S. A. Starostin, A. V. Dybo, O. A.

Mudrak

An Etymological Dictionary

of Altaic Languages
 S. A. Starostin, A. V. Dybo, O. A. Mudrak

(with the assistance of I. Gruntov and V. Glumov)

An Etymological Dictionary

of Altaic Languages
 CONTENTS

Preface. ............................................................................................................. 7
Introduction .................................................................................................. 11
Chapter one. The problem of interlingual borrowings
in Altaic languages.................................................................................. 13
Chapter two. Comparative phonology of Altaic languages.............. 22
Chapter three. Comparative and historical phonologies of Altaic
subgroups............................................................................................... 136
Chapter four. Elements of a comparative morphology of Altaic
languages................................................................................................ 173
Chapter five. Classification of Altaic languages and dating of
Proto-Altaic ............................................................................................ 230
Structure of the dictionary and adopted conventions ........................... 237
Selected bibliography and abbreviations of quoted literature ............ 241
Abbreviations of periodical editions ........................................................ 265
Abbreviations of language names ............................................................ 267
Dictionary .................................................................................................... 271
Indices......................................................................................................... 1558
 PREFACE

This is a first attempt at an etymological dictionary of Altaic languages.

The history of Altaic comparative studies is a difficult one. Even now
there is still no consensus among scholars on the very problem of the
existence of Altaic as a genetic unit. We sincerely hope that this publi-
cation will bring an end to this discussion, which has lasted for more
than 30 years.
The dictionary presented below should by no means be regarded as
final and conclusive. We have tried to collect all existing etymologies
that seem to be semantically reliable and fit the established system of
phonetic correspondences. Among the 2800 etymologies presented ap-
proximately half are new, developed by our team during more than 10
years of preparatory work. New etymologies will most certainly fol-
low, while some of those presented will doubtlessly be rearranged or
even refuted in the course of future research. The current reconstruc-
tion will also inevitably change - as it happened with Indo-European,
Uralic and most of the other established language families during the
decades of their investigation. Nevertheless, we regard it as a valid
starting point, worth presenting to the general academic audience, and
look forward for criticism, suggestions and corrections.
Wherever necessary we give references to etymological literature,
although we decided to keep the discussion as short as possible. Many
existing etymologies are not mentioned in this dictionary because they
contradict the system of correspondences followed in the present vol-
ume or because we think we have found better solutions. It would be
futile, e.g., to struggle with some of the etymologies linking words with
Jpn. *p- to those with Altaic *k῾-, since we do not believe that such a
correspondence exists at all. We must say, however, that most of the
etymologies presented in the classical works of G. Ramstedt and N.
Poppe, as well as very many Japanese etymologies of R. Miller and S.
Martin, have been preserved, which in itself shows that the proposed
phonological reinterpretation of the Proto-Altaic system is just an ex-
tension of previous research.
The Altaic family as a genetic unity of Turkic, Mongolian and Tun-
gus-Manchu languages had been proposed as early as 1730 by F. J. v.
8 PREFACE

Stralenberg. Until the early 20th century, however, there was no clear
idea about the classification or comparative grammar of Altaic. The few
scholars that studied the languages regarded them rather as part of a
common Ural-Altaic family, together with Finno-Ugric and Samoyedic
languages - an idea now completely discarded.
The undebatable father of scientific Altaic studies was Gustaf John
Ramstedt. He started his research in the very beginning of the century,
and made a huge contribution both to Altaic studies as a whole and to
the study of individual subgroups of Altaic. His research was con-
cluded by the fundamental “Einführung in die Altaische Sprachwis-
senschaft” published in 1952, two years after his death in 1950.
Ramstedt formulated many basic phonetic rules of correspondences
between the Altaic languages, laid the foundations of Altaic compara-
tive grammar, and finalized the subclassification of the Altaic family by
separating Uralic from Altaic and adding Korean and Japanese to its
classic “Western” core.
Other scholars whose contributions to the Altaic field were really
substantial are N. Poppe, K. Menges, V. Tsintsius, V. Illich-Svitych, S.
Martin and R. A. Miller. A full account of their achievements would
deserve a special study, but suffice it to say that due to their efforts a
basic reconstruction of Common Altaic was already available by the
late fifties / early sixties of the 20th century.
A reaction started in the sixties. A number of scholars (for some rea-
son, primarily Turcologists) initiated what seemed at that time a
counter-Altaic revolt. The names of the main anti-Altaicists are G.
Clauson, G. Doerfer and A. Shcherbak. Among them G. Doerfer should
be distinguished as the most consistent, most fruitful, and most vigor-
ous in his anti-Altaic efforts.
Although the arguments of anti-Altaicists were many - from pho-
netic to lexico-statistical - their basic argument can be summed up as
follows: the relationship between the Altaic languages is not what a
genuine genetic relationship should be. All the numerous resemblances
between them were explained as a result of secondary convergence
within a “Sprachbund” of originally unrelated languages. The whole
idea of the original Proto-Altaic unity was very seriously threatened.
Simultaneously the Eastern branch of Altaic - Korean and Japanese,
or Korean-Japanese - was brought under heavy suspicion. No serious
alternative for Korean was proposed, but an active search for
non-Altaic relatives of Japanese began. Distinguished scholars like S.
Murayama (who always hesitated between the Altaic and Austronesian
affinity of Japanese) and P. Benedict started searching for Japa-
 PREFACE 9

nese-Austronesian parallels, with Benedict (following mainly the Japa-

nese scholar Kawamoto) finally proclaiming the inclusion of Japanese -
without Korean and Altaic - into his Austro-Thai family.
After a critical evaluation of the problem we came to the conclusion
that Altaic should be still characterized as a genetic unity, probably
forming a branch of the larger Nostratic macrofamily, but certainly a
separate family on its own. The very fact that it is possible to compile a
dictionary of common Altaic heritage appears to be a proof of the va-
lidity of the Altaic theory.

The work on the dictionary started in the late 80’s. Initially we

worked together with I. Shervashidze, who later switched to different
projects, and the work was continued by S. Starostin, A. Dybo and O.
Mudrak. We must gratefully mention our numerous younger col-
leagues and students who helped at various stages of compiling the
dictionary, and especially Ilia Gruntov, Vladimir Glumov, Vasiliy
Chernov and Martine Robbeets. The work was sponsored by grants
from the Soros (“Open Society”) foundation, from the Russian Foun-
dation of Fundamental Research and the Russian Foundation of Hu-
manities; since 1997 the research was supported by the Investor Group
“Ariel” within the framework of the “Tower of Babel” project.
All the work was conducted within the STARLING database cre-
ated by S. Starostin. The Altaic database is constantly available on line
at the Web address http://starling.rinet.ru. Special thanks go to pro-
grammers: Ph. Krylov who designed the Windows version of
STARLING software, Yu. Bronnikov who designed the scripts for the
Internet site; and to S. Bolotov who designed the fonts for this compli-
cated edition.
We would like also to express deep gratitude to colleagues who had
read the manuscript and given us many valuable suggestions, both
stylistical and etymological: Bernard Comrie, Alexander Lubotsky and
Cormack McCarthie.
INTRODUCTION
(by S. A. Starostin)
 CHAPTER ONE

THE PROBLEM OF INTERLINGUAL BORROWINGS

IN ALTAIC LANGUAGES

Since the gist of the anti-Altaic criticism is the idea that what Ramstedt
and Poppe regarded as common Altaic heritage is in fact a result of
later borrowings, it is this problem that we shall tackle first in the in-
troduction.
This problem is of utmost importance for the whole Altaic theory.
We must be able to distinguish between commonly inherited mor-
phemes and borrowed ones - since interlingual borrowing was very
widely practiced during the final stages of the development of Altaic
languages.
There are two basic contact zones in the Altaic area: the
Turko-Mongolian and the Mongolo-Tungus. There had also been some
contacts between Tungus and Korean, Korean and Mongolian, Korean
and Japanese - but they are relatively insignificant in comparison with
the very intense Turko-Mongolian and Mongolo-Tungus contacts.

1.1. Turko-Mongolian contacts.

It has been convincingly demonstrated by several authors (in a most

detailed way by Clark 1980) that there are no (or almost no) Mongolian
loanwords in Early Old Turkic, i.e. before the 13th century A.D. How-
ever, already in the Secret History of Mongols (13th c.) we find a number
of identifiable Turkic loanwords. Logically enough, in Late Old Turkic,
Middle Turkic and modern Turkic languages we also find a large
number of Mongolisms.
This can only mean that Turko-Mongolian contacts started in the
13th century, and there were no direct contacts before that time.
But there is also a large number of Turko-Mongolian matches that
cannot be explained as post-13th century loans. This fact was acknowl-
edged by most critics of the Altaic theory, and a bold attempt was
made by Doerfer to explain such matches as being prehistoric loans
from Turkic into Mongolian (for Altaicists, of course, such matches rep -
resent rather common inherited vocabulary).
Let us formulate the criteria that distinguish early Turkic borrow-
ings in Mongolian loans from the inherited vocabulary ( = prehistoric
loans in Doerfer’s terminology).
14 INTRODUCTION

1. The words involved are attested in Turkic before the 13th centur y;
2. They appear in Mongolian in a form typical for 13th century Uy-
ghur/Karakhanide Turkic
The latter criterion means that in the donor language the following
changes occurred, compared with Proto-Turkic: a) voiced *d-, *g- > *t-,
*k-; b) *ĺ, *ŕ > *š, *z; c) long vowels and diphthongs disappeared.
The most obvious criterion here is b), since the correspondences
Turk. *ĺ (>š) : Mong. s and Turk. *ŕ (>z): Mong. z, ǯ, s only occur within
this layer of loanwords (see Clark 1980). Let us take a closer look at
such cases:
PT *jāĺɨl ‘green, greens’ (OT jašɨl): WMong. jasil ‘buckthorn’
PT *gEŕik ‘turn, order’ (OT kezik): WMong. kesig ‘wake, turn’ (already in
MMong. as kešik)
PT *gEŕ- ‘to walk, walk through’ (OT kez-): WMong. kesü-, kese- ‘to
wander, roam’
PT *eĺi ‘lady, beg’s consort’ (OT iši): WMong. esi ‘empress’ (MMong. esi)
PT *seŕik ‘feeling’ (OT sezik): WMong. sesig
PT *(i)āĺ-ru ‘exceedingly’ (OT ašru): WMong. asuru
PT *dūĺ- ‘to meet’ (OT tuš-): WMong. tus(u)-
PT *kīĺ ‘sable’ (OT kiš): WMong. er-kis ‘male sable’, ebsi-gis ‘female sable’
PT *Koĺ ‘pair’ (OT qoš): WMong. qos(i) (MMong. qoši) id.
PT *Koĺ ‘hut, camping’ (MK qoš ‘family’): WMong. qos(i) (also qošlɨɣ >
WMong. qosiliɣ)
PT *jüŕüm ‘grape’ (OT üzüm, jüzüm) > WMong. üǯüm
PT *jmiĺč ‘vegetable(s)’ : MMong. (HY) ǯemiši
PT *Kạĺčɨ- ‘to scrape’ (OT qašɨ-), *Kạĺčɨ-gu ‘scraper’ (e.g. Chag. qašaɣu):
MMong. qaši’ur ‘scraper’
PT *biĺč-, *bɨĺč- (OT biš-) ‘to become boiled’, *bɨĺč-lak ‘smth. boiled’ >
WMong. bis(i)laɣ, basilaɣ ‘a k. of home cheese’
PT *Kar-ĺɨ ‘opposite’ (OT qaršɨ) > WMong. qarsi
PT *uluĺ ‘country, city’ (OT uluš) > WMong. ulus
PT *jạĺ- ‘blaze’, *jạĺɨn ‘lightning’ (OT jašu-, jašɨn) > WMong. jašin id.
PT *jEŕ ‘copper’ > WMong. ǯes id.
PT *boĺ ‘free, empty’, *boĺan- ‘to become empty, poor’ (OT boš, bošan-) >
WMong. busani- id.; *boĺug ‘permission’ (OT bošuɣ) > WMong. bošuɣ
id.
PT *aŕɨg ‘fang’ > MMong. *aǯuɣ (ačuɣ in Uygh. script)
PT *bogaŕ ‘pregnant’ (OT boɣaz) : WMong. boɣus
PT *KĀĺ ‘jade’ (OT qaš): WMong. qas(i) (MMong. qaši)
PT *diĺ ‘vessel’ (OT eδiš): WMong. idis(i) id.
PT *Kebiŕ ‘carpet’ (OT kebiz): WMong. kebis id.
PT *keleŕ / *keler ‘lizard’ (OT keler): WMong. keles
 CHAPTER ONE 15
PT *arbɨĺ ‘magic’ (OT arvɨš): WMong. arbis ‘knowledge’
PT *duĺa- ‘to hobble’, *duĺak ‘hobble’ (OT tuša-, tušaq): WMong. tuša-,
tusi- ‘to hobble’, MMong. tušaɣa ‘hobble’
PT *Kaĺaŋ ‘lazy’ (OT qašaŋ): WMong. qašaŋ id.
PT *Köĺi- ‘to screen’, *Köĺi-ge ‘shadow’ (OT köši-, köšige): MMong. köši-,
köšige
From these loans we may infer that:
1. OT š ( < *ĺ) is rendered in Mong. as s, frequently followed by optional
-i (Mongolian lacked a phonological distinction between š and s, but s
was pronounced as š before i); sometimes we find -š- in front of other
vowels (bošuɣ, tuša-) - an obvious feature of incompletely adapted
loanwords;
2. OT z ( < *ŕ) is also usually rendered as s, but in a few cases—as ǯ;
3. Initial j- is rendered either as j- (jasil, jašin) or as ǯ- (ǯemiši, ǯes). This
may reflect dialectal variation within Turkic (note that many modern
languages also display the variation j-/ǯ- < PT *j-) or an OT articulation
like *-;
4. No voiced initial consonants - except b - are present in this layer of
loans, which is quite consistent with OT phonology;
5. Turkic syllabic structure is retained with the following details:
a) verbal stems usually add a vowel (kez- > kese-, kesü-; tuš- > tus(u)-);
this is explained by the fact that Mong. has very few monosyllabic
verbal stems.
b) polysyllabic nominal stems usually do not, but occasionally also add
one (tušaq > tušaɣa);
c) monosyllabic nominal stems never add a vowel (except the parasitic
-i after -s- - to render Turkic š);
6. vowels are usually quite faithfully retained - except ɨ which is regu-
larly rendered by i (of course there is occasional variation between o
and u, and of weak vowels in the non-initial syllable);
7. voiced intervocalic consonants are rendered as voiced (notably -g- is
rendered as -ɣ- > -0- in boɣaz > boɣus, cf. Kalm., Dag. bōs).
Now if we investigate the loans from Mongolian into modern
Turkic languages we find a very similar system of correspondences:
WMong. sibaɣu(n) ‘bird’ (MMong. šiba’un) : Chag. šibaɣun
WMong. qaɣurai ‘dry’ > Tat. qawrai
WMong. qaŋsiɣar ‘beak, nose’ > Uzb. qanšar
WMong. dabaɣan, MMong. daba’an ‘mountain pass’ > Chag. taban
WMong. ɣaɣursu (Khalkha gūrs) ‘chaff’ > Kirgh. qaursu
WMong. qara- ‘look’, qaraɣul ‘patrol’ (MMong. qara’ul) > Chag. qara-,
qarawul
16 INTRODUCTION

WMong. egeči, MMong. egeči ‘elder sister’ > Chag. egeči

WMong. ǯabsar, MMong. ǯab(u)sar ‘gap, interval’ > Kirgh. ǯapsar
WMong. girɣaul, ɣurɣuul (MMong. xurqa’ul) ‘pheasant’ > Chag. qɨrɣavul
WMong. ɣura(n) ‘roebuck’ (MMong. qura-ltuq) > Oyr. quran
WMong. silegüsü(n) ‘lynx’ (MMong. šile’usun) > Kum. silewsün
WMong. soqur (MMong. soxar, soqor) ‘blind’ > Koman soqur
WMong. ǯuuqa ‘stove’ > Leb., Kumd. joqqɨ
WMong. šigüder, MMong. ši’uder(en) ‘dew’ > Chag. šüdürün
etc.
Of course the system slightly differs: Mongolian voiced initial con-
sonants are usually rendered by voiceless Turkic ones (since voiced
consonants are only retained in Oghuz languages that had hardly any
direct contacts with Mongolian and obtained all their Mongolisms
through Kypchak and Karluk intermediaries). But in general we see
that both loans from Turkic into Mongolian and vice versa reflect gen-
erally a single socio-linguistic situation: intensive Turko-Mongolian
contacts after the 13th century, with loanwords flowing in both direc-
tions - a situation quite consistent with what we know about the his-
tory of Turkic and Mongolian peoples.
A well-known fact, however, is the existence of a large number of
different Turko-Mongolian matches, frequently doublets to those in-
vestigated above. Thus we have OT azɨɣ ‘fang’ (PT *aŕɨg) corresponding
to WMong. araɣa, arija, MMong. ara’a, aral id. Doerfer and other
anti-Altaicists (e.g. Shcherbak) would like to view such cases also as
borrowings, but belonging to an earlier stratum.
We can indeed reconstruct a hypothetical (as Doerfer would put it,
“teleologische Sternchenform”) PT *aŕiga borrowed in PM as *ariɣa, and
having later lost the final vowel. Note that we cannot presume the
other direction of borrowing, since PM had no *-ŕ-, and in the case of a
borrowing from Mong. into Turkic we would expect something like
*arɨg. But what about MMong. aral ‘fang’, ara-tai ‘predator’ - forms
clearly derived from a root *ara- (*ari-), together with the form *ara-ɣa /
*ari-ɣa? In order to explain these forms we have to use a more imagina-
tive scenario: a) either postulate a PT root *aŕɨ, lost in all attested Turkic
languages and borrowed in Mong. as *ari (*ara), along with its deriva-
tive, PT *aŕɨ-ga; later the new derivatives *ara-l and *ara-taj were formed
on Mongolian ground, while the plain root *ari was lost, just as in
Turkic; b) or postulate PT derivatives *aŕɨ-l, *aŕɨ-taj (with suffixation
quite peculiar for Turkic) that were borrowed into Mongolian together
with *aŕɨ-ga, but were subsequently lost in Turkic.
Needless to say, explanations like this are unsatisfactory. A much
easier and more elegant solution is to trace both Turkic and Mongolian
 CHAPTER ONE 17
to a common Altaic root *aŕi, with a common old suffix *-ga. As is fre-
quently the case, the suffixless stem was not preserved, but it gave rise
to a set of derivatives in Mongolian.
Besides providing a better explanation of Turko-Mongolian matches
(and the case of *aŕɨg is not isolated - there are literally hundreds of
such cases), such a solution also helps to avoid the inevitable conclu-
sion at which Doerfer arrived in his investigations: that all early loan-
words marched in only one direction - from Turkic to Mongolian. In-
deed, Turkic has more distinctions than Mongolian in what concerns,
e.g., the oppositions *l-*ĺ or *r-*ŕ. Mongolian has only *l and *r, thus all
cases of Turk. *ĺ : Mong. *l and Turk. *ŕ : Mong. *r are to be explained as
borrowed in Mongolian from Turkic; and there are no obvious cases of
a converse situation.
But oneway borrowing is a specific situation which requires an ex-
planation. This may be either a big difference in the cultural levels of
contact participants, which we have absolutely no reason to suppose in
this case, or borrowing from a dialect which once existed (and of course
also borrowed from the other contact participant), but later ceased to
exist. We would thus have to suppose that Old Turkic (and in fact all
other Turkic languages) are descendants of a PT dialect that had no
contacts with Mongolian; but there existed a hypothetical “sis-
ter-Proto-Turkic” that had contacts with Mongolian but later ceased to
exist without leaving any trace.
We see that the general scientific principle of Occam’s razor clearly
speaks in favour of the genetic relationship between Turkic and Mon-
golian, since this is inevitably the simpliest solution in all available
cases.

1.2. Mongolo-Tungus contacts.

Borrowings from Mongolian into Tungus-Manchu languages are quite

abundant. The majority of them penetrated from Mongolian into Man-
chu, and from Manchu into the other Tungus-Manchu languages; but a
considerable number penetrated also from Dagur into the neighbour-
ing Solon language, and from Buryat into Evenki and the neighbouring
Even and Negidal languages. How can we distinguish Mongolian loan-
words from inherited common Altaic etyma?
Consider the following examples:
PM *hiǯaɣur ‘root’ : Evk. (Kamn.) iʒagur, Sol. oǯōr
PM *hüre ‘seed’ : Sol. ur
PM *hergi ‘steep bank’ : Man. ergi
PM *hačiɣuri ‘favour’ : Nan. ačeuri
18 INTRODUCTION

PM *harga(l)-sun ‘dung’ : Evk. argahun

PM *hojimu-sun ‘stockings’ : Evk. oimahun, oimusu
PM *hab-taj ‘sorcery’ > Evk. aptaj, *hab-galdaj ‘shaman mask’ > Evk.
awaɣaldaj
PM *huta-sun ‘thread’ > Evk. uta-sun
PM *hergi- ‘go round’, *hergiɣül- ‘turn round’ > Man. erguwe-, Evk. er-
gūlge ‘device for tanning skins’ ( = Mong. *hergiɣüleg), Evn. ergin-.
These and many other examples reveal one phonetic peculiarity: a
correspondence of PM *h- : TM 0-. They also have another peculiarity:
in the vast majority of them the wordform structure of Mongolian (in-
cluding all derivational suffixes) is faithfully retained in TM languages.
It is obvious that the words entered TM languages already after the loss
of *h- in Mongolian - which (in Northern Mongolian dialects) occurred
as early as in the XIVth century.
Consider now another group of examples:
PM *hila-ɣan ‘fly’ : Orok pulikte, pumikte, Evk. hunmikte (PTM *pulmi-kte)
‘midge’
PM *hünir ‘smell’ : Orok pū(n) ‘smell’, Evk. huńŋukte- ‘to smell’ (PTM
*puń-)
PM *halagan ‘palm (of the hand)’: Ul. pańa, Evk. hanŋa, Man. falaŋɣu id.
(PTM *palŋa)
PM *hari- ‘be tired, exhausted’ : Evk. harū-, Man. fara- ‘to faint, feel
giddy’ (PTM *paru-)
PM *heki ‘head’ : Evk. hēje ‘forehead’, Man. fexi ‘brain’ (PTM *pējKe)
PM *hiru-ɣar ‘bottom, ground’ : Evk. here, Man. fere, Ul. pere(g) (PTM
*pere)
etc.
This group of examples has a quite different correspondence for PM
*h-, viz., PTM *p-. If we suppose borrowing from Mongolian, we have
to assume that:
1. This borrowing occurred long before the XIVth century, in the period
when Mong. *h- was still pronounced as *p- (a feature not preserved in
any Mongolian dialect);
2. This borrowing occurred even earlier, namely, during the epoch of
Common TM unity (somewhere in the 1st millennium BC), since all of
the above examples belong to the common TM wordstock, so appar-
ently were borrowed into PTM;
3. Borrowed were not the Mongolian forms listed above, but their
roots, which were later supplied (in many cases) with different TM suf-
fixes.
Many other groups of examples also show very specific features.
Cf.:
 CHAPTER ONE 19
a) WMong. qou ‘all’: Evk. kūkte, Orok kupu-kte
WMong. qalu- ‘to come near’: Orok qal- id., Man. xanči ‘near’
WMong. kere- ‘quarrel, fight’: Evk. kerbe- ‘kill’, Man. keru-le- ‘to fine’
WMong. qura ‘rain’: Evk. kur-ge-kūn, Ul. kūre(n) ‘storm’
WMong. küči(n) ‘strength’: Evk. kusī- ‘to fight’, kusīn ‘strength’, Man.
xusu-n id.
b) WMong. qučil- ‘to scrape with fingers’ : Evk. osī-, Orok χosị- ‘to
scrape’
WMong. kilɣa-su ‘hair’: Evk. inŋa-kta, Orok sịnaqta id.
WMong. kür ‘precipice’: Evk. ure, Orok xure ‘mountain’
WMong. qudurɣa ‘tail strap’: Evk. irgi, Orok xudu ‘tail’
WMong. kele(n) ‘tongue’: Evk. inńi, Man. ileŋgu, Orok sinu id.
In group a) we have words with PTM *k-; in group b) - with PTM
*x-. Mongolian in both cases has k- ( = q- in front of back vowels). So
why would TM languages borrow the same Mongolian phoneme both
as TM *k- and TM *x-?
Note that both groups of examples seem to be archaic enough (dif-
ferent suffixation and wide distribution in TM).
To explain this picture we can either postulate two different pho-
nemes in early Mongolian (at the time of borrowing > TM), e.g. *k 1 and
*k2, with this distinction lost and not reflected in any variety of Mongo-
lian, or try to presume a different direction of borrowing (TM > Mong.,
with both TM *k- and *x- > Mong. k-; but why not *x- > Mong. h- in this
case?).
This all is theoretically possible, but certainly the usual solution a
historical linguist assumes in such cases is that we are dealing with ge-
netic relationship and that two phonemes have to be reconstructed for
Proto-Altaic (in our case - *k and *k῾), which converged in Mongolian,
but stay distinct (as *k- vs. *x-) in Tungus-Manchu.
We see that here, too, a hypothesis about common origin fares much
better than the loanword theory. Of course, there are loanwords from
Mongolian into TM languages, but they are recent (certainly after the
XIVth century) and penetrated from Mongolian into different TM lan-
guages (basically - into Manchu and Evenki, also through a different
route - from Dagur into Solon) long after the split of
Proto-Tungus-Manchu.
One of the significant arguments that Doerfer raised against the Al-
taic theory was the absence of common Turkic-TM vocabulary. Indeed,
if the three families are not related and all the lexical parallels observed
are due either to borrowings in Turkic from Mongolian, in Mongolian
from Turkic, and in TM from Mongolian, we would expect no common
20 INTRODUCTION

Turkic-TM parallels without Mongolian intermediaries. But in fact we

do have quite a number of such cases, somehow overlooked by the crit-
ics:
PT *ăčaj / *ĕčej ‘elder female relative’ : PTM *asī ‘woman’ PT *Ebü(r)dek
‘duck’: PTM *ābu, *ābu-lduka ‘a k. of duck’ PT *bạk- ‘to look, watch’:
PTM *baKa- ‘to find’ PT *bAja ‘recently’: PTM *baǯi- ‘early’ PT *bilik
‘wick’: PTM *bulin id.
PT *bɨrak- ‘to abandon, throw’: PTM *burī- ‘to lose, let go’
PT *bodu- ‘to fasten, attach’: PTM *boda- ‘to accompany’
PT *bul- ‘icy surface’: PTM *belu- / *bul- ‘slippery ice surface’
PT *būt ‘thigh’ : PTM *begdi / *bugdi ‘leg’
PT *čEl, *čEl-pe- ‘film, membrane’: PTM *čalba-n ‘bark’
PT *jak- ‘to burn’: PTM *deg-ǯe-gi- id.
and many, many others (see the body of the dictionary). To explain
those cases we have either to refute them all, or to suppose a third an-
cient contact zone (Turkic > TM) which is extremely dubious (there ex-
ist loans in Evenki from Yakut and vice versa, apparently reflecting
quite recent contacts; but no archaic contacts seem to be observable), or
- which is the most preferable solution - once again to presume genetic
relationship.
A very important issue while formulating any genetic hypothesis is
the problem of basic vocabulary. However, to make a correct estima-
tion of the proportion of basic vocabulary preserved in each branch,
one needs to have a sufficient knowledge of comparative phonology,
i.e. regular correspondences established between languages compared.
Here we must agree with the critics: the correspondences established
between Altaic languages in the classical works of Ramstedt and Poppe
indeed were unsatisfactory in many respects, partially due to insuffi-
cient attention paid to the stratification of loanwords. But instead of
trying to improve the correspondences and to untangle difficult phono-
logical and lexical riddles, the critics had chosen an easier way: to re-
fute the genetic relationship as such.
Some researchers, however, took a different approach. Among them
we should name such distinguished scholars as V. M. Illich-Svitych
(with his three-way distinction of stops in PA), V.Tsintsius (with her
many papers on PTM phonology and the three-way correspondence of
stops), S. Martin (with a pioneer attempt at the Korean-Japanese recon-
struction, which was largely unsuccessful, but provided a lot of in-
sights into the prehistory of Korean and Japanese) and R. Miller (with
many successful attempts at establishing phonetic correspondences
between Japanese and other Altaic languages).
 CHAPTER ONE 21
All this work was summarized and continued in the book of one of
the authors of the present dictionary (АПиПЯЯ). Even since that time
many correspondences have been made more precise and some
changed, during the prolonged collective processing of the vast Altaic
evidence. Below we shall outline the reconstruction of PA phonology
as it is now perceived by the authors.
 CHAPTER TWO

COMPARATIVE PHONOLOGY OF ALTAIC LANGUAGES

2.0. Root structure

The most common root structure in Altaic languages is *CVCV, occa-

sionally with a medial consonant cluster - *CVCCV. The final vowel,
however, is very unstable: best preserved in TM languages (although
also not always easily reconstructable because of morphological pro-
cesses), it is frequently dropped in Korean, Mongolian and Turkic (in
the latter family in fact - in the majority of cases). Japanese usually pre-
serves the final vowel, although its quality is normally lost (shifted to
the previous syllable or fused with the quality of vowels in suffixed
syllables); however, in cases when the final (medial) root consonant is
lost (on the process *cVRV-ɣV > *CVRɣV > *CVɣV > *CV in Japanese see
below), Japanese reflects original disyllables as monosyllables.
Japanese also has quite a number of monosyllabic verbal roots of the
type *CVC-. We agree with Martin (JLTT) that these roots were origi-
nally disyllabic as well, however reconstructing them as *CVCa- is cer-
tainly incorrect. The OJ verbal conjugation shows explicitly that the
verbal stems — if we examine their interaction with the gerundive suf-
fix *-i — can be subdivided into three main types: *CVCa- (those having
the gerund in -e < *-a-i), *CVCə- (those having the gerund in -i < *-ə-i),
and *CVC- (those having the gerund in -ji < *-i). We can only suggest
the possibility that the latter type reflects original verbal roots *CVCi
(occasionally perhaps also *CVCu, although there are reasons to sup-
pose that some of the latter actually merged with the type *CVCə-). The
gerund form in *-i in this case may actually reflect the original final
root vowel that had early disappeared before other verbal suffixes of
the type *-V(CV)-.
A small number of trisyllabic roots such as *àlak῾u ‘walk’, *kabari
‘oar’, *k῾obani ‘armpit’ etc. are also reconstructed for Proto-Altaic. It
cannot be excluded that in many or most of these cases the final sylla-
ble is originally a suffix, but the deriving stem is not used separately
and the derivation had already become obscure in the protolanguage.
 CHAPTER TWO 23

The monosyllabic structure *CV was typical for pronominal and

auxiliary morphemes, but a small number of verbal (and, quite excep-
tionally, nominal) monosyllabic roots can also be reconstructed:
PT *b(i)ā- ‘bind’, PTM *ba- ‘propose for marriage’, Kor. pa, PJ *b ‘string’
(PA *b)
PT *jạ-t- ‘lie’, PM *de-b- ‘lay, put’, PTM *dē ‘bed’, *dē-du- ‘lie’, PJ
*dà-nt-r- ‘spend the night’ (PA *dḕ)
PT *Ko- ‘put’, PTM *ga- ‘take’, PK *kà- id. (PA *ga)
PM *ni-ɣu- ‘hide, concel’, PTM *nē- ‘put’, PJ *ná- ‘lie, sleep’, PK *nū-b-
‘lie’ (PA *nḗ)
PT *sa-t- ‘sell’, PJ *si-rə ‘price’, but PK *sà- ‘buy’ (PA *sa) PT *dē- ‘say’,
PM *da-wu- ‘sound’, PTM *de(b)- ‘song, tune’ (PA *tḗ)
PT *jē- ‘eat’, PM *ǯe-mü- ‘be hungry’, *ǯo-ɣug ( < *ǯa-ɣug) ‘meal’, PTM
*ǯe-p- ‘eat’, PK *čā- ‘eat’, OJ ja-pa- ‘hungry’ (PA *ǯē)
PTM *pē- ‘be unable, not dare’: PM *ja-da- ‘be unable’, PJ *piá-r- ‘be-
come less, humble oneself’ (PA *p῾ē)
PT *be-ŋ, PTM *be, PJ *bá-i ‘bait’ (PA *b)
PT *d-n ‘spirit, breath’, Manchu ǯu-n ‘pulse, vein’, but PJ *tí, PM *či-su
‘blood’ (PA *čū; here the *-n in PT and Manchu is probably suf-
fixed)
PM *do-/*du- ‘middle’, PTM *dō ‘inside’, PK *tắi ‘inside’ (PA *dṑ)
A special type of cases is represented by a number of verbal roots
emerging as monosyllables of the type *CV in some languages, but hav-
ing the structure *CVl(V) or, less frequently, *CVr(V) in others:
PT *ạl- ‘take’, PM *ali- ‘take, receive’, PTM *al(i)- id., but PJ *á- ‘receive’
(PA *ắla)
PM *bür-il- ‘die, perish’: PTM *bu- ‘die’ (but bur- in some forms, e.g. in
Nanai) (PA *bŭri)
PM *ere- ‘healthy, sober’: PTM *eri- ‘to breathe’, PJ *àr- ‘be’: PT *er- ‘be’
(but *e- in many verb forms in modern languages) (PA *ra)
PT *gẹl- ‘come’, PM *gel(i)- ‘walk, run after’, PTM *gel- ‘get on one’s
way’, but PK *ká- ‘go away’, PJ *k- ‘come’ (PA *gle)
PT *Kɨl- ‘do, make’, but PM *ki- id., PJ *kì- (in *kì-túk- ‘build’) (PA *ki(lo))
PT *ol- ‘sit’ (but frequently o- in *ol-tur-, *o-tur- id.), PM *ol- ‘obtain’ ( <
‘become’): PTM *ō- ‘to become; to make’; PK *ó- ‘come’ (PA *ṑlu)
PM *hil- ‘warm’, PTM *pile- ‘dry under the sun’, but PJ *p- ‘dry up’
(PA *p῾ìlo)
PT *sal- ‘to put’, but PK *hằ-, PJ *sỺ- ‘make, do’ (PA *sóle)
We reconstruct disyllables here, but the exceptional loss of *r and *l
remains unexplained. A possible solution would be to reconstruct
those roots as *CVC, with the root-final resonant lost occasionally.
However, the number of cases is not large, and the roots in question are
24 INTRODUCTION

frequently used as auxiliary verbs, which by itself could explain the

exceptional phonetic development. It is also possible that *-r- and *-l- in
those cases are originally suffixed, and the roots belong to the rare (but
existing) type *CV. The problem obviously requires further investiga-
tion.

2.1. The consonant system of Proto-Altaic

The consonants reconstructed for Proto-Altaic are:

p῾- p b m
t῾ t d n s z r l
č῾ č ǯ ń š j ŕ ĺ
k῾ k g ŋ
It is interesting to note that *z and *j are in complementary distribu-
tion: *z occurs only word-initially, while *j never occurs in the begin-
ning of the word. However, their reflexes are so different that it seems
hardly possible to regard them synchronically as a single phoneme.
The correspondences between Altaic languages can be summarized
as follows:
PA Tung. Mong. Turk. Jpn. Kor.
*p῾- *p- *h-, *j- *0-, *j- *p- *p-
*p῾ *p *h, b / -b *p *p *p
*p- *p- *b-,h- *b- *p- *p-
*p *b *b *b *p *p
*b- *b- *b- *b- *p- / b[a,ə,Vj] *p-
*b *b *h / [*R]b, *b *p [*iV,*j]w *b / -p
*b[Vg] /-b
*m- *m- *m- *b- *m- *m-
*m *m *m *m *m *m
*t῾- *t- *t- /č[i] *t- *t- *t-
[dV+ĺ,ŕ,r]
*t῾ *t *t / č[i] / -d *t *t *t
*t- *d-/ǯ() *d- / č[i] *d- *t- / d[i,ə] *t-
*t *t *d / č[i] *t *t *r / -t
*d- *d- *d- / ǯ[i] *j- *d- / t [V + *t-
*p῾,*t῾,*k῾,*č῾]
*d *d *d / ǯ[i] *d *t / [*iV,*j] j *r / -t
*n- *n- *n- *j- *n- *n-
*n *n *n *n *n *n
*r *r *r *r *r, *t *r
 CHAPTER TWO 25

PA Tung. Mong. Turk. Jpn. Kor.

*l- *l- *l-, n- *j- *n- *n-
*l *l *l *l *r *r
*s- *s- *s- *s- *s- *s-, h-
*s *s *s *s *s *s
*z- *s- *s- *j- *s- *s-
*č῾- *č- *č- *č- *t- *č-
*č῾ *č *č *č *t *č
*č- *ǯ- *d- / *č[i] *d- *t- *č-
*č *s *č *č *s *č
*ǯ- *ǯ- *ǯ- *j- *d- *č-
*ǯ *ǯ *ǯ *j *j *č
*ń- *ń- *ǯ- *j- *m- *n-
*ń *ń *j, n *ń *n, *m *ń
*ŕ *r *r *ŕ *r / t[i,u] *r
*ĺ- *l- *d- /ǯ[i] *j- *n- *n-
*ĺ *l *l *ĺ *s *r
*š- *š- *s- / *č[*A] *s- / *s- *s-
*č[*A]
*š *š *s *s *s *s
*j *j *j, h *j *j, *0 *j, *0
*k῾- *x- *k- *k- *k- *k-
*k῾ *k/x *k, g[Vh] / -g *k *k *k, h
*k- *k- *k- *g- *k- *k-
*k *k *g / -g *k, *k *0, h /-k
g[(V)r]
*g- *g- *g- *g- *k- *k-
*g *g *h, g[Vh] / *g *k/[*iV] 0 *0, h / -k
-g
*ŋ- *ŋ- *0-, *j-/ g[u] / *0-, *j- *0-/*n-(/*m[]-) *n-
n[a,o,e]
*ŋ *ŋ *ŋ, n, m,h *ŋ *n, *m *ŋ, 0
Below is an outline of the development of every Proto-Altaic conso-
nant with full reference to the text of the dictionary.

2.1.1. PA initial *p῾

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*p῾- *0-, *j- *h-, *j- *p- *p- *p-
26 INTRODUCTION

Notes:
Turkic usually has 0-, but frequently has a j- before original diph-
thongs *a, *o (note: never before *u).
Mongolian usually has *h-, but in some cases also has a j- (before
original *e and diphthongs, but much less frequently than Turkic).

The problem of Khalaj h-

Doerfer has reconstructed PT *h- which yields h- in Khalaj, but 0- in all

other Turkic languages. It may well be that Khalaj indeed reflects a
phoneme lost elsewhere. In that case we would certainly expect Khalaj
h- to reflect PA *p῾- (just as MMong. has h- < *p῾- or Evk. has h- < *p῾-).
The real situation is, however, much more complex.
We may note that PA *p῾- is in fact in the vast majority of cases re-
flected as Khalaj h-. Cf.: Khal. hadaq ‘foot’ < PT *(h)adak < PA *p῾ágdi;
Khal. haɣač ‘tree’ < PT *(h)ɨ-gač < PA *p῾[]ju; Khal. hɨraq ‘far’ < PT
*(h)ɨra- < PA *p῾ìra; Khal. hēl ‘wet’ < PT *(h)ȫl < PA *p῾ṓle; Khal. hārɨ ‘bee’
< PT *(h)ārɨ < PA *p῾ḗra; Khal. har-qan ‘tired, lean’ < PT *(h)r- < PA
*p῾ra; Khal. hat- ‘to throw’ < PT *(h)ạt- < PA *p῾t῾a; Khal. hič- ‘to extin-
guish’ < PT *(h)öč- < PA *p῾ōči; Khal. hāčuɣ ‘bitter’ < PT *(h)iāčɨg < PA
*p῾č῾o; Khal. huv- ‘to rub’ < PT *(h)ob- < PA *p῾ṑpo; Khal. hüsgün-, hiz-
‘to demolish’ < PT *(h)üŕ- < PA *p῾uŕi; Khal. hadru- ‘to separate’ < PT
*(h)adɨr- < PA *p῾ādA; Khal. hīt ‘hole’ < PT *(h)ǖt < PA *p῾ṓt῾è; Khal. harq
‘excrement’ < PT *(h)ark < PA *p῾arkV; Khal. has- ‘to hang’ < PT *(h)as- <
PA *p῾asi; Khal. hidiš ‘vessel’ < PT *(h)diĺ < PA *p῾ādi; Khal. hur- ‘to hit’ <
PT *(h)ur- < PA *p῾ri; Khal. häräk- ‘to rise’ < PT *(h)ȫr- < PA *p῾ṓre; Khal.
hārt ‘back’ < PT *(h)ār-t < PA *p῾ṑrí.
There are only six cases where Khalaj has 0- in the place of PA *p῾-,
and all of them can be easily explained as recent borrowings from Az-
eri or Turkmenian: Khal. ič- ‘to drink’ ( = Turkm., Az. ič-) < PT *(h)ič- <
PA *p῾ič῾i; Khal. ät ‘meat’ ( = Turkm. et, Az. ät) < PT *(h)et < PA *p῾ḕta;
Khal. aɣīr ‘heavy’ ( = Turkm., Az. aɣɨr) < PT *(hi)agɨr < PA *p῾àká; Khal.
ōn ‘ten’ ( = Turkm. ōn, Az. on) < PT *(h)ōn < PA *p῾VbV(n); Khal. esür- to
cough’ ( = Turkm. üsgür-) < PT *(h)üskür- < PA *p῾ŭsi; Khal. äkki ῾two’
( = Turkm., Az. ik(k)i) < PT *ẹk(k)i < PA p῾òk῾e.
In all other cases when Khalaj has 0-, the Turkic forms go back to
PA roots with *0- or *ŋ-, cf.: Khal. uč- ‘to fly’ < PT *uč- < PA *ùč῾o; Khal.
äl ‘hand’ < PT *el < PA *ŋli; Khal. išüt- ‘to hear’ < PT *ẹĺit- < PA *aĺi;
Khal. uza-, uzu- ‘long’ < PT *uŕa-, *uŕɨ- < PA *uŕo; Khal. aɣɨz ‘mouth’ <
PT *Agɨŕ < PA *ága; Khal. ol- ‘to be’ < PT *ol- < PA *ṑlu; Khal. ū- ‘to sleep’
< PT *ū- < PA *ŋju; Khal. o ‘that’ < PT *o- < PA *ó; Khal. äm- ‘to suck’ <
PT *em- < PA *emV; Khal. aš ‘meal’ < PT *(i)aĺ < PA *oĺe; Khal. it ‘dog’ <
 CHAPTER TWO 27

PT *it < PA *ŋndo; Khal. aŋla- ‘to understand’ < PT *āŋ- < PA *ēŋV; Khal.
ič ‘interior’ < PT *ič < PA *ič῾u; Khal. ä-rä ‘that side’ < PT *a- < PA *é;
Khal. ušaq ‘knuckle-bone’ < PT *(i)aĺ(č)uk < PA *ằĺča; Khal. ēz ‘inside’ <
PT *ȫŕ < PA *ṓŕi; Khal. ānd ‘oath’ < PT *ānt < PA *nta; Khal. äy- ‘to
bend’ < PT *eg- < PA *egi; Khal. ēr- ‘to reach’ < PT *ēr- < PA *re; Khal.
ēn- ‘to go down’ < PT *ēn- < PA *ŋḗni; Khal. ist ‘upper part’ < PT *ȫŕ-t <
PA *ōŕi; Khal. äŋgür ‘dusk’ < PT *ɨŋɨr < PA *ína; Khal. ilgär ‘in front’ < PT
*ilk < PA *ílek῾a; Khal. elč- ‘to measure’ < PT *öl-č- < PA *úle; Khal. īlän-
‘to cry’ < PT *ɨjŋala- < PA *ùjŋula; Khal. inǯi- ‘suffer’ < PT *ēn- < PA
*ēnV; Khal. īš ‘deed, work’ < PT *īĺč < PA *ĺi; Khal. al-t ‘below’ < PT *al-
< PA *ale; Khal. al- ‘to take’ < PT *ạl- < PA *ála; Khal. är- ‘to be’ < PT *er-
< PA *ra; Khal. arɨ-, aru- ‘clean’ < PT *ạrɨ- < PA *ero; Khal. arqa ‘back’ <
PT *ar-ka < PA *ara; Khal. arpa ‘barley’ < PT *arpa < PA *arp῾a; Khal. ej
‘front’ < PT *öŋ < PA *òŋè; Khal. ēm ‘trousers’ < PT *(i)öm < PA *umi;
Khal. ärin ‘lip’ < PT *Erin < PA *ằré; Khal. ēšük ‘covering’ < PT *ēĺü- <
PA *ḗĺpo; Khal. irdek ‘duck’ < PT *Ebü-rdek < PA *jbi; Khal. ut- ‘to win’ <
PT *ut- < PA *ut῾a; Khal. eger ‘hunting dog’ < PT *eker < PA *ŋk῾u.
However, there is a significant number of cases where Khalaj has
initial h- which appears to be an innovation (prothesis), cf.: Khal. hil- ‘to
die’ < PT *öl < PA *oli; Khal. här ‘man’ < PT *ēr < PA *ri; Khal. hāj
‘moon’ < PT *āń < PA *ńu; Khal. hūt ‘fire’ < PT *ōt < PA *ōt῾a; Khal. hāj-
‘to say’ < PT *ạj- < PA *eju; Khal. häv ‘house’ < PT *eb < PA *ìbe; Khal.
häšü- ‘to dig’ < PT *eĺ- < PA *ḗĺV; Khal. hirin, hürün ‘white’ < PT *ürüŋ <
PA *obri; Khal. hin- ‘to grow’ < PT *ȫn- < PA *ṓni; Khal. havul ‘quiet’ <
PT *ăm- < PA *mV; Khal. hāɣa- ‘back’ < PT *(i)āg- < PA *ga; Khal. hāz-
‘to go astray’ < PT *āŕ- < PA *ḗŕa; Khal. hajaz ‘clear sky’ < PT *ańaŕ < PA
*ŋańa; Khal. hikkä ‘lung’ < PT *öpke < PA *op῾ekV; Khal. häjir- ‘to twist,
spin’ < PT *egir- < PA *egVrV; Khal. hiri- ‘to plait’ < PT *ȫr- < PA *ṓre;
Khal. ham ‘vulva’ < PT *(i)am < PA *amu; Khal. hāll ‘front’ < PT *āl- < PA
*āla; Khal. hēǯäš ‘anger’ < PT *ȫč < PA *ṓč῾é; Khal. hāla-bula ‘variegated’ <
PT *āla < PA *lV; Khal. āč ‘hunger’ < PT *č < PA *ēč῾o; Khal. hat ‘horse’
< PT *at < PA *atV; Khal. hoqlaɣo ‘bow’ < PT *ok- < PA *k῾à; Khal. häjlä-
‘sieve’ < PT *ĕlge- < PA *algi; Khal. hāra ‘space between’ < PT *āra < PA
*rV; Khal. haz ‘few’ < PT *āŕ < PA *āŕa; Khal. häps- ‘to winnow’ < PT
*ebs- < PA *eba; Khal. hoqu- ‘to call’ < PT *ok- < PA *oki; Khal. hottuz
‘thirty’ < PT *otuŕ < PA *ŋ[u]-.
One may note that this prothetic h- is very frequent before long
vowels and before the following -j-, -v-. However, the rules are not
strict, and in general the emergence of h- in Khalaj is unpredictable.
Absence of h- in Khalaj is therefore an almost certain sign of *0- (or *ŋ-)
in Altaic, but its presence may be original or secondary. We shall thus
continue to use PT forms without initial *h- (keeping in mind though
28 INTRODUCTION

that it was probably present in the system) - given that the reconstruc-
tion of *h- can be made only on Khalaj data, and the latter is often quite
ambiguous.

2.1.2. PA non-initial *-p῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*p῾ *p *h (*w),b / *p *p *p
-b
Notes.
Japanese can occasionally have -m- before the following nasal, cf.
*t῾p῾o > *túmá- ( = PT *tubńa- < *tupńa-).
The PM consonant *-h- in intervocalic position is traditionally ro-
manized as -ɣ-, because it is not orthographically distinguished from
-g- (or -G-, also romanized as -ɣ-). In order not to depart from tradition
too much, we shall write -g- for -g- (“non-vanishing” -g-) and -ɣ- for -h-
(“vanishing” -g-), even though phonetically it was most probably -h-
(perhaps voiced -ɦ-) in Middle Mongolian.
It should also be noted that Mongolian did not tolerate *-h- (-ɣ-) in
front of -i-: in this position it always has -j-. Sometimes -j- also appears
instead of *-h- (-ɣ-) before -e-.
Mongolian preserves non-initial *p῾ as b in syllable-final position
and in clusters with resonants. In intervocalic position it exhibits a
variation of *-h- (sometimes with a preservation of the labial feature,
*-hw- = -w-) and *-b-.
Japanese usually preserves *-p῾- as -p-, but (as in case of other aspi-
rated and voiced stops) reveals occasional cases of secondary voiced or
prenasalized *-(m)p-.
It turns out that there is a fairly good correlation between Mong.
*-h- and Jpn. *-p-, on the one hand, and Mong. *-b- and Jpn. -mp-, on
the other. Here is a complete correlation chart:

2.1.2.1. Mong. *-h- : Jpn. *-p-

PA Mong. Jpn.
*č῾ep῾a *čoɣu-da- *tapai
*č῾op῾e *čöɣe-rüm *tpî
*ep῾o *(h)aɣag *əpə-mənə
*kḗp῾a *keɣe *kápúa
*kàp῾u *kajir- *kùpí-(mpisù)
*kùp῾u *kuji- *kùpà-
*kăp῾u *kaɣa- *kupai
 CHAPTER TWO 29

PA Mong. Jpn.
*k῾àp῾a *kaɣur-čag *kàpì
*k῾p῾a *kawu-da- *kapa
*k῾p῾e *kewü- *kp-
*k῾op῾ira *köɣürge *kápárá
*ĺp῾u *ǯeɣeg *nùp-
*ŏp῾ikV *(h)öɣe *pùkùpùkù-si
*ṓp῾a *uwu- *apa-ik-
*pép῾a *baɣa-su *páp(u)i
*sṓp῾i *süje *sípína
*šúp῾u *siɣü- *súp-
*sép῾a *siɣüre- *sápár-
*t῾ằp῾e *tawul- *tpr-
*t῾áp῾a *taji- *tápútuá-
*t῾op῾e *taɣa- *təp-
*t῾ĕp῾a *taɣ-, *tuji- *tàpú-
*ǯap῾u *ǯaɣa- *dup-

2.1.2.2. Mong. *-b- (-w- before consonants) : Jpn. *-mp-

PA Mong. Jpn.
*č῾p῾[u] *čuwčali *tùmpá-mái
*dup῾u *ǯiber *tumpasa
*ép῾a *ebür *ámpárá
*gàp῾a *gabi *kàmpà-
*góp῾a *gobur *kámpú
*kèp῾i *kibag *kìmpí (/*kìmí)
*kŏp῾e *köbü-re *kəmpu
*kup῾V *kubi *kùmpà-r-
*k῾ep῾orV *kabir- *kəm(p)ura
*ĺip῾u *ǯibi *numpa-
*op῾a(rV) *(h)obur *ampura-
*sắp῾i *sibeɣe *sìmpá
*sằp῾i *sabaga *sìmpái
*săp῾i *sabir-/*sibere- *simpuki
*sèp῾o *saba *smpa
*sp῾i *sebesüre- *símpm-
*sắp῾u *saw-ga *súmpa-
*sp῾i *sibe- *simpai
*šop῾e *čow-kar *səmpa-
*tp῾e *debi- *tmp-
*t῾ĕp῾a *tebeg *tampua
30 INTRODUCTION

PA Mong. Jpn.
*t῾p῾e *tübü- (but also *túmpú-
*teɣe-, *teji-)
*t῾óp῾ú *tobid *túmpúa
*t῾op῾u *toburu- *tùmpú-ra
There are several cases of Mong. -b- : Jpn. -p- after Jpn. initial *p-:
apparently in this position prenasalization did not occur. Cf.:
PA Mong. Jpn.
*ĕp῾a *ebej *pàpà
*p῾ép῾a *haba-kai *pápái
*p῾ṓp῾[a] *jabu- *pápúr-
There are some exceptions, most of them allowing for an explana-
tion:
1. PA *p῾o > Mong. aba-rga, but Jpn. *p-. Jpn. *p- ‘big’ may in fact
belong to another root, cf. TM *ebi- ‘to be satiated, enough’.
2. PA *gṓp῾e > Mong. gübege, but Jpn. *kəp(u)i. Jpn. *kəp(u)i ‘swelling of
feet’ may in fact, together with *kpà- ‘hard, strong’ reflect a differ-
ent Altaic root *k῾àpe ‘strong; to swell’ (cf. TM *xabul- ‘swell’), or at
least may have been influenced by this root phonetically.
3. PA *k῾ap῾e > Mong. kibe, but Jpn. *kpr(n)kí: an example of “Lyman’s
law”, prohibiting two voiced (prenasalized) consonants within one
root in Japanese.
4. PA *k῾p῾o > Mong. kajila-, but Jpn. *kmpr-. Here Mong. kajila- ‘melt’
was probably influenced by kajira- ‘burn, roast’.
5. PA *làjp῾V > Mong. *niɣa-, but Jpn. nàimpàr-. Irregular development in
this case was probably caused by the cluster -jp῾- (perhaps the same
in 6 and 7?)
6. PA *sp῾i > Mong. siɣu-, but Jpn. *sìmpàr-. Jpn. *sìmpàr- ‘tie, bind’ may
be actually a combined reflex of PA *sp῾i, *sbi and *špo, all distin-
guished only in the Western Altaic branch.
7. PA *ǯip῾o > Mong. *ǯiɣar, but Jpn. *(d)impu-s-.
We see that the exceptions are both few and dubious, while the evi-
dence in favour of Mong. *-h- : Jpn. *-p- and Mong. *-b- : Jpn. *-mp- is
rather strong. One would be tempted to reconstruct two different pho-
nemes here, but this is probably not the best solution, since there exist
two other rows of correspondences (for PA *-p- and *-b- respectively),
and there is no trace of evidence in favour of the existence of four series
of stops in Altaic.
The explanation here is perhaps prosodic. Already Poppe in his “In-
troduction” noticed the split in Mongolian and put forward a hypothe-
 CHAPTER TWO 31

sis that the reason for the split may have been accentological, some-
thing like Verner’s law causing voicing of *-p- (in our reconstruction,
*-p῾-), e.g., in a stressed position. The idea was at that time purely hy-
pothetical, since there was nothing to prove or disprove it. But if we
look at the charts above, we may notice that, although exceptions are
rather many, there is in Japanese a general tendency for words in type
1 to have low pitch on the syllable with -p- (cf. *tpî, *kùpà-, *kàpì, *kp-,
*pùkùpùkù-si, *tpr-), and in type 2 to have high pitch on the syllable
with *-mp- (cf. *tùmpá-mái, *ámpárá, *kámpú, *kìmpí, *sìmpá, *sìmpái,
*símpm-, *túmpú-, *túmpúa, *tùmpú-ra). Pitch, especially on non-initial
syllables, is not always reconstructable, and certainly was subject to a
lot of secondary influences (analogical, morphological etc.). Neverthe-
less, the correlation seems significant and may help us reconstruct pro-
sodic characteristics of non-initial syllables in Proto-Altaic (on the bet-
ter known prosody of the initial syllables see below).
It is therefore highly probable that PA possessed some prosodic dis-
tinction on the second syllable (pitch or perhaps vowel length) that
caused voicing of *-p῾- > *-b- in Mongolian and prenasalization (proba-
bly initially through gemination *-p῾- > *-pp- > *-mp-) in
Proto-Japanese. Mongolian has not preserved traces of this feature
elsewhere; Japanese, however, demonstrates its effects in every series
of stops, not only labials. See more on that below.
Examples for medial *-p῾- can be found in following entries of the
dictionary: *áp῾a, *ap῾akV, *č῾ăp῾a, *č῾ap῾i, *č῾ep῾à, *č῾ḗp῾u, *č῾p῾ì, *č῾íp῾ú,
*č῾p῾[ú], *č῾op῾è, *č῾p῾a, *č῾op῾a, *č῾p῾a, *č῾op῾i, *č῾up῾V, *dĕp῾a, *dup῾ú,
*ĕp῾a, *ép῾á, *ep῾ò, *p῾o, *ép῾V, *gàp῾á, *gep῾V, *gṓp῾e, *gp῾a, *góp῾á, *gṓp῾i,
*ap῾i, *ăp῾u, *ap῾u, *op῾érV, *kăp῾è, *kìp῾é, *kìp῾í, *kḗp῾à, *kḗp῾V, *kap῾a,
*kàp῾ù, *kùp῾u, *kùp῾ù, *kŏp῾é, *kŏp῾V, *kṓp῾i, *kùp῾Ỻ, *kup῾e, *k[ā]p῾á,
*k῾ăp῾ù, *k῾àp῾à, *k῾ap῾u, *k῾ap῾V, *k῾p῾à, *k῾āp῾a, *k῾àp῾e, *k῾p῾ó, *k῾ep῾orV,
*k῾p῾è, *k῾p῾a, *k῾óp῾e, *k῾up῾e, *kúĺap῾V, *k῾p῾e, *k῾óp῾ì, *k῾óp῾i, *k῾óp῾ìra,
*láp῾ì, *ĺp῾o, *ĺp῾V, *ĺep῾a, *lép῾ó, *ĺip῾ú, *lap῾V, *làp῾[à], *ĺp῾ù, *lop῾V,
*np῾é, *nep῾V(ĺV), *op῾á(rV), *p῾ìkV, *op῾V, *ṓp῾à, *ṓp῾V, *ṓp῾V, *pép῾à,
*p῾ăp῾a, *p῾ap῾o, *p῾ép῾a, *p῾ṓp῾[á], *sắp῾í, *sằp῾í, *săp῾í, *sàp῾ì, *sep῾a, *sèp῾ó,
*sèp῾ù, *sắp῾ú, *sp῾í, *sp῾è, *sŏp῾u, *sṓp῾ì, *sp῾í, *šĭp῾V, *šop῾a, *šúp῾ù,
*sép῾à, *šop῾é, *tp῾V, *tp῾é, *tp῾e, *t῾áp῾à, *t῾ằp῾è, *t῾op῾è, *t῾ăp῾o(rV), *t῾èp῾à,
*t῾ep῾V, *t῾ĕp῾á, *t῾ep῾à, *t῾p῾a, *t῾p῾é, *t῾op῾u, *t῾up῾i, *t῾p῾o, *t῾óp῾ú, *t῾op῾u,
*t῾òp῾ú, *t῾p῾i, *ùp῾í, *zep῾i, *ǯap῾ù, *ǯp῾V, *ǯip῾o, *ǯip῾u, *ǯap῾e, *ǯòp῾è,
*ǯap῾V(ĺV).
32 INTRODUCTION

2.1.3. PA initial *p

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*p- *b- *b-,h- *p- *p- *p-
Notes.
Mongolian has here variation between b- (in the majority of cases)
and *h- (less frequently, but still in a sufficient amount of cases).
Here, too, we may note a dependence of the distribution on pro-
sodic factors.
a) before an original long vowel (on their reconstruction see below)
Mongolian always has *b-: *pjku > *beg-, *plča > *balči-, *pli >
*bilaɣu, *pli > *belčir, *pt῾e > *batagana, *pḗk῾o > *baka-, *pḗŕV >
*berseɣü, *pḕǯo > *böǯi, *pt῾e > *bat-, *pṓro > *burga-, *pōto > *bodu-,
*pṓt῾o > *buta, *pge > *bug, *pūsa > *busu.
The only exception is the root *pne ‘to ride’, where Mong. has a
strange variation between *hunu- and *unu-, so far unexplained.
b) before a vowel with high pitch Mongolian always has *b-: *pắda >
*bad-, *pélaba(nV) > *barimal, *pép῾a > *baɣa-su, *píla > *bila-, *píńŋe >
*beɣer, *pắlagV > *balaga-, *plo > *boli-, *pltorV > *bolǯir-, *póso >
*bosuga, *pk῾i > *böküne, *pgi(-rV) > *böɣere, *pótirkV > *büdürkei,
*púla > *bul-, *púre > *bor-.
c) before a short vowel with low pitch Mongolian usually has *h-: *pka
> *(h)agi, *pk῾e > *hok-tal-, *plǯi > *(h)ilǯi, *pằt῾e > *hataɣa, *psa >
*hesi.
There are two exceptions here, both probably explainable:
1. *pč῾a ‘to tear, split, cut’ > Mong. *biči, *bičal-; the root is expressive
and its prosodic characteristics are not quite firmly established.
2. *pru ‘to snow, rain’ > Mong. boruɣa. The root is very close to *bru
‘smoke, whirlwind’ ( > Mong. bur-gi-), and could have been easily
influenced by it.
It seems thus that in this case, too, the Mongolian split was caused
by prosodic factors. Moreover, it is difficult to separate the two d e-
scribed processes: split of medial *-p῾- and of initial *p- in Mongolian.
We can put forward the following explanation.
The process *p῾- > *h- must have already happened very early, since
it is common both to Turkic and Mongolian, probably in the common
Turko-Mongolian protolanguage, and, as is often the case, triggered a
series of further changes. Thus, Proto-Turko-Mongolian reduced the
three-way distinction of *p῾-*p-*b in initial position to a two-way dis-
tinction *p-*b (although word-medially and in other local series the
three-way distinction was kept, see below). After the split of
 CHAPTER TWO 33

Turko-Mongolian Turkic merged *p and *b into one voiced phoneme

*b, both initially and medially. Mongolian, however, had a slightly
more complicated development. The first change here was that of *-b- >
*-w- (except in clusters, see below); next medial *-p- > -b-, just as in
Turkic: we shall see below that PA *-p- and *-b- develop in different
ways in Mongolian, which means that they had not merged early. In
this way Mongolian also arrived at a two-way distinction *p-*b (in me-
dial position phonetically it was rather *p῾-*b), but in a fashion different
from that of Turkic.
As seen from the above, Proto-Mongolian must have had some
pitch distinctions that later became lost. It probably had high pitch on
initial syllables with original vowel length (independently of tone) and
on initial syllables with short vowels, but original high tone. It also had
high pitch on non-initial syllables corresponding (at least partly) to
high pitch in Japanese. Whether this high pitch reflects original high
tone or vowel length on non-initial syllables is yet to be established.
The process that happened afterwards can be described as follows:
early Proto-Mongolian *p changed into *b in syllables with high pitch.
Finally, the rest of the instances of *p which were all probably aspi-
rated ( = *p῾) by that time, changed to *f and then to *h, both initially
and medially.

2.1.4 PA non-initial *p

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*p *b *b *b *p *p
Notes.
As we have said above, Turkic and Mongolian had a process of
voicing *-p- > *-b-, although this voicing probably occurred independ-
ently. Tungus-Manchu also underwent the same process.
PA *-p- is generally reconstructed on the basis of Mong. *-b- (not
changing to *-h-, as PA *-b-, see below) and Kor. *-p-. Note that such a
behaviour of *-p- in Korean differs from *-t- and *-k- (which are nor-
mally reflected as *-d- > -r- and *-g- > -0-) and means that medial *-p- in
Korean had early merged with voiceless *-p῾-.
In Japanese *-p-, like other voiceless unaspirated stops, is not subject
to prenasalization ( < *gemination), as was shown by I. Gruntov. An
only exception is noticed in a root with an initial voiceless aspirated
*t῾-, which means that an early assimilation *C῾VCV > *C῾VC῾V was op-
erating in Japanese. Cf.: PA *t῾ḕpa > *t῾ḕp῾a > PJ *tàmpá.
34 INTRODUCTION

Occasionally one can also meet Jpn. -m- < *-p- before the following
nasal, cf. *dpà > *dàmà ( = Mong. *daba-ɣan); *lépù > *númà ( = PTM
*lebē-n).
Examples for PA *p can be found in the following entries: *àpo,
*apuči, *apV, *pi, *č῾ipV, *č῾upa, *dpà, *ḗpo, *gúpu, *ipe, *òpe, *ằpV, *upo,
*kăpi, *kĕpV, *kēpu, *kàpì, *kopu, *kòpù, *kopV, *k῾àpe, *k῾ápa, *k῾apV,
*k῾èpà, *k῾èpù, *ńipV, *ńṑpo, *ŋúpu, *papi, *p῾ṑpo, *sápa, *sapV, *sĕpo,
*sepV, *sípa, *spi, *sìpò, *sipV, *spe, *spe, *sipa, *špo, *tapV, *t῾ápỼ,
*t῾ḕpá, *zīpe, *zupi, *ǯape.

2.1.5 PA initial *b-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*b- *b- *b- *b- *p- *p- / *b[a,ə,Vj]
Notes.
Initial *b- is usually well preserved in Turkic, Mongolian and Tun-
gus-Manchu. In Korean it was devoiced like all voiced consonants in
general and merged with *p- and *p῾-.
The most tricky reflex of *b- is found in Japanese, where three rules
regulate its development:
1. PA *b- > Jpn. p- before all voiceless aspirated consonants: *bằt῾i >
*pìntì, *bk῾u > *pukusi, *bek῾u > *punku, *bt῾e > *pútá, *bṓrk῾i > *púk-,
*buk῾e > *pùkùmpái, *bt῾u > *pùt-, *bk῾i > *pìnkàm-, *bt῾e > *pntk-,
*buč῾o > *pətəpər-.
2. PA *b- > Jpn. *p- before *i and *u: *balu > *puruki, *bằŕ[i] > *pìr-, *bási
> *písák-, *bdi > *pitapi, *bri > *pìtà, *bdu > *pùtuà-, *bēǯu > *piji-nta- (
~ pui-), *bắĺmi > *pínsá, *bălu > *pu-, *bŏŕu > *pítú-nsi, *bási > *písásí,
*bgi > *pìja-, *bogo > *pia, *bli-t῾i > *píntì, *bor[a] > *púrí, *bṓr[e] >
*pírí-p-, *budu > *pí-n-kai, *bùdo > *pùjà-kà, *bugu > *pu, *blo >
*pùr, *buri > *pitə, *būgi > *pìw-musi, *bŏgdu > *puti, *bku >
*pùkù-m-, *bŏĺi > *pusi, *bli > *púr-, *bĺi > *pùsì, *bằlu > *pùrù-.
3. PA *b- > Jpn. *b- before low vowels and before the following *j: *bắja
> *bái-m-, *bèka > *bàkà, *bằka > *bàkàr-, *bằka > *bàká-, *bašo > *basi-r-,
*bằto > *bàtà, *b > *bə, *bāla > *bàràpai, *bāŕa > *báráp-, *b > *bá-i, *bje
> *b, *béjo > *bí ( ~ *bi), *bre > *bt-, *b (*ba) > *bà-, *bíju > *bú(i)-,
*bĺča > *bánsá-, *bga > *bà, *bla > *bàrà-mpì, *bólo > *brì, *bòsa >
*bàsái, *bóju > *bíjá, *búga > *bà, *bujri > *bì, *bka > *bàkì, *bòda >
*bàtà, *bde > *bntr-, *bka > *bàkù, *bke > *bkás-, *bójĺo > *bsí-p-,
*bóra > *bár-, *borso(k῾V) > *bsákí, *bṓlo > *br-, *bùjre > *bàr-, *búĺa >
*básurá-, *bĺo > *bsì-, *bùro > *br-, *bŋe- > *bamia-.
 CHAPTER TWO 35

There are four exceptions, where Jpn. for an unknown reason has
voiceless *p- instead of the expected *b-: PA *bằǯa > *pàjá; PA *blo >
*pàrá-; PA *bura > *para-p-; PA *bte > *pàtákài. The overwhelming ma-
jority of cases, however, follows the established rules quite strictly.
Note that this split must have happened rather late in the history of
Japanese (but before the reconstructed Proto-Japanese period), because
it depends on PJ vowels, already after a whole series of transformations
that they underwent after PJ split from Proto-Altaic (see below on the
vocalism).
The phonetic reasons here are not easy to discover. It is possible that
what we reconstruct as PJ *b was in fact a fricative *b (in Old Japanese
it is actually w-, but most Ryukyu dialects have the value b-). In that
case we may think that the original *b weakened into *b before low
vowels, but preserved its stopped articulation *b before more tense
high vowels *i and *u, after which *b was devoiced into *p. The effect
of *-j- (in cases like *biju > *bu(i), *bóju > *bija, *bujri > *bi) deserves spe-
cial attention, because this is very similar to what happened in Japa-
nese with intervocalic *-b-, *-d- and *-g- (that changed to fricatives after
--diphthongs, see below). The following *-j- must have had a palataliz-
ing effect on *b-, so it changed to *- (or *) and subsequently escaped
the general process of devoicing *b > *p.
The process of fricativizing *b- > *b- probably took place also in
some archaic Korean dialects, which explains why in a few cases Ko-
rean also has 0- ( < *w-) as a reflex of PA *b-. Unlike Japanese, however,
these cases are very few, which means that the standard dialect where
*b- > *p- in the long run prevailed. The probable cases with *b- > 0- in
Korean are:
PA *b ‘I, we’ > Kor. *úrí ‘we’ ( = PT *bi-ŕ)
PA *bujri ‘spring, well’ > Kor. *ù- in *ù-mr id. (*mr ‘water’)
PA *borso(k῾V) ‘badger’ > Kor. *ùsrk id.
PA *bùjre ‘wrong, bad’ > Kor. *ōi- id.
PA *bíju ‘to be’ > Kor. *ì- id.

2.1.6 PA non-initial *-b-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*b *b *h/ [*R]b, *b *b / -p *p /
*b(Vg) /-b [*iV,*j]w
Examples for non-initial *-b- can be found in following dictionary
entries: *èbà, *ắbá, *ăbu, *čằbà, *čabV, *čobe, *čobeŕV, *č῾abo, *č῾abu, *č῾bu,
*č῾ibe, *č῾abVk῾V, *č῾ōbé, *ebo, *debV, *ĕbà, *bè, *ebí, *gébó, *gĕbo, *gibe,
36 INTRODUCTION

*gube, *gūbe, *gbè, *gòbù, *ìbè, *obo, *ŋŏbu, *ùbú, *úb[u], *kabari, *kábó,
*kébà(rV), *kbú, *kób[e], *kúbé, *kubirgV, *k῾ăbo, *lùbu, *k῾ébá, *k῾ébà, *k῾ibù,
*k῾ŏba(kV), *k῾óbarV, *k῾ŏbe, *k῾bu, *k῾ube, *k῾ubu, *k῾òbàni, *k῾íbà, *làbò,
*labỼ, *ĺábó, *múbè, *nébì, *nìbi, *ń[ō]ba, *ŋàbi, *ebVrV, *pbi, *p῾ba,
*p῾ùb(a)gV, *p῾ubá-ktV, *p῾VbV, *p῾[o]bu, *sábà, *sắbí, *sábó, *sāba,
*sebV(nV), *sebe, *sibo, *sìbi, *sbi, *šábu, *sbo, *sbi, *sbu, *suba, *šábu,
*šóbi, *šuba, *tabu, *tbi, *tbú, *tubu, *tbúlka, *túbù, *t῾abi, *t῾bá, *t῾éba,
*t῾ebV, *t῾ḕbà, *t῾ébo, *t῾úbé, *t῾ŭge, *ǯaba, *ǯúbù, *ǯbì, *ǯVbV, *ǯebí, *săbi,
*ǯobá, *ǯebò, *eba(-ku), *nabo, *dubi, *ńbV.
Notes.
In all languages, in addition to normal reflexes, we may observe
weakened reflexes (-j-, in clusters also -0- in Turkic, -j-, -w- in Mong., -0-
in Korean, -0- in clusters in TM, -0- (usually after -u- or -j-) in Japanese).
It is quite probable that *-b- had an allophonic variant *-w- already in
Proto-Altaic, but there seems to be not enough evidence to reconstruct
a distinction between *-b- and *-w-.
Mong. normally has *-b- > -h-, but preserves -b- after resonants (see
below). Thus in a few cases when Mong. has intervocalic -b- and Jpn.
has -w-/-j- (which is the normal reflex after -i-diphthongs) and Kor. has
-b-, it seems appropriate to reconstruct the cluster *-jb-. These are the
cases:
PA *ằjbo : Mong. ebe-sü, Jpn. *àw- (here *-j- is also responsible for the
fronting *a > e in Mong.)
PA *ḗjba : Mong. *(h)abad, Jpn. *áwá-tá-
PA *kejbe : Mong. *keb-te-, *kebiji-, Jpn. *kəjə-, Kor. *kìbúr-
PA *kójbu : Mong. *kubakaj, Jpn. *kúi
PA *t῾ḕjbo : Mong. *tabi-, Kor. *tằbi-
PA *t῾ujbu : Mong. *tobi-, Jpn. *tuà (here *-j- is actually preserved in TM
*tujba-)
PA *jba : Mong. *ibil-, Jpn. *àwà
PA *ǯjbe : Mong. *ǯoba-, Jpn. *duàwà-, Kor. *čubɨr-.
There is another important group of cases where Mongolian pre-
serves intervocalic -b- rather than changing it to *-h- (-ɣ-). This is the
position of -b- before the following vowel + g, h (=ɣ). Cf.:
PA *ĺabo > Mong. *debeɣe
PA *sábo > Mong. *sibe-gčin
PA *sebVnV > Mong. *sebe-ɣün
PA *sibo > Mong. *sibaga
PA *sìbi > Mong. *sibag
PA *tbulka > Mong. *čibaga
 CHAPTER TWO 37

PA *t῾ba > Mong. *tabag

PA *ǯebi > Mong. *ǯibe-ɣü
PA *săbi > Mong. siböge
In all of these cases we can neither reconstruct *-p῾- (there is either a
Turkic or TM form with *-b-), nor *-p- (there is voicing > *-mp- in Japa-
nese, or Korean has *-b-), nor *-jb- (Japanese does not have -w-), so that
the only solution is reconstructing *-b- with the mentioned positional
condition.
We see that, unlike the case of -*p῾-, the split of *-b- into *-h- and *-b-
in Proto-Mongolian has nothing to do with prosody, being rather trig-
gered by the “velar dissimilation rule”.
Let us now look at the rules of split in Japanese. Here, too, we have
a double reflex: stop (prenasalized or not - on this distinction see be-
low) and resonant (fricative) *-w- (in some cases -j- or -0-, depending
evidently on the vocalic environment). As was stated in Starostin 1997,
the conditions of this split are purely vocalic: *-w- emerges after origi-
nal diphthongs with --. Cf.:
a) PA *čằba > PJ *tàpàra; PA *č῾abu > *tupa-; PA *ĕba > PJ *àpù-; PA *be >
PJ *p-; PA *ebi > PJ *impu-sia-; PA *gbe > PJ *kp-; PA *kabari > PJ
*kapiara; PA *kábo > PJ *kámpiá; PA *kéba > PJ *kápí; PA *kbu > PJ
*kúmpuá; PA *kúbe > PJ *kuámp-; PA *k῾éba > PJ *kápà; PA *k῾ibu > PJ
*kúpá; PA *k῾òbani > PJ *kàpìná; PA *k῾íba > PJ *kápiàru(n)tai; PA *làbo >
PJ *nàp; PA *labV > PJ *nàp-; PA *ĺabo > PJ *náimpú; PA *nébi > PJ
*nípí-; PA *sắbi > PJ *símpí; PA *sábo > PJ *sámpúrap-; PA *sāba > PJ
*sàmpàk-; PA *sìbi > PJ *sìmpù-; PA *tằba > PJ *tàpì; PA *t῾ba > PJ
*tàmp(u)î; PA *t῾éba > PJ *támpì; PA *t῾ḕba > PJ *tapasir-; PA *t῾úbe > PJ
*tuámpí ( ~ -ə-); PA *ǯebo > PJ *dapara-; PA *tbu > *tùmpúnai;
b) PA *č῾be > PJ *tùwái; PA *gube > PJ *kuwa-; PA *gūbe > PJ *káwr; PA
*ùbu > PJ *ùwá; PA *k῾ŏbe > PJ *kua; PA *k῾ube > PJ *kwâi; PA *ŋàbi
> PJ *muà ( ~ *m); PA *pbi > PJ *piwa-; PA *sbu > PJ *súwá-i; PA
*ǯaba > PJ *duá-mp- ( < *dawV-mp-).
We know only one exception: PA *šábu > PJ *súmp-. This root is
very sparsely represented in Turkic and TM languages, so that the
vowel reconstruction is not quite secure (but PJ *súmp- in this case can
actually be a secondary contraction < *suwu-mp- and thus conform to
the general rule).
Note that in all these cases plain vowels and diphthongs are recon-
structed independently of the Japanese evidence, and the distribution
is rather apparent. Since in many cases — especially when there is no
TM evidence— it is rather difficult to distinguish reflexes of plain vow-
38 INTRODUCTION

els from those of diphthongs, the Japanese distinction of *-p- vs. *-w-
may actually help to reconstruct the vocalism. Such are the cases:
(with plain vowels):
PA *èba > PJ *àp-; PA *gébo > PJ *kámpí; PA *gòbu > PJ *kùpà-; PA *ìbe >
PJ *ìpùa; PA *k῾éba > PJ *kámpánái; PA *múbe > PJ *mápí-rənka-; PA *p῾ba
> PJ *pàp-; PA *p῾uba-ktV > PJ *pampuki; PA *sába > PJ *sápár-; PA *tàbu >
PJ *tùpìjái; PA *tbulka > PJ *tùmpákì; PA *túbu > PJ *túpí; PA *ǯbi > PJ
*(d)ìpià; PA *ǯebi > PJ *(d)impir-;
(and with diphthongs):
PA *čobe > PJ *təwə; PA *čobeŕV > PJ *túrá-; PA *úb[u] > PJ *úwa-; PA
*lùbu > PJ *nì (*nùi); PA *k῾óbarV > PJ *káwá(ra)-k-; PA *k῾ubu > PJ *k(u)i;
PA *šábu > PJ *súwá-; PA *sbo > PJ *sàwuà; PA *šóbi > PJ *síwá; PA
*ǯúbu > PJ *dúwài.
Japanese also regularly has *-w- or *-j- as a reflex of PA *-jb- (recon-
structed on the basis of TM *-jb- or Mong. -b-, that has not shifted to
-ɣ-, see above): PA *ằjbo > PJ *àw-; PA *jbi > PJ *û; PA *ḗjba > PJ
*áwá-tá-; PA *kejbe > PJ *kəjə-; PA *kójbu > PJ *kúi; PA *pjbu > PJ *pùjà-;
PA *t῾ujbu > PJ *tuà; PA *jba > PJ *àwà; PA *ǯjbe > PJ *duàwà-.
The phonetic source of this distribution is probably the same as of
initial *b- > *w- before the following *j (see above). Voiced consonants
must have been palatalized in early Proto-Japanese after original *--
diphthongs and these palatalized allophones (probably because they
were also fricativized: *-- > *b, *-- > *-δ-, *-ǵ- > *-ɣ-; on the develop-
ment of dentals and velars see below) later escaped the general process
of devoicing of stops.
We may note that here too Japanese has quite a number of cases
with prenasalized *-mp- among stop reflexes of *b. This may mean
that, unlike Mongolian where only voiceless *p was voiced in certain
pitch environments, Japanese carried this process throughout the
whole system of voiceless aspirated and voiced stops; see more on this
below.

2.1.7 PA initial *m

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*m- *b- *m- *m- *m- *m-
Notes.
In general, the correspondences here are quite straightforward, ex-
cept for the Turkic development *m- > *b-.
 CHAPTER TWO 39

Here we should perhaps answer (belatedly) Doerfer’s critique in

TMN which maintained (p. 60): “es ist nicht bewiesen, daß einem mo.
m- ein tü. b- (oder irgend ein anderer Laut) entspricht, für mo. m-
(außer bei Nasalen) findet sich im Tü. kein einziges Vergleichswort.” If
this were the case, it would indeed be an argument against the rela-
tionship of Turkic and Mongolian. But is it?
Doerfer examines only six cases taken out of KW:
1. Mong. miqan ‘meat’ - Turk. *bɨkɨn ‘thigh’. This etymology seems in-
correct to us, too (on Mong. miqan see PA *mék῾u, on Turk. *bɨkɨn see
PA *bk῾a)
2. Mong. mačaɣ ‘fast’ - Turk. *bačag id. Doerfer says that “Nach Gabain
1950, 300b ist atü. bačaɣ ein Lehnwort aus dem Sogd.”. But Sogdian
does not have anything similar. The only proposed Sogdian match
was p’šyk ‘hymn’, which even Clauson in his dictionary rejected as
extremely implausible (and concluded that *bačag is a genuine
Turkic word). On the other hand, we have in Manchu the verb
maču- ‘to lose weight’ and the noun mačixi ‘fast’, which can hardly
be explained as borrowed from Mong. < Turkic (especially because
of the verb which is absent in these subgroups). Finally, we have
Jpn. mátúr- ‘to celebrate, worship’ which makes the common Altaic
nature of the root rather plausible, exactly with the meaning “to
fast, hunger with religious purposes” (see *máč῾a).
3. Mong. ma, me, turk. mä ‘take!’ - correctly dismissed as a ‘Lallwort’.
4. Mong. majiɣaq ‘clubfooted’ - Turk. *bań- ‘to bow’. Here several things
should be said. The Mong. word, actually only Kalmuck, is most
probably borrowed from Turkic, cf. forms like Uzb. bajmaq, Kaz.
bajnaŋda- etc. The Turkic root *bań-, however, means ‘clubfooted’
only in derivatives, and does not mean ‘to bow’ at all. The attested
meanings are rather ‘to sway’ or ‘collapse’ (with this meaning we
have in Old Turkic majɨš-), and it corresponds quite well to WMong.
mai-mari- ‘to sway, walk swayingly’. Doerfer says: “Mo. *mayi- und
tü. *bañ- wären aber nicht vergleichbar”. Why? The transfer of na-
salization to *-j- is a quite regular process in Turkic (and, on the
other hand, the correspondence Turk. *-ń- : Mong. *-j- is also quite
regular), so there seems to be nothing against this comparison, al-
though in a shape distinct from the one proposed by Ramstedt. See
PA *meju (with further TM and Korean parallels).
5. Mong. metü ‘like, similar’ - Turk. bet ‘face’. Doerfer does not like the
semantic side of the comparison. We can only say that the change
‘face’ > ‘compare, similar’ is fairly common (cf. Russ. lico ‘face’, sli-
čat’ ‘to compare’; Turkic beŋiz- and beŋze- - on which see below -
etc.). That ‘face’ was the original meaning here is also corroborated
40 INTRODUCTION

by the TM parallel, *miata ‘skin from animal’s head’ (the semantics

here is quite straightforward, and we still have *m- corresponding
to Turkic *b-). See PA *mat῾i.
6. Mong. mögersün ‘cartilage’ - *bujŋuŕ (*büjŋüŕ) ‘horn’. Again, Doerfer
does not like the semantic side, and again we must say that the
change ‘horn’ <> ‘cartilage’ does not seem strange at all to us (‘horn’
is frequently associated with horny matter, callosities and various
bones).
Doerfer says further: “Nun gibt es aber kein Lautgesetz mo. -g- =
Turk. -ŋ-“. This is typical for his system of criticism: first he criticizes
the “Lautgesetze” put forward by Ramstedt and Poppe, and then he
declines the parallels because they do not follow those “Lautgesetze”.
You cannot have it both ways: either the phonetic rules are wrong, in
which case no comparison is possible at all until new rules are found,
or you accept the system of rules and therefore the comparisons on
which they are based.
The correspondence between Mong. -ɣ- (-w-) and Turk. -ŋ- ( < PA
*-ŋ-) is in fact quite common, see in the dictionary: *ăŋu, *ēŋV, *găŋi,
*goŋV(ŕV) [about which Doerfer also says: “aus lautlichen Gründen
mindestens unwahrscheinlich”)], *maŋi (by the way, also with *m-:*b-),
*ńaŋo, *nắŋe, *nŋu, *siŋra, *sìŋu, *soŋre, *tuŋa etc.
Doerfer proceeds to say: “Von dieser Art nun sind alle Beispiele, die
Ramstedt (und Poppe 1960, 34-6) bringt, stets handelt es sich um Lall-
wörter, Onomatopoetika, semantisch oder lautgesetzlich nicht ein-
wandfreie Gleichungen usw.” We could say that all Doerfer’s criticism
is of this sort. He may notice mistakes and wrong comparisons (as in 1
and 4), but his entire spirit is set on discrediting the theory. To be sure,
there are very many faulty comparisons in Ramstedt’s and Poppe’s
papers, but instead of trying to correct the etymologies and widen the
scope of comparison, he restricts himself to picking at the Turkic and
Mongolian parallels and enjoying every vulnerable one of them.
Now back to *m- > Turkic *b-. Besides the above cases, the following
instances of Turkic *b- < PA *m- can be found:
Turk. *bAńɨ- ‘to fade away, disappear, weaken’ : Mong. *maɣu ‘bad’:
TM *maja- ‘to fail, be unsuccessful’ < PA *maja
Turk. *baj ( ~ -ń) ‘holy, God’ : TM *maji-n ‘protecting spirit’: OJ mji id. <
PA *maji
Turk. *bejŋi ‘brain’ : Mong. *maŋlai ‘forehead’ : OJ mimi ‘ear’ ( < ‘tem-
ple’, a rather common semantic development) < PA *màjŋi
Turk. *bɨńĺ(ɨk) ‘cat’ : Mong. malur ‘wild cat’ : OJ musasabji ‘squirrel’ < PA
*máĺe
 CHAPTER TWO 41

Turk. *bAkan ‘necklace’ : TM *muKa ‘skin from deer’s neck’ : MKor. mok
‘neck’ : OJ muk- ‘turn the head, neck’ < PA *mák῾u
Turk. *baltu ‘axe’: Mong. *milaɣa ‘whip’: TM *mala ‘cudgel’: MKor. már
‘stick, pole’ < PA *màli
Turk. *bạl ‘honey’: Mong. *milaɣa- ‘to smear with oil’: TM *mala ‘sesame
oil, plant oil’ < PA *malV
Turk. *botu ‘young of camel’: Mong. manǯi ( < mandi) ‘male elk’: TM
*manda-ksa ‘elk’ < PA *măndo
Turk. *beŋi ‘joy’: Mong. maɣa-s- ‘to enjoy’ < PA *maŋi
Turk. *bAsa ‘also, as well’: Mong. masi ‘very, extremely’: TM *masi
‘strong, strongly’, OJ masu ‘more, again’, mas- ‘to become bigger’ <
PA *mása
Turk. *bAlɨg ‘wounded’: Mong. milan ‘disease, plague’: TM *māl- ‘to die
(of epidemic)’ < PA *mli
Turk. *būn ‘defect’: TM *mana- ‘to be exhausted, worn out’: OJ muna-si
‘empty, useless’ < PA *mn[u]
Turk. *baĺ ‘head’: Mong. malǯan, melǯen ‘bald’: TM *meli- ‘back part of
neck’: MKor. mrí ‘head’ < PA *mĺǯu
Turk. *beŋiz ‘face; be similar’ (note the meanings!): Mong. maji-qai ‘skin
covering the head of animals’: OJ mane ‘imitating, similarity’ < PA
*méŋa
Turk. *baŋ- ‘to trot’: Mong. meŋde- ‘to hurry’: TM *meŋ- id. < *mĕŋa
Turk. *beŋ ‘mole’: Mong. meŋge : Kor. məŋ ‘scar, bruise’ < PA *meŋe
Turk. *bečin ‘monkey’ (not from Persian, as often suggested): Mong.
meči(n) id.: OJ masi id. < PA *mḗča
Turk. *bAgatur ‘hero’: Mong. magta- ‘to praise, glorify’: TM *m[ia]g- ‘to
shamanize’: MKor. mār ( < *maga-r) ‘speech’: OJ mawo-s- ‘to speak
(polite)’ < PA *màga
Turk. *b(i)āka ‘frog’: Mong. mekelei / melekei id.: TM *moKo(lV)- ‘bat’:
MKor. mkùrí ‘toad’ < PA *mk῾o
Turk. *bȫn ‘stupid, foolish’: Mong. mene-re- ‘to become dull, stupid’: TM
*mian- ‘to be confused’: MKor. mńijp- ‘to be afraid, scared’ < PA
*mni
Turk. *bAńɨl ‘overripe’: TM *munī- ‘to rot, spoil’: MKor. mằi-p- ‘bitter,
acid’: OJ m(j)in(w)or- ‘to ripen’ < PA *mójni
Turk. *belek ‘gift’: Mong. melǯe- ‘to bet, wager’: TM *mula- ‘to pity’:
MKor. mùr’í- ‘to present, barter’: OJ m(w)orap- ‘to obtain, receive
gifts’ < PA *móle
Turk. *bert- ‘to break, damage, wound’: Mong. mer ‘wound’: TM
*mur-dul- ‘slaughter’ < PA *more
Turk. *bar- ‘to walk, go’: Mong. *mör ‘road’: MKor. mōr- ‘to follow,
drive’: OJ mjiti ‘road’ < PA *móri
42 INTRODUCTION

Turk. *boj- ( ~ -ń-) ‘to be careless; forbid’: TM *mija- ‘to go astray, be

misled’: MKor. mì-čhi- ‘be mad’: OJ majwo-p- ‘to go astray’ < PA
*mŏjo
Turk. *buŋ ‘suffering’: Mong. muŋ ‘difficulty’: Evk. miŋnī- ‘to nag (of
joints, heart)’: Jpn. mugo- ‘horrible’ < PA *muŋo
Turk. *buŕ- ‘to damage, oppress’: TM *muru- ‘to press, oppress’: MKor.
mīr- ‘to push’ < PA *muŕu
Turk. *böke ‘big snake’: Mong. mogaji ‘snake’: TM *mǖkǖ id.: Kor.
mək-kuri ‘big black snake’: OJ mukade ‘centipede’ < PA *mūko
Turk. *bōjn ‘neck’: Mong. mun-daɣa ‘crest, withers’: TM *moŋa-n ‘neck’:
MKor. mjə-k id. < PA *mṓjno
Turk. *bok ‘dirt, dung’ : Mong. moki(n) ‘gum, clay, sulphur’: TM *muK-
‘to fart, bad smell’ < PA *mŏk῾V
Turk. *bük-tel ‘mature’: Mong. mökü- ‘to perish’: TM *muxu- ‘lose pow-
ers’: MKor. mùk- ‘to be old’: OJ mukasi ‘in old times’ < PA *mók῾i
Turk. *buluŋ ‘corner, angle’: TM *mulu ‘ridge of roof’: MKor. mằrằ id.:
OJ mune id. < PA *mólu
Turk. *būč-gak ‘outer corner, angle’: TM *muč- ‘edge, end’: MKor.
mằč(h)- ‘to finish, end’ < PA *mṓč῾a
Turk. *bȫl- ‘to divide, separate’: Mong. möli- ‘to cut (boughs etc.)’: TM
*mol- ‘to cut into pieces’: MKor. mằrằ- ‘to cut, trim’ < PA *mṓli
Turk. *bodun ‘people’: Mong. muǯi ‘territory, province’: TM *mugdī /
*megdī ‘bank, shore’: MKor. màt(h) ‘place, enclosure’: OJ mati ‘street’
< PA *múgda
Turk. *bulan ‘elk’: Mong. maral ( < *malar) ‘mountain deer’: TM *mul-
‘deer, elk’ < PA *mula
Turk. *büt- ‘to end, accomplish’: Mong. möči-s ‘just enough’: TM *mute-
‘to fulfil’: MKor. mòtắ-n ‘all’: OJ muta ‘together with’ < PA *mt῾i
Turk. *būka ‘bull’: Mong. *mok- ‘2-years-old male deer; penis’: TM
*muxa- ‘man, male’ < PA *mūk῾o
Turk. *büt- ‘to believe’: Mong. mede- ‘to know’: TM *mute- ‘be able’:
MKor. mìt- ‘to believe’ < PA *muti
Turk. *bök- ‘be satiated, full’: Mong. *meke- ‘to suck’: TM *muKu- ‘to fill
mouth with liquid’: MKor. mk- ‘to eat, drink’: OJ makanap- ‘to feed’
< PA *mùk῾e.
We have only included here (as Doerfer demanded) examples re-
flected in Old Turkic. Some of these etymologies are new, but some are
well known in the literature (like *mása > Turk. *bAsa, *mĺǯu > Turk.
*baĺč [which Doerfer omitted from his “short list”, but elsewhere - TMN
2, 253 - mentions briefly as “unklar”], *mk῾o, *màĺa, *muŋo, *mŏjno,
*mṓli, *múgda, *múnu, *mt῾i, *mṓča). To be sure, not all of them would
pass the test of Ramstedt’s and Poppe’s correspondences, especially in
 CHAPTER TWO 43

the field of vocalism; but as we intend to show, their correspondences

were actually too simplified and it is of course impossible to stuff all
the really existing parallels into their Procrustean bed. But instead of
trying to reevaluate the system of correspondences, Doerfer and other
critics used them rigidly with the single purpose of dismantling the
Altaic theory.
This lengthy passage may have little value in and of itself, but we
wanted to dwell on this particular correspondence in detail to show the
reader the sort of anti-Altaic criticism that has nearly ruined the whole
field of studies.

2.1.8 PA non-initial *m

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*m *m *m *m *m *m
Examples on non-initial *m can be found in the following entries:
*emV(ŋV), *ắmo, *ămV, *mú, *mV, *ĺèmo, *čamu, *čma, *tḗma, *ǯŏmu,
*čùmi, *č῾amo, *č῾mu, *č῾úmu, *č῾umu, *č῾me, *č῾me, *č῾mu, *č῾óme,
*č῾omi, *dàma, *ema, *ma, *me, *èmi, *emo, *gămo, *gèmo, *gḗmo, *gíme,
*ìmè, *ìmé, *ámu, *umV, *ùme, *umi, *úmu, *umu, *kajamV, *kàma,
*kami, *kàmo, *kāma, *kāmV, *kéma, *kma, *kímo, *kằmò, *kằmù, *kuma,
*kumo, *kmu, *kṓme, *kúma, *kumi , *kumi, *kúmi, *k[a]ma, *k῾éma,
*k῾èmá, *k῾èmì, *k῾àmo, *k῾omo(lV), *k῾ome, *k῾ṓme, *k῾mi, *k῾òmu, *k῾ṑmu,
*k῾ume, *k῾umi, *k῾umV, *k῾[ō]mo, *lmo, *lmò, *lemV, *lēmo, *ĺmo(ŋa),
*lòmù, *lmo, *mḗmV, *ńàme, *lami, *ńằmò, *ńamo, *nmo, *nmè, *nema,
*ńmi, *ńama, *náme, *ńáme, *ńàmi, *nùmà, *ńŭmi, *nīme, *luma,
*numu, *mu, *omuŕV, *pma, *p῾émi, *pmà, *p῾mù, *p῾òme, *p῾mu, *p῾uma,
*p῾[ò]jamV, *sằmù, *sám[u], *sarumV, *sāmo, *sĕme, *sḗmi, *sēma, *sḕmi,
*sìmò, *šmu, *zàmo, *sòmì, *sumi, *sṑmi, *sòmú, *suma, *súme, *sume,
*s[ù]mu, *šmi, *šimuč῾V, *šmo, *š[a]mì, *tmo, *tèmò, *t῾ème, *tumi,
*túmu, *t῾àma, *t῾ằma, *t῾ámu, *t῾āma, *t῾ĕma, *t῾èmo, *t῾emV, *t῾ḕmu, *t῾má,
*t῾mù, *t῾ome, *t῾ŭmu, *t῾úmu, *t῾mi, *úmu, *úmu-tki, *umuŋ(t)o, *ǯèmá,
*ǯmo, *ǯima, *emV, *kemV, *same, *t῾mV, *dmù, *č῾òmu, *t῾ame, *muma,
*t῾àma, *samV, *č῾imV, *k῾amo, *simo, *č῾ámo.
Notes.
Non-initial *m, like initial *m, is generally well preserved. The only
exception are several cases where it (like all other resonants except *ĺ
and *ŕ) disappears in Japanese. Cf.:
PA *čùmi > PJ *ti
44 INTRODUCTION

PA *ĺmo(ŋa) > PJ *ná(N) ‘name’ (with the Hateruma dialect possibly

still preserving a trace of the nasal as nàN ‘name’; note that the ver-
bal root *nəm- ‘to pray’ still preserves *m)
PA *súme > PJ *sua
PA *t῾mV > PJ *tù
We should first note that there are only nominal stems in this list.
Verbs never behave like this (except for two or three very archaic and
probably originally monosyllabic roots — see above on root structure).
A suggestion put forward in Starostin 1997 was that we are dealing
here with the working of an archaic nominal suffix (or several suffixes)
like *ga, perhaps also *ŋa - actually, quite common, e. g., in Turkic and
Mongolian, so that, e.g. *súme-ga > *súmga > *súga, and, with final drop-
ping of -g- > *sua. However, we shall see below that *-g- could disap-
pear only in a position after a diphthong, so the proposed rule has to be
slightly modified. The diphthongs indeed had a palatalizing and frica-
tivizing effect on the following voiced stops, but those were only stops
of the second syllable (since diphthongs could occur only in the first
syllable of the root). It seems probable, however, that voiced conso-
nants in the third syllable were always fricativized (and, as a conse-
quence, usually dropped) in early Japanese. This would explain a large
proportion of nouns whose Auslaut can only be explained as a result of
contraction - i.e. nouns in *-ai, *-ia and *-ua in PJ (all these sequences do
not occur or occur only very rarely in the first syllable of a polysyllabic
root).
We can now formulate the following hypothesis about prehistoric
Japanese: any resonant preceding the weakened *-ɣ- in the third sylla-
ble was also weakened and dropped, together with the following
vowel, viz.: *CVRVɣV > *CVRɣV > *CVɣV. On the other hand, *CVCVɣV
> *CVCV. This would account for the so called “-r-loss” observed by
Martin and Whitman in their Korean-Japanese comparison (“-r-loss” is
the most frequent phenomenon, but there certainly is also “-l-loss” ,
“-m-loss” and “-ŋ-loss” in Japanese).
Among the words listed above we can only find the word for
“name” with the suffix *ŋV, which is quite clearly seen, e.g. in Evk.
nim-ŋā-n- ‘to shamanize’, nim-ŋā-kān ‘fairy-tale’. It seems therefore
probable that in Proto-Japanese *ĺmo-ŋa > *nmɣa > *nõɣa > *ná(N).
This word is further interesting because it may also accept a second
velar suffix *-k῾V (originally, probably, diminutive), cf. TM *nimŋākā-n
= Turk. *jom(ŋ)ak = Mong. *domag. The Kor. parallel is also known and it
is MKor. nì’jàkì ‘tale’. Now it seems that the Kor. form also reflects a
common PKJ form like *nomɣa-kV, with a development *-mɣ- > -‘- very
 CHAPTER TWO 45

similar to Japanese. This would date the first part of the process we are
describing (*CVRVɣV > *CVRɣV) to the common Korean- Japanese pe-
riod. But unlike Japanese, Korean did not usually drop the resonant -
instead, it dropped the *-ɣ- (sometimes, perhaps preserving it as -h-,
see below) and the final vowel. The resonant is dropped in this case
because a second suffix was added and the combination *-mɣ- turned
out to be located in an intervocalic position.
More on this interesting Japanese development will follow, in notes
on other PA resonants.

2.1.9 PA initial *t῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*t῾- *t- [dV+ĺ,ŕ,r] *t- / č[i] *t- *t- *t-
Notes
In the vast majority of cases where the difference between *t- and
*d- can be established (i.e. when the Oghuz reflexes are present), Turkic
has *t-. Voiced *d- emerges, however, almost exceptionlessly when this
consonant is followed by *ĺ: cf. PT *dȫĺ < PA *t῾ōĺi, PT *dǖĺ < PA *t῾ūĺke,
PT *dūĺ < PA *t῾ūĺi, PT *d(i)āĺ- < PA *t῾āĺke (cf., however, *taĺak < *t῾aĺp῾V).
Less systematic is the behaviour of *t῾- in front of the following *ŕ and
*r: we have *torgaj, *tōŕ, *tōrum, *turup / *turum, *tor, *tēŕ, *töŕ / *törü,
*ter, *terkü, *terk-, *törpigü, *töre, *teŕek as opposed to *dīŕ (but with suf-
fixation: *tir-sgek), *dīre-, *da(:)ŕ. There is also a tendency of voicing *t- >
*d- before *-b- (in *debe ῾camel’ < *t῾ĭbŋe, *debir- ῾to capsize’ < *t῾ebV as
opposed to *tabɨĺgan < *t῾ḕba, but even in the latter case cf. secondary
voice in Az. dowšan).

2.1.10 PA non-initial *-t῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*t῾ *t *t / č[i] *t *t *t
/-d
Notes
In Mongolian, where all voice distinctions are neutralized in sylla-
ble-final position, *t῾ > -d; *t῾ is also palatalized ( > *č) in front of the
following *i, just as in Anlaut.
Examples of PA *-t῾- can be found in the following entries: *at῾i,
*bằt῾í, *bt῾è, *bt῾é, *bt῾ù, *t῾è, *ḗt῾a, *gt῾ì, *get῾V, *got῾ò, *gt῾ù, *t῾á, *ìt῾ù,
*it῾VKV, *ṑt῾íkV, *t῾e, *kāt῾e, *két῾ò, *két῾ò, *kít῾u, *kòt῾è, *kòt῾e, *kŏt῾i, *kòt῾V,
*kùt῾á, *k῾ét῾ò, *k῾ṑt῾ekV, *k῾ōt῾e, *lt῾á ( ~ ĺ-), *mét῾i(-rkV), *mét῾ò, *mat῾è,
46 INTRODUCTION

*mat῾i, *mót῾i, *mot῾ì, *mt῾ì, *nìt῾á, *nìt῾à, *ńt῾Ỽ, *t῾à(mu), *ṓt῾è, *pàt῾á,
*pt῾e, *pằt῾è, *pt῾e, *pt῾ò, *pỼt῾ok῾V, *p῾át῾à, *p῾ắt῾à(-kV), *p῾t῾à, *p῾t῾i,
*p῾út῾a, *p῾t῾è, *p῾ṓt῾è, *sít῾ì, *sìt῾ò, *sit῾Ỻ, *št῾ì, *tèt῾o, *t῾t῾u, *t῾ut῾ì, *t῾ut῾Ỽ,
*ut῾à, *ót῾ó(rV), *t῾at῾àk῾V, *sót῾e, *pát῾ò, *t῾ằt῾e.
The number of clear cases with *-t῾- is smaller than of those with
*t῾-, because the reflexes of *-t῾- are different from those of *-t- only in
intervocalic position in Kor. and Mong. (and even in Mong. the two
phonemes coincide in the position of palatalization, i.e. before *i). The
distinction, however, is indirectly supported by Jpn., where non-initial
*t῾ is subject to secondary voicing (prenasalization), as opposed to PA
*t. Cf.:
1. *at῾i > *itua, *bt῾e > *pútá, *bt῾u > *pùt-, *ḗt῾a > *átúkáp-, *gt῾i > *kítár-,
*got῾o > *kəti, *gt῾u > *kutu-, *ìt῾u > *ùt-, *ṑt῾ikV > *ìtínkuà, *két῾o >
*kátù, *kít῾u > *kútúrənk-, *kòt῾e > *ktài, *kŏt῾i > *kutu-, *k῾ét῾o > *kátá-,
*mét῾i(-rkV) > *mitua, *mét῾o > *mt-, *mat῾e > *mətər-, *mot῾i > *mita,
*mt῾i > *muta, *ńt῾V > *mti, *t῾a(mu) > *àtàmà, *ṓt῾e > *t-nà, *pàt῾a
> *pàtàr-, *pằt῾e > *ptp- / *pùtùk-, *pt῾o > *pəta, *pVt῾ok῾V >
*pttkí-su, *p῾at῾a > *pátà / *pàtá, *p῾ắt῾a(-kV) > *pátá, *p῾t῾a > *pàtàk-,
*p῾út῾a > *pátà, p῾ŏt῾e > *pt-pər-, *p῾ṓt῾e > *pətə, *sít῾i > *sítáp-, *sìt῾o >
*sìtmi, *št῾i > *sitəki, *t῾t῾u > *tútú-nká, *t῾ut῾i > *tutuk-, *t῾ut῾V > *təti,
*ut῾a > *ata-p-, *t῾at῾ak῾V > *tatak-, *pát῾o > *pátà;
2. *bằt῾i > *pìntì, *bt῾e > *pntk-, *t῾a > *àntùkàr-, *kut῾a > *kàntuá, *lt῾a >
*nàntá, *nìt῾a > *nàntà- / *nnt-, *sit῾V > *sintai, *ót῾o(rV) > *ntr,
*t῾ằt῾e > *tntùk-.

2.1.11 PA initial *t

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*t- *d- *d- / č[i] *d- /ǯ() *t- *t- / d[i,ə]
Notes.
Mong. has č- in the position before -i-, even though the reflexes of
*t῾- and *t- are distinguished in other positions. The only exception is
the numeral “two”, where Mong. has ǯiw- / ǯui- - probably because in
all other cases the sequence *tV- had first changed to *ti- and then to
*či-, whereas here *tu- was preserved longer and finally yielded *du- >
*ǯu-.
The TM languages show palatalization in sequences with diph-
thongs: *ǯola < *tṓĺi, *ǯō(l) < *tṓle, *ǯube < *tubu, *ǯir- < *tāre, whereas
the sequence *ti- itself stays intact and yields *di-. Note that this differs
from the behaviour of *t῾- and *d- which never get palatalized in TM.
 CHAPTER TWO 47

Japanese has a clearcut distribution here: *t in front of voiceless as-

pirated consonants and +back *a, *u; *d in front of -back *i, *ə, cf.:
1. *tp῾e > PJ *tmp-, *tằba > *tàpì, *tàbu > *tùpìjái, *tagu > *tuku-nai, *taja >
*tajə-r-, *tál[u] > *túrá-, *tàńo > *tànuà-, *tằnŋù > *tùna, *tara > *tari,
*tāŋa > *táná, *tbú > *tùmpúnai, *tḗma > *támá, *tmo > *támár-, *tèmo >
*tàmà, *tègà > *tàkài, *tēga > *taka, *tḗla > *tar(a)-, *tḕtu > *tùtù-, *tùke >
*tùk-, *tbulka > *tùmpákì, *tógi > *túkà, *tok῾a > *takua, *tṓŕu >
*túrúmpài, *túbu > *túpí, *tùdi > *tùtù-, *tgi > *tùk-, *tuju > *tua-p-,
*tumi > *tuntumi, *túŋi > *túmà, *turi > *tura, *tùru > *tùrû, *tjk῾u >
*túnka-, *tūri > *tùtùm-, *tūti > *tútú
2. *tắĺba > *ds, *tàĺbe > *dsp-, *tjV > *(d)ia, *télki > *(d)íká(n)ta, *tre >
*dntá-ri, *tḕri > *(d)ìr, *tṓle > *(d)i, *tṓĺi > *(d)ísì, *tire > *(d)ír-, *tri >
*(d)ita-, *tóle > *d, *tòlu > *dr-, *tṓj- > *də-

2.1.12 PA non-initial *t

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*t *t *d / č[i] *t *r / -t *t
Examples of non-initial *t can be found in the following entries:
*ătV, *bằtò, *bté, *čtu, *găte, *gàtù, *ite, *ìtí, *káta, *ktu, *kùtí, *k῾ta,
*k῾et[o], *mèto, *m[u]ti, *nutu, *pótirkV, *pōto, *p῾ḗta, *p῾ḕtá, *p῾ḗt[e], *sóti,
*sata, *sútu, t῾otá, *t῾[u]tỺ, *zṓta, *ǯòto, *pti.
Notes.
See above (notes to *-t῾-) for an explanation of the relatively low
number of clearly reconstructed *-t῾- and *-t- (in a great number of
cases the two phonemes cannot be distinguishedr).
Korean must originally have had *-d- ( > MKor. -r-) in intervocalic
position, but *-t in syllable-final position. This is clearly seen in verbal
paradigms like mūd- (i.e. mūt- / mūrV-) and tăd- (i.e. tăt- / tărV-), as well
as in roots of the CVCV structure, where Korean normally has -r- (pɨrɨ-,
čūri-), except for cases where an early vowel reduction in the first sylla-
ble occurred (sta(h), ptɨt). Sometimes however the -t-grade was already
in MKor. analogically extended to the intervocalic position, and thus
we have mit-, tat- without any alternations. No alternations are attested
in nominal paradigms, cf. sot, soth with uniform -t-.
In Japanese, medial *-t- is never voiced except for a few cases after
an original aspirated stop: *p῾ḕta > *pàntá, *t῾ota > *tanta-juap-, *t῾[u]tV >
*tntə-, which proves that such roots underwent progressive aspiration
in early PJ ( > *p῾ḕt῾a, *t῾ot῾a, *t῾[u]t῾V), after which prenasalization (voic-
ing) became possible.
48 INTRODUCTION

2.1.13 PA initial *d

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*d- *j- *d- / ǯ[i] *d- *t- *d- / t[V+*p῾,*t῾,
*k῾,*č῾]
Notes.
In Mong. *d- > *ǯ- in front of the following -i-. Before other vowels
palatalization normally does not occur; a few cases like *ǯaha < *dòge
and *ǯehü-wün < *dēgni probably reflect a later secondary vowel shift
(*ǯiha > *ǯa’a and *ǯihü-wün > *ǯe’ün) in the specific hiatus environment
after loss of -h-.
In Jpn. there must have been an early devoicing of *d- in front of the
following voiceless aspirated consonants: in this position *d- behaves
exactly as *t῾-, i.e. yields voiceless t-. Otherwise it gives a uniform
*d-reflex. Here are all the cases of devoicing: PA *dằk῾i > *tìkà-, *dằŋk῾V >
*tnká, *dlp῾a > *tàpìra, *dlp῾i > *timpə-, *dék῾a > *tákái, *dl(o)-č῾V > *tsì,
*dup῾u > *tumpasa.

2.1.14 PA non-initial *d

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*d *d *d / ǯ[i] *d *r / -t *t / [*iV,*j] j
Examples of non-initial *-d- can be found in the following entries:
*ădV, *bădo, *bdì, *bdù, *budu, *budi, *búdò, *bùdo, *bòdà, *bdé, *bodi,
*buda, *č῾adVbV, *ĕda, *ĕdV, *ēda, *gdì, *godV, *gòdè, *gódú, *idV, *ude,
*de, *uda, *udi(rV), *ŭdu, *du, *kắdaŋV, *kádì(rV), *kádù, *kadV, *kadi,
*kód[o], *kàdi, *kdu, *t῾udu, *kudu, *kdi, *kude, *k῾ada, *k῾ádí(-rV),
*k῾àd[ú], *k῾ĕdò, *k῾ằda, *k῾údo(rgV), *k῾ŏda, *k῾ude, *k῾ùdì, *múdu, *módè,
*mude, *nad[i], *núdurgi, *núdi, *nṑdà, *odi, *pắdà, *pédá, *p῾dì, *p῾ádo,
*p῾dV, *p῾āda, *p῾edí, *p῾udo, *p῾ude, *p῾ŭdi, *nda, *sedurk῾V, *sèdá, *sidí,
*sido, *sidu, *sidV, *sōdV, *suda, *tde, *tùdì, *t῾édù, *odi, *udu, *udV, *udV,
*ǯādV, *sudu, *ǯàdé, *tdu.
Notes.
Korean shows here the same distribution as for *-t-, i.e. -r- in inter-
vocalic position, but -t in syllable-final position (cf. verbal paradigms
like kt- / kərV-, nud- / nurV-, kjəd- / kjərV-, pɨd- / pɨrV-). A generalization
of -t- occurred in kot- ‘straight’ and the nouns mut, pt; on the other
hand, -r- has been preserved in phɨr < *pɨrh < *pɨrVh < *budVkV and in
nir-kup < *nadi- ‘seven’, probably because of a late vowel reduction.
Just as in the case with *-t-, the stop is preserved in cases of an early
vowel reduction in the first syllable (stɨ-, stɨi, ptui- etc.).
 CHAPTER TWO 49

PTM usually preserves *-d- quite well, except in trisyllabic stems of

the type CVdVrCV (*xürgü < *k῾udorgV, *ńurga < *nadurgi, *xargan <
*k῾adi-rgV, *burgu- < *bĕdu-rgV), where -d- has disappeared in the sec-
ondary cluster *-dr- < *-dVr-.
Japanese has the same distribution of reflexes as for *-b-, i.e. *-j- after
diphthongs, but *-t- elsewhere, with occasional prenasalization > *-nt-:
1. *budu > *puj- > *pí-n-kai, *budi > *pìjú, *búdo > *pújù, *bùdo >
*pùjàkà-, *ude > *əja(n)si, *uda > *aja, *udi(rV) > *iá-r-, *ŭdu > *i,
*kadi > *kí-, *kód[o] > *kájuá-p-, *kudu > *kui, *k῾ằda > *kàjù-, *múdu >
*múi, *núdurgi > *níji- > *nínkír-, *nudi > *ní-, *nda > *nàjàm-, *sudu
> *sia;
2. *bdi > *pitapi, *bdu > *pùtuà-, *bòda > *bàtà, *č῾adVbV > *tatipi-, *gdi >
*kítà, *gòde > *ktàpa-, *kádi(rV) > *kítú-, *kádu > *kútúwá, *k῾ĕdo > *kəti,
*k῾ùdi > *kùtù-pìkì, *móde > *mt-pər-, *nṑda- > *nàtùkà-, *pắda > *pátà,
*p῾di > *pítú, *p῾āda > *pátú-, *tùdi > *tùtù-, *t῾édu > *tútáp-, *tdu >
*tùtùmí;
3. *bde > *bntr-, *ēda > *ántá, *gódu > *kúntár-, *k῾adi(-rV) > *káintúr-,
*k῾ad[u] > *kùntùr-, *p῾edi > *pintua-, *sèda > *sàntàmà-, *sidi > *sintar-,
*udu > *ùntài, *péda > *pantara, *ǯàde > *dnt.
In a few cases before a nasal PA *-d- > Jpn. -n-, cf. *kắdaŋV > *kání-pà;
*t῾udu > *tùnâi ( = PT *Tɨdɨn); *nad[i] > *nana- ( = PTM *nadan).

2.1.15 PA initial *n-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*n- *j- *n- *n- *n- *n-
Note.
Before original *i and *--diphthongs, PTM may have ń- instead of
n- here (the distinction of *n- and *ń- in PTM in this position is very
dubious), so in this position the best evidence for the distinction is pre-
sented by Mongolian (which has *ǯ < *ń) and Japanese (which has *m <
*ń), see below. Otherwise PA *n- is quite stable and preserved every-
where except Turkic (where all non-nasal resonants > *j-).

2.1.16 PA non-initial *n

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*n *n *n *n *n *n
Examples of non-initial *n can be found in the following entries:
*ắni, *ni, *ni, *čnu (?), *dno, *enu, *ḗnV, *ḗna(kV), *gèná, *gno, *na,
*unu, *ne, *nì, *na, *knu, *kna, *kúne, *kòna(-kV), *kune, *guna,
50 INTRODUCTION

*k῾une, *k῾no, *k῾no, *k῾ŭnu, *k῾òbàni, *mana, *mána, *mn[u], *mḕnò,

*mni, *mùne, *múnu, *nne, *ńna, *ŋḗni, *ŋḗnu, *ṓni, *ṑni, *ṑnV, *pùnV,
*pne, *p῾ani, *pànà, *p῾un[e], *p῾ŭnV, *sni, *sḕnV, *sono, *sna, *sùnu,
*sni, *sóna, *snu, *sna, *sùnà, *sūnu, *t῾āno, *t῾nV, *t῾ni, *zíni, *zni,
*sni, *kunu, *zōnu.
Notes.
Non-initial *n is usually rather stable in Altaic languages. Cases
when it is lost comprise the following:
a. In Mong., *-n- is lost before the nominal suffix -su (či-su < *čin-sun);
but just as in Japanese (see below), it is the only attested case of such
a development and the root may in fact have been *čū. In a couple
of cases *-n- was assimilated to a neighbouring velar and became
*-n- > *-ŋ- > -h- (neɣü < *ŋēni, küɣün < *kune).
b. In TM, *-n- is sometimes lost in verbal monosyllabic roots after a
long vowel: *sī- (*sǖ-) < *sūni, *ā(n)- < *āni.
c. Korean regularly loses *-n- in the cluster *-jn-, cf. čăi, ki, mjə-k; after a
labial, *n is frequently assimilated to m, cf. mom, pom, pom-nor-,
s-pam. Finally, sometimes *n > *ń, probably due to the original fol-
lowing front vowel, cf. nań(ă)-, əńɨrɨm, ańă, ańi, mɨńɨi-.
d. Unlike most other resonants, -n- seems to be always preserved in
Japanese. The only exception seems to be *tí ‘blood’ < PA *čnu. It
cannot thus be excluded that we should reconstruct a monosyllabic
*čū here, with a secondarily added suffix -n in Turkic (*dn) and
Manchu (ǯun).

2.1.17 PA initial *s-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*s- *s- *s- *s- *s-, h- *s-
Notes
Mongolian sometimes shows assimilation *sVč- > *čVč- (cf. *sarču >
*čarča-, *sč῾i > *seče- / *čeče-, *suču > *čiča-, *suču > *čučal(i), *s[ó]č῾i >
*soči- / *čoči-). It seems that *s- has completely passed into *č- before
*-č-, but is preserved better (with later dialectal variation s-/č-) before
*-č῾-, but the number of examples is rather limited and we would better
postpone making final decisions.
In Korean we have a double reflex: *h- before PA *-a-, *-o- (except
in cases of vowel reduction, when *s- stays as the first element of a
cluster), but *s- in all other cases.
1. *săbi > *hō-, *sằjri > *hj, *same > *hmr, *sắŕi > *hằrk, *sarpu > *hr,
*sjri > *hắi-, *soga > *hoar, *sóga > *hə-, *sòge > *hók, *sgu > *hắi,
 CHAPTER TWO 51

*sóle > *hằ-, *sóna > *hằnàh, *srme > *hím, *sót῾e > *hthúi, *sōje >
*hji-, *sṓjri > *hj, *hàr-, *sōlu > *húrí-, *sṓĺ[e] > *hār-, *sōjru > *hjə.
2. *sa > *sà-, *sagu > *sòth, *săjgo > *sắi-, *sajri > *sj-, *sắjV > *si-m, **sằkà
> *sah-, *săk῾V > *sàk-, *sali > *sirh-, *saĺ(b)i > *sər-, *sápa > *sàpók, *sắp῾i
> *sp, *sằp῾i > *sap-, *sàrp῾a > *sárp, *sàru > *súrí, *sŕi > *sari-, *sèk῾u >
*sàkí-, *sĕme > *sam, *sni > *sín, *sejŋi > *sjā’òŋ, *sèp῾o > *sōp, *seri >
*sìr’i, *sero > *sàrí-, *seru(k῾V) > *srk, *sése > *sìskú-, *sési > *sàsắm,
*sebe > *sìp-, *sḕgu > *sà’ó-nab-, *sḗmi > *sām, *sre > *sr-, *sílV > *sìr,
*slgu > *sir-, *síŋri > *sì’úr, *sìŋu > *sin, *siŕu > *sìrm, *sìt῾o > *sàtằri,
*suga > *sāi, *suru > *sɨr-, *suŋe > *sŋ-, *súnŋi > *sòní, *sŕe > *sòrắi,
*súsa > *sàsắr, *sjro > *sji-, *sna > *s(j)ən-, *sra > *sàră-, *sīĺa >
*sár, *sla > *sr-, *sóga > *sù’r, *soge > *sūi-, *sogŋV > *soŋ’i, *snu >
*sànhằiŋ, *sṑk῾e > *sòk-, *sṓlo > *săr-, *sṓra > *srb-, *suga > *sói, *súgo >
*so’ok, *sugu > *sɨŋ’a, *sùjli > *súi, *sku > *sok-kori, *suk῾e > *sak-, *súme
> *sàm, *sri > *sr-, *sū > *su.
The only exception known is *ssu > *sìs-, *ss-, where preservation
of *s- is clearly explained by assimilation, just as in *suču > *ččhi- and
*s[ó]č῾i > *čòčh-.

2.1.18 PA non-initial *s

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*s *s *s *s *s *s
Examples for *-s- can be found in the following entries: *ase, *bási,
*bási, *bòsá, *bŭsi, *bùsí, *musi, *dasa, *dắsi, *dísa, *eso, *ḕs[i], *gaso,
*gose, *gusa, *ìsú, *isV, *úse, *kaserV, *kasa, *késu, *kesa, *kesV, *kíso,
*kosa, *kósV, *kusu, *k῾ắsi, *k῾ăsi, *k῾ásV, *k῾sa, *k῾ĕsa, *k῾sú, *k῾úsè,
*k῾ŭso, *k῾se, *k῾usa, *mása, *màsò, *mésV, *músu, *mùsi, *msV, *nàsà,
*ńésa, *nèse, *ŋsí, *orusi, *se, *pằsi, *psu, *psa, *pósò, *púsa, *puse,
*pūsa, *p῾èsì, *p῾ắsi, *pasi, *psá, *p῾ísi(KV), *pisV, *p῾ís[a], *p῾úsa, *p῾ŭsi,
*p῾so, *p῾sa, *sése, *sési, *ssa, *ssu, *súsa, *t῾aso, *t῾àsá, *t῾ṑsi, *t῾so,
*ùso, *úsu, *zsu, *ǯoso, *gaso, *noso.
It seems to be the most stable Altaic phoneme, preserved without
any changes in all branches.
In Jpn. it almost never gets voiced (prenasalized), except in some
clusters (see below); the only exceptions are: *pánsú < *p῾sa, *pa(n)sa- <
*puse, *pa(n)sai < *púsa and *kínsú < *k῾ắsi. Reasons for voicing in these
four cases are not yet clear.
52 INTRODUCTION

2.1.19 PA *z-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*z- *j- *s- *s- *s- *s-
Notes.
PA *z- is distinguished from *s- only within Turkic (*j- < *z- vs. *s- <
*s-) which explains its relative rareness: when there is no Turkic reflex,
one can reconstruct either *z- or *s-. A trace of the distinction *z- : *s- is,
however, recoverable also in Korean, where *z-, unlike *s-, can never
give a *h-reflex, even in the position before diphthongs, cf.: *zălVbi >
*sjrb-, *zsu > *ssk-, *zoĺa > *sằr-.
This allows us to additionally reconstruct *z- in several cases when
the Turkic reflex is absent: *zà[k῾]ó, *zàmo, *zōnu.
Another peculiarity of PA *z is that it is only found in word-initial
position. This may indicate that it is either a complementary variant of
some other PA phoneme (either *r, *ŕ or *j - neither of these three oc-
curs in word-initial position), or has merged word-medially with some
other phoneme (either *-s- or *-ǯ-). This problem cannot so far be re-
solved from within Altaic.

2.1.20 PA *-r-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*r *r *r *r *r *r, *t
PA *-r- is one of the most frequent phonemes, but found only
non-initially; examples can be found in the following entries: *ăjVrV,
*ằra, *ara, *arV, *ărV, *rV, *bra, *brì, *bri, *bré, *bare, *bor[a], *bṓr[é],
*bura, *buri, *bure, *bre, *bru, *bri, *čărikV, *tre, *čŭru, *čra, *č῾àro,
*č῾era, *č῾ĭre, *č῾ire, *č῾ṑrV, *č῾[o]ra, *dari, *dărV(mV), *dari, *dorVkV, *dòru,
*dòru, *dōre, *egVrV, *ra, *èrì, *ro, *ḗra, *ḗre, *gàrá, *gera, *grè(bV), *gĕrV,
*giru, *gări, *gắru, *góra, *gre, *gure, *gŭri, *gùri, *tara, *ằré(KV), *ìri,
*íru, *orV, *aru, *òre, *ugerV, *ūre, *ùru, *úrù, *re, *rú, *ru, *kabari,
*kàra, *kara, *kàra(ma), *kàrò(mV), *kare, *kèro, *kàru, *kărV, *kaserV, *kéra,
*kéro, *keru(ĺV), *kru, *kìro, *kăro, *kaǯurV, *kóru, *kṓr[i], *kure,
*kurumV, *koru, *kóre, *kúra(mV), *kure, *kuri, *kúro(mV), *krV, *kăru,
*k῾ăra, *k῾āra, *k῾áru , *k῾re, *k῾er[o], *k῾ēro, *k῾régV, *k῾ìri, *k῾írù, *k῾rà,
*k῾re, *k῾óbarV, *k῾ṓro, *k῾ura, *k῾ure, *k῾ùru, *k῾rú, *k῾ru(mV), *k῾re,
*k῾óp῾ìra, *k῾oru, *k῾ṓra, *k῾ori, *k῾ùre, *k῾[]ri, *mro, *méra, *more, *móri,
*mri, *mṑro, *mórV, *múra, *mro, *m[]ro, *nèra, *ŋḕrá, *nre, *ńĕra,
*néro, *nṑri, *nra, *nuru, *ńóro, *núra, *nru, *ŋurV, *ri, *óru, *rù,
*orusi, *ŏrV, *ṓre, *ebVrV, *ṑr(e)kV, *pàri, *póro(-k῾V), *pṓro, *pru, *púre,
 CHAPTER TWO 53

*pure, *prò, *p῾árà, *p῾ărV, *p῾ra, *p῾èrì, *p῾ro, *p῾erV, *p῾ḗra, *p῾ìrá, *p῾ĭru,
*p῾ári, *p῾áru, *p῾rV, *p῾ṑrí, *p῾ri, *p῾re, *p῾ri, *p῾ṑrV, *p῾ṓre, *p῾ri,
*p῾ŭrV, *p῾ŭrVk῾V, *p῾ri, *sàru, *sara, *sero, *sáro, *saru, *sarV, *seri,
*seru(k῾V), *sera, *sĭra, *sire, *sorek῾V, *sira, *sra, *sṓra, *sri, *sèrỼ, *šèru,
*šṑri, *šŭru, *šr[e], *tăra, *trV, *tro, *tēru, *tḕrì, *tire, *tre, *tri, *turi,
*tùru, *tūri, *t῾aŋgiri, *t῾ari, *t῾éra, *t῾ḕra, *t῾iru, *t῾ăru, *t῾òra, *t῾re, *t῾ri,
*t῾oŋerV, *t῾ŏri, *t῾ro(-k῾V), *t῾oru, *t῾ṓro, *t῾ṓrV, *t῾ṓr[e], *t῾ṑre, *ŭra, *ura,
*ŏri, *ro, *zàrá, *zēra, *zuru, *zàre, *ǯắra, *ǯére, *ǯḗro, *ǯḕri, *ǯaru(kV),
*ǯrV, *šero, *ǯrVko, *srV, *ure, *ri, *sòri.
Notes.
Korean frequently has -j- as a development of *-jr-.
In Jpn., the distribution between -r- and -t- is as yet unclear: it may
well be that Jpn. here reflects some original distinction lost in other
languages. A suspicious fact is an extreme frequency of non-initial *r,
far exceeding that of any other PA phoneme, which may be an indica-
tion that we are in fact dealing here with two original phonemes, per-
haps still distinguished in Japanese.
Besides -t-, Japanese sometimes has voiced (prenasalized) *-nt-.
Unlike with the stops, however, the distribution here appears to be
plainly positional: *-nt- in the vast majority of cases appears in intervo-
calic position before the following intervocalic -r-: cf. *tre > *dntá-ri,
*góra > kántúrá, *keru > *kunturi, *koru > *kùntírà, *ṑr(e)kV > *ntrk-,
*p῾ōri > *pìntárí, *šèru > *sùntàre, *ǯaru > *dunturi. Voiceless *-t- does not
appear in such a position except in verbal stems, where the following
-r- is syllable-final (*re > *ítár-, *k῾ēro > *kátár-, *saru > *sutar-). In a few
other cases (*úru > *úntì, *seri > *sìntí, *mri > *mí(ntú), *nra > *nàntùki,
*p῾ire > *pintipa) the reasons for voicing are not quite clear: note that the
last two words are not actually attested in modern dialects and the
readings with -nt- (OJ -d-) may in fact be fictitious, and -ntú in *mí-ntú
‘water’ may be a suffix (the root is *mí and may go back to PA
*mūri-gV, see below).
In nominal stems Jpn. has several cases of *-r- > -0-, all of which
should be explained by original suffixation: *p- ‘fire’ < *p῾ore-gV; *pa
‘leaf’ < *pure-gV (cf. Mong. *bor-gu-), *kua ‘flour’ < *gure-gV, *mə ‘weed’ <
*moro-gV or -ŋV (cf. Evk. moriŋā), *bi ‘well, spring’ < *bujri-gV (cf. TM
*bira-ga), kua ‘basket’ < *k῾ure-gV, *pia ‘layer’ < *pari-gV (cf. TM *par-ga-)
or *-ŋV (cf. PT *biar-ŋa-k), ta ‘field’ < *t῾ora-gV (cf. Mong. *tari-ja- <
*tari-ɣa-), pu ‘growth’ < *p῾ri-gV (cf. Turk. *urug), su ‘nest’ < *zuru-gV,
perhaps also *mí ‘water’ < *mūri-gV (cf. Man. mū-ke).
In Mong. *r is normally preserved, although there are some indica-
tions that it could have been lost before the nominal suffixes *-su-, *-du
54 INTRODUCTION

(cf. *ǯi-sü-, *mo-du-). There is also one case of a presumable metathesis

*-r-l- > *-l-r- (*beltereg < *ber-teleg), but this phenomenon is much less
widespread than the reverse one (i.e. *-l-r- > *-r-l-, see below).
Just as *l is dissimilated before the following *l (see below), *r in
Mongolian was possibly dissimilated before the following *-r-, and the
combination *-rVr- yielded *-hVr- (*-ɣVr-). Cases like this are, however,
not easy to find: cf. perhaps eɣere- ‘seek, wish’ < *here-re- < PA *p῾ro; on
*kajir(a)- ‘bark’ < *kari-ra < PA *k῾éŕa see below.
In TM, *-r- (just like *-n-) sometimes is lost in monosyllabic roots af-
ter a long vowel: *bū- < *bōr[e], *bū- < *būri, *mō < *mūro, *mū < *mūri,
*ī- < *īre-, *sē < *zēra, *dā < *tārV.

2.1.21 PA initial *l-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*l- *j- *l-, n- *l- *n- *n-
Notes.
There are only about 40 clear examples of initial *l- because it is dis-
tinguished from *ĺ (or *l1) only in Mongolian (where the latter > *d- /
*ǯ-, see below). The distinction between *l- and *ĺ- is thus not absolutely
secure, but rather probable because it supports the distinction of
non-initial *l and *ĺ.
Turkic, Korean and Japanese do not distinguish reflexes of *l- from
those of *n- (see above). Tungus has regularly *l- here (although within
Tungus there exists a strong tendency of confusing *l- and *n- as well);
Mongolian has in many cases preserved *l- (especially before labials,
but also in some cases before velars), but many dialects tend to replace
*l- by *n-, and in some cases no traces of *l- are preserved at all. Still it
may be observed that cases with *l- in Mong. reveal a high rate of cor-
relation with *l- in Tungus (cf. *làbo, *labV, *làku, *lak῾a, *lằŋi, *láp῾i, *lble,
*lebu(nV), *lebV, *lòmu, *lùbu, *lu[k]u, *lŭge). We assume, therefore,
that the tendency of *l- > *n- was unilateral, and reconstruct *l- in all
cases when it emerges in Tungus and/or Mongolian (note that there
does not exist a single case with Mong. *l- and TM *n- - which shows
that Mong. *l- cannot be a secondary variant of the original *n-).
Let us once again return to Doerfer’s criticism. In TMN 1, 63 he says:
“Ich möchte mich hier kurz fassen und nur soviel sagen, daß ich das
gesamte Material für mit l- anlautende Wörter des Tu. durchgearbeitet
habe (bei Benzing, 1955a und V), ohne im Tü. und Mo. auch nur ein
einziges vergleichbares Wort zu finden.”
Let us see what we have:
 CHAPTER TWO 55

Turk. Mong. TM PA
*naɣa- ‘on this side’ *la-kV, *la-ŋ ‘near’ *la-
*jaba ‘very’ *lab / *naj *lab-du ‘many, plenty’ *làbò
‘very,better’
*joblač ‘fine *lobsi ‘rags’ *leb-/*lab- ‘rags’ *labỼ
goat’s hair’
*jöke *nüger-sü ‘alder’ *laKa- ‘elm, oak’ *lako
‘lime-tree’
*jak- ‘smear’ *lag ‘mud, dirt’ *lakti- ‘soot’ *làku
*laka ‘sheat-fish’ *laka ‘goby’ *lak῾a
*naki- ‘to bend’ *laxu- ‘to hang’ *làk῾ù
*jilik ‘marrow’ *nila- ‘clingy’ *lala- ‘gruel; slime’ *làlè
*jalk- ‘suffer *nal(k)-‘be faint, *lali ‘be hungry, weak’ *lalV
pain, be nau- drowsy, weak’
seated’
*laji ‘mud, dirt, silt’ *laŋga ‘slimy, clammy’ *lằŋi
*jap- ‘to *labta- ‘to be flat’ *lapta- ‘flat’ *láp῾ì
smooth, level,
flat’
*jām-čɨk > *nambuga ‘leather *lam(b)a ‘bag’ *lmo
*jān-čɨk sack’
‘pocket, bag’
*namug ‘marsh, *lāmu ‘sea’ *lmò
swamp’
*jāŕ-‘to miss, *nargi- ‘to carouse’ *largī ‘disorder, com- *lŕgu
sin’ motion’
*labku ‘marshy *lebē ‘marsh’ *lépù(-nV)
ground’
*labsi- ‘eat greedily’ *lebge- id. *lebV
*neke- ‘to pursue, *leKe- ‘intend, demand’ *lèjk῾á
follow
*jaglɨk ‘ker- *nolga ‘shaman’s *lelu(ke) ‘apron, cor- *lélugV
chief’ adornment’ sage’
*jam- ‘pubic *lami- ‘meat on *lemuk ‘fat under skin *lemV
hair, groin’ sheep’s rump’ of animals’
*jAń- ‘to shake, *naji- ‘shake, sway, *leŋgī- ‘bow, incline’ *leńa
sway’ hang over’
*najita- ‘sneeze’ Ma. leje- ‘sing without *lája
rhythm’
*japal (Sib.) *niɣalta ‘spleen’ Orok lipče ‘spleen’ *lap῾V
56 INTRODUCTION

Turk. Mong. TM PA
‘spleen’
*jap-ɨĺč- ‘glue, *niɣa- id. *lipa-, *labgān- id. *làjp῾V
stick to’
*jagɨŕ ‘brown’ *nogoɣan ‘green’ *log- ‘green, dark’ *lŏga
Chuv. śəₙmren *lumu ‘bow’ *liam- ‘bow, shoot’ *lòmù
*neɣüne ‘lady bug’ Ud. loŋto ‘butterfly’ *lòŋè
*luw-ka ‘eye pus’ Evk. lū ‘resin, gum’ *lùbu
*jigi/*jɨgɨ *lüg / *lig id. *lōgdi, *luku(tu) id. *lu[k]u
‘thick, dense’
*jg-la- *ligi- ‘snore’ *lgà
‘weep,cry’
*jügen ‘bridle’ *luksi ‘belt in a *lŭge
yoke-team’
*jükün- ‘to *nugu- ‘to bend’ *loka- ‘hanger, to hang’ *luke
bow’
*nowkai ‘rodent *lopi(gi) ‘squirrel nest’ *lop῾V
nest’
*nüke ‘hole, make a *lokto- ‘break through’ *lúk῾ì
hole
*nogtu ‘wild boar’ *luke(te) id. *luko
*nagaj ‘female tar- *loŋ-sa ‘lynx, sable’ *lúŋa
bagan’
*nogu-ɣal ‘young of *luKV ‘lynx’ *l[ù]k῾Ỽ
lynx
It is worth noting that both in Mong. and TM *l- may be called “an
expressive phoneme”: the number of words starting with *l- and mean-
ing ‘slimy substance’, ‘mud’, ‘to shake, sway’, ‘snore, shout’ is quite
considerable. It seems, however, that this was the original PA situation
(no matter what caused it ultimately), because several of these roots are
undoubtedly common Altaic. But there is also a number of quite neu-
tral roots with *l-, such as *la- ‘near, this side’, *làbo ‘more, better’, *lako
‘foliate tree’, *láp῾i ‘flat, broad’, *lmo ‘bag’, *lmo ‘sea’, *lèjk῾a ‘intend,
demand’, *lélugV ‘kerchief, pendant’, *lŏga ‘green, dark’, *lòmu ‘bow’,
*lk῾a ‘seam’, *lŭge ‘halter, rope for animals’, *lop῾V ‘nest’, *luko ‘wild
pig’, *lúŋa ‘furry animal’, *lùk῾V ‘lynx’ etc.
 CHAPTER TWO 57

2.1.22 PA non-initial *l

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*l *l *l *l *r *r
Examples for *-l- can be found in the following entries: *agula, *ắla,
*ála, *àlak῾u, *ale, *álikV, *àlu, *la, *le, *li, *lV, *lV, *balu, *bāla, *plo,
*bló, *belV, *bèli, *bĭli, *bălu, *bŏla, *bŏla, *bli, *blò, *bólò, *bule,
*ble, *bolo, *bṓlo, *bli, *bŭlu, *bŭlV, *bulV, *čălù, *člo, *člV, *čḕlV,
*čòlú, *č῾ali, *č῾àlù, *č῾ale, *č῾álV, *č῾olu, *č῾ṓli, *č῾ŏli, *č῾uli, *dàli, *dalo,
*dli , *talo, *dile, *dḗlì, *dlo, *dilu, *dlu, *dle, *dli, *ĕlV(-k῾V), *ḗlV, *gắli,
*gălV, *gla, *gle, *gìlè, *gilu, *gălu, *gla, *gla, *goli, *gṓli, *glì, *ile,
*ílék῾a, *ìlù, *ìla, *ṓle, *úle, *ùlò, *ùjŋula, *kla, *kằle, *kălo, *kalu, *kela,
*kele, *kujilV, *kúli, *klé, *kólè, *kōli, *klV, *k῾ala, *k῾alo, *k῾ale, *k῾alVbV,
*k῾ela, *k῾íla, *k῾ile, *k῾ílo, *k῾ăli, *k῾ùla, *k῾ŭli, *k῾le, *k῾óla, *k῾ṓli, *k῾uli,
*k῾úlo, *k῾ŭli, *làlè, *lalV, *lélugV, *ĺul[o], *màli, *màlù, *male, *mála, *mli,
*melo, *mĕlu, *mali(-k῾V), *malu, *móle, *mólo, *mòle, *mólu, *mṓli, *mula,
*nālV, *zelo, *nála, *nóle, *nuli, *ńlo, *dilu, *ŋli, *ŋḕlu, *ŋōle, *ŋṑla, *ŏli,
*óligV, *olu, *ṑlu, *pala, *pằluk῾V, *pli, *pli, *píla, *ple, *pắlagV, *bằlu,
*púla, *p῾là, *p῾éle, *ĺḗlV, *p῾ìlo, *p῾ole, *p῾ṓlo, *p῾ula, *p῾le, *p῾le, *p῾ṓle,
*p῾ŭle, *p῾li, *p῾lo, *sálo, *sali, *sela, *séle, *sóle, *sìlá, *sila, *salo(-kV),
*sŏlo, *sōlu, *sŭli, *sla, *sṓlo, *sṑlV, *šṑlí, *tál[u], *tlV, *telV, *tḗla, *tēlo,
*tilV, *tóle, *dla, *tòlu, *tole, *tlu, *tṓle, *t῾la, *t῾ḗlù, *t῾ḗlV, *t῾lo, *t῾ṑlo,
*t῾ula, *t῾ule, *t῾ṑlu, *t῾ṑlV, *t῾olu, *lu, *ulu, *lo, *zăli, *zela, *zălVbi, *zŭli,
*ǯắlo, *ǯli, *ǯlV, *ǯela, *ǯélu, *ǯōlu, *ǯul[u], *ǯlu, *gòlo, *nlo, *gằlá,
*éli, *dala, *čalu, *t῾ṑle, *ǯale, *ŭla, *t῾ulu, *dlV, *kàla.
Notes.
1. Turkic always preserves l.
2. In Mong. there are some cases of the loss of *-l- before the nominal
suffix *-sü-, usually with variation across dialects (cf. *söl-sü ‘gall’ >
WMong. sösü(n), Khalkha sös, but MMong. sülsü, Bur. hülhen). Two
other processes must be also mentioned:
a) The sequence *-l-r- is regularly metathesized > *-r-l-, cf. *hurul <
*p῾ulo, *maral < *mula (although this does not seem to happen before
the suffixes -čir, -bur, -kir in *belčir, *čilbur, *čulu-kir, and perhaps in
the clusters *jl, *bl cf. *ölir < *ójle, *ǯilar < *dúblu).
b) The sequence *-l-l- is regularly dissimilated > *-j-l- (or -h-l- if the in-
termediate vowel is -e-), cf. *küjil-sü < *k῾ōli, *mojil ( = PT *beleĺ) <
*melu, *beɣelej < *bili, *majila-su < *malu.
3. In TM *l is well preserved (except for sporadic cases of assimilation
in clusters like *xińŋa- < *xil-ŋa- ‘hair’). However, just as with *-n-
and *-r-, there are cases of the loss of *-l in monosyllabic roots after a
58 INTRODUCTION

long vowel: *ō- < *ōlu, *nā < *nālV, *sō- < *sōlV, *tī- < *t῾ōlo, *sī (but
*sīl-se) < *sūli, *ǯō (but Nan. ǯōl) < *tṓle.
4. Korean has -0- (-i-) for *-jl-, cf. păi < *p῾ējlo, kui < *k῾ūjlu, pih < *bujlu,
oijə-s < *ojle, sui < *sujli.
5. Japanese loses *-l- (just like most other resonants) before the original
suffix *-gV-, cf. *ká- < *kal-gV < *k῾ila-gV ( = PT *Kɨl-k, Mong. kil-ga-),
*dua < *dul-ga (or *dul-ba, cf. TM *dolba?) < *dŭle, *pa < *pal-gV <
*pala-gV, *du < *dul-gV < *dūlu-gV ( = Mong. *dulaɣa-, PT *jɨlɨg), *da- <
*ǯal-gV < *ǯalo-gV (cf. Mong. ǯalga-), *pə (reduplicated *pə-pə) <
*pəl-gV < *p῾ulo-gV, *pu- < *pul-gV < *balu-gV.
6. Intervocalic *-l- is lost in Korean and Japanese (but also in some
forms of the Turkic paradigm) in a few basic verbal roots: cf. *gele
‘to come’, *ōlu ‘to be’, *sóle ‘to make, put’, *ala ‘to take, receive’,
*p῾ìlo ‘to dry, heat’. This seems to be a Proto-Altaic morphonological
peculiarity; see more on that in the section on root structure.

2.1.23 PA initial *č῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*č῾- *č- *č- *č- *č- *t-
Note.
Except for Jpn. *č῾- > *t-, the phoneme is well preserved — but of
course lost its originally distinctive aspiration — in all subgroups.

2.1.24 PA non-initial *-č῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*č῾ *č *č *č *č *t
Examples of non-initial *-č῾- can be found in the following entries:
*ắč῾V, *buč῾o, *áč῾u, *č῾éč῾í, *č῾eč῾u, *č῾[i]č῾V, *ēč῾o, *gàč῾i, *góč῾e, *ič῾u, *ič῾V,
*ṓč῾é, *káč῾u, *kč῾ù, *kč῾á, *kūč῾ú, *k῾č῾V, *máč῾à, *máč῾Ỽ, *mač῾e, *mùč῾e,
*mṓč῾a, *nač῾i, *nč῾á, *neč῾è, *ńéč῾ù, *pč῾à, *puč῾ù, *p῾ač῾V, *p῾ḗč῾V, *peč῾i,
*p῾ĭč῾i, *p῾č῾o, *p῾úč῾í, *sč῾i, *šàč῾í, *s[ó]č῾i, *šimuč῾V, *t῾uč῾V, *ùč῾e, *ùč῾ìk῾V,
*č῾o, *úč῾u, *č῾i, *ǯeč῾i, *k῾ač῾e, *kéč῾à.
Notes.
In Korean a reflex *s is also possible in consonant clusters after
vowel reduction (*čC is not allowed), and in syllable-final position,
where the distinction *-č : *-s was already weakened in MKor.: MKor.
kàčh / kàs ‘skin’ < *káč῾u, MKor. nằčh, nằs < *ŋàkča, *ps-krì- < *peč῾i, *sàskí
< *šàč῾k[o], *skú-mí- < *ùč῾ik῾V.
 CHAPTER TWO 59

As in other cases, Japanese here has a split reflex (*-t- or voiced /

prenasalized *-nt-):
1. *buč῾o > *pətə-pər-, *č῾eč῾u > *tùtù-nsí, *ēč῾o > *tr-, *ič῾u > *utu, *káč῾u >
*kútí, *máč῾a > *mátúr-, *máč῾V > *mátuá, *mùč῾e > *màtú, *neč῾e > *ntì,
*ńéč῾u > *mútúkár-, *pč῾a > *pàtùr-, *puč῾u > *puta-, *šàč῾i > *sìtú,
*sóč῾i > *sítá-nkap-, *ùč῾ik῾V > *ùtùkù-, *č῾o > *t-, *ǯeč῾i > *(d)ìtí, *k῾ač῾e
> *kt, *kéč῾a > *kátà, *mànč῾u > *mùtù-kí, *múkč῾a > *mútì
2. č῾éč῾i > *tíntí-, *ṓč῾e > *nt-, *kč῾a > *kàntuá, *kuč῾u > *kùntk-, *nč῾á >
*nàntá-, *p῾úč῾i > *púntí, *p῾ắnč῾i > *pínták-.

2.1.25 PA initial *č-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*č- *d- *d- /*č[i] *ǯ- *č- *t-
Notes.
This phoneme was first reconstructed in АПиПЯЯ, on the basis of
examples with *d- in Turkic and Mongolian correlated with affricate
reflexes in TM and Korean.
In Turkic and Mongolian PA *č- early merged with PA *t- and
yields exactly the same results. The reflex of *č- and *t- is quite similar
also in Japanese; but note that PA *č- never yields *d- (unlike *t- which
gives *d- before i, ə). Finally, in Korean and Tungus the reflex of *č- is
the same as that of *ǯ- (q.v.).

2.1.26 PA non-initial *-č-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*č *č *č *s *č *s
Examples for non-initial *č can be seen in the following entries:
*apuči, *ăčV, *éča , *guči, *če, *ču, *káče, *kăči, *kḗči, *koči, *kuču, *kóčè,
*kūči, *k῾ăču, *k῾áčo, *k῾oča, *k῾ùčù, *k῾ča, *k῾čV, *láčà, *mḗča, *nòču, *óče,
*p῾uču, *p῾ṑči, *p῾ùčV, *sìča, *suču, *súču, *šàčú, *šéčo, *šòče, *šṓča.
Notes.
This row of correspondences occurs only in non-initial position and
is thus in complementary distribution with word-initial *č-. Although
its reflexes seem to be quite different from those of *č-, the difference is
not difficult to explain. In Turkic we have a voiceless reflex, similar to
the standard reflex of voiceless unaspirated consonants, whereas in
initial position we find *č- > *d- with deaffrication (so that d-, -č- here is
in fact analogous to d-, -t- < PA *t). In Korean we would expect some-
thing like *-ǯ-, but the general process of devoicing has resulted in *-ǯ-
60 INTRODUCTION

> -č-. In Mong. we have a uniform reflex -č-, thus the phoneme behaves
exactly like unaspirated *-t- in the position of palatalization, i.e. like
[*]. In TM and Jpn., an early process of fricativization resulted in *-č- >
-š- > -s-.
In a few cases TM has -š- instead of the expected -s-. This happens
regularly due to assimilation after the preceding *š- (*šoša-, *š[e]še-,
*šušu), and in consonant clusters *-jč- or *-bč- (*ŋüši-, *ma[b]ši-).
Korean has the same variation of -s and -č in syllable-final position
as with *č῾: *čs < *sìča, MKor. sùs < *suču, MKor. čís / číčh < *šoče,
nằs-ká- < *ŋṓjču.
It is worth noting that just as all other voiceless stops medial *č is
never voiced (prenasalized) in Japanese, except in some clusters with
resonants (on which see below).

2.1.27 PA initial *ǯ-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ǯ- *j- *ǯ- *ǯ- *č- *d-
The phoneme gives quite simple and uniform reflexes in all
branches. Note that in Japanese it always yields *d-, independently of
following vowels or consonants. This indicates that by the time of the
devoicing processes (*d- > *t-, see above) it was still an affricate or a
palatalized *-; see more on this below.

2.1.28 PA non-initial *ǯ

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ǯ *j *ǯ *ǯ *č *j
Examples for medial *-ǯ- may be found in the following entries:
*aǯo, *ǯV, *bằǯá, *bēǯu, *č῾ăǯV, *kaǯurV, *kùǯi, *k῾ĕǯa, *k῾ǯa, *k῾uǯV,
*k῾uǯV, *laǯV, *nāǯV, *òǯa, *pḕǯo, *poǯi, *sàǯV, *s[o]ǯe, *ǯaǯa, *ǯòǯu, *ǯṓǯe,
*ǯāǯV.
Notes.
Medial -ǯ- is not frequent, but seems to be reliably reconstructable.
In Jpn. -t- is encountered occasionally, as a result of early assimila-
tion (cf. the variants ti < *tiji / titi; *duta-ka < *duda-ka instead of the ex-
pected *duja-ka). However, the standard and most frequent reflex is a
uniform *-j- (sometimes reduced to -0- in -ia-/-ai- diphthongs, like in
*sài-r- < *sàǯV).
 CHAPTER TWO 61

In Kor. in syllable-final position we may also have the reflex -s (as

with other affricates): MKor. čjs < *č῾ăjǯV, kàskàp- < *k῾ǯa, sàskì <
*s[u]ǯakV.
The *-j-reflex in Turkic was also criticized by Doerfer in TMN. He
takes five rather unfortunate examples from Ramstedt’s KW and comes
to the conclusion that “Für mo. Wörter mit -ǯ- finden sich also im Tü.
keine Vergleichswörter”. The phoneme is not frequent, but neverthe-
less we can counter this conclusion with the following examples:
PT *čAj-na- ‘to chew, bite’ : Mong. *ǯaǯi- ‘to chew’ ( < *čaǯi- with assimi-
lation) < PA *č῾ăǯV
PT *ȫj- ‘to think, understand’ (-j- is lost here in Old Turkic, but well
preserved in Yak. üöj-): Mong. *üǯe- ‘to see’ < PA *ḗbǯo
PT *Kạjɨr ‘salt steppe’ : Mong. *kuǯir ‘salty earth’ < PA *kaǯurV
PT *Kajɨra- ‘to whet, sharpen; to rub teeth’ : Mong. *kaǯa- ‘to bite’ < PA
*k῾ĕǯa
PT *KAj- ‘to turn back, towards’ : Mong. *kaǯiwu ‘side, edge’ < PA
*k῾ǯa
PT *jāj ‘summer’ : Mong. *naǯir id. < PA *nāǯV
PT *oj- ‘to play’ : Mong. *oǯu- ‘to kiss’ < PA *òǯa
PT *jogan (probably < *jojgan with dissimilation) ‘thick’ : Mong.
*ǯuǯaɣan id. < PA *ǯòǯu
PT *jōj ‘cunning, lying’: Mong. *ǯüǯig ‘show, act, theatre’ < PA *ǯṓǯe
Several of these words (‘salt steppe’, ‘summer’, ‘play’, ‘thick’) could
be found in the literature, and in fact the words for ‘play/kiss’ and
‘summer’ are dealt with in other parts of Doerfer’s TMN. But he still
says “keine Vergleichswörter”...

2.1.29 PA initial *ń-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ń- *j- *ǯ- *ń- *n- *m-
Notes.
The Mong. reflex ǯ-, still absent in АПиПЯЯ, was discovered and
proved by A. Dybo [Дыбо 1995].
The phonetically strange reflex in Japanese can be explained as a re-
sult of a shift *ń- > *ŋ- > *m- (already after the original *ŋ- had yielded
0- word-initially, see below). The change *ń- > *ŋ- is typologically rare,
but attested, e.g., in Southern Chinese dialects. It is perhaps worth not-
ing that the reflex *ń > ž (ǯ) is typical for Northern Chinese dialects. So
the Altaic languages here reproduce the same model of development
that was typical for Chinese in the 8th-10th centuries AD.
62 INTRODUCTION

2.1.30 PA non-initial *-ń-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ń *ń *j, n *ń *ń *n, *m
Examples for medial *ń can be found in the following entries:
*ńe(-č῾V), *ńu, *ńa, *číńo, *č῾àńè, *tàńo, *eńa, *ńa, *eńa, *ińo, *k῾ùńí,
*kḕńu, końo, *kúńà, *kúńe, *k῾eńo, *k῾ńó, *k῾éńo, *k῾ńu, *k῾ùńe, *k῾ōńi,
*k῾ńi, *peńo, *leńa, *ĺńi, *mńa, *mańuk῾V, *meń[o], *mińV, *móńù, *mṓńe,
*mùńa, *mūńa(kV), *n[u]ńa, *ŋăńa, *ŋńì, *ṑńè, *ańu, *pańi, *beńa, *p῾úńe,
*póńe, *pàńé, *p῾eńu, *p῾ońa, *p῾úńe, *sáńo, *sańV(-k῾V), *sńi, *nańa, *kṓńi.
Notes.
Non-initial *ń exists in Turkic, TM and Korean, but is a highly un-
stable phoneme.
Turkic. The normal reflex here is *ń (often hardly distinguishable from
*j). The palatal quality, however, is lost in secondary clusters (cf.
*jīn-čik, *jaŋɨ < *jań-gɨ, *En-č, *saŋ-k < *sań-k), and frequently (al-
though not always) after *ɨ, *o and *ü (cf. *gün as opposed to *guńaĺ,
*Kn, *jonɨrčga, *Konak).
Mongolian. Here there are two basic reflexes: -j- and -n-, the distribu-
tion of which has been established by I. Gruntov. The rules are:
a) the basic reflex is *-j-;
b) the reflex -n- appears: in a dissimilative manner after -i- (kinu-, sinu-,
sine); after and before *h ( = intervocalic *-ɣ-), like in čineɣe, inije-,
keneɣe, kunija, munig, nimniɣa, suɣunag, hünir, huni-, hani, hünesü.
Palatal *-ń- also disappears (just like *-n-, *-r-) before the nominal suffix
-su (*ja-su, *hü-sü) and is liable to velar assimilation *-ń- > *-ŋ- > -h-
(cf. gege-ɣe < *geɣe- < *geŋe- < *geńe-; köŋge-n < *köń-ge-; saŋ-ga- <
*sań-ga-; oŋgo-n < *oń-go-). In some cases with initial velar it is not
quite clear whether we are dealing with a case of velar assimilation
(köɣene < *köŋene < *köńene) or a positional variant of -j- (köɣene =
/köjene/).
PTM. Tungus-Manchu normally has -ń- except for some cases of neu-
tralization before -i- and in consonant clusters (*xeŋ-gu- < *xeń-gu-,
*xunǯi < *xuń-ǯi, *ŋāni- = *ŋāńi-, *mun-di- < *muń-di-, *uŋia- < *uńi-ga-,
*pani- = *pańi-, *munī- = *muńī-, *puŋel < *puń-gV-l). Note that no
cases of a loss of *-ń- are attested (perhaps accidentally).
Korean. The cluster *-jń- regularly yields -j- here (cf. s-pjə, sai, kui, păi).
Otherwise, the normal reflex is *ń, with a sporadic change to -n- af-
ter *i and *u, cf. pinɨr, nūn, kin(h) and in clusters (an-č-).
Japanese. Here the reflexes are -m- (evidently < *-ŋ- < *-ń-, just as
word-initially) and -n-; the distribution is so far unclear. There are
 CHAPTER TWO 63

two possible cases of *-ń- > -0- before a suffixed *-gV: *ka- ‘day’ <
*gojńu-gV (cf. Mong. gege-ɣe) and *ka ‘mosquito’ < *kuńe-gV (cf. TM
*kuńī-kta).

2.1.31 PA initial *š-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*š- *s- /*č[*A] *s- / *č[*A] *š- *s- *s-
The reconstruction of PA *š- is based on the reconstruction of PTM
*š — a phoneme usually reflected as š in Manchu, but as č in other lan-
guages. Elsewhere the phoneme basically merged with *s-, but traces of
a special behaviour can be found in Turkic and Mongolian —where *š-
> *s- only before front vowels, whereas before back vowels *š- > *č- —,
as well as in Korean, where, despite a certain paucity of evidence, one
can observe that *s- yields *h- before *-a-, *-u- , whereas *š- always
yields *s-.

2.1.32 PA non-initial *-š-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*š *s *s *š *s *s
Non-initial *-š- is extremely rare (and, for some reason, found al-
most exclusively after velars); examples for *-š- are restricted to: *bašo,
*guša, *kóšì, *kŏše, *kùši, *kušu, *kušV, *k῾òše, *k῾ŏši.
Notes.
As seen from the correspondences, medial *-š- is distinguished from
*-s- only in TM. The correspondence, however, is quite parallel to ini-
tial *š-, only without the positional affrication in Turkic, Mongolian and
Korean. So the phoneme still seems worth reconstructing.
In Jpn. *-š-, like *-s- is not liable to voicing (prenasalization) - at least
in those few cases where it is reflected at all.

2.1.33 PA *-ŕ-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ŕ *ŕ *r *r *r *r / t[i,u]
Examples for *-ŕ- can be found in the following dictionary entries:
*àŕì, *āŕa, *bằŕ[i], *bāŕa, *baŕV, *bĕŕa, *bŕu, *boŕV, *bŭŕi, *čobeŕV, *čuŕi,
*čúŕu, *č῾iŕV, *deŕa, *ǯiŕe, *dŭŕi, *ḗŕa, *gằŕ[à], *gŕV, *gằŕá, *gṑŕe, *gŕa,
*gṓŕV, *gŕi, *ŕu, *kúŕu, *kŕa, *k῾aŕa, *k῾éŕà, *k῾ŕo, *k῾óŕa, *k῾ŏŕo, *k῾uŕa,
64 INTRODUCTION

*k῾ŕu, *k῾uŕe, *k῾[ú]ŕa, *suŕo, *muŕu, *ńăŕe, *ńàŕì, *nŕ[à], *núŕe, *núŕi,
*ŋṑŕa, *omuŕV, *ŏŕe, *ṓŕì, *ṓŕi, *pŕe, *pḗŕV, *pŕi, *aguŕV, *p῾ŕe, *p῾ŭŕi,
*saŕi, *sáŕo, *sŕo(-gV), *sŕi, *siŕu, *šŭŕu, *sắŕi, *sŕe, *sŕi, *tṓŕu, *t῾ŕa,
*t῾eŕo, *t῾ḕŕù, *t῾ŕe, *t῾ŕe, *t῾ṓŕe, *úŕi, *uŕo, *ŕV, *ǯuŕi, *ǯ[ō]ŕo, *aŕV.
Notes.
PA *ŕ, like *r, occurred only in non-initial position.
It is reconstructed basically on Turkic evidence where it is clearly
distinct from *r. One may note, however, that the Jpn. correspondence
also differs. Superficially Jpn. has the same two reflexes - r and t - as for
PA *r. Here, however, they are in rather clear complementary distribu-
tion: -t- occurs only before root-final -i and -u, whereas -r- occurs in all
other cases (root-finally, before -a and -ə). The only exceptions are
those when the reflex of *-ŕ- is attested in the second syllable of a trisyl-
labic stem: *turu(m)pai, *sita-t(a)-, *katana, *kətəpək-, *kuruma. In all prob-
ability the second vowel here is a result of later assimilation either to
the first or to the third one.
Here, as with other resonants, in PTM loss of *-ŕ- after a long vowel
in monosyllables is attested: *sā- < *sāŕi.
In Jpn., however, *-ŕ- (like other palatal resonants) is never lost. Its
*-t-reflex is also never voiced (prenasalized). This lack of voicing may
be important: it probably means that the change -ŕ- > -t- occurred quite
late, already after the process of prenasalization of original stops was
completed — which also complies with the fact that the change -ŕ- > -t-
happens before PJ *-i and *-u, vowels that evidently come from many
different Altaic sources, i.e. already after various important vocalic
changes in the history of Japanese.

2.1.34 PA initial *ĺ-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ĺ- *j- *d- / ǯ[i] *l- *n- *n-
Notes.
Initial *ĺ- is reconstructed in a small but significant number of cases
where all languages reflect *l- but Mong. has a reflex typical for *d-. In
one case — *ĺmo(ŋa) — even the TM forms have not preserved traces
of *l- (probably because of very early nasal assimilation *ĺŏmo(ŋa) >
*ńŏmo(ŋa)), but the Mongolian reflex *d- cannot be explained in any
other way.
One could reconstruct something like a voiced lateral affricate here,
but we assume that this correspondence is in fact a match for the
 CHAPTER TWO 65

widely attested word-medial PA *-ĺ- (see below), whose initial reflex

was hitherto unknown.
To provide additional information on Turkic *j- corresponding to
TM *l- (but this time < *ĺ-) we shall list the cases here:
Turk. Mong. TM PA
*jaku’coat’ *daku *laKu (/*leKu) ‘warm trou- *ĺak῾V
sers’
*jaba ‘wild on- *debeɣe *labikta ‘moss, cudbear’ *ĺábó
ion’ ‘meadow’
*jek ‘demon; to *ǯikeji ( > ǯe-) *lāK- ‘difficulty, disorder’ *ĺk῾è
hate’ ‘mediocre,
worse’
*jāpak ‘fork, *daɣaga(n) *lap(ki) ‘poles with bifur- *ĺp῾V
cation’
bifurcation’ ‘horizontal bar’
*jap- ‘mass of *daɣaki ‘exuvia- *lepu- ‘feather, down’ *ĺep῾a
hair or wool’ tion, tangled
hair’
*jigren-‘to hate, *ǯig- id. *lēgī- ‘to scold’ *ĺḕgì
abhor’
*jip- ‘violet, *ǯibi ‘rust’ Evk. lipereme ‘dark red’ *ĺip῾ú
purple’
*jom(ak) ‘tale, *dom(ag) ‘tale, *nim-ŋā- ‘fairy-tale’ *ĺmo(ŋa)
legend; medi- magic’
cine’
*jul- ‘to ran- *doli- id. Evk. lelol- ‘to ask’ *ĺul[o]
som’
*jip ‘thread’ *ǯiɣeg ( > *ǯe-) *lup- ‘to prick, pierce’ *ĺp῾ù
‘thin thread’
*jēl- ‘to ride, *ǯilu- ‘flee, run *lelu- ‘to jump, ride, trot’ *ĺḗlV
trot’ away’
*jugur- ‘to *ǯiɣura- *lug- *ĺuga(rV)
knead’

2.1.35 PA non-initial *-ĺ-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ĺ *ĺ *l *l *r *s
Examples for *-ĺ- can be found in the following dictionary entries:
*ăĺi, *aĺi, *aĺV, *ĺa, *boĺe, *bŏĺi, *bĺa, *bĺi, *bĺo, *čŏĺe, *dằĺà, *ḗĺV, *gaĺi,
66 INTRODUCTION

*gĺò, *gĺu, *gṓĺV, *gĺo, *g[ú]ĺe, *áĺa, *iĺa, *oĺe, *īĺa, *ĺi, *k῾ĺú, *kĺe,
*kuĺe, *koĺa, *kṓĺi(kV), *kuĺV, *k[ā]ĺe, *k῾ăĺi, *k῾ằĺo, *k῾éĺe, *k῾ìĺa, *k῾uĺe,
*k῾ĺa, *kúĺap῾V, *k῾úĺa, *k῾ĺa, *máĺe, *màĺà, *muĺi, *mĺi, *móĺe, *ńiĺu,
*nĺi, *ńṓĺe, *oĺa, *p῾aĺi, *p῾ĺo, *p῾ĺo, *p῾ĺi, *sáĺo, *sṓĺe, *sīĺa, *šằĺì, *tĺ[o],
*teĺV, *tṓĺì, *tĺu, *tĺe, *tĺe, *t῾uĺi, *t῾ōĺi, *t῾ĺi, *ĺà, *uĺe, *uĺi, *oĺi, *uĺukV,
*ŭĺi, *zoĺa, *zúĺa, *ǯĕĺo, *gḕĺa, *k῾aĺu, *ṓĺe.
Notes.
PA *ĺ is well preserved in all branches. Besides the standard reflexes
we may note the following:
a) In Turkic, *-ĺ- > *-l- in combination with some affixes (Helimski’s
rule, see Хелимский 1986b); cf. *jul-tuŕ (not *juĺ-tuŕ) < *p῾uĺo.
b) In Mong., *-ĺ- > -0- before the affixes -du-, -su- (cf. ho-dun < *hol-dun <
*p῾uĺo, *si-dü < *sil-dü, *na-su < *nal-su, *mö-sü (but also *möl-sü)). Just
like *-l-, *-ĺ- is dissimilated > -j- before the following -l- (*bujil- < *bŏĺi,
*üjile < *ilü-le < *ĺi) and metathesized before the following -r-
(*kerelǯegene < *kele-r-ǯegene < *k῾ĺú) .
c) In Kor., *-jĺ- > *-j-, -0- (cf. na(h) < *najĺV, soi < *zejĺu, pɨi- < *bujĺe).
d) In Jpn., *-ĺ- (just like *-ŕ- and *-ń-), never yields -0- in combination
with the following affixes. Thus the only reflex here is -s-, which,
however, can also be voiced (prenasalized) into -ns-.
Conditions for prenasalization are here exactly the same as in the
case with -nt- < -t- < *-r- (see above): *-s- > -ns- in intervocalic position
before the following intervocalic -r-: cf. *kĺe > *knsìrì, *mĺi >
*mínsrá-, probably also *gĺo > *kìsàra-nki (not *kinsaranki because of the
dissimilation rule in Japanese); but in verbal stems *sṓĺ[e] > *ssír-, *p῾ĺo
> *pàsìr-, *móĺe > *músír-, *búĺa > *básúrá-. Exceptions are *gĺu > kusirə
and *dằĺa > *dàsìr ‘shrine’ (the latter probably under influence of *sirə
‘castle’). Note, however, that voicing of *-ĺ- occurs rather frequently in
old consonant clusters (*ĺč, *ĺb, etc., see below).

2.1.36 PA *-j-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*j *j *j, h *j *j, *0 *j, *0
Examples of PA *-j- see in the following dictionary entries: *ăjV,
*ăjVrV, *ja, *bắja, *băjV, *bje, *béjo, *bíju, *baja, *bóju, *č῾aju, *č῾jV, *č῾iju,
*éjá, *ĕju, *gằjá, *gằju, *gajV, *gijo, *gojV, *gṑje, *kajamV, *kaje, *kaji, *kàji,
*keju, *kḕju, *kìjá, *kájo, *kàjú, *kujilV, *kúja, *kúja, *kujV, *k῾ḗja, *lája,
*maja, *maji, *majV, *meju, *moje, *mŏjo, *móju, *nàje, *najV(rV), *nji,
*neji, *lḕja, *ńūje, *ŋaji, *ŋje, *ŋju, *òje, *je, *póju, *pàjá, *pàje, *pàjò,
*p῾ajo, *p῾āji, *p῾íjo, *p῾oje, *p῾ójV, *p῾ūji, *p῾uje, *p῾ujV, *p῾[]ju, *p῾[ò]jamV,
 CHAPTER TWO 67

*sằja, *saji, *sajo, *sắjV, *sèjV, *sōje, *sju, *siju, *šŏju, *šjò, *taja, *tjV,
*tjV, *tṓj-, *tuju, *t῾ja, *t῾ja, *t῾ijV, *t῾oje, *t῾ŭja, *t῾ùji, *t῾úju, *uji, *ùjò,
*uju, *ujV(k῾V), *ṓjV, *ǯḗja, *naja, *dijV, *néji, *suji, *aje, *ŋūja, *ŋūja,
*mjV.
Notes.
PA *j is reconstructed only in word-medial position. It may well be
thought, however, that it was represented word-initially as the first
part of the *-diphthongs *a-, *u-, *o- (see below).
PA *-j- is preserved everywhere, but in every subgroup it has a ten-
dency to disappear — in the vicinity of front vowels, being swallowed
up by preceding diphthongs etc.
In Mong. -j- tends to be replaced by -h-, mostly before the following
-e or -u-vowels.
In TM there are several cases of *-j- disappearing after a long vowel:
*gṑje > *gū, *nji > *ńā-, *ńūje > *ńē-, *p῾āji > *pā, *p῾ūji > *pū-, *sōje > *sū-,
*tjV > *dā, *ŋūja > *ŋō-.
In Turkic there are several cases when original *-j- seems to be re-
flected as *-d-: cf. *ŋūja > *jɨd, *ŋūju > *ūdɨ-, *sèjV > *sedre-, *gằju >
*Kadgu. Note that in the cases where Chuvash has preserved these
roots it has not the standard -r-reflex, but -j- (ɨjɣъ, sajra, xojɣa), so that in
fact *-d- (*-δ-) may have been introduced here already after the separa-
tion of Chuvash. The conditions of its appearance, however, are not
clear. In the case of *ūdɨ- ‘sleep’, e.g., it could be just an added suffix
(because the simple noun *ū ‘sleep’ is also preserved); in *jɨd and *sedre
it could be a result of dissimilation < *-j-; finally, old interdialectal loans
also cannot be excluded (in *Kaja ‘rock’ we also find *-j- instead of an
expected *-d-).

2.1.37 PA initial *k῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*k῾- *k- *k- *x- *k- *k-
Note.
In PT, *k- and *g- are only distinguished before front vowels; before
back ones we always write *K- which means that we cannot distinguish
*k- from *g- in this position.

2.1.38 PA non-initial *-k῾-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*k῾ *k *k, g / -g *k/x *k, h *k
68 INTRODUCTION

Examples of PA *-k῾- can be found in the following entries: *ák῾à,

*ak῾a, *k῾a, *ắk῾è, *k῾à, *ằk῾ú, *àlak῾u, *bk῾ù, *bek῾ú, *bk῾à(rV), *bk῾a,
*bk῾e, *bk῾í, *buk῾V, *buk῾e, *čĕk῾a, *č῾ăk῾i, *č῾ak῾e, *č῾ak῾a, *č῾k῾à, *č῾ek῾V,
*č῾ēk῾V, *č῾ik῾ò, *č῾k῾à, *č῾ĭk῾a, *č῾abVk῾V, *č῾k῾e, *č῾āk῾e, *č῾k῾ó, *č῾úk῾i,
*č῾òk῾e, *č῾ŏk῾i, *č῾ṑk῾a, *č῾[а]k῾i, *dằk῾ì, *dék῾à, *dṓn(e)k῾V, *èk῾á, *ĕk῾à, *gék῾á,
*gók῾ì, *gk῾à, *k῾V, *uk῾e, *k῾è, *kák῾á, *kk῾i, *kak῾o, *kk῾ò, *kk῾i, *kek῾V,
*kk῾ò, *kk῾è, *kòĺbèk῾V, *kṓk῾à, *kṓk῾e, *kúk῾è, *k῾ṑk῾ò, *làk῾ù, *ĺak῾V, *lk῾a,
*ĺk῾è, *lk῾a, *lok῾o, *lúk῾ì, *mak῾é, *mák῾ù, *mék῾à, *mék῾ù, *mk῾o, *măk῾ó,
*mók῾[ú], *mŏk῾V, *mók῾ì, *múk῾è, *mk῾é, *mūk῾o, *m[ù]k῾è, *nák῾ì, *nak῾i,
*lak῾[a], *nìk῾é, *nk῾ú, *nk῾e, *nk῾é, *ŋk῾u, *òk῾è, *ṓk῾è, *ok῾V, *pák῾[ò],
*pằluk῾V, *pḗk῾ò, *pk῾ì, *pk῾í, *pk῾a, *pák῾à, *pk῾i, *pek῾V, *p῾ĕk῾V, *p῾ok῾e,
*p῾ŏk῾i(-ŕV), *p῾ŭrVk῾V, *sak῾o, *sàk῾a, *sak῾u(rV), *sèk῾u, *sík῾è, *sk῾ù, *sk῾ù,
*sk῾à, *sk῾ù, *sorek῾V, *sṑk῾e, *suk῾e, *suk῾ì, *šk῾a, *šek῾a, *šk῾ù, *šŭk῾u,
*tàk῾u, *tk῾i, *tok῾à, *t῾ắk῾ì, *t῾ák῾ù, *t῾ák῾ù, *t῾k῾ò, *t῾k῾ù, *t῾ak῾i, *t῾ḗk῾o, *t῾ik῾V,
*t῾ak῾a, *nek῾V, *t῾k῾e, *t῾ŏk῾ù, *t῾ŏk῾V, *t῾k῾V, *t῾k῾ù, *uk῾i, *úk῾u, *ŭk῾urkV,
*úk῾è, *uk῾V, *ǯak῾a, *ǯók῾è, *ǯr(V)k῾e, *uk῾è, *č῾ak῾V, *púk῾V, *ǯak῾V.
Notes.
In Mong., there are cases of secondary voicing *-k- > -g- in front of a
following -g- (-h-): cf. *sögüɣe, *čaga-ɣan, *jaga-ɣan, *sege-ɣe- (but also
*seke-ɣe) < *sk῾u, *sege-ɣe (but also *seke-ɣe) < *sk῾a. Less frequent are
other cases of voicing: *ege-če as a suffixed form of *eke, *ogo-da-su,
*daga- in variation with *daka-. The reflex *g also regularly occurs in
syllable-final position, where all laryngeal features were neutralized in
Mongolian (see above on labials and dentals). In two cases (*uɣurga and
*ǯeɣergene; perhaps also *čiɣire < *č῾ik῾ò-rV) there occurred further weak-
ening *-g- > *-h- in a secondary cluster *-k῾r- (on cluster development
see below).
In TM, where the distinction between *-k- and *-x- is maintained in
the Southern subgroup (see below), PA *-k῾- can yield both *-k- and
*-x-. The distribution here seems to depend on the original following
vowel: before PA *-a and *-e PTM has *-k-, while before the high vow-
els *-i and *-u, as well as before *-o, PTM has *-x-. Cf.:
1. k῾a > *akā, *k῾à > *ok-, *čĕk῾a > *ǯeki, *č῾k῾à > *čiku-, *č῾ṑk῾a > *čōk(i)-,
*dék῾à > *deke-, *gék῾á > *gek(u)-, *gk῾a > *guk-, *uk῾e > *ukī, *k῾è > *ikē-,
*kk῾è > *xuku-n / *kuku-n, *lk῾a > *lāk-, *mak῾é > *maka-, *mk῾é > *mōk-,
*nk῾e > *nīka, *pk῾a > *pukē-n, *p῾ok῾e > *puke-, *sṑk῾e > *sōk-, *šk῾a >
*šāk-, *t῾ak῾a > *tiaku, *ǯak῾a > *ǯiaka, *ǯók῾è > *ǯuke
2. *ằk῾ú > *axiri-, *č῾k῾ó > *čixa-, *dằk῾ì > *daxa-, *kk῾i > *kaxa-, *làk῾ù >
*laxu-, *lok῾o > *loxa, *măk῾ó > *muxa-, *mók῾ì > *muxu-, *mūk῾o ( ~ -u) >
*muxa- / *muxe-, *sèk῾u > *sexu-, *sk῾ù > *six-, *t῾k῾ò > *tāxVr, *t῾ak῾i ( ~
-u) > *taxi, *t῾ḗk῾o > *texēn, *t῾ŏk῾ù > *toxan, *t῾k῾ù > *tux-, *č῾ik῾ò > *čixe-
 CHAPTER TWO 69

Korean has normally -k-. However, after vowel reduction *CVk῾-

regularly yields *Ch-; in a few cases the reflex -h- (or even -0-) is ob-
served even without vowel reduction, due to causes yet to be discov-
ered.
In Japanese we have the usual split of *-k῾- into voiceless *-k- and
voiced (prenasalized) *-nk-:
1. *ák῾a > *ák-, *ắk῾e > *kúr-, *k῾a > *àkuàjài, *àlak῾u > *àrúk-, *bk῾u >
*pukusi, *bk῾a(rV) > *pkrí, *bṓrk῾i > *púk-, *buk῾e > *pùkùmpái, *čĕk῾a
> *təkə, *č῾k῾a > *ták-, *č῾ik῾o > *təkusa, *č῾k῾a > *tàkàrà, *č῾āk῾e > *tkì,
*č῾ŏk῾i > *tuku-mpap-, *dằk῾i > *tìkà-, *ĕk῾a > *kaka, *gók῾i > *kúkì, *gk῾a >
*kakàr- (but also *kànkì), *k῾e > *íkár-, *kk῾o > *kákì, *kk῾o > *kk-, *kk῾e
> *kkr, *kṓk῾a > *káká-, *kúk῾e > *kuaku-mi, *k῾ṑk῾o > *kakurai, *k῾ujk῾e
> *kùkùi, *làk῾u > *nuki, *ĺk῾e > *nəkə, *lok῾o > *nkə, *lúk῾i > *núk-,
*mék῾a > *máká-, *mék῾u > *múkúrua, *mók῾i > *múkási, *múk῾e > *mák-,
*m[u]k῾e > *màkànàp-, *òk῾e > *kr-, *ṓk῾e > *k-, *pḗk῾o > *pàkàr-, *pk῾i >
*pìkù-, *sèk῾u > *sùk-, *sík῾e > *síkími, *sk῾u > *súkú-má-, *sk῾a > *sákà-,
*sk῾u > *súk-, *suk῾i > *suki, *sjk῾i > *sikar-, *šk῾u > *súk-, *tok῾a >
*takua, *t῾ắk῾i > *tíkáp-, *t῾ák῾u > *túkáp-, *t῾k῾ù > *tùkàm-, *úk῾u >
*úká-nkáp-, *úk῾e > *bká, *ǯók῾e > *dúkì, *uk῾e > *bəkə;
2. *ằk῾u > *ùnkàt-, *bek῾u > *punku, *bk῾i > *pìnkàm-, *borso-k῾V > *bsánkí,
*č῾k῾o > *tnká-, *gék῾a > *kánkám-, *kák῾a > *kánká-, *lèjk῾a > *niànkàp-,
*mak῾e > *mənkar-, *mańuk῾V > *mùnánkí, *măk῾o > *manka, *mók῾[u] >
*mánká-, *mk῾e > *mànkúrúa, *nìk῾e > *nìnkà-, *nk῾[u] > *nnkp-, *nk῾e
> *nuànkà-, *pk῾i > *pínkúrásí, *tjk῾u > *túnká-, *t῾k῾i > *tìnkìr-

2.1.39 PA initial *k-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*k- *g- *k- *k- *k- *k-
Notes.
For Turkic see notes to *k῾-.
PA *k- is distinguished from *k῾- in Turkic (where the opposition is
recoverable before front vowels) and in TM.

2.1.40 PA non-initial *-k-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*k *k, gVr *g / -g *k *0, h *k
Examples for *-k- can be found in the following entries: *bèka, *bằka,
*bằká, *băkV, *báku, *bkà, *bku, *bkà, *bke, *čărikV, *čoke, *č῾áko, *č῾ika,
*č῾ki, *č῾ukV, *dáku, *dkà, *dorVkV, *ka, *kìkú, *k῾òké, *k῾ắka, *k῾ằkú, *k῾ōkí,
70 INTRODUCTION

*k῾ùkè, *k῾ókì, *lako, *ĺki, *luko, *luke, *mko, *mūko, *ńĕka, *neku, *nko,
*năke, *nkV, *oki, *ṓki, *ṑr(e)kV, *pki, *p῾àká, *pka, *póko, *p῾ukò, *pōki,
*sằkà, *ski, *saku, *sōku, *sūku, *sokV, *soke, *sku, *suku, *tùke, *t῾ằkù,
*t῾akV, *t῾ékù, *t῾kí, *t῾ákù, *t῾ukV, *t῾kè, *t῾ukì, *t῾ukí, *t῾ukV, *ùkú, *úku,
*zúko, *ǯòkó, *sku, *ške.
Notes.
Non-initial *-k- is somewhat hard to distinguish from *-k῾- (see
above). The reflexes in Jpn. and Turkic are basically the same - except
that in Japanese *-k-, unlike *-k῾- is not prenasalized (see below) and
Turkic *-k-, unlike *-k῾-, is regularly voiced before the following *r: cf.
*iagɨr, *biagɨr, *ugra-, *Kagur, *čɨgɨr, *jogurgan, *jogurt-, *boguŕ, *sogur,
*tagra-, *sɨgɨr, *jagɨr (in one case - *dEgiŋ - also before *ŋ).
In TM *-k-, always gives a stop *-k- (unlike *-k῾- which in very many
cases yields *-x-, see above).
In Kor. *-k- usually does not give -k-, but disappears or leaves aspi-
ration (-h-); exceptions are cases of vowel reduction in the first syllable
(*skór < *saku), and assimilations (like mək-kuri ‘big black snake’ <
*mūko, sok-kori (but mod. sokhuri = *soh-kuri) ‘basket’ < *sku).
The really decisive language here is Mongolian which regularly has
*-g- < *-k-.
In very many cases, however - when Turkic has *-k- without a fol-
lowing *r, the Mong. reflex is unknown (or has a syllable-final -g, or
has a -g- before the following -ɣ-), the TM reflex is ambiguous, and the
Kor. reflex is unknown or has a syllable-final -k, *-k- and *-k῾- cannot
be distinguished from each other. This explains a relatively small num-
ber of clear cases of *-k-.
Japanese, as we said above, does not usually voice (prenasalize)
*-k-, like all other unaspirated stops. All exceptions occur only in roots
with initial aspirated consonants: *k῾ằku > *kùnkùtú, *k῾ōki > *kunki,
*p῾àka > *pànkiá-, *t῾ki > *tinkui, *t῾ki > *tìnkìr-, *t῾uki > *túnk-. This is
obviously the result of an early assimilation process *C῾VCV > *C῾VC῾V
(see above on the same with other stops).

2.1.41 PA initial *g

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*g- *g- *g- *g- *k- *k-
Notes.
Turkic neutralizes the distinction of *k- and *g- before back vowels,
see above, so in that position we write *K- in Proto-Turkic.
 CHAPTER TWO 71

The correspondence Mong. ɣ- : Turkic q- — i.e. exactly PA *g- be-

fore back vowels— was also criticized by Doerfer (p. 60), who says he
can find only one clear case: Mong. ɣar ‘hand, arm’ : Turk. qar (i.e. *Kar)
‘arm’.
He is correct in abolishing four of Ramstedt’s examples that are ac-
tually borrowings. We think that Ramstedt’s another example (Turk.
*Kob- ‘to follow, chase’: Mong. *guji- ‘to search, ask’ (cf. also TM *gob-
‘to hunt’, Jpn. *kp- ‘to ask’) is still quite valid. Doerfer argues that the
older form attested in Mong. is ɣuju- (in the SH), so that ɣuji- must be a
recent assimilation, and cannot therefore go back to a form with *b-. To
this we may comment that the SH is by no means the most archaic
form of Mongolian with respect to vowels: numerous cases of assimila-
tion are already attested there — such as ǯurokan ‘heart’ against
WMong. ǯirüken. More significantly, no process like “assimilation of u
to the preceding j” has ever taken place in the history of Mongolian.
Still another refuted example (for semantic reasons) is Turk. *Kol- ‘to
beg, beggar’ (not “bitten” as Doerfer writes): Mong. ɣolu- ‘to be un-
happy, despise’; the original meaning here was obviously just ‘be un-
happy, endure’ (cf. the TM and Jpn. parallels in PA *gòlo), whence “to
be a beggar” is a quite natural development.
Let us now look at other examples:
Turk. *Kadgu ‘sorrow’ : Mong. *gaj id. < PA *gằju
Turk. *KAj- ‘to pay respect’ : Mong. *gajika- ‘to wonder’ < PA *gajV
Turk. *Kal ‘wild, rough’: Mong. *galǯaɣu ‘wild, rabid’ < PA *gắli
Turk. *Kabɨk, *Kabɨŕ ‘shell, husk’: Mong. *gawr-su ‘chaff, straw’ < PA
*gébo
Turk. *KAkɨ- ‘to be angry’: Mong. *gaɣa- id. < PA *gga
Turk. *Kalɨŋ ‘thick’: Mong. *goli- ‘be tall, stately, gross’ < *gălu
Turk. *Kiāl- ‘to stay behind’: Mong. *gal- ‘to walk slowly, be lazy’ < PA
*gla
Turk. *Kula- ‘to jump over’, *Kulač ‘fathom’ ( < *’spread’) : Mong. *guldu
‘along smth.’ < PA *gŭldo
Turk. *Kōl ‘valley’ : Mong. *gowl id. < PA *goblu
Turk. *Kodɨ ‘below, downwards’: Mong. *gudu- ‘to lower, downward’ <
PA *gódu
Turk. *Koŋuŕ ‘beetle’ : Mong. *guwur ‘larva of a gad-fly’ < PA *goŋV(ŕV)
Turk. *Kun- ‘to rob, plunder, attack’ : Mong. *gani ‘berserk; to strive,
endeavour’ < PA *guna
Turk. *Kūtuŕ ‘mad, enraged, instigate’: Mong. *gutu(ra)- ‘lose power,
lose courage’ < PA *gt῾u
Most of these examples have been mentioned in the literature, and
four are actually taken from the same text which Doerfer is criticizing.
72 INTRODUCTION

This is again an example of Doerfer’s debating technique (for *m-, *l-,

*-ǯ-, see above): poor evidence is criticized while better evidence is
omitted from discussion.

2.1.42 PA non-initial *g

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*-g- *g *h, g, -g *g *0, h, -k *k,[*iV]0
Examples for *-g- can be found in the following entries: *agà, *ágà,
*agu-la, *ằgò, *gi, *gV, *bagu, *begV, *bga, *bgi, *bogo, *búga, *bge,
*bugu, *bògé, *būgi, *bŏga, *bgà, *čágo, *čŏge, *č῾aga, *č῾ùgù, *č῾ṓga,
*č῾[a]ge, *dắgá, *dagi, *dằgì, *dagV, *tègà, *dòge, *d[é]gì, *ĕgi, *egVrV, *ḗgó,
*ggà, *agu, *ga, *gi, *ga, *ugerV, *úgu, *ge, *kgù, *k῾egVnV,
*k῾oge, *k῾ge, *ĺḕgì, *lŏga, *lgà, *lŭge, *màga, *mūga, *ńṑgè, *nugu,
*ĺuga(rV), *ge, *óligV, *p῾ágò, *páge, *pga, *pgí(-rV), *pgV, *pgò,
*p῾àgò, *pegò, *p῾ằge, *p῾agu, *aguŕV, *p῾agV, *p῾ùgV, *p῾gè, *p῾ugu,
*p῾gé, *sago, *soga, *ságú, *sagè, *ségì, *segu, *sḕgù, *sgà, *sgà, *sígá,
*sigo, *sigí, *sgú, *sgi, *sóga, *sagu, *sgu, *sgu, *suga, *sgò, *sógà,
*soge, *sòge, *sogì, *sogú, *sugá, *súgò, *sugú, *ḗga, *šogo, *šṑgV,
*šuga(lV), *tago, *tagù, *teg[u], *tēga, *tógì, *tgì, *t῾ằgè, *t῾égè, *t῾égè(-rV),
*t῾age, *t῾úgo, *t῾ge, *t῾ògà, *t῾oge, *t῾ògì, *uga, *úgà, *uge, *ugi, *uge(ŕV),
*zego, *ǯígù, *tegá, *dági, *ǯúgi, *ǯuge, *ǯugi, *zagè, *č῾ugu, *togV, *kagVlV,
*t῾go.
Notes.
In Mong., the usual reflex is -h- (orthographically -ɣ-, see above; -j-
in front of -i-), but before the following -ɣ-, -j- we see a stop reflex -g-:
*aga-ɣar (the WMong. spelling is aɣar, but modern forms like Khalkha
agār show that it should be amended to aɣaɣar) < *aga; *aguji < *ága;
*aɣu- (Khalkha ū-dam), but *agu-ɣu, *agu-ji (Khalkha agū, aguj) < *ḗgo,
*nogo-ɣan < *lŏga, *ügej < *ge, *sigi-ɣa- < *síga, *sigu-j < *sgo, *dege-ɣe <
*teg[u], *togu-ɣa(n) < *t῾age, *tuguj < *t῾ge, *ǯögeji < *ǯuge.
In clusters with resonants and in syllable-final position, Mongolian
always has the stop reflex g.
In Japanese the distribution of reflexes is quite similar to that of *-b-
and *-d-, namely, after original diphthongs we always have a 0-reflex,
(cf. *-w- < *-b-, *-j- < *-d-), usually resulting in vowel contraction, but
sometimes leaving a trace as -j- or -w-; in other cases there may be ei-
ther *-k- or the voiced (prenasalized) *-g-:
1. *bga > *bà, *bgi > *pìja-, *pì, *bogo > *pía, *búga > *bà, *bge > *bə,
*bugu > *pu, *būgi > *piwə-, *čŏge > *tia, *dòge > *d-, *ga > *ia,
*ugerV > *bəri, *úgu > *ú-pa-, *k῾ge > *k(ù)i, *lŏga > *nà, *màga >
 CHAPTER TWO 73

*màw-s-, *ńṑge > *mù-(kuâ), *luga(rV) > *niàr-, *páge > *píjái, *p῾agu
> *pu, *p῾agV > *pí, *p῾ùgV > *pà, *soga > *sa, *sóga > *sá-, *s-, *sgu >
*sú, *sgu > *suà-rá , *šogo > *səjə, *t῾úgo > *tu-i, *t῾ge > *tù, *uge(ŕV)
> *ùrà;
2. *aga > *àkî, *ága > *ákúp-, *bga > *bák-, *č῾úgu > *tùkà, *dằgi > *(d)ìkùsà,
*tèga > *tàkài, *d[é]gi > *(d)íká, *gga > *kákúat-, *kgu > *kùkùpí,
*k῾egVnV > *kəkənə-, *ĺḕgi > *nìkù-, *lga > *nák-, *mūga > *mákí, *p῾ágo >
*pákuá, *pgo > *pk-, *p῾àgo > *pàkà, *pego > *pəkurə, *p῾ge > *pkr-,
*sage > *sakai-mp-, *ségi > *sík-, *sḕgu > *sùkù-jaka, *sga > *sàkàpì, *sga
> *sàkùrì, *sĭgo > *sika, *sóga > *sáká-i, *sogi > *suki-, *súgo > *sk, *tagu
> *tuku-nai, *tēga > *tàkà-, *tógi > *túkà, *tgi > *tùk-, *t῾ằge > *tk-, *t῾ége
> *tk, *t῾ége(-rV) > *tkr, *t῾òga > *tàkù-, *t῾ògi > *tùkà, *úga > *ákú,
*ǯígu > *dúk-, *zage > *sək-;
3. *bòge > *bnkám-, *dắga > *dánká-, *ḗgo > *ənki-rə, *pgi(-rV) > *púnkúri,
*p῾ge > *pànk-, *ságu > *súnkúi, *síga > *sánk(úr)-, *sgo > *sìnkài-, *sigi
> *sinkúrai, *sgu > *súnká-, *sogu > *sunkur-, *suga > *sankí, *sugu >
*sunkai.
In Korean, the standard reflex is -0- (at the syllable boundary writ-
ten as -‘-) or -h-, with distribution as yet unclear; -k- is preserved only
in cases of early vowel reduction in the first syllable (*skắr- < *ségi, *skúr
< *šṑgV). A few cases that appear to have -k- in a syllable-final position
most probably reflect a contraction < *-Vg-Vk, with a frequent velar
suffix -k ( < *-k῾V); thus probably ak-su ‘heavy rain’ < *agak-su (PA *aga);
čók ‘bundle’ < *čuguk (PA *č῾ùgu); čk ‘lye’ < *čuga-k (PA *č῾ga, cf. PT
*čōgak, PTM *čuguk), hók ‘wart’ < *hoge-k (PA *sòge); sik- ‘to cool off’ <
*sig-Vk- (PA *šogo, cf. PT *sog-ɨk, Manchu šax- < *sig-ak-), tuk ‘mound,
dam’ < *tug-Vk (PA *tógi).

2.1.43. PA initial *ŋ-

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*ŋ- *0-,*j- *n-,*0-,*j-,*g- *ŋ- n- *0-,*m-/*n-
Notes.
PA *ŋ- is best preserved in TM.
In Turkic, the usual reflex is 0-, but there are a few cases of j- before
original diphthongs with -- and *-e-, cf. *jal- < *ŋḕlu, *jānu- < *ŋḗnu-,
*jar-ɨn < *ŋḕra, *jebeg < *ŋàbi, *jɨd < *ŋūja. In one quite exceptional case
we have *n-, reconstructed in Turkic in just one word, viz. the inter-
rogative pronoun *nē < PA *ŋV.
Mongolian has a quite complicated distribution, depending on the
following vowel. It must be stressed that the distribution must be quite
74 INTRODUCTION

recent, because the vowels that follow have the timbre acquired al-
ready in Mongolian, after the complicated changes of the original PA
system. Thus Mongolian has:
a) *j- in several cases before original diphthongs: *jeɣü- < *ŋàbi, *ja-(ɣu-)
< *ŋV
b) *g- in front of -u-: *gub- < *ŋupu, *gura < *ŋurV, *gu < *ŋ[u]
c) *0- in front of -ö-, -ü-: *öle < *ŋōle, *ündü-sü < *ŋŋt῾e, *öčü- < *ŋṓjču,
*üne- < *ŋònŋi-, *ösügeji < *ŋsi, *öjekeji < *ŋje
d) *n- in all other cases: *na-m- < *ŋa, *naji- < *ŋńi, *neɣü- < *ŋḗni,
*naŋ-si- < *ŋḗnu, *naran < *ŋḕra, *nagčar-kaj < *ŋàkča, *nokaj < *ŋk῾u,
*nolig < *ŋṑla, *nojir < *ŋju.
Japanese has normally *0-, but in three cases *n- before the follow-
ing *-n- (original or secondary), probably due to assimilation: *nàs- <
*ŋānsa, *nàn-kà- < *ŋṑla(-k῾V) and *nỼ (*nà-ni) < *ŋV. It appears, how-
ever, to have a reflex *m- < *ŋ- before diphthongs, cf. *mùrà-(saki) <
*ŋōle, *mt < *ŋŋt῾e, *m < *ŋàbi, *mmì < *ŋŋe. This evidently means
that the combination *ŋ- > *ń- in early Proto-Japanese, because m- is
the standard reflex of PA *ń-, see above.

2.1.44 PA non-initial *ŋ

PA Turk. Mong. Tung. Kor. Jpn.

*-ŋ- *ŋ *ŋ, h *ŋ *ŋ, 0 *n,*m
Examples of PA *-ŋ- can be found in the following entries: *àŋa,
*ăŋu, *aŋV, *ŋo, *bŋe, *čĭŋV, *č῾aŋo, *diŋe, *ēŋV, *ḕŋV, *găŋi, *gaŋu,
*goŋV(ŕV), *íŋo, *iŋV, *òŋè, *oŋo, *káŋV, *kŋi, *keŋV, *kòŋa, *kŏŋe, *kōŋa,
*kúŋe, *kŭŋi, *k[a]ŋe, *k῾aŋa, *k῾eŋa, *k῾ŏŋa, *k῾óŋi, *k῾úŋu, *k῾uŋu, *k῾oŋi,
*lằŋi, *lòŋè, *lúŋa, *lúŋu, *maŋi, *méŋa, *mĕŋa, *méŋu, *meŋe, *míŋa,
*muŋo, *mṓŋi, *m[a]ŋi, *ńáŋa, *náŋa, *ńaŋo, *nŋu, *nắŋe, *ńoŋe, *nŏŋe,
*nàŋu, *nŋu, *ŋŋe, *òŋi(čV), *ŋe, *púŋu, *p῾éŋi, *pŋa, *p῾ŭŋi, *p῾ùŋi,
*p῾ŏŋe, *saŋe, *sằŋo, *saŋu(ńV), *seŋa, *sìŋù, *săŋe(rV), *sŋV(-kV), *sùŋe,
*súŋe, *s[ú]ŋu, *šŋu, *šŏŋe, *tāŋa, *tŋo, *tuŋa, *túŋì, *t῾aŋa, *t῾ằŋu, *t῾ŋe,
*t῾eŋa, *t῾èŋo, *t῾ḕŋà, *t῾oŋe, *t῾ùŋo-(bV), *t῾oŋe, *t῾oŋerV, *t῾ŋe, *t῾úŋi, *uŋe,
*ǯṑŋè, *sùŋu, *ńuŋe, *nuŋu, *sāŋa, *t῾uŋe, *pòŋa, *č῾aŋu, *šṑŋe.
Notes.
PA *-ŋ- is a quite frequent phoneme, but its reflexes are not easy to
establish, because they have to be separated from the (also frequent)
clusters like *-ŋk-, *-ŋg- and *-ŋn-, *-nŋ- (on which see below).
In Turkic, *ŋ normally stays unchanged, except a few cases of as-
similation (*gemürgen < *geŋürgen < *gaŋu, *bōn-čok < *bōŋ-čok < *mōŋi).
 CHAPTER TWO 75

The same is valid for TM, which generally preserves *-ŋ- quite well,
but has occasional cases of palatalization *-ŋ- > -n-, -ń- before *i (cf.
*būni < *bŋe, *xońi < *k῾oŋi).
In Mongolian, *-ŋ- has complicated reflexes. It remains unchanged
in syllable-final position — with occasional assimilation *-ŋ- > *-n- be-
fore dentals: *men-dü < *méŋu, perhaps also *nuntug < *nuŋu. In inter-
vocalic position it is reflected just like PA *-g-, i.e. as *-h- (or -j- before i)
in the vast majority of cases. We should note however that Written
Mongolian in these cases frequently has not -g-, but -0- ( = -w-), unlike
usual PM *-h- ( < PA *-g-), almost always rendered as -g- in Written
Mongolian. Some other types of reflexes are also found in certain envi-
ronments:
a) PA *-ŋ- is reflected as *-g- after *n- (rule established by I. Gruntov):
*nagaj < *luŋa, *nagaču < *nĕŋu, *nige(n) < *nŏŋe. There may also be
some variation in this position: we have both *niɣül ( > Kalm. nǖl)
and *nigül ( > Khalkha nügel) from *nắŋe; *nowur-su (Khalkha nōrs,
nōs) and *nogur-su (Dong. noGosun etc.) from *nŋu; and only *newne
( = *neɣüne, Khalkha nǖne) from *lòŋe.
b) before the following *-ɣ- and *-b- it is reflected as -m-, cf. *simaɣul <
*sŋV(-kV), *temeɣel < *t῾éŋo, *kamar (but also *kabar) < *kaŋ-bar, cf.
with standard reflexes of the same root *kaŋ-si-jar, *kaŋ-kul-,
*kaɣu-rga-sun.
c) in a few cases before the following -ir-, -ur-, -ul- Mong. has -ŋg- in-
stead of the expected -ɣ- ~ -j-: *aŋgir < *aŋa(tV), *koŋgurčak < *k῾aŋa,
*(h)öŋgür < *p῾ŏŋe, *öŋgül < *ŏŋe; note also MMong. nuŋɣa-su,
WMong. noŋɣa-su < *noŋgur-su together with the attested variants
*nogur-su and *nowur-su, see above. In these cases there is no reason
to suppose any original clusters, so there must have been a dialect
variation between *-ɣ- and *-ŋg- in this position.
Korean normally has ŋ in syllable-final position, but -0- (written as
-‘- at the syllable boundary) or -ŋ’- in intervocalic position. In a few
cases we also encounter assimilated reflexes -m- (*kūm(p)- < *goŋV(ŕV),
-ń- (*kíń- < *kŋi, *kɨń- < *kŏŋe) or -n- (*kắnắr < *koŋa-rV, *snɨr <
*suŋe-ĺV).
Japanese can reflect *-ŋ- as -n- or -m-, with the rules of distribution
so far unclear (as in the case of PA *-ń-, see above).
Like other resonants (*r, *l, *m) *-ŋ- can disappear in Japanese in
nominal stems before original velar suffixes: *k(u)i < *gaŋ(u)-gV (cf. PT
*gemü-rgen), *ía < *iŋV-gV (cf. Manchu joŋgan), *kuá < *kuŋ(i)-gV (cf.
Mong. *köw-ɣün ‘son’), *kuà < *k῾uŋ(u)-gV, *ná- < *lúŋ(a)-gV (cf. Mong.
*naga-ji), *mú-i < *méŋ(u)-gV, *nùa < *nùŋ(u)-gV, *túa < *t῾ŋ(i)-gV, *sa-i <
*seŋ(i)-gV (cf. TM *seŋ-gi).
76 INTRODUCTION

2.1.45. The problem of voicing (prenasalization) in Japanese and its

consequences for Altaic

While discussing the fate of PA *p῾ we have paid attention to the fact
that the PJ prenasalized reflex *-mp- is correlated with the PM voiced
reflex *-b- and that both the voicing in Mongolian and prenasalization
in Japanese may have been due to prosodic factors. We have also seen
that the majority of cases with -mp- are associated with high pitch (in
cases when it can be reconstructed), while the majority of cases with -p-
are in syllables with low pitch.
Let us now try to examine the whole Japanese evidence and see if
these conclusions are valid elsewhere, not only for Altaic *-p῾-.
The following preliminary remarks must be made here:
Unlike the first syllable, the pitch in the second and following sylla-
bles has several restrictions in Japanese:
1. All possible values of pitch are found in disyllabic nouns;
2. In tri-(and more)-syllabic nouns, with very few exceptions, high
pitch on the first syllable can only be followed by high pitch;
3. In verbs, with very few exceptions, high pitch can only be followed
by high pitch
4. In tri-(and more)-syllabic verbs low pitch can only be followed by
low pitch;
5. In adjectives high pitch can only be followed by high pitch, and low
pitch can only be followed by low pitch.
Voicing (prenasalization) in polysyllabic forms also has one general
restriction, namely: two voiced (prenasalized) consonants within one
stem are not allowed.
It follows that several cases of apparent exceptions may be actually
due to the above restrictions: the pitch of the second syllable is irrele-
vant (neutralized) in trisyllabic nouns like *CỺCỺCỺ (*CỺCỼCỺ is not
allowed), in verbs like *CỺCỺ- (*CỺCỼ- is not allowed), in adjectives
like *CỺCỺ- or *CỼCỼ- (neither *CỺCỼ-, nor *CỼCỺ- are allowed); ab-
sence or presence of nasalization is irrelevant (neutralized) in a struc-
ture like *CVCVnCV (*CVnCVnCV is not allowed).
Below we shall restrict our observations to relevant structures only.
1. PA voiceless aspirated or voiced stops : PJ voiceless stops
a) low pitch: *k῾àp῾a > *kàpì; *k῾p῾e > *kp-; *ŏp῾ikV > *pùkùpùkù-si; *t῾èp῾a >
*tàpà-; *t῾ằp῾e > *tpr-; [*ĕp῾a > *pàpà]; *làp῾a > *nàpài; *sàp῾i > *sìp;
*t῾p῾i > *tùpàk- (but modern tsubaki - with secondary voicing?); *ǯòp῾e
> *dpr; *sèp῾u > *sùpà-dai; *čằba > PJ *tàpàra; *ĕba > *àpù-; *k῾éba >
*kápà; *k῾òbani > *kàpìná; *tằba > PJ *tàpì; *ìbe > PJ *ìpùa; *tàbu > PJ
*tùpìjái; *ǯbi > PJ *(d)ìpià; *nìbi > nìpp-; *bằt῾o > *bàtà; *két῾o > *kátù;
 CHAPTER TWO 77

*kòt῾e > *ktài; *mét῾o > *mt-; *t῾a(mu) > *àtàmà; *pàt῾a > *pàtàr-;
*pằt῾e > *ptp- / *pùtùk-; *p῾at῾a > *pátà (but also *pàtá); *p῾t῾a >
*pàtàk-; *p῾út῾a > *pátà; *sìt῾o > *sìtmi; *pát῾o > *pátà; *bòda > *bàtà; *gdi
> *kítà; *k῾ùdi > *kùtù-pìkì; *pắda > *pátà; *najadi > *nàità-m-; *ēč῾o >
*tr-; *neč῾e > *ntì; *pč῾a > *pàtùr-; *k῾ač῾e > *kt; *kéč῾a > *kátà; *k῾a >
*àkuàjài; *č῾k῾a > *tàkàrà; *č῾āk῾e > *tkì; *gók῾i > *kúkì; *gk῾a > *kàkàr-;
*kk῾o > *kákì; *kk῾e > *kkr; *k῾ujk῾e > *kùkùi; *òk῾e > *kr-; *pḗk῾o >
*pàkàr-; *ǯók῾e > *dúkì; *č῾úgu > *tùkà; *dằgi > *(d)ìkùsà; *tèga > *tàkài;
*kgu > *kùkùpí; *p῾àgo > *pàkà; *sḕgu > *sùkù-jaka; *sga > *sàkàpì; *sga
> *sàkùrì; *tógi > *túkà; *t῾òga > *tàkù-; *t῾ògi > *tùkà;
b) high pitch: *kḗp῾a > *kápúa; *pép῾a > *páp(u)í; *t῾ĕp῾a > *tàpú-; [*p῾ép῾a >
*pápái]; *kùp῾u > *kùpá; *láp῾i > *nípá; PA *kéba > *kápí; *k῾ibu > *kúpá;
*làbo > *nàp; *túbu > *túpí; *bt῾e > *pútá; *p῾ắt῾a(-kV) > *pátá; *p῾di >
*pítú; *káč῾u > *kútí; *máč῾V > *mátuá; *mùč῾e > *màtú; *šàč῾i > *sìtú;
*č῾o > *t-; *ǯeč῾i > *(d)ìtí; *úk῾e > *bká; *d[é]gi > *(d)íká; *mūga > *mákí;
*págo > *pákuá; *sóga > *sáká-i; *súgo > *sk; *tóga > *táká; *t῾ége > *tk;
*úga > *ákú; *ṓt῾e > *t-nà.
2. PA voiceless aspirated or voiced stops: PJ voiced (prenasalized) stops
a) high pitch: *č῾p῾[u] > *tùmpá-mái; *góp῾a > *kámpú; *kèp῾i > *kìmpí; *sắp῾i
> *sìmpá; *sằp῾i > *sìmpái; *t῾úp῾o > *túmpúa; *t῾op῾u > *tùmpú-ra; *kāp῾a
> *kàmpú-; *np῾e > *nmpú-; *t῾ḕpa > *t῾ḕp῾a > *tàmpá; *kábo > *kámpiá;
*kbu > *kúmpuá; *ĺabo > *náimpú; *sắbi > *símpí; *t῾úbe > *tuámpí; *tbu
> *tùmpúnai; *gébo > PJ *kámpí; *tbulka > PJ *tùmpákì; *kut῾a > *kàntuá;
*lt῾a > *nàntá; *nìt῾a > *nnt-; *p῾ḕta > *p῾ḕt῾a > *pàntá; *ēda > *ántá;
*ǯàde > *dnt; *kč῾a > *kàntuá; *p῾úč῾i > *púntí; *borso-k῾V > *bsánkí;
*č῾k῾o > *tnká-; *mańuk῾V > *mùnánkí; *mk῾e > *mànkúrúa; *bòge >
*bnkám-; *ságu > *súnkúi; *sigi > *sinkúrai; *suga > *sankí;
b) low pitch: *gàp῾a > *kàmpà-; *kup῾V > *kùmpà-r-; *k῾p῾o > *kmpr-;
*làjp῾V > *nàimpàr-; *sp῾i > *sìmpàr-; *ùp῾i > *ùmpà-p-; *sāba > *sàmpàk-;
*t῾éba > PJ *támpì; *bằt῾i > *pìntì; *bt῾e > *pntk-; *k῾ad[u] > *kùntùr-;
*udu > *ùntài; *kuč῾u > *kùntk-; *ằk῾u > *ùnkàt-; *bk῾i > *pìnkàm-;
*lèjk῾a > *niànkàp-; *nk῾[u] > *nnkp-; *t῾ki > *t῾k῾i > *tìnkìr-; *k῾ằku >
*k῾ằk῾u > *kùnkùtú
The general picture which emerges is quite curious. We see that
there are many more examples with low pitch and voiceless stops (67
cases) than with high pitch and voiceless stops (30 cases); and with
high pitch and voiced stops (34 cases) than with low pitch and voiced
stops (19 cases). Moreover, of the 30 cases with high pitch and voiceless
consonants 22 cases are disyllabic nominal structures of the type
*CỺCỺ; and of the 19 cases with low pitch and voiced consonants 15 are
disyllabic verbal structures of the type *CỼCỼC-.
78 INTRODUCTION

We may with high probability suppose that there was a tendency in

Proto-Japanese for a metatony *CỺCỼ > *CỺCỺ in disyllabic nouns
(note that, as we have said above, trisyllabic nouns with low pitch after
high pitch are already completely absent); and for a metatony *CỼCỺC-
> *CỼCỼC- in disyllabic verbs (again, as we have said above, trisyllabic
verbs with high pitch after low pitch are already completely absent). If
we exclude those cases we get the following distribution of tones and
voice (prenasalization) on non-initial syllables:
High Low
Voiced 22 4
Voiceless 8 56
It is therefore very probable that voicing (prenasalization) in
Proto-Japanese depended on the tone (pitch) of the syllable: high tone
caused prenasalization while low tone did not. Since - at least in the
series of labial stops - this phenomenon is clearly correlated with voic-
ing in Mongolian (see above), we may safely project this prosodic fea-
ture on the Proto-Altaic level, and reconstruct high tone (pitch) where
Japanese has prenasalization, and low tone (pitch) where it has none.
It is most certain that this conclusion will have far-reaching conse-
quences. Several phenomena (pitch on non-initial syllables in Korean,
vowel length on non-initial syllables in Tungus-Manchu; loss or pres-
ervation of final vowels in Turkic, Mongolian and Korean) may possi-
bly be explained using this information. But this remains work for the
future.

2.2. Development of the PA consonantal system in the daughter la n-

guages.

2.2.1. Tungus-Manchu.

The TM system appears to be the most archaic. Only the following

changes took place:
A. Voicing of initial unaspirated dentals:
1. *t- > *d-, *č- > *ǯ-
B. Spirantization of the velar *k῾
2. *k῾ > x
C. Loss of the distinction of aspirated vs. unaspirated consonants
3. *p῾-, *t῾-, *č῾- > *p-, *t-, *č-
4. *-p- > -b-, *-č- > -s-
 CHAPTER TWO 79

[Note: the latter rule probably means that the affricates in early PTM
were phonetically fronted: otherwise we would expect a merger of
*-č- with *-š-, not with *-s-.]
5. *-p῾-, *-t῾-, *-č῾- > *-p-, *-t-, *-č-
D. Loss of *z-:
6. *z- > *s-
E. Loss of resonants in some structures of the type CR(V):
7. *Cn-, *Cr-, *Cl-, *Cj- > *C-
F. Loss of palatal *ĺ, *ŕ
8. *ĺ, *ŕ > *l, *r
Note that rules 1-5 are successive; a change in their order would
lead to different events. Rule 7 must also precede rule 8 (since *ĺ and *ŕ
are never lost, their change to *l, *r must have occurred already after
the original *l and *r were lost). But in relation to each other, the groups
of rules 1-5 and 7-8, as well as 6 (*z- > *s-) are independent, and could
have occurred in any order.

2.2.2. Turkic.

The following processes must have happened resulting in the recon-

structed PT system:
A. Loss of *š
1. *š- > *č῾- before back vowels
2. *š > *s elsewhere
B. Loss of *p῾-
3. *p῾- > *h- (still present in PT to judge from the Khalaj data, see above)
C. Deaffricatization of *č-
4. *č- > *t-
D. Loss of initial resonants
5a. *ń- > *ǯ-, *ĺ- > *d-
5b. *n-, *l- > *d-, *m- > *b-, *ŋ- > 0-
E. Palatalization of *d-, *z- and *ǯ-
6. *d-, *z- > *ǯ- > *j-
F. Loss of aspiration contrast
7. *p- > *b-, *t- > *d-, *k- > *g-
8. *-p- > -b-, *-k- > -g- [the latter only before -r-]
9. *p῾ > p, *k῾ > *k, *č῾ > *č, *t῾ > *t [occasionally *t῾- > *d- before *r, *ŕ, *ĺ]
Rules 1-5a are the earliest, because they are common for Turkic and
Mongolian (see below); this is the main reason why we think that the
initial resonants were lost not simultaneously, but in two successive
steps (first the palatalized, then the rest).
80 INTRODUCTION

Rules 5-8 are specifically Turkic and have to be ordered exactly this
way, because otherwise the final system would look quite differently.

2.2.3. Mongolian

Here we must suppose the following sequence of events:

A. Loss of *š
1. *š- > *č῾- before back vowels
2. *š > *s elsewhere
B. Loss of *p῾
3. *p῾- > *h-
C. Deaffricatization of *č-
4. *č- > *t-
D. Transformation of resonants
5a. *ń- > *ǯ-, *ĺ- > *d-
5b. *ŋ- > *0-, *n-, *g- (depending on the following vowel, see above)
5c. *-ŕ- > *-r-, *-ĺ- > -l-, *-ń- > -n- or -j- [the latter with still unclear distri-
bution]
E. Loss of *z
6. *z- > *s-
F. Palatalization of dentals before *i
7. *t῾ > *č῾, *t > *č, *d > *ǯ
G. Fricativization of *-b-, *-g-, *-ŋ-
8. *-b- > *-w- [except for positions in clusters and before *k, *g]
*-g- > *-h- [except for positions in clusters and before *g]
*-ŋ- > *-h- [except for positions in clusters where it stays as *-ŋg-; after
*n- where *-ŋ- > -g-; and before *b, *g where *-ŋ- > *-m-]
H. Intervocalic Lautverschiebung
9. *-p- > *-b-, *-t- > *-d-, *-k- > *-g- [but not *-č- > *-ǯ-!]
10. *-p῾- > *-p-, *-t῾- > *-t-, *-k῾- > *-k-, *-č῾- > *-č-
I. Accent transformation of *p
11. *pỼ > (*fV) > *hV
J. Initial Lautverschiebung
12. *p-, *t- > *b-, *d-
13. *t῾-, *k῾-, *č῾- > *t-, *k-, *č-
Rules 1-5a are common Turko-Mongolian (see above).
Rules 5b-6 are in fact independent and unordered; they could also
be positioned anywhere in between any of the rules 8-13 or even after
them.
 CHAPTER TWO 81

Rules 7-8 also are independent of each other and their order could
be reversed; but they both had to precede the ordered group of rules
9-13.

2.2.4. Japanese

A. Loss of *l-, *ĺ-

1. *l-, *ĺ- > *n

B.
2. -g- > -ɣ- in the 3d syllable
C. Transformation of affricates
3. *č > *č῾-, -š-
4. *z, *š > *s
5. *č῾ > *῾, *ǯ > *
D. Aspiration rules [established by I. Gruntov; Z here denotes any
voiced consonant]
6. *CVC῾V, *ZVC῾V > *C῾VC῾V; *C῾VCV (not *C῾VZV) > *C῾VC῾V
E. Palatalization rules
7. *b > *, *d > *, *g > ǵ after *-diphthongs and before -j-
8. *ŋ- > *ń- before *
F. Prenasalization rule
9. *-C῾-, *-Z- (not *-C-!) > *-nC- in non-initial syllables with high pitch
G. Voice shifts and mergers
10. *b- > *b- before low vowels, *d- > *δ- always
11. (*k > g, *p > b), *t > *d [but * before front vowels]
12. * > *b, * > *δ, *ǵ > *ɣ
13. *C῾, *Z > *C
H. Transformation of resonants
14. *ŋ- > *0-
15. *ŕ > *t before -i, -u
16. *ĺ > *nĺ before *-rV-, *r > *nr before *-rV-
17. *nr > *nt, *r > *t (sporadically)
18. *ĺ > *s, *ŕ > *r, *l > r, *ń > *ŋ
19. *ŋ > m-, -m- / -n-
I. Disappearance of voiced fricatives
20. *b > *b-, -w-, *δ > *d-, -j-, *-ɣ- > *-0-
The final rule may not in fact be necessary: it depends on our inter-
pretation of the reconstructed PJ system. S. Martin, e.g., prefers to re-
construct *-b- and *-d- in intervocalic position as well, even though OJ
and all dialects reflect -w- and -j-; on the other hand, it may be argued
82 INTRODUCTION

that PJ did not have *b- and *d-, but only *w- (*b-) and *j- (*δ-), even
though Ryukyu dialects have b- and d- - these all are non-distinctive
features.
The rules of phonetic development in Japanese are rather compli-
cated and involve a hypothesis about several intermediate steps with
assimilations, prenasalizations and palatalizations. Moreover, only
rules 1-2 (*l- > *n- and weakening of *-g- in the 3d syllable) are common
to Japanese and Korean and distinguish this subgroup both from
Turko-Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu. Since both prenasalized con-
sonants (clusters like *-mp-, *-nd- etc.) and palatalized consonants (*,
*ǵ) are quite common in Austronesian languages, one might speculate
that most phonological changes in the history of Japanese occurred al-
ready after the very early split of Korean and Japanese (around the 3d
millennium BC) and the subsequent migration of Proto-Japanese to the
Japanese archipelago, under the influence of substratum Austronesian
languages.

2.2.5. Korean

A. Loss of *l-, *ĺ-

1. *l-, *ĺ- > *n
B.
2. -g- > -ɣ- in the 3d syllable
C. Transformation of affricates
(3a) *-u- > *-u-
3b. *s- > *ś- > *h-
4. *z, *š > *s
D. Voice shift
5. *t, *k > *d, *g
6. *-b-, *-d-, *-g- > *-w-, *-r-, *-ɣ-
7. *C῾, *Z > *C
E. Resonants
8. *ŋ-, *ń- > *n-
9. *r, *ŕ, *l, *ĺ > *r
10. *-jR- > *-j-
F. Final dialectal developments
11. *-ɣ- > -h- ~ -0-
12. *-ŋ- > -h- ~ -0-
Groups of rules C, D and E are independent of each other and could
have happened in any order - but after groups A and B (the only two
rules common to Japanese and Korean) and before group F.
 CHAPTER TWO 83

2.3. Consonant clusters

Initial consonant clusters are highly atypical for modern Altaic lan-
guages (although occasionally they emerge due to vowel loss, as in
some Southern Mongolian dialects, Korean and modern Japanese dia-
lects), and were certainly absent in Proto-Altaic. However, medial con-
sonant clusters were fairly common.
The most frequent medial clusters are nŋ, rk, ŋg, jb, jr, lg, ĺb, rg, nt,
jk῾, gd, jl, bl, rp῾, lk῾, lk, ŋn, kt (each reconstructable at least in five
roots).
The most typical cluster types are “resonant” + “occlusive”, but we
also meet “occlusive” + “resonant”, “resonant” + “resonant” and “o c-
clusive” + “occlusive”.
Here is a complete chart of PA consonant clusters and their reflexes.
PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots
*rp῾ (r)p rb rp rp p *àrp῾á, *sàrp῾a,
*sarp῾e,
*sarp῾i,*sirp῾a
*rp rp rb rb r? (m)p *sarpu,
*k῾ŭrpe, *sàrpa
*rb rp/b rb r t *t῾ằrba, *t῾rbò
*rm r rm m m *k῾ĭrma, *srme
*rt῾ rt t [rt] *tert῾a, *ērt῾a
*rt rt d rd r (n)t *kòrtème
*rd r(V)t rd/(r)ǯ r[d] t *bŭrdV, *kḗrdu
*rč? rč rč č nč ns *sarču, *šrčú
*rs rs rs rs s s *borso(k῾V),
*kărsi, *kirsi
*rk῾ rk rk rg k k *bṓrk῾i ,
*sark῾V,
*sedurk῾V,
(*t῾erk῾o)
*rk rk rg rk(/gd) (r)k (n)k *čúrka, *kòrke,
*ńằrke,
*p῾erkV, *erka ,
*gérki, *k῾rka,
*s[é]rko,*t῾árko,
*p῾arkV
*rg r(V)g rg,r(V)ɣ rg r(h) nk *érga, *àrgi,
*murgu,
84 INTRODUCTION

PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots

*ńargu,
*kubirgV,
(*k῾úrgo),
*gurgi
*ŕm ŕ rm/rb m r(V)m m *eŕmu, *k῾ắŕme
*ŕk ŕ rk *k῾ŕkV
*ŕg ŕ rg rg r (rV)k *ŕgi (?),
*t῾ŕge, *lŕgu,
*ńuŕge
*lp῾ lp lb lp (m)p *dlp῾i , *dlp῾à
*lp lp lb lb (r)p (m)p *ălpa, *šálpu,
*nlpá
*lb l(Vg), lb l(b) r(V)b,rm (m)p *t῾elbu, *ulbo
lb
*lm l l(b) lm, rVm m *k῾òlmV,
?lVp *ŋalma,
*č῾ŏl[m]i (?),
*kúlme
*lt῾ l lt lt r (n)t *màlt῾e, *mìlt῾e,
*kalt῾o
*lt ? lt lt ld t? t *kelta(rV),
*pltorV (?)
*ld l(d) ld ld r t *alda, *zŭldu,
*gŭldo, *gldi
*lč lč lǯ (n)t *plčà
*lń l lń n *k῾èlńí
*lk῾ lk lk lk nk k *molk῾o,
*nelk῾V,*p῾àlk῾i
*lk l(k) lg lk rk (n)k *salkV, *k῾òlke,
*télki, *nilko
*lg lg / lg, lVɣ lg r (n)k *p῾ŏlge, *slgù,
l(V)k *dŭlgu, *p῾lgi,
*t῾òlgu,
*t῾olge, *ălgi,
*pằlgà
*ĺp῾ ĺ lb lp (m)p *t῾aĺp῾V
*ĺp ĺ lb l(b) s(Vp) *ḗĺpo, *ĺpe,
*kaĺpa
*ĺb ĺ lb, lVɣ lb r(b) (n)s *īĺbi, *kòĺbèk῾V,
 CHAPTER TWO 85

PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots

*k῾ĺba, *mĺba,
*sèĺbò,
*tắĺbà,
*tàĺbe,*ńĺba,
*nèĺbù
*ĺm ĺm lb lVb rm (n)s *bắĺmi
*ĺd ĺ ld d *tĺdi
*ĺn n jVl ln>lŋ *k῾ĺnu
*ĺč῾ ĺč lč lč č (n)s (*č῾ĺč῾u) , *bilč῾i
*ĺč ĺč lč l/j r (n)s *ằĺčà, *bĺča,
*kèĺčo
*ĺǯ ĺ(č) lǯ l/j r ~č s *pĺǯi, *ĕĺǯu,
*kèĺǯo, *mĺǯu
*ĺń ń n lń *p῾oĺńe
*ĺk ĺ lg lk *iĺkV, *t῾ūĺke,
*t῾ĺke
*ĺŋ j~ń lVg lŋ r *p῾ĺŋa
*mp῾ m(b) m mp m(p) mp *kamp῾o,
*kómp῾i ,
*k῾ómp῾[e],
*kamp῾a
*mp p mb mb/mp p mp *kòmpo,
*sằmpi, *sèmpa
*mb m mb mb m m *kumba(ka),
*làmba, *ámbe,
*nombu
*mt mt md mt mVt *kómtV, *símta
*mr rb/rm nd md *č῾mro
*ml mVl lm m *k῾uml[e]
*mč nč mǯ m[s] s *nĭmči(-k῾V)
*mń mn mń *namńa
*mŕ bŕ md nd *kemŕa
*ms s bs ns *kámsa
*mk῾ mVk mk (n)k *s[ù]mk῾i
*mk mg mk/nk ŋk nk *òmke
*mg mg mg/ŋg mg ŋ (m) *t῾umgi,
*komga
*mŋ ŋ m mŋ *k῾ḗmŋV
*nt῾ nt nt nt nt nt *ant῾a, *knt῾V,
86 INTRODUCTION

PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots

*k῾nt῾[a],
*t῾ìnt῾a
*nt nt nd/nč nd nt,ń (n)t *nta, *znti,
*gentV, *kanti,
*kàntú,
*ùntu, (*p῾nte),
*ánti(-kV)
*nd t nd/nǯ nd n *nda, (*kḕnda),
*măndo, *ŋndó
*nr ŋgVr ŋg?/nd nVr r *ménrV, *púnri
*nč῾ nč nč nč nč (n)t *k῾nč῾o,
*mànč῾u,
*ménč῾o,
*p῾ắnč῾i
*nǯ nč nǯ nǯ (n)s *mnǯù,
*sanǯV, *kènǯé
*ns s ŋs (<ns) s *ŋnsa
*nŕ nŕ r [ńr] nVr r *píńŕa
*nŋ ŋ(g) n/m nŋ(ŋń) n m,(n) *ènŋù, *konŋu,
*ŋònŋi, *p῾nŋi,
*súnŋi,
*súnŋu,
*mónŋo,
*ńanŋa, *sònŋu,
*t῾ànŋú,
*t῾nŋá,
*gḕnŋa, *tằnŋù
*ńd ń nd nd m *móńde
*ńŋ ń (n) ɣ/ŋg nŋ (ńŋ) ń n *uńŋu, *píńŋe,
*p῾ṑńŋa
*ŋt῾ ŋ(d) n,ŋd,(ŋ)ǯ(i) nd,ŋd ŋt nt *uŋt῾e, *uŋt῾V,
*aŋt῾à, *kuŋt῾V
*ŋt d, nd ŋd nt *kòŋti, *t῾ŋta
*ŋd t ŋd ń n *óŋdu
*ŋr ŋVr ɣVr/nd r Vr *siŋra, *síŋri,
*soŋre
*ŋn n (n)/ŋ,ŋn ŋ(n) 0,ŋ’ n,(m) *múŋna,
*ńūŋne,
*t῾aŋnà,
*t῾ăŋnV, *kaŋne
 CHAPTER TWO 87

PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots

*ŋč ŋč ǯ s ns *ńŋči
*ŋń n ŋ/ɣ ŋń 0 (nV)m *ńéŋńi, *ńŋńù
*ŋĺ ŋVĺ ŋl s *muŋĺe
*ŋs ŋs s *eŋsV
*ŋk῾ ŋ(k) jVk,nVk ŋ(k) nk *p῾àŋk῾i,
*dằŋk῾V,
*băŋk῾i
*ŋk ŋ ŋ(g) ŋk ŋk nk *šaŋku, *ŋke,
*p῾ùŋké, *zìŋke
*ŋg ŋ(g) ŋg ŋg ŋk,-ŋ(h) nk *koŋgV, *ĺeŋgV,
*puŋga,
*k῾uŋgo,
*t῾aŋgiri,
*čaŋgu, *maŋga,
*ĺoŋgV, *téŋgu
*jp῾ jp ɣ, -b p p (m)p *sìjp῾ó, *làjp῾V
*jp b (b) p *tújpè
*jb b b (j)b b(0) w(j) *ằjbo, *ḗjba,
*kójbu, *jbà,
*jbi, *t῾ujbu,
*ǯjbe, *kejbe,
*pjbu, *t῾ḕjbo
*jm jm (jV)m (j)m m m *kijmV, *p῾ojme,
*p῾ujme
*jt t d t t (i)t *kjta
*jr r r r 0(i) r/t *bujri, *mjre,
*sajri, *sṓjri,
*bùjre, *séjra,
*sằjrí,*sjri,
*sjro, *t῾ájri,
*t῾àjrá
*jl l l l 0(i) r *bùjlu, *k῾ŏjli,
*k῾jlu, *ńằjla,
*ójle, *p῾ḕjló
*jč č č š č s *ŋṓjču
*jǯ (jč) ɣVǯ (j)ǯ č t/j *č῾àjǯV
*js js s *ijsV
*jń n,ń n/j/gVɣ ń 0(i) n *gòjńu, *p῾èjńé,
*pòjńỺ, *zèjńa
*jŕ ŕ j ǯ 0 0(j) *gŭjŕe, *k῾jŕo
88 INTRODUCTION

PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots

*jĺ ĺ l l 0(i) (n)s *bojĺe, *nàjĺV,
*zejĺu
*jk῾ (jV)k k (j)k k k *k῾ujk῾è,
*lèjk῾á, *p῾ḕjk῾V,
*sajk῾V, *sṓjk῾ì,
*tjk῾ú,
*g[o]jk῾u,
*p῾ĭjk῾e
*jk g(<k) g jk *ujkV
*jg g ɣ j ~g 0(i) 0 *săjgo
*jŋ j(V)ŋ ŋ/ɣ/j ŋ 0(i),ń m,j,n *màjŋì,*mújŋi,
*k῾ójŋo,
*ùjŋula, *sejŋi,
*sjŋo
*bd bd t *ǯabda
*pr r(b) wr (ɣVr) rp r *k῾ăpra, *k῾pri
*br r wr, r (bV)r r r *kàbro, *obri,
*t῾bru
*bl (bV)l ɣVl/jVl/wl l(b) r r *nable, *èbla,
*goblu, *lblè,
*dible, *dúblu
*bč῾ (b)č wč č *ubč῾V
*bč č [b]š s *m[a]bči
*bǯ (b)j ǯ ǯ *ḗbǯo
*p῾ŕ pVŕ ɣVr t *kùp῾ŕó
*bŕ (b)ŕ ɣVr r *nbŕo
*bĺ (b)ĺ bl s *nibĺa
*bs s s bs s *zăbsa
*bk῾ k k bk k(Vp) *ibk῾V
*bg g(j) b/g bg *subga
*bŋ b mVɣ bŋ *t῾ĭbŋe
*gm? gVn ɣVm m *egmV
*kt῾ t gt kt t(h) t *dokt῾V,
*p῾okt῾o(-rV),
*zakt῾i
*kt t gd/gǯ gd t(h) t *bktV, *čkte,
*muktu,
*t῾ắkta, *gằgtà
*gt? (g)t ɣVǯ gd *zgtu
 CHAPTER TWO 89

PA PT PM PTM Kor. Jpn. Roots

*gd d d/ǯ gd t(h)/r (n)t *bŏgdu,
*múgdà, *pằgdì,
*p῾ágdi ,
*sgdú,
*ǯŭgdV,
*mùgdó
*kr r ɣVr kVr (h) kVr *bŭkrV, *ńíkrV
*gr gVr ɣVr rg rh r *kằgru
*kl? gl gl lg,g(l) (n)k *t῾aklu,
(*ĺekleKV)
*gl wl lg r (0) *negle
*kŕ gr/ ɣVr kt rk kVr *čikŕo
gVŕ
*gĺ gVĺ ɣVl l *kogĺu
*gn gn ɣVɣ ŋg,n nk,-N *dḕgni, *zognV
*gs gVs gs ks (h)s *segsV, *t῾gsu
*k῾ŋ k ŋg ŋk k *p῾k῾ŋi
*kŋ g ŋg ŋ *kekŋV
*gŋ g ɣVg ŋ(g) ŋ m *àgŋa, *sogŋV
*gń g ŋń ń *ńugńa
*kč῾ kč čh t *múkč῾[à]
*kč gč ks č *ŋàkča
*kǯ č gǯ gǯ *p῾ukǯi
*t῾k῾? t t kt *ŏt῾k῾V
*tk? dg (gd) d(Vg) kt *ǯutke
*dg? gd d (g)d *zodgV
*č῾k čk čVk sk *šṓč῾ko
*sk sk sk (n)sVk *p῾ske
It may be noted that some consonants behave differently in clusters
than in plain intervocalic position. Exact rules, however, are rather dif-
ficult to formulate because of the general instability and rarity of con-
sonant clusters. Especially unstable are the clusters with -j- as the first
component: this consonant may leave direct traces in Turkic and TM
(but may also disappear without a trace there), but tends to disappear
elsewhere. A number of *-j-clusters are reconstructed on indirect evi-
dence: preservation of *-b- (instead of regular *-ɣ-) in Mongolian
(where *-jb- thus behaves similarly to *-rb-, *-lb-); fricativization of *-jb-,
*-jg- in Japanese; development *-jR- > -0- in Korean. It is also tempting
to reconstruct *-j-clusters in two small groups of cases:
90 INTRODUCTION

a) since clusters with *-j- occasionally result in vowel diphthongization

in Japanese (cf. the cases *làjp῾V, *kjta, *k῾jŕo, *lèjk῾á), we could re-
construct similar clusters in a few other cases where PJ has *-ia- in
the structure *CiaC- (generally very rare), namely, in *dḗlì ‘mane,
collar’ ( = *dḗjlì), PJ *(d)iárì; *l[ù]k῾V ‘wild cat’ ( = *lòjk῾V, PJ *niàkua),
*more ‘hurt, damage’ ( = *mojre or *mojre, PJ *miar-), *p῾èrì ‘edge’ ( =
*p῾èjrì, PJ *piàrì).
b) since clusters with *-j- occasionally transfer this -j- to the beginning
of the syllable in Korean (cf. the cases *č῾ằjǯV, *k῾ójŋo, *lèjk῾á, *mṓjno,
*p῾èjńé, *sajri), we could reconstruct similar clusters in several other
cases when Korean has -jə- but without any trace of a PA
*--diphthong (which is the usual source of Korean -jə-), namely in
*tk῾ú ‘make a sign’ (= *tjk῾ú, PK *tjək-), *máŋV ‘go-between’ (=
*májŋV, PK *mjnrí), *č῾ak῾e ‘forearm’ (= *č῾ajk῾e, PK *čjàkái-), *č῾ēk῾V ‘k.
of cloth’ (= *č῾ējk῾V, PK *čjk-), *č῾ḗp῾u ‘ulcer’ (= *č῾ḗjp῾u, PK *čjūpók),
*č῾[a]ge ‘bast’ (= *č῾[a]jge, PK *čjòhắi), *dằĺà ‘hide, enclosure’ (= *dằjĺà,
PK *tjr), *kesa ‘suffer’ (= *kejsa, PK *kjəs-), *kč῾á ‘slanting’ (= *kjč῾á,
PK *kjčh), *nèra ‘thin, flat’ (= *nèjra, PK *jr-p-), *ǯap῾V(ĺV) ‘worm-
wood’ (= *ǯajp῾V(ĺV), PK *čjəpɨi-). Absence of the standard develop-
ment *-jr- > -0- in some of these cases (*k῾ójŋo, *májŋV, *dằjĺà, *nèjra)
could in fact be explained by an early shift of *-j- to a different posi-
tion within the syllable.
Since these phenomena in Japanese and Korean are difficult to link
to each other and to any evidence in other Altaic languages, the recon-
struction of *-j- in such cases still remains problematic.

2.4. Vowels

The traditional system of vowel correspondences proposed by

Ramstedt and Poppe was already perceived as outdated during the
writing of “The Altaic Problem and the Origin of Japanese”
(АПиПЯЯ). Further research led to its complete revision. We now sup-
pose that the PA vowel system was completely devoid of vowel har-
mony which evolved in all the subgroups later as a result of complex
interaction between the vowels of the first and the second syllables in
polysyllabic roots and derivatives.
The system assumed to be Proto-Altaic consisted of five vowels (*i,
*e, *u, *o, *a) and three diphthongs (*u, *o, *a), the diphthongs being
restricted to the first syllable of the word. The interaction of eight vo-
calic units of the first syllable and five vocalic phonemes of the second
syllable leads to an extremely diverse system of correspondences, of
 CHAPTER TWO 91

which the traditional Ramstedt-Poppe correspondences are only a

small subset.
The diphthongs with *-- are basically reconstructed where Turkic
and TM have specific reflexes (*-ia- in Turkic, *-ia- and *-ü- (-iu-) in
TM); in several cases, however, diphthongs have been lost in those
subgroups as well and can be reconstructed only on circumstantial evi-
dence, see below.
The phonetic nature of PA diphthongs is still debatable. We prefer
to treat them as diphthongs because they are preserved as such in a
number of cases in PT, PTM and Korean, but an interpretation of diph-
thongs as front vowels could also be possible. In that case, *a = *ä; *o =
*ö; *u = *ü. Further research is needed to choose one of these two alter-
native solutions.
The TM system of vowels appears to be the most conservative and
was used as a basis of reconstruction. Turkic, Mongolian and Korean
usually modify the first vowel under the influence of the second one.
Thus, fronted first vowels usually signal that the second vowel was a
front one. However the second vowel could also be fronted or shifted
to back under the influence of the first vowel, leading to numerous
variations in reflexes. Japanese seems to have exclusively assimilated
the first vowel to the second one (a process very similar to what later
happened in Mongolian), so that the quality of Japanese vowels in the
first syllable is normally a good indicator of the original quality of the
second vowel, which itself may have been assimilated or disappeared
altogether.
Vowels of the non-initial syllable are generally very unstable in all
modern Altaic languages. They tend to become assimilated to initial
vowels, are frequently contracted in various combinations with follow-
ing suffixes, and are often lost completely. They are best preserved in
Tungus-Manchu languages and completely lost in the majority of
Turkic and Korean roots. The situation therefore is very close, e.g., to
Germanic or to the Nakh languages in the Eastern Caucasus, where the
quality of non-initial vowels can now only be recovered on the basis of
umlaut processes in the first syllable. Thus, the approach we have cho-
sen - reconstructing non-initial vowels on indirect evidence (the way
they have influenced the vowels that preceded them) - seems to be the
only possible solution. Rules for individual development of non-initial
vowels in particular subbranches of Altaic have yet to be established,
and depend substantially on a future analysis of verbal and nominal
morphophonemics and accent systems.
Below we list the vocalic correspondences between the Altaic lan-
guages. In the Proto-Altaic column we list all recoverable combinations
92 INTRODUCTION

of the first and second syllable vowels. The notation U in PTM, PM and
MKor. means that any of the two back rounded vowels - u or o - can act
as a reflex, due to frequent variation between u/o in those languages.
Similarly, the notation A in MKor. means that either a or ə can act as a
reflex (due to very frequent a/ə variation in Korean). The notation P
stands for any labialized consonant (modifying adjacent vowels in
Mongolian and Turkic) and R - for any liquid resonant (conditioning
the development of closed / open vowels in Turkic).
PA PTM PM PT PJ MKor.
*a-a a a a (Pa-/Pạ-) a A
*a-e a a [i] a-, ɨ ə A
*a-i a a [e] e [a] i A [i]
*a-o a a [i, e] o (ja, aj) a ă [o]
*a-u a a [U] a u A [U]
*e-a e a [e] a (ạ) [e] a A
*e-e e e (ja-) e (ẹR; ja-) ə A [i, ɨ]
*e-i e e [i] e (ẹR; ja-) i i [ɨ, A]
*e-o e a [e, ạ [ẹ] ə [a] ă [U]
Pü/Pö,
üP/öP]
*e-u e e [a, Po, e [a, ạ] u U [a]
oP]
*i-a i i ɨ [i] a A
*i-e i e [i] e (ẹR) i i [ɨ]
*i-i i i (Pe) i i I
*i-o i i ɨ i [ə] U [ɨ]
*i-u i i ɨ [i] u i [ɨ]
*o-a U U o a Ă
*o-e U ö [ü, o] ö [o] ə ɨ [U]
*o-i U ö ö [o] u U
*o-o U u o ə Ă
*o-u U U o u ă [U]
*u-a U a [U] u [o] a A
*u-e u U [ü, ö] ü ua (Pa-) ɨ [A]
*u-i u ü [ö] ü [u] u U [ɨ]
*u-o U U u ə U [ɨ]
*u-u U U u u U
*a-a ia (Si) a ia, ja [e] a ă (Pa, aP)
*a-e i i [a,e] ia, ja ə i [(j)ə]
*a-i ia (Si) i [e] ia, ja [e] i ă [(j)ə]
 CHAPTER TWO 93

PA PTM PM PT PJ MKor.
*a-o U e ia, ja, pa a ă [U]
*a-u U a, U ẹ, a, Pạ u U [(j)ə]
*o-a U a, U ia, ja, pa a U [ă]
*o-e U e, ö ẹ, a, Pạ ə [u] U [jə]
*o-i U i [e, ö] ia, ja, pa i U [ă]
*o-o i ö [ü, U] o [u] ə [a] i, (j)ə
*o-u ia (Si) e [i, u] u [o] u ă [u, jə]
*u-a U U [i] ɨ a A
*u-e ü, Pu ö [ü, U] ü, iR [ö] u [ə] (j)A [U]
*u-i i (Pu-) ö [ü, U] ü [ö] i ɨ (i, U)
*u-o ü U u [o] u [ə] (j)A [U]
*u-u U i [U,ü,ö] ɨ u U (i, ɨ)

2.4.1. PA *a

PTM *a - PJ *a

This correspondence indicates the PA sequence *CaCa, and is usually

rather stable. All languages normally have *a here, with the following
exceptions:
1. Turkic normally has *a, but in a few cases - closed *ạ: *ắla > *ạl-, *bằka
> *bạk-, *dắgá > *jạgu-k, *k῾sa > *Ksɨk, *mana > *bạnɨ-, *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) >
*ạtkɨm, *p῾ra > *r-, *p῾t῾à > *ạt-. Usually this development is ob-
served after historical labials, but the distribution is not quite strict
(cf. *ắla, *dắgá and *k῾sa above; cf., on the other hand, *p῾là > *ala-,
*p῾āda > *adɨ-, *p῾ăp῾a > *apa-, *pàt῾á > *bat-, *bra > *bār, *bāla > *bāla).
2. Korean has both a and ə, cf.
a) *agà > *ak-su, *ák῾à > *àk-, *alda > *arăm, *ălpa > *àrphằ-, *áp῾a > *àpí, *āŕa
> *ārắi, *dasa- > *tàs-, *kāma > *kàmóthi, *k῾ápa > *kàph-, *k῾p῾à > *kàph-
(but also *kph-), *k῾sa > *kàsằm, *mana > *mān(h)-, *màra > *mār-,
*mára > *mar-, *nát῾a > *nāt, *pala > *par, *pằlgà > *pár, *pàt῾á > *pàt-,
*pák῾à > *pàk-, *p῾át῾à > *pàt(h), *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) > *pàtók, *p῾ra > *parh-,
*p῾t῾à > *pat-, *sằja > *sāi-, *sápa > *sàpók, *sàrp῾a > *sárp, *tắĺbà > *tàră-,
*tăra > *tār, *t῾àjrá > *tājà, *t῾aŋnà > *tàŋ’àrí, *t῾la > *tàr’ái-, *t῾āma >
*tám
b) *ála > *r-, *ant῾a(gV) > *ntk, *bra > *pr-, *gằt῾a > *kt-, *k῾aŋa > *k’úč,
*k῾ăra > *kjr, *láčà > *nčhúr, *p῾là > *pr(h)
3. Japanese, as we said, normally has *a in this type of correspondences.
However, it should be borne in mind that Japanese hardly tolerates
*a and *ə within one morpheme. Therefore, a small group of cases
94 INTRODUCTION

where Japanese has *ə in the second syllable — probably because of

some prehistoric vowel contractions that are hardly recoverable in
detail — reveal also *ə, not *a, in the first syllable, cf.: *tắĺbà > *ds,
*zàrá > *st, *ǯắra > *dr-.

PTM *a - PJ *ə

Except for the three cases listed above, this correspondence indicates
the PA sequence *CaCe (in Japanese *CaCe > *CeCe > *CəCV). Other lan-
guages have the following reflexes here:
1. Mongolian has either *a or a fronted reflex *i/e:
a) *ắk῾è > *(h)aki-, *ámbe > *(h)amban, *le > *al-, *káče > *kači, *kaje > *kaji-,
*kăp῾è > *kaji-či, *kare > *kar-bu-, *kaserV > *kasirag, *kt῾e > *katari-,
*k῾àpe > *kab-, *máĺe > *malur, *pt῾e > *batagana, *sarp῾e > *sarbaɣa, *t῾ằgè
> *taji-la;
b) *āńe(-č῾V) > *eje, *en-; *k῾re > *kira, *làlè > *nila-, *ĺk῾è > *ǯekej, *mak῾é >
*mek(e)-, *màlt῾e > *meltür- > *möltür-, *ńam(ń)ekt῾V > *ǯimuɣu-su, *sagè
> *siɣu-g-, *tde > *čidör, *zagè > *seg (on the distribution of *e and *i
see below).
2. Turkic normally has *a- in Anlaut, but *-ɨ- after a consonant, cf.: *ắk῾è
> *(i)aku-ru-, *ale > *ăl, *le > *ăl- (but also *āńe-č῾V > *Enč); but *čkte >
*Tt, *č῾ak῾e > *čɨkan, *káče > *Kɨča, *kaje > *Kɨj-, *kằle > *Kɨlɨč, *kaŋne >
*Kɨna, *kăp῾è > *Kɨp-, *kare > *Kɨrɨĺ, *kaserV > *Kɨsɨr, *kt῾e > *Ktɨr-,
*k῾re > *Kɨrɨg, *làlè > *jɨlɨk > *jilik, *máĺe > *bɨnĺɨk, *nable > *jɨlɨm, *ńàme
> *jɨmga, *ńam(ń)e- > *jɨmurt, *nne > *jn, *pt῾e > *bɨt, *sagè > *sɨgɨt-,
*sarp῾e > *sɨp, *tde > *dd-, *zagè > *jɨg-.
3. Korean also has a split into back *a and front *ə:
a) *ale > *àrái, *āńe(-č῾V) > *ànč-, *ńam(ń)e-kt῾V > *nàmòk, *pt῾e > *pátắrí,
*pàńé > *pám, *k῾ač῾e > *kàčí.
b) *le > *rí-, *kt῾e > *kthí-, *ĺk῾è > *nək-, *mak῾é > *mk-, *ńàme > *jm-,
*tde > *tət.

PTM *a - PJ *i

This correspondence reflects the sequence *CaCi, with a variation of

back and front reflexes in other languages.
1. Turkic has normally *e, but also *a:
a) *ăĺi > *ẹĺit-, *ălgi > *ĕlge-, *ắni > *eŋ, *jbi > *Ebür(d)ek, *ni > *en, *ni >
*ēn-čü, *bdì > *bEd-, *brì > *bEr-, *bri > *bẹr, *čărikV > *dẹrek, *č῾ăk῾i >
*čekü-rtke, *č῾ali > *čEl, *č῾ki > *čEket, *dli > *jẹlim, *gt῾ì > *gē(j)t-,
*kăči > *geč-, *kaji > *gejik, *kk῾i > *Kēk-, *kami > *KEmek, *kăpi >
*gebre-, *kk῾i > *gēkir-, *k῾ádí(-rV) > *KEdir-, *k῾ăĺi > *keĺ, *k῾ắsi > *kes-,
 CHAPTER TWO 95

*k῾ăsi > *kes-, *màjŋì > *bejŋi, *ŋli > *el, *pli > *bẹldir, *p῾dì > *diĺ,
*p῾aĺi > *ẹĺ, *p῾nŋi > *ēŋe-, *p῾t῾i > *ētük, *sắbi > *sEbrük, *sajri > *ser-,
*saĺ(b)i > *seĺ-, *săp῾í > *sep-, *sàp῾ì > *sEp, *sč῾i > *sEč-, *ski > *sēk-,
*sŕi > *sEŕ-, *t῾ki > *TEk-, *zăli > *jẹl.
Among more or less secure examples there are 22 cases of open *e
and 8 cases of closed *ẹ.
b) *álikV > *Ălaŋɨr, *àŕì > *aŕɨg, *pi > *Abɨ-, *gi > *gu, *li > *Āl, *at῾i >
*Atɨ, *bási > *basɨg, *bằt῾í > *bat-, *dằgì > *jagɨ, *dằk῾ì > *jAk-ɨn, *dắsi >
*jAs-, *gắli > *K(i)al, , *kádì(rV) > *Kadɨr, *kărsi > *KArsak, *láp῾ì > *jap-,
*maji > *baj, *màli > *baltu, *mli > *bAlɨg, *lami > *jAmak, *pằsi > *bas-,
*pli > *bālɨk, *p῾ágdi > *adak, *p῾ắsi > *as-, *saji > *sAj-, *sali > *sal-,
*sằmpi > *sAP, *sằp῾i῾ > *sapak, *saŕi > *sAŕak, *tbi > *dabul, *t῾aŋgiri >
*taŋrɨ (but also *teŋri), *t῾ari > *tArakaj, *zakt῾i > *jạtŕuk, *ǯli > *jĀl-.
Note that closed *ạ is quite rare here (only 2 cases as opposed to 16
cases of open *a).
2. Mongolian can also have front reflexes i/e or a back reflex *a:
a) *gi > *eɣe-de-, *čărikV > *čirgaj, *č῾ki > *čigör-, *dagi > *deɣüren, *dari >
*dereji-, *dli > *ǯil-, *gt῾ì > *getül- (but also *gatul-), *kádì(rV) > *keder,
*kk῾i > *kek-, *kami > *kemerlig, *kăpi > *kebere, *kărsi > *kirsa, *kk῾i >
*kekere- (but also *kakira-), *k῾ádí(-rV) > *kederge, *k῾pri > *keɣürge,
*màli > *milaɣa, *mli > *milan, *lami > *limbaj, *pli > *bilaɣu, *pli >
*belčir, *pasi > *hesüre-, *p῾āji > *hejil-, *saji > *seji-le-, *saĺ(b)i > *sel(b)-
(but also *salb-), *sắp῾í > *sibeɣe, *săp῾í > *sibere- (but also *sabir-), *saŕi
> *ser-, *sč῾i > *seče-, *ski > *sege-, *sŕi > *seri-, *t῾ari > *čirükej. [Note
that *i usually occurs before *-a-, *-ö- and *-u-, while *e occurs be-
fore *i, *e and *ü, thus *sibeɣe and *sibere- must go back to earlier
*siböɣe and *siböre-].
b) *ăĺi > *al-dar, *álikV > *(h)alag-, *ắni > *aŋ-ka, *àŕì > *ariɣa, *pi >
*abu-ra-, *li > *aliɣa, *ni > *anǯu, *at῾i > *ači, *bằt῾í > *bat-ga, *bdì >
*badara, *brì > *baraɣun, *bri > *baraɣa, *dằgì > *dajin, *dằk῾ì > *daka-,
*dắsi > *dasinga, *gắli > *galǯaɣu, *kanti > *kančir, *k῾ăĺi > *kali-sun, *k῾ắsi
> *kasu-, *lằŋi > *laji, *láp῾ì > *labta-, *màjŋì > *maŋlai, *ŋńì > *naji-,
*p῾ágdi > *(h)adag, *p῾ắsi > *(h)asa-, *p῾nŋi- > *hana-, *sajri > *sar(b)a-,
*sằmpi > *samba-gan, *sằp῾í > *sabaga, *t῾ắk῾ì > *taki-, *t῾aŋgiri >
*taŋgarag, *t῾ájri- > *tara-, *zăli > *salki, *ǯli- > *ǯala-.
In a few cases (*dàli > *dölü, *tbi > *düjiren, *č῾ăk῾i > *čoku), the vowel
becomes labialized under the influence of secondary labialization of the
second syllable (caused probably by an original labial suffix like *-bV- >
-wV-: *dàli-bV > *dàli-w- > *delü- > *dölü etc.).
Mongolian and Turkic evidence displays a large number of e/a
doublet readings, showing that the split into front and back variants in
Turkic and Mongolian is secondary, probably caused by the old dialec-
96 INTRODUCTION

tal variant development *CaCi > *CeCE vs. *CaCi > *CaCA. In general
there is no direct correlation between front and back reflexes in Turkic
and Mongolian; we find that Turkic slightly prefers front reflexes (44
cases of *e vs. 36 cases of *a), while Mongolian rather favours back re-
flexes (33 cases of *a vs. 29 cases of *e, plus 4 cases with a variation
*e/a).
3. Korean, too, has a split into *a and *ə, but also has a number of
*i-reflexes:
a) *ăĺi > *ār-, *ắni > *àńí, *ni > *an-, *ni > *ān-, *at῾i > *àtắr, *brì- > *pàrằ-,
*bri > *pār, *dàli > *tàr-, *kàji > *kāi-, *kk῾i > *kài’ò-, *k῾ắsi- > *kàsk- (but
also *ksk-), *láp῾ì > *nàp- (but also *np-), *màli > *már, *pli > *par-,
*pasi > *pàs-, *p῾t῾i > *pàtì, *saŋe > *sài’ó-, *sằp῾í > *sap-, *sŕi > *sari-,
*zakt῾i > *sàt, *zăli > *sar-
b) *pli > *pr-, *sajri > *sjə-, *saĺ(b)i > *sər-, *sắp῾í > *sp
c) *pi > *ìpà-tí, *li > *ìr-bń-, *dắsi > *tìsài, *ŋńì > *nīń-, *pańi > *pìń-, *sali
> *sirh-, *t῾ájri > *tí-.

PTM *a - PJ *u

This correspondence reflects the PA sequence *CaCu. Other languages

have the following reflexes:
1. Turkic predominantly has *a (*tāt < *t῾t῾u, *daŋ- < *tằnŋù, *saran <
*saru, *samala < *sằmù, *sakɨrtka < *sak῾u(rV), *bańak- < *mańuk῾V, *Kara
< *kàru, *Kadgu < *gằju, *čal- < *č῾àlù, *dal < *čălù, *āń < *ńu, *aglak <
*ăgu-la).
Closed *ạ is attested, however, in *jŕ- < *lŕgu; and in some trisylla-
bles before -u- we have a secondary labialization -a- > -o- (*jogurgan <
*dáku, *bokursɨ < *bk῾u).
2. Mongolian has *a, but may also reveal labialized reflexes u/o:
a) *ăgu-la > *aɣula, *apuči > *(h)abisu-n, *mú > *(h)ama-n, *bk῾ù > *baki,
*čălù > *daldaw, *č῾abu > *čaɣur, *č῾àlù > *čali, *gằju > *gaj, *kádù >
*kada-, *kàru > *kara, *k῾ăp῾ù > *kaɣa-, *làku > *lag, *làk῾ù > *naki-, *lŕgu
> *nargi-, *mált῾u > *malta-, *pằluk῾V > *haluka, *sak῾u(rV) > *sag, *sarču
> *čarča-, *saru > *sar-, *sagu > *sag-su, *šŋu > *čaŋ, *tàbù > *daɣ-, *tagù
> *dagna-, *tbú > *daɣa-, *t῾ámu > *tama-, *t῾ằŋu > *taɣu, *t῾t῾u > *tačir,
*ǯap῾ù > *ǯaɣa-;
b) *ằk῾ú > *uku-, *bagu > *buɣurul, *balu > *bulagan, *č῾ābu > *čuw, *gàtù >
*gudu- (but also *godu), *káč῾u > *kuči-, *kalu > *kul-, *knu > *kuna,
*k῾ap῾u > *kubilǯagana, *mańuk῾V > *munig, *ńabĺu-čV > *ǯulǯa-gan,
*saŋu(ńV) > *suwnag;
 CHAPTER TWO 97

c) *ăbu > *owči, *ăŋu > *oɣuna, *ńu > *oji(n), *bāku > *bog, *čamu > *dom,
*k῾ăču > *kočur-, *k῾áru > *kormu-sun, *ńargu- > *ǯorgul, *sarumV >
*sormu-, *šalpu > *čolbun, *t῾ák῾ù > *toki, *t῾aklu > *togli, *t῾ànŋú > *tonu-
3. Korean displays similar reflexes: normally *a or *ə, but occasionally
also *u or *o:
a) *àlu > *àr- (but also *r-); *káč῾u > *kàč, *làk῾ù > *náks, *màlù > *maru,
*tằnŋù > *tan, *t῾ák῾ù > *tàk, *t῾ámu > *tām-, *ǯap῾ù > *čàp-;
b) *gằju > *kəi’əm, *mańuk῾V > *mijùkí, *sarumV > *səm, *šàčú > *čs, *t῾t῾u
> *tti;
c) *bagu > *pùhi-, *čălù > *čùr-kí, *kádù > *kùr’i, *mált῾u > *mùt-, *maru >
*muri;
d) *knu > *kón, *k῾ằkú > *koāŋ, *k῾áru > *kòró, *lŕgu > *nòrắs, *tàbù >
*tòbi-.

In a certain number of words seemingly pointing to *CaCa (with TM *a

and Jpn. *a) Mongolian unexpectedly displays front *i or *e; Turkic has
*o; and Korean has *ă or labialized *o, *u (typical for PA *o, see below).
It seems appropriate to reconstruct here the type *CaCo, with secondary
merger of *CaCo and *CaCa in Japanese. The following comments are
needed here:

1. Turkic normally has *o (with occasional narrowing > *u in contact

with labials, cf. *um- < *ắmo, *budur- < *bădo, *buta- < *bằtò, *Kumɨŕ <
*kàmo, *jum- < *nmo). For the *o reflex cf. *t῾aso > *tosun, *t῾ăp῾o(rV) >
*topra-k, *tŋo > *doŋuŕ, *tago > *dogra-, *sāmo > *som, *sáŕo > *soŕak,
*p῾ap῾o > *op-la, *ńamo > *jo[m], *ńằmò > *jom-, *mro > *bōr, *măndo >
*botu, *k῾no > *Kon-, *k῾alo > *Kolaŋ, *k῾ăbo > *Kob-, *karmo > *kor-daj,
*kalt῾o > *Kolak, *kak῾o > *Kokɨ-, *kàbro > *Kor, *gămo > *Koma, *č῾áko >
*čok, *člo > *dōl-, *čágo > *ToK-, *ŋo > *oŋ, *àpo > *obu-.
In the following cases, however, we find the reflex *a: *čAm < *č῾amo,
*čar < *č῾àro, *čārba- < *č῾mro, *Kalɨm < *kălo, *KAĺak < *k῾ằĺo, *jaba < *làbò,
*jaba < *ĺábó, *jĀmčɨk < *lmo, *jAŋgak < *ńaŋo, *ajɨt- < *p῾ajo, *sag- < *săjgo,
*saja- < *sajo, *sargan < *sáro, *jala- < *ǯắlo.
It is easy to see that with few exceptions the *a-reflex is present in
the vicinity of Turkic palatals *j, *č or *ĺ.
2. Mongolian, as said above, has normally *a, but rather frequently also
the fronted reflexes *i or *e:
a) *ắmo > *ama-, *talo > *dalu, *dali, *kak῾o > *kaku-, *kălo > *kala-, *kalt῾o >
*kalta-s (but also *kelte-), *kamp῾o > *kamki-, *k῾ăbo > *kaɣur-, *k῾ằĺo >
*kal-, *k῾no > *kani, *labo > *lab / *naj, *lmo > *nambuga, *măndo >
*manǯi, *ma[k῾]o > *makiji-, *mro > *mara-, *ńằmò > *ǯaɣu-n, *p῾ádo >
*(h)adar, *p῾ajo > *haɣu-, *p῾ap῾o > *hawl-, *săjgo > *saɣa-, *salo > *sal(u)-,
98 INTRODUCTION

*tago > *daɣa-, *ǯắlo > *ǯalga-. [In *kowr < *kàbro and *toɣur- <
*t῾ăp῾o(rV) we see a secondary assimilative labialization *a > *o].
b) *aǯo > *(h)iǯe, *bašo > *bisi-ɣu, *č῾abo > *čibka, *č῾amo > *čima-, *č῾aŋo >
*čiɣul-, *č῾mro > *čindaga, *kàmo > *kimur, *ńamo > *ǯim, *ńaŋo >
*ǯiɣag, *nmo > *(n)im, *sábó > *sibe-gčin, *sáŕo > *siröge, *sŕo(-gV) >
*siröge
c) *ằjbo > *ebe-sü, *àpo > *ebe-, *ŋo > *eŋge-, *člo > *del-, *kábó > *keji-d,
*ĺábó > *debeɣe, *màsò > *mese, *pap῾ó > *(h)eb, *sago > *seɣü-der, *sằŋo >
*seɣü-, *sáro > *sere-, *t῾āno > *teneji-.
A secondary labialization occurred in *bödüne < *bedüne < *bădo,
*söɣem < *seɣü-m < *sajo.
The general rules of distribution between *i and *e are the same as
in the types *CaCe, *CaCi, i.e. *i usually before *-a-, *-ö- and *-u-, while
*e - before *i, *e and *ü; thus *sibe-gčin must go back to earlier *sibö-gčin;
less clear are the examples *(h)iǯe ( < *(h)iǯö?) and *bisi-ɣu ( < *bisö-ɣu?;
note also the strange variant *busi-ɣu). The rules of choice between back
*a and front *i/*e, however, remain unclear.
3. Korean, as said above, has either *ă or, less frequently, *o/*u:
a) *člo > *čăra-, *č῾amo > *čhắm-, *č῾àro > *čărɨ-, *dalo > *tằr-, *tàńo > *tń-,
*talo > *tằr’ái, *kălo > *kắr-, *kalt῾o > *kằrằ-, *kamp῾o > *kắm-, *karmo >
*kằrmjkí, *k῾ằĺo > *kắr, *làbò > *năboi, *lmo > *nằmằčh, *ma[k῾]o > *mằi-,
*p῾ádo > *pằrằm, *pró > *phắr-, *sago > *sằ-n, *săjgo > *sắi-, *salo > *sắr-,
*sáĺo > *sằràŋ, *sáńo > *sằńí, *ǯắlo > *čằrằ-, *pát῾o > *pằtằi;
b) *gămo > *kòmá, *kàbro > *kòr-, *kábó > *kò’ắr, *k῾alo > *koraŋ, *mro >
*mòr’ái, *tŋo > *to’a-;
c) *č῾abo > *čūb-, *p῾ajo > *pūi-.

2.4.2 PA *e

PTM *e - PJ *a

This correspondence reflects PA *CeCa. Other languages have the fol-

lowing reflexes:
1. Turkic can have both *a and *e:
a) *bĕŕa > *bAŕ-, *dkà > *jak-, *dlp῾à > *jalpɨ, *èk῾á > *agsa-, *eńa > *ańɨg,
*ńa > *ana (but also *eńe), *eńa > *ańak, *ĕp῾a > *apa(j), *erka > *Arka-,
*ēda > *Ada, *ḗŕa > *āŕ-, *gḕnŋa > *KAŋɨr-, *kelta(rV) > *KArtal, *kéra >
*Kạrɨn, *kḕnda > *KAt, *kč῾á > *KAč-, *k῾éŕà > *Kaŕ, *k῾éma > *Kamɨĺ,
*k῾épà > *Kaptal, *k῾ta > *KAtar-, *leńa > *jAń-ka-, *mĕŋa > *baŋ-, *nèra >
*jAr-, *ŋḕrá > *jạrɨn, *pélaba(nV) > *bAlbal, *p῾ép῾a > *Apač-, *p῾ḗra > *ārɨ,
*p῾ḗta > *āt-, *sēma > *sAm-, *šek῾a > *sakak, *tēga > *dāg, *tḗla > *dāl-,
*t῾p῾a > *TAp-la-, *t῾ŕa > *dAŕ, *t῾ḕbà > *tabɨĺ-, *zèjńa > *jaŋɨ (but also
 CHAPTER TWO 99

*jeŋi), *zēra > *jar-, *ǯela > *jAla, *ǯèmá > *jam, *ǯḗja > *jāj, *tert῾a >
*dart-, *zela > *jạla-ŋuk.
b) *tḗma > *dēmin, *dék῾à > *jEken, *ĕbà > *ebs-, *ĕda > *ed, *ēŋa(k῾V) > *ēŋ,
*ra > *er-, *ḗjba > *ēb-, *ḗna(kV) > *ēn, *ḗra > *Ērig, *ḗt῾a > *ēt-, *gla >
*gEle-ĺč-, *gèná > *gEne, *gék῾á > *Kek-, *kéma > *Kemeke, *kemŕa >
*kEbŕe, *kḗjna > *gĒne, *kḗp῾à > *gēp, *k῾ébá > *gEbre, *k῾èpà > *kebü-,
*méŋa > *bEŋiŕ, *mḗča > *bĒčin, *nema > *jem-, *ńĕra > *jẹr, *pédá >
*bEdiŕ, *p῾ḕtá > *et, *t῾éba > *Teb, t῾èk῾á > *tek-, *t῾eŋa > *TEŋ-, *t῾ĕp῾á >
*tepö, *t῾ḕŋà > *tEŋ, *t῾èp῾à > *TEpiŕ.
Note that closed *ạ and *ẹ are very rare here and occur only before *-r-
and *l (*Kạrɨn, *jạrɨn, *jẹr, *jạlaŋuk).
2. Mongolian also can have both *a and *e:
a) *dlp῾à > *dalba-, *ĕda > *ada-, *èk῾á > *(h)agsa-, *eńa > *ajaga(n), *erka >
*arga-, *ēda > *(h)ada, *ḗjba > *(h)abad, *ḗra > *ar-, *gḕnŋa > *gana-,
*kelta(rV) > *kaltar, *kḕnda > *kandagaj, *k῾éŕà > *kajir(a)-, *k῾éma >
*kamgar, *k῾eŋa > *kaŋka-, *k῾épà > *kabta-su, *k῾ta > *kadaga-la, *lḗńa >
*naji-, *mék῾à > *mak-, *méŋa > *maji-kai, *nèra > *nari-n, *nèra >
*nara-su, *ŋḕrá > *naran, *pélaba(nV) > *barimal, *pép῾à > *baɣa-su, *p῾ép῾a
> *haba-kai, *p῾ḗta > *(h)ada-, *p῾ḕtá > *(h)adaska, *sēma > *samur-, *šek῾a >
*sakaɣu, *t῾ja > *tajibu-, *t῾ek῾a > *taka, *t῾eŋa > *taŋga-, *t῾p῾a > *taɣ-,
*t῾ŕa > *tarbalǯi, *t῾ḕbà > *tawlai, *zēra > *sara, *ǯela > *ǯali-, *ǯèmá >
*ǯamug, *méra > *maril, *tert῾a > *tata-.
b) *bĕŕa > *berele-, *tḗma > *demej (also with secondary labialization
*demü > *dömü-), *dék῾à > *dek-, *èbla > *(h)eɣülde, *eńa > *ende-, *ĕp῾a >
*ebej, *ép῾á > *eb-, *ra > *ere-, *ḗna(kV) > *eŋ, *ḗŕa > *ereɣü, *gèná >
*gene-, *gék῾á > *gek-, *kemŕa > *kemde-, *kèra > *kere-, *kḗp῾à > *keɣe,
*kč῾á > *keč, *k῾ébá > *keɣür, *k῾èpà > *kebe, *lèjk῾á > *neke-, *mĕŋa >
*meŋde-, *mḗča > *mečin, *nema > *neme-, *pédá > *beder, *p῾ḗra >
*herbe-kei, *séjra > *sereɣe, *sèdá > *sede-, *tēga > *deɣe-, *t῾éba > *tew-ke,
*t῾èk῾á > *teg-si, *t῾ĕp῾á > *tebeg (but also *tab), *t῾ḕpá > *teberi-, *t῾èp῾à >
*tebči-.
There are also several cases of *i (before *j: *lḕja > *niɣe-, *zèjńa >
*sine; and also *ńĕra > *ǯir(u)-, *sép῾à > *siɣüre- < *siɣöre-?). The general
distribution of *e and *i is here more or less the same as in the types
*CaCe, *CaCi (see above): *e occurs only before *e and *ü; but final *-a,
-u and *-ö (also *-i) are extremely rare in this type, so that the expected
reflex *-i- is very rare, too. It probably means that the type *CeCa was
very early transformed into *CeCe (or *CaCa), while *CaCe first changed
into *CaCi.
It is also worth noting that, unlike the type *CaCe where fronting in
Turkic and Mongolian must have been an independent process (the
correlation between Turkic *e and Mong. *e in that type is more or less
100 INTRODUCTION

random), here we find a largely interdependent development: in most

cases when Mong. has *a, Turkic also has *a (25 cases against 9 cases of
Mong. *a - Turk. *e), and in most cases when Mong. has *e, Turkic also
has *e (16 cases against 9 cases of Mong. *e - Turk. *a). This probably
means that the process of splitting *CeCa into *CaCa / *CeCe started ear-
lier than the process of splitting *CaCe (on which see above); but the
conditioning factors for it still remain unclear.
3. Korean, as always, has a double reflex: *a or *ə:
a) *bétà > *pàdắr, *tḗma > *tāmái-n, *dék῾à > *tái (?), *dĕp῾a > *tàpók-, *èbla >
*árh, *éča > *àčhắm, *eńa > *āń-, *ḗna(kV) > *ánh, *ḗra > *ar-, *kéma >
*kàmá, *kéra > *kari, *k῾ébà > *kai, *mék῾à > *màk-, *ŋḕrá > *nár, *lḕja >
*ná-, *pép῾à > *pap, *tḗla > *tarh-, *t῾ĕp῾á > *tapar, *zèjńa > *sái.
b) *ńa > *ńí, *ép῾á > *əp-, *erka > *rk-, *ḗŕa > *rjb-, *kḗjna > *ki, *kč῾á >
*kjčh, *lèjk῾á > *njkí-, *nema > *nm-, *p῾ḗra > *pr-, *séjra > *si(h),
*tēga > *tə-, *t῾ep῾à > *tph-, *t῾ḕpá > *tpr-, *zēra > *sr, *kéč῾à > *kčh,
*méra > *mr’úi.
4. Japanese, as we said above, has a uniform *a. Since PJ *a and *ə are
hardly compatible in one morpheme, almost none of the words in
question have an *ə in the second syllable here, except for one case:
PA *ǯèmá > PJ *dm(n)kui, where as a result the first vowel became
secondarily assimilated (on some similar cases < PA *CaCa see
above). Another similar case may be *čĕk῾a > PJ *təkə (although here a
reconstruction *čĕk῾o can not be entirely excluded; on the type *CeCo
see below).

PTM *e - PJ *ə

This correspondence (except for the irregular case with *ǯèmá, on which
see above), indicates PA *CeCe. Other languages have the following
reflexes:
1. Turkic uniformly has *e, with the open and closed variants distrib-
uted in the following way:
a) *me > *eme, *k῾éĺe > *keĺč, *sebe > *seb, *tp῾é > *depre-, *t῾égè(-rV) > *Tegre
b) *gle > *gẹl-, *grè(bV) > *gẹr-tü
In one case, viz. *(j)īn-čik < *p῾èjńé, we observe a narrowed *-i-reflex,
probably conditioned by the medial -j-.
After initial *j- ( < *n-) there may also appear back *a (*ạ): cf. *nmè >
*jama-, *np῾é > *jap-, *nre > *jạr-.
The distribution between *e and *ẹ, *a and *ạ here seems to be con-
ditioned by the following consonant: closed variants appear before *r
and *l, open variants are found elsewhere.
 CHAPTER TWO 101

2. Mongolian, too, uniformly has *e, except in the position after *j-
(*ja-su < *jan-su < *p῾èjńé). Just as in the case of *CeCa, *-i- could be
possible, but the only attested cases here are with the vowels *-e-,
*-i- or *-ü- in the second syllable (*eme < *me, *ečige < *t῾è, *gere(-ɣe)
< *grè(bV), *kenǯe < *kènǯé, *kewü- < *k῾p῾è, *deglej < *ĺekleKV, *nebse- <
*np῾é, *nere < *nre, *selü- < *séle, *debi- < *tp῾é).
We see thus that PA *CeCe behaves exactly like the fronted variant
of *CaCe, see above.
3. Korean has reflexes similar to those of *CaCi, i.e. basically *a or *ə,
but also a number of *i and *ɨ-reflexes:
a) *me > *ám, *t῾è > *àtắ, *gle > *ká-;
b) *bè > *p-, *séle > *sr;
c) *kejbe > *kìbúr, *np῾é > *nìp-, *nre > *(n)ìrh-, *nìră-, *sése > *sìs-kú-, *sebe
> *sìp-;
d) *grè(pV) > *kr, *neč῾è > *nč-.

PTM *e - PJ *i

This correspondence reflects the type *CeCi, and other languages have
the following reflexes:
1. as in the case of *CeCe, Turkic has a more or less uniform reflex *e,
with the open and closed variants distributed in the following way:
a) *gdì > *ged, *gérki > *Kerke-, *kŋi > *geŋiŕ, *kḗči > *gēč, *ŋḗni > *ēn-,
*pk῾i > *bek, *télki > *Tel(k)-, *dḗlì > *jēl;
b) *k῾èlńí > *kẹli, *tḕrì > *dẹri, *ǯḕri > *jẹr-;
The rules of distribution appear similar to those in the type *CeCe,
i.e. closed *ẹ before *r, *l, open *e elsewhere (however, several cases of
open *e before *r,*l - *Kerke, *Tel, *jēl - are also attested).
Just as in the case of *CeCe there are some examples of -a- after *j-
(cf. *zep῾i > *jap-, *ǯebí > *jAb); cf. also *nébì > *jub-ga, probably a vowel
metathesis < *jab-gu.
We see that in general the type *CeCi behaves in Turkic very simi-
larly to *CeCe; but there are a few attested cases where Turkic has a
narrow *-i- here: *bèli > *bil- (but in a derivative: *bel-gü); *dḕgni >
*(j)igne, *p῾edí > *idi; *sni > *sin-čök; *sejŋi > *siŋil.
2. Mongolian has either *e or *i:
a) *bèli > *bele-, *dlp῾i > *delbe-, *dḗli > *del, *gdì > *gede, *kŋi > *keŋ-, *kḗči
> *keči-, *ńéŋńi > *ǯeɣü-n, *ŋḗni > *neɣü-, *ségì > *seg-l-, *sḗmi > *seme-,
*télki > *deleg, *néji > *nej, *éli > *el-, *dḕgni > *ǯeɣü-wün.
b) *gérki > *girgawl, *k῾èmì > *kim, *ĺḕgì > *ǯig-, *nébì > *niɣu-n, *neji >
*ni-sa-, *peč῾i > *hiče-, *p῾edí > *hide, *pk῾i > *hike, *p῾émi > *himer-, *p῾èrì
102 INTRODUCTION

> *hir-, *seri > *sireɣe, *tḕrì > *čiraj, *t῾ḗk῾í > *čig, *ǯḕri > *ǯirke-, *ǯebí >
*ǯib-.
The general distribution rules of *i and *e (*-i- before *a, *u and *ö;
*-e- before *e, *i and *ü) are somewhat violated here by a relatively
large number of CiCe (hiče-, hide, hike, himer-, sireɣe, ǯirke). The reason
for this development is yet to be established.
3. Korean has exactly the same reflexes as in the type *CeCe:
a) *ŋḗni > *nàń(ắ-), *sḗmi > *sām, *sejŋi > *sjā’òŋ, *sési > *sàsắm, *sḕmi >
*sàm-, *t῾kí > *tàhí-;
b) *ebí > *bí-, *mét῾i(-rkV) > *mrtkn, *nébì > *n-, *pk῾i > *phək, *p῾éŋi >
*pəŋ-, *ǯeč῾i > *čjči, *éli > *ər-;
c) *č῾éč῾í > *čìčr-, *kŋi > *kíń-, *neji > *ní, *sni > *sín, *seri > *sìr’i, *zep῾i >
*sìp-;
d) *bèli > *prí-, *peč῾i > *ps-krì-, *télki > *trkur.

PTM *e - PJ *u

Here it is natural to reconstruct *CeCu, with the following correspon-

dences in other languages.
1. as in *CeCa, Turkic can have both *a and *e:
a) *ènŋu > *ạnkaj, *keju > *Kạjɨn-, *keru > *KArɨĺ-, *kru > *Kạrɨ, *kḗrdu >
*Krt-, *lélugV > *jaglɨk, *meju > *bań-, *ńéč῾u > *jačan-, *ŋḕlu > *jAl-,
*ŋḗnu > *jānu-, *p῾eńu > *Ań, *sèk῾u > *sạk(ɨ)-, *sḕgù > *sạg, *šèru > *sar-,
*t῾elbu > *tAlagu, *sèp῾ù > *sạp
b) *bdù > *bEdü-k, *bek῾ú > *bEkre, *č῾eč῾u > *čeček, *eŕmu > *eŕen, *kḕju >
*Kej-, *kēpu > *gēb-, *k῾èpù > *Kẹbi-ĺč-, *mĕlu > *bẹleĺ, *nŋu > *jeŋe (but
also *jaŋa in Yak. saŋas), *psu > *bes, *šrčú > *serče, *téŋgu > *deŋgil,
*tḕtu > *Tetig, *t῾ḗlù > *tēl, *t῾ḕŕù > *tEŕek, *zejĺu > *jElme-, *ĕĺǯu >
*Eĺčgek.
We can notice the following here: *e is almost always open (except
in *Kẹbiĺč and *bẹleĺ), but *a is for the most part closed *ạ (*ạnkaj, *Kạjɨn-,
*Kạrɨ, *Krt-, *sạk-, *sạg, *sạp). All the cases with open *a contain a pala-
tal (*jaglɨk, *bań-, *jačan, *jānu-; *sar- < *šèru). Thus, the distribution be-
tween *a and *ạ in the type *CeCu is similar to the distribution of *a and
*o in the type *CaCo, see above.
2. Mongolian reflexes are rather complicated in this type of correspon-
dence. We can have
a) *a: *rù > *ar(a)-su; *keju > *kajira-; *kru > *kari-; *kḗrdu > *kaǯir; *lépù >
*lab-ku (but also *lob-ku); *meju > *maji-; *nŋu > *nagaču; *ŋḗnu >
*naŋ-si-; *sedurk῾V > *sadurkaj; *sek῾u > *saki-; *seru(k῾V) > *sarku; *sḕgù
> *saji(n); *šèru > *sara-; *tēru > *dar-ta-; *t῾ḕmu > *tamara-.
 CHAPTER TWO 103

After or before a labial there usually appears a labialized reflex *o or

*u (although some cases of *a are also attested, cf. *maji- and *tamara-
above, as well as a variant reflexation *labku and lobku):
b) *o/*u: *bēǯu- > *buǯa-; *k῾èpù > *kubil-; *mĕlu > *mojil-; *psu > *(h)osu-;
*p῾eńu > *(h)ojimu; *segu > *sowsar; *t῾elbu > *tolbu.
A labialized reflex also appears in *una-gan < *ènŋù and *nolga <
*lélugV, despite the absence of labials. Here we are probably dealing
with an early vowel metathesis or assimilation *una-gan < *anu-gan and
*nol(u)ga < *nal(u)ga.
Besides the back reflexes we also observe front *e and *i:
c) *e: *bdù > *bedi-ɣün, *bek῾ú > *bekir, *déru > *derbe-, *eŕmu > *ermen,
*keru > *kereldüg, *kḕńu > *kene-ge- (but also *kinu-); *kēpu > *kebi-;
*k῾ĺú > *kerelǯegene, *méŋu > *men-dü, *méru- > *merije- (but also
*marija-), *t῾édù > *teǯije-, *t῾ḗlù > *tele-, *zejĺu > *seleme, *ĕĺǯu > *elǯigen;
d) *i: *č῾ḗp῾u > *čijigan, *mék῾ù > *mikan, *nèku > *nigu, *tḕtu > *čida, *sèp῾ù >
*sibsirga;
The distribution of *e and *i here is standard (*e before -i-, -e-, -ü-, *i
before -a-, -u-).
We may notice that here, too, as in the case of *CeCa, Mongolian and
Turkic largely coincide in the distribution of back and front variants —
Mong. back : Turkic back in 13 cases; Mong. back : Turkic front in 8
cases (interestingly enough, most of them close to labials, i.e. with the
Mong. reflex o/u); Mong. front : Turkic front in 9 cases; Mong. front :
Turkic back only in 3 cases.
It is also interesting to notice the different behaviour of *CeCa and
*CeCu both in Turkic and Mongolian: a) *CeCa yields PT *a (almost
never closed *ạ) and PM *a without any labialized variants in the vicin-
ity of labials; b) *CeCu yields PT *ạ (with a variant *a only in the vicin-
ity of palatals) and PM *a, with a variant *o/*u close to labials.
This all seems to indicate that the development *CeCa > *CaCa, but
*CeCu > *CạCu was a common Turko-Mongolian feature, with the
vowel *ạ preserved in Turkic (and ultimately reflected as Yak., Chuv.
-ɨ- vs. -a- in other Turkic languages), and having developed into *o(*u)
in Proto- Mongolian before or after labials (while plain *a stayed un-
changed).
3. Korean can have here both standard reflexes *a/*ə and labialized
*o/*u:
a) *keru > *kar-; *késu > *kàs (but also *ks); *k῾èpù > *káps, *sèk῾u > *sàkí-,
*sḕgù > *sà’ó-náb-, *šèru > *sár;
b) *seru(k῾V) > *srk, *t῾elbu > *trb-, *t῾ḕŕù > *tr-;
c) *bek῾ú > *pok, *eŕmu > *òrmí, *keju > *kò’, *lélugV > *nòríkái, *ŋḕlu >
*nōr-ra-, *téŋgu > *thòŋ, *zejĺu > *sói;
104 INTRODUCTION

d) *č῾ḗp῾u > *čjūpók, *meju > *mūi-, *nŋu > *nù’i, *t῾ékù > *tùthb-.
Occasionally, we also encounter a reflex *ɨ close to labials: *bdù- >
*pr-, *lépù > *nɨp(h).

Just as in the case with PA *a (*CaCo) there is also a fifth type of corre-
spondence. In a number of cases when TM has *e and Jpn. either *ə or
*a (i.e. where we would reconstruct PA *CeCe or *CeCa), all other lan-
guages have quite different reflexes: Korean has *ă or *o/u (typical for
PA *o, see below, and for PA *CaCo, see above); and Turkic has pre-
dominantly closed *ạ or *ẹ. It seems probable that we are dealing here
with the PA root structure *CeCo. Let us mention at once that distribu-
tion between Jpn. *a and *ə is still unclear in this type of correspon-
dence, but it seems hardly possible to reconstruct any additional dis-
tinctions here: the opposition *a : *ə does not seem to correlate with
anything else outside Japanese. It is possible that we are dealing with
early vowel assimilations which result in part of the *CeCo words being
assimilated to *CeCe, and another part to *CaCo.

Let us sum up the evidence for *CeCo in other languages.

1. Turkic, as in most heterovocalic stems, can have both back and front
reflexes:
a) *p῾o > *Ap (but also *Ep), *ro > *ạrɨ, *ēč῾o > *č, *ḗpo > *Āb, *gébó >
*Kạb-, *kèĺčo > *Kạĺ(č)ɨ-, *kèĺǯo > *KAĺga, *k῾ĕdò > *KAd, *k῾eńo > *Kạń,
*k῾ńó > *Kạń-, *k῾ep῾orV > *KApur-, *k῾ŕo > *Kaŕgan-, *k῾ét῾ò > *Kạt,
*k῾ēro > *Kạrga-, *néro > *jArman-, *zelo > *jạlɨŋ, *sero > *sạr-, *šéčo >
*sạč-, *tmo > *dam, *t῾èmo > *Tạm-, *t῾eŕo > *dAŕ, *ǯĕĺo > *jạĺɨ-, *ǯebò >
*jAbaĺ.
b) *béjo > *bEje, *depo > *jẹbi-, *ep῾ò > *Epej, *eso > *ẹsür-, *ḗgó > *g-id-, *ḗĺpo
> *ēĺü-, *gĕbo > *geb-, *gḗmo > *gmi, *kèro > *gErü, *kéro > *gErüĺ-, *lēmo
> *jmiĺč, *melo > *bẹl, *mét῾ò > *bẹtü(g), *pḗk῾ò > *bken-, *p῾ĺo > *ẹĺ-,
*p῾ro > *er-, *tēlo > *dl(b)ü-, *t῾erk῾o > *TẹrKe-, *zego > *jEgit.
In the majority of cases when there is a Chuvash or Yakut reflex
available, they point here to closed *ạ and *ẹ. Exceptions are *dakɨ (Yak.
taɣanɨ), *Kaŕgan- (Yak. xahān-), *dam (Chuv. tom-la-, Yak. tamma- - but
notice also the PT variant *dɨm), *dart- (Chuv. tort-); *geb- (Chuv. kavža-,
but also kъₙbъₙš < *gẹb-ĺ-); *er- (Yak. erke, but Chuv. jərgəń, probably <
*ẹrk-); *ḗĺü- (Chuv. alъk). Reflexes of open *a or *e in these few cases are
probably due to later vocalic assimilations or dialectal mixture.
2. Mongolian, too, has both back and front reflexes:
a) *a: *béjo > *bajita-sun, *bló > *balai, *ep῾ò > *aɣag, *p῾o > *(h)aba-, *ro >
*ariɣ-, *ḗgó > *aɣu-, *ḗpo > *aba, *gébó > *gawr-su, *kèro > *kari-, *kèĺčo >
*kalča-, *kèĺǯo > *kalǯa-, *k῾eńo > *kajaɣa, *k῾éńo > *kaji-, *k῾p῾ó > *kajila-,
 CHAPTER TWO 105

*k῾ep῾orV > *kabir-, *k῾ét῾ò > *kata-, *k῾ēro > *kara/ija-, *lēmo > *lamaɣa,
*néro > *narba-, *pḗk῾ò > *baka-, *sero > *sariwu, *šéčo > *saču-, *t῾erk῾o >
*tariki, *t῾eŕo > *tar-, *t῾rbò > *tarbagaj, *t῾ḕjbo > *tabi-, *t῾ébo > *tab, *zego
> *saɣaka-, *ǯĕĺo > *ǯalka-, *sèp῾ó > *saba; in *ḗĺpo > *(h)olbug Mongolian
has a secondary labialization ( < *(h)albug).
b) *e / i: *depo > *debte-, *emo > *emü-, *eso > *es-, *kéro > *kere-, *két῾ò >
*ketü, *k῾ŕo > *kerig, *mét῾ò > *med, *p῾ḕjló > *helige, *pego > *heɣü, *sèĺbò
> *selbi-ɣür; *zelo > *sildaŋ,*šero > *sira-.
The distribution of *e and *i here is standard (-e- before e, ü, i; -i- be-
fore a).
But additionally Mongolian has quite a number of labialized re-
flexes *ö/ü, probably developed secondarily from *e/i through regres-
sive labialization and thus also pointing to the labialized nature of the
second vowel: *ḗbǯo > *üǯe-, *gĕbo > *güji-, *gèmo > *gömür-, *k῾ĕdò >
*küdeŋ, *k῾ńó > *köŋgen, *mèto > *möči-, *mḕnò > *mön, *pḕǯo > *böǯi-, *p῾ĺo
> *hülde-, *zelo > *sülde, *ǯebò > *ǯöɣelen.
In this case, as with *CaCe (and unlike *CeCa, *CeCu) it is difficult to
find a direct correlation between front/back reflexes in Mongolian and
Turkic. The developments *CeCo > *CạC-/*CẹC- in Turkic and >
*CaC-/*CeC-/*CöC- in Mongolian thus must have been independent
processes, already after the disintegration of Proto-Turko-Mongolian. It
can also be seen that the vowel *ạ in PT here differs from the vowel *ạ
in the type *CeCu (see above): while the latter reflects a common
Turko-Mongolian development *CeCu > *CạCu (with *ạ yielding spe-
cific a/o reflexes in Mongolian), the former is a purely Turkic develop-
ment (no o/u-reflexes are attested in Mongolian in the type *CeCo).
3. Korean, as said above, demonstrates here reflexes typical for PA *o,
namely *ă or *o/*u:
a) *bló > *pằrk-, *gèmo > *kăm-, *kèĺčo > *kắr-, *két῾ò > *kằtằk-, *k῾eńo > *kń,
*k῾ńó > *kắnắr-, *k῾éńo > *kằńắi, *lēmo > *nằmằrh, *mko > *mắi-, *mét῾ò >
*mằt, *néro > *nằr-, *p῾ḕjló > *pắi, *p῾ĺo > *prb-, *p῾ro > *pắrá-, *šéčo >
*čằčhắi-, *tmo > *tằm-, *t῾eŕo > *tắrk, *t῾ḕjbo > *tằbi-, *zelo > *sằr-, *šero >
*sằrm-.
Here we should also attribute the cases *ēč῾o > *č- / *ač- and *ep῾ò >
**ap, reduplicated *páp: because in Kor. *ă could not stand in
word-initial position, it was probably early replaced by *a- / *ə-.
b) *p῾o > *opɨ(s), *gébó > *kò’i, *gḗmo > *kòmắr, *kèĺǯo > *kór(čhí), *lép῾ó >
*nòph-, *mḕnò > *móm, *nko > *nóh-, *t῾èŋo > *toŋ’ăi, *t῾ébo > *tōb-, *sèp῾ó
> *sōp
c) *kéro > *kūr-, *k῾ep῾orV > *kùprŋ, *k῾ét῾ò > *kùt-, *mèto > *mūd-, *sèĺbò >
*súr, *zego > *sú(h).
106 INTRODUCTION

2.4.3. PA *i

PTM *i - PJ *a

This type reflects the PA structure *CiCa. Other languages display the
following reflexes:
1. Turkic can have either back *ɨ or front *i:
a) *č῾p῾a > *čp, *iĺa > *ɨĺɨ-, *na > *ɨŋɨr, *īĺa > *ĺ(č), *kba > *Kɨbak, *kìjá >
*Kɨj(g)ak, *kŕa > *Kɨŕ-, *k῾íla > *Kɨl(k), *k῾rka > *Kɨrk-, *lgà > *jg-, *nra
> *jɨr, *p῾ìrá > *ɨra-, *sgà > *sɨgra, *siŋra > *sɨŋɨr, *sípa > *sɨba-, *símta >
*sɨmta-
b) *ìla > *iler-, *na > *ini, *k῾ìĺa > *Kiĺe-, *nìt῾á > *jit-, *nìt῾à > *jiti, *píńŕa >
*bińŕ, *sìlá > *sil, *sīĺa > *sīĺ (but also *sĺ), *sla > *sīl- (but also *sla-),
*t῾má > *Tiŋ(mi), *t῾ìnt῾a > *tint-
2. Mongolian normally has *i, but a variation i/e before the following
-e-, cf. *dísa > *ǯise-, *ìla > *ile, *t῾á > *itege-, *t῾má > *čimeɣe, but *k῾ìĺa >
*kelbe-, *kelke-, *nìt῾á > *nete-).
3. Korean has a usual variation of *a and *ə:
a) *č῾k῾à > *čjakai, *na > *àńằ, *k῾íla > *kār(h), *k῾ìĺa > *kár, *nìt῾à > *nát,
*píńŕa > *pànắr, *pmà > *pām, *sīĺa > *sár, *t῾má > *tamɨr-
b) *na > *ńrɨm, *nìt῾á > *njth-, *sìča > *čs, *sila > *srí, *sla > *sr-, *ǯima
> *čjmr-
Note that in some cases, despite the breaking of *i ( > a/ə), a trace of
it is left as -j- (čjakai, njəth-, čjəmɨr- etc.).

PTM *i - Jpn. *i

Here it would be natural to reconstruct PA *CiCi, but Turkic parallels

show that we are in fact dealing with two types of structures:
a) PTM *i - Jpn. *i - Turk. *i < PA *CiCi
b) PTM *i - Jpn. *i - Turk. *e < PA *CiCe.
Although PA *-e turns most initial vowels into PJ *ə, it evidently
behaved differently with PA *-i-, which was not assimilated (a special
development is also attested for PA *-u- before *-e, see below).
We shall start with the type *CiCe.
1. Turkic. As we said above, the normal reflex here is *e, cf. *č῾ibe >
*čebir-, *ìbè > *eb, *ìbè > *ebin, *ìmé > *em-, *k῾è > *ēke-, *nīme > *jem-kek,
*p῾ĭjk῾e > *ejekü, *sík῾e > *sekü, *t῾ĭbŋe > *debe, *t῾ŕge > *tēŕ-, *zìŋke >
*jeŋgül.
Closed *e normally appears before *r, *l (cf. a similar distribution in
types *CeCe, *CeCi) although in a few cases open *e occurs in this posi-
tion as well, cf. *č῾ĭre > *čẹr, *dile > *jẹlin, *ile > *ẹl-t-, but *k῾ile > *kel-, *tire
 CHAPTER TWO 107

> *deriŋ. Closed *ẹ is also observed (for unknown reasons) in *diŋe >
*jẹŋ-, *p῾k῾è > *ke-.
2. Mongolian, like Turkic, has for the most part *e here, but can also
retain *i:
a) *bre > *ber-, *č῾ĭre > *čer, *dile > *deleŋ, *dible > *dewel, *diŋe > *dejil-,
*gibe > *gewü-n, *gire > *gere, *ìbè > *eɣüde, *ipe > *ebül, *k῾è > *(h)egde-,
*nìk῾é > *negsi, *ple > *heliɣe, *píńŋe > *beɣer, *sík῾e > *seg, *t῾ĭbŋe >
*teme-ɣen, *t῾ŕge > *terge-.
b) *č῾me > *čimöge, *če > *iču-, *ile > *ileɣe-, *ìmé > *(h)ima-gta, *re > *ire-,
*k῾ile > *kilim, *k῾régV > *kiröɣe, *spe > *siber, *zìŋke > *siŋgen-.
The distribution here is more or less usual for *e/i: *-i- before *a, *u
and *ö; *-e- before *e, *i and *ü. Just as in the type *CeCi, however, there
is a number of exceptional *-i- reflexes before the following -e-, -i-
(ileɣe-, ire-, siber-, siŋgen, kilim).
3. Korean, as in most rows of correspondences, can have a front reflex
(*i) or a back reflex (*ɨ):
a) *č῾ĭre > *čiri-, *ìbè > *íp, *ìmé > *ima-, *k῾è > *ìki-, *re > *irɨ-, *nìk῾é >
*nìk-, *nīme > *nìmá, *síle > *sìr
b) *píńŋe > *pńrm, *tire > *tr-.

PTM *i - PJ *i - PT *i
(reflecting PA *CiCi)

In this type, Mongolian normally also has *i, but a variation *i/*e before
the following -e- (i. e. behaves exactly like with the type *CiCa, see
above), cf. *ìtí > *(h)ideɣür, *īĺbi > *(h)ilbeɣe-sün, *šmi > *sime, *šk῾i >
*siɣe-, *tk῾i > *čike, but *bĭli > *beɣelej, *p῾ĭč῾i > *(h)ečüg-le (?*(h)ečeg-le-),
*p῾ísi(KV) > *heske-.
Korean has predominantly *i (*bilč῾i > *pìč-, *ĺi > *īr, *pĺǯi > *pìrí-,
*sidí > *sīd-, *síŋri > *sì’úr, *sít῾ì > *sìtrp-, *t῾ri > *tìr-, *ǯbì > *čìp), but
also -ɨ- in *šmi > *smi- - i.e. the same reflexes as in the type *CiCe.

PTM *i - PJ *u

This correspondence presupposes PA *CiCu. In the words of this type

other languages have the following reflexes:
1. Turkic may have back *ɨ or front *i:
a) *č῾iju > *čɨjɨk, *č῾mu > *čɨm-, *č῾mu > *čɨm-, *íru > *ɨr, *ìsú > *ɨsɨr-, *ŕu >
*ŕ (but also *īŕ), *rú > *ɨrɨm, *k῾jĺu > *Kɨjĺ-, *nk῾ú > *jɨk-, *p῾mù > *ɨm,
*p῾ĭru > *ɨr-, *sgú > *sɨg-, *sk῾ù > *sɨk-, *sìk῾u > *sɨk, *sìŋù > *sɨŋok (but
also *siŋök), *siju > *sɨ-rga, *šimuč῾V > *čɨmɨč-, *t῾[k῾]ù > *tɨkɨ-
108 INTRODUCTION

b) *č῾ĺč῾u > *sīĺč, *ič῾u > *ič, *ìt῾ù > *it-, *ru > *īr-, *kìkú > *Kik-, *k῾ibù >
*Kibente, *ĺip῾ú > *(j)ip-, *slgù > *silk-
2. Mongolian normally has *i, but occasionally *e in front of the follow-
ing -e- (as in the type *CiCa), cf. *kít῾u > *kičiɣe-, *slgù > *silgeɣe-, *sísu
> *sisegej, but *č῾ĺč῾u > *čelčeji- (but also *čili- and, quite exceptionally,
*čulčaji-), *ìt῾ù > *ete-, *kìkú > *kegǯe-, *k῾jĺu > *kelbe- (but also *kilu-).
3. Korean, as usual, can have both front (*i) and back (*ɨ) variants:
a) *č῾iju > *čī-n, *ŕu > *ìráŋ, *kít῾u > *kìtr’ó-, *k῾írù > *kìrmá, *nk῾ú > *nìkì-,
*p῾ĭru > *pīr-, *slgù- > *sir-, *t῾[k῾]ù > *tìk-, *č῾íp῾ú > *čìp-.
b) *č῾mu > *čúmkúi (probably assimilation < čmkúi), *íru > *rp-, *ìsú >
*ɨsɨr-, *ru > *ɨrɨ-, *sìŋù > *sin, *sísu > *ss-.

In a number of cases we observe the correspondence PTM *i : PJ *ə.

Turkic almost exclusively has a reflex *ɨ here, thus pointing to an origi-
nal back second vowel, while Korean has variation between *ɨ and
*o/*u, and Mongolian has a uniform *i. It is natural to reconstruct here
PA *CiCo, cf.:

PA PTM PT PM Kor Jap

*č῾ik῾ò *čike- *čɨgɨt *čiɣire *čùkr *təkusa
(but also
*čigit)
*dlo *dilačā *jɨl *ǯil *torč *tsì
*kíso *kisa- *kɨs- *kisa- *ks- *ks(n)ká-
*ńiro *ńiru- *ǯirga *mərəkə
*p῾ìlo *pile- *hil- *p-
*sjŋo *siŋu- *sɨń- *süj (< *snàpà-
*sijü)
Cf. also *nbŕo > PM *niɣur, PT *jǖŕ (instead of *jbŕ with contraction),
PJ *nər-.
More frequently, however, Japanese appears to have a reflex *i in
the same row of correspondences, cf.:
PA PTM PT PM Kor Jap
*číńo *ǯiŋ *dɨŋ *čineɣe *čń- *tínám-
*č῾k῾o *čiKi *čɨkanak *čigta *čítóri *tikiri
(<*čtóri)
*gijo *gia- *Kɨj *ki
*gĺò *gil- *Kɨĺ *kìsàra-(n)ki
*íŋo *iŋi- *ɨŋɨra- *iŋča- *íná-nak-
*kímo *kim- *Kɨm- *kima- *kímá-
 CHAPTER TWO 109

PA PTM PT PM Kor Jap

*kìro *k[i]ren- *Kɨr- *kira- *kìr-
*ŋndó *ŋinda- *ɨt (also *it) *ìnú
*p῾íjo *pia- *ijik *pu- *pí
(probably a
sec-ondary
fronting <
*ɨjɨk)
*sìjp῾ó *sip- *sɨjpa- *sibka- *spù- *sìmpr-
(with re-
duction)
*sìmò *sim- *sɨm *similǯan *sìmài
*sĭgò *sig- *sgun *seɣe- ~ *sika
*siɣe-
*čikŕo *ǯik- *Tɨgra- *čiɣirag *čirk- ( *tíkàrà
~-ɨ-)
*ǯip῾o *jɨpar *ǯiɣar *(d)impu-
*sìpò *sibu- *sibür *súp(h) *sìpì
It appears, therefore, that in Japanese, *i was more “resistant” to the
influence of second vowels than other vowels of the first syllable: it
tends to stay unchanged before the following *o and does not change to
*ə before the following *e (see above). It did, however, assimilate to the
following *a and *u (see above), yielding *a and *u respectively.

2.4.4. PA *o

Preliminary note.
The vowels *o and *u are generally hard to distinguish in Altaic be-
cause there is constant variation — probably dialectal in origin — be-
tween o and u in Tungus-Manchu, Mongolian and Korean. There are,
however, some general guidelines which still allow us to make this dis-
tinction in PA:
a) Korean *ă seems to correspond exclusively to PT *o or *ö, not to PT
*u or *ü.
b) Korean *ɨ, on the other hand, is predominantly found corresponding
to Turkic *u or *ü, not to *o or *ö (although there are some excep-
tions, see below).
Thus it seems reasonable to base the distinction between *o and *u
on Turkic and Korean indications, ignoring the constant o/u variation
in TM and Mongolian.
110 INTRODUCTION

PTM *o/*u - PJ *a

This correlation points to the PA type *CoCa in most cases when Turkic
has *o and Korean has *ă. TM and Mongolian here have a variation of
*o and *u, cf.:
1. TM:
a) *k῾à > *ok-, *bkà > *boka-, *bóra > *borī-, *č῾ṑk῾a > *čōk(i)-,*kòŋa > *koŋna-,
*kōŋa > *kōŋā-, *k῾òbàni > *xobanī, *ŋṑla > *ŋōli-, *ŋṑŕa > *ŋōr-ča-, *òǯa >
*(x)oǯu, *pga > *poga-, *tok῾à > *dokta-, *p῾ṑńŋa > *pōnŋa-.
b) *kòna(-kV) > *kuŋge, *kṓk῾à > *kuKe-, *k῾ĺba > *xulbü-, *op῾á(rV) >
*(x)upara-, *ōt῾a > *(x)utinŋe, *sṓra > *sure, *t῾otá > *tut[a]-, *č῾ṓga >
*čuguk.
2. Mongolian:
a) *k῾à > *oki, *bòdà > *boda, *bkà > *bogoni, *č῾ōk῾a > *čoki-,*kòŋa > *koŋ-,
*kṓk῾à > *koki-, *kōŋa > *koŋku, *k῾òbàni > *koŋ-, *k῾ĺba > *kolbu-, *ŋṑla >
*nolig, *op῾á(rV) > *(h)obur, *òǯa > *oǯu-, *ōt῾a > *(h)očki-n, *pga >
*boɣo-, *sṓra > *sori-
b) *górà > *guri-, *kòna(-kV) > *kunar, *oĺa > *(h)ulalǯi, *ṓp῾à > *uw(u)-,
*tok῾à > *duku.

PTM *o/*u - PJ *ə

This correlation points to the PA type *CoCe when there is an indication

of a front second vowel: front *ö or *ü in Mongolian, front *ö in Turkic
or *ɨ in Korean (by the way, this is the only case when Kor. *ɨ can reflect
PA *o; in all other cases *ɨ is indicative of PA *u, see above). On PTM
*o/u : PJ *ə reflecting PA *CoCo see below.
Let us look at the reflexes in more detail:
1. TM, as always, has variation between *o and *u here (although *u is
more frequent):
a) *bke > *bokan-, *bt῾é > *botā-, *dṓne(k῾V) > *doŋka, *kŏŋe > *koŋ-, *kŏše >
*koša, *kòt῾e > *kota-, *ŋke > *oŋka, *t῾è > *(x)ot-, *ṓk῾è > *oK-, *pk῾è >
*poK-, *p῾ṓre > *pora-n, *t῾òŋke > *toŋal-, *bojĺe > *bol-, *t῾ome > *tom-ka-n.
b) *bdé > *buduri-, *čŏĺe > *ǯule, *č῾óme > *čuŋnu, *gre > *gur-, *gṑje > *gū,
*ṓč῾é > *(x)uč-, *kóčè > *kuči-, *kk῾è > *xuku-n, *klé > *kul-, *kŏp῾é >
*kupe-, *kóre > *kuri-, *kòrke > *kurke, *k῾òlke > *xulki-, *móĺe > *mul-,
*mòle > *mul-, *nóle > *nul-, *òje > *ujV-, *je > *uju-, *òk῾è > *(x)uk-t-,
*se > *us(a), *ò[k῾]è > *uKu-, *ṓt῾è > *(x)ut-, *p῾olńe > *pulńe-, *p῾ome >
*pum-te, *p῾re > *puri-, *p῾t῾è > *put-, *p῾ṓle > *pul-, *p῾ṓt῾è > *putē, *soge
> *sug-, *soke > *suku-, *t῾kè > *tuKa-la, *t῾oŋerV > *tuŋde, *t῾ŕe >
*turgun, *t῾ṓŕe > *turV, *ǯṓk῾e > *ǯuke, *ǯṓǯe > *ǯuǯa-, *boĺe > *bulu-, *dōre
> *dūr-, *póńe > *puń-
 CHAPTER TWO 111

2. Turkic also has both a back reflex *o and a front reflex *ö:
a) *dṓne-k῾V > *jōnak, *gòdè > *Kodur-, *òŋè > *oŋ (but also *öŋ), *kólè >
*Kolu, *kŏŋe > *Koŋur-, *óče > *očɨg, *se > *osa-, *p῾olńe > *oń, *soge >
*soglɨ-, *šop῾é > *čopur, *t῾oŋerV > *To(ŋ)gurak, *t῾ṓŕe > *tōŕ, *ǯṓk῾e > *jōk,
*ǯṓǯe > *jōj, *dōre > *jorɨ-, *bojĺe > *boĺ, *t῾ome > *Tomar.
After labials, sometimes a narrowed reflex *u is attested: *bke >
*buk-.
b) *oŋne > *öŋ, *bògé > *bögü, *boĺe > *böĺük, *čŏĺe > *döĺ, *gre > *gör-, *gṑje
> *göjü-, *ṓč῾é > *ȫč, *kóčè > *göč-, *kk῾è > *göküŕ, *k῾òké > *kök, *klé >
*Köl-, *kŏp῾é > *göpe(ne), *kóre > *Kört, *kòrke > *Körke, *kŏše > *Kösri,
*kòt῾e > *göt, *ge > *ög-, *je > *öj, *òk῾è > *ökün-, *t῾è > *öt-, *ò[k῾]è >
*ög, *ṓk῾è > *ȫk-, *ṓre > *ȫr-, *ṓt῾è > *ȫtü-, *p῾gè > *ög-, *p῾ome >
*ömül-dürük, *p῾re > *ört, *p῾ṓle > *ȫl, *p῾ṓre > *ȫr-, *soke > *sök-, *t῾ke >
*Tök, *t῾ŕe > *töŕ, *tole > *döle-, *ōk῾e > *ȫkü.
After labials, sometimes a narrowed reflex *ü is found as well: *bdé
> *büdi-, *mòle > *bül-, *pk῾è > *bügde, *p῾t῾è > *üt-, *p῾ṓt῾è > *ǖt.
3. Mongolian can have any labialized vowel, although *u occurs rela-
tively rarely.
a) *bògé > *bogda, *gre > *gori, *k῾òké > *kog-si-, *kòrke > *korgu, *kŏše >
*kosiɣu, *kòt῾e > *kota-gar, *òje > *oji-mu- (but also *üji-), *ò[k῾]è > *oki-n
(but also *öki-n), *pk῾è > *hoktal-, *p῾ṓre > *horaj, *šop῾é > *čob, *t῾oŋerV >
*towrai, *t῾ṓŕe > *tortag
b) *gṑje > *gujir-, *klé > *kul-či-, *òk῾è > *(h)uki-la-, *p῾t῾è > *hutuɣa, *ǯṓk῾e
> *ǯug (but also *ǯüg), *póńe > *huni-
c) *oŋne > *önü-, *čŏĺe > *döli, *č῾óme > *čöm, *dṓne-k῾V > *döŋ(ge), *òŋè >
*öŋge, *ōč῾é > *öče-, *kóčè > *köske, *kk῾è > *kökön, *kŏp῾é > *köb- (but also
*küb-), *kóre > *kör, *k῾òlke > *kölge, *móĺe > *mölǯi-, *nóle > *nöl-, *oče >
*öčüge, *ŋke > *öŋ, *se > *ös, *t῾è > *öči-, *ṓk῾è > *ög-, *ṓre > *ör-, *ṓt῾è >
*öte-, *p῾gè > *(h)öɣeg-si-, *p῾re > *(h)örde-, *soke > *sögüd- (but also
*sog-suji-), *t῾kè > *tögüčeg, *t῾ŕe > *töre, *kóbe > *köbsi-
d) *bdé > *büdüri-, *bke > *büg- (but also *bög-), *boĺe > *büli (but also
*böle), *bt῾é > *büči, *gòdè > *güǯi-, *kólè > *küli-, *ge > *ügej, *je > *üje,
*p῾olńe > *hüne-sü, *p῾ome > *(h)ün-Külčig, *p῾ṓt῾è > *hütü-, *soge- >
*süji-, *ǯṓǯe > *ǯüǯig, *dōre > *dürbe-, *tole > *döli-gen.
It seems that no direct correlation can be established between back
and front row reflexes in Turkic and Mongolian. In both subgroups the
front reflexes (*ö in Turkic, *ö/*ü in Mongolian) are the most abundant,
which explains a relatively high proportion of Turk. *ö : Mong. *ö/*ü
(23 cases against just 2 cases of Turk. *o : Mong. *o); but there are also
10 cases of Turk. *o : Mong. *ö/*ü and 11 cases of Turk. *ö : Mong. *o/u -
which shows clearly that the distribution is random and the process of
112 INTRODUCTION

fronting *CoCe > *CöC- must have operated independently in Turkic

and Mongolian.
4. Korean, as said above, in the majority of cases has the reflex *ɨ here
(otherwise typical for PA *u, see below); but it can also have labial-
ized *o and *u reflexes:
a) *bt῾é > *pth-, *čŏĺe > *čɨrə, *dṓne-k῾V > *tŋ, *gre > *krì-, *gṑje > *ki-,
*k῾òké > *kɨh-, *kŏŋe > *kń-, *kŏše > *kìsrk (a metathesis < *ksírk), *móĺe
> *mr-, *mòle > *mɨră-, *p῾ome > *phɨm ( ~ *phum), *p῾re > *pr, *p῾t῾è >
*pth-, *p῾ṓle > *prh-, *t῾ṓŕe > *tr, *ǯṓǯe > *ččh-, *bojĺe > *pi-, *póńe >
*pńk.
b) *kk῾è > *kokăi-, *kŏp῾é > *kòp- (but also *kùp-), *ge > *ói-rằb-, *ṓre > *ōr,
*p῾ṓt῾è > *pot, *t῾òŋke > *tonkor-, *t῾ome > *tòmá.
c) *kòrke > *kúkì, *kòt῾e > *kút, *nóle > *nuri-, *ṓk῾è > *ukɨr, *soge > *sūi-.

PTM *o/u - PJ *u

This correlation may point to *CoCu (see below), but there is also a
rather large number of cases when Turkic and/or Mongolian have a
fronted reflex *ö here, pointing to a front second vowel. In such cases it
is natural to reconstruct PA *CoCi, assuming that the vowel *o in Japa-
nese did not get assimilated to the following *i, but stayed labialized
(just like the vowel *u, see below).
The individual subgroups behave here as follows:
1. TM, as usual, has variation between *o and *u:
a) *bŏĺi > *bolgikta, *č῾ŏk῾i > *čoK[i]-, *gòlí > *goli, *goli > *gola, *k῾ŏjli >
*xolda-n (but also *xul-ŋsi), *mṓli > *mol-, *oki- > *ok-, *t῾ògì > *togar
b) *gók῾ì > *gugda, *kóšì > *kuši-pun, *kómp῾i > *kumpe(ke), *kŏt῾i > *kutu-,
*k῾mi > *xumu-, *k῾óp῾ì > *xup-, *k῾ōkí > *kūkta, *k῾ṓli > *xule-, *mók῾ì >
*muxu-, *òŋi(čV) > *uŋ-se, *p῾ìkV > *upVkte, *ti > *(x)utur-, *ṓŕì > *uri,
*p῾gí(-rV) > *pugi-, *pótirkV > *putukā, *sogì > *sugulē-n, *k῾ori > *xurē,
*ŋònŋi > *ŋunŋe, *sṓjk῾ì > *sujKu-, *k῾ōńi > *xuńa-.
2. Turkic occasionally has *o (*k῾ŏjli > *Kol, *oki > *ok-, *k῾ori > *Korum);
but *ö in the vast majority of cases: *bŏĺi > *böĺ, *bṓrk῾i > *bȫrk, *č῾ŏk῾i >
*čök-, *goli > *Köl-, *kóšì > *köse-, *kómp῾i > *gömül-dürük, *kŏt῾i > *göt-,
*k῾mi > *göm-, *k῾óp῾ì > *köp, *k῾ōkí > *kök, *k῾ṓli > *kȫl, *mók῾ì > *böktel (
~-ü-), *mṓli > *bȫl-, *òŋi(čV) > *öŋüč, *p῾ìkV > *öpke, *ti > *öt-, *ṓni >
*ȫn-, *ṓŕì > *ȫŕ, *ṓŕi > *ȫŕ (/*ǖŕ), *pgí(-rV) > *bögür, *sogì > *sögül-,
*ŋònŋi > *öŋ-ed-, *sṓjk῾i > *sȫk-, *k῾ōńi > *kȫjnek.
3. Mongolian, likewise, has both back and front reflexes, and the back
ones are also rather rare (only *ti > *oči-, *bŏĺi > *bujil- (but also
*büjil-), *sogì > *suɣumaji, *k῾ōńi > *kunija). In the vast majority of
cases Mongolian has *ö, somewhat less frequently - *ü:
 CHAPTER TWO 113

a) *č῾ŏk῾i > *čökü-, *gók῾ì > *gögde-, *gòlí > *gölmi, *goli > *göle-, *kóšì > *kösi-,
*kómp῾i > *kömürge, *kŏt῾i > *kötü-, *k῾ŏjli > *köl, *k῾óp῾ì > *köb-čin, *k῾ōkí >
*kögene, *mók῾ì > *mökü-, *mṓli > *möli-, *òŋi(čV) > *öŋgül-, *p῾ìkV >
*(h)öɣe, *ṓni > *öndü, *ṓŕì > *örü, *ṓŕi > *örgü- (*ergü-), *pgí(-rV) >
*böɣere, *t῾ògì > *töɣe, *sṓjk῾ì > *sögeɣe-
b) *bṓrk῾i > *bürkü-, *k῾ṓli > *küjil-, *oki > *üge, *pótirkV > *büdürkei, *p῾ōki >
*(hü)gün; *k῾ori > *kür, *ŋònŋi > *üne-
It is interesting to observe that *CoCi generally behaves in
Turko-Mongolian somewhat differently than *CoCe: back reflexes in the
former type are much less frequent. It is reasonable to suppose that the
fronting *CoCi > *CöCi already occurred in common Turko-Mongolian,
while the process *CoCe > *CöC- operated (as we mentioned above) al-
ready after the split of the protolanguage and did not occur in some
dialects.
4. Korean here has the standard labialized reflexes *o or *u; there are no
cases of *ɨ, and two cases of *ă (*k῾ṓli > *kằrắm and *mṓli > *mằrằ-) can
be easily explained by secondary vowel assimilation.
a) *gók῾ì > *kòkái, *k῾óp῾ì > *kòp-, *oki > *o’ăi-, *ṓŕi > *òrắ-, *k῾ori > *kòráŋ.
b) *č῾ŏk῾i > *čùk-, *k῾ŏjli > *kūi-, *mók῾ì > *muk-, *ṓni > *un-tu, *pgí(-rV) >
*pùr (with a secondary dissimilative or contractive variant *pr),
*k῾ōńi > *kùńí.

As we said above, the correspondence PTM *o/u : PJ *u can also reflect

PA *CoCu. In this case both Turkic and Mongolian uniformly have back
vowels (Turkic *o, Mong. *o/u), while Korean reveals the reflex *ă
(typical also for *CoCa and *CoCo), as well as the standard back vowels
*o/u.

1. In TM we observe, as usual, both *o and *u:

a) *dòru > *dora(n), *goblu > *gola, *kobu > *kobi, *koru > *koru, *olu > *ola-,
*óŋdu > *oŋda, *óru > *or-, *ṑlu > *ō-, *p῾mu > *pom-, *sòmú > *soma,
*sònŋu > *soŋka, *t῾ók῾u > *tokta-, *t῾ŏk῾ù > *toxan, *t῾ṑlu > *tol-, *t῾mù >
*tomka-, *t῾op῾u > *top(V)g-, *mu > *omga
b) *bŏgdu > *bugdi, *bku > *bukse, *dòru > *duru-, *kru > *kuri, *moju >
*muja-, *mólu > *mulu, *ŋṓjču > *ŋujši- ( = *ŋüši-), *rù > *(x)urī-, *pru
> *pur-, *póju > *puj(u)-, *p῾ó[k]u > *puk- (but also *pok-), *sogú >
*suge-le-, *snu > *suna, *tṓŕu > *duri, *t῾bru > *turku-, *t῾òp῾ú > *tup-,
*t῾oru > *turi-kta, *t῾olu > *tule-, *k῾oru > *xurumü-, *t῾gsu > *tuksa-
2. Mongolian also has back *o or *u:
a) *dòru > *doru, *goblu > *gowl, *kbú > *koɣu-su, *koru > *korbu, *k῾oru >
*koru-, *nòču > *noču-, *mu > *(h)omu, *omuŕV > *omur-, *óru > *ori-
(but also *uri-), *rù > *oro-, *ṑlu > *ol-, *pru > *boruɣa, *p῾mu >
114 INTRODUCTION

*homba-, *sogú > *soɣoŋgu-, *tolu > *dolgi-, *t῾bru > *towr, *t῾gsu >
*togsi-, *t῾ók῾ù > *togsi-, *t῾ṑlu > *tolugai, *t῾mù > *tomu-, *t῾op῾u > *tojig
(but also *tuwkai), *t῾òp῾ú > *tob-.
b) *bŏgdu > *budu-, *dòru > *dura-, *gódú > *gudu-, *olu > *(h)ul-, *sòmú >
*sumu, *sònŋu > *sun-du-, *tṓŕu > *duru-sun.
3. Korean has *ă, *o or (less frequently) *u:
a) *kru > *kắrái, *moju > *mắin, *mólu > *mằrằ, *ŋṓjču > *nằč-, *p῾ó[k]ù>
*păk- ( ~-a-), *sòmú > *sắmái, *t῾bru > *tằràčhí, *t῾ṑlu > *tằikòr, *t῾oru >
*tắrái, *t῾olu > *tằr(b)-.
b) *goblu > *kōr, *kbú > *kō-r-, *koru > *kòrài, *k῾oru > *kòrh-, *k῾ṑmu >
*kōmá, *mu > *òmìnòi, *óŋdu > *òńắrí, *ṑlu > *ó-, *pru > *pora, *tolu >
*tór.
c) *póju > *pùthj, *tṓŕu > *turəi.

PTM *o/u - PJ *ə

This type evidently reflects PA *CoCo.

TM here has the usual split into *o and *u:
a) *kòmpo > *komba-, *mṓjno > *moŋa-n, *mónŋo > *monŋi-, *mṑro > * *mōr-,
*p῾okt῾o(rV) > *pokta, *šmo > *šom-, *lok῾o > *loxa, *ót῾ó(rV) > *utu-.
b) *kk῾ò > *kuk-pun, *sk῾o > *suK-, *sṓlo > *sula-, *t῾ro(-k῾V) > *turākī.
A similar split is, as usual, observed in Mongolian:
a) *bójĺo > *bolgu-ɣa-, *borso-k῾V > *borki, *kk῾ò > *kokir, *kòmpo > *kombo-,
*p῾okt῾o(-rV) > *hogtorgui, *sk῾o > *sogug, *šmo > *čomu-
b) *mṓjno > *mundaɣa, *mónŋo > *mun-, *sṓlo > *sula-, *t῾ro(-k῾V) >
*turagu.
Other languages have quite uniform reflexes: *o in Turkic, *ă in Ko-
rean.

2.4.5. PA *u

PTM *o/u - PJ *a

The correspondence is quite similar to PTM *o/u : PJ *a < PA *CoCa, see

above. However, we reconstruct *CuCa in cases when Turkic has the
reflex *u, not *o:
PA PTM PT PM PJ PK
*bgà *bugar *būg *baɣa-gi- *bák-
*bkà *boKi- *bukagu *bugu- *bàkù
*bĺa *bolga- *būĺ- *bala- *básúrá-
 CHAPTER TWO 115

PA PTM PT PM PJ PK
*čra *ǯur- *dur- *tàt- *čàrí
*kúra(mV) *kor- *Kur- *kor- *kátáma
*kumba(ka) *kōmba *Kumgan *kombuga *kámá
*kúńà *Kuńak *kujag *kámì
*kùt῾á *kuturi *Kut *kutug *kàntuá
*k῾úĺa *xolda- *Kuĺ *kolta- *kásá
*mùńa *mun-di- *buńur- *mana- *màmuàr- *mòńí-,
*màńắr
*múra *murV- *bura- *murui *már *muri
*mūńa(kV) *mōń(i)ka *buńgak *manaka
*p῾sa *puse *us *hasaɣu- *pánsú (*ps-)
*úgà *ug- *ugut *(h)aɣag *ákú
*t῾a *ut- *učira- *átá-
It is important to notice that both Mongolian and Korean seem to
have some *-a-reflexes here (which they do not show in the *CoCa type,
see above). This allows us to classify several other cases as reflecting
PA *CuCa, even though Turkic may have *-o- there (this is usually in
the vicinity of labials, where *o and *u are extensively confused in
Turkic as well):
PA PTM PT PM PJ PK
*buda *boda- *bodu- *pt
*č῾upa *čub-rī- *čubar *čabidar
*guša *goši- *gasi-ɣun
*kúja *kujukī *kajil- *kjú
*kuja *kuju-kta *kaja *kài’óm
*kukata *koKalta *kagda *kakatə
*kúma *kumu-n *Komuŕ *kmnkó
*guna *gun- *Kun- *gani-
*k῾ùla *xol-sa *kalimu *kàra-
*kúĺap῾V *kolopo-kta *kásípà *kàràp
*k῾usa *xusikta *kusi *kasi *kasi
*lúŋa *loŋ-sa *nagaj *ná-i *nŋ’úrí
*múgdà *mugdī *bodun *muǯi *mátì *màt(h)
*mula *mul- *bulan *maral
*múŋna *muŋ- *bunar *maŋ- *mah
*mūga *mōgdi *maj- *mákí
*ńugńa *ńuŋńakī *jugak *nńí
*pk῾a *pukēn *bokak *bakawu
116 INTRODUCTION

PA PTM PT PM PJ PK
*pūsa *pūski *busu- *pásí *pàsk
*suda *sud- *sadara-
*tuŋa *doŋota *doŋ *daɣara-
*t῾ŭja *tuju- *toj *taɣu-
*núra *nora- *norum *nárámp- *nar-
In many cases, however, the type *CuCa is very difficult to distin-
guish from *CoCa, basically because the TM and Jpn. evidence is the
same for both types.

PTM *o/u : PJ *ua

This is a very specific type of correspondence and the only one where
PJ reveals a diphthong (in numerous other cases the PJ diphthongs *ua,
*ia, *ai go back to contractions after the disappearance of some intervo-
calic consonant). It must be said that Turkic regularly has *ü here,
while Mongolian, too, may have *ü or *ö, and Korean *ɨ: this all points
to an original front vowel in the second syllable. Therefore we may
choose here between reconstructing PA *CuCe or *CuCi. However,
*CuCi must be reconstructed for the type PTM *u : PJ *u (with front re-
flexes in Turkic and Mongolian, see below), since the Japanese reflex
there is quite parallel to that of *CoCi (see above). Therefore it is most
probable that we are dealing here with a specific Japanese development
of *CuCe (probably through *CuəCe). Details of the development of PA
*CuCe:
1. TM, as usual, has variation of *o and *u, although *u is encountered
more frequently:
a) *dle > *dolba; *kup῾e > *kopu-, *luke > *loka-, *muŋĺe > *moŋla, *mk῾é >
*mōk-, *puse > *pos-, *p῾ske > *poske-, *p῾gé > *pōg-, *ǯjbe > *ǯoba-,
*kure > *kora-, *uge > *oksari, *tĺe > *dōlā
b) *bté > *butu-; *bŋe > *būni-; *gŭjŕe > *guǯej; *kúbé > *kub-, *kúk῾è >
*kuKu-; *kúmle > *ku(l)maka; *kúńe > *kuńī-kta; *kúŋe > *kuŋ-; *k῾ude >
*xuda, *lŭge > *luksi, *múbè > *mub(up)-, *mùč῾e > *muči-kta, *múk῾è >
*muK-, *nk῾é > *nuK-, *nure > *nur-, *ŋje > *ŋūjelse, *ūre > *ūri, *p῾úńe
> *puń-, *pne > *punŋe-, *p῾uje > *puju-, *p῾ujme > *pume-, *p῾úńe >
*puńe-, *p῾ùŋké > *puŋk(u)-, *suk῾e > *suK-, *súme > *sumu-, *t῾úbé >
*tuba, *t῾ŭge > *tuge-, *t῾ule(kV) > *tulge, *ùč῾e > *uč-, *úk῾è > *(x)uKu-,
*ūĺpe > *ulgu-kī, *uŋt῾e > *(x)unda-, *uŋe > *uŋ-, *uk῾è > *(x)uKu-, *t῾ŋe
> *tuŋke, *nŋe > *(x)uŋ(ia)-.
2. Turkic usually has *ü, but occasionally also *ö:
 CHAPTER TWO 117

a) *bté > *büt-, *gŭjŕe > *güŕel, *gure > *Kürüĺ, *kúbé > *güb-, *kude >
*güde-, *kúmle > *Külmüŕ, *kúńe > *güńe (but also *guńa), *kune >
*güni, *k῾ude > *küdüg, *lŭge > *jügen, *luke > *jükün-, *mùne > *bün,
*muŋĺe > *büŋüĺ, *púre > *bür, *pne > *bǖn, *p῾uje > *üjük, *suk῾e >
*süksük, *súme > *süm-, *t῾ŭge > *tüge-, *t῾ŋe > *tüŋ-, *t῾ule(kV) > *tülki,
*ùč῾e > *üčün, *ĺpe > *ǖĺ, *uŋe > *üŋ-, *nŋe > *ǖn, *kure > *Küre-, *uge
> *ügi
b) *bŋe > *böŋre-, *kúŋe > *göjŋ-il, *k῾ùńe > *köń-, *ŋje > *öjek, *ūre > *ör
( ~ *ür), *puse > *bös-, *p῾uŋké > *öŋ (but also *oŋ), *uk῾è > *ökte.
Back *u is attested only in one case: *ǯjbe > PT *jub-ka.
3. Mongolian can have any labialized vowel, just as in the type *CoCe:
a) *bùjre > *buruɣu, *gure > *guril, *kude > *kuda, *k῾ude > *kuda-ldu, *luke >
*nugu-, *múk῾è > *muku-, *mùne > *mun-du-, *pne > *hunu-, *p῾uje >
*hujil-, *p῾gé > *(h)ug- (but also *(h)üg-), *suk῾e > *sukaj, *sume >
*sumun, *t῾ŭge > *tuji-, *ùč῾e > *učir, *úk῾è > *(h)ukaɣa, *nŋe > *uŋ-si-,
*kure > *kur(u)-, *uge > *uɣuli, *ubre > *(h)uwr, *tĺe > *dul
b) *bté > *bodu(ɣa), *tújpè > *dobu (but also *döbe), *gŭjŕe > *goju, *lŭge >
*logtu, *púre > *bor-, *p῾ùŋké > *(h)oŋgu-, *sre > *sori-, *t῾úbé > *tojigun,
*ĺpe > *olbo, *uŋt῾e > *(h)ona-, *uŋe > *oŋgi, *ǯjbe > *ǯoba-, *t῾ŋe >
*toɣuna, *ūre > *orai
c) *bŋe > *büŋsi-, *dle > *düli-, *múbè > *müjide, *p῾úńe > *hünir, *p῾úńe >
*hü-sü, *uk῾è > *(h)üki
d) *kúbé > *köw- (but also *küw-), *kup῾e > *köbü-, *mùč῾e > *möčir, *mk῾é >
*mök-, *nk῾é > *nögči-, *nure > *nör-, *ńūje > *ǯöɣe-, *ŋje > *öjekeji,
*p῾nte > *hötün, *p῾ske > *(h)öskil-, *súme > *sömü-sü.
4. Korean can have here *o (pointing to an original labialized vowel),
but *a/*ə reflexes are also rather frequent, which links together the
Korean and Japanese (see below) reflexes of *CuCe. It is worth not-
ing that *-u- is very rare (but cf. *ǯjbe > *čubɨr-).
a) *bùjre > *ōi-, *gŭjŕe > *kò’í-, *kúk῾è > *kòkí, *múk῾è > *moka-, *pne >
*pòm-nor-, *ubre > *órh-, *uŋe > *òŋ-táŋ- (but also *ùŋ-tŋ-).
b) *kúŋe > *kà’ón-tắi, *kup῾e > *kàpắi-, *nure > *nàrhó-, *p῾nte > *pántó,
*suk῾e > *sak-, *súme > *sàm, *t῾úbé > *tàbàkí, *ùč῾e > *áčh.
c) *kúńe > *kńúi, *p῾ùŋk῾é > *pŋkr-, *p῾gé > *phí-, *uŋt῾e > *əŋtəŋ’i, *ǯjbe
> *jbi-, *múbè > *mbi- (but also *mbi-), *sre > *sr-.
5. Japanese normally has *-ua-, but *-a- after labials:
a) *dle > *duà, *gŭjŕe > *kuà-p-, *gure > *kua, *kúbé > *kuámp-, *kúk῾è >
*kuaku-mi, *kúmle > *kuáma, *kune > *kuanami, *luke > *nuaki ( ~ -ə-),
*nk῾é > *nuànkà-, *nure > *nuarua- ( ~ -ə-), *súme > *sua, *sume >
*suama, *sre > *suarasi, *t῾úbé > *tuámpí ( ~ -ə-), *t῾ule(kV) > *tuara,
*ǯjbe > *duàwà-, *k῾ùre > *kuà, *t῾ŋe > *túa;
118 INTRODUCTION

b) *bùjre > *bàr-, *bté > *pàtákài, *bŋe > *bamia-, *múbè > *mápí-rə(n)ka-,
*mùč῾e > *màtú, *múk῾è > *mák-, *mùne > *màntù-, *muŋĺe > *masu-,
*mk῾é > *mànkúrúa, *p῾úńe > *páná, *pure > *pá, *puse > *pansa-, *pne
> *pana-, *p῾úńe > *pánái, *p῾ùŋké > *pànká-, *p῾ske > *pànsìk-, *p῾gé >
*pànk-.
A special situation ariseis when the first consonant is absent or
dropped in PJ. In such a case early PJ must have had a regular reflex
*uaC- > OJ uoC-; but since the diphthong -uo- in OJ can only occur after
consonants, it is regularly replaced by wo-. In fact we are not able to
distinguish PJ *bəC- < PA *bVCV from PJ *uaC- < PA *uCe:
*ŋje > PJ *b ~ *uà (OJ wo), *ūre > PJ *bətə ~ *uatə (OJ woto-), *úk῾è > PJ
*bkà ~ *uákà (OJ woka), *ĺpe > PJ *bəsə ~ *uasua (OJ woso), *ubre > PJ
*bətu ~ *uatu (OJ wotu), *uk῾è > PJ *bəkə ~ *uakə (OJ woko).
Note that in several cases OJ has variation wo- / u- here (woso ~ uso,
wotu ~ utu, woko ~ uko).

PTM *u : PJ *u

This correspondence points to PA *CuCi in cases when Turkic and/or

Mongolian have front reflexes, indicating a front second vowel.
Details of *CuCi reflexation:
1. TM has the usual split into *o and *u, although *u is a more frequent
reflex:
a) *gurgi > *gorgakta, *gŭri > *gora, *gùri > *gori-, *kuri > *kori, *k῾ŭli > *xol-,
*p῾ukǯi > *pogǯV, *sùjli > *sol-gi, *tldi > *dōldī-, *tti > *dodo-ka(n),
*t῾mi > *tōma, *znti > *sōn-da-
b) *bli > *bul-, *č῾uli > *čulbi-, *dŭŕi > *dur-, *dli > *dulbu-, *guči > *gusi,
*gŕi > *gurē-, *glì > *gūle, *gldi > *gulde-, *kŭŋi > *kuŋā, *kut῾i >
*kuta, *kūči > *kusǖ-, *k῾ùdì > *xudekī, *k῾uli > *xulē-, *mújŋi > *muŋi,
*mùsi > *musun, *mt῾ì > *mute-, *p῾ri > *pur-, *p῾ūji > *pū-, *p῾ŭdi >
*pude-, *p῾li > *pule-, *p῾ĺi > *pule-, *p῾k῾ŋi > *puŋku, *sri > *suru-,
*tgì > *dug-, *túŋì > *duŋ-, *turi > *duru-n, *t῾p῾i > *tupi-, *t῾ut῾i >
*tute-, *t῾ĺi > *tulī-, *uĺi > *ulē-, *zŭli > *suli-, *ǯugi > *ǯugū-.
2. Mongolian has either *ü or *ö (but normally no back reflexes):
a) *bli > *büli-, *dli > *dülei, *gurgi > *güreɣe, *gŭri > *gür, *gldi >
*güldi-, *kuri > *kürijen, *kūči > *küči-n, *k῾ŭli > *küjilen, *p῾ri > *hüre,
*p῾ri > *(h)üre-, *p῾k῾ŋi > *hüŋgü-, *tgì > *tügsi-, *tumi > *düŋgür,
*turi > *düri, *t῾ùji > *tüjit-, *uĺi > *(h)ülte-, *č῾i > *üǯüɣür, *zŭli >
*sülbe-,*znti > *sünde-sü, *p῾ŭdi > *hüde-
b) *č῾uli > *čölü-, *dŭŕi > *dörü, *gŕi > *görü-, *gùri > *gör-, *kŭŋi > *köw,
*k῾ùdì > *ködü-sü, *mújŋi > *möɣer-sü, *mùsi > *mösü(n), *mt῾i > *möči-,
*nuli > *nölüɣe, *p῾ūji > *(h)öjeɣe, *p῾ukǯi > *(h)ögǯeg, *p῾li > *(h)ölmej,
 CHAPTER TWO 119

.*sùjli > *söl, *tūri > *dörseji-, *t῾ukì > *tögüs-, *t῾ĺi > *tölöb, *t῾mi >
*tömü-sün, *úŕi > *öri, *ǯugi > *ǯöɣe-
3. Turkic may have a back *u or a front *ü:
a) *bli > *bulga-, *gurgi > *Kurgak, *kuri > *Kur-, *k῾ŭli > *Kula, *mújŋi >
*bujŋuŕ (but also *büjŋüŕ), *mùsi > *bus, *nuli > *julɨ-, *p῾ri > *urug,
*p῾ūji > *ujɨ-, *p῾ŭdi > *ud-, *p῾ri > *ur-, *sùjli > *suli (but also *süli),
*t῾ùji > Tujug, *t῾ĺi > *dūĺ, *t῾mi > *tum-gu-, *uĺi > *uĺa-, *č῾i > *ūč,
*znti > *junt
b) *č῾uli > *čülik-, *dŭŕi > *jüŕ-, *dli > *jǖl-, *gŭri > *gür, *gŕi > *güŕ-, *gùri
> *Kür, *glì > *gül, *gldi > *gǖl-, *kŭŋi > *güŋ, *kut῾i > *Küte(re), *kūči
> *gǖč, *k῾ùdì > *küdiŕ > (with assimilation) *kidiŕ, *p῾ĺi > *üĺ-, *p῾k῾ŋi
> *ǖk-, *sri > *sǖr-, *mt῾i > *büt-, *tgì > *düg-, *tumi > *düm-, *túŋì >
*düŋür, *turi > *dür, *tĺdi > *düĺ-ün-, *tūri > *dǖr-, *tti > *dǖtük, *t῾ukì
> *tüke-, *t῾p῾i > *tübkür-, *t῾út῾i > *tüt-, *t῾ut῾ì > *Tüt-, *úŕi > *üŕ-, *zŭli
> *jül-, *ǯugi > *jü-.
4. Korean may have *o/*u or *ɨ:
a) *dli > *tor (but also *tur-), *kūči > *kóčắk, *mt῾i > *mòt(á)-, *p῾ri >
*pòrì, *uĺi > *ori-.
b) *č῾uli > *čūr-, *gŭri > *kūrk-, *nuli > *nùr-, .*sùjli > *súi, *t῾ut῾i > *tùtrí-,
*č῾i > *učuk.
c) *gŕi > *kr-, *gùri > *kr-, *mújŋi > *mi’ìm, *p῾li > *prhằi, *p῾ĺi >
*phr-, *sri > *sr-,*tĺdi > *td-, *t῾út῾i > *tt-, *ǯugi > *čì- (probably <
*čɨj- < *čɨg-).

PTM *o/u : PJ *ə

This correlation points to PA *CuCo when Turkic and Mongolian have

back vowels (PT *u, PM *u/o); Korean in these cases also has *o/u or *ɨ.
1. TM:
a) *plo > *polo-kta, *k῾úlo > *xol- (but also *xul-), *mro > *mō, *pt῾o >
*pota, *ùjò > *oji-.
b) *bĺo > *bulī-, *gno > *gūn-, *kúro(mV) > *kurumV, *k῾ul(g)o > *xulgu-,
*luko > *luke-, *pgo > *pūg-, *p῾lo > *pul-, *č῾o > *(x)uča-, *ùso > *usī-.
2. Mongolian:
a) *plo > *boli-, *kúro(mV) > *kormaj, *k῾úlo > *kolkida-, *luko > *nogtu-,
*mro > *mo-du.
b) *gno > *guni-, *kùp῾ŕó > *kuɣur, *k῾ul(g)o > *kulu-su, *pt῾o > *buta,
*pgò > *bug, *p῾lo > *hurul, *lo > *uli-.
3. Korean:
a) *kúro(mV) > *korɨm, *k῾ul(g)o > *kōr, *mro > *mòró, *p῾lo > *pór-, *ùso >
*ós.
b) *k῾úlo > *kùbr- (?), *lo > *ūr-.
120 INTRODUCTION

c) *bĺo > *pr-, *gno > *knr-, *luko > *nɨktai.

PTM *u/o : PJ *u

This correlation may point, as we noticed above, to PA *CoCi, *CoCu

and *CuCi. However, in cases where PT has a back *u (corresponding
to PTM *u/o and PJ *u) it seems possible to reconstruct PA *CuCu.
Other languages have the usual labialized reflexes here (*o/u in TM,
*o/u in Mongolian, *o/u in Korean):
1. TM:
a) *kušu > *košikta, *múnu > *moŋ-nV-, *sku > *soka-, *ùkú > *oKa-, *úk῾u >
*(x)oksa-, *úmu > *omu- (but also *umu-);
b) *gt῾ù > *gutu-, *kmu > *kum-, *kgù > *kūku, *luŋu > *luŋur, *nŋu >
*nuŋari, *ŋju > *ŋu(j)a, *p῾uču > *pusi(-kV), *tuju > *duja, *tjk῾ú >
*duKū-, *t῾ŭmu > *tumŋu-, *uĺukV > *ulēk, *zūru > *suru.
2. Mongolian:
a) *nŋu > *nowur-, *ŋju > *nojir, *tjk῾ú > *doki-, *t῾ŭmu > *tom-;
b) *č῾ùgù > *čug-, *gt῾ù > *gutu-, *kmu > *kumi-, *kušu > *kusiga, *múnu >
*mun-, *sku > *sugu-, *tuju > *duɣul-, *uju > *uj, *ùkú > *ugtu-, *úk῾u >
*uka-, *uĺukV > *ulig, *úmu > *(h)umaj.
3. Korean
a) *č῾ùgù > *čòk, *kgù > *kòhài, *sku > *sok-kori;
b) *ùkú > *ùhi-, *úmu > *ūm.
In a couple of cases (usually in the vicinity of labials) Kor. has an
unexpected reflex -a-/-ə- here, possibly due to dissimilation: *kmu >
*kàm-, *p῾uču > *pčm, *tjk῾ú > *tjk-.
Since PA *CuCu and *CuCo are kept distinct only in Japanese (and in
a few cases where Korean has *CɨC- < *CuCo), it is generally difficult to
distinguish those two types of root structure from each other.

2.4.6 Diphthongs

Among subgroups of Altaic, diphthongs are present in Turkic (only

*ia), Tungus-Manchu (*ia and *iu; the latter is usually noted as *ü in the
reconstruction of Benzing and Tsintsius which we follow, but was
probably phonetically rather something like *u), Korean (-ja-, -jə-, -ju-)
and Japanese (*ua, *ia, *ai, *ui, *əi). All Japanese diphthongs usually
originate from various contractions after the loss of intervocalic conso-
nants (see above); the only exception is *ua which can go back to PA *u
in the context *CuCe. Korean diphthongs are generally unstable and
may also reflect various contractions, but in some cases do represent
original diphthongs (see below). We shall see, however, that most
 CHAPTER TWO 121

original diphthongs can also be represented by Korean monophthongs,

due to the general instability of Korean vocalism.
The reliable sources for reconstructing the PA system of diphthongs
are thus Turkic and Tungus-Manchu.
We find the following rows of correspondences involving diph-
thongs in PT and PTM:

2.4.6.1. PTM *ia : PT *ia

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*bĺča *bial- *biāĺč *bilčaɣu *bánsá-pápí
*gla *giala- *Kiāl- *gal- *kára-
*àk῾ì *iaKu *iak- *ìkà-i
*ánti *iandaku *(i)anduk *jń
*kamp῾a *kiam/pa *K(i)am/pak *kàmá *kàm(p)-
*káta *kiata *K(i)atɨr- *kadaraŋ *kátú-
*kàdi *kiade-le- *K(i)adɨ- *kaǯi *kjd-
*k῾rà *(x)iarū-n *K(i)arɨĺ *kari *kárà
*k῾p῾a *xiap- *K(i)āpan *kab-
*mali(k῾V) *mia(l)- *b(i)alk- *mel- *mằrk-
*p῾àká *piaKa *iagɨr *pànkiá-
*sjri *siarū- *siarɨg *sira *hắi- *sìruà-
*sk῾a *siaK- *siāk- *seke- (*skắi-) *sákà-
*t῾ak῾a *tiaku *tiakɨgu *takija
*t῾àsá *tias- *t(i)as *tasu *tàsí-
In some cases Turkic may have *e as an old (dialectal?) variant of
*ia:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*mat῾i *miata *bĕt *metü
*ńàŕì *ń(i)ari *jeŕne *ǯer-me- *nắr-ná- *mìtù
*p῾àlbí *pialakī *jelbe *pìmpárí
*sgi *siakta *següt *siɣer
*ssa *siasi-n *ses *sàsà
To these examples we may add a number of others where Turkic
has initial *ja-, because the sequences *ja- and *jia- are not distinguished
there:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*dari *ǯ(i)arami *jar- *ǯirke *tằràmí *(d)ìtàti
122 INTRODUCTION

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*gi *iag-ǯakta *jāg *eɣükü
*p῾ắnč῾i *pianči- *jạnč- *niča- *pínták-
*nála *nial- *jAl-kɨ- *naliɣur *nằrằ
*nańa *ńiani- *jań- *nama-
*ńama *niama *jAmač *nam *mama
*nĺi *ń(i)ali- *jāĺ *nilaɣu *nằr
*ńàmi *ńiam- *jam *ǯim
*p῾àlk῾i *pialki- *jAlkɨ- *pnkái *pìkàr-
*p῾àŋk῾i *piaŋkV *jAŋak *(h)enike *pìnkùrái
*zni *sian- *jạŋak *sinaɣa
*ǯàjnà *ǯian- *jan- *čắi *dànì
*ǯak῾a *ǯiaka *jaka *ǯaki-
We can see the following regularities here:
1. Japanese can have here only *a or *i, which would point to a distinc-
tion of two types: *CiaCa and *CiaCi.
2. In cases when Jpn. has *a, Mongolian usually has *a (*gal-, *kadaraŋ,
*kari, *malu, *tasu-, *nam; exceptions are only *bilčaɣu and *seke-),
whereas in cases when Jpn. has *i, Mongolian only has *e/*i (*sira,
*ǯirke, *niča-, *(h)enike)
3. Korean frequently has *ă here (but also a number of *a/ə cases, with a
distribution not yet clear).
There is a special group of cases where all the correspondences are
basically the same, but TM has *i instead of the expected *ia:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*k῾ằda *xidar *kằráb- *kàjù-
*sắŕi *siru- *siaŕ *siraɣu *hằrk *situ
*šằĺì *šilki *silbi *sắrh *sìsì
*zăbsa *sibsV *jasɨmuk *sisi *sasa(n)kai
*k῾ăli *xilŋü *Kele- *kele- *kằró-
*zălVbi *silba- *jẹlbi- *silbe- *sjrb- *sìrà(m)p-
It can be easily seen that all these cases involve words with initial
fricatives and short vowels, as opposed to cases with all other initial
consonants or with fricatives and long vowels. We may therefore safely
postulate a rule according to which the short diphthong *-ia- changed
to *-i- in PTM after fricative consonants.
Thus, the correspondence rules for PA *CiaCa and *CiaCi are:
 CHAPTER TWO 123

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*ia-a *ia/*Sĭ *ia(/ja-)/e *a(/e) *ă/*A *a
*ia-i *ia/*Sĭ *ia(/ja-)/e *e/i *ă/*A *i
But these are not all correspondences involving diphthongs. We
also find a number of cases where Turkic has the same as above, viz. *ia
or, sometimes, *e, corresponding to PJ *ə. In these cases TM has not *ia,
but usually *i, while Mong. has a variation of i/e and a, and Korean, a
variation of *i and *a/*ə (sometimes *jə). Here we reconstruct PA
*CaCe:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*č῾āk῾e *čiK- *čiāk- *čag *čək *tkì
*ằré(KV) *irki *Erin *eriwü- *t(n)kapi
*k῾ăk῾e *(x)igǯa- *K(i)ak *kagda-
*năke *nikimna *jaka *nigur-su
*náme *nim(b)a *jAm *namaɣa *nìmắr
*ńáme *ńim- *jem-ür- *ǯime *namɨra *mmá-
*nắŋe *niŋī- *jAŋɨl *niɣül *nnsír-
*ńăŕe *ńiru- *jạŕ- *ǯiru- *nìrk-
*ńằrke *nirku- *jarkak *ǯirge- *m(n)k-
*pằt῾è *pita- *b(i)at *hataɣa *ptp-
*pt῾e *pit(a) *biāt *bat- *patɨk
*p῾ằge *pigi-n *jag- *(h)aɣa- *pí
*tre *ǯir- *d(i)ār *tjr-
*zàre *sir- *jara *sirka *sr-
*ǯap῾e *ǯipu- *jạpɨtak *ǯajidaŋ
A quite complicated problem is involved in reconstructing PA se-
quences *CaCo and *CaCu. There is a significant number of cases
where Turkic has a *-ia-diphthong, Japanese shows *a, Korean, *ă or
*o/u and Mongolian, *e/i. The correspondence is therefore quite similar
to *CaCo (see above), and it seems plausible to reconstruct here *CaCo.
PTM, however, quite unexpectedly has here a labialized vowel (*o/u):
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*kằmò *kum- *Kiam *keme- *kàmù-
*kájo *koja *K(i)ajɨr *kej *kái-
*kăro *kori *K(i)arga *kerije *kằr- *kara-su
*k῾áčo *xusu- *K(i)ača *kičir *kòčái *kasunkapi
*k῾no *xuŋī-kta *Kiān
*măk῾ó *muxa- *b(i)ak *mekeji- *manka
124 INTRODUCTION

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*mk῾o *moKo(lV)- *b(i)āka *meke-lej *mkúrí
*p῾č῾o *pč- *iāčɨ-g (*pčắ-)
*sbo *sōba *seɣül *sàwùa
*salo(-kV) *solüki *sialɨk *sileɣü-sü (*sɨra-)
*zà[k῾]ó *suka- *segle- *suk- *sànka-
*t῾árko *turki *terge *tằrkó
*t῾lo *tōli *T(i)alk- *telej *tắr- *tàra-
As for *CaCu, we would (by analogy with other vocalic develop-
ments) expect here PT *ia and PJ *u. Such a correspondence, however,
is completely absent. Instead we find a number of cases where the re-
flexes are quite similar to PA *CaCu (*a in Turkic, *a or *o/u in Mongo-
lian, *u in Japanese, *o/u in Korean), but TM has a labialized reflex *o/u,
just like in the case with *CaCo. Turkic additionally can have here *e,
and Korean - (j)ə. We tentatively reconstruct the type *CaCu for this
correspondence, although none of the languages (except perhaps Ko-
rean in a few cases) has preserved a diphthong here. In TM, the type
*CaCu must have early coincided with *CaCo and lost the diphthong
because of vowel labialization; in Turkic, the words of the type *CaCu
must have early undergone an assimilative change > *CɔCu > *CöC-
and gave the same reflex as *CoCe (see below).
Here are examples of the hypothetic *CaCu type:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*čtu *ǯutī *dāt *dadu-
*gălu *gulukun *Kalɨŋ *goli-
*gĺu *goldi *K(i)āĺ- *kòrhói *kusirə
*ámu *umu- *(i)am *(h)uma- *ùmùk *úmá-
*ap῾u *upa *(i)apɨl *oɣuli
*aru *ora- *(i)arkun *(h)ori *rí-
*kč῾ù *kuči-n *KĒčir *kačir *kútí
*kàjú *kuje *K(i)aj *kuj *kùrì- *kùjúr-
*kằmù *kuma *Kạma *kōm *kùmà
*kaǯurV *kuǯur- *Kạjɨr *kuǯir
*ktu *kota *gēt *godoli
*kăru *kor-pi- *gẹrge- *kara *kari-
*k῾bu *xū(be) *K(i)ab *kaɣul- *kjə[b]-
*mák῾ù *muKa *bAkan *mòk *múk-
*malu *molori *b(i)ala- *majila- *murua
*nàŋu *ŋuŋi *(i)aŋɨŕ *nuntug *nón (*nùa)
 CHAPTER TWO 125

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*ŋk῾u *ŋōKe *eker *nokaj *nəkori
*p῾áru *por- *ar- *hor- *pòròkí
*šmu *šūm- *s(i)amar *sumal *sjm
*šábu *šoba- *seb-re- *saɣa- *súmp-
*šk῾ù *šoKa- *s(i)ākɨ- *sokar *sjōkjŋ *súk-
*t῾ăru *turē- *tẹrk- *tarki-
*t῾ku *tōkī *teke *togij
*zsu *suse *jās *(h)us- *ssk- *súsá-
*ǯaru(kV) *ǯugde-n *jẹrük *dunturi
*sắp῾ú *sup- *sep- *saw-ga *súmpa-

2.4.6.2 PA *o

Above we have considered a number of forms which point to PA

*CaCo. There is, however, also a very similar row of correspondences
where Mongolian has a back reflex *a or *o/u. Here we tentatively re-
construct PA *CoCa, since Jpn. *a may reflect both PA *-o and *-a. But
since Mongolian vocalism is not the most stable and indicative one, we
cannot exclude that the reconstructions *CoCa and *CaCo should be
reversed. The relevant cases are:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*bga *buga *baɣu- *pá *bà
*bŏla *bule *b(i)aldak *bol-/*bul-
*blà *boloka *bạl-gɨn *bal- *puro *bàrà(m)pì
*bòsá *bosoga *basɨg *bàsái
*góra *gurbi *K(i)argɨ *kántúrá
*komga *kumga *K(i)amgak *kamkak
*kosa *kosi- *Kasɨ *kasi-
*koĺa *kola *K(i)aĺaŋ *kula-gai *kasum-
*k῾ŏŋa *xoŋa- *K(i)aŋ- *ka[m]ar *kóh *kaN-k-
*k῾óŕa *(x)or- *Kaŕɨlgan *karg- *kátúrá
*k῾ǯa *xoǯa-n *K(i)aj- *kaǯiwu *kằč- *kajər-
*lŏga *ĺog- *jạgɨŕ *nogoɣan *nò-nắ- *nà
*pka *puka *bakɨr *(h)agi (*phá) *pàkuá-
*soga *sug- *s(i)agun *saɣali *hoar *sa
*sóga *sogda- *sagrɨ *sajir (*hŋŋùr) *sá-
*šṓča *šušu *siāč *čas
*zoĺa *sulū-n *jạĺ(č)- *soloŋga *sằr- *sas-
126 INTRODUCTION

We can also see here another important distinction: although Turkic

has one *-ia- case here (*siāč), it is in the vicinity of the palatal *č, and
the normal reflex appears to be non-diphthongized *a (or *ạ), cf. *bạlgɨn,
*basɨg, *Kaŕɨlgan, *jạgɨŕ, *bakɨr, *sagrɨ, *jạĺ(č)-, *Kasɨ-.
There is also a quite similar row of correspondences where Japanese
displays not *a, but *i, and Mongolian also has a front reflex *e/i (but
sometimes also labialized *ö). Here it seems plausible to reconstruct the
PA sequence *CoCi:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*ōt῾ik῾V *ōkta *òtắi *ìtí(n)kuà
*k῾óŋi *(x)uŋ- *K(i)aŋ *kù’i *kímí
*ĺki *luktu- *ǯigutu- *nìnká-
*mójńi *munī- *b(i)ańɨl *mằi-b- *mín-r-
*móri *bar- *mör- *mōr- *mítí
*mót῾i *möči *mằtằi
*p῾ṑrí *purki- *ār-t *hörö-ne *pìntárí
*sóti *soti *sido (*stà(h)) *sítá
*sòmì *sumu *simarga *sìm
*sṑmi *sōm- *sima- *sìmàr-
*šóbi *šoba- *síwá
*tōĺi *ǯola *diāĺ *čilaɣu *tōrh *(d)ísì
The only reliable case of a diphthong in PT here is *diāĺ ‘stone’, i. e.
again in a position before the palatal *ĺ.
A third similar row of correspondences where we reconstruct
*CoCe, differs from the preceding one in that Japanese here has either
*ə or a narrowed reflex *u. Korean may have a labialized *o/u or a
diphthong *jə (/*(j)a), sometimes monophthongized to *i:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*bt῾è *bạt *büte- *pútá
*čobe *ǯuba- *təwə
*č῾op῾è *čup-/*čop- *čap-čak *čöɣerüm *č(j)apa- *tpî
*gṓp῾e *Kāp- *göb-/*güb- *kòpóm- *kəp(u)i
*oĺe *ulī- *(i)aĺ *öl
*òpe *upsi *ibeɣe- (*p-s-) *p-
*kòt῾è *kotoran- *Kat- *kete *ktài
*k῾ŏbe *xub(u)te *K(i)ab *köbdü *kua
*k῾óp῾e *xupu- *Kạp- *kúmpá-
*k῾óše *xuše *Kas *kisu- *ksà-/*kùsà-
*k῾ṑt῾ekV *xūkte *Kạtkuč *kedgene *kúitkí
 CHAPTER TWO 127

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*lòŋè *loŋ- *neɣüne *nmì
*moje *mujē- *mejeɣe- *mùi-
*móńde *mundu-kān *b(i)ańɨ- *möndele *mm-
*móre *mur- *mereji- *mútúm-
*nŏŋe *noŋ- *jaŋɨŕ *nige(n) *njn(k) *nəmi
*ŋōle *ŋule- *(i)āl *öle *nùr- *mùrà-
*p῾ŏlge *pulga- *ạlkɨ- *(h)ergül *pə(n)k-
*sōje *sū- *sā(j)- *siɣü- *hji-
*sṓĺe *sulu *siāĺ- *sila- *hār- *ssír-
*sp῾è *supti- *s(i)ap- *sp-
*srme *sumu- *sirmö- *hím
*šòče *šoša- *s(i)ač *číčh
*tṓle *ǯō(l) *d(i)ālak *deliɣün *tira *(d)ə-i ( ~-u-,-i-)
*ǯṓke *ǯuku- *jāk *ǯüg *dk
*ǯók῾è *ǯuke *ǯike-ɣün *dúkì
*ǯṑŋè *ǯōŋi- *jaŋ *ǯeɣü- *čá(ŋ)- *dùmài
In a rather large number of cases Turkic may also have a front reflex
*e in the same row of correspondences:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*čoke *ǯuku-n *dEgiŋ *čúi
*č῾ṑk῾e *čūKa *čekin *soksăi *tùkúsi
*de *(x)odinsa *ed- *(h)ideɣe-
*òre *ur *ẹr-kek *(h)üreɣe *òràpì *tə
*kòrtème *kutumi- *gErtme *kedemen *kù(n)tàmn
*k῾ome *xumā-n *kEmük *kemi
*móle *mula- *bẹlek *melǯe- *mūr- *mráp-
*ńṑgè *ńōg- *jEgin *ǯeɣe *mù-kuâ
*ńoŋe *ńuŋ-de- *jEŋ *ǯiŋ-de-
*p῾ole *pul-sa *Eldiri *helde- *pərə
*sobe *subgu *seb- *seb
*sòge *sogi- *s[e]göl *söɣel *hók
*soŋre *soro-ptun *sEŋir *seɣer
*t῾olge *tolga *TElgen *telegen
*t῾p῾é *tubu- *tep- *teɣe- *tjap- *túmpú-
*t῾ór(g)e *turga- *Terki *terki- *tòrí *túrí-
*t῾ṑre *tōrī- *ter *türije- *tùtuà-ma-
128 INTRODUCTION

We see that in reflexes of PA diphthongs that we have been dealing

with so far two basic principles are observed:
1. The correlation “Turkic *ia : TM *ia/*i” points to PA *a before
non-labialized vowels
2. The correlation “Turkic *ia or *a : TM *o/*u” points to PA *a before
labialized vowels or *o before non-labialized vowels.
But there are also two other rows of correspondences where Turkic
has labialized *u or *o, whereas Tungus-Manchu has *i or *ia. Japanese
here has *ə (less frequently *a) or *u, thus indicating that the second
vowel was *o or *u. It seems therefore natural to reconstruct here the
two missing sequences: *CoCo and *CoCu, assuming that in TM there
occurred a labial dissimilation in the first syllable, whereas in Turkic,
conversely, labialization was retained because of assimilation to the
vowel of the second syllable. The evidence is following:
*CoCo
TM has here *i; Turkic - *o/u; Mongolian - any labialized vowel; Japa-
nese - usually *ə (but sometimes also *a); Korean - a variation of *i and
*(j)ə.
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*bólò *bila- *bolǯu- *brì
*bóro *bir[u]-kan *borgija *pìr/*pjr
*č῾k῾ó *čixa *čok- *čoku- *tnká-
*gkó *gik- *Kog- *güji- *kàká-
*gòlo *gil- *Kol- *golu- *krápá-
*końo *Konak *köɣene *kìńm *kmài
*k῾omo(lV) *ximŋe-kte *Kumlak *kömeli *kamira
*k῾ójŋo *xiŋü- *Kujaŋ *köji- *kjńí *kəju-
*k῾ṑk῾o *xīkeri *kokima- *kakurai
*k῾ṓro *xirga- *Kūrt *koro-kai
*ĺmo(ŋa) *nim-ŋā- *jom(ŋak) *dom(ak) *nì’jàkì *ná(N), *nəm-
*molk῾o *milkü- *mölki- *miK- *məkə-jəp-
*mólo *mila- *bol- *möl-(/*mel-) *mīr- *mr-
*mojo *mija- *boj- *mì- *majua-
*pltorV *pilti- *buldɨr- *bolǯir- *pìtùrí *pàtuâ
*pṓro *piregde *bōr- *burga-
*p῾ṓlo *pile- *jōl *pjər-
*p῾ĺo *jul-duŕ *ho-du *pjər- *pəsi
*sŏlo *silu-kta *solak *söl-
*šogo *šig- *sogɨ-k *sik- *səjə-
 CHAPTER TWO 129

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*t῾so *tisū- *Tusu(g) *tüsi- *thas *tàsùkà-
*CoCu
TM here has *ia or *i, with the usual distribution (normally *ia, but *i
for short *o after sibilants; Turkic - *o/u; Mongolian - *u/o, but also
non-labialized *e/i; Japanese has *u; Korean - *ă or *u/o (but sometimes
also *jə).
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*č῾olu *čial- *čoluk *čile- *črk,*čjəri- *tur-
*ŋŏbu *ńiabe-ri-*ju(b)- *jeɣü- *nūb-
*kójbu *kiaba- *Kuba/*Koba *kubakaj *kúi
*kopu *kiaba- *Kobga *kob-
*kóru *kiaru *Kur *kiri *kòrằ- *kúrá
*k῾sú *xisi- *kusu- *kùsú
*móńù *miańam *mằńằm *múnà-
*ńoru *ńiara- *jur- *ǯur-
*sgdu *sigde *sudal *sùntí
*sgu *sigūn *hắi *suà-rá
*sōku *siaKu *segel- *suki
*sk῾ù *six- *suk- *sekeɣe (*skí-) *súk-
*sōlu *siali- *sila- *húrí- *sura-
*sŏp῾u *sip- *supɨ *sibo-
*sṓjru *siaraŋ *sūrɨk *surgaɣag *hjə
*t῾òlgu *tergel *tắr *tùkùi
*zgtu *sigdi-pu *jo(g)ta *seɣüǯi
*ǯòǯu *ʒ(i)aǯi- *jogan *ǯuǯaɣan *čằč- *dùtá-ka-

2.4.6.3 PA *u

The simpliest cases where one may reconstruct a PA *u-diphthong are

those where PTM has *ü (which may also be phonologically treated as
*u). In all those cases Japanese has a variation of *u or *ə, and Korean,
of *a/ə (sometimes preceded by -j-, and thus also pointing to a diph-
thong) or *u/o. Turkic and Mongolian can have either front or back
labialized vowels (ö/ü, u/o). We may note, however, that there is a clear
correlation between Turkic and Mongolian here: when Turkic has a
back vowel, Mongolian has one, too; and, reversely, when Mongolian
has a front vowel, Turkic also has a front one. It seems therefore possi-
ble to reconstruct two different PA sequences with the diphthong *-u-
130 INTRODUCTION

distinguished from each other in Turko-Mongolian. We reconstruct

them as *CuCe and *CuCo respectively (reasons for determining the
final vowels will be given further below):
1. *CuCe
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*CuCe *ü *ü/*ö *ü/ö/*u/*o *(j)A/O *u/ə
Here Turkic may additionally have a delabialized reflex *i before
liquids (*r, *l), frequently in variation with *ü. Cf.:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*bure *bürče *bürge *pjrók
*gube *güb- *Küb- *kuwa-
*ude *öd-kün- *əja-(n)si-
*úle *ül(k)e- *öl-č- *üli- *rkùr
*úse *üse- *ös- *ös- *ìsàk ( < *jə-)
*ge *ǖ(g)- *ög- *uɣur
*t῾e *üt- *ȫt- *öte-
*kúne *kün- *Kün *küɣün *kúní
*kure *kürekte *Körtük *kur
*k῾ube *xǖ(b)- *kü(b) *küw- *kubɨi- *kwaî
*k῾ge *xǖkte *Kögme *köɣeme *khúm *k(ù)i
*k῾ujk῾e *xüj(k)e *kök *kòkri *kùkùi
*k῾up῾e *(x)üpi- *Küpi- *köbe-
*k῾ŭrpe *xürbe *körpe *körbe
*k῾úsè *küs- *kosiŋ *kúsài
*k῾le *xül- *kȫle *kölü-sü
*k῾re *xür- *gīr- *kür- *kūr- *kúrá-
*k῾se *xüse *kǖse- *küse- *kəs-
*ŋŋt῾è *ŋǖŋte *ündü-sün *mt
*sùŋe *süŋü- *s[i]ŋ *söŋ *səŋ-/*sən-/*san- *sùnsù-
*súŋe *süŋkē- *söŋüĺ/-ü- *súmápú
*sŕe *sür- *söŕ *sür-/*sur- *sòrắi
*tùke *dök- *tahi- *tùk-
*t῾ŕe *türē-kse *dīŕ *türej *tàrí
We see that among the listed examples, words with TM initial labi-
als are completely lacking. In fact there are several examples with the
same correspondence after labials, where PTM appears to have *u, not
*ü (so that the rows are in complementary distribution):
 CHAPTER TWO 131

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*bge *bug- *bögür *böɣerüg *pàhói *bə
*bule *bulin *bilik
*ble *bula *bile- *büle- *pjró
*buk῾e *buKu- *pàk *pùkù(m)pái
2. *CuCo
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*CuCo *ü *u/o *u/o *(j)A/O *u/ə
Cf.:
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*gŭldo *gülde- *Kula- *gulda-
*ùlò *ül- *oluk *(h)olugaj *ùruà
*upo *üb- *ubut *ubaj *əpəpə-
*k῾údo(rgV) *xürgü *Kudruk *kudurga *s-kòrí
*k῾ŭso *xüse- *Kus-
*muŋo *müŋnī-( ~-i-) *buŋ *muŋ *munkua-
*p῾ukò *püKV *oka *(h)ugulǯa *puki
*špo *šǖba *sub-luk *subu-
*šjò *šǖje *sojagu *sojuɣa *sāi *sjà
*t῾úgo *tüksa *Tugur *tuɣurga *tù’i *tu-i
*t῾p῾o *tüpa *tubńak *tuwra *tòph *túmái
*ńūno *ńüŋ- *jōn- *ǯoma-gul
By analogy with other vocalic rows of correspondences, one would
also expect the existence of *CuCa, *CuCi and *CuCu in PA. However,
the correspondences to PTM *ü are exhausted by the two correspon-
dences described above. On the other hand, there are exactly three
rows of correspondences left which involve labialized vowels in
Turkic, Mongolian, TM and Korean and which have as Japanese re-
flexes *a, *i and *u respectively. It is therefore natural to assume that
these are the rows reflecting PA *CuCa, *CuCi and *CuCu, and that
the diphthong in those sequences was lost in TM, being preserved only
before neutral (mid-high) vowels of the second syllable, i.e. in se-
quences *CuCe and *CuCo. These system considerations, apart from
natural phonetic plausibility, are in fact the basic reason for recon-
structing *CuCe for the correspondence TM *ü - Turkic *ü/ö and *CuCo
for the correspondence TM *ü - Turkic *u/o.
132 INTRODUCTION

3. *CuCa
Here TM has the usual variation of labialized *u/o. Mongolian has
the same, but in some cases also a fronted *i-reflex. Turkic quite sys-
tematically displays non-labialized *ɨ, while Korean and Japanese have
*a-like reflexes (*a in Japanese, *a/ə in Korean).
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*bura *burī- *bɨrak- *pri- *parap-
*gla *gōl- *Kɨl- *gulbi- *kàrú-
*uda *udī- *aja
*kta *kōta *Kɨt *kàta-
*k῾ńa *xuńi- *Kjn *könüɣe- (< *káná-
*kinüɣe-)
*nùmà *ńume- *jɨm-ĺčak *nomu-/*nima- *nàmia
*nra *ńūrikte *norakai *narot
*luga(rV) *lug- *jɨgur- *ǯiɣura- *nhr- *nàir-
(*jugur-)
*pč῾a *puče- *bɨč- *biči- (*pčč-) *pàtùr-
*p῾úsa *pusi- *hisuge *pàs- *pásám-
*suga *sog- *sɨgɨrčɨk *sojir *sāi
*sna *sn *sonos- *s(j)ən-
*súsa *susē- *sɨs *sàsắr  *sása
*sra *sori *sr- *sur *sàrằ- *satu-i
*zuĺa *suli- *jɨĺ *sili *sasu
4. *CuCu
This sequence behaves quite similarly to *CuCa in TM, Turkic and
Mongolian (although in Turkic we occasionally also find a front reflex
*i), but is reflected as *u in Japanese and as *u/o (occasionally also *ɨ, *i)
in Korean.
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*čnu *ǯun- *dn *či-su *t(u)i
*dlu *dūl- *jɨlɨ-g *dulaɣan *dù
*ùbú *(x)ob- *öje- *īb- *ùwá-
*ŭdu *(x)odu *ɨduk *id- *i/ju
*úmu *uma-kta *imit( ~ɨ) *úmái
*umu *umī- *im- *öm- *umur-
*ujŋula *ɨjŋala- *ujila- *ùnàr-
*ùru *uru- *ɨra *urma- *ùrià-
*úrù *urū- *irk- *ir- *ur- *ú(n)tì
*ču *ōs- *ɨčgun- *us-
 CHAPTER TWO 133

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

*t῾udu *Tɨdɨn *tuǯi *tùnaî
*kuču *kusi- *Kɨč-gɨr- *kuča- *kìčh-m *kusam-
*kūč῾ú *koči- *Kč- *koči *kùčíčh- (*kùntk-)
*kudu *kudē *Kɨdɨg *kiǯaɣar *kui
*kùp῾u *kupen *Kɨp *kib *kīp *kùpá
*kùp῾ù *kob-ta *Kɨpɨ- *kuji- *kùpà-
*kúŕu *kur- *Kɨŕak *kür-dün *kúrúmá
*k῾ùčù *xosī-kta *Kɨč- *kučil- *kóč *kùsì
*k῾ŭnu *(x)on- *Kɨn- *kina *kunank-
*k῾úŋu *xuŋke- *Kɨŋ- *kiji- / keje- *kúnkúm-
*k῾ŕu *xuri- *Kŕ- *küre- *kùrí *kúrá-
*k῾ùru *xur-ge *Kɨr- *kórắ- *kùrù-sì-
*k῾rú *xura-kta *Kɨrtɨĺ *körü-sü *kúr *kùrí
*k῾ĺnu *xulŋu *kīn *köjil-sü
*ĺp῾ù *lup- *jip *ǯeɣeg *nupi- *nùp-
*múdu *muduri *mìr *múi
*murgu *murgi *mír(h) *mùnkí
*núdurgi *nurga *jɨdruk *nidurga (*nínkír-)
*nuru *ńur(g)a- *jɨr- *nürgi- *nòr-
*ńŋńu *ńōŋńa *jɨn / *jin *ǯuŋgag *nu(ŋ)- *ùmì
*púŋu *poŋdV *bɨŋɨt *boŋčiliki *pì’út *pùnâ
*šŭŕu *šurgī- *sɨŕ- *sir-
*suču *sosa- *sɨč- *čiča-ga *ččhi-
*súnŋu *suŋnī- *sinaɣa *súná
*sùŋu *soŋa- *siŋ- *sùnà-
*sútu *sut- *side- *sòt- *súta-
*sbu *sube- *sīb-ri *seɣü- *sìbúr *súwá-i
*šŭk῾u *šuK- *süke *súkí
*šúp῾u *šupa- *sɨp- *siɣü- (*sp-) *súp-
*šŭru *šuri- *sɨrɨčga- *sirü-
*tŭm(k)u *duŋk- *dɨm- *düŋ-
*zŭldu *suldu- *jɨldɨŕ *šülde-sü
*ǯúbù *ǯubu *ǯüj *dúwài
5. *CuCi
In this type of correspondence both TM and Japanese have *i, but
TM - just as in the type *CuCe - has *u after labial consonants. Turkic
has front *ü (with occasional delabialization > *i) or *ö, Mongolian - any
134 INTRODUCTION

labialized vowel, also repeating the behaviour of PA *CuCe. Korean

has predominantly *ɨ/i, but can also have a labialized reflex *u/o.
PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.
*buri *bir *büri *pìr- *pitə
*būgi *bugu-tuna *bȫg *böɣe-sü *pìw-
*bk῾í *buk- *bük- *bök- *pìnkàm-
*čùmi *Tümen *čmn *ti
*č῾p῾ì *čip[u] *čüɣe- *čòp- *tìpì-sà
*umi *(x)im- *(i)öm *ömü-
*nì *īn- *ün-ǯi- (*nūi) *ìn-tí
*kùtí *kitiri *küderi *kìtúnái
*kdi *kidu- *gǖd- *kìrí-
*k῾ŭli *xil(i)- *kül- *küli-
*k῾č῾i *kȫče *küč- *kìčàŋ
*muĺi *mul- *mulga- *mòrắ- *misu-
*mri *mū *mören *mr *mí-
*púnri *ponda *pìnr *pírái
*pbi *pubu- *bij- *(h)üji- *pjàpắi- *piwa-
*pk῾ì *poKa- *hokar *pìkù-
*p῾ŭŋi *puŋtu *öŋi *pina
*p῾ri *purkē- *hurin *pìrù-m-
*sbi *sīb- *söɣe- *sùb- *siwa-
*sni *sī- *sȫn- *sönü- *sín-
*st῾i *site- *sǖt *ü-sün (*st-)
*sŕi *sir- *süŕ- *sür-
*t῾up῾i *tip- *tüpi
*t῾ni *tīnu- *tün *tüne
*zupi *sibe- *jib *sübe (*sp-)
*ǯúgi *ǯija- *jügür- *čòh
*ǯuŕi *jüŕ- *ǯor *čɨrɨ-

2.5. Prosody in Altaic

Above we repeatedly mentioned prosodic factors as reasons for certain

phonetic changes in Mongolian (voicing *p > *b) and Japanese (voicing
/ prenasalization). The general outline of prosodic reconstruction for
the first syllable was given in Starostin 1995. Here we shall confine our-
selves to a brief table of correspondences.
 CHAPTER TWO 135

PA PTM PT PM Kor. Jpn.

