulasi,
Chaitanya and Guru Nanak. Kabir, indeed, was one of the greatest in the whole Indian
literature, whose colloquial songs are still sung today (cf. Medhasananda 2002: 16).
Tulasi retold the epic story of the Ramayana in vernacular Hindi, naming it the
Ramacharitamanasa, which remains to this day the single most popular classic, the
Bible of the Hindi-speaking people. The greater part of this great epic was completed
in Banaras.
During the period of Jahangir (1602-1627) Banaras was not in the limelight. In the
late 16th century Ralph Fitch (1583-1591), an English traveller, paid a visit to the city
and described its social and cultural life of the city. He also described various taboos,
images, rituals, ways and means of religious performances, and other cultural
activities. Fitch went on to describe the rites he saw people performing along the
riverbank:

And by breake of day and before, there are men and women which come out of the
towne and wash themselves in Ganges. And there are divers old men which upon
places of earth made for the purpose, sit praying, and they give the people three or
foure straws, which they take and hold them betweene their fingers when they wash
themselves; and some sit to marke them in the forheads, and they have in a cloth a litle
rice, barlie, or money, which, when they have washed themselves, they give to the old
men which sit there praying. Afterwards they go to divers of their images, and give
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 69

them of their sacrifices. And when they give, the old men say certaine prayers and then
all is holy. (cf. Foster, 1921: 20).

With the passing of time, during the reign of Akbar’s grandson Shahjahan (1627-
1657), the imperial policy changed again, trying to blend Persian and Indian cultures.
It was reported that in the early years of his reign many new temples had either been
constructed or were in the process of construction in north India. While the shariat
might allow the continued existence of ancient places of worship of other religions
under the regime of a Muslim ruler, construction of new ones challenged the very core
of the Islamic state. Shahjahan wasn’t one to ignore this challenge. That is how finally
he ordered that “whatsoever idol-temples had been recently built be razed to the
ground.” By his order, about seventy-six temples under construction and seventy
existent temples were ultimately destroyed. However, in this period by the initiatives
of the great scholar Kabindracharya (1627-70), the zakat tax on the Hindu pilgrims
was withdrawn by the king.
Dara Shikoh (1614-1657), son of Shahjahan and elder brother of Aurangzeb, was
disappointed by the biased policies and vested interests of Muslim rulers. He had tried
his best to protect the existence and maintenance of Hindu temples in Banaras. In his
capacity as the governor he issued royal orders (farmans) on these lines. One of such
farmans ordered the Brahmin priest Panda Bhimarao Lingiya (Lingayat) that clearly
expresses his views (cf. Pandey 1975: 20):

O! The existing authorities and the assistants (ahalgaras, officials). With the courtesy
of the Emperor and his expectations, this news has reached before me. That means, the
farman issued by the Emperor that refers to the receipts (gifts) etc. offered to the
temples of Banaras, including Vishveshvara, to be noted that this was granted to them
by the Hindu trusts. Meanwhile, an order is issued from myself that is in honour of the
crown, to be followed that the offerings and gifts presented or possessed by the
Lingiyas, to be left to their occupancy without any interference. Date 4th of the month
Safar 30 Julus Mubaraq, i.e. 1067 Hizri (CE 1658).

After murdering his two elder brothers, Dara Shikoh and Murad Bakhsh, and
younger brother Shah Shuja, and imprisoning to his father Shahjahan, Aurangzeb (r.
CE 1657-1707) succeeded to get hold of the crown. He was even more fundamentalist
than other preceding Mughal emperors in his disdain for the temples and shrines of
the Hindus. At the beginning two years of his reign he had shown interest in
maintaining peace and law and order with an aim to improve his cruel image. Soon
afterwards (1659) he had ordered that “according to the Islamic rules no old temples
should be destroyed; however no new temples should be built. .... Such arrangements
should be made that no one illegally interferes in the religious activities of the (Hindu)
Brahmins”. Sarkar (1928, vol. 3: 249-250) suggested that Aurangzeb intended nothing
less than to establish an Islamic state in India, an objective that could not be fulfilled
without “the conversion of the entire population to Islam and the extinction of every
form of dissent”. He further suggests that the jaziya (poll-tax) on non-Muslims, which
Aurangzeb had re-instituted in 1679, was aimed at forcibly converting Hindus to
Islam, though he was unable to marshal evidence to substantiate this view. In 1659 by
his order the temple of Krittivasheshvara was demolished and its place the Alamgiri
Mosque was built; its date of construction was mentioned in the inscription dated Hijri
1068 (1659).
As soon as Aurangzeb established his authority on the imperial throne, he
prohibited Hindu teaching and learning. On 18th April 1669, he came to know that in
70 Chapter Two

spite of his orders people, including Muslims, were going to Banaras for education.
Immediately he issued orders to the Provincial Governors for the demolition of Hindu
schools and temples. To prove their loyalty and over-enthusiasm were razed the
splendorous temples of Vishvanatha and Veni Madhava down, and mosques were
constructed on their foundations using their remains; Aurangzeb got to know about
this on 2nd September 1669. In his zeal for crushing the religious places of the
Hindus, Aurangzeb even tried to rename the city ‘Muhammadabad’, and coins were
also issued bearing that name, but the name did not stick (Altekar 1947: 250).
Fortunately, on 12th December 1665, before these sad happenings, the French
Traveller Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, a dealer in jewels, had paid a visit to Banaras and
described the architectural beauty and grandeur of Vindu Madhava temple at the
riverside, which he called a “great pagoda”. His account is notable because the temple
was demolished in 1673 by the armies of Aurangzeb. The French traveller Jean-
Baptiste Tavernier’s narration describes:

Returning to the pagoda at Benares. The building, like all the other pagodas, is in the
figure of a cross having its four arms equal. In the middle a lofty dome rises like a kind
of tower with many sides terminating in a point, and at the end of each arm of the cross
another tower rises, which can be ascended from outside. Before reaching the top there
are many niches and several balconies, which project to intercept the fresh air; and all
over the tower there are rudely executed figures in relief of various kinds of animals.
Under this great dome, and exactly in the middle of the pagoda, there is an altar like a
table, of 7 to 8 feet in length, and 5 to 6 wide, with two steps in front, which serve as a
footstool, and this footstool is covered with a beautiful tapestry, sometimes of silk and
sometimes of gold and silk, according to the solemnity of the rite which is being
celebrated. The altar is covered with gold or silver brocade, or some beautiful painted
cloth. From outside the pagoda this altar faces you with the idols upon it; for the
women and girls must salute it from the outside, as, save only those of a certain tribe,
they are not allowed to enter the pagoda. Among the idols on the great altar one stands
5 or 6 feet in height; neither the arms, legs, nor trunk are seen, only the head and neck
being visible; all the remainder of the body, down to the altar, is covered by a robe
which increases in width below. Sometimes on its neck there is a rich chain of gold,
rubies, pearls, or emeralds. This idol has been made in honour and after the likeness of
Bainmadou [Veni Madhava], formerly a great and holy personage among them, whose
name they often have on their lips. On the right side of the altar there is also the figure
of an animal, or rather of a chimera, seeing that it represents in part an elephant, in part
a horse, and in part a mule. It is of massive gold, and is called Garou [Garuda], no
person being allowed to approach it but the Brahmans. It is said to be the resemblance
of the animal which this holy personage rode upon when he was in the world, and that
he made long journeys on it, going about to see if the people were doing their duty and
not injuring anyone. At the entrance of the pagoda, between the principal door and the
great altar, there is to the left a small altar, upon which an idol made of black marble is
seated, with the legs crossed, and about two feet high (as in Mahajan 1994: 75-76).

Tavernier (1665) has also described the sandstone column of Lat Bhairava which
was then preserved to a height of more than 10 metres, standing on the edge of
Kapalamochana Kund in the northern part of the city. British scholar John Irwin
(1984) interprets this relic as the stump of a lofty Buddhist column associated with the
stupa and other religious structures that once stood beside the road running from
Kashi to Sarnath, as noticed by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Xuan Zang (Hsüan-
tsang) in CE 636. He has further argued that the column may actually predate
Ashoka’s reign, but since it is impossible to examine its original sandstone surface for
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 71

any inscription, this opinion cannot be confirmed. Most likely, Lat Bhairava forms a
counterpart to Ashoka’s column at Sarnath, without doubt the most celebrated ancient
monument in the Banaras area, even if now broken. Its quadruple-lion capital is now
displayed in the Archaeological Museum, only a short distance from its original find
spot. The Lat Bhairava has acquired considerable notoriety since it was the site of the
Hindu-Muslim riot of 1809, one of the worst in the city’s history. Presently it is
worshipped as a manifestation of Bhairava, whose polished metallic face protrudes
out of the orange cloth that is presently draped over the column; Lat Bhairava stands
within an idgah compound still in use.
There is no major religious sanctuary in the city of Banaras that pre-dates the time
of Aurangzeb in the 17th century. The only temple complex which was saved from
the destruction is at Kandwa (i.e. Kardameshvara), because of its location in the
countryside making it nearly inaccessible during that period. The city of Puranic glory
and beauty as it was known in the 12th century had completely disappeared by the end
of the 17th century. The sacred city could not be destroyed, but it could certainly be
defaced.
Despite the discouraging, repeated ruination of the period, Banaras continued to be
an important centre of intellectual life and religious thought. However, the traditions
of learning for which the city was famous could not easily be broken, for they were
independent of the rise and fall of temples. During the latter part of this period, the
French scholar and medical doctor, François Bernier, visited Banaras, which he called
the Athens of India, and recorded his observations in a letter to one Monsieur
Chapelain (Eck 1982: 84):

The town contains no colleges or regular classes, as in our universities, but resembles
rather the schools of the ancients; the masters being dispersed over different parts of the
town in private houses, and principally in the gardens of the suburbs, which the rich
merchants permit them to occupy. Some of these masters have four disciples, others six
or seven, and the most eminent may have twelve or fifteen; but this is the largest
number. It is usual for the pupils to remain ten or twelve years under their respective
preceptors....
— Bernier 1914: 334

Some of the notable structures in the city and its neighbourhood associated with
the Sultanate and Mughal periods are the shrines and idgah at Bakaria Kund (Fig.
2.5), the Arhai Kangura mosque, and the mosque at Panchaganga Ghat. Other
architectural vestiges masked by groves and orchards are to be found in the area south
of the Varana near Rajghat fort and even north of the Varana up to Sarnath.
The early Muslim settlers of Banaras might have occupied some vacant spaces in
the southern portions of the city, particularly in the present Shiwala mohalla. The
westward limit of urban growth during these centuries was marked by the present
Durgakund-Bhelupura Road and Ramapura and Godaulia-Jagatganj Roads, and on the
north by the Varana river. This is quite clear from the present distribution of the
Muslim population and their old structures. Before the arrival of the Muslims the
Hindu city lay mainly to the east of the present Assi-Godaulia and Godaulia-Jagatganj
Roads.
Most of the Mughal rulers interpreted the rules ordained in their holy book the
Quran at different degrees according to their ideology and choice. Since “God
Almighty himself in the Quran commanded the complete degradation of the non-
Muslim” (yan yad yaham saghrun; cf. Sale’s Quran, p. 152), slaying, plundering and
72 Chapter Two

imprisoning of the non-Muslim became routine, and profusely exemplified in the

pages of Mughal history of mass destruction, killing and conversion.

Fig. 2.5. An old scene of Bakaria Kund and the ruins of Hindu temple
(after Sherring 1868: p. 282).

On the name of moksha, the Brahmin priests of the temple of Kashi Karvat were
religiously murdering innocent and devout Hindus (cf. Justice 1997: 43-45). This
place was used by the pandas and pujaris (priests) to persuade pilgrims to commit
ritual suicide during the medieval period (16th-17th centuries). According to local
sources these pandas would throw innocent devotees from the upper part of the well,
where they would fall on a big sword kept there. Their wealth was taken by the
pandas. By the description of Mallik Muhammad Jayasi, a contemporary of Akbar (r.
1556-1605), and Alexander Hamilton (1744) it was clear that the tradition of killing
people or ritualistic suicide was already in practice. The gesture performing the
specific ritual prescribed to lay down body on ground and slowly falling in the well by
turning your body (‘karvat lena’); that is how the temple is names Kashi Karvat.
Although the ancient books of law (dharmashastras) generally condemn suicide,
exceptionally some books like the Smritis, epics and Puranas prescribed it. The
Matysa Purana (183.77) refers that by committing suicide in the fire in Kashi one gets
liberation from transmigration. Drowning in the Ganga river was also a common
tradition. Later on by the orders of Shahjahan (r. 1627-1657) and Aurangzeb (r. 1657-
1707) the tradition was banned. A similar tradition was also existing at Prayag
(Allahabad) and Gaya, as all the three places have been associated with the ancestral
rituals and symbolised as doorways to the Svarga (heaven). After 1680 the Marathas
appear to have replaced the Rajputs as major donors at pilgrimage places like
Banaras, Allahabad, Puri and Gaya.
Two texts of this period, Varadaraja’s Girvanapada-Manjari (1600-50) and
Dhundhiraja’s Girvanavanga-Manjari (1702-04) describe the glories and defiled
culture of Brahmins in Banaras. The later text vividly describes the cruelty, fanaticism
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 73

and inhuman deeds of the Muslim rulers, and also the greed of the Brahmins. The text
describes this period as ‘an era of falsehood’ (Kaliyuga). During the reign of Bahadur
Shah (1707-1712) Banaras remained a part of the Mughal Empire. In his regime the
people of Kaswar pargana (Banaras) rose in rebellion against the Emperor and drove
the Mughal garrison out of Banaras. Later Banaras came under the control of Farrukh
Siyar (1713-1719), who visited Banaras in 1713 to impose a levy of one lakh ruppes
on Rai Kripa Nath of Banaras. In 1713, he sent an army led by Mamur Khan to punish
zamindars who were slaughtered and women and children were captured. Those
persisted were buried alive and those submitted were pardoned and rewarded
(Khairuddin 1875: 2; cf. Pathak 2007-08: 274). A special tax, called zazia, which was
imposed upon the Hindus by Aurangzeb, was withdrawn in 1720 by the initiatives of
the king Savai Jaisingh.
The age-old traditions of learning and discourses for which the city was famous
could not easily be broken, for they were independent of the rise and fall of temples.
As Richard Lannoy (1999: 10) writes:

Banaras has repeatedly been destroyed and then rebuilt from nothing but rubble. It has
not lodged its history in buildings. The real past of Banaras is a past of mind, upon
which no body sets any store other than in its capacity to inspire the present. Its
imperishable elements are moments of human experience. In fact, despite pitiably few
material remains from its more ancient past, the eternal moments of the city are
recorded in the written word, embodied in extraordinarily durable, still potent, sacred
sites, and evoked by a few surviving art treasures of exceptional quality.

It is also notable that the extensive religious networks within which Banaras was
embedded, have constituted the primary identity of the city since the early medieval
period, and in fact were specific to the particular historical contingencies that have
marked each historical period (Freitag 2005: 36). Thus it is noted that “both Guru
Nanak and Chaitanya (Bhakti leaders in Punjab and Bengal in the medieval period,
respectively) visited Banaras in order to expound their gospel”; and this pattern is to
be interpreted as a marker of the city’s pre-eminence in shaping South Asian
religious thought (Altekar 1947: 43). Indeed, literary specialists as well as religious
leaders and teachers set themselves up in Banaras and received disciples and students
there for centuries: the perception of Banaras as a centre of Hindu thought continued
even in the face of actual ebbs and flows shaped by political instability at any
particular time. This perception of Banaras as a seat of Hindu learning extended the
aura provided by a tirtha (sacredscape). This made the city irresistible to those
interested in serving as patrons and charitable contributors, thus enabling wealth to be
directed toward a range of practices (and practitioners) as well as the built
environment of this urban place. While the architecture that shaped the modern city is
clearly tied closely to the interplay of political power and patronage, here we might
note that charity and patronage also had other important implications, from the heavy
emphasis on education to the extraordinary scale of support provided to Brahmins and
widows (Freitag 2005: 36).

5. The story of Vishvanatha Temple: Perspectives in time

Only a year after becoming emperor in 1657, Aurangzeb issued an order (farman)
against his proclaiming him as true propitiator of Islam on 9 April 1669. On that date,
according to Ma’sîr-i-Ãlamgîrî, “The Emperor ordered the governors of all provinces
to demolish the schools and temples of the infidels and strongly put down their
74 Chapter Two

teaching and religious practices” (cf. Sarkar 1928: 186). Aurangzeb’s Fatawâ-i-
Ãlamgîrî truly mentions that the noblest occupation for Muslims is jihad (war against
non-Muslims). This meant that military service provided the best career for a Muslim,
and it was the business of the kings and commanders to declare every war a jihad. The
practice of the military profession was made identical with the fulfilment of a
religious duty [Fatawâ-i-Ãlamgîrî, Matba al-Kubra, Egypt, 1310 H., vol. V, pp. 346-
48, cf. Mujeeb 2003: 71]. Saqi Mustaad Khan, the author of Ma’sîr-i-Ãlamgîrî writes:
“His majesty, eager to establish Islam, issued orders to the governors of all the
provinces (imperial farman dated April 9, 1669) to demolish the schools and temples
of the infidels and put down with the utmost urgency the teaching and the public
practice of the religion of these misbelievers.” Soon after “it was reported that in
accord with the Emperor’s command, his officers had demolished the temple of
Vishvanatha at Kashi” on 18 April 1669. This was the period when the Maratha chief
Chhatrapati Shivaji took refuge for a few days in 1666 with the help of the local
people in Banaras, after escaping from imprisonment in Agra. This fact is a proof of
the people’s feelings against the government.
This news further irritated Aurangzeb (Pandey 1975: 20). Jadunath Sarkar has cited
several sources regarding the subsequent destruction of temples which went on all
over the country, and right up to January 1705, two years before Aurangzeb died
(Sarkar 1928: 186-89). By this order once again around a thousand temples including
the city’s greatest temples like Vishveshvara, Krittivasa and Vindu Madhava, were
razed and their sites were forever sealed from Hindu access by the construction of
mosques (Sukul 1977: 29). However, according to some leftist historians, the image
of Aurangzeb as a temple-breaker may not withstand scrutiny, since there is some
evidence to show that, like his predecessor Mughals, he continued to confer land
grants (jagirs) upon Hindu temples, such as the Jangambadi Shiva temple in Banaras,
Someshvaranatha Mahadev temple in Allahabad and Umananda temple in Gauhati
(cf. Ali 1968: 30-32).
The medieval temple of Vishvanatha stood near the bend of Chauk Road close to
the mosque of Bibi Raziyya (r. 1236–1240), but nothing of it now survives. Bibi
Raziyya’s mosque, occupying a central location in the ancient city, erected over the
dismantled Vishvanatha temple, shows an act that effectively “islamicised” a site
particularly holy to the Hindus. This mosque was built from previous materials, in
particular pillars of an older Hindu temple, consists of two chambers connected by a
three-arched opening; and four pillars in the middle of each chamber carry a set of
lintels on which rest the slabs of the ceiling, devoid of any dome (Rötzer 2005: 53).
At the next site, occupied by the present Aurangzeb mosque, only traces of Raja
Todarmal’s temple, rebuilt around 1585 in Chunar sandstone less than 100 metres to
the south of old Vishvanatha Temple, can be seen. The qibla wall rises above the
plainly visible remains of the temple, which was not completely demolished ― in
fact, merely crushed (cf. Figs. 2.6, 2.7).
It is not easy to establish the original appearance of the temple built by Raja Todar
Mal and Narayana Bhatta. As for the overall plan of the monument, we have James
Prinsep’s hypothetical reconstruction published in 1833, partly based on the
description of the deities worshipped there as imagined in the Kashi Khanda.
Prinsep’s plan visualizes the temple as a mandala (cosmogram) of 3 by 3 square
chambers, the central and larger one reserved for Vishveshvara (Fig. 2.8). One finds
this reconstruction unconvincing since it accords neither with the observable
architectural evidences, nor with the temple building practice of the day.
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 75

Fig. 2.6. Western part of the ancient Vishvanatha temple in the early 19th century
(after James Prinsep, 1833).
76 Chapter Two

Fig. 2.7. Varanasi: Ancient Vishveshvara temple plan (Prinsep 1833).

The plan and architecture of Vishveshvara temple may be compared with the
slightly earlier monument erected at the pilgrimage site of Brindavan on the Yamuna
river by Raja Man Singh of Amber, another of Akbar’s Rajput military commanders.
Dedicated to Govindadeva, the Brindavan temple of 1591 graphically demonstrates
how Mughal building techniques were placed at the service of Hindu ritual
requirements. Though its octagonal spired sanctuary was later demolished, a part of
the temple still stands. This includes a mandapa of majestic proportions roofed with a
dome raised more than 14 metres high on lofty pointed arches. Transepts leading to
side porches with external colonnades give the temple an almost perfect cruciform
layout. (The great Chaturbhuja Mandir at Orchha in central India erected by Bir Singh
Bundela (r. 1592-1627) of Bundelkhand in the early 17th century presents a complete
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 77

version of the Govindadeva scheme since its octagonal spired sanctuary is still intact).
Bir Singh Bundela, a Rajput of eminence, had been a loyal supporter and friend of
Emperor Jahangir from his tumultuous princely days. As Jahangir ascended the
throne, Bir Singh was happily ensconced in his home state of Orchha in Bundelkhand
at the north-western tip of Madhya Pradesh, and easily patronised and promoted the
building of grand temples at important places (cf. Michell 2005).
Fig. 2.8. Vishvanatha temple: Model view of the 1594 plan.

We would expect to find a similar arrangement of architectural features in Raja

Todar Mal’s monument in Banaras, since both this and the Govindadeva Temple at
Brindavan were almost contemporary projects. (The same may have also been true of
the great Bindu Madhava Temple erected at the turn of the 17th century by Raja Man
Singh above Panchaganga Ghat in Banaras) (Michell 2005: 81). It is also speculated
that Bir Singh Bundela was the major source behind the construction of the
Vishvanatha temple, most probably around 1623 in the regime of Jahangir!
Unfortunately there is no evidence to support it.
During her reign Razia Sultana (1236-1240) had built a mosque on the deserted
site of Vishvanatha temple, which had been earlier demolished by Aibak in ca 1194.
By the end of the 13th century the Vishvanatha temple was re-built in the compound
of Avimukteshvara and existed till the next destruction (of course partial) under the
rule of the Sharqi kings of Jaunpur (1436-1458). But in 1490 Sikandar Lodi
completely demolished it. Only after a gap of about ninety years, in ca 1585 with the
support of Todar Mala, one of the senior courtiers of Akbar, the great scholar and
writer Narayana Bhatta (1514-1595) had re-built it again, most likely on the structural
plan of the previous temple of the 13th century. In 1669 even this temple was
demolished by the order of the bigot Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, and today the
Jnanavapi mosque stands on its site. As it would have been only a little additional
trouble for Aurangzeb to order the demolition of the entire temple, one can only
assume that the back portion was consciously spared as a warning and insult to the
feelings of the city’s Hindu population (Michell 2005: 80). And, only a century later
on 25 August 1777 by the patronage of Queen Ahilyabai Holkar of Indore the present
temple of Vishvanatha was completed (cf. Fig. 2.9, compare Fig. 2.10). Ahilyabai’s
temple typifies the revivalist idiom that spread across north India during the course of
78 Chapter Two

the 18th century (Michell 2005: 81). The latter’s plan was made on the four-corner
chambers and three central chambers that easily fit into the archetype of seven layers
(cf. Fig. 2.11).

Fig. 2.9. Changing historical sites of the Vishvanatha temple:

(1) Unknown, before ca. 7th century CE (!), (2) ca. 7th century to 1194,
(3) From 1594 to 1669, and (4) Since 25 August 1777 to the present.
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 79

Fig. 2.10. Vishvanatha Temple, architectural design of the front view,

after Prinsep 1833
80 Chapter Two

Fig. 2.11. Vishvanatha Temple, area plan (courtesy of Niels Gutschow 2005)
1 Vishveshvara, 2 Vaikuntheshvara, 3 Dandapanishvara, 4 Virupakseshvara, 5 Vireshvara,
6 Adishakti, 7 Shringara Gauri, 8 Kubereshvara, 9 Vedavyaseshvara, 10 bell (ghanta),
donated from Nepal, 11 Annapurna (also identified as Saubhgya Gauri or Ahalyabai
Holkar from Indore), 12 Ganesha, 13 Nikhumbheshvara, 14 platform with ca. 20 votive
lingas, 15 Shitala (also identified as Annapurna or Savitri), 16 Shanaishchareshara and
Bhimashankara among votive lingas, 17 Dandapani Vinayaka (also identified as Avimukta
Vinayaka), 18 Mahalaksmi (also identified as Virupaksha Gauri), 19 Satyanarayana, 20
votive Vishvanatha, 21 Nandi, 22 platform with eight votive lingas, 23 Avimukteshvara,
24 Nakulishvara, 25 Draupadaditya, 26 Dandapani Bhairava, 27 Hanuman, 28 Vishnu, 29
Moda Vinayaka (top) and Pramoda Vinayaka (bottom), 30 Kapilamuni, 31 Durmukha
Vinayaka, 32 Sumukha Vinayaka, 33 platform with ca. 35 votive lingas.

6. The Modern and British Period

In 1719 the emperor Farrukh Siyar was murdered and Muhammad Shah ascended
the throne of Mughal Empire. He appointed one of his courtiers Murtaza Khan as
overseer of the Banaras region (including three sirkars, consisting of Banaras,
Jaunpur, Ghazipur, Azamgarh, Ballia and Chunar tahsil of Mirzapur). Murtaza Khan
entrusted the management of these territories to Mir Rustam Ali (a relative) against
the payment of 500,000 rupees annually with the right to retain the surplus revenue
for himself (Srivastava 1952: 42). In 1722, Muhammad Amin, known as Saadat Khan
Burhan al-Mulk, was appointed as Nawab of Awadh by the emperor Muhammad
Shah. Being too effete to carry on the administration, in 1728 Murtaza Khan leased
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 81

his jagir to Saadat Khan and allowed Rustam Ali to continue to manage the estate on
agreement of paying 8 lakh rupees annually, which he retained the charge till 1738.
Mansaram (1732-1739), a Gautam Bhumihar [‘martial land-owning Brahmins’]
zamindar of Thithria (now called Gangapur), 11km southwest of Banaras city, was a
close worker in the revenue office of Rustam Ali (Srivastava 1954: 186). As part of
his job Mansaram had to negotiate on behalf of his employer Mir Rusturn Ali with the
Nawab. He gained the confidence of Mir Rustam Ali and was able to supplant his
employer in his position as revenue contractor (Srivastava 1954: 186; also cf. Oldham
1870). He continued as a confidential adviser and obedient servant of Mir Rustam Ali.
He dealt on behalf of Mir Rustam Ali with Saadat Khan, the Nawab. But through
cunningness, and by presenting him a slave girl and jewelleries, Mansaram managed
to convince Safdar Jang, a nephew of the Nawab, to arrest Mir Rustam Ali and have
him posted in his place by obtaining a sanad (royal grant), immediately after death of
Saadat Khan in 1739 (Cohn 1987: 487). Of course, the sanad for three sarkars were
issued in the name of Mansaram’s son Balwant Singh by Safdar Jang under the
authority of Saadat Khan, however it did not include the Kotwali of Banaras,
governorship of Jaunpur for and mint at Banaras (Oldham 1876: 88-91). Finally
Rustam Ali was taken prisoner on grounds of arrears of revenue to the Kotwal of
Banaras, where he ultimately committed suicide (Pathak 2007-08: 276).
On 10th June 1738 Mansaram was made amil (tax official) or superintendent of
revenue collection for the present districts of Jaunpur, Banaras, and part of Mirzapur
by the Nawab. Thus Mansaram became the founder of the new dynasty in Banaras,
popularly known later as ‘Kashiraj’. In 1739, just before he died, he was able to get
his son, Balwant (Balband) Singh, recognized as the zamindar of most of the Banaras
province, and to get him granted the title of Raja (‘king’ as a honorific title). After
Mansaram’s death in 1739 this right was confirmed by the emperor in Delhi and the
Nawab of Awadh on behalf of his son, Balwant Singh (r. 1739-1770). In 1758 his
charge was extended to the present districts of Ballia and Ghazipur (cf. Nevill 1922:
137-145 and 195-204).
Banaras was one of the fastest growing cities during the years 1750-90. It became
the commercial capital of north India after the decline of Murshidabad and the
collapse of the Jagat Seths in Bengal in 1757. It received immigrant merchant capital
from the whole of north India and stood astride the growing trade route from Bengal
to the Maratha territories. Yet this was also a city which benefited from the sustained
agricultural performances of the rich and stable tracts which surround it (Bayly 1983:
104). In this period, the more elevated ritual specialists such as the pandas (river
priests) and pujaris (hereditary temple priests) formed close-knit bodies inhabiting
separate residential areas. In this process, by 1750 Gosains, a merchant-trader-soldiers
community of Brahmins, became the largest property owners in Banaras (Bayly 1983:
126). There were considerable math (monastery) buildings in the city between 1760
and 1800. The census records 500 maths, but eighteenth-century property deeds in the
hands of Chaukhambha and Dashashvamedha families suggest that in addition a large
proportion of house property was owned by Gosains and Bairagis (ibid.: 126-27 fn.
50).
It was from the 17th century that large colonies of Maharashtrian Brahmans began
to settle here, and with them came Vedic learning as well. After 1680 the Marathas
replaced the Rajputs as major donors to the three holy places, Banaras, Allahabad and
Gaya ― together known as ‘tristhali’, i.e. ‘the three holy spots making three pillars in
the bridge to the heavens’. A fresh wave of cultural renaissance overtook Banaras
during the 18th century under the influence of the Marathas (1734-1785), who
82 Chapter Two

substantially rebuilt the city. The city, which had sheltered the rebel Maratha hero,
Shivaji, in his challenge to Mughal power, now became the recipient of the gratitude,
the wealth, the skill and energy of the Marathas. The noted historian Altekar (1947:
24) writes: “Modern Banaras is largely a creation of the Marathas”. Bajirao Peshva I
(1720-40) patronised the construction of Manikarnika and Dashashvamedha Ghats
and the nearby residential quarters. A number of ghats, water pools along with the
noted temples of Vishvanatha, Trilochana, Annapurna, Sakshi Vinayaka and Kala
Bhairava were rebuilt under Maratha patronage. Queen Ahilyabai of Indore built the
present Vishvanatha temple in 1775-76. As one after another ghat was added, the
temples rose, the city regained its gaiety, and its educational system was revitalised.
After the death of his father Mansaram, his successor Balwant Singh (r. 1739-
1770) obtained the power cleverly from the Nawab in 1740 and established a fiefdom
independent state, which for about forty years remained a centre of attention and a
source of trouble for the rising East India Company. Balwant Singh expanded and
consolidated his hold on the Banaras province. In 1752 he shifted his headquarters
from Gangapur (Thithria) to Ramnagar, on the other side of the Ganga river, where in
1763 he built a fort, which is still a palace of their family, laying on the other side of
Banaras. When he died and was succeeded by his son, Chet Singh (1770-1781), the
family was established as the paramount political power in the region. Soon afterward
Chet Singh paid the Company two million rupees and agreed to provide troops, and in
exchange he was allowed to run the province as his own kingdom. However in 1775
Banaras was ceded to the East India Company by the Nawab of Awadh, Asaf-ud-
daula, but the British did not exercise any direct political authority except to establish
a resident until 4 September 1782 when they fully declared the State of Banaras as a
part of the Company.
The tension between the two powers reached its acme in 1781, when Chet Singh
usurped the throne and put Lord Warren Hastings in serious trouble he was; then
driven into exile where he finally died. After Chet Singh’s rebellion against the
Company in 1781, Warren Hastings undertook some changes in the government of the
raja, but he allowed 19-years old Mahip Narayan Singh (r. 1781-1795), Balwant
Singh’s the only daughter’s son, to continue to rule much as did his predecessor.
Mahip Narayan Singh had already made secret overtures to Hastings during his stay at
Banaras and Hastings finally appointed him as successor of Chet Singh, fixing 40
lakhs (4 millions) rupees as the amount of revenue. In 1722 the revenue demand was
9 lakhs; but, it increased to 40 lakhs in 1783 (Altekar 1947: 66).
The final phase started with the appointment of Jonathan Duncan at Banaras as
resident in 1787 where he stayed up to 1795, with authority from the Council in
Calcutta to run the revenue system on behalf of the raja. Theoretically, his
appointment did not affect the raja’s sovereignty over his domain. However, at first
the raja of Banaras had full rule, but much of the real administrative power was in the
hands of the British resident and two European assistants. During Duncan’s time as
resident, a revenue settlement was carried out in 1793 which, although based on the
principles of revenue settlement then practised in Banaras, had a fixity and regularity
of type not known in the area for fifty years (cf. Cohn 1987: 350; also Shakespear
1873; Mishra 1975, chapter 2).
But finally in 1794 Banaras came under British administration with a limited
jurisdiction known as the ‘Banaras State’. The sovereignty of the Banaras Raj
completely ends with the extension of all the Bengal regulations of 1793 to Banaras,
and the declaration of the permanent settlement of land revenue in 1795. A provincial
court of appeal with three European judges and a European register was established
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 83

for the four inferior courts in Banaras City. The new raja, Mahip Narayan Singh, was
a minor and inexperienced, and mismanagement by him and by his advisers and
officials led to the taking over of the administration by the British in 1795. The rajas
of Banaras kept a sizeable area as their own jagir (landed property). With his capital
and the experience he had gained by this time the raja was able to get control of a
large number of tax officials (cf. Oldham 1870: 100-105). His son and successor Udit
Narayan Singh (r. 1795-1835) was also known as ‘raja’ but served as care-taker under
the control of the British. He did not have a son; therefore he adopted his brother’s
son Ishwariprasad Narayan Singh (r. 1835-1889) as his successor. In fact, Mahip
Narayan Singh and his descendants continued to be nominal kings and real zamindars
for more than a century.
Following the tradition of succession Ishwariprasad Narayan Singh adopted as his
successor his brother’s 34-years old son Prabhu Narayan Singh (r. 1889-1931) to rule
the state. In 1910 Lord Minto’s Government took the unusual step of creating a new
Indian state by investing Prabhu Narayan Singh, the then Maharaja, with full ruling
powers. The new created Banaras State was not given jurisdiction over the city of
Banaras, which continued to be under British administration (Altekar 1947: 67).
Pleased by his good services to promote the cause of British and considering his
popularity he was crowned with the title of ‘His Highness’. In his regime, several of
the parganas that were earlier ceded to the British were transferred to Banaras State
but their control and administration was in the hands of the British. Apart from
services to the estate, Prabhu Narayan Singh was the key personality behind the
construction of several schools, hospitals, water pools and irrigation dams. Moreover,
he gave an enthusiastic support to the establishment of the Banaras Hindu University
in 1914-16.
The reputation of the Ahilyabai’s Vishvanatha temple, built in 1777, attracted later
rulers from other places in India to contribute to its splendour, including even the
British. In 1781, Warren Hastings instructed Ali Ibrahim Khan, the Magistrate of
Banaras, to erect an ornate gateway to the temple, called a naubatkhana (‘drum
house’), as documented in the inscribed panel set into its walls. This building project
encouraged other powerful figures to act as patrons. Following this trend the 24-bayed
pavilion with Mughal styled fluted columns and lobed arched brackets sheltering the
sacred Jnanavapi, or Well of Wisdom, immediately north of the temple, was
contributed by Rani Baijabai, widow of Daulat Rao Scindia of Gwalior in 1828. A
decade later in 1839 the embossed gold sheets cloaking the spires and dome were
added by the Sikh Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore (Michell 2005: 81-82).
The 18th century was a period when new politico-cultural alignments emerged,
which profoundly affected the processes of construction of most of the architectural
landmarks that anchor the contemporary city. This widespread transformation became
possible, in part, because of the fact that much of the religious architecture of the city
had been razed in ca. 1660s by the bigoted Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. Of course his
attempt to superimpose an Islamic layer above the Hindu basement of Banaras was
only partially successful in his own life, but after a century an integrated frame of
alternative collaboration emerged by accepting the various patches and locales of
Muslim settlements and their culture. In fact, by the early 18th century, like some of
the important holy cities such as Allahabad and Ayodhya, Banaras had been a
‘mughalising’ city owing much to the cultural patterns established first by the
Mughals and then fostered by the Nawabs of Awadh’s court (Freitag 1989: 9). By the
early 19th century, a Hindu tradition had been ‘reinvented’ to serve certain goals
cherished by the triumvirate of power-holding groups in Banaras.
84 Chapter Two

Fig. 2.12. The City of Banaras, after Prinsep, 1822).

 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 85

Fig. 2.13. The City of Banaras, Street Plan, redrawn on the map by Prinsep, 1822.
86 Chapter Two

Fig. 2.14. Varanasi: Ancient Water landscape and Forest Kshetra

(after Prinsep, 1822).
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 87

In the 18th century cities like Allahabad, Banaras and Gaya, received the special
privileged status of holy places. In theory, they were the property of the gods and all
men could worship there. Out of their religious pre-eminence derived a sense of the
‘public’ (Derrett 1975 II: 25, 45). In practice, of course, private property existed in
Banaras and other holy cities. Yet the central part of Banaras north of the
Dashashvamedh Ghat was commonly regarded as an area of particular reverence.
There was considerable concern to keep the ‘holy mile’ (pakka mahal) free from
undesirable groups. These included not only the representatives of the earlier Muslim
authority but even the raja and his collaterals (Bayly 1983: 182).
The urban area of Banaras continued to expand along the riverfront southward and
westward through the 19th century. Masonry bridges were built on the Ganga and the
Varana river; many ponds like Benia, Maidagin and Machhodari and Godaulia Nala
(drain) were drained and replaced by parks or streets, while many houses were
demolished to widen the roads in the centre of the city. Broad roads were cut through
the city where formerly there had been narrow lanes. The Dashashvamedha-Luxa
Road was built running west from the river toward the Cantonment train station (now
called Varanasi Junction). The north-south artery called Chauk was cleared through
the business district. Slowly the city came to have its present shape. James Prinsep
(1799-1840), who was the British Assay Master of the Mint in Banaras from 1819 to
1830, published the first map (in 1822, cf. Figs. 2.12, 2.13 and 2.14) and reliable
census of the city, which concluded that 68% of the population was Hindu and 18%
was Brahmin; among the Brahmins, 35% were Maharashtrian in origin. According to
the 1827 survey of James Prinsep there were 333 mosques and no less than 1,000
temples in Banaras.
Obviously noted from Prinsep’s map that the mosques were distributed generally
in the northern part of the city comprising the present Jaitpura and Adampura wards,
the chief area of Muslim settlement. A few mosques were also scattered in other
centres of Muslim population, such as Lallapura and Madanpura. Magnificent temples
were naturally numerous along the Ganga. Small shrines, however, were common in
the angles of the streets and under the shadow of lofty houses. Many temples and
shrines were covered with beautiful and elaborate carvings of flowers and animals.
The house of every well-to-do family in the city contained a small temple or shrine[?],
called thakurbari, or place of family worship. It was in these thakurbaris that all
religious performances on auspicious and ceremonial occasions took place.
The sacred territory of Varanasi has been dramatically associated with water
bodies. The whole city had hundreds of water ponds (Hindi: talab, Sanskrit: kund)
which even as late as the mid-19th century formed a series of streams dividing the city
into five forest tracts (Vana). From north to south these were Maha Vana, Daru Vana,
Ananda Vana, Harikesh Vana and Bhadra Vana (cf. Fig. 2.14). Till the 12th century
Banaras was centred in the north around the confluence of the Ganga and the Varana.
As the city continued to spread and prosper, the surrounding land was strained to
supply the rising needs of the city and its visitors. Even in the late 18th century the
picture of the riverfront shows a coverage of green lush trees. By that time the urban
centre of the city had already shifted southwards after clearing the forest. By the turn
of the 19th century the region’s resource base was becoming strained, and the
dwellers retained only memories of the once luxuriant woods. Of course patches of
woodlands remained at different places till even the mid-20th century. One central
neighbourhood came to be known as the Ban Kati, the ‘Cut Down Forest’ as
memorial of the past (cf. Eck 1982: 29).
88 Chapter Two

Many of the water ponds connected with each other during heavy rains (July-
September) by following the lowlands. The sacred topography of the city thus
followed the seasonal rhythm of nature. The map of Varanasi made by the British
scholar James Prinsep in 1822 (Fig. 2.14) clearly shows how numerous these ponds
and tanks were. His drawing shows how in the north Maha Vana and Daru Vana were
divided by the stream linking Mandakini and Matsyodari, further meeting
Rinamochana and finally flowing into the Varana river. The overflow of water
connected Bhulotana Garha, Benia Talab, Suraj Kund and Misir Pokhara, and finally
met the Ganga at Dashashvamedha Ghat. Of course, today these water bodies are
filled up only during heavy rains or floods, such as in the years 1948, 1978 and 1992,
when the channels again came to the surface, reminding us of the presence of the old
water bodies and their routes.
The early 19th century sources refer, albeit briefly, to several incidences of
harmonious civic sense between Hindu and Muslim dwellers. On various occasions of
celebrations and festive processions, e.g. marriage of Lat Bhairava and the Bharat
Milap of Nati Imli, both communities took an active part and also divided the
offerings. Of course these festivals were more celebratory and multitudinous in nature
and only secondarily religious. The tension and suspicion between the two groups was
mostly based on the issue of ownership of the Jnanavapi mosque that contains the
major walls of the earlier Hindu temple of Vishvanatha, demolished and converted
into mosque in 1669. In 1809 the seed of unprecedented riots between Hindus and
Muslims already happened on the line of the earlier tension that arose after demolition
of the temple in 1669.
In ca 1825 Rani Baijabai (Scindia) of Gwalior, had built Ratneshvara temple in
Gujarati style at the Manikarnika Ghat, which only after three years partly submerged
and since then exists there as unique landmark. This temple built in five-spired
(pancharatha) consists of inner sanctum, half-form of pavilion, and four pillars stand
in three directions. This temple represents an example of Chalukya temple and full of
artistic decorative scenes. The stones are locked in notching that gives a look of
monolithic structure.
By the mid-19th century, the majority of temples’ foundations in Banaras were led
by the princely estates from central India ― covering a period of 150 years (Nevill
1909: 237). The tradition was strongly developed by the houses of Sindhia and Holkar
which ruled the dominant Maratha states. Both of these houses built huge stone
bathing wharves (ghats) in Banaras and established ‘colleges’ of dependent Brahmins
there. The Marathas immigrants in Banaras accounted for about 30,000 people,
including traders, Deccani Brahmins and the retainers of the many noblemen, by the
end of the 18th century (Bayly 1983: 137).
Immediately after getting direct control over the city of Banaras in 1810 the British
introduced a form of house tax to cover the costs of administration and for the support
of the local police, watch and ward (cf. Heitler 1972, and Bayly 1983: 320). This
taxation was on the line of a tax supporting neighbourhood police (chaukidari), which
was introduced in 1795. With a view to keeping the pre-British structure of
community organisation, there was a strong protest against this tax. The British had to
taken away this tax in 1867, when the provinces of the Municipalities Act of 1850
were applied to the city. Under this Act a new improvement programme was
introduced, including an octroi tax on imports that proved to be the ‘backbone’ of
municipal income (Singh, B.N. 1941: 79). In this strike about 300,000 persons
stopped their work, and additionally did not take food for a day. Brahmins had used
their usual ways of conviction: if the rest of the Hindu mass would not join in this
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 89

agitation, they would commit suicide! This strategy finally worked to awaken the
Hindu mass.
The picturesque description of Banaras in 1841 by Lord Macaulay [Thomas
Babington Macaulay] (1910: 157-158) in his Essays on Clive and Hastings, points to
crucial aspects of the city’s history in the late 18th and early 19th century:

A city, which, in wealth, population, dignity, and sanctity, was among the foremost of
Asia… [with a huge population crowded into a] labyrinth of lofty alleys, rich with
shrines, and minarets, and balconies, and carved oriels…. The schools and temples
draw crowds of pious Hindus from every province where the Brahminical faith was
known…. Commerce had as many pilgrims as religion. All along the shores of the
venerable stream lay great fleets of vessels laden with rich merchandize. From the
looms of Benares went forth the most delicate silks that adorned the balls of St. James’s
[and of Versailles]; and in the bazaars, the muslins of Bengal and the sabers of Oude
[Awadh] were mingled with the jewels of Golconda and the shawls of Cashmere.

This paragraph shows that the city was situated in far-flung networks both
commercial and cultural, with a built environment that reflects the socio-political
power structures that have characterized the last three centuries. Especially interesting
is the description of the city’s simultaneous positioning within South Asia’s power
networks (we have seen the influence of the Marathas, especially) and its connections
to cultural consumption in Western Europe (which leads inexorably through European
expansion to the presence of imperial Britain). Freitag (2005: 31) analysed the
processes and conditions involved in the maintenance of this urban personality, noting
at least three reasons:

First is the city’s place in trade: it has long been positioned astride trade routes
connecting various regions of the subcontinent and beyond. More, it continuously
produced goods desired by far-flung consumers, ranging from cloth (muslins and silk)
to perfumes and ointments and, by our period, brass sculpture, while at the same time
importing crucial elite products such as gold, jewels, horses and elephants.
Second is the city’s pre-eminent religious position for Hindus (and, before them, for
Buddhists). Pilgrimage to the holy places constructed through the 18th century
reflected a much longer tradition, so that though the city’s built environment was
almost wholly new in the 18th century, it reflected long-standing assumptions about the
city’s role as a tirtha. Education reinforced this public understanding about the
importance of Banaras: patrons and students flocked to pre-eminent Hindu religious
thinkers based there. Indeed, there is a sense in which anyone wanting to make an
impression on South Asian religious thought felt the need to present himself in
Banaras.
The third explanation for the unique influence of Banaras relates to the perception
held by rulers throughout the subcontinent that having a presence in the city provided
recognition of one’s political importance and legitimacy. Taken together, these three
related but distinct impulses secured the city’s place in the dramatically changing
political realities from the 18th century to the present. It is worth noting that all three
aspects also required networks and flows of ideas, goods and persons. If we wish, then,
to understand modern Banaras as evoked by its built environment, we need to
contextualize the cityscape in much larger frames of reference.

Banaras in the early decades of the 19th century was a typical north Indian city.
Streets were not wide enough for a wheeled carriage, particularly in the densely
settled residential areas. They were generally at a lower level than the entrances of the
houses and shops that lined them. The Grand Trunk Road passed through the northern
90 Chapter Two

outskirts of the city and the Ganga was not yet bridged near Rajghat. The Varana also
was not bridged at Chaukaghat or near the Civil Courts, while the old bridge
constructed during the Muslim period was in ruins. In the southern portion of the city
there were two main thoroughfares: the Durgakund-Kamachha road and Bhelupura
road which served the outer zone; and the Asi-Madanpura-Godaulia road, running
almost parallel to the Ganga, that continued as far as Rajghat via Thatheri Bazaar. The
Godaulia-Chauk and Godaulia-Luxa roads, as seen today, did not exist. Among the
notable radial arteries of the city were the Jagatganj-Maidagin and Chetganj roads.
The riverside and inner zones of the city were approached by numerous narrow lanes
as we can see to this day.
About one-third of the city’s houses were pakka, either built of Chunar sandstone
or of brick. The majority of the pakka houses were lofty, with two or three storeys;
several went up to five or six storeys. Their exteriors and inner courtyards were richly
embellished with verandas, galleries, projecting oriels windows, and broad overhangs
supported by carved brackets. Walls were richly painted in a deep red colour with
designs of flowerpots, men and women, bulls, elephants, and gods and goddesses in
various forms. As regards their orientation, it was only natural that wherever possible
houses faced towards the Ganga. Almost all the habitations between Chauk Road and
the Ganga were of pakka construction. A few pakka examples were, however,
scattered farther away from the built-up area, particularly along the outer roads of the
city, in the gardens and groves where the wealthy inhabitants of the city had their
evening resorts. These indicate the tendency at this time to segregate resort dwellings
from the more crowded, fully built-up inner zone of the city. We may note here that
the remaining two-thirds of the houses of Banaras were kachcha, having mud-walls
and tiled and bamboo roofs with projecting eaves. Such dwellings were either
clustered in overcrowded zones of compact settlement along well-drained sites in the
inner city, or were scattered in the outer zone where they constituted smaller hamlets.
In addition to such residential structures there were innumerable temples and
mosques, exemplifying the religious character of the city.
Freitag (1989: 220-221) mentions that “In the 1890s, while the rest of the province
rioted over the issue of Cow Protection, the collective violence in Banaras was
directed at state-mandated technology. …. By 1980 the attendant tax increased to
fund the scheme had been levied in Banaras. … This intrusion of tax-financed
technology exacerbated the perceptions of hardship which had originated with a grain
shortage. Particularly hard hit by the great rise in grain prices, Muslim weavers
experienced “grave” reductions “in circumstances from the falling off in the demand
for those rich fabrics for which Banaras was famous”. In late 1890 the Municipal
Board took a decision to construct waterworks in Bhadaini (one of the southern
neighbourhoods). At this site existed a temple of local importance which the
Municipal Board ordered to demolish, rejecting the appeal to protect the temple of the
local residents. This resulted into a violent eruption. About six thousand people
assembled at the temple for protest and ultimately the mob tored up the water-supply
pipes and rushed through the city to destroy street-lamps, railway structures and such
amenities symbolising the British rule. In this assemblage few high class/ caste
Hindus took part, except poor Brahmin priests. This incidence shows the conflict
between sacred and secular activities. The gap between lower-class and upper-class
residents of the city widened even more in the early 20th century (Freitag 1989: 223).
This tendency helped the British to rule the city and make their presence stronger.
In 1852, in response to the rumour that the Hindu prisoners were being converted
by force into Christianity, Hindu masses (under the leadership of Brahmins) gathered
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 91

at Bhonshala (probably Gai) Ghat and demanded the release of prisoners. The
shopkeepers observed a partial strike but later the city life returned to normal
(Saletore II: 173), by the usual British way of suppression, dissension and arresting
the leaders. This event illustrated the discontentment of the people against the British,
an incident precursor of the struggle for freedom that broke out five year later in
1857, the first fight for freedom, called ‘Sepoy Mutiny’ by the British.
During the last ca. 70 years of suppression and rule by the British, the common
mass of Banarasis were disappointed and distressed. The whole city was changed into
military camps, and the society was living always under terror and suspicion. The
prices of daily consumable goods rose drastically high. The seeds of rebellion started
growing. In May 1857, in many of the military camps in north India, including in
Banaras, rebellion rose against the British, mainly due to the rumour that gun-powder
used in the cannons had substance of cows’ fat. Hindu felt it insult to their religion,
which fanatic Muslim thought to enjoy this incidence. Of course, this was finally
suppressed. However, in the late night some fanatic Muslims attacked the
Vishvanatha temple, but with the support of Rajputs the authorities succeeded to get
control over it and maintained peace. The main credit of this happening was given to
Mr F.B. Gabbins, the then city magistrate. There was no obvious loss in Banaras in
the rebellion of 1857. On the other front Mr Gabbins had formed a committee to
enquire into the disputes that arose about the pilgrimage route of Panchakroshi and its
path; he took the support of Pathaka Svami, a renowned saint of the region. The
contributions of Mr Gabbins in reinventing and re-establishing the pilgrimage routes
had been a landmark in the history of cultural preservation (cf. Singh 2002: 38).
A great Hindu reformist, Dayananda Saraswati (who founded the Arya Samaj in
1868) paid a visit to the city in 1869 and had religious debates with the leading
authorities, representing Hindu orthodoxy. But the traditionalist Brahmins and their
Hindu followers did not pay much attention to him, therefore he was only partially
successful in propagating his message (Joshi 1962: 72). According to a common folk
tale Dayananda was declared defeated in one of the debates by asking from him an
explanation of a wrongly quoted verse from the Upanishad. Dayananda was shocked
with this immoral behaviour of the scholarly Brahmins. After this experience he did
not tried again to have such debates in Banaras.
Banaras during the 19th century was also remarkable for its commercial and
business activities. The city was the great mart in which the shawls of the north, the
diamonds of the south, and the muslins of the eastern provinces were gathered, and it
had very considerable silk, cotton, and woollen industries of its own. Swords, shields,
and spears from Lucknow and Monghyr and those European luxuries that were
becoming popular in India circulated from Banaras to distant parts, from Bundelkhand
to Gorakhpur and Nepal, mainly through the riverine arteries. Many specialised
market areas were developed inside the city. The general market was called Chauk,
but it occupied a different site from the present Chauk. The main cloth market was in
Kunj Gali. There were two grain-markets: one at Trilochan and the other at Khojwa.
The latter is still in existence even today. There was a temporary grain market near
Prahlad Ghat, mainly used as a transit station for goods coming from the other side of
the Ganga. Here stood the customs house to exact duty on articles of trade. The main
vegetable market was at Chaukhamba, and the grocery mart was at Dinanath Gola.
Besides these we note the hardware market of Thatheri Bazaar, the basketwork market
of Raja Darwaza, the horse sarai in Aurangabad, the meat market in Khassi Tola, and
the ghee market at Gheehutta. The pan (betel) market, a speciality of Banaras even
today, was also prominent. Moreover, there were some smaller marketplaces with
92 Chapter Two

retail shopping parades in the northern wards; for instance, Purana Qila market (near
the old fort) in Rajghat, Koila Bazaar (charcoal market) in the northeast of
Machhodari, Kazi-ki-Mandi, Hanumanganj, Ausanganj Bazaar in Jaitpura, and the
Chetganj market. Among the storehouses in the heart of the city we may mention
Babu Ram ka Bara and Rup Singh ka Bara.
The city was well served by its public guards involving about 500 people stationed
at night at the sixteen gates of the different urban wards. There were, however,
practically no public utility services. For water supply the people had to depend on the
Ganga itself or on the wells distributed almost everywhere within the urban area,
though these were generally inadequate in the pakka mahals (built-up areas). Many
houses had a well in the courtyard or near the entrance, so that even those not
belonging to the household might make use of it. Both the Cantonment and Civil
Stations were established in the northwestern suburb of the city, the former on the
south and the latter on the north of the Varana. Several palatial buildings, attached
with beautiful gardens, enjoyed isolated locations on the outer margins of the city.
Only a few settlements could be seen south of the Asi Nala. The urban area of the city
continued to develop along the river under the British rule.

Mark Twain (1897: 496), who visited Banaras in 1895, describes the riverfront as:

The Ganges front is the supreme show-place of Benares. Its tall bluffs are solidly caked
from water to summit, along a stretch of three miles, with a splendid jumble of massive
and picturesque masonry, a bewildering and beautiful confusion of stone platforms,
temples, stair-flights, rich and stately palaces – nowhere a break, nowhere a glimpse of
the bluff itself; all the long face of it is compactly walled from sight by this crammed
perspective of platforms, soaring stairways, sculptured temples, majestic palaces,
softening away into the distances; and there is movement, motion, human life
everywhere, and brilliantly costumed – streaming in rainbows up and down the lofty
stairways, and massed in metaphorical flower-gardens on the miles of great platforms
at the river's edge.

Many educational institutions were established in Banaras in the 19th and 20th
centuries. British rule brought a major change in the ancient pandit-student pattern of
learning that had predominated in Banaras for 2,500 years. By the approval of the
British Governor-General Warren Hastings and with the initiative of Jonathan
Duncan, the Agent of the East India Company, a Sanskrit School was founded on 28
October 1791 in a rented house near the Maidagin Tank. In 1830 the Banaras Anglo
Seminary was raised to the status of a college, renamed the Sanskrit College in 1841,
and in 1843 taken over by the government. It has a magnificent and beautiful
sandstone building with sharp and piercing edges in the Gothic style that was
completed in 1852. Its new building, known as Sarasvati Bhavan, is famous
throughout the world for its massive collection of Sanskrit manuscripts. On 22 March
1958 this institution was raised to a University. In all, 522 colleges teaching up to
master-level (acharya) and 1,020 schools teaching up to 12th grade are affiliated with
this university. This is a unique university having a programme of teaching Indian
culture, philosophy, astronomy and astrology, religion, medicine, languages and
foreign languages. Presently it is called Sampurnanand Sanskrit University (Fig.
2.15). In 1992 a ‘Hindu Observatory’ was also opened in the campus. In the eastern
part lies an inscribed Ashokan pillar which was brought from Ghazipur in early 19th
century. And most recently a temple of Vak Devi (“goddess of speech”) in the
traditional style has been built and inaugurated on 27 May 1998. The pavilion hall of
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 93

this temple is supported by 18 carved pillars. The inner sanctum consists of images of
various forms of goddesses associated with different forms of knowledge and arts. At
the centre of the sanctum is the statue of Vak Devi.

Fig. 2.15. A scene of the Sampurnanand Sanskrit University: front view.

The oldest local educational initiative goes back to Jay Narayan Ghosal, a rich
landlord from Bengal, who with the British support founded a school in 1814. In 1898
Annie Besant (1847-1933), the founder of the Theosophical Society in India started a
Central Hindu College, a campus which proved to be only the nucleus of a growing
university. On similar lines in 1904, the great pandit and reformer Madan Mohan
Malviya (1861-1946) began campaigning for a modern Hindu university which would
provide a platform of productive interaction between classical cultural traditions and
the modern sciences; presently it spreads over an area of 554.5 ha, consisting of 198
departments, ca. 2,300 teachers, over 18,500 students and ca. 8,500 non-teaching
employees.
A Scot vibrant town planner Patrick Geddes (1854-1932) became involved in the
planning of Banaras and also the Banaras Hindu University in 1914-15. His original
plan was to develop a university based on an organic concept as is the case with
Indian philosophy, and in close association with nature. It was Geddes’s doctrine that
every part of the social and cultural heritage must be unlocked for the common man
(Lannoy 2002: 343). Geddes became involved in the planning of Banaras Hindu
University in 1915. To his son Alasdair he outlined the main gist of his architectural
plan, with “a long series of one-story courtyards, each a quad for its department, with
shade and ventilation through by open verandas communicating. All simply built
within their temple scheme... To build in mud and bamboo in first place... some day to
be replaced by something statelier in carved wood or stone, or in brick sometimes”
(Lannoy 2002: 344). But all his dreams and concrete plans for making a temple of
higher education in the Sacred City vanished as he was kicked from the plan
(Boardman 1978, cited in Lannoy 2002: 344). Till date Geddes’s report and plans are
not available! However, his basic outline of a semi-circular plan succeeded in giving
final shape to the Banaras Hindu University. In 1916, the Viceroy of India, Lord
Hardinge, laid the foundation stone of what would become one of the largest and most
94 Chapter Two

beautiful universities in Asia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries many
educational institutions were established in Banaras (for details, see chapter 8 of this
book).
Christian missionaries also brought major changes to the urban landscape. In 1816,
the Baptist Society became the first Christian body to introduce a mission in the holy
city. The Church Missionary Society of the Church of England had started to work in
Banaras in 1817, and opened one church at Sigra and another in the centre of the city
near the present Girjaghar in Godaulia crossing. The London Missionary Society was
located in the British Cantonment since 1820. Later in the century, the Wesleyan
Missionary Society launched its Banaras mission, and the Zenana Bible and Medical
Mission started a hospital for women. These attempts of the Christian missions never
had a chance of gaining momentum in Banaras; of course by 1848 the Christian
communities had already settled in different parts, mostly the northern, of the city. In
1848 under the supervision of Bishop Hartman from Rome a ‘Trippeet Diesis’
(region) for managing and expanding the Christian activities was established. That is
how in the same year a fully established church, St. Mary Cathedral, was opened,
which even today is an active church. The thought behind these missions was that if
they would succeed in converting the Brahmins of Banaras (Kashi) to Christianity,
then the whole of India would very easily turn Christian. But they hardly managed to
convert any Brahmin of the city. Sherring (1868: 357) has already confessed: “it
appears that Christianity has been more successful in many places in India than in
Benares”. In a similar vein Greaves (1909: 116) also noted that, “the Indian Christian
community numbers about 800 (in Benares) including the Children in Sigra
orphanage and the girl’s Boarding School. Numerically this does not appear to be a
great achievement for nearly a century of work”. The Christian arena in 1895 was
described by Mark Twain (1897: 498) as:

Benares is a religious Vesuvius. In its bowels the theological forces have been heaving
and tossing, rumbling, thundering and quaking, boiling, and weltering and flaming and
smoking for ages. But a little group of missionaries have taken post at its base, and they
have hopes. There are the Baptist Missionary Society, the Church Missionary Society,
the London Missionary Society, the Wesleyan Missionary Society, and the Zenana
Bible and Medical Mission. They have schools, and the principal work seems to be
among the children. And no doubt that part of the work prospers best, for grown people
everywhere are always likely to cling to the religion they were brought up in.

The Municipal Board was instituted in 1867 under the Municipal Act XXVI of
1850, with a view to introducing a general improvement in the existing condition of
the city. In continuation of such improvements, the site of the Maidagin tank
gradually came to be replaced by a park known as Company Garden, north of the
present Maidagin-Kashi Station Road. Opposite the garden, to the south of the road,
the Town Hall was built in 1875, as a result of the efforts of the Maharaja of
Vizianagram. It is surrounded by a large open space that lends itself to public
meetings and other functions in the centre of the city. The Machhodari tank was
drained into the Ganga through an underground channel and its site was turned into a
park with a small tank in the middle. Close by, a new market, Bisheshvarganj, was
established in 1830, north of the main road, which has today grown to be the greatest
grain market in the city. Likewise, Godaulia Nala and the contiguous tanks and
depressions were filled, and Dashashvamedha Road appeared as a great landmark in
the cultural landscape of the city. Similar efforts were made to dam the Benia Talao
and the adjoining low lying areas, but these did not succeed until 1903.
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 95

The introduction of various branches of the Northern and Northeastern Railways

along with the construction of the railway bridge near Rajghat, installation of
waterworks, and provision of improved sewerage and drainage works in the last
quarter of the 19th century greatly modified the urban fabric of Banaras. The effects
of contacts with social, educational, and political European ideas, which had already
begun to be felt in the 19th century, became prominent and boldly marked the urban
landscape in the course of the 20th century.
The architectural contributions of the Ramnagar Maharajas continued through the
19th century. Temples and palaces built by members of the ruling family served as
punctuation both within the city, as it expanded outward and accommodated
increasing numbers of British administrators, and across the river in Ramnagar itself.
This building contribution may have culminated with the Sumeru Devi temple, a royal
foundation of the late 18th century: the role of the Maharaja’s family as cultural
leaders was marked by the renewed use of sculpture to tell a story in this temple. The
built environment was but one facet of cultural patronage that still marks the
contributions of the dynasty, long after privy purses have been abolished.
By their order on 4 April 1911, the British restored the Bhumihar dynasty to its
status as ruler (‘raja’) of a proper princely state of Banaras, and in the process
recognized a cultural role that continued even after Independence. However, although
this recognition may have restored the Maharaja’s (Prabhu Narayan Singh) official
status, it actually marked yet another shift in power-holding. The British intended
their recognition of the Maharaja to stem the nationalist tide; yet, if we use the
evidence of the built environment to gauge developments of the early 20th century,
what we find is that the patrons increasingly were such as Shiva Prasad Gupta, who
sponsored the 1936 Bharat Mata temple. Others of his generation of leaders, including
Maharaja Prabhu Narayan Singh, put their energies into hospitals, schools, and water
treatment plants, marking a whole new arena for patrons pursuing civic recognition
(Freitag 2005: 41). After the passing away of the Maharaja on 19 August 1931, his
son Aditya Narayan Singh succeeded the crown, but only eight years later he passed
way on 4 April 1939. In his own life he adopted a 7-year old boy Vibhuti as his son
and successor on 24 June 1934. By the consent and approval of the British
administrator of the State of Banaras its political agent Kifaiatullah Khan had
appointed the king’s adopted son Vibhuti Narayan Singh (b. 5 Nov. 1927, d. 25 Dec.
2000) as king on 5 April 1939, when he was only 11½-years old (Pandey 1975: 89-
91). On 15 October 1948 the state of Banaras merged into the Republic of India, thus
the 37-years old Banaras kingdom (1911-1948) ended.

7. Post-Independence Period
India received independence from British rule on the 15th of August 1947, and
declared itself a democratic republic state on the 26th of January 1950. Since 1947 no
substantive change in the urban fabric and city morphology is recorded. On 15th
October 1949 the district of Banaras assumed its present form and area by the merger
of the erstwhile Banaras State (Kashiraj), and the city of Banaras became the district
headquarters. In 1948, 1978 and 1982, the city faced catastrophic flood damage when
the flood level reached 73.2 m, 73.5 m, and 73.1 m, respectively; the danger level of
flooding is 71.3m. During this period, areas around Godaulia, the Godaulia-Luxa road
and Lanka near the Banaras Hindu University were under floodwater. Tourism also
began to have an impact.
96 Chapter Two

In the 1960s and the 1970s Institute of Tibetan Studies, and many Buddhist
monasteries like the Chinese, Thai and Japanese were established at Sarnath. In 1990s
many ‘star’ hotels, mostly in the Mall area, were constructed to respond to the
increasing influx of foreign tourists. The Diesel Locomotive Works (DLW) factory
was set up in 1961 with technical collaboration from USA; this is the only heavy
industry unit in the district. In 1992 a new Hindu Observatory was opened in the
compound of Sanskrit University. Five institutions, viz. Sampurnanand Sanskrit
University, Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapith, Central Institute of Higher Tibetan
Studies (since May 2009 upgraded and known as Central University of Tibetan
Studies), the Parshvanatha Jain Institute, and Jamia Salfia Darul-Islamia have been
given the official status of Deemed University by the University Grants Commission.
In 1999 four road bridges, two on the Varana river (at the Mall, and at Pulkohna on
City-Sarnath Rd), one on the Ganga river in the south of the city for passing the by-
pass diversion of the GT Road (NH 2) and one on the Asi drain (Lanka-Ravindrapuri
Rd), were constructed. In 1999 four road bridges were constructed: two on the
Varana at the Mall and at Pulkohna, on City-Sarnath Road; one on the Ganga to the
south of the city serving as a bypass diversion of the Grand Trunk Road (NH2); and
one on the Asi Nala (Lanka-Ravindrapuri Road).
For the first time in history that Banaras also became victim of terrorism. Recently,
on 7th March 2006, four bombs went off in an act of terrorism; and around 20 people
were reported killed, and many were injured. One of the bombs was planted in the
Sankatamochan Hanuman Temple, a shrine dedicated to Lord Hanuman, while
another was planted on a platform of the Varanasi Cantonment Railway Station, the
main railway station in the city. An Islamic group, Lashkar-e-Kahab, claimed
responsibility for the terror attacks. On 23rd November 2007 the city faced another
bomb blast. The bomb was placed in the civil court area, which resulted to death of
more than 20 people and over 100 injured. India TV news channel received an e-mail
before 5 minutes of bomb blast saying that there will be bomb blast in different cities
of Uttar Pradesh within next 5 minutes. A terrorist organization called HUJI took the
responsibility of bomb blast.

8. Battle to save the Ganga River and its riverfront

For the first time in history the idea of using the Ganga river as a resource for
irrigation and hydropower was initiated by the British engineer Sir Probe T. Courtly
in 1839. He made a survey of the source area and prepared a plan for a dam and a
canal. Since the opening of the Upper Ganga Canal in 1855 at Haridvar, engineering
officials realised that every year after the rainy season, in September-October, the
canal should be cleaned to clear the boulders and shingle by blocking the entire flow
of the river water to the branch stream and to the irrigation canal (Alley 2003: 109). In
1912 near Haridvar (Bhimagoda) the construction of a permanent dam started. All
over north India the Hindus made an agitation against this dam, and finally in 1914 an
agreement between the British government and the Hindu community was made. But
the agreement was not followed in the succeeding years, resulting in a further
agreement in 1916 with the assurance by the British that “the constant flow of the
Ganga will be continued. No change will be made without prior permission of the
Hindu community.” In course of time it was realised that due to blocking the water
flow the pure water does not reach the down stream, provoking impurity. To improve
the flow and make it constant a parallel channel was planned. At this juncture All-
India Hindu Sabha together with similar organizations started a protest under the
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 97

leadership of Madan Mohan Malviya. Similar meeting was also held in 1916. This
protesting instinct and public awareness continued from time to time, and later
reached Varanasi.
In 1926 the Kashi Tirtha Sudhar Trust was established with the object of repairing
and improving and rebuilding the ghats of Banaras; the trust consisted of Hon’ble
Raja Sir Motichand as president and Thakur Shiva Shankar Singh as Hon. Secretary.
The surveys were made under the guidance of the Executive Officer of the Municipal
Board Mr Asharfi Lal, who also served as the first secretary of the Trust. By their
initiative, within a short span of time a sum of Rs 50,000 was raised for carrying out
the preliminary survey of the ghats, and by 1930 most of their plans got implemented.
Finally, the report of the work done was published in book form along with appendices
carrying various proposals, surveys, architectural designs and recommendatory
measures. Their published report, Benares and its Ghats (KTST, 1931), was
appreciated and supported by the then Viceroy and Governor Lord Irwin.
Time passed, and the country became independent in 1947. In the name of
comprehensive and integrated development again in 1972 the Indian government
planned of massive dams on the Ganga river. And, in 1986 with the financial support
of the Soviet Union the ambitious Tehri Dam Project was started. This dam consists
of a chain of three other smaller dams. By the inspiration and under the leadership of
Sundarlal Bahuguna, all over India constant agitation started against the Tehri Dam.
From a sacred perspective, Hindus also felt that the construction of such a massive
dam and channels to divert the stream together with stopping the natural runway water
near the source are directly a great threat to Hindus’ belief and cultural traditions.
A sensitive walker has expressed that “a walk along the ghats presents another
image too, one of poverty and crowding. And, another is of filthy and polluted scenes
created by the garbage piles, sewerage, breeding diseases, drains carrying human
waste directly to the stream, occasionally floating corpses and also pouring toxins
from India’s burgeoning industrial sector”. The standard of purity set for the Ganga
by the environmental ministry of India is a maximum biochemical oxygen demand
(BOD) of three parts per million or three milligrams per litre. Tests conducted along
the Ganga report a BOD of over 5.5 parts per million and faecal coliform counts of
5,000 to 10,000 per 100 litres (cubic centimetres) of water, while the limit for the
latter is only 3,000 per 100 litres of water. At some of the sewage outlets the faecal
coliform counts exceed 100,000 per 100 litres. In 1986 the Central Ganga Authority
(CGA) was created, which unveiled a master plan for the clean-up with its highly
touted Ganga Action Plan (GAP) with a budget of 293 million rupees (equivalent to
18.5 million US dollars) for the first five years. It started its functioning in 1988. The
Second Phase was planned for the period of 1994-1999 with a budget of Rs 491
million rupees (equivalent to 16.5 million US dollars), but has never been
implemented. The Third Phase, including the budget of the Second Phase, is in
process with a budget of Rs 2080 million rupees (equivalent to 45.3 million US
dollars), and it was expected to be implemented by the end of 2009. These proposals
include pollution prevention, checking and diversion of sewage outlets, increasing the
capacity of treatment plants and over 30 related schemes. Founded in 1982, the
Swatcha Ganga Campaign (SGC), an NGO dealing with ‘cleaning the Ganga
movement’, is a widely publicised and propagated institution in this area. Both of
these bodies make their own claims for the great success, and always blame each
other for obstacles and misuse of money! To different degrees, both agencies seem
more concerned with creating a reputation at the local, national and international
levels than with taking swift and decisive action to clean up the Ganga river. The
98 Chapter Two

clean-up campaign of the Ganga has failed miserably in almost all respects. There is a
lack of public participation and a lack of awareness of the river’s problems. At the
same time there has also been a failure to revive the old theological ethics of harmony
with nature and the spirit of sustainability.
According to newspaper reports around half of the money granted, which comes
about 378 million rupees (i.e. 16.8 million US dollars), has gone into the pockets of
officials. The clean-up campaign of the Ganga has failed miserably in almost all
respects. There has also been a failure to revive the old theological ethics of harmony
with nature and the spirit of sustainability. Presently many NGOs are involved in
similar programmes. However, they appear to be more concerned with political show
and propaganda, and more interested in receiving grants and engendering cheap
popularity. A mass awakening of awareness in the context of old cultural values
would promote a new spirit of sustainability. Such a revival, however, need not turn
into fundamentalism nor should it cause any damage to secular life.
The disposal of human wastes and other pollutants in the Ganga has been
prohibited sine time immemorial. According to the Brahma Purana’s
Prayashchittatattva (2.535), a ca. 10th century CE text, “One should not perform
fourteen acts in and around the holy waters of the river Ganga, i.e., excreting in the
water, brushing and gargling, removing all clothes from the body, combing the hair,
throwing hair or dry garlands in the water or throwing remains of a puja (nirmalya),
playing in the water, laughing and joking, taking alms and donations, having erotic
enjoyment, having sense of attachments to other holy places, praising other holy
places, washing clothes, throwing dirty clothes, thumping water and swimming” (cf.
Jagannath 2007: 13, compare the Ganga Lahiri: 1, p. 23). The Padma Purana
(Bhumikhanda, 96.7-8) states that persons who engage in such unsociable activities
and engage in acts of environmental pollution are cursed and will certainly go to hell.

9. The Issue of Contestation to Pilgrimage

By the early medieval period (ca. 10th century CE) Banaras/ Kashi was considered
an important holy city together with Prayaga (Allahabad) and Gaya ― all together
called tristhali. The glory of Banaras reached to an extent that people from all parts of
India started coming, and including many learned Brahmins who settled down here. In
spite of the destruction of the city at least four times (during 12th-17th century) the
eminence of Kashi has not fallen down. During the British period and under the
patronage of the Marathas and Peshvas a large number of temples and water pools
were built up. By the turn of the 18th century the cosmological frame referring to
archetypal descriptions took shape. The Ganga river and its water have always been
sacred and the most holy to the Hindus.
The riverfront has been famous for purification and ancestor-rites; the rituals were
managed by the specialised priests called pandas or ghatias (also called
Gangaputras). These pandas have been well known for their exploitative attitude,
cheating and falsely making records. Taking benefit of the religious beliefs and the
faith of the pilgrims they have often cheated and looted the visitors. A group of
citizens, merchants and rich people appealed to Warren Hastings, the British
Governor General, who in 1787 issued an order to punish them and banned their
violent and corrupt deeds. In spite of this, in the early 19th century they again
recovered power and thus the image of the religious arena of Banaras fell down.
Parallel to the pandas, the tirtha-purohits (‘priests at the sacred site’) also came as
another group and started maintaining their separate organisation. In the early 18th
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 99

century many Maharashtrian Brahmins settled in Banaras and later succeeded to have
their hold in the religious activities. This resulted in a battle between the two groups.
Both groups started fighting and filing court cases against each other. In 1717 a
decision from the court was given in favour of the Panchadravida Brahmins of
Maharashtra. But only two years later both groups agreed upon having their share on
the basis of regular control (cf. Nevill 1905: 68-71). During 1730-1735 several such
examples of group fights were noticed (cf. Motichandra 1985: 369-370). Before 1803
the donations and income received by the pandas were deposited into the government
treasury, but afterwards an order was passed that pandas have right to keep hold of
such gifts and donations. Taking benefit of such conflicts other groups and even
associates like Bhaderias also started their independent possession and control.
Several cases concerning conflicts among these groups were filed in the court.
The first indisputable record of an attempt by the citizens to protect the holy
places, especially Allahabad, Banaras and Gaya, was the protest in 1725. This protest
was against the raising of an additional pilgrim tax; such an echo of battle was also
recorded in 1664 (!) in Banaras. “The British in turn were faced with a series of
popular reactions, beginning with the famous strike against the proposed house tax in
1809,” and stretching forward to the protest against the construction of municipal
water works on the holy Ganges in 1889 (Bayly 1983: 183).

10. References
Sanskrit sources

AsD, Asthādhyāyi of Panini, 1897. Ed. S.C. Bose. Chowkhambha Oriental series,
Benares. Dt. ca 500 BCE, Ref.: IV.2.113, 116; 3.84.
AtV, Atharva Veda, 1895. Venkateshvara Press, Bombay. Dt.: ca 1000 BCE, Ref.:
V.22.4.
BP , Brahma Purana,1954. Gurumandala Granthamalaya No.XI, 2 vols., Calcutta.
BhP, Brahmānda Purāna, 1976. Ed. J.L.Shastri. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi. Dt. ca
4th century. Ref. Varanasi: 2.3.67, 207.
BvP, Brahmavaivarta Purāna, 1935. Anandashrama Sanskrit Series No. 102, Poona.
DN, Digha-nikaya, II, p. 72. Edited by W. Rhys David and J.E. Carpenter. Pali
Text Society, London, 1898-1900.
KKh, Kashi Khanda (of Skanda Purana), 1961. Gurumandala Granthmalaya No. XX,
vol. IV, Calcutta. 100 chapter containing 11,624 verses.
KKh, Kāshi Khanda (of Skanda Purāna), 1991-1998. Editor: Karunapati Tripathi.
Sampurnananda Sanskrit Vishvavidyalaya, Varanasi. 4 vols. Sanskrit and Hindi
translation and commentary. Dt. ca 12th-14th century. Contains 100 chapters and
11,624 verses.
KKM, Kāshi Kedāra Māhātmya (an appendix to the Brahmavaivarta Purāna) 1939.
Translation: Vijayananda Tripathi, Ed. Krishnachandra Sahityacarya. Acyuta
Granthamala, Kashi. Dt. ca 16th century.
KR, Kāshī Rahasya (an appendix to the Brahmavaivarta Purāna), 1957.
Gurumandala Granthamalaya, No. XIV, vol. III, Calcutta. Dt. ca CE 16th century.
Ref. 26 chapters.
KuM, Kuttanimatam, by Damodara Gupta, 1961. Ed. Jagannatha Pathaka.
Indological Book House, Varanasi. Dt. ca 8th century. Ref. verses 3-18.
100 Chapter Two

LP, Linga Purāna, 1973 Ed. J.L. Shastri. English Trans. 2 Vol. Motilal
Banarasidass, Delhi. Dt.; earlier part-ca CE 8th century, later part-ca 12th century.
Ref. canto 92: 190 verses.
MbH, Mahābhārata, 1933-1959. Ed. V. S. Sukthankar (and others), 19 vols.
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Baroda. Dt.: ca BCE 4th century. Ref.
III.26.14; III.82.69; V.115; VI.10.30; VI.14.6; XIII.31; XIII.154.23 and 168.25.
MbP, Mahābhāsya (of Patanjali) 1880-1885. Ed. by Kielhorn. Venkateshvara Press,
Bombay, 4 vols. Dt. ca BCE 2nd century. Ref. II.V.3.35, IV.1.54, IV.3.72.
MkP, Markandeya Purāna, 1904. Transl. & Ed. F.E. Pargiter. Reprinted, Indological
Book House, Delhi, 1969. Dt.: ca CE 7th century, Ref.: VII-VIII.
MtP, Matsya Purāna, 1907. Anandashrama Sanskrit Series No. 54, Poona. Dt. ca 8th-
10th century. Ref. 180,-185; 411.
NdP, Naradiya Purāna, 1923. Venkateshvara Press, Bombay. Dt.: ca CE 9th century.
Ref.: Uttarabhaga, II. 48-51, ca CE 12th century.
PP, Padma Purāna, 1894. Anandashrama Sanskrit Series No. 131, 4 vols. , Poona.
Dt. ca 12th-13th century. Ref. I.33-37; IV.235-236; V (Srishti Khanda) .14; VI
(Uttara Khanda). 235-236, 278.
Rm-V, Rāmāyana of Valmiki, eds. G.H. Bhatt et al. Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1927.
Rm-B, Rāmayāna of Valmiki (B), ed. V.L. Shastri Pansikar. Indological Book House,
Delhi, 1983.
RvS, Rig Veda Samhitā, 1940. Ed. Shripada Sharma. Svadhyayamandala, Anudha.
Dt.: ca BCE 1500, Ref.: 1.130.7; 10.179.2.
RgV The Hymns of the Rig Veda, ed. J.L. Shastri, trans. R.T.H. Griffith, Rev. ed., 2
vols.
Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1973. Dt.: ca BCE 1500, Ref.: 1.130.7; 10.179.2.
SaB, Satapatha Brahmana, 1882. Transl. J. Eggeling. Sacred Books of the East, vols.
12, 26, 41, 43, 44. The Claredon Press, Oxford. Reprinted, Motilal Banaridass,
Delhi, 1989. Dt.: ca BCE 1500. Ref.: Vol. 5: 4.7.1; 13.5.4.21; 14.3.1.22; 14.14.
SkP, Skanda Purāna. Dt. ca CE 9th century, Ref. 29.1-5, 62-73, 74-76, 91-97, 180-
241; 30. 61, 64-65, 66-75. See, Bakker, 1993.
TvK, Tirthavivechana Kānda (Part III of Krityakalpataru by Lakshmidhara) 1942.
Ed. K.V. Rangaswamy Aiyangar. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series Vol. XCVIII.
Oriental Institute, Baroda. Dt. ca 1100.
UvP, Uktivyakti Prakarana by Pandita Damodara Sharma, 1953. Ed. Jivavijaya Muni.
Singhi Granthamala, no. 39. Singhi Jain Shashra Vidyapith. Bhartiya Vidya
Bhavan, Bombay. Dt.: ca CE 1134-1150.
VP, Vinaya-Patrikā (The Petition to Lord Rama; of Tulasi, 1547-1623), ed. and
English translation with introduction F.R. Allchin, notes and glossary. George
Allen & Unwin Ltd., London, 1966.
VyP, Vayu Purāna, 1959. Gurumandala Granthamalaya, No. XIX, Calcutta. Dt.: CE
2-3rd century, Ref.: Canto 92.
VsP, Vishnu Purāna, 1990. Gita Press, Gorakhpur. Dt. CE 7th century.
―. 1840. Trans. In English: The Vishnu Purāna by H.H. Wilson. Reprint, 3rd Ed.
Punthi Pustak, Calcutta. Ref. V.24.

Hindi sources

Pandey, Banarasilal 1975. Maharaja Balwant Singh and Ancient Past of Kashi
(‘Maharaja Balwant Singh aur Kashi ka Atit’); in Hindi. Narayan Prakashan,
Varanasi (published by the author).
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 101

Singh, Shivaprasad 1996. Vaishvānara (The Primordial Fire); in Hindi. A novel on

ancient Varanasi. Vani Prakashan, New Delhi.

Other sources

Ali, M. Athar 1968. The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb. Asia Publishing House,
Bombay.
Allchin, F.R. (ed.) 1966. Vinaya-Patrika (The Petition to Lord Rama; of Tulasi, 1547-
1623). English translation with introduction, notes and glossary. George Allen &
Unwin Ltd., London.
Alley, Kelly D. 2003. On the Banks of the Ganga: When Wastewater Meets a Sacred
River. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor MI.
Altekar, Anant Sadasiv 1947. Banaras and Sarnath: Past and Present. Revised
reprint of his earlier work, 1937. Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
Bayly, Christopher A. 1983. Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaar: North Indian Society in
Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Biswas, Taran K. 2005. Vestiges of the Past; in, Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.
B. (eds.) Banaras, The City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 42-49.
Biswas, Taran K. and Jha, Bhogendra D. 1985. Gupta Sculptures, Bharat Kala
Bhavan. 107 pp., illust. Books & Books, New Delhi.
Cohn, Bernard S. 1987. Some Notes on Law and Change in North India; in his book,
An Anthropologist among the Historians and Other Essays. Oxford University
Press, New Delhi: 554-574. [First published in 1959].
Chaudhuri, Nirad C. 1966. The Continent of Circe. Jaico Publishing House, Bombay.
Derrett, J.D.M. 1975. Essays in Classical and Modern Hindu Law. 2 vols. E.J. Brill,
Leiden.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras. The City of Light. Penguin India, New Delhi (Indian
Reprint).
Eidt, Robert C. 1977. Detection and examination of anthroposols by phosphate
analysis. Science, 197 (30 September): pp. 1327-1333.
Elliot, Henry M. and Dowson, John 1867. The History of India as Told by its Own
Historians. 2 vols. John Murray, London. Reprinted, Low Price Publications, New
Delhi, 2001.
Feitag, Sandria B. 2005. Power and Patronage: Banaras in the 18th and 19th centuries;
in, Banaras, The City Revealed; eds. George Michell and Rana P.B. Singh. Marg
Publs., Mumbai: 30-41.
Fisher, F.H. and Hewett, J. P. 1884. Statistical, Descriptive, and Historical account of
the North-western Provinces of India. Vol. XIV, Part I-Benares. Government
Press, Allahabad.
Foster, George 1798. A Journey from Bengal to England through the Northern Part
of India, Kashmir, etc. vol. 1. John Murray, London.
Hegewald, Julia A.B. 2005. Ghats and Riverside Palaces; in, Michell, George and
Singh, Rana P.B. (eds.) Banaras, The City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 66-77.
Heitler, R. 1972. The Varanasi house tax hartal of 1810-1811. Indian Economic and
Social History Review (New Delhi), 9: 239-257.
Irwin, John 1984. The Lat Bhairo of Benares: another pre-Ashokan monument; in,
Bridget Allchin, ed., South Asian Archaeology 1981 (Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge): pp. 225-30.
Jayaswal, K.P. 1933. History of India, 150 AD to 350 AD. Motilal Banarasidass,
Lahore.
102 Chapter Two

Jayaswal, Vidula 2000-02. Aktha: a satellite settlement of Sarnath, Varanasi (Report

on the excavations conducted in the year 2002). Bharati (Bulletin of the Dept. of
A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi), 26: 61-180
(figures 32, and black & white plates 16).
―. 2008. Ancient Varanasi: An Archaeological Perspective (Excavations at Aktha).
Aryan Books International, New Delhi.
―. 2008a. Settlement pattern of ancient Varanasi, with special reference to non-urban
sites; in, Paddaiya, K. (ed.) Proceedings of the Centenary Celebration of Prof.
H.D. Sankalia. (Organised by the Deccan College, Pune: 10-12 December 2007).
Deccan College, Pune.
―. 2008b. Urban and non-urban cultural levels of Varanasi, as revealed by the
archaeological findings; in, Ray, Ranjana (ed.) Proceedings, International Seminar
on Biological and Cultural Diversity in South Southeast Asia and the Development
Consequences: 21-23 November 2007. Asiatic Society, Kolkata.
Jayaswal, Vidula and Kumar, Manoj 2005-06. excavations at Ramnagar discovery of
a supporting settlement of ancient Varanasi. Puratatva (Bulletin of the Indian
Archaeological Society, New Delhi), 36: 85-92.
Joshi, Esha Basanti (ed.) 1965. Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Varanasi.
Government Press, Allahabad.
Justice, Chistopher 1997. Dying the Good Death. The Pilgrimage to Die in India’s
Holy City. SUNY Press, Albany, NY.
Lannoy, Richard 2002. Benares: A World within a World. The Microcosm of Kashi
Yesterday and Today. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 2. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Mahajan, Jagmohan 1994. Ganga Observed. Foreign Accounts of the River. (Selected
and edited). 20 Black & White figures, bibliography, index, 152pp. Virgo Publs.,
New Delhi.
Medhasananda, Swami 2002. Varanasi at the Crossroads. A Panoramic View of
Early Modern Varanasi and the Story of its Transition. The Ramakrishana
Mission, Institute of Culture, Kolkata.
Michell, George 2005. Temple Styles; in, Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B.
(eds.) Banaras, The City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 78-91.
Mishra, Kamala Prasad 1975. Banaras in Transition (1738-1895): A Socio-Economic
Study. Munshiram Manoharlal Publ. Pvt. Lt., New Delhi.
Motichandra, 1962. Kāśī kā Itihās. (History of Kashi). Bombay. 2nd ed. 1985, 3rd ed.
2003, Varanasi: Vishvavidyalaya Prakashan.
Mujeeb, Mohammad 2003. The Indian Muslims. Sundeep Publ., New Delhi.
Originally: George Allen and Unwin, London, 1967.
Narain, A.K. and Roy, T.N. 1976. Excavations at Rajghat (1957-1958; 1960-1965).
Part 1. Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
Nevill, Herbert Andrews 1922. Benares: A Gazetteer. District Gazetteers of the
United Provinces of Agra and Oudh — Supplementary Notes and Statistics. Vol.
XXVI — Benares Division, B, C and D Volumes the Government Press,
Allahabad.
Niyogi, Roma 1959. History of Gahadavala Dynasty. Oriental Book Agency,
Calcutta.
Oldham, Wilton 1870/ 1876. Historical and Statistical Memoir of the Ghazeepoor
District. Parts I (1870) & II (1876). Government Press, Allahabad.
Pathak, Shreya 2007-08. Banaras in the 18th Century: a historical study. Prajñā
(Banaras Hindu University magazine), vol. 53 (1-2), spec. vol. “Kashi-Gaurav
Visheshank”, vol. II: 271-282.
 Transformation on the Cradle of Time 103

Rötzer, Klaus 2005 a. Mosques and Tombs; in, Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B.
(eds.) Banaras, The City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 50-65.
Saletore, G. N. 1955 a. Banaras Affairs (1788-1810). U.P. State Records Series,
Selections from English Records No. 1 and 2. Govt. Central Records Office, U.P.,
Allahabad.
Sarkar, Jadunath 1928. History of Aurangzeb. 4 vols. Calcutta. Reprinted in 1972 by
Orient Longman, New Delhi.
Shakespear, A. 1873. Selections from the Duncan Records. Medical Hall Press,
Benares, 2 vols.
Sherring, Matthew Atmore 1868. Benares. The Sacred City of the Hindus in Ancient
and Modern Times. Illustrated, 424pp. Trübner & Co., London. Cheap Publ, Delhi
(reprinted, 1990), South Asia Books, New Delhi (reprinted, 1996).
Singh, Birendra Pratap 1985. Life in Ancient Varanasi (An Account Based on
Archaeological Evidence). Sundeep Prakashan, Delhi.
Singh, Rana P.B. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. Pancakroshi Yatra of
Banaras. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 3. Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2005. Growth of City, Banaras; in, Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B. (eds.)
Banaras, The City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 22-29.
―. 2009. Banaras: Transformation on the Cradle of Time; in his, Banaras, the
Heritage City of India: Geography, History and Bibliography. Pilgrimage and
Cosmology Series: 8. Indica Books, Varanasi: 70 - 134
Srivastava, Ashirbadi Lal 1954. The First Two Nawabs of Oudh. 2nd ed. Shiva Lai
Agarwala and Co. Ltd., Educational Publishers, Agra.
―. 1972. Akbar, the Great, Political History (1542-1605), vol. 1. Shiva Lal Agarwal
and Co., Agra.
Sukul, Kuberanāth 1977 (Samvata 2034). Vārānasī Vaibhava. (The Glory of
Varanasi). Rastrabhasha Parishad, Patna.
Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste 1889. Travels in India. Translated from the original French
edition of 1676 with a biographical sketch of the author, notes, appendices, etc. by
V. Ball, 2nd edition, edited by William Crooke (Macmillan, London), 2 Vols.
Reprint of the 1925 edition, New Delhi, 1977.
Twain, Mark 1898. Following the Equator. A Journey around the World. American
Publishing Co., Hartford, Connecticut.
 CHAPTER 3
REPRESENTATION IN THE SACRED CARTOGRAPHIC
ART IN THE 19TH CENTURY

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. The cosmogonic representation of Kashi Mandala is a result of sacred
cartography, an art depicting the pilgrimage-cognitive perspective and the world of
divinities as perceived and experienced by the devout Hindus on the line of
pilgrimage traditions since c. CE 7th century. In the 19th century six such sacrosanct
pictorial maps were made. The first of this series refers to the Saptapuri Yatra (1873),
showing the seven pilgrimage-areas and the city as circle at the centre. The second
map, Kashi Darppana (1876) is an extension of the preceding one with more
preciseness of direction, mandalic frame and associated divinities. Later in 1877 a
series of three maps called Kashi Pradakshina attempt to depict spatial location,
textual citation and details of the important pilgrimages. All these five maps are
incorporated into finally developed two mandalic-cosmo-maps dated ca 1900 that
shows built architecture and iconographic outlook. All these seven maps have
followed symmetry of codification, messages and cosmogonic view, which could
further be compared with scaled and modern maps. These sacrosanct-cum-mental
maps throw light on the making of sacredscape of Banaras (Kashi).
Keywords: cosmogram, faithscape, Hindu codification, James Prinsep, Panchakroshi
temple, pilgrimage-cognitive map, Kashi Darppana, ritualscape, sacrality.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The sublime Ganga, the infinite Shiva, and the sacred Kashi:
where this Trinity is awaken and watchful,
No wonder here is found the grace
that leads one on to perfect bliss.
― Kashi Khanda, 35.10 (cf. Eck 1982: vii)

1. Introduction
In any culture-area the explicit cultural values form a sense of unity generally
expressed symbolically. The symbols used preserved in itself a meaning and the
communicative ideas. Thus, to understand the meaning behind the symbols is the
function of affective response and the state of evaluation. The understanding of
meaning is commonly visualised in three major ways: semiotics, symbols, and non-
verbal communication. The latter two approaches have received more attention in the
study of urban environment, especially in reference to perceptual and associational
aspects of the environment (Rapoport 1982: 19). The basic question in this context
posed is ― ‘meaning for whom?’ Naturally, it would primarily refer to the
inhabitants, and also the visitors. Notional maps of holy centres that used by the
pilgrims are considered to be one of the best representatives of non-verbal
communication which are transferred into visuality by sign, symbols and sketches,
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 105

and perceived as the reality. In the present article attempt has been made to analyse
the pilgrims-cognitive maps in this light with particular emphasis on Hindu
codification of city’s personality as narrated in the religious literature. For this
purpose historical, comparative, faithscapic and phenomenological approaches are
applied.
More commonly the history and carrying on messages of maps have long been
interpreted based on Western cartographic traditions where spatiality and scientific
serve as the control process in map making. The notion of mapping in South Asia has
never caught strong attention, rather more emphasis is laid on the cosmogonic and
pictorial representation which no way corroborate with the Western scale. Some
attempts have been made to have cross-cultural understanding and to uproot the
cultural processes and the links to societal order. The first attempt was made by
Harley (1988) through his advocacy of ‘deconstruction of map’ has succeeded to
influence and broadened the cartographic perspective in general and non-Western
cartography in particular. He further extended his approach in postmodern thinking to
redefine the nature of maps as representations of power through proposing map as a
subjective form of knowledge that can be explained with a deconstructionist argument
of exploring the textuality of maps, including their metaphorical and rhetorical nature,
and also as to how the dimensions both of external power and of the omnipresence of
internal power in the cartographic representation of place are preserved, maintained
and passed on in time (Harley 1989). He has further argued that the absence of a
social dimension in cartographic theory has led to a neglect of social issues in the
content of maps and that together these deficiencies constitute a crisis of
representation. The societal perspective in history and contextuality both are also
concerns with ethical issues too. If these issues be taken as together with further
support of topographic perspective, we can easily “offer a democratic and humanistic
form of geographical knowledge” (Harley 1990: 1). These ides are further explained
in terms of multiple layers of society and social constructions in the field of critical
human geography (cf. Crampton 2001, 2009).
The historical approach helps to under stand the origin, growth and, evolution of
idea and the ways that existed, maintained and continued. Furthermore, the
comparative approach supports in analysing the present condition in the context of
historical past. The city commonly recognised ‘as the most sacred and holiest city of
Hindus’, therefore to understand the meaning of symbols it is essential to grasp the
intricacies of the faith systems prevailing there in its own context (cf. Eck 1998). In
this context scale of cosmologic-symbolic representation is helpful; in fact, this is the
base in the analysis of faithscape of a city like Varanasi. And, ultimately
phenomenological approach is applied with an aim to know the feelings of the people:
“let them speak what they feel!” If aesthetics is thought to be part of life, and the
feelings are the natural response stored in mind, this study would shed some light in
understanding ‘image of the cultural capital of India’.

2. Sacrality, Image and Hindu Codification

Manifestation of divine power at a place makes it sacred, resulting to form a
distinct image in the people’s thought and practices. In fact, a landscape is created by
a society in its own image. In the image created by a society not all the aspects need to
be equal on a scale of sacredness, instead “points in space and environmental features
are evaluated in terms of their nearness to the sacred or the extent to which they
symbolise it” (Cohen 1976: 56). Once a place received manifested power of
106 Chapter Three

sacredness, it reflects order, wholeness, and power (cf. Tuan 1978: 84). The sense of
order is expressed through symbolic expression of heaven in the place; most
commonly among these are the cosmologic-symbols in a cityscape as the well-known
examples. Of course, man manifests ‘order’ and ‘holiness’ in a place, later they
govern him. Various pilgrimage journeys (yatras) in Varanasi are the examples of
varieties of order.
The cosmologic view of representing ‘universe within universe’ and also microcos-
mic view of the universe lead to understand the idea of wholeness. This idea helps to
search meaning in the evolution and dissolution of mankind. The existence of temples
of 9 planets, 12 Sun-forms, 42 Shivas (14 each in three layers), 56 Vinayakas
(Ganeshas), 8 Matrikas (mother goddesses), 8 Bhairavas, etc. and their yatras in
Varanasi are some of the examples where different sacred numbers refer to various
forms of perceiving wholeness between earth and heaven (Singh 1987b).
The idea of power is an attribute referring to the state and intensity of faith. In fact,
power “has meaning in religious discourse: it signifies urgent, compelling, and
unpredictable energy” (Tuan 1978: 88). In religious activities, the sense of power is
attributed to merit, benefit, miracle and even fear. The idea of fear is interconnected to
mysticism, while the rest are mostly connected to rituals and faith systems. The
perception of divinities at a particular place similar to that of human being gives
guarantee of life. This feature further enhances the uniqueness to locality. Moreover,
“when life seemed uncertain and nature hostile, divinities not only promoted life and
protected it they were also guarantors of order in nature and in society” (Tuan 1977:
150).
There appear varieties of motifs and spiritual merits for different rituals and
worship of gods/goddesses. This is a firm indication of anthropomorphism to the
divine beings. With this process, man has given all impetus and developed network
and system for even divine beings in his own manner. This purview has been
developed in such a high state ideology and acceptance that only through deep root of
faith one can understand them.
The basic issue in the above context can be posed about the relevance of
mysticism and faith. In ancient Indian theology it has been repeatedly insisted that the
ultimate reality can never be an object of reasoning or of demonstrable knowledge;
similar ideas have also been posed by Chinese thinker Lao Tzu who calls this reality
the Tao. Commenting on the relationship between Tao and science, a Berkeley
physicist Fritjof Capra (1976: 297) has very rightly remarked: “Mystics understand
the roots of Tao but not its branches; scientists understand its branches but not its
roots. Science does not need mysticism and mysticism does not need science; but man
needs both”.
Basically, it is clear that “The lineaments of the world we live in are both seen and
shaped in accordance, or by contrast, with images we hold of other worlds ― better
worlds, past worlds, future worlds. We constantly compare the reality with fancy.
Indeed, without the one we could neither visualise nor conceptualise the other”
(Lowenthal 1975: 3). In Hinduism there has been historically a long tradition to
describe the ‘world’, samsara ― images through myths and symbols. With an aim to
understand the cosmic reality and whereabouts of human being in the cosmic sphere,
the issue of sacredness and symbolism grow together; the tradition of such debate
goes back to the age of the Vedas and Upanishads, dating between centuries of BCE
and early CE. The climax of the images reached to the codification of the map that
manifests all the sacred spots of India and their images, thus leading to make
mesocosmos.
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 107

With the comparative study of seven such pilgrims-cognitive maps, one can easily
grasp a glimpse of relationship between sacrality and perceptual world in Hindus’
mindset and faith systems in Banaras, which in passage of time superseded,
transformed, manifested and became part of the mental setup off the devout Hindus.

3. Symbolic Map of Kashi as in the Brahmavaivarta Purana (BvP)

Map symbolism has become pretty standardized cultural notion through the
centuries, thus it helps to understand the human consciousness towards space, time,
function, landscape visual objects and inherent (that nature transferred) or
superimposed (that man imprinted upon) aesthetic values there upon. Generally such
representation consists of three standardized categories of symbols: pictorial, colour,
and value. Pictorial symbols are either narrated, sketched or engraved based of the
ancient myths and tales, like Puranas (ca. the BCE 5th century to the CE 19th
century). Colour symbolism also has different codification and the interpretative
meanings profusely eulogised in mythic and mystic literature; all the gods and
auxiliary or associated divinities have close ties with changing mode and context of
colour possessing stories behind them and their uses in getting harmonious interaction
between human and divine beings. Value symbolism refers to the locational and
landscape characteristics that further preserved the different messages ― decodified
and exposed by the interpreter or those involved to constantly making them alive and
meaningful for the society and the culture. All these three symbols have been subject
of focussing sacred topography and theosphere, especially during the 19th century,
where folk or popular (laukik) and textual (shastric) meet in a wonderful blending.
In the Vedic literature Varanasi has not received much attention but in the puranic
literature and treatises its glory has been vividly eulogised. The concept of image has
been described with its various names like Kashi (The “Luminous”), Avimukta (The
“Never-Forsaken” of Shiva, the patron deity), Anandavana (The “Forest of Bliss”),
and Rudravasa (The “Dwelling place of Shiva”). The mahatmya (glorification)
literature described its various forms, shapes, territories, and. the sacred numbers.
These manifestations can further be explained with the four fundamental co-ordinates
of the pilgrimage mandala: sacred space, sacred time, sacred number, and sacred
action. These co-ordinates are connected to each other symbolically. Among such
symbols the description of varying symbolic forms of Varanasi in mythological period
of time is a unique feature.
The BvP-KR (7.65 and 17) describes the territorial form of the city which changed
in different yugas (cyclic period in Hindu cosmology). Accordingly, the form of
Kashi was like a trident (trishula) in Krita/ Satya (1,728,000 years of period), disc
(chakra) in Treta (1,206,000 years), chariot (ratha) in Dvapara (864,000 years), and
like conch-shell (shankha) in Kali (432,000 years). These four forms (Fig. 3.1) clearly
indicate the peopling and territorial demarcation through the sites of various shrines.
Metaphorically, it is said that Kashi lies at the trident of Shiva as in the Satya yuga.
The three forks of trident are represented with the three basic Shiva lingas, i. e.
Omkareshvara in north, Vishveshvara in central part, and Kedareshvara in south.
These three lingas also refer to the ancient settled areas around them; and still today
considered as the representative of the three sacred segments (khandas) of the city
having temples of their patron deities of the same name. In a late 19th century
painting Kashi is represented as sacred territory surrounded by the three rivers,
Varana in the north, Asi in the south, and the Ganga in the east, and lies on Shiva’s
trident (Fig. 3.2).
108 Chapter Three

Fig. 3.1. Kashi: Symbolic forms in mythical periods (as in the BvP).