* * * *V *Ỽ *Ỻ
* * * *V *Ỻ *Ỽ
* * * *V *Ỽ *Ỻ
* * * *V *Ỻ *Ỽ
A few comments:
1. The table above describes the behaviour of vowel length / tones only
in the first syllable. As for the second syllable, it appears to have
had no length distinctions, but a distinction in pitch should be
probably reconstructed, on the basis of Japanese tones and voi cing
of the initial consonant of the second syllable in Japanese and Mon-
golian, see above. The reflexes of second syllable pitch in other lan-
guages are as yet unclear.
2. Proto-Tungus-Manchu has preserved vowel length in initial syllables
with original vowel length + low pitch. PTM occasionally also has
vowel length on vowels of the second syllable, but its origins are as
yet unclear.
3. Proto-Turkic has preserved vowel length in initial syllables with
original vowel length + high pitch. Whether PT preserves any pro-
sodic distinctions in non-initial syllables is as yet unclear.
4. Proto-Mongolian has lost all traces of the original prosody except for
voicing *p > *b in syllables with original high pitch (see above).
5. Korean and Japanese appear to reflect original pitch distinction (in a
contrasting manner, Japanese high tone usually corresponding to
Korean low tone, and vice versa), but do not reflect vowel length. It
must be said that Korean has vowel length, but it appears to have
developed secondarily, due to contractions (see Ramsey 1978). Some
traces of Proto-Japanese vowel length may also be preserved in
Ryukyu dialects, but it is as yet unclear how the Ryukyu length cor-
relates with Turkic or TM.
6. While evaluating tone correspondences one should keep in mind
that several secondary metatonic processes happened in Japanese
(on the second syllable, see above) and in Korean, basically in the
verb subsystem: all verbs have a strong tendency towards low pitch
on the first syllable.
7. The phonetic interpretation given above is certainly not definitive.
While there is little doubt that length should be reconstructed where
it is reconstructed, the entities marked as high (*ỻ) and low (*v)
tones are phonetically not quite clear and their places can in fact be
exchanged.
 CHAPTER THREE

COMPARATIVE AND HISTORICAL PHONOLOGIES OF

ALTAIC SUBGROUPS

The phonological section of this introduction would be incomplete

without an account of phonological developments in each of the Altaic
subgroups. Although for the most part we use traditional reconstruc-
tions and correspondences, there are also some innovations presented
and some points to discuss. Therefore we give below a short outline of
the comparative-historical phonology for each of the subgroups of Al-
taic, as currently perceived by the authors of the dictionary.

3.1. Turkic [by A. Dybo]

The system of Proto-Turkic accepted in this dictionary looks like this:

Consonants
p b -m-
t d s -n- -r-, -l-
č j -ń- -ŕ-, -ĺ-
k g -ŋ-
Vowels of the first syllable:
i ü ɨ u
e ö ạ o
e a
All the vowels could be short or long.
Vowels of other syllables:
I U
O
A

The row of any non-first vowel (front or back) depended on the row
of the vowel of the first syllable, thus producing seven (eight?) vocalic
allophones:
 CHAPTER THREE 137

i ü ɨ u
e ö a (o)
The back -o- is actually not attested, but it may be perhaps recon-
structed in some auxiliary morphemes.
Thus, the reconstruction is almost completely traditional, with only
the following modifications:
1. The distinction of initial voiced/voiceless consonants is primarily
based on Oghuz evidence, as was already shown in Иллич-Свитыч
1963, 1965, accepted in EDT and additionally elaborated in АПиПЯЯ
6-10, Дыбо 1991 and РР 70-85. We should mention that the distinction
of *g- vs. *k- is reliably reconstructed only before front vowels; before
back vowels we can only reconstruct a “hyperphoneme” *K-.
2. Medial voiced/voiceless consonants: reconstruction is for the most
part traditional. Details of development can be summarized as follows:
the original voiced labial and velar stop are fricativized and/or lost in
most languages and in most combinations with preceding and follow-
ing vowels. Original voiceless consonants are regularly voiced in inter-
vocalic position in Siberian languages and in Chuvash. In the Oghuz
languages, voiceless consonants become voiced after originally long
vowels; the new voiced labial becomes fricative, and even disappears
in some positions, in a part of the Turkmen dialects, in Khorezmian
(Oghuz) dialects of Uzbek and in Salar (details see in РР 36, 61). In the
Karluk languages the voiceless labial and velar stops are regularly
voiced after original long vowels, and occasionally after short ones. A
similar reflexation is observed in Kypchak languages, where additional
morphological analogies tend to obscure the situation: all Kypchak
languages demonstrate a morphological voicing of labials and velars in
an intervocalic position on a morpheme boundary.
3. O. Mudrak (Мудрак 1989, Мудрак Дисс.) has reconstructed a sepa-
rate phoneme, *-j1-, reflected as -j- in Chuvash, but coinciding with *-d-
in other languages. Since the examples of it are not very numerous, and
it does not seem to have any specific Altaic origin, we have not
adopted this reconstruction in the dictionary.
4. On the reconstruction of *-ń- and its distinction from the clusters
*-jn-, *-jŋ- see РР 85-87 (where *-ń- is denoted as *--). Clusters are re-
flected as such in Oghuz languages (with a permitted vowel insertion
in word-final position, and with -j- frequently lost after front vowels);
Kypchak languages reveal a different development of clusters after
original long and short vowels, cf. *Kojn ‘sheep’ > koj, *bejŋi ‘brain’ > mɨj
as opposed to *Kājnat ‘wing’ > kanat, *Kjn ‘punishment’ > kɨjɨn, *Kōjn
‘armpit’ > kojun, *bōjn ‘neck’ > bojun.
138 INTRODUCTION

5. The problem of *ŕ and *ĺ is treated in the classical “zeta-

cism-sigmatism” spirit, with an additional modification by O. Mudrak,
who has shown (see Мудрак 1989, Мудрак Дисс.) that in Chuvash, *ĺ >
l in syllable-final position, but > š (ž) between vowels; *ŕ > r, but *ŕs > s.
6. For Chuvash it has been shown that dentals and velars were palatal-
ized not only in front of original diphthongs (čul < *diāĺ ῾stone’, jur <
*Kiār ῾snow’), but also in front of *i, *ɨ - earlier this palatalisation was
only noticed on morphemic boundaries; details see in Мудрак 1988,
Мудрак Дисс.
7. For a detailed account of the reflexes of Turkic vowels in Chuvash
see Мудрак 1993, Мудрак Дисс.
8. Long vowels are reconstructed on the basis of Turkmen and Yakut
reflexes, taking into account also the voicing of stops after original long
vowels in Oghuz languages. Short vowels are also reflected as pharyn-
gealized in Tuva and Tofalar, as opposed to non-pharyngealized origi-
nal long vowels (pharyngealization is well recorded in Бичелдей 2001,
Рас. ФиЛ, Рассадин 1995); this reflexation was first formulated in Ил-
лич-Свитыч 1963. On the preservation of long *ā and *ō in Gagauz see
in РР 23-24. Besides, the distinction of *ē vs. *e is preserved in Azer-
baidzhan as a distinction of close vs. open e; in Turkmen the long and
short vowels also give different qualitative reflexes in some environ-
ments (e.g. *ab > ov, but *āb > āv). We prefer to regard the opposition of
short vs. “half-long” vowels in Khalaj as non-distinctive (probably just
phonetic variants, as can be seen from numerous variations between
short and half-long in G. Doerfer’s records), but the plain long (“su-
per-long”) vowels appear to be reasonably well derived from original
long vowels.
9. One of the most complicated problems in Turkic reconstruction is the
distinction of open/close *e vs. *ẹ, *a vs. *ạ.
Close *ạ was reconstructed by O. Mudrak (see Мудрак 1993, Муд-
рак Дисс.) for the correspondence Turk. a - Chuv. ɨ, Yak. ɨ. Let us men-
tion that Yak. can also have a secondary -ɨ- < *a in front of -j-, cf. ɨj
῾moon’, kɨat ῾wing’, ɨj- ῾show, describe’.
As to the reconstruction of *e and *ẹ, no final agreement has been
reached so far. In the dictionary we have adopted the reconstruction of
O. Mudrak (as proposed in Мудрак 1993, Мудрак Дисс.), but A. Dybo
still keeps her own views, presented in Дыбо Дисс., РР 39-44. Both re-
searchers agree that the Oghuz distinction of open *e : close *ẹ is not
original. The distribution of e (=ä) and ẹ (=e) in Azerbaidzhan is com-
plementary, e occurring after j-, in front of š, č and the Common Oghuz
*j (not in front of the secondary j < *g), and ä occurring in all other
cases. The Azerbaidzhan situation is thus secondary compared with
 CHAPTER THREE 139

Turkmen where short open and close e are not distinguished at all.
Thus, for short vowels we have two sets of correspondences:
*e : Oghuz *e, Yak. e, Chuv. a
*ẹ : Oghuz *e, Yak. i, Chuv. i (before nasals and r, as well as after ś -
ĕ)
As for the long vowels, O. Mudrak regards the Proto-Oghuz distinc-
tion (based on the correspondences between Turkmen and Azerbaidz-
han) as secondary, with a rather complicated formulation of condition-
ing rules. The distinction *ē vs. * is reconstructed only on the basis of
the correspondences *ē > Yak. ie, Chuv. a; * > Yak. ī, Chuv. i. O.
Mudrak additionally introduces a “labialized” e, which yields compli-
cated reflexes in Chuvash (in particular, i in front of l), while the Oghuz
languages reflect it as e independent of neighbouring consonants; ex-
amples of this eₙ are few and this phoneme has not been adopted in the
dictionary.
According to A. Dybo, the opposition of *ē vs. * in Oghuz goes
back to Common Turkic and is additionally reflected in Khalaj:
*ē : Oghuz *ē, Khal. ǟ, Yak. ie, Chuv. a
* : Oghuz *, Khal. īe (ä after initial h-), Yak. ie, Chuv. a
For a small number of examples where Oghuz, Yakut and Chuvash
have a variation of close and open reflexes (and Chuvash sometimes
j+vowel) she reconstructs PT *e (or *ẹ) followed by *-j- as the first ele-
ment of a consonant cluster. In Chuvash initial *ej- of this type appar-
ently gave rise to a rising diphthong; the following reconstructions are
proposed:
*ẹj : Oghuz *ẹ, Yak. e, Chuv. -i-/jə-, i-, Khal. ä
*ēj : Oghuz *ē, Yak. ie, Chuv. -i-, Khal. īe
*j: Oghuz *, Yak. ī, Chuv. -i-/ja-, Khal. īe.
The details of the reconstruction, as well as precise origins of this
Proto-Turkic distinction are yet to be established.
9. In reconstructing the diphthong *-ia- (long and short) we follow Вла-
димирцов-Поппе 1924, relying on the correspondence of Turkic a (ā)
to Chuv. ju- word-initially and -u- (-o-) with palatalization of the pre-
ceding consonant in a postconsonantal position. Its Mongolian parallels
are, however, not as straightforward as proposed in that paper (see
above on Altaic vowel correspondences).
10. Difficult, and not completely solved yet, is the problem of recon-
structing vowels of non-initial syllables. Proto-Turkic probably lacked
labial vowel harmony and had a distinction of labialized vs. plain vow-
els in non-initial syllables, independently of the features of the first syl-
lable. This can be proved by the material of MK, as well as by Runic
Turkic evidence, see e.g. Meyer 1965. This distinction is additionally
140 INTRODUCTION

reflected in some vowel-consonant combination reflexes in the Oghuz

and Kypchak languages, see details in РР 44, and in the “o”-dialect of
Yakut and in Uyghur, where the original second labialized vowel
causes labialization of the vowel of the first syllable (as opposed to the
second non-labialized vowel, causing the Uyghur Umlaut), e. g.: Uygh.
xotun, Yak. xotun ῾woman’, Orkh., OUygh. qatun (*Katun), as opposed
to Yak. balɨk, Uygh. belik ῾fish’, MK balɨq (*balɨk), Osm. jarum, Yak. jarɨm,
Uygh. jerim ῾half’, MK jarɨm (*jarɨm) etc.
As to reconstructing the PT labialized low vowels, we tend to accept
the hypothesis of G. Clauson (EDT), who reconstructs *o/*ö in
non-initial syllables in the cases where daughter-languages reveal a
variation in labialization of the first syllable and a variation between
high and low reflexes of the second syllable (which may itself lose labi-
alization): cf. the reconstructions *sigöl ‘wart’ and *süŋök ῾bone’ in EDT.
At least in Common Oghuz the reflexes of this *-ö- were redistributed:
high vowel in a closed syllable, low vowel in an open one, cf. *s[e]göl
‘wart’: sögöl (OUygh.), sigil (MK), Tur. sigil, Az. zijil, Turkm. siŋŋil;
*siŋök ‘bone’: süŋök (Orkh.), süŋük (OUygh.), süŋük (MK, KB), Tur.
süŋük, Az. sümük, Turkm. süŋk, süjek; *sinčök ‘ankle-bone’: Tur. dial.
sinǯik; but *tepö ‘hill, top’: töpü (OUygh.), tepe (Tefs.), töpü (KB), Tur.
tepe, dial. depe, Az. täpä, Turkm. depe; *tikö ‘piece, part’: tikü (MK), Tur.
tike, Az. tikä, Turkm. tike. See РР 45.
11. Proto-Turkic and most modern Turkic languages possess the so-
called vowel harmony: all words are subdivided into “front” (with
vowels *i, *e, *ẹ, *ü, *ö) and “back” (with vowels *ɨ, *a, *ạ, *u, *o). The
vowel of any non-initial syllable has to be “harmonized” with the
vowel of the initial syllable.
Below is a table of basic consonant correspondences between Turkic
languages:
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh Uzb Kaz., Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karai Turk Az Gag Tur Kha Chuv
h h k k h KKalp m m l
b-1 b- b- b- b-/p- b-/p- p- p- b- b- b-/p- b- b- b- b- b- (Sib. b-, p- b- b- b-/p- b-/p- b-/p b-/p b- p-
p-) - -
p/  p -p-, -b-, V”v V”pV, -b-, -b-, -b-, -p-, p p p, -b- p, -b-2 p, -b- p, -b- p, -b- p, -b- p, -b- p p p p -b-, -b-,
-b-, -p -p V, -“p -p -p -p -b-2, -p -p
hV-, -p
-“p
p/  -p- -p-, -b-, VvV, VbV, -b-, -b-, -b-, -b-, p -v-, -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -p -b-, -b-, -b-, -b-,
-b-, -p -p -p -p -p -p -p -p -p/b3 -p -p -p -p
-b- b v b -v- -b- -b- -b- b/06 -b- b/v/g/j/ v/g/j/ b/w/j/0 b/w/j/0 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/04 w/j/05 v/j/05 v/04 v/j/0 v/04 v/04
/04 /-0-4, /-0-4, /-0-4, /-0-4, /-j- 05 05 4 4 5

-g -g -g/- -g5/- /-0-4

b p
-m(- m, -n M, -n m, m, -n m, -n m, m, m, m, m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, -n m, m, m, m, -n
) -n -n -n -n -n -n -n -n
t- t t t t, d7 t, d7 t t t t t t t t t t t, d t t t, d7 t, d7 t, d7 t, d7 t t8
t/  t t t9 V”d V”tV, -d-, -d-10, -d-, t t t t11 t11 t t t t t t t t t t -d-12,
V, -“t -“t -t -t -t -t
t/  t t t9 VdV, VdV, -d-, -d-10, -d-, t t t t11 t11 t t t t t d, -t d d, -t d, -t t -d-12,
-t -t -t -t -t -t
d- t t t t, d7 t, d7 t t t t t t t, (d-) t, (d-) t t t, d t t d d, t13 d, t7 d, t7 t t8
d d δ t VdV, VdV, z, -s z, -s , j14 j j j j j j j j j j j j j j d -r-
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh Uzb Kaz., Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karai Turk Az Gag Tur Kha Chuv
h h k k h KKalp m m l
-t -t
s- s s 0 s s s s s s s s s s h s s s s ϑ,s15 s s s s s16
s/  s s -h-, -“z-, “s z z z s s s s s ϑ s s s s ϑ,s15 s s s s -s-
-s, -“s (=-z-)
-t17 18

s/V  s s -h-, -z-, -s -z-, -s z z z s s s s s ϑ s s s s ϑ,s15 s s s s -s-

-s, (=-z-)
-t17 18

n n n n n19 n n n n n n n n n n n n n n n n21 n n n n, m
r r r r r r r r r r r, -j/-0- r r r r r r r r r r r r r r
l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l
č- č č s š š s š č č č č š š s č č č č č č č č č ś8
č/  č č -h-, -“ž-, -“ǯ-,-“ -ǯ-, -ǯ-, č č č č š š s č č č č č č č č č ź12
-s -“š š -s -š
č/ č č -h-, -ž-, -š -ǯ-, -š -ǯ-, -ǯ-, č č č č š š s č č č č -ǯ-, -č ǯ -ǯ-, -ǯ-, č ź12
-s -s -š -č -č
j- j j s č č č č d’, ǯ j20 j21 ž j j j, ǯ22 j, ǯ ǯ j j j j j j ś
j14
j j j j j j j j d’, j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j
j14
j1 d δ t VdV, VdV z z -j- j j j j j j j j j j j j j j d j/v/04
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh Uzb Kaz., Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karai Turk Az Gag Tur Kha Chuv
h h k k h KKalp m m l
ń23 j/ñ j j/ j/  > j24  > j24 j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j/v/04
ŕ z z -h-, -z-, -s -z-, -s -z-, -z-, -z-, z z z z z z z z z z z z z z z r, s
-s, -s -s -s
-t17
ĺ/  š š -h-, -“ž-, -“ǯ-, -z-, -ž-, -ž-, š š š s s š š š š š š š š š š l, š
-s, -“š -“š -s -š -š
-t17
l’/  š š -h-, -ž-, -š -ǯ-, -š -z-, -ž-, -ž-, š š š s s š š š š š š š š š š l, š
-s, -s -š -š
-t17
k-25 k, q26 k, q26 k, k, x17 k, x17 k, k, k k k, q28 k, q28 k, q26 k k, q26 k k, g, k, g, k k, G26 k, G26 k k k, k, x29
x27 x26 q26 q26 q26 q26
k/  k, q26 k, q26 g, -“g-, -“h-, g, g, g -g-, k, q28 k, q28 -g- -g-, -g- -g-, -g- -g- g-, -k-, k, q26 k, x26 k k k, -g-, -k
ɣ26 -“k -“k/”q ɣ26 ɣ26 -k-2, /-ɣ-, -k-2, -k /-ɣ-, -k-2, -k /-ɣ-, /-ɣ-, -k q26 /-x29
26 -k -k- -k- -k- -k-
/-q-2, /-q-, /-q-, /-q-,
-k/-q26 -k/-q26 -k/-q26 -k/-q26
k/  k, q26 k, q26 g, -g-, -g-, g, g, g -g-, k, q28 k, q28 -g- -g-, -g- -g-, -g- -g- g-, -k-, -g- -g-/-ɣ-, -g- -ɣ-, k, -g-, -k
ɣ26 -k -k/q26 ɣ26 ɣ26 -k-2, /-ɣ-, -k-2, -k /-ɣ-, -k-2, -k /-ɣ-, /-ɣ-, -k /-ɣ-, -k/-x/- /-0-7 -k q26 /-x29
-k -k- -k- -k- -k- -k/q26 G7 , -k
/-q-2, /-q-, /-q-, /-q-,
PT OUyg Karak Ya Tuva Tof Kha Shor Oyr Kirg Uygh Uzb Kaz., Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karai Turk Az Gag Tur Kha Chuv
h h k k h KKalp m m l
-k/-q26 -k/-q26 -k/-q26 -k/-q26
g-30 k k k k, x17 k, x17 k k k k k k k k k k k, g k, g k g g g- g- k k
g g, ɣ26 g, ɣ26 0 -0-, -0-, -0-, -0-, 0/j/g 0/j/g4 g, ɣ, g, ɣ, -w-/ -w-/ -w-/ -w-/ -w-/ -w-/ g/w/j/ ɣ/w ɣ/w/j6, ɣ/w ɣ/w ɣ/w v/04
-g -g/-ɣ26 -g -g 6 -k/-q31 -k -j-, -j-, -j-, -j-, -j-, -j-, 04 /j6 -032 /j6, /j6, /j8,
/-ɣ26 /-ɣ26 /-ɣ26 /-q31 -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -0/-w/- -032 -032 -032
j4 j4 j4 j4 j4 j4
ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ, 033 ŋ, 033 -g- -g- ŋ34 ŋ ŋ, n35 ŋ, -j-, ŋ, -j-, ŋ, -j- ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ, -j- , ŋ36 n, j n, n, ŋ, j , n, m4
/-0-, /-0-, n35 n35 n35 -g-, n35 -g-, n35 n35 -g-, n35 -g-, n15 m, m, j6 g,
-ŋ -ŋ j6 n37
 CHAPTER THREE 145

Notes.
1. In most languages (except Tur. and Gag.) > m- before a following
nasal, with slightly differing rules. The same is true for (*-p-) > *-b- >
*-m- in the second syllable.
2. Voicing occurs on morpheme boundaries and occasionally - in cases
of morphological reanalysis (cf. cases like Tat. sɨpɨr- / sɨbɨr- ῾to
sweep’, where -ɨr- could have been re-analysed as a causative suf-
fix).
3. Probably dialectal variants, occasionally rendered in orthography.
4. Depending on vocalic environment.
5. After labialized vowels.
6. Depending on vocalic environment and with dialect variation.
7. See more details in РР.
8. *t-, *d-, *č- > č- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
9. -d- in the intervocalic cluster *-rt- and in the beginning of auxiliary
morphemes.
10. Occasionally recorded as voiceless in Verbitskiy’s materials.
11. -d- in the beginning of auxiliary morphemes.
12. *-t-, -č- > -ǯ- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
13. *d- > t- before the following voiceless -x-.
14. Variation in dialects and recordings.
15. Variation in dialects.
16. *s- > š- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
17. Distribution unclear.
18. *-s- > -ž- in front of -i-, -ɨ-.
19. In some dialects lost with compensatory vowel nasalization.
20. In dialects also ǯ-.
21. In dialects also variants ǯ-, ž- before narrow vowels.
22. Normally j before a, o, ö, u, ü, ɛ; ǯ before e, i, ɨ; but the distribution
may be additionally somewhat confused because of dialect varia-
tion.
23. In most languages is not distinguished from *-j-, but causes nasali-
zation of initial *b- > m-.
24. Frequently causes nasalization of initial *j- > n-.
25. Before back vowels voiceless *k- and voiced *g- cannot be distin-
guished in PT; in this position we usually write *K-.
26. Depending on whether the following/preceding vowel is front or
back.
27. Depending on whether the following vowel is wide or narrow.
28. Depending on whether the original following/preceding vowel was
front or back.
146 INTRODUCTION

29. Depending on whether the original following/preceding vowel was

front or back. *K- > j- before an original diphthong.
30. Reconstructable only before front vowels.
31. Devoicing of final *-g is a characteristic feature of the Karluk lan-
guages; however, both in Uzbek and in Uighur it occurs irregularly,
depending probably on morphological derivational analogies.
32. In the end of a polysyllabic word. Details see in РР.
33. Variation in dialects; in case of disappearance nasalization is pre-
served on the preceding vowel.
34. In dialects also -g- or -0-.
35. In some combinations and in the end of a polysyllabic word.
36. In combinations with palatals - n, in some vocalic environments - j.
37. Distribution not quite clear.
 Basic vowel correspondences between Turkic languages
PT OUygh Karakh Yak Tuva Tof Khak Shor Oyr Kirgh Uygh Uzb Kaz, Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karaim Turkm Az Gag Tur Khal Chuv
KKalp
i i i i i i ə i i i i i i i e e i i i i i i i i ə, ъ38
ī i i ī i i ə i i i i i i i e e i i i ī i i i īi ə, ъ38
ẹ (i) (i) i e e i e e e e, ä39 e e e i i e e e e ä, e e ä i
e40
 (i) (i) ī e e i e e e e, ä39 e e e i i e e e ī e e e īe i
e (e) (e) e e e i e e e e, ä39 e, a41 e e i i e e e e ä, e e ä a42
e41
ē (e) (e) ie e e i e e e e, ä39 e e e i i e e e ǟ ä, e e ǟ a42
e41
a a a a a a a a a a a,e43 a, ɔ44 a a a a a a a a a a a a o45
ā a a ā a a a a a a a, e43 a, ɔ44 a a a a a a a ā a a a āa o45
ạ a a ɨ a a a a a a a, e43 a, ɔ44 a a a a a a a a a a a a ɨ
 a a  a a a a a a a, e43 a, ɔ44 a a a a a a a ā a a a āa ɨ
ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ i i ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ i ə, ъ46
 ɨ ɨ  ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ i i ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ ɨ  ɨ ɨ ɨ īi ə, ъ46
u u u u u u u u u u u u u u o o u u u u u u u u ъₙ47
ū u u ū u u u u u u u u u u o o u u u ū u u u ūu ъₙ47
o o o o o o o o o o o ŭ o o u u o o o o o O o o vɨ-,
-u-48
PT OUygh Karakh Yak Tuva Tof Khak Shor Oyr Kirgh Uygh Uzb Kaz, Nog Bashk Tat Kum Balk Karaim Turkm Az Gag Tur Khal Chuv
KKalp
ō o o uo o o o o o o o ŭ o o u u o o o ō o O o ūo vu-,
-u-48
ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü u ü ü ö ö ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü/i49 əₙ50
ǖ ü ü ǖ ü ü ü ü ü ü ü u ü ü ö ö ü ü ü ǖ, üj ü ü ü ǖü, əₙ50
īi49
ö ö ö ö ö ö ö ö ö ö ö ŭ ö ö ü ü ö ö ö ö ö Ö ö ö, e49 vi-,
-u-/-ü-51
ȫ ö ö üö ö ö ö ö ö ö ö ŭ ö ö ü ü ö ö ö ö ö Ö ö īe va,
-ъₙva
 CHAPTER THREE 149

Notes.
38. Before and after š.
39. The closed variant - in the position of the so called Uyghur Umlaut
(before ä, i in the second syllable).
40. The closed variant - after j-, before back affricates and sibilants (š, č),
the Common Oghuz *j (not before the secondary -j < *g) and v; oth-
erwise - ä.
41. -a- is a rather rare, probably dialectal, variant.
42. > e in the vicinity of palatals.
43. The variant e - in the position of the so called Uyghur Umlaut (be-
fore ä, i in the second syllable).
44. Details see in Мудрак 2002.
45. In the Upper dialect o, in the Lower dialect and in literary Chuvash
- u; u in all dialects adjacent to the reflexes of *g and *b.
46. ъ - before and after š; in Anlaut - jъ. Details see in Мудрак Дисс.
47. *ubC > *uvC > uC. Labialization of ъ is present in the Upper dialect
(but one should mention that before and after labials this labializa-
tion is automatic).
48. vụ- in the Malokarachin dialect.
49. Dialectal variation.
50. Labialization of ə is present in the Upper dialect (but one should
mention that before and after labials this labialization is automatic).
51. In the vicinity of velars *ö merges with *u.

3.2. Mongolian [by O. Mudrak]

Unlike Turkic, all modern Mongolian languages can be sufficiently

well derived from the attested Middle Mongolian language. Attempts
to reconstruct for Proto-Mongolian any features absent in the written
records have so far been unsuccessful. Thus, the Proto-Mongolian sys-
tem reconstructed so far is practically identical with Middle Mongolian
and has the following phonemes:
Consonants
b m w
t d n r l
č ǯ s j
k g h/ɣ ŋ
Of these consonants, w, r and ŋ occur only word-medially; w is dis-
tinct in Written Mongolian orthography and was probably distinct
from -ɣ- in Middle Mongolian, but the actual orthographic systems of
150 INTRODUCTION

Middle Mongolian do not make a difference between -w- and -ɣ(u)-.

On the other hand, h- occurs only word-initially and is in clear com-
plementary distribution with -ɣ-.
A general process characteristic of Southern Mongolian languages
was the voicing of intervocalic stops and transfer of their original
“voicelessness” to the preceding consonant: *ZVCV > CVZV. All
Southern Mongolian languages reveal, to a larger or lesser extent, the
working of this general rule, which was first formulated in Helimski
1984. This “voicelessness” phonetically was probably realized as aspi-
ration, which - in cases when there was no initial consonant - resulted
in the emergence of secondary h- in Southern Mongolian: *VCV >
hVZV. This h- is to be carefully distinguished from the original *h- pre-
served in MMong. and Dagur.
Vowels
i ü u
e ö o
a
In non-initial syllables only i, e, ü, u and a are attested; there are,
however, some indications that *-ö and *-o could originally also occur
in this position.
Like Turkic, Proto-Mongolian and Middle Mongolian possessed
vowel harmony, which has to a large extent disintegrated in modern
languages, especially in Southern Mongolian. All words were subdi-
vided into two types: “front” (with the vowels *i, *e, *ü, *ö) and “back”
(with the vowels *i, *u, *o, *a): the vowel *i, therefore, was neutral in
respect to vowel harmony.
In the chart below we give only correspondences of the vowels of
the first syllable: although the non-initial vowels are well enough re-
corded in MMong. and preserved in WMong., in all modern languages
they became hopelessly reduced, and their quality may for the most
part only be restored on the basis of the behaviour of the initial vowel.
Below is a chart of phonetic correspondences between Mongolian
languages.
PM WMong. MMong. Khalkha Kalm. Bur. Ord. Dag. Mongor S.-Yugh. Dong. Bao. Mog.
*b1 b b b/-v(-) b/ b b/-w(-) B/-v-/-r b-/p-/-w-/b b-/p-/-w- b-(v-)/p-/-v(u)- b-(v-)/p-/-v(0)-/-b b/-f
-w(-)
*m2 m m m, -m/n m, m, m, M, -m/n m m m, -n m m
-m/n -m/n -m/n
*w3 -u(-) Vu (Chin.-Mong.) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
*t4 t t t t t t/d- t t/d t/d t/-d~t-/č t t
*d5 d(=t) d, -t (Chin.-Mong.) d d d d d,-r d-/t-, d d d/ǯ d d
*n n n n n n n n n n n n/-ŋ n
*r r r r r r r r r r r, -0 r r
*l6 l l l l l l l l, -r l l, -n l l
*č7 č č, (ǯe Chin.-Mong.) c/č c/č s/š č/ǯ- č ć-/-- č/ǯ č/-ǯ- č/-č- ~ -ǯ- č
*ǯ8 ǯ ǯ ʒ/ǯ z/ǯ z/ž ǯ ǯ (ǯ)/ć(č) ǯ/č ǯ ǯ ǯ
*j9 j j j j j j j j/0 j j j/0 j
*s10 s s/š s/š s/š h/š, s/š s/š, -r s/ś(š)/ʒ s/š s/š s/š s/š
-t
*kA11 q x (~ q-) (HY), q/-x- x x, ki x x/G-, ki x, k x/G-/-G- x/G-/-ɣ-/-G- q/G-/-G(~ɣ)- x/G- q
(SH), q (Middle
Asia Mong.)
*kE12 k k (gu Chin.-Mong.) x k x k/g- k k/g-/-g- k/g/-ɣ-/-g- k/g-/-g- k/g- k
*gA13 ɣ q, -x (Chin.-Mo.), g g g g g G/x- G/x-/-ɣ- G/q- G/x- ɣ
q/-ɣ- (Middle Asia)
 152

PM WMong. MMong. Khalkha Kalm. Bur. Ord. Dag. Mongor S.-Yugh. Dong. Bao. Mog.
*gE14 g g g g g g g g/k- g/k-/-ɣ- g g g
*ŋ15 ŋ ŋ ŋ, -n ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ
*h16 0 x (Chinese-Mong.), 0 0 0 0 x/š (Tsitsikar, x/f/ś(š) h h/x/f/š h/x/f/š 0~ʔ
h- (IM, MA, PS) Butkhas), 0 (ZM)
(Khailar)
*ɣ17 -ɣ-/-g- -‘- (Chin.-Mong.), 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
-0- (Mid.-As.)
*a18 a a a a/ä a a a a/0-/ā/i a a/ə a/e/i a/o/ō
*u19 u u u u/ü u u o/wa-/-(u)a-/u u/0-/o/ə u/0-/ə u u/e/a/o u
*o20 o o o o/ö o o/u o/wa-/-(u)a- u-/0-/o,u/ō o/ō o-/o~u/-uaN o-/o~u o/u
*i21 i i i/V i/V e/i/V i/V i/V i/V i/V i/ə/V i/V i/V
*e22 e e (~u) e/i/ö e/i/ö e/ü e/i/ö/ü e/ü 0-/i-/e/ə/a/i/u e,i-,0-/o- je-/ie/e/ü e/-iN, -aN e/ü
*ü23 ü u ü ü ü ü ü u-(~0-)/u/ə/i u-(~0-)/u/ə u u-/u,e/-oŋ ü
*ö24 ö o (Chin.-Mong.), u ö ö ü ö/ü ü 0-/o-/o/u/ō ö(o)/ȫ(ō) o-/o~u/-uaN o-/o~u ü, ö
(Mid.As.)
 CHAPTER THREE 153

Notes.
1. Voiceless variants in Southern Mongolian languages appear before a
voiceless consonant of the next syllable. *-b- is not fricativized after
nasals; in Khalkha, Ord. and Dag. also after -l-.
2. Northern languages and Dagur have a variation -m/-n at the end of a
non-initial syllable.
3. In all modern languages and Middle Asiatic MMong. sources not
distinguished from *-ɣ-. A difference may be observed, however, in
WMong. and in Chinese MMong. sources, where the sequence -Vw-
tends to be rendered by a single character as opposed to the sequence
-Vɣu-, usually rendered by a pair of characters.
4. In Ord. d- before the following voiceless stops. In Mongor d before
following fricatives ( < *s, *č) and intervocalically; voicing did not oc-
cur, however, if the initial syllable started with a resonant or 0-. In
S.-Yugh. *t- > d- before the following *-k-; intervocalic voicing occurred
more or less in the same positions as in Mongor. Dong. also usually has
voiced -d- between vowels, although dialectal variation is observed; *t-
> č- before *-e-.
5. Occasional intervocalic devoicing can be observed in Dong. (motu
῾tree’) and Baoan (hotoŋ ῾feather’). Mongor usually (although not com-
pletely consistently) has a devoiced t- in cases when the next syllable
started with a voiceless consonant (thus *ZVCV > *CVZV). In Dong. *d-
> ǯ- before *-e-.
6. Syllable-final -l yields -r in Mongor, but is preserved in some dia-
lects.
7. In Ord. - ǯ- before the following voiceless stops. In Northern Mongo-
lian languages front (“hissing”) reflexes are observed before all vowels
except *i, and occasionally also before *i - in combinations like *čiɣa-,
*čiɣe-, as well as before the syllables with labial *-u- or *-ü-. Mongor
and S.-Yugh. have a voiced intervocalic reflex; in a few cases initial
voicing (probably assimilative) or spirantizantion are also observed.
Dong. and Bao. also have intervocalic voicing of *-č-, but here it ap-
pears to be restricted to a position after initial voiceless consonants and
*h-, with some dialectal variation.
8. Devoicing is observed in Mongor and S.-Yugh. before some origi-
nally voiceless consonants (which may become voiced themselves, thus
*ZVCV > *CVZV). In Northern Mongolian languages front (“hissing”)
reflexes are observed before all vowels except *i, and occasionally also
before *i - in combinations like *ǯiɣa-, *ǯiɣe-, as well as before the syl-
lables with labial *-u- or *-ü-.
154 INTRODUCTION

9. In most modern languages *j is lost before a following *-i-, frequently

resulting in vocalic contractions.
10. Mongor has voicing *-s- > -ʒ- in the nominal suffix -su; it occurs,
with few exceptions, after initial voiceless consonants and *h-, as well
as after initial nasals and *j-. Palatalization *s > š occurs in all languages
before the vowel *i; in Dong. also before *e.
11. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *k before or
after back vowels (or *i in back-row words). Ord. has a voiced reflex
before the following voiceless stop. Mongor and S.-Yugh. have initial
G- before the following -(r)d-, -ǯ-. Between vowels *-k- is usually
voiced in these languages (in S.-Yugh. also fricativized: -ɣ-), but it can
stay voiceless if the first syllable starts with a resonant (therefore in
situations when the “transfer of voice” - *ZVCV > *CVZV - was impos-
sible). In Mongor *k is palatalized ( > ć) before *i. Dong. and Bao. have
voicing in basically the same positions as in Mongor, but initial voicing
may also occur before following resonants, and intervocalic voicing
may sometimes occur even after a syllable starting with a resonant.
12. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *k before or
after front vowels. The distribution of voiced / voiceless reflexes is simi-
lar to *kA.
13. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *g before or
after back vowels (or *i in back-row words). In Mongor and S.-Yugh.,
voiceless x- appears before an original voiceless consonant in the next
syllable (*ZVCV > *CVZV); in Mongor *k is palatalized ( > ć) before *i.
Dong. and Bao. have voiceless reflexes in monosyllabic stems before a
liquid (also in a few other cases, like *gasi-ɣun, probably due to assimi-
lation).
14. This row of correspondences describes the behaviour of *g before or
after front vowels. In Mongor and S.-Yugh., devoicing occurs according
to the same rules as for *gA; other Southern Mongolian languages,
however, do not have devoicing here.
15. In most cases *ŋ is just a variant of *n in combinations with velar
consonants; it never occurs word-initially or between vowels. How-
ever, there is a distinction between *-n and *-ŋ in syllable-final position.
16. Initial *h- is well preserved in Dagur and Southern Mongolian lan-
guages. The distribution of reflexes in Mongor, Dong. and Bao. de-
pends on following vowels. Generally (omitting some subtle details),
the labial reflex is found before *u, *ü, sibilant reflexes before *i, laryn-
geal and velar reflexes elsewhere.
17. Intervocalic *-ɣ- is in complementary distribution with *h- (and may
in fact be reconstructed as *-h-). It is rendered as -ɣ- (in the back row)
 CHAPTER THREE 155

or -g- (in the front row) in WMong., reflected as -0- (or a laryngeal) in
MMong. and is lost in all modern languages, usually causing vowel
contractions.
18. In Kalm., ä before a following *i. In Mongor the basic reflex is a; af-
ter palatal affricates and j before a lengthened second vowel the reflex
is i. In a number of disyllabic and trisyllabic words the initial *a- is lost;
on the other hand, *a is lengthened > ā in disyllables with *-u in the
second syllable. Dong. and Bao. have a reduction (*a > ə) in a number
of disyllabic words, and Bao. has -i- after affricates. Mog. has -o- before
liquids, and a lengthened reflex before *u, *i of the second syllable.
19. In Kalm. ü before a following *i. Dag. has a diphthong before a
short -a- of the second syllable (the sequence *bu- in such case > *bua- >
ba-), but -u- before a lengthened second -ā-. Bao. has -o- after G-, -a-
after b-. Mongor has a frequent reduction *u > ə > 0, following a rather
complicated system of rules. In S.-Yugh. the reduction occurs before
liquids, in non-initial syllables the usual reflex is ə.
20. In Kalm. ö before a following *i. The distribution of reflexes in Dag.
is similar to *u. Ord. has u in an open syllable before *-u- in the follow-
ing syllable; a similar distribution is observed in Mog. Mongor has
lengthening o > ō before the following *-u-; in Anlaut u- is preserved
only before liquids, otherwise a reduction *u- > 0- occurs; in Inlaut
Mongor has -o- or -u-, with a rather complicated distribution of re-
flexes. S.-Yugh. has long ō in the same context as in Mongor (i.e. before
-u- of the second syllable); next to *m *o is sometimes reflected as ū.
The rules of variation o~u in Dong. and Bao. are not quite clear.
21. *i is the least stable vowel in all Mongolian languages. It usually
becomes assimilated to the vowel of the second syllable (the so called
“breaking of the vowel *i”). The particular rules of “breaking” differ
from language to language; see the description, e. g., in Poppe 1955.
22. In Khalkha, i before back affricates and clusters of -l-+affricates. In
Kalm., i after j- and before back affricates. In Ord., i after j-, č-, ǯ-. In
Mongor, a complicated distribution of reflexes (usually u after labials,
and a variety of reflexes before liquids *r, *l, depending on preceding
consonants). Dong. has -e- after affricates and j-, otherwise usually a
diphthong -ie-. Labialized reflexes in all languages usually occur in
Anlaut before an *-ü- of the next syllable. A labial u- (=ü-) is regular in
Chinese MMong. transcriptions, MA and in Mogol; Ord. has ö- before
labials, otherwise ü-; Dag. has e- before labials, otherwise ü-; Dong.,
Bao. and Mongor have 0- before labials, otherwise u-; S.-Yugh. has 0-
before labials, otherwise o-.
156 INTRODUCTION

23. The distribution of reflexes in Mongor and S.-Yugh. is similar to *u.

In Southern Mongolian languages one has to assume an early merger
of front and back labialized vowels in many contexts.
24. Ord. has ü in open syllables before the following *-ü-. The reflexes
in Southern Mongolian languages are generally the same as those of *o.

3.3. Tungus-Manchu [by A. Dybo and S. Starostin]

While dealing with the TM protoforms, we have basically adopted the

classical reconstruction of V. Tsintsius (Цинциус 1949) rather than its
somewhat reduced version in Benzing 1955; some modifications were
also introduced in Иллич-Свитыч 1965, in АПиПЯЯ and Дыбо 1990.

Consonants
p b m
t d s l, r n
č ǯ š j ń
k g x ŋ
The resonants *r and *j are reconstructed only word-medially.
All TM languages distinguish velar and uvular consonants; both,
however, go back to a single row of velars, split according to the posi-
tion adjacent to front or back vowels. In the table below we give only
velar reflexes, but one should keep in mind that they are always split
(k/q, g/G, x/ɣ, χ/ʁ).
Vowels
i ü u
e o
a
One diphthong (*ia) is also reconstructed, although it is possible
that the phoneme reconstructed as *ü could have also been a diphthong
(*iu or *ui). All vowels could be short or long.
All vowels except *o could occur both in the first and the following
syllables. Unlike Turkic and Mongolian, Proto-Tungus-Manchu ap-
pears to have had no vowel harmony. Some restrictions on the coexis-
tence of different vowels in adjacent syllables were, however, present:
the back vowels *a, *o could not be combined with the front vowel *e;
*u could not follow *o, *ü could not follow *i.
All modern languages have developped a specific variety of vowel
harmony (probably under Mongolian influence): every word may be
 CHAPTER THREE 157

characterized as “back” or “front”, depending on the particular combi-

nation of vowels. Words with -a- or -o- in the first or second syllable
are always “back”; words with -e- in the first or second syllable are al-
ways “front”. The -i- and -u- vowels are neutral, i. e. they may occur
both in “back” and “front” words (but frequently have different allo-
phones, depending on the row of the word). The *-ü- vowel usually
occurs in “front” words, but combinations *aCü and *oCü seem also to
be attested. Velars shift to uvulars in “back” words, but are preserved
in “front” words. It should be mentioned that the combinations of the
neutral vowels -u- and -i- are usually treated as “back”, with velars
shifting to uvulars in combinations *CiCi, *CuCu, *CiCu and *CuCi,
although there may be occasional variation.
Basic correspondences of TM consonants:
PTM Evk Evn Sol Neg Oroch Ud Ulcha Orok Nan Man Jurch
p- h-1 h-2 0- x- x-3 x-4 p- p- p-/f-5 f- f-
p6 p/w/0 b/w/0 b/w/g p/w/0 p/w/0 f/w p/b p/b p/f/b f/b f
b- b- b- b- b- b- b- b- b- b- b- p-
b7 w/0 w/0 w/0 w/0 b/w/0 b/w/0 b/w/0 b/w/0 b/w/0 b/f/w/0 b/w
m- m m m m m m m m m m m
m m m m m m m m m m m8 m
t- t t t t t9 t9 t9 t9 t10 t10 t10
t t t t t t9 t9 t9 t9 t10 t10 t10
d- d d d d d11 d11 d11 d11 d12 d12 d12
d d d d d d11 d11 d11 d11 d12 d12 d12
s- s-13 h-14 s-15 s- s- s- s- s- s- s-/š- s-
s s13 s16 s15 s s s, h s s s s s
n- n n n n n n n n n n n
n n n n n n n n n n n n
l-17 l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n l/n
l l l l l l l l l l l l
r r r r j, 0 j, 0 j, 0 r r r r r
č- č- č- š- č- č- c- č- č- > t- č-18 č- č-
č č č š č č s č č>t č č č
ǯ- ǯ- ǯ- ǯ- ǯ- ǯ- ʒ- ǯ- ǯ-> d ǯ-19 ǯ- ǯ-
ǯ ǯ ǯ ǯ ǯ ǯ ʒ ǯ ǯ>d ǯ19 ǯ ǯ
š-20 č č š č č c č č>t č š/s s, c
š20 č č š č č s č č>t č š/s s, c
ń-21 ń ń n ń ń ń ń n ń ń ń
ń ń ń n ń ń ń ń n ń ń ń
158 INTRODUCTION

PTM Evk Evn Sol Neg Oroch Ud Ulcha Orok Nan Man Jurch
j j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022 j, 022
k- k- k- k-/x- k- k- k- k- k- k- k-/x- k-
k23 k k k/x/ɣ/0 k/x k/x/0 k/x/ɣ/0 k/0 k/0 k/0 k/x k/x
g- g g g g g g g g g g g
g24 ɣ ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w/j/0 ɣ/w
x- 0 0 0 0 0 0 x/s4 x/s4 x/s4 0/x25 h
x26 k k k/x/ɣ/0 k/x k/x/0 k/x/ɣ/0 x/0 x/0 x/0 k/x k/x
ŋ- ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ, ni- ŋ/ń/m22 ŋ/ń/m/w22 ŋ/ń/m/ ŋ/m/w27 ŋ/m/w g/w29 g/w/ŋ29
w27 /028
ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ ŋ, 0 ŋ, 0 ŋg, 030 ŋg, 030 ŋg, 030 ŋg, m ŋ, m

Notes
1. 0- in the North Baikal dialect.
2. 0- in the Kamchatka and Arman dialects.
3. Sporadically - s- before -i-.
4. s- before *-i- and *-ia-.
5. p- in literary Nanai and in the Naikhi dialect; f- in the Bikin dialect;
in Kur-Urmi usually x-, but some examples of f- are also attested, obvi-
ously because of interdialectal borrowings (the Kur-Urmi dialect his-
torically belongs rather not to Nanai, but to the Northern subgroup of
TM).
6. Intervocalic *-p- is rather stable in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai, where it is
usually preserved (but occasionally can be voiced > -b-; in Bikin Nanai
the standard reflex is -f-). Evenki and Even have either a stop (Evk. -p-,
Evn. -b-) or a resonant (Evk. -w-/-0-, Evn. -w-/-0-). In АПиПЯЯ we re-
constructed *-p- for the former, but *-b- for the latter row of correspon-
dences. It appears, however, that they are in complementary distribu-
tion, the Evk.-Evn. -w-reflex appearing for the most part between iden-
tical vowels (in sequences *apa, *epe, *upu, *ipi, *iapa, also *opa >
*opo); in a number of exceptions, where Evenki and Even have -p- be-
tween identical vowels, we are probably dealing with later vocalic as-
similations.
7. All languages except Manchu usually have -w-/-0- here; Manchu has
a variation -b-/-w- (occasionally also -f-). Languages of the Southern
branch can also occasionally have -b- here: for the most part we may be
dealing with Manchu loanwords, but a genuine dialect variation also
cannot be excluded. In Northern languages (in Even, much less fre-
quently in Evenki dialects) the reflex -ɣ- is also sometimes observed,
usually before the following -u-.
 CHAPTER THREE 159

In this row of correspondences, Tsintsius 1949 and Starostin (АПи-

ПЯЯ) reconstructed PTM *-w-; in the dictionary we have adopted
Benzing’s reconstruction *-b-, thus eliminating PTM *-w- from the sys-
tem altogether. Note that the only reliable case where initial *w- can be
reconstructed, PTM *wā- ῾kill’, should also be rather emended to *Vbā-
(probably *ebā-, cf. eb- in Manchu eb-te ǵaxun ῾hunting bird’ = *῾killing
bird’).
PTM *-b- is usually well preserved in all languages in clusters with
consonants (*-rb-, *-lb- etc.).
8. > ń in the position of palatalization.
9. Sporadically > č before -i-.
10. > č before -i- and -ia-.
11. Sporadically > ǯ before -i-.
12. > ǯ before -i- and -ia-.
13. The Evenki dialects are classified into s-dialects, š-dialects,
h-dialects and s/h-dialects, see details in Вас. In the s-dialects *s > s; in
the š-dialects *s > š; in the h-dialects *s > h; in the s/h-dialects *s- > s-, -s-
> -h-.
14. 0 in the Kamchatka dialect, s in the Arman dialect.
15. > š before -i-, -ia-; c or č in some old recordings.
16. On the development in Even dialects see details in РЭС. In the
Kolyma-Omolon dialect *-s-, *-s > š; in the Indigir dialect *-s- > -h-; in
the Arman dialect *s > č in consonant clusters.
17. All languages reveal (in various degrees) the tendency of shifting *l-
> n-.
18. In the Bikin dialect: č before i, otherwise c.
19. In the Bikin dialect: ǯ before i, otherwise ʒ.
20. The reconstruction of *š was introduced in АПиПЯЯ, following a
suggestion of O. Mudrak. We must add that a fricative reflex, besides
Manchu, is also present in the Bikin dialect of Nanai; all other lan-
guages have completely merged PTM *š and *č.
21. Initial *ń- may develop into j- between front vowels and *-ia-, al-
though exact rules are not yet quite clear, because of a great deal of
confusion between *n- and *ń- (sometimes also *ŋ-) in this position.
22. Depending on the vocalic environment.
23. Intervocalic *-k- is usually preserved. It can, however, yield -0- in
trisyllabic words in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai, and occasionally also gives
-0-reflexes in Oroch and Udehe (very rarely - in Even). A fricative reflex
(with a not quite clear distribution) is also attested in Negidal, Solon,
Udehe, Manchu and Jurchen. In a few cases in disyllabic and trisyllabic
160 INTRODUCTION

forms variants with -G- are attested in Southern languages, being

probably just misrecordings for a weakened intervocalic uvular -q-.
24. Intervocalic *-g- is extremely unstable. In this position it is usually
articulated as a fricative -ɣ- (in the back row alternatively recorded as
-G-, -ɣ- or -ʁ-) and is best preserved in Evenki. The most frequent re-
flexes in other languages are -w-, -j- or -0-, depending on vocalic envi-
ronment.
25. The basic reflex in Manchu is 0- (occasionally j-, sometimes nasal-
ized to n- in front of the following nasal). The reflex x- is, however, also
not unfrequent (unlike Northern languages that only have 0- here).
Note that in all attested cases, Jurchen, which is actually an old Manchu
dialect, still has h- (that was possibly pronounced as x-), thus a number
of words with x- < *x- in Manchu may be a result of old interdialectal
mixture.
26. Intervocalic *-x- is an innovation in PTM reconstruction, first pro-
posed in Дыбо 1990. It is based on the distinction between -k- and -x-
in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai. Northern languages, as well as Oroch,
Udehe and Manchu have completely merged the reflexes of *-k- and
*-x-. Such a reconstruction seems probable for two reasons: 1) the lan-
guages that preserve the distinction between *-k- and *-x- are exactly
the same languages that preserve initial *x-; 2) the distinction between
*-k- and *-x- seems to reflect the Altaic distinction *-k- : *-k῾- (see
above), thus exactly parallelling the distinction *k- : *x- in word-initial
position.
27. Depending on the vocalic environment; w- before a diphthong.
28. ŋ- or m- depending on the vocalic environment; w- before a diph-
thong; 0- before a following nasal.
29. w- before a diphthong.
30. ŋ in *Ciŋi; 0 in trisyllabic suffixed forms and in disyllables ending in
a nasal (see Цинциус 1949, 44).
The Tungus-Manchu languages have also a rich system of conso-
nant clusters, frequently yielding rather complicated reflexes. Here is
the basic system of correspondences for non-standard TM consonant
clusters:
PTM Evk Evn Sol Neg Oroch Ud Ulcha Orok Nan Man
pk pk pk kk pk pp kp pp kp kp x
pt pt pt kt, tt pt tt pt, tt
rp rp rp rp, pp tp pp kp lp rp rp p, rf
lp lp lp lp lp lf,p
lb lb lb lb lb bb gb lb lb lb lb, b
 CHAPTER THREE 161

PTM Evk Evn Sol Neg Oroch Ud Ulcha Orok Nan Man
rb rb rb rb lb, db bb gb rb, lb lb rb, b b
rk rk rk rk,kk jk, kk k č tt jk č
tk,sk
rg rg rg rg, gg jg,dg, gg g ǯ d jg, g ǯ, nč,
ǯg nǯ
gd gd d dd gd gd gd gd gd gd d
kt kt t kt, tt kt kt kt kt kt kt x
ks ks s kč, čč, ks, xs ks k-h ks sk ks x
rč
ls ll, lr, lr, ld ld l kt l-h lt lt, l-s- lt x
ld
ns nn, nr, nd nd n s -h- (n)t t (n)t ng/x
nr,
nd
ms mn, mr,md nd mn ms m-h ms ps ms ng/x
mr,
md
lg lg lg lg lg gg g ld lǯ lg lg
lk lk lk lx lk kk k lč lt lk
ld ld ld ld ld gd gd ld ld ld, lǯ nd, nǯ
lt lt lt lt lt kt kt lt lt lt lč
ng ŋg, ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg ŋg
ŋn
ńg nŋ, nŋ nŋ, ŋ ŋ ŋg,ńd, nd ng, ng, nǯ
ńŋ ńŋ ńǯ nǯ
ńŋ nŋ, nŋ ŋ, ń nŋ, ŋ ŋ ń n jŋ, ŋ ń
ńŋ ńŋ
nŋ nŋ nŋ nŋ ŋ ŋ ŋg, nǯ ŋg, ŋg, nǯ
nǯ ŋǯ
ŋt ŋt ŋt ŋt ŋt ŋt ŋt ŋt nt
ŋd ŋd, n ŋn ŋn ŋd ŋd ŋd ŋd ŋd, ŋn
ŋn
ŋn ŋn ŋn ŋ ŋn ŋn ŋn ŋn ŋn ŋn
ŋń ŋń ń ŋ ŋń ŋń ŋń ŋń ŋn ŋń ŋǵ
ŋm ŋm ŋm mm ŋm mm ŋm ŋm mŋ ŋm, ŋg
mŋ
ŋs ŋn ŋr, ŋs ŋs ŋn ŋn, ŋs ŋd ŋd nd ŋs ŋs, nn
ŋk ŋk ŋk ŋk ŋk ŋk ŋk kk ŋk ŋk
ńk ŋk ŋk ŋk ŋk ŋk nd nd nǯ nč
162 INTRODUCTION

PTM Evk Evn Sol Neg Oroch Ud Ulcha Orok Nan Man
nt nt nt nt nt nt nt nt tt nt nt, nd
nd n n n n n n nd nd nd nd
nb m m m m m m mb mb mb
mg mg, mŋ mm mm ŋm ŋb mg mb ŋgg
mŋ
lm nm nm nm nm nm nm lm nm nm lm
rm nm nm mm nm rm m lm lm rm lm
lŋ nŋ, nŋ ŋ, ń nŋ, ŋ ŋ ń n jŋ, ŋ lŋ
ńŋ ńŋ
Basic correspondences of Tungus-Manchu vowels:
PTM Evk Evn Sol Neg Oroch Ud Ulcha Orok Nan Man Jurch
i i i/ị1 i i/ị1 i/ị1 i/ị1 i/ị1 i/ị1 i/ị1 i i
ü2 i i/ị1 i i/ị1 i/u1 i/u1 u/o1 u/o1 u/o1 u u
u3 u u/ụ1 u u/o1 u/o1 u/o1 u/o1 u/o1 u/o1 u u
e e e e e e e e e e e e
o o o o o o o o o o o o
a a a a a a a a a a a a
ia4  ǟ ‘a, ǟ ǟ ǟ ǟ (eä) ia ia ia, ǟ ‘a ‘a
Notes
1. Depending on the row of the word
2. Since *ü is very rare in “back” words, the reflexes like Evn. ị or Nan.
o are only rarely found.
3. In non-initial back-row syllables in Southern languages we usually
meet the notation -ụ-, not -o-; occasionally it also occurs in initial sylla-
bles. In Even, the notation ụ alternates with ö (in Cyrillic sources ө).
4. Notation for the reflexes of *-ia- varies significantly in Southern lan-
guages: we meet (probably synonymic) notations ia and ǟ, in Udehe
also frequently eä. In polysyllabic forms this diphthongs sometimes
tends to merge with *-i-.
5. Most languages tend to reduce vowels in non-initial, especially final
syllables. Evenki and Nanai are the most conservative languages in this
respect; Manchu and Even - the least conservative. Even, in fact, can
have a special neutral reduced vowel replacing all vowels in non-initial
syllables; in “front” words it is transcribed as ъ, in “back” words - as .
6. All languages except Manchu and Jurchen preserve the distinction
between short and long vowels (although in the case of *ia it is some-
what obscured because of the monophthongization *ia > ǟ). Long vow-
 CHAPTER THREE 163

els in Manchu are secondary, going back to contractions after the loss
of medial consonants.
However, in existing sources for most languages length is marked
extremely irregularly, with a great deal of confusion. Our reconstruc-
tion is therefore primarily based on the evidence of two most exten-
sively and accurately recorded languages: Evenki and Nanai, the evi-
dence of which is in most cases mutually concordant.
7. All vowels in non-initial syllables are frequently subject to reduction
and morphological adjustments. In Manchu and Jurchen initial vowels
are also frequently modified under the influence of non-initial ones: the
rules are too abundant and detailed to be layed out here.

3.4. Korean

Korean is one language with a set of very close dialects. The earliest
attestations (the Kirim wordlist) are from around the 10th century, but
the wordlist is short and Chinese transcriptions seem to be applied
unsystematically, so that proper phonetic interpretation is difficult
(and perhaps impossible). Accurate recordings start only from the 15th
century, and the language of that period (15th-16th centuries) is usually
called Middle Korean.
The phonology of Middle Korean is basically used as
“Proto-Korean” in this dictionary, with some additional reconstruction
based on morphophonemics: the alternations -p- / -w- and -t- / -r- in
verbal stems indicate the existence of special intervocalic stops *-b- and
*-d- in Proto-Korean (as opposed to *-p- and *-t- that did not result in
any alternations). The system of PK consonants is thus presented as
follows:
p b m
t d n r
č ń j s
k ŋ ‘(0) h
The voiced phonemes *b and *d, as said above, were not preserved
in Middle Korean: they yielded voiceless reflexes (p, t) syllable-finally,
and changed to -w-, -r- respectively intervocalically. The Middle Ko-
rean system therefore lacks a distinction in voice. This is one of the ba-
sic reasons why we interpret the Middle Korean ń (orthographic “tri-
angle”) as a nasal (based primarily on the Kor. values of Chinese loan-
words), not as a voiced fricative z: voiced consonants were certainly
absent in Middle Korean. This solution was already accepted in АПи-
164 INTRODUCTION

ПЯЯ; see also Vovin 1993 and Robbeets 2000. As for the reco nstruction
of non-initial voiced consonants, we accept here the basic reconstruc-
tion proposed in Ramsey 1986, rather than the poorly grounded theory
of intervocalic voicing *-VCV- > *-VZV- put forward in Martin 1996.
Voiced consonants and resonants except *m and *n did not occur
word-initially.
Middle Korean already possessed aspirated consonants (ph, th, čh,
kh), but they still were relatively rare and most probably go back to PK
plain stops influenced by the *-h- of the next syllable (thus khɨ- ῾big’ <
*kɨh- etc.), or of the preceding syllable (thus manh-ta ῾many’ > mantha,
but with both variants still attested in MKor.). The process of forming
aspirates was still not completed in MKor.: besides khɨ- ῾big’ we have,
e.g. ko ῾nose’, with the endings added to the stem koh-; all modern dia-
lects already have kho. It generally appears that the aspiration process
operated earlier in verbs and adjectives than in nouns.
Already in MKor. texts there was a pronounced tendency of confus-
ing syllable-final -s, -č(h) and -t, although they are still frequently dis-
tinguished. In modern Korean dialects those consonants completely
merged in -t.
In modern Korean dialects this system is basically preserved, but
with the following transformations:
1. Voiceless consonants have usually become voiced in intervocalic po-
sition.
2. A new series of “tense” consonants (p:, t:, k:, č:, s:) has arisen, due
basically to simplification of MKor. consonant clusters (sp > p:, st, pt >
t:, sk, pk > k:, pč > č:, ps > s:).
3. The nasal ń changed into j, 0 or s - with considerable variation be-
tween dialects and in different positions.
4. The laryngeals ‘ and h disappeared everywhere except
word-initially. -h- disappeared completely, but left an occasional trace
in the aspiration of preceding or following consonants (see above). -‘-
also disappeared completely; the only trace of it may be seen in the de-
velopment of the combination -r’- yielding tense l: (r:).
5. The only Korean liquid r is usually articulated as r intervocalically,
but as l at the end of a syllable - although the actual reflexes may differ.
The system of MKor. vowels is the following:
 CHAPTER THREE 165

i ɨ u
ə o
ă a
The phonetic nature of ə and ă is debatable: it is most probable that
ə was originally a front *e, while ă was a mid-high vowel like ə or ʌ (it
is also worth mentioning that ă is the only MKor. vowel that did not
occur word-initially). Throughout the dictionary we use the traditional
transcription.
Like Turkic and Mongolian, Middle Korean possesses vowel har-
mony. Within a polysyllabic word only the vowels a/ă/o or ə/ɨ/u could
be combined with each other (with a few orthographic variations); the
vowel i was neutral and could occur in any of the word types. This in-
formation can be used for trying to interpret the Proto-Korean system:
one of the possible interpretations is, e.g., treating o as *u, ă as *o, ə as
*e, ɨ as *ö and u as *ü. Such a treatment, however, would be only specu-
lative: while rendering of Chinese characters gives indeed good reason
to think that ə goes back to *e, there is no evidence from Sino-Korean
that ă and ɨ were labialized. In many cases, ă and ɨ do indeed go back to
Altaic labialized vowels (see above), but by no means always: ɨ can also
go back to *i, and ă to *ia, see above. It is thus best to regard the MKor.
(and PKor.) system as a result of a number of different phonetic proc-
esses and restructurings, and we preserve the above system of symbols
for “Proto-Korean”.
All MKor. vowels could be long or short, and it was convincingly
demonstrated by Ramsey 1978 that the long vowels should have origi-
nally resulted from contractions and a reduction of the vowel of the
next syllable. In many individual cases, however, this is not quite clear,
so we preserve the feature of length for “Proto-Korean” - although it
certainly is not of Altaic origin.
Finally MKor. (and probably Proto-Korean) possessed diphthongic
combinations: ɨi, əi, ăi, ui, oi, ai, jə, ja (in loanwords also ju, jo).
All modern Korean dialects have significantly restructured the
MKor. system. Thus, in literary Korean falling diphthongs are usually
monophthongized (ɨi > i, əi > e, ai, ăi > ä, ui > wi, oi > we); ă disappears (
> a or ɨ, with considerable variation); ə is preserved, but already as a
back unrounded ʌ. Length is preserved in many dialects (e.g., literary
Seoul), but is usually not rendered orthographically.
In MKor. orthography, length was marked by two dots and thus
perceived as a prosodic feature of a syllable, opposed to one dot ( = ris-
ing, or high tone) and to no dots (= falling, or low tone). Some of the
modern dialects have completely lost all prosodic distinctions; some
166 INTRODUCTION

have merged the two tones, but preserve length as a prosodic feature;
some appear to have preserved all distinctions. However, no system-
atic recordings of modern dialect prosody (except for the notation of
length in S. Martin’s KED) is known to us, so we base ourselves almost
exclusively on Middle Korean evidence.
In Proto-Korean and Middle Korean the high and low tone are cer-
tainly distinctive; however, as was shown by Ramsey 1978 and Ramsey
1991, there is a very strong tendency in Middle Korean towards low
tone on verbal and adjectival stems.

3.5. Japanese.

Japanese, like Korean, is a single language. However, it is attested con-

siderably earlier (major literary monuments already since the 8th cen-
tury), and has a much larger dialectal diversity than Korean.
The phonology of all modern dialects (including the Ryukyu dia-
lects) can be derived from the system attested in Nara texts and known
as Old Japanese (a debatable question is whether some of the Ryukyu
dialects - the Amami dialects - reflect the distinction of e vs. je after
front (dental) consonants, the distinction that was certainly already lost
in Old Japanese). However, some phonetic features of the Ryukyu dia-
lects - such as preservation of labial *p-, *b- and dental *d- - may be ac-
tually archaic and preserve the situation preceding that of Old Japa-
nese. Additionally, we are able to establish some pre-OJ phonological
system on the basis of verbal and nominal morphophonemics.
A general outline of the Proto-Japanese (PJ) reconstruction was al-
ready put forward in the seventies (see Старостин 1975), and we still
keep this system, with a few modifications (notably, a reinterpretation
of the OJ i-ji distinction, see below). A very similar system can be found
in the works of other authors, e. g., in the largest ever compendium of
Japanese historical phonology, S. Martin’s JLTT.
The periodization of Japanese adopted in the present volume is like
this:
1. PJ - Proto-Japanese. A reconstructed language that must have been
spoken during the first centuries of our era.
2. OJ - Old Japanese. The language of the 7th-8th centuries, as reflected
in early inscriptions and in the earliest Nara texts: Kojiki, Nihon shoki
and Man’yōshū.
3. MJ - Middle Japanese. A rather vague term referring to all post-Nara
and Pre-Meiji attested stages of Japanese. Various stages of MJ are re-
 CHAPTER THREE 167

ferred in literature as Late Old Japanese, Middle Japanese, Early Mod-

ern Japanese, with variously drawn chronological borders.
4. Modern Japanese - Japanese dialects attested in the 19th and 20th
centuries.
The PJ system of consonants can be reconstructed as follows:
p b w m
t d j n r s
k
In the system outlined above members of the pairs b-w and d-j are
actually in complementary distribution, *b and *d occurring only
word-initially, and *w and *j only intervocalically. For this reason some
authors, e.g., S. Martin, prefer to reconstruct only *b and *d. However,
no sources or modern dialects have any reflexes of intervocalic stops
here, as opposed to word-initial position, where at least some of the
Ryukyu dialects have b- (Hateruma, Yonaguni) and at least one dialect
(Yonaguni) appears to have preserved d-. Historically, there certainly
are cases where -w- and -j- do not go back to earlier *-b- and *-d- but
are rather filling a hiatus after some consonant losses (e.g. *-g- > -0- >
-w-, -j-); *-j- in some cases evidently reflects PA *-j-.
In fact, although PJ *b- and *d- in very many cases reflect PA *b- and
*d-, some authors (e.g. Murayama 1978) have expressed doubts in the
plausibility of such reconstruction for PJ. The arguments concern
mainly the reflex d- in Yonaguni: Murayama attempted to show that
old records of this dialect actually reveal j-. Additionally, Old Japanese
does not have a distinction of j- : 0- before the following i-vowel. In
cases like isi ῾stone’, obviously an early development *disi ( < PA *tṓĺì)
> *jisi > isi had taken place. But Yonaguni has here always 0- instead of
d-; it only has d- in cases where it directly corresponds to OJ j-. Still,
since the only source of OJ w- and j- are PA *b-, *d- (*t-), and since the
nature of Ryukyu reflexes is debatable, we keep the notation *b-, *d- for
Proto-Japanese; in cases like isi ῾stone’ we shall write *(d)isi, because
there is no evidence from within Japanese whether the form was actu-
ally *disi or *isi.
Besides voiceless intervocalic stops, OJ also had voiced -b-, -d-, -g-.
The general consensus now is that in most cases these voiced stops re-
flect PJ clusters *-mp-, *-nt-, *-nk- which are the only consonant clusters
possible in PJ and may have actually been pronounced as prenasalized
stops. In some cases these clusters actually reflect original PA clusters;
but, as we tried to show above, in many more cases they go back to
plain voiceless or voiced consonants in syllables with high pitch. It is
168 INTRODUCTION

therefore also possible to regard the OJ situation as original, or possibly

as resulting from a merger of clusters *-mp-, *-nt-, *-nk- and voiced *-b-,
*-d-, *-g- (from earlier plain stops).
Below we give a chart of correspondences between PJ consonants,
OJ consonants and modern standard Japanese (to avoid confusion, we
list the modern reflexes in standard modern romanization, where ch =
/ć/, j = //, sh = /ś/, ts = /c/, z = /ʒ/). We do not list correspondences in
other dialects, because they are basically the same (except for occa-
sional different behaviour of vowel sequences originating from inter-
vocalic consonant loss).
PJ OJ Tokyo
*p1 p h-/f-, -w-/-0-
*b2 w w/0
*-mp- -b- -b-
*-w-3 -w- -w-/-0-
*m m m
*t4 t t/ch/ts
*d5 j y
*-nt-6 -d- -d-/-j-/-z-
*-j-7 j -j-/-0-
*n n n
*-r- r r
*s8 s s/sh
*-ns-9 z z/j
*k k k
*-nk- -g- g
Notes.
1. f- before -u-, h- elsewhere; -w- before -a-, -0- (with vowel contrac-
tions) elsewhere.
2. *b- is not reconstructed before *-u-; in Tokyo w- before -a-, 0- else-
where.
3. -w- before a, -0- (with vowel contractions) elsewhere.
4. ch before i, ts before u, t elsewhere.
5. *d- is not reconstructed before i (see above).
6. j before i, z before u, d elsewhere.
7. 0 before i, e, y elsewhere.
8. sh before i, s elsewhere.
9. j before i, z elsewhere.
 CHAPTER THREE 169

Vowels
The Proto-Japanese system is reconstructed as consisting of four vow-
els:
i u
ə
a
and five diphthongs: ia, ua, ui, əi, ai.
There may be some indications in Ryukyu (basically Okinawa) dia-
lects of the existence in PJ of a vocalic length distinction; the problem is,
however, far from clear and requires further investigation.
The diphthongs (except *ua in some cases) themselves have evolved
from earlier contractions, see above, and the discussion in Старостин
1975 and JLTT 57-64. Below we give a chart of vocalic correspondences
between PJ, OJ and standard modern Japanese:
PJ OJ Tokyo
i1 (j)i i
u u u
ə o o
a a a
ia2 (j)e e
ua3 (w)o o
ui i i
əi i i
ai e e
Notes.
1. OJ ji is distinguished from i after velar and labial consonants; the dis-
tinction is neutralized after dentals.
2. OJ je is distinguished from e after velar and labial consonants; the
distinction is neutralized after dentals.
3. OJ wo is distinguished from o after dental and velar consonants; the
distinction after labials also existed, but was already disappearing dur-
ing the Nara period, and in most cases is difficult to be recovered from
the writing system.
Prosody
The reconstruction of the PJ accentology is based on the accented Mid-
dle Japanese (11th century) dictionary “Ruijumyōgishō” (RJ) and on
modern dialect data. RJ regularly marks high pitch (Ỻ) with a single
upper dot, and low pitch (Ỽ) - with a single lower dot. The system of
170 INTRODUCTION

OJ accents is unknown, but a good guess is that it was close to the sys-
tem attested in RJ. A discussion of the phonetic interpretation of the
Middle Japanese and PJ accent system see in АПиПЯЯ 64-67, 136-137.
With the exception of the Kyoto “circumflex” pitch, all dialectal accent
systems are well derivable from the RJ accents, with the following cor-
respondences:
a) Monosyllabic nouns
PJ RJ Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
*Ỻ, kó, kṓ, -gá kò, -ga kó, kó-gà *A ké k
*Ỻ-nká -gá ‘hair’
‘child’
*Ỽ, tà, -gá tā, t-gá tá, -ga tà, tà-gá *B t t
*Ỽ-nká ‘field’
The first type here corresponds to Martin’s 1.1 or H(H), the second -
to Martin’s 1.3a or L(L). Martin (JLTT 179-182, 600-602) reconstructs
two more accent types for monosyllabic nouns, namely 1.2 or H(L) and
1.3b or L(H). We should say that the number of words in the two latter
classes is quite insignificant, and the correspondences far from clear.
The type 1.3b is most probably just a collection of irregularities, while
the type 1.2 may have some reality, since Kyoto has a distinct pitch pat-
tern here (marked by Hirayama as 1;25). However, the number of
words in this class (of which the most common one is n ῾name’) is
quite small and it may well be an innovation in Kyoto-type dialects. It
seems not quite probable that monosyllabic nouns had possessed more
than two distinctive types of pitch.
b) Disyllabic nouns
PJ RJ Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
1.*ỺỺ, túmé, -gá tsúmé, tsùme, tsúmè, *A tšímì sɨmì
-nká ῾claw’ -gá -ga tsùmé-gà
2.*ỺỼ, ísì, -gá íshì, ishí, íshì, ìshí-gà *A ʔíšì ʔìšì
-nká ῾stone’ -gà -ga
3.*ỼỼ, ìnù, -gá ínù, inú, -ga ìnú, ìnù-gá *B ʔíń ʔìnú
-nká ῾dog’ -gà
4.*ỼỺ,-nká kàtá, -gá kàtá, káta, kàtá, *B kátá kàtá
῾shoulder’ kàtà-gá -ga kàtà-gá
5.*ỼV,-nká jòrú, -gá jòrû, jóru, jòrú, *B júrú jùrú
῾night’ jòrú-ga -ga jòrù-gá
 CHAPTER THREE 171

Here type 1 is Martin’s 2.1 or HH(H); type 2 is Martin’s 2.2b or

HL(L); type 3 is Martin’s 2.3 or LL(L); type 4 is Martin’s 2.4 or LH(H);
and type 5 is Martin’s 2.5 or LH(L). Martin also lists a type 2.2a or
*HH(L) which differs from type 2.2b in Tokyo-type dialects (instead of
VỺ - ỼV), but he himself expresses doubts about its existence (JLTT
162); most of the words of this type probably just exhibit occasional
irregularities or are a result of interdialectal influence. Type 5 no doubt
exists, but differs from type 4 only in Kyoto-type dialects and is not
reflected in RJ - which is certainly a recording of the old Kyoto-type
dialect. Therefore one also cannot exclude here a later Kyoto innova-
tion - although its origins are not yet clear. It has been argued that
nouns of this type go back to an earlier structure *CVCVN, with a
word-final nasal, but the arguments in favour of such a solution are
clearly insufficient.
c) Trisyllabic nouns
PJ RJ Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
1. kébúrí, kémúrí, kèmuri, kèmúrì, *A kìbúšì kipus
*ỺỺỺ, -gá -gá -ga kèmùrí-gà
-nká ῾smoke’
2. nàmìdá, námìdà, námida, nàmìdá, *B nádá nàndá
*ỼỼỺ, -gá ῾tear’ -gà -ga nàmìdà-gá
-nká
3. sùzúmé, sùzùmé, sùzume, sùzùmé, *B ʔúsádží ʔùsàgí
*ỼỺỺ, -gá -gá -ga sùzùmè-gá ῾hare’
-nká ῾sparrow’
4. kàtànà, kátànà, kataná, kàtàná, *B kágáŋ kàtàná
*ỼỼỼ, -gá -gà -ga kàtànà-gá ῾mirror’
-nká ῾knife’
5. kàbútò, kàbútò, kábuto, kàbùtó, *B gúdžírá gùdzrá
*ỼỺỼ, -gá -gà -ga kàbùtò-gá ῾whale’
-nká ῾helmet’
Here type 1 is Martin’s 3.1 or HHH(H); type 2 is Martin’s 3.5b or
LLH(H); type 3 is Martin’s 3.6 or LHH(H); type 4 is Martin’s 3.4 or
LLL(L); and type 5 is Martin’s 3.7b or LHL(L).
Although other accent patterns are also possible (Martin also lists:
3.1a or *HHH(L); 3.2a or HHL(L); 3.2b - also HHL(L), but with different
behaviour in Tokyo type dialects; 3.3 or HLL(L); 3.5a or LLH(H), but
with different behaviour in Tokyo type dialects; 3.7a or *LHH(L)).
172 INTRODUCTION

However, the above five types represent the absolute majority (more
than 90%) of all trisyllabic nouns.
d) Verbs
PJ RJ Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
*Ỻ- ják(ù) ῾to ják(ú) jàk(u) ják(ù) A jàtšúŋ jàgùŋ
burn’
*Ỽ- kàk(ú) kák(ú) kák(u) kàk(ú) B kátšúŋ hàkùŋ
῾to write’
*ỺỺ- kórós(ù) kórós(ú) kòros(u) kòrós(ù) A kùrúsùŋ kùràsùŋ
῾to kill’
*ỼỼ- fìkàr(ú) híkár(ú) hikár(u) hìkàr(ú) B fitšájúŋ pikàrùŋ
῾to
shine’
*ỼỺ- àrík(ù) àrùk(ú) arúk(u) àrùk(ú) B ʔáttšúŋ ʔàrùgùŋ
῾to walk’
Martin (JLTT198-204) distinguishes only two verbal accent classes:
type A (corresponding to our *Ỻ- and *ỺỺ-) and type B (corresponding
to our *Ỽ- and *ỼỼ-); the type *ỼỺ- is labelled as B . It contains only a
few verbal stems and Martin may be right in regarding it as secondary.
e) Adjectives
PJ RJ Kyoto Tokyo Kagoshima PR Shuri Hateruma
*ỺỺ- ámá(sì) ámà(i) àma(i) ámà(i) A ʔàmá(sàŋ) ʔámà(háŋ)
῾sweet’
*ỼỼ- tàkà(sí) tákà(i) taká(i) tàká(i) B táká(sáŋ) tàkà(hàŋ)
῾high’
These two types correspond to Martin’s type A and type B respec-
tively. RJ contains also a few adjectival stems with the accent ỼỺ-, the
origin of which (just as of the verbal *ỼỺ- type) is not quite clear; their
reflexes coincide with the type *ỼỼ- in all dialects.
 CHAPTER FOUR

ELEMENTS OF A COMPARATIVE MORPHOLOGY OF

ALTAIC LANGUAGES

4.1. Derivation in Proto-Altaic

A dictionary is not a proper place for a comprehensive comparative

grammar. However, knowledge of derivational morphology is abso-
lutely necessary for evaluating proposed etymologies: in a vast number
of cases we are faced with the inevitability of comparing different suf-
fixed word forms. Here is the list of basic suffixes, with an explanation
of their functions and examples.

4.1.0. PA *-0-

Although parts of speech, at least nouns and verbs, are clearly distin-
guishable in all Altaic languages, 0-derivation (conversion) is also not
an uncommon phenomenon. It is especially frequent in TM languages
(cf. numerous cases like *idu- ‘to command’: idu ‘order’, *xila-ga ‘flower,
ornament’ : *xila-ga- ‘to adorn’ etc.), rather common in Mongolian
(*kele- ‘to speak’, *kele ‘tongue, speech’, *čimki- ‘to pinch’, *čimki ‘a
pinch’ etc.). The phenomenon is less common in Turkic and Korean,
and is absent in Japanese (in the latter case because a derived noun al-
ways ends in *-i and is thus formally distinct from the verbal stem; this
-i, however, may be a late addition, so that in pre-Proto-Japanese
0-conversion could have been quite normal).

4.1.1. PA *-b-

The basic function of this suffix, as described in EAS 2, 157-160 (cf. also
Vovin 1997, 8), is passive / causative, and it is quite productive in TM
(see Benzing 122-123). A *-b- (-p-/-w-) suffix is widely attested in Ko-
rean, and a *-p- suffix - in Japanese, although their function is less ob-
vious here: in Japanese the suffix is frequentative or just stem-forming,
in Korean it is basically used in politeness forms, probably reflecting
the original passive semantics. In Mongolian, as Ramstedt writes, this
suffix - due to its phonological weakening - can be clearly detected only
174 INTRODUCTION

in clusters with preceding liquids, and has lost productivity. We must

add that the suffix may be in many cases preserved as -ɣe- / -ɣi- > -ji-,
but without external evidence it would be difficult to trace it to *-b-.
Finally, in Turkic, there are just a few cases when *-b- is preserved
as -b- after liquids; in some cases it disappears without a trace, leaving
only vowel labialization (*-Vb- > -u), and is generally rather poorly pre-
served.
PA *ărV ‘witchcraft, craft’ (PT *ar- ‘to deceive, make magic’; PTM *ar-
‘to come to one’s senses; appear in one’s imagination’): PT *ar-ba- ‘to
make magic; deceive’, PTM *ar-bu- ‘shape, form’
PA *bójĺo ‘to learn, be attentive’ (not attested suffixless, see under *-gV):
PM *bol-ba- ‘trained, educated’, PJ *bsí-pa- ‘to teach’
PA *č῾uli ‘to grow less, shrink’ (PK *čūr-): PM *čölüji-, Evk. čul-bi-
PA *dure ‘to burn, set fire’ (Bur. düre-, Evn. dur-): PM *dür-be- ‘to blaze,
flame’, Man. do-bu- ‘to set fire’
PA *ḗŕa ‘to go astray, mistake’ (PT *āŕ-, Evk. ere- ‘to be mistaken’, PJ
*árá- ‘to behave violently’: PM *ere-ɣü ‘torture, crime’, PTM *eru- (=
*eru-bu-) ‘bad, torture’, PK *rj-b- ‘to be difficult, in distress’
PA *gla ‘thin, short’ (Nan. Gōl- ‘rare (with intervals)’, PJ *kàrú- ‘light’):
PT *Kɨl-bɨ- ‘thin, short’, PM *gul-bi- ‘be thin, lean’
PA *iĺa ‘to rub, smear’ (PT *ɨĺɨ-, PM *(h)ili- ‘to rub, stroke’, PTM *ile- ‘to
lick’): PM *(h)il-bi-, PK *ər(b)u- ‘to rub’
PA *ile ‘to go away, drive away’ (Mong. ile- ‘go away’): PM *ile-ɣe- ‘to
send’, PTM *il-be- ‘to drive’
PA *òpe ‘to cover, to wear’ (PM *ibe-, PJ *p-): PM *ibe-ɣe-, PJ *pə-p-
PA *ru ‘to be ashamed, shy, hostile’ (PT *īr ‘shame, to be ashamed’,
Kor. ɨrɨ- ‘to scare, threaten’): PM *(h)ir-ba- ‘discontent, cranky’, PJ
*útúa-(m)p- ‘to shun, neglect’
PA *k῾úlo ‘to roll, turn’ (PT *Kula- ‘to roll down, fall’, PTM *xol- / *xul-
‘walk round, turn round’, Jpn. koro ‘round log’): PM *köl-be- ‘to lie
on one side’, PK *kur-b- > *kubr- > kuwɨr- (?) ‘to roll’, PJ *kr-mp- id.
PA *máro ‘to roll, bend’ (PTM *mari- ‘to turn, return’, PK *mằr- ‘to roll
up’): PM *mari-ja- ‘to crawl, be in ambush’, PTM *mari-b- ‘to bend,
curl’, PJ *mátuá-p- (-p-) ‘to roll up, wrap’
PA *nḗ ‘to lie, put’ (PTM *nē-, PJ *ná-): PM *ni-ɣu- ‘to hide, conceal’, PK
*nū-b- ‘to lie’
PA *olu ‘to be startled, annoyed’ (PTM *ola- ‘be afraid, startled’): PM
*ulba-ji-, *ülbe-ji- ‘be weak, dizzy’, PTM *olba-n- ‘to be bored’
PA *p῾ĺo ‘walk, run’ (PT *ẹĺ-, PTM *peli-): PTM *pel-bu- ‘to lead’, PK
*prb- ‘to tread’
PA *t῾édù ‘transmit’ (PTM *tedē-): PM *teǯi-je-, PTM *tedē-b-, PJ *tútá-p-
 CHAPTER FOUR 175

PA *t῾ja ‘be calm, quiet’ (PTM *teje-, PJ *tàjá-): PM *taji-bu-, PTM

*teje-ba-n-, PJ *tàjù- (with a regular development *-b- >-w-(-u-) after
-j-)
As noted by Ramstedt, at least in some cases (Evk. duku- ‘write’,
duku-wu-n ‘smth. written, letter’) the same suffix may form Nomina
actionis, and indeed, it is probable for forms like PTM *ar-bu- or PM
*ere-ɣü. Cf. also the following cases where -b-nouns may go back to
original verbal stems:
PA *li ‘to deceive; be angry’ (PT *Āl ‘deceit, trick’; PTM *ali- ‘to be an-
gry’): PM *(h)ali-ɣa ‘frolic, tricksy’, *albi-n ‘devil, evil spirit’, PK
*ìrbń- ‘to steal’, PJ *ira-p- ‘to play, sport’
PA *ùme ‘to tie, strap, belt’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *(x)üme-nse
‘strap’, *(x)üme-le- ‘to girdle’): PM *(h)umu-ji- ‘to tighten, shrink’, PK
*ùm-i- ‘to pucker, close up’, PJ *m-pí ‘belt’
PA *t῾ắk῾ì ‘to sacrifice, respect’ (PM *taki-): PT *toku ‘ceremony’, PTM
*taKu(b)-, PJ *tíká-p- ‘to take oath’
PA *dle ‘to spend the night’ (PM *düli- ‘to spend the night’): PTM
*dol-ba ‘night’, PJ *duà ‘night’ (the development of *-lV-b- > -0 in Jpn.
is similar to cases of *-RVg-, *-RVŋ- > -0, see below)
In a few cases, *-b- seems to be denominative, but this is probably
due to secondary nominalization of the original verbal stem in Turkic:
PA *áĺa ‘female; to seduce’ (PT *eĺi ‘woman’): PK *r-bù- ‘to seduce, be
flirty’, PJ *ásuá-mp- ‘to play’
PA *rV ‘open space’ (PT *(i)āra ‘space, distance’): PM *arba- ‘to stretch
(of fingers)’, PTM *ar-bu- ‘space between two river branches’
However, in a small, but significant number of cases *-b- seems to be
purely denominative, forming nouns from nouns, with not quite
clear semantic differentiation (originally collective?):
PA *ătV ‘horse’ (PT *ăt): PM *adu-ɣu- ‘cattle, horse’, PTM *abdu- ‘cattle,
herd’
PA *grè ‘word, name’ (PM *gere ‘witness’, PK *kr ‘poetry, letter’, PJ
*kt ‘word, speech’): PM *gere-ɣe ‘witness’, PTM *ger-bǖ ‘name’, PK
*kr-b-r ‘poetry, letter’, PJ *kt-pà ‘word, speech’
PA *kádù ‘a k. of harness’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *kada-la, -ra):
PM *kada-ɣa-r ‘bridle’, PK *kùr-bi > *kùr’i id., PJ *kútú-wá id. (note
the -w-reflex here - either reflecting a form like *kádù-j-bV, or else a
result of contamination with PJ *ba ‘ring’)
PA *níre ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (PJ *níra-i): Evk. ńirāwi ‘a k. of poplar’, PK
*nr-p ‘elm’
PA *p῾ḗra ‘bee’ (PT *ārɨ, PJ *pátí): PM *her-be-kei, Evk. herē-p-ti-n
176 INTRODUCTION

4.1.2. PA *-p῾-

Because of the similarity of reflexes, it is difficult to distinguish the PA

*-b- and *-p῾- suffixes. A deverbative instrumental suffix *-pu-n is,
however, well established for PTM (see Benzing 63), and it seems to
have clear external correlates at least in a number of cases:
PA *t῾ùŋo ‘staff, pole, lean on a pole’ (PTM *tüjŋe-, both nominal and
verbal): PM *tuji-ban, PTM *tüjŋe-pun, PJ *tùmìpá
PA *kóšì ‘lever’ (PM *kösi- ‘to prop, lever’): PTM *kuši-pu-n ‘pole, lever’,
PJ *kúsàpì ‘wedge’
PA *módè ‘bend, circle’ (PTM *moda- ‘bend’): PK *mùrV-p ‘knee’, PJ
*mt-pə-r- ‘to turn round’
PA *pbi ‘to mince, saw’ (PT *bij-, PTM *pubu-, PJ *piwa-): PTM
*pubu-pu- ‘saw’, PK *pjàpắi- ‘to mince’
In the last two examples we see a secondary noun->verb conversion
in Japanese and Korean. Similar verbal semantics is observed in:
PA *nìbi ‘to smoke, smell’ (PK *nắi ‘smoke’): PTM *nibu-p- ‘to smoke’,
PJ *nìp-p- ‘to smell’
PA *ǯrVko ‘courage, joy’ (PM *ǯirga-, PTM *ǯurga-): PK *črk-p-, PJ
*drk-p-
PA *ǯē ‘to eat’ (PT *jē-, PK *čā-si-): PM *ǯa-ɣu-g ( > *ǯoɣog) ‘food’, but
PTM *ǯe-p- ‘eat’, PJ *da-pa- ‘hungry’
PA *íru ‘sing, song’ (PT *ɨr, PJ *útà): PM *ira-ɣu ‘melodious sound, har-
mony’ [but possibly < PT *ɨragu]; PK *r-p- ‘to chant’, PJ *útá-p- ‘to
sing’
On verbal *-p(u)- in TM see Benzing 117, 122; this suffix has become
extremely productive in Japanese.
In all of these cases it is in fact possible to suppose original verbal
semantic and nominal passive/instrumental derivation (“smth. which is
X-ed” or “smth. with which one X-es”), with subsequent noun/verb
conversions.

4.1.3. PA *-m-

Ramstedt (EAS 2, 104-114) gives numerous examples of the usage of

PA *-m- as a nomen verbi, still quite productive in Turkic and Korean
(Turk. alɨm ‘taking’ etc.). Because of productive noun/verb conversion,
in many cases we can observe further verbalization of such nouns; in
Japanese, in fact, the suffix is predominantly verbal (while the *-m-i
nouns appear already secondarily derived). Vovin (1997, 3) regards the
PJ circumflex pitch as reflecting the same suffix (*kùrâ ‘dark colour’ <
 CHAPTER FOUR 177

*kúrá-m), but there does not seem to exist enough evidence to corrobo-
rate such a development. In the same paper (p. 6) he reconstructs a
“gerund” in *-mye (PJ *-mi, Kor. -mjə, Man. -me) which is in fact a
combination of the deverbative *-m- with the gerund suffix *-jV (on
which see below).
Consider the following cases:
PA *gằju ‘sorrow, be sorry’ (PM *gaj): PK *kəi’ə-m ‘envy’, PJ *kùjà-m- ‘to
feel sorry, regret’
PA *rú ‘omen, divination; to divine’ (PJ *ùrá): PT *ɨrɨ-m ‘omen’, PTM
*īr-me- ‘to ask’
PA *kălo ‘to change, borrow’ (PM *kala- ‘to change’, PK *kắr- id., PJ *kár-
‘to borrow’): PT *Kalɨ-m ‘ransom’, PTM *kalma-gda ‘rich bride’
PA *kara ‘to look, observe’ (PM *kara-): PM *kara-mu-l ‘sight’, PTM
*kara-ma- ‘to guard, protect’, PK *kàr-m- ‘to keep, preserve’
PA *kuču ‘to cry, cough’ (PM *kuča- ‘to bark’): MMong. xuča-m ‘bark-
ing’, PK *kìčh-m ‘cough’, PJ *kusa-ma- ‘sneeze’
PA *núra ‘to pile, stack’ (Man. nora-): Chuv. śorъm ‘stack’, PM *norum
id.
PA *sk῾ù ‘hollow, crack; to stick into’ (PT *suk- ‘stick in, insert’, PTM
*sixa- ‘hollow vessel’, PK *skí- ‘to insert, sheath’, PJ *súk- ‘be hol-
low’): OT suqɨm ‘hollow wood’, PK *sk-m ‘crack’ (cf. also Jpn.
suki-ma)
PA *tál[u] ‘be together’ (PK *tằrí-, PJ *túrá-): PT *deli-m, PM *dali-m, PK
*tăr-m-
This *-m- should probably be distinguished from the optative *-m-,
observable in several branches of Altaic (see below).
Another function of PA *-m- (see EAS 2, 218-220) is denominative
adjectival, well preserved in TM (*-ma, see Benzing 66, 90 and *-mi, see
Benzing 90) and Mongolian (*-maj), and observable in a large number
of Common Altaic derivatives:
PA *zejĺu ‘metal’ (PTM *sele, PK *sói, PJ *sunsu): PT *jel-me, PM *sele-me
‘sable’ ( = PTM *sele-me ‘metallic’)
PA *č῾ēk῾V ‘a k. of cloth’ (PT *čēk ‘cotton shirt’, Man. čeke ‘upper short
clothes’): PT *čēk-me-n ‘a k. of upper cloth’, Man. čeke-mu ‘velvet’
PA *dărV ‘back, waist’ (PT *jarɨ-n ‘shoulder, shoulder-blade’, PM *dere
‘pillow’): PM *dere-m-deg ‘pillow’, PTM *dara-ma ‘waist, back’
PA *kàra ‘thin stick, rod’ (Evk. kar(i) ‘rod, thin branch’): PT *Kar-ma-k
‘fishing rod, hook’, PK *kár-mó ‘axle’, PJ *kàri-m ‘id.’
PA *kúra ‘sheath, basket’ (PM *kor ‘quiver’, Evk. kor ‘dish made of birch
bark’): PT *Kur-ma-n ‘wooden vessel, quiver’, PM *korum-(saga)
‘quiver’, PTM *kor-ma-ki ‘sheath’, PJ *kátá-ma ‘basket’
178 INTRODUCTION

PA *kúro ‘a k. of clothes’ (PT *Kur ‘belt’): PM *kor-ma-j ‘lap. skirt’, PTM

*kuru-mV ‘a k. of upper clothes’, PK *korɨ-m ‘clothes string, lace’, PJ
*kr-m ‘clothes’
PA *k῾ge ‘palate, jaw’ (PJ *k(ù)i ‘fang’): PT *Kög-me ‘gum (of tooth)’,
PM *köɣe-me ‘throat, pharynx’, PK *khú-m ‘jaw’
PA *móńù ‘heart; breast’ (PJ *múnà-): PTM *miańa-m, PK *mằńằ-m
PA *t῾à ‘top of head, head’ (PK *utu): PTM *utu-mu-k ‘back of head’, PJ
*àtàmà ‘head’
PA *sela ‘bolt, hinge’ (PTM *sele ‘arrow, cross-bow’, PJ *saru ‘bolt’): PT
*sal-ma ‘horse noose’, PTM *selu-mi ‘cross-bow’
PA *p῾èrì ‘edge’ (PM *hir, PTM *pere, PJ *piàrì): PM *hir-meg, PTM
*pere-mǖ
PA *p῾orV ‘trace’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *oru-k ‘path, road’): PM
*horu-m ‘trace’, PK *pòróm ‘sign’
In TM nouns in *-m- could be verbalized, giving rise to specific de-
rivatives like *xulukī-m-a- ‘to hunt for squirrels’ etc. (see Benzing
116-117).
Note also the usage of *-m- in some animal and plant names:
PA *dari ‘a small animal’ (suffixless in PT *jar-Kiajnat ‘bat’): Orok
daramị(n) ‘otter’, PK *tằràmí ‘flying squirrel’
PA *kàrà ‘a k. of weed, cockle’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *kara-ɣu
‘darnel grass, smut’, Kor. kara-ǯi ‘Setaria viridis’): PT *KAra-mu-k
‘cockle’, (?) PM *kar-ba-ɣur ‘a k. of shrub or weed’, PJ *kàrà-mù-sì ‘a
k. of hemp’
PA *sera ‘a k. of garlic’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *sara-na): PT
*sarɨ-m-sak, PM *sar-mu-g
In some of the examples above, as well as in the following, *-m- ap-
pears in a combination with further suffixes:
PA *ṓre ‘to plait, weave’ (PT *ȫr-, PM *ör-, PK *ōr, PJ *r-): PT *ör-mek,
PM *ör-mege ‘woven cloth’
PA *k῾áru ‘a k. of cloth’ (PK *kòró ‘satin, ornamented silk’): PT *KAr-s
(probably by contraction < *KArm-s- = PM *kor-mu-su-) ‘a k. of upper
clothes’, PM *kor-mu-su- ‘thin silk kerchief’, PTM *xara-mu-sa ‘thigh
covers, stockings’

4.1.4. PA *-d-

This suffix is found in a large number of stems, and its primary func-
tion seems to have been adjectival / adverbial when used as a denomi-
native (sometimes, through conversion, yielding nouns or verbs again;
on the denominative verbal *-dā- in TM see Benzing 116). Cf.:
 CHAPTER FOUR 179

PA *ămV ‘quick, timely’ (PT *(i)am ‘now’, PTM *am(a) ‘quick’, PK *ām
‘surely, certainly’): PT *(i)am-dɨ ‘now’, PM *(h)am-ǯi- ‘to be on time’
PA *ḗgó ‘big, many’ (PM *aɣu- ‘large, very’, PK *há- ‘to be great, many’):
PM *aɣu-da- ‘large, wide’, PTM *eg-di ‘big, many’
PA *gók῾ì ‘high, peak’ (PK *kòkái, PJ *kúkì ‘peak’): PM *gög-de- ‘high,
lofty’, PTM *gug-da ‘high’
PA *ámu ‘hole, pit’ (PT *(i)am ‘vulva’, PTM *umu- ‘hole, nest’, PJ *úmá-
‘to dig’): PM *(h)uma-da-g ‘lower part of belly’, PTM *um-de-k- ‘hole,
nest’
PA *méŋu ‘whole’ (PJ *mú-i): PM *men-dü ‘healthy’, PTM *meŋ-de-
‘whole’, PJ *mui-(n)tu-
PA *muk῾u ‘blunt, hornless’ (PT *muk-, PM *mökü): PM *mug-ǯi-, PTM
*mug-de-ke, PK *mìth
PA *mùne ‘defect, lack’ (PT *bün): PM *mun-du- ‘to become insufficient’,
PJ *màn-tù- ‘poor’
PA *ńoŋe ‘cold’ (PT *jEŋ ‘frazil’): PM *ǯiŋ-de- ‘to suffer from cold’, PTM
*ńuŋ-de- ‘cold’
PA *ṓni ‘high’ (PT *ȫn-): PM *ön-dü-, PK *un-tu [if *-nt- can reflect
*-nd-], PJ *un-tu
PA *sago ‘old, age’ (PK *sằ-n ‘grown up’): PM *seɣü-de-r ‘age’, PTM
*sag-da- ‘senior, old’
PA *soga ‘arrow’ (PJ *sa): PM *saɣa-da-g ‘quiver’, PJ *sà-já ‘sheath’
PA *p῾ole ‘blanket, skin (as covering)’ (PJ *pərə): PT *El-di-ri ‘skin of kid
or lamb’, PM *hel-de- ‘to dress (leather)’
This *-d- may originally have represented the same morpheme as
the locative case marker *-dV (on which see below).
Due to adjective->noun conversion, PA *-d- has in many cases be-
come just a nominal stem-marker without any specific meaning - espe-
cially in Mongolian where we have a rather large class of nouns ending
in -du(n). Cf.:
PA *k῾p῾à ‘bark, skin’ (PJ *kapa): PM *kaw-da- ‘bark; page’, PTM
*xab-da-(nsa) ‘leaf’, Kor. dial. kəp-te-gi ‘bark, skin’
PA *p῾ĺo ‘star’ (PK *pjr, PJ *psí): PT *jul-du-ŕ, PM *ho-du etc.
Cases of deverbatives in *-d- are rare, but also attested:
PA *múnu ‘be wrong, mad, uneasy’: (PT *bun-, PM *muna- ‘to become
mad’): OT munduz ‘mad, foolish’, PM *mun-dur ‘shame’, PJ
*mún-tú-ka- ‘difficult’
PA *šk῾i ‘urine, urinate’ (PT *sīk, PTM *šiKē-): PT *sīg-d- > *sīd-, PM
*siǯi-ŋ, PTM *šikte-, PK *stò-ŋ, PJ *sitə
PA *t῾ukV ‘fall, drop’ (PTM *tüK-): PTM *tüg-de ‘rain’, PK *td-
180 INTRODUCTION

PA *t῾ula ‘to intend, reason’ (PM *tula-, PTM *tul-): PT *Tɨl-da, PM

*tul(a)-da
Since in these cases the suffixless stem may be both verbal and
nominal, it seems reasonable to assume that here we are also in fact
dealing with *-d- in an original adjectival function (see above) (e.g.
*’rain (n.)’ -> *’rainy (adj.)’ > *’rain (n.)’ again).

4.1.5. PA *-t- (intransitive ~ passive)

The assumption of a suffix *-d- in Turkic monosyllabic verbal stems

(*tod-, *jod-, *kod- and *jüd-) led Ramstedt (EAS 2, 162-163) to recon-
struct a “continuative” verbal suffix *-d- (also reflected as Mong. *-d-,
but, significantly, never within exact Turk.-Mong. lexical matches). It
seems, however, that such a *-d- suffix in Turkic does not exist (all the
above verbal stems have more plausible whole-root etymologies),
whereas there is a number of cases where Turkic verbal *-t- corre-
sponds to Mong. *-d-, e. g.:
PA *ăĺi ‘to know, to hear’ (PT *ala- ‘to tell’, PK *ār- ‘to know’): PT *ẹĺi-t-
‘to hear’, PM *al-da-r ‘fame’
PA *ĕju ‘to speak, sound’ (PT *ajɨ- ‘to say’, PM *aji ‘sound, voice’, Evk.
ejē ‘demand’): PT *ạjɨ-t- ‘to say, demand’, PM *aji-da- ‘to cry, recite’,
PTM *ejē-t- ‘to ask’
This is exactly the correspondence that reflects PA *-t- (see above);
we may note, however, that if preceded by resonants, PA *-t- here
rather gives a voiced reflex in TM (in Turkic, where *-lt-/*-ld- and
*-rt-/-rd- are very difficult to distinguish, we usually have *-ld-, but
*-rt-):
PA *li ‘to deceive; be angry’ (PT *Āl ‘deceit, trick’; PTM *ali- ‘to be an-
gry’): PT *āl-da- ‘to deceive’, PJ *ira-t- ‘to be nervous, angry’
PA *enV ‘pain, sickness’ (PTM *enū ‘illness, pain, to feel pain’): PT
*eni-t- ‘to become confused, suffer’, PTM *enū-t- ‘to feel pain, be
sick’
PA *gno ‘to think’ (PM *guni ‘be sad’, PTM *gūn- ‘to think; to say’):
Ord. Guni-d- ‘be sad’, PTM *gūn-de- ‘to say, think’.
PA *ùbú ‘to be hungry, exhausted’ (Man. uba- ‘to become spoiled (of
meet)’, PK *īb- ‘to wither, dry up’, PJ *ùwá- ‘to be hungry’): PM
*öje-de- ‘to be exhausted’, PTM *(x)ob-da- ‘to be exhausted, become
spoiled (of meat)’
PA *uju ‘sad, ashamed’ (PM *uji, PJ *u-): PT *uja-t- (also with a strange
variant *ujad- in Old Turkic), PM *uji-d-
 CHAPTER FOUR 181

PA *dḕ ‘to lie’ (PTM *dē ‘bed’): PT *jạ-t- ‘to lie’, PTM *dē-du- (with as-
similation) ‘to lie’, PJ *dà-nt-r- ‘to spend the night’
PA *làku ‘dirt, dregs’ (PM *lag): PM *lag-da- ‘to become sticky, dirty’,
PTM *lak-ti- ‘to be burnt (of food)’
PA *more ‘to hurt, damage, wound’ (PM *mer, PJ *miar-): PT *bEr-t-,
Evk. mur-du-l-
PA *p῾re ‘fire, burn’ (PTM *puri- ‘to dry over fire’, PK *pr ‘fire’): PT
*ör-t ‘flame’, PM *(h)ör-de- ‘to burn, flame up’
PA *bāla ‘child, young’ (PT *bāla): PT *bāl-dɨŕ ‘wife’s younger sister’, PM
*bal-či-r ‘very young, infant’, PTM *bal-di- ‘to bear, be born’
We see that the verbs with the -t-suffix are usually intransitive, thus
the original meaning may have been reflexive or even passive (if pas-
sive *-t- was opposed to causative *-b-, on which see above).
In a few cases, however, the same suffix is used denominatively and
semantically exactly duplicates the PA adjectival *-d- (on which see
above):
PA *k῾ŏbe ‘touchwood, tree fungus’ (PT *K(i)ab ‘tree fungus’, PJ *kua
‘mushroom’): PM *köb-dü ‘moss’, PTM *xub(u)-te ‘touchwood’
PA *k῾ŏjli ‘limb, extremity’ (PT *Kol ‘arm’, PM *köl ‘foot’): PT *Kol-tuk
‘armpit’, PTM *xol-da-n ‘side, thigh’
PA *púŋu ‘a k. of fish’ (PJ *pùnâ): PT *bɨŋɨ-t, PM *boŋ-či-liki, PTM
*poŋ-dV, PK *pì’ú-t
PA *ǯap῾e ‘bare, saddleless’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *ǯipu-čān
‘fur coat worn on bare body’): PT *jạpɨ-tak, PM *ǯaji-daŋ ‘saddleless’.

4.1.6. PA *-t῾-

Proto-Turkic *-t- is more frequently transitive (and even causative), and

in this function it continues PA *-t῾- (on Turk.-Mong. matches see
Ramstedt 1912, 21-23). Cf. the following cross-language matches:
a) denominative and deverbative transitive
PA *nda ‘to do wrong’ (PM *(h)anda- ‘to err, mistake’, PTM *(x)an(d)u-
‘to accuse’): PTM *(x)an(d)u-t- ‘to tease’, PJ *áná-t-ur- ‘to despise’
PA *pi ‘to enjoy, rest’ (PTM *ā(b)- ‘to sleep’): PT *(i)abɨ-t- ‘to comfort’,
PK *ìpà-tí ‘feast’
PA *ắmo ‘mouth; taste’ (PT *um- ‘to hope for, desire’; PM *ama(n)
‘mouth’; PJ *ámá- ‘tasty, sweet’): PM *am-ta ‘taste’, PTM *am-ta- ‘to
taste’, PJ *ántí ‘taste’.
PA *k[ā]p῾á ‘to cover’ (PT *Kāp- ‘to cover’, *Kāp ‘sack’, PTM *kupu- ‘to
cover’, *kupu ‘covering’): PM *kab-ta-ga ‘sack’, PTM *kup-tu- ‘to
cover’, *kup-tu- ‘covering, hat’, PJ *kàmpú-tua ‘helmet’
182 INTRODUCTION

PA *màga ‘glory, praise’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Orch. magui- ‘to
shamanize’, PK *mā-r ‘speech’, PJ *màw-s- ‘to speak’): PT *bAga-tu-r
‘hero’, PM *mag-ta- ‘to praise, glorify’, Evk. mig-di - ‘to be noisy’
PA *pŋa ‘to separate, emit’ (PK *pɨŋɨ- > *ph-): PTM *piŋ-ta-, PJ *pànà-t-
PA *p῾ăp῾a ‘shaman, to shamanize’ (PM *hab): PM *hab-taj, PTM *pap-ta-
PA *umuŋo ‘to forget’ (PTM *omŋa-): PT *umnɨ-t, PM *um-ta-
b) verbs of motion:
PA *ǯi ‘to come’ (PTM *ǯi-): PT *jẹ-t-, PM *ǯi-d-kü-
PA *ḗjba ‘to hurry’ (PT *ēb-): PM *(h)aba-d ‘at once, instantly’, PJ *áwá-tá-
‘to hurry’
PA *ĺki ‘to run away’ (PJ *nìnká-): PM *ǯigu-tu- ‘to run away’, Evk.
luk-ti-n- ‘to run some distance’
PA *nk῾é ‘to pass’ (Evk. nök- ‘to loose way’): PM *nög-či- ‘to pass’, Nan.
nuk-te- ‘to move to another location’
PA *t῾ja ‘to float, slide’ (PT *tāj-, PTM *tia-): PM *taji-tu-, PJ *taju-ta-p-
Just as with *-t-, there seems to be a number of suffixed denomina-
tive (less frequently deverbative) *-t῾-cases with adjectival ( ~
->nominal) meaning, and it would seem to be natural to equate this
suffix with Mong. (productive) adjectival -tu and Japanese -tu id.:
PA *bolo ‘all, completely’ (PT *bile / *bula): PM *bul-tu, PTM *bil-[t]i-
PA *bugu ‘joint’ (PTM *bogi-ja- ‘cuff, wristband’, PJ *pu ‘joint, knot’):
PM *bog-tu ‘collar bone, shoulder bone’, Ud. bog-do-lo ‘shoulder’
PA *k῾épà ‘side’ (PJ *kápá): PT *Kap-ta-l ‘side’, PM *kab-ta-su ‘side boards
on saddle’, Evn. ewu-t-le ‘side’
PA *láp῾ì ‘flat, broad’ (PK *nàp- / *np- ‘level, wide’, PJ *nípá ‘yard’):
Tuva čɨ῾pɨ-t ‘flat’, PM *lab-ta- ‘to be flat, level’, PTM *lap-ta- id.
PA *p῾ŭŕi ‘to crush’ (PT *üŕ-, PM *hürü-, PTM *puru-, PK *pur-): PM
*(h)ür-te-sü- ‘rags’, PTM *pur-te- ‘crumbs’
PA *s[ú]ŋu ‘to sink’ (PT *siŋ-, PM *siŋge- ~ *siŋgu-): PTM *suŋ-ta ‘deep’,
PJ *sín-tú-m-
PA *luko ‘wild pig’ (PTM *luke ‘boar’): PM *nog-tu-mal ‘wild male boar’,
PTM *luk-te ‘wild boar’
However, because of lack of Mongolian data or because of a neutral-
ized -č- reflex in Mongolian, PA *-t῾- is in very many cases impossible
to distinguish from *-t-, cf.:
PA *bli ‘arm muscles’ (PTM *bola- ‘cuff’, PK *pằrh ‘arm’): PT *b(i)al-tɨ-r
‘calf of leg’, PM *bul-či- ‘muscles of arms and legs’, PJ *pín-tì ‘elbow’
PA *kăp῾è ‘to squeeze, press together’ (PT *Kɨp- ‘to press together’, PTM
*kap ‘together’): PT *Kɨp-tu ‘scissors’, PM *kaji-či id.
PA *kēńa ‘elbow, angle’ (PM *ka(j) ‘front legs’, PJ *kana-i ‘rule, gusset’):
PT *Kiajna-t ‘wing’, PT *keńe-tu ‘shin; stockings’
 CHAPTER FOUR 183

PA *t῾ékù ‘become thick (of liquids)’ (PK *tōi-, PJ *túka-): PTM *tek-ti, PK
*tùthb-
PA *zìŋke ‘light, quiet’ (PM *siŋge-n): PTM *siŋku-ti, PJ *sìntúka- ( <
*sìnkú-ta-)
And there is further a functionally quite similar PA nominal suffix
*-kt῾-, which is clearly seen in the following examples:
PA *úmu ‘a k. of fruit or berry’ (PJ *úmá- ‘plum’): OT imi-ti (ɨmɨ-t) ‘a k.
of hawthorn’, PTM *uma-kta ‘brier, cornel’
PA *kumi ‘eyebrows, hair on temples’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*kömü-ske ‘eyebrow’): PTM *kumi-kte ‘eyelid’, PK *kùmì-t ‘hair on
temples’
PA *kure ‘woodcock, woodpecker’ (PM *kur) : PT *Kör-tük, PTM
*küre-kte.
PA *k῾re ‘a k. of insect’ (cf. PK *kằr-kmi ‘a k. of spider’): PM *küri-d
‘moth larva’, PTM *xīrü-kte ‘ant’
PA *k῾rú ‘bark, shell’ (PM *körü-sü ‘bark’, PK *kúr ‘shell, oyster’): PT
*Kɨr-tɨ-ĺ ‘bark, surface’, PTM *xura-kta ‘bark’
Benzing 72 regards this PTM *-kta as collective; it is interesting to
note that it is paralleled by verbal iterative *-kta- (see Benzing 119). The
latter usage, however, seems to be absent outside Tungusic.
In many of the cases listed above it could be in fact also possible to
reconstruct *-kt‘-:
Ud. bog-do-lo may go back to PTM *bogo-kta-, Evn. ewu-t-le to PTM
*xebu-kte-, PTM *luk-te can be a crasis of *luku-kte and *suŋ-ta, of
*suŋu-kta. This will leave us with only *lap-ta- and *pur-te- as reflexes of
“adjectival” *-t῾-. No matter how we shall explain these two examples,
it seems quite possible that no PA “adjectival” *t῾ existed, while all
such cases should be explained as reflecting PA *-kt῾-. We can add a
number of other examples:
PA *č῾k῾o ‘pivot, bolt’ (PTM *čiKi): PM *čig-ta ‘lock, bolt’, PK *čí-tó-ri
‘pivot, hinge’
PA *k῾ằkú ‘doll’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *KAgu-r, PTM *xaku-kan):
PK *koāŋ-tai, PJ *kùnkù-tú
PA *sgi ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *siɣe-r ‘nut
tree’): PT *segü-t, PTM *siak-ta (like *lukte, most probably a crasis <
*siagV-kta)
PA *sagu ‘a k. of vessel’ (PT *sagu): PT *sAgu-t, PK *sòth.
Note that in a few cases when this suffix was preceded by a conso-
nant cluster, Korean and Mongolian reveal different reflexes (losing the
second element -t῾- instead):
184 INTRODUCTION

PA *ńam(ń)e ‘a k. of tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jɨmu-rt, PM

*ǯimu-ɣu-): PTM *ńamńi-kta, PK *nàmò-k, PJ *mmìti
PA *sirp῾a ‘thick hair, bristle’ (PM *serbe ‘crest, bristle’): PT *sɨrt ‘bristle’,
PM *sir-ke-g id., PTM *sirpa-kta id.
To sum up this rather difficult topic of dental suffixes in
Proto-Altaic, the original situation emerges as follows:
1. adjectival/adverbial denominative *-d-, *-t- and *-kt῾-
2. intransitive (passive?) deverbative *-t-
3. transitive and motional denominative/deverbative *-t῾-
It should also be borne in mind that PT *-t and Mong. *-d can in
some cases actually reflect the original plural suffix *-t῾V (reflected also
in PTM as *-ta, in Korean as *-tɨ-r and in Japanese as *ta-ti). The suffix
*-kt῾- in fact may be characterized broadly as “collective” (this is how
Benzing 72 qualifies the PTM *-kta) and perhaps containing this very
suffix (PA plural *-t῾V).

4.1.7. PA *-n-

As noticed in EAS 2 (pp. 168-169, 220-223) this suffix occurs in two

functions:
1. as a deverbative with intransitive (reflexive) usage, cf.:
PA *pi ‘to enjoy, rest’ (PTM *ā(b)- ‘to sleep’): PT *(i)abɨ-n- ‘to enjoy one-
self’, PTM *ābun- ‘to entertain’
PA *m[ù]k῾è ‘to suck’ (PT *bök- ‘be satiated’, PM *meke- ‘female breast, to
suck’, PK *mk- ‘to eat’): PTM *muKu-n- ‘fill mouth with liquid’, PJ
*màkà-nà-p- ‘to feed’
PA *pḗk῾ò ‘to contrive, think of’ (PM *baka- ‘to covet, wish’): PT *bken-
‘to appreciate’, Ul. peken- ‘be embarrassed’
PA *saru ‘be worn out, torn’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *suta-r-): PT
*sara-n, PM *sar-n-i-
It should be mentioned that in Japanese this suffix occurs only
within the compound -na-p- (besides maka-nap- cf. also soko-nap- ‘to
harm’ < *sk῾o; ura-nap- ‘to divine’ (ura ‘divination’, *rú); usi-nap- ‘lose’
< *ču; noga-nap- ‘to pass’ < *nk῾é etc.), and because of this -p- (origi-
nally causative, see above) has acquired rather a transitive usage.
On the usage of this suffix as (re)iterative *-na- in TM see Benzing
120.
The derivatives in *-n- in PA could also have a nominal usage (like
OT tütü-n ‘smoke’, PTM *xebī-n ‘play’ etc., see Benzing 58, Gabain 73
etc.), but this seems to be a secondary nominalization.
 CHAPTER FOUR 185

2. as a denominative with a rather loose semantics, frequently in

a) body parts:
PA *bk῾a ‘thigh’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *boka-ɣur ‘behind, but-
tocks’) : PT *bɨkɨ-n ‘thigh’, PTM *bōKa-n id.
PA *bkà ‘rib, breast bone’ (PJ *bàkì ‘side of body’): PT *boka-na ‘false
ribs’, PM *bogo-ni ‘first rib’
PA *č῾ăǯV ‘cheek, cheekbone’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *ǯaǯi-ɣur
‘part of cheek’, *ǯaǯi-la- ‘to chew’): PT *čAj-na- ‘to chew; jaw, cheek’,
Man. ǯaǯi-n ‘cheekbone’
PA *kòt῾e ‘hole’ (PT *göt ‘anus, buttocks’, PK *kút ‘hole’): PT *göte-n(e)
‘stomach’, Evn. qotańa ‘concave, cavity’
PA *seŋa ‘fringe, hair lock’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *sAŋak, *sAŋat,
PM *saŋ-maj): PM *saŋ-na ‘forelock’, PTM *seŋ-ne ‘gill, fringe’
PA *sḕgù ‘health, blood’ (PT *sạg ‘healthy’): PM *saji-n ‘good’, PK
*sà’ó-ná-b- ‘strong, valid’
b) animal names:
PA *ăŋu ‘wild game’ (PT *Ăŋ ‘wild game, hunt’, PTM *aŋa ‘wild game’):
PM *(h)oɣu-na ‘male mountain antelope’, PTM *aŋa-nV ‘mountain
ram; enclosure for deer’
PA *gúri ‘deer, game’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *görü-ɣe-): PTM
*gur-na- ‘squirrel, ermine’, PK *kòrá-ní ‘deer’
PA *k῾uŕe ‘a k. of furry animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *xur-ka- /
*xur-ga- ‘bear’): PT *Küŕe-n ‘ferret, weasel’, PM *küre-ne id.
PA *sĭgò ‘deer, horned animal’ (PJ *sika): PT *sɨgu-n, PM *seɣe-n-ek
PA *ebVrV ‘worm, snake’ (PTM *ūre): PT *ebre-n, Ul. were-n.
c) plant names:
PA *buk῾e ‘vessel; gourd’ (Kor. pak): Evk. buku-n ‘birch bark put into
cradle’, PK *pàkòní ‘bamboo basket’
PA *dŭlgu ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *dulgi-kta
‘alder’): PT *jɨlgu-n ‘tamarisk’, PM *doluga-na ‘hawthorn’
PA *tagù ‘root’ (PTM *daga): PT *TAg-na, PM *deg-ne-/*dag-na-, PJ
*tuku-nai
d) but also not infrequent in other semantic groups:
PA *báku ‘pole, pillar’ (PK *pò ‘beam’): PT *bak-na ‘rung of a ladder’, PM
*baga-na ‘central pole’
PA *emo ‘front’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *öm-ge-n ‘upper part of
breast’): PM *emü-ne ‘front, South’, PTM *ume-n ‘one’
PA *t῾udu ‘a period of time’ (PM *tuǯi ‘always’): PT *Tɨdɨ-n ‘time, ap-
pointed time’, PJ *tùnâ- ‘longlasting, always’)
PA *lébù ‘swamp’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *lab-ku, PK *nɨp-h):
PTM *lebē-n-, PJ *númà ( < *núbà-n-)
186 INTRODUCTION

PA *moju ‘all, whole’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *muja-kin): PK

*mắi-n, PJ *múi-na
PA *nlpá ‘tin, lead’ (not attested suffixless): PTM *ńālba-n ‘tin’, PJ
*nàpá-n(r)i > *nàmári
PA *ńàŕì ‘man, young man’ (PTM *ń(i)ari): PT *jeŕ-ne ‘son-in-law’, PK
*nắr-ná- ‘brave’.
PA *p῾árà ‘cross-beam, constructing piece’ (PJ *párì): PT *ara-n, PM
*(h)aran-ga, PTM *para-n
PA *p῾là ‘field, level ground’ (PJ *pàrà): PT *ala-n, PTM *pāla-n
PA *p῾àlk῾i ‘lightning, thunder’ (PT *jAlkɨ-, PTM *pialki-): PT *jAlkɨ-n,
PTM *pialki-n- (perhaps also PK *pnkái < *plkán-?)
PA *sebV ‘strange, supernatural’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*sebe-ɣün, PTM *sebe-ki): PTM *sebe-n, PK *sòn
PA *sgu ‘sun; sky’ (PK *hắi ‘sun’): PTM *sigū-n ‘sun’, PK *hànă-r ‘sky’
(also PJ *suà-rá < *suàn-rá)
The original function of this *-n- is not quite clear (unlike Ramstedt,
we do not compare it with the TM diminutive in *-ńa, both for phonetic
reasons and because of the lack of direct lexical matches). But this suf-
fix has become extremely productive in Mongolian and TM (in the
shape of final -n; on its further verbalization as -n-a- in TM see Benzing
116) and can be qualified as a general nominal determinative. It can
perhaps be compared with the nominative -no, very frequent in Old
Japanese. Since in Mongolian and Turkic words in -n lose it before the
plural -d (-t), its original function may have been “singulative”, i.e.
specifically expressing the singular number of a noun.
The suffix *-n- can sometimes occur in conjunction with other suf-
fixes, cf. cases like:
PA *k῾úrgo ‘intestine, belly’ (PK *kùri ‘stomach’): PT *Kurg-sa-k
‘belly, stomach’, PTM *xurke-n-se ‘belly (of fish)’
A “collective” suffix in -n- is sometimes observed in TM (see
Benzing 73, based on Menges 1952), but it is basically found in complex
formations like *-na-r, *-n-il or *-na-sal where the original “collective”
meaning is actually expressed by other morphemes, so that the “collec-
tive” function of PA *-n- is extremely dubious.

4.1.8. PA *-l-

The suffixed *-l- is very widely spread in all Altaic languages (although
in Korean and Japanese it has, for obvious phonetic reasons, merged
with *-r-), both by itself and in combination with other suffixes.
Two basic functions of *-l- can be established.
 CHAPTER FOUR 187

a) a deverbative nominal suffix, as in:

PA *nắŋe ‘to curse, swear’ (PTM *niŋī- ‘to curse’): PT *jAŋɨ-l ‘mistake,
fault’, PM *niɣü-l ‘sin’, Sol. niŋī-l ‘curse’.
The derived noun in *-l- can be an abstract noun (as in the above ex-
ample), but very frequently also an attributive (participial) noun, like
in:
PA *se ‘to be bad, guilty’ (PM *ösi ‘revenge, hate’, PTM *usa ‘bad’, *usē-
‘be sick, unable’): PT *osa-l ‘careless, dilatory’, MMong. ösü-l ‘re-
venge, hate’, PJ *s-r- ‘to be scared, afraid’
The verbal meaning of -r- in PJ *s-r- reflects further verbalization
of the nominal stem in *-l-, which is observed in a great number of
cases and was obviously present already in Common Altaic.
The precise semantic definition of PA *-l- is rather difficult. In
Turkic, it is involved in forming the passive voice in -l- (as well as, of
course, deverbative nouns and verbs in -la-/-le-); in TM, it participates
in building inchoatives (duku-l- ‘start to write’, see Benzing 120); in
Mongolian, it is rather transitive (qaɣa-l- ‘split, divide’ as opposed to
qaɣa-ra- ‘be split, divided’). The possible starting point here could be a
transitive participle, with a secondary development into passive in
Turkic (which is still to be explained, and is probably the result of
completely restructuring old voice categories in Turkic). See the discus-
sion of the *-l-suffix in Ramstedt 1912.
Cf. the following cross-language matches:
PA *čĭŋV ‘to listen, consider’ (not attested suffixless; with different suf-
fixes cf. PTM *ǯiŋi-re- ‘to understand’, *ǯiŋ-k-si- ‘attentive’): PT
*dɨŋ-la- / *diŋ-le- ‘to listen, hear’, PM *čiŋ-la- ‘to listen’
PA *č῾amo ‘to suffer hardships’ (PT *čAm ‘fine, claim’): PT *čAm-la- ‘to
be insulted, angry at’, PM *čima-la- ‘to be dissatisfied’, Neg. čamu-lị-
‘to be unwilling to share’, Jpn. tamar- ‘to endure’.
PA *ka ‘bad, weak’ (PTM *eke- ‘to decrease; evil’, PJ *àk- ‘to be bored,
satiated’): OT egi-l ‘common, ordinary’, PM *(h)ege-l ‘low, unedu-
cated, not very good’, Nan. exe-le ‘bad, low’
PA *ēŋV ‘to think, understand’ (PT *āŋ ‘intelligence’): PT *āŋ-la- ‘to un-
derstand’, Evn. eŋē-li- ‘to peer, investigate’
PA *g(j)t῾ì ‘to go, come’ (PT *gē(j)t- ‘to go’): PM *getü-l- / *gatu-l- ‘to
cross over’, PJ *kítá-r- ‘to come, arrive’
PA *gḕnŋa ‘to bend’ (suffixless perhaps in Man. gen ‘horse’s counter’):
PM *gana-l-ǯa- ‘to be bent’, PTM *gē(n)ŋe-l- id.
PA *č῾ĭk῾a ‘to rise, sprout’ (PT *čɨk- ‘to go out, come out’, PM *čiki-
‘sprout’, PK *čhí- ‘to rise, raise’): PM *čiki-le- ‘to sprout’, Evk.
čiki-l-tu- id.
188 INTRODUCTION

PA *gùri ‘to slander, go mad’ (PT *Kür ‘trick’, PM *gör ‘slander, deceit’,
PTM *gori- ‘to go mad’, PK *kr- ‘to be mistaken’): OT kür-lü-k
‘trick’, PM *gör-le- ‘to slander’, Ud. guleäla- ‘to go mad’
PA *idV ‘to follow, lead, arrange’ (PM *iǯi ‘set, complete set’, PTM *idu
‘order (n.); to command’): PM *iǯi-l ‘equal, identical’, Nan. idu-le- ‘to
arrange in order’
PA *kṓr[i] ‘to roll, churn’ (PT *Kiār- ‘to mix’): PM *kuru-l- / *küri-l- ‘to
whirl’, Evn. kuru-l-dāwna ‘churn-staff’
PA *kč῾ú ‘to slander, swear’ (PM *koči ‘nickname, slander’): Kalm.
xoč-l- ‘to slander’, Nan. qoča-lị- ‘to harm (of an evil ghost)’
PA *k῾p῾ó ‘become wet, overflow’ (PTM *xep-): PM *kaji-la- ‘to melt’, PJ
*kmp-ra- ‘to overflow’
PA *k῾p῾è ‘to dry out, become fragile; to break’ (PT *kEp(i)- ‘to dry out,
disappear’, PTM *xepe- ‘to break, destroy’): PM *kewü-l- ‘to break, be
fragile’, PTM *xepe-le- ‘to break, destroy’, PJ *kp-r- ‘to break’
PA *k῾bu ‘to peel, skin’ (PT *K(i)ab ‘peeled skin’, PTM *xū(be) ‘mem-
brane scraper’, PK *kj ‘rice husks’): PM *kaɣu-l- ‘to peel off, skin’,
PK *kì’ú-r ‘bran’
PA *k῾ókì ‘to bind, wrap’ (PM *kög ‘wrapper, curtain’, PTM *xuku- ‘to
wrap’): PTM *xuku-lī- ‘to wrap’, PJ *kúkú-r- ‘to bind, tie’
PA *mójńi ‘to become overripe, rot’ (PTM *munī-): PT *bAńɨ-l, PJ
*mín-r-
PA *òk῾è ‘to grieve, be angry’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *ökün-, PTM
*(x)uk-t-): PM *(h)uki-la- ‘to weep, sob’, PJ *k-r- ‘to be angry’
PA *óru ‘to cry, shout’ (PT *orɨ ‘cry, shout’, PM *uri- ‘to invite’, PTM *or-
‘roar, shout’): PT *or(ɨ)-la- ‘to shout’, PM *ori-la-, Nan. oral ‘echo’)
PA *p῾ap῾o ‘to attack’ (PT *op-): PT *opla-, PM *haw-l-
PA *p῾t῾à ‘to strike, hit’ (PT *ạt-, PK *pat-): PM *(h)ata-l-ga ‘adze’, PTM
*pāti-la- ‘to strike, hew’
PA *ségì ‘to litter, mat’ (PTM *seg(i)-, PJ *sík-): PM *seg-l-, PK *skắ-r-
PA *zà[k῾]ó ‘hang, droop’ (PTM *suka-, Kor. suk-, PJ *sànka-): PM *seg-le-,
PJ *sànka-r-
PA *soge ‘breathe’ (PTM *sugī, PK *sūi-): PT *sog-lɨ-, PM *süji-le-
PA *t῾ằp῾è ‘go through’ (PT *top, PTM *tap-): PT *topu-l-, PM *tawu-l-, PJ
*tp-r-
PA *t῾ik῾V ‘to fear, hate’ (PT *tik-): PM *čiku-l, PTM *tiKu-l-
PA *t῾úmu ‘clever, understand’ (PM *tomi-): PM *tomi-la-, PJ *túm-r-
PA *ut῾à ‘to be able, understand’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*(h)ud-ka, PJ *ata-p-): PTM *uti-l-, PK *tì-r-
 CHAPTER FOUR 189

b) a denominative attributive suffix (often with further nominalization,

less frequently with further verbalization; on denominative verbal
*-lā- in TM see Benzing 116):
PA *ăgu ‘uninhabited place, wilderness’ [not attested suffixless; with a
different suffix PTM *agī- ‘to walk without a road’]: PT *ag-la-k ‘wil-
derness’; PM *aɣu-la ‘mountain’; PTM *agu-lā-n ‘meadow’
PA *gódú ‘down, to lower’ (PT *Kodɨ): Chuv. xər-lə ‘bowing the head’, PJ
*kúntá-r- ‘to lower, go down’
PA *ìbè ‘door, yard’ (PT *eb ‘house’, PK *íp ‘door’): Chuv. av-la-n ‘to
marry’, PTM *ib-le ‘yard, dwelling’
PA *ap῾u ‘adze’ (PTM *upa): PT *Apɨ-l ‘hoe’, PM *oɣu-li ‘adze’, Nan.
ofa-li id.
PA *kḗp῾V ‘belly’ (PT *gĒpe ‘swollen (of belly)’): PM *kewe-li ‘belly,
pregnancy’, PTM *kepe-l- id.
PA *kopu ‘a k. of vessel’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *Kob-ga ‘pail,
bucket’): PM *kobi-l / *kobu-l ‘groove, gutter, trough’, PTM *kiabi-l-de
‘bobber’
PA *k[a]ŋe ‘a k. of board’ (PT *K(i)aŋ ‘vehicle, skis’): PT *K(i)aŋ-lɨ id.,
PTM *küŋi-le ‘skis’
PA *k῾omo ‘a k. of fragrant and edible plant’ (not attested suffixless, cf.
PTM *xim-ŋe-kte ‘bird-cherry’): PT *Kum-la-k ‘hop’, PM *köme-li ‘a k.
of wild onion or garlic’, PJ *kami-ra ‘a k. of garlic’
PA *k῾ŕu ‘red, brown’ (PJ *kúrá- ‘dark’, PK *kùrí ‘copper’): PT *Kɨŕɨ-l
‘red; gold’, PM *küre-l ‘bronze’
PA *lap῾V ‘spleen’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Orok lip-če): Tof. ča῾p῾a-l,
PM *niɣa-l-ta id.
PA *mék῾ù ‘meat; part of body’ (PM *mika-n ‘meat’): Neg. mexi-le ‘fat
under bird’s skin’, PJ *múkú-rua ‘body, dead body’
PA *mák῾o ‘frog’ (PT *b(i)āka): PM *meke-lei, Evk. moko-lo-čī ‘bat’, PK
*mkùrí ‘toad’
PA *ŋaji ‘lower side’ (Chuv. aj, PTM *ŋia(j)-): PTM *ŋia-la ‘lower’, PK
*nằrí- ‘to go down’
PA *òŋi ‘windpipe, part of neck’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *öŋü-č,
PTM *uŋ-se, PJ *ùnà-nsi): PM *öŋgü-le-ɣür, PTM *uŋe-le-.
PA *ṓt῾è ‘old’ (Chuv. vadъ, PTM *ute): PM *öte-l- ‘to be old, old’, PTM
*ute-le- ‘earlier, before’
PA *pk῾í ‘a k. of insect’ (Evk. heke ‘nit’): PT *böke-le-k, PJ *pínkú-rá-sí
PA *p῾ugu ‘tinder, excrescence’ (Chuv. ъₙvъₙ): PM *huɣu-la, PTM
*pug(u)-la id.
PA *soga ‘arrow’ (PJ *sa): PM *saɣa-li ‘cross-bow’, PK *hoar ‘bow’
190 INTRODUCTION

PA *sábó ‘service’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *sibe-gčin ‘fem. ser-

vant’, PTM *sab(u)-ka- ‘to get accustomed’): PTM *sabu-li- ‘to serve,
present gifts’, PJ *sámpú-rap-
PA *sogì ‘a k. of meat dish’ (PJ *suki-): PT *sögü-l-, Evk. suɣu-lē-n
PA *šuga ‘bucket’ (PT *sugu): PM *saɣu-l-ga, PTM *šug-le-
PA *t῾ŭge ‘storm, dust’ (PTM *tuge): PT *tüge-le-, PM *tuji-l-
PA *t῾ukV ‘calf, lamb’ (PTM *tuKu-): PT *tok-lɨ, PM *tugu-l
The attributive suffix *-li- is still quite productive in TM, see
Benzing 90.
This suffix is often combined with following velar suffixes, as in:
PA *k῾óŕa ‘a k. of tree with red berries or red bark’ (not attested suffix-
less, cf. PTM *(x)or-b-, *(x)or-aŋ-): PT *Kaŕɨ-l-gan / *Kar-lɨ-ga-n ‘cur-
rant’, PM *kar-gi-l ‘viburnum’, PJ *kátú-rá ‘Cereidiphyllum japoni-
cum’
PA *k῾àp῾e ‘a k. of insect, butterfly’ (PM *kibe ‘moth’): PT *kepe-lek ‘but-
terfly’, PJ *kprnkí ‘cricket’
PA *lemV ‘meat, fat (of animals)’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jamɨ-ŕ,
*jam-du ‘groin; pubic hair’): PM *lami-l-ka-j ‘meat on sheep’s rump’,
PTM *lemu-k ‘fat (under the skin of animals)’
Such suffix combinations have become quite productive in Mongo-
lian (*-lga-) and especially in Turkic (*-lɨk, *-lɨg).
It seems in fact possible to unite both usages of PA *-l-, by assigning
it a general original attributive (denominative or deverbative) meaning.
But we must stress that only with the latter meaning did the suffix be-
come a part of the Common Altaic inflectional paradigm. In some
daughter branches it has penetrated the nominal paradigm as well (cf.
the Mong. comitative in -luɣa, generally after verbal nouns, and the TM
nominal affixes as -l-un, -l-ken - see EAS 2, 40-43), but this seems to be
a later development.

4.1. 9. PA *-r-

PA *-r- appears to be even more frequent than *-l-. In Turkic, it is the

general aorist suffix, used both as a finite form and as a participle. In
this function it is compared (in EAS 2, pp. 87-89) with the Mong. su-
pinum in -ra and the “preparative converb” in -ru-n, as well as with the
participia futuri in TM and Korean. Its quite probable Japanese match
is the general attributive -ru in the verbal paradigm.
When it comes to derivation, one should note that in Mongolian,
-ra-/-re- is basically an intransitive verbal suffix, as opposed to -l(a)-,
see EAS 2, 194, 199 (see also above). If this is indeed the same mor-
 CHAPTER FOUR 191

pheme, then we might be able to reconstruct the Common Altaic verbal

opposition *-l- ‘transitive participle’ : *-r- ‘intransitive participle’, sub-
sequently passing into the domain of word-derivation. We can also
note the usage of -r- as an intransitive morpheme in Old Japanese
(which expanded later and led to the formation of the present-day pas-
sive in -r-), as well as the reflexive usage of -r- in Korean; since, how-
ever, these languages merged *-l- and *-r-, the origin of these inflec-
tional morphemes cannot be firmly established. Ramstedt (1912, 32-37)
characterizes PA *-r(a)- as ‘verbum neutrale oder inchoativum’.
It seems, however, important to stress the modal function of -r- as
an inflectional morpheme (meaning “in order to”, “necessary to” in
Mong., TM and Korean), which seems to be lacking in case of *-r- as a
derivational suffix.
But one should be cautious while reconstructing PA *-r-. It should
be borne in mind that the only group preserving the original distinc-
tion *-r- : *-ŕ- is Turkic, and Turkic has a quite different - causative -
*-ŕ-suffix, also corresponding to -r- in other Altaic languages. The situa-
tion is further complicated by an alternation -ŕ- / -r- within Turkic
(“Helimski’s rule”), due to which *-ŕ- becomes *-r- in a postconsonantal
prevocalic position (so that *CVC-ŕV- > *CVC-rV-). Therefore, some of
the following matches with an apparently transitive usage of *-r- may
in fact reflect PA *-ŕ-, on which see below.
PA *èbà ‘join, meet’ (PJ *àp-): PTM *ebu-re- ‘join, meet’, PK *àbór- ‘join’
PA *ắk῾è ‘to advance gradually, slowly’ (PM *(h)aki-): PT *aku-ru-
‘slowly’; PJ *kú-rá- ‘to be, come late’
PA *àpo ‘to wear out, be spoiled’ (PJ *àpà- ‘weak, faded’): PT *obu-ra- ‘to
wear out, decay’, PM *ebe-re- ‘to weaken’
PA *bdé ‘to jump, trot’ (PT *büdi- ‘to dance, jib’, PK *ptùi- ‘to jump’):
PM *büdü-ri- ‘to stumble’, Nan. budu-ri- ‘to hurry’, PJ *bnt-r- ‘to
jump’
PA *bĺa ‘confusion, fright’ (PT *būĺ- ‘to be bad-tempered, irritable’): PT
*būĺ-ur-ga- ‘to be worried, confused’, PJ *bású-rá- ‘to forget’
PA *bŋe ‘to howl’ (PTM *būni-): PT *böŋ-re-, PM *büɣü-re-
PA *č῾ukV ‘to jump, trot’ (PM *čogi-; PK *čhú- ‘to dance’): Bur. sojo-r-,
Evk. čuke-rē-
PA *gèmo ‘to complete, fill in’ (PTM *gemu ‘all’, PJ *km- ‘to be filled
in’): PM *gömü-r-ge ‘storage’, PJ *km-r- ‘to be filled in’
PA *gòdè ‘to be diligent, persistent’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ
*ktà-pa- ‘to endure’): OT qoδu-r- ‘to take trouble, make efforts’, PM
*güǯi-re- ‘to be energetic, persistent’
192 INTRODUCTION

PA *gno ‘to think’ (PM *guni ‘be sad’, PTM *gūn- ‘to think; to say’):
Dun. Guni-ra- ‘be sad’, PK *knr- ‘to tak care of’
PA *íŋo ‘to neigh’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *iŋ-ča-, PJ *íná-nak-
etc.): PT *ɨŋɨ-ra-, Nan. iŋgiri-
PA *idV ‘to follow, lead, arrange’ (PM *iǯi ‘set, complete set’, PTM *idu
‘order (n.); to command’): PT *Ede-r- ‘to follow’, Man. idu-re- ‘to ar-
range in order’
PA *umu ‘to help, gather’ (PM *öme ‘help’): PT *ime-r- ‘to gather, work
collectively’, PM *öme-r- id., PK *umu-r- ‘to crowd, cluster’
PA *kăpi ‘to break, fragile’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *kab-Vk-): PT
*geb-re- ‘to become weak, fragile’, PM *kebe-re- ‘to break down’
PA *kăt῾e ‘to knock (of hooves), trot’ (PTM *kete- / *kata- ‘knocking, trot-
ting’, PK *kthí- ‘to stumble’): PT *Kɨtɨ-r- ‘to walk, go round’, PM
*kata-ri- ‘to trot’, PTM *kata-r / *kete-r
PA *kk῾i ‘to belch, choke’ (PM *kaka- id., PTM *kaxa- ‘to choke’): PT
*gēki-r-, PM *kaki-ra- / *keki-re- ‘to belch’
PA *kijmV ‘vapour, steam; anger’ (PK *kīm ‘steam, vapour’, PT *Kɨjm-
‘to move’): Khak. qɨjmɨ-ra- ‘to move’, PM *kimu-ra- ‘to be in disorder,
conflict’, Nan. kīmu-r ‘enmity’
PA *k῾uŋgo ‘to freeze, snow’ (PJ *kənkə-): PM *kuŋga-r ‘snow-drift’, PJ
*kənkə-r- ‘to freeze’
PA *lép῾ó ‘to rise, high’ (PT *lepū- ‘to move out, jump out’): PTM
*lepu-ru- id., PJ *nmp-r- ‘to rise’
PA *mók῾[ú] ‘to bow’ (PT *bok-): PTM *miaxu-rV-, PJ *mánká-r-
PA *nìt῾á ‘weak, quiet’ (PT *jit- ‘to get lost’, PTM *nita- ‘weak, faded’):
PM *nete-re- ‘to become worse, deteriorate’, Man. nita-ra- ‘to
weaken, diminish’, PJ *nàntà-rà-ka ‘quiet, peaceful’
PA *ti ‘to move, change place’ (PT *öt- ‘to pass by’, PM *oči- ‘walk,
move, go’): PM *oči-ra ‘along’, Evk. utu-r- ‘to reel, turn round’, PJ
*ùtù-r- ‘to move, change place’
PA *pắdà ‘to spread; flag’ (PJ *pátà): PT *bAd-ra-k, PM *bada-ra-, Evk.
hada-r-ga.
PA *p῾ó[k]u ‘to swell’ (PTM *puk- / pok-): PT *ok-ra ‘pimple, pustule’,
PTM *poko-ri- ‘to be cracked (of skin)’, Kor. pagɨ-l ‘boiling, bubbling’,
PJ *púkú-rà- ‘to swell’
PA *sábà ‘to be hindered, obstruct’ (PT *sab-): PT *sab-ra-, PM *saɣa-ra-,
PJ *sápá-r-
PA *sèjV ‘be thin, rare’ (PM *seji-, PJ *sài-): PT *sed-re-, PM *seji-re-, PTM
*sē-r
PA *sēma ‘get lost, deviate’ (Evk. sēm- ‘to be lost’): PT *samu-r(a)- ‘to be
in a complicated position’, PM *samu-ra- ‘make disorder’
 CHAPTER FOUR 193

PA *sgà ‘sigh, holding breath’ (PTM *sigu- ‘stop crying, breathing’):

PM *seɣü-re- ‘sigh, pant’, PJ *sàkù-rì ‘hiccough’
PA *t῾a ‘to meet’ (PT *ut-, PJ *átá-): PT *ut(a)-r- ‘opposite’, PM *uči-ra-
‘to meet’, PJ *átá-r-
PA *ǯebí ‘bad, to suffer’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jabɨ-ŕ, *jab-la-
etc.): PT *jab-rɨ-, PJ *(d)impi-r-
PA *-r- also functions as a denominative suffix, forming adjectives
(sometimes, as usual, with further nominalization or verbalization). It
is probably quite different in origin from the verbal *-r- and must have
had an original meaning ‘pertaining to’ or ‘located in the region of’,
whence the well known usage of *-r- as a locative suffix in Turkic,
Mongolian and Korean, see EAS 2, 38-39.
Examples of this Common Altaic suffix are given below (note the
frequent usage of *-r- in color names, animal/plant names and body
parts):
PA *bagu ‘white, grey’ (PK *pùhi- ‘grey’, Evn. bāwụ- ‘clear (of sky)’):
PM *buɣu-ru-l ‘grey’, Evk. baɣu-ri-l ‘clear (of sky)’
PA *č῾upa ‘green, blue’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *čabi-dar ‘yellow-
ish’): PT *čuba-r ‘variegated’, PTM *čub-rī- ‘green, blue, yellow’
PA *k῾V ‘light, white’ (PT *Āk, PJ *áká-): PTM *ixe-re ‘candle, light’,
Kor. igɨl- ‘bright, burn’, PJ *aka-r(u)- ‘bright’
PA *kádì ‘strong, oppressive’ (PJ *kítú- ‘strong, brave’): PT *Kadɨ-r ‘hard,
strong, cruel’, PM *kede-r ‘angry, inobedient’, PTM *kada-ra-ku ‘cou-
rageous, diligent’
PA *kòŋa ‘brown, black’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *koŋ-na-
‘black’): PT *Koŋu-r ‘dark brown’, PK *kắnắr ‘shadow’
PA *mṓŋi ( ~ -e) ‘round’ (Kor. muŋi ‘round thing’): PM *möɣer ‘wheel,
hoop’, Man. mumu-ri ‘blunt, rounded’, MKor. mūŋrí- ‘round
(stone)’
PA *p῾àká ‘mighty, heavy’ (PTM *piaKa, PJ *pànkiá-): PT *iagɨ-r ‘heavy’,
Evn. hịqār ‘brave’
PA *săŋe ‘yellowish, greyish’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Evk. siŋa-ma):
PM *saɣa-r-, PTM *siŋa-ri-
PA *t῾ŏk῾V ‘curved’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *Toku-j, *Tokɨ-m, PTM
*tok-čika-): PM *toki-r, PTM *toKa-r-
Cf. further:
PA *bădo ‘a k. of bird’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *bödü-ne ‘quail’):
PT *budu-r(čin) ‘quail’, Evk. bada-ra ‘dun-bird’
PA *bắja ‘happiness, joy’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *bAj-ga ‘feast’, PJ
*bái-m- ‘to smile’): PT *bAj-ra-m ‘feast’, *bAj-ra-k ‘prize’, PM *baja-r
‘joy, feast’
194 INTRODUCTION

PA *bge ‘rock, hill’ (PTM *buga / *buge ‘hill, mound’, PK *pàhói ‘rock’,
PJ *bə ‘hill’): PT *bögü-r ‘mountain slope’, PM *böɣe-rü-g id.
PA *č῾aju ‘resin, juice’ (PJ *tuju ‘juice’): PT *čAjɨ-r ‘resin, tar’, PK *č-r-
‘slushy, watery’
PA *dagV ‘shoulder bone, back’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM
*daga-ńa ‘hip, hip-bone’): PT *jagɨr ‘back, shoulderblade’, PM *daji-ra
‘withers’
PA *debV ‘young (of birds or animals) (PM *deɣü ‘younger sibling’): PT
*jab-rɨ ‘young of birds and animals’, PTM *debe-re- ‘young of birds’
PA *ép῾á ‘breast, rib’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *eb-či-ɣü-n ‘bosom’):
PM *ebü-r ‘breast’, PJ *ámpá-rá ‘rib’
PA *gaŋu ‘wild onion’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *k(u)i <
*gaŋ(u)-gV): PT *gEmü-r-gen, Evk. guŋu-r
PA *kámsa ‘wind, whirlwind’ (PJ *kánsá- ‘wind’): PT *Kasɨ-r-ku ‘whirl-
wind’, PM *kabsa-ra- ‘to blow (of a cold wind)’
PA *kábó ‘enclosure’ (PTM *kaba ‘tent covered with bark’, PJ *kámpiá
‘wall’): PTM *kaba-ra- ‘fence, enclosure’, PK *kò’ắ-r ‘district’
PA *kami ‘a k. of cloth’ (Orok qāmị ‘women’s belt’): PM *keme-r-lig ‘a k.
of silk’, Evk. kam-rā- ‘to hem a garment’
PA *kùtí ‘a k. of fox’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *kìtúnái ‘fox’): PM
*küderi ‘musk-deer’, PTM *kitiri ‘a k. of fox’
PA *kŏše ‘edge, protrusion’ (PTM *koša ‘angle, river bend’): PT *Kös-ri
‘wind-screen, sides of the chest’, PK *kìsrk ‘protrusion, edge of roof’
PA *kek῾V ‘palate, throat’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *kekü-ɣe ‘throat,
cavity’): PT *gekir, *gekir-dek ‘throat, trachea’, PM *kekü-re-g (/
*kekü-deg) ‘thorax’, PTM *kexe-re ‘hard palate’
PA *kekŋV ‘breast, chest, rib’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *keŋ-tire
‘breast, chest’): PT *gEg-re-k ‘lower soft ribs’, PM *keŋgi-r-dek ‘chest’
PA *káč῾ù ‘hole; mouth’ (PJ *kútí): PT *KEči-r ‘trachea’, PM *kači-r
‘cheek’
PA *kōŋa ‘bell’ (PJ *káná-i): PT *Koŋ-ra- ‘to ring, toll’, *Koŋ-ra-k ‘bell’,
PTM *kōŋV-r ‘ringing sound’
PA *kumi ‘a k. of insect’ (PK *kmi ‘spider’, PJ *kùmuâ id.): PT *Kumɨ-r-
‘ant’, PM *kömö-re-ge ‘a k. of insect’
PA *k῾ébá ‘corpse’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *kámpá-nái): PT *gEb-re,
PM *keɣü-r, Man. eo-re-n
PA *k῾íbà ‘ash tree’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *xiba-gda): PT
*Keb-r-üč, PM *küji-r-sü-, PJ *kápià-ru-(n)tai
PA *k῾ṑk῾ò ‘spine, skeleton’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *koki-ma-
‘skeleton, skull’): PTM *xīKe-ri ‘spine’, PJ *kaku-rai ‘coccyx’
 CHAPTER FOUR 195

PA *láčà ‘a k. of plant with drooping branches’ (PJ *násì ‘pear’): Man.

lasa-ri ‘drooping branches’, PK *nčhú-r id.
PA *lako ‘a k. of foliate tree’ (PT *jöke ‘lime-tree’): PM *nüge-r- ‘a k. of
alder’, Man. laχa-ri ‘a k. of oak’
PA *ĺeŋgV ‘a k. of predator’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Orch. liŋga-pu
‘wolverine’): PM *ǯiŋge-r ‘bitch’, PTM *leŋgu-r ‘wolf; cat’
PA *lúŋu ‘morning or evening dawn’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ
*núN-si ‘rainbow’): Evk. luŋu-r ‘evening, dusk’, PK *nò’-r ‘morning
or evening dawn’
PA *mk῾é ‘a k. of fish’ (Evk. mekē ‘crucian’): WMong. mökü-rü ‘female
carp’, Orok mokkiri ‘a k. of small fish’, Jpn. maguro ‘tuna-fish’
PA *nŋu ‘wool, down’ (PT *juŋ id., PJ *núnuá ‘fabric, cloth’): PM
*nowu-r-(su) ‘wool, down’, Man. nuŋɣa-ri id.
PA *ŋk῾u ‘dog, wolf’ (PTM *ŋōKe): PT *eke-r ‘hunting dog’, Man.
nuxe-re ‘puppy’, PK *nəko-ri ‘badger’
PA *píńŋe ‘scar, pimple’ (PTM *pinŋa): PT *beńir, PM *beɣer, PK *pńrm
PA *pgí ‘kidneys, testicles’ (PTM *pugi-n): PT *bögü-r, PM *böɣe-re, PK
*pr, PJ *púnkúri
PA *pgV ‘male deer’ (PT *bugu): PT *bugu-ra ‘camel stallion’, PM *boji-r
‘male (of animals)’
PA *p῾émi ‘thread, twist a thread’ (PJ *pím): PM *hime-r-, Evn. hemъr-
PA *p῾okt῾o ‘environs’ (PT *pokta ‘way’): PT *ota-r ‘pasture, far environs’,
PM *hogto-r-gui ‘environs’, PJ *pətə-ri id.
PA *sak῾u ‘a k. of stinging insect’ (PM *sag ‘insect eggs, nits’): PT
*sakɨ-r-tka ‘tick’, PJ *su(n)ka-ru ‘digger wasp’
PA *sigo ‘rain, snow storm’ (PTM *siga-): PM *siɣu-r-, *siɣu-r-ga, PJ
*sinkú-rai
PA *sórka ‘blossom, blossoming plant’ (PK *sằrkó, PJ *sák-): PM *surga-r,
PJ *sákú-ra
PA *sóga ‘back, back skin’ (PJ *sa-): PT *sagrɨ, PM *saji-r / *saɣa-ri, PTM
*sog-da-
PA *spe ‘rib’ (PTM *subi-n): PT *sabar, PM *sübe-r-gen.
PA *suga ‘a k. of bird’ (PK *sāi): PT *sɨgɨ-r-, PM *soji-r
PA *sbu ‘end’ (PJ *súwá-): PT *sīb-ri, PTM *sube-rē
PA *sku ‘scoop, bucket’ (PTM *soKa-): PT *sogu-r-, PM *sugu-ra-
PA *t῾égè ‘edge, border’ (PM *teg, PK *th): PT *Teg-re, PTM *tegē-r, PJ
*tk-r
PA *t῾úgo ‘cover’ (PK *tù’i, PJ *tu-i): PT *Tugu-r, PM *tuɣu-r-ga
PA *t῾t῾u ‘rash, scabs’ (PT *tāt): PM *tači-r, PTM *tuta-ri-l-
PA *ùč῾e ‘reason’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *üč-ün, Evn. ụčịq, PK
*áčh): PM *uči-r, Man. uču-ri
196 INTRODUCTION

PA *uŋe ‘hollow, pit’ (PT *üŋ- ‘to dig’): PT *üŋü-r, PM *oŋga-r-kaj

PA *ót῾ó ‘bushes, low trees’ (cf. Evk. utu-n): PT *ot-ru-g ‘island’, Orok
ute-ri-kte ‘low trees’, PJ *nt-r ‘bushes’
PA *ǯip῾o ‘perfume, fumes’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *(d)impu-s-): PT
*jɨpa-r, PM *ǯiɣa-r, PJ *(d)impu-r-
This “attributive” *-r- often appears followed by other suffixes (di-
minutives etc.):
PA *-r-dV-k῾V, *-r-k῾V
PA *jbi ‘a k. of duck’ (PJ *û): PT *Ebür(d)ek, Evn. āwụldụqa (reflecting
*-l-dV-k῾V)
PA *č῾ēk῾V ‘a k. of cloth’ (PT *čēk ‘cotton shirt’, Man. čeke ‘upper short
clothes’): OUygh. čekrek ‘cotton shirt’, PM *čege-deg ‘a k. of cotton
shirt’
PA *úmu ‘to bear’ (PTM *umu-, PK *ūm, PJ *úm-): PT *(j)umur-tka ‘egg’,
PM *öm-dege, PTM *umū-kta id.
PA *-r-č῾V
PA *č῾me ‘knuckle, cartilage’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *čimöge
‘marrow’): PT *čEmi-rči-k ‘cartilage, gristle’, Evk. čīme-či-n ‘knee-cap,
fat under knee-cap’
PA *k῾aŋa ‘hair, long hair’ (PJ *kàmì): PM *koŋgu-rča-g ‘cluster, bunch’,
PK *k’ú-č ‘moustache, beard’
PA *k῾àp῾à ‘a k. of vessel, box’ (PJ *kàpì ‘scoop, ladle’): PT *Kapɨ-rča-k
‘box, basket’, PM *kaɣu-rča-g, *kaji-rča-g id.
PA *-r-gV
PA *ătV ‘horse’ (PT *ăt): PT *ad-gɨr ( < *at-rɨg) ‘colt’, PM *aǯirga id.
PA*bdù ‘thick, large’ (PT *bedü- ‘to become thicker, grow’, PK *pr-
(**pd-) ‘thick, satiated’, PJ *pùtuà- ‘thick’): PM *bedi-ɣü- ‘thick’, PTM
*burgu- ( < *budu-r-gu-) ‘thick’
PA *k῾údo ‘tail’ (PK *s-kòrí): PT *Kud-ruk ‘tail’, PM *kudu-rga ‘tail strap’,
PTM *xü-r-gü ‘tail’
PA *núdu ‘fist, strike with the fist’ (PM *nidu-): PT *jɨd-ruk ‘fist’, PM
*nidu-rga ‘fist’, PTM *nu-rga ‘fist’, PJ *ní-nkír- ‘to hold in the hand’
PA *sudu ‘hoof deformation’ (PTM *sudu, PJ *sia): PT *sɨdɨ-r-ga-k, PM
*södü-r-ge
PA *-r-k῾V
PA *bắĺmi ‘knee, ankle’ (PJ *pínsá ‘knee’): PT *bAĺma-k ‘boot, shoe’, PM
*belbe-r-kej ‘ankle’, PTM *b[i]leb-ki ‘knee, knee cap’, Kor. palma-k ‘a k.
of footwear’
 CHAPTER FOUR 197

PA *k῾uǯV ‘part of stomach’: PM *kuǯi-rkaj ‘thick part of stomach’, PTM

*xuǯü-k ‘urinary bladder’
PA *mét῾i ‘bird’s crop or navel; pudenda’ (PJ *mitua ‘pudenda’): PT
*böte-ke ‘bird’s crop, craw; kidneys of animals; vulva’; Evk. motoko
‘vulva’; PK *mrtkn ‘bird’s navel’
PA *-r-sV
PA *bk῾ù ‘a sharp instrument’ (PM *baki ‘tongs’): PT *boku-rsɨ ‘wooden
plough’, PJ *puku-si ‘digging stick’
PA *-r-t῾V
PA *ăbu ‘interior of the mouth’ (not attested suffixless; cf. Neg. aw-ǯan-
‘to gape’): PT *ăbu-rt; PM *ow-či

4.1.10. PA *-č῾-

We find both nominal and verbal suffixes with *-č῾-

a) denominative diminutive (cf. EAS 2, 215-218, Benzing 60), cf.:
PA *č῾p῾[ú] ‘small bird’ (PTM *čipi-, PK *čjpì ‘swallow’): PT *čɨp-čɨ-k
‘sparrow’, PM *čuw-ča-li ‘snipe’, Evk. čipi-čā ‘small bird’
PA *káŋV ‘dog’ (PK *kàŋí > *kà(h)í): PT *KAŋ-čɨ-k ‘bitch’, PTM *ka-či-kā-
‘puppy’, PK *kàŋ’á-čí ‘puppy’
PA *lmo ‘a k. of bag’ (PTM *lam(b)a ‘bag, saddlebag’): PT *jĀm-čɨk
‘pocket, sash, bag’, PK *nằmằ-čh ‘small bag, pocket’
Originally diminutive forms with *-č῾- are also:
PA *bŭkrV ‘pea, nut, cone’ (PTM *boKari ‘pea’): PT *bur-ča-k ‘pea’, PM
*buɣur-ča-g id., PK *phắ-s id.
PA *dlo ‘year; sun, sun cycle’ (PT *jɨl, PM *ǯil ‘year’): PTM *dila-čā ‘sun’,
PK *tol-č ‘anniversary’, PJ *tsì ‘year’
PA *k῾āp῾a ‘bladder, film’ (OT qap ‘caul’, PTM *xap[a] ‘fish bladder’, Kor.
kapo id.): PT *Kāp-čɨ-k ‘scrotum, bladder’, PM *kabi-ča-k ‘groin’
PA *págò ‘box, vessel’ (PT *bog, PTM *paga): PT *bog-ča, PTM *paga-ča.
PA *sni ‘heel, ankle’ (PK *sín ‘footwear’): PT *sin-čök ‘ankle-bone,
hip-bone’, Neg. seńočhi ‘heel’
PA *sna ‘crest, hairlock’ (Nan. sōno): PM *san-čig, PTM *sōno-ča
This suffix is expressive and must have had an unaspirated variant
*-č-: cf. the reflex in PJ *tsì, as well as the following case, where both
TM and Japanese point to *-č-:
PA *òŋi ‘windpipe, part of neck’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM
*öŋgü-le-ɣür, PTM *uŋe-le-): PT *öŋü-č, PTM *uŋ-se, PJ *ùnà-nsi
A similar case of expressive *-č- may be:
198 INTRODUCTION

PA *k῾re ‘a k. of insect’ (cf. PK *kằr-kmi ‘a k. of spider’): PT *K(i)arɨ-nč-

ɣa ‘ant, tick’, PJ (reduplicated) *kìrí(n)-kíri-su ‘grasshopper’
b) verbal intensive, usually denominative, but also deverbative (on
PTM intensive *-či-, *-ča- see Benzing 119):
PA *ńe ‘to be quiet, sit’ (PM *eje ‘peace’, PTM *āńi- ‘to enjoy, feast’): PT
*En-č ‘tranquil, at peace’, PK *àn-č- ‘to sit’, PJ *n-tà-(ja-ka)- ‘quiet,
peaceful’
PA *ni ‘not, negative verb’ (PT *en, PTM *ān-, PK *an-, PJ *nà-, -an-):
PTM *ān-či ‘not’, PK *à-čhj-d- ‘not to like’
PA *mónŋo ‘to knead, press, stroke’ (PT *boŋ ‘mallet’, PM *muna id.,
PTM *monŋi- ‘to squeeze’, PJ *mm- ‘to knead, rumple’): PM *mun-ča
‘mallet’, PTM *monŋi-ču- id., PK *mằn-čí- ‘to stroke, rub’
PA *pasi ‘run, hurry’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *hesü-re-, Evn.
hasụ-l-): PTM *pasi-č-, PK *pàs- / *pàč-
PA *p῾ba ‘to crawl, squat’ (PJ *pàp-): PM *(h)oji-či-, Evk. hewi-č-
PA *p῾ŏk῾i ‘to trample, kick’ (PTM *peK-/poK-): PT *ök-če ‘heel’, PTM
*pok-či-.
PA *sŕi ‘to flow, drip’ (PT *süŕ-, PTM *sir-): PM *sür-či-, PJ *sìtà-t-
Ramstedt (1912, 29-32) regards the suffix -č(a)- in Mong. as ‘recipro-
cal’ and corresponding to PT *-ĺ(č)-, but the actual evidence does not
appear to support this point of view.
In cases like PM *mun-ča ‘mallet’ or PT *ök-če ‘heel’, we see this suf-
fix functioning already as a nomen instrumenti, and similar cases are:
PA *làk῾ù ‘to bend, hang’ (PM *naki- ‘to bend’, TM *laxu- ‘to hang’, PJ
*nuki ‘cross-beam’): Evk. laku-ča ‘loop’, PK *nák-s ‘hook’
PA *krV ‘to cut out, sharp’ (PTM *kōri- ‘to delve, carve out’): PT *Kur-č
‘sharp, hard (of steel)’, PM *kur-ča ‘sharp’ (probably originally ‘cut-
ting instrument’ > ‘sharp’)
In TM the suffix *-č- with this function can become further verbal-
ized (“to treat with...”, like Nan. okto-či- ‘to treat with herbs, medicines’
etc., see Benzing 116).

4.1.11. PA *-ǯ-

1. Nominal
The suffix *-ǯ- is well preserved in TM languages, basically as an
adjective suffix (*-g-ǯ-: *sēg-ǯe- ‘red’, *sō-g-ǯa- ‘yellow’, *ĺog-ǯa- ‘green,
dark’, *šāk-ǯa- ‘white’, *(x)ig-ǯa ‘grey, yellow’, *xur(i)-gǯa ‘grey’,
*kuku-gǯa ‘blue’), but also in other cases (*gul-ǯa ‘hearth’, *seg-ǯe- ‘wild
deer’, *saji-ǯa ‘sieve’ etc.) . Mong. has a number of nouns in -ǯ-, mostly
with preceding -l- (*bagal-ǯa-ɣur ‘throat’, gal-ǯa-ɣur ‘wild, rabid’,
 CHAPTER FOUR 199

*haji-ǯa-ɣan ‘ship’, *uga-lǯa ‘male mountain goat’, *kija-ǯa ‘sedge’,

*kubi-lǯa ‘tick’, *simi-lǯe ‘a k. of bird of prey’; *guran-ǯu ‘whetstone’,
*an-ǯu ‘fine’ etc.). In Turkic and Japanese one would expect a *-j-, and
indeed there exists an adjectival *-ja-ka (OJ niko-ja-ka ‘mild’, suku-ja-ka
‘healthy’ etc.).
In several cases this suffix can be traced to Common Altaic:
PA *sḕgù ‘health, blood’ (PT *sạg ‘healthy’): PTM *sēg-ǯe- ‘red’, PJ
*sùkù-ja-ka- ‘healthy’.
PA *ńabĺu ‘to be born, child’ (PJ *mus-): PM *ǯul-ǯa-gan, PTM *ńab(ul)-ǯa
PA *k῾ĺú ‘a small wild animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ
*kùsá-(m)pú, PT *Küĺü-l): PM *kerel-ǯe-gene, PTM *xelde-gǯe ( ~ -gde).
In Turkic, however, the situation is complicated. No cases of a *-j- :
*-ǯ- correspondence in suffixed morphemes have been attested; there
is, however, a number of cases when Turkic has an unexpected -č-:
PA *ni ‘to hold, present’ (TM *anī- ‘to present a gift’, PK *ān- ‘to hold
in the arms’): PT *ēn-čü ‘gift, fief’, PM *an-ǯu ‘fine’
PA *ìbè ‘door, yard’ (PT *eb ‘house’, PK *íp ‘door’): PT *eb-či ‘housewife,
woman’, PTM *ib-ǯe ‘relative-in-law’
The last case suggests that the very widely attested PT suffix of
nomina agentis *-či may in fact go back to PA *-ǯ-; but more evidence
would be needed to make it a certainty.
The original function of PA *-ǯ- remains not quite clear: it can be
characterized broadly as “adjectival” (Benzing 60 qualifies PTM *-ǯ(u)
as diminutive, which is not at all secure).
2. Verbal We find a similar, but quite isolated case of Turk. -č-: Mong.
-ǯ- in:
PA *kìkú ‘to bite; rub, scrape’ (PT *Kik- ‘to rub, grind’, PTM *kik- ‘to
bite’): OT kik-čü-r- ‘to rub, grind (at each other)’, PM *keg-ǯe- ‘to
scrape off, incise’.
This may be a secondary (assimilative?) development in Mong. of
the PA intensifying *-č῾-, on which see above.
There is, however, evidence for a PA verbal *-ǯ- as well. In TM, the
suffix -ǯ- occurs as an intransitive (or, perhaps, reflexive / medial, in
the sense of doing smth. for or by oneself), cf. *deg-ǯe- ‘burn’, *sine-ǯi-
‘be poor, distressed’, *seb-ǯe-n- ‘to have fun’, *gob-ǯa- ‘to hunt’ etc.
(there is also a *-ǯa-, marking imperfective or durative aspect, see
Benzing 118, but it is not completely clear whether it is the same mor-
pheme). It again has a quite probable direct match in PJ *-ja-, the stan-
dard Old Japanese passive suffix.
In Mong. we only find verbal -ǯ- in combination with a preceding
-l-: *aɣu-lǯa- ‘to meet’, *taji-tu-lǯa- ‘drag one’s feet’, *koru-lǯa- ‘whirl’,
200 INTRODUCTION

*naji-lǯa- ‘shake, sway’, *melme-lǯe- ‘become full’, *gurba-lǯa- ‘move

creeping’, *delbe-lǯe- / *dalba-lǯa- ‘shake, sway’, bol-ǯa- ‘agree upon time’,
dürbe-lǯe- ‘to blaze, flame’, *gana-lǯa- ‘be bent’ etc.
In Turkic, this -lǯ- would normally correspond to *-ĺ(č)-, and we in-
deed find Turkic *-ĺ(č) as an intransitive (reflexive) suffix; but it seems
mainly to correspond to Mongolian *-ld- in the same function, so that
the Turkic evidence remains uncertain.
To sum up: Proto-Altaic probably had an intransitive (medial?) ver-
bal suffix *-ǯ-, preserved in PTM as *-ǯ-, in Japanese - as -j- and in
Mongolian as -ǯ- (with an addition of -l-, probably on analogy with the
similar -ld-suffix). The absence of direct lexical matches with this suffix
suggests, however, that it could have been not a derivational, but a
purely inflectional morpheme, which it has remained in Japanese: in-
deed, the perfectly possible OJ passive jaka-ja- ‘to be burnt’ is in fact a
precise match of PTM *deg-ǯe-.

4.1.12. PA *-ń-

A diminutive in *-ńa exists in TM (see EAS 2, 220), and a possible case

of *-ń- in PA could be:
PA *t῾p῾o ‘nail, hoof’ (PTM *tüpa): PT *tub-ńa-k (with a different suffix
order = PTM *tüp-ken < *tüp-ke-ń?), PJ *túmá-i.
The evidence for this suffix is, however, extremely limited, and its
existence in PA is dubious (the actual form underlying PT *tub-ńa-k
could be, e.g., *tup-ni-gak or the like).

4.1.13. PA *-ĺ-

A verbal reciprocal suffix *-ĺ(č)- is widely represented in Turkic. It has

its closest match in Mongolian -ld- and TM *-ld- (see Benzing 121) with
the same meaning, which is historically a combination of *-ĺ- with the
intransitive/passive *-t- (on which see above). The question remains
open whether Turkic *-ĺ(č)- reflects just *-ĺ- or a similar combination
*-ĺd- or *-ĺt-, which would phonetically yield the same result. However,
available TM parallels show just -l- here, and there are also archaic
cases of reciprocal -l- (without -d-) in Mongolian, so that PA reciprocal
*-ĺ- can be safely reconstructed.
Direct lexical comparisons for forms incorporating *-ĺ- with Korean
and Japanese are not numerous (just as in case with *-ǯ-, because the
morpheme was originally not just derivational but rather inflectional),
but they seem to show standard reflexes (*-r- in Korean, *-s- in Japa-
nese). This -s- in Japanese is, however, very difficult to distinguish
 CHAPTER FOUR 201

from the reflex of PA *-s- (see below), with which it of course com-
pletely merged; it is probable, however, that Jpn. -s- goes back to *-ĺ- in
the following direct lexical matches:
PA *ṓč῾é ‘bad, anger’ (PT *ȫč ‘revenge, anger’, PJ *nt- ‘to fear’): PT
*ȫče-ĺ(č)- ‘to take revenge’, MMong. öče-ldü- ‘id., be inimical’, PJ
*nt-s- ‘to intimidate’
PA *kéro ‘to fight, kill’ (PM *kere- ‘to quarrel, fight’, PK *kūr- ‘to curse,
deprecate’, PJ *kr- ‘to curse’): PT *gErü-ĺ(č)- ‘to quarrel, fight’, PM
*kere-l-dü- id., Man. keru-le- ‘to fine’, PJ *kr-s- ‘to kill’
PA *t῾ḕbà ‘to run’ (PTM *tēb- with different suffixes): PT *tabɨ-ĺ-, PM
*taw-li-, PJ *tapa-si-r-
The original meaning of *nts- and *krs- in Japanese must have
been “fear each other > intimidate” and “fight with each other > kill”.
The reciprocal meaning was lost after PA reciprocal *-ĺ- merged with
the general causative -s- in Japanese (note, however, that *krs- within
Japanese cannot be explained as a causative from *kr- ‘curse’, so that
only the Altaic etymology provides an explanation of this form’s struc-
ture).
Further examples of direct lexical matches involving PA *-ĺ- are:
PA *ădV ‘to fit, be equal’ (PTM *ada-): PT *ădaĺ ‘friend, companion’; PM
*adali ‘equal, similar’
PA *bĕŕa ‘peace’ (PT *bAŕ ‘peace’, PTM *bere ‘peaceful’): PT *bar-ɨĺ(č)- ‘to
establish peace’, PM *bere-le- ‘to be shy; to do a favour’
PA *čŏge ‘to give, exchange’ (PT *dẹg- ‘to cost, be worth’, PM *düji- ‘to
buy or sell wholesale’, PK *čú- ‘to give’, PJ *tai ‘goods for ex-
change’): PT *dẹgi-ĺ(č)- ‘to change, exchange’, PTM *ǯugē-l- ‘to ex-
change’
PA *kāmV ‘to be weak, oppress’ (PT *KĀma- ‘to become blinded, dumb;
to set teeth on edge’, PM *kama- ‘to be mangy’, PTM *kama- ‘to op-
press’): PT *KĀma-ĺ(č)- id., PTM *kama-li- ‘to oppress’
PA *k῾no ‘match, other side’ (PM *kani ‘friend, mate’): PT *Konu-ĺ(č)
‘friend’, MMong. qani-l-qa- ‘to compare’
PA *ṓk῾è ‘to put, heap; to give’ (PT *ȫk-, PM *ök-, PJ *k-): PT *ȫkü-ĺ
‘many’ (*’put together’), Kor. ugɨ-l - ugɨ-l -ha- ‘to congregate, be nu-
merous’
PA *kàdi ‘seam, to sew, lace’ (PT *K(i)adɨ-, PM *kaǯi-, PK *kjd-): PT
*K(i)adɨ-ĺ ‘leather belt’ (*’sewn together’), Evk. kelē- ‘to lace, be-
fringe’
PA *p῾áru ‘to spin, plait, wrap’ (PT *ar-, PTM *por-): PT *arɨ-ĺ ‘woven
stuff’ (*’woven together’) , PTM *porV-l- ‘to spin, turn round’
202 INTRODUCTION

There also seems to have existed a nominal (diminutive? attribu-

tive?) *-ĺ-. It occurs in several nouns with a hardly definable semantic
sphere, but also, probably significantly, in a number of words denoting
plant world, cf.:
PA *kuma ‘a blood-sucking insect’ (PTM *küme ‘flea, gnat’): PT
*Kum-ĺu-j ‘louse, tick’, PK *kmrí ‘leech’
PA *p῾ărV ‘thill’ (PTM *para): PT *arɨ-ĺ, PM ((h)ara-l.
PA *gure ‘flour’ (PK *kằrằ): PT *gürü-ĺ(č), PM *guri-l
PA *lēmo ‘fresh, raw’ (PJ *nàmâ): PT *jmi-ĺ-č ‘vegetables’, PK *nằmằ-rh
id.
PA *mĕlu ‘a k. of berry’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *m[e]li-kte): PT
*bele-ĺ(č) ‘rowan’, PM *moji-l-(su)- ‘bird-cherry’
PA *malu ‘a k. of evergreen tree’ (PJ *murua ‘juniper’): PT *bAla-ĺ(č) ‘fir
tree’, PM *maji-la-su ‘cypress’
Just as in the case with *-ŕ- (see below), however, it cannot be ex-
cluded that Turkic *-ĺ- in these cases actually reflects a combination
*-l-s- and we are actually dealing with the reflexes of plain *-l- here: cf.
the two very suspicious (in this respect) Turko-Mongolian matches:
*bele-ĺ(č) - *mojil-su- and *bAla-ĺ(č) : *majila-su.

4.1.14. PA *-ŕ-

The evidence of Turkic, where *-ŕ- is a well known causative mor-

pheme, suggests that PA *-ŕ- was a transitive (causative) marker, and
identical in this function to Mong. -r-, -ri- and the transitive -r- occur-
ring in TM and Korean (see Ramstedt 1912, 23-29, with some confusion
of *-ŕ- and *-r-; EAS 2, 176-177). The situation, however, is rather com-
plicated by the facts that only Turkic distinguishes between *-ŕ- and
*-r-, that Turkic *-ŕ- sometimes also appears as *-r- (due to Helimski’s
rule, see above; in such cases the causative therefore may also have the
shape of -r-), and that PA *-r- by itself was rather an intransitive marker
(see above), so finding direct matches for PT *-ŕ- is rather difficult.
The same morpheme is used in Turkic for forming deverbative
nouns (adjectives or action results), and following direct lexical com-
parisons may be quoted:
PA *gt῾ù ‘to deteriorate’ (PM *gutu- ‘to deteriorate’, PTM *gutu- ‘to
rage, disgrace’, PJ *kutu- ‘to rot’): PT *Kūtu-ŕ ‘mad, enraged’,
*Kūtu-r(a)- ‘to become mad, enraged’, PM *gutu-ra- ‘to deteriorate,
become spoiled’
 CHAPTER FOUR 203

PA *kúbé ‘to wish, hope, like’ (PM *köwü ~ *küwü ‘wish, profit’, Man.
keo, keb ‘friendly, lovingly’, PJ *kuámp- ‘to flatter’): PT *gübe-ŕ
‘proud’, PM *köɣe-r (*köwe-r) ‘joy, happiness’, Evk. kuwe-r ‘bride’
PA *kàmo ‘to brew alcohol’ (PJ *kàm- ‘to brew sake’): PT *Kumɨ-ŕ ‘fer-
mented milk’, PM *kimu-r(a-ɣa-) ‘fermented milk with water’
PA *keju ‘to boil’ (PK *kò’-): PT *Kā-ŕ-ga-n ‘kettle’, PM *kaji-ra- ‘to burn,
roast’, *kajir-su- > *kaji-su- ‘kettle’, PTM *kej-re- id.
PA *kṓk῾à ‘to be deficient, damaged’ (PT *Kōk- ‘to decrease, diminish’,
PM *koki- ‘to be damaged’, PJ *káká- ‘to be deficient’): PT *Kōku-ŕ ‘de-
ficient, empty’, PM *koki-r ‘deficient, humble’, *koki-ra- ‘to become
deficient’
PA *k῾ăbo ‘to deceive, slander’ (PT *Kobu ‘slander’, PK *k- ‘lie, deceit’):
OT qovuz ‘conjuration, exorcism’, PM *kaɣur- ‘to deceive’
Note that the intransitive meaning in cases like PM *gutu-ra- or
*koki-ra- may be either due to the secondary influence of the intransitive
-ra- (see above), or in fact reflect a different PA formation with an
*-r-suffix.
The following cases may in fact reflect PA *-ŕ-, although the Turkic
reflex is absent or is transformed to -r- due to Helimski’s rule:
PA *č῾éč῾í ‘to press, squeeze’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PJ *tíntí-ma-,
*tíntí-k-): Man. čeče-re-, PK *čìčr-.
PA *dlp῾i ‘to burst, break’ (PJ *timpə- ‘to become worn out’): PM
*delbe-re- ‘to burst, break through’, Evk. delpe-r-ge- ‘to split’
PA *bè ‘to carry on the back’ (PTM *ebe-, PK *p-, PJ *p-): PM *eɣü-re-,
Nan. ịwa-rị- ‘to unload’
PA *ĕbà ‘to winnow, fan’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *eb-s- ‘to win-
now’): Nan. ebi-ri- ‘to shuffle, hoard’, PJ *apu-r-, *apu-t- ‘to blow, fan’
PA *ìsú ‘to crush’ (PTM *(x)ise- ‘to crush’, PJ *ùsú ‘mortar’): PT *ɨsɨ-r- ‘to
bite’ (= *ɨs-r- < *ɨs-ŕ-), Kor. ɨsɨ-r- ‘to grind, crush’
PA *udi ‘to choose’ (PM *ödü- ‘to conceive, instigate’): PT *üdü-r- (=
*üd-r- < *üd-ŕ-), PJ *iá-r- ‘to choose, select’
PA *kòt῾è ‘to singe, heat’ (PT *Kat- ‘to heat’, PM *kete ‘fire steel’, PJ
*ktà-i ‘soldering iron’): PT *Katɨr- (= *Kat-r- < *Kat-ŕ-) ‘to heat, bake’,
Evk. kotoron- ‘to singe, burn’
PA *k῾et[o] ‘to tear apart, rip’ (PM *kadu- ‘to mow; to sever ribs from the
spine’, PTM *xetü- ‘to tear apart’): PT *Kota-r- ‘to tear out, break’ (=
*Kot-r- < *Kot-ŕ-), PM *kadu-ra- ‘to rip with fangs’
PA *màlt῾e ‘to bend, twist’ (PTM *maltu-): PM *möltü-r- / *multu-r- ‘to
twist, contort’, PJ *mntì-r- ‘to twist, bend’
PA *ńáme ‘to curse, harm’ (PM *ǯime ‘guilt’, PTM *ńum- ‘to weaken, be
sick’, PJ *mmá- ‘to argue, conflict’): PT *jemü-r- ‘to crush, curse, re-
204 INTRODUCTION

proach’ (= *jem-r- < *jem-ŕ-), PTM *ńime-r- ‘shame’, PK *namɨ-ra- ‘to

curse, swear’
PA *săp῾í ‘sprinkle, scatter’ (PT *sep-): PM *sabi-r-, *sibe-re-, PK *sprí-,
*spắr-.
PA *sidu ‘to rub off, peel off’ (PTM *sidu-): PT *sɨdɨ-r- ( = *sɨd-r- < *sɨd-ŕ-),
PM *sidu-r-
PA *sidí ‘to suspend’ (PK *sīd- ‘to load’): PT *süd-re- ( < *süd-ŕe-) ‘pull,
tug’, PM *sidu-r- ‘pull the reins’, PJ *sinta-r- ‘to hang down’
PA *sìjp῾ó ‘to press, knead’ (PT *sɨjpa-): PT *sɨjpɨ-r- (= *sɨjp-r- < *sɨjp-ŕ-),
PTM *sipe-r-, PJ *sìmpò-r-
PA *šĭp῾V ‘sweep’ (Evk. čipi-): PT *sipü-r- ( < *sip-r- < *sip-ŕ-), PM *siɣü-r-,
PK *ps-r-
PA *sép῾à ‘to grip’ (PM *siɣü-, PK *spă-): PM *siɣü-re-, Man. sefe-re-, PJ
*sápá-r-
PA *t῾ằkù ‘to repair’ (PTM *taku-): PT *Tag-ra- ( < *Tag-ŕa-), PJ *tùkùr-
PA *-ŕ- is also used as a denominative suffix, very similar in sphere to
*-r- (see above), cf.:
PA *gébó ‘shell, husk’ (PK *kòbi ‘bamboo bark’, PJ *kámpí ‘rice ear’): PT
*Kạbɨ-ŕ ‘husk, shell’, PM *gaw-r-su ‘chaff, straw’
PA *goŋV ‘a k. of insect’ (PTM *guŋgu ‘big fly’): PT *Koŋu-ŕ ‘beetle’, PM
*guwu-r ‘larva of a gad-fly’
PA *kŋi ‘hollow, empty’ (PK *kíń- ‘nest, to nest’): PT *geŋi-ŕ ‘nasal cav-
ity’, Evk. keŋ-re ‘hole, ice-hole’
PA *kúmle ‘a k. of ungulate’ (PJ *kuáma ‘foal’): PT *Külmü-ŕ ‘male cham-
ois’, Evk. kuma-ra-n ‘Siberian stag’
PA *óŋdu ‘a k. of small wild animal’ (PTM *oŋda, PJ *uni): PT *utɨŕ, Orok
onnorị, PK *òńắrí.
PA *pédá ‘spot, ornament’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *pede-ne- ‘to
mark, dirty’): PT *bedi-ŕ, PM *bede-r, PJ *panta-ra
PA *p῾át῾à ‘uncultivated land, field’ (PJ *pátà): PT *Atɨ-ŕ, PM *(h)ata-r
PA *p῾ŏk῾i ‘ox, cow’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Evn. höken): PT *ökü-ŕ,
PM *hüke-r, Evk. huku-r
PA *p῾ŏŋe ‘mildew, slime’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *puŋ-da [ or <
*puŋ-ra?]): PT *öŋe-ŕ, PM *(h)öŋgü-r
PA *uge ‘river’ (PTM *ugē): PT *ügü-ŕ, PM *üje-r, Man. we-re-n, PK
*jh-r, PJ *ùrà
The archaic nature of this *-ŕ- is dubious: it is not excluded that in
these cases Turkic actually reflects a combination of the plain *-r-suffix
with a subsequent -s- (cf. the match PT *Kạbɨ-ŕ = PM *gaw-r-su), which
phonetically yielded *-ŕ.
 CHAPTER FOUR 205

There are, however, several specific cases, where *-ŕ- occurs in

words meaning ‘two’ or ‘pair’ and in some paired body parts:
PA *kk῾è ‘breast’ (PM *kökö-n, PTM *kuku-n): PT *gökü-ŕ ‘breast’, PJ
*kkr ‘heart’
PA *mújŋi ‘horn’ (Evk. muŋi ‘tendon’): PT *bujŋu-ŕ ‘horn’, PM *möɣer-
‘cartilage’
PA *p῾òk῾e ‘pair, couple’ (PT *ẹki ‘two’, PJ *pká ῾other’): PT *ẹki-ŕ, PM
*(h)eki-re ‘twins’
PA *tubu ‘two’ (PTM *ǯube, PK *tū): PT *TVbVr ( ~ -ŕ), PM *ǯui-ri-n, PK
*tū-rh
This may in fact be an archaic dual marker; whether it corresponds
to the Japanese plural in -ra is not quite clear (the latter may be rather a
match for the plural reflected in PT *la-r, PM *na-r and TM *-l).

4.1.15. PA *-j-

In a number of nouns we encounter a final *-(a)j or *-e in Turkic, appar-

ently corresponding to *-i in Mongolian and to a long final vowel (*-ī or
*-ǖ) in TM (on the PTM “Koseform” -ī see Benzing 66), cf.:
PA *ge ‘lonely’ (with different suffixes cf. PT *ögü-n, PK *ói-rằb-): PT
*öge-j, PM *ügej, PTM *ugī.
PA *sgó ‘thick growth’: PM *sigu-j, PTM *sigǖ, PJ *sìnkài-
PA *ačV ‘woman, elder female relative’: PT *ăčaj / *ĕčej, PTM *asī
PA *t῾ari ‘a k. of water bird’ (with a different suffix cf. PTM *tar-mī): PT
*tara-ka-j, PM *čirü-ke-j
PA *t῾ku ‘a horned animal’: PT *teke, PM *togij, PTM *tōKī
PA *kúńe ‘moth, worm’: PT *güńe, PTM *kuńī-kta, PK *kńúi
PA *mūko ‘snake’ (cf. PK *mək-, PJ *múká-tai): PT *böke, PM *mogaji,
PTM *mǖkǖ
PA *k῾ge ‘palate, jaw’ (with different suffixes cf. PTM *xǖk-te, PJ *k(ù)i,
PK *khú-m): PT *Kög-me, PM *köɣe-mej
PA *úmu ‘to bear, give birth’ (PTM *omu-/umu-, PK *ūm, PJ *úm-): PT
*umaj ‘placenta’, PM *(h)umaji ‘womb’
On the basis of these matches it seems possible to reconstruct a
common Altaic suffix *-j-, probably diminutive or expressive. One
should also note that *-kī is a very widespread suffix in TM (see
Benzing 66-67), and it seems to correspond to Mongolian *-kai, Turkic
*-kaj with the same function. In many cases, though, the suffix is differ-
ent to recover: in Turkic it tends to disappear after all vowels except *-a
(and even in those cases is rather rare), while in Mongolian it is impos-
sible to distinguish from original *-gi.
206 INTRODUCTION

From a few examples above it would seem that Japanese and Ko-
rean also may reflect this suffix as *-i. In fact, *-i is a very well-known
suffix in the Korean-Japanese area (cf. Martin 1995, 142, Vovin 1997, 9),
where it forms both deverbative nouns (Jpn. kak- ‘write’, kak-i ‘writing’,
*anka- ‘raise’, *anka-i > age ‘raising’) and (in Japanese) often serves as a
direct stem marker: *pə-i > OJ pi ‘fire’, in compounds pə- etc. However,
this *-i seems rather to be a later addition. In the case of ‘fire’, e.g., this
suffix was obviously added after the disappearance of the medial *-r-
(PJ *pə- ‘fire’ < *p῾re+gV). It is perhaps more appropriate to regard it as
a continuation of the PA demonstrative pronoun *i, serving as a nomi-
native suffix (and indeed attested in this function both in Korean and
Old Japanese).
A verbal *-j- may have also existed, although it is difficult to find di-
rect lexical matches, due to the very unstable phonetical nature of *-j-.
Proto-Japanese has verbal stems in *CVCa-, *CVCu- and *CVCə-, but no
stems in *CVCi-. One may suspect that Pre-Proto-Japanese stems in *-i-
had lost their final vowel and thus gave rise to numerous verbal stems
in *CVC-. At the same time, PJ has numerous alternations like *tuk- ‘be
attached’ / *tuka- ‘attach’ or *dak- ‘burn’ / *daka- ‘be burnt’. They can
thus be reconstructed for an earlier stage as *tuki- / *tuka-, *daki- / *daka-;
*tuki- here could actually go back to *tuka-ji- (with a very early contrac-
tion > *tuki-, because it was not affected by the regular later Old Japa-
nese development *ai > e), the suffix *-ji- acting as what Vovin 1997
calls ‘transitivity flipper’. The Altaic source of this *-ji- is, however, not
quite clear. It may be related to the causative (or ‘transitivity flipper’)
*-g- (on which see below), but the development *-g- > -j- here would
require a special explanation, since normally it only occurs after diph-
thongs (or should one reconstruct *-jg- here?). Another possible solu-
tion would be to trace this PJ *-ji- to a PA suffix *-ji-, preserved in
Mong. -ji- forming “verba status” (qumi- ‘to bind together’ : qumi-ji- ‘to
be bound’; Ramstedt 1912, 56-58 derives them as well from PA *-gi-,
which seems somewhat dubious).

4.1.16. PA *-s-

1. A deverbative *-s- is attested in all branches of Altaic. In Turkic and

Mongolian there is a desiderative -se- (both deverbative, like OT kel-se-
‘want to come’, and denominative, like OT suv-sa- ‘want water’ = ‘be-
come thirsty’), see EAS 2, 187-188. Although Ramstedt separates this
suffix (tracing it back to *se- ‘do, say’ - a rather dubious derivation)
from -s- in cases like Mong. ölü-s- ‘become hungry’ or Nan. puli-si-
 CHAPTER FOUR 207

‘walk’, they seem to be essentially the same affix with an original de-
siderative or inchoative meaning (‘want to...’ or ‘begin to...’), and as
such probably identical to the optative in -s-, widely attested in Turkic,
Mongolian, TM and Korean (see EAS 2, 84-85). In Korean and Japanese
the same -s- is used (since the oldest written texts) as a marker of po-
liteness (see Vovin 1997, 9), also a quite understandable semantic de-
velopment from an original desiderative.
Japanese is unique in having this morpheme functioning as a transi-
tive (in pairs like kuda-r- ‘to be lowered’ : kuda-s- ‘to lower’). This may
be a result of several morphological and phonological developments:
a) a fusion of the verbal stem with the separate verb *sV- ‘to do, make’,
resulting in a general transitive/causative suffix formation; similar
compounds with hă- are widely attested in Korean. The same forma-
tion may be reflected in TM as intensive / frequentative *-su- (*-si-),
on which see Benzing 119.
b) a development of *-ĺ- > -s- that led to the inclusion into this category
of several old reciprocal formations (see above on *krs-, *nts-);
c) in a few cases like PM *gudu-s ‘downward’ = PJ *kúntá-s- ‘to lower’
this -s- may have still another origin, going back to the PA direc-
tional suffix (see below)
The following cross-language matches can illustrate the PA dever-
bative (desiderative/inchoative) *-s-:
PA *ắmo ‘mouth; taste’ (PT *um- ‘to hope for, desire’; PM *ama(n)
‘mouth’; PJ *ámá- ‘tasty, sweet’): PT *um-sa- ‘to hope for, long’, PM
*am-sa- ‘to taste’, PK *má-s ‘taste’ (PA *ắmo-s- ‘want to taste’)
PA *bke ‘to lie in ambush’ (PT *buk-, Kalm. büg-): PM *büg-si- id., PJ
*bká-s- ‘to attack, assault’ (PA *bke-s- ‘start lying in ambush, posi-
tion oneself in ambush’)
PA *ebí ‘to be weak, to wither’ (PK *bí- ‘to be exhausted, hungry’): PK
*p-s- ‘to lack, be insufficient’, PJ *impu-sia- ‘in bad spirits’ (PA *ebí-s-
‘become exhausted, insufficient’)
PA *èk῾á ‘to paw, hit with hooves’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM
*ek-te-, PJ *ànkà-k-): PT *ag-sa- ‘to hobble, limp’, PM *(h)ag-sa- ‘to
have fits, convulsions’ (PA *èk῾á-s- ‘start pawing’)
PA *òpe ‘to cover, to wear’ (PM *ibe-, PJ *p-): PTM *up-si ‘clothes, belt’,
PK *p-s- ‘to put on (hat)’ (PA *òpe-s- ‘get clothed’)
PA *tp῾é ‘wave, flap, fly’ (PM *debi-, PJ *tmp-): PM *debi-s-, PTM
*dep-si- / *dap-si- (PA *tp῾é-s- ‘start flying, soar up’)
PA *t῾ja ‘to float, slide’ (PT *tāj-, PTM *tia-): PM *te-si-, PTM *ti-sa- (PA
*t῾ja-s- ‘start sliding’)
208 INTRODUCTION

PA *t῾ŋe ‘admiration; condolence’ (PT *tāŋ): PT *taŋ-su-, PM *taŋ-si-

(PA *t῾ŋe-s- ‘become admiring’)
PA *t῾ukì ‘to come to an end’ (PT *tüke-): Yak. tüksü, PM *tögü-s-, PJ
*tuku-s- (PA *t῾ukì-s- ‘become exhausted’)
Note that the Japanese forms here (*bká-s- ‘attack’, *tuku-s- ‘ex-
haust’) synchronically contain the transitive marker -s-; historically,
however, they match well PM *büg-si- and *tögü-s- and thus reflect PA
*bke-s- ‘start lying in ambush’ and *t῾uki-s- ‘start being exhausted’.
2. An adverbial directive suffix -s(i) is attested in Mongolian and Tun-
gus (see EAS 2, 48-49), and this may have left a trace in some derived
verbs, cf.:
PA *gódú ‘down, to lower’ (PT *Kodɨ): PM *gudu-s ‘downward’, PJ
*kúntá-s- ‘to lower’
PA *úgu ‘up, above’ (PT *jüg-, PM *öɣe-, PTM *ug-, PK *ù(h)): PT
*jüg-se- ‘to rise’, PM *ög-se- id., PTM *ugV-si ‘above, up’; one is also
tempted to add PJ *k-s- ‘to rise’, which may reflect a merger of this
root with PA *ŋṑk῾è ‘top, above’.
3. A “general-purpose” nominal suffix -s- is widely attested in Mongo-
lian (usually as -su(n)) and TM (usually as -su- or -sa, often in a com-
pound -k-sa), see EAS 2, 225-227, 239 (although separating the Mong.
-su- and attempting, strangely enough, to derive the TM -su from Chi-
nese shou ‘hand’; on the TM -su-/-sa- see Benzing 89). This suffix be-
came quite obsolete in Turkic (although some traces of it after *-l- and
*-r- may still be observable as *-ĺ- and *-ŕ-, see above), while in Japanese
it may have been preserved as the finite form of adjectives (-si), fre-
quently incorporated into the adjective stem as a derivational mor-
pheme (utuku-si- ‘beautiful’ etc.).
This suffix may in fact be nothing else than the pronominal *sV of
the 3d person, preserved in Turkic as *-sɨ-, the pronominal suffix of the
3d person, and in Japanese as the demonstrative *sə / *si. This would
explain its apparent disappearance in Turkic: the suffix has not disap-
peared at all, but preserved its original function, while in Mongolian
and TM it was desemanticized. Benzing (69-70) regards PTM *-sa as a
collective suffix, so in fact we may be dealing here both with a PA pro-
nominal *-sV and collective *-sa, which are rather difficult to keep apart
in individual cases.
Some examples of this *-s- in cross-language matches:
PA *č῾ṑk῾e ‘grass, weed’ (PTM *čūKa): PK *sok-săi, PJ *tùkúsi ‘horse-tail’
PA *k῾àp῾à ‘a k. of vessel, box’ (PJ *kàpì ‘scoop, ladle’): PT *KAp-sa-k
‘basket’, PTM *xap-sa ‘box’
 CHAPTER FOUR 209

PA *sūli ‘gall’ (PTM *sī): PM *söl-sü, PTM *sīl-se

PA *šṑgV ‘juice’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PK *skú-r ‘honey’): PM
*siɣü-sü, PTM *šūk-se
PA *šuba ‘water’ (PT *sɨb, Man. so- ‘sprinkle’): PM *u-su, PTM *šobī-ksa;
cf. also PT *sɨb-sɨ-, *sɨb-sa-, containing the verbal *-s-suffix (see
above).
In combinations with velar suffixes:
PA *p῾ḕtá ‘meat; skin’ (PT *et, PJ *pàntá, PTM *pētē): PM *(h)ada-ska, PTM
*pētē-ske
PA *t῾ŕe ‘leg, knee’ (PT *dīŕ, PK *tàrí): PT *tir-sge-k ‘elbow’, PTM
*türē-kse ‘boot-top’

4.1.17. PA *-g-

The suffix *-g- is known as a causative marker in TM (see Benzing 122),

Mongolian and Korean (where it is reflected as -0-), see EAS 2, 170-175.
It is, however, not attested at all in Turkic and Japanese. On the other
hand, there is a number of Common Altaic verbal stems in *-g- which
can rather be classified as intensive or factitive and are not necessarily
causative (“do or undergo smth. repeatedly”), see Ramstedt 1912,
10-20. Cf.:
PA *bójĺo ‘to learn, be attentive’ (also attested with the causa-
tive/passive *-b-, see above): PT *boĺ-gu- ‘to learn’, PM *bol-gu-(ɣa)-
‘to be cautious’, PK *pằi-hó- ‘to learn’
PA *èmi ‘to avoid, taboo’ (PJ *ìm-): PT *em-ge- ‘to suffer, be tortured’,
PM *emi-ɣe- ‘to be timid, shy away’
PA *gṓŕV ‘to move, be irritated’ (Evk. gori- ‘to move, stir’): PT *Kōŕ-ga-
‘to be irritated, agitated’, PTM *gur-ge- ‘to move, stir’
PA *k῾ēro ‘to shout, speak’ (PTM *xērī- ‘to shout, call’): PT *Kạr-ga- ‘to
swear, curse’, PM *karija- / *karaɣa- id.
PA *p῾ĭru ‘pray, bless’ (PK *pīr-): Yak. ɨrā ( < *ɨra-ga), PM *hiru-ɣe-, PTM
*piru-gē-
PA *šŭŕu ‘leak, ooze’ (PT *sɨŕ-): PM *sir-gü-, PTM *šur-gī-
PA *t῾ḗlù ‘string, spreader’ (PT *tēl, PM *tele-, PJ *túrù): PM *tel(i)-ge-,
PTM *tel-ge-
PA *č῾amo ‘to suffer hardships’ (PT *čAm ‘fine, claim’): OT čam-ɣ-uq
‘slanderer’, PM *čima-ɣa- ‘queasy’, PK *čhắm- ‘to endure, bear’.
Vovin (1997, 3-4) characterizes this morpheme as “transitivity flip-
per” (thus analogous to PA *-b-, see above) and, besides Kor. -0- and
TM *-g-, relates here also the PJ verbal suffix *-i- (*tuk- ‘be attached’ /
*tuka-i- ‘attach’, *dak- ‘to burn’, *daka-i- ‘to burn (intr.)’). There are prob-
210 INTRODUCTION

lems with this solution, however: we would correct those pairs to *tuk-
/ *tuka- and *dak- / *daka-, while the -i in OJ forms like tuke < *tukai, jake <
*dakai should rather be regarded as a gerund suffix, just like the -i in the
respective matches tuk-i and jak-i. But the forms of the type *tuk- them-
selves may go back to earlier *tuki- < *tuka-ji-, where *-ji- might reflect
an earlier PA *-jV-, but hardly *-gV- (see above)
One can also note a rather common TM suffix *-gā-n denoting the
result of an action (see Benzing 58), having probably the same source.
It thus seems that the causative meaning of *-g- in TM, Mong. and
Kor. is secondary, being derived from an original factitive / intensive
meaning.
However, the main function of PA *-g-, attested in all branches (al-
though in Korean it is somewhat difficult to find its traces - due to loss
of intervocalic *-g-), is the formation of derived nouns and adjectives
(both from verbal and nominal stems). The number of cross-language
parallels here is huge, and vowels after *-g- may differ due to secon-
dary affixation, but essentially this is a single derivational type:
PA *ŋo ‘right’ (PT *oŋ): PM *eŋ-ge ‘south; front’, PTM *āŋ-gi- ‘right’
PA *àŕì ‘thorn, fang’ (PJ *ìrà ‘thorn’, cf. also Manchu ar-sun id.): PT
*aŕɨ-g ‘fang’, PM *ari-ɣa- ‘fang, molar tooth’
PA *rV ‘open space’ (PT *(i)āra ‘space, distance’): PM *ara-ɣu ‘spaced,
thin’, PTM *ara-gan ‘open space’
PA *bằt῾í ‘dirt’ (PTM *batu- ‘frozen soil’, PJ *pìntì ‘dirt’): PT *batɨ-g
‘swamp, marsh’, PM *bat-ga ‘dirt’ (perhaps also PK *ptắi ‘dirt’)
PA *bujri ‘well, spring’ (PTM *bira ‘river’, PK *ù- ‘well, spring’): PTM
*bira-ga- ‘spring’, PJ *bì ‘well’
PA *bure ‘flea’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *bür-če): PT *bür-ge, PM
*bür-ge, PK *pjró-k
PA *bka ‘chain, rim’ (PJ *bàkù): PT *buka-gu ‘fetters, chain’, PM *bugu-ji
( < -ɣi) ‘bracelet, noose’
PA *bĺa ‘confusion, fright’ (PT *būĺ- ‘to be bad-tempered, irritable’): PT
*būĺV-gu ‘sadness’, PM *bala-g ‘guilt’, PTM *bol-ga- ‘to be afraid,
worry’ (secondary verbalization)
PA *čḕlV ‘to split, hole, crack’ (PT *dil- ‘to split’): PM *čilü-ɣe ‘space be-
tween’, PTM *ǯēl-ge ‘crack, narrow passage’
PA *číńo ‘power, ability’ (PK *čń ‘shape, appearance; to make, pro-
duce’): PT *dɨŋ ‘very, strongly’, PM *čine-ɣe ‘force, ability’, PTM *ǯiŋ
‘very, extremely’
PA *č῾ḗp῾u ‘ulcer, furuncle’ (Evk. čepe ‘ulcer, pustle’): PT *čp-ga-n ‘fu-
runcle’, PM *čiji-ga-n ‘tumour, albugo’, PK *čjūpó-k ‘ulcer, furuncle’
[*-kV?]
 CHAPTER FOUR 211

PA *dlu ‘warm’ (PTM *dūl- ‘to warm (of sun)’, PT *jɨlɨ- ‘to be warm’):
PT *jɨlɨ-g ‘warm’, PM *dula-ɣa-n ‘warm’, PJ *dù ‘warm water’
PA *ḗra ‘rough’ (PJ *árá- ‘rough’, Kor. al- ‘bare, simple’): PT *Ēri-g
‘rough’, PM *ar-gu- ‘dry, hard, rough’
PA *ro ‘clean’ (PT *ạrɨ - ‘to be clean’): PT *ạrɨ-g ‘clean’, PM *ari-ɣu-n
‘clean’
PA *gòjńu ‘dawn, daylight’ (PT *gün ‘sun’, PK *kúi ‘dawn’): PM
*gege-ɣe ‘dawn, daylight’, Man. geŋ-ǵe ‘light’, PJ *ka(i) ‘day’
PA *guša ‘bitter, sour’ (PTM *goši): PM *gasi-ɣu-n, PTM *goši-g-di
PA *unu ‘cow’ (with a different suffix cf. PT *in-ken ‘female camel’): PT
*in-ge-k, PM *üni-ɣe-n
PA *kàma ‘to unite, gather’ (PM *kamu-): PT *KAmu-g ‘all, together’, PM
*kamu-g id.
PA *kāmV ‘to be weak, oppress’ (PT *KĀma- ‘to become blinded, dumb;
to set teeth on edge’, PM *kama- ‘to be mangy’, PTM *kama- ‘to op-
press’): PM *kama-ɣu ‘scab, herpes’, PTM *kama-ga ‘loss, trouble’
PA *kàpì ‘depth, edge’ (PT *kiabu- ‘bottom of boat’, PJ *kìpà ‘edge, side’,
PM *köb ‘depth’): PM *köbe-ɣe ‘edge, side’, PK *kìp-hí- ‘deep’
PA *kăro ‘crow, raven’ (PTM *kori ‘a mythical bird’): PT *KAr-ga ‘crow’,
PM *keri-je id.
PA *kŭŋi ‘child’ (PT *güŋ ‘female slave’, PTM *kuŋa ‘child, childhood’,
PM *köw ‘child’): PM *köw-ɣü-n ‘child, son’, PJ *kúa ‘child’
PA *koči ‘nasty’ (Oyr. kača-; Man. kušu-n ‘hate, uneasyness’): PM
*keče-ɣü ‘difficult, unpleasant’, PK *kùčh(ɨ)- ‘nasty’
PA *kuri ‘wattle, fence, enclosure’ (PT *Kur- ‘to erect, build’, PTM *kori
‘blockhouse, cage’): PT *Kur-ga-n, PM *küri-je-n ‘enclosure’
PA *kudu ‘shore, border’ (PTM *kudē ‘shore, land’, PJ *kui ‘fortress’): PT
*Kɨdɨ-g ‘edge, border’, PM *kiǯi-ɣa-r ‘border’.
PA *k῾ádí(-rV) ‘to scrape off, scraper’ (PT *KEdir- ‘to skin (a sheep)’, PJ
*káintúr- ‘to scrape off’): PM *kedir-ge ‘scraper’, PTM *xar-ga-n ‘chock
(for processing fish skins)’
PA *k῾ăpra ‘to scrape, plane’ (PT *K(i)arba- ‘to grope; rake up’): PM
*kawra-ji ‘file’, PTM *xarpu-gda ‘plane, knife’
PA *k῾eńo ‘edge’ (PT *Kạj ~ -ń, PK *kń): PT *Kạjɨ-g ( ~ -ń-), PM *kaja-ɣa
id.
PA *k῾ŕo ‘to remunerate, repay’ (PTM *xeri- ‘price, payment’): PT
*Kaŕ-ga-n- ‘to acquire, win’, PM *keri-g ‘miserly’, Nan. xer-gẽ ‘wake,
ritual celebration’
PA *k῾éma ‘a k. of reed or leek’ (PJ *kámá ‘reed’): PM *kam-ga-r ‘wild
leek’, PTM *xeŋ-gu-kte ‘wild onion’
212 INTRODUCTION

PA *k῾íla ‘hair’ (PT *Kɨl): PM *kil-ga-su ‘horse’s hair, tail hair’, PK

*kār(h)-, PJ *kái ‘hair’
PA *k῾ílo ‘stalk, stem’ (PTM *xila- ‘to blossom’): PT *Kɨl-ga ‘beard (of
grain, awn’, PM *kil-ga-na ‘meadowgrass’, PTM *xila-ga ‘flower’, PK
*kr(h) ‘stubble; stump’
PA *k῾ĭrma ‘snow, hoar-frost’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *xima-ŋsa
‘snow’: PT *Kɨra-gu ‘hoar-frost’, PM *kirma-g ‘first snow’
PA *k῾óp῾ìra ‘rift (in a river), bridge’ (PT *köpür ‘bridge’, PTM *xupuru
‘rift (in river); bridge’, PJ *kápárá ‘shallow place’): PT *köpürü-g
‘bridge’, PM *köɣür-ge id.
PA *k῾[ú]ŕa ‘pole; finger’ (PTM *xurū ‘hoof; handful’): PT *K[a]ŕ-gu-k
‘pole, peg’, PM *kuru-ɣu ‘finger, toe’, PK *kàrà-k ‘finger; pole’
PA *lằŋi ‘dirt, slime’ (PM *laji): PTM *laŋ-ga ‘cloggy, slimy substance’,
PJ *nìn-k-r- ‘be dreggy, muddy’
PA *ĺábó ‘a k. of plant’ (PT *jaba, PJ *náimpú): PM *debe-ɣe ‘meadow, pas-
ture’, PTM *labi-k-ta ‘a k. of moss’
PA *lúŋa ‘a k. of furry animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *loŋ-sa
‘lynx, sable’): PM *naga-j ‘female tarbagan’, PJ *ná-i ‘rat’
PA *ĺul[o] ‘to ransom, ask’ (PT *jul- ‘to ransom’, PM *doli- ‘to barter,
ransom’): PT *julu-g ‘ransom’, PJ *na-i ‘price’
PA *nuru ‘song and dance’ (PT *jɨr ‘song’, PK *nor- ‘to amuse oneself’):
PM *nür-gi- ‘noisy discussion’, Evn. nörgъ- ‘to dance and sing’
PA *ńaŋo ‘nut’ (PJ *mama-i ‘bean’): PT *jAŋ-ga-k ‘walnut’, PM *ǯiɣa-g
‘walnut’, PTM *ńaŋu-kta ‘cone, nut’
PA *ńíkrV ‘a k. of thorny tree’ (PJ *míkúri): PM *ǯeɣer-ge-ne, PTM
*ńikri-k-ta
PA *óče ‘late, evening’ (PJ *s-): PT *očɨ-g ‘youngest, latest’, PM *öčü-ge
‘yesterday’, PK *či id.
PA *ŏŕe ‘other, one of two’ (PTM *urē- ‘to be similar’): PT *öŕ-ge ‘other’,
PM *örü-ge-l ‘one of two’
PA *pala ‘tooth’ (PK *par): Nan. paloa, PJ *pa
PA *puli ‘red’ (PTM *pula- with different suffixes): PM *hula-ɣan, PTM
*pula-gi- (PK *prk- reflects rather *puli-k῾V)
PA *púre ‘leaf, bud’ (PT *bür): PM *bor-gu-, PJ *pá.
PA *p῾adV ‘be sober, attentive’ (PM *haǯi-): PT *adɨ-g, PM *hada-ɣu /
*haǯi-g ‘sober, attentive’
PA *p῾èrì ‘edge’ (PM *hir, PTM *pere, PJ *piàrì): PM *hiru-ɣa, PTM
*pere-g-, *per-gī)
PA *p῾ri ‘seed’ (PM *hüre ‘seed’, PTM *puri ‘family, children’, PK *pòrì
‘wheat’): PT *uru-g ‘seed; kin’, PJ *pú ‘growth’
PA *p῾li ‘root, foundation’ (PT *ul): Man. fulexe, PK *prhằi, PJ *pú-.
 CHAPTER FOUR 213

PA *p῾sa ‘plan, reason’ (PT *us, Evn. huse, PJ *pánsú): PT *usu-g, PM

*hasa-ɣu- (secondary verbalization).
PA *sắŕi ‘earth, sand, marsh’ (PT *siaŕ, PJ *situ): PM *sira-ɣu, PTM
*siru-gi
PA *šjò ‘thorn, needle’ (PTM *šǖje, PK *sāi, PJ *sjà): PT *soja-gu, PM
*soju-ɣa.
PA *tri ‘thick, plenty’ (PT *dīr-, PTM *dir-, PJ *(d)ita-): PM *čir-ga-ɣu-,
PTM *dir-ga-
PA *tṓle ‘spleen’ (PTM *ǯō(l)): PM *deli-ɣü-n, PJ *(d)i
PA *t῾òra ‘to cultivate (earth)’ (PT *TArɨ-): PM *tari-ja-n ‘crops’, PJ *tà
‘field’
PA *ǯắlo ‘fasten, hang’ (PT *jala-, PTM *ǯala-n, PK *čằrằ-): PT *jala-gu,
PM *ǯal-ga- (secondary verbalization), PJ *dá-i
PA *ǯebí ‘bad, to suffer’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *jabɨ-ŕ, *jab-la-
etc.): PT *jab-ga-n, PM *ǯibe-ɣü-
The precise meaning of this PA *-g-, next to being a general noun
marker, is not quite clear; Benzing (68-69) regards PTM *-g as collec-
tive, which seems possible but not ultimately proved.

4.1.18. PA *-k-

Unlike *-g-, the PA voiceless unaspirated *-k- was in the vast majority
of cases only building denominative nouns, cf.:
PA *ămV ‘quick, timely’ (PT *(i)am ‘now’, PTM *am(a) ‘quick’, PK *ām
‘surely, certainly’): PT *(i)am-kɨ ‘recent’, PM *(h)ama-gaj ‘sudden,
quick’, PTM *ama-kā- ‘quick’
PA *nta ‘oath; comrade’ (PT *Ānt; PM, PTM *anda ‘friend’, PJ *ánta ‘en-
emy’): PM *anda-g(a) ‘oath, to take an oath’, PTM *anda-ka- ‘friend,
follower’; here the derivative is also secondarily used as a verb in
PTM and PT *Ānt-ɨk- ‘to take an oath’
PA *bóro ‘bank, rift’ (PK *pìr ‘bank’): PM *bor-gi-ja ‘river rift’, PTM
*bir[u]-ka- ‘precipice, mountain’
PA *budu ‘down, feather; curly’ (with a different suffix cf. PM *buǯi-ji-
‘to be curly’): PT *bɨdɨk ‘moustache’, PM *buǯi-gir ‘curly’, *boǯi-gu
‘(bird) down’
PA *bru ‘dust; smoke, whirlwind’ (PT *bur): PT *buru-k ‘whirlwind,
puff of smoke’, PM *bur-gi- / *bür-gi- ‘to rise (of dust, smoke)’ (sec-
ondary verbalization), PTM *bure-ki ‘dust; fresh snow’
PA *č῾ṓli ‘grey, light’ (PT *čĀl ‘grey, light’, PM *čil ‘clear, cloudless’):
PM *čil-ge- ‘clear, cloudless’, PTM *čol-ka ‘grey, white’
214 INTRODUCTION

PA *ép῾V ‘grandfather’ (PTM *epu ‘grandfather, elder relative’, PK *pí

‘father’): PM *ebü-ge- ‘grandfather, ancestor’, Orok epe-ke ‘grandfa-
ther’
PA *t῾è ‘elder relative’ (PT *Ata / *Ete ‘father’, PK *àtắ ‘man’, PJ *tətə, *ti
‘uncle’): PT *Ata-ka- / *Ete-ke- ‘uncle’, PM *eči-ge ‘father’, PTM
*eti-(r)kē- ‘old man’
PA *ḗna ‘middle, width’ (PT *ēn): PM *eŋ ‘breadth, width’, PTM
*(x)ene-kǖ ‘sheath, scabbard’, PK *án-h ‘middle’, PJ *nà-ká id.
PA *gŭri ‘wide, broad, thick’ (PT *gür ‘thick, broad’, PTM *gora ‘far’,
PM *gür ‘wide, broad’): PM *gür-ge-r ‘thick’, PK *kūr-k- id.
PA *t῾á ‘to rely, trust’ (PTM *(x)iti ‘custom, order, occasion’):
PTM *(x)iti-ka- ‘custom, order’; a secondary verbalization is observed in
PM *ite-ge- ‘to hope, believe, trust, reason’, PJ *àntù-kà- ‘to take upon
oneself; to trust smb. with’
PA *aru ‘deer, antelope’ (PTM *ora-n): PT *Ar-ku-n ‘a cross-bred horse’,
PM *(h)oro-ŋgo ‘a k. of antelope’
PA *òre ‘male’ (PTM *ur, PJ *tə): PT *ẹr-ke-k ‘male’, PTM *uri-k-čān ‘elk
(2 y. old)’
PA *ŭdu ‘wonder, supernatural’ (PM *ide ‘sacred energy’, Evk. odu
‘wonder’, PJ *i / *ju ‘sacred’): PT *ɨdu-k ‘sacred’, PM *idu-gan ‘female
shaman’
PA *ùlò ‘hollow, hole, intestine’ (PT *ülV ‘fistula’, PJ *ùruà ‘hollow, hol-
low tree-trunk’): PT *olu-k ‘hollow tree-trunk’, PM *(h)olu-gaj ‘thick
intestine’
PA *t῾e ‘thick liquid’ (PT *ȫt ‘gall’): PM *öte-ge- ‘thick (of liquids)’; sec-
ondarily verbalized in Evk. it-ke- ‘to ferment bread’
PA *kàra ‘opposite, enemy’ (PT *Karu ‘opposite’, PM *kari ‘foreign,
alien’)”: PT *Kara-k ‘bandit’, PJ *kàtà-ki ‘enemy, adversary’; secon-
darily verbalized (or else reflecting the factitive in *-g-) is PM
*kar-gu/a- ‘to meet’
PA *kòt῾e ‘hole’ (PT *göt ‘anus, buttocks’, PK *kút ‘hole’): PT *götü-k >
*gütü-k ‘tailless’, PM *kota-ga-r ‘hollow’, Evk. koto-ko-n ‘concave, cav-
ity’
PA *kòŋa ‘brown, black’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *koŋ-na-
‘black’): PM *koŋ-gu-r ‘light brown’, PJ *kàn-kâ- ‘shadow’.
PA *kušu ‘nut’ (PJ *kusi): PT *Kusɨ-k, PM *kusi-ga, PTM *koši-k-ta
PA *k[a]ŋe ‘a k. of board’ (PT *K(i)aŋ ‘vehicle, skis’): PT *K(i)aŋa-k id.,
PM *kaŋ-ga ‘a k. of board, cross-bar’
PA *k῾pri ‘fan, bellows’ (probably secondary verbal usage in PT *kȫrü-
‘to use bellows’, PTM *xarpu- ‘to sweep’): PT *kȫrü-k ‘bellows’, PM
*keɣür-ge id., PTM *xarpu-kī ‘fan, broom’
 CHAPTER FOUR 215

PA *k῾ăra ‘tide, flood’ (PJ *kátà): Turk. qarɨq ‘ditch’, PM *kar-gi ‘rapids,
overfall’
PA *k῾ōt῾e ‘a k. of knife or arrow’ (Evk. utu ‘a k. of arrow’): PM *kitu-ga
‘knife’, PTM *(x)utu-ke ‘knife on a shaft’
PA *k῾ńó ‘light, thin’ (suffixless cf. perhaps Turkm. Gaj ‘стать стельной
(о верблюдице)’): PM *köŋ-ge-n ‘light (not heavy)’, PJ *kmá-ka-
‘small, thin’
PA *k῾ṑrV ‘dung, excrements’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Kor. kərɨm): PM
*kor-gu-l , PTM *xōri-k-ta.
PA *ĺp῾V ‘bifurcated pole’ (PT *jāpa ‘wooden fork, shovel’, PTM *lapa-
‘bifurcated pole’): Turkm. jāba-q ‘wooden fork’, PM *daɣa-ga-n ‘hori-
zontal bar in a yurt’, Evk. lapki ‘branch inserted between branches’
PA *nála ‘shallow’ (Nan. nịala ‘overflowed place’, PK *nằrằ ‘ford’): PT
*jAl-kɨ- ‘shallow’, PM *nala-gar ‘declivity, overflowed plain’, Evn.
ńala-kụ ‘shallow’)
PA *ṓt῾è ‘old’ (Chuv. vadъ, PTM *ute): PM *öte-gü ‘old man’, Evk. uta-kān
‘old age’
PA *pósò ‘stairway, step’ (PJ *pásì): PT *bAs-kɨ-č, PM *bosu-ga, PTM
*pise-ku
PA *p῾r[e] ‘bank’ (PT *jr): PM *her-gi, Evk. hirki
PA *sańV ‘bird dung’ (PTM *sańa): PT *saŋ-k, PM *saŋ-ga-.
PA *sápa ‘brace, vice’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PM *sab-salga): PT
*saba-k, PTM *sab-ga, PK *sàpó-k
PA *sáŕo ‘fence, village’ (PTM *saru ‘tent in a boat’, PJ *sátuá ‘village’):
PT *soŕa-k ‘village’, PM *sirö-ge ‘fence’, Orok sarụ-qa id.
PA *sằp῾í ‘long hair, offshoot’ (PJ *sìmpá-i ‘pistils, stamens’): PT *sapa-k
‘branch, bunch’, PM *saba-ga ‘yak wool’.
PA *sŏp῾u ‘oval-shaped’ (PT *supɨ): PT *supɨ-k, PM *sibo-ga-r
PA *sṓru ‘pole’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *siara-ŋ): PT *sru-k, PM
*sur-ga-ɣag
PA *sīĺa ‘sharp stick, tooth’ (PT *sīĺ, PTM *sila-, PK *sár, PJ *sàs-): PT
*sīĺe-k, PM *sile-gü ‘toothed animal’
PA *ǯeŕV ‘edge, row, front’ (PT *jeŕe-, probably secondary as a verb in
OT; PTM *ǯeri-n): PT *jeŕe-k, PM *ǯer-ge
A very consistent group among those derivatives is represented by
names of small animals (PT *-k, *-kaj, PM *-gan(a), -ga-li, PTM *-kī ,
*-ke-n, *-ku (see Benzing 66-67), PJ *-ki):
PA *balu ‘sable’ (not attested suffixless, cf. Evk. balini): PM *bula-gan
‘sable, game’, PJ *puru-ki ‘sable’
PA *ènŋù ‘young of an ungulate’ (PJ *ùmà ‘horse’): PT *ạn-kaj, PM
*una-ga-n, PTM *(x)enŋe-kēn
216 INTRODUCTION

PA *k῾ŏŕo ‘lamb, deer’ (PT *Koŕɨ ‘lamb’): PM *kuri-ga-n id., PTM *xir-ki
‘wild deer’
PA *k῾ĺa ‘sable, squirrel’ (PT *kīĺ ‘sable’): PM *kul-ga-na ‘mouse’, PTM
*xulu-kī ‘squirrel’
PA *ĺep῾a ‘feather, down, wool’ (PT *jAp ‘a mass of hair or wool’): PT
*japa-k, PM *daɣa-ga-n ‘foal’ (‘hair fading’)
PA *pt῾e ‘louse, biting insect’ (PT *bɨt): PM *bata-ga-na, Evk. hānte-ku
PA *p῾ani ‘hen, chicken’ (PJ *pina): PM *jaŋ-ga-li ‘a k. of small bird’,
PTM *pinu-kī
PA *p῾un[e] ‘a small wild animal’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM
*pün-čül- ‘hedgehog’): PT *enü-k ‘young of a wild animal, puppy’,
PM *hüne-gen ‘fox’, PTM *püńe-kī ‘jerboa, weasel’
Only in a very small number of cases do we encounter PA *-k- as a
deverbative verbal suffix, cf.:
PA *úrù ‘to gather, crowd’ (PM *ir- id., Kor. ul ‘clan’, PJ *ú(n)tì id.): PT
*ir-k- ‘to gather’, PM *ir-ge-n ‘people’
PA *kāšu ‘to tickle’ (PT *gīči-): PT *Kčɨ-k, PM *giǯi-ge, PTM *kaša-ka-, PJ
*kúsú-nkú-r-
PA *k῾úŋu ‘to bend, bow’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *Kɨjŋɨ-r-, PM
*keji-ǯaŋ, *keje-de-): PT *Kɨjŋɨ-k ‘curved’, PM *keji-ge ‘oblique, slant-
ing’, PTM *xuŋ-ke- ‘to bow’, PJ *kún-kú-m- ‘to be curved, bent’
PA *ńlo ‘to pluck, pick out’ (PT *jol-; PTM *ń[u]li- ‘to exuviate, fade’, PJ
*mr- ‘to pluck, tear off’): PM *ǯul-ga- ‘to pick, pluck’, PTM *ń[u]li-ki-
‘naked’
It may well be so that in all these cases Mongolian (the only lan-
guage actually pointing to *-k-) has an innovation: the original verbal
stem developed a nominal usage through conversion, and the deriva-
tive in *-k- was built already from this secondary noun; and in the case
of ǯul-ga- we may actually be dealing with PA factitive *-g-, and not
with *-k-.

4.1.19. PA *-k῾-

Unlike PA *-k-, the aspirated *-k῾- is quite well attested in building de-
rived verbs from verbal stems, cf.:
PA *bló ‘pale’ (PM *bala-ji ‘blind’, PTM *beli ‘pale’, PJ *pàrá- ‘to clear
up’): Neg. bel-ki- ‘to whiten’, PK *pằr-k- ‘bright’
PA *blò ‘to soak, gush forth’ (Kor. pul-li- ‘to wet’, PJ *pùr ‘bath’): PT
*bula-k ‘spring, well’, PM *bul-ka- ‘to soak’, PTM *b[ü]l-kü- id.
PA *č῾mu ‘to pinch, pluck’ (PM *čim ‘a pinch’, PJ *túm- ‘to pluck’): PM
*čim-ki- ‘to pinch’, PK *čùm-kúi ‘fist, handful’
 CHAPTER FOUR 217

PA *enu ‘to beware, attention’ (PM *(h)ana- ‘to beware, PT *anu- ‘to get
ready’): PT *anu-k ‘ready’, PM *(h)aŋ-ka- ‘to pay attention’
PA *ằpV ‘to bend, turn’ (not attested suffixless; cf. PT *ebi-r- ‘to turn’):
PM *eb-ke- ‘to bend, fold’, PTM *obo-ka ‘hook’, PJ *àpù-kuà ‘stick with
a hook’
PA *kup῾e ‘light, floating’ (PM *köbü- ‘drift on the surface’): Bur.
xübxe-lze- ‘drift on the surface’, PTM *kep(u)ke- id.
PA *k῾óp῾i ‘foam’ (PT *köp- ‘to swell’, PM *köɣe- ‘to foam, swell up’, PTM
*x[o]pu- ‘foam’): PT *köpü-k ‘foam’, PM *köb-ke-ji- ‘to swell’
PA *k῾úlo ‘to roll, turn’ (PT *Kula- ‘to roll down, fall’, PTM *xol- / *xul-
‘walk round, turn round’, Jpn. koro ‘round log’): PM *kol-ki-da- ‘to be
restless, go round and round’, Jpn. koro-g- ‘to roll, rotate’
PA *lalV ‘weak, exasperated’(PM *nala-ji- ‘be slow, sluggish’, PTM *lali-
‘be hungry, weak, exasperated’): PT *jal-k- ‘to suffer pain, be nause-
ated’, PM *nal-ka-ji- ‘be faint, drowsy, weak’
PA *p῾ísi ‘break, cleave, peck’ (PTM *pis-, PK *ps-, PJ *písí ‘fish-fork’):
PM *hes-ke-, PTM *pis-k-, PK *ps-k-r, PJ *pisi(n)k-
PA *t῾ăru ‘to curse’ (PTM *turē-) : PT *tẹr-k-, PM *tar-ki-
As we see, in many of the above cases nominalization of the derived
form in *-k῾- also occurs (cf. PT *bula-k, *anu-k, *köpü-k, PTM *obo-ka, PK
*čùm-kúi, *ps-k-r, PJ *àpù-kuà), and in some of the cases all available
derivatives are only nominal, cf.:
PA *kopV ‘to plane, whet’ (PTM *kuba-): PM *kobi-ki ‘a k. of chisel’, Orok
qụwaqụ ‘plough’
PA *ri ‘to cover’ (PTM *ora- ‘become covered’, PK *òrái ‘door’): PM
*örü-ke ‘cover of roof window’, PTM *ur-ke ‘door’
PA *p῾áru ‘to spin, plait, wrap’ (PTM *por-): PT *ar-ka-g ‘weft, woof’, PK
*pòrò-kí ‘swaddlingclothes’)
The deverbative instrumental suffix *-ku is rather widely attested in
TM (see Benzing 1011), and it is this suffix that corresponds to PM *-ki
in Orok qụwa-qụ = PM *kobi-ki (see above); one can thus suspect that
this usage was already present in PA. The same form seems also to be
reflected in PJ *-ku ‘adjective and verb nominalizer’ and MKor. -ko
‘subordinative gerund marker’ (see Vovin 1997, 9).
But the largest group of derivatives here, just as in the cases with
PA *-g- and *-k-, are denominative nouns, cf. the following
cross-language parallels:
PA *ắni ‘very’ (PTM *ana- ‘very’, PK *àńí ‘first, beginning’): PT *eŋ(k)
‘very’, PM *aŋ-ka ‘very, extremely; original’
PA *ằra ‘back, behind’ (PM *aru): PT *ăr-ka ‘back’, PM *aru-ki ‘back, be-
hind’, PTM *ar-ka- ‘back’
218 INTRODUCTION

PA *č῾álV ‘a k. of thorny plant’ (PT *č(i)alɨ ‘bush’, PJ *tára ‘Aralia’): PT

*č(i)alɨ-kan ‘nettle’, PM *čulu-ki-r ‘кумарчик гобийский’, PTM
*čil[u]-k-te ‘wild pear; a k. of tree with red bark’
PA *č῾ṑrV ‘pike’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PT *čor-tan): PM *čuru-kaj,
Man. čur-χu ‘young fish’
PA *gĕbo ‘light, empty’ (PTM *gebu-): Chag. keve-k ‘empty’, PM *güji-ke-
‘shallow, light’
PA *kujilV ‘a k. of bird’ (PJ *kiari ‘plover’): PM *qojilu-g ‘wild turkey’,
PTM *kilu-k- ‘goose, swan’, PK *kirj-kí ‘goose’
PA *kàbro ‘a k. of ferment’ (PT *Kor ‘ferment, yeast, bitter’, PM *kowr
‘poison, harm’, PJ *kàrà- ‘bitter’): PM *ko(w)r-ka-g ‘pus (in a wound)’,
PTM *kabu-k-ta ( < *kabur-k-ta) ‘salmon fat, salmon stomach’
PA *kōŋa ‘bell’ (PJ *káná-i): PM *koŋ-ku ‘bell’, PTM *kōŋā-k-ta id.
PA *kŭŋi ‘child’ (PT *güŋ ‘female slave’, PTM *kuŋa ‘child, childhood’,
PM *köw ‘child’): PM *kew-ke-n ‘daughter, girl’, PTM *kuŋā-kā-n
‘child’
PA *k῾jlu ‘ear, to hear’ (PK *kúi ‘ear’): PT *Kul-ka-k ‘ear’, PM *kul-ki ‘ear
wax’, PJ *kí-k- ‘to hear’
PA *ĺep῾a ‘feather, down, wool’ (PT *jAp ‘a mass of hair or wool’): PT
*jApa-k(u) id., PM *daɣa-ki ‘tangled hair’
PA *ĺm(o)ŋa ‘name, spell’ (PT *jom ‘luck, omen; medicine’; PM *dom
‘magic, legend’, PTM *nimŋā- ‘to shamanize’, PJ *ná(N) ‘name’,
*nəm- ‘to pray’): PT *jom(ŋ)a-k ‘tale, legend, riddle’, PM *doma-g ‘leg-
end’, PTM *nimŋā-kā- ‘fairy-tale’, PK *nì’jà-kì ‘tale, story’
PA *máĺe ‘wild cat’ (OT müš): PT *bɨńĺɨ-k ‘cat’, (WMong. malu-qai), Man.
mala-xi
PA *ŋṓjč῾u ‘thin, small’ (PTM *ŋujši, PJ *úsú-, Kor. nač-): PM *öčü-ken,
PTM *ŋujši-ku-, PK *nằč-ka-
PA *ŋje ‘long hair’ (PJ *b ‘tail’): PT *öje-k ‘part of animal’s skin under
the neck or between legs’, PM *öje-keji ‘lower part of animal’s belly’
PA *págò ‘box, vessel’ (PT *bog, PTM *paga): PTM *paga-kī, PK *phắkái
PA *p῾ắt῾à ‘bottom, lower side’ (PTM *pata, PJ *pátá): PT *ạt-kɨ-, PM
*hat-ku, PTM *pata-ka, PK *pàtó-k
PA *sắŕi ‘earth, sand, marsh’ (PT *siaŕ, PJ *situ): PM *sir-ke, PK *hằrk
PA *t῾oŋe ‘space’ (not attested suffixless, cf. PTM *tuŋe-r ‘lake’): PT
*Teŋe-k ‘air space’, PM *töŋ-ki- ‘hollow’, Evk. tuŋu-ke ‘backwater’, PK
*taŋh ‘hollow’
PA *t῾op῾u ‘knee, knee cap’ (PJ *tu(m)pu-): PT *topɨ-k, PM *tuw-kai
PA *ǯòp῾è ‘hollow under knee or neck, corner’ (not attested suffixless, cf.
PJ *dp-r): PM *ǯob-ki, PTM *ǯup(u)-ku
 CHAPTER FOUR 219

Although the semantics of most of these derivatives is quite neutral,

we should note cases like *ŋōjč῾u ‘small’ > Mong. *öčü-ken, *kŭŋi ‘child’ >
Mong. *kew-ken, PTM *kuŋā-kān, and the well-known fact that these suf-
fixes (Mong. -ken / -qan, PTM *-kān) are productive diminutives. It
seems thus quite probable that PA *-k῾- in its denominative function
had a diminutive meaning (which remained productive in TM, see
Benzing 58-59, and Mongolian, but can also be observed in many cases
in Turkic, Korean and Japanese).
Another source of this morpheme may be the adjectival marker
*-k῾(i)-, reflected in Mong. (-ki), Turkic (-kɨ /-ki), see EAS 2, 234; cf. also
the PJ attributive adjectival suffix *-ki.

4.1.20. PA *-ŋ-

The suffix *-ŋ- is not frequent, but firmly established for Altaic (see
EAS 2, 229). It only forms nouns from verbs or nouns (cases of verbal
usage of the -ŋ-derivatives are clearly secondary), and in this respect is
fully synonymous with PA *-g-. Cf. the following cross-language lexi-
cal matches:
PA *ja ‘to go, walk’ (PTM *āja- ‘to run quickly’): PM *aja-ŋ ‘journey,
travel’, PTM *āj[a]-ŋ ‘swift’, PJ *àjùm- ‘to walk’
PA *dlo ‘wing, shoulderblade’ (PT *jāl ‘counter, mane’, PM *dalu
‘shoulderblade’, *dali ‘wing’): PM *dala-ŋ ‘counter, scruff’, PK *tằrŋái
> *tằr’ái ‘wing (of a saddle)’
PA *na ‘dawn, dusk’ (PTM *ine- ‘to dawn’): PT *ɨŋ-ɨr ‘dusk’, PTM
*ine-ŋī ‘day’
PA *ìri ‘to rot, pus, be sick’ (PT *iri- ‘to rot’): PT *iri-ŋ ‘pus’, PJ *ìtà-m- ‘to
be sick’
PA *ŕu ‘trace, furrow’ (PT *īŕ / *ŕ): PM *(h)ira-ɣa- ‘ripple, riffle’, PK
*ìráŋ ‘furrow’
PA *koĺa ‘to steal, deceive’ (PTM *kola ‘cunning, deceit’): PT *K(i)aĺaŋ
‘lazy, vile’, PM *kula-ga-j ‘robber, thief’, PJ *kasu-m- ‘to steal, rob’
PA *k῾alo ‘girth, tug’ (PT *xala ‘tug, belt’): PT *Kola-ŋ ‘saddlegirth’, PK
*kora-ŋ ‘fetters’
PA *k῾č῾i ‘a k. of cereal’ (PT *kȫče ‘barley’): PM *küči-ŋ-gi ‘a leguminous
plant’, PK *kìčàŋ ‘millet’
PA *mólu ‘ridge, corner’ (PTM *mulu, PK *mằrằ): PT *buluŋ, PJ *múná-
It is not quite clear whether this suffix can be related to the produc-
tive PTM *-ŋ(u)- denoting “nicht entfremdbares Eigentum” (see
Benzing 61-62 for a discussion of this morpheme), which otherwise has
no known Altaic parallels. On the other hand, *-ŋ- in deverbatives like
220 INTRODUCTION

*āja-ŋV, *ìri-ŋV etc. may be compared with the productive attested TM

suffix *-ŋa- forming “past durative actions” (“vorübergehend andau-
ernde Handlung”), see Benzing 120.

4.1.21. Summary of PA derivational suffixes

*-b- a) deverbative verbal passive/causative

b) denominative nominal (collective?)
*-p῾- deverbative passive/instrumental
*-m- a) deverbative nominal
b) denominative nominal (adjectival)
*-d- denominative/deverbal adjectival
*-t- a) deverbative verbal intransitive/passive
b) denominative/deverbal adjectival
*-t῾- deverbative verbal transitive/motional
*-kt῾- denominative/deverbal adjectival
*-n- a) deverbative verbal intransitive (reflexive)
b) denominative nominal
*-l- a) deverbative nominal
b) denominative nominal (attributive)
*-r- a) deverbative nominal (intransitive)
b) denominative nominal (attributive)
*-č῾- a) denominative diminutive
b) deverbative verbal intensive
*-ǯ- a) adjectival
b) intransitive (medial?)
*-ĺ- verbal reciprocal
*-ŕ- a) deverbative transitive
b) suffix of paired body parts
*-j- denominative expressive
*-s- a) denominative nominal (=pronominal)
b) deverbative / denominative desiderative/inchoative
*-g- a) denominative/deverbative nominal
b) factitive/intensive deverbative verbal
*-k- denominative nominal; suffix of small animals
*-k῾- a) attributive (-> denominative nominal)
b) diminutive
c) deverbative verbal
*-ŋ- - deverbative/denominative nominal
 CHAPTER FOUR 221

4.2. Proto-Altaic inflection

4.2.1. Noun

4.2.1.1. Case suffixes

Nominative 0: TM *0 (Benzing 79); Jap 0; Kor. 0; Mong 0; OT 0

Accusative *be: TM *ba / *be (Benzing 80-81); OJ wo
Partitive *ga: TM *ga (Benzing 82); OJ possessive ga; ?Kor. accusative
-ɨ-r (*-g- is lost regularly, but the source of -r is not quite clear);
?Mong. accusative *-ɣ; OT -(ɨ)ɣ/-(i)g
Genitive *-ńV: PTM *ŋi; OJ no; Kor. -ń; Mong *n; OT ŋ (forms like -ŋi
presuppose *-ń-ki)
Dative / locative *du / *da: TM dative *du (Benzing 83), locative suffix
-dā- (Benzing 61); OJ attributive/locative -tu (although this suffix
can also be compared with Mong. adjectival -tu, see below); Mong.
dative/locative -da / -du-r, attributive -du; OT locative/ablative
-ta/-da/-te/-de
Dative / instrumental *-nV: OJ dative/locative ni.OT instrumental
-(ɨ)n/-(i)n
Dative / directive *-k῾V: TM Directive *kī (Benzing 84); OT dative
-qa/-ke
Comitative / locative *lV: TM locative *lā (Benzing 84), prolative *lī
(Benzing 84); Mong. comitative *-luɣa; ?Turk. -li, -lɨ-ɣ (EAS 2, 46-47);
Kor. instrumental / lative -ro
Comitative / equative *-č῾a: OJ comitative to; Mong. ablative ča; termi-
native ča(ɣa); OT equative -ča/-če
Allative *-gV: TM allative *gī (also loc. suffix -gī-, Benzing 60-61);
Mong. *-(ɣ)a (arch., EAS 2, 39-40); OT directive -ɣa-ru / -ge-rü; Kor.
-‘əi
Directive *-rV: Mong. directive -ru; OT directive -ɣa-ru / -ge-rü (also
*-ra, *-rü); Kor. lative -ro (a merger of the comitative and directive
cases)
Instrumental / ablative *ǯV: TM instrumental *ǯi (Benzing 87), elative
*gī-ǯi; OJ ablative ju / jo ; (?) PT terminal dative *(j)a.

4.2.1.2 Plural suffixes

PA *-t῾-: PTM *-ta(n) / *-te(n) (basically in Manchu, in other languages

used as the 3d plur. pronom. suffix), Mong. -d, Turk. *-t, PJ *ta-ti, PK
*-tɨ-r
This is the most common and probably original PA plural suffix.
222 INTRODUCTION

PA *-s-: PTM *-sa-l (Benzing 76-78), Mong. *-s

This suffix is restricted to the TM-Mong. area, and may in fact re-
flect the PA collective *-sa (see above).
PA *-l-: PTM *-l, PT *-lar, PM *-nar, PJ *-ra
In Turkic, Mongolian and Japanese this suffix seems to have been
originally restricted to forming plurals of animate nouns, and in Japa-
nese it basically reflects associativity (“brothers and those together with
them, associated with them”). Ramstedt (EAS 2) suggests that it was
originally a separate noun *larV which accounts for the specific reflex
n- in Mongolian (otherwise typical for *l- in word-initial position, see
above). Turkic and Japanese already treat it as a suffix (word-initial *l-
is absent in Turkic, just as word-initial *r- is absent in Japanese). Loss of
*-rV in TM and Japanese, however, is difficult to account for - perhaps
one should think of an early assimilative process in a suffixed mor-
pheme (something like *-larV > *-lrV > *-llV).
Above we have already dealt with the suffix *-ŕV which may have
had an original dual meaning. Outside Turkic the reflexes of *-ŕ- cannot
be distinguished from those of *-r-, and it seems interesting to note the
peculiar plural in *-r in TM, which occurs in nouns whose singular
ends in *-n (like Evk. beju-n - beju-r ‘wild deer’, oro-n - oro-r ‘tame deer’
etc., see Benzing 1025). We have suggested above that this *-n may
have had a special “singulative” meaning, and we may note that words
with the *-ŕV suffix often have counterparts with *-n in other languages
(cf. PT *kökü-ŕ ‘breast’, PJ *kəkə-rə ‘heart’ vs. PM *kökö-n, PTM *kuku-n
‘breast’ etc.). It is therefore tempting to reconstruct “singular” *-nV op-
posed to “dual” *-ŕV, “plural” *-t῾V and “associative plural” *larV. It
should be stressed that in PA, as in most modern Altaic languages, all
these suffixes need not have been obligatory, probably only used in
situations when the number of a noun had to be explicitly expressed,
and thus implementing something similar to the category of determi-
nation (note that Korean may reflect this *-n as its ‘thematic case’, see
Холодович 11):
*kk῾è ‘breast, two breasts, breasts’ (indeterm.) *kk῾è-nV ‘one breast’ :
*kk῾è-ŕV ‘two breasts’ : (*kk῾è-t῾V ‘many breasts’) (determ.)
*na ‘brother, two brothers, brothers’ (indeterm.) *na-nV ‘one
brother’ : *na-ŕV ‘two brothers’ : *na-t῾V ‘many brothers’ : *na-larV
‘brothers and those with them’ (determ.)
Such a situation would account quite well for the various plural pat-
terns that we observe in modern Altaic languages.
 CHAPTER FOUR 223

4.2.2. Numerals

Common Altaic numerals are treated as lexemes in the body of the dic-
tionary, so here we shall just list the forms with a few additional com-
ments:
1 *buri: PT *bir, PJ *pitə (cf. also PM *büri ‘all, each’, PK *pìr- ‘at
first’).
This seems to be the original PA numeral for ‘one’. Other languages
have innovations: PM *nige ‘one’ < PA *nŏŋe ‘single’ (PT *jaŋɨŕ ‘single’,
PJ *nəmi ‘only’, PTM *noŋ- / *non- ‘be the first, begin’); PTM *emu-
(/*ume-) ‘one’ < PA *emo ‘front’ (PT *öm-gen ‘upper part of breast’, PM
*emü- ‘front’; PK *hằnàh ‘one’ < PA *sóna ‘single, one of a pair’ (PT
*sɨŋar ‘one of a pair’, PM *son-du- ‘odd’, Man. soni- ‘single, odd’, PJ *sa-
‘together, reciprocally’).
2 *tubu: Old Bulg. tvi-rem ‘second’; PM *ǯiw-rin ~ *ǯui-rin ‘two
(fem.)’; PTM *ǯube- ‘two’; PK *tū, *tū-rh ( = *tubu, *tubu-rh) ‘two’.
Some languages have introduced innovations: PT *ẹk(k)i ‘two’ < PA
*p῾òk῾e ‘pair, couple’ (cf. also PT *ẹkiŕ ‘twins’ = PM *(h)ekire id.); PM
*gojar ‘two’ (changed to *qojar in North. Mong. under the influence of
*qo-rin ‘20’ or *qoji ‘follow, behind’) < PA *gojV ‘different, other’ (PTM
*goj / *gia, PJ *kía); PJ *puta- ‘two’ < *puč῾u ‘pair, half’ (PT *buč-uk, PK
*pča-k).
3 *ŋu: PM *gu-rban ‘three’, *gu-čin ‘thirty’, PT *o-tuŕ ‘thirty’ ( = PM
*gu-čin), PJ *mi-. PT *ü- in *üč ‘three’ may also reflect the same root, al-
though the suffixation is not clear.
TM and Korean have interesting innovations. PTM *ila-n ‘three’
goes back to a PA root *ìlù meaning ‘third (or next after three = fourth)’,
consisting of three objects’, reflected in PT as *ölöŋ ‘song with three out
of four verses rhyming (first, second and fourth)’ and in PJ as *ùrù-pu
‘bissextile (year or month)’; PK *si(h) ‘three’ appears to go back to PA
*séjra meaning ‘an object consisting of three parts’, cf. PM *sere-ɣe ‘tri-
dent, pitchfork’ = PJ *sárápi ‘rake, pitchfork’.
Numerals after ‘three’ are well reconstructable because of precise
TM - Japanese matches, although other languages have in some cases
introduced their own innovations.
4 *tōjV: PTM *dü-gin = PJ *də-. This is one of the most stable PA nu-
merals and it is also preserved in PT *dȫ-rt, PM *dö-rben ‘four’, *dö-čin
‘forty’. The etymology of MKor. nəi ‘four’ remains unclear.
5 *t῾u: PTM *tu-ńga, PJ *i-tu- (the prefixed i- is somewhat unclear: it
is also used as a separate word meaning ‘fifty’, but the historical root
here is no doubt *tu-). This numeral is also preserved in PM *ta-bun
224 INTRODUCTION

‘five’, *ta-bin ‘fifty’ and PK *tà- ‘five’. PT, however, has replaced this
common numeral by an etymologically obscure *bẹĺ(k).
6 *ńu: PTM *ńu-ŋu-, PJ *mu-. Also reflected in Mong. as *ǯi-rgu- ‘six’,
*ǯi-ran ‘sixty’, perhaps also in MKor. as jə-(sɨs) - although loss of initial
*ń- is not quite regular. An innovation of obscure origin has been in-
troduced in PT (*altɨ).
7 *nadi: PTM *nada-n, PJ *nana-. The same numeral is reflected in PT
*jẹt(t)i and PK *nìr-(kúp). The relationship of Mong. *dolu-ɣan ‘seven’,
*dala-n ‘seventy’ is somewhat unclear: it may suggest an original proto-
form *ĺadi- or *ladi- with dissimilation (or metathesis) in Mongolian.
8 *ǯa: PTM *ǯa-pkun, PJ *da-. Problematic is the relationship of PK
*j-t- ‘eight’ (possible if we assume a dialectal development *ǯ- > *j-, like
in *jr(h) ‘ten’ < *ǯōŕo, see below). The origin of PM *naji-man and PT
*sekiŕ ‘eight’ remains obscure.
9 *k῾egVnV: PTM *xegün, PJ *kəkənə-. Other languages have intro-
duced innovations: PT *tokuŕ, PM *je-sün ‘nine’, *ji-ren ‘90’, PK *a-hop).
10 *čobe (or *tobe): PTM *ǯuba-n, PJ *təwə. Being a direct TM-Jpn.
isogloss, this root is the most probable candidate for ‘10’ in PA. Other
languages have introduced innovations going back to roots with a gen-
eral meaning ‘many, big number’: cf. *ǯōŕo > PK *jr(h) ‘ten’, but PT *jǖŕ
‘hundred’, Man. ǯiri, ǯirun ‘a very big number’, PJ *dr- ‘10000’; *p῾VbV
> PT *ō-n ‘10’, PM *ha-rban ‘10’, *ha-na ‘all’, Orok pōwo ‘a bundle of 10
squirrels’, Nan. poã ‘collection, gathering’, PJ *-pə (-pua) ‘hundred’ (in
names of hundreds).
20 *k῾ura: PTM *xori-n, PM *kori-n. This is the only numeral after ‘3’
which does not reveal a direct TM-Jpn. correspondence. Therefore we
suspect that the PJ word for ‘20’, viz. *pata-ti, may have originally
sounded like *kata-ti (which is the regular reflex of *k῾ura), but was in-
fluenced by ‘2’ (*puta-tu, see above) and consequently changed to
*pata-ti. The same root is evidently present in PT *Kɨrk ‘forty’ - perhaps
an original reduplication < *Kɨr-kɨr (‘20’+’20’); the simple *Kɨr must have
been replaced by *(j)egir-mi, a form probably derived from *ẹk(k)i ‘two’.
100 *ńằmò: PTM *ńamā, PJ *muàmuà, PM *ǯaɣu-n ( < *ńam-ŋu-). Cf.
also PT *jom- ‘big number, all’ (in the meaning ‘hundred’ replaced by
*jǖŕ, see above). Korean has introduced an innovation, *ón, of obscure
origin.
1000 *čùmi: PTM has no word for thousand (all languages reveal a
later mongolism miŋgan < PM *miŋgan = PT *bɨŋ ‘thousand’). However,
PJ *ti ‘thousand’ has a plausible parallel in PK *čmn id. and PT *Tümen
‘10000’. PA *miŋa is a local Mong.-Turk. isogloss (resembling Middle
 CHAPTER FOUR 225

Chinese mwn ‘10000’) and possibly not common Altaic, so the original
root seems to be *čùmi reflected in Kor., Jpn. and Turkic.
We see thus that - despite a rather widespread misconception of
numerals being not reconstructable for PA - PA had a complete set of
numerals from 1 to 1000, and most of them are recoverable because of
significant archaisms preserved in the TM and Japanese areas. Some
individual systems were considerably modified (thus, Turkic intro-
duced innovations for most numerals except ‘one’, ‘three’ (?), ‘four’ and
‘seven’; Mongolian introduced innovations for ‘one’, ‘eight’, ‘nine’,
‘ten’ and ‘thousand’ etc.), but the original system is nevertheless clear.

4.2.3. Pronouns

4.2.3.1. Personal pronouns

1 p. *b, pl. *ba ~ *bu (obl. *mi-n-, *ma-n- ~ *mu-n-)

For PA we can also reconstruct a stem *ŋa, reflected in some cases as
Mong. *na-d-, *na-m-, and preserved in Korean as *nà and in Jpn. as *a-.
2 p. *si, pl. *su (obl. *si-n-, *su-n-)
It seems also possible to reconstruct a second stem *na, preserved in
Kor. *n and Jpn. *ná, and possibly reflected in the PT 2d p. ending *-ŋ
(although velarization here is not quite clear).
The relationship within the suppletive pairs *bi - *ŋa and *si - *na is
not quite clear; the forms *ŋa and *na may have originally been re-
stricted to some oblique cases (cf. the situation in Mongolian).
We must also mention the isolated Mong. 2d p. pronoun: sing. či, pl.
ta, presupposing original *t῾i, pl. *t῾a. Although Altaic parallels are lack-
ing, the pronoun is no doubt archaic (having certain Nostratic parallels:
PIE *t, PU *ti-). The stems *t῾i and *na are thus both candidates for the
stem of PA oblique cases of the 2d p. pronoun. *na may be a Kor.-Jpn.
innovation (the Turkic parallel here is not quite secure), but one can
also not exclude a possibility that *t῾i and *na were opposed in some
other way (e.g., in number).

4.2.3.2. Interrogative pronouns

*k῾a(j) ‘who’
*ŋV ‘what, who’

4.2.3.3. Demonstrative pronouns

*sV, *kō, *la, *o (near deixis)

226 INTRODUCTION

*č῾a, *e, *i, *t῾a (*t῾e) (far deixis)

4.2.3.4. Reflexive pronouns

It can be suggested that a function similar to that of a reflexive pronoun

was fulfilled by the stem *mēno ‘self; body’ (possibly related, and par-
tially confused, with *méŋu ‘whole’).

4.2.4. Adjectives

In Proto-Altaic, adjectives were hardly distinct from nouns or particip-

ial verbal forms. There is, however, one specific morpheme that was
probably regularly used for deriving attributes (= adjectives) from
nouns and nominal forms, viz. PA *-k῾i, well detectable in Mong. -ki,
PT *-k, PTM *-ki and Jpn. (attributive adjectival) -ki. This suffix evi-
dently could also be joined to the genitive marker *-ńV, resulting in a
contraction *-ń-k῾i > *-ŋi, *-ŋ in TM and Turkic.
Another suffix that could form attributes (=adjectives) from nouns
was probably *-t῾u > Mong. -tu, Jpn. -tu (the latter has probably merged
*-t῾u and the dative/locative *du, see above).

4.2.5. Verbs

In all Altaic languages verbal stems may be simple or derived - either

from nouns or from verbs. In the latter case productive suffixes usually
form what is called voices or diatheses. The following verbal forms can
be reconstructed for PA:
*-b- passive / causative
*-t- intransitive / passive
*-t῾- transitive
*-n- intransitive / reflexive
*-č῾- intensive
*-ǯ- intransitive (medial?)
*-ĺ- reciprocal
*-ŕ- transitive / causative
*-s- desiderative / inchoative
*-g- factitive / intensive
All these suffixes have been described above in the section concern-
ing derivation. Their productivity varies in subbranches of Altaic, and
it is not quite clear which of them actually formed part of the verbal
paradigm, and which were less productive and purely derivational in
Proto-Altaic.
 CHAPTER FOUR 227

Some of these suffixes do not actually change the voice or diathesis,

but rather modify the character of action, and should be perhaps char-
acterized as moods. Among the suffixes above such are the desidera-
tive / inchoative *-s- (see EAS 2, 83) and the intensive *-č῾-. Another
common Altaic mood suffix is *-m-, originally probably optative and
reflected as optative *-ma-, *-mu- in PTM (see Benzing 121), MKor. in-
tention marker -ma and assumptive (hypothetical) *-m- in OJ (see Vo-
vin 1997, 7). An imperative (non-2d person) in *-nV seems to be re-
flected in OT *-(jɨ)n and OJ *-na. Lack of a suffix (a pure verbal stem)
was probably used for the 2d person imperative mood (see EAS 2,
81-82).

4.2.5.1 Participial and tense / aspect suffixes

Verbal stems - simple and derived - in Altaic languages are usually fol-
lowed by participial suffixes, and such forms can function either as at-
tributive ( = participles) or finite. The following participial suffixes can
be reconstructed for Proto-Altaic:
PA *-jV ‘a gerund suffix’: PT *-(j)a, PM *-ɣa, PKor. -a / -ə, PJ *-i (see EAS
2, 108-111, Vovin 1997, 5, calling the morpheme “infinitive”);
PA *-p῾V ‘a gerund suffix (probably perfective, see EAS 2, 122-124): PT
*-p, PM *-ba(j), PTM *-pī (Benzing 143), PJ *-(m)pa;
PA *-rV ‘aorist or indefinite present’ (perhaps originally intransitive,
see above): PT *-r; PM *-ra / -re (supinum); PTM *-ra ‘aorist of the
1st class of verbs’; Kor. -r indefinite present or future suffix; PJ *-r-u
(after consonantal stems *-u) ‘general attributive verbal form’ (cf.
Vovin 1997, 4, reconstructing this morpheme as attributive);
PA *-t῾V ‘past tense’: PT *-t- ‘past (or perfect) suffix’, Kor. -t- ‘past (or
regressive) suffix’, PJ *-t- ‘past suffix’ (see EAS 2, 115-117, Vovin
1997, 7);
PA *-lV transitive (?) participle, with somewhat unclear function, see
above;
PA *-k῾V ‘preterite’: PJ *-ki, PK *-kə- (Vovin 1997, 6). The suffix is lost
in Turkic, while Mong. and TM seem to preserve it within the com-
pound suffix *-k῾sV- (PTM *-ksa-, see Benzing 140; not *-kV-, as
stated by Vovin), Mong. past gerund -g-sa-n. It is interesting to
mention that, whereas PJ *-ki is a finite morpheme (used in a sen-
tence-final predicate), the same preterite paradigm in Japanese in-
cludes the attributive *-si (possibly related to PTM *-s-aorist, see
above); the Mong.-Tung. compound *-k῾-sV- may in fact be a com-
bination of these two morphemes.
228 INTRODUCTION

TM languages reflect also participles ( = aorist suffixes) in *-s- and

*-d-, see Benzing 123-128, which seem to be opposed to *-r- as intransi-
tive (medial) vs. transitive (active), but it is so far unclear whether it is a
TM innovation or an archaic feature. *-s- seems to have a parallel in
Japanese (see above), and *-d- in Mongolian (praeteritum imperfecti
*-ǯi, see Poppe 1965, 265). There may also be traces of past (or perfect)
participles in *-č῾V and *-šV (on *-šV within the dubitative *-ma-šV see
below).
It appears that the *-t῾V- and *-k῾V-, perhaps also *-sV- and *-dV-
(tense or aspect) morphemes directly followed the verbal stem (consist-
ing of the root + voice / diathesis modifiers), while the *-jV, *-p῾V, *-rV
and *-lV markers acted as converbs and occupied the next position in
the verbal wordform. Many details, however, are still to be worked out.

4.2.5.2 Personal endings

Conjugation with personal suffixes is attested in Turkic, Mongolian

and TM, but is completely absent from Korean and Japanese. In most
cases the personal suffixes coincide with personal pronouns, so the
morphemes could be secondarily added to the verbal wordform in in-
dividual subbranches. An opposition of the 2d - non-2d personal end-
ings may be, however, reconstructed for the imperative mood (see
above on the Turkic-Japanese matching *-nV marker).

4.2.5.3 Negation

There are two common Altaic negative particles: *āni (probably general
negation) and *ma (probably a prohibitive particle). The existing evi-
dence suggests strongly that they were independent words in
Proto-Altaic (for *ma cf. Man. u-me and MKor. mō-t, functioning as
separate words; for *āni cf. Chuv. an, TM *ān-, MKor. an-, Jpn. na- func-
tioning as separate words). In some branches, however, they tend to
become incorporated into the structure of a verbal wordform: thus PT
has generalized the negative particle *-m- (which has thus superseded
the original optative *-m-, on which see above), and Japanese, the nega-
tive particle *-an-.
The negative (prohibitive) particle *ma can perhaps be also discov-
ered within the OJ dubitative (or irreal optative) marker -ma-si, which
A. Vovin (1997, 8) has compared with the PTM subjunctive marker
*-mča- ( ~ *-mša-), thus presupposing PA *ma-šV.
A third archaic negative particle (verb) is *e, attested in TM and
Mongolian. It seems worth mentioning that in TM it is combined with
 CHAPTER FOUR 229

the aorist marker -s-, and in Mongolian it is attested as *e-se. It may

thus have been differentiated from *āni by some additional tense/aspect
feature (being, e.g., originally a past negative).
 CHAPTER FIVE

CLASSIFICATION OF ALTAIC LANGUAGES AND DATING

OF PROTO-ALTAIC

To demonstrate the genetic subclassification of Altaic we shall take the

list of matches between Altaic subgroups in the realm of the basic vo-
cabulary:
Item Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese PA
Manchu
all *büt- *mòt- *mt῾ì
all *Kop *kow *kupukte *kŏp῾V
ashes *hüne-sü *pulńe- *p῾oĺńe
bark *Kāpuk *kàph- *kapa *k῾p῾à
bark *Kaŕ *kajir(a)- *k῾éŕà
bark *Kɨrtɨĺ *körü-sü *xura-kta *k῾rú
belly *keweli *kepel- *kḗp῾V
belly *pắi *pàrá *p῾ḕjló
bite *kem- *kàm- *kma
black *Kara *kara *kùruà- *kàru
blood *či-su *tí *čnu
bone *ja-su *s-pj *pniá *p῾èjńé
breast *čeɣeǯi *ča(i)ǯan *čjč *tì(tí) *č῾àjǯV
breast *kökön *kuku-n *kk῾è
burn *jak- *deg-ǯe-gi- *thằ- *dák- *dkà
f.-nail *kimul-su *kom(h) *k῾uml[e]
f.-nail *tòph *túmá-i *t῾p῾o
cloud *kúrùm *kùmua *k῾òlmV
cold *köji-ten *xiŋǖ- *k῾ójŋo
cold *sogɨ-k *šig- *šogo
come *gẹl- *k- *gle
die *bür-il- *bu(r)- *bŭri
dog *ɨt *ŋinda *ìnú *ŋndó
drink *um(i)- *mà- *umV
dry *Kūrɨ- *kawra- *káwá(ra)-k- *k῾óbarV
ear *Kul-kak *kúi *k῾jlu
earth *siraɣu *hằrk *sắŕi
 CHAPTER FIVE 231

Item Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese PA

Manchu
eat *jē- *ǯe-p- *čā- *ǯē
egg *jumurtka *ömdege *umūkta *úmu-tki
eye *ni-dü *ńia-sa *nú-n *mà- *n
fat *jāg *eɣü-kü *gi
fat *ximū- *kìrm *k῾ắŕme
feather *jüg *dekte- *d[é]gì
feather *hö-dün *pánái *p῾úńe
fire *pr *p-i *p῾re
fish *ǯiɣa- *(d)íwuá *dági
fly *degde- *deg- *tēga
foot *palga-n *pár *pànkì *pằlgà
full *dōl- *ǯalu- *člo
full (*čak) *čhắ- *č῾áko
full *milte- *mìt- *mìlt῾e
give *bēr- *bū- *bṓr[é]
give *tā- *átá-pá- *tá
go *ŋene- *nàń- *ín- *ŋḗni
good *tjōh- *d- *dòge
green *gȫk *köke
green *nogo-ɣan *ĺog- *lŏga
hair *Kɨl(k) *xińŋa- *ká-i *k῾íla
hair *hü-sü *puńe- *p῾úńe
hand *el *ŋāla *ŋli
head *baĺč *mrí *mĺǯu
hear *dōldī- *td- *tĺdi
heart *miańam *mằńằm *móńù
heart *jürek *ǯirüke *ǯr(V)k῾e
horn *eber *s-pr *op῾érV
I *bẹ- *bi *bi *bà- *b
I *nà *a- *ŋa
know *sā- *sir- *sŕi
leaf *japur-gak *labči *níph *làp῾[à]
lie *jạ-t- *dē *dḕ
lie *keb- *kəjə- *kejbe
lie *nū-b- *ná- *nḗ
liver *biagɨr *pākin *pki
long *ŋōli- *nàn-kà- *ŋṑla
long *uŕɨ-n *ur-tu *uŕo
 232 INTRODUCTION

Item Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese PA

Manchu
louse *sirke *sìrám(u)i *sằjrí
man *ēr *ere *ri
many *mān(h) *manai- *mana
meat *sắrh *sìsì *šằĺì
moon *tắr *tùkùi *t῾òlgu
mouth *ama-n *am-ŋa *ắmo
name *nere *(n)ìrh- *nre
neck *bōjn *moŋa-n *mjə-k *nəmpV *mṓjno
new *nebi *nípí- *nébì
new *jaŋɨ *sine *sái *zèjńa
night *dolba *duà *dle
nose *ka[m]ar *xoŋa- *kóh *k῾ŏŋa
not *ā(n)- *àn- *nà- *ni
not *e-se *e- *e
one *bir *pitə *buri
rain *jag- *pí *p῾ằge
red *hula-ɣan *pula- *prk- *puli
road *mör- *mítí *móri
root *ündü-sü *ŋǖŋte *mt *ŋŋt῾è
root *hiǯa-ɣur (*puǯuri) *poǯi
root *pule- *prhắi *p῾li
round *murV *már *múra
round *toŋal- *toŋkor- *t῾òŋké
round *tob- *tùmpú-ra *t῾òp῾ú
round *deg- *tögörig *tegá
sand *mòr’a῾i *mana-n-kua *mro
say *kele- *kằró- *k῾ăli
seed *urug *hüre *p῾ri
sit *saɣu- *súwá- *šábu
skin *kàph- *kapa *k῾p῾à
skin *jn *nansa *nne
sleep *ū- *ŋuja *úi- *ŋju
small *öčü- *ŋüši- *ŋṓjču
small *ǯiǯig *nisi *ńŋči
stand *dur- *tàt- *čra
star *jul-duŕ *ho-dun *pjr *psí *p῾ĺo
stone *diāĺ *čila-ɣu *ǯola *tōrh *(d)ísì *tṓĺì
sun *sigū-n *hắi *sgu
 CHAPTER FIVE 233

Item Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese PA

Manchu
swim *oji-mu- *jnk- *òje
tail *Kudruk *xürgü *s-kòrí *k῾údo
that *Ti- *te-re *ta- *tj *t῾a
that *ča- *čā- *č῾a
this *e-ne *e- *é
this *gȫ *kɨ *k- *kō
thou *sẹ- *si *si *si
thou *n *ná *ná
tongue *kele *xilŋü *k῾ăli
tongue *hj *sìtá *sṓjri
tooth *par *pa *pala
tooth *sīĺ *si-dü *sīĺa
tree *mo-du *mō *mro
two *ǯiw-rin *ǯube *tubu *tubu
warm *jɨlɨ-g *dula-ɣan *dlu
warm *tằ- *àtà- *ōt῾a
water *mū *mr *mí- *mri
water *sɨb *u-su *šuba
we *bi-ŕ *ba *bue *ú-rí *bà- *b-
what *nV *ja-ɣu- *nỼ *ŋV
white *siarɨg *hắi- *sìruà- *sjri
white *čaga-ɣan *šāk- *šk῾a
who *kem *ken *xia *k῾a(j)
who *ŋǖ *nú- *ŋV
woman *eme *ámh *mía *me
far *ɨra- *pàrú-ka *p῾ìrá
heavy *m- *m(p)- *ámbe
near *jạgu- *daga *dắgá
near *jAkɨ- *tìkà- *dằk῾ì
salt *dūŕ *dabu-su *čobeŕV
short *hokar *poKa- *pk῾ì
snake *mogaji *mǖkǖ *mūko
snake *pắjàm *pàim(p)V *p῾[ò]jamV
thin *kắnắr- *kmá- *k῾ńó
thin *nari-n *ner- *jr-p- *nèra
thin *nim-gen *niambu- *nombu
wind *jẹl *sal-ki *zăli
worm *Kūrt *koro-kai *k῾ṓro
 234 INTRODUCTION

Item Turkic Mongolian Tungus- Korean Japanese PA

Manchu
year *oj *ańŋa *ńu
year *jɨl *ǯil *tsì *dlo
year *sē *sr *zēra
This list is basically the same as given in Starostin 1991 (pp. 25-63,
85-104), but with some additions and corrections added during the
years of work on the Altaic dictionary, which have consequently re-
sulted in some calculational changes, albeit statistically insignificant.
The average percent of matches revolves around 20, which gives us the
date of split of Proto-Altaic at around the end of 6th millennium B.C.
We see an increase up to about 25% between Turkic, Mongolian and
TM, and an increase to 33% between Korean and Japanese, which
would speak in favour of two basic subbranches of Altaic.
However, if we look at the figures in more detail and take into ac-
count the division between 35 more stable items and 65 less stable
items, proposed by S. Y. Yakhontov, the picture appears to be some-
what more complicated.
Language Matches in Matches in Matches in 35/65 w.list ratio
pairs the standard Yakhontov’s Yakhon-
100 w.-list modified tov’s
100 w.-list 35-wordlist
TuMo 25 24 11 31 / 20 : 1.55
TuTM 25 22 10 29 / 18 : 1.61
TuKo 17 13 5 14 / 12 : 1.17
TuJap 19 19 7 20 /18 : 1.11
MoTM 29 30 11 31 / 29 : 1.07
MoKo 18 17 8 23 / 14 : 1.64
MoJap 22 17 9 26 /12 : 2.17
TMKor 23 23 9 26 / 22 : 1.18
TMJap 22 20 8 23 /18 : 1.28
KorJap 33 30 11 31 /29 : 1.07
This chart shows us that while the overall 35 / 65 wordlist ratio is > 1
in all cases (the situation which indicates genetic relationship, meaning
that the rate of matches within the most stable 35 word range is higher
than the rate of matches within the less stable 65 word range), in two
cases - Mongolian-TM and Kor.-Jpn. - it is dangerously close to 1. Lexi-
costatistically this may indicate the borders of ancient dialect zones
within Proto-Altaic, suggesting that Tungus-Manchu does not really
 CHAPTER FIVE 235

constitute a unity with Turkic-Mongolian, and throwing some doubts

on the genetic unity of Korean-Japanese.
Additionally it provides an explanation why the genetic situation
within Altaic looks somewhat different from that within, e.g.,
Indo-European - which was the main reason for the whole anti-Altaic
criticism. Altaic appears to be different from Indo-European in two
main respects:
a) it is somewhat older than Indo-European: while the split of
Proto-Indo-European (or Proto-Indo-Hittite) can be dated to the 4th
millennium B.C., the split of Proto-Altaic must have occurred at
least a thousand years earlier;
b) whereas the subbranches of Indo-European are rather old (e.g.,
Balto-Slavic may be dated around the beginning of the 1st millen-
nium B.C, and Indo-Iranian - by the verge of the 2d and 3d millen-
nia B.C.), the subbranches of Altaic are considerably younger:
Turkic - beginning of our era, Mongolian - around the 10th century
A.D., Tungus-Manchu - around the 4th century B.C., Japanese -
around the 5th century A.D., Korean - around the 11th century A.D.
Furthermore, whereas the oldest texts in ancient Indo-European
languages are attested quite early, the written monuments of Altaic
languages date back not earlier than to the 8th century A.D. This all
creates an impression of a much more distant genetic relationship
between Altaic languages than that between Indo-European lan-
guages. Consequently - basically due to the absence of archaic at-
testation - Proto-Altaic is somewhat more difficult to reconstruct
than Proto-Indo-European. It is also quite possible that some other
branches of Altaic might have existed, but they could have been
wiped out by later waves of migrations of Altaic (and non-Altaic)
languages.
The overall distribution of lexical isoglosses confirms the above
classification, but yields some additional information on the dialect
distribution within Proto-Altaic.
The core of the common Altaic vocabulary is constituted by etyma
reflected in Turko-Mongolian (at least in Turkic or Mongolian) and in
Korean-Japanese (at least in Korean or Japanese) - with or without
Tungus-Manchu parallels. The number of such roots within the present
volume is 1841; most of them (1553) are also reflected in Tun-
gus-Manchu.
There are, however, two other lexical groups:
a) Turkic-Mongolian roots with Tungus-Manchu parallels (615); with-
out Tungus-Manchu parallels (57)
236 INTRODUCTION

b) Korean-Japanese roots with Tungus-Manchu parallels (195); without

Tungus-Manchu parallels (23)
We see thus that Tungus-Manchu occupies a specific position
within the Altaic family, sharing a large number of isoglosses both with
the Turkic-Mongolian and the Korean-Japanese branches. In the dic-
tionary we call the former “Western isoglosses” and the latter, “Eastern
isoglosses”. Historically such a situation may be explained by a “cen-
tral” position of Tungus-Manchu among the Proto-Altaic dialects. At
the same time, one can also not exclude a scenario of later prehistorical
borrowings (already after the split of Proto-Altaic, but before a wide
geographical separation of Turko-Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu, on
one hand, and Tungus-Manchu and Korean-Japanese, on the other).
The position of Tungus-Manchu within Altaic thus resembles the
position of Greek within Indo-European: due to its original “central”
geographic location, Greek shares a large number of isoglosses both
with European languages (primarily Italo-Celtic) and with Indo-Iranian
languages.
The Proto-Altaic nature of almost a thousand “Western” or “East-
ern” isoglosses mentioned above is questionable; nevertheless we de-
cided to include them into the dictionary because potentially any of
them may turn out to be common Altaic - there is always a chance that,
e.g., a Korean match for a Western isogloss exists but has not yet been
recovered, or a chance that an archaic etymon reflected in Ko-
rean-Japanese has been lost in Turko-Mongolian. We must stress that
phonetically and morphologically these isoglosses behave just like all
other common Altaic roots.
To sum up: Proto-Altaic split into three branches, viz.
Turco-Mongolian, Tungus-Manchu and Korean-Japanese, around the
6th millennium B.C. Tungus-Manchu must have occupied a central
dialectal position, which explains its shared isoglosses both with
Turko-Mongolian and Korean-Japanese.
Two subbranches - Turko-Mongolian and Korean-Japanese - in their
turn, had split rather early, around the 4th millennium B.C. However,
reconstructing Proto-Turko-Mongolian or Proto-Korean-Japanese
would in fact be almost equivalent to reconstructing Proto-Altaic, be-
cause of small time span separating those units from the original proto-
language. There is still some doubt about the existence of common Ko-
rean-Japanese: the specific similarities between these two subbranches
might be due to secondary dialectal interaction.
The next splits occurred already closer to our era: first the split of
Tungus-Manchu, next the split of Turkic, Japanese and Korean dialects.
 STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY AND ADOPTED
CONVENTIONS

The dictionary is presented in the alphabetical order of PA reconstruc-

tions. Each dictionary item consists of:
1. The proposed PA reconstruction. Variants are supplied in brackets:
e.g. the notation *ágà ( ~ e-) means that for PA both *ágà and *égà
can be reconstructed. Capital V denotes a vowel of unknown qual-
ity. Vowel quantity is explicitly specified; if there is neither a breve
nor a macron sign above the vowel, it means that quantity is un-
known in this case.
2. The reconstructed meaning.
3. A short enumeration of subgroup reflexes
4. Detailed reflexes in subgroups (in the order: Tungus-Manchu, Mon-
golian, Turkic, Japanese, Korean). For each of the subgroups we
give a reconstruction and reflexes in ancient and modern languages.
The meanings are not reconstructed: rather, we enumerate attested
meanings and refer to these numbers while listing individual re-
flexes.
For most languages the basic sources (see below) were Russian dic-
tionaries, which means that most meanings had to be translated into
English from Russian. To preserve semantic accuracy, we decided to
keep the original Russian meanings which are always given in brackets
after the English ones.
Each section may be completed by more or less detailed comments
and references (given in small type).
5. General comments and references (if any).
The following conventions are used in individual reconstructions:
1. In Turkic and Tungus-Manchu, only long vowels are explicitly
marked, and short vowels are left unmarked.
2. The placement of any symbol within brackets means that the pres-
ence of the denoted phoneme (sound) cannot be ascertained: this is
usual, e.g., in PT for (i)a, i.e. *ia or *a when there is no Chuvash re-
flex; in PTM for (x), i.e. *x- or *0- when there are no Southern Tun-
gus-Manchu reflexes; in PM for (h), i.e. *h- or *0- when there is no
Middle Mongolian attestation or Southern Mongolian reflex; in PJ
for (d), i.e. *d- or *0- in a position before *i (in the latter case, how-
238 STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY

ever, we prefer writing just *i- when external evidence explicitly

shows that there was no *d-).
3. Capital letters (except capital G, traditionally used for denoting a
voiced uvular) are used in the following way:
A (in Turkic): *a or *ạ
E (in Turkic): *e or *ẹ
K (in Turkic): *k or *g; (in Tungus-Manchu): *k or *x
T (in Turkic): *t or *d
V: a vowel of unknown quality
Adopted transcription
Throughout the dictionary we have attempted to use a unified system
of transcription, generally accepted in the German and Moscow schools
of Altaic studies (its basic features are: using the symbols c, ʒ, č, ǯ, š, ž
for affricates and sibilants; j for the palatal resonant; ɨ for the high back
unrounded vowel). We have, however, preserved traditional orthogra-
phy for romanized Modern Japanese. For Jurchen we use the phonetic
transcription proposed in Мудрак 1985, 1988a; this transcription, as
well as the transcription of Middle Mongolian works taken from HY is
based on Early Mandarin as reconstructed in Tōdō 1970 and Dragunov
1929, 1930.
Notation of length: all long vowels are marked with the diacritic ;
short vowels (if specifically marked) with the diacritic ; long (tense)
consonants - by a colon :.
Palatalization: all palatalized consonants are marked with the dia-
critic .
Nasalization: all nasalized vowels and consonants are marked with
the diacritic .
Closed vowels: closed e, a (in Tungus-Manchu languages also u, i, ə,
ъ) are marked with the diacritic  .
Special vocalic symbols: in Chuvash, we use ъₙ, əₙ to denote spe-
cific labialized mid-high and mid-low vowels; in Kalmuck,  is used to
denote the mid-low long front vowel; in Even,  is used to denote the
mid-high reduced vowel.
Prosodic symbols: “ after a vowel is used to denote pharyngealiza-
tion in Tuva and Tofalar; high tone (pitch) in Korean and Japanese is
marked with the diacritic ; low tone (pitch) in Korean and Japanese,
with the diacritic . In the Tokyo system,  is used rather for marking the
place of accent (the pitch summit of a word); words without such a
summit (the so called “zenhei” words, articulated with a gradual rising
of pitch towards the end of the word) are marked by the diacritic  on
 STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY 239

the first syllable. In the Kagoshima system, where a word can also con-
tain only one high-pitch syllable, this syllable is marked by ; the words
without high pitch are, however, marked with  on each syllable. The
“rising-falling” pitch at the end of the word in Kyoto is marked by the
diacritic .
Sources
For each language, the most authoritative source was chosen. If the
form is quoted from that source and if it is an alphabetically ordered
dictionary, no references are usually given. In all other cases references
are given in brackets (without a page number if the referenced work is
an alphabetically ordered dictionary, with a page number otherwise).
Here is the list of sources utilized for each individual language:
Tungus-Manchu
For all languages except spoken Manchu, the basic source is ТМС; for
spoken Manchu we used Yamamoto 1969 (with references to the num-
bers of lexical items, since this is not an alphabetical dictionary). Num-
bered references are also given to Grube 1896 for Jurchen.
Mongolian
Written Mongolian: KW; in most cases reference is also given to L
Middle Mongolian: SH
Khalkha: МРС
Kalmuck: KW
Ordos: DO
Mogol: Ligeti 1954; references are also given to ZM and Weiers
Dagur: MGCD
Dongxiang: MGCD
Baoan: MGCD
Shira-Yughur: MGCD
Mongor: SM
Turkic
Old Turkic: EDT
Karakhanide Turkic: EDT
Turkish: ТРС
Gagauz: ГРМС
Azerbaidzhan: АРС
Turkmen: ТуркмРС
Salar: ССЯ
Khalaj: D-T
240 STRUCTURE OF THE DICTIONARY

Uzbek: УРС
Uyghur: УйРС
Karaim: КРПС
Tatar: ТатРС
Bashkir: БРС
Kirghiz: КиРС
Kazakh: КазРС
Balkar (Karachay-Balkar): КБРС
Kara-Kalpak: ККРС
Kumyk: КумРС
Noghai: НРС
Sarɨ-Yughur: ССЮЯ
Khakas: ХРС
Shor: ШРРШС
Oyrot (Mountain Altai): ОРС
Tuva: ТувРС
Tofalar: Рассадин 1995
Chuvash: ЧувРС
Yakut: ЯРС
Dolgan: Stachowski 1993
Japanese
Old Japanese: JB
Middle Japanese: accented forms are given according to RJ (XIth c.);
all other post-Nara and pre-Meiji forms are given according to KKJ and
IKJ
Modern Japanese:
Tokyo: БЯРС (accents are given according to Hirayama 1960)
Kyoto, Kagoshima: Hirayama 1960. Data from these dialects are
given according to the Japanese accentological tradition, i.e. only
with accent differences from Tokyo explicitly noted.
Korean
Middle Korean: Nam, Liu
Modern Korean: KED
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 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS 243

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 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS 245

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 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS 263

ТТДС - Диалектологический словарь татарского языка. Казань,

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264 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

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 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS 265

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языков. М., 1974-1980. Vol. 1-3; 4: Севортян Э. В., Левитская Л. С.
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межтюркские основы на буквы «Ж», «Ж», «Й» / Авт. сл. статей
Э. В. Севортян, Л. С. Левитская. М., 1989; 5: Этимологический
словарь тюркских языков: Общетюркские и межтюркские осно-
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М., 2000. The notation ЭСТЯ 7, ЭСТЯ 8 refers to the unpublished
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тайском языке. Горно-Алтайск, 1990.
ЯРС - Якутско-русский словарь / Под ред. П. А. Слепцова. М., 1972.

ABBREVIATIONS OF PERIODICAL EDITIONS

AASF - Annales academiae Scientiarum Fennicae. Suomalaisen Tiede-

akatemian toimituksia. Helsinki.
ArO - Archiv orientální. Journal of the Chechoslovak Oriental Institute.
Prague.
AO - Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen)
266 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

AO (Budapest) or AOH - Acta Orientalia Hungarica. Budapest.

BSOAS - Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Lon-
don.
CAJ - Central Asiatic Journal (International periodical for the language,
literature, history and archeology of Central Asia). The
Hague-Wiesbaden.
FUF - Finnisch-ugrische Forschungen. Helsinki.
HJAS - Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. Harvard-Yenching Institute.
JA - Journal asiatique. Paris.
JAOS - Journal of the American Oriental Society. Baltimore, Maryland.
JRAS - The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire-
land. London.
JSFOu - Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki.
KCsA - Kõrõsi Csoma Archivum. Budapest.
KSz - Keleti Szemle. Budapest.
MSFOu - Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki.
NyK - Nyelvtudománi Közlemények. Budapest.
OS - Orientalia Suecana. Stockholm.
RO - Rocznik orientalistyczny. Lwów, Kraków, Warszawa.
SPAW - Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Berlin.
StO - Studia Orientalia (or: Studia orientalia fennica). Helsinki.
T’oung Pao - T’oung Pao. Archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la
géographie, l’ethnographie et les arts de l’Asie Orientale. Leiden.
UAJb. - Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher. Wiesbaden.
UJb. - Ungarische Jahrbücher. Berlin-Leipzig.
ZDMG - Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft.
Leipzig-Wiesbaden.

ВЯ - Вопросы языкознания. М. (Институт языкознания АН СССР).

ДАН - Доклады Академии Наук СССР.
ДАН-В - Доклады Академии Наук СССР. Серия В. М.-Л., 1922-1933.
ЗКВ - Записки коллегии востоковедов при азиатском Музее Акаде-
мии Наук СССР. Л.
ИАН - Известия императорской Академии наук. СПб.
ИАН СССР - Известия Академии Наук СССР. Л.-М.
ИРАН - Известия Российской Академии Наук. М.
СТ - Советская тюркология. Баку (Академия наук СССР, Академия
наук АзССР).
 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS 267

ABBREVIATIONS OF LANGUAGE NAMES

Alb. - Albanian Hung. - Hungarian

All. - Allaikhi dialect of Even IE - Indo-European
An. - Aniui dialect of Udehe Il . - Ilimpi dialect of Evenki
Anat. - Anatolian Turkish Iran. - Iranian
Arab. - Arabic Ital. - Italian
Arm. - Arman dialect of Even Jpn. - Japanese
Armen. - Armenian Jurch. - Jurchen
Av. - Avestan K - Krym (Crimea) dialect of
Az. - Azerbaidzhan (Azeri) Karaim
Balk. - Balkar Kach. - Kachinsk dialect of
Bao. - Baoan Khakas
Bar. - Barab dialect of Tatar Kag. - Kagoshima
Barg. - Barguzin dialect of Kalm. - Kalmuck
Evenki Kam. - Kamas
Bashk. - Bashkir Kamn. - Kamen-Tungus dialect
Bel. - Beluj of Evenki
Bik. - Bikin dialect of Nanai Karag. - Karagas
Bulg. - (Old) Bulgar Karakh. - Karakhanide Turkic
Bur. - Buryat Kas. - Kasan Tatar
Chag. - Chaghatay Kashg. - Kashgar dialect of Uy-
Chin. - Chinese ghur
Chmk. - Chumikan dialect of Kaz. - Kazakh
Evenki KBalk. - Karachay-Balkar
Chul. - Chulym dialect of Shor Kirgh. - Kirghiz (Qyrghyz)
Chuv. - Chuvash Khad. - Khadi dialect of Oroch
Crim.-Goth. - Crimea Gothic Khak. - Khakas
Dag. - Dagur Khal. - Khalaj
Darkh. - Darkhat dialect of Khant. - Khanty-Mansi
Buryat Khor. - Khorezm ( = Oghuz)
Dolg. - Dolgan dialect of Uzbek
Dong. - Dongxian Khorch. - Khorchin dialect of
Drav. - Dravidian Ordos
Evk. - Evenki Khwar. - Khwarezmian
Evn. - Even KKalp. - Kara-Kalpak
Finn. - Finnish Koib. - Koibal dialect of Khakas
FU - Finno-Ugric Kond. - Kondom dialect of
Gag. - Gagauz Shor
Gr. - Greek Kor. - Korean
H - Halitsk dialect of Karaim Kott. - Kottish
268 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

Krg. - Karagas dialect of Tuva Nep. - Nepsk dialect of Evenki

(according to Castr.) Nerch. - Nerchinsk dialect of
Krm. - Karaim Evenki
Kum. - Kumyk NKor. - North Korean
Kumd. - Kumanda dialect of Nogh. - Noghay
Oyrot Nostr. - Nostratic
Kurd - Kurdish OC - Old Chinese
Kur-Urm. - Kur-Urmi dialect of Ogh. - Oghuz
Nanai Oir. - Oirat ( = Kalmuck)
Küär. - Küärik dialect of OJ, OJpn. - Old Japanese
Khakas Okin. - Okinsk dialect of
Kypch. - Kypchak Buryat
Kyz. - Kyzyl dialect of Khakas Okh. - Okhotka dialect of Even
Kyo. - Kyoto OKypch. - Old Kypchak
Lat. - Latin Ol. - Olsk dialect of Even
Leb. - Lebedi dialect of Oyrot Olk. - Olekma dialect of Evenki
L.-Amg. - Lower Amgun dia- Olkh. - Olkhon dialect of
lect of Negidal Buryat
Lobn. - Lobnor dialect of Uy- ORuss. - Old Russian
ghur Ord. - Ordos
MMong. - Middle Mongolian Ork. - Orok
Man. - Manchu Orch. - Oroch
May. - Maysk dialect of Evenki Orkh. - Orkhon Old Turkic
MC, MChin - Middle Chinese Osm. - (Old) Osmanian
MJ, MJpn. - Middle Japanese Osset. - Ossetic
MKor. - Middle Korean OT, OTurk. - Old Turkic
MKypch. - Middle Kypchak Oyr. - Oyrot (Mountain Altai)
Mod. - modern (used for vari- PA, PAlt. - Proto-Altaic
ous languages) Pekhl. - Pekhlevi
Mog. - Mogol Pers. - Persian
Mong. - Mongolian PIE - Proto-Indo-European
Mord. - Mordovian PJ, PJpn. - Proto-Japanese
MPers. - Middle Persian PK, PKor. - Proto-Korean
Mras. - Mrassa dialect of Shor PKartv. - Proto-Kartvelian
MTurk. - Middle Turkic PM, PMong. - Proto-Mongolian
Nakhich. - Nakhichevan dialect PNC - Proto-North-Caucasian
of Azerbaidzhan Prakr. - Prakrit
Nan. - Nanai PS - Proto-Samoyedic
Naikh. - Naikhinsk dialect of PT, PTurk. - Proto-Turkic
Nanai PTM, PTung. -
Neg. - Negidal Proto-Tungus-Manchu
 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS 269

PU - Proto-Uralic Tng. - Tungir dialect of Evenki

Qyz. - Qyzyl dialect of Khakas Tob. - Tobolsk dialect of Tatar
Rum. - Rumanian Todzh. - Todzha dialect of
Russ. - Russian Tuva
Sag. - Sagai dialect of Khakas Tof. - Tofalar
Sak. - Khotan-Saka Tok. - Tokyo
Sakh. - Sakhalin dialect of Tokh. - Tokharian
Evenki Tokk. - Tokki dialect of Evenki
Sakk. - Sakkyryr dialect of Tott. - Totti dialect of Evenki
Even Tomm. - Tommot dialect of
Sal. - Salar Evenki
Sam., Samoyed. - Samoyedic Tunk. - Tunkin dial. of Buryat
Sanskr. - Sanskrit Tur. - Turkish
Selk. - Selkup Turk. - Turkic
Sib., Seb., Sib.-Tat. - Siberian Turkm. - Turkmenian
Tatar Ud. - Udehe
Siber. - Siberian Russian Udm. - Udmurt
Sino-Kor. - Sino-Korean Ul. - Ulcha
Slav. - Slavic Upper-Kond. - Upper Kondom
SMan. - spoken Manchu (Sibo) dialect of Shor
Sogd. - Sogdian Ural. - Uralic
Sol. - Solon Urm. - Urmi dialect of Evenki
SUygh. - Sary-Uyghur Uygh. - Uyghur
S.-Yugh. - Shira-Yughur Uzb. - Uzbek
Sym. - Symsk dialect of Evenki Vit. - Vitim dialect of Evenki
Syr. - Syrian Vog. - Vogul (Mansi)
T - Trakai dialect of Karaim WMong. - Written Mongolian
Tadzh. - Tadzhik Yak. - Yakut
Tar. - Taranchi Yen. - Yenissei Old Turkic
Tashk. - Tashkent dialect of Yerb. - Yerbogochen dialect of
Uzbek Evenki
Tat. - Tatar Yon. - Yonaguni dialect of
Tek. - Teke dialect of Turkmen Japanese (Ryukyu)
Tel. - Teleut dialect of Oyrot Yukagh. - Yukaghir
Tib. - Tibetan Zabajk. - Zabajkal dialect of
TM, Tung. - Tungus-Manchu Russian
 A

-ăbu interior of the mouth: Tung. *(x)abu-ǯan-; Mong. *owči; Turk.

*Ăburt.
PTung. *(x)abu-ǯan- to gape, open mouth (разинуть, раскрыть
(пасть)): Neg. awǯan-.
◊ ТМС 1, 9. Cf. perhaps also Nan. Naikh. aoǯan ‘a talisman against the throat disease’
(contaminated with aoǯan ‘ruff’; with a carved picture of a ruff), see Он. 44.
PMong. *owči interior side of the cheek; mouthful (внутренняя сто-
рона щеки; глоток, количество жидкости, которое можно набрать
в рот): WMong. ouči, oɣuči L 602, 625; Kh. ōč; Bur. ōšo(n); Kalm. ōčə;
Ord. ōč῾i ‘gorgée’; Mog. ɔči- ‘to drink’ (Weiers); Dag. ūčə; Dong. oču-
(očɨ-); S.-Yugh. ūčə; Mongr. ōi- ‘to drink’ (SM 299), ūčiɣu ‘a drink’ (Тод.
Мгр. 369).
◊ KW 292, MGCD 523. The Mongor forms could be derived from ū- ‘drink’ (v. sub
*ṓp῾à), but the affixation in that case would be unclear.
PTurk. *Ăburt 1 cheek-pouch, inside of the mouth 2 gum 3 mouth-
ful, gulp 4 cheek 5 molar 6 to take a mouthful, swallow (1 внутренняя
полость рта 2 десна 3 глоток 4 щека 5 коренной зуб 6 глотать):
OTurk. a[vurt] (?adurt) (OUygh., late med. texts TT II); Tur. avurt 1;
Gag. aurt 1, 4; Turkm. howurt (dial.) 1, 3; MTurk. awurt (Sangl.) 3,
(MKypch.) oɣurt, owurt 1, 3 (Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. urt (dial.) 1; Tat. urt
2; Bashk. urt 1; Kirgh. ūrt; Kaz. urt 1; KBalk. uwurt 4; KKalp. urt 1; Kum.
uvurt 1, 4; Nogh. uwɨrt 1; Khak. ōrt-a- 6; Shr. ōrt-a- 6; Oyr. ūrt ‘throat’,
ūrt-a- 6; Tv. ārt-a- 6; Chuv. urъlъ, dial. vъₙrlъₙ 5 (Ашм. V 320); Yak.
omurt 1, 3.
◊ EDT 65, ЭСТЯ 1, 407-409, Лексика 225-226, Мудрак 115. The Old Uyghur form is
poorly readable, so -δ- is dubious. Yak. -m- is irregular: could it be a trace of PA *umV
‘drink’, otherwise lost in Turkic?
‖ KW 292, Лексика 226. A Western isogloss.
-ăčV elder relative, ancestor: Tung. *asī; Turk. *ăčaj / *ĕčej; Kor. *àčă-.
PTung. *asī 1 wife of elder brother 2 woman 3 wife (1 жена стар-
шего брата 2 женщина 3 жена): Evk. asī 2; Evn. asị 2; Neg. asī 2; Man.
aša 1; SMan. ašə, asə 3 (908); Ul. asị 3; Ork. asị 2; Nan. aśa 2; Orch. asa 2;
Ud. ahanta 2; Sol. aē, aī 2.
272 *áč῾u - *áč῾u
◊ ТМС 1, 55. TM > Dag. aškā (Тод. Даг. 123).
PTurk. *ăčaj / *ĕčej 1 old man or woman 2 mother 3 grandmother 4
sister (of woman) 5 mother (if the grandmother is still alive) 5 mother
(addr. to an elder woman) 6 aunt, sister of father 7 elder brother 8 uncle
9 ancestor 10 Father! (to the God) 11 old man, elder man 12 husband 13
younger brother of father’s father 14 grandfather 15 father (1 старый
мужчина или женщина 2 мать 3 бабушка 4 сестра (женщины) 5
мать (при живой бабушке) 5 мать (обр. к пожилой женщине) 6 те-
тя, сестра отца 7 старший брат 8 дядя 9 предок 10 Отче! (обр. к Бо-
гу) 11 старик, пожилой человек 12 муж 13 младший брат деда 14
дед 15 отец): OTurk. eči 7, 8 (Orkh.), ečü 9 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eči
1 (MK), ečü 10 (KB); Tur. aǯu (dial.), eǯe 11; Uzb. ɔča, ača 2, 3; Uygh. ača
6; Tat. aǯa, aǯi, ɛǯi 5 (dial., ТТДС 22, 551), azɨj, ɛzi 11, 15 (dial., ТТДС 23,
540); Bashk. äsä 2; Kirgh. ačaj 5, aǯa 11; Kum. aǯaj 5, ečiw 6; SUygh. ačɨ 4,
ača 12, 15; Khak. aǯa 7, 8; Shr. ača 7, 8; Oyr. Leb. aǯɨ, aǯa 7, ača 13; Tv. ača
15; Tof. aš’a, aǯa 7, 15; Chuv. aźa 15; Yak. ehe 14; Dolg. ehe 14.
◊ VEWT 35, ЭСТЯ 1, 231-235, TMN 2, 15, Егоров 35, Лексика 299, Clark 1977, 128,
Stachowski 43. Shortness is suggested by pharyngealization in Tofalar, so the variants
with -ǯ- are probably due to expressive gemination (*aččV / *eččV).
PKor. *àčă- 1 aunt 2 uncle (1 тетя 2 дядя): MKor. àčắmì 1, àčàpí 2;
Mod. aǯä 1, 2, aǯuməni 1, aǯäbi 2.
◊ Nam 341, KED 1076, 1077.
‖ An expressive kinship “nursery” word with the typical structure
*VCV; the root must have denoted some elder relative, both male and
female. Deriving TM *asī from a Chinese (ТМС 1,55) or Sino-Korean
(SKE 15) source is quite impossible. The Mongolian reflexes are prob-
lematic: Mong. eǯei ‘mother, elder sister’ (whence Yak. eǯīj, Dolg. eǯij,
see Кал. V 27, Stachowski 43) is probably < Turkic.; Mong. ečige ‘father’
reflects rather PA *t῾è (q.v.). One should, however, note an isolated
Dagur form ačā ‘father’ (Тод. Даг. 122), whence certainly Solon ača id.
and possibly Evk. (Vit.) ači ‘ancestor’ (ТМС 1, 59).
-áč῾u to doubt: Tung. *aču-; Jpn. *útákáp-; Kor. *ču-b-.
PTung. *aču- 1 to slander, slander 2 to answer (клеветать, клевета):
Man. ačua-da-, ačuan 1; Nan. (On.) ačōgo- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 60.
PJpn. *útákáp- to doubt (сомневаться): OJpn. utakap-; MJpn. útákáf-;
Tok. ùtaga-; Kyo. útágá-; Kag. utagá-.
◊ JLTT 780.
PKor. *ču-b- to be indecisive, irresolute (быть нерешительным,
колебаться): Mod. ǯup- (-w-).
◊ KED 1135.
 *ădV - *agà 273

‖ An Eastern isogloss; not quite certain because of sparse attestation

in TM and Korean.
-ădV to fit, equal, similar: Tung. *ada-; Mong. *adali; Turk. *ădaĺ.
PTung. *ada- 1 twins 2 to unite, attach 3 close, neighbour (1 близне-
цы 2 соединять, присоединять 3 близкий, соседний): Neg. adaxụ 1;
Man. ada- 2, adaki 3; Ul. adaụ 1; Ork. adāw 1; Nan. ada- 2, adō 1; Orch.
adawu 1; Ud. ada῾u 1 (Корм. 204).
◊ ТМС 1, 14.
PMong. *adali equal, similar (равный, похожий): MMong. adali
(HY 51, SH), adali (MA 95); WMong. adali (L 9); Kh. adil; Bur. adli; Kalm.
ädĺ; Ord. adil, adila, adili, adali; Mog. adōli (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. adiĺ,
adili (Тод. Даг. 118), adəĺ (MGCD), adili (MD 111); Dong. adali (Тод. Дн.
110); Bao. adəli (Тод. Бн. 133), adali (Tungren); Mongr. dali (SM 42), adali
(Minghe).
◊ KW 21, MGCD 94. Mong. > Yak. atɨl, Dolg. atalɨ (Kał. MEJ 38, Stachowski 38), Evk.
adalī (cf. Doerfer MT 98, Rozycki 11), Russ. Siber. adalí (Аникин 74).
PTurk. *ădaĺ friend, companion (друг, товарищ): OTurk. adaš
(OUygh. - Buddh., Man.); Karakh. aδaš (MK, KB), ajaš (IM); Kirgh. ajaš;
Yak. atas.
◊ VEWT 5, EDT 72. A hypothesis about *adaĺ < (compound) at-daĺ with ‘name’ as the
first component is impossible (in that case we would expect *ataĺ and ‘namesake’ as the
earliest meaning). The form attaš is attested since MTurk.: attaš ‘namesake’ (Tefs.), adaš
‘namesake’ (Chag. Sangl.), ataš ‘namesake’ (CCum.) - and contaminates with *adaĺ. Mod-
ern languages for the most part reflect the compound, see ЭСТЯ I 203-204. Cf. Tuva
a’dašqɨ-lar ‘a father with his children’ (“namesakes”; NB: pharyngealization as a reflex of
*-t-). A possible reflex of *adaĺ is Chuv. ural-a-š- ‘to agree about acquiring smth. collec-
tively, together’ and ural-a-n- ‘to form a light circle (of astronomical bodies)’: both are
semantically quite far from ura-la-n- ‘to recover’.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. several similar roots: *idV ‘to follow, lead’;
*ude ‘to imitate, simulate’, with a natural tendency towards contamina-
tion.
-agà rain; air: Tung. *aga; Mong. *agaɣar; Jpn. *àkî; Kor. *ak-su.
PTung. *aga rain (дождь): Man. aGa; SMan. ahā (2015); Jurch. ah-ga
(8).
◊ ТМС 1, 11. Cf. also *agdī ‘thunder’.
PMong. *agaɣar air, atmosphere (воздух, атмосфера): WMong.
aɣar (L 13); Kh. agār; Bur. agār; Kalm. aɣr, aɣār; Ord. aGāri ‘espace
celeste, l’aspect du ciel’, aGār métaph. ‘bonne entente entre les voisins’;
Mog. ZM ur (15-8b) ‘cloud’.
◊ KW 3.
PJpn. *àkî autumn (осень): OJpn. akji; MJpn. àkí; Tok. áki; Kyo. àkî;
Kag. akí.
◊ JLTT 379.
274 *ágà - *gi
PKor. *ak-su heavy rain (ливень): Mod. aksu, əksu.
◊ KED 1080.
‖ Lee 1958, 119 (Kor.-TM), АПиПЯЯ 291, ТМС 1, 11. The TM form
is not borrow < Mong., pace Rozycki 11. *agaɣar (cf. the length in all
dialects) < *aɣa-ɣar, with regular dissimilation. The Jpn. form may be
attributed here if it originally meant “rainy season” (cf. “rain, thunder”
in TM); autumn is not so rainy in present-day Japan, but it must have
been different in the original homeland.
-ágà ( ~ e-) mouth, to open mouth: Mong. *ag-; Turk. *Agɨŕ; Jpn. *ákúp-;
Kor. *hà-.
PMong. *ag, *aguj 1 cave, grotte, pit 2 crack (1 пещера, грот, яма 2
промежуток, пространство между): WMong. aɣui 1 (L 16), aɣ 2; Kh.
aguj 1; Bur. agɨ 1; Kalm. aɣū 1, aG, āG 2; Ord. aGₙī 1; Dag. agui.
◊ KW 3, MGCD 664.
PTurk. *Agɨŕ 1 mouth 2 lip, lips 3 mouth of a river, of a cleft (1 рот 2
губа, губы 3 устье реки, ущелья): OTurk. aɣɨz (Orkh.) 3, aɣɨz, aɣaz
(OUygh.) 1, 3; Karakh. aɣɨz 1, 3; Tur. aɣɨz 1, 3; Gag. ās 1, 3; Az. aɣɨz 1, 3;
Turkm. aɣɨz 1, 3; Sal. aɣɨz 1; Khal. aɣɨz 1, 3; MTurk. aɣɨz 1; Uzb. ɔɣiz 1, 3;
Uygh. eɣiz 1, 3; Krm. aɣɨz 1, 3; Tat. awɨz 1, 3; Bashk. awɨδ 1, 3; Kirgh. ooz
1, 3; Kaz. awɨz 1, 3; KBalk. awuδ 1, 3; KKalp. awɨz 1, 3; Kum. awuz 1, 3;
Nogh. awɨz 1, 3; SUygh. aɣɨs 1; Khak. ās, axsɨ (3 P.) 1, 3; Shr. aqsɨ 1, 3;
Oyr. ōs 1, 3; Tv. ās, aqsɨ (3 P.) 1, 3; Tof. ās, aqsɨ (3 P.) 1, 3; Chuv. vъₙrъₙ,
urъ-lъ 3; Yak. uos 2; Dolg. uos 2.
◊ VEWT 8, EDT 98, ЭСТЯ 1, 81-83, Мудрак Дисс. 115, Лексика 224-225, Stachowski
245.
PJpn. *ákúp- 1 to yawn 2 yawn (1 зевать 2 зевок): MJpn. ákúf- 1;
Tok. ákubi, akúbi 2; Kyo. ákùbì 2; Kag. akubí 2.
◊ JLTT 379. RJ registers high tone, but modern reflexes are tonally all quite irregular.
PKor. *hà- yawn (зевок): MKor. ha-phɨi’om, hà’óijòm, hahoi’om; Mod.
haphum.
◊ Nam 469, KED 1788.
‖ SKE 5, Martin 234, Колесникова 1972a, 77-78, АПиПЯЯ 80, 283
(confused with *ák῾a), Лексика 225. Despite Poppe 95 Mong. aɣur
‘steam, anger’ hardly belongs here (see under *ap`i). The root should be
distinguished from *ák῾a, although they tend to be confused: thus,
Mong. *ag ‘crack’ could quite possibly reflect *ák῾a. Some phonetic
comments: Mong. *aguji regularly < *aɣuji with velar fricative dissimila-
tion; Korean has lost the first vowel in a long derivative (a rather fre-
quent phenomenon).
-gi acid: Tung. *(x)aK-; Mong. *eɣe-de-; Turk. *gu.
PTung. *(x)aK- to become rotten, bitter (протухнуть, прогоркнуть):
Man. aqša-.
 *àgŋa - *ằgò 275
◊ ТМС 1, 26.
PMong. *eɣe-de- 1 to become sour 2 curd (1 киснуть 2 творог):
WMong. egede- 1, egeǯegei 2; Kh. ēde- 1, ēʒgij 2; Bur. ēde- 1, ēzgej ‘cream’;
Kalm. ēde- 1, ēzg 2; Ord. ēde- 1, ēǯigī, ēdem 2; Dag. ēde- (Тод. Даг. 138) 1.
◊ KW 130, 131, MGCD 246.
PTurk. *gu 1 poison 2 musk (1 яд 2 мускус, кабарговая струя):
OTurk. aɣu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. aɣu 1 (MK); Tur. au 1; Az. aɣɨ 1; Turkm.
āvɨ 1; MTurk. aɣu 1; Uzb. ɔɣu 1; Uygh. aɣi, oɣa 1; Krm. aɣu; Tat. aɣu 1;
Bashk. aɣɨw; Kirgh. aɣū 2; Kaz. aɣu dial.; KBalk. aɣu; Kum. aɣuw, aɣu;
Nogh. aɣuw; SUygh. aɣa 1; Khak. ō 1; Tof. ā 1 (Рас. ФиЛ 9); Yak.  2.
◊ VEWT 9, 13, ЭСТЯ 1, 67. The Kypch. forms with -ɣ- (not shifted to -w-) and *-uɣ
may be borrowed from Chag.
‖ Poppe 57 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss. The Manchu form is
isolated in TM, but seems to be reliable.
-àgŋa net; to spin, plait: Tung. *aŋ(g)a; Mong. *aɣoga; Turk. *āg; Jpn.
*àm-, *àmì.
PTung. *aŋ(g)a net (for catching fish under ice) (сеть (для подлед-
ного лова рыбы)): Neg. aŋa; Ul. aŋGa; Ork. aŋGa; Nan. aŋga; Orch. aŋga.
◊ ТМС 1, 45.
PMong. *aɣoga leading string in net (ведущая веревка в сети):
MMong. a’oga (SH).
PTurk. *āg net (сеть): Karakh. aɣ (KB, IM); Tur. aɣ; aɣ, av (Osmanli);
Az. aɣ; Turkm. āq (dial.); MTurk. aɣ (Sangl.); Uzb. āɣ (dial.); Krm. av, uv;
Tat. aw; Bashk. aw; Kirgh. ū; Kaz. aw; KBalk. aw; KKalp. aw; Kum. aw;
Nogh. aw; Khak. aɣ (Sag.); Shr. aɣ; Oyr. aɣ (dial.).
◊ VEWT 7, 20, ЭСТЯ 1, 117-118, 152-153, Лексика 418-419. On aŋnɨɣ (Shor), aɣnɨχ
(Khak.) v. sub *ăŋu.
PJpn. *àm-, *àmì 1 to knit, weave 2 net (1 вязать, ткать 2 сеть):
OJpn. amji 2; MJpn. àm- 1, àmì 2; Tok. ám- 1, amí 2; Kyo. àm- 1, ámì 2;
Kag. àm- 1, amí 2.
◊ Cf. also OJ ama ‘fisherman’. JLTT 381, 676.
‖ Лексика 419. The root has some irregularities (Jpn. tone does not
correspond to Turkic length): there may have been some interaction
with *ăŋu q.v.
-ằgò trade: Mong. *(h)ag-su-, *(h)aɣu-ra-; Turk. *Agɨ; Jpn. *àkì.
PMong. *(h)ag-su-, *(h)aɣu-ra- 1 borrowing or lending money at in-
terest, loan 2 belongings, possessions (1 заем 2 собственность, пожит-
ки): WMong. aɣsun (L 15) 1, aɣura, aɣura-su(n) 2 (L 18); aɣsu- ‘troquer
une chose contre une autre’; Kh. agsan 1, ūrs(an) 2; Bur. agsa- ‘to barter’;
Mongr. asGu- ‘donner ou recevoir en prêt, louer’ (SM 15).
◊ Mong. aɣura > Man. aGura, Nan. aχura ‘household objects’, see Poppe 1966, 189.
276 *agu-la - *agu-la
PTurk. *Agɨ 1 treasure 2 silk brocade (1 сокровище 2 парча):
OTurk. aɣɨ (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aɣɨ (MK, KB) 2; Tur. Osm. aɣɨ,
dial. aɣɨ 2; MTurk. aɣɨ 2.
◊ EDT 78. Clauson points out that the oldest attested meaning is ‘treasure’, later con-
cretized to ‘silk brocade’.
PJpn. *àkì 1 trade 2 to trade (1 торговля 2 торговать): OJpn. akji 1,
akjinap- 2; MJpn. àkìnaf- 2; Tok. akiná- 2; Kyo. ákíná- 2; Kag. akiná- 2.
◊ JLTT 675. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular. Cf. also OJ akap-, MJ àgàf- (aka-f-),
aganaf- ‘to buy, pay for’ (JLTT 674, 675).
‖ Владимирцов 319 (Turk.-Mong.). An interesting common Altaic
economic term, denoting the barter process or barter objects.
-agu-la uninhabited place, wilderness: Tung. *agulān; Mong. *aɣula;
Turk. *aglak.
PTung. *agulān meadow, plain (поляна, равнина): Evk. awlān,
aɣlān; Evn. awlъn; Neg. awlan; Ul. awda(n); Ork. awla(n); Nan. aodã;
Orch. auda, aula.
◊ ТМС 1, 9. Despite Doerfer MT 73, cannot be borrowed from Mong. aɣlaɣ ( < Turk.,
see below).
PMong. *aɣula mountain (гора): MMong. a’ula (HY 2, SH 10), awla
(IM 433), (a)ula, ūla (MA 372, 189); WMong. aɣula(n) (L 17); Kh. ūl; Bur.
ūla; Kalm. ūlə; Ord. ūla; Mog. aula; ZM āwla (17-8b); Dag. aul(a) (Тод.
Даг. 122), aule (MD 116); Dong. ula (Тод. Дн. 137); Bao. ōle (Тод. Бн.
145), ulə; S.-Yugh. ūla; Mongr. ula (SM 469), ulā.
◊ KW 454, MGCD 662. Mong. > Sol. aula id.
PTurk. *aglak 1 lonely, uninhabited (place) 2 unemployed, out of
work 3 field (1 незаселенное место 2 безработный, лишенный служ-
бы 3 поле, степь): OTurk. aɣlaq 1 (OUygh. - Buddh.); Karakh. aɣlaq 1
(MK), aɣla-ju 1 (MK; deverb. from *aɣla- ‘to be deserted’ (unattested)),
aɣla-t- (MK) ‘to send away (people)’; Tur. aylak 2; aɣlak (dial.) 1; Gag.
ajlaq, hajlaq 2; Krm. awlaq 1; Tat. awlaq 1; Bashk. awlaq 1; Kirgh. ōlaq 1;
Kaz. awlaq 1; KBalk. awlaq 1; KKalp. awlaq 1; Kum. awlaq 3; Nogh. awlaq
1; Khak. aɣlax 1; Chuv. ulax 1.
◊ EDT 84, 85, VEWT 8, ЭСТЯ 1, 64. Turk. > WMong. aɣlaq, aɣlaɣa id. (KW 3, Щербак
1997, 95). Tends to contaminate with *āb-lag ‘hunting lands’.
‖ Poppe 58. A Western isogloss. May be derived from the root re-
flected in TM as *agī- ‘to walk without a road’, ‘wilderness’ (ТМС 1, 13;
its borrowing from Mong. aɣui ‘wide’, suggested by Poppe 1972, 101,
Doerfer MT 123, is highly dubious). Note that vowel length in PT *aglak
is unknown; if the original meaning of the root was ‘to nomadize’, one
is tempted to compare also PT *āgɨl ‘settlement’ (originally perhaps
‘nomadic settlement’; see Лексика 492-493, 522-523, ЭСТЯ 1, 65-66,
83-85, TMN 2, 82-84, Stachowski 257), whence probably MMong.,
 *aguŕV - *ja 277

WMong. ajil id. ( > Evk. ail etc., see Doerfer MT 125). Not borrowed
from Turkic, but rather genuine may also be WMong. ajimak ‘a group of
ajil’s’ (TMN 1, 184-185: Mong. > Khak., Tuva ajmaq (see also ЭСТЯ 1,
110), Man. ajman etc.).
-aguŕV colostrum: Mong. *uɣurag; Turk. *ạguŕ.
PMong. *uɣurag colostrum (молозиво): WMong. uɣuraɣ, uɣuruɣ (L
865); Kh. ūrag; Bur. ūrag; Kalm. ūrəg (КРС); Ord. ūraG; Mongr. uraG
(SM 473).
◊ Mong. > Evk. ūrak, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *ạguŕ colostrum (молозиво): Karakh. aɣuz (MK), oɣuz
(Tefs.); Tur. aɨz sütü, dial. āz, aɣuz; Turkm. ovuz; MTurk. aɣuz (Sangl.,
Pav. C., IM); Uzb. ɔɣiz; Uygh. oɣuz; Tat. uɣɨz; Bashk. ɨwɨδ; Kirgh. ūz;
Kaz. uwɨz; KBalk. uwuz; KKalp. uwɨz; Kum. uwuz; Nogh. uwɨz; Khak. ōs;
Tv. ā-zɨ (contamination with 3d p. poss.); Chuv. ɨrri (3Sg.); Yak. uosax.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 405-407, EDT 98, Егоров 344.
‖ KW 454, Владимирцов 196, Мудрак Дисс. 186. A Turk.-Mong.
isogloss, but, despite TMN 2, 80-81, Щербак 1997, 95 hardly borrowed
in Mong. < Turk.
-gV sharp, whet: Tung. *āga-; Mong. *(h)ag.
PTung. *āga- 1 arrow point, notch 2 whetstone (1 острие, зазубри-
на (у стрелы) 2 оселок, точильный камень): Evk. āɣen 2; Evn. āɣъn 2;
Neg. aɣat 1, aɣan 2; Man. atan 1; Nan. aŋã 2; Orch. āta 1, awa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 12, 13. TM > Yak. aɣān.
PMong. *(h)ag 1 part of blade (close to handle) 2 notch on fish-fork
(1 часть острия (ближе к рукоятке) 2 зазубрина остроги): WMong.
aɣ, (L 19: aɣǯam ‘blunt wooden arrow tip’); Kh. āg 1; Bur. āg 2; Kalm. aG
2.
◊ KW 2. Length in Khalkha and Buryat may also indicate a possibility of reconstruct-
ing *(h)aɣag.
‖ ТМС 1, 13. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but borrowing is impossible
to suppose. Cf. also notes to *k῾a.
-ja to go, walk: Tung. *āj-; Mong. *aja-; Turk. *Aj-; Jpn. *àjùm-.
PTung. *āj- 1 swift 2 to run quickly 3 to step (on sand, snow) (1 бы-
стрый 2 быстро бежать 3 ступать (по песку, снегу)): Evn. ajịŋ 1; Man.
aja- 2; Ork. aja-mụnǯị 1; Nan. āi- 3 (Он. 30).
◊ ТМС 1, 21.
PMong. *aja- journey, travel (поход, путешествие): MMong. ajan
(SH); WMong. ajaŋ, ajan (L 23); Kh. ajan; Bur. ajan; Kalm. ajan; Ord. ajan;
Dag. ajan (Тод. Даг. 118), (MGCD ajin).
◊ KW 4, MGCD 99. Mong. > Kirgh. ajaŋ etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 106-107).
PTurk. *Aj- 1 to revolve, rotate, go round 2 to tarry 3 to lead, lead
round 4 to speed up 5 to drive (1 вращаться, вертеться, обходить 2
278 *jbi - *ằjbo
мешкать 3 кружить, водить 4 ускорять 5 гнать): Tur. ajla-(n)- 1, ajlak
‘шатающийся без дела’; Gag. ajla-, ajlan- 1, (h)ajda- 5; Az. ajlan- (dial.)
1; Turkm. ajla- 3; Uzb. ajlan- 1, 2; Uygh. ajlan- 1, 2; Krm. ajlan- 1; Tat.
əjlən- 1; Kirgh. ajlan- 1, ajda- 5; Kaz. ajda- 5, ajnal- 1; KBalk. ajlan- 1;
KKalp. ajlan- 1, 2; Kum. ajlan- ‘to move, visit’; Nogh. ajlan- 1; Khak.
ajn-ɨt- 4, ajla-, əjlə- 1; Shr. ajlan- 1; Oyr. ajla- 1, ajda- 5; Yak. ajgɨ-s-ɨn- ‘to
tarry; to go, visit frequently’ (*ajɨg-ɨš-ɨn-).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 106-107, 109-110. The forms meaning ῾rotate, go round, walk in circles’ are
hardly connected with aj ῾moon’.
PJpn. *àjùm- to walk (ходить, гулять): OJpn. ajum-; MJpn. àjùm-;
Tok. ayúm-; Kyo. áyúm-; Kag. àyùm-.
◊ JLTT 679.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 243.
-jbi a k. of duck: Tung. *ābu-; Turk. *Ebür(d)ek; Jpn. *û.
PTung. *ābu- a k. of duck (утка-морянка) (вид утки (утка-морян-
ка)): Evn. āwụldụqa; Ork. awụŋGa; Orch. auŋa; Ud. auŋga.
◊ ТМС 1, 10.
PTurk. *Ebür(d)ek duck (утка): OTurk. ödirek (OUygh.); Karakh.
(MK) ördek; Tur. ördek; Gag. jördek; Az. ördäk; Turkm. ȫrdek; Khal. irdäk;
MTurk. evrek, evek (Qutb); Uzb. ọrdak; Uygh. ö(r)däk; Krm. ördek, erdek;
Tat. ürdɛk; Bashk. üjräk; Kirgh. ördök; Kaz. üjrek; KKalp. üjrek, ördek;
Kum. ördek dial.; SUygh. jürdek; Khak. örtek; Shr. örtek; Oyr. örtök; Tv.
ödürek, edirek.
◊ EDT 205, ЭСТЯ 1, 547-548, TMN 2, 31, Лексика 172.
PJpn. *û cormorant (баклан): OJpn. u; MJpn. ú; Tok. ú; Kyo. ; Kag.
ú.
◊ JLTT 559.
‖ Лексика 172. Jpn. *û must be a later contraction < *iw(V); medial
*-j- must be reconstructed to explain the spirantization *-b- > -w-.
-ằjbo grass: Tung. *(x)abü-; Mong. *ebe-sü; Jpn. *àw-.
PTung. *(x)abü- stem, stalk (стебель): Evk. aɣi(n); Evn. aɣ; Neg.
aɣị(n); Man. aa.
◊ ТМС 1, 13.
PMong. *ebe-sü grass (трава): MMong. ebesun (HY 9, SH), äwǟsun
(IM), ibäsun (MA); WMong. ebesü(n) (L 287); Kh. öws(ön); Bur. übhe(n);
Kalm. öwsn; Ord. öwösü; Mog. ebäsun; ZM ebäsun (20-8); Dag. eus (Тод.
Даг. 141), euse (MD 147); Dong. osun; Bao. vəsoŋ; S.-Yugh. wēsən; Mongr.
usə, wesə, jesə (SM 483).
◊ KW 303, MGCD 538.
PJpn. *àw- green, blue (зеленый, синий): OJpn. awo-; MJpn. àwò-;
Tok. aó-; Kyo. áo-; Kag. aó-.
◊ JLTT 825.
 *aje - *ăjV 279

‖ *-j- should be reconstructed to account for Mong. e- and for Jpn.

-w-. The semantic derivation *’grass’ > ‘green’ is quite common.
-aje ( ~ *ejo) to reach, come close: Mong. *aji-su-; Jpn. *jmp-.
PMong. *aji-su- to come close to, come up to (приближаться, под-
ходить): MMong. ajisu- (SH); WMong. ajisu-, ajisi-, ajis- (L 22); Kh. ajs-;
Kalm. āš- 1.
◊ KW 21.
PJpn. *jmp- to reach (достигать): OJpn. ojob-; MJpn. ójób-; Tok.
òyob-; Kyo. óyób-; Kag. oyób-.
◊ JLTT 744.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ăjV good, fitting: Tung. *aja, *aju-; Mong. *(h)aja; Turk. *ăja-.
PTung. *aja, *aju- 1 good 2 handsome, beautiful 3 to save, help (1
хороший 2 красивый 3 спасать, помогать): Evk. aja 1, aj(ū)- 3; Evn. aj
1, aj(ị)- 3; Neg. aja 1; Man. aj-luŋGa 2, aj-sila- 3; Jurch. aju-bulu (419) 3;
Ul. aja 1; Ork. aja 1, ajụ- 3; Nan. ai, ajā 1; Orch. aja 1, ai-či- 3; Ud. aja 1,
ai-sigi- 3; Sol. ai, aja 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 18-20. Man. > Dag. ajšilā- ‘help’ (Тод. Даг. 119).
PMong. *(h)aja favourable circumstances (благоприятные обстоя-
тельства): WMong. aja (L 22), aji; Kh. aja; Bur. aj-dar, aja; Kalm. ajə; Ord.
aja.
◊ KW 4.
PTurk. *ăja- 1 to esteem 2 to pity, look after 3 very (1 почитать 2 бе-
речь, жалеть 3 очень, сильно): OTurk. aja- 1, ajɨ 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
aja- (MK) 1, 2, ajɨ 3 (KB); Tur. aj- 2, aja- dial. 1; Az. ajin ‘cult, ceremony’;
Turkm. aja- 2; MTurk. aja- 1 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. aja- 2; Uygh. aji- 2; Krm. aja-
2; Tat. aja- 2; Bashk. aja- 2; Kirgh. aja- 2; Kaz. aja- 2; KBalk. aja- 2; KKalp.
aja- 2; Kum. aja- 2; Nogh. aja- 2; Khak. aja- 2, aj 3; Shr. aja- 2 (in ajabān
‘remorseless’); Tv. aj ‘well’; Chuv. oja- ‘to care’.
◊ VEWT 10-11, EDT 267-8, ЭСТЯ 1, 101-102, Федотов 2, 298. Deriving *aja- ‘to re-
spect, esteem’ from *aj ‘fear’ (VEWT 11) is hardly plausible. Clauson (EDT 182) thinks
that OUygh. ajɨ ‘very’ is an unusually early example of the elision of -g in ańɨɣ ‘evil’,
which means ‘very’ in many OUygh. texts, but this is hardly plausible phonetically; so it
may belong here, together with Khak. aj ‘very’ (although the final narrow ɨ is a problem).
Sevortyan relates here also SUygh. ajɨɣ ‘good omen, good luck’, but this may be a reflex
of OUygh., Karakh. ajɨq ‘vow, promise’ (EDT 270).
‖ KW 3, Владимирцов 282 (Turk.-Mong.), EAS 97, 139, Poppe 66
(with an unreliable Korean parallel), АПиПЯЯ 290, Дыбо 12. A West-
ern isogloss. Because of a semantic difference, TM forms are hardly
borrowed from Mong., despite Doerfer MT 46.
280 *ăjVrV - *ák῾à
-ăjVrV sour milk, melted fat: Tung. *ajara-; Mong. *ajirag; Turk. *ajran.
PTung. *ajara- 1 to take off fat (while melting) 2 spoon for taking fat
off (1 снимать жир (в процессе растапливания) 2 ложка для снима-
ния жира): Ul. ajara- 1, ajaraqụ 2; Nan. ajaraχo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 21.
PMong. *ajirag kumys (кумыс): MMong. aijirax (HY 25); WMong.
ajiraɣ (L 21); Kh. ajrag; Bur. ajrag; Kalm. ǟrəg; Ord. ǟraq; Dag. airag.
◊ KW 26. Mong. > Man. ajara, see Doerfer MT 236, Rozycki 21, Russ. Siber. ajrák
(Аникин 78).
PTurk. *ajran kumys (кумыс): Karakh. ajran (MK); Tur. ajran; Az.
ajran; Turkm. ajran; Uzb. ɔjrɔn; Uygh. ajran; Krm. ajran; Tat. ɛjrɛn;
Bashk. ajran; Kirgh. ajran; Kaz. ajran; KBalk. ajran; KKalp. ajran; Kum.
ajran; Nogh. ajran; Khak. ajran; Oyr. ajran; Chuv. ujran, dial. uŕan, oren
(Anatri).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 111, EDT 276, Лексика 449, Федотов 2, 272. Chuv. > ORuss. урень (Фас-
мер 4, 167, Шипова 350). Turk. > Russ. dial. ajrán Аникин 78.
‖ Владимирцов 283. Despite Doerfer TMN 2, 180, Щербак 1997,
96, hardly borrowed in Mong. < Turk. A Western isogloss; but cf. per-
haps Kor. ari- ‘bitter’, Middle Jpn. era- ‘rank, offensive’.
-akt῾V a castrated animal: Mong. *akta; Turk. *atan.
PMong. *akta castrated (кастрированный): MMong. axta (HY 9),
aqtas (SH Козин) ‘gelding’; WMong. aɣta (L 15); Kh. agt; Bur. agta;
Kalm. aktə; Ord. aGta; Dag. arete (MD).
◊ KW 5. Mong. > Man., Nan. aqta, Sol. akta (ТМС 1, 26, Rozycki 14); MKor. àktái (Lee
1958, 119).
PTurk. *atan a castrated camel (кастрированный верблюд):
Karakh. atan (MK); Turkm. atan (dial.); MTurk. atan (IM); Kirgh. atan;
Kaz. atan; KKalp. atan; Nogh. atan; Tv. adan.
◊ EDT 60, ЭСТЯ 1, 202-203. Turk. > WMong. atan ‘castrated camel’. Cf. also Yak. at
‘castrated’, attā- ‘to castrate’ - homonymous with at ‘horse’, which is probably a secon-
dary merger (the two roots obviously are to be kept separate).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-ák῾à to open, opening: Jpn. *áká-; Kor. *àk-.
PJpn. *áká- to open (открывать): OJpn. aka-; MJpn. áká-; Tok. àke-.
◊ JLTT 675 (in OJ the root is usually confused with *áká- ‘get bright’).
PKor. *àk- 1 mouth 2 a little open, apart 3 opening, slit (1 рот 2
приоткрытый 3 отверстие): MKor. akui, ìp-àkói 1; Mod. aguri 1, agu 2,
agɨt [akɨs] 3.
◊ Nam 333, 407, KED 1067.
‖ Martin 238. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss: in other languages (Turkic,
Mongolian) the root has probably merged with *ága ‘mouth, open
mouth’ q. v.
 *ak῾a- - *k῾a 281

-ak῾a- a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *aKa; Mong. *(h)akawna; Turk. *Akańa.