The above idea reflects upon the cosmogonic representation of a holy territory,
called Kashi Kshetra, or ‘mesocosmoc’ frame of territory. It is due to this link ‘with
cosmic origins that the city is portrayed as across the normal time and a bounded
space, that is indestructible (avinashi) and thus and eternal (ananta). One of the
popular prediction depicts Kashi as “propped up on the tip of the trident of Shiva”
(Kashi Khanda, Kkh 60.81): the city is ‘above” ordinary ground level, what a great
mystic Pt Gopinath Kaviraj used to say that ‘whatever Kashi you see or perceive is the
shadow of the eternal and radiant Kashi that lies in the terrestrial sphere. “It is said
that the real Kashi, the eternal Kashi suspended in the Void on Shiva’s trident, can
only be seen with the eyes of the enlightened seer ― by grace. Whatever one may
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 109

think is the ‘actual objective historical condition’ of Kashi, its immunity from time
can only ever be real by an act of vision’ (Lannoy 2002: 34).

Fig. 3.2. Kashi on Shiva’s Trident: a painting of the late 19th century.

The disc-form was developed in Treta and corresponds to the circular form of
Chaurashikroshi Yatra having Madhyameshvara as centre and Dehli Vinayaka (“gate
for the entrance having Ganesha as guardian”) as radial point; it covers
circumambulation of 184 miles/ 297 km (Singh 1987b: 503). In fact, the pilgrimage to
this territory symbolises the circumambulation of the cosmos, but this journey is now
rarely performed. At the four cardinal-radial points there exist four Bhairava temples
(Ruru, Asitanga, Krodhan, Samhara; clockwise from the east). Bhairava is perceived
as the terrifying form of Shiva who controls kala (time, and death), therefore He is
also called as Kala Bhairava.
The form of chariot (in Dvapara) might be explained with the location of seven
forms of Shiva temples. The temples of Gokarneshvara, Shulatankeshvara,
Manikarnikeshvara, and Bharabhuteshvara are the centres of wheels of the chariot on
which Vishveshvara is sitting, and Madhyameshvara and Omkareshvara are the
driving horses, while the Ganga river is the path. The flow of the Ganga refers the
journey from the realm of death (south) to the life (north). The direction of movement
towards north metaphorically indicates search for Shiva’s abode in the north (i.e.
Kailash), and also the search for original site of the cosmic form of the city.
The present form (in Kali) is comparable to conch-shell, where in addition to the
above six temples (as in Dvapara), Vighnaraja Viniyaka in the northwest, Shaileshvara
110 Chapter Three

in north along the Varana river, Kedareshvara in the southeast, and Lolarka in south
altogether form the shape of conch-shell.
The description of the above four symbolic forms of Kashi is comparable to
territorial strategy to establish different degrees of access to people, things, and
relationships on the scales of space, time, and faith. In all the four forms the Ganga
river is the base. According to another description the two water channels which
delimit the territorial extent of the city in north and south can be compared with
arteries of Shiva’s mystical body. In the language of yoga the streams (like arteries)
Asi and Varana symbolise ida and pingala, respectively, and, the third artery linking
the Ganga with the Matsyodari or with Brahmanal is referred as susumna (cf. KKh
5.25-26; KKh 33.167; TS 341). The various holy sites are said to correspond to the
parts of the body of Shiva, as He himself said, “This city is my body” (KKh 55.44).
Here, again emphasis is laid on ‘water symbolism’ in which two gross elements are
given prominence, i.e. water and wind. These two are considered as the principal
agents shaping the landscape. By manifesting divine power through these two
elements, the landscape becomes geomancient. The process of spatial manifestation of
spirit is an art of sacred cartography that helped the residents and the dead souls too to
co-operate each other and harmonise the habitat by the currents of cosmic breath. Like
a Chinese sacred city, Varanasi too was planned taking the norms of geomancy.

4. Maps of the 19th century: Surveyed and Symbolic

If mapping is "visualizing, conceptualizing, recording, representing and creating
space graphically" as provoked by Cosgrove (1999: 1), the cosmogonic maps
representing sacred space and holy sites are also another form of culturally rich maps.
Of course it leads to a number of complexities and uncertainties which seem to be
overcome by criteria of "representational accuracy, formal clarity and ease of use". He
is right to opine that ‘mapping was figured as a form of literacy, a sign of civilization;
it was thus restricted to a fairly closely defined form of knowledge collation and
archiving’ (Cosgrove 1999: 8-9). In the 19th century several such representations are
lithographed and printed on paper or clothes, however no way makers of such maps
thought of linking or adding ideas or techniques and loading of the contents what
were available as a conventional model by Prinsep’s map (1822). Studying and
analysing the early maps of Varanasi, Michaels (2006: 132) narrates that “Kashi (as
well as other holy places in India and abroad) claims that the totality of space, i.e. the
universe or all worlds, is represented at any spot or territory of its encircled holy
fields”.

4.1. Prinsep’s Map, 1822

The face of the sacred city also changed considerably under the British rule. The
urban area of the city continued to develop along the river southward and westward.
Masonry bridges were built on the Ganga and the Varana river, many ponds like
Benia, Maidagin and Macchodari and Godaulia Nala (drain) were drained and
replaced by parks or streets, while many houses were demolished to widen the roads
in the centre of the city. Broad roads were cut through the city where formerly there
had been narrow lanes. The Dashashvamedha-Luxa Road was built running west from
the river toward the Cantonment train station (now called Varanasi Junction). The
north-south artery called Chauk was cleared through the business district. Slowly the
city came to have its present shape. James Prinsep (1799-1840), who was the British
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 111

Assay Master of the Mint in Banaras from 1819 to 1830, conducted the first census of
the city, and also published the first reliable map (1822; cf. Fig. 3.3). For the first time
the Vishvanatha Antargriha (‘inner sanctum’) journey route was plotted by Prinsep,
which links all the 72 shrines and temples and images associated to this route.

Fig. 3.3. The City of Banaras, by James Princep, 1822.

112 Chapter Three

The sacred territory of Varanasi has been dramatically associated with water
bodies. The whole city has hundreds of water ponds (Hindi: Talab, Sanskrit: Kund)
which even as late as the mid nineteenth century formed a series of streams dividing
the city into five forest tracts (Vana). From north to south these were Maha Vana,
Daru Vana, Ananda Vana, Harikesh Vana and Bhadra Vana (cf. Fig. 2.14, page 86 of
this book). Many of the water ponds interlinked during heavy rains (July –
September) by following the lowlands were draining the area. The sacred topography
of the city thus followed a seasonal rhythm of nature. The first Western map of
Varanasi made by the British scholar James Prinsep in 1822 (Fig. 3.3) clearly shows
how numerous these ponds and tanks were. His drawing shows how in the north Maha
Vana and Daru Vana were divided by the stream linking Mandakini and Matyodari,
further meeting Rinamochana and finally flowing into the Varana river. The overflow
of the water connected Bhulotana Garha, Benia Talab, Suraj Kund, and Misir Pokhara
and finally met the Ganga at Dashashvamedha Ghat. Of course, today these water
bodies are filled up only during heavy rains or floods, such as in the years 1948, 1978
and 1992, when the channels again came to the surface, reminding us of the presence
of the old water bodies and their routes.
Prinsep’s map (1822) follows the use of the conventional Western codification of
space representation with clear viewpoint to depict actual locations, leaving aside
Hindu cosmology and symbolism. However, credit goes to Prinsep who precisely and
accurately plotted the Vishveshvara Antargriha (‘inner sanctum’) pilgrimage route.
About this map, Pieper (1979: 215) has rightly remarked that:

It shows the essentials of, the relief, which is totally neglected on the pilgrim’s map, the
built-up and open spaces, it gives a correct picture of the size, direction and spatial
organisation of the streets and it shows all public places of importance: The Chowk
(market), the ghats, major temples and mosques, and the sites of archaeological
significance. Here, the degree of public accessibility and general significance of the
place was the discerning criteria for its representation, and not in any way its
sacredness or other non-profane or non-rational qualities”.

4.2. Jangabahadur Singh’s ‘Saptapuri Yatra Map’, 1873

In the ‘Pilgrimage map of Seven sacred abodes’ (Saptapuri Yatra), the upper
territorial limit has been demarcated by the Panchakroshi Yatra, as shown in a
pictorial map of 1873 (Fig. 3.4); it was first published by Singh (2002: 45). By the
support and order of Babu Jangabahadur Singh, a resident landlord of neighbouring
village of Chitaipur, this map was printed by Vishvanatha Valhe in the printing press
of Banaras Akhbar. The ‘seven divine cities’ are represented as a double-headed bull
in the form of dharma according to the Chaturmasya Mahatmya of the Skandapurana,
who helps the devotees to go across the mythical realm of hell, or the soul to get
release from the cycle of ‘transmigration’ (mukti). The text on the map says that it was
prepared with the help of Ramakrishna Dikshita Gor, a pilgrimage guide (yatra-
dharma) and the map can be found from him living in the quarter of Kalabhairava,
near the shop of Durga Halwai.
In the lower left Ramakrishna Dikshit Gor, the client’s personal pilgrimage guide,
offering sweetmeats (modakas) and other auspicious cookies (naivedya) to Delhi
Vinayaka (Ganesha), the chief protector of the cosmic circuit who removes all the
obstacles of devotees (cf. KKh 57.62), and shown standing in the southwest corner;
this special ritual is described in the Kashi Khanda (KKh 7.71, cf. Gutschow 2006b:
50).
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 113

Fig. 3.4. Saptapuri Yatra Prakashapatram, 1873 (after Singh 2002: 45).

To the right we see Dandapani, another protector (identified by his stick, danda)
with his two assistants who take care and protect the pilgrims in Kashi. Below the
geometrical centre of the circle flows the Ganga with its two tributaries, the Asi (left)
and Varana (right), extending up to circular border that delineates the cosmic territory
(kshetra) of Kashi. For further analysis Gutschow (2006b: 50) has used axial cross
assuming that it would to understand orientation and alignments, associated to
cosmogonic representation. The vertical axis connects Vishveshvara at the bottom and
the goddess’s vehicle Lion and Dehli Vinayaka at the top, touching the temple of
Manikarnikeshvara and Annapurna. The horizontal axis serves as a kind of baseline
on which Manikarnikeshvara is flanked on both sides by two temples. The same
114 Chapter Three

composition is visualised at the top, where Annapurna is also flanked on both sides of
two temples (see Fig. 3.5).

Fig. 3.5. Saptapuri Yatra, 1873: Main temples & images codified (cf. Singh 2002: 45).

* Nineteen temples on the Saptapuri Yatra Map >>: 1 Manikarnikeshvara, 2 Dashashvamedheshvara, 3

Sangameshvara, 4 Asi Madhava, 5 Dvaravatishvara, 6 Ayutabhuja Devi, 7 Kardameshvara, 8
Bhimachandi, 9 Dehali Vinayaka, 10 Rameshvara (Ayodhya), 11 Mathureshvara, 12 Kapiladhara and
Vrishabhadhvajeshvara, 13 Adikeshava, 14 Varana Sangameshvara, 15 Vashishtheshvara, 16
Gabhastishvara, 17 Dhundhiraja, 18 Annapurna, 19 Vishveshvara.
* Other identities marked >>: a Asi Sangama, b Varana Sangama, c Saptarishi Yatra, d Durgabag of
Sri Babu Jangabahadur Singh, e double-headed bull in the form of dharma according to Chaturmasya
Mahatmya of the Skandapurana, f “The key to ritual knowledge (vidhi jñāna) and the subtle teachings
(paramadharma) concerning Kashi can be obtained from Balakrishna-Ji and Radhakrishna Upadhya in
the neighbourhood of Ranamahal”, g Vishveshvara form of the linga according to Kashikhanda,
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 115

chapter 33, h Dehali Vinayaka, i Pilgrimage guide Ramakrishna Dikshita Gor, j Vibhramagana, k
Sambhramagana, and l Dandapani.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

All the eighteen major lingas that together form the spatial manifestation of totality
in the form of Vishveshvara are also symbolised in the Saptapuri Map. Gutschow
(2006b: 50) remarks that, “Only two of these 19 temples are found within the list of
the lingatmaka (Kkh 33.167-173), the 19 lingas in Varanasi that collectively
symbolize the body of Shiva. Manikarnikeshvara represents his left hand while
Vishveshvara represents his right hand. The remaining seventeen probably serve a
manifold purpose in this picture. The number alone and the reference to the
lingatmaka in the lower register strongly suggest a likeness: the 19 temples, of which
five do not house a linga, are intended to be associated with the body of Shiva”. This
is similar to the representation of another form of Shiva, i.e. Krittivasheshvara, that in
itself represent different parts of Shiva’s body (cf. Fig. 4.17, and pp. 167 of this book).
In contrast to several unfinished and sketch-form maps, for the first time this map
has delineated the sacred territory of Kashi as mandala and tried to expose
metaphorically the two arteries of the yoga system, called ida (Asi) and pingla
(Varana) that merge into sushmna (Ganga). The local folk goddess (Ayutabhuja) was
given a prominent status by her representation as one of the important deities; of
course she in fact is patron deity of the local landlord, who in course of time in the
process of upward mobility received status like great goddess.

4.3. Sukul’s ‘Kashi Darppana’, 1876

In continuation of the cognitive approach a mandalic and archetypal map showing

the ‘cosmogonic imagery’, dated 1876 (V. Samvata 1933), was prepared by
Kailashanatha Sukul, grandfather of the historiographer Pt Kuberanatha Sukul and
head of a renowned family in the Kalabhairav mohalla of the city (Fig. 3.5). It
measures 79 X 92cm and is printed on cloth, using five engraved stone slabs as
printing blocks (cf. Pieper 1979: 215). Of course Kailashanatha was the author of the
map, but he was not its cartographer who remained unmentioned (Michaels 2006:
133). This cosmogonic map is not a scaled map, however it records a very close
correspondence with the modern map that is based on topographical survey (compare
Figs. 3.6, 3.7 and 3.8). [Note: while printing with five slabs there appeared gaps and at
some places words have been cut down; therefore a replica, has been made by the
author with minor corrections and adjustments in letters and direction (cf. Fig. 3.6)].
The inscribed lines refer that the map was registered under Act 25 of the CE 1876
and was lithographed at the Vidyodaya press of Dhundhiraja Shashtri on Bhadrapada
Shukla 13th of Vikrama Samvata 1933 (CE 1876) and printed on cloth as well as on
paper. In the top corner it refers that that “The mirror of Kashi” is a fine and excellent
outline (parilekha) of the city of Varanasi as told in the Linga, Shiva, Nandi, Skanda,
Ganesha and Agni Puranas, along with the names and places of deities and water
pools…”. In fact, more emphasis for representation is laid from the Kashi Khanda of
the Skanda Purana. The map represents more than 1200 temples, shrines, waterpools,
divinities, deities, etc. On this map the western part of Panchakroshi Yatra route is
represented to an extent it follows the Chaurashikroshi circuit, and their meeting
points are clearly mentioned too. It is a hyperbolic expression that this map was
circulated to 5000 copies (as mentioned by Gengnagel 2003: 248); mostly likely the
circulation was close to 108! On this map the location and cyclic routes of the 56
116 Chapter Three

Vinayakas are well marked, of course three of them are located but not named (cf.
Fig. 3.7, cf. Gutschow 2006: 65).

Fig. 3.6. Map of Kashi Darppana, by Kailashnatha Sukul, 1876

(compare Fig. 3.7 and 3.8).

This map is brought to attention first by Gutschow (1978), and followed up

description by Pieper (1979), Singh (1982) and detailed study by Genganagel (2003)
and Michaels (2006). These studies have taken independently or in group the five
notable features interpreting historical or cosmogonic maps (cf. Michaels 2006: 132-
134, see Cosgrove 1999: 9ff), viz.
(i) Scale: the contrast between proportionality and disproportionality of various
locations with reference to distance and direction;
(ii) Framing: archetypal abstraction for cosmogonic representation of universe, i.e.
mandala, and its association with the divine forces and location of sacred sites,
pools wells and other such holy places;
(iii) Centrality: conception and relative location of the two centres of Kashi, i.e.
Madhyameshvara that is centre in space and mandala, and Jnanavapi which is
the centre in pilgrimage and ritual sphere, where all the pilgrimages or
circumambulation starts from and closed at too;
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 117

(iv) Selection: listing and arranging of deities with respect to sacred numbers,
associated routes and directions and maintenance of their numerical groups and
hierarchy;

Fig. 3.7. Fifty Six Vinayakas on the Map of Kashi Darppana, 1876
(compare Fig. 3.8).

(v) Coding: directional orientation that fits to areal representation further adjusted
to the mythology and the perceived cosmology, and depicting them in
architectural form.

In an earlier study by Singh (1993) these features are narrated at different levels,
however for the outer circle the 96 names of energy goddesses grouped into eight
parts, and in each group described in a combination of one of the 8 forms of Durga, 8
Bhairavas, 8 Dikpalas and 3 Vetala/Ishta Devas in each of eight directions (thus total
comes to 24) were decodified and published (ibid: 40-41). Rightly noted by Gutschow
(2006: 58) that:
118 Chapter Three

All symbols on the outer circle and all the texts are arranged in a concentric manner to
produce a circular representation that transcends mere orientation towards a particular
direction. The circle appears clearly as disc in a wider continuum, represented by
topographical features like the three rivers which transcend the circle.

Fig. 3.8. Kashi: Mandala Kshetra based on a topographic map

(compare Fig. 3.6 and 3.7).

Of course, many of the goddesses shown on the Mirror of Kashi and their shrines
are described in different context too, their full and systematic listing is given in the
Khh (72.3-13 and 97-99). Based on his detailed micro-analysis and comparison with
field studies and cross-references of the text, analysis, Genganagel (2003: 256) has
reached to the following conclusion:

If one looks at the historical and social context in 19th century Banaras and reads the
“word picture” printed on Sukul’s map in this framework, three factors relevant to an
analysis of Sukul’s map come to mind: The development of print culture that began in
Banaras during the first half of the 19th century and allowed the production of maps for
a wider public. The influence of western cartography with at least two British maps of
Banaras that have been published prior to the Mirror of Kashi in 1876. Linked to and
influenced by these two factors and the encounter with western technology and science
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 119

is an atmosphere of religious revivalism and the emergence of Hindu nationalism. This

fact was underscored when the famous playwright and journalist Bharatendu
Harishchandra of Banaras stated in 1872, just a few years before the making of the Mir-
ror of Kashi, “it is desirable that religion, which has gone to such a degree of
corruption now, should be looked after with much care and concern by the Indians”
(Dalmia 1997: 359). The map of Kailashanatha Sukul has to be perceived in this wider
context not merely as an act against the appropriation of the sacred space of Banaras by
the British, but also an application of the newly developed print technology, so that
“having darshana”, i.e. seeing Banaras, is made possible for many people beyond the
limits of the sacred city.

In view of the symbolic representation the ‘Kashi Darppana’ Map depicts the three
attributes of the Hindu cosmography, i.e. the circle, square and the point. It may be
mentioned here that the circle as a symbol of the Great Mother and the female
principle in general is a part of the universal heritage of the ancient Oriental
civilizations. The outer boundary of the holy territory (kshetra) is delineated by a
circle, the mandala, and thus prediction Kashi Kshetra is easily established and
eulogised as mandala. The inner area is marked with a square, a representation of
male object, and similarly the centre, Jñānavāpi, refers to the progeny where male
(purusha) and female (prakriti) forces meet. Remarks Pieper (1979: 218) that “here,
the circle as representing the female, stands for everything natural, earthy and
introvert, while the corresponding male principle, imagined as airy, extrovert and
artificial, is represented by a square”.

4.4. Krishnachandra Sharma’s ‘Kashi Pradakshina’ Maps, 1877

In continuation of Sukul’s map of 1876, the spatial organisation of the holiness and
pilgrimage journeys has been represented with the three maps of Hindu-codified
imageries of Kashi. These maps, of course independent, but are in three parts (anka),
and referred as ‘Kashi Pradakshina’ and published by the same publisher who printed
“Mirror of Kashi”. These three pilgrimage maps, engraved on the stone slabs and
lithographed on the sheet of cloths, were prepared by Krishnachandra Sharma in 1877
and first analysed and published by Singh (1988: 6-8). Later, it is detailed out by
Michaels (2006: 134-140) in terms of the characteristics of scale, frame, centrality,
selection, and coding, who concludes (ibid.: 140) that “For Krishnachandra Sharma,
places are not only mythical but also within space. In drawing or designing his map,
he is referring to both a religious and a scientific referential system”, but at different
level and in terms of suitability that compliment to each other.
The first map (Fig. 3.9) shows circumambulatory route of Kashi in the form of a
mandala while plotting Panchakroshi route, Nagara Pradakshina, and representing the
Kashi Kshetra as circular based on the puranic description of the mandalic circuit
which centre is Madhyameshvara and the radial point is Dehli Vinayaka. The radial
distance between these two centres is 5 krosha (i.e. 11 miles, or 17.6 km). In the Kashi
Darppana and Sharma’s first map the Panchakroshi route is plotted as the most
distinct reference line. This indicates the strong influence of the revival of
Panchakroshi journey in 1750s, which was abandoned at different degrees since the
late 12th century. In 1853 the route of Panchakroshi Yatra has been delineated and the
pathway re-established. The spatial organisation of the sacrality and pilgrimage
journey has been represented with the four maps of Hindu-codified imageries of
Kashi.
120 Chapter Three

It is obvious from the renovation and reconstruction of the water pools at the halt
stations of Durgakund, Kandwa and Bhimachandi villages in 1750s by Queen Rani
Bhavani (of Natore, Bengal) that the Panchakroshi Yatra was in the process of revival
after a long gap since the period of destruction by the order of Mughal rulers. From
time to time attempts have been made to define, delineate and incorporate the textual
traditions referring this pilgrimage circuit.
Fig. 3.9. Kashi Pradakshina Map, I, 1877 (after Singh 1988: 6).
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 121

In 1835 the intellectuals and priests of Banaras had discourses for correcting the
route, and after passing eighteen years which took a commonly accepted shape in
1853 by signing a document which sanctioned the recently constructed road as the
correct path concerning the performance of the procession in question (cf. Fig. 3.10,
and 11). This is reported in the proceedings of this discourse, named “Thoughts on the
Panchakroshi Marg” (published in Hindi, 1872), under the supervision of Bhartendu
Harishchandra, known as the pioneer of modern Hindi (cf. Singh 2002: 36). Finally,
in 1997 the Purana department of the library in the Ramanagar palace drew attention
once again to the events of the past by reprinting Harishchandra's booklet in the
appendix of a book that praises the Panchakroshiyatra and was, subsequently,
distributed to pilgrims.

Fig. 3.10. Kashi Pradakshina Map, II, 1877 (after Singh 1988: 7).

The controversy surrounding the route of the Panchakroshiyatra was a complex

affair that, in spite of repeated efforts to alter existing pilgrimage practice, has passed
almost unnoticed (Gengnagel 2006: 148). The above report mentions (p. 3) that
during the period of destruction of temple by the Muslim rulers (17th-18th centuries),
perhaps the Panchakroshi Yatra has lost its active participation, resulting to the
negligence of the care and maintenance of the route and associated shrines. In fact, the
pilgrimage path would also have lost its identity at many places.
Only for the first time in 1810s a Brahmin named Mahadeva Bhatta attempted to
revive the tradition by clearing the path, making it access, building bridges on the
streams and also awakening people for active participation in this pilgrimage. His
initiative was continued and advanced by Svayamaprakasha Shrama Svami-Ji, known
as ‘Pathak Svami’ (a disciple of Sureshvara Svami, called as ‘Ketakara Svami’), who
122 Chapter Three

verified the route and associated shrines. The Svami has made correction to delineate
the route that was assumed to be mistaken between Bhimachandi and Rameshvara by
Mahadeva Bhatta. It was observed that the route defined by him was shifted to inside,
resulting wrongly to pass it east of the Sindhurodhasa Tirtha (Sindusarovara). That is
how it was not fitting to coincide with the circumference as defined by the
Chaurashikroshi circular route. The idea of shrinking the route from exact circular to
oval shaped within the covering circuit is already mentioned in the medieval treatises
(cf. TS: 103, and VM: 178), however the rivers Varana and Asi were not mentioned
as reference points. The Brahma Purana (cf. TS: 101; and VM: 176) clearly mentions
these rivers as reference points. Perhaps these narrations would have taken a
measuring scale for re-establishing the route of Panchakroshi Yatra.

Fig. 3.11. Kashi Pradakshina Map, III, 1877 (after Singh 1988: 8).
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 123

By the support and encouragement of Svami-Ji, Mr. F.B. Gavin, then the District
Magistrate, had formed a committee to enquire the disputes arose about the route and
its way. The committee constituted the following members: Deo Narayan Singh,
Fateh Bahadur Singh, Gurudas Mitra, Rai Narayandas and Brajadas, and it helped
Svami-Ji to complete the noble task that he took lead. With the support of
Kashthajihva Svami (a noted saint of the time), Bapudeva Pandita, a noted scholar of
Sanskrit and astronomy, was asked to further help the task to define and delineate the
pilgrimage route (cf. Fig. 3.12). Under his supervision an appeal was made to the then
king of Banaras, Ishvari Narayan Singh (1818-1889). The king kindly accepted to
patronise the project by donating land and money in making the pilgrimage path,
renovate and repair the deserted shrines and also to replace old shrines by the new
ones. By 1870s this plan was completed.
The first map of this series shows the archetypal circuit of Chaurashikroshi, taking
Madhyamshvara as centre and Dehli Vinayaka as the radial point as described in the
Padma Purana (Shristhi Khanda, 65.14-20), and Panchakroshi Yatra and Nagara
Pradakshina (Fig. 3.9). This map also shows the route that wrongly used even till
1877, of course the corrected path is already defined earlier. The inscribed sentence
near this path suggests the pilgrims not to follow the path wrongly followed earlier.
Almost all the important sites on the western part of the Yatra are plotted over the
map. The map also points the meeting points of the Chaurashikroshi and Panchakroshi
routes at two places, i.e. Bhimachandi in the southwest and Asankhyatalinga in the
northwest.

Fig. 3.12. Correcting the Panchakroshi Pradakshina Map (after Singh 2002: 37).
124 Chapter Three

The second map in this series shows the Nagara Pradakshina (‘journey around the
holy city’), Avimukta route and the water associated pilgrimage sites (Fig. 3.10). The
temple of Vshveshvara is plotted at the centre and almost all the important ghats are
also plotted over. The third map shows the Antargriha Yatra and other important
pilgrimage circuits of Vinayaka, Durga, Bhairava and Adityas (Fig. 3.11). The water-
site along the Ganga, associated with Panchakroshi Yatra are also plotted and marked
with a letter ‘p’. Important water tanks (kundas), sacred wells (kupas) and streams are
also plotted over. In this map the ancient drain of Godavari is shown that meets into
the Ganga river at Dashasvamedha Ghat.
These four maps (nos. 3.7– 3.10) show all the important holy sites, shrines, sacred
ponds, sacred wells, gardens, and major ghats. Figures 3.6 and 3.9 are comparable in
structure, but vary in plotting the details. Of course in terms of factual information
and the physical distances, the maps seem very poor, but the cognitive perspective and
literary sources are well represented. However, no attempt to show the street pattern,
the topography, the exact location of temples, and linking pilgrimage paths has been
made. Avoiding the sense of distance, the pilgrimage maps of Kashi highlight various
symbolic representations of mythology and topography (cf. Singh 1988: 9). The
Ganga river is prominently shown as base in all the maps, on whose bank the holy city
of Varanasi is settled. The directional and locational contexts are also given some
consideration. All the important sacred spots visited during the course of pilgrimages
are well marked and identified with codes using a dotted line and an alphabet. In
terms of spatial affinity and checklist of places, these maps are valuable indeed,
especially when sequences of shrines and geometric design of Hindu codification
might be taken into consideration. These maps might be compared with Prinsep’s map
with reference to the five formal features, viz. scale, framing, centrality, selection, and
coding (cf. Table 3.1).

Table 3.1. Comparison of Maps by Prinsep (1822), Sukul (1876) and Sharma (1877).
Formal Prinsep’s Map, Sukul’s Map, Sharma’s Maps,
features 1822 (Fig. 3.3) 1876 (Fig. 3.5) 1877 (Fig. 3.7, -8, -9)
scale based on representative fraction based on totality based on appearance
framing topographic accuracy mandalic mandalic and
topographical
centrality cardinality, centrality, direction not indicated indicated/ and not
and relative locations taken care indicated
selection using physical and public sites, mostly religious & religious, text-related
also notable religious too text- related items and physical items
coding routes, paths, sites, no symbols partly symbols symbols and legends
(Source: Michaels 2006: 140, and addition by the author)

5. Panchakroshi Temple, ca. 1850: An example of spatial manifestation

By the process of spatial transposition, all twelve Jyotira (light-manifestive lingas
of Shiva) and all twelve Svambhu (self-born lingas of Shiva) located in different
places in India including the one at Varanasi, i.e. Vishveshvara, are re-established in
Varanasi (cf. Fig. 5.3, page 183 , and Table 5.5, page 182, of this book). The spatial
pattern of Jyotira lingas makes Varanasi a microcosmic or mini-India. Pilgrims
perform sacred journeys and auspicious sights to these lingas on special days. This
way, pilgrims feel that they have acquired the merit of auspicious sight to all the
lingas.
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century

Fig. 3.13. Varanasi, Panchakroshi temple: Front view and the basic plan (after Gutschow 2006).
125
126 Chapter Three

Fig. 3.14. Varanasi, Panchakroshi temple: front sectional view (after Gutschow 2006).
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 127

Fig. 3.15. Varanasi, Panchakroshi temple: Divine images in the niches.

128 Chapter Three

Fig. 3.16. The Kashi Panchakroshi and its temples, a pilgrimage cognitive map,
ca 1900: Updated contemporary version.

At another level, a special linga of Dvadasheshvara in early 19th century CE

temple, known as Panchakroshi temple (house no. CK 5/ 33 Gola Gali, Bhikharidas
Lane, Chauk), carries twelve miniature jyotira lingas made of crystal, at one base;
thus showing microcosm of Varanasi. These lingas are sequentially coded, and
Vishveshvara (no. 9) lies at the centre.
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 129

Fig. 3.17. The Kashi Panchakroshi and its temples, a pilgrimage cognitive map,
ca 1900: Old engraved version.

The three-level spatial affinity and replication may be compared to the idea of
emergence and replication from macro (India-level) to meso (Varanasi city-level) and
micro (Dvadasheshvara) cosmic representation (cf. Fig. 4.12, page 159 of this book).
The number 12 represents the annual rhythm of space and time.
In a miniature form (microcosmos), the Panchakroshi Mandir (temple), built in the
mid 19th century, possesses 107 images of Panchakroshi Yatra path in addition to 194
other images associated with the different pilgrimage routes of Varanasi (cf. Figs.
3.13, 3.14, and 3.15). These miniatures like stone niches (average size of ca. 30 x
45cm) on the walls and at the front gate contain engraved form of names, of course
some of them are now ruined and repaired badly by cement. In archetypal frame this
temple serves as tool to connect the devotee to the 301 gods and goddesses, ghats,
130 Chapter Three

ponds and wells ― all of which are visualised, worshipped and circumambulated in a
single act of motion.
The Panchakroshi temple, like other temples, visualises “the cosmic force which
creates innumerable forms that converges into the ‘whole’. The patron deity of this
temple is Dvadasheshvara, which carries twelve miniatures of the Jyotira lingas of
Shiva. Except the central one, representing Vishveshvara made of stone, the rest are
made of crystal and placed on one platform of yoni. These twelve Jyotira lingas of
Shiva are located in different parts of India, and further replicated in Varanasi. By the
process of spatial manifestation in the past (around 10th century) all these lingas of
Shiva had given spatially transposed in the sacredscape of the city. That is how the
city of Varanasi has developed as ‘a microcosm of India’, and popularly shown in
modified cognitive-cosmogonic map (Fig. 3.16), which is a more pictorial and sharp
version based on an old map (Fig. 3.17).
The total 301 images in this temple can be categorised into 14 groups according to
the representation of divinities. The frequency of the images follows as: Shiva 131,
Devi (goddess) 35, Tirthas (water pool) 28, Ganesha/Vinayaka 21, Bhairava 20,
Shiva’s Ganas 17, Vishnu 14, Surya 12, Grahas (planets) 7, Kupa (sacred well) 5,
Rishi (sage) 5, Sacred land (tapobhumi) 3, Karttikeya 1, and Mandapa, pavilion
(Muktimandapa) 1.
This temple is not so popularly visited by the foot-pilgrims of the PY, rather
pilgrimage-tourists and the devotees from the neighbourhood frequently pay visit to
this temple. This temple is visited for having the abstract form of the Panchakroshi
Yatra, but that is mostly performed by those who are unable to do the journey. In fact,
by circumambulating the sanctum of this temple with 301 wall reliefs of the sacred
sites and images, a devotee honours the whole of Kashi and, in turn, the whole India.

6. Pilgrims’/ Tourists’ Cognitive Maps in the 20th Century

The tradition of cosmogonic mapping has been modified in the passage of time in
view of the requirements taking care of changing images, pilgrims’ likening, market
economy, production technology, and other supporting factors. Similar to other holy
centres of India, like Allahabad, Chidambaram, Chitrakut, Dvarka, Gaya, Haridvar,
Nasik, Puri, Rameshvaram, Tirupati, Ujjain,.., etc., Varanasi had also records a long
tradition of making such pictorial cognitive pilgrimage maps, but recently Haridvar
and Rishikesh are dominating this production, and from there such maps are made for
different holy cities of India. These maps are a mixed-up of mythology, location of
important holy spots and scenes, landscape sketches and the sacred landmarks that
appeal to pilgrims and having link with the mythologies. In almost all such maps the
main river body, the patron deity and predominant topography are set in a manner that
it result to a mosaic of faithscape and serves as good souvenir that always help to
remember the religious experiences and sometimes used as icon for rituals or worship.

6.1. Kashi’s Ritualscape: The Pilgrimage-Cognitive-Faithscapic Map

Like other similar maps for several sacred cities of India, the pilgrimage cognitive
maps of Kashi and the Panchakroshi Yatra are examples of cartography where
faithscape is portrayed through the means of pictorial signs and mythological support
concerning sacred topography.
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century

Fig. 3.18. Kashi: A Pilgrimage Cognitive Map, ca 1975 (compare Fig. 3.19), after Singh 1988: 11.
131
 132
Chapter Three

Fig. 3.19. Tracing of Pilgrimage Cognitive Map into outlined form.

 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 133

These pilgrimage-cognitive maps show visitors the mythical shape of the city and
give them an image to help them remember the experience of the past and continuity
of the traditions. These maps are also visual texts which can be read in order to gain a
better understanding of the sacredscape of a holy place, and also in wider perspective
Hindu mythologies. By mapping the religious and mythological features of the holy
city in the frame of cosmic design, these maps also help to expand the cosmogonic
context leading to the emergence of pilgrimage mandala.
Almost all the important holy city of India has a tradition of making pilgrims-
cognitive maps of varying precision, details and representation. Like most of the holy
places of Hindus, in Banaras too Pilgrims’ map of a city is popularly sold even today
(e.g. Fig. 3.18), in which “codification is entirely based upon autonomous Indian
traditions, and this is what makes them extremely interesting documents of the Hindu
view of urban life and urban space” (Pieper 1979: 215). In fact, with the use of signs,
symbols, scales, codifications, colours, etc. such maps substantially differ from the
conventional Western cartography, but highly illuminative of how the Hindu pattern
of perception, image-making and cosmological presentation developed among the
people in the time scale.
On the line of the tradition of popular map making, on a religious map of Kashi,
the river Ganga is shown as base and dominant element for setting and covering
almost all the sacred places (Fig. 3.19). This map is called “the true large map of
Kashi territory” (Asali Badā Naksā Kāshi Kshetra Kā), and was published by Thakur
Prasad & Sons – Book Seller; Rajadarwaja Branch, Kachaurigali, Varanasi in ca.
1975. In course of time several reprints in more decorative forms are also published
and popularly sold. All text is provided in Bengali, English and Hindi; the prominent
places and shrines are codified on a separate map to have a comparative view, but
without corrections and with addition of further information in italics to facilitate
orientation and landmarks (cf. Fig. 3.19, cf. Gutschow 2006b: 106-107). The pilgrims
and devotees perceive Kashi in the frame of psycho-faith system rather than space-
oriented location (cf. Singh 1988: 10). In this map ‘the most important paths, edges,
nodes and landmarks (following Lynch’s terminology, as discussed in the sequel)
related to sacrality are shown with sketch among which the temples, of Vishveshvara
(popularly called as Vishvanatha) and Annapurna are shown bold and distinct.
All the important shrines like Durga, Hanuman, Ganga, Bhairava, and all the
important ghats are also plotted with sketches and symbols on this Asali Naksa.
Moreover, the Ganga river is represented in the form of a goddess. The puranic view
of city’s existence on Shiva’s trident is also represented in abstract form.
Contemporaneity is achieved by including some of the contemporary temples like the
Tulasi Manas Mandir that was built in 1966, thus represented as a small image in the
northwest corner (Gutschow 2006a: 208). Similarly it also depicts recent
developments and landmarks in the 20th century development of Varanasi like
Banaras Hindu University (built in 1916), clock-tower (built in 1867), railway
stations, and Bharat Mata Mandir (made in 1930). This map in prints has several
versions of superimposing colours, design, prominence of images, aesthetic
appearance and sizes.
The pilgrims’ faithscape map (Fig. 3.18) also refers to spatial behaviour with
particular emphasis on the human desire to draw upon, reinforce, and accentuate
devotees’ beliefs about holy spots by singling out memorable structural symbols that
capture the identity of place: water flow with boat in the Ganga river and the ghats
along the bank, cremation fire, Vindu Madhava Dharahara, temple Shikharas, traffic
police at the crossing, moving vehicle, sacred pond of Durgakunda, Ashokan pillar at
134 Chapter Three

Sarnath, railroad, singing devotees, etc. Comments Gutschow (2006b: 105) that “The
Map of Kashi represents, like its 19th century predecessors, foremost a tirtha, a sacred
place imbued with the quality of translocality, a place of purity where one obtains
merit or attains liberation, mukti. At the same time the map is something like an
enlarged postcard, a souvenir as it were”. Of course, this map is sold among pilgrims
with an aim for advertisement, the “silent languages” (c.f. Hall 1959) it used are quite
parallel to contemporary pilgrims’ cognitive map of Varanasi.
6.2. Contemporary Tourists’ Cognitive Maps

The concept of imageability to Varanasi has been used in a straightforward and

easy manner on the line of Lynch’s proposal (1960: 141-142). The imageability refers
to that ‘quality in a physical object which gives it a high probability of evoking a
strong image in any given observer. … It might also be called legibility, of perhaps
visibility in a heightened sense, where objects are not only able to be seen, but are
presented sharply and intensely to the senses” (Lynch 1960: 9-10). All his “questions”
were taken into consideration ‘with modification in Indian context, specially the
culture and people of the region and country. Additionally, the respondents were
asked to locate familiarity aspects on their sketch, and later, on the map supplied to
them. This lengthy interview took about two hours for each of the respondents. In the
course of two months (January-February 1980), at different hotels and important sites
45 foreign tourists were interviewed intensively; they belong to thirteen countries:
Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands,
New Zealand, Sweden, U.K., and U.S.A.
The respondents were asked to record the first impression which became important
for them. To most of the visitors architecture of Varanasi Railway station, lots of
rickshaws, many cows and bulls in the city, immediate intensification of traffic,
crowds of pilgrims and to a few “very dirty and disorderly environment yet full of
life, activity and interest”, became important.
The city in purview of “contrasts” and “mysteries” is also very attractive. Old
historical monuments at Sarnath and recently developed planned colonies in the city
area present a “contrast”; while various sites of saints, seats and aesthetics and allied
show “mysteries”. According to an American tourist, the impact of westernization is
clearly visible like opening of star-hotels. Through a general movement in the city one
may see frequently moving cows, buffalos, bulls and goats. It is with this impression
that some respondents called the city a zoological garden. Japanese pay relatively high
regards due to their sense of belonging to the Buddhist culture, while British tourists
feel the city with lively activity and spiritual feelings. French visitors mostly accept
this city as a pilgrimage centre. According to the Greek visitors the city represents the
mixed culture having full sense of living organism.
A number of sketch maps by tourists were prepared which illustrate some form of
general tendencies and also some of the special features of their own interest; four
such representative sample sketch maps were presented in a Conference and later
published in its proceedings (Singh 1982: 170; see Fig. 3.20). These sketches of
imagery maps are further analysed with comparison to other such sketches and using
familiarity index, thus finally composite cognitive map of Varanasi was developed
(Singh 1988). These sketches with false pretensions and secret plagiarism were
presented by Bhattacharya (1999: 3), and at some places misleading narrations given
in lack of consulting the original sources (Singh 1982, 1988), like Tiwari (2009). In
fact, the author has tried himself to get rid of his missing mind, but strongly followed
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 135

the ditch of plagiarism and performed the Tantric ritual of sacrificing the original
researches, even without quoting or referring too. He has proved himself free to do
any left-oriented bloody sacrifices like a Leftist Tantric devotee who mistakenly feels
that s/he is the supreme transcendental master having charismatic power.
Fig. 3.20. Image of Varanasi: Individual Tourist’s Sketches, 1980
(source: Singh 1982: 170)

On the same line Bhattacharya (1999: 205-206) has again wrongly interpreted the
composite cognitive map as referred. Unfortunately no such followed up work done,
therefore we’re unable to comment on the contemporary situation and the changes
took place during last thirty years. The perceptive attitudes of tourists from different
parts of the world reflect their own cultural way of understanding. In all these maps
river-front and ghats and Vishvanatha (Golden) temple are common. Japanese tourists
136 Chapter Three

are much familiar with the various sites of Varanasi, while Greek visitors paid much
attention toward art gallery, sun rise and dying-home. Similar to Greeks, French
tourists are very much impressed with burning ghat (especially Manikarnika).
American tourists are not so much aware of the city like others. Very few tourists
have clear ideas about Alamgir (Aurangzeb) mosque and its historical-background.
On the other hand most of the foreign tourists perceive Durga temple as “monkey
temple” ― it is mostly due to misinterpretation by guides.
Other respondents from New Zealand, Canada, Germany, Australia, Holland, Italy
and Belgium have mostly referred to the boating and the ghats, and the Golden
(Vishvanatha) temple. An Australian tourist has remarked that the Golden temple
maintained the religious sense, while the B.H.U. temple is like a public place.
The visitor’s orientation towards the recognition of the city by its residence got
much importance. They considered that the “dwellers are proud of their city”, “people
are trying to prevent and preserve the life of Varanasi”, “many people come here for
religious perusal because they regard it as a holy city of India”. However, at the same
time it was also observed that people here made the city more commercial than its
religious character. This impression was developed because number of people meets
with the tourists and became friend only to show their shops and sell the silk or
handicraft articles. The level and quality of image developed is so diverse and
complex that it is almost difficult to give a final shape to the imagery landscape. As
for example, Varanasi was perceived by a tourist as a combination of the images
developed after seeing three films “Roma” and “Julliet of the Spirits” by Frederico
Fellini and “Death in Venice” by Visconti. However, even after such a variation of
imagination there also seems to be some similarities in the cognitive landscape of
Varanasi, which has been discussed in the sequel.

7. Concluding Remarks

Says Devereux (1996: 158), “Other people in other times and places have mapped
the world quite differently from the way we have, and no less truthfully in their own
terms”. The maps have the inherent quality of sensuous feelings and cognition. Such
notional maps showing the mythology and sacrality in space and pictorial symbolism
are true representative of cultural system when deep sense of faith works in the
formation of spiritual-mental topography fitting into the setting of physical
topography may be termed as faithscape. Such maps produce a visual impression to
remember the mythology, and further go to convince the pilgrim or devout Hindus to
develop a sense of feeling. The pilgrimage-cognitive maps of Kashi/ Varanasi are the
example of mythical cartography where faithscape is portrayed through the means of
pictorial signs and mythological support concerning sacred cartography. The religious
and scientific referential and representational systems can not easily be combined, as
these two have specific motives behind their purposes, i.e. cosmogonic view and
locational view, parallel to mental conception and mechanical projection,
respectively; however both should be considered as complimentary to understand the
meeting grounds and growth of human consciousness.
Rightly observed by Michaels (2006: 140) that “there is no total space
(“Gesamtraum”) within which other spaces can be located. Religious spaces are
therefore per definitionem omni and translocal. In a scientific concept of space,
however, space is perceived as a medium, in which objects and places are placed.
Seen from a religious point of view, there is no difference between Kashi as a holy
field (kshetra) or as a temple, picture, sculpture or map. The mythical Kashi remains
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 137

Kashi no matter how it appears”. He further (ibid.: 141) concludes in view of

supporting Wittgenstein’s saying that “A compound soul would not be a soul”, that
“the same holds true for religious maps. The composition of many holy places on a
map does not necessarily make it a religiously used map. However, the more this
aspect is intended — and I do believe that Sukul’s and Krishnachandra’s maps partly
reflect this intention” and they are less important in terms of accuracy in modern
terms of survey, directionality and orientation to north and locational relativism, and
scale of reference in general or all over the map.
In terms of cartography such maps lack physical reality, but they express intimate
experiences of people or of things which are difficult to make public, but they are not
impossible to express; moreover they may be personal and deeply felt (Tuan 1977:
147). Only with intimate sensing and concentration one can support this idea. The
pilgrimage-cognitive maps (spatial, archetypal, pictorial and cinematic as changed in
time), of course having their own limits of expression in terms of time, territory and
cultural toning, are representative of accounting achievement of human reasoning and
levels of human consciousness that involved the human struggle between mind and
matter, culture and body, and deification and reification in Hindu philosophy, art,
religion, and science. The adjustment of distances, referential points, the directional
orientation, the codifying words, and lines and sketches and their inter-connections
indicate a state of human beingness. That is how these maps were used as vehicle or
steps that link this world to another world (cf. Olsson 2007).
On the line of cosmogony, like the human body that conceives and projects vision
and thoughts, every meaning is asymmetric, every map has a palimpsest in the
background, that’s how every palimpsest an epistemological travel story. Concludes
Olsson (2009: 109) that “And since in that world of self-reference no ground is solid,
no translation perfect, no projection screen untainted, I have but the faintest idea of
what will happen next. No wonder that people get frightened, for how can anyone find
the way in a world in which the fix-points are unfixed, the scales twisted, the mappa
crumpled. …. Strange are the ways of learning, marvelous the vistas from the rest
stops.” Here we find a path that will lead to us towards radiance of understanding and
co-sharedness of revelation.
Sacred cartography as an act of representing earth energy and its directing centres
(e.g. sacred places) also denotes the transcendental power of human ingenuity and its
varying degrees, levels, projections and perceptual contexts. In India, Banaras is one
of the most mythologically represented and projected sites, therefore variety, contrasts
and distinctions always preserved in the sacred cartography, illustrated with maps
associated with pilgrimages, sacred territories and routes, cognition, archetypal
symbolism and the changing nature of these attributes in history. The reference points
and nodal/navel centres on these maps are closely associated with vortexes that posses
and disseminate subtle energy that human being always tried to experience since the
beginning of civilisation. The alignments among centres, spiralling routes of
pilgrimages, sacrality of time, temporality of space, the feeling and revelation of
‘inner’ and ‘outer’ beingness as human specie and interconnectedness with the
terrestrial, all are codified in the process of spatial manifestation represented through
sacred cartography. This way variety of pilgrimage maps open new vision to search
human dignity and development of consciousness.

8. References
Bhattacharya, Brajamadhava 1999. Varanasi Rediscovered. Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers, New Delhi
138 Chapter Three

BvP-KR, The Kashi Rahasya (of Brahmavaivarra Purana). 1957. Gurumandala

Granthmalaya No. XIV, Vol. III, Calcutta.
Capra, Fritjof 1976. The Tao of Physics. Shambhala, Boston.
Cosgrove, Denis 1999. Introduction: Mapping meaning; in, Cosgrove, Denis (ed.)
Mapping. Reaktion Books, London: 1-23.
Crampton, Jeremy W. 2001. Maps as Social Constructions: Power, Communication
and Visualization. Progress in Human Geography, 25 (2), June: 235-252.
―. 2009. Rethinking Maps and Identity. Choropleths, Clines and Biopolitics; in,
Dodge, Martin; Kitchin, Rob and Perkins, Chris (eds.) Rethinking Maps: New
Frontiers in Cartographic Theory. Routledge, London.
Dalmia, Vasudha 1997. The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions. Bharatendu
Harishchandra and Nineteenth-century Banaras. Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Devereaux, Paul 1996. Re-Visioning the Earth. Simon & Schuster, New York.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras, City of Light. Alfred Knopf Publ., New York.
―. 1998. The imagined landscape: patterns in the construction of Hindu sacred
geography. Contributions to Indian Sociology, NS (New Delhi), 32: 165-188.
Gengnagel, Jörg 2003. Mapping sacred spaces: Aspects of cartography in the 19th
century Benares; in, Dickhardt, Michael and Dorofeeva-Lichtmann, Vera (eds.)
Creating and Representing Sacred Spaces. Göttinger Beiträge zur Asienforschung
(Heft 2-3, 2003). Peust & Gutschmidt, Göttingen: 247-263 (+ 3 colour maps).
―. 2006. Maps and processions in Banaras: the debate concerning the
Pañcakrośīyātrā; in, Gaenszle, Martin and Gengnagel, Jörg (eds.) Visualised Space
in Banaras: Images, Maps, and the Practice of Representations. (Ethno-Indology,
Heidelberg Studies in South Asian Rituals, vol. 4). Harrassowitz Verlag,
Wiesbaden, also published: Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 145-163.
Gutschow, Niels 1978. Benares. Geoordneter Raum-Ordered Space. Darmastadt im
Mai: 47-73 (and 13pp. of figures and plates). Mimeographed.
―. 2006a. Panoramas of Banaras; in, Gaenszle, Martin and Gengnagel, Jörg (eds.)
Visualised Space in Banaras: Images, Maps, and the Practice of Representations.
(Ethno-Indology, Heidelberg Studies in South Asian Rituals, vol. 4). Harrassowitz
Verlag, Wiesbaden, also published: Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 191-211.
―. 2006b. Benares - The Sacred Landscape of Varanasi. Edition Axel Menges
GmbH, Stuttgart-Fellbach, Germany.
Harley, John Brian 1988. Maps, knowledge, and Power; in, Daniels, Stephen and
Cosgrove, Denis (eds.) The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic
representation, Design and Use of Past Environments. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge: 277-312.
―. 1989. Deconstructing the map. Cartographica (University of Toronto Press), 26
(2), Summer: 1-20.
―. 1990. Cartography, ethics and social theory. Cartographica (University of
Toronto Press), 22 (2), Summer: 1-23.
KKh, The Kashi Khanda (of Skanda Purana). 1961. Gurumandala Granthmalaya
No. XX, vol. IV, Calcutta.
Lannoy, Richard 1999. Benares Seen From Within. Callisto Books, Bath (UK) &
Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2002. Benares: A World within a World. The Microcosm of Kashi Yesterday and
Tomorrow. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Lynch, Kevin 1960, The Image of the City. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
Michaels, Axel 2006. Mapping the religious and religious maps: aspects of
transcendence and translocality in two maps of Varanasi; in, Gaenszle, Martin and
 Representation in the Sacred Cartographic Art in the 19th Century 139

Gengnagel, Jörg (eds.) Visualised Space in Banaras: Images, Maps, and the
Practice of Representations. (Ethno-Indology, Heidelberg Studies in South Asian
Rituals, vol. 4). Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, also published: Oxford
University Press, New Delhi: 131-143.
Motichandra, 1962. Kāshī kā Itihās. (History of Kashi). Bombay. 3rd ed. 2003.
Vishvavidyalaya Prakashan, Varanasi.
Pieper, Jan 1979. A Pilgrim’s Map of Benares: Notes on Codification in Hindu
Cartography. GeoJournal (Dordrecht), 3 (2): 215-218.
Olsson, Gunnar 2007. Abysmal: A Critique of Cartographic Reason. University of
Chicago Press, Chicago.
―. 2009. Palimpsest. Cartographica (University of Toronto Press), 44 (2), June: 101-
109.
Prinsep, James 1832. Census of the population of the city of Benares. Asiatic
Researches (Calcutta), vol. 1: 470-498.
―. 1833. Benares Illustrated in a Series of Drawings. I to III Series. Baptist Mission
Press, Calcutta and Smith, Elder & Co., London 1834.
Singh, Pratibha 2004. Shiva-Kāshi: Paurānic Paripekshya aur Vartmān Sandarbh
(Shiva-Kashi: Pauranic Background and Present Context). Vishvavidyalaya
Prakashan, Varanasi.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1982. Image of Varanasi city: reflection on Geography of Tourism.
Frankfurter Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeographische Schriften (Frankfurt/Main,
Germany), Heft 41: 161-174.
―. 1987. The pilgrimage mandala of Varanasi/Kashi: a study in sacred geography.
National Geographical Journal of India, 33 (4), December: 493-524.
―. 1988. The Image of Varanasi: Sacrality and perceptual world. National Geographical
Journal of India, 34 (1), March: 1-32.
―. (eds.) 1993. Banaras (Varanasi). Cosmic Order, Sacred City, Hindu Traditions. Tara
Book Agency, Varanasi. [an anthology of 20 essays].
―. 1994a. Water symbolism and sacred landscape in Hinduism: A study of Benares.
Erdkunde, Archiv für Wissenschaftliche Geographie (Bonn, Germany), Band 48 (3),
Sept.: 210-227.
―. 1994b. The sacred geometry of India’s holy city, Varanasi: Kashi as Cosmogram.
National Geogr. Jl. of India, 40: 189-216. Reprinted with revision in: Malville, J. M.
and Gujral, L. (eds.) 1999, Ancient Cities, Ancient Skies. Aryan Publ. For IGNCA,
New Delhi: pp. 59-80.
―. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. Panchakroshi Yatra of Banaras. Pilgrimage
& Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 4. Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2004. Cultural Landscapes and the Lifeworld. The Literary Images of Banaras.
Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 7. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin S. 2006. Banaras Region. A Spiritual and Cultural
Guide. Indica Books, Varanasi. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 1. 2nd revised ed.
Smith, Jonathan Z. 1987. To Take Place. Toward Theory of Ritual. University of Chicago
Press, Chicago and London.
Sukul, Kuberanāth 1977 (Samvata 2034). Vārānasī Vaibhava. (The Glory of Varanasi); in
Hindi. Rastrabhasha Parishad, Patna.
Tiwari, Reena 2009. Space-Body-Ritual: Performativity in the City. Lexington Books
(Rowman & Littlefield Publishers), Lanham MD.
 CHAPTER 4

SACRED GEOMETRY AND COSMOGRAM

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. In the Oriental world sacred schemata (cosmogram) and related myths are
basic concern in the evolution of holy centres. The city of Varanasi represents a
complex mix of the cosmocised structure and local sacrality, and has grown without
the support of sacred kingship. There exist fifty-six pilgrimage circuits, of which five
are the most popular and make the web of the cosmogram. All the pilgrimage circuits
and related shrines and sacred spots symbolically represent some aspects of the
man-cosmos relationship. The ultimate synthesis of cityscape represents integration of
macro-, meso- and micro- cosmos at different levels. At micro level temple in itself
represents the cosmos. However, due to drastic demolition of temples during Muslim
rule the basic structure has been lost. In course of time these structures have been
re-built and mythologies set to revive the ancient glories and mystic power. That is
how the structure and network of sacred geometries became so complex where
independent and interdependent interlinks and orientations constantly meet and turn
into cosmic web. After all the tradition of pilgrimage and religious activities always
continued and maintained. This helps to explain the complicated web of Kashi as
Cosmogram and its lived ritualscapes.
Key words: cosmogram, cosmogony, holy city, framing, order and pattern, sacrality,
sacred geometry.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Like in the sheath system (hridaya chakra), Madhyameshvara, unique in appearance, is

the axis mundi of the earth, which provides peace and prosperity to the devotees. This
attracts a large mass of visitors in comparison to Avimukteshvara and Svarlineshvara.
Geographically situated between Raj Ghat and Manikarnika, this temple is the heart of
the city. Even in the cosmic dissolution the infinite spire that always stands without
disappearance is called Madhyameshvara. Metaphorically, the Asi is perceived as ida,
the Varana as pingala and the Matsyodari as sushumna arteries in the sacred body of
the city. Madhyameshvara is the source of sushumna. This is the cosmic structure of
the body of Kashi.
― Shivprasad Singh (1996: 328, cf. Singh 2004: 59).

1. Introduction and Outlook

In the Oriental world the idea of ancient city had grown in the psychic purview of
physico-cultural and economic processes in the dimension of space and time leading
to form an ordered territorial organisation. The study of growth and organisation of
this sense of territoriality involves at least three basic issues: man and activities
shaping the cityscape, man and space relation and interaction, and the mechanism
linking human mind and the environment through cognitive processes – ultimately
they emerge to develop a cosmogram.
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 141

Cosmogram is the magico-spatial design, which combines macro-, meso-, and

micro- cosmos at an order and level of unity. This way it serves to explain and
experience the integral relationship between Man and Cosmos, and the central point
represents the life-breath of the earth (see Fig. 1). The number 108, in itself a
numerical cosmogram, has a cosmogonic scope related to the constellations (lunar
asterism, 27) and the rhythm of human condition or cardinality (8). It thus defines
cardinality, centrality and circulation (see Singh 1993a: 245). The basic frame of
cosmogram consists of three parts, representing three elements: a circle (light), a
square (water), and a triangle (wind). In a numerical context, the square [■]
denominates 9 planets, the circle [●] indicates 4 directions and the triangle [▲]
represents the 3 mythic realms. In its geonumeric integration, the cosmogram achieves
the number 108 (9 x 4 x 3); this structural plan in totality symbolises a cosmogram
(Fig. 4.l).

Fig. 4.1. The basic frame of the Cosmogram.

The sacred number 108 may be interpreted in several ways. This refers to a product
of 12, the yearly cycle of time or months in a year, and 9, the cosmic space denoting 9
planets in Hindu mythology (12 x 9). The product of 27 constellations, and the 4 parts
of a day, or 4 directions; and also the product of 36 symbolizing 36 crores (i.e. 360
million) of divine beings or 36 koti (variety) of Hindu divinities, and 3 mythical
realms ― both come to 108. Brahma’s one day and night is also assumed to be 108
years (Eliade 1991: 60-61). The product of the powers of the three fundamental
integers (11 x 22 x 33) also comes to 108. Theologically, 108 may be interpreted from
right to left as: 8, the cardinal directions (space reference showing the sphere of
cosmos) that finally emerge into void (0, infinity or black hole), and thus ultimately
resulting to form infinite cosmic unity (1) where the earthly beingness of humanity
and terrestrial super-consciousness of divinity become one.
In Oriental World the principles and processes of city planning and landscape
formation were at once unable in a substantive manner to provide inhabitants a
harmony contained within spatially limited, marginally productive habitats, where
spiritual territorial human constructs were transformed on the earth’s surface to search
the place of man in the cosmos. Although true to a limited extent today, in the
142 Chapter Four

pre-industrial cities of the world, cosmology and city planning were often inseparable.
In fact, “Metaphysical ideology based on cosmological principles was once a
dominant force shaping the cultural landscape” (Nemeth 1987: 3). This was man’s
revelation for a “rediscovery of the dialectic nature of wholeness” in the realm of
humanness, where “nature, cosmos, and humanity form a whole and that whole means
holy” (Buttimer 1989: 263).
If the idea of architecture is to be used as “planned human construction”, the
designing of a city is essentially a specific transformation of human creativity, often
interpreted in the context of signs and symbols and the invisible meaning preserved
there. The presentation of wholeness – the representation of cosmos – leads to form a
sacred geometry referring to the spiritual and archetypal dimensions of
pattern/relationship, order/sequences and temporality/changes. This frame forms a
harmonic and sensual bondage between man and his habitat, the city. In Oriental
World, “sacred schemata and meaning are most important ones, and cities in those
cultures can be understood only in such terms” (Rapoport 1990: 28). Denny (1991: ix)
also described the sacred city in terms of cosmology, “A city can be sacralised by the
laying out of its plan according to the cosmology of the region, thus uniting realm and
ruler in a pattern of sacred kingship.” Yet there are many ceremonial centres that
possess potent qualities of cosmic orientation without sacred kingship or an
intentional foundation ideology. However, they are considered as the most sacred
centres. Varanasi is one of the most potent and well-accepted sacred cities in the latter
context.
The presentation of wholeness ― the representation of cosmos ― leads to form a
sacred geometry referring to the spiritual and archetypal dimensions of
pattern/relationship, order/sequences and temporality/changes. This frame forms a
harmonic and sensual bondage between man and his habitat, the city. This is a
predominant feature in ancient Asian settlements where archetype symbol and
inherent meanings go together, resulting to a cosmic web. Describing the sacred
structure of cities, Meyer (1991: 149, 157, 170) proposes two groups: (1) the
cosmocised sacred city, which records orientation in space and its alignment with the
geometry of the universe, where the cosmic axes cross in the centre of the city, and
(2) the holy city of local sacrality, recording religious meaning and organising space
according to a sacred model like pilgrimage routes and associated shrines. Varanasi
(Banaras), in Meyer’s scheme, does not fit fully as the city of the first group because
it has no records of sacred kingship. In theological context, Varanasi developed
originally as a sacred city and later became a holy city.
Varanasi is what it is because of pilgrimage circuits, the interlinking shrines and
temples and the manifestive powers imposed therein at different degrees. Kashi is a
cosmogram. The ancient name of the city-territory is Kashi, i.e., Kashya eti Kashi.
Where the light of cosmos concentrates and illuminates in circular territory is known
as Kashi. This idea is eulogised in the Puranic literature describing the limits and
boundaries of the city. Eck (1982: 5) has rightly remarked that Varanasi “has rarely
been an important political centre, and the rise and fall of kings through its long
history have had no role in the take of the city’s sanctity told by its own people.... It is
not the events of its long history that make it significant to Hindus; rather it has such a
long history... because it is significant to Hindus.”
In contrast to its historical role as political centre and sacred kingship, Varanasi
records the longest period of human settlements, at least since about the 10th century
BCE and continued until now. Its uniqueness lies in the spatial alignments and
structure that developed “without the world of control”, i.e., outside the normal
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 143

boundaries of spatial-religious boundaries or code of conduct which govern society. It

is accessible to everybody without the sense of affiliation to a caste or outcaste. One
may experience this sense at the time of pilgrimage journeys, when all normal
distinctions are equalised.
The various routes of pilgrimage journeys never form the identical geometric shape
in Varanasi. However, Hindu religious geomancers and cartographers cosmocised the
irregularities into a geometric plan of circularity, and sometimes in combination of
other forms, leading to a cosmogram.
One has to remember that “culture is what makes humans human” (Rapoport
1993:12). The sensory modalities promote behavioural, psychic setting in the spatial
and temporal organisation of cultural landscape as exemplified by the existing
traditions of pilgrimage circuits in Varanasi. The comparative study of the cosmogram
and pilgrimage system reflects that the organisation and symbolism evolved in the
past are still preserved and practised by the devotees and pilgrims. If traditions are
lost, our identity will be in danger!
The manifestation of a transcendental element may be translated into a parallelism
between the macrocosm (cosmos/heaven) and the microcosm (temple/human body).
In between these two polarities one can also perceive a mediating spatial-sacred
structure given by the (built) environment that is called mesocosm. The holy city of
Varanasi is considered as a mesocosm in which the human complexity of the
microcosmos and the cosmic-temporal stability of the macrocosmos meet. This is
visualised and well exemplified by the five pilgrimage circuits where all the above
three layers of the cosmos are represented, and merged into a form of mandala.
Varanasi is one of the celestial-archetypal cities where the material environment
expresses the parallelism between macro-, meso-, and micro- cosmos, regrouping
them to form a sacred spatial system and link all the sacred sites and divinities and
their shrines by a path or route.

2. From Macrocosmos to Mesocosmos

In most of the old cultures, religion was an essential part of the symbolic nature of
city planning and of the individual structures within cities, in which the analogy of
human body has been accepted as a representation of the universe. The manifestation
of a transcendental element (called hierophany by Eliade) may be translated into a
parallelism between the macrocosmos (cosmos/ heaven) and the microcosmos
(temple/ human body). In between these two polarities one can also perceive
mediating spatial sacred space of the large-scale natural world and the built-up
environment, called the mesocosmos (the earth). The archetypal frame of Varanasi
may be considered as a mesocosmos mediating between the macrocosmos of the
universe and the microcosmos of the individual unit (Singh 1993a: 240). This is the
basic notion of a city’s cosmogram.
According to the Manasara, a 10th century CE text of Hindu architecture, the
layout of the Hindu city is based on the “Cosmic cross”, the cardinal points of which
are the comers of the universe. Thus the whole city is a celestial city, a cosmogram
(Singh 1988: 444-445). The developed form of the cosmic cross is not evident in
Varanasi. However, its irregular pattern exists, and pilgrims still follow the route. This
is an indication of the perception of reality. Says Wheatley (1969: 9), “Only the
sacred was ‘real’, and the purely secular – if it could be said to exist at all – could
never be more than trivial”. To maintain a harmonious relationship in the universe,
Hindus construct temporary or permanent representations of a significant part or the
144 Chapter Four

whole of cosmos, referred to as “axis mundi” by Eliade (cf. 1959: 36-55). In Varanasi,
the axis mundi is the Jñānavāpi Kupa (‘Well of the Wisdom’), where the liquid form
of the patron deity Shiva dug up the earth by his trident and offered the water to
another of his forms, Avimukteshvara (the most ancient form of Shiva in Varanasi; see
Singh, 1994b: 219-20). That is how Shiva promised to take up his abode in the well
and reside there forever. Shiva’s pseudonym Ishvara (Ish + chara) itself identifies his
identity at the centre of the cosmos (ish) from where He controls the rhythm of
cosmos (chara). He represents the highest divine being and ultimately the worldless
absolute. After a passage of time by demolition of temples by the Muslim rulers
(especially during 12th and 17th centuries), the shrine of Avimukteshvara lost its
identity, and its mystic power transferred to Vishveshvara/ Vishvanatha (known as
Golden Temple in the West). Presently, pilgrims perform initiation and completion
rites at this site, together with Jñānavāpi Kupa.
Varanasi contains many sacred territories defined in different contexts. Among
them, five are the most popular as eulogised in mythological literature (Fig. 4.2). All
have irregular shapes, except the outer one, which runs as a circle; however its
pilgrimage is no more practised at least since last fifty years. In theory, the four inner
sacred journey routes meet at the point of axis mundi, Jñānavāpi, while the outer
circle covers up all the rest and meets in the west at Dehli Vinayaka, the gate to the
cosmic territory, Kashi. Dehli means “gate” where Ganesha (“elephant-headed god,”
the son of Shiva), as Vinayaka, provides relief from all the obstacles and also gives
wisdom.
The five sacred and pilgrimage circuits symbolise the parallels of five heavenly
gross elements of Hindu cosmogony, viz. as sky/ether, earth, air, water, and fire,
parallel to five basic parts of human body, i.e. head, legs, face, blood, and heart,
respectively (Fig. 4.3), transcendental power and the associated sheath and the
corresponding sacred number of shrines/images on the route (cf. Singh and Rana
2006: 46-48). This spiritual homology of the sacred territories further shows the
interlinking relationship between human beings and the cosmos, occurring in a strong
state of connection to the sacred, where “one sees one’s own soul” (Singh, 1993a:
240-42). Jñānavāpi, conceptualised as the axis mundi of the cosmos in the
mesocosmic sphere, is outside mundane space and time, even though it is a visible site
on the earth as well (Singh, 1987a).
The outermost sacred circuit (Chaurashikroshi Yatra), symbolising the shadow
of cosmic light, is defined with reference to the shrine of Madhyameshvara as the
centre and Dehli Vinayaka as the radial point, at a distance of 5 kroshas (equal to 11
miles/ 17.6 km). Its circumference identifies the cosmic territory called Kashi
Mandala (Fig. 4.4). In each of the eight directions exist 12 power-goddesses (Shaktis),
one energy-goddess (Durga), one of her male partners (Bhairava), 3 local assistant
demigods (Vetalas), and one directional deity (Dikapala). Their total number reaches
144 (for the full list see Singh, 1993b: 40-41).
The first reference of cardinality and sacred geometry was made with respect to
Madhyameshvara as centre and Dehli Vinayaka as radial point (cf. Padma Purana,
SK : 65.14-20); in fact, this was identical to Chaurashikroshi Yatra. After passage of
time literary sources describe Jñānavāpi as the navel-point and pivot for all the
pilgrimages and elaborated rituals; this resulted in accepting Panchakroshi as the
substitute to the outer rout in terms of better accessibility, consuming less time and
metaphorically representation of the archetype cosmos. The cardinal and inter-
cardinal directions are referred as reference points describing routes, however they
rotate at different degrees. This can easily be explained with comparison of 56
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 145

Vinayaka shrines, which are located on the spiral route (7 rounds) and following upon
the cardinal bisecting points (8 directions, cf. Fig. 4.8). The exact locations have been
measured with the help of GPS receivers with the assistance of J. McKim Malville
(cf. Malville and Singh 1998). According to Malville this is an attempt at large-scale
organisation, and as outer alignments do not converge upon the Jñānavāpi, and also
both the centres exist in different contexts, the whole system becomes complex.
However, it works in defining the limit of outer territory (― Madhyameshvara as
centre), and the merger of the innermost segment (― Jñānavāpi as centre) (see Fig.
4.5). By this one finds a state of non-equilibrium, however it is a dynamic and
functioning, what Cambel (1993: 4) has expressed, “Complex systems are dynamic
and not in equilibrium; they are like a journey, not a destination, and they may pursue
a moving target”.

Fig. 4.2. Varanasi: The 4-Pilgrimage circuits.

The second circuit (Panchakroshi) covers a distance of 88.5 km (25 kroshas),

where there are 108 shrines. This journey was referred to in a text of the 12th century
CE. However, the details are given in a 16th century text. This is the most popular
pilgrimage journey completed within 5 days (four, or five night halts; for details see
Singh 2002).
146 Chapter Four

Fig. 4.3. Geomantic Map of Kashi Mandala.

The third sacred circuit delimits the city territory according to various myths,
called Nagara Pradakshina. The route covers a distance of 25 km and links 72
sacred shrines and spots. Commonly, the pilgrims complete this journey in two days
while halting at Pashapani Vinayaka (no. 36).
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 147

Fig. 4.4. Kashi Mandala. Sacred Yatras: Directional Deities

The fourth sacred circuit refers to the zone “Never Forsaken” by Shiva
(Avimukta). According to a myth of the Skanda Purana (16.25-35), Surya (Sun)
advised Shiva to live in this area forever, hence the name avimukta. The centre of this
territory is the shrine of Avimuktesbvara, from where the circular route moves at the
radial distance of about 2 km. However, it never crosses the Ganga river. Rather, the
route follows the left bank of the river (Fig. 4.6a). The three shrines making the
reference points, lying on the raised mound, from south to north are:
Tripurantakeshvara (no. 21), Valmikeshvara (no. 27) and Omkareshvara (no. 32).
These three mound shrines are also symbolised as the three edges of Shiva’s Trident
(Trishula). The processional route from no. 52 (Maheshvara) moves in a complex
spiral form, turning four times before finally reaching Avimukteshvara (see Fig. 4.6b).
148 Chapter Four

Fig. 4.5. Varanasi: Panchakroshi Yatra route and alignment of Vinayaka shrines.

Fig. 4.6. Varanasi: Avimukta Yatra circuit

The fifth circuit, the inner sanctum sanctorum (Antargriha), moves seven times
around the temple of Vishveshvara (Fig. 4.7a). It symbolises the cosmic integrity, i.e.,
7 chakras (spinal energy zones, or plexuses) and 8 cardinal directions. This is how
Shiva protects his territory in the same way as Kashi protects his own body. The
seven-round spiral symbolises the understanding of reality, both physically and
transcendentally, and reminds the pilgrims that the resort of the patron deity Shiva is
everywhere but the circumference nowhere (Fig. 4.7b). In terms of hermeneutic
philosophy, this may be seen as the essence of the archetypal “circle that never
closes.” Such spiral structure is the result of the process of gnomonic growth, of
which the square and its gnomon can be considered the archetypal form (Lawlor
1982: 66).
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 149

Fig. 4.7. Varanasi : Vishveshvara Antargriha Yatra circuit.

The eight conjunction points on the outer circuit are controlled by the eight forms
of Bhairava (Shiva’s fierce form looking after the “Time” and “Death” in cardinal
directions), of which three are across the Ganga in the right side (see Figs. 4.2 and
4.4). The remaining five are at the left side of the sacred circuit and refer to the five
halting places on, the Panchakroshi route. This idea is comparable to the shrinking
universe, or the practice of adjustment-and-abstraction in Hindu religious practices.
The number of sacred sites and shrines along the five pilgrimage circuits
symbolises the cosmogonic integrity. The symbolic cosmic number and their products
can explain this (cf. Table 4.1). The total number of all shrines comes to 468, which in
itself forms a parallel to the product of 9 planets x 13 months (including an intercalary
month) x 4 directions, or mythical parts of a day. It is also a product of 12 zodiacs x
13 months x 3 mythic realms. The number 108 is the symbol of integrating space (9)
and time (12), as discussed in the sequel. The symbolic forms and numbers
characterising the shrines and sacred circuit have emerged to form an established
order (a frame of evolving cosmogram) through the binding of faith and belief system
(see Singh 1993a: 247-49). One should note that evolving order in an evolutionary
process within unordered nature always maintains order that turns into disorder; that
is how the rhythm of cosmos runs its cycles (cf. Singh 2009a).

Table 4.1. Kashi: Pilgrimage Journey and the Cosmogonic Integrity

Sacred segment/ 1. Macro- 2. Meso- 3. Micro- Shrines
route of Pilgrimage Journey cosmos: cosmos: cosmos: on the
Planet Direction 3 realms/ 2 route
parts of a day =1x2x3
1. Chaurashikroshi 9 8 2 144
2. Panchakroshi 9 4 3 108
3. Nagar Pradakshina 9 4 2 72
4. Avimukta 9 4 2 72
5. Antargriha 9 4 2 72
Total shrines 9 13 4 468
150 Chapter Four

The number 144 (12 x 12) refers to cosmogony where macrocosmos (zodiacs, 12)
meets to the microcosmos (months, 12), thus from earthly journey one can experience
the terrestrial occurrence. In Hindu rituals, this number has special significance; it
refers to the product of 9 planets x 4 directions x 4 parts of a day (yama). This number
can also be conceived as the product of 9 planets x 2 layers: heaven and earth (image
and reflection) x 8 directions. Other parallels can also be traced (Singh 1993 60).
The number 72 represents the product of 12 zodiacs, or 12 months and 2
hemispheric (ayana) routes of the sun (the northerly and the southerly) and 3 mythical
realms, i.e. the heaven, the earth, and the atmosphere in between (12 x 2 x 3). The
centre, axis mundi ― the Vishveshvara, interlinks the three realms and attributes to
the manifestation of the cosmic mandala. This is the symbol of coincidentia
oppositorum, expressed by the zero ― a ‘dot’ and also denotes an unlimited entity,
the productive point of potentiality. Moreover, philosophically “this central point
shows mediation on the paradox of the maximum potential contained within an
irreducible minimum...” (Lannoy 1971: 344). Other inferences refer this cosmic
mandala as the product of (i) the 12 zodiacs and 6 seasons, (ii) the 24 homologies and
3 mythical realms, and (iii) the 9 planets and 8 directions, etc.
Another very common number referring to the forms of Shiva on a particular route,
or the total number of Vinayakas is 56. It refers to the divine guardian concept. The
guardian deity (Shiva, or Ganesha/ Vinayaka) at the junction of eight cardinal
directions in all the seven layers of the atmosphere (8 x 7) protects human being from
obstacles. This in itself presents a model of the cosmos. The total number of Shiva-
shrines in Varanasi, according to the Kkh is 324, i.e. 108 in each of the 3 mythic
realms. Several such interpretations may be presented and their links in Hindu
mythologies to be searched to understand the complex and eternal pattern of
cosmogonic purview of archetypal symbolism.
Ganesha/ Vinayaka, with his 56 forms (cf. Fig. 4.8), protects the dwellers or
visitors to this city from obstacles at eight cardinal directions in all the seven layers of
the realm between earth and heaven (symbolically representing seven layers of the
atmosphere). They serve as lokapala, the directional guardians of the universe who
reside at all the cardinal junctions. The number and location of 56 Vinayakas can be
represented in a spatio-cosmological model showing the eight directions, seven layers,
three sacred segments of Varanasi and the interlinking routes of pilgrimage journeys
in spiral form (Fig. 4.8). The sequential arrangement of 56 Vinayakas, is arranged in a
model as described in the mythologies and followed by the pilgrims performing the
sacred journey. The arrangement symbolises the concept of universe within universe,
i.e., interconnecting macrocosmos, mesocosmos, and microcosmos (see Singh, 1995a,
1995b). This can be experienced and revealed only by eternal sense, soul – a subject
beyond the bodily experience; it is the complement of spiritual experience which
some of the pilgrims receive, of course there is no language for expressing the
ultimate nature of revelation and eternal experience.
The symbolic forms and numbers characterizing the shrines and the sacred routes
emerged to form an established order by the binding of faith/belief systems. In fact,
“the belief system serves as vital link between the place of pilgrimage and its
extensive geographical and religious hinterland” (Morinis 1984: 242). This way
ethereal life force possessing a spiritual quality implies to understand a higher truth
with respect to the quest for searching human link and place in the terrestrial space
(cf. Swan 1991: 2). Of course, the sacred sites are divine-manifested places, at the
level of popular belief one can visualize, experience and get revelation from them.
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 151

Johnson (1991: 167) rightly opines that “an immutable aspect of religion is the idea
of the sacred, and the essence of sacred, i.e. the idea of metamorphosis ―
transformation of form, function and behaviour”. The geographicality of the sacred
territories, the pilgrimages and the related journeys, and experiential feelings of the
pilgrims directly correspond to the making of complex web of metamorphosis.
Pilgrimage provides the means and ways to satisfy the quest to understand the
harmonic-cosmic relationship between man and nature. That’s how “integrative
function of pilgrimage might be seen as operating at the level of the civilization as a
whole” (Eade and Sallnow 1991: 4).
Fig. 4.8. Kashi Mandala: 56 Vinayakas and 3 Khandas.

The basic frame of pilgrimage and related manifestive organization of space can
also be understood through the symbolic view as put by Carl Jung who defines it as
“the best possible formulation of a relatively unknown thing, which for that reason
cannot be, more clearly or characteristically expressed” (Jung 1971: 815). The settings
in which pilgrims perform their journeys and rituals sustain a continuity and
emotional participation, therefore pilgrimage serves as a media of meditation, eternal
152 Chapter Four

search for understanding man’s cosmic relation, self immersion and finally realization
of inner experience (cf. Jung 1972: 99-100). This also helps at least in principle to
develop a strong relation between human essence (microcosm) and the divine
(macrocosm), and thus the cycle of “wholeness” is completed. Wholeness is
metamorphosed as “holy” in the form of pilgrimage mandala ― replicating
circumambulation of the self where starting and ending both meet at the same central
point. Jung (1972 : v) realizes it: “I know that in finding the mandala as an expression
of the self I had attained what was for me the ultimate”.

3. From Macrocosmos to Microcosmos

The use of the symbolism of the human body reveals another level of meaning of
the microcosm. This was vividly described in the Vastu Vidya, the science of
architecture. Though it was already an accepted branch of knowledge in Vedic times,
this structure was interpreted in a religious context, especially with the symbolism
implicit in it and canonisation of forms. By the principle of existence which forces to
assume and retain a certain form has been set in order, the basic form of which has
been Vastu-purusha Mandala – a phenomenal structural plan, which can be explained
by the Vedic sacrificial rite. The spiral form symbolises movement, the cyclic
movement of time. This is how the circumambulation is performed. A round altar
symbolises the terrestrial world, and a square in it, the celestial (cf. Volwahsen, 1969:
44).
The ground plan of the temple itself is a mandala, representing an “image of the
laws governing the cosmos, to which men are just as subject as is the earth on which
they built” (ibid: 44). The circumambulation symbolises the cosmic journey and its
cognition. According to the Vastu shastras (manuals on architecture), the basic
cosmogram (Vastu-Purusha Mandala) for a surface plan can be drawn in 32 ways; the
simplest one consists of a square, which may be divided into 4, 9, 16, 25, 36, 49, 64,
81, 100 and so on up to 1,024 squares. The size chosen for these drawings is
immaterial. The most common number chosen was 81, Ekashiti Pada (9 x 9 grids,
Padas). The Brihat Samhita indicates that 81 squares was the proper foundation for
cities, palaces, and houses, while that containing 64 squares was appropriate for
temples.
According to the Matsya Purana (253.21), a 9th century text, the city plan needs to
be developed in this form with the allocation of space to various divinities. Brahma
(the Creator) is said to preside over nine squares in the centre, forming an open
quadrangle. The placement of divinities is according to their status and importance in
Hindu ritual practices. The eight cardinal directions are controlled by the territorial
deities as watch guards. This plan represents the symbolic merger of body, space and
cosmos. The city of Madurai in south India may be cited as an example (cf. Singh
2009b: 61-63). In Varanasi such a mandala system no longer exists. It is obvious that
“In every Hindu city, the most accessible demonstration of the merging of macrocosm
and microcosm is the temple” (Malville 1994: 172). In fact, “in both a cosmology and
a cosmogony, the temple provides a map of the universe as it exists today and a
representation of those creative, cosmogonic processes which have led and are
continuing to lead to its production” (Malville 1992: 25). During the 12th-17th
centuries of Muslim rule, most of the temples of Varanasi were demolished. That is
how the basic structural plan lost its identity. Later, when the situation became
peaceful, the temple was rebuilt at a different site.
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 153

Varanasi is the unique and the most sacred place of Hinduism where the larger
whole (macrocosm) has become condensed into a symbolic form of the sacred spots
on earth (mesocosm) and further in the cognitive form of a temple, or shrine
(microcosm). Swan’s (1990: 35) remark that “By condensing the cosmos into a
smaller sphere, its laws can be observed and experienced more clearly, and human
lives can be placed more accurately in accord with them” is more valid and visible in
Varanasi.

4. Vishveshvara/ Vishvanatha Temple

The most popular and mythologically eulogised Shiva linga is Vishveshvara,
known as Vishvanatha (the patron deity of Varanasi). Between CE 1194 and 1670,
this temple was probably pulled down at least three times. The Tristhalisetu of
Narayanabhatta (ca. 1585) describes the glory of this temple. It is believed that he
built the temple in the late 16th century, which was torn down by the Mughal king
Aurangzeb in CE 1669. It appears from the description in this text that during the
greater part of his life, there was no regular temple of Vishvanatha at Varanasi
(Altekar 1937). After demolishing the temple, Aurangzeb had built a mosque there
(Fig. 4.9). However, part of the back portion was left as a warning and an insult to
Hindu feelings (see Fig. 2.6, page 75 of this book).
The ground plan of the ancient temple of Vishveshvara was reconstructed by James
Prinsep in 1831 (Fig. 4.10, Fig. 2.7, p. 76; for history, see pp. 74-80 of this book). The
main temple was squared; each side being 108 ft (32.92 m) divided into 27 grids
(padas) in one dimension. In reality, of course, only 26 grids exist, and an additive
was adjusted to make the cosmogram real in numerical symbology. Regarding the
square plan, Malville (1992: 25) comments, “The square protects the interior and may
also represent the ecliptic, the cyclic pathway taken by the sun as it measures out
time.” The main shrine lying in the centre was also in a square of 64 (8 x 8) grids,
each grid was 16 sq.ft (1.49 sq.m). This is a form of manduka mandala, at the centre
of which was the main linga, Shiva’s symbol lying in an ornamental reservoir. “Its
corners are at the same time the corners of the external outline of the cell”
(Volwahsen 1969: 52).
Adjoining the central sanctuary, there were four ante-chambers (mandapas)
corresponding to Jnana (wisdom), Mukti (liberation), Shringara (decoration), and
Aishvarya (glory), respectively symbolizing the east, south, west and north (see
Altekar 1937). Each of the mandapas had an area of 16 x 16 ft (16 grids). The inner
sanctuary represented the first circular form, while the four cardinal mandapas
represent the second circle and cardinality. At the third level in the rest of the four
cardinal directions, existed four ancillary shrines, each with an area of 9 grids (12 x 12
ft) corresponding to Tarakeshvara (SE), Dandapani (SW), Ganesha (NW) and
Bhairava (NE). The whole temple in complete form must have been a picturesque
group of nine spires. The height diminished from the centre outward in the ratio of 16,
8, and 6, as may be inferred from the ground plan (Fig. 4.10). This way, the
grid-mandala consisting respectively of 64, 16, and 9, together reflect the sacred
geometry. The four main directional grids of 16 each had emerged into 64 at the
centre. In addition to ancillary mandapa, closely also existed eight more 9-grid
chambers; thus their number reached 12. This is comparable to 9 x 12 = 108. In total,
calculated this way:

[(16 x 4) + 64 + {(9 x 4) + (9 x 8)}].

154 Chapter Four

The final number of open-chambers comes to 236. The triple circle symbol was
formed on the basis of a framework and grid consisting of essentially the
representation of the three mythic realms, symbolising the power of Shiva as the
controller of the three realms, i.e., earth, atmosphere, and heaven.

Fig. 4.9. Old Vishveshvara temple area, and Aurangazeb mosque.

 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 155

Fig. 4.10. Plan of the ancient Vishvesvara Temple: Orientation and alignment.

In Indian classical calculations pertaining to construction of a temple and its

characteristics, the integer was taken as the base and the remainder as the means of
decision. Strictly speaking a ‘doctrine of remainder’ was followed (see Volwahsen,
1969: 50-51). Following that principle, the Vishveshvara temple may also be placed
on that scale (Table 4.2).
156 Chapter Four

Table 4.2. Geometrical properties and related characteristics.

Se. Attribute Dimension Remainder

No. Refers to
1. Yoni (direction) (temple width x 3)/ 8 4 West
2. Vyasa (planet) (width x 9)/ 10 2 Moon
3. Nakshatra (lunar (length x 8)/27 0 Jyestha (summer)
asterism)
4. Aya (zodiac, or month) (length x 8)/12 0 Aries, or Chaitra (winter)
5. Vara (the day) (circumference x 9)/ 7 3 Tuesday
6. Tithi (time) (circumference x 9)/ 18 the 3rd of the Light-half
30 (waxing)
7. Varna (caste group/ (length x width x 9)/ 4 0 Brahmin, colour White
colour)

The temple was built on a navaratna plan, i.e., nine spires altogether including the
highest central one (128 ft/ 39m). The corner spires were about 48 ft/ 14.6 m high and
those over the mandapas were 64 ft/ 19.5 m (Verma, 1971-84: 201). The main ground
plan recorded a series of 676 grids, padas (26 x 26), of which each grid was 4 ft x 4 ft.
In addition, at each of the four corner extensions, there were six such grids.
Furthermore, seven grids were also at the four directional parts. Thus in total, the
number reached 728. With a minor adjustment of 1, the number reached 729,
symbolising the product of 27 x 27 (lunar asterisms), i.e., meeting of macro and micro
cosmos, a cosmogram.
The ancient plan of the Vishveshvara temple can also be tested in the light of
geometric structure. There existed three basic circles which were homologous to the
three phases of life (birth, flourishing, and death- and-rebirth), further corresponding
to the three mythic realms (lokas), viz. earth, sky, and heaven, and three stages of time
(kala) – time past, present, and future. The triplication of the geometric form further
merges into square pattern. Altogether triangle, square and circle converge into a
structure of cosmogram and further it turns like spiral cycle. Remarks Maxwell
(1991: 286): “Triplication of such a continuum-symbol merely presents three aspects
of the same eternal process. In such a beginningless and endless system, geometrically
defined space proper to the system itself (as distinct from borrowed constructs) is
bound to be cyclical and the definitions are bound to be generated naturally rather
than imposed.”
The four cardinal chambers were in between the two outer circles in the angular
space of 37°, thus 37 x 4 = 148°. The four directional chambers were in the angular
space of 53°, thus 53 x 4 = 212° (cf. Fig. 4.10). This way, finally, they cover all of the
degrees of a circle, 360°. This exercise of correspondence suggests that the temple
was planned on the basis of a network, angular space and associated grids; of course
this is merely a geometrical formalisation. The structure of triplication has a close
association with Shiva: three eyes, trident, controller of the three realms, and several
such symmetrical triads. Stella Kramrisch’s (1946: 23) remark is appealing in this
context: “The Indian temple, an exuberant growth of seemingly haphazard and
numberless forms ... never loses control over its extravagant wealth.... It visualises the
cosmic force which creates innumerable forms, and these are one whole, and without
the least of them the universal harmony would lack completeness.” This intuitive
understanding is confirmed by the sacred plan of the ancient Vishveshvara temple
(Fig. 4.10). In fact, the temple was the real representation of Purusha (“Supernal
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 157

Man”), and also was a mnemonic for a number of cosmological concepts (cf. Malville
1991: 123). The temple of Vishveshvara symbolises the fire pillar connecting heaven
and earth, and the nearby holy well of Jñānavāpi is the source of primordial water.
The area around the present mosque of Aurangzeb (known as Jñānavāpi mosque) was
the path of circumambulation (pradakshina) around the old Vishveshvara temple.
There were many ancillary shrines on the temple walls that lost their identity after its
conversion into a mosque. Puranic mythology also describes Jñānavāpi to the south of
Vishveshvara. After demolition of this temple, a mosque was erected there (see Fig.
4.9, also Fig. 2.6, p. 75). Later in late 18th century, Queen Ahilyabai Holkar built a
new temple of Vishveshvara in the southern vicinity.

5. Other Shiva Lingas

In various temples of Varanasi one finds special forms of lingas associated with
sacred geometry and cosmic connotation. A few examples may be cited. The
Bayalisha-Lingi (6 x 7) Linga at Kapiladhara on the Panchakroshi route (see Fig.
4.11) represents the total form of Shri Yantra’s triangles. Shri Yantra is drawn from
nine triangles, four pointed downward and five upward, thus forming 42 (6 x 7)
triangular fragments around a central triangle (see Singh, 1991: 122-23).

Fig. 4.11. Bayalisha-Lingi Shiva Linga.

There is probably no other set of triangles that interlock with such integrational
perfection. This is also represented as a symbol of life, both universal and individual.
In other ways, the seven sheaths (chakras) and six directions (including above and
below) together make 42. Shiva is described as the greatest yogi who in all the
junction of space, time and energy cycles reveals the cosmos. According to the Kashi
Khanda (73), Shiva controls the three realms (heaven, earth, and the netherworld) as a
Yogi by His manifestive power of two layers of sheaths (seven up from navel base,
and seven down), i.e., 14. This way, 3 x 14 becomes a total of 42. There are 42
different lingas at various places in Varanasi. However, all of them are represented in
one structure at Kapiladhara (for list, see Singh, 1987b: 506). In this way, 42 represent
the super-state of consciousness where macro and micro cosmos meet.
158 Chapter Four

Dvadasheshvara Linga.

By the process of spatial transposition, all twelve Jyotira (light-manifestive lingas

of Shiva) located in different places in India including the one at Varanasi, i.e.,
Vishveshvara (cf. Table 5.7, page 182 of this book), are re-established in Varanasi (cf.
Fig. 4.12A, B).

Fig. 4.12. Jyotira Lingas: (A) India, (B) Varanasi, (C) Dvadasheshvara.
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 159

The spatial pattern of Jyotira lingas makes Varanasi a microcosmic or mini-India.

Pilgrims perform sacred journeys and auspicious sights to these lingas on special
days. This way, pilgrims feel that they have acquired the merit of auspicious sight to
all the lingas. At another level, a special linga of Dvadasheshvara in the early 19th
century CE temple, known as Panchakroshi temple (house no. CK 5/ 33 Gola Gali,
Bhikharidas Lane, Chauk), carries twelve miniature jyotira lingas made of crystal, at
one base. These lingas are sequentially coded, and Vishveshvara (no. 9) lies at the
centre (Fig. 4.12C). The three-level spatial affinity and replication may be compared
to the idea of emergence and replication from macro (India-level) to meso (Varanasi
city-level) and micro (Dvadasheshvara) cosmic representation. The number 12
represents the annual rhythm of space and time.
Shiva linga is also represented with the human face (mukha), numbering from one
to five, and symbolising various states and roles of Shiva from Ishvara (the Supreme
Lord) to Pancamukha, the controller of the five basic organic matters. Several other
interpretations of cosmicised numbers related to different forms of divinities like
Durgas (9), Chandis (9), Matrikas (9), Gauris (9), Bhairavas (16), Rishi-lingas (7),
Vishnu (8), Suryas (12), etc., may also be explained in this context (cf. Singh 1987b;
Singh and Malville 1995).

6. Cosmic construction of the Goddess’ Sacredscapes

Goddess is accepted as omnipresent and omniscient in the sacredscape of Varanasi.
The city-dwellers believe that without the power and energy of Shakti, Shiva is a
shava, a corpse. It is She who embodies the vibrancy of both life and death. Shiva and
Shakti, both are represented independently into 324 forms (i.e. = 108 x 3) whose
integration maintains the rhythm of cosmic cycle in the universe. Processes of getting
in close contact with the divine spirit, spatial manifestations, acceptance and
recognition of folk tradition by the Great tradition, and symbolic expression of
identity, respectability of the feminine divine, etc. have shaped the human quest to
establish goddess-images in various forms and at different places (see Singh, Singh
and Rana 2002).
In Varanasi’s sacredscape omnipresence and omniscience of the goddess is
accepted and attested by the presence of goddess-images in various contexts at
different locations. The present spatial pattern of goddesses in Kashi is an outcome of
representation of manifestive realities, acculturation process and maintenance and
continuity of the tradition. The physical complexity of location converges into an
order of patterning, which easily fits into the symbolic description in the mythology.
The paper deals with the cultural, symbolic, mythical and spatial affinity of goddesses
in Kashi; their number reaches 324 in the Puranas.
Kashi/ Varanasi, the abode of Shiva, possesses the different forms of the goddess
orienting towards complexity, variety, cosmogony and the sacred manifestations.
These can be interpreted in the context of multiplicity of layers, ordering, locations,
hierophany, manifestations, and., and so on. The fourth canto of the Skanda Purana,
called Kashi Khanda, KKh (most of its parts dated ca. 14th century CE), is the main
source of the mythologies related to the goddesses in Kashi. The list and categories
are prepared on the basis of the KKh, and are further compared with the field study.
According to the KKh there were 324 forms (identified by names) of the goddesses in
Kashi. They are categorised into several groups, like 96 Shaktis, 8 Kshetra-
Rakshikas, 64 Yoginis, 9 Durgas, 12 Gauris, 12 Matrikas, 9 Chandis, 41 Kshetra
Devis, 12 Devis on the Pañchakroshi route, 12 Independent Devis, and 42 Loka (folk)
160 Chapter Four

Devis. Of course, out of the 324, only 144 presently exist in Kashi and of which 36
are repeated in two or more groups. As a result at present only 96 are enumerated (see
Fig. 4.13). Most of them are prescribed to be worshipped independently, and also
sacred times and ordering are fixed for pilgrimage. All the goddesses are associated
with their male partner, always some form of Shiva, of course sometimes not
mentioned. There also described 324 main forms of Shiva, who together with 324
forms of the goddesses, by integrating the power of male and female, runs and
regulates the rhythm of cosmic cycle in the universe. By this integrity the territoriality
of the cosmic equilibrium is maintained.

Fig. 4.13. Varanasi: The Goddess shrines.

The outer most pilgrimage circuit, Chaurasikroshi Yatra, is divided into eight
directions (ashtha-dik), and protected by the directional deities. Each of these
directions is regulated and controlled by goddesses of the cycle of time (i.e. 12
zodiacs/12 months), called as Shaktis (“power goddesses”), thus their number reaches
to 96 (i.e. 8 X 12). The myth refers that the 96 Shaktis had helped the goddess Durga
in killing the demon’s army. At the end of the war the Durga had cited their names
(KKh, 72. 3-13). The act of these Shaktis in each direction is supervised by the
Kshetra Devi (“territorial goddess”), a form of the Great Goddess Durga, and further
assisted by a form of Bhairava (“male partner”), a directional deity (dikpala) and
three Vetalas (“demi-divinity assistant”). This way the sacrality of time (twelve
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 161

months) and temporality of space (eight directions) finally merge at a cosmic state
controlled and maintained by Shaktis. At the centre exists Saubhagya Gauri who
supervises the articulation and ordering (KKh, 72.91).
The location of shrines and deities along the sacred route is depicted over a
cognitive pilgrimage map as mandala prepared by Kailashanatha Sukul in CE 1875.
Of course, many of these goddesses and their shrines are described in different
context too, their full and systematic listing is given in the KKh (72.3-13 and 97-99).
This can be compared with a generalised mandalic map (see Fig. 4.4) which
obviously shows positive correspondence.
The spatial patterning of goddess shrines follows a system of complexity
converging into a geometrical order of self-organised structure, known as fractal. This
is an example of the endless inclusion of patterns within patterns, replete with self-
similar structures. No matter how much its tiniest element is magnified it still contains
the essence of the entire universe. The mythologies support this characteristic by
glorifying each form of goddess as specific, general and finally universal, an
archetype. The psycho-spiritual design, cosmogram, of each group of the goddesses
have the dual characteristics of distinctiveness and analogous.
By plotting all the 96 goddess-sites on a map (Fig. 4.13), the idea of opposite poles
and corresponding opposite forces becomes obvious. The spot near Annapurna Devi
is the epicentre of spirituo-magnetic force from where the power get diffused towards
outside. This is an interplay between the exteriorisation (diffusion), and interiorisation
(contraction), by which the system of self-similarity and scale invariance is
maintained (see Singh 1987a). With respect to four sacred territories (Kshetras), the
distribution of 96 goddess-sites (cf. Table 4.4) shows a tendency of decline from the
inner to outer, while in terms of mean radius of circuit the distances increase. The
frequency of shrines by the grouping of distances in descending order shows a unique
tendency, which on double logarithmic graph shows a straight line. This type of
distribution tendency is called “power law”, since this shows that some quantity, or
number of objects or events (N) can be expressed with respect to proportion to size,
or some power of another quantity (s) raised to a negative power (α ), N = s -α . In
such situation, like in fractals, there are many more structures than large ones (cf.
Malville 2009). The diffusion ratio decreases from inner to outer and its reciprocity
shows correspondingly the increase of distortion (see Table 4.3). Taking diffusion
ratio as representative of intensity of power, one can easily predict that from core to
periphery the power decreases, and on the other side the total power emerges into the
nucleus.
These patterning are in close correspondence with the self-organising system. A
change in scale does not change the significance of efficacy of the movement of
pilgrims. Each route and each of the routes is valuable and meaningful for the pilgrim,
each providing different benefit, of course also having some generality. The shrines
are neither regularly spaces, nor randomly scattered, but their sequential placement
may obey a fundamental organisation that is deep, hidden, and yet natural. These
sacred places “reveal themselves”, and because of special features within a complex
of landscape, tradition and belief, a site may become an “inexhaustible source of
power and sacredness” any may operate according to “laws of its own dialectic” (cf.
Malville and Singh 2005: 20). In view of Eliadean thought if the choice of sacred
places were left entirely to intentional human design there could be no explanation for
their permanence and continuity.
162 Chapter Four

Table 4.3. Kashi/ Varanasi: Nature of distribution of Goddess shrines.

Sacred Territory, Mean radius No. of ratio: from Reciprocity Approx.
Kshetra of circuit from Goddess Diffusion of the power
( inner to outer ) Centre, km shrines in to out diffusion ratio, %
1. Antargriha 1.25 44 1.00 1.00 100
2. Avimukta 2.50 28 0.64 1.56 54
3. Nagara Pradakshina 5.60 17 0.38 2.63 32
4. Pañchakroshi 17.60 7 0.16 6.25 14
(Source: the distributional maps; see Fig. 4.12)

The spatial patterning of goddess shrines can be explained in the context of fractal,
and self-organised system in which the complexity of disequilibrium itself forms an
order and finally results to equilibrium. This system is always re-created and
rejuvenated by the ritual processes and the sacred performances by the devotees, of
course the earlier system always exists and serves as base and pre-condition (see
Malville and Singh 2005). The common notion that ‘complex systems are dynamic
and always be in disequilibrium’ is in corroboration of the spatial patterning of the
goddess shrines. These systems are like a journey, not a destination, and they may
pursue a target with reference to faith and beliefs that closely fits to this complex
system.

7. The Gurudham Temple

The temple as cosmogram is clearly exemplified by Gurudham temple where
symbolism of space, cosmo-magical form and body forms a web of Tantric mandala.
This was built by Jai Narayan Ghoshal in CE 1814. The temple compound covers an
area of 4.86 ha. The seven body-sheaths (chakras) are fully represented in its basic
spatial plan (see Figs. 4.14, 4.15, 4.16). In this temple, 4 microcosmic view of the
seven most holy centres (puris) of India, and stages of meditation are spatially
represented. Similar temples in India are at Banabaria (Hamseshvari), near
Cidambaram (Satya Jnana) and Prayag/ Allahabad (Hamsa Tirtha in Jhunsi).
The temple is perceived as the preserver of light, reflecting the highest state of
Guru and the ways of meditation. The basic structure is octagonal in form, containing
a gate symbolising seven of the most holy sites bestowing salvation (puris), and the
last one, the gate of Guru himself. These eight gates also refer to eight directions.
Further, a sense of divine and mystic belief is also imposed like Shaivism (Avanti,
Kashi), Vaishnavism (Ayodhya, Mathura, Puri), and both traditions together (Kanchi),
and Shakta/ Tantric (Maya/ Haridvara). These three groups can be identified with
three schools of Hinduism. The Guru is separate from them, as he is the superb
integration of these. With his guidance, one can attain that state of divine bliss.
Moreover, number eight can be compared with various divine forms, like eight
Bhairavas, eight Devis, eight Chandis, etc.
In the inner sanctum of the temple, on a thousand-petal lotus, Guru’s icon is
established along with the icon of his divine energy: both are made of mixture of eight
metals (Ashta dhatu). The lotus expresses a twofold symbolism of exoteric and
esoteric. It symbolises a symmetrical and spatial emanation of ‘the one’, like the
root-word, Om. The lotus, in the widest sense, denotes creation generated from the
primordial seed of the cosmic waters; the Taittiriya Samhita (Sv.1, 3c) says that “the
lotus is the earth itself on those same waters.” According to another text, the lotus is
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 163

the symbol of the plane of spiritual unity, revealing itself in the centre of the
mysterious space (akasha) in the depth of the heart (Chandogya Upanishad 7.3.1).