PTung. *aKa loon, diver (гагара): Neg. axan; Man. aqa ńexe; Ul. ańi;
Nan. āńi.
◊ ТМС 1, 24.
PMong. *(h)akawna loon, diver, gull (гагара, чайка): WMong.
aqauna, aquuna (L 60), aɣa(ɣ)una; Kh. axūn, axūna; Bur. axūna; Kalm.
axūnə, aɣūnə.
◊ KW 3. Mong. > Oyr. aɣūna etc., Sib.-Tat. aɣun, aɣuɨn ‘partridge, black-cock’ (Тума-
шева КСТТ 97), Bar. aɣawɨn ‘partridge’ (ЯБТ 123).
PTurk. *Akańa 1 gull 2 white partridge (1 чайка 2 куропатка):
Khak. aɣaja, aɣajaŋ (Sag., Kach.) ‘a k. of bird’; Shr. aɣɨj 1; Tv. aɣanaq 2.
◊ VEWT 9.
‖ ТМС 1, 24. A Western isogloss. The TM languages reflect a com-
pound *aKa-nīkü (with *nīkü ‘duck’ < PA *nīkV q.v.); the same com-
pound in a somewhat distorted shape may be also present in the PT
and PM forms.
-k῾a elder brother: Tung. *akā / *kakā; Mong. *aka; Turk. *(i)āka.
PTung. *ak- / *kaka 1 man 2 elder brother (1 мужчина 2 старший
брат): Evk. akā, akin 2; Evn. aqa, aqn 2; Neg. aga / axa 2; Man. xaxa 1,
axun 2; SMan. hahə 1 (829); Jurch. xaxa-aj (298) 1, axun (axun-un) (286) 2;
Ul. aGa 2; Ork. aGa / aqa 2; Nan. ā 2; Orch. aka, akin 2; Ud. aga῾ 2 (Корм.
203); Sol. axā, axin 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 23-24, 459. Forms like Evk. akā can be < Mong. (see TMN 1, 139, Poppe
1972, 100), but this is impossible for *akin and *kaka.
PMong. *aka elder brother (старший брат): MMong. aqa (HY 28,
SH), axai ekeči ‘elder aunt’ (HY 28), aɣā (IM 432), āɣa (MA 266, 185, 256);
WMong. aqa (L 59); Kh. ax; axaj ‘aunt’ (resp. address); Bur. axa; Kalm.
axə; Ord. axa; Dag. akā, aga (Тод. Даг. 118, 119, MD 112), ag (MGCD);
Dong. aɣa; S.-Yugh. aʁa (MGCD: aGa); Mongr. aGa ‘frère aîné’, āGa
‘frère puînté du père’ (SM 2).
◊ KW 3, MGCD 126. Cf. also WMong. aki, Kalm. ākə ‘elder brother’s wife’ (KW 20).
PTurk. *(i)āka 1 elder brother; elder uncle; father; grandfather 2 re-
spectful address 3 elder (1 старший брат; старший дядя; отец; де-
душка 2 почтительное обращение 3 старший): OTurk. aqa 1
(OUygh., from I-t half of XIII century, see ДТС); Tur. aɣa 1, 2; Gag. aɣa
1, 2; Az. aɣa 2; Turkm. āGa 1; Khal. aɣa 2; MTurk. aqa 1 (Oghuz-nama),
aɣa 1 (Abush.), aqa (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. ɔɣa 1; Uygh. aɣa 1; Krm. aqa 2 (K),
aɣa 2, 3 (K, T); Tat. aɣa 1, 2; Bashk. aɣaj 1, 2; Kirgh. aɣa 1; Kaz. aɣa 1, 3;
KKalp. aɣa 1, 2; Kum. aɣa 1, 2; Nogh. aɣa 1, 2; SUygh. aqa 1,2, qɨz aɣa
‘тесть’ (ЯЖУ 11, 13); Khak. aɣa 1 (’father’s father’); Shr. aqqa ‘father’s
father’; Oyr. aqa 1, 2; Tv. aqɨ 1; Yak. aɣa 1 (’father’), 3; Dolg. aga ‘father’.
282 *ák῾à - *ằk῾ú
◊ VEWT 13, ЭСТЯ 1, 70-71, 121-122, Лексика 291, Stachowski 28. Note the expres-
sive gemination of the medial -k- in Tuva and elsewhere.
‖ EAS 91, KW 3, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 55, Цинциус 1972a,
40-45. АПиПЯЯ 290. A Western isogloss. The Turkic forms are rela-
tively late attested and could be < Mong., see TMN 1, 137, Щербак
1997, 199, but the Mong.-Tung. parallel still holds.
-ák῾à ( ~ -k-,-o) dirt, filth: Tung. *(x)aK-; Mong. *(h)ag; Jpn. *ákà.
PTung. *(x)aK- 1 to menstruate 2 dirt 3 rust, mould 4 to rust, mould
(1 менструировать 2 грязь 3 ржавчина, плесень 4 ржаветь, плесне-
веть): Evk. akapču- 1; Evn. oqụ, aqsa 3, oq-, aq- 4; Sol. akụ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 24, 2, 11.
PMong. *(h)ag 1 pock-mark 2 dirt, taint (1 оспина 2 грязь, налет):
WMong. aɣ 1 (МХТТТ); Kh. ag (МХТТТ) 1; Bur. ag 2; Kalm. ag 2 (КРС).
PJpn. *ákà liquid dirt, filth (жидкая грязь): OJpn. aka; MJpn. ákà;
Tok. aká; Kyo. ákà; Kag. aká.
◊ JLTT 378. The Kagoshima accent is irregular; otherwise all data points to *ákà.
‖ The root is not very widely represented, but seems reliable.
-ắk῾è to advance gradually, slowly: Mong. *(h)aki-; Turk. *(i)akuru-; Jpn.
*kúr(á)-.
PMong. *(h)aki-, *(h)akuj 1 to advance gradually, 2 work, earnings,
mode of life (1 продвигаться постепенно 2 работа, образ жизни):
WMong. aki- (L 25); Kh. axi- 1, axui 2; Bur. axi- 1; Kalm. axū 2; Ord. axₙī
2.
◊ KW 4.
PTurk. *(i)akuru- slowly, quietly, gradually (медленно, постепен-
но): OTurk. aquru (OUygh.); Karakh. aqru, aqrun (MK), aqru (KB); Tur.
arqun (Osmanli); MTurk. aqrɨn (Sangl.), aɣrɨn (Бор. Бад.); Krm. arqɨtɨn;
Tat. ɛkren, ɛkerten; ɛkert (dial.); Bashk. aqrɨn; Kirgh. aqɨrin; Kaz. aqɨrɨn;
KBalk. aqɨrɨn, aqrɨn, aqɨrtɨn; KKalp. aqɨrɨn; Khak. āɣɨrin, aɣrɨn, aɣɨrtɨn; Shr.
aɣɨrɨn; Oyr. aqqɨrɨn, aqqɨr-aqqɨr; Yak. arɣj, orɣūj.
◊ VEWT 14, ЭСТЯ 1, 123-124, EDT 89-90. The forms with -ɨn and -tɨn are old forms of
Instr. and Abl. cases, so the PT word is a noun. Yak. reflects the -u of the second syllable.
PJpn. *kúr(á)- 1 to be, come late 2 to send, advance (1 опаздывать
2 посылать, отправлять): OJpn. okura- 1, okur- 2; MJpn. ókúrá- 1, ókúr-
2; Tok. òkure- 1, òkur- 2; Kyo. ókúré- 1, ókúr- 2; Kag. okuré- 1, okúr- 2.
◊ JLTT 741.
‖ The Turk. and Jpn. forms reflect a derivative *ak῾e-ru-.
-ằk῾ú to dig, delve: Tung. *axiri-; Mong. *uku-; Jpn. *ùnkàt-.
PTung. *axiri- to sweep, rake up snow (подметать, разгребать
снег): Ul. aχịrị-; Ork. aχịrị-; Nan. aχịrị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 25.
 *ắla - *ála 283

PMong. *uku- 1 to dig, delve 2 adze 3 notch (on animal’s ears) 4 axe
(1 копать 2 долото 3 зарубка, метка (на ушах животных) 4 топор):
MMong. uqu- 1, uqali 4 (SH); WMong. uqu- 1, uqumi 2 (L 892); Kh. uxu-
1, uxmi 2, 3; Bur. uxami 2; Kalm. uxə- 1; Ord. uxa-.
◊ KW 447. Mong. > Manchu uxu- ‘to gouge’ (see Rozycki 216).
PJpn. *ùnkàt- to delve, dig (долбить, копать): OJpn. ukat-; MJpn.
ùgàt-; Tok. ugát-; Kyo. úgát-; Kag. ugát-.
◊ JLTT 777. Kagoshima has an irregular tone.
‖ PJ *ùnkàt- and PTM *akiri- may reflect a PA derivative *ằk῾ú-rV-.
-ắla take, receive: Tung. *al(i)-; Mong. *ali-; Turk. *ạl-; Jpn. *á-.
PTung. *al(i)- 1 take, receive 2 give, hand over (1 брать, получать 2
давать, передавать): Evk. al- 1; Evn. al- 1; Neg. al- 1; Man. ali- 1; SMan.
iali- (1404); Jurch. ali- (242) 2; Ul. al- 2; Ork. alị- 1; Nan. alị- 1; Orch. alō-
2; Ud. ali- 1, alu- 2; Sol. ali- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 26-27.
PMong. *ali- 1 to take, receive 2 give! (1 брать, получать 2 дай!):
WMong. ali 2 (L 31); Kh. aĺ, aliv 2; Bur. aĺē 2; Kalm. aĺ, aĺə 2; Ord. ali 2;
Dag. ali- 1 (Тод. Даг. 120); Dong. ali; Bao. an; Mongr. ali 2.
◊ KW 6, MGCD 103. Dagur is the only language reflecting the complete verbal para-
digm of *ali-; it may well be that Dag. ali- is in fact a TM loanword.
PTurk. *ạl- to take (брать): OTurk. al- (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. al- (MK, KB); Tur. al-; Gag. al-; Az. al-; Turkm. al-; Sal. al-; Khal.
al-; MTurk. al- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔl-; Uygh. al-; Krm. al-; Tat. al-; Bashk. al-;
Kirgh. al-; Kaz. al-; KBalk. al-; KKalp. al-; Kum. al-; Nogh. al-; SUygh. al-;
Khak. al-; Shr. al-; Oyr. al-; Tv. al-; Chuv. il-; Yak. ɨl-; Dolg. ɨl-.
◊ EDT 124-125, VEWT 14-15, ЭСТЯ 1, 127-128, Егоров 68, Лексика 336, 337, Sta-
chowski 259.
PJpn. *á- to get, receive (получать): OJpn. u (stem a-); MJpn. ú (stem
a-); Tok. é-; Kyo. é-; Kag. é-.
◊ JLTT 681. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ KW 6, EAS 140, Poppe 75, Doerfer MT 239 (attempts to disprove
the etymology in TMN 2, 122 are futile). The reason for close *ạ in PT is
unclear (*al- would be normally expected). Note, however, that the Jpn.
reflex represents loss of *-l- in a verbal stem, thus strongly suggesting
an original monosyllabic form *ál (cf. *gèle, *sélo).
-ála hail, ice: Tung. *(x)al-dan; Jpn. *árárái (~-ría); Kor. *r-.
PTung. *(x)al-dan frazil (in spring, close to the shore) (наледь (вес-
ной у берега)): Neg. aldan.
◊ ТМС 1, 31.
PJpn. *árárái (~-ría) hail (град): OJpn. arare; MJpn. áráré; Tok. araré;
Kyo. àràré; Kag. araré.
◊ JLTT 383. Modern tones are quite irregular.
284 *la - *àlak῾u
PKor. *r- 1 to freeze 2 ice (1 замерзать 2 лед): MKor. r- 1, rm 2;
Mod. l- 1, ərɨm 2.
◊ Nam 361, 367, KED 1143, 1146.
‖ Martin 232. Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; the TM evidence is very
scanty and thus dubious.
-la ( ~ -ē-) front side: Turk. *āl; Kor. *àr-p.
PTurk. *āl 1 front 2 forehead 3 in front of 4 towards the front of (1
перед 2 лоб 3 впереди, спереди 4 вперед): OTurk. alɨn 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. alɨn 2 (MK, KB); Tur. al 1 (dial.), alɨn 1, 2; ‘face’; Gag. annɨ 2; Az.
alɨn 2; Turkm. ālɨn 1, 2; Sal. aldɨ- 1; Khal. hānl(ɨ), hāll 2; MTurk. alɨ 1
(Abush.), alnɨ-da ‘in the presence of’ (Abush.), aldɨ (Babur) 3; Uzb. ɔl-d-i
1; Uygh. ajl, aldi 1, al-dɨn 3, al-ɣa 4; Krm. al-d-ɨ 1 (K), alɨn 1 (T, H); Tat. al
1, al-d-ɨ 1, alɨn 1; Bashk. al, aldɨ 1; Kirgh. al 1, al-d-ɨ 1; Kaz. al-da 3, al-d-ɨ 1;
KBalk. al, allɨ 1, al-da 3, al-ɣa 4; KKalp. al-d-ɨ 1; Kum. al 1, al-dan 3; Nogh.
al-d-ɨ 1; SUygh. al 1, alɨm, alɨn 1, 2; Khak. alnɨ 1; Shr. alnɨ 1, alɨn-da 3; Oyr.
aldɨ, alɨn 1; Tv. alɨn ‘face’; Chuv. om 1.
◊ EDT 121, 147; VEWT 14 (should be distinguished from *al- ‘below’), TMN 2, 120,
ЭСТЯ 1, 124-125, 146, Федотов 2, 280, Лексика 198-199. See EDT 121 commenting on the
absence of early attestation of the suffixless form.
PKor. *àr-p front (перед): MKor. àrp; Mod. ap [aph].
◊ Nam 348, KED 1098.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss. Cf. also Evk. alga ‘Southern mountain
slope’, algaja ‘right river bank’, algakačan ‘mountain’ - in TMC 1, 30
united with alga ‘blessing’ which is somewhat dubious.
-àlak῾u to walk, step: Mong. *alku-; Jpn. *àrùk-.
PMong. *alku- to step (шагать): MMong. alqu- (MA 99); WMong.
alqu- (L 34); Kh. alxa-; Bur. alxa-; Kalm. alxə-; Ord. alxu-; Dag. alku-, alxu-
(Тод. Даг. 120), aleku- (MD 112); Dong. hanku; Bao. xalGə-, (MGCD)
halGolə-; S.-Yugh. alGə-; Mongr. (x)arGu- (SM 13), (MGCD) xalGula-.
◊ KW 7, MGCD 105.
PJpn. *àrùk- to walk (ходить, гулять): OJpn. aruk-; MJpn. àrík-; Tok.
arúk-; Kyo. àrùk-; Kag. àruk-.
◊ JLTT 677.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. See АПиПЯЯ 278. Man. alxun ‘step’, alkūn
‘the gait of a horse or other livestock’ is no doubt borrowed from Mon-
golian (see Rozycki 16-17). The Jpn.-Mong. comparison seems to us
preferable to other etymologies of the Mongolian form (see ОСНЯ
3,66-70; Poppe 96, KW 7 - Mong. alqu-: Turk. *āĺ-). The stem can be pos-
sibly derived from a root reflected in Mong. *ala ‘inner side of thigh’ (L
26; Poppe 75; pl. alas, whence Evk. alas, see Doerfer MT 94; hence also
WMong. alčaji-, Khalkha alcaj- ‘to spread the legs’, Dag. alčī- id.,
 *alda - *ale 285

WMong. alčaɣar, alčaŋ, Khalkha alcan ‘bowlegged’; but to be distin-

guished is *ale ‘below’ q. v.).
-alda fathom: Tung. *alda-n; Mong. *alda; Jpn. *ata; Kor. *ară-m.
PTung. *alda-n distance between (расстояние между): Man. andan,
alda-; Jurch. an-dan-do (816) ‘to follow’; Ul. alda(n); Ork. alda(n); Nan.
aldã; Orch. agda(n); Ud. agda(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 31.
PMong. *alda fathom (сажень): MMong. alda (SH), ālda (MA 98);
WMong. alda (L 29); Kh. ald; Bur. alda; Kalm. aldə; Ord. alda; Dag. alda
(Тод. Даг. 119), alede (MD 112); Dong. anda (MGCD); anda-la- (Тод. Дн.
110) ‘to measure by fathoms’; Bao. aldə; S.-Yugh. alda; Mongr. arda
‘brasse, 5 pieds chinois’ (SM 12), alda (MGCD)З.
◊ KW 6, MGCD 102. Mong. > Evk. alda ‘fathom’, Russ. Siber. aldán (Аникин 82).
PJpn. *ata a measure of length (мера длины): OJpn. ata.
PKor. *ară-m fathom, the span of both arms (сажень): MKor. arăm;
Mod. arɨm.
◊ Nam 335, KED 1071.
‖ Ozawa 38-40, АПиПЯЯ 16, 71, Rozycki 18-19. Despite Doerfer MT
111, TM forms are hardly < Mong. (because of a semantic difference). A
possible parallel in Turkic could be *adɨ[ĺ] > OT adɨt ‘handful’, Kirgh.
adɨš, Yak. ɨtɨs ‘palm’ (VEWT 7, ЭСТЯ 1, 100-101, 410, Лексика 252, Sta-
chowski 263), but there are some phonetic and semantic problems.
Note, however, that OJ ata also denotes a small measure of length (8
sun, or about 12 centimetres) - rather a span than a fathom. Such a se-
mantic development may presuppose an earlier usage of *alda in con-
structions like ‘big fathom’ - ‘small fathom’ ( = ‘span’) both in Turkic
and Japanese.
-ale below, lower: Turk. *ăl; Jpn. *r-; Kor. *àrái.
PTurk. *ăl 1 lower side, below 2 (as adj.) being below , lower (1 низ,
нижняя сторона 2 нижний): OTurk. altɨn 2 (Yen. ПМК 90, OUygh.);
Karakh. altɨn 2 (MK, IM), alt 1 (Tefs); Tur. alt 1; Gag. alt 1; Az. alt 1;
Khal. a[:]lt 1; Krm. alt 1 (K); Tat. alt 1 (dial., Дмитриева Бараб.126);
Kirgh. ald(ɨ) 1; SUygh. altɨ 1 (ЯЖУ 14); Khak. altɨ 1; Shr. altɨ 1; Oyr. ald 1,
altɨɣɨ 2; altɨ 1 Tuba; Tv. a’ldɨ 1; Tof. aldɨn ‘в низовье реки’ (Рас. ФиЛ
153); Chuv. old(ъ) ‘gusset’; Yak. alɨn 1; Dolg. alɨn 1.
◊ VEWT 14, ЭСТЯ 1, 140-141, Stachowski 32. VEWT confuses (after Bang and Brock-
elmann) the roots *al- ‘below’ and *āl ‘front’. They are indeed mixed in Kirgh. and Oyr.
lit., where we have ald ‘front, below’, but are distinguished in dialects (Tuba: ald ‘front’,
with a voicing in the consonant cluster after an old long vowel, but altɨ ‘below’). The
Chuv. form probably goes back to the compound *koltuk altɨ ‘axillary concavity, gusset’
(attested in Tur., Gag., Az., see Дыбо 154). Most languages reflect *al-tɨ- (the simple form
al is not attested, see the discussion in EDT 121), but the reality of the root *ăl is proved
286 *le - *le
by a different derivative in Yakut. Cf. also Sib.-Tat. alaša ‘low, low place’ (КСТТ 100).
Another possible old derivative in -čak may be PT *aĺ(č)ak (Karakh. ašaq, Turkm. ašāq etc.,
see ЭСТЯ 1, 214-215) ‘below, bottom part; low, humble’: its traditional derivation from
*āĺ- ‘to cross (a mountain)’ is unsatisfactory both phonetically and semantically. A certain
problem is the attribution of the adjective *al-čak (see ЭСТЯ 1, 143-144, EDT 129). Older
occurrences of alčaq (MK, KB, Tefs., Rabg. etc.) present the meaning ‘modest, humble’; cf.
also Sib.-Tat. alcaq ‘valetudinarian’ (КСТТ 101), Turkm. alčak ‘affable’ and perhaps Tur.
alčak ‘mean, vile’, alča- ‘to offend, humiliate’. This group of forms may in fact reflect a
different root, otherwise represented by PT *Alɨg, see under *le ‘weak, tired’. Another
group of forms - Chag. alčaq ‘bas’ (Pav. C.), Tur., Az., Crim.-Tat. (and Oghuz texts like
Korkut) alčaq ‘low, low place’ probably represents an Oghuz innovative derivation in
-čak from the root al- (which is why -lč- did not yield -š- here), perhaps influenced by
Mong. alča-gar, alča-n ‘stunted, undersized’, derived from Mong. alčaji- ‘to spread legs
apart’.
PJpn. *r- to lower, go down (опускаться): OJpn. oru-; MJpn. òru-;
Tok. orí-; Kyo. òrì-; Kag. òrì-.
◊ JLTT 742. For final *-ə- cf. the causative PJ *r-s-, OJ oros- ‘to lower, drop’.
PKor. *àrái below, lower side (низ, нижняя сторона): MKor. àrái;
Mod. arä.
◊ Nam 336, KED 1069.
‖ SKE 6, EAS 106, Martin 230. The tone correspondence between
Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
-le weak, tired, confused: Tung. *āli-; Mong. *al-; Turk. *ăl-; Jpn.
*ərə-ka; Kor. *rí-.
PTung. *āli- to get tired (уставать): Neg. āl-; Ul. āl(ị)-; Ork. ālị-;
Nan. ālị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 32.
PMong. *al-da-, -ǯi-, -ga- 1 get tired 2 disturbed, absent-minded,
lazy 3 to lose, miss (1 уставать 2 рассеянный, ленивый 3 лишаться,
делать промах): MMong. alǯa- ‘behindert, in Not, Schwierigkeit sein’,
alǯi’as ‘Abweichung, Fehler ‘, alda- ‘verlieren, verfehlen, straffällig wer-
den’, aldal ‘Strafe’ (SH), aldara- ‘to become loose’, alɣūr ‘slow’ (MA 98),
aldāng ‘sin’ (IM); WMong. alǯija- 1 (L 34), al-mai 2 (L 32); Kh. alda- 3,
alǯā- 1, algū, almai 2; Bur. alžā- 1, almaj 2; Kalm. aldə- 3, almǟ 2; Ord. alda-
3; Dag. alē- 1 (Тод. Даг. 120), alede- 3 (MD 112); Bao. andaGa- ‘to let
loose, to make free’; Mongr. xarā- (SM 161) 1, (a)rda- (SM 12, 309) 3.
◊ KW 7. Mong. > Tuva aldag ‘misdoing, inadvertence’, KBalk. alǯar-, Kirgh. alǯɨ- ‘to
err, become mad’, Kum. alǯa- ‘to suffer’, Yak. alār- (< *ala-ɣa-r-), KKalp. alaɣa-da-la-n- ‘to
digress, be absentminded’ etc.
PTurk. *ăl- 1 to become weak 2 bad 3 to be vile (of a man), to turn
septic (of a wound) 4 weak, inferior 5 upset 6 old, worn-out 7 crazy 8
lazy man 9 to hurry 10 fool 11 to go mad 12 to deceive 13 perplexed 14
dumb, foolish 15 doubt, surprise 16 error 17 be in doubt, perplexed 18
absent-minded, unattentive 19 weakness (1 слабеть 2 дурной 3 быть
 *ălgi - *ălgi 287

подлым (о человеке), воспаляться (о ране) 4 слабый, худший 5 рас-

строенный 6 старый, изношенный 7 безумный, ошалелый 8 лентяй
9 торопиться 10 дурак 11 сходить с ума 12 обманывать 13 растерян-
ный 14 глупый, простоватый 15 сомнение, удивление 16 ошибка 17
сомневаться, сбиваться, путаться 18 рассеянный, невнимательный
19 чахлость, немощь): OTurk. alaŋ-a-d- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. alɨɣ 2
(MK), alɨq- 3 (MK, KB); Tur. alɨk, (Osm.) alu 4, alaz, alɨz 4 (dial.), alkɨn 5
(dial.); Gag. alɨq 7, 10; Turkm. al-ŋ-a-sa- 9; MTurk. aluq 7 (Abush. 27);
Uygh. alaq, alaŋ 7; Krm. alas 19; Tat. ala-ma 2, 6; Bashk. alama 2, 6, al-jawu
11; Kirgh. alaŋ, alaɣ-dɨ 18; Kaz. alaŋ 18; KBalk. alɨn- 11; KKalp. alaŋ 18;
Nogh. ala-ŋ-ɣa-s-ar 18; SUygh. alɣač 8 (ЯЖУ 14); Khak. alɨɣ 10, alas 5,
al-ɨn-, al-ax- 11, (caus.) 12; Shr. al-aq-tɨr- (caus. from *al-aq-) 12, al-aq-qan
13, alɨɣ 10, al-ɨn- 11; Oyr. alā (< alaɣ) 14, alu (< alɨɣ) 10, alaŋ 15, alɣas 5,
al-ɨn- 11; Tv. alāq- 17, alaŋ 15; Yak. alɣas 16.
◊ VEWT 16-17, TMN 2, 116, EDT 129, 138, 149, ЭСТЯ 1, 132, 145-146, Clark 1977, 128.
See also Oghuz *al-čak sub *al- ‘below’. Tends to contaminate with *āl ‘red’ and *āla
‘variegated’, cf. Uygh. al-gädän ‘naïve’ (’red nape’), Turkm. āla-samsɨk ‘foolish’ (’varie-
gated fool’), Bashk. al-jot ‘fool’ (’red fellow’). KW 7. Turk. *algaŕ > algaz > MMong. alɣasa-
‘faul, nachlassig sein’ (SH), then Mong. > Kirgh., KBalk. , Kum. alɣasa(r)-, Nogh. alas-la-r-
‘to become embarrassed’, (Karaim) ‘to be scared’ etc. Despite Sevortyan, Tokharian A ālās
‘iners, ignavus’ (Poucha 27), B alās- ‘be sick’ (Sieg-Siegling 91) not < Turk., but < Sanskr.
alasa.
PJpn. *ərə-ka foolish (глупый): OJpn. oro-ka; MJpn. óró-ka; Tok.
óroka; Kyo. óròkà; Kag. oroká.
◊ JLTT 511. All modern forms point to a low tone (either *rká or *rkà), but the ac-
cent attested in RJ contradicts it.
PKor. *rí- to be foolish, mistaken (быть глупым, ошибаться):
MKor. rí-; Mod. əri-sək-.
◊ Nam 361, KED 1129.
‖ Martin 243, Whitman 1985, 129, 194, 246. The most probable ac-
cent reconstruction is *le, with regular correspondences between
Turk., TM and most Japanese dialects; Kor. has a frequent “verbal” low
tone.
-ălgi net, sieve: Tung. *alga; Turk. *ĕlge-; Kor. *ərkəmi.
PTung. *alga net (сеть): Evk. alga; Man. alGan; Ul. arGa; Nan. alGa;
Orch. agga; Sol. alga.
◊ ТМС 1, 30. TM > Dag. algan, alxan (Тод. Даг. 119). Nan. > Russ. Siber. algá (Аникин
82).
PTurk. *ĕlge- 1 to sift; 2 sieve (сито, просеивать): OTurk. elge- 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. elge- 1 (MK), ele- 1 (IM), elek 2 (IM); Tur. ele- 1, elek 2;
Gag. iele- 1, ielek 2; Az. älä- 1, äläk 2; Turkm. ele- 1, elek 2; Sal. elex 2 (ССЯ
324); Khal. häjlä- 1, häjläk 2; MTurk. ele- 1, elek 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. ela- 1, elak
2; Uygh. ägli- 1, älgäk 2; Krm. ele-, öle- 1, elek, ölek 2; Tat. ilɛ- 1, ilɛk 2;
288 *li - *li
Bashk. ile- 1, ilek 2; Kirgh. ele-, elge- 1, elek, elgek 2; Kaz. ele- 1, elek 2;
KBalk. ele- 1, elek 2; KKalp. ele- 1, elek 2; Kum. ele- 1, elek 2; Nogh. ele- 1,
elek 2; Khak. ilge- 1, ilgek 2; Shr. ele- 1, elek 2; Oyr. elge- 1, elgek 2; Tv. egle-
/ elge- 1; Tof. elge- 1, elgek 2; Chuv. alla- 1, alla 2.
◊ EDT 143, VEWT 40, ЭСТЯ 1, 261-263, Егоров 24. The behaviour of the internal
cluster is phonetically normal (not on a morphemic boundary). Turk. *elgek > WMong.
elgeg, Kalm. elgəg (KW 119, TMN 2, 118, Щербак 1997, 114).
PKor. *ərkəmi a coarse sieve (грубое сито): Mod. əlgəmi.
◊ SKE 53.
‖ EAS 145, SKE 53 (Kor. is somewhat doubtful: KED 1142 has only
əlgɨm čhe ‘rough sieve’ - lit. ‘pock-marked sieve’).
-li to deceive, trick: Tung. *ali-, *alak-; Mong. *aliɣa; Turk. *Āl; Jpn.
*ira-p-; Kor. *ìrbń-.
PTung. *ali-, *alak- 1 to be angry 2 to endure 3 to regret 4 to envy (1
сердиться 2 терпеть 3 сожалеть, каяться 4 завидовать): Evk. ali- 1;
Evn. alêl- 1; Neg. alị- 1, alaxị- 4; Man. aĺa- 3; Ul. alị- 2; Nan. alị- 2, alaqị 4;
Orch. ali- 2; Sol. aĺ-, alī- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 29, 32.
PMong. *aliɣa 1 frolic, tricksy 2 to deceive (1 игривый, шаловли-
вый 2 обманывать): MMong. alija (SH, Козин) 1; WMong. alija 1 (L 32),
alašira- 2 (Ko 74); Kh. alia 1; Bur. aĺā 1; Kalm. aĺā, äĺǟn 1; Ord. aĺā; Dag. əlē
1.
◊ KW 6, 22. Cf. also albin ‘devil, evil spirit’ ( > Yak., Dolg. albɨn ‘deception, liar’ (Kał.
MEJ 56, Stachowski 31).
PTurk. *Āl 1 device, trick, deceit 2 to deceive (1 обман, хитрость 2
обманывать): OTurk. al 1 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.), al-ta- 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. āl 1 (MK, KB), alda- (MK); Tur. al 1, aldat- 2; Az. al 1 (dial.),
al-da-n- ‘to be deceived, to err’; Turkm. āl 1, ālda- 2; MTurk. al 1, alda- 2;
Uzb. alda- 2; Uygh. aldi- 2; Tat. alda- 2; Bashk. alda- 2; Kirgh. alda- 2; Kaz.
alda- 2; KBalk. alda- 2; KKalp. alda- 2; Kum. al 1, alda- 2; Nogh. alda- 2;
Khak. alda- 2; Shr. alda- 2.
◊ EDT 120-121, TMN 2, 93, ЭСТЯ 1, 126-127. A discussion of albastɨ ( = Mong. albin)
see in TMN 2, 109-110. Turk. *āl-da- > Mong. alda- ‘to deceive’ (MA, cf. also TMN 2, 116,
Щербак 1997, 97) > Evk. alda- etc. (Doerfer MT 109). On Mong. alda- ‘to lose’ see *le
‘weak, tired’.
PJpn. *ira- to play, tamper with; concern oneself with (играть, во-
зиться, совать куда-л. нос): MJpn. iraf-.
◊ JLTT 698. .
PKor. *ìrbń- to steal (воровать): MKor. ìrpń-, ìrws-.
◊ Nam 405.
‖ PKE 21. Ramstedt cites Kor. ari- ‘angry’, but all dictionaries avail-
able to us only have ari- ‘bitter, pungent’. A suffixed form *li-bV may
 *álikV - *ălpa 289

be probably recovered in Mong. albin, Kor. *ìrbń- (and perhaps also PT

*alba-stɨ) and PJ *ira-p-.
-álikV a k. of small animal: Tung. *(x)algi-n; Mong. *(h)alag-; Turk.
*Ălaŋɨr; Jpn. *írúká.
PTung. *(x)algi-n otter (male) (выдра (самец)): Neg. alg; Man.
algin.
◊ ТМС 1, 30.
PMong. *(h)alag- jerboa (тушканчик): WMong. alaɣdaɣa, alaɣdaqai
(БАМРС); Kh. alagdāx, algadāx; Bur. alagdāgan.
◊ Formally - a compound meaning “variegated colt” (although one should note that
the standard spelling for “colt” is WMong. daɣaɣan, Khalkha dāga). Mong. > Tuva alaq-tāɣɨ
‘jerboa’ (reinterpreted as ‘variegated lump’), Russ. Siber. alagdá, alagdáj (Аникин 79),
Man. alaqdaχan (Rozycki 15).
PTurk. *Ălaŋɨr a k. of rat, jerboa (вид крысы, тушканчик): Karakh.
alaŋɨr (MK); Turkm. alaqa ‘gopher’, alaŋŋɨrt ‘field mouse’; MTurk.
alaŋɣarat ‘gros rat’ (Pav. C. 30).
◊ EDT 149.
PJpn. *írúká dolphin (дельфин): OJpn. iruka; MJpn. iruka; Tok.
ìruka; Kyo. írúká; Kag. irúka.
◊ JLTT 426.
‖ In Turk. and Mong. the stem is associated with the reflexes of *ālV
‘variegated’ (q. v.), which is most probably a folk etymology. In Japa-
nese the meaning ‘dolphin’ must be a secondary transformation of ‘ot-
ter-like animal’ (cf. the meaning ‘otter’ in TM).
-ălpa unable, sick; being at service, man-at-arms: Tung. *alba-; Mong.
*alba-n; Turk. *ălp; Jpn. *apar-; Kor. *àrphằ-.
PTung. *alba- 1 to be unable 2 lazy (1 не мочь 2 ленивый): Evk.
alba- 1; Evn. alb- 1; Neg. alba- 1; Ork. alba- 1; Nan. albaqto 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 30.
PMong. *alba-n 1 compulsion, forcing 2 to force 3 service, duty (1
насилие, принуждение 2 принуждать 3 служба, обязанность):
MMong. alban 3 (HYt); WMong. alba(n) 1, 3 (L 27); Kh. alba 3, alba-da- 2;
Bur. alba(n) 3, alba-da- 2; Kalm. alwə, alwn 1, 3; Ord. alba 3, alba-da- 2, to
take a tribute; Dag. alba 3 (Тод. Даг. 119), alebe 3 (MD 112); Mongr. ar-
wan 3 (SM 15), alwan (MGCD).
◊ KW 9, MGCD 101. Mong. > Shor alban etc. (VEWT 16, Щербак 1997, 199); > Man.
alban etc. (Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 15), Russ. dial. albán, Oyr. alman > Russ. Siber. almán
(Аникин 81, 83).
PTurk. *ălp 1 difficult, hard 2 warrior 3 hero 4 brave 5 giant 6 land-
lord (1 трудный 2 воин 3 герой 4 храбрый 5 великан 6 помещик,
землевладелец): OTurk. alp 1, 2, 4 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.); alp-a-ɣut 2
(OUygh.).; Karakh. alp 2, 4 (MK, KB, Tefs., IM); alpaɣut 2 (MK); Tur. alp
290 *àlu - *lV
3, 4; MTurk. alp 2, 3 (Sngl).; Uzb. alp 3; Uygh. alpawut 2; Krm. alp ‘chief’,
alpawut ‘gentry man’; Tat. alɨp 3, 5, alpawɨt 2; Bashk. alpawɨt 2, alpamɨša 5
(from Alp Amɨša, a folklore name, = Tat.); Kirgh. alp 3, 4, 5, albūt
‘hot-tempered’; Kaz. alɨp 5, albɨt, albɨrt ‘hot-tempered’; KKalp. alp 3, 5,
albɨra- ‘be exhausted, embarassed’; Khak. alɨp 4, albɨx- ‘to act as a med-
dler’; Shr. alɨp 4; Oyr. alɨp 4; Tv. albɨq- ‘to pant, stifle’, albā- ‘to lapse into
oblivion’; Chuv. olъp 5, olbut 2; Yak. alɨp ‘witchcraft; part of some names
of spirits’.
◊ EDT 127-128, VEWT 18, ЭСТЯ I 139, Федотов 2 276. Clauson’s hypothesis that the
reflexes of *alpawut in recent languages are the result of a re-borrowing from Mong. (cf.
Lit. Mong. albaɣut (Kow. 84) < Turk.), partly contaminated with Mong. alban ‘tax’, is un-
necessary: a semantic shift ‘warrior’ > ‘gentry’ > ‘landlord’ seems to be natural. Cf. a bor-
rowing from Mong. alba-tu in Tuva, Oyr. albatu, albatɨ, Kirgh. albatɨ ‘tax-payers, people’.
PJpn. *apar- to pity (жалеть, сострадать): OJpn. apare-m-; MJpn.
áfáre-b-, afare-m-; Tok. awaré-m-; Kyo. áwáré-m-; Kag. àwàrè-m-.
◊ JLTT 388, 679. The accent situation is not quite clear: modern dialects rather uni-
formly point to low tone (also in the noun *apara-i ‘sympathy, pity’ > Tokyo áware, Kyoto
áwàrè, Kagoshima awaré); but the only accentuation attested in RJ is ápáre-b-.
PKor. *àrphằ- to be ill (болеть): MKor. àrphằ-; Mod. aphɨ-.
◊ Nam 347, KED 1078.
‖ Poppe 85, 121 (Turk-Mong.); TMN 2, 110-111.
-àlu good, beautiful: Tung. *(x)ala; Mong. *(h)olig; Jpn. *ùrùpà-; Kor.
*àr-.
PTung. *(x)ala tasty, sweet (вкусный, сладкий): Evk. ala; Evn. alq;
Neg. alagdị.
◊ ТМС 1, 27.
PMong. *(h)olig good quality (хорошее качество): WMong. oliɣ
(МХТТТ); Kh. olig; Bur. olig; Kalm. oliG ‘Brauchbarkeit’.
◊ KW 284.
PJpn. *ùrùpà- beautiful, excellent (красивый, прекрасный): OJpn.
urupa-si; MJpn. ùrùfà-si; Tok. uruwashí-; Kyo. úrùwàshì-; Kag. uruwáshi-.
◊ JLTT 843. The Kagoshima accent is irregular.
PKor. *àr- pretty, beautiful (красивый): MKor. àrắm-táp-; Mod.
arɨm-tap-.
◊ Nam 336, KED 1071.
‖ SKE 14. Kor. has a usual “verbal” low tone.
-lV to destroy, kill: Tung. *āli-; Mong. *ala-; Turk. *Alk-.
PTung. *āli- 1 to crumble (of earth, snow) 2 to kill an animal (after a
long hunt) (1 обваливаться (о почве, снеге) 2 убивать зверя (при об-
лаве)): Neg. ālị-w- 1; Ud. ali- 2, alip- ‘to become spoiled (of meat)’
(Корм. 205, 206).
◊ TMC 1, 32.
 *lV - *lV 291

PMong. *ala- to kill (убивать): MMong. ala- (SH 4), ala- (HYt), ala-
(IM 432), alā- (MA 97).; WMong. ala- (L 26); Kh. ala-; Bur. ala-; Kalm. al-;
Ord. ala-; Mog. olā-, āla-; ZM la- (24-10b); Dag. ala- (Тод. Даг. 119), ale
(MD 112); Dong. ala- (Тод. Дн. 109); Bao. ale- (Тод. Бн. 133), alə-
(MGCD); S.-Yugh. ala-; Mongr. ala- (SM 3).
◊ KW 7, MGCD 102.
PTurk. *Alk- to finish; destroy; (refl.) perish, be exhausted, come to
an end (заканчивать, выполнять; уничтожать): OTurk. alq- (Orkh.,
OUygh.), alq-ɨn- (refl.) (OUygh.); Karakh. alq- (MK, IM), alq-ɨn- refl.
(MK, IM), alqɨš- ‘to destroy each other’ (MK); Tur. alk- (dial.); alk-ɨš-
(Old Osm.) ‘to destroy (many)’; Kirgh. alq-ɨn- ‘to weaken’ (Р I 390), ‘to
rage’ (Юд. 51) (?); Kaz. alq-ɨn- ‘to get short of breath, chafe’ (?); KKalp.
alq-ɨn- ‘to get short of breath’.
◊ EDT 135, 137, 138-139; VEWT 17. Reflexes in modern languages are not quite se-
cure. The reflexive form alkɨn- ‘weaken’ (but note the difference in meanings in Radlov
and in modern dictionaries) may be derived both from *alk- and from *alɨk- ‘to deterio-
rate, disintegrate’ (EDT 138), which belongs rather to *Al ‘silly, weak’, alɨɣ ‘bad, weak,
wicked’ (in any case, cannot be morphologically identified with *alk-), thus modern lan-
guages may exhibit a contamination.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lV ( ~ *ē-) variegated: Mong. *ala-g; Turk. *āla; Kor. *ər-.
PMong. *ala-g variegated (пестрый): MMong. alax- (HY 13), alax
(SH), alā (IM 432), ala (MA 97, 99); WMong. alaɣ (L 26); Kh. alag; Bur.
alag; Kalm. aləg; Ord. alaq; Mog. alō; Dag. alag (Тод. Даг. 119), alahe (MD
112); Bao. aləG; S.-Yugh. alag; Mongr. alaG (SM 3).
◊ KW 6. Mong. > Man. alxa etc. (ТМС 1, 27; Doerfer MT 75; Rozycki 15).
PTurk. *āla variegated (пестрый): OTurk. ala (OUygh.); Karakh. ala
(MK); Tur. ala; Gag. ala-ǯa; Az. ala; Turkm. āla; Sal. ala; Khal. hala-bula;
MTurk. ala; Uzb. ɔla; Uygh. ala; Krm. ala; Tat. ala; Bashk. ala; Kirgh. ala;
Kaz. ala; KBalk. ala; KKalp. ala; Kum. ala; Nogh. ala; SUygh. ala; Khak.
ala; Shr. ala; Oyr. ala; Tv. ala; Chuv. ola; Yak. ala.
◊ EDT 126, VEWT 15, ЭСТЯ 1, 129-130, TMN 2, 95-97, Федотов 2, 274, Лексика 607.
PKor. *r-nùk- to be spotted, ornamented (быть пятнистым, укра-
шенным): MKor. r-núk-; Mod. əlluk, əlləŋ.
◊ Nam 360, KED 1143, 144.
‖ SKE 7, KW 6-7, Лексика 607. Despite Doerfer TMN 2, 96, Щербак
1997, 97, there is no reason for assuming Turk. > Mong., and even less -
Mong. > Turk. (despite Rozycki 16). Cf. also Evn. (Okh.) iler ‘varie-
gated’ ( < *elir ?; see ТМС 1, 312).
292 *ĺa - *ằĺčà
-ĺa to cross (a mountain): Tung. *ala-; Mong. *alu-s; Turk. *(i)āĺ-; Jpn.
*asu.
PTung. *ala- 1 to cross (a mountain) 2 mountain 3 mountain pass 4
ravine (1 переваливать (гору) 2 гора 3 горный перевал 4 лощина):
Evk. ala- 1, alakīt, alan 3; Evn. aln- 1, aln 3; Neg. alan- 1, alaxt 3; Man.
alin 2; SMan. alin 2 (2067); Jurch. ali-in (39) 2; Nan. ala 3 (Bik.); Ud. ala 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 27-28.
PMong. *alu-s on the other side; far away (на другой стороне):
MMong. alus (SH), udur ālus ‘через день’ (MA 273); WMong. alus (L
33); Kh. als; Bur. alas; Kalm. als; Ord. alus; Mongr. alāŋ ‘contrée, pays’
(SM 4).
◊ KW 8. Mong. > Kirgh. alɨs ‘far, far away’ etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 147), Yak., Dolg. olus ‘very’
(Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 193).
PTurk. *(i)āĺ- 1 to cross (a mountain) 2 to surpass (1 переходить
(через гору) 2 превосходить): OTurk. aš- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
aš- 1 (MK); Tur. aš- 1; Gag. aš- ‘to go beyond the range of vision’; Az. aš-
1; Turkm. āš- 1, 2; Khal. āš- 1; MTurk. aš- 1, 2; Uzb. ɔš- 1, 2; Uygh. aš- 1,
2; Krm. aš- 1, 2; Tat. aš- 2; Bashk. aš- 2; Kirgh. aš- 1, 2; Kaz. as- 1, 2;
KKalp. as- 1; SUygh. as- 1; Khak. as- 1, 2; Shr. as- 1, 2; Oyr. aš- 1, 2; Tv.
aš- 1, 2; Yak. ās- 1, 2; Dolg. ās- ‘to go by’.
◊ VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 212-214, EDT 255, Stachowski 41. The OT gerund ašru ‘having
crossed over, exceeded > very’ > Mong. asuru (Clark 1980, 42, Щербак 1997, 102-103).
PJpn. *asu steep bank, precipice (крутой берег, обрыв): OJpn. asu
(azu).
‖ EAS 108, 139, ТМС 1, 28, ЭСТЯ 1, 214, Poppe 96, KW 7, 8, VEWT
30, ОСНЯ 1, 274, АПиПЯЯ 291. Despite Doerfer MT 91, TM cannot be
explained as borrowed < Mong.
-ằĺčà knucklebone; foot: Tung. *(x)ajū; Mong. *(h)alču; Turk. *(i)aĺ(č)uk;
Jpn. *àsì.
PTung. *(x)ajū knucklebone (лодыжка, бабка): Evk. ajū, ajūkān; Sol.
ajx.
◊ ТМС 1, 23.
PMong. *(h)alču- 1 knucklebone 2 depression on the side of an an-
klebone (1 лодыжка, щиколотка 2 выемка, впадина в лодыжке):
WMong. alču, alčuŋɣai 2 (L 29); Kh. alc ‘вогнутая сторона бабки, верб-
люд (название положения игральное кости’ (БАМРС); Kalm. alcə 1;
Ord. alčaG ‘голень’.
◊ KW 8. See also Дыбо 1993. Mong. > Tat. alču etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 144-145); Manchu alču,
Neg. alčụxān etc. (ТМС 1, 34; see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 15).
PTurk. *(i)aĺ(č)uk 1 ankle joint, knucklebone 2 die (1 лодыжка, баб-
ка 2 альчик): Karakh. ašuq 1 (MK); Tur. ašuq 2 (Osmanli), ašɨk 1, 2; Az.
ašɨG 2; Turkm. ašɨq 2; Khal. ušaq 2; MTurk. ašuq 1, ‘bone of the elbow’
 *ăĺi - *ăĺi 293

(Abush.); Uzb. ɔšiq 2; Uygh. ošuq 1, 2; Krm. ašɨq 2; Tat. ašɨq 2; Bashk. ašɨq
2; Kirgh. ašɨq 2; Kaz. asɨq 1, 2; KBalk. ašɨq 1, 2; KKalp. asɨq 2; Kum. ašɨq 2;
Nogh. asɨq 1, 2; Oyr. ažɨq 2.
◊ EDT 259, VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 216-217, TMN 2, 64-65, Лексика 288.
PJpn. *àsì foot (нога): OJpn. asi; MJpn. àsì, àsí; Tok. ashí; Kyo. áshì;
Kag. áshí.
◊ JLTT 385. OJ also has a variant a- in compounds (obviously a contraction).
‖ Poppe 86, 95, TMN 2, 115, АПиПЯЯ 275, Дыбо 15, Лексика 288.
-ăĺi to know; to listen, hear: Tung. *ala-; Mong. *al-dar; Turk. *ẹĺit-; Kor.
*ār-.
PTung. *ala- 1 to tell 2 (caus.) to teach, explain 3 to offer as sacrifice
4 to be responsible 5 royal decree (1 учить, объяснять 2 рассказывать
3 приносить в жертву 4 нести ответственность 5 высочайшее пове-
ление): Evk. alawū- 2; Neg. ala-čị- 3; Man. ala- 1; SMan. alə- ‘to tell, to
inform’ (1346); Jurch. alawa-gi (576) 5; Ul. alaụ- 2, 4; Ork. alaụ- 2; Nan.
alō-sị- 2; Orch. alụ- 1, alaw- 2; Ud. alau- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 28. Cf. also Man. algi- ‘to be glorified’, algin ‘fame’ - probably belonging
here and not (despite Doerfer MT 239) borrowed from Turk. *ạlkɨ- (a quite different root,
see *p῾ŏlge); TM *al-du ‘news, rumours, information’ (ТМС 1, 31).
PMong. *al-dar fame, honour (слава, почет): MMong. aldar (SH);
WMong. aldar (L 30); Kh. aldar; Bur. aldar; Kalm. aldr; Ord. aldar; Dag.
aldar,aldūr (Тод. Даг. 120); aldartī, aligiən (MGCD), aledere ‘news’ (MD).
◊ KW 6, MGCD 102.
PTurk. *ẹĺit- to hear (слышать): OTurk. ešid- (Orkh.), ešit- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ešit- (MK, KB); Tur. išit-; Gag. išit-; Az. ešit-, pass. ešidil-;
Turkm. ešit-, pass. ešidil-; Sal. išti-; Khal. išüt-; MTurk. ešit- (Abush. 63);
Uzb. ešit-; Uygh. ešet- (Kashg., УНС 109); Krm. šit-; Tat. išet-; dial. (Mis-
har) iš- ‘hear’ (ТТДС 156), (Bar.) išɛn- ‘listen’ (ЯБТ 140); Bashk. išet-;
Kirgh. ešit-; Kaz. est-; KBalk. ešt-; KKalp. esit-; Kum. ešit-; Nogh. esit-;
Khak. is- / ist-; Chuv. ilt-; Yak. ihit-, pass. ihilin-; Dolg. ihit-, pass. ihilin-.
◊ VEWT 51, EDT 257-8, ЭСТЯ 1, 318-319, Егоров 69, Stachowski 123. Note -d- in
Runic and the voicing of -t before a vowel in Az. and Turkm. Khak. has two forms of
stem (is- and iste-, morphonologically distributed, so that is- < iste-; the same historical
process could have occurred with. Küär. äš-, Kach. eš- (R 1, 905); so the only clear evi-
dence for the stem *eĺ- are Tatar dialectal reflexes (in which case -t may be a causative
suffix, see Bang 1925, Zajączkowski 1932). Shor este- ‘to hear’, estel- ‘to be heard’ do not
belong here, being derived from *es > is ‘mind, memory’, like Mod. Uygh. aŋla- ‘to hear’ <
aŋ ‘mind’.
PKor. *ār- to know (знать): MKor. ār-; Mod. āl-.
◊ Nam 346, KED 1089.
‖ EAS 140, 154, SKE 7 (Mong.-Kor.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 282; closed *ẹ
in PT may be explained by a secondary narrowing in a disyllable *eĺ-it-
> *ẹĺ-it- (cf. *er-kek > *ẹr-kek etc.).
294 *áĺi - *aĺV
-áĺi sand: Tung. *al-; Mong. *ele-sü; Turk. *Aĺu; Jpn. *ísá-, *ísuá.
PTung. *al- 1 dirt 2 to poach (in dirt) 3 bay, shore inlet (1 грязь 2
вязнуть 3 бухта в береге реки): Evk. aldi- 2; Nan. alian 3 (On.); Ork.
alāq 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 29, 31.
PMong. *ele-sü sand (песок): MMong. elesun (HY ‘pebble’ 3, SH);
WMong. elesü(n) (L 308); Kh. els(en); Bur. elhe(n); Kalm. elsn; Ord. eles,
elüsü, elesü; Dag. eler (Тод. Даг. 139).
◊ KW 120. Mong. > Evk. ellun, eldun ‘stony place, Icelandic spar’ (ТМС 2, 448).
PTurk. *Aĺu red clay, ochre (красная глина): Karakh. ašu (MK);
Tur. ašɨ, dial. ašu, ašur, Osmanli ašu; MTurk. ašɨ (AH 6).
◊ VEWT 30, EDT 256, Лексика 376.
PJpn. *ísá-, *ísuá 1 sand 2 sea shore, beach (морской берег, побе-
режье): OJpn. isa-gwo 1, iswo 2; MJpn. ísá-gó 1, ísó 2; Tok. isago 1, ìso 2;
Kyo. ísó; Kag. íso.
◊ JLTT 427.
‖ PJ *ísuá < *ísá-gV; the root’s similarity to *(d)isi ῾stone’ is accidental
(no -i/-a alternation exists in Japanese).
-aĺV fresh crops, germinated seeds: Tung. *alu-; Mong. *(h)alir-su; Turk.
*(i)ăĺ-.
PTung. *alu- 1 currants 2 a k. of berry (моховка) (1 смородина 2
моховка (ягода)): Evk. aluɣ 1; Neg. aloj 1; Ul. ālụ 1; Ork. allụ 1; Orch. ālǟ
~ āli 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 33.
PMong. *(h)alir-su 1 chaff 2 fresh grass 3 blue-berry 4 bilberry,
cranberry (1 кожура плодов, мякина 2 свежая трава, отава 3 черни-
ка, брусника 4 черника, клюква): WMong. alisu 1 (KW 22), alir-su(n) 4
(L 32); Kh. alirs 3; Bur. alirhan 2, 3; Kalm. älsn. 1.
◊ KW 22. Mong. > Evk. alersun, Man. alisun (Poppe 1966, 197, ТМС 1, 32, Rozycki 16).
PTurk. *(i)ăĺ- 1 seed, cereals, crops; 2 graft, 3 vaccine, 4 pus (primar-
ily - as a material for vaccinacion?) 5 tanning matter, 6 starch (1 семя,
злаки, зерновые 2 привой 3 вакцина 4 гной (первоначально - как
прививка?) 5 дубильное вещество 6 крахмал): Karakh. aš-lɨq 1 (ašlɨq
tarɨɣ önar ‘crops spring’) (MK; IM); Tur. ašɨ 2, 3; Gag. haš-la- ‘to plant
out seedlings; to graft; to vaccinate’; Az. aš, ašɨ 3, 5; Turkm. aš-Gar 5;
Sal. aš-lɨq 1 (ССЯ 296); MTurk. aši 2 (Pav. C.), ‘pollen’ (Zenker I 56);
Uzb. ɔš 5, ɔš-liq 1; Uygh. aš-lɨq 1, aš-la- ‘to tan’; Krm. aš-lɨq 1, aš-la- ‘to
graft’; Tat. aš-lɨq 1, aš 1, 4 dial. (Sib., КСТТ 107), aš-la- ‘to starch’; Bashk.
ašlɨq 1, ašla- ‘to graft’, dial. aš ‘pus’ (Бhh III 26); Kirgh. aš ‘fruit of some
wild plants, berry’, aštɨq 1, aša- ‘to tan’; Kaz. astɨq 1; KBalk. aš-lɨq 1,
aš-ügü ‘one of cereal cultures’; Kum. aš 1 (Cатыб. 73), aš-la- ‘to pollinate;
to tan’; Nogh. as ‘a grain, a seed’, aslɨq 1; Khak. as 1, as-ta-n- ‘to beware
 *ámbe - *amča 295

of a disease’ (’to vaccinate oneself’?); Shr. aš 1; Oyr. aš 1; Yak. as 4, as,

ahɨlɨk ‘fruit of some wild plants, berry’; Dolg. ahɨlɨk ‘berry’.
◊ VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 211-212, 216, Stachowski 29. A lot of etymological confusion
here. Forms meaning ‘to tan, tanning matter; starch’ may be either borrowed from Per-
sian or, rather, derived from *(i)aĺ ‘meal’ (v. sub *oĺe), see Лексика 378. The latter root,
due to its phonetic similarity (or even identity) has in general influenced the present one:
‘cereals’ are influenced by ‘porridge’ and *(i)aĺ-la- ‘to graft, to pollinate’ by *(i)aĺ-la- ‘to
fertilize’ ( = ‘to feed’). It seems nevertheless impossible to unite them completely.
‖ A Western isogloss: outside the Western area cf. perhaps OJ azami
‘sow-thistle’.
-ámbe heavy, big: Tung. *amba-; Mong. *amban; Jpn. *m(p)-; Kor.
*m-.
PTung. *amba- 1 big 2 many 3 very (1 большой 2 много 3 очень):
Man. amba 1; SMan. amə ‘big, large’(2398); Jurch. amban (amban-an) (668)
1, amban-lar (724) 2; Ul. amba(n) 1, 3; Ork. ambaramǯị 3; Nan. amba(n) 1;
Orch. amba 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 36-37. The relation of Neg. amban, Oroch, Ud. amba, Ul., Orok amba(n), Nan.
ambã ‘evil spirit’ is not quite clear.
PMong. *amban big, large, heavy; minister, official (большой, тя-
желый): WMong. amban (L 36); Kh. amban; Bur. amba; Kalm. ambn;
Mongr. amba ‘dignitaire, légat, ambassadeur’ (SM 6).
PJpn. *m(p)- heavy (тяжелый): OJpn. om(w)o-; MJpn. ómó-; Tok.
òmo-; Kyo. ómó-; Kag. ómo-.
◊ JLTT 838.
PKor. *m- heavy (тяжелый): MKor. m-kp- (m-kw-); Mod. mugəp-
(mugəw-).
◊ Nam 225, KED 652.
‖ Martin 233, АПиПЯЯ 103, 277. Kor. has lost the initial vowel, as
in many other cases (*m- < *m-). Rozycki 17 supposes Man. > Mong.
which is not excluded.
-amča plough: Tung. *anǯa; Mong. *anǯi-sun; Turk. *amač; Jpn. *anti.
PTung. *anǯa plough (плуг, соха): Man. anǯa; Ul. anǯa; Nan. anǯa.
◊ ТМС 1, 43.
PMong. *anǯi-sun plough (плуг): MMong. anǯasun (HY 19);
WMong. anǯisu(n) (L 47); Kh. anǯis; Bur. anzaha(n); Kalm. ändəsn, äntəsn,
änǯəsn, andəsxə, ancəsn, ancn; Ord. andus, anǯasu, anǯusu, anǯus; Dong.
anǯasun (Тод. Дн.), nǯasə; Bao. anǯisoŋ (Тод. Бн.), anǯasun.
◊ KW 10, 11, 23, MGCD 113. Forms with -d- in some dialects are probably due to dis-
similation with -su(n). Mong. > Sol. anǯas.
PTurk. *amač plough (плуг): Karakh. amač (MK); Tur. Osm. amač;
Turkm. omač; MTurk. amač (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔmɔč; Uygh. amač; Kirgh. amač.
◊ EDT 156, TMN 2, 124. Turk. > Pers. āmāǯ (see Horn 11 on the lack of Iranian ety-
mology of the Persian word; the derivation in Bailey 326: āmāǯ < *mātač is hardly credi-
296 *ắmo - *ắmo
ble), despite Molnár 2001 (suggesting a different direction); but Chag. (Sangl.) amaǯ is
certainly a backloan < Persian. The word is also present in Armen. mač ‘plough handle’,
where it is most probably < Iranian.
PJpn. *anti a good plough (хороший плуг): OJpn. adi-sukji.
‖ Ozawa 312-313, ТМС 1, 43. An interesting common Altaic cultural
term. The TM forms could be < Mong. (see Rozycki 19), but the absence
of -su(n) (universally present in the Mong. form) suggests rather their
genuine nature.
-ắmo mouth; taste (*amo-t῾a, *amo-sa): Tung. *amŋa, *amta-; Mong. *ama-,
*amsa-, *amta; Turk. *um-, *um-sa-; Jpn. *ámá-, *ántí; Kor. *más.
PTung. *amŋa, *amta- 1 mouth 2 to taste (1 рот 2 пробовать на
вкус): Evk. amŋa 1, amta- 2; Evn. amŋъ 1, amtъ- 2; Neg. amŋa 1, amta- 2;
Man. aŋga 1; SMan. aŋə 1 (27), aŋa 1; Jurch. am-ŋa (494) 1; Ul. aŋma 1;
Ork. amŋa / aŋma 1; Nan. amGa 1; Orch. amma 1; Ud. aŋma 1; Sol. amma,
angai 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 38-39. PTM *amta- ‘to taste’ is hardly borrowed from Mong., since
Mong. amta(n) is used only as a noun; however, forms like Evk. amta etc. ‘taste’, as well as
-la-derivatives (Evn. amtl-, Nan. amtala- etc.) are most probably < Mong., see Doerfer MT
19. For PTM *amŋa ‘mouth’ borrowing is excluded. The stem *amŋa within TM tends to
contaminate with *aŋa ‘hole’ (v. sub *àŋa), which is obviously a secondary development.
PMong. *ama-, *amsa-, *amta 1 mouth 2 to taste 3 taste (1 рот 2
пробовать на вкус 3 вкус): MMong. aman (HY 45, SH), aman (IM 432),
aman (MA 99) 1, amsa- (HY 25), amsa- (MA 101) 2, amtan (HY 25) 3, am-
tata’i (SH), omṭaṭā (IM 432) ‘sweet’, amta (MA 101) 3; WMong. ama(n) 1
(L 35), amsa- 2 (L 39), amta(n) 3 (L 39); Kh. am 1, amsa- 2, amt(an) 3; Bur.
aman 1, amha- 2, amta(n) 3; Kalm. amn 1, amsa- 2, amtn 3, am-la- ‘to spell,
to speak’; Ord. ama 1, amsa- 2, amta 3; Mog. aman, amun 1, amsa 2, amta 3
(Ramstedt 1906); ZM mn (1-7a) 1; Dag. ama 1 (MGCD am), anta- 2,
anta 3 (Тод. Даг. 120, 121) (MGCD: ant), ame 1, amete ‘tasty’ (MD 114);
Dong. amaŋ 1 (MGCD: aman), amusa- 2, anda-tu ‘tasty’ (Тод. Дн. 110);
Bao. amaŋ (Тод. Бн. 133) 1, amtəg 3 (MGCD); S.-Yugh. aman 1, amsa- 2,
amtan 3; Mongr. ama 1 (SM 5), amusa- 2 (SM 7), MGCD amsa-), amata-,
amuta 3 (SM 6, 7), amta 3 (MGCD).
◊ Cf. also Mong. *amasar ‘cavity, hole’. Тод. Мгр. 314, Тод. ЯМВМ 112, KW 9, 10,
MGCD 105, 109; TMN 1, 148, 149., Bur. amhagar ‘разверстый’. Mong. amtan > Yak., Dolg.
amtan (Kał. MEJ 41, Stachowski 33).
PTurk. *um-, *um-sa- 1 to hope for 2 to envy 3 an object of hope,
desire; hope (1 надеяться 2 завидовать 3 объект надежды, желания;
надежда): OTurk. umuɣ 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. um- 1, umdu 3 (MK, KB),
umdu-čɨ ‘beggar’ (MK); Tur. um- 1, umsan- 1, umu 3; Gag. um- 1,; Az.
um- 1, umsun- ‘to be disappointed’, umaǯaG 3; Turkm. ɨmtɨl- ‘to wait for
food’; MTurk. um-unč 3 (Pav C.); Uzb. um- 1 (dial. Khorazm.), umsun-
‘to experience a flow of milk in one’s breast and a desire to feed a
 *mú - *mú 297

baby’; Krm. um- 1, umsun- 1; Tat. omtɨ-l- 1; Kirgh. umu- 1, umsun- 1, um-
tul- ‘to strive’; Kaz. umtɨ- ‘to dart, lunge’; KKalp. umɨt-, ɨmtɨl- ‘to strive’;
Nogh. ɨmtɨ- ‘to dart, lunge’; Khak. umzan- 1 (Верб.); Oyr. umzan- ‘to go
in a direction’, umza- ‘to make smb. to go in a direction’; Chuv. ъₙmza-
2; Yak. umsu-gu-j- ‘to become keen on, addicted’, umnahɨt (*umdačɨt)
‘beggar’.
◊ EDT 155-156, 157, 158; VEWT 513, ЭСТЯ 1, 595-596. Some derivatives tend to
merge with Pers. umīd ‘hope’ (whence certainly Turkm. umt, Gag., Karaim, Kum. umut
id.) Not quite clear is the relation of this root to the verb ɨntɨ- ‘to yearn’, Chuv. ъnDъ-
(ЭСТЯ I 653-654).
PJpn. *ámá-, *ántí 1 taste 2 tasty, sweet (1 вкус 2 вкусный, слад-
кий): OJpn. adi 1, ama- 2; MJpn. ádí 1, ámá- 2; Tok. àji 1, àma- 2; Kyo. ájí
1, ámà- 2; Kag. áji 1, áma- 2.
◊ JLTT 389, 825.
PKor. *más taste (вкус): MKor. más; Mod. mat [mas], mət [məs].
◊ Nam 203, KED 588, 614.
‖ EAS 116, 140, Poppe 68, Колесникова 1972a, 73-77, Martin 248,
АПиПЯЯ 46-47, 70, 291, Rozycki 18. A common Altaic root with old
derivatives meaning ‘taste’: *ámo-sa- > Turk. *umsa-, Mong. *amsa-, Kor.
*más; *ámo-t῾a > Mong. *amta, TM *amta-, Jpn. *ántí. The deriving root
itself, with its basic meaning ‘mouth’, could probably also designate ‘to
taste’ in predicative function (cf. the suffixless Jpn. *ámá- ‘tasty, sweet’
and PT *um- (*’to taste, have a taste for’ > ‘to hope’). Despite Doerfer
MT 19, TM *amŋa ‘mouth’ cannot have anything in common with
Mong. *haŋga ‘crack, hole’ (on this form see sub *àŋa and *p῾eŋi).
-mú river, valley: Tung. *āmu-; Mong. *ama-n; Jpn. *ùmí; Kor. *omi.
PTung. *āmu- 1 lake 2 river (1 озеро 2 река): Evk. āmut 1; Evn.
amar, āmār 2; Neg. amụt 1; Man. omo 1; SMan. omə 1 (2082); Jurch. omo
(45) 1; Nan. amoã 1; Orch. amu 1; Ud. amuli ‘name of a river’ (Корм.
207); Sol. amụǯi 1, amur 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 40. Man. > Oroch, Ul. omo, Orok omō id.
PMong. *ama-n valley (падь, долина): MMong. ama-sar ‘mountain
fold’ (SH); WMong. ama(n); Kh. am(an); Kalm. amn; Ord. ama(n).
◊ KW 9. Should be distinguished from *ama-n ‘mouth’.
PJpn. *ùmí sea (море): OJpn. umji; MJpn. ùmí; Tok. úmi; Kyo. ùmí;
Kag. umí.
◊ JLTT 562.
PKor. *omi land sink, pool (впадина (заполненная водой), лужа):
Mod. omi.
◊ KED 1200.
‖ Cf. Amu-Darya in Turk.; Oyr. Umar ‘big river (Ob’).?
298 *ămV - *mV
-ămV quick, timely: Tung. *am-; Mong. *(h)am-; Turk. *(i)am-; Kor. *ām.
PTung. *am- 1 quick, quickly 2 to be in time, to catch up 3 to reach,
touch (1 быстрый, быстро 2 успеть, застать вовремя 3 достать, дотя-
нуться): Evk. ama, ama-kān 1, amin-, ami-ltän-; Evn. āmrq 1, āmltn- 2;
Man. am-bu-, am-ča- 3; SMan. aməčə- 2; Nan. am-qa-čị- 3 Bik.; Sol. amarī 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 34, 37, 38. TM > Dag. amilta- ‘to be in time, catch’ (Тод. Даг. 120).
PMong. *(h)am- 1 sudden, quick 2 to be on time (1 внезапный, бы-
стрый 2 быть вовремя): WMong. ama-ɣai 1, am-ǯi- 2 (L 41); Kh. amǯi- 2;
Bur. amža- 2, amžalta 3; Kalm. amɣǟ 1,; Ord. amǯi- 2.
◊ KW 9.
PTurk. *(i)am- 1 now 2 recent (1 сейчас 2 недавний): OTurk. am-tɨ 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. am-dɨ 1 (MK, KB); SUygh. am-ɣo, am-dö-ko 2
(ЯЖУ 15); Khak. am 1, am-dɨ-ɣɨ, am-ɣɨ 2; Shr. am, amdɨ 1, amdɨɣɨ 2, am-oq
‘at once’; Tv. am 1, amɣɨ 2, amd (< amdɨɣɨ) ‘the same’; Tof. am, amdɨ ,
amɣ 2; Yak. anɨ ( < *am-dɨ) 1; Dolg. anɨ 1.
◊ VEWT 18, 41, EDT 156-157, ЭСТЯ I 357, Stachowski 34, Лексика 83 (with some
confusion of *am- and *em- q.v. sub *ìmé).
PKor. *ām surely, certainly (точно, конечно): Mod. ām.
◊ KED 1093.
‖ AKE 6, EAS 117.
-mV to be quiet; sleep: Tung. *ām-; Mong. *amu-, *ami-; Turk. *ăm-.
PTung. *ām- 1 to sleep 2 to be sleepy (1 спать 2 хотеть спать): Evk.
āme- 2; Evn. āmol- 2; Neg. āma- 2; Man. amga- / amxa- 1; SMan. aməhə- 1
(528); Ul. amasị- 2; Ork. āma- 2; Nan. āmalo-, āmasị- 2; Orch. āma-si- 2;
Ud. amahi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 1-2.
PMong. *amu-, *ami- 1 to rest 2 peace, rest 3 to be / become quiet 4
life, soul (1 покоиться, отдыхать 2 покой, мир 3 успокаиваться 4
жизнь, душа): MMong. amin (HY 49) 4, amuxulaŋ ‘peace’ (HY 55), amu-
1, amura- 3, ami-du ‘alive’, amor (IM 432), amu- 1, amur 2, amin 4, ami-du
‘alive’, hamisqu ‘breath’ (MA 100, 102), amur 1, ami(n) 4, amu- 1, amur-li-
3 (SH); WMong. amu-, amura-, amara- 1, amur 2 (L 36, 40); Kh. amar,
amgal (<*amu-gal) 2; ‘easy’, aḿ (amin) 4, amra- 1, aḿsga- ‘to breathe’; Bur.
amar 2, amar- 1, amgalan(g) ’peaceful’, ami(n) 4, ‘breath’, amisxa- ‘to
breathe’; Kalm. amr, amɣūləŋ 2, amr- 1, ämn 4, ämsχə- ‘to breathe’; Ord.
am, amur, amūlaŋ, amuɣūlaŋ 2, amara- 1, ami 4, amus ge- 3, amisχa- ‘to
breathe’; Mog. amdun ‘lebendig’ (Ramstedt 1906); ZM amūdu’i ‘alive’;
Dag. amar(a)- 1, 3, amal, amūl 2, ami 4, amisa- ‘запыхаться’ (MD 6, Тод.
Даг. 120); Dong. hamura- 1, amin 4 (Тод. Дн. 110, 139); Bao. hamera- 1
(Тод. Бн. 150) (MGCD: hamər-); S.-Yugh. amura- 1 (MGCD aməra-), amar
2; Mongr. xamurā- (SM 154), xamburā- 1, ami (SM 6) 4, amuraG ‘ami, qui
s’accorde bien’ (SM 6).
 *nda - *nda 299
◊ KW 9, 22, Тод. Мгр. 314, 373, MGCD 106, 109, 110. Mong. > Tuva ami ‘life’ etc., Sol.
ami, Man. ami-la-, see Doerfer MT 136; > Shor etc. abɨr (R), Tuba, Nogh. awɨr ‘peace, quiet-
ness’ - see ЭСТЯ I 59; > Evk. amurā-, Man. amuran, see Doerfer MT 99.
PTurk. *ăm- 1 gentle, quiet 2 to love, desire, rejoice 3 politeness 4
beloved 5 to be quiet (1 тихий, спокойный 2 любить, радоваться 3
вежливость 4 милый, любимый 5 быть спокойным): OTurk. amul,
amɨl 1, amraq 4, amɨr-, amran- 2, amrɨl- 5 (OUygh.); Karakh. amul 1, amraq
4, amɨrt- ‘to calm’, amrɨl- 5 (MK, KB); Tur. ɨmɨl, umul 1 (dial.); Khal. havul
‘good’ (?); MTurk. ɨmraɣ 4; Uygh. amraq 4; Kirgh. amɨz ‘honour’; KBalk.
amɨr ‘desire’; Kum. amraq ‘disposition, aptitude’; SUygh. amɨr 1, amɨra-
5; Khak. amɨr 1, amɨra- 5; Oyr. amɨr 1, amɨra- 5; Tv. amɨr 1, amɨra- 2,
amɨraq 3; Chuv. ъₙmъₙr ‘quiet and grey (weather)’; Yak. amarax, amɨrax
‘compassionate’; Dolg. amarak ‘compassionate’.
◊ EDT 160-161, 162-163, 164, VEWT 19, ЭСТЯ 1, 59-60 (confused with abra- ‘to save’ <
Mong.), Stachowski 33, TMN 2, 125, Федотов 1, 82. Turk. > MMong. amraχ ‘sweetheart’,
amuraɣ ‘friend’ (IM), amraq bol- ‘to fall in love’ (MA), amara- ‘sich lieben’, amarah ‘Liebe’
(SH), Mongr. amuraɣ ‘friend’ (Тод. Мнгр. 314) etc.; but modern Kypchak and Siberian
forms may be reborrowed < Mong.
‖ KW 9, VEWT 19, ТМС 1,2-3, АПиПЯЯ 292, Дыбо 13, Rozycki 17.
A Western isogloss. The root presents considerable difficulties because
of widespread later interlingual borrowings (see TMN 2, 125, Щербак
1997, 97-98). A specific problem is raised by initial h- in some Southern
Mongolian forms (Dong. hamura-, Bao. hamera-, Mongor xamurā- ‘to
rest’). The aspiration here is evidently secondary, because it is absent
both in Dagur and in most attested Middle Mongolian sources (but cf.
MA hamisqu). It is, therefore, probable that these forms are in fact bor-
rowed from modern Turkic dialects with secondary aspiration (cf. h- in
Khalaj). This would be indeed an argument in favour of the whole
*amura- group of words in Mong. to be regarded as borrowed from
Turkic (although later reborrowings into modern Turkic languages
were, of course, also possible). However, significant semantic and for-
mal differences do not allow us to regard as borrowed, on the one
hand, the Turkic forms going back to attested Old Uyghur (e.g. amɨr-
‘to love), on the other hand, Mong. ami-n ‘life, soul’ and amu- ‘to rest’.
-nda to do wrong; to accuse, tease: Tung. *(x)an(d)u-; Mong. *anda-;
Turk. *āt-aĺč-; Jpn. *áná-.
PTung. *(x)an(d)u- 1 to accuse 2 to tease (1 обвинять 2 дразнить,
надоедать): Evk. anū- 1; Neg. anut- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 44.
PMong. *anda- to err, mistake (ошибаться): MMong. anduri- (SH)
‘to be upset, alarmed’; WMong. anda-, andu- (L 42, 43), andaɣu-; Kh.
anda-; Bur. anda-; Kalm. and-; Ord. andū-.
◊ KW 10, Тод. ЯМВМ 113.
300 *ắni - *ni
PTurk. *āt-aĺč- to be mistaken, to err (ошибаться, заблуждаться):
Turkm. ādaš- (А-Б); MTurk. adaš-; Uygh. adaš-; Krm. adaš-; Tat. adaš-;
Bashk. aδaš-; Kirgh. adaš-; Kaz. adas-; KKalp. adas-; Kum. adaš-; Nogh.
adas-.
◊ VEWT 5. Strange reflexes of the medial consonant (voicing in Kypchak, δ in
Bashk.) may somehow reflect the original cluster “resonant + stop”.
PJpn. *áná- to despise, tease (презирать, насмехаться): OJpn.
ana-tur-; MJpn. áná-tur-; Tok. anador-.
◊ JLTT 676.
‖ A different etymology of the Jpn. form (see АПиПЯЯ 18, 81 and
*ŋenu) seems less probable because of an obvious parallelism between
the Jpn. and TM forms.
-ắni very: Tung. *ana-; Mong. *aŋ-ka; Turk. *eŋ; Kor. *àńí.
PTung. *ana- very (очень): Nan. anam; Orch. ana, anī, anu.
◊ ТМС 1, 41.
PMong. *aŋ-ka 1 original 2 very, extremely (1 первоначально, -ый;
2 очень, чрезвычайно): MMong. aŋqa (SH) 2, anqani quina ‘quite be-
hind’(MA 103); WMong. aŋqa(n) (L 45); Kh. anx(an) 1; Bur. anxa(n) 1;
Kalm. aŋxən 1; Ord. aŋxan 1; Dag. aŋke 1 (MD 115); Mongr. aŋ 1 (SM 9).
◊ KW 11-12. Mong. > Kirgh. aŋqɨ- ‘be first’.
PTurk. *eŋ very (очень): OTurk. eŋ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eŋ
(KB); Tur. en; Gag. heŋ; Az. än; Turkm. iŋ; Uzb. eŋ; Uygh. äŋ; Krm. eŋk;
Tat. iŋ; Bashk. iŋ; Kirgh. eŋ; Kaz. eŋ; KBalk. eŋ; KKalp. eŋ; Nogh. eŋ;
SUygh. jeŋ; Khak. iŋ, dial. niŋ; Shr. eŋ; Oyr. eŋ; Tv. eŋ; Yak. eŋin ‘diverse,
various’; Dolg. eŋin-eŋin ‘diverse’.
◊ VEWT 45, EDT 166, ЭСТЯ 1, 365-366, Stachowski 43. Turk. > Mong. eŋ, see TMN 2,
130.
PKor. *àńí beginning, first, preliminary (сначала, прежде всего, на-
черно): MKor. àńí; Mod. ä-bəl.
◊ Nam 339, KED 1102.
‖ SKE 5, EAS 119. Turkic and Mongolian reflect a suffixed form
*ắni-k῾V, with assimilation *-n- > *-ŋ- (and further reduction in Turkic).
-ni not, negative verb: Tung. *ā(n)-; Turk. *en; Jpn. *nà-, *-(a)n-, *ìná;
Kor. *àn-.
PTung. *ā(n)- not (не, нет): Evk. āčin; Evn. ān, āč; Neg. āčin; Man.
aqu; SMan. aqu (3017); Jurch. a-ĉwi (705); Ul. ana; Ork. ana; Nan. anā;
Orch. ana; Ud. anči; Sol. aĩ.
◊ All forms listed must go back to a common negative stem *ān-. See ТМС 1, 41, 60.
PTurk. *en not (prohibitive particle) (не (запретительная части-
ца)): Chuv. an.
◊ Егоров 26-27, Федотов 1, 43-45. An isolated Chuv. form, but probably archaic (cf.
the external evidence). Cf. also Karakh. (MK Oghuz) aŋ ‘an exclamation meaning “no”’
 *ni - *ni 301
(see EDT 165) - but it is a hapax, occurs only within a reduplication aŋ aŋ, does not regu-
larly correspond to Chuv. an and may be just onomatopoeic.
PJpn. *nà-, *-(a)n-, *ìná 1 not (verbal negation) 2 lacking,
non-existent 3 not, negation 4 to negate, dismiss (1 не (глагольное от-
рицание) 2 нет, отсутствующий, несуществующий 3 не, несогласие
4 отрицать, не допускать): OJpn. -(a)n- 1, na- 2, ina 3, ina-b- 4; MJpn.
-(a)n- 1, na- 2, ìná 3, ìnà-b- 4; Tok. ná- 2, -na- 1, ína 3, inam- 4; Kyo. nà-;
Kag. nà-.
◊ JLTT 424, 697, 835. *-(a)n- is a verbal negation, probably reflecting the original first
vowel of the root *an- (preserved because of the loss of final -i in an auxiliary verbal
morpheme). *ìná is a regular reflex of *ni, while the adjective *nà- ‘lacking, non-existent’
reveals a secondary loss of initial vowel.
PKor. *àn- not (не): MKor. àn(í)-; Mod. an(i)-.
◊ Nam 334, KED 1068.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 95-96, 277, Vovin 1997, 3. Basically an Eastern isogloss,
with a Western remnant in Chuvash. Cf. also MKor. àčhjt- (-r-) ‘not to
like’ (cf. TM *ān-či-). Korean has a usual verbal low tone.
-ni to hold, present: Tung. *anī-; Mong. *anǯu; Turk. *ēnčü; Kor. *ān-.
PTung. *anī- to present a gift (дарить, награждать): Evk. anī-; Evn.
anị-; Ulch. ajban ( < *ani-pan) 'gift'.
◊ ТМС 1, 21, 43.
PMong. *anǯu fine (штраф): MMong. anǯu, amǯu (SH); WMong.
anǯu (L 47); Kh. anʒ; Bur. anza ‘dowry’; Kalm. anz; Mongr. nar ‘cadeaux
qu’on donne à l’occasion des funerailles à tous ceux qui y assistent’
(SM 267).
◊ KW 11.
PTurk. *ēnčü 1 fief, land and vassals presented by the ruler 2 gift,
dowry (1 владение, земля и челядь, пожалованные начальником 2
подарок, приданое): OTurk. inčü (/anču) 1 (OUygh.); Turkm. īnǯi 2;
MTurk. enčü 1 (Abush. 82); Uzb. inǯu 1; Uygh. änči 1 (dial.); Tat. inče 2;
Bashk. inse 2; Kirgh. enči 1, 2; Kaz. enši 2; KBalk. enči ῾own’; KKalp. enši
2; Kum. enči-li ‘own’; Khak. inǯi 2; Oyr. enči 1, 2; Yak. enńie 2.
◊ VEWT 44, EDT 173, ЭСТЯ 1, 361-362, Лексика 347-348, Дыбо 1997. Turk. >
MMong. enčü, WMong. inǯe, Kalm. inǯə (KW 208, 296). Mong. inǯe ‘dowry’ may be in fact
a word of different (Chinese) origin, see Haenisch 82, TMN 2, 224, EDT ibid., and modern
Turkic forms may reflect a confusion of the original form and the later mongolism.
PKor. *ān- to hold in the arms (держать в руках): MKor. ān-; Mod.
ān-.
◊ Nam 345, KED 1083.
‖ SKE 11, Дыбо 15.
302 *nta - *ńe(-č῾V)
-nta oath; comrade, match: Tung. *anda; Mong. *anda; Turk. *Ānt; Jpn.
*ánta.
PTung. *anda friend (друг): Evk. anda; Neg. anda; Man. anda; Jurch.
al-da-xaj (330) cf. *alda (1-31), an-dan-do (816) ‘to follow’; Ul. anda; Ork.
anda; Nan. anda; Orch. anda; Ud. anda.
◊ ТМС 1, 42-43. TM (Nan. andaχa etc.) > Dag. antaka (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *anda 1 friend 2 oath (1 друг 2 клятва): MMong. anda 1 ,
andaqar 2 (SH), andoɣ- (IM 432) ‘to make an oath’, andă 1, andaɣar 2 (MA
102); WMong. anda 1, andaɣar, andaɣai 2 (L 42); Kh. and 1, andgaj 2; Bur.
anda 1; Kalm. andə, andn 1, andəɣər 2; Ord. anda 1; Mog. ZM andaɣ
(24-9b) 2; Dag. ande 1 (MD 115); Dong. andaɣa(n) 2; Bao. andərəG 2;
S.-Yugh. andaGar 2; Mongr. ndaGa (SM 261) 2, (MGCD amdaGa).
◊ KW 10, MGCD 106, 624, TMN 1, 151-152.
PTurk. *Ānt oath (клятва): OTurk. ant (OUygh.); Karakh. and (MK);
Tur. ant (andɨ); Az. and; Turkm. ant; Khal. a:nd; MTurk. ant; Uzb. ɔnt;
Uygh. ant; Krm. ant; Tat. ant; Bashk. ant; Kirgh. ant; Kaz. ant; KBalk. ant;
KKalp. ant; Kum. ant; Nogh. ant; Oyr. ant-ɨq- ‘to take an oath’.
◊ EDT 176, VEWT 20, TMN 2, 128, ЭСТЯ 1, 151. Original vowel length is proved by
Turk., Az. -d.
PJpn. *ánta 1 enemy 2 other (1 враг 2 другой): OJpn. ata 1, ata-si 2;
MJpn. átá 1, átà-sì, ada-si 2; Tok. adá 1; Kyo. ádà 1; Kag. ádà 1.
◊ Modern dialects point to *ántà; RJ has átá. See JLTT 376-377.
‖ EAS 153, KW 10, Владимирцов 318, Poppe 83, VEWT, ТМС. De-
spite TMN 2, 128, Щербак 1997, 98, there is no reason to suppose Turk.
> Mong.; for TM, however, a borrowing from Mong. cannot be e x-
cluded (see Poppe 1972, 100, TMN 1, 152, Doerfer MT 37, Rozycki 18).
-ant῾a hill, slope: Tung. *antaga; Jpn. *antuma; Kor. *əntək(h).
PTung. *antaga slope of a mountain (склон горы): Evk. antaɣa; Evn.
antɣ; Neg. antaɣa; Man. antu; Nan. antaǯịa; Ud. anta.
◊ ТМС 1,44.
PJpn. *antuma East (восток): OJpn. aduma.
◊ JLTT 389.
PKor. *əntək(h) hill (холм): MKor. ənthək; Mod. əndək.
◊ Nam 366, KED 1139.
‖ An Eastern isogloss: in Turk. cf. perhaps, Turkm. aŋŋat ‘sandhill,
mound’.
-ńe(-č῾V) to be quiet, sit: Tung. *āńi-; Mong. *eje, *en-; Turk. *Enč; Jpn.
*ntà-; Kor. *ànč-.
PTung. *āńi- 1 to enjoy 2 feast (1 радоваться 2 праздник): Evn. āńị-
1; Nan. ańā 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 45.
 *ńu - *ńu 303

PMong. *eje, *eŋ-ke peace, quietness (мир, покой): MMong. eje,

eŋke (SH, HYt); WMong. eje (L 304); Kh. eje, enx; Bur. eje, enxe; Kalm. ejə,
eŋkə; Ord. ẹje, eŋχe.
◊ KW 118, 123. Mong. > Yak. eje, Dolg. eje- (see Kał. MEJ 50, Stachowski 44).
PTurk. *Enč tranquil, at peace (спокойный, мирный): OTurk. enč;
enčsire- ‘to be uneasy’ (OUygh.); Karakh. enč (MK, KB), enčrü-n- ‘to live
in peace’ (KB); Tat. inčü ‘peace’ (dial., Bar., ЯБТ 139) dial.; SUygh.
inǯek-tɨɣ ‘quiet’ (ЯЖУ 32); Oyr. enčü 1, enčik- ‘to get accustomed’, enčik
‘habit’, enči-le- ‘to soothe’.
◊ EDT 171-172, 173, 174, VEWT 172, 43.
PJpn. *ntà- quiet, peaceful (мирный, тихий, спокойный): OJpn.
oda-pji-si; MJpn. òdàfíkà, oda-si; Tok. odáya-ka; Kyo. ódáyákà; Kag. odayaká.
◊ JLTT 504, 838.
PKor. *ànč- to sit (сидеть): MKor. ànč-; Mod. anč-.
◊ Nam 346, KED 1088.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297. Korean has a “verbal” low tone. Deriving Kor. anč-
from Sino-Korean an (SKE 11) should of course be rejected. The Turk.,
Kor. and Jpn. forms reflect a derivative with *-č῾V; Mong. eŋke <
*ńe-kV.
-ńu moon; (moon cycle), year: Tung. *ańŋa; Mong. *oj; Turk. *āń.
PTung. *ańŋa year (год): Evk. anŋanī; Evn. anŋn; Neg. ańŋan; Man.
ańa; SMan. ani (2723); Jurch. ania (79); Ul. ańa(n); Ork. anańị; Nan.
ajŋańa, ajŋanị; Orch. anŋańi; Ud. aŋa(n); Sol. ań, aŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 43-44. TM > Dag. ańē (sar) ‘January’ (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *oj 1 anniversary 2 year (1 годовщина 2 год): MMong. oin
‘time’ (IM = MA 443); WMong. oi 1 (L 603); Kh. oj 1; Bur. oj 1; Kalm. ȫ 2;
Ord. oön 1, 2.
◊ KW 303.
PTurk. *āń(k) moon, month (луна, месяц): OTurk. aj (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. aj (MK, KB); Tur. aj; Gag. aj; Az. aj; Turkm. āj; Sal. aj;
Khal. hāj; MTurk. aj; ań (CCum.); Uzb. ɔj; Uygh. aj; Krm. aj; Tat. aj;
Bashk. aj; Kirgh. aj; Kaz. aj; KBalk. aj; KKalp. aj; Kum. aj; Nogh. aj;
SUygh. aj; Khak. aj; Shr. aj; Oyr. aj; Tv. aj; Tof. a; Chuv. ojъx; Yak. ɨj;
Dolg. ɨj ‘month’.
◊ VEWT 10, TMN 2, 169, EDT 265, ЭСТЯ 1, 98-99 (see there on the reasons of recon-
structing *-ń), Мудрак Дисс. 178, Федотов 2, 271, Лексика 55, 76-77, Stachowski 258.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283, Дыбо 11, Мудрак Дисс. 70, Лексика 77. A West-
ern isogloss.
304 *àŋa - *ăŋatV
-àŋa hole, crack, gape: Tung. *aŋa-; Mong. *aŋ, *aŋga-; Turk. *aŋ-; Jpn.
*ànà.
PTung. *aŋa- 1 dig 2 crack, hole 3 open (1 копать 2 щель, дыра 3
открывать): Evk. aŋa- 1, aŋa-/ āŋā- 3, aŋa 2; Evn. aŋ- 1, āŋa- 3; Neg. aŋa-
1, 3, aŋa 2; Ul. aŋGala 2; Ork. āŋGa- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 45-46.
PMong. *aŋ, *aŋga- 1 crack, hole, gape 2 to open one῾s mouth; to
gape (щель, расщелина, дыра 2 раскрывать рот; открываться, зи-
ять): WMong. aŋga- 2, (L 43) aŋ 1, aŋɣai- ‘be wide open’; Kh. aŋ 1, aŋgai-
2; Bur. aŋg(an) 1; Kalm. aŋ, aŋgə 1; Ord. aŋ 1; Dag. xangai- 2 (Тод. Даг.
173) (but Тод. Даг. 121, MGCD: aŋgī, angai); Dong. anGəi- 2; Bao. aŋGi-
2; S.-Yugh. aŋɣī- 2; Mongr. ŋGai (SM 9, aŋG-) 2.
◊ KW 11, MGCD 111, 528. Mong. > Yak. aŋa-, Kirgh. aŋqaj- etc. (KW 21). The isolated
Dag. xangai- with x- is strange; it may reflect a trace of another root (cf. PA *p῾éŋi) that
disappeared in most dialects.
PTurk. *aŋ- 1 to be wide open 2 to be perplexed, astonished 3 wide
open 4 fool, simpleton 5 obtuse, stupid 6 astonished 7 to have one’s
mouth opened 8 to be drowsy, faint 9 to look at with surprise 10 to
gape (1 быть широко открытым 2 быть удивленным, опешить 3 ши-
роко открытый 4 дурак, простак 5 бестолковый 6 удивленный 7 ра-
зинуть рот 8 быть сонным, вялым 9 смотреть с удивлением 10 зи-
ять): Karakh. aŋɨl ačuq 3 (MK); Tur. (dial.) anuk, aŋɨz 4; Turkm. aŋal- 2,
aŋqar- 2, 7; MTurk. (MKypch.) anɣɨ 6 (AH); Uzb. aŋraj- 2, 7; Tat.
aŋɣɨ-miŋge bul- 3; (dial.) aŋɣɨl 5; Kirgh. aŋqaj-, aŋɣar- 1, 9 (< Mong.?), aŋqō
4, aŋɨr- 2, aŋɨraj- 10; Kaz. aŋtar-, aŋɨr- 2, aŋqaw 4; KKalp. aŋqaw 4; Nogh.
aŋqɨ-tiŋke ‘daffy’, aŋra 4, aŋšaj- 7; Khak. aŋaj- ‘to miss’, aŋmaj- 2, 7, aŋmax
‘standing with one’s mouth open’; Tv. aŋɣada- 2; Yak. aŋar- 8.
◊ EDT 184, ЭСТЯ 1, 155, 156-157.
PJpn. *ànà hole (дыра): OJpn. ana; MJpn. ànà; Tok. aná; Kyo. àná;
Kag. aná.
◊ The Kyoto accent is irregular (ánà would be expected. JLTT 381.
‖ Poppe 72, АПиПЯЯ 81. Mong. *aŋga- < *aŋa-ga-.
-ăŋatV a k. of duck: Tung. *andi; Mong. *aŋgir; Turk. *Ăŋ(k)ɨt; Jpn.
*anti.
PTung. *andi scoter, a k. of duck (турпан, утка-чернеть): Evk. anni,
andi, ende; Neg. anị; Nan. āni, āŋgi (On.) ‘diver’.
◊ ТМС 1, 43; 2, 453.
PMong. *aŋgir scoter (турпан): MMong. aŋgir (SH); WMong. aŋɣir
(L 44-45: “a k. of yellow duck”); Kh. angir; Bur. angir; Kalm. äŋgr; Ord.
?aŋgir ‘yellow’.
◊ KW 23. Mong. > Evk. aŋir etc., see Doerfer MT 68; > Yak. aŋɨr ‘выпь’, Oyr. aŋɨr
‘варнавка’, Tuva aŋgɨr, Kirgh. aŋɣar etc. (despite TMN 2, 129 those forms cannot go back
to *aŋgɨrt and must be recognized as borrowings). It is also interesting to note WMong.
 *ŋo - *ŋo 305
aǯir, Khalkha aǯir ‘teal, Anas crecca’ (L 62), possibly < *adir < *aŋdir, with a different (old
dialectal?) development of the medial cluster.
PTurk. *Ăŋ(k)ɨt wild duck (дикая утка): OTurk. aŋɨt (OUygh.);
Karakh. aŋɨt (MK); Tur. angut ‘огарь’, ankɨt (dial.); Az. anGut-boGaz
‘длинношеий’; Turkm. aŋk ‘red duck’; MTurk. anqud (Sngl); Uzb.
anɣirt ‘red duck’; Krm. anqɨt, ankit ‘ostrich, vulture, dragon’; Kum.
haŋqut; SUygh. aŋɨt; Khak. āt.
◊ VEWT 21, Лексика 172. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 129) PT *aŋgɨrt is a quite artificial con-
struct: it is based on occasional modern forms (like Uzb. aŋɣirt) which reflect a contami-
nation of *aŋɨt and the borrowed Mong. aŋɣɨr (with the influence of aŋgɨrt ‘careless’). All
old sources (see EDT 176) reflect only *aŋɨt. (Yak. ńɨntāla ‘горбоносый турпан’ (Пек.),
despite VEWT, < Evk. niltalbuki ‘a black duck with white head, from nilta- ‘to loose hair’,
lit. ‘bald bird’ ТМС I 593; annɨ, andɨ < TM *andi; anńa, anńarɨjar dial. ‘a k. of sea bird,
морянка’ (ДСЯЯ 48) < Mong. aŋgir).
PJpn. *anti a k. of duck (вид утки): OJpn. adi.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 71, Лексика 172. Cf. also Mong. aŋgat ‘аркалик (пти-
ца)’ ( < Turk.); but for *aŋgir borrowing is hardly possible, despite TMN
2, 130, Щербак 1997, 192. Mong. -r here requires an explanation: it is
most probably a result of reinterpreting the original *aŋgid as a plural
form and rebuilding a new singular *aŋgir (cf. *nökör - *nököd etc.). The
word is widely spread in Siberian languages, see Аникин 70.
-ŋo right: Tung. *āŋ(gi)-; Mong. *eŋge-; Turk. *oŋ.
PTung. *āŋ(gi)- right (правый): Evk. anŋū, āńŋū; Evn. āngɣ; Neg.
ańŋị-dā; Ul. anǯị; Ork. āńǯē; Nan. āŋgịa; Orch. āńǯä; Ud. ajaŋaǯa; Sol. an-
gida. ◊ ТМС 1, 40-41.
PMong. *eŋge- 1 South 2 front (of cloth) (1 юг 2 перед (одежды)):
WMong. eŋger 1, 2 (L 318); Kh. enger 1, 2; Bur. enger 2; Kalm. eŋgə, eŋgr
‘shore’; Ord. enger 2; Dag. enge 2; eŋge-le- ‘выступать, выдаваться’;
Dong. engie 2; Bao. əŋgər 2; Mongr. ŋge (SM 293) 2.
◊ MGCD 263, KW 122.
PTurk. *oŋ 1 right 2 good, lucky 3 West (1 правый 2 благоприят-
ный, счастливый 3 запад): OTurk. oŋ 1, 2, 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. oŋ 1, 2
(MK, KB); Tur. on 1, 2 (dial.); Turkm. oŋ 2; MTurk. oŋ 1 (Abush.); Uzb.
ọŋ 1, 2; Uygh. oŋ 1; Krm. oŋ 1, 2; Tat. uŋ 1, 2; Bashk. uŋ 1, 2; Kirgh. oŋ 1,
2; Kaz. oŋ 1; KBalk. oŋ 1, 2; KKalp. oŋ 1, 2; Kum. oŋ 1, 2; Nogh. oŋ 1, 2;
SUygh. oŋ 1; Khak. oŋ 1, 2; Shr. oŋ 1, 2; Oyr. oŋ 1, 2; Tv. oŋ 1; Chuv. ъₙn-
4; Yak. uŋa 1, ‘southern’; uŋuor ‘on the other bank’; oŋor- ‘to do, make’;
Dolg. oŋuor ‘on the other bank’; oŋor- ‘to do, make’.
◊ EDT 166-167, 168-169, VEWT 352, ЭСТЯ 1, 456-460, TMN 2, 165-166, Stachowski
195, 243. ЭСТЯ also adds the verb oŋ- ‘to prosper’; but, according to EDT, in OT this verb
has the shape on-, while the form oŋ- appears later (in Middle Kypchak and Old Osman
texts, as well as in a number of modern languages), probably as a result of contamination.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 459. A Western isogloss.
306 *aŋt῾à - *ăŋu
-aŋt῾à a k. of fragrant plant: Tung. *(x)an(d)ikta; Mong. *(h)aǯVrgana;
Turk. *Aŋduŕ; Jpn. *àntùsà.
PTung. *(x)an(d)ikta mint; name of a geranium-like plant (мята;
назв. растения (из семейства гераниевых)): Evk. anī, anikta; Neg.
ankta ‘willow-herb’; Orch. anikta.
◊ ТМС 1, 43.
PMong. *(h)aǯVrgana geranium (герань): WMong. aǯarɣana (L 61);
Kh. aʒargan; Bur. azargana; Kalm. aǯərhn (КРС).
PTurk. *Aŋduŕ 1 a medicinal shrub, elecampane 2 cypress, juniper 3
shrub, bush (1 род лекарственного растения, девясил 2 кипарис,
можжевельник 3 кустарник): Karakh. aŋduz 1 (MK); Tur. andɨz 3; Gag.
andɨz 3; Turkm. andɨz ‘переступень двудомный’; aŋŋɨza ‘a k. of moun-
tain plant’; MTurk. anduz 1 (Sngl); Tat. andɨz 2; Bashk. andɨδ 2; Kirgh.
qar-andɨz, qarɨndiz, antɨz (South dial.) 2; Kaz. andɨz, andžɨ ‘аир’; KBalk.
andɨz 2; Nogh. andɨz 2.
◊ VEWT 21, EDT 178, ЭСТЯ 1, 150-151.
PJpn. *àntùsà Catalpa ovata (катальпа): OJpn. adusa; MJpn. àdùsà;
Tok. azusa.
◊ JLTT 389.
‖ Name of a fragrant grass, probably geranium-like. One should
also note Mong. inaɣda (Khalkha janagd) ‘willow-herb’ - looking suspi-
ciously close to some TM forms (a loan from TM?).
-ăŋu wild game: Tung. *aŋa-; Mong. *(h)oɣuna; Turk. *Ăŋ.
PTung. *aŋa- 1 wild game 2 mountain ram 3 to graze (of deer) 4 en-
closure for deer (1 дикий зверь, дичь 2 горный баран 3 пастись (об
оленях) 4 загон для оленей): Evk. aŋa 1, anaŋ (dial.) 2, aŋa- 3, aŋan 4;
Evn. anŋ 2, aŋ- 3; Neg. aŋa- 3; Ork. āŋa- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 42, 45-46.
PMong. *(h)oɣunu male mountain antelope (самец горной анти-
лопы): WMong. oɣunu, onu (L 603); Kh. ōno; Bur. ōno; Kalm. ōn; Ord.
ōŋo.
◊ KW 292. Mong. > Manchu onon ‘the male zeren’ (see Rozycki 168).
PTurk. *Ăŋ wild game (дикий зверь): OTurk. aŋ (OUygh.); Karakh.
aŋ-dɨ- ‘to hunt’, aŋčɨ ‘hunter’ (MK); Turkm. aŋta- ‘to chase’; MTurk. aŋ;
Uzb. aŋ ‘hunting’ (dial.); Uygh. aŋ; Krm. aŋ; Tat. aŋ ‘elk, dear’ (dial.);
Bashk. aŋdɨ- ‘to track, waylay’; Kirgh. aŋ; Kaz. aŋ; KKalp. aŋ; Nogh. aŋ;
Khak. aŋ; Shr. aŋ ‘sable’; Oyr. aŋ; Tv. aŋ; Yak. ɨŋ ‘fence for wild rein-
deer’.
◊ Лексика 152, 417, EDT 166. Shor aŋnɨɣ, Khak. aɣnɨχ ‘net for catching sables’ is a
contamination of this root and *ag ‘net’. Turk. > Mong. aŋ id., see Clark 1977, 128-129.
‖ A Western isogloss.
 *aŋV - *pi 307

-aŋV separate, different: Tung. *aŋa-; Mong. *aŋgi-.

PTung. *aŋa- 1 foreigner 2 orphan (1 чужеродец 2 сирота): Evk.
aŋnakī 1, aŋaǯakān 2; Evn. aŋǯa 2; Neg. aŋnax 1, aŋaǯaxān 2; Man. anaqu
(ǯuj) 2; Ul. aŋaǯa, aŋańị 2; Ork. aŋada 2; Nan. aŋǯịnị 1, aŋGaǯã 2; Orch.
aŋnaińi 1, aŋaǯa 2; Ud. aŋnaxi 1, aŋaǯa 2; Sol. aŋaǯĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 46. TM > Dag. anikē (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *aŋgi- 1 apart, separately 2 class, group (1 отдельно, по-
рознь 2 класс, группа): MMong. aŋgida 1 (SH), aŋgida ‘outer’ (HYt),
angəda 1 (LH); WMong. aŋgida 1, aŋgi 2 (L 44); Kh. angid 1, angi 2; Bur.
angil- ‘to be separated’, aŋgi 2; Kalm. äŋgi 2; Ord. aŋgi ‘piece, part’ 2;
Dag. aŋg(i) 2.
◊ KW 23.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-pi to enjoy, rest: Tung. *ā(b)-; Mong. *abu-ra-; Turk. *(i)abɨ-; Jpn.
*ìpà-p-; Kor. *ìpàt-.
PTung. *ā(b)- 1 to sleep 2 to lie 3 to entertain (1 спать 2 лежать 3 за-
интересовать, развлекать): Evk. ā- 1; Evn. awụn- 3; Neg. ā- 1; Ul. aụ- ~
aw- 1, 2; Ork. ā(wụ)- 1, 2; Nan. ao- 1, 2; Orch. ā- 1; Sol. ā-in- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 2, 10 (should be distinguished from *ām- q. v. sub *mV). Loss of *-b- in
some forms is in this case probably secondary (analogical, based on the reanalysis of the
root element *-b- as a verbal suffix).
PMong. *abu-ra to save (спасать): MMong. abura- (HY 39, SH);
WMong. abura- (L 6); Kh. avra-; Bur. abar-; Kalm. awr-; Ord. awura-;
Dag. avra- (Тод. Даг. 118).
◊ KW 20. Mong. > Yak. abrā-, Dolg. abɨrā-, Koman abra- etc. (VEWT 2, Щербак 1997,
199, Kał. MEJ 41, Stachowski 27); > Chuv. upra- ‘to preserve’ (Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
PTurk. *(i)abɨ- 1 to enjoy oneself, be happy (refl.) 2 to comfort
(caus.) (1 радоваться, быть счастливым 2 утешать, успокаивать):
OTurk. abɨnɨq ‘consolation’ (USp. 43), avɨn-ču ‘concubine’ (YB 1);
Karakh. avɨn- 1 (MK), avɨt- 2 (KB); Tur. avun- 1, avut- 2, ‘to deceive’;
Gag. aut- ‘to deceive’; Az. ovun- 1, ovut- 2; Khal. avun- 1, avut- 2; MTurk.
awut- 2, awun- ‘to find comfort’ (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔvun- 1, ɔvut- 2; Krm.
avun-, uvun- ‘to be consoled’, uvut- 2; Khak. abɨt- ‘to lull’; Shr. abɨt- ‘to
lull’; Tv. aat- ‘to lull’; Tof. aat- ‘to lull’; Yak. ɨa-hax ‘play’; Dolg. ɨa-hak
‘play’.
◊ EDT 7, 12; VEWT 2, ЭСТЯ 1, 66, Stachowski 257. The meaning ‘to lull’ may belong
to the homonymic *(i)abu- ‘to bend, swing’, on which see under *ằp[ò].
PJpn. *ìpà-p- to enjoy, feast, celebrate (праздновать): OJpn. ipa-p-;
MJpn. ìfà-f-; Tok. iwá-; Kyo. íwá-; Kag. ìwà-.
◊ JLTT 700.
PKor. *ìpàt- 1 feast 2 to provide, entertain, help (1 праздник 2 снаб-
жать, предоставлять, помогать): MKor. ìpàtí 1, ìpàt- 2; Mod. ibaǯi ha-
2.
308 *àpo - *apuči
◊ Nam 400, KED 1329.
‖ Low tone in Kor. is due to the root’s verbal nature. Semantic de-
velopment is modified by changes in diathesis (e.g. in Mongolian ‘save’
< ‘comfort’ < ‘cause to enjoy’ etc.).
-àpo to wear out, be spoiled: Tung. *abu-; Mong. *ebe-; Turk. *obu-ra- /
*obu-n-; Jpn. *àpà-.
PTung. *abu- 1 to lack, be insufficient 2 to become exhausted, lean 3
to be tired 4 to bleed (1 недоставать, не хватать 2 худеть, чахнуть 3 ус-
тавать, обессилевать 4 истекать кровью): Evk. abul- 1, abu- 4; Evn.
abl- 1; Neg. abụl- 1; Man. absa- 2, abuliqabi 3; Ul. abụlị- 1; Ork. abụlị- 1;
Nan. abolị- 1; Orch. abuli- 1; Ud. abuli- 1; Sol. abụl- 1.
◊ ТМС 1,6-7. It is interesting to compare the Evk. form abu- with OT (8th cent.) ab-
‘to bleed’ (EDT 4) - perhaps a separate root? Note the irregular preservation of *-b- in all
languages, possibly suggesting an early loan from Manchu. TM > Dag. abila- (Тод. Даг.
118).
PMong. *ebe- 1 to be ill 2 to weaken 3 illness (1 болеть 2 изнемо-
гать, обессилеть 3 болезнь): MMong. ebet- (SH), ebečin 3 (HYt), äbdä-
(IM), ibd- (MA) 1; WMong. ebed- 1 (L 286), ebere- 2; Kh. övd- 1, övrö- 2;
Bur. übde- 1, übešen 3; Kalm. öwdə- 1; Ord. öwöd- 1, öwöčin 3; Mog. ebätu-;
ZM ebätun ‘pain’ (4-7a); Dag. eude- 1, eur 3 (Тод. Даг. 141, MD 146);
Dong. otu- 1 (Тод. Дн. 132); Bao. vete- 1 (Тод. Бн. 136), (MGCD) ɛtə- 1;
S.-Yugh. wēd- 1; Mongr. (w)idi-, udi- 1 (SM 188, 464), (Тод. Мгр. 368).
◊ KW 302, MGCD 536.
PTurk. *obu-ra- / *obu-n- 1 to wear out (intr.), decay 2 to cease, stop
3 to tire 4 to be destroyed (1 изнашиваться, стареть 2 прекращаться 3
уставать 4 развалиться, разрушиться): Tat. uwa-l-, wa-l- 1, 3, 4 (dial.,
ТТДТС 112, 451); Kirgh. ura- 4; Khak. ūra- 1; Oyr. ūra- 1; Chuv. ɨvъn- 3;
Yak. ūraj- 2.
◊ VEWT 356, 515. Kalm. ōr- ‘to fall apart, become spoiled’ may be < Turkic, but the
immediate source is unclear (Tat.?). The Chuv. form may be a dialectal variant of ɨlъn-,
see Егоров 342, Федотов 2, 468.
PJpn. *àpà- bleak, weak, faded (бледный, слабый): MJpn. àfà-; Tok.
awá-; Kyo. áwa-; Kag. awá-.
◊ JLTT 826.
‖ Cf. *ebi.
-apuči elder in-law: Tung. *abusi; Mong. *(h)abisu-n; Turk. *Abuč-ka.
PTung. *abusi 1 husband of elder sister 2 husband of father’s or
mother’s younger sister 3 brother-in-law, son-in-law (1 муж старшей
сестры 2 муж младшей сестры отца или матери 3 зять): Evk. awus 1;
Evn. āwụs 1, 2; Neg. awụs 1, 2; Ul. aụsị 3; Nan. aosị 3; Orch. auśä 3; Ud.
auhi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 11. TM > Dag. auš’ē ‘elder sister’s husband’ (Тод. Даг. 122).
 *apV - *apV 309

PMong. *(h)abisu-n wife of elder brother (in relation to the wife of

younger brother) (жена старшего брата (по отношению к жене
младшего брата)): WMong. abisun (L 4); Kh. aỻsan; Bur. ab’han; Kalm.
awsn, äwsn; Ord. awisun.
◊ KW 20. Mong. > Kaz. abɨsɨn, Khak. abzɨn etc. (VEWT 2, Poppe 1974, 126).
PTurk. *Abuč-ka 1 husband, old man 2 foster-mother 3 elder sister
4 uncle (1 муж, старик 2 кормилица 3 старшая сестра 4 дядя):
OTurk. avɨčɣa, abučɣa 1, abučqa 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. avɨčɣa 1 (MK, KB);
Tur. abuš 3 dial.; MTurk. abušqa, avušqa 4 (Abush., Sangl.); Tat. abušqa,
awucqa 1 dial. (Sib.); Bashk. abɨšqa 1; Kirgh. abɨšqa 1; Kaz. abɨšqa 1 dial.;
Khak. apsax, apčax, Koib. abɨsqa 1; Shr. apšɨj 1, apšaq ‘bear’; Oyr. apšɨjaq 1;
‘bear’; Tv. ašaq 1; Tof. ašɨńaq 1; Chuv. obaška.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 60-61, EDT 6, Егоров 274-275, Федотов II 282, Аникин 72. Chuv. is not
quite regular and may be an early loanword from Tat. Formally the Turk. word may be
derived from *aba ‘elder in the mother’s line’ (+ dimin. -č).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. has -s- (instead of the expected *-č-)
probably because of a fusion with the productive suffix -su(n).
-apV to take: Tung. *abgu-; Mong. *abi-; Turk. *ạbuč.
PTung. *abgu- 1 to pull out, take from 2 (refl.) to appear (1 вытаски-
вать, вынимать 2 (возвр.) появляться): Evn. abgịn- 2; Neg. abgụ- 1; Ul.
aGbụmbụ- 1, aGbụn- 2; Ork. aGbụn-; Nan. aGbị-mboGo- 1, aGbịačị- 2;
Orch. ābu- 1; Ud. agbu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 3-4.
PMong. *ab- to take (брать): MMong. abu (HY 39), ab- (SH), oba-,
aba- (IM 432), abu- (MA 94, 97); WMong. abi-, ab- (L 1,2), abu-; Kh. av-;
Bur. aba-, ab-; Kalm. aw-; Ord. ab-, aw-; Mog. afu-, ab-; ZM b- (24-6a,
41-1); Dag. aw- (Тод. Даг. 118); Dong. agi- (Тод. Дн. 110), uɣu- (MGCD)
(?); Bao. ab- (Тод. Бн. 132), apə- (MGCD); S.-Yugh. ab-; Mongr. awu-,
abu- (SM 16).
◊ KW 19, MGCD 91. Cf. also abuča ‘taking, handful’ (KW 20).
PTurk. *ạbuč handful (пригоршня): Karakh. avut (MK), avut-ča,
avuč-ča (KB), avuč (Tefs).; Tur. avuč; Gag. auč; Az. ovuč; Turkm. ovuč,
jan-avuč; Sal. uǯ; MTurk. avuč (MA, Sangl., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. xɔwuč;
Uygh. oč; Krm. avuč, uvuč, uvuc; Tat. uč; Bashk. us; Kirgh. ūč; Kaz. uwɨs;
KBalk. uwuč; KKalp. uwɨs; Kum. uvuč; Nogh. uvɨs; SUygh. oš; Khak. ōs;
Shr. oš; Oyr. ūš; Chuv. ɨvъś.
◊ EDT 44, VEWT 3, ЭСТЯ 1, 409-410, Егоров 342, Дыбо 179-181, Лексика 25-253.
Turk. > MMong. a’uč id. (Щербак 1997, 103).
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 19, Poppe 44. Despite TMN 4, 307 -310, PT
*ạbuč (*ạbut) cannot be regarded as a variant of *adɨ[ĺ] (on which see sub
*alda) - although the two roots could have influenced each other. The
310 *áp῾a - *àp῾akV
closed vowel in PT is not quite clear (under the influence of the two
following labial phonemes?).
-áp῾a father: Tung. *apa; Mong. *ab[u]; Turk. *apa; Kor. *àpí.
PTung. *apa grandfather; uncle (elder brother of father, mother)
(дедушка; дядя (старший брат отца, матери)): Neg. apa; Nan. papa
(Naikh.), fafa (Bik.) (redupl.).
◊ ТМС 1, 47, 2, 34.
PMong. *ab[u] 1 father 2 paternal uncle (1 отец 2 дядя со стороны
отца): MMong. abaqa (HY 28, SH) 2, abaɣa (MA 402) 2; WMong. abu, aba
1, abaɣa 2 (L 2, 5); Kh. av 1; avga 2; Bur. aba 1; abgaj 2; Kalm. āwə 1; awɣə
2; Ord. awaGa, aGǟ 2; Mog. ZM ɣj (12-16) 2; Dong. aba, apa, avi; Bao.
ābe, abo; S.-Yugh. awi, aba; Mongr. āba, āwa (SM 1); āGa 2.
◊ KW 19, 21. Mong. *abaga > Chag. abaqa etc. (see TMN 1, 108, Щербак 1997, 199); >
Evk. awaga etc., see Doerfer MT 89.
PTurk. *apa (*appa) father (отец): OTurk. apa (Orkh., OUygh.) ‘an-
cestors’; Karakh. apa (MK) ‘father, bear’ (“Kypch.”), (KB) ‘ancestor’;
Tur. aba; Az. aba (dial.); Turkm. aba (dial.); Sal. aba (Kakuk), aba, apa
(ССЯ); Tat. aba (dial.); Bashk. apa (dial.); Kirgh. aba; KBalk. appa, aba;
SUygh. awa; Khak. aba; Oyr. aba ‘father, bear’; Tv. ava; Chuv. oba ‘bear’.
◊ EDT 5, VEWT 1, ЭСТЯ 1, 54-58, Лексика 305, Федотов 2, 281, Аникин 71. Сf. also
*bāpa ‘grandfather, mother’s father’ (Turkm. bāba etc., see ЭСТЯ 2, 10-13, Лексика 294,
305). Voicing of -p- in many languages is probably due to expressive gemination.
PKor. *àpí father (отец): MKor. àpí; Mod. abəǯi, (vulg.) abi.
◊ Nam 338, KED 1074.
‖ EAS 140, Цинциус 1972a, 32-37. A common Altaic “nursery”
word. Cf. *ep῾V.
-àp῾akV ( ~ -k῾-) a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *(x)apkā-; Turk. *apaka; Jpn.
*àpàkì.
PTung. *(x)apkā- oak tree (дуб): Neg. apkā-kta.
◊ ТМС 1, 47.
PTurk. *apaka 1 Alnus fruticosa; Labrador tea 2 a k. of fern (1 вид
ольхи; багульник 2 вид папоротника): Karakh. apa bašɨ ‘Cannabis sa-
tiva, it is a plant which grows like Cucumis sativus and has a thorny
stern, it is eaten in the mountains’ (MK Qypch.); Tat. abaɣa 2; Bashk.
abaɣa 2; Chuv. uba-zarri 2; Yak. abaɣa 1.
◊ VEWT 1, Попов 1986, 92. OT and Chuv. reflect a folk etymology (confusion with
apa ‘bear’).
PJpn. *àpàkì a k. of oak (сизый дуб): OJpn. apakji; MJpn. àpàkì.
◊ JLTT 388.
‖ The root is sparsely attested, but seems reliable.
 *ap῾i - *ằra 311

-ap῾i wind, vapour: Tung. *apka; Mong. *aɣur; Turk. *Ep-.

PTung. *apka sky (небо): Man. abqa; SMan. abka, apka; Jurch. a-pu-
ha; Nan. apqa (Kur.-Urm.), afqa (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 1, 8.
PMong. *aɣur steam, vapour; anger (пар; гнев): MMong. a’ur (HY
42, SH), āwur, awur, hawur (MA 108, 270 ‘anger’); WMong. aɣur (L 17);
Kh. ūr; Bur. ūr; Kalm. ūr, ur; Ord. ūr; Mog. ZM āwur (15-8b) ‘cloud’;
Dag. aur (Тод. Даг. 122), aure (MD 116); Dong. ūr; S.-Yugh. ūr; Mongr.
r (SM 473).
◊ KW 450, 454, MGCD 108, 347, 663.
PTurk. *Ep- 1 to blow 2 movement of air, breeze 3 energy, tempo 4
gusty (wind) (1 дуть, веять 2 движение воздуха, ветерок 3 порыв,
темп, энергия 4 порывистый (о ветре)): Uzb. äpkin (dial.) 2; Tat. ip- 1
(Seb.); Kirgh. epkin 3; Kaz. epkin 2; KKalp. epkin 3; Nogh. epkinli 4; Oyr.
epkin 2.
◊ Лексика 42.
‖ A Western isogloss; however, in Jpn. the root probably merged
with *ĕbà ‘winnow, blow’ q.v. (cf. especially the PJ form with a velar
suffix *apu-(n)k-, OJ apug-).
-ằra back, behind: Tung. *arka-; Mong. *aru; Turk. *ărka; Jpn. *àtuà.
PTung. *arka-n back (спина): Evk. arkan; Evn. arqn; Neg. ajkan;
Ork. atta(n); Orch. akka(n); Ud. aka(n); Sol. arkã.
◊ ТМС 1, 51.
PMong. *aru back, behind, North (спина, задняя сторона, север):
MMong. aru (HY 11, SH 9), aradan ‘behind’, ārudur ‘to the back’ (MA
104, 106); WMong. aru (L 54), aru-ki; Kh. ar; Bur. ara; Kalm. arə, ārə, arkə;
Ord. aru ‘back, east’; Dag. ar (Тод. Даг. 121), arkən (MGCD); S.-Yugh. ār.
◊ KW 12, 14, 21, MGCD 114.
PTurk. *ărka back (спина, задняя сторона): OTurk. arqa (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. arqa (MK, KB); Tur. arka; Gag. arqa; Az. arxa; Turkm.
arqa; Sal. arχa, arGa (ССЯ 292, 293); Khal. arqа (arxa < Az.); MTurk. arqa
(Sangl.); Uzb. ɔrqa; Uygh. a(r)qa; Krm. arqa, arxa; Tat. arqa; Bashk. arqa;
Kirgh. arqa; Kaz. arqa; KBalk. arqa; KKalp. arqa; Kum. arqa 1; Nogh. arqa;
SUygh. arqa, harqa; Khak. arɣa; Shr. arɣa; Oyr. arqa; Tv. a’rɣa ‘mountain
forest’; Chuv. orɣa-lъx ‘saddle strips’; Yak. arɣā, arɣa-s; Dolg. arga-lā- ‘to
turn one’s back towards smb.’.
◊ EDT 200-201, 215, VEWT 26-27, ЭСТЯ 1, 174-175, 179-180, Лексика 267-268, Федо-
тов 2, 288, Stachowski 36.
PJpn. *àtuà behind, trace (задняя сторона, след): OJpn. atwo; MJpn.
àtó; Tok. áto; Kyo. àtó; Kag. ató.
◊ JLTT 387.
312 *ara - *àrp῾á
‖ EAS 139, KW 12, Poppe 78, Колесникова 1972a, 84-87, Дыбо 305,
Лексика 268, TMN 2, 29-30, Doerfer MT 46. PT *arka and PTM *arka go
back to a dative-locative formation *ara-k῾a.
-ara a k. of insect: Tung. *(x)arabgī; Mong. *araɣalǯin; Jpn. *ari.
PTung. *(x)arabgī larva of a gad-fly (личинка носоглоточного ово-
да): Evk. arawgī; Evn. arbgn; Neg. ajịbgịn.
◊ ТМС 1, 52.
PMong. *araɣalǯin spider (паук): WMong. araɣalǯin, aɣalǯin; Kh. ālʒ;
Kalm. arālǯn; Dag. āleǯi, agaleǯi.
◊ KW 12. There is some confusion between this form and *haba-kai id. (v. sub *p῾ép῾a) -
which resulted in a mixed form *haɣalǯin, reflected in MMong. (HY 12) xa’alǯin - however,
the Dagur form definitely points to a 0-Anlaut in PM.
PJpn. *ari ant (муравей): OJpn. ari; MJpn. ari; Tok. àri; Kyo. árí; Kag.
arí.
◊ JLTT 384. Kyoto and Tokyo point to *árí, but Kagoshima reflects an aberrant vari-
ant with initial low tone.
‖ The root denotes some small biting insect.
-ri ( ~ *ḗra) man: Mong. *ere; Turk. *ēr.
PMong. *ere male, man (мужчина): MMong. ere (HY 29, SH), ärä
(IM), ir (MA); WMong. ere (L 321); Kh. er; Bur. ere; Kalm. erə; Ord. ere;
Mog. ZM errä (9-6a); Dag. er, ergun (Тод. Даг. 140) ere (MD, 145); Dong.
ere; Bao. ere; S.-Yugh. ere; Mongr. rē ‘mâle non châtré de certains ani-
maux, masculin’ (SM 313).
◊ KW 123, MGCD 264.
PTurk. *ēr man (мужчина): OTurk. er (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. er
(MK, KB); Tur. er; Az. är ‘husband’; Turkm. ǟr; Sal. er; Khal. här; MTurk.
er (Pav. C.); Uygh. är; Krm. er; Tat. ir; Bashk. ir; KBalk. er; KKalp. er
adam; Kum. er; SUygh. jer; Khak. ir; Shr. er; Oyr. er; Tv. er; Chuv. ar;
Yak. er; Dolg. er.
◊ VEWT 46, TMN 2, 178-9, EDT 192, ЭСТЯ 1, 290-291, Лексика 303, 561, Егоров 30,
Stachowski 46, 128.
‖ KW 123, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 79, 106, Цинциус 1972a,
45-49, ОСНЯ 1, 247, АПиПЯЯ 54, 283. A well known Turk.-Mong. iso-
gloss. Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. (see TMN 2, 179, Щербак 1997,
115) is quite improbable because of the final vowel. Cf. *òre.
-àrp῾á barley, millet: Tung. *arpa; Mong. *arbaj; Turk. *arpa; Jpn. *àpá.
PTung. *arpa barley; oats (ячмень; овес): Man. arfa.
◊ ТМС 1, 52. Despite its isolated nature, the Manchu word is certainly archaic and
can hardly be explained as a borrowing < Mong. arbai, despite Rozycki 20.
PMong. *arbaj barley (ячмень): MMong. arbəi (HY 8), arbăi, ārbăi
(MA 104, 253); WMong. arbai (L 49); Kh. arvaj; Bur. arbaj; Kalm. arwǟ,
 *ărV - *ărV 313

arwā; Ord. arwǟ; Mog. arfɛi, arfā (Ramstedt 1906); Dong. apa; Mongr. šb
‘spelt’ (SM 370).
◊ KW 15, TMN 2, 24. Mongor may reflect a trace of the originally unvoiced stop in
the intervocalic cluster. Mong. > Tuva arvaj.
PTurk. *arpa barley (ячмень): OTurk. arpa (OUygh.), abra (late
OUygh.); Karakh. arpa (MK, KB); Tur. arpa; Gag. arpa; Az. arpa; Turkm.
arpa; Sal. arfa (ССЯ 292); Khal. arpa; MTurk. arpa (Sangl.); Uzb. arpa;
Uygh. a(r)pa; Krm. arpa; Tat. arpa; Bashk. arpa; Kirgh. arpa; Kaz. arpa;
KBalk. arpa; KKalp. arpa; Kum. arpa; Nogh. arpa; Khak. arba; Oyr. arba;
Chuv. orba.
◊ EDT 198, VEWT 27, ЭСТЯ 1, 176-177, TMN 2, 24, Лексика 460, Егоров 27, Федотов
2, 286. Turk. > Hung. árpa, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *àpá millet (просо): OJpn. apa; MJpn. àfá; Tok. áwa; Kyo. àwá;
Kag. awá.
◊ JLTT 388.
‖ EAS 90, KW 15, Poppe 87. АПиПЯЯ 67. The Mong. form cannot
be explained as a Turkism (despite TMN 2, 24, Щербак 1997, 100). The
Turkic form is sometimes compared with Proto-Iran. *arba- (corre-
sponding to Gr. alphi), cf. East Iranian forms going back to *arpasyā- (or
*arbasyā) (Стеблин-Каменский 1982, 23), but it is not identical (loss of
the final syllable is hard to explain); on the other hand, the Jpn. parallel
is a strong argument in favour of the Altaic origin of the Turkic form.
-ărV witchcraft, craft: Tung. *ar-; Mong. *arga; Turk. *ar-.
PTung. *ar- 1 to make, work, construct 2 to come to one ’s senses 3 to
cause fear (оf an evil ghost), to appear in one’s imagination 4 shape,
form 5 evil spirit (1 делать, производить, работать 2 приходить в
чувство 3 чудиться, пугать (о злом духе) 4 вид, форма 5 злой дух):
Evk. arit- 3, arū- 2, arinka 5; Evn. ar-, arị- 3, ar- 2, arịŋq 5; Neg. ajị 5;
Man. ara- 1, arbun 4, ari 5; SMan. arəvən, arəvun ‘appearance, form’
(2342); Nan. arị 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 48, 49, 51, 52. Man. > Dag. arbun (Тод. Даг. 121).
PMong. *arga way, method (способ, способность, хитрость):
MMong. arqa (SH 9), arɣă (MA 294), arɣa-da- ‘to deceive’ (MA 105),
arɣad- (IM 432); WMong. arɣa; Kh. arga; Bur. arga; Kalm. arGə; Ord.
arGa; Dag. arga (Тод. Даг. 121), arehe (MD 115); Dong. raG; S.-Yugh.
arag; Mongr. arGa.
◊ KW 13, MGCD 115. Mong. > Turk. arɣa (since Chag., see VEWT 25, ЭСТЯ 1,
170-171), Tung. arga (ТМС 1, 49, Rozycki 20).
PTurk. *ar- 1 to make magic, cast spells 2 to deceive (1 колдовать,
заклинать 2 обманывать): OTurk. ar- 2 (Orkh., OUygh.), arvɨš ‘magic’
(OUygh.); Karakh. ar- 1 (MK, KB), arva- 1 (MK); Tur. arpaɣ ‘magic’
(dial.); Turkm. arvax dial. ‘evil spirit’; MTurk. arba- 1 (Sangl., Бад.);
314 *rV - *arV
Uzb. avra- 1, 2; Uygh. a(r)ba- 1; Tat. arbɨ- 1 (Sib., КСТТ 103); Bashk. arba-
1; Kirgh. arba- 1, 2; Kaz. arba- 1, 2; KKalp. arba- 1, 2; SUygh. arva- 1
(ЯЖУ 16); Khak. arba- 1; Shr. arba- 1, arbɨš ‘magic’; Oyr. arba-n- ‘to
scold’; Yak. arbā- 1 (Пек. I 139 ‘to praise for magic purposes’).
◊ EDT 193, 199, VEWT 24, ЭСТЯ I 168-170. Turk. > MMong. arba- ‘to put spells’ (SH
8); Turk. arbɨš > Mong. arbis ‘knowledge’ (Clark 1980, 41).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-rV open space: Tung. *ara-; Mong. *ar-; Turk. *(i)āra.
PTung. *ara- 1 open space 2 open ritual court (открытое простран-
ство): Evk. araɣan 1; Evn. arɣn 1; Ul. aračụ 2; Orch. arāču 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 48.
PMong. *ar- 1 poorly grown, thin 2 space 3 island (1 редкий, по-
крытый редкой растительностью 2 пространство, промежуток 3
остров): MMong. aral 3 (SH), aral (MA 104); WMong. aral 3 (L 48); Kh.
armaG 1, aral 3; Bur. arma 2, armagar 1, alar 3; Kalm. arū, armъG 1, arl 3;
Ord. aral 3 armaq 2; Dag. alla, aral 3 (Тод. Даг. 120); Dong. aran 3; Bao.
alər, arən (Tungren); S.-Yugh. aral 3; Mongr. rāl, ral (Huzu), arā(r) (SM 9,
11) 3.
◊ KW 14, 15, MGCD 116, TMN 1, 119-120. The original meaning of the root *ar- must
have been ‘space between banks (or river branches)’, whence *ara-ɣu, *ara-ma(g) ‘spaced,
thin’ and *ara-l ‘island’. Mong. aral > Chag., Kirgh. etc. aral ‘island; thicket, island covered
with thick bushes’; Evk. aral ‘wood island in a steppe’. Despite TMN ibid., “thicket” is
obviously a secondary semantic development in Turkic, because only the meaning “is-
land” is attested in Mong. Bur. alar > Yak. alar, Russ. Siber. alár (Аникин 80).
PTurk. *(i)āra 1 space between 2 on one’s way, under way (1 про-
межуток, пространство между 2 в пути, по дороге): OTurk. ara 1
Orkh., OUygh.; Karakh. ara (MK); Tur. ara; Gag. āra; Az. ara; Turkm. āra
1; Khal. hāra; MTurk. ara (Abush.); Uzb. ɔra; Uygh. ara; Krm. ara; Tat.
ara; Bashk. ara; Kirgh. ara; Kaz. ara; KBalk. ara; KKalp. ara; Kum. ara;
Nogh. ara; SUygh. ara; Khak. ara; Shr. ara; Oyr. ara; Tv. ara; Yak. āra 2;
Dolg. āra-k- ‘to go away’, ārā- ‘not to reach’.
◊ EDT 196, VEWT 22, TMN 2, 24, ЭСТЯ 1, 162-164, Stachowski 41. Derived is proba-
bly *ārɨk ‘island; arik, ditch; thicket’ id. (VEWT 23, 25, ЭСТЯ 1, 167, 187-188, Лексика 95,
110, Stachowski 37).
‖ KW 14 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss. Cf. also PTM *arbu-
‘space between two river branches’; Mong. arba- ‘растопыриваться (о
пальцах)’.
-arV ( ~ e-) to change, sell: Mong. *aralǯi-; Turk. *Ar-.
PMong. *aralǯi- 1 to change, exchange, barter 2 exchange, change (1
менять, обменивать, торговать 2 обмен, торговля): MMong. aralǯi- 1
(SH), āralǯi 2 (MA 104); WMong. aralǯi- 1 (L 48); Kh. arilǯi- 1; Bur. aralža-
1; Kalm. arcldə-, arclcə- 1 (?); Ord. arilǯi- 1, arilǯān 2; Dag. aralǯi-, allǯi-,
 *āŕa - *àŕì 315

(Тод. Даг. 120) aliǯi-; Dong. arunǯa- 1; Bao. anǯi-, anǯə- 1; S.-Yugh.
arālǯə-, arāli- 1; Mongr. rālǯi- (arāi- (SM 10)).
◊ KW 15, MGCD 118, 319.
PTurk. *Ar- gift (дар): Karakh. armaɣan (MK, Oghuz); Tur. armaɣan;
Az. armaɣan; MTurk. armaɣan; Kirgh. arna- ‘to dedicate, design for’.
◊ EDT 231, 232, VEWT 27.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; not quite reliable. Jpn. *úr- could be a
match, but it may also reflect PA *úŕi q.v.
-āŕa small, scarce; recent: Tung. *ara-; Mong. *araj; Turk. *Āŕ; Jpn.
*àrà-(ta-); Kor. *ārắi.
PTung. *ara- scarcely (едва): Evk. aran; Evn. arn; Man. arqan; SMan.
arəqən (2952); Sol. arã.
◊ ТМС 1, 48.
PMong. *araj scarcely, just a little (едва ли, слегка): MMong. aran
(SH); WMong. arai (L 48); Kh. araj; Bur. araj; Kalm. arǟ; Ord. arǟ; Mog.
ZM arei ‘so it is, is it so?’ (27-7b); Dag. arān (Тод. Даг. 121); S.-Yugh.
arān; Mongr. araŋ (SM 11), cf. aráaG ‘ruines de ville où il ne reste plus
que les murs des maisons detruites’ (SM 11).
◊ KW 13, MGCD 116. Mong. > Kirgh. araŋ, Oyr. araj etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 167-168), Yak.,
Dolg. araj (Stachowski 36).
PTurk. *Āŕ few, a little (немного): OTurk. az (Orkh. ПМК, OUygh.);
Karakh. az (MK); Tur. az; Gag. az; Az. az; Turkm. āz; Khal. haz; Uzb. ɔz;
Uygh. az; Krm. az; Tat. az, ɛz; Bashk. aδ, äδ; Kirgh. az; Kaz. az; KBalk. az;
KKalp. az; Kum. az; Nogh. az; SUygh. az; Khak. as; Shr. as; Oyr. as; Tv.
as.
◊ EDT 277, VEWT 32, ЭСТЯ 1, 93-94
PJpn. *àrà-(ta-) new (новый): OJpn. arata-; MJpn. àtàrà-si; Tok. ata-
rashí-; Kyo. átáráshì-; Kag. atarashí-.
◊ JLTT 383, 677, 826. The MJ and most modern form present a metathesis atarasi- <
arata-si- (but cf. Yonakuni àrà- ῾new’); the stem *àràtà itself is preserved as a nominal and
verbal stem (cf. *àràtà-ma- > Tokyo aratamé- ‘to renew’ etc.).
PKor. *ārắi yesterday, in the past (вчера, в предыдущий день, в
прошлом): MKor. ārắi, ārái; Mod. āre ‘day before yesterday’.
◊ Nam 336.
‖ EAS 110, KW 13, Владимирцов 361. Low tone in *àrà-tà- is
probably secondary (a result of some contamination?); cf. Yonaguni
(suffixless) àrà- < *árá- ‘new’. Despite Doerfer MT 44, TM is hardly bor-
rowed from Mong. (although some forms - Evk., Evn. arai - are).
-àŕì thorn, fang: Tung. *(x)ar- (?); Mong. *ariɣa; Turk. *aŕɨg; Jpn. *ìrà.
PTung. *(x)ar- 1 shoot, bud; fang 2 tooth of a saw 3 a flower name (1
росток; клык 2 зубец инструмента, 3 назв. цветка (лютик, пострел)):
Evk. argā-wākte 3 (?); Man. arGan 1,2, arsun 1; SMan. arəhən (625) 2.
316 *aŕV - *ase
◊ ТМС 1, 50. Man. arGan is most likely < Mong. *araɣa(n), see Rozycki 20.
PMong. *ariɣa 1 molar tooth 2 fang 3 tooth of a chisel etc. (1 корен-
ной зуб 2 клык 3 зубец инструмента): MMong. ara’a 2 (SH), aratai
‘predator’ (HY 10), aral 2 (IM 432), ariă, nariă 2 (MA 105, 246); WMong.
araɣa 1 (L 47), arija; Kh. arā 1, 3; Bur. arā(n) 1, 2, 3; Kalm. arān 1, 2; Ord.
arā 1, 3, araŋGa ‘an extra tooth’; Dag. arā 1, 2 (Тод. Даг. 121), 3 (MD
115); Bao. arə; S.-Yugh. arā; Mongr. arā 1 (SM 9), aranda ‘rênes’ (SM 11),
rā (MGCD).
◊ KW 12, MGCD 114. Cf. WMong. araga-tan, arijatan (> Bur. ar’jatan) ‘predator’ > Evk.
arātu, see Poppe 1966, 196. Mong. > Tuva arā ‘rifling’.
PTurk. *aŕɨg fang (клык): OTurk. azɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. azɨɣ (MK);
Tur. azɨ; Az. azɨ; Turkm. azɨ; MTurk. azu (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔziq; Tat. azaw;
Bashk. aδaw; Kirgh. azū; Kaz. azuw; KBalk. azaw; KKalp. azuw; Kum.
azuw; SUygh. azɨɣ; Khak. azɨɣ; Shr. azɨj; Oyr. azu, azū; Tv. azɨɣ; Chuv.
*ora > Mari ora-puj ‘id.’; Yak. ah, dial. ɨh.
◊ VEWT 33, ЭСТЯ 1, 96-98, Лексика 229. Turk. > Mong. *aǯuɣ (ačuɣ in Uygh. script,
see Clark 1980, 41).
PJpn. *ìrà thorn (шип, колючка): MJpn. ìrà; Tok. ira.
◊ JLTT 425.
‖ KW 12, Владимирцов 361, EAS 111, Poppe 81, Лексика 229. De-
spite TMN 2, 55-56, Щербак 1997, 103 Mong. is not < Turk. The TM
reflexes are weak: the Evk. form is semantically difficult, while Manchu
arGan may well be borrowed < Mong.; however, the parallel form
ar-sun is hard to explain as a loan (no similar form is attested in Mong.).
-aŕV or: Turk. *aŕu; Jpn. *ar-.
PTurk. *aŕu or (или): OTurk. azu (OUygh.); Karakh. azu (MK); Tv.
azɨ.
◊ EDT 280.
PJpn. *ar- or, perhaps (или, возможно): OJpn. arupa, aruipa; MJpn.
arufa, aruifa; Tok. aruiwa.
◊ JLTT 384.
‖ JOAL 147. An interesting Turkic-Jpn. isogloss.
-ase ( ~ p῾-) to catch fire; hot: Mong. *(h)asa-; Turk. *ɨsɨg / *isig.
PMong. *(h)asa- to catch fire (загораться): WMong. asa- (L 55); Kh.
asa-; Bur. aha-; Kalm. as-.
◊ KW 16.
PTurk. *ɨsɨg / *isig 1 hot 2 warm (1 горячий 2 теплый): OTurk. isig
1 (OUygh.); Karakh. isig 1 (MK, KB); Tur. sɨǯak 1; Az. isti 2; Turkm. ɨssɨ
1; Sal. hɨssɨ 2; Khal. hiss, hisk 1; MTurk. isti 2 (Pav. C.), ɨsɨɣ (Бор. Бад.,
Abush.); Uygh. issiq 1; Krm. issi 1, 2 (HK), sɨǯaq 2 (K), ɨsɨ-t- (K) ‘to
warm’; Tat. esse 1; Kirgh. ɨsɨq 1, ɨsɨ ‘heat, hot wind’; Kaz. ɨssɨ 1; KKalp.
 *ătV - *at῾i 317

ɨssɨ 1; Nogh. issi 1; Khak. əzəg 1; Oyr. izü 1; Tv. iziɣ 1; Tof. i’siɣ 1; Chuv.
ъₙžъₙ 2; Yak. itī, ičiges ( < *isi-geč) 2; Dolg. itī, ičiges 2.
◊ Derived from *ɨsɨ- / *isi- ‘to be hot’. See VEWT 173-4, TMN 2,182, EDT 246, ЭСТЯ 1,
668-671, Лексика 19-20, Stachowski 123, 130.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; cf. (?) Kor. (SKE 217) s:a-da
‘to be hot’; s:ə-da ‘to kindle (fire)’ (the forms are nowhere to be found
except SKE).
-ătV horse: Tung. *abdu-; Mong. *aduɣu-; Turk. *ăt.
PTung. *abdu- 1 cattle, herd 2 household, property 3 cloth, fabric (1
скот, стадо 2 домашнее хозяйство, имущество 3 ткань): Evk. abdu 1,
2; Evn. abdụ 2, 3; Neg. abdụn 1; Man. adu 3; SMan. adun ‘herd, flock’
(2319); Jurch. ad-hu (551) 3; Ork. abdụ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 5-6. Man. adun ‘herd’ is probably < Mong. (see Новикова 1972, 107).
PMong. *aduɣu- 1 horse(s), cattle 2 drove, herd 3 to herd (1 ло-
шадь, домашнее животное 2 табун лошадей 3 пасти): MMong.
adusun 1, adu’u(n) 2 (SH), adu’uči ‘herdsman’ (HY 30), adu(w)sun, adasun
1 (MA 95, 96), adon, adoson 1 (IM 432); WMong. aduɣusu 1, aduɣu 2,
aduɣula- 3; Kh. adūs 1, adūn 1, 2, adūla- 3; Bur. adūha(n), adaha(n), adūn 1,
2, adūl- 3; Kalm. adūsn 1, adūn 2; Ord. adaGus(u) 1, adū 2; Dag. adōsa 1,
adō 2 (Тод. Даг. 118, MGCD, MD 111), adōse ‘animal’ (MD 111); Dong.
asun 1, adula- 3 (Тод. Дн. 110); Bao. asoŋ 1, adal- 3 (Тод. Бн. 133), adələ- 3
(MGCD); Mongr. āsə (SM 15) 1, dulā- (SM 64) 3.
◊ KW 2, MGCD 94. Mong. > Chag. adun, see TMN 119; > Evk. aduɣun etc., see Poppe
1966, 189, 195, Doerfer MT 98-99, Rozycki 11.
PTurk. *ăt horse (лошадь): OTurk. at (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. at (MK, KB); Tur. at; Gag. at; Az. at; Turkm. at; Sal. at, ac; Khal.
hat; MTurk. at; Uzb. ɔt; Uygh. at; Krm. at; Tat. at; Bashk. at; Kirgh. at;
Kaz. at; KBalk. at; KKalp. at; Kum. at; Nogh. at; SUygh. a’t; Khak. at;
Shr. at; Oyr. at; Tv. a’t; Chuv. ut; Yak. at; Dolg. at.
◊ EDT 23, VEWT 30, ЭСТЯ 1, 197-198, TMN 2, 4-5, Лексика 441, Ашм. III, 316-320,
Stachowski 38.
‖ Новикова 1972, 108, АПиПЯЯ 15, Doerfer MT 99. A Western iso-
gloss. Cf. also PT *adgɨr (Лексика 442, ЭСТЯ 1, 107-108, Stachowski 40),
Mong. aǯirga ‘stallion’, Dag. adirag, airga, S.-Yugh. aǯirɣa, Mongor
aǯirGa (see KW 2, Владимирцов 397, VEWT 6; TMN 2, 186-187, Щер-
бак 1997, 94: Turk. > Mong.; Mong. > Evk. aǯirga etc., see Poppe 1966,
192, Doerfer MT 75, MKor. ačirkəi măr, see Lee 1958, 119). It is possible
to reconstruct *atbV or *abtV.
-at῾i son, young: Mong. *ači; Turk. *Atɨ; Jpn. *itua; Kor. *àtắr.
PMong. *ači grandson, junior nephew (внук, младший племян-
ник): MMong. ači (HY 29) ‘grandchild (male, by father)’, hači ‘Enkel’
318 *aǯo - *ǯV
(HYt); WMong. ači (L 8); Kh. ač; Bur. aša; Kalm. ačə; Ord. ači; Dong. hačə
(Тод. Дн. 140), hačɨ (MGCD); Mongr. aći sunʒə (SM 15), ači (MGCD).
◊ KW 18, MGCD 125. Dong. h-, as well as the variation 0-/h- in HY is secondary.
Mong. > Oyr. ačɨ; Evk. dial. ači (ТМС 1, 59).
PTurk. *Atɨ (junior) nephew, grandson ((младший) племянник,
внук): OTurk. atɨ (Orkh.); Uygh. dial. Lobn. ataj-ɨm ‘oh, my child!’;
SUygh. atɨ; Khak. adaj ‘dog’ ( < *’cub’).
◊ VEWT 31, EDT 40, ЭСТЯ 1, 79.
PJpn. *itua 1 young, lovable 2 cousin (1 юный, милый 2 племян-
ник): OJpn. itwo-kwo 2, it(w)ok(j)e-na- ‘young, small’; MJpn. ito, ito-si- 1,
itó-ko 2; Tok. ito-shí- 1, itóko 2; Kyo. ítóshì- 1, ítòkò 2; Kag. itóshi- 1, itokó 2.
◊ JLTT 428. Accent correspondences are unclear.
PKor. *àtắr son (сын): MKor. àtắr; Mod. adɨl.
◊ Nam 335, KED 1069.
‖ Владимирцов 324, АПиПЯЯ 287.
-aǯo a k. of salmon: Tung. *aǯi-n; Mong. *(h)iǯe; Jpn. *àjû.
PTung. *aǯi-n a k. of salmon (калуга): Evk. aǯin; Neg. aǯịn; Man.
aǯin; Ul. aǯị(n); Ork. aǯị(n); Nan. aǯị; Orch. aǯị(n); Ud. aǯi(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 16.
PMong. *(h)iǯe a small fish, coming from the ocean into rivers (не-
большая рыба, приплывающая из океана в реки): WMong. iǯe
(МХТТТ); Kh. iʒ.
PJpn. *àjû trout (форель): OJpn. aju; MJpn. àjú; Tok. áyu; Kyo. àyû;
Kag. ayú.
◊ JLTT 388.
‖ The root denotes some salmon-like fish; the meaning of the Mong.
form is unfortunately not very well defined.
-ǯV younger relative: Tung. *āǯi-; Mong. *aǯi-n.
PTung. *āǯi- 1 first child 2 small child 3 the most (1 первенец 2 ма-
ленький ребенок 3 самый, наиболее): Evn. āǯịn 1; Man. aǯi-ge 2, aǯi 1;
SMan. aǯigə 2 (2403); Nan. aǯ 3, aǯị-go- ‘родить первенца’; Ud. aǯiga
‘girl’.
◊ ТМС 1, 16-17, 55, Он. 29.
PMong. *(h)aǯi-n wife of younger brother (as related to the wife of
elder brother) (жена младшего брата (по отношению к жене стар-
шего брата)): WMong. aǯin (L 62); Kh. aǯin; Ord. aǯin.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; one of numerous common Altaic kinship
“nursery” words.
 B

-b to bind: Tung. *ba-; Turk. *b(i)ā-; Jpn. *b; Kor. *pa.
PTung. *ba- 1 to propose for marriage 2 proposed for marriage
since childhood (1 сватать 2 сосватанные с малолетства): Evk. ba- 1;
Man. ba-čixi 2.
◊ ТМС 1,60.
PTurk. *b(i)ā- 1 to bind 2 to fasten 3 bundle 4 bond, rope (1 связы-
вать 2 укреплять 3 связка 4 веревка): OTurk. ba- 1, 2, ba-ɣ 3, 4, ‘con-
federation’ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ba- 1, 2, ba-ɣ 3, 4 (MK, KB, At.);
Tur. ba-ɣ 3, 4, ba-ɣ-la- 1,2; Gag. bā-la- (< *bag-la-) 1; Az. baɣ 3, 4; Turkm.
bāG 4; Sal. baχ 4; Khal. vā- 1, baɣ 4 (baɣ m.b. < Ogh.); MTurk. baɣ 4; Uzb.
bɔɣ 3, 4; Uygh. baɣ 3, 4; Krm. baɣ 3, 4; Tat. baw 3, 4, bɛj 4; Bashk. baw 4,
bäj 4; Kirgh. bō 3, 4; Kaz. baw 3, 4; KBalk. baw 4; KKalp. baw 3, 4; Kum.
baw 3, 4; Nogh. baw 4; SUygh. paɣ 4; Khak. (dial.) paɣ (Kyz.) 4; Shr. paɣ
(R) 4; Oyr. bū 4; Tv. baɣ-la- 1; Tof. Baɣ 4; Chuv. pъjav 4; Yak. bā-j- 1, 2,
bɨa 4; Dolg. bā-j- 1, bɨa 4.
◊ EDT 292, 310, ЭСТЯ 2, 13-17, Федотов 1, 411, VEWT 53 (*bā, deriv. *bā-g), Sta-
chowski 55, 69. Turk. *bāg > Mong. baɣ (KW 27, TMN 2, 254), baɣča ( > Man. baqsan etc.,
see Doerfer MT 142). Yak. has a standard verbal stem modifier (-j-).
PJpn. *b rope (веревка): OJpn. wo; MJpn. wó; Tok. wó; Kyo. wṓ;
Kag. wó.
◊ JLTT 503. The Tokyo accent is aberrant (*wò would be expected), but Kyoto, Kago-
shima and the RJ gloss (wó) point to *b.
PKor. *pa rope, string (веревка): Mod. pa.
◊ KED 701.
‖ EAS 57, SKE 179, Martin 228, ОСНЯ 1, 172, АПиПЯЯ 68. One of
the few common Altaic monosyllabic roots. Mong. *baɣu- ‘to bind’ is
probably < Turk. (Щербак 1997, 103). Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 254) criticism
is unacceptable (“unklar, da kor. Nominalstamm, tü. Verbalstamm”).
-bč῾V ( ~ *p-, -č-) sister: Mong. *bača-gan; Turk. *bāča-.
PMong. *bača-gan girl (девушка): Kh. bacgan; Bur. basagan.
◊ Будаев 142, 245, Аникин 124 (> Russ. Siber. bacagan ‘girl’).
PTurk. *bāča 1 elder sister 2 husbands of sisters (1 старшая сестра
2 мужья сестер между собой (свояки)): OTurk. bača (OUygh., late -
Lig. VSOu) 2; Karakh. baǯa-naq 2 (IM); Tur. baǯɨ 1, baǯanak 2; Gag.
baǯanaq 2; Az. baǯɨ 1, baǯanaG 2; Turkm. baǯɨ 1, bāǯa 2; Sal. paǯa 2 (ССЯ);
320 *bdì - *bădo
MTurk. baǯi 1 (R), bača 2 (MA, Pav. C.), baǯanaq 2 (Pav. C., AH); Uzb.
bɔǯa 2; Uygh. baǯa 2; Tat. paca (КСТТ) 2; Kum. baǯiw 1; Khak. paǯa 2, piǯe
1; Oyr. baa 2, ‘wives of brothers’; Tv. baǯa 2; Tof. baǯa 2; Chuv. poźana 2.
◊ VEWT 54, TMN 2, 682, ЭСТЯ 2, 24, 26-27, Лексика 310, Егоров 168, Ашм. X, 33,
Федотов 1, 453. Turk. > WMong. baǯa, Kalm. baz, Khalkha baʒ, Bur. baz, Ord. baǯa
‘brother-in-law’, whence Kirgh., KBalk., Kum., Yak. baǯa, Evk. baǯa, Kaz., KKalp., Nogh.,
Bashk. baža. The Khak., Oyr. and Tuva forms may also be < Mong. Cf. also ORuss. пече-
нег.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Manchu baša ‘wife’s younger sister’ is iso-
lated and most probably < Mong. (see ТМС 78, Rozycki 26).
-bdì face, colour: Tung. *bāda; Turk. *bEd-le; Jpn. *pítápi ( / *pìtàpi).
PTung. *bāda 1 face 2 shape, form, colour (1 лицо 2 вид, форма,
цвет): Evk. bāde 1; Evn. bād 1, 2; Nan. bādo ‘opposite to’, bādo-bādo ‘face
to face’.
◊ ТМС 1, 63, Он. 56.
PTurk. *bEd-le (?) such, similar, so (такой, подобный, таким обра-
зом): Karakh. böjle (Tefs.); Tur. böjle, (dial.) bele; (dial.) bile-m ‘myself’
etc.; Az. bejlä, belä, dial. bilä-m ‘myself’ etc.; Turkm. bejle; Khal. bilä-m,
bilä-si, bilä-miz ‘myself, himself, ourselves’ etc. ( < Az.); MTurk. bejle,
böjle (Pav. C.); Oyr. bejde (Kumd.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 107-108. Cf. perhaps also Yak. bet-tex (Dolg. bettek) ‘here, closely’, Yak.,
Dolg. beterē ‘this, nearest side’ (although it may go back to *bĕt ‘face’; derivation < *be-rü
‘this side’ in ЭСТЯ 2, 124, followed by Stachowski 59, is hardly plausible). The sometimes
proposed explanation as *bu ile, i.e. “together with it” or “by means of it” is not quite
acceptable for semantic reasons. As for the Oghuz variants with a labialized vowels, they
may have an assimilative origin. But on the whole the attribution of the Turkic form is
still dubious (although the semantic derivation “similar, such as” < “face, looks” seems to
be quite common in Altaic).
PJpn. *pítápi ( / *pìtàpi) forehead (лоб): OJpn. p(j)itap(j)i; MJpn.
fítáfi ( / fìtàfi); Tok. hìtai; Kyo. hìtàí; Kag. hitái.
◊ JLTT 410.
‖ Contaminations were possible: cf. *peda, *páda.
-bădo a k. of bird (quail, dun-bird): Tung. *badara; Mong. *bödüne;
Turk. *budur-.
PTung. *badara dun-bird (нырок, крохаль): Evk. badara.
◊ ТМС 1, 63. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *bödüne quail (перепелка): MMong. bodena (HY 14),
būdene (LH); WMong. bödüne; Kh. bödnö; Bur. büdene; Kalm. bödnə; Ord.
bödönö; Mongr. bodono (SM 26), puduri (SM 305).
◊ KW 54. Mong. > Chag. büdänä, bödänä etc. (ЭСТЯ 2, 101-102; TMN 1, 218, Lig. VMI
21, Щербак 1997, 201), Chuv. putene (Róna-Tas 1971-1972). One should also mention
WMong. badana, Khalkha badna ‘перепел немой’ (БАМРС 1, 213).
 *bagu - *bắja 321

PTurk. *budur- quail (перепелка): Karakh. budursɨn (MK); bujur-

čun, bujurčɨn (AH); Khak. (pudurčun, püdürčün); Chuv. pъₙrǯъgan ‘wag-
tail’.
◊ EDT 309, Лексика 173, ЭСТЯ 2, 305-306. The root was strongly influenced by
*bɨldur- (q.v. sub *pltorV); this explains the Khak. form (one would expect puzur-).
‖ Лексика 174. A Western isogloss. Mong. *bödüne is a result of as-
similation < *bedüne.
-bagu white, grey: Tung. *bag-; Mong. *buɣurul; Kor. *pùhi-.
PTung. *bag- 1 white 2 clear (of sky, weather) (1 белый 2 ясный (о
небе, погоде)): Evk. bagda-ma, -rin 1, baɣurin 2; Evn. bāwụn, bāị 2; Neg.
bagdajīn 1; Sol. bagdarin, bogdarin 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 62.
PMong. *buɣurul grey (of hair etc.) (серый, седой): MMong. burul
(MA 127); WMong. buɣurul (L 131); Kh. būral; Bur. būral; Kalm. būrəl;
Ord. būral; Dag. bōral, bōlal (Тод. Даг. 127), bōrol; S.-Yugh. būrol; Mongr.
bōrol.
◊ KW 65, MGCD 164. Mong. > Turk. buɣurla, Chuv. pъₙvъrla id.; Evk. burul etc. (see
Doerfer MT 99); > Man. burulu (morin), MKor. puru (măr) ‘a horse of red and white coat’
(see Lee 1958, 119).
PKor. *pùhi- grey, milky white (серый, молочно-белый): MKor.
pùhi-; Mod. pūjə- [pūjəh-], pōja- [pōjah-].
◊ Nam 267, KED 792, 818.
‖ Note Karakh. (MK, hap. leg.) bögrül ‘a horse or sheep with white
flanks’ (EDT 328-329) - although the vocalism in this form is not clear.
-bắja happiness, joy: Tung. *baj-li; Mong. *bajar; Turk. *bAj-ra-m/k,
bAj-ga; Jpn. *bái-m-.
PTung. *baj-li favour, mercy (благосклонность, милость): Man. ba-
jli.
◊ ТМС 1, 66. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *baja- 1 joy, feast 2 to be happy, enjoy (1 радость, празд-
ник 2 быть счастливым, радоваться): MMong. bajas- (HY 36, SH) 2,
bājas (IM) 1, bajas- (MA) 2; WMong. bajar 1, bajas- 2 (L 77); Kh. bajar 1,
bajas- 2; Bur. bajarla- 2; Kalm. bajr 1; Ord. bajas- 2; Dag. bajir 1, bais(a)- 2
(Тод. Даг. 123), baire 1, baise- 2 (MD 117, 118); Dong. bajasu 1, bajasu- 2;
Bao. bese- 2; S.-Yugh. bajar 1; Mongr. bēsə- (SM 25) 2, bajar 1.
◊ KW 29, MGCD 139.
PTurk. *bAj-ra-m/k, bAj-ga 1 feast 2 horse-race 3 a prize in
horse-race (1 праздник 2 скачки 3 приз за победу в скачках): Karakh.
baδram (MK), bajram (MK Oghuz) 1; Tur. bajram 1; Gag. bajram 1; Az.
bajram 1; Turkm. bajram 1, bajraq 3; MTurk. bajram (Бор. Бад.) 1, bajɣa 1
(P. de C.); Uzb. bajram 1, pajgä (R) 3, bajraq (dial., Khorazm) 3; Uygh.
bajram 1, (dial.- Lobn.) bajɣa 1; Krm. bajram 1; Tat. bɛjrɛm 1, bɛjgi 2;
322 *baja - *băjV
Bashk. bajram 1, bäjgi 2, 3; Kirgh. majram 1, bajge 2, 3; Kaz. mäjram 1,
bäjge 2, 3, (dial.) bajraq 3; KBalk. bajram 1; KKalp. bajram 1, bäjge 2, 3, ba-
jraq 3; Kum. bajram 1; Nogh. bajram 1; Khak. paj 1 (Sag.), pajram 1; Shr.
bajram 1, pajɣa 1 (R); Oyr. bajram 1.
◊ VEWT 54, 56, ЭСТЯ 2, 32, 33-34 (erroneously under *baδrak ‘flag’), 35-36, TMN 2,
384-385. Here one should reconstruct *-j- (not *-δ-), dissimilated before -r- according to
Mudrak’s rule. Formally *baj-ra-m and *baj-ra-k are deverbatives from a hypothetical
*baj-ra- ‘to celebrate’; *baj-ga is a denominative with a usual East.-Kypch. suffix. Menges’
(1933, 101) hypothesis of bajga < Russ. is quite unlikely (cf. the areal and the Chag. fixa-
tion). A rather popular theory of Iranian origin is also excluded: the only acceptable ety-
mology of Pers. bajram is < Turkic (see also ЭСТЯ). Because of semantics, hardly con-
nected with Mong. baj ‘sign, goal, road sign’. Turk. > Russ. Siber. bajgá (Аникин 109).
PJpn. *bái-m- to smile (улыбаться): OJpn. wem-; MJpn. wém-; Tok.
em-.
◊ Cf. also OJ we-rak- ‘to laugh with joy’ (another derivative of the same root). See
JLTT 681.
‖ Turk. *bAj-ra- = Mong. *bajar = OJ we-ra- < PA *bắja-rV- (it is inter-
esting to note the double suffixation in PT *bAj-ra-k = OJ we-ra-k-).
-baja ( ~ -a-) place, to be located: Tung. *bia, -gun; Mong. *baji-.
PTung. *bia, -gun 1 place (in a dwelling) 2 rookery, sealery 3 earth 4
estate 5 servants (1 место (в жилище) 2 лежбище морского зверя 3
земля 4 поместье 5 слуги): Evk. b 1; Evn. bǟ 2; Man. boiχon, boiGon 3,
4; SMan. ohən, ohun 3 (2112); Jurch. boj-hu (276) 5, boŋ-xoŋ 3; Ork. b 1;
Ud. beä 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 78, 89. Man. > Sol. boigõ ‘estate’.
PMong. *baji- to stand, stay, be located (стоять, стать, находиться):
MMong. bai’ji- (SH), bai’i- (HY 35), bāi-, bai- (IM), bai- (MA); WMong.
baji- (L 72); Kh. baj-; Bur. baj; Kalm. bǟ-; Ord. bǟ-; Mog. bɛi-; ZM ba’i-
(40-10); Dag. bai- (Тод. Даг. 122, MD 117); Dong. bai-, vai-; Bao. bei-, vi-;
(MGCD) va-; S.-Yugh. bai-; Mongr. b-, w- (SM 23), (MGCD 138) wai-,
ba-ŋ (Minghe).
◊ KW 39-40, MGCD 138.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss (cf. also notes under *bogo).
-băjV rock: Tung. *baj-; Mong. *baji-ča; Turk. *bAjɨr.
PTung. *baj- rock, cliff (скала): Evk. bajtu.
◊ ТМС 1, 66. Attested only in Evk., but hardly borrowed from Mong.
PMong. *baji-ča rock (скала): WMong. bajiča (L 73); Kh. bajc; Bur.
bajsa.
◊ Mong. > Evk. bajča (ТМС 1, 66), Russ. Siber. bajca, (Bur. >) bajsanistɨj (Аникин
110-111).
PTurk. *bAjɨr 1 hill, 2 foot-hill 3 hummock (1 холм 2 подножье го-
ры 3 пригорок): Tur. bajɨr 1; Gag. bajɨr ‘mountain’; Turkm. bajɨr 1; Krm.
bajɨr 1; Khak. pār 2; Yak. bɨar 3.
 *bằka - *báku 323
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 37-38, VEWT 57. The root should be distinguished from *bāgɨr ‘liver’ (al-
though there may occur secondary mergers, cf. Tat. bawur ‘slope’). It has no relationship
(suggested in ЭСТЯ) to Mong. bajir ‘place’ (derived from baji- ‘to be’ and borrowed in
Uzb. bajir ‘accustomed to local conditions’, Kirgh. bajɨr ‘attachment to a place’, Nogh. bajɨr
‘proper’); intermediate (not quite clear) cases are Chag. bajɨr ‘plain, desert’ (Pav. C.), Az.
bajɨr ‘the external part of the inhabited area as opposed to the internal part’, Khal. bajir
‘uncultivated (place)’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-bằka to look, watch: Tung. *baKa-; Turk. *bạk-; Jpn. *bàkàr-; Kor. *pò-.
PTung. *baKa- to find, obtain (находить): Evk. baka-; Evn. baq-; Neg.
baxa-; Man. baχa-; SMan. bahə- (1562); Jurch. baxa-biar ‘obtain’ (366); Ul.
bā-; Ork. bā-; Nan. bā-; Orch. bā-; Ud. ba῾- (Корм. 210); Sol. baxa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 66-67.
PTurk. *bạk- to look, watch (смотреть): Karakh. baq- (MK, KB); Tur.
bak-; Gag. baq-; Az. bax-; Turkm. baq-; Sal. pax-, vax- (ССЯ 440, 542);
MTurk. baq- (Abush.); Uzb. bɔq-; Uygh. baq-; Krm. baq-; Tat. baq-; Bashk.
baq-; Kirgh. baq- ‘to look after’; Kaz. baq- ‘to look after’; KBalk. baq-;
KKalp. baq- ‘to look after’; Kum. baq-; Nogh. baq- ‘to graze’; Khak. pax-;
Oyr. baq-; Tv. baq-qɨ-la- ‘to peek, to arise’; Tof. ba’k-; Chuv. pъₙx-; Yak.
bɨk- ‘to appear, to arise’; Dolg. bɨk- ‘to look out’.
◊ EDT 311, VEWT 58, ЭСТЯ 2, 38-40, Мудрак 99, Stachowski 70.
PJpn. *bàkàr- to understand (понимать): OJpn. wakar-; MJpn.
wàkàr-; Tok. wakár-; Kyo. wákár-; Kag. wàkàr-.
◊ JLTT 782.
PKor. *pò- to see (видеть): MKor. pò-; Mod. po-.
◊ Nam 259, KED 788.
‖ The root should be distinguished from *pḗk῾o q.v. The etymology
in SKE 204, linking the Kor. form with the Jpn. and TM accusative
marker, is hardly credible. Kor. has a “verbal” low tone.
-bằká ( ~ -o) to divide: Tung. *baK-; Jpn. *bàká-.
PTung. *baK- 1 separate 2 to break, divide bread (1 отдельный 2
разламывать хлеб): Evk. bakla 1; Evn. bēkъl 1; Nan. baqta- 2 (dial.).
◊ ТМС 1, 67. Cf. also Dolg. ( < Evk.?) baka ‘scraper to separate flesh from skin’, bakalā-
‘to separate flesh from skin’ (Stachowski 51).
PJpn. *bàká- to divide (делить): OJpn. waka-; MJpn. wàka-; Tok.
waké-; Kyo. wàkè-; Kag. wàkè-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-báku ( ~ -a) pole, pillar: Tung. *baksa; Mong. *bagana; Turk. *bakna ( ~
-g-); Kor. *pò.
PTung. *baksa prop, central pole (подпорка, центральный столб):
Evk. baksa; Ul. baqsa; Nan. baqsa.
◊ ТМС 1, 67.
324 *bāku - *băkV
PMong. *bagana central pole (центральный столб, колонна):
WMong. baɣana (L 68); Kh. bagana; Bur. bagana; Kalm. baxənə; Ord. ba-
Gana ‘жердь для понукания животных’; Dag. bagas.
◊ KW 29, MGCD 132. Mong. > Chag. bakan etc., see ibid., VEWT 58, ЭСТЯ 2, 42-43; >
Yak., Dolg. bagana (Stachowski 50); > Man. baxana, see Doerfer MT 101, Rozycki 22; Tu >.
Russ. bagan (Аникин 106).
PTurk. *bakna ( ~ -g-) rung of a ladder, step of a staircase (ступень-
ка лестницы): Karakh. baɣna (MK).
◊ EDT 316.
PKor. *pò beam, cross-beam (балка): MKor. pò; Mod. po, tɨl-bo.
◊ Nam 259, KED 786.
‖ KW 29, Doerfer MT 101. The Turkic and Mong. words are very
similar, but quite different semantically, so one can hardly suppose a
loan.
-bāku ( ~ -k῾-) small cattle: Mong. *bog; Turk. *bākana.
PMong. *bog small cattle, sheep and goats (мелкий скот, овцы и
козы): WMong. boɣ (L 110); Kh. bog; Kalm. bogə (KPC).
PTurk. *bākana 1 sheep skin 2 lamb 3 baby (1 овечья шкура 2 ягне-
нок 3 ребенок): Tur. baɣan 1, (dial.) baɣalak, baɣnak 1, baɣana 3; Az.
baɣana 1; Turkm. baɣana 1; MTurk. baɣana 1 (R); Uzb. baɣana 1 (Khor.);
Kirgh. baɣlan, baɣɨlan ‘lamb that has stopped suckling’, baɣɨldɨr ‘wild
lamb, 1-year-old mountain goat’; Kaz. baɣana 2; KKalp. baɣlan ‘a
well-fed early lamb’.
◊ VEWT 55, Лексика 390. The Kypchak form baɣlan ‘lamb’ has hardly anything to do
with Tat., Kaz. baqlan ‘cormorant’ (despite TMN 2, 298, Аникин 112).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Some Turkic forms meaning ‘lamb, baby’
may actually also continue PA *bèka q.v. Cf. also Evk. (Titov) baxana
‘he-goat’ ( < unattested Yak.?).
-băkV knucklebone: Tung. *baK-; Mong. *bagul- / *bugul-; Turk.
*bakań.
PTung. *baK- 1 muscles of thigh 2 knucklebone (of a horse); fetlock
(1 мышцы бедра 2 бабки (лошади); щетки): Man. baqalaǯi 2; Nan.
bagdixĩ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 62, 67.
PMong. *bagul- / *bugul- shoulder, shoulder bone (плечо, плече-
вая кость): WMong. buɣulaɣ, buɣuluɣ (L 131); Kh. bugalag; Bur. bagalsag,
bagansag ‘arm muscles’; Kalm. baɣltsəG ‘wrist joint; wrist’; Dag. boGolǯār
‘wrist, carpus’ (Поп. Даг. 71); Mongr. baGūr (SM 19: baGr) ‘bracelet’;
baGr yäse ‘metacarpus’, baGariaG ‘tibia’, narin baGariaG ‘radius’.
◊ KW 28, Дыбо 227. On Turkic loans see KW 28.
PTurk. *bakań 1 hoof 2 knucklebone 3 joints in animals’ feet (1 ко-
пыто 2 бабка 3 суставы в ногах животных): OTurk. baqanaq 1
 *bk῾a - *bāla 325

(OUygh.); Karakh. baqanaq, baqajaq 1 (MK); Tur. bakanak, bakɨnak 1, 2

(dial.); Az. baɣanaɣ, baɣančaɣ 3 (dial.); Uygh. baqalčäq ‘shinbone’; Tat.
bɛkɛl 2; Bashk. bäqäl 3; Kirgh. baqaj 3; Kaz. baqaj 3; Nogh. baqaj 3; Khak.
paɣajax, maxajax 2; Tof. mahnɨq ῾metatarsus’ (ФиЛ 205).
◊ VEWT 58, EDT 316-317, ЭСТЯ 2, 43-44, Дыбо 310, Лексика 286-287.
‖ Дыбо 310; Лексика 287. A Western isogloss.
-bk῾a ( ~ -k-) to slide, sweep: Tung. *bāKa- / *bāKu-; Jpn. *pàk-.
PTung. *bāKa- / *bāKu- to slide (скользить, соскальзывать): Evk.
bākerō-; Evn. baqrkịn-; Neg. baxụkịn-; Ul. baụrsụ-; Ork. baụr-.
◊ ТМС 1, 68.
PJpn. *pàk- to sweep (мести, подметать): OJpn. pak-; MJpn. fàk-;
Tok. hák-; Kyo. hák-; Kag. hàk-.
◊ JLTT 684.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-bk῾ù a sharp instrument: Tung. *bāgba; Mong. *baki; Turk. *bokursɨ;
Jpn. *pukusi.
PTung. *bāgba 1 stake, bar, spear 2 to delve with a stake, spear 3 to
hit (with a stake, stick) (1 пешня, лом, копье 2 долбить пешней,
копьем 3 бить (палкой или другим твердым предметом)): Evn.
baɣq- 3; Neg. bābga 1; Man. bo- 2, bon 1; Ul. baGba 1; Ork. bābGa ~ bāGba
1; Nan. baGba 1; Ud. bagba- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 61-62.
PMong. *baki tongs (щипцы): WMong. baki; Kh. ba; Bur. baxinsag
‘багор’; Kalm. bakə.
◊ KW 29.
PTurk. *bokursɨ wooden plough, ploughshare (деревянный плуг,
соха): OTurk. boqursɨ (OUygh: YB); Karakh. boqursɨ (MK); Uygh. boqusa,
buqusa (Jarr.); Kirgh. būrsun.
◊ EDT 319. Voicing *-k- > -g- > -0- in Kirgh. is unclear. Molnar’s (Molnár 2001) ety-
mology < Sanskr. vi-karṣati presupposes an unattested derivative and is generally quite
dubious.
PJpn. *pukusi digging stick (палка-копалка): OJpn. pukusi.
◊ JLTT 417.
‖ PT *bokursɨ probably < *bakursɨ (with a vowel narrowing in the
first syllable of a trisyllabic word); PTM *bāgba < *bāk-ba through as-
similation. Note a remarkable similarity of the Turkic and Japanese
derivation. Cf. other similar roots: *p῾ùjge, *pok῾e, *p῾ge, *p῾ago.
-bāla child, young: Tung. *baldi-; Mong. *balčir; Turk. *bāla, *bāldɨŕ;
Jpn. *bàràpa(i).
PTung. *baldi- to bear, be born (рождать(ся)): Evk. baldi-; Evn.
bald-; Neg. baldị-; Man. banǯi-; SMan. banǯi-, banǯə- (694, 2146); Jurch.
326 *balu - *balu
boldi-xaj (388); Ul. baldị-; Ork. balǯị-; Nan. balǯị-; Orch. bāgdi-; Ud. bagdi-;
Sol. baldi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 69-70. Man. banǯibu- ‘to compile, write’ > Dag. banǯibū- (Тод. Даг. 124). Cf.
also Orok balaŋga ‘young of seal’ (ibid.) - perhaps preserving the original root without the
dental suffix.
PMong. *balčir very young, infant (малолетний): WMong. balčir (L
80); Kh. balčir; Bur. balšar; Kalm. balčr.
◊ KW 32. Cf. also S.-Yugh. bala ‘egg’ - an isolated form and hardly archaic ( < Turk.
bala ‘child’?).
PTurk. *bāla, *bāl-dɨŕ, *bāla-pan 1 young animal, nestling, 2 child 3
a man’s wife’s younger sister 4 younger relative (1 молодое животное,
птенец, 2 ребенок 3 младшая сестра жены 4 младший родствен-
ник): OTurk. baldɨz (OUygh.) 3; Karakh. bala 1 (MK), baldɨz 3 (MK);
baldɨr ‘step-son, step-daughter’ (MK); Tur. bala 1, 2, baldɨz 3, balaban ‘fal-
con’ (dial.); Gag. baldɨsqa 3; Az. bala, balaG 1, 2, baldɨz 3; Turkm. bāla 1, 2,
bāldɨz 3; Sal. bala 1, 2; Khal. bala 2; MTurk. bala 1, 2 (Abush., Бор. Бад.),
baldɨz 3 (P. de C.); Uzb. bɔla 1, 2, bɔldiz 3, palapan 1 (dial.); Uygh. bala 1, 2;
Krm. bala 2, baldɨz 3; Tat. bala 1, 2, baldɨz 3; Bashk. bala 2, baldɨδ 3; belekej
‘small’; Kirgh. bala 2; Kaz. bala 2, baldɨz 3, balapan 1 (R); KBalk. bala 2;
KKalp. bala 2, baldɨz 3; Kum. bala 1, 2; Nogh. bala 2, baldɨz 3; SUygh. mɨla,
mle 2; Khak. pala 2, pastɨ 3; Shr. pala 2, pastɨ 3; Oyr. bala 1, 2, passɨ 3 (Tel.,
R); Chuv. poldъr 3, 4 (Aš. IX 282); Yak. balɨs 3, 4; Dolg. balɨs 3, 4.
◊ EDT 332, 334, VEWT 59, 60, ЭСТЯ 2, 47-50, 53-54, Лексика 71, 306-307, 312, Sta-
chowski 51, 52. Turk. > Kalm. baldr (KW 30). Khak. pastɨ < *bazlɨ < *balzɨ with metathesis.
PJpn. *bàràpa(i) child (ребенок): OJpn. warapa; MJpn. wàràfà, wàràfè;
Tok. wárabe; Kyo. wáràbè; Kag. warabé.
◊ JLTT 568. The Tokyo accent points to a variant *bàràpá(i).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 289. Jpn. low tone (or Turkic length) is irregular. The
Western languages all reflect a common derivative *bāl(a)-tV.
-balu sable: Tung. *bali-; Mong. *bulagan; Jpn. *puruki.
PTung. *bali- sable (one year old) (соболь (одноосенний)): Evk.
balini.
◊ ТМС 1, 71.
PMong. *bulagan sable, game (соболь, дичь): MMong. buluxan (HY
10), buluqan (SH), bul(u)ɣan (MA); WMong. bulaɣan (L 133), buliɣa; Kh.
bulga(n); Bur. bulgan; Kalm. bulɣən; Ord. bulaGa; Dag. baləg, (Тод. Даг.
124) balga; S.-Yugh. bulaGan; Mongr. bulGa.
◊ KW 60, MGCD 168. Mong. > Chag. bulɣan, see TMN 1, 215.
PJpn. *puruki a k. of sable (вид соболя): MJpn. furuki.
‖ Ozawa 314-315. Despite obvious similarity, the etymology raises
some problems. The MJpn. furuki is said to be an animal breeding in
Korea, but no Korean match is available. R. A. Miller’s hypothesis that
furuki was borrowed from Mongolian, seems rather far-fetched (no
 *bằlu - *băŋk῾i 327

early Mong.-Jpn. contacts have been noticed so far), so we prefer to

regard the word as genuine until some further evidence becomes avail-
able. Rather complicated is the attribution of PT *albuga (VEWT 16):
Khak. albɨɣa ‘sable’, Oyr. albaɣa ‘sable; game’ (Леб. Баск. 137). Cf. also
alda ‘game’ (Туба Баск. 101, Яимова 109-110 albaga, albaa, alabuga (=
“perch”). This may be al (al perü ‘wild wolf’) + bulgan, bulɨq ‘sable’ ( <
Mong.; see Потанин 1881, Очерки Северозападной Монголии, p.
139), see ibid. aldɨq ‘sable’. The word is obviously tabooistic and
folk-etymologically analysed as “red ox”, but may also be a distortion
of the original *baluga (cf. the external evidence). On the other hand,
one may note the resemblance of the Turkic word with Mong. elbeŋkü
‘racoon’, see KW 207 ( > Evk. elbiɣe, elbiŋē, Man. elbixe, ТМС 2, 445).
-bằlu early, ancient: Tung. *bala-; Turk. *baldɨr; Jpn. *pùrù-.
PTung. *bala- ancient, earlier (давно, прежде): Ul. balana; Ork.
balana; Nan. balana.
◊ ТМС 1, 68-69.
PTurk. *baldɨr beginning of the spring season, lambing season (на-
чало весеннего сезона, сезона рождения ягнят): Karakh. baldɨr (MK);
Uygh. baldi(r) (dial.: УДС 23) ‘last year’.
◊ The root tends to mix with *bɨldur ‘last year’, but is explicitly distinguished by MK
(as baldɨr vs. bɨldɨr).
PJpn. *pùrù- old (старый): OJpn. puru-; MJpn. fùrù-; Tok. furú-; Kyo.
fúrù-; Kag. furú-.
◊ JLTT 828.
‖ Лексика 72 (but the Turkic root should be divided and Mong.
*boli- attributed rather to *plo ‘old, ancient - although the two roots
may have converged in Mong.).
-băŋk῾i to kick: Tung. *baŋ-sala-; Turk. *böŋk-.
PTung. *baŋ-sala- to kick (пинать, брыкаться): Man. bašila-; Ul. ba-
sala-; Ork. basala-; Nan. baŋsala-; Orch. baŋsala-; Ud. baŋčala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 72.
PTurk. *böŋk- to kick, buck (пинать, брыкаться): Karakh. möŋ-
(MK); Uygh. möŋ-, möŋkü-; Kirgh. möŋkü-; Kaz. möŋki-; Khak. mükü-;
Oyr. mökü-; Tv. mög-; Tof. möŋ- (Рас. ФиЛ 207); Yak. möx-.
◊ EDT 767, VEWT 342, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ An expressive Turk.-Tung. isogloss, with secondary vowel labiali-
zation in Turkic.
328 *bra - *brì
-bra goods, to possess, earn: Tung. *bara-; Mong. *bari-; Turk. *bār; Kor.
*pr-.
PTung. *bara- 1 many 2 to increase 3 capacious (1 много 2 увеличи-
ваться, возрастать 3 емкий, просторный): Evk. bara-ma 1, bara-l- 2;
Evn. baran 3; Neg. baja 1; Man. baran 1; Ork. bara 1; Sol. barā 1.
◊ Some forms may be borrowed from Mong. (cf. Bur. baran; note, however, that the
word is attested only in Buryat and probably borrowed < Turk., while the TM forms are
very widely spread; Dag. barān certainly < TM, see Тод. Даг. 124), but the root is still
probably genuine. See ТМС 1, 73.
PMong. *bari- to take, hold (брать (руками), хватать): MMong.
bari- (HY 33, SH), bāri- (IM), bari- (MA); WMong. bari- (L 85); Kh. bari-;
Bur. bari-; Kalm. bär-, bäŕ-; Ord. bari-; Mog. bari-; ZM bari- (24-7b); Dag.
bari- (Тод. Даг. 125, MD 119); Dong. bari-; Bao. vār(ə)-; S.-Yugh. bar-;
Mongr. bari-, wari- (SM 22, 481).
◊ KW 38, TMN 1, 198, MGCD 143.
PTurk. *bār 1 there is, there are 2 existence, goods 3 all (1 есть, име-
ется 2 весь, все): OTurk. bar 1, 2 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.), barča 3; Karakh.
bar 1, 2, barča 3 (MK, KB); Tur. var 1, 2; Gag. var 1, 2; Az. var 1, 2; Turkm.
bār 1, 3; barča 3; Sal. bār, par, vār 1, bar, par ‘rich’ (ССЯ); Khal. vār 1, 2;
MTurk. bar 1, 2, 3, barča 3; Uzb. bɔr 1, 2, bɔriča 3; Uygh. ba(r) 1, 2, 3, baričä
3; Krm. bar 1, 2, 3, barca, barča 3; Tat. bar 1, 2, 3, barča 3, barsɨ 3; Bashk. bar
1, ‘rich’, barɨ 3; Kirgh. bar 1, ‘rich’, barča 3; Kaz. bar 1; KBalk. bar 1, ‘rich’,
barɨ 3; KKalp. bar 1, 2, barša 3; Kum. bar 1, 3, ‘rich’, barɨ 3; Nogh. bar 1, 2,
3; SUygh. par 1; Khak. par 1, 2, parčan 3; Oyr. bar 1, 2, 3; Tv. bar 1, barɨ 2;
Tof. bar 1; Chuv. por 1, ‘any’, 3, ‘rich’, porəš 3; Yak. bār 1, 2, bar(ɨ) 3; Dolg.
bār 1, 2, bar(ɨ) 3.
◊ VEWT 62, EDT 353, 356-7, ЭСТЯ 2, 61-63, Лексика 326-327, 332-333, Федотов 1,
444-445, Stachowski 52, 53, 56. Syntactically it is an abstract noun frequently acting as a
predicate.
PKor. *pr- to earn (зарабатывать): Mod. pl-.
◊ KED 765.
‖ KW 38, VEWT 62, ТМС 1,73, АПиПЯЯ 287, Лексика 326-327;
ОСНЯ 1, 175, 176. Doerfer (MT 239) tries to argue (“Die Quantitäts-
verhältnisse weichen ganz ab”), but the phonetic match is quite regular
(Turk. long : TM short).
-brì right, straight, direct: Tung. *bāru; Mong. *baraɣun; Turk. *bEr-;
Jpn. *pìtà; Kor. *pàrằ-.
PTung. *bāru in the direction of (postpos.) (по направлению к (по-
слелог)): Man. baru; Ul. bā- / bē-; Ork. bārụ-; Nan. bāro-; Orch. bai-ti.
◊ See ТМС 1, 75.
PMong. *baraɣun righthand side; West (правая сторона; запад):
MMong. bara’un (HY 50, SH), barān (IM), bărawun (MA); WMong.
baraɣun (L 84); Kh. barūn; Bur. barūn; Kalm. barūn; Ord. barūn; Mog. ZM
 *bri - *bāŕa 329

baranɣl (7-1a); Dag. baran (Тод. Даг. 124), baren (MD 119); Dong. borun;
S.-Yugh. barūn; Mongr. baroŋ, waroŋ (SM 22, 482) (MGCD waraŋ).
◊ KW 35, MGCD 145. MMong. baranqar > Chag. buranɣar ‘right wing (of an army)’,
see Щербак 1997, 200. Mong. > Evk. baron, see Doerfer MT 126, Rozycki 25.
PTurk. *bEr- 1 southern, right 2 to the South, to the right (1 южный,
правый 2 к югу, направо): OTurk. ber-din 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), beri-je 2,
ber-gärü 2 (Orkh.).
◊ EDT 359,364, 370. The forms ber-din (abl.), ber-ije (adv.), ber-gerü (dir.) - from a spa-
tial noun *ber. The usually related berü ‘this side, here’ etc. (EDT 355, ЭСТЯ II 124-125)
should be rather kept apart. It is unclear morphologically (bērü < ber-rü seems to be a
unique development) and may be derived from the demonstrative bu ‘this’, just like naru,
aŋaru, onaru ‘that side, there’ is derived from the demonstrative stem an- ‘that’ (see
Brockelmann 1954, 134).
PJpn. *pìtà direct, straight (прямой): OJpn. pjita; MJpn. fìtà; Tok.
hita-to ‘directly, closely’.
◊ JLTT 409.
PKor. *pàrằ- direct, straight; right (прямой; правильный): MKor.
pàrằ-; Mod. parɨ-.
◊ Nam 238, KED 706.
‖ EAS 57, SKE 191, Poppe 21. “Verbal” low tone in Korean. Doerfer
(TMN 1, 207) attempts to dismantle Ramstedt’s comparison
(Tung.-Kor.-Mong.) by preferring Ramstedt’s own earlier (KW 35)
derivation of Mong. baraɣun ‘right; West’ < bara- ‘to end’ - which is
evidently much weaker semantically.
-bri a k. of cloth: Tung. *bārga-; Mong. *baraɣa; Turk. *bẹr; Kor. *pār.
PTung. *bārga- to clothe, put on (одевать(ся)): Ul. bargaǯị-; Ork.
baGdụxị-; Nan. bāraǯịGo-, bārolị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 73.
PMong. *baraɣa cloth (ткань): WMong. baraɣa (L 82); Kh. barā; Bur.
barān; Kalm. barān.
◊ KW 33.
PTurk. *bẹr 1 tunic 2 cloth, linen (1 жакет 2 ткань): Karakh. ber-tü ‘a
tunic’, bertü-le-n- ‘to wear a tunic’; Chuv. pir 2.
◊ EDT 358, 359 (MK), VEWT 71.
PKor. *pār curtain (занавес): MKor. pār; Mod. pāl.
◊ Nam 245, KED 723.
‖ Mongolian and TM reflect a suffixed form *bri-ga.
-bāŕa ( ~ -o) to rejoice, be proud: Tung. *bāra-či-; Mong. *bar-da-; Turk.
*bAŕ-; Jpn. *báráp-.
PTung. *bāra-či- to rejoice (радоваться): Ul. bāračị-; Nan. bārāčị-;
Orch. bārači-.
◊ ТМС 1, 73.
330 *bằŕ[i] - *bằŕ[i]
PMong. *bar-da- to be proud, to boast (гордиться, хвастаться):
WMong. barda-; Kh. barda-; Bur. bardam ‘1 чванство, кичливость, 2
гордец’; Kalm. bardm; Ord. barda-; Dag. bardan (n.) (Тод. Даг. 124);
S.-Yugh. bardam (n.); Mongr. bārda- (bardoŋ (SM 21), pardaŋ ‘fanfaron,
présomptueux’ (SM 302)).
◊ KW 34, MGCD 143.
PTurk. *bAŕ- to hazard, make a decision (осмеливаться, решать-
ся): Uzb. baz- (Sart., R); Tat. baz-; Bashk. baδɨ-; Kaz. baz-; KBalk. baz-;
KKalp. baz-n-a ‘панибратство’; Kum. baz-; Nogh. baz-n-a batuv (gerund
from a refl. form); Yak. bahɨ-rɨ-j- ‘to speek in an excessively loud and
excited manner (expr.)’ (?).
◊ VEWT 66.
PJpn. *báráp- to laugh (смеяться): OJpn. warap-; MJpn. wáráf-; Tok.
wàra-; Kyo. wárá-; Kag. wará-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Not quite secure, because of tone incongruence. Jpn. could have
merged the roots *bāŕa ‘rejoice’ and *bĕŕa ‘peace’.
-bằŕ[i] wide, thick: Tung. *baru-n; Mong. *bar-; Turk. *bAŕɨk; Jpn. *pìr-;
Kor. *pắr.
PTung. *baru-n 1 thick 2 round, full (1 толстый 2 круглый, пол-
ный): Evn. barụ-n 1; Man. barun 2; Nan. barõ (Kur-Urm.) 2; Orch. bau(n)
1; Ud. bau 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 76.
PMong. *bar- broad and thick (of a beard), coarse (of textiles) (тол-
стый, взлохмаченный о ткани, бороде, (редко) в названиях чего-л.
округлого, большой палец (дет.)): WMong. barbaji- (L 84); Kh. barvaj-;
Bur. barba-; Kalm. bar-də-ɣər, barwǟ-.
◊ KW 34, 35.
PTurk. *bAŕɨk 1 thick, stout 2 a stubby man (1 толстый, дюжий 2
коренастый человек): MTurk. bazuq (OKypch., AH, CCum.) 2; Krm.
bazɨq/x (H,Q,T) 1, 2; Tat. bazɨq 2; Bashk. baδɨq 1; KBalk. bazɨq 1; Kum.
bazɨq 1.
◊ VEWT 66. The word is exclusively Kypchak (probably also borrowed in Chuv.
pɨzъk id.), but is apparently archaic.
PJpn. *pìr- 1 wide 2 fathom (1 широкий 2 сажень): OJpn. pjiro- 1,
p(j)iro 2; MJpn. fìrò- 1, fìrò 2; Tok. hiró- 1, hiro 2; Kyo. hírò- 1; Kag. hiró- 1.
◊ JLTT 408, 828.
PKor. *pắr fathom (сажень): MKor. pắr; Mod. pāl.
◊ Nam 246, KED 723. The modern form reflex a merger with MKor. pār ‘armful’ (v.
sub *p῾ĺŋa).
‖ Whitman 1985, 193, 210 (Kor.-Jpn.). The vowel reflex in Korean is
irregular, which leaves a possibility of Kor. *pắr and Jpn. *pìr ‘fathom’
going back to a different root (reconstructable as *Piari or *Piali); the
 *baŕV - *bási 331

coincidence of *pìr ‘fathom’ and *pìr- ‘wide, broad’ in Jpn. must be in

that case secondary.
-baŕV opposite, inimical: Tung. *bargi-; Mong. *bar-lug; Turk. *bAŕ.
PTung. *bargi- 1 opposite 2 enemy, inimical (1 противоположный
2 враг, противник, враждебный): Evk. bargī 1, bargūk 2; Evn. bargɣ 1,
bargq 2; Neg. bajgị- 1, bajgụn 2; Man. baǯi-la 1, baqčin 1, 2; Jurch.
bai-ǯu-mij dī- ‘to be inimical’ (797); Ul. baǯị 1, baǯụ(n) 2; Ork. baǯǯ 1;
Nan. bajGị 1, bajGō(n) 2; Orch. baggi- 1, baǯuɣi 2; Ud. bagä 1, bagia 2; Sol.
bargī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 73-75.
PMong. *bar-lug servant, slave (слуга, раб): WMong. barluɣ (L 88);
Kh. barlag.
◊ Mong. > Russ. бурлак (?).
PTurk. *bAŕ stranger, foreign (чужак, иностранец): Karakh. baz
(MK, KB); Krm. bazɨ ‘some, someone’.
◊ EDT 388.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-bási payment, loan: Tung. *basa-; Turk. *basɨg; Jpn. *písák-; Kor.
*pskūi’í-, pskú-.
PTung. *basa- payment (плата): Man. basa, base.
◊ ТМС 1, 76. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *bas-ɨg 1 a k. of tax 2 a coin (1 вид подати, налога 2 моне-
та): OTurk. basɨɣ (OUygh.) 1; Tat. bas, pas, bās ‘price’, pas-lɨ ‘valued, ex-
pensive’ (Sib., КСТТ 108, 177); Chuv. pus 2.
◊ EDT 373, Ашм. X, 4-5, Федотов 1, 449-450. The OT form is usually regarded as de-
rived from *bas- ‘to press’ (v. sub *pằsi), but external evidence suggests that this is one of
the numerous inner Turkic folk-etymological reinterpretations. Chuv. pus “copec” needs
some additional comments. According to Егоров 166 it can either be derived from pus-
‘break’ < Turk. *bas-, or be borrowed from Pers. pōst “skin” > Tur. post, Uzb. pust ‘id.’
(Turkic forms see in VEWT 386). The latter hypothesis is rather improbable because the
form means ‘coin’ only in Chuv., and because this borrowing is absent in other languages
of the Volga region. VEWT 387 suggests Chuv. pus < Mari puš ‘debt, tax’ < pu- ‘give’. The
word is absent from the Mari dictionary, one only finds puɨšaš ‘arrears’; cf., on the other
hand, Udm. pus ‘sign, subscription’ < Chuv. puzə id. < pus- ‘to press’. This etymology is,
therefore, equally dubious, and our equation of Chuv. pus = OT basɨɣ seems preferable.
PJpn. *písák- to sell, barter (продавать, торговать): MJpn. físák-;
Tok. hisag-.
◊ JLTT 690.
PKor. *pskūi’í-, pskú- to loan, borrow (одалживать, брать в долг):
MKor. pskūi’í-, pskú-; Mod. k:ui-, k:u-.
◊ Nam 62, KED 197, 206.
332 *bašo - *bằt῾í
‖ ТМС 1, 76 (TM-Turk.). Korean has a usual vowel loss between a
stop and a fricative (*psku- < *pis(i)-ku or *pəs(i)-ku). Note the velar suf-
fixation in Turkic, Korean and Jpn.
-bašo to run, drive: Tung. *baša-; Mong. *bisi-ɣu, *busi-ɣu; Jpn. *basi-r-.
PTung. *baša- to drive, urge (гнать, погонять): Man. baša-.
◊ ТМС 1, 78. Attested only in Manchu, but having reliable external parallels.
PMong. *bisi-ɣu, *busi-ɣu 1 quick, swift 2 to run away (of horses)
(1 быстрый, ловкий 2 убегать (о лошадях)): MMong. biši’un ‘fair,
smart’ (38 HY); bišun (MA); WMong. bisiɣu, bušiɣu 1 (L 106, 140), busqu-
2; Kh. bušū 1, busga- 2; Bur. bušū 1; Kalm. bušū 1; Ord. bušū 1.
◊ KW 63. Mong. > Kirgh. bosqɨn ‘flight’.
PJpn. *basi-r- to run, hurry (бежать, спешить): MJpn. wasir-.
‖ Cf. *p῾às[a].
-bằtò a k. of plant (for making ropes): Tung. *batu-kin; Turk. *buta-; Jpn.
*bàtà.
PTung. *batu-kin rope (made of bark) (веревка (из коры)): Neg.
batụxịn; Ul. batụxụn; Nan. bartoxị; Orch. bātuxǟ; Ud. batixi.
◊ ТМС 1, 77.
PTurk. *buta- 1 основные нитки 2 bast, bass (for ropes) (1 основ-
ные нитки 2 лыко, мочало (для веревок)): Karakh. butar (MK) 1
(Clauson’s ‘papyrus reed’ is hardly correct; one should rather translate
it as ‘warp of cotton cloth’); Chuv. pъₙdъₙr 2.
◊ EDT 307. Cf. also (ДТС 89) batatu ‘cotton yarn’, in a medical text.
PJpn. *bàtà cotton (хлопок): OJpn. wata; MJpn. wàtà; Tok. watá; Kyo.
wátà; Kag. watá.
◊ JLTT 569.
‖ The root evidently denoted some k. of plant used for making
ropes or yarn. Note however that the Turkic reflex is poorly attested
and not quite reliable; in PTM a reconstruction *bartu-kin is also possi-
ble (and perhaps preferable). The PA form should thus perhaps be
changed to *bằrtò - a Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-bằt῾í dirt: Tung. *batu-n; Mong. *bat-ga; Turk. *bat-; Jpn. *pìntì; Kor.
*ptắi.
PTung. *batu-n frozen soil (мерзлота, мерзлая почва): Evk. batun;
Evn. batn; Man. batun; Ul. bātụ(n); Nan. batõ.
◊ ТМС 1, 77.
PMong. *bat-ga 1 dirt, sweat 2 to perspire (1 грязь, пот 2 потеть):
WMong. bataɣa, batɣa 1; badqu- 2 (L 67); Kh. batxa; Bur. badxa; Kalm.
batəɣə, batxə.
◊ KW 36. Mong. > Oyr. patqa etc.
PTurk. *bat-gak swamp, marsh (болото): OTurk. batɨɣ- (in batɨɣ-daqɨ
‘swamp-living’ (of dragons)) (OUygh.); Karakh. batɨɣ (MK, KB); Tur.
 *bằǯá - *b 333

batak; Gag. bataq; Az. bataG; Turkm. batGa; Khal. bat-laq ‘Lehm, Morast’;
MTurk. batɣaq (San.); Uzb. bɔtqɔq; Uygh. patqaq; Krm. bataq; Tat. bat-qaq
(dial.); Bashk. batqaq; Kirgh. batqaq; Kaz. batpaq; (dial.) bat ‘sediment in
water’; KBalk. batmaq, batxaq; KKalp. batpaq; Kum. batmaq; Nogh. batpaq;
Khak. patɨɣ ‘marshy, marsh’; Chuv. put-kax, put-lъx.
◊ EDT 301, ЭСТЯ II 79, 80, VEWT 65, Егоров 169, Ашм. X 42, 48. Traditionally ana-
lysed as derivatives from *bat- ‘to sink’; the derivational suffixes may be indeed both
deverbative and denominative. But the external cognates are tempting.
PJpn. *pìntì dirt (грязь): OJpn. pjidi; MJpn. fìdì; Tok. hiji.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *ptắi dirt (грязь): MKor. ptắi; Mod. t:ä.
◊ Nam 147, KED 419.
‖ Whitman 1985, 141, 181, 213. Korean has a usual reduction: *ptắi <
*pitắi.
-bằǯá early: Tung. *baǯi-; Turk. *bAja; Jpn. *pàjá-.
PTung. *baǯi- early (рано): Evk. baǯi-kir; Evn. baǯ; Neg. baǯịɣ; Orch.
bāǯika; Ud. baǯi.
◊ ТМС 1, 64.
PTurk. *bAja recently (недавно): OTurk. baja, baja-qɨ (OUygh.);
Karakh. baja (MK); Tur. baja, bajak; Az. bajaG; Turkm. bajaq, baja-qɨ; Khal.
bajaq < Az.; MTurk. baja (Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔja; Uygh. baja; Krm. baja-ɣɨ,
baja-qɨ; Tat. baja; Bashk. baja; Kirgh. baja; Kaz. baja-ɣɨ; KKalp. baja-ɣɨ;
Kum. baja-ɣɨ; Nogh. baja-ɣɨ; SUygh. pija; Khak. paja; Shr. paja; Oyr. baja;
Tv. bije; Chuv. paźъr.
◊ EDT 384, 385, VEWT 56, ЭСТЯ 2, 30-32, Лексика 83. The Chuvash form is difficult.
PJpn. *pàjá- early, swift (ранний, быстрый): OJpn. paja (n), paja-
(adj.); MJpn. fàjá (n), fàjà- / fàjá- (adj.); Tok. háya (n.), hayá- (adj.); Kyo.
hàyá (n.), háyà- (adj.); Kag. hayá (n.), hayá- (adj.).
◊ JLTT 402, 827. A rare case of the structure CỼCỺ in an adjective, preserved under
the influence of the noun. Already in RJ a variant pàjà- is witnessed, and modern dialects
reflect only the latter in the adjectival form.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 77, Дыбо 11, Лексика 83-84. PJ has an irregular devoic-
ing here (or should one think about a secondary assimilative voicing
*baǯi < *paǯi in PTM? In that case PA *pàǯa should be reconstructed).
-b bait: Tung. *be; Turk. *beŋ; Jpn. *bái ( ~ biá).
PTung. *be bait (приманка, наживка): Evk. be; Evn. bē; Neg.
beɣewun; Man. be; Ul. bei; Ork. bē-ni; Nan. bē; Orch. be-ppe, be-meike; Ud.
be-kpe.
◊ ТМС 1, 117-118.
PTurk. *beŋ bait, bird-seed (приманка, корм для птиц): OTurk.
meŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. meŋ (MK, KB); Tur. ben, beŋ (dial.); Turkm. meŋ;
MTurk. meŋ (MA); Yak. meŋiä < *meŋ-eg (Dimin.); Dolg. meŋe.
◊ VEWT 334, EDT 766, Stachowski 178. Turk. > WMong. meŋ, see KW 261.
334 *bdù - *bdù
PJpn. *bai ( ~ bia) bait (приманка, наживка): OJpn. we; Tok. é; Kyo.
; Kag. è.
◊ JLTT 392. Accent reconstruction is not quite clear.
‖ Miller 1985a, 78. An interesting monosyllabic root (TM evidence
indicates that Turk. -ŋ is suffixed).
-bdù thick, large: Tung. *burgu-; Mong. *bediɣün, *büdüɣün; Turk.
*bEdü-k; Jpn. *pùtuà-; Kor. *pr-.
PTung. *burgu- fat, thick (толстый, жирный): Evk. burgu; Evn.
bergъ; Neg. bojgo; Ul. boǯo(n); Ork. boddo(n); Nan. bujgu; Orch. boggo; Ud.
bogo; Sol. burgu.
◊ ТМС 1, 112.
PMong. *bediɣün, *büdüɣün thick (толстый): MMong. bid[o]n
(IM), bidun (MA); WMong. büdügün, bidügün (L 144); Kh. büdǖn; Bur.
büdǖn; Kalm. büdǖn, bödǖn; Ord. büdǖn, bidǖn; Mog. beidǖn; ZM beidun
(18-3a); Dag. budūn (Тод. Даг. 128), budun (MD 126); Dong. biedun; Bao.
beidoŋ; S.-Yugh. budǖn; Mongr. budin (SM 31), bidun (Huzu).
◊ KW 66, MGCD 173. The South.-Mong. (Dong., Bao.), as well as Mog. beidǖn (ZM
beidun) and the Manchu loanword bedun (see TMN 1, 234) indicate that the original vowel
was *e (*bedi-ɣün), with subsequent assimilation in most dialects. Mong. > Yak. bödöŋ
‘high’.
PTurk. *bEdü-k 1 big 2 high (1 большой, крупный 2 высокий):
OTurk. bedük 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. beδük 1 (MK, KB); Tur. büjük
1; Gag. bǖk 1; Az. böjük 1; Turkm. bejik 2; Khal. bidik/büdük 1; MTurk.
bejik 1, 2 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bujuk 1, 2; Uygh. büjük 1, 2; Krm. büjüḱ 1;
Tat. bijek 2; Bashk. bejek 1; Kirgh. bijik 1; Kaz. bijik 1; KBalk. mijik 1;
KKalp. bijik 1; Kum. bijik 2; Nogh. bijik 1; SUygh. bezɨk 1; Khak. pözək 1,
2; Shr. mözük 2; Oyr. bijik 2; Tv. bedik 2; Tof. bedik 2.
◊ VEWT 67, EDT 299-301, ЭСТЯ 2, 288-290. PT *bEdü-k ‘big, high’ is derived from
*bEdü- ‘to become bigger, grow’ (OT bedü-, Tur. büjü-, SUygh. pezi-, Az. böjü-, Khal. bidi-,
Tuva bedi-, Gag. bǖ-, Karaim büjü-).
PJpn. *pùtuà- 1 thick 2 big (1 толстый 2 большой): OJpn. putwo- 1;
MJpn. fùtò- 1; Tok. futó- 1; Kyo. fúto- 2; Kag. futó- 2.
◊ JLTT 829.
PKor. *pr- thick, satiated (толстый, сытый): MKor. pr-; Mod.
purɨ-.
◊ Nam 270, KED 813.
‖ Gombocz 1905, KW 66, Poppe 53 (Turk.-Mong.), Martin 243-244,
АПиПЯЯ 16, 68, 72, 280, Дыбо 12. Verbal low tone in Kor. Doerfer’s
(TMN 1, 235; 4, 275) criticism of the Turk.-Mong. match (“lautgesetzlich
nicht vergleichbar;...passen im Vokalismus nicht...”) is incorrect, be-
cause *-e- is well reconstructable for Proto-Mongolian. PTM *burgu is a
contraction < *bedu-rgu (a similar phonetic development cf. in PTM
 *begV - *béjo 335

*xürgü ‘tail’ < *k῾udo-rgV). In Kor. one would expect *pùr-; the attested
pr- is an obvious result of vocalic assimilation.
-begV a k. of ferment: Tung. *bege; Mong. *beɣe-; Turk. *bEgni.
PTung. *bege 1 ferment (made of animal liver or brain) 2 medicine
(1 закваска (из печени или мозга животного) 2 лекарство): Evk. beɣe
1, 2; Evn. beɣ 2; Neg. beɣe 2; Orch. bē-de- ‘to treat (with medicine)’; Nan.
bē ‘rotten food’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 119.
PMong. *beɣe- to rot, mould (протухать, плесневеть): WMong.
bege- (БАМРС); Kh. bē-; Kalm. bē-.
◊ KW 43-44.
PTurk. *bEgni millet beer (просяное пиво): OTurk. begni (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. begni (MK, IM).
◊ EDT 328. The word is also present in some Iranian languages (Sogd. bɣ’ny, Osset.
bägäny, where it is most probably a Turkic loanword, despite TMN 2, 311, Bailey 320
[with a dubious Iranian etymology]). Turk. > Mong. bekni, begni, see Щербак 1997, 193.
‖ A Western isogloss; not quite reliable.
-bje man; self, body: Tung. *beje; Mong. *beje; Jpn. *b.
PTung. *beje person, man (человек): Evk. beje; Evn. bej; Neg. beje;
Nan. beje ‘person’; Sol. bei, beje.
◊ Homonymic forms in other languages denoting “body” should be probably re-
garded as mongolisms, but this is hardly plausible for all the forms meaning “man”
(since that meaning is absent in Mong.), despite Doerfer MT 20, Rozycki 29. See ТМС 1,
122-123.
PMong. *beje body, person, self (тело, личность, сам): MMong.
beje (HY 45, SH), bäjä (IM), bĭj, bijä-du (MA); WMong. beje (L 94); Kh.
bije; Bur. beje; Kalm. bī, bījə; Ord. bije, beje; Dag. bej(e) (Тод. Даг. 125);
Dong. beije; S.-Yugh. bəi; Mongr. bīje (SM 26), (MGCD) buje.
◊ KW 47, MGCD 147. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. beje ‘self’ (Kał. MEJ 40, Stachowski 57).
PJpn. *b man (мужчина): OJpn. wo(nokwo), wotokwo; MJpn.
wo(noko), wòtòkò; Tok. otokó; Kyo. ótoko; Kag. otokó.
◊ JLTT 507, 513. A compound *b-nə-kua, *b-tu-kua lit. ‘male child’. The root is at-
tested also separately as OJ wo ‘male’, as well as in the compound *bə-su (OJ wosu, mod-
ern osu ‘male’).
‖ EAS 57, 98, KW 47, Владимирцов 261, Poppe 66, АПиПЯЯ 79,
105, 276.
-béjo an ungulate animal: Tung. *bejū-; Mong. *baji-ta-su; Turk. *bEje;
Jpn. *bí ( ~ *bi).
PTung. *bejū- an ungulate animal (копытный зверь): Evk. bejūn;
Evn. bujūn; Neg. bejūn; Ul. buju(n); Ork. buju(n); Nan. bejũ; Orch.
beju(n); Ud. bui, buji; Sol. bejū-nī beje ‘hunter’.
◊ ТМС 1, 121-122. The root is also attested in verbal function (’to hunt for ungu-
lates’): Evk. bejū-, Evn. bujū-, Neg. bejū- etc.
336 *bàka - *bek῾ú
PMong. *baji-ta-su farrow (horse, cow) (яловая (кобыла, корова)):
WMong. bajitasu, bajidasu (L 74, 76); Kh. bajdas; Bur. bajtaha(n); Kalm.
bǟsn; Ord. bǟdasu; S.-Yugh. baidāsən (MGCD 136).
◊ KW 40. Cf. also WMong. bajilɣa- ‘покрывать кобылу’. Mong. > Evk. bajtahun etc.
(ТМС 1, 66; Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 125); Mong. *bajtal (the deriving stem for ba-
jta-sun < *bajtal-sun, although not attested) > Turk., Kirgh. bajtal etc. (VEWT 57, ЭСТЯ 2,
36-37, TMN 2, 388, Лексика 444).
PTurk. *bEje (foaled) mare (кобыла): OTurk. be (OUygh. - YB);
Karakh. be (MK, IM); MTurk. beje (Sangl.); bej (CCum.); Uzb. bijä; Uygh.
bijä (dial.); Krm. bije; Tat. bijɛ; Bashk. bejä; Kirgh. bē; Kaz. bije; KKalp.
bije; Nogh. bije; SUygh. pie, pi; Khak. pī; Oyr. bē; Tv. be; Yak. biä.
◊ EDT 291, VEWT 75, ЭСТЯ 2, 133, Лексика 443. Forms as bije < *bẹje, show a secon-
dary vowel narrowing in front of -j-; the Kirgh., Oyr. and Tuva-Tof. forms point to *E.
PJpn. *bí ( ~ *bi) pig (свинья): OJpn. wi; MJpn. wí; Tok. i(noshishi)
(*’pig’ + ‘flesh’).
◊ JLTT 420.
‖ The root denotes any ungulate in TM; in other languages we ob-
serve a specialization of meaning (“mare”, “horse”, “cow” in
Turk.-Mong., “pig” in Jpn.).
-bàka young, short time: TM *bekte-; Mong. *baga; Jpn. *bàkà-.
PTung. *bekte- a short time (недолго): Neg. bekte; Ul. bekte; Nan.
bekt; Orch. bekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 123.
PMong. *baga young, small (молодой, маленький): WMong. baɣa
(L 67); Kh. baga; Bur. baga; Kalm. baɣə; Ord. baGa; Dag. bage (MD 117);
S.-Yugh. baʁa.
◊ KW 28, TMN 1, 213.
PJpn. *bàkà- young (молодой): OJpn. waka-; MJpn. wàkà-; Tok.
waká-; Kyo. wáka-; Kag. waká-.
◊ JLTT 844.
‖ See Оzawa 300-301, Miller 1985, 143. On possible Turkic parallels
see Лексика 390 (also under *bāku).
-bek῾ú a k. of fish: Tung. *beKe; Mong. *bekir; Turk. *bEkre; Jpn.
*punku; Kor. *pok.
PTung. *beKe goby (морской бычок): Orch. bexe.
◊ ТМС 1, 123. Attested only in Oroch, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *bekir sterlet (стерлядь): WMong. beker; Kh. bexer; Kalm.
bekr.
◊ KW 41.
PTurk. *bEkre sterlet (стерлядь): Turkm. bekre, bekire (dial.); MTurk.
bekre (R); Uzb. bekre (dial.); Bashk. bikre; Kaz. bekire; KKalp. bekire.
◊ VEWT 68, ЭСТЯ 2, 108.
 *bēle - *bèli 337

PJpn. *punku goby, swellfish (бычок, вид рыбы): Tok. fúgu; Kyo.
fùgû; Kag. fúgu.
◊ JLTT 416. Accent is not quite clear (Tokyo and Kyoto point to *pù(n)kû, Kagoshima
- to *pú(n)ku).
PKor. *pok swellfish, blowfish (бычок (рыба)): MKor. pok; Mod.
pok.
◊ Liu 388, KED 795.
‖ Martin 244 (Kor.-Jpn.) Cf. *pák῾[о]. The Turk. forms are rather late
and may be borrowed < Mong. (hardly < Sam. *wekana / *wekV(rV), de-
spite Helimski 1995).
-bēle ( ~ -i) waist, lap: Tung. *belge; Mong. *belkeɣü; Turk. *bl(k).
PTung. *belge lap (колени (передняя часть бедер при сидячем
положении)): Evk. belge; Evn. bēlgъ; Neg. belge; Ul. belǯe; Ork. beĺde;
Nan. belge; Ud. bege.
◊ ТМС 1, 123.
PMong. *belkeɣü waist (поясница): WMong. belkegü-sü(n) (L 98);
Kh. belxǖs; Bur. belxǖhə(n), belxenseg ‘big belt’; Kalm. belkǖsn; Ord.
belχǖs.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bl(k) 1 waist 2 mountain pass, ridge 3 back (1 поясница 2
горный перевал, хребет 3 зад, сзади): OTurk. bẹl (Yen., OUygh.) 1, 2;
Karakh. bẹl (MK, KB) 1; Tur. bel 1, 2, 3; Gag. bel 1; Az. bel 3; 1; Turkm. bīl
1; Sal. bil 1; Khal. bīel 1; MTurk. bẹl 1 (Бор. Бад., Sangl.); Uzb. bel 1, 2;
Uygh. bäl 1; Krm. bel 1, 2; Tat. bil 1, 2; Bashk. bil 1, 2; Kirgh. bel 1, 2; Kaz.
bel 1, 2, 3; KBalk. bel 1; KKalp. bel 1, 2, 3; Kum. bel 1; Nogh. bel 1, 2;
SUygh. peĺ 1, 2; Khak. pil 3; 1, 2; Oyr. bel 3; 1, 2; Tv. bel 1, 2; Tof. bel 1;
Chuv. pilək 1, 2, 3; Yak. bīl 1.
◊ VEWT 69, TMN 2, 416, EDT 330, ЭСТЯ 2, 135-137, Лексика 268-269, Егоров 160,
Мудрак 1989, Дыбо 119-121. Turk. > Mong. bel.
‖ Poppe 76, Дыбо 306, Мудрак Дисс. 69, Лексика 269. A Western
isogloss. Doerfer (TMN 2, 416) cannot say anything but “kaum dürfte
das Wort auf ein “altaisches” *belke zurückgehen”. Cf. also WMong.
beldüge, Kalm. böldəgn ‘die Weichen’ (KW 56).
-bèli to be acquainted, assist, employ: Tung. *bele-; Mong. *bele-; Turk.
*bil-; Kor. *prí-.
PTung. *bele- to help (помогать): Evk. bele-; Evn. bel-; Neg. bele-; Ul.
bele-či-; Ork. beĺe-; Nan. bele-či-; Orch. bele-či-; Ud. bele-si-.
◊ ТМС 1, 124.
PMong. *bele- 1 to prepare 2 ready (1 готовиться 2 готовый):
MMong. belen 2, belet- 1 (SH), bilän 2 (MA); WMong. belen, beleken 2,
bele-dke- 1 (L 97); Kh. belde- 1, belxen, belen 2; Bur. belen 2; Kalm. beln 2;
Ord. belen 2; Dag. belen 2, belke- 1 (Тод. Даг. 126), belede- 1 (MD 121);
338 *bló - *belV
Dong. bəlian, belien 2; Bao. balaŋ 2, bəldə- 1; S.-Yugh. belēn; Mongr. bulen
2, belen (SM 24) 2, belesGa- (SM 24), beledGa- 1 (Huzu).
◊ KW 42, MGCD 148. Mong. > Evk. belen, Man. beleni etc. (ТМС 1, 125), see Doerfer
MT 78, Rozycki 28; > Yak. belem, Dolg. belen-nē-, belem-nē- (Kał. MEJ 40, Stachowski 57).
PTurk. *bil- to know (знать): OTurk. bil- (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. bil- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. bil-; Gag. bil-; Az. bil-; Turkm. bil-; Sal.
bil-; Khal. bil-; MTurk. bil- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bil-; Uygh. bil-; Krm.
bil-; Tat. bel-; Bashk. bel-; Kirgh. bil-; Kaz. bil-; KBalk. bil-; KKalp. bil-;
Kum. bil-1; Nogh. bil-; SUygh. bɨl-; Khak. pəl-; Shr. pil- (R.); Oyr. bil-; Tv.
bil-; Tof. bil-; Chuv. peₙl-; Yak. bil-; Dolg. bil-.
◊ VEWT 75, EDT 330-331, ЭСТЯ 2, 137-139, Stachowski 60. Cf. also *belgü ‘sign’
(ЭСТЯ 2, 108-111) ( = WMong. belge, see TMN 1, 216, Щербак 1997, 104). Turk. *bil-ig >
Mong. bilig (TMN 2, 418, Щербак 1997, 106).
PKor. *prí- to use, employ (использовать, употреблять): MKor.
prí-; Mod. puri-.
◊ Nam 270, KED 814.
‖ EAS 106, Poppe 21, 76, Doerfer MT 78. Cf. also Kor. paraǯi ‘aid, as-
sistance’. The reason for narrowing *bel- > *bil- in PT is unclear; cf. *bel-
in the more archaic *bel-gü ‘sign’.
-bló pale: Tung. *beli; Mong. *balaj; Jpn. *pàrá-; Kor. *pằrk-.
PTung. *beli 1 pale 2 to whiten (1 бледный 2 белить): Evk. beli 1;
Neg. belki- 2; Orch. bēli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 123-124.
PMong. *balaj blind; dark (слепой; темный): MMong. balā
(Lig.VMI); WMong. balaj (L 78); Kh. balaj, balar; Bur. balaj, balar; Kalm.
balǟ, balr; Ord. balǟ ‘stupide’; Dag. baliə ‘vague, indistinct’ (MGCD 134),
baliē ‘blind’ (MD).
◊ KW 30, 31. Mong. > Evk. bali etc. (ТМС 1, 70, ), see Poppe 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 19,
Rozycki 24 ( > Dolg. bali, balī, see Stachowski 51); > Yak., Dolg. balaj, see Kał. MEJ 40, Sta-
chowski ibid.
PJpn. *pàrá- to clear up (of sky, weather) (проясняться (о небе, по-
годе)): OJpn. para-; MJpn. fàrá-; Tok. haré-; Kyo. hàrè-; Kag. hàrè-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *pằrk- bright (светлый): MKor. pằrk-; Mod. pak- [palk-].
◊ Nam 247, KED 732.
‖ Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). Jpn. has an irregular p-.
-belV hysterics, panic, mourning: Tung. *beli(n); Mong. *belbe-; Turk.
*bEliŋ.
PTung. *beli(n) 1 hysterics 2 silly (1 истерика 2 глупый): Evk. belin
1; Neg. belin 1; Man. beli 2; Nan. belčĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 124. TM > Dag. belin (Тод. Даг. 126).
PMong. *belbe- mourning, widow (траур, вдова): MMong. belbisun
(HY 32, SH), b[ä]lbes ‘unmarried woman’ (IM), bilbusun (MA); WMong.
 *beńa - *bré 339

belbüsü, (L 96) belbesü(n); Kh. belevsen; Bur. belbehe(n); Kalm. belwəsn;

Ord. belbesen ‘widow’; Dag. belbisen (Тод. Даг. 126), belibsen; S.-Yugh.
bölbösən, belwəsən.
◊ KW 42, MGCD 148.
PTurk. *bEliŋ panic, terror (паника, ужас): OTurk. beliŋ (OUygh.);
Karakh. beliŋ (MK), beliŋ-le- ‘to be terrified’ (KB); Tur. belin ‘frightened’
(dial. peliŋ, peŋil-de-); Turkm. beliŋ al- ‘to fear, be disgusted’; MTurk.
beliŋ-le- ‘to be terrified’ (Qutb); Bashk. bilen-dä- ‘to be scared, startled’;
Kirgh. belim-či ‘a hysterical woman’; Kaz. beliŋ; Nogh. beleŋ ‘scary’; Oyr.
peliŋ ‘faked illness’ (R); Tv. beliŋ-či, beliŋ-ne-; Tof. beliŋ-ši ‘scary’,
beliŋ-ne- ‘be startled’.
◊ EDT 343, 344, VEWT 69, ОСНЯ 2, 98 (with a different TM parallel).
‖ ТМС 1, 124 (TM-Turk.). A Western isogloss.
-beńa red clay, dirt: Tung. *beŋ-ge-; Turk. *bAńak; Jpn. *pání.
PTung. *beŋ-ge- to sully (пачкать): Neg. beŋge-.
◊ ТМС 1, 126. Attested only in Negidal, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *bAńak dung (навоз): OTurk. majaq (OUygh.); Karakh. ma-
jaq, bajnaq (MK, Oghuz XI c.); Uygh. majaq; Tv. mɨjaq; Tof. mɨaq.
◊ VEWT 322, 336, EDT 350.
PJpn. *pání red clay (красная глина): OJpn. pani; MJpn. fání.
◊ JLTT 398.
‖ If the Negidal form belongs here, it may reflect, together with PT
*bAńak, a common derivative *beńa-kV.
-bré daughter-in-law: Tung. *bener; Mong. *beri-; Jpn. *bt-.
PTung. *bener younger relative-in-law (младший свойственник,
свойственница (шурин, свояченица)): Evk. bener; Evn. benъr; Neg.
bene; Ul. bener, beneli; Nan. bener; Orch. bene; Ud. bene.
◊ ТМС 1, 125.
PMong. *beri- 1 daughter-in-law, bride 2 wife of the elder brother (1
невестка, невеста 2 жена старшего брата): MMong. beri (SH, HY 29)
1, berigen (SH, IM), berigan (HY 28) 2; WMong. beri 1, bergen 2 (L 99); Kh.
ber 1, bergen 2; Bur. beri 1, berigen 2; Kalm. berə 1, bergn 2; Ord. bere 1,
bergen 2; Mog. bɛiri 1 (Weiers); Dag. beri (beŕ) 1, berigen 2 (Тод. Даг. 126,
MD 122); Dong. bieri 1, beGen 2 (Тод. Дн.); Bao. vere 1 (Тод. Бн.);
Mongr. beri, jeri ‘épouse, femme’ (SM 25, 492), bergen (SM 25) 2.
◊ KW 42, TMN 1, 198, 209. Mong. > Evk. berigei etc., see Doerfer MT 101, Rozycki 29.
PJpn. *bt- girl (девушка): OJpn. woto-mje; MJpn. wòtó-mé; Tok.
otóme, òtome; Kyo. òtómè; Kag. otomé.
◊ JLTT 513. The root should be kept distinct from OJ wòtò-kwò ‘man’, which in all
probability goes back to *b-tu-kua ‘male child’ and is parallelled by OJ wono-kwo id.
‖ For TM one has to suppose a resonant metathesis: *bener < *bere-n.
340 *bĕŕa - *bēǯu
-bĕŕa peace: Tung. *bere; Mong. *berele-; Turk. *bAŕ- / *bAr-.
PTung. *bere to ease, peaceful (успокаивать, мирный, смирный):
Evk. bere; Man. beǯiǵe-; Ork. bere-mi.
◊ ТМС 1, 127.
PMong. *berele- to be shy; to do a favour (to a respected person)
(быть застенчивым; оказывать услугу почтенному лицу): WMong.
berele-, (L 99) berile-; Kh. berle-; Kalm. berl-, bermšə-; Ord. berele-.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bAŕ peace (мир): OTurk. baz (Orkh.); MTurk. baz (Qutb,
AH); Krm. baz; baz-la- ‘to comfort, console’; Bashk. baδ-a- ‘to be shy’;
KBalk. baz-a-ma ‘shelter, secure place’.
◊ EDT 388 (together with baz ‘an alien’), VEWT 62, 66.
‖ A Western isogloss. The Mong. word is usually analysed as ‘to
behave like a daughter-in-law’ (see e.g. KW 42, L 99), which may be a
folk-etymology (in view of the external evidence).
-bétà / *pédà sea, ford: Tung. *pedē-; Jpn. *bátá; Kor. *pàtá-h, *pàdắr.
PTung. *pedē- to ford, cross over (переехать, переправиться): Evk.
hedē-; Man. fida-, fide-; Sol. edelbū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 360.
PJpn. *bátá 1 sea 2 to ford (1 море 2 переправляться, переходить
вброд): OJpn. wata 1, watar- 2; MJpn. wátár- 2; Tok. wàtaru 2; Kyo.
wátár- 2; Kag. watár- 2.
◊ JLTT 783.
PKor. *pàtá-h, *pàdắr sea (море): MKor. pàtá (pàtáh-), pàrắr; Mod.
pada.
◊ Nam 236, 238, KED 703.
‖ An Eastern isogloss, with a peculiar variation of laryngeal fea-
tures. Cf. perhaps Mong. bide- (?L 108: bitü-) ‘to wander’ (for semantics
cf. Russ. брод ‘ford’ - бродить ‘wander’).
-bēǯu numerous, great: Tung. *beǯun; Mong. *buǯa-; Turk. *bāj, -tak;
Jpn. *piji(n)ta- ( ~ pui-).
PTung. *beǯun 1 ten deer 2 multitude (1 десять оленей 2 множест-
во): Evn. beǯen 1; Man. buǯu baǯa 2; Nan. beǯu ‘thick (of a tree)’ (On.) (?).
◊ TMC 1, 103, 120. Manchu also has buǯun ‘100000’ which may be borrowed < Chin.
boqian id.
PMong. *buǯa- strong, durable, quite good (крепкий, сильный, от-
личный): WMong. buǯaɣai (L 143); Kh. buʒgaj; Bur. bužagar; Kalm. buzgǟ
(öl.).
◊ KW 64 (Ramstedt regards the Kalm. dialectal form as borrowed from Khalkha).
PTurk. *bāj 1 rich, noble 2 many, numerous (1 богатый, знатный 2
много, многочисленный): OTurk. baj 1 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
baj 1 (MK, KB); Tur. baj 1; Gag. baj 1; Az. baj 1; Turkm. bāj 1; MTurk. baj
 *b - *b 341

1; Uzb. bɔj 1; Uygh. baj 1; Krm. baj 1; Tat. baj 1, bajtaq 2; Bashk. baj 1;
Kirgh. baj 1; Kaz. baj 1; KBalk. baj 1; KKalp. baj 1; Kum. baj 1; Nogh. baj
1; SUygh. päj 1; Khak. paj 1; Oyr. baj 1, bajtaq 2; Tv. baj 1; Chuv. pojan 1;
Yak. bāj 1; Dolg. bāj, bājdak, bājdɨk 1.
◊ EDT 384, VEWT 56, TMN 2, 259, ЭСТЯ 2, 27-29, 36, Лексика 304, 332, Федотов 1,
440, Stachowski 55, 56. Turk. > Mong. bajan ‘rich’ (KW 29, Щербак 1997, 103), whence
Evk. bajan etc. (TMN ibid., Doerfer MT 37).
PJpn. *piji(n)ta- ( ~ pui-) to surpass (превосходить): OJpn. p(j)iida-,
p(j)ida-; MJpn. fiida-; Tok. hiidé-; Kyo. híídé-; Kag. hiidé-.
◊ JLTT 688. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ Note the common derivative *bēǯu-tV (-t῾V) reflected in PT
*bāj-ta-k and PJ *piji-(n)ta-.
-b I, 1st person pronoun: Tung. *bi; *bue, *mü-n-; Mong. *bi, *min-; *ba,
*man-; Turk. *bẹ-; Jpn. *bà-; Kor. *úrí.
PTung. *bi; *bue, *mü-n- 1 I 2 we (1 я 2 мы): Evk. bi 1; bu, mit 2;
Evn. bi 1; bu, mut 2; Neg. bi 1; bu, bitta / butta 2; Man. bi 1; be, muse 2;
SMan. bī 1 (2869); bō 2 (2871), mesə 2 (2872); Jurch. mi-n (853) 1; Ul. bi 1;
bū, bue 2; Ork. bi 1; bu 2; Nan. mi, dial. bi 1; bū, bue 2; Orch. bi 1; bu, biti 2;
Ud. bi 1; bu, minti 2; Sol. bi 1; bū, miti 2.
◊ ТМС 1,79: *bi ‘I’, 98: *bue ‘we (excl.)’, 539: *mü-n- ‘we (incl)’.
PMong. *bi, *min-; *ba, *man- 1 I 2 we (1 я 2 мы): MMong. bi, mino
(gen.) (HY 31, SH), bi, m[e]ni (gen.) (IM), bi, minu, mini (gen.) (MA) 1;
bida (HY 31), ba, mano (HYt, SH), ba, man- (IM) 2 etc.; WMong. bi, minu
(gen.) 1; bide, ba, man- 2; Kh. bi, minij (gen.) 1; bid, ba, man- 2; Bur. bi,
menī (gen.) 1; man- 2; Kalm. bi, min (gen.) 1; bid(n), man- 2; Ord. bi, mini
(gen.) 1; man- 2; Mog. bi ‘I’, nami, name, mini (gen), bidä, mōn- ‘we’; ZM
bi (26-2), mennɛi (gen.) (26-10a); Dag. bī, minī (gen.) 1; bed, bā, mān- 2
(Тод. Даг. 123, 125, 126, 154); Dong. bi, mini (gen.) 1; biǯien, ma- 2; Bao.
be, mene (gen.) 1; bede, man- 2; S.-Yugh. bə; Mongr. bu (SM 30), muni
(gen.), ndā (D) (SM 247, 260) 1; buda (SM 30) 2.
◊ KW 44, MGCD 151.
PTurk. *bẹ- 1 I 2 (*bi-ŕ) we (1 я 2 (*bi-ŕ) мы): OTurk. ben 1 (Orkh.,
Yen., OUygh.), men 1 (OUygh.), biz 2 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
men 1 (MK, KB), biz 2 (MK, KB); Tur. ben 1, biz 2; Gag. ben 1, bis 2; Az.
män 1, biz 2; Turkm. men 1, bīz 2; Sal. mē(n) 1, pise(r) 2 (ССЯ 128); Khal.
män 1, biz 2; MTurk. ben 1 (Abush.), biz 2 (Abush.); Uzb. men 1, biz 2;
Uygh. män 1, biz 2; Krm. men 1, biz 2; Tat. min 1, bez 2; Bashk. min 1, beδ
2; Kirgh. men 1, miz 2; Kaz. min 1, biz 2; KBalk. men 1, miz 2; KKalp. men
1, biz 2; Kum. men 1, biz 2; Nogh. men 1, biz 2; SUygh. men 1, pɨz 2;
Khak. min 1, pəs 2; Shr. men 1, pis 2; Oyr. men 1, mis 2; Tv. men 1, bis 2;
Tof. men 1, bi’s 2; Chuv. e-bə 1, e-bər 2; Yak. min 1, bihigi 2 (Poss.); Dolg.
min 1, bihigi 2.
342 *bíju - *bilč῾i
◊ EDT 346 (*bẹ-n), 388 (*biŕ), ЭСТЯ 2, 129-130, VEWT 77, 333, Stachowski 60, 179.
PJpn. *bà- I, we (я, мы): OJpn. wa-; MJpn. wàré, wátákúsí; Tok.
wàtashi; Kyo. wàte; Kag. ói.
◊ The form watakusi is regarded by Mochizuki 1971 as *wa-tu-(a)ku si ‘my place direc-
tion’, and by Martin (JLTT 569) as *ba-tukusi ‘exhaust me’ or ‘I exhaust’. Rising accent in
wátákúsí is unclear.
PKor. *úrí we (мы): MKor. úrí; Mod. uri.
◊ Nam 389, KED 1238.
‖ EAS 79, Владимирцов 357, ОСНЯ 2, 55-56, 63-66, JOAL 157,
АПиПЯЯ 57, 68, 104-105, 276. An alternation *bi / *mi-ne- (sing.) ; *ba /
*mu-n- (plur.) should be reconstructed. Korean has undergone an ir-
regular (dialectal) loss of *b- (*úrí < *bú-rí).
-bíju to be, sit: Tung. *bi-; Mong. *büji- ( < *bijü-); Jpn. *b(u)í-.
PTung. *bi- to be (быть): Evk. bi-; Evn. bi-; Neg. bī-; Man. bi-; SMan.
bi- (3016); Jurch. bie-i (704), bie-fume (614); Ul. bi-; Ork. bi-; Nan. bi-;
Orch. bī-; Ud. bi-; Sol. bi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 79-80.
PMong. *büji- to be (быть): MMong. bue (HY 51, SH), bi (IM, MA);
WMong. büi (L 143: bü-); Kh. bij; Bur. bī; Kalm. bī; Ord. bī; Mog. bi, be
‘ist’, ZM be (27-5a); Dag. bei (Тод. Даг. 125); Dong. bi-, vei-; Bao. vi-;
S.-Yugh. bī, wai; Mongr. (w)ī- (SM 187, 483), bi- (Minghe).
◊ KW 44, MGCD 150.
PJpn. *b(u)í- 1 to sit 2 to be (1 сидеть 2 быть): OJpn. wi- 1, 2; MJpn.
wí- 1, 2; Tok. ì- 2; Kyo. í- 2; Kag. í-.
◊ JLTT 698.
‖ EAS 57, Poppe 112, Ozawa 304-307, ОСНЯ 1, 184, Murayama
1962, 109, АПиПЯЯ 68, 111, 280. Cf. perhaps MKor. ì- ‘to be’ (with loss
of *b-, like in *uri ‘we’)?
-bilč῾i to mix, knead: Tung. *bilča-; Mong. *bilča-; Turk. *biĺči-; Jpn.
*písíp; Kor. *pìč-.
PTung. *bilča- to mix (flour), to glue (смешивать (муку), клеить):
Man. bilča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 83. Attested only in Manchu, and could be in fact < Mong., if not for the
difference in meaning.
PMong. *bilča- to become flat and watery; to smear all over (разма-
зывать(ся)): WMong. bilča-, bilče- (L 103); Kh. alca-; Bur. bilsa-; Kalm.
bilcə-; Ord. bilčal-.
◊ KW 45.
PTurk. *biĺči- to stir up, churn (milk, butter) (помешивать, взби-
вать (молоко, масло), пахтать): Turkm. pišek ‘churn pestle’, -le- ‘to
churn’; Uzb. piškak ‘churn pestle’; Tat. peš- (Сиб., Тумашева 180);
Bashk. beše- ‘to churn; to beat’, beškäk ‘churn-staff’; Kirgh. bɨš- / biš-;
 *bĭli - *bre 343

biškek ‘churn-staff for kumis’; Kaz. pis-; KKalp. pis-; piskek ‘a big churn’;
Nogh. piskek ‘churn-staff’; Chuv. pəźer- ‘to hit, beat’; Yak. bis- ‘to smear’;
Dolg. bis- ‘to smear’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 309-310, Stachowski 61, Ашм. X, 241-242. In a part of languages the root
merges with *biĺč- “to ripen”; it differs from the latter by its original transitivity and con-
sequent front vocalism.
PJpn. *písíp a k. of bean paste; salted meat or fish (вид бобовой
пасты; соленое мясо или рыба): OJpn. p(j)isip(w)o; MJpn. físífó.
◊ JLTT 409.
PKor. *pìč- to mix up, brew (месить (тесто), готовить (рисовое ви-
но)): MKor. pìč-; Mod. pit- [pič-].
◊ Liu 417, KED 864.
‖ SKE 202, Miller 1970, 129.
-bĭli wrist: Tung. *bile-n; Mong. *beɣelej; Turk. *bilek.
PTung. *bile-n 1 wrist 2 lapel on mittens (1 запястье 2 отворот на
рукавицах): Evk. bile(n) 1, 2; Evn. bilen 1; Neg. bile 2; Ork. bile 2; Ud.
bule 1 (Корм. 215), bilepti, bulepti ‘bracelet’ (Корм. 212).
◊ ТМС 1, 83, Дыбо 260.
PMong. *beɣelej gloves (рукавицы): WMong. begelei (L 94); Kh. bē-
lij; Bur. bēlej; Kalm. bēĺ; Dag. bēli, bēĺ (Тод. Даг. 125, MD 121).
◊ KW 44, MGCD 147. Mong. > Chag. bählä etc., see TMN 4, 273-274; > Russ. Siber.
béla, see Аникин 149.
PTurk. *bilek wrist, forearm (запястье, предплечье): OTurk. bilek
(OUygh.); Karakh. bilek (MK, KB); Tur. bilek; Gag. bilek; Az. biläk;
Turkm. bilek; MTurk. bilek (Бор. Бад., Sangl.); Uzb. bilak; Uygh. biläk;
Krm. bilek; Tat. belɛk; Bashk. beläk; Kirgh. bilek; Kaz. bilek; KBalk. bilek;
KKalp. bilek; Kum. bilek; Nogh. bilek; Khak. pəlek; Shr. pilek (R, Верб.);
Oyr. belek; Tv. bilek; Yak. belenčik, belenńik (dial.).
◊ EDT 338-339, VEWT 76, TMN 2, 314, ЭСТЯ 2, 145-146, Дыбо 172-175 (with detailed
analysis of phonetic variants and derivatives), Лексика 256. Turk. *bilek-jüŕük > *bile(g)ŕük
‘bracelet’ (EDT 345, Stachowski 60) > Mong. bilüčüg / bilisüg / bülüǯüg (see Clark 1980, 41).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. beɣelej < *bejelej < *bele-lej. See EAS 109,
Колесникова 1972a, 97-98, Дыбо 311, Лексика 250. Doerfer’s (MT 240)
attempt to refute the TM form by reconstructing *biglēn is quite artifi-
cial: forms like Ul. gileptu(n) go back to a quite separate root (see *gilu).
-bre a k. of predator: Tung. *birin; Mong. *ber-; Turk. *bȫrü.
PTung. *birin female of a predator (самка хищника (медведя, ти-
гра)): Evk. birin; Evn. bịran; Neg. bịjịn; Man. birin ~ barin.
◊ ТМС 1, 84-85.
PMong. *ber- young of wolf (волчонок): MMong. borte čino (SH);
WMong. beltereg (L 98: belterge); berte činua, börtü (L 128); Kh. beltreg;
Bur. belterge; Kalm. beltərəg.
344 *balge - *bălu
◊ KW 42. Mong. *beltereg is a regular metathesis < *berteleg. Mong. börtü (berte) činua
is translated as ‘multicolored wolf (name of the legendary ancestor of Chinggis Khan)’
and börtü is glossed in L 128 as ‘mottled, speckled, grey’ - but in fact it is basically used
with činua and is probably the original deriving stem of beltereg. -büri in MMong.
ǯö’e-büri, WMong. čögebüri ‘jackal’ may be borrowed < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 163).
PTurk. *bȫrü wolf (волк): OTurk. böri (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. böri (MK,KB); Tur. börü (dial.); Turkm. bȫrü; Sal. püŕe (ССЯ);
Khal. bīeri; MTurk. böri (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. bọri; Uygh. böri; Krm.
börü; Tat. büre; Bashk. büre; Kirgh. börü; Kaz. böri; KBalk. börü; KKalp.
böri; Kum. börü; Nogh. böri; SUygh. böji, peri; Khak. pǖr; Shr. pörü (R);
Oyr. börü; Tv. börü, dial. (Todzh.) börük; Chuv. pirə; Yak. börö; Dolg.
börö.
◊ EDT 356, VEWT 84, TMN 2, 333, ЭСТЯ 2, 219-221, Лексика 160, Stachowski 63.
The hypothesis of the word being borrowed from an East Iranian source runs into diffi-
culties, basically because of the lack of early attested forms with -k (only in Tuva dialects
and the hypothetical Bulgar source of Russ. бирюк (cf. Аникин 128-129)). See also Abaev
1, 263 (isn’t the East Iranian form itself < Turkic?)
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 42, Лексика 160. In Turk. one has to sup-
pose a secondary assimilation < *bērü.
-balge throat, to swallow: Tung. *bilga; Mong. *balgu-.
PTung. *bilga throat (горло, глотка): Evk. bilga; Evn. bịlg; Neg.
bịlga; Man. bilχa; SMan. biləhā (62); Ul. bịlǯa; Ork. bịlda; Nan. bịlGa; Orch.
bigga; Ud. bigaŋa (Корм. 212).
◊ ТМС 1, 82. TM > Dag. bilgara (Тод. Даг. 126).
PMong. *balgu- 1 to swallow 2 gulp (1 глотать 2 глоток): WMong.
balɣu- (L 80) 1, balɣu 2; Kh. balga- 1, balga 2; Bur. balga- 1, balga 2; Kalm.
balɣə- 1, balɣə 2.
◊ KW 31.
‖ KW 31, ОСНЯ 1, 173. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-bălu dirt, mud: Tung. *bul-; Mong. *bul-; Turk. *bạl-; Jpn. *pu-; Kor.
*piro.
PTung. *bul- 1 snuff 2 swamp, marsh 3 become dull, colourless (1
нагар, шлак 2 болото, топь, грязь 3 тускнеть): Evk. bulē 2, būl- 3; Evn.
bule 2; Ul. bụla(n) 1; Orch. bule 2; Ud. bula(n) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 106, 109. Evk. > Dolg. bilē ‘dirt’ (Stachowski 60).
PMong. *bul- dreggy, muddy, turbid (мутный, грязный): MMong.
buluŋgir (HY 53), bulanɣir (MA); WMong. bulaŋgir (L 133); Kh. buliŋgar;
Bur. bulangir; Kalm. buĺəŋgər; Ord. bulaŋgir, buliŋgir.
◊ KW 30. Mong. has a number of similar forms with -a-: balar ‘turbid’, balbi- ‘to be-
come dirty, sullen’, bala ‘snuff’, balǯira- ‘be wet, soaked’. These may reflect a contamina-
tion of *bul- with another root, see *balai ‘blind; dark’. The assumption of Mong. bulaŋgir
being borrowed from Turkic (cf. MTurk. bulɣančaq, derived from bulɣa- ‘to stir up’) see in
Щербак 1997, 110; on the other hand, Mong. is certainly the source of Tat. bolaŋɨr
‘muddy, cloudy’ etc.
 *bĺča - *bắĺmi 345

PTurk. *bạl- mud, clay (грязь, глина): Karakh. balčɨq (MK,IM),

bal(ɨ)q (MK); Tur. balčɨk; Az. palčɨG; Turkm. palčɨq; Sal. palčɨx (ССЯ 435 и
др.); Khal. palčoq ( < Az.); MTurk. balčɨq (Pav. C.), palčɨq (Sangl.); Uzb.
balčiq; Uygh. balčuq; Krm. balčɨq; Tat. balčɨq; Bashk. balsɨq; Kaz. balšɨq,
balqaš; Kum. balčɨq; Nogh. balšɨq; Khak. palčax (Sag.); Oyr. bal-qaš; Tv.
balɣaš, malɣaš; Tof. ba’lxaš; Chuv. pɨlǯъk; Yak. bɨlk ‘sand, silt, brought by
water’ (Пек.).
◊ EDT 333, 336, VEWT 60, Мудрак Дисс. 179, Лексика 374. Turk. > Mong. balčig
(Щербак 1997, 103). In Chuv. one would rather expect pɨśəx, so the form may reflect a
slightly different morphologically *bạlɨ-čak.
PJpn. *pu- dandruff (перхоть): Tok. fu-ke.
◊ JLTT 417 (accent unclear). A compound with ke ‘hair’.
PKor. *piro dandruff, mange (перхоть, чесотка): MKor. piro; Mod.
piru.
◊ Nam 276, KED 852.
‖ KW 30, ОСНЯ 1, 185, Martin 247. Jpn. *pu (attested only within a
compound) reflects a contraction < *băl(u)-gu; Kor. piro < *pjəro (with a
frequent variation *jə / i).
-bĺča harm, wound: Tung. *bial-; Mong. *bilčawu; Turk. *biāĺč; Jpn.
*bánsá-pápí.
PTung. *bial- 1 to harm, damage 2 to be in a difficult position, ob-
structed (1 вредить 2 затрудняться, не сметь, не добиться): Evk. bl-
2; Evn. beleŋe- 1; Man. bele- 1; Ul. bajlị- ‘to wound’.
◊ ТМС 1, 66, 79; 125.
PMong. *bilčawu wound, scar (рана, шрам, нарыв): WMong.
bilčaɣu, (L 104) bilčuu; Kh. alcū; Ord. bilčirū, bülčürǖ.
PTurk. *biāĺč wound (рана): OTurk. baš (OUygh.); Karakh. baš (MK,
KB); Tur. baš (dial.); Turkm. bāš; Tv. baiś (Krg. Castr. 124); Chuv. püźek
‘scar’; Yak. bās; Dolg. bās.
◊ EDT 376, VEWT 65, ЭСТЯ 2, 88-89, ОСНЯ 1, 172, Мудрак Дисс. 90, 194, Sta-
chowski 57. Usually united with balɨɣ ‘wound, wounded’, but cf. PA *mli.
PJpn. *bánsá-pápí damage, harm, disaster (вред, несчастье): OJpn.
wazapap(j)i; MJpn. wazafafi; Tok. wàzawai; Kyo. wázáwái; Kag. wazawái.
◊ JLTT 569.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 90, 194.
-bắĺmi knee, ankle: Tung. *bialebki; Mong. *belberkej; Turk. *bAĺmak;
Jpn. *pínsá; Kor. *parmak (~ -ă-).
PTung. *bialebki 1 knee cap 2 knee (1 коленная чашечка 2 коле-
но): Nan. bịlōkị (Он. 66) 1; Ud. bäluga (-uɣa), böloɣo (-uɣo) 1 (Корм. 211);
Sol. bolōxi 2.
◊ Cf. also (?) Oroch mileuki ‘knee cap’ (with a strange m-) (Аврорин - Лебедева 204).
See ТМС 1, 123. TM > Dag. bolōgi, bolōki ‘knee cap’ (Тод. Даг. 127).
346 *bare - *bare
PMong. *belberkej pastern, ankle (of horses, animals) (бабка (у ло-
шадей, животных)): WMong. belber(e)kei (L 96) belbenčeg (DO 63); Kh.
belberxi, berevxi; Bur. berbegei, dial. belhen; Kalm. belwrk, belwncəg; Ord.
belbenčik.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bAĺ-mak boot, shoe (ботинок, обувь): Karakh. bašmaq (MK
Oghuz), bašaq (MK Chigil), bašmaq (IM); Tur. bašmak, pašmak; Az.
bašmaG; Turkm. bašmaq, pašmaq (“heel of a camel; boot”); MTurk.
bašmaq (Sangl., MA); Uzb. dial. (Khorazm) baš-lɨq ‘heel-piece of a boot’;
Tat. bašmaq; Bashk. bašmaq; Kirgh. bašmaq-ta- ‘to sole (a boot)’; KBalk.
bašmaq; KKalp. bašmaq; Kum. bašmaq; Nogh. bašmaq.
◊ EDT 382-383, ЭСТЯ 2, 93-95, ОСНЯ III 69, TMN 2, 293-294. Doerfer’s inner ety-
mology (bašmak with vowel elision < *baša-mak from *baša- ‘to cut, make notches’) is im-
possible: baša- is derived from *bāĺ(č) ‘wound’ with a long vowel, while bašmak has a short
one.
PJpn. *pínsá knee (колено): OJpn. pjiza; MJpn. fízá; Tok. hìza; Kyo.
hízá; Kag. híza.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *parmak (~ -ă-) a k. of footwear (вид обуви): Mod. palmak.
◊ KED 727.
‖ SKE 186 (Kor.-Turk.); Дыбо 1989a (Mong-TM). For a different
treatment see ОСНЯ III 67-69 (cf. *pằlka below).
-bare to build, construct: Tung. *biri-; Mong. *bari-; Turk. *b(i)ar-k.
PTung. *biri- 1 to lay planks 2 planking 3 tent, construction 4 fence
5 frame (1 стелить жерди 2 настил 3 шатер, постройка 4 забор 5 ра-
ма): Evk. biri- 1, biriptir 2, 3; Evn. birken 2, 3; Neg. bijēɣē 2; Man. biregen,
bireken 4, beren 5; Nan. berẽ 5 (possibly < Man.); Orch. bipti 3; Ud. bīpti 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 84, 127.
PMong. *bari- to build (строить): WMong. bari- (L 85); Kh. bari-, ba-
rilga ‘building’; Bur. bari-; Kalm. bər- KPC 92; Ord. bari-.
◊ Usually considered to be one of the meanings of the polysemantic bari- ‘to take,
hold’, which is probably a folk-etymological analysis.
PTurk. *b(i)ar-k 1 house 2 home, household (1 постройка, здание 2
дом, имущество): OTurk. barq 1, 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. barq 1, 2
(MK, KB); Tur. bark 2; Az. barɨ ‘fence’; MTurk. barq 2 (Sangl., Pav. C.);
Uzb. barq 1.
◊ EDT 359-360, VEWT 63, 66, ЭСТЯ II 62. Bark is traditionally linked with bār ‘there
is’, barɨ ‘belongings’, but cf. the Az. word which can be hardly explained in this way.
‖ A Western isogloss. Not quite reliable because of secondary con-
taminations in Turco-Mongolian.
 *bási - *bga 347

-bási penthouse, decking: Tung. *bi(a)sere-; Turk. *bAs-tɨrma; Jpn.

*písásí.
PTung. *bi(a)sere- 1 decking 2 shelf under ceiling 3 bed 4 pedestal
(1 настил 2 полка под потолком 3 кровать 4 подставка, пьедестал):
Man. besergen 3, 4; Ul. bisere(n) 1; Nan. besere, bisere 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 85.
PTurk. *bAs-tɨrma penthouse (навес): Turkm. bassɨrma; MTurk. bas-
turma (R - Zenker); Uzb. bɔstirma; Tat. bastɨrma (dial.); Kirgh. bastɨrma;
Kaz. bastɨrma; KKalp. bastɨrma.
◊ Лексика 528. Formally derived from *bastɨr- ‘to cause to press’ - which seems
rather far-fetched semantically. We may deal here rather with a compound of *bas +
*terme ‘wall, building’, secondary influenced by *bastɨr-ma, *bastɨr-ɨk ‘pole for fixing hay
and sheaves’, see ЭСТЯ 2, 76-77.
PJpn. *písásí penthouse, shade (навес, укрытие): MJpn. físásí; Tok.
hìsashi; Kyo. hísáshí; Kag. hìsáshì.
◊ JLTT 409.
‖ The root is similar to *póso ‘stairway, step’ (q.v.), but should be
strictly distinguished.
-bga place: Tung. *buga; Mong. *baɣu-; Jpn. *bà; Kor. *pá.
PTung. *buga place (место, местность): Evk. buɣa; Evn. bā; Neg. boa
~ boɣa; Man. ba; SMan. bā (2562); Jurch. buha-i (71); Ul. bụa; Ork. bō; Nan.
boa.
◊ ТМС 1, 100.
PMong. *baɣu- 1 to step down, camp 2 camp (n.) (1 спускаться, ос-
танавливаться на постой 2 лагерь, стоянка): MMong. bu- (IM), caus.
bawulɣa- (MA), bau’u- 1 (SH), bū- 1 (Lig.VMI); WMong. baɣu- 1, baɣudal
2 (L 71); Kh. bū- 1, būdal 2; Bur. bū-; Kalm. bū-; Ord. bū-; Mog. bū-; Dag.
bō- (Тод. Даг. 126, MD 126); Dong. bao-, bau-; Bao. bu-, bū-; S.-Yugh. bū-;
Mongr. bū-( 30), bau- (Minghe).
◊ KW 64, TMN 1, 201, MGCD 164. TMN 1, 201.
PJpn. *bà place (место): OJpn. pa ‘edge’; MJpn. bà; Tok. bà; Kyo. bà;
Kag. bà.
◊ JLTT 390. All sources except Tokyo point to low tone. A rare case of preservation of
*b- (which normally gives OJ w-), probably for syntactic reasons - the word is usually
employed in genitive constructions, *-nə ba > *-mba > ba.
PKor. *pá place where, circumstance (aux. word) (место, где; об-
стоятельство (служ. слово)): MKor. pá; Mod. pa.
◊ Liu 359, KED 701.
‖ KW 40, Lee 1958, 106, АПиПЯЯ 81, Menges 1984, 282-283, ТМС 1,
101. In PA it is somewhat difficult (but probably necessary) to distin-
guish between *bòga ‘place’, *b()aja ‘to be located’ and *bogo ‘open
place’ q. v.
348 *bgi - *bk῾à(rV)
-bgi to be cold, freeze: Tung. *bog(i)- / *begi-; Mong. *beɣe-re-; Jpn.
*pìja-, *pì.
PTung. *bog(i)- / *begi- 1 to freeze 2 cold 3 frazil (1 обморозить,
мерзнуть 2 холодный 3 наледь): Evk. beɣī- 1, beɣin, boɣin 2 boɣoro 3;
Evn. bei-, beɣi- 1, böɣe 3; Neg. bejī- 1; Man. beje- 1; Jurch. bei 2 (95); Ul.
beji- 1; Nan. beji- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 119.
PMong. *beɣe-re- be cold (зябнуть): WMong. begere- (L 94); Kh.
bēre-; Bur. bēre-; Kalm. bēr-; Ord. bēre-; Dag. bēre- (Тод. Даг. 126), bēde-
(MD 120).
◊ KW 44, MGCD 147.
PJpn. *pìjá-, *pì 1 to freeze 2 ice, hail (1 замерзать 2 лед, град):
OJpn. pji 2; MJpn. fìja- 1, fì 2; Tok. hié- 1; Kyo. hìè- 1; Kag. hìè- 1.
◊ JLTT 405.
‖ EAS 91, KW 44, Poppe 60, АПиПЯЯ 69, 106, 280. Despite Doerfer
MT 20, TM cannot be borrowed < Mong.
-bogo place, open place: Tung. *biga; Mong. *buji-; Jpn. *pía.
PTung. *biga field, steppe (поле, степь): Man. biGan, bixan; SMan.
bihan (2079); Ud. biga, biɣa (Корм. 212).
◊ Nan. bịχã is probably < Man. See ТМС 1, 81.
PMong. *buji- 1 far off, unpopulated (place) 2 place of migration (1
отдаленный, захолустный 2 место, с которого перекочевали или на
которое собираются перекочевать): WMong. bojid, bujid 1 (L 113, 132:
bojida, bujida), bujira 2; Kh. bujd 1, bujr 2; Bur. bujda 1; Ord. bujda 1.
PJpn. *pía 1 room, place (in a dwelling) 2 place, surroundings (1 ме-
сто (в жилище), комната 2 место, окрестности): OJpn. pje 1, 2; MJpn.
fé 1, 2; Tok. he-yá 1; Kyo. héyà 1; Kag. heyá 1.
◊ Martin (JLTT 404) derives the word for ‘room’ from PJ *pià ‘part, separate’ q.v.,
which is improbable because of its accent. A merger of two roots must have occurred
here.
‖ The root is somewhat difficult to distinguish from *b()aja q.v.
(and in Jpn., indeed, the two roots could have merged - with additional
mixture with *p῾āji ‘part’ q.v.). Jpn. *pia must be a contraction < *pəja
(*puja).
-bk῾à(rV) ( ~ *p-) dirt, patina: Mong. *boki(r); Turk. *bakɨr; Jpn.
*pkrí.
PMong. *boki(r) 1 taint, patina; chewing gum 2 dirty (1 налет, па-
тина; жвачка 2 грязный): WMong. boki 1, bokir 2 (L 114); Kh. bo 1,
boxir 2; Ord. boki 1; Mongr. boGodi (: dege ~) ‘clopin-clopant’ (SM 27).
◊ Mong. > Evk. boki, see Doerfer MT 125.
PTurk. *bakɨr 1 copper 2 patina (1 медь 2 налет, патина): OTurk.
baqɨr 1 (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. baqɨr 1 (MK, KB); Tur. bakɨr 1; Gag. baqɨr
 *bŏla - *bŏla 349

1; Az. paxɨr 2; Turkm. baqɨr 1; MTurk. baqɨr (MA, Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. baqir,
paqir 1; Uygh. paqir 1; Krm. baɣɨr 1; Tat. baqɨr 1; Bashk. baqɨr 1; Kirgh.
baqɨr 1; Kaz. baqɨr 1; KBalk. baɣɨr 1; KKalp. baqɨr 1; Kum. baɣɨr 1; Nogh.
baqɨr 1; SUygh. paqɨr 1; Khak. pāɣər (Kyz., Joki) 1; Oyr. baqras ‘brass ket-
tle’; Chuv. pъₙgъₙr 1; Yak. baɣaraχ ‘pot for boiling milk’.
◊ EDT 317, VEWT 58, ЭСТЯ 2, 45-46, Лексика 405-406. Turk. > WMong. baqar, baqur
(Kalm. baχr), see KW 29, Щербак 1997, 104. Turk. > Russ. Siber. bakírka (Аникин
111-112).
PJpn. *pkrí dust (пыль): MJpn. fokori; Tok. hòkori; Kyo. hókórí;
Kag. hokóri.
◊ JLTT 414.
‖ Лексика 406. Jpn. *-ə- in the first syllable is irregular, due to as-
similation or bad compatibility of *a (which would be expected) and *ə.
-bŏla end (of a branch etc.): Tung. *bule; Mong. *bol- / *bul-; Turk.
*bAldak.
PTung. *bule staff, shaft (древко (копья), рукоятка): Ul. buli(n);
Ork. būliɣe(n); Nan. bulẽ; Orch. bule; Ud. bul῾a.
◊ ТМС 1, 106, 109.
PMong. *bol- a thick end of smth., bulb (толстый конец чего-л.,
луковица): WMong. bolčaɣu; Kh. bolcū; Bur. bulsū; Kalm. bulə ‘callosity’;
Ord. bolčogor ‘утолщенный на конце’.
◊ KW 59. Cf. also bulɣu- ‘uprooted’, bulɣul- ‘to disjoint’ (L 134), bulǯi- ‘to be dis-
jointed’ (L 137) > Evk. bulǯi-. The root tends to contaminate with *bul- < PA *pula ‘to
swell’.
PTurk. *bAldak 1 hilt 2 stalk, stem (1 рукоятка 2 стебель, ствол):
Tur. baldak 1; Turkm. baldaq 2; MTurk. baldaq 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔldɔq 1;
Uygh. baldaq 1; Tat. baldaq 1; Bashk. baldaq 1; Kirgh. baldaq 1; Kaz. baldaq
1; KKalp. baldaq 1; Nogh. baldaq 1.
◊ VEWT 60, ЭСТЯ 2, 52. Similar forms of the type *balčak may be borrowed from
Mong., while WMong. baldaɣ, bardaɣ, Khalkha baldag, bardag, Mongor bardaG ‘hilt’ are
rather < Turkic.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-bŏla a k. of bush, spiraea: Tung. *boloka; Mong. *balčirgana,
*baldargana; Turk. *bạl-gɨn; Jpn. *bàrà(m)pì; Kor. *pùrò.
PTung. *boloka spiraea (таволга): Evk. boloko; Neg. boloxokto; Ul.
boloịqta; Nan. boloqto; Orch. bolokto; Ud. bolokto (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 93.
PMong. *balčirgana, *baldargana heracleum dissectum, angelica
(борщевник, дягиль): WMong. balčirɣana, baldarɣana (L 80); Kh. baldar-
gana, balčirgana; Bur. balšargana; Kalm. balčrgənə ‘Waldknoblauch, Wolf-
swurz’.
◊ KW 32. Mong. > Khak. paltɨrgan, Tof. ba’ltɨrɣan ‘борщевник, дягиль’; Hung. bojtor-
ján ‘burdock’ (cf. Gombocz 1912).
350 *bli - *bli
PTurk. *bạlgɨn 1 tamarisk, 2 viburnum (1 тамариск 2 калина):
Karakh. bulɣuna, (dial.) malɣuna (MK) 1; Az. palan 2 (R); Turkm. balxɨ ‘a
k. of white mulberry’; Uzb. balxi ‘white mulberry’; Uygh. balan 2 (РУС
1956); Tat. balan 2; Bashk. balan 2; Kirgh. balɣɨn 1 ‘a k. of bush similar to
žɨlɣɨn’; KBalk. balan 2 (Karach.); Shr. palan 2 (R); Oyr. balan 2; Chuv.
(palan < Tat.), (*polan > Mari polan 2); Yak. bɨlax ‘white willow; willow
branches as fodder’.
◊ EDT 338, ЭСТЯ 2, 52, VEWT 59, 324, Дмитр. 189, 201. Turk. > Mong. balɣu, balɣuna
‘tamarisk’. Forms like balxɨ may be secondarily modified (’Balkh mulberry’), but in any
case not < Iranian.
PJpn. *bàrà(m)pì a k. of fern (вид папоротника): OJpn. warabji;
MJpn. wàràbì, wàràfì; Tok. wárabi; Kyo. wáràbì; Kag. warabí.
◊ JLTT 568. The Tokyo accent is irregular (pointing to a variant *bàràpí). Cf. perhaps
also *bàrá ‘straw’.
PKor. *pùrò salad, Lactuca (салат-латук): MKor. puro, pùrù; Mod.
puru.
◊ Liu 394, KED 813.
‖ KW 31. Tone correspondence between Korean and Japanese is ir-
regular.
-bli arm muscles: Tung. *bola-n; Mong. *bul-čiŋ, *bul-čir-; Turk.
*b(i)altɨr; Jpn. *píntì; Kor. *pằrh.
PTung. *bola-n cuff (нарукавник, обшлаг рукава): Neg. bolan; Ork.
bolo; Nan. bōlo.
◊ ТМС 1, 91. Length in Nan. (Naikh.) must be secondary.
PMong. *bul-čiŋ, *bul-čir- 1 muscles (of thighs and arms) 2 gland (1
мышцы (рук и ног) 2 железа): MMong. bilčirqai 2 (MA); WMong.
bulčiŋ 1, bulčirqai 2 (L 134); Kh. bulčin 1, bulčirxaj 2; Bur. bulšan 1,
bulšarxaj 2; Kalm. buĺčəŋ 1, buĺčərxǟ, -xā 2; Ord. bulčiŋ; Dag. balčirt 1
(Тод. Даг. 124); Mongr. paarG 2 (SM 301).
◊ KW 61. Mong. > Kirgh. bulčuŋ etc., Yak., Dolg. bɨlčɨŋ (Kał. MEJ 94, Stachowski 70); >
Man. bulča(n), see Doerfer MT 137. Cf. also *bulǯir ‘gland’ (KW 59).
PTurk. *b(i)altɨr calf of leg (икра ноги): OTurk. baltɨr (OUygh.);
Karakh. baldɨr (MK); Tur. baldɨr; Gag. baldɨr; Az. baldɨr; Turkm. baldɨr;
MTurk. baldɨr (MA), baltɨr (Sangl.); Uzb. bɔldir; Krm. baldɨr; Tat. baltɨr;
Bashk. baltɨr; Kirgh. baltɨr; Kaz. baltɨr; KBalk. baltɨr, baldɨr; KKalp. baltɨr;
Kum. baldɨr; Nogh. baltɨr; Khak. paltɨr; Shr. paltɨr; Oyr. baltɨr; Tv. ba’ldɨr;
Tof. baldɨr; Yak. ballɨr.
◊ VEWT 61, ЭСТЯ 2, 54-55, Лексика 283-284.
PJpn. *píntì elbow (локоть): OJpn. pjidi; MJpn. fídì; Tok. hijí; Kyo.
híjì; Kag. híji.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *pằrh arm (рука (верхняя часть)): MKor. phằr; Mod. phal.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1736.
 *bólò - *bolo 351

‖ Дыбо 313, Лексика 284. Martin 247, Whitman 210. The vocalism
in Mong. *bul-či- is probably influenced by the descriptive root bul-
(bult-, buld-, bült- etc.) ‘to be swollen, swell’, see *bula. Note that PT,
Mong. and Jpn. reflect a common derivative *bol-t῾i- (*boli-t῾V-).
-bólò time, agree upon time: Tung. *bila-; Mong. *bolǯu-; Jpn. *brì.
PTung. *bila- to agree upon time (уславливаться, договариваться
о сроке): Man. bila-.
◊ ТМС 1, 81. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
PMong. *bolǯu- to agree upon time (уславливаться, договаривать-
ся о сроке): WMong. bolǯu-, bolǯa- (L 119); Kh. bolʒo-; Bur. bolzo-; Kalm.
bolzə-; Ord. bolǯo-; Dag. bolǯō, bolǯōlo- (Тод. Даг. 127).
◊ KW 51. Mong. > Evk. *bolǯor ‘съезд, собрание’ > Russ. Zabajk. bol’ǯor (Аникин
133).
PJpn. *brì time, occasion (время, случай): MJpn. wórì; Tok. orí;
Kyo. órì; Kag. orí.
◊ Accent is not quite clear: RJ has wórì, but modern dialects (except Kyoto which is
ambiguous) point rather to *brì. This may be explained by a folk-etymological influence
of *br- ‘to bend’.
‖ Mong. *bolǯu- > Evk. bolǯo etc., see Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT
101; bolǯal ‘appointed time’ > Chag. bolǯal etc., see ЭСТЯ 2, 188-189,
Щербак 1997, 200).
-bolo all, completely: Tung. *bil-; Mong. *bul-tu; Turk. *bile (bula).
PTung. *bil- completely, wholely (целиком, полностью): Man.
bilči, bulǯi; Nan. bilde-bilde.
◊ ТМС 1, 82.
PMong. *bul-tu all, whole, entire(ly) (весь, целый, полностью):
MMong. bulun ‘together’ (SH); WMong. bultu (L 136); Kh. bult; Bur.
bult(an); Kalm. bultə; Ord. bultu; Dag. bolto (Тод. Даг. 127).
◊ KW 60.
PTurk. *bile (bula) with, together, also (вместе с, с, также): OTurk.
bile, bilen (OUygh.); Karakh. bile (MK, KB); Tur. bile ‘even’; Gag. -jlan;
Az. bilä (dial.); Turkm. bile, bilen; Sal. bile; Khal. bilä; MTurk. bile (Pav.
C.); Uzb. bilan; Uygh. bilän; Krm. bɨla; Tat. belɛn; Bashk. -benen; Kirgh.
minen; Kaz. -ben; KBalk. bla; KKalp. benen; Kum. bulan; Nogh. -ben;
SUygh. bile(n); Khak. mɨnaŋ; Shr. mine ‘here, now’; Oyr. bɨla (dial.,
Tuba); Tv. bile; Chuv. -bala(n); Yak. -ɨnan (?).
◊ EDT 364-365, ЭСТЯ 2, 140-142. Phonetic variants are explained by the transforma-
tion of the root into a postposition and, further, into a case ending. The form bile is at-
tested quite early and therefore can be hardly treated as an assimilation < bir-le (derived
from bir ‘1’, cf. bir-ge, bir-če with a similar meaning).
‖ A Western isogloss; in the front row variant *bile Turkic reveals a
secondary delabialization < *büle.
352 *bònV - *bor[a]
-bònV a k. of predator: Tung. *bońa; Turk. *bAnu.
PTung. *bońa a big monkey (большая обезьяна): Man. bońo, mońo;
SMan. moni ‘monkey’ (2212); boni ‘year of the monkey’ (2724); Jurch.
bo-noŋ (151).
◊ ТМС 1, 94, 545. The secondarily nasalized Manchu form mońo was borrowed in
Sol., Oroch, Ud., Ul., Nan. mońo and Dag. (Тод. Даг. 155) mońō ‘monkey’, Kh. mońō ῾male
young of monkey’.
PTurk. *bAnu wild cat (дикая кошка): OTurk. manu (OUygh.); Tat.
manul; Tv. manɨ.
◊ EDT 767. Turk. > Kalm. manl, Dag. manū (Tod. 153) (probably contaminated with
Mong. proper malur < *malul q. v. sub *máĺe). Uygh. molun ‘wild cat’ may be a mongolism.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Palatalized *-ń- in TM is a secondary as-
similation result. The root must have denoted some wild predator. It is
tempting to compare similar forms in Mong. and Jpn., denoting some
(mythical?) aquatic predator: PJ *bàni ‘crocodile’, WMong. (БАМРС)
banuqai ‘a rare aquatic creature, dwelling in water during daytime and
on the shore during nighttime’ - but the semantic change seems too
far-fetched.
-bor[a] color, shape: Tung. *borkan; Mong. *baraɣa; Turk. *bArɨk (??);
Jpn. *púrí.
PTung. *borkan color, beauty (цвет, красота): Evn. borkan; Man.
bočo; SMan. bočə, boču (2417); Jurch. bo()čo-gaj (628); Ork. boččo; Nan.
bojqo; Orch. boqqo; Ud. boko.
◊ ТМС 1, 96.
PMong. *baraɣa shape, silhouette (форма, силуэт): MMong. bara’a
(SH); WMong. baraɣa (L 83), bara; Kh. barā; Bur. barā; Kalm. barān; Ord.
barā; Dag. barā (Тод. Даг. 124); Dong. barā.
◊ KW 33. Mong. bara-ji- ‘to be unclearly visible’ (Bur. baraj- , Khalkha baraj-) > Yak.
barɨj-, boruj- ‘id.’, barɨk, boruk ‘darkness’.
PTurk. *bArɨk (?) unclear silhouette (неясный силуэт): Karakh.
barɨq (MK); Yak. barɨk, boruk ‘darkness’.
◊ ДТС 84. A somewhat dubious etymon: the OT form is quoted from the Uzbek edi-
tion of MK, not confirmed by Clauson and Dizin; the sense of the passage is rather ob-
scure; the Yak. form may be secondarily built on the basis of the borrowed barɨj-, boruj-
‘be badly visible’. But cf. perhaps Kirgh. (ep.) burqu ‘variety’?
PJpn. *púrí shape, sight (образ, вид): MJpn. furi; Tok. fùri; Kyo. fúrí;
Kag. fúri.
◊ Usually regarded as a derivative from fur- ‘to shake’ which is rather dubious for
semantic reasons.
‖ The Turkic match is rather weak (see notes above), but otherwise
the etymology seems quite credible.
 *bṓr[é] - *bŕu 353

-bṓr[é] give; take, collect: Tung. *bū-; Turk. *bēr-; Jpn. *pírí-p-.
PTung. *bū- to give (давать): Evk. bū-; Evn. bȫ-; Neg. bū-; Man. bu-;
SMan. bu- (1398); Ul. būwu; Ork. bū-; Nan. bū-; Orch. bū-; Ud. bū-; Sol.
bū-.
◊ ТМС 1, 99.
PTurk. *bēr- to give (давать): OTurk. ber- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
ber- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. ver-; Gag. ver-; Az. ver-; Turkm. ber-; Sal.
be(r)-,ve(r)-, vē(r)-; Khal. ver- (< Az.); MTurk. ber- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
ber-; Uygh. bär-; Krm. ver-; Tat. bir-; Bashk. bir-; Kirgh. ber-; Kaz. ber-;
KBalk. ber-; KKalp. ber-; Kum. ber-; Nogh. ber-; SUygh. per-; Khak. pir-;
Shr. per-; Oyr. ber-; Tv. ber-; Tof. ber-; Chuv. par-; Yak. bier-; Dolg. bier-.
◊ VEWT 70, ЭСТЯ 2, 114-116, EDT 354-5, Stachowski 59.
PJpn. *pírí-p- to gather, collect (собирать, подбирать): OJpn.
pjirip-; MJpn. fíróf-; Tok. hìro-; Kyo. hìrò-; Kag. hiró-.
◊ JLTT 689. The Kyoto accent is aberrant (under literary influence?).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 282. The root seems quite secure, but reveals a variation
of the vocalic reflex in the 2d syllable: *bṓre ( > Turk., TM), *bṓri- ( >
Jpn.).
-bóro ( ~ -ŕ-) bank, rift: Tung. *bir[u]-kan; Mong. *borgija; Kor. *pìr.
PTung. *bir[u]-kan 1 precipice 2 mountain (1 обрыв, утес 2 гора):
Man. oran 1; Sol. biraxan 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 84.
PMong. *borgija 1 river rift 2 hill, mound; frail soil with poor vege-
tation (1 речной порог, перекат 2 холм, насыпь; рыхлая земля с бед-
ной растительностью): WMong. borgija 1, 2 (L 121); Kh. borgio 1, 2;
Bur. bōri 2, borjo-gor ‘неровный, каменистый’.
◊ Mong. > Evk. borī, Orok bōri. Cf. also bartaɣa (L 89) ‘uneven terrain, broken country;
hillock, knoll’ ( < *bortaɣa ?); Ord. borǯoŋ ‘croûte de salpêtre ou de sel mêlés de terre qui se
forme à la surface des terrains salpêtreux et sur les bords des lacs de sel’, Kalm. borǯəŋ
‘быстрина’.
PKor. *pìr bank, precipice (берег, обрыв): MKor. pìr.
◊ Nam 276.
‖ Lee 1958, 106 (TM-Kor.).
-bŕu calf, lamb: Tung. *biaru; Mong. *biraɣu; Turk. *buŕagu; Jpn.
*pítú-nsí; Kor. *puruk.
PTung. *biaru sheep (овца): Evk. bru.
◊ ТМС 1, 78. Isolated in Evk., but despite Poppe 1972, 103, hardly < Mong. (because
of semantic difference).
PMong. *biraɣu calf (1 year old) (теленок (1 года)): MMong. bura’u
(SH), buru (MA); WMong. biraɣu (L 106); Kh. arū; Bur. burū; Kalm.
bürǖ; Ord. birū ‘calf (2 year old)’; Mog. ZM borɣol (20-8), KT borwol
(20-6); Mongr. burū (SM 36).
354 *bòsá - *bt῾è
◊ KW 69. Mong. > Evk. boro ‘one-year-old calf’ (ТМС 1, 96) ; Evk. *borow-čān (unat-
tested diminutive) > Russ. Siber. borovčán, borovčák, borokčán ‘one-year-old calf, foal’,
burún ‘2-year-old calf’ (Аникин 117, 145; but has no relation to Russ. боров).
PTurk. *buŕa-gu calf (теленок): OTurk. buzaɣu (OUygh.); Karakh.
buzaɣu (MK, IM); Tur. buzaɣu; dial. buza- ‘to bear a calf’, Osm. buza-la-
‘id.’; Gag. buzā; Az. bɨzov; Turkm. buzaw; Sal. puzo, pūzɨ (ССЯ 457);
MTurk. buzaɣu, buzaɣ, buzaw (Sangl., MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. buzɔq; Uygh.
mozaj; Krm. bɨzuv, buzuv; Tat. bɨzaw; Bashk. bɨδaw; Kirgh. muzō; Kaz.
buzau; KBalk. buzow; KKalp. buzaw; Kum. buzaw; Nogh. buzaw; Khak.
pɨzo; Shr. puza (R); Oyr. bɨza; Tv. bɨzā; Chuv. pъₙru.
◊ EDT 391, VEWT 74-5, ЭСТЯ 2, 239-242, Лексика 438-439. Bulg. *burəₙu > Hung.
borjú, see MNyTESz 1, 345-346. The derivation from *boŕ ‘grey’ and assumption of bor-
rowing Turk. *buŕagu > Mong. biraɣu (Щербак 1997, 108) is hardly plausible.
PJpn. *pítú-nsí sheep (овца): OJpn. pjituzi; MJpn. fítúzí; Tok. hìtsuji;
Kyo. hítsújí; Kag. hitsúji.
◊ JLTT 411. The word may indeed have *usi ‘ox’ (with secondary voicing) in the sec-
ond part, but Martin’s analysis of the first part as *pi ‘beard’ seems hardly credible (in
Kor. jəm-so the first part is also etymologically “goat”, not “beard”).
PKor. *puruk bull-calf (бычок): Mod. puruk-so (so ‘cow’), purugi.
◊ KED 813.
‖ KW 69, Владимирцов 361, Poppe 21, 81, Новикова 1972, 117. In
Jpn. we have to assume a secondary vocalic development in a long
word: *pútí-(u)si > *pítú(n)si (the word is most probably a compound
with *usi ‘cow’ in the second part, cf. the Korean match).
-bòsá field, mountain slope: Tung. *bosoga; Turk. *basɨg; Jpn. *bàsái.
PTung. *bosoga North slope of a mountain (северный склон горы):
Evk. bosoɣo; Evn. bosaɣ; Neg. bosoɣịda, bosojị; Sol. bosog ‘forest’.
◊ ТМС 1, 97.
PTurk. *basɨg field, cornfield (поле): Tur. bâsu-raχ ‘fenced garden,
yard’ (dial. Zonguldak - Eren 182); Tat. basu; basaw (R, Kas.); Bashk.
baϑɨw; Chuv. pozъ.
◊ VEWT 64 (hardly < *bas- ‘to press’), Федотов I 450-451. Turk. > Mari pasu, Udm.
busɨ.
PJpn. *bàsái early rice (ранние рисовые посевы): OJpn. wase;
MJpn. wàsé; Tok. wáse; Kyo. wásè; Kag. wasé.
◊ JLTT 568. The accent in Kyoto is irregular (wàsé would be expected).
‖ The original meaning may be reconstructed as “vegetation on a
mountain slope”. All forms reflect a suffixed shape *bòsa-gi (-ga).
-bt῾è to cover: Mong. *büte-, *büteɣe-; Turk. *bạt-; Jpn. *pútá.
PMong. *büte-, *büteɣe- to cover, stop up (покрывать, закрывать):
MMong. butugai ‘to finish, close’ (HY 51), bute’e- (SH); WMong. bütü-,
bütege-; Kh. bütē-, bitǖ-; Bur. büte-; Kalm. büt-; Ord. bütē-; Dag. butu-,
butūn ‘covered, secret’; S.-Yugh. putǖ-le-; Mongr. pudē- (SM 304).
 *budi - *búdò 355
◊ KW 70, MGCD 153. Mong. > Tat. bite-, Kaz. betä-.
PTurk. *bạt- 1 to hide, conceal (trans.) 2 to hide (intr.) 3 to get lost (1
прятать, скрывать 2 прятаться 3 теряться): Karakh. batur- (MK) 1; Az.
bat- 3; Uzb. bɔt- 2; Tat. bat- 2; Kum. bat- 3; SUygh. pat- 2; Chuv. pɨdar- 1,
pɨdan- 2.
◊ Егоров 173, Федотов I 466-467, EDT 308, ЭСТЯ 2, 78-79: the root should be distin-
guished from *bat- ‘to sink’ (v. sub *pàt῾á).
PJpn. *pútá lid, cover (крышка): MJpn. futa; Tok. fùta; Kyo. fútá;
Kag. fúta.
◊ JLTT 419.
‖ The front vowel in Mong. is not quite regular here: *but- would be
normally expected.
-budi a k. of weed, pigweed: Mong. *budurgana; Jpn. *pìjú; Kor.
*pìrăm.
PMong. *budurgana a k. of grass (Suaeda prostrata, Iljinia Regelii)
(вид травы (поташник)): WMong. budurɣana (L 131); Kh. budargana;
Bur. budargana; Kalm. budrɣənə ‘жерняк, вид Артемизии’; Ord.
budurGana, budurGanaq ‘Reamuria soongorica Maxim.’.
◊ KW 57. Mong. > Man. budurxana (see ТМС 1, 102).
PJpn. *pìjú pigweed, Amaranthus (марь, амарант): MJpn. fìjú; Tok.
hiyu.
PKor. *pìrăm pigweed, Amaranthus (марь, амарант): MKor. pirăm,
pìrm; Mod. pirɨm.
◊ Liu 411, 412, KED 852.
‖ Martin 238, Whitman 213. Despite the tone discrepancy, the
Kor.-Jpn. parallel is still very convincing.
-búdò ( ~ p-) cold, fog: Mong. *budaŋ; Turk. *bud-; Jpn. *pújù.
PMong. *budaŋ fog (туман): MMong. budan (SH, MA), buduŋgu
‘dunkel’ (HYt); WMong. budaŋ (L 129), budun; Kh. budan; Bur. budan;
Kalm. budŋ; Ord. budaŋ; S.-Yugh. budaŋ.
◊ KW 57, MGCD 685.
PTurk. *bud- 1 to freeze 2 to be sad, sorry (1 замерзать 2 грустить,
тосковать): Karakh. buδ- (MK) ‘to die of cold’; Tur. buj-, bij-, büj-, bujux-
(dial.) 1; Az. bɨj-, bujux- (dial.) 1; Turkm. buj- 1; Uzb. buj-ɣur- 1, bujuɣ
‘cold’ (dial.); Tat. bojɨq- 2; Bashk. bojoq- 2; Kirgh. bujuq- 1; Kaz. bujɨq- 1;
KBalk. bujuq- 1, 2; KKalp. bujuq- 1; ‘дремать’; Kum. bujuq- ‘сжиматься
от холода или испуга’; Khak. puzux- 2; Tv. būq- 2 (borrowed?).
◊ EDT 298, ЭСТЯ 2, 242-243.
PJpn. *pújù winter (зима): OJpn. puju; MJpn. fuju; Tok. fuyú; Kyo.
fúyù; Kag. fúyu.
◊ JLTT 419.
356 *bùdo - *budu
‖ A diphthong has to be reconstructed because of the *-j-reflex in
Jpn.; cf. also Orok pidul- ‘to freeze completely’ (of a river) (ТМС 2, 37).
-bùdo ( ~ -u) gruel, paste; to swell in water: Mong. *budaɣa; Turk.
*botka; Jpn. *pùjàkà-; Kor. *pd-, *pdVh.
PMong. *budaɣa 1 gruel, soup 2 food (каша, суп): MMong. buda’an
(HY 24, SH), budan (IM), budan (MA) 1; WMong. budaɣa(n) (L 129) 1;
Kh. budā(n) 1; Bur. budā 1; Kalm. budān 1; Ord. budā 1,2; Mog. ZM bodn
‘gruel’ (15-1a); Dag. badā 2 (Тод. Даг. 123, MD 117), bedā 2 (MD 120),
budā 1, 2; Dong. budan 2; Bao. badaŋ 2; S.-Yugh. budān 1; Mongr. budā
(SM 30) 1, 2.
◊ KW 57, MGCD 165. Mong. > Man. buda etc. (ТМС 1, 102; Doerfer MT 116; Rozycki
36).
PTurk. *botka gruel, porridge (каша): MTurk. OKypch. butɣa
(At-Tuhf.); Uzb. bụtqa; Uygh. botqa; Tat. botqa; Bashk. butqa; Kirgh. botqo;
Kaz. botqa; KKalp. botqa; Nogh. botqa; Khak. potxɨ; Oyr. botqo; Tv. botqa
(Krg.); Chuv. pъₙdъₙ; Yak. butuɣas.
◊ VEWT 82, ЭСТЯ 2, 201. There seems to have existed a deriving verb *bot- or *bod-
(*but-, *bud-) ‘to stir (porridge)’, reflected only in Yak. butuj-.
PJpn. *pùjàkà- to swell (being immersed into water) (разбухать (в
воде)): Tok. fuyaké-; Kyo. fúyáké-; Kag. fuyaké-.
◊ JLTT 797. The MJ accent is unattested. Kyoto and Tokyo point to original low tone,
but Kagoshima is aberrant.
PKor. *pd-, *pdVh 1 to swell, get bloated (in water) 2 glue, paste,
gruel (1 разбухать 2 клей, крахмал, каша): MKor. phr 2; Mod. put-
(pur-) 1, phul 2.
◊ Nam 465, KED 832, 1763.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Man. buǯu- ‘to cook’: the form may go back to
PTM *büdigu-. MKor. phr < *prh < *prVh < *pdVh (with an early vowel
reduction, which explains the reflex -r as originally intervocalic).
-budu down, feather, curly: Tung. *bodu-; Mong. *buǯi- / *boǯi-; Turk.
*bɨdɨk (*bɨdńɨk); Jpn. *pí-n-kai.
PTung. *bodu- curly, fleecy (кудрявый, курчавый): Evn. bodụrụqa.
◊ ТМС 1, 103. Attested only in Evn., but having quite probable external parallels.
PMong. *buǯi- / *boǯi- 1 curly, fleecy 2 down (of bird) 3 be curly (1
кудрявый, пушистый 2 пух 3 быть курчавым): WMong. buǯigir 1 (L
143), boǯuɣu 2 (L 123), buǯiji- 3 (L 143); Kh. bužgir 1, boʒgo 2; Kalm.
buǯəɣər 1, buǯī- 3; Ord. buǯī- 3.
◊ KW 57-58. Mong. > Yak. buǯur-, Evk. buǯir etc., see Doerfer MT 78.
PTurk. *bɨdɨk (*bɨdńɨk) moustache (усы): Karakh. bɨδɨq (MK), bɨjɨq
(IM); Tur. bɨjɨk; Gag. bɨjɨq; Az. bɨɣ; Turkm. mɨjq (dial.); MTurk. bɨɣ, mɨɣ
(Sangl.); Uzb. mɨjɨq (dial.); Krm. mɨjɨx; Tat. mɨjɨq; Bashk. mɨjɨq; Kirgh.
 *búga - *bge 357

mɨjɨq; KBalk. mɨjɨq; KKalp. mɨjɨq; Kum. mɨjɨq; Nogh. mɨjɨq; Oyr. mɨjɨq;
Chuv. mъjъx; Yak. bɨtɨk; Dolg. bɨtɨk.
◊ VEWT 73, EDT 301, ЭСТЯ 2, 304, Лексика 223, Stachowski 71.
PJpn. *pí-n-kai beard (борода): OJpn. pjige; MJpn. fígé; Tok. hìge;
Kyo. hígé; Kag. híge.
◊ JLTT 406. Historically a compound with *kai ‘hair’.
‖ KW 58, Владимирцов 174, Poppe 21, 53, Лексика 224. Despite
Лексика 223, Turk. *budra ‘curls’ (ЭСТЯ 2, 245) very probably repre-
sents the same root as *bɨdɨk ‘moustache’ and also belongs here. Jpn. *pí-
should be regarded as an early contraction < *buj- < *budu.
-búga wheel, pommel of a saddle: Mong. *büɣü-rge; Jpn. *bà; Kor.
*pàhói.
PMong. *büɣü-rge ( ~ -wr-) pommel of a saddle (лука седла):
MMong. buurkä (MA 154); WMong. bügürge (L 145), büürke (МХТТТ);
Kh. bǖreg; Bur. bǖrge; Kalm. bǖrəg, bǖrgə; Ord. bǖrge; Dag. būreg (Тод.
Даг. 128); S.-Yugh. bǖrge.
◊ KW 70-71, MGCD 173.
PJpn. *bà wheel (колесо): OJpn. wa; MJpn. wà; Tok. wá; Kyo. wā;
Kag. wà.
◊ JLTT 567.
PKor. *pàhói wheel (колесо): MKor. pàhói; Mod. pakhwi.
◊ Nam 239, KED 710.
‖ Martin 246. Low tone in Jpn. is probably due to contraction. In
Mong. one has to assume *büɣü-rge < *biɣe-r-gü. Cf. Manchu faχun ‘rim
of a wheel’ ( < Kor.?).
-bge rock, hill: Tung. *bug-; Mong. *böɣerüg; Turk. *bögür; Jpn. *bə;
Kor. *pàhói.
PTung. *bug- hill, mound (холм, бугор): Evk. buɣa, buɣan; Evn.
bụɣụn, buɣjeńe, buɣъndъ; Ul. bo(n); Nan. buen, bugdure.
◊ ТМС 1, 101, 102.
PMong. *böɣerüg 1 mountain slopes 2 hill (1 горные склоны 2
холм): WMong. bögerüg, bögereg; Kh. bȫrög 1; Kalm. bȫrəg 2.
◊ KW 57.
PTurk. *bögür mountain slope (склон горы): Tur. böɣür; Turkm.
bövür ‘side’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 207. The root is historically different from *bögür ‘kidney’, but they are
hard to distinguish within Turkic.
PJpn. *bə hill, hillock (холм): OJpn. wo; MJpn. wo.
◊ JLTT 503.
PKor. *pàhói rock (скала): MKor. pàhói; Mod. pawi.
◊ Nam 239, KED 708.
‖ Cf. *bk῾e, *pāko.
358 *būgi - *bugu
-būgi a k. of insect: Tung. *bugu-tuna; Mong. *böɣe-sü; Turk. *bȫg; Jpn.
*pìw-musi.
PTung. *bugu-tuna 1 mosquito 2 gad-fly (1 комар 2 слепень): Evk.
bụgụtụna 1; Man. bekto 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 102, 123.
PMong. *böɣe-sü louse (вошь): MMong. bo’esun (HY 12, SH),
buwsu-tu ‘with lice’, buäsun (MA), būsūn (LH); WMong. bögesü(n) (L
125); Kh. bȫs(ön); Bur. bȫhe(n); Kalm. bȫsn; Ord. bȫsü; Mog. busu
(Weiers); ZM bosun (21-8); Dag. būs (Тод. Даг. 128); Dong. bosun; Bao.
bosuŋ, bosoŋ; S.-Yugh. bǖsən; Mongr. bōsə (SM 29).
◊ KW 57, MGCD 160.
PTurk. *bȫg, *bȫg-en, *bȫg-ček 1 insect 2 phalanx, tarantula 3
gad-fly 4 wolf (1 насекомое 2 фаланга, тарантул 3 слепень 4 волк):
Karakh. bög, böj 2 (MK), bij 2 (MK - Oghuz); Tur. böɣ 2, büɣe, büɣe-lek 3,
böǯek 1, (dial.) 4; Gag. böǯek 1; Az. böv 2; Turkm. mȫj 2, bij 2, mȫǯek 4;
MTurk. bew 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. bij 2; Krm. bij 2; Tat. böjɛ 2, böǯɛk 1; Bashk.
böjö 2, böǯäk 1; Kirgh. bȫ, böj, böjü, böjön 3; Kaz. büji 2; KKalp. mij 2; Kum.
mija 2; Nogh. bij 2, ‘queen bee’, böǯek ‘beetle’; Chuv. pъₙvan 3.
◊ EDT 323, VEWT 82-3, Лексика 184. Partly contaminated with *böke-l ‘gad-fly ‘ (v.
sub *pk῾í). The form in -ček is a diminutive. Turk. > Hung. bögöly ‘gad-fly’, see Gom-
bocz 1912.
PJpn. *pìw-musi a k. of insect (day-fly, ephemera) (вид насекомо-
го (поденка, мотылек)): MJpn. fìwòmúsì.
◊ JLTT 408.
‖ KW 57, VEWT 82-3, АПиПЯЯ 294, Лексика 184. The Jpn. tone
seems to contradict Turkic length (but is not sufficiently well attested).
-bugu joint: Tung. *bog-; Mong. *bog-tu; Turk. *bogum; Jpn. *pu.
PTung. *bog- 1 cuff, wristband 2 shoulder (1 обшлаг 2 плечо): Evk.
boɣjan 1; Evn. bụjan 1; Ud. bogdolo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 118.
PMong. *bog- collar bone, shoulder bone (ключица, плечевая
кость): WMong. boɣtu (L 111), ‘arm bone, part of arm from shoulder to
elbow, part of animal’s front leg’ (Kow. 1211); Kh. bogt(o) ‘elbow bone’;
buguj ‘distal end of forearm, forearm, carpus’; Bur. bogto ‘shoulder
bone’; Kalm. bōG, bokčə (čimgn), boktə ‘shoulder bone’; Ord. boGto ‘el-
bow bone’; bugūi ‘ankle’ (Khorch.).
◊ KW 49, 53, Дыбо 226. The variant *buguj ( < *boguj) is conaminating (and some-
times hard to separate from) *bugu-j ‘bracelet, noose’ (v. sub *bkà). Mong. > Yak. boxto
unuox ‘animal’s radial bone’.
PTurk. *bogum joint (сустав): Karakh. boɣɨm, boɣun (MK); Tur.
boɣun, boɣum; Turkm. boGun; Sal. puɣum (Kakuk); MTurk. boɣun
(Sangl., Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. bụɣin; Uygh. boɣam; Krm. buvun; Tat.
 *bùjlu - *bk῾a 359

buwɨn; Bashk. bɨwɨn; Kirgh. mūn; Kaz. buwɨn; KKalp. buwɨn; Kum. bɨwɨn;
Nogh. buwɨn; Khak. pun; Oyr. mun, pūn (dial.).
◊ EDT 316, ЭСТЯ 2, 170-171, Лексика 260, TMN 2, 348-349.
PJpn. *pu joint, knot (место соединения, узел): OJpn. pu.
◊ JLTT 416.
‖ KW 53, ЭСТЯ 2, 171; Дыбо 309, Лексика 260.
-bùjlu ( ~ -i) blood: Tung. *boldu-; Mong. *bülüŋ; Kor. *píh.
PTung. *boldu- pulse (пульс): Ork. boldụni.
◊ ТМС 1, 92. Attested only in Orok, but with rather probable external parallels.
PMong. *bülüŋ blood clot (сгусток крови): WMong. bülüŋ, bülin (L
146, 147); Kh. bülen; Bur. büliŋ.
PKor. *píh blood (кровь): MKor. phí; Mod. phi.
◊ Nam 465, KED 1771.
‖ Medial *-jl- is reconstructed to account for loss of *-l- in Kor. (-h
should be regarded as a suffix, as in a number of other cases).
-bujri well, spring: Tung. *bira; Mong. *bürü-dü; Jpn. *bì; Kor. *ù-.
PTung. *bira 1 river 2 spring (1 река 2 ручей, ключ): Evk. bira 1, bi-
raja 1,2; Evn. bịra 1, bịraqčan 2; Neg. bịja 1, 2, bịjaxān 2; Man. bira 1, bi-
raGa, birGan, birχa 2; SMan. birā 1 (2087); Jurch. bira (40) 1; Ul. bịra 2;
Nan. bịr 2; Orch. biaka 2; Ud. bǟ῾sa 1 (Корм. 212); Sol. bira 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 84.
PMong. *bürü-dü 1 swamp (with a spring) in a river bed 2 well (1
болото (с источником) в русле реки 2 криница): WMong. bürüdü 1;
Kh. bürd 2; Kalm. bürdə 1; Ord. bürdü 1.
◊ KW 67.
PJpn. *bì ( ~ *bùi, *bi) well (колодец): OJpn. wi; MJpn. wì; Tok. i.
◊ JLTT 420.
PKor. *ù- well (колодец): MKor. ù-mr; Mod. umul.
◊ Nam 389, KED 1239 (-mɨr ‘water’).
‖ Whitman 1985, 139, 245 (Kor.-Jpn.). Loss of final resonant in Kor.
makes us reconstruct the medial -j-, which also explains several other
phenomena: *-i-vowel in PTM (-u- would be expected after a labial); *b-
in PJ (*p- would be expected before i). Korean has also lost the initial
*b-, as in some other cases; cf. in this respect the interesting Old
Koguryo and Silla forms: Old Koguryo *wöl, Silla *ŏl (see Miller 1979,
9). Jpn. *bì < *bujr(i)-gV.
-bk῾a ( ~ -u) side (of body), thigh: Tung. *bōKan; Mong. *bokaɣur;
Turk. *bɨkɨn.
PTung. *bōKan thigh (бедро, ляжка): Evk. bōkan; Evn. bōqn; Man.
buxi; Ud. bō῾ (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
360 *buk῾e - *bk῾í
PMong. *bokaɣur behind, buttocks (зад, ягодицы): MMong.
baqa’ur (MA), baɣūr (IM), baqaūr (LH), baɣaɣur ‘derrière’ (Lig.VMI); Kh.
buxar (Most.); Kalm. bokūr ‘Schurke, Schelm’; Mog. buɣār (Ramstedt
1906); Dong. boGo; Bao. boGor.
◊ KW 50.
PTurk. *bɨkɨn thigh (бедро): OTurk. bɨqɨn ‘hip’ (OUygh.); Karakh.
bɨqɨn ‘hip, flank’ (MK); Tur. bɨkɨn (dial.); Turkm. bɨqɨn; MTurk. bɨqɨn ‘hip,
flank’ (Sangl.); Uzb. biqin; Uygh. biqin; Tat. bɨɣɨn (Sib.); Bashk. bɨɣɨm;
Kirgh. mɨqɨn; Kaz. mɨqɨn; KBalk. bɨɣɨn; Khak. pɨxtɨ; Oyr. bɨqɨn, mɨqɨn; Tv.
bɨɣɨn.
◊ EDT 316, VEWT 73, TMN 2, 301, ЭСТЯ 2, 304-305, Лексика 280. The Khak. form is
a rebuilt posessive form.
‖ Дыбо 6, Лексика 280. A Western isogloss.
-buk῾e vessel; gourd: Tung. *buKu-; Jpn. *pùkù(m)pái ( ~ -ia); Kor.
*pàk.
PTung. *buKu- 1 birch cradle 2 birch bark put into cradle 3 suitcase
(1 берестяная люлька 2 береста, которую кладут в люльку 3 чемо-
дан): Evk. bukun 2; Evn. buk 1; Man. buqtulin 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 105.
PJpn. *pùkù(m)pái ( ~ -ia) gourd (тыква): MJpn. fùkùbe; Tok. fukube.
PKor. *pàk 1 gourd; scoop 2 bamboo basket (1 тыква; черпак 2
бамбуковая корзина): MKor. pàkòní 2; Mod. pak 1, paguni 2.
◊ Nam 236, KED 702, 710.
‖ Martin 232. An Eastern isogloss. In Kor. the root could contami-
nate with *págo (q.v.), which can explain the prosodic irregularity.
-bk῾í to bow, bend: Tung. *buk-; Mong. *bök-; Turk. *bük-; Jpn.
*pìnkàm-.
PTung. *buk- hump, to bend (горб, гнуться): Evk. buke-; Evn. bök-
čen-; Neg. boxon; Man. boqto, buqtu, buqda-; Ul. boqo(n); Ork. boqqo; Nan.
bukũ; Ud. boxo; Sol. buktur.
◊ ТМС 1, 104. Man. > Dag. bogto ‘hill, mound’ (Тод. Даг. 126).
PMong. *bök- 1 hump 2 to bend (tr.) 3 to bend, bow, incline 4
humpbacked (1 горб 2 гнуть 3 сгибаться, наклоняться, кланяться 4
горбатый): MMong. bokotur, bogotur (SH), bukä-tu (MA) 4; WMong.
böke 1, bökeji-, böküi- (L 126, 127) 2; Kh. böx(ön) 1, bögtör 4; Bur. büxe(n) 1,
bükti-, bügdi- 3; Kalm. bökn 1; Ord. bökö 1, bögötör 4; Mog. ZM bökkän ‘the
hump of a camel’; Dag. bug 1 (Тод. Даг. 128), (MGCD) buēktuē, buku;
S.-Yugh. bögön 1; Mongr. pugī-, bukī- (Huzu) 3.
◊ KW 55, MGCD 161, 162, 181. Mong. > Oyr. bökö- ‘bend (tr.)’, Yak bököj- ‘bow, bend’
(intr.), Kirgh. bök- ‘припасть к земле, опуститься на колени (о верблюдице, для случ-
ки)’.
 *bule - *ble 361

PTurk. *bük- 1 to bow, bend 2 to curve, bend, wrap smth. (1 сги-

баться, кланяться 2 сгибать, складывать, свертывать): Karakh. bük- 1
(MK); Tur. bük- 2; Gag. bük- 2; Az. bük- 2; Turkm. bük- 2; Sal. pöx- 2
(ССЯ 454); MTurk. bük- 1 (Sangl. Pav. C.); Uzb. buk- 2; Uygh. pük- 2;
Krm. büg-ül- 1 (K); Tat. bög- 2; Bashk. bögö- 2; Kirgh. bük- (-gV-) 2; Kaz.
bük/g- 2; KBalk. bük- (-gV-) 2; KKalp. bük- (-gV-) 2; Kum. bük- (-gV-) 2;
Nogh. bük- (-gV-) 2; Khak. pük- 2; Shr. pük- 2; Oyr. bük- (-gV) 2; Tv. bük-
‘to wrap’; Chuv. pəₙk- 2; Yak. bük ‘a bend, flexion’; bügülē- 2.
◊ EDT 324, VEWT 91-92, ЭСТЯ 2, 290-293.
PJpn. *pìnkàm- be twisted, warped (быть искривленным, поко-
робленным): MJpn. fìgàm-; Tok. higám-; Kyo. hígám-; Kag. higám-.
◊ JLTT 688.
‖ EAS 147, KW 55, Poppe 56, ОСНЯ 1, 191. Despite Doerfer MT 56,
TM is hardly borrowed from Mong., and (despite TMN 2, 352) the
Turk. and Mong. forms are certainly related. Cf. also Turk. *bok- ‘to
cross (legs), bend (knees)’ (VEWT 79, EDT 311), WMong. boki- (KW 49)
‘to bend’, reflecting a back-row variant of the same root. Part of the
Mongolian (*bög-) and TM forms seem to go back to a variant *bki.
-bule wick: Tung. *bulin; Turk. *bilik.
PTung. *bulin wick (фитиль): Neg. bulin; Ul. buli(n); Nan. bulĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 108.
PTurk. *bilik, *bEĺ-mek(e) 1 wick 2 tinder, mushroom (1 фитиль 2
трут, гриб): Karakh. bilik (MK) 1; Uzb. pilik 1; Uygh. pilik (Jarr.) 1; Tat.
meškɛ 2; Bashk. bäšmäk 2; Kirgh. bilik 1; KKalp. pilik 1; Khak. miske 2;
Shr. meške 2; Oyr. meške 2.
◊ EDT 339, VEWT 69, 72, ЭСТЯ VI.
‖ ТМС 1, 108. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss
-ble to rub, whet: Tung. *bula; Mong. *büle-; Turk. *bile-; Kor. *pjró.
PTung. *bula thorn (шип, колючка): Man. bula; SMan. bəlā (2160).
◊ ТМС 1, 106. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *büle- to bore, prick, incise (with a knife etc.) (колоть, над-
резать (ножом и т. п.)): WMong. büle- (L 146); Kh. büle-; Kalm. bül-.
◊ KW 66.
PTurk. *bile- 1 to sharpen 2 whetstone (1 точить 2 точильный ка-
мень): Karakh. bile- (MK) 1; Tur. bile- 1; Gag. bile- 1, bilä 2; Az. bülöv,
bilöv 2; Turkm. bilev 2; MTurk. bile- 1, bilew 2 (Pav. C.); Uygh. bilä- (Jarr.)
1; Krm. bile- 1, bülew 2; Tat. belɛw 2; Bashk. beläw 2; Kirgh. bülö 2; Kaz.
bilew 2; KBalk. bile- 1, bilew 2; Kum. bile- 1, bilew 2; Nogh. bilew 2; Khak.
pəlö 2 (R); Shr. pile 2; Oyr. bilü 2; Tv. bili- (Castr.- Soj.) 1; Chuv. pəₙlev 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 142-143, EDT 332-333 (< *bi ‘blade’, denom. - but Turkm. shortness contra-
dicts this derivation). Turk. *bile-gü > Mong. *bile-ɣü id., see Щербак 1997, 106.
362 *blò - *blò
PKor. *pjró inkstone (for rubbing the ink from an ink stick) (чер-
нильный камень): MKor. pjró; Mod. pjəru.
◊ Nam 258, KED 775.
‖ Turk. *bile- is usually derived from *bij ‘edge’ (q. v.) which is
hardly the case (*bijle- cannot be reconstructed).
-blò to soak, gush forth: Tung. *b[ü]lkü-; Mong. *bul(ka)-, *bilka-;
Turk. *bulak; Jpn. *pùr ( ~ -ua); Kor. *purɨ- ( ~ -ɨ-).
PTung. *b[ü]lkü- 1 to soak, wet 2 to splash, swash (1 смочить, на-
мочить 2 плескаться, бить ключом): Evk. bilki- 1, bulkiw- 2; Man.
bulχu- 2; Nan. bịlχo- 1, bolqo- ~ bulχo- 2; Ud. beäku- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 82, 108. The vocalism is not quite clear because of the doublets with -i- and
-u- (due to interdialectal borrowing and perhaps also Mongolian influence, see below).
PMong. *bul(ka)-, *bilka- 1 to soak, wet 2 to issue from the ground
(as water) 3 to overflow (1 мочить 2 вытекать из земли (о воде) 3 пе-
реливаться, литься через край): WMong. bulqa- (L 136), bulqu- 1, bu-
lara- 2 (L 133), bilqa- 3 (L 105); Kh. bulxa- 1, alxa- 3; Bur. bulxa- ‘to gar-
gle’, bilxa- 3; Kalm. bulxə- 1, bilxə- 3.
◊ KW 45, 60. Mong. > Kaz. bɨlqɨ- etc. (VEWT 74).
PTurk. *bulak spring, well (источник, колодец): OTurk. bulaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. bulaq (KB, IM); Tur. bulak; Az. bulaG; Turkm. bulaq;
Khal. bula:G ‘well; tear’; MTurk. bulaɣ (Abush.), bulaq (Sangl.); Uzb.
bulɔq; Uygh. bulaq (dial.); Tat. bolaq; Kaz. bulaq; KBalk. bulaq; KKalp. bu-
laq; Kum. bulaq; Nogh. bulaq; SUygh. bulaq; Khak. pulux (R - Sag.); Shr.
puluq (R); Tv. bɨlaq; Tof. bɨlaq (Рас. ФиЛ).
◊ EDT 336, VEWT 87, ЭСТЯ 2, 257-258, TMN 2, 355. Cf. Kaz. bula- ῾to flow, gush
forth’. Turk. > WMong. bulaɣ, Kalm. buləg (KW 59; TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 110),
whence Evk. bulak (Doerfer MT 125).
PJpn. *pùr ( ~ -ua) bath (ванна, купание): MJpn. fùrò; Tok. fúro,
furó; Kyo. fùró; Kag. furó.
◊ JLTT 418.
PKor. *purɨ- to soak, make wet (мочить): Mod. purɨ- (SKE 211),
pulli-.
◊ KED 836.
‖ ТМС 1, 108 (TM-Mong.). An expressive root with difficult recon-
struction. The two variants in Mong. and TM are probably due to in-
terdialectal borrowing, but direct borrowing from Mong. into TM is
hard to justify: the meanings are not in mutual correlation (Mong. bilka-
is ‘overflow’, while bilki- in TM is ‘to wet, moisten’; Mong. bulka- is ‘to
dip, rinse’, while TM bulku- is ‘to splash’). The Korean reflex is not
quite certain (Martin KED 836 considers pulli- to be a factitive of pūd-
‘swell’ - which is, however, somewhat questionable).
 *bura - *bure 363

-bura to abandon, lose: Tung. *burī-; Turk. *bɨrak-; Jpn. *pàra-p- /

*pára-p-; Kor. *pri- / *pằrí-.
PTung. *burī- 1 to let slip 2 to disappear 3 to let go (1 выронить, по-
терять 2 исчезать, пропадать 3 отпускать): Evk. burī- 1; Evn. beri- 1;
Man. burubu- 2; Jurch. buru-wi-xie (840) 1; Orch. bui- 1; Sol. burī- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 113.
PTurk. *bɨrak- 1 to let, to abandon 2 to send 3 to throw (1 бросать 2
покидать 3 посылать): Karakh. bɨraq-, bɨraɣ- (IM) 1; Tur. bɨrak- 1; Az.
burax- 1, 2; MTurk. bɨraq- (Pav. C.), (OKypch.) 1; Krm. bɨraq- (K) 1, 3;
Bashk. bɨraq-tɨr- ‘to throw out’; Kum. burax- (dial.) 2; Shr. purqa- (R) 3;
Oyr. bɨrk-ɨra- ‘to scatter, become scattered’; Chuv. pъₙrax- 1, 3; Yak.
bɨrax- 1, 3; Dolg. bɨrak- 1, 3.
◊ VEWT 74, ЭСТЯ 2, 307-308, Егоров 148, Федотов I 399-400, Stachowski 71.
PJpn. *pàra-p- / *pára-p- to sweep away, to drive out (сметать, уби-
рать, выгонять): OJpn. para-p-; MJpn. fárà-f- / fàrá-f-; Tok. hará-; Kyo.
hárá-; Kag. hàrà-.
◊ JLTT 684. Accent is not quite clear: modern dialects point to *pàràp-, but RJ has a
variation of fáràf- and fàráf-.
PKor. *pri- / *pằrí- to throw away, to abandon (выкидывать, по-
кидать): MKor. pằrí- / prí-; Mod. pəri-.
◊ Nam 241, KED 759-760.
‖ SKE 184, 192, Martin 243. The Jpn. form is dubious because of ir-
regular devoicing and somewhat aberrant semantics; cf. also an odd
variation between *pằr- and *pr- in Kor., suggesting that we may be
dealing with more than one root here: one of them could have also re-
sulted in Mong. bara- ‘to end, finish’. Turkic has a peculiar disyllabic
structure and Ramstedt may be right in suggesting an old compound;
for the second part cf. *ek- ῾to sow’ < ῾to throw’ (v. sub *p῾èk῾a).
-bure flea: Mong. *bürge; Turk. *bürče / *bürge; Kor. *pjrók.
PMong. *bürge 1 flea 2 louse (1 блоха 2 вошь): MMong. burge (HY
12) 2, birik (IM) 1, burkä (MA) 1, būrge (Lig.VMI) 1; WMong. bürge,
büürge 2; Kh. bǖreg 2; Kalm. bǖrgə 1; Ord. bǖrge 1; Dong. bənɣə; Bao.
bərgə; Mongr. būrge (SM 35), 2 (MGCD burgə).
◊ KW 71, MGCD 513. Cf. also (L 138) burɣuusun ‘mosquito, gnat’. Length in Northern
forms may be expressive.
PTurk. *bürče / *bürge flea (блоха): Karakh. bürge (MK, IM); Tur.
pire; Gag. pire; Az. pirä; Turkm. büre; MTurk. bürge (MA, Pav. C.,
Sangl.); Uzb. burga; Uygh. bürgä; Krm. bürče; Tat. börčɛ; Bashk. börsä;
Kirgh. bürgö; Kaz. bürge, bürše (dial.), burša (dial.); KBalk. bürče; KKalp.
bürge; Kum. bürče; Nogh. bürše; Chuv. pъₙrźa.
◊ EDT 362, VEWT 92, ЭСТЯ 2, 298-299, Лексика 182-183. The Kypch. form *bürče is a
diminutive.
364 *buri - *bùsí
PKor. *pjrók flea (блоха): MKor. pjrók; Mod. pjəruk.
◊ Nam 258, KED 775.
‖ KW 71, SKE 198, ОСНЯ 2, 99-100, Лексика 183. In Turkic one
would rather expect *bir-: this variant is indeed reflected in most
Oghuz languages; others may have reintroduced -ü- under Mongolian
influence.
-buri one: Mong. *büri; Turk. *bir; Jpn. *pitə; Kor. *pìr-.
PMong. *büri all, each (каждый, все): MMong. buri (SH, HYt);
WMong. büri (L 148); Kh. bür; Bur. büri; Kalm. bürə; Ord. büri; S.-Yugh.
burən; Mongr. bu (SM 30), bur, burən.
◊ KW 67, MGCD 178.
PTurk. *bir (*bīr) one (один): OTurk. bir (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. bir (MK, KB, IM); Tur. bir; Gag. biŕ; Az. bir; Turkm. bir; Sal. pyr,
pir, pur (Kakuk); Khal. bi; MTurk. bir (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bir; Uygh.
bir; Krm. bir/bɨr; Tat. ber; Bashk. ber; Kirgh. bir; Kaz. bir; KBalk. bir;
KKalp. bir; Kum. bir; Nogh. bir; SUygh. bɨr; Khak. pər; Shr. pir; Oyr. bir;
Tv. bir; Tof. bir; Chuv. pəₙr; Yak. bīr; Dolg. bīr, bir.
◊ VEWT 76, TMN 2, 383-4, EDT 353-4, ЭСТЯ 2, 146-151, Егоров 157, Федотов I
421-422, Stachowski 61. Cf. also Khak. praj ‘all’, Tat. dial. pəräj ‘any’ (КСТТ 179), Az.
birä-di ‘one, all together’.
PJpn. *pitə one (один): OJpn. pjito; MJpn. fító-, fìtó-, fìtò-; Tok.
hitótsu; Kyo. hîtótsu; Kag. hitótsu (xitóT).
◊ JLTT 411.
PKor. *pìr- at first, begin (сначала, впервые, начинать): MKor.
pìrs, pìrsó; Mod. piroso.
◊ Nam 276, 277, KED 852.
‖ KW 67, Martin 238, АПиПЯЯ 73, 99, 277. Doerfer (TMN 2, 384)
doubts Ramstedt’s Turk.-Mong. comparison for phonetic reasons,
which is hardly justified: Turkic frequently reveals a secondary delabi-
alization -ir-, -il- < *-ür-, *-ül- (especially after labials).
-bùsí ( ~ p-) to hide: Turk. *bus-; Jpn. *pìs-ka; Kor. *psk-.
PTurk. *bus- to hide, lay an ambush (прятаться, устраивать заса-
ду): OTurk. bus- (OUygh.- Suv.); Karakh. bus- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. pus-;
Az. pus- ‘to eavesdrop’; Turkm. bus-; Khal. bus-xo ‘Hinterhalt, Lauer’;
MTurk. bus- (Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. pis-; pus- (dial.); Tat. pos-; Bashk.
buϑ-.
◊ EDT 371, ЭСТЯ 2, 278-279, TMN 2, 291-292.
PJpn. *pìs-ka hidden, secret (тайный, секретный): OJpn.
p(j)is(w)oka; MJpn. fìsóka; Tok. hísoka; Kyo. hìsókà; Kag. hisoká.
◊ JLTT 409. Cf. also *pìsòmà- ‘to lie concealed’ (see JLTT 690).
PKor. *psk- to extinguish, go out (fire) (тухнуть, гаснуть): MKor.
psk-; Mod. k:ɨ-.
 *bòdà - *bdé 365
◊ Nam 71, KED 233.
‖ Korean has a usual loss of narrow vowel between a stop and a
fricative. The back row in PT is not quite regular (*büs- would be ex-
pected). It might be better to reconstruct *biso ( > Turk. *bɨs-, with a sub-
sequent labial assimilation > *bus-). In TM cf. perhaps Nan. busĩ ‘ro-
dents’ stores’ (ТМС 1, 115).
-bòdà body; intestines, belly: Mong. *boda; Turk. *bod; Jpn. *bàtà.
PMong. *boda substance, matter, body (предмет, сущность, тело):
MMong. bodo 1, 2 (SH); WMong. boda (L 108); Kh. bod; Bur. bodo; Kalm.
bodə; Ord. bodo.
◊ KW 48. Mong. > Evk. bodo. The root should be distinguished from *bodu ‘cattle’.
Philosophical connotations may have been acquired under the influence of Sanskr. bhūta,
but a direct loan from Sanskr. is hardly credible, despite Sukhebatar 40.
PTurk. *bod 1 body, stature 2 self 3 kin, tribe 4 counter for persons 5
length (1 тело, стан, рост 2 сам 3 род 4 сч. слово для лиц 5 длина):
OTurk. bod 1, 2, 4 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. bod 1 (MK, KB), boj 3 (MK -
Oghuz), bod 4 (KB); Tur. boj 1; Gag. boj 1, 5; Az. boj 1; Turkm. boj 1; Sal.
bojaɣɨr (< bojɨ agɨr) ‘pregnant’ (ССЯ); Khal. bod 1; MTurk. boj 1 (Sangl.,
MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. bọj 1, 5; Uygh. boj 1, 5; Krm. boj 1, 2, 5; Tat. buj 5;
Bashk. buj 1, 5; Kirgh. boj 1, 2, 5; Kaz. boj 1, 2, 5; KBalk. boj 1, 5; KKalp.
boj 1, 2, 5; Kum. boj 1, 2, 5; Nogh. boj 1, 5; SUygh. poz 1, 4; Khak. pos 2;
Shr. pozu 2; Oyr. boj 2, 5; Tv. bot 2; Chuv. pü 1, 5.
◊ EDT 296-297, VEWT 77, TMN 2, 358-361, ЭСТЯ 2, 176-178, Лексика 265.
PJpn. *bàtà 1 intestines 2 belly (1 внутренности, кишки 2 живот):
OJpn. wata 1; Tok. watá 1; Kyo. wátà 1; Kag. watá 1.
◊ JLTT 569.
‖ EAS 57, Poppe 21, 53, KW 48, VEWT 77, АПиПЯЯ 279, Лексика
266. Despite TMN 2, 360, Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk.
-bdé to jump, trot: Tung. *buduri-; Mong. *büdüri-; Turk. *büdi-; Jpn.
*bntr-; Kor. *ptùi-.
PTung. *buduri- to hurry (спешить, торопиться): Nan. buduri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 103. Manchu buduli- ‘to stumble’ may be related, but may also be borrowed
< Mong. (see Doerfer MT 78); the Nanai form, however, is hardly borrowed because of
different semantics.
PMong. *büdüri- to stumble (спотыкаться): WMong. büdüri-,
büdüre- (L 144); Kh. büdre-; Bur. büder-; Kalm. büdr-; Ord. büdür(e)-; Dag.
buduri- (Тод. Даг. 128); Dong. buǯiri-; S.-Yugh. budər-; Mongr. budəri-
(SM 31).
◊ KW 66, MGCD 173. Mong. > Yak. büdür etc. (VEWT 91), Evk. budir- etc. (Doerfer
MT 78).
PTurk. *büdi- 1 to dance 2 to jib 3 dance (1 танцевать 2 топтаться 3
танец): OTurk. büdi- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. büδi- (MK) 1; Tat. bej- 1;
366 *bodi - *bŏga
Bashk. beje- 1; Kirgh. bij 3, bij-le- 1; Kaz. bij 3, bij-le- 1, büji-1 (dial.);
KKalp. bij 3; Kum. bij 3, biji- 1; Nogh. biji-; Oyr. pije-le- 1 (ГАЯ); Yak.
bitij- 1, 2, bitī ‘танец’.
◊ EDT 300, VEWT 91, ЭСТЯ 2, 131-132 (the word has been contaminated with an-
other root, reflected in Mong. böǯi- (KW 54) [despite Щербак 1997, 111, hardly borrowed
from Turk.] - see PA *pēǯo.
PJpn. *bntr- to jump (прыгать): OJpn. wodor-; MJpn. wódór-; Tok.
òdor-; Kyo. ódór-; Kag. odór-.
◊ JLTT 740.
PKor. *ptùi- to jump (прыгать): MKor. ptùi-; Mod. t:wi-.
◊ Nam 169, KED 513.
‖ Korean demonstrates a frequent vowel loss between two stops.
Note that Mong., TM and Jpn. reflect a common derived stem *bode-rV-.
-bodi ( ~ -e) a k. of platform: Tung. *bedu- / *budu-; Turk. *böd; Kor.
*pti (?).
PTung. *bedu- / *budu- small table (столик): Neg. bet; Ul. beduli;
Ork. bedu; Nan. bedur, budduru.
◊ ТМС 1, 127.
PTurk. *böd throne (трон): OTurk. böd (Orkh.); Yak. büttäx, bittäx
(Пек.) ‘cross-bar in a stool, cross-piece in a boat’ (?).
◊ VEWT 82, EDT 298. The Yak. word may belong here if it is not derived from *büt-
‘to end’.
PKor. *pti raft (плот): MKor. pti; Mod. t:e.
◊ Nam 153, KED 454.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Tung. isogloss; the Kor. word may belong here if
it is not derived from pt- ‘to float’ (q.v.). If the parallel is correct, then
most TM languages have a secondary shift u > e after a labial (a very
frequent phenomenon there).
-bŏga ( ~ -u, -o) pregnant (of animals); to bear a bastard or miscarry:
Tung. *bogī-; Mong. *boɣo-; Turk. *bogaŕ; Kor. *pằi-.
PTung. *bogī- to bear a bastard; to suffer a miscarriage (родить ре-
бенка вне брака; родить раньше срока): Evk. boɣī-; bō-kān ( <
*boɣo-kān) ‘slave’; Neg. boɣịn-; Man. bojχolo- ‘to escape (from a trap), get
off the hook’; Ul. bojal-; Nan. bojaGo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 90.
PMong. *boɣo- slave, servant (раб, слуга): MMong. bo’ol (HY 28,
SH), b[a]wān, bawa (IM), bual (MA); WMong. boɣol, (L 112) boɣul; Kh. bōl
1; būrǯ ‘slave in the second generation’; Bur. bōl, bogōl; Kalm. bōl; Ord.
bōl.
◊ KW 53, TMN 1, 212. Mong. > Evk. bol etc., see Doerfer MT 89.
PTurk. *bogaŕ pregnant (of animals) (беременная (о животных)):
Az. boɣaz (dial.); Turkm. boɣaz; Khal. poos; MTurk. (töl) boɣaz
 *bgdu - *bgdu 367

(Oghuz-nama); boɣaz, boɣuz (MA); Uzb. bụɣɔz; Uygh. boɣaz; Tat. buwaz;
Bashk. bɨwaδ; Kirgh. booz; Kaz. buwaz; KBalk. buwaz; KKalp. buwaz;
Kum. buwaz; Nogh. buwaz; Khak. pōs; Oyr. poos; Tv. boos; Yak. buos;
Dolg. buos.
◊ VEWT 78, ЭСТЯ 2, 169, Stachowski 67. Turk. > WMong. boɣus, Kalm. bōs (KW 54),
Dag. bōs (Tod. 127), see Clark 1980, 39.
PKor. *pằi- to be pregnant (быть беременной): MKor. pằi-; Mod.
pǟ-.
◊ Nam 251, KED 745.
‖ EAS 57, АПиПЯЯ 295. Doerfer’s attempt (TMN 2, 348) to refute
the Turk.-Tung. parallel for semantic reasons is unsuccessful. The
meaning ‘slave’ in Mong. and Tung. is obviously derived < ‘bastard’,
‘illegal child’ (derivation < *boɣo- ‘bind’ and attempt to derive the TM
words for ‘slave’ < Mong. in Poppe 1972, 96 is unsuccessful). The Kor.
word has been secondarily associated with pắi ‘belly’ (see under *pḕjlo).
-bgdu to paint, variegated: Tung. *bugdi; Mong. *budu-; Turk. *bodo-;
Jpn. *púti.
PTung. *bugdi 1 variegated 2 pimple, rash (*bugdeke, *bug(d)-su-ke) 3
to form (of pimples, rash) (1 пестрый 2 прыщи, сыпь 3 высыпать (о
прыщах, сыпи)): Evk. bugdi 1, bugdeke, buksukē 2; Evn. bdị 1, bụdụlị 2;
Man. busxe-ne- 3; Ork. bụgǯị 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 101. On Evk. budan ‘rash’ see under PA *bte. Evk. > Dolg. bugdī, bugdɨ (Sta-
chowski 64).
PMong. *budu- to paint (красить): MMong. buduq (MA) ‘paint’;
WMong. budu- (L 130); Kh. buda-; Bur. buda-; Kalm. budə-; Ord. budu-;
Dag. bodo- (Тод. Даг. 127), bode- (MD 124), bodu-; S.-Yugh. budə-;
Mongr. budi- (SM 31), buda- (Huzu, Minghe).
◊ KW 57, MGCD 165. Mong. > Evk. buda- etc., see Doerfer MT 94.
PTurk. *bodo- 1 to paint, dye 2 dye (1 красить 2 краска): OTurk.
boduɣ 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. boδo- (MK) 1, boδoɣ (MK) 2; Tur. boja- 1, boja
2; Gag. boja- 1, boja 2; Az. boja- 1, boja, bojaG 2; Turkm. boja- 1, boja, bojaG
2; Sal. bojaχ 2 (Kakuk); Khal. boda- 1, bodaɣ 2; MTurk. boja- (Abush.,
Sangl.) 1, bojaɣ/q 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. bụja- 1, bụjɔq 2; Uygh. boju-/a- 1, bojaq 2;
Krm. boja- 1, boja 2; Tat. buja- 1, bujaw 2; Bashk. buja- 1, harɨ bujaq
‘серпуха’ (a dying plant); Kirgh. bojo- 1, bojoq 2; Kaz. boja- 1, bojau 2;
KBalk. boja- 1, bojaw 2; KKalp. boja- 1, bojaq 2; Kum. boja- 1, bojaw 2;
Nogh. boja- 1, bojaq 2; Oyr. pojo- 1 (ГАЯ), poju- (dial. - Bask. Kum.); Tv.
budu- 1, buduq 2; Chuv. pəₙve- 1; Yak. butuj- 1, butuk 2.
◊ EDT 300, VEWT 77, ЭСТЯ 2, 178-179, Егоров 155. Despite EDT, Tel. bodu- is a
Mongolian loanword. Chuv. -v- instead of *-r- is not quite clear here (perhaps it is a trace
of the archaic *-gd-cluster?).
368 *bògé - *bojĺe
PJpn. *púti spot, spotted, variegated (пятно, пестрый): OJpn. puti;
MJpn. futi, bútí; Tok. búchi; Kyo. búchì; Kag. búchi.
◊ JLTT 390. Modern dialects have expressive voicing. Accent reflexes vary between
*pútí and *pútì.
‖ KW 57. Mong. may be < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 107).
-bògé wizard, holy: Tung. *bugu-ča; Mong. *bogda; Turk. *bögü; Jpn.
*bnkám-.
PTung. *bugu-ča idol (идол): Ul. bōčo; Nan. bugǯẽ, bukčẽ; Orch. bōčo.
◊ ТМС 1, 97.
PMong. *bogda holy, sacred (святой, божественный): WMong.
boɣda (L 111); Kh. bogd; Bur. bogdo; Kalm. bogdə; Ord. bogdo (Тод. ЯМВМ
122).
◊ KW 49.
PTurk. *bögü wizard (мудрец, колдун): OTurk. bögü (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. bögü (MK); Tur. böjü; Gag. bǖ; MTurk. bügü (Pav. C.).
◊ EDT 324, VEWT 83, ЭСТЯ 2, 293-294. Turk. > Mong. böɣe id., see TMN 1, 234. Turk.
> Hung. bű ‘witchcraft’ (< *büɣü), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *bnkám- to worship, bow in obeisance (поклоняться, почи-
тать): OJpn. wogam-; MJpn. wògám-; Tok. ogám-; Kyo. ógám-; Kag. ogám-.
◊ JLTT 740. Accent in Kyoto is irregular (pointing to *b(n)kàm-).
‖ One of common Altaic religious terms.
-bojĺe empty, meagre: Tung. *bol-; Turk. *boĺ; Kor. *pɨi-.
PTung. *bol- 1 clear 2 meagre (1 чистый 2 постный): Neg.
boltụ-boltụ 1; Man. bolGo 1, 2; SMan. boləhən, boləhun ‘clean, pure’ (2550).
◊ ТМС 1, 93.
PTurk. *boĺ free, empty (свободный, пустой): OTurk. boš (OUygh.);
Karakh. boš (MK, KB); Tur. boš; Gag. boš; Az. boš; Turkm. boš; Sal. boš;
Khal. boš; MTurk. boš (Sangl.); Uzb. bụš; Uygh. boš; Krm. boš, bos; Tat.
buš; Bashk. buš; Kirgh. boš; Kaz. bos; KBalk. boš; KKalp. bos; Kum. boš;
Nogh. bos; SUygh. bos, pos; Khak. pos; Shr. pos; Oyr. boš; Tv. boš; Tof.
bo’š; Chuv. požъ; Yak. bosxo (*boš-ka); Dolg. bosko ‘a little’.
◊ EDT 376, VEWT 82, ЭСТЯ 2, 203-204, Мудрак Дисс. 126, Федотов 1, 457, Sta-
chowski 63. The Chuv. form has a regular reflex, presupposing a final vowel. Turk.
*boĺa-n- > bošan- > Mong. busani- ‘become empty, poor’ (KW 63); *boĺ-u-g ‘permission’ >
Mong. bošuɣ (Clark 1980, 41).
PKor. *pɨi- empty (пустой, свободный): MKor. pɨi-; Mod. pī-.
◊ Liu 410, KED 850.
‖ Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of *-ĺ- in Ko-
rean. Phonetically a good match would be PJ *bəsa-na- ‘small, young (of
children)’, but the semantics raises some doubt here. Ramstedt (SKE
186) compares Turk. boš with Mong. bulgu ‘free, broad’ > Kirgh. buluk-
‘to try to free smb.’; but we have not found either word in accessible
sources.
 *bójĺo - *bóju 369

-bójĺo to learn, be attentive: Mong. *bolgu-ɣa-; Turk. *boĺgu-; Jpn.

*bsí-pa-; Kor. *pằihó-.
PMong. *bolgu-ɣa- be cautious, gingerly (быть осторожным, ос-
мотрительным): MMong. boluxa’a- (HY 33), bolqa’a- (SH); WMong.
bolɣuɣa- (L 117); Kh. bolgō-; Bur. bolgō-; Kalm. bolɣā-; Ord. bolgō-.
◊ KW 50. Mong. > Oyr. polɣō- etc. (see TMN 1, 233); Evk. bolgo- etc., see Doerfer MT
135.
PTurk. *boĺgu- 1 to learn 2 to teach, make learn 3 teaching 4 student
(1 учиться 2 учить, наставлять, заставлять выучить 3 наставление 4
ученик, подмастерье): OTurk. bošɣu-n- 1, bošɣu-t-, bošɣu-r- 2, bošɣut 3
(OUygh.); Karakh. bošɣut 4.
◊ VEWT 82, EDT 379. Derivation from bošuɣ ‘allowance, pardon’ (EDT) is hardly
plausible.
PJpn. *bsí-pa- to teach (учить): OJpn. wosipa-; MJpn. wósífa-; Tok.
òshie-; Kyo. óshíé-; Kag. oshié-.
◊ JLTT 742.
PKor. *pằihó- to learn (учиться): MKor. pằihó-; Mod. päu-.
◊ Nam 252, KED 749.
‖ Street 1980, 287 compares the PT form with Mong. bolba-sun
‘trained, educated, mature’ (possibly also related as a suffixed form).
Medial *-j- should be reconstructed to account for loss of *-ĺ- in Korean.
-bóju esteem: Tung. *buje-; Mong. *boj; Turk. *bujur-; Jpn. *úja / *bíjá;
Kor. *pằi-hắ-.
PTung. *buje- 1 to wish, desire, love 2 to thank (1 желать, любить 2
благодарить): Man. buje- 1; Jurch. buj-je-mij (385) 1, bij-il-sia-maj 2 (815).
◊ ТМС 1, 103.
PMong. *boj care, caring, rearing (забота, уход): WMong. boi (L
113); Kh. boj.
PTurk. *bujur- to order (приказывать): OTurk. bujur- (OUygh.);
Karakh. bujur- (MK); Tur. bujur-; Gag. bujur-; Az. bujur-; Turkm. bujur-;
MTurk. bujur- (Sangl., MA); Uzb. bujur-; Uygh. bujru-, bujur- (dial.);
Krm. bujur-; Tat. bojɨr-; Bashk. bojor-; Kirgh. bujur-; KBalk. bujur-;
KKalp. bujɨr-; Kum. bujur-; Nogh. bujɨr-; Oyr. bujur-; Chuv. pür-.
◊ VEWT 87, EDT 387-388, ЭСТЯ 2, 245-247, TMN 2, 362.
PJpn. *úja / *bíjá 1 esteem, worship 2 to esteem, worship (1почет 2
почитать): OJpn. wija, uja 1, wija-b- 2; MJpn. újá 1; Tok. ùya-(ma-); Kyo.
úyá-(má-); Kag. uya-(má-).
◊ JLTT 566, 781.
PKor. *pằi-hắ- to bestow a favour (оказывать почести): MKor.
pằihắ-; Mod. pephul-.
◊ Nam 252, KED 774.
‖ Originally we related to this root Mong. beile ‘prince of the 3d
rank’ which is usually considered to be borrowed from Manchu beile id.
370 *bkà - *bke
(cf. also Mong. beise = Man. beise ‘prince of the 4th rank’). Both words
are rather loans from some third language, perhaps Kitan (and cf. also
the Old Bulgarian rank bojla) and may be ultimately related to PT *beg
which itself is either < Chinese or < Iranian (see Шервашидзе 1989);
but Mong. boji ‘care’ seems to be a more satisfactory comparison. Both
semantically and phonetically the etymology seems quite plausible (ex-
cept perhaps for the variant -i- vowel in Old Japanese, possibly condi-
tioned by the following -j-).
-bkà rib, breast bone: Tung. *boka-; Mong. *bogoni; Turk. *bokana;
Jpn. *bàkì.
PTung. *boka- breast bone (грудная кость): Evk. bokolī; Evn.
bokolịwụn; Man. boqšon; Ork. bokko ‘belly’.
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
PMong. *bogoni first rib (первое ребро): Kh. bogino (xavirga); Kalm.
boɣəni; Ord. boGoni, boGono.
◊ KW 49.
PTurk. *bokana false ribs (ложные ребра): Bashk. boɣana (dial.);
Kirgh. boqono; Kaz. buɣana (süjek); Khak. poɣana; Oyr. boɣono söök.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 305, Лексика 275.
PJpn. *bàkì side (of body) (бок): OJpn. wakji; MJpn. wàkì; Tok. wakí;
Kyo. wákì; Kag. wàkí.
◊ JLTT 567.
‖ KW 49, Дыбо 5, Лексика 275-276. The Jpn. word could also go
back to *bk῾a, but in that case it would rather have a *p-.
-bke to lie in ambush: Tung. *bokan-; Mong. *büg-; Turk. *buk-; Jpn.
*bká-s-.
PTung. *bokan- to catch up with, take revenge on (настигать, дого-
нять, мстить): Evk. bokon-; Evn. boqn-; Neg. boxon-; Nan. boqoŋGị-;
Orch. bō-, bokko-; Ud. bo῾n-o- (Корм. 213); Sol. boxon-.
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
PMong. *büg- to lie in ambush, to hide (сидеть в засаде, прятаться,
таиться): WMong. bügsi-, (L 126) bögsi-; Kh. bügši-; Kalm. büg-; Dag.
bugši- (Тод. Даг. 128).
◊ KW 66.
PTurk. *buk- 1 to lie in ambush 2 to hide (1 сидеть в засаде 2 пря-
таться): Turkm. buq- 2; MTurk. buq- (Pav. C.: Abu-l-Gazi) 1; Uzb. biq- 1;
Kirgh. buq- 2; Kaz. buq- 2; KBalk. buq- 2; KKalp. buq- 1; Nogh. buq- 2;
Yak. bük- 2 (Пек.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 248.
PJpn. *bká-s- to attack, commit a crime (нападать, совершать
преступление): OJpn. wokas-; MJpn. wókás-; Tok. òkas-; Kyo. ókás-; Kag.
okás-.
 *bṑki - *bku 371
◊ JLTT 740.
‖ KW 66.
-bṑki ( ~ -e) to stop up: Tung. *bōk-; Mong. *bögle-; Turk. *bök-.
PTung. *bōk- 1 to stop, hinder 2 to tie up (1 задерживать, предот-
вращать 2 спутывать, привязывать): Evk. bōk- 1; Evn. boq- 1; Neg. bok-
1, 2; Man. boxi- 2; Ul. boqị- 2; Nan. boqị- 2; Orch. boki- 2; Ud. bo῾i- связать
(человека, животное, пойманное живьем) (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 89. TM > Dag. boki- (Тод. Даг. 127).
PMong. *bögle- to bar, hinder, stop up (затыкать, предотвращать):
MMong. bokle- (SH); WMong. bögle- (L 125); Kh. böglö-; Bur. bügle-;
Kalm. bögl-; Ord. böglö-; Dong. buɣulie-; buɣun ‘plug’; Mongr. bugəle-,
bugule- (SM 32).
◊ KW 54, MGCD 161.
PTurk. *bök- to dam, plug (ставить плотину, затычку): Karakh.
bök- ‘запрудить’(MK), böken- ‘быть загороженным (дорога)’ (At.);
Tur. böke- (dial.); MTurk. böken ‘плотина’ (R, Pav. C. 173); Uzb. pụkak
‘пробка’; Uygh. pok ‘пробка’; Krm. bök-lä- (T) ‘запирать, закрывать’;
Tat. büki ‘пробка’; Bashk. büki ‘пробка’; Kirgh. bögö-; Kaz. böge-; KKalp.
böge-; Oyr. bök ‘затвор, пробка’; Chuv. pъₙgъₙ ‘пробка’.
◊ EDT 324, 326, VEWT 82, 83, ЭСТЯ 2, 208-210, Егоров 146. Clauson prefers the
reading with -g-, which is hardly justified. A variant with *-g- (Tur. büɣe-, Chuv. pəvə
‘dam’, Turkm. böve-, bövet ‘id.’, Yak., Dolg. büö ‘plug’) may be a result of the influence of
*bog- ‘to choke, dam’ (cf. *boɣ- ‘dam’ in Tuva, Uzb., Kum., Nogh., Oyr., Tat., Bashk.).
‖ EAS 58, KW 54, Poppe 58, 59 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss.
The root is quite well attested in Turkic and borrowing is highly im-
probable, so Doerfer’s (TMN 1, 229) skepticism seems ungrounded. A
slight problem is the variation of *-k- and *-g- in Turkic, probably as-
similative in this case (*bök- should be the original variant).
-bku throat, Adam’s apple: Tung. *bukse; Mong. *bagalǯaɣur; Turk.
*boguŕ (/*bokuŕ); Jpn. *pùkùm-.
PTung. *bukse 1 cartilage, gristle 2 Adam῾s apple (1 хрящ 2 дыха-
тельное горло, кадык): Evk. bukse 1, bukeč ‘голова рыбы’; Evn. būs 1;
Neg. buxse 1; Man. buge, buxe 1; buge moŋGon 2; SMan. boxə; boxəē 2 (64);
Ul. bukse 1; Ork. buske 1; ‘голова рыбы’; Nan. bukse 1; Orch. bukse 1; Ud.
buxe 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 105. Evn. > Russ. Siber. bugačí (pl.) (Аникин 137).
PMong. *bagalǯaɣur throat (горло): WMong. baɣalǯaɣur (L 68); Kh.
bagalʒūr; Bur. bagalzūr; Kalm. baɣəlzūr; Ord. baGalǯūr.
◊ KW 28. Cf. also Ord. bagul ‘hair on chin’.
PTurk. *boguŕ, *bokur-dak 1 throat 2 Adam’s apple (1 горло 2 ка-
дык): OTurk. boɣuz 1 (OUygh.), boɣzɨ  (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. boɣoz
(MK, KB) 1; Tur. boɣaz 1, boɣurdak, boɣurtlak (dial.) 2; Gag. buwaz 1; Az.
372 *bṓlo - *bṓlo
boɣaz 1; Turkm. boGaz 1, boqurdaq 1; Sal. poɣtaχ, poχtaχ 1; Khal. boɣaz,
boɣuz, boɣɨz 1; MTurk. boɣuz (Abush., Бор. Бад.) 1, boqurdaq, boɣardaq
(Sangl.) 2; Uzb. bụɣiz 1; Uygh. boɣuz 1; Krm. boɣoz, boɣaz 1; Tat. buɣaz 1
(k), puɣɨrtaq (dial.), pūrtaq (dial.) 2; Bashk. boɣaδ 1, boɣarδaq ‘trachea’;
Kirgh. boɣos ‘place where two rivers meet’ (South.); Kaz. buɣaz, buɣɨz
‘shaft-bed in a shovel’ (dial.); KBalk. boqqur 2, boɣurdaq 2; KKalp. bu-
waz-aq ‘glass for a kerosene lamp’; Kum. boɣaz ‘channel, strait’; Nogh.
boɣaz ‘double chin; channel, strait’, boɣɨrdaq 1; Tv. boos (bosqu); Tof. boos
(boqsu); Chuv. pɨr 1; Yak. buosax 1.
◊ VEWT 78, TMN 2, 344, ЭСТЯ 2, 167-168, 184, Лексика 230-231. The derivative
*bokur-dak consistently displays reflexes of voiceless *-k-; it is present also in some re-
flexes of *boguŕ (Kirgh. boɣos, Kaz. buɣaz, Nogh. boɣaz, Bashk. boɣaδ, Kum. boɣaz) - all
probably under the influence of *bokak ‘crop, craw’ (v. sub *pk῾a).
PJpn. *pùkùm- to hold in mouth (держать во рту): OJpn. pukum-;
MJpn. fùkùm-; Tok. fukúm-; Kyo. fúkúm-; Kag. fùkùm-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ KW 28, Дыбо 5, Лексика 231-232. In Mong. the vocalism was in-
fluenced by a similar root (Mong. *bakaɣu, *bakalaɣur < *pŭk῾a q.v.); a
remnant of the original root vocalism may be seen in WMong. boɣaɣu
‘crop, goitre’ (coexisting with baqaɣu) - however, the latter form may as
well be a Turkism < Turk. *bokak.
-bṓlo ( ~ -e) to be: Mong. *bol-; Turk. *bōl-; Jpn. *br-.
PMong. *bol- to become (становиться): MMong. bol- (IM, SH, HYt),
bul- (MA); WMong. bol- (L 114); Kh. bol-; Bur. bolo-; Kalm. bol-; Ord. bol-;
Mog. bolu-; Dag. bol- (Тод. Даг. 127), bole- (MD 125), bolo-; Dong. bolu-,
volu- (MGCD: olu-); Bao. ol-; S.-Yugh. bol-; Mongr. boli- (SM 19), ōli- (SM
296), (MGCD: ulə).
◊ KW 50, MGCD 157.
PTurk. *bōl- to become (становиться): OTurk. bol- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bol- (MK, KB); Tur. ol-; Gag. ol-; Az. ol-; Turkm. bol-; Sal. vol-,
vō-, bō- (Тен.ССЯ); Khal. ôl-; MTurk. bol- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bụl-;
Uygh. bo(l)-; Krm. bol-; Tat. bul-; Bashk. bul-; Kirgh. bol-; Kaz. bol-;
KBalk. bol-; KKalp. bol-; Kum. bol-; Nogh. bol-; SUygh. pol-; Khak. pol-;
Shr. pol-; Oyr. bol-; Tv. bol-; Chuv. pol-; Yak. buol-; Dolg. buol-.
◊ EDT 331-332, VEWT 79, TMN 2, 358, ЭСТЯ 2, 185-188, Федотов 1, 442, Stachowski
66. Forms with o- may represent a different root (see *ol-tur-). On the other hand, the
geographical distribution of this variant matches quite closely the change *b- > v- in a
number of words with grammatical function (for Haladzh cf. vīer- ‘give’, vāor ‘there is’),
so most of the forms with o- may indeed reflect *bol- > *vol- > ol-; the different root *ol- is
with more certainty reflected only in Middle Uyghur (At., Tefs., IM - cf. bar, bir- in the
same sources) and Middle Kypchak (Bulgat, Ettuhf., see ЭСТЯ 2, 186).
PJpn. *br- to be (быть): OJpn. wor-; MJpn. wór-; Tok. ór-; Kyo. ór-;
Kag. ór-.
 *boĺe - *bóra 373
◊ JLTT 742. Accent in Tokyo is aberrant; all other dialects, as well as RJ wór-, point to
*br-.
‖ KW 50, Poppe 99, Miller 1981, 851, Street 1985, 639, АПиПЯЯ 68.
Doerfer (TMN 2, 358), quite fantastically, links also TM *ō- (what about
“Lautgesätze”?) : “altes indoeur. Lw. : *ol- ‘wollen’” (isn’t this “Om-
nikomparatismus”?).
-boĺe an indirect relative: Tung. *bulu-; Mong. *büli; Turk. *böĺük.
PTung. *bulu- bastard (внебрачный ребенок): Evk. bulumǯu.
◊ ТМС 1, 109. The word is attested only in Evk. ( whence Yak. bulumǯu - hardly vice
versa), but has possible external parallels.
PMong. *büli cousin, niece (son or daughter of mother’s relative);
family (двоюродный брат, двоюродная сестра (сын или дочь родст-
венника матери); семья): WMong. bülü, büli, böle (L 147); Kh. bül; Bur.
büle; Kalm. bülə, bölə; Dag. bule (Тод. Даг. 128); S.-Yugh. bulai; Mongr.
bulai.
◊ KW 55, 66, MGCD 175. Mong. > Turk. bula, Kaz. bölö, Yak. bile etc. (see the list in
ЭСТЯ 2, 217-218, Лексика 293-294), Evk. bule ‘family’.
PTurk. *böĺük a relation by marriage (свойственник, родственник
по браку): OTurk. böšük (OUygh.).
◊ EDT 380-381.
‖ Tekin 1979, 129-130. A Western isogloss.
-bŏĺi a k. of cedar, pine: Tung. *bolgikta; Mong. *bujil- / *büjil-; Turk.
*böĺ; Jpn. *pusi.
PTung. *bolgi-kta dwarf cedar (кедровый стланик): Evk. bolgig,
bolgikta; Evn. bolgịɣ, bolgịt; Neg. bolgịkta; Ul. bolǯịqta; Ork. boɣị, boɣịta;
Nan. bolGoqto (Kur-Urm.); Orch. boggikta; Ud. bogbö (Корм. 213).
◊ ТМС 1, 91-92.
PMong. *bujil- / *büjil- almond (миндаль): WMong. büilesü ~ bu-
jilasu (МХТТТ); Kh. bujls(an), büjls(en); Bur. büjlȫhe(n) ‘wild apricot’.
PTurk. *böĺ cedar, pinus Siberica (кедр, сибирская сосна): Oyr.
möš, = dial. (Bask. Tuba); Tv. pö῾š, (Castr. Krg.) böjš; Tof. böš; Yak. bes
‘pine’, dial. ‘larch bast’ (ДСЯЯ 1 81).
◊ VEWT 71.
PJpn. *pusi small shrubs used as firewood (кустарник, используе-
мый в качестве дров): MJpn. fusi.
‖ Дыбо 11. Mong. *bujil- is a regular dissimilation < *bulil-.
-bóra ( ~ -ŕ-) to divide: Tung. *borī-; Jpn. *bár-; Kor. *prí-.
PTung. *borī- to divide (разделять, отделять): Evk. borī-; Evn. borị-;
Neg. bojị-; Ul. borị-; Ork. borị-; Nan. borị-; Orch. boi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 95-96.
PJpn. *bár- to divide, split (разделять, расщеплять): OJpn. war-;
MJpn. wár-; Tok. wàr-; Kyo. wár-; Kag. wár-.
374 *bṓrk῾i - *borso(k῾V)
◊ JLTT 783.
PKor. *prí- to divide, split open (расщеплять, раскрывать): MKor.
prí-; Mod. parɨ-, pl-.
◊ Liu 375, KED 706, 765, 766.
‖ Martin 243. An Eastern isogloss.
-bṓrk῾i to cover, cover: Mong. *bürkü-; Turk. *bȫrk; Jpn. *púk-.
PMong. *bürkü- to cover (покрывать): MMong. burgu- (HY 38),
burku- (MA); WMong. bürkü-, bürke- (L 149, 150); Kh. bürxe-; Bur. bürxe-;
Kalm. bürkə-; Ord. bürχü-; Mog. bürkü- (Ramstedt 1906); ZM burk
‘clothed’ (10-2b); Dong. pugutu- ‘to become murky’; Mongr. puger
‘cover sp.’ (SM 306).
◊ KW 68. Mong. > Chag. bürke- etc.
PTurk. *bȫrk hat, cap (шапка, головная повязка): OTurk. börk
(OUygh. - Lig. VSOu); Karakh. börk (MK, KB); Tur. börk, (dial.) bürk,
pörk; Az. börk (dial.); Turkm. bȫrik; Khal. bök (KhM), birgäk; MTurk.
pörük (MA), börk (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. bụrk; Uygh. börk; Krm. bärik
(H), b’ork (T); Tat. bürek; Bashk. bürk; Kirgh. börük; Kaz. börik; KBalk.
börk; KKalp. börik; Kum. börk; Nogh. börk; SUygh. pörük, perik; Khak.
pörək; Shr. pörük; Oyr. börük; Tv. bört; Tof. bö’rt; Yak. bergehe; Dolg. ber-
gehe.
◊ EDT 362, VEWT 84, TMN 2, 289, ЭСТЯ 2, 221-223, Лексика 482, Stachowski 58. In
Tuva, Tof. *-rk > rt is regular. Reconstruction of length is not quite certain: Turkm. length
is not confirmed by Khalaj and contradicts pharyngealization in Tofalar. Turk. > WMong.
bürgü, Kalm. bürgə (KW 67), Khalkha bürx (although theoretically this may as well be an
indigenous derivative of bürü-, cf. similar Turkic forms: Tur. dial. bür-me, bür-gü ‘head-
gear’).
PJpn. *púk- to thatch (a roof) (крыть (крышу)): OJpn. puk-; MJpn.
fúk-; Tok. fùk-; Kyo. fúk-; Kag. fùk-.
◊ JLTT 694. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Cf. *bri (with possible contaminations).
-borso(k῾V) badger: Mong. *borki; Turk. *borsuk, *borsmuk; Jpn.
*bsákí, *ùsákí; Kor. *ùsrk.
PMong. *borki old badger (старый барсук): WMong. borki (L 121);
Kh. boŕx; Kalm. borkə.
◊ KW 52.
PTurk. *borsuk, *borsmuk badger (барсук): Karakh. borsmuq (MK),
borsuq (MK Oghuz); Tur. porsuk; Az. porsuG; Sal. porsuχ (ССЯ); MTurk.
porsuq (Sangl.); Uzb. bɔrsiq; Uygh. borsuq; Tat. bursɨq; Bashk. burhɨq;
Kirgh. borso-l-doj ‘young badger’; Kaz. borsɨq; KBalk. borsuq; KKalp.
porsɨq; Kum. porsuq; Nogh. borsɨq; Khak. porsɨx, morsɨx, (dial.) moršɨx;
Shr. porsuq; Oyr. morsɨq; Tv. morzuq; Tof. borsuq; Chuv. porъš.
◊ EDT 369, Лексика 164, TMN 2, 284, ЭСТЯ 7, Егоров 165, Федотов 1, 446-447. Re-
flexes of m- in Siberian languages may be due to the nasal in the suffix (cf. the form in
 *bru - *bru 375
MK). Among the traditional derivations one should mention the connection with *bur-sɨ-
‘to stink, rot’, but external parallels indicate that this is rather a folk etymology.
PJpn. *bsákí, *ùsákí hare (заяц): OJpn. usakji, OJ East. dial. wosagji;
MJpn. ùsági; Tok. ùsagi; Kyo. ùsàgí; Kag. usagí.
◊ JLTT 564, JOAL 116-118.
PKor. *ùsrk badger (барсук): MKor. ùsrk.
◊ Nam 390.
‖ The meaning in Jpn. (’hare’) is probably a result of contamination
with *togsV-k῾V ‘hare’ (which should have normally yielded PJ *tusaki);
this could also explain the tonal discrepancy between Jpn. and Kor.
Korean, as in several other cases, has a loss *b- > *0-; cf. Old Koguryo
*wus(i)kam ‘rabbit’ (see Miller 1979, 10). All languages reflect a trisyl-
labic form *borso-k῾V, with an original diminutive suffix. Loss of -s- in
Mong. is somewhat strange; cf. perhaps alternatively TM *barka-na
‘bear’s cub’ > Evk. barka-na, barka-čan, Neg. bajkana, Ud. bakana (ТМС 1,
75).
-bru (~ -a,-o) dust; smoke, whirlwind: Tung. *bure-ki; Mong. *bur-gi- /
*bür-gi-; Turk. *bur-uk; Kor. *pằrằ-m.
PTung. *bure-ki 1 dust 2 fresh snow (1 пыль 2 пороша): Evk. burki
2; Evn. bụrqụ 2; Man. buraki 1; Jurch. bureŋ-ki (59) 1; Ul. burexi 1; Nan.
burexĩ 1; Orch. burexi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 113.
PMong. *bur-gi- / *bür-gi- to rise (of dust, smoke) (подниматься (о
пыли, дыме)): MMong. burqalix ‘whirlwind’ (SH); WMong. burgi-(ra-)
(L 138), bürgi-ni-; Kh. burgi-; Bur. burja-, borjol- (Tsongol); Kalm. bürgn-,
bürgəń-; Ord. burgila-, burgi-; Mongr. puirā- (SM 306).
◊ KW 68. Mong. > Man. burgi-, see TMN 1, 227; > Turk. Uzb. burqira-n- ‘клубиться,
дымиться’, Kirgh. burk-ura-, burgu- ‘валить клубами’, Nogh. burkɨ-ra- ‘клубиться’,
Bashk. borqo- ‘вздыматься (о пыли)’, KKalp. burqɨ- ‘валить клубами’.
PTurk. *bur-uk 1 dust 2 smoke 3 to curl (of smoke) 4 to choke (in
smoke) 5 to blow (of a snow-storm) 6 to produce smoke puffs 7 soot (1
пыль 2 дым 3 клубиться (о дыме) 4 задыхаться (в дыму) 5 мести (о
вьюге) 6 пускать дым клубами 7 сажа): Turkm. buruG-sa- 3; Uzb. bu-
ruq-sa- 3; Uygh. burux-t-un bolmaq 4; Kirgh. buruq-su- 3, bur et- 3, bura-t-
6; Khak. pɨr 1, pɨrɨn 7, pur-la- 3, purɣun-na- 5; Shr. pɨrɨn 7; Yak. buruo (<
*burug) 2; Dolg. buruo 2.
◊ VEWT 89, Stachowski 67. The stem interacts with the derivatives of *bur- ‘to stink,
smell’ and *bur- ‘to twist’- see ЭСТЯ 2, 268-271
PKor. *pằrằm wind (ветер): MKor. pằrằm; Mod. param.
◊ Nam 241, KED 704.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288. See ТМС 1, 113 (Mong.-Tung.); despite ОСНЯ
1,188 the TM root is hardly related to Turk. *bōr (on which see *māro)
376 *boŕV - *buč῾o
and to Mong. bur ‘dirty, dark’. The Korean root belongs rather here
than to Manchu fara- ‘to dry’ (SKE 191).
-boŕV grey: Mong. *boro; Turk. *boŕ.
PMong. *boro grey (серый): MMong. boro (HY 42 ‘ashes coloured’,
SH), boră (MA); WMong. boro, (L 121) boru; Kh. bora; Bur. boro; Kalm.
borə; Ord. boro; Mog. borō ‘dunkelgelb, gelbbraun’ (Ramstedt 1906);
Dong. boro(ŋ); Mongr. burondog, boro (SM 28).
◊ KW 51, MGCD 584. Mong. > Evk. boro, boroŋ, Man. boro (ТМС 1, 96), see Doerfer
MT 60, Rozycki 34; Tat. bora, Yak., Dolg. boroŋ (Stachowski 62). Cf. also Mong. bur ‘dark,
sludgy’ - which, as well as Chag. bor ‘reddish (horse)’ etc. (see TMN 2, 330) are rather <
Pers. bōr ‘dark brown’.
PTurk. *boŕ ( ~ ō) grey (серый): OTurk. boz (OUygh.); Karakh. boz
(MK); Tur. boz; Gag. boz, bōz; Az. boz; Turkm. boz; MTurk. boz (Sangl.);
Uzb. bụz; Uygh. boz, bos; Tat. büz; Bashk. buδ; Kirgh. boz; Kaz. boz;
KBalk. boz; KKalp. boz; Kum. boz; Nogh. boz; SUygh. poz; Oyr. bos.
◊ EDT 388, VEWT 82, TMN 2, 335, ЭСТЯ 2, 171-173, Лексика 605. Turk. > Old Russ.
bosɨj, dial. búsɨj, busój, see Аникин 147 (with lit.).
‖ KW 51, Владимирцов 361, Poppe 20, 81, ОСНЯ 1, 183. A
Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Despite TMN 2, 335, Щербак 1997, 109, Mong.
cannot be borrowed from Turkic.
-bt῾é to bind: Tung. *botā-; Mong. *büči; Jpn. *pntk-; Kor. *pth-.
PTung. *botā- 1 to tie (with a knot) 2 to be bound, tied (1 вязать (уз-
лом) 2 завязаться): Evk. botō- 1; Evn. beteb- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 97. Cf. also *beti-ke ‘the hip part of high boots, trousers’ (ТМС 1, 127).
PMong. *büči string, rope (веревка): MMong. buči ‘braid, cord, belt’
(HY 23); WMong. büči (L 143); Kh. büč; Bur. büše; Kalm. büčə; Ord. büči.
◊ KW 70. Mong. > Tat. meče- ‘to harness an outrunner’, Kum. mičew ‘tow-line’ (with
secondary m-), whence Russ. бечева.
PJpn. *pntk- to untie (развязывать): OJpn. podok-; Tok. hodók-;
Kyo. hódók-; Kag. hòdòk-.
◊ JLTT 691.
PKor. *pth- to be attached (быть прикрепленным, прицеплен-
ным): MKor. pth-; Mod. put- [puth-].
◊ Nam 275, KED 846.
‖ Cf. *puti ‘quilt, weave’ and *p῾út῾a ‘thread, yarn’: the roots are
sometimes hard to distinguish.
-buč῾o ( ~ -o-) to dry on fire, under the sun: Tung. *bučī-; Mong. *bučal-;
Jpn. *pt-pər-; Kor. *pčōi-.
PTung. *bučī- 1 to dry on fire 2 to become dry 3 unripe, coarse (1 су-
шить у огня, вялить на огне 2 пересыхать, ссыхаться 3 неспелый, не-
обработанный): Evk. bučī- 1; Evn. bụčị- 1; Neg. bočị- 1, bočụxịn 3; Ul.
bučị- 2, bučule bi 3; Nan. bočo- 2, bočõ 3; Orch. buksa- 2, buču 3.
 *buda - *buda 377
◊ ТМС 1, 97-98, 117.
PMong. *bučal- to boil (варить, кипеть): MMong. bučal- (SH), bu-
čal(a)- (MA); WMong. bučal- (L 129); Kh. bucla-, bučla-; Bur. busal-; Kalm.
busl-; Ord. bučal-; Mog. bučōl-; ZM bečāl (14-7a); Dag. bačila- (Тод. Даг.
125), bačile- (MD 116); Dong. bučula-; S.-Yugh. puǯalu-.
◊ KW 63, MGCD 172.
PJpn. *pt-pər- 1 to emit heat 2 heat (1 испускать тепло 2 тепло):
OJpn. p(w)ot(w)op(w)or- 1; MJpn. fòtòfor- 1; Tok. hotoborí, hòtobori 2; Kyo.
hótóbórí 2; Kag. hotobóri 2.
◊ Dialects reflect both low and high tones. The consistent spelling fotofor- in RJ pre-
vents the analysis *pə- ‘fire’ + *təm(p)ə-r- ‘burn’ presented in JLTT 693.
PKor. *pčōi- to dry on fire, under the sun (сушить на огне, на солн-
це): MKor. pčōi-; Mod. č:wē-.
◊ Nam 432, KED 1491.
‖ Korean has a usual loss of narrow vowel between a stop and an
affricate. Cf. also Kor. č:i- ‘to steam, cook’ (SKE 32).
-buda to attach, follow, accompany: Tung. *boda-; Turk. *bodu-; Kor.
*pt.
PTung. *boda- to follow smb., accompany (следовать за кем-л., со-
провождать): Evk. bodo-; Evn. bod-; Neg. bodo-; Ul. bodo-; Ork. bodo-;
Nan. bodo-; Ud. bodo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 88.
PTurk. *bodu- 1 to fasten (with a nail, arrow) 2 to be fastened, at-
tached 3 wooden nail in camel’s nose for fastening the tether 4 nail (1
прикреплять, прибивать (гвоздем, стрелой) 2 быть прикреплен-
ным 3 деревянный гвоздик в носовой перегородке верблюда для
прикрепления привязи 4 гвоздь): OTurk. bodu- 1 (OUygh.), bodul- 2,
budlu 3 (OUygh. - YB); Karakh. bodu- 1 (MK), butlu ( = budlu) 3 (MK);
Tur. pojra ‘wheel hob’, dial. bujru, bujlu; Turkm. büjli 3; MTurk. bujla
(MA) 3; Uygh. bujla 3; Bashk. bujlɨq ‘a bridle detail, суголовник’; Kirgh.
bujla 3; Kaz. bujda 3; KKalp. bujda 3; Nogh. bojɨsqan (< *bodɨ-š-kan) ‘wool-
len lead for fastening calves during milking’; Khak. pozɨɣ 4; Shr. pozuɣ
4.
◊ EDT 300, 304, 305, ЭСТЯ 2, 287. The original meaning of the root is clearly ‘to fas-
ten, attach’. The -u-vowel in the name of camel harness may be a result of borrowing in
Karakh. from a Kypchak-type dialect, with further dispersion from Karakh. Тurk. bujla >
Mong. bujla ‘id.’ > Tuva bujla.
PKor. *pt friend, companion (друг, товарищ): MKor. pt; Mod. pt
[pəs].
◊ Nam 256, KED 771.
‖ A rather usual case of secondary nominalizing in Korean (cf. pa
‘rope’ < *b ‘to bind’ etc.).
378 *bgà - *bùjre
-bgà heat, steam: Tung. *bugar; Mong. *baɣa-gi-; Turk. *būg; Jpn.
*bák-.
PTung. *bugar burnt forest, wood (гарь, горелый лес): Evk. buɣar;
Evn. bōrin.
◊ ТМС 1, 101.
PMong. *baɣa-gi- to fumigate (дымить): WMong. baɣagi- (L 68); Kh.
bāgi-.
PTurk. *būg steam, fog (пар, туман): Karakh. bu (MK, IM); Tur. bu
‘aroma’ (poet.), buɣu ‘steam’; Gag. bū; Az. buG; Turkm. būG; MTurk.
buɣ (Sangl., Pav. C.), muɣ (Pav. C.); Uzb. buɣ, buɣ-la- ‘to steam’; Uygh.
buɣ; Krm. buv; Tat. bu, bu-la-n- ‘to vaporize’; Bashk. bɨw; Kirgh. bū; Kaz.
buw; buw-la- ‘to steam’, bu-la- ‘to treat with steam (medically)’; KBalk.
buwaq ‘hoar-frost’; KKalp. puw; Kum. buɣaq ‘hoar-frost’; Nogh. buw;
buwaldɨr ‘hoar-frost’; Oyr. buu; Chuv. pъₙv.
◊ EDT 292, VEWT 86, ЭСТЯ 2, 229-230, Лексика 37. The behaviour of final -g after a
long vowel is probably regular (although this combination is rather rare). Turk. >
MMong. buɣ (АФМ) ‘steam’ (Щербак 1997, 163).
PJpn. *bák- to boil, seethe (кипеть, варить(ся)): OJpn. wak-; MJpn.
wák-; Tok. wàk-; Kyo. wák-; Kag. wák-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Martin 226 compares the Jpn. form with Kor. pagɨl-, but PA *-g-
could not have been preserved in Korean. The latter should be rather
derived from PA *p῾ó[k]ù ‘swell’ q.v.
-bùjre wrong, bad: Mong. *buruɣu; Jpn. *bàr-; Kor. *ōi-.
PMong. *buruɣu wrong, bad (неверный, дурной, несправедли-
вый): MMong. buru’u (SH, HY 51), burū (MA); WMong. buruɣu (L 138);
Kh. burū; Bur. burū; Kalm. burū; Ord. burū; Dag. borō (Тод. Даг. 128,
MD 126); Dong. buru; S.-Yugh. burǖ; Mongr. burū.
◊ KW 62, MGCD 170. Mong. > Evk. burū etc., see Doerfer MT 123.
PJpn. *bàr- bad (плохой): MJpn. wàrò-; Tok. warú-; Kyo. wárù-;
Kag. warú-.
◊ JLTT 844.
PKor. *ōi- 1 bad, wrong 2 left (1 плохой, неверный 2 левый):
MKor. ōi- 1; Mod. ōi- 1, 2.
◊ Nam 386, KED 1221.
‖ In TM cf. perhaps Evn. bēruw- ‘to slander’ (ТМС 1, 127). Medial
*-j- should be reconstructed to account for the loss of *-r- in Korean; the
Korean word may belong here if it is another case of *b- > 0-, like in úrí
‘we’ < *b-ŕV, ì- ‘to be’ < *bíju, ù- ‘well’ < *bujri, ùsrk ‘badger’ <
*borso-k῾V.
 *bkà - *bŭkrV 379

-bkà chain, rim: Tung. *boKi-; Mong. *bugu-; Turk. *bukagu; Jpn.
*bàkù.
PTung. *boKi- chain (цепь): Neg. boxopụn; Ul. bojpụ(n); Nan. bojotõ;
Ud. baxula.
◊ ТМС 1, 90.
PMong. *bugu- 1 bracelet 2 noose (1 браслет 2 петля, аркан):
MMong. bugi ‘rope’, bugija ‘fetters’ (SH), buɣū 1 (IM 433), buqau 1 (MA);
WMong. buɣui, baɣu, baɣui 1 (L 71, 131), buɣujil 2 (L 131), baɣuu (SM) 1;
Kh. bugujvč 1, bugujl 2; Bur. bugāg 1, bugɨ, bugūli, bugɨbša 2; Kalm. buɣū
1, ‘neck bandage’; Ord. buGū 1; S.-Yugh. boʁopči 1; Mongr. baGūr 1 (SM
19).
◊ KW 58, MGCD 166, Дыбо 226. The word is attested already in SH, so it cannot be
(despite TMN 2, 278) a modern loanword from forms like Kirgh. buɣaw etc. See also notes
to *bog- (sub *bugu).
PTurk. *bukagu fetters, chain, string (путы, цепь, веревка): OTurk.
buqaɣu (OUygh.); Karakh. buqaɣu (MK); Tur. bukaɣɨ; Gag. buqaa, bɨqaa;
Az. buxov; Turkm. buqaw; MTurk. buqaɣu, buqaw (Sng., MA); Uzb.
bụɣɔw; Krm. buqov, buɣuw; Tat. boɣaw; Bashk. bɨɣaw; Kirgh. boɣoo; Kaz.
buɣaw; KBalk. buɣow; KKalp. buɣaw; Kum. buɣaw; Nogh. buɣaw; Chuv.
pъₙɣav ‘iron manacles’; Yak. bakājɨ (?).
◊ EDT 314, VEWT 87, ЭСТЯ 2, 248-250, Егоров 152, TMN 2, 277-278. Turk. > Mong.,
cf. MMong. buxa’u (SH) id., see TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 108. Yak. bakāji with irregular
-a- and -k- may reflect some interdialectal loan. Turk. > Hung. békó (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *bàkù spool, rim, frame (катушка, обод): Tok. wakú; Kyo.
wákù; Kag. wakú.
◊ JLTT 567.
‖ Дыбо 226 (Turc-Mong-TM).
-bŭkrV pea, nut, cone: Tung. *boKari, *boKa-kta; Mong. *buɣurčag;
Turk. *burčak; Kor. *phắs.
PTung. *boKa-ri, *boKa-kta 1 pea 2 cone 3 nut 4 tree fungus (1 го-
рох 2 шишка 3 орех 4 древесная губа): Evk. bokoto, bokokto 2, 3; Evn.
bokot 2, 3; Neg. boxoto 2, 3; Man. boχori 1, baa 2; Ul. bōqto 3; Ork. bōqto 2,
3; Nan. bōqto 3; Orch. bokto 3; Ud. bo῾to 2, 4 (Корм. 213); Sol. boxrō 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 90, 91. TM > Dag. bokrō ‘peas’ (Тод. Даг. 127). Nan. boχorị ῾pea’ is most
probably < Manchu.
PMong. *buɣurčag pea (горох): MMong. burčax (HY 8); WMong.
buɣurčaɣ, (L 132) buɣurčai; Kh. būrcag; Bur. būrsag ‘semen, fruit of vege-
tables’; Kalm. būrcəg; Ord. burčaq; Dag. borečō (MD 126), borčō; Dong.
puča, puǯa; Bao. pəǯaG; S.-Yugh. purčaG; Mongr. puaG (SM 305), puǯaG.
◊ KW 65, MGCD 171. Variants without -ɣ- (WMong. burčaɣ etc.) should be regarded
as Turkisms), but those with -ɣ- can be hardly explained in this way, despite Clark 1980,
43, Sukhebaatar; Southern Mong. forms are ambiguous, because they could have under-
went secondary vowel shortening.
380 *bktV - *bk῾e
PTurk. *burčak bean, pea (бобы, горох): OTurk. burčaq (OUygh.);
Karakh. burčaq (MK); Tur. burčak; Gag. borčaq; Turkm. burčaq; MTurk.
burčaq (Sangl.); Uzb. burčɔq; Uygh. počaq; Krm. burčax; Tat. borčaq;
Bashk. borsaq; Kirgh. [būrčaq < Mong.]; Kaz. buršaq; KBalk. burčaq;
KKalp. buršaq; Kum. burčaq; Nogh. buršaq; SUygh. pɨrčaq; Shr. mɨrčaq;
Oyr. mɨrčaq; Chuv. pъₙrźa, pəₙrźe.
◊ EDT 357, VEWT 89, ЭСТЯ 2, 275-277. Turk. > WMong. burčag, Kalm. burcəg (KW
62, see TMN 2, 281, Щербак 1997, 110). Chuv. > Mari pursa; Bulg. > Hung. borsó, see
Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *phắs beans, peas (бобы, горох): MKor. phắs; Mod. phat
[phath].
◊ Nam 462, KED 1739.
‖ Дыбо 10, AKE 15, EAS 58. Phonetically a rather complicated case
because of the rare medial cluster *-kr- with non-standard reflexes.
Turkic, Mongolian and probably Korean reflect a suffixed form
*bukrV-č῾V (MKor. phắs = *phắč < *bukVr-č῾V); medial -k- in the cluster
had disappeared in PT and yielded -ɣ- in Mong. Another derivative
from the same root may be the Turk.-Mong. name of various kinds of
berries: PT *bögürtlen ‘blackberry’ etc., Mong. *böɣerel(ǯi)gene ‘raspberry
etc.’ (KW 56).
-bktV leg, thigh: Tung. *begdi / *bugdi; Turk. *būt.
PTung. *begdi / *bugdi 1 leg 2 foot (1 нога (leg) 2 нога (foot)): Evk.
begdi 1; Evn. bȫdъl 1; Neg. begdi 1; Man. betxe 2; SMan. betəxə, betəkə 1, 2
(137, 2285); Jurch. bodi-xe (505) 2; Ul. begdi 1; Ork. begǯi 1; Nan. begd’i 2;
Orch. begdi 1; Ud. begdi 1; Sol. beldīr 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 118-119.
PTurk. *būt 1 thigh 2 leg, foot (1 бедро 2 нога): OTurk. but
(OUygh.) 2; Karakh. but (MK) 1; Tur. but 1; Gag. but 1; Az. bud 1;
Turkm. būt 1; Khal. būt 1; MTurk. but (Abush., Sangl.) 1; Uzb. but
‘groin’; Uygh. put 2; Krm. but 1; Tat. bot 1; Bashk. bot 1; Kirgh. but 2;
Kaz. but 1; KBalk. but 2; KKalp. put 1; Kum. but 2; Nogh. but 1; SUygh.
put 2; Khak. put 1; Oyr. but 2; Tv. but 2; Tof. but 2; Yak. būt 1; Dolg. būt
1.
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 297, ЭСТЯ 2, 280-281, Лексика 282, Stachowski 67.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 289, Лексика 282. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-bk῾e ( ~ -i) hill, mound: Tung. *būKa; Mong. *buka; Turk. *bük; Kor.
*puk ( ~ -ɨ-).
PTung. *būKa island (остров): Evk. būka, bukačān; Evn. bụqčan; Neg.
boxačan; Man. buqsa; Ul. bāča(n); Ork. boata; Nan. boačã; Orch. boača; Ud.
bugasa.
◊ ТМС 1, 104.
 *buk῾V - *bli 381

PMong. *buka 1 canal 2 haycock, shock (1 канал 2 копна): WMong.

buqa 1, buqal 2; Kh. buxaĺ 2; Bur. buxal 2; Kalm. buxə 1; Mog. ZM boqqn
‘hillock’ (17-9a).
◊ KW 58. The original meaning was ‘heap, mound of earth’ (whence also ‘island,
dam > canal’, cf. the meanings in related languages).
PTurk. *bük 1 wood, forest 2 hill 3 meadow 4 valley between
mountains (1 лес 2 холм 3 луг 4 долина между гор): Karakh. bük
‘bushes, underwood’, büktir ‘rocky mountain top’ (MK); Tur. bük
‘thicket at the waterside’; MTurk. bük 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. bük ‘thick
(wood, garden)’; Tat. bük (dial.) 3, püktɛr ‘snow-drift’ (КСТТ); Kirgh.
bök 2, böktör ‘foot-hills’; Kaz. bökter ‘steep hill’; Khak. pük 3; Shr. pük 3;
Oyr. bük 4; Tv. bü’k 4.
◊ VEWT 91, EDT 324, 325, ЭСТЯ 2, 291, Лексика 94.
PKor. *puk ( ~ -ɨ-) heaping of earth (куча земли): Mod. puk.
◊ KED 823.
‖ SKE 208, Дыбо 11. Cf. *buge, *pāko. Jpn. *bká is rather to be de-
rived from PA *úk῾e q.v. (although contaminations were possible).
-buk῾V to doubt, be stupid: Tung. *buK-; Mong. *bukinid-; Kor. *puki.
PTung. *buK- 1 to worry 2 to doubt, guess, contemplate (1 волно-
ваться 2 догадываться, сомневаться, раздумывать): Man. bue- 2;
Nan. bogbị- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 87, 105.
PMong. *bukinid- to be sad, grieve, be troubled (печалиться, горе-
вать; томиться, застаиваться): WMong. bukinid-, bokinid- (L 133); Kh.
buxinda-; Bur. buxinda-; Kalm. buxtənə- KPC 125.
◊ Mong. > Evn. boqụtna- (ТМС 1, 91).
PKor. *puki idiotic person, stupid character (глупец, дурак): Mod.
pugi.
◊ KED 810.
‖ One of the many verbs of emotion reconstructed for PA; cf. *pgo,
and perhaps Mod. Jpn. baka ‘fool’ (with expressive b-).
-bli to stir, shake, smear: Tung. *bul-; Mong. *büli-; Turk. *bulga-; Jpn.
*púr-.
PTung. *bul- 1 to smear 2 to caress, stroke (1 мазать 2 гладить):
Evk. bulku- 1, bul- 2; Evn. bel-, böl- 2; Neg. bolkị- 1, bul- 2; Man. bilu- 2;
Ul. bụlčị- 2; Ork. bolda- 1, bụlị- 2; Nan. buli- 2; Orch. būli-či- 2; Sol. bulgu-
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 105-106, 108.
PMong. *büli- to stir (взбивать, помешивать (кумыс)): MMong.
bule- (SH); WMong. büli-, büle- (L 146); Kh. büle-; Bur. büli-; Kalm. bülə-,
büĺ-; Ord. büli-.
◊ KW 66. Mong. > Russ. Siber. булить ‘to churn butter’, see Аникин 141.
382 *bŭlu - *bŭlV
PTurk. *bulga- to stir, stir up (помешивать, перемешивать):
OTurk. bulɣa- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. bulɣa- (MK); Tur. bula-; Gag.
bula-; Az. bula-; Turkm. bula-; Khal. bulɣa-; MTurk. bulɣa-; bula- (Sangl.,
Abush.); Uzb. bula-, bulɣa-; Uygh. bulɣu-; Krm. bulɣa-, bolɣa-; Tat. bolɣa-;
Bashk. bolɣa-; Kirgh. bulɣa-; Kaz. bɨlɣa-, bulɣa-; KBalk. bulɣa-; KKalp.
bɨlɣa-; Kum. bulɣa-; Nogh. bɨlɣa-, bulɣa-; SUygh. polɣa-, pula-; Khak.
pulɣa-; Shr. pulɣa-; Oyr. bulɣa-; Tv. bɨlɣa-, (dial.) bulɣa-; Tof. bulha-; Chuv.
pъlxa-n- ‘to become turbid’; Yak. bulā-, bulkuj-, bɨlā-; Dolg. bulkuj-.
◊ EDT 337, VEWT 88, ЭСТЯ 2, 253-256, Ашм. X, 112, Stachowski 65. The Turk. root
is the probable source of Mong. bulɣa- ‘to confuse, uprise’ (see TMN 2, 322-323, Щербак
1997, 110).
PJpn. *púr- to shake up, wave, rub (взмахивать, трясти, тереть):
OJpn. pur-; MJpn. fúr-; Tok. fùr-; Kyo. fúr-; Kag. fúr-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ See EAS 57-58, 106.
-bŭlu ( ~ -a, -o) cloud: Tung. *bol-; Turk. *bulut (*bulɨt).
PTung. *bol- 1 autumn 2 air 3 to blow (of wind, snow) (1 осень 2
воздух 3 дуть, падать (о ветре, снеге)): Evk. bolo 1, bolgo 2, bolī- 3; Evn.
bolnị 1; Neg. bolo 1; Man. bolori 1; SMan. bolori ‘autumn, fall’ (2728);
Jurch. bolo (75); Ul. bolo 1; Ork. bolo 1; Nan. bolo 1; Orch. bolo 1; Ud.
boloni 1; Sol. bolo 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 92-93.
PTurk. *bulut (*bulɨt) cloud (облако): Karakh. bulut (MK); Tur. bu-
lut; Gag. bulut; Az. bulut; Turkm. bulut; Sal. bu(:)lɨt; Khal. bulɨt; MTurk.
bulut (MA); Uzb. bulut; Uygh. bulut; Krm. bulut; Tat. bolɨt; Bashk. bolot;
Kirgh. bulut; Kaz. bult; KBalk. bulut; KKalp. bult; Kum. bulut; Nogh.
bulɨt; SUygh. pɨlɨt; Khak. pulut; Shr. pulut; Oyr. bulut; Tv. bulut; Tof. bu-
lut; Chuv. pəₙləₙt ‘sky, cloud’; Yak. bɨlɨt; Dolg. bɨlɨt.
◊ VEWT 88 (the connection with PT *bulga- ‘to mix’ is not obvious at all); TMN 2,
323; EDT 333, ЭСТЯ 2, 262-264, Лексика 24, Stachowski 71. Turk. > MMong. (ИМ) bulut,
see Щербак 1997, 163. Derived are Kypch. forms like Kaz., KKalp. buldɨr ‘foggy, cloudy’,
Kirgh. buldur ‘fuzzy, cloudy’, Nogh. buldɨr ‘id.’
‖ A Turk.-TM isogloss. A Nostratic etymology (Ural. *pilwe et al.)
see in ОСНЯ 1, 179-180.
-bŭlV to grab, find: Tung. *bule-; Mong. *buliɣa-; Turk. *bul-.
PTung. *bule-n enemy (враг): Evk. bulēn; Evn. bulъn.
◊ ТМС 1, 109-110.
PMong. *buliɣa- to attack, rob, grab (нападать, грабить, хватать):
MMong. buli- (SH) ‘to rob’, bulqa- (SH) ‘to fight’, balɣa ‘fighting’ (IM);
WMong. bulija- (L 134), buliɣa-; Kh. bulā-; Bur. buĺā-; Kalm. bulā-; Ord.
bulā-; Dag. baliē- (MD 119), bolē-; Dong. bili-; Bao. bəl-, bula-; S.-Yugh.
bələ-; Mongr. bulə-, buli- (SM 33).
 *bulV - *bĺa 383
◊ KW 59, MGCD 167. Mong. > Turk.: Kirgh. bula-, Uygh. bulu- ‘to rob’; > Yak., Dolg.
bɨlǯā- (Kał. MEJ 19, Stachowski 70). A Mong. source is possible also for the Chag. form
bula- (see above).
PTurk. *bul- to find (находить): OTurk. bul- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bul- (MK, KB); Tur. bul-; Gag. bul-; Khal. bul-; MTurk. bula-
(Pav. C. 174); Krm. bul-; Yak. bul-; Dolg. bul-.
◊ EDT 332, VEWT 87, ЭСТЯ 2, 252-253, Stachowski 65.
‖ KW 59, VEWT 87. A Western isogloss. In Turkic ῾find’ obviously <
῾grab, capture’, the original meaning being well preserved in PT *bulun
῾captive, prisoner’ (EDT 343).
-bulV ice, jelly-like substance: Tung. *belu / *bul-; Turk. *bul-.
PTung. *belu / bul- 1 flat, slippery ice surface 2 to become gelati-
nous, jelly-like (1 гладкая, скользкая поверхность льда 2 образовать-
ся (о льде, шуге, насте), застывать, становиться густым, студени-
стым): Evk. belu 1, buldi-lē- 2; Evn. buldid- 2; Neg. bel, bulǯi- 2; Ul. belu,
bolu 1, bulde- 2; Ork. belu 1; Nan. belu, bulu 1, bulǯi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 107, 124. Cf. also *bul-da- ‘slippery’ (ТМС 1, 107).
PTurk. *bul- 1 hoar-frost 2 frazil, icy surface (1 изморозь 2 наледь):
Turkm. buldurčɨn 1, buldura- ‘to glitter (of dew, hoar-frost)’; Uzb. bul-
duriq 1; Oyr. puluɣ 2 (dial., Leb. R); Tv. buluq 2; Yak. bulūs ‘glacier’.
◊ Лексика 38.
‖ A Turk.-TM isogloss. ? Cf. Karakh. buldunɨ ‘a k. of milk dish’ (MK)
( = Evk. buldumna, - if the original meaning was “congeal”).
-bĺa confusion, fright: Tung. *bolga-; Mong. *bala-; Turk. *būĺ-; Jpn.
*básúr-.
PTung. *bolga- 1 to be afraid 2 to worry 3 to be shy, confused (1 пу-
гаться 2 беспокоиться 3 робеть, смущаться): Evk. bolgo-; Neg. bolgo-
1; Ork. bolGo-; Nan. bōlda-ǯị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 92.
PMong. *bala- 1 guilt 2 reason, cause (1 вина 2 причина): WMong.
balaɣ 1, 2; Kh. balag 1, 2; Bur. balā 1, 2; Kalm. balā 2.
◊ KW 30.
PTurk. *būĺ- to be bad-tempered, irritable (быть раздражитель-
ным, иметь плохой характер, сердиться, возбуждаться): OTurk. buš-
(OUygh.); Karakh. buš- (MK, KB); Gag. būš-; Turkm. būš-la- ‘to be the
first to communicate good news’; MTurk. buš- (Abush., Sangl.); Uygh.
puš-; Krm. bušurɣan- ‘to argue, be disgusted’; Tat. poš-; Bashk. boš-;
Kirgh. bɨš-; KBalk. bušuw ‘sadness’; Kum. buš-; Khak. puzux- ‘to be sad’,
puzu-r-a- ‘to be inflamed’; Tv. bužurɣan- ‘to be anxious, angry’; Chuv.
pъžъ-r-ɣan- ‘to be anxious, sad’.
384 *bĺì - *bĺo
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 377, ЭСТЯ 2, 284-285, Мудрак Дисс. 96, Егоров 152, Федотов 1,
410. The devoicing in a number of Kypch. languages may be caused by the influence of a
Persian loan pušman, pušajman ‘remorse, regret’ (Гаффаров 1, 97).
PJpn. *básúr- to forget (забывать): OJpn. wasur-; MJpn. wásúrá-;
Tok. wàsure-; Kyo. wásúré-; Kag. wasuré-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Despite Poppe 75, the Tungus root has nothing to do with Mong.
bulga ‘confusion, uprise’ (a probable Turkic loanword, see under *búli).
Cf. *bùĺo.
-bĺì ( ~ -o-) joint, sinew: Tung. *bul-; Mong. *büli-ken; Jpn. *pùsì.
PTung. *bul- 1 to form, spring up (of an ulcer, lump, swelling) 2 to
be, become convex, pop out (of eyes) 3 sinew, cartilage (1 вскочить (о
волдыре, шишке) 2 вытаращить (глаза), быть лупоглазым, выпук-
лым 3 сухожилие, хрящ): Evk. bulbente- 1, bulle 3; Evn. boldụra 2, būlrъ
3; Neg. bule 3; Man. bulǯa- 1; Ork. bụldā-, bolǯịna 2; Nan. bolǯa- 2, bulte 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 106, 107, 108, 109.
PMong. *büli-ken sinew; thick part of sinew (толстое сухожилие,
мышечная связка): WMong. büleke, büleki, bülike(n); Kh. bülx; Bur.
bülxi(n); Kalm. bülkn.
◊ KW 66.
PJpn. *pùsì a knot, bamboo joint etc. (узел, сустав бамбука и т.п.):
OJpn. pusi; MJpn. fùsì; Tok. fushí; Kyo. fúshì; Kag. fushí.
◊ JLTT 418.
‖ Дыбо 311, Лексика 250-251.
-bĺo to pity, be sad: Tung. *bulī-; Jpn. *bsì-; Kor. *pr-.
PTung. *bulī- to be sad (тосковать): Evk. bulī-; Evn. bụl-; Ul.
bụldaǯị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 107-108.
PJpn. *bsì- to pity, regret (жалеть): OJpn. wosi-; MJpn. wòsì-; Tok.
oshí-; Kyo. óshì-; Kag. oshí-.
◊ JLTT 839.
PKor. *pr- to envy, be jealous (завидовать, ревновать): MKor.
pr-hằ-; Mod. purəp- (-w-).
◊ Liu 404, KED 813.
‖ Korean has a verbal low tone. An Eastern isogloss, but cf. *bĺa :
the two roots are very similar and their reflexes could have been mixed
in Turk. and Mong. (which also has a form bulara- (БАМРС) ‘to be ex-
hausted, tired’).
 *bŋe - *bri 385

-bŋe to howl: Tung. *būni-; Mong. *büŋsi-, *büɣüre-; Turk. *böŋre-;

Jpn. *bàmià-k- ( ~ -ai-).
PTung. *būni- to howl (выть): Evk. būnī-; Evn. būni-; Neg. būnī-; Ul.
buńi-ku ‘trumpet’; Ork. būni-; Nan. būni-ku ‘trumpet’; Ud. buni-; Sol.
būnī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 110. TM > Dag. būnī- (Тод. Даг. 128).
PMong. *büŋsi-, *büɣüre- to howl (выть): WMong. büŋsi- (MXTTT);
Kh. bünši-, bǖre-; Bur. ?? bǖje- ‘to hum’.
◊ A variant *möɣüre- is also attested (Khalkha mȫrö-, Mongr. mōro- (SM 242) etc.)
PTurk. *böŋre- to howl (кричать (в первую очередь, о живот-
ном)): OTurk. müŋre- (OUygh.); Karakh. müŋre- (MK); Tur. bögür-;
Turkm. möŋŋür-, möŋre-; MTurk. muŋra- (Sangl.); Uygh. möri-; Krm.
mövrä-; Tat. mögrɛ-; Bashk. möŋrä-; Kirgh. mȫrȫ-; Kaz. möŋire-; KKalp.
möŋrä-; Khak. mǖre-; Oyr. mȫrȫ-; Tv. mȫre-; Yak. möŋürüö-, mögürüö-.
◊ VEWT 342, EDT 770, ЭСТЯ 7. The variant *baŋra- is also attested (see VEWT 327).
PJpn. *bàmià-k- ( ~ -ai-) to howl (выть): MJpn. wamek-, womek-; Tok.
wamék-; Kyo. wámék-; Kag. wàmèk-.
◊ JLTT 783.
‖ Poppe 35, 73. An onomatopaeic root, but widely represented and
(except for secondary fronting *būŋi- > *būni- in TM) with quite regular
correspondences.
-bŭrdV beard: Tung. *burgakta (/*gurgakta); Mong. *burǯi-; Turk.
*burut.
PTung. *burgakta (/*gurgakta) beard, moustache (борода, усы):
Evk. gurgakta; Evn. gụrgъt; Neg. gojgakta; Ul. bụǯaqta; Ork. Gụdaqta;
Nan. boGaqta / boǯaqta; Orch. baǯakta; Ud. guakta; Sol. gụggakta, gụrgakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 173. Some languages reflect a secondary assimilation *burga-kta >
*gurga-kta.
PMong. *burǯi- fleecy, curly (of hair) (курчавый, пушистый):
WMong. burǯi- (L 140); Kh. burǯgar; Bur. burǯagar; Kalm. burzəɣər; Ord.
burǯuGur.
◊ KW 63. Cf. also *burči- id. (Kalm. burcəgr, KW 62).
PTurk. *burut moustache (усы): Turkm. murt; MTurk. burut (Pav.
C., MA); Uzb. murt, murut; Uygh. burut; Tat. murt (dial., Sib.); Kirgh.
murut; Kaz. murt; KKalp. murt, murut; Nogh. murt, murut.
◊ EDT 301 (sub bɨδɨk), VEWT 90, TMN 2, 290-291, Лексика 224 (with etymological
discussion).
‖ Лексика 224. A Western isogloss. TM reflects an early assimila-
tion (*burda-kta > *burga-kta) - the process which went on and led to a
further assimilation *burga-kta > *gurga-kta in some dialects.
-bri ( ~ -ū-, -e) to cover, shade: Tung. *bū-; Mong. *bürü-; Turk. *bürü-.
PTung. *bū- to shade (light) (заслонять свет): Evk. bū-.
386 *bŭri - *bùro
◊ ТМС 1, 99. Cf. perhaps also: Evk. boro ‘dusk’; Manchu boro ‘hat (made of straw)’
(see ТМС 1, 96). A possible derivative is also *bō-gda ‘hat; upper clothes’ (ТМС 1, 87).
PMong. *bürü- 1 to cover 2 dusk, darkening (1 закрывать 2 сумер-
ки, сумеречный): MMong. buri- 1 (SH), b[o]r[o]nčäk ‘cover, blanket’
(IM); WMong. bürüj, bürüg 2 (L 150); Kh. büre- 1, bürǖl, bürij 2; Bur. büri-
1, bürǖl, bürǖr 2; Kalm. bür- 1, bürǖ 2; Ord. büri- 1; Dag. burī (Тод. Даг.
128, MD 127) 2, burgiēn 2; S.-Yugh. burʁoloG 2; Mongr. burə-, buri- 1.
◊ KW 68, 69, MGCD 177, 178. Mong. > Man. buri- etc., see Doerfer MT 142.
PTurk. *bürü-, *bür-ke- to cover up (покрывать, закрывать):
Karakh. bürün- ‘to be covered’ (MK, KB), bürkek ‘cloudy’, bürkür- ‘to
become cloudy’ (MK); Tur. bürü- (also of clouds), bürge, bürgü ‘kerchief,
thin curtain’; Gag. bürü-; Az. bürü-; Turkm. büre-; MTurk. bürke- (MA,
Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. burka-; Uygh. pü(r)kä-; Tat. börkɛ-; Bashk. börkä-n-
‘to be covered’, börköü ‘stifling’; Kirgh. bürkö-; Kaz. bürke-; KKalp.
bürke-; Kum. bürke- (also of clouds); Nogh. bürke-; Khak. pürge-; Shr.
pürge-; Oyr. bürke-; Tv. bürge- (also of clouds); Tof. bürhü-; Chuv. pəₙrke-;
Yak. bürüj-; bürküj- ‘to become cloudy’; Dolg. bürüj-; bürkük ‘cloudy’.
◊ EDT 363, 367, ДТС 133, VEWT 92, ЭСТЯ 2, 296-298, Stachowski 68. The form in
-ke- is an intensive and can hardly be regarded as a mongolism.
‖ KW 68, Poppe 111, ОСНЯ 1, 192. A Western isogloss - but Mong.
is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 111. Cf. *bṓrk῾i.
-bŭri ( ~ -ŕ-, -o-, -e) to die, perish: Tung. *bu(r)-; Mong. *bür-il-.
PTung. *bu(r)- to die (умирать): Evk. bu-; Evn. bu-ni ‘deceased’;
Neg. bu-; Man. buče-; SMan. bečə- (744); Jurch. bu-če-xie (389); Ul. bu(l)-;
Ork. bu(l)-; Nan. bude-, bu(r)-; Orch. bu-de-, bu-kki-; Ud. bu-de-, bu-kki-;
Sol. bu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 98-99.
PMong. *bür-il- to die, perish (погибать, разрушаться): MMong.
burel- (tr.) (SH); WMong. büril- (L 149); Kh. bürle-; Ord. bürilge-.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290, ТМС 1, 99. A Mong-Tung. isogloss. TM demon-
strates an exceptional case of loss of *-r- (recoverable in some forms of
the paradigm) after an original short vowel, so the root may have been
monosyllabic (*buŕ) in PA.
-bùro ( ~ -o-, -ŕ-) to break, crush: Tung. *bur-; Mong. *burči-; Jpn. *br-.
PTung. *bur- to crush, demolish (ломать, уничтожать): Evk. burgī-;
Evn. borg-.
◊ ТМС 1, 112. Cf. also Evk. borowun ‘scraper (for bone)’, burbenti- ‘to break through’
(ТМС 1, 96, 111).
PMong. *burči- to crush, destroy (ломать, разрушать): WMong.
burči- (L 137); Kh. burša-, borči-; Bur. buršī- ‘to be wrinkled, rumpled’.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. burǯugui ‘корявый’ and a number of other Kypch. forms.
 *bŭsi - *bté 387

PJpn. *br- to break; to bend (ломать; гнуть): OJpn. wor-; MJpn.

wòr-; Tok. ór-; Kyo. òr-; Kag. òr-.
◊ JLTT 742.
‖ A reconstruction of *-ŕ- is also possible; in the latter case Turkic
could have merged the root with *buŕ- < *muŕu q.v.
-bŭsi ( ~ -o-, -e) kidney, liver: Tung. *bosa-kta; Mong. *büse; Turk.
*bögse(k) < *bös-ge(k).
PTung. *bosa-kta kidney (почка): Evk. bosokto; Evn. bost; Neg.
boxokto; Man. bosχo; SMan. bošəqu, bosəqu ‘kidneys’ (92); Ul. bosoqto;
Ork. bosoqto; Nan. bosoqto; Ud. bōkto; Sol. bosokto.
◊ ТМС 1, 97. TM > Dag. basarta (Тод. Даг. 125).
PMong. *büse belt (пояс): MMong. buse (HY 23, SH), busä (IM), bus
(MA), būse (Lig.VMI); WMong. büse (L 151); Kh. büs(en); Bur. behe;
Kalm. büsə; Ord. büse; Dag. bese, buse (Тод. Даг. 126, MD 122); Dong.
pišie; Bao. se; S.-Yugh. pəsē; Mongr. puʒə, busə (Huzu).
◊ KW 69, MGCD 179. Mong. > Evk. buse, see Doerfer MT 94.
PTurk. *bögse(k) < *bös-ge(k) a part of human or animal trunk
(часть туловища): OTurk. bögsig ‘some part of body (belly?)’ (OUygh.);
Karakh. bökseg ‘woman’s breast; upper part of chest’ (MK); MTurk.
bökse ‘the part of a human or animal body above the waist’ (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. bụksa ‘side part of the body below the breast and down to
the hip; (dial.) lower part of body’; Tat. büksɛ ‘belly; bird crop’; Bashk.
bükϑä ‘short person (abusive)’; Kirgh. böksö ‘side of body; foot-hill’;
KBalk. böksün ‘half of animal carcass’; Tv. böskek ‘bird’s breast’; Tof. bök-
sek ‘bird’s breast’; Chuv. pəₙźexe ‘crop’; Yak. böskö-j- ‘to appear abdomi-
nous’.
◊ EDT 329, VEWT 84, 83, ЭСТЯ 2, 213-214, Лексика 278. Forms without -k meaning
‘buttock’ or ‘lower part of body’ are most probably borrowed < Mong. *bögse, having
quite different origin (see under *poko) - although some contaminations were not ex-
cluded.
‖ A Western isogloss - but cf. also MKor. khòŋ-phắs ‘kidney’ (khòŋ
‘bean’), where phắs is also folk-etymologically analysed as ‘bean’, but
may in fact continue the same Altaic root.
-bté itch, scab: Tung. *butu-; Mong. *bodu(ɣa); Turk. *büt-; Jpn.
*pàtákài.
PTung. *butu- 1 a hoof disease, to suffer from hoof disease 2 pim-
ple, pustule, to pustulate (1 копытница (болезнь оленей), болеть ко-
пытницей 2 прыщ, угорь, покрываться прыщами, пупырышками):
Evk. butu-, butun 1, buture- 2; Evn. butuke; Man. buturi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 116.
PMong. *bodu(ɣa) smallpox (оспа): WMong. bodu(-ɣa) (L 109); Kh.
bodō; Kalm. bodə; Ord. bodō.
388 *bt῾ù - *bt῾ù
◊ KW 48. Mong. > Evk. budan ‘rash’.
PTurk. *büt- to heal (of a wound) (заживать (о ране)): OTurk. büt-
(OUygh.); Karakh. büt- (MK); Turkm. bit-; bitik ‘scar, cicatrice’; MTurk.
büt- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bit-; Tat. bet-äš-; Bashk. böt-öš-; Kirgh. büt-;
Kaz. bit-; KKalp. pit-; Nogh. bit-; Khak. püt-; Oyr. büt-; Tv. bü’t-; Yak.
büt-.
◊ EDT 299 (sub *büt- ‘finish’), ЭСТЯ 2, 154-155. Cf. also Chuv. pɨtča ‘гнойный
лишай’.
PJpn. *pàtákài mange, scabies (чесотка): OJpn. patake; MJpn. fàtákè;
Tok. hàtake; Kyo. hàtákè; Kag. hataké.
◊ JLTT 401. The Tokyo accent is irregular (hátake would be expected).
‖ PJ has irregular devoicing *b- > p- here. Turkic forms may belong
here if they are not a specialized semantic development of *büt- ‘to fin-
ish, end’ (a secondary merger is possible).
-bt῾ù ( ~ -o-) to beat, break: Tung. *bute-, *butekte-; Mong. *buta-; Jpn.
*pùt-; Kor. *putɨ’ič-.
PTung. *bute-, *butekte- to break, crush (ломать, дробить, разби-
вать): Evk. butēkte-; butukte ‘piece’; Evn. bt-; Neg. bokta-l-; Ul. bụqta-;
Nan. boqta-; Orch. buktaga-; Ud. bukta-.
◊ ТМС 1, 116.
PMong. *buta- 1 to break 2 be broken (1 ломать 2 ломаться):
MMong. butăra- (MA); WMong. buta-ra- (L 141) 2; Kh. butar- 2, butal- 1;
Bur. butar- 2; Kalm. butr- 2; Ord. butara- 2; Dong. pudura- (MGCD), pu-
tura- 2; Mongr. pudərā- (SM 304) 2!.
◊ KW 63, MGCD 172. Mong. > Chag. butra- etc. (VEWT 90-91, ЭСТЯ 2, 308-309) (not
vice versa, despite Щербак 1997, 110: OTurk. budra- is invented, and OTurk. budraq ‘scat-
tered’ is a hapax misinterpreted by Malov, see EDT 307).
PJpn. *pùt- to beat, hit (бить): Tok. bút-; Kyo. bùt-; Kag. bùt-.
◊ A verb (not attested in OJ) with an expressive voicing *p- > b-. See JLTT 680.
PKor. *putɨ’ič- to hit, bump, collide (бить, сталкиваться): MKor.
putɨ’ič-; Mod. pudit- [putič-].
◊ Nam 265, KED 812.
‖ Poppe 21, 101; Martin 233.
 Č

-čằbà ( ~ -o) sack: Tung. *ǯaPku; Jpn. *tàpàra; Kor. *čar.