Fig. 4.14. Gurudham Temple, Varanasi: A sketch view.

Fig. 4.15. Gurudham Temple, Varanasi: Scene of main entrance.

164 Chapter Four

Fig. 4.16. Gurudham Temple, Varanasi: Spatial plan and symbolism.

The conception of Guru in this temple is a symbol of Brahman, a Supreme One,

who has at once a manifested and a non-manifested aspect. In one way, He
encompasses the whole universe, and in other way reflects the concept of pantheism:
the One differentiates into Many, and in their togetherness the Many constitute a
Whole (Rudhyar, 1983: 31-32). Says Rudhyar (ibid.: 43): “Wholeness is in every
whole, but it also is in what are inadequately called the ‘parts’ of a whole.” In fact,
“there are no parts, only wholes – a hierarchy of wholes – that is, of organised fields
of activity and consciousness having a limited span of existence” (ibid.).
Following the analogy that “temple in itself is a body”, the plexus system of
kundalini, as described in the Yoga system, can be compared to the Gurudham
temple. Each spot from lower to higher (seven layers) is symbolised by lotus petals,
i.e., 4, 6, 10, 12, 16, 2 and 1000. A meditator has to follow the system in this sequence
with the aim of reaching the highest state. Only then can he receive blessing from the
Guru through touching his feet, as shown in the spatial plan of the temple (Fig. 4.16).
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 165

Presently the condition of the temple is very bad, mostly due to negligence, illegal
occupancy of open space, and encroachment by the nearby settlers and colonisers.
This temple will soon be out of the scene from the cityscape, and only the memory
and remnants of such a great heritage will remain in stories.

8. City as Cosmogram: Images of Kashi

We are surrounded not by sense objects but by images that are invisible to
everybody else. The symbolic expression of place, the set of symbols that gives the
people of a culture orientation in space and time, is pervasive in Hindu culture. We
find in Hinduism that places like special sites or natural sceneries, rivers, mountains,
grounds, sacred buildings and sacred cities replicate the form and process of the
cosmos. In fact, a passion for placement is basic to Hindu thought. Sacred place as
“storied place” is eulogised in Hindu mythology, or oral epics, with divine
connotation – there intersects myth and terra firma.
In the Vedic literature, Varanasi has, of course, not received much attention.
However, in the Puranic literature and treatises, its glory has been vividly stated. The
concept of image is described with various names like Kashi (The “Luminous”),
Avimukta (The “Never Forsaken” by Lord Shiva), Anadavana (The “Forest of Bliss”),
and Rudravasa (The Dwelling place of Shiva). The mahatmya (glorification) literature
describes its various forms, shapes, territories, and associated sacred numbers. Among
such symbols, the description of varying symbolic forms of Kashi/ Varanasi in
mythical time is unique in spatial exposition (cf. Singh, 1988b: 3-5). The Nagara
Khanda of the Skanda Purana (ref. the Kashi Rahasya, SB Tika, p. 119) describes the
territorial form of the sacred city as it was in the four mythic eras (yugas in Hindi
cosmology). Accordingly, the shape of Kashi was like a Trident (trishula) in Krita/
Satya (an era of 1,728,000 years), a Disc (chakra), in Treta (1,296,000 years), Chariot
(ratha) in Dvapara (864,000 years), and a Conch-shell (shankha) in Kali (432,000
years). These four forms clearly indicate the peopling, and territorial demarcation
through the sites of various shrines (cf. Fig. 3.1, page 108 of this book).
The three forks of trident are represented by the three basic segmentary Shiva
lingas, i.e., Omkareshvara in the north, Vishveshvara in the centre, and Kedareshvara
in the south. These three lingas refer to the areas around them that were settled in
ancient times and also are the patron deities of their respective segments (khandas).
Metaphorically, it is said that Kashi lies upon the trident of Shiva.
The disc-form was developed in Treta and corresponds to the Caurashikroshi
Yatra as a circle with Madhyameshvara at the centre and Dehli Vinayaka (i.e., gate to
the cosmic circle, controlled by Ganesha as guardian) as the radial point. It covers a
circumambulatory circumference of 184 miles/ 296 km, and symbolises the
circumambulation of the cosmos. However, this journey is now rarely performed. At
the four cardinal points, there exists four Bhairava shrines. Bhairava is perceived as
the terrifying form of Shiva who controls kala (time and death). He is also known as
Kala Bhairava.
The form of a chariot (in Dvapara) may be explained with the location of seven
forms of Shiva lingas as referred to in the text: Gokarneshvara, Shulatankeshvara,
Manikarnikeshvara and Bharabhuteshvara as the four wheels of the chariot on which
Vishveshvara is sitting, and Madhyameshvara and Omkareshvara as the driving
horses, with the Ganga river as the path. The direction of movement towards north
metaphorically indicates the search for Shiva’s abode in the north (i.e., Kailasha), and
also the search for the radiant spot on the cosmic path.
166 Chapter Four

The present form (in Kaliyuga) is comparable to a conch-shell. Including the above
six lingas (as in Dvapara), Vighnaraja Vinayaka in the north-west, Shaileshvara in the
north along the Varana river, Kedareshvara in the south-east, and Lolarka in the south,
it makes the shape of a conch-shell.
The description of the above four symbolic forms of Kashi is comparable to
territorial strategy that establishes different degrees of access to people, things, and
relationships to the scales of space, time, and faith. In all four forms, the Ganga river
is the base. According to another description, the two water channels, which delimit
the territorial extent of the city in the north and south, can be compared to arteries of
Shiva’s mythical body. In the language of yoga, the streams Asi and Varana,
respectively, symbolise ida and pingala, and the third artery Matsyodari, or the
Brahmanala interlinking the Ganga is referred to as sushumna (cf. Kashi Khanda
5.25-26; 33.167). The various holy sites are said to correspond to the parts of the body
of Shiva, as he himself said, ‘Kashi is my body’ (ibid.: 55.44).
According to another description in the Kashi Khanda (33.167-172), the city of
Varanasi is Shiva’s body, whose different parts are represented by the selective 18
lingas. The number 18 symbolises the 18 branches of knowledge, including four
Vedas, six parts of the Vedic divisions (Vedangas), and the rest of the branches. In
this way, the city itself is the symbol of total knowledge. The visitation and
performance of rituals at these sites provide the total knowledge. However, even by
visiting a single linga of Puraneshvara (Krittivasheshvara), one can receive the similar
merit (cf. Kashi Khanda 33.132), as this linga symbolises all the 18 lingas at another
level, and thus this linga represents total knowledge (see Fig. 4.17).
The mythology also refers Shiva linga as the parent of the universe (SP-
Vidyeshvara Samhita, 16.95), and thus the whole world is considered as Lingam (KP
II.97). This highest state of sacrality has been transposed upon the earthly territory as
the abode of divine beings which has its ‘duplicate in some transcendental sphere,
often identified with the heavens’ (cf. Gastner, 1954: 191). Therefore, its
manifestation on the earth is to be called ‘theosphere’, or ‘faithscape’.
Following an oral tradition, the city also symbolises Vishnu’s body. The
Panchatirthis (the five most sacred Ghats among the total 84 along the Ganga)
symbolises the microcosmic body of Vishnu. Asi is the head, Dashashvamedha is the
chest, Manikarnika is the navel, Panchaganga is the thighs, and Adi Keshava is the
feet (Singh, 1994b: 217). This reminds us that Vishnu first placed his holy feet in
Varanasi; that is why the area along the Ganga river is Vishnu’s body (Singh, 1996:
95). The Kashi Khanda (84.114) says that “Having bathed in the five tirthas, a person
never again receives a body of five-elements. Rather, he becomes the five-faced Shiva
in Kashi.” These myths refer to the close interdependency between Vaishnavite and
Shaivite traditions; according to myth, Shiva and Vishnu are the one integral identity
in Kashi (ibid.: 50.144).

Fig. 4.17. Krittivasheshvara linga as Shiva’s body. Symbolically consisting of 18

Shiva lingas, that is how it shows Kashi as Shiva’s body: 1 Omkareshvara, 2
Shrutishvara, 3 Mahadeva, 4 Trilochaneshvara, 5 Bharabhuteshvara, 6
Gokarneshvara, 7 Vireshvara, 8 Chandreshvara, 9 Avimukteshvara, 10 Dharmeshvara,
11 Madhyameshvara, 12 Jyestheshvara, 13 Vishveshvara, 14 Manikarnikeshvara, 15
Karpadishvara, 16 Kaleshvara, 17 Kedareshvara, 18 Shukreshvara. (cf. KKh
33.167-172).
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 167

Kashi is compared to a woman (Kashi Khanda 7.66) ‘whose two beautiful eyes are
Lolarka (in the south) and Adi Keshava (in the north), whose two arms are the Varana
(in the north) and the Asi river (in the south). That is how the territory between the
two rivers and two divine spots merges into a divine energy represented in the form of
a woman. At the next level, there are two shrines of the ‘City as Goddess.’ The small
shrine of Kashi Devi at Lalita Ghat is eulogised as the giver of relief from all the sins
and the cycle of transmigration (cf. Kashi Rahasya 17.29). Similar description is also
narrated for Varanasi Devi, whose shrine lies in the Trilochan temple (cf. Kashi
Khanda 33.127). However, sometimes the city itself is referred to as the mother
goddess (cf. Kashi Khanda 30.71).
According to an older version of the Linga Purana (as in KKT, p. 123), a sacred
sub-territory (upakshetra) in Varanasi delineated with a triangle is called Trikantaka,
delineated with the three forms of Shiva, i.e. Madhyameshvara, Svarlineshvara and
Avimukteshvara ― identifying the three edges. The territory of trikantaka [‘the
three thorns of Kali (era of falseness), Kāla (death, time rhythm) and Karma (human
deeds)’] is like a ‘cosmic whole’ in which the above three are ineffective (cf. Kkh
41.188). Like in the sheath system (hridaya chakra), Madhyameshvara, a self-born
linga sprouted from the earth to please Shiva’s devotees and unique in appearance, is
the axis mundi of the earth, which provides peace and prosperity to the devotees. This
triangle is superimposed by the three forms of Devi (Shiva’s consort), i.e.
Mahamunda, Mahalakshmi and Brahmacharini (cf. Fig. 4.18). Their superimposition
in the landscape make an archetypal representation of hexagram that integrates the
energy of primordial feminine spirit (prakriti) and the power of cosmic masculinity
(purusha); its centre is represented by the supreme power of nature goddess,
168 Chapter Four

Bhadrakali who takes hold and controls the rest six points (cf. Singh 2004: 59-60).

Fig. 4.18. Ancient Shiva and Devi shrines making hexagram.

The city is endowed with a special sense of immortality. The myth mentions that
even during the cosmic dissolution, the city stands upon Shiva’s trident like a lotus
(Kashi Khanda 44.29). The Kashi Rahasya (2.89) says:

What is that divine fight reflecting over water in arc,

Which even during cosmic flood seen as it was! (Kashi).
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 169

Moreover (ibid.: 2.95),

As an umbrella in the sky there lies divine light,

Whose rays come on the earth and make the Kashi bright.

Yupa

There still exists a sacrificial post known as Yupa Sarovara in the form of a stone
pillar (yupa, or stambha), about 16m in height and about 2m in diameter, along the
Panchakroshi route (near Sarang Talab; Fig. 4.19). The yupa symbolises the central
post of the universe, the axis mundi. It also represents the full Man, divided into
fourteen parts: seven parts above the navel, and the same number below. In this way,
the pillar integrates the seven sheaths of Cosmic Man and the earthly man; it shows
the mesocosm. According to folk legends, this is related to the mythic story of Karna,
the son of the Sun-god, born from virgin mother of Pandavas, Kunti. This pillar
represents archetypal separation of heaven and earth, and probably as the gnomon, it
was erected and used to cast measured shadows. Now this site, like other sun-shrines
and sacred spots, is in ruins; the stone there is quiet at the corner of a pond (see
Malville 1985: 220).

Fig. 4.19. Yupa Image, Yupa Sarovara.

170 Chapter Four

9. Concluding Remarks
Following the axiom that ‘reality is not external; reality exists in the human mind,
and nowhere else’, the sacred geometry of Varanasi can be understood as a result of
the state of consciousness where cosmic mystery be perceived through the symbolic
expression and experiences. Together with cosmic frame Varanasi, like other such
cities, presents a site of “exchange” between human finiteness and celestial
infiniteness that is constantly made alive through the domain of “carnivalesque” and
ephemeral reflections of cultural spatialisation ― a constantly ongoing way of
rebuilding and reappropriation (cf. Tiwari 2009: 132-133). Without imperial system
of growth the city has evolved its own cosmogram. The complex structure of the city
expresses how puranic myths and the spatial dimension of sacrality can interact with
each other and finally result to a synthesis of the holy and cosmic. Gutschow (1993:
170) has rightly stated that “The idea of a spatial mandala did not precede the town on
the contrary, the mandala mirrors in already existing world; it represents, somehow,
the “real” image of an otherwise confusing reality. It gives order to the unordered
“natural” topography of a spatial setting”. In fact, the idea of the mandala conveys the
Hindu notion of cosmic order (ibid.: 172).
The spiritual sense of sacred geometry can furnish information, a background, but
it cannot provide a compass. Myths supply this compass and also help to discover
how to orient the spiritual map of this city. However the modern man has lost his
sensual skill to orient the map in this direction. Nevertheless the idea of expanding
universe can he clearly explained by these cosmo-magico models. From inside to
outer side the universe territory expands, however the intensity of its mystic power
decreases. This inverse relationship shows the idea of expanding universe.
At present with the impact of Westernisation and materialism modem man is trying
to substitute the mythological and cosmological orientation of cities which was so
important in the ancient past, by new mythologies of technocracy where distance of
harmonic relationship between Man and Cosmos is increasing. Of course, the solution
is not so easy! Nevertheless, the historical background to cosmic layout of habitat
would certainly provide some lessons to seriously keep in mind making balance in the
future.
When and how the sacred geometry took the shape in evolving cosmicised
structure of this without support of imperial power is still an issue to be searched and
re-searched. Parallel to James’ view, with the unconscious effect, the cosmicised
frame became as much a part of Varanasi’s personality – in all its mystic power and
radiance (cf. James, cited by Mumford, 1961: 68).
Like other manifestive holy cities of India, Varanasi is also the product of human
organization and cultural enterprise and thus has some enduring human value that is
passed on from one generation to the next. Each generation must not only adapt the
system of pilgrimage mandala to its own aspirations but it should also adapt itself the
sacred order as received. This order is maintained to some extent by the pilgrimage-
rituals and to a large extent repeated in prototypal patterns. This helps to maintain
continuity and existence in spatial, temporal and psychic frames. This process is
channelized through ritualized spatial organization with respect to: (i) spatiality: the
meaning, use and direct contact of human experience in space, (ii) enculturation: the
process by which the individual through informal and non-formal modes of cultural
transmission learns the system and develops his own emotional pattern, (iii)
naturalization: the supporting aspect of enculturation through which pilgrims
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 171

understand the natural-cosmic order, and (iv) sociality: the final phenomenological
perspective based on direct experiences.

10. References
Buttimer, Anne 1989. Nature, Water Symbolism and the Human quest for wholeness;
in, Seamon, David and Mugerauer, Robert (eds.) Dwelling, Place and
Environment. Columbia University Press, New York: 257-280.
Cambel, A. B. 1993. Applied Chaos Theory : A Paradigm for Complexity. Academic
Press, Boston.
Denny, Fredrick M. 1991. Editor’s Preface; in, Meyer, Jeffrey E., loc. cit.: IX-X.
Eade, John and Sallnow, Michael J. (eds.) 1991. Contesting the Sacred. Routledge,
London.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras. City of Light. Alfred Knopf, New York; reprinted
Penguin India, New Delhi, 2002.
Eliade, Mircea. 1959. The Sacred and the Profane. Harper & Row, Torchbook, New
York.
Gastner, Th. H. 1954. Myth and Story. Numen, 1: 184-212.
Gutschow, Niels 1993. Bhaktapur: Sacred patterns of a living urban tradition; in,
Spodek, Howard and Srinivasan, Doris M. (eds.)Urban Form and Meaning in
South Asia. National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC: 163-183.
Johnson, Norris B. 1991. Garden as Sacred Space; in, Swan, James A. (ed.) The
Power of Place. Quest Books, Wheaton: 167-187.
Jung, Carl G. 1971. Psychological Types. Collected Works, vol. 6. Princeton
University Press, Princeton. Original ed. 1921.
―. 1972. Mandala Symbolism. Bollingen Series. Princeton University Press,
Princeton.
Kramrisch, Stella 1946. The Hindu Temple. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta.
Reprinted by Motilal Banaridass, Delhi, 1999.
Lannoy, Richard 1971. The Speaking Tree: A study of Indian Culture and Society.
Oxford University Press, London and New York.
Lawlor, Robert 1982. Sacred Geometry. Thames & Hudson, London.
Malville, John McKim 1985. Sun worship in contemporary India. Man in India
(Ranchi), 63 (3): 207-221-233.
―. 1991. Astrophysics, Cosmology, and the Interior space in Indian myths and
temples; in, Vatsyayan, Kapila (ed.), loc. cit.: 123-144.
―. 1992. Cosmogonic Motifs in Indian Temples; in, Lyle, Emily (ed.) Sacred
Architecture and Traditions of India, China, Judaism and Islam. Edinburgh
University Press, Edinburgh: 25-39.
―. 1994. Astronomy at Vijayanagara: Sacred Geography confronts the cosmos.
National Geographical Journal of India, 40: 171-188; also in, Singh, Rana P.B.
(ed.) The Spirit and Power of Place: Human Environment & Sacrality. National
Geographical Society of India, Pub. 41, Varanasi.
―. 2009. Complexity and Self-organization in Pilgrimage Systems; in, Saraswati,
B.N. and Malville, John K. (eds.) Pilgrimage, Sacred Landscape and Self-
Organised Complexity. DK Printworld, Delhi for IGNCA: 32-51.
Malville, J.McKim and Singh, Rana P.B. 1998. Pilgrimage ma‡Çalas of the Gangetic
plains. A paper presented at the 14th I.C.A.E.S., July 26-Aug.1, Session on
“Pilgrimage: Text and Context”, Williamsburg, VA, U.S.A.
172 Chapter Four

Meyer, Jeffrey E 1991. The Dragons of Tiananmen: Beijing as Sacred City.

University of South Carolina Press, Columbia.
Morinis, E. Alan 1984. Pilgrimage in the Hindu Tradition. Oxford University Press,
New Delhi.
Mumford, Lewis. 1961. The City in History. Harcourt, Brace & World, New York.
Nemeth, David J. 1987. The Architecture of Ideology. University of California Pub. in
Geography, vol. 26, Berkeley.
Prinsep, James 1831 / 1835. Benaras Illustrated in a Series of Drawings. I: 1831, II:
1831, III: 1835. The Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta.
Rapoport, Amos 1990. The Meaning of Built Environment. University of Arizona
Press, Tucson.
―. 1993. Cross-Cultural Studies and Urban Form. Urban Studies & Planning
Program, University of Maryland, Monograph no. 10, College Park.
Rudhyar, Dane. 1983. Rhythm of Wholeness. Quest Books, Theosophical Publ. House,
Wheaten.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1987a. Toward Myth, Cosmos, Space and Mandala in India: A
Search in the Geography of Belief Systems. National Geographical Journal of
India, 33 (3): 305-326.
―. 1987b. The Pilgrimage Mandala of Varanasi (Kashi): A Study in Sacred
Geography. National Geographical Journal of India, 33 (4): 493-524.
―. 1988a. Interplay of Sacred Time and Sacred Space in Hindu Belief System.
Geisteshaltung und Umwelt, ed. Werner Kreisel. AGGR / U-Forschung, Bd. 1.
Alono edition herodot, Aachen (FRG): 439-454.
―. 1988b. The Image of Varanasi: Sacrality and perceptual world. National
Geographical Journal of India, 34 (1): 1-32.
―. 1993a. Cosmic layout of Hindus’ Sacred City, Varanasi (Benares). Architecture &
Behaviour (Lausanne, Switzerland), 9 (2): 239-249.
―. (ed.) 1993b. Banaras (Varanasi): Cosmic Order, Sacred City and Hindu
Traditions. Tara Book Agency, Varanasi.
―. 1993c. Cosmos, Theos, Anthropos: An Inner Vision of Sacred Ecology in
Hinduism. National Geographical Journal of India, 39: 113-130; also in Singh,
Rana P. B. (ed.) Environmental Ethics: Discourses & Cultural Traditions. National
Geographical Society of India, Pub. 40, Varanasi.
―. 1994 a. Water symbolism and sacred landscape in Hinduism: A study of Benares.
Erdkunde (Bonn, Germany), Band 48 (3), September: 210-227.
―. 1994 b. Sacred Geometry of India’s Holy City, Varanasi: Kashi as Cosmogram.
National Geographical Journal of India, 40: 189-216; also in, Singh, Rana P.B.
(ed.) The Spirit & Power of Place. Human Environment and Sacrality. Varanasi:
National Geographical Society India, Pub. 41.
―. 1996. The Ganga River and the spirit of sustainability in Hinduism: A study of
Banaras (Varanasi); in, Swan, James and Swan, Roberta (eds.) Dialogues with the
Living Earth. New Ideas on the Spirit of Place. Quest Books, Wheaton, IL, USA:
pp. 86-107.
―. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. The Panchakroshi Yatra of Banaras.
Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2004. Cultural Landscapes and the Lifeworld. Literary Images of Banaras
(Kashi). Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2009a. Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History and
Bibliography. Indica Books, Varanasi.
 Sacred Geometry and Cosmogram 173

―. 2009b. Geographical Thoughts in India: Snapshots and Vision for 21st Century.
Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding, Series Pub. 2. Cambridge Scholars
Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne UK.
Singh, Rana P. B. and Malville, John McKim 1995. Cosmic order and Cityscape of
Varanasi (Kashi): The Sun images and cultural astronomy. National Geogr. Jl. of
India, 41 (1), March: pp. 69-88.
―. 2005. Pilgrimage-tourists to Varanasi (Kashi): Critique of the theories, and a
search for Self-Organised Patterns in Space and Time; in, George, Babu P. and
Swain, Sampad (eds.) Advances in Tourism Theory and Practice: Perspectives
from India. Abhijeet Pubs, New Delhi: 01-24.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin S. 2006. The Banaras Region. A Spiritual and
Cultural Guide. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series, No. 1. 2nd ed. Indica Books,
Varanasi.
Singh, Rana P.B.; Singh, Ravi S. and Rana, Pravin S. 2002. Sacred Geography of
Goddesses in Kashi (Varanasi). Journal of Geography, vol. 3 (Gauhati University,
Guwahati, AS, India), October: pp. 11 – 35.
Singh, Shivprasad 1996. Vaishvanara (‘The Primordial Fire’). A novel in Hindi,
based on ancient Varanasi. Vani Prakashan, New Delhi.
Swan, James A. 1990. Sacred Places. Bear & Co., Santa Fe.
―. (ed.) 1991. The Power of Place. Quest Books, Wheaton.
Tiwari, Reena 2009. Space-Body-Ritual: Performativity in the City. Lexington Books
(Rowman & Littlefield), Lanham.
Vatsyayan, Kapila (ed.) 1991. Concepts of Space: Ancient and Modern. IGNCA, and
Abhinav Pub., Delhi.
Verma, T.P. 1971-84. The Temples of Banaras. Bharati (Bulletin of the College of
Indology, BHU, Varanasi), No. 15: 194-205 + 6 plates.
Volwahsen, Andreas 1969. Living Architecture: Indien. Oxford & IBH Co., Calcutta.
English Trans. Anne E. Keep.
Wheatley, Paul 1969. City as Symbol. H. K. Lewis & Co., London.
 CHAPTER 5
SHIVA’S UNIVERSE:
MAKING OF TERRITORIAL COMPLEXITIES

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. Shiva, a trinity in Hindu pantheon, is a god of controlling cosmic rhythm
from beginning to end and finally recreating the followed up cycle after dissolution.
Shiva’s sacred place of meditation is in Kailash (Tibet), but his abode is in Varanasi
where he rooms invisibly. Represented as cosmic mandala, his iconographic form
represents all the trio characters (evolution, sustenance, and dissolution) of Hindu
cosmogony. There are three thousand forms of Shiva and his family members in
Varanasi, which may be categorised into various groups, like self-born, light-
manifested, installed by his associates, planets and great sages, etc. moreover, all the
pan-Indian Shiva temples are spatially manifested in Varanasi that converge to form
orders, orientations and interlinking network. Similarly location of Shiva’s son
Ganesha (elephant-headed god) with his main fifty-six forms make a spirally oriented
directional pattern. All these images (Shiva and Ganesha) are invoked everyday by
devotes making them alive to experience intimate interaction between humanity and
divinity.
Keywords: cosmic order, cosmogony, Ganesha (Vinayaka), Hindu planets, Jyotilinga,
spiral layer, Svayambhu, universe, yatra.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Kashi is endowed by innumerable number of Shiva lingas that is uncountable. In every

house, at every corner of nock, at every junction of crossing lanes, under every old
tress, and every inch of space possesses some form of linga. It is beyond imagination to
count them all. That’s how the saying that every particle of sand in Varanasi having
essence of some form of Shiva, which means that each particle of sand in itself is a
linga.
― Kuberanatha Sukul (1977: 122).

1. Shiva and Varanasi

Similar to syllable Om, Shiva is considered as a god without any form or attributes,
and further stands for all knowledge. His name Shambhu derived from Svayambhuva
reflects the meaning of self-born. It has been realized in ancient past that he was at the
bottom of everything that is moving, he was called Ishvara, or “i-chara” (I = this, and
chara = to move) (Pillai 1959: 11). It is therefore various forms of Shiva are
transposed in the city of Varanasi/Kashi in the form of Ishvara (as suffix to the
various forms of Siva), and a lingam has been installed there to honour that form.
It is a popular saying that every piece of stone has divinity of Shiva in Kashi. This
proverb clearly indicates a large number of Shiva lingams, and also peoples’ strong
belief to worship Siva as the patron deity of the city. In the processes of humanization
and sanctification, ail human performances are added to Lord Shiva, therefore
worship of various lingas is associated to different motives.
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 175

Fig. 5.1. Varanasi: The three Khandas (segments) and the patron deity Shiva.

There are many legends and Puranic descriptions about the origin of worship of
Shiva in an anthropomorphic and ithyphallic form, usually as the stylized lingam (see
Morinis 1984: 27-30). Most of the Western scholars believe in the latter concept. But
according to another interpretation the Shiva lingam consists of three parts: a square at
the bottom, an octagon in the centre and a cylinder with spherical end at the top.
Symbolically the square represents Brahma, the creator; the octagon represents
Vishnu, the preserver; and the round portion which vanishes at the top even without a
point represents Shiva, the destroyer. Thus, the lingam integrates evolution, existence
and involution, i.e. shristhi, sthiti, and samhara (Pillai 1959: 19-20). This number
three also to be compared with Shiva’s trishula― three-pronged spear, Trident. These
are symbolized in the landscape of Varanasi with the three sacred segments, each
having antargriha (inner circuit) route along with their associated patron deity:
176 Chapter Five

Vishveshvara in the centre, Omkareshvara in the north, and Kedareshvara in the south
(Fig. 5.1). It is this perception that Kashi is believed to be settled on the trishula.
According to popular religious traditions there appear 56 pilgrimage routes (sacred
journeys) and all having a fixed symbolic number of deities, symbolising cosmogonic
perspective. Among these pilgrimages the eight are the most common and still in
practice at different degress; they are Panchakroshi Yatra (PY), Nagar Pradakshina
(NP), Avimukta Yatra (AV), Vishveshvara Antargriha (VA), Kedareshvara
Antargriha (KA), Omkareshvara Antargriha (OA), Uttaramanas Yatra (UM), and
Dakshinamanas Yatra (DM). Altogether in these eight yatras total 774 divine images
are ritually worshipped. The most common form of divinity is Shiva (444), his consort
goddess (80), son Ganesha (58), his assistants (22), and his black-form (21); thus his
and his associates number records around 81 per cent of share in the total number of
divinities (cf. Table 5.1). Almost all these images and the routes are described in a late
15th century text, Gurucharitra, which clearly justify the historicity of these
pilgrimage routes and the affiliated deities.
In all the above pilgrimages that record 444 forms of Shiva can further be
categorised according to their specific characteristics, like light manifestation
(Jyotira), self manifestation (Svayambhu), and others those established by family
members of lord Rama, other gods, sages, Shiva’s assistants (ganas), pious kings,
planet gods (grahas), place associated forms, the myth-based forms, and some distinct
and unique forms (see Table 5.2). Of course the number of each of the group of
Jyotira and Svambhu at pan-India level is 12, and they are spatially manifested in
Varanasi by the late 9th century, they are repeated in different pilgrimages therefore
their number increased. Moreover, after passages of time a particular linga has been
spatially manifested at two or three places that fit into the route affinity. Late myths
have been added to glorify them and make them equal to the first or the original ones,
which result to sometimes contestation and contradiction in the description of the
pilgrimages. These issues are either solved through adjustments or common
acceptance. The number of Shiva images on Panchakroshi and also Vishveshvara
Antariha yatra comes to 56, which archetypally shows the leading cosmic power of
Shiva who in his multiplied form (8 directions x 7 layers in the atmosphere/ or layers
of the sheaths in human body) controls the rhythm of spatial cardinality (8) and
temporal movement linking earth and the heaven (7).

Table 5.1. Kashi (Varanasi): Divine Forms/ Deities in the main Tirthayatras.
Pilgrimage/ Tirthayatra PY NP AV VA KA OA UM DM A-K
Divine form/ Deity 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Shiva/ Linga Form 56 38 46 56 72 67 58 51 444
2. Vinayaka/ Ganesha 11 10 11 6 7 2 3 8 58
3. Shiva Gana 10 -- -- -- 6 1 3 2 22
4. Devi/ Shakti form 9 5 3 3 11 1 7 13 49
5. Durga/ her Form 1 6 4 3 8 3 1 5 31
6. Vishnu/ his Form 4 4 2 1 2 6 4 6 29
7. Bhairava 2 1 1 1 6 2 5 3 21
8. Sacred site/ 2 -- -- -- 2 2 1 -- 7
Kshetra
9. River/ water spot 5 4 -- -- 4 3 1 9 26
10. Kunda/ Kupa/ Tank 8 3 4 1 7 20 21 9 73
11. Aditya/ Surya (Sun) -- 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 11
TOTAL 108 72 72 72 126 108 108 108 774
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 177

[1 PY Panchakroshi Yatra, 2 NP Nagar Pradakshina, 3 AY Avimukta Yatra, 4 VA

Vishveshvara Antargriha, 5 KA Kedareshvara Antargriha, 6 OA Omkareshvara
Antargriha, 7 UM Uttaramanas Yatra, 8 DM Dakshinamanas Yatra; 9 A-K Total Kashi].

Table 5.2 . Kashi (Varanasi): Shiva/ Linga Forms in the main Tirthayatras.
Pilgrimage/ Tirthayatra PY NP AV VA KA OA UM DM A-K
Shiva/ Linga Form/ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
es. Established by
1. Jyotira 4 5 8 4 4 5 3 4 37
2. Svayambhu 5 2 3 2 3 2 2 3 22
3. Rama & family 3 2 -- -- 7 -- 1 2 15
4. Gods es. 1 -- 2 1 5 4 4 6 23
5. Sages es. 7 6 4 9 12 12 7 5 62
6. Shiva Ganas es. 9 4 6 8 10 11 7 3 58
7. Kings es. 1 5 2 4 13 6 3 2 36
8. Planet (Graha) es. -- 1 1 1 -- 2 5 1 11
9. Form of Shiva-site 4 1 3 3 4 3 8 6 32
10. Myth related 5 4 7 6 8 12 6 13 61
11. Distinct form 17 8 10 18 6 10 12 6 87
TOTAL 56 38 46 56 72 67 58 51 444
[1 PY Panchakroshi Yatra, 2 NP Nagar Pradakshina, 3 AY Avimukta Yatra, 4 VA
Vishveshvara Antargriha, 5 KA Kedareshvara Antargriha, 6 OA Omkareshvara
Antargriha, 7 UM Uttaramanas Yatra, 8 DM Dakshinamanas Yatra; 9 A-K Total Kashi].

2. Shiva, the supreme: Shiva Linga, the Mandala

The frame of the cosmic reality, according to ancient Hindu thought, consists of
the three fundamental states called evolution (shrishthi), existence (sthiti), and
involution (samhara) that act in an infinite cyclic process. Each one of these phases is
controlled by a god, named Brahma (the creator), Vishnu (the preserver), and Shiva
(the one who completes the cosmic cycle and re-start it); these three gods form a kind
of Trinity (trimurti). Shiva, being the last to complete the cycle from which a new
cycle starts, is known as Mahadeva, the Supreme Divinity. The iconographic form of
Shiva, the Linga, represents the unity of the three states of the cosmos (Fig. 5.2).
The Agni Purana (53.3-5), an early 6th century text, mentions that “the linga
should extend progressively in the Brahma and Vishnu portions. That for Brahma
should be four sided, that for Vishnu eight, sixteen, thirty-two, or sixty-four sided, and
that for Shiva should be round”. The linga consists of the three parts. The first is a
square base of three-layers at the bottom showing the three mythical realms (lokas),
symbolising evolution – the place of Brahma (cf. Singh 2009: 125). The second is an
octagonal round form in the middle showing the eight directions, symbolising
existence or perseverance – the place of Vishnu; and the third is a cylinder at the top
with a spherical end, symbolising involution or completion of the cosmic cycle – the
place of Shiva. The Agni Purana (53.5) has further elaborated on the vertical position
of the linga; it says:

… from the foot up to the knees should be Brahma’s portion, from the knees up to the
navel it should be Vishnu’s portion, and from the navel up to the top of the head should
be Shiva’s portion. The portion assigned to Brahma is buried in the ground, that for
Vishnu is within the pithika, and that for Shiva is above the pithika.
178 Chapter Five

Fig. 5.2. Shiva Linga as Mandala.

This icon shows the supreme state of integrity, the ultimate form of Shiva – the
linga itself is a symbol of the cosmic mandala. This image, which represents supreme
form of Shiva (Maheshvara), symbolises the supreme state of unity, and stands for all
knowledge (Singh 2009: 125). As Sadashiva (eternal reality) Shiva is represented as a
linga, standing also for ‘total knowledge’. As Rudra, the destroyer, his consort is Kali.
As Bhairava, the terrible destroyer, his consort is Durga. As a jovial god living in the
Himalaya, his wife is Parvati. As possessor of all forms of divine power, Shiva walks
at the centre of everything that is moving. That is why he is called Ishvara, derived
from I-chara, i.e. I, the centre, and chara, the rhythm of movement. Shiva is also
depicted as cosmic dancer, Tandava Nartakari, the one who keeps up the rhythm of
the world in the cosmos. The linga of Shiva has three significations. They are linga as
sign; linga as phallus, and as cosmic substance (prakriti or pradhāna), which is the
subtle body (linga sharīra) of Shiva, who is the absolute reality, “the imperishable
Purusha” (Linga Purāna 1.20.70) … “The perceptible state this is the gross body
(sthūla sharīra), or concrete reality as it appears to the sense organs. In between the
ultimate and concrete reality is prakriti, also called pradhāna. Out of this
imperceptible cosmic substance all things have come, and to it they will return”
(Kramrisch 1992: 167).
In the cosmogonic frame it is believed that the city of Kashi lies on the trident of
Lord Shiva in his own realm, and whatever Kashi we perceive is the shadow of the
cosmic Kashi. Shiva is the patron deity of Varanasi and presents himself in all his
forms at different locations, worshipped by devotees on different occasions and also
daily by devout Hindus. The Kashi Khanda, a 15th century text, mentions about 1188
temples in Varanasi, of which 540 are directly of Shiva, 56 of Vishnu, 16 of Bhairava,
96 of Devi (the goddess who in different forms is Shiva’s consort), and 72 of
Vinayaka (Ganesha), Shiva’s son. According to the Linga Purana (2.14.1-3), in the
manifest form Shiva’s presence is in all the five senses of cognition (hearing, feeling,
seeing, tasting, and smelling) and the five gross elements of organic life (earth, water,
fire, air, and space), and he dwells in each with his five organs of actions (excretion,
reproduction, apprehension, locomotion, speech). The sacred mantra honouring Shiva
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 179

is composed of five syllables, (Om) “Na-mah-Shi-vā-ya”, denoting the five above

characteristics (cf. Table 5.8). Thus, Shiva represents the ultimate reality of unity
between Man (humanity) and the Cosmos (divinity).
The Puranic literatures describe Varanasi as the first city after the great cosmic
dissolution (mahapralaya) which later developed as resort of Lord Shiva (Parry 1981:
339). This was first perceived long ago and promoted the installation of enormous
forms of Shiva as Ishvara (the Universal Lord) in the sacred topography of Varanasi.
The numbers three, four and five are again represented with various layers of
yatras: three with Avimukta, Nagara Pradakshina and Panchakroshi; four additionally
including Antargriha (i.e. Vishveshvara Antargriha); five including, in addition to the
above four, Brihada Panchakroshi route. These numbers may be symbolized with
trident (three prongs); four arms, and five-headed image of Shiva. This again shows
that Shiva is an universal god having control over three realms, four directions and
five elements. It is this form of sacred topography in Varanasi which promotes its
character towards “wholeness”.

3. Typology of Siva Lingas

According to the Skanda Purana- Kashi Khanda, KKh (97.261, 269, 280) there
exist 511 Shiva lingas in the Varanasi region (Sukul 1977: 122). Referring to
typology, in Kashi a five-tier hierarchy of lingas, famous for their various niches of
spiritual magnetism, can be identified under different categories.
Table 5.3. Varanasi: Svayambhulinga of Shiva (Self-Born Forms).
No Svayambhu Original Place Location in Varanasi, Latitude, Longitude
Shiva Linga in India House No. N° , E°
1 Avimukteshvara Chamoli, Jnanavapi, Radhakrishna 25 18.681 83 00.604
Uttarakhand Dharmashala, CK 30/1
2 Omkareshvara Mandhata, Omkareshvara, 25 19.539 83 01.355
Madhya Pradesh Pathanitola, A 33 / 23
3 Jyeshtheshvara Jyesthasthan, Saptasagar, Karnaghanta, 25 19.042 83 00.598
Gujarat K 62 / 144
4 Madhyameshvara Chamoli, Maidagin, Daranagar, K 25 19.239 83 00.837
Uttarakhand 53 / 63
5 Mahadeo Vrindaraka Adi Mahadeo, Trilochan, 25 19.169 83 01.372
Kshetra A 3 / 92
6 Vishveshvara Varanasi itself Vishvanatha-Ji, 25 18.637 83 00.594
Jnanavapi, CK 35/19
7 Vrishabhadhvaja Gangasagara, Kapileshvara, 25 20.408 83 02.742
W.B. Kapiladhara
8 Kedareshvara Chamoli, Kedara Ghat, B 6 / 102 25 17.985 83 00.425
Uttarakhand
9 Kapardishvara Chhagland Pishachamochan, C 21/ 25 19.317 82 59.763
Tirtha 40
10 Svayambhu Linga Nakulishvara ca. Mahalakshmishvara, 25 18.622 83 00.022
Kshetra Lakshmikund D 54/114
11 Bhurbhuvah Gandamadhan Bhutabhairava, K 63/ 26 25 19.029 83 00.658
Linga Parvat
12 (Atma) Ujjain, Madhya Atmavireshvara, 25 18.729 83 00.930
Vireshvara Pradesh Scindhia Ghat, CK 7/158
(The latitudes and longitudes are based on GPS values, using GPS Garmin 12X, © Rana P.B. Singh)
180 Chapter Five

3.1. Self-born lingas (Svayambhuva)

These lingas are self-originated, “having came into existence autochthonously in

the primordial past” (Morinis 1984: 29). It is believed that the inner portion is
interlinked with the bottom of the river Ganga. On pan-India level sixty-eight sites of
Svayambhuva lingas are identified, of them twelve are the most important and located
in various parts of India (Gopinatha Rao 1968: 82-85). It refers to twelve months in a
year, thus the performances of sacrifices and worships to these sites refer to the
totality of the year, the twelve dominions, and the twelve parts of human body (see
Spellman 1962: 87-88, also Morinis 1984: 29). In Varanasi some of these lingas
clearly represent the older course of the Ganga, and even the nature of land depression
as even today they are lying in a relatively low area where a ditch-shaped construction
has been made. The twelve svyambhuva lingas are given in the Table 5.3.

3.2. Lingas installed by the Hindu Planets and Gods.

Among such lingams, the seven installed by the planet gods (graha devatas) are
notable, which are especially worshipped for getting relief from curses of the
particular planet; the details are given in Table 5.4. Thus, the worship of these seven
lingas complete the cycle of weekly pilgrimage. According to the KKh (31) there also
exist forty-six other lingas established by the gods in and around the vicinity of
Varanasi.

Table 5.4. Varanasi: Vara and Nava Graha (9 planets) Yatra, KKh 46. 14-17.
No Graha Planet Image Location, House No. Motive
& day
1 Ravi Sun Gabhastishvara Bala Ghat, Mangla- relief from
gauri, K 24/34 skin diseases
2 Soma Moon Chandreshvara Siddheshvari T., CK relief from
7/ 124 stress
3 Mangala Mars Mangaleshvara Atmavireshvara T., get energy and
CK 7/ 158 strength
4 Budha Mercury Budheshvara Atmavireshvara T., get knowledge
CK 7/ 158
5 Brihaspati Jupiter Brihaspatishvara Facing no. 4, CK 7/ get wisdom
133
6 Shukra Venus Sukreshvara Kalika Gali, D 8/ 30 get relief from
the curse
7 Shani Saturn Sanaichare- Vishvanath T. get relief from
shvara compound, CK 35/ 19 the curse
8 Rahu Ascending Kambaleshvara/ Gomath, Brahmanal, get relief from
node, moon Kamaleshvara CK 8/ 14A the curse
9 Ketu Descending Ashvatareshvara Gomath, Brahmanal, get relief from
node, moon CK 8/ 14A the curse

3.3. Lingas installed by the Great Saints

According to the KKh (73), there exist 47 lingas established by the great saints like
Agastya, Atri, Kanadi, Gautam, Jabali, Jaimini, Durvasa, Narada, Pulatsya; Parashara,
Bhardvaja, Bhrigu, Yajnavalakya, Vyasa, Vashishtha, Valmiki, Shaunaka, etc. Some
of them have now lost their identity. The KKh (18. 16 – 21) prescribe special
pilgrimage to the seven lingas manifested by the great Vedic sages, especially on the
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 181

5th day of the light-half of every month (cf. Table 5.5); however one received special
merit on Bhadrapada (Aug-Sept) light-half 5th day, called Rishi Panchami. This is a
common tradition that while performing sacred journeys the devotees should also
perform rituals and make oblation before the other divine images associated to the
shrines or directly falling on the route of movement.

Table 5.5. Sapta Rishi Yatra, Seven Shiva Images

No. Rishi-form Linga Location, House No.
1 Atrishvara Kodai Chauki, D 50/33, lost; now Narad ghat
2 Maricishvara Nagakuan, Marici Kunda; Mirasagar D25/ 11
3 Pulaheshvara Javavinayaka, Sureka Bldg. CK 33 / 43
4 Pulastyeshvara Javavinayaka, Sureka Bldg. CK 33 / 43
5 Angirasheshvara Jangambari, attached to main Rd, D 35/ 79
6 Vashishtheshvara Scindhia Ghat, CK 7 / 161
7 Kritavishvara Javavinayaka, on steps, CK 33 / 36

3.4. Lingas installed by Shiva Ganas

According to the KKh (73) there exist forty lingas in the vicinity of Varanasi
established by the Ganas of Shiva. Additionally there are also five more lingas
established by them. However in common pilgrimage tradition only eight lingas
established by Shiva’s ganas are visited, among which Dandapani is assumed to be
the leader of the rest seven (see Table 5.6).

Table 5.6. Varanasi: Shiva’s Ganas and their installed lingas.

No. Name of Gana Associated Shiva Linga Location

1 Dandapani Dandishvara in Mukti Mandapa
2 Ghantakarna Ghantakarneshvara near Karnaghanta tank
3 Virabhadra Virabhadreshvara west of Avimukteshvara
4 Hundan-Mundan Hundesh-Mundesh near Shaileshvara
5 Kshemaka Kshemeshvara in Kshemeshvara
6 Chhagvak Chhagvkeshvara at Kapiladhara
7 Panchashirsha Panchashikheshvara near Vetal Kund
8 Chatuhshringa Rudra ----- not clear ----- west of Hartirath tank

3.5. Spatially Transposed Lingams

Among such lingams, there are two categories:

(a) Light-reflecting lingas (Jyotir-lingams), numbering twelve, of which one already
in Varanasi in the form of patron deity, Vishveshvara. The rest spatially
transposed in Varanasi are given in Table 5.7 (also see Fig. 5.3).

(b) According to the KKh sixty-five lingas were transposed in Varanasi symbolizing
different lingas at various holy sites in India; of them only forty-five are still
existing in Varanasi while the rest have vanished or lost their identity (see Sukul
1977: 164-167).
182 Chapter Five

Table 5.7. Varanasi: Jyotirlingas, Light-Manifested Forms of Shiva.

No. Shiva Jyotirlinga Original place Location in Varanasi, Latitude, Longitude,
in India House No. N° E°
1 Someshvara Somnath, Someshvara, near the 25 18.498 83 00.636
Gujarat Man Mandir Ghat, D 16
/ 34
2 Mallikarjuna Shrishail, Tripurantakeshvara, 25 18.505 82 59.261
Andhra Pradesh Sigra (Sivapurva) Tila,
D 59 / 95
3 Mahakaleshvara Ujjain, Madhya Vriddhakaleshvara, 25 19.361 83 00.911
Pradesh Mahamritunjaya, K 52 /
39
4 Omkareshvara Mandhata, Omkareshvara, 25 19.539 83 01.355
MadhyaPradesh Pathanitola, A 33 / 23
5 Vaidyanath Deoghar, Bihar Vaidyanatheshvara, 25 18.171 82 59.411
Kamachha, B 37 / 1
6 Bhimashankara Pune, Bhimeshvara, 25 18.662 83 00.638
Maharashtra Kashikarvat, CK 32 / 12
7 Rameshvara Rameshvaram, Rameshvara, Rama 25 18.565 82 59.826
Tamil Nadu Kund, D 54 / 45; (at 4
sites more)
8 Nageshvara Near Dvaraka, Nageshvara, Bhonshala 25 18.822 83 00.921
Gujarat Ghat, CK 2 / 1
9 Vishveshvara Varanasi itself Vishvanatha-Ji, 25 18.637 83 00.594
Jnanavapi, CK 35 / 19
10 Tryambake- Nasik, Tyayambakeshvara, 25 18.599 83 00.392
shvara Maharashtra Baradeo, D 38 / 21
11 Kedareshvara Chamoli (U.P.), Kedareshvara, Kedar 25 17.985 83 00.425
in Himalaya Ghat, B 6 / 102
12 Ghushmeshvara Ellora, Ghushrinishvara, in 25 18.216 82 59.556
Maharashtra Kamachha, B 21 / 123
(The latitudes and longitudes are based on GPS values, using GPS Garmin 12X, © Rana P.B. Singh)

Table 5.8. Shiva’s five forms in Varanasi and associated sacred qualities.

Shiva’s Mantra Power of Form, Location Direc- Colour Element

form symbol in Varanasi tion
Nandi Sadyojata/ action Nandikeshvara West White Earth
(his na (Jnanavapi)
vehicle)
Uma Vamadeva/ knowledge Umeshvara North Red Water
(his mah (Madhia Ghat)
consort)
Bhairava Aghora/ will Bhairaveshvara South Black Fire
Shi (Kala Bhairava)
Mahadeva Tatpurusha/ origin Mahakaleshvara East Yellow Air
vā (Dara Nagar)
Sada Ishana/ supremacy Ishaneshvara Upward Crystal Ether
Shiva ya (Kotwalpura)
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 183

Fig. 5.3. India: Shiva Jyotirlingas.

The, universal personality of Shiva is represented with number five which shows
wholeness. The five faces of Shiva originated out of ‘the formless Absolute (shunya),
and they are source of the five shaktis and five kalas (energies and their subtle,
material manifestations) from which the world is created. Each face is connected with
certain qualities of power, specific mantra, direction, colour and the five basic
elements of he organism (see Table 5.8, for details) (see Vail 1985: 124, 183 fn. 4). It
is, therefore, Shiva is regarded as Panchamukha (five-headed) with different symbolic
colours for different forms, and each form is installed in Varanasi separately. The
merit and glories of these five forms are given in the Linga Purana (1.23.18-22).
Similar to Kashi, in Tamil Nadu five basic elements are represented in the sacred
territory symbolized with a particular lingam: Ekambareshvara (earth), Kalahasti
184 Chapter Five

(water), Jambukeshvara (air), Chidambaram (ether), and Arunachala at Tiruvanamalai

(fire) (see Bharati 1970: 99). Even the mantra to please Shiva, panchakshari (namah
shivaye, is related to the five forms, thus its muttering represents the absolute entity of
the whole universe.
Similarly, Shiva’s other associates may also be analysed in terms of sacred sites
and routes of pilgrimages, e.g. seven Gauris, eight Bhairavas, nine Durgas, fifty six
Vinayakas (Ganesha) etc.

Fig. 5.4. Varanasi: location of the Bhairavas.

4. Bhairava: Ordered Location and Territorial Control

Says Kramrisch (1992: 278), “The mythical figure of Mahākāla is Bhairava. The
hierarchy of Time within Lord Shiva is acted out in the myth of Bhairava. The
hierarchy of Time within Lord Shiva is acted out in the myth of Bhairava. The myth
shows the overcoming of temporality that has its image in Kāla, the god who is Time
and Death”. Visuvalingam and Visuvalingam (2006: 95) have explicitly described the
personality and role of Bhairava: “As secret transgressive identity of the royal Shiva
in the form of Kashi Vishvanatha, Bhairava is of central significance to the holy city
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 185

of Banaras. The divine magistrate (kotwāl), who inflicts his liberating metaphysical
punishment (bhairavī yātanā) at the sacrificial pillar, is also the brahmanicide who
has violated the most sacred laws of the Hindu tradition”. The KKh (72-93) and the
TS (195) describe location of eight Bhairava images, located at different places in an
order that each one controlling the cardinal points (cf. Table 5.9), but after passage of
time many of the original sites have been shifted and get transformed. Sukul (1977:
21) has discovered a manuscript describing the details of the Bhairava yatra that
described the pilgrimage to these sites. The Kāla Bhairava is considered to be the
overall overseer of the ‘life-death-time’ in Varanasi (KKh 31); popularly He is
perceived as Kotwāl of the city, therefore in the above list He is not mentioned. In
addition to the nine Bhairavas, eight more are also referred in mythologies and their
temples established in the past in the city: Ananda-I, Batuka, Avashana, Dvara,
Kankala. Ashu or Mohana, Ananda-II, and Dandapani (cf. Fig. 5.4). Thus, altogether
there exist 17 Bhairava shrines. The yatra is performed on the 8th and the 14th day of
each lunar month, and also on each Sunday and Tuesday. Presently, pilgrimage to
Kāla Bhairava is most common; and annual celebration happens on the 8th day of
dark-half (waning) in Margashirsha (November-December) of Hindu calendar. The
Bhairava yatra records its historical root in the puranic literature: MP (181.28-30)
mentions a great seat of Bhairava, and the KKh (31.40-47, 59-60, 114-115, 121-122,
138-140, 148-152; 72.93) gives the glorious description of Bhairavas in Kashi (Singh
1987: 510-512).

Table 5.9. Bhairava Yatra, KKh, 72.93.

No. Name of Symbolic Meaning Location, House No.
Bhairava
1. Ruru The Dog Hanuman Ghat, in Madhi, c. to B 4 / 18
2. Chanda The Fierce Durga T., Durga Kunda, c. Kali, B 27 / 2
3. Unmatta The Wild In Deura village, in the Pancakroshi route
4. Kapala (Kapali, The Skull-Bearer Alaipur, Lata Bhairava, A 1 / 123
or Lata)
5. Krodhana The Wrathful Kamachha, in Batuka Bhairava, B 31 / 126
6. Asitanga The Black Limb Compound of Vriddhakala, K 52 / 39
7. Samhara The Destructive Gaighat, Patan Darwaza, A 1 / 82
8. Bhishana (Bhuta) The Horrific Called Bhutabhairava, Kashipura, K 63 / 28
9. Ananda (I) The Blissful near Vriddhaditya, Mir Ghat, D 3 / 14
10. Adi The First One Kamachha, Adi Bhairava, B 31 / 126
11. Batuka The Baby-Form Kamachha, Batuka Bhairava, B 31 / 126
12. Dandapani The Mace-Carrier Kala Bhairava road, K 31 / 49
13. Kshetrapala The Area-Protector Backside to Kala Bhairava T, in Madhi
14. Ananda (II) The Blissful Jaitpura, in front of Skandamata, J 6 / 33
15. Kankala The Skeleton-Form Manikarnika,c. Jyotirupeshvara, CK 8 / 180
16. Avasana The Stunned One S gate of Tripurabhairavi, D 5 / 24
17. Ashu (Mohana) The Excite One Called Mohan Bhairava, Lajpat Road
18. Dvara The Gate-Keeper In Vishvanatha T., SW corner, CK 35 / 19
19. Kala The Death Kala Bhairava, K 32 / 22

5. Devi, Shiva’s consort

The images, forms, motives involved, varieties of rituals performed, role of
sacred place and sacred time, etc. are vividly described in the Puranic mythologies
that helped to maintain and continue the tradition of goddess worship, reaching at its
186 Chapter Five

zenith by the turn of 12th century CE (for details see Singh and Singh 2006).
According to the Kashi Khanda, dated ca. 13th century, there developed multiplicity
of layers, orderings, locations and hierophanies of goddesses, thus reference of 324
forms are enumerated, among which today only 96 are existent, and the rest merged
into these form still invoked in rituals with a different names. The notable categories
include Yoginis, Durgas, Gauris, Matrikas, Chandis, Kali, Kshetra Devis,
Mahavidyas, and folk goddesses. All these forms converge into spatial patterning and
cosmic ordering, resulting to form a complex system where goddesses exist as
omnipresent and omniscient in the sacredscape of Varanasi.

Fig. 5.5. Varanasi: The Kshetra Devis.

The KKh (70.10-97) describes the list of Kshetra Devis, representing combination
of all the important forms of goddesses, which includes all Durgas, Gauris (of course,
sometimes variant names), and many other goddesses of Kashi in addition to Chandis
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 187

who in different contexts and from different directions and different places protect the
territory of Kashi; their number reaches to 41 (Fig. 5.5). By this combination the
numerical symbolism of the inner portion of the Sri Yantra is represented; of course
the total number of triangles in the inner part of the Sri Yantra comes to 45, based on
the crossing and superimposition of nine triangles. Performance of pilgrimage to their
shrines is prescribed on each of the ninth or eighth day of the waxing or waning of the
lunar month. However, this pilgrimage is not undertaken these days, and most of the
goddesses of this group are worshipped together with other goddesses.
The KKh (70) describes the spatial and divine characteristics of the Kshetra Devis.
Vishalakshi is described as adjacent to Vishala Kund (‘water pool’), which was once
connected to the Ganga River. However, at present this water pool does no longer
exist. This sacred place is eulogised as Mahapitha (“the great seat”), which possesses
the strong power to liberate the soul from transmigration (KKh 70.16). The myth that
her worship helps to get conception attracts a large mass of newly married ladies
(KKh 70.15). The other prominent Kshetra Devi has been Maha Lakshmi, located in
the neighbourhood named after her, i.e. Lakshmi Kund. In the month of Ashvina
(September-October), the bright fortnight is especially auspicious for goddess
worship. These distribution patterns of 96 goddesses are in close correspondence with
the self-organising system, representing the idea of opposite poles and corresponding
opposite forces (see Fig. 4.13, pp. 159 – 160).

6. Shiva’s son Ganesha Images and Cosmic Order

Since the Vedic period (ca. 2000 BCE), it has been a tradition to worship many
gods once at a time— what Max Müller called kathenotheism. This nature of
pluralism and polytheism is commonly practised in the form of pañcadevas (five gods
union) which consists of Vishnu, Shiva, Shakti (goddess), Surya (sun) and Ganesha.
The Rāmapūrvatapanīya Upanishad (Shastri 1970: 7) mentions that these five gods
respectively refer to the five gross-elements of cosmic life, i.e. sky/ether, earth, fire,
air and water. Ganesha as symbol of water lies at the base. Ganesha is the most
popular deity of the Hindu pantheon and worshipped before every material
undertaking to remove obstacles and provide wisdom. Therefore, in every temple of
SHiva in Varanasi, and in other parts of India too, there stands some form of Ganesha.
The first reference of Ganesha is given in the Rig Veda (2.31.1): “We call upon
you, upon the hosts, the leader of hosts.” However, the worship of Ganesha became
popular during the second to fifth centuries CE, the mythologies mention Ganesha
who requires ritual propitiation (Courtright 1985: 9). The Mahābhārata (13.151)
eulogises Ganesha as the incarnation of the Primordial Man (Brahman) who maintains
the balance and order in the universe.
Ganesha is mostly described as elephant-headed god associated to the mythology
of beheading. Commonly, it is believed that Ganesha’s stories belong to the pre-
Aryan and oral traditions which in span of time were frequently interpolated in later
mythologies — varying from the early Purānas like Brahmānda (2) and Matsya (154),
dated c. C.E. 300-500, to the late Purānas like Ganesha and Mudgala, dated c. CE
1300-1600. More detailed accounts of Ganesha’s beheading are found in the middle
Purānas (c. CE 500-1300) like Devi (111-116), Linga (105), Shiva (2), Skanda (1.3.7)
and Varāha (1.9). In the context of O’Flaherty’s five levels of meaning behind a myth
(O’Flaherty 1973: 2), the story of Ganesha’s beheading may be explained as (i) an
“explanation” of his elephant’s head (etiological), (ii) an account of the birth of a god
(narrative), (iii) a variation on the theme of sacrifice and expiation (metaphorical), (iv)
188 Chapter Five

an expression of the mediation between the forces of worldly attachment and the
release of moksha (cosmological /metaphysical), and (v) an exploration of the
ambivalence inevitable in the relations among fathers, mothers, and sons (socio-
psychological) (Courtright 1985: 19).
In his role as Vināyaka, the over-comer of obstacles, Ganesha, appropriates much
of the guardian symbolism related to cosmological level. The Puranic cosmologies
mention that the elephants, having been brought forth out of the cosmic egg by
Brahma at the beginning of creation, stand as guardians of the four directions and the
four intermediate directions in all the seven layers of realm between the earth and the
heaven (symbolically representing seven layers of the atmosphere). Thus, his number
reaches to 56, i.e. 8 directions x 7 layers (Fig. 5.6). In this form elephant-headed
Ganesha expresses his highest form of guardian capacity (Singh, Rana 1993: 156).
The cosmic circuit of Kashi is determined by the linga of Madhyameshvara, the
centre, and Dehlī Vināyaka, the radial point, covering a distance of five kroshas (17.6
km). Ganesha in the form of Dehlī Vināyaka as the guardian of the threshold of the
western entrance into Kashi and Varanasi, is serving as the protector of the sacred
territory (Gutschow 1994: 197).
Ganesha as ‘leader of the army’, called Vighneshvara, refers to “the god who
removes not only the jungle in front of the marching soldiers but all that obstructs his
devotees” (Pillai 1959: 14). This again indicates the role of Ganesha as controller of
the territory. The Linga Purāna (115.15-27) describes the mythology of accepting
Vināyaka as lord of obstacles, how by worshipping him one gets relief from the
obstacles, which resulted to introduce his worship at the beginning of any ritual.
The concept of spatial transposition and the cosmogony of the yatras (routes of
pilgrimages) can be represented with a model of a series of concentric circles with
sanctity increasing as one move towards the centre. In total there are seven layers of
main circles of which each is intersected at eight places by radials. The number eight
signifies the eight directions, and seven, the seven layers in the atmosphere. Seven
layers and eight directions intersect each other at fifty-six points where shrines of
Ganesha in the form of Vinayaka are established (Fig. 5.6). This elephant-headed
deity is the son of Shiva and considered as Lord of Obstacles and the Guardian of
Thresholds who popularly exists on doorways and temple gateways (see Getty 1936;
Courtright 1985). According to another interpretation Ganesha is considered ‘leader
of the army’. Moreover, he is also known as Vighneshvara, “the god who removes not
only the jungle in front of the marching soldiers, but all that obstructs hid devotees”
(Pillai 1959: 14). With this perception the peopling and territorialisation of Kashi can
be highlighted. The existence of first layer of eight Vinayakass on the Panchakroshi
route, i.e. Arka (Lolarka), Durg (Durgakund), Bhima Chanda (Bhimachandi), Delhi
(Bhatauli), Uddanda (Bhuili), Pashpani (Sadar Bazar), Kharva (Adi Keshava Ghat),
and Siddhi (Manikarnika Gali) Vinayakas (see Fig. 5.11) may be interpreted as the
outermost limit of the territory established through forest clearing, therefore the first
ring of the eight Vinayakas are lying there.
The Kashīkhanda of the Skanda Purāna (KKh 57.59-116) describes the spatial and
religious connotation of all the 56 Vināyakas. The details, of these Vināyakas are
given in Table 5.10; and their spatio-cosmologial model shows the eight directions,
seven layers, three segments and four sacred journeys (Figs. 5.6, 5.7 also 5.8 to 10).
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 189

Fig. 5.6. Kāshī Mandala: 56 Vināyakas & 3 Khandas.

Table 5.10. Varanasi: The 56 Vinayakas (spiral line & direction, cf. Fig. 5.6, 7, 8-11).
Se Name; (meaning) Location; (Quality / characteristics) Latitude, Longit.,
N° E°
In each of the Layer the 8 Vinayakas refer the location from the SE to E direction, clockwise.
I-layer (avarana): Ref. Kkh, 57. 59 – 67.
1 SE. Arka (life-breath) Lolarka Kund, near House No. B 2 / 17 25 17.510 83 00.387
(remover of all types of troubles
2 S. Durga (protector) SE corner of the Durga Kund, B 27 / 1 25 17.320 82 59.978
(remover of all types of grieves)
3 SW. Bhimachanda on Panckakroshi route, in Bhimachandi T. 25 15.105 82 50.909
(the strongest) (remover of fear)
4 W. Dehli (protector- on Panchakroshi route, in Bhatauli village 25 21.122 82 51.018
radial point gate (well-wisher to devotees)
5 NW. Udanda (staff on Panchakroshi route, in Bhuili village 25 22.649 82 51.097
190 Chapter Five

carrier) (cursor to those who disturb his devotees)

6 N. Pashapani – I on Panchakroshi route, Sadar Bazaar 25 21.278 82 57.822
(noose carrier) (giver of good life in Kashi)
7 NE. Kharva Raj Ghat area, near Adi Keshava Temple 25 19.643 83 02.346
(dwarf) (relief giver)
8 E. Siddhi (perfect Manikarnika Gali, CK 9 / 1 (relief from 25 18.702 83 00.869
being) the curse of Yama/Death-god)

II-layer , Ref. Kkh, 57.68 – 78

9 Lambodara (big belly) near Kedar Ghat, at the Lali Ghat 25 17.951 83 00.467
(giver of coolness)
10 Kutadanta (broken Kringakunda, Kinaram Ashram, B 3 /335 25 17.750 83 00.200
tusk) (assisting the Durga, no.2)
11 Shalakatankata Maruadih Bazar, near the Tank 25 18.032 82 58.083
(enemy to boasting) (territory guard, & destroyer of boasting)
12 Kusmanda (pumpkin near Chandishvara, Phulwaria village 25 19.667 82 58.084
gourd) (checking disturbance & giving peace)
13 Munda (head-form) Sadar Bazar, near Chandi Devi (giver of 25 20.062 82 58.417
devotion; his body is in the world below
& head in Kashi, supporting Kashi Devi)
14 Vikatadvija (hideous Dhupachandi temple, J 112 / 134 25 19.750 83 00.085
Brahmin) (giver of good position here & heaven)
15 Rajaputra (prince) Raj Ghat Road to Adi Keshava, A 37/ 48 25 19.750 83 02.383
(Protector & saviour of the kingdom)
16 Pranava (sacred “Om”) in Hiranyagarbheshvara, at Trilochan 25 19.152 83 01.411
Ghat (giver of the message of eternity)
III-layer , Ref. Kkh, 57.79 – 88
17 Vakratunda (curved Lohatia, Bade Ganesh, K 58 / 101 25 19.179 83 00.709
trunk) (giver of good accompany)
18 Ekadanta (One-tusked) Bengali Tola, Puspadanteshvara, D 32/ 25 18.310 83 00.497
102 (giver of place in Anandakanana)
19 Trimukha (three- Sigra Tila, Tripurantakeshvara, D 59/ 95 25 18.505 82 59.261
mouths) (remover of fear)
20 Panchasya / Pishacha Pishachamochan, near Tank, C 21 / 40 25 19.317 82 59.762
(Five-elements) (giver of good stay)
21 Heramba (boastful- Maldahia, Valmiki Tila, C 21 / 14 25 19.432 82 59.851
hero) (fulfiller of the desires of Kashi-dwellers)
22 Vighnaraja (lord of Chitrakuta Talab, J 12 / 32 25 19.650 83 00.089
hindrances) (remover of all the hindrances)
23 Varada (boon-giver) Rajghat area, Prahlad Ghat, A 13 / 19 25 19.421 83 01.700
(giver of all sorts of boons)
24 Modakapriya (lover of Trilochan, Adi Mahadeo Temple, A 3 / 92 25 19.169 83 01.372
pleasure) (giver of auspiciousness and pleasure)

IV-layer , Ref. Kkh, 57. 69 – 97.

25 Abhaya (fearlessness) Dashashvamedha, in Shulatankeshvara 25 18.398 83 00.631
Temple, D 17 / 111 (giver of
fearlessness)
26 Simhatunda (like Khalispura, Brahmeshvara, D 33 / 66 25 18.437 83 00.382
Simhatunda-fish ) (reliever from the ocean of sufferings)
27 Kunitaksha (cooked Lakshmikunda, old Lakshmi T., D 52 / 38 25 18.620 83 00.019
arms & eyes) (giver of peace & relief from evil spirits)
28 Kshipraprasadana Pitarkunda, in Pitreshvara T., C 18 / 47 25 19.055 82 59.944
(quick giver of boons) (boon giver to devotees, easily & quickly)
29 Chintamani (taker of Ishwargangi Talab, Ausanganj, K 56 / 25 19.490 83 00.521
worries) 43H (taker of all worries from the
devotees)
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 191

30 Dantahasta (carries Lohatia, near Bade Ganesh, K 58 / 101 25 19.180 83 00.709

teeth in hand) (giver of good life in Varanasi)
31 Pichindila (slimy one) Prahalad Ghat, under Banyan, A 10/ 80 25 19.342 83 01.702
(protector of the sacred city)
32 Uddandamunda (a Trilochan Temple, courtyard, A 2 / 80 25 19.162 83 01.359
form of snake-head (giver of fearlessness from snakes)

V-layer , Ref. Kkh, 57. 98 – 107.

33 Sthuladanta (huge- Manamandira, Someshvara, D 16 / 34 25 18.499 83 00.637
tusked) (supporter of great success)
34 Kalipriya (strife-lover) Manahprakameshvara Temple, D 10/ 50 25 18.610 83 00.539
(reliever from conflicts & proud)
35 Chaturdanta (four- Nai Sarak, Sanatandharm School, D 49/ 25 18.627 83 00.308
tusked) 10 (destroyer of obstacles by glimpse)
36 Dvitunda/ Dvimukha Surya Kunda, W of Sambaditya, D 51/ 90 25 18.734 83 00.183
(two-trunks) (giver of peace and glory in front & back)
37 Jyeshtha (elder one) Kashipura, Jyestheshvara, K 62 /144 25 19.040 83 00.642
(boon-giver for male baby & wealth)
38 Gaja (elephant-form) Rajadarwaja, Bharbhuteshvara, K 54 / 44 25 18.810 83 00.611
(giver of strength and wealth)
39 Kala (death & time) at the steps of Ramaghat, K 24 / 10 25 18.843 83 00.996
(remover of fear from death and strife)
40 Nagesha (lord of Bhonshala Ghat, in Nageshvara T., K 1/ 25 18.822 83 00.921
snake-world) 20 (giving pleasure of the Netherworlds)

VI-layer , Ref. Kkh, 57. 108 – 112.

41 Manikarni (precious Satuababa Ashram, Manikarnika Gali, 25 18.654 83 00.875
ear-ring) CK 10 / 48 (reliever from difficulties)
42 Asha (hope) Mir Ghat, Hanuman Mandir, D 3 / 79 25 18.575 83 00.786
(fulfiller of hopes & aspirations)
43 Shrishti (creation) Kalika Gali, out of D 8 / 3 ; (controller of 25 18.583 83 00.625
creation, & reliever from strives)
44 Yaksha (demigod- Kotwalpura, CK 37 / 29; (together with 25 18.667 83 00.545
form) No. 43, provides wealth and peace)
45 Gajarakna (elephant- Kotwalpura, Ishaneshwara, CK 37 / 43 25 18.669 83 00.547
ear) (giver of well-being)
46 Chitraghanta (painted Lakkhi Chabutara, Chandu Nau Gali, CK 25 18.773 83 00.721
bell) 23/ 34; (care taker of the devotees)
47 Mangala Bala Ghat, Mangala Gauri, K 24 / 34 25 18.874 83 01.034
(auspiciousness) (giver of auspiciousness and good life)
48 Mitra (friend) Scindhia Ghat, Atmavireshvara, CK 7/ 25 18.731 83 00.929
158 (giving good companionship)
VII-layer , Ref. Kkh, 57. 113 – 114.
49 Moda Vinayaka in the Kashi Karvat temple, CK 31 / 12 25 18.672 83 00.633
(delight) (giver of delight)
50 Pramoda Vinayaka Near No.49, Kashi Karvat Gali, CK 31 / 25 18.660 83 00.629
(extreme joy) 16 (giver of pleasant life)
51 Durmukha (ugly face) Near No. 52, CK 34 / 60 (relief giver 25 18.662 83 00.638
from the depression by ugly face)
52 Sumukha (beautiful Near No. 50, CK 35 / 7 25 18.661 83 00.632
face) (giver of beautiful face & relaxation)
53 Gananatha (lord of Jnanavapi, Aparnath Math, CK 37 / 1 25 18.659 83 00.572
demigods) (protector from the curses of demigods)
54 Jnana (wisdom) Near the Jnanavapi Kupa, Jnanavapi 25 18.647 83 00.594
(giver of wisdom & knowledge)
55 Dvara (at the gate) Saptavarana Vinayaka’s gate, CK 28 / 10 25 18.662 83 00.830
(entry giver to the inner sanctum of
192 Chapter Five

Kashi)
56 Avimukta (Never (old one lost !) , in wall, Jnanavapi 25 18.679 83 00.601
Forsaken) mosque (settlement giver in the holy
Avimukta)
* All in one: Chappano Vinayaka , at Kapiladhara, near 25 20.407 83 02.744
Vrishabhadhvaja
(The latitudes and longitudes are based on GPS values, using GPS Garmin 12X, © Rana P.B. Singh)

The outermost layer of the eight Vināyakas corresponds with the Pañcakroshī
route, starting from the southeast, followed successively by the seven Vināyakas, and
finally reaching to the east. This sequence is followed in a systematic order. Similarly,
the second layer corresponds with the nagara pradakshinā route, and the third with
the Avimukta route (Fig. 5.7). The fourth, fifth and sixth layers follow their own
routes, while again the seventh layer follows the Vishveshvara (“inner sanctum”)
route (cf. Singh, Rana 1987). According to the textual reference (KKh 57.115) and
tradition the pilgrim must pass through one chain these threshold guardians after
another as they approach the centre of the city, i.e. the courtyard of Vishveshvara –
the patron deity of the city, where the pilgrim recites the names of all the Vināyakas.
Fig. 5.7. Varanasi: The Four Pilgrimage Circuits
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 193

Fig. 5.8. Kashi: The Forms of 56 Vinayakas: number 1 to 16.

01. Arka Vinayaka 02. Durg Vinayaka 03. Bhimacand 04. Dehli Vinayaka

05. Udanda 06. Pashapani Vin. 07. Kharva 08. Siddhi Vinayaka
Vinayaka Vinayaka

11. Shalakanta Vin. 12. Kushmanda Vin.

09. Lambodara Vin. 10. Kutadanta Vin.

13. Munda Vinayaka 14. Vikatdvija Vin. 15. Rajaputra Vin. 16. Pranava Vin.
194 Chapter Five

Fig. 5.9. Kashi: The Forms of 56 Vinayakas: number 17 to 32.

17. Vakratunda 18. Ekadanta 19. Trimukha 20. Panchasya

24. Modakapriya
23. Varada
21. Heramba Vin. 22. Vighnaraja

25. Abhaya Vin. 26. Simhatunda Vin. 27. Kunitaksha Vin. 28. Kshiprasada Vin.

29. Chintamani Vin. 30. Dantahasta Vin. 31. Pincadila Vin. 32. Udandamunda
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 195

Fig. 5.10. Kashi: The Forms of 56 Vinayakas: number 33 to 50.

33. Sthuladanta 35. Caturdanta Vin.

34. Kalipriya Vin. 36. Dvitunda Vin.

37. Jyestha Vin. 38. Gaja Vinayaka 39. Kala Vinayaka 40. Nagesha Vin.

41. Manikarni Vin. 43. Shrishthi Vin. 44. Yaksha Vin. 45. Gajakarna Vin.

47. Mangala Vin. 49. Moda Vin. 50. Pramoda Vin.

Dhundhiraj Vinayaka

all © Rana P.B. Singh

196 Chapter Five

The spatial pattern of 56 Vināyakas shows the cosmic model Varanasi symbolized
in terms of the directions and realms between the earth and the heaven or sky. The
seven layers form a spiral shape. The seven-round spiral symbolizes the
understanding of reality, both physically and transcendentally, and reminds the
pilgrims that the resort of Vināyaka is everywhere but the circumference nowhere.
This is similar to the case of Shiva in the antargriha (“inner sanctum”) journey
(Singh, Rana 1994: 196). In terms of hermeneutic philosophy, this may be seen as the
essence of the archetype — “the circle never closes.” This cosmicized pattern also
shows reflection of macrocosmos on the mesocosmos and further at the lower level
the microcosmos (the image itself).
The Kashikhanda (57.116) describes that after completion of the sacred journey of
these seven layers, at the end pilgrim has to worship Dhundhirāja Ganesha
remembering there all the fifty six Vināyakas. Dhundhirāja is out of the above list
and considered to be the king of all the Vināyakas (KKh 56.43). In abstract form,
those unable to perform the sacred journey of all the Vināyakas are advised to
worship a special image of Vināyaka who represents all the 56 forms — called
Chappana Vināyaka, lying in the temple compound of Vrishabhadhvajeshvara at
Kapiladhara (the fifth night-halting spot on the Pañchakroshi route) This tradition is
not referred to in the Puranic mythology and is assumed to have been developed in the
late eighteenth century.
In another context the Puranic mythologies also mention twenty one additional
Vināyakas, grouped under numerical-symbolic units like chatvāra (4), pañcha (5),
ekādasha (11) Vināyakas, and an extra (ekala) form of Sakshī Vināyakas (Table
5.10). At some places one form supersedes the other, while at some places the images
have disappeared but later on have been re-established. However, these 21 additive
Vināyakas are occasionally visited by pilgrims. The Marathi text Gurucharitra (ca.
CE 1480), which has substantial part on Varanasi, mentions only five Vināyakas and
some of the others as ancillary images in various journeys (cf. Tables 5.11, 12, 13 and
14).

Table 5.11. Varanasi. Pancha Vinayaka Yatras, PVY. Kkh, 57. 123 – 125.

Se Vinayaka Location, House No. Refs. in KKh

1 Dhundhiraja At the gate of Annapurna Gali 57.123b; 57.43
2 Bhagiratha Lahori Tola, c. Phute Ganesha, CK 1/ 40 57.124a
3 Harishachandra Sankatha Ghat, in Madhi, CK 7 / 166 57.124a; 100.86
4 Kapardi Near Pishachamochan Kund, C 21/ 40 57.124b
5 Bindu Panchaganga Gt, Vindu Madhava T.,K 57.124b
22/ 37

Table 5.12. Varanasi. Panchamrita Vinayaka Yatras, PmVY. Kkh.

Se Vinayaka Meaning Location, House No.
1 Dugdha Milk Dudha Vinayak , K 23 / 66
2 Dadhi Yogurt Dudha Vinayak , K 23 / 65
3 Ghrita Butter (clarified) Dudha Vinayak , K 23 / 57
4 Madhu Honey Dudha Vinayak , K 23 / 63
5 Sharkara Sugar Dudha Vinayak , K 23 / 53
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 197

Table 5.13. Varanasi. Asthapradhana Vinayaka Yatras, ApVY. Kkh.

Se Vinayaka’s name Location, House No.
1 Siddhi Manikarnika, Brahmanal, CK 9 / 1
2 Trisandhya Lahori Tola, Phute Ganesha T, CK 1 / 40
3 Asha Mir Ghat, Hanuman Temple, D 3 / 79
4 Kshipraprasadana Pitarkunda, in Pitreshvara T, C 18 / 47
5 Dhundhiraja At the gate of Annapurna Gali
6 Avimukta Vishvanatha T, NE corner, CK 35 / 19
7 Vakratunda Lohatia, Bade Ganesha, K 58 / 101
8 Jnana Khowa Bazaar, in Langlishvara, CK 28 / 4

Table 5.14. Varanasi: Other (extra) Vinayaka Yatras.

Se Vinayaka’s name Location, House No.
1 Sthulajangha Raja Darwaza, in Ashadheshvara Temple,
2 Sena In a small shrine facing compound of Harishchandra T.
3 Sima In of Sena V. temple in northern corner
4 Maharaj Bade Ganesh, Lohatia, K. 58/ 101
5 Manda Lakshmikund, northern part, near D.52/ 38
6 Sakshi In the Vishvanatha Gali, lane,
7 Bighnaharta Amraiya Talab, Bighnaharta Kund (lost)
8 Bighnanayaka South of Avimukteshvara, near Nikumbha
9 Svayambhu In Vriddhakala T. southern corner
10 Ganeshvara Near Gopreksheshvara, in Anusuyeshvara
11 Sarasvati Other form of Vakratunda V., Bade Ganesha
12 Kila (Kona) As described in the Tirthachintamani (lost)
13 Devya (Sindurya) As described in the Tirthachintamani (lost)
(Sources: Pauranic texts, and field surveys by the author)

Traditionally, every fourth day of dark fortnight of the lunar month is auspicious
for the worship to Vināyaka; however, if Tuesday falls on that day it increases the
merit. The fourth day of dark fortnight of Bhādrapada (August-September) and
Māgha (January-February) are prescribed as special days to Vināyaka worship. The
first date is considered to be the birth day of Ganesha (Ganeshacaturthī). Most of the
mothers perform this festival while fasting for the full day, and after having a glimpse
of the moon in the late evening take food. This festival is performed for the removal
of difficulties and well being of the son. The festival is celebrated at mass scale in
Western India (Maharashtra), but it is a domestic festival in North India. Many
devotees perform two-day sacred journey of 56 Vināyaka around the fourteenth day
of light fortnight in the month of Māgha. On this occasion a grand celebration of
religious performances is held at the temple of Bade Ganesha; of course, this image is
out of the list of fifty-six images of Vināyaka in Varanasi. Most commonly on every
fourth day of dark fortnight devotees pay visit to one or many Vināyakas together
with other divinities. In the process of folk tradition to perform Panckakroshī Yātrā,
two more Vināyakas have been introduced and worshipped with special offering of
barley in saptāvarana.
The Vināyaka images are the representations of the polythetic-prototype feature of
Hinduism; in a broad outlook all the forms are similar, however in special character
and merit bestowing capacity the prototype changes to polythetic. On the other scale
forms of Vināyaka refer to sacred geometry and network forming a cosmogram. In
spite of several superseding layers and transformation in history the basic nature-of
structure and forms are still alive passing through a channel of “existence-
198 Chapter Five

maintenance-continuance.” Even in spite of lesser intensity of involvement in

religious activities in the present secular society, the overall attitude of the Hindus is
the same as it was in the past. This is the essence of maintaining continuity of
symbolism, cosmicized structure and belief system. Above all, the Vināyaka forms-
their variety and distinction, their textual and oral traditions, their protoness and
polytheism, their Vedic context and Purānic inference-contribute to understanding the
deeper meanings and messages preserved therein.

8. Concluding Remarks
Through plotting Shiva’s lingas over the maps, along with his associates (consort
Devi, son Ganesha, vehicle Nandi, terrifying form Bhairava, and his Ganas) and their
linkages with various types of routes of pilgrimages, India’s synthetic view of
“expanding universe” and “universe within universe” can be projected clearly. The
nature of expansion is marked from the centre of the patron deity, Vishveshvara to the
layers of yatras surrounding him. Further in reference to shrinking process, one can
metaphorically analyse “universe within universe”. This interactional system of
expanding-shrinking reflects the polythetic character of Indian religion, what Max
Müller termed as kathenotheism (Eck 1982: 40). This notion is practised by the
Varanasi dwellers through worshipping one supreme (Shiva) but along with all other
gods together, as they are called as bahudevapujakas (worshippers of so many gods
together). There still lies a vast and virgin potential field to research on Shiva’s
Universe in Varanasi; this essay is just an indicative towards that great march.

9. References
Bharati, Agehananda 1970. Pilgrimage sites and Indian civilization; in, Elder, J.W.
(ed.) Chapters in Indian Civilization. Kendall/Hunt Publ., Dubuque, IO: pp. 85-
126.
Courtright, Paul B. 1985. Ganesha: Lord of Obstacles, Lord of Beginnings. Oxford
University Press, New York.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras, City of Light. Alfred Knopf Publ., New York.
Getty, Alice 1936. Ganesha, a Monograph on the Elephant’s Faced God. Clarendon
Press, Oxford.
Gopinatba Rao, T.A. 1968. Element of Hindu Iconography. Paragon Book Reprint
Co., New York.
Gutschow, Niels 1994. Varanasi /Benares: The Centre of Hinduism. Erdkunde (Boss
Verlag Kleve, Bonn), Bd. 48 (3), Sept.:
Kāshī Khanda (KKh) of the Skanda Purāna (Gurumandala Granthamala, Calcutta:
No. XX, vol. IV) 1961.
Kramrisch, Stella 1981. The Presence of Shiva. Princeton University Press, Princeton.
Linga Purāna (Venkateshvara Steam Press, Bombay) 1906.
Morinis, E. Alan 1984. Pilgrimage in the Hindu Tradition, A Case study of West
Bengal. Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Müller, F. Max (ed.) 1966. Rigveda. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi.
Reprinted.
O’Flaherty, Wendy D. 1973. Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of SHiva.
Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Parry, Jonathan P. 1981. Death and cosmogony in Kashi. Contributions to Indian
Sociology, NS, 15 (1-2): pp. 337-365.
 Shiva’s Universe: Making of Territorial Complexities 199

Pillai, G.K. 1959. Hindu Gods and Hidden Mysteries. Kitab Mahal, Allahabad.
Shastri, J.L. (ed.) 1970. Rāmapūrvatapanīya Upanishad (in the Upanishatsamgraha).
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1986. Shiva’s Universe in Varanasi; in, Verma, T. P. ; Singh, D.P.
and Mishra, J.S. (eds.) Varanasi Through the Ages. Bhartiya Itihas Samkalan
Samiti, Varanasi, Pub. 4: 303-311.
―. 1987. Pilgrimage Mandala of Varanasi/Kashi: A study in Sacred Geography.
National Geographical Journal of India, 31 (4): 517-519.
―. 1993. SHiva’s Universe in Varanasi; in, Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.), Banaras: Cosmic
Order, Sacred City, Hindu Tradition. Tara Book Agency, Varanasi: 155-162.
―. 1994. Sacred geometry of India’s holy city Varanasi: Kashi as Cosmogram.
National Geographical Journal of India, 40:
―. 1995. Varanasi: Ganesha images and shrines in the cityscape; in, Dubey, D.P.
(ed.) Pilgrimage Studies. Sacred Places, Sacred Traditions. Society of Pilgrimage
Studies, Allahabad, Pub. 3: 209-220.
―. 2009. Uprooting Geographic Thoughts in India: Toward Ecology and Culture in
21st Century. Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding, Series Pub. 1. Cambridge
Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne UK.
Singh, Ravi S. and Singh, Rana P.B. 2006. Goddesses in Kashi (Varanasi): Spatial
Patterns and Symbolic Orders; in, Gaenszle, Martin and Gengnagel, Jörg (eds.)
Visualised Space in Banaras: Images, Maps, and the Practice of Representations.
(Ethno-Indology, Heidelberg Studies in South Asian Rituals, vol. 4). Harrassowitz
Verlag, Wiesbaden, also published: Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 41-68.
Spellman, J. W. 1962. The symbolic significance of the number twelve in ancient
India. Journal of Asian Studies, 22 (1): 79-88
Sukthankar, V.S. et al. (eds.) 1933-59. Mahābhārata. Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, Poona; vol. XIII. 151.
Sukul, Kuberanatha 1977. Varanasi Vaibhava [The Glory of Varanasi] (in Hindi).
Bihar Rastrabhasha Parisad, Patna.
Vail, Lise F. 1985. Founders, Swamis, and Devotees: Becoming Divine in North
Karnataka; in, Waghorne, J.P. and Cutler, N. (eds.) Gods of Flesh: Gods of Stone.
Anima Publ., Chambersburg, PA: 123-140.
Visuvalingam, Sunther and Visuvalingam, Elizabeth Charlier 2006. Bhairava in
Banaras: Negotiating sacred space and religious identity; in, Gaenszle, Martin and
Gengnagel, Jörg (eds.) Visualised Space in Banaras: Images, Maps, and the
Practice of Representations. (Ethno-Indology, Heidelberg Studies in South Asian
Rituals, vol. 4). Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, also published: Oxford
University Press, New Delhi: 95-128.
 CHAPTER 6

SUN IMAGES:
ORDERING, CULTURAL ASTRONOMY AND WORSHIP

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. Like many ancient cultures, in Hindu tradition too Sun is considered to be
the most prominent divinity in the cosmos and has been part of invocation and
festivities since the ancient past. While testing the hypothesis that the city plan of
Varanasi has developed according to a cosmic order, it is observed that the temples
and shrines related to Sun (Aditya) are placed in a meaningful spatially manifested
pattern corresponding to the cosmic geometry and the movement of sun, the
association of cosmic north and Kashi-North, and the celebrating seasonal festivities
in a sequential order referring to solstices and equinoxes. Probably, this pattern had
grown in pre-Brahmanical tradition, and later on superseded by the Shaiva tradition,
however they are still part of active veneration and festivities. The nomenclature and
iconographic features of all the fourteen Sun images in Varanasi further indicate the
mythological links to belief systems and the inherent scientific meanings that were
codified in the mystical tradition and continued as part of religious tradition.
Keywords: cosmic order, equinox, mythology, sacred geometry, spatial pattern,
solstice, sun images, zodiac.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Arise! The breath of life hath come to us,

The darkness is gone, the light approacheth!
Dawn hath opened a path for the Sun to travel;
Now our days will be lengthened.
― Rig Veda, 1.113.16.

1. Introduction
Similar to the East Asian and Egyptian sun goddess, in the Vedic tradition of
ancient India, numerous hymns are dedicated to Surya (sun-god), the Sun personified,
and Savitur, "the impeller", a feminine solar deity either identified with or associated
with Surya. The most famous Gayatri mantra (hymn) is a testimony to this idea. Since
ancient past in Indian tradition and religion Devi (goddess) is seen in manifold forms,
all representing the creative force in the world, as Maya (illusion, creative force that
illumines) and Prakriti (nature, base of the womb), the force that galvanizes the divine
ground of existence into self-projection as the cosmos (archetypal representation). In
this way even the masculine Sun-god has been perceived, conceived, and express as
‘feminine’ divinity. In the earlier tales of the Vedic period, this feminine force that
created Sun-god (Surya) is called ‘Gayatri’, and all the various Hindu female entities
are seen as forming many faces of the same female Divinity. The prayer, composed
by the great sage Vishvamitra, refers to the most commonly used sacred verse in
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 201

honour of Sun god as the “Nature Energy” from the Rig Veda (3.62.10), called
Gayatri Mantra:

Om bhur bhuvah, sva tat savitur varenyam, bhargo devasyo dhiyo yo na prachodyat.
“Let us obtain the adorable splendour of the Sun; may the spirit inherent (Gayatri)
arouse our minds.”

The Rig Veda (1.164.24) describes the Gayatri as the sound of life on the Earth and
the way to know the cosmic order (rita) linking the Earth to the universe (Singh, Rana
2007: 123). According to the Vishnu Purana (3.2), Surya married with the daughter of
Vishvakarma, and later with Chhaya (‘shadow’). From the first wife he was having a
son, Yama (‘death’). This myth clearly refers that even in folktale the fear of ‘death’,
and boon for ‘longevity’ are clearly associated as in case of Chhatha puja of Sun
goddess.
In an early morning along the Ganga in Varanasi one can see a mass of devotees
taking ritual bathing and offering the Ganga water to the rising Sun, accompanied by
chanting sacred verses, circling oil lamps of arati and bells. The Sun worship has
association with the Vedic period. The Sun is known as Aditya, the child of Aditi and
Prajapati (Rig Veda 1.89.16). In early Vedic (mythology the manifestive forms of
Adityas were seven corresponding perhaps to seven days of week or seven naked eye
planets which circled the geocentric earth (Rig Veda 9.114.3). However, by the time
of the Brahmanas and the Puranas (c. 5th century CE) the number rose to its canonical
value of twelve, associated with the twelve months of the solar year (cf.
Kumarasambhava 2.24). The Kashi Khanda of the Skanda Purana, KKh (10. 83;
46.45-46), a 13th-14th century text, initially gives a list of twelve Adityas in Varanasi,
however later chapters, 65 and 84, mention two more Aditya shrines (Sumantva and
Karna), thus establishing the total of fourteen Adityas of Varanasi (cf. Singh 1987:
511, 514, also see 1994 c).
Of course, at present, in the religious landscape of Varanasi, sun shrines are not so
prominent; the puranic literature describes the city as “City of Light” – Kashi, or
“City of the Sun” – Alarkapuri (cf. Matsya Purana 180.68). Says Eliade (1958: 131)
“the process of sacralisation is greatly assisted by the benevolent and in many ways
passive nature of this divinity.” According to the Purusha Sukta of the Rig Veda
(10.90), the Sun was born of the eye of the cosmic giant, Purusha (the primordial
man), and, at death, when man’s body and soul become one more part of that cosmic
giant, his eye will go back into the sun (Eliade, 1958: 144). The spatial manifestation
of this homology is narrated in the KKh (7.66) that says that Lolarka and Keshava are
the eyes of the “Kashi-Goddess”. The city is perceived as Goddess whose territory is
defined by the two tributaries, viz. the Varana in the north and the Asi in the south,
symbolised as the arms of the goddess.
Historical evidences refer that during the Gupta period (4-5th century CE) the sun
worship was common in north India, and by 12th century it had been established as
major part of Hindu rituals (cf. Mishra, 1973: 13). The puranic treatises of this period
provide variety of praises to the Sun god in Varanasi, e.g. the Matsya (185.69), the
Kurma (1.33.17), and the Vamana (3.4, 11, and 16). After passage of time, with the
changes caused by religious-cultural influences Shiva worship superseded the ritual
arena and sun shrines became part or ancillary to the Shiva shrines. In Varanasi since
the puranic period the practice of worshipping multiple gods together is accepted as
common norm, consisting of Shiva, Parvati (goddess), Vishnu, Ganesha and Surya
(Sun). The supremacy of sun worship at Kashi is indicated in the KKh (43.10) by the
202 Chapter Six

fact that the Vedic king Divodasa removed all the divinities from Kashi, except his
family deity, Surya.
Table 6.1. Varanasi: Sun (Surya/ Aditya) Shrines.
No. Form of Location, House No. Latitude, Longitude,
Sun-god N 0° 0” E 0° 0”
1 Lolarka Lolarka Kunda, Bhadaini 25 17.479 83 00.351
2 Vimala Jangambari, Khari Kuwan, D 35 / 25 18.441 83 00.272
273
3 Karna Ram Mandir, Dashash-vamedha, D 25 18.398 83 00.617
17/ 111
4 Vriddha Mir Ghat, way to Dharmakup, D 3 / 25 18.570 83 00.759
15
5 Draupada Near Vishvanatha Temple, CK 35 / 25 18.636 83 00.584
21
6 Ganga Lalita Ghat, upper side, CK 1 / 68 25 18.548 83 00.815
7 Samba Suraj Kunda, east of Kunda, D 51 / 25 18.732 83 00.175
90
8 Yama Sankatha Ghat, on steps, near K 7 / 25 18.739 83 00.937
164
9 Mayukha Mangala Gauri T., in pillar, K 24 / 34 25 18.876 83 01.033
10 Aruna Trilochaneshvara Temple, A 2 / 80 25 19.161 83 01.364
11 Khakhola Kameshvara T., backside, A 2 / 9 25 19.138 83 01.389
12 Keshava Adi Keshava T., Raj Ghat, A 37 / 51 25 19.677 83 02.372
13 Sumantva Hanuman Phatak, A 31 / 91 25 19.622 83 01.203
14 Uttararka Bakaria Kund 25 20.073 83 01.687
Madhyameshvara Maidagin, Dara Nagar, K 53 / 63 25 19.239 83 00.837
(Measurements based on Garmin GPS-75 Receivers; February-March 1994)

Varanasi possessed 14 Adityas (see Fig. 6.1), each of which associated with a
shrine or temple. All of these structures were almost razed in late 12th century and the
following years of Mughal invasion and occupation of the city (12-18th centuries).
However, neither the sun nor the spirit of a devout people vanquished, and the
locations of the Adityas remained in the communal memory of the city. Today the 14
Adityas of Varanasi are marked by a variety of typically small and unpretentious
features: Sun discs, lotus-form stones, or images of Surya alone on riding his chariot,
which set into walls or installed in small shrines or the precincts of temples (see Figs.
6.4 to 6.7). The popular pilgrimage texts describe the sacred journey to these 14 Sun
shrines, however the popularity of the journey has waned, and today a number of the
sites are facing the problem of encroachment.
With detailed field study the location of all the 14 Adityas is marked and mapped.
During February-March 1994 two Garmin GPS-75 Receivers were also used to map
out the differential Global Positioning System measurements and location were
identified (see Table 6.1, also Figs. 6.1 and 6.2). The corresponding locations and
historical descriptions throw a fresh light on a new dimension to understand the
cosmic order and cityscape of Varanasi. Further, the mapping of the sites of the
original Aditya temple refer to a form of “non-destructive archaeoastronomy” which
may reveal something of the general nature of city planning as well as the human
dimension preserved through the continuing rituals in memory of these shrines and
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 203

their associated mythologies. In other way this analysis also reflects upon cultural
astronomy. But what is considered here as empirical reality does not necessarily have
any relevance for other cultures; even if it does, its meaning is likely to be very
different. The perception and practices of phenomena related to Sun shrines – their
locations and movement of sun, mostly depend upon the meaning and significance
that Hindu culture ascribes to its constructed universe.

Fig. 6.1. Varanasi: Sun Shrines.

204 Chapter Six

Fig. 6.2. Sun Shrines, Varanasi: Spatio-Cosmic Order and Cyclic orientation of Time.

2. Cosmic Order and Cityscape

It has been observed that 10 out of the 14 Adityas lie approximately along the sides
of the triangle formed by the Uttararka, Karna and Khakhola. The longest side is
formed by the north-south line connecting Karna with the “northern Sun” Uttararka,
covering a distance of 3.1km. Each of the two axes in the northern and southern sides
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 205

of triangle have length of 2001m and 1997m, respectively, equal to within 0.2% and
hence suggestive of intentional design (cf. Fig. 6.2).
The line connecting Kama and Uttararka approximately represents the cosmic
north with a little variation of only 1.14° eastward, which is negligible in human
cognition. Considering Samba as the centre of the cosmic north in Varanasi the
azimuths for rest of the shrines are calculated towards east-south which ranges from
18° 36’ at Uttararka to 172° 30’ at Lolarka, and Yama falls exactly at 90° ―
symbolising the east facing the Ganga river (see Table 6.2).
Further, the line connecting Samba and Yama divides the holy territory and the
Aditya shrines into two equal portions, symbolising the Winter Solstice, Makra
Samkranti (14 January in ancient Hindu astronomy, while 21 December in the
Western). Six of the Adityas fall both side of this line with unequal degrees of
azimuth variation. The axis connecting Samba, Khakhola and Keshava is at 23° 30’
north from the east which is identical to the position of sun reaching ahead at the
tropic of cancer, referring to Vernal equinox, Mesha Samkranti (14 April in ancient
Hindu astronomy, while 21 March in the Western). This point refers to the movement
of sun towards North Pole, reaching to its maximum peak at 70° 24’, Uttararka. This
is the time of Summer Solstice, Karka Samkranti (14 July in ancient Hindu
astronomy, while 21 June in the Western).
In southwards from the eastern tangent (Samba-Yama) there falls six sun shrines,
among which Krna lies at 38° 30’ and close to the position of sun on Autumnal
equinox, Tula Samkranti (14 October in ancient Hindu astronomy, while 21
September in the Western). The position of Lolarka (82° 30’) marks the movement of
sun from the zodiac Cancer to Leo (period of 14 August to 14 September). The
movement of sun and its influence spatially correspond to the sun shrines from the
south to the north in terms of Hindu months (see Table 6.3, and Fig. 6.2).

Table 6.2. Varanasi: Azimuths of the Sun Shrines

Aditya/ Sun From the Cosmic S, N: Samba-Yama as
image North: Samba as the eastern axis base
centre
0° 0’ 0” 0° 0’ 0”
Towards South (-)
1. Lolarka 172 30 172.5 82 30 82.5
2. Vimala 163 54 163.9 73 54 73.9
3. Karna 128 30 128.5 38 30 38.5
4. Vriddha 104 00 104.0 14 00 14.0
5. Draupada 104 00 104.0 14 00 14.0
6. Ganga 97 12 97.2 7 12 7.3
7. Samba --Samba as centre -- - - -
Samba - Yama, the eastern axis
8. Yama 90 00 90.0 - - -
Towards North (+)
9. Mayukha 79 48 79.8 10 12 10.2
10. Aruna 70 24 70.4 19 36 19.6
11. Khakhola 66 30 66.5 23 30 23.5
12. Keshava 66 30 66.5 23 30 23.5
13. Sumantva 48 06 48.1 41 54 41.9
14. Uttararka 18 36 18.6 71 24 71.4
(Source: calculation by the author)
206 Chapter Six

Parallel to Karna-Khakhola tangent there exists the axis connecting Lolarka and
Keshava, covering in between most part of the main channel of the Ganga and its
ghats (steps to the water). This angular variation is 44° 42’ north from the Samba-
Yama axis, i.e. 45° 18’ east from the Cosmic north; this is perceived as the Kashi-
North, popularly symbolised by the northerly flow of the Ganga. The geometry of the
Adityas thus combines the northern directionality of both macrocosm (Sun) and
mesocosm (the Ganga river). The importance of these two directions within the city is
not surprising. The pole of the heaven establishes the order of the cosmos, and the
direction of the flow of the Ganga establishes the source of the world and the great
axis of death and. rebirth.

Table 6.3. Varanasi: Sun Shrines and Cultural-Astronomical Connotation.

Aditya / Sun Hindu Corresponding Zodiac & period Ref. Religious merit
image month of Hindu Latin Period KKh:
worship 14-14 verse
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Lolarka Bhadrapada Simha Leo Aug- 46 liberation
Sep
2. Vimala Ashvaina Kanya Virgo Sep- 51.83- relief from
Oct 100 leprosy
3. Karna Karttika Tula Libra Oct- 85.45 blessing of the
Nov Sun god
4. Vriddha Marga- Vrishchika Scorpio Nov- 51.27- long life
shirsha Dec 42
5. Draupada ----------------------- same as no.4 ------------------ 49.1-
relief from
24 hunger
6. Ganga Pausha Dhanu Sagittarius Dec- 51.101-
bathing-merit in
Jan 104 the Ganga
7. Samba whole year/ Mithuna Gemini Jun- 48 relief from skin
Asadha July diseases
8. Yama Magha Makara Capricorn Jan-Feb 51.105- relief from fear
115 to death
9. Mayukha Phaiguna Kumbha Aquarius Feb- 49.25- relief from
Mar 95 poverty
10. Aruna Chaitra Mina Piscus Mar- 51.21- relief from
Apr 26 sorrow
11. Khakhola Vaishakha Mesha Aries Apr- 50 burning sins and
May impurity
12. Keshava ------------------ same as no. 11 -------------------- 51.44- relief from sins,
82 wisdom
13. Sumantva Jyeshtha Vrishabha Taurus May- 65.6 relief from
Jun leprosy
14. Uttararka Shravana Karka Cancer Jul- 47 peace, relief
Aug from poverty
(KKh, The Kashi Khanda of the Skanda Purana. Period: 14-14, 14th of month a to 14th of month b )

Samba at Surya Kunda appears to be the focus for lines radiating outward to the
dawn sun at various days throughout the year and marks the cycle of solar rhythm
starting at Lolarka referring to the Hindu month of Bhadrapada (14 Aug-14 Sep,
zodiac Leo) and completed at Uttararka referring to the Hindu month of Sharvana (14
July-14 Aug, zodiac Cancer). On the basis of the months and auspicious occasions
prescribed for the different Adityas, the twelve zodiacs and their corresponding
months can be compared (see Table 6.3, Fig. 6.2).
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 207

Only between Sumantva and Uttararka, there appears a gap of zodiac Gemini and
the Hindu month of Ashadha. However, by theoretical analogy this can be measured;
if a line connecting the mid point on the axis joining Krna and Uttararka, and Samba
be drawn this problem can easily be solved. This way, ultimately the total pattern of
spatial geometry of sun shrines and the corresponding zodiacs and months could be
projected.
The line connecting Karna, Draupada and Uttararka Adityas represents the Cosmic
north, while the tangent connecting Krna, Vriddha, Ganga, Yama, Mayukha and
Khakhola moves parallel to the flow of the Ganga. The triangle made of connecting
Krna, Khakhola and Uttararka (Fig. 6.2) shows the common core of the sun shrines.
The shrine of Madhyameshvara (a form of Shiva, i.e. "Lord of the centre of cosmos")
lies inside the triangle close to the perpendicular bisector of its longest side.
Madhyameshvara lies 45 metres north of the precise midpoint of the 2452 metres
north-south side of the triangle. The location of this historically important temple has
been unique in the spatial pattern of sun shrines; at earlier time this temple was truly
surrounded and protected by the triangle of sun temples. At present visitation to this
site is no more a common practice among pilgrims.