PTung. *ǯaPku quiver (колчан): Man. ǯabqu; Ul. ǯapaụ(n); Nan. ǯafụ;
Orch. ǯapku.
◊ ТМС 1, 251.
PJpn. *tàpàra sack (мешок): MJpn. tàfàra; Tok. tawará; Kyo. táwàrà;
Kag. tawará.
◊ JLTT 544.
PKor. *čar sack (мешок): MKor. čar; Mod. čaru.
◊ Nam 416, KED 1376.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Kor. *čàr is a contraction < *čawar < *čabar.
-čabV helmet, headgear: Tung. *ǯabuka; Mong. *daɣulga.
PTung. *ǯabuka ear-flaps, headgear (наушники): Ul. ǯawa; Nan.
ǯaụa; Orch. ǯawa, ǯauka; Ud. ǯauga.
◊ ТМС 1, 240.
PMong. *daɣulga helmet (шлем): MMong. du’uluqa (HY 19),
dăwulɣa (MA); WMong. daɣulɣa, duɣulɣa (L 271); Kh. dūlga; Bur. dūlga;
Kalm. dūlɣə, dūlxə; Ord. dūlGa.
◊ KW 104. Mong. > Chag. davulɣa, dubulɣa, duvulɣa, duluɣa, see Щербак 1997, 203.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-čágo a k. of small predator: Tung. *ǯagari; Mong. *ǯeɣe-ken; Turk.
*ToK- (?).
PTung. *ǯagari bear’s head; bear (3 y. old) (голова медведя; мед-
ведь (3-х лет)): Evk. ǯaɣari; Neg. ǯaɣaskačān; Man. ǯajra ‘медведица
(самка медведя-муравьеда)’; Nan. ǯārị; Ud. ǯāi.
◊ ТМС 1, 242.
PMong. *ǯeɣe-ken 1 wolverine 2 jackal (1 росомаха 2 шакал):
MMong. ǯo’ebori 2 (SH); WMong. ǯegeken (L 1051: ǯigege) 1, čöge-büri 2;
Kh. ʒēx(en) 1, cȫvör 2; Bur. zēgen 1; Kalm. zēgən 1 (КРС).
◊ On -büri see under *beltereg.
PTurk. *ToK- weasel (ласка): Khak. totxanax (Sag.); Shr. toqɨnas,
toqumas, toqumdas (R); Oyr. toqtonoq; Tv. toqtan (R).
◊ VEWT 485. A local Syberian form, probably a compound of the expected *dog-
with some obscure second component (possibly *dog-kumtɨŕ ‘weasel-beaver’).
390 *čkte - *člo
‖ A Western isogloss. Initial ǯ- in Mong. is irregular (one should ex-
pect either *deɣe-ken or *čiɣe-ken: cf. in this respect the interesting
WMong. form čöge-büri ( < *čiɣö-büri ?) ‘jackal’); this may be due to an
interaction with Turk. *jēbke (see under *zībekV).
-čkte pine, larch: Tung. *ǯagda; Turk. *Tt.
PTung. *ǯagda pine-tree (сосна): Evk. ǯagda; Evn. ǯaɣd; Neg. ǯagda;
Man. ǯaqdan; SMan. ǯahədə, ǯahədā (2158); Ul. ǯagda; Nan. ǯāGda; Sol.
ǯagda.
◊ ТМС 1, 242. Cf. also Evk. dkta, Evn. dt, Orok ǯēqta ‘fir-needles, fallen leaves’ (ТМС
1, 202) - dialectal variants? A TM source is very probable for WMong. ǯodaw, Khalkha
ǯodō, Bur. žodō “Siberian fir tree”.
PTurk. *Tt larch-tree (лиственница): OTurk. tɨt (OUygh.); Karakh.
tɨt (MK); Tat. tet aɣac (dial., КСТТ 200); Kirgh. tɨt ‘mulberry tree’; Khak.
tɨt; Shr. tɨt; Oyr. tɨt; Tv. dɨt; Tof. tɨt (Рас. ФиЛ), dɨt / tɨt; Yak. tīt; Dolg. tīt.
◊ VEWT 479, EDT 449, Stachowski 224. The meaning in Kirgh. is influenced by tut <
Iran., see Стеблин-Каменский 1982, 88-89.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; the PT form, despite Helimski 1995, is
hardly < Sam.
-člo full, fill: Tung. *ǯalu(-m); Mong. *del-; Turk. *dōl-; Jpn. *tár-; Kor.
*čăra-.
PTung. *ǯalu(-m) full (полный): Evk. ǯalum; Evn. ǯalụ-; Neg. ǯalum;
Man. ǯalu-; SMan. ǯalū (2629); Jurch. ǯaw-lu-xa (726); Ul. ǯalụ(n); Ork.
dalụmǯị; Nan. ʒalo; Orch. ǯalu-; Sol. ǯal.
◊ Derived from PTM *ǯalu- ‘to fill, be filled’. See. ТМС 1, 247.
PMong. *del- 1 full, abundant, wide 2 to expand 3 wide, broad (1
полный, обильный, обширный 2 расширяться 3 обширный, широ-
кий): MMong. delger 1, delge- 2, delike (HY 54), delegai 3 (SH); WMong.
delger 1 (L 249), delge-, dele-, deli- 2 (L 248, 249, 250), delegei 3 (L 248:
delegüü); Kh. delger 1, delge-, dele- 2, delxij, delǖ 3; Bur. delger; Kalm. delgr
1, del- 2; Ord. delger 1; Dag. delgere-, delgē- (Тод. Даг. 136: delge-, del-
gere-); S.-Yugh. delgeri, delgē-; Mongr. derge- ‘éteindre, déployer, étaler,
dérouler’ (SM 52), dəlge-.
◊ KW 86, MGCD 214, 215. Mong. > Yak. delegej, delej; > Oroch dele, Ul. delen, Nan. dele,
delekũ, Man. deleǯen ‘open space’ (ТМС 1, 233, 234).
PTurk. *dōl- full (полный): OTurk. tolu (OUygh.); Karakh. tolu
(MK); Tur. dolu; Gag. dolu; Az. dolu; Turkm. dōlɨ; Sal. doli(:); t῾olɨ (Ka-
kuk); tōl- v. (ССЯ); Khal. tūol- (v.); MTurk. tola (Abush., Pav.C.); Uzb.
tụla; Uygh. tola, tolɣan; Krm. tolɨ; Tat. tulɨ; Bashk. tulɨ; Kirgh. tolo; Kaz.
tolɨ; KBalk. tolu; KKalp. tolɨ; Kum. tolu; Nogh. tolɨ; SUygh. tolo; Khak.
tol- (v.); Shr. tol-dɨr- (v.); Oyr. tolo; Tv. dolu; Tof. dolu; Chuv. tol- (v.), tolli;
Yak. tuol- (v.), toloru; Dolg. tuol- (v.), toloru.
 *čălù - *čalu 391
◊ VEWT 486, EDT 491-492, ЭСТЯ 3, 257-259, Stachowski 226, 231. PT *dōl-ɨ is derived
from *dōl- ‘to get filled’.
PJpn. *tár- be sufficient, full (б. достаточным, полным, хватать):
OJpn. tar-; MJpn. tar-; Tok. tàri-; Kyo. tárí-; Kag. tarí-.
◊ JLTT 764.
PKor. *čăra- be sufficient, enough (быть достаточным): MKor.
čăra-; Mod. čara-.
◊ Nam 412, KED 1375.
‖ Martin 243, JOAL 133-137, Miller 1981, 853, 858, 863; 1986,
195-196, АПиПЯЯ 13, 45-46, 75, 282, Дыбо 12.
-čălù a k. of broad-leaved plant: Tung. *ǯali-kta; Mong. *daldawu; Turk.
*dal; Jpn. *tùrù; Kor. *čùr-kí.
PTung. *ǯali-kta 1 hawthorn 2 willow (1 боярышник 2 ива): Evk.
ǯalikta 1; Neg. ǯālta 1; Ul. ǯatala 2; Ork. dātaqta 1; Nan. ǯalaqta 2; Ud.
ǯalikta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 246, 253.
PMong. *daldawu lime-tree, linden (липа): WMong. daldau (L 226:
dalduu); Kh. daldū.
PTurk. *dal 1 branch 2 tree 3 willow (1 ветка 2 дерево 3 ива, верба):
OTurk. tal 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. tal 1 (KB), 3 (MK); Tur. dal 1; Gag. dal 1;
Az. dal 1; Turkm. tal 3; Sal. dāl 2; MTurk. dal 3 (Pav. C.), tal 1 (Pav. C.,
Abush.); Uzb. tɔl 3; Uygh. tal 3; Krm. tal 3; Tat. tal 3, (dial.) 1; Bashk. tal
3; Kirgh. tal 3; Kaz. tal 1, 3; KBalk. tal 3 (also ‘poplar’); KKalp. tal 1, 3;
Kum. tal 3; Nogh. tal 3; Khak. tal 3; Shr. tal 3; Oyr. tal 3; Tv. tal 3; Yak.
talax 3; Dolg. talak 1, 3.
◊ EDT 489, VEWT 457, ЭСТЯ 3, 130-131, Лексика 125-126, Stachowski 216. Turkm.
tal (with irregular t-) may be a loan from Kypchak: there seems to be no reason to postu-
late two different roots for PT.
PJpn. *tùrù vine (лоза): Tok. tsurú; Kyo. tsúrù; Kag. tsurú.
◊ JLTT 557.
PKor. *čùr-kí stalk, branch without leaves (стебель, ветка без ли-
стьев): MKor. čùrkí; Mod. čulgi, čulgəri.
◊ Liu 672, HMCH 297, KED 1507.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13, 77, 288, Дыбо 10. Jpn. and / or Kor. can be also
compared with TM *čuru- ‘willow, poplar’ (ТМС 2, 417); this could ex-
plain the tonal discrepancy between Jpn. and Kor.
-čalu wave, to overflow: Tung. *ǯal-; Mong. *dolgi-; Turk. *dal-g-.
PTung. *ǯal- 1 to overflow (of sea, river) 2 to be agitated, wave (of
sea) 3 spirit - master of the sea (1 заливать, затоплять водой 2 пле-
скаться, волноваться (о море) 3 дух-хозяин моря): Evk. ǯalki- 2; Evn.
ǯāl-, ǯālqab- 1; Neg. ǯalalgun 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 245, 246. Evk. ǯalki- > Yak. ǯalkɨj- id. (not vice versa, despite ТМС).
392 *čma - *čaŋgu
PMong. *dolgi- wave (волна): MMong. doligijan (HY 3); WMong.
dolgija(n) (L 259); Kh. dolgio(n); Bur. dolgin, doljodo-; Kalm. doĺɣān; Dag.
dolǵēn (Тод. Даг. 137), doleǵēn (MD 137).
◊ KW 94, MGCD 184. Mong. > Evk. dolgin etc., see Doerfer MT 102; > Yak., Dolg. dol-
guj- (see VEWT 458, 487, Stachowski 81-82).
PTurk. *dal-g- wave (волна): Tur. dalga 2; Az. dalɣa 2; MTurk. talɣa
‘Wellenschlag’, talɣum, talqum ‘sea waves’.
◊ KW 94, VEWT 458, 487. An Oghuz word.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-čma to hesitate, argue: Tung. *ǯām-; Mong. *dam-; Jpn. *tàmiàrap- ( ~
-ai-).
PTung. *ǯām- 1 argument, quarrel 2 to argue (1 спор, ссора 2 спо-
рить): Man. ǯaman 1, ǯamara- 2; Nan. ǯāmorã 1, ǯāmora- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 247.
PMong. *dam- to hesitate (сомневаться): WMong. damna-, damla- (L
228); Kh. damna-, damla-; Bur. damžag-guj ‘doubtless, certain’; Kalm.
damnə-.
◊ KW 75, 76.
PJpn. *tàmiàrap- ( ~ -ai-) to hesitate (сомневаться): MJpn. tàmèraf-;
Tok. tamerá-; Kyo. támérá-; Kag. tamerá-.
◊ JLTT 763. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular (under literary influence).
‖ One of the suffixed forms - *čma-rV- (TM *ǯāmV-ra-) or *čma-lV-
(Mong. *dam-la-) may be reflected in PJ *tàmià-ra-; the diphthong -ia- ( ~
-ai-) may, however, suggest a more complex origin of the Japanese
form.
-čamu a k. of tree: Tung. *ǯamu; Mong. *dom; Jpn. *tum(u)i.
PTung. *ǯamu brier (шиповник): Man. ǯamu, ǯamuri; SMan. ǯamərə
(2166); Ud. ǯamukta.
◊ See ТМС 1, 247-248.
PMong. *dom lime-tree, linden (липа): WMong. dom (L 260); Kh.
dom.
PJpn. *tum(u)i mulberry (тутовое дерево): OJpn. tum(j)i.
‖ Cf. *ńam(ń)ekt῾V (partial contaminations were possible). WMong.
ǯamur ‘fruit of sweet-briar (eglantine)’ (L 1033) is most probably a Man-
chu loanword.
-čaŋgu gift, loan: Tung. *ǯaŋ(g)-; Jpn. *tu(n)ku-.
PTung. *ǯaŋ(g)- 1 be in need, straitened 2 loan, as a loan (1 терпеть
нужду 2 долг, взаймы): Man. ǯaŋGala- 1; Sol. ǯan-da, ǯan-či 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 249.
PJpn. *tu(n)ku- 1 toll, tribute 2 to compensate, reimburse (1 пошли-
на, дань 2 компенсировать, вознаграждать): OJpn. tuki 1; MJpn.
 *čărikV - *čĕk῾a 393

mí-túki-mono 1, tùkùnóf- 2; Tok. mìtsugi 1, tsuguná- 2; Kyo. mítsúgí 1,

tsúgúná- 2; Kag. mitsúgi 1, tsuguná- 2.
◊ JLTT 482, 772. Accent variation is not quite clear: the noun points to high tone, the
verb - rather to low tone (although their relationship can hardly be doubted).
‖ A Tungus-Japanese isogloss; not quite secure because of sparse at-
testation in TM.
-čărikV a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *ǯarikta; Mong. *čirgaj; Turk. *dẹrek.
PTung. *ǯari-kta hawthorn (боярышник): Ul. ǯaraqta; Nan. ǯarịqta;
Orch. ǯarakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 246.
PMong. *čirgaj dense, tall (forest) (густой, высокоствольный (о ле-
се)): WMong. čirɣai (L 192); Kh. čargaj; Bur. šereŋgi ‘thin growth, pinery’
(?); Kalm. čirɣā ‘dense (branches); a k. of tree or bush’.
◊ KW 442.
PTurk. *dẹrek 1 poplar 2 tree (1 тополь 2 дерево): Karakh. terek 1
(MK); Tur. tirek (dial.) 2; Turkm. derek 1; MTurk. terek 1 (Abush., Sangl.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. terak 1; Uygh. deräk 1; Krm. terak 2; Tat. tirɛk 1; Bashk.
tiräk 1; Kirgh. terek 1; Kaz. terek 1, 2; KBalk. terek 2; KKalp. terek 1; Kum.
terek 2; Nogh. terek 1; SUygh. terek 2; Khak. tirek 1; Shr. terek 1; Oyr. terek
1; Tv. terek 1; Chuv. tirek 1; Yak. tirex 1.
◊ VEWT 475, EDT 543, ЭСТЯ 3, 205-206, Лексика 105, 134-135. Iranian origin is quite
improbable.
‖ A Western isogloss. Closed *ẹ in PT is not quite clear: perhaps a
secondary narrowing in a disyllabic structure.
-čĕk῾a to repeat, again, always: Tung. *ǯeki; Mong. *daki-; Turk. *d(i)akɨ;
Jpn. *təkə.
PTung. *ǯeki always, constantly (всегда, постоянно): Neg. ǯek; Ul.
ǯek-ǯek; Nan. ǯek; Orch. ǯe, ǯeki; Ud. ǯe ‘at this time’.
◊ ТМС 1, 283.
PMong. *daki- 1 to repeat 2 one more time, again (1 повторять 2
снова): WMong. daki- 1 (L 223); Kh. daxi- 1, daxin 2; Bur. daxi- 1, daxin 2;
Kalm. däkən 2; Ord. daχi- 1; Dag. dagi- (MGCD 206), dagī ‘again’ (Тод.
Даг. 134).
◊ KW 73. Mong. > Evk. daki etc., see Doerfer MT 76.
PTurk. *d(i)akɨ 1 additionally, and others, plus 2 again, once more
(1 кроме того, к тому же, и другие, больше, вдобавок 2 опять, еще
раз): OTurk. taqɨ 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. taqɨ 1 (MK); Tur. daha 1, bir daha
2 (takɨ as a clitic); Gag. tā 1, 2; Az. däxi ‘too’; Turkm. daGɨ 1; Sal. tāɣɨ, taxi
1, 2 (ССЯ); Khal. taqɨ 1, 2; MTurk. daxɨ, taqɨ 1 (Abush., Sangl.), daɣɨ (MA)
1; Uzb. taɣin 2; Uygh. texi 1, 2; Krm. daa (K) 1, 2, daɣɨ (H, T) 1, 2, daɣɨn
(H,K) 2, daxɨ (K) 1, daxa (K) 1, 2; Tat. taɣɨn 2, ‘in order to’; Bashk. taɣɨ 2;
Kirgh. daa, daɣɨ, taɣɨ 1, 2; Kaz. taɣɨ 2; KBalk. daɣɨ-da 1, 2; KKalp. daɣɨ ‘al-
394 *člV - *čḕlV
though’, taɣɨ 1, 2; Kum. daɣɨ 1, 2; Nogh. taɣɨ 1, 2; SUygh. ta’qi, daɣi 2;
Khak. tā, dā 1; Oyr. daa ‘although’ (ГАЯ); Tv. dā 1, dān ‘wholly, always’,
tān ‘very, excessively’; Yak. daɣanɨ 1.
◊ VEWT 457, EDT 466, ЭСТЯ 3, 122-123. Phonology is somewhat uncertain because
the stem is functioning as a clitic.
PJpn. *təkə always, eternally (всегда, вечно): OJpn. toko.
◊ JLTT 548.
‖ Gombocz 1905, 278, KW 73, Владимирцов 319, . Mong. is hardly
< Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 153. Jpn. *təkə- < *takə because of the in-
compatibility of *a and *ə in PJ.
-člV a k. of small animal: Tung. *ǯele-kī; Jpn. *tái ( ~ -ia); Kor. *čār.
PTung. *ǯele-kī ermine (горностай): Evk. ǯelekī; Evn. ǯiliki; Neg.
ǯelexī; Man. ǯelken; Ul. ǯieli(n); Ork. ǯeĺei; Nan. ǯeli; Orch. ǯeleki; Ud.
ǯelexi.
◊ ТМС 1, 284.
PJpn. *tái ( ~ -ia) marten (куница): MJpn. té; Tok. ten.
◊ The source of -n in the modern form is not quite clear; MJ has explicitly no second
syllable.
PKor. *čār sable (соболь): Mod. čāl.
◊ KED 1392.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. The Jpn. form reflects a suffixed formation
*čĕl(V)-gV.
-čḕlV to split, hole, crack: Tung. *ǯēlge; Mong. *čilüɣe; Turk. *dil-.
PTung. *ǯēlge crack, narrow passage (щель, узкий проход): Evk.
ǯēlge; Nan. ǯelgẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 283. Nan. has a secondary vowel shortening (the old length is proved also
by the Dagur loanword from TM - ǯēlge, ǯēleg, see Тод. Даг. 143).
PMong. *čilüɣe space between, leisure (промежуток): MMong. čolo
(SH); WMong. čilüge(n) (L 183); Kh. čölȫ; Bur. sülȫ; Kalm. čöln; Ord.
čölȫ; Dag. čulē (Тод. Даг. 182, MD 131; MGCD šol); S.-Yugh. čölȫ;
Mongr. ćoloG ‘enfoncement’ (SM 454).
◊ KW 444, MGCD 577. Mong. > Evk. čulē etc., see Doerfer MT 101.
PTurk. *dil- to split, cut in slices (расщеплять, отрезать ломтики):
OTurk. til- (OUygh.); Karakh. til- (MK); Tur. dil-, dil ‘thin slice’; Gag.
dil-; Az. dilim ‘slice’; Turkm. dil-; Khal. tilim ‘slice’; MTurk. til- (Sangl.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. til-; Uygh. til-; Krm. dilim (K) ‘slice’; Tat. tel-; Bashk. tel-;
Kirgh. til-; Kaz. til-; KBalk. til-; KKalp. til-; Kum. til-; Nogh. til-; Khak.
təl-; Oyr. til-; Tv. dil-; Chuv. čəl-.
◊ VEWT 480, EDT 490-491, TMN 2, 553, ЭСТЯ 3, 230-231, Егоров 322, Мудрак 76.
‖ KW 444, Владимирцов 183, Poppe 16 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western
isogloss. The root was originally verbal (cf. PT); Mong. and TM reflect a
velar derivative *čḕlV-gV. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 554) criticism the
 *čikŕo - *číńo 395

comparison still seems valid (although the narrowing *e > i in PT is not

quite clear). Miller (1985b, 207) cites a MJ tir- ‘cut in narrow strips’
which would be a nice match, but we were unable to identify the
source of the word.
-čikŕo firm, strong: Tung. *diktu ( ~ ǯ-); Mong. *čiɣirag; Turk. *Tɨgra- /
*Tɨgɨŕ; Jpn. *tíkàrà; Kor. *čirk-.
PTung. *diktu ( ~ ǯ-) firm, tough (плотный, коренастый, силь-
ный): Neg. diktu; Man. ǯuktu; Ul. diktu; Ork. ǯiktu; Nan. ǯiktu; Orch.
diktu.
◊ ТМС 1, 205.
PMong. *čiɣirag firm, tough, strong (крепкий, сильный): MMong.
čijirax (HYt); WMong. čigiraɣ (L 179); Kh. čīreg; Bur. šīrag; Kalm. čīrəg;
Ord. čīraG; Dag. čira (Тод. Даг. 181); Dong. čəqara; Mongr. ćiraG (SM
456).
◊ KW 443. Mong. > Oyr. čīraq; > Man. čira etc., see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 48.
PTurk. *Tɨgra- / *Tɨgɨŕ 1 firm, tough 2 narrow, compact, firm (1
крепкий, плотный 2 узкий, тесный, плотный): OTurk. tɨɣra-q 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. tɨɣraq 1 (MK); Turkm. dɨqɨz 1 (a contamination with
dɨq- ῾to stuff’); Bashk. tɨɣɨz 1, 2; Kirgh. tɨɣɨz 2; Oyr. tūs 2; Chuv. tъₙvъₙr 2;
Yak. tɨjɨs 2.
◊ VEWT 477, EDT 471.
PJpn. *tíkàrà force, strength (сила): OJpn. tikara; MJpn. tíkàrà; Tok.
chikará; Kyo. chíkàrà; Kag. chikára.
◊ JLTT 546.
PKor. *čirk- tough, firm (прочный, крепкий): MKor. čirkɨi-; Mod.
čilgi-.
◊ Liu 686, KED 1551.
‖ Владимирцов 199, Poppe 15, Ozawa 121-123, JOAL 99, Miller
1985, 144-145. Mong. may be < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 156), but not
necessarily.
-číńo power, ability: Tung. *ǯiŋ; Mong. *čineɣe; Turk. *dɨŋ; Jpn.
*tíná-m-; Kor. *čń-.
PTung. *ǯiŋ very, extremely, really (очень, совершенно, действи-
тельно): Evk. ǯiŋ; Neg. ǯiŋ; Man. ǯin, ǯiŋ; Ul. ǯiŋ; Ork. ǯiŋ; Sol. ǯiŋ-ki
‘real’.
◊ ТМС 1, 258.
PMong. *čineɣe force, strength, ability (сила, способность):
WMong. činege(n) (L 188); Kh. činē; Bur. šenē(n); Kalm. činn; Ord. činē;
Dag. činē (Тод. Даг. 181, MD 130).
◊ KW 441, MGCD 572. Cf. MMong. (MA) čine- ‘to measure’, Mongor ćinē- id. (SM
452).
396 *čĭŋV - *čĭŋV
PTurk. *dɨŋ 1 very, strongly 2 strong, powerful 3 healthy 4 power 5
compact, dense (of earth) 6 to become strong 7 virgin soil (1 очень,
сильно, чрезвычайно 2 крепкий, сильный, мощный 3 здоровый 4
сила, мочь 5 залежный, плотный (о земле) 6 окрепнуть 7 целина):
OTurk. tiŋ ürki ‘recent’ (OUygh. - ДТС); Tur. din 1, dinč 2, 3; Gag. dinč 2;
Turkm. diŋ 1, diŋe ‘only’; Uzb. tin-ka 4, tiŋ 5; Uygh. tiŋ 5; Kirgh. tɨŋ 2,
tɨŋ- 6; Kaz. tɨŋ 2, 7, tɨŋ-aj- 6; KKalp. tɨŋ 7; Kum. tɨn 7; Khak. tɨŋ 2; Shr. tɨŋ
1; Oyr. tɨŋ 2; Tv. dɨŋ 1, dɨŋzɨɣ 2; Tof. dɨŋzɨ- 6; Chuv. tъnk ‘crammed,
stuffed’; Yak. tɨŋ 2; Dolg. tɨŋ 2.
◊ VEWT 478, Stachowski 238. Turk. > WMong. čiŋ, čiŋɣa (KW 437, 441), whence Nan.
čịŋqị et al. (ТМС 2, 397). Derivatives with the meaning ‘healthy’ in ЭСТЯ 3, 344-345 are
erroneously attributed to dɨn- ‘rest’; Yak. tɨŋ, dɨŋ ‘strained, tense’ belongs not here (de-
spite VEWT, but to tɨŋ- ‘pull, stretch’).
PJpn. *tíná-m- be related, connected (быть связанным, иметь отно-
шение к): MJpn. tíná-m-; Tok. chinám-; Kyo. chínám-; Kag. chinám-.
◊ JLTT 767. The Tokyo accent is irregular (*chìnam- would be expected).
PKor. *čń 1 shape, appearance, conduct 2 to make, produce (1 фор-
ма, вид, поведение 2 делать, производить): MKor. čń 1, čīs- (čīń-),
čìń- 2; Mod. čīt [čīs] 1, čīt- [čis-] (či-) 2.
◊ Nam 441, 445, KED 1557.
‖ Владимирцов 172. The Korean form speaks in favour of recon-
structing palatal *-ń-; Turkic and Tungus reveal a secondary -ŋ- result-
ing from a suffixed form *číń(o)-gV ( = Mong. *čineɣe).
-čĭŋV to listen, consider: Tung. *ǯiŋ-; Mong. *čiŋla-; Turk. *dɨŋla- /
*diŋle-.
PTung. *ǯiŋ- 1 to understand 2 attentive, conscious (1 понимать 2
сознательный, серьезный): Evk. ǯiktew- ( < *ǯiŋ-ktew-) 1; Ul. dinile 2;
Nan. ǯiŋire, ǯiksi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 207, 256.
PMong. *čiŋla- to listen (слушать): WMong. čiŋna-, čiŋla- (L 190);
Kh. čagna-; Bur. šagna-; Kalm. čiŋnə- (КРС); Ord. čiŋna-; Dag. činčilə-;
Dong. čenlie-, čanlie-; Bao. čoŋlə-; Mongr. ćinla- (SM 452), čiŋla- (Huzu),
(MGCD čaŋla-).
◊ MGCD 559.
PTurk. *dɨŋla- / *diŋle- 1 to listen 2 to hear 3 to consider, meditate
(1 слушать 2 слышать 3 размышлять, обдумывать): OTurk. tɨŋla- 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tɨŋla- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. dinle- 1; Az. dinlä- 1;
Turkm. diŋle- 1; MTurk. diŋle-, tɨŋla- 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. tiŋla- 2; Krm.
dinle-, tɨŋla- 2; Tat. tɨŋma- 1; Bashk. tɨŋla- 1; Kirgh. tɨŋša- 1; Kaz. tɨŋda- 1;
KBalk. tɨŋla- 1; KKalp. tɨŋla- 1; Kum. tɨŋla- 1; Nogh. tɨŋla- 1; SUygh.
tɨnna- 2; Khak. tɨŋna- 1; Oyr. tɨŋda- 1; Tv. dɨŋna- 2; Tof. dɨŋna- 2; Chuv.
čъnla- 3.
 *čipV - *čtu 397
◊ The verbal stem *dɨŋla- is derived from the noun *dɨŋ (OT tɨŋ, Turkm. diŋ ‘reason,
mind, cleverness’). See VEWT 478, EDT 522, ЭСТЯ 3, 236-237.
‖ Владимирцов 172. A Western isogloss. Mong. can be < Turk., see
Щербак 1997, 156.
-čipV ( ~ -b-) slow, sluggish: Tung. *ǯibge; Mong. *čibda-.
PTung. *ǯibge slow, sluggish; miserly (медленный, медлитель-
ный; скупой): Man. ǯibge.
◊ ТМС 1, 255. Attested only in Manchu, but having a probable Mong. parallel.
PMong. *čibda- slow, sluggish; thin (of water flow); miserly (мед-
ленный, медлительный; тонкий (о потоке воды); скупой): WMong.
čibdaɣ (L 174); Kh. čavdag; Bur. šabdag.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-čadu ( ~ *čoda) a k. of ungulate animal: Tung. *ǯudura; Mong.
*dudura-; Turk. *T(i)adun.
PTung. *ǯudura a pig (looking like a wild grey or white pig) (сви-
нья (похожая на диких серых или белых кабанов)): Man. ǯudura.
◊ ТМС 1, 270. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *dudura- foal of a donkey, young of small cattle (осленок,
детеныш мелкого скота): WMong. dudurai, duduraŋ (L 270); Kh.
dudraj, dudran; Ord. dudurǟ.
PTurk. *T(i)adun 1 a one- or two-year old calf 2 ox (1 годовалый
или двухгодовалый теленок 2 вол): Karakh. taδun (MK) 1; Khak. tazɨn
2.
◊ EDT 457.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-čtu ( ~ *t-) sweet, taste: Tung. *ǯutī; Mong. *dadu-; Turk. *dāt.
PTung. *ǯutī sweet (сладкий): Evk. ǯutī; Evn. ǯut.
◊ ТМС 1, 279.
PMong. *dadu- to get accustomed (привыкать): MMong. dadu-
(SH); WMong. dadu-, (L 215) dad-; Kh. dad-; Bur. dada-; Kalm. dad-; Dag.
dadlag ‘experience’.
◊ KW 71, MGCD 188.
PTurk. *dāt- 1 to taste 2 taste 3 sweet, tasty 4 to get accustomed (1
иметь вкус (1а пробовать на вкус) 2 вкус 3 сладкий, вкусный 4 при-
выкать): OTurk. tat- 1, 1a (OUygh.), tatɨɣ 2 (OUygh.), tatɨɣ-lɨɣ 3 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tat-lɨɣ 3 (MK), tatɨ- 1 (MK, KB), tatɨɣ 2 (MK, KB),
tatɨɣ-lɨɣ 3 (MK); Tur. tat- (tatar) 1a, tat (-d-), tadɨm, tatɨk 2, tatlɨ 3, dad-a-
‘to bait, lure’, dad-a-n- 4; Gag. dat- 1a, dat 2, datlɨ 3, dad-a-n- 4; Az. dad-
1a, dad 2, dadlɨ 3, dadan- 4; Turkm. dāt/d- 1a, dāt 2, dāt-lɨ 3; Khal. tāt- 1;
MTurk. tat- 1a (Abush., Pav. C., Sangl.), tat 2 (Sangl.), tat-lɨɣ3 (Sangl.);
Uzb. tɔt- 1a, tati- 1, 1a tɔt 2, tɔtli 3; Uygh. teti- 1, 1a, tatq 2, tatliq 3; Krm.
tat- 1a, tatɨ- 1, 1a, tat (K), tatuv (T,H,K) 2, tatlɨ (T,H,K) 3, tatan- (K) 4; Tat.
398 *čobe - *čobeŕV
tat- 1, 1a, tat 2, tatlɨ 3; Bashk. tatɨ- 1a, tat 2, tatlɨ 3; Kirgh. tat- 1 a, tatɨ- 1,
tatɨq 2, tattuw 3, tatq-a-n- 4; Kaz. tat- 1, 1 a, tätti 3; KBalk. tat- 1 a, tatɨw 2,
tatlɨ 3; KKalp. tat- 1 a, tatɨ- 1, 1a, tatlɨ 3; Kum. tatɨ- 1, tatɨw 2, tatli 3;
Nogh. tat- 1, 1 a, tatɨq 2; SUygh. tatɨ- 1 a, tatɨɣ 3; Khak. tadɨ- 1, tadɨɣ 2,
tadɨlɨɣ 3; Shr. tatqɨ 2; Oyr. tatu 2, 3; Chuv. tuda-l- 1, tuda-n- 1a, todъ 2,
tut-lъ 3.
◊ VEWT 466, EDT 449-450, 452, 454, ЭСТЯ 3, 162-164, Федотов 2, 256-257. Oghuz
(Osman) devoicing is secondary. Turk. > Mong. *tati- > tači(ja)- ‘become accustomed’ (KW
385) > TM tati- id. (ТМС 2, 170.)
‖ See АПиПЯЯ 13, 14. A Western isogloss. The Turkic forms (where
both the meanings ‘to taste’ and ‘to get accustomed (*to taste)’ are rep-
resented), provide a good link between TM *ǯutī- ‘sweet’ and Mong.
*dadu- ‘to get accustomed’. See also notes to *dasa-.
-čobe ( ~ *t-) ten: Tung. *ǯuba-n; Jpn. *təwə.
PTung. *ǯuba-n ten (десять): Evk. ǯān; Evn. ǯān-nụ; Neg. ǯān; Man.
ǯuwan; SMan. ǯuan (2744); Jurch. ǯuwa (645); Ul. ǯụwa(n); Ork. ǯōn; Nan.
ǯoã; Orch. ǯā(n); Ud. ǯā(n); Sol. ǯ.
◊ ТМС 1, 248.
PJpn. *təwə ten (десять): OJpn. towo; Tok. tṓ; Kyo. tō; Kag. tṓ.
◊ JLTT 550. Original accent unclear, as in all numerals.
‖ JOAL 84. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-čobeŕV ( ~-abu-) salt; bitter, acid: Tung. *ǯujar-; Mong. *dabusu; Turk.
*dūŕ; Jpn. *túrá-; Kor. *čjr-.
PTung. *ǯujar- bitter, acid (горький, кислый): Evk. ǯri-pču; Evn.
ǯụịr, ǯụjịr; Neg. ǯojajị-gdị; Man. ǯu-šu-xun; SMan. ǯuuxun (431); Ul.
ǯụjụr-sị; Ork. dū.re; Nan. ǯojor-sị; Orch. ǯui-si; Ud. ǯūhi ‘sour’ (Корм.
235); Sol. ǯiil- ‘to turn sour’.
◊ ТМС 1, 254. Man. > Dag. ǯusun (Тод. Даг. 145).
PMong. *dabu-su salt (соль): MMong. dabusun (HY 24), ṭābuson
(IM), dabusun (MA); WMong. dabusu(n) (L 213); Kh. davs(an); Bur.
dabha(n); Kalm. dawsn; Ord. dawusu; Mog. dabsun, dōpsun; ZM dbsun
(24-6a); Dong. dansun; Bao. dabsoŋ; S.-Yugh. dābsən; Mongr. dabsə (SM
37).
◊ KW 80-81, MGCD 185. Mong. > Man. dabsu etc., see Poppe 1966, 195, Doerfer MT
38, Rozycki 52.
PTurk. *dūŕ (~ *-ǖ-) salt (соль): OTurk. tuz (OUygh.); Karakh. tuz
(MK, KB); Tur. tuz; Gag. tuz; Az. duz; Turkm. dūz; Sal. duz, düź, tuz;
Khal. tūz; MTurk. tuz (MA); Uzb. tuz; Uygh. tuz; Krm. tuz; Tat. toz;
Bashk. toδ; Kirgh. tuz; Kaz. tuz; KBalk. toδ; KKalp. duz; Kum. duz;
Nogh. tuz; SUygh. duz; Khak. tus; Shr. tus; Oyr. tus; Tv. dus; Tof. tus;
Chuv. tъₙvar; Yak. tūs; Dolg. tūs.
◊ VEWT 502, EDT 571, ЭСТЯ 3, 288-289, Stachowski 234.
 *čŏge - *čŏge 399

PJpn. *túrá- unbearable, hard, bitter (горький; тяжелый, невыно-

симый): OJpn. tura-; Tok. tsùra-; Kyo. tsúrà-; Kag. tsúra-.
◊ JLTT 842.
PKor. *čjr- to be salty (быть соленым): Mod. čl- [čjl-].
◊ KED 1442.
‖ Владимирцов 258, АПиПЯЯ 13, 19, 49-50, 70, 285, Дыбо 11.
Mong. dabu-su regularly < *dabur-su; borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is ab-
solutely improbable, despite Щербак 1997, 160. The Turk.-Mong. par-
allel is an old etymology (starting with Pelliot 1935, 231) which Doerfer
(TMN 2, 510-511) tries in vain to refute. A small problem is the preser-
vation of *-b- (one should rather expect *daɣu(r)-sun in Mong.), which
should be probably explained by an old assimilation *čobeŕV- > *čopeŕV
in pre-PM. For Jpn. one has to assume a rather universal semantic
change ‘bitter’ > ‘hard, unbearable’. Cf. perhaps also MKor. čùijmí
‘vinegar dregs’.
-čŏge to give, exchange: Tung. *ǯugē-; Mong. *düji-; Turk. *dẹg-; Jpn.
*tai ( ~ *tia); Kor. *čù-.
PTung. *ǯugē- to exchange (обмениваться): Evk. ǯuɣē-lge-; Evn.
ǯuɣēn-met-/č-; Neg. ǯuɣe-t-; Man. ǯuwe-n ‘debt’; Jurch. ǯu-mu-sun- ‘to
lend’ (443); Ul. ǯue-či-; Ork. due-li-; Nan. ǯue-či-; Orch. ǯuwe-či-; Ud.
ǯue-si-; Sol. ǯugut-.
◊ ТМС 1, 270, 267.
PMong. *düji- to buy or sell wholesale (покупать оптом): WMong.
düi- (L 279); Kh. düj-.
PTurk. *dẹg- 1 to cost, to be worth 2 price 3 to change, exchange 4
allotment, portion 5 worth 6 change, exchange (1 стоить, быть достой-
ным 2 цена 3 изменять(ся), обмениваться 4 доля (причитающееся)
5 достойный, положенный 6 перемена, обмен): OTurk. teg-im 1,
teg-im-lig 5, teg-ir 4 (OUygh.), teg-š-il-, teg-š-ür- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. teg-
1 (MK - ДТС), teg-ir 4 (MK), teg-iš 5 (KB), ‘given in exchange’ (MK),
teg-š-üt ‘exchange price’ (MK), teg-š-ür-ül- 3 (KB); Tur. deɣ- 1, dejer 2,
deɣ-im (dial.) 2, dejiš 6, dejiš- 3; Gag. dīš 6, dīš- 3; Az. däjär 2, däjiš- 3;
Turkm. deg- 1, degiš- 3; MTurk. (Xwar.) deg- 1, (OKypch.) deg-ir 2, teg-iš
2 (Sangl.), teg-iš- 3 (Sangl.); Uygh. tegiš- 3; Krm. tij- 1, degiš- 3; Kum. tij-
1; Chuv. tivəś ‘debt’.
◊ EDT 482, 485, 487, 488, ЭСТЯ 3, 181-182, 179-180, Лексика 338. Usually regarded as
a development of *dẹg- ‘to touch, reach’, which is somewhat dubious semantically; exter-
nal parallels also seem to indicate that the two roots are originally distinct.
PJpn. *tai ( ~ *tia) goods for exchange (обмениваемые товары):
OJpn. te.
PKor. *čú- to give (давать): MKor. čù- ‘give’, čūi-čhú- ‘to present’;
Mod. ču-.
400 *čoke - *čùmi
◊ Liu 670, 673, HMCH 332, KED 435.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13 (with a different Mong. parallel). Mong. *düji- has a
secondary narrowing < *döji-; the early PJ form must have been *təjV,
with a subsequent contraction.
-čoke a k. of small animal (squirrel, otter): Tung. *ǯuku-n; Turk. *dEgiŋ;
Kor. *čúi.
PTung. *ǯuku-n otter (выдра): Evk. ǯukun; Evn. ǯȫkъn; Neg. ǯuxin;
Ork. dōkso; Nan. ǯuku(n); Orch. ǯūku(n); Ud. ǯugu; Sol. ǯūx.
◊ ТМС 1, 271. Cf. also Evk. ǯuktu ‘lynx’ (ibid.). Evk. > Dolg. ǯukun, ǯükün (see Sta-
chowski 91).
PTurk. *dEgiŋ squirrel (белка): OTurk. tejiŋ (Orkh.); Karakh. tegiŋ
(MK - erroneously glossed ‘sable’, see EDT), tejiŋ (KB); Tur. dejin, deɣin
(dial.); MTurk. tejin (Sangl.); Uzb. tijin; Uygh. tijin; Tat. tijen; Bashk. te-
jen; Kirgh. tɨjɨn; Kaz. tijin, tɨjɨn; Oyr. tijiŋ; Tv. dīŋ; Yak. tīŋ; Dolg. tīŋ.
◊ VEWT 470, EDT 569, ЭСТЯ 3, 180-181, Лексика 164-165, Stachowski 224. Criticism
of the borrowing ( < Ugrian) theory see in Лексика 165, Аникин 546-547.
PKor. *čúi rat, mouse (крыса, мышь): MKor. čúi; Mod. čwi.
◊ Liu 673, KED 1517.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 14, Дыбо 7, Лексика 165. Voicing of -k- in PT must be
due to early assimilation.
-čòlú ( ~ t-) ice, hail: Tung. *ǯalka; Turk. *dolu; Jpn. *tùrárá.
PTung. *ǯalka 1 fine snow 2 to fall (of fine snow) (1 снежок 2 па-
дать (о мягком снеге)): Neg. ǯalka- 1, ǯalka 2; Ud. ǯaka- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 246.
PTurk. *dolu hail (град): OTurk. tolɨ (OUygh.); Karakh. tolɨ (MK,
KB); Tur. dolu; Gag. tolu; Az. dolu; Turkm. dolɨ, (А-Б) dōlɨ; Khal. tôlɨ;
MTurk. tolɨ (MA), tolu (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. dụli; Uygh. tolɨ (dial.); Kaz.
dolɨ (dial.); Khak. toŋ-dol (toŋ- ‘frozen’); Tv. dolu; Yak. tolon; Dolg. tolot.
◊ VEWT 486, EDT 491, ЭСТЯ 3, 260-261, Лексика 31-32, Stachowski 226. Cf. also *Toĺ
‘ice’ (Tuva doš, Tof. do”š, Oyr. toš Лексика 18, VEWT 491, ЭСТЯ 3, 267).
PJpn. *tùrárá icicle (сосулька): MJpn. turara; Tok. tsùrara; Kyo.
tsùràrá; Kag. tsurará.
‖ Vocalism is not quite clear: in TM one would expect *ǯial-, but the
existing forms point rather to *ǯal- (note, however, that TM *-ia- and -a-
tend to get confused after affricates).
-čùmi thousand: Turk. *Tümen; Jpn. *ti; Kor. *čmn.
PTurk. *Tümen ten thousand; very much (десять тысяч; очень
много): OTurk. tümen (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tümen (MK, KB),
(Kypch. 14 cent.) dümen; Tur. tümen; Turkm. tümen (arch.); MTurk.
tümen (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tuman; Uygh. tümän; Krm. tümen, kimen,
timen; Tat. tömɛn; Kirgh. tümön; SUygh. tmen (ЯЖУ); Oyr. tümen; Tv.
tümen; Yak. tümän.
 *čnu - *čnu 401
◊ VEWT 504, EDT 507-508, Лексика 574-575. In general we agree with Doerfer’s ar-
guments (TMN 2, 632-642: the Turkic word is the source of Persian tūmān ‘10000’, not
vice versa, although in some cases the word was borrowed back into Turkic (in particu-
lar: Az. tümän, Khal. timän ‘a Persian coin’, KBalk., Kum. tümen ‘10 roubles’); the Tokhar-
ian word, whose IE source is highly dubious, is most probably < Turkic; a Chinese source
is extremely dubious). Turk. > Mong. tümen (see TMN 2, 641, Щербак 1997, 160), whence
Evk. tumen etc., see Doerfer MT 78. Week evidence of initial voice (*d- should be expected
in PT) may be due to later cultural interborrowing.
PJpn. *ti thousand (тысяча): OJpn. ti; MJpn. ti; Tok. chi.
◊ JLTT 546.
PKor. *čmn thousand (тысяча): MKor. čmn.
◊ Nam 437.
‖ SKE 38. Despite TMN 2, 641 the Turk.-Kor. parallel seems quite
acceptable. Jpn. *ti reflects a suffixed form *čum(i)-gV.
-čnu blood; spirit, breath: Tung. *ǯun-; Mong. *čisu; Turk. *dn; Jpn.
*tí.
PTung. *ǯun- pulse, vein (пульс, кровеносный сосуд): Man. ǯun.
◊ ТМС 1, 275. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *čisu blood (кровь): MMong. čisun (HY 48, SH), čiṣun (IM),
čisun (MA); WMong. čisu (L 192); Kh. cus; Bur. šuha(n); Kalm. cusn; Ord.
ǯusu; Mog. čusun; ZM čosun (3-7b); Dag. čos (Тод. Даг. 182), čose (MD
130); Dong. čusun; Bao. čisoŋ; S.-Yugh. čusun, čüsən; Mongr. cəʒu, cəʒə
(SM 438), (MGCD čisə).
◊ KW 434, MGCD 582.
PTurk. *dn 1 spirit, breath 2 rest 3 to rest 4 to pant 5 to breathe 6
quiet 7 sultriness (1 дыхание, дух 2 отдых 3 отдыхать 4 задыхаться 5
дышать 6 спокойный 7 духота): OTurk. tɨn 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. tɨn 1
(MK, KB), tɨn 2 (MK); Tur. tin 1, din-le- 3; Gag. din-ne-n- 3; Az. tɨnč-ɨx- 4,
dinč 2; Turkm. dnč 2; Khal. tinč 6; MTurk. tɨn- 3 (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb.
tin 1, tin- 3; Uygh. tin 1, tin- 3; Krm. tɨn- 5, tɨnc 2; Tat. tɨn 1; Bashk. tɨn 1,
tɨn-s-ɨw 7; Kirgh. tɨn 1, tɨn- 3, 5; Kaz. tɨn-ɨs 1, 2; KBalk. tin 1, tɨn-č-ɨ- ‘to
rot, addle’, tɨn-č-aj- 3, tɨn-ɨm 2; KKalp. tɨn 1, tɨn- 3; Kum. tɨn-ɨš 1, tɨn-č-aj-
3; Nogh. tɨn-ɨs 1, tɨn-š-ɨq- 4, tɨn-š-a-j- 3; Khak. tɨn 1, tɨn- 5, tɨn-a-n- 3; Shr.
tɨn 1, tɨn- 5, tɨn-a-n- 3; Oyr. tɨn 1, 2, tɨn- 5; Tv. tɨn 1, tɨn- 5; Tof. tɨn 1, tɨn-
5; Chuv. čəm 1; Yak. tn 1, tn- 5; Dolg. tn 1, tn- 5.
◊ VEWT 478, EDT 512, ЭСТЯ 3, 341-345, Мудрак Дисс. 38-39, Stachowski 238, 239.
Some Oghuz reflexes have voiceless t-, probably because of Kypchak influence; still the
reconstruction of *d- seems preferable.
PJpn. *tí blood (кровь): OJpn. ti ‘blood; spirit, force’; MJpn. tí; Tok.
chì; Kyo. ch; Kag. chí.
◊ JLTT 545. The reading ti for ‘blood’ in OJ is quite certain because of the makurako-
toba tipayaburu, which is written alternatively with the characters 知 (Kojiki), 千 (e.g.
Man’yōshū 2663) and 血 (Man’yōshū 3236).
402 *čŭru - *čuŕi
‖ Ozawa 120-121, АПиПЯЯ 72, 92, 274. The Jpn. form may reflect a
contraction of the suffixed *čn(u)-gV, but since loss of *-n- is not at-
tested elsewhere, one cannot exclude a monosyllabic reconstruction
*čū, with a suffix *-n added in Turkic and TM. Cf. also Mong. *činar
‘quality, image’ (see Владимирцов 172, Poppe 15, 69; in VEWT 478
and KW 441 considered to be borrowed < Uygh. tɨnar).
-čŭru ( ~ -a) to scratch: Tung. *ǯurū-, *ǯura-n; Turk. *dɨrŋa-k; Kor. *čūr.
PTung. *ǯurū-, *ǯura-n 1 to draw 2 a scratch, line (1 чертить 2 чер-
та, полоска): Evk. ǯurū- 1; Neg. ǯojan 2; Man. ǯiǯu- 1; SMan. ǯuǯu-, ǯuǯi-
1 (1315, 2380); Ul. ǯụra(n) 2; Nan. ǯorã 2; Orch. ǯurara ‘striped’; Ud.
ǯūnda- 1; Sol. ǯurī- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 278.
PTurk. *dɨrŋa-k finger-nail, claw (ноготь, коготь): OTurk. tɨrŋaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. tɨrŋaq (MK, KB); Tur. tɨrnak; Gag. tɨrnaq; Az. dɨrnaG;
Turkm. dɨrnaq; Sal. ʒɨrna(:)χ; Khal. tɨrnaq; MTurk. tɨrŋaq/tɨrŋaɣ (Sangl.);
Uzb. tirnɔq; Uygh. tirnaq; Krm. tɨrnax; Tat. tɨrnaq; Bashk. tɨrnaq; Kirgh.
tɨrnaq; Kaz. tɨrnaq; KBalk. tɨrnaq; KKalp. tɨrnaq; Kum. tɨrnaq; Nogh.
tɨrnaq; SUygh. dərmaq; Khak. tɨrɣax; Shr. tɨrɣaq; Oyr. tɨrGaq; Tv. dɨrɣaq;
Tof. dɨrɣaq ‘comb’; Chuv. čərne; Yak. tɨŋɨrax; Dolg. tɨŋɨrak.
◊ Derived from PT *dɨrŋa- ‘to scratch, scrape’. See VEWT 465, 479, TMN 3, 200 (there
are no reasons to postulate different roots here: we have obviously a case of a compli-
cated behaviour of the medial -ŋ-); EDT 551, 549-50, ЭСТЯ III 345-349, Егоров 324, Дыбо
312, 323-325, Лексика 258, Stachowski 238.
PKor. *čūr file (напильник): MKor. čūr; Mod. čūl.
◊ Liu 672, HMCH 251, KED 1507.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281,13; Дыбо 311-312, 323-324. Despite Doerfer MT 77,
the TM forms are hardly borrowed from Mong. ǯiru-, which happens to
have a quite different origin (see *ńaŕe). Cf. also *č῾iŕV.
-čuŕi even, straight: Mong. *čir-; Turk. *düŕ; Kor. *čr-.
PMong. *čir- straight (прямой): WMong. čiraɣa, čirɣa; Kalm. čirɣə.
◊ KW 442.
PTurk. *düŕ even, level (1 ровный 2 упорядочивать): OTurk. tüz
(Orkh., OUygh.) 1, tüz- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. tüz 1, tüz- 2 (MK, KB); Tur.
düz 1, düz- 2; Gag. düz 1, düz- 2; Az. düz 1, düz- 2; Turkm. düz 1, düz- 2;
Sal. tüz, tiz 1; MTurk. tüz 1 (MA), tüz- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. tuz- 2; Uygh. tüz-
2; Krm. tüz, tiz 1, tüz-, tüzü- 2; Tat. töz 1, töz- 2; Bashk. töδö- 2; Kirgh. tüz
1; Kaz. tüz-e- 2; KBalk. tüz 1, tüz-e-t- 2; KKalp. düz 1, düz-, düze-, tüze- 2;
Kum. tüz 1; Nogh. tüz- 2; SUygh. tüz 1, tüz- 2; Khak. tüs 1, tüz-e-t- 2; Shr.
tüs 1, tüz-e-t- 2; Oyr. tüs 1, tüze- 2; Tof. düs; Chuv. türə, törə (NW) 1.
◊ See ЭСТЯ 3, 309-312, VEWT 508, EDT 571, 572. The word is interacting with *diŕ-
‘to string, thread’ (v. sub *čúŕu).
 *čúŕu - *čŏĺe 403

PKor. *čr- to go straightly, take a short way (идти напрямик):

MKor. čr-; Mod. čirɨ-.
◊ Nam 436, KED 1530.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13. The Mong. reflex is not quite certain: it is attested
only in Kalm. and not quite satisfactory vocalically. The root is pho-
netically very close to *čúŕu ‘string’, and was obviously liable to con-
taminations (in particular, Jpn. *túrá ‘row’ may actually continue either
root).
-čúŕu string, to string: Mong. *dürü-; Turk. *diŕ-; Jpn. *túrá; Kor. *čur-.
PMong. *dürü- to stick into (втыкать): MMong. duru- (MA 185);
WMong. dürü- (L 283); Kh. düre-; Bur. düre-; Kalm. dür-.
◊ KW 105-106.
PTurk. *diŕ- 1 to bead, string 2 arrange in a row (1 нанизывать 2
располагать в ряд): OTurk. tiz- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. tiz- (MK, KB) 1;
Tur. diz- 1, 2; Gag. diz- 1, 2; Az. düz- 1, 2; Turkm. düz- 1, 2; Khal. tiz- 1;
MTurk. tiz-, tüz- (Abush., Sangl.) 1; Uzb. tiz- 1, 2; Uygh. tiz- 1, 2; Krm.
tiz- 1, tüz- 1, 2; Tat. tez- 1, 2; Bashk. teδe- 1, 2; Kirgh. tiz- 1, 2; Kaz. tiz- 1,
2; KBalk. tiz- 1, 2; KKalp. diz- 1, 2; Kum. tiz- 2; Nogh. tiz- 1, 2; Khak. təs-,
čəs- 1; Oyr. tis- 1; Tv. dis- 1; Chuv. tir- 1; Yak. tis- 1; Dolg. tis- 1.
◊ VEWT 482, EDT 572, ЭСТЯ 3, 218-220, Stachowski 223. The word (with the mean-
ing ‘to arrange in a row’) interacts with *düŕ ‘even, level’ (v. sub *čuŕi) .
PJpn. *túrá row, line (ряд, линия): OJpn. tura; MJpn. túrá; Tok.
tsura.
◊ JLTT 556.
PKor. *čur- 1 to string, bead 2 string, line (1 нанизывать 2 линия,
веревка): MKor. čùr-hj- 1, čúr 2; Mod. čul 2.
◊ Nam 434, Liu 672, KED 1507. The noun is absent in Nam and HMCH, but adduced
with high tone in Liu, while the derived verb is given with low tone both in Nam and
Liu. The original accent is thus not quite clear.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 14, 77. Cf. also *čuŕi (with some contaminations possi-
ble).
-čŏĺe front, front part: Tung. *ǯule; Mong. *döli; Turk. *döĺ; Kor. *čɨrə.
PTung. *ǯule front, front part (перед, передняя часть): Evk. ǯulē;
Evn. ǯul; Neg. ǯul-lē; Man. ǯule-ri; ǯulkun ‘hollow under neck’; Jurch.
ǯule (ǯule-le) (598); Ul. ǯuli; Ork. duli, dulde; Nan. ǯule; Orch. ǯulē-du; Ud.
ǯulē (Корм. 235), ǯulie; Sol. ǯuldē-du.
◊ ТМС 1, 273-274.
PMong. *döli flat surface, Absatz auf dem Bergabhang (плоская по-
верхность, плато на склоне горы): WMong. döli, döl (L 267); Kh. döl;
Kalm. dölə.
◊ KW 98.
404 *čṓtakV - *čúrka
PTurk. *döĺ mountain slope (склон горы): Tur. döš (dial.); Az. döš;
Uzb. tụš; Uygh. töš; Kirgh. töš; Nogh. tös; Khak. tös; Tv. dö’š.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 287. The root should be kept distinct from *dȫĺ ‘breast’ q. v. sub *t῾ōĺi (see
Щербак 1970, 197).
PKor. *čɨrə before, beforehand (прежде, заранее): MKor. čɨrə, čɨrjə;
Mod. čire.
◊ Nam 436, KED 1529.
‖ KW 98 (Turk.-Mong.), SKE 35 (Kor.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 289.
-čṓtakV ( ~ -ukV) pulp, mushroom; lip: Tung. *ǯudakta / *ǯedukte; Turk.
*dōtak.
PTung. *ǯudakta / *ǯedukte 1 piece of meat (without bones) 2 tree
mushroom (1 кусок мяса (без костей) 2 древесный гриб): Evk.
ǯedukte, dial. dedukte 1; Ork. dụdaqta / ǯụǯaqta 2; Orch. dudakta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 219, 230, 282.
PTurk. *dōtak lip (губа): Tur. dudak; Gag. dudaq; Az. dodaG; Turkm.
dōdaq; Sal. totax, totɨx; Chuv. toda, tuda.
◊ VEWT 491, TMN 2, 603-604, ЭСТЯ 3, 251, Федотов 2, 256, Лексика 226.
‖ Лексика 226. An interesting Turk.-Tung. isogloss: phonetically
quite regular except secondary (assimilatory) voicing -t- > -d- in TM.
-čra to stand: Tung. *ǯur-; Turk. *dur-; Jpn. *tàt-; Kor. *čàrí.
PTung. *ǯur- to stand still (стоять (спокойно, молча)): Evn. ǯụr-ụl-.
◊ ТМС 1,278. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *dur- to stand (стоять): OTurk. tur- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. tur- (MK, KB); Tur. dur-; Gag. dur-; Az. dur-; Turkm. dur-; Sal.
dɨr-; Khal. tur-; MTurk. tur- (Pav. C.); Uzb. tur-; Uygh. tur-; Krm. tur-;
Tat. tor-; Bashk. tor-; Kirgh. tur-; Kaz. tur-; KBalk. tur-; KKalp. tur-;
Kum. tur-; Nogh. tur-; SUygh. dur-; Khak. tur-; Shr. tur-; Oyr. tur-; Tv.
tur-; Tof. dur-; Chuv. tъₙr-; Yak. tur-; Dolg. tur-.
◊ VEWT 500, EDT 529-530, ЭСТЯ 3, 296-301, Stachowski 232. Turk. > WMong. toru-
‘get smwh., arrive smwh.’ (KW 402).
PJpn. *tàt- to stand (стоять): OJpn. tat-; MJpn. tàt-; Tok. tát-; Kyo.
tàt-; Kag. tàt-.
◊ JLTT 765.
PKor. *čàrí seat; place, location (сиденье; место, расположение):
MKor. čàrí; Mod. čari.
◊ Liu 642, KED 1377.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 101, 277. Korean has a “verbal” low tone, showing that
the noun is a deverbative (although the original verb is not attested).
-čúrka ( ~ -o-) swift stream, current: Tung. *ǯurku; Mong. *dargil; Jpn.
*tákí, *tanki-t-.
PTung. *ǯurku 1 rapid, swift stream 2 fairway (1 быстрое течение,
быстрина 2 фарватер): Evn. ǯụrqụ 1; Neg. ǯojkụ 2.
 *čúrka - *čúrka 405
◊ ТМС 1, 277.
PMong. *dargil rapid current (быстрина, быстрое течение):
WMong. dargil (L 233); Kh. dargil; Kalm. därgl.
◊ KW 89. Mong. > Evk. dargi etc., see Doerfer MT 123.
PJpn. *tákí, *tanki-t- 1 swift current, waterfall 2 to foam, overflow
(1 быстрый поток, водопад 2 пениться, переливаться): OJpn. takji 1,
tagjit- 2; MJpn. tákí 1, tagir- 2; Tok. tàki 1, tagír- 2; Kyo. tákí 1, tágír- 2;
Kag. táki 1, tagír- 2.
◊ JLTT 539, 761.
‖ Ozawa 119-120, 241-242 (Jpn.-Mong.). A good common Altaic
landscape term.
 Č῾

-č῾a that, beyond, not very far: Tung. *čā-; Mong. *ča-; Kor. *č.
PTung. *čā- that, further (not very far) (тот (находящийся даль-
ше)): Evk. čā-; Evn. čā-; Neg. čā-; Man. ča-; Ul. ča-; Ork. čō-; Nan. ča-;
Orch. čā-; Ud. ča-; Sol. sā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 376-377. Cf. also Manchu če ‘they’ (ТМС 2, 418-419).
PMong. *ča- that, beyond (тот): MMong. ča’a-da (SH) ‘near, close’;
WMong. ča-, či-, čiɣa- (L 157, 158); Kh. cā-; Bur. sā-; Kalm. cā-; Ord. čāna;
Dag. čā-š (Тод. Даг. 181), čāši ‘thither’ (MD 127); Bao. čiataŋ ‘near’;
Mongr. ćaGšə, taGšə (SM 442).
◊ KW 423, 424. Cf. also *čina- ‘beyond, other side’.
PKor. *č this (этот): MKor. č.
◊ Liu 650.
‖ KW 423, Poppe 26, Rozycki 43. Hardly a loanword in TM <
Mong., despite Doerfer MT 20.
-č῾abo to pinch: Tung. *čaba-; Mong. *čibka; Kor. *čūb-.
PTung. *čaba- 1 to grip (with claws) 2 claw 3 to pinch (1 хватать
(когтями) 2 коготь 3 щипать): Evk. čawarī- 1; Neg. čawa- 1; Ul. čawa-qta
2; Ork. čawa-qta 2; Nan. čawa-qta 2, (Bik.) cawači- 1; Ud. čaban 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 375.
PMong. *čibka trigger, slingshot, string (of a stringed instrument)
(smth. which is pinched) (курок, рогатка, струна (струнного инстру-
мента) (то, что ущипывают)): WMong. čibqa (L 175); Kh. čavx; Bur.
šabxa; Kalm. čawəg (КРС).
PKor. *čūb- to pick (подбирать, собирать): MKor. čūs- (čūń-), čūń- (
< *čubuń-); Mod. čūp- (-w-), čūt- [čūs-].
◊ Nam 435, KED 1509.
‖ Cf. *č῾íp῾u.
-č῾abu army, war: Tung. *čabu-ka; Mong. *čaɣur; Turk. *čAbuĺ(č); Jpn.
*tupa-.
PTung. *čabu-ka army (войско): Neg. čawxa; Man. čōχa; SMan.
čuahə ‘soldier’(1141); Jurch. čaw-xa (269); Ul. čaụχa; Ork. čaụχa; Nan.
čaoχa; Orch. čaụxa; Ud. čawaha, čauha; Sol. čoɣa.
◊ ТМС 2, 402. Man. > Dag. čōga, čuag (Тод. Даг. 181).
 *č῾bu - *č῾adVbV 407

PMong. *čaɣur military raid (военный поход): MMong. ča’ur (SH);

Bur. sūr sereg; Ord. čirik čūr ‘army’.
PTurk. *čAbuĺ(č) military commander (военный командир):
OTurk. čabuš (Orkh., Yen.), čavuš (OUygh.); Karakh. čavuš (MK); Tur.
čavuš; Az. čovuš ‘leader of a pilgrimage’; MTurk. čawuš (Sangl.); Krm.
čavuš (K) ‘senior worker’; Kum. čawuš ‘herald’.
◊ VEWT 101, EDT 399, TMN 3, 35-38. Criticism of the hypothesis of the word’s Ira-
nian origin see in TMN.
PJpn. *tupa- 1 armour, weapon(ry) 2 soldier (1 вооружение, ору-
жие 2 солдат): OJpn. tupa-m(w)ono 1, 2; MJpn. tufa-mono 1, 2; Tok.
tsùwamono 2; Kyo. tsuwamonó 2; Kag. tsuwamonó 2.
◊ JLTT 558. Accent is not clear.
‖ Владимирцов 209.
-č῾bu sound, fame: Tung. *čab-; Mong. *čuw; Turk. *č(i)āb; Jpn. *tuáp-.
PTung. *čab- 1 to be noisy 2 noise 3 to resound (1 шуметь 2 шум 3
отдаваться, разноситься (о звуке)): Evk. čiwi-, dial. čawir- 1; Neg.
čawgị- 1; Ul. čāo 2; Ork. čajịqotčị- 1; Nan. čawalị- 3, čaō 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389.
PMong. *čuw 1 rumour, gossip, echo, fame 2 to sound, cry (1 слух,
эхо, слава, дурная слава 2 звучать, кричать): WMong. čuu (L 207) 1,
čuugi- 2; Kh. čū 1, čūgi- 2; Bur. sū hurag 1, sūja- 2; Kalm. cǖ 1, cūgi-, cǖgi-
2; Ord. čū ‘notorious’, čūgi- 2; Dag. čōgīn 1.
◊ KW 435, 436. Mong. > Kirgh. čū and some other Kypch. forms.
PTurk. *č(i)āb fame, good reputation, news (слава, хорошая репу-
тация , новости): Karakh. čav (MK, KB); Tur. čav; Az. čov; Turkm. čāv
(arch.); Khal. čov (may be < Az.); MTurk. čaw (Sangl.); Khak. sab-laɣ ‘re-
nowned’; Shr. šap-tɨɣ ‘renowned’; Oyr. čap; Tof. šaɣ.
◊ VEWT 93, EDT 393. Final -p in Siberian languages is not quite clear.
PJpn. *tuáp- to address; to ask (обращаться; спрашивать): OJpn.
twop-; MJpn. tóf-; Tok. tò-, tó-; Kyo. tó-; Kag. tò-.
◊ JLTT 771. Tokyo tò- and Kagoshima tò- point to an accent variant *tuàp-.
‖ Владимирцов 256, Poppe 44; despite Щербак 1997, 193, not bor-
rowed in Turk. < Mong. The vocalism is not entirely clear: the diph-
thong in OJ is either secondary (from *č῾ābu one would expect *tup-), or
points to a contraction < *tVwap-. In the latter case the PA form should
rather be reconstructed as *č῾āba, with the Jpn. form analysed as con-
taining a frequent -p-suffix (note that the TM evidence does indeed al-
low for an alternative reconstruction *čiab-, because of the variation
-i-/-a- in Evk.).
-č῾adVbV scorpion, viper: Turk. *čAd(b)an; Jpn. *tatipi.
PTurk. *čAd(b)an scorpion (скорпион): Karakh. čaδan (MK, KB);
Tur. čajan, čɨjan ‘сколопендра’; Turkm. čajān; MTurk. čajan, čɨjan
408 *č῾[a]ge - *č῾aju
(Abush., Sangl.), čiban (R - Calc.Wb., Pav. C.); Uzb. čajɔn; Uygh. čajan;
Tat. čajan, (R, Буд. - Kas.) čejban ‘millipede’; Bashk. sajan; Kirgh. čajan;
Kaz. šajan; KKalp. šajan; Nogh. šajan.
◊ VEWT 94, EDT 403, Лексика 64, 184-185. Turk. > Kalm. cajə ῾crayfish’ (?), see Щер-
бак 1997, 111.
PJpn. *tatipi viper (гадюка, ядовитая змея): OJpn. tadipji; MJpn. ta-
tifi, tadifi.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss.
-č῾[a]ge a k. of plant (reed) and its bast: Mong. *čaɣal-su; Turk. *čɨg (~--);
Kor. *čjòhắi.
PMong. *čaɣal-su paper (бумага): MMong. ča’alsun (HY 20, SH),
čalsun (MA); WMong. čaɣasu(n) (L 159), čaɣalsun (DO 696); Kh. cās; Bur.
sārha(n); Kalm. cāsn; Ord. čāsu; Dag. čās (Тод. Даг. 180), čāse (MD 127);
S.-Yugh. čāsən; Mongr. ćā(r)ʒə (SM 441), ćālʒə (Huzu), (MGCD čālsə).
◊ KW 424, MGCD 553. Mong. > Evk. čārsun, see Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *čɨg (~--) 1 reed 2 reed mat 3 things woven from reed (1
тростник, чий 2 тростниковая циновка 3 изделия, плетеные из чия
(тростника)): OTurk. čɨɣ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čɨɣ (MK) ‘reed screen’;
Tur. čɨɣ, čiɣ ‘reed partition’; MTurk. čɨɣ 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. čij 1, 3; Uygh. čiɣ
1; Kirgh. čij 1, 3; Kaz. šij 1, 3; KBalk. čij 2; KKalp. šij 2; Nogh. šijboj
‘любисток’ (?); SUygh. ǯiɣ 1; Oyr. čij 1.
◊ VEWT 107, 110; EDT 404, 412. Turk. > MMong. (HY 20) čix, WMong. čig, Khalkha
čig, Ord. čīg ‘bamboo screen’. The Nogh. form may be a compound; for the second part cf.
*bɨńan.
PKor. *čjòhắi paper (бумага): MKor. čjòhắi; Mod. čoŋi.
◊ Nam 432, KED 1486.
‖ PKE 39 (Kor.-Mong.). The meaning ‘paper’ in Mong. and Kor.
must be derived from original ‘(reed) bast, bark’. Labialized -o- (as well
as the source of modern -ŋ-) in Kor. is not quite clear.
-č῾aju ( ~ -e-) resin, juice: Turk. *čAjɨr; Jpn. *tuju; Kor. *čr-.
PTurk. *čAjɨr resin, tar (смола, деготь): Tat. čɛjɨr; Bashk. sajɨr;
Kirgh. čajɨr; Kaz. šajɨr; KBalk. čajɨr; KKalp. šajɨr; Kum. čajɨr; Nogh. šajɨr.
◊ VEWT 95.
PJpn. *tuju juice (сок): OJpn. tuju; MJpn. tuju; Tok. tsuyu.
◊ See comments to *tuju ‘dew’ (s.v. *č῾iju).
PKor. *čr- slushy, watery (водянистый, жидкий): MKor. čr-; Mod.
čil-.
◊ Nam 439, KED 1551.
‖ Kor. *čr- (with contraction) = Turk. *čAjɨr. Cf. perhaps also
WMong. čei-dem, Kalm. čīdm, cīdm ‘water mixed with kumis’ (although
this may be a derivative of čeji- ‘white, whitish’).
 *č῾jV - *č῾ằjǯV 409

-č῾jV ( ~ -ē-) sand, sandbar: Mong. *čeɣel; Turk. *čāj.

PMong. *čeɣel 1 deep (water) 2 spring, place with springs 3 small
pool (1 глубокая (вода) 2 источник, место с родниками 3 пруд, лу-
жа): MMong. če’el (SH) 1; WMong. čegel 2 (L 169); Kh. cēl 2; Bur. sēl 1;
Kalm. cēl 3; Dag. čēle (Тод. Даг. 181).
◊ KW 428.
PTurk. *čāj 1 small river 2 sand, pebbles 3 flood, freshet 4 shallow (1
речка 2 песок, галька 3 половодье, наводнение 4 мелководный): Tur.
čaj 1; Az. čaj 1; Turkm. čāj 1, čǟge 2; MTurk. čaj 1, čeke 2; Bashk. saj ‘a
river weed’ (?); KBalk. čaj (in the hydronym qaračaj); Shr. šajɨq 3; Oyr.
čaj-r-am 4; Yak. čaj 2 (?).
◊ The word is poorly attested (almost only in some modern Oghuz languages and
Chag., see VEWT 95, Лексика 94; the Yakut parallel is phonetically unclear - borrowed
from Tuva or Altai?). Turk. *čāj-ka (Turkm. čǟge, Chag. čeke) > Kalm. cek (KW 426). The
forms (despite semantic difference) may have an Iranian origin: Pers. (Pekhl.) čāh ‘well,
spring’ < *čāϑa > Av. čāta, Kurd. čāl, Bel. čāt, Osset. čad ‘lake’, Wakhi čot ‘pond’ (Horn 97,
Аб. 1, 285, 329, Расторгуева 1990, 191, ЭСВЯ 130); a certain Persian loan is Khal. čā
‘Brunnen, Grube’. Osset. č’aj ‘well’ is regarded by Abaev as a borrowing from Pers.
through Georgian (a ‘well’). The relationship to the verbal stem čāj- ‘to swill’ (ОСНЯ 3,
59-60) ( < ‘wash water off from the surface’?) is yet to be determined.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Not quite reliable because of scarce at-
testation in Turkic (the form may actually have an Iranian origin).
-č῾ằjǯV breast: Tung. *ča(i)ǯa-n; Mong. *čeɣeǯi; Turk. *čičig (/*čɨčɨg);
Jpn. *tì, *tìtí; Kor. *čjč.
PTung. *ča(i)ǯa-n 1 breast (fem.) 2 udder (1 грудь (ж.) 2 вымя): Evk.
ǯadan 2; Evn. ǯeǯin(/-a-) 2; Neg. ǯojan 1; Man. čeǯen 1; Ork. dada-qta 1, 2;
Nan. ǯaǯaqta 1, 2 (On.) .
◊ ТМС 1,242, 2,419. The Manchu form may be < Mong. (see Rozycki 45); in that case
one has to reconstruct *ǯa(j)ǯa(n) for PTM. In both cases initial *ǯ- is historically a result of
assimilation to the medial -ǯ-.
PMong. *čeɣeǯi breast (грудь): MMong. če’eǯi (SH); WMong.
čegeǯi(n) (L 170); Kh. cēž; Bur. sēže; Kalm. cēǯə, čēǯə; Ord. čēǯi; Mog. čeiǯi
(Ramstedt 1906); Dag. čēǯi (Тод. Даг. 181, MD 128); S.-Yugh. čīǯ; Mongr.
śiǯan.
◊ KW 428, 438, MGCD 565.
PTurk. *čičig (/*čɨčɨg) 1 breast (fem.) 2 female sheep 3 sheep tail 4
roasted sheep tail 5 roasted fat (1 грудь (женская) 2 овцематка 3 кур-
дюк 4 жареный курдюк 5 жареный жир): MTurk. čičiɣ 2, 3 (R -
Vamb.), čɨčɨɣ, čɨčɨq 4 (R - Zenker); Tat. čɨžɨq (R, Bud. - Kas.), čɨʒɨq (R -
Tob.) 5; Chuv. čəǯə 1.
◊ VEWT 110. An onomatopaeic root, attested late - but possibly archaic because of
the external evidence. The assumed semantic development in Chag. and Tat. is ‘udder’ >
‘roasted udder’ > ‘fat roasted piece of meat’.
410 *č῾ki - *č῾áko
PJpn. *tì, *tìtí breast (fem.) (грудь (женская)): OJpn. ti; Tok. chichí;
Kyo. chìchí; Kag. chichí.
◊ JLTT 545, 546.
PKor. *čjč breast (f.) (грудь (женская)): MKor. čjs; Mod. čət [čəč].
◊ Nam 426, KED 1460.
‖ Martin 227, Lee 1958, 107, АПиПЯЯ 32-33, 76, 88, 279. An expres-
sive reduplicated root, but no doubt common Altaic. Because of its
structure, liable to assimilations (*č῾ằjǯV > *ǯằjǯV or *č῾ằjč῾V).
-č῾ki a k. of coniferous tree: Tung. *čāK-; Mong. *čigör-; Turk. *čEket.
PTung. *čāK- fir-tree (ель): Evk. čākre.
◊ ТМС 2, 379. Isolated in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *čigör- cypress tree (кипарис): MMong. čigorsun (pl. čigot)
(HY 6, SH).
PTurk. *čEke-t 1 coniferous forest 2 pistacio nut 3 (fruit) stone, seed
4 hazel-nut 5 wild jujube 6 young coniferous growth 7 bush, shrub 8 fir
branch (1 лес (хвойный) 2 фисташковый орех 3 косточка, семечко 4
лесной орех 5 дикая ююба 6 молодые хвойные поросли 7 кустар-
ник 8 ветка ели): Karakh. šeki-r-tük 2 (MK); Tur. čeki-r-dek 3; Gag. čeker-
dek 3; MTurk. čeke-r-dek, čekidɛ 5 (Pav. C., R - Babur); Krm. čegirdek, če-
kirdek 3, čeger ‘blackthorn’; Tat. čiki 4 (dial.); Kirgh. čege-dek, čege-l-dek 8;
KBalk. čeget ‘forest, wood’ (Karach.), ‘North’ (Balk.); Nogh. šege-r 7; Shr.
šet 7 (R); Oyr. čet aɣaš 6; Tv. šet 6.
◊ VEWT 102, EDT 867-868. Morphologically -t - is a collective suffix, -dak/-dɨk - a
denominative suffix. The word is attested in MK, but in an aberrant (dialectal) shape
with š-, and the meaning ‘nut’ is probably secondary, the original meaning of the root
being ‘coniferous tree, branch’. Several other plant names may be related, cf.: Chag. čekɛ
‘berries found in the Fergana mountains’; Uzb. čakanda ‘облепиха крушиновидная’,
Uygh. čäkändä ‘a bush with red fruits’ (R 3, 1947 Taranchi, mod. čakanda ‘a k. of thorny
bush’), Az. čäkil ‘mulberry’; Kirgh. South. čekende ‘хвойник; кузьмичева трава; эфедра
двуколосковая’ (its pseudoberries are edible; despite Yudakhin, not < Iranian - the word
is not attested in Persian). Turk. > Pers. čäkäldäk ‘blackberry’ (Гафаров).
‖ EAS 63. A Western isogloss.
-č῾áko many; be full, enough: Tung. *čak; Turk. *čok; Jpn. *tákú-páp-;
Kor. *čhắ-.
PTung. *čak- 1 full 2 strongly (1 полный 2 сильно, крепко): Man.
čaq seme 2; Ork. čak bi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 379.
PTurk. *čok 1 many, very 2 vile, hooligan 3 to gather, multiply 4
group, crowd (1 много, очень 2 дурной, хулиган, баловник 3 соби-
рать(ся), размножать(ся) 4 толпа, множество): Karakh. čoq 1 (ДТС -
KB), čōq 2 (MK - Oghuz), čoɣ-al- 3; Tur. čok (-ɣu) 1, čoɣal- 3; Gag. čoju 4,
čoq-la-n- 3; Az. čox 1, čoxal- 3; Turkm. čoq (-qu) 4; MTurk. čoq 1 (Sangl.,
Oghuz-nama, AH), čoq- 3 (Abush.); Krm. čoq 1, čoɣɨ 4 (K); Kirgh. čoq 1;
 *č῾ak῾a - *č῾ak῾a 411

Kaz. šoɣɨr 4; KKalp. šoq 2, 4; Nogh. šoq ‘дружно’; Khak. sox 2; Oyr. čoq-
3; Tv. šoɣ 2.
◊ VEWT 113, EDT 405, 406. The Oghuz adverb ‘much’, in the 12th c. (KB) ‘very, ex-
tremely’, is probably the same word as čoq ‘bad, vile’(Ogh. 11) (cf. also the Tuva parallel).
Turk. > Mong. (Khalkha) cox in cox xara ‘very black’. The identification of čoq-(la-) ‘gather,
collect’ with čoɣ-la- ‘to bind, pack’ (ДТС) or čoq- ‘to bend’ (EDT) is rather dubious. Vocalic
length is unclear (cf. the voicing of -k- in Western Oghuz).
PJpn. *tákú-páp- to hoard, assemble (запасать, накапливать):
OJpn. takupap(a)-; MJpn. tákúfáf(a)-; Tok. takuwaé-, tàkuwae-; Kyo.
tàkùwàè-; Kag. takuwaé-.
◊ JLTT 762. Accent is somewhat uncertain, though most sources (RJ, Tokyo tàkuwae-,
Kagoshima) point to *tákúpáp-. It is also worth noting Middle Jpn. and modern takusán
‘much, many’: the word is shaped and perceived as a kango (澤山 ‘swamps and moun-
tains’), but is apparently not attested in Chinese sources and may represent a folk ety-
mology. Its accent, however, differs from that of *tákú-páp- (Kyoto tákùsàn and Kago-
shima takusán, together with the Tokyo form, point to *tàkù-sà[mà]).
PKor. *čhắ- to be full, fill (быть полным, наполнять): MKor. čhắ-;
Mod. čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1561.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283. The comparison of PT *čok with Sino-Kor. čjok (SKE
39, AKE 7, EAS 63) should be, of course, rejected; on the other hand, the
comparison of Kor. čhă- (a regular reduction < *čăhă-) with Mong. čad-,
čas- in SKE 46 cannot explain the aspiration of č- in Korean. See further
МССНЯ,331.
-č῾ak῾a to wrap, tie: Tung. *čaK-; Turk. *čak-; Jpn. *ta(n)k-; Kor. *čhằ-.
PTung. *čaK- to wrap up, collect (заворачивать, собирать): Evk.
čak-; Evn. čaq-; Neg. čak-.
◊ ТМС 2, 378.
PTurk. *čak- to bind, fetters, harness (связывать, оковы, упряжь):
Tur. čakɨl- ‘to be bound, fastened’ (of yoke animals), čaɣan ‘camel fet-
ters’; Gag. čaqɨldaq ‘rope harness’; MTurk. čaɣan ‘camel fetters’; Oyr. čaqɨ
‘stick for binding horses’.
◊ VEWT 94, 96 (but Oyr. čakɨ is regarded as borrowed < Mong. čaqu, on which see
*č῾ak῾V).
PJpn. *ta(n)k- 1 to bind one’s hair into a bun 2 to bundle together; to
wear on the belt (1 связывать волосы в узел 2 связывать; носить на
поясе): OJpn. tak- 1; MJpn. tagana- 2.
◊ JLTT 761.
PKor. *čhắ- to wear on the belt (носить на поясе): MKor. čhắ-; Mod.
čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1562.
‖ Дыбо 15. Korean has a frequent vowel reduction between a stop
and a fricative (*čhă- < *čəhă-).
412 *č῾ak῾e - *č῾ak῾V
-č῾ak῾e forearm: Tung. *čaxan; Turk. *čɨkan(ak); Kor. *čjàkái-.
PTung. *čaxan 1 place under the knee 2 calf of leg 3 back part of
heel 4 cubit, armpit (1 место под коленом 2 икра ноги 3 задняя часть
пятки 4 локоть, подмышка): Evk. čakan, čāke 1, čakča 2; Neg. čaxā 3;
Nan. čaχã 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 378, 380.
PTurk. *čɨkan(ak) elbow, forearm (локоть, предплечье): MTurk.
čaɣanaq (Sangl., CCum., AH); Uzb. čekänäk (dial.); Uygh. ǯäjnäk; Krm.
cɨɣanaq; Tat. cɨɣanaq (dial.); Bashk. sɨɣanaq (dial.); Kirgh. čɨqanaq; Kaz.
šɨɣanaq ‘bay’; KBalk. čɨna; KKalp. šɨɣanaq; Nogh. šɨɣanaq; SUygh. čikenek;
Khak. čɨɣanax; Shr. šɨɣanaq; Oyr. čaɣanaq; Tv. šenek; Tof. če’henɛk; Chuv.
čike ‘cubit’.
◊ VEWT 96, EDT 404, Егоров 325, Лексика 249.
PKor. *čjàkái- groin, inguinal region (пах, паховая область): MKor.
čjàkái’jám; Mod. čagämi.
◊ Nam 419, KED 1372.
‖ Дыбо 311, Лексика 250. A reconstruction *č῾ajk῾e is not excluded
because of the Korean form; this is perhaps the reason for *-x- in TM
(where in this context one would rather expect *čakan).
-č῾ăk῾i a k. of insect: Tung. *čaKu- ( ~ š-); Mong. *čoku; Turk. *čekü-rtke.
PTung. *čaKu- ( ~ š-) a k. of midge (мошка-мокрец): Evk. čaki-
mukta; Neg. čoxomto; Ul. čōqta; Nan. čōqta.
◊ ТМС 2, 379.
PMong. *čoku beetle (жук): WMong. čoqu (L 199); Kh. cox; Bur. soxo.
PTurk. *čekü-rtke locust, grasshopper (саранча, кузнечик):
Karakh. čekürge (MK Oghuz; Tefs.); Tur. čekirge; Az. čekirtge; Turkm.
čekirtge; MTurk. čegürtke, čewürtke (Sangl.); Uzb. čigirtka; Uygh. čekätkä;
Krm. čegirtke; Tat. čikertkɛ; Bashk. siŋertkä; Kirgh. čegirtke; Kaz. šegirtke;
KKalp. šegirtke; Nogh. šegertki; Khak. saɣɨrtxɨ; Tv. šergi; Yak. saxsɨrɣa
‘fly’; Dolg. haksɨrga ‘fly’.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 416-417, Лексика 187, Stachowski 94. Forms like Tat. dial. sikertke
are a result of contamination with *sēk- ‘jump’ (v. sub *ski).
‖ A Western isogloss. Note a labial vowel in the second syllable
which in this case must be reflecting suffixation (*č῾ăk῾i-bV-); Mong.
*čoku < *čaku with a frequent secondary vowel assimilation.
-č῾ak῾V section, prop (in a building): Tung. *čaKi-; Mong. *čaku; Kor.
*čhái.
PTung. *čaKi- 1 partition (in house) 2 to tread a path ( < ‘make a
partition’?) (1 перегородка (в строении) 2 протоптать (тропу)): Evk.
čaki- 2; Man. čaxin 1.
 *č῾ali - *č῾àlù 413
◊ ТМС 2, 379. The Evk. form (borrowed in Yak. čākɨ ‘rammed path’) presupposes a
secondary semantic development and is somewhat uncertain here. Man. > Dag. agin
(Тод. Даг. 180).
PMong. *čaku prop, support (подставка, подпорка): WMong. čaqu
(L 167); Kh. cax; Kalm. caxlūr (КРС).
PKor. *čhái section of a building (секция здания): MKor. čhái; Mod.
čhä.
◊ Liu 695, KED 1576.
‖ Korean has a frequent vowel loss between *č῾- and *-k-.
-č῾ali membrane, bark: Tung. *čalban; Turk. *čEl(p)-.
PTung. *čalban birch, birch bark (береза, береста): Evk. čalban;
Evn. čālban; Neg. čālban; Nan. čalbã; Orch. čā(b)ba; Ud. čafakt῾ai
‘березняк’.
◊ ТМС 2, 380-382. TM > Dag. čālbān (Тод. Даг. 180).
PTurk. *čEl 1 film, membrane 2 albugo 3 mucus discharged by the
eye 4 unhusked rice 5 thin bread, cake 6 husk in grain (1 пленка, ко-
жица, подмездрина 2 бельмо 3 глазной гной 4 неошелушенный
рис 5 тонкая лепешка 6 шелуха в крупе): Karakh. čelpek 3 (MK); Tur.
čel-tik 4; čelpik 3 (Red. only); Az. čäl-tik 4; Turkm. čelpek 5, čel-tik 6; Khal.
čäl-tik 4; MTurk. čelpek 5 (Sangl.); Uzb. čalpak 5; Uygh. čälpäk 5; Tat. cilen
‘cow’s afterbirth’ (dial. КСТТ); Kirgh. čel 1, 2, čelpek 5; Kaz. šel 2, ‘fat
under skin’, šelpek 5; KKalp. šelpek 5; Nogh. šel-te- ‘to husk grain’; Oyr.
čel 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 418-419, Лексика 392. Ogh. čel-tik > Pers. čaltuk, šaltūk (despite
VEWT 104). Turk. čelpek > Pers. čalpak (TMN 3, 1111). The meaning ‘eye pus, mucus’ in
*čel-pek developed under the influence of the similar *čapak (see under *čap- ‘plaster’), but
the two roots should be clearly distinguished (despite EDT 418).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-č῾àlù sharp, to cut: Tung. *čal-; Mong. *čali; Turk. *čal-; Jpn. *tùrù(n)kì.
PTung. *čal- 1 to cut off 2 to cut, engrave 3 bed in cross-bow 4 arrow
head (1 отрезать 2 резать, вырезать 3 ложе в самостреле 4 наконеч-
ник стрелы): Evk. čalī 4; Neg. čōlị- 1; Man. čoli- 2; Ul. čālụ- 1, 2, čaɣlị,
čaịlqa 3; Ork. čaɣla 3; Nan. čālị- 1, 2; Orch. čali 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 382, 405. Some forms reflect a PTM derivative *čal-ga (*čal-gi).
PMong. *čali 1 sharp 2 sharp instrument, crowbar (1 острый 2 ост-
рый инструмент, лом): MMong. čalir 2 (SH); WMong. čali 1, čalir / čaril
2 (L 163, 166); Kh. calir / caril 2; Bur. salī- ‘to be sharp’; Kalm. caĺə, cäĺə 1,
caĺr, cäĺr 2; Ord. čalir 2.
◊ KW 420, 421.
PTurk. *čal- 1 to knock (down), hit, agitate 2 to whet 3 to slaughter 4
to mow 5 scythe 6 to sting, pierce 7 to sweep 8 to chop 9 a k. of broom
10 to sharpen, whet 11 whetstone 12 mowing, hay time 13 to trip 14
414 *č῾amo - *č῾amo
blade (1 сбивать, ударять, бить, взбалтывать 2 точить 3 убивать, за-
калывать 4 косить 5 коса 6 жалить, закалывать 7 подметать 8 изру-
бить, отрубить 9 вид метлы, веник-голик 10 точить 11 оселок 12 по-
кос 13 дать подножку 14 острие, лезвие): OTurk. čal- 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. čal- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. čal- 1, čalgɨ 9, čalgɨ oraɣɨ 5; Gag. čalɨm 14;
Az. čal- 1, 6, 7, čalɣɨ 9; Turkm. čal- 10, 7, 6, čalGɨ 5, 11; Khal. čal- 1, 6; Uzb.
čal- 1, čalɣi ụrɔq 5; Uygh. čal- 1, čalɣa 5; Krm. cal- 1, 4, calqɨ, calɣɨ 5; Tat.
čal- 1, 3, čalɣɨ 5; Bashk. salɨ- 3; Kirgh. čal- 1, 3, čalɣɨ 5, čalɣɨn 12; Kaz. šal-
13, šalɣɨ 5, šalɣɨn 12; KBalk. čal- 4, čalqɨ 5; KKalp. šal- 1, 3, 13, šalɣɨ 5,
šalɣɨn 12; Kum. čal- 1, 4, čalɣɨ 5; Nogh. šal- 1, 3, 4, šalɣɨ 5; SUygh. čal(ɨ)- 8;
Khak. sal- 1; Shr. šalɣɨ 5; Oyr. čalɣɨ 5; Tv. šalɨ- 10; Chuv. śol- 4, śolъk 9;
Yak. sālɨn- ‘to fall abruptly’.
◊ VEWT 97, EDT 417-418 , Егоров 206, Федотов 2, 132, 133. The difference in length
between Turkm. and Yak. allows to suppose a merger of at least two roots, perhaps
originally distinguished semantically and phonetically as *čāl- ‘to knock down’ (reflected
in Yak., not reflected in Turkm.) - *čal- ‘to sharpen, whet’ (reflected in Turkm., not re-
flected in Yak.). Since “Verba des Schlagens” are generally vague semantically, in most
languages it is difficult to draw a line between them.
PJpn. *tùrù(n)kì sword (меч): OJpn. turugji; MJpn. tùrùgì, tùrùkì;
Tok. tsurugí; Kyo. tsúrùgì; Kag. tsurugí.
◊ JLTT 557. Kagoshima accent is irregular.
‖ KW 420, ОСНЯ 1, 196-197. KW 420, ОСНЯ 1, 196-197. The Jpn.
form can be alternatively compared with PTM *dargi ‘harpoon’.
-č῾amo to suffer hardships: Tung. *čamu-li-; Mong. *čima-; Turk. *čAm;
Jpn. *tamar-; Kor. *čắmh-.
PTung. *čamu-li- to eat smth. alone, be not willing to share (съесть
что-л. одному (не поделиться)): Neg. čamulị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 383. Attested only in Neg., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *čima- 1 to want or demand more, be dissatisfied 2 queasy
(1 быть неудовлетворенным 2 придирчивый, разборчивый):
WMong. čamaɣaŋ 2, čima-la-, čima-rqa-, čama-rqa- 1 (L 184); Kh. camān 2,
čamla-, čamarxa-, camārxa- 2.
PTurk. *čAm 1 a backbiting man 2 to exact a fine 3 claim 4 reproach
5 to be offended 6 to be angry (1 клеветник 2 штрафовать 3 претен-
зия, рекламация (юрид.) 4 упрек 5 обижаться 6 сердиться): OTurk.
čam 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. čamɣuq 1 (MK); Khal. čammal-tur- ‘to look
nervous, angry’; MTurk. čam-la- ‘to speak with disgust’ (R, Pav. C.);
Kirgh. čam-da-n- 4; Kaz. šam ‘that which causes offence’, šam-da-n- 4;
KBalk. čam ‘joke, mockery’, čam-la-n- 6; KKalp. šam-la-n- 5, šam-šɨl ‘re-
sentful, sensitive’; Nogh. šam-la-n- 6; SUygh. č῾imig ‘badly’; Oyr. čam
(dial., R) 4, čam-da-l- (dial., R) 5.
◊ EDT 421-422, 423, VEWT 98, D-T 97. At least part of the forms may ultimately have
a Chinese source (MC ʒäm ‘slander’). Cf. also čaman ‘lazy horse, dog’; Tur. čamura jat- ‘to
 *č῾ámo - *č῾mro 415
decline from paying a debt’ (slang; lit. ‘to lie down in dirt’ - perhaps a reanalysis based
on the analogy with čamur ‘dirt’, cf. also čamur (metaph.) ‘low, humble’).
PJpn. *tamar- to endure, bear (терпеть, выносить): Tok. tamar-.
PKor. *čắmh- to endure, to bear (терпеть, выносить): MKor. čhắm-;
Mod. čhām-.
◊ Nam 448, KED 1571.
‖ The Kor. form reflects an earlier *čămh- < *čam(o)-g-, with a velar
suffix (cf. the Mong. form). The root is sufficiently attested in Mong.
and Kor.; but the Turkic forms may have a borrowed origin, the TM
and Jpn. forms are attested worse, so the archaic nature of the root is
somewhat dubious.
-č῾ámo ( ~ -e-) a k. of tree: Mong. *čöme-sü ?; Turk. *čAm; Jpn.
*támú-kui; Kor. *čămh.
PMong. *čöme-sü ? bird-cherry, cornel (черемуха, кизил): Kalm.
cöms.
◊ KW 432.
PTurk. *čAm 1 pine tree 2 fir-needle (1 сосна 2 хвоя): Tur. čam 1,
čam japraɣɨ 2; Gag. čam 1; Az. šam 1; MTurk. čam aɣač 1 (Pav. C.); Krm.
čam, cam 1; Khak. sabal 2; Shr. šabal 2.
◊ VEWT 97. Dmitrieva (Дмитриева 1979, 205) derives the Oghuz word for ‘fir-tree’
from Arab. šam ‘candle’, which is dubious phonetically and unlikely because of the Khak.
and Shor forms (pointing to *čamal); more probably an original Turkic root, although
localized.
PJpn. *támú-kui ash-tree (ясень): MJpn. támúki.
◊ JLTT 540.
PKor. *čămh oak-tree (вид дуба): MKor. čhăm-nam’u; Mod.
čham-namu.
◊ Liu 692, KED 1571.
‖ SKE 47. It is worth noting that the Korean word also means ‘ses-
ame’ or ‘anise’ (in compounds, see KED 1570, 1571): this may be in fact
a merger with the reflex of PA *č῾umu ‘seed, cone’ (q.v.).
-č῾mro a k. of small animal: Tung. *čamduk-; Mong. *čindaga; Turk.
*čārba- (*čārma-).
PTung. *čamduk- 1 mouse 2 tarbagan (1 мышь 2 тарбаган): Evk.
čamukčān 1; Evn. čāmq 2, čāmqčan 1; Orch. čunduki 1; Ud. čundihe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 383, 390. The relation of Evn. čdɣa ‘polar suslik’ is not quite clear ( <
Mong. ‘hare’?).
PMong. *čindaga white hare (заяц-беляк): WMong. čindaɣa(n) (L
188); Kh. čandaga; Bur. šandaga(n); Kalm. čindəɣən; Ord. čindaGa(n); Dag.
šandag (Тод. Даг. 183).
◊ KW 441. Mong. > Man. čindaχan ‘snow rabbit, Lepus timidus’ (Rozycki 48).
PTurk. *čārba- (*čārma-) 1 squirrel 2 sable, marten (1 белка 2 со-
боль, куница): Khak. sarbax 1; Shr. šarbaq 1; Oyr. čɨrbɨq 1; Yak. sārba 2.
416 *č῾àńè - *č῾ăp῾a
◊ VEWT 100, 403. A regional Siberian root.
‖ Дыбо 8, Лексика 166. A Western isogloss, with a specific devel-
opment of the medial cluster *-mr-.
-č῾àńè ( ~ *č-, -e-) building: Jpn. *tn; Kor. *čáń.
PJpn. *tn building, residence (здание, резиденция): OJpn. tono;
MJpn. tònò; Tok. tono.
◊ JLTT 550.
PKor. *čáń city wall, fortress, (KED) mountain pass (городская сте-
на, крепость, (KED) горный перевал): MKor. čás ( < *čáń); Mod. čä.
◊ Nam 418, KED 1409. Only the later form čás is attested in MKor., but the modern
form čä points unambiguosly to *-ń-.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Dag. čēn ‘town’ (Тод. Даг.
181).
-č῾aŋo people, gathering: Tung. *čaŋit; Mong. *čiɣul-; Jpn. *tami; Kor.
*č(j)ōŋ.
PTung. *čaŋit 1 robber 2 enemy, clan enmity (1 разбойник 2 враг,
родовая вражда): Evk. čaŋit 1; Nan. čaŋgiči- ‘to wait for a convenient
time for retaliation’ (On.); Ork. taŋịčị 2; Orch. čaŋiti 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 384. Evk. > Dolg. čaŋɨt, čaŋit (see Stachowski 72).
PMong. *čiɣul- 1 to gather (of public) 2 public assembly, society (1
собираться 2 народное собрание, общество): WMong. čiɣul- 1,
čiɣulɣan 2 (L 178); Kh. čūla- 1, čūlgan 2; Ord. čūl- 1, čūlGan 2.
◊ Mong.> Evk. suglān ‘gathering’, see Аникин 509.
PJpn. *tami people, subjects (народ, подданные): OJpn. tam(j)i;
MJpn. tàmì; Tok. támi; Kyo. támì; Kag. támi.
PKor. *č(j)ōŋ slave (раб): MKor. čjōŋ; Mod. čōŋ.
◊ Nam 433, KED 1483.
◊ JLTT 540. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is quite irregular (reflecting an early
borrowing < Kyoto?).
‖ Jpn. and Mong. suggest that the original meaning was “people,
public gathering”; in TM and Korean the root shifted the meaning to
“foreign people” > (TM) “enemies, robbers”, Kor. “slave(s)”.
-č῾ăp῾a ( ~ -u, -i) to chop, hit: Tung. *čapka; Mong. *čabči-; Turk. *čap-;
Kor. *čak-.
PTung. *čapka fish spear (острога): Evk. čapka; Neg. čapka; Ul. čaqpa;
Ork. čapqa; Nan. čaqp.
◊ ТМС 2, 384.
PMong. *čabči- to chop, mow (колоть, рубить, косить): MMong.
č[e]wča- (IM), čabči- (MA); WMong. čabči- (L 154); Kh. cavči-; Bur. sabša-;
Kalm. capči-, čapči-; Ord. ǯabči-; Dag. čirč- (Тод. Даг. 181 čerči-), čarči-;
Dong. čɨǯɨ-; Bao. čəbči-; S.-Yugh. ǯabča-; Mongr. abśi- (SM 76), ćavći-
(Huzu), čabǯi (Minghe).
 *č῾ăp῾a - *č῾ăp῾a 417
◊ KW 437, MGCD 555. Mong. > Man. sabči-, Nan. čapči- etc., see Doerfer MT 115,
Rozycki 172; > Kirgh. čapčɨ- ‘бить ногой (о лошади)’.
PTurk. *čap- 1 to beat, hit 2 to attack, rob 3 chisel 4 hack, hoe,
hatchet 5 to chop 6 to scythe, mow 7 to dig 8 to break 9 sharp 10 scythe
11 to whet, sharpen (a scythe) 12 metal shavings after forging 13 trap 14
whetstone for sharpening scythes 15 to whip 16 to hack, adze 17 shav-
ings 18 booty 19 currycomb (1 бить, ударять 2 нападать, грабить 3 ре-
зец 4 мотыга, тяпка, сечка 5 рубить 6 косить 7 копать (кетменем) 8
разламывать 9 острый 10 коса 11 точить (косу) 12 обсечки металла
при ковке 13 капкан 14 брусок для точки кос 15 хлестать 16 тесать
17 стружка 18 добыча, трофей 19 скребница): Karakh. čap- 1 (MK);
Tur. čap- 2, čapla 3, čapa 4, čapak 12; Gag. čapanaq 18; Az. čap- 5, 2;
Turkm. čap- 5, 2, čapGɨ 4, čapGɨr 9; Sal. čap-, ča’- 1 (ССЯ); Khal. čap- 2;
MTurk. čap- 5, 2 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. čɔp- 5, 7, čɔpqi 4; Uygh. čap- 5, 6,
čapqu 4; Krm. cap- 1; čap- 1, 5, čapa 19; Tat. čap/b- 5, 6, 1, čapqɨ 4; Bashk.
sap/b- 6, 5, 1, sapqɨ 4; Kirgh. čap/b- 5, 7, 1, čapqɨ 4, 10; Kaz. šap/b- 5, 6, 2,
šapqɨ 4; KBalk. čab- 2; KKalp. šap/b- 5, 6, 2; Kum. čap- 5, čapɣɨ 4; Nogh.
šap/b- 5, šapqɨ 4; SUygh. ča’p- 1, 5, 8; Khak. sap- 1, 5, 6, saxpɨ, sapxɨ 10;
Shr. šap- 1, 6, šapqɨ 13; Oyr. čap- 5, 6, čapqɨ 10, 13; Tv. šap- 1, 2, šap-ta- 15;
Tof. šap-tɨ 17, šaptɨ-la- 16; Chuv. śop- 1, 11, śopkaś 14; Yak. sabā- 1.
◊ VEWT 99, EDT 394, Егоров 203, 219, Федотов 2, 85, 137-8, Ашм. XII, 247-249.
PKor. *čak- fish spear (острога, гарпун): Mod. čak-sal, čak-suŋi.
◊ KED 1387.
‖ KW 437, ОСНЯ 1, 201. Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk., de-
spite Щербак 1997, 112. Several subgroups reflect a PA derivative
*č῾ap῾(V)-k῾V (PT *čapkɨ = PTM *čapka = Kor. *čak- ( < *čapk-)).
-č῾ăp῾a ( ~ -u, -i) glue, clay: Tung. *čapa; Mong. *čabaɣ(u); Turk. *čap-.
PTung. *čapa 1 fish roe, caviar 2 white clay (1 рыбья икра 2 белая
глина): Evk. čapa 1, čapida, čawiǯa 2; Neg. čapa 1; Nan. čapa 1; Orch. čapa
1; Ud. čafa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 74, 384.
PMong. *čaba- glue, fish glue (клей, рыбий клей): MMong.
č[a]bsun (IM); WMong. čabaɣu (L 154) čabau (DO 697); Kh. cavū(n); Bur.
sabū(n); Kalm. cawəg; Ord. čawū; Dag. čagu.
◊ KW 423, MGCD 1697.
PTurk. *čap- 1 to plaster 2 eye pus 3 to puncture (a tumour, furun-
cle) (1 мазать, залеплять, обмазывать 2 глазной гной 3 прокалывать
(опухоль, нарыв)): Karakh. čap- 1 (MK); Tur. čapak 2; Gag. čapaq 2; Uzb.
čapi- 1; Uygh. čap-li- 1, čapaq 2; Kirgh. čap-ta- 1, čabaq-ta- 3; Kaz. šabaq-ta-
3; KKalp. šabaq-ša-la- 3; Kum. (aq) čap- ‘to blanch, pipeclay’; Tv. šap- ‘to
pour water and stamp (ground)’(?); Chuv. śop- ‘заворачивать пирог’.
418 *č῾ap῾i - *č῾àro
◊ VEWT 99, EDT 394, Ашм. XII, 248. Turk. > Hung. csipa ‘eye pus’ (<*čapaɣ), see
Gombocz 1912.
‖ KW 423. A Western isogloss.
-č῾ap῾i ( ~ *č῾ep῾a) a k. of horned animal: Mong. *čaɣa; Turk. *čepiĺ.
PMong. *čaɣa reindeer (олень (домашний)): WMong. čaɣa (L 154:
ča); Kh. cā; Bur. sagān ‘breeding reindeer’; Kalm. cā (КРС).
PTurk. *čepiĺ a half-year or 1-year-old kid ((полу)годовалый коз-
ленок): Karakh. čepiš (MK); Tur. čepiš, čepič; Az. čäpiš; Turkm. čebiš;
Khal. čapiš ( < Az.?); Uygh. čivič; Kirgh. čebič; KBalk. čemič; Kum. čebič.
◊ VEWT 105, EDT 399, Щербак 1961, 120. Cf. also Chag. čiber ‘mountain goat’ (R).
The reflex -b- in Turkm. and Uygh. may be an indication of original vowel length (?)
Shcherbak’s hypothesis of the word being borrowed < Iranian is dubious; Pers. čapiš,
čapuš itself may well be borrowed < Turkic. In any case, the Persian form cannot be a
regular IE match for Lat. caper. Cf. WH 1, 157, sub caper: “Np. čapiš...lautlich un-
möglich”; indeed, Common Iranian -p- (< IE -p-) > Mod. Pers. and NW-Iran. -b-, in excep-
tional cases -v- (Расторгуева ЗИФ 114-115); a parallel for caper may perhaps be found in
Sak. ca, Osset. cäv ‘goat’ (see Аб. 1, 307, Bailey 105). One should mention the problem-
atic “Wanderformen” Rum. cap, Alb. tsap, Ital. dial. cappo, Crim.-Goth. stap, Slav. *cápъ
‘he-goat’; cf. also Oyr. čāp ‘one year-old roebuck’ ( < Mong.?). See Трубачев 1960, 89-90,
Orel 47 with literature; note especially Hubschmid’s (1954, 49) hypothesis of the Turkic
origin of this Wanderwort.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. There are alternatives: the Mong. form
can be compared with Evk. čenekū, čeŋek ‘reindeer’ (ТМС 2, 421), while
the Turkic may be compared with Evk. čubukī, čwakūn ‘mountain ram’
(ТМС 2, 410). On the whole, a rather obscure case: cf. Хелимский 2000,
286 on a possibility of the Mongolian word being borrowed < Sam.
-č῾are ( ~ -ŕ-, -o) bare, barefooted: Tung. *čara-ku; Mong. *čira-ma.
PTung. *čara-ku barefooted (босой): Ul. čaraqụ; Nan. čaraqõ.
◊ ТМС 2, 385.
PMong. *čira-ma naked, bare, nude (голый): WMong. čirama, čirma
(L 192); Kh. čarmā; Kalm. čirm.
◊ KW 442.
‖ A Tung.-Mong. isogloss.
-č῾àro to cut off, tear off: Tung. *čari-; Turk. *čar; Jpn. *tàt-; Kor. *čărɨ-.
PTung. *čari- to tear (рвать): Evk. čari-.
◊ ТМС 2, 385. Attested only in Evk., but with probable external parallels.
PTurk. *čar 1 whetstone 2 sickle 3 to whet (1 точильный камень 2
серп 3 точить): Sal. čār- ‘to cut, stick in’ (ССЯ: Udzh.); MTurk. čar-la- 3
(Pav. C.); Tat. čar 1, ‘mill stone’, čar-la- 3; Bashk. sar 1; Kaz. šar 1; KKalp.
šar 1; Kum. čar 1, ‘spool’; Nogh. šar 1; Shr. šar 1; Oyr. čar 1; Chuv. śorla
2; Yak. sardaɣa, sardāna ‘short heavy arrow with a broad head’ (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 99-100, Егоров 221, Федотов 2, 143 (borrowing < FU *śorva ‘horn’ is hardly
credible). Bulg. > Hung. sarló ‘sickle’, see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 494-495. The root is
 *č῾ăǯV - *č῾ḗbV 419
certainly genuine, although some influence of the Iranian čarɨk, čarx ‘wheel’ could have
existed.
PJpn. *tàt- to cut, cut off (резать, отрезать): OJpn. tat-; MJpn. tàt-;
Tok. tát-; Kyo. tàt-; Kag. tàt-.
◊ JLTT 766.
PKor. *čărɨ- to cut off, chop off (отрезать, отрубать): MKor. čărɨ-;
Mod. čarɨ-.
◊ Nam 413, KED 1376.
‖ Martin 229, АПиПЯЯ 76, ОСНЯ 1, 209. The Japanese form may be
alternatively derived from PA *t῾at῾V q.v.
-č῾ăǯV cheek, cheekbone: Tung. *ǯaǯi-; Mong. *ǯaǯi-; Turk. *čAj-na-.
PTung. *ǯaǯi- cheekbone (скула): Man. ǯaǯin; Ul. ǯaǯịqta; Nan.
ǯaŋǯịχta.
◊ ТМС 1, 242.
PMong. *ǯaǯi- 1 to chew 2 part of cheek (1 жевать 2 часть щеки):
MMong. ǯeaǯolom- 1 (IM); WMong. ǯaǯi-la- (L 1041: ǯaǯil-) 1, ǯaǯi-ɣur 2
(L 1041); Kh. ʒaǯla- 1, ʒaǯūr 2; Bur. žažal-, zažal- 1; Kalm. ǯaǯl- 1 (КРС);
Ord. ǯaǯil- 1; Mog. ǯaǯul- 1 (Weiers), ǯaǯi- 1 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. ǯeǯile-
1; Dong. ǯaǯulu- 1; Bao. ǯɛǯal- 1; S.-Yugh. ǯaǯil- 1; Mongr. aili- (SM 77),
ǯaǯilə- 1.
◊ MGCD 422.
PTurk. *čAj-na- 1 to chew 2 to bite (1 жевать 2 кусать): Tur. čiɣne-,
čejne- 1 (R); Gag. čīne- 1; Az. čejnä- 1; Turkm. čejne- 1; Sal. čene-, čäinä- 1
(ССЯ); MTurk. čajna- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. čajna- 1; Uygh. čajna- 1; Krm. ca-
jna-, čajna-, čejne- 1; Tat. čɛjnɛ- 1, 2; Bashk. säjnä- 1; Kirgh. čajna- 1; Kaz.
šajna- 1; KBalk. čajna- 1; KKalp. šajna- 2; Kum. čajna- 1; Nogh. šajna- 1;
Khak. tajna- 1; Shr. tajna- 1; Oyr. čajna- 1; Tv. dajna- 1; Tof. tajna- 1.
◊ VEWT 95, Расс. ФиЛ 168. Forms with t- in some Siberian languages are rather en-
igmatic.
‖ Дыбо 5, Лексика 220. A Western isogloss. In Mong. and TM one
has to presume an early assimilation (*ǯaǯi- < *čaǯi-).
-č῾ḗbV branch, forked branch; staff: Tung. *čebu-(gan); Mong. *čib-;
Turk. *čĀb-.
PTung. *čebu-(gan) 1 lever 2 forked branch 3 brace, clinch (1 рычаг
2 раздвоенная ветка (подпорка для подвешивания котла над огнем)
3 скоба, крепеж): Evk. čewe 2; Man. čoban 1; Nan. čebe 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 401, 419.
PMong. *čib- whip, lash (плеть, кнут): MMong. čiču’a (SH);
WMong. čibčirga (L 174); Kh. čavčirga; Ord. ǯibčarGa; Mongr. ś (SM
393).
◊ Mong. > Evk. čêčuɣa etc., see Doerfer MT 78, Rozycki 180; > Chag. čupčurɣa
420 *č῾éč῾í - *č῾egV(nV)
PTurk. *čĀb- whip-lash (плеть): Karakh. čavɨɣ, čaɣɨɣ (MK); Tur. ča-
vun ‘leather whip’; Turkm. čāv-la- ‘to lash with a rod, whip’; Tv. ?
šavɨ-la- ‘to lash (of branches)’; Chuv. čъvъš ‘sound of the whip or rod’,
čъₙvaš-la- ‘to lash’.
◊ EDT 395. See also under *čp.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. also *č῾ipV, *č῾p῾a.
-č῾éč῾í to press, squeeze: Tung. *čeče-re-; Jpn. *tíntí-; Kor. *čìčr-.
PTung. *čeče-re- to press, squeeze in arms (жать, сжимать в объя-
тиях): Man. čečere-.
◊ ТМС 2, 422. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable Kor.-Jpn. parallels.
PJpn. *tíntí- to press, compress (сдавливать): MJpn. tidi-k-; Tok.
chìjime-; Kyo. chíjímé-; Kag. chijimé-.
◊ JLTT 768.
PKor. *čìčr- to press down (давить, придавливать): MKor. čìčr-;
Mod. čiǯirɨ-.
◊ Nam 443, KED 1537.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-č῾eč῾u flower: Turk. *čeček; Jpn. *tutu(n)si.
PTurk. *čeček 1 flower 2 chicken-pox (1 цветок 2 оспа): OTurk.
čeček (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čeček (KB) 1; Tur. čiček 1, 2; Gag. čiček 1, 2; Az.
čičäk 1, 2; Turkm. čeček 1; Sal. čičex (ССЯ) 1, ‘bud’; MTurk. čeček (Sangl.)
1; Uzb. čečak 1, 2; Uygh. čečäk 1, 2; Krm. čiček, čeček 1, 2; Tat. čɛčɛk 1, 2;
Bashk. säsäk 2, säskä 1; Kirgh. čeček 2; aq čeček ‘a k. of tree’, čečekej ‘crys-
talline lens’; Kaz. šešek 1, 2; KBalk. čeček 2; KKalp. šešek 2; Kum. čeček 1,
2; Nogh. šešek 1, šešekej 2; SUygh. ῾uǯug; Oyr. čeček 1; Chuv. śeśke
‘flower, leaf’.
◊ VEWT 102, EDT 400-401, Лексика 120. Turk. > Mong. čečeg, see TMN 3, 57, Щер-
бак 1997, 112. Kypch. > Chuv. čečče, čeček (see Егоров 322, Федотов 2, 408-409); some
Turkic forms (Tuva čeček, perhaps also Oyr. čeček and some of the Kypchak forms) may
be borrowed back < Mong.
PJpn. *tutu(n)si a k. of rhododendron (вид рододендрона): OJpn.
tutuzi; MJpn. tùdùsí; Tok. tsutsúji; Kyo. tsútsùjì; Kag. tsutsúji.
◊ JLTT 558. Accent reconstruction unclear.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss; not quite reliable. Cf. *č῾[i]č῾V: one cannot
exclude that this is the same expressive root (*’sprout’), with some ir-
regular developments.
-č῾egV(nV) a k. of insect: Tung. *čegene-; Mong. *čeɣV- / *čiɣV-; Kor.
*čìni.
PTung. *čegene- crayfish (рак): Neg. čeɣenex; Ul. čēni; Ork. teinei;
Nan. čēnī; Orch. čeŋei; Ud. čendeuxie.
◊ ТМС 2, 419.
 *č῾k῾à - *č῾k῾à 421

PMong. *čeɣV- / *čiɣV- 1 locust 2 multiped, wood louse (вид насе-

комого): MMong. čəurge 1 (HY 12); WMong. čigigči 2 (L 179); Kh. čijgč
2; Bur. šīgej 2; Kalm. čīgən 2.
◊ The WMong. and modern forms may have been influenced by čiɣig ῾wet’ (semanti-
cally cf. Russ. мокрица ῾wood louse’ < мокрый ῾wet’).
PKor. *čìni centipede,multipede (стоножка, многоножка): MKor.
čìni; Mod. čine.
◊ Liu 681, KED 1527.
‖ The TM and Kor. forms reflect a common *-n-suffixation.
-č῾k῾à ( ~ -a-) to strike fire: Tung. *či(K)u- ( ~ -e-); Mong. *čaki-; Turk.
*č(i)ak-; Jpn. *ták-; Kor. *čhắ-.
PTung. *či(K)u- ( ~ -e-) fire steel (кресало, огниво): Ul. čiu(n); Ork.
ču; Nan. čiũ; Ud. cui (arch.) (Корм. 311).
◊ ТМС 2, 400.
PMong. *čaki- to strike fire (высекать огонь): MMong. čaqi- (MA);
WMong. čaki-, čakil- (L 161); Kh. caxi-, caxila-; Bur. saxil-; Kalm. cak-,
cakl-, cäkl-; Ord. ǯakil- ‘to scintillate, glare, lighten’; Mog. ZM čaqeldour
(19-5b) ‘moonshine’; Dag. čakil- (Тод. Даг. 180 čakilgān ‘lightning’).
◊ KW 420, 424. Mong. > Evk. čakêlga, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *č(i)ak- 1 to strike fire 2 flint, fire steel (1 высекать огонь 2
кремень, огниво): OTurk. čaq- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čaq- (MK) 1; Tur.
čak- 1; Gag. čaq- 1; Az. čax- 1; Turkm. čaq- 1; Khal. čaqmaq 2; MTurk. čaq-
(Sangl.) 1; Uzb. čaq- 1; Uygh. čaqmaq-taš 2; Krm. čaq- 1; Tat. čaq- 1;
Bashk. saɣ-/saq- 1; Kirgh. čaq- 1; KBalk. čaɣ-/čaq- ‘to produce sparks,
shoot from a flint gun’; KKalp. šaq- 1; Kum. čaq- ‘to pull the trigger’,
čaqma 2; Nogh. šaqpa 2; SUygh. ča’q- 1; Khak. sax- 1; Shr. šaɣɨn ‘spark’;
Oyr. čaq- 1; Tv. šaq- 1; Tof. ča’q- 1; Yak. sax- 1.
◊ VEWT 95, TMN 3, 80-81, Лексика 373. Kypch. > Chuv. čakma ‘fire steel’, whence >
Mari, Udm. (Федотов 2, 387). The verb is usually regarded as one of the meanings of *čak-
‘hit, strike’, but the semantics ‘strike fire’ is attested quite early and allows to use the
Turkic material in the Altaic comparison.
PJpn. *ták- to burn, put on fire (жечь, зажигать): OJpn. tak-; MJpn.
ták-; Tok. tàk-; Kyo. ták-; Kag. ták-.
◊ JLTT 762.
PKor. *čhắ- flint, silicon (кремень, кремний): MKor. čhắ-tòr; Mod.
čhadol.
◊ Liu 690, KED 1562.
‖ KW 420, 424, Poppe 26, JOAL 99. Korean has a frequent vowel r e-
duction between a stop and a fricative. Mong. is hardly borrowed from
Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 112 (TMN 3, 82: “Onomatopoetica”).
422 *č῾èk῾ù - *č῾ēk῾V
-č῾èk῾ù ( ~ *č῾ok῾e, -k-) handle: Turk. *čEkük / *čEküč; Jpn. *tùkà; Kor.
*čhái.
PTurk. *čEkük / *čEküč hammer (молот): Karakh. čekük (MK:
Oghuz), čeküč (IM); Tur. čekič; Gag. čekič; Az. čäküč; Turkm. čekič;
MTurk. čeküč, čöküč (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. čọkič ‘hack’; Krm. cokuc, cekic,
čöküč; Tat. čükeč; Bashk. sükeš; KBalk. čögüč; Kum. čöküč; Nogh. šökiš.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 415. (< Iran., see TMN 3, 85-86?). Despite EDT, hardly derived
from ček- ‘to pull’. The controversy concerning the Iranian origin of the Turkic word vs.
the Turkic origin of the Modern Persian one (see Doerfer, Clauson), should be probably
resolved as follows: Old Persian ( = Av. cakuš- ‘axe / hammer for throwing’) > Pers. čakuš
‘hammer’; but Pers. čekoč, čekoǯ are phonetically aberrant (see Horn 99) and should be
regarded as Turkisms; Pers. čekuš is a mixed form. The source of Pers. čekoč is Turk. čeküč
- a diminutive in -č for the form čekük. Turkic forms in -š (Khal. čäkkuš, Kirgh. čöküš,
KKalp. šökkiš, possibly also Nogh. šökiš, Bashk. sükeš) may be iranisms. Turk. > Mong.
čeküč (see Щербак 1997, 112).
PJpn. *tùkà handle (ручка): OJpn. tuka; MJpn. tùkà; Tok. tsuká; Kyo.
tsúkà; Kag. tsúka.
◊ JLTT 554. Tone in Kagoshima is irregular (all other evidence points to *tùkà).
PKor. *čhái whip; handle (кнут; ручка): MKor. čhái; Mod. čhä,
čhä-č:ik.
◊ Nam 449, KED 1576.
‖ Korean has a usual vowel loss between a stop and a fricative.
-č῾ek῾V part of shoulder close to neck: Mong. *čekerej; Turk. *čekn.
PMong. *čekerej part of breast (close to upper spine) (часть груди
(у верхней части позвоночника)): MMong. čekerei (SH).
PTurk. *čekn part of shoulder between the neck and shoulderblade
(часть плеча между шеей и лопаткой): OTurk. čikin (OUygh.); Tur.
čekin, dial. čeɣin, čeɣn; Az. čijin; Turkm. čigin; Khal. čīn; MTurk. čikin
(Abush., Sangl.); Chuv. śan ‘body’.
◊ EDT 415, VEWT 103, Дыбо 129-130, Лексика 238-239 (see there about details of
phonetic reconstruction).
‖ Дыбо 308; Дыбо 130-131, Лексика 238-239 (but Evk. čeke ‘throat,
palate’ should rather be derived < *šek῾a q.v.): A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-č῾ēk῾V a k. of cloth: Tung. *čeKe; Mong. *čegedeg; Turk. *čĒk-; Kor.
*čjk-.
PTung. *čeKe 1 upper short clothes 2 velvet (1 короткая верхняя
одежда 2 бархат): Man. čeke 1, čekemu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 419 (other forms: Oroch, Ul., Nan. čeke ‘velvet’ may be borrowed from
Manchu).
PMong. *čegedeg a k. of cloth, short shirt (вид ткани, короткая ру-
башка): WMong. čegedeg (L 169); Kh. cegdeg, cegēdeg; Kalm. cegədeg;
Ord. čigedek ‘touloupe courte’.
◊ KW 426.
 *č῾ep῾à - *č῾ep῾à 423

PTurk. *čĒk- 1 woven cotton fabric 2 cotton shirt 3 woollen cloth 4 a

k. of upper clothes (jacket, trousers, cloak) (1 хлопковая ткань 2 хлоп-
ковая рубашка 3 шерстяная ткань 4 вид верхней одежды (куртка,
шаровары, плащ)): OTurk. čekrek 2 (OUygh. - XIV c.); Karakh. čekrek 2
(MK); Tur. čekmen, čäpkän 4; Turkm. čǟkmen ‘gown’; MTurk. čekmen 4, 1
(Pav. C.); Uzb. čakmɔn 4; Uygh. čäkmän 4; Krm. cekmen, čekmän 3; Tat.
čikmɛn 4; Bashk. säkmän 4; Kirgh. čekmen, čepken 3, 4; KBalk. čepken 3, 4;
Oyr. čekpen, čepken 3, 4; Tv. šekpen 3, 4; Tof. šekpen 3.
◊ VEWT 103, EDT 416, 413.
PKor. *čjk- shirt, coat (рубашка, куртка): MKor. čjk-sàm; Mod.
čəksam, čəgori.
◊ Nam 425, KED 1418, 1425.
‖ KW 426, SKE 27. A cultural term, but borrowing (either in Mong.
< Turk. or in Manchu < Mong.) is hardly possible. The Kor. form is
somewhat dubious (tone does not correspond to Turkic; perhaps we
should regard it as an old loan < Manchu; if it is not, a reconstruction
*č῾ējk῾V is possible). Mong. -g- speaks in favour of PA *-k-, but may be a
result of assimilation (before -deg, like *ogo-da-su < *oko-da-su), thus (on
Korean evidence) more probable is the reconstruction of *k῾.
-č῾ep῾à rag: Mong. *čoɣu-da-; Turk. *čepürek; Jpn. *tapai; Kor. *čapa- ( ~
-ă-).
PMong. *čoɣu-da- strip, long narrow piece (полоска, длинный уз-
кий кусок): WMong. čoɣudasu(n) (L 195); Kh. cūdas.
PTurk. *čepürek 1 rag, patch 2 worn, used clothing (1 тряпка, лох-
мотья 2 изношенная одежда): OTurk. čopra (perhaps = čöpre) 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. čöpür-čepür ; čopra ( ~ čübrä) 2 (MK); Turkm. čüprek
‘oakum’; MTurk. (OKypch.) čüprek 1 (Houts.); Krm. čiprek, ciprek, čüpräk
1; Tat. čüpräk 1; Bashk. sepräk 1; Kirgh. čüpürek, čüpürek-čapɨraq 1; KKalp.
šüberek 1; Kum. čüpürek 1; Nogh. šiberek, šüberek 1; Khak. sübrek 1; Shr.
šübürek 1; Oyr. čeberek, čibirek 1.
◊ EDT 398, VEWT 118 (confused with *čöp ‘dirt’), Аникин 677. Perhaps (as suggested
in EDT 398) connected with Karakh. (MK) čöpür ‘goat’s hair’, Chag., Turkm. čöpür id.
PJpn. *tapai a k. of cloth (made of bast), cloth in general (вид ткани
(из лыка), ткань вообще): OJpn. tape; MJpn. tafe; Tok. shiro-tae.
◊ JLTT 537.
PKor. *čapa- ( ~ -ă-) rags, odd ends of paper or cloth (тряпка, лос-
кутья): Mod. čabägi.
◊ KED 1379.
‖ Mong. *čoɣu-da- - with a secondary (usual) labialization <
*čaɣu-da-. Cf. also *č῾op῾a, from which this root is sometimes difficult to
distinguish.
424 *č῾ḗp῾u - *č῾ibe
-č῾ḗp῾u ulcer, furuncle: Tung. *čepe; Mong. *čijigan; Turk. *čpgan; Kor.
*čjūpók.
PTung. *čepe ulcer, pustule (лишай, нарыв, прыщ): Evk. čepe.
◊ ТМС 2, 421. Attested only in Evk., but having reliable external parallels.
PMong. *čijigan tumour, albugo (опухоль, бельмо): MMong. čeiɣān
(IM), čiqan (MA); WMong. čijiɣan, čiqan; Kh. čīɣan, cagān; Bur. šīxan;
Kalm. cagā, cagǟ; Ord. čagā.
◊ KW 419.
PTurk. *čpgan 1 furuncle 2 rash, pimple (1 фурункул 2 сыпь,
прыщ): Karakh. čɨbɨqan (MK) 1; Tur. čɨban 1; Gag. čɨban 1; Az. čiban1,
čivzä 2; Turkm. čban 1; MTurk. čɨban (Sangl.) 1; Uzb. čipqɔn 1; Krm.
cɨban, čɨban 1; Tat. čuwan 1, čebi ‘цыпки’; Bashk. säbärt- ‘обметать губы’,
sebeške ‘цыпки’; Kaz. šɨjqan 1; Nogh. šɨjqan, dial. šuba 1; Shr. šɨbɨrɣan 2;
Oyr. čɨbɨtqan, (dial. - Верб.) čibiške 2; Tv. šiviški 2; Tof. šibiški 2, 1; Chuv.
śъₙban, śъₙvan 1.
◊ VEWT 106, EDT 396, TMN 3, 1151, Егоров 208, Федотов 2, 96. The Kaz. and Nogh.
forms may be < Mong. (although they differ semantically).
PKor. *čjūpók furuncle, ulcer (нарыв, прыщ): MKor. čjūpók; Mod.
čubu-kho ‘red bulbous nose’ ( = MKor. čjūpók-kò).
◊ Nam 436, KED 1498.
‖ Poppe 26 (Turc-Mong). Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk. In PT a
secondary vowel narrowing has occurred (probably *čpgan < *čpɨgan);
otherwise correspondences are quite regular. Note velar suffixation
reflected in PT, Mong. and Kor. (PA *č῾ēp῾u-ka-).
-č῾era ( ~ -o) snow, to freeze: Mong. *čar; Turk. *čar-.
PMong. *čar 1 snow crust 2 to freeze (1 наст, снежная корка 2 за-
мерзать, затвердевать): WMong. čar 1, čarča- 2 (L 165); Kh. car 1, carca-
2; Bur. sarsa- 2, sarja ‘tramped snow’; Kalm. car 1; Ord. ǯarča- 2.
◊ KW 422. Mong. > Oyr. čarča- ‘to freeze’.
PTurk. *čar- 1 snow dust 2 fog (1 пороша 2 туман): Karakh.
(MKypch.) čas 2; Tur. (dial.) čars 2; Tat. čas 2 (dial.); Bashk. sar ‘animal
trace on snow’; KBalk. čars 2; Kum. čars 2; Oyr. dial. (Leb.) šarša 1.
◊ Лексика 29, 35. The derivative *čar-s is somewhat peculiar morphologically and
could be a loanword - from the (unattested) Mong. *čar-su(n) (?).
‖ KW 422. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-č῾ibe to twist, turn: Tung. *čib-; Mong. *čüw; Turk. *čebir-.
PTung. *čib- to wriggle, roll (извиваться, кататься): Evk. čiwar-.
◊ ТМС 2, 389. Cf. also Evk. čepče- ‘to roll; to plait (a string, rope)’. An expressive and
isolated root, therefore the PTM reconstruction is dubious.
PMong. *čüw ring (кольцо): WMong. čü (МXTTT); Kh. cǖ; Bur. süj.
PTurk. *čebir- 1 to twist, turn 2 round (1 крутить, поворачивать 2
круглый): Karakh. čevür- 1 (MK); Tur. čevir- 1; Gag. čevir- 1, čevrä 2; Az.
 *č῾[i]č῾V - *č῾iju 425

čevir- 1; Turkm. čövür- 1; MTurk. čewür- 1 (Sangl.); Uygh. čäbir- 1; Krm.

сivir-, čevir- 1, civre 2; KBalk. čüjür- ‘to tuck’, čüjre ‘contrariwise’; Kum.
čüjür- ‘to wrap’; Nogh. šüjir- ‘to twiddle a whirligig’; Chuv. śavar-/śar-
1, śavra 2; Yak. sebirij- ‘to uncoil (of a twisted rope)’.
◊ VEWT 102, EDT 398, Егоров 201-201, Федотов 2, 80. Despite VEWT, there are no
reasons to regard the Chuv. word as a borrowing.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 287. A Western isogloss; Mong. *čüw < *čiw with secon-
dary assimilative labialization. The PA nature of the root is somewhat
dubious because of its expressive meaning and the isolatedness of
Evenki forms.
-č῾[i]č῾V spout, prick, penis: Tung. *čiču; Mong. *čiči-; Kor. *čči.
PTung. *čiču 1 penis 2 spout (of a tea-pot) (1 penis 2 носик (чайни-
ка)): Man. čočo 1; Ul. čịčụ 1,2; Ork. tụtụ 1; Nan. čịčịqo 2; Ud. čičko 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 403.
PMong. *čiči- 1 to prick 2 prick, thorn, sprout (1 колоть, прокалы-
вать 2 шип, росток): MMong. čičigina ‘Krautwurzel’ (SH); WMong.
čiči- 1, čičigür, čičijesü(n), čičiɣesü(n) 2 (L 176); Kh. čiči- 1, čičǖr 2; Kalm.
čičə- 1, čičǖr, čičsn 2; Ord. ǯiči- 1; Dag. čiči- 1 (Тод. Даг. 181).
◊ KW 442.
PKor. *čči penis (penis): Mod. čāǯi (orth. čči), čot [čoč].
◊ KED 1383, 1488.
‖ SKE 25 (Kor.-Tung.). An expressive word with not quite secure
vocalic correspondences (cf. also in Turkic: Uzb. čụčɔq ‘penis’ (of a
child) = Kirgh. čüčök ‘острица, брань по поводу детей’, Khal. čučo
‘pee’ (in childr. language); cf. also *č῾eč῾u ‘flower’.
-č῾iju wet, moisture: Tung. *čikpa-; Mong. *čiɣig; Turk. *čɨj-ɨk; Jpn.
*tuju; Kor. *čī-n, *čhuk-.
PTung. *čikpa- 1 wet 2 to become wet, soak (1 мокрый 2 мокнуть):
Neg. čịp- 2; Ul. čịqpa 1; Ork. čịqpa ~ čịpqa 1; Nan. čaqpa 1; Orch. čippa 1;
Ud. čipa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 398. Cf. also Evk. čīw- ‘to flow, leak’ (ТМС 2, 389) which could reflect the
original *čiju.
PMong. *čiɣig moisture (влага): WMong. čigig (L 179), čig; Kh. čijg;
Bur. šīg; Kalm. čīg; Ord. čīg; S.-Yugh. čīg.
◊ KW 443, MGCD 568.
PTurk. *čɨj, *čɨj-ɨk 1 wet, soaking, moist 2 dew 3 moisture 4 raw (1
мокрый 2 роса 3 влага, влажный 4 сырой): Karakh. či/čɨ 3 (MK), čɨ-la-
‘to moisten’ (MK), čɨq- ‘to absorb moisture’ (MK), čɨɣ-la-n- ‘to be
half-cooked’ (MK), čig 4 (IM); Tur. čiɣ, čij 1, 2; Gag. čij 1, 2; Az. čij ‘raw’;
Turkm. čīg 1, čG 2; Sal. čɨx-ču 2 (ССЯ); Uzb. čiq 2 (dial.), čɣ 1 (Xɔrazm);
Krm. čɨj, cij 4, čɨx 2, ‘hoar-frost’; Tat. čɨq 2; Bashk. sej 4, ɨsɨq 2; Kirgh. čij-ki
4, čɨq 2, 3; Kaz. šɨq 2; KBalk. čij 4, čɨq 2; KKalp. šɨq 2; Kum. čij 4, čɨq 2;
426 *č῾ika - *č῾ika
Nogh. šij 4, šɨq 2; Khak. sɨx 1, 3; Shr. šɨq 3, šɨqtɨɣ 1; Oyr. čij 4, čɨq 3; Tv. šɨq
3, ‘meadow’, šɨqtɨɣ 1; Tof. šɨq 1; Yak. sīk 2, 3; Dolg. hīk 2.
◊ EDT 393, 406,408, 413, 418, VEWT 107, Лексика 39, Stachowski 106. The actual re-
flexes are best explained if we postulate an opposition *čɨj ‘wet, raw’ - *čɨj-ɨk ‘dew, mois-
ture’ (with further contractions). Some forms, however, could be secondarily borrowed
from Mong. (see Kal. 34).
PJpn. *tuju dew (роса): OJpn. tuju; MJpn. tuju; Tok. tsuyu.
◊ JLTT 558. There is considerable confusion of three words in Japanese: a) RJ tùjú,
Tokyo tsúyu, Kyoto tsúyú, Kag. tsúyu ‘dew’; b) RJ tújù, Tokyo tsúyu, Kyoto tsúyù, Kag.
tsuyú ‘juice’; Tokyo tsùyu, tsúyu, Kyoto tsúyú, Kag. tsúyu ‘early rainy season’. It seems
that there had existed several original words but their dialectal reflexes got hopelessly
mixed up.
PKor. *čī-n, *čhuk- 1 fluid, liquid, sap 2 be moistened, wet (1 жид-
кость, сок 2 быть мокрым, влажным): MKor. čīn 1, čhuk-,
čhùk-čhùk-hă- 2; Mod. čīn 1, čhuk-, čhukčhuk-ha- 2.
◊ Liu 685, 701, Nam 450, KED 1543, 1635, 1637.
‖ EAS 64, KW 443, Лексика 39. A PA derivative *č῾iju-k῾V is re-
flected in PT *čɨjɨk = Mong. čiɣig = PTM *čik- = Kor. *čhuk-. Also here
probably Kor. čhú-m ‘phlegm’. In Japanese (perhaps also in Korean)
there is some confusion of this root with *č῾aju ‘resin, tar’ q.v.
-č῾ika ( ~ -u) to stamp, ram; stamped path: Tung. *čiKi-; Mong. *čig;
Turk. *čɨgɨr.
PTung. *čiKi- 1 edge, border 2 to go along the shore, come out on
the shore 3 stamped snow (1 край, граница 2 идти по берегу, выхо-
дить на берег 3 утоптанный снег): Evk. čiki (Tomm.); Man. čikin 1,
čiki-ra- 2; Nan. čiku-le- 2 (Kur-Urm.).
◊ ТМС 2, 389, 391.
PMong. *čig 1 to stamp, ram 2 narrow, pressed 3 direction (1 наби-
вать, затыкать 2 узкий, сдавленный 3 направление): WMong. čigǯi- 1
(L 180), čig 3 (L 178), čig 2; Kh. čigǯ- 1, čig 3; Bur. šegžǖn ‘набитый (о
трубке)’, šeg 3; Kalm. čig 2; Ord. čig; Dong. čɨGəi- 1; Bao. čiχə- 1;
S.-Yugh. čiGə- 1.
◊ MGCD 569, KW 438.
PTurk. *čɨgɨr 1 to stamp, ram (ground) 2 stamped snow 3 boundary,
limit 4 small path (1 топтать, утаптывать (землю) 2 утоптанный снег
3 граница 4 узкая тропа): Karakh. čɨɣru- 1, čɨɣɨr 4 (MK); Tur. čɨɣɨr 4,
‘coomb, trace of an avalanche’; Turkm. čɨGɨr 3; Khal. čɨɣɨr ‘bad road’;
MTurk. čɨɣɨr ‘thawed spot’ (Sangl.), ‘snow stamped by strong wind’
(Pav. C.); Uzb. čijir ‘trace’; Uygh. čiɣir jol 4; Tat. čɨɣɨr 3; Kirgh. čɨjɨr, čijir
4; Kaz. šɨjɨr ‘stamped’; KBalk. čɨjɨr-t- ‘to stamp snow, grass’; Tv. šr 2;
Tof. šr ‘spot on snow or ground with many tracks’.
 *č῾k῾à - *č῾ĭk῾a 427
◊ VEWT 95, 107, EDT 409, 410. Cf. perhaps also PT *čig- ‘to draw a line’ (VEWT 110).
Turk. > Mong. Khalkha čijr ‘stamped road’, Kalm. čīr ‘eaten and stamped grass’ (KW
443).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. > Tung. (Evk. čigǯan, čigle- etc.), see
ТМС 2, 389 (perhaps also Nan. ǯịGda-, ТМС 1, 255) - although Evk. čiki
‘stamped snow’ must be genuine.
-č῾k῾à bead, treasure: Tung. *čiku-; Turk. *čEk- ( ~ -i-); Jpn. *tàkàrà.
PTung. *čiku- 1 bead 2 ornament (made of carp’s bones) (1 бисер 2
украшение (из костей карпа)): Evk. čikti 1; Neg. čịktị 1; Ul. čikukte 2;
Nan. čiku-kte (Sch.) 2, čīči 1 (Naikh.); Orch. čixite 1, čukčikti ‘beads’.
◊ ТМС 2, 392.
PTurk. *čEk- ( ~ -i-) silk bead embroidery (вышивка бисером по
шелку): Karakh. čikin ‘embroidered brocade’ (MK); MTurk. čikin ‘floral
designs embroidered in silk’ (Sangl.); Tat. čigen ‘golden embroidery’ (R
- Kas.); čig- ‘to embroider’; Bashk. sige- ‘to embroider’; KBalk. čij tigiš
‘вышивание гладью’.
◊ EDT 415-416, ДТС 143. Despite Clauson, cannot be < Chin.
PJpn. *tàkàrà treasure (сокровище): OJpn. takara; MJpn. tàkàrà; Tok.
takará; Kyo. tákàrà; Kag. takará.
◊ JLTT 538.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-č῾k῾ to cut, cutting instrument: Tung. *čikā-; Jpn. *tánkání.
PTung. *čikā- to cut, hack, chop off (отрезать, отрубать, отсекать):
Evk. čikā-; Evn. čịqị-; Neg. čịxa-; Man. čikiri ‘shavings’; Ork. čike ‘support
for cutting, hacking smth.’.
◊ ТМС 2, 390, 391.
PJpn. *tánkání chisel (долото, резец): OJpn. tagani; MJpn. tágáné;
Tok. tàgane; Kyo. tágáné; Kag. tagané.
◊ JLTT 537 (not mentioning the OJ form). Tone in Kagoshima is aberrant. Already in
MJ the word was obviously influenced by kane ‘metal’.
‖ A Tung.-Jap. isogloss.
-č῾ĭk῾a ( ~ -o, -u) to rise, sprout: Tung. *čiK(i)-; Mong. *čiki; Turk. *čɨk-;
Kor. *čhi-.
PTung. *čiK(i)- to sprout (прорастать, подниматься из земли):
Evk. čiki-ltu-; Man. čiq-ǯala-.
◊ ТМС 2, 391 (cf. also Man. čiqte-n ‘stem, stalk’, čiq-si- ‘to ripen, become grown-up’).
PMong. *čiki 1 sprout 2 to sprout (1 росток 2 прорастать):
WMong. čiki(n) 1, čikile- 2 (L 181); Kh. čix 1, čixle- 2; Bur. šexen 1, šexer- 2;
Ord. ǯiχile- 2; Mongr. ćigi (SM 448) 1.
◊ Homonymous with čiki(n) ‘ear’ - but certainly quite different etymologically.
PTurk. *čɨk- to go out, come out (выходить): Karakh. čɨq- (MK, KB);
Tur. čɨk-; Gag. čɨq-; Az. čɨx-; Turkm. čɨq-; MTurk. čɨq- (Abush., Sangl.);
428 *č῾ik῾ò - *č῾k῾o
Uzb. čiq-; Uygh. čiq-; Krm. čɨq-; Tat. čɨq-; Bashk. sɨq-; Kirgh. čɨq-; Kaz.
šɨɣ-/q-; KBalk. čɨɣ-/q-; KKalp. šɨɣ-/q-; Kum. čɨɣ-/q-; Nogh. šɨɣ-/q-; Khak.
sɨx-; Shr. šɨq-; Oyr. čɨq-; Yak. sɨɣarɨj- ‘to move, be displaced’ (?).
◊ EDT 405-406, VEWT 107-108.
PKor. *čhi- to raise, rise (поднимать, подниматься): MKor. čhí-;
Mod. čhi-.
◊ Nam 452, Liu 704, KED 1655.
‖ In Kor. - a usual vowel loss between a stop and a fricative; cf. also
SKE 48.
-č῾ik῾ò straw, chaff: Tung. *čixe-; Mong. *čiɣire; Turk. *čigit / *čɨgɨt ( ~
-k-); Jpn. *təkusa; Kor. *čùkr.
PTung. *čixe- 1 straw; bast 2 stub, broom remains (1 соломинка;
лыко 2 пенек, остаток от веника): Man. čike-ku 1; Nan. čixin 2 (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 392.
PMong. *čiɣire chaff, straw (солома): MMong. čiji’ulsun ‘matting’
(HY 21); WMong. čigire, (L 179) čigirsü(n); Kh. čijrs.
◊ KW 443. Mong. > Yak. sigiri ‘мочалка из лыка, стружки’.
PTurk. *čigit / *čɨgɨt ( ~ -k-) cotton seed(s) (хлопковое семя, семе-
на): Karakh. čigit (MK - Argu); Tur. čɨɣɨt, čiɣit ‘seed; freckle’; Az. čijid;
Turkm. čigit ‘seed’; MTurk. čigit (Sangl., Pav.C); čɨɣɨt ‘spots on a preg-
nant woman’s face’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. čigit; Uygh. čigit; Kirgh. čigit; Kaz.
šijit; KKalp. šigit.
◊ EDT 414, TMN 2, 88, Лексика 116.
PJpn. *təkusa a k. of horse-tail (вид хвоща): MJpn. tòkùsà; Tok. to-
kusá; Kyo. tókùsà; Kag. tokúsa.
◊ JLTT 549. Kagoshima reflects *tkúsá, but all other forms reflect low tone, probably
under double influence of *kùsà ‘grass’ and *tùkúsi ‘horse-tail’ (q.v.).
PKor. *čùkr chaff (мякина): MKor. čùkr; Mod. čuk-čəŋi, č:uk-čəŋi.
◊ Liu 670, KED 1505.
‖ Дыбо 10, Лексика 116. In Jpn. it is difficult (but probably neces-
sary) to distinguish the reflex of this root from *č῾ṑk῾e ‘forage grass’ ( >
Jpn. *tukusi ‘horse-tail’) q.v. The Mongolian form also raises problems:
it probably reflects a suffixed *č῾ik῾rV with a development -kr- > -ɣVr-
(cf. similarly buɣurčag < *bŭkrV, uɣurga < *uk῾rukV / *uk῾urkV); otherwise
-ɣ- is very hard to explain.
-č῾k῾o ( ~ -k-) pivot, bolt: Tung. *čiKi; Mong. *čigta; Turk. *čɨkanak; Jpn.
*tikiri; Kor. *čítóri.
PTung. *čiKi pivot (шарнир, петля): Evk. čiki; Evn. čq; Neg. čịx.
◊ ТМС 2, 391.
PMong. *čigta lock, bolt (засов, запор): WMong. čiɣta (L 178); Kh.
čagt; Bur. šagta; Kalm. čiktə ‘Leit- oder Halsstrick der Kälber und
Füllen’.
 *č῾ĺč῾u - *č῾ĺč῾u 429
◊ KW 439. Mong. > Kirgh. čɨqta. Cf. also the common Mong. *čiki(n) ‘linchpin’ - for-
mally coinciding with the word for ‘ear’, which may be a secondary coincidence.
PTurk. *čɨkanak lock, pivot (засов, стержень): Tat. cɨɣanak (Sib.);
Bashk. sɨɣanaq, dial. sɨɣansaq; Oyr. čɨɣanak, dial. čānaq (Верб.).
◊ Дыбо 171. It is also necessary to note Kaz. šege, Kirgh. čege ‘nail’, possibly going
back to the same root.
PJpn. *tikiri balance beam (коромысло, балансир (весов)): MJpn.
tikiri; Tok. chikiri.
PKor. *čítóri pivot, hinge (шарнир, петля): MKor. čítóri; Mod. či-
doli.
◊ Liu 682, KED 1528. The explanation in KED < čì- ‘carry’ + tòr- ‘turn’ is tonally im-
plausible and obviously folk-etymological.
‖ Дыбо 43. Note dental suffixation in Mong. and Kor. (PA
*č῾ìk῾(o)-t῾V).
-č῾ĺč῾u to swell: Tung. *čilču-; Mong. *čulčaji- / *čelčeji- / *čili-; Turk.
*sīĺč; Jpn. *tu(n)si-m-.
PTung. *čilču- swelling, gland (опухоль, железа): Evk. čilčun; Man.
čilčin; SMan. čiličin ‘wen’ (151); Ul. čulču-kte; Nan. čilču-kte; Ud. cikci
(Корм. 310).
◊ ТМС 2, 394.
PMong. *čulčaji- / *čelčeji- / *čili- to swell (пухнуть): WMong. čul-
čaji-, čulčuji- (L 206), čelčeji-, čiliji- (L 183); Kh. culc-, celc-; Bur. sulsaj- ‘to
be plump (about children)’; Kalm. culcī-, čilī-; Ord. ǯulčₙī- ‘to be swol-
len’.
◊ KW 433, 440. Cf. also Khalkha colcoŋ ‘nodule’. Mong. > Kirgh. čulčuj- etc.
PTurk. *sīĺč- 1 to swell 2 swelling, tumour (1 пухнуть 2 опухоль):
OTurk. sɨš-, šɨš- 1, šiš 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. sɨš 2, sɨšɨl- 1 (MK), šiš- 1 (Tefs.,
IM); Tur. šiš- 1, šiš 2; Gag. šiš- 1, šiš 2; Az. šiš- 1, šiš 2; Turkm. čīš- 1, čīš 2;
Khal. šɨš- 1; MTurk. šiš- (Sangl.) 1; Uzb. šiš-(mɔq) 1, šiš 2; Uygh.
išši-(maq) 1; Krm. šiš-, sis- 1; Tat. šeš- 1; Bashk. šeš- 1; Kirgh. šiši- 1; Kum.
šiš- 1; Nogh. sis- 1; SUygh. siz- 1; Khak. səs- 1, səs 2, (Qyz.) čəǯək 2; Shr.
šiš- 1, šiš 2; Tv. ɨ’š- 1; Chuv. šɨś- 1; Yak. is- 1; Dolg. is 2.
◊ VEWT 424, EDT 857, ДТС 524 , Егоров 341, Федотов 2, 467, Stachowski 128-129.
Languages display both assimilations and dissimilations (loss) of the first consonant.
Loss of length in Yak., Tuva and Tof. is not quite clear (Turkm. clearly demonstrates a
long -ī-); if we take into account the Chuv. reflex (-ɨ- corresponding to Common Turkic
i/ɨ), we should perhaps reconstruct a PT form *sjĺč- (see Мудрак Дисс. 158).
PJpn. *tu(n)si-m- to have discoloration appear on the skin (as in the
bruises from a beating) (появляться (о синяках на коже)): MJpn. tu-
sim-, tuzim-.
‖ EAS 108, KW 440, Poppe 117, Мудрак Дисс. 91, Miller 1970, 129,
JOAL 119. In Turkic one has to suppose a dissimilation (*sīĺč < *čīĺč; cf.
Turkm. čīš-, perhaps preserving an archaism). PA *č῾ĺč῾u may be a par-
430 *č῾me - *č῾mu
tial reduplication, or else have a suffixed *-č῾V (*č῾ĺu-č῾V; cf. Mong. čili-,
perhaps reflecting an original simple stem). A possibility of recon-
structing *č῾jĺu-č῾V should be also considered (see above on the Turkic
reflexes).
-č῾me knuckle, cartilage: Tung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-); Mong. *čimöge; Turk.
*čEmirčik; Kor. *čəŋk- ( < *čəm-k- ?).
PTung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-) 1 knee-cap, fat under the knee-cap 2 ankle,
huckle-bone (1 коленная чашечка, клейкая масса (в коленном суста-
ве) 2 лодыжка): Evk. čīmečin 1; Evn. čimnēk 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 395.
PMong. *čimöge marrow, marrow-bone (костный мозг, мозговая
кость): MMong. čimegan (HY 48), čimigän (MA); WMong. čimüge(n),
čömüge(n) (L 186, 203); Kh. čömög; Bur. semege(n), dial. šemege(n); Kalm.
čimgn; Ord. čömögö; Dag. šimug (Тод. Даг. 183), šimehe (MD 216), šiməg;
Dong. čumeGe; S.-Yugh. čeŋgən; Mongr. ćimuge (SM 451).
◊ KW 440, MGCD 578. Mong. > Evk. čēŋa ‘marrow bone’; Yak., Dolg. čoŋku ‘marrow,
marrow bone’ (hardly < Evk. čūkī ‘scull’, despite Stachowski 75); cf. Аникин 516.
PTurk. *čEmirčik cartilage, gristle (хрящ): Tat. čəməj ‘knucklebone’;
Kirgh. čemirček ‘хрящ на лопатке и мечевидном отростке’; Kaz.
šemiršek; KKalp. šemiršek; Nogh. šemiršek; Oyr. čamaj ‘cheekbone’.
◊ VEWT 251. Widely spread forms like Chag. kämirčäk are probably due to contami-
nation with *kEmük ‘bone’ (v. sub *k῾ome).
PKor. *čəŋk- 1 knee 2 shin, shank (1 колено 2 голень): Mod.
čəŋgaŋi, čəŋgäŋi 2.
◊ KED 1450.
‖ Лексика 261.
-č῾mu to pinch, pluck (with fingers): Tung. *č[i]m-; Mong. *čim-; Turk.
*čɨm-; Jpn. *túm-; Kor. *čum.
PTung. *č[i]m- 1 to grip with claws 2 to pick one’s teeth 3 to pinch
(1 хватать когтями 2 ковырять в зубах 3 брать щепотку): Evk. čomdo-
kolō- 3; Neg. čimŋet- 2 (Цинциус 1982); Man. čamna- 1; Nan. čimi- ‘под-
жать под себя ноги’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 375, 406. Vocalism is hard to reconstruct: aberrations are probably due to
the root’s expressive nature.
PMong. *čim- 1 to pinch 2 a pinch (1 щипать 2 щипок): WMong.
čimki-, čimči- (L 185) 1; čim 2; Kh. čimxe- 1; Bur. šemxe- 1; Kalm. čimkə-,
čimčə- 1; Ord. čimke-; Dag. čuēk 2; Bao. čoŋGə- 1; S.-Yugh. čimke 2;
Mongr. ćiŋgi- (SM 453) 1; ćimō- ‘cueillir’.
◊ KW 440, MGCD 571. Mong. > Oyr. čimči- etc. (VEWT 111).
PTurk. *čɨm- 1 to pinch 2 a pinch, thimbleful (1 щипать, брать
щипком 2 щипок, щепотка): Tur. čimdik, čimǯik 2; Gag. čimdik 2; Az.
čimdik-le- 1, čimdik 2; Turkm. čümmük 2; MTurk. čimdi- 1, čimdik 2 (Pav.
 *č῾mu - *č῾imV 431

C.), (CCum.) čɨmdɨ- 1; Uzb. čim-, čimči-, čimči-la-, čimdi-, čimi-t- 1,

čimdi-m 2; Uygh. čimdi-, čimqi- 1, čɨmdim 2; Krm. čimde- 1, čimdik 2,
cɨmda-, čɨmda- ‘to bite’; Tat. čemče-t-, čemče-n- 1, čemček 2; Bashk. semte- 1,
semte-m 2; Kirgh. čɨmčɨ-, čɨmčɨ-la- 1, čɨmčɨm 2; Kaz. šɨmšɨ-, šɨmšɨ-la- 1;
KBalk. čimdi- 1; KKalp. šɨmšɨ-, šɨmšɨ-la- 1, šɨm, šɨmšɨm 2; Nogh. šɨmtɨ- 1,
šɨmqɨm 2; SUygh. ǯume- ‘to pick out, pull out’; Khak. čɨmǯɨ-la- 1, čɨmčɨx 2;
Shr. šimči- 1, šimčik 2; Oyr. čɨmčɨ- 1, čɨmčɨ-m 2; Tv. šɨmčɨ- 1, šɨmčɨm 2; Tof.
šɨmǯɨ- 1, šɨmǯɨm 2; Chuv. čəbət- 1, čəptəm, čəpkəm 2 (?).
◊ VEWT 108, TMN 3, 99, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 413. Chuv. čəbət- is phonetically
strange; it may reflect a secondary denasalization (Мудрак Дисс. 50), but may actually be
a trace of a different root, cf. PA *č῾ip῾u or *č῾abo.
PJpn. *túm- to pluck (with fingers) (срывать, хватать (пальцами)):
OJpn. tum-; MJpn. túm-; Tok. tsùm-; Kyo. tsúm-; Kag. tsúm-.
◊ JLTT 775.
PKor. *čum fist, handful (кулак, горсть): MKor. čúm, čùmkúi; Mod.
čūm, čumək.
◊ Nam 433, 434, KED 1496, 1509. Original tone is not quite clear.
‖ Poppe 26, JOAL 98, АПиПЯЯ 76; TMN 3, 99 (“möglich, daß hier
ein Zusammenhang besteht...Jedoch sind die Wörter anscheinend ex-
pressiv, daher nicht gut als urverwandt vergleichbar.”)
-č῾mu top, edge: Tung. *čīme; Mong. *čimarkai; Turk. *čɨm- / *čum-
(*čom-); Jpn. *tuma.
PTung. *čīme 1 top (of tree, mountain) 2 crown, sinciput (1 верши-
на (дерева, горы) 2 темя): Evk. čīme 1; Evn. čem 1; Nan. čimčik 2 (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 395. Cf. also Evk. čīmka ‘middle post in the house’.
PMong. *čimarkai temple (of head), sides of forehead (висок, сто-
роны лба): WMong. čimarqai (L 184); Kh. čamarxaj; Bur. sabirgaj ‘tem-
ple, temporal’; Ord. čimarxǟ.
PTurk. *čɨm- / *čum- (*čom-) 1 top, upper part 2 staff (with a knob)
3 lump, pompon, knob (1 верхушка 2 палка (с набалдашником) 3 ко-
мок, помпон, набалдашник): Karakh. čomaq 2; Az. čomaG 2; Turkm.
čömmek 1; Uygh. čomčak 1; Chuv. čъₙmak 3.
◊ VEWT 115, TMN 2, 94-95, EDT 422. The Chuv. reflex points to *-ɨ-.
PJpn. *tuma edge, side, rim; skirt, lap (бок, сторона; подол): OJpn.
tuma; MJpn. tuma; Tok. tsumá; Kyo. tsúmà; Kag. tsúmà.
◊ Accent reconstruction difficult (see JLTT 555).
‖ The root seems reliable, although in Turkic its reflex is rather hard
to distinguish from a homonymous reflex of *č῾úmu ‘rounded object’.
-č῾imV a k. of fish: Tung. *čime; Mong. *čima.
PTung. *čime 1 a k. of salmon 2 burbot (1 вид кеты 2 налим): Man.
čima, čime 1; Ul. čịmada ‘name of a fish’, (Sch.) čêmada 2; Orch. čume 1;
Ud. cuma ‘тихоокеанский лосось’ (Корм. 312).
432 *č῾ipV - *č῾p῾a
◊ ТМС 2, 414. Neg. čŋan, Oroch čīŋen ‘burbot’ perhaps reflect a contamination with
*siaŋa-n ‘burbot’ (v. sub *sāŋa).
PMong. *čima a small carp (маленький карп (рыба чам)): WMong.
čima (L 184); Kh. čam.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, and borrowing in Mong. < TM is not ex-
cluded (although the meanings differ); in Turkic cf. perhaps Chuv.
śomga ‘rainbow trout’.
-č῾ipV sharp edge, peg: Tung. *čibuke; Mong. *čibe; Turk. *čib.
PTung. *čibuke 1 awl 2 through(out) (1 шило 2 насквозь): Evk. či-
wuke 1; Nan. čịoqo 1; Orch. čiok-čiok 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389. The word resembles Mong. siböge ‘awl’, but this is probably fortuitous:
siböge cannot be borrowed as *čibuke, and has a separate TM parallel.
PMong. *čibe penis (penis): WMong. čibe (L 174); Kh. čiv; Bur. šebe
‘мочевой проток (анат.)’; Kalm. čiwə, čiwl.
◊ KW 442, 443.
PTurk. *čib 1 nail, peg 2 corner 3 penis 4 fir (1 гвоздь, колышек, че-
ка 2 угол 3 penis 4 хвойное дерево): OTurk. čɨ/iv 2 (OUygh.); Karakh.
(čiǯ 1 MK - a miswriting instead *čiv?); Tur. čivi 1; Gag. čivi 1; Az. čiv 1;
Turkm. čüj 1; Uzb. čuv 1; Uygh. čüä 3 (R, by animals), čivä ‘space be-
tween legs above the knees’, čivilän ‘back saddlegirth’ (fixed with a
wooden peg); Krm. čüj, čüw, (K) čivij 1; Tat. čöj ‘wedge, cotter’; Bashk.
söj 1; KBalk. čüj 1; KKalp. šüj 1; Kum. čüj 1; Nogh. šüj 1; Oyr. čiiš
‘wedge’.
◊ VEWT 110, 121, EDT 393-394, 396, Лексика 125, 398. Because of well known se-
mantic correlations of the type ‘penis’: ‘thorn’: ‘fir (needle)’ it is tempting to compare also
the name of the fir-tree: Tat. dial. (КСТТ) čivi, cɨvɨ, Khak. sɨbɨ, Shor šübe, Oyr. čibi (Tuba
čɨbɨ), Tuva šivi, Tof. šibi. However, the intermediate form meaning ‘thorn’ is not attested,
and the medial consonant here is rather *-p- (unless we suppose interdialectal loans), so it
may be unrelated.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *č῾p῾a, *č῾ḗbV.
-č῾p῾a branch, sharp branch: Tung. *čipa-; Turk. *čp.
PTung. *čipa- 1 edge of sledge brake-stick 2 sharp (1 наконечник
палки-тормоза для саней 2 острый): Evk. čịpan 1; Neg. čịp-čịp 2; Nan.
čip ‘(to stick into, pierce) deeply’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 398.
PTurk. *čp branch (ветка): Karakh. čɨp, čɨbɨq (MK); Tur. čɨbɨk, čubuk;
Gag. čɨbɨq; Az. čubuG; Turkm. čbɨq; MTurk. čubuq (Sangl.); Uzb. čiviq;
Uygh. čiviq; Krm. cɨbuq, cubuq, čubuq ‘lash’; Tat. čɨbɨq [čɨbɨrqɨ ‘lash’];
Bashk. sɨbɨq; Kirgh. čɨbɨq; Kaz. šɨbɨq; KBalk. čɨbɨq ‘lash’; KKalp. šɨbɨq;
Kum. čubuq; Nogh. šɨbɨq; Khak. sɨmɨx; Shr. šɨmɨq; Oyr. čɨbɨq; Tv. šɨvɨq;
Tof. šɨbɨq; Chuv. čъbъk ‘lash’.
 *č῾íp῾ú - *č῾p῾[ú] 433
◊ EDT 393, 395, VEWT 106, TMN 3, 1059, Лексика 118-119, Егоров 320, Федотов 2,
403-404. Forms meaning ‘lash’ reflect a contamination with PT *čĀbɨk ‘lash’ (v. sub
*č῾ōbé).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; possible but not very reliable. The root
seems to be distinct from *č῾ḗbV ‘branch, staff’ and from *č῾ipV ‘sharp
edge’ q.v. - although contaminations were of course possible.
-č῾íp῾ú to press (with fingers), pinch: Tung. *čip-; Jpn. *túmp-m-; Kor.
*čìp-.
PTung. *čip- 1 to press (with fingers) 2 to squeeze, press 3 to stuff,
stick 4 to clutch 5 to pick with a finger (food remnants) 6 to lick (1 сжи-
мать (пальцами) 2 жать, давить 3 набивать, заталкивать 4 хватать,
зажимать 5 подбирать пальцем (остатки еды) 6 лизать, облизы-
вать): Evk. čīpčī- 3, čipka- 2, čīw- 6; Evn. čịpčụ- 3, č- 6; Neg. čipixet- 1,
čịpịxịla- 2, čịpčị- 3, čịw- 6; Man. čibu- 3; Ul. čipeči- 5; Ork. čịpo- 5; Nan. čịp
‘tightly’, sefele- (Bik.) 4; Orch. čipči- 3, čipopu(n) ‘index finger’; Ud. čipči-
3.
◊ ТМС 2, 389, 398, 399. Evk. length in some forms is probably expressive or compen-
satory.
PJpn. *túmp-m- to stuff, press into (сжимать, сужать): MJpn.
tuboma-; Tok. tsùbome-; Kyo. tsúbómé-; Kag. tsubomé-.
◊ JLTT 771.
PKor. *čìp- 1 to pick up, pinch 2 tongs, tweezers (1 щипать, брать
пальцами 2 клещи, щипцы): MKor. čìp- 1, čìpki 2; Mod. čip- 1, čipke 2.
◊ Liu 687, KED 1554, 1555.
‖ An Eastern isogloss (but cf. *č῾abo, with possible contaminations).
In Turk. cf. Chuv. čəbət- ‘to pinch’ - possibly reflecting a contamination
of the above root with Turk. *čim- (q.v.).
-č῾p῾[ú] small bird: Tung. *čipi-; Mong. *čuwčali; Turk. *čɨpčɨk; Jpn.
*tùmpá-mái ( ~ -ia); Kor. *čjpì.
PTung. *čipi- 1 a small bird 2 swallow (1 птичка 2 ласточка): Evk.
čipi-čā 1; Evn. čbln 1; Neg. čịptịja 1; Man. čibin 2; SMan. čivaqən 2
(2240); Nan. čịpịaqo 2; Ud. čiwjau ‘sparrow’.
◊ ТМС 2, 398. The root is expressive and subject to various irregular changes.
PMong. *čuwčali snipe (кулик): WMong. čuučali (L 207); Kh. cūcaĺ;
Bur. sūsālžan ‘кулик’, sūsagālžan ‘бекас’; Kalm. čūčl (КРС); Ord. čūčil-.
◊ Mong. > Man. čōanli, čočori ‘the common snipe’ (Rozycki 49).
PTurk. *čɨpčɨk sparrow (воробей, мелкая птица): Karakh.
(MKypch.) čapčuq, čɨpčɨq (AH), šɨpšɨq (Ettuhf.); Tur. čimček, (dial.) čabčɨk,
čɨpčɨk; Turkm. čɨmčɨq, dial. čɨpǯɨq; MTurk. čɨpčuq, čupčuq (MA, Abush.,
Pav. C.), čimčik (Pav. C.); Uzb. čumčuq; Uygh. tumučuq; Krm. cɨfcɨq; Tat.
čɨpčɨq, dial. čɨpɨj; Bashk. säpseq ‘wagtail; (dial.) sparrow’, sɨpqaj ‘ут-
ка-поганка’; Kirgh. čɨmčɨq; čimeldirek (South.) ‘a small green bird’; Kaz.
434 *č῾ĭre - *č῾ĭre
šɨbɨšɨq; KKalp. šɨmšɨq; Kum. ǯimčiq, dial. čimčik; Nogh. šɨmšɨq; Shr. čim-
čigeš ‘titmouse’ (Верб., Upper-Kond.); Oyr. čibilčik (dial.) ‘a k. of bird’
(R, Верб., Kumd.).
◊ VEWT 109, Лексика 176. Turk. > Mong. čipčiqaj (TMN 3, 123, Щербак 1997, 113).
PJpn. *tùmpá-mái ( ~ -ia) swallow (ласточка): OJpn. tubame; MJpn.
tubame; Tok. tsùbame; Kyo. tsùbàmé; Kag. tsubamé.
◊ JLTT 552.
PKor. *čjpì swallow (ласточка): MKor. čjpì; Mod. čēbi.
◊ Nam 425, KED 1464.
‖ SKE 26 (Tung.-Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 293, Дыбо 8, EAS 63, Лексика
176-177. The vocalism is not quite certain because of expressive
changes (Mong. *čuwčali may be < *čiɣu-čali, but -j- in Kor. is harder to
explain). Cf. *sipV.
-č῾ĭre to stink, be rotten: Tung. *čiri-; Mong. *čer; Turk. *čẹr; Kor. *čiri-.
PTung. *čiri- to stink (вонять, плохо пахнуть): Evk. čiri-; Nan.
čịrịftala- (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 2, 399.
PMong. *čer 1 phlegm 2 tumour (1 слизь, мокроты 2 опухоль):
WMong. čer; Kh. cer 1; Bur. ser 2; Kalm. cer 1; Ord. čir 1; Dag. čire ‘dirt,
manure’.
◊ KW 427.
PTurk. *čẹr 1 bodily heaviness, constipation (euphem.) 2 rotten, foul
3 to rot 4 illness 5 dirt 6 to be sick, ill 7 rot 8 glue 9 anguish, sorrow (1
запор (эвфем.) 2 гнилой, сгнивший 3 гнить 4 болезнь 5 грязь 6 бо-
леть, хворать 7 труха, гниль 8 клей 9 тоска, скорбь): Karakh. čer 1
(MK), čer-le-n- ‘to be constipated; to suppurate (of eyes)’ (MK); Tur. čer
4, čirk 5, čiriš ‘flour paste’; Gag. čiriš 8; Az. čär ‘horse’s heart attack’,
čärlä- 6, čirk 5; Turkm. čirk ‘(dirty) spot; insult’, čerrik ‘illness (of cattle)’;
MTurk. čir ‘tumeur, clou’, čire- ‘se dégoúter’; Uzb. čiri- 3, čirik 2, čirk
‘snuff; hardened wheel ointment’; Uygh. čiri- 3, čirik 2; Krm. ciri-, čiri- 3,
cirik, čirik 2, čɨrɨš 8; Tat. čir 4, čirlä- 4, čere- 3, čerek 7; Bashk. sir 4, sere- 3,
serek 2; Kirgh. čer 9, ‘hard tumour’, čerle- ‘to be anguished’, čiri- 3, čirik
2, čirenč 8; Kaz. šer 4, 9, širi- 3, širik 2; KBalk. čiri- 3, čirik 2; KKalp. šer 9,
šir- 3, širik 2, širiš ‘slime’; Kum. čer 4, 9, čiri- 3, čirik 2, čirkew ‘maggots in
rotten food’; Nogh. šer 4, širi- 3, širik 2; Oyr. čiri- 3, čirik 2; Chuv. čir,
dial. čẹr 4, śər- 3, 6, śərək 2.
◊ VEWT 105, EDT 427, 430, TMN 1077, Егоров 211-212, 326, Федотов 2,111-112, 420.
As Doerfer notes, Turkic forms of the type čirkin ‘dirty, nasty, ugly’ (Chag., Tur., Gag.,
Tat., Uzb.) are rather borrowed from Persian čirkin (which itself is derived from čirk, bor-
rowed < Turkic).
PKor. *čiri- to be foul, emit a foul odour (плохо пахнуть): Mod.
čiri-.
 *č῾ire - *č῾abo 435
◊ KED 1531.
‖ EAS 63, SKE 35, ОСНЯ 1, 207.
-č῾ire to cut, scrape: Tung. *čire-; Turk. *čert-.
PTung. *čire- to scrape off (сцарапать, содрать): Evk. čir-čī-; Nan.
čīre ‘(to cut smth.) across’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 400.
PTurk. *čert- 1 to cut (off edges), make notches 2 to click 3 to pinch 4
to pinch (a musical instrument) (1 обрезать (края), делать зарубки 2
щелкать 3 щипать 4 играть на щипковом инструменте): Karakh.
čert- 1 (MK); Az. čärt- 1, 2; Turkm. čirt- 1, 3; Khal. čirt- 2; Uzb. čert- 2, 4;
Tat. čirt- 2, 3, čärdäk-lä- ‘to hew’; Bashk. sirt- 2, 3; Kirgh. čert- 2, 4; Kaz.
šert- 2, 4; KBalk. čert- ‘to mark’; KKalp. šert- 2, 4; Kum. čert- 1, 2, 4;
Nogh. šert- 2, 3, 4; Khak. sirte- 2; Shr. širte- 2; Oyr. čert- 1, 2; Chuv. śart ‘a
dent for inserting bottom into banded vessels’.
◊ VEWT 105, EDT 428, Федотов 2, 87-88. The semantic development here is ‘to make
notches, indents’ > ‘break the edge’, ‘pinch’ (whence ‘to click with fingers’) - not ono-
matopoetic, as suggested by Clauson.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Not quite reliable because of scarce at-
testation in TM.
-č῾iŕV to drag, draw: Mong. *čir-; Turk. *čiŕ-.
PMong. *čir- to drag, pull (тащить, тянуть): WMong. čir- (L 191);
Kh. čire-; Bur. šere-; Kalm. čir-; Ord. čir-/šir-; Dag. šoro- (Тод. Даг. 184),
šore- (MD 218); Bao. čirgə-; S.-Yugh. čirGa-, čerGa-.
◊ KW 442, MGCD 563, 572. Mong. čir-ɣa ‘sleigh’ > Dolg. hɨrga, sɨrga, see Stachowski
119.
PTurk. *čiŕ- to draw (чертить): OTurk. čɨ/iz- (OUygh.); Tur. čiz-;
Gag. čiz-; Az. čiz-; Turkm. čɨz-; Khal. či/ɨz-; MTurk. čiz-, sɨz- (Pav. C.);
Uzb. čiz-(mɔq); Uygh. siz-(maq); Krm. cɨz-, čɨz-; Tat. sɨz-; Bashk. hɨδ-;
Kirgh. čɨz-, sɨz-; Kaz. sɨz-; KBalk. sɨz-; KKalp. sɨz-; Kum. sɨz-; Nogh. sɨz-;
Khak. sɨz-ɨr- ‘to scrape, plane’; Chuv. čər- ‘to draw, scrape, tear’.
◊ VEWT 112, EDT 432, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 413-414. . The variant *sɨŕ- is probably
due to assimilation.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; not quite reliable, since the Mong. word
can also belong to *čuru q.v.
-č῾abo ( ~ *č῾obe) foam, bubble: Tung. *čobī- ( ~ š-); Mong. *čeɣer.
PTung. *čobī- ( ~ š-) 1 foam 2 saliva 3 to sprinkle (1 пена 2 слюна 3
прыскать): Evk. čowī-ksa 1,2; Evn. čoɣlị 1; Neg. čoxsa 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 402.
PMong. *čeɣer 1 foam or scum 2 bubble (1 накипь 2 пузырь):
WMong. čeger 1 (L 169); Kh. cēr 1, cevrǖ 2; Bur. seberǖ 2.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
436 *č῾abVk῾V - *č῾āk῾e
-č῾abVk῾V oyster, shell: Tung. *čiabikta; Kor. *čjòkài.
PTung. *čiabikta shell (раковина): Evk. čwɨka (Il.); Neg. čōkta; Ul.
čoịqta; Ork. toịqta; Nan. čoịqta; Orch. čojikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 387, 404.
PKor. *čjòkài oyster, shell, clam (моллюск, раковина): MKor.
čjòkài; Mod. čogä.
◊ Nam 432, KED 1469.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-č῾aga cold, frozen snow: Tung. *čiaga; Mong. *ča(g)-su; Kor. *čhằ-.
PTung. *čiaga 1 frozen snow 2 to become frozen (of snow) (1 наст 2
образовываться (о насте)): Evk. čēɣa 1; Evn. čaqaj 1; Man. čaq-ǯa- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 387.
PMong. *ča(g)-su snow (снег): MMong. časun (HY 1, SH), čāson
(IM), časun (MA); WMong. času(n) (L 166); Kh. cas(an); Bur. saha(n);
Kalm. casn; Ord. ǯasu; Mog. čōsun; ZM čϑun (19-9a); Dag. čas (Тод. Даг.
180), čase (MD 128); Dong. časun, ǯansun; Bao. časoŋ, čabsoŋ (Tungren);
S.-Yugh. čekseu (MGCD ǯasən), čeksen (Sichuan); Mongr. ćasə (SM 444),
čaxsə (Minghe).
◊ KW 423, MGCD 564.
PKor. *čhắ- cold (холодный): MKor. čhắ-; Mod. čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1561.
‖ Kor. čhiw- ‘cold’ is a secondary derivation from čhằ-. Mong. ča-sun
may actually reflect a contamination with *čar-sun, cf. *čar ‘crust (of
snow), наст’ (see *č῾era); Southern Mongolian languages seem, how-
ever, to preserve traces of a velar *čag-su.
-č῾āk῾e time: Tung. *čiK-; Mong. *čag; Turk. *čiāk; Jpn. *tkì; Kor. *čək.
PTung. *čiK- grown-up (возмужалый, совершеннолетний (о
мужчине от 30 до 40 лет)): Man. čiqsin.
◊ ТМС 2, 392. Attested only in Manchu, but quite possibly going back to the Altaic
root for ‘time’ (*’timely’ > ‘grown-up’).
PMong. *čag time (время): MMong. čax (HY 5, SH), čaq (MA);
WMong. čaɣ (L 156); Kh. cag; Bur. sag, segēn; Kalm. cag; Ord. čag; Dag.
čag(i) (Тод. Даг. 180); Dong. ča; S.-Yugh. čeg; Mongr. čaG.
◊ KW 419, MGCD 556.
PTurk. *čiāk 1 time, measure 2 precisely, exactly (1 время, пора 2
точно, впору): OTurk. čaq 1, 2 (late OUygh.); Karakh. čaq 2 (MK); Tur.
čaɣ 1; Gag. čāq, čaq ‘up to’; Az. čaɣ 1; Turkm. čāG 1; MTurk. (OKypch.)
čaq ‘when (conj.)’; Uzb. čɔq 1, čɔqum ‘certainly’; Uygh. čaq 2; Krm. čaɣ
(K), caq (H) 1; Tat. čaq 1, 2; Bashk. saq 1, 2; Kirgh. čaq 1, 2; Kaz. šaq 1, 2;
KBalk. čaq 1, čaq-lɨ ‘this much’; KKalp. šaq 1, 2; Kum. čaq 1, 2; Nogh. šaq
1, šaq-lɨ ‘this much’; Khak. sax 2; Oyr. čaq 1; Tv. šaq 1, 2; Chuv. čox 1;
 *č῾k῾e - *č῾[a]k῾i 437

Yak. sax 1, saɣa ‘about (the time when, the size of)’; Dolg. haga ‘about
(the time when, the size of)’; sagɨna ‘while’.
◊ VEWT 95, Егоров 327, Лексика 67, EDT 404, ДТС 139, Федотов 2, 425, Stachowski
92-93, 208. Forms like Chag. čaɣ, Uygh. čaɣ or Tof. šaɣ ‘time’ are borrowed < Mong., but
this cannot be assumed for most other forms quoted above.
PJpn. *tkì time (время): OJpn. tokji; MJpn. tòkì; Tok. tokí; Kyo. tókì;
Kag. tokí.
◊ JLTT 548.
PKor. *čək time (время): MKor. čək; Mod. čək.
◊ Nam 422, KED 1423.
‖ EAS 64, KW 419, Poppe 26, Martin 244, Menges 1984, 266, АПи-
ПЯЯ 76. Jpn. tone is irregular; it may be, however, due to an influence
of another root (cf. *ček῾a, OJ toko ‘always, eternally’ /accent unknown/).
Mong. čag may be < Turk. (see TMN 3, 27-28, Щербак 1997, 112), but
may as well be genuine. The Kor. reflex is quite regular (the attested čək
is just an orthographic variant of the expected *čjək), despite Doerfer’s
doubts in TMN ibid.
-č῾k῾e ( ~ -u) small: Mong. *čaka; Turk. *čĀka; Kor. *čjāk-, *čjk-.
PMong. *čaka new-born child (новорожденный ребенок):
MMong. čaxun (~ ajaqa) ‘small cup, pan’ (HY 19); WMong. čaqa (L 166);
Kh. cax; Ord. ǯaxa ‘inheritor’.
◊ Mong. > Tuva čaɣa ‘bear cub’ (Менгес 1979, 170).
PTurk. *čĀka new-born child (новорожденный ребенок, дете-
ныш): Tur. čaɣa (dial.); čaɣa ‘young of birds’ (Old Osm. XIV c.); Az.
čaɣa; Turkm. čāGa; MTurk. čaqa (Pav. C.), (Xwar.) čaqa ‘young of birds’
(Фазылов 2, 511); Uzb. čaqalɔq, (Tashk.) čaqa; Uygh. bala-čaqa ‘children’
(dial.); Tat. čaɣa; Kirgh. bala-čaqa ‘children’; Kaz. qɨzɨl šaqa ‘quite naked
(of young of animals)’; KKalp. qɨzɨl šaqa ‘quite naked (of young of ani-
mals)’; Nogh. bala-šaɣa ‘children’.
◊ VEWT 96, Менгес 1979, 170.
PKor. *čjāk-, *čjk- small (маленький): MKor. čjāk-, čjk-; Mod. čak-.
◊ Nam 419, 425, KED 1386.
‖ SKE 20, EAS 64. Turkic forms are attested late and can be < Mong.;
however, Turkm. čāGa with a long vowel is hard to explain as a loan.
On the other hand, cf. Karakh. čekün ‘young of marmot’ (EDT 415),
Evk. čekše ‘tarbagan’: if these words are related, the PA reconstruction
should be changed to *č῾ek῾a.
-č῾[a]k῾i temple; ear: Tung. *čaKar; Mong. *čiki; Turk. *čẹke; Kor.
*čăkami.
PTung. *čaKar temple; eyelid (висок; веко): Evk. čakar; Evn. čaqarba.
◊ ТМС 2, 378. Occasional forms with -o- (Evk. dial. čōkawran, čokomī, Evn. čoqrron)
may actually reflect PA *č῾òk῾e q.v.
438 *č῾ale - *č῾ālu
PMong. *čiki ear (ухо): MMong. čikin (HY 45, SH), ček[ä]n (IM), čiqin
(MA); WMong. čike, čiki(n) (L 181); Kh. čix(en); Bur. šexe(n); Kalm. čikn;
Ord. ǯike(n); Mog. čekin, čikin; ZM čeqin (2-1b); Dag. čiki (Тод. Даг. 181,
MD 129); Dong. čəqeŋ, čəGən, čɨGɨn; Bao. čixaŋ, čixoŋ; S.-Yugh. čəGən,
čiGən; Mongr. ćigi (SM 448).
◊ KW 439, MGCD 573.
PTurk. *čẹke 1 temple 2 cheekbone (1 висок 2 скула): Karakh.
(MKypch.) čeke 1 (At-Tuhf.); Turkm. čekge 1, 2; MTurk. čeke ‘back of
head’ (Vamb.); Uzb. čakka 1, 2; Uygh. čekä 1; Krm. čege 1; Tat. čigɛ 1;
Bashk. sikä 1; Kirgh. čeke 1; Kaz. šeke 1; KKalp. šeke 1; Kum. čeke 1; Nogh.
šeke 1; Chuv. čigə 1.
◊ VEWT 103, TMN 3, 87f, Егоров 326, Лексика 203. Despite the lack of ancient at-
testation, the root is evidently archaic.
PKor. *čăkami chin of helmet (подбородок шлема): MKor. čăkami;
Mod. čagämi.
◊ Nam 412, Liu 631.
‖ KW 439, Poppe 55, АПиПЯЯ 294 (without the Tung. form), Дыбо
4, Лексика 203. The vocalism is not quite certain: a reconstruction of
*-a- is possible if we admit a secondary monophthongization *ča- >
*ča- in PTM.
-č῾ale to spread, open wide: Tung. *čildi-; Mong. *čala-.
PTung. *čildi- 1 to spread, open wide 2 become wider (of footwear)
(1 расширяться, широко раскрываться 2 разнашиваться (об обу-
ви)): Evk. čildi- 1; Evn. čịldụm- 2; Nan. čildin- ‘прибывать (о воде)’
(On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 393. The Nan. meaning reflects a contamination with čilqa- < *tilka- q.v.
PMong. *čala- to open wide, have a wide opening (широко рас-
крываться): WMong. čalaji- (L 162); Kh. calaj-; Bur. salū ‘spacious’;
Kalm. calǟ-; Ord. čalǟ-.
◊ KW 420.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-č῾ālu ( ~ *č῾ōla) to talk nonsense, babble: Tung. *čōlī-; Mong. *čal-;
Turk. *čAl-.
PTung. *čōlī- 1 to gossip, prattle, babble 2 tongue (1 болтать, пусто-
словить, лепетать 2 язык): Evk. čōlī- 1, čōlī 2; Neg. čōl- 1; Nan. čolči-
(On.) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 405.
PMong. *čal- to talk nonsense, blab (говорить чепуху, болтать):
WMong. čalči- (L 162); Kh. čalči-; Bur. šali-, šalšaran ‘lisping’; šalšagana-
‘to talk nonsense’; Kalm. čälčə-; Ord. ǯalči-; Dag. čolči-.
◊ KW 438, MGCD 561.
 *č῾álV - *č῾aŋu 439

PTurk. *čAl- 1 noisy, talkative man 2 blasphemy (1 болтун, болтов-

ня 2 богохульство): OTurk. čo/ulvu (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. čalaŋ 1 (MK).
◊ EDT 418, 420.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾álV a k. of thorny plant: Tung. *čil-; Mong. *čulkir; Turk. *č(i)alɨ-;
Jpn. *tára.
PTung. *čil- 1 growth, bushes 2 a k. of tree with red bark (1 расти-
тельность, кусты 2 вид дерева (краснокорый лозняк)): Evn. čịldụqa 1;
Man. čolχo mō 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 393, 405.
PMong. *čulkir a k. of plant (кумарчик гобийский): WMong. čulkir
(МХТТТ); Kh. culxir.
PTurk. *č(i)alɨ-(gan) 1 bush, shrub 2 nettle 3 thorn (1 куст 2 крапи-
ва 3 колючка): Tur. čalɨ 1; Gag. čalɨ ‘blackthorn; thorn’; Az. čalɨ 1;
Turkm. čalɨ ‘солянка кустарниковая’; Khal. čalu ‘eine Pflanze zum
Verbrennen’; MTurk. čalaɣan 2 (R - Vam.); Uzb. čalɔw ‘ковыль
волосистый’; Kirgh. čalqan 2; Shr. šalɣɨn, (R) šalɣanaq 2; Oyr. čalqančaq 2.
◊ VEWT 97, Лексика 110. Clauson (EDT 420) relates here OT (МК) čalqan ‘spread of
an injury’ which is not quite probable (rather a derivative from the polysemic čal-).
PJpn. *tára a k. of plant, Aralia manchurica (japonica) (вид расте-
ния, аралия): OJpn. tara; MJpn. tára; Tok. tara(noki).
◊ JLTT 542.
‖ The root denotes a wild plant, probably thorny; the vocalic recon-
struction is not quite certain. In TM one would expect a *čial-, but the
diphthong may have been distorted in a long form with initial affricate;
Mong. *čulukir may similarly represent a later assimilation < *čalu-kir.
In that case one could reconstruct *č῾ála.
-č῾aŋu ( ~ *č῾oŋe) a sharp bone, sharp instrument: Tung. *čoŋkī-; Turk.
*čeŋe; Kor. *čŋ ( ~ *čjŋ).
PTung. *čoŋkī- 1 to peck 2 pecking, beak (1 клевать 2 клевание,
клюв): Evk. čoŋkī- 1, čoŋkī 2; Evn. čoŋq- 1, čoŋqn 2; Neg. čoŋkị- 1, čoŋk
2; Man. čoŋgi-, čoŋki- 1; Nan. čoŋkị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 407.
PTurk. *čeŋe jaw (челюсть): Gag. čenä; Az. čänä; Turkm. čene (dial.);
Khal. čänä; MTurk. čaŋa, čeŋe (Pav. C., AH); Krm. ceŋge; Kum. čene; Yak.
seŋie.
◊ Лексика 220. Despite Буд. 1, 483-484, D-T 98 the Pers. čānah ‘lower jaw’ cannot be
the source of Turkic forms; it does not have any Iranian etymology and is itself most
likely a Turkism.
PKor. *čŋ ( ~ *čjŋ) chisel (зубило): Mod. čŋ.
◊ KED 1450.
‖ It is also tempting to compare PJ *tùnuá ‘horn’.
440 *č῾apa - *č῾ṑk῾e
-č῾apa groin, hip: Tung. *čiabu-; Mong. *čabi.
PTung. *čiabu- 1 thigh, hip 2 buttock (1 бедро 2 ягодица): Ul. čiwu
1; Nan. čêokị 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389.
PMong. *čabi groin (пах): WMong. čabi (L 155); Kh. caỻ; Kalm. cävə;
Ord. cawi.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Not quite secure: the TM forms can be al-
ternatively derived from *čiKü-ki, a diminutive of *čiKi (*čiKü) ‘pivot’
(q. v. sub *č῾k῾o ); cf. with the same anatomical meaning Ewk. čiki, Ewn.
čq, Neg. čịx, Ud. cigi (ТМС 2, 391, Корм. 310). For this etymological
direction see Дыбо 1988, p. 120.
-č῾ṑk῾e ( ~ -k-) grass, weed: Tung. *čūKa; Turk. *čekin; Jpn. *tùkúsi;
Kor. *soksăi.
PTung. *čūKa grass (трава): Evk. čūka; Evn. čūk; Neg. čōxa; Sol. čuka.
◊ ТМС 2, 411.
PTurk. *čekin different weed kinds (различные виды сорных
трав): Karakh. čikin / čekin ‘a plant growing among the vines and eaten
by cattle’ (MK); MTurk. čekin ‘greens, grass; a weed on rice fields, with
black seeds and sharp awns’ (Pav. C., Sangl.), čekil-dam ‘tulip bulb; a
root similar to wild garlic’ (Pav. C., for dam cf. Uzb. dam ‘pungency,
bitterness’ < Pers.); Uzb. čakalak ‘bush thicket’ (or perhaps to PT
*čEke-t?); Tat. čɛkɛn ‘corn cob’ (< Chuv.?); Bashk. sɛkɛn ‘corn cob’ ( <
Chuv.?); Kirgh. čeken ‘рогоз широколистый’; KKalp. šigin ‘weed
growing on rice fields, куриное просо’, šigildik ‘reed’; Khak. səgen ‘dry
grass’; Chuv. čakan ‘reedmace’.
◊ VEWT 111, EDT 415, Рас. ФиЛ 277, Егоров 316. Chuv. čakan, despite Дмитриева
1997, 52-53 and Rona-Tas, is not connected with *jeken ‘reed’ (v. sub *dék῾à). Cf. other
grass names: Chuv. čiken kurъkə ‘geranium’ (according to Ашм., grass helping from colics
- Дмитриева 1997, 56); śikka kurъkə ‘camomile’ (according to Ашм. it hosts a plantlouse,
to summon which the children say “śikka!” - Дмитриева 1988,51); Uygh. čigä ‘plant fibre,
wild hemp (VEWT), Yak. sige ‘тальниковые стружки, лыко’. Tuva sigen ‘hay’ (Tuva),
(Tof. ‘grass’) has an irregular s-, so perhaps should be regarded as borrowed from Khak.
PJpn. *tùkúsi horse-tail (хвощ): Tok. tsùkushi; Kyo. tsùkúshì; Kag.
tsukushí.
PKor. *sok- horse-tail (хвощ): MKor. soksai, soksăi; Mod. soksä.
◊ Liu 464, KED 983.
‖ Mong. čike-n in names of plants may be a merger of this root and
*č῾ik῾a q.v. Kor. soksăi ‘horse-tail’ is hard to separate from Jpn. tukusi id.;
most probably we are dealing with an assimilation here (soksăi <
*čoksăi).
 *č῾k῾ó - *č῾ṓli 441

-č῾k῾ó to agree, confirm: Tung. *čixa; Mong. *čoku-; Turk. *čok-; Jpn.
*tnká-.
PTung. *čixa 1 will, wish, agreement 2 to agree, to wish (1 воля, же-
лание, согласие 2 соглашаться, желать): Man. čiχa 1, čiχala- 2; SMan.
čihalə- ‘to be fond of, like to’ (1890); Ul. tịχala- 2; Nan. čịχala- 2; Orch.
čixala- 2; Ud. čāla-, čahala- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 390-391.
PMong. *čoku- to agree, confirm (соглашаться, подтверждать):
WMong. čoqu- (L 199); Kh. coxo-; Bur. soxom (adverb); Ord. ǯuxum ‘vrai’.
PTurk. *čok- 1 to pray 2 to sacrifice 3 to baptize 4 to worship 5
bailment, pledge (1 молиться 2 приносить жертву 3 креститься 4 по-
клоняться 5 порука, поручительство): Turkm. čoqun- 3; Uzb. čọqin- 3,
1 (disapprovingly), 4; Uygh. čoqun- 3; Tat. čuqɨn- 3; Bashk. suqɨn- 3;
Kirgh. čoqun- 3, 4; KKalp. šoqɨn- 3; Kum. čoqun- 3; Nogh. šoqɨn- 3;
SUygh. čoq et- 1 (ЯЖУ); Khak. čoɣɨn- 1 (Sag.- R 2, 2014); Shr. šoqta- ‘to
besprinkle idols with an exclmation šoq!’ R 4, 1024); Oyr. čoɣɨr- 2 (Le-
bed. R 3, 2014), čoqto- ‘to besprinkle idols with an exclamation čoq!’ (R
3, 2009); Chuv. śъk 5.
◊ VEWT 113-114, Егоров 328, Федотов 2, 426-427. Räsänen’s attempt to explain the
verb as “baptism through immersion” (linking Kypch. čoqur ‘pit’ and Taranchi čoqur- ‘to
sink’ (R 3, 2007) appears unconvincing. The former word is derived from čok- ‘to delve’,
and the latter should be corrected to čökür- according to more modern sources. The se-
mantic transfer of a pagan ceremony to the Christian one seems quite natural in an
islamicized society. The same root may be represented by the exclamation (made during
a libation), Oyr. čoq!, Shor šoq!, and further - the approbatory exclamation Kirgh. čok!,
Kaz. šoq! etc. Quite unlikely is the hypothesis of a loan from Hebrew (Y. Malov, quoted in
Федотов). In fact, the meaning in Chuv. (’pledge’) and the external parallels suggest that
the religious component in the meaning of *čok- is relatively late (having evolved after
the separation of Bulgars): ‘pledge’ > ‘sacrifice’ > ‘praying’ > ‘baptizing’. Turk. > Hung.
csök ‘sacrifice’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *tnká- to commit, fulfil, come to an agreement (совершать,
достигать, приходить к соглашению): OJpn. t(w)oga-; MJpn. tògá-;
Tok. togé-; Kyo. togé-.
◊ JLTT 769. Accent in Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ A good common Altaic verbal root.
-č῾ṓli ( ~ -e, *č῾lo) grey, light: Tung. *čolka; Mong. *čil- / *čel-; Turk.
*čĀl.
PTung. *čolka grey, white (of hair) (седой): Evk. čolko; Neg. čolko.
◊ ТМС 2, 405. Cf. also *čul- ‘green, blue’.
PMong. *čil- / *čel 1 albino 2 clear, cloudless (1 альбинос 2 ясный,
безоблачный): WMong. čilbaŋ 1 (L 182), čil, čel 2 (DO 703), čilge- 2; Kh.
čalbaŋ, čil; Bur. šalgar 2; Kalm. cel, čilgr 2; Ord. čilbaŋ 1, čil 2.
◊ KW 426, 440.
442 *č῾ŏl[m]i - *č῾ŏl[m]i
PTurk. *čĀl grey, grey-headed (серый, седой): Karakh. čal (MK,
KB); Tur. čal; Az. čal; Turkm. čāl; MTurk. čal ‘having grey hair amid
black hair’ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. čɔl ‘old man’; Krm. čal; Tat. čal ‘grey
hair’; Bashk. sal; Kirgh. čal; Kaz. šal ‘old man’; KBalk. čal; KKalp. šal;
Kum. čal; Nogh. šal; Khak. čal; Oyr. čal; Yak. sālɨr ‘light-bay (horse);
pepper-and-salt (hair)’.
◊ EDT 417, VEWT 96, TMN 2, 31, Аникин 640. Turk. > WMong. čal, Kalm. cal,
Khalkha cal būral ‘grey-haired, roan’; Russ. чалый.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾ŏl[m]i ( ~ -e, *č῾ăl[m]o) to hobble, tether: Tung. *čulupkī-; Mong.
*čilbur; Turk. *č(i)al-, *č(i)alma.
PTung. *čulupkī- 1 to hobble (a dog) 2 dog-collar (1 привязывать
(собаку) 2 собачий ошейник): Evk. čulupkī- 1, čulupkīwun 2; Evn. čölip-
kin 1, čölipkin- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 413.
PMong. *čilbur bridle (уздечка): MMong. čilbur (HY 18, SH), čolbor
(Lig.VMI), čəlbur (MA 403); WMong. čilbuɣur, čulbuɣur (L 182); Kh. cul-
būr; Kalm. culwūr; Ord. čulbūr; Dag. šolbur (Тод. Даг. 184); S.-Yugh.
čəlbūr.
◊ KW 433-434, MGCD 581. Mong. > Oyr. čɨlbɨr etc.; > Man. čilburi, see TMN 1,
309-310, Doerfer MT 137, Rozycki 48.
PTurk. *č(i)al- 1 turban 2 noose, lasso 3 to plait, wrap 4 to bind by
throwing the rope 5 to become entangled 6 to entangle 7 band, strap 8
to bind around, wrap around 9 to plait (1 тюрбан 2 аркан, лассо 3 за-
плетать, заворачивать 4 связывать захлестом, наметывать 5 запле-
таться 6 запутать 7 тесьма, завязка 8 обвязывать, обматывать 9 пле-
сти): Tur. čalma 1; Gag. čal- 8, čalma 1; Az. čalma 1; Turkm. čalma 1, čal-
3, čalšɨq ‘entangled (of a rope)’; MTurk. čalma 1, ‘flask fastened to the
saddle’ (Pav. C., Sangl.), ‘apron’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. čal-(mɔq) 4, čalma 1;
band, facing; Uygh. čal-ma-š- 5; Krm. cal- 8, calma 1, calman ‘wattle’; Tat.
čal- 4, čalma 1; Bashk. salɨ- 8, salma 1; Kirgh. čal- 4, čalɣɨč 7, čalma 2; Kaz.
šal- 8; KBalk. čalma 1, čal- 9, čalman ‘wattle’; KKalp. šal- 8; Kum. čal- 9,
čalma 1; Nogh. šalma 1, šaluw 7; Khak. salba (Sag.) ‘лычко для метания
камней’; Oyr. čalma 2, dial. (Leb.) čalɨ- 6; Tv. šalba 2; Tof. šalɨšqaq
‘criss-crossing’.
◊ EDT 420, VEWT 97, Лексика 395. Turk. > Mong. čalma, salma ‘lasso’, see TMN 4,
316-317, Щербак 1997, 163 (although the meaning ‘lasso’ is not widely spread in Turkic,
Doerfer suggests that it may have been the original, pre-Islamic, meaning of the deriva-
tive *čal-ma). Note Chuv. čъₙlɣa- ‘to entangle’ - usually derived as a loanword < Tat. čulɣa-
< PT *čog-la-, but in this case one would rather expect čulɣa- - so the Chuv. form may
actually reflect PT *čial-. The root is attested late, but does not seem to be borrowed, or a
specialized development of *čal- ‘hit, chop’ (as suggested in TMN).
 *č῾olu - *č῾op῾a 443

‖ A Western isogloss. The medial cluster is not quite secure (per-

haps one should rather reconstructed *č῾ŏli with different suffixes). It is
interesting to mention MKor. čjmpúr ‘horse’s mudguards’ (Nam 426) -
perhaps a (somewhat distorted) loanword < Mong. čilbur.
-č῾olu crippled: Tung. *čial-; Mong. *čile-; Turk. *čol-; Jpn. *tur-; Kor.
*črk.
PTung. *čial- 1 to be unable 2 to choke 3 exhausted 4 to stumble
(while going down the hill) (1 не мочь 2 застревать в горле, давиться
3 истощенный 4 спотыкаться (при спуске с горы)): Evk. čelgek 3, čelē-
4; Evn. čelgъk- ‘break (limb)’; Man. čili- 2; Ul. čla- 1; Nan. čla- 1; Orch.
čīla- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 393, 420. The peculiar vocalism is best explained by supposing *čial- Cf.
also *čulug- (ТМС 2, 413) < *čialug- (?).
PMong. *čile- to stiffen, get oedema (неметь, затекать, уставать):
MMong. čile- ‘erschöpft sein’ (SH); WMong. čile- (L 182); Kh. čile-; Bur.
šelden (adj.), šele- ‘to peter’, šala-; Kalm. čilə- ‘become ill, powerless (of
princes)’; Ord. čile-; Dong. čɨla-.
◊ KW 440, MGCD 570. Mong. > Yak. sɨlaj-, Dolg. hɨlaj- (see Stachowski 118).
PTurk. *čol- 1 crippled 2 to deteriorate, dwindle 3 defect 4
short-statured (1 калека (с дефектной рукой) 2 убывать, иссякать 3
порок, изъян 4 куцый, короткий): OTurk. čoluq (OUygh.) 1, čol- 2,
čolmaq 3 (OUygh. late - Suv.); Karakh. čoluq (MK) 1; čolquj ‘worn (of a
sole), crippled (of an arm, hand)’ (MK); Tur. čolak; čolpa ‘unskilful,
awkward’; Gag. čolaq 1; Az. čolaG 1; Turkm. čolaq 1; Khal. čolaq ‘hand-
less, lame’; MTurk. čolaq (Sangl.); Uzb. čọlɔq ‘handless, lame’, čọltɔq 4;
‘bungler, unskilled person’; Uygh. čolaq 1, 4; Krm. čolaq (K) 1; Tat. čulaq;
Bashk. sulaq 1; Kirgh. čolu- ‘to pull out, pick out’, čolǯuj- ‘become
curved, warp’, čoloj- ‘become short, limbless’, čoloq 1, 4; Kaz. šolaq 4,
šoltɨj- ‘to shorten’; KBalk. čolaq 1; KKalp. šolaq 1, 4; Kum. čolaq 1; Nogh.
šolaq 1; šoltaŋ-la- ‘to move aside angrily’; Oyr. čoltuq 4; Tv. šoluq ‘sensi-
tive, huffish’.
◊ EDT 419-420, VEWT 115, TMN 3, 89, Дыбо 152. Turk. > Mong. čolaq (Щербак 1997,
113). The existing forms are derived from a verb *čol- ‘become defective’ (cf. the attested
OUygh. čol- and forms like Kirgh. čolu-).
PJpn. *tur- to have cramps (сводить судорогой): Tok. tsur-.
PKor. *črk lame (хромой, с больными руками или ногами):
MKor. črk.
◊ Nam 422.
‖ Cf. also Kor. čjəri-da ‘to be stiff (of limbs)’, SKE 30, ОСНЯ 1, 203.
-č῾op῾a ( ~ *č῾ap῾u) a k. of clothing: Tung. *čop-; Mong. *čuba; Turk.
*čAp.
PTung. *čop- a k. of overcoat (вид плаща): Evn. čobaqa; Sol. čibkeǯa.
444 *č῾op῾è - *č῾op῾è
◊ ТМС 2, 388, 401.
PMong. *čuba overcoat (плащ, верхняя одежда): WMong. čuba (L
203); Kh. cuv; Bur. suba; Kalm. cuwə ‘(fur) coat’ (КРС); Ord. čuwa.
◊ Mong. > Man. čuba id., KBalk. čuba ‘corset’ (but cf. also Gag. čupak). The traditional
etymology ( < Arab. ǯubba) is not plausible phonetically.
PTurk. *čAp- 1 a k. of cloak 2 lap, skirt 3 used clothing 4 bedding
under the saddle 5 woman’s gown 6 gown 7 gusset (in clothes) (1 род
плаща 2 подол, фалда 3 старая, потертая одежда 4 подстилка под
седло, чепрак 5 женский халат 6 халат 7 клин (в одежде)): Karakh.
čapɣut ‘a padded garment’ (MK); Tur. čaput 3, čaprak 4; Gag. čapraq 4;
Turkm. čabɨt 5, čapan 6, čapɨ ‘ornamental trimming for clothes’ lap’;
Khal. čabuɣ ‘trimmed section on a woman’s tunic’; MTurk. čapan 1 (R;
Pav. C. jamaɣlɨɣ čapan ‘mended cloak’), čabuq 2 (Pav. C.), (OKypch.)
čapɣut 3 (AH); Uzb. čɔpɔn 1; Uygh. čapan 1; Tat. čapan 1, čapraq 4, čabu 2;
Bashk. sapan 6, sabɨw 2; Kirgh. čabū 7; čapan 6, čapan-čapqɨt ‘upper
clothes’, čopqut ‘quilted coat under armour; expensive costume’; Kaz.
šabu 2, šapan 6; KKalp. šabuw 7, šapan 6, šobɨt ‘used things’, šopqɨt ‘rags’;
Kum. čabɨw 7, 2; Nogh. šabuw ‘gusset-like front part of gown’s laps’;
Khak. sabɨɣ 7; Shr. šabɨr 6; Oyr. čabu 7; Tv. šavɨɣ 7; Tof. šabɨɣ 7.
◊ VEWT 99, EDT 396, TMN 3, 47, Аникин 643. Several derivations are clearly distin-
guishable: a) *čap-gut ‘upper clothes, garment’ (with later development > ‘used clothes’);
b) *čap-rak ‘bedding under the saddle’; c) *čap-an ‘cloak, gown’; d) *čap-gu ‘lap, gusset’ -
all clearly related to each other.
‖ A Western isogloss; somewhat difficult - but necessary - to distin-
guish from *č῾ep῾à ‘rag’ q.v.
-č῾op῾è water container, vessel: Tung. *čup- / *čop-; Mong. *čöɣerüm;
Turk. *čap-; Jpn. *tpî ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *č(j)apa-.
PTung. *čup- / *čop- 1 pit, deep place 2 to submerge, dive (1 яма,
глубокое место 2 погружаться, нырять): Evk. čopkī, čuper 1, čopo- 2;
Neg. čop tịk- 2; Ork. čubbe- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 408, 416.
PMong. *čöɣerüm pond (пруд, водоем): WMong. čögerüm, čögerem,
čögürüm (L 201); Kh. cȫröm; Bur. sȫrem; Kalm. cȫrm (КРС).
PTurk. *čap- 1 big vessel, barrel, pail 2 basin (1 большой сосуд,
бочка, чан, кадка 2 бассейн, яма для стока воды): OTurk. čopun 1
(OUygh., late - Suv.); Tur. čopul 2; MTurk. sapčaq (AH) (OKypch.); Krm.
capcaq, čapčaq 1; Tat. čapčaq 1; Bashk. sapsaq 1; Kirgh. čapčaq 1; KBalk.
čapčaq 1; KKalp. šapšaq ‘wooden vessel for shaking up milk’; Kum. čap-
čaq 1; Nogh. šapšaq 1; Khak. saban, sapčax 1; Shr. šapčaq 1; Oyr. čapčaq 1;
Tv. šopulaq ‘spoon’; Chuv. śöpśe 1; Yak. sabaraj 1.
◊ VEWT 99, ДТС 153, Егоров 223,Федотов 2, 148-149. Forms with -u- in the second
syllable demonstrate vowel assimilation (čopu- < *čapu-). External parallels strongly sug-
gest that the word is not derived from *čap- ‘hit’, but is an original noun.
 *č῾[o]ra - *č῾[g]a 445

PJpn. *tpî ( ~ -ua-) gutter (желоб): Tok. tói; Kyo. tòî; Kag. toí.
◊ JLTT 548.
PKor. *č(j)apa- earthenware jar, bowl (глиняный кувшин): Mod.
čabägi.
◊ KED 1379.
‖ A common derivative *č῾op῾è-rV is reflected in Mong. *čöɣe-rü-m
and Evk. čupe-r; another suffixed form, *č῾op῾è-k῾V (originally diminu-
tive) may be reconstructed on the basis of Evk. čop-kī and Kor. čabä-gi.
The root must have denoted a big water container, perhaps both artifi-
cial and natural.
-č῾[o]ra a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *čuru-; Mong. *čara-su; Turk. *čar-;
Kor. *čori-.
PTung. *čuru- a k. of willow (вид ивы): Evk. čurumkurē; Neg. čo-
jomka; Nan. čoromqola.
◊ ТМС 2, 417.
PMong. *čara-su oak tree (дуб): WMong. čarasu (МХТТТ); Kh. cars;
Bur. sarsa; Dag. carese (MD 128).
PTurk. *čar- 1 plane tree 2 gooseberry 3 asp tree 4 a k. of poplar (1
платан 2 крыжовник 3 осина 4 вид тополя): Karakh. čarun (MK) 1;
Uygh. čarčaj 2 (?); Kirgh. čar terek 4; Tv. šarlan 3.
◊ VEWT 110, EDT 430, Дмитриева 1972, 186.
PKor. *čori- oak tree (дуб): MKor. čoričham-namo; Mod. čo-
ričham-namu.
◊ Liu 662, KED 1472.
‖ The vocalism is uncertain; it is possible that the TM form should
be removed from here and compared with Jpn. *tùrù, see notes to PA
*čălu. In such case a reconstruction *č῾aro for the present root would be
possible.
-č῾[g]a scarce, poor: Tung. *čuki; Mong. *čukag; Turk. *čgań.
PTung. *čuki bad (плохой): Ul. čụqana; Nan. čukĩ (On.); Orch. čuki.
◊ ТМС 2, 411.
PMong. *čukag scarce, poor, rare (редкий, бедный): WMong. čuqaɣ
(L 208); Kh. čuxag; Bur. šuxag; Kalm. cuxəɣ; Ord. ǯuxaG.
PTurk. *čgań 1 poor 2 mischief 3 impolite, rough (1 бедный 2 беда,
несчастье 3 грубый, неучтивый): OTurk. čɨɣań (Orkh.), čɨɣaj (OUygh.)
1; Karakh. čɨɣaj (MK), čɨɣan (MK - Argu) 1; Tur. čɨɣaj, čɨɣan (dial.) 1;
MTurk. čɨɣaj (R), čɨɣan (R, Pav. C.) 1; Krm. čɨjɨr 2 (with an unexplained
-r); Kum. čɨɣɨn 3; Khak. sāj 2; Shr. šāj 2.
◊ VEWT 107, EDT 408-409, Лексика 334. Chuv. čuxan ‘poor’ may be of different ori-
gin (cf. an aberrant reflex of *g), cf. čux ‘mediocre’, čuxъ ‘poor’ ( < *jok?).
446 *č῾ugu - *č῾úmu
‖ A Western isogloss, somewhat questionable phonetically. Unclear
is -k- in TM and Mong. (*-g- would be expected). A possible solution is
to reconstruct for all three subgroups a suffixed form *č῾ugu-kV.
-č῾ugu to tie up, bandage: Tung. *čuga-; Mong. *čig; Turk. *čɨg-.
PTung. *čuga- to fix, attach (приделывать, прикреплять): Ud.
čuga-.
◊ ТМС 2, 410. Attested only in Ud., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *čig bandage, splint (бандаж, лубок): WMong. čig (L 179);
Kh. čig.
PTurk. *čɨg- 1 to tie up (a parcel) 2 to sew (with small stitches) 3
parcel, pack 4 knot 5 to tie in a knot (1 увязывать (тюк, сверток) 2
шить (мелкими стежками), подшивать 3 узел (упаковка) 4 узел 5
завязать узлом): Karakh. čɨɣ- 1; Tur. čɨkɨ, čɨkɨn 3; Gag. čɨqɨ 3; Turkm. čig-
5, čigin 4; Khal. (tīn u) čɨqɨn ‘small parcels in women’s working room’;
MTurk. čik 4 (Pav. C.), (OKypch) čɨq- 1 (AH); Uygh. čig- 5, čigik 4; Kirgh.
čije 4; KKalp. šije ‘tightly bound’; SUygh. čig-, čik- 5; Khak. sɨɣ-la- 2; Oyr.
či-de- 2.
◊ EDT 405, VEWT 94. Forms apparently pointing to *čɨk- most probably reflect a con-
traction of the suffixed form *čɨgɨ-k-.
‖ A Western. isogloss; borrowing in Mong. is possible, but not very
probable for semantic reasons.
-č῾me ( ~ -i) a k. of insect: Tung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-); Turk. *čümeli; Kor.
*čóm.
PTung. *čīme- (~š-,-ǖ-) a k. of insect (насекомое (мухообразное с
пестрыми крыльями)): Evk. čīmečīldūn; Ud. cimgi (Корм. 310).
◊ ТМС 2, 395.
PTurk. *čümeli ant (муравей): OTurk. čümeli (OUygh.); Karakh.
čümeli (MK - Chigil); MTurk. čü/umadu ‘small ants’ (Pav. C.); Uzb.
čumɔli; Uygh. čümälä (R - Tar.); Tat. čümöldü (R - Bar.); Oyr. čumalɨ, dial.
čubalɨ; Tv. šɨmɨl ‘maggot’.
◊ EDT 423, VEWT 121, Лексика 184.
PKor. *čóm a k. of worm, teredo; poisonous insect, poison
(червь-древоточец): MKor. čóm; Mod. čom.
◊ Liu 665, KED 1482.
‖ Лексика 184.
-č῾úmu round(ed) object: Tung. *čumbu-; Mong. *čom-; Turk. *čɨmur;
Jpn. *túmúnsí.
PTung. *čumbu- 1 globe, sphere 2 rounded, swollen (of a mosquito)
3 (sleigh) arc (1 шар 2 раздувшийся (о комаре) 3 дуга (нарты)): Evk.
čumbukte 1, čumkilēptin 2; Nan. čembu-čembu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 414.
 *č῾umu - *č῾p῾a 447

PMong. *čom- 1 bouquet; bud 2 bud-shaped (1 букет; почка 2

имеющий форму бутона): WMong. čomurlaɣ, (L 197) čomurliɣ 1,
čombuɣar, čombun 2; Kh. comorlog 1, combogor, combon 2; Ord. čomȫ- ‘av-
oir la forme de bouton de fleur’.
PTurk. *čɨmur 1 buds 2 lily 3 sphere, globe, fist (1 почки 2 лилия 3
шар, округлость, кулак): Oyr. čomur 2; Tof. šomur 1 (Рас. ФиЛ 89, 231);
Chuv. čъₙmъₙr 3.
◊ The Chuvash form points to *-ɨ-. The root is very localized, but seems to be distinct
from *čɨm- / *čum- ‘top; stick with a knob’ (although a contamination was of course possi-
ble).
PJpn. *túmúnsí hair-whorl (завихрение волос): OJpn. tumuzi;
MJpn. túmúzí; Tok. tsùmuji; Kyo. tsúmújí; Kag. tsumují.
◊ JLTT 556. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ An expressive common Altaic root; both in Turkic and Japanese
its reflexes may have partially coincided with the reflexes of *č῾mu ‘top,
edge’ q.v., but in Mongolian and TM they seem to be distinct.
-č῾umu seed, cone: Tung. *čum- / *čim-; Mong. *čöme; Turk. *čɨm.
PTung. *čum- / *čim- cone (of any fir tree) (шишка): Evk. čunmī ( <
*čum-nī); Neg. čimčukte; Ul. čimčikte; Ork. čipčikte; Nan. čimčikte; Orch.
čimčikte.
◊ ТМС 2, 395, 414.
PMong. *čöme fruit stone, grain, seed (косточка, зерно, семя):
WMong. čöme, čömü (L 202); Kh. cöm; Bur. seme- ‘щелкать кедровые
орехи’.
◊ Mong. > Evk. čīme, čēme etc. (see ТМС 2, 421).
PTurk. *čɨm 1 turf 2 meadow 3 various kinds of grass (with seeds)
(1 дерн 2 луг, лужайка 3 различные виды трав): Karakh. čɨ/im 1, čim-
gen 1, 2; Tur. čimen 2, čim 1; čemen ‘тмин; пажитник’; Gag. čim 1, čimen
1, 2; Az. čämän 2, čim 1; Turkm. čemen 2, ‘bundle, bouquet’; Khal. čämän,
čimän 2 (< Pers.?); Uzb. čaman 2, čim 1; Uygh. čim 1, čimän 2; Kirgh. čɨm
1; čemirček ‘травянистое растение со съедобным корнем’ (cf. also
čɨmɨldɨq ‘повилика’, čɨmɨldɨrɨq, čɨmɨndɨq (dial.) ‘чина’); Kaz. šɨm 1; Nogh.
šɨm 1; Khak. čɨm-čolɣaj ‘хлебенки (an edible bulbous plant’); Oyr. če-
mene ‘потничная трава’; Chuv. čemčem/n ‘горец, птичья гречишка’
(Дмитриева-Саллонтаи VII, 49).
◊ The primary root is *čɨm ‘turf’, whence *čim-gen ‘meadow’, borrowed in Pers. čaman
(see EDT 423; not vice versa, despite TMN 2, 99-100); but many of the modern forms
meaning ‘meadow’ or ‘bouquet’ are already backloans from Persian.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾p῾a ( ~ -u) a k. of insect: Tung. *čope-; Mong. *čubali; Turk. *čpɨn.
PTung. *čope- 1 locust 2 larva (of insects) (1 саранча 2 личинка (на-
секомых)): Evk. čepeder 1; Ul. čobị 2; Nan. čobị 2.
448 *č῾p῾ì - *č῾ṓga
◊ ТМС 2, 401, 421.
PMong. *čubali ant (муравей): MMong. čubali (MA 136).
PTurk. *čpɨn 1 fly 2 gad-fly 3 mosquito 4 bee (1 муха 2 овод 3 ко-
мар 4 пчела, шершень): Karakh. čɨbɨn 1, 3 (MK); Tur. ǯibin 1, 3; Az.
čibin 1,2; Turkm. čbɨn 3; Uzb. čibin 3; Uygh. čivin 1,2; Tat. čeben 1, 2;
Bashk. seben-le- ‘to be annoyed by fly-bites (of animals)’; Kirgh. čɨmɨn
1,2; Kaz. šɨbɨn 1,2; KBalk. čibin 1,2; Kum. ǯibin 1,2; Oyr. (dial.) čɨmɨn 4.
◊ VEWT 110, EDT 838, TMN 3, 53, Лексика 186.
‖ An expressive Western isogloss.
-č῾p῾ì small, narrow: Tung. *čip[u]-; Mong. *čüɣe-n; Jpn. *tìpì-sà-; Kor.
*čòp-.
PTung. *čip[u]- narrow (узкий): Evk. čipikte, čipileme; Evn. čụpụtị.
◊ ТМС 2, 398.
PMong. *čüɣe-n, -ken small (in number), few (мало, немного):
MMong. čuejen (HY 44), čun (MA); WMong. čüge(ge)n, (L 201:) čögen,
čögeken, čögüken; Kh. cȫn; Bur. šȫdej; Kalm. cȫ(k)n; Ord. čȫkön, čȫröm;
Dag. čuēn (Тод. Даг. 182); Dong. čueGuan (MGCD čoɣuan); Bao. čoŋ;
S.-Yugh. čǖn; Mongr. ćōn (SM 454), ćōgwən (SM 453).
◊ KW 432, 460, MGCD 577. In Bur. two roots are contaminated *čüɣe-n ‘few’ and
*öčü- ‘sm, little’. šȫdej means ‘little’, but üsȫ(n) - ‘few’.
PJpn. *tìpì-sà- small (маленький): OJpn. tip(j)isa-; MJpn. tìfìsa-; Tok.
chīsá-; Kyo. chésa-; Kag. chsa-.
◊ JLTT 842. Kagoshima has an irregular reflex; otherwise all dialects point to low
tone.
PKor. *čòp- narrow (узкий): MKor. čòp-; Mod. čop-.
◊ Liu 665, KED 1482.
‖ Martin 249. Korean has a “verbal” low tone. In Turk. cf. perhaps
Kirgh. čɨpqa ‘strainer’, čɨpqala- ‘to strain’.
-č῾ṓga ashes, glowing coals: Tung. *čuguk ( ~ -b-); Turk. *čōg, -ak.
PTung. *čuguk- ( ~ -b-) 1 snuff 2 to burn (with fire) 3 to hiss (of
glowing coals in contact with water) (1 нагар 2 обжечь (огнем) 3 ши-
петь (о раскаленных углях в соприкосновении с водой)): Evk. čuke,
dial. čuwukī 1, čuwkān- 2; Neg. čowixān 3; Ud. čauk-čuk (expr.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 410, 412.
PTurk. *čōg glowing heat, glowing coals (жар, тлеющие уголья):
OTurk. čoɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. čoɣ (MK); Turkm. čōg; MTurk. čoɣ
(Vamb.); Uzb. čụɣ; Uygh. čoq, čoɣ; Kirgh. čoq; Kaz. šoq; SUygh. čoɣ;
Khak. soɣ; Shr. šoɣ; Oyr. čoq; Yak. suos; Dolg. huos.
◊ VEWT 113, 114, Лексика 366-367, EDT 405, Stachowski 113 (Yak. suos = Tur. čogaš
‘sun heat’). Turk. > WMong. čoɣ, Kalm. cog (KW 429, TMN 2, 119, Щербак 1997, 113).
Mong. > Yak. čox.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
 *č῾ṑk῾a - *č῾òk῾e 449

-č῾ṑk῾a to peck, gouge: Tung. *čōk(i)-; Mong. *čoki-; Turk. *čok-; Kor.
*čhắ-.
PTung. *čōk(i)- 1 to gauge 2 to stick into 3 to peck 4 to dig, delve (1
выдалбливать, вырезать 2 втыкать 3 клевать 4 копать, ковырять):
Evk. čōk- 4; Evn. čuq- 4; Neg. čok- 1; Man. čoki- 2; Ul. čoqị- 3; Nan. čoqị- 3;
Ud. cugu ‘adze’ (Корм. 311).
◊ See ТМС 2, 403. Secondary vowel shortening in Nan.
PMong. *čoki- to strike, punish (бить, наказывать): MMong. čo-
qoli’ul- ‘to overthrow’ (SH); WMong. čoki- (L 196); Kh. coxi-; coxi-lo-
‘клевать’; Bur. soxi-; Kalm. cok-; Ord. ǯoki-; Mog. ZM čqor ‘axe’ (22-4a);
Dag. čoki-; Mongr. čugu- ‘клевать’ (SM 440).
◊ KW 429.
PTurk. *čok- 1 to peck 2 to delve, dig 3 to pick at 4 to stab 5 to pick
(eyes) 6 pitfall, delve (1 клевать 2 долбить, копать 3 ковырять 4 зака-
лывать 5 выкалывать (глаза) 6 рытвина, углубление): OTurk. čoq- 4
(OUygh.); Karakh. čoq- ‘to rush at the prey (of a bird)’ (MK); Tur. čoku-
1, čukur 6; Gag. čuqur 6; Az. čuxur 6; Turkm. čoq- 1, čuqanaq, čuxur 6;
MTurk. čo/uqu- (Sangl., Pav. C. (5)); čuqur 6 (Sangl.; starting with Old
Kypch.); čux-la- 3 (MA 137); Uzb. čụqi- 1, čuqu-la- 2, 3, čuqur 6; Uygh.
čoqu- 1; Krm. čoq- ‘to sting’, čoɣɨ- 1 (K), č/сuqu/ɨr 6; Tat. čuqɨ- 1, čoqɨ- 2;
Bashk. suqɨ- 1, soqo- 2, 3; Kirgh. čoqu- 1, čuqu- 3; Kaz. šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 1, 3;
KKalp. šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 2, 3; Kum. čoqu- 1; Nogh. šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 2, 3; Khak.
sox-la- 1; Oyr. čoqu- 1, 3.
◊ VEWT 114, 119, EDT 406. Kypchak languages suggest a distinction between *čokɨ-
‘to peck’ and *čukɨ- ‘to dig, delve’, absent elsewhere, and possibly a result of interdialectal
loans.
PKor. *čhắ- to kick (бить, пинать): MKor. čhắ-; Mod. čha-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1562.
‖ EAS 64, KW 429, Дыбо 13, Doerfer MT 68. Martin 239 compares
OJ tuk- which can belong here, too, but is an obvious merger of several
roots.
-č῾òk῾e ( ~ -u-) cheek bone: Mong. *čoku; Turk. *čügde; Kor. *čjókái.
PMong. *čoku temple, sinciput (висок, темя): WMong. čoqu (L 199);
Kh. cox; Bur. soxo ‘forehead; (Okin.) temple’; Kalm. coxə (КРС); Dag.
čoko (Тод. Даг. 181).
◊ Mong. > Man. čoki, see Doerfer MT 137; Kirgh. čoqu etc. (see TMN 3, 119).
PTurk. *čügde 1 the projecting bone behind the ear 2 back of head 3
back of axe (1 выступающая кость за ухом 2 затылок 3 обух топора):
OTurk. čügte (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. čügdei (MK) 1; Turkm. čüwde 2, 3;
Uzb. (dial.) čüjdä 2; Bashk. šöjδä ‘papilla of the first neck vertebra, back
side of blade’; Kaz. šüjde 2, 3; KKalp. šüjde 2; Nogh. šüjde 2, cerebellum;
Chuv. śivət, śütə ‘woman’s plait’ (Ашм.).
450 *č῾ŏk῾i - *č῾ŏli
◊ EDT 414, Егоров 213, Федотов 2, 116 (both gloss the Chuv. word as obscure), Лек-
сика 202.
PKor. *čjókái cheek (щека): MKor. pó-čjókái (a compound with pó-
‘cheek’).
◊ HMCH 199, Nam 261.
‖ Лексика 203. Cf. also notes to *č῾[a]k῾i.
-č῾ŏk῾i to incline, sink: Tung. *čoK[i]-; Mong. *čökü-; Turk. *čök-; Jpn.
*tuku-(m)pap-; Kor. *čùk-.
PTung. *čoK[i]- 1 to incline, bow 2 to squat (1 наклоняться, кла-
няться 2 сидеть на корточках): Evk. čoko- 2; Neg. čoxịtịn- ‘свернуться
клубком’; Man. čuqu- 1; Nan. čoqčojgan ‘squatting’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 411, 404. Cf. also *čūči- ‘to squat’ (ТМС 2, 418) < *čUk-či- (?).
PMong. *čökü- to lose all hope, to be a beggar (терять надежду,
быть нищим): WMong. čökü-, čöküre- (L 201); Kh. cöxö-, cöxrö-; Bur.
süxer-; Kalm. cökə-, cökr-; Ord. ǯöχörölči-; Dag. čakaral ‘утомление,
усталость’ (Тод. Даг. 180); Mongr. ćugo ‘eclipse’.
◊ KW 431, 432.
PTurk. *čök- 1 to kneel down 2 to sink 3 to sit (1 опускаться на ко-
лени 2 оседать, тонуть 3 присесть, сесть на корточки): OTurk. čök- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. čök- 1 (MK); Tur. čök- 1; Gag. čök- 1, 2, 3; Az. čök- 2;
Turkm. čök- 1, 2; Sal. čök-, čöx- 1 (ССЯ); MTurk. čök- 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. čụk-
1, 2; Uygh. čök- 1, 2; Krm. čök-, cok- 1; Tat. čük- 1; Bashk. sük/g- 1, 2;
Kirgh. čök- 1, 2; Kaz. šök/g- 1, 2; KBalk. čök/g- 1, 2, 3; KKalp. šök/g- 1, 2;
Kum. čök/g- 1, 2, 3; Nogh. šök/g- 1, 2; SUygh. čoGe- 3; Shr. šök- 2; Oyr.
čögö-dö- 1; Chuv. śъk- ‘to fall’, śъₙg-ъₙn- 1; Yak. sügürüj- 1.
◊ VEWT 117, TMN 3, 120-122, EDT 413-4, Егоров 205, Федотов 2, 90-91. Turk. >
WMong. čökü(le)-, Kalm. čökl- (KW 444; TMN 2, 121, Щербак 1997, 113).
PJpn. *tuku-(m)pap- to squat (сидеть на корточках): MJpn.
tuku-baf-; Tok. tsukuba-.
PKor. *čùk- 1 to die 2 to kill (*čùk-jo-) 3 to bow, incline 4 to squat (1
умирать 2 убивать (*čùk-jo-) 3 наклоняться 4 сидеть на корточках):
MKor. čùk- 1, skúr- 3, čùskrí- 4, čùkjó-m ‘killing’; Mod. čuk- 1, čugi- 2,
k:ul(h)- 3, č:ugɨri- 3, 4.
◊ Nam 433, 434, 63, KED 1503, 1504, 219, 1470, 1494.
‖ VEWT 117, KW 431 (without the Korean form), EAS 64, SKE 43,
АПиПЯЯ 286. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 3, 122) criticism, the root is cer-
tainly common Altaic. In Mong. cf. also reduplicated forms: Khalkha
cogcojǯ sū-, Bur. sogsojžo hū- ‘to squat’, sogsogono- ‘to curtsey’. The origi-
nal meaning must have been ‘squat’, ‘kneel down’ - whence ‘incline,
sink’, and further metaphorical developments: ‘lose hope’, ‘die’.
-č῾ŏli ( ~ -e) steppe: Tung. *čulbi-; Mong. *čolid; Turk. *čöl.
PTung. *čulbi- a small hill (небольшой холм): Evk. čulbikān.
 *č῾óme - *č῾omi 451
◊ ТМС 2, 413. Attested only in Evk., with possible parallels in Turk. and Mong.
PMong. *čolid area with many small lakes (местность, покрытая
мелкими озерами): WMong. čolid (L 197); Kh. coĺd.
PTurk. *čöl steppe, desert (степь, пустыня): OTurk. čölig ‘name of a
country’ (Orkh.); Tur. čöl; Az. čöl; Turkm. čöl; MTurk. čöl (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. čụl; Uygh. čöl; Krm. čöl; Bashk. sül ‘desert’; Kirgh. čöl; Kaz.
šöl; KKalp. šöl; Kum. čöl; Nogh. šöl; SUygh. čöl (ЯЖУ); Khak. söl; Oyr.
čöl; Tv. šöl ‘field, plaza’; Tof. šöl ‘steppe, desert’.
◊ VEWT 117, TMN 3, 122-123, EDT 420. Turk. > WMong. čöl ‘desert’ (because of un-
certainty of OT čölig doubted by Clark 1977, 135).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-č῾óme together, all: Tung. *čuŋnu; Mong. *čöm; Jpn. *tmə.
PTung. *čuŋnu all, entirely (весь, все, целиком): Neg. čuŋnu; Ul.
čuŋnu; Nan. čuŋnu; Ud. čoŋno.
◊ ТМС 2, 415.
PMong. *čöm all, entirely (весь, целиком): WMong. čöm (L 202);
Kh. cöm; Bur. süme; Kalm. cöm; Ord. čöm.
◊ KW 432. Mong. > Chag. čö/om ‘tout entier; tous’ (Pav.C.) .
PJpn. *tmə together (вместе): OJpn. tomo; MJpn. tómó; Tok. tomó,
tómo; Kyo. tómò; Kag. tómo.
◊ JLTT 549. Most sources point to high tone in the first syllable (except the aberrant
Tokyo variant tómo).
‖ A not quite clear phonetic development in TM; perhaps one has to
reconstruct *č῾óŋme, with cluster simplification in Mong. and with dis-
similation *čuŋmu > *čuŋnu in TM.
-č῾omi ( ~ -e) stack, to stack: Tung. *čum-; Mong. *čomu-; Turk. *čömele.
PTung. *čum- 1 to put into a stack 2 a wood stack (1 собирать в ку-
чу 2 поленница): Evk. čumče- 1, čumče 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 414. Attested only in Evk. (Evk. > Yak. čömčöx, not vice versa), but having
probable Turkic and Mongolian parallels.
PMong. *čomu- 1 to collect, stack 2 haystack (1 собирать, склады-
вать в стог 2 стог): WMong. čomu-ru- 1, čomuɣ 2 (L 197); Kh. comro- 1,
comog 2; Bur. somo 1, somō 2; Kalm. coməɣ ‘cone hillock’; Mongr. čumoG
‘petite tente’ (SM 440), ćomboG ‘tas, meule’ (SM 454).
◊ KW 430.
PTurk. *čömele stack, haystack (стог, копна): Uygh. čömülä; Krm. ?
čömel ‘więzy’; Tat. čümɛlɛ; Bashk. sümälä; Kirgh. čömölö; Kaz. šömele;
Chuv. śəₙmel.
◊ Егоров 210, Федотов 2, 108, Мудрак Дисс. 137.
‖ A Western isogloss.
452 *č῾òmu - *č῾ṑrV
-č῾òmu ( ~ -o-) to cram, stop up: Jpn. *tùm-; Kor. *čắm-, *čằm-.
PJpn. *tùm- to be crammed, to cram (быть впихнутым, впихивать):
OJpn. tum-; MJpn. tum-; Tok. tsúm-, tsúme-; Kyo. tsùm-, tsùmè-.
◊ JLTT 774, 775.
PKor. *čắm- to be closed, shut; to hide, submerge (быть закрытым;
прятать, погружать): MKor. čắm-; čằmằ-tì-, čắm(ki)- ‘to soak, sub-
merge’; Mod. čam-gi-, čam-gɨ-.
◊ Nam 413, 417, KED 1395, 1396.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; Western parallels may have merged with
*šmo ‘to dive, scoop’ q.v.
-č῾op῾i ( ~ -e) dregs, dirt: Tung. *čupa; Mong. *čöb; Turk. *čöp.
PTung. *čupa dregs, grounds; porridge (гуща, осадок; каша): Evk.
čupa.
◊ ТМС 2, 415.
PMong. *čöb dirt, dregs (грязь, осадок): WMong. čöb (L 200); Kh.
cöv; Bur. süb; Kalm. cöb; Ord. cöb caG “dirty time” = ‘time of war, hun-
ger etc.’.
◊ KW 431.
PTurk. *čöp 1 dregs, impurity, rubbish 2 stick, small branch, straw 3
penis 4 grass, hay (1 мусор 2 палочка, веточка, соломинка 3 penis 4
трава, сено): OTurk. čöb, čöbik 1 (OUygh. Budd.); Karakh. čöb ‘dregs of
wine; any piece of noodles’; čübek 3 (MK; with Kypch. phonology šöbik
‘огрызок от фрукта’); Tur. čöp 1, 2, 3; Gag. čöp, čep ‘gag in a barrel’,
čepkä ‘grapevine, wine dregs’, čepel ‘dirty’; Az. čöp 2; Turkm. čöp 2; Sal.
čöp ‘weed, grass’; MTurk. ču/üb 2 (Pav. C.), 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. čụp 1, 2;
Uygh. čöp ‘grass; noodles’; Krm. čöp 1, 4; Tat. čüp 1, čübek ‘oakum,
combings’; Bashk. süp 1, ‘weed’; Kirgh. čöp 4; ‘afterbirth’; čöbögö ‘dregs
after boiling butter’; Kaz. šöp 1, 4; KBalk. čöb 2, 4; KKalp. šöp 1, 4; Kum.
čöp 1, ‘weed; lot’; Nogh. šöp 1, 2; Shr. šöp 1, šöbek ‘hemp straw’; Oyr. čöp
1; 4; afterbirth’; Chuv. śüpə 1; ‘newborn child’.
◊ VEWT 118, EDT 394, 396, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 148. Turk. > Russ. Siber. čup
‘dregs’, see Аникин 677.
‖ A Western isogloss; Mong. may be < Turkic.
-č῾ṑrV pike: Tung. *čōr-; Mong. *čurukai; Turk. *čortan.
PTung. *čōr- 1 pike 2 young fish (1 щука 2 рыбья молодь): Man.
čurχu 2; Sol. sōraldī 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 113, 400. The Manchu form is regarded as a mongolism by Rozycki, but
(unlike Evk. čirukaj ‘pike’) is more probably a genuine cognate.
PMong. *čurukai pike (щука): MMong. čuraqa (SH); WMong. čurqai,
(L 207:) čuruqai; Kh. curxaj; Bur. surxaj; Kalm. curxə.
◊ KW 434. Mong. > Evk. čirukai, see Doerfer MT 131. Cf. also Kalm. cordəg ‘young
pike’ (KW 430) - possibly a Turkism.
 *č῾ùgù - *č῾ukV 453

PTurk. *čortan 1 eel 2 pike (1 угорь 2 щука): Tur. čortan 1; Turkm.

čortan 2; Uzb. čụrtan 1; Tat. čurtan 2; Bashk. sortan 2; Kirgh. čorton 2;
Kaz. šortan 2; KKalp. šortan 2; Kum. čortan 2; Nogh. šortan 2; Khak. sor-
tan 2; Shr. šortan 2; Oyr. čorton 2; Tv. šortan 2; Chuv. śъₙrdan, śъₙrtan 2;
Yak. sordoŋ 2; Dolg. hordoŋ 2.
◊ VEWT 116, Лексика 178, Stachowski 108.
‖ KW 434, Лексика 178. A Western isogloss.
-č῾ùgù bundle: Mong. *čug-; Turk. *čug; Jpn. *tùkà; Kor. *čok.
PMong. *čug- 1 together 2 to bind together (1 вместе 2 связывать):
WMong. čuɣ 1, čuɣla- 2 (L 205), čuɣčala- ‘accumuler’; Kh. cug, cugla-;
Bur. sug; Kalm. cuG, cuɣlə-; Ord. čugla- ‘s’assembler’; S.-Yugh. čoG;
Mongr. ćoG (SM 453), ćuolo- ‘entasser, amonceler, se rassembler’ (SM
460).
◊ KW 433, MGCD 580. Mong. > Oyr. čuq etc. (VEWT 119).
PTurk. *čug 1 bundle 2 to bind, pack, wrap (1 связка 2 связывать,
упаковывать, обматывать): OTurk. čuɣ 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. čuɣ 1,
čuɣ-la- 2 (MK); Tur. (dial.) čuɣ 1; Az. čulɣa- 2; MTurk. čuɣ ‘yoke’ (Pav.
C.), čulɣa- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. čulɣa- 2; Krm. čulɣa- 2; Tat. čolɣa- 2; Bashk. sɨw
‘placenta’, solɣa- 2; Kirgh. čū 1, (South.) čuq ‘swaddle’ (*čuguk), čulɣa- 2;
Kaz. šuw-maq 1, šulɣaw ‘портянки’; KBalk. čulɣa- 2; KKalp. šuw-maq-la-
2, šulɣa-n- ‘обертываться портянками’; Nogh. šuw-maq 1; Khak. sulɣa-
2; Shr. šu 1 (R), šulɣa- 2; Oyr. (dial.) čū 1, čū-la- 2 (R); Tv. šuɣla- ‘to cover
(with a blanket)’; Yak. sū ‘wrapper’, sū-lā- 2; Dolg. hū-lā- 2.
◊ VEWT 119, EDT 405, 407, Stachowski 114.
PJpn. *tùkà bundle (связка): OJpn. tuka; tuka-na- ‘to bundle’; MJpn.
tùkà, tùkà-nè.
◊ JLTT 554.
PKor. *čok women’s hairdo (женская прическа, узел): MKor. čok;
Mod. č:ok.
◊ Nam 430, KED 1477.
‖ Korean *čok should be explained as a contraction < *č῾ugu-k῾V, with
a frequent suffixed -k.
-č῾ukV ( ~ -o-) to jump, trot: Tung. *čuKe-rē-; Mong. *čogi-; Kor. *čhú-.
PTung. *čuKe-rē- to move warily; to jump cautiously (осторожно
передвигаться; осторожно прыгать): Evk. čukerē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 412. Attested only in Evk., but having probable parallels in Mong. and Kor.
PMong. *čogi- to trot (not very swiftly) (скакать, бежать (не слиш-
ком быстро)): WMong. čogi- (L 196); Kh. cogi-; Bur. sojor-; Ord. čogi-.
PKor. *čhú- to dance (танцевать): MKor. čhu-; čhú-m ‘dance’ (n.);
Mod. čhu-.
◊ Liu 701, KED 1629.
‖ Korean has a frequent vowel loss between a stop and a fricative.
454 *č῾úk῾i - *č῾upa
-č῾úk῾i ( ~ -u-) a k. of fish: Turk. *čüke; Kor. *čòki.
PTurk. *čüke sterlet (стерлядь): Tat. čökɛ, dial. (КСТТ) čükä; Bashk.
sögä; Chuv. śъₙga.
◊ VEWT 121, Федотов 2, 152. A local Volga region word; cf. however Turkm. čüj balɨk
‘pike’, lit. ‘nail-fish’ - which may be a reanalysis of the original root.
PKor. *čòki gilthead fish (Collichthys fragilis); porgy (sea bream)
(вид рыбы): MKor. čòki, čjokɨi; Mod. čogi.
◊ Nam 427, 432, KED 1470.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-č῾uli to grow less, shrink: Tung. *čulbi-; Mong. *čölü-; Turk. *čülik-;
Kor. *čūr-.
PTung. *čulbi- to starve, become lean (худеть, истощаться): Evk.
čulbi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 413. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *čölü- to diminish, deteriorate (уменьшаться, ухудшать-
ся): WMong. čölüi- (L 202); Kh. cölij-.
◊ Cf. also WMong. čuluid- id.
PTurk. *čülik- to become shabby (становиться потрепанным, за-
ношенным): Karakh. čülik- (čülük-) (MK); Tur. (dial.) čil ‘little’; Turkm.
čül-čaGa ‘little children’, čülpe ‘small child’; MTurk. čüle- ‘être alteré’
(Pav. C.); Kirgh. čölük- ‘to be exhausted, weakened’; Khak. sülek- ‘to
wear unusual clothes’.
◊ VEWT 121, EDT 420.
PKor. *čūr- 1 to shrink, grow less 2 to starve, be famished (1 умень-
шаться, сокращаться 2 голодать): MKor. čuri-hi- 1 (tr.), čūri- 2; Mod.
čūl- 1, čūri- 2.
◊ Liu 670, KED 1496, 1508.
‖ SKE 44.
-č῾upa grey: Tung. *čub-rī-; Mong. *čabidar; Turk. *čubar.
PTung. *čub-rī- green, blue, yellow (зеленый, синий, желтый):
Evk. čūri-n,-rin; Evn. črụńa; Neg. čojīn; Sol. srĩ, (Ивановский) čuɣurin.
◊ The root is probably *čub-; see ТМС 2, 417-418.
PMong. *čabidar yellowish (of horse’s color) (желтоватый, игрене-
вый (о масти)): MMong. čabdar (MA); WMong. čabidar (L 155); Kh.
caỻdar; Bur. sabidar; Kalm. cäwdr (КРС); Ord. čawidar ‘robe de cheval:
alezan à crinière et queue blanches’; Dag. čebdəg; S.-Yugh. čabdar.
◊ MGCD 554.
PTurk. *čubar variegated (пестрый): Tat. čuwar; Kirgh. čār.
◊ VEWT 118-119. Note however that most of the forms listed in VEWT actually re-
flect PT *čopur (v. sub *šop῾é), so the root *čubar appears to be very late and local.
 *č῾up῾V - *č῾up῾V 455

‖ A Western isogloss. KW 431, Poppe 26, 48. Mong. > late MTurk.
čabdar (see Щербак 1997, 202), Evk. čabidar etc., see Doerfer MT 101,
Rozycki 41.
-č῾up῾V through: Tung. *čup-; Mong. *čoɣu.
PTung. *čup- 1 through and through, completely 2 to pull out (1 на-
сквозь, совершенно 2 выдергивать): Evk. čup 1, čuptū- 2; Evn. čöptъre
1, čụptl- 2; Neg. čop 1, čoptụ- 2; Ul. čụp 1, čụptụǯi- 2; Ork. tụp, čụp 1,
tụptụllị- 2; Nan. čop 1; Orch. čop 1, čụppụ- 2; Ud. čofu 1; Sol. sụttā- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 415-416.
PMong. *čoɣu 1 through and through, completely 2 to pierce, make
a hole 3 to be pierced (1 насквозь, совершенно 2 протыкать, делать
отверстие 3 продырявиться): WMong. čoɣu 1, čoɣul- 2 (L 195), čoɣuru-
3; Kh. cō 1, cōlo- 2; Bur. sōlgo ‘ice-hole, прорубь’, sōnog ‘hole’; Kalm. cōl-
2 (КРС); Ord. čōl- 2; Mog. čōlō; ZM čl ‘hole, window’ (14-4b); Dag.
čōro- 3 (Тод. Даг. 182); Bao. čolə-, čorə- 2; S.-Yugh. čūl-; Mongr. ćōli- (SM
454), čōlə- (Huzu) 2.
◊ MGCD 573, 574.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss (but cf. also Tuva šuptu ‘all’ < TM?). See
PKE 38 (although Kor. čōi hardly belongs here).
 D

-dắgá near; to follow: Tung. *daga; Mong. *daɣa-ri-; Turk. *jạgu-; Jpn.
*dánká-; Kor. *ta(h)-.
PTung. *daga 1 near 2 soon 3 for a short time (1 близкий 2 вскоре 3
ненадолго): Evk. daga 1; Evn. dā-lị 1; Neg. daɣa 1; Man. da-rtaj 2; SMan.
aritī, dartai ‘at once, instantaneously’ (2689); Jurch. di-ɣa-sa (681) 1;
Nan. da-ptị 3; Ud. dā-sa῾ 1 (Корм. 226); Sol. daga 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 187-188.
PMong. *daɣa-ri- to pass; to hit in passing, offend (проходить ми-
мо; задевать): MMong. da’ari- (SH, HYt); WMong. daɣari- (L 218); Kh.
dajra-; Bur. dajra-; Kalm. dǟr-; Ord. dāri-; Dag. dāri-; S.-Yugh. dār-;
Mongr. dāri- ‘rencontrer en chemin, dire en passant’ (SM 45).
◊ KW 83, MGCD 191, TMN 1, 318. Mong. > Chag. darɨ-; Yak., Dolg. tārɨj- (Kał. MEJ
28, Stachowski 219); Man. dari- id. The original meaning is ‘to pass closely’ (not ‘hit’, pace
Doerfer).
PTurk. *jạgu- 1 to draw near 2 near (1 приближаться 2 близкий):
OTurk. jaɣu- (OUygh.) 1, jaɣuq (Orkh.) 2; Karakh. jaɣu- (MK, KB) 1,
jaɣuq (MK) 2; Tur. javuk 2; Az. javɨ- 1 (dial.), jowuG 2; Turkm. jovu- 1
(dial.), jowuq 2; MTurk. javu- (Pav. C.) 1, javuq (Abush.) 2; Uzb. jɔvuq 2;
Tat. jawuq, juwɨq (dial.); Kirgh. ǯū- 1, ǯūq 2; Kaz. žuw- 1, žuwɨq 2; KBalk.
žuwuq, zuwuq; KKalp. žuw- 1, žuwɨq 2; Kum. juwuq 2; Nogh. juwɨ- 1;
Oyr. jū-, u- 1, jūq, ūq 2; Tv. čōq 2; Chuv. śɨvъx 2; Yak. čugas 2; Dolg.
hugas, čugas 2, hugahā- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 62-63, EDT 898, 901, Stachowski 75, 110.
PJpn. *dánká- soon after, before long (вскоре, немного спустя) :
MJpn. jágáte; Tok. yàgate; Kyo. yàgàté; Kag. yagáte.
◊ JLTT 570. The accent in Kagoshima is aberrant, otherwise all dialects point to high
tone.
PKor. *ta(h)- following (следующий): Mod. taɨ-m.
◊ KED 388.
‖ EAS 51, 91, 92, KW 72, Poppe 22, Doerfer MT 241, АПиПЯЯ 15,
26-27, 71, 278, Дыбо 12. Closed vowel in Turkic is unexpected (*jag-
would be a normal reflex).
 *dằgì - *dagV 457

-dằgì enemy, alien: Tung. *dagu-r; Mong. *dajin; Turk. *jagɨ; Jpn.
*(d)ìkùsà; Kor. *tōi.
PTung. *dagu-r 1 friend 2 Daghur 3 allied kin (1 друг 2 дагур(ы) 3
союзный род): Evk. doɣor, daɣor 1; Evn. doɣō 1; Man. daχur 2; Nan. doχa
1, 3; Sol. daɣr 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 189, 211, 212. Neg., Oroch, Ul., Orok doχa ‘allied kin’ < Nan. (which itself
may be historically a Manchurism). TM > WMong. daɣur, Dag. dagur, daur (Тод. Даг. 134),
Yak. doɣor, Dolg. dogo, dogor (Stachowski 81).
PMong. *dajin war (война): MMong. dai’jin, dai’jisun (SH), dāin ‘en-
emy’ (IM), dain (MA); WMong. dajin (L 222); Kh. dajn; Bur. daj(n); Kalm.
dǟn; Ord. dǟn ‘war; enemy’; Dag. dain, daisan (Тод. Даг. 134, MD 132);
S.-Yugh. dain.
◊ KW 83, MGCD 192. Mong. > Man. dain etc., see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 54.
PTurk. *jagɨ enemy, war (враг, война): OTurk. jaɣɨ (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaɣɨ (MK); Tur. jaɣɨ; Az. jaɣɨ; Turkm. jaɣɨ; Khal. jaɣɨ; MTurk. jaɣɨ
(Houts.); Uzb. jɔw, (dial.) jaw, jāɣɨ; Uygh. jaw, jaɣɨ, jäɣɨ (dial.); Tat. jaw;
Bashk. jaw; Kirgh. ǯō; Kaz. žaw; KBalk. ǯaw, žaw, zaw; KKalp. žaw; Kum.
jaw; Nogh. jaw; SUygh. jaɣɨ; Khak. čā; Shr. čā; Oyr. jū, u; Tv. čā; Chuv.
śu ‘heathen’; Yak. sɨa-kār ‘rogue, villain’.
◊ VEWT 178, ЭСТЯ 4, 55-56, Лексика 561, Федотов 2, 129 (?).
PJpn. *(d)ìkùsà warrior, war (воин, война): OJpn. ikusa; MJpn.
ìkùsà; Tok. ikusá; Kyo. ìkúsà; Kag. ikusá.
◊ JLTT 423. Kyoto points to *ìkúsà, all other forms - to *ìkùsà.
PKor. *tōi barbarian (варвар): MKor. tōi; Mod. twē.
◊ Nam 161, KED 496.
‖ EAS 50, 88, KW 83, Владимирцов 267, Дыбо 7, 15. Borrowing in
Mong. from Turk. (TMN 4, 101-102, Щербак 1997, 121) is impossible. A
suffixed form *dagi-gu (*dagi-u) accounts for labialization in the second
syllable (in TM, Jpn. and, originally, in Kor.).
-dagV shoulder bone, back: Tung. *daga-; Mong. *dajira / *daɣari; Turk.
*jagɨr, *jagrɨn.
PTung. *daga- hip, hip bone, shoulder bone (бедро, бедренная
кость, плечевая кость): Evk. daɣańa; Neg. daɣańa; Man. dabsi ‘shoulder’;
Ork. dāna.
◊ ТМС 1, 184, 188. TM > Dag. dagan (Тод. Даг. 134).
PMong. *dajira / *daɣari 1 withers 2 abrasion, sore on back of ani-
mal (1 холка 2 ссадина на спине животного): MMong. da’ari 1 (SH),
dari 2 (MA); WMong. dajira 1 (L 222: dajir 2), daɣari 2 (L 218); Kh. dajr 1,
2; Bur. dāri, dajr 2; Kalm. dǟrə 1; Ord. dāri 2; Dag. dāre (MD 131), dāri, dāŕ
(Тод. Даг. 135), dār 2,; Dong. daru-san 2; S.-Yugh. dārə 2; Mongr. dārə,
dāri (SM 45) 2.
◊ KW 83, MGCD 182. Mong. > Evk. daɣarin etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, Doerfer MT 76.
458 *dáku - *dằk῾ì
PTurk. *jagɨr, *jagrɨn back, shoulderblade (спина, лопатка): Tur.
jaɣrɨ, dial. jaɣɨr, jaɣrɨ; Turkm. jaɣɨrnɨ; jaɣɨrɨn, jaɣrɨn (dial.); Sal. jaɣrə (Ka-
kuk); MTurk. jaɣrɨn (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jaɣrin; Tat. jawɨrɨn,
jawɨrnɨ, ǯawɨr (dial.); Bashk. jawɨrɨn (dial.); Kum. jawrun; Nogh. jawɨrɨn.
◊ VEWT 178, ЭСТЯ 4, 65-67, Дыбо 139-141, Лексика 242.
‖ Владимирцов 318, Колесникова 1972a, 89-91. A Western iso-
gloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 121 Mong. is not < Turk. Turk. *jagɨr
represents in fact a merger of two different original roots (see *ńeka).
See also TMN 4, 177-178 (with unconvincing criticism).
-dáku coverlet: Tung. *dakan-; Turk. *jogurgan; Jpn. *dúká.
PTung. *dakan- 1 to cover 2 coverlet, mat (1 покрывать 2 покрыва-
ло, подстилка): Ul. daqan- 1, daqanča(n) 2; Ork. daqan- 1, daqapta 2; Nan.
daqa- 1, daqača 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 191.
PTurk. *jogurgan blanket (одеяло): OTurk. joɣurqan (OUygh.);
Karakh. joɣurqan (MK); Tur. jorɣan; Gag. jorɣan; Az. jorɣan; Turkm.
jorɣan; Sal. jorɣan; Khal. jorɣān; MTurk. jorɣan (Ettuhf.), jurɣan (Houts.),
jawurqan (MA); Uygh. jo(r)tqan; Krm. jorɣan; Tat. jurɣan; Bashk. jurɣan;
Kirgh. ǯūrqan; KBalk. ǯuwurɣan, ǯūrɣan, žuwurɣan, zuwurɣan; Kum.
jowurɣan; Nogh. jurqan, juwɨrqan; Khak. čorɣan; Oyr. ūrqan; Tv. čōrɣan;
Yak. suorɣan; Dolg. huorgan, suorgan.
◊ EDT 907, VEWT 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 225-226, Stachowski 112.
PJpn. *dúká floor (пол): OJpn. juka; MJpn. júká; Tok. yùka; Kyo.
yúká; Kag. yúka.
◊ JLTT 579. Cf. Kor. jò ‘cushion, mattress’ < Jpn.?
‖ Cf. also Bur. dagadxa ‘unworked leather, leather mat’. Turk. -o-
must be a result of secondary narrowing in a polysyllabic word <
*jagu-rgan.
-dằk῾ì follow, near: Tung. *daxa-; Mong. *daka-, *daga-; Turk. *jAk-ɨn;
Jpn. *tìkà-.
PTung. *daxa- to follow, obey (следовать, подчиняться): Neg.
daxaw-; Man. daχa-; SMan. dahə- (1181); Jurch. tai-xa (360); Ul. daχaụ-;
Ork. daχụrị-; Nan. daχa-; Orch. daχu-; Ud. dahala- (-li-) ‘to agree’ (Корм.
226).
◊ ТМС 1, 191.
PMong. *daka-, *daga- to follow (следовать за к.-л.): MMong. daqa-
(HY 33, SH); WMong. daɣa- (L 216); Kh. daga-; Bur. daxa-; Kalm. daxə-;
Ord. daGa-; Dag. daga- (Тод. Даг. 134), dahe (MD 131); Dong. daGa-; Bao.
daGa-, (MGCD) degə-; S.-Yugh. taʁa- (MGCD daʁā-); Mongr. daGā- (SM
38).
◊ KW 72, MGCD 189. The variant with -g- is obviously a result of later assimilation <
*daka-.
 *dla - *dla 459

PTurk. *jAk- 1 to come near 2 near 3 to come near to each other,

pass 3 good (1 приближаться 2 близкий 3 приближаться, подхо-
дить 4 хороший): OTurk. jaq- (OUygh.) 1, jaqɨn (OUygh.) 2, jaqɨš-
(OUygh.) 3; Karakh. jaq- (MK, KB) 1, jaqɨn (MK) 2, jaqɨš- (MK) 3, jaχšɨ
(MK) 4; Tur. jakɨn 2, jakɨš- 3, jakšɨ 4; Gag. jaqɨn 2, jaqɨš- 3; Az. jaxɨn 2, jaxšɨ
4; Turkm. jaq- 1, jaqɨn 2, jaGšɨ 4; Sal. jaχɨn 2, jaχšɨ 4; MTurk. jaqɨn (MA)
2, jaχšɨ 4 (MA); Uzb. jaqin 2, jaxši 4; Uygh. jaq- 1, jeqin 2, jaqši 4; Krm.
jaqɨn 2, jaqšɨ 4; Tat. jaqɨn 2, jaxšɨ 4; Bashk. jaqɨn 2, jaqšɨ 4; Kirgh. ǯaqɨn 2,
ǯaqšɨ 4; Kaz. žaqɨn 2, žaqsɨ 4; KKalp. žaqɨn 2, žaqsɨ 4; Nogh. jaqɨn 2, jaxšɨ 4;
SUygh. jahGɨn 2, jaxš(i) 4; Khak. čaɣɨn 2, čaxsɨ 4; Tv. čɨɣ ‘close to’; Tof.
čɨ’xa- ‘to press to’.
◊ VEWT 178, 180, EDT 896-9, 901, 904, 908-9, ЭСТЯ 4, 63-64, 81, 84, TMN 4, 179.
PJpn. *tìkà- near (близкий): OJpn. tika-; MJpn. tìkà-; Tok. chiká-;
Kyo. chíka-; Kag. chiká-.
◊ JLTT 842.
‖ KW 73, ОСНЯ 1, 215-216, Doerfer TMN 4, 105 (with some unsub-
stantial criticism), MT 241, АПиПЯЯ 15, 26-27, 71, 278. Despite Doerfer
MT 142, TM is hardly borrowed from Mong.
-dla wave, deep place: Tung. *dal-; Mong. *dalaj; Turk. *dāl-; Jpn.
*dara.
PTung. *dal- 1 overflow, inundation 2 small wave, jet (1 наводне-
ние, половодье 2 струя, рябь, волны): Neg. dalan 1; Man. dol-čin 2; Ul.
dala(n) 1; Nan. dalã 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 193, 214. Rozycki 61 proposes Man. dolčin < Mong. dolgijan (v. sub *čalu),
which is hardly possible.
PMong. *dalaj sea, ocean (море, океан): MMong. dalai (HY 3, SH),
dalai (MA); WMong. dalai (L 224); Kh. dalaj; Bur. dalaj; Kalm. dalǟ, dalā;
Ord. dalǟ; Dag. dalai (Тод. Даг. 134: daĺē MD 132); S.-Yugh. dalī; Mongr.
dalī, dal (SM 41).
◊ KW 73, MGCD 193, 633. Mong. > Evk. dalai (Doerfer MT 125); Chag. dalaj etc., see
TMN 1, 325, VEWT 130).
PTurk. *dāl- 1 to sink 2 ocean (1 погружать(ся) 2 море, океан):
OTurk. taluj 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Tur. dal- 1; Gag. dal- 1; Turkm. dāl- 1
(dial.); MTurk. tal-, dal- 1; Krm. dal- 1; Tat. tal- 1 (dial.); Tv. tal- (Castr.)
῾swim’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 133-134 (to be separated from *Tal- ῾to faint’); EDT 502 (the Chinese ety-
mology of OT taluj seems hardly plausible: the compound MC dâj-lwi is not attested, and
we would expect *Tajluj, not *Taluj anyway).
PJpn. *dara sea bottom, deep place (морское дно, глубокое место):
OJpn. jara.
460 *dala - *dli
‖ Владимирцов 368, Doerfer MT 125. Despite TMN 1, 325, EDT 502
Mong. cannot be < Turkic (initial d- cannot be explained). See notes to
*t῾ṑle.
-dala ( ~ -e-) a k. of building: Mong. *dal; Jpn. *da.
PMong. *dal warm shelter for large cattle (хлев, стойло): WMong.
dal (L 223); Kh. dal; Bur. dal; Kalm. dalə (КРС).
PJpn. *da house (дом, комната): OJpn. ja; MJpn. já; Tok. yá; Kyo. yà;
Kag. yà.
◊ JLTT 569. RJ has the “right upper” dot and the original accent is not quite clear.
‖ Street 1985, 640. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-dàli to roast, burn: Tung. *dalga-; Mong. *dölü; Jpn. *(d)ìr-; Kor. *tàr-.
PTung. *dalga- to roast (жарить): Evk. dalga-; Evn. dalgat-/č-; Neg.
dalga-; Ul. ǯalGa-; Ork. dalda-; Nan. dalGa-; Sol. dalga- ‘to burn’.
◊ ТМС 1, 193-194.
PMong. *dölü flame (пламя): WMong. dölü, döli (L 267); Kh. döl;
Bur. düle(n).
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. tölön (Stachowski 228).
PJpn. *(d)ir- to roast, fry (жарить): OJpn. ir-; MJpn. ìr-; Tok. ír-; Kyo.
ìr-; Kag. ìr-.
◊ JLTT 698.
PKor. *tàr- to roast, burn (жарить, жечь): MKor. tàr-hí-; Mod. tāl-
‘be hot, burned’.
◊ Liu 200, KED 403.
‖ EAS 1, 124, SKE 252. Korean has a usual verbal low tone; Mong.
*dölü < *delü (from an earlier *deli-w). On a possible Turkic reflex see
under *ǯale.
-dli glue; to glue, stick: Tung. *dāl-bu-; Mong. *ǯil-; Turk. *jẹli-m.
PTung. *dāl-bu- to glue, stick to (клеить, прилипать): Evk. dalbu-;
Evn. dālbu-; Neg. dālbụ-; Man. dalu-; Ul. darpụ-; Nan. dālpo-; Ud. dagbu-.
◊ Cf. also Evk. dāl- ‘to stick to, be boring’ (which probably reflects the original suffix-
less stem *dāl(a)-). See ТМС 1, 192.
PMong. *ǯil- fish glue (рыбий клей): MMong. ǯil-sün (MA);
WMong. ǯilaɣan; Kalm. ǯalān ‘Schleim’; Bao. ǯilsoŋ ‘glue’; Mongr. ǯulsə
‘glue’.
◊ KW 107, MGCD 555.
PTurk. *jẹli-m glue (клей): OTurk. jelim (OUygh.); Karakh. jelim
(MK); Tur. jilim; Turkm. jelim; MTurk. jelim (Ettuhf.), jilim (AH); Uzb.
jelim; Uygh. jelim; Tat. ǯilem; Bashk. jelem; Kirgh. ǯelim; Kaz. želim;
KBalk. jelim, ǯelim, želim; KKalp. želim; Nogh. jelim; SUygh. jilɨm; Shr.
čelim; Oyr. jelim, elim; Chuv. śiləm; Yak. silim; Dolg. hilim.
◊ EDT 928-929, VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 179-180, TMN 4, 189, Stachowski 103.
 *dalo - *dlV 461

‖ ЭСТЯ 4, 180. A Western isogloss. Turkic must have a secondary

narrowing *e > *ẹ here (in a disyllabic structure?).
-dalo sweet, tasty: Tung. *dal-di; Turk. *j[ɨ]l-ɨnčga; Kor. *tằr-.
PTung. *dal-di tasty, sweet (вкусный, сладкий): Evk. dalli, daldi;
Evn. dalr; Neg. dalịgd.
◊ ТМС 1, 195.
PTurk. *j[ɨ]l-ɨnčga tasteless food (пресная пища): Karakh. jɨlɨnčɣa
(MK).
◊ EDT 931.
PKor. *tằr- sweet (сладкий): MKor. tằr-; Mod. tal-.
◊ Nam 140, KED 403.
‖ SKE 253, EAS 51. In Turk. *-a- would be expected; Karakh. jɨlɨnčga
is probably an assimilation < *jalɨnčga.
-dalp῾V ( ~ -e-, -p-) to shake, sway: Mong. *delbe- / *dalba-; Turk. *jelpi-
/ *jalpɨ-.
PMong. *delbe- / *dalba- to shake, sway, wave (качать, трясти):
MMong. dilbu- ‘to fan’ (MA 213); WMong. delbegene-, delbelǯe-, dalbalǯa-
(L 225, 247); Kh. delbegne-, delbelʒe-, dalbalʒa-; Bur. dalba- ‘махать,
развеваться’; Kalm. delwlzə-, dalwlzə-; Dag. delebure ‘fan’ (MD 136).
◊ KW 75, 87. A Mong. origin is probable for Oyr. talbɨ-, Turk. tal(a)bɨ-, dalabɨ- etc. (see
EDT 493), although one should note that the derivatives talpɨn- and talpɨr- are already
attested in MK.
PTurk. *jelpi- / *jalpɨ- 1 to flap, winnow 2 to shake, sway 3 fan (1
махать, веять 2 трясти, качать 3 веер, опахало): Karakh. jelpit- 1
(caus.) (MK); Tur. jelpaze 3; Az. jelpik 3; Turkm. jelpe- 1; MTurk. jelpi-
(Sangl.); Uzb. jelpi- 1; Uygh. jälpü- 1; Krm. jelpi- 1; Tat. ǯilpe- 1; Bashk.
jelpe- 1; Kirgh. ǯelpi-, ǯelbire- 1; Kaz. želpi- 1; KKalp. želpi- 1; Kum. jelpi- 1;
Nogh. jelpi- 1; Khak. čelbe-, čalbra- 2; Oyr. jelbi-, elbi- 1, jalbra- 2; Tv.
čelbi-, čelwi- 1; Yak. salbɨrā- 2.
◊ EDT 920, VEWT 182, 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 182. Derivation from *jel ‘wind’ is highly im-
probable (at the most we can speak of a secondary contamination of roots).
‖ KW 87. An expressive Turk.-Mong. isogloss, tending to merge
(both in Turk. and Mong.) with the reflexes of *delp῾a ‘flat, broad’ (“to
shake, flatter (of flat objects)”). One cannot exclude that a merger in-
deed took place, and the original shape of the root had been *dalV ( ~
-e-) without the *-p῾-: cf. WMong. dalaji- ‘to brandish, swing’ (see TMN
1, 328-329), dele- ‘to wave, flap (wings)’; Karakh. jalŋu ‘flip-flap, the
swing’ (EDT 930), see SKE 258.
-dlV ( ~ -ē-) nape, withers: Mong. *dalaŋ; Turk. *jāl; Kor. *tər-mi.
PMong. *dalaŋ counter, withers, nape of neck (of animals) (загри-
вок, холка): WMong. dalaŋ (L 224); Kh. dalaŋ; Bur. dalan; Kalm. dalŋ
462 *dằĺà - *dàma
(КРС); Ord. dalaŋ ‘long hill’; Mog. ? dallanä ‘to carry on the shoulders’
(Ramstedt 1906).
◊ Mong. > Evk. dalaŋ etc., see Poppe 1974, 121, Doerfer MT 96, Rozycki 54.
PTurk. *jāl mane, counter, scruff (холка, грива): Karakh. jal (MK);
Tur. jal (dial.); Az. jal; Turkm. jāl; Khal. jāl; MTurk. jal (AH); Uzb. jɔl;
Uygh. jal; Krm. jal; jalda- ‘to swim grasping the horse’s counter; to
swim’; Tat. jal; Bashk. jal; Kirgh. ǯal; Kaz. žal; KBalk. ǯal; KKalp. žal;
Kum. jal; Nogh. jal; Shr. čal; Oyr. jal, al; Tv. čal; Yak. sāl.
◊ Дыбо 220-222, EDT 916, ЭСТЯ 4, 85-86, 93-94 (for *jāl-da-), Лексика 146-147.
PKor. *tər-mi counter, scruff (затылок, загривок, шиворот): Mod.
təlmi.
◊ KED 449.
‖ KW 73, Poppe 97, Дыбо 306, Лексика 147; TMN 4, 106
(“...unklar”). The root seems to be distinct from *dḗlì (*dḗjlì) q.v.
-dằĺà ( ~ -o) to close, hide: Tung. *dal(i)-; Mong. *dal-; Turk. *jaĺ-; Jpn.
*dàsìr; Kor. *tjr.
PTung. *dal(i)- to close (закрывать): Evk. dal(i)-; Man. dali-; SMan.
dali- ‘to defend’ (794); Ul. dālị-; Nan. dālịa-.
◊ See ТМС 1, 192. TM > Dag. dali- (Тод. Даг. 134). Length in Ul. and Nanai is not
clear.
PMong. *dal- hidden, secret (тайный, спрятанный): MMong. dalda
‘Schirm, Schutz’ (SH), dalda, daldadu (MA 138); WMong. dalda (L 225);
Kh. dald; Bur. dalda; Kalm. daldə; Ord. dalda; Dag. dalda (Тод. Даг. 134;
MGCD dalida), dalede (MD 132); S.-Yugh. dalda.
◊ KW 73, MGCD 195. Mong. > late MTurk. dalda (see ЭСТЯ 3, 138-139, Щербак 1997,
203), Sol., Nan. dalda etc. (see Doerfer MT 18, Rozycki 54).
PTurk. *jaĺ- to close, hide (закрывать(ся), прятать(ся)): OTurk. jaš-
(OUygh.); Karakh. jaš- (MK); Az. jaš- (dial.); Turkm. jaš-; MTurk. jaš-
(AH); SUygh. jas-; Yak. sas-.
◊ VEWT 192, ЭСТЯ 4, 160-161. Very widely spread are also the derivatives *jaĺɨn-,
*jaĺɨr-, see ibid.
PJpn. *dàsìr shrine, enclosure for worship of deities (храм): OJpn.
jasiro; MJpn. jàsìrò; Tok. yáshiro; Kyo. yáshìrò; Kag. yashiró.
◊ JLTT 574. Accent in Tokyo is irregular.
PKor. *tjr temple (храм): MKor. tjr; Mod. čəl.
◊ Nam 155, KED 1441. Kor. > OJ tera (*tiárà), see JLTT 545.
‖ EAS 51, KW 73, Владимирцов 365, Poppe 22-23, 77, Дыбо 12,
Miller 1970, 127, Street 1980, 297, JOAL 86. Despite Doerfer MT 18,
PTM *dali- cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-dàma ill, sick, bad: Tung. *dam-; Turk. *jAman; Jpn. *dàm-.
PTung. *dam- 1 old, worn out 2 to act as an aggressor (1 ветхий,
старый 2 выступать зачинщиком): Nan. dambịča- 2; Ud. dāmpihi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 195.
 *dmù - *dằŋk῾V 463

PTurk. *jAman 1 bad, wicked 2 sickness, inflammation (1 плохой,

скверный 2 болезнь, воспаление): OTurk. jaman 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
jaman 1 (MK); Tur. jaman 1; Az. jaman 1; Turkm. jaman 1, 2; Sal. jaman 1;
MTurk. jaman (AH) 1; Uzb. jɔmɔn 1; Uygh. jaman 1; Krm. jaman 1; Tat.
jaman 1; Bashk. jaman 1; Kirgh. ǯaman 1; Kaz. žaman 1; KBalk. aman 1;
KKalp. žaman 1; Kum. jaman 1; Nogh. jaman 1; SUygh. jaman 1; Oyr.
jaman, aman 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 937, ЭСТЯ 4, 109. Cf. Yak. sɨmɨja ‘lie, deceit’. The meaning ‘bad
disease’ is attested already in Old Turkic.
PJpn. *dàm- to be ill, sick (болеть): OJpn. jam-; MJpn. jàm-; Tok.
yám-; Kyo. yám-; Kag. yám-.
◊ JLTT 785. RJ and Tokyo point to *jàm-; the tonally aberrant Kyoto and Kagoshima
reflexes may have been influenced by the literary language.
‖ Despite SKE 75 there is no reason at all to suppose a Chinese ori-
gin of the Turkic form (MC ja-mạn ‘savage, barbarian’ is too distant se-
mantically; the usage of PT *jAman for a bad disease, sickness is very
close to Japanese and may suggest that the original meaning of the root
was ‘ill(ness), sick(ness)’).
-dmù only: Tung. *dāmu; Jpn. *dùmài.
PTung. *dāmu 1 only, merely 2 perhaps, rather (1 только, единст-
венно 2 может быть, пожалуй): Evk. dāmukte 2; Man. damu 1; SMan.
damə 1 (2970); Nan. damụ 1 (may be < Manchu).
◊ ТМС 1, 195.
PJpn. *dùmài ever (usually with negation) (когда-либо, только
(обычно с отрицанием)): OJpn. jume; MJpn. jùmé; Tok. yúme, yumé;
Kyo. yúmè; Kag. yumé.
◊ JLTT 579. Modern dialects point also to a variant *dùmài.
‖ An interesting TM-Jpn. isogloss. It is perhaps worth noting the
particle jamu mentioned by MK for contexts like “sen barɣɨl jamu” ‘go,
will you’ (see EDT 934).
-dằŋk῾V ( ~ t-) blame, guilt: Tung. *daŋ-; Jpn. *tnká.
PTung. *daŋ- to blame, rebuke (упрекать, делать выговор): Neg.
daŋǯaxan-; Man. daŋsi-; Ul. daŋsụ-; Nan. daŋsị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 196.
PJpn. *tnká guilt (вина): OJpn. toga; MJpn. tògá; Tok. tóga; Kyo.
tógà; Kag. togá.
◊ JLTT 547. Accent in Kyoto is irregular (perhaps influenced by the Tokyo pronun-
ciation).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
464 *dpà - *dărV(mV)
-dpà to cross (a mountain): Tung. *dāb-; Mong. *daba-; Jpn. *dàmà.
PTung. *dāb- to cross (a river) (переправляться): Evk. dāw-, dāɣ-;
Evn. daw-; Neg. daw-; Man. dō-; SMan. dau- (1219); Ul. daụ-; Ork. dāụ-;
Nan. dā(w)-; Orch. dau-; Ud. dau-.
◊ ТМС 1, 187 (the words in 185-186, e.g. Man. daba-, dabaGan, are < Mong., cf. Doerfer
MT 38, Rozycki 52).
PMong. *daba- cross (a mountain) (переваливать (через гору)):
MMong. daba-, daba’an (SH); WMong. daba- (L 211); Kh. dava-; Bur.
daba-; Kalm. daw-, dawān; Ord. dawa-; Dag. dawa-, dau-, dawā (n.) (Тод.
Даг. 134, MD 133); Dong. dava-; S.-Yugh. dawa-; Mongr. dawā- (SM 47).
◊ KW 80, MGCD 184. All languages also reflect the derivate *daba-ɣan ‘mountain
pass’. Mong. > Chag. taban ‘mountain pass’ (see Щербак 1997, 203).
PJpn. *dàmà mountain (гора): OJpn. jama; MJpn. jàmà; Tok. yamá;
Kyo. jámà; Kag. jamá.
◊ JLTT 571.
‖ KW 80, Poppe 23, 45, JOAL 85, 86, Murayama 1962, 108, АПиПЯЯ
15, 104, 109 (with an explanation of Jpn. -m-: *dàmà < *dàpa-(ga)n =
Mong. dabaɣan), 276.
-dari ( ~ t-) to freeze: Tung. *dar-; Mong. *dereji-; Jpn. *(d)ita-.
PTung. *dar- 1 icedrift 2 snow crust 3 water flowing over ice (1 то-
рос 2 наст 3 вода, текущая поверх льда): Evk. dar 1, darkin 2, 3; Nan.
darχol 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 198. Cf. also Yak. tarɨn ‘frazil’ - possibly from some TM source.
PMong. *dereji- to become stiff, freeze stiff (замерзать, застывать):
WMong. dereji- (L 253); Kh. derij-.
PJpn. *(d)ita- to freeze, freeze stiff (замерзать, застывать): MJpn.
ita-.
‖ The root is not widely represented, but seems to be well recon-
structable for PA.
-dărV(mV) back, waist: Tung. *darama; Mong. *dere(me); Turk. *jarɨn.
PTung. *darama waist, back (поясница, спина): Evk. darama; Evn.
darъm; Neg. dajama; Man. dara, darama; SMan. darəmə (95); Ul. darama;
Ork. darama; Nan. darama; Orch. dāma; Ud. dāma; Sol. darama.
◊ ТМС 1, 198. TM > Dag. daram, darma (Тод. Даг. 135); > Dolg. darama (Stachowski
77).
PMong. *dere(me) pillow, cushion (подушка): MMong. dere (HY
21, SH), dir (MA); WMong. dere (L 253), derem-deg; Kh. der(en); Bur.
dere; Kalm. derə, derm-deg; Ord. dere; Dag. derbe (Тод. Даг. 136; MGCD
dereb, MD 136: derebe); dareme ‘back’ (MD 133);; S.-Yugh. dere; Mongr.
dere (SM 52), (MGCD dəre).
◊ KW 89, MGCD 218.
 *dasa - *dắsi 465

PTurk. *jarɨn shoulder, shoulderblade (плечо, лопатка): OTurk.

jarɨn (OUygh.); Karakh. jarɨn (MK); SUygh. jarɨn; Khak. čarɨn; Shr. čarɨn;
Oyr. jarɨn, arɨn; Tv. čarɨn; Chuv. śorъm; Yak. sarɨn; Dolg. sarɨn, sannɨ.
◊ EDT 970, ЭСТЯ 4, 66, Лексика 242, Дыбо 139-141, Федотов 2, 142, Stachowski 209.
Forms going back to *jagrɨn are due to a merger with *jagɨr (v. sub *dagV).
‖ A Western isogloss. Somewhat different in Дыбо 305, Лексика
242; for Turkic cf. also PTM *dīre ‘shoulderblade’ (ТМС 1, 205).
-dasa to regulate, govern: Tung. *dasa-; Mong. *das-; Turk. *jAsa-; Kor.
*tàs-.
PTung. *dasa- to govern, regulate (править, управлять): Man.
dasa-; SMan. dasə- (1039).
◊ ТМС 1, 201. Man. > Dag. dasa- ‘to correct, govern’ (Тод. Даг. 135).
PMong. *das- to get accustomed (привыкать): WMong. das-, dasu-
(L 236, 237); Kh. das-; Kalm. das-; Ord. das-; Dag. dasūn ‘sweet’ (Тод.
Даг. 135); S.-Yugh. dasanna- (MGCD 188).
◊ KW 79.
PTurk. *jAsa- 1 to determine, govern 2 to create (1 определять,
управлять 2 создавать): Tur. jasa- 1; Turkm. jasa- 2; Sal. jasa- 2; MTurk.
jasa- 1 (Ettuhf., Pav. C., Abush.) 1, 2; Uzb. jasa- 2; Uygh. jasa- 2; Krm.
jasa- 1, 2; Tat. jasa- 1, 2; Bashk. jaha- 1, 2; Kirgh. ǯasa- 1, 2; Kaz. žasa- 2;
KKalp. žasa- 2; Kum. jasa- 2; Nogh. jasa- 2; Khak. čaza- 2; Shr. čaza- 2;
Oyr. jaza-, aza- 1, 2; Tv. čaza- 2.
◊ VEWT 191, ЭСТЯ 4, 150-152. The verb has been also read in the Kül-Tegin inscrip-
tion (8th c.), but Clauson (EDT 974) contests the reading. Turk. > Mong. ǯasa- id. (KW
468), whence Evk. ǯasa- etc., see Doerfer MT 61; TMN 4, 92-96, EDT and Щербак 1997,
204, however, regard the Turkic forms as Mongolisms).
PKor. *tàsắr- 1 to govern, regulate 2 to improve, order, correct (1
управлять, регулировать 2 улучшать, упорядочивать, исправлять):
MKor. tàsắr- 1, tàsk- 2; Mod. tasɨri- 1, tak:- 2.
◊ Liu 194, 202, KED 386, 392.
‖ Lee 1958, 107 (TM-Kor.). The combination of meanings in Mong.
here is suspiciously similar to PA *čtu ( > Mong. dadu-); so one may
wonder if Mong. *das- is not actually a derivative of *dad- (*dad-s-). In
that case the form should be removed from the present etymology.
-dắsi a flat cover: Tung. *dasi-; Mong. *dasinga; Turk. *jAs-; Kor. *tìsài.
PTung. *dasi- to cover (покрывать, закрывать): Evk. das-; Evn. das-;
Neg. das-; Man. dasi-; Ul. dasị-; Ork. dasị-; Nan. dasị-; Orch. dasi-; Ud.
dahi- (dai-) (Корм. 226).
◊ ТМС 1, 200-201.
PMong. *dasinga board (доска, полка): WMong. dasiŋɣa (L 236);
Kh. dašinga.
466 *dḕ - *debí
PTurk. *jAs- flat and broad (широкий и плоский): Karakh. jasɨ
(MK); Tur. jassɨ; Gag. jasɨ; Az. jastɨ; Turkm. jasɨ; MTurk. jassɨ (AH, Et-
tuhf.); Uzb. jassi; Tat. jassɨ, jastɨ; Bashk. jaϑɨ; KBalk. ǯassɨ; Kum. jassɨ.
◊ VEWT 191, EDT 973-974, ЭСТЯ 4, 153-154, 155-156 (see there the list of other de-
rivatives of the root *jAs-), Лексика 98.
PKor. *tìsài tile (черепица): MKor. tìsài.
◊ Nam 179. The word is not attested in modern dictionaries, but KED 920 mentions a
bound noun -sä ‘roof tile’, attested in compounds ok-sä, maŋ-sä and pət-sä. It is quite
probable that this -sä is a later contraction < *tsä < tisai.
‖ The Turk. form can also be derived from *nese ‘to flatten, make
even’ q.v.
-dḕ to lie: Tung. *dē-; Mong. *de-b-; Turk. *jạt-; Jpn. *dànt-r-.
PTung. *dē- 1 to lie 2 bed 3 decking (1 лежать 2 постель 3 настил):
Man. dedu- 1; SMan. dudu- 1 (522); Jurch. dedu-rie (355) ‘to lie, to sleep’;
Ul. deduxu 3; Ork. deduxi 3; Nan. dederi 3; Orch. dē 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 227, 230.
PMong. *de-b- 1 to lay, put, spread, bed 2 saddle cushion 3 mat, rug
(1 класть, подстилать, 2 подушка седла 3 подстилка): MMong. de-
busger (HY 23) 2, däbos- (IM), dibs- 1, dĭbisgr 2 (MA), debsgər 2 (LH);
WMong. debǯije 3, debsi 2 (L 239: debse); Kh. devǯē 3, devs(en), devsger 2;
Bur. debdi- 1, debhe(n) 2; Kalm. dewsə- 1 KPC 191, dewsə 2; Ord. dewes- 1;
Dag. debseg 2, deuse- 1; Bao. dēsə- 1; S.-Yugh. debse 2, debsger 3; Mongr.
dēsəgu 3, d(w)ēsə- , debse- (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 90, MGCD 209.
PTurk. *jạt- to lie, to sleep (лежать, спать): OTurk. jat- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jat- (MK); Tur. jat-; Gag. jat-; Az. jat- 1, 2; Turkm. jat-;
Sal. jaht-; Khal. jat-; MTurk. jat- (MA); Uzb. jɔt-; Uygh. jat-; Krm. jat-;
Tat. jat-; Bashk. jat-; Kirgh. ǯat-; Kaz. žat-; KBalk. žat-; KKalp. žat-; Kum.
jat-; Nogh. jat-; SUygh. jat-; Khak. čat-; Shr. čat- (R); Oyr. at-; Tv. čɨ’t-;
Tof. čɨ’t-; Yak. sɨt-; Dolg. hɨt-.
◊ VEWT 192, EDT 884, ЭСТЯ 4, 156-158, Stachowski 120.
PJpn. *dànt-r- to spend the night (ночевать): OJpn. jador-; MJpn.
jàdor-; Tok. yadóru; Kyo. yádór-; Kag. yadór-.
◊ JLTT 784. The form seems to be derived from *dá ‘room, house’, but the tone con-
tradicts it (all dialects except Kagoshima point to *dà(n)tr-).
‖ One of the common Altaic monosyllabic verbal roots. Note dental
suffixation (probably *dē-ta-) reflected in PT, TM and Jpn.
-debí ( ~ ǯ-) bad, to suffer: Mong. *ǯib-; Turk. *jAb-; Jpn. *(d)impi-r-;
Kor. *jbúi-.
PMong. *ǯib- aversion, disgust, indignation (отвращение, негодо-
вание): WMong. ǯibegüü, ǯebegüü (L 1048); Kh. ǯivǖ(n), ʒevǖ(n); Bur.
zebǖ(n) ‘arrogant, proud’.
 *debV - *debV 467
◊ Mong. > Evn. ǯöbēnŋъ ‘austere, serious’ (ТМС 1, 266).
PTurk. *jAb- 1 bad, coarse, wicked 2 to become bad, weak 3 heavy,
difficult, severe 4 tasteless, insipid (1 плохой, грубый 2 ухудшаться,
слабеть 3 тяжелый, трудный, суровый 4 пресный, безвкусный):
OTurk. jabɨz 1 (Orkh.), javɨz 1 (OUygh.), javɣan 1 (OUygh.), jablaq
(Orkh.) 3, javlaq (OUygh.) 3; Karakh. javrɨ- 2, javra- ‘to become rough,
coarse’, javɨz 1, javɣan 1, javlaq 3 (MK); Tur. javuz 1, javan 4; Gag. javan 4;
Az. javan 4; Turkm. jovuz 1, 3, juwan 4 (dial.); MTurk. javlaq (R) ‘very’ ,
javuz (Ettuhf., AH) 1; Uzb. jɔwuz 1, jōɣan 4 (dial.); Uygh. javuz 1; Tat.
jawɨz 1; Bashk. jawɨδ- 1; Kirgh. ǯūɣan 4; Kaz. žawɨz 1; KKalp. žawɨz 1;
SUygh. jus 1; Khak. čaɣban 4; Yak. suos 3.
◊ VEWT 176, EDT 879, 881-882, ЭСТЯ 4, 47-48, 51. Turk. > WMong. ǯabqai, ǯabaɣan
(KW 468), whence again some Turkic forms (Kirgh. ǯabɨq etc., see ЭСТЯ 4, 9-10). One
could perhaps also note Kaz. žawra-, Uzb. ǯɔwra- ‘to suffer from cold, shiver’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 20)
which may be = Karakh. javra-, javrɨ- and thus should not be compared to Mong. daɣara-
(despite KW 82).
PJpn. *(d)impi-r- to oppress (угнетать): MJpn. ibir-; Tok. ibir-.
PKor. *jbúi- to get emaciated, haggard (истощаться, становиться
изможденным): MKor. j’úi-, j’ói-; Mod. jəwi-.
◊ Liu 563, KED 1165.
‖ Finch 1987, 17 (Jpn.-Mong.). One of the few exceptional cases of
*ǯ- > *j- in Kor. (cf. *ǯa ‘eight’).
-debV young (of birds or animals): Tung. *debere; Mong. *deɣü; Turk.
*jabrɨ.
PTung. *debere-n young (of birds) (птенец): Man. deberen; SMan.
devərəxən ‘puppy, young’ (2179); Ul. deuru(n); Ork. dewre(n); Nan.
deuruẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 239.
PMong. *deɣü younger sibling (младший брат или сестра):
MMong. de’u (HY 28, SH); WMong. degü, (L 246:) degüü; Kh. dǖ; Bur.
dǖ; Kalm. dǖ; Ord. dǖ; Mog. döün; Dag. deu (Тод. Даг. 136, MD 136);
Dong. ǯiao, ǯiau; Bao. dəu, du; S.-Yugh. dǖ; Mongr. dǖ (SM 56), dū.
◊ KW 106, MGCD 242. Mong. > Man. deo etc., see Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT 117,
Rozycki 59.
PTurk. *jabrɨ young of birds and animals (детеныш птиц и живот-
ных): Tur. javru, javrɨ; Gag. javru; MTurk. javrɨ (Ettuhf.); Chuv. śъₙvъₙr,
śurъ.
◊ VEWT 176, ЭСТЯ 4, 53, Лексика 168-169, TMN 4, 220, Федотов 2, 140-141.
‖ Poppe AU 105, Дыбо 9, Лексика 169. A Western isogloss.
468 *d[é]gì - *dḕgni
-d[é]gì feather, wing: Tung. *dekte-; Mong. *ǯiɣür; Turk. *jüg; Jpn.
*(d)íká.
PTung. *dekte- 1 feather 2 wing (1 перо 2 крыло): Evk. dektenne 1,
2; Evn. detle 1, 2; Neg. detele 1; Man. detxe 1, 2; SMan. detəxə 1 (2294); Ul.
dektekte 1; Ork. dektekte 1; Nan. degdece 1; Orch. dektese 1, 2; Ud. dektehe 1,
2; Sol. dettele 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1,231.
PMong. *ǯiɣür wing (крыло): MMong. ǯəu’ur (HY 15), ǯi’ur (SH),
ǯebūr (Lig.VMI); WMong. ǯigür (L 1053); Kh. žigǖr < lit.; Bur. žegǖr < lit.;
Ord. ǯigǖr < lit.; Mongr. ār, ćār, sār.
◊ KW 114.
PTurk. *jüg feather (перо): Karakh. jüg (MK, KB); Tur. jüg, jüv
(dial.), Osm. jüg; Khak. čüg; Tv. čüg.
◊ EDT 910, Лексика 150. Räsänen (VEWT 211b) confuses this root with *juŋ ‘wool’,
but they are certainly unrelated (although may tend to contaminate).
PJpn. *(d)íká kite (out of paper) (бумажный змей): MJpn. ika,
ika-nobori.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 44, 287, Лексика 150. Labialization in PT is probably
secondary (*jüg < *jegü < *jegi-gü, cf. the Mong. form).
-dḕgni needle, thorn, arrow: Tung. *dēŋgu; Mong. *ǯeɣü-wün; Turk.
*(j)igne; Jpn. *(d)inka.
PTung. *dēŋgu 1 cross-bow 2 arrow (1 самострел 2 стрела): Ul.
dēŋgure 1; Ork. dēŋgure 1; Nan. dēŋgure 1; Orch. deŋgu 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 234.
PMong. *ǯeɣü-wün needle (игла): MMong. ǯou’un (HY 20), ǯe’u
(SH), ǯūn (IM); WMong. ǯegün (L 1044: ǯegüü, ǯeü, ǯegün); Kh. ʒǖn; Bur.
zǖ(n); Kalm. zǖn; Ord. ǯǖ; Mog. ǯöwn (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. ǯū, (Тод.
Даг. 143) ǯeu; Dong. ǯun; Bao. ǯuŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯǖn; Mongr. ū (SM 94), ǯū.
◊ KW 485, MGCD 465.
PTurk. *(j)igne needle (игла): OTurk. jiŋne (OUygh.); Karakh. jigne
(MK); Tur. ijne; Gag. īnä; Az. ijnä; Turkm. igne, iŋne; Khal. īnä ( < Az.);
MTurk. igne (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. ignä; Uygh. ignä, jiŋnä, jignä;
Krm. ijne; Tat. inä; Bashk. ĭnä; Kirgh. ijne; Kaz. ĭjna; KBalk. ijne; KKalp.
ijne; Kum. ine; Nogh. ijne; SUygh. jiŋne; Khak. iŋe; Shr. ingä; Oyr. ijne;
Tv. ine; Yak. inne, ińe; Dolg. iŋne, ińe, inne.
◊ EDT 110, VEWT 169, ЭСТЯ 1, 367-369, Лексика 106.
PJpn. *(d)inka thorn, bur (шип): Tok. igá; Kyo. ìgâ; Kag. íga.
◊ JLTT 421. The word is not attested in OJ, and the modern accentuation is contro-
versial: Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *(d)ínkà, while Kyoto rather to *(d)ìnkâ.
‖ Владимирцов 196. Mong. *ǯeɣü-ɣün must go back to *ǯiɣe-ɣü-n.
 *dkà - *dék῾à 469

-dkà to burn: Tung. *deg-ǯe-gi-; Turk. *jak-; Jpn. *dák-; Kor. *thằ-.
PTung. *deg-ǯe-gi- to burn (жечь): Evk. ǯegdī-; Evn. ǯegde ‘burned
place’; Neg. ǯegdī-; Man. dejǯi-; SMan. deǯi-, diǯi- (483); Jurch. ǯeh-din-ku
(686); Ul. ǯegdečiwu; Ork. degde-; Nan. ʒegdi-; Orch. ǯegdi-; Ud. ǯegdi-.
◊ A causative form derived from PTM *degǯe- ‘to burn’, see ТМС 1, 281-282.
PTurk. *jak- 1 to burn (tr.) 2 light, ray 3 to produce fire (1 жечь 2
свет, луч 3 высекать огонь): Karakh. jaq- 1 (MK); Tur. jak- 1; Gag. jaq- 1;
Az. jax- 1; Turkm. jaq- 1, jaɣtɨ 2; Khal. ja:q- 1; MTurk. jaq- 1 (Abush.);
Uzb. jɔq- 1, jɔɣdu 2; Uygh. jaq- 1; Krm. jaq- 1; Tat. jaɣ- 1, jaqtɨ 2; Bashk.
jaq- 1, jaqtɨ 2; Kirgh. ǯaq- 1; Kaz. žaq- 1; KKalp. žaq- 1, žaqtɨ 2; Kum. jaq- 1;
Nogh. jaq- 1; Tof. ča’q- 3; Chuv. śot- 1, śo-dъ 2; Yak. saq- 1.
◊ VEWT 180, TMN 4, 201-202, EDT 897, ЭСТЯ 4, 62, 81-82, Федотов 2, 146, Лексика
362. This stem should be distinguished from *jan- ‘to burn (intr.)’.
PJpn. *dák- to burn (tr.) (жечь): OJpn. jak-; MJpn. ják-; Tok. yàk-;
Kyo. ják-; Kag. jáT.
◊ JLTT 784.
PKor. *thằ- to burn (гореть, жечь): MKor. thằ- (itr.), thằi’ó- (tr.);
Mod. tha- (itr.), thäu- (tr.).
◊ Nam 456, 457, KED 1684, 1697.
‖ Martin 227, JOAL 90-94, АПиПЯЯ 35-36, 90, 279. Korean has a
usual vowel reduction between a stop and a fricative.
-dék῾à a k. of reed or bamboo: Tung. *deke-; Mong. *dek-; Turk. *jEken;
Jpn. *tákái; Kor. *tái.
PTung. *deke- 1 a k. of willow 2 rope made from it 3 bush 4 tree (1
тальник 2 канат из тальниковых прутьев 3 куст 4 дерево): Neg. dekke
1, dexen 2; Jurch. do-ɣo (115) 4; Ul. deke(n) 2, deksu(n) 3; Ork. deksu(n) 3;
Nan. dē 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 231.
PMong. *dek- a k. of grass (вид травы): Kalm. dekm ‘Leinpflanze’.
◊ KW 85.
PTurk. *jEken a k. of grass, reed (вид травы, тростника): OTurk.
jigen (OUygh.); Karakh. jigen (MK); Turkm. jeken; MTurk. jekän (R.),
jigän (AH); Uzb. jäkän; Uygh. jekän; Tat. jegɛn (dial.), ǯikɛn; Bashk. jekän;
Kirgh. ǯeken; Kaz. žeken; KBalk. zegen; KKalp. žiken; Nogh. jeken; Oyr.
jeken, jekken, ēken.
◊ EDT 913, VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 172-173. Turk. > Mong. ǯeken, ǯege-sün (KW 472,
Щербак 1997, 123); Hung. gyékény (MNyTESz 1, 1125).
PJpn. *tákái bamboo (бамбук): OJpn. take; MJpn. táké; Tok. tàke;
Kyo. táké; Kag. táke.
◊ JLTT 539.
PKor. *tái bamboo (бамбук): MKor. tái; Mod. tä.
◊ Liu 204, KED 418.
470 *dek῾V - *dlp῾à
‖ Martin 225, Whitman 1985, 188, 215, Дыбо 11. The tone incongru-
ence between Kor. and Jpn. should be explained by contraction in Kor.;
however, the zero reflex in Kor. is somewhat strange (one would at
least expect *tahi).
-dek῾V ( ~ -k-) harness, hook: Tung. *deken; Turk. *jEk-.
PTung. *deken last pair of dogs in the team (последняя пара собак
в упряжке): Ul. deke(n); Nan. dekẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 231.
PTurk. *jEk- to harness (запрягать): Krm. jek-, jik-; Tat. ǯik-; Bashk.
jek-; Kirgh. ǯek-; Kaz. žek-; KBalk. žek-; KKalp. žek-; Kum. jek-; Nogh. jek-;
Oyr. jek-, ek-.
◊ VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 172.
‖ Дыбо 12. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-dḗlì mane; collar: Tung. *delü-n; Mong. *del; Turk. *jēl; Jpn. *(d)iárì.
PTung. *delü-n mane (грива): Evk. delin; Man. delun; SMan. delən,
dulun (2281); Nan. derbini (?).
◊ ТМС 1,232. The Nan. form may be < Mong. (Bur. delben).
PMong. *del mane, crest (грива, холка): MMong. del (HY 15, SH),
dīl- (IM), dil (MA); WMong. del (L 247); Kh. del; Bur. delben; Kalm. del;
Ord. del; Dag. dēlbur (Тод. Даг. 136) delin (MD 136); S.-Yugh. del.
◊ KW 74, 85, MGCD 212.
PTurk. *jēl 1 mane 2 feather (1 грива 2 перо): OTurk. jel 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. jel 1 (MK); Tur. jele 1; Gag. jelä 1; Az. läläk 2; Turkm.
jelek 2; Khal. jälǟk 2; Krm. lelek 2; SUygh. ǯeĺɨ 1; Khak. čilen 1; Tv. čel 1;
Tof. čel 1; Chuv. śilɣe 1; Yak. siel 1.
◊ VEWT 181, TMN 4, 188-189, EDT 916, ЭСТЯ 4, 85-86 (confused with *jāl, v. sub
*dlV), Лексика 147, 566. The Oghuz name of ‘feather’ (jelek / lelek, see ЭСТЯ 4, 179) is
probably derived from this root; perhaps also *jel-ke ‘back of head (including the neck)’,
see VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 181.
PJpn. *(d)iárì collar (воротник): MJpn. eri; Tok. erí; Kyo. érì; Kag. éri.
◊ JLTT 393.
‖ EAS 52, KW 74, 85, Poppe 22, 75, АПиПЯЯ 72, 287, Лексика 147;
TMN 4, 106 (“...unklar”). TM is hardly < Mong., despite Doerfer MT 76,
Rozycki 58. The diphthong in Jpn. may indicate PA *dḗjlì. Cf. *dlV.
-dlp῾à flat, wide: Tung. *delpi-n; Mong. *dalba-; Turk. *jalpɨ; Jpn.
*tàpìra.
PTung. *delpi-n wide, roomy (широкий, просторный): Man.
delfin.
◊ ТМС 1, 233. Attested only in Manchu, but having quite probable external parallels.
PMong. *dalba- to be flat and wide (быть плоским и широким):
MMong. dalba-ru (SH); WMong. dalbaji- (L 225); Kh. dalbaj-; Bur. dalba-;
Kalm. dalwǟ-.
 *dlp῾i - *depo 471
◊ KW 75.
PTurk. *jalpɨ 1 broad, flat 2 blade, paddle 3 shallow (1 широкий,
плоский 2 лист, лопасть 3 мелкий): Karakh. jalbɨ 1 (MK); Tur. jalpɨk 1;
Gag. jalpaq 1; Turkm. jalpa 2, jalpaq 1, 3; MTurk. jalpaq 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb.
jɔlpɔq 1; Uygh. jalpaq 1; Krm. jalpaq 1; Tat. ǯɛlpɛk 1; Bashk. jalpaq 1;
Kirgh. ǯalpaq 1; Kaz. žalpaq 1; KKalp. žalpaq 1; Kum. jalpaq 1; Nogh. jal-
paq 1; Khak. čelbax, nalpax 1; Oyr. jalbaq, albaq 1; Tv. čalbaq 1; Tof. čalbaq
1; Yak. salbax 2; Dolg. halbax ‘span; foot’.
◊ EDT 919, VEWT 182, ЭСТЯ 4, 14, 100-101, Stachowski 94. This root should be dis-
tinguished from *japur-gak ‘leaf’ and from *jalpɨ- / *jelpi- ‘to shake, sway’.
PJpn. *tàpì-ra flat, even (плоский, ровный): OJpn. tapjira; MJpn.
tàpìrá; Tok. tàira, tairáka; Kyo. tàìrá; Kag. taíra.
◊ JLTT 538. Tokyo and Kagoshima point rather to *tápírá.
‖ VEWT 183, KW 75 (Turk.-Mong.), Цинциус 1984, 8, АПиПЯЯ 71,
287. Mong. has also a front vowel variant delbe ‘flatness’, delbeger
‘broad, wide’, ǯilbigar id.
-dlp῾i to burst, break: Tung. *delpe-; Mong. *delbe-; Turk. *deĺ-; Jpn.
*timpə-.
PTung. *delpe- to split (раскалываться, трескаться): Evk. delpe-rge-,
delpe-m-; Evn. depčerge-; Neg. detpejkin-; Sol. delpe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 233.
PMong. *delbe- to burst, break through (лопаться, разрываться):
WMong. delbe-le, -re- (L 247, 248); Kh. delbere-, -le- (Tr.); Bur. delber-, del-
bel- (Tr.); Kalm. delwl-; Ord. delbel-.
◊ KW 87.
PTurk. *deĺ- to make holes (продырявливать): Karakh. teš- (MK);
Tur. deš-; Gag. deš-; Az. deš-; MTurk. teš- (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. teš-;
Uygh. täš-; Krm. teš-; Tat. tiš-; Bashk. tiš-; Kirgh. teš-; Kaz. tes-; KBalk.
teš-; KKalp. tes-; Kum. teš-; Nogh. tes-; Khak. tis-; Oyr. teš-; Tv. deš-; Tof.
deš-; Yak. tes-; Dolg. tes-.
◊ VEWT 476, EDT 559, ЭСТЯ 3, 210-212, TMN 2, 657, Stachowski 221.
PJpn. *timpə- to become worn down, out (изнашиваться, прихо-
дить в упадок): MJpn. tib(u)-; Tok. chibi-.
◊ JLTT 767. PJ accent not clear.
‖ Poppe 44 (Mong.-Tung.), Дыбо 13. Despite Doerfer MT 64, the
TM form is hardly borrowed from Mong.
-depo ( ~ -b-) wet, soak: Tung. *deb-; Mong. *debte-; Turk. *jẹbi-.
PTung. *debe- 1 paste, fool 2 to paint 3 paint (1 пастила, кисель 2
красить 3 краска): Evk. dewe- 2; Evn. dewe- 2; Neg. dewekse 3; Man.
debse 1; Ul. dewekse 3; Ork. dewē- 2; Orch. dewukse, dewekse 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 227, 228.
472 *dĕp῾a - *deŕa
PMong. *debte- to soak, become wet (мокнуть): WMong. debte-,
debtü- (L 239); Kh. devte-; Bur. debte-; Kalm. deptə-; Ord. debte-; Mog. ZM
debtäl- ῾to make fall into the water’ (15-3a); Dag. debte- (Тод. Даг. 135),
derte-; S.-Yugh. debtē-; Mongr. təbdē-, tudē- (SM 427).
◊ KW 88, MGCD 210. Cf. MMong. (SH) debul- ‘to boil’.
PTurk. *jẹbi- to become wet, soak (мокнуть): Karakh. jebe ‘damp-
ness’ (MK); Uzb. ivi-; Uygh. ivi-; Krm. jibi-, ibi-; Tat. ǯebe-; Bashk. jebe-;
Kirgh. ǯibi-; Kaz. žibi-; KKalp. žibi-; Kum. jibi-; Nogh. jibi-; Shr. čibi-;
Oyr. ibi-; Chuv. śəₙve ‘whey’; Yak. sibīn- ‘fresh’.
◊ EDT 872, VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 196-197. Except Uzb., Uygh., Chuv. and possibly
Yak. all languages actually reflect *jẹp- (*jip-); the Inlaut stop may be a result of secondary
gemination, or reflect a merger with some other root. Original voiced *-b- ( > -v-), how-
ever, is well preserved in the derivative *jẹbiĺ(č) ‘wet’ (Karaim jüvüš, Tat. jüwiš, Bashk.
jĭvĭš). Turk. > Kalm. ǯī- ‘durchnäßt werden’ (KW 114; although phonology is somewhat
strange: one would rather expect Kalm. ǯiw-).
‖ KW 88. A Western isogloss.
-dĕp῾a ( ~ *t-) soft, fluffy: Tung. *dep-; Kor. *tàpók-.
PTung. *dep- 1 fluffy, furry 2 squirrel’s nest 3 rot, soft (1 мягкий,
пушистый 2 беличье гнездо 3 гнилушка): Evk. debdirin 1; depe,
depe-me 3; Evn. debuli 1; Neg. depe-depe ōj 1; Ork. deberūli 1; Nan. debǯini
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 227, 236.
PKor. *tàpòk- thick, luxurious (густой, пышный): MKor. tàpòk-;
Mod. tabok-, taborok-.
◊ Nam 130, KED 385.
‖ An expressive TM-Kor. isogloss.
-déru ( ~ -ŕ-) to shake, sway: Tung. *der(gi)-; Mong. *derbe-; Jpn. *dúr-.
PTung. *der(gi)- 1 to shiver, tremble 2 to sway (1 дрожать, тря-
стись 2 развеваться): Evk. dergi-, deriŋ- 1; Man. dergiše- 2; Ul. derǯi- 1,
dēremneči- 1; Nan. dergi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 237.
PMong. *derbe- to sway, swing (махать, колыхаться): MMong. der-
bel- (SH); WMong. derbe- (L 252); Kh. derve-; Bur. derbelze-; Kalm. derwə-;
Ord. derwe-.
◊ KW 90.
PJpn. *dúr- to shake, sway (качать(ся), махать): MJpn. jur-; Tok.
yùr-; Kyo. yúr-; Kag. yúr-.
◊ JLTT 788.
‖ Cf. also PTM *deri(n)- ‘jump, run’.
-deŕa ( ~ -o) to flatten, flat: Mong. *daru-; Turk. *jạŕ-; Kor. *tàrì-.
PMong. *daru- to press down (прижимать, припечатывать):
MMong. daru- (HY 39, SH), dāra- (IM), daru- (MA); WMong. daru- (L
 *dible - *dible 473

233); Kh. dar-; Bur. dara-; Kalm. dar-; Ord. daru-; Mog. daru- (Ramstedt
1906), dōru-; Dag. dara- (Тод. Даг. 135), dare- (MD 132); Dong. daru-;
Bao. da(r)-; S.-Yugh. dārə-; Mongr. dāri- (SM 45).
◊ KW 77, MGCD 201.
PTurk. *jạŕ-, *jạŕɨ 1 flat 2 steppe, flat ground 3 to spread, spread out,
flatten folds (1 плоский 2 степь, плоская почва 3 расстилать, рас-
правлять складки): OTurk. jaz- 3 (OUygh.) jazɨ 1,2 (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaz- 3 (MK, KB), jazɨ 2 (MK); Tur. jazɨ 2; Gag. jaz- 3; Az. jazɨ 2
(dial.); Turkm. jaz- 3, jazɨ 2; MTurk. jaz- 3 (Pav. C.), jazɨ 2 (Ettuhf., AH);
Uzb. jɔz- 3; Uygh. jaz- 3, jazi, jezi 2 (dial.); Tat. jaz- 3; Bashk. jaδ- 3; Kirgh.
ǯaz- 3, ǯazɨ 1, 2; Kaz. žaz- 3, žazɨ 2 (dial.); KKalp. žaz- 3; Kum. jaz- 3;
Nogh. jaz- 3, jazɨ 2 (dial.); SUygh. jaz- 3; Khak. čazɨ 2; Oyr. jas-, as- 3,
jazɨ, azɨ 1, 2; Tv. čas- 3; Yak. sɨh 2.
◊ VEWT 194, EDT 983, 984, ЭСТЯ 4, 69-70, 73, Лексика 97.
PKor. *tàrì- to iron (утюжить): MKor. tàrì-; Mod. tari-.
◊ Nam 129, KED 383. Cf. also Mod. Kor. taru- ‘to tan, make pliant’ (KED 382).
‖ SKE 257, 258.
-dible hem: Tung. *dilbi-; Mong. *dewel; Turk. *jEl(b)-.
PTung. *dilbi- 1 to make facing 2 hem, hemming 3 skin (for a coat)
4 raincoat, umbrella (1 подшивать (подол) 2 кант, окантовка 3 шкура
(на парку) 4 накидка от дождя, зонтик): Evk. dilbikte 3; Neg. ǯilbu- 1;
Man. ǯilbi- 1, ǯilbi(n) 2; delbin 2; Ul. deli-ku 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 206, 232.
PMong. *dewel fur coat; list, facing (меховое пальто, тулуп; окан-
товка, облицовка): MMong. dejel (HY 22), de’el-ün (ǯaxa) (HY 23), de’el
(SH), dil (IM), dil (MA), dəbəl (LH); WMong. degel, debel (L 238), degelen,
degelei (L 243); Kh. dēl; Bur. degel; Kalm. dewl, degl; Ord. dēl; Dag. debel,
dēl (Тод. Даг. 135); Mongr. dēr (SM 51), del (Huzu).
◊ Mong. > Man. dexelen etc. (see Doerfer MT 61), Chag. dägälä; > MKor. təkɨrəi (Lee
1964, 193). KW 85, 90. A variant of the same stem is probably WMong. dülei, Khalkha
dülij ‘raincoat’. Bur. > Russ. Siber. dygýl, see Аникин 192-193.
PTurk. *jEl(b)- a k. of short coat (вид короткой куртки): Tur. jelek;
Az. jeläk, jelän (dial.); Turkm. jelek (dial.), jelbegej; MTurk. jeläk (Pav. C.,
Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ǯeläk; Krm. jelek; Tat. ǯilɛn, ǯilbɛgɛj; Bashk. jelän, jel-
bägäj; Kirgh. ǯelek, ǯelbegej, dial. ǯelegej; Kaz. želek, želeŋ, želbegej, želegej;
KKalp. želek, želeŋ, želbegej; Kum. jelbegej; Nogh. jeleŋ.
◊ VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 177, 178.
‖ KW 85, EAS 174 (with several misquoted forms), TMN 1, 328. A
Western isogloss. Some rather strange variants coexist within Mong.
and TM, and archaic interborrowing is not excluded; it is also possible
that the root should be reconstructed as *dible, to account for the devel-
opment in Mong. Another possibility is comparing the Mong. forms (at
474 *dijV - *dile
least part of them) with Evk. lipêre ῾a k. of winter clothes’, Tuva čüvür
῾trousers’ (?).
-dijV ( ~ *t-) tar, to melt: Tung. *dī; Jpn. *(d)í-; Kor. *tī-.
PTung. *dī pitch, tar (вар, смола): Orch. dī; Ud. dī.
◊ ТМС 1, 202.
PJpn. *(d)í- to cast (лить (металл)): OJpn. i- ; MJpn. í-; Tok. ì-; Kyo.
í-; Kag. í-.
◊ JLTT 698.
PKor. *tī- to forge, to cast (ковать, отливать (из металла)): MKor.
tī-.
◊ Nam 178.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-dile udder: Tung. *dilba; Mong. *deleŋ; Turk. *jẹlin.
PTung. *dilba diaphragm; breast (диафрагма, брюшина; грудь):
Evk. dilba; Evn. dịlb; delbe ‘пах’; Neg. dịlba; Ul. dịlba ‘women’s breast
cover’; Ork. ǯịlịa ‘nipple’; Nan. ǯịlba ‘women’s breast cover’; Ud. digba
‘stomach cavity’ (Корм. 227); Sol. dilva.
◊ ТМС 1, 206, 232.
PMong. *deleŋ udder (вымя): WMong. deleŋ (L 249); Kh. deleŋ; Bur.
delen; Kalm. deləŋ; Ord. deliŋ; Dag. delīn; Dong. ǯielien; S.-Yugh. deleŋ;
Mongr. dəlaŋ, diliŋ (SM 55).
◊ KW 86, MGCD 213. Mong. > Evk. deleŋ etc., see Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 58.
PTurk. *jẹlin udder (вымя): Karakh. jelin (MK); Tur. jelin; Gag. jelin;
Az. jelin; Turkm. jelin; MTurk. jelin (R., Буд.), jilin (AH); Uygh. jelin,
jilim, žilim; Tat. ǯilen; Bashk. jelen; Kirgh. ǯelin; Kaz. želin; KBalk. jelin,
ǯelin, želin; KKalp. želin; Kum. jelin; Nogh. jelin; Oyr. jelin, eli; Chuv.
śilə; Yak. silin.
◊ EDT 930, ЭСТЯ 4, 180-181, Лексика 148.
‖ Poppe 22, 76, Лексика 148 (with lit.). A Western isogloss. Despite
Щербак 1997, 123 Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk.
-dile ( ~ t-, -ĺ-) a k. of insect or worm: Tung. *dilu-kē; Mong. *dele-; Kor.
*tīroŋ.
PTung. *dilu-kē fly (муха): Evk. dilkēn; Evn. diliken; Neg. dirkēn;
Man. derxuwe; SMan. durəwē, duruwū (2256); Ork. ǯiĺokto; Nan. ǯiluekte;
Sol. dilx, diluk.
◊ ТМС 1, 207.
PMong. *dele- 1 beetle 2 midge (1 жук 2 мошка): WMong. delegči 1
(L 248); Kh. delegč 1, delenč 2; Kalm. delənč 2 (КРС).
PKor. *tīroŋ worm, earth-worm (червь, земляной червь): MKor.
tiroŋ’i, tirjoŋ, tirjoŋ’i; Mod. čīrəŋi.
◊ Liu 260, KED 1529.
 *dlo - *dilu 475

‖ A common derivative *dile-kV (-k῾V) is reflected in Mong. *dele-g-

and TM *dilu-kē.
-dlo year; sun, sun cycle: Tung. *dilačā; Mong. *ǯil; Turk. *jɨl; Jpn. *tsì;
Kor. *torč.
PTung. *dilačā sun (солнце): Evk. dilačā; Neg. dilača.
◊ ТМС 1, 206.
PMong. *ǯil cycle year (год, годовой цикл): MMong. ǯil (SH, HYt),
ǯīl (LH); WMong. ǯil; Kh. žil; Bur. žel; Kalm. ǯil; Ord. ǯil; Mog. ǯil ‘time’
(Weiers); Dag. ǯil (Тод. Даг. 143), ǯile (MD 178); S.-Yugh. ǯəl; Mongr. ir,
ur (SM 92), (MGCD ǯil).
◊ KW 109, MGCD 444. Mong. > Dolg. ǯɨl (Stachowski 92, 118).
PTurk. *jɨl year (год): OTurk. jɨl (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jɨl (MK);
Tur. jɨl; Gag. jɨl; Az. il; Turkm. jɨl; Sal. jel; MTurk. jɨl (MA), il (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jil; Uygh. jil; Krm. jɨl; Tat. jɨl; Bashk. jɨl; Kirgh. ǯɨl; Kaz. žɨl; KBalk.
žɨl; KKalp. žɨl; Kum. jɨl; Nogh. jɨl; SUygh. jil; Khak. čil; Shr. čɨl; Oyr. ɨl;
Tv. čɨl; Tof. čɨl; Yak. sɨl; Dolg. hɨl.
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 917, ЭСТЯ 4, 275, Лексика 70-71, Stachowski 118.
PJpn. *tsì year (год): OJpn. tosi; MJpn. tòsì; Tok. toshí; Kyo. tóshì;
Kag. toshí.
◊ JLTT 551.
PKor. *torč (-s) anniversary (cycle) (полный год, годовщина):
MKor. tors; Mod. tot [tols], tol.
◊ Liu 230, KED 478.
‖ EAS 52, KW 109, Владимирцов 171, Martin 246, ОСНЯ 1, 220,
JOAL 119, АПиПЯЯ 31, 88, 278-279, Дыбо 11, Лексика 71. Mong. may
be < Turk. (see TMN 4, 251, Щербак 1997, 124). The Eastern form go
back to a suffixed *dlo-č῾V.
-dilu juice, resin: Tung. *dilgu; Mong. *ǯilij; Turk. *jülük / *juluk.
PTung. *dilgu tree juice (древесный сок): Evk. dilgu; Evn. dịlgs;
Neg. dịlgụksa; Ul. ǯlčụma; Ork. ǯịlụ; Nan. ǯịlkõ; Orch. duguksa.
◊ ТМС 1, 207.
PMong. *ǯilij rosin, colophony (канифоль, смола): WMong. ǯilij
(МXTTT); Kh. ǯilī; Bur. želī.
PTurk. *jülük / *juluk juice (сок): Oyr. juluq, uluq, jülük; Tv. čuluq.
◊ VEWT 212, EDT 927-928, ЭСТЯ 4, 266, Лексика 263-264. The root should be distin-
guished both from *jilik and from *julɨŋ (v. sub *làlè, *dilu), although all three tend to con-
taminate.
‖ Дыбо 10. A Western isogloss. One wonders if the root is not actu-
ally derived (as *dij-lu) from *dijV ‘tar, to melt’ q.v.
476 *dilu - *dísa
-dilu brain: Tung. *dili; Mong. *ǯiluɣa / *ǯulaj; Turk. *julɨŋ / *jülüŋ.
PTung. *dili 1 head 2 horn foundation (1 голова 2 основание ро-
гов): Evk. dil, del 1; Evn. dịl 1; Neg. dịl 1; Man. ǯili 2; Ul. dịlị 1; Ork. ǯịlị 1;
Nan. ǯịlị 1; Orch. dili 1; Ud. dili 1; Sol. dẹli, dil(i) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 205-206. The comparison with Mong. ǯiluɣa, Turk. *jular ‘halter’ (EAS 52,
KW 114, Poppe, 23) is hardly acceptable.
PMong. *ǯiluɣa / *ǯulaj 1 brain 2 sinciput, fontanelle (1 мозг 2 те-
мя): MMong. ǯ[o]lā 1 (IM); WMong. ǯiluɣa (Schmidt) 1, ǯulai, ǯula 2 (L
1078); Kh. ʒulaj 2; Bur. zulaj 2; Kalm. zulā 2 (КРС); Ord. ǯulǟ 2; Dag. ǯol 2
(Тод. Даг. 144), ǯole ‘the temple (of the head)’ (MD 179).
PTurk. *julɨŋ / *jülüŋ marrow, spinal marrow (костный мозг,
спинной мозг): Karakh. julun (MK); MTurk. jülün (MA), julun (Pav.
C.); Uzb. jülüŋ (dial.); Uygh. julun (dial.); Bashk. jɨlɨm, dial. jelen, jelem,
jolon; Kirgh. ǯülün, ǯulun; Kaz. žulɨn; KKalp. žulɨn; Nogh. julɨn; Khak.
čələŋ; Shr. čɨlɨŋ; Oyr. jülün, ülüŋ; Tv. čün; Yak. sülün; Dolg. hünńü.
◊ EDT 930, ЭСТЯ 4, 266, Лексика 263, Stachowski 115.
‖ Дыбо 314, Лексика 263. A Western isogloss; but cf. notes to
*mańa.
-diŋe to win: Tung. *diŋe-; Mong. *dejil-; Turk. *jẹŋ-.
PTung. *diŋe- to press; to win (давить; побеждать): Ud. diŋe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 207. Attested only in Ud., but having probable Turk. and Mong. parallels.
PMong. *dejil- to win (побеждать): WMong. dejil-, dejile- (L 246);
Kh. dijl-; Bur. dīle-; Kalm. dīl-; Ord. dīl-.
◊ KW 92.
PTurk. *jẹŋ- to win (побеждать): Karakh. jeŋ- (MK); Tur. jen-; Gag.
jen-; Az. jen-, jin- (dial.); Turkm. jeŋ-; Khal. jeŋg-; MTurk. jeŋ- (Ettuhf.);
Uzb. jeŋ-; Uygh. jäŋ-; Krm. jeŋg-, jeń-; Tat. ǯiŋ-; Bashk. jeŋ-; Kirgh. ǯeŋ-;
Kaz. žeŋ-; KBalk. ǯeŋ-; KKalp. žeŋ-; Kum. jeŋ-; Nogh. jeŋ-; Khak. čiŋ-;
Shr. neŋ-, neg-; Oyr. jeŋ-, eŋ-; Chuv. śən-.
◊ EDT 942, ЭСТЯ 4, 187, Лексика 576. Ramstedt’s hypothesis of *jeŋ- being derived
from *jeg- ‘better, top’ could be accepted, but the Ud. parallel diŋe- makes it questionable.
We prefer to regard -ŋ- here as the root consonant.
‖ KW 92. A Western isogloss. The Turkic and Mong. forms are no
doubt related, but Ramstedt treats them both as derived from *deg-
‘top’. Since we divide the traditional reconstruction of the latter root
into *dòge and *tēga (q.v.), such a derivation seems less plausible. The
Ud. form diŋe-, albeit isolated in TM, also supports deriving Turk. *jẹŋ-
and Mong. dejil- from a separate root.
-dísa to guard, preserve: Tung. *disu-; Mong. *ǯise-; Jpn. *jásí-nap-.
PTung. *disu- to guard, preserve (защищать): Evk. disut-; Evn.
disut-; Neg. disut-; Nan. ǯīsun-.
◊ ТМС 1, 208.
 *dági - *dno 477

PMong. *ǯise- to guard; to prepare (сторожить; готовить(ся)):

WMong. ǯise-, ǯese- (L 1047, 1063); Kh. ʒese-; Bur. zehe-; Kalm. zesə-;
Mongr. īsəle- ‘faire attention, garder, veiller à’ (SM 93).
◊ KW 473.
PJpn. *jásí-nap- to feed, take care of (кормить, растить, заботиться
о): OJpn. jasinap-; MJpn. jásínaf-; Tok. yàshina-; Kyo. yáshíná-; Kag. ya-
shiná-.
◊ JLTT 785.
‖ A good common Altaic verbal root.
-dági ( ~ -o-) fish: Mong. *ǯiɣa-; Jpn. *(d)íwuá; Kor. *thi.
PMong. *ǯiɣa- fish (рыба): MMong. ǯiqasun (HY 12, SH), ǯixuči
‘fisher’ (HY 30), ǯanɣāṣu (IM), ǯiɣasun, ǯiqasuni (Partit.) (MA); WMong.
ǯiɣasu(n) (L 1050); Kh. ʒagas; Bur. zagaha(n); Kalm. zaɣъsn; Ord. ǯaGasu;
Dag. ǯagas, ǯaus (Тод. Даг. 141), ǯause (MD 176); Dong. ǯaGasun; Bao.
ǯil(G)asoŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯaɣasən; Mongr. aGasə (SM 78).
◊ KW 463, MGCD 423. -g- is probably secondary ( < *ǯigag-?); with *-ɣ- cf. *ǯiɣarčag
‘косяк рыб’ (Khalkha ʒārcag).
PJpn. *(d)íwuá fish (рыба): OJpn. iwo; MJpn. íwó; Tok. ùo; Kag. íwo.
◊ JLTT 563.
PKor. *thi fish (a suffix in fish names) (рыба (суффикс в назв.
рыб)): MKor. kàmó-thì etc.; Mod. kamul-čhi ‘eel’, sam-čhi ‘mackerel’ etc..
‖ АПиПЯЯ 100, 275, Дыбо 46, Лексика 178, Vovin 2000. TM *ǯoji
(in fact *ǯobi) ‘Salmo lenoc’ (compared in some of the above sources)
has a precise match in WMong. ǯebege and has to be separated; see
*ǯabo. The Jpn. form could also belong there phonetically, but the close
match with Kor. thi makes its derivation from *dági more plausible.
-dno ( ~ *dṓne) flat surface, land: Tung. *dunse; Mong. *denǯi; Turk.
*jān.
PTung. *dunse 1 earth 2 land 3 wood, taiga (1 земля 2 суша 3 тай-
га): Evk. dunne, dunde 1; Evn. dȫmŋe, dōnde 2; Ul. duente 3; Nan. duente 3;
Ud. dühö 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 224.
PMong. *denǯi terrace (between the steppe and the river bank)
(терраса (между равниной и речным берегом)): WMong. denǯi, (L
252:) deŋǯi; Kh. denǯ; Kalm. denǯ; Ord. denǯi; Dag. denǯi ‘small hill,
mound’ (MD 136).
◊ KW 88.
PTurk. *jān side (сторона): OTurk. jan (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jan
(MK); Tur. jan; Gag. jan; Az. jan; Turkm. jān; Sal. jan; Khal. jān; MTurk.
jan (Bor.Bad, Abush.); Uygh. jan; Krm. jan; Tat. jan; Bashk. jan; Kirgh.
ǯan; Kaz. žan; KBalk. ǯan, žan, zan; KKalp. žan; Kum. jan; Nogh. jan;
SUygh. jan; Khak. nan, čan; Shr. čan; Oyr. jan, an; Tv. čan; Chuv. śom.
478 *dari - *dòge
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 940, ЭСТЯ 4, 113, 118-119, TMN 4, 120, Федотов 2, 135. The word
has an anatomical meaning (’hip’) in old sources, but the meaning ‘side’ is also attested
and must be more archaic, to judge from external evidence; the more abstract meaning in
Chuvash (’vicinity’) also supports ‘side’ as the original meaning.
‖ A Western isogloss. The meaning ‘side’ in Turkic is easily deduci-
ble from ‘land’ (cf. Russ. страна - сторона).
-dari a small animal (flying squirrel): Tung. *ǯ(i)arami ( ~ d-); Mong.
*ǯirke; Turk. *jar- / *jer-; Jpn. *(d)ìtàti; Kor. *tằràmí.
PTung. *ǯ(i)arami ( ~ d-) otter (выдра): Ork. daramị(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 198. An isolated Orok word, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯirke chipmuck (Tamias sibiricus Laxmann) (Gomb.) (бу-
рундук): WMong. ǯirke (MXTTT); Kh. žirx; Bur. žerxi; Kalm. ǯirxə
(КРС).
◊ Not from Evk. ǯeleki ‘ermine’, pace Аникин 184.
PTurk. *jar- / *jer- bat (летучая мышь): Karakh. jersgü, jerise (MK
Chigil); Tur. jarasa, jarasɨk; Gag. jarasa; Az. jarasa; Turkm. jarasa (dial.),
jarɣānat; Sal. jeresen; MTurk. jarasa (AH), jar-qanat (Ettuhf.); Uzb.
jɔr-qanɔt; Krm. jeri qanatɨ; Tat. jar-qanat; Bashk. jar-ɣanat; Kirgh.
ǯar-ɣanat; Kaz. žar-qanat; KKalp. žar-ɣanat; Kum. jar-qanat; Nogh.
jar-ɣanat; Khak. čar-xanat; Oyr. jar-ɣanat, ar-ɣanat; Tv. ča’sqɨ; Chuv.
śara-śerźi; Yak. sar kɨnat.
◊ EDT 972, VEWT 189, TMN 4, 143, ЭСТЯ 4, 140-141, Лексика 168. The word is ety-
mologically difficult because of the unclear suffix *-sa / *-se attested in early forms and
some of the modern reflexes. In most modern languages the word is folk-etymologically
rebuilt as *jarɨ-Kiajnat ‘film-wing’ (or ‘naked sparrow’ in Chuv.).
PJpn. *(d)ìtàtì Mustela itatsi itatsi, kolinsky (колонок, ласка): OJpn.
itati; MJpn. ìtàti; Tok. ìtachi, itachí; Kyo. ítàchì; Kag. itachí.
◊ JLTT 427. Tokyo reflects a tone variation between *(d)ìtàtì and *(d)ìtátí.
PKor. *tằràmí flying squirrel (белка-летяга): MKor. tằràmí; Mod. ta-
ram-čwi.
◊ Nam 135, KED 382.
‖ Лексика 168. Low tone in Jpn. does not correspond to Kor. (but cf.
different dialectal variants). The root must have denoted some small
rodent, possibly a flying squirrel (which could explain the meaning
‘bat’ in Turkic). One should also mention PM *ǯaraɣa ‘hedgehog, por-
cupine’ = Karakh. jarpuz ‘mongoose’, possibly derived from the same
root. A different etymology of the Turkic word (comparing it with Evk.
ńarbakin ‘naked’ and deriving from a *ńarV ‘naked skin’, see Sta-
chowski 1999) seems less likely to us.
-dòge good, better: Mong. *ǯaɣa; Turk. *jẹg-; Jpn. *d-; Kor. *tjōh-.
PMong. *ǯaɣa good, well (ладно, хорошо): MMong. ǯa’arin (SH)
‘omen’; WMong. ǯaɣa, (L 1022: zaɣa-bala ‘for certain’); Kh. ʒā; Bur. zā;
Kalm. zā, zǟ, ǯǟ; Ord. ǯā; Dag. ǯē, ǯā (Тод. Даг. 143), ǯē (MD 176); Dong.
 *dokt῾V - *dúblu 479

ǯa; S.-Yugh. ǯa; Mongr. āri ‘signe par lequel la divinité manifeste sa
volonté’ (SM 83), ē-le- ‘consentir’ (SM 87).
◊ KW 469, MGCD 416.
PTurk. *jẹg- 1 better 2 upper part, surface (1 лучше, лучший 2
верх, поверхность): OTurk. jeg 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jeg 1 (MK);
Tur. jeɣ, jej 1; Az. jeg (dial.) 1; Turkm. jeg 1; MTurk. jik 1 (AH); Chuv. śi,
śije 2.
◊ EDT 909-910, VEWT 194, ЭСТЯ 4, 165-166, TMN 4, 184-185, Федотов 2, 115-116.
PJpn. *d- good (хороший): OJpn. jo-; MJpn. jò-; Tok. í-, yó-; Kyo. ḕ;
Kag. yò-.
◊ JLTT 845.
PKor. *tjōh- good (хороший): MKor. tjōh-; Mod. čō- [čōh-].
◊ Nam 162, KED 1488.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 103, 275. Despite the meaning of the Chuvash form
(“up”) the Turk. root should be rather compared with this Korean and
Japanese data than with Mong. degde- ‘rise’ etc. (see VEWT 194 with
literature). On the latter root see under *tēga. The Mong. vocalism in
*ǯaɣa is somewhat aberrant: it is probably a result of early vowel as-
similation < *ǯiɣa (the variants ǯiɣa- and ǯaɣa- in WMong. interchange
frequently).
-dokt῾V ( ~ t-) socks, stockings: Tung. *dokta; Mong. *degtej.
PTung. *dokta-n socks, stockings (носки, чулки): Evk. dokton; Evn.
dōtn; Neg. dokton; Ul. doqto(n); Ork. doqto(n); Nan. doqto(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 213.
PMong. *degtej fur stockings (унты, меховые чулки): WMong. deg-
tei; Kh. degtī (Амаржаргал).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-dúblu ( ~ -a) a k. of predator: Tung. *dolbi; Mong. *ǯilar; Turk.
*jolbars.
PTung. *dolbi fox (лиса): Man. dobi; SMan. ovi (2207); Jurch. dolbi
(153) , do-bi (151).
◊ ТМС 1, 211.
PMong. *ǯilar cat (кошка): WMong. ǯilar (МXTTT); Kh. ǯalar.
◊ Sukhebaatar derives the word from Tib. byi la ‘cat’, but the final -r is hard to ex-
plain.
PTurk. *jolbars panther, leopard, tiger (пантера, леопард, тигр):
OTurk. jolbars (OUygh.: Suv.); Turkm. jolbars; MTurk. jolbars (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jọlbars; Uygh. jolbars; Tat. julbarɨs; Bashk. julbarɨϑ; Kirgh. ǯolbars;
Kaz. žolbarɨs; KKalp. žolbarɨs; Nogh. jolbarɨs.
480 *dŭlgu - *dlu
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 219, Лексика 157. The Turkic form is analysed as ‘road panther’ which is
most probably a folk etymology (under the influence of the borrowed bars ‘panther’):
even if one takes jol with a secondary late attested meaning ‘line, stripe’, shortness of -o-
in Turkm. contradicts the etymology (*jōl ‘road’ has a long vowel).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-dŭlgu ( ~ -a) a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *dulgikta; Mong. *dolugana;
Turk. *jɨlgun.
PTung. *dulgi-kta alder (ольха): Evk. dulgik; Evn. döktъ; Orch. dug-
gimtu; Ud. dugumpe (Корм. 228), duɣumne.
◊ ТМС 1, 222.
PMong. *dolugana hawthorn, mayflower (боярышник): WMong.
doluɣana, doluɣuna, dolunu (L 260); Kh. dolōgono; Bur. dolōgono; Kalm.
dolānə.
◊ KW 94. Mong. > Yak. doloɣon etc. (see TMN 4, 315, ЭСТЯ 3, 269-270, Лексика
123-124).
PTurk. *jɨlgun tamarisk (тамариск): Karakh. jɨlɣun (MK); Tur. ɨlɣɨn;
Az. julɣun; Turkm. jɨlɣun, jɨlɣɨn; MTurk. jɨlɣɨn (Houts.), julɣun (Pav. C.);
Uzb. julɣun; Uygh. žulɣun; Kirgh. ǯɨlɣɨn, ǯɨlɣam; Kaz. žɨŋɣɨl; KKalp.
žɨŋɣɨl; SUygh. julɣum, jolɣam.
◊ VEWT 165, 200, EDT 926, ЭСТЯ 4, 277-278, Лексика 134. Kaz. > Russ. dial. džen-
gil’, see Аникин 183-184.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-dlu warm: Tung. *dūl-; Mong. *dulaɣan; Turk. *jɨlɨ-g; Jpn. *dù.
PTung. *dūl- to warm (of sun) (пригревать (о солнце)): Evk. dūl-;
Evn. dl-.
◊ ТМС 1, 221.
PMong. *dulaɣan warm (теплый): MMong. dula’an ‘hot, sunheat’
(HY 6); WMong. dulaɣan (L 272); Kh. dulān; Bur. dulān; Kalm. dulān;
Ord. dulān; Dag. dulān (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 138); S.-Yugh. dulān (MGCD
dəlān).
◊ KW 101-102, MGCD 237.
PTurk. *jɨlɨ-g warm (теплый): OTurk. jɨlɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨlɨɣ,
ɨlɨɣ (MK); Tur. ɨlɨk; Gag. ɨlɨ; Az. ilɨG ‘warmish’; Turkm. jɨlɨ; Sal. jili;
MTurk. ɨlɨq, jɨlɨq (Abush., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. iliq; Uygh. ilman; Krm. jɨlɨ;
Tat. ǯɨlɨ; Bashk. jɨlɨ; Kirgh. ǯɨluu; Kaz. žɨlɨ; KBalk. žɨlɨ; KKalp. žɨllɨ; Kum.
jɨlɨ; Nogh. jɨlɨ; SUygh. ilɨɣ; Khak. čɨlɨɣ; Shr. čɨlɨ- (v.); Oyr. ɨlu; Tv. čɨlɨɣ;
Tof. čɨlɨɣ; Yak. sɨlās; Dolg. hɨlās.
◊ Derived from *jɨlɨ- ‘to be warm’. See VEWT 200, EDT 919, 925, ЭСТЯ 4, 275-276,
Лексика 21, Stachowski 118.
PJpn. *dù warm water (теплая вода): OJpn. ju; MJpn. ju; Tok. yú;
Kyo. yū; Kag. yù.
◊ JLTT 578.
 *dup῾ú - *dṓn(e)k῾V 481

‖ EAS 51, KW 102, Владимирцов 174, Poppe 23, 75, JOAL 85,
ОСНЯ 1, 221-222, Murayama 1962, 108, АПиПЯЯ 51, 72, 284, Дыбо 11,
Лексика 21. Despite Щербак 1997, 124, Mong. cannot be explained as a
Turkic loanword, and despite Doerfer MT 72 the TM and Mong. forms
should be regarded as genuinely related. Note that several forms reflect
an original derivative *dūl(u)-gV (Turk., Mong. and Jpn. *dù < *dul-gu).
-dup῾ú wing, fin: Mong. *ǯiber; Jpn. *tumpasa.
PMong. *ǯiber 1 fish fin 2 wing (1 рыбий плавник 2 крыло):
WMong. ǯiber (L 1048) 1; Kh. ǯiver 1; Bur. žeber 2; Kalm. ǯiwr (КРС) 1, 2.
PJpn. *tumpasa wing (крыло): OJpn. tubasa; MJpn. túbásà; Tok.
tsúbasa; Kyo. tsùbásà; Kag. tsubasá.
◊ JLTT 552. Accent not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to *tùmpásà.
‖ JOAL 98. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps Tuva čakpa ( < *japka)
‘fin’.
-dṑ ( ~ t-) inside, middle: Tung. *dō; Mong. *do- / *du-; Kor. *tắi.
PTung. *dō inside (внутренность): Evk. dō; Evn. dō; Neg. dō(n);
Man. do; SMan. do-, o- (2586-2589); Jurch. do-lo (600); Ul. dō; Ork. dō;
Nan. dō; Orch. dō; Ud. dō (Корм. 227); Sol. dō-.
◊ ТМС 1, 209-210.
PMong. *do- / *du- 1 inside 2 middle, mediocre 3 middle (1 внутри
2 средний, посредственный 3 середина): MMong. dotora (HY 50),
dotona (SH) 1, dutar, dutură (MA) 1, dunda (HY 50, SH) 2, dumda, donda
(IM), dundă (MA) 3; WMong. do-tur(a) 1 (L 265), du-li 2, du-mda 3 (L
273); Kh. dotor 1, duĺ 2, dund 3; Bur. dosō 1, dunda 3; Kalm. dotr 1, dundə
3; Ord. dotor 1, dunda 3; Mog. dotōna 1, dunda 3; ZM dotana (4-3a) 1,
donda (9-1b) 3; Dag. duatar, dotor 1, duanda 3, duande (MD 137) 3; Dong.
tudoro, sudoro 1, dunda 3; Bao. dorə; S.-Yugh. hdoro 1, dunda 3; Mongr.
turo (SM 434), šduro, tudor (SM 427) 1, dunda (SM 64) 3.
◊ KW 97,102, MGCD 227, 237. Mong. du-li > Evk. dulin etc., see ТМС 1, 222-223; Do-
erfer MT 20; Rozycki 63.
PKor. *tắi place, inside (место, внутренность): MKor. tắi; Mod. te.
◊ Nam 147, KED 454.
‖ ТМС 1, 210, Rozycki 61. One of the few monosyllabic roots in PA.
-dṓn(e)k῾V withers, back: Tung. *doŋka; Mong. *döŋ(ge); Turk. *jōnak;
Kor. *tŋ.
PTung. *doŋka saddle (for children or horses) (седло (детское; кон-
ское)): Evk. doŋqa.
◊ТМС 1, 216. Attested only in Evk. and rather problematic. It matches phonetically
Evn. dōŋqn, Nan. dōŋqo (On.) ‘place where wild birds roost’, derived in ТМС 1, 211
from *dō- ‘to sit down’. Let us note, however, that the verb means exclusively ‘sit down
(of birds), roost’, so the meaning ‘saddle’ is hardly derivable from it. We may well be
dealing with a secondary semantic contamination in Nan. and Evn.
482 *dōre - *dōre
PMong. *döŋ(ge) 1 neck cangue 2 prop, support (1 шейная колод-
ка 2 подпорка): WMong. döŋge 1, döŋ 2 (L 267, 268); Kh. döngö 1; Bur.
dünge 1; Kalm. döŋ 2; Ord. döŋgö 1; Dag. duŋgu (MGCD 229).
◊ KW 99.
PTurk. *jōnak saddleblanket (потник): Karakh. jonaq (MK); Turkm.
jōna; MTurk. jona, juna (Houts., Pav. C.); Kaz. žona (dial.); KKalp. žona;
SUygh. junaq; Oyr. jonoq; Tv. čonaq.
◊ VEWT 206, 211, EDT 949, ЭСТЯ 4, 222-223, Лексика 543.
PKor. *tŋ back (спина): MKor. tŋ; Mod. tɨŋ.
◊ Liu 255, KED 546.
‖ The Kor. word is alternatively compared with Mong. tüŋke ‘mus-
cles of the back’ (SKE 268, EAS 49, 120) - but we were unable to find the
word in available sources.
-dōre to go, walk, approach: Tung. *dūrē-; Mong. *dürbe-; Turk. *jorɨ- /
*jüri-; Jpn. *dr-.
PTung. *dūrē- 1 to walk, wander (off) 2 to run 3 to leap, gallop (1
идти пешком, бродить 2 бежать 3 прыгать, скакать): Evk. dūrē- 1,
dūrēŋi-3; Evn. ǯūre-nǯid- 1; Neg. dūjē- 1; Man. ǯura- 1; SMan. ǯura- ‘to
start, to set out, to leave’ (1173); Nan. duere- 1; Ul. duere- 1; Ork. dūruŋu-
3; Orch. due-, duwe- 1; Ud. due- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 226, 277, 278. Variants with ǯ- are not quite clear.
PMong. *dürbe- to run (in panic) (бежать (в панике)): MMong.
durbe- (SH, HYt); WMong. dürbe-, (L 281) dürbi-; Kh. dürve-.
PTurk. *jorɨ- / *jüri- to walk (ходить): OTurk. jorɨ- (Orkh., OUygh.),
jüri- (Orkh.); Karakh. jor(ɨ)- (MK, KB), jüri- ~ jöri- (KB); Tur. jürü-; Gag.
jörü-; Az. jeri-, jürü-; Turkm. jör(e)-; Sal. jür-; MTurk. jüri- ~ jöri- (MA),
jürü- (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jur-; Uygh. žür- (jür-), jörü-; Krm. juru-, jürü-;
Tat. jörü-, jör-; Bashk. jörö-; Kirgh. ǯür(ü)-; Kaz. žür-; KBalk. žür(ü)-;
KKalp. žür-; Kum. juru-, jürü-; Nogh. jür(ü)-; SUygh. jor-, ǯor-, jör-, jür-;
Khak. čör-; Shr. čör-; Oyr. or-; Tv. čor(u)-; Tof. čoru-; Chuv. śüre-; Yak.
sɨrɨt-; Dolg. hɨrɨt-.
◊ VEWT 207, 213, EDT 957-8, ЭСТЯ 4, 229-231, TMN 4, 217-218, Stachowski 120.
Clauson regards both forms together, but notes that jorɨ- is attested earlier than jür(i)-.
PJpn. *dr- to approach (приближаться, подходить): OJpn. jor-;
MJpn. jór-; Tok. yòr-; Kyo. yór-; Kag. yór-.
◊ JLTT 787.
‖ EAS 52, АПиПЯЯ 284, Дыбо 13. The frequently compared with
Turk. WMong. ǯorči- ‘to ride, wander’ (see KW 476, Владимирцов 187,
VEWT 207), is most likely a loanword (ǯorči- < *ǯorti-, from the Turk.
derived form *jor(ɨ)t- (ЭСТЯ 4, 226-227); cf. also *jorɨga ‘pedestrian; am-
bler’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 225) > WMong. ǯiruɣa, see VEWT 207, KW 115, TMN 4,
152, whence Yak., Dolg. ǯoruo, see Kał. MEJ 23, 35, Stachowski 91)),
 *dòru - *dòru 483

*jorɨ- > WMong. ǯori- ‘to head (somewhere)’ (KW 478; hence Man. ǯori-,
see Doerfer MT 115); see Щербак 1997, 125. Note that Doerfer’s criti-
cism (TMN 4, 219-220) of the Tung.-Turk. comparison is unacceptable.
However, an archaic opposition of two roots (with *d- and *ǯ-) cannot
be excluded: besides a peculiar variation *jorɨ-/ *jüri- in PT note also the
tonal mismatch between PT *dūr- and PJ *dr-.
-dòru rule, permission: Tung. *dora(n); Mong. *dura-; Turk. *jor-; Jpn.
*dùrù-.
PTung. *dora-n law (закон): Man. doron; SMan. dorən ‘official
rank’(1047); Jurch. doro-un (255); Ul. doro(n); Ork. doro(n); Nan. dorõ;
Orch. doro(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 216-217. Borrowing from Mong. töre is excluded, despite Rozycki 62.
PMong. *dura- 1 will, intent; 2 wish, desire, liking 3 to wish, love (1
воля, намерение 2 желание, симпатия 3 любить; желать): MMong.
durat- ‘to hope, consider’ (HY 33), durala- 3 (HYt), dura(n) (SH), dura(n)
(MA) 1; WMong. dura (L 274) 1; Kh. dur 1,2, durla- 3; Bur. dura(n) 1,
durla- 3; Kalm. durn 1; Ord. dura 1; Mog. dɔrɔn 2 (Weiers); ZM dorn
(5-5a) 1; Dag. duar (Тод. Даг. 137) 1, duare 1, duarele- 3 (MD 138); Dong.
duran 1; S.-Yugh. dura 1; Mongr. durān (SM 66) 1.
◊ KW 103, MGCD 238.
PTurk. *jor- to explain, interpret (a dream) (толковать (сон)):
Karakh. jor- (MK, KB); Tur. jor-, jora-; Turkm. jor-; MTurk. jor- (AH,
Pav. C.); Uygh. ǯoru-; Krm. jor-, jora-; Tat. jura-; Bashk. jura-; Kirgh.
ǯoro-, ǯoru-; Kaz. žor-; KKalp. žorɨ-; Nogh. jorɨ-.
◊ EDT 955, VEWT 208, ЭСТЯ 4, 223-224. Turk. > Mong. jor- (Щербак 1997, 125). The
root should be distinguished from *jȫr- ‘to untie, release’ (Yak. süör-, OT jör-) - the latter is
different both phonetically and semantically, although it can, through contamination,
also attain the meaning ‘to interpret’ (thus in MK and OUygh.).
PJpn. *dùrù- 1 to be allowed 2 to allow (1 быть разрешенным 2
разрешать, позволять): OJpn. jurus- 2; MJpn. jùrù- 1, jùrùs- 2; Tok.
yurús- 2; Kyo. yùrùs-; Kag. yùrùs-.
◊ JLTT 788.
‖ An interesting common Altaic root, with the original meaning re-
constructable perhaps as ‘interpretation (of desires or intentions)’ and
thus ‘permission, rule’.
-dòru weak, slack, emaciated: Tung. *duru-; Mong. *doru; Turk. *jor-;
Jpn. *dùrù-.
PTung. *duru- to become worn out, old (одряхлеть): Man. duru-.
◊ ТМС 1, 225. Attested only in Manchu, but having reliable external parallels.
PMong. *doru weak, feeble, emaciated (слабый, истощенный):
WMong. doru, dorui (L 263); Kh. dor, doroj; Bur. doroj; Kalm. dorū;
Mongr. durī.
484 *dorVkV - *dle
◊ KW 96, MGCD 226.
PTurk. *jor- to tire, tired (уставать, усталый): Tur. jor-, jorul-, jorɣun;
Gag. jorul-, jorɣun; Az. jor-, jorul-, jorɣun; Turkm. jor-, jorɣun; MTurk.
jorul- (Ettuhf., AH), jorɣun (Pav. C.); Krm. jorul-, jorɣun; Kum. jorul-.
◊ VEWT 207, ЭСТЯ 4, 223.
PJpn. *dùrù- slack, languid, quiet (вялый, расслабленный, спокой-
ный): OJpn. juru-, jura-; MJpn. jùrù-; Tok. yurú-; Kyo. yúrù-; Kag. yurú-.
◊ JLTT 845.
‖ The root is homonymous with *dòru ‘rule, permission’, but hardly
has anything in common with it etymologically.
-dorVkV a k. of badger: Tung. *d[o]riken; Mong. *dorugun; Turk.
*jorukan.
PTung. *d[o]rike- 1 lynx 2 a k. of bear 3 wild boar (1 рысь 2 вид
медведя 3 дикая свинья): Evn. deriken 2; Neg. dejexe 1; Man. dorGori 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 230, 237, 217.
PMong. *dorugun badger (барсук): MMong. dūrqan (LH); WMong.
doroɣon, doruɣu(n), dorɣu (L 262, 263); Kh. dorgo; Bur. dorgon; Ord. dorGo.
◊ Mong. > Evk. dorokon etc., see Doerfer MT 39, Rozycki 62.
PTurk. *jorukan 1 badger 2 suslik (1 барсук 2 суслик): Khak. čoraxa
(Radl.); Oyr. joroqon (Radl.).
◊ VEWT 207. Turk. > WMong. ǯoruɣan, ǯoruqan, Kalm. zorɣən, zorxən (KW 476).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-dubi ( ~ t-) skilled, accustomed: Tung. *dub-; Mong. *düj.
PTung. *dub- to get accustomed (привыкать, приучаться): Evk.
dū-; Evn. d-; Man. dubi-; Jurch. tu-bi-ba tei-bew ‘fixed habits’ (784).
◊ ТМС 1, 217-218.
PMong. *düj 1 skill, dexterity 2 to be right or correct (1 умение,
сноровка 2 быть верным, правильным): WMong. düi 1, düi- 2 (L 279);
Kh. düj 1, düj- 2; Bur. düj 1.
◊ Despite Lessing ibid., düji- is hardly < Chinese.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-dle night: Tung. *dolba; Mong. *düli-; Jpn. *duà, *duà-rû.
PTung. *dolba night (ночь): Evk. dolbonī; Evn. dolb; Neg. dolbon;
Man. dobori; SMan. ovərə ‘night, evening’ (2661); Jurch. dol-wo (78); Ul.
dolbo; Ork. dolboni; Nan. dolbo; Orch. dobbo; Ud. dogbo; Sol. dolbo.
◊ ТМС 1, 213-214.
PMong. *düli- to spend the night (without sleep) (проводить ночь
(без сна)): WMong. düli- (L 280); Kh. düle-; Kalm. dül-; Ord. düli-; Dag.
dule- (MD 139).
◊ KW 105. Mong. > Man. duli- etc., see ТМС 1, 223, Rozycki 63.
PJpn. *duà, *duà-rû night (ночь): OJpn. jwo(ru); MJpn. jò(rú); Tok.
yóru; Kyo. yòru; Kag. yorú.
 *dli - *dŭŕi 485
◊ JLTT 575, 577.
‖ Murayama 1962, 108, АПиПЯЯ 71, 97, 276 (but the Turkic paral-
lels listed there should be rejected). PJ *duà reflects a suffixed form <
*dl(e)-gV (-bV).
-dli mad, crazy: Tung. *dulbu-; Mong. *dülei; Turk. *jǖl-; Kor. *tor.
PTung. *dulbu- 1 stupid, dumb 2 deaf (1 глупый 2 глухой): Evk.
dulbu-n 1; Evn. dụlbụr 1; Man. dulba 1; Ork. dụl-dụl 1; Nan. dulbi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 221-222.
PMong. *dülei deaf (глухой): MMong. dulaiji (HY 49), dolä (IM),
duläi (MA), dūli (LH); WMong. dülei (L 280); Kh. dülij; Bur. dülij; Kalm.
dül; Ord. dülī; Dag. dulī (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 139); Dong. dulei; Bao. dəli;
S.-Yugh. delī-; Mongr. dulī (SM 64).
◊ KW 105, MGCD 244. Mong. > Kaz. dülej etc. (ЭСТЯ 3, 324-325).
PTurk. *jǖl- 1 to be mad, crazy 2 anger 3 to be sexually excited (1
сходить с ума 2 гнев 3 быть в состоянии полового возбуждения):
Oyr. ül- 1; Chuv. śilə 2; Yak. sǖl- 3.
◊ VEWT 213, ЭСТЯ 4, 33. Chuv. > Hung. gyűlöl ‘be angry’. Forms like Kirgh. ǯȫlü-,
Uygh. ǯölü- ‘to go mad, speak in one’s sleep’ are obviously < Mong. ǯeɣüle-, but the Chuv.
and Yak. forms, as well as the Oyr. form ül- seem to be archaic.
PKor. *tor wicked, base, wild (дикий, грубый): Mod. tol; tul- ‘stu-
pid; clumsy’.
◊ KED 478, 509, 510.
‖ SKE 272, Lee 1958, 108.
-dure ( ~ t-, -ŕ-, -i) to burn, set fire: Tung. *dur-; Mong. *dür-.
PTung. *dur- 1 to burn, blaze, flame 2 to set fire (1 гореть, пылать 2
разводить огонь): Evn. dur- 1; Man. dobu- 2; Ul. durǯegdeli- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 211, 224-225. Man. dobu- < *dur-bu- = Evn. durъb-.
PMong. *dür- to blaze, flame (вспыхивать, пылать): WMong.
dürbelǯe- (L 281); Kh. dürelʒe-, dürsxij-; Bur. dürge-, düre-; Kalm. dürwə-;
Mog. dürgä-, dürü- (Ramstedt 1906).
◊ KW 106.
‖ Poppe 22. Мудрак Дисс. 185. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but despite
Doerfer MT 147, hardly a loanword in TM.
-dŭŕi ring: Tung. *dur-; Mong. *dörü; Turk. *jüŕ-.
PTung. *dur- 1 a k. of bracelet 2 stirrup 3 saddle (for children) (1
вид браслета 2 стремя 3 седло (детское)): Evk. durēki 2; Ork. dūrēke 3;
Nan. durǯi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 217, 225. The word for ‘stirrup’ (cf also Sol. durēŋki id., see ТМС 1, 226) may
be a Mongolian borrowing, see Doerfer MT 126.
PMong. *dörü 1 ring in bull’s nose 2 stirrup (1 кольцо в носу у бы-
ка 2 стремя): MMong. doro’e (HY 18), dorebči (SH) 1, durǟ (IM) 2;
WMong. dörü 1, dörüge 2 (L 269); Kh. dör 1, dörȫ 2; Bur. düre 1, dürȫ 2;
486 *dŭŕi - *dŭŕi
Kalm. dör 1, dör 2; Ord. dörö 1, dörȫ 2; Dag. durēŋǵ 2 (Тод. Даг. 138
durēŋgi); S.-Yugh. durē 2; Mongr. durō (SM 67), durōm ‘anneau, boucle’
(MGCD 230).
◊ KW 99, MGCD 230.
PTurk. *jüŕ- 1 finger ring 2 joint 3 stirrup (*üŕeŋgü < *jüŕeŋgü) (1
кольцо (на палец) 2 сустав (пальцевый) 3 стремя): Karakh. jüzük 1
(MK), üzeŋü 3 (KB); Tur. jüzük 1, üzengi 3; Gag. jüzük, üzük 1; Az. üzük 1;
Turkm. jüzük 1, üzeŋŋi 3; MTurk. jüzük 1 (AH, Ettuhf.), üzük 1 (Pav. C.,
Abush.); Uzb. uzuk 1; Uygh. üzük 1; Krm. jüzük, üzük, ezik, izik 1; Tat.
jözek 1; Bashk. jöδök 1; Kirgh. ǯüzük 1; Kaz. žüzik 1; KBalk. ǯüzük, züzük
1; KKalp. žüzik 1; Kum. jüzük 1; Nogh. jüzik 1; Khak. čüstük 1; Shr.
čüstük 1; Oyr. jüstük, üstük 1; Tv. čü’stük 1, čüs 2; Chuv. śəₙrəₙ 1, jъrana
3; Yak. sühüöx 2, iheŋe 3; Dolg. hühüök 2.
◊ EDT 986, VEWT 214, TMN 2, 146,147-148, ЭСТЯ 1, 623-625, 4, 260, 261-262, Егоров
212, Лексика 548-549, Stachowski 115. Turk. > Hung. gyűrű (see Lig. MNyTK 77-79). The
reason of *j- > 0- in the PT name of “stirrup” ( < *”ring-formed”) is unclear (irregular
change in a long form?).
‖ KW 99, Poppe 23, Лексика 549. A Western isogloss.
 E

-é that (deictic root): Tung. *e-; Mong. *e-ne; Turk. *ạ(-n); Jpn. *á-; Kor.
*ā-mò.
PTung. *e- this (этот): Evk. er, eri; Evn. er; Neg. ej; Man. ere; SMan.
erə (2881); Jurch. e(r)se (854); Ul. ej; Ork. eri; Nan. ei; Orch. ei; Ud. eji; Sol.
er.
◊ ТМС 2, 460-462.
PMong. *e-ne this (этот): MMong. ene (SH, HYt), enɛ (IM), in
(MA); WMong. ene (L 316); Kh. ene; Bur. ene; Kalm. enə; Ord. ene; Mog.
enä; ZM ena (13-6a); Dag. ene (Тод. Даг. 139); Dong. ene; Bao. ene, ine;
S.-Yugh. ene; Mongr. ne.
◊ KW 122, MGCD 262.
PTurk. *ạn- that (obl.cases) 2 here, look (part.) (тот (основа косв. па-
дежей) 2 вот, тут): OTurk. an-ta (loc.), aŋ-ar (dat.) (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. an-da (loc.), oŋ-a (dat.) (MK, KB); Turkm. ana 2; Sal. an-dɨ (loc.),
aŋ-a (dat.); Khal. ärä ‘that side’ (vocalism under influence of bärä ‘this
side’); MTurk. an-da (loc.), aŋ-a (dat.) (Babur); Krm. an-da (loc.), an-ar
(dat.); Tat. an-da (loc.), aŋ-a (dat.), an-ar (dat.) (Mish.); Bashk. an-ta, an-da
(loc.), aŋ-a (dat.); Kirgh. an-ta (loc.), a-(ɣ)a (dat.); KBalk. an-da (loc.),
aŋ-ɣa (dat.); SUygh. a (nom.); Khak. an-da (loc.), a-ɣaa (dat.); Shr. an-da
(loc.), a-(ɣ)a (dat.); Oyr. an-da (loc.), o-(ɣ)o (dat.); Tv. ɨn-da (loc.), a(ŋ)-a
(dat.); Tof. ɨn-da (loc.), a(ŋ)-a (dat.); Chuv. on-da (loc.), ъₙn-a (dat.); Yak.
ana-rā 2.
◊ VEWT 19, EDT 165, ЭСТЯ 1, 147-150, 157. In OT and most modern languages the
root a(n)- acts as an oblique stem for ol ‘that’ (as well as a deriving stem for pronominal
adverbs). Only in SUygh. a- is the direct stem.
PJpn. *á- that (тот): MJpn. a-; Tok. à-re, à-no; Kyo. áre.
◊ JLTT 376.
PKor. *ā-mò someone, some (кто-то, некоторый): MKor. āmò (cf.
also n ‘some, someone’, àrắm ‘oneself’); Mod. āmu.
◊ Nam 337, KED 1072.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 111-112, 277; EAS 126, KW 122, АПиПЯЯ 56, 292, Doer-
fer MT 21, Rozycki 70.
488 *e - *ĕbà
-e not: Tung. *e-; Mong. *e-se.
PTung. *e- not (не (отрицательный глагол)): Evk. e-; Evn. e-; Neg.
e-; Jurch. ej-xe (476), esi(n)-in (710); Ul. e-; Ork. e-; Nan. e-; Orch. e-; Ud.
e-; Sol. e-.
◊ ТМС 2, 432.
PMong. *e-se not (не): MMong. ese (SH, HYt), ise (IM), is() (MA);
WMong. ese (L 333); Kh. es; Bur. ehe; Kalm. es; Ord. ese; Mog. sa, sɛ; ZM
eϑϑä (27-7a); Dag. es (Тод. Даг. 140); Dong. ese; Bao. se; Mongr. sə, sī.
◊ KW 128, MGCD 272.
‖ Poppe 65, KW 128, ОСНЯ 1, 265, АПиПЯЯ 44, 291. A
Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-èbà to join, meet: Tung. *ebu-re-; Mong. *aɣu-lǯa-; Turk. *ab-; Jpn. *àp-;
Kor. *àbór-.
PTung. *ebu-re- 1 to meet 2 to wait (1 встречать 2 ждать): Ul.
eureči- 1, 2; Nan. ērūče- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 471.
PMong. *aɣu-lǯa- to meet, join (встречаться, объединяться):
MMong. a’ulǯa-, a’ulča- (SH), a’ulǯa- (HYt) ‘to have an audience of a
khan’; WMong. aɣulǯa- (L 17); Kh. ūlʒa-; Bur. ūlza-; Kalm. ūlzə-; Ord.
ūlǯa-; Dag. aulǯi- (Тод. Даг. 122), auleǯi (MD 116).
◊ KW 454, MGCD 663, TMN 1, 169. A variant with h- is attested in the Leiden manu-
script (hawulǯarin ‘present’), but this is certainly not the reason for reconstructing
*haɣu-lǯa- - against the overwhelming weight of other Middle Mong. sources and Dagur;
it should be rather compared with Mongr. fūla- ‘offrir, sacrifier’ (105) (further perhaps to
*hab ‘sorcery’ q. v. sub *p῾ăp῾a).
PTurk. *ab- to crowd, come together (собираться, встречаться):
OTurk. av- (OUygh.); Karakh. av- (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 4, 10, ДТС 69.
PJpn. *àp- to meet, join, fit, agree (встречать; соединяться, подхо-
дить): OJpn. ap-; MJpn. àf-; Tok. á-; Kyo. à-; Kag. à-.
◊ JLTT 679.
PKor. *àbór- to unite, join (объединять, соединять): MKor. à’ór-;
Mod. aulɨ-, əulɨ-.
◊ Nam 340, KED 1076, 1134.
‖ SKE 12, Martin 234, Ozawa 167-168. An attempt of Doerfer (TMN
1, 173) to disprove Ramstedt’s etymology (by supposing *h- in Mong.)
is unsuccessful. Korean has a low tone, typical for the verbal subsys-
tem.
-ĕbà to winnow, fan: Tung. *ebiri-; Turk. *ebis-; Jpn. *apu-.
PTung. *ebiri- to shuffle, hoard (сгребать, смахивать): Evn. ewerge
‘two-paddled oar’; Nan. ebiri-.
◊ ТМС 2, 433.
 *éba(-ku) - *bè 489

PTurk. *ebi-s- to winnow, blow (веять): Karakh. evüs- (MK); Tur.