3. The Festivities, Cultural Astronomy and Lifeworld

The sun symbolised the divine form of ‘fire’ in the sky, and described in Vedic
mythology as the chief controller of the cycle of cosmic rhythm (Rig Veda 8.48.7).
The sun also symbolised the male (awakened, jagrata) and water the female (sleep,
sushupta) modes of existence. That is how the special time of movement of sun from
one zodiac to another marks an auspicious time for bathing – the most commonly
performed ritual in Varanasi. This movement is called as samkranti, which is named
after the movement of sun from one to another zodiac; its number reaches to 12 (see
Singh 1994b). The meeting of male and female modes of existence at this time
generates a special energy purifying the humans. This represents the meeting of
macrocosmos (Sun), mesocosmos (water and earth) and microcosmos (the human
beings). The efficacy of the water spots for bathing is often eulogised to be equal to,
or many times greater than one of the standard Vedic sacrifices. According to puranic
mythology the sacred bathing on the occasion of Samkranti gives all the religious
merit and removes all types of sins (cf. Matsya Purana, canto 98). Sacred bathing on
the occasions of solstices, equinoxes, eclipses and on full-moon / new-moon days,
followed by visitation to sun shrines gives a very high merit. This is still a common
practice in Varanasi.
According to puranic sources three times worship to the Sun god in Magha gives
merit equals to six months of worship (cf. Hemadri Vrata 2. 296). And, worship of
Sun after taking holy bath in the Ganga on all the Sundays throughout the year
provides all sort of religious merit (cf. Varshakriya Kaumudi 37-38). These mythical
eulogies are accepted as traditions and still many worshippers follow them. Moreover,
if solar eclipse falls on Sunday there exists a special astrological and auspicious
moment called chudamani yoga during which sacred bath in the Ganga and worship
to the Sun images are prescribed as most merit-giving and mystical. The Sun images
of Varanasi and their association with festive offerings and the body symbolism are
given in Table 6.4.
208 Chapter Six

Table 6.4. Varanasi: Sun shrines and their Festive and Symbolic Association.

Aditya / Sun Corresponding Water Offering to Primordial Associated

puranic name ritual Sun Man’s body Planet
with symbol
1 2 3 4 5
1. Lorarka Yama pumpkin golden lion stomach Sun/Saturn
2. Vimala Hiranyareta raw sugar grains waist Descending
node, Ketu
3. Karna Divakara banana cloths hips Venus
4. Vriddha Mitra coconut house sexual Mars
glands
5. Draupada ---------------------------- same as no.4 ----------------------------------
6. Ganga Vishnu lemon cloths & thighs Jupiter
vehicle
7. Samba Ravi nutmeg cloths & heart Mercury
food
8. Yama Varuna sesame firewood knees Ascending
node, Rahu
9. Mayukha Surya citron cow & calves Saturn
grass
10. Aruna Bhanu Pome- buds & feet Jupiter
granate flowers
11. Khakhola Tapana grapes ram head Mars
12. Keshava -------------------------- same as no. 11 ----------------------------------
13. Sumantva Indra mango cow face Venus
14. Uttararka Gabhasti cucumber clarified chest Moon
butter/ghee
[Sources: 1 and 2 – Bhavisya Purana (1.109.1-13), a 10th century CE text, also cf. Varaha
Purana (177.51); 3 – Kamalakara Bhatta’s Nirnayasindhu (218), an early 17th century CE
text, 4 – Varahamihira’s Brihatsamhita (104.1-5), a 6th century CE text, cf. a Vedic text,
Taittariya Brahmana (1.5.2-7). 5 – Astrological traditions in Varanasi. See Fig. 6.2]

One of the aims of cultural astronomy is to interpret the relationships between a

society and the perceived terrestrial environment. The meaning imposed and the
traditional practices in this context are situation-dependent and may vary from one
culture to another and even within the subgroups of the same culture. In cultural
astronomy the system of this relationship is studied within the sphere of cultural
system as a whole (cf. Ruggles and Saunders 1993: 6-10). Phenomenologically one
can investigate the symbolic organisation of the astrological counselling process and
its interpretation in Hindu lifeworld. In Hindu society it is commonly believed that the
planetary changes in the context of cosmic rhythm of time have direct influence on
the human sphere, especially with reference to sickness, accidents and good or bad
happening in one’s life. Of course one can say that these phenomena are more the
subject of psychological mechanisms. The Sun is always recognised as the Lord of all
the Planets, that is how its role in astrological counselling becomes important in
Hindu psyche.
Based on detailed investigation of astrological counselling in Varanasi, Pugh
(1984: 88; also see 1983) says:
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 209

“Astrology schematises four mutually coincident aspects of the person: a physical, or

body (sharirik) aspect, a psychological (mansik) aspect, and two social aspects of
familial (parivarik) and community (samajik) relationship”.

According to astrological correspondences all the sun images of Varanasi are

associated with respective zodiacs and further with the associative planets and parts of
the body. These relationships are also linked with the tissues of the body whose
relations constitute the person’s physiological processes. The astrologers while
interpreting the horoscopes explain the role and impact of various planets with respect
to zodiacs and the sun. This is a complicated process of narration and acceptance, and
more a subject of the complex system of faith healing. In specific case with the help
of an expert priest people performs varieties of rituals to gel relief from the bad effects
of the sun and associated planets. However, more commonly people take a holy dip in
the Ganga river and pay visit to the sun images and worship them while reciting the
holiest Gayatri mantra (Rig Veda 3. 62. 10):

“Let us obtain the adorable splendour

of the Sun; may He arouse our minds”.

Of course the detailed ritual processes are now part of only a past mythology, still
roots are here and faith is also there, only the degree varies. For experiencing and
understanding the cosmic spirit we need to comprehend the psychological ecology
underlying physical ecology by performing some of the rituals on specific occasions
like solstices, equinoxes and solar eclipse. This would help to promote sustainable-
reverential development.

4. The Surya Yantra

Like other forms of Yantra, representing the complex network of

interconnectedness and wholeness, the Surya Yantra also summarises in a glance the
whole sense of the Hindu world of myth and symbol. There are three parts of
structural elements in the design of Surya Yantra: (1) a squared outer frame,
composed of two straight lines turned according to a regular pattern where exists 16
spots associated with eight directional deities and the associated planets, (2) a series
of 8 stylised lotus petals, and (3) a hexagram design of creative energy whose root lies
at the centre. The latter two parts are associated with 12 zodiacs, 2 eclipses (solar and
lunar), 14 images of sun (in Varanasi), and finally the root symbol of primordial seed
(bija) – a point at the centre expressed as Om. By this mechanism there appear 45
spots. According to puranic sources the Sun god gives highest merit if worshipped
with the support of Surya Yantra (Fig. 6.3).
The number of converging 45 triangles into three series at once form symmetry and
asymmetry together. According to the Shiva Purana (dated ca. CE 9th century) the
Surya Yantra (Sun-Yantra gives highest religious merit. This is identical to the
Chinese magical square of three which is based on asymmetrical proportions of 7: 5:
3; where from any straight-side the total comes to 15, and thus finally 45 (see Figs.
6.3 and 6.4). In Taoism the proportion 7:5:3 is a magic square, an image of the
harmony of the universe around which royal buildings and landscape environments
were oriented. There is much possibility that either Brahmanic cosmology went to
China during the arrival of Buddhism, or in course of time it might have arrived India
and get emerged in the Brahmanic thought. In general these mystical designs as
210 Chapter Six

cosmograms are soteriological ― seeing the universe as a network and stage for the
drama of salvation (Singh 2009: 42-43). Both of these mystic designs (cosmograms)
show an image of the harmony of the universe. (cf. Fig. 6.4).

Fig. 6.3. The Surya Yantra, Varanasi.

Fig. 6.4. Designs of Surya Yantra.

 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 211

5. Sun Images: The Iconographic View and Historical Context

A review of description of the Adityas as contained in the Kashi Khanda is
presented while verifying their locations and iconography (cf. Fig. 6.1) and some
popular mythological tales possessing inherent meaning and context on scientific
scale. Their references and merits given in the Kashi Khanda, KKh, are presented in
Table 6.3.

5.1. Lolarka: The "agitated" sun. This image marks the southern most limit of the
city, and provides liberation from the dangers and curses of Yama (‘Lord of death’).
This site is considered to be the oldest among the holy spots in Varanasi, and referred
in the 8th century BCE text, the Shatapatha Brahmana (6.1.28). A tiny sun disk lies at
the inner steps close to the inner sanctum pond (kunda). A Gahadavala inscription of
the CE 1151 refers that queen Goshala Deyi performed rituals and gave donations at
this site. An aspect of the sun represented by Lolarka is that of fertility which
dramatically demonstrated by the festival of Lolarka Shasthi which occurs on the
sixth day of waxing moon of Bhadrapada (Aug.-Sept.).

5.2. Vimala: Vimala’s Sun. The puranic mythologies refer that a Brahmin named
Vimala had installed the sun disc on a raised platform of marble to get relief from
leprosy and mental tension, this is how still popularly this disc is known for
possessing that power. Presently the sun disc is in a congested room under the
ownership of a milkman (gvala). There are forty lotus petals around the sun face
representing the rays (see Fig. 6.5).

5.3. Karna: Karna’s Sun. Karna, the son of Surya and Kunti, one of the major
figures of the Mahabharata, was distinguished by unlimited generosity. This image
symbolises that quality of the sun which provides without surcease the energy needed
by life on the earth. The original shrine had already been destroyed at the time of
writing the Kashi Khanda in 13th century; but the site was there, and visitors to the
site were advised that they could still obtain merit. The present icon showing sun
riding on chariot of seven horses is probably a replica of the old one, however now in
ruins and set badly in a comer within the compound of Rama temple.

5.4. Vriddha: The Old Man’s sun. This image has association with an old Brahmin,
Harita, who by performing austerities get relief from the sufferings of old age and
death. Location of this shrine falls within the cyclic rhythm of sun from autumnal
equinox to winter solstice, thus associated to the increasing tendency of shortest day
of the year. This is symbolised as ‘old and tired’ condition of the sun. This image has
two parts: a disc set into the wall close to the step, and a small statue in the nearby
room set into the wall. The image shows four-armed sun sitting in a meditative pose;
presently it is in deserted form. The disc has two layers of lotus petals around the sun
figure, and in both the number of lotus petals is twelve (see Fig. 6.5).
212 Chapter Six

Fig. 6.5. Sun Images: Vimala, Draupada, Vriddha.

5.5. Draupada: Drapadi’s sun. During the period of Pandava’s exile Draupadi had
difficulty finding food. Upon reach Kashi Draupadi performed special rituals and
established a sun image and as blessing Sun god gave her a magical pot and a ladle
which provide unlimited food. The Sun has promised that those who worship this
image with never go hungry. This image is carved on a stone slab; on the upper side
of it there are twelve elongated stone marks, to which many south Indian pilgrims
pray as a form of goddess (see Fig. 6.5).

5.6. Ganga: Ganga’s sun. This image represents the merging power of the sun and
water, and gives the merit of Ganga worship and purification. During 1960s the
original statue was destroyed, therefore another marble-made replica is installed.
Attached to it lies a small statue of Bhagiratha, a mythical king who brought the
Ganga from the heaven to the earth.
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 213

5.7. Samba: Samba’s sun. This image was established by Krishna’s son Samba to
get relief from leprosy. The Linga Purana (cf. Krityakalpataru, p. 44, 48), a 5th
century text, describes the site and its glory. Sherring (1868: 127) believes that there
were 12 wells dedicated to Sun at this site, but they have all been lost. The smal1
temple having Samba Aditya consists of a large flat stone with a carving of four layers
of 12 lotus petals, representing 12 months of a year, around the face of image. This
was constructed by Surjana Hada, the King of Rajasthan, in around 1580 CE (see Fig.
6.6). Today, worshipping the Samba Aditya relieves one or all forms of skin diseases.
In the vicinity lies some Sun discs.

Fig. 6.6. Sambaditya.

5.8. Yama: Yama’s sun. This site, lying intermediate in latitude between Lolarka and
Uttaraka combines the merit which comes from worshipping one’s ancestors in the
south at Rameshvaram with that acquired in the north by worshipping at
Manikaranika. It is commonly believed that Yama himself installed this image which
shows a human-like figure with sign of rays on the head. It lies on the steps to
Sankatha Ghat and faces the south, the direction of Yama, ‘Lord of Death’ (see Fig.
6.7).

5.9. Mayukha: The Sun of rays. According to puranic description the Sun god was
fully disappeared while worshipping Shiva, therefore Shiva himself later manifested
him in the form of Mayukha (rays). This indicates the narrative of a total solar eclipse
and the solar carona, which remained in the sky after the sun has disappeared from
view. This happened on 10th May 1054. The eclipse occurred at the ascending node of
the moon, i.e. when the moon was moving from south to north, and therefore was
214 Chapter Six

associated with the demon Rahu. This happened before the writing of the puranic
story narrated in the Kashi Khanda and probably later on narrated in the mythology.
Full solar eclipse again happened in this century on 18th April 1931. The icon of
Mayukha is contained in the Mangla Gauri temple and consists of a small disc set in a
pillar containing the sun’s face surrounded by closed rays (see Fig. 6.7).

Fig. 6.7. Adityas’ images: Yama, Aruna, Mayukha, Khakhola, Keshava.

 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 215

Fig. 6.8. Aditya’s images: Sumantva, Uttararka.

5.10. Aruna: Aruna’s sun. Aruna was a son of Vinita and the eldest brother of
Garuda. The image of Aruna refers to the first rays of the sun, and also his charioteer
driving seven horses across the sky: The number seven is an ubiquitous sacred
number, symbolising in this situation the seven realms of the heaven as well as the
seven colours of the light. The period of worshipping Aruna refers to the Hindu month
of Chaitra, the first month in the cosmic rhythm. Aruna’s image, lying in the wall at
lower side in the circumambulatory path of the Trilochana temple, consists a disc
20cm in diameter surrounded by rays land sitting on a lotus of seven petals (Fig. 6.7).
216 Chapter Six

5.11. Khakhola, or Vinita: Vinita’s sun. The puranic story refers to Vinita, mother
of Aruna, who by fear to the bad influences of hot and disturbed sun stuttered
producing a sound like khakhola: kha means sky; thus the name after the sound. The
fascinating and complex story associated with this Aditya contains hints of a number
of astronomical phenomena that may have been witnessed by the inhabitants of the
city. Between CE 1080 and 1275 the sun had a major outbreak of sunspots that were
visible to the unaided eye; at no time before or since then so many naked eye spots
had been detected on the sun (cf. Malville, 1985). This incidence may be described
with mythological connotation in the Kashi Khanda. The present statue of Khakhola,
of course in deserted shape, clearly shows the sky, sunspots and their reflection in a
tiny-model pond (see Fig. 6.7).

5.12. Keshava: Keshava’s / Vishnu’s sun. There are five sun discs in and around
Adi Keshava temple, each facing east across the Ganga river. The oldest disc is set in
the wall showing sun’s face surrounded by forty-eight rays in petal form, while other
discs show only twenty-four rays (Fig. 6.7). Khakhola and Keshava lie in the line
linking Samba and also is closest to the axis of vernal equinox.

5.13. Sumantva: Sumantva’s sun. Manifested by the sage Sumantva after getting
relief from leprosy, this is a well-preserved and sharp image, approximately 40cm
across, of Surya holding a sword in the right hand and a lotus in his left sitting in his
chariot in meditative pose, carried forward by Aruna and seven horses. The chariot
wheel consists of 12 axes, symbolising 12 months. His four arms refer to his control
over four directions. This image is set in the wall on a big stone slab (see Fig. 6.8).

5.14. Uttararka: The Northern sun. Representing the northern most point of
Varanasi, Uttararka protects Kashi from the northern side by the sun’s strongest rays,
referring to summer solstice. The original temple and structure thereby were
demolished during Mughal rule; however the main image is presently preserved in a
well-protected compound. The image consists of a 1.62 metre tall yupa or lingam like
form with three parts in the base, now modified in the form of yoni (vulva), a series of
16 double lotus buds 2/3 up its side, and a series of 24 petals near its top (see Fig.
6.8). Sherring’s (1868: 281) statement that it is a part of Buddhist pillar is not
acceptable; however his description of the iconographic feature are praiseworthy. The
nearby once famous sacred pond, Arka Kunda (now called as Bakaria Kund), is now
completely shrunken down by Muslims’ encroachments and filled by garbage and
wastes.

6. Sun worship (Chhatha Puja): from Locality to Universality

(based on Singh 2009a)
It can easily be speculated that folktales has more ancient root in the animistic
religion of ancient inhabitants of India, and when the Aryan culture spreads over those
traditions get acculturated and assimilated, and finally mythological glorification had
been covered up. It is obviously noted that Brahman priests are not employed but an
elderly member of the family, usually a female conducts the worship. Probably this is
an indication of older tradition than the Brahmanic Hindu rituals! In the villages even
Muslims join in the Chhatha Puja, and with due honour and grace accept the prasada;
of course, rarely they took the vow and celebrate this vrat (rite). Nevertheless,
examples are found in different parts that a few Muslims also celebrate the Chhatha
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 217

festival. The Chhatha Puja is not just a simple religious celebration, it is a witnessing
of the forces of unquestioned faith at work, of course without intellectually knowing
its message and scientific reasoning.

6.1. Chhatha Puja: Mythology and Festive Perspective

The worship of Sun god is described as a fasting ritual and festival in the
Mahabharata (3.16.31); people believe that since then this tradition is maintained.
Since the Sun is the basis of all living beings on earth, the sun’s energy might have
been conceived as motherly power in the animistic belief of the past. And, probably
due to this perception, worship of Sun in the form of goddess would had started
somewhere in the remote past. It seems that it is an old festival celebrated since
several generations in a traditional way. It is also argued that the fertility practices,
like sun worship together with water offering, had been common which later on was
adopted by the Brahmanical tradition (Pathak and Humes 1993: 212). After the
passage of time, the textual recognition of the festive ritual honouring children
protecting goddess (Shashthi) and the folk tradition of Chhatha got integrated
harmoniously (cf. Singh, Ravi 2000: 167). That is how today we find Chhatha being
celebrated on the Kartttika Shukla Shashthi (6th day of light-half, October-
November). It is mention worthy that the Chhatha puja, as in current practice, is the
important festival in the Bhojapur region (Bhojpuri speaking belt of eastern Uttar
Pradesh and western Bihar). In fact, Chhatha being mainly a Bihari festival, wherever
people from Bihar have migrated, they have taken with them the tradition of Chhatha.
It resulted to spread all-over India during last quarter of a century. Examples from
metropolitan cities like New Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai, Chennai, Hyderabad, Nagpur,
etc found where since last about a decade Chhatha Puja started by Bhojpuria people.
Bollywood has already produced a few films on this festival. Taking the benefit of
emotional attachment of people to the grand show of Chhatha Puja, politicians get
attracted and now getting themselves actively involved, mostly with intension to
‘emotionally blackmail’ people for political favour. The Indian Railway also runs two
dozens of trains Bihar and Mumbai and New Delhi for three/four weeks during the
season of Chhatha festival with an aim to clear heavy rush of passengers going to their
native homes and afterwards returning to the sites of their employments.
Shashthi’s name appears as synonym of Katyayani ‘mother’ in the description of
Shodasa-matrikas (the “sixteen mothers”) in Brahmavaivarta Purana (Pt II.43.27a,
29ab, 30-31), who take care of children (cf. Brown 1974: 40). The name of Skanda’s
wife is also Shashthi; in her hymn the matrikas are said to be highly revered as they
protect children at every stage. They are elaborately described in Skanda Purana
(Maheshvara Khanda). There Shashthi vrata is called Skandashshthi, hence to be
celebrated on Karttika Shukla-Shasthi (6th day of light-half, October-November). The
main deity of this festival Lord Karttikeya is to be offered arghya (“offering holy
water”), and worshippers are prescribed to eat fruits only and also awakening
throughout the night and to rest on floor (without any matters, etc.). By this
description it is obvious that the Skandashashthi has not direct association with the
festival of Chhatha, of course the main motives of both the celebration is to protect
children and grant prosperity to the family. The latter is meant to grant success,
prosperity, long life, good health, and lost kingdom. It has been mentioned in the
Gadadhara Paddhati (Kalasara, see: 83-84) too, prescribing its celebration on the 6th
dark half of the Chaitra, which again never corresponds with the present Chhatha.
However, the contemporary festival of Chhatha is close to the description presented in
218 Chapter Six

the Hemadrivrata (1.608-615) and Nirnayasindhu (134); both referring to the

Bhavisyaottara Purana (Prakrit Khanda 43, and 23). Another important motive of the
Chhatha festival has been to get relief from the skin diseases. The Sun god has very
strong association with the power to get relief from skin diseases, especially leprosy.
Of course prosperity of the child and relief from the skin diseases are the primary
motives, it is believed that by doing this festivals there will be overall prosperity and
progress for the whole family.
The Shashthi (Chhathi) Devi puja, celebrated on the sixth day of a child’s birth, is
entirely different from the Chhatha vrata under consideration here. For description
and mythologies associated with children protecting goddess the Atharvaveda
(Papamochan Sukta 11.5.1-23), VyP (Sarga Pratisarga, 9), the Mahabharata
(Aranyaka 3.218.42-47), the Padma Purana (5.41.149), the Devi Bhagavata (9.46),
the Brahmavaivarta Purana (2.43), BvP (kh II.43.4-6), etc. may be consulted.
The main objective of Chhatha puja is to gain divine blessing for procreation of
son(s) and their prosperity. Naturally, the worshippers are commonly the married
women. There is a conventional belief that if this puja is undertaken, the worshipper
may get rid of any type of skin disease. That is why even many males undertake this
puja. Other objectives are welfare of husband and son(s), happiness, and material
wealth.
The rites and rituals involved in this puja are spread over four days, including the
day of initiation and completion. On the fourth day of light-half fortnight of Karttika
(October-November), when it is auspicious for cleansing rite, the worshipper takes
bath in the Ganga (or any water body perceived as ‘Ganga’) in the morning.
Afterwards s/he offers water to the Sun god, takes vow to undertake Chhatha vrata,
and prays the Sun god to give enough energy so that the vrata is completed
successfully. As per the convention worshipper has to take plain vegetarian meal and
fruits only as specified in the sacred texts. On the eve of Chhath, houses are
scrupulously cleaned and so are the surroundings. On the first day of the festival, the
worshiper cooks a traditional vegetarian meal and offers it to the Chhathi Mai. This
day is called ‘Naha-Kha’ (literally, ‘bathe and eat’!). The worshiper allows
herself/himself only one meal on this day from the preparation.
On the following day, panchami (the 5th day), the worshipper is to wake up early
in the morning (in happy mood) and take bath. She keeps complete fasting (without a
drop of water) throughout the day. In the evening, after taking bath she has to worship
the sun and repeat the vow. Of course, Khir, a rice pudding prepared in milk with
(raw) sugar, and roti (‘plain bread made at home’) together with fruits are prescribed
to take by the worshipper before moonset, some of the performers never take any
thing as a means of following austerity. Before taking food worshipper does some
rituals with leaves of holy basil (Sanctum basilica) and incense; and keep aside a
portion of the meal for the holy cow. While eating, a worshipper should not talk to
anybody as a rule of performing vow. Commonly, most of the shopping for the items
to be used in this puja is done on this day. On this day, a special ritual, called Kharna,
is performed in the evening after Sun down. Today also, the worshiper eats his/her
only meal from the offerings (‘prashad’) made to the Chhathi Mai in this ritual.
Friends and family are invited to the household on this day to share the prashad of the
ritual. From this day onwards, for the next thirty-six hours, the worshiper goes on a
fast without water.
The sixth day, shashthi, is very hard. The worshippers, particularly women spend
whole day in the vivid preparations for the puja to be done in the evening. They
prepare sweet cookies and arrange them along with fruits and numerous smaller items
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 219

arranged into the kalasup or dala (“a type of bamboo-made basket”) and cover the
basket with yellow cloth. The importance of bamboo-basket is so prominent that this
festival is popularly called ‘Dala Chhatha’. An adult male member of the family
carries the basket, followed by other family members including the worshipper/s, to
any water point located at negotiable distance on foot. After arriving, worshippers get
into the river/pond and pray (with folded hands) to the setting sun. The Sun god is
offered all the items brought. They step out of the river/pond soon after the sunset,
change their cloth and put a new cloth, generally yellow sari/ dhoti. In the meantime,
other family members make a small altar of fresh earth and erect five sugarcanes tied
together at the top. Oil-lamps are lit and womenfolk sing devotional folk songs related
to Chhathi Maiya. Thereafter they walk down to home with all the ritual items
brought and offered. An altar is made in the (interior) courtyard and the sugarcanes
are erected as done at the river/pond. The mothers, whose specific wishes are fulfilled,
perform an additional and specific ritual of filling up kosi (“earthen elephant with, oil-
lamps”). There are 21 oil-lamps on the elephant’s back and another 14 open ones. The
21 lamps are lit while other 14 are filled with germinated gram, fruits, etc. Devotional
songs are sung, in praise of Chhathi Maiya, till late night.
At the evening of the third day, the entire household accompanies the worshipers to
a ritual bathing and worship of the Chhathi Mai, usually on the bank of a river or a
common large water body. The occasion is almost a carnival. Besides the main
worshiper, there are friends and family, and numerous participants and onlookers, all
willing to help and receive the blessings of the worshipper. Ritual rendition of
regional folk songs, carried on through oral transmission from mothers and mothers-
in-law to daughters and daughters-in-law, are sung on this occasion. The same bathing
ritual is repeated on the following day at the crack of dawn. This is when the
worshipper breaks his/her fast and finishes the ritual. Chhatha being celebrated at the
crack of the dawn on a river bank is a beautiful, elating spiritual experience
connecting the modern Indian to his ancient cultural roots.
The worshipper along with other family members wakes up very early (around
0400 hrs) morning next day and prepares the basket within new set of materials to be
offered. And, then all proceed to the river/pond with the basket(s), sugarcane, and
other items of kosi-lamps lit, in the same manner and on the same altar made last
evening. While making these arrangements, devotional songs in praise of Chhathi
Maiya are sung. The bathing begins with immersion of kosi and all other related
items. Worshippers keep on standing, in water with folded hands facing east. After
sometime, they hold kalasup full of naivedya (fruits, cookies, etc.) until the rising sun
is in sight. The puja concludes with the rite of pouring the holy Ganga water, or/and
milk in the kalasup by husband, son(s), and other male members. Of late, the fire-
ritual (havana), being done by the worshipper and all family members at the water
point, is found spreading and commonly accepted. This day held performance of
parana (“concluding ritual by taking holy food”). Karttika Shukla Saptami (the 7th
day of light-half, October-November) marks the conclusion of vrata.

6.2. Chhatha Festival in Banaras, 27 to 29 Oct. 2006.

The mental conception of Chhatha festivals, in fact starts by the celebration of

Divali/ Dipavali (‘festival of light and lamps’) that falls on the Karrtika dark-half 15th
(the new moon’s day, waning), succeeded by the falling week of light-half (waxing).
The day after Dipavali is celebrated as Annakuta (‘the Mountain of Food’) associated
with the legend of Krishna, and also celebrated on the same day or next day Yama
220 Chapter Six

Dvitiya (Karttika, October-November). On this day the main religious attention of the
Banaras city shifts to Panchaganga Ghat, where for rest of the month of Karttika the
activities continue. People provide oil lamps at the bank in the honour of Yama, the
God of Death. The special scene of day is the making of images of Bhisma, the
grandfather of the Five Pandava brothers of the Mahabharata, along the Rama Ghat,
fashioned from a ton of silt and clay collected from the Ghat steps, covered with a
final layer of mud, and painted with his clothes. He lies flat on his back and is pot-
bellied. He is honoured here as a deity in the month of Karttika. Such images, though
smaller in size, are also found at Asi, Kedara, Shitala, Panchaganga and at Trilochana
ghats.
Almost immediately after the gaiety of Divali has subsided, the solemnity of
Chhatha takes over. Adult married women of the household become major demos of
this preparation and emerge as shining examples of what they set out to preach. There
is complete abstinence from performing household chores, as younger women and
even children are encouraged to take over these mundane tasks. Thus shielded from
profanities, they begin a thorough spring cleaning of the kitchen fire and the pans that
would be used to prepare the prasada or food offerings to the Sun God. The usual
kitchen chulha (‘earthen hearth’) with the telltale marks of spilt over food are
removed by a meticulous application of liquid cowdung and clay. The frying pan,
cooking wok, and the ladies, are purified with a brisk cleaning with coconut husk and
ash till they shine as silver.
In Banaras (Varanasi), the Karttika Chhatha is mostly celebrated by the migrants
nearby districts from Bihar and adjacent Uttar Pradesh. Besides this festival there are
two other Chhatha festivals, associated with Lolarka Kund; near Bhadaini Ghat,
celebrated by many people of Varanasi. These Chhatha festivals are ‘Lolark Chhatha’
and ‘Lalahi Chhatha’. The ‘Lolark Chhatha’ is celebrated on the sixth day of the
waxing fortnight of Bhadrapada (August-September) where as the ‘Lalahi Chhatha’
fall on the sixth day of waning fortnight of Bhadrapada. ‘Lalahi Chhatha’ is
accomplished for the long life and good health of sons by the women of Uttar Pradesh
(cf. Singh, Ravi 2000: 169). It is the customary practice to proceed to Kringm Kund,
on the evening of the great festival. Many devotees pass the night there. Taking bath
in the attached holy tank is considered to cure and give power to have relief from all
sorts of skin diseases by the blessing of the motherly spirit of the Sun God (‘Chhathi
Maiya’).
On the 5th day of the light fortnight of the Hindu month of Karttika, a 3-day
festival of Sun worship starts. This is the most popular festival celebrated on a grand
scale in whole of Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh (Varanasi to Patna), more strongly
and at grand scale in the villages. With respect to deep involvement, faith, and
devotional strength, this festival is unparalleled. With respect to deep involvement,
faith, and devotional strength, this festival is unparalleled. The 4th day (26 October
‘06) of the Light half is the day of preparation and purification, by taking very simple
food like guard, milk, plain rice, and wheat-flour chapatti. No way onion, garlic,
pickles or any form of non-vegetarian foods should be taken. The 5th day (27th
October ‘06) starts with introductory rite, daylong fasting and singing devotional-folk
songs. The 6th day (28th October ‘06) is the day of complete fasting, even avoiding
water. Today devout Hindus, mostly women, young and old, offer the holy water of
Ganga to the dawning Sun on the riverbank (preferable at the bank of the Ganga).
Ladies carrying decorated small bamboo-baskets filled with flowers, fruits, cookies,
sugarcane pieces, coconut and lightened oil lamp stand in the water and watch the
sunset. Colourful clothes also decorate their sitting place on the bank chosen by
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 221

families, laid with carpets, flowers and other items carried there. After passing about
3hrs at the bank the devotees return home and perform domestic rituals.
At the river bank, the fading light of the evening sun makes one mind one’s step.
No one can afford to let slip or falter as that would mean an evil portent but since the
shallow bank stretches endlessly, there really is no reason to push or jostle. The low
lying edge of the waters is slippery as the soil is alluvial but the rows of country boats,
all geared to take passengers and offerings mid-stream in comparative safety, make
the task easier. Then, as the western sky of early winter turns rosy, the scene is a
concerted vision of devotion as countless up stretched arms hold aloft the glistening
bamboo trays and baskets. The veiled oil lamps are gently glowing and a chorus of
hymns rings the air. The minutes pass, a gloom descends and the faces become
blurred as the crowd walk back along the narrow path, leading away from the river
front.
On the next day (the 7th day, 29th October 2006) ) early morning, around 0400hr,
the family members, companions, friends and children all proceed in procession to the
waterfront (ghat) and mostly occupy the same places where they were at the previous
evening (cf. Singh and Rana 2002: 78). By offering holy water and all the ritual items
(cookies, fruits, flowers, coconut, germinate chickpeas) to the rising Sun god, the
festival comes to an end. The devotees returned to their home around 7.00am. And, by
distributing the prasada (sweets and cookies offered to god), the festival is completed.
At this moment the vow-taking devotee will break the fast by taking prasada and holy
water (while mixing with a few drops of the Ganga water and leaves of holy plant
Tulasi/ holy basil, Sanctum basilica). During last decade this festivals has received
more predominance in the festive arena.
Having paid homage to the setting sun, the next day, one must make ready for the
daybreak obeisance. This is the crucial part of the ritual and the journey towards the
river begins when not even the slightest hint of sunlight is visible. It is a mahogany
black sky outside as the festival falls during the dark phase of the moon. One can tell
when the river bank is near from the smell of dew soaked grass and the inky waters
can only be decoded by the sound of a soft lapping. This time the faces turn eastwards
and instead of just standing on the river bank, they enter the water for the customary
holy dip. In the meantime, the precious baskets are left securely under a temporary
canopy, made of freshly harvested sugar cane stalks. The four sided platform is made
special with its corners decorated with terra-cotta lamps shaped like elephants or
birds. The accompaniments of sandalwood paste, vermilion, wet rice, flowers and
fruits, covered over with red dyed cotton cloth, to ward off evil designs and spirits,
adds the right note of sanctity. The milling crowd of devout Hindus in the medley of
worshippers readily oblige devotees with chanting and prayers as the family stand
around their altar with folded hands closed eyes and devoted hearts to offer their
prayers to the giver of all life in the world. Once the first streaks appear on the
horizon, men and women, dressed in their saris and dhotis (loin cloth) plunge into the
shallow waters. Having found a foothold and completely oblivious of the chilling
waters, they begin the timeless chanting of sacred verses and the folk prayers what
they leaned from their family traditions. Sometimes people from outside of this
tradition get confused and think that the women are chanting of the Rig Vedic prayer
to the Sun — the Gayatri Mantra.
It is this unquestioned faith, a reminder about the basics of human existence, a
conscious upkeep of the environment in its benevolence and bounty that becomes
integral to the currency of living and believing. Dala Chhath “appears to embrace
many of the same themes of auspiciousness that recur throughout the month
222 Chapter Six

(Karttika). The sugarcane stalks used in this vrat, for example, represent the new
harvest, and as such they embody themes of fecundity and the renewal of the earth’s
fertility. The Dala Chhath narrative recounted above also speaks of the renewal of
life” (Pintchman 2005: 72).
Most of the folksongs (in vernacular Hindi, Bhojpuri) sang while the processions
move or when the groups sit at the sacred area, refer to the ancient fertility cult that go
back even into to historical past where human quest and divine awe were
complimenting to each other being prevalence of animistic religion. When the group
(family or neighbourhood level) moves the folksong sings in a voiced murmuring
sound refer as to how the elder son carries the bahangi (‘porting pole’), and a stranger
from distant region express his quest and awe:

Kanch hein bansh ke bahangiya,

bahangi lachakat jaye,
Bahangi leke chalele Dinesh babua,
bahangi Ganga ghate pahunchaye.
Rahiya mein tokela Batohiya:
Eh bahangi kekara ke jaye?
Ankhe tore phuto re Batohiya,
Eh bahangi ‘Chhathi Maiya’ ke jaye.
x x x x
“The porting-pole of soft bamboo sticks,
That bends up and down while moving.
Our dear son Dinesh carrying the ‘porter-pole’,
to reach early at the bank of sacred Ganga.
While on the way a stranger asked strikingly:
For whom are you carrying the porter-pole?
Let your eyesight may erupt O Stranger!
You’ve to know that porter-pole goes to Chhathi Maiya”.

Narrating the story metaphorically another folksong refers that when banana bears
cluster parrots get attracted having lust of greed to have good fruits, but the watch
gourd huts them that results to unconsciousness of parrots. Parrot-wife laments and
calls mother Chhathi with a promise and vow to perform the Chhatha vrata. At the
end of the couplet the Sun-god is also called upon. This indicated that for any creative
force the energy gets generated by the integrated action of feminine and masculine
forces. The folksong is follows as:

Kerva je pharela ghavad se, opar sugga munderaye.

Marbo re sugva dhanush se, Sugga girehein murchhaye.
Sugani je roweli biyog se, Chhathi mai ho kha na sahaye!
Ham karbo Chhathe ke baratia, Suruj-deo ho kha na sahaye.
x x x x
When banana bears cluster, O parrot gets shelter there.
Watch gourd hurts him by arrow, and the parrot fainted.
Lamenting by separation parrot-wife calls for rescue, O Chhathi Maiya!
I promise to perform the Chhatha vrata, O Sun-god help me.

The folk songs sung on the eve of Chhatha mirror the culture, social structure,
mythology and history of Bhojpur region (of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh). Nowadays,
modern Chhatha songs, largely Bollywood filmy remixes have caught on, but the old
tradition still goes strong with a great degree of sanctity, believes and ritual behaviour.
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 223

The three main linguistic regions of Bihar: the Maithili, the Magadhi, and the
Bhojpuri, and all the various dialects associated with these, have different folk songs;
but all dedicated to Chhathi Mai, and record an underlying harmonious unity. The
minor nuances of the Chhatha rituals, such as in the Kharna ritual, vary from region to
region, and also across families, but still there is a fundamental similarity and the
carrying on messages.
Naturally there may not be the sacred river Ganga everywhere, where the
auspicious site for the Chhatha puja to be selected. In such cases any water pool
nearby is selected and a few drops of the Ganga water is sprinkled into its water to
make it sacred and a healing force. By this ritual the water becomes a sacred entity
and considered as purifier, a source of mystery, a basic substance of life and carrying
force of the Ganga river. This in fact is an explicit expression of spatial transposition
and perception that makes notion of ‘lifeflow’ as archetypal representation of
‘waterflow’. This process of Great tradition of literary expression in ancient India may
be called ‘Gangaisation’ (cf. Singh 2009b: 274-276). One of the folksongs tells that
the water pool (pokhara) should have a rectangle shape, representing the four cardinal
directions, and perceived that it is full of natural water and milk (‘gift of the mother
cow’). In this case the notion of rectangle connotes spatial sense of territorial limits,
and the water symbolises the movement of time in the form of flow, immersion and
currents. Together this symbolises the image of ‘wholeness’, that’s how archetypal
representation of ‘holiness’ (cf. Buttimer 1985: 266). Having these ideas in mind the
worshippers proceed to the water pool carrying ritual items in the basket. Describing
the contents, the folksong mentions that main worshipper ‘mother’ has to be in yellow
sari ― yellow is the colour of purity and auspiciousness. Preferably the son would
carry the basket on his head or shoulder. Where are we going (‘space’), and when the
Sun will rise (‘time’), are the notions of movement. The song mentions that where the
two sacred rivers, the Ganga (‘symbol of light’) meets and supersedes Yamuna
(‘symbol of darkness’) that is the right site for performing Chhati puja and oblation to
the Sun-god. This whole sense and the associated moods described in a folk song:

Char hein khand ke pokharva

Jalau umaral jas, Dudh umaral jas
Lehun na daurva Dinesh beta
Chal argha deaye.
Penh na piyaria, ‘Usha’ deyi; Chal na argha deaye!
Kahanvan Surajdeo ugihein?, Kahanvan argha deaye?
Ganga Jamuna Suraj ugale, uhin argha deaye.
x x x x
The altar of the sacred water pool built in four axes.
The pond is full of water, and also the milk.
Dear son Dines, take the basket on your head,
Let us go to the sacred site for oblation.
Be hurry and wear the yellow sari O ‘mother Usha’, let us proceed.
Where the Sun-god will rise?, At what site to give oblation.
Sun rises at the site where the Ganga and the Yamuna meet.
This is the site where the oblation be given.
224 Chapter Six

6.3. Dala Chhatha (Karttika, October-November): the Participants.

On the 5th day of the light fortnight, a 3-day festival of Sun worship starts. The 5th
day of Karttika light-half starts with introductory rite, daylong fasting and singing
devotional-folk songs. The 6th day is the day of complete fasting, even avoiding
water. Today devout Hindus, mostly women, young and old, a million in number,
offer the holy water of Ganga to the dawning Sun on the bank. Ladies carrying
decorated small bamboo-baskets filled with flowers, fruits, cookies, sugarcane pieces,
coconut and lightened oil lamp stand in the water and watch the sunset. Colourful
clothes also decorate their sitting place on the bank chosen by families, laid with
carpets, flowers and other items carried there. After passing about 3hrs at the bank the
devotees return home and perform domestic rituals. On the next day (the 7th) early
morning, around 0400hr, the family members, companions, friends and children all
proceed in procession to the ghat and mostly occupy the same places where they were
the previous evening. By offering holy water of the Ganga and all the ritual items
(cookies, fruits, flowers, coconut, and germinated chickpeas) to the rising Sun god,
the festival comes to an end. And, by distributing the prasada (sweets and cookies
offered to god), the festival is completed. At this moment the vow-taking devotee will
break the fast by taking prasada and Ganga water.
Table 6.5. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Shashthi/ Chhatha, Karttika Shukla 6th, Samvata 2063;
28 October 2006, Saturday, Evening Arghya to the Sun.
Age 03.00 – 05.00 PM 05.00 – 07.00 PM TOTAL
, yr Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total %
<15 97 145 242 195 301 496 292 446 738 1.8
+15 620 1,032 1,652 4,588 10,137 14,725 5,208 11,169 16,377 40.5
+40 512 947 1,459 3,237 12,021 15,258 3,749 12,968 16,717 41.4
+60 127 215 342 1,867 4,366 6,233 1,994 4,581 6,575 16.3
Total 1,356 2,339 3,695 9,887 26,825 36,712 11,243 29,164 40,407 100.0
(Source: Personal & Group survey, courtesy of BBB Project, © Rana P.B. Singh).

Table 6.6. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Shashthi/ Chhatha, Karttika Shukla 7th, Samvata 2063;
29 October 2006, Sunday, Morning Arghya to the Sun.
Age, 05.00 – 07.00 AM 07.00 – 09.00 AM TOTAL
yr Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total %
<15 231 217 448 189 201 390 420 418 838 1.7
+15 3,378 9,877 13,255 837 3,505 4,342 4,215 13,382 17,597 35.1
+40 4,673 11,348 16,021 538 7,009 7,547 5,211 18,357 23,568 46.9
+60 1,672 4,865 6,537 391 1,267 1,658 2,063 6,132 8,195 16.3
Total 9,954 26,307 36,261 1,955 11,982 13,937 11,909 38,289 50,198 100.0

(Source: Personal & Group survey, courtesy of BBB Project, © Rana P.B. Singh).

The first day evening itself record a good mass of participants, which certainly
increase the followed up morning next days because of the participation by other
friends and devout Hindus those not performing this festival (cf. Tables 6.5 and 6.6).
Such people ask for the prasada (‘ritually offered food’). With the acceptance of
modernity and new means of amusement the traditional form of this festival has been
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 225

changing. This results to a great extent attract for tourists from different parts of India
and also abroad.

6.4. Lolarka Chhatha (Bhadrapada, August-September).

Another form of Chhatha festival is celebrated at the site of Lolarka Kund in the
city of Banaras during Hindu month of Bhadrapada. On the 6th the day of light
fortnight (30 August 2006), the great Sun festival is held at Lolarka Kunda. This holy
well reflects upon an ancient myth of fertility associated with Sun god as a supreme
and primordial deity. The oral history tells that the Sun god who turned Lol (exited)
upon seeing the nude beauty Khritachi and dropped his seamen which are preserved in
the spot. This myth encouraged young virgin mother to come here and have holy dip
for guaranteed conception, followed visit for celebration of conception, and later as
celebratory honour for birth of a child. That is how every year the crowd increases
and the tune of celebrations also changes while accepting the modern means.
Table 6.7. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Lolarka Chhatha, Bhadrapada Shukla 6th, Samvata
2063; 30 August 2006, Wednesday (Morning).
Age, 05.00 – 08.00 AM 08.00 – 12.00 NOON TOTAL
yr Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total %
<15 119 166 285 279 388 667 398 554 952 10.3
+15 187 782 969 369 1,788 2,157 556 2,570 3,126 33.7
+40 158 1,088 1,246 289 1,972 2,261 447 3,060 3,507 37.8
+60 79 608 687 113 894 1,007 192 1,502 1,694 18.2
Total 543 2,644 3,187 1,050 5,042 6,092 1,593 7,686 9,279 100.0

(Source: Personal & Group survey, courtesy of BBB Project).

Table 6.8. Asi Ghat, Varanasi: Lolarka Chhatha, Bhadrapada Shukla 6th, Samvata
2063; 30 August 2006, Wednesday (Afternoon).
Age, 12.00 – 04.00 PM 04.00 – 07.00 PM TOTAL
yr Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total Male Fem. Total %
<15 79 98 177 82 39 121 161 137 298 6.1
+15 193 1,012 1,205 129 396 525 322 1,408 1,730 35.5
+40 203 1,139 1,342 138 499 637 341 1,638 1,979 40.6
+60 69 543 612 78 176 254 147 719 866 17.8
Total 544 2,792 3,336 427 1,110 1,537 971 3,902 4,873 100.0
(Source: Personal & Group survey, courtesy of BBB Project).

This annual fair attracts tens of thousands of Hindu villagers from the surrounding
countryside. Devout Hindus, mostly women, start coming early in the morning. First
they take a bath in the Ganga, followed by a ritual bath in the Lolarka water pool. The
purpose of this festival is to give birth to sons. Couples without male progeny bathe in
the water pool, and those who have succeeded in this effort bring their sons back for a
celebratory bath. Devotees end the celebration by visiting, worshipping and
performing rituals at the Krimi Kunda (Ravindrapuri), where the tomb of Saint Kina
Rama is the centre of activities. All along the main street of Bhadaini are laid out
displays by hawkers and merchants of bangles, cosmetics, and trinkets for women, as
well as special articles necessary for the bathing ritual. According to an observation in
226 Chapter Six

1940 this fair was one among the ten top fairs in Banaras, attended by 50,000 people
(Kumar, 1993: 229). Presently the music and performances are lost from the scene,
however the number of devout Hindu ladies has increased in the past. This is attended
by over 80% females, consisting of young and aged (cf. Tables 6.7 and 6.8). Around
60% of the visitors record their presence by the noon, and afterwards the frequency
falls.

7. Concluding Remarks
The complex network and structure of the spatial pattern of sun shrines and their
association with the movement of the sun throw light on the cosmological sense of
‘city planning’ in ancient period. Probably this pattern is older than the Brahmanical
tradition, of course in span of time it has been superseded by Brahmanical (in fact
Shaiva) tradition. Eliade (1958: 124-125) characterises the sky deities (specially the
Sun) of many religious as typically aloof and distant, possessing little involvement
with daily human concerns. In Varanasi, however, the sun is directly involved in the
making of cosmic ordering, and in the life of the city, daily as the dawn sun, but also
traditionally as an agent for Lord Shiva, the patron deity of this city, and also as one
among the ‘five ancillary divinities’ (panchadevas) worshipped together. These solar
attributes must have emerged from local folk tradition and further elaborated in
mythology and epic literature. Cosmological order and cityscape of Varanasi can
further be explained with the study of spatial patterning of other deities and series of
sacred journeys (e.g., see Singh 1993: 37-64, and 1994a).

8. References
* For the full reference of the puranic texts cited in this paper, see Singh 1993: 319-
320.

Brown, Cheever Mackenzie 1974. God as Mother. A Feminine Theology in India.

Hartford VE: Claude Stark & Co.
Buttimer, Anne 1985. Nature, water symbols, and the human quest for wholeness; in,
D. Seamon and R. Mugerauer (eds.) Dwelling, Place and Environment. Martinus
Nijhoff Publ., Dordrecht: 259-280.
Eliade, Mircea 1958. Patterns in Comparative Religion. Sheed and Ward, London.
Kumar, Nita 1993. Patronage, identity and cultural change: Five Melas of Banaras; in,
Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) Banaras/ Varanasi. Tara Book Agency, Varanasi: 225 –
233.
Malville, John M. 1985. Sun worship in contemporary India. Man in India (Ranchi),
63 (3): 207-233.
Mishra, V.B. 1973. Religious Beliefs and Practices of North India during the Early
Medieval Period. E. J. Brill, Leiden.
Pathak, R.K. & Humes, C.A. 1993. Lolark Kund: Sun and Shiva Worship in the City
of Light; in, Hertel, Bradley R. and Humes, Cynthia A. (eds.), Living Banaras
(SUNY Press, Albany): pp. 205-244.
Pintchman, Tracy 2005. Guests at God’s Wedding. Celebrating Kartik among the
Women of Benares. State University of New York Press, Albany NY.
Pugh, Judy F. 1983. Astrological counselling in contemporary India. Culture,
Medicine and Psychiatry, 7: 1-21.
 Sun Images: Ordering, Cultural Astronomy and Worship 227

―. 1984. Concepts of person and situation in North Indian counselling. Contributions

to Asian Studies, 18: 85-105.
Rana, Pravin S. 2003. Pilgrimage and Ecotourism in Varanasi Region. Resources,
Perspectives and Prospects. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Dept. of Public
Administration, University of Lucknow, Lucknow.
Ruggles, C.L.N. and Saunders, N.J. (eds.) 1993. Astronomies and Culture. University
Press of Colorado, Niwot, CO.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1987. The Pilgrimage Mandala of Varanasi (Kashi): A study in
Sacred Geography. National Geographical Journal of India, 33 (4): 493-524.
―. 1993, ed. Banaras (Varanasi): Cosmic Order; Sacred City, Hindu Traditions.
Tara Book Agency, Varanasi.
―. 1994a. The sacred geometry of India’s holy city, Varanasi: Kashi as Cosmogram;
in, Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) The Spirit and Power of Place. National Geogr. Soc.
India, Pub. 41; also in National Geographical Journal of India, 40: 189-216.
―. 1994b. Water symbolism and sacred landscape in Hinduism: A study of Benares
(Varanasi). Erdkunde (Bonn, Germany), Band 48 (3), September: 210-227.
―. 1994c. Varanasi: Cosmic Order and Cityscape. 1. Sun Images and Shrines.
Architecture + Design (New Delhi), 11 (6), Nov.-Dec.: 75-79.
―. 2009a. Ethnogeography of the Sun goddess festival, ‘Chhatha’, in Bhojpur
Region, India: From Locality to Universality. Man in India, International Journal
of Anthropology (Serials Pubs., New Delhi), vol. 89 (1-2), Jan.-June): 103-120.
―. 2009b. Geographical Thoughts in India: Snapshots and Vision for the 21st
Century. Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding: Series Pub. 2 , Cambridge
Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne. U.K.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Malville, John McKim 1995 c. Cosmic order and Cityscape of
Varanasi (Kashi): The Sun images and cultural astronomy. National Geographical
Journal of India, 41 (1), March 1995: pp. 69-88. Reprinted in, Malville, J. M. and
Gujral, L. (eds.) 2000, Ancient Cities, Ancient Skies. Aryan Publ. for IGNCA, New
Delhi: 81-98.
Singh, Ravi S. 2000. Goddesses in India: A Study in the Geography of Sacred Places.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Dept. of Geography. J.P. University, Chhapra
(Bihar).
Sherring, M. A. 1868. Benares: The Sacred City of the Hindus. Cheap Publ., Delhi;
reprinted in 1990.
 CHAPTER 7
THE RIVERFRONT HERITAGESCAPES:
THE GANGA GHATS

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. The cult of living water is described in the Vedic literature and is continued
vividly in the Puranic literature. These texts also eulogize the Ganga as Gangeya,
which means the “giver of all sorts of prosperity and peace”– the liquid spirit of
sustainability (Rig Veda, 7.45.31). The “wash away sins” quality of water is endowed
with the power of sanctity and has many cosmological connotations in various
mythologies. The Ganga is called the ‘Primordial Divine-Energy’, and symbolized as
the river of the water of life, immortality, and healing from the very presence of God.
The Ganga, the patron deity Shiva, and the sacred territory of Kashi together form the
Cosmic Trinity of this great city, Varanasi. The people of Banaras as well as Hindus
all over India have a sense of rootedness and connectedness to the Ganga. There are
84 ghats (stairways) to the river where developed 96 water-front sacredscapes
(tirthas). Among them five ghats are considered as more auspicious; from south to
north, they are: Asi, Dashasvamedha, Manikarnika, Panchaganga, and Adi Keshava;
these are called the Panchatirthis (the five most sacred water spots). These sites are
also the spots for religious festivities that make the environment constantly alive.
Keywords: cosmogony, festivities, ghats, heritagescapes, mythologies, sacredscapes,
Shiva, sustainability, threat, tourism, Vishnu.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

I am in love with this holy river Gangā; the unique face of the town and inhabitants; the
unspeakable solitude of the water, and the sweet security of its bank. I would set up my
tabernacle here. I am content to stand still at the age to which I am arrived; I and my
friends: to be no younger/no older, no richer/no poorer, no more handsome or ugly. I do
not want to be weaned by age or appearance. Any alteration, on this earth of mine, in
vision or in lodging, puzzles and discomposes me. My household gods plant a sacred
fixed root, and are not rooted up without this holy water.
― A pilgrim (cf. Singh 2009: 282).

1. Background and Symbolism

The Banārasīs (dwellers of Vārānasī) have emotional attachment to the Gangā
river. The factors which contribute to the development of one’s sense of place
(topophilia in Tuan’s terminology) are numerous and varied, and grown in the
passage of time. The 6.4 km (4 miles) long riverfront of the Gangā, the eastern edge
of the city, possesses a unique history, a specific vision of magnificent architectural
row of lofty buildings and holy sites at waterfront (tirthas), and its own spatial
individuality. The Gangā riverfront catches up the historically developed socio-
religious ideals, values, place consciousness of pilgrims and their faith ― altogether
help to form a unique faithscape. This provides the hope for belonging, the firm belief
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 229

among the residents and pilgrims, or visitors’ thought and feelings to realize the
cultural milieu of Hindu traditions. The Gangā does have a deep sense of place
because it has a history of divine attachment since ancient past as eulogized in
mythological literature. Its manifestive form reaches to perceive her as goddess
resulting to evoke special emotions among the devotees. Of course, modern man has
rarely time for such vision and feelings, however with increasing mass of tourists and
pilgrims one is bound to recognize the spirit of place which is intangible, especially
the Gangā riverfront in the holiest city of Hindus, Varanasi, and that is why it is worth
defending with a view to conserving our cultural heritage resource.
Lewis’ (1979: 29) remark is appreciable in this context:

“To have a sense of place, to sense the spirit of place, one’s own place, is as
indispensible to the human experience as our basic urges for food, or for sex. I do not
think one can survive as humane creature on this earth without special attachments to
special places”.

In Varanasi the riverfront Gangā provides a site-series of 84 ghats (stairways to the

bank) as the special sacred chain of places (Fig. 7.1). Before we may think of
preserving our cultural heritage resource, understanding and their documentation are
prerequisite.
From its source in the Himalaya to its mouth in the Bay of Bengal, covering a
course of about 2525km, only in Varanasi does the Ganga river flow in a crescent
shape from south to north. The 6.5km (4 miles) long riverfront of the river Ganga,
forming the eastern edge of the city, possesses a unique history, and presents a
specific vision of a magnificent architectural row of lofty buildings and holy sites.
The history of Ghats goes back to 8th-9th century, however the stone stair ghats
started construction since 14th century, and as late as 2003 a few of the Ghats finally
built into stones. The Puranic mythologies refer to 96 sacred water spots (jala tirthas)
along the Ganga bank, which is also considered to be a cosmic symbol, i.e. a product
of 12 zodiacs and 8 directions (cf. Table 7.1). However, by the turn of 16th century
the 96 jala tirthas get concentrated around the 84 ghats (Table 7.2).
The peculiar shape of the Ganga river, “crescent-shape like half-moon”, evolved as
result of the fluvial process through which the coarser sediments deposited on its
western bank between Raj Ghat in the north and Samne Ghat in the south also
represents ‘natural heritage’. The portion between these two points a hillock-like
geologic feature, called natural levée, consists of nearly 60m bed of clay with coarse-
grained sand, limestone concretion (kankar) and gravel. Another similar ridge like
formation exits other side at Ramanagar where exists the fort. This peculiar geological
formation changes the flow of the Ganga in a half-circular shape. This sharp-bend
meander is perhaps the only observed in Varanasi throughout its course. This unique
geologic formation has provided base for the growth of the city in a crescent shape,
symbolically described as crescent moon on the forehead of Lord Shiva. In terms of
river ecology this characteristic is also considered as the unique aspect of energy
quantum and direction of the energy flow. In fact, this whole bed of the Ganga river is
an example of natural heritage.
The Ganga riverfront catches up the historically developed socio-religious ideals,
values, place consciousness of pilgrims and their faith ― altogether help to form a
unique faithscape. This provides the hope for belonging, the firm belief among the
residents; and pilgrims, or visitors’ thought and feeling to realise the cultural milieu of
Hinduism. The Ganga does have a deep sense of place because it has a history of
divine attachment since ancient past as eulogised in mythological literature. In
230 Chapter Seven

Varanasi the riverfront Ganga provides a site-series of 84 ghats (stairways to the

bank) as the special chain of sacred places. The first rays of sunrise reaching upon the
water current of the Ganga and their reflection on the magnificent buildings along the
ghats compel to remind the Hymn to the Dawn of the Rig Veda (1.113): “Arise; the
breath of life hath back to us, the darkness is gone, the light approacheth”.
Table 7.1. Varanasi: 96 Jala Tirtha Yatra (‘pilgrimage to waterfront sacred spots’).
Ghat No., Ghat name* Attached Jala Tirtha
1. Asi (Assi) Ghat Asi Sangameha Tirtha
22. Harishchandra Adi Manikarnika Tirtha (Prachin Parampapa Tirtha)
25. Kedar Parampapa Tirtha
29. Narada Prabhasa Tirtha
32. Pande Ganga Keshava Tirtha
34. Digpatia Agatsya Tirtha
35. Chausatthi Yogini Tirtha
41 a. Dashashvamedha Dashashvamedha Tirtha, Rudra Sarovara Tirtha
42. Prayaga Khurkartari, Markandeya, Vashishtha, Arundhati, Prayaga Tirtha
41 b. Dashashvamedha Narmada Tirtha, Visandhya Tirtha
43. Rajendra Prasad Prabhasa Tirtha
46. Mir Jarasandheshvara Tirtha
47. Yajneshvara/ Naya Vishal Ganga Tirtha
48. Nepali Bhagirathi Tirtha
49. Lalita Lalita Tirtha, Bharirathi Tirtha
50. Bauli/ Umraongiri Pitamah Tirtha, Brahmanala, Jnana, Shailad Tirtha
51. Jalashayi Vishnu Tirtha
52. Cremation Ghat Pashupati Tirtha, Rudravasa, Vishvamukti Tirtha
53. Manikarnika Manikarnika Tirtha, Chakrapushkarini , Avimukteshvara, Tarak,
Skanda, Dhundhi, Bhavani, Ishana Tirtha
56. Sankatha Harishachandra Tirtha, Parvata Tirtha
57. Ganga Mahala-II Kambalashvatara Tirtha, Sarasvata, Uma Tirtha
58. Bhonshala Angara, Kala Tirtha, Chandra Tirtha
59. Naya Vira Tirtha
60. Ganesha/ Agnishvara Vighnesha Tirtha, Ikshvaku, Marutta, Menavaruna , Agni Tirtha
62. Rama Rama Tirtha
64. Raja Gwaliar Piplada Tirtha, Tamra Varaha Tirtha, Kala Ganga Tirtha
65. Mangala Gauri Mayukharka Tirtha
66. Venimadhava Vindu Tirtha
67. Panchaganga Jnanahrida Tirtha, Panchanada Tirtha
68. Durga Markandeya Tirtha, Kharva Nrisimha Tirtha
69. Brahma Bhairava Tirtha
71. (Adi) Shitala Karnaditya Tirtha
73. Hanumangarhi Nageshvara Tirtha
76. Trilochana Pilapipla Tirtha
77. Gola Pinshegila Tirtha
78. Nandeshvara Hiranyagarbha Tirtha, Pranava Tirtha
81. Naya / Phuta Gopratara Tirtha, Sankha Madhav Tirtha
82. Prahalada Bana Svarnilina, Sankhya, Uddalaka, Nilagriva, Shesha Tirtha
83. Raj Mahishasura Tirtha
84. Adi Keshava Lakshmi Nrisimha Tirtha, Gopi Govinda, Vihar Nrisimha, Yajna
Varaha, Nara Narayana , Vamana, Pranava , Aditya Keshava ,
Dattatreyeshvara Tirtha
85. Varana Sangama Padodaka Shvetadvipa, Khsirabdi, Shankha, Chakra , Gada,
Ghat Padma , Maha Lakshmi , Garuda , Narada, Ambarisha Tirtha
* The Ghats without any Jala Tirtha are not mentioned; for the list of Ghats, see Table 7.2.
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 231

Sources: Kkh, Kashi Khanda of the Skanda Purana; KR, Kashi Rahasya of the Brahmavaivarta
Purana; KKT, Krityakalpataru of the Lakshmidhara’s Tirthavivechanakandam, TvK; MtP, Matya
Purana.

Table 7.2. Varanasi/ Kashi: The 84 Ghats along the Riverfront Ganga. (from the south
to the north; see Fig. 7.1, cf. Singh and Rana 2006)
Samne Ghat 30. Raja 60. Ganesha/ Agnishvara
Nagwa Ghat 31. Khori 61. Mehta
1. Asi ( Assi ) Ghat 32. Pande 62. Rama
2. Ganga Mahala-I 33. Sarveshvara 63. Jatara
3. Rivan ( Riwan ) 34. Digpatia 64. Raja Gwaliar
4. Tulasi 35. Chausatthi 65. Mangala Gauri
5. Bhadaini 36. Rana Mahala Balaji
6. Janaki 37. Darbhanga 66. Venimadhava
7. Anandamayi (Akrura) 38. Munshi 67. Panchaganga
8. Vachchharaja 39. Ahilyabai 68. Durga
9. Jaina 40. Shitala 69. Brahma
10. Nishadaraja 41 a. Dashashvamedha 70. Bundi Parkota
11. Panchakota 42. Prayaga 71. (Adi) Shitala
12. Prabhu 41 b. Dashashvamedha 72. Lal
13. Chet Singh 43. Rajendra Prasad 73. Hanumangarhi
(early name Ghoda)
14. Niranjani 44. Mana Mandir 74. Gaiya / Gai
15. Mahanirvani 45. Tripura Bhairavi 75. Badri Narayana/ Matha
16. Shivala 46. Mira 76. Trilochana
17. Gularia 47. Yajneshvara/ Naya 77. Gola
18. Dandi 48. Nepali 78. Nandeshvara/ Nandu
19. Hanuman 49. Lalita 79. Sakka
20. (Old) Hanuman 50. Bauli / Umraogiri 80. Teliya Nala
21. Karnataka 51. Khiraki 81. Naya/ Phuta
22. Harishchandra 52. Jalashayi 82. Prahlada
(Cremation Ghat)
23. Lali Cremation Ghat (Manikarnika) Nishada
24. Vijayanagaram 53. Manikarnika Rani
25. Kedar 54. Baji Rao Tikeshvara
26. Chauki 55. Scindhia Ravidas/ Bhainsasur
27. Kshemeshvara 56. Sankatha 83. Raj
28. Manasarovara 57. Ganga Mahala (II) Lakshmana
29. Narada 58. Bhonshala 84. Adi Keshava
59. Naya Varana Sangama

Says Havell (1905: 94) : “It seems, at first, as if the whole amphitheatre, about two
miles (in fact, four miles) in circuit, glittering in the sunlight, were one vast sun-
temple: the priests, the Brahmins who are muttering the holiest of their mantras, the
mysterious sun-invocations from the Rig Veda ― the famous Gayatri – the
priestesses, the women whose saris repeat the colours of the dawn, fast fading now in
the white light of day; the votive-offerings, the golden marigolds and rose- petals
which are piled in baskets on the ghat steps, and float on the surface of the water”.
Says Greaves (1909: 32): “All and many features contribute to make the complete
view, one which stands quite alone, and possibly could not be surpassed in the whole
world for genuine picturesqueness”. Says Sherring (1868: 9): “For picturesqueness
232 Chapter Seven

and grandeur, no sight in all the world can well surpass that of Benares as seen from
the river Ganges/ Ganga”.
In archetypal connotation the 84 Ganga ghats symbolise 8,400,000 organic species
according to Hindu mythology, thus each ghat gives merit of becoming purified in
100,000 life-species (yonis). Thus by taking holy dips in the Ganga at all the ghats the
individual soul can get purified in all the 8,400,000 species. Further, 12 months/zodiacs x 7
layers of atmosphere comes to 84; thus annual cycle of cosmic journey is completed
with taking sacred baths at the 84 ghats (cf. Table 7.2). All the ghats are points on the
divine-cosmic path (12 zodiacs x 7 chakras of body/ sheaths; thus 84) and number of
water-tirthas lying along (12 division of time x 8 directions, points on the space
circuit; thus 96) represents its manifestive-transcendental dimension. That is how this
frame shows a cosmic order and harmonic relationship between macrocosmos (divine
order) and microcosmos (human order) through the intermediary link of mesocosmos
(the physical order of ghats).
Among the 84 ghats the 5 described as the most merit-giving and sacred, called
Panchatirthis, are Asi, Dashashvamedha, Manikarnika, Panchaganga, and Adi
Keshava. Taking a sacred bath at these five ghats provides the same merit as bathing
at all the ghats. These five ghats symbolise the microcosmic body of Vishnu,
respectively as the head, chest, navel, thighs, and the feet (cf. Eck 1982: 233). That’s
how the area along the ghat is eulogised as Vishnu’s body.

2. Historical Context
In the early Buddhist literature, e.g. the Jataka tales, dated ca 5th century BCE to 3rd
century CE, the ghats are described as centre of purification like bathing and spot of
transport like ferry points. Worn sculpted images dating from the 12th-13th centuries
are still on display at a number of ghats, especially in the lower part, but “it is
impossible to re-establish the early architectural layout of the riverfront at this time.
Later references indicate that the ghats along the Ganga were delineated and named,
but consisted largely of sand and mud embankments not yet firmly set and clad in
stone. This lack of early surviving materials at a place with such a long history seems
to be due largely to the river itself, which has an extremely changeable and destructive
nature” (Hegewald 2005: 67). The Rig Veda (7.45.31), a ca. fifteenth-century BCE
text, eulogizes the Gangā as Gangeya, which means the “giver of all sorts of
prosperity and peace”– the liquid spirit of sustainability. Similar sentiments are
echoed in the Padma Purana (Shristi 60.64-65), a ca. thirteenth-century CE text: “We
pray to you O! the Liquid-energy of the Gangā – the universal form of supreme Lord
Vishnu” (Singh 2009: 268).
It is obvious from the archaeological investigations from the Raj Ghat that the
water-front site was the centre of commercial activities. The earliest images found at
this site show Yaksha and Yakshinis (vegetal demigods) and Naga (snake), indicating
the predominance of nature worship. In the 2nd century, for the first time we find
description of Dashashvamedha Ghat with reference to the great horse sacrifice ritual
performed by the kings of Naga dynasty. They were Shiva devotees and were the first
who installed several lingas.
During the Gupta period, 3rd to 6th century CE, the ghats became the centre of
economic and cultural activities. The Puranic literature describes its glory vividly in
various contexts. In the Gahadavala period, 11th-12th century, as much as five ghats
were mentioned in several inscriptions, viz. Adi Keshava, Vedeshvara, Kapalamocana,
Trilocana and Svapaneshvara (cf. Singh 1993: 67; cf. Niyogi 1959). From the
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 233

inscriptions it is also clear that on solar and lunar eclipses and on some other family
celebrations people were going to the ghats for performances and giving donations to
the Brahmins. The Jain text Vividhatirthakalpa (ca 14th century) has elaborated the
importance of the ghats.

Fig. 7.1. The Riverfront ghats of Banaras and World Heritage Sites.
234 Chapter Seven

Also with regards to other sections of steps along the river, it becomes clear that
their shape was constantly revised and modified. Mud embankments were frequently
first delineated at the top through the construction of walls and buildings. This
protected the city against the rising flood waters especially during the monsoon rains.
Subsequently, some step constructions were initiated on the upper part of the
embankment, which later on would be extended further down towards the river. In
many instances there were separate owners for the top and the bottom parts of the
ghats. Also the number of named ghat sections increased noticeably over the
centuries. This seems, however, not only to be due to the growth and expansion of the
city along the river, but also to the further division of originally longer ghats into
several more compact compartments.
By 17th century the riverfront landscape (ghats) became prominent in the overall
arena of Varanasi. Varadaraja’s Giravana-padamanjari (17th century) gives a full
account of the ghats, rituals and festivals associated to them. The palatial buildings
along the ghats were built under the patronage of the Marathas during 18th-19th
centuries. Even in 19th-20th century many ghats were re-constructed, re-named and
reshaped too. Since 1950 the state government of Uttar Pradesh has been deeply
involved in making the ghats stone staired (pucca) and their repairing.
During the period between late 18th and 20th century, many monasteries
(ashramas), Sanskrit schools, temples, and pilgrims rest house were built by estates,
patronised by the kings and queens, of different parts of India, like Peshvas of Pune
(Gujarat), Holkar of Indore, and Scindhias of Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh), Bhonshalas
of Nagpur (Maharashtra), Sursand, Bhabhua, and Darbhanga estates of Bihar, Rani
Bhavani of Bengal, kings of Nepal, etc.
Among the great poets, reformers, philosophers, who passed most of their lives at
the ghats, the notable had been Tulasi (CE 1547-1623), Madhusudan Sarasvati (CE
1540-1623), and the cobbler saint Raidas (1382-1505).

3. The morning scene and the images

The first rays of sunrise reaching upon the water current of the Gangā and their
reflection on the magnificent buildings along the ghats compel to remind the Hymn to
the Dawn of the Rig Veda (1.113): “Arise! The breath of life hath back to us ― the
darkness is gone, the light approacheth!” Such a spirit of place one can realize while
walking along, or boating in the early morning; on a December morning in the words
of Havell (1905: 93-94) the riverfront view looks as:

“Now the details of ghats can be more clearly distinguished ― the colossal flights of stone
steps, great stone piers and wooden platforms jutting out into the sacred stream, dotted river
with palm-leaf umbrellas, like gigantic toad-stools, under which the ghatiyas are sitting to
render various services to the bathers the countless spires of Hindu temples, dominated by the
lofty minarets of Aurangzeb’s mosque. At last, Surya, the Sun, appears, glowing with opal fire
above the cloudy bars of night. The miasmatic mists, like evil spirits ― the wicked Asuras ―
shrink and shrivel and vanish into thin air, as he pierces them through and through and flings his
victorious rays across the river, lighting up the recesses of the cave-like shrines, flashing on the
brass and copper vessels of the bathers and on the gilded metal flags and crescents which
surmount the temples of Shiva. It seems, at first, as if the while amphitheatre, about two miles
(in fact four miles) in circuit, glittering in the sunlight, were one vast sun-temple: the priests, the
Brahmins who are muttering the holiest of their mantras, the mysterious sun-invocation from
the Rig Veda ― the famous Gayatri ― the priestesses, the women whose saris repeat the
colours of the dawn, fast fading now in the white light of day; the votive-offerings, the golden
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 235

marigolds and rose-petals which are piled in baskets on the ghat steps, and float on the
surface of the water”.

The 6.4 km crescent shaped Gangā riverfront in Varanasi has no parallel.

According to Greaves (1909: 32):

“It is not the artistic excellence of the details, but the grouping of the whole, the extent,
the very heterogeneousness of the buildings, the quaint irregularities, the ruinous
patches, the temples and the tress; all these and many other features contribute to make
the complete view, one which stands quite alone, and possibly could not be surpassed
in the whole world for genuine picturesqueness”.

James Prinsep (1799-1840), an archaeologist, numismatist and epigraphist, who

was Collector of Varanasi during 1820-1830, had perceived the Ganga riverfront in a
more comprehensive way (Prinsep 1833: 46):

“The music and bells of a hundred temples strike the ear with magic melody from the
distance, amidst the buzz of human voices; and every now and then the flapping of
pilgrims’ wings is heard as they rise from their crates on the housetops, or whirls in
close phalanx round the minarets, or alight with prisoners from a neighbour’s flock. At
the same time the eye rests on the vivid colours of the different groups of male and
female bathers with sparking brass water vessels, or follows the bulls as they wander in
the crowds in proud exercise of the right of citizenship, munching the chaplets of
flowers liberally presented to them. Then, as night steals on, the scene changes, and the
twinkling of lamps along the water’s edge, and the funeral fires and white curling
smoke, and the stone buildings lit up by the moon, present features of variety and
blended images of animation, which it is out of the artist’s power to embody. He may
give in detail the field upon which these scenes of life are enacted, but the spectator’s
imagination must supply the rest”.

About the fantastic beauty of ghats in the morning Sherring (1868: 9) says, “For
picturesqueness and grandeur, no sight in all the world can well surpass that of
Benares as seen from the river Ganges/ Gangā“. One of the Puranas also glorifies
this distinct beauty (BvP-KR 2.13.38):

What is that divine light

reflecting over water in arc-form
which during even cosmic flood
be seen as it was.

The Ganga, the patron deity Shiva, and the sacred territory of Kashi/ Varanasi ―
altogether form the Cosmic Trinity in this city, says KKh (35.10):

The Gangā, Shiva and Kashi:

Where this Trinity is watchful
No wonder where is found the grace
that leads one on the perfect bliss.

Many seers, philosophers, novelists and writers came to this city in different
periods and expressed their feelings in different ways (cf. Singh 1990).
236 Chapter Seven

4. Riverscapes and Faithscapes

Asi Ghat marks the southern-most ghat. The palatial buildings were built under the
patronage of the Marathas during 18th-19th centuries. Its extended part built by the
king of Varanasi in 1830s is called Ganga Mahal Ghat (Fig. 7.2). In fact, in the name
of beautification and change the development and transformation of the ghat area
turned to be a big problem. The closing down of Asi confluence (in fact shifted half-
km in the south in 1981-82) and the pucca construction of Asi and nearby ghats
resulted to create a crucial problem of silt deposition. According to an estimate about
8200m² of silt in a length of 60m get deposited every year along the Asi and Rivan
ghats, and to get it cleaned a good sum of money is spent every year. Moreover, the
course and the flow are changing which cause loss of the aesthetic sense and
sacramental values of the ghat. The consequences of modern approach of short-term
planning are clearly visible here.
The temple complex of Jagannath symbolises the Puri Kshetra of Orissa. With the
support of Beni Ram and Vishambhar Ram, the two prominent and rich citizens of the
Bhonshala estate of Nagpur living in Banaras, the Svami built a temple honouring
Jagannatha in 1802. This is the replica of the famous Jagannatha temple of Puri,
Orissa. Beni Ram and Vishambhar Ram started the Ratha Yatra festival in 1806,
which is still celebated. Every year during the month of Ashadha (June-July) the
wooden idol of Jagannath from this temple is brought to the garden of Pandit Beni
Ram in the Rathyatra area for celebrating the famous chariot festival, of course in
abbreviated form compared to what takes place in Puri. On the 7th day of light
fortnight of Ashadha (June-July), a chariot procession festival (Ratha Yatra) that lasts
for 3 days attracts a huge mass of visitors. Close to the Asi Ghat exists
Lakshminarayana Pancharatna temple; the Queen Dulari Radhakunvar of Surasand
Estate, Bihar, who purchased the land in 1902 from the then king of Banaras
Prabhunarayan Singh, has built this temple in the early 20th century. This 5-spired
Vaishnavite temple is built on a ca 4m high platform and consists of a five spires-
temple.

Fig. 7.2. Riverfront Banaras: A scene of Assi to Rivan Ghat (after Christine Macy).
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 237

Rivan Ghat was build by the king of Rivan (central India). This ghat was earlier
named after Lala Misir, a family priest of the king of Punjab Raja Ranjit Singh. In
1879 the king of Rivan has purchased this and made sufficient repairing. The northern
and the southern porches are based on the joints of pillars. Both the sides there are
stone steps. In 1955 the king of Banaras has donated this palace to Banaras Hindu
University that uses it as dormitory for students of performance art and music. Tulasi
Ghat, a 16th century site, is named after the great poet Tulasi (CE 1547-1623) who
wrote the popular version of the Ramayana and passed the last part of his life here. On
the upper side of the ghat there are four shrines consisting images of Shiva and
Hanuman. In 1807 Amrit Rao, the adopted son of Raghoba, built this ghat and also
patronised the building. Later, repairs and extensions were completed by Mahant
Svami Nath. In 1941 Baldeo Das Birla made this ghat pukka stone stairs. Bhadaini
Ghat is referred in the late 11th century inscriptions and now depicted by the water
works building (1907) and nearby constructed water pump. In the earlier literature the
area was known as Bhadra Vana (“forest of the Bhadra Tree”), characterised by two
images, viz, Bhadreshvara Shiva and Bhadra Vinayaka (Ganesha). The latter two
images are in the nearby shrines. At this ghat no religious activities are performed.
Janaki Ghat is a mid 19th century built structure. The built-up structure was first
made by Rai Girdhara Lal in ca 1860, when the ghat was given a name as Girdhar Lal
Ghat. In 1870 queen Rani Kunvar of Sursand (Sitamarhi district, Bihar) purchased
this ghat and made it partly pucca and also built a shrine containing an image of
Janaki (Sita, wife of Lord Rama). This is followed up Anandamayi Ghat, old name
Imaliya Ghat, which is named after the holy mother whose hermitage (ashrama) was
established here in 1944. This ghat was made pucca by Rai Baldeo Sahai in ca 1942,
and in 1945 the lower portion was made pucca by Shiv Prasad Gupt. A merchant of
the same name built Vaccharaja Ghat in 1750. Close by to it is the birthplace of
Suparshvanatha, the 7th tirthankara of Jain tradition of faith. The present structure was
made by the government of Uttar Pradesh in 1965. From the bank of the Ganga
towards the upper side there are stone steps. In between the upper part and the bank,
there are layers of platforms containing the temples of Shiva and Ganesha. An
extended form of this ghat is named as the Jain Ghat. In commemoration a temple of
Surapshvanath (Svetambara sect) was built in the upper part in 1885. The ghat
renovated and re-constructed in 1988 by the irrigation department of the government
of Uttar Pradesh. There are many Jain inhabitants in this area. Then comes the
Nisadaraja Ghat, named after the boatman king, a mythical hero described in the
Ramayana. With the support of Boatmen Organisation this ghat was made pucca in
1946. This ghat has no religious and cultural significance. The lower part of this ghat
was built up by the king of Pancakota Estate of Bengal in 1915, that is how the name
has been given to the ghat. In fact, earlier this was part of the Shivala ghat which after
passage of time get divided into five ghats. Nearby is Prabhu Ghat in memory of king
Prabhu Narayan Singh of the dynasty of king of Varanasi.
Chet Singh (1770-1781) built the palatial building of Chet Singh Ghat in mid the
18th century as a small fortress, which witnessed the fierce battle between the troops
of Warren Hastings and Chet Singh in 1781 that resulted to the defeat of Chet Singh
(cf. Fig. 7.3). Thus this fortress went under the control of British. In late 19th century
the King Prabhunarayan Singh had again took the possession of this fort. There are
two state temples of Shiva in the compound. The northern part of it was donated to
Naga group of ascetics who late on built their monasteries and ghats, called Niranjani
Ghat and Nirvani Ghat. Niranjani Ghat was associated with king Kumar Gupta I (CE
5th century); it is there that was located the temple of Karttikeya, the second son of
238 Chapter Seven

Lord Shiva. There are three temples in the compound of Niranjani Akhara, containing
the footprint of the great sage-Guru Niranjani and Durga, Gauri-Shankara and the
Ganga. For the common mass this ghat has no importance with respect to religious
and cultural festivities.
Maha Nirvani Ghat has a folk legend about the Lord Buddha who took bath here.
The Mother Teresa’s home is close to this ghat. Shivala Ghat represents a temple of
Shiva (Shivala), and close by to it there is a temple of Svapaneshvara Shiva and
Svapaneshvari Devi. Gularia Ghat is named after a huge gulara, or cluster fig tree
(Ficus glomerta), which still grows there. Dandi ghat is named after a group of
ascetics whose monastery is attached to the ghat. Hanuman and Prachin (old)
Hanuman Ghats are named in memory of the monkey-servant of Lord Rama.
Hanuman’s installed linga is known as Hanumadishvara. The State of Mysore built
Karnataka/ Mysore Ghat.
Harishchandra Ghat, the second and southern cremation ghat, is mythologically
believed to be the place where king Harishchandra of Ayodhya, the forefather of Lord
Rama, served as a funeral priest. Peshva, during the mid 18th century, renovated this
ghat. This is one of the two cremation ghats, and sometimes referred as Adi
Manikarnika (“the original cremation ground”, cf. KKm 2.25-26); and still there
exists Adi Manikarnika Tirtha. This is also the seat of old Harampapa water-tirtha.
This ghat was not described in the ancient mythologies; and for the first time Prinsep
(1822) and Sherring (1868), both mentioned this as Shmashana Ghat. It is speculated
that when the city expanded towards south in abbreviated form cremation ghat has
also been replicated, which is evident by the Sati images of 15th-16th century
scattered near this ghat. It can easily be accepted that during 15th-16th century there
was already an active cremation ground, as also described in the Kedara Amtaragriha
Yatra (KKm).

Fig. 7.3. Riverfront Banaras: The Chet Singh Ghat (after Couté & Léger 1989: 6).
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 239

The Lali (or sometimes called Lalli) Ghat, according to folk legends was given
name after a famous mystic saint of late 18th century, Lali Baba, of Champaran
(Bihar) who has established his monastery here, known as Gudaradas Akhara. Later
the king of Banaras built this ghat pucca. In 1990 the northern part of Lali ghat was
named in memory of Dandi Svami Bhumananda of Haridvar. Vijayanagaram Ghat
was built in late 19th century named after a former kingdom of south India. Kedar
Ghat symbolises one of the tines of the trident weapon (trishula) of Shiva and his
home in the Himalayas. The Gahadavala inscription of the late 11th century describes
this ghat. Chauki Ghat is known for snake images under the huge and old holy fig
tree. Kshemeshvara Ghat is named after the identically Shiva linga. The northern part
of the Chauki ghat is called Kshemeshvara, or Someshvara Ghat. On the name of
Kshemaka, a demon devotee of Shiva, a Shiva temple was built in the early 18th
century. In the 19th century there was a sewer drain that meets here, therefore Prinsep
(1822) and Sherring (1868) both referred this as Nala Ghat.
Manasarovara Ghat, built in the late 17th century by king Man Singh of western
India, is named after the nearby sacred well symbolising the famous lake in Tibet. The
importance of the water pool has been eulogised that it gives the same merit like that
of Manasarovara Lake in Tibet. With this perception the ghat is called Manasarovara
ghat. Later again in 1805 the king family has repaired the ghat and renovated the area.
However, in passage of time with the urban sprawl and population expansion the
water pool was transformed into a well, called Manasarovara Kupa, presently existing
into Andhra ashram. Narad Ghat is attached to the Nardeshvara, a linga installed by
the mythical sage Narad. Narada Ghat was mentioned as Kuvai Ghat by Prinsep
(1822). This was constructed by Svami Sativedananda Dattatreya, a monastery chief
of south India, in ca 1888. The same Svami has built temple of Dattatreyeshvara,
Dattatreya Math and several nearby buildings.
Raja ghat was transformed with levelling and some built structure by Rajirao Balaji
in ca 1720 (Fig. 7.4). This was rebuilt with stone slabs by Amrit Rao Peshva during
1780-1807, who was living in Banaras as exiled by the British authorities. Amrit Rao
has also built the four temples of Amriteshvara, Vinayakeshvara, Narayaneshvara and
Gangeshvara, and four auxiliary shrines, and also renovated the Prabhasha Tirtha in
1780. Earlier the ghat was called Amritarao Ghat as referred by James Prinsep (1821
and 1831) and Edwin Greeves (1909), but later this was described under the name of
“Raj Ghat” (cf. Motichandra 1985). The Clark Hotel group has taken this ghat palace
on lease and runs special musical performances here. Khori Ghat is an extended part
of the Raja Ghat.
In ca 1805 Babua Pande, a rich Brahmin wrestler of Chhapra (Bihar) has built a
wrestling place and made this ghat pucca, this resulted to call it Babua Pande Ghat.
Prinsep (1822) mentioned it as Panree Ghat; remember that Prinsep in almost all the
cases misspelled the names. As mentioned in the Giravan-padamanjari (17th century)
this was described as Sarveshvara Ghat. In fact, Babua Pande Ghat is the southern
part of the Sarveshvara Ghat.
The beautiful building along the ghat belonging to the Sitaram Omkaradas exists at
Digpatia Ghat’ originally built in 1830 by the king of Digapatiya (of Champaran, Bihar).
Chausatthi Ghat symbolises the Yogini tirtha where a great Sanskrit scholar named
Madhusudan Sarasvati (CE 1540-1623) once lived. In 1670 the king of Udaipur
(Rajasthan) renovated this ghat. In an extended form the king has also built another
ghat which was named after him, the Rana Mahal Ghat. The king of State of
Darbhanga, Bihar erected Darbhanga Ghat in 1915 (Fig. 7.5). In 1995 this palatial
building was purchased by a rich person and is now named as the Brijarama Palace. It
240 Chapter Seven

is already in the process of transformation into a heritage hotel by demolishing its

inner architecture. The northern part of Darbhanga ghat is known as Munshi Ghat in
commemoration of Sridhar Narayan Munshi, a financial minister of the Nagpur State,
who resigned his job in 1812, settled in Banaras to pass his last period of life and
finally died here in 1824.

Fig. 7.4. Riverfront Banaras: the Raja Ghat (after Couté & Léger 1989: 22).
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 241

Fig. 7.5. Site plan of Darbhanga Palace (after Couté & Léger 1989: 15).

Fig. 7.6. Riverfront Banaras, Ahilyabai Ghat: Spatial Plan

(after Couté & Léger 1989: 15).
242 Chapter Seven

Fig. 7.7. Riverfront Banaras, Ranamahal to Shitala Ghat (after Prinsep 1831).

The old name of the Ahilyabai ghat was Kevalagiri Ghat, but in 1778-1785 the
ghat was extended and was completely re-built by the patronage of queen Maharani
Ahilyabai Holkar of Madhya Pradesh. In honour and memory the ghat is named after
her. James Prinsep (1831) has mentioned the name Kevalgiri Ghat, which indicated
that the ghat was known by this name till then. Later, Sherring (1868) mentioned the
name Ahilyabai Ghat, reflecting upon the change of the name. There is a palace and
residential district inside the compound. The service court is situated in front of the
palace, which continues down towards the ghat built on the Ganga river (Fig. 7.6).
There is also a group of religious buildings including temples and servants’ quarters,
some of which are used as akhara (wrestling site). The southern extension of this ghat
is known as Shitala Ghat where exits the temple of Shitala, the goddess who protects
from smallpox and chickenpox (cf. Fig. 7.7).
Dashashvamedha Ghat is the most important and active ghat in respect to
historicity and continuity of traditions (Fig. 7.7, 7.8). This ghat is divided into two
parts (a and b, lower and upper sites, respectively); in between the two parts is the
Prayaga Ghat which replicates the holy city of Prayaga (Allahabad), lying 128km
west (Fig. 7.9). This ghat is presumed to be the first historically recorded site
associated with the Bhara Shiva Nagas king of the CE 2nd century, who after
defeating the Kushanas performed the horse sacrifice to please their lineage deity
Shiva. In the ancient puranic mythology this ghat has been eulogised as Rudrasara
(“the water site of the Rudra/ Shiva”).
Balaji Bajirao built the present form of this ghat in 1748. In the southern part
within a big compound there are images of Shitala Devi, Dashashvamedheshvara, and
Dashahareshvara. According to ancient mythology, lord Brahma (“the Creator”)
performed ten (Dash-) horses’ (-ashva) sacrifice (-medha) at this site, hence the name.
The Four-headed Brahmeshvara linga is taken to be evidence for the veracity of the
story. On both parts of the Dashashvamedha Ghat there are shrines of the Mother
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 243

Ganga, river goddess. Walking around one can get an idea of religious activities and
the associated shops selling ritual items. The next adjacent ghat was formerly known
as Ashva/ Ghoda (“horse”) Ghat in the memory of the patron horse used in the horses’
sacrifice ritual held in the 3rd century. In 1979 in order to honour the first president of
the Republic of India, Dr Rajendra Prasad (r. 1950-1962), the ghat was named
‘Rajendra Prasad Ghat’.
Fig. 7.8. A scene of Dashashvamedha Ghat area in early 19th century, after Prinsep 1833.

Fig. 7.9. A scene of Dashashvamedha Ghat: Marriage ritual.

244 Chapter Seven

Fig. 7.10. Riverfront Banaras: the Shitala, Dashashvamedha and Man Mandir Ghats.

The next ghat is Mana Mandir Ghat on which stands a palace built by king of
Amber (Rajasthan), Savai Man Singh in 1585-1605. On the top roof Savai Jai Singh-
II built a Hindu Observatory in 1710. Savai Jai Singh, the king of Amber estate in
Rajasthan was a genius of a most unusual kind, an expert mathematician and
astronomer as well as an enlightened ruler and builder. He was commissioned by
Muhammad Shah, the Mughal emperor to reform the calendar, a sensitive task in the
land of astrologers and with a lunar year entirely structured round the Hindu
pantheon. To accomplish this at a high technical level, Jai Singh embarked on an
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 245

ambitious scheme to build five observatories on a monumental scale unprecedented at

that time. The astronomer-king had built such observatories (1718-1734) at Jaipur,
Delhi, Mathura, Varanasi and Ujjain. They are thus the last constructions of the
‘Astronomical Stone Age’.

Fig. 7.11. Riverfront Banaras: Hindu Observatory at Man Mandir Ghat.

Based on accurate methods of construction, computation and observation of the

places of fixed stars and planets with reference to motions and aberrations, the king
developed the instruments (Fig. 7.10). The giant stone instruments were used to study
the movement of the sun, the moon, the stars and other heavenly bodies. At the
246 Chapter Seven

entrance you meet the Bhitti Yantra (Mural Quadrant), which consists of a wall,
3.353m high, and 2.775m broad, in the place of meridian; now it is in ruins.
The biggest instrument in the observatory is the Samrata Yantra (King of
instruments), whose wall is 10.973m in length and 1.372m in breadth and set in the
plane of a meridian. One extremity is 1.937m high, and the other 6.795m, sloping
gradually upwards so as to point directly to the North Pole. This helps to measure the
meridian, and the declination of any planet or star, and the sun, and also the right
ascension of a star, may be known. There is a smaller version of this instrument,
Laghu Samrata Yantra. Another gigantic instrument, called Digansha Yantra, was
used to find the degrees of azimuth of a planet or star. You can check the time on your
watch with the help of solar shadow clock; remember that this would be the local time
showing about five/seven minutes difference.
The palace and the observatory instruments on the roof are today under the threat
of decay, despite the fact that the monument has been declared to be of national
importance under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act,
1958. Most of the copper plates marking angles on the circumference of the
instruments have also fallen apart, and many of them have already lost their portions.
A marble plaque affixed to a wall mentions that the observatory was restored in CE
1911 by the order of King Savai Madho Singh. Since that time, no proper renovation
and conservation work has been done. In the year 2000 by a grant of Rs one million
Department of Tourism, U.P. has renovated and repaired this historical building to an
extent. But this phase of renovation is insufficient and the work is not satisfactory.

Fig. 7.12. Riverfront Banaras: Manikarnika to Sankatha ghats.

 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 247

While returning from Man Mandir Ghat one can also see the Dalabheshvara linga
about 3m below from the surface; this shows the original surface level of the 1ate 16th
century. Dalabheshvara (“giver of lentil”) eulogised as ‘giver of food’, is in a chamber
below 2.5m from the nearby area. In the inner sanctum there is ‘stone slab figure’
(Varanasi shilapatta citra), dated c 11-12th century showing a series of miniature
figures of Brahmanical divinities arranged in horizontal bands. Of course, this is
dilapidated badly, however it is comparable to similar Varanasi shilapattas kept in
Gwalior, Jhansi and Lucknow museums. The figures engraved there refers to main
Shiva lingas, notable Keshavas (Vishnu), five Vinayakas, Adityas and Shiva’s
attendants.
The next is Tripura Bhairavi Ghat, named after the goddess of the same name. The
Giravana-padamanjari (17th century) has mentioned it as Vriddhaditya Ghat, after an
old disc of Sun god. Later in late 18th century the temple of Tripurabhairavi was built
and that replaced the old name. Mir Ghat, named in 1735 after a Muslim commander
Mir Rustam Ali, provides access to the Vishalakshi temple and Dharma Kupa. At the
top of the ghat a conservative Brahmin (Svami Karapatri-Ji) built a new Vishvanatha
temple in 1956. The next are Phuta/Naya and Nepali Ghat, which was made pucca in
1902 by Nanhi Babu, under the patronage of the king of Nepal.
The northern extension of the latter is now known as Lalita Ghat, attached to it is
Samarajeshvara temple built in 1843 by the patronage of the king Rajendra Vikram
Shah of Nepal. This temple is considered as the archetypal replica of the
Pashupatinatha temple in Kathmandu. Close to the bank is a pretty little shrine of the
goddess Ganga River. From the bank a staircase leads to the Nepalese temple, a very
picturesque building, built chiefly of wood and brick, and known for erotic sculpture
in wood. All four gateways and the doors of the temple are fully decorated with
symbolic and archetypal architecture. After passing through Bauli, Jalashayi and
Khiraki Ghats one reaches the Manikarnika Ghat.
The oldest firmly dated ghat, based on inscriptional evidence, is Manikarnika Ghat,
constructed in stone in 1302 (cf. Fig. 7.12). Being ritually the most important bathing
place, Manikarnika is also particularly well equipped with exact dates for restoration
and rebuilding works. Also with regards to other sections of steps along the river, it
becomes clear that their shape was constantly revised and modified. Mud
embankments were frequently first delineated at the top through the construction of
walls and buildings. This protected the city against the rising flood waters especially
during the monsoon rains. Subsequently, some step constructions were initiated on the
upper part of the embankment, which later on would be extended further down
towards the river. In many instances there were separate owners for the top and the
bottom parts of the ghats. This seems, however, not only to be due to the growth and
expansion of the city along the river, but also to the further division of originally
longer ghats into several more compact compartments.
Manikarnika Ghat, famous for cremation, has two parts: the southern for cremation
and the northern or downstream for other sacred activities. Here is the temple of
Tarakeshvara – the form of Shiva giving liberation (Taraka-). In the vicinity is the
holy spot of Charanapaduka, a slab of marble representing the footprints of Vishnu.
This is considered to be the “holiest spot” in this sacred city. One can also see the
Shiva-Durga temple built by king of Amethy in 1850 (Fig. 7.13)
248 Chapter Seven

Amethy Temple of Shiva-Durga

Built in ca 1850 by the king of Amethy (Awadh, Uttar Pradesh), this temple is
distinct with its five deep-red spires and gilded pinnacles (Fig. 7.13). Climbing up a
side staircase, one passes under the Naubatkhana, where images of musicians are
chanting praises of the goddess. On the right side of entrance is a fine bronze lion of
Durga, and on the left Shiva’s bull. The quiet and cleanliness inside are a relief from
the bustle, sloppiness and dirt, and somewhat sordid atmosphere of more popular
Banaras shrines. Returning towards the open space, walk southwards where you meet
the temple of Tarakeshvara.

Fig. 7.13. Amethy Temple at Manikarnika Ghat.

 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 249

Fig. 7.14. Riverfront Banaras: Bhonshla ghat, 1831 (after Prinsep).

Fig. 7.15. Riverfront Banaras: Bhonshla ghat, as today.

Bajirao Peshva built a ghat and a palace nearby in ca 1735, that’s how it is called
after him. Havell (1905: 138) described this: “Before the basement had been raised
many feet, the tremendous weight of the massive masonry caused a landslip, which
made the whole fabric topple over, so that the work had to be abandoned. The
250 Chapter Seven

unfinished façade and the ghat steps still remain…”. In fact, the entire structure sunk
several metres into the each since its erection (Sherring 1868: 72). Later in 1830
queen Baijabai of Gwalior get it repaired and rebuilt; she had also built the colonnade
around the Jananavapi well. Close to the bank on stable ground a temple of
Dattatreyeshvara is also built by Bajirao Peshva. By the existence of this temple, this
portion of the ghat is also called Dattatreya Ghat. Presently this ghat is assumed to be
part of the Scindhia Ghat. In continuation the Ghats are Scindhia, Sankatha, Ganga
Mahal-II Ghatand Bhonshala Ghat (compare 1831 and present, Fig. 7.14 and 7.15).
The latter two are famous for the grandeur of their palatial buildings. The ancient
name of the Bhonshala ghat was Nageshvara, which was referred into the Girvanana-
padamanjari, a 17th century text.
Then come Naya, Ganesha and Matha Ghats. The last one is a part of its preceding
ghat that is named after the V.S. Mehta Hospital built in 1962. Rama Ghat is
associated with the temple of Rama and Badri Narayana. Nearby is the Sanga Veda
School, famous for its Vedic teaching. The Maratha chief Madhorao Peshva built the
next Jatara and Raja Gwaliar Ghats, together with the preceding one, in ca1766. The
Mangala Gauri Ghat represents the famous temple compound of Mangala Gauri
where also are images of Mangala Vinayaka, Gabhastishvara Shiva and Mayukha Sun
god. Venimadhava Ghat is the lower part of Panchaganga Ghat. Before getting off the
boat, in the morning you can watch the arati (ritual of offering oil lamps).
The arati in honour of the Sun god and the goddess Ganga River at the time of
sunrise is most attractive when seen in the morning. There are many shrines of the
goddess Ganga along the ghat. It is believed that during the Hindu month of Karttika
(October-November) the waters of the river Ganga, Varana, Asi, Yamuna (which
meets the Ganga at Prayag, 125 km west) and the two lost streams of Kirana and
Dhutapapa, the five rivers, meet here. Hence the name Panchaganga (i.e. Pancha-,
five; -ganga, sacred river) Ghat. In the month of Karttika the ritual of offering oil
lamps to ancestors, hung up in the air on bamboo poles is performed by the ghatias
(ghat-priests) on behalf of the devotees who subsidise the cost of the materials
involved. The stone column on the terrace can hold 108 oil lamps at festive days in
honour of ancestors.
The landmark in this area is the Alamgir mosque, which in fact was a converted
from a 11th century Vishnu temple. After its first destruction in the 15th century it
was re-made in 1585 by the king of Amber, but finally demolished and transformed
into a mosque in 1673 by the bigoted Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. The original image
of black-marble Vishnu is kept in the nearby house of Lakshmanabala, now known as
Vindu Madhav Temple, and attracts thousands of devotees and pilgrims. To the left of
the entrance gate, is an image of Vishnu’s vehicle Garuda, a divine bird, and to the
right is Hanuman, Rama’s monkey-servant. These are the pieces of the original
temple and are excellent examples of miniature and column architecture. Inside the
temple, straight ahead one can see the image of Vindu Madhava. You can also have a
good view of paintings of the 10 incarnations of Vishnu in the hall, while in the corner
compound you can see “72 lingas Shiva”, and several images of Shiva, Ganesha,
Vishnu, etc. While enjoying the flight of stone steps, on the left one passes through
the monastery of Ramananda, a 14th century saint who was the guru of the great saint
Kabir (1398-1518). Turning right from the Vindu Madhava temple one descends the
sharp and steep steps – a typical and unique landscape.
The next is Durga Ghat, followed by Brahma, Bundi Parkota, (Adi) Shitala, Lala
and Hanumangarhi Ghats. Adi Vishveshvara Ghat, for instance, was initially called
after the Vishveshvara temple in its close vicinity. In 1580, the ghat was partly
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 251

constructed in stone by the raja of Bundi, which led to the renaming as Bundi Parkota
Ghat. In the early 20th century its top part, close to the Shitala temple, was divided off
and turned into an individual ghat named after the local temple of Shitala. At the
Gai/Gau (“cow”) Ghat there is a huge image of a cow, facing the east and symbolising
the mother earth, hence the name. Badri Narayan Ghat was built by Gwalior State,
and named after the temple associated with it. Nearby is the temple of Trilochana,
“Three-eyed Shiva”, hence the name Trilochana Ghat. Further one passes by
Nandikeshvara, Sakka, Telianala and Naya Ghats. In Prinsep’s map (1822) this ghat is
mentioned as Gularia Ghat which was made partly pucca a few years before.
According to the KKT (p. 122) as mentioned in the Linga Purana, in the Ashtayatana
Yatra, pilgrimage to eight directional lingas, this ghat is eulogised as the site for
initiation and concluding rituals.
Trilochan ghat is named after famous linga of Shiva, Trilocana (“Three-Eyed”),
called Trilocaneshvara. The KKh (75.12, 18-20, 72-74) and other contemporary
digests have composed many metres in glory of this ghat and its associated water
tirtha, Pilpippala Tirtha. In the Gahadavala rule, ca CE 1100, this was a famous site
for sacred bath and rituals. The ghat was made stone stepped in ca 1740 by Narayana
Dikshit with the support of Peshava kings. Repairing was also done partly in 1772,
however in 1795 Nathu Bala Peshava has made the whole ghat stone stepped and also
get repaired the temple of Trilocaneshvara.
Prahalad ghat is named after an identical great mythological devotee of Lord
Vishnu. In the CE 11th-12th century the Gahadavala inscriptions mention this ghat.
This is spread over a longer distance. The historicity of this ghat can be traced through
an 18th century sketch preserved in Savai Man Singh-II Museum at Jaipur, which
glorifies this ghat. In 1937 with the construction of a new Nishada Ghat in the centre
(where exists Satsanga Akhara), now the ghat is divided into two parts: the southern
and northern.
Raj Ghat was a famous ferry site until 1887 when the Lord Duffrin Bridge (road-
cum-rail) was made which in 1948 was renamed the Malviya Bridge in memory of the
founder of the Banaras Hindu University. In the Mauryan inscription this ghat is
described as sacred spot and a ferry point. Archaeological evidences support the
settlement life in the nearby areas during the 8th century BCE. Close to this ghat lie
the remains of the Gahadavala fort where shrines of Rajaputa Vinayaka and
Bhainsasura are present. There is a newly built temple honouring the cobbler saint
Raidas (1382-1505) who was born in the southern vicinity to the Banaras Hindu
University. A portion of Raj Ghat is presently called as Raidas Ghat.
The last, i.e. 84th, Adi Keshava Ghat existing at the confluence point between the
Ganga and the Varana river, was glorified in an inscription of the 11th century under
the name of Vedeshvara ghat. The main temple at this site contains the images of Adi
Keshava, Jnana Keshava, Sangameshvara and Brahmeshvara.