evis-; Az. äs-; Turkm. övüs-, ös-; Khal. häp(i)s-, häs-; Chuv. avъs-.
◊ EDT 15, VEWT 49, ЭСТЯ 1, 553-554. Cf. also *epki-n ‘cool wind, gust of wind’ (Лек-
сика 42). The form es-, attested already in MK (see EDT 240, ЭСТЯ ibid.) is possibly a
contraction of *ebs-.
PJpn. *apu- to blow, fan (раздувать, обвевать): MJpn. afu-r-, afu-t-;
Tok. aór-; Kyo. áór-; Kag. aór-.
◊ JLTT 676. Accent not quite clear: Kyoto and Tokyo point to *àpùr-, but Kagoshima -
to *ápúr-.
‖ The root is not widely represented, but seems quite reliable. A de-
rivative *ĕbà-rV is reflected in Nan. ebiri- = OJ apu-t-, apu-r-.
-éba(-ku) marshmallow, hollyhock: Tung. *ebke-; Mong. *(h)abuga; Jpn.
*ápúpi; Kor. *à’ók.
PTung. *ebke- 1 heather 2 a k. of plant 3 hawthorn (1 вереск 2 вид
растения 3 боярышник): Evk. ebkemkirē 1; Neg. epkexin 2; Ul. ewxexi 2;
Ork. ewxexi 2; Nan. opokta 3; Orch. ewxexi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 22, 433.
PMong. *(h)abuga marshmallow (пастушья сумка): WMong. abuɣa
(МХТТТ); Kh. avga (МХТТТ).
◊ Mong. > Man. abuχa (ilχa) id.
PJpn. *ápúpi hollyhock (шток-роза): OJpn. apupji; MJpn. áfúfi; Tok.
àoi; Kyo. áóí; Kag. aói.
◊ JLTT 382.
PKor. *à’ók marshmallow (алтей аптечный или лекарственный
(Althaea officinalis)): MKor. à’ók; Mod. auk.
◊ Nam 340, KED 1076.
‖ Lee 1958, 105 (Man.-Kor.).
-bè to carry on the back: Tung. *ebe-; Mong. *eɣüre-; Jpn. *p-; Kor.
*p-.
PTung. *ebe- carry (on oneself) (переносить): Evk. ewe-; Nan. ịwarị-
‘to unload’; Orch. ewugi- ‘to bring’, iwa-dala- ‘to put a person on one’s
shoulder (in play)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 295, 2, 436.
PMong. *eɣüre- to carry on the back (нести на спине): MMong.
u’ur- (SH); WMong. eɣüre- (L 301: egür-, ügür-); Kh. ǖre-; Kalm. ǖr-;
S.-Yugh. orɣu-; Mongr. urgu-.
◊ KW 461, MGCD 686.
PJpn. *p- to carry on the back (нести на спине): OJpn. op-; MJpn.
òf-; Tok. ò-; Kyo. ò-; Kag. ó-.
◊ JLTT 743. Tone is controversial: RJ and Kyoto < *p-, but Tokyo and Kagoshima <
*p-.
PKor. *p- to carry on the back (нести на спине): MKor. p-; Mod.
əp-.
490 *ebí - *ebo
◊ Liu 554, KED 1149.
‖ Martin 238. Korean has a verbal low tone.
-ebí to be weak, to wither: Tung. *ebe-; Jpn. *impu-sia-; Kor. *bí-.
PTung. *ebe- 1 weak 2 to yield, be submitted 3 foolish, obstinate 4
lax, tarrying (1 слабый 2 уступать, подчиняться 3 глупый, упрямый
4 медлительный, расслабленный): Evk. ewe-ǯekin ‘едва-едва’; Man.
ebe-ri, ebi-lun 1; Ul. ebe-le 3; Ork. ebe-le 4; Nan. ebe-ri- 2; Orch. ebe-le 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 436. Some forms (esp. those in -ri) may be borrowed from Mongolian (see
under *apo), while the Ul. and Orok forms may be < Manchu (because of -b- instead of the
expected -w-).
PJpn. *i(m)pu-sia- in bad spirits, bad-mooded (в дурном настрое-
нии, расстроенный): OJpn. ibuse-; MJpn. ibuse-.
◊ JLTT 829.
PKor. *bí- 1 to be exhausted, hungry 2 to lack, be insufficient (1
быть истощенным, голодным 2 недоставать, не хватать): MKor. ’uí-
1, psìw-, ps- 2; Mod. p- [ps-].
◊ HMCH 95, Nam 369, KED 1150.
‖ PKE 59. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *àpo.
-èbla egg: Tung. *(x)elū-; Mong. *(h)eɣülde; Turk. *o(bɨ)l-duruk; Kor.
*árh.
PTung. *(x)elū- 1 to hatch 2 egg (1 высиживать яйца 2 яйцо): Evk.
elū- 1; Evn. olŋa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 15, 448. Cf. also Evk. elī-mektekēn, Sol. ēluxē ‘newborn child’.
PMong. *(h)eɣülder breed (порода): WMong. egülder (L 300); Kh.
ǖlder; Bur. ǖlter.
PTurk. *o(bɨ)l-duruk milt, roe (молоки, икра): Tur. oɣulduruk
‘womb, ovary’; Turkm. ovulduruq; MTurk. oɣulduruq (R - ShS); Uzb.
ɔvuldɨrɨq (dial.); Tat. uwuldɨq; Bashk. ɨwɨldɨrɨq (dial.); Kirgh. ulduruq; Kaz.
ulduruq, üldürük; Chuv. vəₙlǯəₙ.
◊ VEWT 358. Usually derived from *ogul ‘son’, which is rather dubious for external
reasons. See Мудрак Дисс. 146. Дыбо 156.
PKor. *árh egg (яйцо): MKor. ár (árh-); Mod. al.
◊ Nam 346, KED 1088.
‖ In Turk. *obɨl-duruk probably < *abɨl-duruk with secondary narrow-
ing in a long wordform. Kor. *árh reflects a suffixed *èbla-gV.
-ebo enough, big: Tung. *ebi-; Mong. *(h)öɣ- / *(h)öb-; Kor. *ò’ắ-.
PTung. *ebi- 1 enough 2 to be satiated 3 greedy 4 to eat greedily (1
достаточно 2 насыщаться, наедаться): Evk. uwi- 2; Man. ebi- 2; Jurch.
oh-pih-leh 2; Ul. ebiri- 4, ebe-su(n) 3; Nan. ebe-sũ 3; Orch. eburi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 243, 433.
 *ebVrV - *ḗbǯo 491

PMong. *(h)öɣ- / *(h)öb- 1 huge, big 2 complete, whole (1 громад-

ный, большой 2 весь, целиком): WMong. ögelei 1 (L 631), öb-či 2 (L
627); Kh. ȫlij 1, övč 2.
PKor. *ò’ắ- whole, complete (целый, быть целым): MKor. ò’ắ-n,
ò’ắr-.
◊ Nam 381.
‖ Cf. PJ *p- ‘big’ which may reflect a merger of this root with *p῾o
q.v.
-ebVrV worm, snake: Tung. *ūre; Turk. *ebren; Jpn. *brtì ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *ūre 1 worm 2 snake (1 червь (дождевой) 2 змея): Evk. ūre
1; Neg. uje 1; Ul. were(n) 2; Ud. wē (Корм. 219), uje.
◊ ТМС 1, 132; 2, 289.
PTurk. *ebren snake (змея): Tur. (Osm.) evren ‘dragon’, cf. mod.
‘heaven vault’ ( < ῾snake-rainbow’ ?); Gag. ievrem ‘fiery snake’; MTurk.
MKypch. ewren ‘adder’ (Houts.); Chuv. vəₙre śəlen ‘dragon’ (lit. ‘hot
snake’), vereni (Bulg.).
◊ EDT 14.
PJpn. *brtì ( ~ -ua-) big snake (большая змея): OJpn. woroti;
MJpn. wòròtì, wòròdì; Tok. órochi; Kyo. óròchì; Kag. oróchi.
◊ JLTT 512. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ The Turkic form strongly suggests that PJ *brtì is a contraction of
a longer *brtì.
-ḗbǯo to see, understand: Tung. *eǯe-; Mong. *üǯe-; Turk. *ȫ(j)-.
PTung. *eǯe- to understand, remember (понимать, запоминать):
Man. eǯe-; SMan. eǯə- ‘to memorize’ (1866); Ul. eǯe-; Ork. ede-mu-; Nan.
eǯe-; Orch. eǯe-; Ud. egǯe-.
◊ ТМС 2, 439. TM > Dag. eǯi- (Тод. Даг. 138).
PMong. *üǯe- to see (видеть): MMong. uǯe- (HY 32, SH); uǯɛ- (IM),
uǯä-, huǯä- (MA); WMong. üǯe- (L 1014); Kh. üʒe-; Bur. üze-; Kalm. üz-;
Ord. üǯi-; Mog. üǯä-; ZM ouž (5-4b); Dag. uǯi- (Тод. Даг. 170, MD 231),
uǯ-; Dong. uǯe-; Bao. nǯe-; S.-Yugh. eǯe-; Mongr. ua- (SM 465), ue-.
◊ KW 460, MGCD 331, 689.
PTurk. *ȫ(j)- to think, understand (думать, понимать): OTurk. ö-
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ö- (MK); Yak. üöj-.
◊ EDT 2-3, VEWT 368. Derived is probably *ȫ-g ‘thought’, *ȫg-re- ‘to learn’ (see ЭСТЯ
1, 496-498, 501-502, Stachowski 198, 252).
‖ A Western isogloss. The medial cluster with *-b- should be recon-
structed in order to account for labialization in Turk. and Mong. How-
ever, the Turkic form may be alternatively compared with Mong. ojun
‘thought’ - if the latter is not related to PT *ōd ‘thought’ (as suggested
by Владимирцов 285 and supported in Мудрак Дисс. 103).
492 *éča - *ĕda
-éča early, morning: Tung. *esī; Jpn. *àsâ; Kor. *àčhắm.
PTung. *esī now, just now, not long ago (сейчас, только что, не-
давно): Evk. esī; Evn. esi-me; Neg. esī; Man. esi ‘yes, certainly’; Ul. esi;
Ork. esi; Nan. esi; Orch. esi; Ud. esi; Sol. eī.
◊ See ТМС 2, 467-468.
PJpn. *àsâ morning (утро): OJpn. asa; MJpn. àsà; Tok. ása; Kyo. àsâ;
Kag. asá.
◊ JLTT 384.
PKor. *àčhắm morning (утро): MKor. àčhắm; Mod. ačhim.
◊ Nam 342, KED 1077/
‖ Martin 236. An Eastern isogloss.
-ēč῾o be weak, exhausted: Tung. *eče-; Turk. *č; Jpn. *tr-; Kor. *č-.
PTung. *eče- to feel constrained (чувствовать стеснение): Ul. ečise-;
Nan. ečisi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 471.
PTurk. *č hunger (голод): OTurk. ač (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ač
(MK); Tur. ač; Gag. āč; Az. aǯ; Turkm. āč; Khal. āč, ču-; MTurk. aǯ (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ɔč; Uygh. ač; Krm. ač; Tat. ač; Bashk. as; Kirgh. ač; Kaz. aš;
KBalk. ač; KKalp. aš; Kum. ač; Nogh. aš; Khak. as; Shr. aš; Oyr. ač; Tv. aš;
Chuv. vɨźъ; Yak. ās; Dolg. ač-čɨk ‘hungry’.
◊ EDT 17, VEWT 3, ЭСТЯ 1, 208-209, Stachowski 28.
PJpn. *tr- 1 to be worse 2 to become weak (1 быть хуже, уступать
2 слабеть): OJpn. otor- 1, ot(w)or(w)op- 2; MJpn. òtòr- 1, òtòròf- 2; Tok.
otór- 1, otoroé- 2; Kyo. ótór- 1, ótóróé- 2; Kag. otór- 1, òtòròè- 2.
◊ JLTT 743. The Kagoshima accent in otór- is irregular (probably under literary influ-
ence).
PKor. *č- to be in disorder, confusion (быть в беспорядке, смяте-
нии): MKor. črp- (-w-) 2; Mod. əǯirəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 365, KED 1136.
‖ The parallel seems reliable despite tone discrepancy between
Turk.-Tung., on the one hand, and Kor.-Jpn., on the other.
-ĕda thing, goods: Tung. *idegē (/*e-); Mong. *aǯi- / *ada-; Turk. *ed.
PTung. *idegē (/*e-) thing (вещь): Evk. ideɣē; Nan. id ‘reason’ (On.)
◊ Cf. also Il. egdekē ‘clothes’. ТМС 1, 298.
PMong. *aǯi- / *ada- 1 household 2 work (1 домашнее хозяйство 2
работа): WMong. aǯi 1, aǯil (L 61) 2; Kh. aǯ 1, aǯil 2; Bur. ažal, adal 2;
Kalm. aǯəl 2; Ord. aǯi 2; Dag. aǯil (Тод. Даг. 118).
◊ KPC 29.
PTurk. *ed, *ed-gü 1 thing, goods 2 good, excellent 3 good action,
benefit (1 вещь, добро, имущество 2 хороший, отличный 3 благо-
деяние): OTurk. ed 1 (OUygh.), edgü 2; Karakh. eδ 1, eδgü 2 (MK, KB);
 *ēda - *ĕdV 493

Tur. iji 2; Turkm. ejgi-lik 3; Sal. ī 1; Tat. ige, ijge; Kirgh. ijgi-lig 3; KBalk.
igi,izgi 1; Nogh. ijgi 1; Tv. eki 2; Tof. e’kki 2; Yak. ütüö 2; Dolg. ötüö 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 245-247, 248-249, 329-330, VEWT 35-36, EDT 33, 51, Stachowski 201. PT
*ed-gü is derived from PT *ed ‘thing, goods’ (Лексика 326) ( > Mong. ed, MMong. (SH etc.)
ed, see Щербак 1997, 113). Mong. edege- ‘to feel better, recover’ (Dag. edge-) is also possi-
bly < Turkic.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ēda silly, evil: Tung. *ēde-; Mong. *ada; Turk. *Ada; Jpn. *ántá.
PTung. *ēde- 1 silly 2 defect, shortcoming (1 глупый 2 недостаток,
увечье): Man. eden 2; Ul. ede(n) 1; Nan. ēdẽ 1; Orch. ede 1; Ud. ēde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 439. Man. > Dag. eden (Тод. Даг. 138).
PMong. *ada devil, evil spirit (злой дух): MMong. ada (HYt);
WMong. ada (L 9); Kh. ad; Bur. ada; Kalm. adə; Ord. ada.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. ada (KW 1).
PTurk. *Ada 1 danger 2 to endanger (1 опасность 2 подвергать
опасности): OTurk. ada (tuda) 1, adart- 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Shr. aza
‘name of an evil spirit’ (Верб.); Tv. adam ‘dashing, extraordinary’; Yak.
ataɣastā- ‘to insult’.
◊ EDT 40, 68.
PJpn. *ántá useless, vain (бесполезный, напрасный): MJpn. ada;
Tok. adá; Kyo. ádà; Kag. adá.
◊ JLTT 376. The word is usually confused etymologically with *áta ‘foe’, which
seems, however, to have a different origin. Modern accentuation points to *ántá, but it
may be secondary because of this confusion.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk., see EDT 40, Щербак 1997, 94. The Jpn.
high tone seems to contradict the TM length, but it may be secondary,
see above.
-ĕdV host, husband: Tung. *edī-; Mong. *eǯen; Turk. *Edi.
PTung. *edī- husband (муж): Evk. edī; Evn. edi; Neg. edī; Ul. edi(n);
Ork. edi; Nan. eǯi; Orch. edi.
◊ ТМС 2, 437-438. Despite Doerfer MT 18, the root cannot be a Mong. loanword -
unlike forms like Evk., Man. eǯen ‘host’, obviously recent borrowings (cf. Rozycki 67).
PMong. *eǯen host (хозяин): MMong. eǯen (HY 27, SH), äǯinu (IM),
iǯ-lä- (MA); WMong. eǯen (L 336); Kh. eʒen; Bur. ezen; Kalm. ezn; Ord.
eǯin; Mog. eǯän; ZM eižän (9-8a); Dag. eǯin (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 142);
Dong. eǯen; Mongr. nēn ‘l’individu en lui-même, propre, séparément,
famille’ (SM 267), ri-le- ‘se rendre maître de, usurper, ravir’ (SM 312).
◊ KW 129-130.
PTurk. *Edi host (хозяин): OTurk. edi (idi) (OUygh.); Karakh. iδi
(MK); Tur. ije, ɨs, is; Az. jijä; Turkm. eje; MTurk. eje (Бор. Бад., Abush.),
ije (Pav. C.); Uzb. äjä (dial.); Krm. ije, je; Tat. ijä; Bashk. ĭjä; Kirgh. ē; Kaz.
ĭje; KBalk. ije; KKalp. ije; Kum. jeje; Nogh. ije; SUygh. ise; Khak. ē; Shr. ē;
Oyr. ē; Tv. ē ( < Oyr. or Khak.); Yak. ičči; Dolg. ičči.
494 *ḗga - *ĕgi
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 237-241, TMN 2, 176, EDT 41, Лексика 324-325, Stachowski 122. Some
forms (Tur. ɨs, is, Yak. ičči etc.) go back to a suffixed *ede-si; the Khak. and Shor forms
should be explained as a haplology of the same form.
‖ EAS 97, KW 130, Poppe 53, 105, Цинциус 1972a, 49-52, Дыбо 6. A
Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 114, Mong. is hardly bor-
rowed from Turk. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 177-178) doubts in the validity of
the etymology are hardly grounded: all forms are easily explained if
we suppose a protoform like *edije. The form can be in fact an old de-
rivative of *eda ‘thing, household’ (q. v., cf. Poppe UJb XIII, 114, 120).
-ḗga to rise, lift: Tung. *ek-se-; Mong. *(h)ag-sa-; Turk. *(i)āg-; Jpn.
*á(n)ká-.
PTung. *ek-se- 1 to carry, take with smb. 2 to put, preserve (1 нести,
везти; держать при себе 2 положить, оставить на сохранение): Evk.
ekse- 1; Ork. ekse- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 443-444.
PMong. *(h)ag-sa- to raise, put up (поднимать; прицеплять к поя-
су): WMong. aɣsa- (L 14); Kh. agsa-; Bur. ahā-.
PTurk. *(i)āg- to rise (подниматься): OTurk. aɣ- (Yen., OUygh.),
aɣ-tur- (сaus.) (Orkh.); Karakh. aɣ- (MK, KB); Gag. ā- ‘to vaporize’;
Turkm. āɣ- ‘to overflow’; MTurk. aɣ-; Bashk. awa-la- (of the sun).
◊ EDT 77, ЭСТЯ 1, 68-70. ЭСТЯ is probably right in distinguishing the roots *(i)āg-
(а:ɣ- I) ‘to rise’ and *iāg- (а:ɣ II) ‘to turn over, fall’, although the former is only sparsely
represented in modern languages, having for the most part dissolved within the reflexes
of the latter. In OT the stems aɣ- ‘to rise’ and aɣna- ‘to tumble, roll on one’s back’ are quite
clearly distinct.
PJpn. *á(n)ká- 1 to raise 2 give (1 поднимать 2 давать): OJpn. aga- 1;
MJpn. ágá- 1; Tok. àge- 1, 2; Kyo. ágé- 1, 2; Kag. agé- 1, 2.
◊ Also intrans. *ánká-r- ‘to rise’. See JLTT 674, 675.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 275; Miller 1981, 869. Cf. *ga.
-ĕgi ( ~ -e, -a) to bend: Tung. *ege-; Mong. *eɣe-; Turk. *eg-; Kor. *i-.
PTung. *ege- 1 to encircle, surround, go round 2 ring (1 окружать 2
кольцо): Evk. eɣe-l- 1; Neg. eg-di 2; Ul. eje- 1; Ork. eji- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 437.
PMong. *eɣe- 1 outstanding corner 2 ring, ear-ring (1 выступаю-
щий угол 2 кольцо, серьга): MMong. e’emek 2 (SH); WMong. egeg 1,
ege-meg 2 (L 297, 298); Kh. ēg 1, ēmeg 2; Bur. ēmeg 2; Kalm. ēg 1, ēməg 2;
Ord. ēg, nēg 1 ēmek, ēmük 2.
◊ KW 130. Mong. > Yak. iämäx, Shor äkpäk etc.
PTurk. *eg- to bend (гнуть): OTurk. eg- (OUygh.); Karakh. eg- (MK);
Turkm. eg-; Khal. äj-, äjri; Chuv. av-, aj-; Yak. iex-; Dolg. iek-.
◊ EDT 99, VEWT 37, ЭСТЯ 1, 330-332, Егоров 19, Stachowski 122 (Yak. iex- < *eg-ik-).
PKor. *i- to surround, encircle (окружать): MKor. i’uə-; Mod. e-u-.
 *egmV - *ḗgó 495
◊ Nam 371, KED 1159.
‖ KW 130, SKE 51.
-egmV shoulder, collarbone: Tung. *emu-ge; Mong. *eɣem; Turk. *egin.
PTung. *emuge collarbone (ключица): Ork. emo-te; Nan. emue-čen
‘lower part of thorax’ (On.); Ud. emuge.
◊ Дыбо 252, ТМС 2, 437.
PMong. *eɣem shoulder, collarbone (плечо, ключица): MMong.
egem, egan (egam) (SH), igem (LH); WMong. egem (L 298); Kh. egem; Bur.
ēm; Kalm. ēm.
◊ KW 130. Mong. > Evk. eɣem, see Doerfer MT 125. The word reveals a peculiar varia-
tion of -g- and -ɣ-: the Khalkha form egem may be a literary hypercorrection, but the Se-
cret History also has -g-, not -’-, contradicting the reconstruction *eɣem based on Bur. and
Kalm. Perhaps one should reconstruct *egm(e) for Proto-Mong., to account for this un-
usual reflexation.
PTurk. *egin shoulder (плечо): OTurk. egin (OUygh.); Karakh. egin
(MK); Tur. eɣin, ejin ‘back’; Az. äjin ‘body’; Turkm. egin (dial.); MTurk.
egin (Abush., Pav. C.), in (Pav. C.) ‘back’; Uzb. egin; Krm. īn, in; Kirgh.
ijin; Kaz. ĭjĭn; KKalp. ijin; Nogh. ijin; SUygh. igen; Khak. iŋnĭ; Shr. äŋin,
egini; Oyr. ijin; Tv. eɣin; Chuv. avъn, an; Yak. ien.
◊ EDT 109, VEWT 37, ЭСТЯ 1, 225-227, Егоров 26, Лексика 239, Федотов 1, 42-43.
‖ KW 130, Владимирцов 321, Poppe 60, Колесникова 1972a, 92-93,
Дыбо 307, Лексика 240. A Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997,
114, Mong. is not < Turk. May be derived from *ĕgi ‘to bend’ q. v. Doer-
fer (TMN 2, 192) protests against the Turk.-Mong. comparison, but re-
stricts himself to “einigen grundsätzlichen Bemerkungen” (a loan the-
ory would have to explain Turk. *-n > Mong. -m).
-ḗgó big, many: Tung. *egdi; Mong. *aɣu-; Turk. *g-id-; Jpn. *ənki-rə;
Kor. *’uí-.
PTung. *egdi 1 big 2 many (1 большой 2 много): Evn. eɣdъ 1; Neg.
egdi 2; Ul. egdi 2; Ork. egǯi 2; Nan. egǯi 2; Orch. egdi 2; Ud. egdi 2; Sol.
egdūɣ 1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 359-360.
PMong. *aɣu- 1 large, wide, vast 2 very (1 обширный, широкий 2
очень): MMong. a’ue (HY 53, SH), āw, aw (MA 108, 371) 1; WMong.
aɣuu, uu (L 18), aɣudam (L 16) 1, aɣui (L 16) 2; Kh. agū, ūdam, ūǯim 1, agū,
aguj 2; Bur. ū, ūžam 1; Kalm. aɣū, ū 1; Ord. ūǯim 1; Mog. ɔɣui 1 (Weiers);
ZM ɣu(n) (13-1) 1; Dag. au 1 (Тод. Даг. 122, MD 116); Dong. aGui, aɣui
1, uida; Bao. ū 1; S.-Yugh. aɣui, ūǯim; Mongr.  (SM 462), au (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 3, 453, MGCD 96, 547, 661, 662.
PTurk. *g-id- 1 to grow, bring up 2 high, raised up 3 huge (1 рас-
тить, воспитывать 2 высокий, поднятый 3 огромный): OTurk. igid-,
496 *egVrV - *éjá
egid- 1, ediz (< *ēdgiŕ) 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. igiδ- 1, eδiz 2 (MK);
Turkm. ǟgirt 3; Yak. īt- 1; Dolg. īt- 1.
◊ EDT 73, 103, VEWT 36, 169, ЭСТЯ 1, 224-225, Stachowski 131.
PJpn. *ənki-rə wide and spacious (обширный и просторный):
OJpn. ogjiro.
◊ JLTT 504.
PKor. *’uí- to be broad, wide, extensive (быть широким, протя-
женным): MKor. ’uí-.
◊ Nam 364.
‖ EAS 73, VEWT 169, SKE 62, 59, АПиПЯЯ 291. Korean has ə- in-
stead of the expected *ă, because the latter cannot stand in Anlaut. A
derivative of the same root may be MKor. ón ‘hundred’ ( < *ēgo-nV).
-egVrV to twist, spin: Mong. *eɣere-; Turk. *egir-; Kor. *r.
PMong. *eɣere- to spin (крутить, прясть): WMong. egere- (L 299);
Kh. ēre-; Bur. ēre-; Kalm. ēr-; Ord. ēre-; Dag. ēr- (Тод. Даг. 140; MGCD
ēre-).
◊ KW 131, MGCD 248.
PTurk. *egir- to twist, spin (крутить, прясть): Karakh. egir- (MK);
Tur. ejir-; Az. äjir-; Turkm. egir-; Sal. iɣer-; Khal. häjir-; MTurk. egir-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. jigir-; Uygh. jiger-, igir-; Krm. ijir-; Tat. ir- (dial.); Kirgh.
ijir-; Kaz. ijir-; KBalk. ijir-; KKalp. ijir-; Kum. ijir-; Nogh. ijir-; Khak. īr-;
Shr. īr-, egir-; Oyr. ijir-; Tv. ēr-; Chuv. avъr-la-; Yak. īr-is- ‘спутаться о
лесках’; ieregej ‘humming-top’; Dolg. ieregej ‘drill’.
◊ EDT 112, ЭСТЯ 1, 227-231, TMN 2, 192, Федотов 1, 27, Stachowski 122. The Chuv.
form reflects a partial merger with *ebir- (v. sub *ằpV).
PKor. *r spool (катушка): MKor. r; Mod. əlle.
◊ Nam 360, KED 1144.
‖ KW 131, Владимирцов 194. Despite TMN 2, 193, Щербак 1997,
114, Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk. The stem may be derived
from *gi ‘to bend’ q.v.
-éjá ( ~ -o) to be afraid: Mong. *aju-; Turk. *Ej-men-; Jpn. *ájá-.
PMong. *aju- 1 to be afraid 2 fear, danger, risk (1 бояться 2 страх,
риск): MMong. aju- (HYt, SH), āj-, aj- (MA 96) 1, ajl (MA 223) 2, oja- 1,
caus. ajula- (IM 433); WMong. aji-, aju- 1, ajul 2; Kh. aj-, ajū- 1, ajūl 2;
Bur. aj- 1; Kalm. ǟ- 1; Ord. ǟ- 1; Mog. aī-; ZM a’i- (6-3a); Dag. aj- 1 (Тод.
Даг. 118, MD 111), aidaGan 2; Dong. aji- 1, ajiGu 2; Bao. ai- 1; Mongr. aji-
1 (SM 17), ajəgu 2.
◊ KW 25.
PTurk. *Ej-men- to be shy, timid, afraid (смущаться, робеть, пу-
гаться): OTurk. ejmen- (OUygh.); Karakh. ejmen- (MK); Tur. imen-; Az.
ejmän- (dial.); Turkm. ejmen-; MTurk. ejmen- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb.
 *ḗjba - *ĕju 497

ijmän-; Uygh. äjmän-; Krm. emen-; Tat. imän-; Kirgh. ijmen-; Kaz. ĭjmen-;
KKalp. ijmen-; Nogh. ijmen-; Oyr. ijmen-.
◊ VEWT 10, EDT 273, ЭСТЯ 1, 249-251. Turk. > WMong. ajman- (Щербак 1997, 96);
but Mong. *aju- can be hardly regarded as a Turkism.
PJpn. *ájá- 1 to be afraid, feel anxiety 2 dangerous (1 бояться 2
опасный): OJpn. aja-bum- 1; MJpn. ájá-búm- 1, ájá-fú- 2; Tok. ayabúm- 1,
àyau- 2; Kyo. áyábúm- 1, áyáù- 2; Kag. ayabúm- 1, ayáu- 2.
◊ JLTT 679, 826.
‖ Poppe 66, АПиПЯЯ 79.
-ḗjba to hurry: Tung. *ebV-; Mong. *(h)abad; Turk. *ēb-; Jpn. *áwá-tá-.
PTung. *ebV- 1 to surpass 2 hurriedly, quickly (1 перегонять 2 бы-
стро, торопливо): Man. ebuxu sabuχu 2; Jurch. ewu-ro (362) 2; Ork. ebes-
sun- 1; Nan. ebe-saba 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 433. The Orok and Nan. form may be < Manchu (or influenced by Man-
chu), judging from the preservation of -b-.
PMong. *(h)abad at once, instantly (сразу, мгновенно): WMong.
abad (L 2); Kh. avd; Bur. abahār; Ord. awun.
◊ Despite Mostaert awun cannot be connected with ab- ‘to take’.
PTurk. *ēb- 1 to hurry 2 quick (1 спешить 2 быстрый): OTurk. evük
(OUygh.) 2; Karakh. ev- (KB) 1, evek 2 (MK, KB); Tur. ev- 1; Turkm. ǟv-
1; MTurk. ev- (MA, IM, Qutb., Houts.); Khak. ibek 2; Shr. ibek 2; Chuv.
avaš- 1; avъk ‘moment; quick’.
◊ EDT 4, 8-9, VEWT 34, Егоров 19 (Федотов 1, 25-26 - differently).
PJpn. *áwá-tá- to hurry, scurry (спешить, суетиться): MJpn. awata-,
RJ áfátú; Tok. àwate-; Kyo. áwáté-; Kag. awaté-.
◊ JLTT 679.
‖ Ozawa 8, Дыбо 12. Medial *-j- has to be reconstructed to account
for lack of spirantization in Mong. and for -w- (not -p-) in Jpn. Note a
similar dental suffixation in Mong. and Jpn.
-ĕju ( ~ -o) to speak, cry, sound: Tung. *ejē-; Mong. *aji-; Turk. *ạj-ɨt-;
Kor. *òi’ó-.
PTung. *ejē- 1 to ask, desire 2 demand (n.) 3 to envy (1 просить,
желать 2 требование, просьба 3 завидовать): Evk. ejē 2, ejēt- 1; Evn.
ejet- 1,3; Neg. ejēt- 1; Nan. ējueči- 3; Orch. eječi- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 442.
PMong. *aji- 1 sound, voice 2 to cry, speak loudly; to recite 3 mel-
ody, tune (1 звук, голос 2 кричать, болтать 3 мелодия): WMong. ai 1
(L 19), aji-la-, aji-da- 2 (L 20: ajilad- ‘to perceive; to recite; to say’), aja 3 (L
22); Kh. ajlda- 2; Bur. ajlada- 2; Kalm. ǟ 1, ǟl-,ǟd- 2; Ord. ajalGa 3; Dag.
aila- 2 (Тод. Даг. 119, MD 111); Mongr. ajaŋ 3.
◊ KW 25. Mong. ajalɣu ‘tune, tone’ (L 23) > Chag. ajalɣu etc. (VEWT 11, TMN 1,
195-196).
498 *ka - *ka
PTurk. *ạj-ɨt- 1 to say 2 to prescribe, tell 3 to ask, demand 4 to con-
cern (1 говорить 2 указывать, предписывать 3 просить 4 касаться
ч.-л.): OTurk. ajɨt- 3 (OUygh.), ajɨ- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. aj-, ajɨt- 1 (MK),
ajɨt- 3 (KB); Tur. ait- 4; Turkm. ajt- 1; Khal. hāj- 1; MTurk. aj(ɨ)t- 1; Uzb.
ajt- 1; Uygh. ejt- 1; Tat. ɛjt- 1; Bashk. äjt- 1; Kirgh. ajt- 1; KBalk. ajt- 1;
KKalp. ajt- 1; Nogh. ajt- 1; Khak. ajt- 1 (dial.), ajɨt- ‘sing’; Tv. ajɨt- 2; Tof.
ajɨt- 2; Chuv. ɨjt- 3; Yak. ɨj- 2, ɨjɨt- 3; Dolg. ɨjɨt- 3.
◊ VEWT 10, ЭСТЯ 1, 99-100, 111-112, Егоров 342, EDT 268-9, Stachowski 259. PT
*ạjɨt- is derived from *ạj- ‘to point out, prescribe’. Before the 11th c. it had only a causa-
tive meaning; the meaning ‘say, tell’ developed later.
PKor. *òi’ó- to recite (декламировать): MKor. òi’ó-; Mod. weu-.
◊ Nam 387, KED 1223.
‖ KW 4, 25, Владимирцов 282, Poppe 67, АПиПЯЯ 286.
-ka (~ -o) bad, weak: Tung. *eke; Mong. *(h)egel; Turk. *ek-; Jpn. *àk-.
PTung. *eke 1 to decrease 2 bad, low 3 weak 4 evil (1 уменьшаться
2 плохой, низкий 3 слабый 4 зло, злой): Man. eḱe- 1, exe 4; SMan. eki-
1 (2864), exə 4 (2508); Jurch. exebe (341) 2; Ul. ekeči(n) 3; Ork. ekkē 3; Nan.
ekečĩ 3; exele (Kur-Urm.) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 444.
PMong. *(h)egel low, uneducated, not very good (низкий, необра-
зованный, не очень хороший): WMong. egel (L 297); Kh. egil; Bur. egē-
lej; Kalm. egl; Ord. egel, egēn.
◊ KW 117.
PTurk. *ek- 1 to decrease, be insufficient 2 common, ordinary, low
class; fault, faulty (1 уменьшаться, быть недостаточным 2 обычный,
низкородный; недостаток, недостаточный): OTurk. egsü- 1, egil 2
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. egsü- 1 (MK); Tur. eksi-, eksil- 1, eksik 2; Gag.
jisil- 1; Az. äskik 2; Turkm. egis-, egsil- 1, egsik 2; MTurk. eksü- 1 (Abush.),
öksü-, öksül- 1 (Pav. C.), öksük 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uygh. ögsü- 1 (dial.);
Krm. eksil- 1, eksik 2; Kirgh. öksü- 1, öksük 2; Chuv. iksəl- 1, jəksek 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 257-258, Егоров 77, Мудрак Дисс. 199; EDT 106, 117. The Chuv. Anlaut is
not quite clear (iksəl- < *jəksəl-?; one of the cases with prothetic j-, so the openness / clos-
edness of the vowel in PT remains unknown); Федотов 1, 193 derives Chuv. jəksik from
PT *jek (v. sub *ĺk῾è), but this is phonetically impossible.
PJpn. *àk- to be bored, satiated (пресыщаться, наскучивать): OJpn.
ak-; MJpn. àk-; Tok. akí-; Kyo. àkì-; Kag. àkì-.
◊ JLTT 675.
‖ Дыбо 12. Mong. may be < Turk.
 *èk῾á - *ĕk῾à 499

-èk῾á to paw, hit with hooves: Tung. *ekte-; Mong. *(h)agsa-; Turk.
*agsa-; Jpn. *ànkà-k-.
PTung. *ekte- 1 to paw, hit with hooves (of a horse); to rough-house
2 to faint (1 бить копытами; буянить 2 падать в обморок): Man. ekte-
1; Ud. ektine- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 444.
PMong. *(h)agsa- 1 to have fits, convulsions 2 to fling fiercely 3 to
chafe, behave nervously (of a horse); to rough-house 4 feeling of weari-
ness (from physical labour) (1 биться в судорогах 2 яростно бросать-
ся 3 горячиться (о лошади); буянить 4 чувство усталости, разбито-
сти от физического труда): WMong. aɣsur-, aɣsa- 1; Kh. agsra-, agsči- 3,
agsga 4; Bur. agšan ῾frolic, prankish’; Kalm. agsra- 3, agsag ‘wild’; Ord.
agsur- 2 agsum ‘яростный, пылкий, необузданный’.
◊ KW 5. Mong. > Evk. aksa- ‘to be insulted, grudge’, Evn. ās-, Neg. aksa-, Ul. aqsa-,
Orok aqsa-, Nan. aqsa-, Oroch aksa- id., Man. aqšula- ‘to curse’ (ТМС 1, 25).
PTurk. *agsa- 1 to hobble, limp 2 lame (1 хромать 2 хромой):
Karakh. axsa- (MK) 1, aqsaq, aɣsaɣ (MK) 2; Tur. aksa- 1; Az. axsa- 1;
Turkm. aGsa- 1; Uzb. ɔqsa- 1; Tat. aqsa- 1; Bashk. aqha- 1; Kirgh. aqsa- 1;
Kaz. aqsa- 1; KBalk. axsa-, asxa- 1; KKalp. aqsa- 1; Kum. aqsa- 1; Nogh.
aqsa- 1; SUygh. axsa- 1; Khak. axsa- 1; Tv. asqa- 1; Yak. axsɨm 2.
◊ EDT 95, ЭСТЯ 76. Turk. > Mong. asag ‘(animal) lameness’.
PJpn. *ànkà-k- to paw (the air); struggle, strive (бить копытами (о
лошади); напрягаться): OJpn. agak-; MJpn. àgàk-; Tok. agák-; Kyo.
ágák-; Kag. àgàk-.
◊ JLTT 674. Usually analysed as a compound *asi ‘foot’ + *kak- ‘scrape’, which is
probably a folk-etymological explanation.
‖ KW 5. Both Turkic and Mongolian languages have also a deriva-
tive meaning ‘rampage, rage, raging’: Karakh. aχsuŋ, axsum (MK),
aqsun (QB), Chag. aqsum, axsum, Az. aqsɨn, Kirgh. aqsɨm etc.; WMong.
aɣsum, Khalkha agsaŋ, Bur. agsam, Ord. agsum (DO 7) ‘wild, raging’,
Khalkha agsam ‘rampage’. Doerfer (TMN 2, 90) supposes a loanword in
Turk. < Mong.; Shcherbak (1997, 103) - vice versa; the final decision is
still unclear.
-ĕk῾à (~ -o) elder sister: Tung. *eKe / *keKe; Mong. *eke, *egeče; Turk.
*eke; Jpn. *kaka; Kor. *kj-čìp.
PTung. *eKe / *keKe 1 woman, wife 2 elder sister (1 женщина 2
старшая сестра): Evk. ekīn 2; Evn. ekъn 2; Neg. exe 1, exīn 2; Man. xexe
1; SMan. xexə 1 (833, 924); Jurch. xexe-e (299) 1; Ul. ēqte 1; Ork. ekte 1;
Nan. ekte 1; Orch. eki 2; Ud. exi(n) 1, 2; Sol. xexe 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 480; 2, 443 (cf. a similar parallelism in the words for “man” and for
“elder brother”).
500 *éli - *éli
PMong. *eke, *egeče 1 mother 2 elder sister (1 мать 2 старшая сест-
ра): MMong. eke (HY 28, SH), äke (IM), ik (MA) 1, ekči (HY 28), egeči
(SH), igäǯi (MA) 2; WMong. eke 1 (L 305), egeči 2 (L 297); Kh. ex 1, egč 2;
Bur. exe 1, egeše 2; Kalm. ekə 1, egəčə, ekčə 2; Ord. eke 1, egeči 2; Dag. eg 1,
egči, ekē 2 (Тод. Даг. 138, 139); MGCD: ekči, ekē 2; egeči, ekē 2, ehe 1 (MD
142); Dong. eGečə 2; S.-Yugh. hge 1, əɣeči 2; Mongr. kai (SM 194) 2, āī
(SM 2) 2.
◊ KW 118, TMN 1, 190, MGCD 254, 274. Mong. > Chag. egäči, see Щербак 1997, 203.
PTurk. *eke elder sister (старшая сестра): OTurk. eke (OUygh.);
Karakh. eke (MK); ege-t ‘female servant of bride’ (MK); Turkm. ekeǯi;
Chuv. akka.
◊ VEWT 38, ЭСТЯ 1, 222-224, TMN 1, 190, 2, 91-92, EDT 100, 102, Егоров 23.
PJpn. *kaka mother (мать): MJpn. kaka; Tok. o-k-san; Kyo. ò-k-sán;
Kag. o-kā-sán.
PKor. *kj-čìp woman (женщина): MKor. kjčìp; Mod. kjēǯip.
◊ Nam 42, KED 132. Historically a compound (*’woman’ + ‘house, family’), with čip
‘house’ in the second part.
‖ EAS 91, KW 118, Poppe 55, VEWT 38, АПиПЯЯ 292, Цинциус
1972a, 29-31, Дыбо 6. The root is (like most other kinship terms) a
“nursery word”, but very well attested in all branches, so - despite Do-
erfer TMN 1, 190-191 - all forms cannot be explained as borrowings
(although some later interactions were of course possible, e.g. Mong.
egeče may - because of its irregular -g- and meaning coinciding with
Turkic - be a later Turkic loanword).
-éli sufficient: Tung. *ele-; Mong. *el-; Jpn. *ír-; Kor. *ər-.
PTung. *ele- 1 enough 2 to have enough, be satiated (1 довольно,
достаточно 2 удовлетвориться, насытиться): Evk. elī, ele 1, elekče- 2;
Evn. elъkъn 1; Neg. ele 1; Man. ele- 2; Jurch. ‘o-le-he-huŋ ‘content, happy’;
Ul. ele 1, ele- 2; Ork. ele 1, ele- 2; Nan. elē 1, ele- 2; Orch. ele 1, ele- 2; Ud. ele
1, ele- ‘to complete’; Sol. aĺe-ćáu, eĺlećáu ‘I am full, I have had enough’.
◊ ТМС 2, 448-449.
PMong. *el- 1 all, every kind of 2 abundance, abundant (2 весь, все-
возможные 2 обилие, обильный): WMong. ele 1 (L 308), eldeb 1 (L
307), elbeg 2 (L 306); Kh. el, eldev 1, elbeg 2; Bur. eldeb 1, elbeg 2; Kalm.
eldə, eldəb 1, elwəg 2.
◊ KW 119, 120. Mong. > Yak. elbē-, elbex, Dolg. elbek (Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 44),
Chuv. ilpek (Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
PJpn. *ír- to need (нуждаться): MJpn. ír-; Tok. ìr-; Kyo. ír-; Kag. ír-.
◊ JLTT 698. The verb is homonymous with *ír- ‘enter’, but probably quite different
etymologically.
PKor. *ər- enough, sufficiently, nearly (достаточно, почти): MKor.
əru, əro; Mod. əl-čhu.
◊ Nam 360, KED 1146.
 *ḗlV - *ĕlV(-k῾V) 501

‖ KW 119, Lee 1958, 108 (TM-Kor.), Rozycki 68. Despite Doerfer MT

20, TM *ele is hardly < Mong. (a particle in Mong. vs. a widespread verb
in TM).
-ḗlV peace: Tung. *elke; Mong. *el; Turk. *ēl.
PTung. *elke peaceful, silent (тихий, осторожный): Evk. elke; Neg.
elke; Man. elxe; SMan. eləxə ‘leisurely’ (2956); Ul. erke; Ork. erke; Nan.
elke; Orch. ekke; Ud. eke.
◊ ТМС 2, 447-448. TM > Dag. elke (Тод. Даг. 139).
PMong. *el 1 peaceful 2 relatives (1 мирный 2 родственники):
MMong. el (SH); WMong. el 1 (L 306), elgen 2; Kh. el 2; Bur. eldin; Kalm.
el.
◊ KW 118.
PTurk. *ēl 1 peace 2 people, country (1 мир 2 народ, страна):
OTurk. el 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. el 1, 2 (MK); Tur. il, el 2; Gag. iel 2;
Az. el 2; Turkm. īl 2; MTurk. il (AH), el (Abush., Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. el 2;
Uygh. il, äl 2; Krm. el 2; Tat. il 2; Bashk. il 2; Kirgh. el 2; Kaz. el 2; KBalk.
el 2; KKalp. el 2; Kum. el 2; Nogh. el 2; Khak. il 2; Oyr. el 2; Chuv. jal 2;
Yak. il 2.
◊ EDT 121-122, VEWT 39, TMN 2, 194, ЭСТЯ 1, 339-343, Егоров 352, Лексика 316.
The meaning “peace” attested in MK is probably the most archaic (cf. the external paral-
lels; typologically cf. also Slavic *mirъ ‘peace’ > ‘world’), suggesting a development
*’peace’ > ‘peaceful people, realm, country’.
‖ EAS 145, KW 118, Poppe 76, ОСНЯ 1, 268, Rozycki 68. A Western
isogloss (in fact, basically Turk.-Tung., since Mong. may be < Turk., see
TMN 2, 200; Clark 1980, 43 on Mong. elči < Turk. ēl-či).
-ĕlV(-k῾V) deer: Tung. *(x)elkēn; Mong. *ili; Turk. *elik.
PTung. *(x)elkēn 1 wild deer 2 domestic deer (1 дикий олень 2 до-
машний олень): Evk. elkēn 1; Evn. iēlken, elken 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 448.
PMong. *ili new-born deer (новорожденный олененок): MMong.
ele’ut ‘a k. of camel’ (SH); WMong. ili (L 407), eli; Kh. il; Bur. eli; Kalm.
ilə.
◊ KW 206. Cf. also *il-gi(n) ‘goat skin’ (KW 207).
PTurk. *elik roebuck, wild goat (косуля (общее назв. и самка)):
OTurk. elik (OUygh. - YB); Karakh. elik (KB); Tur. elik (dial.); MTurk.
(MKypch.) elik (Houts., AH); Bashk. ilek; Kirgh. elik; Kaz. elik; KKalp.
elik; Khak. ilək; Shr. elik; Oyr. elik; Tv. elik; Tof. elik; Yak. elik ‘чубарый
олень’.
◊ EDT 142, VEWT 40, ЭСТЯ 1, 265-266, Лексика 153.
‖ KW 207, ОСНЯ 1, 273, Лексика 153, 389. A Western isogloss.
502 *ḗĺpo - *ḗĺV
-ḗĺpo to cover: Tung. *elbe-, *eldu-; Mong. *(h)olbug; Turk. *ēĺü-; Jpn.
*sp-.
PTung. *elbe-, *eldu- to cover (a tent), tent cover (покрывать (чум),
покрышка (чума)): Evk. elbe-; ellun, eldun; Evn. ēlrimi, ēlde; Neg. elbe-;
Man. elbe-; Ul. elbene ‘sail’; Nan. elbẽ ‘roof’; Orch. ebbe-; Ud. egbe-; Sol.
eld.
◊ ТМС 2, 445, 448.
PMong. *(h)olbug cushion for sitting (подушка для сидения):
WMong. olbaɣ, (L 608) olbuɣ; Kh. olbog; Bur. olbog; Ord. olboG.
◊ Mong. > Tuva olbuq id., see TMN 2, 111, Yak. olbox, Dolg. olbok (Stachowski 191). In
Mong. the word also means ‘quilted jacket worn under armour’ and in this meaning is
borrowed in Turkic (Kirgh. olpok etc.) and TM (Manchu olbo etc.), see Doerfer TMN 2, 111,
Rozycki 167 (somewhat differently Аникин 414).
PTurk. *ēĺü- 1 to cover 2 (door) curtain > door (1 покрывать 2
(дверной) занавес > дверь): Karakh. ešü- 1, ešik / ešük 2 (MK); Tur. ešik
2; Gag. ješik 2; Az. ešik 2; Turkm. īšik 2; Khal. šük 2; MTurk. išik 2 (AH,
IM), išük (IM), ešik 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ešik 2; Krm. ešik 2; Tat. išĭk 2;
Bashk. išĭk 2; Kirgh. ešik 2; KBalk. ešik 2; KKalp. esik 2; Kum. ešik 2;
Nogh. esik 2; Khak. īzĭk, ĭzĭk 2; Shr. ežik 2; Oyr. ežik 2; Tv. ežik 2; Chuv.
algъ, alъk 2.
◊ EDT 256, 260, TMN 2, 183-184, Егоров 24, ЭСТЯ 1, 396-398, Лексика 511-512, 517.
PJpn. *sp- to cover (покрывать): OJpn. os(w)op-; MJpn. osof-; Tok.
òso-; Kyo. ósó-; Kag. osó-.
◊ JLTT 743 (homonymous with ‘attack’ and ‘suppress’ - obviously a secondary con-
fusion with derivatives of *s- ‘push, press’).
‖ PKE 46-47, Street 1980, 287, Дыбо 15, Лексика 512. Mong.
*(h)olbug < *(h)albug, with a frequent labial attraction.
-ḗĺV to scratch, rake, row: Tung. *elbe-s-; Mong. *ele-; Turk. *ēĺ-.
PTung. *elbe-s- to swim, bathe (плыть, плавать, купаться): Evk. el-
bes(kēt)-; Neg. elbesi-; Man. ebiše-; SMan. efəšə-, efəsə- (2301); Ork. ulbesi-;
Nan. elbusi-; Orch. ebbesi-; Ud. egbesi-; Sol. elbeī- ‘to wade’.
◊ ТМС 2, 445. The original meaning of the root was probably ‘to scrape, rake up’, cf.
Evn. Arm. ēlbi- ‘to rake up’ (ТМС 2, 445).
PMong. *ele- to rub off, be rubbed off, to wear out (стирать, сти-
раться): MMong. el- (HY 38), ēlä- (IM), ilä- (MA); WMong. ele- (L 308);
Kh. ele-; Bur. eĺe-; Kalm. el-; Ord. ele-; Dong. elie-; Bao. elə-; Mongr. ilē-
(SM 191).
◊ KW 119, MGCD 257.
PTurk. *ēĺ- 1 to dig 2 to tear, rip open 3 to row 4 to swim 5 to throw
away (1 копать 2 рвать 3 грести 4 плавать 5 выкидывать): Tur. eš- 1;
Az. eš- 2; Turkm. ijš-gek ῾oar’; Khal. häšü-; MTurk. eš- 1 (Abush.); Tat. iš-
2; Kirgh. eš- 1; Khak. is- 3; Tv. ešti- 4, eš- 3; Tof. eš-, e’hit- 3; Chuv. alt- 1;
Yak. es-, is- 5.
 *ĕĺǯu - *ma 503
◊ VEWT 51, EDT 255-6, ЭСТЯ 1, 315-316, Мудрак Дисс. 95. Chuv. iš- ‘to row; to
swim; to demolish, tear’ is evidently borrowed from Tat. (as opposed to the genuine al-t-
). Khal. h- is unclear here (external evidence clearly points to *0-).
‖ A Western isogloss. See KW 119, Poppe 78, 126, VEWT 51
(Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 287, Дыбо 14.
-ĕĺǯu donkey: Tung. *eji-ken; Mong. *elǯigen; Turk. *eĺgek.
PTung. *eji-ken donkey (осел): Neg. ejxe; Man. ejxen; SMan. eixen
(2218); Jurch. oh-hen; Ul. ejxe; Nan. ejxe.
◊ ТМС 2, 447.
PMong. *elǯigen donkey (осел): MMong. elǯigan (HY 9), ūlǯige (IM),
ilǯigen (LH), ilǯigän (MA); WMong. elǯige(n) (L 311); Kh. ilǯig, ilǯgen;
Bur. elžege(n); Kalm. elǯŋne, ēlǯŋnə; Ord. elǯige(n); Mog. elǯiɣōn
(Ramstedt 1906); Dong. enǯeɣe (Тод. Дн.); Bao. nǯige (Тод. Бн.).
◊ KW 119. Mong. > Oyr. älǯigän.
PTurk. *eĺgek donkey (осел): OTurk. ešgek (OUygh.); Karakh. ešgek,
ešjek (MK); Tur. ešek; Gag. iešek; Az. eššäk; Turkm. ešek; MTurk. ešek
(Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ešäk; Uygh. ešäk; Krm. ešek; Tat. išäk;
Bashk. išäk; Kirgh. ešek; Kaz. esek; KBalk. ešek; KKalp. ešek; Kum. ešek;
Nogh. ešek; Oyr. eštek; Chuv. ažak.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 317-318, TMN 2, 65, EDT 260.
‖ KW 119, Владимирцов 323, Poppe 86. A Western isogloss. The
phonology of the word strongly resists all attempts to regard it as an
interlingual borrowing (Turk. > Mong. > TM, see, e.g., Rozycki 67), as
well as attempts to derive it from Armen. eš etc.
-ema ( ~ -o) to come: Tung. *eme-; Mong. *amada-.
PTung. *eme- to come, reach, arrive (приходить, прибывать): Evk.
eme-; Evn. em-; Neg. eme-; Nan. eme-; Orch. emegi- ‘to return’; Ud. eme-.
◊ ТМС 2, 452.
PMong. *amada- to meet smb., cross one’s way (поджидать на пу-
ти, идти навстречу): WMong. amada- (L 35); Kh. amda-; Bur. amada-;
Kalm. amd- (КРС 40); Ord. amada-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Karakh. öme ‘guest, for-
eigner’.
-ma (~-o) to stay, be left, leave: Tung. *emē-n-; Jpn. *àmà-.
PTung. *emē-n- to leave (оставлять, покидать): Evk. emēn-, emē-;
Evn. emēn-; Neg. emēn-; Orch. imene-; Ud. imen-; Sol. emēn-.
◊ ТМС 2, 453.
PJpn. *àmà- 1 plenty 2 all 3 to stay, be left (1 повсюду, в изобилии
2 весь 3 оставаться): OJpn. amane- 1, ama-r- 3; MJpn. àmànè- 1, àmà-r- 3;
Tok. amanéku 1, amár- 3; Kyo. ámánékú 1, ámár- 3; Kag. amanekú 1,
àmàr- 3.
◊ JLTT 676.
504 *me - *èmi
‖ АПиПЯЯ 279. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also MKor.
mmr- ‘to stay, remain’ ( < *Vmə-mɨr-, with a rather usual Korean loss of
initial vowel?).
-me woman, female: Tung. *emV; Mong. *eme; Turk. *eme; Jpn. *mía;
Kor. *ámh.
PTung. *emV 1 mother-in-law 2 female 3 female deer, elk (1 теща,
свекровь 2 самка 3 самка оленя, лося): Evk. emugde, umigde 3; Evn.
ömiri 3; Neg. umigde 3; Man. emile 2, emeke 1; SMan. eməxə 1 (926); Nan.
emxe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 268, 451-452.
PMong. *eme 1 woman 2 wife (1 женщина 2 жена): MMong. eme 1,
emege (HY 29), emegu’un 2 (HY 30, SH), emä (IM), im (MA) 1; WMong.
eme 1 (L 311); Kh. em 1, emgen 2; Bur. eme 1; Kalm. emə 1; Ord. eme 1,
emegen ‘old woman’; Mog. ZM emmä (9-6b); Dag. emgun, emeg 1, 2 (Тод.
Даг. 139), eme (MD, 143) 1,2; Dong. eme 1; Bao. eme 1; S.-Yugh. eme 1;
Mongr. imu (: xara ~) ‘nom que la jeune fille se donne devant ses par-
ents le jour de son mariage’ (SM 192), mugen ‘femme âgée’ (SM 245).
◊ KW 121, MGCD 259. Mong. emegčin ‘female’ > Yak. emēxsin, Dolg. emēksin (Kał.
MEJ 45, Stachowski 45).
PTurk. *eme 1 female 2 old woman (1 самка 2 старуха): Karakh.
oma (MK “Tibetan”) 1 (?); Tur. dial. eme 2; Az. dial. ämä 2; Kirgh. eme 2;
Chuv. ama 1.
◊ VEWT 42, ЭСТЯ 220, Егоров 25, EDT 156 (a “nursery” word, spread also in other
Altaic languages).
PJpn. *mía 1 woman 2 female (1 женщина 2 самка): OJpn. mje 1;
MJpn. mé 1; Tok. me-sú 2; Kyo. mé-sù; Kag. me-sú.
◊ JLTT 474, 476. Although modern dialects point to *mià-sù, RJ has explicitly mé with
a high tone.
PKor. *ámh woman, wife, female (женщина, жена, самка): MKor.
ám (ámh-); Mod. am.
◊ Nam 348, KED 1093.
‖ EAS 116, Цинциус 1972a, 20-27, Menges 1984, 265, АПиПЯЯ 89,
279. In Jpn. cf. also omo ‘mother’ (see Ozawa 61, Murayama 1962, 110,
Miller 1985a, 82); in MKor also mí ‘mother’ (see Martin 236). Jpn. mia
represents a relatively rare case of a loss of initial vowel in Japanese.
-èmi ( ~ a-, *ime) to avoid, taboo: Mong. *emiɣe-; Turk. *emge-; Jpn.
*ìm-.
PMong. *emiɣe- to be timid, shy away (робеть, смущаться):
MMong. emi’e- (SH); WMong. emije- (L 313); Kh. emē-; Bur. emē-; Kalm.
em-; Ord. emē-.
◊ KW 121. Mong. > Man. ejme- id.
 *emo - *emV 505

PTurk. *emge- 1 to suffer, be tortured 2 bother, worry, pains (1

страдать, подвергаться пыткам 2 хлопоты, мучение, труд): OTurk.
emge- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. emge- 1, emgek 2 (MK); Tur. emen- 1, emek 2;
Az. ämäk 2; Turkm. emgen- 1, emgek 2; MTurk. emgen- (AH, Pav. C) 1,
emgek (AH, Abush.), emek (Pav C.) 2; Uzb. dial. emgɛk 2; Uygh. dial.
ɛmgɛn- 1, ɛmgɛk 2; Krm. emgen- 1, emgek 2; Tat. imgɛn- 1, imgɛk 2; Bashk.
imgɛn- 1, imgɛk 2; Kirgh. emgek 2; Kaz. eŋbek 2; Nogh. embek 2; Tv. eŋbek
‘chronic illness’; Chuv. aman- 1, amak ‘illness’; Yak. emek ‘decrepit’.
◊ EDT 159, VEWT 42, ЭСТЯ 1, 272-275, 25-26. Turk. > Mong. emge- (Щербак 1997,
114).
PJpn. *ìm- to avoid, taboo (избегать, подвергать табу): OJpn. im-;
MJpn. ìm-; Tok. ím-; Kyo. ìm-; Kag. ím-.
◊ JLTT 697. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ KW 121.
-emo front: Tung. *ume- / emu-; Mong. *emü-; Turk. *ömgen.
PTung. *ume- / emu- one (один): Evk. umūn; Evn. ömъn; Neg. emen;
Man. emu; SMan. emə (2734); Jurch. emu (636); Ul. ụm; Ork. umūke; Nan.
emu(n); Orch. om; Ud. omo; Sol. emũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 270-272. The old meaning was probably ‘front’, cf. TM *ume- ‘Adam’s ap-
ple’, ‘neck foundation’ (ТМС 2, 273), *omko-ta / *emko-ta ‘forehead’ (ТМС 2, 17); *emker
‘bank, shore’, Orok emiɣe ‘edge’ (ТМС 2, 450).
PMong. *emü- front, South (перед, юг): MMong. emune (HY 50,
SH), umunä, ämunä (MA), umene (LH); WMong. emü-ne (L 314-315); Kh.
ömnö; Bur. ümene (Alar.); Kalm. ömnə; Ord. ömönö; Dag. emel (Тод. Даг.
139), emele (MD 143); Dong. melie; Bao. məltə śaŋ, mələ; S.-Yugh. ölmȫ;
Mongr. mešə, mani ‘autrefois, jadis, anciennement’ (SM 237, 231).
◊ KW 295, MGCD 544. Cf. also em-ǯi- ‘to make or sew a hem’.
PTurk. *ömgen upper part of breast (верхняя часть груди): Karakh.
ömgen (MK); Kirgh. ömgök; Khak. öŋmen.
◊ Дыбо 137-138, EDT 159, ЭСТЯ 1, 537, Лексика 271.
‖ EAS 117, Владимирцов 154, SKE 54, Дыбо 307, Лексика 271. A
Western isogloss. The vocalic reconstruction is somewhat uncertain:
because of variation in PTM it is not quite clear whether Mong. has a
secondary delabialization or Turkic has a secondary labialization. PA
*ome is also possible.
-emV ( ~ *ami) to suck: Mong. *em-kü-; Turk. *em-.
PMong. *em-kü- to swallow, bite, chew (глотать, кусать, жевать):
MMong. emgu-gu / omgu-gu 3 (SH); WMong. emkü- (L 313); Kh. ömxö-;
Bur. ümxe-; Kalm. ümkə-; Ord. uŋku ‘bouchée’; Dag. unku-, umku-, enku-
(Тод. Даг. 140); Mongr. uŋkwā ‘bouchée’ (SM 475); xaŋgu- (SM 157).
◊ KW 457.
506 *emV(ŋV) - *emV(ŋV)
PTurk. *em-ig, *em-ček 1 breast (fem.) 2 to suck 3 nipple (1 грудь
(жен.) 2 сосать 3 сосок): OTurk. emig 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ẹm- 2 (MK),
ẹmig 1 (MK); Tur. em- 2, emǯik 1; Az. ämǯäk 3; Turkm. em- 2, emǯek 1;
Khal. äm- 2; MTurk. ẹm- 2 (Pav. C.), emček 1 (Abush.); Uzb. emčak 1;
Uygh. äm- 2, ämčäk 1; Tat. im- 2, imčɛk 1; Bashk. imsäk 1; Kirgh. emček 1;
KKalp. emšek 1; Nogh. emšek 1; SUygh. emɨɣ 1; Khak. em- 2, imǯek 1; Tv.
em- 2, emig 1; Tof. em- 2, emij ‘udder’; Chuv. əₙm- 2; Yak. em- 2, emīj 1;
Dolg. emij 1.
◊ VEWT 41-2, EDT 158-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 271-272, Егоров 63, Лексика 273-274, Stachowski
45. PT *em-ig and *em-ček (the latter form is first attested in the 13th c.) are derived from
*em- ‘to suck’.
‖ A Turko-Mongolian isogloss. One is tempted to suppose lost *p῾-
and to unite this root with TM *pemu-, Jpn. *pàm- (see *pèma). This is,
however, hardly possible, because both Middle Mongolian and Dagur
have 0- here (while Mongor x- can easily be secondary in front of a
voiceless stop). A possible solution would be a loss of *h- ( < *p῾-) in
Proto-Mongolian (or even Proto-Turko-Mongolian) under the influence
of a phonetically close “nursery” word, *me ‘mother, female’ q.v.
-emV(ŋV) saddle, belt: Tung. *emu-l; Mong. *emeɣe-l; Turk. *dŋe-r.
PTung. *emu-l 1 quiver ornated with horse’s hair 2 hoop of sha-
man’s drum 3 belt 4 horse or deer pack 5 pack strap (1 колчан, расши-
тый конским волосом 2 обруч шаманского бубна 3 пояс 4 вьючная
сумка (часть ниже завязок) 5 вдержка на сумке-торсуке): Evk. ōmu 1,
umul 3, ōmi 5, emin 4, emi-lge 4; Neg. ūm 2; Ul. omali 3; Ork. ụmụl 3; Nan.
omol 3; Orch. umu 3, omoɣo 3; Ud. umu 3; Sol. omul 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 18, 266, 269.
PMong. *emeɣel saddle (седло): MMong. eme’el (SH), ämäl (IM),
iml (MA), imēl (LH), jemējil (Lig.VMI); WMong. emegel (L 312); Kh.
emēl; Bur. emēl; Kalm. eml; Ord. emēl; Mog. emōl, jamāl; ZM jämäl
(22-8a); Dag. emēl (Тод. Даг. 139), emele (MD 143); Bao. emel; S.-Yugh.
emel, emēl; Mongr. imer (SM 192), (MGCD) imel.
◊ KW 121, MGCD 259. Mong. > Evk. emeɣen etc. (ТМС 2, 452), see Poppe 1966, 190,
Doerfer MT 21; cf. also Jurch. eŋ-em-meir ‘saddle’ (226) preserving archaic phonology.
PTurk. *dŋe-r saddle (седло): Karakh. eδer (MK); Tur. eyer; Gag.
jēr; Az. jähär; Turkm. ejer; Sal. eŋer (Kakuk); MTurk. ẹger; Uzb. egar;
Uygh. egə(r); Krm. jer; Tat. ijɛr; Bashk. ejär; Kirgh. ēr; Kaz. er; KBalk. ijer;
KKalp. jer; Kum. er; Nogh. ijer; SUygh. ezer; Khak. izer; Shr. ezer; Oyr. ēr;
Tv. ezer; Tof. e’zer (Рас. ФиЛ 183); Chuv. jəner; Yak. ɨŋr; Dolg. ɨŋr.
◊ EDT 63, VEWT 36, ЭСТЯ 1, 241-242, 658-659, Лексика 539, Stachowski 261. Re-
flexes of the cluster are complicated by borrowings: e.g. Tuva, Tof. is < Khak. Turk.
*edŋer-čak ‘pack saddle’ > MMong. iŋɣirčaq, WMong. jaŋɣirčaq id. (TMN 2, 128-129, Щер-
бак 1997, 164, Аникин 88).
 *ḗna(kV) - *ènŋù 507

‖ Мудрак Дисс. 102, Лексика 539. A Western isogloss. The Turkic

form should be explained as a contraction < *emŋe-der (*emŋe- = Mong.
emeɣe-).
-ḗna(kV) middle, width: Tung. *(x)ene-kǖ; Mong. *eŋ; Turk. *ēn; Jpn.
*nàká; Kor. *ánh.
PTung. *(x)ene-kǖ sheath, scabbard (ножны, футляр): Evk. enekī;
Evn. eńki; Neg. enexī.
◊ ТМС 2, 455.
PMong. *eŋ breadth, width (ширина): WMong. eŋ (L 317); Kh. eŋ;
Bur. en(g); Kalm. eŋ; Ord. eŋ; Mongr. aŋ ‘largeur des étoffes, la chaîne
d’un tissu’ (SM 9).
◊ KW 122, MGCD 261.
PTurk. *ēn breadth, width (ширина): Karakh. en (MK, KB); Tur. en;
Az. en; Turkm. īn; Khal. hän, hǟn; Uzb. en; Uygh. än; Krm. en; Tat. iŋ;
Bashk. iŋ; Kirgh. en; Kaz. en; KBalk. en; KKalp. en; Kum. en; Nogh. en;
Khak. in; Oyr. en; Chuv. an; Yak. ien; Dolg. ien.
◊ EDT 165, VEWT 43, ЭСТЯ 1, 352, Егоров 26, Stachowski 122.
PJpn. *nàká middle (середина): OJpn. naka; MJpn. nàká; Tok. náka;
Kyo. nàká; Kag. naká.
◊ JLTT 491.
PKor. *ánh middle, inside (середина, внутренность): MKor. án
(ánh-); Mod. an.
◊ Nam 345, KED 1081. Cf. also dial. anak id. (KED 1068).
‖ VEWT 43, Martin 234. Note a common Altaic derivation in *-kV,
reflected in all languages except Turkic; for TM we suppose a semantic
development ‘sheath’ < ‘receptacle’ < ‘inside, middle’. Jpn. has lost the
first vowel in this archaic trisyllabic structure, and Kor. has rising tone
also due to contraction.
-ènŋù young of an ungulate: Tung. *(x)enŋe-; Mong. *unagan; Turk.
*ạnkaj; Jpn. *ùmà.
PTung. *(x)enŋe- young of deer, horse (one year old) (олененок,
жеребенок (годовалый)): Evk. eŋnekēn; Evn. ēnken; Neg. eŋnexēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 457.
PMong. *unagan foal up to one year old (жеребенок до года):
MMong. unuxan (HY 9), unəɣa ‘осленок’ (IM), unaɣan (MA 153);
WMong. unaɣa(n) (L 875); Kh. unaga; Bur. unaga(n); Kalm. unəɣn (КРС);
Ord. unaGa(n); Dag. unek ‘kid’ (Тод. Даг. 171); S.-Yugh. naGan; Mongr.
naGa (SM 254).
◊ MGCD 674. Mong. > Evk. unukān etc., see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 218. Associat-
ing *una-ga(n) with una- ‘to fall, drop’ is most certainly a folk etymology. -gan is a widely
spread suffix in animal names (daɣa-ga(n) ‘colt’, qura-ga(n) ‘lamb’ etc.); the usage of
una-gan as ‘having certain characteristics from birth’ is also easily explainable: cf. phrases
508 *enu - *ḗnV
like unaɣan ǯiruɣa ‘a horse able to travel at an amble since birth’, lit. ‘foal-ambler’ = ‘fast
ambler since foalhood’.
PTurk. *ạnkaj young of ungulates (less than 1-year-old) (детеныш
копытных животных (до года)): Oyr. anaj; Tv. anaj, Todzh. a’naj; Tof.
anhaj; Yak. ɨŋāx ‘young of ungulates and bears’.
◊ Рассадин 154.
PJpn. *ùmà horse (лошадь): OJpn. uma; MJpn. ùmà; Tok. umá; Kyo.
úmà; Kag. umá.
◊ JLTT 561.
‖ All forms reflect a suffixed *ènŋù-kV. A certain phonetic problem
is raised by u- in Mong.; one has to assume PM *unu-gan (cf. the early
TM loans: Evk. unukān ‘foal’, Sol. unuxũ ‘kid’; see on it Poppe 1974, 128)
with vocalic assimilation from earlier *anu-gan. Otherwise the etymol-
ogy seems quite plausible, and appears to explain the Jpn. form better
than the usual theory of Chinese borrowing (neither MC mạ, nor OC
mrāʔ can explain the initial um- in Japanese).
-enu ( ~ -o) to beware, attention: Tung. *(x)en-te-; Mong. *(h)an-; Turk.
*anu-.
PTung. *(x)en-te- 1 to beware 2 attentively, slowly (1 быть осто-
рожным 2 внимательно, медленно): Evn. ente- 1, ēntukukēn 2; Man.
entexeme ‘always, eternally’.
◊ ТМС 2, 454. Man. > Dag. entegem (Тод. Даг. 140).
PMong. *(h)an- 1 to pay attention 2 vigorous 3 attentive 4 to aim at
5 to beware (1 обращать внимание 2 энергичный, сильный 3 внима-
тельный 4 нацеливаться 5 быть осторожным, остерегаться):
WMong. aŋqa- 1 (L 46: aŋqar-), anuɣu- 2,3, ana- 5 (L 42); Kh. anxa- 1, anūr
3, anūxan 2, ana- 5; Bur. anxar- 1, anda-, anžar- ‘to notice’; andadag ‘very
sensitive’; Kalm. aŋxər- 1; Ord. anug- 4.
◊ KW 12.
PTurk. *anu- 1 ready, certain 2 to get ready (1 готовый, уверенный
2 готовиться): OTurk. anu- (OUygh.) 2, anuq 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. anu-
(MK), anut- (caus.) (KB, MK) 2, anuq 1 (MK, KB); Tur. dial. anɨk 1;
Turkm. anɨq 2; MTurk. anut- (caus.) (Qutb) 2, anuq (IM, Qutb) 1; Uzb.
ɛniq 2; Uygh. eniq; Krm. anɨq 1; Tat. anɨq 1; Bashk. anɨq 1; Kirgh. anɨq 1;
Kaz. anɨq 1; KKalp. anɨq 1.
◊ EDT 171, 179, 182, ЭСТЯ 1, 151-152.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ḗnV pain, sickness: Tung. *enū-; Mong. *ene-ri, -l-; Turk. *ēn-.
PTung. *enū- 1 illness, pain 2 to feel pain, be sick (1 болезнь, боль 2
болеть, испытывать боль): Evk. enū 1, enūt- 2; Evn. en 1, en- 2; Neg.
enux 1, enū- 2; Man. en seme ‘groan’; Ul. enū 1, enu- 2; Ork. enu- 2, enū 1;
Nan. enusi- 2, enū 1; Orch. enu- 2; Ud. ene 1; Sol. enūn- 2, enexū 1.
 *eńa - *eńa 509
◊ ТМС 2, 454-455.
PMong. *ene-ri, -l- 1 to feel pity, compassion 2 to suffer (1 жалеть,
сострадать 2 страдать): MMong. eneri-kui (HY 40), eneri- (MA) 1;
WMong. eneri- 1, enel- 2 (L 317); Kh. enere- 1, enele- 2; Bur. enel- 2; Kalm.
enl- 2; Ord. enel- 2; Mog. ZM inäl ‘lament, complain’ (4-8b).
◊ KW 122.
PTurk. *ēn- 1 to suffer 2 to be abashed, distressed 4 colic 5 to griz-
zle, slug 6 (birth) pains, labours 7 impatience 8 drag, disturbance 9
flaw, fault 10 obtuse, absent-minded 11 to torture, offend (1 страдать 2
растеряться, прийти в замешательство 4 колика 5 капризничать,
нежиться 6 потуги, родовые схватки 7 нетерпение 8 обуза, помеха 9
упущение, промах 10 рассеянный, бестолковый 11 мучить, оби-
жать): OTurk. enegü 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. enčik- ‘to lose feelings’ (MK,
KB), enegü 4 (MK), enit- (AH) 2; Tur. inǯi- 1; Gag. enǯek ‘newborn’; Az.
inǯi- 1; Khal. ịnǯi- 1; MTurk. entük- 1; Uzb. entik- 1; Uygh. inǯik 6; Krm.
inǯɨt-, inčit- 11 (T); Tat. intek- 1, enǯe-le- 5; Bashk. intek- 1, inte- 11; Kirgh.
ente-le- 2, entik- ‘to suffer from dyspnoea’, enȫ 10; KBalk. inǯi- 1; Kum.
inǯi- 1; Nogh. enew 4; Oyr. enči 6, enčik 7; Chuv. andъx- 1, 7, anzux
‘dumb, sclerotic person’; Yak. enn’e-lik 8, enči 9.
◊ EDT 174, 184, ЭСТЯ 1, 283, Егоров 29. Doerfer (Khal.) suggests Arabic origin,
which is quite improbable. Vowel length is suggested by the voiced -ǯ- of the suffix in
several languages.
‖ KW 122, Poppe 69. A Western isogloss. Despite Doerfer MT 47,
TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-eńa sin, bad behaviour: Tung. *eńe-; Mong. *ende-; Turk. *(i)ańɨg; Kor.
*āń-.
PTung. *eńe- to sin (грешить): Ul. eńe-; Ork. en(n)e-.
◊ ТМС 2, 456.
PMong. *ende- to be mistaken (ошибаться, заблуждаться):
MMong. ende- (SH); WMong. ende-; Kh. ende-; Bur. ende-; Kalm.
endəgdə-; Ord. endegdel ‘fault, mistake’; Dag. ende- (Тод. Даг. 139);
S.-Yugh. eŋdē-.
◊ KW 122, MGCD 261. Mong. > Evk. ende- etc., see Doerfer MT 111, Rozycki 69.
PTurk. *(i)ańɨg sin, evil (грех, зло): OTurk. ańɨɣ (Orkh., OUygh.),
ajɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. ajɨɣ (MK); Yak. a; Dolg. ań.
◊ VEWT 20, EDT 182, ЭСТЯ 1, 113, Stachowski 34.
PKor. *āń- to rob, steal (грабить, похищать): MKor. ās-, āń- (àńă-);
Mod. at- [as-].
◊ Nam 350, KED 1096.
‖ The root must have denoted “bad behaviour” in general, whence
all the attested meanings: “mistake”, “sin”, “robbery”.
510 *ńa - *ēŋa(k῾V)
-ńa mother, elder sister: Tung. *eńi-; Turk. *ana / *eńe; Jpn. *ánái; Kor.
*ńí.
PTung. *eńi- mother, female (мать, самка): Evk. eńin; Evn. eńin;
Neg. eńin; Man. eńen; Jurch. enin (283); Ul. eń-; Ork. enin; Nan. eńin;
Orch. ene, eńi; Ud. eńi(n); Sol. enē, enĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 456.
PTurk. *ana / *eńe mother (мать): OTurk. ana ~ ene (OUygh.);
Karakh. ana ~ ene (MK); Tur. ana; Gag. ana; Az. ana; Turkm. ene; Sal. ana;
MTurk. ana (Pav. C.); Uygh. ana; Krm. ana; Tat. ana; Bashk. inä; Kirgh.
ene; Kaz. ene, ana; KBalk. ana; KKalp. ene, ana; Kum. ana; SUygh. ana;
Khak. inä; Oyr. ene; Tv. ie; Chuv. ańne; Yak. ie; Dolg. ińe.
◊ EDT 169-170, VEWT 19, 44, TMN 2, 130, ЭСТЯ 1, 278-281, Егоров 28, Лексика
298-299, 300-301, Stachowski 127.
PJpn. *ánái elder sister (старшая сестра): OJpn. ane; MJpn. ane; Tok.
àne; Kyo. áné; Kag. áne.
◊ JLTT 382.
PKor. *ńí mother (мать): MKor. ńí; Mod. əi.
◊ Nam 363, KED 1134.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 27-29, АПиПЯЯ 78. A “nursery word” (like most
kinship terms), but no doubt archaic.
-eńa a k. of vessel: Tung. *eńukē; Mong. *ajaga(n); Turk. *ańak.
PTung. *eńukē a big kettle (большой котел): Neg. eńi; Ul. eńue;
Ork. enue, enuɣe; Nan. eńue; Orch. eneiŋki ‘birch box for dishes’.
◊ ТМС 2, 455.
PMong. *ajaga(n) cup (чашка): MMong. ajaqa (HY 19, SH, LH),
ajaɣa (IM 433, MA 108); WMong. ajaɣa(n); Kh. ajaga(n); Bur. ajaga; Kalm.
āɣə; Ord. ajaGa; Dag. ajaga (Тод. Даг. 118); Dong. jiGa, iɣa; Bao. (a)jiGə;
Mongr. jaGa (SM 486).
◊ KW 20. TMN 2, 171.
PTurk. *ańak 1 pot, cup 2 hole; mouth 3(river) mouth (1 сосуд,
чашка 2 отверстие; рот 3 устье (реки)): OTurk. ajaq 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ajaq 1 (MK); Tur. ajak 3; Az. ajak 3; Turkm. ajaq 3; MTurk. ajaq 1
(Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔjɔq 1, 3; Uygh. ajaq 1; Krm. ajaq 1; Bashk. ajaq 1; Kirgh.
ajaq 1; Kaz. ajaq 1; KBalk. ajaq 1, 3; KKalp. ajaq 3; Kum. ajaq 1; Nogh. ajaq
1; SUygh. ajaq 1; Khak. ajax 1; Shr. ajaq 1; Oyr. ajaq 1; Tv. ajaq 1, 3; Yak.
aax 1, 2; Dolg. ańa, ańak 2.
◊ VEWT 11, ЭСТЯ 1, 105, TMN 2, 171-2, EDT 270, Stachowski 34. Turk. > Mongor
ajaG ‘paquet’ (SM 16), ZM ajq (14-2a); > Russ. Siber. aják (Аникин 104).
‖ Владимирцов 293. A Western isogloss. Mong. may be < Turk.
(TMN 2, 171, Щербак 1997, 95-96).
-ēŋa(k῾V) chin, jaw: Tung. *(x)eŋge; Turk. *ēŋ; Jpn. *ánk-.
PTung. *(x)eŋge beak (клюв): Man. eŋge.
 *eŋsV - *ēŋV 511
◊ ТМС 2, 457. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable parallels in Turkic and
Mongolian.
PTurk. *ēŋ 1 cheeks 2 jaw, chin (1 щеки 2 челюсть, подбородок):
Karakh. eŋ 1, eŋek 1, 2 (MK); Tur. enek 2; Az. äŋ 2; Turkm. ǟŋ ‘lower jaw’,
eŋek 2; MTurk. eŋek, enek 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. engäk 2; Uygh. iŋäk 2;
Tat. ijäk 2; Bashk. ĭjek 2; Kirgh. ēk 2; Kaz. ĭjek 2; KKalp. ijek 2; Nogh. ijek
2; SUygh. iŋek 2; Khak. ek 2; Shr. ēk 2; Oyr. ēk 2; Chuv. ana 2; Yak. iŋ 2.
◊ EDT 166, 183, VEWT 45, ЭСТЯ 1, 284-285, Лексика 218-219, Федотов 1, 45.
PJpn. *ánk- 1 gills 2 jaw, chin (1 жабры 2 челюсть, подбородок):
OJpn. agji, agjitopji; MJpn. ágì, ágító; Tok. agó 2, agito 1,2; Kyo. àgô 2; Kag.
ágo 2.
◊ JLTT 377. RJ, Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *á(n)kỼ (the root ending is somewhat
hard to reconstruct), but Kyoto has an unexpected circumflex tone.
‖ One could also reconstruct *ēna(k῾V) - in which case cf. Kor. anɨm
‘jowl, meat of the cheek’ (KED 1068).
-eŋsV shoulder, back part: Turk. *eŋse; Kor. *ski.
PTurk. *eŋse back of the neck (задняя часть шеи): Tur. ense; Gag.
jensä; Turkm. jeŋse; MTurk. eŋse, äŋsä (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ensä; Krm. eŋse,
ense; Kirgh. eŋse; Kaz. eŋse; KKalp. eŋse; Kum. eŋse; Nogh. eŋse; Oyr.
eŋze; Chuv. ənze, jənze.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 190-191, Егоров 65, Лексика 237-238.
PKor. *ski shoulder (плечо): MKor. ski; Mod. ək:ä.
◊ Nam 369, KED 1121.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss. For the Turk. form cf. alternatively TM *pisa
(see Лексика 239).
-ēŋV to think, understand: Tung. *eŋē-; Mong. *aɣuda-la-; Turk. *āŋ,
*āŋ-la-; Jpn. *m-p-.
PTung. *(x)eŋē- to peer, investigate (заглядывать, разведывать):
Evn. eŋēli-, eŋēt-.
◊ ТМС 2, 458. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *aɣuda-la- to search, investigate, rummage (искать, рыться
в чем-л.): WMong. aɣudala- (L 16); Kh. ūdla-; Bur. ūdal-; Kalm. ūdl-; Ord.
ūdala-; Mog. audɔl- (Weiers); ZM oudal (24-9a) ῾investigation’.
◊ KW 454.
PTurk. *āŋ, *āŋ-la- 1 to understand 2 intelligence 3 to hear 4 to dis-
cern (dial.) (1 понимать 2 разум, ум 3 слышать 4 различать (диал.)):
OTurk. aŋla- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aŋla- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. anla- 1; Az.
anla- 1; Turkm. āŋla- 1, āŋ 2; Khal. aŋla- 1 ( < Az.); MTurk. aŋ 2, aŋla- 1
(San.); Uygh. aŋla- 3; Tat. aŋ-ɣar- 1; Kirgh. aŋ 2; SUygh. aŋna- 3; Khak.
aŋdɨ- ‘to look attentively’; Chuv. ъₙn 2; Yak. aŋlā- 4.
◊ VEWT 20, TMN 2,130, EDT 165, 186, ЭСТЯ 1, 153-154. WMong. aŋ-ǯira- ‘to know,
understand’ < Turkic Siberian languages (aŋ-sɨra- with the affix of incomplete verb qual-
ity); WMong. aŋqar- < Turk. *āŋ-gar-.
512 *ḕŋV - *ḗpo
PJpn. *m-p- to think (думать): OJpn. omop-; MJpn. òmòf-; Tok.
omó-; Kyo. ómó-; Kag. òmò-.
◊ JLTT 741.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1,154 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 286. The Jpn. word poses
some problems: its accent does not correspond to Turkic length, and if
we reconstruct *ēŋo (as required by Jpn. *ə-), PT should have a closed
*. It is worth while therefore to consider other explanations of Jpn.
*m-p-: e. g. compare it with Mong. ojun ‘thought’ and reconstruct a
separate protoform like *uńo.
-ḕŋV cloud, darkness: Tung. *ēŋ-; Mong. *eɣüle.
PTung. *ēŋ- 1 to disappear, become invisible 2 to close eyes;
to miss (a sight) 3 to go down (of sun, moon, stars) 4 shady,
unlit place (1 скрываться из виду 2 закрывать глаза; упускать
(из виду) 3 заходить (о солнце, луне, звездах) 4 затененное,
неосвещенное место): Evk. ēŋ- 1; Evn. ēŋut- 2; Orch. eŋgi- 3; Ud.
ēŋigi- 3; Nan. eŋmiẽ (On.) 4
◊ ТМС 2, 457, 458.
PMong. *eɣüle cloud (облако): MMong. e’ulen (HY 1, SH), ulät
(IM), iulän (MA); WMong. egüle(n) (L 300); Kh. ǖl(en); Bur. ǖle(n); Kalm.
ǖln; Ord. ǖle, üjle; Dag. eulen (Тод. Даг. 141, MD 146); Dong. olien; Bao.
ōloŋ, uloŋ; Mongr. ulin, uliŋ, uloŋ (SM 470).
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ḗpo to hunt, kill: Tung. *wā- ( = *ebā-); Mong. *aba; Turk. *Āb; Jpn. *p-.
PTung. *wā- ( = *ebā-) to kill (убивать): Evk. wā-; Evn. wā-, mā-;
Neg. wā-; Man. wa-; SMan. vā- (739); Jurch. wa-du-lar (459); Ul. wāwụ;
Ork. wā-; Nan. wā-; Orch. wā-; Ud. wā-; Sol. wā-.
◊ ТМС 1, 127-129. TM > Dag. wātā- (Тод. Даг. 129).
PMong. *aba hunt, chase (охота): MMong. aba (SH), abači ‘hunter’
(HY 30), abala- ‘to hunt’ (IM); WMong. aba (L 2); Kh. av; Bur. aba; Kalm.
awə; Ord. awa; Dag. au; Mongr. bārdi-, wārdi- ‘lutter, se mesurer à la
lutte’ (SM 21, 481).
◊ KW 19, TMN 1, 107. Mong. > Man. aba etc., see Doerfer MT 115, Rozycki 9.
PTurk. *Āb hunt, chase (охота): OTurk. ab (Orkh.), av (OUygh.);
Karakh. av (MK); Tur. av; Gag. av; Az. ov; Turkm. āv; MTurk. aw (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ɔv; Uygh. aw, dial. ō; Krm. av; Tat. aw; Kirgh. ū; Kaz. aw;
KBalk. uw; Kum. aw, haw; Nogh. aw.
◊ EDT 3, VEWT 1, ЭСТЯ 62-64, TMN 2, 131, Лексика 417-418.
PJpn. *p- to follow, chase (преследовать, гнаться за): OJpn. op-;
MJpn. óf-; Tok. ò-; Kyo. ó-; Kag. ó-.
◊ JLTT 743.
 *ĕp῾a - *ép῾á 513

‖ KW 19, Poppe 46, 97. Cf. Manchu ebte ǵaxun ‘hunting bird’ (per-
haps preserving the original shape of the root *eb(a)-, that has else-
where been irregularly reduced to *ewā- > *wā-). Despite TMN 1, 107, 2,
131, Щербак 1997, 94, there is no reason for assuming Turk. > Mong.
-ĕp῾a mother, elder sister, aunt: Tung. *ebke; Mong. *ebej; Turk. *apa;
Jpn. *pàpà.
PTung. *ebke grandmother, aunt, elder brother’s wife (бабушка,
тетка, жена старшего брата): Evk. ewekē; Neg. ewexē; Ul. ewke; Ork.
ewe(n); Nan. euke; Orch. euke.
◊ ТМС 2, 433.
PMong. *ebej mother (мать): WMong. ebei; Kh. evij ‘female otter’;
Bur. ebɨ (Dial.); Kalm. ewə; Dag. ewē (Тод. Даг. 138).
◊ KW 129.
PTurk. *apa mother, elder sister, aunt (мать, старшая сестра, тетя):
OTurk. apa (Yen.); Karakh. epe ~ apa (Oghuz=Qarluq Türkmen, MK);
Tur. aba (Ank.), dial. apa; Turkm. apa, afa (dial.); MTurk. apa ‘elder sis-
ter’ (Sangl.); Uzb. ɔpa; Uygh. apa; Krm. apaj (Q); Tat. apa; Bashk. apa;
Kirgh. apa; Kaz. apa; KBalk. aba; KKalp. apa; Kum. abaj, apaj; Nogh. aba;
Shr. abiče (< aba-eče); Oyr. abune (< aba-ene); Tv. ava; Tof. aba.
◊ EDT 5, ЭСТЯ 1, 158-159, ССЯ 290-291, Лексика 300, 301, TMN 2, 3, Аникин 90.
Front row variants (Tur. eve, Kaz. ebej, Yak., Dolg. ebe etc., see ЭСТЯ 1, 220-221, Sta-
chowski 42) are recent and may have a Mong. origin.
PJpn. *pàpà mother (мать): OJpn. papa; MJpn. fàfà; Tok. háha; Kyo.
háhà; Kag. háha.
◊ JLTT 386. The accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 32-37, Poppe 43. One of the rather widely spread
nursery kinship words.
-ép῾á breast, rib: Mong. *eb-; Jpn. *ámpárá; Kor. *əp-.
PMong. *eb- 1 breast 2 bosom (1 грудь 2 пазуха): MMong. ebur 2,
ebuǯe’un (HY 46, SH), emčon (IM), ibču-tu (MA) 1; WMong. ebür, öbür (L
628) 2, ebčigü(n) (L 285) 1; Kh. öwör 2, öwčǖ(n) 1; Bur. über 2, übsǖ(n) 1;
Kalm. öwr 2, öpcǖn, öpčǖn 1; Ord. öwör 2, öbčǖ 1; Mog. ebčǖn; ZM ebčoun
(2-8b); Dag. eur 1 (Тод. Даг. 176 xeur - with a strange x-), erčū (Тод. Даг.
140) 2; Dong. ečen 2; Bao. vɛr 1, ɛbčoŋ 2; S.-Yugh. wər 1, χöǯǖn 2; Mongr.
wer, ur, j(w)ər, jer (SM 492), ujer (Huzu) 1, ś ‘poitrine, poitrail’ (SM
391), śiǯau 2.
◊ KW 303, 298. MGCD 537, 539. Mong. > Evk. owur, see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT
127.
PJpn. *ámpárá rib (ребро): Tok. àbara(bone); Kyo. ábárá(bóné); Kag.
abara(bóne).
◊ JLTT 376.
514 *ep῾ò - *p῾o
PKor. *əp- beef brisket, breast of ox (грудинка, мясо на груди ско-
та): Mod. əpčin.
◊ KED 1150.
‖ Lee 1958, 108 (Mong.-Kor.); a loanword in Kor. < Mong. is not ex-
cluded.
-ep῾ò bread, food: Tung. *epe; Mong. *aɣag / *haɣag; Turk. *Epej; Jpn.
*əpə-mənə; Kor. *páp.
PTung. *epe baked bread, cake (печеный хлеб, пирог): Evk. ewedi;
Man. efen; SMan. efən ‘Manchu bread’ (364); Ul. epe(n); Nan. epẽ; Sol. ouo
~ uɣon ~ eweń.
◊ ТМС 2, 436.
PMong. *aɣag / *haɣag bran (отруби): WMong. aɣaɣ (L 12: aɣa); Kh.
āga; Bur. āgaha(n), āha(n) ‘oatmeal’; Ord. āG; Dag. āhe (MD), āga, xāg
(MGCD 90, Kuribayashi 175).
PTurk. *Epej baked bread (печеный хлеб): Tat. ipi; Bashk. äpäj.
◊ Forms like epmek may belong here but contaminated with *etmek (v. sub *ite).
PJpn. *əpə-mənə food (пища, еда): OJpn. op(w)omono.
◊ JLTT 509. The analysis of the word as “big thing” is obviously a folk etymology: cf.
the same root also in a verbal derivative OJ op(w)o-k- ‘to eat greedily’.
PKor. *páp food (пища): MKor. páp; Mod. pap.
◊ Liu 370, KED 734.
‖ The Kor. form (perhaps also the Dagur form with x-) reflect an
expressive reduplication.
-p῾o big: Mong. *aba-; Turk. *Ap / *Ep; Jpn. *p-; Kor. *opɨ-.
PMong. *aba- huge (огромный): MMong. ? aburin eme ‘principal
wife’ (SH, Козин); WMong. abarɣa, (L 6: aburɣu, aburɣa); Kh. avraga;
Bur. abarga; Kalm. awrGə; Dag. auruhe ‘big fish (probably sturgeon’ (MD
116) (?).
◊ KW 20. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. oburgu (Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 188); > Russ. dial.
абарга ‘рыба калуга’ (Аникин 71).
PTurk. *Ap / *Ep emphatic strengthening particle (эмфатическая
усилительная частица): Karakh. ap / ep (MK); Tur. ap (XIV c.), apačɨk
‘quite, completely’; Az. apǯɨG ‘however’; Kirgh. apej ‘an emphatic inter-
jection’.
◊ EDT 3.
PJpn. *p- big; many (большой; много): OJpn. opo-; opo(ki)-; MJpn.
òfò-; ofo(ki)-; Tok. ṓ-; ōkí-; Kyo. ō-; Kag. ṓ-.
◊ JLTT 838.
PKor. *opɨ- plentiful (обильный, многочисленный): Mod.
obut-hada [obus-], obɨt-hada.
◊ KED 1201.
 *ép῾V - *ra 515

‖ SKE 174, Martin 239, АПиПЯЯ 102 (with literature), 274. Cf. also
*ebo (Jpn. reflects a merger of these two roots).
-ép῾V grandfather: Tung. *epu; Mong. *ebü-gen; Kor. *p-.
PTung. *epu 1 elder sister’s husband 2 grandfather, elder relative 3
bear 4 father’s elder brother (1 муж старшей сестры 2 дед, старший
родственник 3 медведь 4 старший брат отца): Neg. epo, epa 4; Man.
efu 1; SMan. efū 1 (905); Ork. ēpi 2, epeke 2, 3; Orch. epere 2, 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 459.
PMong. *ebü-ge- 1 old man, grandfather 2 ancestor (1 старик, дед 2
предок): MMong. ebugan 1, ebuge(n) 1,2 (SH); WMong. ebügen 1, ebüge 2
(L 290); Kh. övgön 1, övög 2; Bur. übge(n) 1; Kalm. öwgn 1, 2; Ord.
öwögö(n) 1, 2; Dag. eukē ‘elder sister’s husband’.
◊ KW 302. Mong. ebügen > Chag. äbügän etc., see TMN 1, 109-111.
PKor. *p- 1 father 2 parents (1 отец 2 родители): MKor. pí 1, pńí
2; Mod. əbi (arch.), abi, abəǯi 1, əbəi 2.
◊ Nam 361, 362, KED 1074, 1130, 1131.
‖ SKE 3, Poppe 103. Cf. *áp῾a.
-ra to be: Tung. *eri-; Mong. *ere-; Turk. *er-; Jpn. *àr-.
PTung. *eri- 1 to breathe 2 breath 3 soul (1 дышать 2 дыхание 3 ду-
ша): Evk. erī- 1, erīn 2, 3; Evn. eri- 1, erin 2; Neg. ejī- 1, ejgen 2, 3; Man.
erge- ‘to rest’, ergen 2, 3; SMan. erəxən ‘breath, life’ (39, 693, 2965); Jurch.
erin-he ( = erhen) (517); Ul. ersi- 1, erge(n) 2; Ork. er(i)- 1; Nan. erisi- 1, ergẽ
2; Orch. egge 3; Ud. ege 2, 3, dial. eje 2; Sol. ergē ‘life’.
◊ ТМС 2, 464.
PMong. *ere-ɣül healthy, sober (здоровый, трезвый): MMong. iläur
(MA 152), elor (IM 437), ileur (LH); WMong. ere-gül, ele-gür; Kh. erǖl;
Bur. erǖl; Kalm. erǖl; Ord. erǖl.
◊ KW 128. Mong. > Oyr. elǖr etc. (VEWT 41).
PTurk. *er- to be (aux.) (быть (вспом.)): OTurk. er- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. er- (MK, KB); Tur. i-; Gag. i-/ir-; Az. i-; Turkm. er-; Sal. ir- (Ka-
kuk 182); Khal. är- (D. GCh 182); MTurk. er- (Abush.); Uzb. e-, er-ür
(fut.); Uygh. e-; Krm. e-; Tat. i- (i-ken (perf.) ‘it appears’, i-meš (evident.)
‘...says that it is’); Bashk. i-; Kirgh. e-; Kaz. e-; KBalk. e-; KKalp. e-; Kum.
e-; Nogh. e-; SUygh. er-; Khak. i-; Shr. e-; Oyr. e-; Tv. e-/ir-; Yak. e-/er-;
Dolg. e-/er-.
◊ EDT 193-194, VEWT 46, ЭСТЯ 1, 218-220, Stachowski 42, 46. The verb frequently
occurs as e-, without the final -r- (see ibid.).
PJpn. *àr- to be (быть): OJpn. ar-; MJpn. àr-; Tok. ár-; Kyo. àr-; Kag.
àr-.
◊ JLTT 677.
516 *ḗra - *ḗre
‖ Cf. Mong. *a- (MMong. a-) a defective auxiliary verb. This, to-
gether with the frequent absence of -r- in Turkic paradigms, may speak
in favour of reconstructing monosyllabic *er for PA.
-ḗra rough: Mong. *ar-; Turk. *Ērig; Jpn. *árá-; Kor. *ar-.
PMong. *ar- 1 to become dry, hard 2 dry, hard, thick 3 to be rough,
shaggy (1 засыхать, черстветь 2 густой, сухой, черствый 3 быть гру-
бым, шершавым): WMong. arɣu- 1 (L 51: arɣa-), arɣu 2, arǯiji-, arǯaji- (L
55) 3; Kh. arga- 1, argū(n) 2, arǯī-, arʒaj- 3; Bur. arga- 1, argūn 2, arzaj- 3;
Kalm. arzā- 3; Ord. arǯi-, arǯǟ- 3; Dag. arbəi- (MGCD); Mongr. rǯī-
(MGCD), (a)rʒ- (SM 13, 311), rī- 3.
◊ KW 16, MGCD 118.
PTurk. *Ērig rough, large (грубый, крупный): OTurk. erig
(OUygh.) ‘wild’; Karakh. erig (MK) ‘lively, energetic’; Tur. iri; Az. iri;
Turkm. īri; MTurk. iri (Бор. Бад.), irik (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.), erig (Qutb.);
Uzb. jirik; Uygh. irik, jirik; Krm. iri; Tat. ĭrĭ; Bashk. ĭrĭ; Kirgh. iri; Kaz. iri;
KKalp. iri; Nogh. iri.
◊ EDT 221, 222, ЭСТЯ 1, 371-372. Modern languages reveal a secondary vowel nar-
rowing. Turk. > Hung. öreg.
PJpn. *árá rough (грубый): OJpn. ara-; MJpn. árá-; Tok. àra-; Kyo.
árà-.
◊ JLTT 825.
PKor. *ar- bare, naked, stripped to essentials (голый, простой):
MKor. ar-; Mod. al-.
◊ Liu 526, KED 1088.
‖ Martin 225 (Kor.-Jpn.)
-ḗre ( ~ -i) early: Tung. *erü-n; Mong. *er-te; Turk. *r; Kor. *ìr-.
PTung. *erü-n time (время): Evn. eri; Neg. ejun; Man. erin; SMan.
erin (2648); Jurch. erin (89); Ul. eru(n); Ork. eru(n) / eri(n); Nan. erĩ; Orch.
erū(n); Ud. ēli(n); Sol. er.
◊ ТМС 2, 463-4. TM > Dag. erin (Тод. Даг. 140).
PMong. *er-te early (рано, ранний): MMong. erte (HY 76), erde
(SH), ärtä (IM), irt (MA); WMong. erte(n) (L 331); Kh. ert(en); Bur. erte;
Kalm. ertə; Ord. erte; Mog. irte; Dag. erte, erde (Тод. Даг. 140) ‘early;
morning’, erete (MD 145) long ago, anciently; early; morning’; Dong.
ečie; Bao. ete; S.-Yugh. rde; Mongr. šde (SM 372).
◊ KW 126, MGCD 269. Mong. > Evk. erte etc., see Doerfer MT 76, Rozycki 70.
PTurk. *r 1 early 2 early in the morning 3 tomorrow 4 (morning
sun) > sunny mountain slope (1 рано 2 рано утром 3 завтра 4 (утрен-
нее солнце) > солнечный склон горы): OTurk. [ir ~ er 4, er-kenin,] erte
2 (OUygh.); Karakh. erte 2 (MK); Tur. er, erte 2; Gag. ierte ‘next day’; Az.
ertä 2; Turkm. īr 1, erte 2; MTurk. er 1 (Bud.), erte 2 (Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. erta 2; Uygh. ä(r)tä ‘morning’; Krm. erte 2; Tat. irtä 2; Bashk. irtä 2;
 *érga - *èrì 517

Kirgh. erte 2; Kaz. erte 2; KBalk. ertte 2; KKalp. erte 2; Kum. ertä 2; Nogh.
erte 2; SUygh. erte 2; Khak. irte ‘morning’; Oyr. erte 2; Tv. erte 2; Chuv. ir
3; Yak. erde 1; Dolg. erčin 1.
◊ EDT 202-203, VEWT 46, ЭСТЯ 1, 302-306, 369-370, Егоров 70, Лексика 79, Sta-
chowski 47.
PKor. *ìr- early (ранний): MKor. ìr-; Mod. irɨ-.
◊ Nam 400, KED 1326.
‖ EAS 146, KW 126, VEWT 46, SKE 69, Poppe 106, Menges 1984,
267, Дыбо 11, Лексика 79. Cf. perhaps also MKor. jt ‘now’ ( < *jr-t =
Mong., Turk. *erte?); Lee 1958, 108 also draws MKor. əri ‘time, season’,
ərɨn ‘quickly’, which we were unable to identify. Borrowing in Mong.
from Turk. (Щербак 1997, 116) is hardly plausible: the *-t῾V suffix in
this case must be Common Altaic. The etymology is still quite valid,
despite all attempts of Doerfer (TMN 4, 257-259). Cf. also Turk. *er-k-
‘early; ancient’ = Mong. argi- ‘to be old, ancient, mature’.
-érga ( ~ -u) a k. of box, enclosure: Tung. *(x)erge; Mong. *(h)ergi-neg;
Turk. *erge; Kor. *rí.
PTung. *(x)erge a k. of box (вид ящика): Evk. erge.
◊ ТМС 2, 462. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)ergi-neg 1 cupboard (standing close to the door) 2 en-
closure (for sheep, calves) (1 буфет (стоящий около двери) 2 загон
(для овец, телят)): WMong. ergineg 1 (L 325); Kh. eregneg 1; Bur. ergeneg
1,2; Kalm. ergənəg 1; Ord. ergenek 1.
◊ KW 124.
PTurk. *erge 1 part of the yurt close to the door 2 threshhold 3 stairs
(1 часть юрты рядом с дверью 2 порог 3 лестница): MTurk. irgene
‘smth. belonging to the tent’ (Sangl.); Kirgh. ergilček 1; Kaz. erge, irge 1;
Khak. irkən 2; Oyr. irge 2; Chuv. argъ ῾lap’; Yak. ergene, ergine 3.
◊ VEWT 47, Федотов 1, 56-57.
PKor. *rí enclosure (загон, огороженное место): MKor. rí; Mod.
əri (arch.).
◊ Nam 361, KED 1128.
‖ VEWT 47. The Turkic forms are attested late and those ending in
-ne may actually be < Mong.; however, the Oyr. and Kaz. forms can
hardly be explained as loans.
-èrì a k. of fruit: Mong. *üril; Turk. *erük; Jpn. *ìtàpi; Kor. *ɨrɨm.
PMong. *üril plum (слива): WMong. üril (L 1013); Kh. öröl ‘wild
apple’; Kalm. örl ‘wild pear’.
◊ KW 300. Cf. *ölir (a different root, but liable to merger).
PTurk. *erük 1 plum 2 apricot (1 слива 2 абрикос): OTurk. erük 1, 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. erük 1, 2 (MK); Tur. erik 1; Gag. ierik 1; Az. ärik 2;
Turkm. erik 2; Sal. örüx 1; MTurk. erük (AH) ‘peach’, örük (Abush.) 1;
518 *erka - *ro
Uzb. ọrịk 2; Uygh. ürük 2; Krm. erik 1; Tat. rĭk 2; Bashk. rk 2; Kirgh.
örük 2; Kaz. orĭk 2; KBalk. erik 1; KKalp. erik 2; Kum. erik 1.
◊ EDT 222, ЭСТЯ 1, 291-292.
PJpn. *ìtàpi Japanese fig (японская фига): OJpn. itabji; MJpn. ìtàbì,
ìtàbí.
◊ JLTT 427.
PKor. *ɨrɨm clematis berries, akebi seed (плод акабии): Mod. ɨrɨm.
◊ KED 1285.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 292. In TM cf. perhaps Evk. dial. erbeɣu ‘name of a shrub
with yellow flowers, used instead of tea’ (ТМС 2, 462). Mong. *üril
‘plum’ should be kept distinct from *ölir ‘small apple’ (see under *ójle);
however, since the sequences -l-r and -r-l in Mong. are liable to me-
tathesis, it is difficult to decide which protoforms are actually reflected
in *üril and *ölir. In any case, labialization in Mong. is probably secon-
dary here (either *üril < *irü-l or *ölir < *elör < *erö-l).
-erka to wrap, tie: Mong. *arga-; Turk. *Arka-; Kor. *rk-.
PMong. *arga- 1 string, cord 2 woven basket (1 веревка 2 плетеная
корзина): MMong. arqamǯi (SH) arɣā, arɣamči (IM 432) 1, āruq (MA 113)
2; WMong. arɣamǯi 2, aruɣ 2; Kh. argamǯ 1, arag 2; Bur. arag 2; Kalm. arəg
2; Ord. aruG 2; Mog. ZM ra (13-3) ‘fibre’; Dong. areu 2 (MGCD arəu);
Bao. aroG 2 (MGCD arGoŋ); Mongr. aruG 2 (SM 14), aroG (MGCD).
◊ KW 13, MGCD 114, 115. Turkic origin of arɣamǯi was supposed by Doerfer TMN 1,
122, but without sufficient reasons (Chag. arɣamǯi etc. (see ЭСТЯ 1, 171-172) is certainly <
Mong., see ibid.).
PTurk. *Arka- lasso, thick string (лассо, толстая веревка): Turkm.
arqān; Uzb. arkan 1.
◊ VEWT 26, ЭСТЯ 1, 175-176. Turk. > WMong. arqala-, Kalm. arxəl- (KW 14).
PKor. *rk- to wrap, tie up (завязывать, заворачивать): MKor. rk-;
Mod. əlk-.
◊ Nam 368, KED 1147.
‖ Cf. Nan. erĩ ‘rope for binding up the yurt with ritual purposes’
(ТМС 2,463), suggesting that *-k- may be originally a suffix. Despite
Щербак 1997, 162, Mongolian forms are hard to explain as borrowed
from Turkic.
-ro clean: Mong. *ariɣ-; Turk. *ạrɨ-; Jpn. *áráp-.
PMong. *ar- 1 clean 2 to clean 3 cloth for cleaning (1 чистый 2 чис-
тить 3 платок (для чистки)): MMong. arči- 2, aril- ‘to be clear’ (SH),
ariun 1, orči- 2, [o]rčur 3 (IM 433, 432), ariun, āri-jun 1, arči- 2, arčiwur 3
(MA 105, 106, 104, 178), arilqa- 1 (HYt); WMong. ariɣun (L 53) 1, arči- 2,
arčiɣur, alčiɣur 3; Kh. ariun 1, arči- 2, alčūr 3; Bur. aŕūn 1, arša- 2, aršūl 3;
Kalm. ärǖn 1, arč- 2, alčūr 3; Ord. arūn 1, arči- 2, alčūr 3; Mog. orūn 1; ZM
rūn 1 ‘pure, clean’ (11-3a); Dag. arūn (Тод. Даг. 122), aren 1 (MD 115),
 *ērt῾a - *ērt῾a 519

arči- 2; Dong. arun 1, ači- ‘полоть’ 2, anču 3; Bao. aruŋ 1; S.-Yugh. arūn;
Mongr. arən, arin (SM 11, 14) 1, arili- ‘se purifier’ (SM 14), xair (SM 149)
3.
◊ KW 24, MGCD 119, 565. Mong. > Evk. ariwūn, see Poppe 1966, 189, Doerfer MT
125; > Chag. arun, see TMN 1, 129.
PTurk. *ạrɨ- 1 clean, pure, to be clean 2 to clean, purify (1 чистый,
быть чистым 2 чистить): OTurk. arɨɣ (Orkh.), arɨ-, arɨɣ (OUygh.) 1, arɨt-
(OUygh.) 2; Karakh. arɨ-, arɨɣ (MK, KB) 1, arɨt- (MK, KB) 2; Tur. arɨ 1,
art- 2, Osm. arɨt- ‘to wipe’; Az. dial. arɨ 1, arɨt- 2; Turkm. arɨG 1, art- 2;
Khal. arɨɣ 1, arut- 2; MTurk. arɨ- (Abush.), arɨɣ (Abush., Sangl., Qutb),
arɨ (Pav. C.) 1, arɨt- (Sangl., Qutb) 2; Uzb. dial. ari- 1; Uygh. eriq 1; Tat.
aru 1; Bashk. arɨw 1; Kirgh. arū 1; Kaz. aru 1; KBalk. arɨw 1; KKalp. aruw
1; SUygh. arɨɣ 1; Khak. arɨɣ 1; Oyr. aru 1; Tv. arɨɣ 1, arɨt- 2; Chuv. ɨrъ
‘good’, irt- ‘перебирать ягоды, очищать дерево от сучьев’; Yak. ɨrās 1,
ɨrɨt- ‘перебирать ягоды’; Dolg. ɨras 1.
◊ EDT 198, 213, VEWT 27, ЭСТЯ 1, 184-186, Мудрак Дисс. 182, Stachowski 261.
PJpn. *áráp- to wash (мыть): OJpn. arap-; MJpn. áráf-; Tok. àra-; Kyo.
árá-; Kag. ará-.
◊ JLTT 677.
‖ EAS 88, KW 24, Владимирцов 199, Poppe 79, Ozawa 170-171,
Мудрак Дисс. 182. Cf. TM forms: Orok ārŋa- ‘to clean (with a brush)’
(ТМС 1, 50), Evk. ertikē- ‘clean up’ (ТМС 2, 465). Despite TMN 1, 129,
Щербак 1997, 100, Mong. can hardly be regarded as borrowed < Turk.
-ērt῾a ( ~ -o) to carry on back: Mong. *ači-; Turk. *rt-.
PMong. *ači- to load, carry on one’s back (грузить, нести на спи-
не): MMong. ači- (SH Козин), ača’an ‘груз’(HY), ači’ā ‘груз’ (IM), ači-
(MA); WMong. ači- (L 8); Kh. ači-; Bur. aša-; Kalm. ači- (КРС); Ord. ači-;
Mog. ači- (Ramstedt 1906); Dong. ačɨ-; Bao. ače- (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. śā
(n.).
◊ MGCD 126. Mong. > Evk. atiga, Man. ači-, see Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT 100,
Rozycki 11.
PTurk. *rt- to load, carry on back (нагружать, нести на спине):
OTurk. (?) arč- (OUygh. - USp.); Karakh. arčɨ ‘saddle-bag’ (MK; <
art-čɨ?); Tur. ard- (dial.), = Osm.; Gag. ārt-; Uzb. ɔrt-; Uygh. a(r)t-; Bashk.
art-; Kirgh. art-; Kaz. art-; KKalp. art-; Nogh. art-; SUygh. art-; Khak.
art-; Shr. arta-; Oyr. art-art-; Tv. art-; Chuv. ort-; Yak. rt-; Dolg. ɨrdā-.
◊ VEWT 27, EDT 201, Егоров 276, Федотов 2, 287, ЭСТЯ 1, 180-181. Chuv. ort- may
be restructured after *ar-ka ‘back’.
‖ VEWT 27, KW 18. A Turko-Mongolian isogloss; in Turkic the root
has partially merged with PT *ārt ‘back’ (see sub *p῾ṑrí).
520 *rù - *ḗŕa
-rù ( ~ -ŕ-) skin: Tung. *eruke-; Mong. *ar[a]-su; Jpn. *ùrk (/*i-; ~ -ua-).
PTung. *eru-ke- upper coat (шуба, кафтан): Evn. irkenmi; Ul. eru(n),
erue(n); Orch. erue.
◊ ТМС 1, 328, 2, 466.
PMong. *ar[a]-su skin (кожа): MMong. arasun (HY 15, SH), arāṣu
(IM 432), arasun (MA 104); WMong. arasu(n), arisu(n) (L 49); Kh. aŕs(an);
Bur. arahan, arha(n); Kalm. arsn; Ord. arusu; Mog. arōsun; ZM rsun
(20-9); Dag. arsa, aras (Тод. Даг. 122); Dong. arasun; Bao. arsoŋ; S.-Yugh.
arsən; Mongr. arasə (SM 11).
◊ MGCD 320. Cf. Mongor *(a)rāwa ‘hair, fur’. KW 14.
PJpn. *ùrk (/*i-; ~ -ua-) scales; dandruff (чешуя; перхоть): MJpn.
uroko, ìròkò; Tok. ùroko, úroko; Kyo. úròkò; Kag. urokó.
◊ JLTT 426. The modern Tokyo accent variants are not quite regular (pointing to
*ùrk or *ùrk).
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms reflect a common derivative *rù-k῾V (di-
minutive).
-ḗŕa to go astray, mistake: Tung. *er[e]-; Mong. *ereɣü; Turk. *āŕ-; Jpn.
*árá-; Kor. *rj-b-.
PTung. *er[e]- 1 bad 2 torture, torment 3 to torture 4 to be mistaken
(1 плохой 2 пытка, мучение 3 мучить 4 ошибаться): Evk. erū 1, ere- 4;
Man. eru-n 1; Ul. eru-le- 2; Nan. erũ 2; Sol. erū 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 465-466. For all the forms except Evk. ere- borrowing from Mong. cannot be
excluded (see Doerfer MT 39, Rozycki 71), thus the actual TM protoform could have been
*ere-.
PMong. *ereɣü torture, crime (пытка, преступление): MMong.
ere’u (SH); WMong. eregü(ü) (L 321); Kh. erǖ; Bur. erǖdelge, erǖde- ‘to
torture’; Kalm. erǖ; Ord. erǖ; Dag. erūle- ‘to torture’ (MD 146), erun.
◊ KW 128, MGCD 269.
PTurk. *āŕ- 1 to go astray, lose one’s way 2 to lose mind, go mad 3
to miss (1 сбиваться с пути 2 сходить с ума 3 упускать, промахивать-
ся): OTurk. az- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. az- 1 (MK, IM); Tur. az- 1;
Gag. āz- (Дмитриев 1955) 1; Az. az- 1; Turkm. āz- 1; Khal. hāz- 1;
MTurk. az- (Sangl., Houts., Pav. C., Qutb) 1; Uzb. ɔz- 1; Uygh. az- 1;
Krm. az- 1; Tat. az- 1; Bashk. aδ- 1; Kirgh. az- 1; Kaz. az- 1; KKalp. az- 1;
Nogh. az- 1; SUygh. az- 1; Khak. as- 1; Shr. as- 1; Oyr. as- 1; Tv. as- 1;
Chuv. or- 2; Yak. ās- 1, 3.
◊ EDT 279, VEWT 22, 33, 193, ЭСТЯ 1, 94-95, Федотов 2, 283.
PJpn. *árá- to behave violently, be in distress (быть бурным, буйст-
вовать; быть заброшенным): OJpn. ara-; MJpn. ara-; Tok. àre-; Kyo.
áré-; Kag. àré-.
◊ JLTT 677.
PKor. *rj-b- to be difficult, hard, in distress (быть трудным, нахо-
диться в затруднении): MKor. rjp- (-w-); Mod. ərjəp- (-w-).
 *eŕmu - *ḕs[i] 521
◊ Nam 360, KED 1127.
‖ EAS 107, 145-146, SKE 56 (Mong.:Tung.:Kor.). Mong. and Turk.
have also suffixed forms that may belong to the same root (with front /
back vowel variation): cf. Mong. arča- ‘to quarrel, argue’; erüs- ‘to rival,
compete’; Turk. *ersi- ‘mean, nasty’ (see Дыбо 12); perhaps also Mong.
*arila- ‘to disappear, vanish’ ( < ‘*to miss’), see MGCD 118.
-eŕmu a k. of grass, wormwood: Mong. *erme; Turk. *eŕen; Kor. *òrmí.
PMong. *erme wormwood (Artemisia Sieversiana, Artemisia mac-
rocephala) (полынь): WMong. erme (L 331); Kh. erem; Bur. ürmehe(n),
ürmedehe(n); Kalm. erm; Ord. ?? ērme ‘artemisia glauca Pall., d῾apres
Potanin’; Dag. erem.
◊ Mong. > Tat. ärəm etc., see KW 126, 127, Лексика 132-133. Cf. also (as Mong. loan-
words): Man. eremu ‘wormwood’, Khak. irben ‘богородская трава’, Yak. erbesin ‘назва-
ния грубых сортов трав’.
PTurk. *eŕen wormwood (полынь): Kaz. izen (R); Chuv. arъm.
◊ VEWT 48, Егоров 346, Федотов 1, 57-58. Turk. (Bulg.) > Hung. üröm, see Gombocz
1912.
PKor. *òrmí a k. of grass (вид травы): MKor. òrmí; Mod. olmi-phul.
◊ Liu 580.
‖ The root denotes wormwood, artemisia in Turkic and Mongolian;
in Korean the meaning is not quite certain (probably some sort of
shepherd’s purse, Capsella bursa-pastoris). The phonetic match is pre-
cise, anyway, and the reconstruction seems reliable.
-ḕs[i] to take care of: Tung. *ēske-; Mong. *asara-; Turk. *es; Jpn. *ìsàma-;
Kor. *às-kàb-, *às-kí-.
PTung. *ēske- 1 to worry 2 to wait, beware 3 to praise 4 to curse (1
беспокоиться 2 ждать, быть начеку 3 славить, восхвалять 4 ругать,
бранить): Evk. ēksit- 2, eskē- 3; Evn. ēske- 3; Neg. eksit- 2; Man. esuḱe- 4;
SMan. esəxinə-, isixinə- (1468); Ul. eksen- 1, 2; Nan. ekseči- 2; Ud. ehie- ‘to
take care of’.
◊ ТМС 2, 443, 468.
PMong. *asara- to take care of (заботиться): MMong. asara- (HY 40,
SH), asor- (IM 433), asăra- (MA 107); WMong. asara- (L 56); Kh. asra-;
Kalm. asr-; Ord. asara-; S.-Yugh. asara- (MGCD 122).
◊ KW 16. Mong. > Chag. asra- etc. (VEWT 29, TMN 1, 131, Щербак 1997, 199); >
Chuv. usra- (Róna-Tas 1973-1974); > Man. asara- (Doerfer MT 136). Derivation < Turk. aša-
‘to eat’ (Rona-Tas 1975, 201-211, Clark 1980, 42) is quite improbable.
PTurk. *es 1 memory, mind 2 to pity, regret (1 память, рассудок 2
жалеть, сожалеть): OTurk. es 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. es 1 (KB), esirge- 2
(MK); Az. äksi (< äs-ki) ‘clever’; Turkm. es 1; MTurk. es 1 (AH, KW);
Uzb. es 1; Uygh. äs 1; Krm. es 1; Tat. is 1; Bashk. iϑ 1; Kaz. es 1; KBalk. es
1; KKalp. es 1; Kum. es 1; Nogh. es 1; Oyr. es 1; Chuv. as 1.
522 *eso - *ḗt῾a
◊ EDT 252, VEWT 49, 50, ЭСТЯ 1, 310, Егоров 33, Федотов 1, 61. Turk. > WMong. esi,
Kalm. iš ‘allowing, etiquette’.
PJpn. *ìsàma- to admonish (увещевать): OJpn. isama-; MJpn. ìsàma-;
Tok. isamé-; Kyo. ísámé-; Kag. isamé-.
◊ JLTT 699. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular, probably under literary influence.
PKor. *às-kàb-, *às-kí- 1 to be pitiful; to be precious, valuable 2 to
spare, grudge; value, esteem (1 быть достойным сожаления; быть
ценным, драгоценным 2 жалеть, завидовать; ценить, почитать):
MKor. às-kàp- (-w-) 1, às-kí- 2; Mod. ak:ap- (-w-) 1, ak:i- 2.
◊ Nam 349, KED 1067.
‖ Дыбо 14. Vocalism is not quite certain (in Mong. one would
rather expect a front *e-).
-eso unripe, sour: Tung. *esi-kin; Mong. *es-; Turk. *ẹsür-; Jpn. *àsì-.
PTung. *esi-kin unripe (незрелый, неспелый): Evk. esikin; Evn.
esъkni; Man. esxun; SMan. usəxən, usuxun (388); Jurch. (h)osu-xun (539).
◊ ТМС 2, 468.
PMong. *es- 1 to pickle 2 sour milk, kumis (1 квасить 2 кислое мо-
локо, кумыс): MMong. esuk 2 (HY 25, SH); WMong. esüg 2; Kh. es- 1,
ösög 2; Bur. ehē- 1; Kalm. is- 1; Ord. es- 1, üsük, esük 2; S.-Yugh. hsə- 1.
◊ KW 210, MGCD 413.
PTurk. *ẹsür- to become drunk (пьянеть, напиваться): OTurk. esür-
(OUygh.); Karakh. esür- (MK); Tur. esri-; Turkm. esre-; MTurk. esri-
(AH); Uzb. äsĭr- (dial.); Krm. esir-; Tat. isĭr-; Bashk. iϑĭr-; Kirgh. esir-;
Kaz. esĭr-; KBalk. esir-; KKalp. esir-; Kum. esir-; Nogh. esir-; Khak. izĭr-;
Shr. ezir-; Oyr. ezir-; Tv. ezir-; Chuv. üzər-; Yak. itir-; Dolg. itiriktē- ‘to
rejoice, have a feast’.
◊ EDT 251, VEWT 50, ЭСТЯ 1, 309-310, Stachowski 130.
PJpn. *àsì- bad (плохой): OJpn. asi-; MJpn. àsì-.
◊ JLTT 826.
‖ Cf. perhaps also (although semantically dubious) OJ asa- ‘to fade’.
-ḗt῾a to take care of, to deal with: Tung. *ete-; Turk. *ēt-; Jpn. *átúkáp-;
Kor. *àtáŋ.
PTung. *ete- 1 to guard 2 to nurse (1 охранять 2 нянчить): Evk.
etejē- 1, 2; Evn. etu- 1, etij- 2; Neg. etew- 1, etixi- 2; Ul. eteu- 1, etexi- 2;
Ork. etew- 1, etexi- 2; Nan. etū- 1, etexi- 2; Orch. etu-či- 1; Ud. eteu-si- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 470.
PTurk. *ēt- to organize, to make (устраивать, делать): OTurk. et-
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. et- (MK); Tur. et-; Gag. et-; Az. et-; Turkm.
īdeg ‘keeping’ (’присмотр’), et-; MTurk. et- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. et-;
Uygh. et-, ät-; Krm. et-; Tat. it-; Bashk. it-; Kirgh. et-; Kaz. et-; KBalk. et-;
KKalp. et-; Kum. et-; Nogh. et-; SUygh. et-, jet-, it-; Khak. it-; Oyr. et-; Tv.
et-; Chuv. at-.
 *t῾è - *t῾è 523
◊ EDT 36-37, ЭСТЯ 1, 312-313, Дыбо Дисс. 56, Федотов 1, 67. Shortness in Turkm. et-
is no doubt secondary: cf. the derivative īdeg, and also regular intervocalic voicing -t- >
-d- in all Oghuz languages (pointing to original length), see EDT ibid.
PJpn. *átúkáp- to take care of, deal with (заботиться, иметь дело
с): OJpn. atukap- ‘to worry’; MJpn. átúkáf-; Tok. àtsuka-, atsuká-; Kyo.
átsúká-; Kag. atsuká-.
◊ JLTT 678.
PKor. *àtáŋ to flatter (льстить): MKor. àtáŋ-hằ-; Mod. adaŋ-ha-.
◊ Nam 335, KED 1069.
‖ Дыбо 15. Cf. also Mong. atugaj ‘be! (imper.)’ (MMong. aduɣai ‘er
soll sein’, SH). Cf. *it῾a.
-t῾è elder relative: Tung. *(x)eti-; Mong. *ečige; Turk. *Ata / *Ete; Jpn.
*tətə, *ti; Kor. *àtắ.
PTung. *(x)eti- 1 old man 2 father-in-law (1 старик 2 тесть, свекор):
Evk. eti-rkēn 1, etkī 2; Evn. eti-kēn 1, etki 2; Neg. eti-xen 1, etkī 2; Sol. etikk
1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 469 (one should note that many forms listed there, like Man. ečike etc.,
are later mongolisms, see Doerfer MT 117, Rozycki 66).
PMong. *ečige father (отец): MMong. ečige (HY 28, SH), eče (SH),
ičigä (MA); WMong. ečige (L 292); Kh. eceg; Bur. esege; Kalm. ecəgə; Ord.
ečige; Dag. ečig (Тод. Даг. 141) ecihe (MD 139).
◊ KW 129, TMN 1, 187.
PTurk. *Ata / *Ete 1 father 2 uncle 3 ancestor (1 отец 2 дядя 3 пре-
док): OTurk. ata 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ata, ataqɨ 1 (MK); Tur. ata 3, dial.
ede 2; Az. ata 1; Turkm. ata ‘father’s father’; MTurk. ata (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb.
ɔta 1; Uygh. ata 1, 3; Krm. ata 3; Tat. ata, eti 1, etkej 2; Bashk. ata 1, ‘male’;
Kirgh. ata 1, 3; Kaz. ata 1; KBalk. ata 1; KKalp. ata 3; Kum. ata 1; Nogh.
ata 1, ‘male’; SUygh. ata 1; Khak. ada 1; Oyr. ada 1, 3; Tv. a’da 1.
◊ EDT 40, 48, VEWT 31, ЭСТЯ 1, 200-201, TMN 2, 5-6, 9, Лексика 294, 304.
PJpn. *tətə, *ti 1 father 2 uncle (1 отец 2 дядя): OJpn. ti / titi 1, wo-di
2; MJpn. toto, tìtí 1, wo-di 2; Tok. chichí, o-tṓ-san 1, òji 2; Kyo. chìchí,
ò-tṓ-sàn 1, ójí 2; Kag. chichí, o-tō-sán 1, ójì 2.
◊ JLTT 514, 547. Accent reconstruction is difficult because of irregular transforma-
tions and reduplications (a nursery word).
PKor. *àtắ man (мужчина): MKor. àtắ.
◊ HMCH 212.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 37-40. Poppe 51, 56, АПиПЯЯ 296, Дыбо 6; a
weak attempt of disproving the etymology see in TMN 1, 188. A “nurs-
ery” word, represented in all Altaic subgroups. Ramstedt (KW 129)
compares the Mong. form with Turk. *eči / *eče ‘elder brother’, but it is
obviously closer related to *ata (Mong. *eči-ge = Turk. *ete-ke / *ata-ka).
The form *ete-k῾e, reflected in Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus, is proba-
bly an archaic diminutive, and Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 9) attempt to treat the
524 *èt῾i - *èt῾i
Turk. form as a compound ata ‘Vater’ + äkä ‘älteres Geschwister’ is cer-
tainly faulty.
-èt῾i ( ~ -t-) thread, to quilt: Tung. *etu- / *ute-; Turk. *Etek; Jpn. *ìtuá.
PTung. *etu- / *ute- 1 to quilt, tuft 2 seam 3 quilted coat, lap 4 mit-
ten lining 5 to put on, wear 6 upper clothes (1 стегать 2 шов 3 стеганая
одежда, подол 4 подкладка рукавицы 5 надевать, носить 6 верхняя
одежда): Evk. uteme 3, uteptīn 4; Evn. ut- 1, (All.) etik 6; Neg. ute- 1;
Man. etu- 5, etuku 6; SMan. utu- 5 (199); utuku ‘clothing, clothes, garb’
(195); Jurch. etu-xun (846) 6; Ul. uteče 2, utesu 3; Ork. utteuri 3; Nan. ute-
1, utesū 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 293, 295, 469.
PTurk. *Etek lap, edge of cloth (подол, край одежды): Karakh. etek
(MK); Tur. etek; Gag. ietek; Az. ätäk; Turkm. etek; Khal. hätäk; MTurk. etek
(Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. etäk; Uygh. etäk; Krm. etek; Tat. itäk;
Bashk. itäk; Kirgh. etek; Kaz. etek; KBalk. etek; KKalp. etek; Kum. etek;
Nogh. etek; Khak. idek; Shr. edek; Oyr. edek; Tv. e’dek.
◊ EDT 50, VEWT 52, ЭСТЯ 1, 313.
PJpn. *ìtuá thread (нить): OJpn. it(w)o; MJpn. ìtó; Tok. íto; Kyo. itó;
Kag. itó.
◊ JLTT 428.
‖ Дыбо 15.
 G

-ga to take; to put: Tung. *ga-; Turk. *Ko-; Kor. *kà-.

PTung. *ga- to take (брать): Evk. ga-; Evn. ga-; Neg. ga-; Man. Gaj-;
SMan. Gia- (1402, 1538); Jurch. ga-gwa-i (399); Ul. Ga-; Ork. Ga-; Nan.
Ga-; Orch. ga-; Ud. ga-.
◊ ТМС 1, 133-134.
PTurk. *Ko- to put (класть): Tur. ko-; MTurk. qo- (Pav. C., IM); Krm.
qo-; Chuv. xɨv-, xu-.
◊ VEWT 273, ЭСТЯ 6, 27-29. The root seems archaic, but in most languages (begin-
ning with OT) was substituted by the synonymous *Kod- (v. sub *k῾ŏda), being preserved
only in Chag., Osm. and Chuv.
PKor. *kà- to take (брать): MKor. kà-čí-; Mod. kaǯi-, dial. ka-.
◊ Nam 8, KED 27, SKE 83.
‖ SKE 83, Lee 1958, 111, МССНЯ 356, ОСНЯ 1, 225. One of the few
PA monosyllabic roots. The relation of the Turk. form is somewhat du-
bious (for semantic and phonetic reasons). One may conjecture that the
original shape was PT *Ka- - actually attested in OT, see EDT 578 -
which was early substituted by *Ko- under the influence of the more
widespread *Kod- and then disappeared altogether.
-gàč῾i ( ~ *gèč῾a) branch, bough: Mong. *gač-; Kor. *káčí.
PMong. *gač- 1 bough 2 spruce 3 noble fir (1 сук 2 ель 3 пихта):
WMong. ɣačura 1, ɣačiɣur 2 (L 342: ɣačura, ɣačuura ‘spruce’); Kh. gačūr 2;
Bur. gasūr 1, 2; Kalm. ɣacūrə 3.
◊ KW 147.
PKor. *káčí branch (ветка): MKor. káčí; Mod. kaǯi.
◊ Nam 7, KED 26.
‖ A Mong.-Kor. isogloss.
-gằgtà one of a pair: Tung. *gagda; Mong. *gagča; Turk. *Kat; Jpn. *kàtà.
PTung. *gagda one of a pair (один из пары): Evk. gagda; Evn. gād;
Neg. gagda; Man. Gaqda, Gaqta; Nan. GaGda; Orch. gagda; Ud. gagda.
◊ ТМС 1, 135.
PMong. *gagča single, alone (единственный): MMong. qaxča (HY
44, SH), qaqčar (instr., IM), ɣaqča (MA); WMong. ɣaɣča (L 343), ɣanča; Kh.
gagcār, gagc, ganc; Bur. gansa, gagsa; Kalm. ɣakcə; Ord. gagča, ganča; Dag.
526 *gằjá - *gằjá
ganči (Тод. Даг. 130), gaškā(r) (Тод. Даг. 131), gančare, gašikare (MD 148);
Mongr. xaaGār, śaGār (instr.) (SM 148, 388).
◊ KW 141, MGCD 283. The variant ɣanča is not quite clear. Mong. > Ul. Gaqsị, Orok
Gaqsa, Evn. gasụn (these forms should be kept distinct from the genuine PTM *gagda).
PTurk. *Kat layer (слой): OTurk. qat (OUygh.); Karakh. qat (MK,
KB); Tur. kat; Az. Gat; Turkm. Gat; MTurk. qat (Houts., AH, IM, MA);
Uzb. qɔt, dial. qɛt; Uygh. qat; Tat. qat; Bashk. qat; Kirgh. qat; KKalp. qat;
Kum. qat; Khak. xat; Oyr. qat; Tv. qa’t; Chuv. xut; Yak. xat ‘double, X
times’; Dolg. kat ‘X times’.
◊ VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 335-336, TMN 3, 419, Stachowski 140, Ашм. XVI, 250-255, Фе-
дотов 2, 371-372. The original meaning must have been “one of two layers” - as wit-
nessed by the Yak. meaning and by external evidence.
PJpn. *kàtà one of two sides (одна из двух сторон): OJpn. kata;
MJpn. kàtà.
◊ JLTT 442.
‖ Rozycki 85 (TM-Mong.). Despite Doerfer MT 51, TM cannot be
borrowed from Mong. The Mong. form presents some difficulties:
apart from the unclear variant *ganča, the form *gagča itself can only
belong here if it is an irregular development < *gagči < *gagti, or if it is a
contraction of a derived form *gagta-ča. Note that Jpn. *kàtà may also be
derived from PA *kal(t)o q.v.
-gằjá oar, boat pole: Tung. *ga(j)-; Turk. *K(i)aj-guk; Jpn. *kàjí.
PTung. *ga(j)- / *gia- 1 to pole (in a boat) 2 boat pole 3 oar (1 оттал-
киваться шестом (в лодке) 2 лодочный шест 3 весло): Evk. ga- 1,
ga-wun 2, gwun 3; Neg. gawụn 2, gwụl 3; Man. guwafu 2; Ul. Goa- 1,
Gụlị 3; Ork. Gō-pụ(n) 2, Gwụl 3; Nan. Gōa- 1, Gịol 3; Orch. gau- 1, gau 2,
giu 3; Ud. gau, gou 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 134, 144. On the PTM level one can reconstruct an opposition of *ga-bu-
‘boat pole’ and *gia-bu- ‘oar’, which must be earlier morphological or dialectal variants.
PTurk. *K(i)aj-guk boat, oar (лодка, весло): Karakh. qajɣuq, qajɣɨq
(MK); Tur. kajɨk; Gag. qajɨq; Az. GajɨG; Turkm. Gajɨq; MTurk. qajɨq (MA,
Pav. C.); Uzb. qɛjiq; Uygh. qejiq; Tat. qajɨq; Bashk. qajɨq; Kirgh. qajɨq; Kaz.
qajɨq; KKalp. qajɨq; Kum. qajɨq; Nogh. qajɨq; Oyr. qajɨq; Yak. xajɨk, dial.
xojūk.
◊ VEWT 233, ЭСТЯ 5, 212-213, TMN 3, 408-409 (derivation from *Kaj- ‘slide’ is
probably folk-etymological, cf. the external evidence).
PJpn. *kàjí oar (весло): OJpn. kai; MJpn. kai; Tok. kái; Kyo. kàí; Kag.
kaí.
◊ JLTT 433.
‖ Murayama 1962, 107. An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
 *gằju - *gajV 527

-gằju sorrow: Tung. *gaja-; Mong. *gaj; Turk. *Kadgu; Jpn. *kùjà-; Kor.
*kəi’əm.
PTung. *gaja- 1 to have insomnia 2 to be possessed, demoniac (1 ис-
пытывать бессонницу 2 быть одержимым): Man. Gajla- 2; Ul. Gajaǯụ-
1; Ork. Gajaddị- 1; Nan. Gajaǯị- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 136.
PMong. *gaj sorrow, grief, woe (печаль, горе, несчастье): WMong.
ɣai (L 344); Kh. gaj; Bur. gaj; Kalm. gǟ; Ord. gǟ; Dag. gai (Тод. Даг. 130).
◊ KW 149. Mong. > Man. Gaj ῾impediment, obstacle’ (see Rozycki 85).
PTurk. *Kadgu sorrow (печаль): OTurk. qadɣu (OUygh.); Karakh.
qaδɣu (MK, KB); Tur. kajɣɨ; Az. Gajɣɨ; Turkm. GajGɨ; MTurk. qajɣɨ
(Qutb., Pav. C); Uzb. qɛjɣɨ (dial.); Krm. qajɣɨ; Tat. qajɣɨ; Bashk. qajɣɨ;
Kirgh. qajɣɨ; Kaz. qajɣɨ; KKalp. qajɣɨ; Kum. qajɣɨ; Nogh. qajɣɨ; Chuv.
xojɣa.
◊ VEWT 217, ЭСТЯ 5, 201-203, Федотов 2, 352-353.
PJpn. *kùjà- to be sorry (сожалеть, прискорбный, достойный со-
жаления): OJpn. kuja-; MJpn. kùjà-; Tok. kuyashí-; Kyo. kúyáshì-; Kag.
kuyashí-.
◊ JLTT 834. Also PJ *kùjà-m- ‘to feel sorry, regret’.
PKor. *kəi’əm envy, covetousness (зависть): MKor. kəi’əm; Mod.
kejəm.
◊ Liu 52, KED 109.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 102. Cf. also Kalm. gejǖn, WMong. gejeɣün ‘griev-
ous, gloomy’ (perhaps < *gaju-gi- with secondary fronting). Note the
peculiar *-d- in PT, reflected as -j- (not -r-) in Chuv.: perhaps we should
rather reconstruct *Kaj(i)-dgu for early PT, with subsequent develop-
ment either > *Kajgu or > *Kadgu.
-gajV surprise: Tung. *gaji-; Mong. *gajika-; Turk. *KAj-.
PTung. *gaji- 1 to beckon 2 to show 3 index finger 4 small finger 5
to indulge, be enthralled (1 манить 2 указывать 3 указательный па-
лец 4 мизинец 5 увлекаться): Evk. gajīw- 1; Man. Gajsilabu- 5; Ul.
Gajawčụ(n) 3, Gojsantụ- 5; Ork. Gajaw 4; Nan. Gajaočị- 2, Gajaqoã 4, Go-
jsanto- 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 136, 158. On the semantic correlation “index finger” : “small finger” see
Dybo 1995.
PMong. *gajika- to wonder, marvel (удивляться): MMong. ɣiqa-;
ɣaɣamši ‘wonderful’ (MA 173); WMong. ɣajiqa- (L 345); Kh. gajxa-; Bur.
gajxa-; Kalm. ɣǟxə-; Ord. Gǟχa-; Dag. gajga- (Тод. Даг. 130), gajhe- (MD
147).
◊ KW 149, MGCD 279. Mong. > Kaz. qajqa- etc. (VEWT 222), Yak. xajɣā-, Dolg. kājgā-
‘to praise’ (Stachowski 142); > Evk. gajka-, Man. Gajqa- etc., see ТМС 1, 136, Doerfer MT
102, Rozycki 85.
528 *gắli - *gaĺi
PTurk. *KAj- to pay respect (относиться уважительно): OTurk.
qaj- (Yenis., OUygh.); Karakh. qaj- (MK); Tur. kajɨr-; Kirgh. qajɨš-; Kaz.
qajɨs-; Khak. xaj-; Tv. xaj dēr ‘to still, pacify’.
◊ EDT 674, ЭСТЯ 5, 194.
‖ A Western isogloss; maybe the same root as *gằju (’sorrow’ > ‘sur-
prise’?)
-gắli to hate, wild: Tung. *galu-; Mong. *galǯaɣu; Turk. *K(i)al; Jpn.
*kíráp-.
PTung. *galu- to hate (ненавидеть): Evn. galụt-; Ul. Galụ-; Ork.
Galụ-; Nan. Galo-; Orch. galu-; Ud. galu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PMong. *galǯaɣu wild, rabid (дикий, бешеный): MMong. qəlǯu
(LH); WMong. ɣalǯaɣu, ɣalǯiɣu (L 346); Kh. galʒū; Bur. galzū; Kalm.
ɣalzū; Ord. Galǯū; Dag. galǯō (Тод. Даг. 130), galeǯō (MD 148); Bao.
Ganǯir-; S.-Yugh. Galǯū; Mongr. Gar (SM 119), Galǯū.
◊ TMN 1, 410, KW 142, MGCD 280.
PTurk. *K(i)al wild, rough (дикий, грубый): OTurk. qal (OUygh.);
Karakh. qal (KB); Turkm. Galdav; MTurk. qal (CCum.); KBalk. qaltaq;
Khak. xal; Shr. qal; Oyr. qal; Tv. xal-mal; Yak. xal.
◊ EDT 614, VEWT 224, ДТС 410.
PJpn. *kíráp- to hate (ненавидеть): OJpn. kjirap-; MJpn. kíráf-; Tok.
kìra-; Kyo. kírá-; Kag. kirá-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ Mong. gelme- ‘to be scared, afraid’ is probably a variant reflex of
the same root - despite KW 133, Poppe 25, АПиПЯЯ 18, Дыбо 14, all
connecting it with TM *ŋēle-.
-gălV clear (of sky, weather): Tung. *galu-; Turk. *K(i)alɨ-.
PTung. *galu- clear (of sky, weather) (ясный (о небе, погоде)):
Man. GalGa; Ul. Galụ-Galụ bi; Ork. Gāl-; Nan. GalGa.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PTurk. *K(i)alɨ- 1 sky 2 to clear up (of sky) (1 небо 2 проясняться
(о небе)): OTurk. qalɨq (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. (kök) qalɨq 1 (MK); Chuv. ?
jъl- ‘to shine, glitter’; Yak. kilej-xalaj ‘shining’, xalɨn- 2, xallān ‘clear sky,
good weather’; Dolg. kallān 1.
◊ VEWT 226, Лексика 60-61, Stachowski 135.
‖ VEWT 226, ТМС 1, 138. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-gaĺi to contest: Tung. *gali-; Jpn. *kisuap- ( ~ *kisəp-); Kor. *kjəru-.
PTung. *gali- to contest (состязаться): Man. Galgi-; Nan. Galị-; Orch.
gali-; Ud. galoa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PJpn. *kisuap- ( ~ *kisəp-) to contest (соревноваться): MJpn. kisof-;
Tok. kisó-; Kyo. kísó-; Kag. kisó-.
 *gămo - *găŋi 529
◊ JLTT 709. PJ accent unclear: Tokyo points to low tone in the first syllable, Kago-
shima - to high; the Kyoto accent is ambiguous, while the word is not attested in RJ.
PKor. *kjəru- to compete, contend (состязаться, соревноваться):
Mod. kjəru-.
◊ KED 111.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-gămo concubine, co-wife: Tung. *gama; Turk. *Koma; Kor. *kòmá.
PTung. *gama children of sisters (дети сестер, племянники): Ul.
Gamasụ; Ork. Gamasụ; Nan. Gamasõ; Orch. gama, gamasu.
◊ ТМС 1, 138.
PTurk. *Koma 1 concubine 2 wives of the same husband (1 налож-
ница 2 жены одного мужа по отношению друг к другу): Tur. kuma 1,
2; MTurk. quma (Pav. C.) 1; Krm. quma 1; Tat. quma (Буд.) 1.
◊ Turk. > MMong. (MA, LHa) quma id. (although Doerfer TMN 1, 415 suggests the
opposite direction of loan - which is dubious because of the isolated nature of the
MMong. form).
PKor. *kòmá concubine (наложница): MKor. kòmá.
◊ Nam 46.
‖ Ramstedt (SKE 415) thinks of a loan Kor. > Turk., which is highly
improbable (see TMN 1, 415); despite late attestation in Turkic the root
may well be archaic. For TM one should suppose the original meaning
“children of smb.’s concubine(s)”.
-găŋi ( ~ -a-) to explain, tell, say: Tung. *g(i)aŋna-; Mong. *geɣe-; Turk.
*geŋe-.
PTung. *g(i)aŋna- 1 to explain 2 to set (a riddle) (1 объяснять 2 за-
гадывать (загадку)): Man. ǵaŋna- 1; Ul. GaŋGa- 2; Ork. GaŋGaŋ Gajawo-
2; Orch. gaŋga- 2; Ud. gaŋiŋa ‘riddle’ (Корм. 220).
◊ ТМС 1, 140 (the Manchu word is separated as a Chinese loanword, which is hardly
the case).
PMong. *geɣe- to speak, say (говорить, сказать): MMong. ke’e- (SH,
HYt), kē- (HYt), gi- (MA); WMong. ge- (L 372); Kh. ge-; Bur. ge-; Kalm.
ge-, g-, gī-; Ord. ge-; Mog. ge- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. geǯi (MD 149-150)
(quotation particle - converb from *ge-); Bao. ge-; Mongr. gi- (SM 135).
◊ KW 132.
PTurk. *geŋe- 1 to advise 2 advice (1 советовать(ся) 2 совет):
OTurk. keŋeš 2, keŋeš- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. keŋe- ‘to settle one’s affairs
with someone’ (MK, KB), keneš 2, keŋeš- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. gengeš- 1
(dial.); Az. gänäš- 1 (dial.); Turkm. geŋeš- 1, geŋeš 2; MTurk. keŋeš 2,
keŋeš- 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uygh. käŋäš- 1 (dial.); Krm. kenes, keneš 2,
keneš- 1; Tat. kiŋäš 2; Bashk. käŋäš 2; Kirgh. keŋeš 2, keŋeš- 1; Kaz. keŋes 2,
keŋes- 1; KBalk. kengeš ‘counsel’; KKalp. keŋes 2, keŋes- 1; Kum. gengeš
530 *gàp῾á - *gàrá
‘counsel’; Nogh. keŋes 2; SUygh. keŋes- 1, keŋis 2; Oyr. keŋeš- 1 (Верб.);
Chuv. kanaš 2, kanaš-la- 1.
◊ VEWT 253, EDT 727, 734, ЭСТЯ 3, 21-22, TMN 3, 613-614.
‖ Владимирцов 250, АПиПЯЯ 295, KW 132 (Turk.-Mong.). A
Western isogloss.
-gàp῾á protection, care: Mong. *gabi-; Jpn. *kàmpà-.
PMong. *gabi- 1 care, diligence, attention, merit 2 to care, strive 3
skilled, careful (1 забота, прилежание, внимание, заслуга 2 забо-
титься, стараться 3 умелый, заботливый): WMong. ɣabija 1, ɣabija- 2,
ɣabšiɣai 3 (L 340); Kh. gavjān 1, gavšgaj 3; Bur. gabjā 1, gabšgaj 3; Kalm.
gäwǟ ‘energy, efficiency’; Ord. Gawijā 1; Dag. gabšigēn 3; S.-Yugh. gobtə
1.
◊ KW 148, MGCD 275. See ЭСТЯ 5, 270-271 with an analysis of Mong. forms and
Turkic loanwords. Mong. > Man. gabsian (see Rozycki 84).
PJpn. *kàmpà- 1 to take care of, protect 2 one of ancient titles (1 за-
ботиться, защищать 2 один из древних титулов): OJpn. kabane 2;
MJpn. kabane 2; Tok. kabane 2, kabá- 1; Kyo. kábá- 1; Kag. kàbà- 1.
◊ JLTT 700.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. It is interesting to note the Old Turkic title
qapaɣan which may be = OJ kabane and Mong. gabija(n).
-gàrá ( ~ -e-) arm: Mong. *gar; Turk. *Karɨ; Jpn. *kàtá.
PMong. *gar hand, arm (рука): MMong. qar (HY 46, SH), qār (IM),
ɣar (MA); WMong. ɣar (L 350); Kh. gar; Bur. gar; Kalm. ɣar; Ord. Gar;
Mog. ɣar; ZM ɣar (2-9a); Dag. gari, gaŕ (Тод. Даг. 130, MD 148); Dong.
qa; Bao. xar; S.-Yugh. Gar; Mongr. Gar (SM 118).
◊ KW 144-145, MGCD 284.
PTurk. *Kar 1 arm 2 forearm 3 shin-bone of animal 4 various meas-
ures of length (1 рука (верхняя часть) 2 предплечье 3 голенная кость
животного 4 различные меры длины): OTurk. qar 1, qarɨ 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. qarɨ (MK) 1; Tur. karu-ǯa 1; Az. gari 3 (dial.); Turkm. Garɨ 3,4;
Khal. qarɨ 4; MTurk. qar 1 (Vam.), qarɨ 1 (Abush.), 2 (Houts.), 4 (in all
sources); Uzb. qari 1,4, qara 3 (dial.); Uygh. qeri 4, qaja 3 (dial.); Tat. qarɨ
1, qara 4 (dial.); Bashk. qar 3; Kirgh. qar 1, qarɨ 1; Kaz. qar 2, qarɨ 2, 3;
KBalk. qarɨ 4; KKalp. qar 2, qarɨ 2, 4; Nogh. qarɨ 4; SUygh. qar 2; Shr. qarɨ
1; Oyr. qarɨ 1; Tv. qɨrɨ 2; Tof. qɨrɨ 2; Chuv. xor 2, 4; Yak. xarɨ, xara 2, 3.
◊ TMN 3, 461-2, ЭСТЯ 5, 278-283, Дыбо 160-164, Дыбо 1989, Лексика 246-247, Федо-
тов 2, 361. The usage of *Karɨ as a measure (’cubit’) may seem natural, but in fact reflects
a merger with a different root, see under *K(i)arɨĺ. Turk. > Hung. kar ‘arm’, see Ligeti 1933,
MNyTESz 2, 369.
PJpn. *kàtá shoulder (плечо): OJpn. kata; MJpn. kàtá; Tok. káta; Kyo.
kàtá; Kag. katá.
◊ JLTT 442.
 *gari - *gằŕ[à] 531

‖ KW 145, Владимирцов 391, Poppe 24 (Turk.-Mong.; but ТМ *ŋāla

‘hand, arm’ cannot belong here), Колесникова 1972a, 95-97; АПиПЯЯ
290, Дыбо 310-311, Лексика 247. Borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite
improbable, despite Щербак 1997, 134 (even Doerfer in TMN 1, 207, 3,
461 describes the Turk.-Mong. match as “Zufall” - which in all his
works is actually a synonym for “cognate”).
-gari ( ~ -ŕ-, -o) light: Tung. *garpa; Mong. *gere-l.
PTung. *garpa 1 ray 2 to shine (1 луч 2 светить): Evk. garpa 1, garpa-
2; Evn. garpanŋ 1, garpụ- 2; Neg. gatpa 1, gatpa- 2; Ul. Garpačị- 2; Ork.
Galpa 1, Galpa-, Garpa- 2; Nan. Garpa- 2; Orch. gappa- 2; Ud. gakpa- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 142. The root also has the meaning ‘shoot (from a bow)’ in most languages.
This was compared by Poppe (18, 44, 87) with Mong. qarbu- id. - but the phonological
correspondence is quite irregular, both if we assume genetic relationship or borrowing
(on Mong. qarbu- see under PA *kare). The resemblance is therefore either simply acciden-
tal, or the meaning of TM *garpa- ‘to shine, “shoot rays”’ was modified under Mongolian
influence.
PMong. *gere-l beam, light (луч, свет): MMong. gere, gerel (HY 42,
SH), gerä (IM); WMong. gerel (L 378); Kh. gerel; Bur. gerel; Kalm. gerl;
Ord. gere, gerel; Dag. gerel; Dong. gieren; S.-Yugh. gerel; Mongr. gərēl,
gərē (SM 134), gergea- ‘luire, briller’ (SM 133).
◊ KW 134, MGCD 290, 292.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; on a possible Jpn. match see under *gìle.
See also notes to *ŋḕra.
-gằŕ[à] sharp edge: Tung. *gara; Turk. *geŕ; Jpn. *kàtànà; Kor. *kárh.
PTung. *gara bough, stick (сук, палка): Evk. gara; Evn. gar; Neg.
gaja; Man. GarGa; Garin ‘blade of a knife, edge of a sword’; SMan.
Garəhən ‘branch’ (2134); Jurch. gar (758); Ul. Gara; Ork. Gara; Nan. Gara;
Orch. gā; Ud. gā; Sol. gar, gara.
◊ ТМС 1, 141, 142.
PTurk. *geŕ 1 notch of an arrow 2 aim (of a gun) (1 насечка на стре-
ле 2 прицел (ружья)): Karakh. kez (MK) 1; Tur. gez 2; Gag. kēz 2; Az.
gäz 1; Turkm. gezlik ‘small knife’; MTurk. kez ‘arrow shaft’ (Abush., Pav.
C.); Bashk. kiδe (dial.) 1; Kaz. kez 1; Tv. kes 1; Tof. kes 1.
◊ EDT 756, 760, VEWT 260, ЭСТЯ 5, 20-21, TMN 4, 2-4.
PJpn. *kàtànà knife (нож): OJpn. katana; MJpn. kàtànà; Tok. kataná,
katána; Kyo. kátànà; Kag. kataná.
◊ JLTT 443.
PKor. *kárh knife, sword (нож, меч): MKor. kár (kárh-); Mod. khal.
◊ Nam 19, KED 1669.
‖ Martin 251 (Kor.-Jpn.), Lee 1958, 111 (Kor.-TM). Fronting in Turk.
is unclear (*Kaŕ would be normally expected). The Kor. word may also
532 *gŕV - *găte
reflect *kale q.v. (Joki 1963, 154); in any case, it actually reflects a suf-
fixed form *gàŕ[a]-KV (cf. Man. GarGa) or *kale-kV.
-gŕV wild goose: Tung. *gār(u)a; Turk. *Kāŕ.
PTung. *gār(u)a 1 owl 2 swan (1 сова 2 лебедь): Evk. gāre 1,2; Evn.
gār ‘a big mythical bird’; Neg. gaja 1; Man. Garu 2; Jurch. gawr-un (185)
2; Ul. Goara(n) 1; Orch. garua 1; Ud. gā 1.
◊ ТМС 1,142-3.
PTurk. *Kāŕ goose (гусь): OTurk. qaz (OUygh.); Karakh. qaz (MK,
KB); Tur. kaz; Gag. qāz; Az. Gaz; Turkm. Gāz; MTurk. qaz (Houts., AH,
Pav. C.); Uygh. ɣaz; Tat. qaz; Bashk. qaδ; Kirgh. qaz; Kaz. qaz; KKalp. ɣaz;
Kum. qaz; Nogh. qaz; Khak. xas; Shr. qas; Oyr. qas; Tv. qas; Chuv. xor;
Yak. xās; Dolg. kās.
◊ EDT 679, VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 184, Лексика 171, Федотов 2, 361, Stachowski 143.
‖ EAS 113, Poppe 18, Цинциус 1972, 6, АПиПЯЯ 80, Лексика 171,
TMN 3, 387 (“onomatopoetisch”). The Turk. form is probably contami-
nated with *Kās == TM *gasa ‘crane, duck’, which should explain the
exceptional preservation of vowel length. See also comments to *kujilV
and *gằla.
-gaso ( ~ -i) crane, aquatic bird: Tung. *gasa; Mong. *geske.
PTung. *gasa 1 crane 2 bird 3 swan 4 duck, water-bird 5 kite (1 жу-
равль 2 птица 3 лебедь 4 утка, водоплавающая птица 5 коршун):
Evk. gasa 1; Neg. gasa 3; Man. Gasχa 2; SMan. Gasəhə 2 (2172); Ul. Gasa
4; Ork. Gasa 4, 2, Gasawaqqu 5; Nan. Gasa 4; Orch. gasa 4; Ud. gahä 2, 4.
◊ ТМС 1,143.
PMong. *geske fish-eagle (орел-рыболов): WMong. geske; Kalm.
geskə.
◊ KW 135.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. On a possible reflex in PT see under
*gājrV; if PT *Kāŕ at least partially reflects the present root, it would be
an argument to reconstruct PA *gāso with a long *ā. One should also
note Kor. dial. kesani ‘goose’ (KED 109) - if it is not a derivative of PK
*kjú ‘goose’ (see under *kúja).
-găte strong, very: Tung. *gata- / *kada-; Mong. *küdür; Turk. *ged; Jpn.
*kətə.
PTung. *gata- / *kada- 1 strong, hard 2 daft, crafty 3 big, huge (1
сильный, крепкий 2 ловкий, умелый 3 большой, огромный): Evk.
gatakta 2; Ork. qadara 3; Nan. Gatoxõ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 143, 360.
PMong. *küdür strong, hard (крепкий, сильный): WMong. küdür
(L 497: küder); Kh. xüder; Bur. xüder; Kalm. küdr.
◊ KW 244.
 *gàtù - *gằt῾a 533

PTurk. *ged very, extremely (очень, весьма): OTurk. ked (OUygh.);

Karakh. keδ (MK, KB); Tur. kej (Osm.); Az. gej.
◊ EDT 700 (with a quite dubious hypothesis of borrowing < Sogd.).
PJpn. *kətə each, every (каждый, всякий): OJpn. -goto (ni); MJpn.
-goto (ni); Tok. -goto.
‖ The root reveals some phonetic irregularities - probably because
of contaminations with *két῾o ‘much, many’ and *kadi(rV) ‘strong,
tough’ q.v.
-gàtù fur on animal’s paws: Tung. *gata-; Mong. *godu / *gudu-, *gutu-;
Jpn. *kùtù.
PTung. *gata- 1 hoof (of deer) 2 fur (1 копыто (оленя) 2 мех): Man.
Gatχuwa 2; Ork. Gataja 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 143, 144.
PMong. *godu / *gudu-, *gutu- 1 fur on animal’s paws 2 shoe (1
мех на лапах животных 2 обувь, ботинок): MMong. qudusun (HY 22,
SH) 2, q[o]ṭāsun (IM), ɣutusun (MA); WMong. ɣodu 1, ɣutul 2 (L 370)
ɣudasun, ɣudal, ɣutal 2 (KW 152); Kh. god(on) 1, gutas, gutal 2; Bur. godon
(pl. godod) 1, gutal, gutaha(n) 2; Kalm. ɣosn 2; Ord. Gutul 2; Dag. gočōr 2;
Dong. Gudusun 2; Mongr. Gudusə (SM 124).
◊ The forms meaning ‘fur on animal’s paw’ and ‘shoe’ are hard to distinguish (cf.
voiced -d- in MMong. forms for ‘shoe’), but the reason of devoicing is not quite clear.
PJpn. *kùtù shoe (обувь, ботинок): OJpn. kutu; MJpn. kùtù, kùtú;
Tok. kutsú; Kyo. kútsù; Kag. kutsú.
◊ JLTT 467. Jpn. > Kor. kudu id.
‖ KW 152, SKE 128, Poppe 24, Ozawa 89-90, Miller 1986a, 55. The
development ‘fur on paws’ > ‘shoe’ in Mong. and Jpn. may well have
been independent, but one has also to reckon with a possibility of an-
cient borrowings (especially because of some phonetic irregularities in
Mong.).
-gằt῾a ( ~ -t-) berry, to gather berries: Tung. *gata-; Turk. *Kat-; Jpn.
*kàtai; Kor. *kt-.
PTung. *gata- 1 to gather berries 2 place of gathering berries (1 со-
бирать ягоды 2 место сбора ягод): Ul. Gātaw 2; Ork. Gata- 1; Nan. Ga-
tao 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 143.
PTurk. *Kat 1 berry 2 blackberry (1 ягода 2 смородина): Karakh.
qat (MK) 1; Tur. kara-kat ‘chestnut’ (dial.); Az. Gara-ɣat 2; Uzb. qɔrɛ-ɣɛt
2; Tat. qara-ɣat 2 (dial.); Bashk. qara-ɣat 2; Kirgh. qara-ɣat 1, 2; Kaz. qat 1;
Khak. xat 1; Oyr. qat ‘blackberry, bramble’; Tv. qa’t, Todzh. xat 1.
◊ VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 332-333, Лексика 121.
PJpn. *kàtai provisions, food for travelling (провизия, запас пи-
щи): OJpn. kate; MJpn. kate; Tok. káte, katé; Kyo. kátè; Kag. katé.
534 *gt῾ì - *gébó
◊ JLTT 444. Without the RJ evidence it is somewhat difficult to reconstruct accent on
the 2d syllable; however, all accent reflexes seem to point to low tone in the 1st syllable.
PKor. *kt- 1 to gather 2 to gather harvest (1 собирать 2 собирать
урожай): MKor. kt- 1, ktú- 2; Mod. kət- 1, kədu- 2.
◊ Liu 39, 47, KED 81, 95.
‖ Дыбо 10. Verbal low tone in Kor.
-gt῾ì to go, come: Mong. *getül- / *gatul-; Turk. *gē(j)t-; Jpn. *kítá-r-.
PMong. *getül- / *gatul- to cross over (переходить, пересекать):
WMong. getül- (L 380), ɣatul- (L 354); Kh. getle-, gatla-; Bur. getel-, gatal-;
Kalm. getl-, ɣatl-; Ord. getül-; Dag. hedele- (MD 158), xedelgē-, xedlē-.
◊ KW 135, 147, MGCD 288, 294.
PTurk. *gē(j)t- to go (away) (уходить): OTurk. ket- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ket/δ- (MK, KB); Tur. git-; Gag. get-; Az. get-; Turkm. git-; Sal.
Gī/i- (Kakuk); MTurk. kẹt- (Abush., Sangl., MA); Uzb. ket-; Uygh. kät-;
Krm. ket-; Tat. kit-; Bashk. kit-; Kirgh. ket-; Kaz. ket-; KBalk. ket-; KKalp.
ket-; Kum. get-; Nogh. ket-; Oyr. ket- (dial.); Chuv. kajt-.
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 701, ЭСТЯ 3, 39-40, 49-50. Vowel length can be reconstructed on
indirect evidence (voicing -t- > -d- in forms like Az. gediš ‘going away’ etc.).
PJpn. *kítá-r- to come, arrive (приходить): OJpn. kjitar-; MJpn.
kítár-; Tok. kitár-; Kyo. kítàr-; Kag. kìtàr-.
◊ JLTT 709. Usually treated as a fusion of *ki- ‘having come’ + *itar- ‘arrive’, which is
most probably a folk etymology in the light of external evidence. Accent reflexes in mod-
ern dialects are somewhat aberrant.
‖ Because of the peculiar shape of the Turkic form one should per-
haps reconstruct *gjt῾i.
-gébó shell, husk: Tung. *gub- ( ~ *geb-); Mong. *gawr-su; Turk. *Kạb-;
Jpn. *kámpí; Kor. *kòbi.
PTung. *gub- ( ~ *geb-) bud, flower button (бутон, головка цвет-
ка): Man. gubsu.
◊ ТМС 1, 165. Cf. also Man. Gubiri ‘name of a plant’ (ibid.), geferi ‘name of a plant’
(ТМС 1, 183).
PMong. *gawr-su 1 chaff, straw 2 feather (usually for writing) (1 со-
лома, мякина 2 перо (обычно для письма)): WMong. ɣaɣursu (L 344),
ɣuɣursu (L 365), ɣuursu (L 371), ɣaursu 1, 2; Kh. gūrs(an) 1, 2; Bur.
gūrha(n) 2; Kalm. ɣūrsn 1, 2; Ord. Gūrsu 1; S.-Yugh. gūrs ‘pipe’ (MGCD
302); Mongr. xrʒə (SM 185).
◊ KW 157. Mong. > Turk. qavursun, Kirgh. qaursu etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 177).
PTurk. *Kạb- 1 bark 2 shell 3 husk 4 bran (1 кора 2 скорлупа 3 ше-
луха 4 отруби, мякина): OTurk. qavɨq 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. qavɨq, qavuq
(MK, KB) 4; Tur. kavuz 3, kavza 2; Az. Gavɨz (dial.) 3; Uzb. qɛvuz 3;
Uygh. qovzaq 1; Kaz. qavɨz 4; KKalp. qavɨz 4; Kum. quvɨq 3; Nogh. qavɨz 4;
Khak. xōx 4; Shr. qōq 3, 4; Tv. xō-tarā ‘a k. of millet with sagging pani-
cles’; Chuv. xɨvъx 4.
 *gĕbo - *gdì 535
◊ VEWT 217, EDT 583, ЭСТЯ 5, 173-174, 178-179, Мудрак Дисс. 62. The root should
be distinguished from *K(i)ab- ‘peeled skin, peel’ (v. sub *k῾bu).
PJpn. *kámpí rice ear (рисовый колос): OJpn. kabji; MJpn. kábjí.
◊ JLTT 431.
PKor. *kòbi 1 bamboo bark 2 patella (1 бамбуковая кора 2 колен-
ная чашечка): MKor. tái-s-kò’i 1, kòs-kò’i 2.
◊ Liu 73, 207.
‖ Владимирцов 209, Poppe 48, АПиПЯЯ 14, 280. One of several
similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a, *k῾epa, kèp῾i, k῾bu).
-gĕbo light, empty: Tung. *gebu-; Mong. *güji-; Turk. *geb-.
PTung. *gebu- 1 empty 2 thin, lean (1 пустой 2 тонкий, худой):
Man. gebsexun 2; Ul. geu(n) 1; Ork. gewu(n) 1; Nan. geũ 1; Orch. gewu(n);
Ud. geu.
◊ ТМС 1, 176.
PMong. *güji- 1 shallow 2 light (1 мелкий 2 легкий): MMong. gojen
(HY 52) 1; WMong. güjüken, güiken (L 390), güjin 1; Kh. güjüxen, göjön 1;
Bur. güjxen 1; Kalm. gīgn, gīkn, gīn 1,2; Ord. gīn, gǖn; Dag. guān (MD
152) 1.
◊ KW 137.
PTurk. *geb- 1 soft, mild, gentle 2 to become weak 3 empty (1 мяг-
кий, нежный 2 слабеть 3 пустой): OTurk. kevšek (OUygh.) 1, kevil- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. kevšek (MK) 1, kevil- 2 (MK); Tur. gevšek 1; Gag. kevše-
2; Az. kövšek 1; Turkm. gövšül ‘dilapidated’; MTurk. kewšek 1 (Pav. C.),
(MKypch.) kewil- 2 (AH); Kirgh. köpšö- 2; Khak. köpsek 1; Tv. kögžür-gej
‘рыхлый, хрупкий (снег, лед)’; Chuv. kъₙbъₙš 1, kavža- 2; Yak. köp 1.
◊ VEWT 244, 291, EDT 689, 691, ЭСТЯ 3, 9-10 (the root tends to contaminate either
with *geb- ‘chew’ or with *köp ‘foam’).
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *kup῾e, *gupu.
-gdì back (of head), behind: Tung. *gedi-muk; Mong. *gede; Turk. *ged;
Jpn. *kítà.
PTung. *gedi-muk back of the head (затылок): Evk. gedimuk; Evn.
gedъmъk; Neg. gedemuk.
◊ ТМС 1, 177.
PMong. *gede / *geǯige 1 back of the head 2 plait 3 leaning or bend-
ing backwards 4 to bend backwards (1 затылок 2 коса 3 отклоняю-
щийся назад 4 отгибаться назад): MMong. gedergu ‘lying on the back’,
geǯige ‘back troups, reserve’ (SH), giǯigä ‘plait, scruff’ (MA); WMong.
gede 1 (L 372), gedereg ‘on back’, geǯige 1,2 (L 381); Kh. ged 1, ged-reg
‘back (adv.)’, geʒeg 1,2, gedger 3, gedij- 4; Bur. gedɨ- ‘to hog’, gezege 2;
Kalm. gedrgə ‘back (adv)’, giǯəgə 1, 2; Ord. gedergēn ‘backwards’, geǯige
1,2; Mog. KT gäǯigä ‘nape of the neck, occiput’ (6-1a).; Dag. gedī- (Тод.
Даг. 131) 4, geǯige (MD 150) 2, gəǯig 2; Dong. GəǯəGi 2; Bao. gətəgulə- 4;
536 *ggà - *gék῾á
S.-Yugh. gedeger 3, gedī- 4; Mongr. gədē- ‘tenir la tête haute, se pencher
en arrière’ (SM 131), gədēngī 3, gədē- 4, gidergu ‘backwards’ (SM 136).
◊ KW 131, 135, MGCD 290. Mong. > Kirgh. keǯige etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 17-18), Evk. gedikēn
‘plait’ etc. (ТМС 1, 177), see TMN 1, 492, Doerfer MT 47, Poppe 1966, 192, 1974, 120 (but
*gedi-muk cannot be < Mong.).
PTurk. *ged back, after (сзади, позади): OTurk. kedin (OUygh.);
Karakh. keδin (MK, KB); MTurk. kijin (Pav. C.); Uzb. kejin; Uygh. kejin,
käjin; Kirgh. kijin; Kaz. kejin; KKalp. kejin; Khak. kizĭn; Shr. käzin; Oyr.
kijin; Chuv. kaj; Yak. ke-lin; ketex ‘back of head’; Dolg. ke-lin; ketek ‘back
of head’.
◊ EDT 704, VEWT 246-247, ЭСТЯ 5, 23-24, Stachowski 144, 146. Forms like Yak. ketex
‘back of head’ clearly show that the root was *ged-; the monosyllabic *ge- (observable in
Yak. ke-lin and perhaps Chuv. kaj) is most probably a result of secondary reinterpretation
of the stems *gedin and *gerü (the latter < PA *kèro q.v.). It is exactly this reinterpretation
that allows to reconstruct *g- in PT *ged- (the root is not attested in Oghuz languages).
PJpn. *kítà North (север): OJpn. k(j)ita; MJpn. kítà; Tok. kitá; Kyo.
kítà; Kag. kíta.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ EAS 48, Владимирцов 206, Poppe 24, 53, Колесникова 1972a,
101-103, ОСНЯ 1, 228, АПиПЯЯ 71; Дыбо 4. Despite Doerfer’s criti-
cism (TMN 1, 492) the root still holds.
-ggà ( ~ -o) to be angry: Tung. *geg-; Mong. *gaɣa-; Turk. *KAkɨ-; Jpn.
*kákúat-.
PTung. *geg- to be angry (сердиться): Evk. gegin-; Evn. gegin-; Neg.
gewxe-; Ul. gewxe-de-; Nan. geuxe-de-; Orch. geuxende-; Ud. ge-.
◊ ТМС 1, 177.
PMong. *gaɣa- to rave (бушевать): WMong. ɣaɣa-ra- (БАМРС); Kh.
gā-ra-; Bur. gā-ra-.
PTurk. *KAkɨ- to be angry (сердиться): OTurk. qaqɨ- (OUygh.),
qaqɨ-ɣ ‘anger’; Karakh. qaqɨ-, qaqu- (MK); Tur. kakɨ-; Turkm. qaqɨ-;
MTurk. qaqɨ- (AH, Qutb., Pav. C.); Krm. qaqɨ-; Kirgh. qaq-.
◊ VEWT 223, ЭСТЯ 5, 223-224. Turk. > WMong. qaki-, Kalm. χäkə- (KW 176).
PJpn. *kákúat- to complain (жаловаться): MJpn. kákót-; Tok. kakót-;
Kyo. kákót-; Kag. kakót-.
◊ JLTT 702. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ The PT form has an irregular *-k-, most probably under the influ-
ence of the synonymous PA root *kak῾i ( > PT *Kek-).
-gék῾á hook, bend: Tung. *gek(u)-; Mong. *gek-; Turk. *Kek- / *Kak-;
Jpn. *kánkám-.
PTung. *gek(u)- to bow, bend (гнуть, наклонять): Neg. gexete-;
Man. gexu-; Ul. gekel-gekel; Ork. gekkil-gekkil; Nan. gekel.
◊ ТМС 1, 178.
 *gla - *gla 537

PMong. *gek- 1 to bow, nod 2 fish-hook, angle (1 склоняться, ки-

вать 2 крючок для удочки, удочка): WMong. geki-, gekü- (L 375) 1,
göküj, gögi (L 386) 2; Kh. gexes xij- 1, göxij 2; Bur. gaxī- 1, güxɨ 2; Kalm.
gekə- 1; Dag. gekēlǯi- 1 (Тод. Даг. 131).
◊ KW 132.
PTurk. *Kek- / *Kak- 1 curved 2 stick with a hook 3 latch 4 to bend
5 to bend one’s neck (1 кривой 2 палка с крюком 3 щеколда 4 гнуть-
ся 5 выгибать шею): Tur. keke, dial. gege 2; Uzb. kekkaj-, qaqqaj- 5; Tat.
kɛkre, kɛjre 1, 2, kɛkrɛj- 4, (Sib.) kɛgɛ 3; Bashk. käkere 1, käkeräj- 4,
käkä-ŋ-lä- ‘извиваться о змее’, qaqaj- 5; Kirgh. qaqaj-, kekej- 4, 5; Kaz.
qaqaj-, kekirej- 5; KKalp. qaqaj-, kejkej- 5; Oyr. kekej- 5; Chuv. kagъr 2, 3,
kagъr-t- 5; Yak. keɣij-, kekej- 5.
◊ VEWT 248.
PJpn. *kánkám- to bend (гнуться): OJpn. kagam-; MJpn. kágám-; Tok.
kàgam-; Kyo. kágám-; Kag. kagám-.
◊ JLTT 701.
‖ Cf. *gk῾a, *k῾úŋu, *k῾ōki.
-gla to search, hunt: Tung. *gelē-; Turk. *gele-; Jpn. *kàr-.
PTung. *gelē- to ask, demand, search (просить, требовать, искать):
Evk. gelē-; Evn. gelē-; Neg. gelē-; Ul. gele-; Ork. gele-; Nan. gele-; Orch.
gele-; Ud. gele-; Sol. gelē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 179. TM > Dag. gelī- (Тод. Даг. 131).
PTurk. *gele- 1 to woo 2 to ask 3 messenger, in-between 4 parents
having espoused their children 5 a promised bride (1 ухаживать, сва-
таться 2 просить, выпрашивать 3 посланник, сват 4 родители, вза-
имно поженившие детей 5 просватанная девушка): Tur. (dial.) ge-
lešik 4; Turkm. gelešik 4, geleŋ ‘attention, care’; MTurk. (Xwar.) keleči 3
(Qutb); Krm. keliš- 1, kl’a-, kl’an- ‘to wish, be favourably inclined’; Tat.
kileš- 1, käläš 5; (Mishar) kelä- 2, (КСТТ) klän- ‘to annoy, pester’; Bashk.
käläš 5; KBalk. keleči 3; Kum. geleš- 1, geleči 3; Khak. kəle- 2, kəlen- ‘to
beg’; Chuv. kalaś- 1; kəle- 2.
◊ VEWT 248, ЭСТЯ 5, 32-33, Ахметьянов 112-114, Егоров 105, Федотов 1, 270-271.
Some languages may reflect a merger with *kele- ‘speak’ (v. sub *k῾ăli). Turk. > Russ.
клянчить.
PJpn. *kàr- to hunt for, demand, search; drive (охотиться, требо-
вать, искать; гнать): OJpn. kar-; MJpn. kàr-; Tok. kár-, kàr-; Kyo. kár-;
Kag. kár-.
◊ JLTT 704. The dialects also reflect *kár-, but the reconstruction *kàr- is more prob-
able because of RJ evidence.
‖ Дыбо 14, Федотов 1, 270-271.
538 *gle - *gḕĺa
-gle to come; to go: Tung. *gel-; Mong. *gel-; Turk. *gẹl-; Jpn. *k-; Kor.
*ká-.
PTung. *gel- to get hardly on one’s way (трогаться с места, с тру-
дом собираться в путь): Evk. gel-; Ork. gilin-.
◊ ТМС 1, 150, 178.
PMong. *gel- to walk slowly (ходить медленно): MMong. geli-
‘hinterherlaufen, einholen’ (SH); WMong. geldüri- (L 375), gelderi-, gel-
güri-; Kh. geldre-; Kalm. geldr-; Dag. geldure- (Тод. Даг. 131).
◊ KW 132.
PTurk. *gẹl- to come (приходить): OTurk. kel- (Orkh., Yen.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kel- (MK, KB); Tur. gel-; Gag. gel-; Az. gäl-; Turkm.
gel-; Sal. gel-, gej-; Khal. käl-; MTurk. kẹl- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. kel-;
Uygh. käl-/kil-; Krm. kel-; Tat. kil-; Bashk. kil-; Kirgh. kel-; Kaz. kel-;
KBalk. kel-; KKalp. kel-; Kum. gel-; Nogh. kel-; SUygh. kel-; Khak. kil-;
Shr. kel- (R); Oyr. kel-; Tv. kel-; Tof. kel-; Chuv. kil-; Yak. kel-; Dolg. kel-.
◊ VEWT 248; EDT 715, ЭСТЯ 3, 14-16, 31-32, Stachowski 143. The Chuv. and Yak.
vowels correspond irregularly.
PJpn. *k- to come (приходить): OJpn. ko-; MJpn. kú; Tok. kú-; Kyo.
kù-; Kag. kú-.
◊ JLTT 716. The RJ form is kú (final), but modern dialects point unanimously to *k-
(perhaps there was a metatony in this irregular paradigm).
PKor. *ká- to go (away) (идти, уходить): MKor. ká-; Mod. ka-.
◊ Nam 2, KED 6.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 99, 274. The verb loses the final resonant in Jpn., Kor.
and in some forms of the Turkic paradigm: this must be an archaic fea-
ture (also present in some other frequently used verbs), speaking per-
haps in favour of the root’s original monosyllabic structure (*gèl).
-gḕĺa to screen (from light), disappear: Tung. *gēl-; Turk. *Köĺ-; Jpn.
*kàsùm-; Kor. *krmi.
PTung. *gēl- 1 to disappear 2 to clear up (of sky) 3 to reflect light,
throw shadow on (1 исчезать 2 проясняться (о небе) 3 отсвечивать,
отражать тень): Evn. gēl- 2; Man. gelmarče-, gelmerǯe- 3, gelen ‘pale’; Ul.
gel- 1; Ork. gēl- 1; Nan. gēl- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 178-179.
PTurk. *Köĺ- 1 screen, covering 2 to screen, obstruct light 3 shadow
(1 укрытие, полог, занавес 2 давать тень, укрывать от света 3 тень):
OTurk. köšige (OUygh.) 3; Karakh. köši- (MK) 2, köšik (MK) 1, köšige
(MK) 3; Uygh. köšükɛ 1; Kirgh. köšögö 1; Khak. közeŋe 1; Shr. köžege 1; Tv.
köžege 1, 3.
◊ EDT 753. The root tends to merge with PT *köĺ- ‘to shiver (of cold), freeze’ (see
VEWT 294), as well as with *köli- ‘shadow’ - but they should be probably kept apart.
Turk. > MMong. köši-, köšige, köšge (TMN 1, 481, Щербак 1997, 128, Clark 1980, 41) > Evk.
kuči-, kučiger (Doerfer MT 125).
 *gèmo - *gḗmo 539

PJpn. *kàsùm- be hazy, misty (быть сумрачным, туманным):

OJpn. kasum-; MJpn. kasum-; Tok. kàsum-; Kyo. kásúm-; Kag. kasúm-.
◊ JLTT 705.
PKor. *krmi shadow (тень): MKor. krmi, krìmi; Mod. kɨrimǯa.
◊ Nam 67, 68, KED 237.
‖ In Turkic *Keĺ- would be expected; -ö- is probably due to the in-
fluence of a very close phonetically and semantically Karakh. kölige
‘shadow’. In Korean one would expect rather *krVm-, so the tone and
vocalism appears to be distorted. This all may be due to expressive (ta-
booistic) reasons, as well as to the interaction between this root and PA
*k῾òlmV ‘cloud’ q.v.
-gèmo to complete, fill in: Tung. *gemu; Mong. *gömür-; Jpn. *km-; Kor.
*kăm-.
PTung. *gemu all (весь, все): Man. gemu; SMan. gumə (2816); Jurch.
ŋem-ur (841); Ork. gem.
◊ ТМС 1,179 (without the Orok form).
PMong. *gömür- storage, depository, buttery (хранилище, склад,
кладовая): MMong. gumerge (HY 20); WMong. gömürge (БАМРС); Kh.
gömrög.
◊ Cf. *kömürge.
PJpn. *km- to be filled in, stuffed (быть заполненным, набитым):
OJpn. kom-; MJpn. kòm-; Tok. kóm-; Kyo. kòm-; Kag. kòm-.
◊ JLTT 712. Cf. also PJ *kmr- id.
PKor. *kăm- to hide, conceal (прятать, скрывать): MKor. kăm-čho-;
Mod. kamčhu-.
◊ Nam 24, KED 55.
‖ Cf. also notes to *k῾mi.
-gḗmo stern, boat: Tung. *gemu ?; Turk. *gmi; Kor. *kòmắr.
PTung. *gemu a utensil for cleaning river bottom (снаряд для очи-
стки дна реки): Nan. gemu ‘a long cord with attached stones and hooks
for cleaning river bottom’, gemude- (v.)
◊ ТМС 1, 179. Attested only in Nanai, but having possible external parallels.
PTurk. *gmi boat (лодка): OTurk. kemi (OUygh.); Karakh. kemi
(MK, IM); Tur. gemi; Gag. gemi; Az. gämi; Turkm. gǟmi; Sal. kimö;
MTurk. keme (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. kema; Uygh. kemä; Krm. gemi; Tat.
kimɛ; Bashk. kämä; Kirgh. keme; Kaz. keme; KBalk. keme; KKalp. keme;
Kum. geme; Nogh. keme; Khak. kime; Shr. kebe; Oyr. keme; Tv. xeme;
Chuv. kimə.
◊ VEWT 251, TMN 3, 668-669, EDT 721-722, ЭСТЯ 3, 37-38. Turk. > Mong. keme
(Щербак 1997, 126).
PKor. *kòmắr stern (корма): MKor. kòmắr; Mod. komul.
540 *gèná - *gḕnŋa
◊ Nam 47, HMCH 271, KED 142.
‖ One of the common Altaic navigation terms.
-gèná to suppose; unexpected: Mong. *gene-; Turk. *gEne; Jpn. *kàná-.
PMong. *gene- 1 unexpected, sudden(ly) 2 naive 3 be naive, make a
mistake (1 неожиданно 2 наивный, легковерный 3 быть наивным,
ошибаться): MMong. genen, genet (SH); WMong. genedte 1, gene(n) 2,
genede- 3, gene- 3; Kh. genen 2, gentxen, gent(ed) 1; Bur. gene 1; Kalm.
genə- 3, gentə 1; Ord. genede- ‘позволить застать себя врасплох’,
genedχen 1; Dag. genteken (Тод. Даг. 131, MD 150), gentken 1; S.-Yugh.
genetele 1, genen 2.
◊ KW 133, MGCD 291. The root is widely borrowed into Turkic and TM.
PTurk. *gEne again, also, however (снова, также, однако): Karakh.
kene (MKypch.); Tur. gene; Az. gänä.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 115.
PJpn. *kàná- 1 to be unable, be unable to bear 2 to suppose, foresee
3 before, earlier (1 не мочь, не переносить 2 предполагать, ожидать 3
ранее, до того): OJpn. -kana- 1, kana- 2, kane-te 3; MJpn. -kana- 1, kàna- 2,
kane-te 3; Tok. -kane- 1, kánete 3; Kyo. kànétè 3; Kag. kaneté.
◊ JLTT 703. The meaning ‘earlier, before’ of kanete is derived < ‘having foreseen’. Al-
though Martin unites this *kana- with *kànà- ‘to combine’, we would prefer to keep the
latter separate.
‖ The original meaning may be reconstructed as ‘to be unexpected’ /
‘not expect smth.’.
-gḕnŋa to bend: Tung. *gē(n)ŋe-; Mong. *gana-; Turk. *KAŋɨr-.
PTung. *gē(n)ŋe- 1 to stretch one’s neck, raise one’s head 2 to bend
one’s head 3 horse’s counter, bone on the nape (1 вытягивать шею,
поднимать голову 2 наклонять голову 3 загривок лошади, кость на
тыльной стороне шеи): Evn. gēŋel- 1; Man. gen 3; SMan. gen-dā ‘nape,
back of the nape’ (61); Nan. guŋgule- 2; Ud. geŋgem 1, gendugule- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 179, 180.
PMong. *gana- to be bent, curved, hold one’s chest out (быть согну-
тым, искривленным, выпячивать грудь): WMong. ɣanalǯa-, ɣandaji- (L
347); Kh. ganalʒa-, ganaj-, gandaj-; Bur. ganaj-, ganajlza- ‘to sit back’;
Kalm. ɣandā-; Ord. Ganǟ- ‘to be inclined backwards’.
◊ KW 143.
PTurk. *KAŋɨr- to bend (гнуть): Tur. kanɨr-; Az. Ganɨr-; Turkm.
Gaŋɨr-; Uzb. qɛnir- (dial.); Khak. xāri-tart- ‘to change direction, turn
sharply’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 194-195.
‖ A Western isogloss.
 *gentV - *grè(bV) 541

-gentV ( ~ k-) male, self: Mong. *gendü; Turk. *[g]ẹntü (-nd-).

PMong. *gendü male of animals (самец животных): WMong.
gendü(n) (L 376); Kh. gendǖ ‘самец рыси, барса’; Bur. gende ‘male sable’
(Tunk., Okin.); Kalm. gendn.
◊ KW 133.
PTurk. *[g]ẹntü (-nd-) self, himself (сам): OTurk. kentü (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kendü (MK); Tur. kendi, dial. gendü; Az. gendi; Yak.
kini ‘he’; Dolg. gini ‘he’, gien ‘own’.
◊ EDT 728-729, ЭСТЯ 5, 38-39, Убрятова 1953, Räsänen 1957, 18, Stachowski 86.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Poppe 25, KW 133, ОСНЯ 1, 226-227 (de-
spite Doerfer’s criticism in TMN 1, 489 the forms are perfectly semanti-
cally compatible).
-gep῾V to disappear, obscure: Tung. *gepe-; Mong. *geɣe-.
PTung. *gepe- 1 dim, obscure 2 to disappear 3 to begin (of night) (1
тусклый, неясный 2 исчезать 3 наступать (о ночи)): Evk. gepe- 3; Evn.
gepeni ‘black’ (All.); Ul. geptu(n) 1, geptun- 2; Nan. gepejgen, geperie 1; Ud.
gefu ō- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 180.
PMong. *geɣe- to lose (терять): WMong. gege- (L 373); Kh. gē-; Bur.
gē-; Kalm. gē-; Ord. gē-; Mog. gē- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. gē- (MD 149);
Mongr. gē- ‘abadonner, quitter, laisser, ne pas achever, rejeter, déposer,
placer, mettre’ (SM 131).
◊ KW 135.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *gūp῾a.
-gera ( ~ -o, -u) many: Tung. *gere-n; Mong. *garu-.
PTung. *gere-n 1 many 2 all (1 много 2 все): Man. geren 1; SMan.
gerən 1 (2851); Ul. gere(n) 1; Ork. gere(n) 1; Nan. gere(n) 2; Orch. gere(n) 1,
2; Ud. gele 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 182.
PMong. *garu- more than (больше чем, более того): WMong.
ɣarui, ɣarun (L 352, 353); Kh. garuj; Bur. garan; Kalm. ɣarn; Ord. Garū,
Garₙī.
◊ KW 146.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-grè(bV) word, name, witness: Tung. *gerbǖ; Mong. *gere(-ɣe); Turk.
*gẹr-tü; Jpn. *kt, *kt-pà; Kor. *kr, *kr-br.
PTung. *gerbǖ name (имя): Evk. gerbī; Evn. gerbъ; Neg. gelbi; Man.
gebu; SMan. gevə (1005, 1356); Jurch. ger-bu (780); Ul. gelbu; Ork. gelbu;
Nan. gerb’i; Orch. gebbi; Ud. gegbi; Sol. gerbī.
◊ См. ТМС 1, 180-181.
PMong. *gere(-ɣe) witness, agreement (свидетель, свидетельство,
соглашение): MMong. gärči (IM 437), gir (MA); WMong. gere, gereči (L
542 *gérki - *gĕrV
378); Kh. gerē, gerč; Bur. gerē, gerše; Kalm. gerə; Ord. gere, gereči; Dag.
gerčin (Тод. Даг. 131), gerē (MD 150), gerčil; Bao. ganǯəŋ; S.-Yugh. xur
(MGCD Gor; Mongr. ganǯən.
◊ KW 134, MGCD 293. Mong. > Evk. gereči etc., see Doerfer MT 132, Rozycki 8.
PTurk. *gẹr-tü true, truth (верный, правда): OTurk. kertü, kert-gün-
‘believe’ (OUygh.); Karakh. kertü ‘oath, truth’, kert-gün- ‘believe’ (MK,
KB); Tur. ger-ček; Gag. ger-ček; Az. ger-čäk; Turkm. ger-ček; Krm. kerti,
ker-ček; KBalk. kerti; Kum. gerti; Nogh. kerti; Khak. kirtə-n- ‘believe’; Yak.
kirdik, kirǯik; Dolg. kirdik.
◊ VEWT 257, EDT 738, 741, ЭСТЯ 3, 28-31, Stachowski 149.
PJpn. *kt, *kt-pà word, speech (слово, речь): OJpn. koto, koto-ba;
MJpn. kòtò, kòtò-bà; Tok. kotobá; Kyo. kótòbà; Kag. kotobá.
◊ JLTT 459.
PKor. *kr, *kr-br 1 poetry, letter 2 to draw (1 поэзия, текст, бук-
вы 2 рисовать, чертить): MKor. kɨr, kr’ur 1, krí- 2; Mod. kɨl 1, kri- 2.
◊ Liu 98, 103, 104, KED 237, 247.
‖ KW 134, Poppe 25, 80 (Turk.-Mong.). Cf. also Old Koguryo *kŭš
(Lee reads *kɨl, Miller 1979 emends to *kŭnš, which is hardly correct).
-gérki a k. of pheasant: Mong. *girgawl, *k-; Turk. *Kerke-; Jpn. *kínkisí.
PMong. *girgawl, *k- pheasant (фазан): MMong. xurqa’ul (HY 14);
WMong. girɣaul, ɣurɣuul (L 369), kirɣuul (L 471), kiraɣul (L 470); Kh.
gurgūl; Bur. gurgūl; Kalm. kirɣūl (КРС), ɣorɣūl; Ord. GurGūl; Dag. xorgōl
(Тод. Даг. 177); Bao. golGor; Mongr. ćirGū (SM 457), (MGCD) GurGul.
◊ KW 151, MGCD 305. Mong. > Chag. qɨrɣavul, Turk. qɨrqavul etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 232; see
VEWT 266, Щербак 1997, 208, TMN 3, 451) > Kalm. kirɣūl, kerɣūl (KW 232).
PTurk. *Kerke- 1 a k. of bird (кедровка) 2 black-cock (1 кедровка 2
тетерев, глухарь): KBalk. gerge ‘жаворонок, skylark’; Khak. kergen 1;
Shr. kergen 1; Chuv. karъk 2.
PJpn. *kínkisí pheasant (фазан): OJpn. kjigjisi; MJpn. kízí; Tok. kijí;
Kyo. kíjí; Kag. kíji.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ Cf. various similar bird names in TM: Evk. goriwkī ‘swallow’
(ТМС 1, 161); Orok kiru, kireu ‘crane’ (ТМС 1, 399); Oroch kurau, koro;
Evk. karaw, karawul ‘gray crane’ (ТМС 1, 379).
-gĕrV house, house poles: Tung. *gerbe-; Mong. *ger; Turk. *gerekü.
PTung. *gerbe- to procure poles (for the tent) (заготовлять жерди
(для остова юрты)): Evk. gerbe-; Evn. gerben-; Neg. gejbe-; Ork. gelbe-;
Nan. gerbe-; Orch. gebbe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 181.
PMong. *ger yurt, house (юрта, дом): MMong. ger (HY 17, SH), ker
(IM), kir (MA); WMong. ger (L 377); Kh. ger; Bur. ger; Kalm. ger; Ord.
ger; Mog. ger; KT ger (18-1a), ZM geh[e]r (22-10a); Dag. geri, geŕ (Тод.
 *get῾V - *gibe 543

Даг. 131, MD 150); Dong. gie; Bao. gar, ger (Tungren); S.-Yugh. ger;
Mongr. ger (SM 133), ges ‘maison, ménage, famille’ (pl.) (SM 134), Ger.
◊ KW 134, MGCD 292.
PTurk. *gErekü 1 tent, yurt 2 grating of the yurt (1 юрта 2 решетка
юрты): OTurk. kerekü 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. kerekü 1 (MK); Turkm. gerege
2; MTurk. gerege 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. keraga 2; Bashk. kirägä 2; Kirgh. kerege
2; Kaz. kerege 2; KKalp. kerege 2; Nogh. kerege 2; Oyr. kerege 2.
◊ VEWT 255, TMN 3, 592, EDT 744, ЭСТЯ 3, 24-25, Лексика 503.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-get῾V to watch, look: Tung. *gete-; Mong. *gete-.
PTung. *gete- to wake up, sober up (очнуться, протрезветь): Man.
gete-; SMan. getə- ‘to wake up, to waken’ (533); Nan. gete-.
◊ ТМС 1, 183.
PMong. *gete- to watch, spy, lie in ambush (наблюдать, шпио-
нить, сидеть в засаде): WMong. gete- (L 380); Kh. gete-; Bur. gete-;
Kalm. get-; Dag. gete- (Тод. Даг. 131), getēbei- (MGCD 293).
◊ KW 135, Mong. > Sol., Evk. gete- ‘to creep up, lie in ambush’; Yak., Dolg. ketē- (Sta-
chowski 146).
‖ KW 135. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; despite TMN 1, 489, Doerfer MT
79, hardly a borrowing in TM < Mong. (because of semantic differ-
ences).
-gibe mare: Tung. *gibu-; Mong. *gewü-n; Turk. *KEbel.
PTung. *gibu- roe (косуля): Evk. giwčēn; Neg. giwčēn; Man. ǵo; Ul.
giu(n); Ork. giu; Nan. giu; Orch. gǟuča, giuča; Ud. giu, giuse; Sol. gīs.
◊ ТМС 1, 148.
PMong. *gewü-n mare (кобыла): MMong. ge’un (HY 9), guun-du
(MA), keun (LH); WMong. gegü(n), gegüü (L 374), geü (DO 273); Kh.
gǖ(n); Bur. gǖn(g); Kalm. gǖn; Ord. gǖ; Dag. geu (Тод. Даг. 132, MD
151); S.-Yugh. gǖn; Mongr. gū ‘femeille de certaine animaux’ (SM 138).
◊ KW 140, MGCD 306. Mong. > Evk. gōn etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, 1972, 96, Doerfer
MT 102.
PTurk. *KEbel a well-bred fast horse (благородная быстрая ло-
шадь): Karakh. kevel, kevil (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 689.
‖ A Western isogloss. The isolated Karakh. form may be borrowed <
Sak. käbä ‘well-bred horse’; perhaps a better match in Turkic would be
*Kojn ‘sheep’ (Лексика 431, ЭСТЯ 6, 24-26) ( > Mong. qoni(n) > Evk. ko-
nin etc., see TMN 3, 564, Щербак 1997, 139, Doerfer MT 37; despite KW
194 and Poppe 70, hardly a common Altaic *koni). In that case Turk.
*Kojn < *Kobi-n, with a subsequent reconstruction of PA *gabo(nV).
544 *gijo - *gìlè
-gijo notch, to cut aslant: Tung. *gia-; Turk. *Kɨj-; Jpn. *ki.
PTung. *gia- 1 to plane, notch 2 chips, shavings (1 строгать, скоб-
лить (кривым ножом) 2 стружки): Neg. gsadan 2; Man. ǵa- 1 (cf. also
geje- to carve); Ul. G- 1; Ork. G- 1; Nan. Gịa- 1; Orch. gǟsa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 147, 178. If the original meaning is “to cut aslant” (cf. the Turkic parallels),
cf. also Ud. gojom, Nan. Gojmo ‘crooked, aslant’ (ТМС 1, 158).
PTurk. *Kɨj- 1 to cut aslant, make notches 2 to cut in small pieces (1
резать наискосок, делать зарубки 2 резать на мелкие кусочки):
Karakh. qɨj- (MK) 1; Tur. kɨj- 2; Gag. qɨj- 2; Turkm. Gɨj- 1; MTurk. qɨj-
(AH, Ettuhf.) 1; Uzb. qij- 1; Kirgh. qɨj- 1; KKalp. qɨj-; Nogh. qɨj- 1; Khak.
xɨj- 1; Oyr. qɨj- 1; Tv. qɨj- 1; Chuv. xъjъ chip, sliver; Yak. kɨj- ‘walk
around’.
◊ VEWT 261, ЭСТЯ 6, 197-200. Turk. *Kɨjgač > Kalm. kīɣəs (KW 234). The meaning of
the Orkh. hapax qɨd- (see EDT 595) is quite insecure and cannot serve as a basis for recon-
structing *Kɨd-; all other forms (including qɨj- ‘to cut aslant’ and qɨj-ma ‘cut meat’ in MK)
point unambiguously to *Kɨj-, see ЭСТЯ 6, 200, 202-203. There exist also common Turkic
derivatives *Kɨj-ɨr and *Kɨj-ɨk ‘oblique, bent’.
PJpn. *ki notch (зарубка): OJpn. kji.
‖ Kalm. kāčə- (WMong. kijači-, KW 222) ‘to split (wood)’ is probably
borrowed from the Turk. derivative *Kɨjgač- (although the latter now
means basically ‘slant’, the original meaning was ‘cut aslant’). If the
latter was the original meaning in PA, one could also compare Mong.
*geji-, *geje- ‘slanting, oblique’ (otherwise see notes to *k῾úŋ(k)u).
-gìlè ( ~ -i, -o) to shine, glitter: Tung. *gilta-; Mong. *gil(b)a-; Jpn. *kìrà-.
PTung. *gilta- 1 white 2 shine (1 белый 2 блестеть): Evk. gilta-li 1;
Evn. gịltāl- 2; Man. gilta- 2; SMan. gilətərə- (2043); Ul. gilte 2; Nan. gilte-
2; Sol. giltarĩ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 151-152.
PMong. *gil(b)a- to glitter, shine (блестеть): MMong. gilibeligan
‘lightning’ (HY 2); WMong. gila-, gilba- (L 382), giluŋ, gilüŋ ‘shining’ (L
383); Kh. ǵala-, ǵalba-, gilbegne-; Bur. jalaj-; Kalm. giln, giləg, gilgr ‘light,
glittering’, gilī-, gilwə- ‘glitter’; Ord. gilba-; Dag. gialbagalǯi- (MGCD
294), gialebeleǯi- (MD 151); Mongr. ilōn ‘luisant, lisse, uni, glabre’ (SM
87).
◊ KW 136. Mong. gileji- > Oyr. kiläi-; Mong. gilba-lǯa- > Man. gilmarǯa-, see Rozycki 89.
PJpn. *kìrà- shining, glittering (блестящий, сверкать): OJpn.
k(j)ira-k(j)ira-si ‘beautiful’; MJpn. kìrà-kìrà-; Tok. kíra-kira, kira-mék-; Kyo.
kírà-kìrà, kírá-mék-; Kag. kira-kíra, kira-mék-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ KW 136, ОСНЯ 1, 230. In TM cf. also a variant *kilbe- / *kilt- ‘glit-
ter’ (ТМС 1, 393, 394; hence Yak. kilbej-, kɨlbaj-; but Dolg. gilbej-, gɨlbaj-
may be directly < Mong.; see Kał. MEJ 103, Stachowski 86, 87). Since
Mong. also has a variant *gilt- (MMong. (MA) qiltai-, WMong. giltagir,
 *gilu - *gíme 545

giltuji-, Kalm. giltəgr, giltī-, KW ibid.), the TM forms may be borrowed

from Mong. (see Doerfer MT 21-22, Rozycki 89). Note that Jpn. *kìrà-
may also reflect PA *gari q.v.
-gilu ( ~ -o, -a) curved object: Tung. *gil-; Mong. *gil-; Turk. *Kɨlɨ.
PTung. *gil- 1 ring 2 bracelet (1 кольцо 2 браслет): Evk. gildī 1;
Neg. gilǯixēn 1; Ul. gileptu(n) 2; Sol. diĺaptun 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 83, 150.
PMong. *gil- 1 to bevel 2 look askance, squint (1 скашивать 2 смот-
реть искоса, косить): WMong. gileji- (L 382: gilaji-) 2, gilčiji- 1; Kh.
gilǯij- ‘to trend, bend, squint’; Bur. gelžɨ- ‘to trend’; Kalm. gils-gils giǯ
xəl- (KPC 144) 2, gilčī- 1.
PTurk. *Kɨlɨ handle, ear (of a kettle, bucket) (ручка, ушко (чайни-
ка, ведра)): Tat. qɨlɨ, qɨl (dial.); Bashk. qɨlɨ, qɨlɨs (dial.); Kaz. qɨlɨ; Khak.
xɨlɣa, xɨlčɨ; Shr. qɨlčɨ; Oyr. qɨlɨ, qɨlɨ; Yak. kɨlɨ.
◊ VEWT 263, ЭСТЯ 6, 209-210.
‖ A Western isogloss; cf. *gĺu.
-gĺò cold: Tung. *gil-; Turk. *Kɨĺ; Jpn. *kìsàra-(n)ki.
PTung. *gil- cold (холодный): Evk. gildi; Evn. gịlr; Neg. gịlịgdị; Ul.
Gịtụlị, Gịtịsị; Ork. Gịčụlị; Nan. Gịčịsị; Orch. giči-si; Ud. gilihi.
◊ ТМС 1, 151. Most forms reflect a derivative *gil-si / *gil-či.
PTurk. *Kɨĺ winter (зима): OTurk. qɨš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qɨš
(MK); Tur. kɨš; Gag. qɨš; Az. Gɨš; Turkm. Gɨš; Khal. qɨš; MTurk. qɨš (AH,
Pav. C.); Uzb. qiš; Uygh. qiš; Krm. qɨš; Tat. qɨš; Bashk. qɨš; Kirgh. qɨš;
Kaz. qɨs; KBalk. qɨš; KKalp. qɨs; Kum. qɨš; Nogh. qɨs; SUygh. qɨs; Khak.
xɨs; Shr. qɨš; Oyr. qɨš; Tv. qɨ῾š; Chuv. xəl; Yak. kɨs, kɨhɨn; Dolg. kɨhɨn.
◊ EDT 670, VEWT 268, TMN 3, 479, Лексика 75-76, ЭСТЯ 6, 253-254, Stachowski
167-168.
PJpn. *kìsàra-(n)ki second month of the lunar calendar (второй ме-
сяц лунного календаря): OJpn. k(j)isarag(j)i; MJpn. kisaragi; Tok.
kìsaragi; Kyo. kísárágí; Kag. kisaragí.
◊ JLTT 451. Accent evidence is rather in favour of low tone, although the Kyoto form
is aberrant.
‖ EAS 110, Лексика 76, Miller UAJ 1986, 47, Miller 1996, 114.
-gíme ( ~ *gemi) defect: Mong. *gem; Turk. *Kem; Kor. *kìmi.
PMong. *gem 1 defect, illness, damage 2 to regret (1 дефект, бо-
лезнь, вред 2 сожалеть, раскаиваться): MMong. gise-, gise, g[e]si- (IM)
2; gemuri’ul- ‘to sicken’ (SH), gemur ‘Sorge’ (HYt); WMong. gem 1,
gemsi- 2 (L 375, 376); Kh. gem 1, gemši- 2; Bur. gem 1, gemše- 2; Kalm. gem
1, gemši- 2; Ord. gem 1, gemši- 2; Dag. gem 1 (Тод. Даг. 131, MD 150:
geme), gemši- 2; Dong. gien 1 (MGCD gən), giemere- ‘to be sick’; S.-Yugh.
gem 1; Mongr. gəŋšə- (SM 133) 2.
◊ KW 133, MGCD 291.
546 *gire - *gŕa
PTurk. *Kem illness (болезнь): OTurk. kem (OUygh.); Karakh.
ig-kem (MK, KB); Tur. gem, kem (dial.); Az. käm (dial.); Oyr. kem; Tv. kem;
Yak. kem ‘agnail (illness)’.
◊ EDT 720, ЭСТЯ 5, 34-35, VEWT 250, Clark 1977, 138, (should be distinguished from
kem ‘few’ < Pers.). Cf. perhaps Chuv. kъₙmъₙr ‘anger’.
PKor. *kìmi defect (on skin, jade) (дефект, изъян (на коже, драго-
ценном камне)): MKor. kìmi; Mod. kimi.
◊ Nam 79, KED 266.
‖ KW 133. Cf. Evk. gimdigī- ‘to break (of a belt, strap)’ (ТМС 1, 152).
-gire ( ~ -ŕ-) bone: Tung. *giram-ksa; Mong. *gere.
PTung. *giram-ksa 1 bone 2 skeleton (1 кость 2 скелет): Evk. gi-
ramna 1; Evn. gịrmr 2 (also “grave”); Neg. gịjamna 2; Man. giraŋgi 1;
SMan. giraŋə 1 (167); Jurch. gi(r)ba-an-gi (510) 1; Ul. Gịramsa 1; Ork. Gi-
ransa 1; Nan. Gịrmaqsa 1; Orch. giamsa 1; Ud. gämaha, geämaha 1, 2
(Корм. 221); Sol. giranda 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 154.
PMong. *gere 1 cheek bone 2 front teeth (1 скула 2 передние зубы):
WMong. gere 1 (L 378); Kh. gerē 1; Kalm. gerə šüdn 2.
◊ KW 134.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-giru shore; road: Tung. *giri; Turk. *Kɨrgak; Kor. *kírh.
PTung. *giri 1 shore 2 line, row 3 riverbed (1 берег 2 линия, ряд 3
русло): Evk. giri 1; Evn. gịrị 1; Neg. gịjị 1; Man. girin 2; SMan. girin
‘hamlets scattered along a highway’ (1020); Ul. gịrị(n) 3; Ork. giri 1;
Nan. gịr 1; Orch. gī 1; Ud. gī-ma 1.
◊ TMC 1,155.
PTurk. *Kɨrgak edge (край): Karakh. qɨrɣaɣ (MK) ‘selvage, edge’;
Tur. kɨrak; Az. GɨraG; Khal. qɨraɣ; MTurk. qɨrɨɣ, qɨraɣ (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qirɣɔq; Uygh. qi(r)ɣaq; Krm. qɨrɨj; Tat. qɨrɨj; Kirgh. qɨrū; Kum. qɨrɨj; Nogh.
qɨraq; Khak. xri, xɨrɨj, xɨrɨɣ; Oyr. qɨrɨɣ; Tv. qɨrɨ; Chuv. xərə; Yak. kɨr; Dolg.
kɨr.
◊ VEWT 265, EDT 653, ЭСТЯ 6, 242-244, Stachowski 170.
PKor. *kírh road (дорога): MKor. kír (kírh-); Mod. kil.
◊ Nam 81, KED 278.
‖ SKE 112, АПиПЯЯ 296. In Turkic the root is contaminating with
the reflex of *k῾re q.v.
-gŕa ( ~-o,-u) girl, mate: Tung. *girkī; Turk. *Kŕ.
PTung. *girkī 1 mate 2 wife 3 placenta (1 товарищ 2 жена 3 по-
след): Evk. girkī 1, 2, 3; Evn. girkъ 1, 2, 3; Neg. gīxī 1; Nan. girki ‘idol,
helping spirits’; Sol. gikki 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 155.
 *gằlá - *gla 547

PTurk. *Kŕ 1 girl 2 woman (1 девушка 2 женщина): OTurk. qɨz 1

(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qɨz 1 (MK, KB); Tur. kɨz 1; Gag. qɨz 1; Az. Gɨz
1; Turkm. Gz 1; Sal. qɨz 1; MTurk. qɨz 1 (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qiz 1; Uygh.
qiz 1; Krm. qɨz 1; Tat. qɨz 1; Bashk. qɨδ 1; Kirgh. qɨz 1; Kaz. qɨz 1; KBalk.
qɨz 1; KKalp. qɨz 1; Kum. qɨz 1; Nogh. qɨz 1; SUygh. qɨs 1; Khak. xɨs 1;
Shr. qɨs 1; Oyr. qɨs 1; Tv. qɨs 1; Tof. qɨs 1; Chuv. xər 1, xər-(arъm) 2; Yak.
ks 1; Dolg. ks 1.
◊ VEWT 269, TMN 3, 569-70, EDT 679-80, Лексика 295, 318, ЭСТЯ 6, 190-191, Sta-
chowski 172. For PT one should reconstruct variants *kŕ/*kr (they are reflected in several
derivatives, e.g. *Kr-kɨn, see Лексика 317-318, ЭСТЯ 6, 237, *Kɨr-nak, see TMN 3, 456,
ЭСТЯ 6, 240).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Mong. *gergei ‘wife’ (if not de-
rived from *ger ‘house’; Mong. pl. gergen > Yak., Dolg. kergen ‘family’,
see Kał. MEJ 28, Stachowski 145).
-gằlá goose, duck: Tung. *gileŋē-; Mong. *galaɣu(n); Jpn. *kàrí.
PTung. *gileŋē- a k. of duck (вид утки (утка-лотошка, крохаль)):
Neg. gileŋēti; Ul. gileńetu.
◊ ТМС 1, 152.
PMong. *galaɣu(n) goose (гусь): MMong. qalau’u (SH, HY 13),
qalawun (LH); WMong. ɣalaɣu(n) (L 346); Kh. galū; Bur. galū(n); Kalm.
ɣalūn (КРС 155); Ord. Galū; Dag. galō ‘wild goose’; Mongr. Galū (SM
117).
PJpn. *kàrí goose (гусь): OJpn. kari; MJpn. kàrí; Tok. kári; Kyo. kárí;
Kag. kári.
◊ JLTT 440. Tones in Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *kárí, but the attested RJ and To-
kyo tones speak in favour of *kàrí.
‖ In TM one would rather expect *gialeŋē, but the existing forms
may be explained as secondarily monophthongized. Despite АПиПЯЯ
80, the Jpn. form rather belongs here (semantically it is exactly = Mong.
ɣalaɣun, and in case *kàrí < *gāŕV we would rather expect *kàtí).
-gla to stay behind, be separated: Tung. *giala-; Mong. *gal-; Turk.
*Kiāl-; Jpn. *kára-.
PTung. *giala- 1 to separate 2 division, partition 3 room 4 to stop (1
отделять, перегораживать 2 отделение 3 комната 4 делать останов-
ку): Man. ǵala- 1,4, ǵalan 2; SMan. ǵalə- ‘distant, separated’ (2576); ǵalən
‘room space, compartiment of a house’ (448); Ul. Glaqo 3; Nan. Gịala- 1;
Ud. gäla῾u 3 (Корм. 221); Sol. gl 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 146. Sol. > Dag. gēlāŋ, ǵalāŋ ‘room’ (Тод. Даг. 131).
PMong. *gal- 1 to walk slowly 2 to be lazy; to leave, go away (1 ид-
ти медленно 2 быть ленивым; уходить): WMong. ɣalɣi- 1, ɣalira- 2 (L
346); Kh. galgi- 1, galira- 2; Bur. galgi-; Kalm. ɣaĺgə- ‘be ashamed, con-
fused’; Ord. Galgi-.
548 *gălu - *gĺu
◊ KW 142. Mong. > Kaz. qalɣɨ- etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 232-233).
PTurk. *Kiāl- to stay behind, remain (оставаться): OTurk. qal-
(Orkh., OUygh., Yenis.); Karakh. qal- (MK, KB); Tur. kal-; Az. Gal-;
Turkm. Gāl-; MTurk. qal- (Sangl., Qutb., Houts., AH, IM, MA, Pav. C.);
Uzb. qɔl-; Uygh. qal-; Tat. qal-; Bashk. qal-; Kirgh. qal-; Kaz. qal-; KBalk.
qal-; KKalp. qal-; Kum. qal-; Nogh. qal-; Khak. xal-; Shr. qal-; Oyr. qal-;
Tv. qal-; Tof. qal-; Chuv. jol-; Yak. xāl-; Dolg. kāl-.
◊ EDT 615-616, VEWT 224, ЭСТЯ 5, 226-227, Егоров 347, Федотов 2, 483, Stachowski
142.
PJpn. *kára- to stay away, get apart; die (отделяться, удаляться;
умирать): OJpn. kara-; MJpn. kára-.
◊ JLTT 704.
‖ The original meaning is well reconstructable as “to lag behind >
become separated”. The derivative *gla-kV ‘separation, lagging’ is re-
flected in PTM *giala-ku ‘separated space, room’ and the denominative
*gal-gi- in Mongolian.
-gălu thick, whole: Tung. *gulu-kun; Mong. *goli-; Turk. *Kalɨŋ.
PTung. *gulu-kun 1 whole 2 (whole) piece (1 целый 2 (целый) ку-
сок): Man. gulxun 1; SMan. guluxun ‘complete, pure’ (2348, 2820); Ul.
gulxu(n) 2; Nan. gulxũ 2; Ud. guluhu 2; Sol. gulgũ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 169. TM > Dag. gulgun (Тод. Даг. 133).
PMong. *goli- be tall, stately, gross (быть высоким, величавым,
тучным): WMong. ɣoliji-; Kh. golij-; Bur. golī-; Kalm. ɣoĺɣr.
◊ KW 150.
PTurk. *Kalɨŋ 1 thick, stiff 2 numerous (1 толстый, густой 2 много-
численный): OTurk. qalɨn (Orkh.) 1, qalɨn (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qalɨn
(MK) 1, (MK, KB) 2; Tur. kalɨn 1; Az. Galɨn 1; Turkm. Galɨŋ 1; MTurk.
qalɨŋ (Qutb.) 1, qalɨn (MA, Houts., Abush., AH, Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. qɛlin 1;
Uygh. qelin 1; Tat. qalɨn 1; Bashk. qalɨn 1; Kirgh. qalɨŋ 1; Kaz. qalɨŋ 1;
KKalp. qalɨŋ 1; Kum. qalɨn 1; Nogh. qalɨn 1; Khak. xalɨn 1; Oyr. qalɨŋ 1;
Tv. qɨlɨn, dial. Todzh. 1; Tof. xɨlɨn 1; Chuv. xulъn, xolъm 1; Yak. xalɨŋ 1.
◊ VEWT 226, ЭСТЯ 5, 238-239, Федотов 2, 354-355.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-gĺu ring, bracelet, precious stone: Tung. *goldi; Turk. *KĀĺ; Jpn.
*kusirə; Kor. *kòrhói.
PTung. *goldi 1 ring 2 loop (on handle of whip) (1 кольцо 2 петля
(на кнутовище)): Evk. goldi 1; Man. Gulǯarχan 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 159, 167.
PTurk. *KĀĺ 1 jade 2 precious stone, the bezel of a finger ring (1 яш-
ма 2 драгоценный камень, гнездо в кольце): Karakh. qaš (MK) 1; Tur.
kaš 2; Az. Gaš 2; Turkm. Gāš 2; MTurk. qaš (Houts., IM, Pav. C., MA) 1,
 *gaŋu - *gări 549

2; Uygh. qaš 2; Tat. qaš 2; Bashk. qaš 2; Kirgh. qaš 2; Kum. qaš 2; Nogh.
qas 2; Tv. xaš 2.
◊ EDT 669. KW 171. Turk. > Mong. qas(i), (HY) qaši, see Clark 1980, 41, 42, Щербак
1997, 134.
PJpn. *kusirə bracelet (браслет): OJpn. kusiro.
◊ JLTT 466.
PKor. *kòrhói ring, bracelet (кольцо, браслет): MKor. kòrhói; Mod.
kori.
◊ Nam 51, KED 140.
‖ A specific common Altaic cultural term.
-gaŋu wild onion: Tung. *guŋur; Turk. *gEmürgen; Jpn. *k(u)i.
PTung. *guŋur garlic (чеснок): Evk. guŋur.
◊ ТМС 1, 173. Attested only in Evk., with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *gEmürgen wild onion or garlic (дикий лук или чеснок):
Karakh. kövürgen (MK), kömürgen (MK - Oghuz); Tur. gümüren; Gag.
kömüren; Kirgh. köbürgön; Khak. köbərgen; Oyr. köbürgen; Tv. kögürön
(dial.); Tof. kögirhen.
◊ EDT 691, ЭСТЯ 3, 100; VEWT 285; Лексика 124. Sometimes explained as derived
from köbür- ‘to foam’ (see VEWT ibid.); this seems a folk etymology, but may explain the
irregular -b- in some of the forms.
PJpn. *k(u)i a k. of onion (вид лука): OJpn. k(j)i.
◊ JLTT 449.
‖ Cf. also some similar roots: *gokV, *komga, *k῾ema (with possible
mergers). Medial -m- in Turk. may be either due to these mergers, or a
result of labial assimilation (*gEmürgen < *gEŋürgen). The Jpn. form
must go back to a suffixed *gaŋ(u)-gV.
-gări to stretch, spread: Tung. *girke-; Turk. *ger-; Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *girke- to spread (расстилать): Evk. girke-; Evn. girkъ-.
◊ ТМС 1, 156.
PTurk. *ger- to spread out, to hang (растягивать, вешать): OTurk.
ker- (OUygh.); Karakh. ker- (MK, KB); Tur. ger-; Gag. ger-; Az. gär-;
Turkm. ger-; MTurk. ker- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ker-; Uygh. ker-; Krm. ger-; Tat.
dial. kər- (КСТТ); Bashk. kir-; Kirgh. ker-; Kaz. ker-; KBalk. ker-; KKalp.
ker-; Kum. ger-; Nogh. ker-; Khak. kir-; Oyr. ker-; Tv. xer-; Tof. ker-; Chuv.
kar-.
◊ VEWT 254, EDT 735, ЭСТЯ 3, 23-24.
PKor. *kr- 1 to hang on, put on (smth.) 2 to spread out (1 вешать,
надевать (что-л.) 2 расстилать): MKor. kr-thí- 1; Mod. kl- 1, klčhi- 1,
2.
◊ Nam 38, KED 97, 100.
‖ The match is possible if TM *girke- is a secondary contraction <
*giarke-. Another possibility would be to suppose *girke- < *gerki- and
reconstruct PA *gĕrV.
550 *gắru - *gằŕá
-gắru acacia: Tung. *gur-; Turk. *KArakan; Jpn. *kútí-; Kor. *kor-.
PTung. *gur- 1 acacia 2 polar birch 3 willow (1 акация 2 полярная
береза 3 ива): Evk. guran 2; Man. Goro 1; Nan. GorGolaǯi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 162, 173.
PTurk. *KArakan acacia (акация): Karakh. qaraqan (MK); Turkm.
GaraGan ‘солянка древовидная’; Khal. qaraqan; MTurk. qaraqan[a] (Pav.
C.); Uzb. qɔrɔɣɔn; Bashk. dial. qaraɣan; Kirgh. qaraɣan; Kaz. qaraɣan;
Khak. xaraɣan; Shr. qaraɣan; Oyr. qaraɣan; Tv. xaraɣan, Todzh. qaraɣan.
◊ EDT 657, ЭСТЯ 5, 293-294, TMN 1, 275. Turk. > Mong. qaraɣana, whence again into
Turk. (Khak. xarɣana etc., see ЭСТЯ ibid.).
PJpn. *kútí- Gardenia jasminoides (Gardenia jasminoides): MJpn.
kútínasi; Tok. kùchinashi; Kyo. kúchínáshí; Kag. kuchináshi.
PKor. *kor- acacia, Caragana ussuriensis (акация): Mod. koldam-čho.
‖ The meaning ‘acacia’ is surprisingly well reconstructable for this
root.
-gàru wave, stream: Tung. *guru-; Mong. *goru-ka / *gori-ka; Kor. *kjr.
PTung. *guru- 1 reach (of river) 2 whirlpool (1 плес 2 водоворот):
Evk. gurukā 1, guru-ma ‘straight (of a river reach)’; Ork. GorGi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 174.
PMong. *goru-ka / *gori-ka small river, rivulet, stream (речка, ру-
чей): MMong. goroxan (HY); WMong. ɣoruqa, ɣoriqa (L 362); Kh. gor;
Bur. gorxo(n); Kalm. ɣoroxa (СЯОС).
PKor. *kjr wave (волна): MKor. kjr; Mod. kjəl.
◊ Nam 43, KED 116.
‖ Mong. and TM reflect a common derivative *gàru-k῾V.
-gằŕá to walk, step: Tung. *giari- / *gira-; Mong. *gar-; Turk. *gEŕ-; Jpn.
*kàtí.
PTung. *giari- / *gira- 1 to walk 2 to step (1 гулять 2 шагать): Evk.
gira-kta- 2; Evn. gịraŋ-, gịrq- 2; Neg. gịjān- 2; Man. Garda- ‘to run’, ǵari-
῾to walk round, walk away’; Ul. Grị- 1, Gịran- 2; Ork. Gịran-; Nan.
Gịari- 1, Gịran- 2; Orch. gǟri- 1, gia- 2; Ud. geä-li- 1, geäna- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 141, 142, 147, 154-155.
PMong. *gar- to go out (выходить): MMong. qar- (HY 36, SH), qor-,
qur- (IM), ɣăr- (MA); WMong. ɣar- (L 350); Kh. gar-; Bur. gara-; Kalm.
ɣar-; Ord. Gar-; Mog. ɣaru-; ZM ɣaru- (41-2); Dag. gar- (Тод. Даг. 130),
gare- (MD 148), garə-; Dong. qeri- (MGCD qɨri-); Bao. xăr- (MGCD xarə-);
S.-Yugh. Gar-; Mongr. Gari- (SM 120).
◊ KW 145, MGCD 285.
PTurk. *gEŕ- to walk, walk through (ходить, проходить через):
OTurk. kez- (OUygh.); Karakh. kez- (MK, KB); Tur. gez-; Gag. gez-; Az.
gäz-; Turkm. gez-; Sal. gez- (Kakuk); Khal. käz-; MTurk. kéz- (Sangl., MA,
Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. kez-; Uygh. g/käz-; Krm. gez-; Tat. giz-; Bashk.
 *gaso - *góč῾e 551

giδ-; Kirgh. kez-; KBalk. [kezik ‘очередь’]; KKalp. gez-; Kum. gez-; Nogh.
kez-; Tof. kes-.
◊ VEWT 260, EDT 757, ЭСТЯ 3, 10-11. Cf. also (with -r-) Yak. kerij- ‘walk around’.
The derived Turk. *gEŕik ‘turn, order’ ( < *’going through’) > MMong. kešik (SH), WMong.
kesig ‘wake, turn’ (see TMN 1, 467-468, Clark 1980, 40). The verb itself was also borrowed,
cf. WMong. kesü-, Khalkha, Bur. xese-, Dag. kese- ‘to wander, roam’.
PJpn. *kàtí walking (хождение пешком): OJpn. kati; MJpn. kàtí;
Tok. káchi; Kyo. káchí; Kag. kachí.
◊ JLTT 444. The Kyoto accent is irregular, otherwise all evidence points to *kàtí.
‖ ЭСТЯ 3, 11, JOAL 125, 126, АПиПЯЯ 74, 289, Дыбо 13.
-gaso to curse, horrify: Tung. *gos-; Mong. *ges-; Turk. *Kias-; Jpn.
*kasi-.
PTung. *gos- to curse (ругать): Neg. gosowlā-; Man. gasxu- ‘to swear’
(Захаров 305); SMan. Gasəhə- (1915, 1916); Ul. Gosolo-; Ork. Gosị-; Nan.
Gosōla-, n. Gosχo(n); Orch. gosola-.
◊ ТМС 1, 162-163.
PMong. *ges- 1 to punish 2 to suffer (1 наказывать 2 страдать): Kh.
gesgē- 1; Kalm. ges- ‘to suffer’ (КРС).
PTurk. *Kias- 1 horrible, terrible 2 to annoy 3 to become wasted,
lose 4 vindictive 5 inimical (1 страшный, ужасный 2 досаждать 3 ра-
зоряться, терять 4 мстительный 5 враждебный): OTurk. qasɨnčɨɣ
(OUygh. Suv.) 1; Kirgh. qas 5; Kaz. qas 5; Shr. qasta- 2; Chuv. jus-, juzъn-
3, jus-tar- 2; Yak. xasɨmar 4.
◊ EDT 668, Ашм. XI, 12.
PJpn. *kasi- to curse, damn; cast a spell (проклинать; заклинать):
OJpn. kasi-r-; MJpn. kasi-r-.
‖ Cf. *kasa.
-góč῾e a k. of flower: Mong. *gečigene; Turk. *gEč-; Kor. *kòč.
PMong. *gečigene silverweed, potentilla anserina (мать-и-мачеха):
WMong. gečigene (L 381: gičigene); Kh. gičgene; Bur. gešegenē(n) ‘назва-
ние растения со съедобными корнями’; Ord. gečigene.
PTurk. *gEč- a k. of flower (вид цветка): Turkm. gečemǯek ‘ласто-
вень острый’, gečigeči ‘пастушья сумка’.; Kirgh. küčük ‘catkins, aglets,
flower buds’; Chuv. kъčkъ ‘catkins, aglets, flower buds’ ( > Mari kičke
‘willow buds’?).
◊ Федотов 1, 264. Not quite secure, since the root is (folk-etymologically?) contami-
nated either with geče ‘goat’ or with *gǖčük ‘puppy’.
PKor. *kòč flower (цветок): MKor. kòč; Mod. k:ot [k:očh].
◊ Nam 54, KED 174.
‖ Very scantily represented in Turkic, so basically a Mong.-Kor. iso-
gloss; not quite reliable.
552 *godV - *g[o]jk῾u
-godV belly, stomach: Tung. *gudige; Mong. *gede-sün.
PTung. *gudige stomach (желудок): Evk. gudiɣē; Evn. gudi; Neg.
gudi; Man. guweǯixe; Ud. gudie; Sol. gudege.
◊ ТМС 1, 167. On Mong. güǯiɣe < TM see Doerfer MT 22; backloans are probably
Spoken Manchu guǯuge and Nan. gūǯẽ.
PMong. *gede-sün belly, intestines (живот, внутренности):
MMong. gedesun (HY 47), kesosun (IM), kitäsun, kuǯiesä (MA 391, 345);
WMong. gedesü(n), gedüsü(n); Kh. gedes, gedsen; Bur. gedehe(n); Kalm.
gesn; Ord. gedüsü; Mog. gesän, gesäl; ZM gisäl (3-6b); Dag. gedes, getes
(Тод. Даг. 131), ketes; geǯese, getese, ketese (MD 150, 151, 183); Dong.
kiǯəsun, qɨǯəsun, kiǯiesun; Bao. Gaǯisoŋ; S.-Yugh. gedesən; Mongr. gidesə
(SM 136), gədesə.
◊ KW 135, MGCD 289.
‖ ТМС 1, 167. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-goje ? to butt, horn: Tung. *gujā-.
PTung. *gujā- 1 to butt 2 horn 3 fang 4 to play (of animals) (1 бо-
дать 2 рог 3 клык 4 играть (о животных)): Evk. gujā- 1; Evn. gụj- 1;
Neg. goja 2; Man. Guja- 4; Ul. Gụja 3; Ork. Gụja- 1; Nan. Goja 2; Orch.
guja 3; Ud. guja 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 168.
‖ Basically a TM root, but cf. Yak. kej- ‘to butt’. Jpn. *k(ù)i ‘fang’ may
belong here, too - but see under *k῾ùge). On the whole, rather dubious
as a common Altaic etymon.
-g[o]jk῾u bird of prey: Tung. *giax(ü-n); Turk. *göjke.
PTung. *giaxü-n 1 hawk 2 falcon (1 ястреб 2 сокол): Evk. gki 2;
Evn. gǟqn 1,2; Neg. gxin 1; Man. ǵaχun 1; SMan. ǵahun 1 (2241); Jurch.
giaxun (giaxun-un) (155) 2; Ul. Gχõ 1; Nan. Gịχõ 1; Orch. gǟki 1; Ud. gäxi
(Корм. 221), geäxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 146. Cf. also TM *kiak- ‘falcon, hawk’ (ТМС 1, 391) - variant of the same
root with assimilation?
PTurk. *göjke kestrel, windhover, hawk (пустельга, ястреб):
OTurk. kekük ‘a bird of prey’ (OUygh. - Irq Bitig); Karakh. kekük
‘al-zummac, a bird the bones of which are used in conjurations and
sorcery’ (MK); Turkm. gövenek; MTurk. köjkenek (Pav.C., Abushk.);
Kirgh. küjkö; Khak. köjkenek.
◊ VEWT 288, EDT 710, ЭСТЯ 5, 133-134, Лексика 170. Turk. > Mong. küjkünek.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 170. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.; seems reliable, but
the front vowel in Turk. is unclear.
 *gòjńu - *gòjńu 553

-gòjńu dawn, daylight: Tung. *giańam; Mong. *gegeɣe < *geɣeɣe; Turk.
*gün(eĺ) / *guńaĺ; Jpn. *ka(i); Kor. *kúi.
PTung. *giańam dawn (рассвет, заря): Evk. gwan; Evn. gǟwụn;
Neg. gwan; Ul. Gwa(n); Ork. Gwa(n); Nan. Gịwã; Orch. gǟawan; Ud.
gäwa.
◊ ТМС 1, 145. The reflexes match almost exactly those of *miańam ‘heart’, which
makes us reconstruct *giańam with a later assimilative development > *giawan. Cf. per-
haps also Jurch. gen-gien ‘light, clear’ = Man. geŋǵen, SMan. giŋiN id. (a contamination
with PTM *geŋg- ‘clean, clear’? - or the same root?), see ТМС 1, 177.
PMong. *gegeɣe < *geɣeɣe dawn, daylight (рассвет, дневной свет):
MMong. gegejen (HY 53, SH), gegen (SH), geji- ‘to become light’ (SH),
gigän (MA); WMong. gege(n), gegege(n) (L 373); Kh. gegē(n); Bur. gegē(n);
Kalm. gēn, gegn; Ord. gegē(n); Dag. gegēn (Тод. Даг. 131, MD 149), geji-
‘to get light (about the sky)’ (MD 149); Bao. gegaŋ; Mongr. gəgēn (SM
132).
◊ KW 132, 135, MGCD 290.
PTurk. *gün(eĺ) / *guńaĺ 1 sun 2 day 3 sunny place 4 sun-heat (1
солнце 2 день 3 солнечное место 4 солнечный жар): OTurk. kün 1, 2
(Orkh., OUygh.), küneš 3 (YB), isig qujaš 4 (OUygh. - Br.); Karakh. kün 1,
2, qujaš 4 (MK), küneš 3 (Tefs.); Tur. gün 2, güneš 1, (dial.) gujaš 1; Gag.
gün 1, 2, güneš 1; Az. gün 1, 2, günäš 1; Turkm. gün 1, 2, güneš 1, 4, qujāš
1 (dial.); Sal. gǖn 1, 2; Khal. kin, kün 1, 2, kinäš ‘sonnig’; MTurk. qujaš 1
(Sangl., Abush., Pav. C.), küneš 1 (Pav. C., Abush., Бор. Бад.), kün 1, 2
(Pav. C., MA); Uzb. kun 1, 2, qujɔš 1; Uygh. kün 1, 2, (dial.) qojaš 1; Krm.
kün 1, 2, küneš 1, qujaš, qujas 1; Tat. kön 1, 2, qojaš 1; Bashk. kön 1, 2, könäs
4, qojaš 1; Kirgh. kün 1, 2; Kaz. kün 1, 2; KBalk. kün 1, 2; KKalp. kün 1, 2,
qujaš 1; Kum. gün 1, 2 güneš 1; Nogh. kün 1, 2, qɨjas 4; SUygh. kun 1, 2;
Khak. kün 1, 2; Shr. kün 1, 2, qujaš 1; Oyr. kün 1, 2, dial. qujaš 1 (Kumd.,
Leb.); Tv. xün 1, 2; Tof. xün 1, 2; Chuv. kon 2, xəₙvel 1; Yak. kün 1, 2, kuās
‘heat’; Dolg. kün 1, kuńās ‘heat’.
◊ VEWT 301, 309 (Räsänen separates *gün and *gun’al’, which is hardly justified);
EDT 679, 725, 734, ЭСТЯ 3, 100-104, 6, 112-113, Лексика 20-21, 64-65, 77-78, Федотов 1
306-307, Stachowski 161, 164. The forms *güńeĺ and *guńaĺ must be old dialectal variants.
PJpn. *ka(i) day, period of time (день, период времени): OJpn. ke.
◊ The root is also attested as a suffixed -ka (patu-ka ‘20 days’, itu-ka ‘5 days’ etc.), see
JLTT 430, 448.
PKor. *kúi dawn (рассвет): MKor. hắis-kúi; Mod. häk:wi.
◊ Nam 484, KED 1815.
‖ Лексика 78, Doerfer MT 143. Cf. also Mong. geji- ‘to dawn’ (KW
137), proving that *geɣe- < *geje-. The Korean form points to a cluster
with *-j-, therefore a reconstruction *gòjnu (with subsequent assimila-
tive palatalization -jn- > -jń-) is perhaps more plausible; cf. also the
variation *n/*ń in PT. The Jpn. reflex is somewhat problematic: loss of
554 *g[k]ó - *gola
final resonant here may be explained by a standard development be-
fore a velar suffix (*ka < *gòjn(u)-gV, cf. Mong. *gege-ɣe, Man. geŋ-ǵe);
but one would rather expect a PJ form like *ku(i). The irregular vowel
may be due to contraction, cf. a similar case in PJ *ká ‘mosquito’ < PA
*kúńe.
-g[k]ó to run, send: Tung. *gik-; Mong. *güji-; Turk. *Kog-; Jpn.
*kàká-.
PTung. *gik- 1 to gallop 2 to send 3 to spy (1 бежать рысью 2 посы-
лать 3 разведывать): Evn. gịqlị- 3; Man. ǵaχala-ča- 1; Ul. Gịlta- 2; Nan.
Gịqo- 1, Gịaqta- 2; Orch. gikta- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 137, 149.
PMong. *güji- to run, gallop, flee (бежать, убегать): MMong. gue-
(HY 16, 36), gui’ji- (SH), gui- (MA), guj- (IM); WMong. güi-, güjü- (L
390); Kh. güj-; Bur. güj-; Kalm. gǖ-; Ord. güj-; Mog. güī-; KT gujä-
(10-6a); Dag. gui- (Тод. Даг. 133, MD 153); Mongr. gw- (SM 140), gui-
(Huzu).
◊ KW 140, MGCD 308.
PTurk. *Kog- to drive, pursue (гнать, преследовать): Tur. koɣ-
(since 17th cent.); Uygh. qoɣla- (dial.); Khak. xoɣ-; Oyr. qoɣ-; Yak. kuolā-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 9-10, VEWT 275 (should be distinguished from PT *Kob-).
PJpn. *kàká- to run, gallop, flee (бежать, скакать, убегать): MJpn.
kaka-; Tok. kaké-; Kyo. kàkè-; Kag. kàkè-.
◊ JLTT 702.
‖ The medial consonant behaves irregularly: the Turk. and Mong.
forms point to an intermediate *gogo, probably a result of assimilation
< *goko.
-gola ( ~ -ĺ-, *galo) to burn, fire: Tung. *gul-; Mong. *gal.
PTung. *gul- 1 to blaze 2 to set fire 3 (bon)fire 4 hearth (1 сверкать 2
разжигать 3 костер 4 очаг): Evk. gul- 1; Evn. gụl- 2; Neg. golo-wun 3;
Man. Golon tuwa 3; gulgin ‘flame’; Ul. Gol-ǯo(n) 4; Nan. Gola- 2, Golǯõ 4;
Orch. gogǯo(n) 4; Sol. gụlǯēr 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 169.
PMong. *gal fire (огонь): MMong. qal (HY 22, SH), qal (IM), ɣal
(MA); WMong. ɣal (L 346); Kh. gal; Bur. gal; Kalm. ɣal; Ord. Gal; Mog.
ɣōl; ɣl (18-2a); Dag. gali, gaĺ (Тод. Даг. 130, MD 148); Dong. qan; Bao.
xal; S.-Yugh. Gal; Mongr. Gar (SM 118).
◊ KW 141-142, MGCD 279.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Poppe 24, 75 compares
the TM stem with Mong. ɣolu-mta ‘hearth’, but cf. rather *gūĺo.
 *gòlo - *gṓp῾e 555

-gòlo to be unhappy, endure: Tung. *gil-; Mong. *golu-; Turk. *Kol-;

Jpn. *krápá- (~-uo-).
PTung. *gil- 1 to be sore, ache (of heart, wounds) 2 to be sad, an-
noyed, indignant (1 ныть, болеть (о сердце, ране) 2 грустить, досадо-
вать, негодовать): Evk. gilka- 1; Evn. gịlko- 1; Man. gila-, giŋqa-, giŋGa-,
gilaǯa-, gilača- 2; Ul. gil-, gl- 1; Ork. gilči- 1; Nan. Gịlk- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 151.
PMong. *golu- to be unhappy with smth., consider smth. bad (пре-
зирать, не любить): MMong. qolu- (HY 36); WMong. ɣolu-, ɣol- (L 359);
Kh. golo-; Bur. golo-; Kalm. ɣol-.
◊ KW 150.
PTurk. *Kol- to beg (просить (милостыню), умолять): OTurk. qol-
(Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qol- (MK); MTurk. qol- (Pav. C., Abush.), qol-či
‘beggar’; Uzb. qɔlčir ‘Verleumder’ (KW 183); Krm. qol-; SUygh. qol-;
Yak. kulu ‘give (imper.)’.
◊ VEWT 277, EDT 616, ЭСТЯ 6, 36-37. Turk. > WMong. qolčir, KW xoĺčr ‘ver-
schwenderisch, leichtsinnig’ (KW 183).
PJpn. *krápá- (~-uo-) to endure (терпеть, выносить): MJpn. korafa-;
Tok. koraé-; Kyo. kòràè-; Kag. kòràè-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ KW 150.
-gṓĺV edge; eyebrow: Tung. *gula; Turk. *K(i)āĺ.
PTung. *gula 1 edge, cliff 2 eyelashes 3 beard, moustache (1 склон,
скат 2 ресницы 3 борода, усы): Evk. gula 1; Neg. gulaxan 1; Man. Gu-
laqu 1; Orch. gūla 1, gulagö 2; Ud. gula 1, guluge 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 169.
PTurk. *K(i)āĺ eyebrow; edge, bank; saddle bow (бровь; край, бе-
рег; лука седла): OTurk. qaš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qaš (MK, KB);
Tur. kaš (dial.); Az. Gaš; Turkm. Gāš; MTurk. qaš (Sangl., Pav. C.,
Abush.), qaš (CCum.); Uzb. qɔš; Uygh. qaš; Krm. qaš; Tat. qaš; Bashk. qaš;
Kirgh. qaš; Kaz. qas; KKalp. qas; Kum. qaš; Nogh. qas; Khak. xas; Shr. qaš;
Oyr. qaš; Tv. qaš; Tof. xaš; Yak. xās; Dolg. kās.
◊ EDT 669, VEWT 240, TMN 3, 389, ЭСТЯ 5, 343-345, Лексика 211-212, 542, Sta-
chowski 143.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss, with very similar semantic developments.
Лексика 212.
-gṓp῾e to swell, form blisters: Mong. *göb- / *güb-; Turk. *Kāp-; Jpn.
*kəp(u)i ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *kòpó-m-.
PMong. *göb- / *güb- 1 elevation, unevenness on the surface of an
object; wart, blister, pimple 2 to have pimples 3 hill, mound (1 возвы-
шение, неровность на поверхности предмета; бородавка, прыщ 2
иметь прыщи 3 холм, возвышение): WMong. göbdürigüü 1, göb-
556 *góra - *góro
dürigüde- 2 (L 385), gübege(n), gübüge(n) 3 (L 388); Kh. gövdrǖ 1,
gövdrǖde- 2, güvē 3; Bur. gübē 3, gübɨ-; Kalm. göw, güw 3; Ord. göbdörǖ
1, 3.
◊ KW 138, 140.
PTurk. *Kāp- 1 to swell, form blisters 2 thick, swollen 3 hill, mound
(1 распухать, нарывать 2 толстый, распухший 3 холм, возвышение):
Karakh. qapar- 1, qapa (MK) 3; Tur. kabar- 1, kaba 2; Az. Gabar- 1, Gaba 2;
Turkm. Gābar- 1, Gāba 2; MTurk. (OKypch.) qabar- (AH) 1, qaba (Houts.,
AH) 2; Uygh. qapa(r)- 1, dial. qova 2; Tat. qabar- 1, qaba 2; Bashk. qabar- 1,
qabaq 3; Kirgh. qabar- 1, qabaq 3; Kaz. qabar- 1, qaba 2; KKalp. qabar- 1,
qapa 2; Kum. qabar- 1, qaba 2; Nogh. qabar- 1; Tv. xavar-, xapɨj- 1; Chuv.
xъₙba-lan- 1; Yak. xaba-lan- 1.
◊ VEWT 215, 233, ЭСТЯ 5, 158, 165-166.
PJpn. *kəp(u)i ( ~ -ua-) swelling of feet (опухание ног): MJpn. kofi.
PKor. *kòpó-m fever, malaria (лихорадка, малярия): MKor.
kòpó-m.
◊ Nam 47.
‖ Cf. *kŏp῾e, *k῾àpe.
-góra a k. of reed: Tung. *gurbi; Turk. *KAr(a)gu; Jpn. *kántúrá.
PTung. *gurbi reed (тростник): Man. Gurbi(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 173. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *KAr(a)gu reed (тростник): Karakh. qarɣu (AH); Tur. karɣɨ;
Az. Garɣɨ; Turkm. GarGɨ; Khal. Garɣo; MTurk. qarɣu (AH), ɣarqu (Бор.
Бад.), ɣaraw (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ɣɔrɔw; Chuv. xorɣux ‘осот полевой,
молочай’ ( < *Korgaɣu with secondary -x ; Ашм. XVI, 194: xur xuxi, xur
xuxxi, xor xъvъx).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 306.
PJpn. *kántúrá vine, creeper (лоза): OJpn. kadura; MJpn. kádúra;
Tok. kàzura; Kyo. kázùrà; Kag. kazúra.
◊ JLTT 447. All dialects except Kyoto point to high tone.
‖ The Turk.-Manchu match is semantically straightforward; the Jpn.
match is phonetically plausible, but less certain semantically.
-góro ( ~ -ŕ-) to cut, carve, shear: Tung. *giri-; Mong. *gur-; Jpn. *kár-.
PTung. *giri- to cut out (вырезать): Evk. gir-; Evn. gịr-; Neg. gī-, gịj-;
Man. giri-; Ul. Gịrị-; Ork. Gịrị-; Nan. Gịrị-; Orch. gī-, giji-; Ud. gī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 153-154.
PMong. *gur- 1 carving 2 whetstone (1 резьба 2 точильный ка-
мень): WMong. ɣorbi 1, ɣuranǯu 2 (L 369); Kh. gurvi 1, guranʒ 2; Bur.
guŕba 1; Kalm. guŕwə, goŕwə 1.
◊ KW 152, 156.
PJpn. *kár- to shear, mow (срезать, косить): OJpn. kar-; MJpn. kár-;
Tok. kàr-; Kyo. kár-; Kag. kár-.
◊ JLTT 704.
 *gṑŕe - *gube 557

‖ АПиПЯЯ 288, Miller-Street 1975, 108ff (with a somewhat different

distribution of roots). MKor. kằr-hằi- < *kr-hằi- through assimilation (?).
The root tends to contaminate with a number of similar roots: see
*k῾irga, *k῾iregV, *kiro.
-gṑŕe ( ~ *gŕu) skin disease: Tung. *gōr-; Turk. *KEŕi-.
PTung. *gōr- 1 to exuviate, lose skin 2 a bird that has lost feathers (1
линять, сбрасывать кожу 2 облинявшая птица): Evk. gōr- 1; Evn. gōr-
1; Neg. goj- 1; Man. Goqǯi 2; Ul. Golị- 1; Ork. Gorị- 1; Nan. Gōrị- 1; Ud.
guai- 1; Sol. gori- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 160-161.
PTurk. *KEŕi- fever, contagious disease (лихорадка, заразная бо-
лезнь): OTurk. kezik (OUygh.); Karakh. kezig (KB, MK); Tur. gezik ‘a
rodent ulcer’ (EDT), kezek ‘gangrene’; MTurk. kezek ‘a rodent ulcer’
(Abush.), Kypch. keziv ‘pestilence’ (CCum.); Uygh. kezik ‘typhus’;
Bashk. kiδew ‘pestilence’; Kirgh. kezik ‘long uncurable disease’; Kaz.
kezik ‘fever’; KKalp. gezik ‘a cold in the head’; Khak. kizəm; Oyr. kezim,
kezü.
◊ EDT 758-759, VEWT 260 (derivation from kez- ‘walk’ is highly dubious).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-gose ( ~ -i, *gaso) stick, pole: Tung. *gusa; Mong. *gesi-ɣün.
PTung. *gusa 1 pole (for tying nets) 2 banner (1 шест (для привя-
зывания сети) 2 знамя): Man. Gusa 2; Ul. Gụsa 1; Ork. Gụsa 1; Nan.
Gosa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 175. Man. > Dag. gusa (Тод. Даг. 133).
PMong. *gesi-ɣün branch (ветка): MMong. geši’un (HY 7), gešibūn
(Lig.VMI), kešiut (pl.) (SH Козин); WMong. gesigün, gesigǖ (L 380); Kh.
gešǖn, gišǖn; Bur. gešǖ(hen); Kalm. gešǖn; Ord. göšǖ; Dag. gesū (Тод. Даг.
131, MD 150); Mongr. kəʒ ‘attisoir’ (SM 197).
◊ KW 135. Mong. > Khak. köžö ‘bough’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-gube to hit, pound: Tung. *güb-; Turk. *Küb-; Jpn. *kuwa-.
PTung. *güb- to pound, strike (бить, выбивать, выколачивать):
Evk. giw-; Evn. gīw-; Neg. giw-; Ul. guji-; Nan. guji-; Orch. giwi-; Ud.
giu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 148.
PTurk. *Küb- to pound, hit (laundry) (бить, выбивать (белье)): Tat.
küjɛ-; Chuv. kiv-.
◊ VEWT 306, Федотов 1, 268, 290.
PJpn. *kuwa- to kick (пинать): OJpn. kuwa-; MJpn. kuwa-; Tok. kér-;
Kyo. kér-; Kag. kèr-.
558 *gūbe - *gŭldo
◊ JLTT 707. The tone is not clear because of later contraction; the conjugation type of
the verb has secondarily changed (ke- would be regular in modern Jpn.).
‖ EAS 148, Poppe 25, Doerfer MT 73. Cf. *gṓp῾i.
-gūbe to smoke, roast: Tung. *gǖb-; Turk. *gübeč; Jpn. *káwr-; Kor.
*kūb-.
PTung. *gǖb- 1 to fume, smoke 2 furnace, stove (1 коптить, вялить
2 очаг, горн): Evk. gī- 1, gīwun 2; Man. Guwa-an 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 147, 165.
PTurk. *gübeč frying pan; earthenware pot (сковородка; глиняный
горшок): Karakh. küveč ((MK); Tur. güveč; Gag. güveč; Az. güväǯ;
Turkm. göweč; Uzb. köväš (dial.); Oyr. kȫš ‘skull’ (Верб.).
◊ VEWT 151, 286, EDT 687-688, ЭСТЯ 3, 53-54.
PJpn. *káwr- to smell, fumigate (пахнуть; дымиться): OJpn. ka-
wor-; MJpn. kawor-; Tok. kàor-; Kyo. káór-; Kag. kaór-.
◊ JLTT 703.
PKor. *kūb- to bake, fry (печь, жарить): MKor. kūp- (kù’-); Mod.
kūp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 63, KED 220.
‖ One of several similar roots (cf. *kajo, *kaju) tending to contami-
nate, which may explain some irregularities (notably, tone and irregu-
lar -a- in Jpn.).
-gla thin, short: Tung. *gōl-; Mong. *gulbi-; Turk. *Kɨl-; Jpn. *kàrú-.
PTung. *gōl- 1 rare (with intervals) 2 shallow (1 редкий (с проме-
жутками) 2 мелкий): Evk. gōrba (Вас.) 2; Nan. Gōlị 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 159. -r- in Evk. is not quite clear: gōrba may be < *gōlba under the influence
of the synonymous arba ‘shallow’.
PMong. *gulbi- be thin, lean (быть тонким, худым): WMong.
ɣulbij- (МXTTT); Kh. gulbij-; Bur. gulba-gar.
PTurk. *Kɨl- 1 thin 2 short (1 тонкий 2 короткий): Kirgh. qɨlmɨj-;
Kaz. qɨlmɨj-; Khak. xɨlbɨs; Oyr. qɨlbɨq, qɨlbɨs 1; Chuv. xəldərke ‘худой, хи-
лый, тонкий’; Yak. kɨlgas 2; Dolg. kɨlgas 2.
◊ On the rare reflexes of this root see VEWT 263, Stachowski 168.
PJpn. *kàrú- light (of weight) (легкий): OJpn. karu-; MJpn. kàrú-nari;
Tok. kàru-; Kyo. kárù-; Kag. káru-.
◊ JLTT 831. Kyoto and Kagoshima point rather to *kárú-, but the attested MJ form is
kàrú-.
‖ A common derivative *gla-bV- is reflected in Turkic, Mongolian
and TM.
-gŭldo to stretch: Tung. *gülde-; Mong. *gulda-; Turk. *Kula-.
PTung. *gülde- to stretch (вытягивать, расправлять, разворачи-
вать): Evk. gilde-; Evn. gildъ-; Neg. gilde-; Ul. gulde-; Ork. gulči-; Nan.
gulde-; Orch. gigdeli- ‘to change clothes’; Ud. gigde-.
 *guli - *g[ú]ĺe 559
◊ ТМС 1, 150. Southern languages reflect a partial contamination with *gulde- ‘untie,
unwrap’ (v. sub *gldi).
PMong. *guld- along (вдоль): MMong. ɣulatqa- ‘to roll’ (MA 179);
WMong. ɣuldu; Kh. guld; Kalm. ɣuldə- ‘roll off, slide along’; Ord. Gulad-
‘roll off’.
◊ KW 154. Mong. > Man. Gula- ‘fall off (a rock)’ (ТМС 1, 169; Doerfer MT 111).
PTurk. *Kula- 1 to wave; jump over 2 to stretch 3 fathom (1 махать;
перепрыгивать 2 тянуться 3 сажень): Karakh. qulač 3 (MK); Tur. kulač
3; Gag. qolač 3; Az. Gulač, Golaǯ 3; Turkm. Gulač 3; Sal. qulaš 3; MTurk.
qula- 2 (Буд.), qulač 3 (AH, Бор. Бад.), qulaǯ 3 (Pav. C.); Uzb. qulač 3;
Uygh. ɣulač 3; Tat. qolač 3; Bashk. qolas 3; Kirgh. qulač 3; Kaz. qulaš 3;
KKalp. qulaš 3; Kum. qulač 3; Nogh. qulaš 3; SUygh. qulaš, Golaš 3; Khak.
xulas 3; Oyr. qula- 1, qulaš 3; Tv. qulaš 3; Chuv. xъₙlaś 3; Yak. kulā-, ku-
las-ta- 1.
◊ EDT 618, VEWT 298, TMN 3, 487, ЭСТЯ 6, 122, 129-131.
‖ ТМС 1, 150 (Mong.-Tung.). A Western isogloss.
-guli male deer: Tung. *gil-; Turk. *Külmüŕ.
PTung. *gil- reindeer (more than 5-years-old) (домашний олень
(свыше 5 лет)): Evk. gilge, gilduka; Evn. gilge, gịlrq; Neg. gịldụka; Ud.
giloŋgüö ‘male roe’.
◊ ТМС 1, 150. Cf. also *gilbe- in Evk. gilbe- ‘to tie deer in a tandem’, gilbe-wun ‘buckle,
loop (on the back saddlebow, for tying the next deer in the caravan)’, Evn. gilbъn-, Orok
gilben- ‘to tie in a tandem’.
PTurk. *Külmüŕ male chamois (самец серны): Karakh. külmüz
(KB); Khak. külbüs; Oyr. külmüs; Tv. xülbüs; Tof. xülbüs.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 139, Лексика 153.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-g[ú]ĺe to strain liquid: Tung. *gile-; Turk. *Köĺ-er-; Jpn. *ks- ( ~ -ua-);
Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *gile- to sprinkle with wine (sacr.) (кропить, делать воз-
лияние вином): Man. gile-.
◊ ТМС 1, 152. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *Köĺ-er- to be full to overflowing (быть переполненным,
переливаться через край): Karakh. köšer- (MK).
◊ EDT 754.
PJpn. *ks- ( ~ *-ua-) to strain, filter (процеживать, фильтровать):
Tok. kòs-; Kyo. kós-; Kag. kós-.
◊ The word is not attested in OJ sources; Martin JLTT 713 (contradicting Martin 213)
takes it as a variant of *kua-s- ‘send/cross over’, which is highly dubious.
PKor. *kr- to strain, filter (процеживать, фильтровать): MKor.
kr-; Mod. kərɨ-.
◊ Liu 40, KED 82.
560 *gĺo - *gbè
‖ Martin 232, JOAL 119 (Kor.-Jpn.). Reflexes outside the Eastern
area are scarce, but still the comparison seems probable, despite some
phonetic problems (in TM *-ü- would be expected).
-gĺo ( ~ -e) to smoke, fume: Tung. *gǖl-; Mong. *golu-mta; Jpn.
*kùsù-(m)p-; Kor. *kər-.
PTung. *gǖl- to smoke, fume (коптить): Evn. gīl- ‘кипеть’; Ul.
gulup-; Ork. gulitči-; Nan. gulu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 147, 149. Shortening in Nan. is not quite clear (perhaps a misrecording).
PMong. *golu-mta hearth (очаг): MMong. ɣulumtan (MA 179);
WMong. ɣolumta (L 359); Kh. golomt; Bur. gulamta; Kalm. ɣulmt, ɣolmtə;
Ord. Gulumta; S.-Yugh. golomd.
◊ KW 150, 154, MGCD 299.
PJpn. *kùsù-(m)p- to smoke, fume (дымить(ся)): MJpn. kusuba-;
Tok. kusubúr-; Kyo. kúsúbúr-; Kag. kùsùbùr-.
◊ JLTT 717.
PKor. *kr- to be smoked (коптить(ся)): Mod. kl-.
◊ KED 97 (derives from kɨɨl- < *kńr- q. v. sub *k῾ùńe), which is phonetically implausi-
ble.
‖ Cf. *gola.
-gp῾a ( ~ -u) to extinguish: Tung. *gūp-; Turk. *Kɨp-.
PTung. *gūp- to extinguish, be extinguished (гасить, гаснуть): Ul.
gūpu-, gōkpi- (itr.), gūptu- (tr.); Ork. gūptu- (itr.), gūpu- (tr.); Nan. gūp-,
gūkpu- (itr.), gūpu- (tr.).
◊ ТМС 1, 159. Cf. also Evk. kubdume ‘dark’, see ТМС 1, 421 ( < *gup-tu-me ?)
PTurk. *Kɨp- 1 spark 2 ashes (1 искра 2 зола): Tat. qɨpqɨn 1; Kirgh.
qɨpɨn 1; Kaz. qɨpqɨn 2; Khak. xɨbɨn 1,2; Oyr. qɨbɨn 1, qɨbɨr 2; Yak. kɨbɨan 1.
◊ VEWT 263, 265, Лексика 369, ЭСТЯ 6, 223.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *gep῾V.
-gbè ( ~ -o) to search, hunt: Tung. *gob-; Mong. *guji-; Turk. *Kob-; Jpn.
*kp-.
PTung. *gob- to hunt (охотиться): Evk. goɣ-, gowǯo-; Evn. gobǯa-;
Neg. gobǯo-; Ork. Gobdo-; Orch. gobǯono-.
◊ ТМС 1, 157.
PMong. *guji- to search, ask (искать, просить): MMong. qu’iu (HY
39), quju- (SH), quj- (IM), ɣuj(ă)- (MA); WMong. ɣuju- (L 365), ɣuji-; Kh.
guj-; Bur. guj-; Kalm. ɣū-, ɣǖ-; Ord. guj-; Dag. goi- (Тод. Даг. 132), guai-;
Dong. Goji-; Bao. Gui-; Mongr. Gwrla- ‘demander avec instance, prier,
mendier’ (SM 124).
◊ KW 156.
PTurk. *Kob- to follow, chase (преследовать, гнаться): Karakh. qov-
(MK); Tur. kov-; Gag. qū-; Az. Gov-; Turkm. qov-; MTurk. qov- (AH),
qaw- (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qaw- (dial.), quw-; Krm. quw-; Tat. quw-; Bashk.
 *goblu - *gòbù 561
qɨw-; Kirgh. qū-, qubala-; Kaz. quw-; KBalk. quw-; KKalp. quw-; Kum.
quw-; Nogh. quw-; Oyr. qū-; Chuv. xu-, xъv-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 9-10, VEWT 275, Федотов 2, 315-316. The Karakh. derivative qovdaq
‘greedy’ (although scarcely attested) is a probable source of WMong. qobduɣ ‘greedy’, see
Clark 1977, 147.
PJpn. *kp- to ask, beg (просить, умолять, выпрашивать): OJpn.
kop-; MJpn. kòf-; Tok. kó-; Kyo. kò-; Kag. kò-.
◊ JLTT 714.
‖ KW 156, Владимирцов 160, 272, Poppe 24, 49, Ozawa 202-203,
Miller 1985, 145, АПиПЯЯ 81.
-goblu valley: Tung. *gola; Mong. *gowl; Turk. *Kōl; Jpn. *kura; Kor.
*kōr.
PTung. *gola valley (долина): Man. golo.
◊ ТМС 1, 160. Manch. golo ‘valley, watershed’ has also acquired the meaning ‘land
between two rivers’ and ‘administrative region’. With the latter meaning it was borrowed
into Ud. golo ‘people’, Nan. Golo id., (Bik.) ‘region, locality’.
PMong. *gowl river; river valley, centre (река; долина реки,
центр): MMong. qol (SH), ɣol (MA); WMong. ɣoul; Kh. gol; Bur. gol;
Kalm. ɣol; Ord. Gol; Mog. ɣōl; Dag. gol (Тод. Даг. 132), gole (MD 152);
Dong. Gon; S.-Yugh. Gol; Mongr. Gor (SM 125), (MGCD Gol).
◊ KW 149-150, MGCD 298, 300. The meaning ‘centre’ in Mong. is obviously secon-
dary ( < ‘river bed’, ‘river centre’, despite Doerfer TMN 1, 438 who thinks of an opposite
semantic development).
PTurk. *Kōl valley (долина): Karakh. qol (MK); Tur. kol (dial.);
Turkm. Gōl; MTurk. qol (B); Uygh. qol (dial.); Tat. qul; Bashk. qul (dial.);
Kirgh. qol; KBalk. qol; Kum. qol; SUygh. qol ‘gutter’; Khak. xol; Tv. xol.
◊ VEWT 277, Лексика 90-91, EDT 615 (confused with *Kol ‘arm’), ЭСТЯ 6, 43-46.
PJpn. *kura deep valley (глубокая долина): OJpn. kura, kura-tani.
PKor. *kōr valley (долина): MKor. kōr; Mod. kōl.
◊ Nam 51, KED 156.
‖ EAS 48, KW 150, SKE 121, Martin 245, Whitman 1985, 191, 222,
Martin 1996, 39, АПиПЯЯ 19, 70. Mong. cannot be borrowed from
Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 139.; the isolated Manchu form may be <
Mong. (see TMN 1, 439, Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 91), but not necessa r-
ily so.
-gòbù ( ~ -u-) beautiful: Mong. *gowa; Jpn. *kùpà-; Kor. *kōb-.
PMong. *gowa beautiful, good (красивый, хороший): MMong. qo’a
(SH), ɣua (MA), qohā (IM); WMong. ɣuwa, ɣuua, ɣoua (L 370); Kh. gua;
Bur. gō; Kalm. gō ‘straight’; Ord. Gō, Gōn; Dong. gau.
◊ KW 152, TMN 1, 421 ( > Oyr. qo, Yak. kuo). Despite Joki 214 and Menges 1984, 273
not < Chin.
562 *gòdè - *gódú
PJpn. *kùpà- 1 beautiful 2 fine, detailed (1 красивый 2 точный,
подробный): OJpn. kupa-si 1; MJpn. kùfà-sí 2; Tok. kuwashí- 2; Kyo.
kúwàshì- 2; Kag. kuwashí- 2.
◊ JLTT 834.
PKor. *kōb- beautiful, lovely (красивый): MKor. kōp- (-w-); Mod.
kop- (-w-).
◊ Nam 52, KED 163.
‖ EAS 90, SKE 124 (despite Doerfer’s - TMN 1, 422 - doubts, the
comparison seems impeccable), Miller 1985, 144-145, АПиПЯЯ 15, 68,
Ozawa 18.
-gòdè to be diligent, persistent, to endure: Mong. *güǯi-; Turk. *Kodur-;
Jpn. *ktàpa-.
PMong. *güǯi- / *güd-ke 1 to be energetic, persistent, stubborn, to
take risks 2 to slander, calumniate (1 быть упрямым, настойчивым,
энергичным 2 клеветать): WMong. güǯire-, güǯirde- (L 393) 1, 2, güdke-
(L 388) 2; Kh. güǯirde-, gütge- 2; Bur. güžer ‘slander’; güžer ‘reckless, per-
sistent’; Kalm. güǯr-, gütkə- 1; Ord. güǯir ‘violence’; Dag. guǯule- (MD
153) 2, geǯire (n.).
◊ KW 139, MGCD 307.
PTurk. *Kod-, *Kodur- 1 to take trouble, make efforts 2 to over-
power (1 прилагать усилия 2 осиливать, одолевать): Karakh. qoδur-
(MK) 1; Yak. xot- 2; Dolg. kot- 2.
◊ EDT 605; Stachowski 154 (but, because of semantic difference, hardly to *Kod- ‘put
aside’).
PJpn. *ktàpa- to endure (терпеть): MJpn. kòtàfa-; Tok. kotáe-, kotaé-;
Kyo. kòtàè-; Kag. kòtàè-.
◊ JLTT 713: the verb is usually treated as = *ktàpa- ‘to answer’, but the two forms
should be probably separated (because of the difference in meaning and external evi-
dence).
‖ Cf. *kdi, *kit῾u.
-gódú down, to lower: Mong. *gudu-; Turk. *Kodɨ; Jpn. *kúntá-r-.
PMong. *gudu- 1 to lower, be bent downward 2 downward (1 опус-
каться, склоняться вниз 2 вниз): WMong. ɣuduji- 1, ɣudus 2 (L 364,
365); Kh. gudaj-, guduj- 1, gudas 2; Bur. gudɨ- 1; Kalm. ɣudī- 1, ɣudəs 2;
Ord. Gudus ‘in the centre’.
◊ KW 153.
PTurk. *Kodɨ below, downwards (внизу, вниз): OTurk. qodɨ (Yen.,
OUygh.); Karakh. qoδɨ (MK, QB); Tur. koju; MTurk. quju, qujɨ (MA, Бор.
Бад.), quji (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. quji; Uygh. quju; SUygh. qozɨ, quzɨ,
quzu; Tv. qudu; Tof. qudu; Chuv. (?) xərlə ‘bowing the head’ (KW 153);
Yak. xotu ‘downstream; North’; Dolg. kotun ‘in the direction of’.
◊ EDT 596, VEWT 275, ЭСТЯ 6, 31-32, Stachowski 154.
 *gṑje - *gokV 563

PJpn. *kúntá-r- to lower, go down (опускаться): OJpn. kuda-r-;

MJpn. kúdá-r-; Tok. kùdar-; Kyo. kúdár-; Kag. kudár-.
◊ JLTT 715 (also *kúntá-s- ‘to lower’).
‖ KW 153, Владимирцов 160, 319.
-gṑje a k. of ferment: Tung. *gū ( ~ *gǖ); Turk. *göjü-; Jpn. *ki; Kor. *ki-.
PTung. *gū ( ~ *gǖ) 1 poison 2 a poisonous plant (1 яд 2 ядовитое
растение): Man. gu orχo 2; Ul. gū 2; Ork. gū 1; Nan. gū 1; Ud. gū.
◊ ТМС 1, 164.
PTurk. *göjü- 1 capers 2 ferment for milk 3 a k. of fermented milk
drink (1 каперсы 2 закваска для молока 3 вид квашенного молочно-
го напитка): Turkm. göjül 1; Kirgh. kȫrčök 3; Chuv. kəₙvelek 2, kəₙve- ‘to
ferment’; Yak. köjörgö 2, küörčex 3; köjün- ‘to ferment’ (der. kȫnńör-).
◊ Егоров 103. Kirgh. > Kalm. kȫrcəg (see differently in KW 244, Лексика 451).
PJpn. *ki wine (вино): OJpn. kji.
◊ JLTT 449.
PKor. *ki- to make sour (of wine), coagulate (квасить (о вине), сгу-
щать(ся)): MKor. ki-hă-.
◊ Nam 77, HMCH 314.
‖ Jpn. *ki must be a result of early secondary contraction (*kəj- > *ki).
-gojV different, other: Tung. *goj / *gia; Mong. *gojar; Jpn. *kía.
PTung. *goj / *gia other (другой): Evk. g; Evn. gǟ; Neg. g; Man.
Guwa; SMan. Guā (3023) ‘other,another’; Ul. G-Gda ‘single’; Goj; Ork.
G-da ‘one, single’; Goị; Nan. Gịa-Gda ‘single’; Goj; Ud. geä; Sol. g.
◊ ТМС 1, 144, 157-158. Ramstedt’s (SKE 185) idea about borrowing from Sino-Korean
is impossible.
PMong. *gojar two (два): MMong. xojar (HY 42), qojar (SH), qujar
(IM), qujar (MA); WMong. qojar (L 955); Kh. xojor; Bur. xojor; Kalm. xojr;
Ord. xojor; Mog. qojōr; ZM qejār (25-1a); Dag. xojir (Тод. Даг. 177), hojire
(MD 162); Dong. Gua; Bao. Guar; S.-Yugh. Gūr; Mongr. Gōr (SM 122).
◊ KW 181-182, MGCD 361. Northern dialects reflect *k-, due to contamination with
*koji- ‘to be behind, follow’ or with *korin ‘twenty’.
PJpn. *kía different, other (другой, отличный): OJpn. kje; MJpn. ké.
◊ JLTT 448.
‖ The Jpn. form reflects a contraction *kía < *kỺja, frequent in roots
with medial *-j-.
-gokV a k. of reed or leek: Mong. *gogu-; Turk. *Koga ( ~ -k-).
PMong. *gogu- a k. of wild leek (вид дикого лука): MMong. qoqo-
sun (HY 8); WMong. ɣoɣud, ɣoɣusu(n) (L 358); Kh. gogol, gogod; Bur.
gogod, gōgol; Kalm. ɣoɣəsn; Ord. gogot; Dag. gogos (Тод. Даг. 132), gua-
gas; Mongr. GoGor (SM 122).
◊ KW 149. Mong. > Evk. gowohun, see Poppe 1966, 197.
564 *gók῾ì - *gòlí
PTurk. *Koga ( ~ -k-) a k. of reed (вид тростника): Tur. kova, koɣa
(dial.); Uzb. qọɣa; Krm. qoɣa; Tat. quɣa; Bashk. quɣa (dial.); Kaz. qoɣa;
KKalp. qoɣa; Kum. qoɣa; Nogh. qoɣa; Oyr. qoɣo.
◊ VEWT 275, ЭСТЯ 6, 10-11.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss: not quite reliable because of late attesta-
tion, but borrowing in either direction seems improbable. Cf. *gaŋu,
*komga, *k῾ema.
-gók῾ì (*-dV) high, peak: Tung. *gugda; Mong. *gögde-; Jpn. *kúkì; Kor.
*kòkái.
PTung. *gugda high, tall (высокий): Evk. gugda; Evn. gd; Neg.
gogda; Man. Godo-χon; Ul. GụGda; Ork. GụGda; Nan. GoGda; Orch.
gugda; Ud. gugda; Sol. gụgda.
◊ ТМС 1,166.
PMong. *gögde- high, knobby, lofty (высокий, выдающийся, вы-
ступающий): WMong. gü/ögde-ger, (L 388:) güdügür; Kh. güdgr, güdger;
Kalm. gögdəgr; Ord. güdügür; Mongr. gudōr (SM 139).
◊ KW 137.
PJpn. *kúkì peak (пик, горное ущелье): OJpn. kukji; MJpn. kúkì.
◊ JLTT 462.
PKor. *kòkái peak, height (пик, вершина): MKor. kòkái; Mod. kogä.
◊ Liu 61, HMCH 156, KED 134.
‖ Poppe 19, 51, АПиПЯЯ 288, 295. The Mong. and TM forms reflect
a derivative in *-dV (probably originally locative). See also a discussion
under *gudA.
-gòlí a k. of weapon for sea-hunting: Tung. *goli; Mong. *gölmi; Jpn.
*kùrúrí.
PTung. *goli 1 a hook (in a needle for weaving nets) 2 net for large
fish (1 язычок (в игле для вязания сетей) 2 сеть для ловли крупной
рыбы): Evk. goli 1; Nan. Golĩ 2; Orch. gōli 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 159.
PMong. *gölmi net (сеть): MMong. golimi (HY 21), golmi (SH);
WMong. gölmi (L 386); Kh. gölöm; Bur. gülem, güĺme; Kalm. gölm;
Mongr. gurma.
◊ KW 138.
PJpn. *kùrúrí an arrow for shooting sea-birds or for catching fish
(стрела для водоплавающей птицы или для ловли рыбы): OJpn.
kururi; MJpn. kùrúrí.
◊ JLTT 465.
‖ A common Altaic cultural term.
 *goli - *goŋV(ŕV) 565

-goli log, wooden block: Tung. *gola; Mong. *göle- ( ~ -ü-); Turk. *göl-;
Jpn. *kura-i.
PTung. *gola 1 log 2 burnt log, firewood (1 бревно 2 головешка,
дрова): Evk. golo 1; Evn. gol 2; Neg. golo 1; Man. Goldon, Golton 2; Ul.
Goloŋqo 2; Ork. Golo 1, 2; Nan. Goloŋqo 2; Orch. golo; Ud. golo.
◊ ТМС 1, 159-160.
PMong. *göle- ( ~ -ü-) (wooden) crane, wooden log for lifting logs to
a carriage ((деревянный) журавль, чурбан для поднятия бревен на
телегу): Bur. gülɨ.
PTurk. *göl- 1 wooden board 2 woodblock 3 cross-bar (over fire) (1
деревянная доска 2 деревянный брусок 3 распорка (над огнем)):
Turkm. güle 1; Khak. kölbe 2; Oyr. kölzök ‘снегозащитные щиты’ (?);
Chuv. kəle ‘задвижка’; Yak. kölö 3.
◊ Different etymologies in Федотов 1, 271 (Chuv. kəle - hardly to kilit); VEWT 289
(Yak. kölö - not to ‘harness’ köl-).
PJpn. *kura-i log with unpeeled bark (полено с неободранной ко-
рой): OJpn. kure; MJpn. kure.
◊ JLTT 464.
‖ The word is rather scantily represented in Turkic and Mongolian,
but borrowing is rather improbable.
-goli (  -e) female of an ungulate: Tung. *gulu-; Turk. *göle.
PTung. *gulu- female deer, roe (самка оленя, косуля): Evk. gul-
kačān; Evn. gulkъ; Ork. gulu; Ud. gulugese.
◊ ТМС 1, 170.
PTurk. *göle 1 heifer 2 cow (1 телка 2 корова): Tur. göle (dial.) 1;
Turkm. göle 1; Sal. kölex 2.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also MMong. gölme, WMong.
gölme, Ord. gülme ‘skin of ox or swine, saddle cloth’.
-gṓli ( ~ -e) to bury, put bones: Tung. *gulī-; Turk. *gȫli-.
PTung. *gulī- to put animal bones on a special decking (класть кос-
ти животных на специальный лабаз): Evk. gulī-; Evn. göli-; Neg. gulī-;
Ork. guli-.
◊ ТМС 1, 170.
PTurk. *gȫli- to bury (хоронить): Karakh. köli- (MK); Turkm. gȫle-.
◊ EDT 716. Despite Clauson, not connected with köle- ‘to shade’.
‖ An interesting Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-goŋV(ŕV) a k. of insect: Tung. *guŋgu; Mong. *guwur; Turk. *Koŋuŕ;
Kor. *kūm(p)-.
PTung. *guŋgu 1 big fly 2 grasshopper, dragon-fly (1 большая му-
ха 2 кузнечик, стрекоза): Ul. guŋguni 2; Ud. guŋgu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 172.
566 *góp῾á - *gṓp῾i
PMong. *guwur larva of a gad-fly (личинка овода): WMong. ɣuur
(L 371); Kh. gūr; Bur. gūr; Kalm. ɣūr.
◊ KW 157.
PTurk. *Koŋuŕ beetle (жук): OTurk. qoŋuz (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
qoŋuz (MK); Uzb. qụŋgiz; Uygh. qoŋGuz; Krm. qomuz; Tat. qoŋɣɨz; Bashk.
quŋɨδ; Kirgh. qoŋuz; Kaz. qoŋɨz; KKalp. qoŋɨz; Nogh. qoŋɨz; Khak. xōs
(dial.); Oyr. qoŋus, qoŋɨs, qomɨs; Chuv. xъₙmъₙr ‘drone’; Yak. xomurduos;
Dolg. komurduos.
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 641, Лексика 187, ЭСТЯ 6, 61-62, Stachowski 152. Turkic >
MMong. (MA) qonquz. A hardly plausible explanation of the Yak. form as “brown pig”
see in Щербак 1997, 140-141.
PKor. *kūm(p)- larva of a beetle (личинка жука): MKor. kūmpŋ,
kūmpŋ’ì; Mod. kumpeŋi.
◊ Nam 63, KED 220.
‖ KW 157, Дыбо 8, Лексика 188 (Doerfer TMN 3, 527 regards the
Turk.-Mong. match as “aus lautlichen Gründen mindestens unwahr-
scheinlich”), although phonetically the match is quite plausible. The
Kor. form is not quite clear morphologically (kūmp(j)əŋ(i) < *kūŋ-p(j)əŋ,
a compound with some unclear second component?), but semantically
matches the other forms very well.
-góp῾á ( ~ -u-) stump: Mong. *gobur; Jpn. *kámpú.
PMong. *gobur having no branches (of a tree) (без ветвей (о дере-
ве)): WMong. ɣobur (L 357); Kh. govor.
PJpn. *kámpú stump (пень): MJpn. kabu; Tok. kàbu; Kyo. kábú; Kag.
kábu.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-gṓp῾i ( ~ -e) to beat, hit: Tung. *gupuj-; Mong. *göbi-; Turk. *gȫp-.
PTung. *gupuj- to hit down berries by a special device (обивать
ягоды битком): Evk. gujā-; Evn. guj-; Ul. gupi-; Nan. gupi-; Orok. gupi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 168. Evk. gujā-vun ‘биток’ > Russ. dial. gajevun, Selk. kujavun, see Аникин
161 (with lit.).
PMong. *göbi- to pound, strike (бить, молотить): MMong. gubur
(HY 35); WMong. göbi-, gübi- (L 386); Kh. güve-, gövši-; Bur. gübi-; Kalm.
göw-; Ord. göwö-, güwi-, güwe-; Mog. gubi ‘abstreifen (Asche)’ (Weiers);
ZM gube- (23-10a); Dag. guwi- (Тод. Даг. 133), gubi- (MD 152) ‘shake
(dirt off)’; Bao. ki-; Mongr. gubu-, guwu- (SM 139), gui-, gubu-.
◊ KW 138, MGCD 300.
PTurk. *gȫp- 1 a wooden hammer for processing boot seams 2 to
hit, pound (1 деревянный молоточек для обивки обувных швов 2
бить, колотить): Turkm. gȫbe 1; Kirgh. kübü- ‘to shake, shake off’;
 *górà - *gre 567

KKalp. küpilde- ‘to lumber, rumble’; Khak. küp-le-t- ‘to knock’; Chuv.
küpke- 2; Yak. kübürgē- ‘to hit ice with a pounder’.
◊ Modern expressive formations, but the root seems to be archaic.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *gube.
-górà ( ~ -ŕ-) to starve, be empty: Tung. *gure-; Mong. *guri-; Jpn. *kárà;
Kor. *kòrh-.
PTung. *gure- free, spacious (свободный, просторный): Neg. gu-
jexī; Ul. gure; Ork. gurei; Nan. guxe (irreg. < *gure-ke ?); Orch. gure-ni.
◊ ТМС 1, 169.
PMong. *guri- hungry, starving (голодный, умирающий от голо-
да): WMong. ɣuriɣa, ɣuriɣu; Kh. guriad-; Bur. gurinxa; Kalm. ɣuŕǟ, ɣoŕū,
ɣoŕǖ.
◊ KW 151, 155.
PJpn. *kárà empty (пустой): MJpn. kara (in comp.); Tok. kará; Kyo.
kàrá; Kag. kárà.
◊ JLTT 438. The accent in Kyoto is irregular, but Tokyo and Kagoshima point more
or less certainly to *kárà. Despite Martin (ibid.), the word should be probably distin-
guished from *kárà ‘shell’.
PKor. *kòrh- to be hungry; to be empty (быть голодным; быть пус-
тым): MKor. kòr-phằ-, kòrh-; Mod. kophɨ-, kol- [kolh-].
◊ Nam 51, KED 152, 160.
‖ Martin 231 (Kor.-Jpn.)
-gre to see; understand: Tung. *gur-; Mong. *gori; Turk. *göŕ ( = *gör-s)
/ *gör-; Kor. *krì-.
PTung. *gur- 1 to look out, appear 2 to understand (1 выглядывать,
показываться 2 понимать): Evn. göpken- 1; Neg. gupket-/č- 1; Ul. gur-
pun- 1; Ork. golpon-, gorpon- 1; Nan. gurpun- 1; Sol. guru- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 163, 174. Sol. > Dag. goro-, guru- (Тод. Даг. 132).
PMong. *gori hope (надежда): WMong. gori (L 361); Kh. goŕ; Bur.
gori; Kalm. gör (КРС); Ord. Gori; Dag. goro-, guru- ‘to understand, think
about smth.’.
PTurk. *göŕ ( = gör-s) / *gör- 1 eye (*göŕ) 2 to see, look (*gör-) (1 глаз
2 видеть): OTurk. köz 1, kör- 2 (Orkh., Yen.,OUygh.); Karakh. köz 1, kör-
2 (MK, KB); Tur. göz 1, gör- 2; Gag. göz 1, gör- 2; Az. göz 1, gör- 2; Turkm.
göz 1, gör- 2; Sal. gö(:)z 1, gör- 2; Khal. kẹr- 2; MTurk. göz (Sangl., Pav.
C.), köz (Vamb.) 1, kör- (MA, Abush., Sangl.) 2; Uzb. kụz 1, kụr- 2; Uygh.
köz 1, kör- 2; Krm. goz/koz 1, kor- 2; Tat. küz 1, kür- 2; Bashk. küδ 1, kür- 2;
Kirgh. köz 1, kör- 2; Kaz. köz 1, kör- 2; KBalk. köz 1, kör- 2; KKalp. köz 1,
kör- 2; Kum. göz 1, gör- 2; Nogh. köz 1, kör- 2; SUygh. köz 1, gör- 1; Khak.
kös (Sag.) 1, közenek (Kɨzil.) ‘window’, kör- 2; Shr. kös (R) 1; Oyr. kös, dial.
köz 1, kör- 2; Tv. köstük ‘eye-glass’, köskü ‘visible, good-eyed’, köskenek
568 *gṓŕV - *got῾ò
‘window’, kör- 2; Tof. kösküt- ‘to show’, kör- 2; Chuv. koś 1, kor- 2; Yak.
kör- 2; köhün- ‘to be seen’; Dolg. kör- 2; köhün- ‘to be seen’.
◊ VEWT 292, TMN 3, 637f, EDT 756 (*göŕ), 736 (*gör-), Федотов 1, 310, 314, ЭСТЯ 3,
60-64 (*göŕ), 77-79, 81-84 (*gör-), Лексика 209, Stachowski 155, 156. The Chuv. reflex re-
quires a supposition of a final cluster (*rs) in the nominal stem; this may be a suffixed
deverbative. OT körüg ‘glance; image’ > MMo, WMong. körüg ‘image’.
PKor. *krì- to long for, miss, think of (стремиться к, думать о
ком-л.): MKor. krì-; Mod. kɨri-.
◊ Nam 68, KED 237.
‖ PKE 85, АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 14. ? Cf. Mong. girkaj ‘having good
eyesight’.
-gṓŕV to move, be irritated: Tung. *gori-; Mong. *gurba-; Turk. *Kōŕ-ga-.
PTung. *gori- to move, stir (шевелиться, двигаться): Evk. gori-;
Evn. gurgъldъ- (gurge ‘work, engagement’); Sol. gurgelbū- (trans.).
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 173-174.
PMong. *gurba- to creep, move creeping (of a snake) (ползать, дви-
гаться подобно змее): WMong. ɣurba-; Kh. gurvalǯa-; Kalm. ɣurwǟ-,
ɣurwlzə-.
◊ KW 156.
PTurk. *Kōŕ- 1 to be irritated, agitated 2 to move; irritate (1 быть
возбужденным 2 двигать; возбуждать): Turkm. Gōzɣa- 2; MTurk.
qozɣa- (Pav. C., Abush., Бор. Бад.) 2; Uzb. qọzi- 1, qɔzɣa- 2; Uygh. qozɣa-
2; Krm. qozɣa- 2; Tat. quzɣa- (dial.) 2; Bashk. quδɨ- 1 (dial.); Kirgh. qozu-
1, qozɣo- 2; Kaz. qoz- 1, qozɣa- 2; KBalk. qoz- 1, qozɣa- 2; KKalp. qoz- 1,
qozɣa- 2; Kum. qozɣa-, xozɣa- 2; Nogh. qoz- 1, qozɣa- 2; Oyr. qosqo- 2.
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 132-133. The roots *Kōŕ- ‘to be hungry’ and *Kōŕ- ‘to be agitated’ are usu-
ally considered to be a single root and are very hard to distinguish within Turkic.
‖ A Western isogloss. The root is homonymous with *gōŕa ‘to starve’
(except that the final vowel is uncertain here), but it seems impossible
to reduce the two roots to a single entity.
-got῾ò ( ~ -u-, -e) a k. of fish: Tung. *gutkē-; Mong. *gutaɣar; Jpn. *kəti ( ~
-ua-).
PTung. *gut-kē- pike (щука): Evk. gutkēn; Evn. götken; Nan. gūč;
Orch. gūče; Ud. guese.
◊ ТМС 1, 175.
PMong. *gutaɣari burbot (налим): WMong. ɣutari, ɣutaɣari (L 370);
Kh. gutār; Bur. gutār.
PJpn. *kəti ( ~ -ua-) Platycephalus indicus (плосколоб индийский,
Platycephalus indicus): Tok. kochi.
‖ It is not quite clear whether Mong. and TM reflect a common de-
rivative *got῾ò-gV (with assimilation -g- > -k- in TM) or these are inde-
pendent derivations.
 *guči - *gŭjŕe 569

-guči ( ~ -e) eagle: Tung. *gusi; Turk. *güči-.

PTung. *gusi eagle (орел): Evk. gus; Evn. gusete; Neg. gusixān; Ul.
gusi; Ork. gusi; Nan. gusi; Orch. gusi.
◊ ТМС 1, 175.
PTurk. *güči- eagle (орел): Tur. güčen, güčügen; MTurk. küčigen
(Houts.); Tat. köcögän (Sib.); Bashk. kösögän (dial.); Kirgh. küčügen; Kaz.
küšigen; KKalp. küšigen; Oyr. küčügen (Tel.); Chuv. kajъk-kəžək, kajъk-kəš
‘animals and birds’.
◊ TMN 3, 631, ЭСТЯ 5, 130. The Chuv. form is hardly derived from *Kuĺ ‘bird’, de-
spite Федотов 1, 289.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-gudV ( ~ -o-) (?) straight, vertical: Tung. *goda-; Mong. *goda-; Kor.
*kòt-.
PTung. *goda- straight, vertical (прямой, вертикальный, высо-
кий): Man. Godoχon.
◊ ТМС 1, 166.
PMong. *goda- straight, vertical, sticking out (прямой, вертикаль-
ный, торчащий): WMong. ɣodaɣar (L 357: ɣoduɣur), ɣodai (L 357); Kh.
godgor, godoj-; Bur. godogor, godoj-; Kalm. ɣodɣr, ɣodā-; Ord. GodoGor.
◊ KW 149.
PKor. *kòt- straight, vertical (прямой, вертикальный): MKor. kòt-;
Mod. kot-.
◊ Nam 50, KED 156.
‖ Lee 1958, 111, ТМС 1, 166 (Tung.-Kor.). Not a very reliable root.
Note that the Manchu form may belong here only if it is separated from
TM *gugda ‘high, tall’ (see under *gók῾i), which is not necessarily so. The
reflex -t- in Kor. points rather to *-t῾- (unless one presumes secondary
morphonological analogies). One wonders if all the forms present here
do not actually represent reflexes of *gok῾-dV, the suffixed form of PA
*gók῾i.
-gŭjŕe to love, like: Tung. *guǯej; Mong. *goju; Turk. *güŕel; Jpn.
*kuà-p-; Kor. *kò’í-.
PTung. *guǯej 1 beautiful 2 lovely 3 deserving pity 4 to love, like (1
красивый 2 милый 3 жалкий, жалко 4 любить): Evk. guǯej 1; Evn.
guǯēj 2, 3; Neg. guǯej 1; Ul. guǯukuli 1, guǯele 3; Ork. guǯile 3; Nan. guǯiele
3; Orch. guǯeje 3; Ud. guǯihi 3; Sol. guǯēn- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 167. TM > Dag. guǯeje (Тод. Даг. 133).
PMong. *goju beautiful, good (красивый, хороший): WMong. ɣoju,
ɣoji (L 358); Kh. gojo; Bur. gojo; Ord. GojoGlo- ‘marcher d῾un facon
élégant et vive (femmes)’; Dag. goji (Тод. Даг. 132).
◊ Mong. > Evk. gojo etc., see Doerfer MT 102; MMong. goiqan > Chuv. xüxəm
(Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
570 *gk῾à - *glì
PTurk. *güŕel beautiful (красивый): Tur. güzel; Gag. gözäl; Az. gözäl;
Turkm. gözel; MTurk. küzel (Pav. C.); Uzb. gụzal; Uygh. gözäl; Krm.
guzaĺ (K); Kirgh. közöl; Nogh. közel.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 63-64, VEWT 295.
PJpn. *kuà-p- 1 to love 2 love (1 любить 3любовь): OJpn. kwopu- 1,
kwopi 2; MJpn. kòfu- 1; Tok. kói 2; Kyo. kóì 2; Kag. koí 2.
◊ JLTT 711, 714.
PKor. *kò’í- to love, like (любить): MKor. kò’í-; Mod. kwē- (arch.).
◊ Liu 66, KED 188.
‖ Дыбо 12, Martin 236. The root contains a rare medial cluster *-jŕ-.
-gk῾à ( ~ -o-) curve, hook; to cling to: Tung. *guk-; Mong. *gok-; Jpn.
*kàk-.
PTung. *guk- 1 bent upwards (of head) 2 convex, hill 3 part of har-
ness (a piece of iron with a ring) 4 (plough) thills 5 ski straps (1 задран-
ный кверху (о голове) 2 бугор, выпуклость 3 часть упряжи (железка
с кольцом) 4 оглобли (у сохи) 5 лыжные ремни): Evk. gugarka 3;
Man. gukdu 2, Goqči 4; Ul. gūksi 5; Nan. gukū 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 159, 166, 169.
PMong. *gok- hook (крюк): MMong. ɣuɣa (MA 223); WMong. ɣoqa
(L 363), ɣoqu; Kh. gox; Bur. goxo; Kalm. ɣoxə.
◊ Mong. > Evk. goko, Man. Goχon etc., see ТМС 1, 158-159, KW 149, Doerfer MT 79,
Rozycki 91). Cf. also Bur. gogno-gor ‘with head bent upwards’.
PJpn. *kàk- 1 hook; key 2 to attach, hang 3 to be attached (1 крюк;
ключ 2 прицеплять, вешать 3 прикрепляться): OJpn. kag(j)i 1, kak(a)-
2, kaka-r- 3; MJpn. kàgì 1, kàka- 2, kàkà-r- 3; Tok. kagí 1, kaké- 2, kakár- 3;
Kyo. kágì 1, kàkè- 2, kákár- 3; Kag. kagí 1, kàkè- 2, kàkàr- 3.
◊ JLTT 433, 702. Accent in Kyoto kàkè- is irregular..
‖ Cf. *gék῾á, *k῾úŋu, *k῾ōki.
-gldi to tether, bind: Tung. *gulde-; Mong. *güldi-; Turk. *gǖl-.
PTung. *gulde- to untie, unwrap (развязывать, разворачивать):
Neg. gulde-; Nan. gulde-.
◊ ТМС 1, 170.
PMong. *güldi- to bend the neck, to harness (сгибать шею, впря-
гать): WMong. güldi-; Kh. güldij-; Bur. güldɨ-; Kalm. güldi-.
◊ KW 139.
PTurk. *gǖl- to tether, bind feet (привязывать, спутывать ноги):
Karakh. kül-tür- (MK); Tur. gülü- (dial.); Turkm. güjl-; SUygh. k’ul-; Oyr.
kül-; Tv. xülü-.
◊ VEWT 308, EDT 717 (incorrectly to kül- ‘harness’), ЭСТЯ 3, 95-96.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *koli, *k῾uli, *k῾iĺa.
-glì dwelling, cottage: Tung. *gūle; Turk. *gül; Jpn. *kùrà.
PTung. *gūle hut, dwelling-place (хижина, жилище): Evk. gūle.
 *guna - *gno 571
◊ See ТМС 1, 171. Attested only in Evk. (whence Russ. Siber. guĺ ‘house, dwelling’,
see Аникин 171), but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *gül 1 vestibule, inner porch 2 house, hut 3 home, dwell-
ing-place (1 сени, прихожая 2 дом, хижина 3 жилище): Tur. gil ‘fam-
ily (as a second part of compound)’, (dial.) 3; Az. gil ‘family (as a sec-
ond part of compound)’; Chuv. kil, kül 2; Yak. külä 1.
◊ VEWT 270, Егоров 112, Федотов 1, 291-292. Yak. kǖlä is secondarily borrowed from
Tungus, see VEWT 270; but küle may be inherited.
PJpn. *kùrà shed (сарай): OJpn. kura; MJpn. kùrà; Tok. kurá; Kyo.
kúrà; Kag. kùrá.
◊ JLTT 464.
‖ EAS 48.
-guna to rob, attack, torture: Tung. *gun-; Mong. *gani; Turk. *Kun-.
PTung. *gun- to punish, avenge (наказывать, мстить): Evk. gunča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 172. Attested only in Evk., but having probable Turkic and Mongolian par-
allels.
PMong. *gani 1 berserk, frenzied 2 to strive, endeavor (1 безумный,
яростный 2 стремиться): MMong. qani (HY 38), qāni ‘stupid’ (MA),
ɣani (LH); WMong. gani 1, gani- 2(L 349); Kh. gań 1, gani- 2; Bur. gani(g)
1; Kalm. gäńr- ‘to become mad’; Dag. gāni (Тод. Даг. 130) 1.
◊ KW 148.
PTurk. *Kun- to rob, plunder, attack (грабить, нападать): OTurk.
qun- (OUygh.); Karakh. qun- (MK); Turkm. Gunuš- (dial.); Kirgh. qun-;
SUygh. q῾un-; Tv. xunā-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 141, VEWT 300, EDT 632.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *k῾ūńa.
-gno to think: Tung. *gūn-; Mong. *guni-; Turk. *Kun-; Jpn. *kn-m-;
Kor. *knr-.
PTung. *gūn- 1 to say 2 to think (1 сказать 2 думать): Evk. gūn- 1;
Evn. gȫn- 1; Neg. gūn- 1; Man. Guni- 2; SMan. Goni- 2 (1848); Jurch.
xen-du-ru (467) 1; Ul. wembuwu 1; Ork. un- 1; Nan. un(de)- 1; Orch. gun-
1; Ud. gun- 1; Sol. gun- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 171. Loss of *g- in Ul., Orok and Nan., as well as vowel shortening is un-
clear (perhaps a different root).
PMong. *guni- be sad, anxious (грустить): WMong. ɣuni-; Kh. guni-;
Bur. guni-; Kalm. ɣuńə-; Ord. Gunid-; Dag. guni-; Dong. Gunira-.
◊ KW 155.
PTurk. *Kun- 1 attention, care 2 usefulness 3 to yearn, be anxious,
sorry (1 внимание, старание, прилежание 2 польза, толк 3 тоско-
вать, печалиться, горевать): MTurk. qunuq- 3 (Pav. C.); Uzb. qunt 1;
Tat. qon 1, (dial.) qonar 2; qono ‘diligent, busy’, qonoq- ‘to get used, be-
come accustomed’; Bashk. qont (dial.) 1, qonar 2; Kirgh. qunt 1, qunar 2;
572 *gúpu - *gure
Kaz. qunt 1; KKalp. qunt 1; qunɨq- ‘become accustomed’; Oyr. qunuq-,
qunan-, qunal- 3; Tv. qunuq- 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 147-148, 149-150. *Kun- ‘to yearn, be sorry’ and *Kun- ‘attention, useful-
ness’ can hardly be separated; despite late attestation a theory of Mong. origin ( < Mong.
guni-) is hardly plausible because of quite different affixation.
PJpn. *kn-m- to like, wish (любить, желать): OJpn. konom-;
MJpn. kònòm-; Tok. konóm-; Kyo. kónóm-; Kag. kònòm-.
◊ JLTT 712.
PKor. *knr- to take care of, to look after (заботиться, присматри-
вать за): MKor. knr’ù-; Mod. kɨnɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 66, KED 232.
‖ Poppe 24, KW 155, ОСНЯ 1, 234, АПиПЯЯ 291. “Verbal” low
tone in Korean. There are several “mental” verbs of the type KUNV in
Altaic, and they are not always easy to distinguish from each other.
Besides *gno ‘think’ cf. also notes to *kḕńu ‘distress, envy’, *k῾ŭnu ‘to
long, covet’, *k῾ńa ‘punishment’ (the latter - with additional analogies
with *guna ‘attack, torture’). On the whole this produces an extremely
complicated etymological situation, and we are not sure we have disen-
tangled everything correctly.
-gúpu ( ~ -o-) empty, hollow: Tung. *gub-; Mong. *gobi-; Jpn. *kùp-.
PTung. *gub- 1 to submerge 2 to sink, get stuck in smth. (1 погру-
зиться, потонуть 2 вязнуть, увязать): Evn. göbē- 1, gupturu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 163, 173.
PMong. *gobi- 1 chute 2 empty place, desert (1 желоб 2 пустое ме-
сто, пустыня): WMong. ɣobil 1, ɣobi, ɣobija 2 (L 357); Kh. govil 1, goỻ 2;
Bur. gobil 1, gubi 2; Kalm. ɣowl 1, ɣuw, ɣowə, ɣöwə, ɣowi 2 КРС 164.; Ord.
Guwil, Guwi 2; Dag. gobi, go (Тод. Даг. 132) 2; Dong. gobi; Bao. gəbi;
S.-Yugh. gobi.
◊ KW 152, MGCD 296. Mong. > Evk. gowi, Man. gobi, see Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 90.
Forms like Kaz. qobɨ, Oyr. qobɨ etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 6-7) are also most likely < Mong.
PJpn. *kùp- to make a nest (делать гнездо): OJpn. su-kup-; MJpn.
kùf-, sú-kùf-.
◊ JLTT 718.
‖ An expressive root; not quite reliable because of scanty reflexation
in TM and possible contaminations with *gebo et al. On a possible reflex
in Turk. see under *kobu.
-gure flour: Mong. *guril; Turk. *Kürüĺ; Jpn. *kuà; Kor. *kằrằ.
PMong. *guril flour (мука): MMong. qolir (IM), ɣulir (MA), ɣūlir
(LH); WMong. ɣuril, ɣulir (L 367); Kh. guril; Bur. guril; Kalm. ɣujr; Ord.
gulir, guril; Mog. ɣulur; ZM ɣorul (16-7b); Dag. goli(l) (Тод. Даг. 132), goli
(MD 152); Dong. quruŋ, Guruŋ; Mongr. Gurir (SM 127).
◊ KW 153. Mong. > Tadzh. ɣulur (Lig. VMI 46).
 *gurgi - *gŭri 573

PTurk. *Kürüĺ millet flour boiled in water or milk (просяная мука,

сваренная в воде или молоке): Karakh. küršek (MK) 1.
◊ VEWT 311, EDT 747.
PJpn. *kuà flour (мука): OJpn. kwo; MJpn. kò; Tok. kó; Kyo. kō; Kag.
kò.
◊ JLTT 453.
PKor. *kằrằ flour (мука): MKor. kằrằ, kăr; Mod. karu.
◊ Nam 10, 20, KED 12.
‖ Martin 248. In Kor. the word seems to be related to kằr- ‘to grind,
pulverize’ - but this meaning is probably secondary (the verb originally
means ‘to polish, whet’). The tone discrepancy between Kor. and Jpn.
should be explained either by the secondary influence of this verbal
stem in Korean, or by contraction in Japanese (where *kuà < *gur(e)-ga);
the first explanation seems more probable because the vowel reflex in
Korean is also not quite regular (*-o- would be normally expected).
-gurgi palate: Tung. *gorgakta; Mong. *güreɣe; Turk. *Kurgak.
PTung. *gorgakta palate, uvula (нёбо, увула): Neg. gorkakta; Man.
Guŋqan ‘Adam’s apple’ (?); Ork. Goǯaqta.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 173.
PMong. *güreɣe front part of the throat (передняя часть горла):
WMong. gürege(n) (L 392); Kh. gǖrē(n); Bur. gürȫ; Kalm. gürn; Ord.
gürē; Dag. gure; S.-Yugh. gurēn.
◊ KW 139, MGCD 309. Mong. > Kirgh. kürö, Man. gurexe (see Doerfer MT 143).
PTurk. *Kurgak palate (нёбо): Khak. xurɣax; Oyr. qurɣaq.
◊ VEWT 303, Лексика 230.
‖ A Western isogloss. See Лексика 230.
-gŭri wide, broad, thick: Tung. *gora; Mong. *gür; Turk. *gür; Kor.
*kūrk-.
PTung. *gora far (далекий): Evk. goro; Evn. gor; Neg. gojo; Man.
Goro; SMan. Gorə (2613); Jurch. gor-o (701); Ul. Goro; Ork. Goro; Nan.
Goro; Orch. gō; Ud. gō; Sol. goro.
◊ ТМС 1, 161-162. TM > Dag. gōro (Тод. Даг. 132).
PMong. *gür 1 wide, broad 2 swollen (1 широкий 2 вспухший):
MMong. gur (SH) 1; WMong. güreger 2 (MXTTT); Kh. gürger 2; Bur.
güreger 2; Ord. güreger 2.
PTurk. *gür 1 stout-hearted, courageous 2 thick, dense, abundant 3
wide, broad 4 well fed (1 храбрый 2 толстый, плотный, обильный 3
широкий 4 откормленный): Karakh. kür 1 (MK, KB); Tur. gür 2; Gag.
gür 2; Az. gür 2; Turkm. gür 2; Krm. kür 2; Tat. kör 1, 4; Bashk. kör 1, 4;
Kirgh. kür ‘powerful’; Kum. kür 1; Nogh. kür ‘friendly’; Khak. kür 1; Tv.
xür ‘healthy, well fed’; Chuv. kəₙrəₙ 1, 2; Yak. kür 3.
574 *gùri - *gúri
◊ VEWT 310-311, EDT 735, ЭСТЯ 3, 106, Федотов 1, 277-278. Turk. > WMong. kür,
Kalm. kür (KW 246).
PKor. *kūrk- thick (толстый): MKor. kūrk-; Mod. kuk- [kulk-].
◊ Nam 63, KED 219.
‖ Despite Poppe (1960,18 etc.) the TM form cannot be compared
with Mong. qola ‘far’.
-gùri to slander, go mad: Tung. *gori-; Mong. *gör-; Turk. *Kür; Jpn.
*kùrùp-; Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *gori- to go mad (сходить с ума): Evk. gori-; Nan. Goria-;
Ud. guleäla-.
◊ ТМС 1, 161.
PMong. *gör- 1 slander, deceit 2 slanderer 3 to slander (1 клевета,
обман 2 клеветник 3 клеветать): WMong. gör 1, göre-či 2, görde-, görle-
3 (L 387); Kh. görč 2, gördö- 3; Bur. gürde- 3; Kalm. görd- ‘to deny’ (КРС
147, 149); Ord. gör 1, gördö- 3, görči 2; S.-Yugh. gördȫ- 3.
◊ MGCD 300.
PTurk. *Kür trick, device (трюк, прием, фокус): OTurk. tevlig kür-
lüg ‘tricky’, tev kür (Orkh., OUygh.).
◊ EDT 735, 745.
PJpn. *kùrùp- to become crazy, go mad (сходить с ума): OJpn. ku-
rup-; MJpn. kùrùf-; Tok. kurú-; Kyo. kúrú-; Kag. kùrù-.
◊ JLTT 717.
PKor. *kr- to be wrong, mistaken (ошибаться, заблуждаться):
MKor. kr(s)-; Mod. kɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 67, KED 236.
‖ Martin 246. Korean has a usual verbal low tone.
-gúri ( ~ -o-, -ŕ-, -e) deer, game: Tung. *gurma- / *gurna-; Mong.
*görüɣe-; Kor. *kòrání.
PTung. *gurma- / *gurna- 1 hare 2 squirrel 3 ermine (1 заяц 2 белка
3 горностай): Evk. gurnun 2; Evn. gurnata 3; Man. Gulmaχun 1; SMan.
Guləmahun ‘hare, rabbit’ (2216); Jurch. guRma-xaj (150); Nan. Gormaχõ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 161, 174. Cf. also Nan. (On.) gorgo ‘fox’.
PMong. *görüɣe- antelope, wild steppe animal, game (антилопа,
дикое степное животное, дичь): MMong. gore’e, gore’esun (SH),
gors[o]n (IM), guräsun (MA); WMong. görüge(n), görügesü(n) (L 387); Kh.
görȫs(ön); Bur. gürȫhe(n); Kalm. görsn, gör; Ord. görȫs; Mog. ZM
gor[ä]sun ‘wild ass’ (21-1); Dag. gurēs (Тод. Даг. 133), gurēse (MD 153);
S.-Yugh. görösən; Mongr. korosə ‘bête féroce, bête sauvage’ (SM 215).
◊ KW 138, MGCD 301. Mong. > Sol. gures, Man. gurgu, see Poppe 1966, 191-192, Do-
erfer MT 137.
PKor. *kòrání deer, reindeer, elk (олень, лось): MKor. kòrání; Mod.
korani.
◊ Liu 63, KED 138.
 *gŕi - *guša 575

‖ PTM and Korean reflect a common derivative *gúri-nV-. Note that

Mong. *gura ‘roebuck’ is to be kept apart, see *ŋurV.
-gŕi to unfasten, (un)tie: Tung. *gurē-; Mong. *görü- / *gürü-; Turk.
*güŕ-; Jpn. *kùr-; Kor. *kr-.
PTung. *gurē- 1 to unfasten 2 to tie (a band) 3 string, lace (1 развя-
зывать 2 подвязывать (унты) 3 завязки, тесемка): Evk. gurē- 1,
gurewu- 2, guren 3; Evn. gurelge- 1, gụrn 3; Man. Guran 3; Ul. gure-li- 1;
Ork. gure-li- 1; Nan. gure-li- 1, gorĩ 2; Orch. guǯe 3; Ud. gue- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 174.
PMong. *görü- / *gürü- to plait, spin (плести, ткать): MMong. gur-
(Lig.VMI); WMong. görü-, gürü- (L 387, 392); Kh. görö-; Bur. güre-;
Kalm. gür-; Ord. gürü-; S.-Yugh. gur-; Mongr. guru- (SM 144), gurə-.
◊ KW 139, MGCD 301.
PTurk. *güŕ- 1 to lace, bind 2 part of loom (1 вязать, связывать 2
нитченки): Turkm. göze- 1; MTurk. küzük (IM) 2; Kirgh. küzük 2; Oyr.
küzüg 2 (dial. North.); Chuv. kəₙrəₙ 2.
◊ VEWT 312-313, ЭСТЯ 5, 131.
PJpn. *kùr- to wind (наматывать, сучить): OJpn. kur-; MJpn. kùr-;
Tok. kúr-; Kyo. kùr-; Kag. kùr-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kr- to unfasten (развязывать): MKor. kr-, krằ-; Mod. k:ɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 66, 67, KED 236.
‖ Poppe 25, 107, Miller 1996, 154, Tekin 1979, 127. Korean has stan-
dard verbal low tone.
-gusa ( ~ -o-, -č-) elder male relative: Tung. *gusin; Jpn. *kasə.
PTung. *gusin maternal uncle (дядя по матери): Evk. gusin; Evn.
göser; Ul. gusi(n); Ork. gusi(n); Nan. gusĩ; Orch. gusin; Ud. goso῾, guse῾
(Корм. 222).
◊ ТМС 1, 175.
PJpn. *kasə father (отец): OJpn. kaso; MJpn. kàzó, kázó.
◊ JLTT 447.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-guša bitter, sour: Tung. *goši-; Mong. *gasi-ɣun.
PTung. *goši- bitter, sour (горький, кислый): Evk. goči; Evn. got;
Neg. gotịgdị; Man. Gosi-χon; SMan. Gosəhun (430); Ul. Gotụlị; Ork. Gottị;
Nan. Gočị; Orch. gotisi; Ud. guačihi; Sol. goīgdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 182-183.
PMong. *gasi-ɣun bitter (горький): MMong. qaši’un (SH, HYt),
qīsun ‘acid’, qāsun ‘bitter’ (IM), ɣašun (MA), qāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong.
ɣasiɣu(n) (L 354); Kh. gašūn; Bur. gašūn; Kalm. ɣašūn; Ord. Gašūn; Mog.
qašūn, ɣašūn; ZM qšun (14-9b); Dag. gasūn (Тод. Даг. 130), gasun (MD
576 *gt῾ù - *gt῾ù
148); Dong. qɨšun, qəšun; Bao. xošal- ‘to become acid, bitter’; S.-Yugh.
Gašūn; Mongr. Gašən (SM 121), xašin, Gašin 1.
◊ KW 147, MGCD 288. Also *gosi-ɣun, Kalm. gošūn id. (KW 152); cf. also gesigüne,
MMong. (HY) geši’un, Khalkha gešǖne ‘rhubarb’ ( > Russ. dial gešún, see Аникин 164).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. АПиПЯЯ 17, Мудрак Дисс. 41, Rozycki
92. ? Cf. OJpn. kasu ‘dregs’.
-gt῾ù to deteriorate: Tung. *gutu-; Mong. *gutu-; Turk. *Kūtuŕ; Jpn.
*kutu-.
PTung. *gutu- 1 to disgrace 2 to rough-house, rage (1 позорить,
бесчестить 2 буянить): Man. Gutubu- 1; Ul. Goto- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 163, 176.
PMong. *gutu- to deteriorate, lose power, lose courage, become
spoiled (ухудшаться, терять силы, терять мужество, портиться):
WMong. ɣutu-, ɣutura- (L 370); Kh. guta-, gutra-; Bur. guta-; Kalm. ɣut-
‘конфузиться, стыдиться’; Ord. Guta- ‘to be dishonest’; Dag. goto-
(Тод. Даг. 132), gotorolgā-.
◊ KW 156, MGCD 305.
PTurk. *Kūtuŕ 1 mad, enraged 2 to become mad, rage 3 to instigate
4 instigation (1 сумасшедший, бешеный 2 сходить с ума, быть в бе-
шенстве 3 подстрекать 4 подстрекательство): OTurk. qutur- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. qutuz 1, qutur- 2 (MK); Tur. kuduz 1, kudur- 2; Gag.
quduz 1; Az. Guduz 1, Gudur- 2; Turkm. Guduz 1, Gūdura- 2; MTurk. qu-
tuz 1 (Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.), qutur- 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. qutur- 2; Uygh. qutu(r)-
2; Krm. qutur- 2; Tat. qotoroq 4, qotɨr- 2; Bashk. qotort- 3; Kirgh. qutur- 2;
Kaz. qutɨr- 2; KKalp. qutɨr- 2; Kum. qutur- 2; Nogh. qutɨr- 2; Chuv.
xъₙdъₙr ‘boaster’, xъₙdъₙr- ‘to curse’; kъdъr- 2 ( < Tat.); Yak. qutur- 2.
◊ VEWT 305, EDT 605, 608, ЭСТЯ 6, 103-105.
PJpn. *kutu- to rot, become spoiled (гнить, портиться): OJpn. kutu-,
caus. kutas-; MJpn. kùtu-, caus. kútás-; Tok. kuchí-, kùchi-; Kyo. kúchí-;
Kag. kùchì-.
◊ JLTT 717. Original accentuation is not quite clear. The causative kútás- in RJ and the
variant kúchí- in Tokyo point to a high tone (corresponding to Turkic length), but other
evidence is in favour of a low tone.
‖ Ozawa 209-210, KW 156. The original meaning may be recon-
structed as ‘deteriorate’, with two directions of semantic development (
> a) ‘to become mad, enraged’; > b) ‘to become spoiled, rot’).
 I

-i a deictic root: Tung. *i; Mong. *i-nu-; Turk. *ɨ-na-; Jpn. *i; Kor. *í.
PTung. *i 3d p. deictic stem (указательная основа 3 л.): Man. i;
ineku ‘the same’; SMan. ī ‘he, she’ (2877); Jurch. in; Sol. ini ‘his’.
◊ ТМС 1, 315, 319.
PMong. *i-nu- 3d p. possessive pronoun (притяж. местоим. 3 л.):
MMong. ino (Gen.) (HYt, SH); WMong. inu- (L 412); Kh. ń; Bur. ń;
Kalm. ń; Mog. ini ~ ni ~ ne ~ i (Weiers); Dag. īn ‘he; this, that’ (Тод. Даг.
146).
PTurk. *ɨ-na- that (тот): Turkm. ɨna-ru; Khal. na; Tv. ɨnda ῾there’,
ɨndɨɣ ‘such’; Tof. ɨnda ῾there’.
PJpn. *i that (тот): OJpn. i.
◊ JLTT 420.
PKor. *í this (этот): MKor. í; Mod. i.
◊ Nam 397, KED 1316.
‖ SKE 66, ОСНЯ 1, 271-272, АПиПЯЯ 56-57, 297.
-ìbè door, yard: Tung. *ib-le; Mong. *eɣüde; Turk. *eb; Jpn. *ìpùa; Kor.
*íp.
PTung. *ib-le 1 yard 2 dwelling, building (1 двор 2 жилище, жи-
лые постройки): Man. olen ~ ulen ~ ūlen 2; Jurch. ew-le (197) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 16. Cf. also *īb-ǯe ‘relative-in-law’ (ТМС 1, 295; = PT *eb-či ?).
PMong. *eɣüde door (дверь): MMong. e’uden ‘gate, entry’ (HY 16,
SH), iudän (MA); cf. also e’ede (SH) ‘Zeltgerüst, Türrahmen’; WMong.
egüde(n) (L 300); Kh. ǖd(en); Bur. ǖde(n); Kalm. ǖdn; Ord. ǖde; Mog.
öüdän; ZM ujdän (22-10a); Dag. eude, eud (Тод. Даг. 141, MD 146); Dong.
viǯien; Bao. ndaŋ; S.-Yugh. üden, uden; Mongr. ude (SM 464), rde (Huzu).
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685, TMN 1, 196.
PTurk. *eb house (дом): OTurk. eb (Orkh.), ev (OUygh.); Karakh. ev
(MK), öv (KB); Tur. ev; Gag. jev; Az. ev; Turkm. öj; Khal. häv; MTurk. öj
(Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. uj; Uygh. öj; Krm. üj; Tat. öj; Bashk. üj; Kirgh.
üj; Kaz. üj; KBalk. üj; KKalp. üj; Kum. üj; Nogh. üj; SUygh. jü; Khak. ib;
Shr. em, (Kond.) üj; Oyr. üj; Tv. ög; Tof. ög; Chuv. av-la-n- ‘to marry’.
578 *ìbè - *ibk῾V
◊ VEWT 34, EDT 3-4, ЭСТЯ 1, 287-288, 513-514, Егоров 21, Лексика 500. The word
for ‘woman’ in some languages goes back to PT *eb-či (“housewife”), see EDT 6; bor-
rowed in Mong. as ebsi ‘female of a big bear’, see Clark 1980, 43).
PJpn. *ìpùa hut (хижина): OJpn. ip(w)o, ip(w)ori; MJpn. ìfò, ìfòrì; Tok.
ìo(ri); Kyo. íórí; Kag. ióri.
◊ JLTT 425. Modern dialects reflect rather *ípúa - but RJ has quite explicitly both ìfò
and ìfòrì.
PKor. *íp door (дверь): MKor. íp.
◊ Nam 406.
‖ Menges 1982, 109. A good common Altaic root; if TM *īb-ǯe be-
longs here, can be reconstructed as *be.
-ìbè ( ~ -p-) grain: Tung. *ibi-; Turk. *ebin; Jpn. *ìpì; Kor. *pj.
PTung. *ibi- to pick out seeds (отбирать зерна (для посева)): Man.
iaχa ǯafa-, iaχala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 294. Attested only in Manchu, but having plausible external parallels.
PTurk. *ebin grain, seed (зерно, семя): OTurk. evin (OUygh.);
Karakh. evin (MK, KB); Tur. Osm. evin, Anat. efin; MTurk. evin (Qutb);
Oyr. ebin; Chuv. avъn śap- ‘to flail’, avъn karti ‘cornfloor’ > Mari (Low)
avən, Mari (High) ɛn..
◊ VEWT 34, EDT 12, Мудрак Дисс. 82.
PJpn. *ìpì boiled rice, boiled grains (вареный рис, вареные зерна):
OJpn. ipji; MJpn. ìfì.
◊ JLTT 421.
PKor. *pj rice plant, grain of rice (рис, рисовое зерно): MKor. pj;
Mod. pjə.
◊ Nam 257, KED 774.
‖ In Kor. a frequent initial vowel reduction occurred.
-ibk῾V a k. of vessel: Tung. *ibkē-n; Mong. *(h)ükeg; Turk. *ükek; Jpn.
*ukupa.
PTung. *ibkē-n 1 scoop 2 small boat 3 box (1 черпак 2 маленькая
лодка 3 ящик): Evk. iwkēn 1; Neg. iwkēn 1; Man. weiku 2; Ul. uxe, ujgẽ 1;
Ork. iwwe 1; Nan. juke(n), ujkẽ 1, dial. uixu 2, ujekẽ 3; Orch. eukke, jeuke 1;
Ud. jūge 1 (Корм. 242).
◊ ТМС 1, 295, 2, 250, 251, 252 (forms like ujeken are most probably interdialectal
loans).
PMong. *(h)ükeg trough, box for dishes (корыто, ящик для посу-
ды): WMong. ükeg, üküg (L 1002, 1003); Kh. üxeg; Bur. üxeg; Kalm. ükəg;
Ord. ükek.
◊ KW 456.
PTurk. *ükek box (ящик, сундук): Karakh. ükek (MK); Bashk. ökälɛk
‘store, stall’; Kirgh. ükök; Tv. ügek ‘kennel; basket’; Yak. ügex ‘stock-
room’.
 *če - *ič῾V 579
◊ EDT 105, VEWT 370, Лексика 521. Derivation from *ȫk- ‘to heap up’ (v. sub *ṓk῾è),
see Аникин 579-580 with lit., is dubious, primarily for semantic reasons.
PJpn. *ukupa scoop, vessel (черпак, сосуд): OJpn. ukupa.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk., but otherwise the root seems quite reliable.
-če to go, reach, get ready to go: Tung. *is-; Mong. *iču-; Jpn. *ìsuà(n)k-.
PTung. *is- to reach (достигать): Evk. is-; Evn. ịs-; Neg. ịs-; Man. isi-;
SMan. iši- ‘to be enough, suffice’ (2798); Jurch. isi-maj (380); Ul. ịsị-; Ork.
ịsị-; Nan. ịsị-; Orch. isi-; Ud. ī-gi-; Sol. is-.
◊ ТМС 1, 329-330. TM > Dag. išikē- (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *iču- to go back, get ready to go back (возвращаться, гото-
виться к возвращению): MMong. iču- (SH, HYt); Ord. iči-; Dag. ič- ‘to
go to a place’ (Тод. Даг. 146: iči-), iči ‘go’ (MD 170); Mongr. śi-,
(MGCD) śiǯi- ‘to go to a place’.
◊ MGCD 534.
PJpn. *ìsuà(n)k- to hurry, get ready to go (спешить, готовиться уй-
ти): OJpn. iswog-; MJpn. ìswòg-; Tok. isóg-; Kyo. ísóg-; Kag. ìsòg-.
◊ JLTT 699.
‖ One of the common Altaic verbs of motion.
-ič῾u inside: Mong. *(h)iči-; Turk. *ič; Jpn. *utu.
PMong. *(h)iči- to lie in a hole, lair (of animals), retire into hiberna-
tion (лежать в норе, логове (о животных), погружаться в спячку):
WMong. iči-, iče- (L 397); Kh. iče-; Bur. eše-; Kalm. ič-.
◊ KW 212.
PTurk. *ič 1 interior of smth. 2 intestines 3 belly (1 внутренность 2
кишки 3 живот): OTurk. ič (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, ičegü 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ič 1 (MK, KB); Tur. ič 1; Az. ič 1; Turkm. ič 1, ičege 2; Khal. ič 1,
ičgär 2; MTurk. ič 1 (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uygh. ič 1; Tat. eč 1; Kirgh. ič 1,
ičegi 2; Kaz. iš 1; KBalk. ič 1; KKalp. ši 3; SUygh. hiǯigɨ 3; Khak. isker 1;
Tv. i’žin 3; Tof. i’šti 1, 2; Chuv. ъš 1; Yak. is 1; Dolg. is 1.
◊ VEWT 168, EDT 17, 25, ЭСТЯ 1, 388-391, 392-393, Stachowski 128-129.
PJpn. *utu hole, hollow (полость, нора): OJpn. utu; MJpn. uturo;
Tok. ùtsuro; Kyo. útsúró; Kag. utsuró.
◊ JLTT 565. Accent not quite clear: either *ùtú- (Kyoto, Kagoshima), or *útú- (Kyoto,
Tokyo). The root seems to be distinct from *útì ‘inside’ (v. sub *ṓŕì), although the stems
certainly tend to contaminate.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Mong. isogloss; the Jpn. reflex is somewhat du-
bious because of the influence of *ōŕi > PJ *útì q.v.
-ič῾V to hope, see: Tung. *iče-; Mong. *(h)iča-.
PTung. *iče- to see (видеть): Evk. iče-; Evn. it-/č-; Neg. iče-; Ul. ičewu;
Ork. ite-; Nan. is(k)e-/ice-; Orch. iče-; Ud. ise-; Sol. isȫ- ‘to appear’.
◊ ТМС 1, 334-335.
580 *idV - *k῾è
PMong. *(h)iča- to hope, trust, believe (надеяться, верить):
WMong. iča- (L 397); Kalm. icə-.
◊ KW 211-212.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-idV to follow, lead, arrange: Tung. *idu-; Mong. *iǯi; Turk. *Eder-.
PTung. *idu- 1 to command 2 to arrange in order 3 order (1 коман-
довать 2 расставлять по очереди 3 очередь): Evn. idu- 1; Man. idu 3,
idure- 2; Ul. idu(n) 3; Nan. idu 3, idule- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 298.
PMong. *iǯi 1 complete set 2 equal, identical 3 accustomed 4 to get
accustomed (1 полный набор 2 равный, тождественный 3 привыч-
ный 4 привыкать): MMong. iǯilidulče- 4 (SH); WMong. iǯi 1, iǯil 2 (L
419); Kh. iǯ 1, iǯil 2, 3; Bur. ežel 2, 3; Kalm. iǯl 3 ‘accustomed to each
other (of animals)’; Ord. iǯil, eǯil 3 ‘=Kal’.
◊ KW 205.
PTurk. *Eder- to follow (следовать): OTurk. eder- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. eδer- (MK); Turkm. ejer-; Uzb. ejär- (dial.); Tat. ijär-; Bashk. ĭjär-;
Kaz. ijer-; Kum. ijer-; SUygh. ezer-; Khak. izert-; Tv. eder-; Chuv. jer-.
◊ EDT 67, VEWT 36, ЭСТЯ 1, 242-245, Егоров 61-62.
‖ A Western isogloss. The original meaning here is probably “ar-
range in order”, whence all the other meanings are easily deduced. Cf.
similar roots: *adV, *ude, with a possibility of secondary contamina-
tions.
-ijsV soot, smoke: Mong. *(h)isu; Turk. *ɨjs.
PMong. *(h)isu soot (сажа): WMong. isu, (L 417) isü; Kh. is; Bur.
ehen; Kalm. iš.
◊ KW 210-211.
PTurk. *ɨjs 1 smoke 2 soot, dirty smoke 3 scent, odour 4 fumes (1
дым 2 копоть, сажа 3 запах, аромат 4 испарения): Tur. is 2; Az. his 2;
Turkm. s 3; Uygh. is 1; Tat. is 3; Kirgh. is 4; KKalp. ijis 3; Nogh. ijis 3;
Chuv. jъs 3; Yak. s 1, 2; Dolg. s 1, 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 379, Егоров 76, Stachowski 263. The original meaning must have been
‘smell, odour’, see notes to *ĺ(č) (cf. the opposition ɨs ‘soot’ - ijis ‘smell’ in Nogai etc.).
‖ Poppe 116, VEWT 167, KW 210, АПиПЯЯ 286, Лексика 371. A
Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. Kor. ìs ‘moss’ (?)
-k῾è to be insolent, angry, flamed up: Tung. *ikē-; Mong. *(h)egde-;
Turk. *ēke- (~ ī-); Jpn. *íká-r-; Kor. *ìki-.
PTung. *ikē- 1 to sing 2 to sing obscene songs, blackguard (1 петь 2
петь непристойные песни, сквернословить): Evk. ikē- 1; Evn. ikē- 1;
Neg. ixē- 1; Man. jeke- 2; Nan. īkē- 1 (Он.); Orch. ike- 1; Ud. jexe- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 301.
 *k῾i - *ìla 581

PMong. *(h)egde- indignation (негодование, возмущение):

WMong. egdegüü (MXTTT); Kh. egdǖ; Kalm. egdǖtə- ‘to resent’ (КРС
691).
PTurk. *ēke- (~ ī-) to be insolent, quarrel (быть дерзким, ссорить-
ся): Karakh. ike-, ikeš- (MK); Tur. igeš-; Turkm. īgen- ‘to scold, growl at’;
Tat. egeš-; Kirgh. egeš-; Kaz. eges-; Nogh. eges-; Tv. egen- ‘to feel uncom-
fortable’; Yak. eɣe ‘faultfinding’, eɣelē- ‘to find faults’.
◊ EDT 101, 118-119.
PJpn. *íká-r- to be angry (сердиться): OJpn. ika-r-; MJpn. íká-r-; Tok.
ìkar-, ikár-; Kyo. íkár-; Kag. ikár-.
◊ JLTT 696.
PKor. *ìki- to overcome (побеждать, превосходить): MKor. ìki-,
ìkí-; Mod. igi-.
◊ Nam 397, 398, KED 1319.
‖ See SKE 68 (in Kor. cf. also igɨrə-ǯida ‘to act up, put on airs’). One
of the numerous common Altaic verbs of emotion. Semantic match be-
tween Turkic, Mongolian and Japanese is straightforward (“to be an-
gry, indignant”). In TM one has to suppose a shift > “to be insolent,
obscene” > “sing obscene songs, blackguard” (Manchu), with further
generalization > “sing” in other languages. In Korean we see a different
semantic shift > “to put on airs, be haughty” > “to overcome”.
-k῾i ( ~ -o) to live, settle: Tung. *ix[ē]-; Jpn. *ìk-.
PTung. *ix[ē]- settlement (поселок, селение): Evk. ikēn; Nan. ịχõ;
Ud. jogoso, joxo.
◊ ТМС 1, 302.
PJpn. *ìk- 1 to live 2 breath, life (1 жить 2 дыхание, жизнь): OJpn.
ik- 1, ikji 2; MJpn. ìk- 1, ìkí 2; Tok. ikí- 1, íki 2; Kyo. íkí- 1, ìkí 2; Kag. ìkì- 1,
ikí 2.
◊ JLTT 422, 697.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ìla evident, visible: Tung. *il-; Mong. *ile; Turk. *iler-; Jpn. *àràp-ar-.
PTung. *il- 1 figure, shape 2 body 3 example 4 exterior (1 фигура,
форма 2 тело 3 пример 4 внешность): Evk. ille 2; Evn. ilrъ 2, ịlrn 1,
ilun 3; Ul. ịlta(n) 4; Nan. ịlta 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 310, 311.
PMong. *ile known, evident, obvious (известный, очевидный):
MMong. ile (SH), il (MA); WMong. ile (L 404); Kh. il; Bur. eli; Kalm. ilə;
Ord. ile, ele; Mog. ZM ilä (10-2b); Dag. il, ilēt (Тод. Даг. 146 ilte), ile (MD
171); S.-Yugh. hele.
◊ KW 206, MGCD 407. Initial h- in S.-Yugh. is unclear. Mong. > Man. ile etc., see Do-
erfer MT 117, Rozycki 116; Yak., Dolg. ile (Stachowski 124).
582 *ile - *ílék῾a
PTurk. *iler- to be dimly visible (быть смутно видимым): Karakh.
iler- (MK); Oyr. eles ‘silhouette, ghost’, eleste- ‘be dimly visible’.
◊ EDT 150. The form attested in MK cannot be a mongolism (primarily for semantic
reasons); however, Mong. ilere- also cannot be a Turkism, being rather derived from
Mong. ile. Modern Turkic forms - Tuva ilere-, Oyr. iler- ‘to become visible’ are obvious
late mongolisms.
PJpn. *àràp-ar- to appear (появляться): OJpn. arap-ar-a-; MJpn.
àràf-ar-a-; Tok. arawaré-; Kyo. áráwáré-; Kag. arawaré-.
◊ JLTT 677. The Kagoshima accent is aberrant (type B would be expected). The stem
*àràpà- is also attested in *àràpà-s- ‘to express, cause to appear’.
‖ The Karakh. form is isolated, but borrowing is hardly possible
here.
-ile to drive: Tung. *ilbe-; Mong. *ileɣe-; Turk. *ẹl-t-, *ẹl-č-.
PTung. *ilbe- to drive (гнать): Evk. ilbe-; Evn. ilbъ-; Neg. ilbe-; Orch.
ibbe-; Ud. igbe-; Sol. iĺbere beije ‘driver’.
◊ ТМС 1, 307.
PMong. *ileɣe- to send (посылать): MMong. ile- (SH) ‘to go away’,
ilä-, elä- (IM), hile-, ilä- (MA), ile- ‘to go’, ilē- ‘to send’ (HYt); WMong.
ilege- (L 404); Kh. ilgē-; Bur. eĺgē-; Kalm. ilg-; Dag. ilgē- (Тод. Даг. 146).
◊ KW 207. Most modern forms point to a form with secondary suffixation *il(e)ɣeɣe- >
*ilgeɣe-. Mong. > Evk. elge-, Man. elge-, elgi- etc. (see ТМС 2, 446).
PTurk. *ẹl-t-, -č- 1 to bring, carry 2 to lead, drive, send (1 нести 2
вести, посылать): OTurk. elt- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, 2; Karakh. elt-, elet-
(MK) 1; Tur. ilet- 1, 2; Turkm. elt- 1, 2; MTurk. elt- (Houts.) 2, ilet- (Pav.
C.) 1; Uzb. elt- 1; Uygh. ilt- (dial.) 1; Krm. elt- 1, 2; Tat. ilt- 1; Bashk. ilt- 1;
KBalk. elt- 1, 2; Kum. elt- 1, 2; SUygh. elt- 1, 2; Chuv. jeś- , leś- 2; Yak. ilt-
1, 2.
◊ EDT 132, VEWT 41, ЭСТЯ 1, 267-269, Stachowski 125, 126. Turk. > Mong. elde-,
Kalm. eldə- (KW 119).
‖ Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss.
-ílék῾a ( ~ *élík῾a, -k-) front, before: Tung. *(x)elekē-s; Turk. *il(i)k; Jpn.
*áráka-.
PTung. *(x)elekē-s at first, in the beginning (сначала): Evk. elekēs;
Evn. elъkъs; Neg. elexes.
◊ ТМС 2, 449.
PTurk. *il(i)k front, before, East (перед, впереди, восток): OTurk.
ilki (OUygh.); Karakh. ilk (MK); Tur. ilk; Gag. jilk; Az. ilk, ilki; Turkm.
ilki; Khal. ilgär; MTurk. ilk (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ilk; Krm. ilk; Tat. ĭlĭk; Bashk.
ĭlĭk; Tv. elek; Chuv. ələk; Yak. il-in, il-iŋ (ilik ‘one who is not yet...’); Dolg.
ilin; ilik ‘not yet’, iligine ‘before’.
◊ EDT 140, VEWT 170, ЭСТЯ 1, 347-350, Егоров 62-63, Stachowski 125.
 *ìlù - *iĺa 583

PJpn. *áráka- beforehand, before (заранее, прежде): OJpn.

arakasime ( -z-); MJpn. árákásime; Tok. àrakajime; Kyo. àràkàjìmé; Kag. ara-
kajíme.
◊ JLTT 383.
‖ Cf. Bur. eĺge(n) ‘sunny side, Southern slope’.
-ìlù third (or next after three), consisting of three objects: Tung. *ilan;
Turk. *ölöŋ; Jpn. *ùrùpu.
PTung. *ilan three (три): Evk. ilan; Evn. ịln; Neg. ịlan; Man. ilan;
SMan. ilan (2737); Jurch. (j)ilan (638); Ul. ịla(n); Ork. ịla(n); Nan. ịlã;
Orch. ila(n); Ud. ila(n); Sol. ilã.
◊ ТМС 1, 305-306.
PTurk. *ölöŋ song with three out of four verses rhyming (first, sec-
ond and fourth) (песня с тремя рифмующимися строфами (первой,
второй и четвертой)): Turkm. öleŋ; MTurk. öleŋ ‘a wedding song’
(Sangl.); Uygh. ölɛŋ ‘Kazakh’s song’; Kirgh. ölöŋ ‘song with one rhyme
for a dozen lines (песня с рифмовкой на дюжину)’; Kaz. ölöŋ; Yak.
oloŋxo ‘Yakut metric epos’.
◊ VEWT 371, EDT 147.
PJpn. *ùrùpu bissextile (year, month) (високосный (год, месяц)):
MJpn. ùrùfu; Tok. úrū, ur; Kyo. ùr; Kag. ur.
◊ Modern dialects point rather to *ùrúpù (although accent on the non-first syllables is
somewhat difficult to reconstruct because of contractions).
‖ An interesting etymon; the original meaning can be probably re-
constructed as “(a group of) three objects, followed by a fourth”. The
Turkic form must represent a vowel assimilation < *ilöŋ.
-ilV ( ~ -ĺ-) to stand, become: Tung. *ili-; Kor. *īr-.
PTung. *ili- to stand (стоять): Evk. il-; Evn. ịl-; Neg. ịlịt-; Man. ili-;
SMan. ila- (537,1216), ili- (538); Jurch. ili-buŋ (424); Ul. ịlsụwụ; Ork. ili-;
Nan. ilGo-; Orch. ili-; Ud. ili-; Sol. il-.
◊ ТМС 1, 302-303.
PKor. *īr- 1 to become 2 to happen (1 становиться 2 случаться):
MKor. īr- 1; Mod. īl- 2, irə-na- 1.
◊ Nam 405, KED 1351, 1356.
‖ Martin 1996, 75. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-iĺa to rub, smear: Tung. *ilba, *ile-; Mong. *(h)il(b)i-; Turk. *ɨĺɨ-; Kor.
*əru-.
PTung. *ilba, *ile- 1 to smear 2 clay 3 to lick (1 мазать 2 глина 3 ли-
зать): Evk. ile- 3; Neg. ilede- 3; Man. ilba- 1, ilban 2, ile- 3; Ul. ile- 3; Ork.
ile- 3; Nan. ịlba- 1, ịlbã 2, ile- 3; Orch. ile- 3; Ud. ile- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 306, 311.
584 *īĺa - *īĺbi
PMong. *(h)il(b)i- to stroke, rub (гладить, тереть): WMong. ilbi-,
ili-, ile- (L 403, 404, 407); Kh. ilbe-, ile-; Bur. eĺbe-; Kalm. il-, ilwə-, iĺl-; Ord.
ilbe-, (elbe-).
◊ KW 207.
PTurk. *ɨĺɨ- 1 to rub, scrape 2 jack-plane (1 тереть, царапать 2 руба-
нок): Tat. ɨšɨ- 1, ɨšqɨ 2; KBalk. ɨši- 1.
◊ VEWT 167, ЭСТЯ 1, 667. Despite some mergers with *jɨĺ- (v. sub *ńiĺu), cf. Bashk.
jɨšɨ-, jɨšqɨ, this appears to be a separate root.
PKor. *əru- to rub, stroke, touch (тереть, гладить, трогать): Mod.
əru-(manǯi-).
◊ KED 1127.
‖ KW 207, Tekin 1975, 280, Street 1980, 296. The Korean form may
belong here if it is historically distinct from *ərɨ- ‘fondle’ < *áĺa q.v.
-īĺa to fry, burn: Tung. *(x)ila-; Mong. *ila-; Turk. *ĺ(č).
PTung. *(x)ila- to burn, kindle (жечь, разжигать): Evk. ila-; Neg.
ịla-; Man. jila-; Orch. ila-; Ud. ila-; Sol. ila-.
◊ ТМС 1, 303-304.
PMong. *ila- 1 to fry (on a pan) 2 frying-pan (1 жарить (на сково-
роде) 2 сковорода): Kh. jalā- 1; Bur. jala 2; Mongr. īla- ‘faire brûler,
chauffer le lit en briques’ (SM 190).
PTurk. *ĺ(č) 1 smoke 2 soot, dirty smoke 3 scent, odour 4 fumes (1
дым 2 копоть, сажа 3 запах, аромат 4 испарения): Karakh. ɨš 2 (MK),
‘mist’ (KB); KKalp. ɨs 2; Nogh. ɨs 2; SUygh. ɨs 1; Khak. ɨs 2; Oyr. ɨš 1, 2;
Tv. ɨš 1; Tof. ɨš 1; Yak. s 4.
◊ The root originally meant ‘soot, smoke’ and should be strictly kept distinct from PT
*jɨd- ‘smell’ and *ɨjs ‘smell, odour, fumes’, although they have a natural tendency to
merge. See VEWT 167, 170, EDT 254, 883, ЭСТЯ 1, 379-382, Лексика 370-371.
‖ A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps Jpn. *asai ‘sweat’ (?).
-īĺbi fish bait: Tung. *īlbī; Mong. *(h)ilbeɣe-sün; Jpn. *i(n)sa-r-.
PTung. *īlbV 1 bait 2 uvula 3 plummet, sinker (1 наживка, при-
манка 2 язычок (ботала); увула 3 грузило (у сети, невода, удочки)):
Evk. īlbī 1, 2; Man. ilmaχa 2, ilmen 3; Ul. ilbuxe 3; Nan. ilbexe 3; Orch. ib-
buxe 3; Ud. ilbexe 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 294, 306. Vowel shortening in Nanai is secondary.
PMong. *(h)ilbeɣe-sün fish bait (приманка для рыбы): WMong. il-
begesü(n) (L 402); Kh. ilbēs.
PJpn. *i(n)sa-r- to fish (ловить рыбу): OJpn. isar-, izar-; Tok. isari
‘fishing’.
◊ JLTT 699.
‖ There may be more than one root here. Jpn. has, besides *i(n)sar-,
a synonymous *asar- ‘to fish’. One of the two Jpn. words may be alter-
natively compared either with TM *ŋisū- ‘to bring the killed animals
 *ĺi - *iĺkV 585

from the hunt’ or TM *ŋusu ‘fishing-rod’, with a provisional reconstruc-

tion of PA *ŋisV or *ŋusV.
-ĺi work, craft: Tung. *(x)ilga-; Mong. *üjile; Turk. *īĺč; Jpn. *isa-bə,
*ísá-m-; Kor. *īr.
PTung. *(x)ilga- 1 diligent 2 brave 3 handsome 4 crafty 5 to develop,
become firm (1 прилежный 2 храбрый 3 стройный, удалой 4 уме-
лый 5 развиваться, укрепляться): Evk. ilga-n 1,2,3,4; Evn. ịlgrlb- 5;
Man. ildamu 3,4; SMan. ilədamuŋə ‘good-looking, prim’ (2525).
◊ ТМС 1, 307.
PMong. *üjile deed, action, work (дело, действие, поступок, рабо-
та): MMong. uele (HY 36), uejile (SH), ujle (IM); WMong. üile (L 999);
Kh. üjle; Bur. üjle; Kalm. ǖlə (КРС); Ord. üle; Dag. weil, uil, (Тод. Даг.
170) uile; Dong. uiliə; Bao. lɛ; S.-Yugh. ulē, ulə; Mongr. ule (SM 470), uile
(Huzu).
◊ MGCD 690. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. üle (Kał. MEJ 38, Stachowski 250).
PTurk. *īĺč work, deed (работа, дело): OTurk. iš (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨš (MK); Tur. iš; Gag. iš; Az. iš; Turkm. īš; Khal. š; MTurk. iš
(Pav. C.); Uzb. iš; Uygh. iš; Krm. iš; Tat. ĭš; Bashk. ĭš; Kirgh. iš; Kaz. ĭs;
KBalk. iš; KKalp. is; Kum. iš; Nogh. is; SUygh. is, ɨs; Oyr. iš; Tv. iš;
Chuv. əś; Yak. īs.
◊ EDT 254, VEWT 174, ЭСТЯ 1, 395-396, Егоров 66.
PJpn. *isa-bə, *ísá-m- 1 craftsman, diligent person 2 to be brave (1
ремесленник, умелец 2 быть храбрым): OJpn. isawo 1, isa-m- 2; MJpn.
isawo 1, ísá-m- 2; Tok. ìsam-, isám- 2; Kyo. ísám- 2; Kag. ìsàm-.
◊ JLTT 699. There is some confusion between *ísám- ‘to be brave’ and *ìsàm- ‘to ad-
monish’ (v. sub *ḕs[i]), but the RJ accentuation clearly opposes them to each other.
PKor. *īr work, profession (работа, профессия): MKor. īr; Mod. īl.
◊ Nam 404, KED 1348.
‖ EAS 109. Mong. üjile < *ilü-le; Mong > Man. uilen, see Doerfer MT
119, Rozycki 222).
-iĺkV to hope, believe: Tung. *ilkV-; Mong. *ilga-; Turk. *ɨĺan- / *iĺen-.
PTung. *ilkV- 1 to try 2 to hope (1 пробовать, пытаться 2 надеять-
ся): Evk. ilke- 1, ilkiče- 2; Evn. ielkъt- 1; Neg. ilki- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 309.
PMong. *ilga- to discern, distinguish (различать): MMong. jilxa
(HY 40); WMong. ilɣa- (L 406); Kh. jalga-; Bur. ilga-; Kalm. ilɣə-; Ord.
ilga-; Mog. ZM elɣ (6-6b); Dag. jalga- (Тод. Даг. 147), jalegā (MD 168);
Dong. inGərə-, (j)inGara-; S.-Yugh. əlga-; Mongr. laGa- (SM 219), laGā-.
◊ KW 206, MGCD 733. Mong. > Oyr. ɨlɣa- etc. (VEWT 165, TMN 1, 194-195, ЭСТЯ 1,
652-653); > Man. ilga- (TMN 1, 195, Doerfer MT 137).
PTurk. *ɨĺan- / *iĺen- to believe, trust (верить, доверять): Karakh.
išen- (MK, KB); Tur. ɨšan- (dial.); Turkm. ɨšan-; MTurk. ɨšan- (Abush.,
586 *ìmé - *na
Pav. C.); Uzb. išɔn-; Uygh. išan-, išän-; Krm. ɨšan-; Tat. ɨšan-; Bashk. ɨšan-;
Kirgh. išen-; Kaz. sen-; KBalk. išan-; KKalp. isen-; Nogh. sen-; SUygh.
isen-; Khak. ĭzen-; Oyr. ižen-; Chuv. šan-, žen- (NW); Yak. isen- (Пек.).
◊ EDT 264, VEWT 174, ЭСТЯ 1, 673-674.
‖ Дыбо 14. A Western isogloss.
-ìmé now: Tung. *ime-; Mong. *(h)ima-gta; Turk. *em-; Jpn. *ìmá; Kor.
*ima-.
PTung. *ime- fresh, new (свежий, новый): Evk. imekin; Neg. imexin;
Ork. imew; Nan. imekĩ; Ud. imexi.
◊ ТМС 1, 314.
PMong. *(h)ima-gta always, constantly (всегда, постоянно):
WMong. imaɣta (L 409); Kh. jamagt; Bur. imagta ‘right this one now, just
this one’; Ord. imagta.
◊ Mong. > Manchu imata ‘completely, all, totally, thoroughly’ (Rozycki 115).
PTurk. *em- now (сейчас): OTurk. emti (OUygh.); Tur. imdi; Az.
indi; Turkm. indi, š-ündi; MTurk. imdi (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. endi; Uygh.
ämdi; Krm. endi; Tat. indĭ; Bashk. indĭ; Kirgh. emi, endi; Kaz. endĭ; KBalk.
endi; KKalp. endi; Kum. endi; Nogh. endi; Oyr. emdi; Chuv. əndə.
◊ EDT 156-157, VEWT 41, ЭСТЯ 1, 357-358, Егоров 65, Лексика 83 (with confusion
of *em- and *am- q.v. sub *ămV).
PJpn. *ìmá now (сейчас): OJpn. ima; MJpn. ìmá; Tok. íma; Kyo. ìmá;
Kag. imá.
◊ JLTT 423.
PKor. *ima- 1 now 2 lately, nowadays (недавно, на днях): Mod. imi
1, ima-ǯək (čək ‘time’) 2.
◊ KED 1328, 1329.
‖ Лексика 83.
-ìmè ( ~ -i) a k. of vegetable: Jpn. *ìm (~-ua); Kor. *máh.
PJpn. *ìm (~-ua) potato (картофель): OJpn. um(w)o; MJpn. ìmo;
Tok. imó; Kyo. ímò; Kag. imó.
◊ JLTT 423.
PKor. *máh potato, yam (картофель, ямс): MKor. má (máh-); Mod.
mā.
◊ Nam 191, KED 558.
‖ Whitman 1985, 180, 237. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss, so the reconstruc-
tion is rather approximate. Cf. perhaps Oroch impai ‘a k. of onion (по-
рей)’ (ТМС 1, 313); Orok imu ‘potato’ (ibid.) may be < Jpn.
-na dawn, dusk: Tung. *ine-; Turk. *ɨŋɨr; Kor. *ńr-ɨm.
PTung. *ine-ŋī day (день): Evk. ineŋī; Evn. inъŋ; Neg. ineŋ(i); Man.
ineŋgi; SMan. inəŋə (2657); Jurch. ineŋi ‘sun, day’ (3); Ul. ineŋni; Ork.
ineŋgi; Nan. ini; Orch. ineŋi; Ud. ineŋi; Sol. ineɣi, ineŋi.
◊ The deriving stem is PTM *ine- ‘to dawn, begin (of day)’, see ТМС 1, 318-319.
 *na - *na 587

PTurk. *ɨŋɨr dusk (дымка, сумерки): OTurk. iŋir (~ ɨŋɨr) (OUygh.);

Karakh. iŋir (MK), imir (MK Oghuz); Tur. inirik, iŋrik (dial.), ümez ‘fog’;
Turkm. ümür, iŋrik; Khal. äŋgür, äŋgür; Uzb. ümür, imir; Krm. iŋir, ɨŋɣɨr;
Tat. ĭŋgĭr; Bashk. ĭŋĭr; Kirgh. iŋir, ɨŋɨrt, iŋirt; Kaz. ĭŋĭr, ɨmɨrt, imirt; KBalk.
iŋir; KKalp. iŋir, ɨmɨrt; SUygh. iŋer, jiŋɨr; Khak. īr; Shr. īr, ɨnar; Oyr. iŋir,
īr, ɨnɨr; Tv. imir; Chuv. ənərək; əner ‘yesterday’; Yak. im ‘morning and
evening dawn’; Dolg. im ‘morning and evening dawn’.
◊ EDT 162, 188, VEWT 172, ЭСТЯ 1, 354-356, Егоров 64-65, Лексика 34-35, 81, 83.
Mudrak (Лексика 83) separates forms with -m-, comparing them with Evk. umulge
‘shadow’.
PKor. *ńr-ɨm 1 evening, dusk 2 dark, dusky (1 вечер, сумерки 2
темный): MKor. ńr-ɨm 1; Mod. əsɨrɨm 1, əsɨre-hada 2.
◊ Nam 363, KED 1132.
‖ Лексика 81-82. The Turk. form reflects a velar suffix (cf. PTM
*ine-ŋi ‘day, dawn’). Cf. perhaps OJpn. ina-(bjikari) ‘lightning’ (’light in
darkness’?).
-na younger sibling: Tung. *īnan; Turk. *ini; Jpn. *ànî; Kor. *àńằ.
PTung. *īnan 1 husband’s younger brother 2 (younger) brother- /
sister-in-law 3 sister’s children 4 son-in-law 5 husband’s younger sister
(1 деверь, младший брат мужа 2 (младший) племянник / племян-
ница 3 дети сестры 4 зять 5 младшая сестра мужа): Evk. īnan 1; Evn.
ịnn 2; Neg. ịna 3; Man. ina 3; SMan. inā ‘sister’s son (nephew); son of
fater’s or moter’s sister (cousin)’ (920); Ork. ịna 4; Nan. ịnã 5.
◊ ТМС 1,315. Cf. also Man. ene ‘heir’ (ТМС 2, 455).
PTurk. *ini younger brother (младший брат): OTurk. ini (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. ini (MK); Tur. ini; Az. ini (dial.); Turkm. ini; MTurk.
ini (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. ini; Uygh. ini; Tat. ĭnĭ; Bashk. ĭnĭ; Kirgh. ini;
Kaz. ĭnĭ; KKalp. ini; Kum. ini; Nogh. ini; SUygh. ini, ɨnɨ; Oyr. ini, īn; Yak.
ini, inī; Dolg. ini-bī.
◊ EDT 170, VEWT 172, TMN 2, 226, ЭСТЯ 1, 362-363, Лексика 292, Stachowski 126.
PJpn. *ànî elder brother (старший брат): OJpn. ani; MJpn. ani; Tok.
áni; Kyo. ànî; Kag. áni.
◊ JLTT 382. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *àńằ younger brother or sister (младший брат или сестра):
MKor. àńằ; Mod. au.
◊ Nam 338, KED 1075.
‖ Vovin 1993 (Jpn.-Kor.). Cf. also MKor. àńắm ‘family’, àńí ‘child’.
The Korean reflexes raise some doubts: tone does not correspond to
TM, medial -ń- is also irregular (unless it was palatalized in àńí before
-i, and other forms were changed by analogy); see a discussion in Mar-
tin 1996, 67-68, Robbeets 2000, 116-117. In Japanese *’younger brother’ >
588 *ińo - *iŋV
*’brother’; with the introduction of *ətə ‘younger brother’ ( < *ore
‘young male’) *ani changed its meaning to “elder brother”.
-ińo to laugh: Tung. *ińe-; Mong. *(h)inije-; Kor. *ūń-.
PTung. *ińe- to laugh (смеяться): Evk. ińe-; Evn. iń-; Neg. ińe-; Man.
inǯe-; SMan. inǯi-, inǯə- (186); Jurch. inǯe- (461); Ul. ińe-kte-; Nan. ińe-mu;
Orch. ińe-kte-; Ud. ińe-; Sol. ne-kte-.
◊ ТМС 1, 319-320.
PMong. *(h)inije- to laugh (смеяться): MMong. jine’e (HY 36), jini’e-
(SH), inä-bä (MA), inē- (LH), inē (Lig.VMI); WMong. inije-, inige-, inege-
(L 411); Kh. inē-; Bur. eńē-; Kalm. iń-; Ord. enē-, inē-; Mog. innā-; Dag.
šinē-, xinē- (Тод. Даг. 184), šinēde- (MD 216); Dong. šinie-; Bao. šine-, ne-;
S.-Yugh. ńī-; Mongr. šənē- (SM 375).
◊ KW 208, MGCD 411.
PKor. *ūń- to laugh (смеяться): MKor. ūs-, ùń- (ùńɨ-); Mod. ūt- [ūs-].
◊ Nam 393, KED 1250.
‖ EAS 114, KW 208, Poppe 70, Robbeets 2000, 111. Mong., with a
strange reflex of *h- in Southern dialects (opposed to 0- in MMong.)
may in fact reflect a contamination: cf. Evk. heŋne- ‘to laugh’ (see under
*p῾eŋk῾a). In any case, despite Doerfer MT 23, the TM root is hardly <
Mong.
-íŋo to neigh: Tung. *iŋi-; Mong. *iŋča-; Turk. *ɨŋɨra-; Jpn. *íná-nak-.
PTung. *iŋi- to neigh (ржать): Evk. iŋil-; Man. ilča-, inča-; Nan.
iŋgiri-; Sol. iŋele-.
◊ ТМС 1, 321. The Manchu form (but not the rest) may be < Mong.
PMong. *iŋča- to neigh (ржать): MMong. iŋuliǯa- (HY 16); WMong.
inčaɣa-, iŋčaɣa- (L 410, 411); Kh. jancgā-; uŋgalda-; Bur. insagā-; Kalm.
incəɣā-; Ord. inčagā-; Dag. ingilī- (Тод. Даг. 146: “to moan”).
◊ KW 208, MGCD 736.
PTurk. *ɨŋɨra- 1 to neigh 2 to bellow, purr (1 ржать 2 реветь, виз-
жать, мурлыкать): Karakh. ɨŋra- (MK); Turkm. ɨŋra-; Bashk. ɨŋɨran- 1;
Chuv. ənər- 2; Yak. ɨŋɨran- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 658, Егоров 65, Мудрак 73.
PJpn. *íná-nak- to neigh (ржать): MJpn. íná-nak-; Tok. ìnanak-; Kyo.
ínánák-; Kag. inanák-.
◊ JLTT 697.
‖ An expressive root, but quite regular and doubtlessly common.
-iŋV shallow place: Tung. *(x)iŋā; Jpn. *ía; Kor. *j ( < *i’ə).
PTung. *(x)iŋā 1 sand (on a shallow place) 2 pebbles 3 small stone 4
shallow place (1 песок 2 галька 3 камушек 4 отмель): Evk. iŋā 1, 2;
Evn. ịŋa 1, 2; Neg. ịŋā 2; Man. joŋgan 1; SMan. ńuŋan, ńohun 1 (2111);
Orch. iŋo 2; Ud. iŋo 4; Sol. iŋā 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 320-321.
 *ipa - *ip῾i 589

PJpn. *ía inlet (залив, бухта): OJpn. je; MJpn. jé.

◊ JLTT 392.
PKor. *jə a reef, a rock in the sea (риф, скала в море): Mod. jə.
◊ KED 1160.
‖ See SKE 76. An Eastern isogloss; the Jpn. form presupposes
*iŋ(V)-gV, with further contraction.
-ipa ( ~ -b-) shell: Tung. *ibu-kta ( ~ *igu-kta); Mong. *(h)ibawu; Jpn.
*apampi.
PTung. *ibu-kta ( ~ *igu-kta) shells as ornaments (ракушки (как
украшения)): Ork. joqto; Sol. jogōs.
◊ ТМС 1, 346.
PMong. *(h)ibawu sea shell (морская раковина): WMong. ibau,
ibaɣu (L 396); Kh. juvū; Bur. jobūn.
PJpn. *apampi abalone, a k. of seashell (вид раковины): OJpn.
apabji; MJpn. áfàbì; Tok. áwabi; Kyo. áwàbì; Kag. awábi, awabí.
◊ JLTT 388. Accent reconstruction is somewhat uncertain.
‖ Cf. also OJ ebi ‘shrimp, shellfish’ - perhaps an old dialectal variant
of the same root.
-ipe ( ~ a-) cold, winter: Tung. *ibaksa; Mong. *ebül.
PTung. *iba-ksa frazil (шуга): Evk. iwaksa; Evn. ịwụs; Neg. ịwaksa;
Ul. ịwaqsa; Orch. juaksa (Корм. 242); Ud. juakkä (Корм. 242), iwakä.
◊ ТМС 1, 295. Cf. also Evk. ewīle-se, owīla-sa ‘early spring’, owīn ‘last spring snow
crust’ (ТМС 2, 4-5).
PMong. *ebül winter (зима): MMong. ubul (HY 5), ebul (SH), obol
(IM), ubul, äbulǯa- (MA); WMong. ebül (L 290); Kh. övöl; Bur. übel; Kalm.
öwl; Ord. öwöl; Mog. übül, ebulä; Dag. ugul (Тод. Даг. 170), eule (MD
146); Dong. uvun; Bao. ŋguŋ, ŋgoŋ; S.-Yugh. wəl; Mongr. ugur, gur (SM
468), rgul (Huzu).
◊ KW 303, MGCD 538.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ip῾i (~-p-,-e) mouth; to say: Tung. *(x)ipke-; Jpn. *íp-; Kor. *íp.
PTung. *(x)ipke- to order, tell, lure (приказывать, велеть, подстре-
кать): Evk. ipku-, ipke-; Evn. ipkъn-; Ud. ikpele- (Корм. 237).
◊ ТМС 1, 322.
PJpn. *íp- say (сказать, говорить): OJpn. ip-; MJpn. íf-; Tok. yù-;
Kyo. yú-; Kag. y-.
◊ JLTT 700.
PKor. *íp mouth; to recite (рот; рассказывать, декламировать):
MKor. íp ‘mouth’, ìp(h)- ‘to recite’; Mod. ip.
◊ Nam 406, 407, 409, KED 1363.
‖ Martin 249, АПиПЯЯ 111, 277. An Eastern isogloss (but cf. per-
haps Mong. abija(n) (L 4), Khalkha aỻa, Bur. aa ‘sound’ ( < *ibaja ?); on a
590 *ire - *ìri
possible Turkic parallel see under *t῾è); seems reliable, despite a tonal
discrepancy between Kor. and Jpn.
-ire to melt: Tung. *irū-; Turk. *ẹri-.
PTung. *irū- 1 to sink 2 to melt (1 погружаться 2 таять, образо-
ваться проталинам): Evk. irū- 1; Evn. irъl- 2; Man. iru- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 328, 329.
PTurk. *ẹri- to melt (таять): Karakh. erü- (MK); Tur. eri-; Gag. jeri-;
Az. äri-; Turkm. ere-; Sal. iri-; MTurk. eri- (Abushk.); Uzb. eri-; Uygh.
iri-; Krm. iri-; Bashk. ire-; Kirgh. eri-; Kaz. eri-; KBalk. eri-; KKalp. eri-;
Kum. iri-; Khak. irə-; Oyr. eri-; Tv. eri-; Chuv. irəl-; Yak. ir-; Dolg. ir-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 289-290, Stachowski 128, EDT 198.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-re to come, enter: Tung. *ī-; Mong. *ire-; Turk. *r-; Jpn. *ítá-r-.
PTung. *ī- to enter (входить): Evk. ī-; Evn. ī-; Neg. ī-; SMan. ji-be-;
Jurch. i-re- (715); Ul. ī-; Ork. ī-; Nan. ī-; Orch. ī-; Ud. ī-; Sol. ī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 293.
PMong. *ire- to come (приходить): MMong. jire- (HY 34, SH), irä-,
iro- (IM), irä-, ir- (MA); WMong. ire- (L 413); Kh. ire-; Bur. jere-; Kalm.
ir-; Ord. ire-; Mog. irä-; ZM eirä (40-7); Dag. ire- (Тод. Даг. 146, MD 173);
Dong. ire-; Bao. re-; S.-Yugh. ere-; Mongr. re- (SM 313), ire-.
◊ KW 209, MGCD 412.
PTurk. *r- 1 to reach 2 to pass (1 достигать 2 проходить мимо):
OTurk. er- (OUygh.) 1, er-t- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. eriš- (MK) 1; Tur. er-,
dial. ēr-, ir- 1; Khal. r- 1; MTurk. er- (Pav. C., AH) 1, ert- (CCom) 2;
Uzb. eriš- 1; Krm. er- 1; Tat. ireš- 1; Bashk. ireš- 1; KKalp. eris- 1; Khak.
irt- 2; Shr. ert- 2; Oyr. dial. eriš- 1, ert- 2; Chuv. irt- 2; Yak. irdē- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 288-289, 303, Федотов 1,172-173. Räsänen (VEWT 46) connects also PT
*eriĺ- ‘to contest, challenge’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 293-294) - which, together with Mong. *eri- ‘to seek,
search’ (HY ere- ῾to hope’), should be rather kept apart (possibly a separate PA root *erV).
Turk. > Hung. ér- ‘to reach’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *ítá-r- to reach (достигать): OJpn. ita-r-; MJpn. ítá-r-; Tok.
ìtar-u; Kyo. ítár-ú; Kag. itár-.
◊ JLTT 699.
‖ Poppe 117 (Mong.-Tung.), KW 209, АПиПЯЯ 293-294. In Jpn. one
could (following Ozawa) compare *ír- ‘to enter’, but the latter should
be rather compared with Kor. tɨr- id. (see *tire), while *ítá-r- is also a
perfect phonetic match for PA *re. Turk. reveals variants *ēr- and *īr- (
< *īre-?). Cf. also Koguryo *i- ‘to enter’ (Lee 37, Menges 1984, 267).
-ìri ( ~ *e-) to rot, pus, be sick: Mong. *(h)ereke-; Turk. *iri-; Jpn. *ìtà-.
PMong. *(h)ereke- to vesicate; to complicate (of a disease) (нары-
вать; осложняться (о болезни)): WMong. ereke- (L 322); Kh. erxe-;
Kalm. erk-; Ord. erkere-.
 *íru - *rú 591
◊ KW 125.
PTurk. *iri- 1 to rot 2 pus 3 to turn sour, coagulate (1 гнить 2 гной 3
прокисать, створаживаться): OTurk. jirü- 1 (OUygh.), iriŋ 2 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. iri- 1, iriŋ 2 (MK); Tur. irin 2; Gag. jirin 2; Az. irin 2;
Turkm. iriŋ 2; MTurk. iriŋ 2; Uzb. iri- 1, jiriŋ 2; Uygh. ǯiriŋ 2; Krm. irin 2;
Tat. ĭrĭ- 3, ĭrĭn 2; Bashk. ĭrĭ- 3, ĭrĭn 2; Kirgh. iri- 1, 3, iriŋ 2; Kaz. ĭrĭ- 1, 3,
ĭrĭn 2; KBalk. irin 2; KKalp. iri- 1, 3, iriŋ 2; Nogh. irin 2; Khak. ĭrĭ- 1, 3,
ĭrĭn 2; Oyr. iri- 3, iriŋ 2; Tv. iri- 1, iriŋ 2; Yak. ireŋe 2; Dolg. ireŋe 2.
◊ EDT 198, 233, ЭСТЯ 1, 372-374, Stachowski 128.
PJpn. *ìtà- to be ill, feel pain (adj.) (болеть, чувствовать боль):
OJpn. ita-; MJpn. ìtà-; Tok. itá-; Kyo. ítà-; Kag. itá-.
◊ JLTT 829.
‖ KW 125.
-íru song: Tung. *ir-ke-; Mong. *ira-ɣu; Turk. *ɨr; Jpn. *útà; Kor. *ɨrp-.
PTung. *ir-ke- 1 to sing a song, versify 2 to cry, moan (1 петь, сла-
гать стихи 2 кричать): Evk. irkihin- 2; Evn. rqъ- 2; Man. irgebu- 1;
SMan. irəxəvə- (1339) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 326, 327. Man. > Dag. irgēbu- (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *ira-ɣu melodious sound, harmony (мелодический звук,
гармония): MMong. jira’u (MA); WMong. iraɣu (L 413); Kh. jarū; Bur.
iragū ( < lit.); Ord. iraGū; Mongr. joro ‘bruit, son, voix’ (SM 494).
PTurk. *ɨr song (песня): OTurk. ɨr (OUygh.); Karakh. ɨr (MK); Tur. ɨr
(dial.); Turkm. ɨr (dial.); MTurk. ɨr (Pav. C., AH); Tat. ɨr (dial.); Kirgh. ɨr;
Khak. ɨr; Oyr. ɨr; Tv. ɨr; Yak. ɨrɨa; Dolg. ɨrɨa.
◊ EDT 192, VEWT 166, 201, Лексика 610, Stachowski 261. The root should be kept
distinct from *jɨr, although actively contaminating.
PJpn. *útà song (песня): OJpn. uta; MJpn. útà; Tok. utá; Kyo. útà;
Kag. úta.
◊ JLTT 564.
PKor. *ɨrp- to chant, sing songs (петь, декламировать): MKor. ɨrp-;
Mod. ɨp- [ɨlph-].
◊ Nam 396, KED 1302.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk. (cf. Karakh. jɨraɣu ‘singer’, see TMN 4, 242,
Щербак 1997, 164). Note also PJ *útá-p- ‘sing’ = Kor. *ɨr-p-.
-rú omen, divination: Tung. *īrme-; Mong. *irwa; Turk. *ɨr- / *ir-; Jpn.
*ùrá.
PTung. *īrme- to ask (просить): Evn. īrmu-; Ul. iremesi-; Ork. ireme-;
Nan. ireme- (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 328.
PMong. *irwa (bad) omen ((дурное) знамение): MMong. ira (MA
242); WMong. irua, iruua (L 415); Kh. jor(o); Bur. joro; Kalm. jorə; Ord.
joro; Dag. jor (Тод. Даг. 147), jore (MD 173); S.-Yugh. jor.
592 *ru - *ŕu
◊ KW 219, MGCD 740. Despite EDT 197, hardly borrowed from Turkic; Mong. > Yak.
ɨra.
PTurk. *ɨr- / *ir- omen (знамение; суеверие): OT irü (OUygh.) Tur.
ɨrɨm (dial.); Turkm. ɨrɨm; MTurk. ɨrɨm (Pav. C.); Uzb. irim; Uygh. irim;
Tat. ɨrɨm; Bashk. ɨrɨm; Kirgh. ɨrɨm; Kaz. ɨrɨm; KKalp. ɨrɨm; Nogh. ɨrɨm;
Khak. rɨm (R); Shr. rɨm (R); Oyr. ɨrɨm; Tv. ɨrɨm ‘плохое самочувствие’.
◊ EDT 197, VEWT 166, ОСНЯ 3, 120, ЭСТЯ 1, 666. Back row in modern languages
may be due to contamination with *ɨr-, q. v. sub *p῾ĭru.
PJpn. *ùrá 1 divination 2 to divine (гадание): OJpn. ura 1, ura-nap- 2;
MJpn. ùrá 1, ùrà-naf- 2; Tok. uraná- 2; Kyo. úráná- 2; Kag. ùrànà- 2.
◊ JLTT 563, 779.
‖ KW 219, Владимирцов 181.
-ru to be ashamed, shy, hostile: Tung. *ire(n)te-; Mong. *(h)ir-ba-; Turk.
*īr-; Jpn. *útúa-; Kor. *ɨrɨ-.
PTung. *ire(n)te- to be ashamed (стыдиться): Man. jerte-; SMan.
irətə- ‘to be bashful, to feel shy’ (1969); Nan. irente-.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PMong. *(h)ir-ba- discontent, cranky (недовольный, раздражен-
ный): WMong. irba- / jarba-, (L 413) irbaɣana-; Kh. jarva-; Bur. irba-;
Kalm. jarw- (КРС 710).
PTurk. *īr- shame, be ashamed, frighten away (стыд, стыдиться, от-
пугивать): Karakh. ir-, iril- (MK); Turkm. īr-; Khak. irək- ‘to languish, be
bored’; Chuv. jərən-; Yak. īr- ‘to rave, become crazy’.
◊ EDT 192, VEWT 173, (incorrect in) Егоров 80.
PJpn. *útúa- alienated, discontent (отчужденный, недовольный):
OJpn. utwo-; MJpn. útwó-; Tok. utó-; Kyo. útò-; Kag. úto-.
◊ JLTT 844. The Tokyo accent is irregular; otherwise all evidence points to *útúa-. Cf.
also *útuá(m)p- ‘to shun, neglect’, MJ utoma-si ‘unpleasant, offensive’.
PKor. *ɨrɨ- to scare, threaten, menace (угрожать, пугать): Mod. ɨrɨ-.
◊ KED 1285.
‖ One of many common Altaic verbs of emotion. Correspondences
are quite regular, and the etymology seems reliable.
-ŕu trace, furrow: Tung. *iru-n; Mong. *(h)iraɣa-; Turk. *īŕ / *ŕ; Kor.
*ìráŋ.
PTung. *iru-n furrow (грядка, борозда): Man. irun, jurun; Nan. irũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 328. Cf. perhaps also *ir- ‘to drag, trail’ (ТМС 1, 323-324) (< *’to leave a
trace’).
PMong. *(h)iraɣa- ripple, riffle (рябь (на поверхности воды)):
WMong. iraɣa (L 412); Kh. jarāt-; Kalm. ert-.
◊ KW 124. WMong. iraɣa, iralɣa (Kalm. irlɣən) ‘ripple (on water)’ > Man. iraxi, iren id.,
see Rozycki 117.
PTurk. *īŕ / *ŕ 1 trace 2 furrow (1 след 2 борозда, межа): OTurk. iz
1 (OUygh.); Karakh. iz 1 (MK); Tur. iz 1; Gag. jiz 1; Az. iz 1; Turkm. z 1;
 *ìsú - *isV 593

MTurk. iz 1 (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. iz 1; Uygh. iz 1; Krm. iz, ɨz 1; Tat.
ĭz 1, ɨzan 2; Bashk. ĭδ 1, ɨδan 2; Kirgh. iz 1; Kaz. ĭz 1; KBalk. ɨz 1; KKalp. iz
1; Kum. hɨzan 2; Nogh. ɨz 1, ɨzan 2; SUygh. is 1; Khak. ĭs 1; Oyr. is 1; Tv.
is 1; Chuv. jər 1, jъran 2.
◊ EDT 277, ЭСТЯ 1, 383-385, 646, 647, VEWT 175, Егоров 79, 75. There exists a verbal
derivative *īŕ-te- ‘to follow one’s tracks’, attested as iste- as early as in OUygh. (see EDT
243) and in many modern languages (see ЭСТЯ 1, 383); but simultaneously there is a
variant *īr-te- (with *-ŕ- > -r- according to Helimski’s rule), attested already in MK (see
EDT 208) and in Yak., Dolg. irdē-, see Stachowski 128.
PKor. *ìráŋ furrow (межа, борозда): MKor. ìráŋ; Mod. iraŋ.
◊ Nam 399, KED 1324.
‖ EAS 112, KW 209, Poppe 81, Lee 1958, 113, ОСНЯ 1, 251. Despite
Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 53) doubts ( “allerdings zweifelhaft” ), the compari-
son seems completely justified.
-ìsú to crush, grind; bite: Tung. *(x)ise-; Turk. *ɨsɨr-; Jpn. *ùsú; Kor. *ɨsɨr-.
PTung. *(x)ise- 1 to crush 2 to beat 3 to butt, quarrel (1 ломать 2
бить 3 бодать, спорить): Evk. iše- (dial.) 1; Neg. isi-kte- 1; Man. isele- 2;
Sol. iilǯi- ‘to contest’; Orch. isǟmeči- ‘перетягивать (друг у друга, дер-
жась за противоположные концы веревки, - игра)’ .
◊ ТМС 1, 336.
PTurk. *ɨsɨr- to bite (кусать): Karakh. ɨsɨr- (MK); Tur. ɨsɨr-; MTurk.
ɨsɨr-, ɨsur- ‘to bite, to eat’ (Abush., Sangl.); Krm. ɨsɨr-; Kirgh. ɨsɨr-; Kum.
ɨsɨr-; Khak. ɨzɨr-; Tv. ɨzɨr-; Tof. ɨ’sɨr-; Yak. ɨtɨr-, ɨstā-; Dolg. ɨtɨr-, ɨstā-.
◊ VEWT 167, EDT 251, ЭСТЯ 1, 671-672, Stachowski 262, 263.
PJpn. *ùsú mortar (ступка): OJpn. usu; MJpn. ùsú; Tok. úsu; Kyo.
ùsú; Kag. usú.
◊ JLTT 564.
PKor. *ɨsɨr- to grind, crush (разбивать, дробить, ломать): Mod.
ɨsɨrə-(t:ɨrida).
◊ KED 1287.
‖ SKE 73 (Kor.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 281.
-isV to pinch, pluck out: Tung. *is-; Turk. *iske-.
PTung. *is- to pinch, pluck out (выщипывать, выдергивать): Evk.
is-; Evn. is-; Neg. īs-; Man. isi-; Ul. isī-; Ork. isi-; Nan. isō-; Orch. isi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 330.
PTurk. *iske- 1 to pinch, pluck out 2 pincers 3 chisel (1 выщипы-
вать 2 щипчики, клещи 3 резец, долото): Karakh. iske- (MK) 1; Az.
iskänä 3; Turkm. iskew 2, isgänä 3; Yak. iskex 2.
◊ EDT 246, VEWT 174 (Tadzh. iskana probably < Turk.), ЭСТЯ 1, 382-383.
‖ A Tung.-Turk. isogloss; not quite reliable because the Turkic form
may reflect a contamination with *p῾úsa q.v.
594 *ite - *t῾á
-ite ( ~ *eti) to eat: Mong. *ide-; Turk. *et-mek.
PMong. *ide- to eat (есть): MMong. jide- (HY 25, SH), idä- (IM), idä-
(MA); WMong. ide- (L 398); Kh. ide-; Bur. ede-; Kalm. idə-; Ord. ide-;
Mog. idä-; ZM idä (16-2b); Dag. ide- (Тод. Даг. 146, MD 173); Dong. iǯie-;
Bao. nde-; S.-Yugh. ede-; Mongr. ide- (SM 188).
◊ KW 205, MGCD 407, TMN 1, 188.
PTurk. *et-mek bread (хлеб): OTurk. ötmek (OUygh.); Karakh. etmek
(MK), epmek (MK - Oghuz, Qypch.); Tur. etmek, ekmek; Gag. iekmek; Az.
äppäk; Turkm. (dial.) ekmek, epmek; MTurk. etmek, ötmek (Pav. C.); Krm.
ekmek, etmek, ötmek; Tat. ikmäk; Bashk. ikmäk; KBalk. ötmek; Kum. ekmek;
Nogh. ötpek; Khak. ipek; Shr. itpäk; Oyr. ötpök.
◊ EDT 12, 60, VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 254-256. The oldest form is clearly *et-mek with
various subsequent assimilations.
‖ A Turkic-Mong. isogloss, but no doubt archaic: a Nostratic ety-
mology see in МССНЯ 340, ОСНЯ 1, 273-4.
-ìtí board: Tung. *(x)ite; Mong. *(h)ideɣür; Jpn. *ìtá.
PTung. *(x)ite board (on bottom of the birch-boat) (доска (на дне
берестяной лодки)): Evk. ite; Neg. īte.
◊ ТМС 1, 334.
PMong. *(h)ideɣür trough (корыто): WMong. ideɣür (L 400); Kh.
idǖr; Bur. eǖr; Kalm. idəš, idǖr.
◊ KW 205. The formal connection with ide- ‘eat’ (’trough for feeding animals’) is
probably due to a secondary contamination.
PJpn. *ìtá board (доска): OJpn. ita; MJpn. ita; Tok. íta; Kyo. ìtá; Kag.
itá.
◊ JLTT 427.
‖ The Mong. reflex is somewhat dubious (because of a secondary
merger with *ide- ‘eat, feed’), but the Tung.-Jpn. match still seems reli-
able.
-t῾á to rely, trust, take upon oneself: Tung. *(x)iti; Mong. *itege-; Jpn.
*àntùkàr-.
PTung. *(x)iti 1 custom, order 2 to organize, prepare 3 occasion (1
обычай, порядок 2 организовать, готовить 3 случай): Evk. iti(n) 1,
itiɣā- 2; Evn. ịtqa 1, ịtụ-, ịtɣ- 2; Neg. ịtqa 1; Orch. īti 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 333. TM > Dag. ite (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *itege- to hope, believe, trust (верить, надеяться, дове-
рять): MMong. itege- (HYt), itqa- ‘to reason’ (MA), itegiltu
(LH)’zuverlässig’; WMong. itege- (L 417); Kh. itge-, jatga-; Bur. idxa-;
Kalm. itkə- (КРС); Ord. etege-; Dag. itge- (Тод. Даг. 146), itege- (MD 174);
S.-Yugh. hdēge-.
◊ MGCD 414.
 *ìt῾ù - *it῾VKV 595

PJpn. *àntùkà-r- to take upon oneself (иметь отношение к, брать

на себя заботу о): OJpn. adukar-; MJpn. àdùkàr-; Tok. azukár-; Kyo.
ázúkár-; Kag. àzùkàr-.
◊ JLTT 680. The transitive parallel is *àntùkà-.
‖ The root should be kept distinct from *ēt῾a, although they tend to
be confused.
-ìt῾ù to hit, push: Mong. *ete-; Turk. *it-; Jpn. *ùt-.
PMong. *ete- 1 to pick, dig 2 to cut (1 ковырять, копать 2 резать):
MMong. etke- 2 (SH, HY 25); WMong. ete- 1 (L 335); Kh. ete- 1; Bur. ete-
1; Kalm. et- 1; Mog. etqä- 2; KT etkä (20-5a) 2; Mongr. dige- (SM 55) 2.
◊ KW 128. Forms with the meaning ‘cut’ may reflect a partial contamination with
*heske- q.v.
PTurk. *it- to push, hit (толкать, ударять): Karakh. it- (MK); Tur.
it-; Gag. jitir-; Turkm. it-; MTurk. it- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. itar-; Uygh.
itär-; Krm. it-; Tat. ĭt-; Bashk. ĭt-; Kaz. ĭjter-; KKalp. ijter-; SUygh. it-;
Khak. ĭt-; Shr. it-; Oyr. it-, ijt-; Tv. it-; Yak. üt-; Dolg. it-, üt-.
◊ EDT 38, VEWT 174, ЭСТЯ 1, 386-387, Stachowski 129, 254.
PJpn. *ùt- to beat, hit (бить, ударять): OJpn. ut-; MJpn. ùt-; Tok. út-;
Kyo. ùt-; Kag. ùt-.
◊ JLTT 781.
‖ Cf. perhaps Evn. ịtŋ- ‘to flounce, thrash about’ (ТМС 1, 333).
-it῾VKV a k. of (big) bird: Tung. *itiknija; Mong. *it-.
PTung. *itiknija 1 owl 2 crane (1 сова 2 журавль): Evk. itiknija 1;
Evn. ịtịqńa 1; Neg. ịtịŋna 1; Nan. jatnia 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 333.
PMong. *it- 1 partridge 2 jay 3 falcon 4 a k. of hawk 5 hazel-hen (1
куропатка 2 сойка 3 сокол 4 ястреб-перепелятник 5 рябчик):
MMong. jitelogu (HY 14) 4, itawun 1 (LH), itaūn 1 (Lig.VMI), itelku ‘mer-
lin’ (MA 221); WMong. itaɣu 1, ite 2, itelgü 3 (L 417, 418); Kh. jatū 1, jotū
5; Bur. itag (šāzgaj) 2; Kalm. jotūn, itǖ ‘hazel-hen’, itə ‘a bird of prey’,
itlɣə 3; Ord. itū 1, ötölgö, etelge 3; Mongr. sdergu 3 (SM 336).
◊ KW 211, 219. Mong. > Uzb. itälgü etc., Manchu itulxen, iturxen (ТМС 1, 334), Man.
itu, Sol. itau (Rozycki 117); MKor. iktəkui (Lee 1964, 191).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
 IA

-ga to fall over, shake: Tung. *iaga-; Mong. *(h)egeji-; Turk. *iāg-.
PTung. *iaga- to crumble, fall down (обваливаться, осыпаться):
Evk. ɣaw-; Neg. ɣa-; Man. ja-qsa ‘берег с осыпью’; Ul. jāga-.
◊ ТМС 1, 289.
PMong. *(h)egeji- to shake, move, tremble (дрожать, двигаться,
трястись): WMong. egeji- (L 297).
◊ Cf. also WMong. (L 296) egče ‘steep, straight, abrupt’ (cf. the meanings in TM) ( >
Yak., Dolg. ekči, see Kał. MEJ 24, Stachowski 44).
PTurk. *iāg-, *iāg-na- 1 to roll over, fall over 2 to climb over 3 to
tumble 4 to turn over, capsize, let fall (1 падать, опрокидываться, све-
шиваться 2 перелезать 3 валяться, перекатываться 4 ронять, опро-
кидывать): OTurk. aɣna- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. aɣna- 3 (MK, KB); Tur. aɣ-
1, aɣdɨr- 2, aɣɨn- 3; Az. aɣna- 3; Turkm. āɣ- 1, 2, āɣ-dar- 4, āɣɨna- 3; Khal.
hāɣa, hɣa ‘back, in the back’; MTurk. aɣna- 3; Uzb. ɔɣ- 1, ɔɣna- 3; Uygh.
aɣ- 1; Krm. avdar- 4, av-ɣa-la-n- 3; Tat. aw- 1, awdar- 4, awna- 3; Bashk.
aw- 1, awdar- 4, awna- 3; Kirgh. ō- 1, ōna- 3; Kaz. aw-dar- 4, awna- 3;
KBalk. aw- 1, 2, aw-la- ‘to skim’, awdar- 4, awna- 3; KKalp. aw- 1, 2, aw-
dar- 4, awna- 3; Kum. av- 1, avdar- 4, av-la-n- ‘to turn over, incline’, avna-
3; Nogh. av- 1, av-dar- 4, avna- 3; SUygh. aɣɨna- 3 (ЯЖУ 11); Khak.
aŋ-dar- 4; Shr. aŋ-dar- 4; Oyr. aŋ-tar- 4, aŋ-da- (<*aŋ-na-) 3; Tv. aŋda-r- 4,
aŋda-š- 3; Chuv. jъₙvan- 1, 4; Yak. āŋ-na- 3.
◊ EDT 86-87, VEWT 7, ЭСТЯ 1, 69-70, 73-76. Forms like aŋ-dar- are not quite clear -
caus. from the refl. *iāg-ɨn- ? (but the refl. form is here not *iāg-ɨn- but rather *iāg-na-).
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite some confusion in Turkic, should be
kept distinct from *ḗga ‘rise’ (q.v.).
-ga ( ~ -i) a k. of disease: Tung. *(x)iag-; Turk. *īg; Jpn. *ia ~ *ai.
PTung. *(x)iag- cold (sickness), influenza (простуда, грипп): Evk.
ɣ; Evn. ǟɣ 1; Neg. ɣ.
◊ ТМС 1, 289.
PTurk. *īg illness, decease (болезнь): OTurk. ig (OUygh.); Karakh.
ig (MK, KB, Tefs.); Tur. iɣǯil; Turkm. īgli ‘rickety’; MTurk. ig (Sangl.,
Houts.); Chuv. jъx ‘leprosy, scrofula’.
 *gi - *agu 597
◊ EDT 98-99, Егоров 76-77, Федотов 1, 189, Мудрак 73, Мудрак Дисс. 157, VEWT
169.
PJpn. *ia ~ *ai contagious disease (заразная болезнь): OJpn. (j)e,
(j)e-jamji; MJpn. e, e-jami.
◊ JLTT 392. Accent is not clear: in RJ both è-jàmì and é-jàmì are attested.
‖ Cf. Bur. jogšo- ‘to ache, nag’. Turk. *īg is perhaps a result of secon-
dary narrowing < *(i)ēg. In TM there exists also an apparent derivative
*iagsi- ‘to sneeze’ which is very similar to PT *aksɨr- (*agsɨr-) id. (see
ЭСТЯ 1, 194-195). This may be either an old derivative, phonetically
distorted in Turkic, or an independent onomatopoeic root.
-gi fat: Tung. *iag-ǯakta; Mong. *eɣükü, *öɣekü; Turk. *jāg.
PTung. *iag-ǯakta fat (of a bear) (жир (медведя)): Ul. jaGǯaqta.
◊ ТМС 1, 337 (despite the isolated nature of the Ul. form its relationship with the
Turkic and Mong. forms seems reliable).
PMong. *eɣükü, *öɣekü fat (жир): MMong. e’ukun (HY 24, SH),
o’ukun (SH), ukon (IM), ukun- (MA); WMong. ügekü, ögekü(n) (L 631);
Kh. ȫx(ön); Bur. ȫxe(n); Kalm. ȫkn; Ord. ȫχö, ȫχü; Dag. eugu, ēge (Тод.
Даг. 138), euwe (MD 147); Dong. fugun; Bao. gum (MGCD šgum);
S.-Yugh. ǖkön (MGCD ǖgon); Mongr. ōke (SM 296), (MGCD ōku).
◊ KW 304, MGCD 535.
PTurk. *jāg 1 fat n., butter 2 lard 3 thick, fat (adj.) (1 жир, масло 2
сало 3 толстый, жирный): OTurk. jaɣ 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jaɣ (MK);
Tur. jaɣ 1; Gag. jā 1; Az. jaɣ 1; Turkm. jāɣ 1; Sal. jaɣ 1; Khal. jāɣ 1;
MTurk. jaɣ 1 (MA); Uzb. jɔɣ 1; Uygh. jaɣ 1; Krm. jaɣ 1; Kirgh. ǯoo-n 3;
KBalk. žau 1; Kum. jav 1; SUygh. jaɣ 1; Khak. čaɣ 1; Shr. čaɣ 1; Oyr. ū 1;
Tv. čaɣ 2; Tof. čaɣ 2; Chuv. śu, śъₙv 1; Yak. sɨa 1; Dolg. hɨa 1.
◊ VEWT 177, EDT 895, ЭСТЯ 4, 58-59, Лексика 453, Федотов 2, 127, Stachowski 117.
‖ ТМС 1, 337 (TM-Turk.), АПиПЯЯ 282. A Western isogloss.
-agu ( ~ *oga) hips, space between hips: Tung. *oga; Mong. *aɣarčak;
Turk. *(i)ag.
PTung. *oga thigh, hip (бедро, ляжка): Evk. oɣo; Evn. ōɣ; Neg. oɣo;
Ul. ō; Ork. ō; Nan. ō; Orch. ō; Ud. ō; Sol. oɣo.
◊ ТМС 2, 5.
PMong. *aɣarčak flesh between the hips (мясо между ляжками):
WMong. aɣarčag; Kh. ārcag ‘таз’; Kalm. ārcəg; Ord. ārcaq.
◊ KW 21.
PTurk. *(i)ag 1 space between the legs 2 wedge between trouser legs
(1 промежуток между ногами 2 клин между штанинами): OTurk.
aɣ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aɣ (MK) 1; Gag. ā 2; Az. aɣ (dial.) 2; Uzb. ɔɣ 2;
Uygh. aɣ 2; Krm. aw 1; Kaz. aw 2; Nogh. aw 2.
◊ EDT 75, ЭСТЯ 1, 67-68, Clark 1977, 127.
‖ A Western isogloss.
598 *àk῾ì - *áĺa
-àk῾ì ( ~ -k-) liquid, flow: Tung. *iaKu; Turk. *iak-; Jpn. *ìkà-i.
PTung. *iaKu 1 swamp, ditch 2 brook (1 болото, лужа, канава 2
ручей): Evk. jaku 1, jakta 2; Man. jōχon 1; SMan. johərən, johurun 1
(2084); Nan. jaqčịra 2; Ud. jakpa῾ 2 (Корм. 240).
◊ ТМС 1, 339.
PTurk. *iak- to flow (течь): OTurk. aq- (OUygh.); Karakh. aq- (MK);
Tur. ak-; Gag. aq-; Az. ax-; Turkm. aq-; MTurk. aq- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔq-;
Uygh. aq-; Krm. aq-; Tat. aq-; Bashk. aq-; Kirgh. aq-; Kaz. aq-; KBalk. aq-;
KKalp. aq-; Kum. aq-; Nogh. aq-; SUygh. aq-; Khak. ax-; Oyr. aq-; Tv. aq-;
Chuv. jox-.
◊ EDT 77, VEWT 12, ЭСТЯ 1, 118-120, Егоров 352, Федотов 2, 495.
PJpn. *ìkà-i pond (пруд): OJpn. ike; MJpn. ìkè; Tok. iké; Kyo. ìkè;
Kag. ìké.
◊ JLTT 422.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 196.
-k῾V light, white: Tung. *ixere; Mong. *jagaɣan; Turk. *Āk; Jpn. *áká-;
Kor. *ikɨr-.
PTung. *ixere candle, light (светильник, свеча, свет): Neg. ixere ( <
STung.); Ul. ixere; Ork. ixere; Nan. ixere; Orch. ixere.
◊ ТМС 1, 302.
PMong. *jagaɣan pink (розовый): WMong. jaɣan (L 423); Kh. jagān;
Bur. jagān; Kalm. jaɣan (СЯОС).
PTurk. *Āk white (белый): OTurk. aq (OUygh.); Karakh. aq (MK);
Tur. ak; Gag. aq; Az. aɣ; Turkm. āq; Sal. aχ; MTurk. aq ~ aɣ; Uzb. ɔq;
Uygh. aq; Krm. aq; Tat. aq; Bashk. aq; Kirgh. aq; Kaz. aq; KBalk. aq;
KKalp. aq; Kum. aq; Nogh. aq; SUygh. aq; Khak. ax; Shr. aq; Oyr. aq; Tv.
aq; Tof. aq.
◊ VEWT 12, TMN 2, 84-5, ЭСТЯ 1, 116-117, EDT 75, Лексика 598-599.
PJpn. *áká- red (красный): OJpn. aka-; MJpn. áká-; Tok. àka-; Kyo.
ákà-; Kag. ákà-.
◊ JLTT 825.
PKor. *ikɨr- to burn lively; to be deeply flushed (ярко гореть; силь-
но краснеть): Mod. igɨl-kəri- 1, igɨl-igɨl-ha- 1, 2.
◊ KED 1319.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 110, 277. The final vowel is not quite clear: some lan-
guages point to *-i or *-e, others - rather to *-a.
-áĺa female; to seduce, to frolic: Turk. *eĺi; Jpn. *ásuámp-; Kor. *r’ù-.
PTurk. *eĺi lady, beg’s consort (титул жены бега): OTurk. i/eši
(OUygh.); Karakh. i/eši (MK).
◊ See EDT 256, TMN 2, 182-183. The word is borrowed in Mong.: MMong. esi (HY),
WMong. esi ‘empress’, Kalm. iš ‘mother’ (KW 210), Ordos iši Gatũ ‘nom d’un sanctuaire,
eši qatun’ (DO 389), see Clark 1980, 41.
 *ámu - *ánti(-kV) 599

PJpn. *ásuámp- to play, divert oneself (играть, развлекаться):

OJpn. aswob-; MJpn. áswób-; Tok. àsob-; Kyo. àsòb-; Kag. asób-.
◊ JLTT 677. Kyoto accent is aberrant (ásób- would be expected).
PKor. *r’ù- / *r- 1 to flirt 2 to marry 3 to fondle, play with 4 to
have sexual intercourse (1 соблазнять, кокетничать 2 жениться 3 лас-
кать, заигрывать 4 иметь половые сношения): MKor. r’ù-, əru-, ərɨ-
1, 2, 4; Mod. ərɨ- 3.
◊ Nam 360, 361, 367, KED 1127.
‖ ? Cf. Evk. ilu ‘pregnant’ (ТМС 1, 311).
-ámu hole, pit: Tung. *umu-; Mong. *(h)uma-; Turk. *(i)am; Jpn. *úmá-;
Kor. *ùmúk-.
PTung. *umu- hole, nest (дыра): Evk. umdē-k, umuk; Evn. umrēkēn,
ụmak; Neg. omụ; Ul. omon; Ork. omo; Nan. omo.
◊ ТМС 2, 267-269. Cf. also verbal forms (Evk. um-nut- ‘to hide’, um-rē- ‘to sink (in
snow etc.)’. The root should be distinguished from *umū- ‘to lay eggs’, *umū-kta ‘egg’.
PMong. *(h)uma- scrotum with testicles; lower part of belly (мо-
шонка; нижняя часть живота): WMong. umadaɣ (L 874); Kh. umdag;
Kalm. omādəg; Ord. umadaG.
◊ KW 285.
PTurk. *(i)am vulva (vulva): Karakh. am (MK - Oghuz, Kypch.);
Tur. am; Turkm. am; Khal. hām; MTurk. (MKypch.) am (CCum., AH,
At-Tuhf.); Tat. am (Буд. 1, 90); Kirgh. am (R); Kaz. am (R); Oyr. am (R);
Yak. abas ‘vulva’; amanax ‘fat in the groins of cows, horses’.
◊ VEWT 18, EDT 155, R 1 643.
PJpn. *úmá- to bury, dig into (закапывать, зарывать): OJpn. uma-;
MJpn. úmá-; Tok. ùme-; Kyo. ùmè-; Kag. umé-.
◊ JLTT 778. The accent in Kyoto is irregular.
PKor. *ùmúk- to form a cavity, be depressed (образовывать впади-
ну, быть вогнутым): MKor. ùmúk-hă-, ùmúk-; Mod. umuk-ha-, omok-ha-.
◊ Liu 593, KED 1239.
‖ Cf. also notes to *úmu ‘to bear’ (the reflexes of which tend to
merge with the reflexes of *amu with specialized meanings ‘vulva,
genitals’).
-ánti(-kV) a k. of small predator: Tung. *iandaku; Turk. *(i)anduk ( ~
-nt-); Kor. *jń.
PTung. *iandaku 1 racoon dog 2 badger 3 young of badger 4 wol-
verine (1 енотовидная собака 2 барсук 3 барсучонок 4 росомаха):
Evk. jantakī 4; Neg. jandako 1; Man. jandači 3; Ul. jandaqụ 1; Nan. jandaqo
1; Orch. jandaku 1, jadači 2; Ud. jandasi 2.
◊ ТМС 1,341, 249. Interdialectal loans are not excluded.
600 *ańu - *ằpV
PTurk. *(i)anduk ( ~ -nt-) a k. of predator (вид хищника): Tur. andɨk
‘вид гиены’, Osm. anduq; MTurk. andɨq ‘espèce de loup cervier’ (Pav.
C.).
◊ VEWT 20, Лексика 159.
PKor. *jń fox (лиса): MKor. jń, jń, jəńă; Mod. jəu.
◊ Nam 374, 377, KED 1164.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 159.
-ańu line, furrow: Tung. *ońa-; Mong. *(h)oji-su; Turk. *En; Jpn. *ùnài.
PTung. *ońa- 1 to draw 2 drawing, ornament 3 spot (1 рисовать 2
рисунок, орнамент, резьба 3 пятно): Evk. ońo- 1, ońō 2; Evn. ońā- 1,
ońān 2; Ork. ono 3; Ud. ońo- 1, ońo 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 20.
PMong. *(h)oji-su a hollow below or above the ribs (углубление
под ребрами): WMong. oji-su (L 606: ojis ‘pit of the stomach’); Kh. ojs.
PTurk. *En 1 earmark (on domestic animals) 2 to make an earmark 3
to castrate (1 метка на ушах (домашних животных) 2 ставить метку
на ушах 3 кастрировать): Karakh. ene- 2 (MK), 3 (MK - Kypch.); Tur.
enek 1, (dial.) en 1, ene- 3; Az. en (dial.) 1; MTurk. en (Bud.), in (Pav. C.)
1; Uzb. en (dial.) 1; Uygh. än 1; Tat. inä- (dial.) 2; Bashk. in, inäw 1;
Kirgh. en 1; Kaz. en 1, dial. ene- 2; KKalp. en 1; Nogh. en 1; Khak. in 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 177-278, EDT 166, 171.
PJpn. *ùnài furrow, seedbed (борозда, грядка): OJpn. une; MJpn.
ùnè; Tok. uné; Kyo. únè; Kag. uné.
◊ JLTT 563.
‖ The root is very similar to *ńa ‘pit, ravine’ and *ne ‘notch (on
arrow)’ q.v., and there could have been some interaction between them
- which could, in particular, explain Turk. -n instead of the expected
*-ń.
-ằpV to bend, turn; hook: Tung. *oboka; Mong. *eb-; Turk. *ebir-; Jpn.
*àpùkuà.
PTung. *oboka hook (крюк): Man. obǵa ‘a k. of wooden hook serv-
ing as a bait for eagles’; Orch. obō, oboɣo; Ud. obo῾ (Корм. 273).
◊ ТМС 2, 4.
PMong. *eb- 1 to bend, fold 2 knee 3 to roll (1 гнуть, сгибать, скла-
дывать 2 колено 3 вертеть): MMong. ebkä- 1 (IM), ibkä- 1 (MA),ebuduk
2 (SH), äbdäk 2 (IM), ubuduk 2 (MA),; WMong. ebke- 1 (L 288), ebüdüg 2
(L 290), ebkere- 3 (L 288); Kh. evxe- 1, övdög 2, evxre- 3; Bur. ebxe- 1, übdeg
2; Kalm. epkə- 1, öwdəg 2; Ord. ebχe-, ewχₙe- 1, öwödök 2; Mog. ündük;
Dag. ebke- 1 (Тод. Даг. 138), ebeke- (MD 139); Dong. odəu 2; Bao. ebdəg,
vedeg 2; S.-Yugh. wədəg 2; Mongr. udiG, idiG (SM 464), wedeG (Huzu) 2.
◊ KW 302, MGCD 251, 536.
 *ap῾i - *ăp῾u 601

PTurk. *ebir- to turn (поворачивать): OTurk. ebir- (Orkh.), evir-

(OUygh.); Karakh. evür- (MK); Tur. evir-; Turkm. öwür-; MTurk. evir-,
iber- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. öwür- (dial.); Bashk. äwir-; Kaz. üjĭr-; Khak.
ibĭr-; Shr. ebir-; Oyr. ebir-; Chuv. avъr-.
◊ EDT 14, VEWT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 498-500, Егоров 20.
PJpn. *àpùkuà stick with a hook, stick for carrying things (палка с
крюком, палка для носки): OJpn. apuk(w)o; MJpn. àfùkò.
◊ JLTT 509.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 500. The Turkic form is hard to separate, although one
would rather expect a back vowel (*iab-) here. There indeed exists a PT
root *(i)abɨ- ‘to bend, fall, swing’ (Tat. avu- ‘to bend, fall’, Oyr. abɨ-, Tuva
aa-t-tɨn- ‘to swing’, Kirgh. oo- ‘to bend on one side, fall, swing, also in a
play’, oon- ‘to roll, as a dog’, Kaz. awu-, awɨn-, avɨ-t-qu- ‘id.’, Nogh. avɨ-,
avna-, avda- ‘id.’, Bashk. aw-, awn-, awδ- ‘id.’, KBalk. aw-, awan-, awda-
‘id.’, Karaim avd-, Kum. avun-), whose relationship to *ebir- is not quite
clear.
-ap῾i ( ~ *op῾u) to break: Tung. *iapu-; Mong. *ebde-.
PTung. *iapu- to break, spoil, broken (ломать, портить, сломан-
ный): Evk. p- (Sym.); Neg. jewus; Ul. jepu-; Nan. jepu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 291, 352.
PMong. *ebde- to break (ломать, разрушать): MMong. ebde-, obde-
(SH), ibdä- (MA); WMong. ebde- (L 285); Kh. evde-; Bur. ebde-, ünde-
(Alar.); Kalm. ebdə-; Ord. ebde-; Dag. erde- (Тод. Даг. 140), erede- (MD
145); Bao. vete-; S.-Yugh. ebde-.
◊ KW 116, MGCD 249. Mong. ebde-re- > Man. ebdere- etc., see Doerfer MT 79, Rozycki
65. Cf. also WMong. ibire-, Khalkha ivre- ‘to crumble’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ap῾u adze: Tung. *upa; Mong. *oɣuli; Turk. *Apɨl.
PTung. *upa adze (долото, тесло): Man. efexun; Nan. ofali, ufali;
Orch. upa.
◊ ТМС 2, 280-281, 471.
PMong. *oɣuli adze (долото, тесло): WMong. oɣuli (L 603); Kh. ōĺ;
Bur. ōli; Kalm. ōĺə; Ord. ōli; Dong. uali.
◊ KW 292, MGCD 522.
PTurk. *Apɨl hoe (мотыга): Kirgh. abɨl-qasɨm ‘one of the pegs in a
plough’; Shr. abɨl; Oyr. abɨl, dial. ōl (Leb.).
◊ VEWT 2. Despite late and sparse attestation hardly borrowed from Mong. - for se-
mantic and phonetic reasons, despite Аникин 73.
‖ KW 292, VEWT 2. A Western isogloss.
-ăp῾u ( ~ *ŏp῾a) to hide, conceal: Tung. *op-; Mong. *(h)ob; Turk. *Apɨ-.
PTung. *op- to hide, conceal (прятать, скрывать): Evk. op-; Nan. up
‘having submerged’ (Он.).
602 *ằré - *àrgi
◊ ТМС 2, 22.
PMong. *(h)ob trickery, deceit, fraud (хитрость, уловка, происки):
WMong. ob (L 598); Kh. ov; Bur. ob.
◊ Mong. > Tuva, Oyr. op, see VEWT 363.
PTurk. *Apɨ- 1 to hide 2 to be cautious 3 caution, precautions (1
прятать 2 быть осторожным 3 осторожность, предусмотритель-
ность): Karakh. abɨ-, abɨt- (MK), abɨn- (refl.) (MK) 1; Uygh. abajla-, avajla-
(refl.) 1; Bashk. abajla- 2; Kirgh. abaj 3; Kaz. abajla- 2; KKalp. abajla- 2.
◊ EDT 6, 7, 13.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ằré lower jaw, chin: Tung. *irki; Mong. *eriwü-; Turk. *Erin; Jpn.
*t(n)kapi.
PTung. *irki gums (of teeth) (десны): Neg. irxi; Ul. irxi(n); Ork. irki;
Nan. ilxĩ; Orch. ixi.
◊ ТМС 1, 327.
PMong. *eriwü- lower jaw, chin (нижняя челюсть, подбородок):
MMong. eri’un (SH), irun (MA), eirūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. erigü, (L 322,
323:) eregüü, ereü, eregün (DO 248); Kh. erǖ; Bur. erǖ, ürge(n); Kalm. örgn;
Ord. erǖ; Mog. KT oräu (2-2a) ‘cheek’; Dag. erū (Тод. Даг. 140, MD 146);
Mongr. irū (SM 192).
◊ KW 299.
PTurk. *Erin lip (губа): OTurk. erin (OUygh.); Karakh. erin (MK);
Tur. erin (dial.); Turkm. erin; Khal. ärin; MTurk. iren (Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. irin; Krm. erin; Tat. irĭn; Bashk. irĭn; Kirgh. erin; Kaz. erĭn; KBalk.
erin; KKalp. erin; Kum. erin; Nogh. erin; Khak. irĭn; Oyr. erin; Tv. erin;
Tof. erin ‘chin’.
◊ EDT 232-233, VEWT 48, ЭСТЯ 1, 292-293, Лексика 226-227. See also notes to *Erneg
‘edge’.
PJpn. *t(n)kapi chin (подбородок): OJpn. ot(w)ogap(j)i; MJpn.
òtógafi; Tok. òtogai; Kyo. òtógàì; Kag. otogái.
◊ JLTT 513. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is irregular (points rather to *t-).
‖ KW 299, Дыбо 308, Лексика 227.
-àrgi ( ~ -o) wild beast of prey: Tung. *iarga; Kor. *írhì.
PTung. *iarga leopard (леопард): Man. jarGa / jarχa, jerxe; SMan.
jarəhə (2220); Jurch. jara (148); Ud. jagä (Корм. 240); Nan. jarga (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 337, 355.
PKor. *írhì wolf (волк): MKor. írhì; Mod. iri.
◊ Nam 406, KED 1327.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. In Kor. one has to suppose a secondary
monophthongization (*jrhì > *írhì), cf. the attested Old Koguryo *yaši (
= *yarhi) ‘wolf’ (see Miller 1979, 10).
 *aru - *tá 603

-aru young (of an animal): Tung. *ora-; Mong. *(h)ori; Turk. *Arkun (?);
Kor. *rí-.
PTung. *ora- 1 small, young 2 bear-cub 3 female of bear (1 малень-
кий, новорожденный 2 медвежонок 3 медведица): Evk. oroŋāt 3;
Evn. oịs, ojịs (dial.) 2; Neg. ojokon 2; Man. orčun, orχočo 1; Ork. oko 2
(voc.); Nan. orōqã 1; Orch. orko ~ oroko(n-).
◊ ТМС 2, 25.
PMong. *(h)ori young, energetic (молодой, крепкий, свежий):
WMong. ori (L 618); Kh. oŕ.
PTurk. *Arkun a cross-bred horse (лошадь смешанных кровей):
Karakh. arqun (MK); Uygh. a(r)ɣun; Kirgh. arɣɨn.
◊ EDT 216, ЭСТЯ 1, 171. Cf. also *arga-mak ‘stallion’ ( > WMong. arɣamaɣ, see Щер-
бак 1997, 162). The verb arɣɨ- ‘to run swiftly (of a well-bred horse)’ is attested in Kirgh.,
Kum. and Tuva (see ЭСТЯ 1, 172). Turk. > Bur. arxan ῾bastard; cross-bred horse’. See also
Аб. 1, 66 (Osset. arɣonaq ‘well-bred dog’ < Turkic).
PKor. *rí- young (молодой, юный): MKor. rí-; Mod. əri-.
◊ Liu 545, KED 1128.
‖ The Turkic reflex is somewhat questionable; it belongs here if we
suppose a semantic development ‘young (animal)’ > ‘young horse, stal-
lion’.
-tá ( ~ -t῾-) to give, gift: Turk. *(i)ātag; Jpn. *átápá-; Kor. *tā-.
PTurk. *(i)ātag 1 sacrifice 2 price, sale 3 engagement, votive 4 gift (1
жертвоприношение 2 цена, продажа 3 помолвка, обет 4 подарок):
Tur. adaɣ 1, 3, 4; Az. adax 3; Turkm. ādaG 3; Shr. ada 1; Yak. at 2.
◊ VEWT 5. All the listed forms may be derived from *āta- ῾to name’ ( < *āt ῾name’),
but the specific meanings rather suggest a secondary contamination.
PJpn. *átápá- 1 to give 2 price (1 давать 2 цена): OJpn. atapa- 1, atapji
2; MJpn. átáfá- 1, átáfi 2; Tok. àtae- 1; Kyo. átáé- 1; Kag. ataé- 1.
◊ JLTT 387, 678.
PKor. *tā- give (me) (дай (мне)): MKor. tā-kò; Mod. tā-go, tā-o.
◊ Liu 190, 191, KED 378.
‖ Korean demonstrates a frequent vowel elision. Phonetically a
good match would be PTM *iata ‘ritual pollution, desecration in
child-birth’, but the meaning appears too specialized.
 IO

-obo ( ~ *ubi) near, come near: Tung. *ibē-; Mong. *ojira.

PTung. *ibē- to come near (надвигаться, приближаться): Evk. iwē-;
Man. ibe-; SMan. ivenə- ‘to move forward’ (1188).
◊ ТМС 1, 296. Man. > Dag. ibē- (Тод. Даг. 145).
PMong. *ojira near (близкий): MMong. ojira, ojiri (HY 52, 55), ojira
(SH), wīr(b)ɛ (IM), uiră (MA), əira (LH); WMong. ojira (L 605); Kh. oirɨn;
Bur. ojro; Kalm. ȫrə; Ord. oöro; Mog. ojrō; ZM ujrā (6-8a); Dag. wair (Тод.
Даг. 129), uajre (MD 229); Dong. uira; S.-Yugh. öiro, oiro.
◊ KW 304-305, MGCD 525.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-de skin, to tan: Tung. *(x)odinsa; Mong. *(h)ideɣe; Turk. *ed-.
PTung. *(x)odinsa 1 summer skin of deer 2 to fade (of skin) (1 лет-
няя шкура оленя 2 линять (о шерсти животных)): Evk. odinna 1; Evn.
odnd- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 6.
PMong. *(h)ideɣe tanning stuff (дубильное вещество): WMong.
ideɣe (L 399); Kh. idē(n); Bur. exe- ‘1 заквашивать (хлеб) 2 дымить (ко-
жу)’.
PTurk. *ed- to tan (leather) (дубить (шкуру)): Az. ejmä ‘leather bag
with clabber’; Turkm. ej-; Chuv. ir-źə ‘skinner’; Yak. etirik ῾skin scraper’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 236-237, 335-336, Мудрак Дисс. 171, Лексика 377.
‖ Лексика 377. A Western isogloss.
-ṓle to hang on (smth.), hang on hook: Tung. *ol-; Mong. *elgü-; Turk.
*īl-; Kor. *ori.
PTung. *ol- 1 hook (for hanging kettle) 2 to hang over fire (1 крюк
(для подвешивания чайника) 2 подвешивать над огнем): Evk. oldon
1, ollon- 2; Evn. olrāwụn 1, olrān- 2; Neg. olōn 1; Ul. ōrpụn 1; Ork. olǯịɣa 1;
Nan. olpị 1; Orch. ogǯiɣa 1; Ud. olohu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 14-15. TM forms like elgu- should be regarded as mongolisms. Evk. > Dolg.
oldōn, oldon (see Stachowski 191).
PMong. *elgü- to hang on (smth.) (вешать (на что-л.)): MMong.
elgu- (SH), ulku- (MA 276); WMong. elgü- (L 309); Kh. ölgö-; Bur. ülge-;
 *oĺe - *ṓĺe 605

Kalm. ölgə-; Ord. ülgü-; Dag. elgu- (Тод. Даг. 139), el(e)wē- (MD 143);
S.-Yugh. olGo-, uɣu-.
◊ KW 294, MGCD 543. Mong. > Evk. elgu etc. (hardly vice versa; see Doerfer MT 89).
PTurk. *īl- 1 to hang on (smth.) 2 hook (вешать (на что-л.) 2 крю-
чок): OTurk. il- (OUygh.) 1, ilin- (refl.) (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. il- (MK) 1,
ɨlɨn- (refl.) (MK) 1; Tur. dial. il- 1, ilmek 2; Az. ilmäk 2; Turkm. īl- 1;
MTurk. ɨl- (Abush., Sangl.), ɨlɨn- (refl.) (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. il- 1, ilmɔq 2;
Uygh. il- 1, ilmaq 2, ‘loop’; Tat. el- 1; Bashk. el- 1; Kirgh. il- 1, ilmek 2;
Kaz. il- 1; KBalk. ilin- (refl.) 1; KKalp. il- 1, ilmek 2; Kum. il- 1; Nogh. il-
1; Khak. əl-; Oyr. il- 1, ilmek 2; Tv. il- 1; Chuv. jъlъ, jъlmak ‘loop’; Yak. īl-
1.
◊ VEWT 170, ЭСТЯ 1, 343-346, Егоров 73-74.
PKor. *ori a fishing hook with several barbs (рыболовный крючок
с зазубринами): Mod. ori.
◊ SKE 178. The noun is found only is absent from major MKor. and modern Korean
dictionaries and thus somewhat dubious.
‖ SKE 178, EAS 106, Poppe 76 (Turk.-Mong.; assumption of Mong.
being borrowed from Turk., see Щербак 1997, 120, is improbable).
Turk. has a somewhat unexpected narrowing: *īl- instead of *l-; how-
ever, the etymology still seems probable (despite Doerfer’s categorical
refusal: “lautgesetzlich unmöglich”; see TMN 2, 214).
-oĺe food: Tung. *ulī-; Mong. *öl; Turk. *(i)aĺ, *(i)aĺ-a-.
PTung. *ulī- to feed (кормить): Evk. ulī-; Evn. uli-; Man. ulebu-;
Nan. uli-; Ud. ulikte ‘sacrificial fat’ (Корм. 301).
◊ ТМС 2, 260.
PMong. *öl nutritive, nutrition (питательный, пища): WMong. öl
(L 633); Kh. öl; Bur. ül; Kalm. öl; Ord. öl; S.-Yugh. öl.
◊ KW 294, MGCD 541.
PTurk. *(i)aĺ, *(i)aĺ-a- 1 meal, food 2 to eat 3 porridge 4 to feed (1
еда, пища 2 есть 3 каша 4 кормить): OTurk. aš 1, aša- 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. aš 1, aša- 2 (KB); Tur. aš 1; Az. aš 3; Turkm. aš 1; Khal. āš, š 1;
MTurk. aš 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. aš 1; Krm. aša- 2; Tat. aša- 2; Bashk. aša- 2;
Kirgh. aš 1; KBalk. aša- 2; Nogh. aša- 2; Khak. as 1; Tv. a’š 1, ažā- 4; Tof.
aša- 4; Yak. as 1; Dolg. as 1, as- 2.
◊ VEWT 29-30, ЭСТЯ 1, 210-212, TMN 2, 61-62, EDT 253, 256, Stachowski 38.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ṓĺe to weave, bind: Tung. *ul-; Mong. *(h)el-tü-; Turk. *ēĺ-; Kor. *jr-.
PTung. *ul- to sew (шить): Evk. ullī-; Neg. uli-; Man. ufi-, ifi-; SMan.
ifi- (271); Ul. urpi-; Ork. ulpi-; Nan. ulpi-; Orch. ippi-, uppi-; Ud. ulihi-;
Sol. uldi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 322, 2, 261-262.
606 *òmke - *oŋo
PMong. *(h)el-tü- to weave, knit (ткать, вязать): WMong. eltüle- (L
310); Kh. eltle-.
PTurk. *ēĺ- to spin, twist (вить, сучить, плести): Az. eš-; Turkm. īš-;
MTurk. eš- (Pav. C.); Uzb. eš-; Uygh. äš-; Krm. eš-; Tat. iš-; Bashk. iš-;
Kirgh. eš-; Kaz. es-; KBalk. eš-; KKalp. es-; Kum. eš-; Tv. eš-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 396.
PKor. *jr- to weave, tie together (ткать, связывать): MKor. jr-.
◊ Liu 566.
‖ Дыбо 1997a (Turk.-Mong.)
-òmke to crawl, move: Mong. *ömkeri-, *önkeri-; Turk. *Emgek-; Jpn.
*ùnkk-.
PMong. *ömkeri-, *önkeri- to roll, fall (кататься, падать): WMong.
ömkeri-, öŋkeri-, ömkere-, ömküri- (L 635); Kh. önxr-; Kalm. öŋkr-; Ord.
öŋχörö-; Mongr. ŋgurō- (SM 294).
◊ KW 297. Mong. Yak., Dolg. üŋkürüj- (Kał. EJE 130, Stachowski 251).
PTurk. *Emgek- to crawl (ползти): OTurk. ömgekle- (OUygh.); Tur.
emekle-; Gag. mekle-; Az. imäklä-; Turkm. imekle-; MTurk. emgekle- (Бор.
Бад., Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. emäklä-; Uygh. iŋäklä- (dial.); Kirgh. em-
gekte-; Kaz. eŋbekte-; Khak. ĭmekte-, nĭmekte-; Shr. emekte-; Oyr. emekte-,
emgekte-.
◊ EDT 160, VEWT 42, ЭСТЯ 1, 275. The noun *emgek ‘crawling’ is preserved in Tur.
dial. imek, Chag. emgek ‘crawling child’ (and, despite Clauson ibid. it certainly has noth-
ing to do with *emgek ‘worry, pains’, see *emge-). Cf. also forms like Turkm. eŋkej- ‘bow’
and Yak., Dolg. üŋk- ‘to bow’ (contractions?); see Stachowski 251.
PJpn. *ùnkk- to move (двигаться): OJpn. ug(w)ok-; MJpn. ùgòk-;
Tok. ugók-; Kyo. úgók-; Kag. ùgòk-.
◊ JLTT 777. Cf. also Tok. ugomek- ‘to crawl, cluster’.
‖ For possible TM reflexes see under *ṑnV; cf. also PTM *uŋki- ‘send’
(ТМС 2, 277-278).
-oŋo ( ~ *uŋi) weave (nets), net: Tung. *inŋi-; Mong. *(h)öɣesi.
PTung. *inŋi- to weave a net, to tie knots (ткать сеть, завязывать
узлы): Evk. inŋi-; Evn. inŋъ-; Neg. ińŋi-; Ul. ī-; Nan. inru ‘woven bas-
ket’; Orch. iŋŋi-; Ud. iŋi- (iŋi-) (Корм. 239), ińiŋi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 317-318.
PMong. *(h)öɣesi fish-net (сеть для ловли рыбы): WMong. ögesi(n)
(L 632); Kh. ȫš; Kalm. ȫš; Ord. ȫšdö-, ȫšlö- ‘to fish with a fish-net’.
◊ KW 305.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. The TM form must go back to *iŋ-ni-
with a suffix (Mong. -ɣ- does not point to a cluster in PA).
 *òpe - *òre 607

-òpe to cover; to wear: Tung. *upsi; Mong. *ibeɣe-; Jpn. *p-; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *upsi 1 shaman clothes 2 belt made of badger’s skin (1 оде-
жда шамана 2 пояс из кожи барсука): Neg. upsi 1; Ul. upsi 1; Nan. ufsi
2.
◊ ТМС 2, 281.
PMong. *ibeɣe- to protect (защищать, покровительствовать):
MMong. ibe’e- (SH), hibe- (MA 347), ihe- (HY); WMong. ibege- (L 396);
Kh. ivē-; Bur. ebigēl ‘protection’ (dial.); Kalm. ivē- (КРС); Ord. iwegē-.
◊ Cf. perhaps also WMong. ibe- ‘to pad, lay something between or under’ ( < *’to
cover’).
PJpn. *p- to put on clothes (on the upper body); to cover (надевать
одежду (на верхнюю часть тела); покрывать): OJpn. op-, op(w)op-;
MJpn. òfòf-; Tok. ṑ-; Kyo. ṓ-; Kag. ṓ-.
◊ JLTT 742, 743. Modern tones point rather to *pp-, but this may be due to contrac-
tion.
PKor. *ps- to put on (hat) (надевать (шапку)): MKor. psɨ-, s-; Mod.
s:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 317, 319, KED 1023.
‖ Korean has a frequent initial vowel reduction.
-op῾érV ( ~ *ap῾órV, -ŕ-) horn: Tung. *opora; Mong. *eber; Kor. *s-pr.
PTung. *opora nose (нос): Man. oforo; SMan. ofərə (24); Nan. oporo.
◊ ТМС 2, 22.
PMong. *eber horn (рог): MMong. eber (HY 15, SH), äbär (IM), ibär,
hibär (MA); WMong. eber (L 286); Kh. ever; Bur. eber, über; Kalm. ewr,
öwr; Ord. ewer; Mog. ZM ebär (20-8); Dag. xeur (Тод. Даг. 176), heure
(MD 161); Dong. eve, uve; Bao. ver; S.-Yugh. ewer, eber, wer; Mongr. ujer
(SM 480), wer.
◊ KW 129,303, MGCD 249. Initial x- in Dagur is quite unclear.
PKor. *s-pr horn (рог): MKor. spr; Mod. p:ul.
◊ Nam 274, KED 832.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 46, 291. One of the cases with “prefixed” s- in Korean
body part names (cf. also *s-pj ‘bone’, *s-kòrí ‘tail’).
-òre male, young male: Tung. *ur; Mong. *(h)üreɣe; Turk. *ẹr-kek; Jpn.
*tə; Kor. *óràpí.
PTung. *ur 1 male 2 elk (2 y. old) 3 1-year-old deer (1 самец 2 лось
(2-х лет) 3 олень-однолетка): Evk. ur 1, urikčān 2; Neg. ojčān 2; Man.
urgešen 3; Nan. ojčã 2; Orch. uriča 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 281, 284, 285.
PMong. *(h)üreɣe 3 to 5-year-old stallion (жеребец от трех до пя-
ти лет): WMong. ürege, ürije (L 1013); Kh. ürē; Kalm. ürǟ (КРС); Ord.
ürē.
608 *t῾à(mu) - *ṑt῾íkV
PTurk. *ẹr-kek 1 man 2 husband 3 male (1 мужчина 2 муж 3 са-
мец): Karakh. erkek 1 (MK, KB); Tur. erkek 1; Gag. erkek 1; Az. erkäk 1;
Turkm. erkek 1; Sal. ärkex 1; Khal. hịrkäk 1; Uzb. erkak 1; Krm. erkek 1; Tat.
irkɛk 3; Bashk. irkäk 3; Kirgh. erkek 1; Kaz. erkek 1; KBalk. erkek 1; KKalp.
erkek 1; Kum. erkek 1; Nogh. erkek 1; Oyr. erkek 1, 2; Tv. irgek 3; Tof. i’rxek
3; Yak. irgex 3; Dolg. irgek 3.
◊ VEWT 46, TMN 2, 178-9, EDT 192, ЭСТЯ 1, 297-298, 321-322, Лексика 303, 561,
Егоров 30, Stachowski 46, 128. We follow Clauson (EDT 223-4) in separating *ēr from
*ẹr-kek.
PJpn. *tə younger brother (младший брат): OJpn. oto, otopji; MJpn.
òtòùtò; Tok. otṓto; Kyo. ótṓtó; Kag. otṓto.
◊ JLTT 513.
PKor. *óràpí brother (брат): MKor. óràpí; Mod. orabi.
◊ Liu 575, KED 1197.
‖ The Turkic forms should be kept apart from the reflexes of *ēr <
*ri q.v.
-t῾à(mu) ( ~ *ằt῾ò-) top of head, head: Tung. *utumuk; Jpn. *àtàmà;
Kor. *utu.
PTung. *utumuk back of head (затылок): Evk. utumuk; Evn.
ötömöhök; Ork. utumu.
◊ ТМС 2, 294.
PJpn. *àtàmà 1 top of head 2 head (1 темя 2 голова): MJpn. àtàmà 1,
2; Tok. atamá 2; Kyo. átàmà 2; Kag. atamá 1.
◊ JLTT 387.
PKor. *utu 1 head 2 top of head (1 голова 2 темя, верхушка голо-
вы): MKor. utu 1; Mod. udu-məri 2.
◊ Liu 591, KED 1237.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-ṑt῾íkV a k. of berry: Tung. *ōkta; Jpn. *ìtí(n)kuà; Kor. *òtắi.
PTung. *ōkta currant (смородина): Evk. ōkta; Neg. ōkta; Man.
ukuxu, -xe ‘name of a berry’; Orch. oktokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 11.
PJpn. *ìtí(n)kuà strawberry, raspberry (земляника, малина): OJpn.
itib(j)ik(w)o; MJpn. ìtígò; Tok. íchigo, ìchigo; Kyo. ìchígò; Kag. ichigó.
◊ JLTT 428. Most forms point to *ìtí(n)kuà, but the Tokyo form ìchigo - to *ítí(n)kuá or
*ìtì(n)kuà.
PKor. *òtắi mulberry (шелковица (ягода)): MKor. òtắi; Mod. oti.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1197.
‖ Accent in Korean is irregular. An Eastern isogloss; cf. Yak. oton
‘berry’ (isolated in Turkic, but perhaps archaic).
 IU

-ùbú to be hungry, exhausted: Tung. *(x)ob-; Mong. *öje-; Jpn. *ùwá-;

Kor. *īb-, *ìbúr-.
PTung. *(x)ob- 1 to become spoiled (of meat) 2 to get tired, ex-
hausted 3 to get poor (1 портиться (о мясе) 2 уставать, изнемогать 3
беднеть): Evk. obdo- 1; Evn. obd- 2; Neg. obolo- 3; Man. uba- 1, obdoqo
jali ‘spoiled, tasteless meat’.
◊ ТМС 2, 4, 5.
PMong. *öje- to be hungry, voracious (быть голодным, прожорли-
вым): MMong. ojese- (SH) 1.
PJpn. *ùwá- to be hungry (голодать): OJpn. uwa-; MJpn. ùwá-; Tok.
ué-; Kyo. ùè-; Kag. ué-.
◊ JLTT 777. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular, but all other dialects and RJ point to
*ùwá-.
PKor. *īb-, *ìbúr- to wither, dry up, decline, decay (вянуть, засы-
хать, ухудшаться, иссякать): MKor. īp- (īw-), ìwr-, ì’úr-, ì’ór-; Mod. iul-.
◊ Nam 401, 403, 407, KED 1335.
‖ Ozawa 184-185. Korean has a “verbal” low tone.
-úb[u] to dig, hole: Tung. *(x)ub-gā; Turk. *oba; Jpn. *úwa-.
PTung. *(x)ub-gā burrow, hole (нора, дыра): Evk. ubgā; Evn. ụbgụq,
dial. ōwa; Neg. obga- ‘пролезать под снегом (о птицах)’; Man. o ‘arm-
pit’.
◊ ТМС 2, 3, 242.
PTurk. *oba cavity, valley (впадина, долина): Tur. ova; Gag. uva;
Az. ova; Uzb. uwa; Uygh. ova; Tv. howu.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 403.
PJpn. *úwa- to plant (сажать): OJpn. uwa-; MJpn. úwa-; Tok. ùe-;
Kyo. ùè-; Kag. ué-.
◊ JLTT 777. The tone reflex in Kyoto is aberrant (perhaps under literary influence).
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 403 (Turk.-Tung.). The vocalism is not quite secure: the
diphthong must be reconstructed because of Jpn. *-w-, but in Turkic
one would rather expect *ɨba in this case (perhaps *ɨba > *uba > *oba be-
cause of later vowel assimilations).
610 *ču - *udi(rV)
-ču to become free, retire, disappear: Tung. *ōs-; Turk. *ɨč-; Jpn. *us-.
PTung. *ōs- to retire, make the place vacant (отступать, уступать
(место)): Evk. ōs-; Evn. ōs-; Neg. ōs-; Ul. osị-; Ork. ōssị-; Nan. ōsị-; Orch.
osu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 25-26.
PTurk. *ɨč-, *ɨč-gɨn- to lose, disappear (терять(ся), пропадать):
OTurk. ɨčɣɨn- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ɨčɣɨn- (MK), ɨč- (KB); MTurk.
ɨčqɨn- (Abush., Pav. C.); Tat. ɨčqɨn-; Bashk. ɨsqɨn-; Kirgh. ɨčqɨn-; KBalk.
ɨčxɨn-; Kum. išɣɨn-; Nogh. ɨšqɨn-; Khak. ɨsxɨn-; Shr. ɨšqɨn-; Oyr. ɨčqɨn-,
ɨqčɨn-; Tv. ɨšqɨn-; Yak. ɨhɨgɨn-.
◊ VEWT 164, ЭСТЯ 1, 672-673, ДТС 216.
PJpn. *us- to lose, get lost, disappear (терять, теряться, пропа-
дать): OJpn. usa-, usi-nap-; MJpn. úsá-, úsí-náf-; Tok. usé-, ùshina-; Kyo.
ùsè-, úshíná-; Kag. usé-, ushiná-.
◊ JLTT 780. Accent reconstruction is not quite clear: for *usinap- ‘to lose’ the pattern
*HHH is more or less secure, but for *usa- it seems best to reconstruct *ùsá- (indicated by
Tokyo and Kyoto). We may actually be dealing with two original roots heavily interact-
ing with each other.
‖ Cf. also Kalm. usχə- ‘to become free’ (KW 452) - if not < Turk. The
Jpn. form can be alternatively compared with MKor. irh- ‘to lose’.
-uda ornament: Tung. *udī-; Jpn. *aja.
PTung. *udī- 1 to ornament 2 ornament (1 украшать 2 украшение):
Evk. udī- 1; Neg. uditkan 2; Ork. uǯi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 248.
PJpn. *aja ornament, ornamented cloth (узор, узорная ткань):
OJpn. aja; MJpn. àjà; Tok. ayá; Kyo. áyà; Kag. áya.
◊ JLTT 388. Modern dialects point rather to *ájà (although it may be just an aberra-
tion in the Kagoshima dialect).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ude to imitate, to simulate: Turk. *öd-kün-; Jpn. *əja(n)si.
PTurk. *öd-kün- to imitate (подражать, имитировать): Karakh. öt-
gün- (MK); Turkm. öjkün-; MTurk. öjkün- (Pav. C.), ötgün- (Abush.);
Krm. etkin-; Oyr. ökten-; Tv. ötün-; Yak. ütügün-; Dolg. ütügün-.
◊ EDT 52, VEWT 368, ЭСТЯ 1, 515-516, Stachowski 254.
PJpn. *əja(n)si equal (такой же, одинаковый): OJpn. ojazi.
◊ JLTT 839.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss; but cf. *adV, *idV, with a possibility of in-
teraction.
-udi(rV) to choose: Mong. *ödü-; Turk. *üdür-; Jpn. *iàr- ~ *aìr-.
PMong. *ödü- to conceive, urge, instigate (затевать, побуждать):
MMong. etuldu ‘to discuss, agree’ (HY 40); WMong. edü-, ödü- (L 294,
630); Kh. ödö-; Ord. edü-; Dong. uduru-; S.-Yugh. ūdu-.
 *ŭdu - *du 611
◊ MGCD 540.
PTurk. *üdür- to choose, to select (выбирать): OTurk. üdür-
(OUygh.); Karakh. üδür- (MK, KB); Tur. Osm. ür-; MTurk. (Xwar.) üδür-
(Qutb), (MKypch.) ür- (Houts.); Khak. üzür-.
◊ VEWT 368, EDT 67-68.
PJpn. *iàr- ~ *aìr- to choose (выбирать): OJpn. er-, erap-; MJpn. èráb-;
Tok. ér-, eráb-; Kyo. èr-, éráb-; Kag. èr-, èràb-.
◊ JLTT 681, 682. All forms point to low tone in the first syllable.
‖ The Jpn. form must be derived < *idar- < *idi-ra-. Mong. reveals a
causative meaning here: *’make choose’ > ‘instigate, urge’.
-ŭdu wonder, supernatural: Tung. *(x)odu; Mong. *id-; Turk. *ɨduk; Jpn.
*i / *ju.
PTung. *(x)odu wonder (чудо): Evk. odu.
◊ ТМС 2, 7. Attested only in Evk., but having reliable external parallels. Evk. > Yak.
odū (not vice versa).
PMong. *id- female shaman (шаманка): MMong. jituxan (HY 31),
jətxan ‘волхв’ (IM), utugun / hotkun (LH); WMong. iduɣan, uduɣan (L
861); Kh. udug; Bur. udagan; Kalm. udəɣən (КРС); Ord. udaGan ‘ac-
coucheusse, accoucheur’; Dag. jadagan (Тод. Даг. 146), jadegen ‘shaman
(in direct contact with spirits)’ (MD 168).
PTurk. *ɨduk sacred (священный): OTurk. ɨduq (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨδuq (MK); Kirgh. ɨjɨq; KBalk. ɨjɨq; Khak. ɨzɨx; Oyr. ɨjɨq, ijik; Tv.
ɨdɨq; Chuv. jərəx; Yak. ɨtɨq.
◊ EDT 46, ЭСТЯ 1, 649-650, Егоров 80, Федотов 199, TMN 230-231 (most sources
give a dubious inner Turkic derivation < *ɨd- ‘to send’, based on the old gloss in MK -
most probably a folk etymology).
PJpn. *i / *ju sacred, purified (священный): OJpn. i, ju.
◊ JLTT 420. Also with -tu in attributive function: i-tu-, ju-tu-.
‖ Ozawa 52-53, 177-181. Despite Щербак 1997, 120, not a borrowing
in Mong. < Turk. The Middle Jpn. itiko ‘virgin consecrated to a deity,
sorceress’ (with a later form itako id.), which is compared by Miller
(1985, 148) directly with the Mong. form, should be treated as a secon-
dary distortion of *i-tu-kua (lit.) ‘sacred girl’.
-du to lead, direct: Mong. *udu-; Turk. *d-.
PMong. *udu- to lead, direct (вести, направлять): MMong. uduri-
(HY 54, SH); WMong. udu- (L 862: udurid-); Kh. udir-; Bur. udarida-;
Kalm. udrdə- (КРС); Ord. udu- ‘donner la branle, mettre en train (une
affaire)’; Bao. durə-; Mongr. duru- (SM 67).
◊ MGCD 667, TMN 1, 162-163.
PTurk. *d- to send (посылать): OTurk. ɨd- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨδ- (MK); Turkm. ɨj-; MTurk. ij- (AH); Krm. ij-; Kirgh. ij-;
612 *uga - *ge
KBalk. ij-; Khak. ɨs-; Shr. ɨs-; Oyr. ij-, ɨs-; Tv. ɨt-; Chuv. jar-; Yak. t-; Dolg.
t-.
◊ EDT 37-38, VEWT 164, ЭСТЯ 1, 332-333, Егоров 354, Stachowski 263.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-uga child, son: Mong. *öɣele ~ *oɣala; Turk. *ogul; Kor. *àhắi.
PMong. *öɣele ~ *oɣala stepbrothers (сводные братья): WMong.
ögelen (DO 531); Ord. xoöd ȫlö ‘the second husband of the mother’, ȫlön
kǖ ‘fils d῾un autre lit’; Mongr. ula ‘nés de la même mère, mais de dif-
férents pères’ (SM 469).
PTurk. *ogul son (сын): OTurk. oɣul (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oɣul
(MK); Tur. oul; Gag. ōl; Az. oɣul; Turkm. oɣul; MTurk. oɣul (Pav. C.);
Uzb. ọɣil; Uygh. oɣul; Krm. ovul; Tat. ŭl; Bashk. ŭl; Kirgh. ūl; Kaz. ŭl;
KKalp. ul; Nogh. uwɨl; SUygh. oɣul; Khak. oɣɨl, ōl; Oyr. ōl, ūl; Tv. ōl;
Chuv. ɨvъl; Yak. uol; Dolg. uol.
◊ EDT 83-84, VEWT 358, TMN 2, 81, ЭСТЯ 1, 411-412, 414-417, Лексика 313-314, 323,
429-430, Егоров 341, Stachowski 243-244. Derived are: *oguĺ ‘kin, generation’, *oglak ‘kid’
(ЭСТЯ 1, 404-405) etc. (ibid.)
PKor. *àhắi child (ребенок): MKor. àhắi; Mod. ai.
◊ Nam 343, KED 1076.
‖ It is interesting to note OJ akwo ‘child’ (usually in addressing) -
usually regarded as a-kwo “my child”, which may be a folk etymology.
Cf. also WMong. (L 16) aɣul ači ‘one’s own grandson or descendant’ ( <
Turk.?).
-ge to knead, press, crush: Tung. *ǖ(g)-; Mong. *uɣur; Turk. *ög-.
PTung. *ǖ(g)- to knead, press (мять, разминать, месить): Evk. ī-;
Evn. ī-; Neg. ī-; Man. uje-; Nan. ui-; Orch. ibbe ‘soft’.
◊ ТМС 1, 294.
PMong. *uɣur mortar (ступка): MMong. a’ur (HY 21, SH); WMong.
aɣur, uɣur (L 865: uɣur, uɣuur, uur, aɣur); Kh. ūr; Bur. ūr; Kalm. ūr; Ord.
ūr; Dag. ogor.
◊ KW 454, MGCD 663. Mong. > Evk. owur etc., see Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT 99,
Rozycki 166; Chag. oɣur etc., see Владимирцов 247.
PTurk. *ög- 1 to knead, press 2 porridge, liquid soup (*’smth.
pressed’) (1 месить, мять 2 кашица, похлебка (*’давленая’)): Karakh.
ögre ( ~ ü-) 2 (MK); Tur. öj-, öv- (dial.) 1; Turkm. öj- 1; MTurk. ügre 2
(Pav. C.); Uzb. uwra, ugra 2; Uygh. ügrä, ögrä 2; Krm. iwre 2; Tat. jrä 2;
Bashk. jrä 2; Nogh. üjre 2; Khak. ügre 2; Oyr. üre 2; Tv. öj- 1; Yak. üöre
2.
◊ EDT 112, VEWT 369, ЭСТЯ 1, 324-325 (*ögü-re ‘porridge’), 515, 618-620. The root
clearly has a *-g- and should be distinguished from *ǖk- ‘grind’ q. v. sub *p῾k῾ŋi (al-
though contaminations were possible).
 *ugerV - *uge(ŕV) 613

‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *p῾ōpo. Despite TMN 2, 151, Chag. oɣur

and other late attested Turkic forms are most probably < Mong. (see
Ligeti 1954, 110).
-ugerV enclosure for cattle: Tung. *ugi(r)-; Turk. *ögür; Jpn. *bəri; Kor.
*ur-.
PTung. *ugi(r)- 1 herd 2 pasture 3 yard 4 gate 5 garden (1 стадо 2
пастбище 3 двор 4 ворота 5 огород): Evk. ujur 2 (Nep.), uɣuwa, uwuwa
1 (Olk., Tng.); Evn. ujirē 4; Ork. ujru 2; Ud. uhi (Корм. 303), uji 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 243, 252.
PTurk. *ögür 1 herd 2 tame 3 companion 4 group of people (1 ста-
до, стая 2 домашний 3 сотоварищ): OTurk. ögür 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
ögür 1 (MK, KB); Tur. öjür 2, 4; Turkm. ȫri ‘pasture’; MTurk. ögür 1,2, 3
(Sangl.); Uzb. ujur 1; Tat. öjer 1; Bashk. öjör 1; Kirgh. üjür 1, 2, 3; Kaz.
üjir 1, 2; KBalk. üjür ‘family’; KKalp. üjir 1, 2; Kum. üjür 1; ‘attached’;
Nogh. üjir 1; ‘convivial’; Khak. ȫr 1; Shr. ȫr 1; Oyr. ǖr 1; Tv. ȫr 1, 3; Tof.
ȫr 1, 3; Yak. üör 1; Dolg. üör 1.
◊ VEWT 369, Stachowski 251. Turk. (with a later developed meaning ‘companion-
ship’, see EDT 112) > WMong. ügür, Kalm. ǖr (not vice versa, despite VEWT ibid.). A
possible derivative ( < *’to be tamed’?) can be PT *ögr-e-n- ‘to learn’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 496-498).
PJpn. *bəri enclosure, cage (загон, клетка): MJpn. wòrí, wórí; Tok.
orí; Kyo. órì; Kag. orí.
◊ JLTT 511.
PKor. *ur- 1 enclosure 2 fence 3 cage (1 загон 2 забор 3 клетка):
MKor. ùrí 1, úrh 2, 3; Mod. uri 1, 3, ul 2.
◊ Liu 592, 595, KED 1238, 1246.
‖ Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). Original vocalism is somewhat uncertain; a
diphthong must be reconstructed to account for loss of *-g- in Jpn.
(where *bəri < *uəri < *ugVri).
-uge(ŕV) river, small river: Tung. *ugē(r)- / *ug-be(n); Mong. *üjer;
Turk. *ügüŕ (~ *ö-); Jpn. *ùrà; Kor. *jhr.
PTung. *ugē(r)- / *ug-be(n) 1 wave 2 jet 3 river rift (1 волна 2 струя,
рябь, зыбь 3 порог (на реке), перекат): Evk. ūɣe 1, dial. uwē, uwge-;
Neg. uwē 1, ubge-n 3; Man. were-n 2; Ul. ugbe(n) 3; Nan. wẽ 1, ugbẽ 3;
Orch. uwe 1, 2; Ud. wē (Корм. 219), ue 1, 2, ugbe(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 1,132; 2, 243, 247.
PMong. *üjer flood, freshet (поток, наводнение): MMong. ujer (HY
4); WMong. üjer (L 1002); Kh. üjer; Bur. üjer; Kalm. üjr; Ord. üjer; Dag.
ujir; S.-Yugh. ǖr.
◊ KW 456, MGCD 691, TMN 2, 156. Mong. > Tuva üjer (see Лексика 90).
PTurk. *ügüŕ (~ *ö-) small river (речка): OTurk. ügüz (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. ügüz (MK, KB); MTurk. Kypch. ochus (CCum.);
Uygh. ögüz; SUygh. ügüz; Khak. ǖs.
614 *úgu - *úgu
◊ VEWT 369, EDT 119-120, TMN 2, 156, Лексика 90.
PJpn. *ùrà bay, coast (залив, побережье): OJpn. ura; MJpn. ùrà;
Tok. urá; Kyo. úrà; Kag. urá.
◊ JLTT 563.
PKor. *jhr shallow place (отмель): MKor. jhr; Mod. jəul.
◊ Nam 374, KED 1165.
‖ KW 456, Владимирцов 323, (Turk.-Mong.), PKE 63 (Kor.-Turk.).
Low tone in Jpn. (not matching the low tone in Kor.) is probably due to
contraction. The Mong. form cannot be separated, despite TMN 2, 156
(“lautgesetzlich mit der tü. Form nichts zu tun”). One should also note
PTM *üge-n ‘river duct’ (Neg. īɣen, Ud. jogo-so, Ul. ui-n, ТМС 1, 297, 2,
250); PT *ögen (OUygh. ögen, Oyr. ȫn).
-úgu up, above: Tung. *ug-; Mong. *öɣe-, *ög-se-; Turk. *jüg-; Jpn.
*ú-pa-; Kor. *ùh.
PTung. *ug- 1 above, up 2 to mount (1 верх, наверху 2 садиться
верхом): Evk. uɣī 1, uɣ- 2; Evn. öɣъ- 1, ū- 2; Neg. uvi- ~ uɣi- 1, okča-lā- 2;
Man. ve-si- 1; Jurch. wi-si (594) 1; Ul. uji- 1, - 2; Ork. ui, uwu 1, - 2;
Nan. uwu-j 1, ō- 2; Orch. ui-si 1, ū- 2; Ud. ui- 1, ū-na- 2; Sol. uɣe-sxī 1,
ugu- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 243-244, 245-246.
PMong. *öɣe-, *ög-se- 1 upwards 2 to rise, ascend (1 наверх 2 под-
ниматься): MMong. o’e-de (SH) 1; WMong. ögede (L 630) 1, ögse- (L 632)
2; Kh. ȫd 1, ögsö- 2; Bur. ȫde 1, ügse- 2; Kalm. ȫdə 1, öksə- 2; Ord. ȫdö 1;
Mog. öädä; ZM udä (18-6a); Dag. wēd (Тод. Даг. 129) 1; Dong. oǯie 1; Bao.
odə 1.
◊ KW 303, MGCD 535, TMN 1, 167-168.
PTurk. *jüg- 1 upwards 2 to rise 3 hill 4 high (1 вверх, наверх 2
подниматься 3 холм 4 высокий): OTurk. jügerü (Orkh., OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. jükse- 2 (MK); Tur. jüksel- 2, jüǯe, (dial.) jüg, jüǯek, jügǯek, jüvǯek
3; Gag. ǖsel- 2; Az. jüksäl- 2, uǯa 4; MTurk. jüksät- 2 (Houts.), jüče 4 (AH);
Krm. öksel- 2.
◊ EDT 915, ЭСТЯ 4, 263-264. The form *jügerü is replaced in most modern languages
by a back row variant *jokaru, *jokgaru (see ЭСТЯ 4, 213-214); this may be due to a con-
tamination with a synonymous root *jok “up, above” (see ЭСТЯ 4, 215).
PJpn. *ú-pa- up, above (верх, наверху): OJpn. u-pe; MJpn. ú-fe; Tok.
ué, ùe; Kyo. úé; Kag. ué.
◊ JLTT 560.
PKor. *ùh up, above (верх, наверху): MKor. ù (ùh-); Mod. wi.
◊ Nam 388, KED 1258.
‖ EAS 146-147, Poppe 60, Rozycki 222 (Mong.-Tung.), Martin 247,
Menges 1984, 291, АПиПЯЯ 15, 81, SKE 284. This is a well known Al-
taic root, and the Mong.-Tung.-Kor. match seems undeniable. Doerfer
first tried to abolish the obvious Mong.-Tung. parallel by attempting to
 *ùjŋula - *úle 615

postulate the original meaning in Mong. as “opposite” (see TMN 1,

168-169), then included it into his list of Mong.>Tung. borrowings (Do-
erfer MT 25): both positions are certainly untenable. However, the
Turkic and Japanese reflexes here are not devoid of problems. The
Turkic reflex reveals an exceptional preservation of *u- as jü- (regu-
larly *ɨg- would be expected) - which may be explained by the inner
Turkic confusion of the synonymous roots *jüg- and *jok- ( < *ŋṑk῾è
q.v.). The Japanese match can be (and has been traditionally) explained
as a compound of *u- ‘top’ with *pa (*ba) ‘place’ (v. sub *bga). How-
ever, in case of a compound we would rather expect *u-m-pa. It should
be also noticed that the form *úpa- itself is very frequent as a first com-
ponent of compounds, while the root *ú- alone is never attested. This
all may mean that the Japanese form actually reflects a different root
(with a medial labial consonant), or a merger of PA *ugu with some
different root. Such a root may be perhaps discovered in TM (*ebu-ri-
‘to lift, raise’, see ТМС 2, 471) and Mong. (Kh. övx- ‘to rise’), with a
provisional reconstruction of PA *ébu.
-ùjŋula to weep, howl: Mong. *ujila-; Turk. *ɨjŋala-; Jpn. *ùnàr-.
PMong. *ujila- to cry, weep (плакать, рыдать): MMong. ui’jila-
(SH), ujla- (IM), uila-, hujlaūl- (caus.) (MA), ūjla- (Lig.VMI); WMong.
ujila- (L 866); Kh. ujla-; Bur. ujla-; Kalm. ūĺ-; Ord. ujla-; Mog. uīla-; Dag.
waila- (Тод. Даг. 129), uajle- (MD 229), uail-; Dong. uila-; Bao. lā-, la-;
S.-Yugh. ǖla-; Mongr. (u)lā- (SM 469).
◊ KW 454, MGCD 670.
PTurk. *ɨjŋa-la- to cry, weep (плакать, рыдать): Karakh. aŋɨla- ‘to
cry, howl (of a donkey)’ (МК) (?); Tur. inle-, dial. iŋile-; Gag. inne-; Az.
inlä-; Turkm. iŋle-; Khal. län-; MTurk. OKypch. iŋle- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. in-
gala-; Krm. inle-; Tat. eŋgelde-; Bashk. ɨjla-; Kirgh. ɨjla-; Kaz. ɨnqɨl-da-;
KKalp. ɨŋɨl-da-; Khak. ɨlɣa-; Shr. ɨlɣa-; Oyr. ɨjla-; Tv. ɨjɨla-, ɨɨla-; Yak. ɨɨla-.
◊ VEWT 172, EDT 186, ЭСТЯ 1, 366-367.
PJpn. *ùnàr- to howl, weep (выть, рыдать): Tok. unár-; Kyo. únár-;
Kag. ùnàr-.
◊ JLTT 779.
‖ An onomatopaeic root, but with a rather precise phonetic match-
ing between Turkic, Mongolian and Japanese.
-úle to measure, compare: Tung. *ül(k)e-; Mong. *üli-; Turk. *ül-, *öl-č-;
Kor. *rkùr.
PTung. *ül(k)e- 1 to measure 2 to understand 3 to transmit, relay,
teach (1 мерить 2 понимать 3 передавать, пересказывать, учить):
Evk. ilke- 1; Evn. ilkē- 1; Neg. ilkēt- 1; Man. ulxi- 2, ula- 3; SMan. ulixi- 2
616 *ùlò - *ùlò
(1860); Jurch. uli- 3; Nan. ilkeči- 1 (Kur-Urm.); Orch. ilēči- 1; Ud. ilewesi-
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 258, 261; 1, 309.
PMong. *üli- 1 to compare 2 shape, form, model, story (1 сравни-
вать 2 форма, модель, рассказ): MMong. olgeor (IM) 2, uli- 1, ulige 2
(SH); WMong. üli- 1; üliger 2 (L 1005); Kh. üle- 1; ülger 2; Bur. üliše- 1;
üĺger 2; Kalm. üĺə- 1; ülgǖr 2; Ord. üliger 2; Dag. urgil 2 (Тод. Даг. 171),
ülegire ‘story’; Mongr. xuGui 2.
◊ KW 457, MGCD 693. Mong. > Evk. ulgur ‘tale, story’ etc., see Doerfer MT 48.
PTurk. *ül-, *öl-č- 1 to measure 2 measure, measuring (1 мерить 2
мера, измерение): OTurk. ülgü (ölgü) 2; Karakh. ülgü (ölgü) 2; Tur. ölč-
1; Gag. jölč- 1; Az. ölč- 1, ülgü 2; Turkm. ölče- 1, ülŋŋi 2; Khal. elč- 1;
MTurk. ülgü (ölgü) 2 (Pav. C.); ölč- (IM) 1; Uzb. ọlčä- 1, ulgi 2; Uygh. ölči-
1, ülgä 2; Krm. oĺč-, ölče- 1; Tat. ülčä- 1, lgĭ 2; Bashk. ülsä- 1, lg 2;
Kirgh. ölčö- 1, ülgü 2; Kaz. ölše- 1, ülgĭ 2; KBalk. ülgü 2; KKalp. ölše- 1,
ülgi 2; Kum. ülgü 2; Nogh. ölše- 1, ülgi 2; Khak. ülgü 2; Shr. ülgä 2; Oyr.
ülgü 2; Chuv. viś- 1, əlgə 2; Yak. üllehin- ‘divide, distribute’; Dolg. ülle-
hin- ‘divide, distribute’.
◊ EDT 142, VEWT 371, ЭСТЯ 1, 529, 632, Stachowski 250.
PKor. *rkùr shape, appearance (форма, вид): MKor. rkùr; Mod.
k:ol.
◊ Nam 367, KED 157.
‖ Note the widespread velar suffixation and the identity Mong.
*üliger = Kor. *rkùr.
-ùlò hollow, hole, intestine: Tung. *ül-; Mong. *(h)olugaj; Turk. *oluk;
Jpn. *ùruà.
PTung. *ül- 1 fistula, hollow nutshell 2 anus (1 свищ, пустой орех 2
anus): Evn. ịmnị 2; Man. ulu 1; Orch. īlmini 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 313; 2, 263.
PMong. *(h)olugaj thick intestine (толстая кишка): WMong. oluɣai
(L 609); Kh. olgoj; Bur. olgoj; Ord. ologȫ.
PTurk. *oluk gutter; hollowed-out tree trunk (желоб; выдолблен-
ный древесный ствол): Karakh. oluq (MK); Tur. oluk; MTurk. oluq (IM,
AH); Uygh. olaq; Krm. oluq; Tat. ulaq; Bashk. ulaq; Nogh. olɨq; Chuv. volъ
‘tree-trunk’.
◊ EDT 136-137, ЭСТЯ 1, 451, Мудрак Дисс. 125, 131, Ашм. V, 263, Федотов 1, 99,
130. There also exists a similar - but originally different - form *og(u)l-, *ogluk, reflected in
Chag. oɣluq, Tur. dial., Gag. holluq, Chuv. valak, Yak. (Пек.) uoluk, uol-ba, with natural
contaminations.
PJpn. *ùruà hollow, hollow tree-trunk (дупло, полый древесный
ствол): Tok. uró, ùro; Kyo. úrò; Kag. uró.
‖ Turkic and Mongolian reflect a common derivative *ùlò-kV.
 *ùme - *umi 617

-ùme ( ~ -o) to tie, strap, belt: Tung. *(x)üm-; Mong. *(h)umaji-; Jpn.
*mpí; Kor. *ùmi-.
PTung. *(x)üm- 1 strap, tie 2 to girdle (1 ремешок, завязка 2 под-
поясывать): Evk. imenne 1; Evn. imъnru 1; Neg. imenne 1; Man. iḿele-,
uḿele- 2; Sol. imende 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 314. Evk. umurū ‘strap, belt’ etc. (ТМС 2, 272) is borrowed from Mong. üm-
rǖl, see Doerfer MT 27.
PMong. *(h)umaji- to tighten, shrink (суживаться, стягиваться):
WMong. umaji- (МХТТТ); Kh. umaj-.
PJpn. *mpí belt (пояс, ремень): OJpn. obji; MJpn. òbí; Tok. óbi; Kyo.
òbí; Kag. obí.
◊ JLTT 503.
PKor. *ùmi- to pucker, close up, shut up (делать складку, затяги-
вать, закрывать): MKor. ùmi-j-tr-; Mod. umurə-ǯi-, omurə-ǯi-.
◊ Nam 390, KED 1239.
‖ SKE 286, EAS 117. Korean has a usual verbal low tone. The Jpn.
form reflects fusion with an original labial suffix (*mpí < *ùme-bV =
Mong. *umuji-). Cf. also *umi.
-umi a k. of clothing: Tung. *(x)im-; Mong. *emü- (*ömü-); Turk. *(i)öm.
PTung. *(x)im- 1 gown 2 a k. of ritual hat (1 халат 2 вид ритуаль-
ной шапки): Man. iḿantu 2; Orch. imǯa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 313.
PMong. *emü- (*ömü-) 1 trousers 2 to clothe (1 штаны 2 одеваться):
MMong. emudun (HY 23, SH), ämodän (IM), umudän (MA) 1, emus-
(SH), umus-, mus- (MA) 2; WMong. ömü-dü(n) (L 635), emüdü(n) 1,
emüs-, emüsge-, emüske- (L 315) 2; Kh. ömd(ön) 1, ömsö- 2; Bur. ümde(n) 1,
ümed-, müd- (Alar.); Kalm. öməs- 2; Ord. ömödü 1, ömös- 2; Mog. ündün 1,
ömüsü- 2; ZM ondun (13-4); Dag. emese- 2 (MD 143), emse- 2, (Тод. Даг.
139) emsu-, (Тод. Даг. 171) umse- 2; Dong. mədun 1, musɨ- 2; Bao. mədoŋ
1, məsə- 2; S.-Yugh. mudən 1, məs- 2; Mongr. mosə- (SM 242) 2.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 544.
PTurk. *(i)öm trousers (брюки, штаны): OTurk. üm (OUygh.)
(=öm); Karakh. öm (MK); Tur. im (Osm.); Khal. m; MTurk. ɨm (Kypch.
Houts.); SUygh. ɨm, jɨm, jüm; Chuv. jəₙm.
◊ EDT 155, VEWT 520-521, Егоров 78, Федотов 1, 195, Мудрак 119, Лексика 478.
‖ Лексика 478. A Western isogloss. In TM a reconstruction *üm- is
also not excluded; if this is the case the root should be reconstructed as
*ume and would be just a specialization of *ùme ‘tie, belt’: ‘girdled
clothes’.
618 *úmu - *umu
-úmu a k. of fruit or berry: Tung. *uma-kta; Turk. *imiti ( ~ *ɨmɨt); Jpn.
*úmái.
PTung. *uma-kta 1 brier 2 a sp. of berry 3 cornel (1 шиповник 2
шикша 3 кизил): Evn. umtčan 2; Man. umpu 3; Ul. omaqta 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 16, 268. Manchu umpu is probably an assimilation < *umqu < *uma-kta.
PTurk. *imiti ( ~ *ɨmɨt) a k. of hawthorn (вид боярышника):
OTurk. imiti (Rach.) (can also be read as ɨmɨt).
◊ ДТС 209. Attested only in Old Uyghur, but having possible parallels in Tung. and
Jpn. Turk. > Mong. imidi (the word has been pointed out by Stefan Georg, who found it
out in Позднеев: Учебник тибетской медицины (1908 г.), 339); cf. also WMong. imdij,
Khalkha imdij ‘боярышник полуперистый’ (БАМРС). The Turkic word is, of course,
not from Mongolian (which certainly has a borrowed shape with -d- in front of -i).
PJpn. *úmái plum (слива): OJpn. ume; MJpn. úmé; Tok. ùme; Kyo.
úmé; Kag. úme.
◊ JLTT 562.
‖ The Jpn. word is usually derived from Middle Chinese moj ‘plum’,
but the problem here is the same as in the word for ‘horse’ (see *èŋu):
inexplicable initial u- in Japanese. The matches in TM and Turkic may
provide an alternative Altaic explanation of Jpn. *úmái.
-umu to help, gather: Tung. *umī-; Mong. *öm-; Turk. *im-; Kor.
*umur-.
PTung. *umī- to gather (собирать(ся)): Evk. umīw-; Evn. ụmịw-;
Man. iḿa-; Ul. ụmụčị-; Ork. ụmmụ-; Nan. omō-; Orch. umu-; Ud. ūmu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 312, 2, 267-268.
PMong. *öm- 1 to gather, to work collectively 2 help 3 property, in-
heritance (1 собирать(ся), работать сообща 2 помощь 3 имущество,
наследство): MMong. omer- 1 (SH); WMong. ömür- 1, ömü 2 (L 635: öme,
ömüg), öm-či 3 (L 635); Kh. ömög 2, ömč 3; Bur. ümȫr- ‘вступаться за ко-
го-л., защищать’; ümse 3; ümegle-, ümegšel- ‘защищать,
покровительствовать’; Kalm. öməg ‘protection, defence’ (КРС), ömči,
önči 3; Ord. ömȫrö- 1, ömök 2, ömči 3; Dag. umeči 3 (MD 232); S.-Yugh.
ömči 3.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 544. Mong. > Turk. ömük.
PTurk. *im- 1 public gathering 2 to gather 3 collective work (1 на-
родное собрание 2 собирать 3 помочь, общий труд): OTurk. imer- 2;
Karakh. imren (MK) 1; Tur. imeǯe 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 633-634.
PKor. *umur- to crowd, cluster (собираться в кучу, кишеть):
MKor. umur-umur; Mod. umul-umul-ha-, omul-kəri-.
◊ Liu 593, KED 1200, 1239.
‖ A reliable common Altaic root; a small problem is fronted *im- in-
stead of the expected *ɨm- in Turkic.
 *ne - *unu 619

-ne notch (on arrow): Tung. *ün-; Mong. *oni; Kor. *ònắi.
PTung. *ün- 1 notch on an arrow 2 scar, mark (on face) 3 wrinkle
(on face) (1 зарубка на стреле 2 рубец (след от язвы, прыща) 3 мор-
щина (на лице)): Evk. inŋu 3; Evn. ịnŋatụ 2; Man. wen 1; Nan.  1 (On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 132, 318. The Man. and Nan. forms can be borrowed < Mong. (as are cer-
tainly Evk., Neg. un, see below), but the Northern forms can only be genuine.
PMong. *oni 1 hollow, groove, nick (on point of an arrow) 2 mark in
sheep’s ear (1 прорез, зарубка (на конце стрелы) 2 метка на ухе ов-
цы): MMong. ono (SH); honi (MA) (with a secondary h-) 1; WMong. oni,
onu 1 (L 614, 615); Kh. oń 1; Bur. oni 1; Kalm. onə 1, 2; Ord. oni 1; Dag.
ońči ‘knife for making nicks’ (Тод. Даг. 160, MD 201).
◊ KW 286. Mong. > Sol. ono, Evk., Neg. un (ТМС 2, 273). Cf. also *oni ‘defile, gorge’.
PKor. *ònắi notch on an arrow (зарубка на стреле): MKor. ònắi;
Mod. onɨi.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1196.
‖ VEWT 362, Цинциус 1984, 43. The Kor. word is regarded as bor-
rowed from Mong. in Lee 1964, 192, which is somewhat dubious (-ă- is
unexplainable). See also notes to *ńa and *ańu.
-ni to live, rest: Tung. *in-; Mong. *ün-ǯi-; Jpn. *ìn-tí; Kor. *nūi.
PTung. *in- 1 to live 2 alive (1 жить 2 живой): Evk. in- 1; Evn. īn- 1;
Neg. īn- 1; Nan. iŋ-kĩ 2; Orch. ini 2; Ud. inigi 2; Sol. inirge- ‘to revive’.
◊ ТМС 1, 315.
PMong. *ün-ǯi- to rest (отдыхать): MMong. unǯi-(gu) (SH); Bur.
ünže- ‘to spend a day’.
PJpn. *ìn-tí life (жизнь): OJpn. inoti; MJpn. ìnòtí; Tok. ínochi; Kyo.
ìnóchì; Kag. ìnóchì.
◊ JLTT 425. The word is obviously an old compound with *-tí ‘spirit; blood’.
PKor. *nūi world, generation (мир, поколение): MKor. nūi.
◊ Nam 116.
‖ MKor. has a frequent initial vowel reduction.
-unu cow: Mong. *üniɣen; Turk. *in-gek (/*ɨn-gak), *in-ken.
PMong. *üniɣen cow (корова): MMong. uni’en (SH), unejen (HY
11); WMong. ünije(n) (L 1010); Kh. ünēn; Bur. üńē(n); Kalm. ün, ünn;
Ord. ünē(n); Mog. üinä (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. unē, (Тод. Даг. 171) uńē;
Bao. unaŋ; S.-Yugh. nīn; Mongr. unē (SM 472).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 694. Mong. > Man. unijen etc., see Poppe 1966, 191, Sinor 1962, 321,
Doerfer MT 139, Rozycki 218-219.
PTurk. *in-gek (/*ɨn-gak), *in-ken 1 cow 2 female camel (1 корова 2
верблюдица): OTurk. ingek (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, ingen 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ingek 1, ingen 2 (MK); Tur. inek 1; Gag. inek 1; Az. inäk 1; Turkm.
inek 1 (ЭСТЯ), inen 2; MTurk. inek 1 (AH), inen 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. inäk,
inäj 1 (dial.); Uygh. inäk 1, (dial.) ingan, iŋgan 2; Krm. inek 1; Tat. ĭnäk 1
620 *ńa - *upo
(dial.); Kirgh. inek 1, iŋgen 2; Kaz. inek 1, ĭŋgen 2; KBalk. inek, ijnek 1;
KKalp. iŋgen 2; Kum. inek 1; SUygh. inek, enek 1; Khak. ĭnek 1; Shr. inek,
näk 1; Oyr. inek, ijnek 1; Tv. inek 1, eŋgin 2; Chuv. əne 1; Yak. ɨnax 1.
◊ EDT 184, VEWT 172, ЭСТЯ 1, 358-361, Егоров 64, Лексика 436, 447-448). Turk. >
Mong. iŋgen ‘female camel’; Hung. ünő ‘heifer’ (Gombocz 1912).
‖ EAS 114, Владимирцов 175. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Despite
Щербак 1997, 163 Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turk.
-ńa ( ~ -u, -e) pit, ravine: Tung. *uńi ( ~ ü-); Mong. *(h)oni; Turk. *ījn.
PTung. *uńi ( ~ ü-) small river, brook (речка, ручей): Ul. ụńị; Ork.
uńi ‘river’; Nan. ońị; Orch. uńi; Ud. uńi “Ańuj river”.
◊ ТМС 2, 277.
PMong. *(h)oni defile, gorge (ущелье, теснина): WMong. oni, onu
(L 614, 615); Kh. oń; Bur. oni; Kalm. onə; Ord. oni.
◊ KW 286. The root is homonymous with *oni ‘nick on point of an arrow’ (v. sub
*ne), which must be a historical coincidence (judging from external data).
PTurk. *ījn hollow, pit, lair (берлога, яма): OTurk. in (OUygh.);
Karakh. in, jin (MK); Turkm. hīn; Khal. hn; Kirgh. ijin; Chuv. jənə; Yak.
īn; Dolg. īn.
◊ EDT 166, VEWT 172, Егоров 79, Stachowski 131.
‖ A Western isogloss. It is somewhat difficult to distinguish PA
*ńa ‘pit, ravine’, *ne ‘notch (on arrow)’ and *ańu ‘line, furrow’ be-
cause of natural contaminations, but such a distinction seems neces-
sary.
-uńŋu ( ~ -a) to breathe, smell: Tung. *uńŋu-; Mong. *(h)oŋguli-; Turk.
*ɨn-tɨk.
PTung. *uńŋu- to smell (нюхать): Evk. unŋu-; Evn. unŋu-; Neg.
uńŋu-; Ul. uńe-; Ork. unene-; Nan. ujne-; Ud. uŋefe- (Корм. 303).
◊ ТМС 2, 274-275.
PMong. *(h)oŋguli- to gasp, breathe heavily (задыхаться, тяжело
дышать): WMong. oŋɣuli- (L 613); Kh. oŋgoli-.
PTurk. *ɨn-tɨk (~ *e-) to breathe heavily (тяжело дышать): Tat.
intek- ‘to become tired, exhausted’; Bashk. intek-; Kirgh. ɨntɨq-; Kaz.
ɨntɨɣ-; Tv. ɨndɨnnɨɣ ‘panting, alarmed’; Chuv. andъx-.
◊ Егоров 29, Федотов 1,49.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-upo to be ashamed, taken aback: Tung. *üb-; Mong. *ubaj; Turk. *ubut;
Jpn. *əpəpə-.
PTung. *üb- 1 to hate, abhor 2 to panic 3 to be ashamed (1 ненави-
деть, питать отвращение 2 паниковать 3 стыдиться): Evk. ibǯa- 3;
Man. ua-, ia- 1; SMan. uỻa- ‘to dislike’ (1904); Nan. obosa- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 294-295, 639; 2, 4.
 *ure - *ùru 621

PMong. *(h)ubaj consciousness, attention (сознание, внимание):

WMong. ubai (L 858); Kh. uvaj; Bur. ubaj-güj ‘беззастенчивый, наглый’;
Kalm. ubāra- ‘to pay attention’ (СЯОС).
PTurk. *ubut 1 shame 2 to be ashamed (1 стыд 2 стыдиться):
OTurk. ubut (Orkh.) 1; Karakh. uvut (MK) 1; Tur. ut, -du 1, ut-an- 2; Az.
ut-an- 2; Turkm. ut-an- 2; Gag. ut-an- 2; Uygh. uvat, ubat 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 561-563.
PJpn. *əpəpə- perturbed, taken aback (встревоженный, в замеша-
тельстве, мрачный): OJpn. op(w)op(w)o-si; MJpn. obobo-si.
◊ JLTT 838.
‖ All languages reflect the root with different derivational suffixes;
the simple verbal stem is perhaps preserved only in Manchu.
-ure a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *ürē-kte; Turk. *ɨrgaj; Jpn. *utu-kui; Kor.
*ori.
PTung. *ürē-kte 1 larch 2 rod, willow rod (1 лиственница 2 прут,
прут ивы): Evk. irēkte 1; Evn. irēt 1; Neg. ijēkte 1; Ul. urekte 2; Ork. urekte
2; Nan. urekte 2; Orch. ijekte 2; Ud. jakta 2; Sol. irēkte, irētte 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PTurk. *ɨrgaj 1 name of a plant (irga) 2 honeysuckle, woodbind 3
juniper (1 ирга 2 жимолость 3 можжевельник): Uygh. irɣaj 1; Kaz.
ɨrɣaj 3; Oyr. jɨjra 3; Tv. ɨrɣaj 1.
◊ VEWT 166.
PJpn. *útú-kùi Deutzia, a decorative shrub (вид декоративного
кустарника): MJpn. útú-gì; Tok. utsugi.
◊ JLTT 565.
PKor. *ori alder (ольха): MKor. ori-namo; Mod. ori-namu.
◊ Liu 576, KED 1199.
‖ Turkic forms are usually derived < Mong. irɣaj id., but the direc-
tion of borrowing may be opposite; however, Yak. ɨarɣa is certainly <
Mong.
-ùru joy: Tung. *uru-; Mong. *urma; Turk. *ɨra; Jpn. *ùrià-.
PTung. *uru- to enjoy, be merry (радоваться, веселиться): Evk.
urūwsī-; Evn. örus-; Man. ur-gun ‘joy’; SMan. uruxun ‘joy’ (1929); Jurch.
wur-hul-ǯe-rie (372); Ork. uru-lǯini-; Sol. urun-.
◊ ТМС 2, 288. Man. > Dag. urgun ‘joy’ (Тод. Даг. 171).
PMong. *urma inspiration, enthusiasm (вдохновение, энтузиазм):
WMong. urma (L 884); Kh. uram; Bur. urma(n), urmas; Kalm. urm; Ord.
urma, urmas; Dong. uruma.
◊ KW 451.
PTurk. *ɨra character, disposition (характер, расположение): Tur.
ɨra; Tat. ɨraj (dial.); Kirgh. ɨraj; KKalp. ɨraj; Oyr. ɨra.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 659-660.
622 *úrù - *ŕgi
PJpn. *ùrià- merry, joyful (веселый, радостный): OJpn. ure-si;
MJpn. ure-si; Tok. ureshí-; Kyo. úréshì-; Kag. ureshí-.
◊ JLTT 843.
‖ One of numerous common Altaic terms of emotion.
-úrù to gather, crowd: Tung. *urū-; Mong. *ir-, *irge-; Turk. *irk-; Jpn.
*ú(n)tì; Kor. *ur.
PTung. *urū- 1 to gather, collect 2 crowd, gathering (1 собирать(ся)
2 толпа, собрание): Evk. urūw- 1, urūwū 2; Neg. ojụw-; Ork. uru-; Sol.
orụ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 287.
PMong. *ir-, *irgen 1 to fill up, to crowd 2 people (1 заполнять,
толпиться 2 народ): MMong. jirgen (HY 28), irge(n) (SH) 2, irken, hirken
(MA); WMong. ir- 1 (L 412), irgen 2 (L 414); Kh. irgen 2; Bur. ergen 2;
iraj-, ‘стоять рядами, шеренгами’, iralza- ‘мелькать ( о множестве
предметов, находящихся в движении)’; Kalm. irgn 2; Ord. īrgen ‘1
citizen, 2 chinese’; Mog. irgan 2 (Weiers); ZM orgn (9-6a); Dag. irgen 2
(Тод. Даг. 146), iregen (MD 173).
◊ KW 209. Mong. > Jurch. irhebe (843), Man. irgen (see Rozycki 117).
PTurk. *irk- to gather (собирать(ся)): Karakh. irk- (MK); Tur. irk-;
Turkm. irik- (dial.); MTurk. irk- (Pav. C.); Kirgh. irk-il-; Kaz. irk-.
◊ EDT 221, ЭСТЯ 1, 378-379.
PJpn. *ú(n)tì clan (род): OJpn. udi; MJpn. udi, útì; Tok. úji; Kyo. újì;
Kag. úji.
◊ JLTT 566. The Tokyo accent is aberrant.
PKor. *ur clan, relatives (род, родня): Mod. ul.
◊ KED 1246.
‖ KW 209, Martin 228, Lee 25-26. Cf. Old Koguryo *uš (see Miller
1979, 17).
-ŕgi (?) fat; brain: Tung. *irg[ü]; Turk. *ǖŕ.
PTung. *irg[ü] 1 brain 2 head (1 мозг 2 голова): Evk. irge 1; Evn.
irgъ 1; Neg. igge / ijge 1; Man. uǯu 2; SMan. uǯu 2 (1); Jurch. (h)u(i)ǯew
(492) 2; Ul. iǯe 1; Ork. īde 1; Nan. īge 1; Orch. igge 1; Ud. igi 1; Sol. igge,
irge 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 326.
PTurk. *ǖŕ fat (жир): Karakh. üz (MK); MTurk. üz (AH), öz ‘clinging
mud’ (Sangl.); Khak. üs; Shr. üs; Oyr. üs; Tv. üs ‘liquid fat’; Tof. üs ‘liq-
uid fat’; Chuv. jor-var ‘скоромная пища’; Yak. üskäl.
◊ EDT 278-279, Федотов 2, 491, VEWT 523, Мудрак Дисс. 154, Лексика 454-455.
Chuv. va- points to a long *ǖ-.
‖ A Turkic-Tungus isogloss; phonetically a good match, but seman-
tics raises some doubts.
 *uŕo - *úse 623

-uŕo long; late: Tung. *(x)ir- ~ (x)ür-; Mong. *urtu, *uri-du; Turk. *uŕɨ-n,
*uŕa-k; Kor. *òrá-.
PTung. *(x)ir- ~ (x)ür- ancient, former (старый, древний, преж-
ний): Evn. ir-bēt; Neg. ij; Sol. irēkte.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PMong. *urtu, *uri-du 1 long 2 formerly (1 длинный 2 прежде):
MMong. urdu (HY 52), urtu (SH), uruxši jire ‘to come before’ (HY 40),
ortu (IM), urtu (MA) 1, urida (HY 50), urit 2 (HY 28, SH); WMong. urtu 1
(L 884), uri-du 2 (L 883); Kh. urt 1, uŕd 2; Bur. u(r)ta 1; Kalm. utə 1; Ord.
urtu 1; Mog. urtu; ZM orṭo (11-6b); Dag. orto (Тод. Даг. 160), ortu 1;
warda (Тод. Даг. 129), ordōn (Тод. Даг. 160) 2, orete 1 (MD 202); Dong.
fudu 1; Bao. fdu (MGCD ftə) 1; S.-Yugh. rdə 1; Mongr. fudur (SM 101),
(MGCD šdur) 1.
◊ KW 452, MGCD 681. Mong. > Dolg. urut ‘formerly’ (Stachowski 246).
PTurk. *uŕɨ-n, *uŕa-k 1 long 2 lie; grow 3 far 4 long (time), late (1
длинный 2 лежать; расти 3 далекий 4 долгий, поздний): OTurk.
uzun 1, uzaq 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. uzun 1 (MK, KB), uzaq (MK) 3; Tur.
uzun 1, uzak 3; Gag. uzun 1; Az. uzun 1, uzan- 2, uzaG 3; Turkm. uzn 1,
uzaq 3; Sal. uzɨn 1, uzɨχ 3; Khal. uzān- 2, uzāq 3, uzn 1; Uzb. uzun 1, uzɔq
3; Uygh. uzun 1, uzaq 3; Krm. uzun 1; Tat. ozɨn 1, ozaq 3; Bashk. oδon 1;
Kirgh. uzun 1, uzaq 2, 3; Kaz. uzun 1; KBalk. uzun 1, uzaq 3; KKalp. uzɨn
1, uzaq 3; Nogh. uzɨn 1; SUygh. uzun 1, ozaq 3; Khak. uzun 1; Shr. uzun 1,
uzaq 4; Tv. uzun 1, uzaq 3; Tof. uzun 1 uza- ‘удлиняться’; Chuv. vъₙrъₙm
1, vъₙrax 3; Yak. uhun 1; Dolg. uhun 1.
◊ PT *uŕɨ-n ‘long’, *uŕa-k ‘far, long’ are derived from *uŕa- ‘to be long, prolonged’. See
VEWT 518, EDT 281, 283, 288-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 570-572, Stachowski 241.
PKor. *òrá- late, long ago (поздний, давний): MKor. òrá-; Mod. orä-.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1198.
‖ EAS 112, KW 452, Poppe 81, АПиПЯЯ 34, 283. Cf. *ūre.
-úse to grow, sprout: Tung. *üse-; Mong. *ös-; Turk. *ös-; Kor. *ìsàk.
PTung. *üse 1 seed 2 to grow 3 field ready for ploughing (1 семя 2
расти 3 пахотное поле): Evk. isew- 2; Evn. isu- 2; Neg. isew- 2; Man. use
1, usi-n 3; SMan. usū 1 (330, 1158, 2143); Jurch. use 1, usi-in (50) 3; Ul. use
1; Nan. use 1; Orch. usi 1; Ud. jehu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 332; 2, 290, 291.
PMong. *ös- to grow (расти): MMong. us- (MA), os- (SH), osge- caus.
(HYt); WMong. ös- (L 645); Kh. ös-; Bur. üde-; Kalm. ös-; Ord. ös-; Dag.
euse- (Тод. Даг. 141); Dong. osə-, osɨ-; Bao. ose-; S.-Yugh. ǖs-; Mongr. ōsə-
(SM 298).
◊ KW 301, MGCD 550.
PTurk. *ös- to grow (расти): OTurk. ös- (OUygh.); Tur. ös-; Turkm.
ös-; MTurk. ös- (Sangl.); Uzb. ụs-; Uygh. ös-; Krm. ös-; Tat. üs-; Bashk.
624 *t῾e - *t῾e
üϑ-; Kirgh. ös-; Kaz. ös-; KBalk. ös-; KKalp. ös-; Kum. ös-; Nogh. ös-;
Khak. ös-; Shr. ös-; Oyr. ös-; Tv. ö’s-.
◊ VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 552-553. Doubts about OT ös- see in EDT 241, 251, with a dis-
cussion in Clark 1977, 142-144.
PKor. *ìsàk sprout, spike (побег, колос): MKor. ìsàk; Mod. isak.
◊ Nam 401, KED 1330.
‖ Poppe 108. In Kor. one has to suppose a secondary reduction
*jsVk > *ìsàk; otherwise the correspondences are regular.
-t῾e thick liquid: Tung. *üt-; Mong. *öte-; Turk. *ȫt.
PTung. *üt- 1 to ferment bread 2 jam, cream (1 квасить (хлеб) 2 ва-
ренье, крем): Evk. itke- 1; Man. uta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 334, 2, 293.
PMong. *öte- thick (of liquids) (густой (о жидкостях)): MMong. ot-
kan (SH); WMong. öte-ge-n; Kh. ötgün ‘гуща’; Bur. üdxe(n) (of liquids,
grass); Kalm. ötkn, ötəgn; Ord. ödχön; Mog. utkōn (Ramstedt 1906);
Dong. očeɣan (Тод. Дн.).
◊ KW 302.
PTurk. *ȫt gall (желчь): OTurk. öt (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öt
(MK); Tur. öt; Gag. jöt; Az. öd; Turkm. ȫt; Sal. öt; MTurk. öd (Pav. C.), öt
(AH, IM); Uzb. ọt; Uygh. öt; Krm. öt; Tat. üt; Bashk. üt; Kirgh. öt; Kaz. öt;
KBalk. öt; KKalp. öt; Kum. öt; Nogh. öt; SUygh. jöt; Khak. üt; Oyr. öt; Tv.
öt; Chuv. vat.
◊ EDT 35, VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 504-505.
‖ A Western isogloss. Ramstedt (SKE 79) compares Kor. jət ‘candy,
taffy’, but MKor. has consistently js here.
 K

-kabari oar: Tung. *kabri-kī; Mong. *kajiɣur, -bu(r); Jpn. *kapiara.

PTung. *kabri-kī sledge pole (остол (палка для торможения
нарт)): Evk. kawrikī; Neg. kawrịx; Ul. qaụrị; Ork. qawrē; Nan. kaor;
Orch. kauri.
◊ ТМС 1, 358.
PMong. *kajiɣur, -bu(r) 1 oar 2 pedal (1 весло 2 педаль): WMong.
qajiɣur (L 915: qajaɣur), qajibi, qajibu (L 911: qajiba); Kh. xajūr, xajv 1; Bur.
xajūr 2; Kalm. xajūr, xǟwr 1, xǟwə 2.
◊ KW 161, 181.
PJpn. *kapiara oar (весло): OJpn. kapjera.
‖ A common Altaic cultural term. The difference between *kabari
and *gằja is not quite clear: both can mean ‘oar’ or ‘boat pole’ in daugh-
ter languages. The Mong. forms can be explained from an earlier form
*kabi(r)-ɣur, whence *kaibur / *kai-ɣur.
-kábó enclosure: Tung. *kaba-; Mong. *keji-d; Jpn. *kámpiá; Kor.
*kòbắr.
PTung. *kaba- 1 tent (covered with bark) 2 to enclose, fence 3 fence,
enclosure, camp (1 шалаш (крытый корой) 2 огораживать 3 забор,
ограждение; лагерь, казарма): Man. quwara- 2, quwaran 3; SMan.
quarən ‘courtyard’ (553); Ork. qaụra(n) 1; Nan. qawa 1; Orch. kawa(n) 1;
Ud. kawa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 391, 422. Manchu > WMong. quwaran ‘barracks’.
PMong. *keji-d monastery, temple (монастырь, храм): MMong.
ge-yid ‘house, building, boutique’ (hPhags-pa script); WMong. kejid (L
444); Kh. xijd; Bur. xīd; Kalm. kīd (СЯОС); Ord. kīd.
◊ Владимирцов 272, as well as DO 420 compare the MMong. word with MTurk. ke-
bit (ДТС 290) ‘canteen, shop’ ( > Russ. кибитка, Kalm. kiwde), which, according to VEWT
244 is borrowed from Sogd. qpyδ id. Loss of -b-, though, as well as a pronounced reli-
gious meaning in Mong. make this derivation rather improbable; we are rather dealing
with a -d-derivation (standard plural or collective suffix) from an original *keji ‘enclo-
sure’.
PJpn. *kámpiá wall (стена): OJpn. kabje; MJpn. kábé; Tok. kàbe; Kyo.
kábé; Kag. kábe.
◊ JLTT 431 (wrongly spelled as OJp kabe).
626 *kàbro - *káče
PKor. *kòbắr district (провинция, район): MKor. kò’ắr; Mod. koɨl.
◊ Liu 65, KED 148.
‖ The root is rather difficult to distinguish from *k῾ăp῾u ‘barrier’.
There also exists MJ kòfòrì ‘district, county’ - which is considered by
most authors a loanword from MKor. kò’ắr ( = kòwắr), see e.g. JLTT 457;
the loan must have occurred already after the merger of -f- ( < *-p-) and
-w- in Japanese, which can explain the orthography.
-kàbro a k. of ferment: Tung. *kabu-kta; Mong. *kowr; Turk. *Kor; Jpn.
*kàrà-; Kor. *kòr-.
PTung. *kabu-kta 1 salmon fat 2 salmon stomach (1 жир (калуги,
осетра) 2 желудок (калуги)): Ul. qaụqta 1; Nan. qaụqta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 385.
PMong. *kowr poison, harm (яд, вред): MMong. qor ‘Schaden’
(HYt), qūr ‘убыток’ (IM), qură (MA); WMong. qour, qoura (L 973); Kh.
xor; Bur. xoro(n); Kalm. xorn; Ord. xor; Dag. xor, kor (Тод. Даг. 177), hore,
huore (MD 164, 167); S.-Yugh. χoro; Mongr. xurō, xor.
◊ KW 188, MGCD 365. Cf. also WMong. qorqaɣ, qurɣaɣ ‘pus (in wound)’, Kalm.
xorxəɣ. Mong. > Oyr. qoron, Man. qoro, xoron etc. (Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 109, 144). The
forms meaning ‘damage’ may actually reflect a merger with a Turkic loanword *Kor ‘loss,
harm’, on which see under PA *k῾oru.
PTurk. *Kor 1 ferment; yeast 2 bitter, astringent (1 закваска; дрож-
жи 2 горький, едкий): Karakh. qor 1 (MK, IM); Turkm. Gor 1; Uzb. qɔr
1 (dial.); Tat. qur 1 (dial.); Bashk. qur 1; Kirgh. qor 1; Kaz. qor 1; KKalp.
qor 1; Yak. kuras 2.
◊ EDT 642, ЭСТЯ 6, 72.
PJpn. *kàrà- bitter (горький): OJpn. kara-; MJpn. kàrà-; Tok. kará-;
Kyo. kárà-; Kag. kará-.
◊ JLTT 830. Cf. also *kàrásì ‘vinegar; mustard’.
PKor. *kòr- wine fungus, mould, scum (винный грибок, плесень,
накипь): MKor. kòr-’àčí; Mod. kolmaǯi.
◊ Nam 51, KED 158.
‖ Cf. also MKor. kóróm ‘pus’, probably preserving the original ac-
centuation.
-káče wish, intent: Tung. *kasaga-; Mong. *kači; Turk. *Kɨča; Jpn.
*ksí-rápa-.
PTung. *kasaga- 1 insistent, obstinate 2 to overcome (1 настойчи-
вый, упорный 2 преодолевать (препятствия)): Evk. kasaɣa- 2; Evn.
qasɣ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 382.
PMong. *kači interest, curious thing (интерес, интересная вещь):
WMong. qači (L 901); Kh. xač.
 *kăči - *káč῾u 627

PTurk. *Kɨča 1 passion, wish 2 to demand 3 to threaten (1 страсть,

желание 2 настойчиво требовать 3 угрожать): Kirgh. qɨča- 2; Kaz. qɨsa
‘commotion, anger’ (R 2, 803 - Kir.); Khak. xɨǯa 1, xɨǯan- 3; Shr. qɨčan- 3;
Oyr. qɨča 1; Tv. qɨžan- 3.
◊ VEWT 260.
PJpn. *ksí-rápa- to plan, contrive (планировать, замышлять):
OJpn. k(w)osirapa-; MJpn. kósíráfa-; Tok. kòshirae-; Kyo. kóshíráé-; Kag.
koshiraé-.
◊ JLTT 713.
‖ The suffixless root is nominal both in Turkic and Mongolian;
verbs are derived from it by means of various productive suffixes.
-kăči to pass, go through: Tung. *kas-; Turk. *geč-.
PTung. *kas- through, straight through (через, напрямик): Neg.
kas; Man. qas ‘quickly’; Ul. qas; Ork. qas; Nan. qas; Orch. kas; kasa- ‘to
send’; Ud. kahilē.
◊ ТМС 1, 382.
PTurk. *geč- to pass, wade (проходить, переходить вброд):
OTurk. keč- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. keč- (MK, KB); Tur. geč-; Gag.
geč-; Az. keč-; Turkm. geč-; Khal. käč-; MTurk. kéč- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
keč-; Uygh. kä/eč-; Krm. keč-; Tat. kič-; Bashk. kič-, kis-; Kirgh. keč-; KKalp.
keš-; Kum. geč-; Nogh. keš-; SUygh. keš-; Khak. kis-; Shr. kež-ir- ‘to ferry
across the river’; Oyr. keč-; Tv. ke’š-; Tof. ke’š-; Chuv. kaś-; Yak. kes-.
◊ VEWT 245, EDT 693-694, ЭСТЯ 3, 32-34, TMN 3, 584.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-káč῾u covering, skin: Tung. *kaču-; Mong. *kuči-; Turk. *KAč-(g)ač; Kor.
*kàč.
PTung. *kaču(-ki) skin clothes (одежда из шкуры): Man. qačiki; Ul.
qačụị; Nan. qačoị; Orch. kačun, kačuki.
◊ ТМС 1,386.
PMong. *kuči- to cover (покрывать, укрываться одеялом):
MMong. quči- (SH, HYt); WMong. quči- (L 979); Kh. xuči-; Bur. xuša-;
Kalm. xučə-; Ord. Guči-; Mog. kuči- (Weiers); Dag. koči-, xoči- (Тод. Даг.
150, 178), koči- (MD 183); Dong. qučɨ-; S.-Yugh. quǯo-; Mongr. xoi- (SM
169), (MGCD xuǯi-).
◊ KW 200, MGCD 395. Mong. > Evk. kuči-, Man. χusi- etc., see ТМС 1, 441, Doerfer
MT 77, Rozycki 113.
PTurk. *KAč-(g)ač Chinese brocade, woven fabric (китайская пар-
ча, узорная ткань): Karakh. qačač (MK).
◊ EDT 590.
PKor. *kàč skin (кожа): MKor. kàčòk, kàčh (kàs); Mod. kaǯuk, sal-gat
(sal-gačh-), (arch.) kat (kačh-).
628 *kắdaŋV - *kádì(rV)
◊ KED 25, 63, 64, 896.
‖ SKE 102, PKE 74, АПиПЯЯ 297.
-kắdaŋV ( ~ k῾-) a k. of foliage tree: Mong. *kaduŋ; Turk. *Kadɨŋ; Jpn.
*kání-pà.
PMong. *kaduŋ 1 currant 2 birch (1 смородина 2 береза): WMong.
qaduŋ; Kh. xadan 1; Kalm. χadŋ 2.
◊ KW 159.
PTurk. *Kadɨŋ birch tree (береза): Karakh. qaδɨŋ (MK), qajɨŋ (KB);
Tur. kajɨn ‘beech tree’; Az. Gajɨn ‘maple tree’; Turkm. Gajɨŋ; MTurk.
qajɨn (Houts.); Uzb. qɛjin; Uygh. qejin; Tat. qajɨn; Bashk. qajɨn; Kirgh.
qajɨŋ; Kaz. qajɨŋ; KKalp. qajɨŋ; Nogh. qajɨŋ; Khak. xazɨŋ; Shr. qazɨŋ; Oyr.
qajɨŋ; Tv. xadɨŋ; Tof. qadɨŋ; Chuv. xorъn; Yak. xatɨŋ; Dolg. katɨŋ.
◊ VEWT 218, TMN 3, 183, ЭСТЯ 5, 214-215, Лексика 122, Федотов 2, 366, Stachowski
141.
PJpn. *kání-pà birch (береза): OJpn. kanipa ‘bark of some trees’;
MJpn. kánífà; Tok. kaba.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ KW 159, TMN 3, 184(: “unklar” ). In Jpn. we probably have a
compound with *pa ‘leaf’; *kání < *kadV-N with regular nasal assimila-
tion. The old form *kadiNpa is reflected in the Ainu loanword karinpa
‘birch tree or cherry tree’.
-kádì(rV) strong, oppressive: Tung. *kadara-ku; Mong. *keder; Turk.
*Kadɨr; Jpn. *kítú-.
PTung. *kadara-ku courageous, diligent (смелый, храбрый, стара-
тельный): Man. qadaraqu; Ul. qāda-; Ork. qadaraqu; Nan. qadaraqo.
◊ ТМС 1, 360.
PMong. *keder angry, inobedient (сердитый, упрямый): MMong.
keder ‘haughty’ (MA 213); WMong. keder (L 441); Kh. xeder; Bur. xeder;
Kalm. kedr.
◊ KW 222. Chag. keden translating the MMong. form may be a distorted mongolism.
PTurk. *Kadɨr- hard, strong, cruel (крепкий, сильный, жестокий):
OTurk. qadɨr (Orkh., OUygh.); Bashk. qajɨr (dial.); Kirgh. qajɨr ‘contra-
diction, objection’; KBalk. qajɨr ‘angry’; Khak. xazɨr; Shr. qazɨr; Oyr. qajɨr;
Tv. Todzh. xadɨr; Yak. xatārɨj- ‘вымещать мстительность, неприязнь,
злопамятствовать’.
◊ VEWT 218, TMN 3, 378-379, ЭСТЯ 5, 216.
PJpn. *kítú- strong, brave (сильный, храбрый, суровый): MJpn.
kitu-; Tok. kìtsu-; Kyo. kìtsù-; Kag. kitsú-.
◊ JLTT 832.
‖ A suffixed form *kádì-rV is reflected in most subgroups.
 *kádù - *kadV 629

-kádù a k. of harness (bridle): Tung. *kadala / *kadara; Mong. *kada-;

Jpn. *kútúwá; Kor. *kùr’i.
PTung. *kadala / *kadara bridle (уздечка): Man. χadala; SMan.
hadələ, qadələ (1255); Nan. qadara, χadara; Sol. xadal, kadala.
◊ ТМС 1, 359 (the verb *kadala- ‘to regulate, oppress’ reflected in several languages is
derived from the noun ‘bridle’ rather than borrowed from Mong., where *kada- means
basically ‘to nail’; however, there were vast possibilities of contaminating the original
and borrowed roots (see under *kājt῾a). Nan. χadara ‘bridle’ may be borrowed from Mong.
(not quite plausibly, however: the forms like qadar are actually attested only in MMong.
and Southern Mongolian dialects), but the Manchu and Solon forms are hard to explain
as borrowings (despite Rozycki 97).
PMong. *kada- bridle (уздечка): MMong. qada’ar (HY 18, SH),
qadāsu (IM), qădar (MA), qadār (LH); WMong. qaǯaɣar (L 947), qaǯijar
(SM); Kh. xaʒār; Bur. xazār; Kalm. xazār; Ord. xaǯār; Mog. qadār; Dag.
xadāl (Тод. Даг. 172 xadāla); Dong. qata (Тод. Дн.); Gada; Bao. Gadər;
S.-Yugh. Gadar; Mongr. Gaar (SM 116), Gaa- (SM 117) ‘ronger,
brouter’, Gadar (SM 115).
◊ KW 174, MGCD 316. Often derived from *kaǯa- ‘to bite’ (see e.g. Doerfer MT 57),
but MMong. and South Mongolian forms with -d- clearly contradict it, so WMong.
qaǯaɣar is most probably a result of contamination. The isolated form with -l, Dag.
xadāl(a), may in fact be a Tungus loanword.
PJpn. *kútúwá bridle (уздечка): MJpn. kútúwá; Tok. kùtsuwa; Kyo.
kútsúwá; Kag. kutsuwá.
◊ JLTT 468. The accent in Kagoshima is secondary.
PKor. *kùr’i bridle (уздечка): MKor. kùr’i; Mod. kulle.
◊ Nam 62, KED 217.
‖ EAS 97, KW 174. Despite Doerfer MT 57 the TM forms are very
hard to explain as borrowed from Mong. In Jpn. the word is usually
analysed as “mouth ring”, which seems to be a folk etymology (in view
of external parallels: together with Kor. kùr’i it presupposes a suffixed
form like *kádu-bV-). It seems that we in fact are dealing here with an
archaic term of horse harness.
-kadV rock, mountain: Tung. *kada-; Mong. *kada; Turk. *K(i)aja (?).
PTung. *kada(r) rock (скала): Evk. kadar, kadaɣa; Evn. qadār, qadaqụ;
Neg. kadā; Man. χada; SMan. hadə ‘mountain peak’ (2069); Ul. qadalị;
Ork. qada; Nan. qadar ‘granite, marble’ (On.); Orch. kada; Ud. kada; Sol.
xadār.
◊ ТМС 1, 360 (part of the forms may be < Mong., see Doerfer MT 18, but as a whole
the root is undoubtedly genuine).
PMong. *kada rock (скала): MMong. qada (SH); WMong. qada(n) (L
902); Kh. xad; Bur. xada; Kalm. xadə; Ord. xada(n); Dag. xada, xad (Тод.
Даг. 172), hade (MD 154); Dong. Gada; S.-Yugh. Gada; Mongr. Gadā (SM
114).
◊ KW 158, TMN 1, 393, MGCD 314.
630 *kagVlV - *kajamV
PTurk. *K(i)aja 1 rock 2 mountain 3 slope (1 скала 2 гора 3 склон):
OTurk. qaja (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qaja (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kaja 1;
Gag. qaja 1, 2; Az. Gaja 1, 2; Turkm. dial. Gāja, Gaja 1; MTurk. qaja
(Houts., AH, Ettuhf., Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. qɔjɛ 1; Uygh. dial. qija 1; Tat. qɨja 1;
Bashk. qaja 1; Kirgh. qaja 1, qɨja 3 (’oblique slope’ - through contamina-
tion with *kɨj- ‘oblique’); KBalk. qaja 1; KKalp. qɨja 1; Nogh. qaja 1; Khak.
xaja 1; Shr. qaja 1; Oyr. qaja 1; Tv. xaja 1; Tof. xaja 1; Yak. xaja 2; Dolg.
kaja 2.
◊ VEWT 221, TMN 3, 565, EDT 674-5, ЭСТЯ 5, 198-199, Лексика 96, Stachowski 133.
‖ EAS 46, 97, KW 158, Poppe 95, VEWT 221, АПиПЯЯ 288, Лексика
96-97. A Western isogloss. PT -j- instead of the expected -d- is baffling
(cf. TMN 1, 394, 3, 566); perhaps OT qaja is a borrowing from some ar-
chaic “j-dialect”? Helimski 1995 proposed a Sam. etymology for the
Turkic word (PS *koəjə ‘mountain’), which cannot be excluded. But ob-
viously Mong. is not < Turk. (despite Щербак 1997, 132). Cf. also a
toponym: OT Ezgenti qadaz = Mong. Ergenetü qada].
-kagVlV ( ~ k῾-) willow, elm: Mong. *kajila(r)-; Turk. *K(i)agɨl.
PMong. *kajila- elm (вяз): MMong. qajilasun (HY 7); WMong. qa-
jilasu(n) (L 912); Kh. xajlas; Bur. xajlāha(n); Ord. xǟlasu; Dag. xailās (Тод.
Даг. 172).
◊ Mong. > Jurch. xailar, Man. xailan id. (Rozycki 98).
PTurk. *K(i)agɨl rod (прут): OTurk. qaɣɨl (OUygh.); Karakh. qaɣɨl
(MK, KB) ‘fresh willow shoots’; Kirgh. kōla- ‘буйно расти (о раст.) в
ущерб плоду, семени’; Khak. xāl ‘rod’.
◊ VEWT 220, EDT 610.
‖ A Turko-Mong. isogloss.
-kajamV crayfish, tick: Tung. *kiamk-; Turk. *Kạm-; Kor. *kàjàmí.
PTung. *kiamk- 1 crayfish 2 a k. of water insect 3 worm (1 рак 2
вид водяного насекомого 3 червь): Evk. kmkān 1; Evn. qǟmqr 2; Neg.
kịmkaj 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 388.
PTurk. *Kạm- 1 bed-bug 2 beetle (1 клоп 2 жук): Tur. kandalaj 1
(dial.); Turkm. Gandala 1; MTurk. qandala (Houts., Буд.) 1, qandala
(Qum.) 1; Uzb. qɛndɛlɔ 1; Tat. qandala 1; Bashk. qandala 1; Kirgh. qantala
1; Kaz. qandala 1; KBalk. qandaɣaj 1, qamažaq 2; KKalp. qandala 1; Kum.
qandala 1; Nogh. qandalaj; Khak. xandala 1; Oyr. qandrɨjaq ‘cochlea’
(Верб.); Chuv. xъₙmtla, xъₙmdъₙla, xъₙmgъₙla ~ xъₙngъₙla 1.
◊ VEWT 229, ЭСТЯ 5, 253-254, Лексика 183.
PKor. *kàjàmí ant (муравей): MKor. kàjàmí, kàjàmi, kàjàmắi; Mod.
kǟmi.
◊ Liu 22, KED 70.
 *kaje - *kàji 631

‖ Лексика 183. Cf. *kuma, *kumi. In Mong. cf. perhaps Mongor

xāmənʒə (153) ‘taon’.
-kaje ( ~ k῾-) to love, covet: Mong. *kaji-; Turk. *Kɨj-.
PMong. *kaji- 1 to seek, investigate 2 love, compassion (1 искать,
исследовать 2 любовь, сострадание): MMong. qairala-, qaijirala- ‘to
love, treat kindly’ (HYt), qajirala- ‘сострадать’ (MA); WMong. qaji- 1 (L
911), qajira 2 (L 913); Kh. xaj- 1, xajr 2; Bur. xaj- 1, xajra 2; Kalm. xǟrn 2;
Ord. xǟra, xǟram 2; Dag. xairan 2 (Тод. Даг. 172); S.-Yugh. χair 2; Mongr.
xran 2; xrla- ‘cher, chéri; aimer, gratifier’ (SM 167), xairGan 2.
◊ KW 180, MGCD 317. Mong. > Man. xaira- etc., see Rozycki 98.
PTurk. *Kɨj- 1 greedy, miserly 2 wise, clever 3 to offer, sacrifice 4 to
dare (1 жадный, скупой 2 мудрый, умный 3 жертвовать, приносить
в жертву, посвящать себя 4 сметь, решаться, покушаться): Tur. kɨj-
3; Gag. qɨj- 4; Az. Gɨj- 3, 4; MTurk. qɨj- 4 (AH); Krm. qɨj- 3; Tat. qɨj- 4;
Bashk. qɨj- 4; Kirgh. qɨj- 3, 4; Kaz. qɨj- 3; KKalp. qɨj- 3; Khak. xɨjɣa 2, xɨjtɨx
1; Oyr. qɨjɣa 1; Chuv. xъj- 4.
◊ VEWT 262, ЭСТЯ 6, 197-198 (confused with *Kɨj- ‘to cut aslant’ which should be
probably kept apart).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-kaji animal: Tung. *kaji-; Turk. *gejik.
PTung. *kaji- 1 a big seal 2 wild goat 3 a variegated dog breed (1
нерпа (крупная) 2 коза (дикая) 3 пестрая порода собаки): Evn. kajir
2; Ork. qaịɣarị 1; Nan. kiaktān 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 361, 362.
PTurk. *gejik 1 wild animal 2 bird 3 roe (1 дикое животное 2 пти-
ца 3 лань): OTurk. kejik 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. kejik 1; Tur. gejik 3;
Turkm. kejik 1; Sal. kijyx ‘wild goat’ (ССЯ); MTurk. kejik 1 (Бор. Бад.),
kijik (MA, Abush.); Uygh. kijik 1; Tat. qɨjɨq 1; Bashk. qɨjɨq 1; Kirgh. kijik 1;
Khak. kīk 1; Chuv. kajъk 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 247, EDT 755, ЭСТЯ 5, 21-23, Лексика 151-152.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; but cf. also Mong. kik laɣusa ‘mule’; OJ
ke-mono ‘animal’ (usually explained as ‘hairy being’).
-kàji ( ~ k῾-, g-) clear, clean: Jpn. *kìjùa-; Kor. *kāi-.
PJpn. *kìjùa- clear, clean (чистый): OJpn. kjijwo-; MJpn. kìjò-; Tok.
kiyó-; Kyo. kìyò-; Kag. kiyó-.
◊ JLTT 832.
PKor. *kāi- to clear up (of weather) (проясняться (о погоде)):
MKor. kāi-; Mod. kǟ-.
◊ Nam 28, KED 68.
‖ Martin 247. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
632 *kjta - *kaku
-kjta nail, bar; to stick into: Tung. *kiata-kun; Mong. *kada-; Turk.
*Kāta-; Jpn. *kiátá ( ~ *káitá); Kor. *kìt.
PTung. *kiata-kun 1 finger-nail 2 bar, billet (1 ноготь 2 брусок):
Man. xitaxun 1; SMan. ḱatəhun 1 (76); Nan. qataxị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 384, 466.
PMong. *kada- 1 to nail 2 nail (1 прибивать гвоздями 2 гвоздь):
MMong. qada’asun 2 (SH); WMong. qada- 1, qadaɣasu(n), qadasu(n),
qadaɣa 2 (L 902, 903); Kh. xada- 1, xadās, gadas 2; Bur. xada- 1, xadāha(n) 2;
Kalm. xadə- 1, xadāsn 2; Ord. xada- 1, xadāsu 2; Dag. xada- ‘to sew a but-
ton’ (Тод. Даг. 172), (MGCD) xadə- 1, gatās (Тод. Даг. 131) 2, (MGCD)
gat 2; hade- ‘to sew on’ (MD 154); Dong. Gada- 1, Gadasun 2; Bao. Gadə-
1, Gadasoŋ 2 (MGCD Gasoŋ 2); S.-Yugh. Gadə- 1, Gadəsən 2 (MGCD
Gadasən, GadaG); Mongr. Gada- (SM 114) 1, Gadasə (SM 115) 2.
◊ KW 158, MGCD 277, 315. Cf. also *kadku- ‘to stick into’ (MMong. (SH) qatqu-, KW
172, 158, Dag. karku-, xarxu-, xatukulā, Тод. Даг. 148, 174, 175). Mong. > Evk. kada-, Man.
χada- etc. (see ТМС 1, 359; Doerfer MT 91, Rozycki 97); Mong. gada-sun, gata-sun > Evk.
gatahun (see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 126).
PTurk. *Kāta- 1 to stick into 2 nail (1 вонзать(ся) 2 гвоздь): Tur.
kada- 1, kadak 2 (dial.); Az. GadaG 2; Turkm. Gadaq 2; MTurk. qada-
(Abush., Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qada- 1, qadɔq 2; Uygh. qada- 1, qadaq 2; Tat.
qada- 1, qadaq 2; Kirgh. qada- 1, qadō 2; Kaz. qada- 1, qadaq 2; KKalp. qada-
1, qadaq 2; Kum. qada- 1; Nogh. qada- 1, qadaq 2; SUygh. qataɣ 2; Oyr.
qada- 1; Tv. qada- 1, qadaɣ 2; Chuv. xudav 2 (Anatri); Yak. xatā- 1; Dolg.
katā- 1.
◊ VEWT 217-8, ЭСТЯ 5, 180-182, TMN 3, 420-422, Ашм. XIV, 257, Stachowski 141.
Because of the lack of ancient attestation one cannot exclude a borrowing < Mong. (al-
though the variant qadaɣa is very poorly represented there, and may itself be borrowed <
Turk.).
PJpn. *kiátá ( ~ *káitá) beam, cross-beam (балка, поперечный
брус): OJpn. k(j)eta; MJpn. keta; Tok. kèta; Kyo. kétá; Kag. ketá.
◊ JLTT 448. The Kagoshima accent is irregular (kéta would be expected).
PKor. *kìt pole, pillar (столб, колонна): MKor. kìtòŋ, kit; Mod.
kiduŋ, (arch.) kit [kit, kis].
◊ Nam 78, 80, KED 263, 278, 282.
‖ KW 158, Владимирцов 325, АПиПЯЯ 290. Mong. has also vari-
ants gada-sun, gata-sun (either < Turk. or interdialectal).
-kaku ( ~ -k῾-) tanned skin, leather: Tung. *kaK-; Turk. *KAkma.
PTung. *kaK- 1 to rumple (skin) 2 instrument for rumpling skin (1
мять кожу 2 кожемялка): Orch. kaku 2; Ud. ka῾i- 1 (Корм. 244).
◊ ТМС 1, 364.
PTurk. *KAkma a k. of sheepskin (вид овчины): MTurk. qaqma
(CCum., ShS).
◊ VEWT 224.
 *kák῾á - *kk῾i 633

‖ Дыбо 15. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; very poorly attested and thus

not very reliable.
-kák῾á bright, shine: Tung. *kakta-; Mong. *kaka-rkaj ( ~ -g-); Jpn.
*kánká-.
PTung. *kakta- yellow, pale (желтый, бледный): Evk. kaktalama,
kaktarin.
◊ ТМС 1, 363.
PMong. *kaka-rkaj ( ~ -g-) bright, clear (светлый, ясный): MMong.
qaqarxai (HY 55) ‘evident, clear’; WMong. qaqarqai, qaɣarqai (L 907); Kh.
xagarxai.
PJpn. *kánká- to glitter, shine (блестеть, светить): OJpn. kakajak-,
kagajwop-; MJpn. kákájak-, kagajof-; Tok. kàgayak-, kagayák-; Kyo. kágáyák-;
Kag. kagayák-.
◊ JLTT 701.
‖ Ozawa 69-74.
-kk῾i angry: Tung. *kaKi; Mong. *kek-; Turk. *Kēk-.
PTung. *kaKi 1 angry 2 hasty (1 сердитый 2 торопливый): Evk.
kaki 1; Man. χaxi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 363.
PMong. *kek- / *kika- 1 arrogance 2 to irritate, be angry 3 anger (1
надменность, быть надменным 2 быть сердитым, раздраженным 3
гнев): WMong. kegseji- (L 443), keke-ji- (L 446: kekülǯe-) 1, kika- 2; Kh. xeg-
sij- 1; Kalm. kekī-, kixə- 2, kixū 3; Ord. gegsī- 1.
◊ KW 223, 231. Cf. also kikana- ‘to oppress, avenge’.
PTurk. *Kēk- anger, malice (гнев, злоба): OTurk. kek (OUygh.);
Karakh. kek (MK); Turkm. kǟje- ‘to hate’; Uzb. kek; Tat. dial. kik; Kirgh.
kek; Kaz. kek; KKalp. kek; Chuv. kagъr ‘chaos, hell’, kagъrza vɨrt- ‘to die
(out)’, vɨźъ kagъrъl ‘starve’; Yak. kegedi ‘spiteful’.
◊ EDT 707, VEWT 247-248, ЭСТЯ 5, 24-25.
‖ KW 223. A Western isogloss. Cf. *gka.
-kk῾i to belch, choke: Tung. *kaxa-; Mong. *kekere- / *kakira- / *kaka-;
Turk. *gēkir-; Kor. *kài’ò-.
PTung. *kaxa- to choke (давиться, душить): Evk. kaka-; Man. χaGa-;
Ul. qaχambụwụsị-; Ork. qaGụmị-; Nan. qawalị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 356. Cf. also Evk. kaklari- ‘хоркать (об олене)’ (ТМС 1, 363).
PMong. *kekere- / *kakira- / *kaka- 1 to belch 2 to choke (1 рыгать
2 давиться): MMong. qaqa- 2 (SH); WMong. kekere- (L 446), qakira- (L
915: qakir-, qakiru-) 1; qaqa- 2 (L 946); Kh. xexr- 1; Bur. xexer- 1; Kalm.
kekr- 1; Ord. geχire- 1; Dag. kekre- (Тод. Даг. 149) 1; xagə- 2; S.-Yugh.
kəgerle- 1; qaGa- 2; Mongr. kəgərē-; xairā- (SM 149) 1, 2.
◊ KW 223, MGCD 336, 347. Mong. > Manchu kekere- id. etc. (see Rozycki 136).
634 *kak῾o - *kala
PTurk. *gēkir- to belch (рыгать): Karakh. kekir- (MK); Tur. gejir-;
Gag. gīr-; Az. gäjir-; Turkm. gǟgir-; Khal. gǟgür-; MTurk. gegir- (Pav. C.),
kekir- (MA); Uzb. kekir-; Uygh. keki(r)-; Krm. kekir-; Tat. kiker-; Bashk.
kiker-; Kirgh. kekir-; Kaz. kekir-; KBalk. kekir-; KKalp. kekir-; Kum. kekir-;
Nogh. kekir-; SUygh. kekirt- (ЯЖУ); Khak. kigər-; Oyr. kegir-; Tv. keɣir-;
Tof. keɣir-; Chuv. kagъr-; Yak. kegert-.
◊ VEWT 248, EDT 712, ЭСТЯ 3, 37, Лексика 232.
PKor. *kài’ò- to vomit (блевать): MKor. kài’ò-; Mod. keu-.
◊ Nam 29, KED 109.
‖ KW 223. An onomatopoeic root; the correspondences, however,
are quite regular (except for the sporadic assimilative weakening *kahi-
> kai- in Kor.), and it may well be common Altaic. Mong. is hardly bor-
rowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 126.
-kak῾o to smell (of burning): Tung. *kakti-; Mong. *kaku-; Turk. *Kok-.
PTung. *kakti- to give out a smell of burning (пахнуть горелым,
пригорать): Neg. kaktị-; Man. χaqsa-; Ul. qaqta-; Ork. qaqtụ-; Nan. qaqtarị
(adj.); Ud. kakčisi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 364.
PMong. *kaku- to turn sour; acrid, bitter, sour (прокисать; горь-
кий, едкий): WMong. qaqu-ra-, qaqu-n (L 947); Kh. xaxra-, xaxūn; Ord.
Gaxur-, Gawxur-.
PTurk. *Kok- to smell badly, to give out a smell of burning (плохо
пахнуть, пахнуть горелым): Karakh. qoq- (MK); Tur. kok-; Gag. qoq-;
Az. Goxu (n.), Goxu-; Turkm. qoq (n.), qoqa-; Krm. qoqu, qoqɨ (n.); Nogh.
qoqɨ- ‘to be fragrant’.
◊ EDT 609, ЭСТЯ 6, 34.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kk῾ò a k. of building, fence: Tung. *kaK(u); Turk. *Kōk-uĺ; Jpn. *kákì.
PTung. *kaK(u) dam (плотина): Man. qaqu; Jurch. xe-ki (68).
◊ ТМС 1,356.
PTurk. *Kōk-uĺ ( ~ -g-) big pole, beam; hall (большой шест, столб;
зал): OTurk. qoɣ ‘shaft, thill’ (OUygh.) (?) (ДТС 452); Tur. koɣuš.
◊ VEWT 275. The OT attestation is not quite reliable.
PJpn. *kákì fence (забор): OJpn. kakji; MJpn. kákjì; Tok. kakí; Kyo.
kákì; Kag. káki.
◊ JLTT 434.
‖ The root is not widely spread and somewhat dubious semanti-
cally.
-kala family, gathering: Tung. *kal-; Jpn. *kara.
PTung. *kal- 1 clan, family 2 to gather (deer) 3 together (1 род, се-
мья 2 собирать (оленей) 3 вместе): Evk. kalbuldī- 2, Il. kālbe 3; Man.
χala 1.
 *kla - *kàla 635
◊ ТМС 1, 365, 459-460. The Manchu form was widely borrowed (Sol. xala, Neg. xala,
Oroch xala, Ud. xa, Ul., Orok, Nan. χala).
PJpn. *kara clan, family (род, семья): OJpn. kara.
◊ JLTT 438.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; see also notes to *kdu.
-kla ( ~ k῾-, -e-) heap, to pile up: Mong. *kali-; Turk. *Kāla-; Kor. *kari-.
PMong. *kali- to overflow (переливаться через край): WMong.
qali- (L 919); Kh. xali-; Bur. xali-; Kalm. xäĺə-.
◊ KW 176.
PTurk. *Kāla- to heap up, pile up (накладывать, нагромождать):
Karakh. qala- (MK); Tur. dial. kala-, gala-; Az. Gala-; Turkm. dial. Gāla-;
MTurk. qala- (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. qɛla-; Uygh. qala-; Kirgh. qala-; Kaz.
qala-; KBalk. qala-; KKalp. qala-; Nogh. qala-; Oyr. qala-; Yak. xāla-.
◊ VEWT 224, EDT 617, ЭСТЯ 5, 228-229.
PKor. *kari- 1 heap, stack 2 to pile up (1 куча, стог 2 накладывать):
MKor. kari 1; Mod. kari 1, kari- 2.
◊ Liu 19, KED 13, 14.
‖ The meaning ‘overflow’ in Mong. is probably secondary ( < ‘pour
too much, pile up very high’).
-kàla ( ~ *k῾-, -e-) a k. of hat: Mong. *kalbaŋ; Turk. *Kalpak; Kor. *kár.
PMong. *kalbaŋ (woman’s) hat ((женская) шапка): WMong.
qalbaŋ; Kalm. χalwŋ.
◊ KW 164. Mong. > Tuva xalbaŋ ‘ears (of a winter hat)’, see ЭСТЯ 5, 235.
PTurk. *Kalpak hat (шапка, шляпа): Tur. kalpak; Gag. qalpaq;
Turkm. Galpaq; MTurk. qalpaq (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. qalpɔq; Uygh. qal-
paq; Krm. qalpaq; Tat. qalpaq; Bashk. qalpaq; Kirgh. qalpaq; Kaz. qalpaq;
KBalk. qalfaq; KKalp. qalpaq; Kum. qalpaq; Nogh. qalpaq; SUygh. qalmaq;
Khak. xalbax, xalpax; Yak. xalpāq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 234-235. The word is not attested in OT; cf. however the common Slavic
loanword *klobukъ, attested in Russian sources already in the 12th century (in чьрнии кло-
буци ‘black hats’ = the Karakalpaks, but with characteristically Bulgarian phonology).
PKor. *kár 1 peaked hat 2 rain-cover for a hat (1 конусообразная
шапка 2 покрытие для шапки (для защиты от дождя)): MKor.
kòs-kár 1; Mod. kok:al 1, kal-mo 2.
◊ Liu 73, KED 45, 134. For the component kòs- cf. *kás ‘hat’ (although vowel variation
is not clear).
‖ Basically a Turk.-Kor. isogloss; the Mongolian form is poorly at-
tested and may be borrowed < Turkic. In TM cf. perhaps Evk. kelpeke
‘children’s winter clothes’, kelkē ‘children’s winter footwear’ (ТМС 1,
446).
636 *kằle - *kălo
-kằle knife, to cut: Tung. *kaliki; Turk. *Kɨlɨč; Jpn. *kr-.
PTung. *kali-ki(n) scar, cicatrice (шрам, рубец): Ul. qalχị(n); Ork.
qalịχị; Nan. qalχị; Orch. kalixi; Ud. kalehä.
◊ ТМС 1, 366. Cf. also Evn. qǟli- ‘to whet’ (ТМС 1, 388).
PTurk. *Kɨlč sword (меч): OTurk. qɨlɨč (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨlɨč
(MK); Tur. kɨlɨč, kɨlɨǯ; Gag. qɨlɨč; Az. Gɨlɨǯ; Turkm. Gɨlɨč; Khal. Gɨlīč;
MTurk. qɨlɨč (Pav. C.); Uzb. qilič; Uygh. qilič; Krm. qɨlɨč; Tat. qɨlɨč; Bashk.
qɨlɨs; Kirgh. qɨlɨč; Kaz. qɨlɨš; KBalk. qɨlɨč; KKalp. qɨlɨš; Kum. qɨlɨč; Nogh.
qɨlɨš; SUygh. qɨlɨš; Khak. xɨlɨs; Shr. qɨlɨš; Oyr. qɨlɨč; Tv. xɨlɨš; Chuv. xəś;
Yak. kɨlɨs, kɨlɨs.
◊ EDT 618, VEWT 263, Лексика 570, ЭСТЯ 6, 212-214. Cf. also *Kɨla-gu ‘blade’
(VEWT 263, ЭСТЯ 6, 207-208).
PJpn. *kr- to cut off, chop, hack (отрезать, отрубать): OJpn. kor-;
MJpn. kòr-; Tok. kor-.
◊ JLTT 713.
‖ One of the many “verbs of cutting” in PA, with only nominal de-
rivatives preserved in PT and PTM.
-kălo to change, borrow: Tung. *kalma-gda; Mong. *kala-; Turk. *Kalɨm;
Jpn. *kár-; Kor. *kắr-.
PTung. *kalma-gda rich bride (богатая невеста (за которую брали
большой калым)): Neg. kalmagda; Ul. qalmaǯa; Orch. kamaǯa.
◊ ТМС 1, 367.
PMong. *kala- to change, alternate (менять, чередовать): WMong.
qala- (L 916); Kh. xala-; Bur. xala-; Kalm. xalə-; Ord. xala-; Dag. xala-; kālā-
‘to change, make better’ (Тод. Даг. 148, MD 181), xāla- (Тод. Даг. 173).
◊ KW 162, MGCD 319. ( > Evk. kala-, Man. χala- etc., ТМС 1, 364, Doerfer MT 81). Cf.
also qalamǯi ‘care, attention’.
PTurk. *Kalɨm 1 ransom for bride 2 fee (1 выкуп за невесту 2
штраф, подать): OTurk. qalan (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qalɨŋ (MK) 1; Tur.
kalɨn 1; Turkm. Galɨŋ 2; MTurk. qalɨn (Houts., Pav. C., Буд.) 1; Uzb.
qalin; Tat. qalɨm 1; Bashk. qalɨm 1; Kirgh. qalɨŋ 1; Kaz. qalɨŋ 1; KBalk. qalɨn
1; KKalp. qalɨŋ 1; Kum. qalɨm 1; Nogh. qalɨm 1; Khak. xalɨm 1; Oyr. qalɨm,
qalɨŋ 1; Tv. xɨlɨŋ 1 (dial. Todzh.); Tof. xɨlɨm 1; Chuv. xolъm 1; Yak. xalɨm,
xalm 1.
◊ VEWT 226, TMN 3, 399, 488, ЭСТЯ 5, 239-240, Федотов 2, 354. Turk. > Mong. qalan
‘fee, tax’ (Щербак 1997, 197).
PJpn. *kár- to borrow (брать в долг): OJpn. kar-; MJpn. kár-; Tok.
kàri-; Kyo. kárí-; Kag. karí-.
◊ JLTT 704. The transitive match (’to lend’) is PJ *kár-s- > OJ kás-.
PKor. *kắr- to change (менять): MKor. kắr-; Mod. kal-.
◊ Nam 20, KED 43.
‖ EAS 46, 154, АПиПЯЯ 75, Martin 228. The tone correspondence
between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular, so the accent reconstruction here is
 *kalt῾o - *kalV 637

difficult; note that the Kor. high tone here must be archaic, because it
resists the general Korean tendency to introduce low tone into all ver-
bal forms.
-kalt῾o to split, divide: Tung. *kalta; Mong. *kalta-s, *kelte-; Turk.
*Kolak; Kor. *kằră-.
PTung. *kalta 1 to split in halves, be splitted in halves 2 half 3 one of
a pair (1 расщеплять, раскалывать (напополам) 2 половина 3 один
из пары): Evk. kalta- 1, kaltaka 2, 3; Evn. qaltq-, qaltl- 1, qaltq 2; Neg.
kalta- 1, kaltaxa 3; Ul. qaltalị- 1, qalta 2; Ork. qaltā- 1, qalta 2; Nan. qaltā- 1,
qaltā 2; Orch. kākta- 1, kakta 2; Ud. kakta῾ 2 (Корм. 244); Sol. xaltaxa 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 367-368.
PMong. *kalta-s, *kelte- 1 half 2 to split off, break off (1 половина 2
отщеплять, отламывать): WMong. qaltas 1 (L 921), kelte-, keltere- (L
450) 2; Kh. xaltas 1, xeltre- 2; Bur. xaltagaj; xeltel-, xelter-; Kalm. keltəl- 2
(КРС); Ord. Galtas; Dag. koltorkē ‘splinter’ (Тод. Даг. 150), xaltag, kaltag
1 (Тод. Даг. 173), koletuei ‘a part’, koletuhe 1 (MD 183); Mongr. kideli-;
kidərē- 1 ‘ébrécher; s’ébrécher, mourir (petits enfants) 1’ (SM 201, 200).
◊ Mong. kelte- > Evk. kelte- etc., see Dörfer MT 134.
PTurk. *Kolak one-handed (однорукий): Karakh. qolaq (MK); Tur.
kolak (dial.); Turkm. Golaq; Tat. qulaq (dial.).
◊ VEWT 277, ЭСТЯ 6, 42.
PKor. *kằră- 1 to divide, split 2 to distinguish (1 разделять, расще-
плять 2 различать): MKor. kără- 1, kằr-hắi- 1, 2; Mod. karɨ- 1, karä- 2.
◊ Nam 10, 22, KED 11, 13.
‖ SKE 98, Poppe 17, 75; Doerfer MT 47 (Turk. > Mong.). On a poss i-
ble reflex in Jpn. see under *gằgta.
-kalu a k. of fish: Tung. *kali; Mong. *kul-.
PTung. *kali 1 crucian 2 white-fish (1 карась 2 сиг): Evk. kali 1; Ud.
kali 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 366. Cf. also Evk. kulala ‘sheat-fish’ (which, however, may be < Samod. or
Chuk.-Kamch.).
PMong. *kul- salmon (лосось): Kh. xuld, xuĺt (РМС).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; cf. *k῾ula, *k῾ile, with possible mergers.
-kalV ( ~ -ĺ-) near, to come near: Tung. *kal-; Mong. *kalu-.
PTung. *kal- 1 near 2 to come near (1 близкий, близко 2 прибли-
зиться): Man. xanči 1; xalbu- ‘to let into the house’; SMan. hanči 1 (2611);
Ul. qāl- 2; Ork. qal- 2; Nan. qaĺčị 1; Orch. kalikun- ‘to let near’.
◊ ТМС 1, 366, 369, 372 (Man. xanči should be kept distinct from qani ‘similarly, in ac-
cordance with others’).
PMong. *kalu- to approach, come near (приближаться): MMong.
qalit- (SH); WMong. qalu-, qal- (L 916); Kh. xala-; Bur. xalaj- (in com-
pounds); Kalm. xalə-; Dag. halede- (MD 155).
638 *kaĺbo - *kaĺpa
◊ KW 162.
‖ KW 162 (but Turk. *Kāl- ‘to stay behind’ hardly belongs here),
ТМС 1, 369, АПиПЯЯ 292. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but, despite Doer-
fer MT 144, hardly borrowed in TM < Mong.
-kaĺbo girdle, waist: Tung. *kalbu; Turk. *Koĺa- (*Kuĺa-); Kor. *kurəi.
PTung. *kalbu 1 girdle 2 band (1 пояс 2 тесьма, лента): Evk. kalbu
1; Evn. qālb 1; Neg. kalbu 1; Sol. xalbaŋxa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 365.
PTurk. *Koĺa- (*Kuĺa-) 1 подпоясывать 2 пояс, кушак (1 to girdle 2
girdle): Tur. kuša- 1, kušak 2; Gag. qušaq 2; Turkm. Gušaq 2; MTurk.
qušaq 2 (Pav. C.); Tat. qušaq 2 (arch.); Bashk. qušaq 2.
◊ The stem should be probably distinguished historically from *Koĺ- ‘to couple, bind’,
although contaminations were possible. Turk. > Russ. кушак (Дмитриев 1958, 28, Ши-
пова 216).
PKor. *kurəi waist (поясница): Mod. kure, hə-guri.
◊ KED 199. The word seems to be different from the attest MKor. kùri ‘inner part of
body’ (v. sub *k῾úrgo).
‖ The root is well attested in TM, but other parallels are somewhat
questionable: the Turkic word is attested late and may be derived from
*Koĺ- ‘join, unite’; on the Korean word see above.
-k[ā]ĺe a k. of water plant: Tung. *kalčukta; Mong. *kolim; Turk.
*Kĺ-gun.
PTung. *kalču-kta 1 water lily 2 sea weed (1 водяная лилия, кув-
шинка 2 водоросль): Evn. qajqị 2; Neg. kalčụkta 1; Ul. qalǯuqta 1, 2; Nan.
qalǯoqta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 362, 369.
PMong. *kolim a k. of rice (вид риса): WMong. qolima (МXTTT) ‘a
k. of cereal similar to corn’; Kh. xolim; Dag. xualimpe ‘oat’.
◊ Mong. > Man. xolimpa, Sol. xolimpa, xolimpo (Тод. Даг. 178).
PTurk. *Kĺ-gun eatable grass (кормовая трава): Karakh. qɨšɣun
(MK) ‘fresh reeds which are eaten by cattle; sorrel’; Oyr. qɨšqɨn ‘пырей’;
Chuv. xəlɣen ‘кипрей’; Yak. ks ot ‘конский щавель’.
◊ EDT 672.
‖ A Western isogloss; the Mong. reflex has an irregular vowel and is
somewhat dubious.
-kaĺpa a k. of vessel: Tung. *kala-n; Mong. *kalbuga; Turk. *KAĺuk /
*KAlgak; Jpn. *kasipa.
PTung. *kala-n 1 kettle 2 bag (1 котел 2 сума): Evk. kalan 1; Evn.
qalā-was 2; Ul. qala(n) 1; Nan. qalã 1; Ud. kala(n) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 364-365. Cf. also *kalbi- ‘flat, broad’ (ТМС 1, 365; hardly < Mong., despite
Doerfer MT 51, 69 - although some forms, notably Evk. kalbaɣa ‘spoon’, Man. χalbaχa
‘crooked part of a flat spoon’, are probably borrowed, see Rozycki 100).
 *kàma - *kàma 639

PMong. *kalbuga spoon, ladle, oar (ложка, весло): MMong. xal-

buxua (HY 19), qalbuqa (SH), ɣalbuɣa (MA 139); WMong. qalbuɣa,
qalbaɣa(n) (L 917, 918); Kh. xalbaga(n); Bur. xalbaga ‘ложка, весло, по-
плавок (удочки), плавники (рыбы)’; Ord. xalbaGa; Mongr. xrGa (SM
185).
◊ Cf. also *kalba- ‘flat, broad’ (KW 83).
PTurk. *KAĺuk / *KAlgak 1 spoon 2 oar, shovel (1 ложка 2 весло,
лопатка): OTurk. qašuq 1; Karakh. qašuq, qašɨq (MK); Tur. kašɨk 1, dial.
kalak 2; Az. GašɨG 1; Turkm. qašɨq 1; MTurk. qašɨq (IM), qašuq (Houts.,
AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. qɔšiq 1, qɔlɔq 2; Uygh. qošuq, dial. qašuq 1, qalaq 2; Tat.
qašɨq 1, qalaq 2 > Chuv.; Bashk. qašɨq 1, qalaq 2; Kirgh. qašɨq 1, qalaq 2;
Kaz. qasɨq 1, qalaq 2; KBalk. qašɨq 1, qalaq 2; KKalp. qasɨq 1, qalaq 2; Kum.
qašɨq 1, qalaq 2; Nogh. qasɨq 1, qalaq 2; Khak. xazɨx 1, xalɣax 1,2; Shr. qalaq
2; Oyr. qažɨq 1, qalaq 2; Tof. qahik 1, qalɣaq 2.
◊ VEWT 225, 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 231-232, 353-354. Turk. > Russ. Siber. kašík, see Аникин
277.
PJpn. *kasipa vessel (вид сосуда): OJpn. kasipa.
◊ In the earliest texts the word unambiguously denotes some kind of vessel (esp. a
wine vessel); its reinterpretation as ‘oak leaf’ and ‘food-wrapping oak-leaf’ is certainly a
later folk-etymological development.
‖ EAS 123, KW 83, Владимирцов 366, Poppe 78 (Turk.-Mong.),
Цинциус 1984, 83, Miller 1970, 130, JOAL 121, Street 1980, 286 -287,
АПиПЯЯ 75. Despite TMN 3, 391, Щербак 1997, 135. borrowing in
Mong. from Turk. is excluded. One cannot exclude a possibility that we
are dealing with two different roots here: cf. the distinction in Turkic,
strange loss of *-b- in Tungus *kala-n, and another Kor.-Jpn. root for
‘vessel, container’: MKor. kari ‘fish pot, basket for catching fish’, OJ ke
(PJ *ka-i) ‘vessel, container’ (see Whitman 1985, 160).
-kàma to unite, together: Tung. *kamur-; Mong. *kam-; Turk. *KAmug;
Jpn. *kàmà-p-.
PTung. *kamur- together, gather (вместе, собирать): Ul. qamụr;
Ork. qamụr; Nan. qamor.
◊ ТМС 1, 371. Modern forms like Evk. kamu- ‘to gather’ may be considered borrowed
< Mong. (see Doerfer MT 111), but it is hardly possible for all forms, especially for those
with an -r-suffix.
PMong. *kam- 1 together 2 to gather together (1 вместе 2 соби-
рать): MMong. qamtu 1, qamux ‘all’ (SH, HYt); WMong. qamtu 1 (L 925),
qamu- 2 (L 926); Kh. xamt 1; Bur. xamta 1, xamag ‘all’, xama- 2; Kalm.
xamtə 1, xamə- 2; Ord. xamtu 1; Mog. qamtu (Ramstedt 1906); Dag.
hamete 1 (MD 156); Dong. hantu 1; Bao. hamdə 1; S.-Yugh. χamtə 1,
χambə- 2; Mongr. xamdi (SM 153), xamdə 1.
◊ KW 164, 165, 177, MGCD 322, 323, 324. Cf. also WMong. qamija ‘relation, concern’.
Mong. > Yak. xomuj-, Dolg. komuj-, see Kał. JW 184, Stachowski 152.
640 *kāma - *kami
PTurk. *KAmug all, together (все, вместе): OTurk. qamuɣ (OUygh.),
qamaɣ (Orkh., OUygh.), qamɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. qamuɣ (MK, KB); Tur.
kamu; MTurk. qamuɣ (Qutb., Буд.), qamuq (Abush.); Khak. xamɨx; Shr.
qamɨq; Oyr. qamɨq; Tv. xamɨq.
◊ EDT 627, ЭСТЯ 5, 243-244. Modern forms like Kirgh., Kaz. qama- ‘to surround, be-
siege’, qamala- id., ‘to gather in a crowd’ etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 159) should be rather regarded
as mongolisms.
PJpn. *kàmà-pa- to arrange, set up (устраивать): OJpn. kamapa-;
MJpn. kàmàfa-; Tok. kamaé-; Kyo. kámáé-; Kag. kàmàè-.
◊ JLTT 703.
‖ KW 164, Владимирцов 391, Poppe 67-68, Цинциус 1984, 88.
Mong. can hardly be explained as borrowed < Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 132, 165.
-kāma a k. of fish: Tung. *kām-; Jpn. *kamasu; Kor. *kàmór-thi.
PTung. *kām- dried fish (юкола): Evn. qām; Orch. kambuti ‘name of
a small fish’.
◊ ТМС 1, 369, 370. Cf. also Oroch kemmui ‘herring’ (ТМС 1, 448).
PJpn. *kamasu sea pike (морская щука): Tok. kàmasu, kamasú; Kyo.
kámású; Kag. kamasú.
◊ Kagoshima and Tokyo favour the reconstruction *kàmású or *kàmàsù; the Kyoto ac-
cent, however, is quite irregular.
PKor. *kàmór-thì eel; (KED) snake fish (Channa argus), snakehead,
mullet (угорь): MKor. kàmóthì, kamorthi; Mod. kamulčhi.
◊ Nam 4, KED 17.
‖ An Eastern isogloss, with somewhat unclear tone / length corre-
spondences; cf. perhaps also Chuv. kъₙmъₙs ‘young fish’ ( < PT *kem- ~
*köm-); Khak. xamnax ‘roach, сорога’.
-kami a k. of cloth: Tung. *kam-; Mong. *kemerlig; Turk. *KEmek.
PTung. *kam- 1 to hem a garment with a white fur stripe 2 head
kerchief 3 broad women’s belt (1 подбивать одежду белой меховой
полосой 2 головной платок 3 широкий женский пояс): Evk. kamrā-
1; Man. qamtun 2; Ul. qambụča 3; Ork. qāmị 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 370, 371.
PMong. *kemerlig a k. of silk (вид шелка): WMong. kemerlig (L
451); Kh. kemerleg.
PTurk. *KEmek a k. of striped cloth for making upper clothes (вид
полосатой ткани для изготовления верхней одежды): Karakh. kemek
(MK).
◊ EDT 722. The isolated OT word may be borrowed from Eastern Iranian: cf. Pers.
kamxa < Chin. gimhua (see VEWT 229 on further loans: Pers. > Turkic qamqa > Russ. камка
‘striped silk cloth’). Cf. other similar cases (like Sak. kamaiška > MK kemišge etc.).
 *kàmo - *kamp῾o 641

‖ A Western isogloss (although the Turkic reflex is somewhat dubi-

ous). MKor. kamtho ‘a horsehair cap worn by officials’ (compared with
TM in SKE 92, Lee 1958, 113) is rather < Manchu.
-kàmo boiled substance, alcohol: Tung. *kamnu- / *kamdu-; Mong.
*kimur; Turk. *Kumɨŕ; Jpn. *kàm-.
PTung. *kamnu- / *kamdu- fish glue (рыбий клей): Evk. kamnun;
Evn. kanmo; Neg. kamnun; Man. amdun; Ul. qamdu(n); Ork. qamdụ(n);
Nan. qamdõ; Orch. kamnu; Ud. kamnu.
◊ ТМС 1, 370.
PMong. *kimur fermented milk with water (молочный спиртной
напиток с водой): WMong. kimur, kimuraɣan; kiram, kirma (L 470)
‘boiled milk with water’; Kh. aram ‘boiled water with milk’; Kalm.
kimr, kimrān; Ord. kirma.
◊ KW 231. Mong. > Kirgh. qɨmran, Uzb. kumran, Tuva xɨmɨrān.
PTurk. *Kumɨŕ fermented milk (молочный спиртной напиток):
Karakh. qɨmɨz (MK, KB); Tur. kɨmɨz; Az. Gɨmɨz; Turkm. Gɨmɨz; MTurk.
qɨmɨz (Pav. C.); Uzb. qimiz; Uygh. qimiz; Tat. qɨmɨz; Bashk. qomoδ, qɨmɨδ;
Kirgh. qɨmɨz; Kaz. qɨmɨz; KKalp. qɨmɨz; Nogh. qɨmɨz; Khak. xɨmɨs, Sag.,
Koib. xumɨs; Oyr. qɨmɨs; Tv. xɨmɨs; Chuv. kъₙmъₙs < Qypch.; Yak. kɨmɨs.
◊ VEWT 264, EDT 629, Лексика 450-451, ЭСТЯ 6, 219.
PJpn. *kàm- to brew sake (from rice) (варить сакэ (из риса)): OJpn.
kam-; MJpn. kàm-; Tok. kamós-; Kyo. kámós-; Kag. kamós-.
◊ JLTT 703. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (probably under literary influence).
‖ Poppe 68, Лексика 450-451. Despite Doerfer’s doubts (TMN 3,
515-516) the Turk.-Mong. parallel cannot be a coincidence.
-kamp῾o to fold, close: Tung. *kamp-; Mong. *kamki-; Kor. *kắm-.
PTung. *kamp- 1 to fold, bend 2 to press (1 складывать, сгибать 2
сжимать): Evk. kamnī- 2; Neg. kampị- 1, 2; Man. qamni- 2; Ul. qampụ- 1;
Nan. qampị- 1; Ud. qampi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 370, 371. The variant *kamnī- has probably arisen from *kamp(i)-nī- and has
secondarily merged with TM *kamnī ‘ravine’ ( the latter should be perhaps compared
with Mong. kaŋgil ‘bald hills’).
PMong. *kamki- to close, shut (закрывать): WMong. qamki- (L 924);
Kh. xamxi-; Kalm. xamxī- (СЯОС).
PKor. *kắm- to close (eyes) (закрывать (глаза)): MKor. kắm-; Mod.
kām-.
◊ Nam 23, KED 50.
‖ -p- in TM is not easily explained as a suffix, so we prefer rather to
reconstruct an original consonant cluster here.
642 *kámsa - *kāmV
-kámsa ( ~ k῾-) wind, whirlwind: Mong. *kabsara-; Turk. *Kasɨrku; Jpn.
*kánsá-i.
PMong. *kabsara- 1 to blow (of a cold wind) 2 cold wind, snow-
storm (1 дуть (о холодном ветре) 2 холодный ветер, пурга): WMong.
qabsara- 1 (L 898: qabsura-), qabsaraɣa (L 899: qabsurɣa) 2; Kh. xawsra- 1,
xawsraga 2; Bur. xabsaraɣā 2; Kalm. xawsərgə 2 (КРС).
PTurk. *Kasɨrku whirlwind (вихрь): Karakh. qasɨrqu (MK); Tur.
kasɨrɣa; Az. Gasɨrɣa; MTurk. (MKypch.) qasɨrqa (Houts.), qasurɣa (AH);
Tv. qazɨrɣɨ; Tof. qa’sɨrɣɨ; Chuv. kozъrga.
◊ VEWT 240, ЭСТЯ 5, 332, Лексика 43, Ашм. VII, 20. Chuvash has an irregular form
with initial k- (*x- would be expected). But it can hardly be a borrowing from
Volga-Kypchak languages.
PJpn. *kánsá-i wind (ветер): OJpn. kaze; MJpn. kázé; Tok. kàze; Kyo.
kázé; Kag. káze.
◊ JLTT 447. OJ kaza- in compounds, which allows to reconstruct *kánsá-i.
‖ ЭСТЯ 5, 332, Лексика 43 (Turk.-Mong.)
-kắm[u]ča a k. of vessel, ladle: Tung. *kamiču; Mong. *kumǯija; Turk.
*Kamɨč; Jpn. *kámású.
PTung. *kamiču box, bag (made of birch-bark) (чуман, берестяной
короб): Evk. kamit; Ul. qamčụ; Orch. kamiči; Ud. kamisi.
◊ ТМС 1, 370.
PMong. *kumǯija a measure for gunpowder (мерка для пороха):
WMong. qumǯija (MXTTT); Kh. xumǯā; Bur. xumžā.
PTurk. *Kamɨč scoop, ladle (черпак): OTurk. qamɨč (OUygh.);
Karakh. qamɨč (MK); MTurk. qamɨč (IM); Uygh. qemič; Khak. xamɨs; Tv.
xɨmɨš; Chuv. (Bulg.) xumǯa (< *kamča(h)); Yak. xamɨas, xomuos; Dolg. ko-
muos.
◊ EDT 626, VEWT 229, ЭСТЯ 5, 248-249, Stachowski 152.
PJpn. *kámású a k. of bag (соломенный мешок): Tok. kàmasu; Kyo.
kámású; Kag. kamásu.
‖ SKE 94, ТМС 1, 370, Мудрак Дисс. 184. Despite Doerfer MT 240
(“semantisch unsicher”), the Turk.-Tung. match seems quite plausible.
-kāmV be weak, oppress: Tung. *kama-; Mong. *kama-; Turk. *KĀma-;
Jpn. *kmà-r- ( ~ kuàmà-r-); Kor. *kam-.
PTung. *kama- 1 to oppress 2 to prohibit, be unable to help 3 (being
at a) loss (1 притеснять 2 отказывать в помощи, делать назло 3 за-
труднение, беда): Evk. kama- 1, kama-lit- 2; Evn. kamaɣ 3; Neg. kama-li-
1; Ul. qama-lụ- 1; Ork. qama-lị- 1; Nan. qama-li- 1, qama 3; Ud. kama-,
kamasi- ‘мешать удаче, насылать несчастье (о шаманах)’ (Корм. 244),
kamali- ‘прищемить, придавить’ (Корм. 245).
◊ ТМС 1, 369. Despite Poppe 1966, 191, Evk. kamaɣa is not a borrowing < Mong.
qamija ‘relation, concern’ (a quite different root, see PA *kàma).
 *kna - *kna 643

PMong. *kama- 1 scab, herpes 2 infection, epidemics (1 чесотка,

парша 2 зараза, эпидемия): MMong. qamāwu (IM); WMong. qamaɣu 1,
qama- ‘to be mangy’ (L 923); Kh. xamū; Bur. xamū 1, xamšag 2; Kalm.
xamū; Ord. xamū; Dag. xamū (Тод. Даг. 173), (MGCD) xangu 1; S.-Yugh.
χamū 1.
◊ KW 165, MGCD 324.
PTurk. *KĀma- 1 become blinded, dumb 2 (set) teeth on edge 3 to
be tired, pine, droop (1 слепнуть, глохнуть 2 набивать оскомину 3 ус-
тавать, изнемогать): OTurk. qamaš- (Orkh.) 3; Karakh. qama- (MK, KB)
1, 2; Tur. kamaš- 1; Az. Gamaš- 1; Turkm. Gāmaš- 2; MTurk. qamaš- (Pav.
C., Бор. Бад., MA) 1, 2; Uzb. qɛmɛš- 1; Uygh. qamaš- 2; Tat. qamaš- 3;
Bashk. qamaš- 2; Kirgh. qama- 2; Kaz. qama- 2; KKalp. qamas- 2; Kum.
qama- 2; Nogh. qama- 2.
◊ VEWT 228, ЭСТЯ 5, 242-243, 246-247. Cf. also Kirgh., Kaz. qam ‘sorrow’, Turkm.
Gam GajGɨ ‘mischief, sorrow’. Turk. > MMong. (MA) qama- id. (see Щербак 1997, 197).
PJpn. *kmà-r- ( ~ kuàmà-r-) be in a difficult position (быть в за-
труднительном положении): Tok. komár-; Kyo. kómár-; Kag. kòmàr-.
◊ JLTT 712.
PKor. *kam- to be unable to, to be insufficient for (быть неспособ-
ным, недостаточным для ч.-л.): Mod. kam-gi-.
◊ SKE 91-92.
‖ KW 165, EAS 47, SKE 91-2. The Kor. parallel is found only there;
as for the Japanese word, it is not attested in any OJ or MJ sources, so
the PJ reconstruction is uncertain. One should also note irregular PJ
vocalism and tone (*-a- with high tone would be expected). This all
makes the Kor.-Jpn. aspect of the etymology dubious.
-kna to be satisfied: Tung. *kan-dari-; Mong. *kanu-; Turk. *Kān-; Jpn.
*kánáransu.
PTung. *kan-dari- to be fed up, tired of (надоесть, наскучить): Evk.
kandari-.
◊ ТМС 1, 372.
PMong. *kanu- be satisfied, thankful (быть удовлетворенным, бла-
годарным): MMong. qan- ‘утолить (жажду)’ (МА); WMong. qanu-,
qan- (L 930); Kh. xana-; Bur. xana-; Kalm. xan-; Ord. xan-; Mongr. xani-
(SM 156), xanə-.
◊ KW 166, MGCD 325.
PTurk. *Kān- to be satisfied (быть удовлетворенным): OTurk. qan-
(OUygh.); Karakh. qan- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. kan-; Az. Gan-; Turkm. Gān-;
MTurk. (OKypch.) qan- (AH); Uzb. qɔn-; Uygh. qan-; Tat. qan-; Bashk.
qan-; Kirgh. qan-; Kaz. qan-; KBalk. qan-; KKalp. qan-; Kum. qan-; Nogh.
qan-; Khak. xan-; Shr. qan-; Oyr. qan-; Tv. xan-; Yak. xan-; Dolg. kan-.
◊ EDT 632, VEWT 230, ЭСТЯ 5, 251-252, Stachowski 136.
644 *kanti - *knu
PJpn. *kánáransu necessarily, certainly (обязательно): OJpn. kana-
razu; MJpn. kánárazu; Tok. kanarazu.
◊ Formally kanarazu is a negation of kanari ‘enough’ (’not enough’ > ‘necessarily’).
The latter is not attested in RJ, and the modern dialects speak rather in favour of *kànárì.
‖ EAS 114, KW 166, Poppe 70 (but despite Ozawa 192-193 and
АПиПЯЯ 72, PJ *kànàp- should be attributed to *k῾no). The root is very
similar to *k῾āno, both phonetically and semantically, but the opposition
of *Kān- and *Kon- in Turkic does not allow to unite them. The hy-
pothesis of Mong. *kanu- being borrowed from Turkic (see Щербак
1997, 133) is possible, but not very probable.
-kanti dewlap, peritoneum: Tung. *kanda; Mong. *kančir; Turk. *Kandɨr
(*Kantɨr); Jpn. *kinta.
PTung. *kanda dewlap (подгрудок): Man. qanda; Nan. qando.
◊ ТМС 1, 372.
PMong. *kančir peritoneum (подгрудок): WMong. qančir (L 927);
Kh. xančir; Bur. xanšar ‘belly muscles’; Kalm. xančər ‘belly muscles’
(КРС); Ord. xančir maxa ‘stomach of a meagre, skinny animal’, xančir
kün ‘thin person’.
PTurk. *Kandɨr (*Kantɨr) membrane (мездра, пленка на мясе, ос-
тающаяся после снятия шкуры): Karakh. qandɨr (MK); Chuv. xundъ,
e.g. in təₙpləₙ pɨržъ xund-i ‘appendix (anat.)’ (dial.).
◊ EDT 635.
PJpn. *kinta gills (жабры): OJpn. kjida.
‖ PT and PM reflect a suffixed form *kanti-rV.
-knt῾V to reach, attain: Tung. *kānta-; Mong. *kan[t]u-.
PTung. *kānta- to attain, reach (by hand) (доставать, дотягивать-
ся): Ul. qanta-; Nan. qāndačị-, (On.) qāntačị-
◊ ТМС 1, 373.
PMong. *kan[t]u- to head towards, to address (направляться к, об-
ращаться к): MMong. qantuqala- ‘show (?)’ (SH); WMong. qandu-
(MXTTT); Kh. xanda-; Bur. xanda-; Kalm. xandə- (КРС); Ord. xandu-;
Dag. xanda-.
◊ MGCD 325.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Chuv. xondъ ‘protect’, ‘influ-
ence’ etc. (if not < Mong.). Cf. also OJ katug- ‘to carry’ (although this
may be a variant of kataga-, a compound of kata ‘shoulder’ + aga- ‘lift,
raise’).
-knu swan: Tung. *kāŋgu; Mong. *kuna; Kor. *kón.
PTung. *kāŋgu a k. of duck (вид утки): Evk. kan-dirā, dial. koŋor;
Evn. qōŋāl; Neg. kaŋgụ, kōŋalān, koŋodō; Man. χoŋGo(lo)n; Ul. qaŋGụlị;
Ork. qoŋGolo; Nan. qāŋGọ; Ud. kaŋgu (Корм. 245).
 *kaŋne - *kăpi 645
◊ ТМС 1, 373-374, 410. Because of recurring long vowel in Evn., Neg. and Nan.
shortness in dialectal Evk. forms should be probably regarded as secondary (misrecorded
length?).
PMong. *kuna swan (лебедь): MMong. qun (HY 14, SH); WMong.
quna, qun, quŋ (L 986); Kh. xun; Bur. xun(g); Kalm. xunə; Ord. xun.
◊ KW 197.
PKor. *kón swan (лебедь): MKor. kón; Mod. koni.
◊ Nam 50, KED 136.
‖ SKE 123.
-kaŋne helminth: Tung. *kaŋa(r); Turk. *Kɨna.
PTung. *kaŋa(r) helminth (глист): Evk. kaŋir; Evn. qaŋr; Neg. kaŋaj;
Nan. kāŋa (On.); Ork. qaŋaị ‘a k. of fish (навага)’; Orch. kaŋa ‘salmon’.
◊ ТМС 1, 374.
PTurk. *Kɨna helminth (глист): Kirgh. qɨna ‘вредитель хлебных
злаков’; Khak. xɨna; Oyr. qɨna.
◊ VEWT 264.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-káŋV dog: Tung. *kači-kān; Turk. *KAŋ-čɨk; Kor. *kàŋ-.
PTung. *kači-kān puppy (щенок): Evk. kačikān; Evn. qačịqan; Neg.
kačịxān; Ork. kēčike; Nan. kejče(kẽ); Ud. kas῾anǯiga; Sol. xasx.
◊ ТМС 1, 385.
PTurk. *KAŋ-čɨk 1 bitch 2 female (1 сука 2 самка): OTurk. qančɨq
(OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qančɨq (MK) 1; Tur. kanǯɨk 2; Az. GanǯɨG 1; Turkm.
Ganǯɨq 1; MTurk. qančɨq (Pav. C., Houts., Qutb.), qančuq (AH) 1; Uzb.
qɛnǯiq 1; Uygh. qančuq, qanǯiq (dial.) 1; Bashk. qansɨq, qansaj 1; Kirgh.
qančɨq 1; Kaz. qanšɨq, qaŋšɨ 1; KKalp. qanšɨq 1; Kum. qančɨq 1; Nogh.
qanǯɨq 1.
◊ VEWT 230, ЭСТЯ 5, 255-256, Лексика 190. The original *-ŋ- is probably preserved
in Kaz. qaŋšɨ.
PKor. *kàŋ- 1 dog 2 puppy (1 собака 2 щенок): MKor. kàhí 1, kàŋ’àčí
2; Mod. kǟ 1, kaŋaǯi 2.
◊ Nam 8, 28, KED 65, 61. The form kàhí points to a suffixed *kàŋ-h- ( < *kaŋV-k-). With
*-ń- cf. also MKor. kń’uńí ‘a k. of dog’ (Liu 50).
‖ The TM form may belong here if it goes back to *kaŋ-čikān (= PT
*Kaŋčɨk, MKor. kàŋ’àčí). See SKE 84-85, ТМС 1,385, Menges 1984,
270-271, АПиПЯЯ 296, Дыбо 9; TMN 3, 520 (“alles sehr unsicher”).
-kăpi to break, fragile: Tung. *kab-; Mong. *kebere-; Turk. *gebre-.
PTung. *kab- 1 to break, destroy, press 2 to squeeze, knead (1 ло-
мать, разрушать, давить 2 мять): Evn. qawq-, qawl- 1; Neg. kawjụ- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 357, 358. The root is expressive and has several variants: *kab- (see above);
*kapu- reflected in Man. qafur ‘crackling’, Nan. qapo-qapo id., Ul. qapụ(r) id., Orok qapụli-
‘to break’, Evn. qabъr-, Evk. kapu- id. (see ТМС 1, 377-378); *kupu- in Manchu kufujen
‘fragile’.
646 *k[ā]p῾á - *k[ā]p῾á
PMong. *kebere- 1 fragile 2 to break down (1 хрупкий 2 ломаться):
MMong. keberek (HY 54) 1, kebge-, kebke- ‘zu Staub zertreten’ (SH);
WMong. kebereg, keberig 1, kebere-, kebire- 2 (L 439); Kh. xevreg 1, xevre- 2;
Bur. xebreg 1; Kalm. kewreg, kǖrəg 1; Ord. kewerek 1; Bao. kurəg; S.-Yugh.
kebreg; Mongr. kērig (SM 198), kēreG.
◊ KW 229-230, MGCD 338.
PTurk. *geb-re- 1 to become weak, fragile 2 fragile (1 слабеть, ста-
новиться хрупким 2 хрупкий): Karakh. kevre- 1, kevrek 2 (MK); Tur.
gevre- 1, gevrek 2; Gag. gevrek 1; Az. kövräk 2; Uzb. kuwrak 2; Tat. köjrök 2
(КСТТ); Bashk. käwert ‘a tree rotten inside’; Kirgh. küjrö- 1; Kaz. küjrek
2; Khak. kibrek 2; Chuv. kavraj- 1; Yak. kebirē- 1 (possibly < Mong.).
◊ VEWT 244, 245, EDT 691, ЭСТЯ 3, 7-9. Turk. > Hung. kőrő ‘fragile’ Gombocz 1912.
‖ EAS 145, Владимирцов 153-154, 258, Poppe 45. One cannot ex-
clude Mong. < Turk. in this case. An expressive Western isogloss. Cf.
also *k῾p῾e (and Ozawa 201).
-k[ā]p῾á to cover, sack: Tung. *kup-; Mong. *kab-t-; Turk. *Kāp; Jpn.
*kàmpú-.
PTung. *kup- 1 to cover 2 cloth 3 sheath, boxing 4 sack 5 knee cov-
ers 6 hat 7 cover (n.) 8 wadded coat (1 покрывать 2 одежда 3 футляр 4
мешок 5 наколенники 6 шапка 7 покрышка 8 ватный кафтан): Evk.
kuptu-, kupu- 1, kupu 7, kupō 5, kupe 2; Evn. kupke 4, kubi 5, qụptụ 6, köbǯe
2; Neg. kuptin- 1, koptịn 7; Man. xubtu 8; Ul. kup 1 (expr. adv.); Ork.
qụptụ- 1, qōpomị 2; Nan. koptȫ 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 434, 476. Evk. kupe > Dolg. kopō, see Stachowski 153. Manchu xubtu has
variants xukdu, xuktu ( > Nan. xuktu, Neg. xuktu etc.) - which is probably a secondary
merger with a Mong. loanword (Mong. kügdü, v. sub *kugi).
PMong. *kabt- sack (мешок): WMong. qabta-ɣa(n) (L 899); Kh. xav-
tga; Kalm. xaptəxə, xaptrɣə; Ord. GabtarGa; Dag. xartag (Тод. Даг. 174);
Mongr. sdarGa ‘petite bourse, blague, poche’ (SM 333).
◊ KW 167, 180. Mong. qabtaɣa, qabturɣa > Evk. kapturga etc. (see Poppe 1966, 195,
TMN 1, 384-385, Doerfer MT 39); > Kirgh. qaptɨrɣa etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 271-272).
PTurk. *Kāp 1 sack 2 to surround (1 мешок 2 окружать): Karakh.
qap 1 (MK); Tur. kap 1; Gag. qap 1; Az. Gab; Turkm. Gāp 1, Gāba- 2;
MTurk. qap 1 (MA, IM), qaba- ‘to besiege’ (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qɔp 1; Uygh.
qap 1, dial. qaba- 2; Krm. qap 1; Tat. qap 1; Bashk. qap 1; Kirgh. qap 1; Kaz.
qap 1; KBalk. qap 1; KKalp. qap 1; Kum. qap 1; Nogh. qap 1; SUygh. qap 1;
Khak. xap 1; Shr. qap 1; Oyr. qap 1; Tv. xap 1; Tof. qap/b- 1; Yak. xappar 1
(?).
◊ VEWT 233, TMN 3, 366-367, EDT 578 (should be separated from *kab!) ЭСТЯ 5, 159,
266-267 (with a partial confusion with another root, probably of Mongolian origin, see
under *KAmug), 266-267. Despite Doerfer (ibid.) the resemblance with *Kāpuk ‘bark’ is
only superficial. See also notes to *K(i)amak / *K(i)apak ‘forehead, eyebrow/eyelid’.
 *kăp῾è - *kàra 647

PJpn. *kàmpú- helmet (шлем): OJpn. kabut(w)o; MJpn. kàbúto; Tok.

kábuto; Kyo. kàbútò; Kag. kabutó.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ KW 167, 180, Poppe 17, 18, 43, Цинциус 1984, 76-77. Mergers with
phonetically close roots (e. g. *k῾ap῾a ‘barrier’, *k῾op῾e ‘film, covering’,
*kobe ‘clothing’, *k῾āp῾V ‘bladder’) were possible - which may explain
some vocalic and prosodic irregularities.
-kăp῾è to squeeze, press together: Tung. *kap-; Mong. *kajiči; Turk.
*Kɨp-.
PTung. *kap- 1 together 2 to press, squeeze together 3 couple 4
gripe 5 trap (1 вместе 2 давить, прижимать 3 пара 4 тиски, зажим 5
капкан): Evk. kapkal- 2; Neg. kap 1, kapel 5; Man. qab(a) 3, χafira- 2,
χafiraqu 4; SMan. havirəhun, havirəhun (2619) ‘narrow, tight’; Ul. qap 1,
qapụra- 2, qapụraqụ 4, qapalị 5; Ork. qap 1, qapịra 4; Nan. qap 1, qapịra- 2,
qapịraqo 4, qapalị 5; Orch. kapali 1; Ud. käfi- 2 (Корм. 247), kab῾au 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 376, 378-379.
PMong. *kajiči scissors (ножницы): MMong. xajiči (HY 21), qaiči
(MA); WMong. qajiči(n) (L 912); Kh. xajč; Bur. xajša; Kalm. xǟčə; Ord.
xǟči; Dag. kai (Тод. Даг. 148: kaiči, xaiči), kajči (MD 181); Dong. qaičɨ;
Bao. χiči; S.-Yugh. χaiči; Mongr. xi, xći (SM 166), xaiči.
◊ KW 180, TMN 1, 448, MGCD 318. Mong. > Oyr. qajčɨ etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 209-211); Evk.
kajič etc., see Poppe 1966, 193, TMN 1, 449, Doerfer MT 64-65.
PTurk. *Kɨp- 1 to press together 2 scissors 3 tongs 4 to cut (with
scissors) (1 сжимать 2 ножницы 3 клещи): Karakh. qɨftu (MK) 2; Tur.
kɨptɨ (dial.) 2, kɨ(r)p- 4; Az. Gɨrp- 4; Turkm. Gɨp- 1; MTurk. qɨptɨ 2
(Houts., Ettuhf.); Krm. qɨptɨ 2; KBalk. qɨptɨ 2; Khak. xɨptɨ 2, xɨpla- 4; Shr.
qɨptɨ 2, qɨpla- 4; Oyr. qɨpta 2, qɨpčɨn- 1; Chuv. xɨpčъk 3; Yak. kɨptɨj 2, kɨbɨt-,
kɨbɨj- 1; Dolg. kɨptɨj- 2.
◊ VEWT 234, EDT 582, ЭСТЯ 6, 221-222, 224, Stachowski 168.
‖ KW 180, Владимирцов 270, Poppe 48. A Western isogloss. De-
spite Doerfer’s doubts (TMN 1, 450), the Turk. and Mong. forms cannot
be separated from each other. It is interesting also to mention the forms
meaning ‘to wink’ ( < *’press eyelids together’) among the reflexes of
PT *Kɨp- (usually confused with *Kɨp- ‘spark’) and the TM derivative
*kapta- (usually confused with *kapta- ‘flat’). Cf. also *k῾ap῾V.
-kàra ( ~ k῾-) opposite, enemy: Mong. *kar-; Turk. *Kar-; Jpn. *kàtà-.
PMong. *kar- 1 foreign, alien 2 to be related to, connected with (1
чужой, иностранный 2 иметь отношение к, быть связанным с):
WMong. qari 1, qari-lča- 2 (L 937, 939); Kh. xaŕ 1, xarilca- 2; Bur. xari 1,
xarilsa- 2; Kalm. xäŕə 1; Ord. xari 1, xarilčin, xarilčan ‘mutually’.
◊ KW 171. Cf. also MMong. qarɣu-, qarɣa-, Kalm. χarɣə- ‘to meet’ (KW 169).
648 *kara - *kara
PTurk. *Kar- 1 opposite 2 be opposite, meet 3 bandit (1 противопо-
ложный 2 встречаться 3 разбойник): OTurk. qaršɨ (OUygh.) 1; qaraqčɨ
(OUygh.) 3; Karakh. qaršu (MK, KB), qaršɨ (KB) 1, qaraqčɨ (KB) 3, qaraqla-
(MK) ‘to rob’; Turkm. Garšɨ- 2; Garaq 3; MTurk. qaraq (Pav. C., Abush.)
3; Uzb. qɛrɛqči 3; Tat. qaraq 3; Bashk. qaraq 3; Kirgh. qaraqčɨ 3; KKalp.
qaraqšɨ 3; Kum. qaraq 3; Nogh. qaraq 3; Chuv. xirəś- 2; xorax 3; Yak. xar,
xār 1 (Пек.); xar-da ‘retaliation’; xarɨs- ‘to fight (with each other)’; Dolg.
kar-da ‘retaliation’, karɨs- ‘to fight’.
◊ VEWT 235, ЭСТЯ 5, 294-295, 326-327, Ашм. XVI, 219-220, Федотов 2, 365-366, Sta-
chowski 139, 140. Chuv. xirəś- may actually reflect a different root (see *gerüĺ-), or a con-
tamination. Turk. qaršɨ > Mong. qarsi (Clark 1980, 41). Cf. also *Karma ‘robbery’.
PJpn. *kàtà- enemy, opposite (враг, противник): MJpn. kàtàkjì; Tok.
katakí; Kyo. kátàkì; Kag. katakí.
◊ JLTT 443.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 276, Мудрак Дисс. 89. Cf. *kéro. In PTM cf. perhaps
*(x)arča- ‘to meet, oppose (an animal during hunting)’ (ТМС 1, 53) - a
root that should be kept distinct from *ača- ‘to meet’. In this case the
reconstruction *k῾àra should be preferred for PA.
-kara ( ~ -u) to look, observe: Tung. *kara-; Mong. *kara-; Turk. *Karak;
Kor. *kàrm-.
PTung. *kara- 1 to guard, protect 2 to watch (1 беречь, защищать 2
наблюдать): Evk. karama-, karma- 1, kara-m-na- ‘to envy’; Evn. qarɣụs- 1
(Arm.), qarqị- ‘to wait’; Man. qarma- 1 (perhaps also χarša-, ТМС 1, 380);
SMan. qarmə- (797) 1; Ul. qarGa-čụ- 2; Ork. qarGa- 2; Nan. qarGa-čị- 2;
◊ ТМС 1, 381-382. The Evk. form kar(a)ma- is cited from Lee 1958 (quoting Shiro-
kogoroff 1944 which was unavailable to us).
PMong. *kara- 1 to look 2 patrol, watch (1 смотреть 2 патруль, ка-
раул): MMong. qara- 1, qara’ul (SH) 2, qara- (MA, HYt) 1; WMong. qara-
1, qaraɣul 2 (L 932, 933); Kh. xara- 1, xarūl 2; Bur. xara- 1; Kalm. xarə- 1;
Ord. xara- 1; Mog. qara- 1 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xarāla- 1 (Тод. Даг.
174), xarōl 2; S.-Yugh. χarūl 2, χarəmul ‘sight’; Mongr. xarla- (SM 164),
xarə- 1; xarəmul ‘sight’.
◊ KW 169, MGCD 329, 331, 334. Mong. > Chag. etc. qara-, qarawul (see TMN 1, 401,
Щербак 1997, 208; a backloan from Turkic is probably ZM qarawol (8-6a) ‘vanguard’),
ЭСТЯ 5, 288-289, 290-291.
PTurk. *Karak 1 eye-ball 2 eye 3 a gentle address (“my dear”) (1
зрачок 2 глаз 3 ласковое обращение): OTurk. qaraq 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. qaraq 2 (MK, KB); Tur. köz karasɨ 1, Osm. (XV) qaraq 2; Az. göz
Garasɨ 1; Turkm. Garaq 1; MTurk. qaraq (Pav. C., Бор. Бад., Sangl.) 1,
(Abush.) 2; Uzb. qɔrɛčiq 1; Uygh. qar(i)čuq 1; Kirgh. qaraq 3, dial. qareq 1,
2; Kaz. qaraq 3, qarašɨq 1; KKalp. qaraq 3, qarašɨq 1; Nogh. qarašɨq 1; Khak.
 *kàra(ma) - *kare 649

xarax 2, dial. xaračɨ 1; Shr. qaraq 2; Oyr. qaraq 1, 2; Tv. qaraq 2; Tof. qaraq
2; Chuv. koś xori 1; Yak. xarax 2; Dolg. karak 2.
◊ VEWT 235-236, TMN 3, 434-436, EDT 652, Ашм. VII, 36, ЭСТЯ 5, 295-296, Лексика
210, Stachowski 138. Deriving *Karak from *Kara ‘black’ (see also TMN 1, 401) is highly
dubious both for semantic and morphological reasons; forms like Tur. göz karasɨ result
from secondary reanalysis. Cf. also the forms *Kara-la- ‘to stare’ (Az. qarala-, Uygh.
qarala-, see ЭСТЯ 5, 289), *Karaj- ‘to watch, preserve’ (Yak. xaraj-, Dolg. karaj-; Yak. xarɨs
‘care, wariness’, Dolg. karɨstā- ‘to care, beware’, see Stachowski 138, 140) - which, in con-
trast to qara- ‘look’ ( < Mong.) are unlikely to be borrowed.
PKor. *kàrm- 1 to keep, preserve 2 to wash the dead, bury (1 хра-
нить 2 обмывать покойника, хоронить): MKor. kàrm- 1, 2; Mod.
kam-čhu- ‘to hide’.
◊ Nam 22, KED 50.
‖ KW 169, VEWT 235 (the TM forms in ТМС 1,380 - Man. qara-, qa-
run etc. - are obviously borrowed from Mongolian, see Doerfer MT 51,
138, Rozycki 135), Lee 1958, 114, АПиПЯЯ 287.
-kàra(ma) thin stick, rod: Tung. *kar-; Turk. *Karmak; Jpn. *kàrim; Kor.
*kármó.
PTung. *kar- rod, thin branch (прут, лоза): Evk. kar, kari, karê.
◊ ТМС 1, 379. Cf. perhaps also Orok qarụmalịma ‘children’s sledge’ (?).
PTurk. *Karmak 1 fishing rod 2 hook (1 удочка 2 крюк): Karakh.
qarmaq (KB) 1,2; Tur. karmuk 2, dial. garmaɣ 1; Az. GarmaG 1,2; Turkm.
Garmaq 1,2; MTurk. qarmaq (IM, MA) 1, 2; Uzb. qɛrmɔq 2; Uygh.
qa(r)maq 1,2; Tat. qarmaq 1,2; Bashk. qarmaq 1,2; Kirgh. qarmaq 1,2; Kaz.
qarmaq 1,2; KKalp. qarmaq 1,2; Nogh. qarmaq 1,2; Khak. xarmax 1,2; Shr.
qarbaq 1,2; Oyr. qarmaq 1,2; Tv. dial. qarmaq 1,2.
◊ VEWT 238, ЭСТЯ 5, 309-310 (usually considered to be derived from *Karba-, but
this is phonetically dubious).
PJpn. *kàrim axle, metal tube for axle (ось, втулка): OJpn. karimo;
MJpn. kàmò.
◊ JLTT 436.
PKor. *kármó axle, metal tube for axle (ось, втулка): MKor. kármó.
◊ Nam 19.
‖ The root is not widely represented, but seems reliable; the mean-
ing ‘axle’ in Kor.-Jpn. has developed < ‘thin stick’.
-kare bow, to shoot from a bow: Tung. *kar-; Mong. *karbu-; Turk. *Kɨrɨĺ
/ *kiriĺ.
PTung. *kar- 1 to kill 2 to fight (1 убивать 2 драться): Evk. kare- 1;
Ork. karamači- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 380, 381.
PMong. *karbu- to shoot from a bow (стрелять из лука): MMong.
qarbu (HY 39, SH), qarbu- (MA); WMong. qarbu- (L 936); Kh. xarva-; Bur.
xarba-; Kalm. xarwə-; Ord. xarwa-, xarwu-; Mog. qarbuxči ‘gun’ (Weiers);
650 *karmo - *kàrò(mV)
Dag. xarba-, xarma- (Тод. Даг. 174); harebe- (MD 157); Bao. χurə-;
S.-Yugh. χarwu-; Mongr. xarmu- (SM 164).
◊ KW 177, MGCD 331. Mong. qarbu- > Evk. garpa-, garpū- etc. (ТМС 1, 142).
PTurk. *Kɨrɨĺ / *kiriĺ bow string (тетива): OTurk. kiriš (OUygh.);
Karakh. kiriš (MK); Tur. kiriš; Az. kiriš; Turkm. kiriš; MTurk. kiriš (Pav.
C., IM, AH, Qutb.); Krm. kiriš; Tat. kereš; Bashk. kereš; Kirgh. kirič; Kum.
kiriš; Nogh. kiris; Khak. kərəs, xɨrɨs; Shr. kiriš; Oyr. kiriš; Tv. kiriš; Chuv.
xirlü; Yak. kiris, kɨrɨs.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 71-72, Лексика 578.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *kàra.
-karmo a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *karmu- / *karbu-; Turk. *Kordaj ( <
*Korm-daj ?); Jpn. *kàmmái (~-ia); Kor. *kằrmjkí.
PTung. *karmu- / *karbu- 1 a k. of swallow 2 a k. of duck (1 ласточ-
ка береговая 2 утка-чернеть): Evk. karbukī 2; Nan. qarmor 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 379. Cf. also *komparī ‘heron’ ( < *karmorī?), see ТМС 1, 413.
PTurk. *Kordaj ( < *Korm-daj ?) pelican; swan (пеликан; лебедь):
Karakh. qordaj (MK); Uygh. qodaj ‘swan’; Khak. xordɨ ‘heron’; Oyr. qor-
doj ‘heron’.
◊ VEWT 282, EDT 649, Лексика 173, ЭСТЯ 6, 79. Cf. also Shor qoromčuq
‘полунощник’ (птица). Turk. > Mong. qorda (KW 187).
PJpn. *kàmmái (~-ia) gull (чайка): OJpn. kamame; MJpn. kàmómé;
Tok. kàmome; Kyo. kàmòmé; Kag. kamomé.
◊ JLTT 436.
PKor. *kằrmjkí gull (чайка): MKor. kằrmjkí, kărmjəkɨi; Mod.
kalmägi.
◊ Nam 20, KED 45.
‖ Martin 232-233, Лексика 173. Cf. perhaps MMong. qara’una (HY
15) ‘a k. of bird’. The tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is ir-
regular. Like many bird names, an expressive and rather unreliable
root.
-kàrò(mV) ( ~ k῾-) a k. of weed, cockle: Tung. *kara ( ~ *x-); Mong.
*karaɣu, *karbaɣur; Turk. *KAramuk; Jpn. *kàràmùsì; Kor. *kắràč.
PTung. *kara ( ~ *x-) a k. of weed (негодная трава, плевел): Man.
χara.
◊ ТМС 1, 379.
PMong. *karaɣu, *karbaɣur 1 darnel grass, smut 2 privet, a k. of
shrub or weed (волоснец даурский, Elymus) (1 плевел, головня 2 вид
кустарника или сорного растения (волоснец даурский, Elymus)):
WMong. qaraw, (L 933) qaraɣu 1, qarbaɣur 2; Kh. xarū 1, xarvor 2; Bur.
xarbūl, xarbūr 2.
PTurk. *KAramuk cockle (куколь): Karakh. qaramuq (MK); Tur.
dial. karamuk; MTurk. qaramuq (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qɔrɛmuɣ; Uygh.
 *kărsi - *kàru 651

qarimuq; Tat. qaramɨq (Sib.); Kirgh. qaramɨq; Kaz. qaramɨq; KKalp.

qaramɨq; Kum. qaramčɨq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 296-297.
PJpn. *kàràmùsì Boehmeria frutescens, a k. of hemp (вид конопли,
Boehmeria frutescens): MJpn. kàràmùsì; Tok. karamushi.
◊ JLTT 439. Analysed within Jpn. as kara ‘China’ + musi ‘ramie’, which may be a folk
etymology.
PKor. *kắràč Setaria viridis; Lolium temulentum (Setaria viridis; Lo-
lium temulentum): MKor. kắràs; Mod. karaǯi.
◊ Nam 11, KED 10.
‖ Lee 1958, 112 (Tung.-Kor.). Turkic has *KAra- (not *Kora-), obvi-
ously influenced by *Kara- ‘black’. Cf. similar weed names: Turk.
*Küreŋ ‘sedge’ (ЭСТЯ 5, 147-148), Mong. küresün, kürmenli, kürümeli id.
-kărsi fox, marten: Tung. *karsi; Mong. *kirsa; Turk. *KArsak.
PTung. *karsi marten (куница): Man. χarsa; Nan. qarsa; Ud. kahä
(Корм. 246).
◊ ТМС 1, 361.
PMong. *kirsa steppe fox (степная лиса): MMong. kirsa (HY 10);
WMong. kirsa (L 472); Kh. ars; Kalm. kirsə; Ord. girsa.
◊ KW 232. Mong. > Kirgh. qɨrsa, Yak. kɨrsa (VEWT 267), Evk., Evn., Man. kirsa ‘steppe
fox’ (ТМС 1, 399, Rozycki 140); but the TM names for ‘marten’ are genuine, despite Doer-
fer MT 142.
PTurk. *KArsak steppe fox (степная лиса): OTurk. qarsaq (OUygh.);
Karakh. qarsaq (MK); Turkm. Garsaq; MTurk. qarsaq (IM, Ettuhf.); Uzb.
qɛrsɔq; Tat. qarsaq; Bashk. qarhaq; Kirgh. qarsaq; Kaz. qarsaq; KKalp. qar-
saq; Nogh. qarsaq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 313, Лексика 161, TMN 3, 442.
‖ Новикова 1972, 129-130, Лексика 161. A Western isogloss.
-kàru ( ~ k῾-) black: Mong. *kara; Turk. *Kara; Jpn. *kùruà-.
PMong. *kara black (черный): MMong. qara (HY 41, SH), qara (IM),
qăra (MA); WMong. qara (L 931); Kh. xar; Bur. xara; Kalm. xarъ; Ord.
xara; Mog. qarō; ZM qarā (13-8); Dag. xara, xar (Тод. Даг. 174), hare (MD
157); Dong. qara; Bao. xera; S.-Yugh. xara; Mongr. xara (SM 158).
◊ KW 168, MGCD 328. Mong. > Evk. karā, Man. qara etc. ‘black (of horse)’ (ТМС 1,
379, Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 101, 133); > MKor. kara (măr), see Lee 1958, 119).
PTurk. *Kara black (черный): OTurk. qara (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. qara (MK, KB); Tur. kara; Gag. qara; Az. Gara; Turkm. Gara; Sal.
Gara; Khal. qara; MTurk. qara (MA, IM, Pav. C., AH, Бор. Бад.); Uzb.
qɔrɛ; Uygh. qara, dial. qare; Krm. qara; Tat. qara; Bashk. qara; Kirgh. qara;
Kaz. qara; KBalk. qara; KKalp. qara; Kum. qara; Nogh. qara; SUygh. Gara;
Khak. xara; Shr. qara; Oyr. qara; Tv. qara; Tof. qara; Chuv. xora; Yak. xara;
Dolg. kara.
652 *kărV - *kasa
◊ VEWT 235, TMN 3, 426-432, EDT 643-4, ЭСТЯ 5, 286-289, 299-100, Лексика
592-593, Stachowski 138, Федотов 2, 362.
PJpn. *kùruà- black (черный): OJpn. kurwo-; MJpn. kùrò-; Tok. kuró-;
Kyo. kúrò-; Kag. kuró-.
◊ JLTT 833.
‖ EAS 107, Владимирцов 324, ОСНЯ 1, 338, АПиПЯЯ 54-55, 73,
103-104, 274. Despite TMN 3, 427, Щербак 1997, 134, there is no need
to regard the Mong. word as borrowed from Turkic (although it is not
excluded).
-kărV a k. of bird: Tung. *kara-; Mong. *kar-; Turk. *K(i)ar-.
PTung. *kara- 1 woodcock 2 hazel grouse 3 wild birds (ducks,
geese) 4 jackdaw 5 a k. of bird 6 rook 7 black heron 8 cormorant (1
вальдшнеп 2 рябчик 3 дикие птицы (утки, гуси) 4 галка 5 вид пти-
цы 6 грач 7 черная цапля 8 баклан): Evk. kara 1, karakī 2; Neg. karax 3;
Man. qaraki 6, qaralǯa 7, qarasu 8; Ork. qarị 4; Nan. qarqaj 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 379.
PMong. *kar- 1 grey crane 2 swallow (1 серый журавль 2 ласточ-
ка): MMong. xarijača (HY 14) 2; WMong. qarkira 1 (L 940), qarijačai 2 (L
938); Kh. xarācaj 2; Bur. xarāsgaj 2; xarxali ‘чекан (птица из семейства
дроздовых)’; Kalm. xarādā 2 (КРС); Ord. xarāčǟ 2; Dong. qaranča 2;
Mongr. xara(n)ćiG (SM 159), xarabǯaGē 2, xarančiGē 2.
PTurk. *K(i)ar- 1 heron, crane 2 swallow, swift (1 цапля, журавль 2
ласточка): OTurk. qarlɨɣač (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qarlɨɣač, qarɣɨlač (MK) 2;
Tur. karkara 1, kɨrlanɣɨč, kɨrlɨk 2; Az. GaranGuš, Garaɣloš 2; Turkm.
Garqara (dial.) 1, Garlavāč 2; MTurk. qarluwač, qarluɣač (Sangl., Pav. C.,
MA), qarlaɣač (Houts.), qarlawuč (AH); Uzb. qɛrqɛrɛ 1, qɛldirɣɔč 2; Uygh.
qaqira 1, qalɣač (dial.) 2; Tat. qarlɨɣač 2; Bashk. qarlɨɣas (dial.) 2; Kirgh.
qarqɨra 1, qardɨɣač 2; Kaz. qarqɨra 1, qarlɨɣaš 2; KBalk. qarɨlɣač 2; KKalp.
qarlɨɣaš 2; Kum. qarlaɣač, qarlɨɣač 2; Nogh. qarlɨɣaš 2; Khak. xarlaɣas,
xarlɨɣas (dial.) 2; Shr. qarlāš 2; Oyr. qarlaɣaš, qarɨlɣaš 2; Yak. xaraŋaččɨ 2.
◊ EDT 657, ЭСТЯ 5, 306-309; Лексика 175-176.
‖ A Western isogloss. See Лексика 175, Pelliot HMP 573 (Doerfer
TMN 3, 499: “unsicher”). Like many bird names, the root is expressive
and probably onomatopoetic in origin.
-kasa to prohibit, be in one’s way: Tung. *kas-; Mong. *kasi-; Jpn.
*kasi-m-; Kor. *ksr-.
PTung. *kas- 1 to reproach 2 to look down on (1 упрекать 2 пре-
небрежительно глядеть): Evn. qas- 1; Man. qasana- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 382.
PMong. *kasi- to have a bitter experience, become frustrated (не
удаваться, разочаровываться): WMong. qasira- (L 942); Kh. xašir,
 *kaserV - *kāšu(kV) 653

xašra-; Bur. xašar ‘хлопоты, беспокойство’; хašar- ‘испытывать

отвращение’; Ord. Gašara-; S.-Yugh. Gašar-.
◊ MGCD 334.
PJpn. *kasi-m- annoying, noisy (надоедливый, шумный): OJpn.
kasi-ma-si; MJpn. kasi-ma-si, kasi-ga-ma-si; Tok. kashimashi-.
◊ JLTT 831.
PKor. *ksr- to oppose, defy (противостоять, пренебрегать):
MKor. ksr-; Mod. kəsɨrɨ-.
◊ Liu 42, KED 85.
‖ Cf. *kesa, *gaso.
-kaserV ( ~ k῾-) young cow, heifer: Mong. *kasirag; Turk. *Kɨsɨr.
PMong. *kasirag a 3-year-old cow, heifer (трехлетняя корова, тел-
ка): WMong. qasiraɣ (L 942); Bur. xašarag ‘двухгодовалый телок, двух-
летний бычок’, xašarag bāxaldaj ‘двухлетний медведь’.
◊ Mong. > Khak. xazɨra etc.; cf. also (from xašrag?) Kaz. qašar, Chag. qačarǯa, see ЭСТЯ
5, 343; Russ. dial. kačarák and similar forms, see Аникин 275, 276.
PTurk. *Kɨsɨr 1 barren (cow) 2 barren mare (1 яловая (корова) 2
яловая кобыла): Karakh. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsraq 2 (MK); Tur. kɨsɨr 1, kɨsrak 2; Gag.
qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; Az. Gɨsɨr 1, GɨsraG 2; Turkm. Gɨsɨr 1, Gɨsraq 2; Khal. qɨsɨr
1; MTurk. qɨsɨr (Pav. C.) 1, qɨsɨraq 2 (Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. qisir 1; Uygh.
qisir 1; Krm. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; Tat. qɨsɨr 1; Bashk. qɨϑɨr 1, qɨϑɨraq (dial.) 2;
Kirgh. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; Kaz. qɨsɨr 1, qɨsɨraq 2; KBalk. qɨsɨr 1; KKalp. qɨsɨr 1,
qɨsɨraq 2; Kum. qɨsɨr 1; Nogh. qɨsɨr 1; SUygh. qɨsɨraq 2; Khak. xɨzɨr 1,
xɨzɨrax 2; Shr. qɨzɨr 1; Oyr. qɨzɨr 1; Tv. qɨzɨr 1, qɨzɨraq 2; Chuv. xəzər 1,
kəsre 2; Yak. kɨtarā- ‘стать стародойною, яловеть’; Dolg. kɨtarak ‘bar-
ren’.
◊ EDT 668-669, VEWT 267, 268, ЭСТЯ 6, 249-251, Stachowski 170. Turk. > Kalm. kīsr,
KW 234 (but Doerfer TMN 3, 476 objects, saying that Kalm. is a “dialektische Variante
von kǖsr < ke’ü-ser”); > Mong. qusuraŋ / kisuraŋ ‘barren (cow)’ > Man. kisari.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss., with many later interlingual loans.
-kāšu(kV) to tickle: Tung. *kašaka-; Mong. *giǯige; Turk. *Kčɨk, *gīči-;
Jpn. *kúsú(n)kúr-.
PTung. *kašaka- 1 to tickle 2 to become scabby 3 scabs (1 щекотать
2 паршиветь 3 парша, струпья): Evk. kačaka- 1; Neg. kačaxa- 1; Man.
qasana-, qasqana- 2, qasqa(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 382, 385.
PMong. *giǯige tickle (щекотка, щекотать): WMong. giǯige, geǯige;
geǯigele-, geǯigene-, giǯigene- (L 381); Kh. giǯig; Bur. gežegendehe(n); Kalm.
giǯŋne-.
◊ KW 135.
PTurk. *Kčɨk, *gīči- 1 itching, tickling 2 to tickle (1 зуд, щекотка 2
щекотать): Karakh. kiči-, qɨčɨ-la- (v.) (MK); Tur. giǯik- 2, giǯik, gɨǯɨk 1;
654 *kat῾[a] - *kt῾e
Turkm. gīǯi 1, Gɨǯɨq 1, gīǯe- 2; MTurk. giǯik 1 (Pav. C.); Krm. kiči- 2; Tat.
keče- (dial.) 2; KBalk. kičüw 1; Tv. kiǯi- 2; Tof. kiǯi- 2; Chuv. kəźə 1.
◊ VEWT 260, 269, ЭСТЯ 3, 42-43, 6, 186-187, TMN 3, 567, EDT 591, 695. The back row
variant is interacting with PT *Kɨč- ‘to scrape, itch’ q. v. sub *k῾ùčù.
PJpn. *kúsú(n)kúr- to tickle (щекотать): Tok. kùsugur-; Kyo.
kúsúgúr-; Kag. kusugúr-.
◊ JLTT 717.
‖ ЭСТЯ 3, 43. Some irregularities are due to expressivity.
-kat῾[a] ( ~ -t-) to mix, join: Tung. *kata-; Mong. *kudku-; Turk. *Kat-;
Jpn. *kata-.
PTung. *kata- 1 to tie hard 2 band 3 friend (1 крепко привязывать
2 лента, тесьма 3 друг): Evn. qataq 3; Neg. kataɣa- 1, katịxa 3; Man. χata
2; Ul. qatara- 1; Ork. qatara- 1; Nan. qatara- ‘to grasp one’s hair’.
◊ ТМС 1, 384.
PMong. *kudku- to mix (смешивать): WMong. qudqu- (L 981); Kh.
xutga-; Bur. xudxa-; Kalm. xutxə- (КРС); Ord. Gudxu-; Dag. korku-;
Dong. quduɣu-; Bao. doGə-; S.-Yugh. qudGə-; Mongr. GusGu- (SM 128).
◊ MGCD 394. Mong. > Evk. kutku- etc., see Doerfer MT 111.
PTurk. *Kat- to mix, add, tie to (смешивать, добавлять): OTurk.
qat- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qat- (MK, KB); Tur. kat-; Az. Gat-; Turkm.
Gat-; MTurk. qat- (Sangl., MA, Pav. C., Qutb.); Uygh. qat-; Tat. qat-;
Bashk. qat-; Kirgh. qat-; Kaz. qat-; KBalk. qat-; KKalp. qat-; Kum. qat-;
Nogh. qat-; Khak. xat-; Shr. qat-; Oyr. qat-; Tv. qa’t-; Tof. qa’t-; Chuv.
xodъš ‘mixture’; Yak. xat- (but kɨtar- ‘to mix’); Dolg. kat-.
◊ EDT 594-595, VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 336, 337-338, Stachowski 141, Федотов 2, 373-
374.
PJpn. *kata- to mix, join, unite (смешивать, соединять): OJpn. kata-;
MJpn. kata-.
◊ JLTT 706.
‖ The Mong. vocalism is not quite clear.
-kt῾e to knock (of hooves), trot: Tung. *kata- / *kete-; Mong. *katari-;
Turk. *Ktɨr-; Kor. *kthí-.
PTung. *kata- / *kete- to knock (with hooves), sound of knocking
(стучать (копытами), подражание стуку): Neg. keter-keter; Man.
kete-qata; Ul. ketes; Ork. qatam, qatar, qatari; Nan. keter-keter.
◊ ТМС 1, 384, 456. Other expressive variants are: Man. kitir seme ‘quick (of horse
trot)’ (ТМС 1, 400), *kute- (ТМС 1, 440).
PMong. *katari- to trot (скакать, бежать рысью): WMong. qatari- (L
945); Kh. xatira-; Bur. xatar ‘рысь’; Kalm. xatərə- (КРС); Ord. Gatari-,
Gatira-; Dag. katrə- (Тод. Даг. 148: katara-), katere (MD 182).
◊ MGCD 336. Mong. > Manchu katara- ‘to trot’ (see Rozycki 135).
 *kébà(rV) - *kḗči 655

PTurk. *Ktɨr- to walk, go round (ходить, обходить вокруг): Tur.

kɨdɨr- (dial.); Turkm. Gɨdɨr- (dial.); Uzb. qidir-; Krm. qɨdɨr-; Tat. qɨdɨr-
(dial.); Bashk. qɨδɨr-; Kirgh. qɨdɨr-; qɨdɨŋ ‘семенящий при беге (о жив.)’;
Kaz. qɨdɨr-; KBalk. qɨdɨr-; KKalp. qɨdɨr-; Kum. qɨdɨr-; Nogh. qɨdɨr-; Yak.
kɨtɨgɨras ‘проворный, быстрый, резвый (о звере), скороход’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 185.
PKor. *kthí- to stumble (спотыкаться): MKor. kthí-.
◊ Nam 36.
‖ An expressive root, but seems to be common Altaic.
-kébà(rV) field, steppe: Tung. *keber-; Mong. *keɣere; Jpn. *kápí.
PTung. *keber- plain, steppe, meadow (равнина, степь, луг): Evk.
kewer, kewe-kte; Evn. kēr-ke; Sol. xeber.
◊ ТМС 1, 443.
PMong. *keɣere steppe, desert (степь, пустыня): MMong. ke’er (SH,
HY 4), keher ‘desert’ (IM); WMong. keɣere (L 443); Kh. xēr; Bur. xēre
‘steppe; taiga’; Kalm. kērə (КРС); Ord. kēre; Dag. xēr, kēr (Тод. Даг. 149);
hēre (MD 159); S.-Yugh. kēre.
◊ TMN 1, 484, MGCD 337.
PJpn. *kápí valley between mountains (долина между гор): OJpn.
kapji; MJpn. káfí.
◊ JLTT 433.
‖ EAS 89, Poppe 48, АПиПЯЯ 14, 68. Despite Poppe 1972, 97, TMN
1, 485, Doerfer MT 94, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-kḗči night, evening: Mong. *keči-; Turk. *gēč (-e); Jpn. *kisə.
PMong. *keči- day before yesterday (позавчера): Dag. kečig udur
(Тод. Даг. 150), kečihe (MD 182).
PTurk. *gēč (-e) 1 long time 2 late 3 be late 4 night 5 evening 6 yes-
terday (1 долго 2 поздний 3 опаздывать 4 ночь 5 вечер 6 вчера):
OTurk. keč 1, 2, keč- 3, keče 4, 5 (OUygh.); Karakh. keč 1, 2 (KB, MK), keč-
3 (MK), kečä 4, 5 (KB, MK); Tur. geč 2, geǯe 4; Gag. geǯä 4; Az. geǯä 4;
Turkm. gīč 2, gīǯe 4; Sal. gäǯi 4; Khal. kīečä 4; MTurk. geče 4 (Pav.C.);
Uzb. keča 4, 6; Uygh. käčä 5; Krm. geǯe 4; Tat. kič 5, kičɛ 5, 6; Bashk. kis 5,
kisä 5, 6; Kirgh. keč 2, kečē 4, 5; Kaz. keš 2, 5, kešä 5, 6; KBalk. keč 5, keče;
KKalp. keš 2, 5; Kum. geče 4; Nogh. keš 2, 5; SUygh. kiče 4 (Mal.); Khak.
kiǯē 6; Shr. kečik 5 (Верб.); Oyr. keč 2, 5, keče 6; Tv. kežē 5; Tof. keǯe 5;
Chuv. kaś 5; Yak. kiehe 5; Dolg. kiehe 5.
◊ VEWT 245, EDT 692-3, 694-5, ЭСТЯ 3, 40-41, 50-51, Лексика 82, Stachowski 147.
PJpn. *ki(n)sə last night (прошлой ночью): OJpn. kjiso; MJpn. kiso.
◊ JLTT 452. OJ also has kjinopu ‘yesterday’ (modern kinō), which may be a contraction
< *kisə-nə-pu (with a not quite clear -pu: is it = *pi ‘day’?).
‖ See Лексика 82: rather dubious, because of very scanty attestation
in Mongolian.
656 *kč῾á - *kejbe
-kč῾á slanting, oblique: Tung. *kečeri-; Mong. *keče; Turk. *Kač-; Jpn.
*kàntúa; Kor. *kjčh.
PTung. *kečeri- to turn, change sides (поворачивать(ся)): Ul. ke-
čeri-mbuči-; Nan. kečeri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 456.
PMong. *keče 1 slope 2 to be slanting, oblique, steep (1 склон, откос
2 косой, пологий, крутой): WMong. keč 1 (L 440: keče 2); Kh. xec 1; Bur.
xesɨ- 2; Kalm. kecə 1 (КРС); Dag. keči ‘edge, bank, shore’ (MD 182);
Dong. qeča ‘shore’ (Тод. Дн.).
PTurk. *Kač- slanting (косой): Tur. kačɨk; Tat. qaʒaj- (Sib.); Khak.
xaǯɨ-, xasxax ‘bent backward’; Shr. qazɨr- ‘to bend’; Tv. xažɨj-tɨr; Chuv.
xoś- ‘to bend’.
◊ VEWT 217, Ашм. XVI 242-246.
PJpn. *kàntúa angle, corner (угол): MJpn. kàdó; Tok. kádo; Kyo. kàdó;
Kag. kadó.
◊ JLTT 432.
PKor. *kjčh side (сторона): MKor. kjčh; Mod. kjət [kjəth].
◊ Nam 44, KED 128.
‖ Cf. *k῾ǯa, *kéč῾a (the three roots are sometimes difficult to distin-
guish). The medial -j- in Kor. is not quite clear.
-kéč῾à side: Jpn. *kátà; Kor. *kčh.
PJpn. *kátà side, direction; form, shape (сторона, направление;
форма, вид): OJpn. kata; MJpn. kátà; Tok. katá; Kyo. kátà; Kag. káta.
◊ JLTT 442.
PKor. *kčh outer appearance, exterior (внешний вид, внешность):
MKor. kčh; Mod. kəǯuk, kət [kəth].
◊ Nam 40, KED 87, 104.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss. See Martin 241, АПиПЯЯ 297 (with some
confusion of Kor. *kčh ‘exterior’ and *kằč- ‘near; end, limit’, see under
*kèč῾a, *k῾oǯa). The root seems very similar to both *kèč῾a and *k῾ǯa, but
in fact cannot be reduced to either of them. It is not even excluded that
the root does not exist at all: Kor. kčh ‘exterior side’ may be just a vari-
ant of kàčh ‘skin’ (see under *káč῾u), while Jpn. kátà may go back to PA
*k῾ada ‘side, to turn’ (q.v.).
-kejbe to lie: Tung. *kebi-; Mong. *keb-; Jpn. *kəjə-; Kor. *kìbúr-.
PTung. *kebi- to bow down, lie low (пригнуться, лечь ничком):
Man. keb, keo (seme); Ul. kebile-.
◊ ТМС 1, 442.
PMong. *keb- 1 to lie 2 to bow down (1 лежать 2 склоняться, наги-
баться): MMong. kibtä-, kbtä- (MA), kebte-, kebde-, gebte- (SH) 1;
WMong. kebte- 1 (L 439), kebiji- 2; Kh. xevt- 2, xevij- 2; Bur. xebte-; Kalm.
keptə-; Ord. gebte-; Mog. teftä-; KT tebtä (11-1a); Dag. kert-, kerte- 1 (Тод.
 *kḗjna - *keju 657

Даг. 150), kerete- 1 (MD 183); Dong. kiǯie-; Mongr. kidē- (SM 200) ‘to lie
(of animals)’.
◊ KW 226, MGCD 339.
PJpn. *kəjə- to lie (лежать): OJpn. koju-.
◊ JLTT 711.
PKor. *kìbúr- to bow down, be sloping, decline (наклоняться):
MKor. kì’úr-; Mod. kiul-.
◊ Nam 79, KED 272.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294, Ozawa 203-204, SKE 114.
-kḗjna ( ~ g-) crab; tick: Turk. *gĒne; Jpn. *kání; Kor. *ki.
PTurk. *gĒne tick, name of different parasites (клещ, назв. различ-
ных паразитов): Tur. gene, kene; Az. gänä; Turkm. gǟnä; Uzb. kana; Kaz.
kenä; KKalp. kene.
◊ VEWT 251, TMN 3, 615-616, ЭСТЯ 5, 63-64, Лексика 183. Voiced *g- and front row
vocalism speaks against the theory of Turk. being < Pers. kana (although some forms like
Khalaj kana and Turkm. dial. kǟnä may have been influenced by the Persian word - which
itself has so far no Iranian etymology and must be regarded as a Turkic loanword).
PJpn. *kání crab (краб): OJpn. kani; MJpn. kání; Tok. kàni; Kyo. kání;
Kag. káni.
◊ JLTT 437.
PKor. *ki crab (краб): MKor. ki; Mod. kē.
◊ Liu 51, KED 106.
‖ Martin 229, Miller 1980, 161-162, 1985a, 81, 1986, 48, Лексика 183.
Medial *-j- has to be reconstructed to account for loss of resonant in
Korean.
-keju ( ~ k῾-) to boil: Mong. *kajira-; Turk. *Kạjɨn-; Kor. *kò’-.
PMong. *kajira- to burn, roast (жарить): WMong. qajira-, qaɣari- (L
907); Kh. xajr-; Bur. xajra-; Kalm. xǟr-; Dag. xaira- (Тод. Даг. 172), xāri-
(Тод. Даг. 174); S.-Yugh. q῾ạjru- ‘to boil’ .
◊ KW 180. Mong. > Man. χari- etc. (ТМС 1, 463, Doerfer MT 142).
PTurk. *Kạjɨn- to boil (Intr.) (вариться): OTurk. qajɨn- (OUygh.);
Karakh. qajna- (MK, KB); Tur. kajna-; Gag. qajna-; Az. Gajna-; Turkm.
Gajna-; MTurk. qajna- (Qutb., IM); Uzb. qɛjnɛ-; Uygh. qajna-; Tat. qajna-;
Bashk. qajna-; Kirgh. qajna-; Kaz. qajna-; KKalp. qajna-; Nogh. qajna-;
Khak. xajna-; Oyr. qajna-; Tv. xajɨn-; Yak. kj- (kɨńńɨ-); Dolg. kɨjnar-,
kjnar- (trans.).
◊ VEWT 222, ЭСТЯ 5, 203-205, Stachowski 168, 171.
PKor. *kò’- to boil (варить): MKor. kò’-; Mod. kō-.
◊ Nam 48, KED 137.
‖ A possible derivative is PA *keju-ŕ(ga) ‘kettle’: PT *Kāŕgan (ЭСТЯ
5, 186-188 - a contraction < *Kaj-rgan ?); Mong. kaji-sun ( < *kajir-sun);
PTM *kejren (ТМС 1, 444); see KW 169; ЭСТЯ 5, 188. In that case PA *k-
should be reconstructed.
658 *kḕju - *kela
-kḕju to pass beyond: Tung. *kēj-; Turk. *Kej-; Jpn. *kúaja-.
PTung. *kēj- 1 to go astray 2 to become wild (of a reindeer) (1 за-
блудиться, уйти в сторону 2 одичать (о домашнем олене)): Evk. kēj-
1; Evn. kējun- 1; Neg. kej- 2.
◊ ТМС 1,444.
PTurk. *Kej- to go away (уходить): Chuv. kaj-.
◊ Attested only in Chuvash; PT antiquity is dubious.
PJpn. *kúaja- to pass over, transgress (переходить, миновать):
OJpn. kwoja-; MJpn. kója-; Tok. kòe-; Kyo. kóé-; Kag. koé-.
◊ JLTT 710.
‖ The Jpn. form goes back to *keju-(ga)-. The Turkic parallel raises
doubts: the isolated Chuv. form may stem from Mari kaj- ‘to go’ ( < FU
*käwe, UEW 654), as suggested in VEWT 221.
-kekŋV breast, chest, ribs: Tung. *keŋ-tire; Mong. *keŋgir-; Turk.
*gEgrek.
PTung. *keŋ-tire 1 breast, chest 2 side (of body) (1 грудь 2 бок):
Evk. keŋtire 1; Evn. kēntъre 1; Nan. keŋtere 1; Ud. keŋte 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 451.
PMong. *keŋgir- chest (грудь): WMong. keŋgirdeg; Kh. xenxerceg,
xenxreg; Kalm. keŋgrtəg, keŋkrdəg; Dag. kenger (Тод. Даг. 149).
◊ KW 226. Mong. > Man. keŋgeri, Sol. xeŋer (see Doerfer MT 138); Kirgh. keŋirdek.
PTurk. *gEgrek lower soft ribs (нижние мягкие ребра): Tur. geɣrek;
Turkm. gejrek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 14, Дыбо 307, Лексика 276.
‖ Дыбо 307, Лексика 232, 276. A Western isogloss.
-kek῾V palate, throat: Tung. *kexere; Mong. *kekü-; Turk. *gekir-dek.
PTung. *kexere hard palate (твердое нёбо): Ul. kekere, kexere, xexere;
Nan. xexere; Orch. kexe; Ud. ke (Корм. 253).
◊ ТМС 1, 445.
PMong. *kekü- 1 throat cavity 2 upper part of body, thorax (1 гло-
точная полость 2 верхняя часть туловища): WMong. keküdeg 2 (L 446:
keküdeg, keküreg), kükege 1; Kh. xexdeg 2, xüxē 1; Ord. geχüdek 2.
PTurk. *gekir-dek throat, trachea, cartilage (глотка, трахея, хрящ):
Tur. gegirtlek (dial.); Turkm. kekirdek; MTurk. kekirtek (MA); Uzb. kekir-
dak; Uygh. keki(r)däk; Tat. kikertäk (КСТТ); Bashk. kigerläk (dial.); Kirgh.
kekirtek; KKalp. kegirdek; Nogh. kekirdevik; Chuv. kagъr.
◊ VEWT 248, ЭСТЯ 5, 26, Лексика 232. In many languages the word was influenced
by the verb *gēkir- ‘to belch’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kela ( ~ k῾-, -o) to rise, jump up, soar: Mong. *kali-; Turk. *Kạl(ɨ)-.
PMong. *kali- to fly, soar (парить): WMong. qali- (L 919); Kh. xali-;
Bur. xali-; Kalm. xäĺə-; Ord. xali-.
 *kele - *kelta(rV) 659
◊ KW 176.
PTurk. *Kạl(ɨ)- 1 to rise 2 jump up (1 подниматься 2 подпрыги-
вать): OTurk. qalɨ- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qalɨ- (MK, KB) 2; Tur. kalk(ɨ)- 2,
kal-dɨr- (caus.); Az. Galx- 1, Gal-dɨr- (caus.); Turkm. Galk- 1, Gal-dɨr-
(caus.); MTurk. qalq- (Pav. C., Буд.) 1, (Houts., IM) 2, qal-dur- (caus.)
(Pav. C.); Uzb. qalq- 1, qalqi- 1, 2; Tat. qalq- 1,2; Bashk. qalq- 1; Kirgh.
qalqɨ- 1; Kaz. qalqɨ- 1; KKalp. qalqɨ- 1; Kum. qalq- 1; Nogh. qalq- 1; Khak.
xalɨ- 1,2 (dial. Sag.); Oyr. qalɨ- 1,2; Tv. xalɨ- 1,2; Yak. kɨlɨj- 1,2.
◊ VEWT 226, ЭСТЯ 5, 224-226.
‖ KW 163, 176, 177, ОСНЯ 1, 335. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; but a suf-
fixed form *kel-k῾a- may be discoverable in OJ kaker- ‘to fly, soar’ (see
Miller-Street 1975, 73-75, Street 1985, 641).
-kele ( ~ -i, -o) daughter-in-law, bride: Tung. *keli; Turk. *gẹlin.
PTung. *keli 1 relative-in-law 2 girl, sister (1 свойственник, -ца 2
девушка, сестра): Evk. keli(n) 1, kiliwlī 2; Evn. keli 1; Neg. keli 1, kelewlị
2; Man. keli 1; Ul. keli(n) 1; Ork. keli(n) 1; Nan. keli 1; Orch. keli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 393, 446.
PTurk. *gẹlin bride, daughter-in-law (невеста, невестка): OTurk.
keliŋ-ün (Orkh., Coll.), kelin (OUygh.); Karakh. kelin (MK, KB); Tur. ge-
lin; Gag. gelin; Az. gälin; Turkm. gelin; Sal. kein, kiin (ССЯ); Khal. kälin
(gälin < Az.); MTurk. kelin (Sangl., Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. kelin; Uygh.
kelin; Krm. kelin; Tat. kilen; Bashk. kilen; Kirgh. kelin; Kaz. kelin; KBalk.
kelin; KKalp. kelin; Kum. gelin; Nogh. kelin; SUygh. kelin (Malov); Khak.
kilən; Shr. kelin; Oyr. kelin; Tv. kelin; Tof. helin, henni-; Chuv. kin, kilən-;
Yak. kijīt (*plur.).
◊ VEWT 248, EDT 719, ЭСТЯ 3, 16-18, Лексика 302.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 296, Räsänen 1955, 18:3, 9. A well known Turk.-Tung.
isogloss. Despite Doerfer TMN 3, 667 (Tung.-Turk.: “...der Vergleich
zweifelhaft bleibt”; Turk. *gelin < *gel- ‘come’ - “ethnologisch sehr
überzeugende Etymologie”...), the relation between PT *gẹl- ‘to come’
and *gẹlin ‘daughter-in-law’ is purely folk-etymological.
-kelta(rV) variegated, spotted: Tung. *kelder; Mong. *kaltar; Turk.
*Kartal.
PTung. *kelder 1 variegated, spotted 2 mole (1 пестрый, пятни-
стый 2 родимое пятно): Evn. keldъr 2; Neg. keldejin 1; Ul. kelderu(n) 1;
Ork. kelderu 1; Orch. kegdi 1; Ud. kedei 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 446.
PMong. *kaltar variegated, dirty, brown (of horse) (пестрый, гряз-
ный, гнедой (о лошади)): WMong. qaltar (МXTTT); Kh. xaltar; Bur.
xaltar; Kalm. xaltər (КРС); Ord. Galtar; Mog. ? kala ‘spotted’ (Weiers);
Dag. kaltār (Тод. Даг. 148).
660 *kèĺčo - *kèĺǯo
◊ Mong. > Manchu. qaltara ‘a brown horse with white around the mouth and eyes’
(see Rozycki 131).
PTurk. *Kartal variegated (sheep) (пестрый (баран)): Karakh. qartal
qoj (MK).
◊ EDT 648-649.
‖ A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps OJ kata-na- ‘dirty’ (if not = kitana-
id.). Turkic reflects a metathesized form (*Kartal < *Kaltar).
-kèĺčo to scrape, rub: Tung. *keli-; Mong. *kalča-; Turk. *Kạĺčɨ-; Jpn.
*kàsù-r-; Kor. *kắr-.
PTung. *keli- 1 knife, blade 2 to cut, cut out (1 нож, лезвие 2 ре-
зать, вырезать): Evk. keli 1; Evn. kēlre 1; Ork. keli- 2; Nan. keli- 2; Ud.
keli- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 446.
PMong. *kalča- 1 to flay, tear off 2 to be flayed (1 сдирать, отди-
рать 2 облезать (о коже)): MMong. qalčaruqsan nuqai ‘облезлая
собака’ (MA 289); WMong. qalčala- 1, qalcara- 2 (L 918: qalčar-); Kh. xal-
cla- 1, xalcra- 2; Bur. xalsar- 2; Kalm. xalcr- 2.
◊ KW 163.
PTurk. *Kạĺčɨ- to scrape (скрести, царапать): Karakh. qašɨ- (MK);
Tur. kašɨ-; Az. Gašɨ-; Turkm. Gaša-; MTurk. qašɨ- (Abush., MA); Uzb.
qaši-; Tat. qašɨ-; Bashk. qašɨ-; Kirgh. qašɨ-; Kaz. qasɨ-; KKalp. qasɨ-; Nogh.
qasɨ-; Chuv. xɨś-; Yak. kɨhɨj-.
◊ VEWT 240, ЭСТЯ 5, 348, Мудрак 98. Turkic is a probable source of MMong qaši’ur
‘scraper’ (cf. Chag. qašaɣu etc., see Щербак 1997, 135).
PJpn. *kàsù-r- to scrape (скрести, царапать): MJpn. kàsù-r-; Tok.
kasúr-u; Kyo. kásúr-; Kag. kasúr-.
◊ JLTT 705.
PKor. *kắr- to rub, polish (тереть, полировать): MKor. kắr-; Mod.
kāl-.
◊ Nam 20, KED 43-44.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 81-82, АПиПЯЯ 75, Мудрак Дисс. 89-90.
-kèĺǯo bald, bald spot: Mong. *kalǯa-; Turk. *KAĺ(č)ga; Jpn. *kàsìrà; Kor.
*kór(čhí).
PMong. *kalǯa- bald, having a white blaze (лысый (о человеке), со
звездочкой (о лошади)): MMong. qalǯan, qalčaɣai (MA); WMong.
qalǯa(n), qalǯi(n), qalčaɣai (L 918, 922-923); Kh. xalʒan, xalcgaj; Bur. xalzan,
xalsagai; Kalm. xalcъɣǟ ‘haarlos, grasslos’; Ord. xalǯan; Dag. xalǯin;
S.-Yugh. GalǯaŋGar.
◊ KW 163, MGCD 319. The forms with -lč- are a result of contamination with *kalča-
‘to rub, flay, tear off’ (v. sub *kèĺčo); but neither can be borrowed from Turkic, despite
Щербак 1997, 135. Mong. > Chag. qalčɨɣaj; Manchu qalǯa etc. (see ТМС 1, 366, Rozycki
130) > MKor. kančjá măr (Lee 1964, 190).
 *kéma - *kéma 661

PTurk. *KAĺ(č)ga white spot, white blaze (белое пятно, лысина):

Karakh. qašɣa (MK); Tur. kaška; Az. GašGa; Turkm. dial. GašGa; MTurk.
qašqa (AH, MA); Uzb. qɛšqɛ; Uygh. qašqa; Tat. qašqa; Bashk. qašqa; Kirgh.
qašqa, qačqa; Kaz. qasqa; KBalk. qašxa; KKalp. qasqa; Nogh. qasqa; Khak.
xasxa; Shr. qašqa.
◊ VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 350-351. Cf. also the probable deriving stem in Tuva xaš
‘worked thin leather’, Tof. xaš ‘naked, napless (skin)’ (Рас. ФиЛ 186).
PJpn. *kàsìrà head (голова): OJpn. kasira; MJpn. kàsìrá, kàsìrà; Tok.
kashirá; Kyo. káshìrà; Kag. kashirá.
◊ JLTT 441 (’head; chief’). The word means ‘head’ (also ‘head part’, ‘chief part’) in
most modern and Middle Japanese sources (explicitly so in Wamyōshō); KKJ (p. 232) also
lists the meaning ‘hair of head’ (attested in Tosa Nikki), obviously secondary, with a
rather natural semantic transition. IKJ (p. 297) glosses the word as “denoting the whole
head including the hair and face”, as opposed to kaube ( = kami-be) denoting only the top
of the head and to atama “fontanelle”. The only clear OJ (Man’yōshū 4346) example
(kasira kakinade...) may be well translated (and usually is translated) as ‘stroking the
head’. Therefore the idea (see Vovin 2000) that the original meaning of kasira was ‘hair of
head’ (the meaning that was always expressed in Japanese as kami) is most certainly
wrong - just as his attempt to link it with the rather obscure Old Korean 麻帝核試 (MC
mạ-tìej-xäik-śì) ῾hair of head’. The latter should be probably read as [məri-ɣak-si], where
məri- is ῾head’, while -ɣak-si may stand for kark-[si] - with kark- being identical to MKor.
kārki ῾mane’, modern məri-kharak ῾hair of head’. Despite the uncertainty of Old Korean
readings in general and of -si in Old Korean -ɣak-si, it seems much more reasonable to
link the Old Korean and later Korean sources than to invent a new Old Korean word *kasi
῾hair’ and compare it with a wrongly interpreted Old Japanese word.
PKor. *kór(čhí) brain, marrow (мозг): MKor. kor, kór-čhí; Mod. kol.
◊ Nam 51, KED 156. The meaning ‘head’ in modern dialects proves that the original
meaning was ‘brain, head’ (in literary Korean the word usually means ‘marrow’ while
‘brain’ is expressed as məri-k:ol, lit. “head brain”). The meaning ‘marrow’ may have been
additionally induced by the analogy with kol-su (MKor. kor-sju) ‘bone marrow’, borrowed
from MC 骨髓 kot-sjwé; but Kor. *kor itself has of course nothing to do with MC kot ‘bone’.
‖ KW 163, Poppe 17 (Doerfer TMN 3, 479: “aus phonetischen
Gründen unsicher”). The meaning ‘head’ in Kor.-Jpn. (whence ‘brain’
in Kor.) is secondary, with a universally usual semantic shift ( < ‘bald
spot’; cf. Slavic *golъ ‘bare, naked’ and *golva ‘head’ etc.; see Фасмер 1,
429). -čhí in MKor. may either reflect the variation of the reflexes of
*-ĺǯ- (it is interesting to note also MKor. kắrčhjŋ ‘young skin of a plant’,
which may actually reflect the same root), or a compound with -čhi
‘stuff, thing’. Cf. also *keĺčo ‘to scrape, rub’: the two roots tend to be
confused with each other.
-kéma ( ~ k῾-, g-) stove, cauldron: Turk. *Kemeke; Jpn. *kámá; Kor.
*kàmá.
PTurk. *Kemeke stove, stove hole (печь, углубление в печи):
Kirgh. kemege; Khak. kimege; Shr. kebege; Oyr. kemege; Chuv. kъₙmaga.
◊ VEWT 250, ЭСТЯ 5, 35-36, Мудрак 94, Лексика 359.
662 *kma - *kemŕa
PJpn. *kámá stove (печь, очаг): OJpn. kama, kama-dwo; MJpn. kámá;
Tok. kàma, kamado; Kyo. kámá; Kag. káma.
◊ JLTT 435.
PKor. *kàmá cauldron (котел): MKor. kàmá; Mod. kama.
◊ Nam 4, KED 14.
‖ SKE 90.
-kma (~ -o) to gnaw, bite: Tung. *kem-ki-; Mong. *kemeli-; Turk.
*gEmür-; Jpn. *kàm-.
PTung. *kem-ki- to bite (of a dog, goose) (кусать, хватать за ноги):
Man. kemki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 448. Attested only in Manchu, but probably archaic (cf. the external evi-
dence).
PMong. *kemeli-, *kemi- 1 to gnaw 2 to bite (1 грызть 2 кусать):
MMong. kemile- 1 (MA); WMong. kemeli-, kemele- (L 451), kemile- 1;
kemki- 2 (DO 413); Kh. ximle-, xemle- 1; Bur. ximel- 1; Kalm. keml- 1; Ord.
kemele- 1, kemχel- 2; Dag. keme- (Тод. Даг. 149) 1 (MGCD keḿ-, kemi-);
Bao. kamel- 2; S.-Yugh. kemle- 1 (MGCD kelme-); Mongr. xamla- 1.
◊ KW 225, MGCD 348, 350. Cf. also kemki- ‘to grind, to bite’.
PTurk. *gEmür- to gnaw (грызть, глодать): Karakh. kemür- (MK);
Tur. gemir-, kemir-; Gag. kemir-; Az. gämir-; Turkm. gemir-; MTurk.
kömür- (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. kemir-; Uygh. kemi(r)-; Krm. kemir-; Tat.
kimer-; Bashk. kimer-; Kirgh. kemir-; Kaz. kemir-; KBalk. kemir-; KKalp.
kemir-; Kum. gemir-; Nogh. kemir-; Khak. kimər-; Oyr. kemir-; Tv. xemir-;
Tof. xemir-; Yak. kömürüö ‘spongy bone’.
◊ VEWT 251, EDT 723, ЭСТЯ 3, 18-19, Лексика 262.
PJpn. *kàm- to bite (кусать): OJpn. kam-; MJpn. kàm-; Tok. kám-;
Kyo. kàm-; Kag. kám-.
◊ JLTT 703.
‖ KW 225, АПиПЯЯ 112, 274, Лексика 262. Borrowing in Mong.
from Turk. is impossible (despite Щербак 1997, 126); the Manchu form,
however, may be < Mong. (see Rozycki 137).
-kemŕa shoulderblade: Tung. *kende; Mong. *kemde-; Turk. *[k]Ebŕe.
PTung. *kende shoulderblade (лопатка): Evk. kendekē; Evn. kēndъt;
Neg. kendexe; Ork. kende.
◊ ТМС 1, 448.
PMong. *kemde- bone in horse’s foot (кость в ноге лошади): Kalm.
kemdəgn.
◊ KW 224.
PTurk. *[k]Ebŕe shoulderblade (лопатка): Tur. kebze ‘shoulder-
blade, augury’; Gag. kebze; Az. gäbzä ‘handle’; Turkm. kebze; MTurk.
kebze ‘shoulder’ (Sangl.); Tat. kɛwsɛ ‘tree stem’; Bashk. kɛwδɛ ‘body’;
Kaz. kebze, köwzö (R); KKalp. kebze ‘breast’.
 *kemV - *ke(n)da 663
◊ VEWT 245, EDT 905, Лексика 242-243. The quality of the initial velar is not quite
clear: the Az. form perhaps preserves an archaism, while other Oghuz forms may be
kypchakisms; otherwise its Altaic connections become more dubious. KKalp. kepše
‘shoulderblade’ quoted in VEWT means in reality ‘a small shovel’ (Russ. лопатка), from
Pers. kapča = Osm. kepče ‘ein grosser Löffel’ (VEWT 254).
‖ Дыбо 306, Лексика 243. A Western isogloss.
-kemV a k. of fruit with seeds inside: Tung. *kemu-kte; Mong. *kemeke;
Kor. *kām.
PTung. *kemu-kte 1 rowan (berry) 2 a k. of berry, shamrock (1 ря-
бина (ягода) 2 кислица, костяника): Evk. kempi 1 (Sakh.); Orch. kē-
mukte 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 448.
PMong. *kemeke small pumpkin, cucumber, gourd (маленькая ты-
ква, огурец, арбуз): WMong. kemeke (L 451); Kh. xemx.
PKor. *kām persimmon (хурма): MKor. kām; Mod. kām.
◊ Liu 29, KED 49.
‖ One is also tempted to compare PJ *kákí ‘persimmon’ ( < *kem-k῾a),
but the word can be alternatively compared with TM *gaka-kta ‘cran-
berry’ (ТМС 1, 136). Cf. also other similar plant names: *komga, *gaŋu,
*k῾éma.
-kḕnda a k. of ungulate animal: Tung. *kēnde; Mong. *kandagaj; Turk.
*KAt.
PTung. *kēnde harnessed deer (упряжной олень): Evn. kēnde; Man.
anči-la- ‘to gather in herds (of deer in summer)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 448, 461.
PMong. *kandagaj elk (лось): MMong. qandaqai (SH); WMong.
qandaɣai (L 927); Kh. xandgai; Bur. xandagai; Kalm. xandəɣā (КРС); Dag.
xandag (Тод. Даг. 173); S.-Yugh. χandaχan.
◊ MGCD 325. Mong. > Evk. kandaɣā etc., see ТМС 1, 372, TMN 1, 420, Rozycki 132; >
Russ. Siber. kandagáj, see Аникин 255.
PTurk. *KAt (?) a fabulous animal, unicorn (сказочное животное,
единорог): OTurk. qat (OUygh.: Chin.-Uygh. Dict.); MTurk. (Xwar.) qat
(Oghuz-nama).
◊ VEWT 241, TMN 4, 393, EDT 593. Somewhat dubious: the word may represent a
rendering of Sanskr. khaḍga ‘rhinoceros’ (through Tokharian?); cf. OUygh. ktki ‘id.’.
‖ A Western isogloss; not quite reliable because of poor attestation
(and possible borrowed nature?) in Turkic and TM. Cf. OJ. kédá-mono
‘animal’ (?).
-ke(n)da ( ~ -o) a k. of coniferous tree: Tung. *kende-; Turk. *Kạdɨ.
PTung. *kende- a k. of tree (вид дерева): Nan. kendele(n), kendelē(n)
(Он.) ‘thuja’; Orch. kēndēlē ‘name of a tree’; Ud. kendele ‘red tree’ (Корм.
254).
664 *kenta - *kēńa
◊ ТМС 1, 449.
PTurk. *Kạdɨ pine tree (сосна): Khak. xara-xazɨ; Tv. xadɨ; Tof. xadɨ;
Chuv. xɨrъ; Yak. kɨtɨan ‘juniper’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 291-292, Мудрак Дисс. 179. Most languages reflect the compound
*Kara-kạdɨ (borrowed in Mong. as qaraɣai ‘larch’).
‖ A not quite certain Turk.-Tung. isogloss; Helimski 1995 supposed
a loan in Turk. < Sam. *kaətə.
-kenta threshold, gate: Tung. *kende-; Jpn. *kántuà.
PTung. *kende- 1 threshold 2 to hinder, obstruct (1 порог 2 загора-
живать, отгораживать): Neg. kende 1; Ul. kenderxi(n) 1, kenǯi- 2; Nan.
kenderxĩ 1, kēnǯi- 2; Orch. kenderku, kenderxi 1, kēndi- 2; Ud. kondopti 1
(Корм. 250).
◊ ТМС 1, 448.
PJpn. *kántuà gate (ворота): OJpn. kadwo; MJpn. kádò; Tok. kádo;
Kyo. kádò; Kag. kadó.
◊ JLTT 431. The Kyoto and Kagoshima accent is quite irregular - obviously, due to a
merger with *kàntúa ‘corner’.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-kènǯé late: Mong. *kenǯe; Turk. *gEnč; Jpn. *kns.
PMong. *kenǯe late, aftermath; late-grown crop, late-born child
(поздний урожай, поздний ребенок): WMong. kenǯe (L 454); Kh.
xenʒ; Bur. xenze; Kalm. kenzə (КРС); Ord. kenǯi ‘late-born (about the
second lamb or yeanling of the same year)’, kenǯile- ‘agneler deux fois
par an’; Mongr. kinēle- ‘agneler deux fois par an’ (SM 204).
◊ Mong. > Chag. kenǯe etc. (see ЭСТЯ 3, 20-21); Evk. kenǯe etc., see TMN 1, 488, Doer-
fer MT 131, Rozycki 138.
PTurk. *gEnč young, child (молодой, ребенок): OTurk. kenč
(OUygh.); Karakh. kenč (MK, KB); Tur. genč/ǯ-; Gag. genč/ǯ-; Az. gänǯ;
Krm. genč.
◊ EDT 727, ЭСТЯ 3, 20-21, VEWT 252 (not < Pers., despite Räsänen; see TMN 1, 488).
PJpn. *kns last year; last night (прошлый год; прошлая ночь):
OJpn. kozo; MJpn. kòzó.
◊ JLTT 460.
‖ Ramstedt 1951, 66. Despite TMN 1, 488, Clark 1980, 43 hardly bor-
rowed in Mong. from Turk. (the semantics is too different for a borro w-
ing).
-kēńa front leg, armpit, angle: Tung. *keńe- / *kuńe-; Mong. *ka(i); Turk.
*Kājnat; Jpn. *kanai.
PTung. *keńe- / *kuńe- 1 shin 2 stockings (1 голень, колено 2 ун-
ты): Evk. keńete, kuńetu 2; Evn. kēńeče 2, kȫnčen 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 420, 449.
 *kḕńu - *kḕńu 665

PMong. *ka(i) front legs (передние ноги): MMong. qa, qaji(n) (SH);
WMong. qa, qaɣa (L 895: qa ‘the part of the foreleg of an animal between
the shoulder and the knee’); Kh. xaa; Bur. xa; Kalm. xā.
◊ KW 166.
PTurk. *Kājnat 1 wing 2 fin (1 крыло 2 плавник): OTurk. qanat
(OUygh.- YB) 1; Karakh. qanat (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kanat 1, 2; Gag. qanat 1;
Az. Ganad, gänäd (dial.) 1; Turkm. Gānat 1; Sal. qanat (Kakuk,ССЯ);
MTurk. qanat (Abush., MA) 1; Uzb. qanɔt 1; Uygh. qanat 1; Krm. qanat 1,
2; Tat. qanat 1; Bashk. qanat 1; Kirgh. qanat 1; Kaz. qanat 1; KBalk. qanat
1, 2; KKalp. qanat 1; Kum. qanat 1; Nogh. qanat 1; SUygh. qejnat 1; Khak.
xanat 1, 2; Shr. qanat 1; Oyr. qanat 1, 2, qanar 2; Chuv. śonat 1, 2; Yak.
kɨnat, kɨɨat 1; Dolg. kɨnat 1.
◊ VEWT 230, TMN 3, 518, EDT 635, ЭСТЯ 5, 252-253, Федотов 2, 137, Лексика
149-150, Stachowski 168. Initial ś- in Chuv. is unclear (effect of *-j-?).
PJpn. *kanai rule, gusset (наугольник, ластовица): MJpn. kane;
Tok. kane.
‖ ОСHЯ 1, 304; Дыбо 312-313; VEWT 230, Лексика 149-150. Cf. also
Kalm. xanə ‘маховые перья’ (KW 165, АПиПЯЯ 289); but due to re-
stricted distribution in Mong. this form should be rather considered a
Turkism (see Щербак 1997, 133).
-kḕńu distress, envy: Tung. *kēńe-; Mong. *ken- / *kin-; Turk. *köń- ( ~
-j-); Jpn. *kuna-.
PTung. *kēńe- 1 be superstitious 2 to praise, flatter 3 to speak, tell 4
to curse, rebuke 5 to doubt, suspect (1 быть суеверным 2 хвалить 3 го-
ворить, объяснять 4 ругать 5 сомневаться, подозревать): Evk. kēńe- 2;
Evn. kēńew- 1; Neg. kēńe- 2; Man. xendu- 3, kenexunǯe- 5; Jurch. xen-du-ru
(467) 3; Ork. ken- 3, kene- 2; Ud. keni- 4; Sol. xēnī- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 448, 449-450.
PMong. *ken- / *kin- 1 psychosis, distress 2 to grudge, envy (1 пси-
хоз, расстройство 2 завидовать): MMong. kinetu ‘злопамятный’
(MA); WMong. kenege 1 (L 453), kinu- 2 (L 470); Kh. xenē 1, ana- 2; Bur.
xenē ‘болезненность’; Ord. kenē ‘maladie chronique’; Mongr. ćini, ćinći
‘colère’ (SM 451).
◊ Mong. kinu- > Man. kinu- id. (see Rozycki 140).
PTurk. *köń- ( ~ -j-) 1 to suffer, grieve 2 to regret 3 to envy 4 to be
angry 5 to offend 6 grief, sorrow (1 страдать, горевать 2 жалеть 3 за-
видовать 4 гневаться 5 обижать 6 печаль): Karakh. küj- ~ köj-: köŋli
küjüp ‘with pain in one’s heart’ (MK), küj- 4 (KB); Az. göjnä- 2; Turkm.
köj- 1; Khal. (jirek) kien- 1; Uzb. kuj-, kujin- 1; Uygh. köj-, köjün- 1; Tat.
köjü-, köjen- 1; Bashk. köj- 1, köjönös 6; Kirgh. küj-, küjün- 1; Kaz. küj-,
küjin- 1; KBalk. küj-, küjün- 1, küjük ‘envious’; KKalp. küj-, küjin- 1; Kum.
666 *kŋi - *keŋV
güj- 1; Nogh. küj-, küjün- 1; Khak. köj- 3; Oyr. küj-dür- 5, küjün- 3; Chuv.
kəₙvəś- 3.
◊ EDT 726. In all languages the root is completely homonymous with the reflexes of
*köń- ‘to burn’ (v. sub *k῾ùńe), which throws doubts on its etymological independence.
PJpn. *kuna- madness, psychosis (сумасшествие, психоз): OJpn.
kuna-tabure; kata-kuna ‘stupid, obstinate’.
◊ JLTT 443.
‖ In Turkic one would expect *geń-; the root, however, has since the
oldest texts almost completely merged with PT *köń- ‘to burn’, so as to
become almost indistinguishable from the latter. See also notes to
*gno.
-kŋi hollow, empty: Tung. *keŋ-; Mong. *keŋ-, *köŋ-; Turk. *geŋiŕ; Kor.
*kíń-.
PTung. *keŋ- 1 emptiness 2 to empty 3 hole, ice-hole 4 emptied (1
пустота 2 опорожнять 3 впадина, прорубь 4 опустевший): Evk.
keŋku-tēk 1, keŋre 3, keŋgur 4; Evn. kȫŋkī- 2, kēŋgule 3; Ud. keŋku 1 (Корм.
254).
◊ ТМС 1, 450-451.
PMong. *keŋ-, *köŋ- 1 to be empty, hollow, sunken 2 hole, hollow
(1 быть пустым, полым, впалым 2 дыра, полость): WMong. keŋkeji-
(L 454), köŋkeji- (L 489) 1, köndei (L 487) 2; Kh. xenxij-, xönxij- 1, xöndöj 2;
Bur. xünxi ‘hollow under ice’; Kalm. köndä 2 (КРС); Ord. köŋχī- , xoŋxȫ-;
Dag. kuēndī 2 (Тод. Даг. 150); Mongr. keŋgī (SM 196), koŋ 1.
◊ MGCD 374. Mong. > Kirgh. köŋdöj etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 106-107); > Dolg. keŋkej-; Yak.,
Dolg. köŋdöj (see Stachowski 145, 156).
PTurk. *geŋiŕ nasal cavity (полость носа): Tur. geniz; Az. gäniz,
gänzik; Turkm. geŋz-ew ‘nasal’; Kirgh. keŋilǯer; Yak. keŋerī ‘bridge of
nose’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 27, Лексика 216.
PKor. *kíń- nest (гнездо): MKor. kís ‘nest’, kíń- ‘to nest’; Mod. kit
(kis).
◊ Nam 83, KED 282.
‖ ЭСТЯ 5, 107 (Mong.-Tung.). In Mong. the root has several expres-
sive variants (cf. also PA *k῾eŋa). In Kor. an early palatalization oc-
curred (*-ŋi- > -ń-). See also notes to PA *k῾ēmŋV ‘wide’.
-keŋV to bite, gnaw: Tung. *keŋi-; Turk. *KEŋdi-.
PTung. *keŋi- to bite, gnaw (кусать, глодать): Evk. keŋi-; Neg. kēŋi-;
Nan. keŋne-.
◊ ТМС 1, 450.
PTurk. *KEŋdi- to gnaw (глодать): Karakh. keŋdi- (KB); Khak.
keŋne- (R. Sag.); Shr. keŋdi-.
 *kēpu - *kĕpV 667
◊ VEWT 253 (all forms found only in Radlov’s dictionary: R 2, 1071, 1072).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-kēpu to chew: Tung. *keb-; Mong. *kebi-; Turk. *gēb-; Jpn. *kùp-.
PTung. *keb- 1 to gnaw, bite (with front teeth) 2 to pierce through 3
a big arrow (1 грызть, кусать (передними зубами) 2 продырявить 3
большая стрела, пробивающая насквозь): Evk. kewde- 2; Evn. kēwri-
1; Man. kejfule- 2, kejfu 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 442.
PMong. *kebi- to chew (жевать): MMong. kebi- (MA); WMong. kebi-
(L 439); Kh. xeve- (Gomb.); Bur. xibe- ‘жевать (только о жвачных жи-
вотных)’; Kalm. kew-; Ord. kewe-; S.-Yugh. kewə-; Mongr. kēji- (SM 199),
(MGCD kē-).
◊ KW 229, MGCD 348.
PTurk. *gēb- to chew (жевать): Karakh. kev- (MK); Tur. gev-; Gag.
gevše-; Az. göjüš ‘cud’; Turkm. gǟvü-š ‘cud’; Sal. küšä-; Khal. kǟviš ‘cud’;
MTurk. keviš ‘cud’ (MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. kawša-; Uygh. köjši-; Krm.
kövše-n-; Tat. küšä-; Bashk. köjöš ‘cud’; Kirgh. küj-š-ö-; Kaz. küjis ‘cud’;
KKalp. güjse-; Kum. güjše-; Nogh. küjze-; Khak. kipse-n-; Shr. kepže-n-;
Oyr. kepše-; Tv. kegže-n-; Tof. kegže-; Chuv. kavle-; Yak. kebī-.
◊ VEWT 244, EDT 687, ЭСТЯ 3, 5-7.
PJpn. *kùp- to eat (есть): OJpn. kup-; MJpn. kùf-; Tok. kú-; Kyo. kù-;
Kag. kù-.
◊ JLTT 718.
‖ KW 229, Poppe 20, 46, ОСНЯ 1, 293, АПиПЯЯ 15, 69, 109, 279,
Ozawa 208-209, Дыбо 14, Лексика 227. Correspondences are regular
except for low tone in Jpn. (high tone would be expected).
-kĕpV upper part of body (trunk): Tung. *keb-te; Mong. *keberdeg;
Turk. *gebde.
PTung. *keb-te 1 belt 2 to bulge (of belly) (1 пояс, набрюшник 2
выпятить живот): Evk. kebder- 2; Man. xebtexe 1; Jurch. xebu-de (227) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 387-8, 442.
PMong. *keberdeg body (rump, breast and belly) (тело, туша (кре-
стец, грудь и живот)): WMong. keberdeg; Kalm. kewrdg; Ord. kemerdek
‘thorax, chest’.
◊ KW 229.
PTurk. *gebde upper part of body (верхняя часть тела): OTurk.
kövdöŋ (OUygh.); Tur. gövde; Az. gövdä; Turkm. gövde, gövre; Uzb. gavda;
Krm. gövde; Tat. gɛwdɛ (dial.); Kirgh. kȫdö, kȫdön; Kaz. kewde; KKalp.
gewde, kewde; Nogh. kewde; Chuv. xevte, xəvtü ‘power’.
◊ EDT 688, VEWT 259, ЭСТЯ 3, 52-53, Егоров 297, Федотов 2, 339-340, Дыбо 5, Лек-
сика 267.
668 *kḗp῾à - *kḗp῾V
‖ Дыбо 5, Лексика 267. A Western isogloss. The root is sometimes
difficult to distinguish from *kēp῾V ‘belly’ and *k῾eba ‘corpse’, due to
natural contaminations.
-kḗp῾à face, shape: Tung. *kepe; Mong. *keɣe; Turk. *gēp; Jpn. *kápúa.
PTung. *kepe 1 jaw 2 gills 3 boards (on boat’s front) (1 челюсть 2
жабры 3 передние доски (на лодке)): Evk. kewe 1; Evn. kewē 1; Ul.
kepi(n) 2, 3; Ork. kepi 3; Nan. kepĩ 2, 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 442-443, 451. Despite Poppe 1974, 132, Evk. kewe has nothing to do with
Mong. köbege ‘edge’.
PMong. *keɣe ornament, form, example (украшение, форма, при-
мер): WMong. kege(n) (L 442); Kh. xē; Bur. xē; Kalm. kē.
◊ KW 230. Mong. > Tat. kijä, Turk. kɨja etc. (VEWT 247).
PTurk. *gēp form, example, image (форма, пример, изображе-
ние): OTurk. kep ( ~ -i-) (OUygh.); Karakh. keb ( ~ -i-) (MK); Turkm. gǟp;
MTurk. käp (AH); Kirgh. kep; KKalp. kep; Kum. kep; Nogh. kep; SUygh.
kep; Khak. kip; Shr. käp; Oyr. kep; Tv. xep; Chuv. kap; Yak. kiep.
◊ EDT 686, VEWT 253, ЭСТЯ 5, 44-45 ( > Mong. keb, see Щербак 1997, 127). Bulg. >
Old Slav. kapь. Turk. > Hung. kép ‘image’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kápúa face (лицо): OJpn. kap(w)o; MJpn. káfó; Tok. kào; Kyo.
káó; Kag. káo.
◊ JLTT 438.
‖ A good common Altaic root; the original meaning is ‘face’ or
‘jaws’, with a more abstract meaning ‘shape’ developed in the Western
area (a very usual semantic development).
-kḗp῾V belly: Tung. *kepel-; Mong. *keweli; Turk. *gēp-.
PTung. *kepel- belly, stomach (живот, желудок): Evn. kъbъl, kēbъl;
Man. xefeli, xefali; SMan. kevələ, xevələ ‘stomach, belly; bosom’ (87);
Jurch. xefuli (508).
◊ ТМС 1, 387-388.
PMong. *keweli belly; pregnancy (живот; беременность): MMong.
ke’eli (HY 47, SH), kähäl (IM), kili (MA); WMong. kegel, kebel (L 438, 442:
kegeli, kebeli); Kh. xēl, arch. xevel; Bur. xēli; Kalm. kēlə, kewl; Ord. kēl ‘foe-
tus’; Dag. kēli (Тод. Даг. 149, MD 182); Dong. kieli; Bao. kele; Mongr. kēle
(SM 198).
◊ KW 230, MGCD 337.
PTurk. *gēp- 1 to swell, swollen (of belly) 2 to become pregnant,
pregnant 3 to be arrogant, inflated (1 пухнуть (о животе) 2 береме-
неть, беременная 3 чваниться, важничать): Tur. gebe 2; Gag. gebe 2;
Az. gäbiz ῾constipation’; Turkm. gǟbe 1; MTurk. gebe 2 (Pav. C.); Tat.
kəpər-, kəprəj- 3; Bashk. kəpəj- 1, kəprəj- 3; Kirgh. kebeǯe, keber 1; Kaz. ke-
beže 1; KKalp. kep-, gebeže 1; Tv. xever- 1; Chuv. kabar ‘insatiable, glut-
tonous’; Yak. kiebir- 3.
 *kéra - *kèra 669
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 36. The root is partially confused (and contaminated) with *gebre- ‘to die,
corpse’ (v. sub *kăpi).
‖ Владимирцов 205. Despite Doerfer MT 93, Rozycki 104 the TM
forms cannot easily be explained as mongolisms (except Sol. kêli). The
root is homonymous (except for the final vowel which is in this case
unknown) with *kēp῾a ‘shape’, and one wonders if it is in fact not the
same root, but semantically influenced by another similar one, PA
*kepV ‘upper part of body’.
-kéra belly; body, ribs: Tung. *kerimuk; Turk. *Kạrɨn; Jpn. *kárá-(n)tá;
Kor. *kari.
PTung. *keri-muk intestine, part of stomach (кишка, внутренность
желудка): Evk. kerimek; Evn. korịmkị.
◊ ТМС 1, 453.
PTurk. *Kạrɨn belly (живот): OTurk. qarɨn (OUygh.); Karakh. qarɨn
(MK, KB); Tur. karɨn; Gag. qarɨn; Az. Garɨn; Turkm. Garɨn; Sal. qarɨn-taš
‘a relative’ (ССЯ); Khal. qārɨn; MTurk. qarɨn (Sangl., Houts., AH, MA,
IM); Uzb. qɔrin; Uygh. qerin; Krm. qarɨn; Tat. qarɨn; Bashk. qarɨn; Kirgh.
qarɨn; Kaz. qarɨn; KBalk. qarɨn; KKalp. qarɨn; Kum. qarɨn; Nogh. qarɨn;
SUygh. qarɨn; Khak. xarɨn; Shr. qarnɨ; Oyr. qarɨn; Tv. xɨrɨn; Tof. xɨrɨn;
Chuv. xɨrъm; Yak. xarɨn ‘rumen; belly’.
◊ VEWT 238, EDT 661, ЭСТЯ 5, 321-322, Лексика 277.
PJpn. *kárá(n)tá body (тело): Tok. kàrada; Kyo. kárádá; Kag. karáda.
◊ JLTT 438. The meaning ‘body’ is attested late, but there are some attestations of
kara ‘stem, stalk’ ( = ‘body’) already in Man’yōshū, apparently different from kara ‘shell’.
PKor. *kari rib(s) (ребро, ребра): MKor. kari-spjə; Mod. kalbi.
◊ Nam 3, KED 46.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 5, Лексика 277. Ramstedt (SKE 89) compares
the Kor. form with Mong. qarbiŋ etc. (see *k῾áŕme), but this seems im-
proper (the modern form kalbi goes back to MKor. kari-spjə). The Japa-
nese form is somewhat insecure due to its late attestation and unclear
suffix. In Mong cf. perhaps kerseŋ ‘brisket’.
-kèra ( ~ -ŕ-) to bind, wind around: Tung. *kerge- (*kergi-); Mong. *kere-;
Jpn. *kàràm-.
PTung. *kerge- (*kergi-) 1 circle, ring 2 to bind into bunches 3 to
reel 4 bunch (1 круг, кольцо 2 связывать (в пучки) 3 наматывать 4
связка, пучок): Neg. kejgeli 1; Man. xergi-, xerči- 3; Ul. kergi 4, kergin- 2;
Ork. kejgeli 1; Nan. kergi 4; Orch. keǯe- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 444. The Manchu form obviously belongs here and has nothing to do with
Evk. herke- and MMong. hergi- (q. v. sub *p῾erkV), despite Rozycki 105.
PMong. *kere- to bind, join, unite (привязывать, соединять):
WMong. kere-; Kh. xere-; Bur. xere-; Kalm. ker-; Ord. kere-, kerü.
◊ KW 227.
670 *kḗrdu - *kèro
PJpn. *kàràm- to wind around, to cling to (обвиваться, цепляться):
OJpn. karamar-; MJpn. kàràm-; Tok. karám-; Kyo. kárám-; Kag. karám-.
◊ JLTT 704. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular (possibly under literary influence).
‖ EAS 107, KW 227, SKE 104, Poppe 79-80.
-kḗrdu ( ~ k῾-) a k. of bird of prey: Mong. *kaǯir; Turk. *Krt-; Jpn. *kútí.
PMong. *kaǯir vulture (гриф, стервятник): MMong. qaǯir ‘mythical
bird’ (MA 406); WMong. qaǯir (L 949); Kh. xaǯir.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qaǯɨr etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 183-184.
PTurk. *Krt- falcon, hawk (сокол, ястреб): Tur. kartal; Turkm. dial.
Gartal; MTurk. qartal (Houts., AH, Sangl.); Kirgh. qartɨɣa; Kum. qartaq;
Khak. xartɨɣa; Shr. qartaɣa; Tv. xartɨɣa; Yak. krt, krdaj; Dolg. krt.
◊ VEWT 239, ЭСТЯ 5, 316-318, Лексика 169, Stachowski 172. Turk. *Kartɨgaj >
MMong. qarčigaj (SH qarčiqai), WMong. qarčiɣai (see TMN 1, 404), whence again late
MTurk. qarčɨɣaj (see TMN 1, 404-405, Щербак 1997, 208). Loans from Mong. are Man.
qarčin ‘kite’ and MKor. karčikəi ‘yellow falcon’ (see Lee 1958, 119, 1964, 191).
PJpn. *kútí falcon (сокол): OJpn. kuti; MJpn. kútí.
◊ JLTT 467, Miller 1979.
‖ KW 170, Лексика 169.
-kergV ( ~ *k῾-) paunch: Mong. *kerken-; Turk. *Kergük.
PMong. *kerken- paunch (of ruminating animals) (сетка желудка
(жвачных животных)): WMong. kerkeneg (МХТТТ); Kh. xerxneg; Bur.
xerxinseg.
PTurk. *Kergük paunch (сетка желудка): Karakh. kergük (MK); Tv.
kergijek.
◊ EDT 742, Рас. ФиЛ 203.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss (with assimilation in Mong. *kerken- <
*kergen-, cf. similarly in *k῾úrgo); cf. perhaps also Evk. (Tokk.) ker ‘mem-
brane’ (ТМС 1, 452).
-kèro back, to return: Mong. *kari-; Turk. *gErü; Jpn. *ktàpa-.
PMong. *kari- 1 to come back, return; to answer 2 answer; return (1
возвращаться; отвечать 2 ответ; возвращение): MMong. qāri- (IM),
qari- (HY 34, 40, SH) 1, ɣari’ūn 2; WMong. qari- (L 937) 1; Kh. xaŕ- 1; Bur.
xari- 1, xaŕū 2; Kalm. xäŕ- (КРС) 1; Ord. xari- ‘retourner, mourir’; Mog.
qari- (Ramstedt 1906) 1; Dag. hari- (MD 157), xari- 1; xarō (Тод. Даг. 174)
2; Dong. qari- 1; Bao. χārə- 1; S.-Yugh. χarə- 1; χaru 2; Mongr. xari ‘ré-
ponse, vengeance’ (SM 162), xari- (SM 162), xarə- 1; xarū 2.
◊ TMN 1, 380, MGCD 332, 333. Mong. > Manchu qaru ‘reward, revenge, recompence,
retribution’ etc. (see Rozycki 134).
PTurk. *gErü back (назад, сзади): OTurk. kerü (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. kerü (MK); Tur. geri; Gag. gēri; Az. geri; MTurk. kerü (MA); Tat.
kire; Kirgh. keri; Kaz. keri; KBalk. kire; KKalp. keri; Kum. geri; Nogh. keri.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 27. Turk. > MMong. geru (SH) ‘back side’.
 *kéro - *kru 671

PJpn. *ktàpa- to answer (отвечать): OJpn. kotapa-; MJpn. kòtàfa-;

Tok. kotáe-, kotaé-; Kyo. kòtàè-; Kag. kòtàè-.
◊ JLTT 713 (treating the verb as a historical compound of kətə + apa-, which is hardly
plausible). The forms reveal some variation between *ktàpa- and *ktápa-.
‖ Cf. perhaps Nan. kerxe ‘hump’ ( < ‘back’).
-kéro to fight, kill: Tung. *kere-, *kerbe-; Mong. *kere-; Turk. *gEröĺ-;
Jpn. *kr-; Kor. *kūr-.
PTung. *kere-, *kerbe- 1 kill 2 to fine 3 to slander 4 to revenge (1
убивать 2 штрафовать 3 клеветать 4 мстить): Evk. kerbe- 1, keremī- 3,
keremǯu bi- 4; Man. keru-le- 2, keru-n ‘fine’.
◊ ТМС 1, 381, 452, 453, 454.
PMong. *kere- 1 to quarrel, to fight 2 to be angry (1 ссориться,
драться 2 сердиться): MMong. kere- (SH), kiräldu- (MA), keurde- (IM) 1;
WMong. kere-, kereldü- (L 457) 1, kereče- 2; Kh. xerelde- 1; Bur. xerelde- 1;
Kalm. kerldə- 1; Ord. kerelde-; Mog. kerälda-; ZM keräldu- (17-3b); Dag.
xerəldə-; S.-Yugh. kerēlde- 1; Mongr. kərēdi- 1 (SM 198), (MGCD kəreldə-),
kərū ‘quarrel’ (SM 199).
◊ KW 227, MGCD 344, 345.
PTurk. *gEröĺ- to quarrel, fight, wrestle (ссориться, драться, бо-
роться): OTurk. keriš- (OUygh.); Karakh. keriš- (MK), küreš- (MK, KB);
Tur. güreš-; Gag. güreš-; Az. güläš-; Turkm. göreš-; MTurk. küreš- (MA),
güreš- (Sangl.); Uzb. kuraš-; Uygh. küräš-; Krm. küreš-; Tat. köräš-; Bashk.
köräš-; Kirgh. keriš-, küröš-; Kaz. keris-, küres-; KBalk. küreš-; KKalp.
keris-, güres-; Kum. küreš- (dial.); Nogh. küres-; Khak. küres-; Shr. küreš-;
Oyr. keriš-, küreš-; Tv. xüres-; Tof. xireš-, xüreš- ; xire- ‘to start a fight’;
Chuv. kəreš-; Yak. küres ‘wrestling’.
◊ EDT 747-748, ЭСТЯ 3, 79-81, 5, 50-51, Федотов 1, 280. The peculiar variation of
keriš- and küreš- in old sources allows perhaps to reconstruct the original shape *geröĺ-.
PJpn. *kr- 1 to kill 2 to curse (1 убивать 2 ругать): OJpn. koros- 1,
kor- 2; MJpn. kórós- 1; Tok. kòros- 1; Kyo. kórós- 1; Kag. korós- 1.
◊ JLTT 713.
PKor. *kūr- to curse, deprecate (ругать, порицать): MKor. kūr-;
Mod. kul- (arch.).
◊ Nam 62, KED 217. Cf. also MKor. kòr’p- ‘to be rude, coarse’ (Nam 51), modern kol
‘anger’ (KED 156).
‖ EAS 146, KW 227, Poppe 18, 79, Murayama 1962, 110. Cf. *kàra.
-kru ( ~ *k῾-) old, worn out: Mong. *kari-, *kar-si-; Turk. *Kạrɨ; Jpn.
*kùtà-.
PMong. *kari-, *kar-si- to weaken, become old (слабеть, стареть):
WMong. qari- (МXTTT); Kh. xari-, xarši-; Bur. xaraši-; Kalm. xäŕ- (КРС).
PTurk. *Kạrɨ 1 old 2 old woman or man 3 to become old (1 старый
2 старуха, старик 3 стареть): OTurk. qarɨ 1, qarɨ- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
672 *keru(ĺV) - *késa
qarɨ (MK, KB) 1, qarɨ- (MK, KB) 3; Tur. karɨ, kart 1; Gag. qarɨ 1,2 (also
‘woman’); Az. Garɨ, Gart 2,1; Turkm. Garrɨ 1, Garra- 3; MTurk. qarɨ (MA,
Abush.) 1, qarɨ- (MA, Abush.) 3; Uzb. qari 1, qari- 3; Uygh. qeri 1,2, qeri-
3; Tat. qarɨ, qart 1; Bashk. qarɨ, qart 1; Kirgh. qarɨ, qart 1, qarɨ- 3, qart 3;
Kaz. qarɨ ~ qɛri, qart 1; KKalp. qarɨ, ɣarrɨ 1; Kum. qart 1; Nogh. qart 1;
Khak. kirə 1, kirə- 3; Shr. qarɨ 1, qarɨ- 3; Oyr. qarɨ 1, qarɨ- 3; Tv. qɨrɨ- 3; Tof.
qɨrɨ- 3; Yak. kɨrɨj- 3; Dolg. kɨrɨj- 3.
◊ EDT 644, TMN 3, 440, ЭСТЯ 5, 311-312, 314-316, Лексика 84-85, Stachowski 169,
170.
PJpn. *kùtà- to be tired, worn out (уставать, изнашиваться): Tok.
kutabiré-; Kyo. kútábíré-; Kag. kùtàbìrè-.
◊ JLTT 717. Cf. also redupl. kuta-kuta (ni) ‘tired, worn out (adv.)’; with a different
(emphatic?) accent: MJ kutabari ‘a person who is too old (sl.)’, mod. Tokyo kutabàr- ‘to live
too long (sl.)’, Kyoto kútábár-, Kagoshima kutabár- id.
‖ Cf. also Turk. *Kurt-ga ‘old woman’ (see ЭСТЯ 6, 168-169).
-keru(ĺV) a k. of predator: Tung. *kelte- ( < *kerelte-?); Mong. *kereldüg;
Turk. *KArɨĺ-; Jpn. *kunturi; Kor. *kar-.
PTung. *kelte- ( < *kerelte-?) wolverine (росомаха): Evk. keltefkī;
Evn. költekken; Neg. keltelkēn.
◊ ТМС 1, 447.
PMong. *kereldüg animal resembling the bear but smaller (живот-
ное, похожее на медведя, но меньше): WMong. kereldüg (МХТТТ);
Kh. xereldeg (Gomb.).
PTurk. *KArɨĺ- wolf (волк): Tur. kaškɨr, dial. kašɣɨr ‘a bear’; Uzb.
dial. qɛšqir, dial. qɛršiqul; Krm. qašqɨr; Kirgh. qarɨšqɨr; Kaz. qasqɨr; KKalp.
qasqɨr; Nogh. qarɨsqɨr, qasqɨr; Chuv. kaškъr < Qypch..
◊ Лексика 160., ЭСТЯ 5, 352.
PJpn. *kunturi wolverine (росомаха): Tok. kuzuri (orth. kuduri).
PKor. *kàr- tiger (тигр): MKor. kar-wm, kar-pəm; Mod. kalbm.
◊ HMCH 185, Nam 19, KED 46. A compound with *pm ‘tiger, leopard’ (v. sub
*p῾uma).
‖ The root must have denoted some big predator, probably the
wolverine. Cf. also MMong. (HY 10) qarxulax ‘small tiger’.
-késa to suffer: Tung. *kesē-; Mong. *keseɣe-; Turk. *kes-; Jpn. *kásíká-;
Kor. *kjəs-.
PTung. *kesē- 1 to suffer 2 to punish 3 scoundrel, rogue 4 to torture,
lacerate 5 sad (1 страдать 2 наказывать 3 мерзавец, негодяй 4 мучить
5 печальный): Evk. kesē- 1; Neg. keseɣī- 2; Man. kesemburu 3; Jurch.
ke-si-ge-bulu (368) 5; Ul. keseuču- 4; Nan. kesū-li- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 454-455.
 *késu - *kesV 673

PMong. *keseɣe- to punish, correct (наказывать, исправлять):

MMong. kese’e- (SH); WMong. keseɣe- (L 459); Kh. xesē-; Bur. xehē-;
Kalm. kes- ‘be punished’.
◊ KW 228.
PTurk. *kes- 1 ban, prohibition 2 to punish, accuse, fine 3 tired,
smashed 4 to scoff 5 guilt, flaw 6 to appoint 7 obstinate 8 to speak
roughly, be in one’s way, hinder 9 to be hungry, in distress (1 запрет 2
назначать наказание, обвинять, штрафовать 3 усталый, разбитый 4
издеваться 5 вина, недостаток 6 устанавливать, назначать 7 упря-
мый 8 говорить грубо, мешать, подводить 9 голодать, испытывать
нужду): OTurk. kesetkü 1 (OUygh., Chin.-Uygh. Voc. - R); Tur. kes- 2,
kesik 3, kesin- 4; Az. käsir 5; Turkm. kesgitle- 6, kesir 7, kes- 2; Uygh. kɛs- 2,
kesir 5; Tat. kisɛt- 2; Bashk. kiϑɛt- ‘to warn’; Kirgh. kes- 2, kesir 5; Kaz.
kes- 2, keser ‘contemptuous’, 5; Tv. ke’ze- ‘to be punished, scared’; Chuv.
kas- 8, kazъl- 9; Yak. kes ‘forbidden’, keset- ‘to punish, give a lesson’.
◊ VEWT 258.
PJpn. *kásíká- to be exhausted, wasted (истощаться, чахнуть):
OJpn. kasika-; MJpn. kásíká-; Tok. kajike-.
◊ JLTT 707.
PKor. *kjəs- to suffer, undergo, experience (подвергаться, стра-
дать): MKor. kjəs-; Mod. kjək:-.
◊ Nam 44, KED 114.
‖ KW 228, Poppe 18, 65. Cf. *kasa. The Turkic form points rather to *k῾-; if
the TM forms are borrowed from Mong. (see Doerfer MT 69), we
should rather reconstruct PA *k῾esa.
-késu thing, sort, order: Tung. *kese; Mong. *küsü-nüg; Jpn. *kúsá; Kor.
*ks / *kàs.
PTung. *kese word, order (слово, указ): Man. xese; SMan. xesə
‘edict’ (1351); Ork. kese; Ud. kehie.
◊ ТМС 1, 483 (Man. > Sol., Neg., Oroch, Nan. xese; Dag. xes, Тод. Даг. 175).
PMong. *küsü-nüg list, chart, column (of a register) (список, таб-
лица, графа): WMong. küsünüg (L 508); Kh. xüsneg; Bur. xüsneg ‘line,
column’; S.-Yugh. kösnüg.
◊ MGCD 403.
PJpn. *kúsà sort, kind (вид, род): OJpn. kusa; MJpn. kúsà.
◊ JLTT 465.
PKor. *ks / *kàs thing (вещь): MKor. ks / kàs; Mod. kət [kəs].
◊ Nam 24, 39, KED 103.
‖ Mong. *küsünüg < *kesü- (with secondary vowel assimilation).
-kesV (~ k῾-, -i-) luck, joy: Mong. *kesig; Kor. *kìs-.
PMong. *kesig 1 luck, prosperity, grace 2part of the sacrificed meat
(1 счастье, удача, благополучие 2 часть мяса жертвенных живот-
674 *kĕta - *két῾ò
ных, которую раздают людям): MMong. kešig (SH) 2; WMong. kesig
(L 460); Kh. xišig; Bur. xešeg; Kalm. kišəg; Dag. keši (Тод. Даг. 150);
Mongr. kəšəg 1, 2 (SM 199).
◊ KW 233, MGCD 346. Doerfer (TMN 1, 469) gives the meaning as ‘Teil, Anteil,
Glück, Schicksalslos’ and regards the word as borrowed < Turk. *kesik (should be rather
*kesek) ‘piece’. The sources available to us, however, only give the meaning ‘luck, grace’
(see L 460, KW 233 etc.) which is absent in Turkic. Therefore the word is hardly borrowed
< Turkic.
PKor. *kìs- to rejoice (радоваться): MKor. kìs-; Mod. kip:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 83, KED 267.
‖ SKE 113, Poppe 65. A Mong.-Kor. isogloss; the TM forms (see
ТМС 1, 455) probably < Mong., see Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 139.
-kĕta ( ~ -t῾-, -o, -u) mule, barren: Tung. *ketem; Mong. *kači-; Turk.
*KAtɨr.
PTung. *ketem barren (of a female deer) (бесплодная (о важенке
оленя)): Evk. ketem; Evn. ketъm; Neg. ketem.
◊ ТМС 1, 456.
PMong. *kači- a k. of mule (вид мула): MMong. qači-dut (pl. <
*qačit) (SH), qačir (LH).
PTurk. *KAtɨr mule (мул): Karakh. qatɨr (MK, KB); Tur. katɨr; Az.
Gatɨr; Turkm. Gatɨr; MTurk. qatɨr (AH, Houts., IM); KBalk. qadɨr; Nogh.
qatɨr.
◊ VEWT 242, ЭСТЯ 5, 339-340, TMN 3, No 1395. The Turkic form may well be bor-
rowed < Iran., cf. Saka khaḍara- ‘mule’. Here -ḍ- points to *rd, cf. Sogd. ɣrtr’k < *xarataraka
‘mule’ (for a quite similar compound cf. Pers. astar ‘mule’ < *assa-tara ‘horse from one
side’(Bailey 70). Doerfer is concerned about lack of length in Turkic, but length is like-
wise lacking in Saka and other Iranian forms. The only phonetic difficulty is the Turkic
reflex -t-, because Saka ḍ in the Saka-Uygh. glossary (14th c.) renders Turkic -r-. In one
obvious Saka loan the Saka -ḍ- is indeed rendered as -r-: cūḍām ‘stadium’ (Av. čarətu-) >
OT (Hap. by MK) čurām ‘a shot with a light far-flying arrow. However, if ‘mule’ is bor-
rowed, it is hardly a Xinjiang loanword but rather a Common Turkic, and perhaps from
another Iranian language (Sogdian?).
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. > Chag. kačir ‘mule’ etc. (see VEWT
217). The Mong. form itself may have been borrowed from Turk. (see
Щербак 1997, 137), but may as well be genuine. The Tung. parallel
makes the theory of Turk. < Iran. (Sogd. ɣrtr’k, see TMN 3, 393 with
literature) rather improbable.
-két῾ò much, many, excessively: Tung. *kete, *kēter; Mong. *ketü; Jpn.
*kátù; Kor. *kằtằk-.
PTung. *kete, *kēter 1 big 2 many 3 elder 4 almost (1 большой 2
много 3 старший 4 почти): Evk. kēter 1, kete 2; Evn. kēter 1; Neg. kētej 1;
Ul. ketele 4; Ork. ketette 4; Nan. kēte 3, ketēle 4; Orch. kēte 1, kete 4; Ud. kete
‘more’ (Корм. 213), ketige 4.
 *két῾ò - *ki 675
◊ ТМС 1, 455-456. The form kēte(re) (with a long vowel) observed in some languages
may have been influenced by *kādara ‘big’ (cf. e. g. Orok kādara); the relationship between
*kete and *kāda(ra) is somewhat obscure.
PMong. *ketü too much, excessively (слишком много, чрезмер-
но): WMong. ketü (L 460); Kh. xet; Bur. xete; Kalm. ketərkǟ; Ord. getü,
getürχī.
◊ KW 228.
PJpn. *kátù moreover, additionally (кроме того, более того, до-
полнительно): OJpn. katu; MJpn. katu; Tok. kátsu; Kyo. kátsù; Kag.
kátsu.
◊ JLTT 444. Probably *kátù (Kyoto 2, Kagoshima A), but the Tokyo accent is irregular.
PKor. *kằtằk- full (полный): MKor. kằtằk- / kằtằik-; Mod. kadɨk-,
kat:ɨk-.
◊ Nam 9, KED 9.
‖ EAS 47, KW 228, SKE 84, Poppe 18, 50, Miller 1985a, 81. Despite
Doerfer MT 64, the TM form is hardly borrowed from Mong.
-két῾ò (~k῾-, g-, -o-) similar: Jpn. *kt; Kor. *kằth-.
PJpn. *kt resemblance, similarly (сходство, (суфф.) похоже на,
как): OJpn. koto; MJpn. -gótóku; Tok. -gotoku.
PKor. *kằth- to be similar, resemble (быть похожим): MKor. kằth-,
kắt-; Mod. kat- [kath-].
◊ Nam 20, 28, KED 64.
‖ SKE 99, Martin 241. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ki ( ~ *k῾i) to do, to make: Mong. *ki-; Turk. *Kɨl-; Jpn. *kì-túk-.
PMong. *ki- to do, to make (делать): MMong. ki- (SH, HYt), ke-
(LH), ki- (MA); WMong. ki- (L 462); Kh. xij-; Bur. xe-; Kalm. ke- (КРС);
Ord. kī-; Mog. ki- (Weiers); Dag. xī-, kī- (Тод. Даг. 150), kī-, šī- (MD 183,
216); Dong. kie-; Bao. ke- (Тод. Бн.), giə-; S.-Yugh. gə-; Mongr. gi- (SM
135), gə-.
◊ MGCD 348. Mong. > Evk. ke- id.
PTurk. *Kɨl- to do, to make (делать): OTurk. qɨl- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. qɨl- (MK); Tur. kɨl-; Az. Gɨl-; Turkm. qɨl-; MTurk. qɨl- (Pav. C.,
MA); Uzb. qil-; Uygh. qil-; Krm. qɨl-; Tat. qɨl-; Bashk. qɨl-; Kirgh. qɨl-; Kaz.
qɨl-; KBalk. qɨl-; KKalp. qɨl-; Kum. qɨl-; Nogh. qɨl-; Khak. xɨl-; Shr. qɨl-;
Oyr. qɨl-; Tv. qɨl-; Chuv. əś-xəl ‘дела’; Yak. kɨn-; Dolg. gɨn-.
◊ EDT 616, VEWT 263, ЭСТЯ 6, 205-206, Stachowski 88. Turk. *Kɨl-ɨnč ‘deed’ > Mong.
kilinče ‘sin’ (see Clark 1980, 43).
PJpn. *kì-túk- to build (строить): OJpn. kjiduk-; MJpn. kìtúk-; Tok.
kizúk-; Kyo. kízúk-; Kag. kízúk-.
◊ JLTT 710. The accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is somewhat aberrant, but old
sources and Tokyo point to *kì-.
676 *kba - *kìjá
‖ KW 223, Владимирцов 260, Poppe 19, ОСНЯ 1, 309. One of the
common Altaic monosyllabic verbal stems. In view of the external evi-
dence, -l- in PT is to be regarded as a historical suffix.
-kba ( ~ -p-) a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *kibē; Turk. *Kɨbak / *Kabak; Jpn.
*kàpài ( ~ -ia).
PTung. *kibē birch bark (береста): Evk. kiwe, kiwē, kīwe; Evn. kīwe.
◊ ТМС 1, 390. Cf. also Nan. dial. koerẽ ‘ash tree’ (ТМС 1, 420).
PTurk. *Kɨbak / *Kabak white poplar, willow (белый тополь, ива):
Tur. kavak; Gag. qavaq; Az. GovaG; MTurk. qawaq (Houts.); Uygh. qapaq
(Jarr.); Tat. quvaq; Bashk. qɨwaq; Oyr. qāq, dial. qabaq; Tv. xāk; Tof. xk;
Chuv. хъₙva.
◊ VEWT 215, ЭСТЯ 5, 170-171, TMN 3, 534-535. The variant *Kabak is probably sec-
ondary, due to vowel assimilation; qapaq in Uygh. is also secondary - a contamination
with *Kap- ‘cover’.
PJpn. *kàpài ( ~ -ia) a k. of cypress or Thuja (вид кипариса или
туи): OJpn. kap(j)e; MJpn. kàfè.
◊ JLTT 432.
‖ The reflexes point to a tree with distinct bright bark, probably
birch (cf. also PU *kojwV ‘birch’ compared in МССНЯ 330, ОСНЯ 1,
300).
-kìjá a k. of grass: Tung. *kijo-kta; Mong. *kija-; Turk. *Kɨj(g)ak; Jpn.
*kàjá; Kor. *kójōm.
PTung. *kijo-kta brier (шиповник (плоды и кусты)): Evn. kēkto
‘unripe berry’; Man. ḱōḱōn ‘name of an edible plant’; Ul. qojoqto; Ork.
qịjoqto; Nan. qịoqto; Orch. kijokto; Ud. kökto, kiokto (Корм. 251).
◊ ТМС 1, 387.
PMong. *kija- young fresh grass on river banks (молодая свежая
трава на берегу реки): WMong. kijaǯa; Kalm. kāzə; Dag. ḱān ‘вострец’
(Тод. Даг. 148).
◊ KW 222.
PTurk. *Kɨj(g)ak sedge (осока): Tur. kɨjak (dial.) ‘marsh’; Az. gijax
(dial.) ‘grass name’; Turkm. Gɨjaq ‘пырей волосатый’; Khal. qijāq ‘soft
plants as animal food’; MTurk. qijaɣ (Pav. C.) ‘cut dried grass’; Uzb.
qijɔq; Uygh. qijaq ‘grass’; Krm. qɨjaq ‘bulb’; Tat. qɨjaq ‘leaves of cereals’;
Bashk. qɨjaq ‘leaves of cereals’; dial. qɨjɣaq id., ‘пырей’; Kirgh. qɨjaq
‘острец’, qɨjɣaq ‘sedge’; Kaz. qɨjaq ‘grass name’; KKalp. qɨjaq ‘reed
leaves’; Kum. qɨjaq; Nogh. qɨjaq; Khak. xɨjɣanax; Oyr. qɨjɣaq; Chuv. xъja
(ЭСТЯ: xъjax).
◊ VEWT 262, ЭСТЯ 6, 201-202. Turk. > Mong. kijag id. (Kalm. kāg, KW 222, Khalkha
xiag, Bur. āg, Ord. kāg, cf. TMN 3, 566). Cf. also Karakh. (MK) qajačuq ‘a fragrant moun-
tain grass’.
 *kijmV - *kìkú 677

PJpn. *kàjá Miscanthus sinensis (мискант): OJpn. kaja; MJpn. kàjá;

Tok. káya; Kyo. káyá; Kag. kayá.
◊ JLTT 446. All forms point to *kàjá except Kyoto which is aberrant.
PKor. *kójōm a k. of jujube, lotus persimmon (вид ююбы, лотосо-
вая хурма): MKor. kójōm; Mod. kojom.
◊ HMCH 173, Liu 66, KED 147.
‖ The root denotes some wild-growing grass with sharp edges or
thorns. In Kor. there probably occurred a secondary vowel assimilation
(*káj- would be expected). Some interaction with *kúja ‘nut’ was possi-
ble, especially in the Kor.-Jap. area.
-kijmV vapour, steam; anger: Tung. *kīmu-; Mong. *kimura-; Turk.
*Kɨjm-; Kor. *kīm.
PTung. *kīmu- 1 to be inimical 2 enmity (1 враждовать 2 враг, вра-
жда): Man. kimu-le- 1, kimun 2; Nan. kīmu-lē- 1, kīmur 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 394. Man. > Dag. kimun (Тод. Даг. 150).
PMong. *kimura- to be in disorder, conflict (быть в беспорядке, в
конфликте): WMong. kimura- (L 468); Kh. amra-; Bur. ximar-; Kalm.
kimr-; Ord. kimara-; S.-Yugh. xemral ‘chaos’.
◊ KW 231, MGCD 353.
PTurk. *Kɨjm- to move (двигаться): Karakh. qɨmɨt- (MK); Tur.
kɨmɨlda-; Az. Gɨmɨldan-; Turkm. Gmɨlda-; Uzb. qim-; Uygh. qimil ‘move-
ment’; Bashk. qɨjmɨlda- ‘шевелиться’; Kirgh. qɨjmɨl ‘movement’; Kaz.
qɨjmɨl ‘movement’; KBalk. qɨmɨlda-; Khak. xɨjmɨra-; Oyr. qɨjmɨqta-.
◊ VEWT 262.
PKor. *kīm steam, vapour, breath, smell (пар, дыхание, запах):
MKor. kīm; Mod. kīm.
◊ Liu 118, KED 281.
‖ KW 231, SKE 112, ТМС 1, 394. Cf. similar semantic development
in *ábo q.v.
-kìkú to bite; rub, scrape: Tung. *kik-; Mong. *kegǯe-; Turk. *Kik-; Jpn.
*kùkúm-.
PTung. *kik- 1 to bite 2 to cut oneself (by rubbing at a rope) 3 to be-
come torn (of a rope, chain) (1 кусать 2 порезаться (о веревку) 3 по-
рваться (о веревке, цепи)): Evk. kik- 1; Evn. qịq- 1 (Новикова 1980,
183); Neg. kik- 1; Nan. kikia- 2 (Он.), kikpē- 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1,391-392. The dialectal Evk. variant kk- is expressive, but by no means <
Mong. kiqa- ‘irritate, intimidate’, as suggested in Poppe 1972, 103.
PMong. *kegǯe- to scrape off, to incise (соскребать, надрезать):
WMong. kegǯe-, (L 444:) kegǯe-le-; Kh. xegǯi-, xegʒle-; Ord. kegǯil-.
PTurk. *Kik- to rub, grind (at each other) (тереть, скрести (друг о
друга)): Karakh. kik- ‘to sharpen and whet a knife’, kikčür- ‘whet a
knife’ (MK); Yak. kikirī- ‘to rub with a noise’.
678 *kímo - *kìp῾é
◊ VEWT 270, EDT 710, 714.
PJpn. *kùkúm- to take into mouth (брать в рот, держать во рту):
MJpn. kùkúm-; Tok. kukum-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ A derivative *kìkú-čV is probably observable in Karakh. kikčür- =
PM *kegǯe-.
-kímo to arrange, intend: Tung. *kim-; Mong. *kima-; Turk. *Kɨm-; Jpn.
*kímá-.
PTung. *kim- 1 to prepare, arrange 2 to check, investigate, to con-
centrate on (1 готовиться, собираться 2 исследовать, проверять):
Evn. qịm- 1; Man. kimči- 2; SMan. kiməči- (1852) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 394.
PMong. *kima- 1 to arrange 2 intention, effort, care (1 заботиться о,
устраивать 2 намерение, усилие, забота): WMong. kimaɣa 2,
kimaɣada- 1 (L 467); Kh. amga- 1; Bur. amga- 1; Kalm. kimɛ: 2; Dag.
kimči- ‘to control, check’ ( < Man.).
◊ KW 231, MGCD 353.
PTurk. *Kɨm- 1 to wish, intend 2 to persuade (1 желать, намере-
ваться 2 убеждать): MTurk. qɨmsa-n- 1; Tat. qɨmɨn- (Sib.) 1; KBalk.
qɨmtɨm ‘желание’; Oyr. qɨm- 2, qɨmzɨn- 1; Chuv. xəmlen- ‘вдохновлять-
ся, воодушевляться’; Yak. kɨmārdā-, kumārdā- ‘заботиться,
беспокоиться’, kumsugur- ‘завидовать’.
◊ VEWT 263.
PJpn. *kímá- to decide, arrange (решать, постановлять): MJpn. ki-
mar-; Tok. kìmar-, kìme-; Kyo. kímár-, kímé-; Kag. kimár-, kimé-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ KW 231.
-kìp῾é bran, millet: Tung. *kipe; Mong. *kibag; Turk. *kẹpek; Jpn.
*kìmpí.
PTung. *kipe a k. of wild millet (просо (боровое)): Man. xife.
◊ ТМС 1, 467.
PMong. *kibag small pieces of food, rot (кусочки пищи, труха):
Bur. xibag; Mongr. kajaG ‘son des céréales, robe ou écorce des fèves,
pois’ (SM 197).
PTurk. *kẹpek bran (отруби): Karakh. kepek (MK); Tur. kepek; Gag.
kepek; Az. käpäk; Turkm. kepek; MTurk. kebek (IM); Uzb. kepɛk; Uygh.
kepɛk; Tat. kibɛk; Bashk. kɛbɛk; Kirgh. kebek; Kaz. kebek; KKalp. kepek, ke-
bek; Kum. gebek; Nogh. kebek; Khak. kibək; Tv. xevek; Chuv. kibek, kimək
(dial.).
◊ EDT 688; ЭСТЯ 5, 47.
PJpn. *kìmpí millet (просо): OJpn. kjimji; MJpn. kìbí; Tok. kíbi; Kyo.
kìbí; Kag. kibí.
 *kìp῾í - *kìro 679
◊ JLTT 450.
‖ One of several similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a, *k῾epa, *k῾bu, *gébo).
-kìp῾í ( ~ -e, -o) attentive, strict: Tung. *kib-ča-; Mong. *kib(i)-si-; Jpn.
*kìmpì-si-.
PTung. *kib-ča- prudence, moderation (бережливость, умерен-
ность): Man. xibča-n.
◊ ТМС 1, 465. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *kib(i)- / *kebi- 1 to be attentive, cautious 2 council, delib-
eration (1 быть внимательным, осторожным 2 совещание): WMong.
kibsi-, kibisi- 1, kebei (L 438) 2; Kh. xevej 2; Kalm. kiwšə- 1, kewī- 2.
◊ KW 233.
PJpn. *kìmpì-si- strict, solemn (суровый, торжественный, стро-
гий): MJpn. kìbì-si; Tok. kibishí-; Kyo. kíbíshì-; Kag. kibíshi-.
◊ JLTT 831. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A common derivative *kìp῾í-čV is reflected in all branches.
-kìro to cut, mince: Tung. *kire-; Mong. *kira-; Turk. *Kɨr-; Jpn. *kìr-.
PTung. *kire- 1 to mince 2 to be broken off, break off 3 to gnaw (1
крошить, резать на куски 2 отламываться, отламывать 3 грызть):
Evk. kirge- 3; Evn. qịrG- 3; Ul. kirki-ču- 3, kiri ‘front tooth’; Ork. keren- 1,
kirī- ‘скалить зубы’; Nan. qịarqịalị-, kerkieli- 3, kermē- 2;
◊ ТМС 1, 398, 453, 454. Cf. also Evk. kiramkī, kīrke ‘fish-fork’, kirur ‘scraper’ possibly
derived from the same root.
PMong. *kiru- to mince, cut small (размельчать, мелко резать):
MMong. keru ‘in small pieces’ (SH); WMong. kira-, kiru- (L 473); Kh.
ar-; Bur. kirma-; Kalm. kur-; Dag. kereči- (MD 182); Mongr. Cf. ćiri- ‘av-
oir la taille affaissée, se pelotonner’ (SM 457).
◊ KW 244. Cf. also WMong. kirbe-, Kalm. kirwə- ‘to cut off’ (KW 233).
PTurk. *Kɨr- 1 to break, demolish 2 small 3 to scrape, shave (1 ло-
мать, разрушать 2 маленький 3 скрести, брить): Karakh. qɨr- 3 ‘to
scrape; to tear out’; Tur. kɨr- 1; Gag. qɨr- 1; Az. Gɨr- 1; Turkm. Gɨr- 1, 3;
Sal. qɨr- 3; Khal. qɨr- 1; MTurk. qɨr- 1, 3 (Pav. C.), 1, ‘to cut off’ (Бор.
Бад.); Uzb. qir- 3; Uygh. qi(r)- 3; Krm. qɨr- 1, 3; Tat. qɨr- 3; Bashk. qɨr- 1, 3;
Kirgh. qɨr- 3; Kaz. qɨr- 3; KBalk. qɨr-; KKalp. qɨr- 3; Kum. qɨr- 1, 3; Nogh.
qɨr- 3; SUygh. qɨr- 3; Khak. xɨr- 3, ‘to cut’; Shr. qɨr-; Oyr. qɨr- 3; Tv. qɨr- 3;
Tof. qɨr- 3; Chuv. xər- 1; Yak. kɨrɨj- ‘to shear, cut’; kɨra 2; Dolg. kɨrɨj- ‘to
shear, cut’; kɨra 2.
◊ VEWT 265; EDT 643; TMN 3, 567, Лексика 382, ЭСТЯ 6, 227-229, Stachowski 168,
170. The Yak. form kɨra ‘small’ is a rather transparent semantical derivative, although it is
not usually listed among the reflexes of PT *Kɨr-.
PJpn. *kìr- to cut (резать): OJpn. kjir-; MJpn. kìr-; Tok. kír-; Kyo. kìr-;
Kag. kìr-.
◊ JLTT 709.
680 *kirsi - *kíso
‖ KW 244, Menges 1982.
-kirsi ( ~ k῾-) a k. of big wild animal: Mong. *kirs; Jpn. *kisa.
PMong. *kirs rhinoceros (носорог): MMong. kers (HY 9); WMong.
kiris, kers (L 472); Kh. xirs.
◊ Clark 1980, 39 considers to be < Turkic, but what is the source?
PJpn. *kisa elephant (слон): OJpn. k(j)isa; MJpn. kísà, kìzá.
◊ JLTT 451.
‖ An interesting Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-krsu a k. of vessel, receptacle: Turk. *gīŕ; Kor. *krs.
PTurk. *gīŕ 1 a k. of box 2 to hide 3 mystery (1 вид ящика 2 пря-
тать 3 тайна): Karakh. kiz 1, kizle- 2 (MK); Tur. gizle- 2, giz 3; Az. gizlä-
2; Turkm. gīzle- 2; Yak. kistē- 2; Dolg. kistē- 2.
◊ EDT 756, 760, VEWT 273, ЭСТЯ 3, 43, Stachowski 149.
PKor. *krs vessel (сосуд): MKor. krs; Mod. kɨrɨt [kɨrɨs].
◊ Liu 98, KED 236.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss. Cf. also Nan. kiriske ‘рюмка’ (?) (ТМС 1,
398).
-kŕa a k. of bird of prey: Tung. *kīran; Turk. *Kɨŕ-, *Kɨrguj.
PTung. *kīran a k. of eagle, falcon (вид орла, сокола): Evk. kīran;
Ud. käi ‘орлан-белохвост’ (Корм. 246).
◊ ТМС 1, 397.
PTurk. *Kɨŕ-, *Kɨrguj, *Kɨragan 1 hawk, falcon 2 faultless (of a bird
of prey) (1 ястреб, сокол 2 ловкий, бьющий без промаха (о ловчей
птице)): Karakh. qɨrɣuj 1 (MK); Tur. kɨrɣaj, kɨrɣɨ 1, kuran (dial.) ‘hawk’,
kɨrkaw (dial., R.) ‘a k. of hawk’; Az. Gɨrɣɨ 1; Turkm. Gɨrɣɨ 1; MTurk. qirɣu
(Pav. C.), qɨrɣɨ (Ettuhf.) 1; Uzb. qirɣij 1, qirɔnqara ‘орел-могильник’;
Uygh. ɣurɣuj, qarɣaj 1 (dial.); Krm. qɨrɣɨj, qɨrqɨn, qɨrxɨn 1; Tat. qɨrɣɨj 1
(dial.); Bashk. qɨjɣɨr (dial.) 1; Kirgh. qɨrān, qɨran 1, 2, qɨrɣɨj, qɨjɣɨr 1,
qɨrɣɨjek ‘young hawk’; Kaz. qɨran 2, qɨrɣɨj 1; KKalp. qɨran 2, qɨrɣɨj 1; Kum.
qɨrɣɨj 1; Khak. xɨza 1, xɨrɣɨjax ‘young hawk’; Chuv. xərxi 1, xərɛn ‘kite’;
Yak. kɨrbɨj ‘серый сокол, сокол-чеглок, ястреб’ (?).
◊ VEWT 266, 269, EDT 654-655, ЭСТЯ 6, 231, 232-235. Turk. *Kɨrguj ‘falcon’ > Mong.
kirɣui, see Щербак 1997, 139.
‖ EAS 113, ЭСТЯ 6, 231. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-kíso to press, squeeze, rub: Tung. *kis-k-; Mong. *kisa-; Turk. *Kɨs-; Jpn.
*ksnká-; Kor. *ks-.
PTung. *kis-k- 1 to touch, stroke, sharpen (a knife) 2 tongs, vice (1
касаться, тереться, точить (нож) 2 клещи, тиски): Evk. kiski 2, Man.
xisχa- 1 ; Nan. kiskie, (On.) kiskiẽ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 399, 466. The Evk. and Nan. forms are considered to be borrowed < Russ.
тиски, but the Man. form is no doubt genuine.
 *kiso - *kít῾u 681

PMong. *kisa- to contract, shorten; to hamper, impede (сокращать,

мешать, задерживать): WMong. kis(a)- (L 473: kisa-); Kh. as-; Bur.
aha- ‘to be greedy’; Kalm. kis-.
◊ KW 233.
PTurk. *Kɨs- 1 short 2 narrow 3 to squeeze (1 короткий 2 узкий 3
сдавливать): OTurk. qɨsɣa (Orkh.) 1; Karakh. qɨs- 3 (MK, KB), qɨsɨɣ 2
(MK), qɨsqa 1 (KB), qɨsɣa 1 (MK); Tur. kɨsa 1, kɨs- 3; Gag. qɨsa 1; Az. Gɨsa 1;
Turkm. GɨsGa 1, Gɨs- 3; Sal. qɨsGa 1; MTurk. qɨsqa 1 (Abush.), qɨs- (MA);
Uzb. qisqa 1; Uygh. qisqa 1; Krm. qsɨqa 1; Tat. qɨsqa 1, qɨs- 3; Bashk. qɨsqa
1; Kirgh. qɨsqa 1; Kaz. qɨsqa 1; KBalk. qɨsxa 1; KKalp. qɨsqa 1; Nogh. qɨsqa
1; SUygh. GɨsGa, qɨsGa 1; Khak. xɨsxa 1, xɨs- 3; Oyr. qɨsqa 1; Tv. qɨsqa 1,
qɨ’s- 4, qɨz 2; Tof. qɨ’sqa 1, qɨ’s- 4; Chuv. xəzək 2, xəs- 4; Yak. kɨhaj- 3;
Dolg. kɨhalga ‘straits, sorrow’ ( = Yak. kɨhalga).
◊ PT *Kɨs-ga ‘short’ is derived from PT *Kɨs- ‘to press, squeeze’. See VEWT 267, EDT
665-7, ЭСТЯ 6, 251-253, Stachowski 167.
PJpn. *ksnká- to scrape, plane (скрести, строгать): MJpn. kosoga-;
Tok. kòsoge-; Kyo. kósógé-; Kag. kosogé-.
PKor. *ks- 1 to press 2 with force, strongly 3 to stop, put an end to
smth. (1 давить, угнетать 2 с силой, сильно 3 прекращать): MKor.
ks-nùr- 1, ks- 3, ks 2; Mod. kɨčhi-, k:ɨčhi- 3 ( < *kɨs-čhi-).
◊ Nam 75, KED 241. High tone recorded in the adverb is not quite clear (perhaps ex-
pressive; one cannot exclude, however, that it is original, being replaced in the verbal
stem by the productive low tone).
‖ Poppe 19, 65, 116, VEWT 267, KW 233 (without the Korean paral-
lel), АПиПЯЯ 285. The original meaning may be reconstructed as
‘press, scrape off by pressing’ (whence ‘sharpen’ and other meanings).
Tone correspondences seem to be regular, but cf. notes on the Korean
tone above.
-kiso (~ *kose, k῾-, g-) certainly, verily: Jpn. *kəsə; Kor. *ks.
PJpn. *kəsə indeed, verily (emph. particle) (действительно, имен-
но (усил. частица)): OJpn. koso; MJpn. koso; Tok. koso.
PKor. *ks certainly, without fail (точно, определенно): MKor. ks.
◊ Nam 74.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-kít῾u ( ~ k῾-) to wait, take time: Mong. *kičiɣe-; Jpn. *kútúrə(n)k- ( ~
-ua-); Kor. *kìtr’ó-.
PMong. *kičiɣe- to try, be diligent, polite (прилагать усилия, забо-
титься, остерегаться): MMong. kiče’e- (HY), kiči’e-, kičije- (SH);
WMong. kičige- (L 463: kičije-); Kh. xičē-; Bur. xešē-; Ord. gečē-; Dag. kičē-
(MD 183, Тод. Даг. 150: kiē-); kičēl ‘careful, prudent’; S.-Yugh. kəčī-;
kəčīl ‘careful, prudent’.
682 *kíǯV - *kč῾ù
◊ MGCD 345, 351. Mong. > Evk. kiče- etc.; Oyr. kiče-, Yak., Dolg. kičej- etc., see TMN 1,
487, Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki 139, Kał. MEJ 38, Stachowski 147.
PJpn. *kútúrə(n)k- ( ~ -ua-) to relax, feel at ease (расслабляться):
MJpn. kútúróg-; Tok. kutsuróg-; Kyo. kútsúróg-; Kag. kùtsùròg-.
◊ JLTT 718. Tokyo and Kagoshima have irregular accent pointing to a variant
*kùtùr(n)k-.
PKor. *kìtr’ó- to wait (ждать): MKor. kìtr’ó-; Mod. kidari-.
◊ Nam 78, KED 262. Cf. also kìth- ‘to remain’.
‖ Cf. *kdi, *gode (with possible contaminations).
-kíǯV (?) to lose, disappear: Tung. *kiǯ-; Jpn. *kíjá-.
PTung. *kiǯ- to lose (терять): Nan. kịǯo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 391.
PJpn. *kíjá- to disappear, be extinguished (пропадать, гаснуть):
OJpn. kjija-, ka-; MJpn. kíjá-; Tok. kìe-; Kyo. kíé-; Kag. kié-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; rather dubious because of scarce attestation
in TM.
-kč῾ù hole; mouth: Tung. *kuči-n; Mong. *kačir; Turk. *KĒčir; Jpn.
*kútí.
PTung. *kuči-n 1 well 2 dimples (1 колодец 2 ямочки (на щеках)):
Man. χučin 1; SMan. qočin 1 (547); Jurch. xuĉi 1(56); Nan. qočị 2; χočĩ 1 ( <
Man.).
◊ ТМС 1, 419, 475.
PMong. *kačir cheek (щека): MMong. qačar (HY 45, SH), qačər (IM),
qačar (LH) Г; WMong. qačir, qačar (L 901); Kh. xacr, xacar; Bur. xasar;
Kalm. xačr; Ord. Gačar; Dag. xačir (Тод. Даг. 175), (MGCD, Тод. Даг.
148) kačir; kačire (MD 181); Dong. qɨǯa, qɨča; Mongr. xaar (SM 148),
xaǯar.
◊ KW 173, MGCD 336.
PTurk. *KĒčir 1 trachea 2 cartilage (1 трахея 2 хрящ): Tat. käčerkä ‘a
small hair on the back of a baby’ (?); Kirgh. kečir ‘cartilage of the shoul-
derblade bone’; Khak. kiǯər 2; Shr. kečirtke 2; Oyr. ked’ir 1; Tof. keǯir 2,
keǯir bōs 1.
◊ VEWT 246. Length is indicated by voicing in Tof. and lack of pharyngealization.
PJpn. *kútí mouth (рот): OJpn. kuti; MJpn. kútí; Tok. kùchi; Kyo.
kúchí; Kag. kúchi ( = kúT).
◊ JLTT 467.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 111. For Jpn. cf. also Koguryo /xuče/ ‘mouth’. The root
must have basically meant ‘mouth or throat cavity’ (whence ‘mouth’,
‘cheek’ (originally probably ‘inner side of cheek’) and ‘trachea’), with a
secondary development > ‘cavity in general’ > ‘well’ in TM.
 *kadi - *kdu 683

-kadi to put on, wear: Mong. *kedü- / *keǯi-; Turk. *ged-; Jpn. *kí-.
PMong. *kedü- / *kedi- 1 to wear a garment 2 saddle cloth (1 наде-
вать одежду 2 попона): WMong. kedür- 1 (L 442), keǯim 2 (L 462); Kh.
xeǯim 2; Bur. xeder- 1; Kalm. ködr- 1, keǯəm 2; Ord. kedür- 1.
◊ KW 236. Mong. > Chag. keǯim etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 18-19; see Щербак 1997, 205, Лексика
546). Mong. keǯim itself may be an old Turkic loanword, see TMN 1, 462.
PTurk. *ged- to put on (надевать): OTurk. ked- (OUygh.); Karakh.
keδ- (MK); Tur. gij-; Gag. gī-; Az. gej-; Turkm. gej-; Sal. kij-; Khal. käd-;
MTurk. kej- (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. kij-; Uygh. kej-, kij-; Krm. kij-; Tat. kij-;
Bashk. kĭj-; Kirgh. kij-; Kaz. kĭj-; KKalp. kij-; Kum. gij-; Nogh. kij-;
SUygh. kez-; Khak. kis-; Shr. kes-; Oyr. kij-; Tv. ket-; Yak. ket-; Dolg. ket-.
◊ EDT 700, VEWT 246, ЭСТЯ 3, 12-13, Лексика 472-473, Stachowski 146.
PJpn. *kí- to put on, wear (надевать, носить (одежду)): OJpn. ki-;
MJpn. kjí-; Tok. kì-; Kyo. kí-; Kag. kí-.
◊ JLTT 709.
‖ KW 236, Poppe 19, Ozawa 197-199, JOAL 72, 73, 136, АПиПЯЯ
72. A possible TM match is Man. adu = Jurch. ha-du ‘clothes’ < *xadu
(ТМС 1, 6); this would make us reconstruct *k῾ajdi and suppose a sec-
ondary (assimilatory) voicing in Turk. *ged- < *ked-.
-kàdi seam, to sew, lace: Tung. *kiade-le-; Mong. *kaǯi; Turk. *K(i)adɨ-;
Kor. *kjd-.
PTung. *kiade-le- to lace, befringe (обшивать, окаймлять): Evk.
kelē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 443. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *kaǯi seam, facing; to face (шов, кант; обшивать): WMong.
qaǯi, qaǯi- (L 948); Kh. xaǯ; Bur. xaža ‘серебряная оправа’.
◊ Cf. also WMong. qadaɣ, Khalkha xadag ‘folded silk cloth’.
PTurk. *K(i)adɨ- 1 to sew, sew together 2 leather belt (1 шить, сши-
вать 2 кожаный пояс): Karakh. qaδu- 1, qaδɨš 2 (MK); Tur. kajiš 2; Gag.
qajɨš 2; Az. Gajɨš 2; Turkm. Gaja- 1, Gajɨš 2; Sal. qajɨš 2; MTurk. qajɨš 2
(Pav. C.); Uzb. qajɨš 2 (dial.); Krm. qajɨš 2; Tat. qajɨ- 1, qajɨš 2; Bashk. qaj-
> Chuv. xaj- 1, qajɨš 2; Kirgh. qajɨ- 1, qajɨš 2; Kaz. qajɨ- 1, qajɨs 2; KBalk.
qajɨš 2; KKalp. qajɨ- 1, qajɨs 2; Kum. qajɨ- 1, qajɨš 2; Nogh. qajɨ- 1, qajɨs 2;
Khak. xās 2; Oyr. qajɨš 2; Yak. xatɨs 2.
◊ VEWT 219, TMN 3, 408, EDT 596, 607, ЭСТЯ 5, 199, 218, Лексика 386.
PKor. *kjd- to weave, plait (ткать, заплетать): MKor. kjt- (-r-);
Mod. kjt- (-r-).
◊ Liu 56, KED 115.
‖ ТМС 1, 443.
-kdu ( ~ k῾-) relative: Mong. *kadum; Turk. *Kādɨn; Kor. *kjərăi.
PMong. *kadum relative by marriage (свойственник): MMong.
qadum (MA), qadom (IM), qadəm (LH); WMong. qadum (L 903); Kh.
684 *kằgru - *kằgru
xadam; Bur. xadam; Kalm. xadm; Ord. xadam; Dag. xadam (Тод. Даг. 172);
Dong. Gadun; S.-Yugh. Gadəm; Mongr. Gadim (SM 116).
◊ KW 158, MGCD 314. Mong. > Evk. kadum, see Poppe 1966, 195, Doerfer MT 125.
PTurk. *Kādɨn relative-in-law (свойственник): OTurk. qadɨn (Yenis.,
OUygh.); Karakh. qaδɨn (MK, KB), qadɨn (KB), qajɨn (IM); Tur. kajɨn; Az.
Gajɨn; Turkm. Gājɨn; MTurk. qajɨn (Pav. C., MA, Houts.); Uzb. qɛjin;
Uygh. qejin; Tat. qajɨn; Bashk. qajnɨ; Kirgh. qajɨn; Kaz. qajɨn; Kum. qajɨn;
Nogh. qajɨn; Khak. xazɨn/ xastɨ; Shr. qazɨn; Oyr. qajɨn; Tv. qatɨ; Tof. xattɨ;
Chuv. xoń.
◊ VEWT 218, ЭСТЯ 5, 215-216, Лексика 309, Федотов 2, 358.
PKor. *kjərăi relatives (родственники): MKor. kjrằi; Mod. kjəre.
◊ Nam 41, KED 111.
‖ KW 158, Poppe 52. Despite TMN 3, 579, Щербак 1997, 132 Mong.
is hardly < Turk. Cf. also Evn. kēde ‘friend’ (ТМС 1, 443). The Kor. word
is compared alternatively (JLTT 438) with OJ kara ῾clan, family’, but the
latter seems to have a better match in TM *kal-, see *kala.
-kằgru to bake, boil: Tung. *kurgi-; Mong. *kaɣur-; Turk. *KAgur-; Jpn.
*kùrì-dà; Kor. *krh-.
PTung. *kurgi- to burn, catch fire (гореть, вспыхивать): Evk. kurgi-;
Neg. kurgi-sin-; Man. χur-še-; Ul. kurǯi-; Sol. xudǯi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 435.
PMong. *kaɣur- to roast, bake, fry (жарить, печь): MMong. qawur-
(MA) 1; WMong. qa(ɣ)uru-, (L 910:) qaɣur-, qaɣuur-, quɣur-; Kh. xūr-;
Bur. xūra-; Kalm. xūr-; Ord. xūr-; Mog. ZM qouro (14-6b) ‘to boil, roast’;
Dong. kuru-; Mongr. kurgu- (SM 216).
◊ KW 201, 204. Southern forms seem to reflect front vocalism.
PTurk. *KAgur- to roast, fry (жарить): Karakh. qaɣur-, qoɣur-, qovur-
(MK); Tur. kavur-; Gag. qa’ur-; Az. Govur-; Turkm. Govur-, Gavɨr- (А-Б);
MTurk. qavur- (Houts., Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qɔwur-, dial. qɔɣur-; Uygh.
qoru-; Krm. qavur-; Tat. quwɨr-; Bashk. quwɨr-, dial. qɨwɨr-; Kirgh. kūr(u)-;
Kaz. quwɨr-; KKalp. quwɨr-; Nogh. quwɨr-; Khak. xōr-; Shr. qōr-; Oyr. kūr-;
Tv. xōr-.
◊ VEWT 220, ЭСТЯ 5, 175-177.
PJpn. *kùrì-dà kitchen (кухня): OJpn. kurija; MJpn. kùrìjà; Tok.
kùrija; Kyo. kúríjá; Kag. kurijá.
◊ JLTT 464. The accent in Tokyo and Kyoto is irregular (pointing to *kúrí-dá), but Ka-
goshima together with RJ point to original low tone.
PKor. *krh- to boil (варить(ся)): MKor. krh-; Mod. k:ɨr(h)-.
◊ Nam 74, KED 250.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk. (see TMN 3, 542, Щербак 1997, 132), but
may well be genuine, see KW 202, Владимирцов 206, Poppe 48. Ko-
 *kájo - *kàjú 685

rean has the typical “verbal” low tone. The specific medial cluster ex-
plains somewhat irregular vowel behaviour in Kor.
-kájo strong odour, smoke: Tung. *koja; Mong. *kej; Turk. *KAjɨr; Jpn.
*káiN-púri.
PTung. *koja secretion of a musk deer (струя кабарги): Ul. qoja;
Nan. qoja.
◊ ТМС 1, 404.
PMong. *kej 1 air, atmosphere 2 wind (1 воздух, атмосфера 2 ве-
тер): MMong. ke (=kəi HY 1), kei (SH), kī (IM), kĭji (MA) 1; WMong. kei
(L 444) 1; Kh. xij 1; Bur. xī 1; Kalm. kī 1; Ord. kī; Mog. kei 1,2; ZM kei 1,2
(19-4a); Dag. xein, kein, kīn 2 (Тод. Даг. 149), hejn 2, hejse- ‘to blow’ (MD
159), hij 1 (MD 162); Dong. kei 1, 2; Bao. ki 2; S.-Yugh. kī 1; Mongr. kī
(SM 199) 1, 2.
◊ KW 233-234, MGCD 347. Mong. > Evk. kei etc., see Doerfer MT 102.
PTurk. *KAjɨr castoreum, the odorous secretion of the beaver (мус-
кус, пахучие выделения бобра): OTurk. qajɨr (OUygh.); Karakh. qun-
duz qajɨrɨ (MK); MTurk. qajɨr (Sangl.); Tat. Sib. qajɨr; Khak. xajɨr; Shr.
qajɨr.
◊ VEWT 222, EDT 678-679.
PJpn. *káiN-púri ( ~ *kiá-) smoke (дым): OJpn. k(j)eburi; MJpn. ké-
búri; Tok. kèmuri; Kyo. kémúrí; Kag. kemúi.
◊ JLTT 448. Historically a compound with *pur- ‘to wave’ (or *pur- ‘to snow, rain’);
the Ryukyu variant *kaiNpusi may reflect a different suffixation (or the influence of *mus-
‘to boil, steam’). Simple *kai is also attested in OJ as ke ‘vapour, breath’; the word is tradi-
tionally regarded as borrowed < MChin. khj id., but the vocalism is somewhat strange
(one would rather expect OJ ki - which, as a matter of fact, is also attested and is the nor-
mal Goon / Kanon reading of the character 氣).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 109, 277, Мудрак Дисс. 103 (see also *gūbe, *kaju, with
a possibility of contaminations). Note that both in MMong. and OJ the
root is sometimes treated as borrowed from MChin. khj (see, e.g.,
Rozycki 139) - which is not totally excluded, but somewhat dubious
(very early attestation both in Mongolian and Japanese texts, and un-
explained vocalism).
-kàjú wind, air: Tung. *kuje; Mong. *kuj; Turk. *KAj; Jpn. *kùjù-r-; Kor.
*kùrì-.
PTung. *kuje whirlwind, snow storm (метель, пурга): Neg. kuje;
Orch. kue, kuwe; Ud. kue (Корм. 253).
◊ ТМС 1, 425.
PMong. *kuj whirlwind (вихрь): WMong. qui (L 982); Kh. xuj; Bur.
xuj; Kalm. xǖ (КРС); Ord. xuj; S.-Yugh. χui.
◊ MGCD 386. Mong. > Chag. qujun, Oyr. qujun etc. (see Лексика 43-44, ЭСТЯ 6,
117-118).
686 *kaka - *kằmò
PTurk. *KAj 1 shaman spirit 2 throat singing (1 шаманский дух 2
горловое пение): SUygh. qaj 1; Khak. xaj 2; Shr. qajla- 2; Oyr. qajla- 2;
Chuv. > Mari xoj ‘Gespräch’.
◊ VEWT 221. If the original meaning is ‘air movement’ (cf. the external evidence), cf.
also Chuv. kü ‘strong odour’.
PJpn. *kùjù-r- to smoke, fume (дымить(ся)): MJpn. kùjù-r-; Tok.
kuyúr-; Kyo. kúyúr-; Kag. kùyùr-.
PKor. *kùrì- be smelly, stinking (вонять, пахнуть): MKor. kùrì-;
Mod. kori-, kuri-.
◊ Liu 83, KED 200.
‖ Cf. *kájo: the two roots seem to be distinct, but certainly contami-
nations were possible. Kor. *kuri- < *kuju-ri-, cf. the Jpn. form.
-kaka ( ~ -k῾-) shell: Tung. *kiaK-ta / -ikta; Jpn. *kàkî.
PTung. *kiaK-ta / -ikta 1 skin 2 shell (1 кожа 2 раковина): Evk.
kkikta 1; Man. qaiqari 2; Ul. qịaqta 2; Nan. qǟχta 2; Orch. kiakta 2; Ud.
käkta (/käxta) (Корм. 246).
◊ ТМС 1, 386-387.
PJpn. *kàkî shell, oyster (раковина, устрица): OJpn. kakji; MJpn.
kàkì; Tok. káki; Kyo. kàkî; Kag. kakí.
◊ JLTT 434.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 293. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; seems quite reliable (linking
the Jpn. form with Kor. kur by Martin 238 should be rejected).
-k[a]ma a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *k[ia]m-; Mong. *kemerleg; Jpn.
*kàmuâ; Kor. *kàmà’ótí.
PTung. *k[ia]m- diver (гагара): Evn. kǟmilŋa / kiamilŋa; Ork. qojomo
‘a k. of duck’.
◊ ТМС 1, 388, 404. Cf. also Man. xumudu / xumtu ‘bustard’ (ТМС 1, 447). The vocalic
reconstruction is not quite clear.
PMong. *kemerleg a k. of pheasant-like bird (вид птицы, похожей
на фазана): WMong. kemerlig (MXTTT); Kh. xemerleg.
PJpn. *kàmuâ duck (утка): OJpn. kamwo; MJpn. kàmò; Tok. kámo;
Kyo. kàmô; Kag. kamó.
◊ JLTT 436.
PKor. *kàmà’ótí cormorant (баклан): MKor. kàmà’ótí; Mod. kamauǯi.
◊ Nam 4 (HMCH 184), KED 15.
‖ Despite some problems with vocalism, the root seems reliable.
-kằmò ghost, spirit: Tung. *kum-; Mong. *keme-; Turk. *Kiam; Jpn.
*kàmù-i.
PTung. *kum- evil spirit (злой дух): Nan. kumtu (Bik.); qōmio (On.)
‘helping spirit, human-shaped figurine of a god’.
◊ ТМС 1, 431. Attested only in Nanai (with a not quite clear vowel variation in dia-
lects, but having probable external parallels.
 *kamp῾a - *kamp῾a 687

PMong. *keme- 1 to divine on bones 2 to speak, explain (arch.) (1

гадать по костям 2 говорить, объяснять): WMong. keme- 1,2 (L 450);
Kh. xemē- 2; Kalm. kemɛ:- 1.
◊ KW 224.
PTurk. *Kiam 1 shaman 2 to shamanize, come into movement (1
шаман 2 камлать, приходить в движение): OTurk. qam 1, qamla- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. qam (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kam 1; MTurk. qam 1 (AH, IM,
Pav. C.), qamla- 2 (Sangl.); Krm. qamʒɨ 1; Tat. qam 1 (Sib.); Khak. xam 1,
xamna- 2; Shr. qam 1; Oyr. qam 1, qamda- 2; Tv. xam 1; Tof. xam 1; Chuv.
jomъś, jumъźə 1; Yak. xam-nā- (xam-sā-) 2; Dolg. kamnā- 2.
◊ VEWT 228, TMN 3, 402-406, ЭСТЯ 5, 240-241, Егоров 348-349, Федотов 1, 486, Sta-
chowski 136.
PJpn. *kàmù-i god, spirit (бог, дух): OJpn. kami; MJpn. kàmì; Tok.
kamí; Kyo. kámi; Kag. kàmí.
◊ JLTT 435. OJ kamu- in compounds (kamu-nusi etc.).
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 192 (Turk.-Mong.). Cf. perhaps also MKor. -km in
nīm-km ‘master, Lord’ (if -km is not borrowed < Jpn. kimi, see under
*kiŋo).
-kamp῾a top, top of head: Tung. *kiama / *kiapa; Turk. *k(i)amak /
*k(i)apak; Jpn. *kàm(p)-; Kor. *kàmá.
PTung. *kiama / *kiapa 1 temple 2 face (1 висок 2 лицо): Evk. kwa
2; Ork. qmi 1; Nan. qǟf (Bik.) 1; Ud. keämikta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 386.
PTurk. *K(i)amak / *K(i)apak 1 forehead 2 front part 3 eyelid 4 eye-
brow (1 лоб 2 передняя часть 3 веко 4 бровь): Karakh. qapaq 3 (MK);
Tur. kabak ‘bald’, dial. kabag 1, 2, ‘face’, ‘skull’; Az. GabaG 2, (poet.)
‘face’; Turkm. GābaG 3; MTurk. qabaq 1, 2 (Sangl., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qɔvɔq
3; Uygh. dial. qawaq 3; Tat. küz qabaɣɨ 3, dial. taw qabaɣɨ ‘mountain
slope’; Bashk. qabaq 3, ‘precipice’; Kirgh. qabaq 3, ‘pitfall’; Kaz. qabaq 3,
‘place under the forehead; edge of shore’; KKalp. qabaq 3, ‘cleft’; Kum.
göz qabaɣɨ 3; Nogh. qabaq 3; SUygh. qavaq ‘nose bridge’ (ЯЖУ); Khak.
xamax 1; Shr. qamaq, qabaq 1; Oyr. qamaq, qabaq 4, dial. 1; Tv. xavaq 1; Tof.
qabaq 4.
◊ VEWT 228, ЭСТЯ 5, 161, Лексика 199-200. An extremely complicated case: forms
meaning ‘eyelid’ are traditionally analysed as derived from *Kap- ‘to cover’ - but the
Turkm., Uzb. and Uygh. forms clearly contradict such a derivation by displaying unmis-
takable vowel length. A trace of the original meaning ‘forehead, eyebrow’ (later shifted to
‘eyelid’) in the Kypchak languages (not distinguishing vowel length) may be found in
expressions meaning ‘to frown (one’s forehead, eyebrows)’: Kirgh. qabaq tüj-, bürkö-, Kaz.,
KKalp. qabaq tüj-. The form *Kāpak may have been additionally influenced by PT *Kāp
‘sack; to surround’ (v. sub *k[ā]p῾á), *Kāp(ak) ‘caul, hymen’ (v. sub *k῾āp῾a). The variation of
*-m- and -p- (cf. the archaic Siberian reflexes with -m-) is parallelled by a similar varia-
tion in TM and Japanese and may reflect an original cluster, but may have been an inno-
vation due to the contaminations with *Kap- and *Kāp.
688 *kằmù - *kàntú
PJpn. *kàm(p)- 1 top 2 head (1 верх, верхушка 2 голова): OJpn.
kamji 1; MJpn. kàmí 1, kabu(ri) 2; Tok. kámi 1, káburi, kàburi 2; Kyo. kàmí
1, kábúrí 2; Kag. kamí 1, kaburí 2.
◊ JLTT 431, 435.
PKor. *kàmá crown of head (верхушка головы): MKor. kàmá; Mod.
kama.
◊ Liu 20, HMCH 51, KED 14.
‖ PKE 68 (Kor.-Turk., without Japanese parallels), АПиПЯЯ 279,
Лексика 200. Tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
The variation between *-m- and *-p- in most subgroups reflects the PA
cluster *-mp῾-, possibly with later interdialectal loans.
-kằmù beaver; bear: Tung. *kuma; Turk. *Kạma; Jpn. *kùmà; Kor.
*kōm.
PTung. *kuma seal (нерпа, тюлень): Evk. kuma; Evn. qụma; Neg.
koma.
◊ ТМС 1, 430.
PTurk. *Kạma 1 beaver 2 otter (1 бобер 2 выдра): Uygh. qama 2; Tat.
qama 2; Bashk. qama 2; KKalp. qama 2; Khak. xam-nos, xam čat (Верб.) 1;
Shr. qamna(ɣɨ) 2; Oyr. qamdu 2; Chuv. xъₙma ‘beaver, marten’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 242, Лексика 162, Мудрак Дисс. 145. Also PT *Kam-tuŕ ‘beaver, otter’
(VEWT 228, Лексика 162) (*Kam-tuŕ may be a compound < *Kama+*utɨŕ ‘otter’ q.v. sub
*óŋdu; Leksika ibid., however, suggests rather *Kam-luč, with a diminutive *-luč. There is
also a variant *Kun-tuŕ (with *Kunu ‘wolverine’? - see, however, TMN 3, 524, with a sug-
gestion of Turk. < Pers.).
PJpn. *kùmà bear (медведь): OJpn. kuma; Tok. kumá; Kyo. kúmà;
Kag. kumá.
◊ JLTT 463.
PKor. *kōm bear (медведь): MKor. kōm; Mod. kōm.
◊ Nam 51, KED 161.
‖ EAS 155, SKE 122-123, Дыбо 9, Martin 225, Лексика 162.
-kàntú a k. of vessel: Tung. *kondi; Mong. *kundaga; Turk. *Kendük
(*Kentük); Jpn. *kùntá.
PTung. *kondi scoop, box (ковш, черпак, ящик): Neg. konǯaxan;
Ul. konǯoko; Ork. χondoqqo ‘кисет’; Nan. kunǯi, kunǯučẽ; Orch. kōndi; Ud.
konǯi.
◊ ТМС 1, 409, 412, 470.
PMong. *kundaga a small vessel (небольшой сосуд): WMong.
qundaɣa(n) (L 986); Kh. xundaga; Bur. xundaga; Ord. xundaGa.
◊ Mong. > Man. xuntaxa (see Rozycki 112).
PTurk. *Kendük (*Kentük) 1 large earthenware jar for storing flour
2 bin, crib for flour, grain (1 большой глиняный сосуд для муки 2
ларь, закром для муки, зерна): Karakh. kendük (MK - Ganch.) 1; Az.
kändi 2; Khal. kändi ‘basket’; MTurk. kündük ‘jug’ (Sangl.); Uzb. kandik 2;
 *k[a]ŋe - *kàpì 689

Kirgh. kendik ‘room for grain, fuel’ (may be < Pers.); Chuv. kandi ‘round
wooden bowl’.
◊ EDT 729. Clauson regards the word as an unequivocal iranism. The Iranian forms
are: Pekhl. kndwg ( > Armen. k’andouk), Pers. kandū, kandūk ‘big earthenware vessel for
storing grain’, Osset. xaendyg ‘pail for pickled cheese’. Persian is the source of Syr. kndwk-,
Arab. kandūǯ ‘big vessel for grain’. Also related is Sak. khadīrakya (*xandīra-) ‘a vessel’
(possibly, some basket-work, see Bailey 71, Аб. 4, 173). Abayev derives the above forms
from Iran. *kan- ‘to dig’ - which is not quite plausible (in a participle we would expect the
zero grade vocalism; unclear is the labial vowel in the suffix; semantics raises doubts). On
the other hand, all the above Iranian forms can be well explained as Turkisms, including
the Saka form - with the suffix -rak (a wellknown suffix for receptacles, see Bang 1918).
External parallels provide the final support for such a decision. Middle Greek kóndü
‘potrion’ may be < Bulg., cf. the Chuv. semantics (see Фасмер sub кандия; cf. also other
European words possibly having the same source).
PJpn. *kùntá pipe (трубка): OJpn. kuda; MJpn. kùdá; Tok. kúda; Kyo.
kùdá; Kag. kudá.
◊ JLTT 461.
‖ The root appears well reconstructable for PA, with a common de-
rivative *kàntú-kV (PT *Kendük = PM *kundaga = PTM *kondi-kā-n.
-k[a]ŋe a k. of board: Tung. *küŋile; Mong. *kaŋga; Turk. *K(i)aŋ.
PTung. *küŋile skis (лыжи-голицы): Evk. kiŋlē; Evn. kịŋna; Neg.
kiŋne; Ul. kuŋgilte; Ork. kuŋgilte; Nan. kuŋgilte; Orch. kiŋile; Ud. kiŋgile.
◊ ТМС 1, 396. Evk. > Dolg. kiŋle (see Stachowski 148).
PMong. *kaŋga a k. of board, cross-bar (вид доски, распорки):
WMong. qaŋɣa; Kh. xaŋga; Kalm. xaŋgə.
◊ KW 166. Mong > Kaz. qaŋa ‘доска’ etc., VEWT 232.
PTurk. *K(i)aŋ 1 vehicle, cart 2 skis, sleigh (1 повозка 2 лыжи, са-
ни): OTurk. qaŋlɨ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qaŋlɨ (MK) 1; Tur. kaɣnɨ, dial.
kannɨ, kangɨllɨ 1; Sal. ɣaŋlɨ 1; MTurk. qaŋlɨ (Sangl., Houts., AH) 1; Khak.
xaŋā 1; Shr. qaŋna 2; Tv. xk 2; Tof. qaŋha 2 (ФиЛ 91).
◊ TMN 3, 531, EDT 638, ЭСТЯ 5, 259-260, Лексика 533.
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite vocalic irregularity, the TM forms are
hard to separate from Turko-Mongolian.
-kàpì depth; edge: Tung. *kiabu-; Mong. *köb-; Jpn. *kìpà; Kor. *kìphí-.
PTung. *kiabu- bottom of boat (дно лодки): Ul. kêwu(n); Nan. kiõ;
Orch. kǟu.
◊ ТМС 1, 390.
PMong. *köb- 1 depth 2 edge, side (1 глубина 2 край, бок):
WMong. köb 1 (L 475), köbege(n), köbüge (L 476) 2; Kh. xöv 1, xövge, xövȫ
2; Bur. xübȫ 2; Kalm. köwɛ 2; Ord. köwȫ 2; Dag. kuwē, kugē 2 (Тод. Даг.
150); Mongr. koG (SM 212) 1.
◊ KW 242. Mong. > Evk. kuwē, Man. kubu-, kubuxen (ТМС 1, 423, Poppe 1966, 192,
Doerfer MT 132), Turk. köbe etc. (VEWT 285, ЭСТЯ 5, 80-81).
690 *kap῾a - *kàp῾ù
PJpn. *kìpà edge, side (край, бок): OJpn. kjipa; MJpn. kìfà; Tok. kiwá;
Kyo. kíwà; Kag. kiwá.
◊ JLTT 452.
PKor. *kìphí- deep (глубокий): MKor. kìphí-; Mod. kip- [kiph-].
◊ Nam 80, KED 283.
‖ Martin 230. Korean has a ‘verbal’ low tone and a secondary mo-
nophthongization (*-jə- > -i-). In Mong. one has to assume labial assimi-
lation *köb- < *keb-.
-kap῾a turtle, crayfish: Tung. *kiakp- / *kiapk-; Mong. *kab-; Jpn. *kap-
/ *kam-; Kor. *kpúp.
PTung. *kiakp- / *kiapk- 1 crayfish 2 tick (1 рак 2 клещ): Ork.
qêqparị 1; Orch. kǟpi 2; Ud. käfi 2 (Корм. 247), keäfi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 388.
PMong. *kab- 1 crayfish 2 turtle (1 рак 2 черепаха): WMong. qabči 1
(L 896); Kh. xavč 1; Bur. xabšāxaj 1; Kalm. xawxəntə 2 (КРС); Dag. xabil 2
(Тод. Даг. 172).
◊ Dag. > Sol. xabil id.
PJpn. *kap- / *kam- 1 turtle 2 frog (1 черепаха 2 лягушка): OJpn.
kame 1, kapjeru, kapadu 2; MJpn. kàmè 1, kaferu, kafadu 2; Tok. káme 1,
kàeru, kàwazu 2; Kyo. kàmê 1, kàèrú, kàwàzú 2; Kag. kamé 1, kaerú, kawázu
2.
◊ JLTT 432, 435, 446. Original accent is not quite clear.
PKor. *kpúp turtle (черепаха): MKor. kpúp; Mod. kəbuk.
◊ Nam 32, KED 85.
‖ Martin 244 (Kor.-Jpn.). PJ *kama- presupposes a nasal suffix
(*kap῾a-nV). A very similar fish name is found in TM (Oroch kiampai
‘чилимс’, Nan. qǟfu ‘гольян (озерный)’, see ТМС 1, 397); cf. also a
quite isolated Turkm. kepir ‘carp’ (if not from Pers. kopur, see ЭСТЯ 5,
47). Whether these forms reflect the same root is yet to be determined.
-kàp῾ù ( ~ k῾-, -e-u, -a-u) hoof, heel: Mong. *kajir-; Jpn. *kupi-(mpi)su;
Kor. *kúp.
PMong. *kajir- to hit with a hoof (бить копытом): MMong. qaji-
(SH) ‘to tread’; WMong. qajir- (L 913: qaira-); Kh. xajr-; Bur. xajra-; Kalm.
xǟr-; Ord. xǟr-.
◊ KW 180.
PJpn. *kupi-(mpi)su heel (пятка): OJpn. kupjipjisu; MJpn. kúbísù,
kúfísù; Tok. kùbisu, kìbisu; Kyo. kúbìsù; Kag. kubísu.
◊ JLTT 461. Original accent is not quite clear: Kyoto points rather to LLL, Tokyo and
Kagoshima - to HHH, while RJ has an exceptional type HHL: this is all probably due to
the elision of a medial syllable.
PKor. *kúp hoof (копыто): MKor. kúp; Mod. kup.
◊ Liu 90, KED 220.
 *kăro - *kăru 691

‖ Whitman 1985, 182, 226 (Kor.-Jpn.). Cf. Chag. (VEWT 281) kopuk
‘eine vorteilhafte (stehende) Stellung des Knöchels beim Spiel’. In TM
cf. *kōkčān ‘hoof’ (ТМС 1, 405-406) - perhaps < *kōpčān, cf. Evk. Tott.
kopčan.
-kăro crow, raven: Tung. *kori; Mong. *kerije; Turk. *KArga; Jpn.
*kara-su; Kor. *kằr-.
PTung. *kori a mythical bird (mediator) (мифическая птица (ме-
диатор)): Ork. qorị; Nan. qorị; Orch. kōri.
◊ ТМС 1,415.
PMong. *kerije crow, raven (ворон(а)): MMong. kiriä (MA), kere’e
(SH); WMong. kerije(n) (L 458); Kh. xerē(n); Bur. xirē, xeŕē; Kalm. ker;
Ord. kerē; Dag. xerē (Тод. Даг. 175); S.-Yugh. kərī; Mongr. kərē (SM 198).
◊ KW 226, MGCD 343. Mong. > Evk. kerê etc., see TMN 1, 464, Doerfer MT 96, Rozy-
cki 138.
PTurk. *KArga crow (ворона): OTurk. qarɣa (OUygh.); Karakh.
qarɣa (MK, KB); Tur. karɣa; Az. Garɣa; Turkm. GarGa; MTurk. qarɣa
(Houts., AH, IM, Qutb., Pav. C.), qarqa (MA); Uzb. qɛrɣɛ; Uygh. qa(r)ɣa;
Tat. qarɣa; Bashk. qarɣa; Kirgh. qarɣa; Kaz. qarɣa; KBalk. qarɣa; KKalp.
qarɣa, ɣarɣa; Kum. qarɣa; Nogh. qarɣa; Khak. xarɣa; Shr. qarɣa; Oyr. qarɣa;
Tv. qārɣan; Tof. qarɣan.
◊ VEWT 237, TMN 3, 384, ЭСТЯ 5, 303-304, Лексика 171. Turk. > Mong. qarɣa (Щер-
бак 1997, 134).
PJpn. *kara-su crow (ворона): OJpn. karasu; MJpn. kàrásu; Tok.
kàrasu; Kyo. kàràsù; Kag. karásu.
◊ JLTT 439. Accent relations are quite unclear.
PKor. *kằr- crow, jackdaw (ворона, галка): MKor. kằr-kàmàkói; Mod.
kalgamagwi.
◊ Nam 20, KED 42.
‖ Дыбо 8, Лексика 171. In Turk. cf. also *Kuŕgun ‘raven’ (see TMN
3, 468-469, ЭСТЯ 6, 107-108).
-kăru need, necessity: Tung. *kor-pi-; Mong. *kara; Turk. *gẹrge-; Kor.
*kari- (?).
PTung. *kor-pi- to be, make in time (успеть, сделать к сроку): Neg.
kotpị-; Ul. qorpị-; Ork. qụlpị-; Nan. qorpị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 419.
PMong. *kara 1 envy 2 in need, jobless 3 miserly (1 зависть 2 нуж-
дающийся, безработный 3 скупой): WMong. qara 1, qaraɣu, qaram 3 (L
934, 935); Kh. xar 1, xarū, xaram 3; Bur. xara 1; Kalm. xarā 2, xarəm ‘com-
passion; miserliness’, xarū ‘jealous; miserly; careful’ (КРС); Ord.
xaramči 3; Dag. xarmači(n) 3 (Тод. Даг. 174), hareme 3 (MD 157).
PTurk. *gẹrge- 1 to need 2 necessity, necessary 3 to stay away, dare
not (1 нуждаться 2 необходимость, необходимый 3 не осмеливать-
692 *káta - *ktu
ся): OTurk. kerge- 1 (OUygh.), kergek 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. kerge-
1, kerek 2 (MK, KB); Tur. gerek 2; Az. gäräk 2; Turkm. gerek 2; Khal. kerek
2; MTurk. kẹrek 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. kerak 2; Uygh. keräk 2; Krm. kerek 2; Tat.
kiräk 2; Bashk. käräk 2; Kirgh. kerek 2; Kaz. kerek 2; KBalk. kerek 2; KKalp.
kerek 2; Kum. gerek 2; Nogh. kerek 2; SUygh. kerek 2; Khak. kirek 2; Shr.
kerek 2; Oyr. kerek 2; Tv. xerek 2; Tof. xerek 2; Chuv. kir-lə 2; Yak. kerej- 3,
kerex 2; Dolg. kerek 2.
◊ VEWT 256, EDT 742, 743, ЭСТЯ 3, 25-26, Stachowski 145. Turk. > Mong. kereg (see
Щербак 1997, 127).
PKor. *kari- miserly (скупой): MKor. karin-čuməni (a comp. with
čuməni ‘pocket’); Mod. karin-sɨrəp-, karin-čuməni.
◊ Liu 20, KED 14 (Martin’s derivation < kanrin < Chin. seems dubious).
‖ Cf. also *k῾ùru ‘heavy, difficult’.
-káta salmon, a k. of fish: Tung. *kiata; Mong. *kadaraŋ; Turk. *K(i)atɨr-
( ~-d-); Jpn. *kátú-.
PTung. *kiata 1 salmon 2 dead fish (after releasing roe) 3 to weaken
(1 лосось 2 мертвая рыба (после икрометания) 3 слабеть): Evk. kta
1; Evn. qǟta 1; Neg. kta 1; Man. ḱata 1, ḱatu- 3; Ul. kta 2; Ork. qta 2;
Nan. qǟta- 3; Orch. kiata 2, kiata- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 389. TM > WMong. kete, Kalm. ketə (KW 228); Russ. кета.
PMong. *kadaraŋ 1 grayling 2 ruff (1 хариус 2 ерш): MMong.
qadara ‘k. of fish’ (SH); WMong. qadaraŋ 2, (L 903) qadara 1; Kh. xadar 1,
xadraŋ 2; Bur. xadaran 1; Kalm. xadərn ‘тарань’ (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. kadara etc. (not vice versa, despite Doerfer MT 103).
PTurk. *K(i)atɨr- ( ~-d-) 1 grayling 2 sturgeon (1 хариус 2 осетр):
Tv. qadɨrɣɨ 1; Yak. xats 2.
◊ VEWT 219.
PJpn. *kátú- 1 tuna fish 2 to become hungry (1 тунец 2 голодать):
MJpn. kátúwó 1, katuwa- 2; Tok. kàtsuo 1, katsué- 2; Kyo. kátsúó 1, kátsúé-
2; Kag. katsúo 1, kàtsùè-.
◊ JLTT 444. Historically a compound with *(d)ibua ‘fish’. Despite the difference in ac-
cent, the verbal stem seems to belong here etymologically: cf. the verbal meaning ‘to
weaken, die (after releasing roe)’ in most TM languages.
‖ An interesting root, demonstrating the acquaintance of the speak-
ers with the way of life of the salmon (weakening and dying after re-
leasing roe). Note a common derivative *káta-rV in the
Turko-Mongolian area.
-ktu sharp tool; notch: Tung. *kota; Mong. *godoli; Turk. *gēt-.
PTung. *kota 1 knife 2 knife on a shaft (1 нож 2 рогатина (тесак на
древке)): Evk. koto 2; Evn. qotqān 1; Neg. koto 1; Nan. qoto 1; Sol. koto 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 418. Doerfer (TMN 1, 486) tries to derive TM *kota from Mong. *kituga (v.
sub *k῾ōt῾e), but this is probably a different root.
 *ká[t῾]ó - *kaǯurV 693

PMong. *godoli a k. of arrow (вид стрелы): MMong. qodoli (SH);

WMong. ɣodoli (L 358: ɣoduli ‘horn-tipped arrow’); Kh. godil; Bur. godli
‘cтрела с роговым или деревянным наконечником’; Kalm. ɣodəli;
Ord. Godoli.
◊ KW 149, TMN 1, 425. Mong. > MKor. kotorí (see Lee 1964, 192).
PTurk. *gēt- to indent, notch, crack (делать зарубку, надрез):
Karakh. ked- (OKypch., AH); Tur. get-; Turkm. gǟt-; Khal. kǟtük ῾indent’;
MTurk. ket- (MA); Uzb. ketük (n.); Tat. kit-; Bashk. kit-; Kirgh. ket-; Kaz.
ketik (n.); KKalp. ketik (n.); Nogh. ketik (n.); Chuv. kat-.
◊ VEWT 259, ЭСТЯ 3, 30-31, 5, 65-66, EDT 700-701.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Mong. one has to suppose assimilation:
godoli < *kodoli. Cf. *k῾ōt῾e.
-ká[t῾]ó stern, steering oar: Tung. *kude; Mong. *kitüge; Turk. *KAdɨk;
Jpn. *kántí.
PTung. *kude 1 stern 2 steering oar (1 задняя часть судна, корма 2
рулевое весло): Man. xude 1, 2; Nan. kude 2; Ud. kude ‘носовая пере-
борка бата (большой долбленой лодки)’ (Корм. 252).
◊ ТМС 1, 424.
PMong. *kitüge stern, steering oar (корма, рулевое весло):
WMong. kiteg (L 474 kitüge); Kh. xiteg.
PTurk. *KAdɨk wooden trough (выдолбленная из дерева колода):
Karakh. qaδɨq (MK: Argu).
◊ EDT 597. The form, although isolated, is clearly different from *K(i)aj-guk (v. sub
*gằjá), attested both in Old Turkic and modern languages.
PJpn. *kántì steering wheel, steering oar (руль, рулевое весло):
OJpn. kadi; MJpn. kádì; Tok. káji; Kyo. kájì; Kag. káji.
◊ JLTT 447. Regular except for the Tokyo accent (*kají would be expected).
‖ Reasons for voicing in TM and Turkic are not clear (assimilative
development in a suffixed form *kát῾ó-gV?; note that in PTM we can
also reconstruct *kudege - the -ge would have been lost in all languages
where the root is attested).
-kaǯurV sand, steppe, earth: Tung. *kuǯur-; Mong. *kuǯir; Turk. *Kạjɨr.
PTung. *kuǯur- to cover, bury (with soil) (заваливать (землей)):
Neg. kuǯuj-.
◊ ТМС 1,424 (an isolated Negidal form, but with probable external parallels).
PMong. *kuǯir salty earth (солончак): MMong. qəǯər (IM); WMong.
quǯir (L 994); Kh. xuǯir; Bur. xužar; Kalm. xuǯr; Ord. xuǯir, Guǯir; Dag.
xoir (Тод. Даг. 176; MGCD xoǯir); S.-Yugh. χuǯir; Mongr. xoir ‘soude’
(SM 170).
◊ KW 195, MGCD 385. Mong. > Man. xuǯiri (see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 112 - but
not Evk. kudu).
694 *koči - *kód[o]
PTurk. *Kạjɨr 1 salt steppe 2 sandbank 3 gravel 4 sand (1 солончак
2 песчаный берег 3 гравий 4 песок): Karakh. qajɨr 1, 4 (MK Oghuz);
Tur. kajɨr 2; Turkm. dial. Gajɨr 3, 4; MTurk. (OKypch.) qajɨr (Houts. 94,
AH 74); Uzb. dial. qɛjir 3; Kaz. qajɨr 2; KKalp. qajɨr 2; Kum. qajɨr 3;
Nogh. qajɨr 4; Tv. xajɨr 1; Chuv. xъjъr 4; Yak. xajɨr tās 3.
◊ VEWT 221-222, EDT 678, ЭСТЯ 5, 206, 217, Лексика 97. Turk. > WMong. qajir,
Kalm. xǟr (KW 180).
‖ VEWT 222 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 287, Лексика 97. A Western
isogloss.
-koči ( ~ -e, *kačo) nasty: Tung. *kus-; Mong. *kečeɣü; Turk. *KAč-;
Kor. *kùč-.
PTung. *kus- hate, uneasiness (неловкость, тоска, отвращение):
Man. kušu-n.
◊ ТМС 1, 441. Cf. perhaps Nan. kusi- ‘to drive away, frighten off (cattle)’.
PMong. *kečeɣü difficult, unpleasant (трудный, неприятный):
MMong. kɛču ‘stupid’ (IM), keče’u(n), keča’u ‘hard; stupid’ (SH), keceo’u
‘verstockt’ (HYt); WMong. kečegü, (L 440:) kečegüü; Kh. xecǖ; Bur. xesǖ;
Kalm. kecǖ; Ord. gečǖ; Dag. kečū (Тод. Даг. 150).
◊ KW 229, TMN 1, 462. Mong. > Manchu keču ‘fierce, cruel’ etc. (see Rozycki 135).
PTurk. *KAč- 1 panic and disorder 2 crazy 3 (to act) inimically, cat-
tily 4 annoyance 5 joke 6 to mock (1 паника и беспорядок 2 безумный
3 (поступать) назло, злобствовать 4 досада 5 шутка 6 насмехаться):
Karakh. qačɨš 1 (MK); Tur. kačɨk 2; Khak. xača- 3, xačaɣ 4; Shr. qaǯaŋ 5;
Oyr. qačaš 3 (adj.); Tv. qɨžɨrt- 6.
◊ VEWT 217, EDT 593. MK’s gloss is analysed as a reciprocal derivative < *KAč- ‘to
flee’, but this is obviously a folk etymology.
PKor. *kùč- nasty (противный, плохой): MKor. kùč-; Mod. kut-
[kuč-].
◊ Nam 64, KED 223.
‖ Mong. keče-ɣü and some Turkic forms (e.g. Khak. xača-ɣ) reflect a
common derivative *koči-gV.
-kód[o] to go, walk: Tung. *kiad-; Mong. *ködel-; Jpn. *kájuáp-; Kor.
*kd-.
PTung. *kiad- mountain pass (горный перевал): Evk. kêdris.
◊ ТМС 1, 386. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ködel- 1 to move 2 to work (1 двигаться 2 работать):
MMong. kotɛlči ‘servant’ (IM), kudäl- (MA), kodol-, godol- (SH, HYt);
WMong. ködel- 1, 2; Kh. xödl- 1, 2; Bur. xüdel- 1, 2; Kalm. ködl- 1, 2; Ord.
ködöl- 1, 2; Mog. kütäl ‘work’; Dag. xudele- 1 (Тод. Даг. 179), hudele-,
hudule- (MD 165); Dong. goǯielu- 1, 2; Bao. gudel-, gudal- 1; S.-Yugh.
gödöl-; Mongr. gudoli- (SM 139) 1.
◊ KW 235, MGCD 404.
 *kójbu - *kolo 695

PJpn. *kájuáp- to walk, go back and forth (ходить): OJpn. kajwop-;

MJpn. kájóf-; Tok. kàyo-; Kyo. káyó-; Kag. kayó-.
◊ JLTT 707.
PKor. *kd- walk (ходить): MKor. kt- (kər-); Mod. kt- (kr-).
◊ Nam 32, 37, KED 95.
‖ Martin 245, АПиПЯЯ 15, 16, 71, 103, 279 (but the Turkic parallel
has to be attributed to a different root, see *gāt῾i). In TM one would
rather expect *kid- - but the PTM reconstruction is dubious anyway
(based only on one dialectal Evk. form).
-kójbu pale: Tung. *kiaba-; Mong. *kubakaj; Turk. *Kuba / *Koba; Jpn.
*kú-i.
PTung. *kiaba- pale (бледный): Evk. kwama; Evn. kmakụ; Neg.
km-dị, kr; Ul. qm-ǯị; Ork. qêmo-tto-; Nan. qịa-gǯa, qịa-m; Orch. kǟm; Ud.
keäl-keäl.
◊ ТМС 1, 386.
PMong. *kubakaj pale, withered (бледный, засохший): MMong.
qubi ‘yellow (horse)’ (SH); WMong. qubaqai (L 976); Kh. xuvxai; Bur.
xubxaj; Kalm. xōxn; Ord. xuwaxǟ.
◊ KW 192. Mong. > Oyr. qubaɣai.
PTurk. *Kuba / *Koba pale yellow, pale grey (желтоватый, серова-
тый): Karakh. quba (MK); Uzb. quw; Tat. quwa, qɨw (dial.); Kirgh. qū;
Kaz. quw; KKalp. quw; Kum. quw; Nogh. quw; SUygh. qo; Khak. xū; Oyr.
qō, qū; Tv. xuwa.
◊ VEWT 295, EDT 581, ЭСТЯ 6, 94-96, 98-99. Turk. > Mong. quba, quwa (KW 191,
Щербак 1997, 142; Mong. quba, however, also means ‘amber’ and may be borrowed also
from Chin. hu-p῾o, see L 976, Rozycki 111) > Man. quwa.
PJpn. *kú-i yellow (желтый): OJpn. ki; MJpn. kí; Tok. kì-iro-; Kyo.
kîíro-; Kag. kīre.
◊ JLTT 449. The root *kú- is proved by compounds like OJ ku-gane ‘yellow metal,
gold’.
‖ Владимирцов 210. *-jb- is reconstructed to account for Mong. -b-
rather than *-ɣ-. Note, however, that modern Turkic and Mongolian
forms interact actively: some Turkic forms may be backloans from
Mong. quwa (which itself is probably a Turkism, see above).
-kolo ( ~ k῾-, -ĺ-, -u-) long; far: Mong. *kolo; Kor. *kìr-.
PMong. *kolo far (далекий): MMong. kolo (HY 52), qolo (SH), qula
(IM), qulă (MA); WMong. qolo, (L 956) qola; Kh. xol; Bur. xolo; Kalm. xolə;
Ord. xolo; Mog. qolō; ZM qolā (6-8a); Dag. xolo, xol (Тод. Даг. 177), hole
(MD 163); Dong. Golo; Bao. xolo, (MGCD) Golo; S.-Yugh. xolo; Mongr.
xolo, Golo ‘tres, fort’ (SM 170), xulo (SM 180).
◊ KW 182, MGCD 361.
696 *koĺa - *kĺe
PKor. *kìr- 1 long 2 to prolong (1 длинный 2 удлинять): MKor.
kìr’ú- 2; Mod. kīl- 1, kirɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 81, KED 264, 279
‖ АПиПЯЯ 295. A Mong.-Kor. isogloss. The Mong. form cannot be
compared with TM *gora ‘far’ (despite Poppe 18).
-koĺa to steal, deceive: Tung. *kola; Mong. *kula-gai; Turk. *K(i)aĺ-; Jpn.
*kasu-m-.
PTung. *kola 1 cunning 2 deceit 3 to deceive 4 catching thieves (1
хитрый 2 ложь 3 обмануть 4 поимщик воров и разбойников): Evk.
kolo 1; Man. χolo 2, χolto- 3, χuǯa-či 4; SMan. holə ‘lie, falsehood’ (1308).
◊ ТМС 1, 407, 476.
PMong. *kula-gai 1 robber, thief 2 to steal (1 вор, грабитель 2
красть): MMong. qulasun (HY 32), qulaqai (SH, HYt) 1, qoɣla- (IM) 2,
qulaq- (MA) 2; WMong. qulaɣai 1 (L 983); Kh. xulgai 1; Bur. xulgaj 1;
Kalm. xulxǟ, xulxā 1; Ord. xulaGǟ; Mog. qulaɣɛi; ZM qolaɣaj (11-1b); Dag.
xualag 1; hualehe 1 (MD 165); Dong. GuGi 1 (MGCD: Gulaɣəi, Guɣəi),
Gula- 2; Bao. Golai 1; S.-Yugh. χulaGai 1; Mongr. xorGw 1 (SM 172), xu-
laGa- ‘voler’ (SM 180), (MGCD xulGai).
◊ MGCD 388. Cf. also WMong. qulduŋ, Kalm. xuldəŋ ‘cunning’ (KW 196); on some
other derivatives and probable loanwords in Turkic see ЭСТЯ 6, 131. Mong. > Man. xulxa
etc., see Doerfer MT 82, Rozycki 112.
PTurk. *K(i)aĺ- 1 lazy, vile (in addressing a slave) 2 lazy, stubborn (1
ленивый, негодный (обращение к рабу) 2 ленивый, упрямый):
Karakh. qašaŋ (MK) 1; MTurk. qašaŋ (Pav. C.); Uzb. qaššaŋ ‘poor, beg-
gar’; Uygh. qaššaq 1, 2, qašaŋ 2; Bashk. dial. qaššaq 1, 2, dial. qašan 2;
Kirgh. qašaŋ 2; KKalp. qasaŋ 2; Oyr. qažaŋ 2; Chuv. xъli ‘невзрачный,
плохонький’, xъlin ‘хитрец, упрямец, лодырь, лентяй’.
◊ EDT 673, ЭСТЯ 5, 348-350. Turk. > WMong. qašaŋ ‘slow, lazy’ (Clark 1980, 42);
some of the modern Turkic forms may be borrowed back from Mong. (as certainly is
Chuv. xažan).
PJpn. *kasu-m- to steal, rob (красть, грабить): OJpn. kasum-, ka-
sume-; MJpn. kású-ma-, kàzò-f-.
◊ JLTT 705. Accentuation is not quite clear (variants kàzòf- and kású-ma- in RJ).
‖ Illich-Svitych ОСНЯ 1, 329 lists MKor. kul- ‘to lie’, but this is
probably = MKor. kūr- ‘to blow’, due to a character misidentification by
Lee Kee-mun (1958, 112).
-kĺe quiver, ornaments for quiver: Tung. *kulmaki; Mong. *kul-da-;
Turk. *Keĺ; Jpn. *knsìrì.
PTung. *kulmaki vessel for spoons, knives etc. made of birch bark
(берестяной сосуд для ложек, ножей и т.п.): Neg. kulumux; Ul. ko-
lomo, kulumu; Ork. xulmew, xulmeu; Nan. kurmī, xurmu; Orch. kolomon,
kulumun.
 *komga - *konŋu 697
◊ ТМС 1, 429. Contaminated with *kormaki, see sub *kúra(mV).
PMong. *kul-da- 1 to glue (strips of birch bark on a bow) 2 thin
strips of bone, horn or wood with which furniture, etc. is decorated (1
приклеивать (полоски бересты к луку) 2 тонкие полоски кости, ро-
га или дерева для украшения мебели и т.п.): WMong. qulda- 1,
qulda-sun 2 (L 984); Kh. xulda- 1, xuldās 2; Bur. xuldāha(n) ‘coffin made of
birch-bark or felt’ (?).
PTurk. *Keĺ quiver (колчан): OTurk. keš (OUygh., Yenis.); Karakh.
keš (MK); MTurk. keš (Qutb., MA, IM); Krm. keš, kes; Kirgh. keš (R); Tv.
xeš (Todzh., Рас. ФиЛ 188); Tof. xeš 1; Yak. kesex (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 752, MNT 1697, ЭСТЯ 5, 60-61 (see ibid. the literature on the his-
tory of arms).
PJpn. *knsìrì chape, stripes and ornaments for quivers, furniture
etc. (оковка ножен, полосы и украшения для колчанов, мебели и
т.п.): MJpn. kòzìrì; Tok. kojiri.
◊ JLTT 460.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term (although Mong. -u-
here is not quite regular; one would expect -i-/-e- or -ö-).
-komga a k. of grass: Tung. *kumga; Mong. *kamkag, *kamgaɣul; Turk.
*KAmgak.
PTung. *kumga a k. of grass (вид травы): Evn. qomāmma ‘name of a
plant with edible root’; Ork. qụmɣa ‘a k. of grass plant’.
◊ ТМС 1, 408, 430.
PMong. *kamkag, *kamgaɣul a k. of grass, Salsula (вид травы, Sal-
sula): MMong. qamqa’ulsun ‘ein Kraut, Unkraut’ (SH), kamqa’ul ‘tum-
ble-weed’ (HY 7); WMong. qamqaɣ (L 926), qamqaɣul; Kh. xamxag ‘со-
лянка холмовая, желтая полынь’, xamxūl ‘tumble-weed’; Bur. xamxūl
‘tumble-weed’; Kalm. xamxəg, xamxūl; Ord. xamxaq, xamxūli; Dong.
xanxou; Mongr. xaŋGu (SM 157), xānGul.
◊ KW 164, MGCD 324.
PTurk. *KAmgak saltwort, Salsula (солянка, поташник, Salsula):
OTurk. qamɣaq (OUygh.); Karakh. qamɣaq (MK); Turkm. Gamaq; MTurk.
qamɣaq (Qutb., Pav.C), qamqaq (Houts.); Uzb. qɔmɣɔq; Uygh. qamɣaq;
Bashk. qamɣaq; Kirgh. qamɣaq; Kaz. qaŋbaq; KKalp. qaŋbaq; Kum. qam-
maq; Nogh. qambaq.
◊ EDT 627, VEWT 229, ЭСТЯ 5, 244-245.
‖ A Western isogloss. The root tends to contaminate with *k῾ema q.v.
(and cf. also *kemV, *gaŋu, *gokV). The Mong. form may be < Turk. (cf.
Щербак 1997, 198), but may as well be genuine.
-konŋu ( ~ k῾-) dandruff, mould: Mong. *kine; Turk. *Koŋak.
PMong. *kine mould (плесень): WMong. kine (МХТТТ); Kh. xine.
PTurk. *Koŋak dandruff (перхоть): Tur. konak; Turkm. Goŋaq.
698 *końo - *kopu
◊ VEWT 280.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-końo ( ~ k῾-) a k. of weed: Mong. *köɣene; Turk. *Konak; Jpn. *kmài;
Kor. *kìńm.
PMong. *köɣene a creeping weed (стебель ползучий): WMong.
kögene (МXTTT); Kh. xȫnö.
PTurk. *Konak 1 millet 2 Timothy grass (1 просо 2 тимофеевка,
щетинник зеленоколосый): OTurk. qonaq 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qonaq 1
(MK); Sal. qonax; MTurk. qonaq 1 (AH, MA), qonaɣ 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qụnɔq 1; Uygh. qonaq 1; KKalp. qonaq; Nogh. qonaqaj 1; Tv. xonaq 2.
◊ EDT 637, Лексика 458-459, ЭСТЯ 6, 57. OT qojaq is a ghost-word. Turk. > WMong.
qonaɣ, qonuɣ ‘millet’.
PJpn. *kmài rice (рис): OJpn. kome; MJpn. kome; Tok. komé; Kyo.
kómè; Kag. komé.
◊ JLTT 455.
PKor. *kìń- 1 weed 2 to be overrun with weeds (1 сорняк 2 зарасти
сорняками): MKor. kìńm 1, kìń- 2; Mod. kiɨm 1, kit- [kis-] 2.
◊ Nam 79, 83, KED 273, 283.
‖ The tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. Note,
however, that the reconstruction of low tone in PJ in this case is based
only on the Kagoshima form (MJ accentuation is unattested, while
Kyoto and Tokyo may point both to *LL and to *HL). Therefore a re-
construction *kmài for PJ is not completely excluded. Medial -n- in
Turkic is not quite clear (-ń- would be expected); still the relation of the
Turkic form remains probable. See also Robbeets 2000, 109.
-kopu a k. of vessel: Tung. *kiaba-; Mong. *kob-; Turk. *Kobga.
PTung. *kiaba- 1 bladder of kaluga fish used for storing oil 2 bobber
(1 пузырь калуги, употребляемый для хранения масла 2 поплавок):
Evk. kewilde 2; Evn. qold 2; Ul. qụrị 1; Ork. qêwrị 1; Nan. qịawarịa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 390, 442.
PMong. *kob- 1 groove 2 pit, channel 3 ventricle of the heart 4 gut-
ter, trough (1 желоб 2 яма, канава 3 желудочек сердца 4 корыто):
WMong. qobil 1, qobudal 2,3, qobul 4 (L 949, 950); Kh. xovil 1, xovdol 2, 3,
xovol 4; Bur. xobō 1, 4, xobol 1, 2, 4 xobdol 3; Kalm. xowdəl 3 (КРС).
PTurk. *Kobga pail, bucket (ведро): OTurk. qovɣa (OUygh.);
Karakh. qova (MK Oghuz); Tur. kova, koɣa; Az. Gova; Turkm. Gova;
MTurk. qova (AH), qopqa (Pav. C., Бор. Бад., Abush.); Uzb. qawɣa
(dial.); Krm. qova, qopqa; Kaz. qawɣa; KKalp. qawɣa, ɣawɣa; Nogh. qawɣa;
Tv. xuva.
◊ EDT 583-584, ЭСТЯ 6, 12-13. Turk. > Mong. qobuɣa ‘bucket, trough’.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. also *kobu, *gupu (with possible contami-
nations).
 *kòpù - *kòrtème 699

-kòpù a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *kiab-; Jpn. *kùpìnà.