5. Towards Ethical Issues

At the time of Sun rise and Sun set both, one can see the natural beauty of
reflecting colourful light in the Gangā; in the morning the reflection of sunlight on the
palatial buildings, and in the evening the shadow of those buildings into the Gangā
make the scene unique which is more an aspect of experience than reading about it.
Walking along the riverfront or boating parallel along the series of water-edge ghats
help to form a deep vision and emotion into a harmonic sense of attachment that helps
252 Chapter Seven

experiencing the spirit of place where power of manifestation and connectedness

together make revelation.
A geomantic order is formed along the Gangā riverfront in respect, reverence and
regular rituals in terms of deep sacred ecology. One can easily experience a profound
connection with the river and a typical Banarasi lifestyle that is harmonious with all
that is alive. The Ganga is always accepted by Hindus as “mother” having life-force
vital energy. Like that of the five gross elements of an organic entity (earth/land,
water, fire, air, and either/sky), the river too constituted by these elements. These
parallels call for a re-sacralized relationship with nature. Using Gestalten
psychological frame the riverfront landscape needs to be viewed not as an isolated
element, but as meaningful wholes where total spectrum of lifeworld (lebensweft) is
involved with the everyday world of meaning and experience.

Following Dovey’s (1985: 103-105) propositions for an ecology of place, the

riverfront Ganga place may be viewed according (Table 7.3).

Table 7.3. Ecology of Place: Attitudes and Propositions.

Se Attribute Proposition
1. love and attachment : emotional bonds
2. bring people together : socio-festive meetings
3. create learning opportunities : cosmic connectedness and physical setting
4. make tangible image : distinct view for religious merit
5. change of the personality : cyclic, physical and religious
6. connect with the past : repository for meaning and memories
7. show traces of use : everyday life and meanings
8. control by users : active participation for maintenance
9. connect with the future : as vehicle for hopes to preserve cultural heritage
10. escape from loss with modernity : Preserving the spirit of place

However, the Gangā riverfront has certainly changed to a certain degree as

‘unhealthy place’; to put metaphorically “with the accumulation of human sins
since time unmemorable, the mother Gangā herself became ‘a stream of sins”. This
can easily be visualized, perceived and ultimately feel sad for all this.
Since 1980s attempts have been made to conserve and beautify the ghats in terms
of cultural values and modern needs with focus on environmental planning. However,
to a great surprise, no sense of environmental ethics in the light of deep sacred
ecology is given consideration. Closing down of the original Asi confluence, opening
of ‘Sulabha Shauchlaya’ (easy toilet home) along the ghats, remodelling of buildings
in modern way, unauthorized capturing,.., and so on, are the testimony to the modern
way of materialist planning and downfall of the cultural consciousness. Strong legal
process, public awareness and active participation should be promoted to check
ongoing loss of our cultural heritage. Above all, if our cultural heritage has gone, our
history would be lost; and finally we would be no where! One has to remember
Dubos’ (1973: 45) challenge that, “We shall not be able to solve the ecological crisis
until we recapture some kind of spiritual relationship between man and his
environment”.
 The Riverfront Heritagescapes: The Ganga Ghats 253

6. Epilogue
Its soul lies in its history; the mind in learning and the body in Ganga. If Ganga
would go, Varanasi would lose its very being. It is the body that houses the mind as
well as the soul. Unfortunately, Ganga is on the way to loss its identity as river, whose
waters purify the impure. Ganga is the most polluted major river of India and one of
the most polluted rivers of the world. It is a sad reflection on Indian urban planning
and let-loose industrialization, that the river has been converted into a drain to carry
urban and industrial effluents. To paraphrase Carl Jung: “The people of India will
never find true peace until they can come into a harmonious relationship with and
cultivate deeper feelings of reverence for the Ganga River, which is the cradle and
identity of India’s culture and civilization since time immemorial” (cited by Swan, as
in Singh, 1996: 105). In the words of a devout pilgrim, “The people of Varanasi, nay
the world community have to take action against the pollution of Ganga. A movement
to bring Ganga back to what it was before it was converted into a sewer drain and to
modernize the city while preserving its heritage has to be launched.
It is obviously noted that in Banaras the holy river Ganga has been transformed
into an integral part of the architectural layout and design of the city, where the river
flows like ethereal breathe. Attracted by the riverfront beauty, mystical image and
spirit of place over the centuries, the devout and influential patrons had made most of
the left bank of the crescent-shaped river constructed palatial buildings in stone. More
than just protecting the city against floods and providing safe and easy access to the
river at markedly variable water levels, the ghat steps provide an open public space,
which developed into an important theosphere, a community space used by residents
as well as pilgrims for a variety of functions, both sacred and profane. The ghats of
Banaras also provide an arena for displaying the earthly powers of wealthy patrons
rather than the splendour of the gods. As palaces and religious institutions lining the
upper bank of the Ganga were frequently constructed or remodelled at the same time
as the steps descending to the sacred riverfront, there is a strong spatial as well as
stylistic connection between the two separate but clearly related parts. Although ghats
and palaces are both designed to resist the eroding powers of the river, there is also a
certain openness and playfulness about the architecture along the riverfront
(Hagewald 2005: 77).

7. References
BvP-KR, The Kashi Rahasya (of Brahmavaivarta Purana). 1957. Gurumandala
Granthmalaya No. XIV, Vol. III, Calcutta.
Couté, Pierre-daniel and Léger, Jean-Michael 1989. Bénarés. An Architectural
Voyage. Editions Crephis, Paris.
Dovey, Kim 1985. An ecology of place and place making; in, Dovey, K.; Downton, P.
and Missingham, G., (eds.) Place and Place Making. Paper 85, RMIT, Melbourne:
93-109.
Dubos, Rene 1973. A theology of the earth; in, Barbour, Ian (ed.) Western Man and
Environmental Ethics. Addition Wesley, London.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras. The City of Light. Alfred A. Knopf, New York.
Greaves, Edwin 1909. Kashi: The City Illustrious or Benaras. The Indian Press,
Allahabad.
Havell, E. B. 1905. Benares. The Sacred City. Reprinted in 1989 by Thacker Spink &
Co., Calcutta.
254 Chapter Seven

Hagewald, Julia A.B. 2005. Ghats and riverside palaces; in, Michell, George and
Singh, Rana P.B. (eds.) Banaras, the City Revealed. Marg Publications, Mumbai:
67-77.
KKh, The Kashi Khanda (of Skanda Purana). 1961. Gurumandala Granthmalaya No.
XX, vol. IV, Calcutta.
Lewis, Peirce 1979. Defining a sense of place. The Southern Quarterly (Hattiesburg,
MS), 17 (3-4): 24-46.
Motichand 1985. History of Kashi. [in Hindi]. Vishwavidyalaya Prakashana,
Varanasi. 2nd Ed.
Niyogi, Roma 1959. History of Gahadavala Dynasty. Oriental Book Agency,
Calcutta.
Prinsep, James 1833. Benares Illustrated in a Series of Drawings. I, II, and III Series.
Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta.
RgV, The Rig Veda Samhita. Commentary of Sayanacharya. 1966. Ed. F. Max
Müller. Chaukhmbha Sanskrit Series, Varanasi.
Sherring, M. A. 1868. Benares. The Sacred City of the Hindus. London. Reprinted in
1990 by Cheap Publ., New Delhi.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1990. Literary images, cultural symbols and intimate sensing: the
Ganga river in Varanasi. National Geographical Journal of India, 36 (1-2):
117-128.
―. 1993. The Ganga Ghats, Varanasi: the Riverfront Landscape; in his (ed.) Banaras
(Varanasi): Cosmic Order, Sacred City, Hindu Traditions. Tara Publications,
Varanasi: 65-102.
―. 1996. The Ganga River and the spirit of sustainability in Hinduism; in, Swan,
James & Swans, Roberta (eds.) Dialogues with the Living Earth. New Ideas from
Spirit of Place from Designers, Architects and Innovators. Quest Books,
Theosophical Publ. House, Wheaton, IL, USA: pp. 86-107
―. 2009. The Ganga (Ganges) River: Image and Symbol of India; in his,
Geographical Thoughts in India. Snapshots and Vision for the 21st Century. Planet
Earth & Cultural Understanding, Series Pub. 2. Cambridge Scholars Publishing,
Newcastle upon Tyne UK: 266-302.
 CHAPTER 8
ARCHETYPAL ARCHITECTURE AND MAKING
OF AN UNIVERSITY TOWNSHIP

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. Following the tradition of spatial manifestation and archetypal
representation of the city plan, body symbolism and divine reciprocation are taken
into consideration in making the basic layout plan and design for the Banaras Hindu
University, built in 1916. The basic ideas were shaped by Annie Besant, theorised and
conceptualised by Malviya and designing plan was prepared by Patrick Geddes.
Geddes prepared the overall details that suits to Indian environment and serve as
nexus of meeting the East and West and also that fitted to the genus loci of India. This
resulted to sprang out the biggest residential and well-compounded spaced university
campus expanding over an area of 554.6ha, presenting consisting of 130 departments
and schools. The layout plan is in a crescent-shaped moon encircled by seven roads
and linked by 14 radial paths that meet at the central point of the New Vishvanatha
temple, where all the verses of the Gita engraved on the marble wall. The logo of the
university representing the vaka shakti (Sarasvati) symbolises the summun bonum of
all knowledge. The library building, built in 1927-41, in Indo-Saracenic style
represents perspective of British Library but reflecting vision of Indian architecture.
Keywords. archetypal representation, architectural integrity, Patrick Geddes, layout
plan, symbolism, library, logo, Madan Mohan Malaviya, meaning, message, new
Vishvanatha temple.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
University Anthem
So sweet serene, infinitely beautiful,
This is the presiding centre of all learning.
Radiant Kashi, wonder of the three worlds,
Treasure-Chest of Jnana, Dharma and Satya,
Nesting on Ganga’s bank, centre of all disciplines. So sweet…..
No Recent work of brick and stone,
Primordial design of divinity alone,
Mansions of knowledge, centre of all creation. So sweet…..
Clear here is the doctrine pure,
Truth first, then only oneself,
Home of Harishchandra, Truth’s testing ground. So sweet…..
The voice of God in Vedic record,
Constant Inspiration for soul-accord,
Work-shop of Veda-Vyasa, centre of freedom for Brahma Vidya. So sweet…..
Find here the steps of freedom,
Tread here the path of Dharma,
Flaming trail Budhha’s and Shankara’s centre for philosopher-kings. So sweet…..
Life-Giving waters of Varana and Asi,
Sustenance of Kabir and Tulasi,
Fountainhead of eloquent speech and poetry. So sweet…..
256 Chapter Eight

Music, Economics, other arts so many,

Maths, Mining, Medicine and Chemistry,
Fraternal forum of East and West, university in trust sense. So sweet…..
Patriotism of Malaviya, his intrepidity and energy,
All in youthful manifestation, centre for men of action.
(So sweet, serene, infinitely beautiful)
― Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar (1924)

1. BHU Plan: The Background

The idea of an institution based on ancient Hindu thoughts and ethics (cf. Rehold
2005) was first introduced by the foundation of the Central Hindu School in 1898 by
an Irish lady named Dr. Mrs. Annie Besant (1847–1933), a theosophist. Later with the
help of the kings of Darbhanga (Rameshwar Singh ‘Bahadur’) and Banaras (Prabhu
Narayan Singh; 1855–1931), Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya (1861–1946) founded this
university as an extended form of the Hindu College on 14th February 1916 (cf.
Chandramouli 2006: 219). At the entrance gate the statue of Malaviya-‘ji’ in a
standing pose reminds viewers of his devotion and energy to the cause of this
university (cf. Singh and Rana 2002: 141). This gate itself is like a temple gate, a
visual reference to the ‘Temple of Learning’ (Vidya Mandir) ― that is how Malaviya
referred to this university campus.
Table 8.1. The Villages those lands acquired for the establishment of the B.H.U.
Villages Area, acres Area, ha
1. Nagwa Durbar 37.84 15.31
2. Bhagwanpur Darbar 14.46 5.85
3. Bhagwanpur 78.12 31.62
4. Naria 295.31 119.51
5. Dhananjaypur 122.93 49.75
6. Khijarahi 52.30 21.17
7. Jangampur 75.68 30.63
8. Susuwahi 133.08 53.86
9. Seer Goverdhanpur 214.53 86.82
10. Chhittupur 191.28 77.41
TOTAL 1,215.53 491.93
(Source: Dar and Somaskandan 2007: 366)

Initially with the support from the Maharaja of Banaras, Prabhu Narayan Singh, the
area of ten villages (491.93ha) was given for the campus (see Table 8.1). After
passage of time in 1960s an area of 154. 61 acres (62.57ha) expanded, which is called
the New Medical Enclave. Presently, the main campus spreads over an area of 1,370
acres (554.5 ha). In 1975 the university acquired the lease for an agricultural farm of
2,764 acres (1,119 ha) from the Bharat Maha Mandal Trust at Barkachha in
Sonbhadra District, about 83 km southwest, with an aim of promoting agricultural
innovations and indigenous techniques. In 2005 the latter area developed as the
second campus of the university, known as ‘Rajiv Gandhi Campus’.
In the main campus, there are 129 post-graduate departments under 14 faculties,
including 3 institutes of Agricultural Sciences, Medical Sciences, and Technology
(Fig. 8.1). It consists of about 2,225 teachers, 19,550 students and 7,560 non-teaching
employees. There are 61 students’ dormitories in the campus, and 6 halls of students’
residence outside the campus. In addition there is the Mahila Mahavidyalaya
(Women’s College) situated in the Main Campus and three Schools in the Kamachha
 Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township 257

Campus, from which the University sprang in 1916. The Faculty of Education is at
Kamachha Campus. It continues to retain its links with its cultural heritage through
the Faculty of Oriental Learning and Theology and Sunday programmes of the Gita
lectures, etc. ― encouraging students to appear in the Gita examinations and the Yoga
courses what Mahamana Malaviya always envisioned.

2. BHU Layout Plan: Conception and Designing

During the initial phases of the conception of the layout plan of BHU, there had
been close discourses among the three great personalities, Mahatma Gandhi,
Mahamana Malaviya and Patrick Geddes. Malaviya conceived and proposed the
ideology of layout plan of the BHU; a vibrant Scottish biologist-cum-town planner
and anti-imperialist Patrick Geddes prepared the overall plan and prepared the details
that suits to Indian environment and serve as nexus of meeting the East and West;
and, the final design was shaped under the supervision of Patrick Geddes that fitted to
the genus loci of India by organic and nature architect Frank Lishman. Since its
inception Mahatma Gandhi’s blessings served as vital energy, as evident by his first
revolutionary speech at the foundation of the BHU. It was not a mere coincidence,
also a symbiotic outcome of meeting divine and human energies. It is notable that,
both, Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948) and Frank Lishman ‘FRIBA’ (1869–1938) were
born on the same day, 2nd of October 1869, while Patrick Geddes (1854–1932) was
also born on the same day but fifteen years earlier.
Geddes seems to symbolise what might conceivably come to pass at some future
date, if and when our descendants ever achieve the new synthesis of East and West
upon which the future survival not only of the holy city of Banaras and the conceived
university, but civilisation itself may depend (Lannoy 2002: 339). Mahatma Gandhi
agreed with Patrick Geddes that the town planning of a nation was the measure of its
civilization, and he would add that not only individual, but communal and civic
cleanliness was next to godliness. Geddes’s firm belief that ‘one can get a true picture
of the culture of a country from a sight of the structure and management of its cities
and roads’, had a very strong impression on Malaviya who himself was the real
practitioner of these enlightened thoughts. Both agreed that the outer cleanliness of
the people may be a reflection of their inner cleanliness. This is reflected in the layout
plan of BHU where the physical Body, conscience Mind and the motherly Nature
integrated in a deeper and visionary way. It was their further strong believe that our
faith our shastras (ancient classics of the Vedic and Upanishadic traditions) teach the
setting of both, outer and inner, individual and civic, cleanliness. God dwells in
libraries and the shrines of learning like in all other things. Geddes learned from the
Hindus shastras and meditative science even deeper habits of withdrawal and
contemplation than those he had long practised, and he more fully united Eastern
passivism and Western activism in his own life and he successfully attempted to
transfer these values in the crescent-shaped spatial plan of the BHU, similar to the
‘Karmuka’ plan of the Manasara Shilpashashtra (cf. Singh 2007a: 50).
Lewis Mumford’s critical remarks about Geddes are merely a painful memory in
the history of layout plan of the BHU. “Geddes coupled thought to action, and action
to life, and life itself to all the highest manifestations of sense, feeling, and
experience: organic life did not merely culminate in man’s superior cunning but in
man’s superior ideals. Into the piled-up tenement districts of Edinburgh he brought
gardens; into the plague-ridden streets of Indian cities, he brought cleanliness...” We
should not allow this brilliant Scottish town planner, energetically infusing his
258 Chapter Eight

audience at the newly-founded BHU with activist fervour, to be crowded out of our
consideration by our more immediate concern for the state into which Banaras, once a
Geddes project, has fallen since he worked here (Lannoy 2002: 340). In fact, “Geddes
sought to extract the essence of a... deeper understanding of man’s drama and destiny.
In Shiva he found the doctrine of natural selection, in Brahma the élan vital; he knew
that the roots of life lay deep”. It was also Geddes’s doctrine that every part of the
social and cultural heritage must be unlocked for the common man. In that respect he
is at one with Gandhi, whose speech at the BHU inauguration he witnessed and
absorbed in his heart. His philosophy has much in common with that of Ernest
Schumacher’s Intermediate Technology (ibid.: 342).
On the 8th February 1916, in the would-be compound of Banaras Hindu
University, Patrick Geddes in his special address ‘Ideals of a Modem University’, said
that “India's own University should bear India's own stamp and should not merely
copy from foreign Universities. The ideal of a University was to build character to
make a person strong in moral force. We need not be dazzled by the sight of the well-
endowed, magnificent Universities of America and Europe, many of which, in the
learned lecturer's opinion, were but moral and intellectual vacuums. In ancient days,
whether in India or in Greece or in other ancient countries, a centre of learning, a true
university, was formed from a very small beginning, with a single teacher, perhaps,
surrounded by a small group of students. Gradually, their number grew, other teachers
joined and students were attracted to come and place themselves under their guidance.
In modern times, the splendour was great, but real education or development of
character was poor” (cf. Dar and Somaskandan 2007: 366).
It may be worth noticing that the remarkable semicircular radial layout of the BHU
Campus what Malaviya thought, was shaped by Frank Lishman FRIBA. The Campus
scheme was sanctioned in 1912 and construction began in 1916 on land donated by
Maharaja Prabhu Narayan Singh, the occasion being marked by a momentous three-
day ceremonial opening, at which Mahatma Gandhi made a famous extempore
speech, launching his political career in India. In the design for the BHU Campus,
Frank Lishman supposedly drew upon indigenous Hindu sources for his inspiration,
particularly the ideal layouts and proportional systems propagated in the
shilpashastras (science of architecture and buildings), as explained and envisioned by
Malaviya. However, what seems a more obvious source for Lishman’s scheme are the
Garden Suburb and City Beautiful movements in Britain and overall insightful
guidance of Patrick Geddes. These advocated radial ground plans in spacious green
park-like settings with centralised religious monuments, exactly like the layout of the
BHU Campus with the huge Vishvanatha temple at its core.
Geddes became involved in the planning of Banaras Hindu University in 1915
together with Frank Lishman. To his son Alasdair Geddes outlined the main gist of his
architectural plan, with “a long series of one-story courtyards, each a quad for its
department, with shade and ventilation through by open verandas communicating. All
simply built within their temple scheme... To build in mud and bamboo in first place...
some day to be replaced by something statelier in carven wood or stone, or in brick
sometimes.” But his biographer Philip Boardman relates that anti-Geddesian idealism
forces were in the majority, and “all his dreams and concrete plans for making a
temple of higher education in the Sacred City vanished”. Geddes, who told a friend
that the man responsible for this was “an officially minded enemy, the Principal of
Allahabad”, told Alasdair in this connection: “I continue to like the Indians I meet;
and am often disappointed with my countrymen’s wooden inability to get on with
them” (Lannoy 2002: 344).
 Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township 259

3. B.H.U. Layout Plan: Symbolism, Meaning and Message

The radial ground plans of the BHU Campus in spacious green park-like settings
with centralised religious monuments, like the huge Vishvanatha temple at its core
replicate the cosmogonic frame of Varanasi (cf. Michell and Singh 2005: 136-137).
The BHU layout in a semicircular (crescent-shaped) and radial pattern, symbolises the
‘half moon on the forehead of Shiva’, and is based on the ancient plan known as
‘Karmuka’, similar to half of the ‘wheel’ (Fig. 8.1). This employs to an architectural
style of the most imposing proportions, with the emphasis on traditional Hindu
designs, especially in its temple-like towers (cf. Lannoy 2002: 316). This symbol is
comparable to the crescent-shaped northerly flow of the Ganga river in Varanasi,
which flows about 1.5km parallel east to the N-S axis of the eastern longitudinal axis
of the university road. This spatial orientation also fulfilled the wish of Malaviya who
thought that all the students see the Ganga in the east and early morning they will
perform the Gayatri mantra (sacred prayer honouring the vital radiance of the Sun
god), as said in the Rig Veda (3.62.10):
“Let us obtain the adorable splendour of the Sun;
May He arouse our minds”.

Originally the foundation stone of the university was laid in 1916 ca 500m east
from the present eastern boundary in the north-western part. This site faced the havoc
of periodic flood due to the nature of low-lying land, and this compelled the shifting
of the University to the west of its foundation stone (Singh 1955: 49). In the meantime
under the supervision of Partrick Geddes the layout plan of the BHU worked out by
Frank Lishman had taken shape which had satisfied Malaviya and Mahatma Gandhi.
The building construction started in 1918 under the supervision of Sir Gangaram, and
by 1921 some of the major buildings were constructed.
Following the shipashastras and the numerical symbolism, the subdivisions
(upakhandas) have been organised. The navel point (nexus) of the semi-circular form
lies at the centre of the N-S axis and directly linked to the inner sanctum (‘garbha
griha’) of the Vishvanath Temple, which is surrounded by the six blocks in each north
and south areas of the radial path. This way the temple represents the supreme form of
Shiva as Dvadasheshvara (‘The Twelve Lingas of Shiva, representing 12 Self-born,
Svayambhu, and 12 Light-manifested, Jyotir, lingas of Shiva scatted in different parts
of India) (cf. Singh 1987). The westerly block is divided by the five broad radial
roads, denoting the panchamahabhutas (‘the Five Gross Life-substance Elements’;
Fig. 8.1). The existence of the Panchabhuteshvara linga of Shiva in the BHU
Vishvanatha temple is a testimony of this.
There are seven (I to VII) semi-circular paths that serve as delineating edges for
the sub-circular sub-blocks, Kshetras, connoting the seven chakras (‘sheaths’,
parikshetra) of the human body, i.e. from outer to inner: Brahmarandhra (pineal
gland), Ajnakhya (pituitary gland), Vishuddhaka (thyroid), Anahata (thymus gland),
Manipuraka (pancreas), Svadhishthana (spleen) and Muladhara (sexual glands).
These Chakra elements are the representative of the seven elements of cosmic
organism, respectively as the ‘infinity’, vital force, sky, air, fire, water and the earth.
Among the seven Chakras, the lower four (1, 2, 3, 4) are considered as the pre-mental
state, while the higher three (5, 6, 7) represent transmental state. The upper three
states sequentially represent matter (5), mind (6) and spirit (7), comparable
respectively to the three stages of human consciousness:
 260
Chapter Eight

Fig. 8.1. Spatial Plan of Banaras Hindu University: Basic Outline.

 Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township 261

Map Index: the Banaras Hindu University

1. Mahamana Malaviya Statue & Main Gate 33. Geography Department

2. Chief Proctors’ Hall 34. Arts College
3. Sir Sunderlal Hospital 35. Post Graduate Building
4. Mahamana Malaviya Bhawan 36. Ancient Indian History, Art, & Culture
5. Kulpati Niwas 37. Sanskrit Maha Vidyalaya
6. Holkar Bhawan (Up-Kulpati Niwas) 38. Post Graduate Research Centre (IMS)
7. Ruiya Hostel 39. Music & Fine Arts
8. Birla Hostel 40. Institute of Medical Sciences
9. Dhanwantri Hostel 41. Mahila Maha Vidyalaya & Hostels
10. Broacha Hostel 42. Law College
11. Dr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyer Hostel 43. Amphitheatre
12. Dr. Savapalli Radhakrishnan Hostel 44. Central Office & SBI
13. Dr. Bhagwan Das Hostel 45. Multipurpose Hall
14. Dr. I.N. Gurtu Hostel 46. Bharat Kala Bhawan (museum)
15. Shri Ram Krishna Hostel 47. Guest House
16. Dhanraj Giri Hostel 48. International Hostel
17. Morvi Hostel 49. Students Union
18. Limbdi Hostel 50. City Students Home
19. Rajputana Hostel 51. Dean of Students
20. Dr. S.C.De Hostel 52. Shivaji Hall
21. Svami Vivekanand Hostel 53. B.H.U. Dispensary
22. Vishwakarma Hostel 54. Botanical Garden
23. Technology (I.T.) 55. Central Library
24. Engineering 56. C.H.C. Auditorium
25. Institute of Agricultural Sciences (IAS) 57. Old Boy’s House
26. Botany Department 58. Swimming Pool
27. Zoology Department 59. Central School
28. Geology & Geophysics Departments 60. Post & Telegraph Office
29. Mining & Metallurgy (I.T.) Depts. 61. Students Cafeteria
30. Chemistry Department 62. Computer Centre
31. Physics Department 63. Swatantrata Bhawan
32. Statistics Department
262 Chapter Eight

(i) sub-consciousness (instinct),

(ii) self-consciousness (reason), and
(iii) super-consciousness (intuition).

These in other words referred as sensibilia, intelligibilia, and transcendelia,

respectively (Singh 1993: 117).
In the I Kshetra there are six sub-blocks, showing integrity between 3 edges of
Purusha (male) energy and 3 edges of Prakriti (female) energy, which in cosmic
design shown as hexagram. Further, it also refers to the six Hindu seasons: Vasanta
(spring), Grishma (summer), Varsha (rain), Sharata (autumn), Hemanta (winter), and
Shishira (cold). These six seasons are abbreviated in six small areas in Varanasi and
annual pilgrimages are regularly performed. In the frame of spatial transposition this
is set in the BHU Plan in the form of six sub-blocks, Kshetras. These six blocks are
the representative of two triangles making a hexagon which symbolises the continuity
of creation and existence. The origin and unity of organic life in Nature are perceived
as the product of Purusha (male energy; yang) and Prakriti (female energy; yin), each
represented by a triangle: one with its apex up, and the other with apex down.
The II Kshetra is divided into nine subdivisions (upakhandas), replicating the nine
Hindu planets, viz. Surya (Sun), Chandra (Moon), Mangala (Mars), Buddha
(Mercury), Brihaspati (Jupiter), Sukra (Venus), Sani (Saturn), Rahu (ascending node)
and Ketu (descending node). The III Kshetra consisting of twelve upakhandas,
indicating twelve divisions of time and celestial parts, i.e. months or zodiacs. [This is
also parallel to the twelve months/zodiacs of the West.] The IV Kshetra records
fourteen upakhandas, symbolising the fourteen Bhuvanakoshas (‘vital substance’) of
the human body. Similarly in each of the successive two other Kshetras, V and VI,
also exists fourteen subdivisions. Thus together from IV to VI Kshetras emerges forty
two subdivisions (i.e. 14 x 3), denoting the 42 important Shiva lingas of Varanasi
aligned to three sacred routes.
From the structural perspective of land use, four types of uses superimposed. The
western part shows residential quarters and students’ hostels, open ground, faculties
and the departments, and returning back in between the last two a circular seat of
Vishvanatha Shiva temple. This arrangements is an attempt to represent the four
stages of life in Hindu cosmogony, i.e. respectively Kama (action), Artha (economy),
Dharma (morality with wisdom), and finally Moksha (relieve from this world). One
of the frescos in the (BHU) Vishvanatha temple shows the ‘boat of life’ that flows in
the world of ocean (‘bhavasagara’) having four waves that by ‘conscience’ and
worthiness one can easily cross. Showing Malaviya as boatman indicates that by
learning, realising and revealing oneself in his magnificent sacred-craft BHU, one can
surpass all the troubles in this life and make the world more peaceful, harmonious and
pleasant.
In a sense of aesthetical reflection, the BHU layout plan could be visualised like a
dancing peacock (Mayur) in a natural setting. The middle part refers to its body, to
which the two sides are covered by the Central Office and the Vishvanatha temple.
The followed up crescent-shaped roads and attached building of different faculties,
and sequentially lying playgrounds and students’ dormitories for the respective
faculties, and finally the residential buildings ― altogether looks like ribs and feathers
of the dancing peacock that reminds the harmonious ballet and ecofriendly
interrelatedness between man and the nature.
 Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township 263

4. New Vishvanatha Temple

This temple is third in the list of Vishvanatha temples in Varanasi city; and in a
sense represents in abbreviated form the archetypal personality of ‘Shiva as Lord of
the World’ (Fig. 8.2). Begun in 1938 but completed only in 1966, this white marble
mosaic clad structure presents yet a further variant of temple architecture in Banaras.
It is dominated by a hugely impressive 76.5-metre high tower, with plain sides
relieved by shallow modelled shikharas in two tiers. Its gently curved upper portion is
capped by an amalaka and kalasha. Smaller model towers of the same type are
positioned at the corners to create a panchayatana (five-fold) scheme (cf. Michell and
Singh 2005: 82). The sanctuary is approached from the east through a two-storied hall
with almost European Classical columns, overlooked by a gallery. Staircases ascend
to the linga sanctuary at the upper level. This is roofed by a corbelled dome and
surrounded by a spacious passageway that gives access to terraces on four sides. The
New Vishvanatha may be grouped with other 20th-century examples exhibiting
similar styled towers and elevated sanctuaries, such as the 1938 Lakshminarayana
temple in New Delhi and the more recent Birla temples in Kolkata and Hyderabad.
Fig. 8.2. Vishvanatha Temple, Banaras Hindu University.
264 Chapter Eight

This temple welcomes all, irrespective of caste, creed and colour and so in accord
with the idea of the founder to promote Neo-Hinduism. On the temple walls,
selections from the Vedic and puranic literature, and the total verses of the Bhagavata
Gita are inscribed together with colourful scenic drawings and sketches. There are
several images of various gods and goddesses. The beautiful, neat and attractive lawns
are maintained around the temple where a visitor finds a peaceful rest.
In the purview of the ‘wholeness’ of the holistic BHU plan, it can easily be
concluded that it represents the ‘mesocosmic’ reflection of the several niches and
layers of Hindu cosmogony where lies the harmonious interdependency and
interaction between ‘Nature and Man’: ‘Divinity and Humanity’, a way to ‘rita’ as
mentioned in the Rig Veda (2.23.3). The vision and craftsmanship of the BHU as
reflected in its architectural grandeur and inherent symbolic messages are unified by
human wisdom, by the light and colour of Nature, by decorative arrangement of
heritage designs, and by ideas of ‘the true, the good, and the beautiful’: Satyam,
Shivam, Sundaram. With this spirit of understanding let the messages of Malaviya
touches the heart and breathe of the universe.

5. BHU Logo: Representation and Meaning

The BHU emblem depicts the goddess of knowledge, Sarasvati playing vina
(Indian guitar) while sitting on the divine swan hamsa (a symbol of purity) and
bloomed lotus kamal (a symbol of integrating mind and matter, resulting to creation),
encircled in Om (symbolising ultimate integrity between Man and Nature), that finally
confers Amrita – immortality through vidya (wisdom). The human voice is the divine
lute, vina, Goddess Sarasvati is playing the lute in her hands in perfect harmony and
rhythmic chanting. He who makes perfect dedication to himself to the goddess of
learning, wisdom and knowledge and life, i.e., Sarasvati conquers all friction and
disharmony and converts her life in perfect melody, a superb chant, a deep rhythm,
animating his whole being (cf. Fig. 8.3).

Fig. 8.3. Logo of the Banaras Hindu University.

As eternal fluid and energy of speech goddess Sarasvati is the shakti (force) of the
propelling energy of Brahma, the Creator and all that has been created. The base
ground of water refers to the story of primordial water from where the life got its
evolution. The divine swan (hamsa) represents the individual soul in the body that
runs with the speed and power of thought and vision. The ‘Om’ is the quaint essence
of the Vedas, the summun bonum of all knowledge. The ‘Om’ – ‘A-U-M’ is the
 Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township 265

symbol of Light (sattva) Activity (rajas) and Stupor (tamas) (the three gunas). This
‘OM’ is within this Universe and also beyond it, because in its dual aspect ‘O ’ of
the B.H.U. emblem encompasses the body of Sarasvati and is also outside it,
enveloping it from all sides, or keeping her in its womb. The ‘OM’ is called “Udgita”
the cosmic chant of Sarasvati's Divine lute.
This emblem is a symbolic expression of the revealed cosmic reality in Hindu
thought that narrates the evolution (shrishthi), existence (sthiti) and involution
(samhara) at one platform expressing the triad form of ‘creative actions’, i.e. yantra
(design/ territories), mantra (words/ sound), and tantra (function/ action). This is
parallel to the integration of matter, mind, and spirit. These altogether represented in
the emblem and also exercises in the university (cf. Consolaro 2003: 114, 117). The
general message of the emblem is to cross beyond the ‘end of All knowledge like
attaining immortality’, i.e. the quest of death, victory over the fear of becoming
helpless victim of cosmic process of disintegration, decay and disease and death.

6. Sayajirao Gaekwad Library: an example of Architectural Integrity

Malaviya always envisioned harmonious integration of the East and the West,
especially in the architectural representation, as exemplified in the grandeur of
Sayajirao Gaekwad Library, which was built during 1927-41 in a sophisticated Indo-
Saracenic style with fine detailing and a varied and complex massing of its component
parts. Entered through a large and gracious porte-cochere, there is then a reception
area and a striking and huge domed reading room directly inside. The building’s
ranges, which house the book stacks, are two storeys tall, terminated externally with
large corner towers an extra storey and half in height. The large round reading room is
fitted with elegant custom-made cupboards and is connected to radiating wings for
supplemental reading rooms and access to the closed stacks. A balcony encircles the
inner dome one oversized storey up. The palatial scale of the interior recalls the
British Library reading room in Bloomsbury, London, though with more austere
materials and finishes, as envisioned and reflected upon by Malaviya (cf. Fig. 8.4).
It may be worth noticing here the remarkable semicircular radial layout of the BHU
Campus, probably conceived by Frank Lishman FRIBA (1869-1938). The Campus
scheme was sanctioned in 1912 and construction began in 1916 on land donated by
Maharaja Prabhu Narain Singh, the occasion being marked by a momentous three-day
ceremonial opening, at which Mahatma Gandhi made a famous extempore speech,
launching his political career in India. In the design for the BHU Campus, Lishman
supposedly drew upon indigenous Hindu sources for his inspiration, particularly the
ideal layouts and proportional systems propagated in the shastras. However, what
seems a more obvious source for Lishman’s scheme are the Garden Suburb and City
Beautiful movements in Britain. These advocated radial ground plans in spacious
green park-like settings with centralised religious monuments, exactly like the layout
of the BHU Campus with the huge Vishvanatha temple at its core (London 2005: 136-
137)
The Banaras Hindu University Library system, the largest University Library
System in the country, germinated from a small but precious collection donated by
Prof. P.K. Telang in the memory of his father Justice K.T. Telang in 1917 and housed
in the Telang Hall of the Central Hindu College, Kamachha. It was nurtured in its
infancy by the renowned historian Sir Jadunath Sarkar. With the University taking
shape at its present premises, the library was also shifted in 1921 to the Central Hall
of the Arts College (now Faculty of Arts) and then in 1941 to its present majestic
266 Chapter Eight

building built with the munificent donation from Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad of
Baroda, on the pattern of the great library British Museum in London on the
suggestion of Malaviya, after his return from the Round Table Conference, London in
1931. Its majestic circular Central Hall has been furnished with elegant furniture's
made of famous and rare variety of Burma Teak woods.

Fig. 8.4. Sayaji Rao Gaekwad Library, Banaras Hindu University.

Beginning with a small but precious donated collection, its grew by magnificent
donations of personal and family collections from many eminent personalities and
families like Lala Sri Ram of Delhi, Jamnalal Bajaj of Wardha, Roormal Goenka,
Batuk Nath Sharma, Tagore Family collection, Nehru Family collection, etc. amongst
a score of others and purchase of books and journals out of the regular fund with the
result that it has a collection of around 60,000 volumes in 1931 itself. The trend of
donation of personal and family collection to the library continued as late as forties
with the result that it has unique pieces of rarities of books and journals dating back to
18th century. Presently the Banaras Hindu University Library System consists of
Central Library at apex and 3 Institute Libraries, 8 Faculty Libraries, 27 Departmental
Libraries, with a total collection of over 1.35 million volumes to serve the students,
faculty members, researchers, and technical staff of fourteen faculties consisting of
129 subject departments of the university.

7. BHU (“bhu”), where the East and the West Meet

The Nobel Laureate poet Rudyard Kipling (1865-1936) said in his imperialistic
jingoism:

“Oh, East is East, West is West, and never the twain shall meet,
Till Earth and Sky stand presently at God’s great Judgement Seat;
But there is neither East nor West, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth,
When two strong men stand face to face,
 Archetypal Architecture and Making of an University Township 267

though they come from the ends of the earth!”

— from The Ballad of East and West

The willingness to work hard at taking each other, East and West, seriously was
evident in the built environment and functioning goals of the Banaras Hindu
University what Malaviya thought over, exemplified and envisioned in the form of the
habitat of the ‘BHU’, i.e. replicating the organic sense of the Mother Earth: “bhu”.
Paraphrasing Shashi Tharoor’s (1997: 6) words is a testimony to it: ‘The reason BHU
has survived all the stresses and strains that have beset it for ninety years (especially
after independence), and that led so many to predict its imminent disintegration, is
that it maintained consensus on how to manage without consensus’. This has been
difficult to practice and maintain, but not impossible; in the passage of time BHU has
testified it beautifully. Says Lannoy (2002: 316), “Banaras Hindu University has
transformed the intellectual life of the city and brought to it a new wave of scholars
from all over the world to join its faculty. Familiarly known by its initials, BHU, it
must surely be one of the first institutions to be known by a punning acronym. For the
world was created by Brahma thundering out the creative symbol ‘BHU’ [‘the force to
sustain the Earth’].”

Malaviya initially formulated his objectives for the BHU as follow:

“(1) As the teaching of Dharma was the most essential of all and the
Government could not take it up, we resolved to make up the
deficiency through the Banaras Hindu University.
(2) The second essential feature of our University would be to revive the
study of Hindi literature and culture. We knew much about Greek
philosophy, old Roman civilisation and English achievements. There
was hardly any nation on earth more ignorant of the history of their
ancestors than the Hindus.
(3) The third object of the Hindu University would be to substitute the rule
of science for the rule of thumb”.

After passage of time the above objectives have been revised taking into
consideration of the contemporary arena of culture, society, human concerns and the
demand of the nation; as given below:

(1). To promote the study of the Hindu Shastras and of Sanskrit literature
generally as means of preserving and popularizing the best thought and
culture of the Hindus and all that was good and great in the ancient
civilization of India.
(2). To promote learning and research generally in arts and science in all
branches.
(3). To advance and diffuse such scientific, technical and professional knowledge
as is best calculated to help in promoting indigenous industries and in
developing the material resources of the country.
(4). To promote the building of character in youth by making religion and ethics
an integral part of education.
268 Chapter Eight

8. Basic Sources: Selected Bibliography

Chandramouli, K. 2006. Luminous Kashi to Vibrant Varanasi. Indica Books,
Varanasi.
Consolaro, Alessandra 2003. Madre India e la parola. La lingua hindī nelle
università nazionali di Vārānasī (‘Mother India and the Word: Hindi as National
Language and the National University of Varanasi’); in Italian; revised doctoral
thesis from Dept. of Oriental Studies, University of Torino. Edizioni dell’Otrso,
Alessandria (Italy).
Dar, S.L. and Somaskandan, S. 2007. History of the Banaras Hindu University.
Banaras Hindu University Press, Banaras. Reprint of original ed.1966; along with
two appendices consisting of recent statistical information, and interpreting
architectural plan.
Lannoy, Richard 2002. Benares: A World within a World. The Microcosm of Kashi
Yesterday and Today. Indica Books, Varanasi.
London, Christpher 2005. Churses and civic monuments: The British contribution; in,
Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B. (eds.) 2005. Banaras, the City Revealed.
Marg Publications, Mumbai: 126-137.
Rehold, Leah 2005. A Hindu Education: Early Years of Banaras Hindu University.
Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1987. The pilgrimage mandala of Varanasi/Kashi: a study in sacred
geography. National Geographical Journal of India, 33 (4), December: pp. 493-
524.
―. 1993. Cosmos, Theos, Anthropos: An Inner Vision of Sacred Ecology in
Hinduism. National Geographical Journal of India, 39: 113-130. Also in, Singh,
Rana P.B. ed. Environmental Ethics. Discourses and Cultural Traditions.
Varanasi: National Geogr. Soc. of India, Pub. 40.
―. 2004. Cultural Landscapes and the Lifeworld: Literary Images of Banaras.
Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 7. Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2007. Banaras Hindu University, Architectural Plan: Symbolism & Meaning; in
SOUVENIR. Third International BHU Alumni Meet, & International Seminar on
Education in the 21st Century and Mahamana’s Vision, 6-7 January 2007. BHU in
association with Mahamana Malviya Mission, Varanasi: 50-57. Also reprinted in
Dar, S. L. and Somaskandan, S. History of the Banaras Hindu University. B.H.U.
Press, Banaras: pp. 884-895.
―. 2009. Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History and Bibliography
(1276). Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 8. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin S. 2006. Banaras Region: A Spiritual & Cultural
Guide. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 1. 2nd Ed. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Singh, R.L. 1955. Banaras, A Study in Urban Geography. Nand Kishore & Brothers,
Banaras (India).
Tharoor, Shashi 1997. A culture of diversity. Resurgence (Devon, UK), 183
(July/August): 4-6.
 CHAPTER 9

KASHI KSHETRA:
PILGRIMAGE CIRCUITS OF THE PANCHAKROSHI
AND ANTARGRIHA YATRAS

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. In an abbreviated form Panchakroshi route symbolises the cosmic circuit
which centre is at Madhyameshvara and radial point is at Delhi Vinayaka, covering a
distance of 88.5 km. Along the route exist 108 shrines and sacred spots archetypically
connoting the integrity of cyclic time (e.g. 12 zodiacs) and planets (9 in Hindu
mythology). This route is a unique example of ‘mesocosm’. In physical delimitation
Madhyameshvara is the centre, while in the ritualscape Jnanavapi serves as the navel
base from where initiation rite starts and the completion rite get finalised, thus it
forms a mandala. With the two centres, a complex web of pilgrimage system
emerges. In respect to faith systems this helps the devotees to experience variety and
complexity which ultimately give supreme bliss. During the last Panchakroshi Yatra
in the Ashvina Malamasa (18 Sept. to 16 Oct. 2001), in total 52,310 devout Hindus
(pilgrims and pilgrimage-tourists) performed this sacred journey. For a detailed socio-
cultural and perceptual understanding 432 respondents (208 Foot-pilgrims, and 224
Pilgrimage-tourists) were survey and their socio-economic, cultural and religious
characteristics are analysed and compared with similar situation. Nearness of distance,
faith and mental setup, cultural hierarchy, gender context, life conditions, are some of
the important factors having strong impact on the characteristics and intensity of the
visitors.
Keywords. Intercalary month, mandala, kshetra, mesocosm, pilgrims, pilgrimage-
tourists, Purana, ghats.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

1. The Background
During the 16th century the Panchakroshi Yatra had become quite popular. A
Marathi treatise, the Guru Caritra (41.265-317), dated CE 1538, describes the details
of this journey. Also the third section of the Brahmavaivarta Purana, known as Kashi
Rahasya (KR), is a collection of myths pertaining to this pilgrimage. Many digests,
abbreviated writings and pocket guidebooks in Hindi are available which present the
story of the KR in different ways. A famous poet saint of devotional movement in the
16th century, Tulasi (1497-1623), also glorified and eulogised this scared path as the
outer limit of city’s territory. During Mughal rule (16th-17th centuries) many of the
important images and shrines were destroyed. According to legends there are many
Lingas (representation of Shiva) and images buried in the earth. However, at the end
of 18th century, which was period of strong Hindu revival, many were recovered and
today many new replicas have been established. By the end of the 19th century the
Panchakroshi Yatra path had returned as popular pilgrimage circuit whereby the five
270 Chapter Nine

night-halts were established, and 44 dharmashalas (rest houses for pilgrims) were
built.
In Sanskrit, the language of Hindu ritual and the root language of many of India’s
vernacular languages, Pancha means the number five. Kroshi refers to the unit of
distance measurement equal to ¼ of the ‘yojana’ or approximately 2.2 miles in
contemporary terms. Thus five Krosha equals to about 11 miles (17.6km). The
Panchakroshi Yatra (pilgrimage) circular path, at a radius of panchakrosha
demarcates the territorial limit of the cosmic territory of Varanasi, generally known as
Kashi Mandala (cf. Singh, Pratibha 2004: 166-167). A mandala is a sacred circle
whose design symbolises the cosmos and Kashi is a very ancient name of the city of
Varanasi. The great Hindu God Shiva is also known as Kashinatha or Master/
Caretaker of Kashi. Thus Kashi Mandala is the sacred circle around Varanasi, and it is
a symbol of the entire cosmos; that is how by circling the mandala one symbolically
cycles the cosmos. Varanasi (mispronounced and wrongly spelled by the British as
Benares), takes its name from that section of the holy land delineated by the three
rivers: the Ganga-ji (wrongly called Ganges) in the east, the Varana in the north and
the Asi in the south. Along this section of the Ganga river, and facing the rising sun,
are 84 ghats, or stairways, used for ritual bathing and other religious ceremonies.
The celestial realm symbolised by Chaurasikroshi Yatra refers to the macrocosm,
while its spatial manifestation as smaller territory forms the Kashi Kshetra i.e. the
mesocosm. The celestial circuit of Panchakroshi Yatra delimits the mesocosm.
According to mythological literature a symbolic map is imprinted upon the
consciousness of pilgrims as they walk across the landscape. For Buttimer (1989: 263)
the mesocosm would be a prime example of a people’s revelation for a ‘rediscovery
of the dialectic nature of wholeness’ in the realm of humanness where nature, cosmos,
and humanity form a whole and that whole means holy.’
Passing from Manikarnika (no.1) to Lolarka (no.17) on the first day of pilgrimage
the pilgrims touch the southern portion of the river. On the day of completion,
pilgrims pass through Varana Sangam (no.90) in the north and reach Vishveshvara
(Vishnu and associated deities, nos. 107 and 108). That is how, during the first and the
last day, the pilgrims pay a visit to all the ghats (stairways to the bank of water body).
The 84 Ghats of Varanasi, which extends from point where the Asi River meets the
Ganga to the point where the Varana River meets the Ganga, are of great scared
significance in and of themselves (Fig. 9.1). While walking along the Ganga’s bank
does one realise that our great-great-grandparents once walked that very bank and had
certain experiences, manifestations and revelations similar to one’s own (Singh, 2001:
90-91). In archetypal terms each ghat represents one lakh (100,000) of organic species
as described in Hindu mythologies; thus, this is how Hindu explains what they
understand to be 8,400,000 species of our earth system. They are symbolised along
the 84 ghats in Varanasi. The number ‘84’ is also significant to Hindus. The 84 ghats
along the arc-shaped Ganga symbolise the integration of the 12 signs of the zodiac
(division of time) and 7 sheaths of the body (chakras) or 7 layers of the atmosphere
(division of space), thus 12 X 7 = 84 (Singh 1994: 213; also Singh 2002: 32-33).
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 271

Fig. 9.1. The Panchakroshi Yatra.

The eastern boundary of Panchakroshi Yatra path is delimited by Ganga-ji

(Ganges) river. Among the textually narrated 108 shrines and images along this path,
36 are associated with the bank of Ganga River. The number ‘108’ is the most
auspicious cosmogonic number in Hindu mythology and interpreted in several ways
(i.e. 108 ways as commonly believed). This is derived from the product of 12, the
yearly cycle of time (months, or zodiacs), and the 9, division of cosmic space (or
planets); the product of 36 symbolising 36 crores (i.e. 3.6 billions) of divine beings,
and 3 mythical realms,...etc. Theologically, 108, interpreted from right to left as: 8,
the cardinal directions, finally emerging into void (0), thus ultimately resulting to the
infinite cosmic unity (1); and so on. The number ‘108’, in itself a numerical
cosmogram, has a cosmogonic scope related to the product of 27 constellations (lunar
asterism) and cardinality (4 directions), or the rhythm of human condition in 4 parts of
the day (yama). It thus defines cardinality, centrality and circulation. The basic frame
of cosmogram consists of three parts: a circle (light), a square (water), and a triangle
(wind). In numerical context the square denominates 9 points (planets), the circle 4
points (directions) and triangle 3 axes (mythic realms). Their integration (9 x 4 x 3)
comes to 108; this structural plan in totality symbolises a cosmogram (cf. Singh 2002:
34, also 2009b).
Some scholars opine that Panchakroshi Yatra is more likely not to be older than the
12th century (cf. Motichand, 1985: 171). In support to this statement commonly it is
said than Lakshmidhara, a great commentator and teacher of the Gahadavala dynasty,
has not mentioned it in his Krityakalpataru, a great treatise on the pilgrimage and
272 Chapter Nine

sacred places. This viewpoint is challenged by Sukul (1977: 212-213) on the ground
of citing many verses from different Puranas. Many ancient dilapidated divine images
are found at various places along the Panchakroshi Yatra route, e.g. images of pre-
Aryan deities like Yaksha, Naga, Kubera and Gandharva at Kardameshvara; image of
Navagrahas, Varaha, and folk goddesses at Moksheshvara, village Abare;
Lakshminarayana in the Raddhakrishna temple, Harsons; Surya and Ganesha images
in Kameshvara temple, Chaukhandi; ten-headed Kali in Bhimachandi, and several
ruined images along the route (Sukul 1977: 241). These images certainly throw light
on the historicity of the Panchakroshi Yatra.

2. Typology of Shrines and Sacred Sites

Of the total 108 sacred shrines and sites along the Panchakroshi Yatra route 56 are
related to Shiva in the form of varieties of lingams, i.e. 17.3 per cent of the total Shiva
temples existing (324) presently in Kashi Kshetra (see Table 9.1). According to the
KKh, there were 511 Shiva temples; the Linga Purana added 22 more in the list, and
the KR added one more, thus in total the number reached to 534. Of this total only
324 are existing at present, and rest were demolished and lost during the Muslim rule
(see Sukul 1977: 122-124).

Table 9.1. Panchakroshi Yatra and Kashi: Shrines and Sites

Identity Total Number Identity Total Number

Pa-Yatra Kashi Pa-Yatra Kashi
Shiva Linga 56 324 Bhairava 2 17
Vinayaka 11 56 Sacred land area 2 2
Shiva Ganas 10 27 River confluence 2 2
Devi/ related 9 87 River Ghats 3 5
Durga 1 9 Sacred pond (Kunda) 7 31
Vishnu’s form 4 44 Sacred well (Kupa) 1 22
(Source: KKh and KKM, content cataloguing)

Kashi is the city of Shiva. Shiva himself said, ‘I will not leave my home, for my
home is ‘Never-Forsaken’, Avimukta (VP 92 56-59). The numerical predominance of
Shiva Lingas justifies this even today. The total number of Lingas existing in Kashi or
along the Panchakroshi route has special symbolic significance. The number ‘324’ is
the product of 108 x 3, symbolising Shiva’s control over the total 27 constellations in
the 4 cardinal directions and in the 3 mythical realms. Its abstract form 56, lying on
the Panchakroshi route, refers to the guardian symbolism and comparable to total 56
Vinayakas in Kashi. According to Tantric Mandala there appears seven cakras in the
body, representing seven plexuses. Thus in full form Shiva protects His territory in all
the eight directions (7 X 8); Kashi is His body. Another interpretation envisages that
Shiva protects His territory from obstacles at eight cardinal directions in all the seven
layers of the realm between the earth and the heaven (i.e. atmosphere).
Shiva Lingas of Kashi are grouped under twelve categories (see Table 9.2), in
which ‘Forms of Shiva’ predominates in Kashi (108) and also on the Panchakroshi
route (18). Various forms of Shiva refer to His qualities and nature of granting bliss,
and sometimes His appearance for specific motif. Most of the small Shiva shrines
have similarities in temple architecture and the Lingas installed there. Two most
important groupings of Shiva lingams, based on puranic sources, are (a) Svayambhu,
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 273

the self-manifested form, and (b) Jyotira, the light radiating form. Each of the groups
records the number of 12 in Kashi, in which three are common in both the groups;
they are Kedareshvara, Vishveshvara and Omkareshvara. The first two are associated
to the PY. There exists a single linga each founded by Lord Vishnu and King
Jarasandha. Four Lingas associated to Lord Rama and his three brothers are lying in
the Rameshvara temple, among which Rameshvara linga of the group related to Hindu
planets (grahas) is existing on the Panchakroshi route.
The eight Vinayakas of the outer ring, among the seven rings (cf. KKh 57), falling
on the PY-route in the sequence are: Arka, Durga, Chanda, Dehli, Udanda, Pashapani,
Kharva and Siddha (two in number, repeated). These Vinayakas represent the eight
cardinal points from where Ganesha in the form of protector (Vinayaka protects the
sacred territory. There also exist two more Vinayaka shrines, viz. Shodasha and Java
(not referred in the KR); thus there total number is reaching to eleven among the PY-
route.
Ganesha in the form of Vinayaka serves the role of Vighnesha, the reliever of
obstacles, thus He appropriates much of the guardian symbolism. The presence of
Ganesha in Kashi in this form of guardian is quite obvious as Kashi is the abode of
Shiva. The city of Varanasi is laid on a model of the cosmos represented in seven
circles, each having eight directions, thus in total at the 56 conjunctions the diggajas
(elephant guardians) stand and watch over the regions of sky. At it is in the cosmos,
so also does this representative pattern exists in the human realm; this makes the
divine paradigm, i.e. theosphere.
Of the total 27 Shiva’s Ganas (fellow attendants), parallel to that of 27
constellations, shrines ofa10 Ganas (8 directions, in additions to Upward and
Netherworld) existing on the route are: Virupaksha (2), Nila, Kalakuta, Bhringiriti,
Ganapriya, Raviraktaksha, Ekapada, Virabhadra and Carumukha. Ganas record a
prominent place in Shiva’s worship. They are either appointed by Lord himself, or
accepted by Him. Among the Ganas, Virabhadra received special attention in the
puranic description (cf. SkP I.1.33.99; MP 71.11-13). Their statues show black faces
and long hair as referred in the SkP (V. 2, 77.18, 20).
Altogether, there exist 96 shrines of goddesses (Devis) in Kashi, of which 10 are
lying on PY-route. Moreover, of the nine forms of Durga, the fourth one Kushmanda
lies at the Durga Kunda temple (20th number in the PY’s list). The shrine of
Chamunda (29) and two forms of Shiva, i.e. Moksheshvara (30) and Karuneshvara
(31) are lying near village Abre.
There exist four shrines of Vishnu along the PY-route, representing the four forms
of Vishnu: Adi (the First), Jvala Nrisimh (the Flame), Ganga Keshava (the carrier of
Sacred Water), and Bindu (the seed). Bhairava, the terrified form of Shiva is
considered to be the overall overseer and controller of ‘life, death and time’ in Kashi
(KKh 31); and most popularly referred as kotawāl (police inspector). According to the
KKh (72.93), Bhairava is also a guardian deity controlling the eight directions, thus he
has eight forms. After passage of time, eight more Bhairava shrines are added at
another level, thus in total the number reached to 17 (8+8+1, overall overseer, Kala).
Unmatta (‘the Wild’) on the PY-route is the protector of the southwest. The sculpture
shows Shiva’s cosmic dance of destruction, thus He protects the Kashi Kshetra while
outside of it the religious merits are destroyed. There also exists another shrine of
Bhairava along the road at Bhairavakund, village Harsons, which many times
perceived as the one eulogised in the puranic texts (no.55).
274 Chapter Nine

Table 9.2. Typology of Shiva Lingas in Kashi and along the Panchakroshi Yatra
(PY)-route
Category / Form Kashi Total Name of the Shiva Lingas along the PY route
(324) PY (56)
Original Form
1. Svayambhu 12 4 Kapardishvara, Vrishabhadhvaja,
(S) Trilocana, Avimukteshvara.
2. Jyotira (J) 12 4 Somanatha (3 sites), Rameshvara.
3. S & J together (3) 2 Kedareshvara, Vishveshvara.
Founded by

4. Rama’s family 3 3 Bharateshvara, Lakshmaneshvara,

(excluding him) Shatrughaneshvara.
5. King 5 1 Jarasandheshvara
6. Vishnu/Gods 14 1 Varaheshvara.
7. Sages (rishis) 27 7 Kardama, Durvasa (Kameshvara), Nahusha,
Devasangha, Prahalada, Vashishtha,
Vamadeva.
8. Shiva’s Ganas 27 9 Hanuman,Vishvaksena, Nila, Kalakuta,
Virabhadra, Nandi, Ganesha, Parvata,
Yakshesha.
9.Grahas 7 ---- -----
(Planets)
Others
10. Related to 56 5 Sangameshvara (Asi, and Varana),
myths Manikarnikeshvara, Dashashvamedheshvara,
(incidences) Dvavbhumishvara.
11. Replica of 56 4 Vimaleshvara (Vishvasthana),
other Shiva’s Shulatankeshvara (Prayaga), Trilocana
sites (Viraja, Gujarat), Nilakantheshvara
(Kalanjara).
12. Forms of 108 17 Dalabhya, Sarvesha, Naganatha, Mokshesa,
Shiva Karunesha, Mahadeva, Jnanesha, Amritesha,
Narkarnava, Bhutanatha, Somesha,
Kalanatha, Gananatha, Utkalesha, Prithvisha,
Gabhastisha, Mahesha.
(Source: KKM, content analysis of catalogue)

The two river confluence sites identifying the northern and the southern limits of
the sacred territory are the Varana confluence and the Asi confluence, respectively.
According to KKh (84.108-110) five Ghats more sacred for water pilgrimage, from
north to south, are Adi Keshava, Panchaganga, Manikarnika, Dashashvamedha and
Asi; all lying along the Ganga river and mark the eastern edge of the PY-route. Of
these five Ghats the first three are specially prescribed for the P-Yatra.
Among the referred Kundas (sacred ponds) and Kupas (sacred wells) in the puranic
literature and the treatises, there exist 31 Kundas and 22 Kupas in Kashi (for details
see Vishwakarma 1987: 130 - 139). Of this list only seven sacred ponds, viz. Lolarka
(KKh 46), Durga, Kardama, Gandharva, Sindhu, Yupa and Kapila and only one
sacred well, viz. Kardama lies along the PY route. There also exist the two land areas
identified sacred well, viz. Kardama lies along the PY route. There also exist the two
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 275

land areas identified sacred without any shrine, viz. Near the Rameshvara temple,
across the Varana river and the other near Saranga Talab. These pious places, sthanas,
at the PY-route serves as concrete reminders of the deeds of God and the idea of
remembrance, smarana, seems to be important elements like in most of the Hindu
pilgrimages. The pilgrims perform the ritual of smarana at these places. Such places
got manifestation of divine power, shakti, by contact with a form or many forms of,
god: a form in case of Svargabhumi (‘land of the heaven’; no. 85 in the PY-route),
and many forms of god, Asankhyatirtha linga (no.81) across the Varana river in
village Bhulaniwari. This nature of divine contact leads to develop the sense of
holiness, pavitrata, which attracts pilgrims to pay respect but from a distance.

3. Panchakroshi Yatra: the Route and the five halting compounds

The 16th century text, Kashi Rahasya (KR, 10), provides a detailed description of
the scared path and rules of Panchakroshi Yatra (PY). It tells the story of young man,
Mandapa, the son of a very pious man, who was once a wild and wicked boy but was
released from the terrible burden of his sins by performing this pilgrimage (cf. Eck,
1982: 320-321). He performed the PY following the description made by Shiva in the
form of preaching of his wife, Parvati. The text, KR (10), prescribes the Yatra in five
ways according to number of days and over-night stays involved in the pilgrimage
period. For only one over-night stay, pilgrims have to stay at the bank of Varana river
(village Rameshvara); for two halts, one night at Bhimachandi and the other at the
bank of Varana; for three over-night stays, halting additionally at Durga Kunda; for
four nights, staying at Kardameshvara, Bhimachandi, Rameshvara and Kapiladhara;
and for five nights, in addition to the preceding four stops Shivpur is added after
Rameshvara (cf. Fig. 9.1). But the five-day journey is the most common and believed
to be more merit giving.

Table 9.3. Panchakroshi Yatra: Distance, and Shrines & Sites

From To the halt (over- Distance No. of Shrines
(starting place) night stop, last site) km mile Se. No. Total
from - to
1. Manikarnika Kardameshvara 12.5 7.8 1 - 27 27
2. Kardameshvara Bhimachandi 15.9 9.9 28 - 52 25
3. Bhimachandi Rameshvara 23.0 14.4 53 - 80 28
4. Rameshvara Shivpur 15.9 9.9 81 - 83 3
5. Shivpur Kapiladhara 10.6 6.6 84 - 88 5
6. Kapiladhara Manikarnika 5.3 3.3 89 - 108 10
- additional route from the main site 5.3 3.3 ---- ----
TOTAL 88.5 55.2 108 108

The total route covers a distance of 25 krosha, or 55.2 miles (88.5 km) where exist
108 shrines and sacred sites. The distance between the two consecutive stops, and
number of shrines and sites are given in Table 9.3. Around 75.5 km distance of this
route is confined to the road journey, and the rest of the distance is covered along the
ghats which some of the pilgrims pass by boat (cf. book length study Singh 2002).
Before starting the pilgrimage one has to take a vow (sankalpa) at the shrine of
Dhundhi Vinayaka (Dhundhiraja). The KR (3.73) describes Dhundhiraja as the
beloved child of Bhavani (Parvati) and Shankara (Shiva) and adds that when he is
276 Chapter Nine

propitiated all three are pleased. Once a vow is taken the pilgrim begins her/his
journey by taking a ritually purificatory bath in the Ganga river at Manikarnika Ghat:
“the ghat that is considered the place of original cosmogony. It is here that death and
cremation becomes an act of universe regeneration” (Gutschow, 1994: 198) (site no. 1
on the Fig. 9.1). This is followed by initiation rituals in the shrines and temples of
Dhundhiraja, Dandapani, Kala Bhairava, Annapurna and Vishveshvara (Fig. 19). But
the actual form of ritual practice is to worship all the above divinities at one place in
the Muktimandapa (Jñānavapi pavilion) while reciting their names at one site
(representing all of them). This ritual is further extended with the vow-taking rite
(sankalpa) as described in the KR (10.9). This ritual is held under the guidance of
Vyasa, a specialist Brahmin priest, and it ends with seeking permission from the
group of five deities (pañchayatana, viz. Vishnu, Surya (Sun), Ganesha, Parvati, and
Shiva).

1st halt: Kardameshvara

The main temple of Kardameshvara (Fig. 9.2) represents a typical example of
continuity of traditions and integration of architectural styles, covering the period of
the 7th to 13th centuries. In many niches of the main temple, along the wall are
attractive images of divinities that complement the temple’s architectural beauty. In
the southern wall the Uma Maheshvara pose of Shiva in the three niches shows the
divine couple’s love, while the Yogeshvara form at the base of the triangle represents
Shiva as the lord of Yoga. At the entrance gate both sides are the two standing
divinities, showing the rivers goddesses Ganga and Yamuna together with other
auxiliaries. In the inner sanctum, later in the 19th century lion-ridden Parvati and
Ganesha have been installed. The inner sanctum stands on the four pillars.
Predominance of Shiva is visible; he is shown as Yogeshvara (sitting cross-legged),
Nataraja (dancer), Andhakasuramardana (killer of demon Andhaka), Umamaheshvara
(“Hara-Gauri”), and Ardhanarishvara (androgen). Important forms of Vishnu are also
represented, like Vamana (dwarf) and Balarama-Revati. There are two images of
goddess as Mahishasuramardini.
In the western wall the trinity of the Hindu pantheon is shown by the images of
Vishnu, Shiva and Brahma. Each is depicted with its vehicle, respectively the Bird-
man (Garuda), Nandi (bull) and Hamsa (swan). Shiva, shown as divine dancer
(Nateshvara) wants to complete the cosmic cycle by making disorder; this dance is
called tandava. At the beginning of the new cosmic cycle, or for the ordered running
of rhythms and seasons, Shiva performs a blissful dance, called lasya. Here the rosary
is imbalanced, showing disorder. There is another image of Vishnu as the “Vishva
Purusha”, the supreme overseer of the cosmos represented by the images of divinities
all around Him.
In the northern wall there is an image of Mahisasuramardini, the form of the
goddess who killed the Buffalo-demon; this is one of the very popular depictions of
puranic story. Near it, Shiva is shown as killer of the demon Andhaka (blind), called
Andhakasuramardan Shiva. This refers to the demon who was born as unwanted child
of Shiva himself who thereby was blessed with the power of Shiva. At one stage he
wanted to kill Shiva, but Shiva finally killed him. There are also images of Krishna’s
brother Balarama and his wife Revati. Balaram carries a plough on his shoulder, and
Revati carries a water pot; thus together they represent the farming culture. On the
upper portion there are images of Jain Tirthankara (most probably Parasanatha), and
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 277

also the king of the Snake-world (netherworlds), Vasuki, surrounded by his wives. On
the upper layers of the spires there are Sun and Moon discs.

Fig. 9.2. Panchakroshi Yatra, I night halt: Kardameshvara sacred complex.

At the entrance there are images of two river goddesses, the Ganga and the
Yamuna. The Kardameshvara linga is unusual in that it is flat and the vulva is a
separate part. Some suggests that this linga represents the highest state of communion
of the male and female power. At the edge of the vulva, the copper cover shows
flames or lotus petals, numbering 108. Pilgrims offer five grains (barley, paddy,
278 Chapter Nine

wheat, lentil, and black lentil), white sesame, leaves of bilva (thorn apple) and holy
basil (tulasi). The Shiva representing Somanatha of Gujarat, western India, is in the
southwest shrine. By the 15th century this and other temples along the Panchakroshi
Pilgrimage circuit became the part of the circumambulatory pilgrimage system.
The Kardameshvara temple presents an example of successive layers of growth,
beginning from 6th-7th century to 13th century. In the southern part of platform there
are the fragments of the ancient shrine which consisted of the images of divine
dancers, musicians, snakes, and mythical beasts; these figures date back to 6th-7th
century. During the period of Gahadavala dynasty (12th-13th century) most of the
upper parts were built. It is the only surviving temple after the Mughal invasion
during 17th century. Its locality in the then forest-clad area and a considerable
distance from the city area had saved it from destruction. Since then additions and
modifications have been made.
At the first halt station, Kandwa, one meets the shrine of Nilakantheshvara. This
form of Shiva refers to the puranic story of churning the ocean by gods and demons.
About 20m south is the Virupaksha linga, referring to one of Shiva’s assistants
(gana). On the western part of the platform there is a panel consisting of images of
Fish, Tortoise, Boar, Man-Lion and Dwarf, the Five avataras (incarnation) of Vishnu.
Weathering and carelessness have damaged the images badly, but by careful
observation one can make out the original themes. Nearby is the holy well, Kardama
Kupa. In mid 18th century Rani Bhavani of Bengal constructed a massive pond at the
old site, close to the temple.
On the left-hand side of main road one finds series of ten dharmashalas (pilgrims’
rest house), built during late 19th century. All the dharmashalas have a similar
architectural plan and style. There is a big open courtyard surrounded by a veranda.
Sometimes at the corners there are rooms. In the open courtyard there are small
platforms where pilgrims make their food. At the centre there is a square platform on
which there is often a small shrine, or a cemented commode where holy basil is
planted. Most of the dharmashalas are single storey with a terrace roof built around a
courtyard.

2nd halt: Bhimachandi

By 15th century this and other temples along the Panchakroshi Pilgrimage circuit
became the part of the circumambulatory pilgrimage system. The place is named after
the form of goddess. There are five divine images and a holy tank described in
puranic mythology (Fig. 9.3). First one meets the Gandharva Sagar (“tank of divine
musician”). The built structure of this tank is planned, having entrance steps from
north and south, and at the centre there is a pole. The present structure was built by
Rani Bhavani of Natore in late 18th century.
The goddess Bhimachandi Devi is believed to be a virgin, therefore in worship no
vermilion is offered on Her icon. She is eulogised as the strongest (“Bhima-”) goddess
showing this form before her marriage with Shiva. In the inner sanctum at the lower
side is the image of 10-headed Kali, assumed to have affinity with 10-headed demon
Ravana, who was killed by Rama. All around the inner sanctum there is a
circumambulatory path. In the attached room there are three other images of
Bhimachanda Vinayaka (Ganesha), Raviraktaksha Gandharva (divine musician) and
Narakarnavatara Shiva. The Ganesha is in dancing posture, balancing his bulky body
on his vehicle, the mouse. The Divine Musician is playing sitar. The Narakarnavatara
Shiva is one of the rare works of sculpture showing Shiva in a humanised-archetypal
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 279

form. He has 5 heads (symbol of five organic elements), 10 hands (controlling the 10
directions, i.e. eight and the zenith and nadir). His fluid energy, the river goddess
Ganga, has a seat in Her matted hair, while His consort Parvati is sitting in an angry
mood because She is jealous of Ganga.

Fig. 9.3. Panchakroshi Yatra, II night halt: Bhimachandi sacred complex.

On the left-hand side of main road one finds series of twelve dharmashalas
(pilgrims’ rest house), built during late 19th century. All the dharmashalas have a
similar architectural plan and style. There is a big open courtyard surrounded by a
veranda. Sometimes at the corners there are rooms. At the centre there is a square
platform on which there is often a small shrine, or a cemented commode where holy
280 Chapter Nine

basil is planted. Most of the dharmashalas are single storey with a terrace roof built
around a courtyard.

3rd halt: Rameshvara

Fig. 9.4. Panchakroshi Yatra, III night halt: Rameshvara sacred complex.

The village Rameshvara is named after the presiding deity, Rameshvara ― a form
of Shiva linga established by Lord Rama to get relief from the sins he accumulated
after killing the Brahman demon Ravana of Lanka. The other Shiva lingas existing in
the compound of the Rameshvara temple include lingas associated with the Moon-god
(Someshvara), Rama’a three brothers (Bharateshvara, Lakshamaneshvara and
Shatrughaneshvara), and two other sages (Nahusheshvara and Dvavabhumishvara)
[cf. Fig. 9.4]. There are also images of many other gods established over the course of
time by devotees, including Rama and Sita, Hanuman, Kali and Tulja Bhavani ( the
mother goddess of Gorkhas of Nepal). In the open compound a broken small pillar
showing the head of an elephant represents an earlier form of village guardian, called
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 281

diha. These images are offered bilva leaves, holy basil leaves, white sesame, sweets,
flowers of marigold and water from the Varana river by the pilgrims.
The Rameshvara temple is believed to be the replica of the original one that lies in
Park Bay, Ramanathapuram district of Tamil Nadu, South India. Its setting and
situation along the Varana river provides a situation close to the original one. On the
Full-Moon day of Karttika (October-November) the pilgrims perceive the Varana
river as a symbol of Park Bay, Indian Ocean. The present temple was built up by
Queen Rani Bhavani of Natore (Bengal). There are 6 dharmashalas (pilgrims’ rest
houses) for pilgrims, but only four are directly closed by to the main temple
compound, therefore they are considered as part of the heritage area. The mango
groves, bilva trees, fig and holy basil and several flower plans make a beautiful setting
of this dharmashala.

4th halt: Shivpur

Fig. 9.5. Panchakroshi Yatra, IV night halt: Shivpur sacred complex.
282 Chapter Nine

After about 16km from Rameshvara is Shivpur, a neighbourhood of the city of

Varanasi. This area provides a scene of urban crowding and a less pleasant
environment. In the early 19th century, Shankaracharya (chief of the monastery and a
monk) introduced a halting station here. Later on 4 dharmashalas were constructed
nearby a large tank. Further along there is a shrine of Pancha Pandava, which consists
of the 5 Shiva lingas related to the Five Brothers of the Mahabharata, namely
Yudhishthira, Bhima, Arjuna, Nakula and Sahadeva (Fig. 9.5). According to folk
legends the Five Brothers, during the course of their exile, passed a night at this place.
In commemoration of this event the shrine was erected.
Across the nearby road exists Draupadi Kupa (a well) and a small shrine of
Draupadi Devi (the common wife of the Five Brothers), which was renovated by
Queen Rani Bhavani of Natore (Bengal) in late 18th century. Across the main road,
opposite to the present police station, a water pool (Kunda) was constructed by Queen
Rani Bhavani, which in course of time became deserted, however recently in the south
and southeastern parts some repairing are made with an to make a pathway to the
newly constructed Durga temple in the east of the pond.
At this site the Panchakroshi Jirnoddhar Samiti, a religious trust, has no specific
role in maintenance, conservation and preservation. From time to time, on various
occasions local people join hands with the priest for such work. But in lack of proper
guidance, no optimal results are achieved. Most of the local people throw their
garbage in the pond. It is suggested that if this pond could be developed as tourist spot
that will save the heritage and also give revenues. This site is recently taken
consideration for planning by the VDA (Varanasi development Authority).

5th halt: Kapiladhara

The temple of Vrishabhadhvajeshvara (also called Kapileshvara) Shiva and the
attached water pool, Kapiladhara, both are eulogised in the Mahabharata (Forest
canto: 84; cf. TS, p.173). In fact this site represents Gaya and also Gangasagara,
therefore this is called as Shivagaya. An 8th century CE text, the Kuttanimatam refers
that when the prince Samarabhatta worshipped here he met crowd of courtesans (Eck,
1982: 307-308). In the evening feeding Brahmins is a part of the religious act.
This site is prescribed for the ancestral rites under the direction of the local priest.
The KKh (79.100) says that this site accords delight to the ancestors; one who offers
oblation to manes receive their blessings. This place is eulogised in the KKh (62. 61-
65) by ten glorifying names The natural setting, the stairways to the water pool, the
meeting of the raised platform with the fields, the associated shrines and images all
together make this area a special sacredscape (Fig. 9.6).
On and above the water pool, Kapilahrida, are found a number of small and big
temples containing a variety of shrines and images. In the adjacent shrine is the
unique image of dancing Ganesha, symbolising his 56-forms in one, called Chappan
Vinayakas’ Vinayaka; there also exists the image of sage Kapila. This Ganesha has
eight hands representing 8 directions, and seven bending in his body shows the 7
layers of the atmosphere, thus the product of 8 and 7 together makes 56.
On the eastern side along the wall enshrined the image of Prajapati Daksha, the
father-in-law of Shiva, represented with the ram’s head bestowed on him by Lord
Shiva after he was beheaded by Bhairava; an image of a folk singer Guru Bihari in
cross-legged posture is sitting near him. Next to niche is the image of another folk
singer Pattu. A dilapidated large image of divine dancer is laying down in the open
space, perhaps dating back to the 12th century. In a small stone slab to the eastern
wall of the main temple, there is an image of Chhagvakreshvari, the 32nd in the list of
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 283

Kshetra Devis, who protects the territory. There are also several small shrines
containing statues of Candi, Shiva, Hanuman and goddess.

Fig. 9.6. Panchakroshi Yatra, V night halt: Kapiladhara sacred complex.

In the right-hand side from the water pool side, at the corner of steps in a small
room on the basement of mini-pool vulva there are 42 lingas, called Bayalishalinga
Shiva. This lingam represents the total form of Shri Yantra’s triangles. Shri Yantra is
drawn from nine triangles - four pointed downward and five upward, thus forming 42
(6 X 7) triangular fragments around a central triangle. According to KKh (73) Shiva
controls the three realms (heaven, earth, and the netherworlds) as a Yogi by His
284 Chapter Nine

manifestive power of two layers of sheaths (7 up from the navel base, and 7 down
from there), i.e. 14. This way, in total 3 X 14 comes to 42. Of course, there are 42
different lingams at various places in Varanasi, however in an integrative form this
lingam represents the super state of consciousness where macro- and micro- cosmos
meet.
On the left-hand side of main road one finds series of eight and on the right hand
side two Dharmashala (pilgrims’ rest house), built during late 19th century. All the
dharmashalas have a similar architectural plan and style. There is a big open
courtyard surrounded by a veranda. Sometimes at the corners there are rooms. In the
open courtyard there are small platforms where pilgrims make their food. At the
centre there is a square platform on which there is often a small shrine, or a cemented
commode where holy basil is planted. Most of the dharmashalas are single storey
with a terrace roof built around a courtyard. All the Dharmashalas are part of the
heritage area.
The Panchakroshi Jirnoddhar Samiti, a religious trust, is taking general care of
maintenance, conservation and preservation. From time to time, on various occasions
similar trusts also join such work. But in lack of proper guidance, no optimal results
are achieved. The temple complex is in the outer skirts, therefore on regular basis very
few pilgrims visit the site.

4. Pilgrim Characteristics (Sept.-Oct. 2001)

Cultural aspects of this scared journey have remained fundamentally the same but
socio-structural aspects have undergone important changes in the course of time.
Participants of the Panchakroshi Yatra pilgrimage can be characterised into two
groups: (a) foot-pilgrims, who follow the traditional way of pilgrimage by walking
and performing the journey for the full period of night halt, and (b) pilgrimage
tourists, who use vehicles and perform the journey within a day. Foot-pilgrims believe
that without hardship no fruit is obtained (i.e. ‘no pain, no gain’). Of course both
groups are concern with the religious act and both believe merit is achieved in the
journey despite the difference in method of travel. The growth of the second group is
a recent phenomenon. Previously, during the last nine periods of this special
pilgrimage (1980-1996), the use of vehicles was rare and then used only in the case of
the very old or sick.
The upcoming part of pilgrimage tourism may be related to increasing desire of
more Hindus to experience the unity associated with Muslim religious activities. Such
competition with Muslim for this sense of unity through the Panchakroshi Yatra
pilgrimage emerged after the destruction of Muslim mosque (Babri Mosque) at
Ayodhya on 6th December 1992 by conservative, nationalist Hindu groups who
wished to build a temple on this sacred sites (assumed to be the birth place of Lord
Rama). This resulted in the civil disturbances all over the country. Since then large
numbers of Hindus have raised their consciousness of their Hindu heritage through
increase participation in traditional rituals, celebrations, the construction of temples,
and of course pilgrimages. Given many people’s more modernised lifestyle and the
difficulties that come with it, pilgrimage-tourism provides an efficient means to deal
with those difficulties spiritually while simultaneously asserting one’s Hindu identity.
For the yearly pilgrimage (yatra, mostly at a local scale) the Hindu months of
Chaitra (March-April) and Phalguna (February-March) are described as more scared
for Panchakroshi Yatra. Maha Shivaratri (‘the great night of Shiva’), which falls at
the end of the year in the Hindu month of Phalguna, (i.e. 13th waning /dark half of the
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 285

lunar month- generally in February), is ascribed as the most common date for annual
journey. Large numbers of young men from wrestling clubs and milkmen caste
manage to cover 88 km in less than twenty hours on this special day. Pilgrims who are
more hurried will choose to go by bicycle or motor bike, while pilgrimage-tourists go
by bus or car to cover the circuit within a few hours. In such cases devotees stop only
at selected places and while passing by other images, they throw ritualistic items
flowers, rice, grass and holy water of the Ganga.
On this day physically strong devotees start the Panchakroshi Yatra soon after the
day starts in the late mid night, and complete the journey within twelve hours while
making journey bare footed. Most of such devotees belong to Yadava caste, the
milkmen, known for their body-built and wrestling, followed by the youngsters from
other service castes. In the year 2003 on the day of Maha Sivaratri, 1 March,
according to an estimate around 40,000 devout Hindus performed the Panchakroshi
Yatra.

3.1. Distribution of Pilgrims by Time of Pilgrimage

With the help of several governmental organisations, such as the departments of

health, public works and transport, tourism, police and voluntary organisations, the
pilgrims’ statistics were collected (Table 9.4).

Table 9.4. Panchakroshi Yatra Pilgrims, Varanasi: Malamasa, 18 Sept. - 16 Oct. 2001
(Ashvina)
Pilgrimage Period Foot-pilgrimage/
No. of associated persons (e.g.,
nights children)
Hindu Roman Number Per cent
1 2 3 4 5
(A) Light - half (waxing, LH): 18 September - 2 October
1. LH 1-5 18-21 Sept. 4 968 1.8
2. LH 2/3-7 19-23 Sept. 5 1,520 2.9
3. LH 7-10 23-26 Sept. 4 4,145 7.8
4. LH 10-14 26- 30 Sept. 5 3,315 6.2
5. LH 11-15 28 Sept -2 Oct. 5 3,870 7.3
(a) 1-day (any) Pilgrimage-tourists 16,337 30.6
(A) Total 30,156 56.6
(B) Dark- half (waning, DH): 3 October- 16 October
6. DH 1-5 3-7 Oct. 5 1,735 3.3
7. DH 4 -8 6 -10 Oct. 5 2,472 4.6
8. DH 7-10 9 -12 Oct. 4 3,766 7.1
9. DH 8-12 10-14 Oct. 5 2,236 4.2
10.DH 11-14 13-16 Oct. 4 1,531 2.9
(b) 1-day (any) Pilgrimage-tourists 11,384 21.4
(B) Total 23,154 43.4
Total Foot-pilgrims 25,589 48.0
Total Pilgrimage-tourists (1-day) 27,721 52.0
GRAND TOTAL (A+B) 53,310 100.0
(LH, Light-half, waxing; DK, Dark-half, waning ).
(Source: Reports of various organisations, and personal surveys).
286 Chapter Nine

During the period of 18th September to 16th October 2001 (Ashvina), according to
the records of these organisations, about 52,310 devotees participated in the
Panchakroshi Yatra pilgrimage of which more than half were pilgrimage-tourists. The
variation in number of devotees for the different time periods shows a close
connection with the periodical changes of the moon. In the fortnight period of the
ascending moon (the light-half or waxing) more visitor take part in the pilgrimage. In
both the fortnight periods of light and dark, frequency of devotees is higher during the
7th to 10th days. This is considered to be relatively more auspicious period. According
to Hindu mythology, the 7th day is related to the Seven Divine Mothers whose
blessings are most powerful for starting a journey. The day for the final ritual of
completion, (i.e., 11th day, Ekadashi), is associated with Vishnu’s smile.
Mythologically and traditionally, the Majority of pious Hindus takes a sacred bath and
visits the temples of Vishnu and His incarnations on this day. This belief has a direct
impact on the preference for choosing a date to complete the journey. The other
preferred date is the full-moon day, Purnima, (the 14th or 15th day of the light
fortnight) which is also associated with Lord Vishnu.

3.2. Size of pilgrimage Groups

Small groups are most common way of performing Panchakroshi Yatra. This is
consistent with results observed in Gujarat (western India) (Sopher, 1968: 393). The
data shows the dominance of females (66.2 per cent), and supports the perception that
Hindu women are "more religious" than their counterpart. A little over half of the
foot-pilgrims followed a group of 4-10 persons, while three-fourths of pilgrimage-
tourists followed a group of 2-3 persons. This reflects to a large extent, the family
based nature of pilgrimage experience. Larger groups (16-30 persons), which were
less common, were mostly formed on the basis of neighbourhood or village
relationships where like minded, pious persons decided to journey together. As with
the Panchakroshi Yatra, large groups are example of interdependency of community
members. In a strict sense, no person can claim his/her belongings separately when
travelling together, especially for food items. In fact, they share and divide the food
according to one’s taste, requirement and capacity of carrying the load. Such sharing
binds the people together. Single devotees performing pilgrimage have been mostly
older men who walk independently, but at night they often accept assistance from
other pilgrims and share food as well.
Three-fourth of the Panchakroshi Yatra pilgrimage-tourists were in a group of two
or three persons (e.g., husband and wife, or additionally the mother of either one). In
this case the gender share is nearly equal. In fact, this pattern is befitting the demands
of modern India where the rising middle class does not want to sacrifice a longer
period of time completing religious duties. While a fairly sizeable share of individual
devotees is recorded, however large group are rare. This reflects a decreasing trend in
the traditionally strong companionship based on neighbourhood or local territory.
While moving in the bus or private car, the pilgrimage-tourists stop somewhere
midway in the vicinity of the temple complex in order to enjoy food (mostly fruits,
milk made sweets or plain bread with boiled vegetables). This experience is markedly
different than that of the foot-pilgrims who prepare their food together over a small
campfire.
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 287

3.3. Pilgrim Origins

For a more detailed investigation, one per cent of the devotees surveyed for each
group interviewed in-depth. The results are represented in Table 9.5. It is obvious
from the data that the majority of foot-pilgrims were from a proximate area
surrounding the city and districts of Varanasi. They belonged primarily to the state of
Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (i.e., the Bhojpur culture region, which is identified by the
Bhojpuri dialect of Hindi). The pilgrims from Bengal form another important group.
Varanasi is perceived as a second Bengal, and the ancient settlement of Bengali
people has been preserved in specific neighbourhoods (Singh 1980: 43). Since the
12th century Bengali scholars and devotees have made Varanasi their home. To this
day, significant numbers of elderly Bengali women come to Varanasi to die, as
Varanasi known as ‘City of Good Death’. In addition, the nearby state of Madhya
Pradesh has direct social link with the Bhojpur culture region through marriage tie and
historic links. Thus, many devotees from this state have multiple reasons for visiting
Varanasi.

Table 9.5. Panchakroshi Yatra, Pilgrim Origins, 2001

Belongingness Foot- Pilgrimage- Total
(average distance from Varanasi , km) Pilgrims tourists

No. % No. % No. %

1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. Local (city & Dist. below 50 km) 26 12.5 85 37.9 111 25.7
2. Uttar Pradesh ( no local; 50-200 km) 49 23.6 76 33.9 125 28.9
3. Bihar (esp. NE) (50-200 km) 57 27.4 31 13.8 88 20.4
4. Bengal (500-800km) 21 10.1 17 7.6 38 8.8
5. Madhya Pradesh (200-500 km) 19 9.1 7 3.1 26 6.0
6. Rajasthan (600-900 km) 19 9.1 3 1.3 22 5.1
7. South India (1000-1500 km) 13 6.3 3 1.3 16 3.7
8. Nepal (400-600 km) 4 1.9 2 0.9 6 1.4
Total 208 100 224 100 432 100
(Source: Personal interviews and surveys)

The predominance of local persons in the group of pilgrimage-tourists is a natural

phenomenon over the three-fourths of the devotees in this group belonged to the local
area, along with the Uttar Pradesh and nearby areas of the Bihar state. Some devotees
from the western (Rajasthan) and southern India also took part in the pilgrimage. The
religious history of the city and the efficacy of the Panchakroshi Yatra pilgrimage,
attract people even from the Nepal. In the recent times, Hindu pilgrimage-tourists
from other countries, where Hindu communities flourish, are also coming here.

3.4. Age-Sex Structure of Respondents

Religious activities are often an important part of life for the elderly, and this is
evident by the age-sex composition of devotees (Table 9.6). In fact, according to
Sopher (1968: 401), ‘Older persons have had more opportunity to undertake
pilgrimage than younger ones.’ Well over half of the pilgrims in both categories are
aged 40-60. Adolescent devotees accompany their parents and their grandparents to
support and help them, but also to enjoy the fun of leisure, touring and pilgrimage. In
the strictest sense, they do not follow all the prescribed rules and ways of pilgrimage.
288 Chapter Nine

The frequency of devotees between the age of 20-30 years has declined due to the
increasing demands and changing attitudes associated with the modern lifestyle in the
city. The oldest devotees represent only about 16 per cent of the foot-pilgrims, but 30
per cent of pilgrimage-tourists. This indicates that a greater number of elderly people
have access to the journey because of modern technology. This latter group mainly
belongs to Varanasi City and journeys with their families.

Table 9.6. Age-Sex Structure of Respondents’ Pilgrims, 2001

Age A. Foot Pilgrims B. Pilgrimage-tourists Total
group
(yrs) M F Total % M F Total % No. %
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
<20 8 12 20 9.6 7 3 10 4.5 30 6.9
+20 5 5 10 4.8 6 2 8 3.5 18 4.2
+30 11 16 27 13.0 9 4 13 5.8 40 9.3
+40 20 46 66 31.7 20 22 42 18.6 108 25.0
+50 15 37 52 25.0 39 43 82 36.6 134 31.0
+60 7 17 24 11.5 22 24 46 20.5 70 16.2
+70 3 6 9 4.3 12 11 23 10.3 32 7.4
Total 69 139 208 100.0 115 109 224 100.0 432 100.0
(Source: Personal interviews and surveys)

3.5. Frequency of Pilgrimage

According to Sherring (1968:176), in the late 19th century, “it is necessary that
every good Hindu residing in the city of Benares (Varanasi) should twice a year
accomplish this pilgrimage, in order that the impurity which the soul and body have
contracted during the year may be obliterated.” Modernisation and the passage of time
has modified this modified this tendency to make frequent pilgrimages. Respondents
indicated that they performed this scared journey for the first or second time (Table
9.7). People from the city of Varanasi have decreased their intensity of their
participation and also their frequency. Moreover, the number of devotees from the
adjoining districts has increased. Religious families that take some kind of vow
preferably perform the pilgrimage more than once. Such devotees consider their first
time participation as an initiation rite, and the second time as their true completion of
the cycle of a sacred journey.

Table 9.7. Frequency of pilgrimage by Times of Respondent Pilgrims, 2001

Times A. Foot Pilgrims A. Pilgrimage-tourists Total
M F Total % M F Total % No. %
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
I 33 39 72 34.6 90 67 157 70.1 229 53.0
II 14 44 58 27.9 21 32 53 23.7 111 25.7
III 12 21 33 15.9 4 7 11 4.9 44 10.2
IV 7 18 25 12.0 - 2 2 0.9 27 6.2
+V 3 17 20 9.6 - 1 1 0.4 21 4.9
Total 69 139 208 100.0 115 109 224 100.0 432 100.0
(Source: Personal interviews and surveys)
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 289

3.6. Occupational Background

Approximately one fifth of the pilgrims belong to the lower classes, including
peasantry and menial servants. Since most of those in the family members/students
category were also in the lower classes, this represents one-third of the total (Table
9.8). Where education is low and dependency on subsistence farming is higher, there
is a strong belief in religious and ritualistic activities. Small level businessmen, mostly
belonging to the countryside or small towns, are a substantial share of the foot-
pilgrims, although one-third performed the journey as pilgrimage-tourists.
Table 9.8. Professional structure of Respondents Pilgrims, 2001
Profession Foot-Pilgrims Pilgrimage-tourists Total
No. % No. % No. %
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. Family Member/ student 25 12.0 17 7.6 42 9.7
2. Peasant 55 26.4 7 3.1 62 14.4
3. Business 47 22.6 102 45.5 149 34.5
4. High profession 26 12.5 60 26.8 86 19.9
(doctor/ lawyer, etc.)
5. Menial services 29 13.9 14 6.3 43 10.0
6. Other professions 26 12.5 24 10.7 50 11.6
TOTAL 208 100.0 224 100.0 432 100.0
(Source: Personal interviews and surveys)

3.7. Education Status

Lower educational status is represented by a high percentage of pilgrims and vice

versa (Table 9.9). More than half (57 per cent) of the foot-pilgrims record an
education between primary school and graduation (5th-10th grade), while among
pilgrimage-tourists it is around 70 per cent. Increasingly, people with professional
education are also taking part of this sacred journey (19 per cent of the pilgrimage-
tourists), possibly due to this recent sensitivity to Hindu identity that has been
growing in India. The highly educated, like postgraduate degree and Sanskritics, are
less likely to take part in this pilgrimage, either because they think it is meant for
common people, or because textual study is more respectful for them than an
experiential faith.

Table 9.9. Education Status of Respondents Pilgrims, 2001

Educational status Foot-Pilgrims Pilgrimage-tourists Total
No. % No. % No. %
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. Illiterate 19 9.1 16 7.1 35 8.1
2. Primary level 72 34.6 44 19.6 116 26.9
3. Matriculate 46 22.1 52 23.2 98 22.7
4. Graduate 35 16.8 57 25.4 92 21.3
5. Post-graduate 12 5.8 12 5.4 24 5.6
6. Sanskritist 7 3.4 5 2.2 12 2.8
7. Professional* 17 8.2 38 17.0 55 12.7
Total 208 100.0 224 100.0 432 100.0
(* No. 7 , Professional education, e.g. technician, drivers, etc). (Source: Personal interviews and
surveys)
290 Chapter Nine

3.8. Caste and Social Groups

Still important to the observance of Hindu festivals and ritual performances, the
predominance of the Brahmins caste is obvious. Among the foot-pilgrims their share
is 36.6 per cent and among the pilgrimage-tourists is 25.3 per cent (Table 9).
Brahmins of the countryside, and those living in the city who maintain their
traditional profession, take an active part in such pilgrimages with the aim of
rejuvenating their professional image, knowledge and religious status. The Brahmins,
since ancient times, have also served as chief religious overseers and advisors (gurus)
to the landlords (i.e., Rajputs), kings and rich merchant (Vaishyas). Rajputs account
for the second highest share of the foot-pilgrims, while among pilgrimage-tourists
Vaishyas are most numerous (about 27 per cent). The hierarchy of higher-lower caste
has a positive correspondence with the frequency of devotees (Table 9.10).

Table 9.10. Caste and social groups of Respondents Pilgrims, 2001

Caste/Social Foot-Pilgrims Pilgrimage-tourists Total
No. % No. % No. %
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. Brahmin Priest 76 36.5 34 15.2 110 25.5
2. Rajputs/landlords 31 14.9 32 14.3 63 14.6
3. Merchant/Vaishyas 29 13.9 93 41.5 122 28.2
4. Kayastha (service) 23 11.1 42 18.7 65 15.1
5. Koiris/ Kurmis 33 15.9 19 8.5 52 12.0
(vegetable producers)
6. Lower caste 5 2.4 2 0.9 7 1.6
(e.g. Dhobi, Harijan)
7. Other castes 11 5.3 2 0.9 13 3.0
Total 208 100 224 100 432 100
(Source: Personal interviews and surveys)

Since India’s independence in 1947 the upward mobility of lower caste by

adopting symbols and performing religious activities of the higher caste has became
more noticeable. This tendency has encouraged person from lower castes to take part
in this sacred journey, in addition to the practice of this pilgrimage as set fourth in
Sanskrit law-books, mythological anthologies, and the epic Mahabharata. These texts
explicitly designate pilgrimage as an appropriate meritorious action for poor people,
low caste people, and even women. Moreover for this pilgrimage, there is no strict
rule for following religious texts or to accept the ritual assistance of Brahmin priests.
This helps lower caste people to more easily take an active part in Panchakroshi
Yatra. Rarely do pilgrims show their caste identity during the scared journey,
although the majority of Brahmins are easily recognisable by their identifiable marks.
However Hindus of the very lowest caste (e.g., untouchables, such as cobblers, pig-
herders, sweepers, basket makers, mouse eaters, etc.) almost never make pilgrimages
(Morinis 1984: 281). From the interview of 482 pilgrims it is obvious that around half
of them were belonging to Varanasi district; and recorded the same share for the
people belonging to the age of 40-60 years, and also same share to the educational
level between 5th and 12th grades. Brahmins and Merchant castes together share a
little over half of the pilgrims (cf. Singh 1998: 78-87).
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 291

4. Vishveshvara Antargriha (inner sanctum) Yatra

The Vishveshvara Antargriha journey is prescribed as an essential introductory or
closing rite before or after performing the Panchakroshi Yatra. This symbolises the
unity of the beginning and the end, thus finally converging into a mandala. This
journey was so important that James Prinsep in his 1822 map of the City has fully
outlined it (cf. Fig. 3.3, page 111). Presently around half of the pilgrims performing
Panchakroshi Yatra perform Antargiha Yatra at the different stages. The total shrines
and temples attached to this route numbered to 72 (Fig. 9.7, and Fig. 9.8).
This Yatra is eulogises in detail in ca 13th century text, the Kashi Khanda (KKh
100.76a-95), the fourth part of the Skanda Purana, and also in an early ca 16th century
Marathi text, the Guru Charitra, GC (41.161-187). The Marathi text described the
shrines with some variation in the sequence and sometimes even new shrines added.
This situation is possible because the author of the GC was not an inhabitant of
Varanasi and probably not knowing full the pronunciation. There is also possibility
that in that period some local deities added to this journey with variant names. By our
field experiences, it is obvious that the presently existing pilgrimage routes and
associated deities and shrines are according to the narration given in the KKh.
The pilgrimage journey route around the Vishveshvara delimits the sacred territory
of his inner sanctum (antargriha). According to puranic description its four
directional boundaries can be fixed as: the Ganga river in the east, Gokarneshvara in
the west, Bharabhuteshvara in the north and Brahmeshvara in the south (Kashi
Khanda, KKh 74.45). Besides the Vishveshvara Antargiha, there also exists two more
antargihas, viz. Omkareshvara and Kedareshvara. Of course, the Vishveshvara
Antargiha Yatra is more widely eulogised in the puranas and treatises, and very
popular among the pilgrims. The literary sources prescribe to perform this sacred
journey daily, if not possible then once in a fortnight or a month, but certainly once in
a year. The most common period to perform this sacred journey is the 14th day of
light-half of every month but more suitably in the months of Phalguna (February-
March), Karttika (October-November), and Margashirsha (November-December).
However, the Maha Shivaratri (Shiva’s day of marriage, i.e. the 13th day of dark-half
fortnight in Phalguna) is the most suitable for bestowing religious merits. Those
performing annual PanchakroshiYatra, complete the journey on the day of Maha
Shivaratri.
Following the Kashi Khanda (KKh 100.76a-95), the pilgrims perform introductory
rites after purificatory bath in the Ganga at Manikarnika Ghat, followed by glancing
and worship to Vishveshvara, Annapurna and the Five Vinayakas (Ganeshas: Moda,
Promoda, Surmukha, Durmukha and Gananntha). Then they take vow for completion
of the journey (sankalpa) in the Muktimandapa at Jñānavāpi. Again the pilgrims go to
the shrine of Manikarnika Devi (site no. 1) from where the actual journey gets start.
Before closing the journey Five Vinayakas again to be worshipped, followed by
Vishveshvara and Annapurna. The Five Vinayakas are counted together as one unit.
That is how the total number of shrines/sites along this sacred route reaches to 72 (cf.
Singh 2002: 208-210, Figs. 9.7, 9.8).
292 Chapter Nine

Fig. 9.7. Varanasi: Vishveshvara Antargriha Yatra.

The 72 sacred sites/shrines exist along the pilgrimage route which forms a seven
round spiral (cf. Fig. 4.7, page 149). These may be categorised into seven groups,
among which Shiva and His forms record the highest share, i.e. 56 (cf. Table 9.11).
Among the Shiva shrines, his images as specific dominate. The appearance of Shiva at
56 sites refers to guardian symbolism. According to Tantric mandala there appear
seven chakras (spinal energy area) in the body representing seven plexuses; their
cosmic integrity can be established in eight directions, thus 7 spiral circuits X 8
directions comes to 56. That is how Shiva protects his territory in all the ways, as
Kashi is His own body.

Table 9.11. Antargiha Yatra, Varanasi: Typology of Shrines

Deity/shrine No. Form of Shiva No.
1. Shiva and His Forms 56 Jyotira 4
2. Devi/ goddess 6 Svayambhu 2
3. VinÈyaka/ Ga‡esha 6 Founded by sages 9
4. Bhairava 1 Founded by ganas 8
5. Vishu 1 Founded by kings 3
6. Aditya/ Sun 1 Myth-related 8
7. Vapi/ sacred well 1 Specific forms 22
TOTAL 72 TOTAL 56
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 293

Fig. 9.8. Varanasi: Central part of the Vishveshvara Antargiha Yatra.