PTung. *kiab- sea gull (морская чайка): Ul. qwara; Ork. qwu.
◊ ТМС 1, 386.
PJpn. *kùpìnà a k. of water bird (болотный пастушок, Rallus
aquaticus indicus): OJpn. kupjina; MJpn. kùfìnà; Tok. kuina.
◊ JLTT 462.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. It is worth noting Yak. kuba ‘swan’ - usually
derived from PT *Kugu, but with a quite inexplicable -b-; it is, in fact,
possible that some other Turkic forms - cf. Turkm. Guv, Nogh. quv etc.
also go back to PT *Kub(a) - naturally confused in most modern lan-
guages with the reflexed of *Kugu (see under *kūgu).
-kṓr[i] to roll, churn: Tung. *kur-; Mong. *kor- / *kör-; Turk. *Kiār-; Jpn.
*kurum-.
PTung. *kur- 1 churn-staff 2 to wrinkle, shrink 3 to roll, rotate 4 to
wrap round, tie round (1 мутовка 2 мяться, комкаться 3 вращаться,
вертеться 4 обвернуть, спутать): Evk. kurā- 4; Evn. koroldāwna 1, qorị-
2; Man. χorgi-, χurgi- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 416, 417, 435, 471. Man. χurgiku ‘whirlpool’ > Dag. xurgi id. (Тод. Даг. 180).
PMong. *kor- / *kör- 1 to roll, rotate 2 to bend, become twisted 3 to
wrinkle, become curved 4 to whirl (of water, wind) (1 крутить, вра-
щать 2 гнуть, изгибаться 3 морщиться, искривляться 4 вертеться,
кружиться (о воде, ветре)): MMong. korbe- (SH) 1, kurbe- ‘to wallow’
(MA); WMong. körböl-, körbüge- 1 (L 490: körbe-, körbü-, körbi-), qorbaji-,
qorbuji- 2 (L 988: qorbuji-, qurbuji-), qorčaji- 3 (L 965), qorulǯa- 4; Kh. xor-
voj- 3, xörvö- ‘to turn over, to upset’; xorlo ‘circle-shaped object’; Bur.
xoršogor ‘wrinkled, creasy’, xüril- 4; Kalm. xorwā ‘crooked’ (КРС); Dag.
kurbi-, xurbi-, xurbu- (Тод. Даг. 180); S.-Yugh. körwö-; korlo ‘wheel’;
Mongr. xurbā-; korlo, gulōr ‘wheel’.
◊ MGCD 375, 399. Mong. > Evk. kurbu- etc., see Doerfer MT 61, Rozycki 146.
PTurk. *Kiār- to mix (смешивать): Karakh. qar- (MK Oghuz); Tur.
kar-; Turkm. Gār-; MTurk. qar- (Abush.); Uzb. qɔr-; KKalp. qarɨ-; Chuv.
jor-, jur-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 285, EDT 642-643, Ашм. IV, 351-352, Федотов 2, 490-491.
PJpn. *kurum- to wrap (заворачивать): MJpn. kurume-; Tok. kurúm-;
Kyo. kúrúm-; Kag. kurúm-.
◊ JLTT 717. Accent unclear.
‖ EAS 147, Poppe 107, Ozawa 204. An expressive root with not
quite secure vocalic correspondences. Cf. also notes to *k῾úlo.
-kòrtème pear, fruit: Mong. *kedemen; Turk. *gErtme; Jpn.
*kù(n)tàmn.
PMong. *kedemen pear (груша): WMong. kedemen; Kh. xedmen;
Kalm. kedmn.
700 *kóru - *kosa
◊ KW 222.
PTurk. *gErtme pear (груша): Tur. germešik ‘cornus sanguinea’;
MTurk. kertme ‘яблоко, груша’ (OKypch.: AH, Houts., CCum.), kirni
‘quince’; Krm. gertme; KBalk. kertme; Kum. gertme; Nogh. kertpe.
◊ VEWT 257. Perhaps < *gürt-me, cf. the attested OT (MK-Osm., see EDT 738) kürt
‘mountain tree for making bows, Pyrus’; (AH) kürt ‘quince’.
PJpn. *kù(n)tàmn fruit (плод, фрукт): OJpn. kudam(w)ono; MJpn.
kùdàmònò; Tok. kudámono; Kyo. kúdámònò; Kag. kudamonó.
◊ JLTT 461.
‖ KW 222. Cf. Nan. kutumiekte ‘currant, gooseberry’.
-kóru rank, position, measure: Tung. *kiaru; Mong. *kiri; Turk. *Kur;
Jpn. *kúrá; Kor. *kòrằ-.
PTung. *kiaru gauge, mould (for net meshes) (шаблон (для ячей
сети)): Ul. qịrụl; Nan. qịrol; Orch. kǟro.
◊ ТМС 1, 389.
PMong. *kiri measure, degree (мера, степень): WMong. kiri, kire (L
472); Kh. xir; Bur. xire; Kalm. kirə (КРС); Ord. kere, keri.
◊ Mong. > Oyr. kīrä, Evk. kire etc. (KW 232).
PTurk. *Kur 1 rank, stage, row 2 similar, equal 3 one of a pair, odd 4
time (1 ранг, степень, ряд 2 сходный, равный 3 один из двух, нечет-
ный 4 время, раз): OTurk. qur 1, 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. qur 1, 4 (MK);
Tur. kor 1, kur 1, 4 (dial.); Turkm. Gor ‘layer’; MTurk. qur 4 (AH, Pav.
C.); Uzb. qur 4 (dial.); Uygh. qur ‘line’ (dial.); Tat. qor 4; Bashk. qor 4,
(dial.) ‘row of coins’; Kirgh. qur 4; SUygh. qor 4; Chuv. xъrax 2,3; Yak.
kurduk 2.
◊ EDT 642, ЭСТЯ 6, 73, 151-152, VEWT 301-302 (to be distinguished from *Kur ‘belt’).
ЭСТЯ (ibid.) distinguishes between *Kor ‘layer, row’ and *Kur ‘time’ - but the roots, even
if distinguished originally, became quite confused already in Old Turkic. Turk. > Hung.
kor ‘age’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kúrá 1 place, position 2 to compare (1 место, положение 2
сравнивать): OJpn. kura, kura-wi 1, kuraba- 2; MJpn. kura, kúrá-wí 1,
kúrába- 2; Tok. kùrai 1, kùrabe- 2; Kyo. kúráí 1, kúrábé- 2; Kag. kurái 1, ku-
rabé- 2.
◊ JLTT 464, 716.
PKor. *kòrằ- to be equal, similar (быть равным, похожим): MKor.
kòrằ-; Mod. korɨ-.
◊ Nam 46, KED 140.
‖ Martin 228.
-kosa to enclose, enclosure: Tung. *kosi-; Mong. *kasi-; Turk. *Kasɨ.
PTung. *kosi- 1 to enclose 2 enclosure 3 to graze (1 огораживать 2
заграждение 3 пасти): Evn. kös- 1, köstiŋ 2, kösči- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 420. Attested only in Evn., but having plausible Turkic and Mongolian
parallels.
 *kòt῾è - *kuču 701

PMong. *kasi- 1 to enclose 2 fence, enclosure (1 огораживать 2 за-

бор, ограждение): WMong. qasi- 1 (L 941), qasiɣa (L 942: qasiɣa,
qasija(n)) 2; Kh. xaši- 1, xašā 2; Bur. xašā 2; Kalm. xašā 2 (КРС); Ord. Gaši-
1, Gašā 2; Dag. xaši- 1, xaši 2 (Тод. Даг. 175), kuši- 1, kuē 2 (Тод. Даг.
152); S.-Yugh. qušā 2.
◊ MGCD 334. Mong. > Kirgh. qašā etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 346; > Man. χasχan ‘fence’ (Rozy-
cki 103).
PTurk. *Kasɨ enclosure (загон, огороженное место): Karakh. qasɨ
(MK); Tur. qasu (dial.); Tv. qazanaq ‘shed, kennel’; Chuv. xožъ ‘space,
surroundings’
◊ EDT 666, ЭСТЯ 5, 346-347.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kòt῾è to singe, heat: Tung. *koto-ran-; Mong. *kete; Turk. *Kat-; Jpn.
*ktài ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *koto-ran- to singe, burn (опалять, обжигать): Evk. koto-
ron-mī (Вас.).
PMong. *kete (fire) steel (огниво): MMong. kete (SH), kete (MA);
WMong. kete (L 460); Kh. xet; Bur. xete; Kalm. ketə; Ord. gete; S.-Yugh.
kede; Mongr. kide (SM 200), kəde.
◊ KW 228, MGCD 346.
PTurk. *Kat- 1 to heat (oven) 2 (fire) steel 3 to bake (1 топить печь 2
огниво 3 печь): Kirgh. qatɨr- 3; Chuv. xot- 1; Yak. xatat 2.
◊ Ашм. XVI, 256, ЭСТЯ 5, 335 (connected with *kat- ‘dry’, but in fact a different root
because of the Chuvash form). However, if Mari oltaš ‘heat’ is from Bulg., the original
form could be *Kal-t- and should be removed from the etymology (cf. Федотов 2, 372).
PJpn. *ktài ( ~ -ua-) an instrument (iron, soldering-iron) (утюг, па-
яльник): MJpn. kòtè; Tok. kòte; Kyo. kóté; Kag. koté.
◊ Accent in Tokyo and Kyoto points rather to *ktái, but RJ and Kagoshima reflect
low tone.
‖ A common derivative *kòt῾è-rV is reflected in Kirgh. qatɨ-r- = Evk.
koto-ro-n-.
-kuču to cry, cough: Tung. *kusi-; Mong. *kuča-; Turk. *Kɨč-gɨr-; Jpn.
*kusam-; Kor. *kìčh-m.
PTung. *kusi- noise (шум): Evk. kusīlīn; Evn. qụsln; Man. quwas
(?); Nan. χosor-χosor; ; (On.) kusi- ‘to drive away by shouting’.
◊ ТМС 1, 439.
PMong. *kuča- to bark (лаять): MMong. xučam (HY 16), quča- (SH),
quča- (MA); WMong. quča-, quči- (L 979); Kh. xuc-; Bur. xusa-; Kalm.
xucə-; Ord. Guča-; Mog. quĭča-; Dag. koči- (Тод. Даг. 150, MD 183);
Dong. quǯa-; Bao. xeča- (MGCD χəǯa-); S.-Yugh. quǯa-; Mongr. xua- (SM
174), xuǯa-.
◊ KW 200, MGCD 394.
702 *kūč῾ú - *kdi
PTurk. *Kɨč-gɨr- to shout, cry (кричать): Az. GɨšGɨr-; Uygh. qičqir-;
Tat. qɨčqɨr-; Bashk. qɨsqɨr-; Kirgh. qɨčqɨr-; KBalk. qɨčɨr-; Kum. qɨčɨr-; Khak.
xɨsxɨr-; Shr. qɨšɨr-; Oyr. qɨčɨr-; Tv. qɨšqɨr-; Yak. kɨskɨj- ‘to whistle’.
◊ VEWT 261. Turk. > WMong. qaskira-, Kalm. xäškr- (KW 178).
PJpn. *kusam- sneeze (чихание): MJpn. kusame; Tok. kushámi; Kyo.
kúshàmì; Kag. kushámi.
◊ Accent reconstruction is unclear. Cf. also OJ kutut- ‘to snore’.
PKor. *kìčh- 1 cough 2 to sneeze (1 кашель 2 чихать): MKor.
kìčh-m 1; Mod. kičhim 1, kičhi- 2.
◊ Nam 79, KED 275.
‖ An onomatopoeic root, but seems to be well reconstructable for
PA.
-kūč῾ú to slander, swear: Tung. *koči-; Mong. *koči; Turk. *Kč-; Jpn.
*kùnt-k-; Kor. *kùčíčh-.
PTung. *koči- 1 to chant, praise 2 to deceive, lie 3 to harm (of an evil
ghost), to interrupt (1 петь песни, восхвалять 2 лгать, обманывать 3
вредить (о злом духе), препятствовать): Evk. koči-nǯa- 1, kočut- 2;
Man. χoššo- 2; Nan. qoča-lị- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 419, 420.
PMong. *koči- nickname, slander (издевательство, клевета, клич-
ка): WMong. qoči (L 951); Kh. xoč; Kalm. xoč-l- ‘to slander’; Ord. Goči
‘detractor; reprimand, chicane’.
◊ KW 191.
PTurk. *Kč- to criticize, malice (критиковать, злобствовать):
Karakh. qɨčur- (MK); Turkm. Gǯɨt ‘reproach’; Tat. qɨǯɨ- (R.); Kirgh.
qɨǯɨn-; Khak. xɨsxar- ‘to reproach, blame’, xɨǯɨr- ‘to tease smb.’; Tv. qɨžɨrɨ-
‘to tease, ridicule’; Yak. khɨr-.
◊ EDT 59.
PJpn. *kùnt-k- to lure, convince; to complain (убеждать, уговари-
вать; жаловаться): MJpn. kudok-; Tok. kudók-; Kyo. kúdók-; Kag. kùdòk-.
◊ JLTT 715.
PKor. *kùčíčh- to swear (ругать): MKor. kùčíč-; Mod. k:uǯit- [-č-].
◊ Nam 61, KED 207.
‖ The tone in Jpn. is irregular; the form should be perhaps sepa-
rated and compared with Mong. qaǯi- ‘to hate, blame, tease’ (L 948),
allowing to reconstruct a separate PA root *kadu ( ~ k῾-, -e-).
-kdi to attend, be respectful: Tung. *kidu-; Turk. *gǖd-; Kor. *kìrí-.
PTung. *kidu- 1 to respect 2 to think, remember (1 уважать, почи-
тать 2 думать, вспоминать): Man. kidu- 2; SMan. kidu- ‘to have affec-
tion for’ (1870); Nan. kidu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 391. Cf. also Man. kedere- ‘to guard’ (1, 443) > Dag. kedereg ‘police’ (Тод.
Даг. 148).
 *kudu - *kudu 703

PTurk. *gǖd- 1 to wait 2 to attend 3 to respect 4 to graze (1 ждать 2

прислуживать 3 почитать 4 пасти): OTurk. küd- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
küδ- 1, 3 (MK, KB); Tur. güt/d- 4; Gag. güt- 4; Az. güt/d-; MTurk. küt- ‘to
lead cattle away from pasture’ (Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. kut- 1, 2; Uygh.
küt- 1; Krm. küt- 4; Tat. köt- 1, 4; Bashk. köt- 1, 4; Kirgh. küj- 1, küt- 1, 2;
Kaz. küt- 2; KBalk. küt- 4; KKalp. küj-, küt- 1, 2; Kum. küt- ‘выполнять’;
Khak. küzet- 4; Oyr. küj- 1, küt- 2, 4; Yak. kǖt- 1; Dolg. kǖt- 1.
◊ EDT 701, VEWT 306, 312, ЭСТЯ 3, 107-108 (the variant *gǖt- is morphologically
secondary, actually = *gǖdü-t-). The proposed derivation (see ЭСТЯ 108) from *gü- (*kü-),
attested only in the OUygh. doublet kü- közeδ- ‘protect and keep’ (see EDT 686) is far
from certain (the meaning of kü- here is not quite clear; közeδ- is probably < *göŕ- ‘see, eye’
= Yak., Dolg. köhüt- ‘wait’; Khak. küzet- above can reflect both *-ŕ- and *-d-).
PKor. *kìrí- to praise (восхвалять): MKor. kìrí-; Mod. kiri-.
◊ Nam 78, KED 265.
‖ Cf. *kit῾u, *gode (with possible contaminations).
-kudu shore, border: Tung. *kudē; Mong. *kiǯaɣar ( < *kiǯi-ɣar); Turk.
*Kɨdɨg; Jpn. *kui ( ~ -ə-).
PTung. *kudē 1 shore, land 2 to land (1 суша, берег 2 причали-
вать): Evk. kudē 1; Man. kude- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 424.
PMong. *kiǯaɣar border (граница): MMong. kiǯa’ar (HY 50), kiǯi’ar
(SH), qiǯāt pl. (MA 221); WMong. kiǯaɣar (L 474); Kh. aʒgār ( <
WMong.); Bur. xizār; Kalm. kizǟr, kizr; Ord. kiǯagār ( < Kh. or WMong.);
Mog. qɨʒi ‘край’ (Weiers); Dag. kiǯār (Тод. Даг. 150); Dong. Gɨǯa;
Mongr. giār (SM 136), gəǯār.
◊ KW 233, MGCD 351.
PTurk. *Kɨd- 1 edge, border, seashore, frontier 2 margin, edging (1
край, граница, берег 2 опушка, кайма): OTurk. qɨdɨɣ (OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. qɨδɨɣ (MK) 1; Tur. kɨjɨ, kɨj 1; Kirgh. qɨjū 2; Kaz. qɨjɨw 2; KKalp.
qɨjɨw 2; Kum. qɨjɨw 2; Nogh. qɨjuw 2; SUygh. qɨzɨɣ 1; Shr. qɨjɨɣ 2; Oyr. quju
1; Tv. qɨdɨɣ 1, 2; Chuv. xərə 1; Yak. kɨtɨ 1, 2.
◊ EDT 598, VEWT 261, Лексика 94, ЭСТЯ 6, 196-197, 203. The root is also attested in
verbal function (*Kɨdɨ- ‘to border, hem’), see ЭСТЯ 6, 196.
PJpn. *kui ( ~ -ə-) fortress (укрепление, крепость): OJpn. ki.
◊ JLTT 449.
‖ EAS 46, KW 233, Владимирцов 171, 318, Poppe 19, Лексика 94.
Cf. perhaps MKor. kth ‘edge’. The Jpn. form must have originally
meant ‘border fortification, fortress’; there is hardly any reason to re-
gard it as borrowed from Old Paekche, despite Miller 1979).
704 *kujilV - *kuma
-kujilV a k. of bird: Tung. *kilu-; Mong. *kojil-; Jpn. *kiari ( ~ *kairi);
Kor. *kirjkí ( ~ *krjkí).
PTung. *kilu- 1 grey goose 2 heron 3 gull 4 swan (1 серый гусь (ка-
зарка) 2 цапля 3 чайка 4 лебедь): Evk. kuluk 3; Evn. kiĺarqa ‘name of a
bird’, kụlar 3; Man. kilaχun 2; Ul. qlala 1; Nan. kulikte 4; Ud. kilai 3
(Корм. 248).
◊ ТМС 1, 392-393, 429.
PMong. *kojil- wild turkey (улар (горная индейка)): WMong.
qojiluɣ (MXTTT); Kh. xojlog.
PJpn. *kiari ( ~ *kairi) a k. of marsh bird (plover) (вид болотной
птицы, сероголовый чибис (Microsarcops cinereus Blyth.)): OJpn.
k(j)eri; MJpn. keri; Tok. keri.
◊ Attested already in Man’yōshū (Eastern songs), but absent from JB.
PKor. *kirjkí ( ~ *krjkí) goose (гусь): MKor. kirjkí, krjkí, kɨrəki,
kìrkí; Mod. kirəgi.
◊ Nam 66, 67, 76, Liu 96, 97, 109, 113, KED 264. The variant kirjkí is attested later
than kɨrjəki, but accounts well for the modern form with -i- (regularly < -ɨi-). The most
plausible PK reconstruction appears to be *kirkí (although *krjkí is also not excluded).
‖ Poppe 1950, 575, Lee 1958, 114. In the Kor.-Jpn. area some confu-
sion of this root with PA *gjrV ‘wild goose’ was possible.
-kúli a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *kilde; Jpn. *kírí; Kor. *koro-.
PTung. *kilde- lime tree (липа): Evk. kilden; Ul. kilde(n); Nan. kildẽ;
Orch. kigde.
◊ ТМС 1, 393.
PJpn. *kírí Paulownia tomenfosa (павлония войлочная): OJpn.
k(j)iri; MJpn. kírí; Tok. kìri; Kyo. kírí; Kag. kíri.
◊ JLTT 451.
PKor. *koro- a k. of maple (вид клена): Mod. koroswe-namu.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-kuma ( ~ -o-, -o) a blood-sucking insect: Tung. *küme ( ~ -i-); Turk.
*Kumĺuj; Kor. *kmrí.
PTung. *küme ( ~ -i-) 1 flea 2 gnat, mosquito (1 блоха 2 мошка, ко-
мар): Evk. kimāje 2; Evn. kime 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 394.
PTurk. *Kumĺuj a louse or tick full of blood (вошь или клещ, на-
пившийся крови): Karakh. qumšuj (MK).
◊ EDT 629. An expressive variant may be represented in OT (MK) kömiče ‘gnat’ (EDT
722).
PKor. *kmrí leech (пиявка): MKor. kmrí; Mod. kməri.
◊ Liu 41, KED 84.
‖ Cf. *kumi, *kajamV.
 *kumo - *kúne 705

-kumo sand, dust: Tung. *kime ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *kumaki; Turk. *Kum.
PTung. *küme 1 shore, sand beach 2 hill, elevation 3 wild pig’s lair
(1 морской берег, пляж 2 холм, возвышенность 3 лежбище кабана):
Evn. kimewun 1; Nan. kumčien 2 (Он.), (Bik.) kum’i 3 (Сем); Orch. kīma 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 394-395.
PMong. *kumaki earth; sand grains (земля, пыль, тонкий песок):
MMong. qumaqi (Hp), qumaki (HY 3), qomaq (Lig. VMI), qomaqi (MA);
WMong. qumaɣ, qumaki (L 985); Kh. xumag, xumxi; Bur. xumxi; Kalm.
xuməg (КРС); Ord. xumuχi(n), xumiχi(n); Mongr. xumoG ‘poussière,
pierres etc. mêlées aux grains qu’on vient de battre’ (SM 182).
◊ Mong. > Nan. gumuxĩ ‘dust’.
PTurk. *Kum sand (песок): OTurk. qum (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qum (MK); Tur. kum; Gag. qum; Az. Gum; Turkm. Gum; Sal. Gum;
MTurk. qum (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qum; Uygh. qum; Krm. qum; Tat. qom;
Bashk. qom; Kirgh. qum; Kaz. qum; KBalk. qum; KKalp. qum; Nogh. qum;
SUygh. qum, qom; Khak. xum; Shr. qum; Oyr. qum; Tv. qum; Tof. xum;
Chuv. xъₙm; Yak. kumax; Dolg. kumak.
◊ VEWT 299, EDT 625, Лексика 102, ЭСТЯ 6, 133-134, Stachowski 160. Turk. >
WMong. qum, Kalm. xum ‘sand’ (KW 196; TMN 3, 508), Hung. homok (Gombocz 1912).
‖ Poppe 68. A Western isogloss. Mong. cannot be explained as a
Turk. loanword, despite TMN 3, 508-509, Щербак 1997, 143 (con-
versely, late Turkic forms like Oyr., Kaz. qumaq etc. are evidently <
Mong.).
-kúne person; people, country: Tung. *kün-; Mong. *küɣün, *-m-; Turk.
*Kün; Jpn. *kúní.
PTung. *kün- 1 relative, kinsman 2 name of a Manchu clan 3 name
of the Evens in Yakutia (1 родственник, член рода 2 название мань-
чжурского клана 3 название якутских эвенов): Evn. qịŋgalaq 3; Man.
χunčixin 1, xunčun 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 395, 477.
PMong. *küɣün, *-m- person (человек): MMong. gu’un (HY 27,
SH), komon, kumnɛt (IM), kuw(u)n (MA); WMong. kümün (L 501); Kh.
xün (pl. xümǖs), xömǖn ( < WMong.); Bur. xün; Kalm. kǖn, kümn; Ord.
kün, kümǖn (<lit.); Mog. ZM ku (10-7a), kut ibid.; Dag. xuar (Тод. Даг.
178), huare (MD 165); Dong. kun; Bao. kuŋ; S.-Yugh. kūn; Mongr. kun
(SM 211).
◊ KW 246, 249, MGCD 398.
PTurk. *Kün people (народ): OTurk. elgün (OUygh.); Karakh. el kün
(KB); Tur. elgün (Osm. XIV c.); MTurk. el wa kün (Sangl.), elgün (Pav.
C.), elgün (Oghuz-nama), elgün ‘goverment, realm’ (Ettuhf.).
◊ VEWT 309, TMN 3,656-7, Лексика 317, EDT 121-122, 725-726 (with doubts).
706 *kùp῾u - *kùp῾ù
PJpn. *kúní country (страна): OJpn. kuni; MJpn. kúní; Tok. kùni;
Kyo. kúní; Kag. kúni.
◊ JLTT 463.
‖ KW 249, VEWT 309 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 294, TMN 3, 656-657
(with criticism). The Mong. form is somewhat difficult: one has to sup-
pose original *künün with velar ( > *küŋün > *küɣün) and labial ( >
*kümün) assimilations.
-kùp῾u silk, mulberry: Tung. *kupen; Mong. *kib; Turk. *Kɨp; Jpn.
*kùpá; Kor. *kīp.
PTung. *kupe(n) threads (нитки): Neg. xupen; Ul. xupe(n); Ork.
kupe(n); Nan. kupẽ; Orch. xupe.
◊ ТМС 1, 478.
PMong. *kib silk (шелк): MMong. kip (HY ‘boiled silk cloth’ 23,
SH), kib (IM) ‘lining’; WMong. kib, kijib (L 465); Kh. xiv; Bur. xib; Kalm.
kib, kiwŋ; Ord. keb ‘bad quality silk’.
◊ KW 233.
PTurk. *Kɨp fabric (ткань): Bashk. qɨptɨr ‘перешитая в подборку (о
шубе)’; Kirgh. qɨpɨq ‘kerchief, sash’; KBalk. qɨppa ‘skein, clew’; Khak. xɨp
‘lining, covering’; Yak. kɨbɨas ‘шерсть оленя ранним летом’.
◊ VEWT 265.
PJpn. *kùpá mulberry tree (тут, тутовое дерево): OJpn. kupa; MJpn.
kufa; Tok. kúwa; Kyo. kùwá; Kag. kuwá.
◊ JLTT 468.
PKor. *kīp silk (шелк): MKor. kīp; Mod. kīp.
◊ Nam 82, KED 282.
‖ SKE 113. Cf. also Mong. köbüŋ ‘cotton’ ( > Oyr. köböŋ, Tuva xöveŋ,
Khak. köböŋ etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 108-109 (with some confusion of this root
and Turk. *köpe ‘cloth’ < *k῾op῾e q.v. and Turk. *köp- ‘swell, foam’ < *k῾op῾i
q.v.); > Man. kubun id., see Doerfer MT 102). In fact, it would be tempt-
ing to consider Mong. *kib as a Turkic loanword (despite the fact that
the Turk. *Kɨp is not widely spread and late attested, it cannot be <
Mong.), because Mong. -i- is not quite regular here, while köbüŋ is a
perfect phonetic match.
-kùp῾ù thought, attention: Tung. *kob-ta; Mong. *kuji-; Turk. *Kɨpɨ-;
Jpn. *kùpà-.
PTung. *kob-ta esteem (уважение, почтение): Man. qobto.
◊ ТМС 1, 402. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels; cf.
also Man. χoan ῾skilled, dexterous’ (ТМС 1, 472).
PMong. *kuji- crafty, artful (ловкий, хитрый): WMong. quji-ɣur,
quji-qur (L 982); Kh. xujgūr.
PTurk. *Kɨpɨ- 1 sense, invention, cleverness 2 to invent, think of (1
смысл, изобретательность, ум 2 выдумывать): Kirgh. qɨbačɨ ‘experi-
 *kure - *kurumV 707

enced person’; Khak. xɨbɨ-; Oyr. qɨbɨ-; Chuv. xъₙbъₙl ‘dexterous’; Yak.
kɨp ‘dexterously’.
◊ VEWT 260.
PJpn. *kùpà-tata- to plan, project (планировать, предполагать):
MJpn. kùfà-tata-; Tok. kuwa-dáte-; Kyo. kùwà-dàtè-; Kag. kùwà-dàtè-.
◊ JLTT 718. Hardly unitable with OJ kupatata- ‘to stand on tiptoe’.
‖ KW 233.
-kure woodcock, woodpecker: Tung. *kürekte; Mong. *kur; Turk.
*Körtük.
PTung. *kürekte woodpecker (дятел): Evk. kirekte; Neg. kijekte;
Man. kurexu; Ul. kurekte; Ork. kurekte; Nan. kurekte; Orch. kijoki; Ud. kēxi
(Корм. 248), kiexi.
◊ ТМС 1, 399.
PMong. *kur woodcock, black grouse (глухарь, тетерев): WMong.
qur, qoru (L 968, 987); Kh. xur; Bur. xura; Kalm. xorə ‘глухарь’, xurə
‘тетерев’ (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qur etc., see ЭСТЯ 6, 155-156.
PTurk. *Körtük 1 woodcock 2 turkey 3 black-cock (1 вальдшнеп 2
индюк 3 тетерев): Tat. kürkä 2; Bashk. kürkä 2; Kirgh. kürp 2; Kaz.
kürke-tawɨq 2; Khak. kürkü, dial. kürtkü ‘black-cock’, kürles (Sag.)
‘grouse’; Shr. kürtük 3; Oyr. kürtük 3, kürte 1; Tv. kürtü 3; Tof. hü’rtü 3;
Chuv. kъₙrka 2; Yak. körčöx ‘young spring duck, already able to fly’.
◊ VEWT 311, Федотов 1, 258.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kurumV to wink: Tung. *korim- / *kirim-; Turk. *kirm- / *Kɨrm-.
PTung. *korim- / *kirim- 1 to wink 2 eyelash 3 inner side of eyelid
(1 мигать 2 ресница 3 внутренняя сторона века): Evk. korimi- 1, kirim-
kīn 2; Evn. qorm- 1, kirimki 2; Neg. kīmkī 2; Ork. qolpịqta 3; Sol. xur-
mult(e) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 398, 415, 2, 352.
PTurk. *kirpik eyelash (ресница): OTurk. kirpik (OUygh.); Karakh.
kirpik (MK); Tur. kirpik; Gag. kirpik; Az. kirpik; Turkm. kirpik; Khal. kir-
pik; MTurk. kirpik (Sangl., Pav. C.), kirpük (MA); Uzb. kiprik; Uygh.
ki(r)pik; Krm. kirpik; Tat. kerfek; Bashk. kerpek; Kirgh. kirpik; Kaz. kərpək;
KKalp. kirpik; Kum. kirpik; Nogh. kirpik; SUygh. kirmik; Khak. kərbək;
Oyr. kirbik; Tv. kirbik; Chuv. xъrbъx, xъrbъk, (dial.) xъrbu; Yak. kirbäj,
kirbī ‘edge’.
◊ VEWT 272, EDT 737-738, ЭСТЯ 5, 74-75, Федотов 2, 333-334, Лексика 213. Cf. also
the verb *Kɨrm- / *Kɨrp- ‘to wink’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 221). The front row variant here is probably
secondary.
708 *kúŕu - *kta
‖ A Turk.-TM isogloss; cf. *kumi. Doerfer (MT 240) tries to refute the
comparison (by deriving the Turk. forms from kirpi “hedgehog” and
the TM forms from kiri- “to glitter”) - quite unconvincingly.
-kúŕu a k. of vehicle: Tung. *kur-; Mong. *kür-dün; Turk. *Kɨŕak,
*Kɨŕagu; Jpn. *kúrúmá.
PTung. *kur- 1 humming-top 2 screw 3 spool (1 юла, волчок 2 винт
3 катушка (для ниток)): Evk. kur, kuriwuk 2; Evn. kūruken 1; Nan. kurke
(On.) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 438; 2, 352.
PMong. *kür-dün wheel (колесо): MMong. gurdun (HY 17),
gurdu(n) (SH); WMong. kürdü(n) (L 504); Kh. xürd(en) ‘prayer wheel’;
Bur. xürde ‘prayer wheel’, xürǖg ‘шарниры, на которые навешивается
наружная дверь’; Kalm. kürdə ‘цилиндр с молитвенным текстом’
(КРС); Ord. kürdü; Dag. kurde (Тод. Даг. 151), kuredu, kurese (MD 185).
◊ Mong. > Manchu kurdun ‘a Buddhist cycle, samsara’ (see Rozycki 147).
PTurk. *Kɨŕak, *Kɨŕagu sledge (сани): Tur. kɨzak; Az. xizäk; MTurk.
qɨzaq (AH); Uygh. quzuq ‘bed’; Tat. qɨzaw ‘кузов’; Bashk. quδɨ
‘лукошко’.
◊ VEWT 269.
PJpn. *kúrúmá vehicle, carriage (повозка): OJpn. kuruma; MJpn.
kúrúmà; Tok. kùruma; Kyo. kúrúmá; Kag. kurúma.
◊ JLTT 465.
‖ Judging from the Turkic evidence, the vehicle in question could
have been not a wheeled one, but some kind of sleigh or sledge; how-
ever, this may be also a secondary development in Turkic (all other
languages point rather to some wheeled carriage or just wheel). Among
common derivatives one can mention PT *Kɨŕak = Evn. kūruke-n.
-kta ( ~ -t῾-) insufficiency, debt: Tung. *kōta; Turk. *Kɨt; Jpn. *kàta-.
PTung. *kōta 1 debt 2 miserly, greedy (1 долг 2 скупой, жадный):
Evk. kōta 1; Evn. qōt 1; Ul. qota 2; Ork. qụta 2; Nan. qota 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 417, 439.
PTurk. *Kɨt not enough, insufficient (недостаточный, скудный):
Tur. kɨt; kɨtlɨk ‘Ungenügendheit, Hungersnot’; Az. Gɨt; Turkm. Gɨt;
MTurk. qɨt (AH, IM); Uygh. qitiɣir ‘miserly’; Krm. qɨt; Bashk. qɨtlɨq
‘hunger’ (dial.); Kirgh. qɨdɨq ‘dwarf’, qɨtɨj- ‘secretive’, qɨtɨraj- ‘lean and
small’; Kaz. qɨtɨqtan- ‘to be offended’; KBalk. qɨt; KKalp. qɨt; Kum. qɨt;
Nogh. qɨt; Shr. qɨtɨj ‘miserly’; Tv. qɨdɨɣ ‘oppressed’; Chuv. xədəx ‘com-
pulsion’.
◊ VEWT 268, ЭСТЯ 6, 252.
PJpn. *kàta- beggar, beggary (нищий, нищенство): OJpn.
kata-no-wi; MJpn. kata-wi, kata-no-wi (RJ kàtáfi, kàtafí).
◊ JLTT 443.
 *kùtí - *kobe 709

‖ The basic meaning of the root may be formulated as ‘having not

enough, insufficience’ - whence ‘debt’, ‘miser’, ‘beggar’ etc. A Mongo-
lian match is perhaps *kudal ‘lie, liar’ ( < ‘beggar’?).
-kùtí a k. of fox: Tung. *kitiri; Mong. *küderi; Jpn. *kìtúnái.
PTung. *kitiri a k. of fox (лиса-крестовка): Neg. kịtịjị; Ork. kitčiri;
Nan. kičiri (On.); Orch. kiti.
◊ ТМС 1, 400.
PMong. *küderi musk-deer, a k. of rat (кабарга, вид крысы):
WMong. küderi (L 497); Kh. xüder; Bur. xüderi; Kalm. küdr; Ord. küder
‘porte-musc’.
◊ KW 244. Mong. > Kirgh. küdörö.
PJpn. *kìtúnái fox (лиса): OJpn. kjitune; MJpn. kìtúné; Tok. kìtsune;
Kyo. kìtsùné; Kag. kitsuné.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ The Mong. form could be alternatively compared with Turk.
*Kodan ‘hare’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 29-30).
-ko ( ~ *k῾-) this: Mong. *kü; Turk. *Kö; Jpn. *k-; Kor. *kɨ.
PMong. *kü deictic particle (указательная частица): MMong. -gu
(SH); WMong. ene kü ‘exactly this’, tere kü ‘exactly that’; Kh. xǖ; Ord. kǖ
‘a particle’; Dag. ke, kē (Тод. Даг. 148).
PTurk. *Kö this (этот): Sal. ku; SUygh. gu, go; Chuv. ko, kъv.
◊ Федотов 1, 300-302, Левитская 32-34. Cf. the OT (Orkh., OUygh., MK) emphatic
nominal suffix -oq.
PJpn. *k- 1 this 2 that (1 этот 2 тот): OJpn. ko- 1; MJpn. kó- 1; ka- 2;
Tok. kòre 1; ká-re ‘he’; Kyo. kóré 1; ká-rè ‘he’; Kag. kói 1.
◊ JLTT 430, 452. High tone in Tokyo ká-re is not clear (the stem *ka- appears to be a
merger of *k- and *á-).
PKor. *kɨ this, that (этот, тот): MKor. kɨ (k-i); Mod. kɨ.
◊ Nam 76, KED 231.
‖ EAS 46, Martin 244, АПиПЯЯ 56, 49, 277. The root behaves like
*kó’e (with a second front vowel).
-kobe ( ~ -i) cloth, clothing: Tung. *kuberi; Mong. *kubča-; Turk. *Köbüŕ
/ *Kebiŕ.
PTung. *kuberi fur hood; collar (капор (меховой); воротник):
Man. χuberi.
◊ ТМС 1, 473.
PMong. *kubča- clothing, dress (одежда): MMong. qubčasu (HYt),
qubča (IM), qubčasun (SH); WMong. qubčasu(n) (L 976); Kh. xuvcas; Bur.
xubsaha(n); Kalm. xopcə, xupcə; Ord. Gubčasu, Gubčas; Dag. kuačilahe ‘a
cloth wrapper, a furoshiki’ (MD 184); S.-Yugh. χabčis.
◊ KW 186, 197, MGCD 384, TMN 1, 385-386.
710 *kóbe - *kbú
PTurk. *Köbüŕ / *Kebiŕ carpet, rug (ковер): Karakh. keviz (MK);
Tur. köjüz (dial.); MTurk. kebiz (MA), köwüz (Xwar.), köwüz (CCum.),
kevüz (AH); Uzb. kigiz; Uygh. kebɛz, kɛvɛz; Bashk. köjöδ; Kirgh. kebez;
KBalk. küjüz OL; Kum. gujuz (dial.); Nogh. küjiz; Khak. kibəs; Shr. kemis;
Oyr. kebis; Tv. xevis; Chuv. (Bulg.) > ORuss. kovьrъ ‘carpet’.
◊ EDT 692, ЭСТЯ 5, 83. Turk. > Mong. kebis ( > Man. kebisu etc., see ТМС 1, 444), see
Clark 1980, 39., Cf. Khalkha xiv ‘gauze, crêpe’, xövöŋ ‘cotton’. ЭСТЯ 5, 13.
‖ A Western isogloss; see under *k[ā]p῾á about possible mergers.
-kóbe ( ~ k῾-, -p-, -p῾-) to freeze: Mong. *köbsi-; Jpn. *kpr-.
PMong. *köbsi- to freeze (замерзать): MMong. köbši- (SH).
PJpn. *kpr- to freeze (замерзать): OJpn. kop(w)or-; MJpn. kófór-;
Tok. kṑr-; Kyo. kṓr-; Kag. kṓr-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ Ozawa 84. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. It is interesting to note Evk.
dial. kiwšim ‘fine snow’ ( < Mong.?).
-kbú hollow, cavity: Tung. *kobi / kebi(ŋe); Mong. *koɣu-su; Turk.
*Kobuk; Jpn. *kúmpuá; Kor. *kōr- (?).
PTung. *kobi / kebi(ŋe) 1 hole, hollow 2 cavity (1 углубление, дуп-
ло 2 впадина, углубление): Evn. qobmiĺa 1, kēwŋe, kewuŋe 2; Man. qobi
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 402, 442. The Manchu form is regarded by Rozycki 141 as borrowed <
Mong. qobil ‘groove’ (q.v. sub *kopu), which is hardly the case.
PMong. *koɣu-su empty, hollow (пустой, полый): MMong.
qo’o-sun (SH, HYt); WMong. qoɣusun (L 953); Kh. xōson; Bur. xōho(n);
Kalm. xōsn; Ord. xōson; Mog. qosun; Dag. xōson (Тод. Даг. 178), hōson
(MD 164); Dong. qosun; Bao. xosoŋ; S.-Yugh. χūsən; Mongr. xōʒən (SM
169), (MGCD xōsən).
◊ KW 191, 192-193, MGCD 355. Mong. > Evk. kōhon, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *Kobu-k empty, hollow (пустой, полый): OTurk. qovɨ
(OUygh.); Karakh. qovɨ, qovuq (MK); Tur. kovuk, gavɨk (dial.); Turkm.
Govaq, Govuq, Govalč, Govuz; MTurk. qovuq (AH); Uygh. quaq (dial.);
Khak. xax.
◊ VEWT 273, TMN 3, 415, ЭСТЯ 6, 5-6.
PJpn. *kúmpuá 1 cavity 2 to be concave, hollow (1 впадина, углуб-
ление 3 быть вогнутым, полым): OJpn. kub(w)o 1, kub(w)o-m- 2; MJpn.
kúbó 1, kúbóm- 2; Tok. kubo 1, kùbo-m- 2; Kyo. kúbóm- 2; Kag. kubóm- 2.
◊ JLTT 461, 714.
PKor. *kōr- (?) to become hollow (становиться полым, пустым):
Mod. kōl-.
◊ SKE 122.
 *kóčè - *koč῾V 711

‖ SKE 122. Cf. *gupu. The Kor. form *kōr- presupposes *kobVr-; how-
ever, it is only found in SKE and may be in fact = *kòrh- ‘be hungry,
empty’ (see *gṓŕa).
-kóčè to nomadize, transport: Tung. *kuči- ( ~ -š-); Mong. *köske; Turk.
*göč-; Jpn. *ksì.
PTung. *kuči- ( ~ -š-) 1 to come 2 to wander (1 приходить 2 бро-
дить): Evk. kuči- 1, kičur- ( < *kučir- ?) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 401, 441. Attested only in Evk.; see below on a possibility of borrowing <
Yakut.
PMong. *köske transportation, mount, cart (транспортировка, по-
возка, экипаж): WMong. köske, kösge (L 493); Kh. xösög.
PTurk. *göč- 1 to migrate, nomadize 2 nomadizing (1 мигрировать,
кочевать 2 кочевка): Karakh. köč- 1 (MK, KB), köč 2 (KB); Tur. göč- 1,
göč 2; Gag. göč- 1, göč ‘luggage’; Az. köč- 1, köč 2; Turkm. göč- 1, göč 2;
Khal. keč- 1; MTurk. köǯ- 1, köč 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. kọč- 1, kọč 2; Uygh. köč- 1,
köč 2; Krm. köč- 1; Tat. küč- 1, küč 2; Bashk. küs ‘рой’, küs- 1; Kirgh. köč-
1, köč 2; Kaz. köš- 1, köš 2; KBalk. köč- 1; KKalp. köš- 1, köš 2; Kum. göč- 1;
Nogh. köš- 1, köš 2; SUygh. köš- 1; Khak. kös- 1; Shr. köš- 1, köš 2; Oyr.
köč- 1; Tv. kö’š- 1, kö’š 2; Tof. kö’š- 1, kö’š 2; Chuv. koś- 1; Yak. kös- 1, kös 2;
Dolg. kös- 1, kös 2.
◊ EDT 693, 694, Лексика 489, ЭСТЯ 3, 88-90, TMN 3, 622, Stachowski 158, Федотов 1,
315.
PJpn. *ksì palanquin (паланкин): OJpn. kosi; MJpn. kósì; Tok. kóshi;
Kyo. kóshí; Kag. kóshi.
◊ JLTT 458. Accent in Tokyo and Kyoto is quite irregular.
‖ Poppe 63, KW 241, Владимирцов 377; Лексика 490; TMN 3, 633
(“...nicht hinreichend gesichert”). Despite Щербак 1997, 127, not bor-
rowed in Mong. < Turk. (see also Clark 1980, 56); -s- instead of the ex-
pected -č- in Mong. is due to a position within the cluster (köske = köčke).
-č- (or *-š-) in Evk. is, however, more difficult to account for (*-s- would
be expected normally), which means that the Evk. words may actually
be borrowed < Yakut.
-koč῾V ( ~ k῾-, -č-) ram: Mong. *kuča; Turk. *Koč.
PMong. *kuča ram (баран): MMong. xuča (HY 12), qəča ‘lamb’ (IM),
quča (MA); WMong. quča (МХТТТ); Kh. xuc; Bur. xusa; Kalm. xucə
(КРС); Ord. Guča; Dag. koč; Dong. quǯa; S.-Yugh. quǯa; Mongr. xua (SM
174), xuǯa.
◊ MGCD 394. Mong. > Evk. kuča etc., see Doerfer MT 100; Bur. > Russ. Siber. xucán,
see Аникин 338-339.
PTurk. *Koč ram (баран): OTurk. qočqar, qočuŋar (OUygh.); Karakh.
qočŋar (MK); Tur. koč, kočkar; Gag. qoč; Az. Goč; Turkm. Goč, GočGar; Sal.
qošqor, qošqur; Khal. Goč; MTurk. qoč, qočqar (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. ɣɔč
712 *kogĺu - *kṓk῾à
(dial.), qọčqar; Uygh. qočqa(r), qošqa(r); Krm. qoč, qočqar, qočxar; Tat. quč-
qar (dial.); Bashk. qušqar; Kirgh. qočqor; Kaz. qošqar; KBalk. qocxar;
KKalp. ɣoš, qošqar; Kum. qočqar; Nogh. qošqar; SUygh. qužɣar; Oyr. qoč-
qor; Tv. qošqar.
◊ Лексика 432, TMN 3, 539, 540-541, EDT 592, ЭСТЯ 6, 87-88. Turk. > Hung. kos, see
Gombocz 1912; Russ. dial. kočkór, kočkáŕ, see Аникин 308, 309.
‖ Poppe 62. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss, but hardly borrowed, despite
TMN 3, 540, Щербак 1997, 139.
-kogĺu ( ~ -o, -a) pipe, chimney: Tung. *kula-n; Mong. *koɣul-aj; Turk.
*Koguĺ.
PTung. *kula-n pipe, chimney (труба, дымоход): Neg. kolan; Man.
χulan; SMan. hulan (475); Ul. qụla(n); Nan. qolã; Orch. kula(n); Ud.
kula(n); Sol. kulan.
◊ ТМС 1, 428. Cf. also Nan. dial. kulekte, keulekte ‘throat’, Man. χolin ‘inner side of
cheek’. TM > Dag. xolil (Тод. Даг. 177), xuala (Тод. Даг. 178).
PMong. *koɣul-aj throat; pipe (горло; трубка): MMong. qo’olai (HY
46, SH), qūl (IM), qulaj (MA), qūla (LH); WMong. qoɣulaj (L 952); Kh.
xōloj; Bur. xōloj; Kalm. xōl, xōlǟ; Ord. xōlȫ; Mog. qōlɛi (Ramstedt 1906);
ZM qolei (2-5b); Dag. xōĺē (Тод. Даг. 177; MGCD xōĺ), hōle (MD 163);
Dong. Golei; S.-Yugh. χolo; Mongr. xōlo (SM 170).
◊ KW 192, MGCD 355. Mong. > Evk. kōlai etc., see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 142.
PTurk. *Koguĺ gutter, cavity, hollow (желоб, впадина, полость):
Karakh. qoɣuš (MK); Tur. kovuš; Az. Goɣuš; MTurk. qoɣuš (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qavuš, qɔvaš, quwuš (dial.); Krm. qowuš, quwuš; Tat. quwɨš; Bashk. qɨwɨš;
Kaz. quwɨs; KKalp. quwɨs; Kum. quwuš; Nogh. quwɨs; Khak. xōs; Chuv.
xъₙvъₙl; Yak. kuohāx.
◊ The Chuv. form may rather belong to PTurk. *Kob-. See VEWT 275, EDT 613, ЭСТЯ
6, 18-20, Stachowski 161 (the two roots interact actively).
‖ Владимирцов 365, Poppe 77 (Turk.-Mong.), Дыбо 46. A Western
isogloss.
-kṓk῾à to be deficient, damaged: Tung. *kuKe-; Mong. *koki-; Turk.
*Kōk-; Jpn. *káká-.
PTung. *kuKe- 1 to perish 2 dying (1 погибать 2 умирающий):
Evk. kukelčē 2; Evn. köke- 1; Man. guku- 1; SMan. guku- ‘to fall, to be de-
stroyed’ (1063).
◊ ТМС 1, 169, 427.
PMong. *koki- 1 to be damaged 2 damage (1 повреждаться 2
вред): WMong. qoki- 1 (L 956: qoki 2); Kh. xo 2; Bur. xoxi 2; Kalm. xoḱə-
1; Ord. Goχiro- ‘to be absolutely destroyed’; Dag. kokire- (MD 183)
kokirə-; S.-Yugh. χəkər-.
◊ KW 182, MGCD 369. Mong. > Man. kokira-, see Doerfer MT 138.
 *kk῾è - *kk῾è 713

PTurk. *Kōk- 1 to decrease, diminish 2 deficient, empty (1 умень-

шаться 2 недостаточный, пустой): OTurk. qoq- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
qoq- 1, qoquz 2 (MK); Tur. kokuz 2; Turkm. Govuz 2; Tat. quɣɨz 2 (dial.);
Khak. xox- 1; Oyr. qoq- 1.
◊ EDT 609, 614, ЭСТЯ 6, 35-36.
PJpn. *káká- to be deficient (быть недостаточным): OJpn. kaka- ‘to
be deficient; to be damaged’; MJpn. káká-; Tok. kàke-; Kyo. káké-; Kag.
kaké-.
◊ JLTT 702.
‖ KW 182.
-kk῾è breast, to suck; heart: Tung. *xuku-n / *kuku-n; Mong. *kökön;
Turk. *göküŕ; Jpn. *kkrə; Kor. *kokăi-.
PTung. *xuku-n / *kuku-n breast (fem.) (грудь (жен.)): Evk. ukun;
Evn. ökъn; Neg. öxön / ökön; Man. oxo, oGo ‘armpit’; SMan. ohə ‘arm-
pit’(67); Ul. kue(n), kuku(n); Ork. qū(n), qō(n); Nan. kū(n); Orch. oko(n);
Ud. koso῾ (Корм. 251); Sol. uxũ ‘milk’.
◊ Formally derived from TM *xuku- ‘to suck (breast)’, see ТМС 2, 254-255.
PMong. *kökön breast (fem.), nipple (грудь (женская), сосок):
MMong. kokan (SH), keuke (IM), kukän (MA); WMong. kökü(n), köke(n) (L
482, 483); Kh. xöx; Bur. xüxe(n); Kalm. kökn; Ord. göχö; Mog. kökä; ZM
kukä (2-8a); Dong. gogo; Bao. kugo; S.-Yugh. hgön; Mongr. kugo (SM 208).
◊ KW 237, MGCD 403. Mong. > Manchu (sp.) xuxuŋ (see TMN 1, 481), probably also
Jurch. xuxun (541).
PTurk. *göküŕ (/*gögüŕ), *Kökrek 1 breast 2 middle of the back 3
reason, sense, emotion 4 female breast (1 грудь 2 поясница, середина
спины 3 женская грудь): OTurk. kögüz 1, 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. kögüz 1
(MK); Tur. göɣüs 1, kökrek 1 (dial.); Gag. gǖs 1; Az. köks, köküs 1; Turkm.
gövüs 1, kükrek 1; Sal. göfrix 4?; MTurk. kögs, kögüs (Sangl.), köküs (MA)
1, kökrek (Abush., Бор. Бад.) 1; Uzb. kụks 1, 3, kɔkräk 1, 4; Uygh. köküs 1,
kökräk 1; Krm. kökis 1, kökräk 1; Tat. kögüs 1 (dial., КСТТ), kükrɛk 1, 4;
Bashk. kükräk 1; Kirgh. kökürök 1; Kaz. kökirek 1; KBalk. kökürek 1; KKalp.
kökirek 1; Kum. kökürek 1; Nogh. kökirek 1; SUygh. köküs, gȫs 1; Khak.
kögis 1; Shr. kögüs 1; Oyr. kögüs 1, 3; Chuv. kъₙgъₙr 1; Yak. köɣüs 2; Dolg.
köksü ‘back’.
◊ EDT 714, VEWT 288, ЭСТЯ 3, 54-55, 5, 136-137, Лексика 272-274, Stachowski 155.
The Oghuz forms with k- (Turkm. kükrek, Tur. dial. kökrek) may be < Kypchak, cf. -ü-
instead of -ö- in Turkm.
PJpn. *kkrə heart (сердце): OJpn. kokoro; MJpn. kòkòró; Tok.
kokóro; Kyo. kókòrò; Kag. kokoró.
◊ JLTT 454. Accent is not quite clear: all dialects and RJ point probably to a low tone
on first syllable (except Tokyo: the origin of type 2 in trisyllables is obscure); Kagoshima
can reflect any structure with this characteristics; Kyoto points rather to *kkr, as op-
posed to the attested kkr.
714 *kṓk῾e - *kk῾ò
PKor. *kokăi- heart of wood, pith, core (сердцевина): MKor.
kokăijaŋ; Mod. kogäŋi.
◊ Nam 45, KED 134.
‖ Poppe 108, Колесникова 1972a, 78-84, Цинциус 1984, 106-107,
Martin 248, Murayama 1962, 111, АПиПЯЯ 15, 32, 280, JOAL 147, Ды-
бо 13, Лексика 272-273, TMN 1, 482 (“Elementarverwandtschaft?”),
Doerfer MT 142. Mongolian and TM have a parallel verbal stem ‘to
suck (breast)’, thus the probable semantic development here is ‘to suck
(breast)’ > ‘(female) breast’ > ‘breast (in general)’ > ‘heart’.
-kṓk῾e ( ~ -i) blue, green: Tung. *kuKu; Mong. *köke; Turk. *gȫk.
PTung. *kuKu blue (синий, голубой): Evk. kuku, kuku-šin; Man.
kuku; Orch. kuagǯa.
◊ ТМС 1, 421, 426.
PMong. *köke blue, green (синий, зеленый): MMong. koko (HY 41,
SH), keuke (IM), kuk (MA); WMong. köke (L 482); Kh. xöx; Bur. xüxe;
Kalm. kökə; Ord. göχö; Mog. kükä; ZM kukä (13-7); Dag. kuke (Тод. Даг.
151, MD 185); Dong. kugie; Bao. koge, (MGCD) kugo; S.-Yugh. hgö;
Mongr. kugo (SM 209).
◊ KW 236, MGCD 378.
PTurk. *gȫk 1 blue 2 green (“macro-blue” according to Wierzbicka)
(1 синий 2 зеленый): OTurk. kök 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. kök 1 (MK,
KB), 2 (KB); Tur. gök 1; Gag. gök 1; Az. göj 1; Turkm. gȫk 1, 2; Sal. Gux 1;
Khal. kīek 2; MTurk. kök 1 (MA); Uzb. kọk 1, 2; Uygh. kök 1, 2; Krm. kök 1;
Tat. kük 1; Bashk. kük 1; Kirgh. kök 1; Kaz. kök 1; KBalk. kök 1; KKalp. kök
1; Kum. gök 1; Nogh. kök 1; SUygh. kük 1, 2; Khak. kök 1; Shr. kök 1, 2;
Oyr. kök 1, 2; Tv. kök 1; Tof. kök 1; Chuv. kъₙvak 1; Yak. küöx 1, 2; Dolg.
küök 1.
◊ VEWT 287, TMN 3, 640-642, EDT 708-9, ЭСТЯ 3, 66-68, Лексика 60, 604, Sta-
chowski 165. In most languages the root also means ‘sky’. Turk. > Hung. kék ‘blue’, see
Gombocz 1912.
‖ EAS 154, VEWT 287, KW 236, Владимирцов 168, 324, Poppe 56,
АПиПЯЯ 288. A Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 128, Doerfer
TMN 3, 641-642, MT 99 and Rozycki 145 there is no need to assume
Mong. < Turk. or TM < Mong. (although it cannot be excluded). De-
rived are probably bird names: Turk. *gȫkerčin ‘dove’, *gȫkel ‘he-duck’,
ТМ *kukēkī ‘jay’, Mong. *kögürǯegene ‘dove’ (see Лексика 175; Mong. is
hardly borrowed < Turk., despite Clark 1980, 44).
-kk῾ò rubbish, dirt: Tung. *kuk-pun; Mong. *kokir; Turk. *Kok; Jpn.
*kk- ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *kuk-pun rubbish, dirt (мусор, грязь): Man. xukun; Ul.
kukpu(n); Nan. kukpũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 426.
 *klé - *kólè 715

PMong. *kokir filth, rubbish; dry dung (грязь; сухой навоз, кизяк):
MMong. qokir (SH, Козин); WMong. qokir (L 956); Kh. xoxir; Bur. xoxir.
PTurk. *Kok dust, ashes (пыль, пепел): OTurk. qoɣ (OUygh.);
Karakh. qoɣ (MK); MTurk. qoɣ (AH, Pav. C.); Krm. qoq; Kirgh. qoq;
Nogh. qoq; Khak. xox; Oyr. qoq; Tv. xoq; Yak. xoɣoso.
◊ EDT 609, VEWT 275, 276, Лексика 368. Turk. > Mong. qoɣ, Kalm. xog ‘dregs, dirt’
(KW 181, Щербак 1997, 165).
PJpn. *kk- ( ~ -ua-) to urinate, excrete; to stink (мочиться, испраж-
няться; вонять): MJpn. kòk-; Tok. kok-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ An expressive root. Cf. also Turk. *Kɨg ‘dung’ (VEWT 261), *Kakač
id. (EDT 610).
-klé to be afraid, distressed: Tung. *kul-; Mong. *kulči-; Turk. *Köl-;
Jpn. *kr-.
PTung. *kul- 1 to be frightened 2 stupid 3 stiff, silent, sullen (1 це-
пенеть (от страха) 2 глупый, несмышленый 3 вялый, угрюмый, оце-
пеневший): Evk. kululi 3; Evn. qụldam- 2, qụlụńa 3; Neg. kolo-kolo 3;
Man. quli- 1; Ul. qol-qol 3; Nan. qol-qol 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 428, 429.
PMong. *kulči- to be shy, timid (трусить, робеть): WMong. qulčij-
(MXTTT); Kh. xulčij-.
PTurk. *Köl- 1 to be shy, afraid, sullen 2 to be jealous 3 jealousy (1
робеть, пугаться, расстраиваться 2 ревновать 3 ревность): Shr. külün
3; Oyr. köler-, Tel. külüneš- 2; Tv. xöl-ze- 1; Chuv. küle-, küleš- 2.
◊ VEWT 289. Егоров 122-123 confuses the root with *güni (q. v. sub *kune); so does
Федотов 1, 321.
PJpn. *kr- ( ~ -u) to be disappointed, distressed (разочаро-вы-
ваться, получать урок): OJpn. koru-; MJpn. kòràs- (caus.); Tok. korí-;
Kyo. kòrì-; Kag. kòrì-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ One of the many common Altaic verbs of emotion.
-kólè ( ~ k῾-) time: Mong. *küli-; Turk. *Kolu; Jpn. *kr.
PMong. *küli- to wait (ждать): MMong. guliǯe (HY 34, SH),
k[u]ličimu- ‘waiting’ (IM); WMong. küliɣe-, küli-če- (L 499, 500); Kh.
xülē-, xülce-; Bur. xüĺē-; Kalm. külə- (КРС); Ord. külē-; Dag. kulčē- (Тод.
Даг. 151: kuĺčē-), kulečē- (MD 185).
◊ MGCD 398.
PTurk. *Kolu 1 period of time 2 originally (1 период времени 2
первоначально): OTurk. qolu 1 (OUygh.); Kirgh. qolu 2.
◊ EDT 617, Лексика 69-70, Clark 1977, 148-149.
PJpn. *kr time, period of time (время, период): OJpn. koro; MJpn.
koro; Tok. koró, kóro; Kyo. kórò; Kag. kóro.
716 *kōli - *koĺi
◊ JLTT 458. The Tokyo variant kóro is unclear.
‖ Лексика 69-70.
-kōli ( ~ -e) to harness: Mong. *köl-; Turk. *gȫl-.
PMong. *köl- to harness (запрягать): MMong. kol-, kolde- (SH);
WMong. köl-le- (L 485); Kh. xöllö-; Kalm. köll-; Ord. kölö-.
◊ KW 288.
PTurk. *gȫl- 1 to harness 2 harnessed animal (1 запрягать 2 упряж-
ное животное): OTurk. köl- 1 (OUygh. - YB), kölük 2(Orkh., OUygh.), ‘a
vehicle’ (OUygh.); Karakh. kölük 2 (MK); Tur. gölük 2; Turkm. gȫlük
(dial.) ‘vehicle’; göle 2; MTurk. kölük 2 (Sangl.); Kirgh. kölük 2; Kaz. kölik
2; KKalp. kölik 2; Nogh. kölik 2; Khak. köl- 1, köləg Nom. Act.; Oyr. kölkö 2
(possibly < Mong.); Tv. xöl, xölge 2 (the latter is rather < Mong.); Tof.
hölle- 1; Chuv. kül- 1; Yak. köl-üj- 1, kölö, kölgö 2 (the latter may be <
Mong.).; Dolg. kölüj- 1.
◊ VEWT 288, EDT 715, 717, ЭСТЯ 3, 69-70, Федотов 1, 320-321, Stachowski 155 (fol-
lowing Kał. MEJ 18 and deriving Yak., Dolg. < Mong.).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Contaminations with several other roots
were possible: cf. *gldi, *k῾uli, *k῾iĺa. Cf. Щербак 1997, 128 (Turk. >
Mong.).
-kòĺbèk῾V ( ~ -o-) hub, wheel hub: Tung. *kulbuka; Mong. *kolkibči;
Turk. *Koĺ-luk; Jpn. *ksìki.
PTung. *kulbuka hub (втулка): Evk. kulbukā (dial.).
◊ ТМС 1, 428.
PMong. *kolkibči 1 hub, bearing 2 cross-bow (1 втулка 2 само-
стрел): WMong. qolkibči (L 960: qolqubči, qolqubči numu); Kh. xolxiwč,
xolxowč 1; xolxovč-num 2.
PTurk. *Koĺ-luk 1 iron arrow-head 2 arrow with iron head (1 же-
лезный наконечник стрелы 2 стрела с железным наконечником):
Khak. xosta 1, 2; Yak. kustuk 2.
◊ VEWT 283. Turk. > Mansi kuɔšlɔx. A Siberian word; but deriving it from *Kuĺ ‘bird’
is hardly possible, despite Stachowski 162.
PJpn. *ksìki hub (ступица колеса): OJpn. kosikji; MJpn. kòsìki; Tok.
kóshiki.
◊ JLTT 458.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-koĺi ( ~ k῾-, --, -e) to freeze: Mong. *köl-de-; Turk. *Köĺ-.
PMong. *köl-de- to freeze (замерзать): WMong. kölde-, köldü- (L
485); Kh. xöldö-; Bur. xülde-; Kalm. köld-; Ord. köldö-; Dag. kuĺde- (Тод.
Даг. 151: kulde-, 179: xulde-), hulede- (MD 166), xuĺde-, xuldu-; Dong.
guanǯie-; Bao. gondə-; S.-Yugh. köldǖ-.
◊ KW 288, MGCD 373.
 *kṓĺi(kV) - *kṓme 717

PTurk. *Köĺ- to freeze (замерзать): Tat. küšek-; Bashk. küšek-; Kaz.

köšü-; Tv. köžü-; Tof. köšü-; Yak. köhüj-.
◊ VEWT 294, ЭСТЯ 5, 127.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 305. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. The root should be distin-
guished from *k῾oli- ‘shadow, cloud’ (although contaminations are pos-
sible).
-kṓĺi(kV) ( ~ g-, -e) young of animals: Mong. *gölige; Turk. *kȫĺek.
PMong. *gölige pup, young dog or cat (щенок, детеныш собаки
или кошки): WMong. gölüge, gölige (L 386); Kh. gölög; Bur. gülge(n);
Kalm. gölgə; Ord. gölögö; Dag. gulug, gulgū (Тод. Даг. 133); S.-Yugh.
gələg; Mongr. gorgo (SM 143), gulgo.
◊ KW 137, MGCD 300.
PTurk. *kȫĺek young of camel (верблюжонок): Tur. köšek, göšek
(dial.), gölük ‘cub’; Az. köšäk; Turkm. kȫšek; MTurk. köšek (AH); Uzb.
küšek (dial.); Bashk. kölökɛj ‘calf’; KKalp. köšek (dial.); Kum. kilɛj (dial.)
‘cub’; Chuv. > Hung. kölyök, see Gombocz 1912.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 126-127.
‖ KW 137, Poppe 25, 78. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. PT has a quite ir-
regular *k-, probably due to contamination with *kičük ‘small, young of
animals’ q. v.
-kṓme ( ~-o) mat, carpet: Tung. *kuma-lān; Mong. *köm; Turk. *Kōm;
Jpn. *km.
PTung. *kuma-lān a small carpet (made of skins) (коврик (из
шкур)): Evk. kumalān; Evn. qmnan; Neg. komalan; Ork. qụmala(n);
Orch. kumala.
◊ ТМС 1, 430. Evk. > Dolg. kumalān (Stachowski 160).
PMong. *köm rawhide, depilated skin (сыромятная шкура):
WMong. köm; Kh. xöm; Bur. xüm; Kalm. köm; Ord. köm.
◊ KW 239.
PTurk. *Kōm camel’s pack-saddle (верблюжье вьючное седло):
Karakh. qom (MK); Turkm. Gōm; MTurk. qom (MA); Uzb. qụm; Bashk.
qum; Kirgh. qom; Kaz. qom; KKalp. qom; Oyr. qom; Tv. qom; Tof. xom.
◊ VEWT 278, Лексика 541, ЭСТЯ 6, 55, Clark 1977, 149. Turk. > WMong. qom (KW
184, Щербак 1997, 139), whence Evk. kōm, Man. qomo (see ТМС 1, 408, Doerfer MT 61).
PJpn. *km straw matting (соломенная циновка, рогожа): OJpn.
komo; MJpn. kómó; Tok. kòmo; Kyo. kómò; Kag. kómo.
◊ JLTT 456.
‖ In the Western area the root denotes basically a carpet or covering
(>saddle) made of skins; since in Japanese it is a straw matting, it is not
quite clear what sort of mat was denoted by it in PA.
718 *kòmpo - *p῾òme.
-kòmpo fist, wrist: Tung. *komba-; Mong. *kombo-; Turk. *Kop-; Jpn.
*kmpusi.
PTung. *komba- wrist, hand, spoke-bone (запястье, кисть, плюс-
на): Neg. kombox; Ork. qom; Nan. qombịo; Ud. komugu (Корм. 249).
◊ ТМС 1, 408.
PMong. *kombo- round (esp. of hooves) (быть круглым (особ. о
копытах)): WMong. qombuji- (MXTTT); Kh. xomboj-; Bur. xombi-, xomi-
‘flat (of hooves); Ord. xombȫ- ‘avoir une grosse panse et un petite ou-
verture (vase)’.
◊ L 960 regards WMong. qombuɣur as a variant of qomuɣur ‘curled, shrivelled’, but
the Khalkha dictionary strictly distinguishes them.
PTurk. *Kop- 1 fist 2 wrist (1 кулак 2 запястье): Kirgh. qobuq ‘arthri-
tis of metacarpus’; Oyr. qoboq 2; Tv. qowades 1, Krg. qofadeš ( < *Kop-adɨĺ).
◊ Дыбо 194 (though hardly a loanword).
PJpn. *kmpusi fist (кулак): MJpn. kòbùsì; Tok. kòbushi, kóbushi; Kyo.
kóbùshì; Kag. kobúshi.
◊ JLTT 453. RJ, Tokyo and Kyoto point to a low tone on the first syllable (although
the rest of the word reveals accent variation); only Kagoshima is quite aberrant.
‖ A common derivative *kòmpo-k῾V is reflected in PT *Kopa-k = PTM
*komba-kī.
-kómp῾i neck, part of breast: Tung. *kumpe(ke); Mong. *kömürge; Turk.
*gömül-dürük; Jpn. *kúmpí.
PTung. *kumpe(ke) breast ornaments (нагрудные украшения):
Neg. kumpken; Ul. kumpe(n); Orch. kumpe.
◊ ТМС 1, 431.
PMong. *kömürge breast ornament of horse (нагрудное украше-
ние): Kalm. kömrg.
◊ KW 239.
PTurk. *gömül-dürük breast strap (грудной ремень): Karakh.
kömüldürük (MK); Tur. gömüldürük; Turkm. gömüldürük; MTurk.
kömüldürük (Pav. C.); Tat. küməltək (КСТТ); Bashk. küməldərək; Kirgh.
kömöldürük; Tof. hömündürük.
◊ VEWT 289, EDT 723, ЭСТЯ 3, 71-72, Лексика 552-553. Turk. > Mong. kömüldürge
(Щербак 1977, 128). Forms like Uygh. ömüldürük, Bashk. ümelderek (see ЭСТЯ 1, 530, Лек-
сика 553) may be derived from the same stem, under an influence of *ömgen ‘upper part
of breast’ q.v. sub *emo; a separate etymology see, however, under *p῾òme.
PJpn. *kúmpí neck (шея): OJpn. kubji; MJpn. kúbí; Tok. kùbi; Kyo.
kúbí; Kag. kúbi ( = kúT).
◊ JLTT 461.
‖ Cf. also Mong. *köɣemej which can go back to *köme-ɣej, cf. poten-
tial Turkic loanwords like Chag. kömekej, Yak. kömögöj etc., see VEWT
289. Such a metathesis, however, is rather uncommon (as well as the
rendering of Mong. -ɣ- by Turkic -k-), and there are obvious loanwords
 *kómtV - *kṓńi 719

from the same Mongolian source: Yak., Dolg. küömej ‘throat’ (see Kał.
MEJ 88, Stachowski 165). It may well be that the above Turkic words
are genuine after all, going back to *gömü-kej (derived from the same
root as *gömül-dürük), while Mong. köɣemej has a quite different origin
(e.g. PA *kúŋe ‘middle, heart’ q.v.).
-kómtV box, frame: Tung. *komta-n; Turk. *Komta; Jpn. *kámátí.
PTung. *komta-n cover, box (крышка, коробка): Neg. komtaxan; Ul.
qōmta(n); Nan. qomtã; Orch. kumta(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 409.
PTurk. *Komta box (ящик): Tat. qumta; Bashk. qumta; Khak. xomdɨ;
Oyr. qomda; Tv. xomdu.
◊ VEWT 279, ЭСТЯ 6, 6. Relation to Mong. qobdu is hardly possible.
PJpn. *kámátí door frame (дверная рама): Tok. kàmachi; Kyo.
kámáchí; Kag. kamáchi.
◊ JLTT 431. In OJ kamati is attested only in the meaning ‘cheek-bone(s)’, while RJ has
kàfàti id. This is possibly a specialization of the meaning ‘frame, door-frame’, additionally
(in MJ) influenced by káfó ‘face’.
‖ A reconstruction *kómVtV ( ~ -t῾-) is also not excluded (and per-
haps would account better for the PJ form).
-kòna(-kV) clothes: Tung. *kuŋge; Mong. *kunar; Jpn. *kànkà-.
PTung. *kuŋge clothes (одежда): Evk. kuŋgu; Evn. köŋgeke; Neg.
keŋge; Nan. kuŋgu.
◊ ТМС 1, 433.
PMong. *kunar clothes (одежда): MMong. qunar (SH); WMong.
qunar, qunir (L 986); Kh. xunar; Bur. xunar; Kalm. xunər (КРС); Ord.
xunar; Dag. xonor (Тод. Даг. 177).
PJpn. *kànkà- 1 crown 2 to put on (upper clothes) 3 to incur, sustain
(1 венец, корона 2 надевать (верхнюю одежду) 3 подвергаться):
OJpn. kage 1, kagapur- 2, 3; MJpn. kabur-, kaubur- 2, 3; Tok. kabúr- 2,
kōmúr- 3; Kyo. kábúr- 2, kṓmúr- 3; Kag. kàbùr- 2, kṑmùr- 3.
◊ JLTT 700, 712. Modern kōmur- < kaum(b)ur- < kankapur- ( = OJ kagapur- with reduc-
tion of the middle syllable); the variant kabur- is a result of contamination with *kàm(p)-
‘head’ (v. sub *kamp῾a).
‖ PTM and Japanese reflect a common derivative *kòna-kV.
-kṓńi ( ~ -e) leather, cloth: Mong. *kön-ǯile; Turk. *gȫn; Kor. *kằńằm.
PMong. *kön-ǯile blanket (одеяло): MMong. konǯile (HY 23),
koanǯile (SH), kənǯəle (LH); WMong. könǯile (MXTTT); Kh. xönǯil; Bur.
xünžel; Kalm. könǯl (КРС); Ord. könǯil (Тод. ЯМВМ); Mog. könǯilä
(Ramstedt 1906); Dong. guanǯulie (Тод. Дн.); Mongr. gwənilen (SM
138).
PTurk. *gȫn tanned skin, leather (дубленая шкура, кожа): OTurk.
kön (OUygh.); Karakh. kön (MK); Tur. gön; Az. gön; Turkm. gȫn; MTurk.
720 *kòŋa - *kòŋa
gön (Sangl.), kön (Nahc., Pav. C.); Uzb. kọn; Uygh. kön; Krm. gön; Tat.
kün; Bashk. kün; Kirgh. kön; KBalk. gön; KKalp. kön; Kum. gön; Nogh.
kön; Oyr. kön.
◊ VEWT 290-291, EDT 724, ЭСТЯ 3, 72-73, Лексика 384, 476-477. Cf. also *gȫnčük ‘an
ornament on shirt’ (ЭСТЯ 5, 106).
PKor. *kằńằm material, cloth (материал, ткань): MKor. kằńằm;
Mod. kām.
◊ Nam 13, KED 49.
‖ -ằ- in MKor. is probably a result of assimilation ( < *kòńằm). Vovin
1993 compares MKor. kằńằm ‘material, cloth’ with Jpn. *kìnú, on which
see rather *k῾èjní; see also Robbeets 2000, 109.
-kòŋa brown, black: Tung. *koŋna-; Mong. *koŋ-; Turk. *Koŋur; Jpn.
*kànkâ-i; Kor. *kắnắrh.
PTung. *koŋna- black (черный): Evk. koŋno-mo,-rin; Evn. qōŋ-;
Neg. koŋnojīn; Sol. xoŋnorĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 413. Evk. > Dolg. koŋnomo (see Stachowski 152).
PMong. *koŋ- light brown (светлокоричневый): MMong. qoŋqor
(SH); WMong. qoŋɣur (L 962); Kh. xongor; Bur. xongor; Kalm. xoŋgər;
Ord. xoŋGor; Dag. xongr, kongor (Тод. Даг. 150), kongore (MD 183);
S.-Yugh. χoŋGor; Mongr. xoŋxo (SM 172) ‘de couleur rose’, (MGCD
GoŋGor).
◊ KW 185, MGCD 364. Mong. > Evk. koŋgōr, Man. qoŋGoro (morin) > Kor. koŋgol (mal)
(see Lee 1958, 119, Rozycki 143).
PTurk. *Koŋur red-brown, dark brown (рыжевато-бурый, темно-
коричневый): Karakh. qoŋur (MK); Tur. koŋgur , goɣur (dial.); Gag.
qomur; Az. Gonur; Turkm. Goŋur; MTurk. qoŋur (IM), qoŋɣur (Pav. C.);
Uzb. qụŋɣir; Tat. qoŋɣɨr; Bashk. quŋɨr; Kirgh. qoŋur; Kaz. qoŋɨr; KBalk.
qoŋur; KKalp. qoŋɨr; Kum. qoŋur; Nogh. qoŋɨr; SUygh. qoŋɨr; Khak. xōr;
Oyr. qoŋɨr; Tv. xōr; Chuv. xъₙmъₙr; Yak. qoŋor.
◊ VEWT 280-1, TMN 3, 525, EDT 639, ЭСТЯ 6, 62-65.
PJpn. *kànkâ-i shadow; reflection (тень; отражение): OJpn. kage;
MJpn. kàgé; Tok. káge; Kyo. kàgê; Kag. kagé.
◊ JLTT 432.
PKor. *kắnắrh shadow (тень): MKor. kắnắr (kắnắrh-); Mod. kɨnɨl.
◊ Nam 9, KED 232.
‖ Poppe 72, KW 185, VEWT 281, Whitman 1985, 183, 199, 222, АПи-
ПЯЯ 290, Дыбо 12, Robbeets 2000, 109. The Mongolian form qoŋɣur
might as well be a Turkism, cf. TMN 3, 525-526, Щербак 1997, 139-140
(note that qon-dun, qoŋ-du < Chinese). The TM forms, despite Doerfer
MT 37, cannot be regarded as mongolisms. In Kor. cf. also k’úró ‘mir-
ror’ (probably a derivative from the same root; semantically cf. Jpn.
kaga-mi id. - ‘mirror’ < ‘shadow’). Note that *kắnắrh reflects a suffixed
 *kōŋa - *kŏŋe 721

form *koŋ(a)-rV with assimilation > *konrV, while *kànkâ-i reflects an-
other suffixed form *koŋ(V)-kV ( = Mong. *koŋgu-r).
-kōŋa bell: Tung. *kōŋā-; Mong. *koŋku; Turk. *Koŋra-; Jpn. *káná-i.
PTung. *kōŋā- 1 ringing sound (expr.) 2 bell (1 звук колокольчика
(экспр.) 2 колокольчик): Evk. kōŋākte 2; Evn. qōŋat 2; Neg. koŋịr, koŋụr
1; Man. qoŋgir 1; Ul. qoŋGoqto 2; Ork. qoŋGoqto 2; Nan. qoŋGōqto 2; Orch.
koŋokto 2; Sol. xoŋātt 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 410.
PMong. *koŋku bell (колокольчик): WMong. qoŋqu (L 963); Kh.
xonx; Bur. xonxo; Kalm. xoŋxə (КРС); Ord. xoŋxo; Dag. kuāngarta, (Тод.
Даг. 178), kuangarete (MD 184), xuangarta; Dong. GoŋGon; Bao. GoŋGa;
S.-Yugh. χoŋGo; Mongr. xoŋGor.
◊ MGCD 365.
PTurk. *Koŋra- 1 to ring, toll 2 bell (1 звенеть, звонить 2 коло-
кол(ьчик)): Karakh. qoŋraq, qoŋraɣu 2; Tur. koŋrak (dial.) 2; Az. Gɨmrow
2; Sal. koŋor 2; MTurk. qumrawu 2 (AH); Uzb. qɔŋɨraw 2; Uygh. qoŋɣraq,
qoŋɣiraq (dial.) 2; Tat. qɨŋɣɨraw 2; Bashk. quŋɨraw 2 (dial.); Kirgh. qoŋɣurō
2; Kaz. qoŋɨraw 2; KKalp. qoŋraw 2; Kum. qoŋuraw 2; Nogh. qoŋɨraw 2;
Khak. xoŋra- 1, xoŋro 2; Shr. qoŋra- 1, qoŋrā 2; Oyr. qoŋro- 1, qoŋrū 2; Tv.
qoŋɣura- 1.
◊ VEWT 280, TMN 3, 526, EDT 640, ЭСТЯ 6, 60-61.
PJpn. *káná-i bell (колокол): OJpn. kane; MJpn. káné; Tok. kàne; Kyo.
káné; Kag. káne.
◊ JLTT 437.
‖ KW 186, ТМС 1, 410. In Jpn. the word is homonymous with
*káná-i ‘metal’, which is probably secondary (but may explain the ir-
regular tone).
-kŏŋe to tear out, uproot: Tung. *koŋ-; Turk. *Koŋur-; Jpn. *kənsu-; Kor.
*kń-.
PTung. *koŋ- to tear out, uproot (выдирать, вырывать): Evk.
koŋdot-; Evn. qonŋaq-, qonŋal-.
◊ ТМС 1, 410, 412 (the root should be distinguished from *koŋda- ‘break, crosswise’ q.
v. sub *kòŋti).
PTurk. *Koŋur- to tear out, uproot (выдирать, вырывать): Karakh.
qoŋur- (MK); MTurk. qoŋar- (Abush., Бор. Бад.); Tv. xuna-; Yak. xoŋun-,
xoŋnor-; Dolg. koŋor-.
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 640, ЭСТЯ 6, 65, Stachowski 152.
PJpn. *kənsu- to uproot (вырывать (с корнем)): OJpn. kozu-.
◊ JLTT 714.
PKor. *kń- 1 to pull, drag 2 to draw 3 stroke, drawn line (1 тащить,
тянуть 2 чертить 3 черта, проведенная линия): MKor. kń- 2, kń-,
722 *koŋgV - *kopV
kń-, skń- 1 (with sk- representing expressive gemination), ks ( = *kń)
3; Mod. k:l- 1, kt- [kɨs-] 2.
◊ Nam 69, 75, KED 247, 257.
‖ Whitman 1985, Robbeets 2000, 102. The Jpn. form is historically a
compound with *s(u)- ‘to make, do’. In Kor. a palatalization *kŏŋe >
*kŏńe occurred.
-koŋgV deaf: Tung. *koŋga; Mong. *koŋgor.
PTung. *koŋga deaf (глухой): Neg. koŋgo; Ul. qoŋGo; Ork. qoŋGo;
Nan. qoŋGo; Orch. koŋgo; Sol. xoŋgō.
◊ ТМС 1, 471. TM > Dag. xongō, kongō (Тод. Даг. 177).
PMong. *koŋgor naive, guileless (простодушный): WMong. qoŋɣor
(L 962: qoŋɣur); Kh. xoŋgor; Bur. xongor; Ord. xoŋGor.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-kòŋti ( ~ -e, *kuŋtu) to break, break in halves: Tung. *koŋda-; Mong.
*könde-le; Jpn. *kùntàk-.
PTung. *koŋda- 1 crosswise 2 to break, snap, be broken 3 half (of an
object) (1 поперек 2 ломать(ся) 3 половина (предмета)): Evk. koŋdor
1, koŋdorgo- 2; Evn. qoŋds 1, qoŋdq- 2; Orch. kondo 3; Ud. kandugu 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 412.
PMong. *könde-le crosswise (поперек): MMong. kondolen (HY 53);
WMong. köndelen, köndülen (L 488); Kh. xöndöl; Bur. xündelen; Kalm.
köndəln; Ord. köndölön; Dag. hundulen (MD 166), xundul; Bao. guandəlaŋ;
S.-Yugh. köndölön; Mongr. kwəndilen (SM 206), kundəlen.
◊ KW 289, MGCD 374. Mong. > Chag. köndälän etc., see TMN 1, 483, Щербак 1997,
205.
PJpn. *kùntàk- to break (ломать): OJpn. kudak-; MJpn. kùdàk-; Tok.
kudák-; Kyo. kúdák-; Kag. kùdàk-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ Poppe 84 (Tung.-Mong.; Doerfer TMN 1, 483 criticizes Poppe’s
TM reconstruction *köndes - which is justified, but does not abolish the
parallel).
-kopV to plane, whet: Tung. *kuba-; Mong. *kobiki; Turk. *Kobuĺ,
*Kobuĺa-.
PTung. *kuba- to plane, scrape (строгать, скоблить): Evk. kuwa-;
Evn. qụwụn ‘scraper, drawing-knife’; Neg. koa-, kowa-; Man. quwa-fia-;
Ork. qụwaị, qụwaqụ ‘plough’; Nan. qoatamsa ‘chip, splinter’; Orch. koa-,
kua-, kuwa-; Ud. kua-.
◊ ТМС 1, 421.
PMong. *kobiki a k. of chisel with a grooved blade (вид долота с
закругленным краем): WMong. qobki (L 949: qobiki); Kh. xovxi; Bur.
xobxol- ‘to plane, scrape off’.
 *kŏp῾é - *kṓp῾i 723
◊ WMong. qobqul- ‘to tear away’ ( > Evk. kopko-, Man. qobqolo- etc., see ТМС 1, 414,
Doerfer MT 91, Rozycki 141).
PTurk. *Kobuĺ, *Kobuĺa- 1 sharpened (arrow) 2 to sharpen, plane (1
заостренная (стрела) 2 точить, строгать): OTurk. qovuša- (OUygh.) 2;
Karakh. qovša- (MK) 2; Tur. (Osmanli) qovuš, qoɣuš (XVI c.) 1.
◊ EDT 613-614.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-kŏp῾é to bend; elevation, convexity: Tung. *kupe-; Mong. *köb- / *küb-;
Turk. *göpe(ne); Jpn. *kəmpu; Kor. *kòp-, *kùp-.
PTung. *kupe- 1 to swell up 2 hill, mound 3 convex (1 вздуваться,
распухать 2 холм, бугор 3 выпуклый): Evk. kepe- 1, kupike, kuwudek 2;
Neg. kupe- 1; Ul. kubdu 2; Nan. kubdū 2, kupul-kupul 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 422, 434, 452. The root actively contaminates with *kepu- ‘to drift, float on
the surface’ (v. sub *kup῾e).
PMong. *köb- / *küb- 1 to bend, incline 2 arch, convex, convexity 3
to swell 4 mountain ridge 5 bow-string (1 наклонять, склоняться 2 ду-
га, выпуклый, выпуклость 3 раздуваться 4 горный хребет 5 тетива):
MMong. k[o]bči 5 (IM), kubči, kubčin (MA 219); WMong. köbüre-, küber-
1, köbügür, kübügür 2, köbkeji- 3, köbči 4 (L 475, 476, 477); Kh. xüvre- 1,
xövxij- 3, xövč 4, 5; Bur. xübše 4, 5; Kalm. köwkə- 3, köwčə 4, 5 (КРС); Dag.
kubeči 5 (MD 184).
PTurk. *göpe(ne) haystack (стог сена): Tur. geben; Tat. kübe; Bashk.
kübɛ; Kum. keben; Tv. xöpēn; Chuv. koba.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 15, 80, Федотов 1, 308-309. Turk. > Hung. kepe ‘sheaf’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kəmpu lump, hump (шишка, горб): Tok. kobú; Kyo. kòbû;
Kag. kóbu.
◊ JLTT 453. PJpn. accent is unclear.
PKor. *kòp-, *kup- to be bent (быть изогнутым): MKor. kòp-, kup-;
Mod. kop-, kup-.
◊ Nam 52, 63, KED 163, 220.
‖ Cf. *gṓp῾e, *k῾àpe (in Mong. and TM also a partial contamination
with *kup῾e ‘light, float’). See also notes to *k῾ep῾orV ‘curved bone’.
-kṓp῾i ( ~ -e) navel: Mong. *köj; Turk. *gȫpek; Kor. *kop.
PMong. *köj navel (пупок): MMong. kī (IM), qui (SH); WMong. köi,
(L 498:) küi; Kh. xüj ‘umbilical cord’; Bur. xüj; Kalm. kī; Ord. kǖ ‘umbili-
cal cord’.
◊ KW 234. Cf. also Bur. xübšerge ‘umbilical cord’.
PTurk. *gȫpek navel (пупок): Karakh. köbek (IM); Tur. göbek; Gag.
göbek; Az. göbäk; Turkm. gȫbek; MTurk. köbek (Sangl.); Krm. köbek; Tat.
kübäk (dial.); Chuv. kъₙvaba.
◊ VEWT 285, EDT 688, ЭСТЯ 3, 52, Федотов 1, 247. Cf. also probably from the same
root: Chuv. kəₙpśa ‘vagina’, Tat. köpšä ‘pipe-like stalk’.
724 *kŏp῾V - *kóre
PKor. *kop navel (пупок): MKor. păi-s-kop; Mod. päk:op.
◊ Nam 253, KED 743.
‖ MKor. păi-s-kop has also a variant păi-s-pok - which must be secon-
dary in the light of external evidence.
-kŏp῾V all: Tung. *kupukte; Mong. *kow; Turk. *Kop.
PTung. *kupu- 1 all 2 whole (1 весь 2 целый): Evk. kūkte 1; Neg.
kepukte 1; Ul. kupte 2; Ork. kupukte 2; Nan. kupukte 2; Ud. kufula, kufule 2;
Sol. xokkoǯi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 426 (some forms listed should be qualified as mongolisms).
PMong. *kow all (весь): WMong. qou; Kh. xū; Bur. xū; Kalm. xō;
Dag. xō, xua (Тод. Даг. 176); Mongr. x-la, x-lo (SM 180).
◊ KW 191. Mong. > Sal. k῾ō ‘all, various’.
PTurk. *Kop all (весь): OTurk. qop (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qop
(MK).
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 579.
‖ KW 191, Владимирцов 255, АПиПЯЯ 15, 27, 289, Дыбо 12. A
Western isogloss (possible Kor.-Jpn. reflexes see under *k῾óp῾i).
-kóre to freeze: Tung. *kuri-; Mong. *kör; Turk. *Kört; Jpn. *kr-.
PTung. *kuri- 1 to freeze (of ice on window) 2 snow drift (1 намерз-
нуть (о льде на окне) 2 сугроб, намет снега): Evk. kurêr- 1; Evn. kurilke
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 436-437.
PMong. *kör 1 dense, thick snow 2 to freeze (1 толстый сугроб 2
замерзать, остывать): MMong. kor-be ‘iced, cold’ (HY 6); WMong. kör
1, körü- 2 (L 490); Kh. xör 1, xörö- 2; Bur. xür 1, xüre- 2; Kalm. kör 1, kör- 2
(КРС); Ord. kör- 2; S.-Yugh. kör 1, kör-, körgö- 2; Mongr. kori- ‘se geler’
(SM 215), korə 1.
◊ MGCD 375, 376.
PTurk. *Kört snow drift, deep snow (сугроб, глубокий снег):
OTurk. kürtük (OUygh.); Tur. kürt (dial.), gürtük; Uygh. kürt; Tat. kört;
Bashk. kört; Kirgh. kürtük; Kaz. kürt, kürtək; KBalk. kürt; Kum. kürt;
Nogh. kürtək; Khak. körtək; Shr. kürt; Oyr. körtük, kürt; Tv. xörtük; Chuv.
kərt (Anatri); Yak. kürǯük.
◊ EDT 739, ЭСТЯ 5, 149-150.
PJpn. *kr- to freeze (замерзать, застывать): OJpn. kor-; MJpn. kór-;
Tok. kór-; Kyo. kòr-; Kag. kór-.
◊ JLTT 713. Accent in Tokyo and Kyoto is irregular (pointing to a variant *kr-).
‖ VEWT 311, KW 240.
 *kòrke - *kru 725

-kòrke a k. of vessel: Tung. *kurke; Mong. *korgu; Turk. *Körke; Kor.

*kúkì.
PTung. *kurke vessel made of birch bark (сосуд из бересты): Evk.
kurken ‘биток для сбора ягод’; Ul. kurke; Ork. kurke; Nan. kurke; Orch.
kukke; Ud. kuku (Корм. 252).
◊ ТМС 1, 426, 437.
PMong. *korgu a k. of vessel (вид сосуда): WMong. qorɣu (L 965);
Kh. xorgo; Dag. xorgo (Тод. Даг. 177).
PTurk. *Körke wooden dish, bowl (деревянное блюдо, чаша):
Karakh. körge (MK); MTurk. körge (Abush.), körege (Sangl.); Krm. körege;
Oyr. kürgü ‘ein grosses Birkenrindengefäss’; Chuv. korga ‘scoop’.
◊ EDT 742, VEWT 311, Федотов 1, 372.
PKor. *kúkì vessel, dipper, a measure of weight (сосуд, черпак, ме-
ра веса): MKor. kúkì; Mod. kugi.
◊ Liu 82, HMCH 243, KED 196.
‖ A good common Altaic root, denoting some kind of big vessel
(used as a measure of weight in the Eastern area).
-koru a k. of big fish: Tung. *koru; Mong. *korbu; Turk. *Kor(t)-; Jpn.
*kùntírà; Kor. *kòrài.
PTung. *koru pike (щука): Evn. kȫrike, kurike ‘a k. of fish (род маль-
мы)’; Neg. kojčān; Man. xoro; Ul. qorụ.
◊ ТМС 1, 404, 420. Manchu has also a front-row variant kure ‘tench’ (also kurče, kurčin
‘a k. of sea fish’), see ТМС 1, 438 (cf. also Ul., Nan. kuere ‘амур белый’, ТМС 1, 445); the
Manchu word was borrowed > WMong. küre, Kalm. kür ‘tench’ (see Doerfer MT 144).
PMong. *korbu beluga, white fish (белуга, белая рыба): WMong.
qorbu (L 965); Kh. xorov; Kalm. xorwə (КРС).
◊ Cf. also WMong. qarba ‘a k. of fresh-water fish’ (or is it < ‘carp’?).
PTurk. *Kor(t)- 1 burbot 2 pike 3 huso, beluga (1 налим 2 щука 3
белуга): Tat. (КСТТ) qurtɨ 1, qurtan 2; Kaz. qortpa 3; Nogh. qortpa 3;
Khak. xortɨ 1 (Sag.); Shr. qortu 1; Oyr. qortu 1; Chuv. ? kъrtъš, kъrъš ‘ruff’
( = Mari kɨrɨš, kərkke ‘trout’).
◊ Федотов 1, 260. For Chuv. kъrtъš cf. also Tat. qɨrtɨš (the direction of borrowing is
unclear).
PJpn. *kùntírà whale (кит): OJpn. kudira; MJpn. kùdírà; Tok. kùjira;
Kyo. kùjírà; Kag. kujirá.
◊ JLTT 468. The Kyoto accent is aberrant.
PKor. *kòrài whale (кит): MKor. kòrài; Mod. korä.
◊ Liu 63, KED 138.
‖ Accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
-kru ( ~ -ŕ-) nut: Tung. *kuri; Jpn. *kùrù-i; Kor. *kắrái.
PTung. *kuri cone, nut (шишка, орех): Man. χuri ‘fir cone’; Jurch.
xuri (127) ‘fir cone’; Nan. kori-či ‘water nut’, kore-kta ‘pine cone’.
◊ ТМС 1, 416, 417, 478.
726 *kósV - *kŏše
PJpn. *kùrù-i chestnut (каштан): OJpn. kuri; MJpn. kùrì; Tok. kurí;
Kyo. kúrì; Kag. kurí.
◊ JLTT 464. For *-u cf. OJ kuru-su ‘chestnut grove’.
PKor. *kắrái wild walnut (дикий грецкий орех): MKor. kắrái; Mod.
karä.
◊ Nam 11, KED 11.
‖ Дыбо 11, Whitman 1985, 193, 231, Menges 1984, 274 -275. Basically
an Eastern isogloss: the Turkic forms of the type koz are most probably
borrowed from Iranian. There are also forms reflecting *koŕak (VEWT
285), but they may also reflect a contamination of the root *Koŕ (or the
borrowed koz) with the genuine root *kusɨk (e.g. Tuva ku”suk), see
*kušu.
-kósV ( ~ -u-) chain, ring: Tung. *kosa; Jpn. *kúsárì; Kor. *kùsr.
PTung. *kosa 1 stone ring 2 ring, pectoral (1 каменное кольцо 2
кольцо, обруч): Ul. qoso(n) 2; Ork. qoso 1; Orch. koso 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 417.
PJpn. *kúsárì chain (цепь): OJpn. kusari; kusar- ‘to be linked,
chained together’; MJpn. kúsárì; Tok. kùsari; Kyo. kúsárí; Kag. kusári.
◊ JLTT 466. Modern dialects point rather to *kúsárí.
PKor. *kùsr pearl(s) (жемчуг): MKor. kùsr; Mod. kusul.
◊ Liu 84, KED 204.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. Old Koguryo *kos ‘gem, jewel’ (see Miller
1979, 10).
-kŏše edge, protrusion: Tung. *koša; Mong. *kosiɣu; Turk. *Kösri; Jpn.
*kùisì ( ~ -i-); Kor. *kìsrk.
PTung. *koša river bend, cape, angle (излучина реки, мыс, угол):
Evk. kočo; Evn. qoč; Neg. kočo; Man. χošo; Ul. χočụ; Orch. kočīmdi
‘curved’; Ud. koso(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 419. A complicated case: Manchu has also qočo (borrowed from some Amur
language?).
PMong. *kosiɣu protrusion, beak (выступ, клюв): MMong. xoši’un
(HY 15), qoši’un (SH); WMong. qosiɣu(n), qusiɣu(n) (L 970); Kh. xošū;
Bur. xušūn; Kalm. xošūn, xušūn; Ord. Gušū; Mog. ZM qošun (8-5b);
Dong. qušun; Mongr. Gošə (SM 126).
◊ KW 190, TMN 1, 406-407.
PTurk. *Kösri 1 sides of the chest 2 wind-screen, bill (1 боковые
части груди 2 козырек): Karakh. küsri 1 (MK); Chuv. kъₙzъₙr-uk 2.
◊ Chuv. > Russ. козырек (on the possible Turkic origin of the Russian word see Фас-
мер 2). See EDT 751.
PJpn. *kùisì ( ~ -i-) bank, shore (берег, край): OJpn. kisi; MJpn. kìsì;
Tok. kishí; Kyo. kíshí; Kag. kishí.
◊ JLTT 451. Kyoto has an irregular accent (*kíshì would be expected).
 *kóšì - *kòt῾e 727

PKor. *kìsrk protrusion, edge of roof (выступ, край крыши):

MKor. kìsrk; Mod. kisɨk [kisɨlk].
◊ Nam 79, KED 269.
‖ SKE 113-114, EAS 102. The Kor.-Jpn. forms are not quite regular:
in Kor. one would rather expect *ksìrk (so probably we are dealing
with a metathesis); the diphthong -ui- in Japanese (as in the few other
similar cases) has a not quite clear origin. It may well be that the Jpn.
form is related to *kui ‘fortress’ < *’border’, see *kudu - although the
suffixation is peculiar.
-kóšì lever: Tung. *kuši-pun ( ~ -č-); Mong. *kösi-; Turk. *köse-; Jpn.
*kúsàpì; Kor. *kosak.
PTung. *kuši-pun ( ~ -č-) pole, lever (жердь, вага): Ul. kuspu(n);
Nan. kučipũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 439.
PMong. *kösi- 1 to prop, move with a lever 2 lever (1 подпирать,
двигать рычагом 2 рычаг): WMong. kösi- 1, kösiɣür 2 (L 492); Kh. xöši-
1, xöšǖr 2; Bur. xüše- 1, xüšǖrge 2; Kalm. köšǖrɣə 2 (КРС); Ord. göšö- 1,
göšǖrge 2.
PTurk. *köse- 1 to stir with a poker 2 poker (1 помешивать кочер-
гой 2 кочерга): Az. kösöv 2; Turkm. köse- 1, kesevi 2; MTurk. köse- (AH)
1, küsegü (IM) 2; Uygh. kösɛj 2; Tat. kisɛw (dial.) 2; Bashk. keϑɛw, küδɛw,
küϑɛk 2; Kirgh. kösö- 1, kösȫ 2; Kaz. köse- 1, kösew 2; KBalk. kösew 2;
KKalp. köse- 1, kösew 2; Kum. kösew 2; Nogh. köse- 1; Khak. közes 2; Oyr.
közǖš 2; Tv. köze- 1; Chuv. küsek ‘lever, stick’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 119-121. The regular reflex would be expected as *göse-; the shape köse- is
probably due to the influence of *kȫŕ ‘glowing coals’ (cf. in MK: köze- ‘to stir with a
poker’).
PJpn. *kúsàpì wedge, brace, clinch (клин, скоба, шпонка): MJpn.
kúsàfì, kúsàbì; Tok. kùsabi; Kyo. kúsábí; Kag. kusabí.
◊ JLTT 465. The word has a rare accent structure HLL.
PKor. *kosak a piece of wood reinforcing a dovetail joint (деревян-
ная распорка): Mod. kosak.
◊ KED 144.
‖ The root (as a verb) meant basically ‘to use a prop or lever’,
whence an instrumental noun *kóšì-p῾V (TM *kuši-pu-n, PJ *kúsà-pì, pos-
sibly also Mong. kösi-ɣü-r).
-kòt῾e hole: Tung. *kota-; Mong. *kota-gar; Turk. *göt; Kor. *kút.
PTung. *kota- 1 concave, cavity 2 to bend upwards (1 впалый, впа-
дина, углубление 2 выгибаться): Evk. koto-kon 1; Evn. qotańa 1; Man.
χotoro- 2; Ul. qotom- 2; Nan. qotajgã 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 418.
728 *kŏt῾i - *kŏt῾i
PMong. *kota-gar hollow (n.) (впадина, впалый): WMong. qota-ɣar
(L 972: qotuɣur); Kh. xotgor; Bur. xotogor; Kalm. xotəɣər, xotxər; Ord. Go-
toGor.
◊ KW 190.
PTurk. *göt anus, buttocks (задница, ягодицы): Karakh. köt (MK);
Tur. göt; Gag. göt; MTurk. köt (MA, Pav. C.), MKypch. köt (CCum., Et-
tuhf.); Uzb. ket; Krm. köt; Kirgh. köt; Chuv. kot.
◊ VEWT 294, EDT 700, ЭСТЯ 3, 84-85, TMN 3, 618, Мудрак 50, Лексика 281, Федо-
тов 1, 316. Cf. also *gütük ‘tailless’.
PKor. *kút hole, pit (дыра, яма): MKor. kút; Mod. kut, kudəŋi.
◊ Nam 62, KED 197, 216.
‖ Лексика 281. Derived are Turk. *göten(e) ‘stomach’ (ЭСТЯ 3, 85),
Mong. *kotuɣa- id. ( > Evk. koto etc., see Doerfer MT 103-104); cf. also
TM *kuta id. (ТМС 1, 418, 439), see Doerfer ibid.
-kŏt῾i to lift, raise: Tung. *kutu-; Mong. *kötü-; Turk. *göt-; Jpn. *kutu-.
PTung. *kutu- 1 to drag 2 mountaineering 3 to raise, lift (1 тащить,
волочить 2 подъем (в гору) 3 поднимать): Evn. kötъɣ, kötъŋe 2; Man.
xete- 3; Nan. kutu- 1; Orch. kotolo ‘sleigh’.
◊ ТМС 1, 418, 421, 483. Man. > Ul., Nan. xete- ‘raise, lift’.
PMong. *kötü- 1 to lead 2 hill 3 to be high, lift the breast (1 вести 2
холм 3 возвышаться, поднимать грудь): MMong. kotol- 1 (HY 39, SH);
WMong. kötüle- (L 493: kötül-, kötel-) 1, kötül 2 (L 493: kötül, kötel), köteji-
3; Kh. xötlö- 1, xötöl 2; Bur. xütel- 1, xütel 2; Kalm. kötl- 1, kötl 2, kötī- 3;
Ord. götöl- 1, götöl 2; Dag. kutlē- 1 (Тод. Даг. 152: kutule-), kutelē- (MD
185); Bao. kutel- 1 (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. kütēl- 1; Mongr. kudor (SM 206), 2
(MGCD kudol), kudoli- (SM 206), kudolə- 1.
◊ KW 242, MGCD 378. TMN 1, 323. Kalm. kötr- ‘to lift’ may be borrowed < Turk.
Mong. > Man. kutule- (see Doerfer MT 118, Rozycki 147; but Nan. kutu- can hardly be
explained as a loan).
PTurk. *göt- to rise, raise (поднимать(ся)): OTurk. kötür- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kötür- (MK, KB); Tur. götür-; Gag. götür-; Az. göt-;
Turkm. göter-; Khal. ketür-, ketir-; MTurk. köter- (Abush., MA); Uzb.
kọtar-; Uygh. kötär-; Krm. köter-; Tat. kütɛr-; Bashk. kütär-; Kirgh. kötör-;
Kaz. köter-; KBalk. kötür-; Kum. göter-; Nogh. köter-; SUygh. küter-
(ЯЖУ); Khak. ködər-; Shr. ködür-; Oyr. ködür-; Tv. ködür-; Tof. kö’tür-;
Yak. köt-; kötör ‘bird’; Dolg. köt- ‘to fly; run’.
◊ VEWT 294, EDT 706, ЭСТЯ 3, 86-88, Stachowski 158. Cf. also Karakh. kötki ‘hill’,
kötü ‘the roof of a house’ (MK, EDT 701).
PJpn. *kutu- to turn upside down (переворачиваться (вверх
дном)): OJpn. kutu-kapjer-; MJpn. kútú-kafer-; Tok. kutsugáe-; Kyo.
kútsúgáé-; Kag. kùtsùgàè-.
 *kòt῾V - *kúbé 729
◊ JLTT 718. The PJ accent is not clear. Cf. also OJ katug- ‘to carry on the shoulders’
(perhaps < kutug- under the influence of kata ‘shoulder’, kataga- ‘carry on the shoulder’).
‖ EAS 147, KW 242, TMN 1, 459.
-kòt῾V ( ~ k῾-, -u-) village, locality: Mong. *koto; Turk. *Kutu; Kor. *kót.
PMong. *koto 1 town, group of huts 2 family, home (1 город, де-
ревня 2 семья, дом): MMong. qutan ‘hurdle’ (MA), qoton (SH, HYt);
WMong. qota(n), qotu(n) (L 972) 1; Kh. xot 1; Bur. xoto(n) 1; Kalm. xotn,
xotə 1; Ord. Goto 1, ‘cote’; Dag. xoton, koton 1 (Тод. Даг. 178); Dong. ?
kide 2; Bao. kute, kete 2; S.-Yugh. χoto 1; Mongr. kudu (SM 206) 2.
◊ KW 190, MGCD 368. Mong. > Kirgh., Chag. qotan; Evk. koton etc. (Doerfer MT 81,
Rozycki 109).
PTurk. *Kutu group of people (группа людей): Karakh. qutu (KB).
◊ EDT 596.
PKor. *kót place, locality (место, местность): MKor. kót; Mod. kot
[kos].
◊ Nam 50, KED 164.
‖ EAS 154, SKE 127.
-kúbé to wish, hope, like: Tung. *kub- / *keb-; Mong. *köw-, *küw-,
*köɣe-r; Turk. *güb-; Jpn. *kuámp- ( ~ -ú-).
PTung. *kub- / *keb- 1 friendly, lovingly 2 bride (1 милый, любя-
щий 2 невеста): Evk. kuwer 2; Man. keb, keo 1; Nan. kewēli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 423, 443.
PMong. *köw-, *küw-, *köɣe-r 1 joy, happiness 2 wish 3 proud 4
percent, profit 5 to become excited, boast (1 радость, счастье 2 жела-
ние 3 гордый 4 процент, прибыль 5 возбуждаться, хвастаться):
WMong. köwr, köger 1, köger(e)-, kögeri- 5 (L 479); Kh. xȫr 1, xǖ 4, xȫrö- 5;
Bur. xȫrǖ ‘babbler, gabby; merry’, xȫrxǖ ‘boastful’; Kalm. kǖ 2, kȫr 3;
Ord. kȫrö- ‘s῾exalter’.
◊ KW 243, 249.
PTurk. *güb- 1 to be proud, arrogant, enjoy self-respect 2 to hope 3
proud (1 быть гордым, надменным 2 надеяться 3 гордый): OTurk.
küvez 3, küven- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. küvez 3, küven- 1 (MK); Tur. güven-
1, 2; Az. güvän- 1,2; Turkm. gövne- ‘to approve’; MTurk. küven- 1
(Sangl.); Bashk. köjäδ 3; Nogh. küjez 3.
◊ VEWT 306, EDT 690, ЭСТЯ 3, 91-92.
PJpn. *kuámp- ( ~ -ú-) to flatter (льстить): OJpn. kwobu-; MJpn.
kóbú-; Tok. kòbi-; Kyo. kóbí-; Kag. kobí-.
◊ JLTT 710.
‖ KW 243, Владимирцов 212, EAS 113, Poppe 48, 82. Despite TMN
1, 486, Mong. is not < Turk.
730 *kubirgV - *kūči
-kubirgV ( ~ k῾-) drum: Mong. *keɣürge / *köɣürge; Turk. *Kübrüg.
PMong. *keɣürge / *köɣürge drum (барабан): MMong. ke’urge,
ko’urge (SH), korge (HY 19); WMong. kögerge, kögürge (L 480); Kh. xȫrög.
◊ Mong. > Chag. kewürge, see TMN 1, 473-475.
PTurk. *Kübrüg drum (барабан): OTurk. kübrüg (OUygh.); Karakh.
küvrüg (MK); Tur. kewrüg (Osm.); MTurk. (Xwar.) küwrü (Qutb), küvrüg
(IM).
◊ EDT 690-691.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss - but despite TMN 1, 473-475, hardly bor-
rowed in Turk. from Mongolian.
-kúbù ( ~ -o-, -p-) pole, shaft: Tung. *kobil; Turk. *Kubak ( ~ -p-); Jpn.
*kúpì.
PTung. *kobil mast (мачта): Ul. qowụl; Nan. qojol; Orch. kōwi.
◊ ТМС 1, 403.
PTurk. *Kubak ( ~ -p-) arrow shaft (древко стрелы): Tat. qubaq
(Sib.); Shr. qubu ‘pole’.
◊ VEWT 295.
PJpn. *kúpì pole, post (шест, столб): OJpn. kupji; MJpn. kúfì; Tok.
kúi; Kyo. kúì; Kag. kuí.
◊ JLTT 462. Some accent irregularities are due to contraction.
‖ The root is not widely spread, but seems to be reliable.
-kūči power: Tung. *kusǖ-; Mong. *küči-n; Turk. *gǖč; Kor. *kóčắk.
PTung. *kusǖ- 1 to fight 2 fight 3 strength, power (1 драться, бить-
ся 2 драка, бой 3 сила): Evk. kusī- 1, kusīn 2; Evn. kusi- 1, kusin 2; Neg.
kusī- 1, kusun 3; Man. xusun 3; SMan. husun 3 (171); Jurch. xiu-sun (513)
3; Ul. kusu(n) 3; Ork. kusu(n) 3; Nan. kusũ 3; Ud. kuhi 3; Sol. xusui
‘strong, powerful’.
◊ ТМС 1, 438-439.
PMong. *küči-n power, strength (сила): MMong. kočer- (IM), kučin
‘old age’ (MA), guču(n) ‘strength’ (SH, HYt); WMong. küči, (L 496:)
küčü(n); Kh. xüč; Bur. xüše(n); Kalm. küčn; Ord. güči(n); Dag. kuči (Тод.
Даг. 152, MD 184); Dong. kučie; S.-Yugh. kuǯən; Mongr. kui (SM 207).
◊ KW 249, MGCD 403.
PTurk. *gǖč power (сила): OTurk. küč (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. küč
(MK, KB); Tur. güǯ; Gag. güč; Az. güǯ; Turkm. gǖč; Khal. kīič; MTurk.
küč (Sangl., Pav. C., MA); Uzb. kuč; Uygh. küč; Krm. küč; Tat. köč; Bashk.
kös; Kirgh. küč; Kaz. küš; KBalk. küč; KKalp. küš; Kum. güč; Nogh. küš;
SUygh. kuš; Khak. küs; Shr. küš; Oyr. küč; Tv. küš; Tof. küš; Yak. kǖs;
Dolg. kǖs.
◊ VEWT 306, EDT 693, ЭСТЯ 3, 96-98, Stachowski 166.
PKor. *kóčắk 1 extreme, very powerful 2 at most (1 чрезвычайный,
очень сильный 2 самое большее): MKor. kóčắk-hă- 1; Mod. koǯak 2.
 *kči - *kùdá 731
◊ Nam 48, KED 148.
‖ EAS 96, KW 249, Владимирцов 165, Poppe 63, 112, АПиПЯЯ 16.
High tone in Kor. is not clear. Despite TMN 3, 627, Щербак 1997, 128,
Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turkic; TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong., despite Rozycki 113. In АПиПЯЯ (p. 77) the root was compared
with PJ *kìsV- ‘to contest’. The latter, however, has better Tungus paral-
lels: TM *gali- ‘to contest’ (ТМС 1, 138), see *gaĺi.
-kči ( ~ k῾-, g-, -č῾-, -o, -u) to hold in arms: Turk. *Kūč-; Kor. *kòč-.
PTurk. *Kūč- to embrace (обнимать): OTurk. quč- (Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. quč- (MK); Tur. kuǯ-, koč-; Az. Guǯ-; Turkm. Guč-; MTurk. quč-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. quč-; Krm. quč-; Tat. qoč-; Kirgh. quč-; Kaz. quš-; KKalp.
quš-; Yak. kūs-; Dolg. kūs-.
◊ EDT 590, VEWT 295-296, ЭСТЯ 6, 105-106, Stachowski 163. Shortening in Turkm. is
unclear (length in Yak. and voicing -č- > -ǯ- in Tur., Az. point to *-ū-).
PKor. *kòč- to hold in two arms (держать двумя руками): MKor.
kòč-.
◊ HMCH 342, Nam 54.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-kùdá to be submerged; to pour out: Tung. *kodori-; Turk. *Kud-; Jpn.
*kàntùk-.
PTung. *kodori- 1 to scoop 2 scoop (made of birch bark) (1 черпать
2 ковш (берестяной)): Ul. qodụrpụ(n) 2; Nan. qodori- 1 (On.), qodorịqo,
qodorpõ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 403.
PTurk. *Kud- 1 to pour out (water) 2 to pour 3 well (1 лить 2 сы-
пать 3 колодец): OTurk. qud- 1 (OUigh.), quduɣ 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
quj- 1 (MK), quδuɣ 3 (MK, QB); Tur. kuju 3, qujɨ 3 (dial.); Gag. quju 3; Az.
Guju 3; Turkm. Guj- 1, 2, Gujɨ 3; MTurk. quj- 1 (Sangl.), qujɨ 3 (Pav.C.);
Uzb. quj- 1; Uygh. quj- 1; Krm. quj- 1, quju 3; Tat. qoj- 1, 2, qojɨ 3; Bashk.
qoj- 1, 2, qojɨ 3 (dial.); Kirgh. quj- 1, 2; Kaz. quj- 1, 2, qujɨ 3 (dial.); KBalk.
quj- 1, 2, quju 3; KKalp. quj- 1, 2, qujɨ 3; Kum. quj- 1 quju 3; Nogh. quj- 1,
2, qujɨ 3; SUygh. quz- 1; Khak. xus- 1, 2 (dial.); Shr. quspaq ‘большой
туес’ (?); Tv. qut- 1; Tof. qut-/d- 1; Chuv. xɨv- 1, 2; Yak. kut- 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 296, EDT 596, 598, ЭСТЯ 2000, 109-111, 119-120, Мудрак Дисс. 102, Федо-
тов 2, 379. The root contained undoubtedly *-d-, but variants with *-j- are attested unusu-
ally early. Turk. > MMong. ɣuduh (SH), WMong. quduɣ (whence backwards > Turkm.
Guduk, Uygh. quduq, Khak. xutux etc.), see EDT ibid., KW 194, Щербак 1997, 143, TMN
1, 395-396, Stachowski 162.
PJpn. *kàntùk- to dive (нырять, погружаться): OJpn. kaduk-; MJpn.
kàdùk-; Tok. kazúk-; Kyo. kázúk-.
◊ JLTT 707.
‖ Evk. kudu, kuduk ‘saline; spring with salted water; well, spring’ is
semantically distant from the other TM forms and very probably bor-
732 *kude - *kugi
rowed from Mong. (however not from Mong. quǯir, despite Doerfer MT
104, but rather from quduɣ ‘well’ - itself borrowed from Turkic, see
above). One can mention Mong. küdese- ‘to swim (of a snake)’, but both
the vocalism and the meaning seem to be somewhat aberrant.
-kude relative-in-law: Mong. *kuda; Turk. *güde-.
PMong. *kuda relative-in-law (сват, свойственник): MMong. guda
‘match-maker, parent-in-law’ (HY 32), quda (SH); WMong. quda (L 979);
Kh. xud; Bur. xuda ‘сват’, xudagɨ ‘cватья’; Kalm. xudə; Ord. xuda; Dag.
xodugu, (Тод. Даг. 176) xodog, (Тод. Даг. 178) xuada; Dong. Gudaɣi;
S.-Yugh. Gudā; Mongr. Guda (SM 123), Gudā.
◊ MGCD 384. Mong. > Chag. quda etc. (see TMN 1, 424, Лексика 310, ЭСТЯ 6,
102-103), Chuv. xъda (Róna-Tas 1973-1974), Man. xuda etc., see KW 194, Щербак 1997,
208, Doerfer MT 81-82.
PTurk. *güde- 1 son-in-law 2 guest (1 зять 2 гость): OTurk. küdegü
1, küden 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. küdegü 1, küden 2 (MK, KB); Tur. güveji 1;
Gag. güvǟ 1; Az. gijev 1; Turkm. gijev 1; Sal. kui 1 (ССЯ); Khal. kideji 1;
MTurk. küjew 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. kujɔw 1; Uygh. küjoɣul 1
(*küjö-oɣul); Krm. gijav 1; Tat. kijäw 1; Bashk. kejäw 1; Kirgh. küjȫ 1; Kaz.
küjew 1; KBalk. kijew 1; KKalp. küjew 1; Kum. gijev 1; Nogh. kijew 1;
SUygh. kuzeɣɨ 1; Khak. kəzö 1; Shr. küze 1; Oyr. küjü 1; Tv. küdē 1; Tof.
hüdǟ 1; Chuv. kərü 1; Yak. kütüö 1; Dolg. kütüö 1.
◊ EDT 703, 704-705, ЭСТЯ 3, 43-45, Лексика 297-298, Stachowski 166. Turk. > Mong.
küdegü; Yak. > Evk. kutē.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-kugi ( ~ -k-, -e) quilted clothes, trousers: Tung. *kukču; Mong. *küg-dü;
Kor. *kă’oi ( ~ *ko’ăi).
PTung. *kukču 1 sleeping-bag 2 clothes with quilted sleeves (1
спальный мешок 2 одежда с зашитыми рукавами): Evk. kukču 1, 2;
Evn. qụčụ 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 427.
PMong. *küg-dü thick quilted trousers, wadded trousers (толстые
ватные штаны): WMong. kügdü (L 497); Kh. xügd.
◊ Mong. > Man. xukdu, xuktu ῾quilted coat’, Nan. xuktu id. etc. (see ТМС 1, 476).
PKor. *kă’oi ( ~ *ko’ăi) dressing for the lower part of body (одежда
для нижней части тела): MKor. kă’oi, ko’oi; Mod. koi.
◊ Nam 15, 48, KED 148. Martin treats the word as a loanword < MC khò ‘trousers’ +
ʔɨj ‘clothes’; however, the word means both ‘trousers’ and ‘skirt’ in MKor.; the compound
is not found in Chinese proper; and the MKor phonology cannot be explained < Chinese.
Modern koi (orth. ko’ɨi) may be a secondary modification under Chinese influence.
‖ Although not very widely represented, the root appears to be
Common Altaic.
 *kgù - *kúja 733

-kgù swan: Tung. *kūku; Turk. *Kugu; Jpn. *kùkùpí; Kor. *kòhài.
PTung. *kūku (/*xūku) swan (лебедь): Evk. ūk-si; Evn. -sị; Neg.
xūk-si; Ul. kuku; Ork. kuku / kukku; Nan. kuku; Orch. kūku; Ud. kūxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 426-427; 2, 336.
PTurk. *Kugu swan (лебедь): OTurk. quɣu (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh.
quɣu (MK); Tur. koɣu, kuɣu; Az. Gu, Guɣu; Turkm. Guv; MTurk. quɣu
(Ettuhf.), qu (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. quw; Uygh. quw; Krm. quɣu, qoɣu, quw;
Tat. qū, qu (Буд.); Sib. quɣɨ ‘polar duck’; Kirgh. qū; Kaz. quw; KBalk.
quw; KKalp. quw; Kum. quw, qū; Nogh. quw; Khak. xū; Shr. qū; Oyr. qū;
Tv. qū; Yak. kuba; Dolg. kuba.
◊ VEWT 275, EDT 609, TMN 3, 533-534, Лексика 171, ЭСТЯ 6, 101, Stachowski 159.
Turk. > Kalm. ɣoɣǟ, ɣoɣā ‘(Heer)schnepfe’, see KW 149. On Yak. kuba see a special note
under PA *kòpu.
PJpn. *kùkùpí swan (лебедь): OJpn. kukupji; MJpn. kùkùfí; Tok.
kugui (arch.).
◊ JLTT 462.
PKor. *kòhài heron (цапля): MKor. kòhài.
◊ Nam 49.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 172, Whitman 1985, 183, 222. Kor. has an irregu-
lar low tone. The root is onomatopeic and the medial consonant be-
haves irregularly in TM (various assimilations are attested). In Turkic
the root could additionally contaminate with *kòpu q.v. The Altaic an-
tiquity is, however, beyond doubt.
-kúja a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *kuju-; Mong. *kajil-; Kor. *kjú, kijú.
PTung. *kuju- 1 goose 2 young of birds 3 duck (1 гусь 2 птенец 3
утка): Evk. kujukī 1; Evn. kujuken 2; Neg. kujuxēn 3; Man. χojχo 2; Jurch.
xojxolo ‘горлица’ (184); Ork. kujumu ‘турпан’; Orch. kuja ‘баклан’; Sol.
xujūx 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 424, 425.
PMong. *kajil- 1 sea gull 2 lark (1 морская чайка 2 жаворонок):
MMong. qajiruqana (SH) ‘Weissfedervogel (e. Drosselart)’.; WMong.
qajilaɣan 1 (MXTTT); Kh. xajlgana 1; Bur. xajlgana 1, xajrgana 1,2.
◊ Cf. also WMong. qui (L 982) ‘a k. of duck with variegated spots; a grey bird with a
long tail resembling a magpie’.
PKor. *kjú, kijú domestic goose (домашний гусь): MKor. kjú,
kijú; Mod. kəwi.
◊ Nam 35, KED 87.
‖ Turk. *Kɨjgɨ- ‘a k. of bird’ (VEWT 261) may be possibly related, but
merged with *Kɨj- ‘to cry’ (ibid.).
-kúja a k. of nut: Tung. *kuju-kta; Jpn. *kaja; Kor. *kài’òm.
PTung. *kuju-kta 1 nut 2 blue-berry (1 орех 2 голубика): Evn. kujkit
2; Nan. qojaqta 1; Orch. kuikta 1; Ud. kuikta 1 (Корм. 252).
734 *kujV - *kúk῾è
◊ ТМС 1, 425.
PJpn. *kaja Torreya nucifera (японский мускатный орех): OJpn.
kaja; MJpn. kaja; Tok. kaya.
◊ JLTT 446. PJ accent is unclear.
PKor. *kài’òm prickly grass; nutwood (колючая трава; орешник):
MKor. kài’òm, kai’am; Mod. käam.
◊ Nam 28, 29, KED 72.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; see also notes to *kìjá.
-kujV ( ~ k῾-, g-) thick, saturated: Turk. *Koju-g; Jpn. *kuá-; Kor. *k-r-.
PTurk. *Koju-g thick, saturated (толстый, густой): OTurk. qojuɣ
(OUygh.); Karakh. qojuɣ (MK); Tur. koju; Gag. qoju; Turkm. Gojɨ; Uzb.
qujuq; Uygh. qojuq; Krm. qoju, quju; Tat. qujɨ; Bashk. qujɨ; Kirgh. qujū;
Kaz. qoju; Nogh. qojɨ; Khak. xojɨɣ; Shr. qojɨɣ; Oyr. qoju; Tv. xojuɣ; Tof.
xouɣ; Yak. xojū; Dolg. kojū.
◊ EDT 676, TMN 3, 562, ЭСТЯ 6, 32-33, Stachowski 150. The deriving stem *Koj(u)-
‘to become viscous, thick’ is attested in Oyr. qoj-, KKalp. qojɨ-, Khak. xojɨ-, Tuva xoju- (see
ibid.). The reconstruction *Koń- is proposed in VEWT 276, but is based only on the not
quite reliable Tofalar nasalization; the Yakut and OT evidence does not support it.
PJpn. *kuá- thick, saturated (густой): OJpn. kwo-; MJpn. kó-; Tok.
kó-; Kyo. kó-; Kag. kò-.
◊ JLTT 832.
PKor. *k-r- to be thick, fertile, rich (быть густым, плодородным):
MKor. kr-; Mod. kl-.
◊ Liu 47, KED 97.
‖ The second vowel and tone are hard to establish because of con-
traction in Jpn. and Kor.
-kukata ( ~ -k῾-) carpal joint: Tung. *koKalta; Mong. *kagda; Jpn.
*kakatə.
PTung. *koKalta mittens (рукавицы): Evk. kokollo; Evn. qụqtn;
Neg. koxolo; Ul. qōlto; Nan. qōlto; Orch. kōkto; Ud. ko῾lo (Корм. 250).
◊ ТМС 1, 405.
PMong. *kagda carpal joint (of animals) (кистевой сустав (живот-
ных)): WMong. qaɣda (L 908); Kh. xagd; Bur. xagdū.
PJpn. *kakatə heel (пятка): Tok. kàkato; Kyo. kákátó; Kag. kakató.
◊ JLTT 433. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ The meaning in Mongolian is probably original here; in Japanese
one has to suppose a shift ‘carpal joint of feet’ > ‘heel’; in TM - > ‘cover-
ing for the carpal joint (wrist)’ = ‘mittens’.
-kúk῾è meat: Tung. *kuKu-; Jpn. *kuaku-mi; Kor. *kòkí.
PTung. *kuKu- 1 to mince (meat) 2 minced meat 3 fat, inner fat (1
строгать (мясо) 2 строганое мясо 3 жир, нутряное сало): Evk. kukurē-
1, kukurē 2; Evn. kuk- 1; Orch. kukene 3.
 *kúlme - *klV 735
◊ ТМС 1, 427.
PJpn. *kuaku-mi meat (with bumps, warts) (мясо (с шишками, бо-
родавками)): OJpn. kwokumji.
PKor. *kòkí fish, meat (рыба, мясо): MKor. kòkí; Mod. kogi.
◊ Nam 45, KED 135.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 296. An Eastern isogloss; but cf. perhaps Mongor xuGo
‘ventre, entrailles’.
-kúlme a k. of ungulate: Tung. *ku(l)ma-; Mong. *kulan; Turk. *Kulum;
Jpn. *kuáma.
PTung. *ku(l)ma- maral, Siberian stag (изюбр): Evk. kumaka, kuma-
ran; Neg. komaxa; Nan. qomaqa; Orch. kumaka; Sol. xụmxā.
◊ ТМС 1, 430. Medial -l- is not reflected (it is best preserved in Manchu which has
lost the root); but cf. also Evk. kulkuńa, kulčen ‘a k. of deer’ (perhaps < *kulm-čen, -kuńa
with loss of -m-, but preservation of -l-).
PMong. *kulan ass (осел): MMong. qulan (SH), qulan (MA);
WMong. qulan, külen (L 984); Kh. xulan; Bur. xulan; Kalm. xulŋ, xuln;
Ord. xulan.
◊ Mong. > Turk. qulan (see ЭСТЯ 6, 127-128, Doerfer TMN 3, 557); > Manchu qulan
(see Rozycki 148).
PTurk. *Kulum foal (жеребенок): OTurk. qulun (Yen.); Karakh. qu-
lun (MK); Tur. kulun; Az. Gulun; Turkm. Gulun; MTurk. qulun, qulum
(Pav. C.); Uzb. qulun (dial.); Uygh. qulun (dial.); Tat. qolɨn; Bashk. qolon;
Kirgh. qulun; Kaz. qulɨn; KKalp. qulɨn; Nogh. qulɨn; SUygh. qulun, qu-
lum, qulɨm, qolun; Khak. xulun; Oyr. qulun; Tv. qulun; Chuv. xъₙm; Yak.
kulun.
◊ EDT 622, TMN 3, 506-507, ЭСТЯ 6, 132-133.
PJpn. *kuáma foal, colt (жеребенок, жеребец): OJpn. kwoma; MJpn.
kómá; Tok. kóma, komá; Kyo. kòmá; Kag. kóma.
◊ JLTT 455. The accent is somewhat unclear (Kyoto is quite aberrant, but Tokyo and
Kagoshima may still point to a high tone on the first syllable). The word is usually
treated as kwo ‘child’ + uma ‘horse’, but the order of the components is quite unusual.
‖ Turkic and TM reflect a common derivative *kúmle-ŕV.
-klV servant, slave: Tung. *kēlu-me ( < *kūle-me ?); Turk. *Kul.
PTung. *kēlu-me servant (слуга): Evk. kēlūme; Evn. kēlme; Ork. kele.
◊ ТМС 1, 447.
PTurk. *Kul slave, servant (слуга, раб): OTurk. qul (Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. qul (MK); Tur. kul; Az. Gul; Turkm. Gul; MTurk. qul (Pav. C.);
Uzb. qul; Uygh. qul; Krm. qul; Tat. qol; Bashk. qol; Kirgh. qul; Kaz. qul;
KBalk. qul; KKalp. qul; Kum. qul; Nogh. qul; SUygh. qul; Khak. xul; Shr.
qul; Oyr. qul; Tv. qul; Yak. kulut; Dolg. kulut.
◊ VEWT 297, TMN 3, 503-505, EDT 615, Лексика 318, ЭСТЯ 6, 120-121, Stachowski
160.
736 *kulV - *kuĺV
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. also Kalm. keln, WMong. kele ‘slave’ (if
not == “tongue”).
-kulV ( ~ -o-, -ĺ-) snake, worm: Tung. *kulī-n; Kor. *kùrjŋí.
PTung. *kulī-n 1 worm 2 snake (1 червь 2 змея): Evk. kulikān 1, ku-
līn 2; Evn. qụlịn ‘mosquito’; Neg. kolixān 1; Ul. qụla(n) 1; Ork. qola 1;
Nan. qolã 1; Orch. kulǟ 1, 2; Ud. kuliga 1, 2; Sol. xoĺex 1, xoĺ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 428. Evk. > Dolg. kulikan (Stachowski 160).
PKor. *kùrjŋí adder, viper (гадюка): MKor. kùrjŋ’í; Mod. kurəŋi.
◊ Nam 58, KED 199.
‖ SKE 132, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; further Nostratic
parallels see in ОСНЯ 1, 308.
-kúĺap῾V oak, oak-tree: Tung. *kolopo-kta; Jpn. *kásípà; Kor. *kàràp.
PTung. *kolopo-kta a k. of tree (вид дерева): Orch. kolobokto,
kopolokto ‘ritual fir-tree’; Ud. kofolokto ‘a k. of tree’.
◊ ТМС 1, 407-408.
PJpn. *kásípà oak-tree (Quercus dentata thunb.) (вид дуба): OJpn.
kasipa; MJpn. kásípà; Tok. kàshiwa; Kyo. kàshíwà; Kag. kashíwa.
◊ JLTT 441. The word has a rare accent type HHL.
PKor. *kàràp oak-tree (дуб): MKor. kàràp; Mod. karam-namu.
◊ Nam 3, Liu 19.
‖ Martin 237. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *k῾olV.
-kuĺV ( ~ -o-) enclosure: Tung. *kuli-, *kuli-ti-; Turk. *Koĺ.
PTung. *kuli-, *kuli-ti- 1 to fence, shut off 2 threshold 3 partition,
screen 4 lobby (1 загораживать, отгораживать 2 порог 3 перегород-
ка, загородка 4 прихожая): Evk. kultir 2; Evn. qlị- 1; Neg. kultik 3;
Jurch. xu-li 4 (205); Orch. kukti- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 428-9.
PTurk. *Koĺ hut, hovel, camp(ing) (хижина, лачуга, лагерь):
Karakh. qoš ‘family’ (Tfs.); Turkm. Goš; MTurk. qoš ‘camp, camping’
(Pav. C.), ‘house, dwelling’ (Sngl.); Tat. quš; Bashk. qɨwɨš; Kaz. qos;
KKalp. qos; Nogh. qos; Balk. qoš; Kum. qoš; Tv. qoš ‘caravan’; Chuv. xüžə,
xužə, xužъ; Yak. xos ‘room’.
◊ VEWT 283, EDT 670, Лексика 491-492, ЭСТЯ 6, 90-94, Федотов 2, 375-376. Turk. >
WMong. qos, Kalm. xoš (KW 189), WMong. qosi-liɣ (Clark 1980, 42). The root is confused
with *Koĺ ‘pair’, but should be probably distinguished. Tat. and Bashk. obviously reflect a
contamination with *Koguĺ ‘empty space, hollow’. A loanword from Tokh. koṣkīye ‘hut’
(which itself is < Iranian, see Adams) had been suggested - which, however, cannot ex-
plain the absence of -k- in the Turkic form.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
 *kúma - *kúmi 737

-kúma a musical instrument: Tung. *kumu-n; Turk. *Komuŕ; Kor.

*kmnkó.
PTung. *kumu-n music (музыка): Man. kumun; SMan. kumun
(1382).
◊ ТМС 1, 431. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable parallels in Turk. and
Kor.
PTurk. *Komuŕ musical instrument (музыкальный инструмент):
Kirgh. qomuz; Kum. qomuz; SUygh. qoŋus, qoŋɨs; Khak. xomɨs; Oyr.
qomus; Tv. xomus; Yak. qomus, qamɨs.
◊ VEWT 281, ЭСТЯ 6, 69-71.
PKor. *kmnkó a Korean harp of seven strings (корейский семи-
струнный музыкальный инструмент): MKor. kmnkó; Mod. kəmungo.
◊ Nam 32, KED 84.
‖ SKE 106. Cf. *kupro - the two roots are to be distinguished.
-kumba(ka) a k. of vessel: Tung. *kōmba; Mong. *kombuga; Turk.
*Kumgan; Jpn. *kámá.
PTung. *kōmba scoop, ladle (ковш, черпак): Evk. kōmba; Evn.
kȫmeŋe; Neg. kombo; Ul. qombo; Ork. qombo; Nan. qombo.
◊ ТМС 1, 408, 420.
PMong. *kombuga sack (мешок): WMong. qombuɣa (МХТТТ); Kh.
xombogo; Bur. xombogo.
PTurk. *Kumgan kettle, jug (котел, кувшин): Karakh. qumɣan
(MK); Tur. kumɣan (dial.); Az. Gumɣan; Turkm. Gumɣān (dial.); MTurk.
qumɣan (Pav. C.); Uzb. qumɣɔn; Uygh. qumɣan; Krm. qumɣan, quman;
Tat. qomɣan; Bashk. qomɣan; Kirgh. qumɣan; Kaz. quman; KBalk. qumɣan;
KKalp. quman; Kum. qumman; Nogh. qumɣan.
◊ EDT 627, VEWT 300, ЭСТЯ 6, 136-137 ( > Mong. qumaɣan, see Щербак 1997, 143).
PJpn. *kámá kettle (котелок): MJpn. kama; Tok. kàma; Kyo. kámá;
Kag. káma.
◊ JLTT 435.
‖ Either length in TM or tone in Jpn. is irregular.
-kúmi ( ~ -o-) hollow, cavity, inner angle: Tung. *kum-; Mong. *kömüg;
Jpn. *kúma; Kor. *kùm-k.
PTung. *kum- 1 edge 2 hollow, cavity 3 precipice (1 край, бок 2 ду-
пло, впадина 3 яр): Evk. kumdika 1, kumŋa 2; Evn. kumtutti 3; Man.
kumdu 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 431, 450. Despite Rozycki 146, Man. kumdu cannot be explained as a
loan < Mong. köŋdei (q. v. sub *kŋi).
PMong. *kömüg edge, overhang (of a mountain), shelter (край, на-
вес): WMong. kömüg (L 487); Bur. xümeg ‘canyon, ravine; hollow’;
Kalm. köməg.
738 *kumi - *kumi
PJpn. *kúma inner angle, cavity (внутренний угол, впадина):
OJpn. kuma; MJpn. kúmá; Tok. kumá; Kyo. kúma.
◊ JLTT 463. Kagoshima has irregular accent: kùmá (which would point to *kùmà) - but
the other dialects, together with the RJ form kúmá / kúmà point uniformly to a high tone
in the first syllable.
PKor. *kùm- cavity, hole (впадина, дыра): MKor. kùmk, kùmú
(kùmúk-); Mod. kuməŋ.
◊ Nam 59, 63, KED 201.
‖ Lee 1958, 114, Martin 233.
-kumi ( ~ -o-, -e) eyebrows, hair on temples: Tung. *kum-; Mong.
*kömü-; Kor. *kùmìt.
PTung. *kum- eyelid (веко): Evn. kȫmdemke; Neg. kembukte; Ul.
kumte, kumbikte; Nan. kumukte; Ud. kempukte, kemukte (Корм. 254).
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 447.
PMong. *kömü- eyebrow (бровь): MMong. kumuskä (MA 250);
WMong. kömüske (L 487: kömüsge); Kh. xömsög; Bur. xümedxe; Kalm.
kömskə; Ord. kömösχö; Mongr. komosgo (SM 213), kumosgo.
◊ KW 239, MGCD 374. Mong. > Yak. kömüske etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 103).
PKor. *kùmìt hair on temples (волосы на висках): MKor. kùmìt,
kumis; Mod. kwimit [kuimith].
◊ Nam 59, 65, KED 228. Both variants with -t and -s are early attested and it is hard to
decide which one is original (because of the early confusion of -t and -s). The MKor. vari-
ant kui-mit(h), whence modern kwimit, is obviously a result of reinterpreting the word as
*kui-mith ‘roots of the ears’.
‖ Poppe 19, 68, Дыбо 5, Лексика 214 (but the Turkic parallels
should probably be separated: cf. *kuru(mV)). Despite Doerfer MT 80,
TM forms cannot be < Mong.
-kumi ( ~ -o-,-u-) a k. of insect: Tung. *kumke; Mong. *kömörege; Turk.
*Kumɨr-; Jpn. *kùmuâ; Kor. *kmi.
PTung. *kumke louse (вошь): Evk. kumke; kumikēn ‘insect’; Evn.
kumke; kumnilen ‘name of a beetle’; Neg. kumke; Man. xelmeku, xelmexen
‘spider’; Nan. kuŋke (dial.); Orch. kume; Ud. kumuge; Sol. xuŋkē; xumīxe
‘ant’.
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 431, 481. -l- in Manchu is probably secondary (tabooistic contamina-
tion with xelme ‘shadow’).
PMong. *kömörege a k. of insect (вид круглого червя (желто-ро-
зового цвета, величиной с ноготь человеческого пальца, живущего
в печеночной области)): WMong. kömörege (МХТТТ); Kh. xömrög.
PTurk. *Kumɨr- ant (муравей): OTurk. qumursɣa (OUygh.); Tur.
komursɣa (dial.); Turkm. Gumursɣa; Sal. qumusqa, qomusqən; Khal.
Gumurɣāč; MTurk. qumursxa (Pav. C.), qumursuɣa (AH); Uzb. qumur-
sqa; Krm. qumurstqa, qumurstqu; Tat. qɨrmɨsqa; Bashk. qɨmɨrϑqa; Kirgh.
qumursqa; Kaz. qumɨrsqa; KBalk. qumursxa, qumursqa, qumurčxa; Kum.
 *kmu - *kune 739

xomursɣa; Nogh. qumɨrsqa; Khak. xumusxa, xɨmɨsxa; Shr. qɨmɨrtaš,

qumɨstaš; Oyr. qomursqa; Tv. qɨmɨsqajaq; Yak. kɨmɨrdaɣas.
◊ EDT 628, VEWT 300, Лексика 183-184, ЭСТЯ 6, 140-141.
PJpn. *kùmuâ spider (паук): OJpn. kum(w)o; MJpn. kùmó; Tok. kúmo;
Kyo. kùmô; Kag. kumó.
◊ JLTT 463.
PKor. *kmi spider (паук): MKor. kmi; Mod. kəmi.
◊ Nam 32, KED 84.
‖ SKE 105, Lee 1958, 119, Martin 242, ОСНЯ 1, 309, АПиПЯЯ 290,
Дыбо 9, Лексика 184. An expressive root: cf. *kuma, *kajamV.
-kmu to wrap up, cover: Tung. *kum-; Mong. *kumi-; Turk. *Kum- /
*Kɨm-; Jpn. *kùm-; Kor. *kàm-.
PTung. *kum- 1 to cover oneself, cover up 2 to embrace (1 закуты-
вать, покрывать(ся) 2 обнимать): Evk. kumu- 1, kumlē- 2; Evn. kumle- 1,
kemnu- 2; Neg. kumul- 1, komnō- 2; Ul. kumul- 1; Ork. kumele- 1; Nan.
kumuligu- 1; Orch. kumul- 1; Sol. xumelī- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 430, 431.
PMong. *kumi- to wrap up, roll up, collect (складывать, заворачи-
вать): WMong. qumi- (L 985), qumbi-; Kh. xumi-; Bur. xumi-; Kalm.
xümə-, xömə-, xuḿə-; Ord. xumi-; Dag. komo- (Тод. Даг. 150); Mongr.
xumbu- ‘envelopper, couvrir’ (SM 182).
◊ KW 193, 197, 202, MGCD 389, TMN 1, 416.
PTurk. *Kum- / *Kɨm- to wrap, tuck (подворачивать, подтыкать):
Uzb. qimti-; Tat. qɨmtɨ-; Bashk. qɨmtɨ-; Kirgh. qɨmtɨ-; Kaz. qɨmtɨ-, qɨmta-;
KKalp. qɨmtɨ-, qɨmta-; Nogh. qɨmtɨ-; Oyr. qɨm-; Tv. qumza ‘package’; Yak.
kumuj-.
◊ VEWT 301, ЭСТЯ 6, 221-223.
PJpn. *kùm- to plait, intertwine, combine (плести, сплетать): OJpn.
kum-; MJpn. kùm-; Tok. kúm-; Kyo. kùm-; Kag. kùm-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kàm- to wind around (обвивать, наматывать): MKor. kàm-;
Mod. kām-.
◊ Liu 29, KED 50.
‖ Martin 246 (Kor.-Jpn.). Korean has a usual low ‘verbal’ tone, but
the -a-vowel is quite irregular . Perhaps one should think of an early
merger in Kor. with the root *kàma ‘to connect’ (q.v.).
-kune ( ~ g-) one of several wives: Turk. *güni; Jpn. *kuanami.
PTurk. *güni 1 co-wife 2 envy, jealousy 3 jealous, envious person 4
to be jealous, envy (1 одна из нескольких жен 2 зависть, ревность 3
ревнивец, завистник 4 ревновать, завидовать): OTurk. küni (OUygh.)
2; Karakh. küni (MK) 1; Tur. gönü, günü 1, 2; Az. günü 1; Turkm. güni 1;
MTurk. küni (MA, Pav. C.) 1, 2; Uzb. kundaš 1, kunči 3; Uygh. kündäš 1,
740 *kunu - *kúńà
kün-lü- 4, kün-či 3; Krm. kündeš 1, kün-le-, künü-le-, könü-le- 4; Tat. köndäš
1, kön-če 3, kene (dial.) 2; Bashk. köndäš 1, kön-lä- 4, kön-sö 3; Kirgh. künü,
kündöš 1, künü-lö- ‘to be jealous (of women)’; Kaz. kündes 1, kün-de- 4;
KKalp. kündes 1, kün-le- 4; Kum. gün-čü 3; Nogh. kündes 1, kün-le- 4;
SUygh. kun bol- 4 (ЯЖУ); Khak. kün-ne- 4, künǯi 3; Oyr. künü 2; Tv.
xün-ne- 4; Yak. künǖ 2.
◊ VEWT 307, 309, EDT 727, ЭСТЯ 3, 104-105, Мудрак 76, Федотов 1, 269. Cf. perhaps
also Yak. kiīt, Dolg. kinīt ‘sister-in-law’ (?).
PJpn. *kuanami first wife (in polygamy) (первая жена (при много-
женстве)): OJpn. kwonamji; MJpn. kónámí.
◊ JLTT 456.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Evn. qōŋań ‘witch’ (ТМС 1, 411).
-kunu ( ~ *k῾-) to fold, twist: Mong. *kuni-; Turk. *Kun-da-; Jpn.
*kùniàr-.
PMong. *kuni- to fold, plait (складывать, заплетать): WMong.
quni-, qunija- (L 986); Kh. xuni-; Bur. xuni-; Mongr. xunāʒə ‘pli, ride,
sillon’ (SM 182).
PTurk. *Kun-da- 1 to swaddle 2 swaddlingclothes (1 пеленать 2 пе-
ленки): Tur. kundak 2; Gag. qundaq 2; Az. GundaG 2; Turkm. Gunda- 1,
Gundaq 2; MTurk. qondaq 2 (R.); Uzb. qụndɔq 2; Uygh. qondaq 2; Krm.
qɨndaq 2; Tat. qontɨq 2 (dial.); Kirgh. qundaq 2; Kaz. qundaq 2; KKalp.
qundaq 2; Kum. qunnaq 2; Nogh. qundaq 2; Oyr. qɨndaq 2.
◊ VEWT 301, ЭСТЯ 6, 144-146.
PJpn. *kùniàr- to twist (крутить, изгибать): MJpn. kuner-; Tok.
kunér-; Kyo. kúnér-; Kag. kùnèr-.
◊ JLTT 716.
‖ A good Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. parallel.
-kúńà ( ~ k῾-) skin, leather: Mong. *kujag; Turk. *Kuńak; Jpn. *kámì.
PMong. *kujag armour (панцирь): MMong. qujax (HY 19, SH), qəjəq
(IM), qojāq (LH); WMong. qujaɣ (L 983); Kh. xujag; Bur. xujag; Kalm.
xujəg; Ord. xujaG; S.-Yugh. χujaG; Mongr. xojaG (SM 173), xujaG.
◊ KW 195, MGCD 387.
PTurk. *Kuńak 1 armour 2 skin (1 панцирь 2 шкура): Karakh. qujaq
1, qujqa 2 (MK); MTurk. qujaq 1 (Pav. C.); Tat. qojqa 2; Bashk. qojqa 2;
Kirgh. qɨjaq 1, qujqa 2; Kaz. qujqa 2; KKalp. qujqa 2; Nogh. qujqa 2; Khak.
xujax 1, xujɣa 2; Oyr. qujaq 1, qujqa 2; Tv. qujaq 1, qujɣa 2; Tof. quaq 1;
Yak. kuax 1, kuaxa 2.
◊ EDT 676, VEWT 301, Лексика 576, ЭСТЯ 6, 111, 113, Stachowski 161. Turk. >
Mong. qujiqa ‘skin from the head’ (whence Evk. kuika etc., see Doerfer MT 132; Dolg. kujka
‘head skin’, see Stachowski 160).
PJpn. *kámì paper (бумага): OJpn. kam(j)i; MJpn. kámì; Tok. kamí;
Kyo. kámì; Kag. kámi.
 *kúńe - *kúŋe 741
◊ JLTT 435.
‖ Mong. may be < Turk., but may as well be genuine.
-kúńe moth, worm: Tung. *kuńī-kta; Turk. *güńe / *guńa; Jpn. *ká; Kor.
*kńúi.
PTung. *kuńī-kta 1 larva of a gad-fly 2 butterfly (1 личинка овода 2
бабочка): Evk. kujīkta, dial. kuńukta 1; Evn. köjit 1; Neg. kujikte 1; Ul.
koači 2; Ork. kūńikte 1; Orch. kōńi(ka(n)) 2; Ud. koańa῾ 2 (Корм. 249).
◊ ТМС 1, 410, 424. Evk. > Dolg. künükte, küńükte (Stachowski 165).
PTurk. *güńe / *guńa moth (моль): Karakh. küjä (MK); Tur. güve;
Az. güvä; Turkm. güje; Uzb. kuja; Tat. köjɛ; Bashk. köjä; Kaz. küje; KBalk.
küje; KKalp. küje; Nogh. küje; Khak. kǖ; Shr. quja ‘Kellerwurm’; Oyr.
küje, quja; Chuv. kəₙve; Yak. köür, küjür.
◊ VEWT 297, ЭСТЯ 3, 94, Лексика 186. Kirgh. kübö is rather < Mong. kibe id.
PJpn. *ká mosquito (комар): OJpn. ka; MJpn. ka; Tok. kà; Kyo. k;
Kag. ká.
◊ JLTT 430.
PKor. *kńúi 1 earth-worm 2 intestinal worm, ascarid (1 земляной
червь 2 глист): MKor. kńúi 1; Mod. kəwi 2.
◊ Nam 34, KED 87.
‖ Räsänen 1955, 18:3, 19 (Turk.-Tung.), ОСНЯ 1, 298-299, Лексика
186, Robbeets 2000, 108; TMN 3, 660 (“...der ev. Vergleich zweifel-
haft...”). The Japanese form goes back to a suffixed *kuńe-gV (cf. the TM
and Kor. forms); the vowel, however, is quite irregular - which may be
due to contraction (cf. a very similar case in PJ *ka ‘day’ < PA *gòjńu).
-kúŋe (*kújŋe) heart, middle: Tung. *kuŋ-; Turk. *göjŋ-il; Kor.
*kà’ón-tắi.
PTung. *kuŋ- 1 to beat (of heart) 2 heart 3 aorta, vein (1 биться (о
сердце) 2 сердце 3 кровеносный сосуд): Evn. kuŋ- 1, kuŋkis 2, kewuŋe
(Ol.) 3; Man. kuxen 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 427, 433, 442.
PTurk. *göjŋ-il heart, mood (сердце, дух): OTurk. köŋül (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. köŋül (MK, KB); Tur. gön-ül; göjün, göjn (dial.); Gag.
gön; Az. könül; Turkm. gövün, köŋ-ül (arch. - borrowed from Türki); Sal.
göjŋy; Khal. kīil; MTurk. köŋül (Sangl., MA); Uzb. kọŋil; Uygh. köŋül;
Krm. könül, kölün; Tat. küŋəl; Bashk. küŋəl; Kirgh. köŋül; Kaz. köŋil;
KBalk. köl; KKalp. köŋil, kewil; Kum. göŋül; Nogh. köŋil; SUygh. köŋül;
Khak. kȫl, köŋn-ə; Shr. köŋn-ü; Oyr. kǖn; Tof. xȫl; Chuv. kəₙməₙl; Yak.
köŋül ‘will, freedom’; Dolg. köŋül ‘permission’.
◊ VEWT 291, EDT 731, ЭСТЯ 3, 75-77, Лексика 274, Stachowski 156. Almost all lan-
guages reflect a suffixed form (a substantivized adjective in -il, see Gabain AG 75). Khak.,
Shor reflect a nominalized attributive form of köŋül.
PKor. *kà’ón-tắi middle (середина): MKor. kà’ón-tắi; Mod. kaun-de.
742 *kŭŋi - *kuŋt῾V
◊ Nam 7, KED 22.
‖ On a possible Mongolian reflex see under *kómp῾i.
-kŭŋi child: Tung. *kuŋā; Mong. *köw, *köw-ɣün, *kewken; Turk. *güŋ;
Jpn. *kúa.
PTung. *kuŋā 1 childhood 2 child 3 new-born child (1 детство 2 ре-
бенок 3 новорожденный): Evk. kuŋā, kuŋa 1, kuŋākān 2; Evn. qụŋa 2;
Neg. koŋaxān 2; Nan. qoŋar bī 3; Sol. kuaxań 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 433.
PMong. *köw, *köw-ɣün, *kewken child, son (ребенок, сын):
MMong. ko’un (HY 29, SH), kəušəŋ (HY 30), ko’u (SH), keun (IM), kuwn
(MA); WMong. köü, köbekün, keüken (L 461: keüken, kegüken); Kh. xǖ,
xüvgǖn ‘son’, xǖ-xen ‘daughter, girl’; Bur. xübǖn ‘son’, xǖge(n) ‘child;
daughter’,; Kalm. köwǖn ‘son’, kǖkn ‘girl’; Ord. kǖ ‘son’, kǖχen; Mog.
köün; ZM koun (9-8b) ‘son’, koukläq (10-5b) ‘youth’; Dag. keuku ‘son’
(MGCD, Тод. Даг. 149 keku), keku (MD 182); Dong. kəvan, kəwon ‘son’;
Bao. kū (MGCD kuŋ); S.-Yugh. kǖken; Mongr. kū, kō ‘son’ (SM 205),
kugen (SM 208) ‘child’.
◊ KW 242, MGCD 395, TMN 1, 455. Cf. also WMong. küi, Kalm. kī ‘tribe, kin’ ( >
Turk. köj, see KW 234, VEWT 286).
PTurk. *güŋ female slave (рабыня): OTurk. küŋ (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. küŋ (MK, Tefs., IM); Turkm. güŋ ‘a Turkmani born from a Per-
sian woman’ (Буд.); MTurk. küŋ (MA), (MKypch.) küŋ (CCum.); Uzb.
guŋ ‘voiceless female slave’; Kirgh. küŋ; Kaz. küŋ; KKalp. küŋ; SUygh.
küŋ (ЯЖУ); Chuv. xъr-ɣъm.
◊ VEWT 309, EDT 726, ЭСТЯ 5, 142, Лексика 317. The Uzb. meaning was influenced
by Persian gung ‘deaf-and-dumb’.
PJpn. *kúa child (ребенок): OJpn. kwo; MJpn. kó; Tok. kò; Kyo. kṓ;
Kag. kó.
◊ JLTT 452.
‖ KW 242, АПиПЯЯ 82, Дыбо 7. The Jpn. form goes back to
*kuŋ(i)-gV.
-kuŋt῾V ( ~ -o-) rump, anus: Tung. *kuŋdu-; Mong. *koŋdu-, *koŋǯi-;
Turk. *Koŋ; Kor. *kuŋtuŋ-.
PTung. *kuŋdu- 1 rump 2 cunnus (1 круп, крестец 2 cunnus): Evk.
kunŋukī, kuŋduki 1; Evn. qońńa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 410, 432.
PMong. *koŋdu-, *koŋǯi- 1 rump, buttocks 2 anus 3 posterior (1
крестец, ягодицы 2 anus 3 зад): MMong. qonǯijasun [P]; WMong.
qoŋdulai 1 (L 962: qondulai), qonǯijasu 3 (L 963: qoŋǯusu ‘junction of two
thighs, crotch’); Kh. xondloi 1; Bur. xondoloj 1, xonzōhon 2, 3; Kalm.
xondəsn ‘the joint between the legs’; Ord. xondolȫ 1; Mongr. Gonosə,
Gwənasə ‘le derrière (homme, animaux)’ (SM 123).
 *kup῾e - *kùp῾ŕó 743
◊ KW 185. Mong. > Man. χonsun, xonǯisun.
PTurk. *Koŋ 1 thick part of the thigh; muscles 2 behind, buttocks (1
толстая часть бедра; мышцы, мускулы 2 зад): Karakh. qoŋ (MK) 1;
Uygh. qoŋ 2; Kirgh. qoŋ 1, 2; Kaz. qoŋ 1, 2; KKalp. qoŋ 1; SUygh. qoŋɨr,
qoŋqɨr 2; Tv. qoŋ ‘animal body’; Yak. kuŋ 1.
◊ VEWT 280, Clark 1977, 149, ЭСТЯ 6, 58-59. Turk. > Mong. Khalkha xongo, Kalm.
xoŋ (although -o in the Khalkha form is suspicious and perhaps reflects a genuinely cog-
nate PM *koŋgo).
PKor. *kuŋtuŋ- rump, buttocks (круп, ягодицы): MKor. kuŋtuŋ’i;
Mod. kuŋduŋi.
◊ Nam 91, KED 222.
‖ EAS 141, Poppe 18.
-kup῾e light (of weight), floating on the surface: Tung. *kepu- ~ *kopu-;
Mong. *köbü-; Kor. *kàpắi-.
PTung. *kepu- ~ *kopu- to float on the surface (плавать на поверх-
ности): Evk. kepke-met-; Evn. kewu-met-; kebduŋči- ‘to swim (of sea ani-
mals)’; Neg. kopon- ~ kepen-; kebgexit- ‘to produce bubbles (of fish)’; Ul.
kopto-; Ork. kuptu-du-; Nan. qopto-l, kepte (adv.); Orch. kopčo ‘fish-hook’;
Ud. kopčol-.
◊ ТМС 1, 442, 451-452. Cf. also Evk. keptulī, kepeme ‘soft, fluffy’; TM *kebkV (*kepkV?)
‘free, empty’ (ТМС 1, 386).
PMong. *köbü- to drift on the surface (плавать на поверхности):
WMong. köb-, köbbü- (L 475); Kh. xövö-; Bur. xübe-, xübxelze-; Kalm. köw-;
Ord. köwö-.
◊ KW 242.
PKor. *kàpắi- light (of weight) (легкий (о весе)): MKor. kàpắi-jáp-;
Mod. kabjəp-.
◊ Nam 5, KED 17.
‖ In Kor. cf. also MKor. kàpór’o- ‘to winnow’. The root tends to con-
taminate with *k῾op῾i ‘foam’ and *gebo ‘empty, light’ q.v. See SKE 82,
Poppe 43.
-kùp῾ŕó ( ~ k῾-) a musical instrument: Mong. *kuɣur; Turk. *Kopuŕ; Jpn.
*kt.
PMong. *kuɣur a musical (string) instrument (музыкальный
(струнный) инструмент): MMong. qu’ur (SH); WMong. quɣur (L 982);
Kh. xūr; Bur. xūr; Kalm. xūr; Ord. xūr; Dag. kōr; S.-Yugh. χūr.
◊ KW 201, MGCD 380, TMN 1, 443. Mong. > Evk. kūr etc., see TMN 1, 444-445, Doer-
fer MT 61.
PTurk. *Kopuŕ a k. of musical (string) instrument (вид музыкаль-
ного (струнного) инструмента): OTurk. qopuz (OUygh.); Karakh.
qopuz (MK); Tur. kopuz; Turkm. Gopuz; MTurk. qopuz (Бор. Бад.), qobuz
(AH); Uzb. qụbiz; Uygh. qowuz; Krm. qobuz; Tat. qubɨz; Bashk. qubɨδ;
744 *kùp῾Ỻ - *kúra(mV)
Kirgh. qobuz; Kaz. qobɨz; KBalk. qobuz; KKalp. qobɨz; Nogh. qobɨz; Shr.
qobus; Tof. xobus.
◊ VEWT 281, EDT 588, TMN 3, 535-537, Лексика 614, ЭСТЯ 69-71.
PJpn. *kt a k. of musical (string) instrument (вид музыкального
(струнного) инструмента): OJpn. koto; MJpn. kòtó; Tok. kóto; Kyo. kótó;
Kag. kotó.
◊ JLTT 459. Accent in Kyoto is irregular.
‖ Владимирцов 211, Poppe 18, 48, 82. The root cannot be united
with *kúma for phonetical reasons, although in modern languages their
reflexes tend to merge. Despite Doerfer’s doubts (TMN 1, 445: “Urver-
wandtschaft ist sehr unwahrscheinlich”), it is probably archaic; loan
from Turk. into Mong. (TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 139) is quite improb-
able. Jpn. has -t- (instead of the expected -r-) probably because of a spe-
cial cluster development.
-kùp῾Ỻ ( ~ k῾-, -o-) part: Mong. *kubi; Jpn. *kùmpà-r-.
PMong. *kubi 1 part, deal 2 to divide (1 часть, порция 2 делить,
распределять): MMong. qubi (SH,MA) 1, qubijaxda- 2 (HYt), qūbi (IM);
WMong. qubi 1 (L 976), qubija- 2 (L 977); Kh. xuỻ 1; Bur. xubi 1; Kalm.
xuwə- 2, xüvə 1 (КРС); Ord. xuwi 1; Dag. xo 1, (Тод. Даг. 176) xobi 1;
Dong. Guɣa- 2; Bao. χua- (Тод. Бн.), Gua- 2; S.-Yugh. χuwə 1; Mongr.
xuGwā- (SM 176), xuGua- 2.
◊ MGCD 382. Mong. > Evk. kuwi, kowi; Tuva xū (see TMN 1, 422).
PJpn. *kùmpà-r- to distribute (распределять): OJpn. kubar-; MJpn.
kùfàr-; Tok. kubár-; Kyo. kúbár-; Kag. kùbàr-.
◊ JLTT 714.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. also OT (ДТС) qobɨ (USp.) ‘belongings,
inheritance’, which Doerfer (TMN 1, 423) considers to be the source of
the Mong. word, but which in fact hardly exists (the attestation is
rather scarce and dubious, see EDT 581).
-kúra(mV) sheath, basket: Tung. *kor-, *kormaki; Mong. *kor, *korum-;
Turk. *Kurman, *Kurug-luk; Jpn. *kátáma.
PTung. *kor-, *kormaki 1 sheath 2 dish made of birch bark (1 нож-
ны 2 берестяная посуда): Evk. kor 2; Man. χomχon 1; Ul. qōmaị 1; Ork.
qolmoj 1; Nan. qorm 1; Orch. kommoi 1; Ud. komigi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 409, 414. Despite Doerfer MT 239, Evk. kor is hardly < Mong. (because of a
significant semantic difference).
PMong. *kor, *korum- quiver (колчан): MMong. qor (SH), qor (MA),
qur, qərəmṣā (IM); WMong. qor (L 965), qorumsaɣa (L 969); Kh. xor,
xoromsogo; Bur. xormogo ‘quiver’, xormongo ‘налучник’; Kalm. xormsxə;
xor ‘small bag’; Ord. xur.
◊ KW 186, 188, TMN 1, 427-428. Mong. > Kirgh. qoramsa etc. (see ЭСТЯ 6, 78).
 *kure - *kuri 745

PTurk. *Kurman, *Kurug-luk bow-case, quiver (футляр для лука,

колчан): Karakh. qurman, quruɣluq (MK); Tur. koruluk; MTurk. qurman
(Ettuhf.); Uzb. qurma ‘wooden vessel’; Khak. xurlux; Oyr. qurluq.
◊ EDT 657, 660 (hardly from Pers. qurbān, but rather vice versa), ЭСТЯ 6, 163, 164.
PJpn. *kátáma bamboo basket (бамбуковая корзина): OJpn. katama;
MJpn. kátámí, kátámì; Tok. katami.
◊ JLTT 443.
‖ KW 186. Cf. MKor. kàrm- (Whitman kălm-, SKE kam-) ‘to hide, put
away’? Cf. also *k῾ure ‘basket’ - with a possibility of contaminations in
Mong.
-kure to run, quick: Tung. *kora-; Mong. *kur(u)-; Turk. *Küre-; Kor.
*kɨrk-.
PTung. *kora- to drive away (прогонять): Evn. koro-.
◊ ТМС 1, 416. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *kur(u)- 1 rapid, quick 2 moment, short time 3 to hurry (1
быстрый 2 момент, мгновение 3 спешить): MMong. qurdi ‘haste’
(IM), kordun ‘Läufer’ (LH); WMong. qurdun 1 (L 989), qurum 2 (L 991),
quruji- 3; Kh. xurdan 1, xuram 2; Bur. xurda(n) 1; Kalm. xurdn; Ord. xur-
dun 1; Mog. qurdun 1 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xordun 1, (Тод. Даг. 177),
horedun 1 (MD 164), xordon 1; Dong. Guǯin, Gudun 1; Bao. Gordoŋ 1;
S.-Yugh. Gurduŋ 1; Mongr. Gurdun (SM 127), Gurdən 1.
◊ KW 198, MGCD 390. Mong. > Man. xurdun etc., see Doerfer MT 145, Rozycki 112.
PTurk. *Küre- to run away (убегать): OTurk. küre- (OUygh.);
Karakh. küre- (MK, KB); Kirgh. kürgüčtö- ‘загонять скот’, kürgüj ‘воз-
глас, которым гонят ягнят’; Yak. kürē-; Dolg. kürē-.
◊ EDT 737, VEWT 310, ЭСТЯ 5, 146, Stachowski 166.
PKor. *kɨrk- to run away, to escape (убегать, спасаться бегством):
Mod. kɨk- [kɨlk-].
◊ SKE 115.
‖ SKE 115. The Korean root is attested only there, thus not very reli-
able (and the vocalic reflex is dubious).
-kuri wattle, fence, enclosure, building: Tung. *kori; Mong. *kürijen;
Turk. *Kur-; Jpn. *kuru-wa.
PTung. *kori 1 frame, blockhouse 2 cage 3 shed (1 сруб 2 клетка 3
хлев): Neg. koj 1; Man. χorin 2,3; Ul. qorị 1,2; Ork. qorị 1; Nan. qorị 1;
Orch. koi 1; Ud. koai- (Корм. 249), kua- ‘to make a blockhouse’.
◊ ТМС 1, 415. The listed forms cannot be regarded as mongolisms, despite Doerfer
MT 77 (although forms like Evk. korigan are certainly < Mong., see Poppe 1966, 191).
PMong. *kürijen enclosure (огороженное место, двор, забор):
MMong. gurijen (HY 4) ‘fenced well’, gure’en (SH); WMong. kürijen (L
506); Kh. xürēn; Bur. xüŕē ‘glass rim’, xüŕēl- ‘to fence, enclose’, xüŕēn
746 *kúro(mV) - *kúro(mV)
‘monastery’; Kalm. kürǟ (КРС); Ord. kürē; Dag. xorē; Dong. Goron;
S.-Yugh. kürēleg; Mongr. kuraŋ.
◊ MGCD 400. Mong. can hardly be the source of MTurk. qurɨqan, despite Щербак
1997, 206; Mong. > Evk. kur etc.; Chag. küren, see TMN 1, 479, Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki
147; Yak., Dolg. kürüö, see Kał. MEJ 33, Stachowski 166). On Mong. > Russ. kuréń see Ани-
кин 328.
PTurk. *Kur- to erect (a building), to establish (строить, устанавли-
вать): OTurk. qur- (OUygh.); Karakh. qur- (MK); Tur. kur-; Gag. qur-;
Az. Gur-; Turkm. Gur-; MTurk. qur- (AH, Houts.); Uzb. qur-; Uygh.
qu(r)-; Krm. qur-; Tat. qor-; Bashk. qor-; Kirgh. qur-; Kaz. qur-; KBalk.
qur-; KKalp. qur-; Kum. qur-; Nogh. qur-.
◊ VEWT 302, EDT 643, ЭСТЯ 6, 156-157. There is also a derivative *Kur-gan (see e.g.
TMN 3, 542-543), which is sometimes hard to distinguish from *Kōrɨ-kan (see *Kōrɨ-).
PJpn. *kuru-wa fortress embankment; quarter (крепостной вал;
квартал): MJpn. kuru-wa; Tok. kùruwa; Kyo. kúrúwá; Kag. kuruwá.
◊ The accent is unclear: either *kúrúwá or *kùrúwá.
‖ KW 187, SKE 125, Poppe 88, TMN 1, 434. The root is actively co n-
taminating with *k῾ōra q.v.
-kúro(mV) a k. of clothes: Tung. *kurumV; Mong. *kormaj; Turk. *Kur;
Jpn. *krm; Kor. *korɨm.
PTung. *kurumV a k. of upper clothes (вид верхней одежды): Evk.
kurmu, dial. kumma ‘fur stockings; women’s upper garment’; Evn.
kummēs ‘hat, cap’; Man. kurume; Nan. kurme.
◊ See ТМС 1, 174, 431, 437. The Evk. form gurumī reflects a secondary merger with
*gurē- ‘to unfasten’; Mong. kürme ‘upper coat’ is most probably borrowed from Manchu
(despite Doerfer MT 144, proposing an opposite direction), just like Kor. khurimä id. (see
Lee 1958, 119).
PMong. *kormaj lap, skirt (подол, юбка): MMong. qormai (HY 22,
SH), qormāə (IM), qurmi (MA 303); WMong. qormai, qormui (L 967); Kh.
xormoj; Bur. xormoj; Kalm. xormǟ, xormā; Ord. xormȫ; Dag. xuarm(ā),
xuaram (Тод. Даг. 178), huareme (MD 165); S.-Yugh. χormī; Mongr.
xorm (SM 173), (MGCD xurmī).
◊ KW 188, MGCD 366. Mong. > Evk. korm, see Doerfer MT 94.
PTurk. *Kur belt (пояс): OTurk. qur (OUygh.); Karakh. qur (MK);
Tur. kur; MTurk. qur (Pav. C., Abush.), qor (AH); Uygh. qor (dial.); Tat.
qur; Kirgh. qur; Kaz. qur; KKalp. qur; SUygh. qur, qor; Khak. xur; Oyr.
qur; Tv. qur; Yak. kur; Dolg. kur.
◊ VEWT 301-302, EDT 642, ЭСТЯ 6, 150-152, Stachowski 162. Cf. also *kürm- ‘to bind’
(Sib.-Tat. kürmö, Oyr. kürmä-k, Bashk. kürim ‘завязка для борти’, see VEWT 311, Лексика
499 - if not < Mong. gürmel, see under *guŕi ).
PJpn. *krm clothes (одежда): OJpn. koromo; MJpn. kórómó; Tok.
kòromo; Kyo. kórómó; Kag. korómo.
◊ JLTT 458.
 *krV - *kŕe 747

PKor. *korom clothes string, lace (тесемка): MKor. korom; Mod.

korɨm.
◊ Liu 63, KED 140.
‖ Poppe 1950, 576. A common Altaic cultural term.
-krV to cut out, sharp: Tung. *kōri-; Mong. *kurča; Turk. *Kurč.
PTung. *kōri- 1 to delve, carve out, pick out 2 to wound acciden-
tally (1 вырезать, выдалбливать, выковыривать 2 порезать(ся), слу-
чайно ранить): Man. qori- 1; Nan. kōrxi- 2 (On.).
◊ ТМС 1, 415.
PMong. *kurča sharp (острый): MMong. qurča (HY 54, SH), qurča-
‘to sharpen’ (IM); WMong. qurča (L 988); Kh. xurc; Bur. xursa; Kalm.
xurcə (КРС); Ord. Gurča; Dag. xorčin (Тод. Даг. 178), korečin (MD 184);
S.-Yugh. qurča; Mongr. xua (SM 174), xuǯadə.
◊ MGCD 391.
PTurk. *Kurč sharp, hard (of steel) (острый, твердый (о стали)):
Karakh. qurč (MK); MTurk. qurč (Houts.); Uzb. qurč; Uygh. qujuč; Krm.
qurč; Tat. qorɨč; Bashk. qoros; Kirgh. qurč; Kaz. qurɨš; KBalk. qurč; Kum.
qurč; Nogh. qurɨš; Oyr. qurč; Chuv. xorźъ ‘steel’.
◊ VEWT 303, EDT 647, ЭСТЯ 6, 170-171, Федотов 2, 367.
‖ KW 199. A Western isogloss. Doerfer (TMN 3, 441) (and Clark
1980, 43) regard Mong. as borrowed from Turk. (saying that the origi-
nal meaning in Turkic is ‘steel’ - which is not the case, see EDT 647). On
a possible Jpn. reflex see under *k῾[u]ri.
-kŕe ( ~ -i) autumn; rain, storm: Tung. *kure-; Mong. *kura; Turk. *gǖŕ.
PTung. *kure- storm, whirlwind (буря, сильный ветер): Evk.
kur-ge-kūn; Evn. qụrgị, kur; Ul. kūre(n); Nan. kūre (On.).
◊ ТМС 1, 435, 436. Length in Ul. and Nan. is compensatory ( the forms are contracted
< *kure-ge-).
PMong. *kura rain (дождь): MMong. qura (HY 2, SH), qora (IM),
qura (MA), qora (LH); WMong. qura (L 987); Kh. xur; Bur. xura; Kalm.
xur; Ord. xura; Dag. xuar (Тод. Даг. 178); Dong. Gura; Bao. Gura, Gora;
S.-Yugh. xura; Mongr. xurā (SM 184).
◊ KW 197, MGCD 390. Also means ‘last year’. [Ramstedt compares Kirgh. quralai
‘Regenzeit’].
PTurk. *gǖŕ autumn (осень): OTurk. küz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
küz (MK); Tur. güz; Gag. güz; Az. güz-äm ‘autumn wool’; Turkm. gǖz;
MTurk. güz (Sangl.); Uzb. kuz; Uygh. küz; Krm. küz; Tat. köz; Bashk. köδ;
Kirgh. küz; Kaz. küz; KBalk. küz; KKalp. küz; Kum. güz; Nogh. küz;
SUygh. kuz; Khak. küs; Shr. küs; Oyr. küs; Tv. küs; Tof. küs; Chuv. kəₙr;
Yak. kühün; Dolg. kühün.
◊ VEWT 312, EDT 757, TMN 4,10, ЭСТЯ 3, 94-95, Лексика 75, Stachowski 164.
748 *kusu - *kušu
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294 (although Jpn. *kəti is probably to be separated, see
*k῾ĕdo), Лексика 75. A Western isogloss. The comparison seems quite
plausible, although it seems not to have been proposed earlier. The Ko-
rean form, compared in SKE 118 with Turk. *gǖŕ (kɨru ‘2-d harvest in
one year’) is late attested and probably = kɨru, MKor. krh ‘stubble’.
-kusu ( ~ k῾-, -o-) a k. of grass: Mong. *kosi-; Jpn. *kùsà; Kor. *kòsàrí.
PMong. *kosi- clover (клевер): WMong. qosijaŋɣur (MXTTT); Kh.
gerijn xošingor (МРС), xošōngor (МХТТ, БАМРС).
PJpn. *kùsà grass (трава): OJpn. kusa; MJpn. kùsà; Tok. kusá; Kyo.
kúsà; Kag. kusá.
◊ JLTT 465.
PKor. *kòsàrí fern, bracken (папоротник): MKor. kòsàrí; Mod. ko-
sari.
◊ Liu 65, KED 144.
‖ Accent correspondence is irregular. Cf. also OJ kùsúri ‘medicine’.
Cf. perhaps also Chuv. ku(r)žanak ( < *kösinek) ‘agrimony, bur’.
-kùši ( ~ -o-) to rot: Tung. *kušu; Jpn. *kùsà-; Kor. *kùs-.
PTung. *kušu 1 touchwood 2 dandruff, soot (1 гнилушка, труха 2
перхоть, ушная сера, сажа): Evk. kuču 1; Evn. kuč 1; Neg. kutin 1 [ =
kučin]; Man. χosori, χusuri 2; Nan. kuči (On.) ‘uneven surface of birch-
bark’.
◊ ТМС 1, 441, 479.
PJpn. *kùsà- foul, stinking (дурно пахнущий, вонючий): OJpn.
kusa-; MJpn. kùsà-; Tok. kusá-; Kyo. kùsà-; Kag. kusá-.
◊ JLTT 833. Cf. also, as a noun, PJ *kùsà ‘eczema’ (JLTT 465).
PKor. *kùs- odorous (пахучий): MKor. kùs-; Mod. kusu-ha-.
◊ Nam 60, KED 204.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; but cf. also WMong. kösür-sün (Kalm. kösrsn)
‘dung’ = OJ kùswò id.; WMong. kusam ‘sediment in a pot after boiling
milk’ (MGCD 392); Yak. kuha-ɣan, Dolg. kuha-gan ‘bad’ (Stachowski
159). Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-kušu nut: Tung. *košikta; Mong. *kusiga; Turk. *Kusɨk; Jpn. *kusi.
PTung. *koši-kta 1 nut 2 peach (1 орех 2 персик): Evk. kočikta; Man.
χusiχa 1; Jurch. xu-ĉu 1 (129), xu-ĉur 2 (106); Ul. qačịaqta 1; Nan. qočoa 1;
Orch. kočokto ‘a k. of bush’.
◊ ТМС 1, 419; 2, 291. Manchu χusiχa may be < Mong.; but cf. also χusiri mō ‘a k. of
chestnut-like tree’, χasuran ‘tree bark, bark of wild peach tree’ (Захаров 385, ТМС 1, 464).
PMong. *kusiga walnut (грецкий орех): WMong. qusiɣa(n) (L 991);
Kh. xušga; Ord. GušiGa.
◊ Cf. also Kh. xošid ‘a k. of nut’ (MXTTT).
PTurk. *Kusɨk nut (орех): Karakh. qusɨq ‘pine kernel’ (ML); Khak.
xuzux; Oyr. qusuq; Tv. qu’suq; Tof. quzuq.
 *kušV - *kut῾i 749
◊ EDT 667, TMN 3, 475, ЭСТЯ 6, 23-24.
PJpn. *kusi a k. of nut (вид ореха): OJpn. kusi.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 17, Дыбо 14, ЭСТЯ 6, 23-24 (with some confusion of
this root and *k῾usa q.v.
-kušV intestine: Tung. *kuči ( ~ -š-); Mong. *kos, *koskinag.
PTung. *kuči ( ~ -š-) 1 sausage (made of bear’s intestine fat) 2 large
intestine (1 колбаса (из околокишечного жира медведя) 2 толстая
кишка): Evk. kuči 1; Nan. qočị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 441.
PMong. *kos, *koskinag rectum, large intestine, colon, anus (двена-
дцатиперстная кишка, прямая кишка, толстая кишка, anus):
WMong. qos, qosginaɣ (L 971: qoškinaɣ); Kh. xos, xošnogo, xošginog; Bur.
xošxonog; Kalm. xošnəg (КРС); Ord. Goši, GošχinoG.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-kùt῾á fortune: Tung. *kutu-ri; Mong. *kutug; Turk. *Kut; Jpn. *kàntuá.
PTung. *kutu-ri luck, fortune (счастье, удача): Man. χuturi; Jurch.
xu-tur.
◊ ТМС 1, 440. The Manchu-Jurchen word cannot easily be explained as a mongolism,
despite Doerfer MT 136. Man. > Dag. xotor (Тод. Даг. 178).
PMong. *kutug good fortune, majesty (счастье, святость, величие):
MMong. qutux (SH, HY), qudux (SH); WMong. qutuɣ (L 992); Kh. xutag;
Bur. xutagta ‘a Buddhist rank’; Kalm. xutəg; Ord. GutuG.
◊ KW 200. Mong. > Evk. kutu (ТМС 1, 440, Doerfer MT 136).
PTurk. *Kut luck, good fortune (счастье, хорошая судьба): OTurk.
qut (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. qut (MK); Tur. kut; Turkm. Gut; MTurk.
qut (AH); Uzb. qut; Krm. qut; Tat. qot; Bashk. qot; Kirgh. qut; Kaz. qut;
KKalp. qut; Nogh. qut; Khak. xut; Oyr. qut; Tv. qut; Chuv. xъₙt; Yak. kut;
Dolg. kut.
◊ VEWT 305, EDT 594, ЭСТЯ 6, 175-177, Stachowski 162.
PJpn. *kàntuá ability, talent (способность, талант): OJpn. kad(w)o;
MJpn. kàdó.
◊ JLTT 432 (treated together with ‘corner’).
‖ EAS 142, Poppe 18, 50. Mong. is not < Turk., despite TMN 3, 553,
Щербак 1997, 143.
-kut῾i ( ~ -t-) bog, marsh: Tung. *kuta; Turk. *Küte(re); Jpn. *kutai.
PTung. *kuta bog, marsh (болото): Evk. kuta; Evn. kuta; Neg. kota;
Jurch. xoto-o-n ‘pond’ (34).
◊ ТМС 1, 439.
PTurk. *Küte(re) bog, marsh (болото): Tat. küter, kötɛ (dial.); Bashk.
küter (dial.); Khak. ködre; Oyr. küdre.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 154-155.
PJpn. *kutai bog, marsh (болото): MJpn. kute.
750 *kùǯi - *kùǯi
‖ The root is not very widely spread, but seems both phonetically
and semantically plausible.
-kùǯi ( ~ *kòǯe) neck, collar: Tung. *kuǯu- / *kuǯi-; Mong. *küǯüɣün;
Kor. *kíč.
PTung. *kuǯu- / *kuǯi- 1 neck 2 to bow one’s head (1 шея 2 накло-
нять голову, склоняться, стоять на коленях): Neg. kuǯit-/č- 2; Man.
xuǯu- 2; Ork. qoǯị 1; Nan. kuǯu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 403, 424.
PMong. *küǯüɣün neck (шея): MMong. kuǯu’un (HY 46), guǯu’un
(SH), koǯeon (IM), kuǯun (MA); WMong. küǯügün, küǯügüü (L 510); Kh.
xüʒǖ; Bur. xüzǖ(n); Kalm. küzǖn; Ord. küǯǖ(n); Mog. küǯǖn; ZM kožun
(2-7a); Dag. kuǯū, xuǯū (Тод. Даг. 151, 179), huǯū (MD 166); Dong.
Guǯun; Bao. guǯuŋ; S.-Yugh. guǯǖn; Mongr. gui (SM 140).
◊ KW 249, MGCD 397.
PKor. *kíč 1 collar 2 feather, feathers, plumes 3 diaper(s), swaddling
clothes (1 воротник 2 перо, оперение 3 пеленки): MKor. kís 3, kič 1;
Mod. kit [kis] 1, 2, kiǯəgwi 3.
◊ Nam 82, 83, KED 274, 282.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294. In Kor. one has to assume a secondary fronting kič
< *kɨč; otherwise the correspondences are regular.
 K῾

-k῾ăbo to deceive: Tung. *xab-; Mong. *kaɣur-; Turk. *Kob-; Kor. *k-.
PTung. *xab- 1 to go mad 2 evil spirit 3 endearment 4 to grizzle (1
сходить с ума 2 злой дух 3 ласка, приветливость 4 привередничать,
кокетничать, капризничать ): Man. χabčian 3; Ul. χaụn, χabdarị 2,
χaụn- 1; Ork. χaụ-s ‘замертво’; Nan. χaõ ‘dizziness’, χoan- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 457, 467.
PMong. *kaɣur- to deceive (обманывать): WMong. qaɣur- (L 910);
Kh. xūra-; Bur. xūra-; Kalm. xūr-; Ord. xūr-.
◊ KW 201. Mong. qaɣurmaɣči ‘deceiver, liar’ > Manchu qarmaǯi ‘dishonest’ (see Rozy-
cki 134).
PTurk. *Kob- 1 to slander 2 conjuration, exorcism (1 клеветать 2 за-
клинание): OTurk. qovla- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qovuz, qovuč 2 (MK); Tur.
kovu, kovɨ (dial.) ‘slander’; MTurk. qov ‘slander’ (AH); Yak. xobulā- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 17-18, EDT 584, Clark 1977, 147. Turk. > WMong. qob ‘gossip’ (KW 181),
whence again Oyr. qop etc. (VEWT 281). Despite EDT 584, hardly connected with *Kob-
‘to chase’ (v. sub *gbè).
PKor. *k- lie, deceit (ложь, обман): MKor. k-čs (čs = čń ‘shape,
appearance’); Mod. kǯit, kāǯit [-s].
◊ Nam 36, KED 88.
‖ The vowel *-- in Kor. must be due to contraction.
-k῾ăču to run, drive: Tung. *xasa-; Mong. *kočur-; Turk. *KAč-.
PTung. *xasa- to pursue, drive (гнаться, гнать): Evk. asa-; Evn.
asị-saw-; Neg. asa-; Man. asaχa fasaχa ‘in a hurry’; Ul. χasa-; Ork. χasa-;
Nan. χasa-sị-; Orch. asa-; Ud. aha-; Sol. asa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 54.
PMong. *kočur- to stay behind (отставать, оставаться позади):
MMong. qočor-, qočoda- (SH), qūčar- (Lig.VMI), qučar- (MA); WMong.
qočur- (L 951); Kh. xocro-; Bur. xosor- ‘to disappear, vanish; die’; Kalm.
xocr-; Ord. Gočiro-; Mog. qočaru- (Ramstedt 1906).
◊ KW 190-191.
PTurk. *KAč- to run away, flee (убегать): OTurk. qač- (Orkh., Yen.);
Karakh. qač- (MK, KB); Tur. kač-; Gag. qač-; Az. Gač-; Turkm. Gač-;
MTurk. qač- (Houts., AH, IM, MA); Uzb. qɔč-; Uygh. qač-; Krm. qač-; Tat.
752 *k῾ač῾e - *k῾ada
qač-; Bashk. qas-; Kirgh. qač-; Kaz. qaš-; KBalk. qač-; KKalp. qaš-; Kum.
qač-; Nogh. qaš-; Khak. xas-; Shr. qaš-; Oyr. qač-; Tv. qaš-.
◊ VEWT 217, ЭСТЯ 5, 340-342.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 16; Цинциус 1984, 88-89. A Western isogloss.
-k῾ač῾e kind, sort: Tung. *xačin; Jpn. *kt; Kor. *kàčí.
PTung. *xačin 1 kind, sort, variety 2 various (1 вид, разновидность
2 разнообразный): Man. χačin 1; SMan. hačin 1 (2558); Jurch. ha-če-jin
‘thing’; Ul. χačị(n) 1; Ork. χatčị(n) 2; Nan. χačị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 465. The word is borrowed (from Manchu or Nanai) > Sol. xaĩ, Neg. xačịn,
Oroch xači, Ud. xasi.
PJpn. *kt thing, affair (дело): OJpn. koto; MJpn. kòtò; Tok. kotó;
Kyo. kótò; Kag. kotó.
◊ JLTT 459.
PKor. *kàčí kind, sort, variety (вид, разновидность): MKor. kàčí;
Mod. kaǯi.
◊ Nam 8, KED 26.
‖ SKE 101, Lee 1958, 112. An Eastern isogloss. The Jpn. *kt seems a
good match, but within Japanese it is rather hard to separate from the
homonymous *kt ‘word, speech’ (see *gre(pV)). This is probably a
secondary merger, but responsible for the irregular accent correspon-
dence between Kor. and Jpn.
-k῾č῾V a k. of vessel: Tung. *xaču-kan; Turk. *Kāča.
PTung. *xaču-kan kettle (котел): Man. χačuχan, χančuχan; Ul.
χačoa(n); Ork. χačụɣa(n); Nan. χačoχã; Orch. xačua(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 464-465.
PTurk. *Kāča earthenware vessel, cup (глиняный сосуд, чаша):
Karakh. qača (MK); Tur. kap-kaǯak; Az. Gab-GaǯaG; Turkm. Gāp-GāǯaG;
Uygh. qača; Yak. xāhax ‘big leather-bag, big leather-sack’.
◊ VEWT 217 (hardly < Pers.), EDT 590, ЭСТЯ 5, 342-343.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ada side, to turn: Tung. *xadaga-; Mong. *kadawra-; Turk. *KAdɨr-.
PTung. *xadaga- to turn back, move back (поворачивать, двигать-
ся назад): Evk. adaɣā-; Evn. adaɣ-; Neg. adaɣān-; Ul. χadan-; Nan. χadān-.
◊ ТМС 1, 13-14. TM > Dag. adgā- (Тод. Даг. 118).
PMong. *kadawra- to deviate, move to the side (отклоняться, дви-
гаться в сторону): WMong. qadaura- (МХТТТ); Kh. xadūra-; Bur.
xadūra-.
PTurk. *KAdɨr- to twist, turn, bend (поворачивать, гнуть, кру-
тить): OTurk. qadar- (OUygh.); Karakh. qaδɨr- (MK), qadɨr- (MK, KB);
Tur. dial. gajɨr-; Gag. qajɨr-; Az. Gajɨr-; Turkm. Gajɨr-; MTurk. qajɨr- (Pav.
C.); Uzb. qɛjir-; Uygh. qari-, qajrɛ-; Krm. qajɨr-; Tat. qajɨr-; Bashk. qajɨr-;
 *k῾ádí(-rV) - *k῾àd[ú] 753

Kirgh. qajɨr-; Kaz. qajɨr-; KKalp. qajɨr-; Nogh. qajɨr-; Khak. xazɨr-; Oyr.
qajɨr-; Chuv. xajъr- < Tat..
◊ EDT 604, ЭСТЯ 5, 195-197.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 80-81. A Western isogloss. On a possible Jpn. re-
flex see under *kéč῾a.
-k῾ádí(-rV) to scrape off, scraper, tool for processing skins: Tung.
*xargan; Mong. *kederge; Turk. *KEdir-; Jpn. *káintúr-.
PTung. *xargan chock (for processing fish skins) (колодка (для об-
работки шкур или рыбьей кожи)): Nan. χaǯGã (Kur-Urm.); Orch.
xaiga(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 458.
PMong. *kederge 1 scraper 2 device for processing skins (1 скребок
2 инструмент для обработки шкур): WMong. kederge(n) (L 441); Kh.
xedreg 1; Bur. xederge 2; Kalm. kederɣn 2 (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. kederē etc. (ТМС 1, 443), see Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki 104, whence Yak.
kederen, Dolg. gedere, kedere (see Kał. TJ 265, Stachowski 85).
PTurk. *KEdir- 1 to skin (a sheep) 2 to scrape on a washboard
(while washing) (1 обдирать (овцу) 2 шаркать при стирке белья о
бельевую доску): Karakh. keδir- 1, keδr-il- (pass.), keδr-iš- (coop.),
keδr-im ‘skinned meat’ (MK); Tv. kidire- 2.
◊ EDT 705. Yak. kederēn ‘scraper’ is rather < Mong., see Лексика 380.
PJpn. *káintúr- to scrape off (соскребать): OJpn. kedur-; MJpn.
kédúr-; Tok. kezur-.
◊ JLTT 708.
‖ PTM *xargan < *xadVrgan with a regular loss of -d- before -r-.
Diphthong in Jpn. is not clear (*kíntúr- would be normally expected).
-k῾àd[ú] to be worn out, destroyed: Tung. *xadü-; Mong. *kidu-; Turk.
*KAdu-; Jpn. *kùntù-ra-.
PTung. *xadü- to be worn out, become thin, fragile (изнашиваться,
истончаться, становиться хрупким): Evk. adīŋ- ‘to diminish’; Evn. ad-;
Ork. xadụ-.
◊ ТМС 1, 16.
PMong. *kidu- to slaughter, destroy (убивать, разрушать):
MMong. kidu- (SH); WMong. kidu- (L 464); Kh. ada-; Ord. xudu-.
PTurk. *KAdu- 1 to stick in 2 sting 3 to sew (1 втыкать 2 жало 3
сшивать строчкой, оторачивать, вышивать): Karakh. qaδu- (MK) 3;
Turkm. Gaja- 3; Tat. qajɨ- 3, Sib. qajal- ‘to be piqued’; Bashk. qaj- 3, qajaw
2; Kirgh. qajɨ- 1; Kaz. qajɨ- 3; KKalp. qajɨ- 3; Kum. qajɨ- 3; Nogh. qajɨ- 3;
Khak. xaza- 1.
◊ EDT 596, ЭСТЯ 5, 180-181. The root should be distinguished from *Kāta- ‘to stick
in, nail’ (v. sub *kjta).
754 *k῾a(j) - *k῾a(j)
PJpn. *kùntù-ra- to be destroyed, break down (разрушаться, ло-
маться): OJpn. kudu-ra-; MJpn. kùdù-ra-; Tok. kuzuré-; Kyo. kúzúré-; Kag.
kùzùrè-.
◊ JLTT 718.
‖ The root is rather difficult to distinguish from *k῾et[o] q.v.; con-
taminations may explain partial vocalic irregularities. Mong. *kidu- is
usually compared with Turk. *Kɨd- ‘to destroy’ (thus KW 244, VEWT
261, TMN 1, 487-488), but this form probably does not exist: in OT (8th
c.) there is a dubious Hap. leg. qɨdmaz ‘did not spare (?)’, but all other
sources (starting with MK) have only *Kɨj- and its reflexes (see EDT
595) - which is quite a different root, see *gijo.
-k῾a(j) who, interrogative pronoun: Tung. *xia (*xai); Mong. *ken, *ka-;
Turk. *kem, *Ka-; Jpn. *ka; Kor. *ka.
PTung. *xia (*xai) 1 what 2 who (1 что 2 кто): Evk. kūn 1,  2; Evn.
ǟq 1; Neg. xun, kun 1, 2; wa 1; Man. ai / ja 1, 2; SMan. ai 1 (2896); Ul.
χaj 1; Ork. xai 1; Nan. χaị 1; Sol. ī 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 4-5, 286-288.
PMong. *ken, *ka- who (кто): MMong. ken (SH), kɛn (IM), kin (MA);
qa’a (SH) ‘where’; WMong. ken (L 453); Kh. xen; Bur. xen; Kalm. ken;
Ord. ken; Mog. ken; ZM kijän (27-5a); Dag. ken, xen (Тод. Даг. 149); xā-
(Тод. Даг. 173), hā- ‘where’, hen (MD 153, 154, 160); Dong. kien; qa-; Bao.
kaŋ; ha-; S.-Yugh. ken; xā-, xa-; Mongr. ken (SM 195).
◊ KW 225, MGCD 310, 342.
PTurk. *kem, *Ka- 1 who 2 which (1 кто 2 какой): OTurk. kem (OT,
OUygh.) 1, qaju (OT, OUygh.), qanu (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. kem~kim (MK,
KB) qaju (MK, KB) 2; Tur. kim 1; Gag. kim 1; Az. kim 1; Turkm. kim 1, qaj
2; Sal. käm 1; MTurk. kim (Abush., IM) 1; Uzb. kim 1, qaj 2; Uygh. kim,
kem (dial.) 1, qaj 2; Krm. kɨm 1; Tat. kem 1, qaj 2; Bashk. kem 1, qaj (dial.)
2; Kirgh. kim 1, qaj 2; Kaz. kim 1, qaj 2; KBalk. kim 1; KKalp. kim 1; Nogh.
kim 1; SUygh. kɨm 1; Khak. kem 1; Oyr. kem 1, qaj 2; Tv. qɨm 1, qajɨ 2; Tof.
qum 1, qai 2; Chuv. kam 1; Yak. kim 1, xaja 2; Dolg. kim 1, kaja 2.
◊ VEWT 271, EDT 720-721, ЭСТЯ 5, 67-68, 191-192, Stachowski 134, 147.
PJpn. *ka interrogative particle (вопросительная частица): OJpn.
-ka; MJpn. -ka; Tok. -ka.
PKor. *ka, *ko interrogative particle (вопросительная частица):
MKor. -ka, -kó; Mod. -ka, -ga, -ko, -go.
◊ Nam 45, KED 2, 133.
‖ EAS 46, 47, 140, KW 225, Цинциус 1984, 75-76, АПиПЯЯ 41-42,
285. The TM form, despite Doerfer MT 27, Rozycki 222 has nothing to
do with Mong. *ja- q.v.
 *k῾ắka - *k῾akt῾o 755

-k῾ắka to break, tear off: Tung. *xak-; Mong. *kaka- / *kaga-; Turk.
*KAk-; Jpn. *kák-.
PTung. *xaK- 1 to cut off 2 to tear off, separate (1 подрезать, пере-
резать 2 отделять, отрывать): Neg. akị- / kakị- 1; Ul. χaqpa-lụ- 2; Ork.
χaqpa- 2; Nan. χāGa- 1, χaqpā- 2; Ud. akpinda- 1, kakpaligi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 25, 363.
PMong. *kaka- / *kaga- to break, tear off (ломать, расщеплять, от-
дирать): MMong. qaqal- (SH), qaqača- ‘to divide’ (HY 34), qaɣal- (IM);
WMong. qaqa- (L 906: qaɣal-, qaɣala-); Kh. xaga-; Bur. xaxa-; Kalm. xaɣəl-
(КРС); Ord. xaGal-; Mog. qakara- (Weiers); Dag. xagalā- (Тод. Даг. 172),
hagere-, hagare-, hagelā- (MD 155); Dong. GaGača- ‘to part’ (Тод. Дн.);
Mongr. xaGali-; xaGarā- 1 ‘fendre, briser, casser, morceler; se fendre, se
fêler 1’ (SM 150).
PTurk. *KAk- to hit, knock, tear (бить, стучать, рвать): Karakh. qaq-
(MK); Tur. kak-; Gag. qaq-; Az. Gax-; Turkm. qaq-, qaqɨl-; MTurk. qaq-
(Houts., AH, Qutb, MA); Uzb. qɔq-; Uygh. qaq-; Krm. qaq-; Tat. qaq-;
Bashk. qaq-; Kirgh. qaq-; Kaz. qaq-; KBalk. qaq-; KKalp. qaq-; Kum. qaq-;
Nogh. qaq-; Khak. xax-; Oyr. qaq-; Tv. qaq-; Tof. qa’q-; Dolg. kakrɨj- ‘break
into small pieces’.
◊ VEWT 223, ЭСТЯ 5, 221-222, Stachowski 135.
PJpn. *kák- to break off (отламывать): OJpn. kak(a)-; MJpn. kák-;
Tok. kàk-; Kyo. kàk-; Kag. kák-.
◊ JLTT 702. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
‖ A possible derivative is PA *k῾akt῾o ‘castrated animal’ q.v.
-k῾akt῾o a large domestic animal: Tung. *xakta-; Turk. *Kotuŕ; Jpn.
*ktpì.
PTung. *xakta- 1 to castrate (a deer) 2 castrated deer (1 кастриро-
вать (оленя) 2 кастрированный олень): Evk. akta- 1, aktakī 2; Evn. āt- 1,
ata 2; Neg. aktawčā 2; Ork. χaqta 2; Nan. χaqta- 1, χaqtaqto 2; Sol. attamal
‘testiculi’.
◊ ТМС 1, 26. Initial x- in Southern TM proves firmly (despite Doerfer MT 17) that the
root is not borrowed < Mong. aɣta ‘castrated horse’ (although some forms - namely, Sol.
akta, Nan., Man. aqta morin ‘castrated horse’ - certainly are, and should be kept apart from
the reflexes of PTM *xakta-).
PTurk. *Kotuŕ yak (як): Karakh. qotuz (MK); Tur. xotoz; Az. Gotaz;
Turkm. Gotaz; MTurk. qotas (Pav. C.), qutuz (AH); Uzb. qọtas; Uygh.
qotaz; Krm. qutas; Tat. qutaz (dial.); Kirgh. qotos.
◊ EDT 608, ЭСТЯ 6, 81-82.
PJpn. *ktpì large and sturdy ox (большой вол): OJpn. kotopji;
MJpn. kòtòpì.
◊ JLTT 459.
756 *k῾ằkú - *k῾ala
‖ If the original meaning is ‘a castrated animal’ (as in TM), the stem
may be a derivative of PA *k῾ắka ‘to break, tear off’ q.v.
-k῾ằkú doll: Tung. *xaku-kan (/*k-); Turk. *KAgur; Jpn. *kùnkù-tú; Kor.
*koāŋ.
PTung. *xaku-kan (/*k-) doll (кукла): Ul. χaqụa(n); Ork. χoqo(n);
Nan. aqoã; Orch. xakuã.
◊ ТМС 1, 459. Cf. also *kakura-kta ‘decorative bells’ (ТМС 1, 375).
PTurk. *KAgur doll (кукла): Karakh. qoδurčuq (MK); Tur. dial. kur-
čak; Turkm. Gurǯaq; MTurk. qawurčaq (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.), qavur (R);
Uzb. qụɣirčɔq; Uygh. qo(r)čaq, dial. qoɣurčaq; Tat. qurčaq; Bashk. qursaq;
Kirgh. qūrčaq; Kaz. quwɨršaq; KKalp. quwɨršaq; Kum. qurčaq; Nogh.
quwɨršaq.
◊ VEWT 220, EDT 587, 606, ЭСТЯ 6, 161-163. Modern reflexes point quite clearly to
*-g- (less probably - *-b-), so the attested form with -δ- must be a phonetic aberration.
Interference with OT qoduz ‘femme sole’ (suggested in Tekin 1969 and ЭСТЯ ibid.) is not
excluded, but cf. also the notes below.
PJpn. *kùnkù-tú a k. of doll (вид куклы): MJpn. kùgùtú; Tok.
kugutsu.
◊ JLTT 462. In OJ kugutu is attested with the meaning ‘satchel worn at the belt’; JB
derives it from kugu ‘a k. of grass’ and suggests that dolls were carried in such satchels.
Even if it they were, it is highly probable that the name of the satchel is derived from
‘doll’, and not vice versa; the connection with “kugu-grass” is highly dubious.
PKor. *koāŋ doll, mask, comedian (кукла, маска, актер): MKor.
koāŋtái; Mod. kwāŋdä.
◊ Liu 79, KED 184.
‖ Дыбо 15. Cf. Khalkha xǖxeldej ‘doll’ (a contamination with xǖxe-n
‘child, girl’). One should also mention WMong. qoduɣu-čin ‘clown;
mask’: this may be a metathesis < *kogu-du- ( = PJ *kùnkùtú) and the
form may actually shed light on the mysterious Karakh. qoδurčuk (quite
probably < *kog-du-rču-k = WMong. qoduɣu-čin).
-k῾ala ( ~ -u) wait, be late: Tung. *xalā-; Mong. *kala; Turk. *Kal-.
PTung. *xalā- to wait (ждать): Evk. alā-č-; Evn. alač-; Neg. alāč-;
Man. aĺa-; SMan. iali- (1439, 3034); Ul. xala-čị-; Ork. xalā-čị-; Nan. xala-či-;
Orch. alā-či-; Ud. ala-si-; Sol. alā-.
◊ ТМС 1, 29-30.
PMong. *kala 1 bitter life experience 2 to decease (rev.) (1 труд-
ность, горький опыт 2 скончаться (почт.)): WMong. qala 1, qali- 2 (L
916, 917); Kh. xal 1, xali- 2; Bur. xala; Kalm. xal (КРС); Ord. xala ‘rude or
cruel treatment’.
PTurk. *Kal- 1 old man 2 to be tired 3 to be ~ years old (1 старик 2
уставать 3 иметь возраст): OTurk. qal- (Orkh., YB) 3; Karakh. qal (MK)
 *k῾ale - *k῾alVbV 757

1; MTurk. qal- ‘to come to an end’ (CCum.); Oyr. qala- 2; Chuv. xoll-en
‘slowly’.
◊ VEWT 224. EDT 615-616. Chuv. xullen is derived (by Tekin 1975, 281) from PT
*K(i)aĺaŋ (v. sub *koĺa), but it rather belongs here.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾ale snow, snow-flakes: Tung. *xalu-; Mong. *kilaɣa; Turk. *Kɨla-gu.
PTung. *xalu- snow (falling in flakes) (снег (падающий хлопья-
ми)): Evk. alunti; Neg. altamị; Ork. χalụqta.
◊ ТМС 1, 34.
PMong. *kilaɣa fine snow falling in the sunlight (мелкий снег, па-
дающий при свете солнца): WMong. kilaɣa (МXTTT); Kh. alā.
PTurk. *Kɨla-gu 1 snow-flakes in windless weather 2 hoar-frost 3
first snow (1 снежинки, падающие при тихой погоде 2 иней, измо-
розь 3 первая пороша): Bashk. qɨlaw 2; Kirgh. qɨlamɨq 3; Kaz. qɨlaw 1;
Kum. qɨlaw 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 207.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾alo girth, tug: Tung. *xala-; Turk. *Kolaŋ; Kor. *koraŋ.
PTung. *xala- tug, belt (лямка, ремень): Evk. alaɣ; Evn. al; Neg. ala,
alan; Ul. χala; Ork. χalị; Nan. χala; Orch. ala; Ud. ala.
◊ ТМС 1, 28-29. Аникин 80 proposes: Evk. > Khant. ălak > Russ. dial. alák, álak > Yak.
ālɨk, Ket alək, Yukagh. ałik; cf. also Nivkh halɨk id. This would make the etymology of Ket
alək presented in Старостин 1995, 181 ( = PNC *hwlkwē ‘chariot’) obsolete.
PTurk. *Kolaŋ saddlegirth (подпруга): Karakh. qolan (MK); Tur. ko-
lan; Gag. qolan; Turkm. Golaŋ; MTurk. qolan, qolaɣ (Pav. C.), qulan (AH);
Khak. xolaɣ; Shr. qolaɣ; Oyr. qoloŋ; Tv. xolaq; Yak. xolun.
◊ VEWT 277, Лексика 549-550, EDT 622, ЭСТЯ 6, 47-49.
PKor. *koraŋ fetters, handcuffs (путы, оковы, наручники): Mod.
koraŋ.
◊ KED 138.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term. PT and Korean re-
flect the common derivative *k῾alo-ŋV.
-k῾alVbV wild garlic, leek: Mong. *kalijar; Turk. *KAlba.
PMong. *kalijar wild garlic, leek (черемша): MMong. qalijarsun
(SH); WMong. qalijar (L 920); Kh. xaliar; Bur. xaĺār; Mongr. xarir (SM
163).
PTurk. *KAlba wild garlic, leek (черемша): OTurk. ? qalma ‘a k. of
food’ (Rach.); Khak. xalba; Shr. qalba; Oyr. qalma; Tv. xɨlba.
◊ VEWT 227. Cf. an OT (MK) Hapax keleb ‘a tender plant which grows in the Turks'
summer pastures and fattens livestock quickly’ (EDT 716), keleb-le- ‘to be covered by this
plant (of a mountain)’, for which cf. also Sak. kalarbä ‘a k. of plant, whose root is used in
medicine’ (Bailey 35). See also Стеблин-Каменский 1982, 77, comparing the Sak. form
with Pers., Tadzh. kalam ‘cabbage’ (> Turkm. kelem) - these all may be variously trans-
758 *k῾ăĺi - *k῾àmo
formed substratum loanwords, cf. also Greek krambǟ ‘cabbage, radish, rutabaga’ - accord-
ing to Frisk possibly < Pelasg.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. perhaps some other plant names:
Oyr., Tuva kɨlbɨš ‘бадан широколистный’; perhaps TM *xul- > Evk. uli
‘толокнянка’, xuletũ ‘назв. растения с целебным корнем’.
-k῾ăĺi napless skin, membrane: Tung. *xalukta; Mong. *kali-sun; Turk.
*keĺ.
PTung. *xalu-kta 1 membrane, dandruff 2 birch bark (1 мездра,
перхоть 2 береста): Evk. alukta 1; Evn. altъ 1; Neg. alta 1; Man. alχuwa
1, alan 2; Ork. χalụqta 1; Nan. χaloqta 1; Orch. alukta 1; Ud. alu, alukta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 33-34.
PMong. *kali-sun 1 skin, shell 2 thin skin on penis (1 шкура, скор-
лупа 2 кожица на половом члене): MMong. qalisu 1 (SH); WMong.
qalisu(n) 1 (L 920), qaldaɣan 2 (L 919: qaldaɣa ‘penis’); Kh. xaĺs 1; Bur.
xaĺha(n) 1; Kalm. xäĺsn 1, xaldəɣən 2; Ord. xalisu 1; Dag. xalis 1, (Тод.
Даг. 173) xalise; halise ‘thin skin, dandruff’, hajlese, hajse (MD 155, 156);
S.-Yugh. χaləsən 1; Mongr. xaliʒə (SM 151), xalsə 1.
◊ KW 162, MGCD 320. Cf. also *kalim, Kalm. xäĺm ‘bark, skin’ (KW 176).
PTurk. *keĺ 1 skin 2 gall between camel’s front legs (1 шкура 2 по-
тертость между передними ногами верблюда): Turkm. kešik 2; Tv.
ke’š 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 60-61 (joining this root with keš ‘quiver’ is hardly possible).
‖ Цинциус 1984, 82. A Western isogloss.
-k῾ằĺo reed, a k. of grass: Tung. *xalī-; Mong. *kal-; Turk. *KAĺak; Kor.
*kắr.
PTung. *xalī- bog, swamp (болото, болотная растительность):
Evk. alīkta ‘тальник (на гольцах)’, ‘поросль (на гари)’; Man. χali; Ork.
χālčị; Nan. χalõ.
◊ ТМС 1, 32, 461.
PMong. *kal- reed; feather-grass (тростник; ковыль): WMong.
qaltalǯi (MXTTT); Kh. xaltalǯ 1, ‘лапчатка шелковая’; Bur. xalaxan.
PTurk. *KAĺak bulrush, reedmace (камыш, рогоз): Karakh. qašaq
(MK); Kirgh. qašaq (VEWT), qašeq ‘aftergrass’.
◊ VEWT 240.
PKor. *kắr reed (тростник): MKor. kắr; Mod. kal.
◊ Nam 20, KED 42.
‖ EAS 110.
-k῾àmo to help, easy: Mong. *kim-da; Turk. *kömek; Jpn. *kàmàp-; Kor.
*kòmá-b-.
PMong. *kim-da easy, simple, cheap (легкий, простой, дешевый):
WMong. kimda (L 468); Kh. amd; Bur. ximda; Kalm. kimdə (КРС); Dag.
kiand (Тод. Даг. 148: ḱanda), kainde, kiande (MD 181); S.-Yugh. kəmdo.
 *k῾amo - *k῾no 759
◊ MGCD 352.
PTurk. *kömek help (помощь): Tur. kömek; Az. kömäk; Turkm.
kömek; Khal. kömɛk, kemɛk; MTurk. kömek (Pav. C.); Uzb. kụmɛk; Uygh.
kömɛk; Tat. kümɛk ‘collective, many people’; Bashk. kümɛk ‘collective,
many people’; Kirgh. kömök; Kum. kömek; Nogh. kömek; Yak. kömö; Dolg.
kömö.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 98-99, Stachowski 156.
PJpn. *kàmàp- to take care of, be concerned with (заботиться о):
OJpn. kamap-; MJpn. kàmàf-; Tok. kamá-; Kyo. kámá-; Kag. kàmà-.
◊ JLTT 703.
PKor. *kòmá-b- to be thankful, appreciate (быть благодарным, це-
нить): MKor. kómáp- (kómáw-); Mod. komap- (komaw-).
◊ Nam 47, KED 141.
‖ Turk. *kömek instead of the expected *komak under the influence of
the borrowed ömük ‘help’ (see *umu).
-k῾amo dung, faeces: Tung. *[x]amū-; Mong. *komu-; Turk. *Kom-.
PTung. *[x]amū- 1 faeces, dung 2 to defecate 3 snuff, thief (in a pipe)
(1 испражнения, кал, помет 2 испражняться 3 нагар (в трубке)):
Evk. amū-n 1, amū-n- 2; Evn. amụ 3; Neg. amụn 1, amụt- 2; Man. χamu 1,
χamu-ta- 2; SMan. hamə (100) 1, hamətə- (101) 2; Ul. amụ 1, amčị- 2; Ork.
amụ(n) 1, amụ- 2; Nan. amõ 1, am-čị- 2; Orch. amụ 1; Ud. amu- 1, amukta-
2; Sol. am 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 40. No doubt a common TM root, although phonology is extremely pecu-
liar. Initial *x- is indicated here by Manchu χ- (which is a facultative reflex of PTM *x-,
more often disappearing in Manchu) and supported by external evidence. If this is the
case, the Southern forms (Nanai, Orok and Ulcha) are to be explained as Northern (but
not Manchu!) loanwords.
PMong. *komu- horse dung (конский помет): MMong. qomaul (SH,
Козин); WMong. qomuɣul, qomul (L 961); Kh. xomōl; Kalm. xomāl.
◊ KW 184.
PTurk. *Kom- 1 horse dung 2 sheep dung balls 3 round, spheroid (1
конский помет 2 катышки овечьего помета 3 круглый, шарообраз-
ный): Karakh. qomuq 1 (MK); MTurk. qumal 3, qumalaɣ 2; Kaz. qumalaq
2.
◊ EDT 627, VEWT 299. Cf. also Chag. qombul ‘round knob’ (VEWT 279; the isolated
Kalm. qumbaji-, qumbiji- ‘sich zusammenballen’, see KW 196) may have a Turkic origin).
‖ A Western isogloss. PM *komu-gal < *kamu-gal, with a frequent
rounding before -u- in a polysyllabic form.
-k῾no match, other side: Tung. *xān-gi-; Mong. *kani; Turk. *Kon-; Jpn.
*kànàp-.
PTung. *xān-gi- other, other side (другой, другая сторона): Evn.
āŋịlị; Neg. aŋị-lị; Ul. χaŋGị-la; Ork. χaŋnē; Nan. χaŋGịa.
◊ ТМС 1, 46.
760 *k῾aŋa - *k῾ápa
PMong. *kani friend, mate (друг, товарищ, муж): MMong. qanilqa-
‘to compare’ (SH); WMong. qani (L 930); Kh. xań; Bur. xani; Kalm. xańi,
xäń; Ord. xani; Dag. xań, xani (Тод. Даг. 173); Mongr. xaniŋ ‘famille de
la femme’ (SM 157).
◊ KW 165, 177, MGCD 327. Mong. > Evk. kani etc. (ТМС 1, 372, Doerfer MT 132,
Rozycki 133), Shor qanai etc. (VEWT 230).
PTurk. *Kon- 1 neighbour 2 friend, guest (1 сосед 2 друг, гость):
OTurk. qonšɨ 1, qonaq 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. qošnɨ, qonšɨ ‘neighbour’,
qonuq ‘guest’ (MK); Tur. komšu 1; Gag. qomšu 1; Az. Gonšu 1; Turkm.
Goŋšɨ 1, Gonaq 2; MTurk. qonšɨ (AH), qošnɨ (MA) 1; Uzb. qụšni, qɔšni 1;
Uygh. qošna, xošna 1; Krm. qonšɨ 1; Kirgh. qoŋšu 1; KBalk. qonšu 1;
KKalp. qoŋsɨ 1; Kum. xonšu 1; Nogh. qoŋsɨ 1; Khak. xonǯɨx 1; Chuv.
xъₙna.
◊ VEWT 279, EDT 637, 640, ЭСТЯ 6, 56, 66-68. The word is considered to be derived
from *Kon- ‘to spend a night’ ( > Mong. qonu- id., KW 185; see Щербак 1997, 139, TMN 1,
420, 3, 530, ЭСТЯ 6, 55-56, EDT 632, Stachowski 152). However, further derivation of
*Kon- from *Ko- ‘to put’ (see TMN ibid.) seems highly improbable. External evidence
speaks rather in favour of the original meaning “guest, to visit (as a guest)’ ( < *’friend,
match’), whence “to spend a night, visit, stay” ( = Russ. гостить).
PJpn. *kànàp- to match (соответствовать, подходить): OJpn. ka-
nap-; MJpn. kànàf-; Tok. kaná-; Kyo. káná-; Kag. kaná-.
◊ JLTT 703. All forms point to *kànà-p- except Kagoshima ( < *káná-p-).
‖ Cf. *kna.
-k῾aŋa hair, long hair: Tung. *(x)aŋulī; Mong. *koŋgurčag; Jpn. *kàmì;
Kor. *k’úč.
PTung. *(x)aŋulī deer skin (with fading hair) (шкура оленя (с ли-
няющей шерстью)): Evk. aŋulī.
◊ ТМС 1, 46. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *koŋgurčag cluster, bunch (гроздь, кисть): WMong.
qoŋɣurčaɣ (L 962); Kh. xongorcog; Kalm. xoŋɣərcəɣ (КРС); Mongr.
xoŋGooG ‘gousse, silique, alveole (d’abeille)’ (SM 171).
◊ Cf. qoŋɣurčaɣ üsü ‘long hair, mane’.
PJpn. *kàmì hair (волосы): OJpn. kamji; MJpn. kàmì; Tok. kamí; Kyo.
kámì; Kag. kamí.
◊ JLTT 435.
PKor. *k’úč moustache, beard (усы, борода): MKor. kə’uč, k’ús.
◊ HMCH 205, Nam 35.
‖ Irregular low tone in MKor. (possibly due to contraction). Mong.
*koŋgurčag is a result of frequent labial attraction ( < *kaŋgurčag).
-k῾ápa to buy, pay back: Tung. *xab-; Jpn. *káp-; Kor. *kàph-.
PTung. *xab- 1 to buy 2 to complain, start a lawsuit (1 покупать 2
жаловаться, начинать судебное разбирательство): Man. χabša- 2; Ul.
χapsị- 2; Ork. χaw- 1, χapsị- 2; Nan. χapsị- 2.
 *k῾àpe - *k῾ăpra 761
◊ ТМС 1, 457, 459, 467.
PJpn. *káp- buy, (ex)change (покупать): OJpn. kap-; MJpn. káf-; Tok.
kà-; Kyo. ká-; Kag. ká-.
◊ JLTT 706. Cf. also *kápá-, *kápár- ‘change’.
PKor. *kàph- to compensate, pay back (компенсировать, отпла-
чивать): MKor. kàph-.
◊ HMCH 333.
‖ Martin 227. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *k῾èpu.
-k῾àpe strong, power; to swell: Tung. *xabu-l-; Mong. *kab-; Jpn. *kpà-.
PTung. *xabu-l- to swell (распухать): Evk. awul-; Evn. awụl-; Neg.
awụl-; Man. ajbi-; Ul. χaụlị-; Ork. χawlị-; Nan. χaolo-; Ud. auli-.
◊ ТМС 1,9. Cf. also Evk. kawirgačā ‘водянка (у оленя)’ (ТМС 1, 358).
PMong. *kab- 1 swelling 2 to swell 3 power (1 опухоль 2 распу-
хать, пухнуть 3 сила): MMong. qabu 3 (SH), qabar- 2 (MA); WMong.
qabuŋ 1 (L 895:) qabaŋ, qabaŋɣa, qabaŋɣu), qabad- 2 (L 900: qabud), qaba 3
(L 900: qabu, qaba); Kh. xavan 1, xavda- 2, xav 3; Bur. xabaŋ 1, xabda- 2;
Kalm. xawəŋ 1 xawdə- 2; Ord. xawaŋna- 2; Mog. ZM qābāt (5-6b) 1; Dag.
habede- (MD 154), xawda- (Тод. Даг. 172), xaū- 2, xaudal 1; Dong. qajatu-
2; Bao. χitə- 2; S.-Yugh. χabdar 1, χauda- 2; Mongr. xdi-, xawudi- 1 (SM
165, 166), (MGCD xaidə-).
◊ KW 158, TMN 1, 379-380, MGCD 312, 313.
PJpn. *kpà- hard, strong (твердый, сильный): OJpn. kopa-; MJpn.
kòfà-; Tok. kowá-; Kyo. kówà-; Kag. kowá-.
◊ JLTT 833.
‖ KW 158, Цинциус 1984, 79-80. The meaning “swell” is probably
secondary, under the influence of *gṓp῾e q.v. (in Mong. possibly also
under the influence of Turk. *Kāp- < *gṓp῾e); cf. also *kop῾e.
-k῾ăpra to scrape, rasp, plane: Tung. *xarpu- / *xarpi-; Mong. *kawra-;
Turk. *K(i)arba-.
PTung. *xarpu- / *xarpi- 1 to rasp, plane 2 plane, knife (1 строгать 2
нож (для строгания)): Neg. atpụgda 2; Ork. χalpịn- 1; Nan. χarpịčị- 1;
Orch. appili 2; Ud. afili 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 59.
PMong. *kawra- file (напильник): MMong. qūra (IM), qurai (MA
313); WMong. qaurai (L 946), qaɣurai (DO 371); Kh. xūraj; Bur. xūraj;
Kalm. xǖrǟ; Ord. xūrǟ; Dag. xaur-dāgu, (Тод. Даг. 175) xaura; S.-Yugh.
χūrī; Mongr. xrā- ‘se peler, s’écorcher’ (SM 184).
◊ KW 204, MGCD 380. Mong. > Man. χuwara (Rozycki 114).
PTurk. *K(i)arba- 1 to grope (for smth.) 2 to grasp (with hands or
teeth) 3 to swim (grope through water with hands and feet) 4 to rake
up (1 нащупывать 2 хватать (руками или зубами) 3 плавать (хва-
таться за воду руками и ногами) 4 сгребать): OTurk. qarva- (OUygh.)
762 *k῾pri - *k῾apV
1; Karakh. qarva- (MK) 1; Tur. kavra- 2; Turkm. Gabra- 2; MTurk. qarba-
(Qutb); Khak. xarba- 2; Shr. qarba- 2; Oyr. qarba- 2; Tv. qarban- 3; Yak.
xarbā- 2,3,4; Dolg. karbā- ‘to row, swim’.
◊ EDT 646, VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 302-303, Мудрак 103 (with a wrong attribution of
Tuva xɨr-). Despite Kał. MEJ 42, Stachowski 139, forms like Yak. xarbā- are hardly bor-
rowed < Mong. qarma- (on which see under *k῾aŕa).
‖ Poppe 17, 82. A Western isogloss.
-k῾pri fan, bellows: Tung. *xarpu-; Mong. *keɣürge; Turk. *kȫrü-; Kor.
*kūr-.
PTung. *xarpu- 1 to sweep 2 fan 3 broom (1 махать, подметать 2
веер, опахало 3 метла): Evk. arpul- 1, arpukī 2; Evn. arpakị 2; Neg. atpụ-
1, atpụxị 2; Man. arfuqu 2; Ul. χarpụ- 1, χarpụ 3; Ork. χarpụrị- 1, χarpụ 3;
Nan. χapolị- 1, χapol 3; Orch. appu- 1, appu(i) 3; Ud. akpu- 1, akpuŋku 2, 3;
Sol. arpuku 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 52.
PMong. *keɣürge bellows (меха): MMong. ku’urge, gūrege (SH),
keokeor ‘мех для вина’, keurge ῾мех для раздувания῾ (IM); WMong.
kegürge, kögerge (L 480); Kh. xȫrög; Bur. xȫrge; Kalm. kȫrəg; Dag. huruhe
(MD 167), xūrug.
◊ KW 243, MGCD 369. Mong. > Evk. kurge etc. (ТМС 1, 435-436), see Doerfer MT 18,
Rozycki 110.
PTurk. *kȫrü- 1 to use bellows 2 bellows (1 использовать меха 2
меха): Karakh. körük (MK) 2; Tur. körü- 1, körük 2; Gag. körük 2; Az.
körük 2; Turkm. kȫrik 2; MTurk. görük (IM), körük (MA, Pav. C.) 2; Uzb.
kölik (dial.) 2; Tat. kürek 2; Bashk. kürek 2; Kirgh. kȫrük 2; Kaz. körək 2;
KKalp. körək 2; Kum. körük 2; Nogh. körək 2; Khak. körək 2; Oyr. körük 2;
Tv. xörük 2; Yak. küört 2.
◊ VEWT 293, ЭСТЯ 5, 118, Лексика 414-415.
PKor. *kūr- to blow (дуть): MKor. kūr-.
◊ Nam 62.
‖ EAS 147, KW 243, Poppe 110 (but Kor. kurək ‘small sack’ is de-
rived < kur- ‘roll, wrap’ and does not belong here). Despite Щербак
1977, 128, the Mong. form is hard to explain as a Turkic loanword. Ir-
regular labialization in Turk. is probably caused by the simplification
of the cluster with labial -b-.
-k῾apV to bring close, rub against: Tung. *xab-; Mong. *kabi; Turk.
*Kab-.
PTung. *xab- to rub, wipe off (вытирать): Evk. aw-; Evn. aw-; Neg.
aw-; Ul. χāwụ-; Ork. χaw-; Nan. χao-; Orch. au-; Ud. au-.
◊ ТМС 1, 7.
 *k῾àp῾à - *k῾àp῾à 763

PMong. *kabi 1 close to, near 2 to touch, whet (1 близко 2 трогать,

точить): WMong. qabi 1, qabira- 2 (L 897, 898); Kh. xaỻ 1, xavira- 2; Bur.
xabār, xabada 1; Kalm. xäwə 1, xäwr- 2; Ord. xawā, xawā.
◊ KW 178, 179.
PTurk. *Kab- 1 to unite, bring together 2 be brought together (1
объединять, собирать 2 собираться): OTurk. qavɨr- 1 (OUygh.), qavɨš-
2 (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qavur- 1 (MK, KB), qavɨš- 2 (MK); Tur. kavuš-
2; Gag. qauš- 2; Az. Govuš- 2; Turkm. Govur- 1, Govuš- 2; MTurk. qavuš-
2 (Qutb, Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qɔwuš- 2; Uygh. dial. qavuš- 2; Krm. qavuš- 2;
Tat. qawɨš- 2; Bashk. qawɨš- 2; Kirgh. qōš- 2; Kaz. qawɨs- 2; KKalp. qawɨs-
2; Nogh. qawɨš- 2; SUygh. qawɨs- 2; Oyr. qabɨr- 1; Tv. xavɨr- 1; Tof. xabɨr-
1; Chuv. > Danube Bulg. koubraton ‘collector, unifier (of lands)’.
◊ VEWT 216, EDT 585, 588, ЭСТЯ 6, 14-16. OT also has quvra- ‘come together, as-
semble’, with a rather strange vocalism (see EDT 586 - but modern forms like qura- are
not related, being borrowed from Mong. qura-, qurija-).
‖ KW 178, 179, Цинциус 1984, 77-78. A Western isogloss.
-k῾àp῾à a k. of vessel, box: Tung. *xapsa; Mong. *kaɣurčag, *kajirčag;
Turk. *Kapɨrčak, *Kapsak; Jpn. *kàpì.
PTung. *xapsa 1 box 2 bag 3 delved boat (1 ящик, коробка 2 сумка
3 лодка-долбленка): Evk. awsa 1, 2; Evn. aws 2; Neg. awfsak 1; Man.
absa 1, 3; Nan. xapsio (On.) 1; Ork. χapsaw 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 9. Man. > Nan. aps, Oroch absa. The Orok form quite clearly shows PTM
*x-, so it is hardly probable that Mong. absa ‘coffin’ is borrowed from < Manchu) - despite
the widespread idea of TM < Mong. and Mong. < Turk. (see, e.g., Clark 1977, 148, Sinor
1995).
PMong. *kaɣurčag, *kajirčag small box, chest (маленький ящик):
WMong. qaɣurčaɣ, qajirčaɣ (L 914); Kh. xūrcag, xaircag; Bur. xūrcag ‘cof-
fin’; Kalm. xūrcəɣ ‘grosser Kasten’; Ord. xǟrčaG; Dong. xaʒɨ; S.-Yugh.
χairǯaG; Mongr. xāǯə.
◊ MGCD 317. Mong. > Oyr. qajirčaq etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 277-278.
PTurk. *Kapɨrčak, *Kapsak 1 box, coffin 2 basket (1 ящик, гроб 2
корзина): Karakh. qapɨrčaq 1,2 (MK); Tur. koburčuk, dial. kapurǯak 1,
dial. kabzak, kabsak 2; Turkm. Gapɨrǯaq 1; MTurk. qabɨrčaq (IM), qaburčuq
(AH); Chuv. > Hung. koporsó 1 (see Gombocz 1912).
◊ EDT 587, ЭСТЯ 5, 276-278. Tekin (1979, 127) cites Uygh. qapɨz ‘coffin’, but we were
unable to find the word either in Old or Mod. Uyghur. Perhaps he meant Karakh. xafsɨ
‘small box’ (MK, see EDT 587). Brockelmann derived the word from Lat. capsa through
Syr. qafsā, but a loan in Turkic < Syr. is not quite probable, and the word might well be
genuine. But modern forms: Tur. dial. kapsa ‘box, chest’, (CCum.) qapsa ‘box, coffin’ may
well be < Syr. (cf. ЭСТЯ 5, 277).
PJpn. *kàpì scoop, ladle, spoon (черпак, ложка): OJpn. kapji; MJpn.
kàfì.
◊ JLTT 433 (unjustly united with kapji ‘egg, shell’).
764 *k῾p῾à - *k῾āp῾a
‖ Владимирцов 206, Tekin 1979, 127. Despite a widespread point of
view (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 5, 277), Mong. can hardly be < Turk. The root (es-
pecially in the Turk.-Mong. area) is liable to mergers with *k῾ubu ‘cof-
fin’ and *k῾áp῾a ‘barrier’ q.v.
-k῾p῾à bark, skin: Tung. *xabda(-nsa); Mong. *kawda-; Turk. *Kāpuk;
Jpn. *kapa; Kor. *kàph- / *kph-.
PTung. *xabda(-nsa) leaf (лист): Evk. abdanna; Evn. ebdъnrъ; Neg.
abdana; Man. abdaxa / afaxa; SMan. afəhə (2137); Jurch. ha-[bxa] (119); Ul.
χabdata; Ork. xamdata; Nan. χabdata (Nkh.), χaftaca (Bik.); Orch. abdasa;
Ud. abdehä.
◊ ТМС 1, 5. Man. > Dag. abug, abuk ‘sheet (of paper)’ (Тод. Даг. 118).
PMong. *kawda- 1 bark 2 page (1 кора 2 страница): WMong. qau-
dasu, qaɣudasu(n) 2 (L 909); Kh. xūdas 2; Bur. xūdaha(n) 2; Kalm. xūdъsn
1; Ord. xūdasu 2.
◊ KW 201. Although later contaminations were possible, Mong. *kawda- can not be
explained as borrowed from Turk. qaɣad ‘paper’ ( < Arab.), despite Щербак 1997, 126.
Mong. > Man. xoušan etc., see Doerfer MT 142.
PTurk. *Kāpuk 1 bark (n.) 2 shell (1 кора 2 скорлупа): Karakh. qabɨq
(Tefs.) 1, 2; Tur. kabuk 1, 2; Gag. qap, qabɨ 1, 2 ‘external cover, covering’;
Az. GabɨG 1, 2; Turkm. GābɨG 1, 2; MTurk. qapuq 1 (MA, AH); Uzb. qɔbiq
1, 2; Uygh. qobuq (R, o-t) 1, 2; Krm. qabux 1, 2; Tat. qabɨq 1, 2; Bashk. qabɨq
1, 2; Kirgh. qabɨq 1, 2; Kaz. qabɨq 1, 2; KBalk. qabuq 1, 2; KKalp. qabɨq 1, 2;
Kum. qabuq 1, 2; Nogh. qabɨq 1, 2; Khak. xabɨx (Kach.) 1, 2; Shr. qabɨq 2;
Oyr. qabɨq 1, 2; Tv. xavɨq 2; Chuv. xobъ 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 234, TMN 3, 368-9, ЭСТЯ 5, 168, Лексика 107, Федотов 2, 358.
PJpn. *kapa skin, leather; bark (кожа; кора): OJpn. kapa; MJpn. kàfà;
Tok. kawá; Kyo. káwá ‘skin’, kàwá ‘leather’; Kag. kawá.
◊ JLTT 445. The tone opposition in Kyoto points to PJ *kápá ‘skin’ vs. *kàpà or *kàpá
‘leather’ (the RJ and Tokyo accentuation pointing to *kàpà, but Kyoto - to *kàpá).
PKor. *kàph- / *kph- 1 bark 2 skin (1 кора 2 кожа): MKor. kàphr,
kàphắr, kəpčir 1, 2; Mod. k:əpčil 1, k:aphɨl, k:əphɨl, k:əptegi 2.
◊ Nam 8, 38, KED 29, 89, 103.
‖ Martin 225, KW 201, Владимирцов 255, АПиПЯЯ 15, 38-39, 67,
92, 274, Лексика 107. Regular except for tone variation in Japanese,
possibly due to interaction of several similar PA roots (see *gébo, *k῾epa,
*k῾bu, *kèp῾i).
-k῾āp῾a ( ~ -i, -u) bladder, film: Tung. *xap-; Mong. *kabičak; Turk. *Kāp;
Kor. *kapo.
PTung. *xap- fish bladder (рыбий пузырь): Evk. kapata; Neg. āpị;
Ul. χāpa.
◊ ТМС 1, 11, 376. K- in Evk. is probably due to a contamination with *kepu- (v. sub
*kup῾e).
 *k῾ăp῾ù - *k῾ăp῾ù 765

PMong. *kabičak groin (пах): WMong. qabičaɣ (L 897); Kh. xaỻcag.

PTurk. *Kāp 1 caul 2 virgin’s hymen 3 scrotum 4 bladder 5 after-
birth (1 оболочка плода 2 девственная плева 3 мошонка 4 пузырь 5
послед): Karakh. qap (MK) 1, qapaq (MK) 2; Tat. qapčɨq 3, 4; Shr. qabɨčaq
1; Oyr. qapčɨq 3; Tv. xapčɨq 3; Chuv. köpček 5.
◊ EDT 578, 583; ЭСТЯ 5, 266-267 (the root should be probably distinguished from the
homonymous *Kāp ‘sack, cover’ q. v. sub *k[ā]p῾á).
PKor. *kapo fish bladder, (KED) sausage stuffed in a fish bladder
(рыбий пузырь): Mod. kabo.
◊ KED 18.
‖ One of several similar roots, actively interacting with each other -
see notes to *k῾[ā]p῾a ‘to cover’. Mong. *kabi-čak ‘groin’ is a result of sec-
ondary semantic development, probably < *’scrotum’ or ‘hymen’ (cf.
the meanings in Turkic).
-k῾ăp῾ù barrier: Tung. *xapki-; Mong. *kaɣa-; Turk. *Kap-; Jpn. *kupai.
PTung. *xapki- to block, partition (отгораживать, перегоражи-
вать, перегородка): Neg. apk; Ul. χaqpalị; Ork. χaqpē ~ χapqē; Nan.
χaqpị-; Ud. afikta.
◊ ТМС 1, 47.
PMong. *kaɣa- to hinder, close (закрывать): MMong. qa’a- (HY 17,
SH); WMong. qaɣa- (L 905); Kh. xā-; Bur. xā-; Kalm. xā- (КРС); Ord. xā-;
Dag. xā- (Тод. Даг. 172), hā- (MD 153); Dong. qa-; Bao. xā-; Mongr. xā-
(SM 145).
◊ MGCD 310, 311. Mong. > Evk. kā- etc. ; Mong. qaɣalɣa ‘door’ (MMong. xa’alqa, HY
16) > Tuva xālɣa etc., see TMN 1, 442, Doerfer MT 60-61; Rozycki 131.
PTurk. *Kap- 1 cover (n.) 2 gate, door 3 to close (1 крышка 2 воро-
та, дверь 3 закрывать): OTurk. qapaɣ, qapɨɣ (Orkh., OUygh.) 2, qapɣɨ
(Orkh.) 2, qapaq (OUygh.) 1, qap- 3; Karakh. qapuɣ (MK, KB), qapɣaq
(MK) 1, qapuɣ (MK) 2; Tur. kapak 1, kapɨ 2, kapa- 3, kap- 3; Az. GapaG 1,
Gapɨ 2, Gapa- 3; Turkm. Gapaq 1, Gapɨ 2, dial. Gap- 3; Sal. qāvu 2 (ССЯ);
MTurk. qabaɣ (Qutb.) 1, qapu (Houts., Pav. C.) 2, qabuɣ (Qutb.) 2; Uzb.
qɔpɛqɔq 1, qɔpqɛ 2, qɔplɛ- 3; Uygh. qap(q)aq 1, dial. qobuɣ 2, qapla- 3; Krm.
qabaq 2; Tat. dial. qapqaq 1, qapqa 2, qapla- 3; Bashk. qapqa 2, qapla- 3;
Kirgh. qapqaq 1, qapqa 2; Kaz. qaqpaq 1, qapɨ 2, qaqpa 2; KKalp. qaqpaq 1,
qapɨ 2, qaqpa 2; Kum. qapu 2, qabaq 2; Nogh. qapaq 1, qapɨ 2, qap(l)a- 3;
Khak. xaxpax 1; Shr. qabaq 1; Oyr. qaqpaq 1; Tv. qaqpaq 1; Chuv. xobъ 1,
xop(la)- 3; Yak. xappax 1; Dolg. kappaktā- ‘to cover’.
◊ VEWT 203, TMN 3, 369, ЭСТЯ 5, 160, 263-264, 274-275, Лексика 510, Федотов 2,
358-359, Stachowski 138 (there is also a variant *Kāp- - due to merger with another root
*Kāp-, v. sub *k[ā]p῾á; the meaning ‘cover’ here is probably secondary). Turk. > Mong.
qabqaɣ ‘cover’ (whence Evk. kapkak, see Doerfer MT 125), qabqa ‘gate’, see TMN 3, 371, 415,
Hung. kapu ‘gate’, see Gombocz 1912.
766 *k῾ap῾u - *k῾ap῾V
PJpn. *kupai fence to keep away animals (забор, предохра-няю-
щий от животных): OJpn. kupe.
‖ EAS 89-90, Владимирцов 208, ОСНЯ 1, 337, Цинциус 1984, 85.
Mong. qaɣa- is not < Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 133. See also notes to
PA *kábo.
-k῾ap῾u a stinging insect: Tung. *xapina(bu); Mong. *kubilǯagana; Turk.
*KApuŋ (?).
PTung. *xapina(bu) wasp, bee (оса, пчела): Ul. χapuna; Ork.
χapịnawụ(n); Orch. xapinu; Ud. afuna῾u (Корм. 209).
◊ ТМС 1, 462. Cf. also Evk. awawa ‘butterfly’ (ТМС 1, 8).
PMong. *kubilǯagana female tick (самка клеща): WMong.
qubilǯaɣana (L 978: cattle tick); Kh. xuvalʒ, xuvalʒgana, xuvilʒgana; Bur.
xubalza ‘tick’; Ord. xuwilǯaGana.
PTurk. *KApuŋ (?) bumble-bee (шмель): OTurk. qabuŋ (OUygh. -
Suv.).
◊ ДТС 399.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 85, Дыбо 9. A Western isogloss.
-k῾ap῾V to press, grasp: Tung. *xap-ki-; Mong. *kab-; Turk. *Kap-.
PTung. *xap-ki- to strangle, throttle (удушить, удавить): Evk. apki-;
Evn. apq-; Neg. apkụ-; Ork. χaqpị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 47.
PMong. *kab- 1 to pinch, squeeze, grasp; hold 2 to join, press to-
gether 3 flat (1 сжимать, хватать, держать 2 соединять, сдавливать 3
плоский): MMong. qabči- 1, qabataxai (HY 53), qabtaqai 3 (SH), qabči- 1,
qəbtaɣai 3 (MA 284, 285); WMong. qabči- (L 896); qabla- 1; qabsara- 2 (L
898: qabsu-, qabsur-, qabsura-); qabta- 3 (L 899); Kh. xavči-; xavsr- 2; xavt-
3; xavtgaj 3; Bur. xabša-; Kalm. xapčə-, xawšə-; xawl- 1; Ord. Gabči- 1, gǟb-
tǟgǟ 3, Gabtǟ- ‘be flat’; Dag. karči- 1 (Тод. Даг. 148), xawči- 1 (Тод. Даг.
172); kabtaǵē 3 (Тод. Даг. 148), kabečiē- 1, kabeteǵaj 3 (MD 181); Mongr.
xamā- ‘s’agacer (dents)’ (SM 153).
◊ KW 167, 174. qabči- may be a merger of *kab- and *kajiči (v. sub *kăp῾è). Mong. qabta-
> Evk. kapta- etc., see Doerfer MT 25-26; Mong. qabči- > Evk. kapči-, see ibid. 125; Mong.
qabčiɣur ‘tongs’ (despite Щербак 1997, 165, not < Turk.) > Evk. kapčur, Man. qabčixun, see
ibid. 127, Poppe 1966, 193, Rozycki 129; Mong. > Kirgh. qapčɨɣaj, qapčal etc., see ЭСТЯ 5,
273-274.
PTurk. *Kap- 1 to snatch, take 2 to bite (1 брать, хватать 2 кусать):
OTurk. qap- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qap- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. kap- 1,2;
Gag. qap- 1,2; Az. Gap- 1,2; Turkm. Gap- 1,2; MTurk. qap- (AH, IM, Pav.
C., Qutb) 1; Uzb. qɔp- 1,2; Uygh. qap- 1,2; Tat. qap- 1,2; Bashk. qap- 1,2;
Kirgh. qap- 1,2; Kaz. qap- 1,2; KBalk. qab- 1,2; KKalp. qap- 1,2; Nogh. qap-
1,2; Khak. xap- 1,2; Oyr. qap- 1,2; Tof. qa’p- ‘to grab with one’s mouth;
bite (of fish)’; Chuv. xɨp- 1,2; Yak. xap- 1,2.
 *k῾ăra - *k῾re 767
◊ VEWT 233, EDT 580, ЭСТЯ 5, 264-265, TMN 3, 373-374.
‖ KW 167, Poppe 43, ОСНЯ 1, 315, АПиПЯЯ 289 (but the Jpn. form
should be kept separate, see *k῾apa). A Western isogloss. The root is ex-
pressive and tends to contaminate with *kap῾e ‘to squeeze, pinch’ (q. v.),
as well as with *k῾épà ῾side’ (in Mong.: ‘to grasp’ > ‘press’ > ‘flatten,
flat’), but nevertheless reconstructable for PA (despite Doerfer’s doubts
in TMN 3, 374); borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite improbable, de-
spite Щербак 1997, 133.
-k῾ăra tide, ebb-tide, flood: Tung. *xarba; Mong. *kargi-; Turk. *KAr-;
Jpn. *kátà.
PTung. *xarba 1 shallow place, shoal 2 shallow 3 ebb, ebb-tide 4 to
become shallow (1 мель 2 мелкий 3 отлив, отмель 4 мелеть): Evk.
arba 1,2; Evn. arbatị 1; Neg. ajba- 4; Ul. χalba 2; Nan. χarba 1,2.
◊ ТМС 1, 49.
PMong. *kargi- overfall, waterfall (быстрина, перекат реки):
MMong. qarki ‘Strom, Lauf des Flusses’ (SH); WMong. qargi ‘rapids’,
qargil ‘shoal in a river’ (L 936); Kh. xargil; Bur. xarja; Kalm. xärgə.
◊ KW 177. Mong. > Evk. kargi, Man. χargi etc. (ТМС 1, 381, Doerfer MT 103, Rozycki
102); > Yak. xargɨ ‘show place’, Dolg. karg ‘show’ (Stachowski 139).
PTurk. *KAr- 1 to overflow 2 moat, ditch (1 переливаться через
край 2 канава): OTurk. qarɨm ~ qaram (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. qar- (MK) 1,
qarɨm (KB) 2; Tur. kar- (of water) ‘to pile up behind an obstacle’, dial.
karɨm 2; Az. Garɨm 2; Turkm. Garɨm 2; MTurk. qar- (IM) 1; Uzb. qārɨm
(dial.) 2; Uygh. qerim 2; KKalp. qarɨm 2; Shr. xaral; Oyr. qarantɨ ‘thawed
spot’; Tv. xarālča ‘ice-hole’.
◊ EDT 643, ЭСТЯ 5, 320.
PJpn. *kátà 1 tide, ebb-tide 2 beach, bay (1 отлив 2 залив, лагуна):
OJpn. kata 1; MJpn. kátà 1; Tok. kata 2.
◊ JLTT 442.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 86.
-k῾re edge: Tung. *xāri-; Mong. *kira; Turk. *Kɨr.
PTung. *xāri- border, hem (кайма, обшивка): Ul. χārịča; Nan. χāri-,
χāriča.
◊ ТМС 1, 371.
PMong. *kira edge, ridge (край, горный хребет): WMong. kira (L
470); Kh. ar; Bur. ara ‘гребень горы’; Kalm. kirə; Ord. kirā; Dag.
χarGaG, (Тод. Даг. 150) kira ‘mound’; Mongr. ćirē ‘bord, limite’ (SM
458).
◊ KW 232, MGCD 354. Mong. > Evk. kira etc. (ТМС 1, 397), see Doerfer MT 46.
PTurk. *Kɨr 1 isolated mountain 2 mountain top, mountain ridge 3
steppe, desert, level ground 4 edge (1 отдельно стоящая гора 2 вер-
шина горы, гребень горы, возвышенность 3 степь, пустыня, равни-
768 *k῾áru - *k῾aŕa
на 4 край): Karakh. qɨr 1 (MK, KB), ‘rising ground’ (IM,14 c.); Tur. kɨr 3;
Gag. qɨr 3; Turkm. Gɨr 3; MTurk. qɨr (Sangl.), qir (Pav. C.) 2, 3; Uzb. qir 2,
3, 4; Uygh. qir 3, 4; Krm. qɨr 3; Tat. qɨr 3, 4; Bashk. qɨr 3, 4; Kirgh. qɨr 2, 3;
Kaz. qɨr 2, 4; KBalk. qɨr 3; KKalp. qɨr 2, 4; Kum. qɨr 3; Nogh. qɨr 3; Khak.
xɨr 2, ‘roof’; Shr. qɨr; Oyr. qɨr 2, 3, 4; Chuv. xir 3; Yak. kɨrtas 2; kɨrdal ‘hill’;
Dolg. kɨrdal ‘hill’.
◊ EDT 641, VEWT 265, Лексика 95-96, ЭСТЯ 6, 225, Stachowski 169. Derived is PT
*Kɨran ‘edge, ridge’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 226); but note that modern forms like Turkm. Gɨra, Tuva
qɨra etc. are borrowed < Mong. kira.
‖ EAS 144, KW 232, Poppe 114, Дыбо 12, Лексика 96, TMN 3, 568,
ЭСТЯ 6, 226. A Western isogloss; in Turkic contaminating with the re-
flex of *giru q.v.
-k῾áru a k. of cloth: Tung. *xara-musa; Mong. *kormu-sun; Turk. *KArs;
Kor. *kòró.
PTung. *xara-musa thigh covers, stockings (наголенники, чулки):
Evk. aramus; Evn. armr; Neg. ajmos; Ork. χamụsa; Orch. am(u)su; Ud.
amuhi; Sol. aramuš.
◊ ТМС 1, 48. Evk. > Russ. Siber. aramúsɨ, aramúzɨ (pl.) (Аникин 92).
PMong. *kormu-sun thin silk kerchief (тонкий шелковый платок):
WMong. qormusun; Kalm. xorməsn.
◊ KW 188.
PTurk. *KArs a k. of upper clothes (вид верхней одежды): Karakh.
qars (MK); MTurk. qars (Pav. C.); Uygh. bel-qɛrs, qol-qɛrs; Kirgh. qars;
Oyr. qaris ‘a k. of textile’ (dial.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 312.
PKor. *kòró satin, ornamented silk (сатин, узорный шелк): MKor.
kòró.
◊ Nam 46.
‖ In Mong. cf. also qorgaj ‘brocade’ ( > Chag. qurgaj id.), which,
however, may be alternatively compared with PT *kürk ‘fur, fur coat’
(ЭСТЯ 5, 148-149).
-k῾aŕa ( ~ -u, -i) to scrape, grind, bite: Tung. *xar-kü-; Mong. *karu-; Turk.
*Kaŕ-; Kor. *kār-.
PTung. *xar-kü- 1 to bite 2 to sting (1 кусать 2 колоть, жалить):
Evk. arki- 2; Evn. arq- 2; Neg. ajkị- 2; Ul. χačo- 1, 2; Ork. χātụ-la- 2; Nan.
χajqo- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 51-52.
PMong. *karu-, *kar-ma- to rasp, plane; to rake up (скрести, стро-
гать; сгребать): WMong. qaru-, qar-ma- (L 940); Kh. xara-; Bur. xarxa
‘mole’; Kalm. xar-; Ord. xaru-, xarūl ‘plane’.
◊ KW 169.
 *k῾sa - *k῾ắsi 769

PTurk. *Kaŕ- 1 to dig 2 to scrape, scratch 3 plane (1 копать 2 скре-

сти, царапать 3 рубанок): OTurk. qaz- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qaz- (KB),
qazɨ- (MK) 1; Tur. kaz- 1,2, kazɨ- 2, kazaɣɨ 3; Gag. qaz- 1; Az. Gaz- 1,2,
Gazɨ- 1,2; Turkm. Gaz- 1, Gaza- 2; MTurk. qaz- (AH, Houts., MA, IM,
Pav. C.) 1, (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. qaz- 1, qazi- 1; Uygh. qaz- 1; Tat. qazɨ- 1;
Bashk. qaδɨ- 1; Kirgh. qaz- 1; Kaz. qaz- 1; KKalp. qaz- 1; Kum. qaz- 1;
Nogh. qazɨ- 1; Khak. dial. xas- 1; Shr. qas- 1; Oyr. qas- 1; Tv. qas- 1; Chuv.
xɨr- 2; Yak. xas- 1,2; Dolg. kas- 1.
◊ VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 185-186, Мудрак 103, Stachowski 140. Chuv. -ɨ- is not quite
clear here.
PKor. *kār- to plough; to grind, plane (пахать; скрести, растирать):
MKor. kār-; Mod. kal-.
◊ Liu 28, KED 43, 44.
‖ EAS 46, 111, KW 169, Цинциус 1984, 87. Cf. Old Koguryo *kaš
‘plough’ (thus in Miller 1979, 13; Lee has *kal; the isolated Manchu
χalχan ‘ploughshare’ may be < Kor.).
-k῾sa place between limbs: Tung. *xasa-kī; Mong. *kasa; Turk. *Ksɨk;
Kor. *kàsằm.
PTung. *xasa-kī wing (крыло): Evk. asakī; Evn. asịqị; Neg. asax;
Man. asχa; SMan. asəhə ‘wing, fin’ (2293); Ul. χasalị; Ork. χasa; Nan.
χasar; Orch. asi.
◊ ТМС 1, 54. TM > Dag. ačikī, ašikī (Тод. Даг. 122).
PMong. *kasa crotch (внутренняя сторона бедра): WMong. qasa
(МXTTT); Kh. xas; Bur. xahä (Barg.-Bur., DO 296); Ord. Gasa.
PTurk. *Ksɨk groin (пах): OTurk. qasɨɣ (OUygh.); Tur. kasɨk; Az.
GasɨG; Turkm. Gāsɨq; MTurk. qasɨq (IM, R - Vam.); Tat. qasɨq; Bashk.
qaϑɨq (dial.); Chuv. xɨza.
◊ VEWT 239, EDT 666, ЭСТЯ 5, 331-332, Мудрак Дисс. 179.
PKor. *kàsằm breast (грудь): MKor. kàsằm; Mod. kasɨm.
◊ Nam 5, KED 20.
‖ Closed * in Turkic is not clear.
-k῾ắsi to cut; piece: Tung. *(x)asu-; Mong. *kasu-; Turk. *kes-; Jpn.
*kínsú; Kor. *kàsk- / ksk-.
PTung. *(x)asu- 1 to chop, cut off 2 to bite (1 обрубать, отсекать 2
кусать): Evk. asu- 2; Man. asia- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 56.
PMong. *kasu- to cut off pieces, to adze, to diminish (срезать,
уменьшать, укорачивать): WMong. qasu- (L 942); Kh. xas-; Bur. xaha-;
Kalm. xas-; Ord. Gasu-.
◊ KW 171. Mong. > Evk. kasi- (ТМС 1, 382-383).
PTurk. *kes- to cut (резать): OTurk. kes- (Yenis.); Karakh. kes- (MK,
KB); Tur. kes-; Az. käs-; Turkm. kes-; Khal. käs-; MTurk. kes- (Abush.);
770 *k῾ăsi - *k῾ébá
Uzb. kes-; Uygh. kes-; Tat. kis-; Bashk. kiϑ-; Kirgh. kes-; Kaz. kes-; KBalk.
kes-; Kum. kes-; Khak. kis-; Shr. kes-; Oyr. kes-; Tv. ke’s-; Chuv. kas-; Yak.
kehē-.
◊ VEWT 257, ЭСТЯ 5, 55-57, 58. Turk. *kesek > WMong. keseg ‘piece, part’ (TMN 3,
596, Clark 1980, 39, Щербак 1997, 127).
PJpn. *kínsú scar (шрам, рана): OJpn. kjizu; MJpn. kízú; Tok. kìzu;
Kyo. kízú; Kag. kízù.
◊ JLTT 452.
PKor. *kàsk- / ksk- 1 to cut, trim 2 to break off (1 резать, подру-
бать 2 отламывать): MKor. kàsk- 1, ksk- 2; Mod. k:ak:- 1, k:ək:- 2.
◊ Nam 26, 27, 39, KED 35, 91.
‖ SKE 103 (Turk.-Kor.; despite TMN 3, 596, Kor. kəsk- is not a
“teleologische Sternchenform”). Cf. also Nan. (Bik.) kesi- ‘to cut out’ -
with quite inexplicable k- (a borrowing?). Reasons for prenasalization
in Jpn. are unclear (perhaps a suffixed form like *k῾ắsi-gu-n is reflected).
-k῾ăsi leash, trap, net: Tung. *xasu-; Turk. *kes-.
PTung. *xasu- 1 net, trap 2 to fish (1 сеть, ловушка 2 ловить рыбу):
Man. asu 1; SMan. asə 1 (664); Ul. χasčụ- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 464.
PTurk. *kes- 1 a k. of leash for domestic animals 2 chain, leash,
noose 3 sea knot (1 вид привязи для домашних животных 2 цепь,
привязь, петля 3 морской узел): Karakh. kesgük (MK) ‘collar’; Turkm.
kesmik 1; Kaz. keskek 1; Chuv. kasmъk 2, kazak 3.
◊ EDT 750, ЭСТЯ 5, 59. Deriving the root from kes- ‘cut’ is dubious semantically.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ásV thorn, thorny tree: Tung. *xasī-kta; Kor. *kàsắi.
PTung. *xasī-kta fir-tree (ель): Evk. asīkta; Evn. asta; Ul. χasta; Ork.
χasīqta; Nan. χasịkta; Orch. asikta; Ud. ahikta.
◊ ТМС 1, 56.
PKor. *kàsắi thorn (колючка): MKor. kàsắi; Mod. kasi.
◊ Nam 5, KED 21.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; cf. also Bur. xasuuri, xasuurgana,
xasuurha(n) ‘fir-tree’ ( < TM?).
-k῾ébá corpse: Tung. *(x)eburen; Mong. *keɣür; Turk. *gEbre; Jpn.
*kámpánái.
PTung. *(x)eburen corpse (труп): Man. ūren, oren, eoren.
◊ ТМС 2, 289-290. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
PMong. *keɣür corpse, dead body; cemetery (труп; кладбище):
WMong. keɣür (L 443); Kh. xǖr; Bur. xǖr; Kalm. kǖr, (КРС) kür; Ord. kǖr;
S.-Yugh. kǖr.
◊ KW 250, MGCD 395.
 *k῾ébà - *k῾ĕdò 771

PTurk. *gEbre 1 corpse 2 to die (of animals) (1 труп 2 дохнуть (о

животных)): Karakh. kövre ‘carrion’ (MK); Tur. geber-, (dial.) gevre- 2;
Gag. geber- 2; Az. gäbär- 2; Turkm. gövre 1; Krm. geber- 2; Oyr. qavraj-
‘истлевать, тлеть’ (Ашм. 6, 19) (?).
◊ VEWT 244, EDT 690, ЭСТЯ 3, 36. The root is confused here with *gēp- ‘to swell (of
belly), become pregnant’ (with which it indeed contaminates in Oghuz languages).
PJpn. *kámpánái corpse (труп): OJpn. kabane; MJpn. kábáné; Tok. ka-
bane.
◊ JLTT 431.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 124. In Turkic the root is preserved basically in
Oghuz languages; it obviously obtained initial *g- (*k- would be nor-
mally expected) under the double influence of *gēp- ‘to swell (of belly)’
and *gebre- ‘fragile’.
-k῾ébà river, bay: Tung. *xebe; Jpn. *kápà; Kor. *kái ( < *kabi).
PTung. *xebe- 1 bay 2 lake (1 залив 2 озеро): Evk. ewerēn 1; Neg.
ewejen 2; Ul. xewe(n) 2; Ork. xewere(n) 1; Nan. xewẽ 1, 2; Orch. ewe 1; Ud.
ewe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 436. Cf. also Ul. χawa(n) ‘bay’ (ТМС 1, 457).
PJpn. *kápà river (река): OJpn. kapa; MJpn. káfà; Tok. kawá; Kyo.
káwà; Kag. káwa.
◊ JLTT 445.
PKor. *kái ( < *kabi) inlet, estuary (бухта, устье реки): MKor. kái;
Mod. kä.
◊ Liu 33, KED 65.
‖ Martin 250 (Kor.-Jpn.). An Eastern isogloss. The irregular high
tone in MKor. may be due to contraction after the loss of *-b-. Cf. OT
(MK Ganǯaki) kevli ‘the mouth of a canal’ (EDT 689).
-k῾ĕdò wind, fog: Tung. *xedün; Mong. *küdeŋ; Turk. *Kad; Jpn. *kəti (~
-ua-).
PTung. *xedü-n wind (ветер): Evk. edin; Evn. edъn; Neg. edin; Man.
edun; SMan. udun (2052); Jurch. hedu-un (5); Ul. xedu(n); Ork. xedu(n);
Nan. xedu(n); Orch. edi(n); Ud. edi(n); Sol. edĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 438-439.
PMong. *küdeŋ fog, mist (туман): WMong. küdeŋ (L 497); Kh.
xüden; Kalm. küdŋ; Ord. küde, küdük.
◊ KW 244.
PTurk. *Kad wind, whirlwind (ветер, вихрь): Karakh. qaδ (MK);
Tur. kaj ‘rainy weather’; Turkm. Gaj; MTurk. qaj (AH, Pav. C., Abush.);
Kirgh. qajɨ- ‘to be frozen’; Khak. xas; Tv. xat, xadɨ- ‘to be frozen’; Tof. qat;
Yak. xatā- ‘to be cold in spring’.
◊ EDT 593, ЭСТЯ 5, 193-194, Лексика 46. Borrowing < Sam. *kacu ‘whirlwind’ is
hardly credible, despite Helimski 1995.
772 *k῾egVnV - *k῾ela
PJpn. *kəti (~ -ua-) East wind (восточный ветер): OJpn. k(w)oti;
MJpn. koti; Tok. kochi (arch.).
◊ JLTT 458.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 289, Дыбо 11.
-k῾egVnV nine: Tung. *xegün; Jpn. *kəkənə-.
PTung. *xegün nine (девять): Evk. jeɣin; Evn. ujun; Neg. ijeɣin; Man.
ujun; SMan. uin, ujun (2743); Ul. xuju(n); Ork. xuju(n); Nan. xujũ; Orch.
xuju(n); Ud. jeji; Sol. jegĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 352-353.
PJpn. *kəkənə- nine (девять): OJpn. kokono-; MJpn. kokono-; Tok.
kokóno-; Kyo. kókònò-; Kag. kòkònó-.
◊ JLTT 454. Accent is unclear, just as in all other numerals.
‖ Miller 1985, 143. An exact Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-k῾ḗja ( ~ -o) to slide, swim: Tung. *xeje-; Mong. *kajiba-; Turk. *Kāj-.
PTung. *xeje- 1 to sink 2 to float, flow (1 погружаться 2 плыть (по
течению)): Evk. eje- 1; Evn. ejēn- 2; Neg. ejē-n- 2; Man. eje- 2; SMan. ei-
‘to flow, to overflow’ (1807); Ul. xeje-n- 2; Ork. xeje-n- 2; Nan. xeje- 2;
Orch. eje- 2; Ud. eje- 2; Sol. eji- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 440-442.
PMong. *kajiba- to swim (of birds, animals) (плавать (о птицах,
животных)): WMong. qajiba- (L 911); Kh. xajva-; Bur. xajba 2; xajbalza-
‘идти мерно покачиваясь, ритмично колыхаться’; Kalm. xǟwə ‘oar’
(КРС).
PTurk. *Kāj- 1 to slide 2 to swim 3 skis (1 скользить 2 плавать 3
лыжи): Tur. kaj-, dial. kajp- 1; Turkm. Gāj- 1, 2; Kirgh. qajpɨ- 1; SUygh.
qaj- 2; Oyr. qaj- 1; Tv. xaj- 1; Yak. xajɨhar 3; Dolg. kańɨhar, kāńɨhar, xāhar 3.
◊ VEWT 233, ЭСТЯ 5, 197-198, Stachowski 137 (nasalization in Dolg. is unclear).
‖ A rather complicated Western isogloss. The TM form is compared
(in SKE 61-62, АПиПЯЯ 297) with Kor. hi- ‘swim’; this seems now du-
bious because of the apparent lack of development PA *k῾- > Kor. *h-.
The Korean word should rather be considered as having lost the initial
vowel (*hi- < *uhi-) and be derived < PA *uku q.v. On the other hand,
Evk. kajama, Orok qajama ‘bare (not fur-lined) skis’ are most probably
borrowed < Mong. qaiba ‘a k. of oar’ (or perhaps from some unattested
Yakut form, cf. the meaning ‘skis’ in Yak.?).
-k῾ela ( ~ -o, -u) a k. of small animal: Tung. *xel-; Mong. *kaliɣun; Turk.
*Keleŋü.
PTung. *xel- 1 bat 2 flying squirrel 3 swallow (1 летучая мышь 2
белка-летяга 3 ласточка): Evk. eldukī 1; Evn. elduki 2, 3; Ul. xele 1; Ork.
xelei 3; Nan. xelegdexĩ, xeregdepĩ 1; Orch. xelegduki 1; Ud. elugduge 1; Sol.
eligd 1.
 *k῾èlńí - *k῾éĺe 773
◊ ТМС 2, 446.
PMong. *kaliɣun 1 otter, beaver 2 brown, yellowish-brown (1 вы-
дра, бобер 2 коричневый, игрений): MMong. qali’un (HY 11), qali’un
(MA) 1, qali’un (SH) 2, kalbūn 2 (Lig.VMI); WMong. qaliɣun (L 919) 1;
Kh. xaĺūn 1, 2; Bur. xaĺūn 1, 2; Kalm. xǟĺǖn 1, 2; Ord. xaĺū 1, xaĺū(n) 2;
Dag. xalō, (Тод. Даг. 173) xalū 1; kalūr 2 (Тод. Даг. 148), halō (MD 156);
Mongr. xaliu.
◊ KW 177, MGCD 320. Mong. (also with the derived meaning ‘brown, yellow-
ish-brown’) > Man. kailun ‘brown (horse)’, χailun ‘otter’ etc., see TMN 1, 383, Doerfer MT
132, Rozycki 98, 130; > Kor. kariun (măr), see Lee 1958, 119.
PTurk. *Keleŋü field mouse (мышь-полевка): Karakh. kelegü
‘al-yarbū’ (MK); Tur. kelen(g)i, geleni, dial. gelenki; Uygh. keleŋü (IM);
Kirgh. kelemiš, keler, keles.
◊ VEWT 249, EDT 718, ЭСТЯ 5, 31, Лексика 181. The root is not widely attested (al-
though mentioned by MK), and may become confused with the root for ‘lizard’; in Turkic
dialects folk-etymologically influenced by gelin ‘bride’ (cf. also gelincek ‘weasel’, see
Цивьян 1979), which would explain voiced g- (irregular in the Altaic perspective).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾èlńí mortar: Tung. *xelńi; Turk. *kẹli; Jpn. *kìnái.
PTung. *xelńi mortar (ступка): Man. xeĺen; Ul. xeńi; Nan. xeńi ( >
Neg. xeńi).
◊ ТМС 1, 481.
PTurk. *kẹli mortar (ступка): Tur. keli (dial.); MTurk. keli; Uzb. keli
(dial.); Krm. keli; Tat. kile; Bashk. kile; KBalk. keli; Kum. keli; Chuv. kilə;
Yak. kelī.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 33. Cf. also such forms as Chuv. kiźep ‘tamper, pestle’ and Bashk. ki(l)sap,
kilϑap id. Turk. > Hung. kölyű, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kìnái pestle (пестик): OJpn. kjine; MJpn. kine; Tok. kíne; Kyo.
kìné; Kag. kiné.
◊ JLTT 450. The OJ variant kji probably reflects an early contraction < *k῾èlńí-gV.
‖ A common Altaic cultural term; despite the rare cluster *-lń- the
reconstruction appears reliable.
-k῾éĺe belt, waist: Tung. *xelgeńe; Turk. *keĺč; Jpn. *ksí.
PTung. *xelgeńe 1 waist 2 interval (1 поясница, талия 2 промежу-
ток): Evk. eŋeńē 1; Evn. eŋъń 1, ēlgъ 2; Neg. eŋeńē 1; Ul. xeŋgi 1; Ork.
χeŋgeje ‘armpit’.
◊ ТМС 2, 446, 458.
PTurk. *keĺč 1 belt 2 back, spine (1 пояс, ремень 2 спина, хребет):
OTurk. keš (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. keš ~ kiš (MK) 1; Kirgh. kešene ‘girdle’;
Chuv. kaźan 2.
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 752, MNT 1697, ЭСТЯ 5, 60-61. Sak. käša- ‘belt’ may be < Turkic
(Bailey 56 expresses doubts as to the phonetic regularity of its derivation from Proto-Iran.
774 *k῾ĺú - *k῾éma
*kaša ‘armpit’). The vowel may have been long - to judge from Turkm. kīšen ‘chain’
(which reflects a hybrid form between *kiĺe-n ‘fetters’, q. v. sub *k῾ìĺa, and *keĺč ‘belt’).
PJpn. *ksí waist (поясница): OJpn. kosi; MJpn. kósí; Tok. kòshi;
Kyo. kóshí; Kag. kóshi.
◊ JLTT 458.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 76, 289. Cf. also comments to *soga.
-k῾ĺú a small wild animal: Tung. *xeldegde ( -gǯe); Mong. *kerelǯegene;
Turk. *Küĺül; Jpn. *kùsá(m)pú.
PTung. *xelde-gde ( -gǯe) a k. of fox (лиса-крестовка): Neg.
xeldegde ( < South. Tung.); Ul. xeldegǯie(n); Ork. xeldegde, xeldekte; Nan.
xeldegǯẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 481.
PMong. *kerelǯegene field mouse (полевая мышь): WMong.
kerelǯegene (L 457); Kh. xerelʒgene.
PTurk. *Küĺül 1 rat 2 mole (1 крыса 2 крот): Tat. köšöl (dial.) 1;
Bashk. köšöl 1, 2; Khak. küzəl 2; Oyr. küžül 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 155. Turk. > Kalm. küšl (KW 248).
PJpn. *kùsá(m)pu hedgehog (еж): MJpn. kùsábú.
◊ JLTT 465.
‖ In Turkic one has to suppose vowel assimilation (*Küĺül < *Keĺül),
and in Mong. - a regular r/l metathesis ( < *keler-ǯegene). Cf. a number of
similar roots, with a possibility of contaminations: see *keru, *k῾ūĺa,
*kùti, *k῾ela.
-k῾éma a k. of reed or leek: Tung. *xeŋgukte; Mong. *kamgar; Turk.
*Kamɨĺ; Jpn. *kámá.
PTung. *xeŋgu-kte wild onion (дикий лук): Evk. uŋukte, eŋukte;
Evn. eŋut; Neg. eŋukte; Man. uŋge, eŋgule; Ul. xeǯikte; Nan. xeǯukte.
◊ ТМС 2, 280, 458.
PMong. *kamgar wild leek (дикий лук-порей): WMong. qamaɣar
(MXTTT); Kh. xamgar.
PTurk. *Kamɨĺ reed (тростник): OTurk. qamuš, qamɨš (OUygh.);
Karakh. qamɨš (MK, IM); Tur. kamɨš; Az. Gamɨš; Turkm. Gamɨš; MTurk.
qamɨš (Qutb, MA); Uzb. qɛmiš; Uygh. qomuš; Tat. qamɨš; Bashk. qamɨš;
Kirgh. qamɨš; Kaz. qamɨs; KBalk. qamiš; KKalp. qamɨs; Kum. qamuš;
Nogh. qamɨs; Khak. xamɨs; Oyr. qamɨš; Chuv. xъₙmъₙl ‘stalk of cereals’;
Yak. xamɨs, xomus.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 249-250, TMN 3, 517.
PJpn. *kámá reed (тростник): OJpn. kama; MJpn. kámá; Tok. kama.
◊ JLTT 431, 435 (there is also a variant *kámpá, probably secondary).
‖ Cf. *komga, *gaŋu, *kemV.
 *k῾èmá - *k῾ḗmŋV 775

-k῾èmá sharp, sharp tool: Tung. *xemer; Jpn. *kàmá.

PTung. *xemer 1 sharp 2 easy going (1 острый 2 легкий, легко
идущий): Evk. emer; Evn. emъr; Neg. emejigdi; Ul. xomburu(n) 2; Ork.
xemberu 1,2; Nan. xemberũ 2; Orch. xemberu 2; Ud. emei 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 453.
PJpn. *kàmá sickle (серп): OJpn. kama; MJpn. kàmá; Tok. káma; Kyo.
kàmá; Kag. kamá.
◊ JLTT 435.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-k῾èmì intestines; liver: Tung. *xemu-gde; Mong. *kim; Jpn. *kìmuà.
PTung. *xemu-gde 1 belly 2 intestines (1 живот 2 внутренности):
Evk. emugde 2; Evn. emdъ 2; Neg. emugde 1; Ul. xemde 1; Ork. xemugde 2;
Nan. xemde 1; Ud. emugde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 451.
PMong. *kim sausage, offal (колбаса, требуха): WMong. kima
(МXTTT); Kh. xim; Bur. xemneg ‘womb’.
PJpn. *kìmuà liver (печень): OJpn. kjimwo; MJpn. kìmò; Tok. kimó;
Kyo. kímò; Kag. kímò.
◊ JLTT 450. The Kagoshima tone is irregular.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 111, 276.
-k῾ḗmŋV wide: Tung. *xemŋe; Mong. *kem; Turk. *gēŋ.
PTung. *xemŋe wide (широкий): Evk. emŋe; Evn. emŋъ; Neg. emŋe;
Ul. xem, xum ‘all’; Ork. xemge; Orch. emme; Ud. eŋme; Sol. emme.
◊ ТМС 2, 450-1.
PMong. *kem limits, measure (мера, пределы): MMong. kem (SH);
WMong. kem (L 450); Kh. xem; Bur. xem; Kalm. kem; Ord. kem; Dag. kem
(Тод. Даг. 149), hemeǯē (MD 160).
◊ KW 224. Mong. > Oyr., Yak., Dolg. kem etc. (VEWT 250, Kał. VI 42, Stachowski 144),
Man. kemu(n) etc. (Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 137).
PTurk. *gēŋ wide (широкий): OTurk. kiŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. keŋ
(MK); Tur. gen; Az. gen; Turkm. gīŋ; Khal. kīeŋg; MTurk. kẹŋ (Sangl.,
Abush., Бор. Бад.), gẹŋ (Sangl.); Uzb. keŋ; Uygh. käŋ; Krm. keŋ, ken; Tat.
kiŋ; Bashk. kiŋ; Kirgh. keŋ; Kaz. keŋ; KBalk. keŋ; KKalp. keŋ; Kum. geŋ;
Nogh. keŋ; SUygh. keŋ; Shr. keŋ; Oyr. keŋ; Yak. kieŋ; Dolg. kieŋ.
◊ EDT 724-725, VEWT 253, EDT 724-725, ЭСТЯ 3, 46-47, Stachowski 147.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 125-126, Дыбо 12. A Western isogloss. In PT *k-
would be expected; initial voicing is probably due to the influence of
another Altaic root, *kŋi ‘empty’ (PT *geŋiŕ ‘nasal cavity’), cf. its re-
flexes in Mong. (keŋkeji- ‘be wide and empty’; Щербак 1997, 127 actu-
ally regards the latter as borrowed from Turkic - which is quite dubi-
ous; see TMN 3, 612-613).
776 *k῾ḗnVt῾a - *k῾ńó
-k῾ḗnVt῾a wall, wall mat: Tung. *xondari; Mong. *kana(n); Turk.
*K(i)ā(j)nat.
PTung. *xondari wall mat (циновка для стены): Neg. xondoj ( <
South.), , onara-wu ‘полка вдоль нар’; Ul. χondorị; Ork. χondorị; Nan.
χondorị.
◊ ТМС 1, 470, 2, 18.
PMong. *kana(n) section of yurt lattice wall, wall (секция решетча-
той стены юрты, стена): WMong. qana(n) (L 927); Kh. xana(n); Bur.
xana; Kalm. xanə; Ord. xana.
◊ KW 165. Mong. > Evk. kana etc., see Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki 101; > Khak. xana etc.,
see TMN 1, 416.
PTurk. *K(i)ā(j)nat flap (of door), wall (of yurt) (створка (двери),
стена (юрты)): Tur. kanat; Az. Ganat; Turkm. Gānat (dial.); MTurk.
qanat (Pav. C.); Uzb. qɛnɔt; Kirgh. qanat; Kaz. qanat; KKalp. qanat; Khak.
xanat; Oyr. qanat; Chuv. śonat ‘карниз, застреха’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 252-253, Лексика 504, Ашм. XII, 246. The root should be kept distinct
from *Kājnat ‘wing’.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic the root has merged with *Kājnat
‘wing’ (see under *kēńa); this homonymy may have influenced Mong.,
where the stem qana(n) occasionally means ‘wing, маховые перья’; but
Mong. hardly < Turk., despite TMN 1, 416. In Mong. one has to sup-
pose a reanalysis of *-t as a plural suffix.
-k῾eńo edge: Mong. *kajaɣa; Turk. *Kạń; Kor. *kń.
PMong. *kajaɣa edge (край): WMong. qajaɣa (L 915); Kh. xajā; Bur.
xajā; Kalm. xajā; Ord. xajā ‘lower part’.
◊ KW 161, TMN 1, 446.
PTurk. *Kạń edge, hem (край, кайма): OTurk. qaj (OUygh.)
‘cross-road’; Karakh. qajɨɣ (MK) ‘a place at an angle from the main
road’; Bashk. qajma; Khak. xaj; Oyr. qajɨr ‘steep, precipitous’; Tv. xaj
‘located sideways’; Chuv. xъju; Yak. kɨɨa (Пек.) ‘road on the edge of a
precipice’.
◊ VEWT 221, Федотов 2, 338. Doubts about the OT word see in EDT 674, 676, Clark
1977, 146.
PKor. *kń edge (край): MKor. kń; Mod. kā.
◊ Nam 28, KED 1.
‖ A derivative of the same root may be Mong. kiŋgan ‘mountain
ridge’.
-k῾ńó light, thin: Tung. *xeńü-; Mong. *köŋgen; Turk. *Keŋe-; Jpn.
*kmá-; Kor. *kắnắr-.
PTung. *xeńü- light (not heavy) (легкий (о весе)): Evk. eńī-mkūn,
eńum; Evn. ejim; Neg. eńimkun; Man. eni-xun; Ul. xeńu; Ork. xeńu-mi;
Nan. xeńu; Orch. xeńimi; Ud. enimese῾ (Корм. 314); Sol. enikk.
 *k῾éńo - *k῾eŋa 777
◊ ТМС 2, 455-456.
PMong. *köŋgen light (not heavy) (легкий (о весе)): MMong.
küaŋgan (HY 52), koŋgen (HYT), konkɛn (IM), kunkän (MA), koŋgele- ‘to
lighten’ (SH); WMong. köŋgen (L 489); Kh. xöŋgen; Bur. xüngen; Kalm.
küŋgn, göŋgn; Ord. köŋgön; Dag. xungen (Тод. Даг. 179), hungen (MD
166), xungēn; Dong. kongen, gongen; Bao. kuŋkaŋ; S.-Yugh. köŋgön;
Mongr. koŋgwən (SM 214), kuŋgon.
◊ KW 138, 246, MGCD 375.
PTurk. *Keŋe- easy, convenient; shallow (легкий, удобный; мел-
кий (о воде)): Karakh. keŋes (MK); MTurk. keŋes, keŋez (῾Ali), keŋez
(Houts.); Chuv. kanas ‘спокойный, бесхлопотный’; Yak. kenen ‘про-
стой, доверчивый, наивный’.
◊ EDT 734.
PJpn. *kmá- small, thin (мелкий, тонкий): MJpn. kòmáka-; Tok.
komaká-i; Kyo. kómákà-; Kag. komaká-.
◊ JLTT 455.
PKor. *kắnắr- thin, fine (тонкий, изящный): MKor. kắnắr-; Mod.
kanɨl-.
◊ Nam 9, KED 5.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 350, Цинциус 1984, 103. Mong. has secondary labializa-
tion (*köŋgen < *keńö-gen); depalatalization in Kor. is not quite clear.
Otherwise correspondences are regular.
-k῾éńo a k. of blade: Tung. *xeńe; Mong. *kaji-; Jpn. *káná-i; Kor. *kằńắi.
PTung. *xeńe dull side of blade (тупая сторона лезвия): Ul. xeńe.
◊ ТМС 1, 481.
PMong. *kaji- 1 to cut, hack 2 a k. of arrow 3 adze (1 резать, тесать
2 вид длинной стрелы 3 кайло): WMong. qaji- 1 (L 911), qaji-mur 2 (L
913); Bur. xaj- 1, xajlā 3.
PJpn. *káná-i metal (металл): OJpn. kane; MJpn. káné; Tok. kàne;
Kyo. káné; Kag. káne.
◊ JLTT 437. Final -a- can be seen in compounds like OJ kana-jumji, kana-ja etc.
PKor. *kằńắi scissors (ножницы): MKor. kằńắi; Mod. kawi.
◊ Nam 14, KED 23.
‖ One should also note Mong. qajiči ‘scissors’ - possibly a contami-
nation of this root with *kap῾e q.v.
-k῾eŋa spacious, free: Tung. *xeŋ-; Mong. *kaŋka-.
PTung. *xeŋ- 1 free 2 to walk out into open space (1 свободный 2
выходить на открытое пространство): Evk. eŋī- 2; Ul. xeŋgel(i) 1; Nan.
xeŋgel 1; Ud. eŋeǯi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 457, 458.
778 *k῾eŋV - *k῾épà
PMong. *kaŋka- spacious, empty (обширный, пустой): WMong.
qaŋqai (L 930); Kh. xanxaj; Bur. xanxaj- ‘зиять’; Kalm. xaŋɣā ‘big, giant’
(КРС); Ord. xaŋxä- ‘to be tall, big’.
◊ Mong. > Man. xaŋga etc., see Doerfer MT 144)
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, perhaps an expressive variant of *kŋi
q. v.
-k῾eŋV to be burnt: Tung. *xeŋ(-gu-); Mong. *keŋsi-.
PTung. *xeŋ(-gu-) to be burnt (подгореть, подгорелый): Evk.
eŋgurē-; Nan. xēŋgi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 457.
PMong. *keŋsi- 1 to have a burnt taste or smell 2 smell of burning (1
иметь запах, вкус подгорелого 2 запах подгорелого): WMong. keŋsi-
1, keŋsigün 2; Kh. xenši- 1, xenšǖ 2; Bur. xünšǖ 2; Kalm. küŋšǖn 2; Dag.
kunšun 2 (Тод. Даг. 151).
◊ KW 246. Mong. > Man. kuŋšun.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 110-111, АПиПЯЯ 11, 286. A Mong.-Tung. iso-
gloss.
-k῾èpà husk, shell: Mong. *kebe; Turk. *kebü-; Jpn. *kàpì.
PMong. *kebe husks, chaff (шелуха, мякина): WMong. kebe; Bur.
xebe; Kalm. kewə; S.-Yugh. kəwə ‘bran’.
◊ KW 229.
PTurk. *kebü- 1 straw 2 brushwood 3 rot, dandruff 4 to hull (1 со-
лома 2 хворост 3 гниль, перхоть 4 шелушить): OTurk. kevük, kövük 1;
Karakh. küviǯ ‘rotten heartwood’ (MK); Tur. kevik 1 (dial.) 1; Turkm.
kövze- 4; MTurk. kevük (AH) 1; Uzb. kȫzɛ- (dial.) 4; Tat. küzɛ- (dial.) 4;
Bashk. kewek 3, kü(j)δɛ- 4; Chuv. kъₙvajt 2.
◊ EDT 688 (but not < Sogd.), 689. Cf. also *köbŕe- (*kebŕe-?) ‘to hull, pound in a mortar’
(ЭСТЯ 5, 81, 82).
PJpn. *kàpì 1 egg 2 shell (1 яйцо 2 скорлупа): OJpn. kapjigwo 1,
kapji 1, 2; MJpn. kàfìgò 1, kàfì 1, 2; Tok. kái 2; Kyo. káì 2; Kag. kaí 2.
◊ JLTT 433. The Tokyo accent points to a variant *kàpí.
‖ Turk. > WMong. kebeg, whence Mongor kawaG (TMN 3, 580, Щер-
бак 1997, 127). One of several similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a, *k῾bu, *kèp῾i,
*gébo).
-k῾épà ( ~ -b-) side: Tung. *xebu-, *xebte; Mong. *kabta-su; Turk.
*Kaptal; Jpn. *kápá.
PTung. *xebu- 1 side 2 across, traverse, to the side (1 сторона 2 по-
перек, набок): Evk. ewunkī 2; Evn. ewunki 2, ewutle 1; Neg. ewunki 2;
Jurch. xe-bew 2 (603); Ul. xeundi 2; Ork. xeundei 2; Nan. xeunǯi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 435, 436.
PMong. *kabta-su side boards on saddle ( > folder) (боковые доски
на седле; папка): MMong. qabtasu ‘k. of board’ (MA 218, 295); WMong.
 *k῾èpù - *k῾p῾è 779

qabtasu (L 899); Kh. xavtas; Bur. xabtahan, xabtagaj; Kalm. xaptəsn; Ord.
Gabtasu; Dag. xartas, kartas (Тод. Даг. 174) karetese (MD 181).
◊ KW 167. Mong. > Orch. kaptasi, Man. χabta etc. (see Rozycki 96).
PTurk. *Kaptal side (бок): Turkm. Gapdal; MTurk. qaptal (R - ShS,
Vam.); Uzb. qɔptɔl; Uygh. qaptal; Bashk. qaptal; Kirgh. qaptal; Kaz. qaptal;
KKalp. qaptal; Oyr. qaptal; Yak. xaptal.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 267-268.
PJpn. *kápá side (сторона): Tok. kàwa; Kyo. káwá; Kag. káwa.
◊ JLTT 445.
‖ KW 167. In Mong., due to secondary contaminations, the root is
somewhat hard to distinguish from *k῾ap῾V ῾press, grasp’ q.v.
-k῾èpù to change, price: Mong. *kubil-; Turk. *Kẹbi-ĺč-; Jpn. *kupua-;
Kor. *káps.
PMong. *kubil- to change (изменяться): WMong. qubil- (L 977); Kh.
xuvila-; Bur. xubil-; Kalm. xüwl- (КРС); Ord. xuwil-; Dag. xobili- (Тод.
Даг. 176), hobili- (MD 162).
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qubul- etc. (see ЭСТЯ 6, 96-98); Yak., Dolg. kubuluj- (Kał. MEJ 104,
Stachowski 159); > Manchu kūbuli- id. (see Rozycki 148).
PTurk. *Kẹbi-ĺč- 1 a gift of food to someone who comes to stack the
crop after the fields are clear 2 harvest tax in favour of the poor or the
clergy 3 debt (1 пищевой подарок тому, кто приходит складывать
хлеб в скирды после того, как поля убраны 2 отчисление с урожая
в пользу бедных или духовенства 3 долг): Karakh. kevšeŋ (MK;
spelled kfsŋ) 1; Uzb. kapsan 2; Uygh. käpsän 2; Kirgh. kepsen, kesmen 1;
Kaz. kewsen 1; Chuv. kivźen 3;
◊ Мудрак Дисс.. 89, EDT 585, 691, Федотов 1, 290-291. Turk. > Pers. kafsan ‘harvest
tax for the clergy and administration’; most modern forms may in fact have been bor-
rowed back < Pers., but the Chuv. form can hardly be separated from the one attested in
MK. The theory of its being borrowed from Mong. kölüsün (see Rona-Tas 1988) can be
hardly justified. However, Hung. kölczön, indeed, has most probably a Mong. source and
is not related to the words above.
PJpn. *kupua- profit (выгода, прибыль): OJpn. kup(w)o-sa.
PKor. *káps price (цена): MKor. káps; Mod. kap [kaps].
◊ Nam 24, KED 57.
‖ Cf. *k῾ápa (with a possibility of mergers).
-k῾p῾è to dry out, become fragile; to break: Tung. *xep-; Mong. *kewü-;
Turk. *kep(i)-; Jpn. *kp-.
PTung. *xepe/u- to break, destroy (ломать, разбивать): Evk. ew-;
Man. efule-, efele-; SMan. efelə (1660); Nan. xepu-li-.
◊ ТМС 2, 434.
PMong. *kewü- to break, be fragile (ломаться, разрываться, быть
хрупким): WMong. keüre- (L 462), keül-; Kh. xǖre-; Bur. xǖrxej ‘хруп-
кий, ломкий’; Kalm. kǖl-; Ord. kǖregši- ‘to become fragile’.
780 *k῾p῾ó - *k῾ep῾orV
◊ KW 249.
PTurk. *kep(i)- 1 to dry out 2 to extinguish, disappear (1 высыхать 2
исчезать, пропадать): Karakh. kepi- ( ~ kebi-) (MK) 1; Turkm. kep- 1;
Uzb. kɛp- 1, kɛbi- (dial.) 2; Tat. kip- 1; Bashk. kip- 1; Kirgh. kep- 1; Kaz.
kep- 1; KKalp. kep- 1; Kum. kep- 1, kebi- 2; Nogh. kep- 1; Tv. kep- 1; Yak.
kep- ‘to pound, demolish’; Dolg. kep- ‘to push’.
◊ EDT 687, ЭСТЯ 5, 45-46, Stachowski 145 (but the Yak. and Dolg. forms hardly to
*gēb- ‘chew’).
PJpn. *kp- to break (ломать(ся)): OJpn. k(w)op(w)or-, k(w)op(w)ot-;
MJpn. kòfòr-, kòfòt-; Tok. kobot-, kowaré-, kowás-; Kyo. kówáré-, kówás-;
Kag. kòwàrè-, kòwàs-.
◊ JLTT 710, 714.
‖ Cf. *kăpi (with possible contaminations).
-k῾p῾ó to become wet, sprinkle, overflow: Tung. *xep-; Mong. *kajila-;
Jpn. *kmpra-.
PTung. *xep- 1 to sprinkle 2 to get wet (1 брызгать 2 намокать):
Evk. epe-, epti- 1; Evn. eb- 1,2, ēpte- 1; Neg. epti- 1; Man. ebe- 2; Ork.
xepičči- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 459-460.
PMong. *kajila- to melt (таять; плавиться): WMong. kajil-; Kh. xajl-;
Bur. xajla-; Kalm. xǟl-; Ord. xǟl-; Dag. hajle- MD 155.
◊ KW 179.
PJpn. *kmpra- to overflow (проливаться, расплескиваться):
MJpn. kòbòra-; Tok. koboréru; Kyo. kóbóré-; Kag. kòbòrè-.
◊ JLTT 711.
‖ In Mong. secondary contaminations with *kajira- ‘burn, roast’
were possible.
-k῾ep῾orV curved bone: Tung. *xebti-; Mong. *kabir-; Turk. *KApur-;
Jpn. *km(p)ùrá (~-ua-); Kor. *kùprŋ.
PTung. *xebti- rib (ребро): Evk. ewtilē; Evn. ewutle; Neg. ewtile;
Man. ebči; SMan. efəči (84); Ul. xeuntile, xeuptile; Ork. xewčile; Nan. xeu-
čile; Orch. eutile, eutule; Ud. euntile; Sol. ȫtelē.
◊ ТМС 2, 435. Should be distinguished from *xebte ‘lung’.
PMong. *kabir- rib (ребро): MMong. qabusun ‘chest’ (HY 47), gerün
xabusun ‘veranda, porch’ (HY 16), qabirxa (HY 47), qabirqa (SH), qabirɣă
(MA); WMong. qabirɣa(n), qabisu(n) (L 898); Kh. xavirga, xavis; Bur.
xabirga, xabha(n); Kalm. xäwrɣə, xawsn; Ord. xawirGa ‘edge, bank, flank’;
Mog. qoburɣa; ZM qaborɣa (3-2b) ‘side, flank’; Dag. xabirga (Тод. Даг.
172), haberihe (MD 154), xabirəg; Dong. qaruGa (MGCD qaruɣa); Bao.
χalGə; S.-Yugh. χarʁuo; Mongr. xawuʒə (SM 166), (MGCD xairʒə).
◊ MGCD 313, KW 178-179, TMN 1, 392.
 *k῾er[o] - *k῾ēro 781

PTurk. *KApur- rib (ребро): OTurk. qabar (Et-Tuhf); Tur. kabur

(dial.) ‘a piece of tin or leather for fixing cracks’; Turkm. GapɨrGa; Uzb.
qɛbɨz (dial.) ‘armpit’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 275-276. Щербак (1997, 207) regards the word as a Mong. loanword,
which is hardly the case (although numerous forms like Chag. qaburɣa etc. may indeed
have a Mong. origin, see TMN 1, 392).
PJpn. *km(p)ùrá (~-ua-) calf (of leg) (икра (ноги)): MJpn. kòmùrá,
kobura; Tok. kòmura, kómura; Kyo. kómùrà; Kag. komúra.
◊ JLTT 456. Tonal correspondences are not quite clear.
PKor. *kùprŋ elbow (локоть): MKor. phằr-kùprŋ; Mod. phal-k:up.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1736.
‖ Turk. forms may be < Mong. Note that the TM forms have nothing
to do with Mong. ebčeɣün ‘breast bone’, despite Doerfer MT 20, Rozycki
65. The word probably had the original meaning ‘rib’, preserved in
Western languages; the Korean and Japanese forms cannot be kept
apart, but they deserve special comment: in both languages the root
was naturally influenced by the reflexes of *kŏp῾é ‘bend’ (q.v.); the Japa-
nese form is also aberrant accentologically, shows rather *-m- than *-p-
- and may in fact be a merger of the present root with PA *k῾ome ‘mar-
row’.
-k῾er[o] frog, toad: Tung. *xerekī; Turk. *Kɨr-bāka / *Kur-; Kor.
*kòr’oàŋ’í.
PTung. *xerekī frog (лягушка): Evk. erekī; Evn. eriki; Neg. ejexī;
Man. erxe; Ul. xere, xereke; Ork. xere; Nan. xere; Orch. ēki; Ud. ēxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 466-467.
PTurk. *Kɨr-bāka / *Kur- 1 toad 2 frog (1 жаба 2 лягушка): Karakh.
qur-baqa (MK) 1; Turkm. Gur-bāGa 2; MTurk. qur-baɣa 1; Tat. qɨr-baqa 1;
Kirgh. qur-baqa 1; Kaz. qur-baqa 2.
◊ Лексика 180.
PKor. *kòr’oàŋ’í snail (улитка): MKor. kòr’oàŋ’í.
◊ Nam 51.
‖ An expressive root with not quite regular correspondences.
-k῾ēro to shout, speak: Tung. *xērī-; Mong. *kara/ija-; Turk. *Kạrga-; Jpn.
*kátár-.
PTung. *xērī- to shout, call (кричать, звать): Evk. ērī-; Evn. ēri-;
Neg. ējī-; Jurch. xeRse-be ‘language’ (762); Ul. xēr-si-; Nan. xēr-si-; Sol.
ērī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 464.
PMong. *kara/ija- to curse (ругать): WMong. qarija- (L 938), qaraɣa-;
Kh. xarā-; Bur. xarā-; Kalm. xarā- (КРС); Ord. xarā-; Dag. xarā-, karā-
(Тод. Даг. 174); harā- (MD 156); Dong. qara-; Bao. χəra-; Mongr. xarā-
(SM 159).
782 *k῾erV - *k῾éŕà
◊ MGCD 330.
PTurk. *Kạrga- to swear, curse (ругать, проклинать): OTurk.
qarɣan- (recipr.) (OUygh.); Karakh. qarɣa-, qɨrɣa- (MK, KB); Turkm.
GarGa-; MTurk. qarɣa- (Qutb, Abush.); Uzb. qɛrɣɛ-; Uygh. qa(r)ɣa-; Tat.
qarɣa-; Bashk. qarɣa-; Kirgh. qarɣa-; Kaz. qarɣa-; KKalp. qarɣa-; Kum.
qarɣa-; Nogh. qarɣa-; Khak. xarɣa-; Oyr. qarɣa-; Tv. qarɣa-; Tof. qarɣa-;
Chuv. xъrrъn (Adv.) ‘angrily’; Yak. kɨrā-; Dolg. kɨrā-.
◊ EDT 655, VEWT 237, ЭСТЯ 5, 304-305, Stachowski 169.
PJpn. *kátár- to speak, tell (говорить, рассказывать): OJpn. katar-;
MJpn. kátár-; Tok. kàtar-; Kyo. kátár-; Kag. katár-.
◊ JLTT 705.
‖ Владимирцов 201. Despite Щербак 1997, 134, the Mong. form is
hardly borrowed from Turkic. Jpn. has an irregular high tone. On a
possible Korean parallel see under *k῾ăli.
-k῾erV ( ~ -ŕ-) to go round, walk round: Tung. *xerē-; Mong. *kere-,
*kerü-.
PTung. *xerē- 1 around 2 to walk around, turn around (1 вокруг 2
ходить вокруг, поворачиваться): Evk. erēlī 1; Evn. erъl- 2; Neg. ejēl- 2;
Ul. xereli- 2; Ork. xereli- 2, xere-li 1; Nan. xeri- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 467.
PMong. *kere-, *kerü- to roam, wander (бродить): WMong. kere-,
kerü- (L 458); Kh. xere-; Ord. kere-, kerü-.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 127-128. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾éŕà bark: Tung. *xerekte; Mong. *kajir(a)-; Turk. *Kaŕ, *Kaŕ-dɨŕ; Jpn.
*kárà.
PTung. *xerekte skin (кожа): Evk. erekte ‘skin, bark’; Evn. ertъ; Neg.
ejekte; Ul. xerekte; Ork. xerekte; Nan. xerekte; Orch. ēkte.
◊ Formally - a derivative from PTM *xere- ‘to skin’ (reflected in Ul. xere-); see ТМС 2,
467.
PMong. *kajir(a)- scales, hard bark (чешуя, твердая кора):
MMong. kairsun (HY 15); WMong. qajir(a)-su(n) (L 914); Kh. xajrs; Kalm.
xǟrsn; Ord. xǟrsu, xǟrsa.
◊ KW 180.
PTurk. *Kaŕ, *Kaŕ-dɨŕ 1 bark 2 scales 3 dandruff 4 to peel bark 5 to
husk nuts (1 кора 2 чешуя 3 перхоть 4 сдирать кору 5 лущить оре-
хи): OTurk. qadɨz 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qaz, qaδɨz 1 (MK); Uzb. qazɣɔq 3;
Tat. qajrɨ 1, dial. qajɨz 1; qajɨzla- 4; Bashk. qajrɨ, dial. qajɨδ; Kaz. qajɨzɣaq 3;
KKalp. qajɨzɣaq 3; Nogh. qajɨzɣaq 3; SUygh. qazdɨq 1; Khak. xastɨrɨx 1; Tv.
qazɨrɨq 2, qazɨ- 4; Tof. qa’s- 5; Chuv. xujъr 1; Yak. qatɨrɨk 1; xastā- ‘to skin’;
Dolg. kastā- ‘to skin’.
◊ VEWT 218, 243, EDT 608, 665, ЭСТЯ 5, 211-212, 328, Федотов 2, 352, Лексика 107.
The original form here is *Kaŕ; a suffixed form was *Kaŕdɨ(ŕ), later simplified to *Kadɨŕ.
 *k῾ŕo - *k῾ĕsa 783
This can be clearly seen from forms like SUygh. and Khak. Another possible explanation
could be an early dissimilation (*Kaŕ-ɨŕ > *Kadɨŕ = *Kaδɨŕ, or already after the zetacism,
*Kazɨz > *Kaδɨz). There is some confusion between *Kaŕ and *Kas, *Kasuk in Old Turkic,
but MK definitely spells the word as qaz.
PJpn. *kárà shell (скорлупа): MJpn. kárà; Tok. kará; Kyo. kàrá; Kag.
kára.
◊ JLTT 438. The Kyoto accent is aberrant (*kárà would be expected).
‖ Miller 1975, 157-72, 1985, 151, АПиПЯЯ 38, 80, 285, Лексика 107.
The Mong. word belongs here with high probability, although medial
-j- is not quite clear: the form is perhaps a dissimilation < *kari-ra- (a
similar process *-lVl- > -jVl- is widely spread).
-k῾ŕo to remunerate, repay: Tung. *xeri-; Mong. *kerig; Turk. *Kaŕgan-;
Jpn. *kt-pk-.
PTung. *xeri- 1 price 2 wake, ritual celebration (after death) 3 pay-
ment to a judge (1 цена, стоимость 2 период выполнения церемони-
ального обряда (после смерти) 3 плата судье): Evn. ēri 1; Nan. xergẽ
2, xerū (On.) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 482, 2, 464.
PMong. *kerig miserly (скупой): WMong. kerig, kireg, kirig (L 471);
Kh. xereg.
PTurk. *Kaŕgan- to earn wages by labour, to gain profits by trade,
to strive for success (приобретать, хранить, выигрывать): OTurk.
qazɣan- (Orkh., Yeniss., OUygh.); Karakh. qazɣan- (MK, KB); Tur. kazan-;
Gag. qazan-; Az. Gazan-; Turkm. Gazan-; MTurk. qazan- (Sangl., Houts.,
Ettuhf., IM, Pav. C., MA), Kypch. qazan- (CCum.); Uygh. qazan-; Tat.
qazan-; Bashk. qazan-; Kum. qazan-; Nogh. qazan-; Chuv. xъrɣъn ‘скупец,
скряга, скаред’; Yak. xahān-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 188-189.
PJpn. *kt-pk- to celebrate (поздравлять, праздновать): OJpn.
kotop(w)ok-; MJpn. kotofog-; Tok. kotohóg-, kotobuk-; Kyo. kótóhóg-; Kag.
kòtòhòg-.
◊ JLTT 713.
‖ Note a rare case of Jpn. -t- < *-ŕ- before -ə-; this should be probably
explained by an early vowel assimilation: *ktpk- < *ktùpk- (cf. also
another attested variant, *ktpùk-).
-k῾ĕsa ( ~ -o) spool, spool string: Tung. *xesi-; Turk. *K(i)as-; Jpn. *kasai.
PTung. *xesi-n string in net edge (веревка, стягивающая сеть):
Man. xešen ‘edge (of net etc.)’; SMan. xešən, xesən ‘brim; strap’ (2606);
Ul. xesi(n); Nan. xesĩ; Orch. xesi(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 483.
PTurk. *K(i)as- 1 to constrict, tighten 2 brace joining the wheel hoop
and its wooden part 3 block, tambour 4 iron hoop on a cask (1 затяги-
784 *k῾ta - *k῾ta
вать, стягивать 2 скоба, соединяющая обод колеса и его деревян-
ную часть 3 шкив, пяльцы 4 железный обод на бочке): Tur. kas- 1;
Az. GasnaG, GasaG 3; Turkm. Gas- 1, Gasŋaq 2; Uzb. qasnɔɣ (dial.) 2;
Uygh. qasa- 1, qasqan ‘hoop of a tambourine’; Kirgh. qasas- 1, qasqan 4;
KKalp. qasnaq 2; Nogh. qasnaq 2; Khak. xas- (Sag., Koib.) ‘to place the
halter on the saddle bow’; Oyr. qasta- 1; Tv. qa῾sta- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 329-330.
PJpn. *kasai spool, tool for spinning, spool string (катушка, инст-
румент для наматывания, нить из катушки): OJpn. kase, kasep(j)i;
MJpn. kase; Tok. kase.
◊ JLTT 441.
‖ Martin (JLTT 441) unites Jpn. kase ‘spool’ and kase ‘fetters, shack-
les’; the two words, however, are clearly opposed in OJ and seem to
have quite different Altaic origin (on *kàsi ‘fetters’ see under PA *k῾ìĺa).
PJ *kasai ‘spool’ surely cannot be separated from PT *K(i)as- ‘hoop,
hoop brace’; the attribution of PTM *xesi- is less secure: it can belong
here if we suppose a semantic development ‘spool’ > ‘spool string’ >
‘string in net’.
-k῾ta to overcome, contend: Tung. *xete-; Mong. *kadagala-; Turk.
*Katar-; Jpn. *kàt-.
PTung. *xete- 1 to overcome, win 2 to be stubborn, contend 3 to ful-
fil, accomplish (1 преодолевать, побеждать 2 быть упрямым, состя-
заться 3 выполнять, совершать): Evk. ete- 3; Evn. et- 1; Neg. etiče- 2,
ete- 3; Man. ete- 1; SMan. etə- ‘to win’ (803); Jurch. hete-xe (794) 1; Ul.
xete- 1; Ork. xete- 1; Nan. xete- 1; Orch. ete- 1; Ud. ete- 1; Sol. ete- 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 470. TM > Dag. ete- (Тод. Даг. 141).
PMong. *kadagala- to preserve, keep in confinement (хранить, со-
хранять, держать в заключении): WMong. qadaɣala- (L 902); Kh.
xadgala-; Bur. xadagal-; Kalm. xadəɣl-; Ord. xadaGala-; Dag. xadaglā-;
S.-Yugh. GadaGla-.
◊ KW 158, MGCD 315.
PTurk. *Katar- 1 to turn (a horse) back, preventing it from going; to
turn (the enemy) back 2 to drive, pursue 3 to pasture 4 to keep watch 5
to wait (1 поворачивать (лошадь) вспять; обращать врага в бегство 2
гнать, преследовать 3 пасти 4 наблюдать 5 ждать): Karakh. qatar-
(MK) 1; Tur. katarla-, katala- (dial.) 2; Khak. xadar- 3,4,5; Shr. qadar- 3,4,5;
Oyr. qadar- 3,4,5; Tv. qadar- 3,4,5.
◊ EDT 604, ЭСТЯ 5, 337.
PJpn. *kàt- to win, overcome (побеждать): OJpn. kat-; MJpn. kàt-;
Tok. kát-; Kyo. kàt-; Kag. kàt-.
◊ JLTT 706.
‖ Martin 1996, 75 (Jpn.-TM).
 *k῾et[o] - *k῾ét῾ò 785

-k῾et[o] to tear apart, rip: Tung. *xetü-; Mong. *kadu-; Turk. *Kotar-.
PTung. *xetü- to tear apart (разрывать): Evk. eti-; Evn. eted-; Ul.
xetu-li-; Ork. xetū-; Nan. xetu-li-.
◊ ТМС 2, 469.
PMong. *kadu- 1 to sever ribs from the spine 2 to mow 3 to rip with
fangs (of a wild swine) 4 sickle, scythe 5 to cut (1 отделять ребра от
позвоночника 2 косить 3 раздирать клыками (о кабане) 4 серп, коса
5 отсекать, рубить): MMong. qatu’ur (HY 19) 4, qataxasam (~ mixan)
(HY 24) ‘the meat of the best taste’; WMong. qadu- (L 903), qada- 2,
qadura- (L 903) 3; Kh. xada- 1,2, xadra- 3, xadūr 4; Bur. xada- 2, xadar- 3,
xadūr 4; Kalm. xad- 2, xadūr 4 (КРС); Ord. xadu- 2, xadūr 4; Dag. xadə- 2
(Тод. Даг. 172 xada-), xadūr 4 (Тод. Даг. 172), hade- 2, hadure 4 (MD 154);
Dong. Gadu- 2, Gadu 4; Bao. Gadə- 2, Gadər 4; S.-Yugh. Gadə- 2, Gadūr 4;
Mongr. Gadi- (SM 116), Gadə- 2, Gadir (SM 116), Gadər 4, (?) xadiri-
‘trancher, couper la gorge’ (SM 147) ( = qadura-).
◊ MGCD 315. Mong. > Evk. kadu- etc., see ТМС 1, 360-361, Poppe 1966, 193, 194, Do-
erfer MT 81, Rozycki 97.
PTurk. *Kotar- 1 to tear out, uproot 2 to break 3 to move (1 выди-
рать (с корнем) 2 ломать 3 сдвигать, перемещать): Tat. qutar- (dial.)
3; Bashk. qutar- 2; Kirgh. qotor- 3; Khak. xodɨr- 1, 2; Oyr. qodor- 1.
◊ VEWT 284, ЭСТЯ 6, 85-86.
‖ An expressive Western isogloss; cf. *k῾ad[u], with a possibility of
contaminations.
-k῾ét῾ò hard: Tung. *(x)etu-; Mong. *kata-; Turk. *Kạt; Jpn. *kátá-; Kor.
*kùt-.
PTung. *(x)etu- strong, hard (сильный, тугой): Man. etu-xun; SMan.
etəxun (2501).
◊ ТМС 2, 470 (the Manchu word is to be separated from *xete- ‘to win, overcome’).
Attested only in Manchu, but having reliable external parallels. Man. > Dag. etgun, etxun
(Тод. Даг. 140).
PMong. *kata- 1 hard 2 to become hard, dry up (1 твердый 2 черст-
веть, высыхать): MMong. qatau’u (HY 54), qataŋgin (SH), qata’u (MA) 1,
qətəmər ‘dried (meat)’ (IM); WMong. qata- (L 943) 2, qataɣu 1; Kh. xat- 2,
xatū 1; Bur. xatū 1; Kalm. xatū 1, xatə- 2 (КРС); Ord. Gatū 1; Mog. xata 1
(Weiers); Dag. katən (Тод. Даг. 148: katō, katū, 174: xata-); katen, katū
(MD 182) 1; Dong. qɨdun, qɨtun 1; Bao. χotoŋ 1; S.-Yugh. Gadū 1; Mongr.
xadoŋ (SM 147) 1, xadā- (SM 146) 2.
◊ TMN 1, 410, MGCD 336.
PTurk. *Kạt hard (твердый): OTurk. qatɨɣ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qatɨɣ (MK, KB, IM); Tur. kat (dial.); Az. Gatɨ; Turkm. Gat, Gatɨ; MTurk.
qatɨɣ (MA); Uzb. qɔtiq; Uygh. qetiq; Tat. qatɨ; Bashk. qatɨ; Kirgh. qatū;
786 *k῾ĕǯa - *k῾íbà
Kaz. qattɨ; KKalp. qattɨ; Kum. qatɨ; Nogh. qat; Khak. xatɨɣ; Shr. qadɨɣ;
Oyr. qatū; Tv. qa’dɨɣ; Chuv. xɨdъ; Yak. kɨtānax; Dolg. kɨtānak.
◊ EDT 597-598, VEWT 241, ЭСТЯ 5, 334-335, Stachowski 170. Yak. xat-, Dolg. kat- ‘to
dry up’ (Stachowski 140) < Mong. qata- id. Khak. xatɨɣ also probably has -t- under Mong.
influence.
PJpn. *kátá- hard (твердый): OJpn. kata-; MJpn. kátá-; Tok. kàta-;
Kyo. kátà-; Kag. káta-.
◊ JLTT 831.
PKor. *kùt- hard (твердый): MKor. kùt-; Mod. kut-.
◊ Liu 88, KED 216.
‖ KW 172, Владимирцов 195, 318, SKE 132-133, Martin 233, TMN 1,
410, Lee 1958, 114, АПиПЯЯ 70. Mong. is hardly < Turk. (despite Щер-
бак 1997, 137); Mong. > Man. qata- etc., see Doerfer MT 19, Rozycki 103.
-k῾ĕǯa ( ~ -o) to rip, tear apart: Tung. *xeǯe-; Mong. *kaǯa-; Turk.
*Kajɨra-.
PTung. *xeǯe- to rip, unrip (пороть, распарывать): Evk. eǯe-; Evn.
eǯ-; Neg. eǯe-; Ul. xeǯe-li-, xeǯe-če-; Ork. xede-či-; Nan. xeǯē- (intr.) (On.)
Orch. eǯe-ti-; Ud. eǯe-si-.
◊ ТМС 2, 439.
PMong. *kaǯa- to bite (кусать): MMong. qaǯa- (SH); WMong. qaǯa-
(L 947); Kh. xaʒa-; Bur. xaza-; Kalm. xaz- (КРС); Ord. xaǯa-; Dag. xaǯi-;
Dong. qaǯa- (MGCD Gaǯa-); S.-Yugh. Gaǯa-; Mongr. Gaa- (SM 117).
◊ MGCD 316, 350. Mong. > Kirgh. qaǯa- etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 183); > Manchu qaǯa- ‘to break
with the teeth’ (Rozycki 130). Mong. qaǯaɣur ‘tongs’ > Man. xaǯun ‘weapon’, see Doerfer
MT 144.
PTurk. *Kajɨra- 1 to whet, sharpen 2 to rub teeth (1 точить, заост-
рять 2 тереть зубами): Tur. kajra- (dial.); Turkm. Gajra- 1; Uzb. qajra- 2;
Uygh. qɛjrɛ- 2; Tat. qajra- 2; Bashk. qajra- 2; Kirgh. qajra- 2; Kaz. qajra- 2;
KKalp. qajra- 2; Nogh. qajra- 2; Khak. xajɨra- 1; Oyr. qaira- 2; Chuv. xъjra-
2 (Anatri).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 205. The Turk. derivative *kajɨrak ‘whetstone’ > Mong. qajiraɣ, see TMN 3,
568-569. Cf. also Kaz., Tat. qajau ‘notch’, Tur. qajaɣan ‘whetstone’ (R 2, 90) and Yak. xajgɨa,
xojguo ‘notch’; Yak. xaja, Dolg. kaja ‘(to tear) apart’, Yak. xajɨt- ‘to break, tear apart’, Dolg.
kajɨt- id., kajɨn- (itr.) (see Stachowski 133, 134, 135).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾íbà ash tree: Tung. *xiba-gda; Mong. *küjir-; Turk. *Kebrüč; Jpn.
*kápiàru(n)tai.
PTung. *xiba-gda ash tree (ясень): Neg. ịwagda; Man. ibadan; Ul.
sịwaGda; Nan. sịwaGda; Orch. iwagda; Ud. joɣda.
◊ ТМС 1, 295.
PMong. *küjir- ash-tree (ясень): Kh. xüjrs (РМС).
PTurk. *Kebrüč ash tree (ясень): Karakh. kevrik ‘hornbeam’ (Vitex
agnus castus) (MK); Tur. kürüč, küvrüč (dial.); Az. göjrüš; Tat. qorɨč-aɣač;
 *k῾ibù - *k῾ič῾V 787

Bashk. qoros-aɣas; KBalk. kürüč, Balk. küjrüč; Kum. güjrüč; Nogh. küjriš;
Chuv. kavъrъś, kavrъś > Hung. kōris.
◊ EDT 690, VEWT 245, ЭСТЯ 5, 152, Лексика 136, Bläsing 2001. Volga-Turkic lan-
guages have a secondary vowel assimilation due to the compound with aɣač. Cf. also
Osset. kärz(ä) < Turk., see Abayev 1, 587-588; on Hung. kőris < Turk. see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kápiàru(n)tai a k. of maple tree (вид клена): OJpn. kapjerude;
MJpn. káfèdé; Tok. kàede; Kyo. kàèdé; Kag. kaéde.
◊ JLTT 432. Etymologized as ‘frog hand’, which is most probably a folk-etymology.
‖ Дыбо 11. Vowels in Mong. and Turk. are not quite clear: probably
Mong. *küjir- < *kijür- and Turk. *Kebrüč < *Kibrüč (?).
-k῾ibù handle: Tung. *xīb-; Mong. *kiɣi-; Turk. *Kiben-te; Jpn. *kúpá.
PTung. *xīb- handle (of axe), shaft (of arrow) (рукоятка (топора,
лопаты), древко (стрелы, копья)): Evn. iw-den; Ul. sī; Ork. sī; Nan. sī;
Orch. ī; Ud. ī (i) (Корм. 236).
◊ ТМС 1, 295.
PMong. *kiɣi- 1 handle of a bucket 2 violin (1 ручка ведра 2 скрип-
ка): WMong. kikili ( = kigili) 2 (L 465); Kh. xijl 2; Bur. xiila 1.
PTurk. *Kiben-te shoulder yoke (коромысло): Tat. köjɛntɛ; Bashk.
köjɛntɛ; Kaz. küjeŋte; Nogh. küjen; Chuv. kəₙvende.
◊ VEWT 306 (the word should be distinguished from *Küb- ‘to pound’ q. v. sub
*gube).
PJpn. *kúpá hoe, mattock (мотыга): MJpn. kúfá; Tok. kùwa; Kyo.
kùwá; Kag. kúwa.
◊ JLTT 468. Most dialects reflect *kúpá, but Kyoto points to a variant *kùpá.
‖ Standard Jpn. accent does not correspond to PTM length; how-
ever, length here may be compensatory (cf. loss of *-b in most TM lan-
guages).
-k῾ič῾V ( ~ -č-) small; young of animals: Mong. *kičig; Turk. *kičük /-g.
PMong. *kičig puppy, young of dog (щенок): MMong. güčük (HY);
WMong. kičig; Kalm. kičəg; Dong. kiǯəu; S.-Yugh. gəčig.
◊ KW 233, MGCD 300. Evn. köčükēn, kučukēn ‘sm, little child’ (ТМС 1, 421) should be
regarded as a loan < Mong.
PTurk. *kičük /-g small, little (маленький): OTurk. kičig (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kičüg (MK); Tur. küčük, kiči (dial.); Gag. küčük, küǯük;
Az. kičik; Turkm. kiči; Sal. kiǯi; MTurk. kičik (IM, AH, Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. kičik; Uygh. kičik; Krm. kičkenä; Tat. keče; Bashk. kese; Kirgh. kičǖ;
Kaz. kəši; KBalk. gičče; KKalp. kəši; Nogh. kiškej; SUygh. kɨčiɣ; Khak.
kəčəg; Oyr. kičü; Chuv. kəźən; Yak. kuččuguj; Dolg. kuččuguj, küččügüj.
◊ VEWT 269, EDT 696, ЭСТЯ 5, 75-77, Stachowski 159, 163. On Turk. > Hung. kis
‘small’ see Gombocz 1912.
‖ KW 233, VEWT 269, АПиПЯЯ 284. A Turkic-Mongolian isogloss;
loan is not excluded (see Clark 1980, 43, Щербак 1997, 164), thus the
PA antiquity is dubious (cf. also TMN 3, 628-631). The Turkic form may
788 *k῾jĺu - *k῾íla
actually be the same root as the somewhat later attested *güčük ‘puppy’
(see ЭСТЯ 3, 92-93) - which may also be the source of MMong. güčüg;
in this case one should rather consider a possibility of comparing
Mong. gičige, Khalkha gičij ‘bitch’ and Evk. guske ‘wolf’, gusketkēn
‘wolf’s cub’ (ТМС 1, 175).
-k῾jĺu to deviate, slant: Tung. *xī(l)-; Mong. *kelbe-, *kilu-; Turk. *Kɨjĺ-;
Jpn. *kùsù-.
PTung. *xī(l)- to pass (миновать, проходить мимо): Evk. ilte(n)-;
Evn. ie-, iel-; Neg. ilten-; Ul. sī-; Ork. sī-; Nan. sī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 310-311; 2, 73.
PMong. *kelbe-, *kilu- 1 to deviate 2 to be oblique, slanting (1 от-
клоняться 2 скашиваться, быть косым): MMong. kelberi- 2 (SH), kel-
berin ‘slanting’ (HYt), qilǯir ‘squint’ (MA); WMong. kelbere- (L 446: kel-
beri-) 1, kelbiji- (L 446: kelbeji-), kiluji- 2 (L 467: kiluji-, kilaji- ‘to look as-
cance’); Kh. xelbere- 1, xelbij- 2, alaj- ‘to look ascance’; Bur. xelbɨ- 1 xilar
‘кривой’; Kalm. kelwr- 2, kulī- 2; Ord. kelbeger ‘inclined’; Dag. kelbei- 2
(Тод. Даг. 149).
◊ KW 224, 244, TMN 1, 472. Mong. > Man. kelfi- etc., see Doerfer MT 123, Rozycki
136-137. Mong. has also other derived forms-: kelteger, keltegei ‘crooked’, kelteji- ‘to bow,
bend’ ( > Evk. kelteke, kelter etc., see Doerfer ibid.; > Yak., Dolg. keltegej, see Kał. MEJ 77,
Stachowski 144); kilar, kilaɣar ‘squint-eyed’ (> Evk. kilar, see Doerfer ibid. 127).
PTurk. *Kɨjĺ- to bow, bend (гнуться, кривиться): Karakh. qɨš- (MK)
‘to deviate’; Tur. kɨš-; Turkm. Gšar-; Uygh. qijšaj-; Bashk. qɨjšanda-;
Kirgh. qɨjšaj-; Kaz. qɨjsaqta-; KBalk. qɨjsaj- < Nogh.; Nogh. qɨjsaj-.
◊ EDT 670, VEWT 268, TMN 3, 571-573.
PJpn. *kùsù- strange ( < ‘deviating’?) (странный ( <
‘отклоняющийся’?)): OJpn. kusu-, kusi; MJpn. kùsù-.
◊ JLTT 833.
‖ KW 244, EAS 108, TMN 1, 472. The Jpn. form is phonetically a
good match; as for the meaning, one has to suppose a development
‘slanting, deviating’ > ‘strange’.
-k῾íla hair: Tung. *xiń-ŋa- ( < *xil-ŋa-); Mong. *kilga-su; Turk. *Kɨl(k);
Jpn. *kái; Kor. *kār(h)-.
PTung. *xiń-ŋa- hair, fur (волос, пух, шерсть): Evk. inŋakta; Evn.
ịnŋt; Neg. ênńakta; Man. iŋGaχa; Ul. sịńakta; Ork. sịnaqta; Nan. sịŋaqta;
Orch. iŋaqta; Ud. iŋakta; Sol. iŋakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 317.
PMong. *kilga-su horse’s hair, tail hair (лошадиный волос, волос
хвоста): MMong. qilɣasu (MA), kilqasun (SH); WMong. kilɣasu(n) (L
466); Kh. algas; Bur. xilgāha(n); Kalm. kilɣəsn, kiləɣsn; Ord. kilGasu(n);
Mog. qilɣasun; Dag. kilgās, kirgās (Тод. Даг. 150); Mongr. ćirGāʒə.
◊ KW 231, MGCD 352. Mong. > Evk. kilgāsun, see Doerfer MT 126.
 *k῾ile - *k῾ílo 789

PTurk. *Kɨl(k) hair (волос): OTurk. qɨl (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨl (MK,
KB); Tur. kɨl; Gag. qɨl; Az. Gɨl; Turkm. Gɨl; Khal. qɨl; MTurk. qɨl (IM);
Uzb. qil; Uygh. qil; Krm. qɨl; Tat. qɨl; Bashk. qɨl; Kirgh. qɨl; Kaz. qɨl;
KBalk. qɨl; KKalp. qɨl; Kum. qɨl; Nogh. qɨl; SUygh. qɨl; Khak. xɨl; Shr. qɨl
(R.); Oyr. qɨl; Tv. xɨl; Tof. xɨl; Chuv. xələx; Yak. kɨl; Dolg. kɨl ‘sealine’.
◊ VEWT 262, TMN 3, 574-5, EDT 614, Лексика 196, ЭСТЯ 6, 204-205, Stachowski 168.
PJpn. *kái hair (волос): OJpn. ke; MJpn. ké; Tok. kè; Kyo. k; Kag. ké.
◊ JLTT 447.
PKor. *kār(h)- 1 hair 2 horse’s mane (1 волос 2 лошадиная грива):
MKor. kārki 2; Mod. məri-kharak, məri-khal 1, kālgi 2.
◊ Liu 28, HMCH 308, KED 43, 608.
‖ KW 231, Владимирцов 172, Poppe 19, ОСНЯ 1, 352, JOAL 71, 72,
Street 1985, 640, АПиПЯЯ 29, 75, 87, 276, Дыбо 4, Мудрак Дисс. 69,
Лексика 197. Borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite improbable, despite
Щербак 1997, 137. Doerfer (TMN 3, 575) expresses doubts (“...wohl
nicht angeht”). Jpn. *ká- reflects *k῾il(a)-gV (cf. the Turkic and Mong.
forms).
-k῾ile a k. of fish or lizard: Tung. *xilkun; Mong. *kilim; Turk. *keler /
*keleŕ / *kelte.
PTung. *xilkun summer salmon (кета (летняя)): Evk. ilkun; Neg.
ịlkụn; Ul. sịlčịn; Nan. sịlkị.
◊ ТМС 1, 309.
PMong. *kilim 1 sturgeon 2 salmon (1 осетр 2 лосось): WMong.
kilim (L 466: kilime); Kh. xilem; Bur. xilme.
PTurk. *keler / *keleŕ / *kelte lizard (ящерица): Karakh. keler (MK);
Tur. keler (dial.), kelez (dial.), kelte-keler (dial.); Az. kelez, käläz; MTurk.
keles (MA); Uzb. kälti-kälas, kälɔs (dial.), kältä (dial.); Uygh. kilɛr (dial.);
SUygh. kesilkə; Khak. kileskə; Shr. kelesken; Oyr. keleski; Tv. xeleske; Chuv.
kalda.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 30-32, 34, Лексика 180-181; *keleŕ > Mong. keles, see Щербак 1997, 126. De-
spite ЭСТЯ the Chuv. form cannot be borrowed from Tat; rather, vice versa, some
Volga-Qypchaq languages have borrowed the Bulg. word.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic we are dealing perhaps with a
merger of this root with a different one, reflected in Mong. gölbürge
‘lizard’ (KW 138), Khalkha gürbel (whence Yak. külgeri, kürgeli). Cf. also
*kalu, *k῾ula.
-k῾ílo stalk, stem: Tung. *xila-; Mong. *kil-gana; Turk. *Kɨl-ga-; Kor.
*krh.
PTung. *xila- to blossom, flower (цвести, цветок): Evk. ila-, ilaɣa;
Neg. ịlaɣa-, ịlaɣa; Man. ila-, ilχa; SMan. iləhā (2139); Jurch. hil-ɣa (118);
Ul. sịla-, sịla; Ork. sịla-, sịlla; Nan. sịla-, sịlaqta; Orch. ilakta; Ud. ila-.
790 *k῾ìĺa - *k῾ìĺa
◊ ТМС 1, 304. TM > Dag. ilgā (Тод. Даг. 146). Cf. also *xila-, *xilē- ‘bast, to peel off
bast’.
PMong. *kil-gana meadowgrass (Stipa consanguinea) (ковыль, лу-
говая трава): WMong. kilɣana, kilaɣana (L 465); Kh. algana; Bur. xilgana;
Kalm. kilɣənə; Ord. kilaGana.
◊ KW 231. Mong. > Manchu kilhana ‘bramble-bush (Bidens bipinnata)’ (see Rozycki
139).
PTurk. *Kɨl-ga- beard (of grain), awn (ость (колоса)): Az. Gɨlɣa
(dial.) ‘third harvest on virgin soil’; Bashk. qɨlɣan (dial.); Kirgh. qɨlqan;
Kaz. qɨlqan; KKalp. qɨlqan; Khak. xɨlɣa; Oyr. qɨlɣan, qɨlɣa; Tof. xɨlɣan;
Chuv. xɨĺъx; Yak. kɨlān.
◊ VEWT 263, Лексика 127, ЭСТЯ 6, 208-209. The Kypchak names of “meadowgrass”
(Kirgh. qɨlqan etc., see Лексика ibid., ЭСТЯ 6, 208) are most probably borrowed from
Mongolian.
PKor. *krh stubble; stump (стерня; пень): MKor. kr (krh); Mod.
kɨru.
◊ Nam 67, KED 235.
‖ Дыбо 10. Cf. PJ *ki, OJ ki ‘tree’ (if not < Austronesian), compared
with Kor. by Whitman 1985, 138-139, 226.
-k῾ìĺa fetters: Tung. *xil-; Mong. *kelbeɣür; Turk. *kiĺe-; Jpn. *kàsi; Kor.
*kár.
PTung. *xil- 1 loop for a billet on deer’s neck (to keep him from
straying) 2 fur collar 3 halter, headstall (1 петля (для подвешивания
на шею оленя плашки) 2 оплечье, ошейник (обшитый соболями);
меховой воротник 3 недоуздок): Evk. inman, inmar 3, iltē 1; Evn. ịnmr
3; Man. ilten 2; Ul. sini 2; Ork. sinni 2, sịlma 3; Orch. sili 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 310, 316, 2, 84.
PMong. *kelbeɣür chock, boot-tree (колодка): WMong. kelbegür
(МХТТ); Kh. xelbǖr; Bur. xelberi; Dag. kelbej-.
◊ Mong. > Orok qalụmụri ‘board’. The word is formally derived from kelbe- ‘to shape’,
whence also kelberi (L 446) ‘shape’: external evidence, however, strongly suggests that
‘boot-tree’ must have been the original meaning, and ‘shape’ is a secondary developed
abstract meaning.
PTurk. *kiĺe- 1 to hobble, bound 2 fetters (1 стреножить 2 путы):
OTurk. kiše- (OUygh.) 1, kišen (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. kiše- (MK, KB) 1,
kišen (MK) 2; Tur. kešan ‘headstall, fetters’; Turkm. kīšen ‘chains’;
MTurk. kišen ‘chain’ (Sangl., Houts.), Kypch. kišen (CCum.) 2; Uygh.
kišɛn 2; Tat. kištɛ 3; Kirgh. kišen 2; KBalk. kišen 2.
◊ VEWT 258, EDT 753. Some forms point to *kēĺ-, possibly under the influence of
*keĺč ‘belt’ (v. sub *k῾éĺe).
PJpn. *kàsi fetters, shackles (оковы, кандалы): OJpn. kasi; MJpn.
kasi, kase; Tok. káse; Kyo. kásé; Kag. kasé.
◊ JLTT 441. Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *kàs(a)í or *kàs(a)î, but Kyoto points to
*kás(a)í (the word is not attested in RJ).
 *k῾régV - *k῾ìri 791

PKor. *kár fetters, cangue (оковы, колодки): MKor. kár, kār; Mod.
khal.
◊ Nam 19, HMCH 249, KED 1669. Modern initial kh- is not quite clear.
‖ Cf. *koli, *gldi, *k῾uli ; on the Jpn. form see also under *k῾ĕsa. The
Turkic vocalism is completely irregular: perhaps due to a cluster sim-
plification or assimilation? In Mong. cf. also kelke- ‘to bead, string, join’
( > Yak., Dolg. kelgij-, see Kał. MEJ 51, Stachowski 143).
-k῾régV cutting tool: Tung. *xirege; Mong. *kiröɣe; Turk. *kerki; Jpn.
*kìrí.
PTung. *xirege file (напильник): Evk. ireɣē; Evn. irge; Neg. īɣē ~
ijeɣē; Ul. siru; Ork. sīro; Nan. siru; Orch. jo; Ud. jue.
◊ ТМС 1, 328-329.
PMong. *kiröɣe 1 file, saw 2 awl (1 напильник, пила 2 шило):
MMong. kirū 1, kirä 2 (IM), kiru (MA) 1, kire 2, kiru’e (SH); WMong.
kirüge 1 (L 473); Kh. xörȫ 1; Bur. ürȫ 1; Kalm. kör 1; Ord. körȫ 1; Dag.
kirē 1 (Тод. Даг. 150, MD 183); Dong. čireu 1; S.-Yugh. kürē 1; Mongr.
ćirū (SM 458) 1.
◊ KW 240, MGCD 376. Mong. > Oyr. kärä etc. (VEWT 255).
PTurk. *kerki 1 adze, mattock 2 razor (1 кирка, мотыга 2 бритва):
Karakh. kerki (MK) 1, kerej (MK) 2; Tur. kerki 1; Az. kärki, kerki (dial.) 1;
Turkm. kerki 1; MTurk. kerki (IM, AH) 1; Uygh. kɛkɛ, kɛrke (dial.) 1;
Kirgh. kerki 1; Oyr. kerki 1; Tv. keržek ‘adze’; Chuv. karъ ‘chisel’.
◊ EDT 741, ЭСТЯ 5, 51-52 ( > Russ. кирка).
PJpn. *kìrí drill, awl (сверло, шило): OJpn. kjiri; MJpn. kìrì; Tok.
kíri; Kyo. kìrí; Kag. kíri.
◊ JLTT 451. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 92, Ozawa 80-81. The stem may be connected to
PT *kert- (ЭСТЯ 5, 54, Stachowski 145), Mong. *kerči- ‘to cut’ ( > Evk.
kerči- etc., ТМС 1, 453, see Doerfer MT 110; the two words were com-
pared in KW 228, Poppe 19, 51, 83, Menges 1982, and despite Щербак
1997, 127, Mong. kerči- is hardly borrowed < Turk.): we may be dealing
with two derivatives (*k῾ire-gV vs. *k῾ire-t῾V). However, direct derivation
PT *kerki < *kert-ki is hardly plausible, despite Menges 1944; it rather
goes back to *kirge-ki.
-k῾ìri dirt, dirty: Tung. *(x)ir-; Mong. *kir; Turk. *kir; Jpn. *kìtà-nà-.
PTung. *(x)ir- dandruff (перхоть): Evn. irit.
◊ ТМС 1, 327. Attested only in Evn., but with possible external parallels.
PMong. *kir dirt (грязь): MMong. kīr (IM), kir (MA); WMong. kir (L
385), kkir (DO 415); Kh. xir; Bur. xir(e); Kalm. kir; Dag. hire (MD 162).
◊ KW 232. Mong. > Evk. kiri etc., see Doerfer MT 73.
PTurk. *kir dirt (грязь): OTurk. kir (OUygh.); Karakh. kir (MK, KB);
Tur. kir; Gag. kir; Az. kir; Turkm. kir; MTurk. kir (Houts., Pav. C, AH);
792 *k῾rka - *k῾rka
Uzb. kir; Uygh. kir; Krm. kir; Tat. ker; Bashk. ker; Kirgh. kir; Kaz. kir;
KKalp. kir; Kum. kir; Nogh. kir; Khak. kər; Oyr. kir; Tv. xir; Chuv. kirək
‘dirt on body, dandruff’; Yak. kir; Dolg. kir.
◊ EDT 735, VEWT 271, ЭСТЯ 5, 69-70, Stachowski 148.
PJpn. *kìtà-nà- dirty (грязный): OJpn. kjita-na-; MJpn. kita-na-; Tok.
kitaná-; Kyo. kítánà-; Kag. kitaná-.
◊ JLTT 832.
‖ KW 232, АПиПЯЯ 73, Martin 230. Mong. may be < Turk. (cf.
Щербак 1997, 127). Cf. also Turk. *Keŕ ‘bottom thief’ (ЭСТЯ 5, 20),
which Tekin (1979, 126) links with Mong. kerčire ‘mud, silt’: both may
actually belong to the same Altaic root.
-k῾rka to scrape, file: Tung. *xigdi-; Mong. *kirga-; Turk. *Kɨrk-; Jpn.
*kàk-; Kor. *kɨrk- / *kắrk-.
PTung. *xigdi- to comb (чесать, причесывать): Evk. igdi-; Evn. ịd-;
Neg. ịgdị-; Man. iǯi-; Jurch. hir-di-xun ‘comb’ (549); Ul. sigdu-; Ork.
sigdi-; Nan. sigǯi-; Orch. igdi-; Sol. idda-.
◊ ТМС 1, 296-297.
PMong. *kirga- to shear, shave (стричь, брить): MMong. kirqa-
(SH), korɣa- (IM), qirɣa- (MA); WMong. kirɣa- (L 471); Kh. arga-; Bur.
xirga-; Kalm. kirɣə-; Ord. kirGa-; Mog. qirɣa- ‘shave, scrape’; KT qərɣa-
(23-5b); Dong. Gəɣa-; S.-Yugh. χurGa-; Mongr. ćirGā- (SM 457).
◊ KW 232, MGCD 354. Mong. > Evk. kirga- etc., see Poppe 1972, 103, Doerfer MT 131,
Rozycki 106, 134.
PTurk. *Kɨrk- to shear, scrape (стричь, скрести): OTurk. qɨrq-
(OUygh.); Karakh. qɨrq- (MK); Tur. kɨrk-; Gag. qɨrq-; Az. Gɨrx-; Turkm.
Gɨrq-; Khal. qɨrq-; MTurk. qɨrq- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. qirq-; Uygh. qi(r)q-;
Krm. qɨrq-; Tat. qɨrq-; Bashk. qɨrq-; Kirgh. qɨrq-; Kaz. qɨrq-; KKalp. qɨrq-;
Kum. qɨrq-; Nogh. qɨrq-; SUygh. qɨrq-; Khak. xɨrɨx-; Oyr. qɨrq-, qɨrqɨ-; Tv.
qɨrɣɨ-; Yak. kɨrt-.
◊ EDT 651, VEWT 266, ЭСТЯ 6, 236-237.
PJpn. *kàk- to scratch, scrape (скрести, царапать): OJpn. kak-;
MJpn. kàk-; Tok. kák-; Kyo. kàk-; Kag. kàk-.
◊ JLTT 702.
PKor. *kɨrk- / *kắrk- to shear, scrape (стричь, скрести): MKor. kɨrk-,
kắrk-; Mod. kɨk- [kɨlk-], kak- [kalk-].
◊ Nam 22, 74, KED 48, 249.
‖ KW 232, Poppe 20, 115, Martin 240, ОСНЯ 1, 354. Mong. is hardly
borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 139. The root tends to con-
taminate with *góro q.v. The vowel reflex in Korean is somewhat un-
clear (*kark- or *kərk- would be expected), otherwise all evidence points
to *k῾irga. The relation of Manchu xergen ‘line, scratch, notch’ is not
quite clear: the word is certainly borrowed (because of -rg-), but the
 *k῾ĭrma - *k῾írù 793

source is unknown; equally unclear is the isolated Manchu qarqa-

‘scratch with chopsticks, scrape on the fiyoo instrument’ (compared
with Kor. by Lee 1958, 113); perhaps in both cases we are dealing with
loanwords Manchu < Kor.(?)
-k῾ĭrma ( ~ -u, -o) snow, hoar-frost: Tung. *xima-ŋsa; Mong. *kirmag;
Turk. *Kɨr-.
PTung. *xima-ŋsa snow (снег): Evk. imana; Evn. ịmnr; Neg. ịmana;
Man. nimaŋgi; SMan. nimaŋə (2025); Jurch. hima-ŋi (17); Ul. sịmana,
sịmata; Ork. sịmana, sịmata; Nan. sịmana, sịmata; Orch. imasa; Ud. imaha;
Sol. imanda.
◊ See ТМС 1, 312-313 (all languages reflect also various verbs derived from the root
*xima-). Cf. also Evn. irpi ( < *xirpi) ‘snow’ (folkl.) (ТМС 1, 328).
PMong. *kirmag first snow (первый снег): WMong. kirmaɣ (L 470:
kirmaɣ, kiramaɣ); Kh. armag; Bur. armag, xirmag; Kalm. kirmъg; Ord.
kirmaG ‘petite neige qui parvient à peine à couvrir le sol’; Dag.
kiarəmsən.
◊ KW 232, MGCD 354. Turk. *kɨrpak is probably a different root, see under *k῾are.
PTurk. *Kɨr- 1 hoar-frost 2 thin snow (1 иней 2 тонкий снег):
OTurk. qɨraɣu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨraɣu 1 (MK); Tur. kɨraɣu 1; Gag. qrā
1; Az. Gɨrow 1; Turkm. Gɨraw 1, Gɨrpaq 2; Khal. qɨraw 1; MTurk. qɨraw
(Бор. Бад., Abush.), qirau, qiraɣu (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. qirɔw 1; Uygh. qija,
qira, qiro 1; Krm. qɨraw, qoruw 1; Tat. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; Bashk. qɨraw 1,
qɨrpaq 2; Kirgh. qɨrō 1; Kaz. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; KBalk. qrau 1, qɨrpaq 2;
KKalp. qɨraw 1; Kum. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; Nogh. qɨraw 1, qɨrpaq 2; Khak. xro
1, xɨrbɨx 2; Shr. qɨrā 1; Oyr. quru 1; Tv. xɨrā 1; Chuv. xərbəx 2; Yak. kɨrɨa 1,
krpax, kɨrpaj 2; Dolg. kɨrɨa 1.
◊ VEWT 265-266, 267, EDT 656, ЭСТЯ 6, 230-231, 241, Stachowski 169. Turk. >
MMong. (HY) kira’u, WMong. kiraɣu, Khalkha arū ‘hoar-frost’ etc. (see Doerfer TMN 3,
569, Щербак 1997, 138, Clark 1977, 147, although the latter’s derivation of *kɨragu < *kɨr
‘grey’ is hardly acceptable). Cf. also PT *Kɨr-lač ‘the coldest time of winter’ (see ЭСТЯ 6,
237-238).
‖ A Western isogloss. The etymology belongs to R. A. Miller (Miller
1985b) and O. Mudrak (Мудрак Дисс. 193) and presupposes a cluster
simplification in PTM: *xima- < *xirma( = Mong. kirma-G).
-k῾írù saddle: Mong. *kira; Turk. *kürtün; Jpn. *kúrà; Kor. *kìrmá.
PMong. *kira rim of saddle bow (край седельной луки): WMong.
kira (L 470); Kh. ar.
◊ Cf. IM korǯe (=kürǯe) ῾saddle bow’; the word is also glossed as ‘shovel’ which is a
reflex of the Turkic loanword kürǯe; but the meaning ‘saddle bow’ is quite peculiar and
may represent a different lexeme.
PTurk. *kür-tün pack saddle (вьючное седло): Tur. kürtün; MTurk.
kürtün (AH); Tat. kürčen (dial.).
◊ VEWT 311, Лексика 540.
794 *k῾bu - *k῾áčo
PJpn. *kúrà saddle (седло): OJpn. kura; MJpn. kúrà; Tok. kurá; Kyo.
kúrà; Kag. kurá.
◊ JLTT 464. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *kìrmá saddle (седло): MKor. kìrmá; Mod. kilma.
◊ Nam 78, Liu 113, KED 280.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term. In Turkic one has to
suppose secondary labialization (*kürtün < *kirtün); otherwise corre-
spondences are quite regular.
-k῾bu to peel, skin: Tung. *xū(be); Mong. *kaɣul-; Turk. *K(i)ab; Kor.
*kjə[b]- / *kib-.
PTung. *xū(be) membrane scraper (скребок (для соскабливания
мездры)): Evk. ū; Evn. ; Neg. ū; Ul. xūe; Nan. xue; Ud. ū.
◊ ТМС 2, 242.
PMong. *kaɣul- to peel off, skin (сдирать шкуру, свежевать):
MMong. qa’ul- (SH); WMong. qaɣul- (L 909); Kh. xūla-; Bur. xūla-; Kalm.
xūl- (КРС); Ord. xūl-; Dag. haule- (MD 158); Mongr. xli- ‘peler,
écorcher, écorcer’ (SM 180).
◊ Mong. > Man. qola-, qōla- (Rozycki 142).
PTurk. *K(i)ab 1 peeled skin 2 to peel 3 dandruff (1 содранная ко-
жа 2 сдирать (кожу) 3 перхоть): Tur. kav 1, kovak 1, kavla- 2; Az. GovaG
3; Turkm. Gov 1; MTurk. qav 1 (AH) , qavaq 3 (CCum.); Uygh. qavaq
‘shell’ (dial.); Tat. qawɨq 3; Bashk. qaw 1, qawaq 3; Khak. xāx 3; Oyr. qoq
(Верб.), qāq (dial.) 3.
◊ VEWT 214, EDT 578, ЭСТЯ 5, 160-161, 6, 7-8. This root should be distinguished
from *Kāpuk ‘bark’ (v. sub *k῾p῾à), although they are partially confused in VEWT 234-5.
See also EDT 583.
PKor. *kjə[b]- / *kib- 1 rice husks 2 bran (1 рисовая шелуха 2 отру-
би): MKor. kj 1, kì’úr 2; Mod. kjə 1, kiul 2.
◊ Liu 53, 114, KED 111, 272.
‖ Владимирцов 209. One of several similar PA roots (see *k῾p῾a,
*k῾epa, *kèp῾i, *gébo).
-k῾áčo ends of bow, brace: Tung. *xusu- / *xuse-; Mong. *kičir; Turk.
*KAča-, *KAča-gu (?); Jpn. *kasunkapi; Kor. *kòčái.
PTung. *xusu- / *xuse- 1 cross-bow 2 weapon (for throwing) 3 snare
(1 самострел 2 оружие (для бросания: стрела, снаряд) 3 силки): Evk.
usē 2; Evn. us 2; Neg. use 2; Man. wesen 3; Ul. χosolị 2; Nan. χosolị 1;
Orch. usuli 2; Ud. wuhende- ‘to throw (weapon)’.
◊ ТМС 2, 292.
PMong. *kičir ends of bow (концы лука): WMong. kičir (МXTTT);
Kh. xičir; Ord. gečir.
PTurk. *KAča-, *KAča-gu to chisel, chisel (долото, зубило, рабо-
тать зубилом): Tat. qaʒau (Sib.); Bashk. qasau; Kaz. qaša-, qašau.
 *k῾ằda - *k῾ăk῾e 795
◊ VEWT 217.
PJpn. *kasunkapi brace, latch (скоба): OJpn. kasugapji; MJpn. ka-
sugafi; Tok. kasugai.
◊ JLTT 442.
PKor. *kòčái ends of bow (концы лука): MKor. kòčái; Mod. koǯa.
◊ Nam 48, KED 148.
‖ The Turkic match is dubious (scantily represented and semanti-
cally difficult); all other languages match each other rather well.
-k῾ằda itching, pungent: Tung. *xidar; Jpn. *kàjù-; Kor. *kằráb-.
PTung. *xidar bitter, acid, biting (горький, едкий): Evk. idari-pču;
Evn. ịdъrsị; Neg. ịdasi; Man. idarša- ‘to feel chest pain’; Ul. sịdarsị; Ork.
sịdārụlị; Nan. sịdarsị.
◊ ТМС 1, 297.
PJpn. *kàjù- itching (зудеть, зудящий): OJpn. kaju-; MJpn. kàjù-;
Tok. kayú-; Kyo. káyù-; Kag. kayú-.
◊ JLTT 831.
PKor. *kằráb- to itch (зудеть, чесаться): MKor. kằráp-, kărjap-, kărjəp-
(-w-); Mod. karjəp- (-w-).
◊ Liu 3, 4, KED 11
‖ Martin 234 (Kor.-Jpn.). An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps Khalkha
xad(an) ‘кислица, смородина высочайшая’, ‘цимбария даурская’ (if
not < Turk. *Kat- ‘berry’).
-k῾ăk῾e ( ~ -k-, -a) dry: Tung. *(x)igǯa-; Mong. *kagda-; Turk. *KAk.
PTung. *(x)igǯa- 1 yellow 2 grey (1 желтый 2 серый): Evk. igǯa-ma,
-rin 1; Evn. ịɣǯaqa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 297.
PMong. *kag- 1 to become hard, dry 2 last year’s grass (1 засыхать,
затвердевать 2 прошлогодняя трава): WMong. qaɣda 2 (L 908); Kh.
xagd 2, xagsa- 1; Bur. xagda(n) 2, xagsa 1; Kalm. xaɣsə- 1, xaɣdə 2 (КРС);
Mongr. xadarā- ‘être en lambeaux, être usé’ (SM 147), xaʒā- ‘être ou de-
venir sec, se dessécher’ (SM 148).
◊ Mong. > Man. xakda, xaksa- etc., see Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 99; > Yak. xagdarɨj-,
Dolg. kagdarɨj- ‘to become yellow (of leaves)’ (Stachowski 132).
PTurk. *KAk dry (сухой): Karakh. qaq (MK); Tur. dial. kak, kah; Az.
Gax; Turkm. qaq; MTurk. qaq (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. qɔq; Uygh. qaq; Tat.
qaq; Bashk. qaq; Kirgh. qaq; Kaz. qaq; KKalp. qaq; Kum. qaq; Nogh. qaq;
Oyr. qaq.
◊ VEWT 223, ЭСТЯ 5, 218-220, EDT 608.
‖ A Western isogloss. See KW 160, 176, Poppe 17, 58; TMN 3, 394
(“weder beweisbar noch widerlegbar”). Mong. is not from Turkic, de-
spite Щербак 1997, 134.
796 *k῾āla - *k῾ăli
-k῾āla ( ~ -ĺ-) hot, ashes: Tung. *xial-; Mong. *kala-.
PTung. *xial- 1 coal 2 black (1 уголь 2 черный): Evk. lla 1; Evn. ǟlrъ
1; Neg. la 1; Man. jačin 2, jaχa 1; SMan. jačiŋ 2 (2427); Jurch. hia-xa (66)
1; Ul. slta 1; Ork. slta 1; Nan. sịalta 1; Orch. (i)jakta 1; Ud. jalaha 1; Sol.
ilgẽ, ilči 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 289-290. Man. > Dag. jāga ‘coal’ (Тод. Даг. 146).
PMong. *kala- to heat (нагревать(ся)): MMong. qala’un ‘hot, warm’
(HY 6, SH), qalaūn id. (IM), qalun (LH); WMong. qala- (L 916); Kh. xala-;
Bur. xalā- 1 (xala- ‘обжигаться’) xalū(n) 2; Kalm. xalə-; Ord. xala-; Mog.
qalɔn ‘warm’ (Weiers); Dag. xale- 1 (MD 155) xolō-; xalla- 1, (Тод. Даг.
173) xala- 1, xalōn 2; Dong. qalun ‘warm’; Bao. χalGə-, χalə-; χoloŋ
‘warm’; S.-Yugh. χalū-dGa-, χalū-ra-; Mongr. xala- (SM 151); xaloŋ (SM
152) ‘warm’, xarmaa- < WMong. qalamača- ‘ressentir une forte chaleur,
avoir la fièvre’ (SM 164).
◊ KW 162, MGCD 237, 318, 319. Mong. > Chag. qala-, Tel. qala- ‘to make fire, kindle’
(VEWT 224, ЭСТЯ 5, 228, Лексика 364); > Man. xala- etc. (Poppe 1966, 192, Doerfer MT
144).
‖ SKE 162, ОСНЯ 1, 333. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ăli tongue: Tung. *xilŋü; Mong. *kele-; Turk. *kele-; Kor. *kằró-.
PTung. *xilŋü tongue (язык): Evk. inńi; Evn. ienŋъ; Neg. ińŋi; Man.
ileŋgu; SMan. ileŋə, ilŋi; Jurch. hileŋ-ŋu (499); Ul. sińu; Ork. sinu; Nan.
śirmu, siŋmu; Orch. iŋi; Ud. iŋi; Sol. iŋi.
◊ ТМС 1, 316-317.
PMong. *kele- 1 to say 2 tongue, language (1 сказать, говорить 2
язык): MMong. kele(n), (SH), kelen (HY 45) 2, kele- 1 (SH, HYt), kele-
(IM), kl-, kiln 1 (MA); WMong. kele- 1, kele 2 (L 447); Kh. xele- 1, xel 2;
Bur. xele- 1, xele(n) 2; Kalm. kelə- 1, keln 2; Ord. kele- 1, kele 2; Mog. kelä-
1, (Weiers), kelän 2; ZM kelä (2-4b) 2; Dag. xele- 1, xeli, xeĺ 2 (Тод. Даг.
175), hele- 1, heli 2 (MD 159); Dong. kielie- 1, kielien 2; Bao. kele- 1, kelaŋ
(MGCD kalaŋ) 2; S.-Yugh. kelen 2; Mongr. kile- 1, kile 2 (SM 203).
◊ KW 223, 224, MGCD 340. Mong. > Evk. kele etc., see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 104.
PTurk. *kele- 1 to speak 2 talk, conversation (1 говорить 2 речь,
слово): OTurk. kele-čü 2; Tur. dial. keleǯi 2; MTurk. keleči 2 (Houts.),
keleče 2 (MA); Kirgh. keleč-söz 2; Chuv. kala- 1.
◊ VEWT 248, ЭСТЯ 5, 32-33, EDT 716 (Clauson considers the word to be a foreign
loan which is dubious, see Clark 1977, 136-138). It is also worth mentioning Tur. kelime,
Az. kälmä ‘word’, Turkm. keleme ‘sacred words of Qur’an pronounced for protection’ -
usually regarded as Arabisms, but with some peculiarities (front vocalism, final -e) that
could actually indicate Turkic origin, with a secondary merger with the Arabic loan.
PKor. *kằró- to say (a defective verb) (говорить (глагол, вводящий
прямую речь)): MKor. kằrótắi; Mod. kalodwe.
◊ Nam 11, KED 12.
 *k῾aĺu - *k῾no 797

‖ EAS 47, KW 223, ОСНЯ 1, 346, TMN 1, 471-472 (“altes indoeur.