The number of shrines related to Devi, and Vinnyaka both comes to 6, symbolising
again the protection and control of the four directions in addition to above (heaven)
and below (earth). The rest four shrines are related to Bhairava (a terrified form of
Shiva who controls this City by his stick), Vishnu (in the form of Keshava, having
close affinity with the Ganga river), Aditya (the Older Sun god proving light since
time immemorial), and Vapi (a sacred well giving bliss of wisdom).
The Antargiha Yatra route moves into seven layers in the form of spiral cycles
starting from Manikarnika Devi and closing to Vishveshvara (cf. Fig. 4.7, page 149).
The seven groups of divinities have correspondence with seven spiral cycles. Margold
(1991: 7) feels that ― ‘perhaps the physical Earth has been set up in order for each of
us to take a spiralling ride through the convoluted chronicles of humanity in as many
294 Chapter Nine

ways as we possibly can’. The number seven is one of the ways of alchemy,
transforming idea into actuality, thus the seven spiral cycles of antargiha show the
seven spinal chakras (cf. Table 9.12) symbolising sequentially from our survival (1)
to the realm of spirituality (7). These seven chakras “make us a vital part of the
energy vortex behind all life here, and they are the conduits to make this world
whatever we need it to be for ourselves” (ibid.: 47). There also exists ‘a cyclical
rhythm to sevens that moves a unity of beginning to a unity of end with a revelation of
its various parts through the middle’ (ibid.: 67). This cyclic rhythm forms a mandala
running from unity (oneness), duality (twoness), trinity (threeness), and afterwards
multiplicity (manyness) forming an apex or bridge from where the cycle takes turn
towards trinity, duality and unity once again. This is parallel to the planes of human
consciousness and humanity like mental, astral, etheric, and physical as bridge,
followed by the descending order and finally reaching to mental. Furthermore, the
ascending mental plan refers to ‘oneness of innocence› while the descending mental
plane forms: oneness of experience’.

Table 9.12. Vishveshvara Antargiha Yatra, Varanasi: Seven Spiral cycles and
homology.
Chakra (sheath) Associative organ Mental state
7. top of head Pineal gland Spirituality
6. brow Pituitary gland Imagination
5. throat Thyroid Communication
4. heart Thymus gland Earthly commodity
3. solar plexus Pancreas Sensitivity
2. chi Spleen Sexuality
1. base of spine (kundalini) Sexual glands Survival, power

The number seven can further be compared to other symbolic forms like 7-days
weekly cycle, 7 basic planets, and 7 directions and centres (east, west, north, south,
and central point, i.e. Vishveshvara, interlinking the heaven and the earth). Each of
the seven spinal chakras is under the control of four lunar mansions, thus seven-round
cycle covers the whole cycle of the cosmos. This way by doing seven spiral cyclic
journeys (mesocosm), the seven spinal chakras (microcosmos) get integrated with the
cosmic cycles (macrocosmos). The importance of seven for human being has a strong
connection with the myth of seven incarnations of Vishnu in the form of man to get
relief from the curse of sage Bhigu (Matysa Purana, 47.36); this way seven round
spiral cycle receives a divine connotation. Moreover, the spiral cycles also symbolises
a climbing of steps relating to the top most celestial sphere where the pilgrims go
from terrace by terrace up to the “pure lands” at the highest level (Eliade 1991: 53).
This way, ultimately it converges into a mandala.
The number seven is a product of two triangles: top-apex type showing male
energy, and bottom-apex type denotes female energy. According to the Tantric system
the integration of the male and female energies together makes the yantra in which
the central point symbolises the creation; this way there exists seven points in the
yantra (cf. Singh, Rana, 2009b: 32-36). This is fully eulogises in the Devi Bhagavata
(9.9) that as to how from water the earth originates and get sub-divided into seven
oceans and seven great islands. This creation symbol is comparable to the Bible
(Genesis 1-2) which refers that the God has created the earth in seven stages.
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 295

There are also seven serial groups of alphabets in Sanskrit (also adopted in Hindi),
i.e. A, Ka, Cha, T, Ta, Pa and Ya, and each of the series represents cosmogonic
elements symbolised together with anthropogenic elements.
After completing the pilgrimage journey, the pilgrims perform completion ritual in
the Jñānavapi Mandapa while reciting the names of all the 72 divinities and shrines
again while pouring raw-rice (akshata) and ask excuse from the divinities for the
mistakes committed, unknowingly, during the pilgrimage. This ritual of completion is
similar to that of any pilgrimage circuits, including the Panchakroshi Yatra and other
khanda Yatras like Omkareshvara (northern circuit) and Kedareshvara (southern
circuit).

5. The Ecology of place, and Faithscape

Relph (1976: 47) has proposed three fundamental components of place, viz.
physical setting, activities, and meaning. In other way Canter (1977: 158) calls these
components as physical attributes, activities, and conceptions, respectively. The
Panchakroshi Yatra route possesses all the above three components in matured form.
The physical setting of the route refers to the territorial boundary of the cosmic city
through the spatial manifestation of the whole earth, thus wholeness becomes holy.
The idea of meaning shows the structuring of the environment with respect to specific
people environment interaction. To get the relief from all types of sins pilgrims
perform the ‘sacred journey’ (pilgrimage) which interrelates the orderly association
between people and elements. A special time is prescribed for this journey with a
view to finding out closed interaction between cosmic change and earthly appearances
as described in the mythologies. This finally led to develop the mysterious terrain
where space (land) and intimate thought (mind) together form a distinct ‘-scape’, i.e.
faithscape.
Faithscape is the ultimate result of cosmic forms of human actions for divine
search, i.e. the submergence of many scapes related to smell, sound, body intuition,
fear, etc. Manifestation of sacred power with specific meaning and motif let to form a
sacred landscape (the basis of visual sense and belief), while offering different food
and flowers and related ritual items at the shrines, particularly at the five halting
stations on the sacred route, inherently make a smellscape:

The sweetly smell of offered foods,

The smoky smell of incense-goods
The smell of wet cloths and the colour,
Resulting to smellscape every hour.

The other component of faithscape is soundscape as expressed in the sonic

environment created by pilgrims to awaken the divine being and marking their own
appearance in their presence. The bells in all the important temples are ringed by
pilgrims in different ways and number of times from long distance one can hear and
imagine towards the ongoing ritual and the time of happening. Frequently and
regularly in the morning and evening one could hear the sound of the bells in the
shrine at precise locations. Of course the soundscape is a localised identity, it reflects
the personal familiarity and proximity to sound source (Porteous 1990: 55).

The tan-tan, tin-tin, i…n..g

The sound from temple-tower,
296 Chapter Nine

Giving message in the morning hour,

Divine Beings are ready to bless,
This is a call for glimpse and wish.

The cosmological relationship between body and universe is already exposed in

ancient Hindu texts, like the Vedas, in the form of cosmic man (purusha). In the form
of body symbolism (bodyscape) PY-route assumed to be the legs (cf. Table 1) by
which man can stand strongly on the earth and perceive the sky. This metaphor refers
to the cosmicising the earth through human’s cognitive order (see Porteous, 1990:72).
The cognitive order between heaven/sky and earth may be understood through light,
again referring to the ‘sacred territory of Kashi as light’, i.e. Kāshya thus Kāshi ― the
sacred territory bounded by the PY-route. With this cognition, the area is also called
as ‘Light-reflecting linga’ whose top initiates from the heaven and the bottom goes to
the nether-word. This mythology is eulogised in the KR (2.114-119):

The Panchakroshi region ―

the form of infinite universe
Whose upper limit is the heaven,
and the lower netherworld.
The light forms the water and
thunder reflects its power ,
Kashi created by Keshava is
the replica of my body.

Above all, the idea of ‘scape’ is closely interlinked to the imagination that can be
interpreted by the intuitive thought, i.e. the observer’s mental landscape, known as
inscape. With the intuitive view and imagination pilgrims realise the humanly actions
of the divine being. It is firm intuitive thought as the mythology says that all the
divine beings and the sages live in the sacred territory of Kashi invisibly, and a person
of deep faith only can experience them. Its another name, ‘forest of bliss’
(ānandavana) preserves the same idea. Says Lord Shiva (KR 6.40) about this
territory:

This city of Kashi

Bliss giver, always beloving,
And Forest of Bliss,
My home, remember O Sage!

The imaginative story of a teacher and disciple is narrated in the KR where in

different contexts and with varying metaphors the description of Panchakroshi
Pilgrimage is presented in vivid forms. It is obvious through this text that the idea of
inscape may be put parallel to the assertion that `place may be considered as people
and people as place (cf. Pocock, 1981).
The glorifying literature while describing the religious merit of a territory of place,
together narrates the fearfulness of the journey and avoidance of various acts. This
sense directs to make up the escape. The mythology says that if one cannot follow the
rules and procedures of performing pilgrimage journey, he/she has to face many
troubles. This idea led to build up the dualistic nature of religious act. That is how the
polythetic nature of Hindus religious practices has evolved and is accepted. The
division of sacred route into right-side as pious, and the left-side as impure is an
attempt in this direction. Therefore, it is prescribed that all the religious acts to be
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 297

performed in the right-side; moreover all the shrines and sacred sites exist in this part.
On the other hand, human deeds like rest, sleep, food, toilet, etc. need to be done in
the left-side; for this very purpose all the rest houses (dharmashālās ) exist there.
The mythology describes the rules and regulations of avoidance to be followed up
during the pilgrimage journey. Pilgrims have to avoid thinking about others, taking
food free of cost, dialogue with other’s wife, using other’s money, talking about
materialistic gain, criticising the Guru, shastras, divinities, tirthas, sages and such
respected beings (KR 11.1-5) If a pilgrim does not follow the prescribed rules, his/her
religious merits achieved go into waste.
One can also test and explain other landscapes of mind, e.g. touchscape,
dreamscape, etc. (Porteous, 1990: 195). The framework and forms of landscapes of
mind as detailed out by Porteous (1990) to be taken as base for analysing the
PanchakroshiYatra in several contexts. Finally, this will help to understand ultimately
the sublunary sphere, i.e. faithscape. But for this experiential feeling intimate sensing
is a pre-requisite. Marching in this direction use of phenomenology of place where
meanings and values meet together would be more helpful (see Dovey 1985: 93-94).

6. Organisation and Improvement Plan

The Pilgrimage journey of the Panchakroshi (PY) is organised at two levels, i.e.
individual or friendly group, and institutional-corporate group. Around seventy per
cent of the total annual pilgrims belong to the first group. Under the second group,
there are four corporate units, viz. Dātāra Yātra Mandali, Vedānti Yātra Mandali,
Vaikunthanath’s Group, and Nirañjani Akhara group.
The Dātāra Yātra Mandali has been founded by (late) Pt. Mādhava Shāstri Dātara,
a Maharashtrian Brahmin, as an extension of his kathā (telling stories from religious
texts) ceremony. On the basis of the KR, he had attempted to revitalise the PY in CE
1922. The organisers strictly follow the rituals, sacred baths, kathā and sights to
divinities as prescribed in the sacred texts.
There is no consideration of caste and regional affinity of a pilgrim. The group on
average consists of about four/five hundred pilgrims. At present his grandson Pt.
Vishvanātha Dātara Pālande is the chief of the unit since 1983. This group starts its
journey on Chaitra Shukla (light-half), 1st and completes on 6th day. During
malamāsa the unit again organises the PY which continues in different batches during
the whole month. At all the halt stations, during late evenings the kathā ceremony is
regularly performed by Pt. Vishvanātha Dātara Pālande. The pilgrims belong to
different parts of India, but three-fourths come from the nearby districts, like
Chandauli, Mirzapur, Jaunpur, Azamgarh, Ghazipur, Ballia and adjacent areas of
Bihar like Arah, Bhojpur and Bhabhua. Professional priests, known as Pandās who
are hired on the basis of fixed monetary fee guide these pilgrimage groups.
The special feature of this unit is the organisation of grand feast at the last halting
station. Kapiladhara; this feast is called as bhandāra. Such bhandāra was started by
(late) Pt. Mādhava Shāstri Dātāra, and the Maharaja of Kashi gave liberal donation for
this purpose (Vidyarthi, et al. 1979: 87). It has also been observed that ‘all the invitees
were fed respectfully, and as soon as the invitees finished their meals, many pilgrims,
particularly women, rushed to pick up and throw away the pattala, leaf plates, on
which they had taken meal’ (ibid.).
The Vedanti Yatra Group is initiated by Svami Karpatri-Ji, and was until 2001
organised by his disciple (late) Lakshmana Chaitanya Svami, especially for the
devotees attached to the Vedanti cult. Its headquarters is attached to the resort of the
298 Chapter Nine

Svami Karpatri at Kedara Ghat. This group starts its journey on the Chaitra Shukla
(light-half) 5th, and thus complete on 10th. About fifty distinct pilgrims go in this
group. Of course, the group travel is open for all but pilgrims do not prefer to go with
the ascetics. One of the disciples of Svami Karpatri -Ji, Svami Shivananda Sarasvati
has also running a parallel group since last ten years to perform the
PanchakroshiYatra, and in 2001 registered as a religious organisation named Kashi
Pradakshina Darshan Yatra Samiti. Svami Shivananda has also written a dozen of
popular books describing different pilgrimages in Varanasi, however all his writings
never describe to the puranic sources.
The third Yatra Group is organised by one of the great Sanskrit scholars, Pt.
Vaikunthanath Shastri Khriste in which Maravadi pilgrims (from Rajasthan)
predominates. Around a hundred pilgrims take part in this group. This Yatra starts on
Chaitra Shukla-7th and ends on 12th.
For better organisation, movement and comfortable stay at the five halting stations,
the organising group hires a vehicle. This vehicle carries the belongings of the
pilgrims and reach at the evening at the halting station where taking their baggage
pilgrims perform worldly affairs, food and rest according to their choice and
adjustment. On the followed day of start, again all the luggage are packed and put in
the vehicle, while pilgrims go mostly bare foot.
In total there are 44 dharmashālās (rest houses) at all the five halting stations.
These are constructed over the years by the devotees and consecrated to the deities.
These buildings are mostly made of Chunar sandstone and are invariably provided
with a pucca masonry well. But at present for lack of proper maintenance and
repairing their condition is deteriorating day by day. Similarly there also exist many
problems which need to be solved with a view to considering the sense of preserving
the cultural heritage and provision of public conveniences and facilities to many
thousands who undertake the sacred journey every year.
After India’s independence in 1948 the Banaras Improvement Trust was
constituted by the Govt. of UP, and in 1951 the first Master Plan for 1951-1972 was
prepared, showing detailed land uses, plans for sewerage, farming and growth of
satellite township. But it had not been implemented. In 1964 the Town & Country
Planning Organisation (TCPO) was established and in 1971 a revised Master Plan for
1972-1991 was proposed, and again never implemented. In 1974 the Varanasi
Development Authority is constituted and the task of regulating these plans has been
entrusted to VDA. With the initiative and cooperation between TCPO and VDA the
Master Plan for 1991-2011 was finally prepared in January 1996, but submitted to the
Govt. of UP on 21 June 1999 (ref.: -96/VDA/VMC/adhi/99-2000). After reasonably
serious consideration this has been approved and accepted by the Govt. with a subject
to revision with reference to recent changes and requirement (as complied by the
letter, ref. 2915/9-A-3-2001-10 Maha/99, dated 10 July 2001; cf. Fig. 10.2, page 311).
In the above context a detailed survey and draft-proposal was made in 1986 under
the auspices of a ‘Reformation Committee for a Development Plan for the
PanchakroshiYatra Circuit’ consisting of the then District Magistrate R.S. Tolia, the
Commissioner D.S. Bagga, and the key personality of Varanasi, Dr. Bhanu Sankar
Mehta (cf. Table 9.13). Unfortunately, before the plan may see the light of final shape,
both the officers were transferred, and that is how the plan went into basket in the
followed year. However, it would be worth knowing the main outline of that plan.
According to this plan special attention for planning to be given on the following
aspects:
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 299

• Improvement of roads.
• Maintenance and re pairing of dharmashālās .
• Supply of drinking water, especially during the pilgrimage seasons.
• Electrification of night-halting stations.
• Repairing and cleaning of sacred ponds for bathing purpose
• Plantation of road-side trees for shade
• Medical camps, ration shops, sanitation facilities, etc.

Table 9.13. Panchakroshi Yatra Region: Development Plan 1986, Cost in Rs.
Se Development/ Improvement Plan Rs.’000
1. Road improvement 5,338
2. Sanitary arrangement, Sulabha Sauchlaya (2 units at each halting 209
Station)
3. Electrification of Five halting stations 21
4. Repairing of the Kardama Kunda, Kardameshvara 318
5. Repairing of the Gandharva Sagara, Bhimachandi tanks 232
6. Plantation of shade trees along the roads 258
(Source: Unpublished, PY Improvement Plan, 1986)

The committee had proposed a detailed financial proposal for the development of
these aspects, and made an estimate of worth Rs 6.376 million needed instantly for the
major establishments, excluding medical camps, ration shops, etc. during the peak
season of pilgrimage (see Table 18)
In course of pilgrimage many rich persons realised the utmost need of repairing
dharmashālās, also considered as religious act. With this awareness repairing were
made through a reformative committee, Panchakroshi Jirnoddhāra Samiti, Kashi
(PJSK) which took special action programme at Kardameshvara/ Kandawā.
Repairing of dharmashālās (D-1) was made in 1960 with the help of individual
donations. Moreover, in the same year rejuvenation and repairing of D-2 , D-3, D-4,
D-6 and D-9 were done by PJSK, and in the followed year D-7 was repaired. The
PJSK had already made repairing of D-3 and D-4 in 1945. Unfortunately, after 1961
repairing were made only in 1996; and at many places encroachments are also
noticed. Such tendency encourages the loss of cultural properties.
In the recent Master Plan (1991-2011), for the first time some strategies of urban
heritage and heritage zoning are proposed to maintain and preserve the religious and
cultural symbols of the ancient glory of Varanasi. The five Heritage zones in the
above plan identified are (1) The Riverfront Ghats & temples area, (2) Durgā temple-
Sankatmochan area, (3) Kamachhā-Bhelupurā area, (4) Lahartara, and (5) Sarnath (cf.
Fig. 10.2, page 311). To a great surprise, unfortunately, no where PanchakroshiYatra
Circuit has been mentioned in this Plan. Every year about 5,000 and every third year
(in the malamāsa), over 50,000 pilgrims and devotees walk to have experience of the
spirit of divine route of Panchakroshi Yatra. Using GPS (Global Positing Satellite
system), aerial photographs and site plans, it is now proved that this route possesses a
strong orientation to the cosmic geometry and a unique symbolism of the mandala.
This distinct World’s Heritage is in danger. Let us join hands to save this heritage.
Thanks to the good sense and deeper understanding of Mr Manoj Kumar, the
present Commissioner of Varanasi and the Chairman of the Varanasi Development
Authority, VDA (since 26th October 1999- ) for initiating heritage conservation and
planning. For the first time, the Chairman of the VDA Mr Manoj Kumar and other
300 Chapter Nine

senior officers have taken part in the expedition to visualise the total circuit of
Panchakroshi Yatra on 12 December 2001 under the direction of the author of the
book, of course leaving the Ghats. Mr Manoj Kumar has taken lead to prepare the
‘PanchakroshiYatra Circuit Development Project’ under the perspective of heritage
planning ― ‘rejuvenating the cultural heritage of Varanasi’ ― with an aim to
preserve, protect and make them active for the service of mankind and giving a model
of Indianness where the tradition and modernity go together in harmonious way. Alas!
this plan is laying down in the files of bureaucracy. This plan proposed an ambitious
budget of Rs 840 million (at 2001 rate, equals to US$ 18.34 million) under different
heads for the period of three years, 2002-2005. It is surprisingly noted that in the
future Comprehensive Development Plan for the Varanasi Development Region
(2011-2021; Fig. 10.1, page 310), no where Panchakroshi route and its heritage spots
are given any place. Of course, many sacred sites and complexes are now in the
process of consideration to be included in the heritage site area as attractive places for
spiritual tourism in future.
During the malamāsa (intercalary month) the district administration of Varanasi
makes arrangement for the supply of drinking water, cleaning the rest houses,
electricity supply and management at the important temples and halting stations. But
the inhabitants and devotees voluntarily involved in servicing pilgrims at the five
halting stations have not been satisfied with the district authorities. Many such
complains are also made through the local newspapers. They claim that the
administrative management provided by the district authorities functions only for a
week while the pilgrimage period run to a month and regularly visited by the huge
crowd of pilgrims. Following their strong belief as not to grudge about the
inconveniences, pilgrims never make any protest. On the other hand, district
authorities also do not care for arrangement up to an optimal and required level. There
is an urgent need of mass awareness among the people to preserve our cultural
heritage and properties through their own means of resources. This would be a real
religious service in the name of the god.

7. Towards Epilogue
The pilgrimage journey, like that of Panchakroshi Yatra represents the physical act
of visiting the holy place and at the same time mental altitude (belief) and moral act
with firm determination (vow taking, sankalpa). The practice of pilgrimage journey in
Hinduism follows ‘some of the basic underpinnings of its philosophy’ (Bhardwaj,
1973: 2). At different levels, there also work several factors pertaining to process and
rites of performances, at last making the place a system of lifeworld where anytime
and at every sitespace there generates the world of meaning, experience and a mental
state of faith. The ultimate result of this system where person and place imply a closed
religious connection called the spirit of place (genius loci).
The faithscape is neither created, nor is it transferable; it develops by the human
quest for searching a divine connection between man and the environment.
Faithscape can be explained to a certain degree when a person experiences the divine
manifestation – a reality of totally different order where man and natural mystery
meet. Jim Swan’s (1990: 221) narration fully exposes this fact:

“When the spiritual world decides to show itself, beauty, peace, truth, bliss, wonder,
and awe can manifest in the most extraordinary ways. The real reason for going to a
sacred place, however, is not just to get high. The purpose is to come into harmony
 Kashi Kshetra: Pilgrimage Circuits of the Panchakroshi and Antargriha Yatras 301

with the greater unity of all life so that you can become who you are and then serve
others according to who you are”.

Foot-pilgrims enjoy scared journeys as an earthly adventure from one place to

other that entails the combined effects of a spiritual quest and physical hardship --- by
walking, suffering, or avoiding temptation. Foot-pilgrims repeat and experience the
authenticity (figuratively and even literally) of walking in the footsteps of their
ancestors whose descriptions are narrated in the mythology. Although they seem to be
more concerned with ease and comfort, pilgrimage-tourist still appreciate the spiritual
quality of the pilgrimage sites and shared adventure (through less earthly). Both
groups of Hindu devotees recount their experiences as satisfying. They give
explanation of the special power of pilgrimage to uplift them (based upon particular
qualities of places), and of the powerful effects of certain kinds of rituals and rites
performed by priest at those sacred places (Sax, 1991: 12).
Faith is central to the wish, vow and act of pilgrimage, nevertheless pilgrimage is
also a process whereby people attempt to understand cosmic integrity. According to
Eliade (1959: 12), “for those who have a religious experience all nature is capable of
revealing itself as cosmic sacrality. The cosmos in its entirety can become a
hierophany.” Thus, for the pilgrims, every moment and every step is sacred. No
noticeable cultural change has occurred in the Panchakroshi Yatra pilgrimage. In fact,
the cultural aspect of this sacred journey has remained basically the same, but its
socio-structural aspect has undergone important changes in course of time.
Pilgrimage-tourists also derive a similar sense of cosmic integrity, while all the
pilgrims enjoy the journey experientially as well. Above all, there also appears, an
integrating platform of traditions where the textual (‘Great’) and contextual (‘Little’)
meet and by this ‘unification’ one experiences the harmony and transcendence of the
pilgrimage, which is ultimately transcendence of the cosmos in which human being
are at centre.
In terms of making a state of equilibrium (e.g. sacred) in the non-equilibrium (e.g.
secular) the dynamics of companionship and interconnectedness to be promoted by
pilgrimages. Tour is an outer journey in geographical space to have pleasure;
pilgrimage is an inner journey in the outer space from where immanent and
transcendent together make a system complex. Tour requires wish for pleasure and
satisfaction; pilgrimage requires quest for revelation and peace. As human being we
need both.

8. References
* For complete reference of Sanskrit and Hindi sources, see: Singh, Rana 2002: pp.
189-198, and 2009a.

Allchin, F. R. 1964 ed. Kavitavali (by Tulasi). English translation and critical
introduction. A.S. Barnes and Co. Inc., New York.
Bhardwaj, Surinder M. 1973. Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India. University of
California Press, Berkeley. Reprinted, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 2006.
Buttimer, Anne 1989. Nature, water symbolism and the human quest for wholeness;
in Seamon, D. and Mugerauer, R. (eds.) Dwelling, Place and Environment.
Columbia University Press, New York: 157-280.
Canter, David V. 1977. The Psychology of Place. Architectural Press, London.
302 Chapter Nine

Dovy, Kim 1985. An Ecology of Place and Placemaking; in, Dovey, Kim, et at. (eds.)
Place and Placemaking. Faculty of Archt. & Bldg., RMIT, Melbourne: 93-109.
Eck, Diana L. 1982. Banaras, City of Light. Alfred Knopf, New York, also Penguin
India, New Delhi.
Eliade, Mircea 1959. The Sacred and the Profane. Harper and Row Pub., New York.
―. 1991 (1952). Image and Symbols. Princeton University Press, Princeton.
Margold, Harlan 1991. The Alchemist’s Almanac. Bear & Co., Santa Fe, NM.
Morinis, Alan 1984. Pilgrimage in Hindu Tradition. Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Moticandra 1985. Kashi ka Itihasa (History of Kashi). Vishvavidyalaya Prakashan,
Varanasi; in Hindi.
Pocock, D.C.D. 1981. Place and the novelist. Transaction, Inst. of British
Geographers, NS, 6: 337-347.
Porteous, J. Douglas 1990. Landscapes of the Mind. University of Toronto Press,
Toronto.
Relph, Edward C. 1976. Place and Placelessness. Pion Ltd., London.
Sax, William S. 1991. Mountain Goddess: Gender and Politics in a Himalayan
Pilgrimage. Oxford University Press, New York.
Sherring, M. A. 1868. Benares. The Sacred City of the Hindus. Trubner & Co.,
London. Reprinted 1975, B. R. Pub. Co., Delhi.
Singh, Pratibha 2004. Shiva-Kāshi: Paurānic Paripekshya aur Vartmān Sandarbh
(Shiva-Kashi: Pauranic Background and Present Context). Vishvavidyalaya
Prakashan, Varanasi.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1980. The Socio-cultural space of Varanasi. Art & Archaeology
Research Papers (AARP, London), 17: 41-46.
―. 1993. Banaras (Varanasi). Cosmic Order, Sacred City, Hindu Traditions.
Varanasi: Tara Book Agency.
―. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. The Panchakroshi Yatra of Banaras.
Indica Books, Banaras.
―. 2009a. Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History, Bibliography.
Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series, Pub. 8. Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2009b. Geographical Thoughts in India snapshots and Vision for the 21st Century.
Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding Series, Pub. 2. Cambridge Scholars
Publishing, Newcastle u. Tyne UK.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin S. 2002. Banaras Region. A Spiritual & Cultural
Guide. Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series, Pub. 1. Indica Books, Varanasi. 2nd Ed.
2006.
Sopher, David E. 1968. Pilgrim circulation in Gujarat. The Geographical Review, 58
(3): 292-425.
Sukul, Kubernatha, 1977. Varanasi Vaibhava (Glory of Varanasi). Bihar Rastrabhasa
Parishad, Patna; in Hindi.
Swan, James A. 1990. Sacred Places. Bear and Co. Pub., Santa Fe.
Vidyarthi, L.P., Saraswati, B.N. and Jha, M. 1979. The Sacred Complex of Kashi.
Concept Pub., New Delhi.
Vishwakarma, I.S. 1987. Historical Geography of Kashi. Ramananda Vidya Bhavan,
Delhi; in Hindi.
 CHAPTER 10
MAKING THE HERITAGESCAPE: INTANGIBLE

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. The intangible heritage is the symbolic representation of the growth and
continuity of human consciousness and continuity of traditions that human being
evolved and carried on. Through performances and expression of art, culture, music
and other means of culture the continuity and maintenance of traditions survived.
Among such traditions fairs, festivals and indigenous happenings have preserved the
instincts of human transformation that help to understand and learn our history. The
city of Banaras presents varieties, distinctness and superimposition of successive
traditions that merged into the old and made their own ways. Here exists more that six
hundred festive celebrations and religious performances, most of them having
historical, mythological and cultural continuity. Popularly Hindus follow luni-solar
calendar for deciding the auspicious day and fixing the sacred time, however these
vary from one region to another. Banaras, being mosaic of Indian culture has
preserved varieties of such regional traditions those maintains individuality and also
have interaction and transition space. Several of the dying traditions have been
revived by increasing impacts of heritage and event tourism.
Keywords: environmental theatre, intangible heritage, fairs, festivals, Hindu festivals,
Sikh festivals, Muslim festivals, Ramalila, Ramanagar, UNESCO.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

1. The Issue of Intangible Heritage

According to UNESCO WHC “Cultural heritage is not limited to material
manifestations, such as monuments and objects that have been preserved over time.
This notion also encompasses living expressions and the traditions that countless
groups and communities worldwide have inherited from their ancestors and transmit
to their descendants, in most cases orally”. Article 2 of UNESCO refers that:
1). The “intangible cultural heritage” means the practices, representations,
expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and
cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases,
individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural
heritage, transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by
communities and groups in response to their environment, their interaction with
nature and their history, and provides them with a sense of identity and continuity,
thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. For the purposes of
this UNESCO Convention, consideration will be given solely to such intangible
cultural heritage as is compatible with existing international human rights instruments,
as well as with the requirements of mutual respect among communities, groups and
individuals, and of sustainable development.
2). The “intangible cultural heritage”, as defined above, is manifested inter alia in
the following domains: (a) oral traditions and expressions, including language as a
304 Chapter Ten

vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; (b) performing arts; (c) social practices,
rituals and festive events; (d) knowledge and practices concerning nature and the
universe; and (e) traditional craftsmanship. [For details, see: UNESCO 2006].
In whole South Asia the city of Banaras is known for its multiplicity of live
cultural traditions (oral, written, folk), performing arts, festivities, rituals and social
functions, educational and practice of traditional knowledge, and traditional
craftsmanship. That is how the city is well known all over the world for intangible
heritage/s. Nevertheless, the recognition of the subjectivities of heritage is an issue of
destabilising the idea of ‘objectivity; of heritage. It should be thought over in terms of
“questioning the assumed objectivity of the constituting and authorised discourse and
narratives” about intangible heritage, but also “in terms of redirecting the heritage
gaze from its obsessions with physicality” (Smith 2006: 54). Of course, “by focussing
the heritage gaze on affect, the idea that all heritage is intangible also offers greater
conceptual space for the idea of memory and the activity of remembering” (ibid.: 57).
Banaras is considered to be a veritable jungle of fairs and festivals with respect to
variety, distinction, time, sacred sites, performers, overseers and side-shows (see
important ones, Singh and Rana 2006: 68-84). The popular saying that there 13
festivals happen in the 7-days of a week express that richness. “Every day is a great
festival in Banaras” ― so says the tradition. The yearly cycle is divided into six
seasons (ritu), and for each season a specific holy city is mythologized as the sacred
abode (puri) where religious functions are to be performed. Banaras is the city where
all the six puris are spatially manifested (re-established), which is how Banaras
becomes a city of all seasons.
The details of the auspiciousness and astronomical conjunctions for festivities are
given in the Panchanga (Hindu Lunar almanac). Based on the Lunar cycle, each
month is divided into two fortnights (paksha), i.e. krishna-paksha (the waning, “dark
fortnight”) that moves toward the new-moon night (amavasya), and shukla-paksha
(the waxing, “light fortnight”) that moves toward the full-moon night (purnima).
Whereas a solar day may be described by its name, such as Monday (Somavar), a
lunar day is described by its position in the fortnight, such as “5th day of shukla-
paksha”. According to Hindu tradition each month has its own spiritual merit, but
some have relatively higher merit.
The festival of Karttika Purnima (Full moon day, October-November) may be
cited as special example. This is the biggest bathing festival when in the morning, a
million devout Hindus rush to one of the ghats for holy dip in the Ganga River. In the
evening with myriad of lighted lamps floating on the river face and slowly moving in
varied formations, the festival reaches its climax. Close to the Panchaganga Ghat two
conical stone pillars with 108 sockets to hold the wicks are lighted on this evening.
Hundreds of akashadipas (“sky lamps”) are hung each evening in little wicker baskets
at the top of tall bamboo poles. During the period from 11th (Prabodhini Ekadeshi) to
15th (Purnima) day of the light fortnight of the Karttika a festival called Ganga
Mahotsava is organised at the Rajendra Prasad Ghat. Its climax reached by offering
oil lamps to the Ganga on the full-moon day. A revival of this evening festival called
Deva Dipavali begun in 1985. During this period of five days musical performances
are arranged in the evening, which are attended by a large mass of people. On about
four dozens boats, scenes from the Ramayana are presented by devout Hindus and
professional artists. One scene is presented on each boat, all arranged into a narrative
sequence, starting at Asi Ghat and passing slowly to the Panchaganga Ghat. All along
the ghats crowds of people gather to watch the scenes.
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 305

Many of the festivals are transformed into modern versions while others are on the
verge of decay. Efforts have been made several times to revive them, but the impact
of consumerism, individualism, the ever-increasing cost of living and the consequent
lack of affordability by the common man have put serious obstacles in the way of
such revivals and celebrations. Recently the UP Tourism and the Department of
Culture, Govt of UP have made successful efforts to revive many of the festivals.
However, they are not revived in a traditional manner but are conducted only so as to
attract tourists and to get superficial popularity at the cost of putting on a big show
that consumes a huge amount of public money.

2. Ramalila at Ramanagar: an example of environmental theatre

Of course originally proclaimed in 2005 by the government of India, UNESCO has
incorporated the ‘Rāmalila—traditional performance of the Rāmāyana’ in its
representative list of 90 declared on 4 November 2008. This list also includes two
more intangible heritages, i.e. ‘Kutiyattam, Sanskrit Theatre’, and the ‘Tradition of
Vedic Chanting’. The Ramalila is a dramatisation of the epic journey of Rama, the 7th
incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu. The Ramalila, a theatrical form of story of the
Ramacharitamanasa (old Ramayana), is performed in a series of scenes that include
song, narration, recital and dialogue. It is performed across northern India during the
festival of Dashahra, held each year according to the ritual calendar in autumn
(September-October, Hindu month of Ashvina). Of course the most representative
Ramalilas are those of Ayodhya, Ramnagar and Banaras, Vrindavan, Almora, and
Madhubani, the Ramalila of Ramanagar is unique in the whole world. In the city of
Banaras Ramalila holds for different periods at different sites according to their
tradition and historicity, ranging from the period of ten days to 31 days (cf. for details
and analysis: Kapur 1992, Sax 1993, Schechner 1983, 1985 and 1993).
Ramlila recalls the battle between Rama and Ravana and consists of a series of
dialogues between gods, sages and the faithful. Ramalila’s dramatic force stems from
the succession of icons representing the climax of each scene. The audience is invited
to sing and take part in the narration. The Ramalila brings the whole population
together, without distinction of caste, religion or age. All the villagers participate
spontaneously, playing roles or taking part in a variety of related activities, such as
mask and costume making, and preparing make-up, effigies and lights. However, the
development of mass media, particularly television soap operas, is leading to a
reduction in the audience of the Ramalila plays, which are therefore losing their
principal role of bringing people and communities together. Nevertheless Ramalila at
Ramanagar has still surviving in its traditional form.
The township of Ramanagar is known for the Gate of the Fort, Royal Museum and
the Ramalila. The Fort was built in 1752. The town of Ramanagar is famous all over
the world for its unique Ramalila, performed for 31 days during Ashvina (September-
October; see Table 10.1). This performance is an example of environmental theatre in
natural setting, which takes place at 20 locales (Fig. 10.1). Udit Narayan Singh (1796-
1835), the former king of Varanasi started this in 1800, but the location of the sites
and scenes were finalised only in 1825, when the Girja (Durga) temple was built.
James Prinsep in his book, Benares Illustrated (1833) has described the Ramalila in
considerable detail along with an engraved picture also. Later, in the regime of Ishvari
Narayan Singh (1835-1889) all the dialogues and citations were finally composed
with the help of scholars, priests and most notable Bhartendu Harishachandra (1840-
1885), known as the father of modern Hindi.
306 Chapter Ten

In the chain and continuity of the kings, the last one Maharaja Vibhuti Narayan
Singh (1927-2000) was the lifelong patron of the Ramalila and was the key figure in
making this internationally acclaimed and known, that is how this lila referred to as
Maharaja’s Ramalila. By his death on 25th December 2000, a great setback to the
Ramalila occurred; thanks to his successor Ananta Narayan Singh that he is trying his
best to survive the Ramalila in its traditional form, pattern, dialogues, involvement
and selection of actors and spatial arrangement (cf. Fig. 10.1).
Fig. 10.1. Ramalila at Ramanagar: 31-days performances at 20 sites.

The total area in which the Lila spreads is about 260ha. According to an estimate,
on average 10,000 people watch everyday, but on special days like that of the killing
of demon Ravana and Bharat Milap (meeting of brothers), the number of spectators
reaches over 50,000.
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 307

Table 10.1. Ramanagar: Ramalila (31 Days List)

A schedule of the performances based on the Suchipatra distributed in Ramanagar in 2003.
Day Lila description
1. Ravana is born; he subdues the universe; Vishnu is seen reclining on Sheshanaga; the
gods pray to Vishnu; his voice comes from the heavens.
2. Shringi Rishi (sage) performs a sacrifice; Rama and his brothers are born; Rama
displays his vastness; the sacred thread ceremony is performed; the princes go
hunting.
3. The sage Vishvamitra asks Rama and Lakshmana to protect a sacrifice; the brothers
kill Taraka, Maricha and Subahu; Rama liberates Ahalya; the brothers worship the
Ganga; they arrive in Janakpur; the meeting with Janaka.
4. Rama and Lakshmana admire Janakpur; the Janakpur ladies talk among themselves;
Rama and Janaki meet at Girija temple in a garden; they fall in love.
5. The trial of the bow; Rama’s breaking the bow; Parashurama’s arrival in a great
wrath; the dialogue between Lakshmana and Parashurama.
6. The wedding procession leaves from Ayodhya; the wedding is performed in Janakpur.
7. The wedding procession heads back to Ayodhya; the princes are shown sleeping.
8. Dasharatha prepares to appoint Rama to kingship. Kaikeyi goes to the sulking
chamber; Rama is ordered to the forest.
9. Rama, Janaki and Lakshmana leave Ayodhya; they meet Nishada; Lakshmana
preaches to Nishada.
10. The trio crosses the Ganga on Kevata’s boat; they meet sage Bharadvaja; the crossing
of the Yamuna; the meeting with village folk; arrival at Valmiki’s ashrama; the camp
at Chitrakut; the description of Dasharatha’s death is sung by the Ramayanis
(recitors).
11. Bharata arrives in Ayodhya; he refuses the crown and leaves for Chitrakut; the
meeting with Nishada; the crossing of the Ganga; the camp at sage Bharadvaja’s
ashram.
12. Bharata crosses the Yamuna; he meets the village folk; the meeting with Rama.
13. Bharata’s conversation with Rama and Vashishtha; the arrival of Janaka.
14. The brothers meet Janaka; Bharata returns to Ayodhya; the exile in Nandigrama.
15. Jayanta goes in the form of a crow and pecks at Janaki’s foot; Rama pierces his eye;
the trio sets off towards Panchavati; the meeting with sage Atri; the slaying of
Viradha; a glimpse of Indra; the meeting with Sarabhanga, Sutikshana, Agastya and
Jatayu; the arrival at Panchavati; Rama’s teaching.
16. Shurpanakha’s ribaldry with Rama; Lakshmana cuts off her ears and nose; the slaying
of Khara and Dushana and their army; Rama pursues Maricha as the golden deer; the
abduction of Sita; the battle of Ravana and Jatayu.
17. Rama laments the loss of his beloved; Jatayu’s cremation; Shavari’s hospitality;
Rama’s wandering in search of Janaki; the meeting with sage Narada; Sugriva and
Hanuman become Rama’s allies.
18. The killing of Bali; the rainy season; Lakshmana departs for Kishkindha in a rage;
Hanuman sets out for Lanka; the meeting with Sampati.
19. Hanuman flies over to Lanka; his meeting with Janaki; his battle with the demons; the
burning of Lanka; his return to Rama with Janaki’s Jewel.
20. Rama departs to the sea-shore with his army; Ravana’s younger brother Vibhishana
asks for refuge; the building of the bridge; the worship of Shiva.
21. Rama crosses over to Lanka with his army; the description of his army; the camp at
Suvala Giri; Angada’s immovable foot.
22. The battle at the four gates; Lakshmana and Meghanada fight; Lakshmana is wounded
by Meghanada’s special weapon; Hanumana rips the mountain for Lakshmana’s
medicine; Rama’s lament; Lakshmana’s recovery.
23. Kumbhakarana enters battle and is killed; Rama is entangled in Meghanada’s
snake-rope; Meghanada conducts a sacrifice; Lakshmana slays him.
308 Chapter Ten

24. The battles with Ravana begin.

25. More battles with Ravana and his arrival on the battlefield.
26. The killing of Ravana and Rama’s victory. Ravana’s cremation (Dashahra/
Vijayadashmi).
27. Vibhishana’s enthronement. Janaki’s fire-ordeal. The re-union with Rama. Several
gods praise Rama.
28. Rama and his comrades begin the journey to Ayodhya; the meeting with risis (sages);
Nishada welcomes the trio.
29. The meeting with Bharata (Bharata Milap).
30. The coronation of Rama; the farewell to Sugriva and other monkeys; (the dawn arati).
31. The reciting of praises by sages Narada, and Sanaka and his brothers; Rama’s sermon.
(The farewell at the fort.)

The performance style of this Lila is an amalgamation of the wordless tableaux, the
jhanki, and processional drama where the actors move from place to place and
exchange dialogues. The Ramalila of Ramanagar is the only such performance where
no modern means of light and fixed stages are used. In fact, the whole area of 260ha
becomes part of natural setting in which an “environmental theatre” serves as moving
platform, i.e. various scenes and incidences performed at different places and
according to the scene the performance moves and the audience and spectaculars
follow on the moving actors and scenes in action. The enactment of Rama’s exile and
wandering, triumph over the evil Ravana, and subsequent return to rightful kingship
provides an occasion for, and in many respect parallels, the widespread practice of
Hinduism.
The Ramalila, performed for 31 days during Ashvina (September-October), began
in 1800. This performance is an example of environmental theatre in natural setting,
which takes place at 20 locales. Some of them have been constructed for the lila, such
as the pavilions at Pravarshana Mountain and Panchavati; some are part of the town’s
landmarks, like the Durga Mandir, the Janakpur Mandir and the Ramabagh; and
others have simply been found appropriate. The town’s main square, its two main
temples, its lakes and its tanks as well as the fields at its outskirts, all come within the
lila’s great boundary. Most of the leading roles are played by the members of the
same family since beginning of the Ramalila. This is the largest of its kind in whole
India, and per se may be whole world, and it is thought to confer special merit, thus
every year hundred of thousands people attend it.
The 5th section of the Royal Museum presents a glimpse of Ramalila at
Ramanagar ― the pictures, masks and related items used and also copies or some of
the old manuscripts of the Ramacharitamanasa of Tulasi (1547-1623, a saint poet).
The Ramacharitamanasa is the basis of the Ramalila, which depicts a metaphorical
journey through life as well as a physical journey across the subcontinent. The
spectators believe that their participation in the Ramalila is primarily to reveal
themselves while following the journey conducted by the god or his forms. Journeys
and processions have special importance in this respect. This is simple process of
transformation by following the gods and their acts.
The very act of following the gods from location to location as they enact their
history on a sacred map gives the spectators a role. Here Rama rested, here he
crossed the Ganga river, here he battled with Ravana. In visiting places sanctified by
divinity, the spectator does what countless pilgrims do, for her/his worship, like theirs,
consists in visiting holy places. And her/his journey becomes at once physical,
metaphorical and spiritual. Similarly, walking endows the spectators with another role
of participants in Rama’s life.
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 309

The performance style of the Ramalila is an amalgamation of the wordless

tableaux, the jhanki, and processional drama where the actors move from place to
place and exchange dialogues. According to an estimate, on average 10,000 people
watch everyday, but on special days like that of the killing of demon Ravana and
Bharat Milap (meeting of brothers), the number of spectators reaches over 50,000.
The Ramalila Ground belongs to the royal family but the organisation,
maintenance and performance and management of Ramalila are under the jurisdiction
of Alla India Kashiraj Trust (Ramanagar Fort, Varanasi).
No specific measures are taken to conserve and preserve the Ramalila and its
performance sites, except at the level of white washing and a little repairing by the
royal family. There is no such specific organisation to take care of preservation and
conservation, however the All India Kashiraj Trust has a special task-force committee
to look after the maintenance, management and performance of the Ramalila. Thanks
to UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Programme of 2003 that Ramalila is
nominated as representative of continuity of traditional performance.
On the line of thought provoked by Tulasi, the testimony of Harishachandra may
be added as a universal message, who claims that the very act of seeing or hearing the
lila is beneficial:
Rama’s lila is a giver of happiness in every way.
Through speaking, hearing, and seeing, it enters the heart and increased devotion.
Love grows, sin flees, love of virtue springs up in the heart.
That is why Harishachandra listens daily and applauds the deeds of Lord.

Thus the power of the Ramalila to move thousands and thousands of spectators
year after year rests, among other things, on this belief.

3. Festivities and Seasons

Banaras is considered to be a veritable jungle of fairs and festivals with respect to
variety, distinction, time, sacred sites, performers, overseers and side-shows. The
popular saying that there 13 festivals happen in the 7-days of a week express that
richness. “Every day is a great festival in Banaras”― so says the tradition. The yearly
cycle is divided into six seasons (ritu), and for each season a specific holy city is
mythologized as the sacred abode (puri) where religious functions are to be
performed. Banaras is the city where all the six puris are spatially manifested (re-
established), which is how Banaras becomes a city of all seasons (cf. Table 10.2).
The details of the auspiciousness and astronomical conjunctions for festivities are
given in the Panchanga (Hindu Lunar almanac). Based on the Lunar cycle, each
month is divided into two fortnights (paksha), i.e. krishna-paksha (the waning, “dark
fortnight”) that moves toward the new-moon night (amavasya), and shukla-paksha
(the waxing, “light fortnight”) that moves toward the full-moon night (purnima).
Whereas a solar day may be described by its name, such as Monday (Somavar), a
lunar day is described by its position in the fortnight, such as “5th day of shukla-
paksha”. The cycle of lunar days and weekdays are governed in the Hindu cosmogony
by those heavenly orbs by which time is reckoned. Each solar day, as in the Western
calendar, has its own heavenly governor, and all are represented in a form of Shiva
linga named after the heavenly body (planet, graha; cf. Table 10.3).
310 Chapter Ten

Table 10.2. Varanasi. Seasons, Sacred Cities and their replicas.

Hindu Roman Roman Sacred Replica in Form
Season Name Month City Banaras of God
Vasanta Spring Mar-My Mathura Bakaria Kund Krishna
Grishma Summer My-Jul Ayodhya Rama Kund Rama
Varsha Rain Jul-Sept Dvaraka Sankhudhara Krishna
Sharata Autumn Sep-Nov Kanchi Vindumadhava Vishnu
Hemanta Winter Nov-Jan Ujjaiyini Kaleshvara Shiva
Shishira Cold Jan-Mar Haridvar Asi Ghat Vishnu
All Seasons ------ ----- Varanasi Lalita Ghat Karuneshvara

Table 10.3. Varanasi. Weekdays and Cosmogony.

Hindu day, Roman day Hindu Shiva-form in Location in
-var Planet Banaras Banaras
Ravi Sunday Sun Lolarkeshvara Lolarka Kunda
Soma Monday Moon Candreshvara Siddheshvara
Mangala Tuesday Mars Mangaleshvara Sankatha Ghat
Budha Wednesday Mercury Buddheshvara Atmavireshvara
Brihaspati Thursday Jupiter Brihaspatishvara Atmavireshvara
Sukra Friday Venus Shukreshvara Kalika Gali
Shani Saturday Saturn Shanaishcareshvara near Vishvanatha

The time and schedules of a religious journey as mythologized and prescribed

follow the path of the moon. The path of the moon is the path of souls. That is why
the Hindu calendar accepts the cycle of the moon as central in performing any ritual,
rite, festivity or pilgrimage (cf. Appendix 1, page 390-391 of this book). The moon
symbolises the universal sense of “becoming” by waxing, waning and disappearing,
and it also serves as a universal measuring gauge – it measures and also unifies.
Sacred times, seasons, and festivals are calculated by the lunar calendar, and every
‘32 months, 16 days and 4 hours’ (i.e., every third year) an extra month of 29.53 days
must be added to the lunar calendar in order to square it with solar calendar. This
intercalary month of the leap year is called Purushottama Masa or malamasa.
According to Hindu tradition each month has its own spiritual merit, but some have
relatively higher merit. The malamasa is prescribed as giving the most spiritual merit
to devotees, especially through Panchakroshi pilgrimage. During this period of
malamasa, falling every third year, a grand festivity and celebration takes place at
Rajgir in Bihar. Almost all the fairs and festivals in Banaras are primarily religious,
and they have their social and cultural purview and perspectives. These are the
occasions of gathering for rejoicing, public worship and cultural interaction.

4. Hindu Festivals
*[For the detailed List of Hindu Festivals, 2009-2018, see Appendix 1, page 390-391;
for description see Singh and Rana 2006: 70-84, and Sukul 1974: 228-263]

Makara Samkranti (always on 14th January).

This marks the Hindu version of Winter Solstice (21 December) and is celebrated
during the sacred moment of time associated with the Sun’s passage into the zodiac-
house of Capricorn (Makara). This is the bathing festival and considered to be the
dividing line in the cosmic rotation of the Sun god by his northerly retreat
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 311

(uttarayana). Holy bathing and offering the Ganga water to Sun, Shiva and Vishnu
images are common. The popular customs of the day, however, include making
sweets with sesame seeds; eating khichari, a staple food of rice cooked with 5
varieties of lentils and several vegetables (especially cauliflower and potato); and
above all, flying kites.
Vedavyasa Mela (Magha, January-February).
Every Monday in Magha in Ramanagar a fair is held in honour of the Vedavyasa,
the legendary compiler of the Vedas and writer of the Mahabharata. The temple of
Vedavyasa in the Ramanagar Fort, along the bank of Ganga, is the centre of these
activities.
Maha Shivaratri (Phalguna, February-March).
On the 14th of dark fortnight of Phalguna falls the marriage day of Lord Shiva.
Varanasi is the Shiva’s abode, which is how this especially charming festival comes
to be celebrated here. In all the Shiva temples, grand decorations (shringara) and
celebrations are held, but the Vishvanatha (Golden), Vishvanatha in B.H.U., Adi
Vishveshvara (Bansphatak), Mritunjaya (Dara Nagar), Trilochana and Kedareshvara
temples are the most popular. The Vishvanatha and Mritunjaya temples are obviously
attended by a million devout Hindus to have a glimpse of special shringara. During
the festival a procession is taken out from the Mritunjaya to Vishvanatha temple. On
the following 11th day of the light fortnight the yearly decoration of Vishvanatha
temple takes place, called Amalaki or Rangabhari Ekadashi. Instead of merely
sprinkling the Ganga water and offering flowers as is usual, pilgrims also sprinkle
coloured red powder on the Shiva linga. This is the starting point and initiation of the
Holi festival. On the occasion of Maha Shivaratri a musical assembly at Tulasi Ghat,
called Dhrupada Mela, is organised.
Holi (Chaitra, March-April).
Holi falls on the 1st dark fortnight of Chaitra. On the eve of Holi, the full moon
night of Phalguna (Purnima), the festivities begin with the burning of the many
neighbourhood Holika fires. The dawn of the day of Holi brings the saturnalia, the
ritual reversals, and the social levelling, all together marking the springtime and
welcoming the New Year. In the streets and in the courtyards of houses, people
drench one another with buckets of coloured water and smear one another’s faces with
wet colours. In the noontime the scene changes with bathing and a fresh change of
clothes, followed by visits to friends where guests and hosts offer each other dry
coloured powder and sweets. On this special day the important deities of Banaras are
offered a variety of dry and wet colours.
Burhva Mangala (“The Old Tuesday”).
After Holi, the first Tuesday that falls after at least five days is celebrated as the
concluding festive day of the period of colourful Holi. Burhva Mangala stod for the
subtle pleasures of Chaitra: a combination of the outdoors, moderate temperatures,
and all-night festivity. Since the late 16th century it has been a tradition to play with
dry colour on the decorated boats and bajaras (house-boats) accompanied by
musicians and performers singing special seasonal folk songs known as kajari, along
with lively folk performances. Mir Rustam Ali, the Governor of Banaras gave the
festival a well-organised shape in 1735, and later on King Chet Singh also patronised
it. Boats are decorated with flags and carpets, even with chandeliers. The riverfront
from Asi to Panchaganga, becomes a floating musical festival. After 1922 this festival
was no longer celebrated, but thanks to the spirit of citizens of Banaras it has been
revived since 1994.
312 Chapter Ten

Chaitra Navaratri (Chaitra, March-April).

This marks the beginning of the New Year, and is celebrated by the worship of
goddess, called Gauri (“White Goddess”), for the first 9 nights of Chaitra light
fortnight. On the first day many Hindu families perform the introductory rite by the
installation of sacred pitchers in their home. During the 9 days, countless Hindu
devotees perform the circuit of 9 shrines of Gauri. Special arati (‘ritual of offering oil
lamps’) is performed in these shrines. Nearby these shrines devotional songs and
group singings in the evening are the main attraction. A special fair is also held at
Durgakund.
On the first day of Chaitra Navaratri to welcome the New Year, Vikrama Samvata,
a celebration is also held at the Rajendra Prasada Ghat. This is organised by the joint
efforts of many religious trusts and social organisations in the form of cultural event
in the evening. Since last two years the State Government of Uttar Pradesh is involved
in the arrangement of various programmes that include musical performances, dances,
rituals, religious discourses and seminar on these topics. The involvement of
government officials makes the celebration a show at grand scale, however the spirit
behind the festival is loosing its power.
Rama Navami (Chaitra, March-April).
The last day of Chaitra Navaratri is celebrated as birthday of Lord Rama in most of
the temples related to him. Rama Ghat is specially preferred for sacred bathing,
followed by a visit and rituals at the nearby Rama temple (Rameshvara Shiva) where
musical instruments (e.g. drums, bells, and conches) are played in tune with thousands
of melodious voices. For the most part this is a family level festival and quite a large
number of people celebrate in their home. The devout Hindus those performing
special worship of goddesses during the nine nights (navaratri), pay visit to the
temples of Maha Lakshmi (Lakshmi Kunda) or Siddheshvari Devi (near Sankatha
Ghat). Since 1987 with a view to reviving the old tradition a procession of about
twenty boats anchored and decorated, carrying scenes and performances based on the
story of the Ramayana moves in the evening around 1630hrs. Known as Ramakatha
Mandakini Shobhayatra this procession of floating boats starts at Asi Ghat and goes
to Raj Ghat, while stopping at Rajendraprasad Ghat in the middle of the way. Along
the ghats a great mass of people watch this.
Narasimha Lila (Vaishakha, April-May).
This festival of scenic presentation is based on the life of Narasimha (“Man-Lion”),
the 4th incarnation of Vishnu, and it started in early 18th century. This is held for a 6-
day period, starting on the 10th of the light fortnight and concluded on the full moon
day (Buddha Purnima), every late evening (2200-0030hr) at Prahalada Ghat. During
the day Jhanki (‘scene’) are shown including Vishnu resting on the snake-bed in the
Ocean of Milk (1st day), the fight between Vishnu’s Boar Form and the demon
Hiranyaksha, and birth of great devout Prahalada (2), the education of Prahalada and
punishments by his father (3), the incarnation of Narasimha who kills the demon
Hiranyakashyapa (4), rest on the following day (5), and finally scene of the Ten
Incarnations (Dasha Avataras) of Vishnu, and special arati (6).
Buddha Purnima (Vaishakha, April-May).
The full moon day of Vaishakha marks the most sacred day for Buddhists because
the birthday, day of enlightenment and the day of parinirvana of the Buddha all fall
on the same day. This festival is celebrated with grandeur and gaiety at Sarnath, and is
attended by a large mass of followers. A large fair is also held in Sarnath and relics of
the Buddha are taken out in the procession for public viewing on this day. A day
before Buddha Purnima, i.e. the 14th of Vaishakha, Hindus celebrate Nrisimha
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 313

Chaturdashi, when special celebration takes place at Bade Ganesha (Lohatia) temple
and at Prahalada Ghat in honour of Nrisimha (“the Man-Lion form of Vishnu”).
Ganga Dashahara (Jyeshtha, May-June).
The 10th of the light fortnight of Jyeshtha is celebrated to remember the descent of
the Ganga to the earth, and is considered her birthday. All along the ghats, a huge
mass of devotees takes holy dips and pay visits to the Ganga shrine, especially at
Dashasdhvamedha and Panchaganga ghats. The Ganga image riding on a crocodile
made of clay, is floted in the river as a way to glimpse herin human form. Also in the
morning some of the worshippers who have taken a special vow will cross the river in
boats trailing long garlands of flowers to decorate the goddess-waters. Unmarried
girls immerse their sacred dolls into the Ganga river. For the last ten years, in the
evening oil lamps burning the ghats from Dashashvamedha to Trilochana attracts
dwellers and visitors for the beautiful atmosphere. In the evening at Rajendra Prasad
Ghat cultural performances are also held. On the next day, called Nirjala
(Bhimaseni) Ekadashi, thousands of lamps illuminate the Panchaganga Ghat in the
evening.
Sankhudhara Mela (Summer Solstice).
This is held on the Karka Samkranti, i.e. 14th of June (Hindu’s day of Summer
Solstice) at Sankudhara Kunda in Khojawa, in the southwestern part of the city. A
rich person, Babu Sangam Lal, in 1839-49 granted money for making the stone
stairways to the Kunda and for repairing the attached Dvarakadhisha Temple.
Presently, this festival is almost forgotten.
Ratha Yatra (Ashadha, June-July).
On the 7th day of light fortnight of Ashadha, a chariot procession festival (Ratha
Yatra) that lasts for 3 days attracts a huge mass of visitors. This festival presents an
abbreviated form of the world-famous Ratha Yatra of Puri (Orissa), started by the
chief priest of Puri, Svami Brahamachari, who came to Varanasi in exile in 1790, and
later died here in 1815. With the support of Beni Ram and Vishambhar Ram, the two
prominent and rich citizens of the Bhonshala estate of Nagpur living in Banaras, the
Svami built a temple honouring Jagannatha in 1802. A few year later in 1806 they
started this festival. The procession is taken out of Jagannath Temple (near Asi Ghat)
by carrying the images of Krishna, Balarama and Subhadra to Ratha Yatra Crossing
on the Godaulia-Mahmoorganj Road. For the 3-day period, the roas is crowded with
the people gathering from the neighbouring countryside. Many temporary shops adorn
both sides of road and are known for special cookies like nan-khatai, a crisp and very
soft biscuit.
Durga-Ji Ka Mela (Shravana, July-August).
On every Tuesday in the Hindu month of Shravana, held a fair is held in the
neighbourhood of the Durga Temple and Tulasi Manasa Temple, Durgakund. The
streets are lined with the cars and mats of makeshift merchants, and are swarming
with worshippers and celebrants, whose numbers increase as the month progress. The
last Tuesday is the climax when over fifty thousand of people offer their obeisance to
the goddess Durga, Tulasi Manas and the Sankatamochana temples. This is continued
well into the night.
Naga Panchami (Shravana, July-August).
On the 5th of the light fortnight of Shravana, this festival represents one of the most
ancient forms of serpent worship. On this day Naga (snake) images are painted or
pasted on either side of the doorways of houses, and they are propitiated there with
offerings of milk and puffed rice. A famous and ancient fair is held at Naga Kupa
(ancient name Karkotaka Vapi). The chief attraction of the fair is wrestling, athletic
314 Chapter Ten

bouts in the afternoon when the athletes of Banaras seem to pour emerge at the place.
Old athletes cheer on their pupils and grand-pupils, who exhibit their skill in a large
number of bouts till late in the evening.
Raksha Bandhana (Shravana, July-August).
On the full moon of Shravana every brother goes to his sister, or vice versa, to tie a
brightly coloured band around his wrist - a symbolic assurance that he will be her
protector through life. Sisters tie rakhis (colourful amulet) on their brothers’ wrists
and priests upon their patrons. If the brother (by birth or through informal adoption) is
far away, the rakhis can be sent by mail.
Krishna Janmasthami (Bhadrapada, August-September).
On the 8th day of the dark fortnight falls the birthday of Krishna (the 8th incarnation
of Vishnu), which is celebrated in the Krishna related temples, most notably the
Gopala Mandir, Chowkambha. Home altars throughout the city display elaborate
scenes of Krishna with his cowherd and milkmaid friends, with tiny cattle and trees,
with toys and swings for his pleasure. Distribution of special prasada (sweets offered
to god) to as many visitors as possible is popular. Soon after midnight, when Krishna
was born, visitors in thousands move from temple to temple and from house to house
to offer their obeisance to the deity at these places. In most of the neighbourhood
Hindu shrines and temples dols (decorative scenes of Krishna’s life) are installed.
Lolarka Chhata Mela (Bhadrapada, August-September).
On the 6th the day of light fortnight, the great Sun festival is held at Lolarka Kunda.
This annual fair attracts tens of thousands of Hindu villagers from the surrounding
countryside. Devout Hindus, mostly women, start coming early in the morning. First
they take a bath in the Ganga, followed by a ritual bath in the Lolarka water pool. The
purpose of this festival is to give birth to sons. Couples without male progeny bathe in
the water pool, and those who have succeeded in this effort bring their sons back for a
celebratory bath. Devotees end the celebration by visiting, worshipping and
performing rituals at the Krimi Kunda (Ravindrapuri), where the tomb of Saint Kina
Rama is the centre of activities. All along the main street of Bhadaini are laid out
displays by hawkers and merchants of bangles, cosmetics, and trinkets for women, as
well as special articles necessary for the bathing ritual.
Sorahia (Lakshmi Kunda) Mela (Bhadrapada-Ashvina, August-October).
Beginning on the 8th day of the light fortnight of Bhadrapada a 16-day fair in honour
of Lakshmi (goddess of wealth) starts at Lakshmi Kunda, just west of Godaulia on
Luxa Road, which attracts about a million visitors in the period. Devout Hindus,
mostly women, daily bathe in the water pool. The climax of the festival is reached on
the 8th day of the dark fortnight of Ashvina (September-October). This final day is
known as Jivitaputrika/ Jiutia when almost all Hindus mothers observe a fast for the
well-being of their children, and in the evening perform celebration at Lakshmi
Kunda.
Durga Puja - Dashahara (Ashvina, September-October).
The fall month of Ashvina begins with a dark fortnight for ancestral worship, pitri
paksha. While it is observed widely in India periodtime has a special force in Kashi
and two other holy cities, Allahabad and Gaya. As the light fortnight begins, the fall
Navarati, “the Nine Nights”, of goddess Durga starts; this is called Durga Puja. Clay
images of Durga in decorated pandals (canopies), ranging from 1 to 2.5m, with
elaborate details are installed at over 500 places and are opened for public worship.
Civic and religious organisations sponsor the construction of these clay images. On
each of the 9-day period, devout Hindus visit the prescribed temple of Durga. For
example on the 3rd day the Durga called Kushmanda at Durgakund, is visited. And, at
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 315

the last day Mahalakshmi at Lakshmi Kunda is visited. On the 10th day of the
fortnight, called Vijaya Dashami (or Dashahara), these images are taken out in
procession to the Ganga and then the images are submerged into the Ganga. To
participate in the procession and to watch the immersion are the unique experiences.
Rama Lila (Ashvina, September-October).
The theatrical form of the life story of Rama as narrated in the Ramayana, is one of
the oldest continuing performances in the city. This is performed always in the
evenings. There are four types of periods of celebration, i.e. 7-day, 17-day, 22-day
and 31-day; however the climax of all of them falls on the 10th of the light fortnight of
Ashvina, when Lord Rama kills the demon Ravana. There held about 120 Rama Lilas
at different places, organised by the voluntary organisations and religious trusts. The
most famous among these is the Rama Lila at the Maharaja’s city of Ramanagar,
which starts at the 14th light fortnight of Bhadrapada (August-September); the killing
of demon Ravana is performed around 27th day. This Lila started in 1830 by King
Udit Narayan Singh, is a form of environmental theatre where sites are scattered in the
area around 6km long and 2km wide and permanent stages, buildings and settings are
established. With the arrival of the Maharaja the performance starts with the ritual of
arati (offering oil lamp) it ends by about 21.30hr. It is estimated that on the last day
around 50,000 visitors take part. The other important sites where Rama Lilas are
performed are at Asi Ghat, Khojwa, Shivpur and Chitrakut Talab.
Another important day of festivities is the Bharata Milapa (“Reunion with
Bharata”), falling the very next day of Vijaya Dashami when Lord Rama meets his
brother after returning from an exile of 14-year period. The Bharata Milapa at Nati
Imali near the Sanskrit University usually attracts the largest crowd of any of the
Kashi’s melas, reaching nearly half a million. By the climax of the period, the players
actually become Lord Rama and Brother Bharata in the eyes of people, and seeing the
play indeed is the auspicious viewing (darshana) of the divinities. The king of Kashi
in royal flavour attends this festival.
The Nakkataiya (“Cutting the Nose”) scene refers to another episode of the
Ramayana. This is the episode of the epic where the sister of Ravana tries to influence
Lakshmana to marry her but instead Lakshman chops off her nose. On hearing this
Ravana vows revenge against the brothers. This was one of reasons why Ravana
abducted Sita. This held on the late 4th evening of the dark fortnight of Karttika. The
Nakkataiya of Chetganj is celebrated at a grand scale and attracts over a hundred
thousand visitors. It is famous for the long procession accompanied by lagas (models,
scenes and clay images) with moving sideshows and marching elephants, camels and
horses.
Hanuman Jayanti (Karttika, October-November).
The 14th dark fortnight of Karttika is celebrated as the birthday of Hanuman, the
Monkey-servant of Lord Rama. This is also a day of Yama, God of Death. All the
Hanuman shrines celebrate the festival. The 5-day long festivities, performances and
musical concerts are held at Sankatamochana (Hanuman) Temple, lying in the
southern part of the city.
Dipavali / Divali (Karttika, October-November).
On the next day after Hanuman Jayanti falls the festival of lamps and lights. In
fact, Dipavali starts a day before Hanuman Jayanti, called Dhan Teras, which is
famous for the display of metal utensils in shops and purchase by many visitors. The
birthday of Dhanavantari, the father of Ayurveda (Indian system of medicine), is also
celebrated by physicians on Dhan Teras. On the night of Dipavali every lane is
decorated with rows of oil lamps, candles and electric bulbs. Today the local Bengali
316 Chapter Ten

community performs Kali Puja in the late hours of the night. Clay images of Ganesha
and Lakshmi are on sale, and most of people bring them home and replace the old
ones on this occasion. Special design of clay and wooden toys are also sold only that
evening.
The day after Dipavali is Annakuta (“the Mountain of Food”), associated with the
legend of Krishna. Krishna is worshipped as Lord of Govardhana, the mountain he
lifted up to protect the cowherd folk from the wrathful rains of Indra (king of the
heaven). The temples of Gopala Mandir, Vishvanatha and Annapurna are the special
places of decoration, celebration and offering of foodstuffs. At Gopala Mandir 56
types of bhogas (edible offerings to the God) are offered, and 3-day festival is
performed there.
Krishna Lila and Naga Nathaiya (Karttika, October-November).
Tulasi started Krishna Lila, the theatrical form of the life of Krishna, in the late 16th
century at Tulasi Ghat. Since then this 2-week performance has continued. On the 14th
evening of the dark fortnight the climax of the play arrives when a ring is placed on
the nose of a king snake, called Naganathaiya. The scene shows Krishna jumping
into the Yamuna infested by a large snake and subduing it. A strong stamen of
Kadamba tree is planted on the bank of Ganga at Riwa/Tulasi Ghat and a small boy
acting as Krishna jumps from the top of it into the Ganga, and soon after appears
standing on the hood of a giant snake. The representation is so realistic that many
believe that the aura of Krishna descends on the little boy on this occasion.
Yama Dvitiya (Karttika, October-November).
On the next day of Annakuta, the main religious attention of the city shifts to
Panchaganga Ghat, where for rest of the month of Karttika the activities continue.
People provide oil lamps at the bank in the honour of Yama, the God of Death. The
special scene of day is the making of images of Bhisma, the grandfather of the Five
Pandava brothers of the Mahabharata, along the Rama Ghat, fashioned from a ton of
silt and clay collected from the Ghat steps, covered with a final layer of mud, and
painted with his clothes. He lies flat on his back and is pot-bellied. He is honoured
here as a deity in the month of Karttika. Such images, though smaller in size, are also
found at Asi, Kedara, Shitala, Panchaganga and at Trilochana ghats. On the 11th day
of the light fortnight of Karttika, called Prabodhini Ekadashi, the final offering of
the holy water, flowers, green grasses and other ritual items is made in the morning,
and later the image is destroyed.
Surya Shashthi, Chhatha (Karttika, October-November).
On the 5th day of the light fortnight, a 3-day festival of Sun worship starts. This is
the most popular festival celebrated on a grand scale in Bihar, the neighbouring State.
With respect to deep involvement, faith, and devotional strength, this festival is
unparalleled. The 5th day starts with introductory rite, daylong fasting and singing
devotional-folk songs. The 6th day is the day of complete fasting, even avoiding water.
Today devout Hindus, mostly women, young and old, a million in number, offer the
holy water of Ganga to the dawning Sun on the bank. Ladies carrying decorated small
bamboo-baskets filled with flowers, fruits, cookies, sugarcane pieces, coconut and
lightened oil lamp stand in the water and watch the sunset. Colourful clothes also
decorate their sitting place on the bank chosen by families, laid with carpets, flowers
and other items carried there. After passing about 3hrs at the bank the devotees return
home and perform domestic rituals. On the next day (the 7th) early morning, around
0400hr, the family members, companions, friends and children all proceed in
procession to the ghat and mostly occupy the same places where they were the
previous evening. By offering holy water of the Ganga and all the ritual items
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 317

(cookies, fruits, flowers, coconut, germinate chickpeas) to the rising Sun god, the
festival comes to an end. And, by distributing the prasada (sweets and cookies offered
to god), the festival is completed. At this moment the vow-taking devotee will break
the fast by taking prasada and Ganga water.
Karttika Purnima (Full moon day, October-November).
This is the biggest bathing festival when in the morning, a million devout Hindus
rush to one of the ghats for holy dip in the Ganga River. In the evening with myriad of
lighted lamps floating on the river face and slowly moving in varied formations, the
festival reaches its climax. Close to the Panchaganga Ghat two conical stone pillars
with 108 sockets to hold the wicks are lighted on this evening. Hundreds of
akashadipas (“sky lamps”) are hung each evening in little wicker baskets at the top of
tall bamboo poles. During the period from 11th (Prabodhini Ekadeshi) to 15th
(Purnima) day of the light fortnight of the Karttika a festival called Ganga
Mahotsava is organised at the Rajendra Prasad Ghat. Its climax reached by offering
oil lamps to the Ganga on the full-moon day. A revival of this evening festival called
Deva Dipavali begun in 1985. During this period of five days musical performances
are arranged in the evening, which are attended by a large mass of people. On about
four dozens boats, scenes from the Ramayana are presented by devout Hindus and
professional artists. One scene is presented on each boat, all arranged into a narrative
sequence, starting at Asi Ghat and passing slowly to the Panchaganga Ghat. All along
the ghats crowds of people gather to watch the scenes.
Many of the festivals are transformed into modern versions while others are on the
verge of decay. Efforts have been made several times to revive them, but the impact
of consumerism, individualism, the ever-increasing cost of living and the consequent
lack of affordability by the common man have put serious obstacles in the way of
such revivals and celebrations. Recently the UP Tourism and the Department of
Culture, Govt of UP have made successful efforts to revive many of the festivals.
However, they are not revived in a traditional manner but are conducted only so as to
attract tourists and to get superficial popularity at the cost of putting on a big show
that consumes a huge amount of public money.

5. Sikh Festivals
Of course the founder of the Sikh faith, Guru Nanak (1469-1539) actually
denounced both caste and the common apparatus of religion like pilgrimage, ritual
bathing, priests and dietary laws. However, over the course of time all these have been
established and accepted as the norm of Sikhism. Most of Sikhs also celebrate the
major Hindu festivals, though they also have four main festivals (see Table 10.4). The
first one, Sikh Jayanti, refers to the birth of Sikh religion and is celebrated on the
occasion of Mesha Samkranti, always falling on the 14th of April when the sun leaves
the house of Pisces and enters into the Aries. This is close to the Vernal Equinox (21
March). Guru Nanak Jayanti (birthday) is celebrated on the full moon day of the
Karttika (November-December). Shahid Divas, is celebrated as the day of
commemoration of Guru Tegh Bahabur’s death in 1675, when he was brought to
Delhi by the Mughal authorities and was killed. The birthday of his son (Jayanti),
Guru Govind Singh (1675-1708), who was the 10th and the last Guru, is celebrated
as the day of origin of Khalsa, the brotherhood of all true Sikh believers.
318 Chapter Ten

Table 10.4. Sikh Festivals, 2009 – 2014

(* Sikh calendar is a Luni-Solar like the Hindu; S, Shukla Paksha, the waxing fortnight)
No Festivals Lunar month, 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
day
1 Sikh Jayanti always on 14th January; Sun leaves the house of Capricorn, and enters
into Aquarius
2 Guru Nanak Karttika, 2 Nov 21 Nov 10 Nov 28 Nov 17 Nov 6 Nov
Jayanti S- 15
3 Shahid Divas Margashirsha, 21 Nov 10 Dec 29 Nov 17 Dec 7 Dec 27 Nov
S- 5
4 Guru Govind Pausha, 24 Dec 25 Dec 17 Dec --- 18 Jan 28 Dec
Singh Jayanti S- 7

6. Muslim Festivals
The Islamic calendar is based on the lunar cycle. The year is divided into 12 lunar
months, which, being shorter than the solar, every year decreases in comparison to
solar calendar. The major festivals are prescribed in the Holy Quran, and are further
elaborated in the book of Hadiths. In span of time all the festivals were modified and
slightly transformed to cope with the historical changes and cultural interaction.
Among the general list of forty festivals related to both the Muslim groups, Shia and
Sunni, seven are the most important with respect to participation, celebration and faith
(cf. Table 10.5).
Muhurrum refers to the first Islamic month. The 10th day of this month is
celebrated as mourning day commemorating the martyrdom of Ali and his two sons,
Hasan and Hussain. This mourning period starts on the first day and ends on the 10th.
A temporary house or hall (asur-khana) is made with pictorial decoration. On one
side of this place stands the taziyas (taboots), structure made of wood covered with
tinsel and profusely ornamented with costly costumes. Taziya is a model of the tomb
of Husain, a prophet of Madina who was killed in the war of Karbala. The number of
Taziyas surpasses over 410 populations and its regional presence varies with respect
to the concentration of Muslim Every evening a large crowd of people assembles
there and takes part in group singing in honour of martyred Husain. On the 5th and 6th
days over-night procession of singers, musicians, dancers and followers move from
initiation places in procession with models and images and finally conclude the march
at the Imambaras (“burial ground”) at Fatman, Dalmandi or Lat Bhairav. Throughout
his life the internationally known shehnai-maestro Bismillah Khan (21 March 1916 –
21 August 2006) had always played shehnai continuously for the whole night while
marching with the procession.
Chehaluum marks the 40th day of the death of Imam Husain, and refers to his last
funeral rites. This is mainly a family-level festival that is celebrated by fasting in the
day and offering food to the poor in the evening. On the 12th day of the month of
Rabiuul-awwal falls Barawafat which is believed to be the day of the Prophet
Mohammed’s death. This day is celebrated among Sunni Muslims as ‘feast of the
noble birth of the Prophet’ (Jashn-i-milad-i-sharif). Celebration of Barawafat is not
prescribed as a compulsory duty.
Shabe-Barat is celebrated at the family level as to mark of the night of the Miraz
when Mohammed paid a visit to the other world. All Muslims pay a visit to their
ancestral burial ground and ask for the blessing of a good life. Special cookies and
food items are prepared on that day. This is fully narrated in the book of Hadiths. The
last Friday in the month of Ramadan (“month of fasting”) is celebrated as ‘Al-wida’
 Making the Heritagescape: Intangible 319

(good bye) to the period of fasting, though in actual practice the fasting is continued
till the full moon.
Table 10.5. Important Muslim Festivals, 2009 – 2014
Muslim Islamic Hijri 1430 1431 1432 1433 1434 1435
Festival Roman Year 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Muhurrum Muhurrum- 8 Jan 26 Dec 17 Dec 6 Dec 25 Nov 15 Nov
10 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Chehaluum Safar- 20 16 Feb 5 Feb 25 Jan 15 Jan 3 Jan 24 Dec
2013
Barawafat Rabiuul- 10 Mar 27 Feb 16 Feb 5 Feb 25 Jan 14 Jan
awwal- 12
Shabe-barat Shabban- 6 Aug 27 July 17 July 5 July 24 Jun 13 Jun
14
Al-wida Ramdan, 18 Sep 3 Sep 25 Aug 17 Aug 2 Aug 25 Jul
Ramdan last Friday
Idul-Fitr, Id Shawwal- 1 21 Sep 10 Sep 31 Aug 20 Aug 9 Aug 29 Jul
Bakr-Id Jill-hijja- 10 28 Nov 17 Nov 7 Nov 27 Oct 16 Oct 6 Oct
Ghazimiyan Jyestha, 1st 10 May 30 May 22 May 13 May 26 May 18 May
ka Mela Sunday
(* Sometimes the festival day varies + / - one day, subject to visibility of the Moon at the place)

Idul-Fitr (“the feast of the breaking the fast”), called Id, refers to the end of the
period of fasting and the first day of the month of Shawwal. This is celebrated on a
grand scale with shows, meetings, group feasts, and joie de vivre. This is the festival
when Muslims invite their Hindu friends for group feasts. Special prayers (namaz) are
organised at most of the historical mosques. Idul-Zuha, or Bakr-Id, refers to the 10th
day of Jill-hizza when Prophet Ibrahim was ordered to offer that thing which was the
dearest to him and finally he had offered his son Ismael for sacrifice. In memory of
this incident, the sacrifice of cattle is performed. Thousands of goats, sheeps, rams
and even buffaloes are killed for meat on this occasion. During this period the Muslim
neighbourhoods where the butchering takes place become mired in slaughterhouse
debris, particularly offensive to vegetarian Hindus.
The Ghazi-miyan ka Mela (“the fair of Ghazi-miyan”) is a Muslim festival, but
celebrated on the first Sunday of the Hindu month of Jyestha near the replica-tomb of
Syed Salar Masud Ghazi, known as Ghazi-miyan, adjacent to the Bakaria Kund near
the City Railway Station. He was the nephew of Mahmud of Ghaznavi, who invaded
and plundered most of the important cities of north India during early 11th century.
Ghazi-miyan came with him as young soldier, and in 1033 was killed by the joint
armies of Kalchuri King Gangeya Deva of Central India and King Suhaladeva of
Bahraich. He died in Bahraich where on the same day a great fair takes place at his
tomb. The fair lasts for the whole day, and the afternoon being spent in mass kite
flying. Respectable persons are as a rule absents from this fair, and only persons
belonging to the lower strata of both Hindus and Muslim society take part in it.
Hindus and Muslims also share equally in the stalls and the shops. There is a great
deal of Dafali (‘a thin drum’)-music and dance, which sends some women into
hysterical trance and ecstasy and they make prophecies and bless the persons who try
to propitiate them at the time.
320 Chapter Ten

7. Other Festivals
The Christian community celebrates the three major festivals, viz. Easter, Good
Friday and Christmas. These respectively refer to Jesus’ resurrection, crucifixion, and
birthday on the 24th night. The birthday of Buddha (Vaishakha, full moon day), and
the day he preached his first sermon at Sarnath are the two major festivals of the
Buddhists. Among the Jain festivals the notables are the birthday of Mahavira, 24th
Tirthankara, on the 13th day of the light fortnight of Chaitra, and his death on the 15th
day of the dark fortnight of Karttika, the Mukuta Saptami on the 7th day of the light
fortnight of Shravana, Ratnatraya Vrat on the 14th day of the light fortnight of
Bhadrapada, and Oli on the 6th day of the light fortnight of Ashvina.
Among the secular festivals of national importance are Independence Day (15th
August), Republic Day (26th January), and the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi, called
Gandhi Jayanti (2nd October), the Father of the Nation – since 2008 declared as United
Nations day of World Peace.

8. Epilogue
Fair and festivals are the cultural resource that rejuvenate the complex network of
inherent meaning and functions through passage of time: as inversions of the social
order, as symbolic statements of power and order, as occasion of solidarity, as
instruments of cultural control, as means of communication and reform, as a memorial
to the past, and as an inherited tradition. A pertinent question certainly should be
posed concerning role of Government's effort. Government is well aware of the fact
that mass awareness towards cultural heritage would change the scenario. The
organisation of ‘grand celebration’ (Mahotasava) on special festive days and musical
concerts are the good indication of survival of intangible heritage.

9. References
Kapur, Anuradha 1992. Actors, Pilgrims, Kings and Gods. The Ramlila at Ramnagar.
Seagull Books, Calcutta.
Sax, William S. 1993. The Rāmnagar Rāmlīlā: Text, Performance, Pilgrimage; in,
Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) Banaras/ Varanasi. Tara Book Agency, Varanasi): 257-273.
Schechner, Richard 1983. Ramlila of Ramnagar: An Introduction; in, Schechner,
Richard (ed.) Performative Circumstances. Seagull Books, Calcutta: 238-288.
Schechner, Richard 1985. Ramlila of Ramnagar; in, Schechner, Richard (ed.) Between
Theatre and Anthropology. Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia: 151-211.
Schechner, Richard 1993. Crossing the Water: Pilgrimage, Movement, and
Environmental Scenography of the Ramlila of Ramnagar; in, Hertel, Bradley R.
and Humes, Cynthia A. (eds.) Living Banaras (SUSP, Albany): 159-180.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin S. 2006/ 2002. Banaras Region: A Spiritual and
Cultural Guide. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 1. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Smith, Laurajane 2006. Uses of Heritage. Routledge, London.
Sukul, Kubernath 1974, Varanasi Down the Ages. K.N. Sukul, Patna. Printed at
Bhargava Bhushan Press, Varanasi.
UNESCO 2006. Intangible heritage. Website, retrieved on 10 August 2009;
http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?pg=00002
 CHAPTER 11
REFLECTIONS ON MAKING THE HERITAGE CITY

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. In Indian etymology the word ‘dharohara’ (heritage) refers to roots and
identity, framing continuity of interconnectedness, personality of culture and the place
making. Considering the issue of increasingly threatened heritages under the pace of
development and lack of understanding, it is decided to adopt a general policy that
aims to give the heritage a function in the life of the community, and maintain it in a
sustainable way. Of course, from India 28 properties are enlisted, however Varanasi
has not yet been proposed for inclusion in the UNESCO-WH List, in spite of the fully
satisfying rationales. This is mainly due to lack of mass awakening, active public
participation, administrative and governmental negligence, and complicated politics
of governance and identification. In spite of declaration of Varanasi under JNNURM
Programme, the heritage issues are kept at margin, and regulating laws have not yet
been developed. Lack of infrastructure and skill in the local body of INTACH has
further served as hindrance to conservation programme. The Ganga Riverfront is of
universal value as cultural landscape and heritagescapes that need special care,
however under several pressures nothing moved forward. There are intense stories
that to be examined diagnostically as warning and awakening.
Keywords: CDP, cultural heritage, cultural landscape, faithscape, governance,
heritage, heritagescapes, INTACH, JNNURM, riverfront, sacredscape, preservation,
Master Plan, zones.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Cities need to remain economically, socially, environmentally and culturally viable, so

that they can be passed on to future generations. Renewal, regeneration, enhancement
and management require a medium and long term vision that is both achievable and
sustainable, embodying the concept of custodianship for future generations.
― Minja Yang (2008: 10)

1. Background
The word ‘heritage’ is commonly used in a broad sense involving both natural and
cultural milieu, and in a more extended form it also refers to the ideas, beliefs, and
ways of life that people value and use when faced with change ― above all the link to
an intimate relationship between the human psyche and the mystery of nature.
Religion is a major factor and has the capacity to endow space with sacred meaning.
All the sacred spaces vary according to the special sense attached to them, depending
on how ‘sacred’ the space is ― persons, cultures or faiths, and the intensity of
attraction at a sacred place as centre of pilgrimage. In India, the holy centres, sacred
sites and centres of pilgrimages are almost identical, and together in a complex way
represent the archetype-mysticism built structure, historicity and faithscape ― to be
understood and explained through the framework of heritage ecology. Therefore, to
know our past and to link the past with present and future, the preservation of heritage
322 Chapter Eleven

environment becomes necessary. Cultural heritage is to be seen as embody of human

feelings that developed within the historical-cultural processes, therefore it should be
studied for understanding a deeper and hidden truth while interpreting it in terms of
intrinsic meanings and reverence.
In Indian tradition, heritage is defined as ‘dharohara’, which is derived from ‘the
mother earth’ (dharā-), and ‘endeavour of identity through time’ (-ihara). That is how
it is explained in terms of the ‘root’ (‘shrota’) and ‘identity’ (‘asmita’) – a framework
of continuity of interconnectedness and a personality of culture. As a representation of
the memories and glories of the past, the concept of heritage is a way of viewing the
past and its association with places. Thus ancient sites, monuments, antiquities and
sacredscapes are, symbolically, the places of learning, and the ‘repositories of
knowledge about former understanding of our planet and our relationship with it’. In a
broad sense such heritage refers to the places where the spirit of nature and culture
meet, and are additionally symbolised and maintained by people’s attachment to the
rituals (sacred and secular, both) performed there.
We want to possess the sacred without owing the ordinary. Trying to receive power
from the heritage sites we want the direct experience of body touch, e.g. festivities, or
celebration. As a result, inevitably we look beyond everything without seeing it for
what it is. That is why a preparatory and special rite and mode of human psyche are
prescribed before entering to the territory of sacredscape. Only then one can get a
close experience of touch and feeling. However, only those can get that experience
who have deep faith. The reverence and faith of people to the cultural heritagescape
and an integral part of their traditions should be respected and added to the strategy of
heritage conservation together with sustainable development. The nearby inhabitants
and their belief in the sacredness of heritage sites should be made part and parcel of
the conservation programme.

2. Towards Conceptualising Heritage

Heritage is not an old concept; it appeared in recent years with respect to cultural
tourism. The ancient sites, monuments and antiques, the ancient places of learning, all
of which give knowledge about the past, fall under the heritage categories. The main
principle behind declaring a place as ‘heritage site’ is to understand our past better
and to maintain a relationship between the memories of past, the existence of present
and the prospects of future. In the General Conference of the UNESCO, 1972, the
World Heritage Trust Convention was formed with the intention to foster
“preservation and restoration of outstanding culture and natural areas of the world”.
By the end of January 1992, the WHL (World Heritage List of the UNESCO) counts
360 sites in 80 countries, with more being added annually from widely separated
geographical regions of the world. By 2001 the WHL enlisted 690 sites from 122
countries as heritage. On the occasion of Habitat II, 1996, the World Heritage Centre
(UNESCO) had launched its Programme for the Safeguarding and Development of
the Cities of Asia for the 21st Century. This aims to promote cultural heritage
conservation as part of an integrated, sustainable urban development strategy in each
participating city. Presently thirty countries of Asia are co-operating in this
programme.
In April 1991, the World Heritage Committee had laid down specific criterions for
the selection of cultural monuments, sites and natural heritage. In general, a cultural
monument possesses a great architectural influence and aesthetics, and a natural site
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 323

exemplifies a stage of the earth’s evolutionary process (cf. UNESCO-IUCN 1992:

12).

The bases of Cultural Monuments & Sites accepted as heritage are:

ƒ The city should have unique artistic accomplishments and masterpieces.

ƒ There should be considerable influence on architectural, cultural or monumental
developments at a certain period.
ƒ The site may provide evidence of a civilisation which has disappeared.
ƒ The city should have eminent examples of a particular type of architectural
construction significant of a historical period.
ƒ The site should constitute an outstanding example of a traditional way of life
and human habitat representing culture.
ƒ There should be direct or indirect association with events, ideas or beliefs of
exceptional universal significance.

The bases of Natural Sites accepted as heritage are:

ƒ They are representative of a Biological evolution.

ƒ They illustrate a stage in the Earth’s evolution or on-going geological processes.
ƒ The sites contain natural habitat of endangered species.
ƒ They constitute remarkable natural formations of areas of exceptional natural
beauty.

In the above context three basic meanings, in historical context, to the

understanding of heritage sites proposed by Arpin (1993: 553) are:

1) a political meaning – to assure responsibility for the decisions,

2) a cultural meaning – to save culture rootedness and sense of continuity, and
3) a didactic meaning – to promote citizen’s participation.

Out of 890 heritage sites in the world (as in August 2009), 28 heritage sites
(Cultural 23, Natural 5) from India are included in the World Heritage List. Of course,
the Indian government has declared 150 places as national heritage sites on the basis
of the criteria adopted by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). The UNESCO
committee consists of the three types of programmes, which include research and
documentation, training and awareness, and conservation and sustainable planning.
Presently a proliferation of international agencies attests the global character of
concern for tangible heritage and its preservation; these include the International
Council of Museums (ICOM), the International Council of Monuments and Sites
(ICOMOS), the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration
of Cultural Property (ICCROM), the International Institute for Conservation of
Historic and Architectural Works (IIC-HAW), the World Heritage Centre (WHC) of
the UNESCO, and Sacred Sites International Foundation (SSIF). Efforts to develop
heritage programmes and heritage resource conservation are promoted by these
agencies in different ways and on priority basis in various parts of the globe. In India,
the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), the Indian National Trust for Art, Culture
and Heritage (INTACH) and Indian Heritage Society (HIS) are the prime
organisations responsible for protection, conservation and preservation of heritage
sites. Recently, the Department of Tourism at the Centre and also its counterparts in
324 Chapter Eleven

all the States are promoting various programmes for sustainable heritage tourism. The
recently established government body named the Indian Tourism Council aims to co-
ordinate between ASI, INTACH and various NGOs dealing with the issue of
sustainable tourism. In the current IX Five-Year Plan (1996-2001), the government
has also proposed a National Council for Culture (NCC) to develop a mechanism for
conservation of heritage and for environmental cleanliness and promotion of
sustainability. However, this institution has not yet started its functioning, even in the
on-going programmes under the XI Five-Year Plan (2006-2011).
Both history and heritage make a selective use and connotation of the past. In most
of the cases, the symbolic representations or the visual artefacts are deliberately
transformed into a commodity for the satisfaction of the contemporary consumption,
and this is commonly referred as ‘heritage resource’. This ‘commodification’ process
and its marketing are the basic reality of heritage tourism. To preserve, conserve and
maintain the continuity of the essence of heritage is related to the intrinsic nature of
heritage planning. This leads to the concept of ‘place making’ that refers to ‘the art
and practice of building communities in which all human beings transform the places
they find themselves into the places where they live’. Historic buildings, monuments
and associated landscapes are of enormous value in creating places of character ― in
place-making. Their value stretches at least in three contexts, viz. aesthetic value,
community value, and economic value. The three layers (time, city, planning) within
the triad nature of their components, ultimately reached to the end process of heritage
planning where placemaking exists as pivot.

3. Battle for Heritage Preservation

The history of preservation and renovation of ghats goes back to the early 1930s
when a religious trust, Kashi Tirtha Sudhar Samiti, KTSS (founded in 1926), realising
the serious threats to the riverfront, made an improvement and development plan with
a starting fund of then Rs 50,000. This project was supported by the Viceroy and
Governor-General of India, Lord Baron Irwin. The trust prepared a book with a
detailed account of the ghats and an improvement plan (1931), with an estimated cost
of Rs 3 millions. But this amount had never been allocated, and that is how the whole
project was not fully implemented. The second attempt was made during the early
1960s by the American Academy of Banaras (known as American Institute of Indian
Studies since 1970), taking Rewan Palace ― where the Academy was first housed ―
and its adjoining ghat as a pilot project. This project was successful, and later the
building was transferred to Banaras Hindu University. The third wave of conservation
and preservation was started in the late 1980s under the sponsorship of Indian
National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage, INTACH, under the direction of the
historians of art Anand Krishna and Kalyan Krishna (father and son, both from
Banaras Hindu University). By their support the whole palace of Raja Ghat was
completely restored, renovated and preserved as fitting into its original form.
INTACH has further supported the restoration and cleaning of the Manikarnika Ghat.
Since then, no such sponsored and community-based restoration and renovation has
taken place, except for some individual attempts, mostly musical and cultural
performances and exhibitions. Since May 2006, a new local committee of INTACH
Chapter (Varanasi) has been formed, but it has not yet taken any pilot project in this
direction, and no way promoted any programme for heritage inscription in UNESCO
WHL or even documentation of heritage properties. Civil society bodies and
government authorities in Banaras are agreeing that to achieve a more positive
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 325

attitude towards architectural heritage certain processes will have to be set into
motion. However, there doest not exist till date any integrating force or institution to
produce mass awareness, consciousness and cultural revolution (cf. Dar 2005: 142). It
is felt that more evaluation and detailed listings need to be made of the existing
heritage of the city, i.e. systematic and comprehensive documentation. There are no
such strong legal procedures and acts that take care of heritage restoration,
preservation and management.
The idea of enlisting natural and cultural sites along the Ganga in the UNESCO
WHL was discussed in a National Seminar on ‘Natural and Cultural sites along the
Ganga for Inscription in the World Heritage List’ held at IIC New Delhi: 7-8 April
1989 under the auspices of National Academy of Sciences (NAS, Allahabad), and was
chaired by M.S. Swaminathan, then President of the IUCN (The World Conservation
Union) and also of NAS. In this Seminar Varanasi was not presented; moreover, the
proceedings turned into mere academic exercise that lacked manifesto for such action
programme. But the attention for enlisting Riverfront Varanasi in the UNESCO WHL
was firstly drawn by a letter addressed to the President of the ICOMOS by the present
author dated 18 May 1992. Resultantly its associated body IUCN had forwarded that
appeal to Ministry of Human Resource development (Govt. of India), who further
passed it to the Department of Culture, and notified the request for appropriate action
(ref. No.F.17-19/92-UU, dated 01 June 1992). Time passed, memories lost, but
somewhere existed the spirit of awakening. Afterwards no attempt was made, except
that after a decade again re-thinking started in this direction in late 2001 (cf. Singh,
Rana et al. 2001), again led by the present author with the collaboration of Kautilya
Society, an NGO working for the cultural development in Varanasi. The city
administration, including the Commissioner, and Varanasi Development Authority,
took active role in preparing the documents for proposals (with designs and detailed
plans), resulting into the three volumes by April 2002. Since then no progress, no
survey and no such activities took place, except highlighting some news in the
newspapers.
The post-World War II craze for master planning led to the creation of Banaras
Improvement Trust in 1948. The first Master Plan of Varanasi was prepared in
1951. To further institutionalise the planning and development activities, the Varanasi
Development Authority (VDA) was created in 1974. The revision and modification of
Master Plan were made in 1973 and 1982 when new plans were prepared.
Unfortunately, not a single one of these plans was implemented; all of them were
delayed and recommendations were made for further revision. In 1982 the VDA made
an assessment of the earlier plans of the city. Taking in view the past efforts, a
comprehensive Master Plan of Varanasi - 1991-2011 was prepared by the VDA, with
assistance of Town & County Planning Organization (TCPO), Government of India,
during which time the population of Varanasi Agglomeration is expected to double
that of 1991. The latest plan was submitted on 26th February 1996, when for the first
time the concept of heritage planning and preservation of heritage zones was
proposed. This plan was approved and accepted by the State Government in February
2001 (Singh 2005: 29). In this plan five cultural zones have been identified for special
care and planning. However, due to the lack of public awareness and active
participation, the complex web of bureaucracy, and the rise of individualism and
consumerism, there seems to be little hope for the proper implementation of these
plans.
To consider and workout the city development with emphasis on assessing the
prospects for rejuvenating Varanasi, a National Seminar was organised during 11-12
326 Chapter Eleven

August 2000 by the Central and State authorities. In this Seminar, the Ministry of
Urban Development, Govt. of India announced a moderate budget of Rs 5.07 billion
(ca US $112.7 million) for the total improvement and transformation of the city. No
progress has been made on its implementation and further assessment. Time will be
the only judge of the rationality and achievements of this project. After six and half
years of gap, a two-days Conference, 12-13 February 2007, was jointly organised by
the UNESCO and the city of Varanasi on ‘The Riverfront Heritage Cities: Issues of
Development’ to consider the issue of ‘The Riverfront Ghats and Old City of
Varanasi’. This was attended by the UNESCO delegation and a few selected people
from the local administration, scholars and stakeholders. Of course various aspects
were discussed and the possibility of Indo-French collaboration has been sought out,
but like preceding conferences it also became a memorable show that has no frame for
implementation and action programmes. Of course the local INTACH was involved,
but it failed to seek cooperation with various NGOs and the people directly concerned
with riverfront heritage. No follow up programmes have been chalked out. This
Conference turned out to be a rich people performance for their own recreation and a
potential visit abroad.
Under the leadership of the French architect Prof. Serge Santelli, a workshop
programme of the students of the School of Architecture, Paris was organised during
January-February 2006 and 2007, i.e. completing two terms. A group of French and
Indian students of architecture and design, anthropology and urban planning visited
the city for eight to ten weeks and worked on different aspects of the cultural and
architectural heritage of Varanasi. It was the guidance and inspiration of Serge
Santelli during 1987-89 that the pioneer work on architecture of Banaras was prepared
by French scholars (cf. Couté and Léger 1989). It is expected that in the near future a
compendium of the architectural and heritage of Banaras, based on these researches,
be released.
Above all, it is important to contextualise the protection of Banaras within the
central emotional role that the city plays in the country’s consciousness. The existing
national and international consciousness of Banaras needs to be directed towards the
city’s architectural heritage. In responding to the Government of India invitation to
prepare an effective Conservation and Management Plan, it is essential that all
stakeholders should be involved and that all the important aspects of the city’s unique
heritage be considered, namely: (1) the tangible heritage, especially the built
architectural heritage (temples, shrines, palaces, monasteries, mosques, ashrams,
water bodies, etc.) and art and craft heritage (paintings, folk art forms, silk weaving,
wood, metal crafts, etc.); (2) the intangible heritage, covering the local religious and
cultural life of the city and related activities (pilgrims’ rituals, traditional schools,
music, forms of dance and folk theatre, study centres, monastery and ashram life,
religious teachings, etc.); and (3) the cultural landscape heritage, in particular the
unique identification of the natural setting of the Ganga with the specific religious
importance of the ghats area and the religious buildings and places there, as well as
the natural preservation of the eastern riverbanks and the rural area beyond it (Dar
2005: 142).

4. The Master Plan and Heritage Zones

As the city has grown in area, population, business and administrative functions, its
influence extends beyond the municipal limits. From a city with a single core (CBD,
i.e. Chauk), it has now acquired the character of an Urban Agglomeration (UA)
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 327

spread over an area of 115.27 km2. And then there is a much larger area called
Varanasi Urban Region over which it has no formal control but to which it sends its
products and from which it draws its food and other requirements. What happens in
the region has implications for the city and its people and vice versa. With further
improvement of the GT road (National Highway 2) into a super highway, the future
expansion of the city will continue to be on all sides surrounding the city.

Table 11.1. Varanasi Master Plans, MP: Land Use, I: 1961-91, and II: 1991-2011
S Land Use 1988 I: MP, as in 1999 II: MP, as in Change,
e Category 2011 I – II,
Area, % of Area, ha % of Area, ha % %
ha area area area
1. Residential 2,615.64 46.16 5,457.24 37.65 9,254.61 51.62 + 69.58
2. Commercial 176.08 3.11 475.10 3.28 618.23 3.45 + 30.13
3. Industrial 195.31 3.45 981.37 6.77 656.19 3.66 - 33.13
4. Public & Comm- 261.05 4.61 450.42 3.11 1,309.07 7.30 + 190.63
unity facilities
5. Recreation (Park/ 53.04 0.94 2,705.76 18.67 948.47 5.49 - 64.95
Open ground)
6. Services & ---- ---- ---- ---- 103.97 0.58 ---
Utilities
7. Govt. & Semi- 56.69 1.00 292.18 2.01 1,433.15 7.99 + 390.50
Government
8. Tourism (area) ---- ---- ---- ---- 423.73 2.37 ---
& Heritage zone
9. Transport & 914.30 16.13 1300.27 8.97 1,460.35 8.15 + 12.31
Communication
10. Other (agriculture 1,393.79 24.60 2,832.06 19.54 1,683.45 9.39 - 40.56
& open space)
TOTAL Area 5,665.90 100 14,494.40 100.00 17,927.22 100 + 23.68
(Source: Varanasi Master Plan—2011. Varanasi Development Authority, and Town &
Country Planning Organisation, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. 13 July 2001; 50pp + 1 Map; ref.
page 5)

In 1982 the Varanasi Development Authority (VDA, formed in 1974) made an

assessment of the earlier plans of the city. And, under its direction, the Town &
County Planning Organisation (TCPO) prepared a comprehensive Master Plan of
Varanasi 1991-2011, during which time the population of Varanasi Agglomeration is
expected to double (cf. Table 11.1). The five-tier areal units are defined on the basis
of administration and planning strategy, taking Varanasi Development Region, VDR
(as in Master Plan 2011) as the outer limit. From lower to higher hierarchy they are:
Varanasi City Municipal Corporation 84.55 km2, Varanasi Urban Agglomeration,
VUA 112.26 km2, Varanasi Master Plan - Operative Area 144.94 km2, Varanasi
Master Plan - Projected Area 179.27 km2, and the outer most Varanasi Development
Region, VDR 477.34 km2 (Fig. 11.1).
Under the Master Plan 2011 the expanded area proposed for Greater Varanasi is
179.27 km2, however the land use categories planned do not fit the standard norms of
ecological balance in the minimum threshold. The most noticeable change during the
1991-2011 plan is the expansion of the area of the city (+112%).
The major changes since 1991 as in the Master Plan 2011, introduced after 1988,
indicate a catastrophic increase of land under government and semi-government uses
(+390.50%), and public and community facilities (+190.63%). The increasing pace of
328 Chapter Eleven

population results to increase area under residential uses up to 253.63% over 1988 (cf.
Table 11.1). This catastrophic change spoils the ecological system of land use; the
most crucial group is parks and open ground that records a decrease of over 60% in
comparison to 1999. Similarly a great loss of agriculture and open land within the
master plan area, at a rate of above 40%, is again a great warning. In addition to the
city’s population, everyday about 40,000 commuters visit the city; this numbers
increases to 60,000 during festive season.

Fig. 11.1. Varanasi, Development Region: Development Plan, 2011-2021.

For the first time in the history of Master Plans for Varanasi, some strategies of
urban heritage and heritage zoning were proposed in the recent Master Plan (1991-
2011; Table 11.1) to maintain and preserve the religious and cultural symbols of the
ancient glory of Varanasi, and to identify necessary facilities and infrastructure and
various heritage complexes (cf. Rana and Singh, 2000: 150-154). A little over 2% of
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 329

the total area is proposed under tourism and heritage zone. More emphasis has been
laid on the government and semi-government uses.

Fig. 11.2. Varanasi, Development Plan 2011.

According to the zoning plan, five heritage zones can be identified in Varanasi
(Fig.11.2):
4.1. Riverfront Ghats (stairways to the riverbank)

The riverfront heritage covers the portion of the city stretching within 200 m from
the river bank. Eighty-four riverfront ghats cover a length of 6.8 km along the
crescent-shaped bank of the River Ganga, Ganga-ji (Ganges, devotionally called
Ganga-Ji), from the confluence of Asi drain in the south to the confluence of the
Varana river in the north (Fig. 11.3). Here the riverfront is overlooked by lofty palatial
buildings built mostly by kings and lords from different parts of India between 18th
and 20th centuries, and the area along the ghats is dominated by various shrines and
temples. One of the most impressive buildings is the Darbhanga Palace, presently
called ‘Brij Rama Palace’. The ghats of Varanasi (cf. Fig. 11.4) represent one of the
finest ensembles of monumental architecture linked with the everyday activities of the
pilgrims and the local people, and they are a symbol of the heritage tradition of India.
330 Chapter Eleven

Fig. 11.3. Riverfront Varanasi, World Heritage Site.

Almost all visitors (tourists and pilgrims) take part in the on-site package scenic
tour programmes (whether at a luxury or a humble level), of which the Ganga ghats
are the most popular. The ghats are the nexus of the major rituals and festivals (‘the
intangible cultural heritage resources’) in the holy city, from where all rituals start by
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 331

taking a sacred bath and get concluded by giving a donation, like thanks giving (cf.
Singh 2007: 61).

Fig. 11.4. Riverfront Varanasi: a scene of the main ghats: Ahilyabai to Shitala Ghats.

In order to absorb the population growth in the old city centre, new buildings are
being constructed either by demolishing old structures or by building on them. Since
most of the heritage sites are in these densely inhabited narrow lane areas, two UP
State Government orders (no. 320/9-A-32000-127, of 5 February 2000, and
840/9-A-3-2001, of 11 April 2001) state that, “in all the towns situated along the
Ganga river, no development activities can take place 200 metres from the riverbank”.
It specifically prohibits new construction on the riverfront ghats unless these buildings
are temples, maths and ashrams (monasteries) and only if these have approved
construction plans or are only being renovated. The order goes on to say that all other
old buildings that are within 200 metres from the ghats can only be renovated (cf.
Singh 2007: 62). These orders have been passed with the aim to save the river Ganga
from pollution, and to protect the buildings categorised as heritage monuments, which
are an integral part of the cultural and religious life of the city. Overall these orders
aim to protect the integrity, sacredness and the ancient glory of cities along the Ganga.
The crescent-moon shaped riverbank is a landscape temple in the form of an
amphitheatre, where the ghats form the platforms, the water the altar and the sun is
God.

4.2. Durgakund-Sankatmochan Area

This area contains about twenty temples and shrines and the water pools of
Durgakund and Kurukshetra kundas, which are two historic sacred tanks dating from
the late 18th century (Singh 1994). Every Tuesday, and more frequently in the month
of Shravana (July-August) and Ashvina (September-October), especially the nine
332 Chapter Eleven

nights (Navaratri) in the light fortnight, worshippers perform rituals in the Durga
temple. This was built on the orthodox model of Hindu temples, but without an
excessive display of minute carvings and sculptures. Towards the east near the Ganga
river is the oldest sacred pond in Varanasi, Lolarka Kund, which was referred to in the
Mahabharata (2nd century BCE) and which still attracts a large mass of pilgrims,
especially on its annual day of celebration falling on the Bhadrapada (August-
September) 6th of the light fortnight. In this area also stand the temples of Tulasi
Manas Mandir and Sankatmochan Hanuman Mandir.

4.3. Kamachcha-Bhelupura Area

This area records some of the old monasteries, ancient shrines and an ancient
heritage site associated with the Jain Tirthankara Parshvanath, together with many
monuments and buildings of the British period (18th-19th centuries). The historically
notable temples and shrines in this zone are: Kamachha Devi, Krodhan Bhairava,
Angareshi Chandi, Vatuka Bhairava and Vaidyanath Shiva. The Dvarakadhisha
(Krishna) temple and sacred pool of Shankhudhara are other heritage sites.

4.4. Kabir Math (Lahartara) Area

This site was the birthplace of Kabir, a great saint-poet and social reformer of the
16th century. There are several monasteries in this area related to the life of Kabir.
The Kabir Temple Complex is coming up as a great heritage and centre of solace and
learning. Under the heritage complex development programme by the UP
Government, a development plan has been prepared and some works have already
been started.

4.5. Sarnath

This archaeological heritage site was famous for its sanctity, beauty and natural
scenery (Fig. 11.5), qualities that attracted the Buddha to give his first sermon here in
528 BCE. Following Muslim invasions and the downfall of the Gahadavalas Kings,
the site was left in ruins and only came to light in 1793.
The principal site in Sarnath includes a well-preserved commemorative stupa (a
decorated masonry tumulus) which dominates the site, the foundations of a reliquary
stupa, the ruins of the temple complex and ancient monasteries, and a myriad of small
votive stupas (cf. Fig. 11.6). The on-going development plan is in accord with
heritage conservation, environmental sensibility, public involvement and user
feelings, as befitting a most important centre of heritage tourism. It is sad to record
that there is lack of co-ordination between Japanese donors and the Indian institutions
involved in planning.
Reflections on Making the Heritage City 333

Fig. 11.5. Sarnath: Places of attraction.

334 Chapter Eleven

Fig. 11.6. Sarnath: Archaeological area and remains.

4.6. Other Heritagescapes

There are many other sites, areas and monuments in Varanasi which urgently
require restoration and preservation and inclusion in the sustainable heritage tourism
programmes. These include the Hindu Observatory at Man Mandir Ghat, the Amethy
temple at Manikarnika Ghat, the Sumer Devi temple at Ramnagar and adjoining tank,
and many others. Varanasi is famous for its series and layers of sacred circuits, among
which the Panchakroshi is the most popular. This pilgrimage circuit representing the
cosmo-spatial mandalic territory (kshetra) of Kashi is a unique attribute of Varanasi.
The total route covers 88.5km (25 krosha, i.e. 5 krosha x 5 parts) and is divided into
five parts marked by overnight stops. At these five spots there are 44 dharmashalas
(rest houses) for pilgrims. In every intercalary month, malamasa (e.g. the last one was
from a period of 17 May to 15 June 2007, and the forthcoming will cover from 15
April to 14 May 2010; falling every 3rd year), over 45,000 devotees perform this
pilgrimage (cf. Singh, Rana 2002). Under the recently initiated heritage development
project, a part of the Master Plan, partial works like improvement of roads, cleaning
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 335

of the water pools and repairing of some of the roads are being completed. On the
ground of pilgrimage-tourism this cosmic circuit should be given special emphasis, so
also promote sustainable heritage tourism.

Table 11.2. Varanasi Region: Population across the Ganga from Varanasi.
Ramanagar (MB) (a) Mughalsarai (b) Mughalsarai Mughalsarai UA
Year Nagar Palika Rly. Settlement (a) + (b)
Popula- Growth Popula- Growth, Popula- Growth , Popula- Growth
tion ,% tion % tion % tion ,%
1931 12,493 ----- 3,545 ----- ----- ----- 3,545 ------
1941 12,953 3.68 5,567 57.04 ----- ----- 5,567 57.04
1951 14,022 8. 25 7,332 31.70 8,153 ----- 15,485 178.16
1961 16,088 14.73 10,600 44.57 10,486 28.62 21,086 36.15
1971 17,242 7.17 13,583 28.14 15,029 43.32 28,612 35.69
1981 23,298 35.13 48,063 25.38 21,161 40.80 69,224 141.94
1991 30,118 29.27 66,529 38.42 24,976 18.02 91,505 32.19
2001 40,619 34.87 88,387 32.85 27,921 11.79 116,308 27.11
2011* 46,647 23.00 114,469 38.00 37,025 25.00 151,494 30.25
(*Based on Master Plan projection; source: VDA, Vision 2025 Draft Final Report. Feb. 2004)

Among the above five sections, of course the Riverfront City is being in the
process of getting enlisted in the UNESCO Heritage List ‘mixed cultural landscape’.
Due to the lack of the public awareness and active participation, the complex web of
bureaucracy, rising corruption, and the rise of both individualism and consumerism,
there seems to be little hope for the proper implementation of the plans. Ultimately
there is an urgent need to re-vitalise the city with re-establishing the ecological order
by promoting civic sense and active public participation. The Ganga is so polluted
now that only the most faithful would venture to take bath in it. The Ganga River as
an environmental milieu is not simply a water stream that flows across the land. The
Ganga is what the Hindu culture knows to be true ― and knows this in a certain way.
It is not simply a question of how the river matters to society at present (in a strict
sense), it is more important to see the meanings and cultural values which have been
sustained for centuries. It is our moral obligation to revere this deeper attitude and
maintain it in the context of the present needs, searching for a balanced relationship
between man and nature within the microcosm of the Ganga river. This ideal brings
together both Hindu culture and the vision of a sustainable society (cf. Singh 1996:
100). The Ganga is declared as a ‘National River’ by the union government of India
on 4 November 2008, as the first step for environmental and heritage preservation.
The impact of urban sprawl and neighbouring effect is constantly marked by the
expansion and growth of two towns across the Ganga river, i.e. Ramnagar and
Mughalsarai, lying only at 5 km and 18 km east of the main city, and recording
population of 40,619 and 116,308 in 2001, respectively (cf. Table 11.2). During 1991-
2001 they recorded a growth of 35 and 23%, and are expected according to the Master
Plans to grow up to 30 and 38 % in 2001-11, respectively. It is further estimated that
both towns will be directly linked as a continuous urban space by 2031. This tendency
will further intensify the demographic and economic pressure on the city of Varanasi.
336 Chapter Eleven

5. UNESCO guidelines for Cultural Heritage and Cultural Landscape

According to the Operational Guidelines (2005) of the World Heritage Committee

of UNESCO, a property designated as ‘cultural heritage’ nominated should:

i. represent a masterpiece of human creative genius (monument, group of

buildings or site);
ii. exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time or within
a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture or technology,
monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design;
iii. bear a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a
civilisation which is living or which has disappeared;
iv. be an outstanding example of a type of building or architectural or
technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in
human history;
v. be an outstanding example of a traditional human settlement, land-use or sea-
use which is representative of a culture (or cultures), or human interaction with
the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of
irreversible change; and
vi. be directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with ideas, or
with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal
significance (the Committee considers that this criterion should preferably be
used in conjunction with other criteria).

Additionally, it would be more plausible to have one more criterion from the
natural heritage to be taken into consideration for identifying cultural heritage:

vii. contains superlative natural phenomena or areas of exceptional natural beauty

and aesthetic importance.

The “Riverfront cultural and heritage landscape and Old City Heritage of
Varanasi” fully accord with all the above criteria of WHC UNESCO 2005 (i to vi and
vii).
There appeared a number of ‘imbalances’ and ‘gaps’ on the world heritage list of
UNESCO till 1994, including the over-representation of historic towns, religious
buildings, and European sites. With a strategy to solve it, the concept of cultural
landscapes was introduced in 1992 and a ‘global strategy’ is framed; however, after
passage of time more the spatial and typological alleged imbalances have grown (cf.
Aa 2005: 37). Even being one of the founding members, India has not been fully
represented mostly due lack of seriousness from the side of government authorities
and community organisation; the ‘Riverfront heritagescape of Varanasi’ is an example
of not finally proposed for getting enlisted, in spite of fulfilling all the world heritage
criteria (ibid.: 24; cf. Singh, Dar and Rana 2001).

6. Varanasi on the criteria of UNESCO-WHC

i. Representing a masterpiece of human creative genius

There are several examples of architectural master pieces of attached with inherent
meanings, archetypal representations and continuity of performances and rituals. The
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 337

micocosmic temple of Panchakroshi that places 273 deities in three-dimensionality as

replica of the originally existing images and shrines along the five sacred routes in the
city is a unique example (Gutschow 2005). Built in 1936 Bharat Mata (‘mother
India’) temple, of which the interior is dominated by a remarkable 90-square-metre
map of India carved in a relief out of marble blocks set into the floor, is an example of
perceiving the nation as a goddess, as eulogised in the ancient mythologies. Other
distinct and unparallel examples include the temples of Gurudham, Kardameshvara,
Vrisabhadhvajeshvara, Amethy, Mahamaya, Lolarka water pool, and some others too
(cf. Michell and Singh 2005).
One of India’s earliest, most picturesque and one of the finest Gothic Revival
structures in Perpendicular style, the building of Sanskrit University, Varanasi, dates
from 1848-52. Of course the Sanskrit University (earlier college) was founded in
1795, but later it shifted to the present building. This is the only institution in the
whole world that is based on Sanskrit language and ancient Indian tradition. It has
also the richest collection of ancient manuscripts, kept in the Sarasvati Vidya Library.
Presently the building and the collections in the library are both facing the problem of
destruction and loss.

ii. Exhibiting interchange of human values in architecture and monuments

Varanasi is the only city in India where textually described cosmogonic frame and
geomantic outlines are existent in their full form and totality, thus the city becomes
universally significant even today. The city is a mosaic of the various religious groups
and their traditions. In the city alone, there are over 3300 Hindu shrines and temples,
about 1388 Muslim shrines and mosques, 12 churches, 3 Jain temples, 9 Buddhist
temples, 3 Sikh temples (gurudvaras) and several other sacred sites and places. Here
Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism, Christianity and even Islam have their
distinct traditions, and on the other end they together conform the harmonious life and
culture of the city called ‘Banarasian’. The life style of Banaras is unique in nature,
and is referred to as Banarasipan. It is an art of living, both passionate and carefree,
what the Banaras dwellers call masti (‘joie de vivre’), mauj (‘delight, festivity’) and
phakarpan (‘carefreeness’). Here the deepest spirit of place, involving sacred ecology,
spatial manifestation and historical events presents itself in its optimal form. Layers of
time and traditions are superimposed one upon the other but the essence of the life has
maintained its continuity. That is how the city is known as the ‘cultural capital of
India’, or microcosmic India. Teaching and training of Sanskrit and Ayurveda (the
traditional system of Indian Medicine) has been present here since at least the 5th
century BCE, and is still in practice prominently.

iii. Testimony to cultural tradition in history

The city has two remnants of a holy past: the first one being Sarnath where Buddha
gave his first sermon, ‘Turning the wheel of law’ in ca. 528 BCE. Later during the 3rd
century BCE king Ashoka built a monastery township there which continued its
existence till the 12th century CE and was later destroyed. The second one is the
Rajghat Plateau, where the archaeological findings and the C14 dating of some of the
wares excavated from the earliest level (upper part of IA layer, sample No. TF-293)
refer the existence of urban settlements in the period during 1000-500 BCE. The
archaeological investigation is further supported by Robert Eidt (1977) on the basis of
scientific analysis of chronosequence of non-occluded/occluded phosphate ratios of
338 Chapter Eleven

the vertical profile of anthrosols in the Rajghat area of Varanasi. The results support
the fact that residential settlement during this time span was uninterrupted. This site
has been the original centre of one of the oldest continuously occupied modern cities
in the world. The site evidences indicate small farming and domestication of animals,
a sign of pastoral economy. This is only the far past. After this, the whole history of
Banaras is a ‘testimony to cultural tradition in history’, as it was one of the main
centres of Hindu culture and civilisation.

iv. Outstanding example of architectural ensemble and landscape

The unique crescent-shaped arc of the Ganga river has attracted people from
various parts of India to come, settled and make their own distinct imprint along the 7
km bank of the river as clearly visualised in the architectural grandeur and the cultural
landscapes. The existence of 84 ghats along the Ganga river to archetypal
connotations, e.g. 12 division of time x 7 chakra (sheaths), or layers in the
atmosphere; likewise the number 84 refers to the 84 lacs (hundred thousands) of
organic species as described in Hindu mythologies. This development records a
sequential growth during the last two thousand years. Since sunrise to sunset, the
cultural landscape along the Ganga river is dominated by ritual scenes and religious
activities, a supportive system for other profane functions that are dependent on this.
The view of the riverfront from the river is clearly an outstanding example of
architectural ensemble and landscape.

v. Example of a traditional habitat, culture and interaction

Since the past people from different cultures, religions and territories came and
settled here while maintaining their own distinct traditions in their own community,
and also developed a harmoniously integrated culture of traditions lost elsewhere,
which is still visible on different festive occasions. Of course, occasionally there also
happen religions conflicts, tensions and contestations; however, during natural
calamities like flood, water logging, heavy rains, or human induced occurrences like
bomb blasts and riots, people from such diverse ideologies, like Hindus and Muslims,
work together to save the city and thus prove that this is a city of humanity and
universality. There are fourteen tombs of Muslim Sufi saints which are regularly
visited by Hindus and Muslim, who perform their own rituals side-by-side.

vi. Example of the continuity of living traditions of life (intangible)

Since ancient times the natural and cultural landscapes of the city, closely
associated with the traditional way of life, have retained an active social role in
contemporary society. The city is a place of pilgrimage and a holy site for sacred
baths in the Ganga River, for having a good death, and getting relief from
transmigration for learning and receiving spiritual merit, etc. The city has still
maintained its traditions. In spite of several downfalls and upheavals, traditions are
fully alive even today. The presence of ‘dying homes’, charitable homes and pilgrims’
rest houses are some of the city’s unique characteristics. Additionally, silk weaving
and sari making, metal, wood and terracotta handicrafts, toy making, particular
painting forms, etc., bear witness to the continuity of historico-cultural tradition.
Banaras is considered to be a veritable jungle of fairs and festivals with respect to
variety, distinction, time, sacred sites, performers, overseers and side-shows. “Every
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 339

day is a great festival in Banaras” – so says the tradition. Recently some of the old
festivals have been revived in it original style, despite some modern touches. This
lifestyle has also manifested itself in a musical tradition known as the Banaras
Gharana (style). Many great musicians and performing artists have been born here and
still regularly return to visit and to perform their art for the public as tribute to the
spirit of the soil. The names of Ravi Shankar, (late) Bismillah Khan, (late) Kishan
Maharaj and many others make obvious the richness of the Banaras musical culture.

vii. Beauty of natural phenomena & aesthetic importance

The city represents a unique natural shape along the Ganga river which forms a
crescent shape, flowing from south to north for about 6.8 km; the city has grown on
the left bank in circular form around it. The area along the right side is a flood plain,
preserving the natural ecosystem. Thus, together the two sides represent the cultural
and natural beauty, which is unique in the whole course of the Ganga river. This is
described in ancient mythology and religious literature, which became part of the
religious and ritual activities that are still prominent. The eastern edge of the city faces
the rising sun, which makes the ghats of Banaras sacred and unique for all Hindu
rituals. This aesthetic harmony between the river and the city is unique in its
presentation.

7. Old City Heritage and Riverfront Cultural Landscape

All the criteria, according to Article 2 of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention
of 2003 and 2005, which relate in the domain of intangible cultural heritage, are
already part of age-long traditions in Varanasi. This includes oral traditions of ritual
performances, folk music and songs; performance arts like traditional dance, music
and theatrical performances on special festive occasions throughout the year; social
practices in celebrating festivals and events; knowledge and practices concerning
nature (like naturopathy, alternative medicine, yoga) and the universe (classical
astronomy and astrology); and traditional craftsmanship like toy and pot making, silk
embroidery, etc. Moreover, other characteristics as defined in the above Article also
are a part of life in Varanasi, continued and maintained since the past, being
transmitted from generation to generation; being constantly recreated by communities
and groups, in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, and their
history; providing communities and groups with a sense of identity and continuity;
promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity; being compatible with
international human rights instruments; and complying with the requirements of
mutual respect among communities, and of sustainable development.
Article 1 of the World Heritage Convention of 2003 clarifies its purpose for
safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage by ensuring respect for the intangible
cultural heritage of the communities, groups and individuals concerned, raising
awareness at the local, national and international levels about the importance of
intangible cultural heritage, and securing mutual appreciation thereof, and ultimately
providing international cooperation and assistance. Nevertheless it is to be noted that
all these plans have to pass through governmental and bureaucratic procedures. Thus
many times they suffered delays, obstacles, as well as lack of priority ― given to
other choices for political or personal motives ― in spite of the urgency of the matter
and its universal importance. One can cite an example of administrate building
complex of Chandigarh (in late 1950s built by Swiss architect and urban planner
340 Chapter Eleven

Charles-Édouard Jeanneret-Gris, known as Le Corbusier, 1887-1965) which is now in

process to get it proposed for inscription in the UNESCO WHL in 2009.
The Ganga riverfront with its ghats fully fulfil the criteria of Cultural Landscapes
as designated in Article 1 of the Convention, and specifically that of cultural
landscape “that retains an active social role in contemporary society closely associated
with the traditional way of life, and in which the evolutionary process is still in
progress”, and associative cultural landscape “by virtue of powerful religious, artistic,
cultural associations of the natural element”.
The conservation of most heritage properties faces intense pressure. Even if these
properties are presently in the same physical condition as in the last couple of decades
and their architectural characteristics are being maintained without many legal and
administrative measures, their architectural integrity is now being threatened. In the
name of development, old structures are modified or demolished, even where these
structures are made of stone and are not weak. The ownership is often collective or
remote (like maths, ashrams, havelis, palaces, etc.), and renovation work is expensive.
Unless stringent measures are taken for protection, there is a high probability that new
structures, using new building materials, will increasingly replace old architectural
shapes and material. Recent construction work and events in the old city demonstrate
that even when ownership is in a single proprietor’s hands, he usually prefers
rebuilding rather than renovating. Besides these risks, the buffer zones and the skyline
of the old city, whose status quo is preserved at this moment, are also being threatened
by encroachments and the rising heights of buildings.
According to the Master Plan (1991-2011), under the Clause 2.9.2 Use Zone S-2
(Core Area/Heritage Zone), all the heritage monuments will be protected by the laws
and construction permits be issued as per the norm of ‘the distance-regulation’. This
plan is the first of its kind to be officially approved by the govt. of Uttar Pradesh (ref.
No. 2915/9-Aa-3-2001-10Maha//99, dated 10 July 2001). For the first time, heritage
protection issues have been discussed in this Plan and heritage zones and sites have
been identified. The Plan has been revised in order to implement the policy of
preservation of heritage sites and to channelise the development of the city in the
context of environment and heritage protection.
In order to absorb population growth in the old city centre, new buildings are being
constructed either by demolishing old structures or by building on them. Since most
of the heritage sites are in these densely inhabited narrow lane areas, two state
government orders (order number 320/9-A-32000-127, dated 5 February 2000, and
order number 840/9-A-3-2001, dated 11 April 2001) state that, in all the towns
situated along the Ganga river, no development activities can take place 200 metres
from the riverbank. It specifically prohibits new construction on the riverfront ghats
unless these buildings are temples, maths and ashramas (monasteries) and only if
these have approved construction plans or are solely being renovated. The order goes
on to say that all other old buildings, that are within 200 metres from the ghats, can
only be renovated. A recent example of renovation and conservation of the
Manikarnika Ghat with the support of JAICA (Japan International Cooperation
Agency) is an example of work was in progress till 2005 (cf. Fig. 11.7). The
associated water pool (kund) at Manikarnika has special religious, locational and
heritage value (cf. Fig. 11.8), which need special guidelines for preservation and
conservation.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 341

Fig. 11.7. Manikarnika Ghat, Varanasi, the Heritage Planning sites.

The increasing impact of pollution and the decreasing volume of water in the
Ganga together have a multiplying effect in Varanasi. The appearance of huge sand
islands from the end of April and the increasing lower water level of the Ganga are
proving a big threat to the very existence of the ghats and their purpose. About three
decades ago the width of the river had been 225-250m, however it has recently
reached to around 60-70 m. The main stream has lost the previous high speed of its
current due to less volume and pressure of water, resulting in an increased pollution
level. Close to the Asi Ghat, the first one, the river has already left the bank about 7-
8m. The existence of ghats in Varanasi is in danger because the existence of the
Ganga is in danger. This trend is constantly increasing, and already some ghats at the
down stream are now in 2008 facing the problem of sinking and fracturing.
342 Chapter Eleven

Fig. 11.8. Manikarnika Kund, Varanasi: Spatial plan and perspective.

8. JNNURM and the Varanasi CDP: Dilemmas!

According to the census of 2001 a little over 27.8% of India’s total population
(1.029 billion; and projected over 2 billions by 2071) lives in urban areas, and it is
expected that its share will be close to 45% by 2050. To handle India’s rapid urban
growth and sprawl and its consequential problems a comprehensive and sustainable
development strategy was designed and inaugurated by the Prime Minister of India,
Dr. Manmohan Singh, on 3rd December 2005. This is named Jawaharlal Nehru
National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), which will work for a period of 7 years
beginning from 2005-06 under the central Ministry of Urban Development/ Ministry
of Urban Employment and Poverty Alleviation, under the 74th Constitution
Amendment Act (CAA), 1992. The main components under the mission include urban
renewal, water supply and sanitation, sewerage and solid waste management, urban
transport, re-development of inner city areas, development of heritage areas,
preservation of water bodies, slum development, basic services to urban poor and
street lighting. In the first phase, the Mission is being executed in 63 cities with a
population of ‘one-million and above’, State capitals and 23 other cities of religious
and tourist importance. With an estimated provision of Rs, 614.6 billion [1 US $ = Rs
48] for 7 years, the Mission is the single largest Central Government initiative in the
urban sector. The PM emphasised the importance of cities that are internationally
known for heritage, tourism and pilgrimages and maintained their historical and
cultural glories, like Varanasi, Amritsar, Haridwar, Ujjain, etc.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 343

The Mission has to work on improving urban infrastructure and urban basic
services. The JNNURM plans to trigger a deeper process of reform at the state and
city level, viz. (i) using fiscal flows to all sort of service utilities and local
governments to change and reform, (ii) decentralisation as potential to spark change
and create incentives with the support of effective regulation, and (iii) promoting
citizens’ demand by making service delivery provision directly to the grass level.
The primary objective of the JNNURM is to create productive, efficient, equitable
and responsive cities. In line with this objective, the Mission focuses on: (i) Integrated
development of infrastructure services, (ii) Securing linkages between asset creation
and maintenance for long-run project sustainability, (iii) Accelerating the flow of
investment into urban infrastructure services, (iv) Planned development of cities
including the peri-urban areas, outgrowths (OG), and urban corridors, (v) Renewal
and redevelopment of inner city areas, and (vi) Decentralization of urban services to
ensure their availability to the urban poor. In view of these issues the future vision for
Varanasi city is to keep and develop it as an “economically vibrant, culturally rich
tourist city”. Under this programme the City Development Plan (CDP) was prepared
by the Municipal Corporation (MC) within a month through a hired agency, Feedback
Ventures (FV) of New Delhi, and was submitted to the Central Government in
September 2006.
For implementing the Mission’s objectives of equitable, sustainable and rationally
service delivery mechanism through community participation and involvement of
Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) for individual cities, comprehensive City Development
Plans (CDP) are prepared. The CDP aims to provide a rational perspective and vision
for the development of the city where lessons be learnt from the past, problems of the
present be critically examined and solved, and prospects of the future be made reality.
The Varanasi CDP was submitted on 22 August 2006, and the evaluation report on it
was released on 12 October 2006. It is quite surprising that only within two months
the CDP was prepared on the basis of secondary sources and giving over-emphasis on
the structural plan with financial allocations.
The Varanasi CDP submitted to the JNNURM lacks the survey and understanding
of the present ground realities faced by the city. Of course, the report recognises that
“the process of CDP being a multi disciplinary platform includes various stakeholders
who work towards the development of the city. As the stakeholders know the city
better and are responsible citizens, their views are important at every step, while
preparing the CDP”, but in fact, the city authorities had been least concerned with this
objective. In the later half of 2006, meetings for this purpose were held for an hour in
the forenoon (i) on 6 June with people involved in sari (silk lion-cloth) industry, (ii)
on 8 June with Weavers Association, (iii) on 13 June with Sankatmochan Temple
trust, and also (iv) on 20 July having discussions with District Industrial Association
and INTACH (Indian National Trust for Art, Culture and Heritage). Using their usual
colonial setup of complicated bureaucracy, and neglecting the active involvement of
the people, stakeholders and scholars who have been working life-long on various
aspects of Varanasi, the Municipal Corporation (MCV) and Varanasi Development
Authority (VDA) had succeeded in formulating the CDP that was finally submitted to
the government. That is how after a four hours of discourses with stakeholders, in
which only two persons in each group were represented, the city authorities took only
two months (5 July to 5 August 2006) for assessment and documentation of the CDP
under the contract of a private agency, Feedback Venture of New Delhi (FV 2006)
and had it finalized.
344 Chapter Eleven

In the spirit of JNNURM, the making of Varanasi CDP had claimed to follow the
two-stage procedures: consultation for the purpose of making the people understands
the existing situation, followed with participation process for involving the people to
take decisions. However, at no stage the first draft had been put before the public, thus
their claim for transparency and active public participation is not at all justified. In the
appraisal report of the Varanasi CDP the above issues are mildly mentioned and
further clarifications were asked for. In a bureaucratic way the list of NGOs and
persons attending the meetings were submitted, and that is how the CDP has been
approved (cf. Rao 2006). This whole CDP report (3 parts and annexure; and appraisal
report) turned to be a mere good-looking report, lacking the contemporary surface
realities like complexity of land use and space allocation, priority concerns, the Ganga
riverfront heritage planning that attracted the attention of UNESCO WHC, civic
amenities, etc.
Surprisingly, the appraisal report at the end appreciated the “vision of the CDP in
making the city an economically vibrant, cultural rich tourist destination”, adding
further that “the vision lays emphasis on heritage and cultural preservation” (Rao
2006: 13), but no where in the CDP these aspects are considered as measures of urban
planning, preserving cultural heritage, and promoting religious (like pilgrimages) or
sustainable heritage tourism. Since 2001 the city has recorded a mass movement to
have the “Riverfront and Old City Heritage and Cultural Landscape” in the World
Heritage List by the UNESCO enlisted. Following the guidelines and identifications
of the current Master Plan, 1991-2011, thematic surveys and documentations of the
state and conditions of heritage buildings and the regional perspectives were prepared
under the auspices of Varanasi Development Authority, and reports were sent to the
government (see full report: Singh, et. al. 2002; also Hohmann 2006). Of course, no
progress has yet been noticed, again primarily due to lack of bureaucratic and
governmental support, and also of strong public involvement. In the meantime some
architects, urban planners and conservationists from Austria, Germany and France
with the assistance of their students and the collaboration of Indian colleagues have
prepared detailed inventories and documentations, including some major publications
(cf. Michell and Singh 2005, and Gutschow 2005). To fill up the blanks under the key
issues in the Varanasi CDP a few sentences and a chart have been added that refer to
planning the riverfront heritage and the old city heritage zones while integrating
heritage conservation with developmental activities (cf. FV 2006: 140). The critical
issues of environmental deterioration, preservation of cultural heritage (tangible and
intangible), demographic pressures and illegal encroachments along the riverfront
heritage zone are not given a single reference. Additionally, the legislation system and
need for citizens’ awareness about these subjects are not taken into consideration in
the CDP.

9. Pressures and Heritage Scenario

9.1. Development Pressures.
Like most urban areas in India, Varanasi too has to affront intense development
pressures. The impact of these pressures is harder in the old city centre where every
inch is constructed, where population density is extremely high (400 to 500 persons/
ha) and where the city is bursting at its seams. The development pressures can be
grouped under the following categories: population, shrinking spaces, modifying
urban spaces, traffic, tourism and pilgrimage, and environmental pressures; these will
be described below.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 345

9.2. Population Pressure.

According to the Census of 2001, the population of the city was around 1.23
million, which is projected to reach 2.35 million by 2031. The first census made in
1828-29 by James Prinsep recorded a total of 181,482 persons. Since 1921 the city
has recorded constant growth of population. The heavy influx of migration from rural
to urban in search of better livelihood has supported the high growth rate of
population, recording around 32.5% in 1991-2001.
There is an estimated 30,000 floating population in the city every day. The
riverfront and old city heritage zone of the city is densely populated (above 500
persons/ ha), and it is here that development pressures are altering irreversibly the
socio-cultural fabric of the city. The built heritage of the city, which is a priceless
non-renewable resource, is seriously threatened today. The state and city
administration have initiated efforts towards the protection and management of
heritage zones, and this is making some in roads in stopping destruction in these zones
but it is still far from slowing the process of their degradation.

9.3. Shrinking spaces.

With population growth, the demand for utilising every inch of free space is
increasing. This is creating pressures for substituting the existing spacious
architectural forms with optimal space utilisation plans. Parks are becoming smaller
and giving way to concrete residential or commercial structures. Trees are
increasingly felled, making them a heritage at risk. The existing legislation is unable
to prevent open spaces, even inside temple complexes, from being encroached upon.
These constructions are increasingly suffocating an already thickly populated and
constructed area. Legislations are also unable to prevent the conversion of public
pilgrim resting places or buildings, called ‘dharamshalas’, from being converted into
private residential accommodations. These trends are often increasingly disturbing
and destroying the existing architectural beauty and harmony of heritage properties.

9.4. Modifying urban spaces.

The modification of urban spaces in the old city centre of Varanasi could also
negatively alter the religious and cultural life for which the city is considered sacred
and destroy the tourist attractions – both of which are the major sources of earning for
its population. Many of these built-up areas are potential heritage buildings. They are
either part of a collective ownership (like temples, ashrams, etc.) or are occupied by
tenants, thereby making their maintenance or renovation difficult. In fact, when parts
of these buildings collapse, they are often replaced by new, cheap construction
alternatives. And these are often utilised as for accommodation of visitors or other
tourism structures that are potentially incompatible with the religious exigencies of the
city and the urban carrying capacity of a congested city centre and are thus bound to
have a hard impact on the long-term sustainability of the cultural assets of the city.
This trend, over the next years, will definitely contribute to a slow destruction of the
heritage buildings, leading to a transformation of the architectural façade of the old
city, altering its skyline and affecting the aesthetic and sacred harmony of the ghats.
The city is fortunate that many of the modifications being presently carried out in and
around heritage properties are not always irreversible, but some single cases of
demolition, or so-called ‘re-construction’, are indeed irretrievable. We are presently
touching the tip of the iceberg.
346 Chapter Eleven

One such case is an old palace on one of the most photographed and important
ghats of the city. This palace was sold to a chain of hotels, and some parts were being
demolished in order to make a five star hotel. The demolition activity could not be
stopped because no permits were earlier required in the city for destroying any
property, leave alone heritage properties. The Varanasi Development Authority, on
the complaint of a local NGO and subsequent proof provided by it, has recently taken
a very positive step in the direction of preserving the architectural heritage of the city.
The authority has made it compulsory for owners of heritage properties (as idenfied
and recorded by VDA) to have special demolition permits before modifying any part
of the existing structure. It has, furthermore, decisively disallowed further demolition
of the palace and cancelled the construction approval given to the owners prior to this.
In some cases demolition was stopped by the court.

9.5. Traffic loads and pressure.

Increasing population and motorisation is leading to traffic congestion, not only at
peak hours but at most times of the day. This leads to noise pollution and smog. Since
roads in the old city cannot be widened, it is important that many of the roads in the
city centre should become pedestrian pathways and walking areas; Godaulia-
Dashashvamedha road to be cited as an example. Another very disturbing fact is that
motorcycles have taken possession of the lanes in Banaras. They provoke tension,
congestion and sound pollution, e.g. Kedar Ghat lane, Thatheri Gali, Bhikharidas lane,
etc. Some traffic has been converted to one-way circulation but more roads need to
become one way so as to make traffic flow much smoother.
These trends and events are strong indicators that unless stringent and positive
intervention takes place through legislation, monitoring and impact evaluations, the
current trends of architectural degradation will become irreversible. The aim of this
proposal for nominating the heritage centres of the city in the UNESCO World
Heritage List is also the first step in a positive direction.

9.6. Tourism and Pilgrimage Pressures.

Varanasi has always been the most important destination of domestic religious
tourism and thus the unsustainable tourism pressures do not emerge from this segment
of tourists, except for their increasing number. Every year more than a million
pilgrims come to this city, and all of them bathe in the Ganga river, followed by
worship in various temples. Tourism and related activities are a major source of
earning for the local population, but it is important to maintain a sustainable tourism
development that is in harmony with the existing cultural and religious atmosphere of
the city. Some efforts to this end are being taken by the concerned authorities through
promoting specific kinds of activities and the organisation and re-vitalisation of
religious festivals.
The city of Varanasi and its surrounding region (Kashi Kshetra) is visited by
thousands of Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, Sufis and foreign visitors each day. Known the
world over as the ‘sacred city’ and ‘one of the ancient most continuously living
cities’, Varanasi and its region is rich in architectural and cultural heritage
(comprising temples, shrines, palaces, maths, mosques, ashrams; and fairs, festivals,
musical performances, wrestling traditions, handicrafts, silk weaving, sari, Rama
Lilas), natural aesthetics (e.g. the crescent half moon-shaped northerly flow of the
Ganga. The local religious and cultural life of Varanasi together with its built
architectural heritage and the natural landscape of the Ganga river constitute an
immense resource for heritage and sustainable tourism, both for Indian and foreign
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 347

visitors. The six months, ranging from October to March, have always been the main
season for international tourists but recent tendency shows a continuous pattern
throughout the year (cf. Tables 10 and 11 in chapter 1). In fact, the religious, cultural,
natural, architectural and artisan heritages of Varanasi and related economic activities
like pilgrimages, rituals and religious teaching, art and music, tourism, hospitality
structures, silk and carpet weaving, metal craft, schools and universities, etc. form the
backbone of the economy of the city of Varanasi.
Among international tourists visiting Varanasi, more than 40% is shared by four
countries, viz. Japan, France, UK and Germany. While the Japanese come to the city
mostly because of its association with the Buddha, who in 528 BCE gave his first
sermon in Sarnath, the British are mostly attracted by the colonial tales of India, the
Germans follow their Indological perceptions and the French are guided by their
aesthetic quests for selecting this city as destination point. There has been an
increasing influx of tourists from Australia, Italy and Switzerland (cf. Table 1.11, p.
44 in this book). The foreign tourism inflow is largely seasonal, concentrating in the
months of July- September and then throughout the winter months from November to
March. There are also many foreigners who are regular yearly visitors, staying for
fixed periods of four to six months each winter. The kind of tourists or foreign
students who stay in guest houses spread throughout the city usually want to learnt the
local culture and try to integrate themselves with the local population. These tourists
are adventurous and ready to adapt to local customs. They usually come to live and
breathe the cultural atmosphere of Banaras or to learn music, dance, yoga, ayurveda,
etc. This tourism is a soft-impact tourism and often socially, environmentally and
culturally harmonious and sustainable. [For details, see pp. 42-45 in this book].
The hard-impact mass luxury two-day tourism, that views the local culture as a
museum, is the new major threat to the local urban and cultural environment that is
the real tourism attraction. The pressure for developing this kind of tourism in the old
city is immense. Since heritage zones naturally attract tourists, there is an increasing
trend in the city to utilise heritage properties for hotel business and commercial
purposes targeted at satisfying the exigencies of only foreign tourists. Where heritage
properties are in spacious areas, such activities are in harmony with their
surroundings. The negative impact of such tourism on the local culture and economy
multiplies when such hotelier structures are inside densely populated heritage zones of
the city, like the ghats, where they are in disharmony with the spiritual and religious
atmosphere of the place and where they also overburden the carrying capacity of the
urban and cultural environment, water resources, sewage systems, etc. This kind of
tourism does not bring economic benefit to the city but only to the luxury hotelier
structures. Since this kind of tourism brings greater economic benefits to the owners,
the trend is to increasingly utilise heritage structures and the river to suit these ends.
Unless counter measures are taken, this tendency will spread like wildfire.

9.7. Environment Pressures.

The rich abundance of clay has kept the eco-system of the river still intact but
increasing urban and industrial pressure and pollutant agricultural run-offs have
started stretching the sustainable limits of the river system to the maximum. The river
eco-system is facing pressures from the increasing population in the riverfront
heritage zone and also from other parts of the city whose sewage flows directly into
the river. It is also facing pressure from the pollutant agricultural run-offs from
villages around the city. However, approximately 80% of the pollution in the River
Ganga in Varanasi is urban waste. The river and the subterranean underground water
348 Chapter Eleven

are also the source of drinking water for the population that lives in the heritage
zones. The river faces additional pressures on the days of religious festivals when
millions of devotees bathe in the Ganga. Besides these, the increasing use of plastics
and un-dissolvable materials clogs drains and contaminates the river water. In order to
tackle these problems, broad based policy initiatives are required and must be
supported by strict implementation, monitoring and impact evaluation of
environmental legislation.
Of course, there are several Environmental Legislations in India, at both levels, i.e.
Central and State; their rational implementation is a crucial issue. The Acts at the
Central level includes dealing with water pollution, air pollution, noise pollution,
marine pollution, hazardous wastes, radiation, pesticides, forest and wild life
conservation. The state of Uttar Pradesh has already passed some acts, but nothing
related directly to the major environmental issues. Around 60% of the total overall
pollution concentrates in the Riverfront and nearby Old City heritage zone of
Varanasi. The population density in this area is more than 500 persons/ ha, and the
average number of persons per house is around 10. This zone is practically devoid of
parks and open spaces. The disposal of solid wastes at every street corner is an
obnoxious scene. Still there is domestic use of coal and wood, in addition to the
burning corpses in the areas of the two cremation ghats (Manikarnika and
Harishchandra). Due to contamination of water, water borne diseases are common in
this area. Recently the dissolved oxygen has dropped to such an alarmingly low that it
has degree already reached to septic levels.
Other likely threats do not apply to this city because it is not vulnerable to
earthquakes or natural disasters.

10. Deteriorating Heritagescapes: Scenario and the Issue of Awareness

The basic and primary goal in heritage planning is the protection of the tangible
built heritage and the intangible cultural heritage together with making the landscape
and cultural environment alive, peaceful, sustainable and self-mobilised. This can be
developed on the process of “existence-continuance-maintenance” though its
knowledge, understanding and awareness among the people, dwellers and visitors
both. If that is achieved and transmitted to the next generations, then only
development could proceed for long term and in the better service to the mankind. It
has been observed that the issue of cultural and religious heritage is facing a critical
situation, notable among them are already recorded by the VDA in its Master Plan of
Varanasi (2001: 95):

(a) Lack of proper and easy accessible path.

(b) Lack of cheaper but optimal residence or dharmashalas (pilgrims’ rest
houses)/ hotels.
(c) Speedy encroachment of the heritage area and their conversion into
residential or commercial uses.
(d) Lack of proper care, protection and maintenance, and civic sense.
(e) Increasing loss of the outer form, aesthetical appearance and overall function
due to illegal and immoral encroachment and also their conversion, and
(f) Lack of strategy and system for renovation and environmental cleanliness.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 349

Obviously, the present situation along the Riverfront Heritagescape (Study area)
refers:
1. There is no plan for heritage planning and conservation. In fact on the name
of beautification and change the development and transformation of the
ghats environs turned to be a more problematic area. The closing down of
the old Asi confluence (i.e. shifted 1/2km in the south in 1981-82) and the
pucca (stone-slab) construction of Asi and nearby ghats resulted to create a
crucial problem of silt deposition. According to an estimate about 8200 m2
of silt in a length of 60m get deposited every year. Moreover, the course and
the flow are also changing which cause loss of the aesthetic sense and
sacramental value of the ghat.
2. Lack of civic sense, public awareness and lack of knowledge of the ancient
rich heritage resulted to several ugly construction, nearby scattered garbage,
half burnt wood used by pilgrims and similar scenes. The local priests are
interested into more rituals and donations and no way thinking of
cleanliness, preservation and maintenance of the ancient glory.
3. No specific measures are taken for conserving and preserving the temples and
kunds, except performing and maintaining the daily religious activities by
the Brahmin priests’ families living there in (sometimes illegal
encroachments), and sometimes some devotees donate for cleanliness and
repairing that never be used rationally and in totality.

The spatial structure of ghats is basically viewed in the perspectives of following

aspect:
1. The water edge, where - direct water rituals are performed, including sacred
bathing and oblation rituals.
2. Adjacent platform, where most of the shopkeepers exist, and bathers and
watchers use space for specific social and religious purposes.
3. Open space, where the public gathering is performed on special occasions
including people those sit and relax.

These three spatial division and associated function also to be maintained as part of
heritagescapes. For this purpose the following suggestions are made:
1. The Sulabh Sauchalaya (easy toilet) should be shifted to some other place, not
facing directly the ghat.
2. Yoga camps should be installed or operated at various places at the riverfront.
3. Installation of dustbins at suitable places to maintain the cleanliness.
4. Religious and rituals activities should be minimised and spiritual activities
must be given due importance through awakening and cultural understanding
and participation.
5. Some government restriction (through strict law) must be imposed upon the
various activities performed by the pandas.
350 Chapter Eleven

It is expected that by the support of- active people participation, awareness to save
the age-old rich heritage, and development under the Master plan (and its judiciary
control) the ghat heritage will be protected and conserved for the better benefit to the
society.
The threatening impact of consumerism has resulted into loss of heritage buildings
at dangerous limit. A report (cf. Yadav 2005) has narrated the situation as alarming to
culture and society. Based on perceptual surveys and interviews the report mention
that it is a matter of mystery that people of this holy city are not so conscious and
concerned, while this city had awakened the society in the past. The heritagescapes of
the city are the subject of illegal encroachment, unauthorised possession, unethical
destruction and change in the basic structure, carelessness for the neighbourhood or
community sense, and so many associated issues that together make the situation
havoc. Groups of mafias are so active and rooted into the system that the common
society is so terrorised that it keep themselves desperate and rarely think for making
awareness and mass movements. The rich people, with support from such mafias,
purchase the disputed properties and replace the structure what they like and
completely transform its heritage vale, use and its contextual image in the community.
Remember, it is the moral duty of the local people to maintain the existence and
continuity of age-old traditions and architectural beauty that we inherited from the
past. The above report further mentions that the rich people involved in such business
have developed a favourable alliance with VDA which compensate them by
protecting their interest. Of course, there are no such laws concerning sale and
purchase heritage properties, their protection, renovations and maintenance.
According to VDA those purchase such buildings are free to make use of them as they
like.
However, the sensitivity to the heritage and cultural values are not completely lost;
there is still hope for change for betterment. The cases of Hotel Ganges View and
Banaras Art Galley may be taken as model examples of rational renovation,
preservation and maintenance and use that suits to the present requirement. Another
example of heritage awakening walk (Dharohar chetna march) took place on 21 April
2008 when a group of eleven people performed the ‘site survey and understanding
march’ to visit Lolark Kund in Bhadaini. It has been realised that on the name of
heritage preservation and renovation, repairing and changes are made which no way
suits to the architecture, landscape and the structure of the walls, e.g. use of artificial
tiles, stone blocks, paints, and fencing and locking of the neighbourhood, and
cementing the natural floor surrounding the sacred trees and the sacred fire pit (havan
kund). In fact, the political people performed such renovations for their own interest to
gain popularity. No way, support from the architectural and conservation experts
taken. Such visits to be regularised and further incorporated into mass movements
under ‘Save Kashi, Save your Culture’ (Kashi bachao, Sanskriti bachao).
Since the late 1990s, mainly due to loose administration and lack of administrative
control from the VDA (Varanasi Development Authority), there has been along the
riverfront ghats a spate of illegal encroachments and opening of restaurants and guest
houses, partial conversion of the houses into shops or paying guest houses, silk and
handicrafts shops, and also transformation of heritage buildings for more economic
benefits. The well known heritagescape of Mir Ghat is now changed into a
commercial hotel, and the hospice nearby has been turned into guest house. The huge
fig-tree that once gave shadow and shelter to the ghat died, and no one thought of
replacement. The Prayageshvara temple at Prayag Ghat (built in 1934) is slowly
becoming part of private property and is subject to destruction of the main
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 351

architecture and colour symbolism. Similarly the architectural beauty and the
symmetry of the adjacent platform at Panchaganga Ghat have recently been destroyed
by the renovation and repairing works. The opening of the Disneyland-type four
storied Dolphin Restaurant-cum-hotel next to the Manmandir Observatory, a
protected monument by the ASI, is one of such examples of illegal construction and
the worst threat to heritage building. No legal or public agitations were made to stop
such development.
While Banaras is one of the unique cities in the world where traditional lifestyle is
best preserved, it is paradoxically also one of the cities where architectural heritage is
least protected. There is no law that forbids private owners to make drastic changes to
their historic buildings or even completely destroy them just to achieve a clear land
property. There is indeed an ordinance that forbids new constructions within a 200-
metre distance from the riverside, but this is little policed and extensively disrespected
(Dar 2005: 140). Taking the loopholes of law and encouragement through the
ideology of ‘making identity and getting protection under the umbrella of religion’,
many illegal and immoral buildings and constructions are already growing in the other
side on the sand-silt strip of the Ganga river. There is no concern for the moral code
(dharma) or spiritual feeling for the nature (adhyatamik anubhuti). This, in fact, is a
shameful threat to the basic essence of the cultural beauty and identity of Banaras.
In a special meet of the VDA on 13 August 2008 the issue of enlisting heritage
zone/s of Varanasi in the UNESCO World Heritage List has been discussed. This
issue is now victim of confusion in understanding and framing, confrontation in
political arena, and contradiction in bureaucratic system. Through the newspapers it is
provoked that ‘Varanasi needs to be declared as heritage City’, keeping aside the
criteria and guidelines of UNESCO WHL that refers to cultural landscape and mixed
(natural and cultural) heritage. On these guidelines only the “Riverfront and Old City
of Varanasi” fits to be nominated in the Heritage List, as discussed in the sequence.
Without critically and strictly following the Unesco Criteria, everything part of old
tradition should not be projected as heritage as it leads to confusion at global scale.
Also, on the name of beatification (e.g. constructing flyover bridges, and new roads)
and minor repairing of heritage properties (selected buildings), and sometimes even
ugly, unscientific and destructive repairing are performed on the name of heritage
conservation. Such issues attract politicians who take opportunity for their electoral
support by confusing people, which finally result to confrontation, of course for a
shorter period. Rarely in case of Varanasi, the bureaucracy has properly maintained
coordination with local NGOs, politicians, social activists, and researchers and
intellectuals. Again another governmental meeting was held on 18 August 2008 at
Lucknow, the State’s headquarters, and several ideas were chalked out, but no action
and follow-up plans were crystallised.
In another meeting held at Lucknow (5 September 2008), under the chairmanship
of the chief secretary of government of the Uttar Pradesh, the authorities have
reconsidered the issue of inscribing heritage zones of Varanasi in the UNESCO WHL,
and nominated INTACH (New Delhi) as advising and coordinating agency. No way
the earlier submitted 3 detailed and illustrated reports (2002, see Singh, Rana P.B.
2002a, b, c; cf. Singh 2009a) have been taken into consideration. In fact, together
these three reports consist of 166 heritage sites illustrated with detailed surface plans,
architectural designs, and cross-sections. And the third report has already been
distributed among scholars, institutions and architect-planners concerned with
Varanasi, belonging to different parts of the world. The recommendations include
assignment to the VDA for preparing phase-wise action programmes and preparation
352 Chapter Eleven

of pilot projects and management plan, taking support of the state departments of
housing, tourism, and culture. It is to be noted that the local branch of INTACH is no
way involved in documentation, protection, preservation and conservation of the
architectural heritage. However, it is to be remembered that in 1980s the INTACH has
successfully renovated and preserved the architectural grandeur of the Raja Ghat, the
only example of such work still date. As already mentioned, the new committee of
INTACH Varanasi, working since 6th May 2006, has rarely taken any initiative in this
context. The main officials associated to it use this as platform for their own image-
making and benefits, also for arranging exhibitions in India and abroad. In fact, the
INTACH Varanasi Chapter is under the grip of a community of businessmen. The
current coordinator of INTACH Varanasi chapter, a graduate in commence and
knowledgeable person, with the support of other members of his own family, close
friends and some relatives who are members, succeeds in getting majority for
approval of any idea that suits to them ― what is required in a democratic set up like
ours. During last three years only three meetings held, and hardly one-third (out of ca.
90) of members attended; additionally, no minutes of earlier resolutions were further
passed and execution monitored. This is another indication of communication gap,
and avoidance of participation of the experienced and well-educated personnel in
heritage studies and planning.
Sometimes misleading news also propagated, like the one (4 April 2008) that
‘according to unofficial news Varanasi is also accepted to be inscribed as Heritage
city by UNESCO, declaration waited’ (cf. Thats Hindi 2008). In fact, this is
competently false, as no such official proposal has been submitted. Under the auspices
of VDA the Kautilya Society, an NGO in service of culture and heritage, has prepared
three such reports that refer to ‘Varanasi: Inscribing Heritage Zones for WHL
UNESCO’ during March-April 2002 [cf. Singh, Rana 2009: 344]. The third report
was widely circulated among the architects and scholars directly concerned with such
studies, collaborative programmes and also those served the WHL and ICOMOS for
heritage inscription in countries like Austria, France, Japan, Nepal, and Italy. Already
seven years past after submission of the final report, and no ‘management plan’ and
‘operational time schedules’ either finalised yet or any such attempt made. The
present author has presented papers on these issues in four international conferences
held abroad, but the issue has not attracted the local intellectuals. In the situation of
political crises and lack of awakening it becomes now herculean task to revive the
‘heritage conservation plan’ and activate public movement for this purpose.
Whenever some queries or clarification asked from the parliament, human right
commission, or UNESCO Representative in India concerning the heritage enlisting,
for a few days the VDA authorities feel awakened to follow up some action
programme and making of proposal. However after sometimes those issues are kept
out of concern, in view of priority consideration. Additionally, so intermittently the
senior officials of VDA transferred to other places that no follow-up action is
implemented. The coming officials watch and learn the situation and peoples’
willingness for five-six months, but when they plan to start they are transferred to
other centres.
Let me cite case of the CDP Varanasi, where surprisingly no where in the CDP
these aspects are considered as measures of urban planning, preserving cultural
heritage, and promoting religious (like pilgrimages) or sustainable heritage tourism.
Since 2001 the city has recorded a mass movement to have the “Riverfront and Old
City Heritage and Cultural Landscape” in the World Heritage List by the UNESCO.
As in case of other nations the process of nominating a certain site or tradition as a
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 353

world heritage by the UNESCO can be seen as dialectic of the local and the global
politics and pressure games. Of course the aim of this global cultural policy as
formulated by UNESCO-WHC is to enhance the pride of the local population in their
own culture, foster efforts to its preservation as well as to enrich the whole of
humanity in creating a cultural memory on a worldwide scale, but the road to reach
destination is arduous, time-consuming and full of frustrations (cf. Scholze 2008).
Following the guidelines and identifications of the current Master Plan: 1991-2011,
thematic surveys and documentations of the state and conditions of heritage buildings
and the regional perspectives were prepared under the auspices of Varanasi
Development Authority, and reports were sent to the government. Of course, no
progress has yet been noticed, again primarily due to lack of bureaucratic and
governmental support, and also of strong public involvement. The critical issues of
environmental deterioration, preservation of cultural heritage (tangible and
intangible), demographic pressures and illegal encroachments along the riverfront
heritage zone are not given a single reference. Additionally, the legislation system and
need for citizens’ awareness about these subjects are not taken into consideration in
the CDP (Singh 2009b: 388).
Very recently (8 June 2009) under phase III of the Mega Project called
‘Revitalisation of Varanasi as a Special Tourist Destination in State of Uttar
Pradesh’ that earlier planned for investment of Rs 250 million is now revised and
reduced to Rs 108 million. In this revised proposal special emphasis is laid on the
preservation, conservation and renovation of some distinct architectural grandeur of
the city that includes Ramanagar Fort (other side of the river and already marked as
one of the sites in the cultural landscape that is underway to get nomination in the
World Heritage List) and Gurudham Temple (one of the three such monuments in
India that preserved the archetypal architectural symbolism of Tantra). The other part
of this project aims to improve the environmental condition and beautification of the
riverfront ghats and the Buddhist heritage areas in Sarnath. In the II phase of this
project a grant worth Rs 142 million was sanctioned for development of the Buddhist
Green Park and Light and Sound project in Sarnath, establishing a Lotus Park and
renovation and beautification in and around Shulatankeshvara temple area.
Unfortunately the II phase started only on paper and blocked without any visible
result. However, in the III phase renovation and beautification of Gurudham Temple
and Ramanagar Fort; Ramabagh, the Kshirasagar Kund (water pool) and the
monuments in the Ramalila grounds, museum in the fort and the fort itself are given
special consideration. Under the above Mega Project a sum of Rs 78.6 million was
sanctioned for renovation and beautification of riverfront ghats, water pools, and some
important ancient lanes, however only Rs 33.5 million was spent as acclaimed by the
authorities, however the visible results are noticeable up to any level of expectation.
This is an example of inside and intense story concerning development of heritage
planning and tourism in Banaras.
Based on a survey (2006-7) concerning understanding the public participation and
resultant action (PPRA), it is obviously noted that in order to achieve a long term self-
sustained maintenance of the healthy life in Varanasi, an extensive programme of
public awareness should be conducted to communicate and educate about the value
of public hygiene, health and heritage and their potential socio-economic and cultural
benefits, that can be enhanced by the harmonious integration between the old
heritagescape and the modern constructs. This strategy will help stakeholders to
participate in sustainable operations, management and maintenance plans effectively
and successfully. With this approach of marching from a development culture based
354 Chapter Eleven

on physical infrastructure to a development culture based on accumulation and

sharing of knowledge, we need to realise that sustainable planning is possible only by
active public awareness and participation. Of course, this is true everywhere, but it is
more true in Varanasi, where the root of underdevelopment is none other than lack of
knowledge, awareness and participation.
The passive fatalism and uncooperative acceptance of ‘made-elsewhere’ policies
that has previously characterized urban planning in Varanasi, now can be reversed by
the methodology of participated programme design, implementation and evaluation
that the local development institutions have illustrated and recommended too.

11. Actions at the various levels of Governance

The inclusion in the ‘Tentative List’ and later declaration of Varanasi as a heritage
city in the World Heritage Cities List implies that specific heritage-conservation
related actions should be taken at the following governance levels:
At the City (District) Level
It is suggested that the City (District) Administration:
1) Draft and ratify a Manifesto committing itself to the conservation and protection
of the city and accepting its responsibilities as the guardian of a World Heritage
Site. This manifesto must include, among others, the following points:
- All proposals for development will give importance to the protection of the
cultural and historic fabric of the Heritage City.
- Planning and demolition permits for the heritage city will be in accordance
with the declaration of the identified precincts of the city as a heritage site.
- All pressure for change and development will be in such a way as to preserve
and enhance the cultural, historic, architectural and artistic fabric and
landscape of the Heritage City.
2) All built heritage assets of the city must be identified and documented through a
survey, listing, mapping, architectural plans of individual buildings, historical
evidence, visual photography, etc. of the same.
3) A specific conservation plan must be drafted and must be made an integral part of
the development plan of the city.
4) A Conservation Cell must be created within the local Development Authority,
without whose approval no demolition or renovation of listed heritage will be
permitted. The Cell must comprise administrative officers, local political
representatives, concerned local organisations and experts. The Conservation Cell
must approve all interventions in, on or around the listed sites. All intervention in
the listed heritage sites must be in accordance with national and international
norms and specifications laid down in a Charter drafted and ratified by the
Conservation Cell. The Cell will continuously update concerned conservation by-
laws and development plans. The Conservation Cell must nominate local
organisations for systematic and continuous monitoring of listed heritage assets of
the city.
5) Specific by-laws must be formulated for the development and preservation of
listed heritage sites, their skylines and surrounding areas. The Conservation Cell
must be part of the process of formulating these by-laws.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 355

At the State Level

It is suggested that the State Ministries and concerned institutions:
1) Draft and approve legislations for the heritage zones of Banaras that are
binding on citizens, government and political institutions alike.
2) Promote local efforts to involve stakeholders in policy making processes.
3) Give the same weight to conservation as to development, on the principle of
co-existing sustainability.
4) Draft tourism development plans that are environmentally-sustainable –
natural, cultural and urban areas, put utmost attention on restricting hard-
impact tourism and on the carrying capacity of heritage zones.
5) Make continuous impact evaluations of conservation efforts, policies and laws.
6) Promote training and development of technical capacity in the field and scope
for adjustment and alterations.

At the National level

It is suggested that the National ministries and concerned national institutions:
1) Make legislations to foster a climate of conservation and appropriate
administrative and financial measures.
2) Sustain legal, administrative, technical, and economic development and social-
cultural measures that support the specific characteristics of the Heritage City.
3) Channelise part of the national funds for conservation of important heritage
sites.
4) Have a holistic approach to development of heritage sites satisfying both
economic and social-cultural objectives.

In order that heritage becomes a sustainable resource for development, it is

essential that: (i) Heritage be protected and maintained; (ii) Heritage protection be
continuously monitored, assessed and strategies be changed fitting according to
appropriateness, priority and in need of the time; (iii) Impact of heritage protection be
constantly evaluated am improved upon; (iv) Heritage protection activities be
supported by the residents and stakeholders; (v) City development plans follow
specific heritage guidelines support system and the by-laws; (vi) Heritage to be
promoted so as to bring sustainable economic benefits to the local population; and
(vii) Information and cultural programmes on heritage issues to be disseminated for
awareness building among citizens.

12. Heritage Development Plan: the Current Perspective

With the initiative of the Chief Secretary of the state government of Uttar
Pradesh, on 1 January 2009, the INTACH (Indian National Trust for Art, Culture and
Heritage), an agency and NGO at New Delhi has been assigned the job to prepare
Heritage Development Plan (HDP) for Varanasi. The plan to be prepared by this
agency would be submitted to UNESCO through Government of India. This task is in
extension and on the line of earlier reports prepared by the Kautilya Society, a local
356 Chapter Eleven

cultural body, on voluntary basis (cf. Singh and Dar 2002a, b, and c). The INTACH
New Delhi is entrusted this task for a fee of Rs 3.5 millions (ca. US$ 73,000). This
agency has its local chapter, INTACH Varanasi, which is not directly involved in this
project, except for show piece and to honour face value; this happened by taking
benefit of no local architect or urban planner as members of the local Chapter, in
addition with the control of local chapter by the business community of a group and
their kin and kiths who commonly use this platform for their personal benefit. Out of
total over hundred members, only five are from the university faculty. The first VDA
and INTACH New Delhi joint meeting was held on 5 January and it was expected that
by June 2009, the first report of the HDP be submitted.
On 16 July 2009 and again on 3 August 2009, the INTACH New Delhi has made a
presentation on its report and submitted the report to the VDA. However, they
avoided to disseminate the report for the public and giving its copies for review to any
local expert. Surprisingly, in such plan, including the Master Plan, public participation
and their suggestions are essential before finalisation, but in the present case things
are kept secret. Of course the convener of the local Chapter possesses the copies of all
such reports, but never allows any other person, including the members, to consult
and examine the reports. Nevertheless, based on the presentation and personal
experiences since last three decades, the major highlights and rational critiques of the
HDP are presented here.
With a vision of sustainable urban development, promotion of heritage tourism,
conservation and preservation of heritages (tangible and intangible), the Heritage
Development Plan (HDP) has been recently introduced in January 2009 under the
auspices of VDA (Varanasi Development Authority) on the line of the identification
of the five heritage zones in Varanasi, and also consideration of urban renewal and
revitalisation programme under JNNRUM. The HDP will be applicable for the next
two decadal period that refers to the followed up revised Master Plan, i.e. 2011-2031.
The vision behind this project is to revive, re-create and making of sustainable effort
to preserve traditional glories and values together with adjusting the modern changes,
with an aim that old heritage properties changed and preserved in a way that they may
serve as reproductive resource for today. Therefore the focus is laid upon preserving
traditional values and architecture, urban public space where the function may work
more efficiently and harmoniously, tradition and modernity go hand-by-hand in
making landscape and culture more eco-friendly and symbols of human ingenuity.
The heritagescapes that given specific consideration include architecture, natural
landscape, built heritage (structure and function), and pilgrimage routes.
The first phase of the HDP consists of four selected areas as pilot project:
(1) Dashashvamedha Ghat and the nearby area ― the predominant area of rituals,
pilgrimages, visitation to temples, and visitors’ attractions. This area is delimited with
the pilgrimage routes and individual temples their number goes more than 160, and
around sixty per cent all religious activities and ancient temple are lying in this area.
At the other end, this is also one among the three main market areas in the city,
dominated by residential-cum-shop-attached-temple type of built structure. All these
mixed and thus evolved a mosaic of ‘sacredscapes’. The basic aim to develop this area
is restoration and development together in making the area more liveable where
riverfront natural heritage, built architecture and symbolic values of temples, the
grandeur of architecture, the market structure and the variety of shops that support the
profane side of the human needs, the intangible performances and rituals continued,
maintained and still in operation at least since last 1500 years (ancient, medieval,
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 357

Mughal, colonial, post-colonial, modern periods in spite of three time major

destructions, etc. work together.
This area is facing drastic problems related to (i) depleting heritage environment,
(ii) environment like unhygienic, filthy houses and lanes, wandering animals (bulls
and cows), (iii) encroachment of public space, walkways, open space near houses, (iv)
vehicular congestion and poor traffic management, hostile pedestrian environment, (v)
lack of tourists’ facilities, including inadequate places and room for stay, like loges
and guesthouses, (vi) inadequate pilgrims’ facilities, (vii) inadequate festival/ event
management, (viii) dangerously opened electric lines and telephone lines, (ix) inferior
urban images, lacking signage, indication of lanes and names, ugly additive structures,
advertisement posters, (x) improper retail growth, dominated by vendors, side-shops
and illegal shops that encroached the public spaces, and (xi) no proper and viable
planning measures together with lack of public awareness and their participation, also
neither exist by-laws, nor people are ready to follow upon by changing their habits
and life styles. Very similar condition would be visualised in different degrees and
intensities in other old parts of the city, like Chowk, Vishvesharganj, Lahurabir.
The HDP emphasises the four interconnected attributes for revitalisation and
heritage planning, viz. Pedestrian environment, Façade-scape, Riverfront Ghatscape,
and Cultural centre and sites of cultural foci. Many theoretically and ideal suggestions
are given in the above contexts, in addition with promoting pedestrian environment
development, site interpretation, improving accessibility, civic facilities, health and
hygiene.
(2) Chet Singh Palace along the riverfront is to be projected as a Cultural Centre
in the city due to its magnificent buildings, morphological structure, functional space,
built space where public and private can interact so closely.
Chet Singh (1770-1781) built the palatial building of this Ghat in mid the 18th
century as a small fortress, which witnessed the fierce battle between the troops of
Warren Hastings and Chet Singh in 1781 that resulted to the defeat of Chet Singh.
Thus this fortress went under the control of British. In late 19th century the King
Prabhu Narayan Singh had again took the possession of this fort. The northern part of
it was donated to Naga group of ascetics who later on built their monasteries and
ghats, called Niranjani Ghat and Nirvani Ghat (cf. chapter 7, page 270, of this book).
This palace has been principal residence of king in British Period. This building
composed of (a) a palace with pavilions, built on the terrace overlooking the Ganga,
(b) a group of buildings for the women (demolished), (c) a Mughal garden with darbar
and water tower, and (d) a chain of interconnected three temples. The palace has a
particularly favoured relationship to the Ganga. It opens out onto the ghat which is a
continuation of the palace and reached by means of a monumental gateway. The
gateway houses a stairway, which gives access to the terrace. There, a central pavilion
stands looking out over the Ganga, on which the Maharaja appeared for glimpse. The
terraced level is defined at two corners by two massive structures tapped by octagonal
domed pavilions. There are three state temples of Shiva in the compound, built in
18th-19th century. The Kashiraj Trust of the Maharaja, own this palace and area like
other properties of the estate. No specific measures are taken to conserve and
preserve the palace and its compound, except that once or twice in a year for some
celebrations the palace is allotted and on that very occasions cleaning, white washing
and some repairing are done. In lack of proper care and maintenance the whole
environment is in the stage of depletion.
358 Chapter Eleven

Developing the Chet Singh palace and associated ghat as cultural centre will
promote activities in enhancing dissemination and revival of cultural performances
(classical music, play, etc), example of heritage preservation and re-use, religious
activities used for promoting civic sense, use of temples for more public visits. The
centre will be a nodal point for cultural interpretation. The arrangement of signage,
illumination, landscaping, properly suited lightings, revival and reorientation of
garden, additive extension of built space that would help to maintain old heritage, and
meeting and interaction among tourists and pilgrims leading to spiritual awakening
and understanding would be some of the measures suggested.
(3) Five halt stations (vasa sthana) on the pilgrimage route of Panchakroshi Yatra
that delimits the cosmic circuits, viz. Kandwa, Bhimachandi, Rameshvar, Shiopur,
and Kapildhara. This route represents the only such unique historical circuit of
pilgrimage covering ca. 88km interconnecting 108 shrines and temples (cf. Singh
2002). All the five stations are attached with a sizeable kund those are now critically
facing environmental problems (for details, see chapter 9 of this book). The emphasis
is laid upon the kunds, main temple complexes, dharmashalas (pilgrims’ rest houses),
preservation and restoration of historic buildings, pilgrimage paths, maintenance of
green space in view of keeping the serene and sacred scene of the area alive and more
eco-friendly for the mass of pilgrims.
(4) selected Water pools (kunds), exemplified with Sarang Talab, Pisachmochan
and Pushkar ― as representative of three conditions of heritage and cultural contexts,
respectively facing the problems of environmental pollution and loss of cultural
values, site in danger that has once recorded history of ancient ritual of ancestors’
worship and religious cleanliness, and a cultural symbol having association with
Brahma (‘god of creation’) and Krishna (‘god of love’).
The basic objectives for restoration and development of such water pools include
edge formation and improvement, revetment and construction of retaining walls that
help to restoration, additional restoration, and upgradation of public and open space
that would promote social cohesiveness and more harmonious and hygienic
environment. There should be a system of re-charging, maintenance of cleanliness,
and societal consciousness to have their sense of attachment to place that constantly
help to maintain ‘the spirit of place’. By 1932, there were more than hundred water
pools; but at present only twenty exist and their condition is unhygienic,
environmentally polluted, filled with filth and commonly used as sewer pits by the
neighbouring houses.
For the first phase monetary budget is proposed to worth Indian rupees Rs 2500
million (ca US$ 53 millions), which would further subdivided for four sub-projects
according to the requirements.

The second phase of HDP would consists of preparing detailed inventory and
listing of heritage properties; till August 2009 the INTACH has tentatively prepared
the list of such 693 properties. Selected properties, like Tripoli Entrance gateway at
Ramanagar, Balaji temple (Mangla Gauri Ghat), Jagannath temple (Assi), would be
taken as pilot object for making detailed plan for conservation and preservation.
Basic drawback of the HDP. The basic drawback of the recently proposed HDP is
lack of public participation, negligence of the historical-cultural processes that made
the landscape and lifeways, avoidance of taking any sort of cooperation from the local
experts and people, superimposition of so many theoretical and other constructs that
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 359

are thought as the best measures by them, choosing samples of water pools (kunds)
without rationality of cultural significance and symbolic values as perceive and
practiced by local people, not considering the proposal on the line of urban planning
acts and the earlier planned Master Plan, avoiding to make the report and details to the
public for critical observation, completely set aside intangible heritage (like
Ramalilas, ancestors’ rituals, fairs and festivals, environmental theatres, traditional
Sanskrit teaching and schools, traditional wrestling, folk art and craftsmanship, toy
making, silk weaving, seasonal songs and associated singing assemblies, …, etc.),
giving over emphasis on (recreational) tourism and Western visitors, neglecting the
requirements of the huge mass of pilgrims (ca. 2 million every year), avoiding
coordination with other development plans that concerned with transport system,
sewerage drains, building construction, cultural activities, etc. And, several such
loopholes may be looked into. If these issues be sort out to a certain degrees, the
proposed HDP would be rationally befitted and eco-friendly accepted and activated
for a sustainable future.
In view of experiences in the past, it is clear that in lack of any pilot project no way
one could justify the relevance of the heritage conservation plan and details of related
aspects that would lead to put the main heritage zones and properties first in the
‘Tentative List’ of UNESCO WHL, and followed up proceeding toward get enlisting
in the ‘Final List’. Further sometimes controversial, false propaganda and doubts
created by the officials and politicians also play a role of obstacle.

13. Public Awakening (chetna march): Raising the Voice

As a public awakening march, an open dialogue and press conference was called
upon on 10 August 2009 evening at Asi Ghat, attended by around hundred persons
raising a public voice to “Save the Heritage city of Varanasi” taking in view of the
discrepancies and major drawbacks of the City Development Plan, CDP (esp.
transportation and morphology) prepared in hustle by Feedback Turnkey Engineers
Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, and was highlighted in a newspaper (cf. Dikshit, 28 July 2009,
TOI). No where the DPRs (Detailed Project Reports) prepared by INTACH Delhi and
submitted to VDA on 16 July 2009, are taken into consideration or even any sort of
coordination maintained between these two plans (cf. Singh, Binay 2009, TOI). The
Convener of the INTACH Varanasi has already sent (29 July 2009) an appeal to
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India and other concerned authorities to the Govt. of India
to see the issue and intervene in such superimposed plans (prepared by outside
agency) that never fit to the spirit and culture and not viable; obviously they will turn
to serious threat to the Holy City of Varanasi, known as the Cultural Capital of India.
The budget of CDP is planned to Rs 46,806.5 millions (equals to US$ 965 mill) and
be completed by the year 2030. In this plan the following six threatening issues are
realised and petitions are moved by the public to media and government personnel:
1. Construction of Permanent Jetties along the ghats for the boats will destroy
the very purpose of the riverfront historical and cultural sceneries serving as
the most attractive landscape.
2. Construction sites of the five Flyovers in the main heritage zones would
destroy the functional character and heritage monuments.
3. Construction of the Ring Road outside the city territory without considering
the sacred territorial pilgrimage path of “Panchakroshi” that developed in
360 Chapter Eleven

medieval period and still so frequently used by pilgrims, will destroy the
archetypal and cosmic symbolism of the city.
4. The construction of a new area for Dyeing and Polishing of fabrics outside
the city will serve as ‘outside’ pressure that will loss the traditional
craftsmanship of the city.
5. Introducing Mass Public transport system in the main city will create a chaos
and disaster to the heritagescapes; let the traditional system may be improved
in renovated way.
6. The Lighting of the heritage sites will promote stress on the heritage
component and further deteriorate the heritage environment. Modernity should
be avoided if heritage is in danger.

A common consensus has been resolved by the public and the following alarming
issues noted down for serious action programmes that may run regularly (cf. KSM
2009: 1, 3):

1) The plan was completed at all speed within three/five months without
consultation with the Banaras public, the experts on Banaras, the religious
leaders, university academics, etc.
2) The current CDP and DPR both neglected the earlier heritage-concerned reports
prepared for inclusion of Riverfront and Old city of Varanasi in the UNESCO
World Heritage List.
3) Banaras is a historical, cultural, spiritual and pilgrimage city, where traditions
are alive and serve as backbone of life, therefore ‘urban development plan’
should be on these lines befitting to its spirit and tradition, no way like a
‘tourist centre’.
4) Banaras, especially the old historical town, needs renovation, preservation and
maintenance, no way transformation on the name of urban planning. The City
needs urban revitalization, not urban transformation.
5) The original ghat design and the network of linking and nearby galis (lanes)
have to be preserved in a way to save the ‘life line’ and arteries of this organic
city. Thinking of constructing a ropeway for tourists from Dashashvamedh to
the other side, or a skywalk from Godowlia to Dashashvamedh will be like
leprosy on city’s body!
6) Banaras cannot be forcibly turned into a modern city by giving priority to
motor traffic by indiscriminately enlarging roads or constructing flyovers and
skywalks. Modernization should be done as patchwork and adjustment while
preserving the architectural grandeur and culture.
7) One of the most important improvements urgently needed is developing eco-
friendly green environment, but unfortunately it is almost never mentioned in
any of the plans; rather on the name of expansion the green areas are suggested
to be replaced.
8) The Master Plan of Varanasi was passed on 10 July 2001, in which five
heritage zones (cf. pp. 329-334 in this book) were identified; but no way these
are taken into consideration in CDP or DPRs.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 361

In such a tragic situation, people are still hopeful for some good changes that
would be befitting in maintaining the glorious culture and heritage of this sacred and
pilgrimage city. Let us hope for new light that may help to keep, continue and
envision its image as “the City of Light”!

14. Concluding Remarks

Heritage is the mirror of mankind’s growth, progress and prospects; it is very
important that it should be preserved. One has to remember that modern way of life
and science, and ancient wisdom and its messages can work together to help in
searching a harmonious and peaceful path of mankind’s integration with nature. In
order that this heritage become a resource for development, it needs to be first
documented, then protected, maintained and finally utilized according to specific
heritage guidelines and legislations. Only then, combined with an increased citizens’
awareness and participation, will policy efforts and interventions become sustainable
– environmentally, socially and culturally. We may separate ourselves from the web
of our heritage in the pursuit of modernity and secularism, but it would always be at
the cost of our hearts and souls (cf. Singh 1993: 306).
It is notable that the initiative taken made by local NGOs, experts and eminent
citizens of the city, to propose the nomination of the old city centre of Varanasi for
inclusion in the UNESCO World Heritage List has activated the present sensitive and
positive city administration to propose comprehensive measures for the preservation
of the cultural heritage of Varanasi. A mass movement of awakening (chetna march)
in the context of old cultural values would promote a new spirit of sustainability. Such
a revival, however, needs not turn into fundamentalism nor should it cause any
damage to secular life; good that it already started on 10 August 2009, as noted above.
In our temporal frame we have to give respect to the past, search solutions in the
present, and make directions for the future. This should apply to the issue of urban
sprawl beyond the corporation boundary and interlinks with the surrounding areas
(peri-urban), which were not considered in preparing the CDP or DPR. Remember, a
thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability and beauty of the site as
a living organism. In order that this heritage becomes a resource for development, it
needs to be first documented, then protected, maintained and finally utilised according
to specific heritage guidelines and legislations. Only then, combined with an increased
stakeholder awareness and participation, will policy efforts and interventions become
sustainable – environmentally, socially and culturally.

15. References
Aa, Bart J.M. van der 2005. Preserving the Heritage of Humanity? Obtaining World
Heritage Status and the Impacts of Listing. Fedbodruk, Enschede (under the
auspices of Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research).
Arpin, Roland 1993. Building concordance among World Heritage Towns: a synopsis.
Safeguarding Historic Urban Ensembles in a Time of Change. Proceedings of the
International Symposium on World Heritage Towns, Quebec City, Canada, July
1991: 551-572.
Couté, Pierre-Daniel et Léger, Jean-Michel (eds.) 1989. Bénarès. Un voyage
d’architecture. An Architectural Voyage. (in French and English). Editions
Créaphis, Paris; with the support of the French Embassy at New Delhi.
Dar, Vrinda 2005. Threats and Prospects; in, Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B.
(eds.) Banaras, The City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 138-143.
362 Chapter Eleven

Dikshit, Rajeev 2009 (28 July). Heritage city in for a facelift (Varanasi). Heritage city
in for a facelift. Metro Rail, Ropeways, Subways, Flyover to change City Skyline
by 2030. The Times of India (a daily newspaper), section Times City, p. 3. Web:
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/City/Varanasi/Heritage-city-in-for-a-
facelift/articleshow/4831009.cms
FV: Feedback Venture, New Delhi 2006 (August). Varanasi City Development Plan
under JNNURM (Cover Page, Part 1, Part 2, Part 3 Annexure). Accessed on 15
January 2008, Web: http://www.jnnurm.nic.in/toolkit/varanasi.htm
Gutschow, Niels 2005. Benares - The Sacred Landscape of Varanasi. Edition Axel
Menges GmbH, Stuttgart-Fellbach.
KSM, Kashi Samvad Manthan 2009, Weekly Newspaper from Vishva Samvad
Kendra, Varanasi, vol. 9, no. 24, 12 August: 1-4pp; editor: D.B. Pandey.
Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B. 2005 (eds.) Banaras: The City Revealed. Marg
Publs., Mumbai.
Rao, P.S.N. 2006 (12 Oct.). JNNURM CDP Appraisal Report - VARANASI. Accessed
on 15 January 2009, Web:
http://www.jnnurm.nic.in/cdp_apprep_pdf/CDP_Appraisal_IIPA/Varanasi_IIPA.pdf
Sax, William S. 1990. The Ramnagar Ramlila: Text, Performance, Pilgrimage.
History of Religions (University of Chicago Press), 30 (2); 129-153; Reprinted in,
Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) 1993, Banaras/ Varanasi (Tara Book Agency, Varanasi):
257-273.
Schechner, Richard 1983. Ramlila of Ramnagar: An Introduction; in, Schechner,
Richard (ed.) Performative Circumstances. Seagull Books, Calcutta: 238-288.
Scholze, Marko 2008. Arrested Heritage. The Politics of Inscription into the
UNESCO World Heritage List: The Case of Agadez in Niger. Journal of Material
Culture, 13 (2): 215-231.
Singh, Binay 2009 (16 July). Project plans fail to deliver (Varanasi). The Times of
India. Web: http://www1.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/msid-
4785319,prtpage-1.cms
Singh, Manmohan 2005 (3 Dec.). Speeches: Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh.
PM launches Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission. Accessed: 10
January 2009, Web:
http://jnnurm.nic.in/jnnurm_hupa/jnnurm/Prime%20Minister’s%20Office.htm
Singh, Rana P.B. (ed.) 1993. Banaras (Varanasi): Cosmic Order, Sacred City, Hindu
Traditions. Tara Book Agency, Varanasi.
―. 1993. Varanasi: A World heritage city: The frame, historical accounts; in, Singh,
Rana P.B. (ed.) Banaras (Varanasi). Tara Book Agency, Varanasi: 297-316.
―. 1994. Water symbolism and sacred landscape in Hinduism: a study of Benares.
Erdkunde (Bonn, Germany), Bd. 48 (3), Sept.: 210-227.
―. 1995. Heritage ecology and caring for the earth: a search for preserving harmony
and ethical values. National Geographical Journal of India, 41 (2), June: 191-216.
―. 1997. Sacredscape and urban heritage in India: contestation and perspective; in,
Shaw, Brian and Jones, Roy eds. Contested Urban Heritage. Voices from the
Periphery. Ashgate, Brookfield USA, Singapore, Sydney: 101-131.
―. 2000. Ethical values and spirit of sustainability in Indian thought; in, Allen
Noble, B. Thakur, A. B. Mukerji & Frank Costa, eds. Geographic and Planning
Research Themes for the New Millenium. Vikas Publ. House Pvt Ltd, New Delhi:
445 - 458.
―. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. The Panchakroshi Yatra of Banaras.
Indica Books, Banaras.
 Reflections on Making the Heritage City 363

―. 2005. Growth of the City, Banaras; in, Michell, George and Singh, Rana P.B.
(eds.) Banaras: the City Revealed. Marg Publs., Mumbai: 22-29.
―. 2008. The Contestation of Heritage: The enduring importance of Religion; in,
Graham, Brian and Howard, Peter (eds.) Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage
& Identity. Ashgate Pub. Ltd., Aldershot Hampshire & London: 125-141.
―. 2008. Heritage Contestation and context of Religion: Political Scenario from
Southern Asia. Politics and Religion [a bi-annual journal, FPN: Faculty of Pol. Sc.,
Belgrade, SERBIA], 2 (1), Spring: 79-99.
―. 2009. Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History and Bibliography.
Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 8. Indica Books, Varanasi.
―. 2009a. Varanasi, the Heritage city of India: Master Plan, JNNURM and issue of
inscription in UNESCO WHL; in his, Banaras, the Heritage City of India:
Geography, History and Bibliography. Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 8. Indica
Books, Varanasi: 135-182.
―. 2009b. Heritagescapes of India: Appraising Heritage ecology; in his,
Geographical Thoughts in India: Snapshots and Vision for the 21st Century. Planet
Earth & Cultural Understanding, series Pub. 2. Cambridge Scholars Publishing,
Newcastle upon Tyne: 351-393.
Singh, Rana P.B.; Dar, Vrinda and Rana, Pravin S. 2001. Rationales for including
Varanasi as Heritage City in the UNESCO World Heritage List. The National
Geographical Journal of India, 47 (pts. 1-4): 177- 200.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, Pravin S. 2006/ 2002. Banaras Region: A Spiritual and
Cultural Guide. Pilgrimage & Cosmology Series: 1. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Thats Hindi 2008 (4 April). Speeding up the actions to make Varanasi as heritage city.
(Internet news in Hindi). http://thatshindi.oneindia.in/news/2008/04/04/nation-
varanasi-heritage.html
Yang, Minja 2008. UNESCO Cultural Conventions for Sustainable Urban
Development. Context: Built, Living and Natural [DRONAH Gurgaon], 5 (1),
Spring/Summer: 6-15.

# Reports (Varanasi: Inscribing Heritage Zones for WHL UNESCO)

Singh, Rana P.B. (chairman and editor) and Dar, Vrinda (associate & co-editor) 2002a
(March 20). Varanasi: Heritage Zones and Sites. [Details of 53 sites and
properties]. Varanasi Development Authority, Varanasi (India). 110pp + 18pp
appendices + 70 figures/ maps (locational, site plans, cross sections), 45 plates of
photographs, including historical outline and Selected Bibliography. 1st Report.
―. 2002b (April 1). Varanasi: Heritage Zones and Sites. Nomination Proposal for
Inscription in the UNESCO World Heritage List. [Details of 40 sites and
properties]. Varanasi Development Authority, Varanasi (India). 78pp + 26 figures/
maps (locational, site plans, cross sections), including historical outline and
Selected Bibliography. 2nd Report.
―. 2002c (April 25). The Riverfront and Old City Heritage Zone of Varanasi.
Nomination Proposal for inscription in the UNESCO World Heritage List.
[Details of 73 sites and properties]. Varanasi Development Authority, Varanasi
(India). 174pp + 70 figures/ maps (locational, site plans, cross sections), 70 plates
of photographs, including historical outline and Selected Bibliography. 3rd Report.
 CHAPTER 12
MODERN LIFEWAYS: PLACE, SOCIETY AND TURNINGS

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Abstract. The spatial and temporal changes of culture and landscape in the context of
“City images” have been vividly narrated in the literary works. Varanasi is
mythologised as a cosmic and universal city, it is also an amalgam of alive-awakened
sites, the holiest city and also the city of pitfalls of culture; in fact, ‘Banaras has the
best and the worst of India’. By seeing Banaras, one can see as much of life and
heritage as the whole India can show. Making portrait of this city is easy, but
transformation on the mental canvas difficult. Shivprasad Singh’s novel The Street
Turns Yonder is taken as resource for evoking many 20th century images of Varanasi.
For example, the word ‘Banarasi’ conjures up an image of typical Varanasi culture,
which is characterised by ‘mauj’ (delight), ‘masti’ (joie de vivre), ‘phakkarpan’
(carefreeness), and ‘akhkharpan’ (headstrongness). Varanasi is not only a city, but a
cultural and archetypal core in itself where the lived experiences and feelings of the
Banaras-dwellers have been blooming everywhere in the above novel with vividness
and symbolic reflections. These all are part of the varied and rich cultural heritage of
India, which is alive in Varanasi.
Keywords: carefreeness, city personality, couplets, educational scene, the Ganga
river, metaphor, milieu, multiplicity, polytheistic character, Shivprasad Singh.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Benares is Holy. Europe, grown superficial, hardly understands such truth anymore…
Here I feel every day as if soon, perhaps even today, I would receive the grace of
supreme revelation… Every would-be Christian priest would do well to sacrifice a year
of his theological studies in order to spend this time on the Ganges: here he would
discover what piety means.
― Keyserling (1969: 118-22).

1. Introduction
If geography is to be defined as “the study of the earth as home of mankind,”
literature would prove to be a very rich resource (primary or secondary) to highlight
landscape and environmental ethics (earth), built space and emotional bond (home)
and culture, society and values (mankind). With its integrated triad of people, plot and
place, literature provides a substantial base to reconstruct places, to decipher the
images and to understand the socio-cultural order in terms of historicity (Herbert
1991: 194). With the help of Shivprasad Singh’s novel The Street Turns Yonder
(Gali Age Murati Hai, in Hindi, 1st ed. 1974; 2nd ed. 1991, hereafter referred as ST:..
), it is attempted to provide different perspectives on the lifeworld of modern
Varanasi. The novel contains vivid accounts of the cultural personality and lifeworld
of Banaras. The city is perceived as the holiest city of Hindus and as a microcosm of
India. On one side, it is well known for its sanctimony, sacred glories and heritage,
and on the other for theft, roguery, masti (‘joie de vivre’), mauj (delight), phakarapan
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 365

(carefreeness), and akhkharpan (headstrongness). Due to the high-intensity of its

spiritual magnetism, people from different parts of India have settled in the city and
have formed a mosaic of life styles and lifeworlds, called Banarasi, yet maintaining
their age-old traditions and regional linkages (Singh 1980: 43). In attempting to
critically expose this point, Shivprasad Singh has been successful in projecting the
multiple aspects of the cultural personality and lifeworld of Varanasi. Banaras is a city
of complex mixture of contrasts that converges into its own way of ‘naturality’ and
‘simplicity’, that’s why Banaras is ‘Banaras’ nothing else! Schütz’s (1962, vol. 1:
133) remark is befitting in the culture and mental-world of Banaras; he says: “Our
everyday world is, from the outset, an inter-subjective world of culture. It is
intersubjective because we live in it as men among other men, bound to them through
common influence and work, understanding others and being an object of
understanding for others. It is a world of culture because, from the outset, the life-
world is a universe of significance to us….”.
The cartographic view of the cultural landscape and the identification of referred
mentioned have been presented through maps, both existent and perceived.
Additionally, the novelist’s cognitive maps of the city are drawn at two levels —
memory-based, and knowledge-based. The novelist’s utopian man has been sketched
out and compared with Mandeville (Singh 1985: 296-297: 310-311). To widen the
horizon of observations and descriptions, the milieu and meanings are compared at
some places with contemporary works.

2. The Novelist’s Urban Experience and Criticism of the book

In this chapter, The Street Turns Yonder is considered as a base onto which to
project place and modern society. Here his main intention is to capture the temporal
theme of student unrest in Banaras. He worked on modern society in the 1970s using
the students’ reactions of the late 1960s against the present system of education and
the use of English for teaching as his core themes. That is why there appears to be a
discontinuity in describing the landscape and culture of the city. The novelist feels
that since the city has been the strongest seat of learning and education, this theme
should occupy the central position and that social degradation and students’ reactions
are the result of that time. He further stresses the need and demand of the society to
know the modern culture of Varanasi. These are the main forces behind writing The
Street Turns Yonder.
The selection of Varanasi and the disturbed social scene for his background reflect
the novelist’s experiences from his early education to his employment in Banaras.
Shivprasad Singh was born on August 19, 1928, in a village about 50 km north-east of
Banaras. He first visited the city in 1947 as a young student when he was admitted to
the 11th grade in the UP College. He received his MA in Hindi literature in 1953 and
his Ph.D. in 1957, both from the Banaras Hindu University. Soon afterwards he joined
the department of Hindi there as a lecturer, and was promoted to professor in 1983.
He finally retired in 1988, and he left this mortal world on 28 September 1998.
Before starting the novel, the novelist had devoted his energy to walking around
Varanasi, meeting the people, watching the activities and rituals and also critically
examining the basic writings on the city, ranging from mythologies and religious
treatises to contemporary historical sources. With this involvement, the novelist cites
such sources and experiences frequently, and so his narration becomes more relevant
in understanding the culture.
366 Chapter Twelve

It is commonly believed that The Street Turns Yonder is mainly about the student
movement. This, of course, is the setting; nevertheless, it is about something wider
than that — the search for humanity in the holiest city of India, the uniqueness and
distinct personalities of its dwellers, the horrors of terrorism which developed as a
subculture and the philosophical and archetypal aspects of the sacred territory and the
northerly flowing of the most sacred river, the Ganga (Ganges). The Ganga is taken as
a simile for the lifeworld of Varanasi.
It is clear from the author’s conversation that “the spiritual magnetism and
contemporary culture” were the forces that inspired him. His ideology is expressed in
the very first page of the novel: “If my friend is rich. I never mind accepting his
richness. But I never beg courtesy from anybody irrespective of the closeness that he
may have” (ST: 13). Predominantly, at first he felt that the feelings of the Hindus
toward Banaras as a beautiful, cosmic and sacred city are close to reality, and at
different places in the novel this is fully described. The novelist feels that writing a
novel about such a city needs a certain state of realization and experience, especially a
struggle for survival among the accidents and sufferings in life. His own struggle to
get a job in the Banaras Hindu University and the tragic death of his two children,
including the death of his daughter in 1984 due to severe illness, were part of his
repository experiences.
He feels that in the dense darkness of his life, he had created a light through
writing the novel to satisfy his own soul. Above all, ‘death’ is the real truth of life;
those who realise this fact can tell the truth explicitly. The novelist says that he had
experienced personally the sorrow of the dying glories of this city but learnt to have
peace in the darkness. Of course, the tale and narration are based on imagination, but
the underlying realities are always preserved in The Street Turns Yonder. In the field,
both with the novelist and alone, the present author found most of the characters of
the novel in and around the sites and spots described in the novel. Though they speak
for themselves, the identity of the location at some places is, admittedly, inaccurate.
Reising (1986: 166) has rightly warned: “the text’s actual meaning is not a position or
idea articulated by an author through a text, but a struggle within the writer that the
Lawrentian critic can discern by trusting the tale”.

Replying to his critics, the novelist says in the preface to The Blue Moon (1988: ii):

Only those can understand the novel in full who have lived in Varanasi like the
dwellers of the city. One can’t perceive the eternity of this city by showering a few
drops of the Ganga water on his body, or only watching the scene while sitting on the
ghats. It is essential to have experience of the holy dip in the Ganga, lived experiences
of the street culture and participation in the festivities and sacred journeys as a pilgrim
not as a tourist.

Above all, every person has the right to say whatever he experienced, as an outsider or
insider. The novelist is successful in narrating his experiences through his descriptive
power and sheer virtuosity. In his own words the novelist says metaphorically:

I attempted to project the varieties of images of this distinct city which are sometimes
dark, muddy, swampy; however, there is a light and life too. Also, there is “the light of
spirituality” shining at various places in the novel. “The turning of the street” is the
“turning of life.” Who can narrate it without deeper experiences of sufferings?
— interview on October 7, 1992
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 367

In the novel itself the novelist has captured almost all the possible characteristics of
the most common places and has also given more emphasis to the places in the central
part and those along the Ganga river. Even imaginary plots, characters and associated
sites are (indirectly) closely related to reality. This shows the novelist’s deeply rooted
experiences and feelings.
The novel is at most places strong on descriptive details and frequently refers to
history, illustrated with mythologies linked with imagination. However, the novel has
been criticized on this ground. Reviewing this novel, Krishnanath (1975) has
rationally highlighted its weak and strong points. He has indicated that “how others
have seen the novel, I don’t know. That is their job, they do it. I would need that much
of liberty as the novelist has taken himself” (cf. ibid. 3). Following this analogy, I
have also taken liberty in my approach and vision to analyse The Street Turns Yonder.
Krishnanath’s review deals only with the storyline of the book, and fully neglects the
social-cultural perspectives for which personal surveys and understanding of the city
are necessary. Here the latter aspects are given due consideration. But the reviewer
accepts that the novelist has tried to visibly be in every place and in every activity in
the city of Banaras (ibid. 4). This statement has been exemplified with the help of the
novelist’s cognitive maps. He further remarked that “this is an attempt to view
Puranic myth from the vision of modernity, and modernity from the vision of Puranic
myth” (ibid. 3). One can say that in another sense this is the merit of the novel, since it
projects the continuity and contradiction of tradition.
Krishnanath is doubtful about the meaning of the ‘title’; he feels that only the
novelist knows it, or perhaps not even him! To throw light on this issue he suggests
reading the novel from the end:

Which is this street?

Not the street, it is Gol-ghar
Golghar... ! Keep patience. Move on the road, and
at the turning go out. Wherever you want —
Maidagin or Chauk, you can go.
(op. cit. 6, ST: 491)

Mishra (1974: 58) feels that publishing the novel in a series of parts in the Hindi
fortnightly Dharmayuga (from Delhi) has resulted in a lack of continuity and of
narrating climax of events. Moreover, in spite of covering so many spots and plots the
novel has not managed to paint the unique colour of the city, known as Banarasi
(ibid: 57). He further comments that the depiction of this colour was not possible only
through literary sources or imagination, a convincing picture can only come from
deep experiences of the lifeworld of the city. It seems that emotions have overcome
the creativity of the novelist. He again says metaphorically that “since the novelist
missed the way, he rarely attempted to search, and whenever he attempted, he exposes
only his emotional bonds” (ibid: 58).
Agyeya (1974: 62) is of the opinion that the novel is full of mysteries of non-
contextual provoking, and one can only admire the attempt which ends without any
goal. The novel is disappointing as it lacks a constant flow of thought and also any
objective. His comments are further extended by Srivastava (1974: 74), who says that
his presentation of the realities is misleading, and most of the characters never follow
the contextual environment prevailing there, but rather fulfil the wish of the novelist
(ibid. 76). He adds that the author, in fact, ultimately realises that his Vishvanatha (the
patron deity) is now blind, and Annapurna (the chief goddess) carries the burden of
old-age (ibid. 78). It has also been observed that the novelist is biased and never
368 Chapter Twelve

overcome to the stereotype bond of a professional novelist; this indicates that he is

interested in making a story suited to some action-movie for the middle class Indian
audience (cf. Krishnanath, 1975: 78). One of the renowned critics, Namwar Singh
(1980: 4) remarked that “the overuse of similes by Shivprasad Singh poses a serious
threat to the very existence of the story itself”; however, this is not true in most of his
writings.
The novelist’s own student, K.P. Singh (1985: 4) remarked that “the main features
of his personality are his self-centred, self-praising and unsociable nature. Of course,
he is keen to appreciate the feelings of human sense, but always fails to escape from
overcoming his own personality” (ibid. 11). Moreover, his usual style of painting life
is by “using the flash-back system”, which indicates his own emotional feelings rather
than an overall picture of the lifeworld of Banaras, while he never accepted.
These literary criticisms are not taken into consideration for writing this chapter,
instead emphasis is laid on field experiences while describing the spirit of place,
people and culture.
Of course, at some places the novelist’s identity supersedes the character (e.g. ST:
13-15; 30-39), and at other places non-contextual lengthy descriptions are given, like
a picnic at Sarnath (ST: 279-286). Such instances make the reading quite dull.
However, with its masterly vividity, symbolism and real scenes the experiential
feelings are presented with superb descriptive power, and the sheer virtuosity with
which Shivprasad Singh handled the Hindi language. Through field study one can find
most of the notable characters roaming in the areas mentioned, where they speak for
themselves; however at many places the locational identity is misconceived.

Fig. 12.1. Shivprasad Singh’s Cognitive Map of Banaras.

 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 369

The cognitive maps of Shivprasad Singh (cf. Singh, 1985: 296; Fig. 12.1) are
developed from his own mental topography of the city. He was asked to draw the
maps in reference to the places mentioned in the novel (Fig. 12.2). His perception of
the edges in the four directions — the Ganga river in the east, the Asi stream in the
south, the Varana in the north, and the Panchakroshi route in the west — is clear and
strong. In a physical sense, there is a contrast between reality and perception to a
certain extent. However, directions, relative locations and relative scales are close to
their actual counterparts. The novelist’s cognitive map can be compared with a ‘real’
map showing the important places mentioned in novel (Fig. 12.1 and 12.2). It is
obvious that all the characters are closely associated to the areas nearby the Ganga.
This experiential presentation clearly indicates that the novelist has a high level of
awareness towards the Ganga, but not towards the cityscape.

3. The Canvas
While starting to write a novel on Varanasi, Shivprasad Singh decided to prepare a
set of three volumes dealing with the modern, medieval, and ancient cultural
personality of the city; comparable to Lawrence Durrell’s Alexandria Quartet (1957).
The city of Varanasi provided a backdrop and shaped the view of the Indian social
world that he sought to convey in his three novels. He worked on modern society in
the 1970s using the students’ reactions of the late 1960s against the present system of
education and the use of English for teaching as his core themes. That is why there
appears to be a discontinuity in describing the landscape and culture of the city. The
novelist feels that since the city has been the strongest seat of educational learning,
this theme should occupy the central position and that social degradation and
students’ reactions are the result of that time. He further stresses the need and demand
of the society to know the modern culture of Varanasi. These are the main forces
behind writing The Street Turns Yonder. Of course, taking benefit of the contextual
differentiation, Singh narrated the lifeworld of Varanasi.
While writing the novel studied here, under the contextual background Singh also
presented some glimpses of the ancient historical accounts. Four such accounts refer
to the ancient view. The first is the mythology of Harishachandra at the cremation
ghat (ST: 33), taken from the Markandeya Purana (VIII). The others are the story of
Divodas (ST: 192-194) from the Mahabharata (13.31. 26-28), the origin and loss of
rivers at Panchaganga (ST: 347-348) from the Kashi Khanda (59), and the story of
king Brahmadutta’s manipulative strategy for purchasing horses (ST: 273), from the
Tandukanali Jataka (Pt. I. no. 5). These mythologies may be metaphorically analysed
with a view to understanding how worthiness vanished, how a diplomatic strategy was
implemented to remove superstitions and terrors, how sex destroyed the merit of
chastity that resulted in a curse, and the manipulative strategy to get something,
respectively.
370 Chapter Twelve

Fig. 12.2. Varanasi: Referred Sites in Shivprasad Singh’s novel.

 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 371

The period of the 1960s and early 1970s was famous for student agitations
throughout the world. How could a city like Varanasi, a well-known seat of learning,
be left behind in this march! The ‘youth and their reactions’ is the main issue around
which the rest of the subject matter takes turn. Nevertheless, the vivid form and
pattern of the city’s cultural glory and heritage were also described. Singh thought
that the latter provided a background for the former. He further believed that “in spite
of all reactions, struggle within the fast growing crowd, the youth has not reached the
right turning. ...Why?” This novel attempts to answer this basic question, but could
not successfully arrive at a conclusion. Varanasi is one of the most ancient
continuously living cities in the world, where crowds of hippies are found at most of
the old but neglected temples — this does indicate conflict between the old and the
newly developed wealthy culture. Stafford Beer (1975: 44) has rightly lamented:

With so many of youth growing up,

In the hippies, let’s not work, professional-protesting pattern,
There seems little hope for change
In the foreseeable future.

The basic issue, related to the medium of teaching, instruction and government
activities, was to replace English with Hindi, then only in a real sense independence
would be achieved. The students’ movement started against English, but stopped at
the question of removing the police force (PAC) called to suppress them. “Adjustment
is the real slogan of Indian society, competition is a false show” (ST: 318). The other
important issues taken into account are the unique personality of city, the immoral
educational scene, the Ganga’s multidimensional and living character, lifeworld and
turnings, etc. along with several other themes. Coverage of so many themes was not
an easy task. The more closed and traditionally preserved a society is, the harder it is
for its members to isolate themselves from each other and from society as a whole;
and the greater the desire to do so in the interest of nurturing a self or self-integrity.
The concept of mandala compared with turnings, reflecting upon the circle of life,
has been well preserved in the novel. The narrowness of the streets show how
situations change a man in a particular way, and the turnings indicate moments of
change; both go side-by-side in accordance to the contexts. It is this reciprocity that
the lifeworld and lifecycle are represented in different contexts. The spontaneity of the
mandala has been expressed in Western psychology by Carl G. Jung, whose
conclusion is worth comparable to the above analogy developed by Shivprasad Singh:

… the unconscious trend to regard spirit and matter not merely as equivalent but as
actually identical, and this is flagrant contrast to the intellectual one-sidedness, which
would sometimes like to spiritualise matter and other times materialise spirit (Jung,
1972 : 29).

4. Physical Aspects of the City Personality

The high sense of sacredness of the number ‘three’ is vividly symbolised in
Varanasi. In a physical context, Varanasi is famous for three unique sacred entities:
the northerly flow of the Ganga as base, the two cremation ghats as places of the last
rites of life, and overall the golden temple of the patron deity, Lord Vishvanatha (ST:
32-33). This natural and fantastic beauty can’t be established only by its physical
attributes. Singh notes that the beauty of Varanasi can’t be perceived easily without
some obstacles: “Everybody wants to see the beauty, but glancing is not possible
372 Chapter Twelve

without any obstacle; Varanasi is beautiful but without impediments how can one see
that!” (ST: 13).
The number three again corresponds with several trio-notions: the three forms of
Shiva having their independent territory (Omkareshvara in the north, Vishveshvara in
the middle, and Kedareshvara in the south). Three rivers delimit the edges of the city,
i.e. the Varana in the north, the Asi in the south, and the Ganga in the east (ST: 38).
The number three refers to the integrity of three realms, the three qualities and three
original gods in the form of Shiva who has three eyes. In fact, Shiva is a universal
god, having control over the three realms (with three eyes), the four directions (with
four arms), and the five elements (with five forms); altogether this points to
‘wholeness’. Moreover, since the patron deity of the city is Shiva, necessarily the city
possesses a universal identity (see Singh, 1986).
The Ganga provides an arc (ST: 246), and the circle drawn taking the distance
from Panchaganga Ghat to Dehli Vinayaka as radius limits the most sacred territory
(ST: 113). This description is vaguely presented; it should be from Madhyameshvara
to Dehli Vinayaka, which corresponds to the Panchakroshi route (see Singh, 2002:
26). It is mentioned, “this is the only city demarcated by a route of five krosha (11.6
miles) like thread in the garland and Shiva lingams as flowers” (ST: 343). On this
route Dehli Vinayaka serves as a watch god of the western gate of Varanasi.
With the use of symbols and metaphors the milieu of the Panchakroshi route has
been presented. The pilgrims perform the circumambulation in purushottam masa
(intercalary Hindu month in the leap year; ST: 341). The architectural beauty is
symbolised with the religious and divine understanding. About the grand Shiva
lingam at Parma village, Singh expressed: “Here is a human-size Shiva lingam; a
great snake takes round and tightens up the lingam. ...This indicates that energy is
always curious to get Shiva in her arms, but Shiva accepts that appeal as a divine
ornament. The heat of infinity bounds him, but Shiva, after becoming cool, puts it on
his forehead” (ST: 344). This clearly indicates the mystic and divine power of Shiva.
It is unique that all the gods/ demigods from the various holy sites of India came to
Varanasi and were spatially transposed as lingam in the form of Ishvara.
In the Panchakroshi route, after every two lingams (total number 108) lies a
weight-tower (bojhatek) to get the pilgrims relaxed from their weight (ST: 344). This
physical fact has full theological explanations; Singh expressed:

I thought earlier so, but now know that these weight-towers are for those who were
exiled from the city by the curse of Kapaleshvara, and who therefore can’t get relief
from the sin of murdering Brahmins, and thus ultimately are not allowed to enter the
city. It shows that the city is reserved for Brahmin sacrifices (ST: 344).

The high sense of sanctity and spiritual magnetism of Varanasi attracted people
from all over India (cf. Singh 1980: 43), among them migrants from Bengal, Gujarat
and Bihar have a distinct identity (ST: 68). The former two are famous for Mother
Goddess worship, and their deep faith is visualised in the grandness of their
celebrations, decorations and varieties of rituals (ST: 61; 83).
The filthy environmental conditions are concentrated in the areas where Harijans
are settled. Poverty and adaptive mode of living are mixed together, resulting in a
neglected social world cut off from the rest of society. The hero, Ramanand, says:

As soon as I entered along with Nandkishor in the harijan neighbourhood, I was blown
by obnoxious smell... In front of each house lies sewerage, at all the gates there are
garbage-pits. Both sides of the streets are filled with urine and excreta. In the name of
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 373

domestic animals, most of them have goats... (ST: 183; also 188).

Harijans always feel the negligence of society:

We are poor, harijans. That’s why our prestige has no value at all. Even chastity is
measured on the scale of caste and purity-pollution (ST: 245; also 186).

Though the city does not have a strong industrial base, still there are slums-like
settlements everywhere as in more developed cities. Harijan bastis are typical
examples. Comparing Banaras’ sanctified glory at one end, and its filthy environment
at the other, the invisible and the dark side can be felt together. With the use of simile
the city is described thus: “In the silence of night and the environment of darkness, the
houses of Banaras look distinct. Everything is stopped, as if a photographer would try
to catch the picture of the city in a very dim light...” (ST: 246). Here the photographer
is the divine spirit, darkness the dark-side and the dim light the evil part of the society
— poverty and filthiness. This makes clear that in spite of divine presence man is
solely responsible for creating dark spots in this holy city.

5. Metaphor and Milieu: The Spots

One of the most popular couplets in Varanasi says, “Widows, bulls, stairs and
ascetics; only by avoiding these can one enjoy Kashi” (cf. ST: 114). Indeed, the
narrow lanes filled with crowds and wandering cows, bulls and ascetics are unique
features of this city (ST: 361; see p. 40 this book). In spite of the natural beauty of the
city along the Ganga (famous for purity), the city presents a dirty and filthy
environment:

... Every river dreams to carry the load of an excellent city like Varanasi. Similarly,
each country is hopeful for its youth to continue and make the old traditions more
relevant and useful (as preserved by the ancestors) out of the ruins and garbage. The
hope of this great city can’t be lost in nothingness (ST: 276).

But the situation is not very promising. This statement reminds Muktibodh’s
(1975/1964: 51) poem “Self-expression of an ex-reactionary”:

You do have sorrows,

I too have sorrows.
We’re suppressed under a ruined house.
It is difficult even to cry,
impossible... ...
Even to move.

This is comparable to Singh’s exclamation (ST: 80, based on a Bengali song):

“Brothers!
Let’s hear the story of the life-less city.
On brick and remains here,
its pains and sufferings engraved”.

A content analysis of newspapers gives the impression that the city is reserved for
sinners: “It is a lifeless and unknown city, and famous for corrupt deeds and murders
as reported in daily newspapers. This has given me impression that Banaras is the city
374 Chapter Twelve

of gundas” (ST: 337).

The city abounds in mythological stories where the gods and sages manipulate
things to their advantage; in later days similar examples of stories of black marketeers
and smugglers follow this tradition (ST: 102). One of the explanations for this state of
things is inferred from the story of Harishchandra, who had to tolerate all kinds of
torturing tests for being a follower of the path of truth. Later on he went to heaven
with all his subordinates, leaving only liars and wantons in the city (ST: 33).
Hemachandra’s Kumaracharita (3.59; written in CE 1184) referred to this city as
thaganam sthanam (‘the abode of thieves’). Another text of the 12th century, Pandit
Damodar Sharma’s Ukti-Vyakti Prakarana (38.28-30) also gives similar descriptions
(see Dubey, 1985: 38).
Even as late as in 1856, Svami Dayanand, the founder of the Arya Samaj, was
defeated by failing to explain a false sacred metre from the Upanishad. He stood
confused, and ultimately he was declared defeated: “The art to make right from
anything wrong has flourished well in this city. The city is famous for the art of
making anything wrong look like real through manipulations” (ST: 45).
The only city having dead-body homes where its carriers come, wait, relax and
proceed to the ghats, is Varanasi. These houses have also a special sense of joie de
vivre and delight:

...Formerly I never understood the function of corpse carriers, but when the city became
an abode of joie de vivre for me, and I too became one among the many street
wanderers, I slowly realised I realised the naturality of this. ...Death is also a
celebration. If you cannot believe it, watch the duties of the corpse-carriers. After
burning the corpse, followed by a holy dip in the Ganga, they eat puri-kachauri at the
street-shops in Kachauri Gali. Frequently they talk to each other about the various
stages and happenings of the cremation of the corpse. While talking, they never express
any emotion or attachment to the dead — as if the talk was serving the function of
chatni [a spicy sauce dish] to put one more mouthful of food in the belly so easily (ST:
280)..

In many places the novelist has commented on the notorious activities of the
pandas/ ghatias (priests at the ghats). The movie Sangharsha (‘struggle’), released in
1963 and based on a novel in Bengali, highlights various such deeds performed by the
pandas. These include murder, cheating, forgery, illicit sex, crime, etc. In Singh’s
novel too, such instances are mentioned at various places. Self-praise is the most
common feature of almost all the pandas (ST: 255). In course of time they fall into
degradation by drinking wine in the company of low-status people and taking part in
corrupt deeds; therefore they are sometimes called Gundas (ST: 256). The pandas
project themselves as contractors to help the souls in crossing the Vaitarini
(mythological obnoxious river lying between heaven and hell), which souls have to
cross after death. People having high faith in the realm of the dead (yama loka), and
wishing to get a place in heaven, naturally contact the pandas to perform sacred
rituals. The novelist reacts to this attitude, and says that pandas, in fact, never
guarantee the crossing, but rather degrade the person and victimise him under the
shadow of sacred rituals (ST: 174). They are even involved in encouraging pick-
pocketing and other criminal acts happening at the ghats (ST: 200).
In the city daily instances of terrorism can be noted: “Terrorism is a great disaster.
It is like a black cloud moving all around every time” (ST: 275). In fact, “it is a hatred
item, it never originates outside; it is like the germination of bacteria in the human
body. ... It is an infectious disease which spreads over a large mass” (ST: 275).
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 375

Everybody is fearful and suspicious about others, like in the Orwellian negative
utopia: “Big Brother is watching” (Orwell, 1949: 17, and 175). A culture of ‘gangster
oppression’ is now a common scene.
Under the banner of so many names, and under the shadow of hypocrites like the
Orwellian dualact, there are many persons degrading humanity and justice. The novel
mentions:

You think that you are following your path rightly, that there exists no relation with
other happenings!. But this is a false notion of yours. You may not quarell with
anybody, but somebody may certainly quarell with you. He may put your life in serious
trouble.
That’s why I said, to be alive there is a need of training. And you give all training of
those kinds, I said (ST: 214).

The personality of Bakkad Guru/ V.N.P. Singh reflects a complete view of the
mentality of terrorists, who under various shadows do all kinds of inhuman acts on
behalf of others, for which they receive money in return (ST: 214; 225). Such people
are the overall controllers of the network of the system. But Banaras has been famous
for even the high morality of gundas (see several stories by ‘Rudra’ 1967, chapter 8 of
this book). In the present novel the personality of Rajulli shows a similar character.
The hero expresses: “In my short life I have seen so many gundas, but Rajulli is
distinct among all, he worshipped humanity. I think that except those who became
gundas by profession (the loafers), the rest are open-minded and kind hearted ...I am
happy that still such kind of gundas are living in Varanasi, of course like an abridged
edition of a book” (ST: 351).
In spite of several such strange situations, the lively culture of joie de vivre and
being carefree is maintained in the city. Remarking on the continuity of this tradition,
the novelist cites the story of Tulasi, a great Bhakta-poet of 16th-17th century:
“Tulasi, the great poet of the people ... You know! Tulasi consumed poison
throughout his life for the good of the society and gave nectar to the mass of the
community” (p. 77). Tulasi was a symbol of the carefree; the novelist says (ST: 57):

Call me wanderer, ascetic, washerman,

Or Sari-weaver, whatever you like,
I take food from alms, that’s why there’s no need
To implore or beg anybody, whoever he may be.

With such strong emotional bonds, the city creates an environment of carefreeness
and delight. Watching side-shows is everywhere very popular:

This is a unique city. No room to move, no straight passage to go ahead here and there,
but if a showman comes, citizens stop all the activities and watch the show. ...In this
crowd, the show-watchers will try to make room somehow to watch the show very
closely. For this attempt, a strong competition starts (ST: 106).

As in Calcutta (Kolkata), the kaleidoscopic scene of the celebration of Durga Puja

appears in Varanasi. The city has the unique glory of combining these three
ingredients: devoted faith, decorated lighting, and dancing programmes. In the same
period three regional representations of festivities happen — Durga Puja of Bengalis,
Garaba of Gujaratis, and Ramalila of Bhojpuri-Hindus. Such scenes, reflecting a
microcosm of India, are found only in Banaras (ST: 80). A glimpse of the
deteriorating Bengali culture can be seen with young people’ watch for sex in Durga
376 Chapter Twelve

Puja. One of such youths expresses: “Let us move to the Ghat, there exists another
face of beauty. There one can see beautiful girls (achha mala)” (ST: 81).
Dualistic nature of culture is seen even with the style of taking food. How
urbanites feel superior to ruralities can be seen in this context. “This specific style is
reserved for only rich men, i.e. to eat slowly, so that they may not think that
somebody is an over-eater. Just imagine this! Even the style of taking food is affected
with the culture of richness...” (ST: 95).
Hindu culture is dominated by the ordinances of Brahminism, therefore a Brahmin
is perceived as equivalent to a god (ST: 187). On the other end instances of reactions
are notable everywhere, especially among untouchables (harijans). The hero
Ramanand asks a harijan girl, who in turn reacts against Brahminism while
exemplifying her experiences:

... I am awakening my Brahmin soul to bless you for well being, and you are weeping!
Your blessing will never be fruitful. Your mantras are now dead. Milk for medical aid
is now scarce, and you are talking about a milk-bath. If I have no home or even
companion, how would my children be happy? Before coming out from the womb my
children had to be sacrificed! Do you understand...?
Ramanand was pleased, and commented: This is the real spirit of the female energy
(ST: 172).

Begging is another impartial part of the scene. An intelligent beggar says, “you can
get alms only if you pose in a pitiful way. If you would behave morally, you would be
abused. At least you have to learn a lesson” (ST: 243). He clearly says that the whole
world is a beggar: “The Giver is only One (God), and the whole world is a beggar. I
have seen how big persons do anything for money — request, defile, immoral deeds,
tolerance and what not!, even beggars cannot behave like this” (ST: 231). It can be
compared with the saying that “money is everything, so everything is justified for
money”. There are more beggars in Banaras than in any other city its size, and “there
can be no two ways of thinking about them. It is their lot to beg as it is yours to give”
(Kumar 1992: 37).
With a constant influx of visitors, Banaras is a haven for mendicants and beggars
who have quit their worldly pursuits. Beggars never feel ashamed for their profession
and have their organised life and family, of course strongly male dominated society
(cf. Fig. 12.3). Many of them have their own houses or hutments on the land provided
by the government under the scheme of rehabilitation of poor and beggars. Any
visitor no way gets escape from encountering panda (priests at the ghat or temple) or
bhikhamangas (beggars). The beggars, like pandas, forcefully persuade the passing
visitor or pilgrims to loosen their purse string. This sometimes turns to unpleasant,
however is residual satisfaction that the money is going for some dharmic (religious)
purposes. These beggars are accustomed to tolerance of humiliation and negligence,
but on special religious occasion they project themselves like king. This lifeways is
another example of carefreeness (masti).
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 377

Fig. 12.3. Banaras, a scene of organised beggars, 1878.

Some of the important temples now provide shelter for sex and crime. One
wandering ascetic warns the hero Ramanand:

You will be punished for your honesty, and be suppressed and pressurised for your
modesty and worthiness. You are too tender. Have you not seen couples mating in the
Sankata temple? What have you thought about these holy temples? There are snake-
retreats underneath these temples where boa-snakes wander, rats jump and go into the
mouth of death. All kinds of corrupted deeds are performed there. Are these acts right?
You are living in the university. Tell me, whatever happens in the temple there, is that
right? Tell me the truth! (ST: 198).

The condition of the charity houses, maths (monasteries) and widow-homes is

deteriorating day-by-day. Maths are now becoming rats’ shelters, and also the victim
of unauthorised capturing (ST: 23). The present condition of the government offices is
comparable to the widow-homes. Discarded widows come to reside in these homes,
where they pass their time collecting food, gossiping, abusing each other and talking
about their memories of younger days related to love, sex and prosperity (ST: 97).
One of the most distinct occupations in Varanasi is sari weaving. But the condition
of the weavers is very pitiable. They are victims of exploitation, bindings and
demoralisation. Thatheri bazaar is the main centre of the sari trade. One Muslim sari-
weaver (Julaha) repents: “If my product is so poor in quality, please leave it so... If
this is your way of dealing with business, our wives may well sit at the houses of
prostitutes. … Even the cost of silk will not be reimbursed...” The merchant bargains:
“My dear! Take ten rupees more; why are you so angry? We are not purchasing
without paying the price...” (ST: 262). The city is famous for bargaining in most of
the economic exchanges.
378 Chapter Twelve

The novelist believes that good and bad run side-by-side since the origin of
humankind; indeed they are opposites that cannot stand independently.

6. The Ganga: Metaphor and Meanings

As the Ganga symbolises Shiva’s energy, she has also three forms — heavenly
river, earthly river, and underworld river (Singh 1987: 316). This river is considered
as the most sacred. The whole Hindu lifecycle is related with ritual purification by
water, especially of the Ganga; in fact, the same concept of ‘lifeflow’ may be
symbolically represented with ‘waterflow’. We can bring to attention here the concept
of Gangaisation, a process of transposition and perception in which many rivers or
water bodies are conceived as being the Ganga during sacred baths and on other
auspicious events. The Ganga river has received special importance in Hinduism as
‘purifier’; in fact, she may be said to be the cradle of Indian culture and civilisation.
This idea has been reflected metaphorically by depicting the Ganga in twenty-one
colours (compare: 7 circuits, chakras, multiplied by 3 mythical realms, lokas, equals
to 21) in Kashi, which can be categorised into seven groups. It is to be noted with
sadness that due to serious threat by human encroachment causing to physical and
cultural pollutions many of the good colours are progressively turning into blackness.
A sensitive walker has expressed that “a walk along the ghats presents another image
too, one of poverty and crowding. And, another is of filthy and polluted scenes
created by the garbage piles, sewerage, breeding diseases, drains carrying human
waste directly to the stream, occasionally floating corpses and also pouring toxins
from India’s burgeoning industrial sector” (cf. Singh and Rana 2006: 103; see p. 323
of this book).

6.1. Distinct Beauty

The northerly route of the Ganga in Kashi is like a bow-bend. This unique setting
naturally encourages everyone to think over its historical past. All rivers are
conceived as feminine in India. The Ganga looks like a chaste virgin girl who has
placed the pot of Indian culture on her bent waist; how grand this ever-lasting and
immortal light in arc-form is! (ST: 19). It has been compared with the description
given in the Brahmavaivarta Purana (Kashi Rahasya 2.13.38):

What is that divine light

reflecting over water in arc,
Which even during the cosmic flood
remains as it always was.

Just after the annual flood the ghats are covered by silt and clay, therefore many
people go into the current by boat for taking bath on the other side. The morning
scene at that time makes one think of a young female-snake trying to bind the city
(ST: 126). Ganga delimits the eastern boundary of the sacred territory of Kashi (ST:
341). One of the five most sacred ghats, Panchaganga is considered as the site of the
meeting of five rivers, while one can see only the Ganga (ST: 347). The novelist
omitted to mention that the Yamuna and the invisible Sarasvati joined the Ganga at
Prayaga/ Allahabad (127 km upstream from Banaras), and together they arrived to
Kashi when Bhagiratha led the Ganga across north India (Kashi Khanda 59).
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 379

6.2. Medium of Transport and Shelter

The constantly flowing stream serves as a channel for transport, especially for
carrying patients from the congested parts of the city. Even at the more crowded peak
times, one can easily travel by boat between Asi and Panchaganga ghats (ST: 308).
Moreover, for boatmen the Ganga is a shelter where they pass most of their daily
routine; and during the hot season, the Ganga helps to give relief from heat. During
the time of hot-winds (loo), the children of poor boatmen happily bathe and swim the
day long. Like a mother, the Ganga serves these children by relieving them from the
loo. Thus, she serves as a means of transport, subsistence, shelter and relief (ST: 353).

6.3. Cursor of Flood

The water level of the Ganga starts to rise after Ganga Dashahra (10th waxing
fortnight of Jyeshtha, (May/June), but soon after the rains start the increase gains
momentum, and slowly the steps at the ghats get submerged; the width of the river
also slowly increases (ST: 37, 57). The situation becomes worst at the times when
water reaches into the lanes; everybody takes all precautions for safety. The people
compare this with the cosmic flood (ST: 70). It appears as if the Ganga was trying to
replace the city, and having failed now enters into the lanes (ST: 71-72):

The flood water left all its moral orders, and, failing to push back the arc-sited city,
started flowing wherever it found way. The Asi Bridge merged into the belly of the
drain. On the Durgakund-University road and the bridge there, the water flowed with a
murmuring sound. Looking into the current of the Ganga one can imagine a grand
charisma. The basement of Ramanagar fort, and the trees lying around, all gone into the
water ...The sun was rising. The floodwater was flowing with a unique gurgle sound....

We can compare this with Khushwant Singh’s description of the monsoon rains:

And the sound or water spouting down from the roof, the gurgle of the gutters and of
the rain falling in torrents was like a lullaby. .. (1959: 105).

Describing the peak flood of 10th September 1967, Singh says:

Someone was bounded somewhere, and some other man was entangled somewhere
else. In spite of not willing to, Sichanna was in the grip of Jhulani. Bhagtin doesn’t
want, but was living in the tight hold of the Pujari. There developed a flood-time
relationship. But up to what extent the flood of new blood can tolerate such bonded-
illegal relationships? No longer at all! (ST: 78).

This metaphorical statement indicates the challenge to physical (land) and

psychological (mind) states of extremities and consequential boundlessness.
During the flood, the Ganga becomes more voluminous and speedy. Under the
shadow of clouds, the muddy water of the Ganga appears to be completely black (ST:
246). During this period, the two cremation ghats become more polluted, but,
endowed with strong faith, people continue to perform their ritual performances there
without any hesitation.
380 Chapter Twelve

6.4. Multiplicity in Seasonal Beauty

In different seasons the Ganga reflects rays of vivid colours of beauty, providing
different inspirations and moods. During the rainy season the meeting of clouds with
the river looks as if the clouds wished to kiss the river, one can especially contemplate
this scene looking from Asi Ghat towards Malaviya Bridge in the north (ST: 18). In
November, near the open fields bordering the Ganga around the Asi area, one can
enjoy the sunrise and its reflection on the quiet and calm Ganga. The wavy movement
of the reflected light upon the river calls for thinking on the divine (ST: 125). In this
season the beauty of the all-covering greenery spotted by the yellow flowers of
mustard on both the sides of the river is overwhelming (ST: 267).
In the mornings of April the Ganga shines showing her whitest face. Dressed with
a light-blue sari, the white face of the Ganga indicates that, in spite of darkness, there
lies the most pious and clean body (ST: 232). In Jyeshtha (May/June), the blowing
winds carrying sand sometimes form a mirage. These natural beauties are unparalleled
in any part of the world.

6.5. Place of Daily Rituals and Routines

Since the ancient past the Ganga has been serving as an altar of rituals and
sacrifices. It is the place where, according to mythology, king Harishchandra sold his
son as a sacrifice to follow the path of truth (ST: 15). Pulled by the river’s high mystic
power of sanctity, people from all parts of India came and got settled along her
borders (ST: 23). A holy dip in the Ganga keeping full faith in her purifying power is
the normal ritual practice among the settlers (ST: 295).

6.6. Flow and Theology

The pilgrims and devotees come close to the Ganga and pay regards to her as a
motherly river, shouting: “Hail to the mother Ganga... ...” (Ganga maiya ki jai) (ST:
13). More than others, boatmen strongly perceive her as mother (ST: 353). The holy
river is thought to be constant, ever-lasting and ever-flowing even during the cosmic
food; it preserves the divine light described in the Kashi Rahasya (ST: 19; compare
the Kashi Khanda 26.67).
The Ganga conveys a message of peace and silence that is comparable to the
pigeons living in the nearby houses. Indeed, pigeons themselves are considered as a
symbol of peace (ST: 134). One can realise the meaning of silence at the banks of
Ganga; this silence itself is self-realisation (ST: 146). For those not having that state
of mind, the Ganga will slowly indicate the notion of non-attachment (ST: 161; also
319). This metaphor shows that like water, life has a cycle of flow, movement and
interaction.
Life reaches its climax in death, the return of the soul to its origin. This message is
metaphorically expressed by the northerly flow of the Ganga: “A river coming from
the north has to flow towards the south, but it is only in Kashi where it turns back
towards the north, conveying the message: return to the origin...” (ST: 357). The
Ganga calls for travelling back to the earliest beginning of the world. This message
manifests the transcendental value of place and life. It clearly attempts to answer the
Vedic quest — “Who am I? From where did I come?” (ko aham, kuta ayatah).
Ultimately, the body made of the five basic organic elements (i.e. earth, water, fire, air
and ether) will be again decomposed into these five elements after death; this is the
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 381

cycle of life.

6.7. A Site for Sinners and Thugs

The ghats are well known as a place for cheating and sins (ST: 200). On the steps
beggars sleep in the open space after becoming tired with their daily routine; it is their
shelter (ST: 57). Like a mirage, the Ganga is also a great site of forgery (ST: 347);
deviant youngsters even have sex in the boats at dusk (ST: 160).
Scholars have described the Ganga in historical, philosophical, geographical and
geological perspectives, but the lived experiences and feelings of the Banaras-
dwellers have been presented in this novel with vividness and symbolic reflections.

7. The Polytheistic Character of Hindu Society

Most of the narration and plot of stories of the novel are gleaned from the regional
context, but they really project a pan-Indian scene, especially the Hindu social world,
which is well known for its ‘multiple arrangements’ (see Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi, 1983:
4). In all spheres of society, Hindu traditions record paradoxical expressions and
adjustments, but it can’t be described as hassliebe (‘hate-love’ as the Germans say).
Hindus are proud of their ancient glory, but distressed for the ongoing cultural
deterioration. Since man is the most sublime creature on the earth, “to know the man
perfectly is essential. Only then one would intermix with others. But who knows the
other perfectly?” (ST: 313).
The quest and search for the complementary half-part (male and female energy,
i.e., Yin and Yang, as so many other sets of pairs) has continued since the ancient past,
and hopefully will continue in future. Hindu mythology notes that Shiva with his
trident (the three forks symbolising thesis, antithesis, and synthesis) divided all life-
organisms into male and female. Search from both sides is always going on with a
view to forming unity. The specific form of Shiva representing unity is known as
“Ardhanarishvara” (god half-male and half-female). This divine form creates the
mysteries in the ever-expanding universe (ST: 196). But due to illusion, the unreal
looks real, and the real looks dark and unreal.
Simplicity is one of the ways for being human, which is the need of the time:
“Don’t be a big man, this does not matter, rather be a real human being” (ST: 355). Of
course, one has to pay a heavy price for becoming so simple, with the result that life
becomes fearful: “You are so simple that you are even unable to say a word against
injustice. That’s why anybody can easily stress and destroy you without any
hesitation” (ST: 46). This statement reminds the need for mixture in all the pure
materials. Bimal Mitra says, “Absolute truth is a false notion. A little bit mixture of
falsehood makes the truth a real appearance, like a golden ornament cannot be made
without mixing some other metal” (Mitra 1985: 260; also 254-264).
Life is considered like a place where everybody is a guest: “Here everybody is a
guest. Someone for a few days, others for a longer period, but everybody is a guest.
There, the question of host-ship does not arise” (ST: 93). We can juxtapose this with
Shakespeare’s expression in As You Like It (II. viii, 139):

All the world’s stage.

And all the men and women merely players.

The modern world is too complex. Its root-causes are uncountable; also, “it is
382 Chapter Twelve

worthless trying to know the root-causes” (ST: 318). But optimism gives a new path
to life: “If society wants to destroy you, struggle and teach them a lesson. Don’t be
disappointed” (ST: 61-62). Of course the novelist’s own life was full of sorrows and
sufferings; he encouraged the youth to struggle for rationality. Nowadays Orwellian
negative thoughts are encouraged with appreciation in the society: “Worthiness is a
curse. Ignorance is strength” (Orwell, 1949: 17). Similar expressions are also found in
Singh’s novel studied here.
The social norms and rules as ordained by the Dharmashastras (‘Books of
Religious Order’) are biased towards males and make such adjustments to get an
escape for males without excuses. The Nobel laureate novelist Naipal (1977: 53)
mentions:

Hinduism has not been good enough for the millions. It has exposed us to a thousand
years of defeat and stagnation. … Its philosophy of withdrawal has diminished men
intellectually and not equipped them to respond to challenge....

The present novel also mentions such reactions but such cries result in negligence in
the society:

‘Let these shastras be burnt’, she expressed with anger, ‘all these shastras are to torture
women... How amazing are the regulations of the social world! How amazing these
shastras are!’ (ST: 149).
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Harimangal exclaimed, ‘we are against the shastras since childhood; therefore, they are
neglected at home and not accepted in the society (ST: 150).

Youth is not really reacting to the traditional norms and rules of the society, but
rather struggling for individualism:

Rajjo laughed: Whatever the -ism may be, either socialism, equalitarianism or
Gandhism, all are somehow or other a garment. Man is the same man as was in the
past. ... The struggle of the youth unrest is the competition for capturing position,
somehow to avail opportunities even without deserving it, and nothing more than that.
Within the tight underwear we all are animals (ST: 291).

This reminds us of Jonathan Swift’s saying “Principally I hate and detest that
animal called man” (Letter to Pope, Sept. 29, 1725).
Hindu society is deteriorating not only in terms of family affairs (ST: 337), or by
breaking such social ties like inter-caste marriage (ST: 299), rather the whole basic
nature of democracy in India has changed its mottoes, at least in practice. Politics has
become just a means to get the chair of power (ST: 274-75), and now the motto
followed is that “the Government is off the people, bye the people, and far from the
people”, as paraphrased after the famous address given by Abraham Lincoln (Speech,
Nov. 19, 1863; cf. Singh, Rana 1999: 57). An honest character shuns taking any part
in politics (p. 275).
Adjusting to injustice and misdeeds and flattering to please powerful persons with
a view to maintaining one’s position and getting undue benefits are common in Indian
society; of course, their roots go to India’s ancient past (pp. 90, 318). Through the
back doors there exist many job opportunities that do not exist through proper
channels (p. 245). Under various colour of dress, there exits man in animal form;
specific dress clearly denotes a particular group of the society or idealism (ST: 144).
The deeds and actions of police are beyond imagination. With terror and torture
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 383

they can do whatever they like. Torture and brutality are very common acts of the
Indian police (Naipaul, 1977: 115). The machinery of administration is made in such a
manner that an attempt for transformation turns into ruins so quickly. Says the
novelist, “Many enthusiastic persons tried to make this machinery more humane
through a radical change, but in response the machinery itself took their lives. In fact,
it never provides another chance to have them survive and to be human” (ST: 178).
Adjustment is the great slogan we learnt from our ancestors (ST: 176, 318).
All three possible ways to respond to the circumstances of life are described with
several examples, viz. neutrality (as cited above), depression, and reaction. The
climax of depression may lead to suicide. At some stage, when all the ways to lead
life are closed, a man tries to get relief through the act of suicide. Jamana, presently a
wandering ascetic, remembered his bad days in the past and expresses how he thinks
afterwards:

If life is felt to be useless, the realization between “to be” and “not to be” is lost; then
the only way to eternal peace is by committing suicide! ... With a great destiny we are
born as human beings; however, if life becomes depressing and terrorised like that of
beasts, then suicide is not a bad retreat (ST: 235).

The city of Varanasi is perceived to be a refuge for sinners ― an extraordinary

cultural notion in this city where “a thousand persons perform religious singing in
groups (kirtana) honoring the murky lamp; there are few people who can tolerate the
light of truth” (ST: 243). Compare Chaudhuri (1979: 172), who cites a Sanskrit
couplet based on Wilson’s translation from the Vishnu Purana:

For those who are ignorant of the revealed scriptures and the sacred traditions, who
have abandoned purity and proper conduct, and for those who have nowhere else to go,
for them Banaras (Varanasi) is the refuge.

Despite these problems, a great country like India and its culture survive. When the
hero Ramananda raises his voice, his experienced friend replies:

Oh! Stupid! How could you be alive without combating these smugglers, politicians,
liars and rowdy persons living under white garments? Obviously you can survive, but
life would be even worse than death. (ST: 120)

The distress and disappointment make the novelist react with a sarcastic ‘utopian’
vision. He opines that the mythological sage Vishvamitra will create a new form of
man to annihilate human attributes that get in the way of man’s social ambitions:

I am Vishvamitra. I would make a man whose arms will be in the legs so that without
bending down he may touch the feet of elders (so-called). One of the eyes will be in the
back to watch the critics at the back. I will remove both the ears of man. No need to
hear any person’s prayer. No need even to do this as man never hears even with cars. I
will put only a hole at the place of the nose ― there is no need for facial beauty (ST:
303).

The line sketch of this utopian man (see Fig. 12.4) is comparable to Sir John
Mandeville’s illustrations inspired from 14th-century travel accounts (cf. James 1972:
121-22).
384 Chapter Twelve

Fig. 12.4. All Possible Worlds: Utopian Man:

(A) Animal Man, (B) Hungry Man without Head,
(C) Brutal Man (cf. Sir Mandeville’s 15th century World; after James, 1972: 122);
and (D) Vishvamitra’s Divine Man.

Especially the three sketches of Mandeville’s utopian man portrait the animality,
hunger and loss of intellect, as well as the brutality of man. Vishvamitra’s divine man
is imagined with some of the basic “drawbacks” resolved through the replacement of
different parts of the human body; now man is freely adapted to his own degradation.
Of course, most of the utopian thoughts are related to a good place out of no place,
but here the novelist attempts to create an extraordinary man out of defiled man. This
proposition at least encourages thinking over the issue of making man a real humane
species.

8. Place Speaks: Awakened and Dead

The space, which by human transformation converges into place, has also
possesses a sense of expression in two ways — positive and negative. With a self-
awakening, one can realise the aliveness of a place:

Place is also alive, Tiwari! One’s own place is as much acquainted as one’s own wife,
and you can not behave in whatever manner you want without any hesitation and
suspicion... (ST: 145).

The environment of a place and a person’s emotional bondage in its connection

characterises the multiple sense of perception:

For the first time I realised that place has also a sense of aliveness. Like humans, even
places are sometimes alive and sometimes dead, I heard so. Place can’t be only this; it
can suck the blood, like rainy clouds it can also stimulate the regulation of blood in a
dying person. I realised this only within ten minutes that I was going in a state of
transcendence... (ST: 361).

There are some sacred places which are famous for silence, peace and relaxation,
generating a new insight of life (e.g. Durga Temple; ST: 41), and at some places one
realises the non-attachment to this world as everything is mortal — subject to death.
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 385

Among the latter places the cremation ghats is notable. It has its own unique
personality:

It swallows everything in his mouth. Sometimes visitors find it fearful, because terrific
scenes and obnoxious smell are there. For workers, boatmen, washermen, and funeral
priests, those who work there day-and-night, this place is like their garment — it is
neutral for them (ST: 317).

The specific character of a unique place is the understanding of silence, which

conveys its message through mute language. Time talks, space speaks, only when one
learns the language of silence:

Silence is also invaluable stuff. If you don’t disturb it, it will be reflected with the light
of an unbelievable self-confidence (and self-realisation), and if disturbed it will change
its mood and warn you like an excited snake’s hood... (ST: 146).

A metaphorical explanation for the increasing sins among Banaras-dwellers may

be found with the help of the logical story of the Dhutpapapa river, once existent at
Panchaganga Ghat but now relegated to a shallow-hole. It is a matter of controversy
“whether Dhutpapapa removes the sins committed by Kashi’s citizens, or it swallows
them, or puts sins into depth, and flowing innocently underneath...” (ST: 347).
There are two unique mystic forms of supernatural demigods for which Varanasi is
famous, i.e. Bhairava and Bir. Bhairava is considered as a terrifying form of Shiva
who, by replacing the lord of death (Yama), looks after the misdeeds and accounts the
worldly activities of any person living in Kashi. As divine guardian of the eight
directions, Bhairava controls all the sacred territory of Kashi through his eight notable
forms: Ruru (at Hanumanghat), Chanda (at Durgakund), Asitanga (near Briddhakal
Kupa), Kapali (known as Lat Bhairava in Alaipura), Krodhan (in Kamachha),
Unmatta (in Deora village along the Panchakroshi route), Samhara (in Gaighat), and
Bhishana (in Lohatia, known as Bhuta).
Out of the eight Bhairavas, two are represented in the novel. Unmatta, literally
defined as ‘excited’, who symboles the reaction against evil, calls for being more
practical in place of idealism. He inspires the hero, “Live on the surface bravely, and
search for your bread” (ST: 356). The city of Varanasi is famous for manipulating to
defeat the worthy and truthful, therefore Unmatta warns to become alert about that
(ST: 45); and even, from a sexual point of view, he inspires us to unite with one’s
lover (ST: 139). He further warns to be well aware about one’s own capacity for
doing any job (ST: 186); and also to do something to make the nation stronger: “Wait
and see the happenings! This great country is not made just only for destruction” (ST:
276). Chanda Bhairava, the killer of evil doers, is now under the grip of cheaters (ST:
41-42); therefore one has to be aware and escape from such practices.
Kashi has been famous for Yaksha worship that goes into historical past, even
before Shiva worship. Yakshas are considered as the assistants of Bhairava, and
guardian demigods. According to folk tradition their number is believed to be fifty
two, but in fact their number might have been fifty six, in parallel with the fifty six
Vinayakas whose shrines are lying at the intersection of the eight directional radials
and the seven atmospheric circumferences (Singh 1986: 308-309). Among the Birs,
Lahura, Bhoju, Murchali, Daitrya, Dyoriha, Dhyondiya, Brahma, Karman, Manika,
Deora, Bulla and Murkatta are still active and worshipped on different auspicious
occasions in different neighbourhoods. The Murkatta, literally ‘whose head has been
cut down’, symbolises the defeat and loss of intellect: “All the intellectuals in your
386 Chapter Twelve

department (of the university) are attacking each other with swords of abuse. Tricking
was common, but now direct attacks started. This has provoked the loss of their
heads. All are now Murkatta (beheaded) Birs” (ST: 165).

9. Immoral Educational Scene

Since the present period, the Kali Yuga, is known as the era of falsehood and
conflicts, one can realise this most prominently among the higher educational
institutions, like universities. As early as in 1958, in the convocation address of
Gorakhpur University S. Radhakrishnan remarked: “We are passing through an era
where evil can’t be punished and intellect can’t be rewarded.” Juvenal also noted:
“Prohitas landatur et alget” (Honesty is praised and starves; from Satires i. 74). The
Nobel laureate Albert Szent-Gyorgyi warned alarmingly: “We are helpless in the face
of this terrible strain of idiots who govern the world”. This trend has gained
momentum slowly with the passage of time. Universities have lost their boundaries:

University has its boundary from the remote past; but deviant youths’ reactions
destroyed it. Outside youths are constantly entering into the campus to enjoy the inside
life. Nobody knows who those youths are. ... There is a unique thing with them, that
even if they would want, they would be unable to have a feeling of reverence for the
university. How could this be? They are not in touch with books, the teaching
community, or they have no fear at all for failing in the examination (as they are not
enrolled).... (ST: 271-272).

Moreover, the increasing corruption in examinations encourages this tendency (ST:

39). Yearly strikes and late examination are common routine (ST: 340).
The university hospital (B.H.U.!), especially the student ward, is now a retreat for
relaxation and good health. There “some students are really ill, and some come to get
rest and improve their health. In every corner of life leaders are available. For
example, there are leaders among thieves and robbers in jail, similarly there are
leaders among the patients (in the student ward)” (ST: 340).
Of course, the devoted teachers never relate politics with teaching, but they have to
pay a price for that. In fact, “in India the path of truth and worthiness is made of
thorny bushes, and always unstable, therefore people avoid following that path” (ST:
30). Under a good teacher to get a scholarship is also a problem (ST: 93). To adjust
with the situation many teachers try to prove themselves as ultra-modern while
“taking tea-coffee, breakfast, and dinner with students”. This is the identification of
the so-called modern intellectuals (ST: 165). Such tendencies are rapidly increasing.
The main root of students’ unrest is assumed to be the generation gap (ST: 270).
There is a strong competition to occupy every position: “whatever it may be, chair or
position, wealth/ property, opportunities, or even women for sex, with everything
there is a tussle between the old and new generations to control it” (ST: 103).
In coping with the western culture, the whole energy of students is getting swept
away from self-realisation, rationality, and proceeding towards a real aim. They are
becoming deviants (ST: 349). To enjoy the lust of power they manipulate everything,
but always cry for saving democracy (ST: 273). Moreover, sex-involvement is also
becoming their part:

All students’ unrest is moving around sex! Why? Even in Bengali society, in the name
of struggle only sex and drinks are accepted as their motto. Children do not like their
parents because parents do not procure them enjoyments... Everybody is trying to live
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 387

his own life (ST: 164).

This trend of becoming more individualistic and self-centred encourages the loss of
integrity in society, especially extended and joint family.
The issue of language is not a basic one, but it is one of the tools for charismatic
leadership. Concerning this question we are still slaves: “What will happen to the
country which is trying to seek solution through magic, superstitions and charisma!
...The question of language is also the same!” (ST: 117). India having no national
language and English is still accepted as second language, even after fifty years of
independence. However, we proudly mention the rich cultural history of around three
thousand of years.
Similarly, many such issues are raised in the novel, which encourage thought about
the city’s educational environment, which was at some time most respected
throughout the world. In spite of having at present five universities and several
colleges, along with other indigenous institutions and Sanskrit schools, an educational
vacuum is visible everywhere. The real aim of education should be to make the man
more humane and divine.

10. Concluding Remarks

Mankind is at the turning point, but with a careful decision only the right turnings
should be chosen. Metaphorically, the novelist suggests, life is not only a circle or
straight line but rather a series of turnings. From one turning one goes out and reaches
other turnings. Varanasi is famous for such a distinct network of street-turnings ―
symbolising human life. The narrow lanes symbolise the human problems, including
unrest and frustrations. The novel ends with this sense of perceiving the spatial
structure of Varanasi associated with symbolism: “Be patient. Follow on the road, and
at the turning go out: wherever you want to go, you can go ― Maidagin or Chauk”
(ST: 361). Maidagin and Chauk are, respectively, the symbols of the “open plain” and
the “road-crossing” and refer to two life situations. Man is free to select one of the
conditions for passing life. Human wills and wishes are the processes that enable us to
control a path of passing life.
With closer examination of the characters, acts, places, and plots of Street Turns
Yonder one can get an in-depth tour of the city: I personally feel that no regional
urban geography has yet grasped the lived scenes of Varanasi so completely. Most of
the writings on Varanasi are religious and emphasize its glories, ignoring the
“city-life” as experienced by its dwellers. In this way the novel becomes a source of
data where attitudes, values, perceptions, feelings and a sense of faith together present
the overall picture of such a complex and historic city. Imaginations and realities meet
so closely that they become two sides of the same coin. He felt that a hundred cultural
dissertations need to be written to project the cultural heritage and glories of the
multiplicity of Varanasi. Considering the Ganga as the symbol of ‘lifecycle’ and
‘lifeflow’, the lifeworld of Varanasi has been painted with the use of metaphors and
symbols related to the river. The cyclic march of life and the flow of the novel both
become counterparts to one another.
The changing personality of Varanasi and its distinctiveness are the result of a
symbiosis between materialism and spiritualism. The angle of vision is important to
understand the eternal feelings and external expressions as narrated by Shivprasad
Singh through his in-depth tour of the city and seer capacity of describing vividness
and distinctions. Whether his Street is narrow/ wide or closed/ open, depends upon the
388 Chapter Twelve

differences in individual perception.

Relph has rightly warned, “One cannot continue endlessly to use more science to
solve the problem of science, just as more alcohol does not cure alcoholism” (1984:
223). Let me close the above narration with a quotation from the Katha Upanishad
(ii), where the Lord of Death, Yama, says:

The good is one thing, the pleasant another; these two, having different objects, chain a
man. It is well with him who clings to the good; he who chooses the pleasant misses his
end.

11. References
Agyeya, S.H. Vatsyayana 1974. Reactions of a novelist — Street Turns Yonder. Naya
Pratika (a Hindi monthly magazine of literary criticism from Delhi) 1 (7), July: 55-
64.
Beer, Stafford 1975. Platform for Change. John Wiley & Sons, London.
Durrell, Lawrence 1957. Alexandria Quartet. 2-vols. novel. Faber & Faber, London.
Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi, Gabrilla 1983. Cool Fire: Culture-Specific: Themes in Tamil
Short Stories. Edition Herodot, Goettingen.
Herbert, David 1991. Place and society in Jane Austen’s England. Geography, 76 (3):
193-208.
James, Preston E. 1972. All Possible World. The Odessy Press, Indianapolis, NY.
Jung, Carl G. 1972. Mandala Symbolism. Princeton University Press, Princeton.
Keyserling, Count Hermann 1969. Indian Travel Diary of a Philosopher. Translated
from the German by J. Haolroyd-Reece. Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay.
Reprinted.
Krishnanath 1975. Gali Age Murati Hai. Kalpana (a Hindi Monthly magazine of
literary criticism from Hyderabad), 26 (11), Nov.: 3-8.
Kumar, Nita 1992. Friends, Brothers, and Informants. Fieldwork Memoirs of
Banaras. University of California Press, Berkeley and London
Mishra, Vidya Nivas 1974. Three New Novels — Criticism. Naya Pratika (7), July:
57-58.
Mitra, Vimal 1985. Literary Reminiscences (in Hindi). Vishvavidyalaya Prakashan,
Varanasi.
Muktibodh, Gajanan Madhav 1975. Chand ka Munh Terha Hai (in Hindi). Lokodaya
Granthmala No. 201, Bhartiya Gyanpith, New Delhi, Orig. Pub. 1964.
Naipal, V.S. 1977. India: A Wounded Civilisation. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth.
Orwell, George 1949. Nineteen Eighty-Four. Commemorative ed. 1983. New
American Lib., Inc., New York.
Reising, Russell J. 1987. The Unstable Past. Theory and the Study of American
Literature. Methuen, London.
Schütz, Alfred 1962. Collected Papers. Vol. 1 and 2. Martinus Nijhuff, The Hague.
Singh, Kameshwar Prasad 1985. Story-writer Shivprasad Singh (in Hindi). Sanjay
Book Centre, Varanasi.
Singh, Khushwant 1959. I Shall Not Hear the Nightingale. Grove Press, Inc., New
York.
Singh, Namwar 1980. Story: New Story (in Hindi). Lok Bharati Prakashan, Allahabad.
3rd ed.
Singh, Rana P.B. 1980. The Socio-cultural space of Varanasi. Art and Arch. Research
 Modern Lifeways: Place, Society and Turnings 389

Papers (London) 17: 41-46.

—. 1985. The personality and lifeworld of Varanasi as revealed in Shivprasad Singh’s
novel: a study in Literary Geography. National Geographical Journal of India, 31
(4) 291-318.
—. 1986. Shiva’s Universe in Varanasi. In, T.P. Verma, et al., eds. Varanasi Through
the Ages. Bhartiya Itihas Samkalan Samiti, Varanasi: 303-311.
—. 1987. Toward myth, cosmos, space and mandala in India: a search in the
geography of belief systems. National Geographical Journal of India, 33 (3): 305-
326.
—. 1999. Rethinking development in India: Perspective, crisis and prospect; in, David
Simon and Anders Närman (eds.) Development as Theory and Practice. DARG
Ser.1.Longman, Harlow, UK: 55-75.
—. 2002. Towards the Pilgrimage Archetype. The Pancakroshi Yatra of Banaras.
Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 3. Indica Books, Banaras.
—. 2004. Cultural Landscapes and the Lifeworld. Literary Images of Banaras.
Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 6. Indica Books, Banaras.
Singh, Rana P.B. and Rana, P.S. 2002. Banaras Region. A Spiritual and Cultural
Guide. Pilgrimage and Cosmology Series: 1. Indica Books, Varanasi.
Singh, Shivprasad 1991. Gali Age Murati Hai (The Street Turns Yonder), in Hindi.
2nd ed. Vani Prakashan, New Delhi. First published in 1974 by National
Publishing House, New Delhi.
Srivastava, S.K. 1986. Tradition of textile industry in Kashi (in Hindi); in, Verma,
T.P., et al. (eds.) Varanasi Through the Ages. B.I.S.S., Varanasi: 205-207.
 APPENDIX: 1
HINDU FESTIVALS WITH TITHI & ROMAN DATES, CE 2009-2018
Se Festival Hindu Date/ Tithi 2009 2010 2011 2012
1. Makara Samkranti: always on 14th January; Sun leaves the house of Capricorn, and enters into Aquarius
2. Pausha Purnima Pausha, L-15, F 11 Jan 31 Dec ‘9 19 Jan 9 Jan
3. Magha Amavasya Magha, D- 15, N 26 Jan 15 Jan 3 Feb 23 Jan
4. Vasant Panchami Magha, L - 5 31 Jan 20 Jan 8 Feb 28 Jan
5. Magha Purnima Magha, L- 15, F 9 Feb 30 Jan 18 Feb 7 Feb
6. Maha Shivaratri Phalguna, D - 13 23 Feb 12 Feb 3 Mar 20 Feb
7. Holi / Dhuraddi Chaitra, D- 1 11 Mar 1 Mar 20 Mar 8 Mar
8. New Samvata starts, Chaitra, L - 1 27 Mar 16 Mar 4 Apr 23 Mar
Vasant Navaratri -1 2066 2067 2068 2069
9. Rama Navami Chaitra, L - 9 3 Apr 24 Mar 12 Apr 1 Apr
10. Mahavira Jayanti Chaitra, L- 15, F 9 Apr 30 Mar 18 Apr 6 Apr
11. Akshaya Tritiya Vaishakha, L-3 27 Apr 16 May 6 May 24 Apr
12. Buddha Purnima Vaishakha, L- 15,F 9 May 27 May 17 May 6 May
13. Ganga Dashahara Jyeshtha, L - 10 2 Jun 21 Jun 11 Jun 31 May
14. Ratha Yatra Ashadha, L - 3 24 Jun 13 Jul 3 Jul 22 Jun
15. Guru Purnima Ashadha, L- 15, F 7 Jul 25 Jul 15 Jul 3 Jul
16. Naga Panchami Shravana, L - 5 26 Jul 14 Aug 4 Aug 24 Jul
17. Raksha Bandhana Shravana, L-15, F 5 Aug 24 Aug 13 Aug 2 Aug
18. Ganesh Caturthi Bhadrapada, D - 4 9 Aug 28 Aug 17 Aug 5 Aug
19. Krishna Janmasthmi Bhadrapada, D - 8 14 Aug 2 Sept 22 Aug 10 Aug
20. Haritalika / Tija Bhadrapada, L - 3 22 Aug 10 Sept 31 Aug 18 Sep
21. Lolarka Shashthi Bhadrapada, L - 6 25 Aug 13 Sept 3 Sep 21 Sep
22. Ananta Chaturdashi Bhadrapada, L - 14 3 Sept 22 Sept 11 Sep 29 Sep
23. Jivitaputrika/ Jiutia Ashvina, D - 8 13 Sept 2 Oct 21 Sep 9 Oct
24. Pitri Visarjana Ashvina, D - 14 18 Sept 7 Oct 27 Sep 15 Oct
25. Navaratri, NR 1 Ashvina, L - 1 19 Sept 8 Oct 28 Sep 16 Oct
26. Lakshmi Puja, NR 8 Ashvina, L - 8 26 Sept 15 Oct 4 Oct 22 Oct
27. Dashahara, NR 10 Ashvina, L - 10 29 Sept 17 Oct 6 Oct 24 Oct
28. Kojagiri / Purnima Ashvina, L-15, F 4 Oct 22 Oct 12 Oct 29 Oct
29. Karva Chautha Karttika, D - 3 7 Oct 26 Oct 15 Oct 2 Nov
30. Dipavali / Divali Karttika, D-15, N 17 Oct 5 Nov 26 Oct 13 Nov
31. Annakuta Karttika, L - 1 18 Oct 6 Nov 27 Oct 14 Nov
32. Surya Shashthi Karttika, L - 6 24 Oct 12 Nov 1 Nov 19 Nov
33. Prabodhini Ekadashi Karttika, L - 11 29 Oct 17 Nov 6 Nov 24 Nov
34. Karttika Purnima Karttika, L-15, F 2 Nov 21 Nov 10 Nov 28 Nov
35. Margasirsa Purnima Margasirsa, L-15,F 2 Dec 21 Dec 10 Dec 28 Dec
36. Lunar Eclipse Full Moon (F) 31 Dec ------- 15 Jun, -------
10 Dec
37. Solar Eclipse New Moon (N) 22 Jul 15 Jan ------- -------
 Hindu Calendar, 2009-2018 391

Se Festival 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

1. Makara Samkranti: always on 14th January; Sun leaves the house of Capricorn, & enters into Aquarius
2. Pausha Purnima 27 Jan 16 Jan 5 Jan 24 Jan 12 Jan 2 Jan
3. Magha Amavasya 11 Feb 30 Jan 20 Jan 8 Feb 27 Jan 17 Jan
4. Vasant Panchami 15 Feb 4 Feb 24 Jan 13 Feb 1 Feb 22 Jan
5. Magha Purnima 25 Feb 14 Feb 3 Feb 22 Feb 10 Feb 31 Jan
6. Maha Shivaratri 10 Mar 1 Mar 17 Feb 8 Mar 25 Feb 14 Feb
7. Holi / Dhuraddi 28 Mar 17 Mar 6 Mar 23 Mar 13 Mar 2 Mar
8. New Samvata starts, 11 Apr 31 Mar 21 Mar 8 Apr 29 Mar 18 Mar
Vasant Navaratri -1 2070 2071 2072 2073 2074 2075
9. Rama Navami 20 Apr 8 Apr 28 Mar 15 Apr 5 Apr 25 Mar
10. Mahavira Jayanti 25 Apr 15 Apr 4 Apr 22 Apr 11 Apr 31 Mar
11. Akshaya Tritiya 13 May 2 May 21 Apr 9 May 29 Apr 18 Apr
12. Buddha Purnima 25 May 14 May 4 May 21 May 10 May 29 Apr
13. Ganga Dashahara 18 Jun 8 Jun 28 May 14 Jun 4 Jun 22 Jun
14. Ratha Yatra 10 Jul 29 Jun 18 Jul 6 Jul 25 Jun 14 Jul
15. Guru Purnima 22 Jul 12 Jul 31 Jul 19 Jul 9 Jul 27 Jul
16. Naga Panchami 11 Aug 1 Aug 19 Aug 7 Aug 27 Jul 2 Aug
17. Raksha Bandhana 21 Aug 10 Aug 29 Aug 18 Aug 7 Aug 26 Aug
18. Ganesh Caturthi 24 Aug 13 Aug 1 Sep 21 Aug 11 Aug 30 Aug
19. Krishna Janmasthmi 28 Aug 17 Aug 5 Sep 25 Aug 15 Aug 3 Sep
20. Haritalika / Tija 8 Sep 28 Aug 16 Sep 4 Sep 24 Aug 12 Sep
21. Lolarka Shashthi 11 Sep 31 Aug 19 Sep 7 Sep 27 Aug 15 Sep
22. Ananta Chaturdashi 18 Sep 8 Sep 27 Sep 15 Sep 5 Sep 23 Sep
23. Jivitaputrika/ Jiutia 28 Sep 17 Sep 6 Oct 24 Sep 14 Sep 3 Oct
24. Pitri Visarjana 4 Oct 23 Sep 11 Oct 30 Sep 19 Sep 8 Oct
25. Navaratri, NR 1 5 Oct 25 Sep 13 Oct 1 Oct 21 Sep 10 Oct
26. Lakshmi Puja, NR 8 12 Oct 2 Oct 21 Oct 9 Oct 28 Sep 17 Oct
27. Dashahara, NR 10 14 Oct 4 Oct 23 Oct 11 Oct 30 Sep 19 Oct
28. Kojagiri / Purnima 18 Oct 8 Oct 27 Oct 16 Oct 5 Oct 24 Oct
29. Karva Chautha 22 Oct 11 Oct 30 Oct 19 Oct 8 Oct 27 Oct
30. Dipavali / Divali 3 Nov 23 Oct 11 Nov 30 Oct 19 Oct 7 Nov
31. Annakuta 4 Nov 24 Oct 12 Nov 31 Oct 20 Oct 8 Nov
32. Surya Shashthi 8 Nov 29 Oct 17 Nov 6 Nov 26 Oct 13 Nov
33. Prabodhini Ekadashi 13 Nov 3 Nov 22 Nov 11 Nov 31 Oct 19 Nov
34. Karttika Purnima 17 Nov 6 Nov 25 Nov 14 Nov 4 Nov 23 Nov
35. Margasirsa Purnima 17 Dec 6 Dec 25 Dec 13 Dec 3 Dec 22 Dec
36. Lunar Eclipse ------- ------- 4 Apr 10 Feb 9 Jul 31 Jan, 27
Jul
37. Solar Eclipse ------- ------- ------ ------ ------ ------
Lunar month: D, Dark Fortnight (waning), L, Light Fortnight (waxing); F, Full Moon; N, New Moon.
* Protected by copyright, and be used strictly with written permission, © Rana P.B. Singh.
 APPENDIX: 2

HISTORICAL & CULTURAL HAPPENINGS IN NORTH INDIA AND BANARAS, AD 1000 – 2009

Year Major Power in North India Local Power in Banaras Religious/ Cultural Architectural
1000 -The invasion of Mahamud of -Karnadeva, son of -Al-Biruni, who came with -Karnameru temple built, 1060.
Ghazni and defeat of Gurjara- Gangeyadeva, ruled the City, Mahmud of Ghazni, visited the -Ahmad Nialtgin plundered the city
Pratiharas, 1018. 1041-1072. city and studied Sanskrit, 1021- and demolished many Hindu
-The rule of Chandradeva, 25. temples, 1033.
foundation of Gahadavala
dynasty and Varanasi as their
capital, 1090-11.
1100 -Gahadavala dynasty, 1090- -Gahadavala kings: Madanapala, -Visit and stay of -Temples of Vishveshvara,
1194. Govindrachandra, Vijaichandra, Ramanujacharya, 1116-1137. Avimukteshvara and Vindu
Jaichandra. -First invasion, 1194, and Second Madhava demolished, and Ardhai
invasion by Qutb-u-ddin Aibak, Kangura mosque built, 1194.
1197.
1200 -Sultanate rule of Qutb-u-ddin -Banaras came under the control -Saint Jnaneshvara visited the -Reconstruction of the Vishveshvara
Aibak (1206-1210), having of Iltutamish, 1210-1236. city, 1294. temple, 1230.
Delhi as capital. -Padmeshvara temple, 1296.
1300 -Allauddin Khilzi (1296-1316). -Banaras under Khilzi and -Visit of Jina Prabhu Suri, a Jain -Building of Vireshvara, and
-Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320- Tughluq rule. saint, 1320. Manikarnikeshvara temple, 1300-02.
24). -Shrine of Sayyed Fakhruddin,
-Muhammad bin Tughluq Bakaria Kund; Parshvanatha Jain
(1324-51). temple.
1350 -Firuz Shah Tughluq (1351-88) -Brahmins protest against Firuz
extends the sway of the Delhi Shah Tughluq for Zazia tax, -Ardhai Kangura mosque, repairing
kingdom across North India. 1353. and extension.
 Historical & Cultural Happenings, Banaras and North India, 1000-2009 393

-Firuz Shah Tughluq demolished

-Sharqi rulers of Jaunpur break -Banaras under the direct rule of many temples, 1375.
away from the Delhi Sultanate, Sharqi rulers of Jaunpur founded -Kashi Khanda, a Sanskrit
1393. by Khwaja Jahan Malik Sarwar compendium of information
(1393-1399). about the tirthas and deities.
Kabir (c. 1398-1448).
1400 -Sharqi dynasty at Jaunpur -Sharqi rulers of Jaunpur: -Mahmud Shah Sharqi -Chaukhamba mosque, 1447-48
(1402-1458). Mubaraq Shah Sharqi (1399- demolished the Padmeshvara and -Bibi Raziyya mosque erected by
1402). Visheshvara temples, 1447-48. Mahmud Shah Sharqi on the site of
-Shamsuddin Abrahim Khan the Vishveshvara temple.
Sharqi (1402-36); Mahmud Shah
Sharqi (1436-56).
1450 -Sharqi rulers of Jaunpur:
-Lodi dynasty established in Muhammad Shah Sharqi (1457- -Vachaspati Mishra composed -Tomb of Jaunpur governor (?) at
Delhi in 1451. 1458); Tirthachintamani, 1460. Bakaria Kund.
-Hussain Shah (1458-76), last Hussain Shah Sharqi (1458- -Guru Nanak visits Banaras,
independent ruler of Jaunpur. 1476). 1473.
-Bahlul Lodi (1451-89) annexes
Jaunpur in 1479. -Ghulam Amina, Jaunpur
-Banaras comes under the direct governor of Banaras, c. 1470.
rule of Delhi. -Banaras under direct rule of
Delhi after 1479. -Sikandar Lodi invades the city
-Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). -Banaras taken by Sikandar Lodi and demolishes many temples,
in 1496. 1494.
1500
-Ibrahim Khan Lodi (1517-26). -Babur invaded the city, 1529.
-Chaitanya in Banaras, 1530. -Caravanserai of Sher Shah Suri.
-Babur (1526-30) defeats
Ibrahim Khan and establishes -Humayun, son of Babur, -Humayun halted in the city, -Humayun defeated by Sher Shah
the Mughal empire. occupies Banaras in 1527, and 1532. Suri, took shelter at Sarnath near
-Mughal empire expands under again in 1528. Chaukhandi Stupa, 1538.
Humayun (1530-40), but
394 Appendix: 2

Humayun is defeated by Sher -Banaras under the control of

Shah Suri in 1538 and is Sher Shah Suri from 1538.
expelled from India.
-Grand Trunk Road passing
-All of north India comes under through Banaras developed by
the control of Sher Shah Suri Sher Shah Suri.
(1540-55) and his son Islam
Shah Suri (1545-54).
1550
-Humayun returns to India in -Sanskrit scholars in Banaras, -Ibrahim Shah Suri establishes a
1555 and successfully re- including Narayana Bhatta, mint, 1555.
establishes Mughal power; dies contribute to the revival of -Panchaganga and Adi
soon after. -Khan Zaman, Akbar's Vedanta and Mimansa Vishvesvhvara Ghats reconstructed,
commander, captures Banaras in philosophy. 1580.
-Akbar (1556-1605) 1559.
consolidates the expanding -Tulasi (c. 1552-1623), author of -Vishvanatha temple erected in 1585
Mughal empire of north India. -Akbar’s visit to Banaras, 1565. the Ramacharitamanas, popular by Raja Todar Mal, advised by
Khan Zaman rebels, provoking Hindi version of the Ramayana. Narayana Bhatta; same patron builds
Akbar to plunder Banaras in Draupadi Kund, 1589.
1567. -Akbar defeats the king of
-Mughal provincial Banaras, and establishes a mint, -Raja Man Singh builds Man Mandir
headquarters shifted to -Akbar erects fort at Allahabad, 1567. at Dashashvamedha Ghat, 1586.
Allahabad in 1584. 1584.
-Raja Todar Mal, commander at -Akbar’s three-day stay in -Pavilion at the summit of
Jaunpur, 1589-1591. Banaras, 1574. Chaukhandi Stupa erected by
-Raja Man Singh, commander, -Visit of Ralph Fitch, an English Govardhana, an employee of Akbar,
1591-1599. traveller, 1583-91. 1589.
1600 -Raja Man Singh erects Bindu
-Jahangir (1605-27). -Plague in the city, death of Madhava temple and adjacent
Tulasi, 1623. Sanskrit college on Panchaganga
-Shah Jahan (1627-58). Ghat, c. 1600.
 Historical & Cultural Happenings, Banaras and North India, 1000-2009 395

-Dara Shikoh, together with -Bundi king Surjan Singh builds a

-Muzaffar Begh, commander in Brahmins of Banaras, translates palace and a Ghat, Bundi Parkota
Banaras. the principal Upanishads into Ghat, 1611.
Persian; completed only in 1656-
57, -Narayan Das builds
Chakrapuskarini Kund, 1623.
-Varadaraja's Girvana
Padamanjari, c. 1600-50, lists
the different ghats.
-Demolition of c. 76 temples
under construction by Haidar
Begh, 1632.
-Visit of Peter Mandi, 1632.
1650
-In the civil war after Shah -Dara Shikoh, eldest son of Shah
Jahan's death, Shuja occupies Jahan, absentee governor of -Jean-Baptiste Tavernier visits -Jnanavapi and Dharahara
Banaras in 1558; but succumbs Allahabad, in Banaras in 1653- Banaras, 1665. (Panchaganga Ghat) mosques built
to Aurangzeb (1658-1707). 57. after 1669 at the orders of
Aurangzeb on the sites of the
-Shivaji seeks short refuge with -Rajput rulers visit Banaras. demolished Vishvanatha and Bindu
Brahmins of Banaras in 1666; in Madhava (1673) temples.
punishment, Aurangzeb orders
destruction of the city's temples, -Raja Jagat Singh of Udaipur erects
April 1669. palace on Rana Mahal Ghat, 1670,
Raja Savai Jai Singh builds Ram
Mandir at Panchaganga Ghat, 1699.
1700 -At the death of Aurangzeb in
1707 the Mughal empire begins -Banaras lies within Awadh -Rajput presence continues. -Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur builds
to disintegrate. province of the Mughal Empire; observatory at Ram Mandir, 1697-
but in 1719 Muhammad Shah - Dhundhiraja’s Girvana 1710.
-Nawab Sadat Khan Burhan al- gave Banaras to Murtaza Khan, Vangamanjari, 1702-04,
Mulk (1724-39) of Lucknow the Nawab of Awadh. describes the Brahmins’ life.
396 Appendix: 2

rules over the Mughal province -Peshwa Bajirao I rebuilds

of Awadh; gradually it became Annapurna Temple, 1725.
an independent state. -Mir Rustam Ali (1730-38) -Maratha Peshwas contributes to -Peshwa Bajirao I erects riverside
appointed by Nawab Sadat Khan the city's religious and cultural palace, renovates Manikarnika 1730.
-Nawab Safdar Jang (1739-53) as governor of Banaras. life. -Panchganga Ghat repaired by Sripat
mostly at the Mughal court in Rao, 1730.
Delhi. -Mansa Ram of the Bhumihar
family of Gangapur seizes the -Mir Rustam Ali, great patron of -Mir Rustam Ali constructs Mir
governorship of Banaras on 10 music and literature. Ghat, 1735; and lays out gardens and
June 1738 with approval of havelis at Gangapur and Bhaironath.
Nawab Sadat Khan. -Tailanga Svami, illustrious
ascetic, in Banaras 1737-87. -Balwant Singh erects fort at
-Raja Balwant Singh (1740-70), Gangapur, 1740-42.
son of Mansa Ram, remits
revenues to Sadat Khan. -Temples of Lalita Devi and
Rajarajeshvari, 1745-50.
-Adi Vishveshvara temple built by
unknown Maratha patron.
1750 -Sindhia and Holkar Maratha
-Suja ud-Daula (1753-75) rules rulers consider taking control of -Balwant Singh builds the fort at
Awadh from Faizabad; asserts the city's temples, c. 1750. -Peshwas, Sindhias, Holkars and Ramanagar, 1750-52.
his independence from Delhi. Bhonsles embark on extensive -Rani Bhavani of Bengal built kunds
building programmes. at Kandwa and Bhimachandi on
-Triumph of East India -Raja Chet Singh (1770-81) Panchakroshi pilgrimage route, and a
Company army at the Battle of succeeds to the Banaras throne; temple at Manikarnika Ghat, 1755-
Plassy in 1757; British extend compelled to pay a heavy subsidy 56.
their influence across North to the East India Company as a -Trilochana temple built by
India. war contribution. -Warren Hastings visit to Nathubala, 1760.
Banaras, 1773. -Balwant Singh shifts his
-Shuja ud-Daula surrenders to -Chet Singh rebels in 1781 and is headquarters to fort at Ramanagar,
the East India Company after deposed by Warren Hastings, 1763; lays out garden residence at
being defeated at the Battle of Governor of Bengal; British nearby Ramgarh.
 Historical & Cultural Happenings, Banaras and North India, 1000-2009 397

Buxar in 1764; restored to the troops occupy the city.

throne by the British in 1765. -City palace of Ausanganj family.

-Shuja-ud-Daula accepts British -Raja Mahip Narayan Singh -William Hodges, an English -Peshwa Baji Rao II builds
suzerainty in 1773 in a bid to (1781-95) installed on the artist, visits the city, 1781-82. Dashashvamedha Ghat.
withstand the Marathas; signs a Banaras throne; surrenders
treaty in 1775 transferring revenue and judicial -Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao II erects
districts controlled by Chet administration to the British. Annapurna temple, 1770.
Singh to the East India
Company. -Jahandar Shah Jawan Bakht, son -Projects of Rani Bhavani of Natore;
and heir of the Mughal emperor, Durga temple, c. 1760, repairs to the
-Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula (1775- flees to Banaras in 1784 and dies Lolarka kund; structures along
97). here in 1788. Panchakroshi route.

-Tomb of Lal Khan, prime minister

-Banaras becomes part of -Raja Udit Narayan Singh (1795- of Balwant Singh, 1773.
British controlled India in 1794. 1835).
-Cremation site at Manikarnika Ghat
-Anwar Bakht, son of Tipu built, 1775.
Sultan is caught by British Army
and dies here, 1799. -Bindu Madhav temple re-built by
Maratha king, 1775.
-British artists Thomas and
William Daniell pass through -Chet Singh builds riverside city
Banaras, 1788-1789. palace and Sumeru Devi temple at
Ramanagar.

-Sanskrit College opens in 1791. -Royal Shiva temples at Ramanagar,

Bhaironath and Chakia.
-Nadesar Palace built by the
British, 1796. -Ahilyabhai Holkar erects
Vishvanatha temple, 1777, Indore
398 Appendix: 2

State Ghat and Shiva temple, 1785,

and Tarakeshvara temple, 1792.

-Jagannath Temple, Asi ghat, 1794.

Bhonsle Palace, Lakshminarayana
and Raghurajeshvara temples and
Ghat, 1795.
-Shitala and Dashashvamedheshvara
temples rebuilt.

1800 -Lord Wellesley annexes -Raja Uditnaraian Singh (1795- -Banaras becomes a chief trade -Civil Lines and Cantonment laid
Awadh in 1801; Banaras part of 1835). centre. out; cemetery, Chauka Ghat.
the United Provinces. -Adi Keshava temple, 1806.
-Brahmins’ refectory and
-Visit of Lord Valentina, 1804. -City attracts Pandits from all Annapurna, Lakshminarayana and
over India; Sanskrit colleges Shiva temple, at Raja Ghat, 1807.
supported by grants from the -Queen Kumar Devi of Potia
Peshwas; Amrit Rao, younger (Bengal) builds Prayageshvara
-Hindu-Muslim riots, 1805 and brother of Peshwa Baji Rao II, temple, 1810.
1809. exiled to Banaras, 1803.
-Radhakrishna Baga, a merchant,
-Christian missionary activity in builds Satyanarayan temple, 1811.
the city -Ram and Narayana temples, Munshi
-Udit Narayan Singh’s powers Ghat, 1812.
curtailed, 1828. -James Prinsep (1799-1840), -Jai Narayan Ghoshal of Bengal
Assay Master of Banaras Mint, builds Gurudham temple, 1814.
1819-30; prepares first map and
-Raja Ishwariprasad Narayan census of the city, 1822 and -Marathas sponsor Trilochaneshvara
Singh (1835-89). 1829; Benares Illustrated appears temple, 1815-17; Kalabhairava
in 1833. temple, c. 1825; Sindhia Ghat, 1830.
 Historical & Cultural Happenings, Banaras and North India, 1000-2009 399

-St Mary’s, 1812; London Mission

church, 1840s; St Paul’s, 1847.
-Raja Ishwariprasad Narayan
Singh assumes leading role in -Mint House, 1821.
intellectual and cultural life of -Suparshvanatha Svetambar Jain
the city. temple, 1825.
-Renovation and re-building of
Jnanavapi by queen Baijabai, 1828.

-Tomb of Jahandar Shah Jawan

Bakht (Badshah Bagh), 1837.
-Ranjit Singh of Lahore adds gold
covering to spire of Vishvanatha
(Golden) temple, 1839.

-Samarajeshvara temple at Lalita

Ghat, 1841-43.
1850
-Revolt of the sepoys (mutiny) -Schools of music known as
in Awadh and elsewhere in gharanas flourish in the city. -Sanskrit College, 1853.
North India, 1857; soon after,
possessions of the East India - Opening of rail link between -Suparshvanatha Digambar Jain
Company taken over by the -Ishwariprasad Narayan Singh Mughalsarai and Banaras, 1862. temple, 1855.
British Government. awarded thirteen-gun salute, -Amethi temple at Manikarnika
1862. -Ishwariprasad Narayan Singh Ghat, 1857.
sponsors learning and culture; -Nadesar Palace purchased by
patronises Ramalila festival. Ishwariprasad Narayan Singh, 1863.
-Radhakrishna temple, Ganga Mahal
-Shri Ramakrishna in Banaras, ghat, 1864.
1868.
M.A. Sherring’s Benares, The -Town Hall, 1875; King Edward
Sacred City of the Hindus, 1868; Hospital, 1877; Dufferin (Malaviya)
400 Appendix: 2

first monograph on city’s history, railway bridge, 1887; Bhadaini and

religion and culture. Bhelupura waterworks, 1898.

-Gorji Dikshita’s -Manokameshvara temple, 1895.

Kashiyatraprakasha, directory of -Gautameshvara temple, 1888.
holy sites of the city, 1883.
-Raja Prabhu Narayan Singh -Banaras branch of the
(1889-1931). Theosophical Society, 1896.
1900 -British Government established -Raja Prabhu Narayan Singh -Lakshminarayan temple at Asi Ghat
at Calcutta (Kolkata). (1889-1931). -Madan Mohan Malaviya, a great
-Prabhu Narayan Singh invested pandit and reformer, begins -Civil Courts, 1913.
-British capital shifted to New with full ruling powers, 1912. campaigning for a modern Hindu
Delhi, 1911. -Raja Aditya Narayan Singh University, 1904. -Banaras Hindu University (B.H.U.),
(1931-39). founded 1916.
-India’s Independence, 15th -Raja Vibhuti Narayan Singh -Shivaprasad Gupt, -Sayaji Rao Gaekwad Library
August 1947. (1939-2000). philanthropist and patron. (B.H.U.), 1927-41.
-Vibhuti Narayan Singh hands -Reconstruction of Sindhia Ghat.
over his territories to the newly -Vibhuti Narayan Singh, active -Bharat Mata temple, 1936.
formed Government of India, 15 promoter of culture and learning. -Vishvanatha temple at B.H.U.,
Oct. 1948. 1936-1962.
1950 -26 Jan. 1950, India declared as -destruction of Babri mosque at -Svami Karpatri builds a New
democratic state Republic. Ayodhya, resulting to -Central Institute of Higher Vishvanath Temple at Mir Ghat,
disturbances all over north India, Tibetan Studies opened at 1958.
6 Dec. 1992. Sarnath, 1967; and declared as -Renovation of Trilochana temple,
Deemed University, 1988. 1965.
-Krishnalal Sureka, a merchant,
builds Tulsi Manas temple at Durga
-Flood disaster in the city, 1948 Kund, 1966.
and 1978. -Kamakotishvara temple, 1968.
-Thai Temple at Sarnath opened,
-Vajra Vidya Samsthan at 1976.
Sarnath opened on 29 Oct. 1999. -Renovation of Sangameshvara
 Historical & Cultural Happenings, Banaras and North India, 1000-2009 401

temple, Asi Ghat, 1987.

-INTACH Chapter Varanasi -Dharmachakra Indo-Japanese
formed. Society’s temple opened at Sarnath,
1991.
-Hindu astronomical observatory
built in the Sanskrit University,
1992.
2000 -Formation of three new States.
-Vibhuti Narayan Singh, the last -Fourth ‘Master Plan of -Consecration ceremony of -
-April-May 2004, Congress king of Banaras, died at the age Varanasi’ (1991-2011) prepared Parshvanatha temple, Bhelupura, 17
Party with coalition forms of 73yr on 25th December 2000. in 1996, approved by the State Nov. 2000.
central government. Government of Uttar Pradesh, 10 -Movement for inscribing
July 2001. Riverfront Ghat of Varanasi in the
-The Ganga declared as a UNESCO WHL, 2002.
‘National River’ by the Govt., 4 -Declaring the city under JNNURM
Nov. 2008. and preparation of CDP, 2007.
-The first bibliographical book on -New Transport system policy
Banaras released, Banaras, the (Flyover bridges) and plans
Heritage City of India: prepared, 2008.
Geography, History, and -Tibetan Institute at Sarnath
Bibliography, 01 January 2009. upgraded as Central University of
-The first book on heritage Tibetan Studies, 1 May 2009
released, Banaras, Making of -Heritage Development Plan by
India’s Heritage City (CSP UK), INTACH (Delhi) under auspices of
1 Oct. 2009. VDA prepared, August 2009.

[Source: Singh, Rana P.B. 2009. Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History, Bibliography. Indica Books, Varanasi: pp. 354-364]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 INDEX

A 352, 354, 363, 372, four faces 40,

Ahilyabai (Holkar) 62, 77, 82, 83, 157, symbolism 374, Yoga-Bhoga 45
241, 242. 313 Bayly, Chris A. viii, 16, 46, 101
Ahmed Nialtagin 26, 37, 39 Beer, Stafford 371, 388
Akatha 50, 57 beggars, organised 376-377, begging
Akbar 66, 67, 72 376
alcoholism 375 Benares 25, see Banaras and Varanasi
almanac, Hindu 304 Bernier, François 71
Amethy temple 248 Besant, Annie 256
Anandavana 24-25 Bhairava/s 109, 113, 144, 149, 184-
animality 371 185, 372
Antargriha (Vishveshvara), Kshetra bhang (hemp) 40
148-149, Yatra: 291-295 Bhatnagar, Shanti Swarup 255-256
archetypal: architecture 259, integrity bhavasagara 262
265, representation 259 Bibi Raziyya 74
archetype of all-India 31-32, 34 Birs 385
Ardhanarishvara, androgen 368 Bishop Heber 27
Aryan expansion 50, 51-52 blending spiritual and material 41
Ashoka, the Great 11, 58, 70, 71, 93, Blue Moon 366
102 Brahmins, Sarayuparina 31
Aurangzeb 69, 70, 74 British 49, 70, 80, 82, 83, 87, 88, 90,
Avimukta Kshetra 24, 147, 148 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101
B Buddha 17, 44, 45
Babur 26 Byalisa-Lingi Shiva 157
background, city 17-18, 49-50 C
Balwant Singh 39 canvas, Banaras: 369-371, Puranas
Banaras Gharana vii, 11 369, Jatakas 369, referred sites 370
Banaras Raj/ Rajas 81, 82, 84-88, 95 Capra, Fritjof 106, 138
Banaras/ Varanasi, areal units 22, city Census of India 17, 18, 22, 28, 29, 41
personality 358-360, three sacred Chaudhuri, Nirad C. 370
segments 358, symbolism of the Chaurashikroshi Yatra 123, 144
Ganga 358, cultural capital 17, 32, Christian and churches 36
regional setting 19, topography 19- cityscape 17
20, district 20, city ranking 29, climate 22-23, dust storm 22, relative
ethics- social structure 31, Sikh 31, humidity 22, monsoon 22, weather
32, 35, Muslims 31, 32, 36, condition 23
Churches 31, 32, 36, Jains 31, 32- cognitive map, Kashi 131-132,
33, relative humidity 22, 23, contemporary 134-136
Monsoon 22, climatic colour symbolism 107
characteristics 23, nomenclature 23- cosmic, order and cityscape 204-207,
25, population growth 25- 31, realty, symbolic expression 265,
agglomeration 17, 18, 30, archetype flood 379
31-32, 34, social space 33, four cosmicised city 142, 143
faces 40 cosmogonic map features 116-117,
Banarasi, Banarasipan 40, 45, 351- integrity vi, 149
404 Index

cosmogram 104, 140-171, city as 165- Purnima 317, Krishna Janmasthami

169 314,
courtesans 26 festivals, Hindu: Lolarka Sorahia Mela
cultural geography v, vii, scenario 12 314, Maha Shivaratri 311, Makar
Cunningham, Alexander 72 Samkranti 310-311, Naga Panchami
D 313-314, Narasimha Lila 312,
Dara Shikoh 69 Nakkataiya 315, Naga Nathaiya
darshan (auspicious sight) 46 315, Nrisimha Chaturdashi 312-
Dayananda Saraswati 91 313, Prabodhini Ekadashi 316,
deconstructing map 105 Rama Naumi, 312, Rath Yatra 313,
democracy, mockery 369 Raksha Bandhana 314,
Dhai Nim Kangoore mosque 37, 38 Sankhudhara Mela 312, Vedavyasa
dhams (abodes of gods) 32, 34 Mela 311, Vijai Dashmi 315, Yama
Dhanvantari 51 Dvitiya 315,
dharohara (heritage) 321, 322, 356 festivals, Muslims 318-319, Al-wida
directional deities 147 318, Chehaluum 318, Ghazi Miya
Divodasa 51, 56, 369 ka Mela 319, Idul-Fitr 319, Idul-
Durrell, Lawrence 369, 388 Zuha 319, list 2009-2014 319,
Dvadasheshvara 158-159 Muhurrum 318, Shabe-Barat 318-
E 319,
Eck, Diana L. v, 15, 17, 18, 23, 32, 46, festivals, others 320, Buddhist 320,
101, 104, 105, 142, 171, 198, 232, Gandhi Jayanti 320, Independence
253 day 320, Jain 320, Republic day
ecology of place 251-252, 295-297 320,
educational scene, immoral 386-387 festivals, Sikhs 317-318, Guru Nanak
Eidt, Robert C. 53, 55, 56 Jayanti 317, list 2009-2014 318
Eliade, Mircea 8, 12 Festivities and seasons 309-310
employment profile 42 Firoz Shah 26
environmental ethics 364 Fitch, Ralph, an English traveller 68-
environmental theatre 323 69
epidemics 28 flood 21-22, 379
Erdkunde vi, 5 forest tracts, 19th century 87, 89
eternal city 18 forms, of city 107, 109, 110
ethnic, social structure 31 Freitag, Sandria B. 89, 90, 101
F G
faithscape 105, 136, 228, 229, Gabbins, F.B. 91
ritualscape map 130-134 Gaenszle, Martin viii, 16
Fatima Bibi 39 Gahadavala kings 26, 32, 39, 49, 54,
festivals, Hindu 310- 317, Annakuta 60, 61, 62, 63
316, Bharat Milap 315, Bhimaseni Gandhi, Mahatma 256, Gandhism 382
Ekadashi 312, Buddha Purnima Gangaputra 98
312-313, Burhva Mangal 311, Ganga river: battle to save 96-98, flow
Chaitra Navaratri 311-312, Chhata and theology 380, metaphor and
Mela 314, Deva Dipavali 317, meaning 378-381, site for sinners
Divali/ Dipavali 315-316, Durga 381, message of peace 380, daily
Puja- Dashahra 314, Durga ji ka rituals 380, seasonal beauty 378,
Mela 313, Ganga Dashahra 313, curser of flood 379, shelter 379,
Ganga Mahotsava 317, Hanuman distinct beauty 365-366
Jayanti 315, Holi 311, Kali Puja Gayatri Mantra 53, 200, 201, 209, 259
316, Krishna Lila 315, Karttika Geddes, Patrick 93, 257, 258
 Banaras, Making of India’s Heritage City 405

geographical setting 18-23 Sultanate and Mughal 63-73,

Geomantic map 144, 146 Modern and British 80-95, Post-
ghatia 374 Independence 95-96
Ghats (stairways), symbolism 228-232, Hsüan-tsang 59, 70
historical context 232-234, scene I
and images 234-235, Riverscapes imageability 133
236-251, ethical issues 251, Jala images, city 364, 371-373
tirthas 230, list 231, map 233, imagination 353, 354
panchatirthis 232 industrial landscape 41
Ghazi Miyan 36 INTACH 321, 324, 326, 343, 351, 352,
Goddess/ Devi, spatial distribution 355, 356
185-187, Sacredscapes 159-162 intangible heritage 303-320, 338-339
Govindrachandra 61, 63 intercalary month 372
Gupt, Kamal 9-10, 12 Ishvara 62
Guru Nanak 35 J
Gurudham temple 161-165 Jahangir 68-69
Gutschow, Niels v, 5, 13, 15 Jain and temples 32-33, 35
H Jangabahadur Singh’s Yatra Map 112-
Haihaiyas 51 115
Hamilton, Walter 27, 47 Jataka tales 54, 57, 356
Harijans, untouchables 372-373, 376 JNNURM 321, 342-344, 365, 366
Harishachandra, Bhartendu 305, 309 Julaha, Muslim weaver 377
Hazim, Sheikh Ali 39 Jung, Carl 253
heritage scenario, pressures 344-348, Juvenal 373
development 350, 359, population K
345, shrinking spaces 345, urban Kaithi 50
spaces 345-346, traffic load 346, Kalchuris 60
tourism and pilgrimage pressures Kali Yuga 386
346-347, environmental 347-348, Kamauli village 54
deterioration 348-354, cultural Kashi Darppana (mirror of Kashi) 3,
monuments and sites 323, natural 104, 115-117, 119, 137
sites 323, governance 354-355 Kashi Khanda 18, 24, 25
heritage, contexts 321-322, ethical Kashi Kshetra 24, 45
issues 251-252, conceptualising Kashi Mandala 17, 104, 115, 118, 147,
322-324, basic meanings 323, 151
resource 306, battle for preservation Kashi on trident 108-109
324-326, intangible 324, zones 44, Kashi Pradakshina, maps 120, 121,
325, 329-334, public awakening 122, 123, symbolic forms 107
349, 353, 354, 359-361, public Kashi Tirtha Sudhar Trust 97, 306
participation 344, 353, 356, 358 Kashi, 23-24, see Banaras and
heritagescapes vii, 5, 336, 316-317, Varanasi
337, others 334-335 Kipling, Rudyard 265-266
hexagram, Devi shrines 168 knowledge and insight vi
Hindu observatory 244-246 Krishnachandra Sharma’s Maps 119-
Hindu society, polytheistic character 124
381-384, paradox 381, adjustment Krittivasheshvara 115, 166-167
383, superstitions 387, charisma Kuttanimatam, Damodara’s 26, 47
387, Hindu Sabha 96-97 L
history, early period 50-60, Pratihara Lakshmi Kunda 314
and Gahadavala 60-63, Delhi Library, Sayajirao 265-266
406 Index

Life: city 387, 388, lifecycle 374, 378, Naipal, V. S. 382, 388
380, 381, 388, lifeflow 387, Narayana Bhatta 77
lifeways 364, 376, life-organism nomenclature and tales 23-25
381, lifeworld 364, 365, 366, 367, non-contextual 354
368, 371, 387, 389 notional map 104
Lincoln, Abraham 369 number 108, symbol 141, 149-150,
Linga, symbol 174, as mandala 177- 259
179, typology 179-184, Svayambhu O
179-180, Hindu planets 180, Sages objectivity 304
180-181, Ganas 181, spatially Olsson, Gunnar 137
transposed 181, Jyotirlingas 182, Om, summon bonum 264, 265
183 five forms 182 Omkareshvara Khanda 31
Lishman, Frank 257, 258 Orwell, George 362, 369, 375
lunar cycle 304-306 P
M Panchakroshi 145, 148, 149, 359,
Macaulay, Lord (Thomas Babington Yatra: background 269-272,
Macaulay) 89 typology of shrines 272-275,
macrocosmos to mesocosmos 143-152 pilgrim characteristics 284-290,
macrocosmos to microcosmos 152-153 organisation 297-300
madarsa (Muslim school 39 Panchakroshi temple 4, 124-130
Mahabharata 50, 51, 52, 54, 100 Panchakroshi, route and halts 275-
Mahabhasya of Patanjali 50, 113 284, 369, 372, 385, Kardameshvara
mahals 27 276-278, Bhimachandi 278-280,
Mahasmashana 25 Rameshvara 280-281, Shivpur 281-
Mahmud of Ghaznawi 36, 38 282, Kapiladhara 282-284
malamasa/ Purushottama Masa 310, panchayatana 263
329, 334 Pandey, Banarasilal 100
Malaviya, Madan Mohan 255-256, paradigm shift vii
257, 258, 264, 266 peri-urban 28
Malville, John McKim 13 pilgrimage mandala 3, 107, 152
Manasara 143 pilgrimage, circuits and layering 145,
Mandeville, Sir John 383, 384 192, contestation 98-99
Mansaram 81, 82 place, spirit 368: speaks 384-386,
Maths, monasteries 387 aliveness 384, awakened 384, death
mesocosmos 108, 384, non-attachment 384
metaphor and milieu 373-377 population 18, growth 25- 31, 19th
metaphysical ideology 142 century 27-28, 20th century 28-31,
Michaels, Axel vi, 13 projection 26, 29-30, characteristics
Michell, George v, 13, 16 30
Microcosmic India 32 Possible Worlds, All: utopian man
Mohammad Ghori 26 370-371
Mohenjo-Daro 52 Pratiharas 25
mosaicness of Indian culture vi. Prinsep, James ix, 27, 28, 47, 74, 75,
Mumford, Lewis 256 80, 85-87, 88, 89, 104, map 110-
Muslims’ sacred places 36-39 112, 124, 235, 241, 242, 243, 249,
mystical body 110 305, 326, 345
mythologies 356 progeny 119
N public awakening 360
Naga Kupa 313, public space 354, 357, 358
Nagar Pradakshina 146 Purusha (primordial man) 18
 Banaras, Making of India’s Heritage City 407

Purushottama Masa/ malamasa 310, Socio-linguistic structure 33

329, 334 spatial organisation 170-171
Q spatialisation 169
Qutb-u-ddin Aibak 26 spirit of place (genius loci) 7, 8, 255,
R 368
Radhakrishnan, Sarvapalli 373 spiritual: path 8, magnetism 353
Rajghat 50, 53, 54, 57, 58 Sukul, Kailashnath 3
Ramacharitamanasa 308 Sukul, Kubernath 3, 6
Ramalila 315, Ramanagar 305-309, Sultan Ahmed 26
daily occurrences (suchipatra) 307- Sun (Chhata/ Shashthi) Puja 216-226,
308, map 306 316-317, mythology 217-219,
Ramalila, Ramanagar 326-330, 346, festivities in Banaras 219-225,
map 327, daily schedule 328 Lolarka Chhatha 225-226, Dala
Ramayana 53, 100 Chhatha 224-225
Rani Bhavani 119, 234, 278, 281, 282 Sun forms: Aruna 214, 215, Lolarka
Razia Sultana 77 Sun 211, Vimala 211, 212, Karna
religious landscape 17, 31-39, 47 211, Vriddha 211, 212, Draupada
Riverfront v, 4, 46 212, Ganga 212, Samba 213, Yama
Rudravasa 25 213, 214, Mayukha 213, 214,
Rustam Ali 81 Khakhola 214, 216, Keshava 214,
S 216, Sumantva 215, 216, Uttararka
sacrality, image and codification 105- 215, 216, Vinita 214, 216
107 Sun shrines, Varanasi 200-226, forms
sacred places, Muslims 36, 37, 202, 206, 208, corresponding
Christians 36 orientation 204-206, Azimuths 205,
sacred ways 7 festivities 207-208, Yantra 209-210
sacredscapes 8 Swift, Jonathan 382
samsara 106 symbolic map, Brahmavaivarta
Santelli, Serge 326 Purana 107-109
Sarasvati 255, 264, 265 Szent-Gyorgyi, Albert 373
Sarnath 17, 35, 45, 332-333, 368 T
seasons, Hindu 262 Tantrism 63
self-realisation 367 Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, a French
Shakespeare, William 368 traveller 70, 103
Shankaracharya 60 textuality of map 105
Shatapatha Brahmana 52, 54, 100 theoria 8
sheath system (chakra) 140 theosphere 253
Sheikh Ali Hazim 39 Tirthayatras 176, 177
Sherring, Matthew A. 10, 12, 103, 231- Tiwari, Reena vii, 16
232, 235 topography 17, 19-20
Shiva and Varanasi 174-177, Khandas topophilia 228
175, Linga forms 177 tourist landscape 42-45, foreign
Sikhism and their shrines 35 tourists 43, 44, influx 43, domestic
Singh, Khushwant 379, 388 43, nationalities 44, 45
Singh, R.L. 16, 20 tourists’ cognitive maps 130-135,
Singh, Shivprasad 364-387, education sketches 135
365, conception and perception 366, traditional schools 18
criticism 366-368, cognitive map transcendental element 143
368-369 translocality 133
sky lamps 304 truth vs. falls 381
408 Index

Turning the Wheel of Law 11 Varanasi, Master Plan 325, 326, 327,
Twain, Mark 9, 12, 50, 92, 94, 103 328, 335, 335, 340, 344, 348, 350,
U 356, 359, 360, 363, heritage zones
UNESCO World Heritage 304, 339, 326-335, criteria of UNESCO
340, 343, 359, 361, cultural WHC 323, 336-339, Old city
monuments 305, cultural sites 305, heritage 339-342, Riverfront
natural sites 305, cultural heritage cultural landscape 339-342, CDP
and cultural landscape 336, WHC City Development Plan 348-350,
guidelines 336 development region 345, 346
United Nations 320, day of World Varanasi, see also Banaras
Peace 320 Varanasi, WHC criteria 336-339,
Universal Man (Vishvamanusha) 53 natural beauty 339, aesthetic
University anthem, B.H.U. 255-256 importance 339, living traditions
University, Banaras Hindu: 338-339, traditional habitat 338,
background 256-257, layout plan architectural ensemble 338,
257-262, objectives 267, map and cultural tradition 337, human values
index 260-261, logo 264-265, East- 337, architecture 337, human
West meet 266-267, Barkachha creative genius 336-337
(Rajiv Gandhi) campus 256 VDA Varanasi Development Authority
Upanishad 12, 91, 106, 388 282, 298, 325, 327, 335, 349, 352,
Urban Agglomeration 17, 21, 22, 28 354, 355, 356, 357, 360
urban experience 365-369, conception Veda, Atharva 23, 46, 53, 99
and perception 366, imagination Veda, Rig 51, 53, 100, 209, 228, 231,
365 232, 259, 264
V Vedic quest: ko aham … 380
Varadraja 72 Vinayakas/ Ganesha, Astapradhana
Varanasi, as mini India 39-40, as a 197, fifty-six 150, 139, 87-192,
prayer 32, four faces 40, sacred city 196-198, forms’ sketches 193-195,
45, City Development Plan 359- Pancha 196, Panchamrita 196, extra
360, Detailed Project Reports 359- 197
360, city personality 371-373, Vishvanatha temple, see Vishveshvara
religious heritage resource 45 Vishveshvara temple 153-157, cardinal
Varanasi, heritage development plan: chambers 156, geometric properties
governance actions 354-355, 156, history 73-80, mosque area
development plan 355-359, water 154, old plan 155, New 263-264,
pools 358, drastic problems 357, kshetra layers 259, 262
riverfront 357-358, cultural centre Vyas, Kedarnath 4
358, Dashashvamedha ghat 356- W
357, 360, Chet Singh ghat and weight-tower 372
palace 357-358, Kautilya Society wholeness 32
353, 355, reports 364 workers, main 41, marginal 41
Varanasi, heritage zones 326-335: World Heritage Site v, 4, 5
Durgakund-Sankatmochan area Y
331-332, Riverfront Ghats 46, 329- Yama, Lord of death 388
331, Kamachcha-Bhelupura area Yupa, Yupa Sarovara 169
332, Kabir Math 332, Sarnath 332- Z
334, Other heritagescapes 334-335 Zafar, Bahadur Shah 39
 ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Prof. Rana P.B. Singh (b. 15-XII-1950), PhD (1974), Professor of Cultural Geography &
Heritage Studies since January 1999 at Banaras Hindu University, has been involved in
studying, performing and promoting heritage planning, sacred geography & cultural
astronomy, peregrinology, eco-tourism and development in the Varanasi region for the last
over three decades, as consultant, project director, collaborator and organiser. He has been
Visiting Professor of Geography at Virginia Tech (USA), Japan Foundation Scientist at
Okayama, Indo-Swedish Visiting Professor at Karlstad University, Ron Lister lecturer at
University of Otago, NZ, Linnaus-Palme Visiting Professor at Karlstad University, Sweden,
Indo-Japanese Exchange Professor at Gifu University, Japan, and Indo-Swedish Visiting
Professor at Gothenburg University. As visiting scholar he has given lectures and seminars at
many universities and institutes in Australia, Austria, Belgium, People’s Republic of China,
Denmark, Germany, Finland, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand,
Norway, Philippines, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, USA (including
Hawaii), and USSR (since 1990 Russia). During 1976-1988, he served as Assoc./ Secretary
and Co-chairman of the IGU Com./WG on ‘Rural Habitat in Developing Countries’. He is a
member of the IGU Initiative: Cultures and Civilisations for Human Development, and
representative of the IGU Committee of the United Nations International Year of Planet
Earth, 2009-2010. He is the Founding President of the (a) Society of Pilgrimage Studies, SPS
(1989), (b) Society of Heritage Planning & Environmental Health, SHPEH (1989), (c) Indo-
Nordic Cultural Association, INCA (1992), and (d) Indo-Japanese Cultural Association,
IJCAB (fd. 1989). He is also a Member, UNESCO Network of Indian Cities of Living
Heritage (- representing Varanasi), and Chief Advisor & Member: INTACH, Indian National
Trust for Art, Culture and Heritage (chapter Varanasi).
Prof. Rana Singh is a member of the Executive Board, the International Research Forum,
IRF, for SAARC, Tokyo; Member, IGU Initiative: Culture and Civilisations for Human
Development; and a Life Member of INTACH, NAGI, NGSI, and Kautilya Society.
Under the supervision of Prof. Rana Singh 8 students have received Ph.D. degrees. His
publications include 12 monographs, 23 books, and 180 research papers, including articles in
internationally reputed journals like Erdkunde, GeoJournal, Geoscience & Man, Architecture
& Behaviour, Pennsylvania Geographer, The Ley Hunter, Place, Asian Profile, and also in the
series from Routledge, Ashgate, Longman, Oxford, and Cambridge Scholars Publishing. His
recent publications include Environmental Ethics (1993), Banaras (Varanasi): Cosmic Order,
Sacred City, Hindu Traditions (1993), The Spirit and Power of Place (1994), Towards the
Pilgrimage Archetype (2002), Where the Buddha Walked (2003), Cultural Landscapes and
the Lifeworld (2004), Banaras, the Heritage City of India: Geography, History, Bibliography
(2008), Uprooting Geographical Thought in India: Toward Ecology and Culture in 21st
Century (2009, CSP UK), Geographical Thoughts in India (2009, CSP UK), Banaras,
Making of India’s Heritage City (2009, CSP UK), Cosmic Order and Cultural Astronomy
(2009, CSP UK), and Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia (2010, CSP UK). He is a
serried editor of the ‘Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding: A Series’ (Cambridge Scholars
Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK), sponsored by the ‘Society of Heritage Planning &
Environmental Health’.

Contact address:
Res.: New F - 7, Jodhpur Colony; Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, UP 221005. INDIA
Tel: (+091)-542-2575843 (Res.). (+091)-542-6701387 (chamber).
Cell: (+091-0)-9838 119474. E-mail: [email protected]