Lw.” - ?), АПиПЯЯ 57-58, 292. Despite the latter source, Kor. hj
‘tongue’ is to be separated - see a discussion in Miller 1998, who has
(following Shiratori), instead compared Kor. kăro- (but, quite unjustly,
separated PTM *xilŋü). The Korean reflex remains, however, question-
able, since the word can also - following Martin 1996, 75 - be compared
with Jpn. *kátár- ‘tell’, and thus derived from *k῾ēro q.v.
-k῾aĺu ( ~ *k῾oĺa) dirt, unpleasant odour: Tung. *xola-; Mong. *kuluŋ-;
Turk. *KAĺan.
PTung. *xola- 1 dirt 2 to sully (1 грязь 2 пачкать): Man. χojla- 2; Ul.
xolo- 2; Ork. χoloqto 1; Nan. χolo- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 470.
PMong. *kuluŋ- unpleasant odour from the armpits (неприятный
запах под мышками): MMong. qulanqsa (MA 301); WMong. quluŋ-su
(L 985); Kh. xulans; Kalm. xoləŋsə; Ord. xuluŋsu, xuluŋsa.
◊ KW 183. Mong. > Oyr. qoloŋzo, Chag. qolansa, Yak. xoloŋso, Man. qolaŋsu (see ibid.
and ТМС 1, 408, ЭСТЯ 6, 49-50, Rozycki 142).
PTurk. *KAĺan 1 urine 2 to urinate (of a horse) (1 моча 2 мочиться
(о лошади)): Karakh. qašan- 2; Tur. kašan 1, kašan- 2; Az. Gašan- 2;
MTurk. qašɨn- (Houts.); Nogh. qasan- 2.
◊ EDT 674, ЭСТЯ 5, 348.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾no blood; blood vessel: Tung. *xuŋī-kta; Turk. *Kiān.
PTung. *xuŋī-kta blood vessel (кровеносный сосуд): Evk. uŋīkta;
Evn. ụŋt; Neg. oŋtā, oŋikta; Ul. χoŋGịqta; Ork. χụmụqta; Nan. χoŋgịqta;
Ud. umakta, umukta.
◊ The original stem is preserved in Evk. dial. uŋi- ‘to bleed, flow (of blood)’. See ТМС
2, 278.
PTurk. *Kiān blood (кровь): OTurk. qan (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qan (MK); Tur. kan; Gag. qan; Az. Gan; Turkm. Gān; Sal. Ga(:)n; Khal.
qān; MTurk. qan (MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. qɔn; Uygh. qan; Krm. qan; Tat. qan;
Bashk. qan; Kirgh. qan; Kaz. qan; KBalk. qan; KKalp. qan; Kum. qan;
Nogh. qan; SUygh. qan; Khak. xan; Shr. qan; Oyr. qan; Tv. xan; Tof. xan;
Chuv. jon; Yak. xān; Dolg. kān.
◊ VEWT 230, TMN 3, 360-361, EDT 629-630, ЭСТЯ 5, 251, Егоров 349, Федотов 2,
486, Stachowski 142. Turk. > WMong. qana- ‘to let bleed’ (KW 166, TMN 3, 361, Щербак
1997, 133).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. The comparison seems
quite likely, although the nature of the medial nasal is not quite clear
(in TM one has perhaps to suppose a secondary assimilation to two
neighbouring velars, or else an original velar suffix *k῾ōn(i)-gV).
798 *k῾p῾a - *k῾rà
-k῾p῾a a k. of young ungulate: Tung. *xiap-; Mong. *kab- / *kobu-;
Turk. *KĀpan.
PTung. *xiap- 1 deer calf 2 deer herd (1 теленок (олень 1-2 лет) 2
стадо оленей): Evk. vkān 1; Evn. ǟvqan 1, ǟvta 2; Neg. vkān 1; Ork.
spo, spụɣa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 288 (Orok javata < Evn.).
PMong. *kab- / *kobu- 1 wild camel 2 2-year-old boar 3 young ani-
mals born after the regular season (1 дикий верблюд 2 двухлетний ка-
бан 3 поздние детеныши животных): WMong. qobu-su(n) 2 (L 950),
qabčig 3 (L 896); Kh. xavtgaj 1, xovs 2, xavčig 3; Bur. xobho(n) dial. ‘young
of wild swine’; Kalm. xawtəxa 1 (КРС).
PTurk. *KĀpan boar (кабан): Tur. dial. kaban; Az. Gaban; Turkm.
Gaban; MTurk. qaban (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. qɔbɔn; Uygh. qavan; Tat.
qaban; Bashk. qaban; Kirgh. qaman; Kaz. qaban; KBalk. qaban; KKalp. qa-
ban; Kum. qaban; Nogh. qaban; Oyr. qaman; Tv. xavan.
◊ VEWT 216, ЭСТЯ 5, 164, Лексика 156.
‖ Лексика 156. A Western isogloss.
-k῾àp῾e a k. of insect, butterfly: Mong. *kibe; Turk. *kepelek; Jpn.
*kprnkí ( ~-ua-).
PMong. *kibe moth (моль): Kh. xiv; Bur. kiben.
PTurk. *kepelek butterfly (бабочка): Karakh. kepeli (MK), kebelek
(Tefs.), kelebek (IM); Tur. kelebek; köpelek, kepenek (dial.); Gag. kelebek; Az.
käpänäk; Turkm. kebelek, kepelek (dial.); MTurk. köpelek (Abush.); Uzb.
kapalak; Uygh. kepilɛk; Krm. ḱeelak; Tat. kübɛlɛk; Bashk. kübäläk; Kirgh.
köpölök; KBalk. göbelekke; KKalp. göbelek; Kum. gümelek; Nogh. küpelek;
Khak. xobanax, xubanax; Shr. xopax; Oyr. köbölök; Tv. xovaɣan.
◊ VEWT 291, EDT 689, ЭСТЯ 5, 13-15, Лексика 187.
PJpn. *kprnkí ( ~-ua-) cricket (сверчок): OJpn.
k(w)op(w)or(w)og(j)i; MJpn. kòfòrógí; Tok. kṓrogi; Kyo. kōrògì; Kag. kōrogí.
◊ JLTT 457.
‖ Лексика 187. Cf. also names of ‘bat’: OJ kapapori, Evn. kêwêč (ТМС
1, 386). An expressive and not quite regular root.
-k῾rà elbow, shoulder bone, cubit: Tung. *(x)iarū-n; Mong. *kari; Turk.
*K(i)arɨĺ; Jpn. *kárà.
PTung. *(x)iarū-n 1 shoulder bone 2 cubit, measure of length 3 ridge
of deer’s shoulder bone (1 кость предплечья 2 локоть, мера длины 3
гребень лопатки оленя): Evk. rūn 1, 2; Evn. ärn 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 291.
PMong. *kari 1 shoulder or hip bone 2 arm 3 cubit (1 плечевая или
бедренная кость 2 рука 3 локоть (мера длины)): MMong. qari (IM) 2,
(Lig. VMI) 3; WMong. qaritu 1 (МXTTT); Kh. xaŕt 1; Bur. xari, xarti, xaŕta
1; Mog. qar, ZM qri 2.
 *k῾ra - *k῾re 799
◊ The word is usually considered to be borrowed < Turk. *Karɨ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 5, 283,
Дыбо 164), and the form attested in IM may probably be so; but the other forms may well
be genuine. Cf. also MMong. (MA) qars delet- ‘to clap hands’ ( > Chag. qars).
PTurk. *K(i)arɨĺ span (пядь): Karakh. qarɨš (MK); Tur. karɨš; Gag.
qarɨš; Az. Garɨš; Turkm. Garɨš; MTurk. qarɨš (Pav. C., Houts., AH, IM),
Uzb. qɛriš; Uygh. ɣerič, dial. ɣeriš; Tat. qarɨš; Bashk. qarɨš; Kirgh. qarɨš;
Kaz. qarɨs; KBalk. qarɨš; KKalp. qarɨs; Kum. qarɨš; Nogh. qarɨs; Khak.
xarɨs; Oyr. qarɨš; Tv. qarɨš; Tof. xarɨš; Yak. xarɨs.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 324-326, EDT 663. External evidence suggests that the original meaning
was ‘elbow, cubit’ [in fact attested for qarɨš in Chag. (Abushka), but some argue that this
is just a script error], with the opposition *K(i)arɨ ‘large measure (cubit) : *K(i)arɨĺ ‘small
measure (span)’. But the former completely merged later with the reflexes of *Karɨ ‘arm’
(v. sub *gàrá).
PJpn. *kárà handle, counter for handles and long thin objects (руко-
ять, счетное слово для рукояток и длинных тонких предметов):
OJpn. kara; MJpn. kárà.
◊ JLTT 438.
‖ In Turkic the root is rather hard to distinguish from *Karɨ < *gara
‘arm’, but the distinction still seems to be necessary. In *K(i)arɨĺ the ex-
pected long vowel (reconstructed because of *-ia- in TM after a fricative
and high tone in Jpn.) was shortened probably under the influence of
*Karɨ.
-k῾ra ( ~ -ō-) thin snow, hoar-frost: Mong. *karig; Turk. *Kiār-.
PMong. *karig strong cold (сильный мороз): WMong. qariɣ; Kalm.
xäŕəg.
◊ KW 177. Cf. perhaps also WMong. qaraǯa, qaraǯi, Khalkha xarʒ ‘полынья, unfrozen
patch of water in a frozen river’ ( > Khak. xaralǯi etc., see ЭСТЯ 5, 298).
PTurk. *Kiār snow (снег): OTurk. qar (Orkh., Yenis., OUygh.);
Karakh. qar (MK, KB); Tur. kar; Gag. qār; Az. Gar; Turkm. Gār; MTurk.
qar (Sangl., Qutb., Houts.); Uzb. qɔr; Uygh. qar, qaa; Tat. qar; Bashk. qar;
Kirgh. qar; Kaz. qar; KBalk. qar; KKalp. qar; Kum. qar; Nogh. qar; Khak.
xar; Shr. qar; Oyr. qar; Tv. xar; Tof. xar; Chuv. jor; Yak. xār; Dolg. kār.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 284-285, EDT 641, VEWT 235, Егоров 350, Федотов 2, 490, Лексика 27,
Stachowski 142.
‖ The root is not widely represented (a Turk.-Mong. isogloss), but it
seems reasonable to distinguish it from *k῾ĭrma q.v.
-k῾re a k. of insect: Tung. *xīrükte; Mong. *kürid; Turk. *K(i)arɨnč-ɣa;
Jpn. *kìrì(n)kíri-su; Kor. *kằr-kmi.
PTung. *xīrü-kte ant (муравей): Evk. īrikte; Evn. hīrit; Neg. īkte;
Man. jerxuwe; SMan. jurə imahə (2268); Ul. sinono; Ork. sirukte; Nan.
silukte (contaminated with *silV- ‘ant’); Orch. īkte; Ud. ikte.
◊ ТМС 1, 327. Evk. > Dolg. hirikte (see Stachowski 105).
800 *k῾ắŕme - *k῾ắŕme
PMong. *kürid moth larva (личинка моли): WMong. kürid (L 505);
Kh. xürd; Ord. kürit; S.-Yugh. kureg.
◊ MGCD 302.
PTurk. *K(i)arɨnč-ɣa 1 ant 2 tick (1 муравей 2 клещ): Karakh.
qarɨnčaq (MK: Oghuz) 1; Tur. karɨnǯa 1; Gag. qarɨmǯɛ 1; Az. Garɨšɣa 1;
Turkm. Garɨnǯa 2; MTurk. qarɨnčɣa (Sangl., Qutb.), qarɨnča (Houts.) 1;
Khak. xarčɨx 2.
◊ EDT 662, VEWT 238, ЭСТЯ 5, 323, Лексика 184. Turk. > Kalm. xačig (KW 173)
‘irgendeine Made in der Nase des Kamels’ (or is it rather < Turk. qatqɨč?).
PJpn. *kìrì(n)kíri-su grasshopper (кузнечик): MJpn. kirigirisu; Tok.
kirigírisu; Kyo. kìrìgírìsu; Kag. kirigirisú.
◊ JLTT 451.
PKor. *kằr-kmi a k. of spider (вид паука): MKor. kằr-kmi; Mod.
kalgəmi.
◊ Nam 20, KED 43.
‖ An expressive root, often reduplicated and with not quite regular
correspondences, esp. in the Kor.-Jpn. area. Cf. also *k῾ṓro (with possi-
ble contaminations).
-k῾ắŕme fat: Tung. *ximū-ŋkse; Mong. *karbin; Turk. *Kiaŕɨ; Jpn.
*kuama; Kor. *kìrm.
PTung. *ximū-ŋkse fat (жир, сало, масло): Evk. imūkse; Evn. imrъn,
imdъn; Neg. imukse; Man. imeŋgi; Jurch. ji-miuŋ-ŋu (526); Ul. simse; Ork.
simure; Nan. śimukse; Orch. imukse; Ud. imoho; Sol. imukče, imučče.
◊ ТМС 1, 313-314. Formally - derived from PTM *ximū- ‘to smear (with fat); to melt’.
PMong. *karbin 1 inner fat 2 placenta (1 брюшной жир 2 плацен-
та): MMong. qarbi-su 2 (SH); WMong. qarbin 1; qarbi-su(n) 2 (L 935); Kh.
xarvin 1; Bur. dial. arъŋ 1; Kalm. xärwn, ärwn. 1; Ord. xarwiŋ ‘inner fat;
groin’.
◊ KW 178. Mong. > Yak. xarbɨhɨn, Dolg. karbuhun, see Kał. MEJ 82, Stachowski 139.
Bur. > Russ. Siber. arbin (Аникин 94).
PTurk. *Kiaŕɨ inner fat (брюшной жир): Karakh. qazɨ (MK); Uzb.
qɛzi; Uygh. qezi; Tat. dial. qazɨ; Bashk. qaδɨ; Kirgh. qazɨ; Kaz. qazɨ; KKalp.
qazɨ; Nogh. qazɨ; Khak. xazɨ; Oyr. qazɨ; Tv. qazɨ; Tof. qazɨ; Chuv. jor-var
‘скоромная пища’; Yak. qaha.
◊ VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 189-190, Мудрак Дисс. 193-194, TMN 3, 359, EDT 681, Федо-
тов 2, 491.
PJpn. *kuama fat, greasy (жирный): OJpn. kwoma.
PKor. *kìrm fat (жир): MKor. kìrm; Mod. kirɨm.
◊ Nam 78, KED 265.
‖ KW 178, Poppe 17, 96 (Turk.-Mong.; but it should be noted that
the TM forms (Evk. kalbiŋ etc., see ТМС 1, 365) < Mong. (cf. Doerfer MT
100), while the Kor. kalbi ‘rib’ does not belong here at all (see under
*kera), АПиПЯЯ 296, Дыбо 6, Мудрак Дисс. 193. In OJ koma ( < *kəma)
 *k῾ŏba(kV) - *k῾óbarV 801

would be expected; the diphthong (OJ kwoma) is perhaps due to the

influence of the medial cluster.
-k῾ŏba(kV) (~*k῾ăbu(kV)) bladder, scrotum: Tung. *xubgu; Mong.
*kuwkan; Turk. *KAbuk.
PTung. *xubgu vein, artery (кровеносный сосуд, артерия): Evk.
uɣ; Evn. uɣ; Neg. ubgu; Ork. χobGolị; Sol. ōg ‘heart’.
◊ ТМС 2, 243. The same word may be reflected in Ul. χoal(ị), Nan. χoal ‘bobber’ =
Orok χobGolị (see ТМС 1, 442); semantically the word was probably influenced by a
merger with *kiaba- (v. sub *kopu).
PMong. *kuwka scrotum (мошонка): WMong. quwqa, -naɣ, qaɣunaɣ
(L 910); Kh. xūx, xūxnag; Bur. xūxanag; Kalm. ? xūx ‘thick skin’ (КРС).
PTurk. *KAbuk bladder (мочевой пузырь): OTurk. qavuq
(OUygh.); Karakh. qavuq (MK); Tur. kavuk; Gag. qawuq; Az. GovuG;
Turkm. Govuq; MTurk. qavuq (AH, MA); Tat. quwɨq; Bashk. qɨwɨq; Kaz.
quwɨq; KBalk. quwuq; Nogh. quwɨq; Khak. xōx; Shr. qōq; Oyr. kūk; Yak.
xabax.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 174, EDT 583.
‖ Poppe 1974, 132 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss.
-k῾óbarV ( ~ -u-) dry: Tung. *(x)ur-; Mong. *kawra-; Turk. *Kūrɨ-k,-gak;
Jpn. *káwá(ra)-k-; Kor. *kobār-.
PTung. *(x)ur- to dry (meat) (вялить (мясо)): Evk. urgan- 1; Man.
uča-laχa jali ‘dried meat’.
◊ ТМС 2, 283. Man. uča- < *xurga- (but may also reflect another root: cf. Nan. učikte
‘dried meat’?).
PMong. *kawra- dry (сухой): WMong. qaɣurai, quɣurai (L 910),
qawraj (MXTTT); Kh. xūraj; Bur. xūraj; Kalm. xǖrǟ; Ord. xūrǟ; Dag. xuārī
(MGCD xuare); S.-Yugh. xūrā- (MGCD χūʁa-); Mongr. xō- ‘devenir sec,
tarir’ (SM 168).
◊ Cf. also *ku(w)ar- > *ku(w)a- in MMong. qoṣon ‘dryness’ (ИМ); qusun, quasun (MA);
Dag. xua-, S.-Yugh. χū-, Dong. Go-, qosu-, Bao. χo-. KW 204, 317, MGCD 335. Mong. > Tat.
qawrai etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 171-172).
PTurk. *Kūrɨ-k,-gak 1 dry 2 dry (crumbs, bread) (1 сухой 2 черст-
вый): OTurk. qurɨ- ‘to dry’ (OUygh.); Karakh. quruɣ, qur 1 (MK); Tur.
kuru 1; Gag. quru 1; Az. Guru 1; Turkm. Gūrɨ 1; Sal. Guru, Gurɨ 1; Khal.
qurru- ‘to dry’; MTurk. qurɨ- ‘to dry’ (MA); Uzb. quruq 1; Uygh. quruq,
qurɣaq 1; Krm. quru 1; Tat. qorɨ 1; Bashk. qoro 1; Kirgh. qurɣaq 1; Kaz.
qurɣaq 1; KBalk. quru 1; KKalp. qurɣaq 1; Kum. quru- ‘to dry’; Nogh.
qurɨ, qurlaj 1; SUygh. quruɣ, quruq 2; Khak. xuruɣ 1; Shr. quru- ‘to dry’
(R.); Oyr. quru- ‘to dry’; Tv. qurɣaɣ 1; Tof. qurɣaɣ 1; Chuv. xъₙrъₙk 2;
Yak. kurānaq 1; Dolg. kurānak 1.
◊ Derived from PT *Kūr(ɨ)- ‘to dry up’. See VEWT 302, 303; EDT 652-3, 646, 658,
ЭСТЯ 6, 154-155, Stachowski 162, 163. Turk. qūrut ‘dry cheese’ > Mong. qurud > Manchu
kuru etc., see Doerfer MT 131; Turk. > Hung. kóró ‘dry stalk’, see Gombocz 1912.
802 *k῾ŏbe - *k῾oge
PJpn. *kàwà(ra)-k- dry, to dry up (сохнуть): OJpn. kawak-; MJpn.
kawak- (RJ kàfàk-); Tok. kawák-; Kyo. káwák-; Kag. kòrak-.
◊ JLTT 706.
PKor. *kobār- be high, strong (of fire) (быть сильным, горячим (об
огне)): Mod. kwāl-.
◊ KED 183.
‖ Ozawa 197, KW 204; АПиПЯЯ 19, 50-51, 70, 102, 274; SKE 133,
Цинциус 1984. Here, as in some other cases, Turkic length apparently
goes back to a contraction.
-k῾ŏbe touchwood, tree fungus: Tung. *xub(u)te; Mong. *köbdü; Turk.
*Kiab; Jpn. *kua.
PTung. *xub(u)te 1 touchwood 2 rotten, to rot (1 гнилушка, труха 2
гнить, гнилой): Evk. upte 2; Evn. ut- 2; Neg. ukte 1, ukte-; Man. ibte, ibete
1; Ul. xute 1; Ork. xūte 1; Nan. xūte 1; Orch. ūte 1; Ud. ute 1; Sol. ūtelde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 281.
PMong. *köb- moss (мох): WMong. köbdü; (L 476) köbke; Kh. xövd;
Bur. xübxe(n).
◊ Mong. > Yak. köppöx, Dolg. köppök ‘moss’ (Stachowski 156).
PTurk. *Kiab tree fungus; dry grass (древесный гриб; сухая трава):
OTurk. qavaɣu (OUygh.); Karakh. qav (MK); Tur. kav; Az. Gow; Turkm.
Gov; MTurk. qov (Ettuhf.), qav (AH, Houts.); Uzb. qɔw; Tat. qaw, dial. qu;
Bashk. qɨw; Kirgh. qū; Kaz. quw; Kum. quw; Nogh. quw; Khak. xabo; Shr.
qabā; Oyr. qū; Tv. xaɣ; Chuv. Cf. jülege ‘ряска’, jüźə ‘болото (т.е. нечто с
ряской’)’; Yak. kɨa.
◊ EDT 579, 584, TMN 3, 532-533, ЭСТЯ 5, 169-170, 6, 8-9.
PJpn. *kua mushroom (гриб): Tok. kino-ko.
◊ JLTT 450. The word is usually analysed as “tree child”; this is obviously a folk
etymology, in view of the external evidence.
‖ PTM and PM reflect a common derivative *k῾ŏbe-tV.
-k῾oča ( ~ *k῾ačo) milt, roe: Tung. *xusakta; Jpn. *ka(n)su; Kor. *koči.
PTung. *xusa-kta milt, roe (молоки): Evk. uhakta (dial.); Neg. ōsakta;
Man. usata; Ul. χosaqta; Nan. χosaqta; Ud. wahakta (Корм. 218), wajakta.
◊ ТМС 2, 295.
PJpn. *ka(n)su dried herring roe (сушеные молоки сельди): Tok.
kazu-no-ko.
PKor. *koči milt, roe (молоки минтая): Mod. koǯi.
‖ An Eastern isogloss (with a somewhat unexpected voicing in Jpn.
kazu-).
-k῾oge poles in a frame: Tung. *xuge; Mong. *keɣe-sün; Turk. *kegej.
PTung. *xuge 1 frame, poles round the hearth 2 board on edge of
bed 3 first lower log in house, threshold (1 жерди, рама очага 2 доска
на краю нар 3 бревно (в срубе, первое снизу), порог): Evk. uɣe 3;
 *k῾ójŋo - *k῾ṑk῾ò 803

Evn. ū 1; Neg. uɣe 2; Ul. xue 2; Ork. xue, xuwe 1; Nan. xue 2; Ud. wē, ue
(Корм. 219), we, ue 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 247.
PMong. *keɣe-sün wheel spoke (спица колеса): MMong. kekesun
(SH, HY 18); WMong. kegesü(n) (L 443); Kh. xēs, xegēs, xigēs; Bur. xī-
gaha(n), xīgadaha(n); Kalm. kīɣəs (КРС); Dag. hejgese (MD 159).
◊ Mong. > Uygh. kügüsün, gögüsün.
PTurk. *kegej spoke (спица колеса): Turkm. kegej, keje, kije (dial.);
MTurk. kegäj (Vam.); Uzb. kegäj; Uygh. gügä; Tat. kigi; Kirgh. kegej
(dial.); Kaz. kegej; KBalk. kegej; KKalp. kegej; Kum. gegej; Nogh. kegej.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 17.
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite Clauson 1965, 165, the Turkic word is
not easily explained as a borrowing < Mong.
-k῾ójŋo cold: Tung. *xiŋǖ-; Mong. *köji-ten; Turk. *Kujaŋ; Jpn. *kəju-;
Kor. *kjńr.
PTung. *xiŋǖ- 1 cold 2 to freeze (1 холодный 2 замерзать): Evk.
iŋinipču 1; Evn. iŋъńsi 1; Neg. iŋinigdi 1; Ul. siŋgun- 2; Ork. siŋgū- 2;
Nan. sīŋgu- 2; Orch. iŋeńi 1; Ud. iŋinihi 1; Sol. inigigdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 321.
PMong. *köji-ten cold (холодный): MMong. kojiten (HY 5), kojiten
(SH), kuitän (MA); WMong. köiten (L 498: küiten, küitün); Kh. xüjten;
Bur. xüjten; Kalm. kītn; Ord. kǖ, kǖtö, kǖton, küjten; Dag. kuiten (Тод.
Даг.151, MD 185), xuiten (Тод. Даг. 151), kuitun; Dong. kuičien; Bao.
kitaŋ; S.-Yugh. kǖten; Mongr. kwīden (SM 210), kuiden.
◊ KW 234, MGCD 397.
PTurk. *Kujaŋ rheumatism (ревматизм): MTurk. qujaŋ (Babur);
Uzb. qujọnčiq ‘epilepsy’; Uygh. qujaŋ (R); Kirgh. qujaŋ ‘sciatica’; KKalp.
qujaŋ; Khak. xujaŋ ‘scary (of a horse)’; Tv. qujaŋ.
◊ TMN 3, 562. Turk. > Mong. qujaŋ, Khalkha xujaŋ, Kalm. xujn, Bur. xujaŋ ‘rheuma-
tism’ > Man. xujan (ТМС 1, 475).
PJpn. *kəju- to freeze (замерзать): OJpn. k(w)oju-.
◊ JLTT 711.
PKor. *kjńr winter (зима): MKor. kjńr, kjńắr, kjə’ər; Mod. kjəul.
◊ Nam 42, KED 112.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 53-54, 290; Ozawa 82-84. The cluster *-jŋ- explains the
somewhat irregular behaviour of -ŋ-. The meaning ‘rheumatism’ in
Turkic is a usual development < *’cold’.
-k῾ṑk῾ò spine, skeleton: Tung. *xīKeri; Mong. *kokima-; Jpn. *kakurai.
PTung. *xīKeri 1 spine, spine marrow 2 bone (1 позвоночник,
спинной мозг 2 кость): Evk. īkēri 1; Evn. ikъri 2; Neg. īxej 2; Man. ikur-
sun 1; Ul. sieri 1; Ork. sēri 1; Orch. ikei 1; Ud. ixe ‘кожа, пленка (темно-
804 *k῾ome - *k῾ṓme
го цвета вдоль хребта рыбы); боковина рыбьей тушки с хребтом и
хвостом’ (Корм. 240).
◊ ТМС 1, 302.
PMong. *kokima- 1 skeleton 2 skull (1 скелет 2 череп): MMong.
qokimai ‘an epithet to teri’un ‘head’’ (SH); WMong. qokima- (L 956: qoki-
mai ‘masks and costumes representing skeletons used in the cam
dance’); Kh. xoximoj tolgoj 2, xoximoj jas 1; Bur. xoximoj 2 (Khorin), 1
(Tunk.); Kalm. xoḱəman 2; Ord. Goχimȫ 2.
◊ KW 182.
PJpn. *kakurai coccyx, buttocks (копчик, зад): OJpn. kakure.
‖ Cf. also Tuva xokpa ‘coccyx’.
-k῾ome marrow: Tung. *xumā-n,-kin, *xum-nu; Mong. *kemi; Turk.
*kEmük.
PTung. *xumā-n,-kin, *xum-nu 1 marrow 2 metatarsus (1 костный
мозг 2 стопа, плюсна): Evk. umān, umākin 1; Evn. ụmn 1, nm 2;
Neg. oman 1, onmụ 2; Man. umGan, umχan 1, umuxun 2; SMan. uməhaŋ
(332) 1; Ul. xoma(n) / xụma(n) 1; Ork. xụma(n) 1, xūmnū 2; Nan. xomã 1;
Orch. uma(n) 1, umnu 2; Ud. uma(n) 1; Sol. m 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 266-7, 274.
PMong. *kemi marrow, bone with marrow (костный мозг, мозго-
вая кость): WMong. kemi (L 451); Kh. xim; Kalm. kemə; Ord. keme.
◊ KW 224. Cf. also WMong. kemtege ‘bones near the hoofs of a horse’ (L 452).
PTurk. *kEmük 1 bone 2 spongy bone 3 cartilage (1 кость 2 губча-
тая кость 3 хрящ): Tur. kemik 1; Gag. kemik 1; MTurk. kemük (MA) 3,
kömük (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. kɔmik, gɛmik (dial.) 2; Krm. kemɨk 1; Tat. kimek 2;
Bashk. kimek 2; Kirgh. kemik 2; Kaz. kemik 2; KBalk. gemik 2; KKalp. ke-
mik 2; Kum. gemik 3; Nogh. kemik 2; Oyr. kēmik 3.
◊ VEWT 251, EDT 722, ЭСТЯ 5, 36-38, Лексика 261-262. Turk. > Mong. kemik ‘carti-
lage’ (see Щербак 1997, 126; but the derivation of the Turk. form from *gemür- ‘to gnaw’
(v. sub *kma) is a folk etymology, although some contaminations were possible: Yak.
kömürüö ‘spongy bone’ semantically continues *kemük, but formally is derived from
*gemür-. MK has kemdi- ‘to cut meat from the bones’ and kemdük ‘bone with meat cut off’ -
forms that may be related both to *kemük and *gemür-.
‖ The Turk.-Mong. comparison see in VEWT 251 (but Manchu kemin
is undoubtedly < Mong., see Rozycki 137). АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 315,
262, Лексика 262. On a possible Jpn. reflex see under *k῾èp῾oŕV.
-k῾ṓme to throw (upside down): Tung. *xumu-; Mong. *kömeri-; Turk.
*Kām-.
PTung. *xumu- upside down (ничком, вверх дном): Evk. umuskī;
Evn. umuskī; Neg. umne-pkī; Man. umusixun; Ul. xumesi; Ork. xumusei;
Nan. xumesi; Orch. umse-.
◊ ТМС 2, 272. Tungus forms with *k- (see ТМС 1, 431) may be borrowed from Mon-
golian (cf. Kalm. kömtr-) or influenced by Mongolian forms, see Doerfer MT 74.
 *k῾omo(lV) - *k῾nt῾[a] 805

PMong. *kömeri- to fall, turn upside down (переворачивать(ся)

вверх дном): WMong. kömeri-, kömüri- (L 487); Kh. xömrö-; Bur. xümeri-;
Kalm. kömr- (КРС); Ord. kömör-; Dag. kumrē-bəi-, (Тод. Даг. 151) ku-
muri-; Dong. komoru-; S.-Yugh. kömör-; Mongr. komori- (SM 213),
kumorə-.
◊ MGCD 373. Mong. > Kirgh. kömör- etc. (see ЭСТЯ 5, 101-102).
PTurk. *Kām- 1 to throw, strike down 2 to move, walk (1 кидать 2
двигаться, ходить): OTurk. qam- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. qam- ‘to lower’
(MK); MTurk. qam- ‘to lower’ (MN); Chuv. xъₙm- ‘махать,
замахиваться’; Yak. xāmp- 2; Dolg. kām- 2.
◊ VEWT 228, EDT 625; Stachowski 142. The connection of OT qam- and Yak. qāmp- is
rather problematic, but possible (we are not aware of other etymologies). For the Yak.
word cf. perhaps Bur. xambɨ ‘packtrain, caravan’.
‖ KW 239, Poppe 19, 68; Цинциус 1984, 109. A Western isogloss.
-k῾omo(lV) a k. of fragrant and edible plant: Tung. *ximŋe-kte; Mong.
*kömeli; Turk. *Kumlak; Jpn. *kamira.
PTung. *ximŋe-kte bird-cherry (черемуха): Evk. inŋēkte; Neg.
imŋemkēn; Man. jeŋge; Ul. sińekte; Ork. siŋekte; Nan. siŋēkte; Orch. imepe;
Ud. iŋofo; Sol. iŋekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 318.
PMong. *kömeli a k. of wild onion or garlic (вид дикого лука или
чеснока): WMong. kömeli (L 487); Kh. xömöl.
PTurk. *Kumlak hop (хмель): Karakh. qumlaq (MK); Krm. qumlaq,
qumlax; Tat. qolmaq, dial. qomlaq, qomalaq; Kirgh. qulmaq; Kaz. qulmaq;
Nogh. qɨlmaq; Khak. xumnax; Shr. qɨmnaq; Oyr. qumdaq, qumanaq; Chuv.
xъₙmla.
◊ VEWT 299, EDT 628, ЭСТЯ 6, 138-139. Turk. > Hung. komló, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *kamira a k. of garlic (вид чеснока): OJpn. kamjira.
‖ The Turkic word is frequently regarded as a borrowing, either
from a Germanic source (EDT 628), or from an Iranian (Ossetic) source
(Аб., ЭСТЯ). The Iranian derivation of Osset. xumälläg ‘hop’, however,
raises some phonetic and morphological problems; on the other hand,
there are no doubts that the Turkic (Bulgarian) word was borrowed
into Mari umla, Hung. komló and Slav. xъmelь (see Егоров 192, ЭСТЯ
ibid.). The ultimate Turkic source of other late European names of ‘hop’
is therefore also not excluded.
-k῾nt῾[a] hemp: Tung. *xonta-kta; Turk. *kendir (*kentir); Jpn. *kántí.
PTung. *xonta-kta hemp (конопля): Evk. onokto; Man. χunta; Ul.
χụntaχa; Nan. χontaxa; Orch. onokto.
◊ ТМС 1, 471, 2, 19. A culture term with many interdialectal loans: Ul. onoqto, Nan.
onoqto ( < Evk.); Neg. xontaxa, perhaps also Man. χunta < South.-Tung.
806 *k῾ŏŋa - *k῾ŏŋa
PTurk. *kendir (kentir) hemp (конопля): OTurk. kendir (OUygh.);
Tur. kendir; Az. kändir; Turkm. kendir; MTurk. kendir; Uzb. kendir; Uygh.
kändi(r); Tat. kinder; Bashk. kinder; Kirgh. kendir; Kaz. kendir; KBalk.
kendir; KKalp. kendir; Kum. kendir; Nogh. kendir; SUygh. kenǯir, kemǯer;
Khak. kindər; Shr. kändir; Oyr. kendir; Tv. xendir; Chuv. kandъr.
◊ EDT 729, VEWT 252, ЭСТЯ 5, 39-40, Лексика 127-128. Turk. > WMong. kendir
(TMN 3, 608, Щербак 1997, 127), WMong. kenčir, Kalm. kenčr (KW 226); > Hung. kender
(Gombocz 1912); > Russ. kendýr’ (Аникин 282).
PJpn. *kántí paper tree, Broussonetia papyrifera (бумажное дере-
во): OJpn. kadi; MJpn. kádí; Tok. kaji no ki.
◊ JLTT 447.
‖ Дыбо 11. A cultural term; the vocalism is not quite certain.
-k῾ŏŋa nose: Tung. *xoŋa-; Mong. *ka[m]ar; Turk. *K(i)aŋ-(ɨr)-; Jpn.
*kan-k-; Kor. *kóh.
PTung. *xoŋa- 1 nose 2 front part (of boat) 3 nose bridge (1 нос 2
нос (лодки) 3 переносица): Evk. oŋokto 1; Evn. oŋt 1; Neg. oŋokto 1;
Man. χoŋqo 2; SMan. xoŋqə 2 (1272); Ul. χoŋqo 2; Nan. qoŋtoro 1, χondaχa
3, χōŋqo 2; Orch. xoŋko 2 (possibly < Manchu); Sol. onokto 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 413, 470; 2, 22. There is some variation of *x- and *k- (cf. the Nanai and
Manchu reflexes; cf. also Neg. koŋtopkī. “nose (of a deer, elk, bear)”; but it is hardly possi-
ble to separate these variants.
PMong. *ka[m]ar nose (нос): MMong. qabar (HY 45, SH), qabar
(MA), qabar (LH); WMong. qabar, qamar (L 895); Kh. xamar; Bur. xamar;
Kalm. xamr; Ord. xamar; Mog. qabar; ZM qabar (2-3b); Dag. xamar (Тод.
Даг. 173), hamere, hamare (MD 156); Dong. qava; Bao. xor; S.-Yugh.
xawar; Mongr. xawar (SM 165), xavar.
◊ KW 164, MGCD 322. Mong. > Oyr. qamur. There are numerous indications that the
root was *kaŋ- (*kaŋ-bar > qabar / qamar). Cf. *koŋ-si- / *kaŋ-si (WMong. qaŋsiɣar, qoŋsijar
‘beak, nose’ (KW 167, 186, MGCD 365, Mongr. xaŋšar (157); > Uzb. qanšar etc., see ЭСТЯ
5, 256-258); > Man. qaŋsari / qaŋsiri, haŋšara (see Rozycki 102, 132) ); WMong. qaŋqul- /
qaŋɣul- ‘to smell’; MMong. (SH) qoŋši’ut ‘reek’, WMong. quŋsi- ‘to reek, smell’ ( > Oyr.
quŋsu- etc., see KW 197, VEWT 280); WMong. qaurɣasun, Kalm. xūrɣəsn, xuɣərsn ‘nose
gristle’ (KW 195, 201). .
PTurk. *K(i)aŋ-(ɨr)- 1 nose 2 to snuffle 3 beak, snout 4 parched nose
(phras.) 5 nose bridge (1 нос 2 гнусавить 3 клюв, морда 4 пересохший
(о носе) 5 переносица): Karakh. qaŋraq ῾palate’ (MK - ДТС); Turkm.
Gaŋšɨravuq ‘nasal cavity’, Goŋursa- ‘to reek’; Bashk. qaŋɣɨrɨq (dial.) ‘hard
palate’; Kirgh. qaŋɨrɨq 4, qoŋursu- ‘to reek’; SUygh. qaŋrɨq, qãrq 1; Oyr.
qaŋɨrɨq (Tel.) (R II, 82); qoŋɨr 5 (R II 521), Tel. (Верб.); Tv. xāj 3, xš ‘na-
sal’, qoŋzaŋ ‘crook-nosed’; Tof. xāj 1, 3; Yak. xaŋɨnaj- 2; xoŋurū, xaŋɨr 5
(Пек.).
◊ The root is no doubt archaic, although not widely attested. On its modern reflexes
see VEWT 232, Лексика 215-216 (some of the listed forms are < Mong., but certainly not
all.), ЭСТЯ 6, 66.
 *k῾óŋi - *k῾ṓro 807

PJpn. *kan-k- to smell (нюхать, обонять): OJpn. kag-; MJpn. kág-;

Tok. kàg-; Kyo. kàg-; Kag. kág-.
◊ JLTT 701. Kyoto points to *kàNk-, but other dialects and RJ - to *káNk-.
PKor. *kóh nose (нос): MKor. kó (kóh-); Mod. kho.
◊ Nam 45, KED 1673.
‖ KW 186, 190, Владимирцов 251, Martin 242, Poppe 1974, 132,
АПиПЯЯ 43-44, 80, 286, Ozawa 191, Цинциус 1984, 84, Дыбо 4, Лек-
сика 216.
-k῾óŋi head of clan: Tung. *(x)uŋ-; Turk. *K(i)aŋ; Jpn. *kímí; Kor. *kù’i.
PTung. *(x)uŋ- head (of kin, clan), chief (глава (рода, клана), на-
чальник): Man. uŋgu, uŋGa; SMan. uŋan (1012).
◊ ТМС 2, 278. Attested only in Manchu, but having rather interesting external paral-
lels.
PTurk. *K(i)aŋ father (отец): OTurk. qaŋ (Orkh., Yeniss., OUygh.);
Karakh. qaŋdaš ‘half-brother, son of the same father and a different
mother’ (MK), qaŋsɨq ata ‘step-father’ (MK).
◊ VEWT 232, EDT 630, 635, 640, ЭСТЯ 5, 258.
PJpn. *kímí lord (господин, начальник): OJpn. kjimji; MJpn. kímí;
Tok. kìmi; Kyo. kímí; Kag. kími.
◊ JLTT 450.
PKor. *kù’i office, officer (чиновник, должностное лицо): MKor.
kù’i.
◊ Nam 60.
‖ An important common Altaic social term.
-k῾óp῾é soot, to catch fire: Tung. *xupu-ŋksa; Turk. *Kạp-; Jpn.
*kúmpá-.
PTung. *xupu-ŋksa soot (сажа): Evk. uwuksa; Ork. xumesike; Nan.
xufekse.
◊ ТМС 1, 477, 2, 243.
PTurk. *Kạp- to catch fire (загораться): Uzb. qɔpin-; Tat. qap-, qabɨn-;
Bashk. qabɨn-; Kaz. qabɨn-; Kum. qabun-; Nogh. qabɨn-, dial. qamɨl-; Khak.
xabɨl-; Shr. qamɨn-; Oyr. qamɨn-; Tv. qɨ’p-; Tof. qɨ’p-; Chuv. xɨp-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 262.
PJpn. *kúmpá- to burn, set on fire, feed wood into fire (жечь, под-
жигать, класть дрова в огонь): MJpn. kuba-; Tok. kùbe-; Kyo. kúbé-;
Kag. kubé-.
◊ JLTT 714.
-k῾ṓro worm; gad-fly: Tung. *xirga-; Mong. *koro-kai; Turk. *Kūrt.
PTung. *xirga- gad-fly (овод): Evk. irgakta; Evn. ịrgt; Neg. ịjgakta;
Man. iǯa; SMan. iǯā (2262); Ul. sịǯaqta; Ork. sịǯịqta; Nan. sịGaqta; Ud. iga.
◊ ТМС 1, 324-325. Evk. > Dolg. ɨrgakta (Stachowski 261).
808 *k῾óŕa - *k῾ŏŕo
PMong. *koro-kai worm, insect (червь, насекомое): MMong.
qoroxai (HY 12), qorɣi (IM), qoraɣaj (MA); WMong. qoroqai (L 970: qoru-
qai); Kh. xorxoj; Bur. xorxoj; Kalm. xorxǟ; Ord. xoroxȫ; Dag. xorgō (Тод.
Даг. 177), xorog, xorugu, horehe (MD 164); Dong. Guɣi ; Bao. GorGei,
GorGi; S.-Yugh. xoroxGui; Mongr. xorGwī (SM 173), xorGui, xurGoi.
◊ KW 188, MGCD 302, 367. Cf. also Kalm. xor ‘die Maden der Viehbremse (im Vieh)’
(KW 187).
PTurk. *Kūrt worm (червь): OTurk. qurt (OUygh.); Karakh. qurt
(MK, KB); Tur. kurt; Gag. qurt; Az. Gurd; Turkm. Gūrt; MTurk. qurt
(Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qurt; Uygh. qurut; Krm. qurt; Tat. qort; Kirgh. qurt;
Kaz. qurt; KBalk. qurt; KKalp. qurt; Khak. xurt; Tv. qu’rt; Tof. qu’rt;
Chuv. xort; Yak. kurǯaɣa ‘small parasites’; Dolg. kurǯaga.
◊ See VEWT 303-4 (although we prefer to separate *Kūrt ‘worm’ and *Kūrt ‘wolf’),
EDT 648, Лексика 181, ЭСТЯ 6, 167-168, Федотов 2, 367-368, Stachowski 162.
‖ KW 188, АПиПЯЯ 54, 285, Дыбо 8, Лексика 182. A Western iso-
gloss; but cf. also *k῾re.
-k῾óŕa a k. of tree with red berries or red bark: Tung. *(x)or-; Mong.
*karg-; Turk. *Kaŕɨlgan / *Karlɨgan; Jpn. *kátúrá.
PTung. *(x)or- 1 red bilberry 2 black currant (1 брусника 2 черная
смородина): Evk. orāŋĺā 1; Evn. ōrbāt 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 23.
PMong. *karg- 1 tree with dark reddish bark 2 a k. of shrub, vibur-
num 3 pine (1 дерево с темно-красной корой 2 вид кустарника, ка-
лина 3 сосна): WMong. qargil 1 (L 936); Bur. xargāhan 2; Kalm. xarɣā 3;
Ord. xargil ‘Rhamnus erythroxylon’.
PTurk. *Kaŕɨlgan / *Karlɨgan currant (смородина): Tat. qarlɨɣan;
Bashk. qarlɨɣan (dial.); Nogh. qarlɨɣan; Shr. qazɨrɣan, qazɨr qat (Верб.);
Oyr. qazɨlɣan; Tv. qazɨlɣan; Tof. qazɨlɣan; Chuv. xorlъɣan.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 309-310, Федотов 2, 367.
PJpn. *kátúrá Cereidiphyllum japonicum (багряник японский):
OJpn. katura; MJpn. kátúrá; Tok. kàtsura; Kyo. kátsúrá; Kag. katsúra.
◊ JLTT 445.
‖ Absence of diphthong in Turkic is strange.
-k῾ŏŕo ( ~ -u) lamb, deer: Tung. *xir-; Mong. *kurigan; Turk. *Koŕɨ.
PTung. *xir- 1 wild deer 2 to rub horns 3 *’newborn animal’ > ‘new’
(1 дикий олень 2 тереться рогами 3 *’новорожденное животное’ >
‘новый’): Evk. irki, irē 1, irkekīn (dial.) 3; Evn. irče-, irkъ- 2; Neg. ijun 1,
iskekin 3; Man. iren 1, iče 3; SMan. ičē ‘new’ (2544); Jurch. hi()če (85) 3;
Ul. suru(n) 1, sičeu(n) 3; Ork. sitče- 2, sitče- 3; Nan. sirũ 1, śiku(n) 3; Orch.
iju 1, ikken 3.
 *k῾sú - *k῾òše 809
◊ ТМС 1, 327, 328. Evk. sirū and Neg. xịra (ТМС 2, 96) must be loanwords from
Southern TM, where *x- > x- and s-; in any case, these forms have nothing to do with
Turk. *sɨgɨr ‘cow’ (see s.v. *sŭku), despite Sinor 1962, 320.
PMong. *kurigan lamb (ягненок): MMong. quriqa(n) (SH), qurixan
(HY 11), qəriɣan (LH); WMong. quriɣan (L 987: quraɣa(n), qurɣa(n)); Kh.
xurgan; Bur. xuŕga(n); Kalm. xurɣn; Ord. xurGa; Mog. qɔrɣan (Weiers);
Dong. quɣan (Тод. Дн.); Guɣan; Bao. GorGaŋ; S.-Yugh. χurGan; Mongr.
xorGa (SM 172), xuroG.
◊ KW 198, MGCD 391. Mong. > Oyr. quraɣan etc. (TMN 1, 435), Evk. kurikan etc., see
ibid., Doerfer MT 131.
PTurk. *Koŕɨ lamb (ягненок): OTurk. qozɨ (quzɨ) (OUygh.); Karakh.
qozɨ (quzɨ) (MK); Tur. kuzu; Gag. quzu; Az. Guzu; Turkm. Guzɨ; Sal. qōza;
Khal. quzɨ; MTurk. qozɨ (R.), qozu (Houts.); Uzb. qụzi; Uygh. qoza; Krm.
qozu; Tat. quzɨ (dial.); Kirgh. qozu; Kaz. qozɨ; KBalk. qozu; KKalp. qozɨ;
Kum. qozu (dial.); Nogh. qozɨ; SUygh. quzɨ, qozɨ, qoza.
◊ VEWT 285, EDT 681, Лексика 433, ЭСТЯ 6, 108-109.
‖ EAS 46, 113, KW 198, Владимирцов 361, ОСНЯ 1, 302, Новикова
1972, 118, Лексика 433. A Western isogloss. Despite TMN 1, 435, 3, 546,
Щербак 1997, 142, Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turkic.
-k῾sú a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *xisi-; Mong. *kusu-; Jpn. *kùsú.
PTung. *xisi- 1 larch 2 cypress (1 лиственница 2 кипарис): Evk. is-
mama 1; Evn. ịsɣ ‘forest’; Neg. ịs, ịsma 1; Man. isi 1; Jurch. hisi (105) 2;
Ul. sisi 1; Ork. sịsị 1; Nan. sịsị 1; Orch. isi 1; Ud. ihi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 331.
PMong. *kusu- birch tree (береза): WMong. qusu(n) (L 991); Kh.
xusan; Bur. xuha(n); Kalm. xusm; S.-Yugh. χus.
◊ KW 199, MGCD 392.
PJpn. *kùsú Cinnamonum camphora Sieb. (камфорное дерево):
OJpn. kusu; MJpn. kùsú(nò ki); Tok. kusú(no ki); Kyo. kùsú(nò kì); Kag.
kùsù(nò kí).
◊ JLTT 466.
‖ Phonetically the Mong., TM and Jpn. form are well compatible;
but it is always difficult to deal with Japanese botanical names because
of a drastic difference in nature environment between Japan and the
continent.
-k῾òše to scrape, shave: Tung. *xuši / *kuši; Mong. *kisu-; Turk. *Kas;
Jpn. *kùsà / *ksà-i.
PTung. *xuši / *kuši knife (нож): Evk. uči; Man. kuši; Ul. kuče(n);
Ork. kuče(n); Ud. kusige; Sol. usxẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 441, 2, 296.
810 *k῾ōt῾e - *k῾ṑt῾ekV
PMong. *kisu- to scrape, shave (скрести, брить): WMong. kisu-,
qusu- (L 992); Kh. xusa-; Bur. uha-; Kalm. xusə- (КРС); Mog. kišla-
(Ramstedt 1906); Bao. χasə-; S.-Yugh. qəsə-; Mongr. kiʒə- (SM 202), kəsə-.
◊ MGCD 393. Mong. > Evk. kisū- etc., see Doerfer MT 135.
PTurk. *Kas skin, shell, peel, bark (кожа, скорлупа, кора): OTurk.
qasuq (OUygh.); Karakh. qas, qasuq (MK); Khal. qās.
◊ EDT 665, 666, ЭСТЯ 5 328. The root should be distinguished from *Kaŕ (v. sub
*k῾éŕà). Note that in Siberian languages the reflexes of *ŕ and *s coincide, so all the forms
attributed to *Kaŕ can also reflect PT *Kas.
PJpn. *kùsà / *ksà-i eczema (экзема): MJpn. kùsà, kòsè.
◊ JLTT 458, 465.
‖ Cf. *k῾uču. For the Turkic word Helimski 1995 proposed a Sam.
etymology ( < PS *käsa ‘bark’), which cannot be excluded; in that case
the Turkic form should be removed from the comparison.
*k῾ōt῾e a k. of knife or arrow: Tung. *(x)utu, -ke; Mong. *kituga; Turk.
*kēt-men.
PTung. *(x)utu, -ke 1 knife on a shaft 2 a k. of arrow (1 тесак (на ко-
ротком древке) 2 стрела-однозубец): Evk. utu, utut 2, utkēn 1; Evn.
ötken 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 294.
PMong. *kituga knife (нож): MMong. kituqai (SH), k[i]tɣa (IM),
kīdūɣa (Lig.VMI), kituɣa (MA); WMong. kituɣa, qutaɣa, qutuɣa (L 474);
Kh. xutga; Bur. xutaga, (зап.) xotigo; Mog. qitqɛi (Ramstedt 1906); Dong.
qudoɣo; S.-Yugh. χudaʁa; Mongr. ćidoGo (SM 445).
◊ MGCD 393. Mong. > Man. kitukan ‘scissors’ (see Rozycki 140).
PTurk. *kēt-men hoe, mattock (мотыга): OTurk. ketmen (OUigh.);
Karakh. ketmen (MK); Tur. gedmen; Az. kätmän; Turkm. kǟtmen; MTurk.
ketmen (Sangl.); Uzb. ketmɔn; Uygh. kätmän; Bashk. kätmän; Kirgh. ket-
men-; Chuv. katmak.
◊ VEWT 259, ЭСТЯ 3, 30-31, 5, 65-66, EDT 704. Usually derived from *gēt- ‘to notch’ -
but the semantic shift is not quite satisfactory, and the Oghuz languages (except Turkish
with a secondary analogy) systematically distinguish *g- in ‘notch’ and *k- in ‘hoe’.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic one would expect a closed *, but in
fact Chuv. katmak points to an open vowel. This may be due to a natu-
ral contamination of this root with the reflex of PA *ktu ‘sharp tool,
notch’ q.v.
-k῾ṑt῾ekV a k. of stinging insect: Tung. *xūkte; Mong. *kedgene; Turk.
*Kạtku-č; Kor. *kúitkí.
PTung. *xūkte nit (гнида): Evk. ūkte; Evn. ȫt; Neg. ūkte; Ul. xuktu;
Ork. xuktu; Nan. xuktu; Ud. ukte.
◊ See ТМС 2, 254.
 *k῾ǯa - *k῾ǯa 811

PMong. *kedgene bumble-bee (шмель): WMong. kedgene (L 441:

kedegene); Kh. xedgen; Bur. xedegenē ‘gad-fly’; Kalm. kedgənə; Ord.
getegene.
◊ KW 222.
PTurk. *Kạtku-č a stinging insect (кусающее насекомое): Karakh.
qatquč (MK - Argu) ‘a thing which stings like a scorpion’; Chuv.
xɨt-kajъk ‘жужелица’.
◊ EDT 599, ДТС. Cf. also (MK) qoδɣu ‘fly’. The Chuvash word is analysed as
‘hard-bird’ or ‘hard-animal’, which is probably a folk-etymological reanalysis of *kạtku-.
PKor. *kúitkí maggot, worm, grub (личинка, червяк): MKor.
kúitkí; Mod. kudəgi, kudegi.
◊ Nam 65, KED 197.
‖ Cf. also Kor. kaktagwi ‘mosquito’.
-k῾ǯa side, direction: Tung. *xoǯa-n; Mong. *kaǯiwu; Turk. *KAj-; Jpn.
*kajə-r-; Kor. *kằč-.
PTung. *xoǯa- 1 edge, end 2 slanting, slant (1 конец, край 2 косой,
наклонный): Evk. oǯo 2; Evn. oǯan- 2; Neg. oǯo- 2; Man. uǯan 1; SMan.
uǯan 1 (2605); Ork. χodo- 2; Nan. χoǯịa- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 7, 250.
PMong. *kaǯiwu side, edge (сторона, край): WMong. qaǯiɣu,
qaǯaɣu, qaǯau (L 948); Kh. xaǯū; Bur. xažū; Kalm. xaǯū; Ord. xaǯū ‘slope’;
Dag. xaǯū (Тод. Даг. 172).
◊ KW 159. Cf. also *kaǯi- ‘to slant etc.’ (with a variant *gaǯi-) (ibid.).
PTurk. *KAj- 1 to turn back 2 to show respect 3 to squint; to move
to smb.’s side 4 to run towards 5 to go past, around (1 оборачиваться 2
выказывать уважение 3 косить глазами; переходить на чью-л. сто-
рону 4 бежать к 5 обойти, пройти мимо): OTurk. qaj- (OUygh.) 2;
Karakh. qaj- (MK) 1, 2; Tur. kaj- 3; S.-Uygh. qajla- 4; Khak. xaj- 2; Oyr.
qaj- (R) 2; Tv. xaj- 5.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5 208-209, EDT 674. Stachowski 137 adds Yak. xaɨs-, Dolg. kańɨs- ‘(to turn
and) look around’, which would change the reconstruction to *KAń-; however, there are
no other traces of a nasal in the root, and the comparison looks somewhat dubious.
PJpn. *kajə-r- to approach (приближаться): OJpn. kajor-; MJpn. ka-
jor-.
◊ JLTT 706.
PKor. *kằč- 1 near 2 end, limit (1 близкий 2 конец, край, предел):
MKor. kàskàp- (-w-) 1, kằčái 2; Mod. kak:ap- (-w-) 1, kaǯaŋ 2.
◊ Nam 16, 24, KED 3, 24.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 96. Cf. *kèč῾a.
812 *k῾ube - *k῾ubu
-k῾ube voice, sound: Tung. *xǖ- (*xüb-); Mong. *küw-; Turk. *kü(b);
Jpn. *kwâi; Kor. *kubɨi-.
PTung. *xǖ- (*xüb-) to sound (звучать): Evk. ī-; Evn. ī-; Neg. ī-; Ul.
ujsi-; Ork. uji-; Nan. xuj-si-.
◊ ТМС 1, 293-294.
PMong. *küw- 1 to talk, converse 2 conversation (1 разговаривать 2
разговор): WMong. küü-ne- 1, küür 2 (L 509); Kh. xǖne- 1, xǖr 2; Kalm.
kȫr- 1.
◊ KW 243.
PTurk. *kü(b) 1 fame 2 wisdom 3 famous (1 слава 2 мудрость):
OTurk. kü (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. kü (MK, KB); Az. küj ‘roar’;
Turkm. küj 2; Kirgh. kü ‘sound, roar’, külük 3; Kaz. külük 3; Khak. kü-lük
2; Shr. küg (Radl.); Oyr. kü ‘roar’, külük 3.
◊ VEWT 306, ЭСТЯ 5, 128-129, 140-141, TMN 3, 653.
PJpn. *kwâ-i voice (голос): OJpn. kowe; MJpn. kòwè, kòwé; Tok. kóe;
Kyo. kòê; Kag. koé.
◊ JLTT 453. In compounds - kowa- (e.g. kowa-daka etc.).
PKor. *kubɨi-hă- to celebrate, glorify (прославлять, праздновать):
MKor. ku’ɨi-hă-.
◊ Liu 85.
‖ The Mong. form may belong here if it is different from *köɣer ‘joy’
< PA *kúbe (q.v.); there probably occurred a secondary merger in some
Mong. dialects.
-k῾ubu box, coffin: Tung. *xobu-r / *xebu-r; Mong. *kob-du, *kob-tu;
Jpn. *k(u)i; Kor. *kobVr.
PTung. *xobu-r / *xebu-r coffin (гроб): Man. χobo; SMan. hovə (752);
Ul. xeuli; Nan. xeur, xewur; Ud. xau.
◊ ТМС 1, 464, 467. Preservation of *x- in Ud. may be explained as a loan from some
South.-Tung. source.
PMong. *kob-du, *kob-tu long and narrow box, quiver (длинный и
узкий ящик, колчан): MMong. qubdu (MA 299); WMong. qobdu (L
949), qobtu; Kh. xowd; Bur. xobto ‘ящик, сундук’; Kalm. xowdə (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. kobdu etc., see Doerfer MT 111, Rozycki 141; Nogh. qobda etc., see
ЭСТЯ 6, 6, Yak. xoppo, Dolg. kopko (Kał. MEJ 58, Stachowski 153).
PJpn. *k(u)i coffin (гроб): OJpn. k(j)i; MJpn. ki.
◊ JLTT 449.
PKor. *kobVr coffin, box (гроб, ящик): MKor. kōr.
◊ Nam 51.
‖ Lee 1958, 112 (TM - Kor.). A Turkic root *K(i)abur ‘coffin’ may
have existed, too: cf. Küär. qaɣur, qoɣur ‘coffin’ (VEWT 274), as well as
the Russian loan from an Old Bulgarian source: ковчег (presupposing
*Kabu(r)-čak). But then in most languages it has merged either with
*Kapɨrčak ( < PA *k῾àp῾a ‘vessel’ q.v.), or with a recent Arabic loanword
 *k῾ča - *k῾ùčù 813

(qabr ‘grave’, see VEWT 216 > Turk. qabr, Kum. qabɨr etc.), or with a
later Mong. loanword qobuɣur ‘tube’ (about which see TMN 1, 628,
ЭСТЯ 6, 71-72) .
-k῾ča ( ~ -u) animal’s paw, skin from animal’s paw: Tung. *xōsa; Turk.
*Kɨč.
PTung. *xōsa 1 skin from deer’s feet 2 animal’s paw (1 шкура с ног
оленя 2 лапа животного): Evk. ōsa 1; Evn. ōsl 1; Neg. ōsa 1; Man. ošoxo
2; SMan. vašəqə, vasəqə, vašəqu, vasəqu 2 (2287); Ul. χosolị 1; Ork. χoso 2;
Nan. χōsō 2, χōsol 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 26.
PTurk. *Kɨč foot, shin (нога, голень): Tur. kɨč ‘foot, shin; coccyx, be-
hind’; Gag. qɨč; Az. Gɨč; Turkm. Gɨč (dial.); MTurk. qɨč (AH); Shr. qɨs
‘камус’; Chuv. xɨś ‘back, behind’; Yak. ks berbēkej ‘щиколотка,
лодыжка’ (?).
◊ Лексика 281, ЭСТЯ 6, 252-253.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss, but cf. the discussion under *k῾Ỽsá; cf.
perhaps also Bur. xašāhan ‘front and back parts of footwear’; Dag. gočōr,
kočoro, kučur ‘boots’ (Тод. Даг. 132) (?).
-k῾ùčù to scrape; claw, sharp stick: Tung. *xosī-kta; Mong. *kučil-; Turk.
*Kɨč-; Jpn. *kùsì; Kor. *koč.
PTung. *xosī-kta 1 to scrape 2 claw, finger-nail (1 царапать, скре-
сти 2 ноготь, коготь): Evk. osī- 1, osīkta 2; Evn. osị- 1, ost 2; Neg. os- 1,
ōtta 2; Man. wasixa 2; SMan. wasəqələm, wasəqulu- ‘to scratch, to claw’
(1574); Ul. χosị- 1, χosta 2; Ork. χosị- 1, χosịqta 2; Nan. χosaqala- 1,
χosaqta 2; Orch. xosi- 1; Ud. wahi- (Корм. 218) 1, wai-li- 1, waikta, wahikta
2; Sol. oī- 1, ụīkta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 26-27.
PMong. *kučil- to scrape with fingers (царапать пальцами):
WMong. qučil-; Kalm. xučl-.
◊ KW 200.
PTurk. *Kɨč- to scratch, scrape; to itch (скрести, царапать; чесать-
ся): MTurk. qɨč-; Uzb. qiči-; Uygh. qiči-; Tat. qɨčɨ-; Bashk. qɨsɨ-; Kirgh.
qɨčɨš-; Kaz. qɨšɨ-; KKalp. qɨšɨ-; Nogh. qɨšɨ-; Khak. xɨčɨ-; Oyr. qɨčɨ-; Tv. kiǯi-;
Chuv. kəźə ‘чесотка’; Yak. kɨhɨj-; kɨhɨax ‘scraper’; Dolg. kɨhɨak ‘scraper’.
◊ VEWT 260, ЭСТЯ 6, 186-187, Stachowski 167.
PJpn. *kùsì spit, skewer; comb (вертел): OJpn. kusi; MJpn. kùsì; Tok.
kushí; Kyo. kúshì; Kag. kushí.
◊ JLTT 466.
PKor. *koč 1 spit, skewer; awl, gimlet 2 to stick in (1 вертел; шило 2
втыкать): MKor. koč 1, kòč- 2; Mod. kot [kos], k:oǯi 1, k:ot- [k:oč-] 2.
◊ Nam 54, KED 164, 174. The accent of the noun is unknown; the verbal stem has a
usual low tone.
814 *k῾č῾i - *k῾údo(rgV)
‖ Цинциус 1984, 99, Martin 241, Whit 1985, 135, 165, 223, АПиПЯЯ
16, 77, 290.
-k῾č῾i ( ~ -č-) a k. of cereal: Mong. *küč-; Turk. *kȫče; Kor. *kìčàŋ.
PMong. *küč- a leguminous plant (бобовое растение): WMong.
küčiŋgi (МXTTT); Kh. xüčiŋgi; Bur. xüsɨ ‘вид лапчатки’, xüsǖg ‘мыши-
ный горошек’.
◊ Cf. also Bur. xüsergenej ‘моховка (ягода)’.
PTurk. *kȫče gruel (крупа, каша): Tur. göǯe, güǯe; Turkm. kȫǯe; Sal.
koǯa ССЯ; MTurk. küǯe (Pav. C.), OKypch. (Ettuhf.); Uzb. gọǯa; Uygh.
koča; küčɛ (dial.); Krm. goǯa; Tat. küzä; Kirgh. köǯö, köčö; KKalp. göže;
Khak. köče; Oyr. köčö; Tv. köže.
◊ VEWT 286, ЭСТЯ 5, 84-85. Cf. also Shor köǯerget ‘костяника’, Khak. Sag. küzerget
id.
PKor. *kìčàŋ millet (просо обыкновенное): MKor. kìčàŋ; Mod.
kiǯaŋ.
◊ Liu 115, KED 274.
‖ Cf. also various plant names in Turkic: Oyr. köǯüne ‘дягиль’,
Turkm. göǯele ‘ирис’, Kirgh. (South.) göǯümöl ‘травянистое растение с
широкими листьями’; Kirgh. köčet, Uygh. köčɛt ‘seedling’; WMong.
güǯegeleǯegene, Khalkha güʒēlʒgene, Bur. gulzȫrgene ‘земляника’
(whence Evk. gučalǯigina etc., see ТМС 1, 176).
-k῾údo(rgV) tail: Tung. *xürgü; Mong. *kudurga; Turk. *Kudruk; Kor.
*s-kòrí.
PTung. *xürgü tail (хвост): Evk. irgi; Evn. irgъ; Neg. īɣi / idgi; Man.
unčexen; SMan. unčixən, unuun, iunuun (2291, 2607); Ul. xuǯu; Ork.
xudu; Nan. xuigu; Orch. iggi; Ud. igi; Sol. iggi, irgi.
◊ ТМС 1, 325.
PMong. *kudurga tail strap (подхвостник): MMong. qudurqa (SH),
qudorɣa (IM), qodorɣa (LH); WMong. qudurɣa(n) (L 980); Kh. xudraga;
Bur. xudarga; Kalm. xudrɣə; Ord. xudurGa; Dag. xodurugu (Тод. Даг. 179:
xudurga); S.-Yugh. GudurGa; Mongr. GudarGa.
◊ KW 195, MGCD 385. Mong. > Evk. kudurga, Man. qudarGan, see Doerfer MT 100,
Rozycki 148; > MKor. kotărkái (Lee 1964, 191).
PTurk. *Kudruk tail (хвост): OTurk. qudruq (OUygh.); Karakh.
quδruq (MK); Tur. kujruk; Gag. qujruq; Az. GujruG; Turkm. Gujruq; Sal.
Guruχ; Khal. qurduq; MTurk. qujruq, qujruɣ (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. qujruq;
Uygh. qujruq; Krm. qurjux; Tat. qojrɨq; Bashk. qojroq; Kirgh. qujruq; Kaz.
qujrɨq; KBalk. qujruq; KKalp. qujrɨq; Kum. qujruq; Nogh. qujrɨq; SUygh.
Guzuruq; Khak. xuzurux; Shr. quzuruq; Oyr. qujruq; Tv. quduruq; Tof.
quduruq; Chuv. xüre; Yak. kuturuk; Dolg. kuturuk.
◊ VEWT 296b, EDT 604, Лексика 145, ЭСТЯ 6, 114-117, Stachowski 163. Cf. also MK
quδurɣun ‘tail strap’ (Лексика 553).
 *k῾ge - *k῾ujk῾è 815

PKor. *s-kòrí tail (хвост): MKor. skòrí; Mod. k:ori.

◊ Nam 50, KED 140.
‖ Владимирцов 322, Poppe 18, 52, Цинциус 1984а, 113, ОСНЯ 1,
327-328, АПиПЯЯ 53, 284, Дыбо 9, Лексика 145. Mong. is hardly <
Turk. (although it is possible, see Щербак 1997, 142). In Korean we
have a case of *s-prefixation in body parts (see also under *op῾erV,
*p῾ejńe); note that MKor. kòtằrkái ‘tail strap’ < Mong. Cf. also Turk.
*Kuduskan ‘tail strap’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 182-183) = WMong. qudusqa (VEWT 297,
KW 195, Лексика 554); *Kudu-muč / -mčak ‘tail bone’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 215-216).
-k῾ge palate, jaw: Tung. *xǖkte; Mong. *köɣemej; Turk. *Kögme; Jpn.
*k(ù)i; Kor. *khúm.
PTung. *xǖkte tooth (зуб): Evk. īkte; Evn. īt; Neg. īkte; Man. weixe;
SMan. vīxə (32); Jurch. juj-xe (495); Nan. xukte(le); Ud. ikte; Oroch. ikte;
Sol. ītte.
◊ ТМС 1, 300. Cf. also Evk. īken ‘jaw, chin’ (ТМС 1, 302). North. > Ul., Orok ikte.
PMong. *köɣemej 1 throat, pharynx 2 chest part of animal skin (1
глотка, фаринкс 2 грудная часть шкуры животного): WMong.
kögeme (L 479: kögemei, kömei) 1; Kh. xȫmij 1; Bur. xȫmej 2; Kalm. kȫmǟ 1
(КРС); Ord. kȫmī 2.
◊ Cf. also Khalkha xöjȫ ‘crop, craw’. Mong. > Kaz. kömekej etc.), see ЭСТЯ 5, 99-100.
PTurk. *Kögme gum (of tooth) (десна): Khak. köŋme; Shr. kögbe
(Mat.), köge (Kond.).
◊ VEWT 290.
PJpn. *k(ù)i fang (клык): OJpn. k(j)i; MJpn. kì; Tok. kí-ba; Kyo. kí-bà;
Kag. kí-ba.
◊ JLTT 449. The accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is irregular; Tokyo and RJ point un-
ambiguously to original low tone.
PKor. *khúm jaw (челюсть): MKor. khúm.
◊ Nam 36.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290 (with a somewhat different grouping of etyma).
Korean has an irregular low tone.
-k῾ujk῾è root, stem: Tung. *xüj(k)e; Turk. *kök; Jpn. *kùkùi; Kor.
*kòkrí, kòkòrí.
PTung. *xüj(k)e horn (рог): Evk. ije; Evn. īj; Neg. īje; Man. weixe /
uixe; SMan. vīxə (32, 2279); Jurch. huje-xe (602); Ul. xuje; Ork. xuje; Nan.
xuje; Orch. ije; Ud. jē; Sol. īje.
◊ ТМС 1, 298-299.
PTurk. *kök root (корень): Karakh. kök (MK, KB); Tur. kök; Gag. kök;
Az. kök; Turkm. kök; MTurk. kök (AH, Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Krm. kök; Kaz.
kök; KKalp. kök; Tv. kö’k; Chuv. kъₙk (Anatri).
◊ VEWT 287, EDT 708, TMN 3, 598, ЭСТЯ 5, 91-92, Лексика 109.
816 *k῾jŕo - *k῾le
PJpn. *kùkù-i stem, stalk (ствол, стебель): OJpn. kuki; MJpn. kuki;
Tok. kukí; Kyo. kúkì; Kag. kukí.
◊ JLTT 462. The stem kuku- is found in some OJ compounds.
PKor. *kòkrí, kòkòrí stalk (стебель): MKor. kòkrí, kòkòrí; Mod.
k:okči.
◊ Nam 45, KED 154.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 284, Лексика 109, Whitman 1985, 132, 222. Tone corre-
spondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. The TM word belongs
here if one reconstructs the rare cluster *-jk- (reflected as -x- in Manchu
but as -0- in other languages).
-k῾jŕo cold wind, fog, North: Mong. *koji-; Turk. *Kuŕ; Jpn. *kúi-rí.
PMong. *koji- North(wards), back(wards) (север, зад, задняя сто-
рона): MMong. qojina (SH, HY 50), qūjna ‘following’ (IM); WMong.
qoji-na, qoji-si (L 954); Kh. xojno, xojš; Bur. xojno, xojšo; Kalm. xȫnə (КРС)
‘after’; Ord. xoöno ‘back, West’; Mog. qoina (Weiers); Dag. xuai-nə (Тод.
Даг. 178 xuaina), huajne (MD 165); Dong. qui-na; Bao. χui-nə; S.-Yugh.
χöi-ne; Mongr. xwno (SM 177), xwdi ‘qui est derrière’ (SM 176), xui-no.
◊ MGCD 359.
PTurk. *Kuŕ Northern slope (северный склон): OTurk. quz (Yen.);
qurɨ ‘West’ (Orkh.),; Karakh. quz (MK); Tur. koz, guz (dial.), kuzej; Az.
Guzej; Turkm. Guzaj; MTurk. quz (AH, Pav. C.), quzaj (Pav.C.); Uygh.
quz; SUygh. qozan ‘sunset’ (Mal.); Khak. xosxar ‘Polar star’; Oyr. qusqaj
(Tuba ).
◊ VEWT 305, EDT 680, ЭСТЯ 6, 106-107.
PJpn. *kúi-rí ( ~ -əi-) fog (туман): OJpn. kiri; MJpn. kírí; Tok. kìri;
Kyo. kírí; Kag. kíri.
◊ JLTT 451.
‖ Дыбо 45. The root contains a rare cluster *-jŕ-. The Jpn. form can
belong here if *-ri is originally suffixed (which is in fact quite probable,
given the exceptional structure of the word with medial -ui- ~ -əi-).
-k῾le to exchange, trade, hire: Tung. *xül-; Mong. *kölü-sü; Turk.
*kȫle.
PTung. *xül- 1 to lend 2 to change, exchange 3 to barter 4 to supply
5 to borrow (1 одалживать 2 меняться, обменивать 3 торговать 4
снабжать 5 брать взаймы): Evk. ildu- 1; Neg. ịldụ- 1; Man. χulaša- 3;
SMan. hulašə- 2 (1425); Jurch. xu-la-gi (833) 2; Nan. χolasị- 2, (Bik. χolsị-);
Orch. igdu-mači- 4; Ud. idu- 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 308, 469.
PMong. *kölü-sü wages for hired work (плата за наемный труд):
MMong. kulesu, kulesun (MA 222); WMong. kölüsü(n) (L 486); Kh. xöls;
Bur. xülhe(n); Kalm. kölsn (КРС); Ord. kölösü(n).
 *k῾ŭli - *k῾ĺa 817

PTurk. *kȫle 1 slave, servant 2 bastard 3 co-ruler, minister (1 слуга,

раб 2 незаконнорожденный 3 соправитель): OTurk. köl (~ kül) an Old
Turkic title (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. köl ( ~ kül) 3 (MK); Tur. köle 1; Az.
köle 1; Turkm. kȫle 2; MTurk. köl 3; Khak. kölmök ‘people’; Tv. xöl ‘guests
that have arrived’.
◊ VEWT 288.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾ŭli to wind, plait: Tung. *xil(i)-; Mong. *küli-; Turk. *kül-, *kült-.
PTung. *xil(i)- to plait, braid (плести, заплетать): Evk. ilča-; Evn.
ịlčā-; Neg. ịlča-; Ul. sịlụ-; Ork. sịlị-; Nan. sịlị-; Orch. iliča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 311.
PMong. *küli- to bind (связывать): MMong. kuli- (IM); WMong.
küli- (L 499); Kh. xüle-; Bur. xüli-; Kalm. küĺə-; Ord. küli-; Mog. küli-
(Ramstedt 1906); S.-Yugh. kulə-; Mongr. koli- (SM 212).
◊ KW 245, MGCD 404.
PTurk. *kül- spool, skein, sheaf (катушка, моток, вязанка): Tur.
küleš, dial. kültem; Turkm. kültem; MTurk. külte (AH, At-Tuhf., KW);
Krm. külte; Tat. költe; Bashk. költe; Kaz. külte; KKalp. külte; Kum. külte;
Nogh. külte; Chuv. kəlde (possibly < Tat.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 139, Федотов 1, 272-273. Turk. > Kalm. kültə- ‘to bind, fasten’ (KW 245).
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *koli, *gldi, *k῾iĺa.
-k῾ĺa sable, squirrel: Tung. *xulu-kī; Mong. *kulgana; Turk. *kīĺ.
PTung. *xulu-kī squirrel (белка): Evk. ulukī; Evn. öliki; Neg. ọlọxī;
Man. ulxu; Ul. xolo; Ork. xolo / xulu; Nan. xulu; Orch. oloki; Ud. oloxi; Sol.
uluxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 263-4.
PMong. *kulgana mouse (мышь): MMong. quluqana (SH) xuluqana
(HY 11), qəlɣəna (IM); WMong. qulɣana (L 984: quluɣana); Kh. xulgana;
Bur. xulgana, xulganān; Kalm. xulɣən (КРС); Ord. xuluGuna; S.-Yugh.
χunaGlaG; Mongr. xanaGla (SM 155), xulGanaG.
◊ MGCD 388; TMN 1, 440 (Mong. > Evk. kulugu, kuluguna).
PTurk. *kīĺ sable (соболь): OTurk. kiš (Orkh.); Karakh. kiš (MK, KB);
MTurk. kiš (MA, Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. kiš; Tat. keš; Bashk. keš; Kirgh. kiš;
Kaz. kis; Kum. kiš; Nogh. kis, kiš; Oyr. kiš; Tv. kiš; Chuv. kъₙš; Yak. kīs;
Dolg. kīs.
◊ VEWT 272, TMN 3, 664-665, EDT 752, Щербак 1961, 143, ЭСТЯ 5, 77-78, Лексика
162-163, Stachowski 149 (one of the Turk.-Samoyed. contact words; because of the Tun-
gus parallel, probably Turk. > Samoyed., despite Helimski 1995). The Chuvash form re-
veals irregular vocalism and may in fact reflect a merger with PT *Küĺül ‘rat, mole’ (v. sub
*k῾ĺú). Turk. > Mong. er-kis ‘male sable’, ebsi-gis ‘female sable’ (see Clark 1980, 43).
818 *k῾uĺe - *k῾ĺnu
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 163. A Western isogloss (cf. perhaps OJ kase
‘sea-urchin’?). In Turkic one has to suppose a secondary fronting *kīĺ <
*kĺ (a rather frequent phenomenon).
-k῾uĺe person: Tung. *(x)ile ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *kulunča; Turk. *kiĺi.
PTung. *(x)ile ( ~ -ü-) person (человек): Evk. ile.
◊ ТМС 1, 311.
PMong. *kulunča ancestor (предок): WMong. qulunča (L 985); Kh.
xulanc; Bur. xulinsag, gulinsag - ‘потомки в пятом колене’; Kalm.
xuləncəg (КРС); Ord. xulumči, xuluŋči ‘trisaïeul paternel’.
PTurk. *kiĺi person, people (человек, люди): OTurk. kiši (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. kiši (MK, KB); Tur. kiši; Gag. kiši; Az. kiši; Turkm. kiši;
Sal. kiši; MTurk. kiši (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. kiši; Uygh. kiši; Krm. kiši; Tat.
keše; Bashk. keše; Kirgh. kiši; Kaz. kisi; KBalk. kiši; KKalp. kisi; Kum. kiši;
Nogh. kisi; SUygh. kisi; Khak. kəzə; Shr. kiži; Oyr. kiži; Tv. kiži; Tof. kiši;
Yak. kihi; Dolg. kihi.
◊ VEWT 272, EDT 752-753, ЭСТЯ 5, 78-79, Лексика 325, Stachowski 147.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283. A Western isogloss. The comparison is quite ac-
ceptable, but its reliability is weakened by the isolated nature of the
Evenki form within TM. Cf., however, the ethnonym *kile ‘Evenki’
(ТМС 1, 393) (possibly borrowed in Evk. from a form like *xile or *xüle)
and Evn. kịlča ‘Yakut’.
-k῾ĺnu navel: Tung. *xulŋu-; Mong. *köjil-sü; Turk. *kīn, *kīn-dük.
PTung. *xulŋu- navel (пупок): Evk. uŋurē; Evn. inŋö, iŋŋö; Neg.
uŋńo-n; Man. uleŋgu; SMan. uluŋu (94); Ul. xujmu; Ork. xūnu; Nan. xu-
jmu.
◊ ТМС 2, 266, 280. In Man. cf. also xum-sun ‘navel’ (ТМС 1, 447).
PMong. *köjil-sü navel (пупок): MMong. kojisun (HY 47, 15),
kuj-sun (MA); WMong. köi(l)sü (L 498: küisü(n), küilsü(n)); Kh. xüjs; Bur.
xüjhe(n); Kalm. kīsn; Ord. kǖs, kīs, küjs, kȫs, kǖsü; Mog. ZM kosun (3-3b);
Dag. kuise (Тод. Даг. 151, MD 184); Dong. kuisun; Bao. kisoŋ; S.-Yugh.
kǖsən; Mongr. kwʒə; kwgi- 1 ‘nombril, centre; couper le cordon ombici-
cal à l’enfant 1’ (SM 208).
◊ KW 239, MGCD 397.
PTurk. *kīn, *kīn-dük 1 navel, navelstring, centre 2 navel of a
musk-deer, musk (1 пупок, пуповина, центр 2 мускусная железа,
мускус): OTurk. kin ‘утроба, vagina; мускус’, kindik 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. kin (KB), kün (MK) 2; Tur. kindik, künük (dial.) 1; Turkm. kindik
(dial.) 1; Sal. kinǯix, kintix 1; Khal. kindik 1; MTurk. kindik (MA, Pav. C.)
1; Uzb. kindik, kindak 1; Uygh. kindik 1; Krm. kindik 1, ‘belly’; Tat. kendek
1; Bashk. kendek 1; Kirgh. kindik 1; Kaz. kindik 1; KBalk. kindik 1; KKalp.
kindik 1; Kum. gindik 1; Nogh. kindik 1; SUygh. kendek 1 (ЯЖУ); Khak.
 *k῾uml[e] - *k῾nč῾o 819

kən 1, kəndək 1; Oyr. kindik 1, kin 2; Tv. xin 1, 2, xindik 1, 2; Tof. xin 1, 2;
Chuv. kəndək (dial.); Yak. kīn 1.
◊ VEWT 271, EDT 725, 729, ЭСТЯ 5, 68-69, Лексика 279-280. Turk. > Mong. kindik
(Щербак 1997, 127).
‖ KW 234, Дыбо 6, Лексика 280. A Western isogloss, with a rather
complicated phonology. In Mong. *köjil-sü ( < *kölil- < *kölin-) should be
distinguished from *köji < *kōp῾e, although the reflexes have been sig-
nificantly confused; PTM *xulŋu- either < *xulnu- through assimilation,
or else < *xulnu-gV- or *xulnu-ŋV- (with a fused velar suffix). Finally, in
Turkic one has to suppose a (rather frequent) fronting *kīn < *kn.
-k῾uml[e] nail, needle: Tung. *xülme; Mong. *kimul-su; Kor. *kom(h).
PTung. *xülme needle (игла): Evk. inme; Evn. inmъ; Neg. inme; Man.
ulme; SMan. unū (266); Jurch. hiul-me (249); Ul. xulme(n); Ork. xulme;
Nan. xurme; Orch. imme; Ud. iŋme; Sol. imme.
◊ ТМС 1, 316.
PMong. *kimul-su claw, finger-nail (ноготь, коготь): MMong. ki-
musun (HY 46, SH), kimul (SH), qəmərṣən (IM), qimusun (MA); WMong.
kimusu(n), qumusu(n) (L 469); Kh. xums(an); Bur. umha(n); Kalm.
xumsn; Ord. xumusu; Mog. qimsun; ZM qemsun (2-9a); Dag. kimči (Тод.
Даг. 150), kimeči (MD 183); Dong. Gəmusun (MGCD Gɨmusun); Bao.
Gomsoŋ; S.-Yugh. xəməsən; Mongr. ćimuʒə (SM 450), (MGCD ćimusə).
◊ KW 197, MGCD 389.
PKor. *kom(h) finger-nail (ноготь): Mod. son-khom (SKE 134).
◊ A dialectal form.
‖ In Mong. one has to suppose *kimul- < *kumil- (the form qumu(l)- is
actually attested in many dialects, and may be archaic).
-k῾nč῾o sleeve, elbow; top of boot: Tung. *xǖnčē-n; Mong. *kanču-;
Turk. *Konč.
PTung. *xǖnčē-n elbow (локоть): Evk. īčēn; Evn. iečen; Neg. īčēn; Ul.
unče(n); Ork. ūite; Nan. xujčẽ; Orch. īčo(n); Sol. īnč.
◊ ТМС 1, 336. TM > Dag. inčēn, jinčēn, īčēn (Тод. Даг. 146). Loss of *x- in Ul. and Orok
is not quite clear: perhaps borrowing from some archaic South. Tung. dialect (before the
change *ǖ > ī).
PMong. *kanču- sleeve (рукав): MMong. kančun (HY 22), qanču(n)
(SH), qanču (IM), qančīn (Lig.VMI); WMong. qanču-n (L 927: qančui,
qanču, qamčui); Kh. xancuj; Bur. xamsɨ; Kalm. xancə; Ord. xanču; Mog.
qamči, qamču (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. kanči (Тод. Даг. 148, MD 181), xanči
(Тод. Даг. 148); Dong. Ganǯun; Bao. Ganǯoŋ; S.-Yugh. χanǯūn; Mongr.
xani, xanći (SM 156), xamǯi.
◊ KW 175, MGCD 327.
PTurk. *Konč top(s) of boots (голенище): Tur. konč; Gag. qonč; Az.
Gunǯ; Turkm. Gonč; MTurk. qonč (AH); Uzb. qụnǯ; Uygh. qonǯa; Krm.
820 *k῾une - *k῾ŭnu
qonč; Tat. qunɨč; Kirgh. qonč; Kaz. qonɨš; KKalp. qonɨš; Kum. xonč; Nogh.
qonɨš; SUygh. qaŋč; Shr. qoš; Oyr. qonč, qonɨč; Tv. xonču; Chuv. konǯa.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 58-59, Федотов 1, 308.
‖ A Western isogloss. Except for Mong. -a- the correspondences are
regular; Mong. *kanču- probably < *kunča- (with vowel metathesis).
-k῾une heavy, load: Tung. *(x)ünī-; Mong. *kündü.
PTung. *(x)ünī- to carry on the back (нести на спине): Evk. inī-;
Evn. inu-; Neg. inīw- ‘навьючить’; Man. unu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 315-316.
PMong. *kün- 1 heavy, difficult 2 respect, authority (1 тяжелый 2
уважение, почтительность): MMong. kundu (HY 52, SH), kundule- ‘to
respect’ (HYt), kondu (IM), kŭndu 1; WMong. kündü 1,2 (L 501, 502); Kh.
xünd 1,2; Bur. xünde 1; Kalm. kündə 1,2; Ord. kündü 1,2; Mog. kündü 1;
ZM kondu (18-3b); Dag. xundu, kundu (Тод. Даг. 151), hunde 1, hundule-
‘to respect’ (MD 166); Dong. gundu; Bao. kuntɛ, kuntə; S.-Yugh. kundə;
Mongr. kundun (SM 212).
◊ KW 246, MGCD 398. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. kündü (Stachowski 164); > Manchu kundu
‘respect, honor’, Evk. kundu (Rozycki 146).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-k῾ŭnu to long for, covet (sexually): Tung. *(x)on-; Mong. *kina-; Turk.
*Kɨn-; Jpn. *kunank-.
PTung. *(x)on- 1 to search (for lost deer) 2 to wait 3 domestic rein-
deer trained for searching wild deer (1 искать (потерявшихся оленей)
2 ждать 3 олень-манщик): Evk. onī- 1, ondōgdo 3; Evn. ōnmt- 2, ondā-
1, ondad 3; Neg. ondogdo 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 19. Cf. perhaps also Manchu ondo- ‘to caper; to rape’ ( > Dag. ondō-, see Тод.
Даг. 159); Nan. χonolị- ‘to mock’ (ТМС 1, 470) - which would confirm the reconstruction
of *x- and fit the original meaning ‘to covet (sexually)’. Evk. ondogdo > Dolg. ondōdo (see
Stachowski 193).
PMong. *kina- to investigate, observe, trace (исследовать, наблю-
дать, следить): WMong. kina- (L 469); Kh. ana-; Bur. xina-; Ord. kina-;
Dag. kinima ‘careful, cautious’.
◊ MGCD 353.
PTurk. *Kɨn- 1 to long for, covet, to be obsessed with 2 to long
(sexually) 3 coire (1 желать, стремиться 2 желать (сексуально) 3
coire): OTurk. qɨn- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨn- 1 (MK); Tur. kɨn- 1, 2;
Kirgh. qɨnɨq- 1; Khak. xɨn-, xɨnɨx- 1, 2; Shr. qɨn- 1; Oyr. qɨn-, qɨnɨq- 1;
Chuv. xъnъx- 1; Yak. kɨn- 3.
◊ VEWT 264, EDT 632, ЭСТЯ 6, 632.
PJpn. *kunank- coire, have sexual intercourse (coire, иметь поло-
вые сношения): OJpn. kunagap(j)i (n.); MJpn. kunag-.
‖ KW 231 (Turk.-Mong.). See also notes to *gno.
 *k῾ńa - *k῾ùńí 821

-k῾ńa punishment: Tung. *xuńi-; Mong. *könüɣe-; Turk. *Kjn; Jpn.

*káná-.
PTung. *xuńi- to envy, become sick of envy (завидовать, обижать-
ся, заболевать от зависти): Evk. uni-; Evn. öń-; Neg. uńi-; Ul. xuńi-;
Nan. xuńi-; Ud. uńi- ‘to become sick’.
◊ ТМС 2, 273-274.
PMong. *könüɣe- to harm, torture (вредить, мучить): WMong.
könüge- (L 490); Kh. xönȫ-; Bur. xünegȫl ‘harm, damage’.
PTurk. *Kjn 1 punishment, fine, guilt 2 to punish 3 cruelty, tyranny
4 to condemn 5 hard, difficult 6 to torture 7 insult, offence 8 to offend 9
harm, torture 10 sin 11 to annoy, anger 12 to beat (1 наказание, штраф,
вина 2 наказывать 3 жестокость, тирания 4 осуждать, порицать 5
трудный, тяжелый 6 мучить 7 обида 8 обижать 9 беда, мучение 10
грех 11 сердить, раздражать 12 бить): OTurk. qɨjnɨɣ (acc.) (Orkh.), qɨjn,
qɨn (OUygh.) 1, qɨna- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨn, qɨjɨn (KB) 1, qɨna- 2 (MK,
KB); Tur. kɨjɨn, kɨjɨnč 3, kɨna- 4; Az. Gɨna- 4; Turkm. qn 5, qna- ‘to make
difficult, torture’; MTurk. qɨjɨn (Abush., Бор. Бад., MA), qɨn (Pav. C.),
qɨna- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. qijin 5, qijna- 6; Uygh. qijin 5, qijna- 6; Krm. qɨjɨn,
qejin 1, qɨjna- 6; Tat. qɨjɨn 5, qɨjɨna- ‘to make difficult, hard’; Bashk. qɨjɨn
1, qɨjna- 12; Kirgh. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjɨt- ‘to make difficult, troublesome’, qɨjna- 6;
Kaz. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6, qɨnž-ɨl- ‘to be distressed’; KBalk. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 12;
KKalp. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6; Kum. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6; Nogh. qɨjɨn 1, qɨjna- 6;
SUygh. qɨn 1; Khak. xɨjɨx 7, xɨjal 9; Shr. qɨjal 9, 10, qɨjɨq-ta- 8, qɨjnaɣ 9
(*qɨń-laɣ); Oyr. qɨjɨn, qɨjna- 6, qɨjal 10, dial. (Tuba) qɨj- 6; Tv. xɨjna- 6;
Chuv. xən 1; Yak. knńā-, kɨjaxā- 11, kɨj- ‘to pain, ache’; Dolg. kɨjŋa- 11,
kɨj- ‘to kill’.
◊ VEWT 264. EDT 631, ЭСТЯ 6, 218-219, Stachowski 168. Turk. *Kjna- > MMong.
qina- ‘to torture’ (Щербак 1997, 165). Nasalless forms (like Yak. kɨjaxā- etc.) may result
from a reanalysis of the form *Kjn as *Kɨjɨn, interpreted as a deverbative noun. Turk. >
Hung. kín ‘torture, suffering’ (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *káná- sad, sorrowful (печальный, грустный): OJpn. kana-si;
MJpn. káná-si; Tok. kànashi-; Kyo. kánáshì-; Kag. kanáshi-.
◊ JLTT 830.
‖ Cf. *guna. and notes to *gno. Mong. *könüɣe- has a usual regres-
sive labialization ( < *kenüɣe- or *kinüɣe-).
-k῾ùńí thread, cloth: Mong. *kejeŋ; Turk. *köjŋe-lek; Jpn. *kìnú; Kor.
*kính.
PMong. *kejeŋ edge of cloth (on both sides), selvage (кайма, край
одежды (по обеим сторонам)): WMong. kejeŋ (L 445); Kh. xejen.
PTurk. *köjŋe-lek shirt (рубашка): Karakh. köŋlek (MK); Tur.
köjnäk, dial. göŋlek; Gag. gölmäk; Az. köjnek; Turkm. köjnek, dial. gömlek;
MTurk. köŋlek (Sangl., MA, Pav. C., Бор. Бад.), köjnek (Pav. C.); Uzb.
822 *k῾ńu - *k῾úŋu
kọjnak, kọjlak; Uygh. köŋläk, köŋnek; Krm. kölmek; Tat. külmäk; Bashk.
küldäk; Kirgh. köjnek; KBalk. kölek; KKalp. köjlek; Kum. gölek; Nogh.
köjlek; Khak. kögenek; Shr. künek; Oyr. künek; Tv. xöjleŋ; Yak. könjügäs
‘старинное название дохи’.
◊ VEWT 290-291, EDT 732, ЭСТЯ 5, 89-90, Лексика 384, 476-477. Turk. > WMong.
küjileg, Kalm. kīləg (KW 234), MMong. köŋlek (TMN 3, 615, Щербак 1997, 128).
PJpn. *kìnú silk; cloth, robe (шелк; одежда, платье): OJpn. kjinu;
MJpn. kìnú; Tok. kínu; Kyo. kìnú; Kag. kinú.
◊ JLTT 451.
PKor. *kính string, tassel (веревка, кисточка, лента): MKor. kín
(kính-); Mod. k:ɨn.
◊ Nam 80, KED 243.
‖ In Mong. one would rather expect -ö-; -e- is perhaps a result of as-
similation. In Turko-Mongolian -ŋ- is possibly an original suffix (Turk.
*köjŋe- < *köń-ŋe-); but a reconstruction like *k῾ùńŋí can also not be ex-
cluded.
-k῾ńu ( ~ -a) sheath, scabbard: Tung. *xunǯi-; Mong. *kuj; Turk. *Kn.
PTung. *xunǯi- 1 wooden quiver 2 a vessel made of birch bark (1
деревянный колчан 2 сосуд из бересты): Evk. unǯikān 2; Nan. xonǯi
(Он.) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 273.
PMong. *kuj sheath, scabbard (ножны, чехол): MMong. quji (IM),
qūj (LH), quj (MA); WMong. qui (L 982); Kh. xuj; Bur. xuj; Kalm. xǖ;
Ord. xuj; S.-Yugh. χui; Mongr. xw (SM 176), xui (Huzu), (MGCD xui).
◊ MGCD 386, KW 204.
PTurk. *Kn sheath, scabbard (ножны, чехол): Karakh. qɨn (MK,
KB); Tur. kɨn; Gag. qɨn; Az. Gɨn; Turkm. Gn; MTurk. qɨn (Pav. C.); Uzb.
qin, (Khorazm dial.) qɨjn; Uygh. qin; Krm. qɨn; Tat. qɨn; Bashk. qɨn;
Kirgh. qɨn; Kaz. qɨn; KBalk. qɨn; KKalp. qɨn; Kum. qɨn; Nogh. qɨn; SUygh.
qɨn (ЯЖУ); Khak. xɨn; Shr. qɨn; Oyr. qɨn; Tv. xɨn; Chuv. jənə, dial. ənə;
Yak. kn.
◊ VEWT 264, EDT 630-631, Егоров 79, Лексика 571, ЭСТЯ 6, 217-218.
‖ Владимирцов 174. A Western isogloss. See TMN 3, 577 (“die
Aehnlichkeit der beiden Wörter dürfte Zufall sein”).
-k῾úŋu to bend, bow: Tung. *xuŋke- / *kuŋke-; Mong. *kiji- / *keje-;
Turk. *Kɨŋ-; Jpn. *kúnkúm-.
PTung. *xuŋke- / *kuŋke- to bow (кланяться, наклоняться): Evk.
uŋkē-; Neg. keŋket-; Man. xeŋgile-; SMan. xeŋkilə-, xiŋkili- ‘to kowtow’
(1446); Jurch. keŋ-ke-le-mij (751); Ul. keŋkele-; Nan. keŋkele-; Ud. xeŋki-.
◊ ТМС 2, 278-279.
PMong. *kiji- / *keje- oblique, slanting (косой, наклонный):
WMong. keje-ge (L 445), kiji-ǯaŋ; Kh. xejeg; xejede-, xejele- (v.); Kalm. kīzŋ.
 *k῾uŋu - *k῾up῾e 823
◊ KW 235. There also exists a synonymous WMong. variant geji-, geje- (Kh. geje-de-,
geje-le-, Kalm. gī). Voiced *g- here is probably due to the influence of another synony-
mous root, *gek- (v. sub *gḗk῾á).
PTurk. *Kɨŋ- bent, oblique (согнутый, косой): OTurk. qɨŋɨr
(OUygh.); Karakh. qɨŋɨr (MK); Turkm. Gɨŋɨr; MTurk. qɨŋɨr (Ettuhf.);
Uzb. qiŋɣir; Uygh. qiŋi(r); Krm. qɨŋɣɨr; Tat. qɨŋɣɨr; Bashk. qɨŋɨr (dial.);
Kirgh. qɨŋɨr; Kaz. qɨŋɨr; KBalk. qɨŋɨr; KKalp. qɨŋɨr; Kum. qɨŋɨr; Yak. kɨŋnar
‘криво, косо’.
◊ VEWT 264-265, EDT 639, ЭСТЯ 6, 220-221. OT qɨŋraq ‘curved dagger’ > WMong.
kiɣira, kiŋgara (Kalm. kīrə, Khalkha aŋgar).
PJpn. *kúnkúm- be curved, bent (быть кривым, изогнутым):
MJpn. kugum-, kúgúmar-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ TM and Jpn. forms reflect a velar suffix (or partial reduplication).
One of several similar roots which are sometimes difficult to distin-
guish: cf. *gék῾á, *gk῾a, *k῾ōki.
-k῾uŋu worm, grub: Tung. *xuŋVl-; Mong. *kiɣur-; Jpn. *kuà.
PTung. *xuŋVl- 1 worm 2 grub (1 червь 2 личинка): Evk. uŋul 1;
Evn. uŋъl 1, 2; Neg. uŋil 2; Man. uḿaxa / iḿaxa 1; SMan. imahə, nimahə 1
(2173); Jurch. wu-mia-xa (166) 1; Ork. xuŋguli 2; Nan. xuŋguli 2; Orch.
umuli 2; Ud. uŋulu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 280. Cf. also PTM *(x)uńa ‘grub, larva’ (ТМС 2, 276).
PMong. *kiɣur- nit (гнида): WMong. kiɣursu, quur(a)su (L 464:
kiɣurasu(n), kiɣurusu(n)); Kh. xūrs; Bur. ūrha(n); Kalm. gǖr(ə), xūrsn,
ɣūrsn; Ord. Gūrsu; Dag. ḱaur (Тод. Даг. 148); S.-Yugh. χairsən; Mongr.
ćirʒə (SM 456), (MGCD ćīrsə).
◊ KW 140, 202, MGCD 381. Mong. > Khak. kör etc. (VEWT 292).
PJpn. *kuà silkworm (шелковичный червь): OJpn. kwo; MJpn.
kàfí-kò; Tok. kái-ko; Kyo. kàí-kò; Kag. kai-kó.
◊ JLTT 433.
‖ The Jpn. form goes back to *k῾uŋ(u)-gV.
-k῾up῾e to sew: Mong. *köbe-; Turk. *köpi-.
PMong. *köbe- to oversew, tack, baste (сметывать, сшивать через
край): WMong. köbe- (L 476), köberi-de-; Kh. xövördö-; Kalm. köw-,
köwrd-.
◊ KW 242. Mong. > Man. kubu-, see Rozycki 144.
PTurk. *köpi- to oversew, quilt (сшивать через край, простеги-
вать): Karakh. kübi- (MK); Tur. göbü-, göbü ‘толстый шов’, köpü- (dial.);
Turkm. köpe-; MTurk. (Kypch.) kübV- (AH); Tat. kübe- (Sib.); Bashk.
kübe-; Oyr. kübür- (Tel.).
◊ VEWT 306, ЭСТЯ 5, 111, EDT 687.
824 *k῾ura - *k῾ure
‖ A Turko-Mong. isogloss. Not quite reliable, because Mong. may
be < Turkic (or else connected etymologically with köbe-ge ‘edge’).
-k῾ura ( ~ -u) twenty: Tung. *xorin; Mong. *kori; Turk. *Kɨrk.
PTung. *xorin twenty (двадцать): Evk. orin; Neg. ojịn; Man. orin;
SMan. orin (2754); Jurch. horin (655); Ul. χorị(n); Ork. χorị(n); Nan. χorị;
Orch. oi; Ud. waji; Sol. orĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 24.
PMong. *kori twenty (двадцать): MMong. qorin (SH, HY 43), qurin
(IM), qūrin (LH); WMong. qori(n) (L 966); Kh. xorin; Bur. xori(n); Kalm.
xörn; Ord. xori; Dag. xoŕ, Тод. Даг. 178 xori(n); hori (MD 164); Dong.
qorun; Bao. χoroŋ; S.-Yugh. χorən; Mongr. xorin, xorim (SM 173), xurən.
◊ KW 193, MGCD 366.
PTurk. *Kɨrk forty (сорок): OTurk. qɨrq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qɨrq (MK); Tur. kɨrk; Gag. qɨrq; Az. Gɨrx; Turkm. qɨrq; Sal. qɨrx, qɨrɨx;
Khal. qɨrq; MTurk. qɨrq (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. qirq; Uygh. qi(r)q; Tat. qɨrɨq;
Bashk. qɨrq; Kirgh. qɨrq; Kaz. qɨrɨq; KBalk. qɨrq; KKalp. qɨrq; Kum. qɨrq;
Nogh. qɨrq; Khak. xɨrɨx; Shr. qɨrɨq; Oyr. qɨrq, qɨrɨq; Chuv. xərəx.
◊ EDT 651, VEWT 266, Лексика 573, ЭСТЯ 6, 235-236.
‖ Because of the *x- reflex, hardly borrowed in TM from Mong. (de-
spite Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 169). A Western isogloss: cf. OJ patati ‘20’
< *katati under the influence of *puta- ‘2’ (??).
-k῾ure guest, neighbour: Tung. *(x)üremē- ( ~ -i-); Mong. *kür-; Turk.
*Kir-deĺ.
PTung. *(x)üremē- ( ~ -i-) to visit, come as a guest (приходить в гос-
ти, гостить): Evk. iremē-; Neg. ijemē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 329.
PMong. *kür- 1 son-in-law, bridegroom 2 brother-in-law (1 зять
2 шурин): MMong. guregən (HY 29), gurigen, guregen (SH) 1, keurgen
(IM); WMong. kürgen 1, küri degü 2 (L 505); Kh. xürge 1, xür degǖ 2; Bur.
xüŕge(n) 1, xür dǖ ‘younger brother-in-law’; Kalm. kür ‘brother-in-law’;
kürgn 1; Ord. kürgen 1 küri dǖ ‘frère poîné de la femme’; Dag. xurgun 1
(Тод. Даг. 180: xurgen, kurgen), huregen 1 (MD 167); Dong. kuɣan 1;
Bao. kurkaŋ 1; S.-Yugh. kurɣen 1, kure dǖn 2; Mongr. kurgēn (SM 216) 1,
kurgēn diu 2.
◊ KW 246, 247, MGCD 399, 401. Despite Щербак 1997, 128 Mong. kürgen cannot be <
Turk. *güdegü (v. sub *kude). Mong. > Evk. kurekēn, kuriɣen see TMN 1, 477, Doerfer MT
127.
PTurk. *Kir-deĺ a neighbour who lives in the same house (сосед,
живущий в том же доме): Karakh. kirdeš (MK).
◊ EDT 739. The word is attested only in OT, but modern forms like Oyr. körüš, Tat.
kürši ‘neighbour’ etc. (ЭСТЯ 5, 118-119; > Mong. körši, see Clark 1980, 41) may actually
belong here, being transformed under the influence of körüš- ‘to see each other’. Difficult
 *k῾re - *k῾úrge 825
is Yak. küre, kürüö ‘wife’s younger sister’: Poppe 1961, 138 regards it as genetically related
to the Mongolian forms, but one cannot exclude a secondary loan < Evk. kuriɣen.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾re to reach, treat: Tung. *xür-; Mong. *kür-; Turk. *gīr-; Jpn. *kúrá-;
Kor. *kūr-.
PTung. *xür- to ripen (созревать): Evk. ir-; Evn. ir-; Neg. ij-; Man.
ure-; SMan. urə-, uru- (391); Ul. xuru-; Ork. xuri-; Nan. xuru-.
◊ ТМС 1, 323.
PMong. *kür- 1 to reach 2 receive a gift or favour, be reached (1 дос-
тигать 2 получать подарок, заслужить милость, достичь): MMong.
gur- 1 (SH, HYt), kor- 1 (IM); WMong. kür- 1 (L 503), kürte- 2 (L 506); Kh.
xüre-, xürte-; Bur. xüre- 1, xürte- 2; Kalm. kürtə-; Ord. kür-; Mog. kur- 1
(Weiers); Dag. kuru-, (Тод. Даг. 151) kure-, kur- 1; kurte- 2 (Тод. Даг.
151), kure-, hure- 1 (MD 167, 185); Dong. kuru-; Bao. kur-; S.-Yugh. kur-;
Mongr. kuru- (SM 216), kurə-.
◊ KW 248, MGCD 401.
PTurk. *gīr- to enter (входить): OTurk. kir- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. kir- (MK, KB); Tur. gir-; Gag. gir-; Az. gir-; Turkm. gīr-; Sal. kir-
(ССЯ); MTurk. kir- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. kir-; Uygh. kir-; Krm. kir-; Tat.
ker-; Bashk. ker-; Kirgh. kir-; Kaz. kir-; KBalk. kir-; KKalp. kir-; Kum. gir-;
Nogh. kir-; SUygh. ker-; Khak. kər-; Shr. kir-; Oyr. kir-; Tv. kir-; Tof. kir-;
Chuv. kər-; Yak. kīr-; Dolg. kīr-.
◊ VEWT 271, EDT 735-736, ЭСТЯ 3, 47-48, Stachowski 149.
PJpn. *kúrá- to give (to the 1st p.) (давать (1му л.)): MJpn. kúrá-;
Tok. kùre-; Kyo. kúré-; Kag. kuré-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kūr- to treat, concern (обращаться, обходиться): Mod. kūl-.
◊ KED 217.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 275, Цинциус 1984, 122-123. An alternative (but more
dubious) etymology of the Kor. word see in PKE 95. Turkic demon-
strates here the same irregular voicing as in *dīŕ < *t῾ūŕe.
-k῾úrge ( ~ -o) to feed, eat: Tung. *xürgi-; Mong. *korgan; Turk.
*KUr(g)-; Jpn. *kúrá-p-.
PTung. *xürgi- 1 to raise, feed 2 food, food supply (1 растить, кор-
мить 2 пища, продовольствие): Evk. irgī- 1, irgise 2; Evn. irgъ- 1, issъ
2; Neg. iggi- 1, isse 2; Man. uǯi- 1; SMan. uǯi- 1 (2338); Ul. xujse 2; Ork.
xujse 2; Nan. xujgie- 1, xujgese 2; Orch. iggi- 1, iggixe 2; Ud. igisi- 1; Sol.
iggi-, irgi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 325-326.
PMong. *korgan melted fat, oil (топленый жир, масло): Bur. xorgo-
toj (adj.); Kalm. xorɣn (КРС).
PTurk. *KUr(g)- food (пища, еда): Chuv. xorъś.
826 *k῾ŭrpe - *k῾ùru
◊ Ашм. XVI, 226-227. Isolated in Chuvash, but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *kúrá-p- to consume, eat (есть, пожирать): OJpn. kura-p-;
MJpn. kúráf-; Tok. kùra-; Kyo. kúrá-; Kag. kurá-.
◊ JLTT 716.
‖ The TM and Japanese evidence is rather in favour of the original
verbal nature of the root, with the meaning ‘fat food, fat’ secondarily
developed in Mong. (as well as in TM).
-k῾ŭrpe young (animal, fish): Tung. *xürbe; Mong. *körbe; Turk.
*körpe.
PTung. *xürbe spawn, to spawn (нерест, метать икру): Evk. irbe;
Ul. xulbi-; Nan. xurbe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 324. Evk. > Dolg. ɨrba (Stachowski 261).
PMong. *körbe new-born lamb (новорожденный ягненок): Bur.
xürbe; Ord. körwö ‘young child or animal’; Dag. kurub (Тод. Даг. 151).
◊ MGCD 391.
PTurk. *körpe 1 new-born 2 new-born lamb (1 новорожденный 2
новорожденный ягненок): Karakh. körpe (MK) 1; Tur. körpe 1, 2; Gag.
körpɛ 1; Az. körpä 1; Turkm. körpe 1; Khal. kurpe, kirpɛ; Uzb. kụrpɛ 1;
Uygh. kö(r)pɛ 1, 2; Bashk. kürpɛ 1; Kirgh. körpö 1, 2; KBalk. körpe 2;
KKalp. körpe 1; Kum. körpe 1; Nogh. körpe 2.
◊ VEWT 293, TMN 3, 637, ЭСТЯ 5, 116-118, Лексика 391.
‖ A Western isogloss (but Mong. may be < Turkic).
-k῾ùru heavy; hard, difficult: Tung. *xur-ge; Turk. *Kɨr-; Jpn. *kùrù-sì-;
Kor. *korắ- / *koro-.
PTung. *xurge heavy (тяжелый): Evk. urge; Evn. urgъ; Neg. ujgegdi;
Man. uǯen; SMan. uǯin (2848); Jurch. hu()ǯe (395); Ul. xuǯeuli; Ork. xudē;
Nan. xuige; Orch. ugge; Ud. ugehi; Sol. uggerdi.
◊ ТМС 2, 283-284.
PTurk. *Kɨr- 1 pest, epidemic 2 mischief 3 archenemy (1 чума, эпи-
демия 2 несчастье 3 заклятый враг): Karakh. qɨr (jaɣɨ) 3; Tur. kɨran 1;
Turkm. Gɨr (dušman) 3; MTurk. qiran 2; Yak. kɨr (östȫx) 3.
◊ VEWT 265, ЭСТЯ 6, 224. Cf. also PT *Kurul- ‘to have cramps’ (VEWT 304).
PJpn. *kùrù-sì- hard, difficult, agonizing (трудный, тяжелый, му-
чительный): OJpn. kuru-si-; MJpn. kùrù-si-; Tok. kurushí-; Kyo. kúrúshì-;
Kag. kurushí-.
◊ JLTT 833.
PKor. *korắ- / *koro- 1 suffering 2 to suffer, be troublesome, hard,
painful (1 мука, мучение 2 мучиться, быть трудным, тяжелым):
MKor. koro-’om 1, koră’oi- 2; Mod. kwerop- (kwerow-) 2, kwero-um 1.
◊ Nam 46, KED 189.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 80, 292.
 *k῾rú - *k῾ru(mV) 827

-k῾rú bark, shell: Tung. *xura-kta; Mong. *körü-sü; Turk. *Kɨrtɨĺ; Jpn.
*kùrí; Kor. *kúr.
PTung. *xura-kta 1 bark 2 outer skin (1 кора 2 оболочка, кожица):
Evn. ụrt 1; Man. uriχa 2; Ul. xụraqta 1; Ork. χụraqta 1; Nan. χoraqta 1;
Ud. wakta 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 282. Cf. also Evn. ụra- ‘to cover with bark’, Orok χụrala- ‘to peel bark’.
PMong. *körü-sü bark, upper stratum (кора, верхний слой):
MMong. korisu (SH); WMong. körüsü(n), körüdesü(n) (L 491); Kh. xörs;
Bur. xüŕhe(n); Kalm. körsn; Ord. körösü (körös); Dag. kurbus ‘fur, leather’
(Тод. Даг. 151).
◊ KW 240.
PTurk. *Kɨrtɨĺ 1 surface 2 bark, upper layer (1 поверхность 2 кора,
верхний слой): OTurk. qɨrtɨš 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨrtɨš 1 (MK); Tur.
kɨrtɨš (dial.) 2; MTurk. qɨrtɨš (Houts.) 2; Tat. qɨrtɨš 2; Bashk. qɨrtɨš 2;
Kirgh. qɨrtɨš 2; Kaz. qɨrtɨs 2; KKalp. qɨrtɨs 2; Kum. qɨrtɨš 2; Nogh. qɨrtɨs 2;
Oyr. qɨrtɨš 1; Tv. qɨrtɨš 2.
◊ VEWT 267, EDT 649, Лексика 391-392, ЭСТЯ 6, 241-242. Cf. also forms reflecting
*Kɨrɨĺ: Yak. kɨrɨs ‘thin layer under skin’, Tur. kɨrɨš ‘wrinkled’, Az. Gɨrɨš ‘wrinkle’ (see
ЭСТЯ 6, 242), as well as *Kɨrča(ŋ) ‘scab’ (see ibid., 244-245).
PJpn. *kùrí a k. of mollusc (and its shell) (вид моллюска (и его ра-
ковина)): MJpn. fàmà-gùrí; Tok. hamá-guri; Kyo. hámà-gùrì; Kag.
hama-gurí.
◊ JLTT 397. A compound with *pama ‘beach’.
PKor. *kúr shell, oyster (устрица): MKor. kúr; Mod. kul.
◊ Nam 62, KED 216.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 38, 293.
-k῾ru(mV) ashes, soot: Tung. *xurum-sa; Mong. *kirbu-su; Turk.
*Kurum ( < *Kɨrum); Kor. *kur.
PTung. *xurum-sa 1 earwax 2 tobacco ashes (1 ушная сера 2 табач-
ный пепел): Evk. urumŋā 1; Evn. ụrụmr 1; Neg. ojomŋa 1; Ul. χoromsa
1; Ork. χoropsa 1; Nan. χoromsa 1, 2; Ud. uŋä 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 288.
PMong. *kirbu-su burned smell (запах паленого): WMong.
kirbu-su(n) (L 471); Kh. arvas; Bur. orboho(n); Ord. xurwus, xurwusu.
PTurk. *Kurum soot (сажа, копоть): Karakh. qurun (MK); Tur. ku-
rum; Gag. qurum; Az. Gurum; Turkm. Gurum; Khal. Gurun; MTurk. qu-
rum (AH); Uzb. qurum; Uygh. qurum (dial.); Krm. qurum; Tat. qorɨm;
Bashk. qorom; Kirgh. qurum; Kaz. qurɨm; KBalk. qurum; KKalp. qurɨm;
Kum. qurum; Nogh. qurɨm; SUygh. qorɨm, qurɨn; Khak. xurun; Oyr. qu-
run; Chuv. xъrъm (Anatri); Yak. kurunńuk.
◊ Лексика 206, 371-372, EDT 661, ЭСТЯ 6, 169-170. Turk. > Hung. korom ‘soot’, see
Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *kur soot (сажа, копоть): Mod. kul.
828 *k῾uŕa - *k῾ŕu
◊ KED 216.
‖ Note a common derivative *k῾uru-mV(-sV) in several languages.
-k῾uŕa ( ~ -u) to covet: Tung. *xur-; Mong. *kuriča-; Turk. *Kɨŕ.
PTung. *xur- 1 to copulate (of deer) 2 to be jealous (1 спариваться
(об оленях) 2 ревновать): Evk. orgolī- 2; urī-n ‘rival (in love)’; Evn. ụrlị-
2; Neg. ojalị- 2; Ul. χoralsị- 2; Ork. χụralị- 2, χorị- 1; Nan. χoralsị- 2; Orch.
xorä ‘one of two wives’.
◊ ТМС 1, 471; 2, 285.
PMong. *kuriča- to covet (жаждать, вожделеть): WMong. quriča-
(L 989); Kh. xuŕca-; Bur. xurisal ‘lust’; Kalm. xöŕcə-; Ord. xuračilči-
‘coïter’.
◊ KW 193.
PTurk. *Kɨŕ 1 expensive, miserly 2 to wish, envy, be miserly (1 до-
рогой, скупой 2 желать, завидовать, скупиться): Karakh. qɨz 1 (MK);
MTurk. qɨz 1 (Ettuhf., AH); Uzb. qizɣan- 2; Uygh. qizɣan- 2; Krm. qɨzɣan-
2; Tat. qɨzɣan- 2; Bashk. qɨzɣan- 2; Kirgh. qɨzɣan- 2; Kaz. qɨzɣan- 2; KKalp.
qɨzɣan- 2; Kum. qɨzɣan- 2; Nogh. qɨzɣan- 2; Oyr. qɨsqan- 2; Chuv. xərɣen-
2; Yak. kɨsan- ‘нуждаться, иметь надобность’.
◊ VEWT 269, EDT 680, Лексика 339, ЭСТЯ 6, 248-249. The root is also attested as kɨrs
in Tur. dialects, and as qɨrzan- in Tuva The verbal form *Kɨŕ-gan- is sometimes attested as
qɨsɣan- due to a contamination with *Kɨs-ga- ‘short, narrow’ (v. sub *kíso).
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 131-134 (Mong.-Tung.). A Western isogloss.
-k῾ŕu red, reddish; brown, dark: Tung. *xuri-; Mong. *küre- (*küri-);
Turk. *Kŕ-; Jpn. *kúrá-; Kor. *kùrí.
PTung. *xuri- grey (серый): Evk. uri-m; Neg. ōjịn; Ul. χoj-pụ(n);
Nan. χō-gǯõ, (On.) xōrbor.
◊ ТМС 2, 285 (this root should be kept distinct from the form kuri, attested in some
languages and borrowed from Mong.).
PMong. *küre- (*küri) (dark) brown (коричневый, бурый):
WMong. küreŋ, kürin, küren (L 505); Kh. xüren; Bur. xüri(n); Kalm. kürŋ;
Ord. küriŋ, küreŋ; Dag. kurel (Тод. Даг. 151), (MGCD) xūrin; S.-Yugh.
kureŋ; Mongr. kurē ‘tacheté à peau rayée’ (SM 216).
◊ KW 248, MGCD 401, TMN 1, 463. Mong. > Evk. kurin, Man. kuri etc. (see Doerfer
MT 80, Rozycki 147) > Kor. kurəŋ (mal), see Lee 1958, 119; > Oyr. küreŋ etc. (VEWT 310,
ЭСТЯ 5, 146-147).
PTurk. *Kŕ- red (красный): OTurk. qɨzɨl (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qɨzɨl (MK, KB); Tur. kɨzɨl; Gag. qɨzɨl; Az. Gɨzɨl; Turkm. Gɨzɨl; Sal. Gɨzil;
Khal. qɨzɨl; MTurk. qɨzɨl (MA); Uzb. qizil; Uygh. qizil; Krm. qɨzɨl; Tat.
qɨzɨl; Bashk. qɨδɨl; Kirgh. qɨzɨl; Kaz. qɨzɨl; KBalk. qɨzɨl; KKalp. qɨzɨl; Kum.
qɨzɨl; Nogh. qɨzɨl; SUygh. qizil; Khak. xɨzɨl; Shr. qɨzɨl; Oyr. qɨzɨl; Tv. qɨzɨl;
Tof. qɨzɨl; Chuv. xərlə; Yak. kɨhɨl; Dolg. kɨhɨl.
◊ PT *Kɨŕ-ɨl ‘red’ is derived from *Kŕ- ‘to redden; glow’ (Turkm. Gɨz-, Tur. kɨz- etc.),
where length is witnessed by Yak. ks-. One has to assume shortening in polysyllabic
 *k῾úsè - *k῾se 829
derivatives (besides *Kɨŕɨl also *Kɨŕ-ɨk-, *Kɨŕl-ar-), with secondary analogical shortening in
Turkm. Gɨz-; see VEWT 269, EDT 681, 683-4, TMN 3, 469, Лексика 602-603, ЭСТЯ 6,
187-189, 194-196, Stachowski 167. Cf. also *Kr ‘grey’ (VEWT 265, TMN 3, 567, ЭСТЯ 6,
229-230).
PJpn. *kúrá- dark (темный): OJpn. kura-; MJpn. kúrá-; Tok. kùra-;
Kyo. kúrà-; Kag. kúra-.
◊ JLTT 833.
PKor. *kùrí copper (медь): MKor. kùrí; Mod. kuri.
◊ Liu 83, KED 200.
‖ See a detailed account in Miller-Street 1975, 116ff (with literature),
АПиПЯЯ 283, Дыбо 12. Unlike Miller-Street, we leave aside the name
of the “ferret” (linking instead Turk. *kɨŕ-ɨl ‘red’ and TM *xuri-), as well
as PJ *kùruá ‘black’ (having a different accent). It is interesting to note
metal names derived from this root: Turk. *Kɨŕɨl ‘gold’ (see Лексика
403-404) = Mong. kürel ‘bronze’ = Kor. kùrí ‘copper’. PT *Kr ‘grey’ could
be perhaps compared separately with PM *kiraɣa ‘dusk before dawn’,
cf. Владимирцов 338.
-k῾úsè bad behaviour: Mong. *kosiŋ; Turk. *küs-; Jpn. *kúsài.
PMong. *kosiŋ mockery, joke (насмешка, шутка): WMong. qosiŋ,
qošuŋ (L 971, 972); Kh. xošin; Bur. xošon; Ord. Gošoŋ.
PTurk. *küs- to be angry, offended (сердиться, обижаться):
Karakh. küs- (MK); Tur. küs-; Gag. küs-; Az. küs-; MTurk. küs- (IM, AH,
Pav. C.); Kum. küs-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 152-153.
PJpn. *kúsài bad habit (дурная привычка): MJpn. kuse; Tok. kusé;
Kyo. kúsè; Kag. kúse.
◊ JLTT 466.
‖ A nice Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. semantic and phonetic match.
-k῾se to wish: Tung. *xüse; Mong. *küse-; Turk. *kǖse-; Jpn. *kəs-.
PTung. *xüse 1 hunter 2 man 3 male 4 to be anxious, worry about
smth. (1 охотник 2 человек, мужчина 3 самец 4 волноваться, беспо-
коиться): Evk. isegdin 1, išiganil- (V-L) 4; Evn. iseɣde 2; Neg. isegdin 1;
Ul. xuse(gdi) 2; Ork. xusenne 2; Nan. xuse 3; Sol. iigē- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 332, 336.
PMong. *küse- to wish (желать): MMong. guse- (SH), kuse- (MA);
WMong. küse- (L 508); Kh. xüs-; Bur. xühe-; Kalm. küs-; Ord. güse-; Dag.
kuse-, kese- (Тод. Даг. 151); Bao. kuse-.
◊ KW 248.
PTurk. *kǖse- to wish, want, will (желать, хотеть): Karakh. küse-
(MK, KB); Turkm. kǖse-; MTurk. küse- (AH, Qutb.); Uygh. kusɛ-; Tat.
kösɛ-; Bashk. kühɛ-; Kirgh. küsö-; KKalp. küse-; Nogh. küse-; Tv. kü’ze-.
◊ VEWT 311-312, ЭСТЯ 5, 135. Tuva forms reflect a short *--.
830 *k῾ŭso - *k῾òbàni
PJpn. *kəs- to wish (volitive verb form) (желать (глагольная воли-
тивная форма)): OJpn. -kos-.
‖ Владимирцов 362 (Turk.-Mong.); Ozawa 207-208 (Mong.-Jpn.).
Mong. may be < Turkic.
-k῾ŭso to vomit: Tung. *xüse-; Turk. *Kus-.
PTung. *xüse- to vomit (тошнить, рвать): Evk. ise-; Evn. is-; Neg.
ise-; Ul. xuse-; Ork. xuse-; Nan. xuse-; Orch. ise-; Sol. iirī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 332.
PTurk. *Kus- to vomit (тошнить, рвать): OTurk. qus- (OUygh.);
Karakh. qus- (MK); Tur. kus-; Gag. qus-; Az. Gus-; Turkm. Gus-; Khal.
qus-; MTurk. qus- (Pav. C.); Uzb. qus-; Uygh. qus-; Krm. qus-; Tat. qos-;
Bashk. qoϑ-; Kirgh. qus-; Kaz. qus-; KKalp. qus-; Kum. qus-; Nogh. qus-;
SUygh. qus-; Khak. xus-; Oyr. qus-; Tv. qus-; Chuv. xъs-; Yak. xotuo (n.).
◊ VEWT 304, EDT 666, ЭСТЯ 6, 174-175.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 124. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Turk. > Kalm. xus- ‘to
belch, retch’ (KW 199).
-k῾òbàni armpit: Tung. *xobanī; Mong. *koŋ-; Turk. *Kōjn; Jpn. *kàpìná.
PTung. *xobanī armpit (подмышка): Evk. oɣonī, owońī; Evn. oɣnị,
ownị; Neg. oɣonị; Man. obia jali ‘meat from the region of shoulder-
blades’; Ul. χawa(n); Ork. χawanị; Nan. χawanị; Sol. owonī.
◊ ТМС 2, 4, 6.
PMong. *koŋ- hollow, cavity (полость, яма): WMong. qoŋɣur, qoŋɣil
(L 962), qoŋgil; Kh. xonxor, xongil; Bur. xonǵō ‘дупло’; Kalm. xöŋgl
(КРС); Ord. xoŋxor; Mongr. GoŋGuloG ‘petit vase rond, gobelet’ (SM
122).
PTurk. *Kōjn armpit, bosom (подмышка, пазуха): OTurk. qojɨn
(Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qoj (MK); Tur. kojɨn; Gag. qojnu; Az. Gojun;
Turkm. Gojun; Khal. qōn; MTurk. qojɨn (AH); Uzb. qọjɨn; Uygh. qojɨn;
Krm. qojun, qojɨn; Tat. qujɨn; Bashk. qujɨn; Kirgh. qojɨn; Kaz. qojɨn; KBalk.
qojɨn; KKalp. qojɨn; Kum. qojɨn; Nogh. qojɨn; SUygh. qoin; Khak. xojɨn;
Shr. qojɨn; Oyr. qojɨn; Tv. xoj; Chuv. xəₙv, xü, dial. xüm; Yak. xōj (xońń-);
Dolg. konnok.
◊ VEWT 280, EDT 631, Лексика 243-244, ЭСТЯ 6, 26-27, Stachowski 152.
PJpn. *kàpìná arm (рука (верхняя часть)): OJpn. kapjina; MJpn.
kàfìná; Tok. káina, kàina; Kyo. káiná; Kag. kainá.
◊ JLTT 433. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 345, Дыбо 316, Лексика 244. Mong. < *kowŋ- <
*koban-gV; a secondary contamination with *köŋ- (s.v. *kŋi).
 *k῾ŏda - *k῾ŏjli 831

-k῾ŏda ( ~ -u) to finish, abandon: Tung. *xod-; Turk. *Kod-.

PTung. *xod- to end, finish (кончать): Evk. od-; Evn. od-; Man. waǯi-;
SMan. vaǯə-, vaǯi- (1759); Ul. χodị-; Ork. χoǯị-; Nan. χoǯi-; Orch. odi-; Ud.
wadi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 6.
PTurk. *Kod- to put, leave, abandon (класть, оставлять, покидать):
OTurk. qod- (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. qoδ- (MK); Tur. koj-; Gag. qoj-; Az.
Goj-; Turkm. Goj-; MTurk. qoj- (AH, Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. qọj-; Uygh.
qoj-; Krm. qoj-; Tat. quj-; Bashk. quj-; Kirgh. qoj-; Kaz. qoj-; KBalk. qoj-;
KKalp. qoj-; Kum. qoj-; Nogh. qoj-; SUygh. quz-; Oyr. qoj-; Chuv. xor-.
◊ VEWT 274, EDT 595-596, ЭСТЯ 6, 27-28, Федотов 2, 361. The original meaning (ob-
servable in most ancient occurrences, see EDT 595) must have been ‘to put aside, leave,
abandon’; the meaning ‘put’ appears somewhat later and is probably due to a merger
with *Ko- ‘to put’ (v. sub *ga), not attested before the XIVth century.
‖ ТМС 2, 6. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ŏjli limb, extremity: Tung. *xolda-n; Mong. *köl; Turk. *Kol; Jpn.
*kuru-(n)-pusi; Kor. *kūi-mrí.
PTung. *xolda-n 1 side 2 thigh (1 бок, сторона 2 бедро): Evk. oldōn
1, 2; Evn. oldān 1; Neg. oldon 1; Ul. χoldo(n) 1; Ork. χoldo(n) 1; Nan. χoldõ
1; Orch. ogdo(n) 1; Ud. ogdo(n) 1; Sol. oldõ 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 13. TM > Dag. oldōn (Тод. Даг. 159).
PMong. *köl foot (нога): MMong. kol (HY 47, SH, IM, LH), kul
(MA); WMong. köl (L 483-484); Kh. xöl; Bur. xül; Kalm. köl; Ord. köl;
Mog. köl; ZM kol (4-3a); Dag. kuli (Тод. Даг. 150, MD 185); Dong. kuan
(MGCD kon); Bao. kul (MGCD kuol); S.-Yugh. köl; Mongr. kor (SM 214),
(MGCD kol).
◊ KW 237, MGCD 372.
PTurk. *Kol 1 arm 2 hand (1 рука (от локтя до плеча) 2 рука
(кисть)): OTurk. qol 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qol 1 (MK, KB); Tur. kol 1; Gag.
qol 1; Az. Gol 1; Turkm. Gol 1; Sal. qol 1; Khal. qol 1; MTurk. qol 1, 2
(Abush., Sangl., MA, Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qụl 1, 2; Uygh. qol 1, 2; Krm. qol 1,
2; Tat. qul 1, 2; Bashk. qul 1, 2; Kirgh. qol 1, 2; Kaz. qol 1; KBalk. qol 1, 2;
KKalp. qol 1, 2; Kum. qol 1, 2; Nogh. qol 1, 2; SUygh. qol 1; Khak. xol 1, 2;
Shr. qol 1, 2; Oyr. qol 1, 2; Tv. xol 1, 2; Tof. qol 1; Chuv. xol ‘shoulder’;
Yak. xol 1; Dolg. kol ‘shoulder’.
◊ VEWT 276, EDT 614-5, TMN 3, 556, Дыбо 146-153, Федотов 2, 353, Лексика
244-245, ЭСТЯ 6, 37-43, Stachowski 150.
PJpn. *kuru-(n)-pusi ankle (лодыжка): Tok. kurúbushi; Kyo.
kúrúbúshí; Kag. kurubushí.
◊ JLTT 465. The PJ accent is not clear.
PKor. *kūi-mrí ankle (*leg-head) (лодыжка): MKor. kūi-mrí.
◊ Nam 65.
832 *k῾òké - *k῾òké
‖ See АПиПЯЯ 286, Цинциус 1984, 96-97, Дыбо 316, Лексика 243,
245. The comparison is quite reliable phonetically; *-jl- has to be as-
sumed to account for the development in Kor. ( > -i-). The semantic side
(’arm’/’leg’/’thigh’) can be explained if we suppose that the word origi-
nally designated a part of the animal body (front or hind leg together
with the thigh). Cf. also ТМ *xūl-kse ‘sleeve’ (probably an original deri-
vation, although the length is not clear), *xul-ŋsi ‘shank, shin’, PT
*Koltuk ‘armpit’ (Лексика 243, TMN 3, 557-558, ЭСТЯ 6, 52-54). It is
interesting to speculate on the subject of the identity Kor. *kūi-mrí =
Jpn. kuru-(n)pusi. In Kor. -mrí is certainly to be analysed as “head”
(*’leg-head’); the Jpn. form in this case may reflect a dissimilation <
*kuru-n-musi, where *musi could be the remnant of PA *mĺǯu ‘head’
(q.v.). The same element in fact may be also present in Jpn.
*tu(m)pu-(n)pusi ‘ankle, knee’ and *kəmpusi (if, with haplology <
*kəmpu-(n)pusi) ‘fist’. One has, of course, to reckon with the possibility
of having here rather PJ *pusi ‘joint’ ( < PA *bĺi q.v.), which would ex-
plain the constant emergence of a stop in Jpn.; but the Jpn.-Kor. match
(*kūi-mrí = kuru(n)pusi) seems to be not accidental.
-k῾òké plenty: Tung. *xugdi; Mong. *kog-si-; Turk. *kök; Jpn. *kk-ta-;
Kor. *kɨh-.
PTung. *xugdi 1 wide 2 capacious (1 широкий 2 емкий, вмести-
тельный): Ul. xugdi 1; Ork. xugǯi 1; Nan. xugǯi 1,2.
◊ ТМС 1, 474-475.
PMong. *kog-si- to become rich, wealthy (богатеть): WMong. qoɣsi-
(L 952); Kh. xogši-; Bur. xogšol ‘property’, xogšol- ‘to become rich’; Ord.
xoGši-, GoGši-.
PTurk. *kök healthy, big, thick (здоровый, большой, толстый):
Tur. kök (dial.); Az. kök; Khal. kök; MTurk. kök.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 93. Turkic > Khalkha xöx ‘massive (of muscles, flesh etc.)’
PJpn. *kk-ta- plenty, much (много, множество): OJpn. kokoda;
MJpn. kòkóta.
PKor. *kɨh- big (большой): MKor. kh-; Mod. khɨ-.
◊ Nam 455, KED 1679. The Kirim transcription 黑根 MC [xʌk-kʌn] may represent ei-
ther *hɨkɨ- (as believed by Lee 1991, Ramsey 1993 and Vovin 2000) or *hkɨ- = *khɨ- < *kɨh-,
keeping in mind the general uncertainty of Kirim transcriptions.
‖ The meaning ‘big’ in Korean certainly derives from *’plentiful’.
The match between Kor. khɨ- and Jpn. *kk- appears quite satisfactory,
despite the attempt of Vovin (2000) to link Kor. *hɨkɨ- with PJ *sùkùnà-
‘few’: it is hardly possible to analyse the Jpn. word as
*’big’-does-not-exist, since all the existing compounds of this type are
“noun+-na”, not “adjective+-na”, and anyway it is hardly possible to
 *k῾ókì - *k῾ōkí 833

separate PJ *sùkùnà- ‘few’ (adj.) and *sùkùa-(si) ‘few’ (noun, adverb),

see *sk῾ù.
-k῾ókì to bind, wrap: Tung. *xuku-; Mong. *kugu-s-; Turk. *kök; Jpn.
*kúkúr-.
PTung. *xuku- to wrap (заворачивать): Evk. ukulī-; Evn. uk-; Neg.
uxil-; Man. uxu-; Jurch. hu-xun-mij am-si-da-lar ‘to contain’ (764); Ul.
xuku-; Ork. xukulitči-; Nan. xuku-; Sol. uxulī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 256.
PMong. *kugu-s- to fold (складывать): WMong. quɣuski-, quɣusla-
(L 982); Kh. xugasla-; Kalm. xuɣəsl- (КРС); Ord. xuGusla-.
PTurk. *kök 1 seam 2 thin straps for sewing 3 to sew, lace 4 to tack 5
tack, basting 6 needlework 7 to fasten (1 шов 2 тонкие ремешки для
шитья 3 прошивать, стегать, подшивать 4 обметывать, приметать 5
наметка 6 шитье 7 присоединять, привязывать): OTurk. kök
(OUygh.) 1; Tur. kökle- 3; Az. kök 1; Turkm. kök 5, 2; MTurk. kök (Sangl.,
Abush.) 1; Uzb. kụk 5; Uygh. kök 5, köklɛ- 4; Tat. küklɛ- 4; Kirgh. kök 2,
köktö- 3; KBalk. kökle- 4; KKalp. kök 2, kökle- 4; Kum. kökle- 4; Nogh. kökle-
4; Khak. kökte- 4; Oyr. kök 6, köktö- 4; Tv. kö’k (Todzh.) 1, kökte- 3; Chuv.
kъgъr- 7.
◊ VEWT 287, EDT 708, ЭСТЯ 91. Following EDT (and despite VEWT and ЭСТЯ) we
prefer to separate this root from *kök ‘hinge, peg, tether’ (v. sub *k῾ōkí).
PJpn. *kúkúr- to bind, tie (привязывать, связывать): OJpn. kukur-;
MJpn. kúkúr-; Tok. kùkur-; Kyo. kúkúr-; Kag. kukúr-.
◊ JLTT 715.
‖ The original meaning should be reconstructed as ‘bind’, ‘wrap’ or
‘fasten’, with the meaning ‘lace, sew’ secondarily developed within
Turkic. Note the morphological match between PTM *xuku-lī- and PJ
*kúkú-r- < *k῾ókì-lV.
-k῾ōkí hinge, hook: Tung. *kūkta; Mong. *kögene; Turk. *kök, *köken;
Jpn. *kunki.
PTung. *kūkta rowlock (уключина): Evk. kūkta; Evn. kukte.
◊ ТМС 1, 426.
PMong. *kögene a string with a loop for binding animals (веревка с
петлей для привязывания животных): WMong. kögene, kögüne (L
479); Kh. xögnö; Ord. kögönö.
PTurk. *kök, *köken 1 hinge, nail, peg, clasp 2 tether (1 застежка,
петля, запор 2 привязь для животных): Karakh. kök ‘belt for fixing
the saddle’, kögen ‘rope for tethering calves, foals during milking’ (MK);
Tur. kök ‘peg of a musical instrument’, (dial.) köken 2; Turkm. köken 2;
MTurk. kök ‘nail’ (R, Bud. - Babur.); Uzb. kukan 2; Tat. kügɛn 1; Bashk.
kügɛn 1; Kirgh. kögön 2; Kaz. kögen 2; KKalp. güwen 2; SUygh. küken 2
834 *k῾óla - *k῾ṓli
(ЯЖУ); Chuv. kъₙgan ‘loop’, (alъk) kъkə ‘prop of the door hinge’; Yak.
kögön 2 (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 287, EDT 712, ЭСТЯ 5, 91, 93-94.
PJpn. *kunki nail, peg, hook (гвоздь, колышек, крюк): OJpn.
kug(j)i; MJpn. kùgì, kúgí; Tok. kùgi; Kyo. kúgí; Kag. kúgi.
◊ JLTT 462. Accent not quite clear: RJ lists both variants with high and low tone.
‖ Initial *k- in PTM is probably due to assimilation (*kūkta < *k῾ūkta).
Mong. may be < Kypch. One of several similar roots: cf. *gk῾a, *k῾úŋu,
*gék῾a.
-k῾óla ( ~ -u-, -o-) to dry, get stale: Tung. *xolga; Jpn. *kárá-; Kor. *korh-.
PTung. *xolga 1 to dry 2 dry (1 сохнуть 2 сухой): Evk. olgo- 1, ol-
gokin 2; Evn. olg- 1, olgqn 2; Neg. olgo- 1, olgokin 2; Man. olGo- 1,
olχon 2; SMan. oləhə-, oləhu-1 (1814), oləhə 2 (1815); Ul. xolǯo(n) 2; Ork.
xoldoxo 2; Nan. χolGo- 1, χolGoqto /ụ 2; Orch. oggipta 1; Ud. ogo- 1, ogo῾u
2 (Корм. 274); Sol. olgo- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 12-13.
PJpn. *kárá- to dry out; to become ripe (высыхать; созревать):
OJpn. kara-; MJpn. kárá-; Tok. kàre-; Kyo. káré-; Kag. karé-.
◊ JLTT 704.
PKor. *korh- to get stale, rot (черстветь, сгнивать, протухать):
Mod. kol- [kolh-].
◊ KED 160.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290, SKE 121-122. An Eastern isogloss.
-k῾ṓli lake, basin: Tung. *xule-; Mong. *küjil-sü; Turk. *[k]ȫl; Kor.
*kằrắm.
PTung. *xule- 1 canal, ditch, duct 2 whirlpool 3 pool (1 канал, кана-
ва, протока 2 водоворот): Evn. ūl, ulgin 3; Man. ule-n 1; Ork. xulu-pti 2;
Nan. xuler ‘pit in river bottom’ (On.); Orch. ūle 1; Ud. ūle 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 477; 2, 257, 264.
PMong. *küjil-sü island in a river, shallow place in a river (остро-
вок в реке, отмель в реке): WMong. küjil-sü (L 498: not distinguished
from küji(l)-sü ‘navel’); Kh. xüjls.
PTurk. *[k]ȫl lake (озеро): OTurk. köl (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. köl
(MK, KB); Tur. göl; Gag. göl; Az. köl; Turkm. kȫl; MTurk. köl (IM, Pav.
C.); Uzb. kụl; Uygh. köl; Tat. kül; Bashk. kül; Kirgh. köl; Kaz. köl; KBalk.
köl; KKalp. köl; Kum. köl; Nogh. köl; Khak. köl; Oyr. köl; Tv. xöl; Chuv.
kölə (NW), külə; Yak. küöl; Dolg. küöl.
◊ See VEWT 288, ЭСТЯ 3, 69, 5, 95-96, Лексика 91, Stachowski 165.
PKor. *kằrắm lake, big river (озеро, большая река): MKor. kằrắm.
◊ Nam 11.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 306. The Turk. root may also be of a Persian origin (see
TMN 3, 645-646). Mong. *küjil- < *küli-l- (with regular dissimilation).
 *k῾òlke - *k῾òlmV 835

Kor. *kằrắm < *kòrắm (with vowel assimilation); cf. also Old Koguryo
*kŭăl ‘river’ (see Miller 1979, 8).
-k῾òlke to row, boat: Tung. *xulki-; Mong. *kölge; Jpn. *knk-.
PTung. *xulki- 1 to mix, stir 2 support for feet in a boat (1 разме-
шивать 2 упор (для ног гребца в лодке)): Evk. ulkī- 1, ulki 2; Evn.
ụlqụ- 1; Neg. ulki 2; Man. urki 2; Ork. xulči 2; Orch. ukki 2; Ud. uki 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 261. The original meaning is easily reconstructable as ‘to row ( > to stir);
rowing device’.
PMong. *kölge- ship, means of transportation (корабль, экипаж):
MMong. kolge ‘vehicle’ (SH), kolgen (HYt); WMong. kölge(n) (L 485); Kh.
xölög; Bur. xülgen ongoso ‘ferry-boat’; xüleg ‘courser, trotter, horse’;
Kalm. kölgn (КРС); Ord. kölgö(n).
◊ Mong. > Man. kuluk ‘enduring horse’ (see Rozycki 145).
PJpn. *knk- to row (грести): OJpn. kog-; MJpn. kòg-; Tok. kóg-; Kyo.
kòg-; Kag. kòg-.
◊ JLTT 711.
‖ The root is possibly derived: without the suffix cf. Mong. qoli- ‘to
stir’. It is interesting to note Nivkh halq ‘boat’ (possibly borrowed in TM
as *xaliku, see ТМС 1, 460, 461).
-k῾òlmV shadow, cloud: Tung. *KVlm-; Turk. *köl-; Jpn. *kùmua-N;
Kor. *kúrùm.
PTung. *KVlm- shadow (тень): Man. xelme; SMan. xeləmən (2047).
◊ ТМС 1, 481. Attested only in Manchu (thus the reconstruction is not quite secure),
but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *köl- 1 shadow 2 to shadow (1 тень 2 давать тень, зате-
нять): OTurk. kölü- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. kölik (MK) 1; Tur. gölge, kölge
(dial.); Gag. gölge 1; Az. kölgä 1; Turkm. kölge 1; MTurk. kölege (Abush.);
Uzb. kụlkɛ, kụlɛkɛ 1; Uygh. kölɛŋgɛ, köligɛ 1; Tat. külɛgɛ 1; Bashk. külɛgɛ
1; Kirgh. kölökö 1; KKalp. köleŋke 1; Nogh. köletke 1; Khak. köle- 2, kölek 1;
Oyr. kölö- 2, kölöŋö 2; Tv. xölege 1; Tof. xölege 1; Yak. külük 1; Dolg. külük
1.
◊ VEWT 288-289, 294, EDT 716-718, ЭСТЯ 5, 96-97, 128, Stachowski 164. Should be
distinguished from *Köĺ- ‘to screen’ (v. sub *gḕĺa).
PJpn. *kùmua cloud (облако): OJpn. kumwo; MJpn. kùmò; Tok.
kúmo; Kyo. kúmò; Kag. kumó.
◊ JLTT 463. Tokyo points to a variant *kùmuá-N, Kyoto and RJ - to *kùmuà-N.
PKor. *kúrùm cloud (облако): MKor. kúrùm; Mod. kurɨm.
◊ Nam 59, KED 199.
‖ Martin 228, АПиПЯЯ 98, 274. One should also note MKor. km-
‘to become dim, hide (of moon etc.)’, possibly < *kúrm- = OJ kumor- id.
Cf. also notes to *gḕĺa.
836 *k῾olV - *k῾ĺba
-k῾olV (~ -u-, -ĺ-) oak-tree: Tung. *xola-; Kor. *kur.
PTung. *xola- oak (дуб): Nan. xoroŋkola; Orch. oloŋkī; Ud. oloŋkö.
◊ ТМС. 2, 16.
PKor. *kur oak-tree, acorn (дуб, желудь): MKor. kur-pam ‘acorn’;
Mod. kul (kul-pām ‘acorn’).
◊ Liu 89, KED 216.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Cf. *kúĺap῾V.
-k῾ĺba couple, to couple, combine: Tung. *xulbü-; Mong. *kolbu-; Turk.
*Koĺ; Jpn. *kásá; Kor. *krb-.
PTung. *xulbü- to bind, to arrange (связывать, нанизывать, дви-
гаться друг за другом): Evk. ulbu-; Evn. ulbъ-; Neg. ulbul- ‘to move in a
tandem’; Ork. ulbumǯi ‘in a tandem’; Nan. xuelbi-; Orch. ubbuna-.
◊ ТМС 2, 258.
PMong. *kolbu- to couple, bind together (объединять, сочетать):
MMong. qulba- (MA), qolba’ara- (SH); WMong. qolbu- (L 957); Kh. xolbo-;
Bur. xolbo-; Kalm. xolwə-; Ord. xolbo-; Dag. xolbo- (Тод. Даг. 177), xolbu-;
holebe- (MD 163); S.-Yugh. xolbo-; Mongr. xulō- (SM 181).
◊ KW 184, MGCD 361. Mong. > Evk. kolbo- etc., see Doerfer MT 61, Rozycki 107; >
Yak. xolbō-, Dolg. kolbō- (Kał. MEJ 17, Stachowski 150).
PTurk. *Koĺ 1 pair, couple, one of a couple 2 to join, unite (1 пара,
один из пары 2 соединять(ся)): OTurk. qoš- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. qoš 1,
qoš- 2 (MK); Tur. koš- 2; Gag. qoš- 2; Az. Goš- 2; Turkm. Goš ‘a couple of
oxen’, Goš- ‘to add’; Sal. qoš 1, qoš- 2; MTurk. qoš 1, qoš- 2 (AH, Pav. C.);
Uzb. qọš 1, qọš- 2; Uygh. qoš 1, qoš- 2; Krm. qoš 1, qoš- 2; Tat. quš 1, quš- 2;
Bashk. qɨwɨš 1, quš- 2; Kirgh. qoš 1, qoš- 2; Kaz. qos 1, qos- 2; KBalk. qoš- 2;
KKalp. qos 1, qos- 2; Kum. qoš- 2; Nogh. qos 1, qos- 2; SUygh. qos 1; Khak.
xos 1, xos- 2; Oyr. qoš- 2; Tv. qoš- 2; Tof. qo’š- 2; Chuv. xoš- 2; Yak. xos
‘double; again’, xohuj- 2, xohōn ‘poem’; Dolg. kohōn ‘poem’.
◊ VEWT 283; EDT 670, Лексика 611, ЭСТЯ 6, 90-94, Федотов 2, 375, Stachowski 150.
Turk. > MMong. (HY) qoši, WMong. qos, Kalm. xoš ‘pair’ (KW 189, TMN 3, 364, Clark
1980, 41, 42, Щербак 1997, 142).
PJpn. *kásá 1 size, layer 2 to heap up, pile up (1 размер, слой 2 на-
кладывать, наслаивать): OJpn. kasana- 2; MJpn. kásá 1, kásána- 2; Tok.
kàsane- 2; Kyo. kásáné- 2; Kag. kasané- 2.
◊ JLTT 441, 704.
PKor. *krb- 1 twins 2 to compete, match, compare, line together 3
to form a couple (1 близнецы 2 соревноваться, сравнивать, выстраи-
вать вместе 3 образовывать пару): MKor. kằr’ó-kí 1, kằr’ó- 3, krp-
[krw-] 2; Mod. karogi (arch.) 1, kap- [kalp-] (arch.), karu- 2.
◊ Nam 21, 23, KED 12, 48.
‖ EAS 109, KW 184, Street 1980, 287. Mong. is not < Turk., despite
Щербак 1997, 142, but the Turk. and Mong. forms are certainly related,
despite TMN 3, 364.
 *k῾mi - *k῾ómp῾[e] 837

-k῾mi to dig: Tung. *xumu-; Turk. *göm-.

PTung. *xumu- to dig, bury (копать, хоронить): Neg. umu-; Man.
umbu-; SMan. umu- ‘to burry, to fill’ (1747); Ul. xumu-; Ork. xumu-; Nan.
xumu-; Orch. umu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 268-269.
PTurk. *göm- to bury (закапывать, хоронить): OTurk. köm-
(OUygh.); Karakh. köm- (MK, KB); Tur. göm-; Gag. göm-; Turkm. göm-;
Sal. köm- (ССЯ); MTurk. köm- (MA), göm- (Sangl.); Uzb. kọm-; Uygh.
köm-; Krm. köm-; Tat. küm-; Bashk. küm-; Kirgh. köm-; Kaz. köm-; KBalk.
köm-; KKalp. köm-; Kum. göm-; Nogh. köm-; SUygh. köm-; Khak. köm-;
Shr. köm-; Oyr. köm-; Tv. xöm-; Tof. xöm-; Yak. köm-; Dolg. köm-.
◊ VEWT 289, EDT 721, ЭСТЯ 3, 70-71, Stachowski 155.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 108-109. A Turko-TM isogloss. The TM form
points quite explicitly to *k῾-; reasons for voicing in PT are not clear:
perhaps a merger with PA *gèmo ‘to fill in’ (q.v.), which otherwise has
no Turkic reflex.
-k῾[ō]mo to soak: Tung. *xum-; Turk. *Kōm; Jpn. *kuam-; Kor. *km- /
*kắm-.
PTung. *xum- 1 to soak 2 to besmear (face) (1 мочить 2 пачкать
(лицо)): Evk. umī- 1; Evn. umi- 1; Man. χumara- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 267.
PTurk. *Kōm wave (волна): Karakh. qom (MK); Turkm. Gōm;
MTurk. qum (Houts., AH); Oyr. qom; Chuv. xom.
◊ EDT 625, ЭСТЯ 6, 54, Федотов 2, 356-357.
PJpn. *kuam- to soak (промокать, быть залитым): OJpn. kwom-.
◊ JLTT 712.
PKor. *km- / *kắm- to bathe, wash (купать, мыть): MKor. kắm-;
Mod. kām-.
◊ Nam 23, KED 50.
‖ The root seems reliable, despite some irregularities in vocalism.
-k῾ómp῾[e] fungus: Tung. *xum(p)-; Turk. *kömbe, *kömbe-lek; Jpn.
*kámp(u)í; Kor. *kōmphúi-.
PTung. *xum(p)- 1 to soften 2 smth. rotten 3 softened birch bark 4
rotten birch (1 размягчать (кожу, кору) 2 гнилой, гниль 3 береста
(размягченная) 4 береза (гнилая)): Evk. umdu- 1, ubgučē 4; Neg. um-
dus-umdus 2; Nan. χomdo (Naikh.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 267.
PTurk. *kömbe, -lek mushroom (гриб): Tur. gömelek (dial.); Az.
göbäläk; Turkm. kömelek; Tat. gömbɛ; Bashk. gömbɛ; Chuv. kъₙmba.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 101 (Chuv. is hardly < Old Russian, which already had guba, not goba).
PJpn. *kámp(u)í mould (плесень): Tok. kàbi; Kyo. kábí; Kag. kábi.
◊ JLTT 431.
838 *k῾ṑmu - *k῾ōńi
PKor. *kōmph- 1 mould 2 to become mouldy (1 плесень 2 плесне-
веть): MKor. kōmphúi- 2; Mod. kōm, kōmphaŋ 1.
◊ Nam 52, KED 161, 162.
‖ Martin 236, Дыбо 11. Vocalism is not quite certain.
-k῾ṑmu offering, respect: Turk. *Kom-; Jpn. *kuma; Kor. *kōmá.
PTurk. *Kom- 1 to long for 2 inheritance, legacy (1 жаждать, стре-
миться к 2 наследство): OTurk. qumaru (OUygh.); Karakh. qomɨ- 1
(MK), xumaru 2 (MK), qumaru 2 (KB); Khal. qumarqɨ 2; MTurk. qumar 2
(AH); Bashk. qomartqɨ 2; Kum. qumartqɨ 2; Khak. xumartxa 2; Shr.
qumarqɨ 2; Oyr. qumartqa 2.
◊ EDT 626, 628, Лексика 347, Clark 1977, 149.
PJpn. *kuma offering to gods (жертвоприношение богам): OJpn.
kuma.
PKor. *kōmá 1 respect 2 to respect, pay respect (1 почести, почита-
ние 2 почитать): MKor. kōmá 1, kōmáp- (-w-) 2; Mod. komap- (-w-) 2.
◊ Liu 64, KED 141.
‖ Whitman 1985, 191, 223.
-k῾òmu ( ~ -o, -a) drought, hunger: Tung. *xomī-; Mong. *komu-kai;
Turk. *Komɨĺ-; Kor. *kắmắr.
PTung. *xomī- 1 hunger, hungry 2 drought 3 to be hungry (1 голод,
голодный 2 засуха, неурожай 3 голодать): Evk. omī-kin 1; Evn. omt-
3; Neg. omịxn 1; Man. omi-n 1, 2; Ul. χomčị- 3; Nan. χomị 1, 2; Ud. omisi-
3.
◊ ТМС 2, 17.
PMong. *komu-kai gluttonous, greedy, hungry (жадный, голод-
ный): MMong. qomuɣai qurun ‘index finger’ (MA); WMong. qomuqai (L
961); Kh. xomxoj; Bur. xomoxoj; Kalm. xomxǟ, xumxǟ ‘eklig, vermodert,
verfault’ (KW 184, 197).
◊ Mong. > Tat., Bashk. qomaɣaj id. Cf. also qomsa ‘insufficient’ > Man. qomso (see
Rozycki 142). For the meaning in MMong. see Dybo 1995.
PTurk. *Komɨĺ- 1 become drowsy, dry 2 become lean 3 greedy (1 вя-
нуть, засыхать, становиться вялым 2 худеть, осунуться 3 жадный):
Tat. qomsɨz, dial. qomsɨq 3; Bashk. qomxoδ 3; Chuv. xъₙmšъₙl- 1; Yak.
xomńuj- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 147-148.
PKor. *kắmắr drought (засуха): MKor. kắmắr; Mod. kamul.
◊ Nam 13, KED 17.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 97; ЭСТЯ 6, 147-148.
-k῾ōńi ladle: Tung. *xuńa-; Mong. *kunija; Turk. *kȫjnek; Jpn. *kúm-;
Kor. *kùńí.
PTung. *xuńa- 1 ladle 2 thimble 3 finger 4 wooden bucket (1 ложка
2 наперсток 3 палец 4 деревянное ведро): Evk. uńaptun 2, uńakāptun
 *k῾oŋi - *k῾p῾e 839

3; Evn. ụńan 2, ụńiqъn 3; Neg. onkān 1, ońaxān 3; Man. xuńo 4; SMan.

xuni ‘wooden pail’ (580); Ul. χońa(n) 1; Ork. χụńa 1; Nan. χońã 1; Orch.
uńa 1, uńaka(n) 3; Ud. uńa῾ 3, uńa῾ptin 2 (Корм. 302); Sol. ụnax 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 478, 2, 276-277.
PMong. *kunija dish made of birch (берестяная посуда): WMong.
qunija(n) (L 986); Kh. xuńā.
PTurk. *kȫjnek bucket, vessel (ведро, сосуд): Karakh. könek (MK,
KB); Tur. könek, Osm. köjnük; Turkm. kȫnek; Uygh. kụnɛk; Tat. künɛk
(dial.); Bashk. künɛk; Kirgh. könök; Kaz. könek; Nogh. könek; Khak. könek;
Shr. könek; Oyr. könök; Tv. xönek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 104-105, VEWT 290 ( > Mong. könüg, further > TM: Sol. xonǵē, Evk. kōŋī,
see ТМС 1, 412, 478). Turk. > Russ. Siber. kunúk, see Аникин 324
PJpn. *kúm- to scoop (черпать): OJpn. kum-; MJpn. kúm-; Tok. kùm-;
Kyo. kúm-; Kag. kúm-.
◊ JLTT 716.
PKor. *kùńí manger, trough (корыто): MKor. kùńí, kùńjú; Mod.
kuju.
◊ Nam 60, KED 206.
‖ Vovin 1993, 257, Robbeets 2000, 109-110, 122. Cf. also Mong. konak
‘gutter’, Kor. konägi ‘tall jar’.
-k῾oŋi ( ~ -e) dirt: Tung. *xońi-; Turk. *köŋ.
PTung. *xońi- sand, dirt (песок, грязь): Evn. ońịŋ; Ork. xoŋoqto;
Orch. ońokto; Ud. ońokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 20.
PTurk. *köŋ 1 excrements, faeces 2 hard soil, swamp (1 навоз, по-
мет 2 твердая почва, болото): Karakh. köŋüz (MK) 1; Tur. kön, kün
(dial.) 1; Uzb. gụŋ 1; Bashk. küŋ 1; Kirgh. köŋ 1; Kaz. köŋ 1; KKalp. köŋ 1;
Oyr. köŋ 2.
◊ EDT 735, ЭСТЯ 5, 103.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. TM *xońi- perhaps with secondary pala-
talization < *xoŋi- (cf. the Orok form xoŋo-kto). Cf. perhaps Jpn. kunuga
‘land’ (?if different from *kuni ‘country’).
-k῾p῾e ( ~ -i) film, covering: Tung. *xup-; Mong. *köɣe; Turk. *köpe;
Kor. *kóp.
PTung. *xup- film on fish eggs (пленка на рыбьей икре): Nan. xu-
peremse.
◊ ТМС 1, 478. Attested only in Nan., but having rather probable external parallels.
PMong. *köɣe coat of mail, armour (кольчуга, панцирь): MMong.
köhe (MA); WMong. köɣe (L 478); Kh. xȫ; Kalm. kȫ.
◊ KW 243. Despite TMN 1, 483-484, Mong. is hardly borrowed < Turk.
PTurk. *köpe 1 coat of mail 2 ring of mail 3 earring 4 overcoat 5 sad-
dle-pad for a camel 6 film of egg, exuviae 7 a k. of cloth or carpet (1
840 *k῾óp῾ì - *k῾óp῾ì
кольчуга 2 кольцо кольчуги 3 серьга 4 плащ, пальто 5 верблюжье
седло 6 пленка яйца, сброшенная кожа 7 вид ткани или ковра):
Karakh. küpe 1, 2, 3, küpik (MK) 4, köpčük (MK) 5, köpsün ‘mattress’
(MK); Tur. küpe 3, kepeneg, köpenek 4, köpen 7; MTurk. köpen (küpen) 5;
Tat. küpmɛ ‘mattress’; Bashk. küpmɛ ‘mattress’; Kirgh. küpü ‘шуба из
меха медвежонка’; Kaz. köpšik ‘pillow’; Khak. köbön ‘mattress’; Chuv.
kəₙbe 6.
◊ EDT 687, 688, 689, ЭСТЯ 5, 48-49, 108 (Tur. köpen being attributed here to a quite
different root, see under *köp- ‘to swell, foam’), 114-115, 129-130, TMN 3, 581-583. The
above forms are hard to separate, and Doerfer’s point of view that köpenek is secondarily
< kepenek is probably faulty (even though köpenek is attested later: köpen is certainly at-
tested earlier, and an assimilative delabialization *köpenek > kepenek seems quite plausi-
ble). The Chuvash form shows that the original meaning of the root must have been
‘transparent covering, film’, whence ‘coat of mail’ etc. Turk. > Mong. kebeneg ‘sad-
dle-cloth, shirt’, Hung. köpönyeg ‘raincoat’ (Gombocz 1912).
PKor. *kóp fat, slime (жир, слизь): MKor. kóp; Mod. kop ‘a mucous
discharge’.
◊ Liu 72, KED 162.
‖ Владимирцов 212.
-k῾óp῾ì be complete, all: Tung. *xup-; Mong. *köb-čin; Turk. *köp; Jpn.
*kúpá-pa-; Kor. *kòp-.
PTung. *xup- 1 all 2 to gather (1 весь, все 2 собирать(ся)): Evk. up-
kat 1, upūrē- 2; Neg. opkal 1; Ul. χụpala- 2; Ork. χupala- 2; Nan. χopala- 2;
Orch. χupala- 2; Ud. ufal, ufalahi 1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 281; 1, 478. Cf. also Nan. χopã, Ul. χopa(n), Orok χụpa(n) ‘group, com-
pany’ - which may be a merger of the original root with a Manchu loan (cf. Manchu χufan
‘company, companionship’ < Chin. huobàn).
PMong. *köb-čin whole, all (целый, все, весь): MMong. gubčin
(SH); WMong. köbči(n) (L 475); Kh. xövčin; Ord. gübčin.
PTurk. *köp many (много): OTurk. köp (OUygh.); Karakh. köp (MK,
KB); Tur. köp; Turkm. köp; Sal. köp; MTurk. köp (Pav. C., MA, Abush.);
Uzb. kụp; Uygh. köp; Tat. küp; Bashk. küp; Kirgh. köp; Kaz. köp; KBalk.
köp; KKalp. köp; Kum. köp; Nogh. köp; Khak. köp; Shr. köp; Oyr. köp; Tv.
kö’p, xöj ( < *köpej); Tof. kö’p.
◊ VEWT 291, EDT 686-687, ЭСТЯ 5, 107-108.
PJpn. *kúpá-pa- add (добавлять): OJpn. kupapa-; MJpn. kùfàfá-; Tok.
kùwae-, kuwaé-; Kyo. kúwáé-; Kag. kuwaé-.
◊ JLTT 718. Tone reconstruction is controversial: RJ and the Tokyo variant kuwae-rú
point to *kùpà-, but all other evidence is in favour of *kúpá-.
PKor. *kòp- to double, increase twofold (удваивать, увеличи-
вать(ся) вдвое): MKor. kòp-; Mod. kop-ha-.
◊ Nam 52, KED 164.
‖ Владимирцов 323, АПиПЯЯ 285, Whitman 223. Cf. *kop῾V: the
Kor.-Jpn. reflexes may in fact reflect both roots.
 *k῾óp῾i - *k῾óp῾ìra 841

-k῾óp῾i ( ~ -e) foam: Tung. *xapu- ~ *xopu-; Mong. *köɣe-; Turk. *köp-;
Kor. *kphúm.
PTung. *xapu- ~ *xopu- foam (пена): Man. χofon ~ χafun; Ud. afuti.
◊ ТМС 1, 59.
PMong. *köɣe- to foam, swell up (пениться, вздуваться): MMong.
kɛhɛ- (IM), ku- (MA); WMong. kögege-, köge-, kögere- (L 478); Kh. xȫ-;
Bur. xȫ-; Kalm. kȫ-; Ord. kȫ- ‘to swell (for example about horse῾s nos-
trils)’; Dag. xuē- (Тод. Даг. 179), xuēre-; xuēs ‘foam’ (Тод. Даг. 179: xuēs,
kuēs), huē- (MD 166); Dong. kue- (MGCD ko-); S.-Yugh. χorʁə-, kǖre-;
köwög ‘foam’; Mongr. kō- (SM 204); kōrʒə (SM 205), kōrsə ‘foam’.
◊ KW 243, MGCD 369, 370. Cf. also WMong. köbkeji-, Kalm. köpk- ‘to swell’ (KW
240). Mong. > Man. ku- ‘to swell’ (ТМС 1, 422, Rozycki 145), Evk. kōsun ‘foam’ (ТМС 1,
417, Doerfer MT 94).
PTurk. *köp- 1 to swell 2 foam (1 набухать 2 пена): OTurk. köpik,
köpük (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. köpür- (MK) 1, köpük (MK) 2; Tur. köpük 2;
Az. köp- 1; Turkm. köpik 2; MTurk. köp- (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. kụp- (dial.) 1;
Uygh. köp- 1; Tat. küp- 1; Bashk. küp- 1; Kirgh. köp- 1; Kaz. köbək 2;
KBalk. köp- 1; Kum. göp- 1; Nogh. köp- 1; Khak. köp- 1; Oyr. köp- 1; Tv.
kö’vük 2; Tof. kö’pük 2; Chuv. kъₙbъₙk 2; Yak. köp- 1; Dolg. köbüj- ‘pop
up, float on the surface’.
◊ EDT 689, 691, VEWT 291, ЭСТЯ 5, 108-111, Stachowski 154.
PKor. *kphúm foam (пена): MKor. kphúm; Mod. kəphum.
◊ Liu 45, HMCH 161, KED 90.
‖ EAS 90, Владимирцов 213, AKE 10, KW 243, Poppe 19, 47, Lee
1958, 112, ОСНЯ 1, 364, Ozawa 199-200. Mong. cannot be explained as
borrowed < Turk., despite TMN 3, 617, Щербак 1997, 128. The root
tends to contaminate with *kup῾e ‘light’ q.v.
-k῾óp῾ìra rift (in a river), bridge: Tung. *xupuru; Mong. *köɣürge; Turk.
*köpür, -üg; Jpn. *kápárá.
PTung. *xupuru 1 rift (in river) 2 bridge (1 порог (на реке) 2 мост):
Evk. ōran 1; Jurch. hufuru 2 (Doerfer MT 136); Nan. xurfu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 479, 2, 23.
PMong. *köɣürge bridge (мост): MMong. ke’urge (HY 17), keūlge,
keurge (IM); WMong. kögürge, kegürge, kögürge (L 480); Kh. xȫrög; Bur.
xǖrge; Ord. kȫrgö; Dag. huruhe (MD 167); Mongr. kōrgo (SM 205).
◊ Cf. also a suffixless form, but with irregular (assimilatory?) initial voicing: WMong.
güwr ( < *köɣür?), Khalkha gǖr ‘bridge’. Mong. > Sol. xȫrgö (see Doerfer MT 136).
PTurk. *köpür, -üg bridge (мост): OTurk. köprüg; Karakh. köprüg
(MK); Tur. körpü, köprü; Gag. köprü; Az. körpü; Turkm. köpri; MTurk.
köpri (IM, AH), köprük (Abush., MA); Uzb. kụprik; Uygh. köprük, kövrük;
Tat. küper, küpre; Kirgh. köpürö; Kaz. köpür, köpre (dial.); Tv. kö’vürüg;
Tof. kö’prig; Yak. kürbe, kürge.
◊ VEWT 292, ЭСТЯ 5, 112-114.
842 *k῾ṓra - *k῾ṓra
PJpn. *kápárá shallow, sandy place in a river or on its bank (от-
мель, песчаное место на реке или на берегу): OJpn. kapara; MJpn.
kafara; Tok. kàwara; Kyo. káwárá; Kag. kawára.
◊ JLTT 446. The word is usually treated as *kápà ‘river’ + *pàrà ‘plain’, but the elision
is strange and the accent does not fit. This is most probably a folk-etymology due to sec-
ondary phonetic coincidence.
‖ Владимирцов 213, Poppe 127. Despite TMN 3, 586, Щербак 1997,
128, Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turk. Also, despite MT 136,
Jurch. hufuru cannot be a Mong. loanword. In Jpn. we would rather
expect *kupara; the -a- vocalism is either a result of later assimilation (in
a long word), or an influence of *kápá ‘river’ (different etymologically,
see *k῾éba).
-k῾ṓra ( ~ -o, -u) to protect, guard: Tung. *xurā-; Mong. *kori-; Turk.
*Kōrɨ-; Kor. *kằrí-.
PTung. *xurā- to save, be saved, recover (спасать(ся), выздоравли-
вать): Evk. urā-; Evn. ụr-; Neg. ojajị-; Ul. χora-; Ork. χụra-; Nan. χora-;
Orch. uwa-, uja-; Ud. wajagi- (Корм. 217), uja-; Sol. ụrgī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 282.
PMong. *kori- 1 to forbid 2 to fence, shield 3 block, fort, shelf 4 en-
closure, fence, yard (1 запрещать 2 загораживать 3 укрепление, пре-
града 4 огороженное место, забор, двор): MMong. quri- (MA) 2, qori-
jan (HY 17) ‘bailey, court’, qorqa, qorija’an, quru’a (SH) 3, qorɣān (IM),
qŭrɣan (MA); WMong. qori- 1 (L 966), qorija, qoruɣa, qoriɣa 3, 4 (L 967);
Kh. xori- 1, xorō 3; Bur. xori- 1, xoŕō(n) 3; Kalm. xöŕ- 1, xorā 4; Ord. xori- 2,
xorō, xorGo 4; Dag. xori- 1,2, xoŕē 4 (Тод. Даг. 177), hoŕē 4, hori- 2 (MD
164); Dong. qoroŋ 4 (MGCD Goruan); S.-Yugh. χorɣūl- 1, 2; Mongr. xori-
(SM 183) 1.
◊ KW 187, 193, MGCD 366. Mong. > Chag. qorija etc. (see Лексика 525, ЭСТЯ 6, 75); >
Man. xori- (see Rozycki 109).
PTurk. *Kōrɨ- to fence, protect (защищать, загораживать): OTurk.
qorɨ- (Yen.); Karakh. qorɨ- (MK); Tur. koru-; Gag. qoru-; Az. Goru-;
Turkm. Gōrɨ-, Gōra-; MTurk. qoru- (Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qụri-; Uygh.
qoru-; Krm. qoru-, qorɨ-; Kirgh. qoru-; KBalk. qoru-; KKalp. qorɨ-; Kum.
qoru-; Nogh. qorɨ-; Tv. xoru-.
◊ VEWT 282, EDT 645-646, Лексика 486-487, 575, ЭСТЯ 6, 76-78. Cf. also the deriva-
tive *Kōrɨ-kan, sometimes confused with *Kur-gan (see under *Kur-). One should also note
PT *Kurtgar- ‘to rescue’, *Kurtul- ‘be rescued’ (see EDT 649, 650, ЭСТЯ 6, 177-179), which
may be a contraction < *Kōru-t-gar-, *Kōru-t-ul-.
PKor. *kằrí- to cover, to shield (покрывать, загораживать): MKor.
kằrí-; Mod. kari-.
◊ Nam 12, KED 13.
 *k῾ori - *k῾oru 843

‖ EAS 47, 107, 141, KW 193, SKE 98, Лексика 575. Doerfer (TMN 3,
450) and Щербак (1997, 141) consider Mong. to be borrowed from
Turkic, which cannot be excluded.
-k῾ori hill; embankment, boundary: Tung. *xurē; Mong. *küri; Turk.
*Korum; Jpn. *kùrùa (~ -ruâ); Kor. *kòráŋ.
PTung. *xurē mountain (гора): Evk. ure; Evn. urekčen; Neg. ujē;
Man. wexe ‘stone’; SMan. vexē ‘stone, rock’(2110); Jurch. h(i)ur-xe (52)
‘stone’; Ul. xure(n); Ork. xure; Nan. xure(n); Orch. uwe, ue; Ud. wē
(Корм. 219), we, ue; Sol. ure.
◊ ТМС 2, 289.
PMong. *küri 1 precipice 2 rock, stone (1 обрыв 2 камень): MMong.
kuri (IM, MA, Lig. VMI) 2; WMong. küri 1 (MXTTT); Kh. xür 1; Mog.
ZM, KT kuri 2.
PTurk. *Korum rock, cliff, heap of stones (скала, куча камней):
Karakh. qorum (MK, KB); Uygh. qoram; Kirgh. qorum; Khak. xorɨm; Shr.
qorum; Oyr. qorum; Tv. xorum.
◊ EDT 660, VEWT 283, Лексика 99.
PJpn. *kùrùa (~ -ruâ) dike, boundary (насыпь, межа): OJpn. kur(w)o
(in kur(w)o-tuka “embankment on boundary”); MJpn. kùró; Tok. kúro;
Kyo. kúró.
◊ The Kyoto accent is irregular: all other evidence points either to *kùrúa or to *kùruâ.
PKor. *kòráŋ embankment, boundary, furrow (насыпь, межа, бо-
розда): MKor. kòráŋ; Mod. kōl, koraŋ.
◊ Liu 63, HMCH 163, KED 138, 156.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 291. The comparison seems satisfactory (the Jpn.-Kor.
link see in Kanezawa 47); an alternative Austronesian etymology of the
Jpn. word, however, can be found in Kawamoto 1977, 33. Cf. also
Mong. kürmen ‘basalt’.
-k῾oru short; diminish, grow less: Tung. *xurumü-; Mong. *koru-; Turk.
*Kor(a)-; Kor. *korh-.
PTung. *xurumü- short (короткий): Evk. urumkūn; Evn. urumkun;
Neg. ujumkūn; Ul. xurmi; Ork. xurdumi; Nan. xurm’ị; Orch. ūmi; Ud.
umasa῾ (Корм. 302); Sol. urūŋkũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 287-288.
PMong. *koru- to diminish (уменьшаться, убавлять): MMong.
qoro-, qoru’a- (SH); WMong. qoru- (L 968); Kh. xoro-; Bur. xoro-; Kalm.
xor-; Ord. xoro-.
◊ KW 188.
PTurk. *Kor(a)- 1 to diminish , decrease 2 harm, loss (1 уменьшать-
ся, убывать 2 вред, убыток): OTurk. qora- 1, qor 2 (OUygh.); Karakh.
qora- 1, qor 2 (MK); Kirgh. qoro- 1; KBalk. qora- 1; Khak. xora- 1; Oyr. qor
2, qoro- 1; Tv. xor 2; Chuv. xor ‘insult, offence, grief’; Yak. qor 2, qoron- 1.
844 *k῾ṑrV - *k῾ŏši
◊ EDT 641-642, 645-646, ЭСТЯ 6, 73-74, Федотов 2, 369. On a possible Mong. loan-
word (qowr ‘loss, damage’) see under *kàbro; modern Siberian nouns may be actually
backloans from Mong.
PKor. *korh- to suffer loss (потерпеть утрату): Mod. kol- [kolh-].
◊ KED 160. The root should be probably distinguished from kol(h)- ‘to get stale, rot’
(although they tend to contaminate).
‖ SKE 122, KW 188, ОСНЯ 1, 367, АПиПЯЯ 292, Дыбо 13; further
Nostratic parallels see in ОСНЯ 1, 367-368. The Korean reflex is some-
what dubious here, because the root may be the same as korh- < *gōŕa
q.v. (possibly a secondary merger). Cf. also Kalm. xor- ‘to be afraid,
shy’, PT *Kor-(u)k- ‘to be afraid’ (ЭСТЯ 6, 79-80), possibly derived from
*k῾oru ‘grow less, be damaged’ - but also possibly a different root.
-k῾ṑrV ( ~ -ŕ-) dung, excrements: Tung. *xōri-kta; Mong. *korgul; Kor.
*kərɨm.
PTung. *xōri-kta excrements (of deer) (помет (оленей)): Evk. ōrikta;
Evn. ōrịt; Ork. xorịqta.
◊ ТМС 2, 23-24.
PMong. *korgul excrements (of sheep, camels) (помет (овец, верб-
людов)): MMong. qorgosun (SH); WMong. qorɣul, qorɣal, qorɣusun (L
965); Kh. xorgol; Bur. xorgōl, xorgōho(n), xorgōdoho(n); Kalm. xorɣəsn
(КРС); Ord. xorGol; Bao. gugušɨ; S.-Yugh. χorgol; Mongr. xorGōʒə (SM
172), xurGōsə.
◊ MGCD 365.
PKor. *kərɨm dung (навоз, удобрения): Mod. kərɨm.
◊ KED 82 (derivation from kl- ‘fertile’ is irregular and probably folk-etymological).
‖ ТМС 2, 24.
-k῾ŏši ( ~ -e) to entangle, fetter: Tung. *xušī- ( ~ -č-); Mong. *kösi-; Turk.
*kös-.
PTung. *xušī- ( ~ -č-) to twist, roll, entangle (мотать, запутывать):
Evk. učī-; Evn. ụč-; Neg. oč-; Ul. χočịa-; Ork. χụtčị-; Nan. χočị-; Ud. usi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 296.
PMong. *kösi- to overcast (in sewing) (шить на живую нитку, на-
метывать): MMong. kušige ‘curtain’ (Lig.VMI), kūšege ‘фата’ (MA);
WMong. kösi- (L 492); Kh. xöši-; Bur. xüši-; Kalm. köš- (КРС); Ord. göšö-;
Dag. kušulue-.
◊ MGCD 377.
PTurk. *kös- 1 to hobble, fetter 2 fetters (1 треножить, путать 2 пу-
ты): Karakh. kösür- 1, kösrük 2 (MK); Tur. köste- (dial.) 1, köstek 2; Gag.
köstek 2; Turkm. kössek 2; Tv. köste- 1, kösteg 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 121-122.
‖ A Western isogloss.
 *k῾ubà - *k῾čV 845

-k῾ubà ( ~ -p-) joy, joke: Tung. *xebī- / *kupī- / *xupī-; Turk. *Kɨb (*Kub);
Jpn. *kapaju-.
PTung. *xebī- / *kupī- / *xupī- 1 to play 2 jolly, merry 3 to pity 4 to
humiliate (1 играть 2 игривый, веселый 3 жалеть 4 унижать): Evk.
ewī- 1, ewlēn- 3; Evn. ewi- 1, ewe 2; Neg. ewī- 1; Man. efi-, ee- 1; SMan. ifi-
1 (1357); Ul. xupi- / kupi- 1; Ork. xupi- 1; Nan. xupi- / kupi- 1, xeulēn- 4;
Orch. ewī-; Sol. ugī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 483, 2, 434-435, 436. Cf. also Evn. ịbgo ‘good, nice’ (ТМС 1, 294).
PTurk. *Kɨb 1 luck, happiness 2 to be happy, enjoy (1 счастье 2
быть счастливым, радоваться, предаваться удовольствиям): OTurk.
qɨv 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. qɨv 1 (MK); Tur. kɨwan- 2, kɨv 1 (dial.); Turkm.
Guwan- 2; MTurk. quvan- 2 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. quvɔn- 2; Krm. quvan- 2;
Tat. quan- 2; Bashk. qɨwan- 2; Kirgh. quban- 2; Kaz. quvan- 2; KBalk. qu-
van- 2; KKalp. quvan- 2; Kum. quvan- 2; Nogh. quvan- 2; SUygh. qo 1;
Chuv. xъₙvan- (dial.).
◊ VEWT 268, EDT 579, ЭСТЯ 6, 99-101, Clark 1977, 146.
PJpn. *kapaju- lovely (милый): MJpn. kafaju-; Tok. kawaí-; Kyo.
káwáì-; Kag. kawái-.
◊ JLTT 831. Original accent unclear.
‖ The TM form has a rather peculiar variation of laryngeal features
here; the original form must have been *xubī-.
-k῾ube ( ~ -p-) a k. of fish: Tung. *xuja ( < *xubi-ja?); Mong. *kobku; Jpn.
*kuàp(u)î.
PTung. *xuja a k. of fish (вид рыбы): Ork. χojodo ‘кунджа’, χojo
‘таймень’; Nan. χojǯa ‘sheat-fish’; Orch. ojo ‘кунджа’; Ud. ojo ‘кунджа’.
◊ ТМС 1, 445, 2, 251 (here also confused with PTM *uja ‘carp’; the Manchu form in
fact can reflect both *xoja and *uja). TM > Nivkh xoj, whence possibly Russ. Siber. goj ‘са-
халинский таймень’, see Аникин 167.
PMong. *kobku loach (fish) (голец, вьюн): WMong. qobqu (L 950);
Kh. xovx.
PJpn. *kuàp(u)î black carp (черный карп): OJpn. kwop(j)i; MJpn.
kòfí; Tok. kói; Kyo. kòî; Kag. koí.
◊ JLTT 454.
‖ One of many common Altaic fish names; the precise sort of the
fish denoted by the root is not quite clear.
-k῾čV a k. of star: Tung. *xōsi-kta; Turk. *Kučɨk.
PTung. *xōsi-kta star (звезда): Evk. ōsīkta; Evn. ōsịqat; Neg. ōsikta;
Man. usixa; SMan. ušihā (2037); Jurch. hosi-xa (12); Ul. xosta; Ork.
wasịqta; Nan. xosaqta (диал.); Orch. xosakta; Ud. waikta, wahikta; Sol.
ōikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 27.
846 *k῾ude - *k῾ùdì
PTurk. *Kučɨk constellation of Cancer (созвездие Рака): Karakh.
qučɨq (KB).
◊ EDT 591.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. For Nostratic parallels (Ural. *kVnśV, PIE
*g’hweisdh- ‘star’) see Sinor 1973, 392-393 (but Mong. hodun should of
course be kept apart), Долгопольский 1965, 263.
-k῾ude affair, trade: Tung. *xuda; Mong. *kuda-ldu-; Turk. *küdü-.
PTung. *xuda 1 to buy, hire 2 to lend 3 trade 4 to trade, barter (1 по-
купать, нанимать 2 одалживать 3 торговля 4 торговать): Evk. udi- 2;
Man. uda- 1; SMan. uda- (1409); Jurch. xu-da-sia-maj (418) 4; Ul. χụda 3;
Nan. χuda 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 248, 1, 467-468 (with many interdialectal borrowings). Man. > Dag. xudā,
xuda- (Тод. Даг. 179).
PMong. *kuda-ldu- to barter, trade (торговать): MMong. xudalidu
(HY 40), xudulči ‘merchant’ (HY 30), qəṭəl- (IM), qədəldə- (LH); WMong.
qudaldu- (L 980); Kh. xudalda-; Bur. xudalda-; Kalm. xuldə-; Ord. xudaldu-;
Dong. Gudandu-; Bao. dandə-; S.-Yugh. Gudāldə-; Mongr. dārdi- (SM 44),
dāldə-.
◊ KW 196, MGCD 385.
PTurk. *küdü- affair (дело): OTurk. iš küdük (OUygh.); Karakh. iš
küδük (KB); Chuv. kərəš- ‘to hire, be hired’.
◊ EDT 702.
‖ A Western isogloss; the Turkic reflex is very scantily attested.
-k῾ùdì a k. of skin working instrument; worked skin: Tung. *xudekī;
Mong. *ködü-sü; Turk. *kidiŕ; Jpn. *kùtùpìkì.
PTung. *xude-kī board for cutting skins; a stick for sewing (доска
для резки шкур; палочка для придерживания шитья): Evk. udekī;
Evn. udeki; Neg. udexi; Ul. xude; Ork. xude(n); Nan. xudẽ; Orch. udeki;
Ud. udexi (Корм. 300).
◊ ТМС 2, 249.
PMong. *ködü-sü worked sheep skin (обработанная овчина):
WMong. ködüsü(n) (L 478); Kh. xödös; Bur. xüdehe(n) ‘sheepskin, un-
worked leather’; Ord. ködösü.
PTurk. *kidiŕ felt (войлок): OTurk. kidiz (OUygh.); Karakh. kiδiz
(MK, KB); Tur. kijiz, kejiz (dial.); Turkm. kīz; MTurk. kijiz (IM, Abush.,
Qutb., Houts.); Uzb. kigiz; Uygh. kigiz; Tat. kijez; Bashk. kejeδ; Kirgh.
kijiz; Kaz. kijiz; KBalk. kijiz; KKalp. kijiz, kijgiz (dial.); Kum. kijiz; Nogh.
kijiz; Khak. kīs; Oyr. kijis; Tv. kidis.
◊ VEWT 270, TMN 3, 661-662, ЭСТЯ 5, 66-67, Лексика 392. Turk. > MMong. kijiz
(Щербак 1997, 127).
PJpn. *kùtùpìkì a k. of loom (вид ткацкого станка): OJpn. kutup-
jikji; MJpn. kùtùfìkì.
 *k῾jlu - *k῾ùkè 847
◊ JLTT 468 (but the connection with kutu ‘shoe’ is probably folk-etymological).
‖ In Turkic *kidiŕ < *küdiŕ (with secondary vowel assimilation); oth-
erwise correspondences are regular.
-k῾jlu ( ~ -o) ear; to hear: Tung. *xūl-; Mong. *kul-ki; Turk. *Kul-kak;
Jpn. *kí-k-; Kor. *kúi.
PTung. *xūl- to sound, resound (раздаваться (о звуке, эхо)): Evk.
ūl-ta-; Evn. l-d-; Neg. ol-bụn-; Ul. xol-dị-; Ork. xụl-bụn-; Nan. xōl-ǯị-.
◊ ТМС 2,263.
PMong. *kulki ear-wax; middle ear (ушная сера; среднее ухо):
WMong. qulki (L 984), quluɣu; Kh. xulxi, xulga; Bur. xulxa, xolxi; Kalm.
xulxə, xuĺxə; Ord. xuluGu(n); Dag. xoĺgi (Тод. Даг. 177; MGCD kolig);
Mongr. xoŋGo (SM 171).
◊ KW 196, MGCD 389.
PTurk. *Kul-kak ear (ухо): OTurk. qulqaq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
qulaq, qulqaq, qulxaq (MK), qulaq, qulɣaq (KB); Tur. kulak; Gag. qulaq; Az.
GulaG; Turkm. Gulaq; Sal. Gulaχ; Khal. qulaq; MTurk. qulaq (MA), qulaɣ
(Sangl.); Uzb. qulɔq; Uygh. qulaq; Krm. qulax; Tat. qolaq; Bashk. qolaq;
Kirgh. qulaq; Kaz. qulaq; KBalk. qulaq; KKalp. qulaq; Kum. qulaq; Nogh.
qulaq; SUygh. qulaq; Khak. xulax; Shr. qulaq; Oyr. qulaq; Tv. qulaq; Tof.
qulaq; Chuv. xъₙlɣa; Yak. kulgāk; Dolg. kulgāk.
◊ VEWT 298, EDT 620, Лексика 204-205, ЭСТЯ 6, 124-127, Stachowski 160.
PJpn. *kí-k- hear (слышать): OJpn. kjik-; MJpn. kík-; Tok. kìk-; Kyo.
kík-; Kag. kík-.
◊ JLTT 708.
PKor. *kúi ear (ухо): MKor. kúi; Mod. kwi.
◊ Nam 64, KED 226.
‖ AKE 11, EAS 142, KW 196, Poppe 18, 75, АПиПЯЯ 52-53, 276, Ды-
бо 14, Лексика 205. The Mong. form can hardly be explained as a Turk.
loanword (despite Щербак 1997, 143; Doerfer in TMN 4, 296 writes:
“...unsicher”). Cf. Ordos xulugu ‘the ear of animal’, Khalkha xulgavč
‘eared cap’. The Jpn. form has an irregular high tone (Turk., Tung. and
Kor. pointing unanimously to * ); this, as well as the vowel -i- is proba-
bly due to a contraction. Medial *-jl- has to be reconstructed to account
for -i- in Korean.
-k῾ùkè to peel: Tung. *xuK-; Turk. *Koguĺ (?-k-); Jpn. *kuàk-.
PTung. *xuK- 1 to peel (bark, rind) 2 peels, rind (1 сдирать (кору) 2
корка, кожура): Evk. uk- 1; Evn. ụq- 1; Neg. oklī- 1; Ul. χoGdịqta 2;
Orch. uki- 1; Ud. ukki- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 253.
PTurk. *Koguĺ leather, hide (кожа, шкура): OTurk. qoɣuš; Karakh.
qoɣuš (MK).
◊ EDT 613.
848 *k῾ùla - *k῾ul(g)o
PJpn. *kuàk- to flail, flay (сдирать кору, обмолачивать): OJpn.
kwok-; MJpn. kòk-; Tok. kók-, kóg-; Kyo. kòk-, kòg-; Kag. kòk-, kòg-.
◊ JLTT 712.
‖ The Tung.-Jpn. match seems to be satisfactory, but the Turkic par-
allel is not quite certain: in PT one would rather expect *Kokuĺ with
voiceless -k-, but available attestations seem to point rather to *-g-.
-k῾ùla a k. of big fish: Tung. *xol-sa; Mong. *kalimu; Jpn. *kàra-.
PTung. *xol-sa 1 fish 2 boiled fish (1 рыба 2 вареная рыба): Evk.
ollo 1; Evn. olr 1; Neg. olo 1; Ul. xolto(n) 2; Ork. xolto 2; Nan. xolto 2;
Orch. okto 2; Ud. oloho 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 14.
PMong. *kalimu whale (кит): WMong. qalimu (L 920); Kh. xalim;
Bur. xalim; Kalm. xalim (СЯОС).
PJpn. *kàra- plaice (камбала): MJpn. kàrèfí; Tok. kárei; Kyo. kárèì;
Kag. kareí.
◊ JLTT 440. The PJ accent is not quite clear (but the first syllable should undoubtedly
be reconstructed with low tone).
‖ Doerfer MT 91 and Rozycki 130 consider Mong. to be borrowed <
TM (Evk. kalim etc., see ТМС 1, 366-367); however, the direction of bor-
rowing was probably reverse. This is one of several similar fish names,
sometimes difficult to distinguish - see *kalu, *k῾ile.
-k῾ul(g)o reed, rush: Tung. *xulgu-; Mong. *kulu-su; Turk. *Kulga; Kor.
*kōr.
PTung. *xulgu- reed (тростник): Evk. ulgukta; Neg. ojgokto; Man.
ulχu; SMan. oləhə (2157); Ul. χolGaqta; Ork. xụldụqta; Nan. χolGoqta;
Orch. ugukta.
◊ ТМС 2, 258-259.
PMong. *kulu-su reed, rush (тростник, камыш): MMong. gulusun
(HY 6), qalsun (IM), qulusun (MA); WMong. qulusu(n) (L 985); Kh. xuls;
Bur. xulha(n); Kalm. xulsn; Ord. xulus, xulusu(n); Dag. kolso, xolso (Тод.
Даг. 177), kolese (MD 183); Dong. Gulusun; Bao. Golsoŋ; S.-Yugh.
χulusən; Mongr. xuluʒə (SM 182), (MGCD xuləsə).
◊ KW 196, MGCD 388. Mong. > Oyr. quluzun.
PTurk. *Kulga 1 sprout 2 long branch, shoot (1 росток 2 длинная
ветка, побег): Tat. qolɣa 2; Khak. xulɣa 1; Oyr. qulɣa 1; Chuv. xolъ 2.
◊ VEWT 298, Ашм. XVI, 149.
PKor. *kōr reed, rush (тростник, камыш): MKor. kōr; Mod. kol-phul.
◊ Nam 51, KED 160.
‖ KW 196, SKE 121, Цинциус 1984, 114-115, Дыбо 10, Rozycki 217.
Cf. also Old Silla *koš ‘reed’, see Miller 1979, 23.
 *k῾ŭli - *k῾úli 849

-k῾ŭli yellow, brown, grey: Mong. *küjilen; Turk. *Kula.

PMong. *küjilen grey, bluish (серый, голубоватый): WMong.
küilen (L 498); Bur. xüjlen.
◊ Cf. also Khalkha xülegčin ‘white horse with black spots’.
PTurk. *Kula light yellow, brown (желтый, саврасый): OTurk. qula
(OUygh.); Karakh. qula (MK); Tur. kula; Gag. qula; Turkm. qula; MTurk.
qula (AH, Houts.); Uzb. qula; Uygh. qula; Tat. qola; Bashk. qola; Kirgh.
qula; Kaz. qula; KKalp. qula; Kum. qula; Nogh. qula; SUygh. qula; Khak.
xula; Oyr. qula; Tv. qula; Chuv. xъₙla.
◊ EDT 617, VEWT 298, ЭСТЯ 6, 121-122.
‖ A Turko-Mong. isogloss. Mong. *küjile- regularly < *küli-le- with
l-dissimilation. Turk. > Mong. qula (see TMN 3, 507, KW 195); Mong. >
Evk. kula, Man. qulan, see Doerfer MT 100 > Kor. kora (mal) (see Lee
1958, 119).
-k῾uli ( ~ -e) to heat, burn: Tung. *xuldü; Mong. *kölči-; Turk. *kül-.
PTung. *xuldü 1 warm 2 to heat 3 flame (1 теплый 2 нагревать 3
пламя): Evk. uldi 3; Man. wenǯe- 2; SMan. venǯexun, venǯəxun ‘agreea-
bly warm’ (2058); Ul. xuldu 1, xuldū- 2; Ork. xuldu 1; Nan. xul’d’i 1; Ud.
ugdi- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 260; 1, 132 (where the Manchu word is erroneously regarded as < Chin.).
PMong. *kölči- to heat, warm (греть, нагревать): MMong. kulči-
(MA 222); WMong. kölči-, kölčü- (L 484); Kh. xölč-; Bur. xülše-; Kalm.
kölčə- (КРС); Ord. gölčö-; Dag. kulčē- (Тод. Даг. 151); Mongr. kurgu- ‘rô-
tir, griller, étuver’ (SM 216).
◊ Cf. also Bur. xülere ‘place of fire’; WMong. kölü-re- ‘to sweat’, kölü(r)-sü(n), Mongr.
konorʒə ‘sweat, perspiration’ ( > Dolg. kölöhün, see Stachowski 155).
PTurk. *kül ashes (пепел, зола): OTurk. kül (OUygh.); Karakh. kül
(MK); Tur. kül; Gag. kül; Az. kül; Turkm. kül; Sal. kül; Khal. kīl; MTurk.
kül; Uzb. kul; Uygh. kül; Krm. kul; Tat. köl; Bashk. köl; Kirgh. kül; Kaz.
kül; KBalk. kül; KKalp. kül; Kum. kül; Nogh. kül; SUygh. kül; Khak. kül;
Shr. kül; Oyr. kül; Tv. xül; Tof. xül; Chuv. kəₙl; Yak. kül; Dolg. kül.
◊ VEWT 307, EDT 715, ЭСТЯ 5, 137-138, Лексика 367-368, Stachowski 164.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281. A Western isogloss: we prefer now to separate
MKor. krm = TM *xurum- etc., see *k῾ōŕe.
-k῾úli ( ~ -o-, -ĺ-) to dig, cave: Tung. *xulē-; Mong. *küle-mǯi; Kor.
*kùrhŋ.
PTung. *xulē- to dig (копать): Evk. ulē-; Evn. ul-; Neg. ulē-; Man.
uldefun ‘wooden shovel’; Ul. xule-; Ork. xule-; Nan. xule-; Ud. ule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 265.
PMong. *küle-mǯi cave, basement (погреб, подземное помеще-
ние): WMong. külemǯi (L 499); Kh. xülemǯ.
850 *k῾úlo - *k῾úlo
PKor. *kùrhŋ tunnel, cave, hole (туннель, пещера, дыра): MKor.
kùrhŋ; Mod. kurəŋ.
◊ Nam 63, KED 199.
‖ On a possible Jpn. reflex see under *k῾[ù]ri.
-k῾úlo to roll, turn: Tung. *xol- / *xul-; Mong. *kol-ki-; Turk. *Kul-; Jpn.
*kr-mp-; Kor. *kùbr-.
PTung. *xol- / *xul- 1 dance, move in dancing 2 climb down, out
(from a vehicle, boat) 3 bend (of a river) 4 to walk around, turn round
(1 танцевать, двигаться в пляске 2 высаживаться (из лодки), слезать
(с телеги) 3 излучина (реки) 4 обходить, объезжать): Evk. olo-nmū- 1,
uli-sin 3; Evn. ụlịna 3; Neg. olị-sịn- 4; Ul. χolon- 2, χōlị- 4; Ork. χụlon- 2,
χōlị- 4; Nan. xulun- 2, xōlị- 4; Orch. xolon-o- 2 ( < Orok.), uli- 4; Ud. xoli- 4
( < Nan.).
◊ ТМС 1, 470; 2, 16, 261.
PMong. *kol-ki- to be restless, go round and round (вертеться, не
сидеть на месте): WMong. qolkida- (L 959); Kh. xolxi-; Bur. xolxi ‘shaky,
wobbly’; Kalm. xoĺgədə-; Ord. Golχido-.
◊ KW 182.
PTurk. *Kul- 1 to roll (down), fall 2 round (1 скатываться, падать 2
круглый): Sal. gulɨlüx 2; MTurk. qula- 1 (Буд.); Uzb. qulä- 1; Uygh. qula-,
ɣula- 1; Bashk. qola- 1; Kirgh. qula- 1; Kaz. qula- 1; KKalp. qula- 1; SUygh.
qula-, Gol- 1; Oyr. qula- 1.
◊ VEWT 298, ЭСТЯ 6, 122.
PJpn. *kr-mp- roll (катиться): MJpn. korob-; Tok. kòrob-; Kyo.
kórób-; Kag. korób-.
◊ JLTT 713.
PKor. *kubɨr- roll (катиться): MKor. kù’r-, kù’ur-; Mod. kūl-, kurɨ-.
◊ Nam 60, KED 199, 217.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 288, ОСНЯ 1, 327 (with literature; Illich-Svitych also
compares Mong. qoli- ‘to mix’, but does not list the Turkic and Japanese
forms). Cf. also Mong. kölbe- ‘to lie on one side’ (KW 238), qolbir- ῾to slip
sidewards’. The attribution of some forms is problematic: Turk. *Kul-
may reflect a partial contamination with PA *gŭldo ‘to stretch’ (q.v.).;
the Jpn. and Kor. forms, due to the merger of *r and *l, can actually also
reflect PA *kṓr[i] q.v.; in Jpn. cf. also koro ‘round log’, korog- ‘to roll,
rotate’. Note that the MKor. form with -w-, -’- makes the affiliation of
the Korean root questionable - unless it is a dissimilative development
< *kurb-ɨr-, in which case it would be a morphological structure
*k῾úlo-bV- = PJ *krmp-, Mong. kölbe-, qolbir-.
 *k῾úĺa - *k῾ĺa 851

-k῾úĺa bark, scales; scab: Tung. *xolda-ksa; Mong. *kolta-su, *koli-; Turk.
*Kuĺ; Jpn. *kásá.
PTung. *xolda-ksa 1 bark 2 board 3 coffin (1 кора 2 доска 3 гроб):
Evk. oldaksa, uldaksa 1, 2; Evn. oldụs 3; Neg. oldokso 3; Ul. χoldoqso 2; Ork.
χoldoqso 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 13, 244 (with a confusion of *xolda-ksā ‘bark; board’ and *ugda-’boat’).
PMong. *kolta-su, *koli- 1 tree bark 2 scales (1 древесная кора 2
чешуя): WMong. qoltusu(n), qoltasu(n) 1 (L 960), qolisu(n) 2 (L 959); Kh.
xoltos 1, xolis 2; Bur. xoltohon 1; Kalm. xoltxəsn 1; Dag. koldon ‘cedar’
(Тод. Даг. 150) (?).
◊ KW 182, 183. Cf. also qol-tul- ‘to skin, separate skin, split’ (whence Evk. kolto- etc.,
see Doerfer MT 69), qolu-, qolɣu-, qoluɣa- ‘to erase (skin), make a sore’, qoluɣanaɣ ‘rubbed
off spot on skin’ (KW 182, 183, L 958). The name of ‘cedar’ is borrowed in TM (Man. xol-
don etc.).
PTurk. *Kuĺ a hairless spot (on horse’s skin) (проплешина (на
шкуре лошади)): Tur. kuš.
◊ VEWT 305.
PJpn. *kásá scab (струп, язва): OJpn. kasa; MJpn. kásá; Tok. kàsa;
Kyo. kásá; Kag. kása.
◊ JLTT 441.
‖ KW 182, Miller 1970, 129, АПиПЯЯ 293. Illich-Svitych (ОСНЯ
1,301, with Uralic parallels) compares Man. qola-, Evk. kūlū- ‘to skin’,
but these are mongolisms (see ТМС 1,407); ТМ *xolda-ksa is a better
match for the Mong. form.
-k῾ĺa (~-o,-u) a k. of big bird: Tung. *xōlī; Mong. *kuladu; Turk. *Kuĺ.
PTung. *xōlī raven, crow (ворон, ворона): Evk. ōlī; Evn. olịnǯa; Neg.
ōlī.; Nan. χolī.; Orch. oli; Ud. wali; Sol. oĺē, olī.
◊ ТМС 2, 13. TM > Dag. oĺē (Тод. Даг. 159). Shortness in Nan. is irregular (probably
dissimilative, before the next long vowel).
PMong. *kuladu duck-hawk (вид ястреба, лунь): MMong. quladu
(SH); WMong. quladu (L 984: qulatu); Kh. xult; Bur. xulda; Kalm. xuldə;
Ord. xuladu.
◊ KW 195-196. Mong. > Shor quladɨ etc. (see VEWT 298, ЭСТЯ 6, 128-129).
PTurk. *Kuĺ 1 bird 2 duck (1 птица 2 утка): OTurk. quš 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. quš 1 (MK, KB); Tur. kuš 1; Gag. quš 1; Az. Guš 1; Turkm. Guš 1;
Sal. Guš 1; Khal. quš, Guš (< Az.) ‘sparrow’; MTurk. quš 1 (Sangl.);
‘moth’ (Abush.); Uzb. quš 1; Uygh. quš 1; Krm. quš 1; Tat. qoš 1; Bashk.
qoš 1; Kirgh. quš 1; Kaz. qus 1; KBalk. quš 1; KKalp. qus 1; Kum. quš 1;
Nogh. qus 1; SUygh. Gus 1; Khak. xus 1; Shr. quš 1; ‘hen’; Oyr. quš 1; Tv.
qu’š 1; Tof. qu’š 1; Yak. kus 2; Dolg. kus 2.
◊ VEWT 305, TMN 3, 547-548; EDT 670; ЭСТЯ 6, 180-182, Лексика 168, Stachowski
162. Chuv. xъlat ‘hawk’ < Mong.
852 *k῾ume - *k῾umV
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 9, Лексика 168. A Western isogloss. The
Turk. form can also be compared with PTM *kila- “a k. of aquatic bird”
or *kulV- id.
-k῾ume ( ~ -u-) black; coal: Turk. *kömür; Kor. *km-.
PTurk. *kömür coal (уголь): OTurk. kömür (OUygh.); Karakh. kömür
(MK, KB); Tur. kömür; Gag. kömür; Az. kömür; Turkm. kömür; MTurk.
kömür (MA, IM, Pav. C., AH), kimür (Abush.); Uzb. kụmir; Uygh.
kömü(r); Tat. kümer; Bashk. kümer; Kirgh. kömür; Kaz. kömər; KBalk.
kömür; KKalp. kömər; Kum. kömür; Nogh. kömər; Khak. kömər; Oyr.
kömür; Tv. xömür; Chuv. kъₙmrъₙk; Yak. kömör; Dolg. kömör.
◊ VEWT 289 (relating the stem to köm- ‘to bury, dig’ seems rather dubious), ЭСТЯ 5,
102-103, Лексика 365, Stachowski 156.
PKor. *km- black (черный): MKor. km-, km-; Mod. km-, k:m-,
kām-, k:ām-.
◊ Liu 48, HMCH 278, KED 101. Modern length and gemination are obviously late
and expressive.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 295. A Turk.-Kor. isogloss (cf. also Old Koguryo *kămul
‘black’, see Miller 1979, 8; perhaps also Manchu χumara- ‘to sully’, ТМС
1, 477). The comparison seems quite possible, although the scarcity of
reflexes prevents a secure reconstruction of vocalism.
-k῾umi ( ~ -e) tent, temporary dwelling: Tung. *xoma-; Mong. *kömürge;
Turk. *küme.
PTung. *xoma- tent, summer-house (шалаш, летнее жилище):
Neg. omōxān; Ul. χomịra(n); Nan. χomarã.
◊ ТМС 2, 17.
PMong. *kömürge storehouse (хранилище): MMong. kumurki ‘box’
(MA 141); WMong. kömürge (L 487); Kh. xömrög; Kalm. kömrg (КРС);
Mongr. komorgo (SM 213), komurgo.
◊ Should be historically distinguished from gömürge (although the two forms have
almost merged in Mong.).
PTurk. *küme dug-out, hut (землянка, хижина): Tur. kümüldü.
◊ VEWT 308. An exclusively Osman word; Cf. perhaps Karakh. (MK) kümi ‘name of
a town on the Uyghur border’ (?).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-k῾umV ( ~-o-) weak, lean: Tung. *xum-; Mong. *komur, *komsa.
PTung. *xum- lean, weak (тощий, слабый): Evk. umdān; Evn.
ụmnakụ; Ul. χomdo(n), χụmdụ(n); Ork. χụmana; Nan. xumdu; Orch.
umana; Sol. ụminā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 267.
PMong. *komur, *komsa scarce, rare, weak (редкий, слабый):
MMong. qor qomsa (SH); WMong. qomur, qobur, qomsa (L 950, 960); Kh.
xomor, xowor, xoms; Bur. xomor; Ord. xomso, xowor.
 *k῾ùńe - *k῾ńi 853
◊ Mong. > Man. komso, see Doerfer MT 118.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾ùńe to burn, get burnt: Mong. *köɣe; Turk. *köń-; Jpn. *kuànkàra-;
Kor. *kńr-.
PMong. *köɣe soot (сажа): MMong. küje (MA); WMong. köɣe; Kh.
xȫ; Bur. xȫ; Kalm. kȫ; Ord. kȫ; Dag. xuē (Тод. Даг. 179), huē (MD 165);
Dong. guə-məi; S.-Yugh. kǖ; Mongr. kō (SM 204).
◊ KW 243, MGCD 369. Cf. also WMong. köjüre-, Kalm. köjr- ‘to sweat’. Hardly <
Turkic, despite Щербак 1997, 196. Mong. > Man. ku id. (see Rozycki 144).
PTurk. *köń- 1 to burn (itr.) 2 to burn (tr.) 3 to kindle 4 to get burnt
5 soot 6 strong smell of burnt 7 unpleasant smell (1 гореть 2 жечь 3 за-
жигать 4 обгорать 5 сажа 6 сильный запах горелого 7 неприятный
запах): OTurk. köj- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. kön- (Argu MK), köj- 1 (MK,
KB); Tur. (dial.) köj-, küj- 1; küje 5; Turkm. köj- 1, küjö (dial.) 5; Khal. kien-
1; MTurk. köj- 1 (Abush., MA, Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. kuj- 1, kuja 5;
Uygh. köj-, küj- 1, köjdür- 2; Tat. köj- 1; Bashk. küj- 1; Kirgh. küj- 1, kȫ 5;
Kaz. küj- 1, küje 5; KBalk. küj- 1; KKalp. küj- 1, küje 5; Kum. güj- 1; Nogh.
küj- 1, küje 5; Khak. köj- 1, köje 5; Shr. köj- 1; Oyr. küj- 1, kȫ 5; Tv. xȫ 5;
Tof. xȫ 5; Chuv. kü, kəₙv 6 (Ашм.), kəₙśek 7; kъₙvajt 5.
◊ VEWT 309, EDT 726, 730, ЭСТЯ 5, 88-89, 133, Лексика 362, Мудрак Дисс. 75. The
Az. form is somewhat dubious, both semantically (“itch”) and phonetically (irregular
voiced g-). See also *köń- ‘to grieve, suffer’.
PJpn. *kuànkàra- to be burnt (быть опаленным, подгорать, заго-
рать): OJpn. kwogara-; MJpn. kògàra-; Tok. kogaré-; Kyo. kógáré-; Kag.
kogaré-.
◊ JLTT 711. Kagoshima points to high tone, but other dialects rather to a low one.
PKor. *kńr- 1 soot 2 to be covered with soot (1 сажа 2 покрывать-
ся сажей): MKor. kńrm 1; Mod. kɨɨrɨm 1, kɨɨl- 2.
◊ Nam 69, KED 240.
‖ The Jpn. form reflects a suffixed *k῾ùńe-KV-.
-k῾ńi ( ~ -e) knot, to tie knots: Tung. *xūńē-; Mong. *küjir.
PTung. *xūńē- 1 to bind (a pack, to a pack) 2 long wool (for binding,
felting) 3 silk string (for binding) 4 knot (on a thread) (1 привязывать
(вьюк, к вьюку) 2 длинная шерсть (для привязывания, изготовле-
ния шнурков etc.) 3 шнурок (из сырцового шелка) 4 узел (на нити)):
Evk. ūńē- 1; Evn. ȫńe- 1; Man. uńe-le 2, uńe-ri 3; Ork. xunikte 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 477, 2, 277.
PMong. *küjir knots of a bow-string (узлы на тетиве): MMong. ko
‘bow-string’ (HY 18); WMong. küir (L 498); Kh. xüjde- ‘to release the
bow-string’; Mongr. kwri ‘boutonnière (en cordonnet)’ (SM 208).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. In other languages cf. perhaps: OT
köndegü ‘necklace’ (EDT 730).
854 *k῾uŋgo - *k῾úrgo
-k῾uŋgo (~-o-) to freeze, snow: Tung. *xuŋ-da-; Mong. *kuŋgar- /
*küŋger-; Jpn. *kənkə(r)-.
PTung. *xuŋ-da- ice crust on snow (наст): Evk. uŋnan; Evn. nъ.n;
Neg. ōŋnan; Man. undan; Nan. χoŋdã; Ud. uŋna; oŋo- ‘to freeze’.
◊ ТМС 2, 279. Cf. also Evn. ōńịr ‘снег (плотный), сугроб’.
PMong. *kuŋgar- / *küŋger- snow-drift (сугроб): WMong. quŋɣar
(МXTTT); Kh. xuŋgar; Bur. xüŋgereg.
PJpn. *kənkə(r)- 1 to freeze 2 freezing (1 замерзать 2 замерзаю-
щий, холодный): OJpn. kogor- 1; MJpn. kogor- 1, kogo- 2; Tok. kogor-,
kògoe-, kogoé- 1; Kyo. kógóé- 1; Kag. kògòè- 1.
◊ JLTT 711. Tone reconstruction is not quite clear.
‖ The Jpn. form may be alternatively compared with PTM *gekti- ‘to
freeze’ (ТМС 1, 178).
-k῾ùre basket: Tung. *xurid-; Turk. *Küri-; Jpn. *kuà; Kor. *kórí.
PTung. *xurid- a vessel for berries (посудина для ягод): Evk. uridīk;
Nan. χordaχĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 471, 2, 285.
PTurk. *Küri- 1 a measure of capacity 2 a k. of basket for vegetables
(1 мера объема 2 вид корзины для овощей): OTurk. küri 1 (OUygh.)
‘peck (2 and 1/2 bushels)’; Karakh. kürin 2 (MK); Uygh. kürɛ 1; SUygh.
k῾ọr (10,35 l) 1.
◊ EDT 737, 746.
PJpn. *kuà basket (корзина): OJpn. kwo; MJpn. kò.
◊ JLTT 453.
PKor. *kórí basket (корзина): MKor. kórí; Mod. kori.
◊ Liu 64, KED 140.
‖ Whitman 1985, 148. The Jpn. form is derived from a suffixed
*k῾ùr(e)-gV. Cf. *kúra(mV).
-k῾úrgo ( ~ -u) intestine, belly: Tung. *xurke-; Mong. *kurkag; Turk.
*Kurg-sak; Kor. *kùri.
PTung. *xurke- belly (of fish) (брюшко (рыбы)): Evn. ökenre; Neg.
ujkene; Ul. xuče(n); Nan. xujke; Orch. ukkese; Ud. ukihe.
◊ ТМС 2, 29-30.
PMong. *kurkag belly (of cattle) (желудок (скота)): WMong.
qurqaɣ; Kh. xurxag; Kalm. xurxəg, xorxəg.
◊ KW 188, 198.
PTurk. *Kurg-sak belly, stomach (живот, желудок): Karakh.
quruɣsaq (MK); Tur. kursak; Gag. qursaq; Az. GursaG; Turkm. GursaG
‘breast’; Sal. χusaχ; MTurk. qursaq (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. qursɔq;
Uygh. qosaq; Krm. qorsaq; Tat. qorsaq; Bashk. qorhaq; Kirgh. qursaq; Kaz.
qursaq; KKalp. qursaq; Kum. qursaq; Nogh. qursaq; SUygh. qursqaq; Khak.
xursax; Shr. qursaq; Oyr. qursaq; Yak. kurtax.
 *k῾[ŭ]ri - *k῾[ŭ]ri 855
◊ EDT 657, VEWT 303, Лексика 277, ЭСТЯ 6, 164-166. Cf. also Yak., Dolg. kurgum
‘lower part of belly’ (Stachowski 162 gives a rather improbable etymology).
PKor. *kùri inner part of body, inner part of chest (внутренность,
грудная полость): MKor. kùri.
◊ Nam 58. It is not quite clear whether the word is the same as modern kure, hə-guri
‘waist’ (KED 199) - which seems to have a different origin, see under *kaĺbo.
‖ KW 188, Лексика 278. The medial cluster behaves not quite regu-
larly because of assimilation (in Mong., where *kurkag < *kurgag, and in
TM, where *xurke < *xurge).
-k῾[ŭ]ri to rake up: Tung. *xeri- / *xeru-; Mong. *kura-, *kurija-; Turk.
*küre-; Jpn. *kur-.
PTung. *xeri- / *xeru- 1 to rake up 2 to sweep (1 сгребать 2 подме-
тать): Evk. eru- 1; Evn. er- 1; Neg. ej- 1; Man. eri- 2; Ul. xeru- 1; Ork. xeri-
1; Nan. xeti- 1 (*xer-či-); Orch. ei- 1; Ud. eju, ejeu ‘shovel’; Sol. er
‘shovel’.
◊ ТМС 2, 462. Despite Doerfer MT 21 the word has nothing to do with Mong. erü- ‘to
dig’ (see under *p῾oŕe).
PMong. *kura-, *kurija- to gather, collect (собирать): MMong. xu-
rija- (HY 40); WMong. qura-, qurija- (L 987, 989); Kh. xura-, xurā-; Bur.
xuŕā-; Kalm. xurə-, xurā- (КРC); Ord. xura-; Dag. xori- (Тод. Даг. 178),
xorē- (Тод. Даг. 177: xoŕē-), hore-, hurā (MD 164, 167); Dong. Gura-; Bao.
Gorudə-; S.-Yugh. χurā-; Mongr. xurā- (SM 183).
◊ KW 197, 198, MGCD 390. Mong. > Kirgh. qura- etc., see ЭСТЯ 6, 157-158.
PTurk. *küre- 1 to rake 2 spade, shovel (1 сгребать 2 лопата):
Karakh. küri- (MK) 1, kürgäk (MK) 2; Tur. kürü- 1, kürek 2; Gag. kürü- 1,
kürek 2; Az. kürü-, kürä- 1, küräk 2; Turkm. kürek 2; Khal. kürgɛk 2;
MTurk. küre- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. kurɛ- 1; Uygh. kürɛ- 1, kurɛk 2; Tat. körɛ-
1, körɛk 2; Bashk. körɛ- 1, körɛk 2; Kirgh. kürö- 1, kürök 2; Kaz. küre- 1,
kürek 2; KBalk. küre- 1; KKalp. gürek 2; Kum. küre- 1, kürek 2; Nogh. küre-
1, kürek 2; Khak. küre- 1; Oyr. küre- 1, kürek 2; Tv. xǖrek, kürüjek (Todzh.);
Tof. xürüek; Chuv. kəₙreźe 2; Yak. kürt- 1; Dolg. kürt- 1.
◊ VEWT 310, ЭСТЯ 5, 150-152, Stachowski 166. Turk. *küre-ček > MMong. kürǯek,
WMong. kürǯe, see Щербак 1997, 129 (borrowed back > Yak. kürǯex, Dolg. kürǯek, see
Stachowski ibid.).
PJpn. *kur- to delve (долбить): MJpn. kur-; Tok. kur-.
‖ EAS 97, KW 248, Poppe 79, Цинциус 1984, 121-122. The etymol-
ogy seems quite probable, although the TM vocalism is not clear (a re-
sult of some contamination?). For Jpn., however, cf. alternatively PA
*krV ‘to cut out’ or PA *k῾uli ‘dig’ q.v.
856 *k῾[ú]ŕa - *k῾uŕe
-k῾[ú]ŕa pole; finger, toe: Tung. *xurū; Mong. *kuruɣu, *-gu; Turk.
*K[a]ŕguk; Kor. *kàràk.
PTung. *xurū 1 hoof 2 handful (1 копыто 2 пригоршня, горсть):
Evk. urūn 1, urū 2; Ul. χụrụ 2; Ork. χrụ 1, χụrụ 2; Nan. χōrõ 1, χoro 2;
Orch. ū-ŋki 1; Ud. ū 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 287, 288.
PMong. *kuruɣu, *-gu finger, toe (палец): MMong. quru’un (HY 46,
SH), qorɣan (IM), qurun (MA); WMong. quruɣu(n) (L 991); Kh. xurū; Bur.
xurga(n); Kalm. xurɣn; Ord. xurū; Mog. qurūn; ZM qorun (2-9b); Dag.
xorō (Тод. Даг. 178), horō (MD 164); Dong. Gurun; Bao. xur (MGCD
Gor); S.-Yugh. χurūn; Mongr. xuri (SM 185).
◊ KW 198, MGCD 392.
PTurk. *K[a]ŕguk pole, peg (палка, колышек): OTurk. qazɣuq
(OUygh.); Karakh. qazŋuq (MK); Tur. kazɨk; Gag. qazɨq; Az. gazɨx (dial.);
Turkm. GazɨG; MTurk. qazuq (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. qɔziq; Uygh. qo-
zuq; Krm. qazɨq; Tat. qazɨq; Bashk. qaδa- ‘to stick into’, qaδaq, qaδɨq ‘nail’;
Kaz. qazɨq; KBalk. qazɨq; KKalp. qazɨq; Kum. qazɨq; Nogh. qazɨq; SUygh.
quzuq; Oyr. qazɨq; Chuv. *karuH > Hung. karó (see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 2, 387)..
◊ EDT 682 (derivation from *Kaŕ- ‘dig’ is highly dubious, although the vocalism
could have been influenced by the verbal root), VEWT 243, ЭСТЯ 5, 190-191. Because of
its consonant the Bashk. form belongs rather here than to PT *Kāta- (v. sub *kjta).
PKor. *kàràk finger; pole (палец; палка): MKor. sons-kàràk ‘finger’,
kàràk ‘pole’; Mod. son-karak, karak.
◊ Liu 19, KED 10.
‖ EAS 88, 113, Цинциус 1984, 118, Дыбо 316-317. The Turkic vowel
is not quite clear: cf. the variant *Kuŕguk; perhaps the forms reveal a
variation *Kuŕgak / *Kaŕguk in early Turkic.
-k῾uŕe ( ~ -i) a k. of fur animal: Tung. *xur-; Mong. *kürene; Turk.
*Küŕen.
PTung. *xur- 1 bear 2 gopher 3 bear’s flesh (as food) 4 young tarba-
gan (1 медведь 2 суслик 3 медвежье мясо (как пища) 4 тарбаган (до
5 месяцев)): Evk. urike 2, urka- 3; Evn. ụrka- 3, urgeɣe 4; Neg. ujguli 1; Ul.
xuǯuli 1; Nan. xujguluẽ 1; Orch. ugguli 1, urike ‘fox-seal’.
◊ ТМС 2, 251, 284, 285, 286. For the forms meaning ‘gopher, seal’ cf., however, some
Turkic Siberian forms: Khak. örke, Yak. örgö, Tuva örge (VEWT 374-375) - which may be
borrowed from Tungus, but may also constitute a separate root (note that Turk. > Hung.
ürge ‘gopher’, see Gombocz 1912, Russ. Siber. jerkeška, see Аникин 202).
PMong. *kürene ferret, weasel (хорек, ласка): WMong. kürene (L
504); Kh. xürne; Bur. xüneri (with a metathesis); Kalm. kürn; Ord. kürene
‘Mustela putorius’.
◊ KW 248. Mong. > Man. kurene etc., see Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 147.
 *k῾ŕkV - *k῾usa 857

PTurk. *Küŕen ferret, weasel (хорек, ласка): Karakh. küzen (MK) ‘an
animal of the rat family used to hunt sparrows and jerboas’; Turkm.
alaǯgözen, dial. küzen; MTurk. küzen (Qutb), Kypch. küzen (CCum.); Uzb.
kuzɛn; Uygh. küzɛn; Tat. közɛn; Bashk. köδɛn; Kirgh. küzön; Kaz. küzen;
KKalp. güzen; Kum. sasɨq-gözen; Nogh. küzen; Khak. küzen; Oyr. küzen;
Tv. küzen.
◊ VEWT 312, ЭСТЯ 5, 86, Лексика 163, EDT 761. Turk. > Hung. görény, see
MNyTESz 1, 1089.
‖ Лексика 163. A Western isogloss. Note also similar names for
‘squirrel’ in Mong. (keremü; borrowed in Evk. keremun etc., see Doerfer
MT 123) and Siberian Turkic languages (Khak. körək, Yak. kürǯügäs etc.,
borrowed in Kalm. kȫrəg, see KW 243, VEWT 293).
-k῾ŕkV glowing coals: Tung. *xurk-; Turk. *kȫŕ.
PTung. *xurk- 1 soot 2 sulphur (1 сажа 2 сера): Man. xurku 2; Ul.
χorχi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 471, 478.
PTurk. *kȫŕ glowing coals (раскаленные уголья): Karakh. köz
(MK); Tur. köz, küz; Az. köz; Turkm. kȫz; MTurk. köz (AH, Qutb., Pav.
C.); Khak. kös; Tv. kös; Chuv. kъₙvar.
◊ ЭСТЯ 5, 85-86, Лексика 365-366. There are also variants *Kōŕ / *Kōr (VEWT 285)
and the verb *kȫre- ‘to glow’.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. A Turk.-Mong. derivative of this root may
be the name of ‘lead’, PT *Korguĺ(č)in (see Лексика 407-408, ЭСТЯ 6,
172-174 ), Mong. qorɣalǯi, qorɣolči. If this is the case, there is no need to
assume a borrowing either in Turk. < Mong. (despite Лексика ibid.), or
in Mong. < Turk. (despite TMN 3, 453, Щербак 1997, 141).
-k῾usa a k. of tree (cedar, oak): Tung. *xusikta; Mong. *kusi; Jpn. *kasi.
PTung. *xusi-kta 1 acorn 2 oak-tree 3 big nut (1 желудь 2 дуб 3
большой орех): Evk. usikta 2; Man. usiχa 3; Nan. χosaqta 1; Ud. uhikta
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 291.
PMong. *kusi cedar, thuja (кедр, туя): WMong. qusi (L 991), qosi;
Kh. xuš; Bur. xuša; Kalm. xoš; Ord. Guši.
◊ KW 189.
PJpn. *kasi Quercus acuta Thunb. (вид дуба): OJpn. kasi; MJpn. kàsì;
Tok. káshi; Kyo. kàshî; Kag. kashí.
◊ JLTT 441. The accent is not quite clear: either *kàsì (cf. RJ) or *kàsî (suggested by the
Kyoto form).
‖ Цинциус 1984, 118. Cf. *kušu. Cf. also Kor. kasi ‘acorn’ (if not <
Jpn.).
858 *k῾ut῾V - *k῾Ỽsá
-k῾ut῾V ( ~ -o-, -t-) to itch, scab: Tung. *xutu-; Turk. *Kotur.
PTung. *xutu- to itch (чесаться, зудеть): Evk. utuni-; Evn. ụtụń-;
Neg. otoxon-; Ul. χotụrsị-; Nan. χotorsị-; Orch. xutunsi-; Ud. utunihi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 294-295.
PTurk. *Kotur scab, mange (парша): OTurk. qotur (OUygh.); Tur.
kotur (dial.); Az. Gotur; Turkm. Gotur; MTurk. qotur (Pav. C.); Uzb. qọtir;
Uygh. qotu(r); Krm. qotur, qotɨr; Tat. qutɨr; Bashk. qutɨr; Kirgh. qotur;
Kaz. qotɨr; KKalp. qotɨr; Kum. qotur; Nogh. qotɨr; SUygh. qodur; Khak.
xodɨr; Oyr. qodur; Tv. qodur.
◊ ЭСТЯ 6, 86-87, EDT 604.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. See Цинциус 1984, 99-100.
-k῾uǯV trace, to follow: Tung. *xuǯa; Mong. *koǯi-.
PTung. *xuǯa 1 trace, track 2 to trace, follow tracks (1 след 2 высле-
живать, идти по следу): Evk. uǯa 1, uǯa- 2; Evn. ụǯ 1, ụǯ- 2; Neg. oǯa 1;
Ul. xoǯa- 2; Nan. xoǯa- 2; Orch. uǯa- 2; Ud. uǯa- 2; Sol. ụǯi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 249. TM > Dag. wāǯi (Тод. Даг. 128).
PMong. *koǯi- 1 to stay behind, be late 2 late, afterwards (1 опазды-
вать, задерживаться 2 позднее, после): MMong. qoǯida- 1, qoǯit 2 (SH);
WMong. qoǯi-, qoǯida- 1, qoǯid, qoǯim 2 (L 975); Kh. xoǯi-, xoǯdo- 1, xoǯid,
xoǯim 2; Bur. xožomdo- 1, xoǯom 2; Kalm. xoǯəm (КРС); Ord. xoǯim, xoǯit
2, xoǯimdo- 1.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾uǯV part of stomach, bladder: Tung. *xuǯük; Mong. *kuǯirkaj.
PTung. *xuǯük 1 urinary bladder 2 anus (1 мочевой пузырь 2
anus): Evk. uǯik 1; Evn. uǯik 1; Neg. uǯix 1; Ul. xuǯu 1; Ork. xudu(ɣū) 1;
Nan. xuǯũ 1; Sol. uǯixi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 250.
PMong. *kuǯirkaj thick part of stomach (утолщенная часть стенки
рубца): WMong. quǯirqai (МXTTT); Kh. xuǯirxaj.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-k῾Ỽsá ( ~ k-, g-, -č-) hat, umbrella: Jpn. *kàsá; Kor. *kás.
PJpn. *kàsá umbrella (зонтик): OJpn. kasa; MJpn. kàsá; Tok. kása;
Kyo. kàsá; Kag. kasá.
◊ JLTT 441.
PKor. *kás hat (шляпа): MKor. kát; Mod. kat [kas].
◊ Nam 18, KED 57.
‖ EAS 155. Cf. also MKor. kòs-kár ‘hat’. Formally this Kor.-Jpn. iso-
gloss may be derived from PA *k῾ča ‘skin from animal’s paw’ (if the
original meaning is postulated as ‘skin covering’?); however, until
some additional information is available, we prefer to keep these two
etyma apart.
 L

-la- on this side, near: Tung. *la-kV, *la-ŋ; Mong. *naɣa-; Kor. *njək.
PTung. *la-kV, *la-ŋ near (близко, близкий): Ul. laŋ; Ork. laqqa,
laŋ; Nan. laŋ; Orch. laki, laŋ; Ud. ĺaŋ.
◊ ТМС 1, 488, 492.
PMong. *naɣa- on this side (по эту сторону): MMong. inaqši- (MA);
WMong. naɣa-ɣur, naɣa-si (L 557); Kh. nāš, janāš; Bur. nāša, nāna; Kalm.
nā; Ord. nāsi; Dag. nāši ‘toward here, hither’ (MD 194); S.-Yugh. nāna,
naGšə; Mongr. naGšə (SM 255).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 496.
PKor. *njək side (сторона): MKor. njək; Mod. jək [njəkh].
◊ Nam 108, KED 338.
‖ ТМС 1, 488, АПиПЯЯ 293. Originally a monosyllabic deictic root
with directive affixes.
-lblè moss, lichen: Tung. *lālbi-kta / *lelu-kte; Mong. *lujilV; Jpn.
*nrì.
PTung. *lālbi-kta / *lelu-kte moss, lichen (мох, лишайник): Evk.
lālbikta, lelukte, ńalbakta; Neg. lēlixe; Ul. lelikte; Orch. nāpka, nabuxa.
◊ ТМС 1, 489, 516.
PMong. *lujilV Siberian orach (лебеда сибирская): WMong. lujil
(МХТТТ); Kh. lujl; Ord. lūli ‘Kochia scoparia Schrad’.
PJpn. *nrì sea moss, sea weed (морской мох, морские водорос-
ли): OJpn. nori; MJpn. nori; Tok. norí; Kyo. nórì; Kag. norí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ The vocalism is somewhat shaky, like in many names of plants (in
this case, secondary labialization in Mong. may be due to the medial
cluster).
-làbò more, better: Tung. *lab-du; Mong. *lab / *naj; Turk. *jaba; Jpn.
*nàp; Kor. *năboi.
PTung. *lab-du many, plenty (много, обильно): Man. labdu; SMan.
lavədu, lavədə (2852); Nan. labdo.
◊ ТМС 1, 485.
PMong. *lab / naj very, extreme; better, stronger; exactly (очень,
чрезвычайно; лучше, сильнее; верно, точно): MMong. nai (SH);
860 *labỼ - *labỼ
WMong. lab (L 513); nai; Kh. lav; dial. naj; Bur. lab; Kalm. law (КРС);
Ord. lab; Dag. lab (Тод. Даг. 152); S.-Yugh. lab.
◊ MGCD 470.
PTurk. *jaba very (очень): Khak. jaba; Tv. čā, čab-čā.
PJpn. *nàp better, more (лучше, больше): OJpn. nap(w)o; MJpn.
nàfó; Tok. náo; Kyo. nàó; Kag. náo.
◊ JLTT 493. All evidence points to *nàp, except for Kagoshima (possibly under liter-
ary influence).
PKor. *năboi again; better (снова; лучше): MKor. nă’oi.
◊ Nam 93.
‖ SKE 162, Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 68, Doerfer MT 144 (Mo < TM).
-labỼ / *lebỼ rope, long hair, rags: Tung. *lab- / *leb-; Mong. *lab- /
*lob-; Turk. *job-lač (*jabu-lač); Jpn. *nàp-; Kor. *nòh ( < *nVbVh).
PTung. *lab- / *leb- 1 antler 2 rags 3 to wear out, be worn (1 отрос-
ток оленьего рога 2 лохмотья 3 изнашиваться): Evk. lawā 1, lewgī- 3;
Evn. nēwun 1, nebdъ- ‘to tear out, wear out’; Ul. lebeke, lebeli ‘old cotton
cloth’; Nan. leber 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 485, 518, 615. TM > Dag. lawā ‘branch’ (Тод. Даг. 152).
PMong. *lab- / *lob- 1 rags 2 be ragged, worn out (1 лохмотья 2
быть поношенным, в лохмотьях): MMong. nabtasu, nabtasun 1 (MA
244, 313); WMong. nabtasu 1 (L 556), labtara- 2, lobsi, nobsi 1 (L 517, 587);
Kh. navtas, novš, lovš 1, navtra-, lavtra- 2; Bur. nobšo 1, nabtar- 2; Kalm.
nowšə 1, lawtrə- ‘изнашиваться, полностью стираться’ (КРС); Ord.
?labši- ‘неумело шить’.
PTurk. *job-lač (*jabu-lač) fine goat’s hair (тонкая козья шерсть):
Karakh. jovlač (MK).
◊ EDT 870.
PJpn. *nàp- 1 to wind (a string) 2 string, rope (1 вить (веревку) 2 ве-
ревка): OJpn. napa 2; MJpn. nàf- 1, nàfà 2; Tok. ná- 1, nawá 2; Kyo. nà- 1,
náwà 2; Kag. nà- 1, nawá 2.
◊ JLTT 494, 733.
PKor. *nòh string (тесемка, веревка): MKor. nò (nòh-); Mod. no.
◊ Nam 110, KED 338.
‖ Martin 240 (Jpn.-Kor.). An expressive root with some variation of
reflexes, but no doubt archaic. In Jpn. the root may have merged with
*ĺp῾o q.v.: this could be one of the reasons of the the accent discrepancy
between Kor. and Jpn. (otherwise explainable as a result of contraction
in Korean after the loss of *-b-).
 *láčà - *làjp῾V 861

-láčà ( ~ *ĺ-) a k. of plant with drooping branches: Tung. *lasa-; Jpn. *násì;
Kor. *nčhúr.
PTung. *lasa- 1 drooping branches 2 young larch, birch (1 навис-
шие ветви 2 молодая лиственница, береза): Evk. ńahamna, dial.
ńašamda 2; Man. lasari 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 494, 636.
PJpn. *násì pear (груша): OJpn. nasi; MJpn. násì; Tok. nashí; Kyo.
náshì; Kag. náshi.
◊ JLTT 494.
PKor. *nčhúr drooping branches (свисающие ветви, лоза): MKor.
nčhúr; Mod. nənčhul.
◊ Nam 104, KED 332.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps Chuv. śüźe ‘willow’ (which can go
back to PT *jača-).
-làjp῾V to glue, stick to: Tung. *labgān-, *lipa-; Mong. *niɣa-; Turk.
*jạp-ɨĺč-; Jpn. *nàimpà-r- (~-ia-).
PTung. *labgān-, *lipa- 1 to glue, stick 2 to smear, poach in mud (1
прилипать 2 мазать, вязнуть в грязи): Evk. labgān-, lamba- 1, lipa- 2;
Evn. labgan-, nabgan- 1; Neg. labgān- 1; Man. lifa- 2; Ul. lịpa- 2; Ork.
lamba- 1; Nan. lịpa- 2; Ud. lagbamu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 484-485, 490, 498-499. PTM *labgān- is probably a contraction < *lipagān-.
PMong. *niɣa- to glue, stick to (приклеивать): MMong. ni’a- (SH);
WMong. niɣa-, naɣa- (L 556); Kh. nā-; Bur. ńā-; Kalm. nā- (КРС); Ord.
nā-; Mog. niōldu- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. niā-; Dong. niaɣa-; Mongr. niā-
(SM 269), nā-.
◊ MGCD 497.
PTurk. *jạp-ɨĺč- to glue, stick to (приклеиваться, прилипать):
OTurk. japɨš- (OUygh.); Karakh. japuš-, japɨš- (MK); Tur. japɨš-; Gag.
japɨš-; Az. japɨš-; Turkm. japɨš-; Khal. japuš-; MTurk. japɨš- (AH, Ettuhf.);
Uzb. jɔpiš-; Uygh. jepiš-, jopuš-; Krm. japɨš-, japuš-, jabuš-; Tat. jabɨš-;
Bashk. jäbeš-; Kirgh. ǯabɨš-; Kaz. žabɨs-; KBalk. žabɨš-; KKalp. žabɨs-; Kum.
jabuš-, jabɨš-; Nogh. jabɨs-; Tv. čɨ’pšɨn-; Chuv. śɨbъś-; Yak. sɨsɨn- šɨbā - ‘to
plaster, smear’.
◊ VEWT 187, ЭСТЯ 4, 132-133, EDT 880-881. The deriving stem *jạp- is probably pre-
served in Karakh. (MK) jap- ‘stick to’, Az. jap- ‘to model dung for drying’ and *jap-ma
‘modelled dung’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 130, 133); thus the analysis of *jạp-ɨĺč- as reciprocal from
*jap- ‘make, create’ or ‘cover’ (EDT ibid.) is certainly incorrect.
PJpn. *nàimpà-r- (~-ia-) to glue, stick to (приклеиваться, прили-
пать): MJpn. nemar-; Tok. nebár-; Kyo. nébár-; Kag. nèbàr-.
◊ JLTT 734.
‖ Владимирцов 209, 369, Poppe 39, 47, 74, ОСНЯ 2, 19, Miller 1986,
203, АПиПЯЯ 75, Мудрак Дисс. 91. Cf. also OJpn. nìbè ‘fish glue’;
diphthong in Jpn. and vowel variation in Jpn. and TM probably indi-
862 *lako - *lak῾[a]
cates PA *-j-. Doerfer (TMN 4, 49) denies the Turk.-Mong. parallel - in a
hardly plausible way.
-lako a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *laKa-; Mong. *nüger- ( ~ nigür-); Turk.
*jöke.
PTung. *laKa- 1 elm 2 a k. of oak (1 вяз 2 вид низкорослого дуба):
Evk. lakamawun 1; Man. laχari 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 488.
PMong. *nüger- ( ~ nigür-) a k. of alder (ольха кустарниковая):
WMong. nügürsü (L 597); Kh. nügers; Bur. nǖrgedehe(n), nǖrhe(n);
Mongr. nuguʒə ‘espèce d’herbe caprifoliacée’ (SM 289).
PTurk. *jöke lime-tree (липа): Tur. ǯöge (DS); Az. ǯökä; Uzb. žọkə;
Tat. jükɛ, dial. ǯükɛ; Bashk. jüke; Kaz. žöke; KKalp. žöke; Kum. jöge;
Nogh. jöke; Chuv. śъₙga.
◊ VEWT 207, ЭСТЯ 4, 32, Мудрак 51, Лексика 128-129.
‖ A Western isogloss. Turkic vocalism is not quite clear (*jaka would
be normally expected).
-làku ( ~ -k῾-) dirt, dregs: Tung. *lakti- / *legdi-; Mong. *lag; Jpn.
*núká-r-.
PTung. *lakti- / *legdi- 1 to be burnt (of food) 2 soot (1 пригореть
(о пище) 2 сажа, нагар): Evk. nakti-mu-, negdi- 1; Neg. naktị 2; Ud. lakti-
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 576.
PMong. *lag 1 mud, dirt, clay, sweepings 2 to become sticky, dirty
(1 грязь, ил, осадок 2 становиться липким, грязным): MMong. nag
menegei ‘turtle’ (HY); WMong. laɣ 1, laɣda- 2 (L 514); Kh. lag 1, lagda-,
lagalda- 2; Bur. lag 1; Ord. laG melekei ‘turtle’ (“dirt frog”); S.-Yugh. lag
širū 1.
◊ MGCD 471. Mong. > Nan. laGǯị-, Oroch lagdi-, Ud. lagǯi- ‘to become sticky’ (ТМС 1,
486).
PJpn. *núká-r- to get muddy (пачкаться, быть топким): Tok.
nùkar-; Kyo. núkár-; Kag. nukár-.
◊ JLTT 738.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Turk. *jak- ‘to smear’ - usually confused with *jāg
‘fat’ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 4, 58), but having a different vowel and consonant.
-lak῾[a] a k. of bird: Tung. *lakun; Mong. *lag; Turk. *jakɨl-; Kor.
*nokočiri.
PTung. *lakun 1 hen 2 wild duck (1 курица 2 чирок (дикая утка)):
Neg. naxụn 1; Man. luxu 2; Ul. nakụ(n) 1; Ork. naqqụ(n) 1; Orch. naku 1;
Ud. na῾u (Корм. 266) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 509, 579.
 *lak῾a - *lak῾a 863

PMong. *lag-(turaɣu) hazel-hen, grouse (куропатка, рябчик):

MMong. lax (HY 15); WMong. nuɣturuu (L 594); Kh. nogtrū; Mongr.
loGtor (SM 225).
◊ Modern languages reflect a compound *lag-turaɣu (with *turaɣu ῾raven, crow’).
Mong. > Manchu nuturu ‘sand grouse (Syrrhaptes paradoxus)’ (see Rozycki 165).
PTurk. *jakɨl- a k. of small hawk (вид небольшого ястреба):
MTurk. jaɣlabaj (Ettuhf.); Tat. jaɣɨlbaj; Bashk. jaɣɨlbaj; Kirgh. ǯaɣalmaj;
Kaz. žaɣaltaj; Khak. čaɣɨlbaj; Oyr. jaŋalbaj ‘siskin’.
◊ VEWT 186, ЭСТЯ 4, 10-11.
PKor. *nokočiri field lark (полевой жаворонок): MKor. nokočiri;
Mod. nogoǯiri (arch.).
◊ Nam 110, KED 338.
‖ The root probably denoted a small field bird (grouse or ha-
zel-hen); the meaning ῾hawk’ in the Turkic derivative is obviously <
῾the one hunting grouses’. The reconstruction of Auslaut presents some
problems: the Kor. form presupposes something like *lak῾u, in which
case we would expect *-x- in TM. One wonders if Kor. nokočiri is not in
fact one of Mongolian loanwords (since a hazel-hen, grouse or lark are
good prey for a falcon, it may have been borrowed together with other
falcon-hunt words); a form like *nugtɨrū (cf. WMong. nuɣturuu) could
have been easily borrowed like *nugutiru > nokočiri. If this is the case,
the word will be a Western isogloss, with a most plausible reconstruc-
tion *laku.
-lak῾a ( ~ -k-) a k. of big fish: Tung. *laka; Mong. *laka; Jpn. *nakatai.
PTung. *laka name of a fish, goby (назв. рыбы, бычок): Evk. laka;
Neg. laxana; Man. laqačan nisiχa, laqča nimaχa; Ul. laqa; Ork. lāqqa ‘her-
ring’; Nan. lāqa; Orch. laka; Ud. la῾sā (Корм. 256).
◊ ТМС 1, 487, 488.
PMong. *laka sheat-fish (сом): WMong. laqa (L 515); Kh. lax.
PJpn. *nakatai a k. of fish, eel (вид рыбы, угорь): OJpn. nakate.
‖ See Doerfer MT 91 (regarding Mong. as borrowed < Tung.). Cf.
also a variant with *-o-: TM *lokija > Neg. loxon ‘верхогляд’, Ud. ĺöxö
‘терпуг’, Man. ĺoxo ‘a k. of salmon’, Orok loqqo ‘камбала’, see ТМС 1,
501, 502; Mong. lioqo ‘ein weißgestreifter Seefisch’ - see Doerfer MT 144
(suggesting Mong. < TM). It may well be that the original shape should
be reconstructed as *luk(῾)a > Mong. *laka, TM *lok(ij)a, Jpn. *nakatai -
with TM *laka being secondarily borrowed from Mong. Note that the
Mong. form is also borrowed in Turkic: Turkm. laGGa balɨq, Uzb. laqqa
baliq ῾sheat-fish’.
864 *lk῾a - *làk῾ù
-lk῾a ( ~ *ĺ-) a k. of plant with edible root: Tung. *lāk-; Jpn. *nànkui;
Kor. *nək-.
PTung. *lāk- a k. of plant (with flowers and edible root) (вид расте-
ния (с цветами и съедобным корнем)): Ork. lāqa ‘рогоз широколис-
тый’; Nan. lāqa ‘рогоз широколистый’; Orch. nakki ‘назв. растения
(травянистого, с длинными узкими листьями и синими цветами,
со съедобным корнем)’; Ud. nakki ‘назв. растения (прибрежной
морской полосы, со съедобным корнем, напоминающим по вкусу
брюкву)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 487, 579.
PJpn. *nànkui 1 a k. of grass (pickerelweed, water mallow?) 2 a k. of
onion (1 вид травы (водяная мальва?) 2 вид лука): OJpn. nagi 1; MJpn.
nàgì 1; Tok. négi 2; Kyo. nègî 2; Kag. negí 2.
◊ JLTT 491, 495. Modern forms (attested since 18th c.) probably reflect a reinterpreta-
tion of the stem as a compound “root + onion” (*kui), which explains also some accent
irregularities.
PKor. *nək- roots and stalks (of water plants) (корни и стебли
(водных растений)): MKor. nəks; Mod. nəgəp.
◊ Nam 104, KED 329.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. perhaps also WMong. naŋgi ‘water cal-
trop, water chestnut’ (L 564), although the medial cluster is unclear.
-làk῾ù to bend, hang, hanger: Tung. *laxu-; Mong. *naki-; Jpn. *nuki;
Kor. *náks.
PTung. *laxu- 1 to hang 2 hanger, cross-beam (for hanging) 3 har-
poon rudder 4 harpoon point (1 вешать, подвешивать 2 вешалка, коз-
лы (для вешания) 3 руль плавающего гарпуна 4 наконечник гарпу-
на): Evk. laku-ča ‘loop’; Man. laḱa- 1, laḱaqu 2; SMan. ĺaki- ‘to hang, to
dangle’ (1646); Ul. laχụ 3; Ork. lāχụ 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 488, 501-502. The root should be distinguished from *loka- (v. sub *luke).
PMong. *naki- to bend (сгибать, наклонять): WMong. naki- (L 561);
Kh. naxij-; Bur. naxī-; Kalm. nakī-.
◊ KW 270.
PJpn. *nuki cross-beam (балка, поперечная рейка): MJpn. nuki;
Tok. nuki.
◊ Usually analysed as a deverbative from *núk- ‘to pass through’ - but external evi-
dence shows that this is rather a folk etymology.
PKor. *náks hook (крюк): MKor. náks; Mod. nak:si.
◊ Nam 94, KED 298.
‖ The original meaning was probably ‘hook or (bent) stick for hang-
ing smth.’, which can well explain all the available reflexes. It is also
possible to reconstruct a derivative *làk῾ù-čV ‘smth. bent, curved’ re-
flected in MKor. náks ( < *nák-č) and Evk. laku-ča.
 *làlè - *lami 865

-làlè sticky substance: Tung. *lala; Mong. *nila-; Turk. *jilik; Jpn. *nrì.
PTung. *lala 1 gruel 2 (fish) slime (1 каша 2 слизь (на рыбе)): Evk.
nilli, ńalliɣ, ńallikta 2; Neg. lala 1; Man. lala 1; SMan. lala 1 (357); Ul. lala
1; Ork. lala 1; Nan. lala 1; Orch. lala 1; Ud. lala 1.
◊ Cf. also Nan. lala- ‘to be smeared in blood’. ТМС 1, 489, 593.
PMong. *nila- clingy, sticky substance; to smear, glue (липкое,
клейкое вещество; мазать, прилипать): MMong. nila- ‘to plaster’
(MA); WMong. nila-, nilča- (L 583); Kh. ńala-, ńalc-; Bur. nildaj- ‘be
clingy, sticky’; Kalm. nilǟ-.
◊ KW 276.
PTurk. *jilik marrow (костный мозг): OTurk. jilik (OUygh.);
Karakh. jilik (MK); Tur. ilik; Az. ilik; Turkm. jilik; Sal. ileh (ССЯ); MTurk.
jilik (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. ilik; Uygh. jilik; Krm. ilik; Tat. jelek, ǯelek; Bashk.
jelek; Kirgh. ǯilik; KBalk. ǯilik; KKalp. žilik; Kum. jilik; Nogh. jilik; Oyr.
ilik; Tv. čilig; Yak. silī.
◊ EDT 927, 928, VEWT 203, TMN 2, 214, ЭСТЯ 4, 265, Лексика 263. Turkm. and Uzb.
dialectal jülük ‘marrow’ may reflect a contamination with *jülük / *juluk ‘juice’ q.v. sub
*dilu.
PJpn. *nrì rice starch; coagulated blood (рисовый крахмал; свер-
нувшаяся кровь): OJpn. nori; MJpn. nori; Tok. norí; Kyo. nórì; Kag. norí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ Лексика 264. A rather usual fronting in Turk.: *jilik < *jɨlɨk.
-lalV weak, exasperated: Tung. *lali-; Mong. *nal-, *nalk-; Turk. *jalk-.
PTung. *lali- be hungry, weak, exasperated (быть голодным, сла-
бым, изнемочь): Neg. lal-; Man. lala-; Ork. lallụ-; Nan. lalị-; Orch. lali-;
Ud. lali-.
◊ ТМС 1, 489.
PMong. *nal-, *nalk- be faint, drowsy, weak (быть слабым, терять
сознание): WMong. nalqaji-; (L 561:) nalaji- ‘be slow, sluggish’; Kh.
nalxaj-, nalmi-gar; Bur. nalaj- 2.
PTurk. *jal-k- to suffer pain, be nauseated, hate (чувствовать боль,
тошноту, отвращение): Karakh. jalq- (MK); MTurk. jalqɨ- (Pav. C.);
Yak. sal-t-.
◊ EDT 924, VEWT 183, ЭСТЯ 4, 14-15. Note that modern Kypch. and Sib.-Tat. forms
meaning ‘lazy, be lazy’ (jalqɨ-, ǯalqɨ-) do not belong here but are rather borrowed < Mong.
ǯalka- having a quite different origin (see under *ǯeĺo). On the other hand, cf. the common
Turkic derivative *jal-ta-, perhaps reflected in the above Yak. form, as well as in Turkm.
jalta, Shor čaltak, Khak. čaltɨ ‘lazy’, Tur. jaltak ‘bootlicker’ etc. (see ЭСТЯ 4, 101-102).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lami convenient, helpful: Tung. *nam; Mong. *limbaj; Turk. *jAmak.
PTung. *nam convenient, skilled (удобный, удобно): Neg. nam; Ul.
nam; Ork. nam-nam; Nan. nam; Orch. nam.
◊ ТМС 1, 580.
866 *lmo - *lmò
PMong. *limbaj accurate, strict (аккуратный, точный): WMong.
nimbai (L 584); Kh. ńambaj; Mongr. lemben ‘agile, facile à manier’ (SM
223).
PTurk. *jAmak helper (помощник): Tur. jamak; MTurk. jamaɣ (R).
◊ VEWT 184.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lmo a k. of bag: Tung. *lam(b)a; Mong. *nambuga; Turk. *jĀmčɨk; Kor.
*nằmằčh.
PTung. *lam(b)a 1 saddlebag 2 bag 3 to saddle 4 saddle (1 вьюк 2
мешок, куль 3 седлать 4 седло): Evk. lamba 1 (dial. nama), lamba- 3,
nēme, nama 4; Evn. nam- 3; Neg. nama- 3, nāme 4; Ork. nama-, namba- 3,
nēme 4; Ud. lamba 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 490, 580-581. Words meaning ‘saddle’ are somewhat divergent phoneti-
cally and may be actually borrowed from Mong. (cf. Mong. nemne- ‘to cover with a
horse-cloth’, see under PA *nema). Evk. nama > Dolg. nama (see Stachowski 184).
PMong. *nambuga a big leather bucket or sack (большой кожаный
бурдюк): MMong. nambuqa (SH); WMong. nambaɣa, nambuqu
(БАМРС); Kh. nambaga, nambux (БАМРС).
PTurk. *jĀmčɨk > *jānčɨk pocket, sash, bag (карман, мешочек,
сумка): Karakh. jančuq (MK); Tur. janǯɨk; Turkm. jānǯɨq; Sal. jenǯux;
MTurk. jančuq (Houts., AH); Uzb. jɔnčiq; Uygh. jančuq; Krm. jančɨq,
jančɨx; Tat. jančɨq; Bashk. jansɨq; Kum. jančiq; Khak. nančɨɣ, nandɨx; Oyr.
jančɨq, ančɨq; Tv. čančɨq.
◊ VEWT 185, EDT 945, ЭСТЯ 4, 118 (related to *jān ‘side’ by folk-etymology). The old
form is preserved in Osm. jamčɨ ‘raincoat’ etc. (VEWT 184, ЭСТЯ 4, 110; Turk. > Mong.
ǯamči, ǯaŋči).
PKor. *nằmằčh small bag, pocket (мешочек, карман): MKor.
nằmằčh, nằmằs.
◊ Nam 92.
‖ A derivative *lmo-č῾V (or even *lmo-č῾V-k῾V) can be reconstructed
on the basis of PT *jĀm-čɨk and PK *nằmằčh. There seems to have ex-
isted a similar root with a medial cluster *-mb- and meaning a k. of
vessel, reflected in Evk. lamban ῾scoop, ladle’ and PJ *nampai, OJ nabe
῾vessel, pan’ (probably borrowed into Kor. nampi id.); a merger with
this root may explain occasional -b- in TM and -b- in Mongolian.
-lmò ( ~ -a) sea, wave: Tung. *lāmu; Mong. *namug; Jpn. *nàmì.
PTung. *lāmu 1 sea 2 wave (1 море 2 волна): Evk. lāmu 1; Evn. nām,
lām 1; Neg. lām 1; Man. namu 1; Ul. namụ 1; Ork. namụ 1, lamu 2; Nan.
namụ, lamụ 1; Orch. nāmu 1; Ud. namu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 490-491. Shortening in Nanai is not quite clear (for historical length cf. also
Yak., Dolg. lāmɨ < TM, see Stachowski 173).
 *lằŋi - *láp῾ì 867

PMong. *namug marsh, swamp (болото): MMong. namurqan ‘pool’

(SH); WMong. namuɣ, namaɣ (L 563); Kh. namag; Bur. namag, namarga;
Kalm. naməg (KРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. namargan (ТМС 1, 581).
PJpn. *nàmì wave (волна): OJpn. namji; MJpn. nàmì; Tok. namí; Kyo.
námì; Kag. namí.
◊ JLTT 492.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 30, Murayama 1962, 109 (Jpn.-TM). Cf. also Koguryo
*nuami ‘pond, sea’, see Lee 38, Menges 1984, 280-281.
-lằŋi dirt, slime: Tung. *laŋga; Mong. *laj; Jpn. *nìnkr-.
PTung. *laŋga cloggy, slimy substance; clammy (жижа, вязкая
масса; вязкий, клейкий): Evn. naŋga; Neg. laŋgas; Ork. laŋGaq; Nan.
laŋaq; Orch. laŋga-; Ud. laŋga-laŋga.
◊ ТМС 1, 584.
PMong. *laj mud, dirt, silt (in a well or pond) (грязь, ил (в колодце
или пруду)): WMong. lai (L 515); Kh. laj; Bur. laj.
◊ Sukhebaatar suggests borrowing from Chin. lài (meaning probably 瀨 ‘shallow
place’) which seems not quite plausible semantically.
PJpn. *nìnkr- be dreggy, muddy (быть грязным, с осадком):
OJpn. nigor-; MJpn. nìgòr-; Tok. nigór-; Kyo. nígór-; Kag. nìgòr-.
◊ JLTT 735.
‖ PTM and PJ reflect a suffixed form *lằŋi-kV.
-láp῾ì flat, broad: Tung. *lapta-; Mong. *labta-; Turk. *jap-; Jpn. *nípá;
Kor. *nàp- / *np-.
PTung. *lapta- 1 flat, level 2 fish fins (1 плоский, ровный, низкий 2
рыбьи плавники): Evk. napta- / lapta- 1; lāpčā 2; Evn. napča, ńapča 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 494, 584.
PMong. *labta- to be flat, level, down (быть плоским, ровным,
низким): WMong. nabta- (L 555); Kh. navtgar; Bur. nabtar; Dag. lartagar
(Тод. Даг. 152).
PTurk. *jap- 1 to smooth, level 2 flat (1 выравнивать, сглаживать 2
плоский): Karakh. japur- (MK) 1; Az. japɨG 2; MTurk. japalaq 2 (R.);
Uygh. japilaq 2; Krm. japalaq 2; Kirgh. ǯapalaq 2; Kum. japalaq 2; Tv. čɨ῾pɨt
2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 16-17, 130, EDT 879.
PJpn. *nípá yard (двор): OJpn. nipa; MJpn. nífá; Tok. nìwa; Kyo.
níwá; Kag. níwa.
◊ JLTT 498.
PKor. *nàp- / *np- level, wide (ровный, широкий): MKor. nàp- /
np-; Mod. nap-čak.
◊ Nam 99, 105, KED 311.
868 *lŕgu - *laǯV
‖ SKE 160, Poppe 37, Цинциус 1984, 8. Despite Doerfer MT 97,
hardly borrowed in TM < Mong. The root should be distinguished from
*lap῾e ‘leaf’.
-lŕgu sloppy job: Tung. *largī; Mong. *nargi-; Turk. *jŕ-; Jpn. *núká-r-;
Kor. *nòrắs.
PTung. *largī 1 diligent, pleasant 2 disorder, commotion (1 усерд-
ный, старательный 2 беспорядок, суматоха): Evk. largī 2; Man. largin
2; SMan. ĺarixin ‘troublesome, complicated’ (2003); Ul. larGị 1, 2; Nan.
largịã 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 494. Man. > Dag. largin ‘disorder’ (Тод. Даг. 152).
PMong. *nargi- to carouse (кутить, веселиться): WMong. nargi- (L
565); Kh. nargi-; Bur. naŕja- ‘rattle, din, make noise’; nerjē(n) ‘noisy dis-
cussion, thunder’; Ord. nargil- ‘chirp, chirrup (of birds)’.
PTurk. *jŕ- to miss, sin (промахиваться, грешить): OTurk. jaz-
(OUygh.); Karakh. jaz- (MK); Tur. jazɨk (n.); Gag. jazɨq (n.); Az. jazɨG
(n.); Turkm. jāz-, jāzɨq (n.); MTurk. jaz- (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. jɔz-; Tat. jaz-;
Bashk. jaδ-; Kirgh. ǯaz-; Kaz. žaz-; KBalk. ǯaz-; KKalp. žaz-; Kum. jazɨq
(n.); Nogh. jazɨq (n.); Khak. čas-; Oyr. jas-, as-; Tv. čas-; Yak. ss-; Dolg.
hs-.
◊ VEWT 193 (should be distinguished from *āŕ-), ЭСТЯ 4, 72-73, TMN 4, 162, EDT
983-984, Stachowski 121.
PJpn. *núká-r- to miss, misbehave, make a faux pas (допускать оп-
лошность, промах): MJpn. núká-r-; Tok. nùkar-; Kyo. núkár-; Kag.
nukár-.
◊ JLTT 738.
PKor. *nòrắs 1 fun 2 work (1 забава 2 работа): MKor. nòrắs 1; Mod.
norɨt [norɨs] 2.
◊ Nam 111, KED 341.
‖ Cf. also Mong. nerme ‘to make worse’. Reason for closed *-- in
Turkic is not quite clear.
-lt῾á ( ~ ĺ-) wave, storm: Tung. *lāta; Jpn. *nàntá.
PTung. *lāta 1 storm 2 wave (1 шторм 2 волна): Ork. lāta 1; Nan.
lāta 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 495.
PJpn. *nàntá open sea (открытое море): OJpn. nada; MJpn. nada;
Tok. náda; Kyo. nádà; Kag. náda.
◊ JLTT 490. Accent is not quite clear: most probably *nà(n)tá ( > Tok. náda, with a fur-
ther accent borrowing in Kyoto and Kagoshima).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-laǯV heavy, clumsy: Tung. *laǯu; Mong. *noǯo-.
PTung. *laǯu heavy, clumsy (тяжелый, неуклюжий): Man. laǯu.
◊ ТМС 1, 486-487.
 *lebV - *lèjk῾á 869

PMong. *noǯo- to be heavy, clumsy (быть тяжелым, неуклюжим):

WMong. noǯoɣora- (БАМРС); Kh. noʒō-ro-; Bur. nozog-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Attested only in Manchu, and could be a
loanword from some Mong. dialect preserving *l-, thus rather uncer-
tain.
-lebV ( ~ -p-) to eat greedily: Tung. *lebge-; Mong. *labsi-.
PTung. *lebge- to eat greedily (жадно есть): Neg. lebge-; Ul. legbe-;
Nan. legbeči-; Ud. legbe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 514.
PMong. *labsi- to eat greedily (жадно есть): WMong. labsi- (L 513);
Kh. lawši-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. expressive isogloss. In PTM cf. also *labada- ‘to
grasp with teeth’, *lupku- ‘to suck’.
-lḕja to go out, break forth: Tung. *lēj- (*lī-); Mong. *niɣe-; Jpn. *nà-r- /
*nà-s-; Kor. *ná-.
PTung. *lēj- (*lī-) to open (открывать): Evk. nī-; Neg. nī-; Man. nej-;
SMan. li- (557, 1687); Ul. ńī-; Ork. ńī-; Nan. ńi-xeli-; Orch. ńī-; Ud. ŋīgi-,
n-ntile-.
◊ ТМС 1, 588.
PMong. *niɣe- to open (открывать): MMong. ni’e- (HY 17), ne’e-
(SH), ni- (MA); WMong. nege-, negege- (L 568); Kh. nē-; Bur. nē-; Kalm.
nē-; Ord. nē-; Dag. nē- (Тод. Даг. 157, MD 196); Dong. nie-; Bao. nē-;
S.-Yugh. nī-; Mongr. nē- (SM 272).
◊ KW 275-276, MGCD 502.
PJpn. *nà-r- / *nà-s- 1 to be born, become 2 to bear, bring forth (1 ро-
ждаться, становиться 2 рождать, создавать): OJpn. nar- 1, nas- 2;
MJpn. nàr- 1, nàs- 2; Tok. nár- 1, nás- 2; Kyo. nàr- 1, nàs- 2; Kag. nàr- 1,
nàs- 2.
◊ JLTT 733.
PKor. *ná- to go out, break forth (выходить, вырываться): MKor.
ná-; Mod. na-.
◊ Nam 86, KED 286.
‖ EAS 76, KW 276, Владимирцов 212, Poppe 39, Rozycki 162
(Mong.-Tung.), Martin 225-226. In MKor. cf. also nath- ‘to become, ap-
pear’ - a derivative?
-lèjk῾á to intend, demand: Tung. *leKe-; Mong. *neke-; Jpn. *niànkà-p-;
Kor. *njkí- / *nikí-.
PTung. *leKe- 1 to be busy with smth. 2 to intend 3 to demand (1
заниматься чем-л. 2 намереваться 3 требовать): Evk. ńeke- 1, 2; Evn.
ńek- 1, 2; Neg. ńexe- 1, 2; Man. lexe- 3; Nan. leksir- ‘to come true (of a
premonition)’ (?); Orch. ńē- 1; Ud. ńexe- 1, 2.
870 *lélugV - *lélugV
◊ ТМС 1, 515, 651-652. In Manchu cf. also the derivatives: lexe-me xexe ‘prostitute,
whore’, lexe-le (ǯuj) ‘illegitimate, born of a whore’, whence WMong. nekelei, Kh. nexlij,
Kalm. nekəl id. (see Rozycki 150).
PMong. *neke- 1 to pursue, follow 2 to demand (1 преследовать,
гнаться, следовать 2 требовать): MMong. neke- 1 (SH, HYt); WMong.
neke- (L 572); Kh. nexe- 1,2; Bur. nexe- 1,2; Kalm. nekə- 1,2; Ord. neχe- 2;
Dag. neg- (Тод. Даг. 157), nehe 1 (MD 196).
◊ KW 274.
PJpn. *niànkà-p- to wish, demand (желать, требовать): OJpn.
negap-; MJpn. nègàf-, nègáf-; Tok. negá-; Kyo. négá-; Kag. nègà-.
◊ JLTT 734.
PKor. *njkí- / *nikí- to consider, regard (считать, рассматривать,
предполагать): MKor. nkí-, njəki-, nəiki-; Mod. jəgi-.
◊ Nam 103, 106, KED 1161. Cf. also nákí-hă-, mod. nägi-ha- (Nam 86, KED 316) ‘to bet,
gamble’.
‖ KW 274, EAS 76, Poppe 39, 56, АПиПЯЯ 78. Korean has a “ver-
bal” low tone. The medial cluster with *-j- is in this case responsible for
some peculiar reflexes: diphthongs both in Jpn. and Kor. and the pala-
talized initial reflexes (*ĺ-?) in TM languages. Despite Doerfer MT 51,
TM cannot be borrowed from Mong, and - despite Rozycki 150 - Mong.
cannot be borrowed from TM. Doerfer (TMN 1, 531) argues fervently
against the Mong.-Kor. comparison (“Ramstedt verstößt hier gegen
seine eigenen Prinzipien. Man kann das kor. Wort [nəgi-, njəgi- in
Ramstedt’s transcription] natürlich nicht mit dem mo. vergleichen,
wenn man (cf. RAM 85!) ursprachlich -k- = mo. -k- = kor. -k-,-kh- an-
setzt.”), evidently unaware that modern Kor. -g- is a phonetic variant
of -k- in intervocalic position.
-lélugV kerchief, pendant: Tung. *lelu(ke); Mong. *nolga; Turk. *jaglɨk;
Kor. *nòríkái.
PTung. *lelu(ke) 1 apron, corsage 2 gore, gusset (1 нагрудник, пе-
редник 2 ширинка (подмышечная часть у панциря)): Evk. nel 1;
Evn. nel 1; Neg. leleke 1; Man. leli 2; Ul. lelue 1; Ork. nolu ~ nelu 1; Nan.
lelū 1; Orch. leli 1; Ud. leli 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 619.
PMong. *nolga shaman’s adornment (украшение шамана):
WMong. nolɣa (L 595: nulqa); Kh. nolgo.
PTurk. *jaglɨk kerchief (платок): Tur. jaɣlɨk; Gag. jālɨq; Az. jajlɨG;
Turkm. jaɣlɨq, dial. jālɨq; Uygh. jaɣliq; Krm. jaɣlɨq; Tat. jawlɨq; Bashk.
jawlɨq; Kirgh. ǯōluq; Kaz. žawlɨq; KKalp. žawlɨq; Kum. jawluq; Nogh.
jawlɨq; Chuv. śulъk.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 61 (with Turkm. jāGlɨq), Мудрак 27, Ашм. XII, 224, Федотов 2, 132-133.
Derivation from *jag ‘fat’ (TMN 4, 179) seems quite improbable.
 *lēmo - *lemV 871

PKor. *nòríkái smth. worn on the belt (предмет, подвешиваемый

к поясу): MKor. nòríkái; Mod. norigä.
◊ Liu 156, KED 341.
‖ In Kor. the word also means ‘plaything’, and is usually derived <
nōr- ‘to play’; external evidence shows that the derivation is rather op-
posite (’to play’ < ‘to fondle with a pendant’).
-lēmo fresh, raw; vegetables: Mong. *lamaɣa; Turk. *jmiĺč; Jpn. *nàmâ;
Kor. *nằmằrh.
PMong. *lamaɣa leaf (of some plants) (лист (некоторых расте-
ний)): MMong. laba (IM) ‘leaf’; WMong. namaɣa (L 562), namči; Kh.
namā; Bur. namā; Kalm. namčə (КРС); Ord. namā; Mog. nōm (Ramstedt
1906); Dag. lavā ‘petal’.
◊ The root should be distinguished from *labči (v. sub *làp῾[à]). Mong. > Yak. labā
‘branch’ (possibly through Evk. lawā id., see Poppe 1961, 130, ТМС 1, 485), although
Kalm. namčə may be a contamination of two roots.
PTurk. *jmiĺč vegetable, fruit (овощи, фрукты): OTurk. jemiš
(OUygh.); Karakh. jemiš (MK); Tur. jemiš; Az. jemiš; Turkm. ijmiš;
MTurk. jemiš (Sangl.); Uygh. jemiš; Tat. jimeš; Bashk. jemeš; Kirgh. ǯimeš;
Kaz. žemĭs; KBalk. ǯemiš; KKalp. žemis; Khak. nimĭs; Tv. čemiš ‘nut ker-
nel’; Chuv. śiməś.
◊ EDT 938, VEWT 197. Turk. > MMong. (HY) ǯemiši (see Clark 1980, 42), Hung.
gyümölcs (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *nàmâ fresh, raw (свежий, сырой): OJpn. nama; MJpn. nama;
Tok. náma; Kyo. nàmâ; Kag. namá.
◊ JLTT 491.
PKor. *nằmằrh vegetables, greens (овощи, зелень): MKor. nằmằr
(nằmằrh-); Mod. namul.
◊ Nam 92, KED 289.
‖ Martin 232 (Kor.-Jpn.). The Turkic word is traditionally analysed
as ‘food’ ( < *jē- ‘eat’ < PA *ǯē q.v.), but this may well be a reinterpreta-
tion.
-lemV meat, fat (of animals): Tung. *lemuk; Mong. *lami-; Turk. *jạm-.
PTung. *lemuk fat (under the skin of animals) (сало (под кожей у
животных)): Evk. lemuk; Evn. nemъk; Neg. lemux; Ul. nemu; Ork. nemu;
Ud. leme ‘in pieces (of fat)’ (Корм. 257).
◊ ТМС 1, 516-517.
PMong. *lami- meat on sheep’s rump (мясо на крестце у барана):
WMong. namilqai (MXTTT); Kh. namilxaj; Mongr. lanin ‘cuisse’ (SM
220).
PTurk. *jạm- 1 groin 2 pubic hair (1 пах 2 волосы в паху): OTurk.
jamɨz (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jamɨz (MK) 1, jamdu (MK) 2 (EDT: jemdü);
872 *leńa - *lépù(-nV)
Tur. jamɨz (dial.) 1; Az. janbɨz ‘side, hip’; Turkm. jamɨz 1; MTurk. jambuz
1 (R.); Tat. jamɨs (dial.) 1; KBalk. ǯamɨz 1; Nogh. jamɨz 1; Yak. sɨmɨs 1.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 935, 940, ЭСТЯ 4, 110-111. Turk. > MMong. (MA) ǯamiz (Щербак
1997, 122).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-leńa to incline, sway, shake: Tung. *leŋgī-; Mong. *naji-(gu)-; Turk.
*jAń-ka-.
PTung. *leŋgī- to bow, incline (наклоняться, склоняться): Evk.
neŋī-, neŋe-; Evn. neŋ-; Neg. neŋiŋ-; Ork. leŋge-; Nan. leŋge- ‘to pray’; Ud.
neŋi ‘a bent tree’.
◊ ТМС 1, 623.
PMong. *naji- to shake, sway, hang over (качаться, раскачиваться,
свешиваться): WMong. najiɣu-, najilǯa- (L 558, 559); Kh. najga-; Bur.
najga-.
◊ Mong. > Man. najχu- id. (see Rozycki 161).
PTurk. *jAńka- to shake, bring into motion (качать(ся), приводить
в движение): OTurk. jajqa-n- (OUygh.); Karakh. jajqa-l- (MK); Tur. ja-
jka-; Turkm. jajqa-; MTurk. jajqa-l- (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uygh. (dial.) jajqa-;
Krm. jajqa-; Kirgh. ǯajqa-; Kaz. žajqal-; Nogh. jajqa-l-; Khak. čajxa-, dial.
najxal-; Oyr. ajqa-, dial. ajɣa-; Tv. ča’jɣa-; Tof. ča’jha- (Рас. ФиЛ 77).
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 58-59, ЭСТЯ 4, 77-78, EDT 981. PT *jańka- is usually treated as derived
from *jāj- ‘to shake, rinse’ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 4, 75-76, EDT ibid.), but the latter does not seem
to show any traces of nasal and may be separately compared with Mong. ǯaji-lu- ‘to
rinse’, ǯaji-mu- ‘to shake, stir’, see KW 471.
‖ EAS 75, Владимирцов 369, ОСНЯ 3, 58-60. A Western isogloss.
Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is quite improbable, despite Щербак
1997, 121.
-lépù(-nV) ( ~ -b-) swamp: Tung. *lebē(n)-; Mong. *labku, *lobku; Jpn.
*númà; Kor. *nɨp(h).
PTung. *lebē(n)- 1 swamp, marsh 2 to poach (in a swamp) (1 боло-
то, топь 2 вязнуть (в болоте)): Evk. lewē 1, lewē- 2; Evn. liwin 1; Neg.
lewē 1, lewē- 2; Man. lebeŋgi 1; Ul. liwe- 2; Ork. lemu(ne) 1, lemu-, liwe- 2;
Nan. liwe- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 514.
PMong. *labku, *lobku marshy ground (влажная, болотистая
почва): WMong. labqu, labqan (L 514), lobqu (L 517); Kh. lavx, lovx; Kalm.
lowxə (КРС).
PJpn. *númà swamp, marsh (болото): OJpn. numa; MJpn. númà;
Tok. numá; Kyo. númà; Kag. núma.
◊ JLTT 502.
PKor. *nɨp(h) swamp, marsh (болото): Mod. nɨp [nɨph].
◊ KED 376.
 *lép῾ó - *lája 873

‖ Martin 236, Whitman 1985, 25, ТМС 1, 514. Jpn. *númà < *núbà-n,
with normal regressive dissimilation.
-lép῾ó ( ~ *ĺ-) to rise, high: Tung. *lep- / *lupu-; Jpn. *nmpr-; Kor.
*nòph-.
PTung. *lep- / *lupu- 1 to raise hands 2 to jump out 3 to move out 4
to pull out (1 поднимать руки 2 выскочить, вылететь 3 выходить,
проникать 4 вытащить): Evk. lupū- 3, luptu- 4; Neg. lepujiken- 2; Man.
lebkide- 1; Ul. lupurum 4; Nan. lopto- 4; Ud. lopto- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 511-512, 514.
PJpn. *nmpr- to rise (подниматься): OJpn. nobor-; MJpn. nóbór-;
Tok. nòbor-; Kyo. nóbór-; Kag. nobór-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nòph- to be high, elevated (быть высоким, приподнятым):
MKor. nòph-; Mod. nop- [noph-].
◊ Nam 113, KED 352.
‖ Martin 1996, 98. An Eastern isogloss.
-lgà ( ~ *ĺ-) to weep, cry: Tung. *ligi-; Turk. *jg-(la-); Jpn. *nák-.
PTung. *ligi- to snore (храпеть): Evk. liɣirī-; Evn. nɣrị-; Neg. lịɣī-;
Ork. l-.
◊ ТМС 1, 497.
PTurk. *jg-(la-) to weep, cry (плакать): OTurk. ɨɣ-la- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨɣla-, jɨɣla- (MK), jɨɣla- (KB); Turkm. āɣ-la-; MTurk. jɨɣla-
(Sangl.); Uygh. aɣla-; Tat. jɨla-; Kaz. žɨla-; KBalk. zɨla-; KKalp. žɨla-; Kum.
jila-; SUygh. jiɣla-; Khak. ; Shr. ɨlɣa-; Oyr. ɨjla-.
◊ VEWT 8, ЭСТЯ 1, 79-81.
PJpn. *nák- to weep, cry (плакать): OJpn. nak-; MJpn. nák-; Tok.
nàk-; Kyo. nák-; Kag. nák-.
◊ JLTT 731.
‖ Cf. Kor. nɨk:i-da ‘to weep’ (with unclear vowel and gemination; see
Martin 242).
-lája sound, to sound: Tung. *leje- / *ńiaja- ( < *liaja-); Mong. *najita-;
Jpn. *nái.
PTung. *leje- / *ńiaja- ( < *liaja-) 1 to shamanize 2 to sing (without
rules and rhythm) (1 шаманить, петь во время камлания 2 шаман-
ская песня 3 петь (без соблюдения правил музыки и меры)): Evk.
jaja- 1; Evn. ńāja- 1; Neg. jaja- 1; Man. leje- 2; Ul. jaja- 1; Ork. jāja- 1; Nan.
jaja- 1; Orch. jaja- 1; Ud. jeä- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 338, 515.
PMong. *najita- to sneeze (чихать): MMong. nəjta- (LH); WMong.
najita- (L 561); Kh. najta-; Bur. najtā-; Kalm. nǟtəx- (КРС); Ord. nǟta-;
Dag. naitə- (Тод. Даг. 156: naitā-); Dong. naita-; Bao. nitə-; S.-Yugh.
naitā-; Mongr. nta- (SM 269), naitā-.
874 *làmba - *làp῾[à]
◊ MGCD 498.
PJpn. *nái sound (звук): OJpn. ne; MJpn. ne; Tok. nè; Kyo. nḕ; Kag.
né.
◊ JLTT 495. OJ na-r- ‘to sound’ is probably derived from this root (and not related to
*nuru, despite Martin 241).
‖ An onomatopoeic root; seems, however, be well enough recon-
structable for PA.
-làmba ( ~ *ĺ-, -o) a k. of big fish: Tung. *liamba-; Jpn. *nàmà(n)tù.
PTung. *liamba- 1 salmon 2 fish (1 лосось 2 рыба): Evk. lmba 1;
Man. nimaxa 2; SMan. niməhā 2 (331, 2174); Jurch. limwa-xa (163) 2; Ul.
ńịmụ 1; Ork. loịma ‘trout’; Nan. ịmaχa 2, ńịmo 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 496, 501.
PJpn. *nàmà(n)tù sheat-fish (сом): MJpn. nàmàdù; Tok. nàmazu; Kyo.
námàzù; Kag. namazú.
◊ JLTT 492. The Tokyo accent is aberrant (pointing rather to LHH).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; but cf. perhaps also Khak. nomza ‘dace’ ( <
*jom-); Tat. jumba, ǯumba ‘burbot’ (VEWT 210).
-làp῾[à] leaf: Mong. *labči; Turk. *japur-gak; Jpn. *nàpài; Kor. *níph.
PMong. *labči leaf (лист): MMong. nabučin (HY 7), nabčin (MA),
nabčīn (Lig.VMI); WMong. nabči(n) (L 555); Kh. navč; Bur. nabša; Kalm.
napčə; Ord. nabči; Dag. larči (Тод. Даг. 152), lariči (MD 185) 1; Dong.
lačən; Bao. labčoŋ; S.-Yugh. łabǯəg; Mongr. la(b)śi (SM 218), (MGCD
labǯi).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 497. Mong. > Evk. napči, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *japur-gak leaf (лист): OTurk. japɨrɣaq (OUygh.); Karakh.
japurɣaq (MK); Tur. japrak; Gag. japraq; Az. jarpaG; Turkm. japraq; Sal.
järfɨχ; MTurk. japɨrɣan (Abush.), j[a]praq (MA); Uzb. japrɔq; Uygh.
jopurmaq; Krm. japrax; Tat. jafraq; Bashk. japraq; Kirgh. ǯalbɨraq; Kaz.
žapɨraq; KBalk. čapraq; KKalp. žapɨraq; Kum. japraq; Nogh. japɨraq; Oyr.
albɨraq; Tv. čövüree ‘bark’; Tof. čö’prää ‘bark’; Yak. sebirdex; Dolg. he-
birdek.
◊ VEWT 188, EDT 879-80, ЭСТЯ 4, 130-132, Лексика 111-112, Stachowski 100. Clau-
son derives *japur-gak from *japur- ‘to smoothe, level’, which is an obvious contamination
- just as the contamination with *jalpɨ- ‘flat’ (v. sub *dlp῾à) in some languages.
PJpn. *nàpài sprout (росток): OJpn. nape; MJpn. nàfè; Tok. náe; Kyo.
nàé; Kag. naé.
◊ JLTT 490. Both Tokyo and Kyoto point to a variant *nàpái (Kagoshima is ambigu-
ous).
PKor. *níph leaf (лист): MKor. níp (níph-); Mod. ip [iph].
◊ Nam 126, KED 1370.
‖ EAS 75, KW 272, Владимирцов 369, Poppe 37, 44, АПиПЯЯ 19,
42, 282, Лексика 112. The Kor. vowel is probably secondary (pointing
to a variant *làp῾e).
 *lap῾V - *lòmù 875

-lap῾V spleen: Tung. *lipče; Mong. *niɣalta; Turk. *japal.

PTung. *lip-če spleen (селезенка): Ork. lipče.
◊ ТМС 1, 499.
PMong. *niɣalta spleen (of animals) (селезенка (животных)):
WMong. niɣalta (L 557: naɣalta); Kh. nālt; Bur. ńālta; Ord. nālta.
PTurk. *japal spleen (селезенка): Tv. čavana, Todzh. (Рас. ФиЛ, 194)
čɨ’val; Tof. ča’p῾al.
◊ An isolated Sayan root.
‖ A Western isogloss. Very scantily represented in Turkic and TM,
but probably archaic.
-lŏga green, dark: Tung. *ĺog-; Mong. *nogoɣan; Turk. *jạgɨŕ; Jpn. *nà;
Kor. *nò-nắ-.
PTung. *ĺog- 1 green 2 dark (1 зеленый 2 темный): Evk. lugdume 2;
Evn. nuɣde, ńeɣčeńe, ńevčeńe 2; Man. ńowaŋǵan 1; SMan. ńuŋan, niŋəńan 1
(2421); Jurch. nioŋ-gian (616) 1; Ul. ńogǯo(n) 1; Ork. ńōgdo 1; Nan.
noŋǵǟ(n) 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 506, 650, 601-603 (some of the forms there are obviously < Mong., but
the ones listed above are hardly borrowed).
PMong. *nogoɣan green; vegetables (зеленый): MMong. noxo’an
(HY 41), noqo’an (SH), nuɣan (MA); WMong. noguɣan (L 588); Kh. nogōn;
Bur. nogōn; Kalm. noɣān; Ord. noGōn; Dag. nugā (Тод. Даг. 158), nuguo;
nuā(n) (MD 200); Dong. noGon, noɣon; Bao. noGoŋ; S.-Yugh. noɣōn;
Mongr. noGōn (SM 281), nuGōn.
◊ KW 278, MGCD 511.
PTurk. *jạgɨŕ brown (бурый): OTurk. jaɣɨz (OUygh.); Karakh. jaɣɨz
(MK); Tur. jaɣɨz, jaɨz; Gag. jāz; Turkm. jaɣɨz; MTurk. jaɣɨz (AH), jowuz
(Ettuhf.); Kum. jawuz; Chuv. śɨr(ъ).
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 64-65, EDT 909. Despite Poppe 61, Владимирцов 267 and Clauson (EDT
909) Mong. dajir ‘brown’ - with which they would like to compare the Turkic form - does
not exist.
PJpn. *nà greens, vegetables (овощи, зелень): OJpn. na; Tok. ná.
◊ JLTT 490.
PKor. *nò-nắ- light yellow (светло-желтый): MKor. nònắ-.
◊ Nam 110.
‖ KW 278, АПиПЯЯ 293, Poppe 38, Doerfer MT 56-57
(Tung.-Mong.). Kor. reflects a form with an -n-suffix and has a usual
verbal low tone.
-lòmù bow: Tung. *liam-; Mong. *lumu; Turk. *jüm-; Jpn. *dùmì.
PTung. *liam- 1 bow 2 to shoot (1 лук 2 стрелять): Evk. nēmkī 1,
(Sym. arch.) lman ‘loop of a bow string’; Evn. nǟm ‘bow-string’, nemkъn
‘shooting’; Neg. nemku- 1; Ork. lajmatčị ‘strap for tying together parts of
harpoon’.
876 *lòŋè - *lùbu
◊ ТМС 1, 496, 620-621.
PMong. *lumu bow (лук): MMong. numun (HY 18), numu (SH),
nomu (IM), nŭmu (MA); WMong. numu(n) (L 595); Kh. nom, num; Bur.
nomo; Kalm. numn, nomn; Ord. numu; Dag. nem (Тод. Даг. 157);
S.-Yugh. nəmən; Mongr. lumu (SM 227) (MGCD numu).
◊ KW 279, 281, MGCD 518.
PTurk. *jüm- bow, arrow (лук, стрела): Chuv. śəₙmren, śəₙməₙrlen.
◊ Федотов 2, 108-109.
PJpn. *dùmì bow (лук): OJpn. jumji; MJpn. jùmì; Tok. yumí; Kyo.
yúmì; Kag. yùmí.
◊ JLTT 579.
‖ The Jpn. word is hard to separate; initial d- is probably due to in-
fluence of *da ‘arrow’. If this is the case, one would be also tempted to
compare PTM *lukī ‘arrow’ and PJ *duki ‘quiver’ - with exactly the same
Anlaut correlation.
-lòŋè a k. of insect: Tung. *loŋ-; Mong. *newne, *neɣüne; Jpn. *nmì ( ~
-ua-, -ui).
PTung. *loŋ- butterfly (бабочка): Ud. loŋto.
◊ ТМС 1, 504. Attested only in Ud., with possible external parallels.
PMong. *newne, *neɣüne lady bug (божья коровка): WMong.
neüne (МXTTT); Kh. nǖne.
PJpn. *nmì ( ~ -ua-, -ui) flea (блоха): Tok. nomí; Kyo. nómì; Kag.
nomí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ The root is not well attested and somewhat insecure, denoting
some small insect (bug or butterfly). But the correspondences are regu-
lar and the match seems possible.
-lùbu ( ~ -a-) resin, clay, dirt: Tung. *lū; Mong. *luw-; Jpn. *nì ( ~ *nù-i).
PTung. *lū 1 resin, gum 2 to fill holes, crevices with resin (1 смола,
вар 2 просмаливать): Evk. lū 1, lū- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 506.
PMong. *luw- eye pus (глазной гной): WMong. luuqa (L 518),
nuuqa; Kh. lūx, nūx; Bur. nūtaj- ‘быть заплывшим (о глазах)’; Kalm. lox
(КРС), nūx; Ord. lūxa, nūxa; Dag. laug, (Тод. Даг. 152: lōgo); Mongr.
nauxa, log.
◊ KW 282, MGCD 473.
PJpn. *nì ( ~ *nù-i) earth, dirt; red clay (земля, грязь; красная гли-
на): OJpn. ni; MJpn. nì; Tok. ni.
◊ JLTT 496.
‖ JOAL 102, 1981, 853 (attracting also OJ núr- ‘to paint’, which
seems less plausible because of tone incongruence with *nì; on its ety-
mology see *núŕe).
 *lu[k]u - *lmo 877

-lu[k]u thick, dense: Tung. *lōgdi, *luku(tu); Mong. *nigta / *lüg / *lug;
Turk. *jigi / *jɨgɨ.
PTung. *lōgdi, *luku(tu) thick, dense (густой, плотный): Evk. lōgdi,
luku; Evn. nōɣ, nụqtị; Neg. logdị, loxo; Man. loqdi, luqdu, luku; SMan. lukə
(2078); Ul. loGdo, lugdi, loko; Ork. lugǯi, lukku; Nan. loGdị, lugǯi; Orch.
loko, luku; Ud. logbo-logbo, luktu.
◊ ТМС 1, 501, 508, 509, 609.
PMong. *nigta / *lüg / *lug thick, dense (густой, плотный):
WMong. niɣta (L 578), lüg (L 518), luɣ; Kh. ńagt, lüg; Bur. nigta; Kalm.
niktə; Ord. nigta.
◊ KW 276. Mong. > Tat. nɨq, Chuv. nъɣъ (Róna-Tas 1973-1974).
PTurk. *jigi / *jɨgɨ thick, dense (густой, плотный): OTurk. jigi
(OUygh.); Karakh. jigi (MK); Tur. jɨɣɨ; Turkm. jɨɣɨ; Kaz. žiji; KKalp. žiji;
Nogh. jɨjɨ; Oyr. jik; Tv. čɨ’q.
◊ EDT 911, VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 272.
‖ A Western isogloss. An expressive form with somewhat irregular
correspondences; however, despite Doerfer MT 51, TM cannot be ex-
plained as borrowed from Mong.
-lk῾a ( ~ -u) seam, to stitch: Tung. *luK-; Mong. *log-si-; Turk. *jīk.
PTung. *luK- 1 to sew in (ornaments) 2 to prick (1 вшивать (полос-
ки меха для украшения) 2 вкалывать, вонзать): Evk. luktu- 1; Man.
nuqa- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 508, 608.
PMong. *log-si- to stitch, sew (стегать, прошивать): WMong. loɣsi-
(L 517); Kh. logši-; Bur. logši-.
PTurk. *jīk seam (шов): Tat. ǯek, dial. jek; Bashk. jek (dial.); Kirgh.
ǯik; Kaz. žik; KBalk. ǯik; KKalp. žik; Kum. jik; Khak. čək; Oyr. jik, ik; Yak.
sīk.
◊ VEWT 195, 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 197-198, 257-258. The root should be distinguished from
*jib q.v. sub *zupi.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lmo ( ~ ĺ, -e) to swallow, drink: Tung. *lümŋe-; Jpn. *nm-; Kor.
*nəm-ku-.
PTung. *lümŋe- to swallow (глотать): Evk. nimŋe-; Evn. ńimŋъ-;
Neg. nimŋe-; Man. nuŋgi-, nuŋge-; SMan. nuŋəmə, nuŋumə (402); Ul.
luŋbe-; Ork. numGe-; Nan. luŋbe-,lumge-; Orch. ńimme-; Ud. niŋme-,
ńiŋme-; Sol. niŋe-.
◊ ТМС 1, 595.
PJpn. *nm- drink (пить): OJpn. nom-; MJpn. nòm-; Tok. nóm-; Kyo.
nòm-; Kag. nóm-.
◊ JLTT 737.
PKor. *nəm-ku- to swallow (глотать): Mod. nəmgu-.
878 *lok῾o - *lŭge
◊ SKE 164.
‖ SKE 164, Poppe 74, Murayama 1962, 110, АПиПЯЯ 19, 69,
105-106, 274. An Eastern isogloss.
-lok῾o ( ~ -u-) a cutting instrument: Tung. *loxa; Jpn. *nkə.
PTung. *loxa sword, sabre (меч, сабля): Evk. likučiūn, lukučiur; Neg.
loxon; Man. loχo; SMan. lohə (607, 812); Jurch. lo-xo; Ul. loχo(n); Nan.
loχõ; Orch. loxo(n); Ud. lō.
◊ ТМС 1, 509.
PJpn. *nkə saw (пила): OJpn. nop(w)ogjiri; MJpn. nòfògìrì; Tok.
nóko, nokogíri; Kyo. nòkô, nòkògírì; Kag. nokó, nokogirí.
◊ JLTT 500. The OJ form with -p- is quite strange, perhaps a dialectal dissimilation ( <
nokogjiri); all modern forms quite uniformly have -k-.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-lòŋé ( ~ -u-) chisel, drill: Tung. *luŋu; Jpn. *nmuí ( ~ -əi).
PTung. *luŋu drill (сверло): Neg. loŋo; Ul. lūŋu; Nan. luŋu; Orch.
loŋo, luŋu; Ud. loŋo.
◊ ТМС 1, 504.
PJpn. *nmuí ( ~ -əi) chisel, adze (долото): OJpn. nomi; MJpn. nòmí;
Tok. nómi; Kyo. nòmí; Kag. nomí.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Mong. *düji-le- ‘to shave’
(WMong. düil-, L 279), which would make us reconstruct *ĺoŋe.
-lop῾V nest (of rodents): Tung. *lopi(gi); Mong. *nowkai.
PTung. *lopi(gi) squirrel nest (беличье гнездо): Evk. lopi (dial. lokī);
Neg. lōbị; Ul. logbụ; Nan. lōbị; Ud. loi.
◊ ТМС 1, 505. Length in Nan. is compensatory.
PMong. *nowkai rodent nest (гнездо грызунов): WMong. nouqai
(МXTTT); Kh. nōxoj; Bur. nōxoj.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-lŭge ( ~ -i) bridle: Tung. *luksi; Turk. *jügen.
PTung. *luksi traces, central belt in a yoke-team (постромка, потяг
(центральный ремень в оленьей упряжке)): Evk. lukšipka; Neg. nusku,
nuksi; Ul. nusku; Ork. nusku; Nan. luksur; Orch. nuksu; Ud. nuki.
◊ ТМС 1, 509.
PTurk. *jügen bridle (уздечка): Karakh. jügön (MK, IM); Tur. ojan;
Az. jüjän; Turkm. üjen, ujan; MTurk. ujan (Pav. C.); Uzb. jugan; Uygh.
jügän; Krm. ijgen, jügen; Tat. jögän; Bashk. jügän; Kirgh. ǯügön; Kaz.
žügen; KBalk. ǯügen; KKalp. žüwen; Kum. jügen; Nogh. jüwen; SUygh.
juɣɨn (ЯЖУ); Khak. čügen; Shr. čügen; Oyr. üjgen; Tv. čüɣen; Chuv.
jəₙven; Yak. ǖn.
◊ VEWT 212, EDT 913, ЭСТЯ 1, 577, Егоров 77, Лексика 556.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
 *lúke - *luko 879

-lúke to bow, bend: Tung. *loka-; Mong. *nugu-; Turk. *jükün-; Jpn.
*nkí ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *loka- 1 to hang 2 hanger, cross-beam (for hanging) (1 ве-
шать 2 вешалка, вешала): Evk. loko- 1, loko-ptin 2; lokso, lekse ‘knee’;
Evn. noq- 1, noqm 2; Neg. loxo- 1, loxo-wun 2; Ul. lō-, lōqo- 1, lōpụ 2; Ork.
lō-, loqqo- 1, lōno 2; Nan. lō- 1, lōčaqo 2; Orch. lō- 1, lōkońi, lōńi 2; Ud. lo῾- 1
(Корм. 256); Sol. loko-, loxo- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 501-502, 515.
PMong. *nugu- to bend (гнуться): WMong. nuɣu-ra- (L 595); Kh.
nugara-, nugal-; Bur. nugar-, nugal- (caus.); Kalm. nuɣər-, nuɣəl- ‘to bend,
to separate bones at the joints’ (КРС); Ord. nuGul-; Mongr. nugurā-,
noGlā-.
◊ MGCD 517.
PTurk. *jükün- to bow (кланяться, склоняться): OTurk. jükün-
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jükün- (MK); Tur. jüken-, jügün- (dial.);
MTurk. jükün- (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jukun-; Uygh. jükün-; Krm. jügün-,
jugun-; Tat. jögen-, jegen- (dial.); Bashk. jögön-; Kirgh. ǯügün-; Kaz.
žügin-; KKalp. žügin-; Kum. jügün-; Yak. sügün- ‘to go to the bride-
groom’s home’.
◊ EDT 913, ЭСТЯ 4, 264.
PJpn. *nkí ( ~ -ua-) hanging edge of roof, eaves (стреха, свисаю-
щий край крыши): OJpn. n(w)ok(j)i; MJpn. nókí; Tok. nòki; Kyo. nókí;
Kag. nókì.
◊ JLTT 500.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 64-65 (Turc-Mong). Cf. *lak῾u.
-luko wild pig: Tung. *luke- / *lukte (*lekte); Mong. *nogtu-; Kor.
*nɨktai (?).
PTung. *luke- / *lukte (*lekte) 1 wild boar 2 1-year-old boar (1 ди-
кий кабан 2 годовалый кабан): Man. nuxen 2; Ul. nekte 1; Ork. ńekte 1;
Nan. nekte (dial. likete) 1; Orch. nekte 1; Ud. nakta, nekte 1, nugese 2; Sol.
nuks 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 609, 617.
PMong. *nogtu- wild male boar (дикий кабан): WMong. noɣtumal
(L 588); Kh. nogtmol; Kalm. noktəmər.
◊ KW 278.
PKor. *nɨktai wild boar, pig (дикий кабан): Mod. nɨktä.
◊ SKE 169.
‖ The Kor. match is glossed as “wild boar” by Ramstedt (in SKE),
but as “jackal” or “Korean wolf” in modern dictionaries - thus it may
be actually the same word as nɨktä < *l[ù]k῾V ‘lynx’; but the Mong.-TM
parallel is still valid.
880 *lùku - *l[ù]k῾Ỽ
-lùku ( ~ *ĺ-, -o-, -k῾-) to take off (clothes): Tung. *luK-; Jpn. *nùk-.
PTung. *luK- to take off (clothes) (снимать (одежду)): Evk. luk-,
lukti-; Evn. nụq-; Neg. lok-; Ud. lukta-; Sol. loko-.
◊ ТМС 1, 507.
PJpn. *nùk- to take off clothes (снимать одежду): OJpn. nuk-, nuk-
jit-; MJpn. nùg-; Tok. núg-; Kyo. nùg-; Kag. nùg-.
◊ JLTT 738.
‖ Miller 1985b, 194. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-lúk῾ì ( ~ -o-) to break through: Tung. *lokta-; Mong. *nüke-; Jpn. *núk-.
PTung. *lokta- to pass through, break through (проходить на-
сквозь, протыкать насквозь): Neg. loktol-; Ul. luktu-lu-; Ork. lokto-;
Nan. luktu-; Orch. lokto(n)-; Ud. lotogo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 502-503.
PMong. *nüke- 1 hole, 2 to make a hole in (1 дыра, 2 проделывать
отверстие): MMong. nukele- 2 (SH), nukän ‘tomb’ (IM), noket ‘holes’
(LH), nūken 1 (Lig.VMI); WMong. nüke(n) 1, nükele- 2 (L 597); Kh.
nüx(en) 1; Bur. nüxe(n) 1; Kalm. nükn; Ord. nüχü(n), nüχe(n) 1; Dag.
nugu 1 (Тод. Даг. 158); Dong. nokien 1; Bao. nəkuŋ 1; S.-Yugh. nögön,
nukö 1; Mongr. nuko 1 (SM 282).
◊ KW 282, MGCD 521, 615.
PJpn. *núk- to break through, pass through (проходить через, на-
сквозь): OJpn. nuk-; MJpn. núk-; Tok. nùk-; Kyo. núk-; Kag. nùk-.
◊ JLTT 738. Kagoshima has an irregular accent.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 28-29, АПиПЯЯ 75.
-l[ù]k῾Ỽ ( ~ -k-) lynx, wild cat: Tung. *luKV; Mong. *nogu-ɣal; Jpn.
*niàkua ( ~ *nàikua); Kor. *nɨk-.
PTung. *luKV 1 lynx 2 blue fox 3 young lynx (1 рысь 2 голубой пе-
сец 3 рысенок): Evk. luku 1 (диал.); Man. luka 2; Orch. loke 1.
◊ See ОСНЯ 2,35.
PMong. *nogu-ɣal young of lynx (детеныш рыси): WMong.
noɣuɣal (L 595: nuɣuul); Kh. nogōl; Bur. nogōl; Kalm. noɣālā, noɣālǟ ‘зай-
чонок весеннего приплода’.
◊ KW 278.
PJpn. *niàkua ( ~ *nàikua) cat (кошка): OJpn. nekwo; Tok. néko; Kyo.
nékò; Kag. nekó.
◊ JLTT 495. Accent is not quite clear: probably a variation of *nàikuà ( > Kyoto nékò)
and *nàikuá (Tokyo néko); Kagoshima supports low tone on the first syllable, but is irrele-
vant for the second one.
PKor. *nɨk- jackal, (KED) wolf (шакал; волк): Mod. nɨktä.
◊ KED 367.
‖ The Jpn. vocalism is aberrant; the diphthong may require a recon-
struction like *lòjk῾V. Cf. also notes to *luko.
 *lumV - *lúŋu 881

-lumV a k. of small wild animal: Tung. *nenme- ( ~ *l-); Mong. *lomun;

Turk. *jumra-.
PTung. *nenme- ( ~ l-) tarbagan (тарбаган): Evk. nenmekčin.
◊ ТМС 1, 622.
PMong. *lomun mole (крот): MMong. noman (HY 11); WMong. no-
mun (L 591); Kh. nomon, nomin; Kalm. soxər numn (КРС); Ord. nomoŋ,
numuŋ, numūn; Dong. manan (Тод. Дн.) ?; Mongr. lumōn ‘taupe’ (SM
227).
PTurk. *jumra- 1 gopher 2 ground-squirrel (1 суслик 2 евражка):
Turkm. jumran 1 (dial.); MTurk. jumran ‘mole’ (AH); Uzb. jumrɔn 1;
Uygh. jumran 1; Tat. jomran 1; Bashk. jomran 1; KBalk. ǯuburan 1; Oyr.
jɨmran, jɨbɨran 2.
◊ VEWT 210, ЭСТЯ 4, 247-248, Лексика 165-166. Turk. > Mong. ǯurum, ǯurama,
Khalkha ʒuram, ʒurma, Dag. ǯombor, (Tod. 145) ǯumbrā (see MGCD 464, KW 481, TMN 4,
220), whence Man. ǯumara etc., see Doerfer MT 102, Rozycki 127. Cf. also *jamlan / *jalman
(VEWT 183, ЭСТЯ 4, 97; > Mong. jalman). Turk. > Russ. dial. jevrán and similar forms, see
Аникин 195, 199, 205.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-lúŋa a k. of fur animal: Tung. *loŋ-sa; Mong. *nagaj; Jpn. *ná-i; Kor.
*nŋ’úrí.
PTung. *loŋ-sa 1 lynx 2 male sable 3 sable (1 рысь 2 самец соболя 3
соболь): Evk. nonno 1; Evn. nụŋụčan (dimin.) ‘small mouse’; Man.
luŋgu, luŋga 2 (Захаров 858); Orch. noso 3; Ud. nüho 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 510, 605, 612.
PMong. *nagaj female tarbagan (самка тарбагана): WMong. naɣai
(L 557: “female marmot”); Kh. nagaj.
PJpn. *ná-i rat (as a cyclic sign) (крыса (как циклический знак)):
OJpn. ne; MJpn. ne; Tok. nè; Kyo. n; Kag. né.
◊ JLTT 495. Derived is perhaps OJ nezumji ‘rat’ (although folk-etymologically ana-
lysed as ‘living in root(s)’.
PKor. *nŋ’úrí otter (выдра): MKor. nŋ’úrí.
◊ Nam 105.
‖ See Лексика 165. Cf. *ĺeŋgV (in Kor. a partial contamination is
possible).
-lúŋu ( ~ *ĺ-, -o-, -i) morning or evening dawn: Tung. *luŋur; Jpn. *núN- /
*núiN- / *núaN-; Kor. *nò’r.
PTung. *luŋur evening, dusk (вечер, сумерки): Evk. luŋur.
◊ ТМС 1, 511. Attested only in Evk., with possible parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *núN- / *núiN- / *núaN- rainbow (радуга): OJpn. nizi, nuzi,
dial. n(w)ozi; MJpn. nízì; Tok. nijí; Kyo. níjì; Kag. níji.
◊ JLTT 498-499. The word raises many problems, due to irregular reshapings. Most
forms reflect *nVn-si, but there are some going back to *nVn-ki, like Akita nogi, Shuri nūǯi
882 *lrkV - *lrkV
etc. (see ibid.), so we conclude that the original stem must have been *nuN-, with varying
suffixation.
PKor. *nò’r morning or evening dawn, red glow in the sky (утрен-
няя или вечерняя заря): MKor. nò’r; Mod. nōl.
◊ Nam 111, KED 347.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-lrkV ( ~ *ĺ-, -u-,-o-,-o-) to burn; warm: Tung. *lurgi-; Jpn. *nùkù-;
Kor. *nòk- / *nuk-.
PTung. *lurgi- to burn (гореть, пылать): Evk. lurgi-; Neg. lujgī-;
Man. lur lur (descr.).
◊ ТМС 1, 512. TM > Dag. lurgi- (MGCD 121).
PJpn. *nùkù- warm (теплый): MJpn. nukuto-, nuku- (Edo); Tok.
nukú-; Kyo. núku-; Kag. nukí.
◊ JLTT 854.
PKor. *nòk- 1 to melt, dissolve 2 to get warm (1 таять, растворять-
ся 2 теплеть): MKor. nòk-; Mod. nok- 1, nuk- 2.
◊ Nam 112, KED 344, 359.
‖ Martin 245, АПиПЯЯ 278. An Eastern isogloss. Korean has a sec-
ondary verbal low tone.
 Ĺ

-ĺábó a k. of plant: Tung. *labikta / *lebukte; Mong. *debeɣe; Turk.

*jaba; Jpn. *náimpú.
PTung. *labi-kta / *lebu-kte 1 a k. of moss (cudbear) 2 lichen, moss
3 root of edible plant (1 ягель 2 лишайник 3 корень съедобного рас-
тения): Evk. lawikta 1, lewukte 2; Evn. nāwt 1; Neg. lawụkta 1; Ul.
lepču(n) 3; Ork. lawịqta 1, lewikte 2; Orch. laukta 1; Ud. labuga 1, leukte 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 485, 514, 518. Evk. > Dolg. labɨkta, labukta (see Stachowski 172).
PMong. *debeɣe meadow, pasture (луг, пастбище): WMong. debege
(L 237); Kh. devē, deveg; Kalm. dew(n).
◊ KW 90. Mong. > Man. debejen ‘sedge’.
PTurk. *jaba 2 wild onion 3 onion-like edible plant (1 вид грибка 2
съедобное растение, похожее на лук): OTurk. java 2(?) (OUygh.);
Karakh. java (MK) ‘al-ṭurtūt’ [Bib.-Kaz.: ‘a reddish edible plant’, Belot:
‘a medicinal grass’, Lane: ‘cynomorium’]; ‘a plant the juice of which is
used to colour noodles’.; Tur. juwa 2; Turkm. juva 2; MTurk. jawa
OKypch (Houts.) 2, ‘leek’; Tat. juwa, Sib. juwa 2; Bashk. jɨwa 2; Kirgh.
ǯua 2; Kaz. žuwa 2; KKalp. žuwa 2; Nogh. juwa 2; Khak. čama ‘mountain
garlic’; Tv. čāt ‘cudbear, lichen’; Tof. čāt ‘horse-tail’.
◊ EDT 871-872, ЭСТЯ 4, 240. The OUygh. word is attested in a Buddhist text describ-
ing blossoming spring plants: özlerdeki özeklerdeki java čigidem “the java and the crocuses
in valleys and ravines”; so, despite Clauson 414, this is certainly not a mushroom; proba-
bly some onion-like plant (гусиный лук?).
PJpn. *náimpú silken acacia, Albizzia Julibrissin Durazz. (шелко-
вистая акация): OJpn. nebu; MJpn. nébúrí-ki; Tok. nemu-no-ki.
◊ JLTT 495.
‖ Jpn. has one of the rare cases of the Inlaut -ai- (-ia-) diphthong.
Otherwise correspondences are regular, although the precise botanical
nature of the plant is not quite clear.
-ĺk῾è bad, evil: Tung. *lāK-; Mong. *ǯeke-j ( < *ǯike-j); Turk. *jek; Jpn.
*nəkə; Kor. *nək-.
PTung. *lāK- 1 difficulty, distress 2 unsuccessful (in hunting) 3 dis-
order (1 затруднение 2 неудачливый (на охоте) 3 суета, беспорядок):
Evk. lākeptin 1; Man. laqu, laxu 2, laxin 3.
884 *ĺak῾V - *ĺak῾V
◊ ТМС 1, 488.
PMong. *ǯeke-j mediocre, ordinary, worse (посредственный, ху-
же): WMong. ǯekei (L 1044); Kh. ʒexij; Kalm. zek.
◊ KW 472.
PTurk. *jek 1 demon, evil spirit 2 bad, evil 3 to hate, despise 4 to
scold (1 демон, злой дух 2 плохой, отвратительный 3 ненавидеть,
презирать 4 бранить): OTurk. jek 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jek 1 (MK);
Turkm. jekir- 3, jek (dial.) 2; MTurk. jek 1 (AH), 2 (Pav. C.), jigir- 3 (R.);
Uzb. ǯekir- 4; Uygh. jäklä- 3, ǯekir- 4; Krm. jek 1, 2; Tat. ǯik 2, ǯiker- 4;
Bashk. jek 2, jeker- 3; Kirgh. ǯek 2, ǯekte- 3, ǯekir- 4; Kaz. žek 2, žekir- 4;
KKalp. žek 2, žekir- 4; Kum. jekir- 3; Nogh. jekir- 3; Shr. ček 1; Oyr. jek, ek
1, 2, jikir- 3.
◊ EDT 910, VEWT 194, ЭСТЯ 4, 170-171, 173-174. Loan from Prakr. yakkha (through
some unattested Sogdian intermediary) cannot be excluded, but also cannot be ascer-
tained. Turk. > MMong. (MA) ǯikir- ‘hate, abhor’.
PJpn. *nəkə brazenly (бесстыдно, без стеснения): Tok. noko-noko.
PKor. *nək- brazen, shameless (бесстыдный): Mod. nək-sal.
◊ KED 332.
‖ Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). Turk. -e- instead of expected -ɨ- is probably
due to contamination with *ĺḕgi q.v.
-ĺak῾V ( ~ -e-) fur clothes: Tung. *leKu (/ *laKu); Mong. *daku; Turk.
*jaku.
PTung. *leKu (/ *laKu) 1 warm cotton trousers 2 deerskin footwear
3 slippers (1 теплые ватные штаны 2 обувь из оленьей шкуры 3 та-
почки): Evk. leke-mī, loko-mī 2; Neg. loxom 2; Man. laqu 1; Ul. lēmi 3;
Ork. lemi-le- ‘to wear shoes’; Nan. lēmi 3; Ud. lexeme 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 488, 516.
PMong. *daku coat (меховая накидка, шуба): MMong. daqu (SH);
WMong. daqu; Kh. dax; Bur. daxa; Kalm. daxə; Ord. daxu; Dag. dagu;
Mongr. daxu, dāxu ‘habit court et sans manches porté jadis par les
femmes monguor’ (SM 41).
◊ KW 72, MGCD 205. Mong. > Evk. daku etc., see Poppe 1966, 195, TMN 4, 283-284,
Doerfer MT 37, Rozycki 53, Аникин 179).
PTurk. *jaku coat (плащ, шуба): Karakh. jaqu (MK); Bashk. jaqɨ;
Kirgh. ǯaqɨ (dial.); Kaz. žaqɨ (dial.); Oyr. jaqqɨ, aqqɨ, jaqa, aqa; Tv. čaɣɨ;
Yak. saɣɨnńax.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 60-61, Лексика 476. The form jaɣqu is not really attested: it is a folk ety-
mology related by MK. Turk. > Russ. jegá, see Аникин 195, 721.
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. cannot be < Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 121.
 *ĺp῾o - *ĺḕgì 885

-ĺp῾o ( ~ -i) string, strap: Tung. *lāpV-ki; Mong. *deɣe-sü.

PTung. *lāpV-ki tiers, straps (for skis) (крепление, ремень (у
лыж)): Ul. lāxị; Ork. lāpụ; Nan. lāpị; Orch. lappi.
◊ ТМС 1, 494.
PMong. *deɣe-sü rope (веревка): MMong. de’esun ‘thread’ (HY 19),
disun (MA), dēsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. degesü(n) (L 244); Kh. dēs(en);
Bur. dēhe(n); Kalm. dēsn; Ord. dēsü; Mog. deisün; Dag. dēs (Тод. Даг.
136); Dong. ǯiesun; Bao. desoŋ; S.-Yugh. dīsən; Mongr. dēsə (SM 53), dērge
‘grosse corde faite de poils pour lier les animaux’ (SM 52).
◊ KW 92, MGCD 208. Mong. > Evk. desun etc. (see Poppe 1966, 197, ТМС 1, 238).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *labV. Cf. perhaps Karakh. (MK) jab-
tač ‘cloth, handkerchief’ (merged with *jap- ‘to cover’).
-ĺp῾V bifurcated pole: Tung. *lap-; Mong. *daɣaga(n); Turk. *jāpa(k).
PTung. *lap- 1 to insert, press between branches 2 poles with bifur-
cation 3 vertical, sticking out 4 branch inserted between two branches
(a road sign) (1 вставлять, впихивать между ветками 2 раздвоенные
жерди 3 вертикальный, торчащий 4 ветка, вставленная между дву-
мя другими (дорожный знак)): Evk. lapki-, lapku- 1, lapki, lapku 4; Evn.
nāpq- 1; Ul. lapam ‘зацепившись’; Ork. lapa(n) 2; Nan. lapa 3; Orch.
lapam 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 493.
PMong. *daɣaga(n) horizontal bar in a yurt (горизонтальная балка
в юрте): WMong. daɣaɣa (L 216); Kh. dāga; Bur. dāgan bū ‘carbine’; Ord.
dāGa.
PTurk. *jāpa(k) 1 wooden fork 2 shovel (1 деревянные вилы 2 ло-
пата): Tur. jaba 1, dial. 2; Gag. jaba 1; Az. jaba 1; Turkm. jābaq, jāba 1; Sal.
jōwa, jowa 1; MTurk. japa (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. jāwa (dial.) 1; Krm. ǯaba 2; Tat.
jaba; Kaz. žaba (dial.) 1; KKalp. žaba 1.
◊ VEWT 187, ЭСТЯ 4, 45. Not quite clear are fronted cognates: Yak. seb, Kumd. jep,
Tat., Bashk. jəp ‘fork, bifurcation’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ĺḕgì to hate, abhor: Tung. *lēgī-; Mong. *ǯig-; Turk. *jigren- ( ~ -e-); Jpn.
*nìkù-.
PTung. *lēgī- 1 to scold 2 to pacify, persuade (1 ругать, бранить 2
унимать, уговаривать): Evk. lēɣī- 1; Evn. nēji- 1; Neg. lēɣī- 1; Nan. lēi- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 514-515.
PMong. *ǯig- to hate, abhor, be disgusted (ненавидеть, испыты-
вать отвращение): WMong. ǯigsi-, ǯigegür- (L 1052); Kh. ǯigš-; Bur.
žegše-; Kalm. ǯigšə- (КРС); Ord. ǯigši-.
◊ Mong. > Tat. ǯiksin- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 171).
PTurk. *jigren- ( ~ -e-) to hate, abhor (испытывать отвращение):
Karakh. jigren- (MK); Tur. ijren-; Gag. īren-; Az. ijrän-; Turkm. jigren-;
886 *ĺekleKV - *ĺèmo
MTurk. jigren- (Ettuhf., AH); Uzb. jirgän-, ǯirgen-; Krm. iren-; Tat. ǯirɛn-;
Bashk. jerän-; Kirgh. ǯerin-, ǯiren-, ǯijirken-; Kaz. žijren-; KKalp. žijren-,
žijirken-; Kum. ǯirgen-; Nogh. jijren-; Yak. sirgen-.
◊ EDT 914-915, ЭСТЯ 4, 200-201.
PJpn. *nìkù- hateful, hate (противный, ненавидеть): OJpn. niku-,
niku-m-; MJpn. niku-, nìkù-m-; Tok. nikú-, nikú-m-; Kyo. níkù-, níkú-m-;
Kag. nikú-, nìkùm-.
◊ JLTT 837.
‖ Ozawa 270-272, ЭСТЯ 4, 200-201. Cf. *ĺk῾e.
-ĺekleKV a k. of aquatic bird: Tung. *leg(l)ek-; Mong. *deglej; Turk.
*[j]eglek.
PTung. *leg(l)ek- a k. of duck (вид утки (утка-казарка)): Evk.
leɣegdi, liglakī, ilagli; Evn. ịlɣlịqa, dial. niglij ‘goose’.
◊ ТМС 1, 304, 498, 515, 589. Evk. > Dolg. laglɨ, see Stachowski 172.
PMong. *deglej heron (цапля): WMong. deglei (L 213: degelei); Kh.
deglij; Bur. xüxe deglɨ; Kalm. degl; Ord. göχö degelī.
◊ KW 85.
PTurk. *[j]eglek stork (аист): Tur. leglek; Az. läjläk.
◊ VEWT 316 (hardly from Arab.)
‖ A Western isogloss; no doubt, onomatopoeic in origin, but inter-
language loans seem to be excluded in this case.
-ĺḗlV to run, ride, hurry: Tung. *lelu-; Mong. *ǯilu-; Turk. *jēl-.
PTung. *lelu- 1 to jump 2 to ride, trot (1 прыгать 2 скакать): Evk.
lulunče-, lelūn-, nelūn-, nelihu- 1; Evn. melu-met-, meluŋči- 1 (with a pecu-
liar dissimilation); Man. ńolxu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 509, 620, 643.
PMong. *ǯilu- to flee, run away (убегать): WMong. ǯilu- (L 1055);
Kh. ʒulba-, ʒulda-; Kalm. zul- (КРС).
PTurk. *jēl- to ride, trot (бежать (рысью), нестись): OTurk. jel-
(Orkh.); Karakh. jel- (MK, KB); Tur. jel-; Az. jel-li ῾quickly’; Turkm.
jel-me ῾trot’; MTurk. jel- (Pav. C., MA, Ettuhf.), jil- (AH); Uzb. jel-; Tat.
ǯil-; Bashk. jel-; Kirgh. ǯel-; Kaz. žel-; KKalp. žel-; Nogh. jeli-; Shr. čel-;
Oyr. jäl-, el-; Tv. čel-; Yak. siel-.
◊ EDT 918, VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 176-177.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ĺèmo to be lazy, negligent: Tung. *lemūk-; Mong. *dömü-; Jpn.
*nàmàka-.
PTung. *lemūk- weak-charactered (слабохарактерный, постоянно
недовольный): Evk. lemūk.
◊ ТМС 1, 516. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *dömü- 1 to be barely sufficient, live poorly 2 to be careless,
floppy (1 недоставать, едва сводить концы с концами 2 делать не-
 *ĺeŋgV - *ĺep῾a 887

брежно, кое-как): WMong. dömü- (L 267) 1; Kh. dömö- 1, dömnö- 2; Bur.

düme- 1; Kalm. demir- ‘to become worse than smth.’.
◊ KW 87.
PJpn. *nàmàka- to be lazy (лениться): MJpn. namaka-; Tok. namaké-;
Kyo. námáké-; Kag. namaké-.
◊ JLTT 731. Tone correspondence is not quite regular (low tone would be expected in
Kagoshima).
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms point to a common derivative *ĺèmo-kV
(-k῾V).
-ĺeŋgV a k. of predator: Tung. *leŋgur; Mong. *ǯiŋger.
PTung. *leŋgur 1 wolf 2 cat (1 волк 2 кошка): Evk. ńeɣūr 1; Man.
ninuri 2; Ul. jeŋgul 1; Nan. jeŋgur 1; Orch. ńiŋgu 1, liŋgapu ‘wolverine’;
Ud. ńeŋu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 498, 639, 650, 598.
PMong. *ǯiŋger bitch (сука): WMong. ǯiŋger (БАМРС); Kh. ǯiŋger.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. also *lúŋa.
-ĺep῾a ( ~ -o, -u) feather, down, wool: Tung. *lepu-; Mong. *daɣaki; Turk.
*jAp.
PTung. *lepu- 1 feather 2 down 3 bear 4 peltry (1 перо 2 пух 3 мед-
ведь 4 пушнина): Evk. lepurē 1; Evn. nebuli ‘fluffy’; Neg. lupulte 2; Man.
lefu 3; SMan. lefə 3 (2203); Jurch. lefu (145) 3; Ul. nepulte 4; Ork. nepulte 4;
Nan. ńepulte 4; Orch. nepukte 4; Ud. lofos῾o 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 518, 625. Cf. also TM *ńepu- ‘warm’ (ТМС 1, 355) ( < ‘soft’?).
PMong. *daɣaki exuviation (of animals), tangled hair (сброшенная
кожа (животных), спутанные волосы): MMong. daqi (MA 139);
WMong. daɣaki (L 217), daki; Kh. dā; Bur. dāxi; Kalm. dākr-, dǟkr- ‘to
become tangled (of wool)’; Ord. dāχi; Mongr. dākir ‘touffe de poils
enchevêtrés’ (SM 41).
◊ KW 81, 83.
PTurk. *jAp- a mass of hair or wool (масса, клубок волос или
шерсти): Karakh. jap, japɣut, japaqu (MK); Tur. japaɨ; Gag. japā; Az. ja-
paq, japaɣɨ (dial.); Turkm. japaGɨ; MTurk. japaq (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ǯabiqa;
Krm. japaɣa; Tat. jabaɣa; Bashk. jabaɣɨ; Kirgh. ǯabaɣa; Kaz. žabaɣɨ; KBalk.
ǯabaɣɨ, zabaɣɨ; KKalp. žabaɣɨ; Kum. jabaɣɨ; Nogh. jabaɣɨ.
◊ EDT 870, 874-875, ЭСТЯ 4, 125-126. Turk. > Hung. gyapjú (< *ǯapaɣu), see Gombocz
1912.
‖ Владимирцов 208. A Western isogloss. Possibly derived is the
Turk.-Mong. name for “foal” ( < “down, hair fading”): Turk. *japak
(ЭСТЯ 4, 159-160), Mong. daɣagan ( > Evk. daɣakan etc., see Doerfer MT
99), see KW 81, Poppe 47.
888 *ĺip῾ú - *ĺmo(ŋa)
-ĺip῾ú dark red, violet: Tung. *lipe-; Mong. *ǯibi; Turk. *(j)ip-; Jpn.
*numpa-.
PTung. *lipe- dark red (темно-красный): Evk. lipereme.
◊ ТМС 1, 500. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯibi rust (ржавчина): WMong. ǯibi, ǯebi, ǯibe (L 1048); Kh.
ʒev, ǯiv; Bur. ževe; Kalm. zewə (КРС); Ord. ǯiwe, ǯiwi; Dag. ǯi (Тод. Даг.
143), ǯibi (MD 178); Mongr. wē (SM 95), ǯē.
◊ MGCD 439.
PTurk. *(j)ip- violet-coloured, purple (фиолетовый, бордовый):
OTurk. jipin, jipgin; Karakh. jipkil (MK); Krm. ipkin; Tv. ökpeŋ; Chuv.
jəₙpkəₙn ‘deep-coloured’.
◊ EDT 877, 874, Федотов 1, 197.
PJpn. *numpa- fruit of the hiōgi plant (Belamcanda chinensis; dark
red, violet / black in colour) (плод дерева Belamcanda chinensis; тем-
но-красного, фиолетового / черного цвета): OJpn. nuba-tama; Tok.
ubatama.
◊ JLTT 501.
‖ An interesting common Altaic colour term.
-ĺki to run away: Tung. *luktu-; Mong. *ǯigutu-; Jpn. *nìnká-.
PTung. *luktin- to run some distance (пробежать (некоторое рас-
стояние)): Evk. luktin-.
◊ ТМС 1, 508.
PMong. *ǯigutu- to run away (убегать): WMong. ǯiɣutu- (L 1077:
ǯuɣtaɣa-, ǯiɣutaɣa-); Kh. ʒugta-; Bur. zugada-.
PJpn. *nìnká- to run away, escape (убегать): OJpn. niga-; MJpn.
nìgá-; Tok. nigé-; Kyo. nigé-; Kag. nìge-.
◊ JLTT 735.
‖ Ozawa 269. The voicing in Jpn. contradicts unaspirated *-k- in PA:
it may be secondary, under the influence of the synonymous
*nuànkà-ra- (see *nk῾e).
-ĺmo(ŋa) name; spell, divination: Tung. *nim-ŋā-; Mong. *dom,
*domag; Turk. *jom, *jom(ŋ)ak; Jpn. *ná(N); Kor. *ni’jaki.
PTung. *nim-ŋā- 1 to shamanize 2 fairy-tale (1 шаманить 2 сказка):
Evk. nimŋān- 1, nimŋākān 2; Evn. ńịmqan 2; Neg. ńamka- 1; Ul. ńịŋman- 1,
ńịŋma(n) 2; Ork. nịŋman- 1, nịŋma 2; Nan. nịŋm 2; Orch. ńima 2; Ud.
nima῾ŋku 2 (Корм. 266).
◊ ТМС 1, 594.
PMong. *dom, *domag 1 magic 2 legend (1 колдовство 2 легенда,
сказка): MMong. domoxči ‘blabber, chatterer’ (SH); WMong. dom 1 (L
260), domaɣ 2 (L 261: domuɣ); Kh. dom, domog; Bur. dom; Kalm. dom; Ord.
dom 1; Dag. dom 1, domege 1 (MD 137); S.-Yugh. dom 1, domog 2.
◊ KW 95, MGCD 224, 225.
 *ĺuga(rV) - *ĺuga(rV) 889

PTurk. *jom, *jom(ŋ)ak 1 tale, legend 2 luck, omen 3 word 4 riddle

(1 рассказ, притча 2 счастье, доброе предзнаменование 3 слово 4 за-
гадка): Tur. jom 2 (dial.); Turkm. jomaq ‘joke’; MTurk. jumaq 1 (Ettuhf.),
jom 2 (AH); Uzb. ǯumbɔq 4; Krm. jomaq 1; Tat. ǯomaq 4; Bashk. jomaq 4;
Kirgh. ǯomoq 1; Kaz. žumbaq 4; KBalk. ǯomaq, zomaq 4; KKalp. žŭmbaq 4;
Kum. jomaq 1; Nogh. jumaq 4; SUygh. lomaq 1; Khak. nɨmax 1, čōx 3; Shr.
nɨbaq 1; Yak. nomoq 1 (possibly < Mong.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 220-221, VEWT 206,119 (one root in two different places). Despite late at-
testation the root is no doubt archaic (it must have originally pertained to a shamanistic
ritual).
PJpn. *ná(N) name (имя): OJpn. na; MJpn. nà; Tok. nà(mae); Kyo. n;
Kag. ná, namáe.
◊ JLTT 490. RJ has nà, but all modern dialects point unanimously to *ná(N). Final -N
is indicated by Hateruma nàN.
PKor. *ni’jaki tale, story (рассказ): MKor. ni’jaki; Mod. ijagi.
◊ Nam 123, KED 1333.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 69, 110, 276, EAS 51. The verbal correlate for *naN
‘name’ in PJ is *nəm- ‘to pray’. The noun goes back to the suffixed form
*ĺm(o)-ŋa (note the recurring *-ŋ-suffix in the reflexes: MKor. nì’jàkì
also goes back to *nìŋa-ki < *nimŋa-ki with early cluster simplification).
Despite Щербак 1997, 124-125, Mong. cannot be < Turk.
-ĺuga(rV) to knead: Tung. *lug-; Mong. *ǯiɣura-; Turk. *jugur- ( ~ -ɨ-);
Jpn. *niàr- ( ~ *nàir-); Kor. *nhr-.
PTung. *lug- 1 to whip up, mix 2 gruel-like, watery (1 взбивать 2
жидкий, кашеобразный): Evk. lugdu- 1; Nan. lujr-lujr bī 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 506, 507.
PMong. *ǯiɣu-ra- to cling to, clutch, squeeze, knead (хватать, сжи-
мать, месить): MMong. ǯura- (MA 234); WMong. ǯiɣura- (L 1051); Kh.
ʒūra-; Bur. zūra-; Kalm. zūr-; Ord. ǯūra-; Dag. ǯuāra-; Dong. ǯuwa-; Bao.
ǯira-; S.-Yugh. ǯǖra-; Mongr. urā- ‘pétrir, mélanger avec de l’eau et
broyer’ (SM 96), ǯurā-.
◊ KW 482, MGCD 459.
PTurk. *jugur- ( ~ -ɨ-) to knead (месить): OTurk. joɣur- (juɣur-)
(OUygh.); Karakh. juɣur- (MK); Tur. jour-; Gag. jur-; Az. joɣur-; Turkm.
juɣr-, juɣur-; Sal. juɣur-; Khal. joɣūr-; MTurk. juɣur- (MA, Houts.),
joɣur- (AH); Uygh. juɣu(r)-, žuɣu(r)-; Kirgh. ǯūr-; SUygh. juɣur-, joɣur-;
Khak. čura-; Shr. čūr-; Oyr. jura-, ura-; Chuv. śəₙr-.
◊ VEWT 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 243-244, TMN 4, 173, EDT 906. Turk. > Hung. gyúr- (Gombocz
1912, MNyTeSz 1, 1138).
PJpn. *niàr- ( ~ *náir-) to tan, knead (дубить, мять): OJpn. ner-;
MJpn. nèr-; Tok. nér-; Kyo. nèr-; Kag. nèr-.
◊ JLTT 734.
890 *ĺul[o] - *ĺp῾ù
PKor. *nhr- to gnaw, crunch (грызть, глодать): MKor. nhr-;
Mod. nl-.
◊ Nam 104, KED 332.
‖ KW 482. Despite Щербак 1997, 196, Mong. is not < Turkic.
-ĺul[o] to ransom, ask: Tung. *l[i]l- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *doli-; Turk. *jul-; Jpn.
*nai ( ~ *nia).
PTung. *l[i]l- to ask (просить): Evk. lelol- (Тит.).
◊ ТМС 1, 516.
PMong. *doli- to barter, ransom, exchange (торговать, выкупать,
обмениваться): WMong. doli- (L 259); Kh. doli-; Bur. doli-; Kalm. doĺ-.
◊ KW 94. Mong. > Oyr. tolɨ-n etc.
PTurk. *jul- 1 to ransom 2 ransom (1 выкупать 2 выкуп): OTurk.
juluɣ 2; Karakh. jul- 1, juluɣ 2; KBalk. ǯuluv 2; Yak. sulū 2.
◊ VEWT 210. Turk. > Mong. ǯoli- ‘to ransom’ (KW 476; Щербак 1997, 164: MMong.
ǯolia, WMong. ǯoliɣ < Turk. juluɣ), whence Man. ǯoliɣan etc. (see ТМС 1, 263).
PJpn. *nai ( ~ *nia) price (цена): Tok. nè; Kyo. n; Kag. né.
◊ JLTT 495. Original tone is not quite clear (a rare case of monosyllabic circumflex in
Kyoto).
‖ KW 94, Poppe 75, Лексика 346 (Turk. *jul- : Mong. *doli-). Despite
TMN 4, 315: “das scheint lautlich nicht aufzugehen”), the Turk.-Mong.
match is quite satisfactory. The TM and Jpn. parallels are, however,
somewhat problematic, because of scarce attestation in TM and pho-
netic contraction in Japanese (the form may go back to *ĺul(o)-gV, cf.
Turk. *julɨg).
-ĺp῾ù to sew, pierce: Tung. *lup-; Mong. *ǯeɣeg ( < *ǯiɣeg); Turk. *jɨp /
*jip; Jpn. *nùp-; Kor. *nupi-.
PTung. *lup- 1 to prick 2 to pierce, pass through (1 колоть 2 проты-
кать, проникать, проходить через): Evk. lupa- 1, lupū- 2; Evn. nụbas
an- 1; Neg. lepu- 2; Ul. loqpa- 1; Ork. lụqqa- 1; Nan. lopqa-, loqpa- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 511, 512.
PMong. *ǯeɣeg ( < *ǯiɣeg) thin thread; skirting, border thread (тон-
кая нить, окаймление): WMong. ǯeɣeg (L 1043); Kh. ʒēg; Kalm. zēg.
◊ KW 474. Mong. > Kaz. žijek etc. (see VEWT 195, ЭСТЯ 4, 27).
PTurk. *jɨp / *jip thread (нитка): OTurk. jɨp (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨp
(MK); Tur. ip; Gag. jip; Az. ip; Turkm. jüp; Sal. jip; Khal. jip; MTurk. jip
(AH, Ettuhf.), ip (Pav. C., AH); Uygh. jip; Krm. jip; Tat. ǯep; Bashk. jep;
Kirgh. ǯip; Kaz. žip; KBalk. ǯib, zip; KKalp. žip; Kum. jip; SUygh. jip, jep;
Khak. čəp; Shr. čip; Oyr. jip, ip; Chuv. śip; Yak. sip ‘hook on a fishing
rod’, sippe ‘thread’.
◊ EDT 870, VEWT 204, ЭСТЯ 4, 268-269. Cf. also the derivative *jipek id. (ЭСТЯ 4,
269-270).
 *ĺoŋgV - *ĺńi 891

PJpn. *nùp- to sew (шить): OJpn. nup-; MJpn. nùf-; Tok. nú-; Kyo.
nù-; Kag. nù-.
◊ JLTT 739.
PKor. *nupi- to quilt (стегать): MKor. nupi-; Mod. nubi-.
◊ Liu 162, KED 358.
‖ Martin 241 (Kor.-Jpn.), KW 474 (Turk.-Mong.).
-ĺoŋgV to accuse, blame: Tung. *loŋ-si-; Mong. *doŋgud-; Turk. *joŋ.
PTung. *loŋ-si- to chatter, nag (болтать, ворчать, быть сварли-
вым): Man. loŋsi-, loqsi-; Nan. loŋsị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 504.
PMong. *doŋgud- to blame, rebuke (винить, ругать): MMong.
duŋqodun (HY 1) ‘thunder’, dunɣoṭ- ‘to disturb, obstruct’ (IM); WMong.
doŋɣud- (L 261); Kh. doŋgodo-, dongoso-; Bur. dongodo-; Kalm. dongəd-;
Ord. dongod-; Mongr. doŋGordi- (SM 61) 1.
◊ KW 95.
PTurk. *joŋ 1 accusation 2 to accuse (1 обвинение 2 обвинять):
OTurk. joŋa- (OUygh.) 2, joŋšur- (Orkh.) ‘to embroil’; Karakh. joŋa-
(MK) 2; Turkm. joŋ ‘indisposition’; Khak. čoŋ; Oyr. joŋ 1; Yak. soŋ ‘en-
forcement’.
◊ EDT 944, VEWT 206, ЭСТЯ 4, 223.
‖ KW 95. A Western isogloss.
-ĺóre (?) a k. of deer: Tung. *lor- (?); Mong. *ǯüre; Jpn. *nərə ~ *nuarua;
Kor. *nòrằ.
PTung. *lor- 1 female musk deer 2 deer (3 y. old) (1 кабарга-самка
2 трехлетний олень): Evk. ńarōs, ńorōs, ńerēs 1; Man. lor-bodo 2 (?).
◊ ТМС 1, 505, 635-636.
PMong. *ǯüre female roe, wild goat (самка косули, дикая коза):
WMong. ǯüre (L 1085: ǯür); Kh. ʒür; Bur. zür; Kalm. zürə (КРС).
◊ TMN 1, 300.
PJpn. *nərə ~ *nuarua Manchu roe, Capreolus bedfordi Thomas.
(маньчжурская косуля): Tok. noro, noro-jika.
PKor. *nòrằ a deer, a river-deer (олень, речной олень): MKor. nòrằ;
Mod. noru.
◊ Nam 111, KED 341.
‖ The root presents several problems: a) Mong. has ǯ- instead of an
expected d-; b) the TM forms are few and rather controversial (it is not
really clear whether the Manchu form is related to Evk.); c) the Jpn.
form is attested late. There may also have been some confusion with
the reflexes of *negre ‘(female) deer’ q.v.
-ĺńi ( ~ -e) snow: Tung. *lūńe; Kor. *nūn.
PTung. *lūńe wet snow (мокрый снег): Evk. lūńe; Neg. luńe.
◊ ТМС 1,510.
892 *ĺńi - *ĺńi
PKor. *nūn snow (снег): MKor. nūn; Mod. nun.
◊ Nam 115, KED 360.
‖ EAS 77, SKE 173, ОСНЯ 3, 34-35, Menges 1984, 281, АПиПЯЯ 19.
A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Depalatalization in Kor. is probably assimilative
(*nūń > *nūn).
 M

-ma a negative particle: Tung. *-me; Turk. *-ma-; Jpn. *-ma-; Kor. *mō-t.
PTung. *-me a prohibitive particle (запретительная частица): Man.
ume; SMan. emə ‘don’t’ (3005); Jurch. ume (472); Nan. em; Orch. em.
◊ ТМС 2, 272. Initial u- is probably an original verbal root (possibly PTM *ō- ῾to
make; become’).
PTurk. *-ma- not (не): OTurk. -ma-; Karakh. -ma-; Tur. -ma-; Gag.
-ma-; Az. -ma-; Turkm. -ma-; Sal. -mɨ-; Khal. -ma-; MTurk. -ma-; Uzb.
-ma-; Uygh. -ma-; Krm. -ma-; Tat. -ma-; Bashk. -ma-; Kirgh. -ma-; Kaz.
-ma-; KBalk. -ma-; KKalp. -ma-; Kum. -ma-; Nogh. -ma-; SUygh. -ma-;
Khak. -ma-; Shr. -ma-; Oyr. -ma-; Tv. -ma-; Tof. -ma-; Chuv. -ma-; Yak.
-ma-.
PJpn. *-ma- dubitative suffix (суффикс дубитатива): OJpn. -ma-;
MJpn. -ma-; Tok. -ma-i.
PKor. *mō-t impossible (adv.); bad, wicked (невозможно (нар.);
плохой): MKor. mōt 1, mōtír- 2; Mod. mōt [mōs], mōǯil-.
◊ Nam 215, 217, KED 635, 647.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 57. A monosyllabic root, but, unlike the 1st p. pron. or
the accusative particle, it did not undergo denasalization in PA. This
may be explained by the fact that it was in most cases already incorpo-
rated into the verbal form as a suffix. It is interesting to note Mong.
*büi, *bu ‘neg. particle’ - which may be originally the same morpheme,
but functioning as a separate word and thus subject to the rule *mV >
*bV.
-m[a]bči worm, insect: Tung. *ma[b]ši-; Mong. *meče; Jpn. *músí.
PTung. *ma[b]ši- 1 bread worm 2 scorpion 3 leech (1 хлебный
червь 2 скорпион 3 пиявка): Man. mobsexe 1; Nan. mačị 3; Ud. masiŋku
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 532, 533, 541.
PMong. *meče tapeworm (ленточный червь): WMong. meče, meče-
gei (МХТТТ); Kh. mec, mecgij; Kalm. meckǟ (КРС).
PJpn. *músí worm, insect (червь, насекомое): OJpn. musi; MJpn.
músí; Tok. mùshi; Kyo. múshí; Kag. múshi.
◊ JLTT 489.
894 *máč῾à - *maja
‖ In Turkic cf. *bȫnček ‘insect’ (Az. miček, Turkm. mȫǯek etc.) - if not,
as usually thought, a contraction < *bȫgen-ček (see under *bōgi).
-máč῾à to fast, hunger: Tung. *maču-; Mong. *mačag; Turk. *bAča-; Jpn.
*mátúr-.
PTung. *maču- 1 to lose weight, grow thin 2 fast (1 терять вес, ху-
деть 2 пост): Man. maču- 1, mačixi 2; SMan. mačə- (699, 700).
◊ ТМС 1, 533. Attested only in Manchu, but having rather probable external paral-
lels.
PMong. *mačag fast (пост): WMong. mačaɣ (L 519); Kh. macag; Bur.
masag; Kalm. macəg (КРС); Ord. mačaG.
PTurk. *bAča- 1 to fast 2 fast (1 поститься 2 пост): OTurk. bača- 1,
bačaq 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. bačaq 2 (MK).
◊ EDT 293. Turk. bača-k ‘fast’ > WMong. bačag.
PJpn. *mátúr- to worship (relig.) (поклоняться, обожествлять):
OJpn. matur-; MJpn. mátúr-; Tok. màtsur-; Kyo. mátsúr-; Kag. matsúr-.
◊ JLTT 722.
‖ Mong. mačag cannot be < Turk., despite EDT 293, Clark 1980, 43; it
is also difficult to suppose Man. mačixi (especially the verb maču-) <
Mong. mačag. The root thus seems to be reconstructable for PA, with
the meaning approx. “to fast, hunger with religious purposes”.
-máč῾Ỽ target: Jpn. *mátua; Kor. *màč-.
PJpn. *mátua target (цель, мишень): OJpn. matwo; MJpn. máto; Tok.
màto; Kyo. mátó; Kag. mátò.
◊ JLTT 473.
PKor. *màč- to meet, correspond, hit the target (встречать, соответ-
ствовать, попадать в цель): MKor. màč-; Mod. mat- [mač-].
◊ Nam 206, KED 592-593.
‖ Martin 229; it is not quite clear whether PJ *mat- ‘wait’ belongs
here as well (or rather to *mude ‘finally’ q.v.). A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; cf.
perhaps Mong. *möči ‘edge’ (if not = *möči ‘limb’).
-maja to miss, fail, bad luck: Tung. *maja-; Mong. *maɣu; Turk. *bAńɨ-.
PTung. *maja- to fail, be unsuccessful, be spoiled (не иметь удачи,
не удаваться): Evk. maja-; Evn. maj-; Neg. maja-; Man. maja- ‘disappear’;
Ork. maja-; Nan. maj- (Он.), mańa-; Orch. maj-maki- ‘to lack, be absent’;
Ud. maja-, majasi- (Корм. 258).
◊ ТМС 1, 521.
PMong. *maɣu bad (плохой): MMong. mau’un (HY 55), ma’u(n)
(SH), māwu (IM), mu, măwu (MA); WMong. maɣu (L 520); Kh. mū; Bur.
mū; Kalm. mū; Ord. mū; Dag. mō (Тод. Даг. 154); Dong. mau (MGCD
mou); Bao. mu (MGCD moŋ); S.-Yugh. mū; Mongr. m (SM 243), (MGCD
mau).
◊ KW 269, MGCD 493, TMN 1, 495-496.
 *maji - *màjŋì 895

PTurk. *bAńɨ- to fade away, disappear, weaken (исчезать, сла-

беть): Karakh. majɨš- (MK); Tur. bajɨ-l-; Gag. bajɨl-; Az. bajɨl-; Krm. bajɨl-;
Kirgh. bajɨ-; Khak. majɨl-; Tv. bajla-.
◊ ОСНЯ 2, 50, EDT 773, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss. ОСНЯ 3, 50-51; Дыбо 13. PT *bAńɨ- regularly
< *mAjɨ- (with nasalization not lost completely, but shifted to the *-j-).
-maji protecting spirit: Tung. *maji-n; Turk. *baj ( ~ -ń); Jpn. *mi.
PTung. *maji-n protecting spirit (дух-покровитель): Evk. majin;
Evn. majịs; Neg. majịn; Nan. majin.
◊ ТМС 1, 521.
PTurk. *baj (~-ń) 1 holy 2 God 3 true, reliable, honest (1 святой 2
бог): Karakh. bajat 2 (MK - Argu, KB), bajɨq (MK Oghuz, IM) 3; Tur. ba-
jat 2, bajɨq (dial.) 3; MTurk. bajat 2 (Abush., Sangl.); Kirgh. baj terek ‘pro-
tection, advocacy’; Oyr. baj-lu 1, maj- ‘first part in a number of
theonyms’, baj terek ‘world tree’; Yak. bajanaj ‘name of a God’.
◊ EDT 385. See VEWT 56-57 (for derivatives), TMN 2, 379. The root should be proba-
bly distinguished from *bāj ‘rich’ (v. sub *bēǯu). An unattested Tuva source > Russ. dial.
(Tuva) bajbá ‘spirit of hunting luck’, see Аникин 109. Yak. > Russ. (Yak.) bajanaj, see Ани-
кин 125-126.
PJpn. *mi protecting spirit (дух-покровитель): OJpn. mji.
◊ JLTT 476.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 51. An interesting common Altaic religious term (al-
though within Turkic it is rather hard to distinguish from *bāj ‘rich’ <
*bēǯu q.v.).
-màjŋì temple, forehead, ear: Mong. *maŋlai; Turk. *bejŋi; Jpn. *mìmì.
PMong. *maŋlai forehead (лоб): MMong. maŋlai (HY 45, SH), man;
WMong. maŋlai, maŋnai (L 527); Kh. maŋlai, magnaj; Bur. manlaj, magnaj;
Kalm. maŋnǟ; Ord. mǟŋlǟ, maŋnǟ; Dag. mangil (Тод. Даг. 153); Dong.
manləu; S.-Yugh. maŋlī; Mongr. maŋlī (SM 232), manləi.
◊ KW 257, MGCD 475. Mong. > Chag. maŋlai etc. (VEWT 327, TMN 1, 502, Щербак
1997, 206; Yak., Dolg. maŋnaj, see Kał. MEJ 15, Stachowski 176).
PTurk. *bejŋi brain (мозг; вместилище разума): OTurk. meji, meŋi
(OUygh.); Karakh. meŋi (MK, KB); Tur. bejin; Az. bejin; Turkm. bejni,
mejni; Khal. mein; MTurk. miji (MA), mejn (Sangl.); Uzb. mija; Uygh.
miŋä; Krm. miji; Tat. mi; Bashk. meje; Kirgh. mē; Kaz. mɨj; KBalk. mije;
KKalp. mij; Kum. miji; Nogh. mɨj; Khak. mī; Shr. mī-s; Oyr. mē; Tv. mē;
Tof. mǟ; Chuv. mimə; Yak. mejī; Dolg. meńī ‘head’.
◊ VEWT 70, EDT 348-349, ЭСТЯ 2, 106-107, TMN 4, 35, Лексика 195, Stachowski 178.
Turk. > MMong. mije, miji (Щербак 1997, 105).
PJpn. *mìmì ear (ухо): OJpn. mjimji; MJpn. mìmì; Tok. mimí; Kyo.
mímì; Kag. mimí ( = míŃ).
◊ JLTT 478. Cf. Yon. mìmbùrù ‘head’.
‖ Лексика 195-196.
896 *májŋV - *mak῾é
-májŋV go-between: Tung. *maŋa; Jpn. *mániák-; Kor. *mjnrí.
PTung. *maŋa go-between, matchmaker (посредник, сват): Evk.
maŋa; Evn. maŋnaǯ; Neg. maŋga-n; Ul. maŋGa; Ork. maŋGa; Orch. maŋa;
Ud. maŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 530.
PJpn. *mániak- to call, invite (приглашать): OJpn. manek-; MJpn.
mánèk-, mànèk-; Tok. manék-; Kyo. mánék-; Kag. manék-.
◊ JLTT 720. The accent reveals some variations, but generally points to high tone on
the first syllable.
PKor. *mjnrí daughter-in-law (невестка, сноха): MKor. mjnrí,
mjənări; Mod. mjənɨri.
◊ Nam 213, KED 619.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-majV fat: Tung. *majā; Mong. *majaɣa; Turk. *bań.
PTung. *majā 1 food rests 2 food store (1 остатки пищи 2 запас
продовольствия, припасы): Evk. majā 1; Evn. māja 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 521.
PMong. *majaɣa butter churn (маслобойка): WMong. majaɣa
(MXTTT); Kh. majā.
PTurk. *bań fat (жир): Turkm. maj; MTurk. maj (Pav. C.); Uzb. mɔj;
Uygh. maj; Krm. maj; Tat. maj; Bashk. maj; Kirgh. maj; Kaz. maj; KKalp.
maj; Kum. maj; Nogh. maj; Khak. sar-maj ‘butter’ (Sag.); Oyr. maj; Yak.
as-maax (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 322, Лексика 453-454.
‖ A Western isogloss. Turkic has a normal transfer of nasalization to
*-j-.
-mak῾é to be deceived, perplexed: Tung. *maka-; Mong. *mek(e)-; Jpn.
*mənka-r-; Kor. *mk-.
PTung. *maka- 1 to become dizzy, muzzy 2 to be afraid 3 to hate (1
одуревать, ошалевать 2 бояться 3 противно): Man. maqa- 1; Ork.
maqqa 3; Nan. māqā- ῾to gaze at’ (Он.); Ud. maka 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 522, 565.
PMong. *mek(e)- 1 deceit, trickery 2 to be disturbed, perplexed 3
embarrassed (1 обман, надувательство 2 быть растерянным, озада-
ченным 3 смущенный): MMong. mekri, mekr 1 (MA 235, 327); WMong.
meke 1, megde- 2, mekei 3 (L 533); Kh. mex 1, megd- 2, mexij 3; Bur. mexe 1,
megde- 2; Kalm. mekə 1; Ord. meχe.
◊ KW 260. Mong. > Evk. meke, see Doerfer MT 127; > Yak., Dolg. meke (Kał. VII 44,
Stachowski 178).
PJpn. *mənka-r- to deceive, lure (обманывать, соблазнять): MJpn.
moga-r-.
 *ma[k῾]o - *male 897

PKor. *mk- to be deaf (глохнуть, быть глухим): MKor. mk-; Mod.

mək-.
◊ Liu 313, KED 610.
‖ Cf. *mék῾a.
-ma[k῾]o to wind, twist, bend: Tung. *makti-; Mong. *makiji-; Kor.
*mằi-.
PTung. *makti- 1 to wind (ropes) 2 to wrap up (cloth) 3 to bend,
wrap (1 вить (веревки) 2 закручивать (платье), подбирать края
внутрь 3 сгибать, загибать): Neg. makčị-nda- 1; Man. mači- 2; Ul.
maqtị-la- 1, moqpụlị- 3; Ork. mụqpụri- 3; Nan. maχčị-ra- 1; Orch.
makči-nda- 1; Ud. maktigi ‘a device for winding ropes’.
◊ ТМС 1, 523, 544.
PMong. *makiji- to bend, curve (гнуть, искривлять): WMong.
makiji-; Kh. maxij-; Kalm. mäki-.
◊ KW 258.
PKor. *mằi- to bind, tie up (связывать, завязывать): MKor. mằi-;
Mod. mǟ-.
◊ Nam 206, KED 598.
‖ Cf. *múk῾e. Loss of *-k῾- in Kor. is unclear.
-mála far, rare: Tung. *mali-; Jpn. *márá; Kor. *mr-.
PTung. *mali- 1 to be devoid of smth., to hunt without result 2 only,
exclusively 3 abstemious, sparing (1 лишаться чего-л., ничего не до-
быть на охоте 2 только, исключительно 3 бережливый, умерен-
ный): Evk. malī- 1; Neg. malịxan 2; Man. malχun 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 524. Evk. > Yak. malɨj-, melij- (hardly vice versa, despite ТМС ibid.).
PJpn. *márá 1 stranger, guest 2 rare (1 чужак, гость 2 редкий):
OJpn. mara-pjito 1, mare 2; MJpn. maraudo, mareudo 1, máré 2; Tok. màre
2; Kyo. máré 2; Kag. máre 2.
◊ JLTT 472.
PKor. *mr- far (далекий): MKor. mr-; Mod. ml-.
◊ Nam 211, KED 613.
‖ Whitman 1985, 128, 192, 238. An Eastern isogloss.
-male honey, plant oil: Tung. *mala; Mong. *milaɣa-; Turk. *bạl.
PTung. *mala sesame oil, plant oil (кунжутное масло, раститель-
ное масло): Man. malaŋGu; Ul. mala (simseni); Nan. malengu (imekseni).
◊ ТМС 1, 523-524.
PMong. *milaɣa- to anoint, smear with oil (смазывать маслом):
MMong. malija- ‘to offer’, mali’an ‘service’ (SH); WMong. milaɣa- (L
538); Kh. ḿalā-; Bur. mila ‘satiety’, milāŋ ‘birthday’; Kalm. mel-, malī-,
maĺā- ‘to smear with oil (on occasion of birth etc.)’; Ord. milā-.
◊ KW 255, 260, 262. A secondarily developed meaning is ‘to treat, entertain (on some
occasion)’. Mong. > Oyr. malkɨ-, Yak. malā-sɨn (VEWT 324).
898 *màli - *mli
PTurk. *bạl honey (мед): Karakh. bal (MK Suvar, Kypchak, Oghuz);
Tur. bal; Gag. bal; Az. bal; Turkm. bal; Sal. pal; MTurk. bal (Sangl.); Uzb.
bɔl; Uygh. bal; Krm. bal; Tat. bal; Bashk. bal; Kirgh. bal; Kaz. bal; KBalk.
bal; KKalp. bal, pal; Kum. bal; Nogh. bal; Khak. pal; Shr. pal; Chuv. pɨl.
◊ VEWT 59, EDT 330, ЭСТЯ 2, 47. Turk. > Mong. bal (Щербак 1997, 103).
‖ A Western isogloss; but cf. perhaps moro- in Jpn. moro-mi ‘undis-
tilled sake, soy sauce’, moro-haku ‘distilled sake’.
-màli stick, cudgel: Tung. *mala; Mong. *milaɣa; Turk. *baltu; Kor. *már.
PTung. *mala club, pestle (колотушка, молот, пест): Man. mala;
Ud. muĺeu; Sol. malã.
◊ See ТМС 1, 523.
PMong. *milaɣa whip (кнут): MMong. mina’a (HY 18, SH), mina
(MA); WMong. milaɣa (L 538), minaɣa, malija; Kh. malia, malā; Bur. minā;
Kalm. maĺā; Ord. milā ‘a strip for fixing a whip on its handle’; Dag.
minā, nimā (Тод. Даг. 154), minā (MD 191); Dong. mina; Bao. mela;
S.-Yugh. munā.
◊ KW 254, MGCD 627. Khalkha ḿalga is borrowed from WMong.
PTurk. *baltu axe (топор): OTurk. baltu (OUygh.); Karakh. baldu
(MK, KB); Tur. balta; Az. balta; Turkm. palta; MTurk. baltu (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. bɔlta; Krm. balta; Tat. balta; Bashk. balta; Kirgh. balta; Kaz.
balta; KBalk. balta; KKalp. balta; Kum. balta; Nogh. balta; Khak. paltɨ;
malta (Sag.); Shr. malta; Oyr. malta; Tv. ba’ldɨ (Бичелдей 112); Yak. balta,
baltɨsax ‘arrow with blunt end’.
◊ VEWT 61, EDT 333, Лексика 397, ЭСТЯ 7. Modern forms with -a may in fact be
secondary loans from Mong., see TMN 1, 199-200. Yak. baltɨsax can be probably identified
with Turkm. balǯak, Tur. balčak ‘(sword)-hilt’.
PKor. *már post, pole (шест, жердь): MKor. már; Mod. mal-t:uk.
◊ Nam 200, KED 583.
‖ Cf. also modern Kor. moru ‘anvil’, moru-čhä ‘hammer’ (although
the vocalism is not quite clear < *maru?). Turk. *baltu ‘axe’ > Mong. balta
(whence Evk. balta etc.), see Doerfer 1, 199, Щербак 1997, 104. Both Ira-
nian and Akkadian origins of Turk. *baltu (see Poppe 1953, Menges
1953) seem improbable and its Altaic origin quite possible.
-mli disease, wound: Tung. *māl-; Mong. *milan; Turk. *bAlɨg.
PTung. *māl- 1 to die (of epidemic) 2 to destroy 3 bad omen 4 to
catch an epidemic disease (1 вымирать (от эпидемии) 2 уничтожать
3 плохая примета 4 заразиться (во время эпидемии)): Neg. malga 3;
Man. majla- 4; Ul. mal- 1, 2; Ork. mal- 2; Nan. māl- 1; Ud. magi- 2, maga- 1
(Корм. 258).
◊ ТМС 1, 520, 524.
PMong. *milan plague (чума): WMong. milan (L 539); Kh. ḿalan;
Bur. mila(n).
 *màlt῾e - *mált῾u 899

PTurk. *bAlɨg wounded (раненый): OTurk. balɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh.

balɨɣ (MK, KB); Khak. palɨɣ; Shr. palɨɣ; Oyr. balu; Tv. balɨɣ; Tof. balɨɣ.
◊ VEWT 53, EDT 335, ЭСТЯ 2, 88-89. Turk. > Bur. bala ‘bruise, injury’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-màlt῾e to bend, twist: Tung. *maltu-; Mong. *möltür- / *multur-; Jpn.
*mntì-.
PTung. *maltu- to bend (сгибать, складывать): Evk. maltu-; Evn.
malt-; Neg. maltị-; Ork. māltịma ‘folding knife’; Sol. malta-.
◊ ТМС 1, 524-525.
PMong. *möltüre- / *multura- to twist, contort, disentangle (выви-
хивать, выкручивать): MMong. mulitul (HY 40) ‘to take off, move out’;
WMong. möltüre- / multura- (L 546, 551); Kh. möltr- / multr-; multla- ‘to
take off, move out’; Bur. mülterxej ‘slippy, intangible’; Kalm. möltərə-
(КРС); Dong. muturə-; Mongr. mutirē- (SM 252), mutərē-; mutili- (SM
252), mutələ-.
◊ MGCD 489, 494.
PJpn. *mntì- to twist, bend (скручивать, сгибать): OJpn. m(w)odip-;
MJpn. mòdìr-; Tok. mojír-; Kyo. mójír-; Kag. mòjìr-.
◊ JLTT 728. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A derivative *màlt῾e-rV is reflected in PM *möltü-r- / *multu-r- and
PJ *mntì-r-.
-mált῾u to dig, bury: Tung. *malta-; Mong. *malta-; Turk. *baĺtar (?); Jpn.
*úntú-m- ( < *múntú-m-); Kor. *mùt-.
PTung. *malta- to dig (soil with a hoof) (рыть (снег, землю копы-
том)): Evk. malta-; Man. matala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 524. Man. maltaku ‘a tool used for scraping dirt or mud’ may be < Mong.
(see Rozycki 154).
PMong. *malta- to dig (копать): MMong. malta- (SH); WMong.
malta- (L 524); Kh. malta-; Bur. malta-; Kalm. maltə-; Ord. malta-; Dag.
malta- (Тод. Даг. 153); Dong. manta-; Bao. mantal-; S.-Yugh. malta-;
Mongr. manta-, mənta- (SM 231).
◊ KW 255, MGCD 478.
PTurk. *baĺtar sickle (серп): Karakh. baštar (MK).
◊ EDT 378.
PJpn. *úntú-m- ( < *mú-) to dig, bury (копать, хоронить): OJpn.
udu-m-; MJpn. údú-m-; Tok. ùzume-; Kyo. ùzùmè-; Kag. uzumé-.
◊ JLTT 782. Accent in Kyoto is irregular.
PKor. *mùt- to dig, bury (копать, хоронить): MKor. mùt-; Mod.
mut-.
◊ Nam 223, KED 674.
‖ Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 61, Rozycki 155 regard the TM form
as borrowed from Mong., which is not excluded (although dubious).
900 *màlù - *máĺe
The Karakh. word may belong here if its original meaning was ‘digging
instrument’ ( > ‘cutting instrument’ > ‘sickle’), but on the whole it is
rather dubious, because of the unique cluster -št- (violating Helimski’s
rule). The Jpn. form reflects a frequent confusion between *mV- and *V-
in front of the following nasal.
-màlù room: Tung. *malu; Jpn. *mùruà; Kor. *maru.
PTung. *malu honourable space within the house (front corner) (по-
четное место в жилище (передний угол)): Evk. malu; Evn. mal; Neg.
malụ; Ul. malụ; Ork. malụ; Nan. malụ; Ud. mali, malu; Sol. malɣ.
◊ ТМС 1, 525.
PJpn. *mùruà room (комната): OJpn. murwo; MJpn. mùrò; Tok.
muró; Kyo. múró; Kag. muró.
◊ JLTT 488. Accent in Kyoto is irregular.
PKor. *maru floor (пол): MKor. maru, maro; Mod. maru.
◊ Liu 298, KED 561.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. See SKE 139 (Kor.-Tung.), Martin 232
(Jpn.-Kor.).
-máĺe wild cat: Tung. *mala-; Mong. *malur; Turk. *bɨńĺ(ɨk); Jpn.
*músásà(m)pì.
PTung. *mala- wild cat; steppe hare (дикая степная кошка; степ-
ной заяц): Man. malaxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 523. Novikova (Новикова 1972, 122) quotes Mong. maluqai (from “Пяти-
язычный словарь”, Пекин 1957, III, 4919) as the source of the Manchu word.
PMong. *malur wild cat (дикий кот): WMong. malur (L 525); Kh.
malar.
PTurk. *bɨńĺ(ɨk) cat (кошка): Karakh. müš (MK); Tur. pɨšɨk (dial.),
pisi; Az. pišik; Turkm. pišik; Sal. mišix; Khal. pušuq; MTurk. pišik, mušuq
(Pav. C., Abush., MA); Uzb. mušuk; Uygh. möšük; Tat. pesi, dial. mɨšɨq;
Bashk. bisäj; Kirgh. mɨšɨq; Kaz. mɨsɨq; KKalp. pɨšɨq; Kum. mišik, bišew;
Nogh. mɨsɨq; SUygh. miš, mišik; Oyr. mɨžɨq.
◊ VEWT 337, EDT 772, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf., however, OUygh. mɨšqɨč < Sogd. mwškyšč id. Tur.
pisi, Tat. pesi are expressive calling forms, which may explain their irregularity (medial
-s-).
PJpn. *músásà(m)pì flying squirrel (белка-летяга): OJpn. musasabji;
MJpn. músásàbjì; Tok. mùsasabi, musásabi; Kyo. mùsásábì; Kag. musasábi.
◊ JLTT 489.
‖ In Jpn. -u- is irregular (*-ə- would be expected); this is probably a
distortion in a long word. Turkic, as in a number of other cases, pre-
serves here some traces of nasalization.
 *mana - *măndo 901

-mana many, big: Tung. *mani; Mong. *mandu- / *mantu-; Turk. *bạnɨ- ~
*bonɨ-; Jpn. *manai-; Kor. *mān(h)-.
PTung. *mani crowd, flock, herd (толпа, стая): Evk. man; Neg. man;
Ul. mandụ; Ork. mandị; Nan. mandụ; Orch. mańi; Ud. mani.
◊ ТМС 1, 526.
PMong. *mandu- / *mantu- big, large (большой): MMong. mandu-
‘to increase, develop’ (SH, HYt); WMong. mandu- (L 526) / mantu-; Kh.
mandgar, mantaj; Bur. mandagar, mantan, mantagar.
◊ Cf. also MMong. mene ‘very’ ( > Yak. mēne ‘very’, see Kał. VII 44, Stachowski 178).
PTurk. *bạnɨ- ~ *bonɨ- big, large (большой): Chuv. mъₙnъₙ.
◊ Федотов 1, 349.
PJpn. *manai- many (много, многочисленный): OJpn. mane-.
PKor. *mān(h)- many (много): MKor. mān-hắ-; Mod. mān- [mānh-].
◊ Nam 199, KED 578.
‖ Ozawa 27-28 (Jap-Mong.); МССНЯ 348, Martin 249, АПиПЯЯ 26,
276.
-mána (~-o) to learn, try: Tung. *man-dū-; Jpn. *máná(m)p-.
PTung. *man-dū- to try, strive (стараться, стремиться): Evk. man-
dūw-; Evn. manru-; Ork. mandụ-.
◊ ТМС 1, 528.
PJpn. *máná(m)p- to learn (учиться): OJpn. manab-; MJpn. mánáb-;
Tok. mànabu; Kyo. mánábú; Kag. manáb-.
◊ JLTT 720.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Not quite reliable, since the Jpn. word is
usually derived < *mána- ‘imitating, similarity’ (v. sub *méŋa); but a
confusion of two originally different root was possible in Japanese.
-mànč῾u ( ~ -a-) swaddling-clothes: Mong. *mančuj; Jpn. *mùtù-kí.
PMong. *mančuj swaddling-clothes (пеленки): WMong. mančui (L
525); Kh. mancuj; Bur. mansɨ; Kalm. mancū (КРС); Ord. mančₙī.
PJpn. *mùtù-kí swaddling-clothes (пеленки): MJpn. mùtù-kí; Tok.
mútsuki; Kyo. mútsúkí; Kag. mutsukí.
◊ JLTT 489. Accent in Kyoto is not quite regular (mútsúkì would be expected).
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. It is interesting to note PT *beĺčük ‘cradle’ -
perhaps < *benčük, under the influence of *bele- ‘to swaddle’.
-măndo a k. of elk: Tung. *manda-ksa; Mong. *manǯi; Turk. *botu.
PTung. *manda-ksa elk (лось): Evk. mandaksa; Neg. mandaksa.
◊ ТМС 1, 527.
PMong. *manǯi male elk (самец лося): WMong. manǯi (МXTTT);
Kh. manǯ.
PTurk. *botu young of camel (верблюжонок): Karakh. botu (MK);
Tur. potak (dial.); Az. pota ‘young of buffalo, bear’; MTurk. bota ‘child;
902 *mn[u] - *mńa
young of animal’ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bọta; Uygh. bota; Krm. bota; Tat.
buta; Bashk. buta; Kirgh. boto; Kaz. bota; KKalp. bota; Nogh. bota.
◊ EDT 299, ЭСТЯ 2, 198-200, Лексика 448 (with an error: the Az. form is listed as
Turkm.) ( > MMong. botoɣan, KW 53, TMN 2, 328-329, Щербак 1997, 109; Oyr. botōn and
Tuva bo’daɣan are probably backloans from Mong.).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-mn[u] useless, insufficient: Tung. *mana-; Turk. *būn; Jpn. *múná-si-.
PTung. *mana- to be spent, exhausted, worn out (израсходо-
вать(ся), истощить(ся), износить(ся)): Evk. mana-; Evn. man-; Neg.
mana-; Man. mana-; SMan. manə- (276); Jurch. man-na-lar (839); Ul.
mana-; Ork. mana-; Nan. mana-; Orch. mana-.
◊ ТМС 1, 526-527. Cf. also a variant *mene ‘few; in vain’ (ТМС 1, 569).
PTurk. *būn defect (недостаток, дефект): Karakh. mun (KB), muna-
‘be defective’; mun, mun-luɣ (IM); Kirgh. munǯu ‘cripple’; Oyr. dial.
mɨŋ-da- ‘become insufficient’; Yak. mn- ‘be insufficient’.
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 55, VEWT 344, ЭСТЯ 7. EDT 347 does not see back vowel forms in old
texts and relates all the forms to *bün ‘defect’ q. v. sub *mùne.
PJpn. *múná-si- empty, useless (пустой, напрасный, бесполез-
ный): OJpn. muna-si-; MJpn. múná-si-; Tok. mùnashi-; Kyo. múnáshì-;
Kag. munashí-.
◊ JLTT 835.
‖ Cf. *mùne, *múnu. Turkic *-ū- is irregular here (*bān would be ex-
pected).
-mńa paw, hand: Tung. *mańa; Turk. *bĀń-.
PTung. *mańa paw (of an animal) (лапа): Evk. mana, mańa; Evn.
māna; Neg. mańa; Ul. mańa, ma; Nan. māja; Orch. māńaka; Ud. mana.
◊ ТМС 1, 526. Length in Nan. is not quite clear (perhaps compensatory < *majā <
*mańaka).
PTurk. *bĀń- 1 sole (of foot) 2 footwear (1 подошва (ноги) 2 обувь
(войлочные чулки, валенки)): Tur. maja ‘fleshy part of the palm’
(Vidin, Németh 1965), SDD); Az. dial. maja ‘подошва копыта’
(Nakhich.); Turkm. dial. māja (Tek.) ‘aja’ (ТДГДС 124), pajpaq (144) 2;
Uzb. pajpɔq 2, ‘camel’s foot’, dial. mъjələk ‘mitten’ (Фармонов 19); Tat.
majmaq ‘stable, steadfast’ (of an animal’s paw, hoof), dial. pajpaq
(КСТТ) 2; Kirgh. bajmaq ‘lower part of shank’, bajpaq 2, majpɨq ‘flat’ (of a
horse’s hoof, bear’s paw); Kaz. bajpaq 2; KKalp. bajpaq 2; Khak. majmax
2; Tv. majɨq 1.
◊ VEWT 323. Cf. also Oyr. majrɨk ‘стаптываться’ etc. Forms with the meaning ‘foot-
wear’ are explained by Budagov as compounds with an iranism (paj - baɣ “foot ban-
dage”), which does not seem convincing; we are dealing rather with a dialectal diffusion
of the derivative *bāń-mak. Cf. TMN 4, 275, Шипова 49, Аникин 110, 382, 458.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Kh. (dalnɨ) majā ‘шейка
лопатки’.
 *mańu(k῾V) - *m[a]ŋi 903

-mańu(k῾V) a k. of fish: Tung. *māńgu / *mańma; Mong. *munig; Turk.

*bańak-; Jpn. *mùná(n)kí; Kor. *mijùkí.
PTung. *māńgu / *mańma 1 Salmo Lenoc 2 trout 3 crucian 4 white-
baits (1 ленок 2 форель 3 карась 4 снетки): Evk. mājgu 1, majma /
manma 2; Evn. mönke 2; Neg. manma 2; Man. marma nisiχa 2; moŋgošun 3;
muŋku 4; Nan. menekse ‘назв. рыбы’; Ud. mojo῾u, mejeu 1 (Корм. 261).
◊ ТМС 1, 521-522, 545, 548. TM > Mong. marma (see Doerfer MT 91); > Russ. maĺma
(see Аникин 371).
PMong. *munig bleak, ablet (уклейка): WMong. muniɣ; Kh. munig;
Kalm. mūńəg.
◊ KW 269.
PTurk. *bańak- white-fish (сиг): Yak. maaɣas (Пек.).
PJpn. *mùná(n)kí eel (угорь): OJpn. munagji; MJpn. mùnágí; Tok.
ùnagi; Kyo. ùnàgí; Kag. unagí.
◊ JLTT 562.
PKor. *mijùkí trout; (KED) catfish, wels, horned-pout (форель):
MKor. mijùkí; Mod. megi.
◊ Nam 213, KED 616.
‖ Cf. also Kalm. manǯə(g) zaɣəsn ‘Plötze; Kaulbarsch’ (KW 255, 256);
WMong. montuwqai, Khalkha montōxoi ‘a k. of fish’, maj ‘herring’. Like
in many other fish names, there are phonetic problems, probably due
to interdialectal borrowing.
-maŋga (~-o) big, strong: Tung. *maŋga; Jpn. *manki-.
PTung. *maŋga strong, hard (сильный, крепкий, твердый): Evk.
maŋa; Evn. maŋ; Neg. maŋga; Man. maŋGa, meŋge; Jurch. maŋ-ga (702);
Ul. maŋGa; Ork. maŋGa; Nan. maŋGa; Orch. maŋga, maŋasi; Ud. maŋga,
maŋahi; Sol. mand, mandī ‘very, heavily’.
◊ See ТМС 1, 529. TM > Dag. manga (Тод. Даг. 153).
PJpn. *manki- big (большой):
◊ A Ryukyu root: Shuri mágí-, Yonaguni máí- etc.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 113, 280. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss (within Jpn. preserved
only in the Ryukyu dialects, where it is the basic word for ‘big’). Cf.
perhaps Khak., Oyr. maŋ ‘success, luck’ (if not < OUygh. (Suv.) maŋal <
Sanskr. maŋgala). In TM a possible derivative is *maŋ(g)ī ‘giant; evil
spirit’ (ТМС 1, 530) - which brings us to Mong. maŋgus id. (which, de-
spite Doerfer MT 39, can hardly be the source of Tungus words).
-m[a]ŋi cicada, a k. of insect: Tung. *mana-; Turk. *bAŋɨŕ (~-s); Jpn.
*mìmìnsúkù; Kor. *mằijàmí.
PTung. *mana- louse (вошь): Evn. manačān; Ork. maŋụlụtče- ‘to bite
(of fleas, bedbugs)’.
◊ ТМС 1, 527, 531.
904 *maŋi - *mro
PTurk. *bAŋɨŕ (~-s) gad-fly (овод): Khak. mās; Shr. mās; Oyr. paas
‘gad-fly’ (Leb.), maŋɣɨs ‘locust’ (Oyr.); Tv. mãas; Tof. mās.
◊ VEWT 329, 327.
PJpn. *mìmìnsúkù Ledra auditura Walker (кобылочка японская
(цикадка)): Tok. mímizuku, mimízuku; Kyo. mìmìzúkù; Kag. mimizukú.
PKor. *mằijàmí cicada (цикада): MKor. mằijàmí; Mod. mǟmi.
◊ Nam 207, KED 599.
‖ Some irregularities are due to the root semantics.
-maŋi ( ~ *meŋa) joy: Mong. *maɣa-; Turk. *beŋi.
PMong. *maɣa- 1 conceited 2 to smile, enjoy, feel joy (1 самодо-
вольный 2 улыбаться, наслаждаться, радоваться): WMong. maɣad-,
maɣas- (БАМРС); Kh. mādgar 1, mās- 2; Bur. mādagar 1; Kalm. māsxəlzə-
2 (КРС); ? mādəɣər ‘хмурый, насупившийся’.
PTurk. *beŋi joy, pleasure (радость, удовольствие): OTurk. beŋi,
meŋi; Karakh. meŋi (MK).
◊ EDT 348, Лексика 195 (sub ‘brain’).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-màra (~-ŕ-) to refuse, quarrel: Tung. *mari-; Mong. *margu-; Jpn.
*màtuàp-; Kor. *mār-.
PTung. *mari- 1 to quarrel 2 to refuse, resist 3 be stubborn (1 спо-
рить 2 отказываться, сопротивляться 3 быть упрямым): Man. mara-
2; Ul. morịqụ 3; Nan. marịa- 1,3; Orch. mari- 1; Ud. malea- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 532.
PMong. *margu- to quarrel, resist, contest (ссориться, сопротив-
ляться, оспаривать): WMong. marɣu- (L 529); Kh. marga-; Bur. marga-;
Kalm. marɣə-; Ord. marGuči-; S.-Yugh. marGāda ‘quarrel’; Mongr. mar-
Gāndo ‘quarrel’.
◊ KW 257, MGCD 481.
PJpn. *màtuàp- to hesitate (сомневаться): OJpn. matwop-; MJpn.
màtòf-; Tok. madó-; Kyo. mádó-; Kag. madó-.
◊ JLTT 719. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (probably under literary influence).
PKor. *mār- to refrain, shun, avoid (отказываться (от ч.-л.), воздер-
живаться, не сметь): MKor. mār-; Mod. māl-.
◊ Nam 200, KED 582.
‖ SKE 138-139, PKE 103, Menges 1984, 277. Despite Doerfer MT 144,
hardly borrowed in TM < Mong. In Turk. the root has probably merged
with *boŕ- / *buŕ- ‘damage, oppress’ (cf. also *burul- ~ *borul- ‘to be an-
gry’, ЭСТЯ 2, 269). The Korean form may be alternatively compared
with Mong. melǯe- ‘to refuse, refrain’.
-mro sand, stony earth, marsh: Tung. *mar-; Mong. *mara-; Turk. *bōr;
Jpn. *mana-n-kua; Kor. *mòr’ái.
PTung. *mar- moor, marsh (марник, болото): Evk. mar, mari-kta.
 *máro - *máro 905
◊ ТМС 1, 531. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *mara- salty earth (солончак): WMong. mara, maraɣan; Kh.
marā; Bur. marā; Kalm. marā.
◊ KW 257.
PTurk. *bōr 1 chalk 2 earth 3 clay (1 мел 2 земля 3 глина): Tur. bor
2; Turkm. dial. bōr 1; MTurk. bor 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bọr 1; Uygh. bo(r) 1;
Krm. bor 1; Tat. bur 1; Bashk. bur 1; Kirgh. bor 1; Kaz. bor 1; KKalp. bor,
por 1; Kum. bor 1; Nogh. bor 1; Khak. por 1; Tv. por 3; Tof. bor ‘солонцы’;
Chuv. porъ 1; Yak. buor 2; Dolg. buor 2, 3.
◊ VEWT 80, ЭСТЯ 2, 192-193, Лексика 100, 376, Федотов 1, 444, Stachowski 66-67.
Turk. > Kalm. borə, Bur. bor.
PJpn. *mana-n-kua sand (песок): OJpn. mana-gwo.
◊ The world is attested already in Manyōshū, and its derivation < *ma-suna-gwo
(JLTT 473) seems hardly possible.
PKor. *mòr’ái sand (песок): MKor. mòr’ái; Mod. morä.
◊ Nam 218, KED 629.
‖ SKE 151 (Turk.-Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 288. In MKor. cf. also a redupli-
cated form: màmằrằ- ‘rough, stony (ground)’. The Jpn. form must be
explained as a result of nasal assimilation (*mana- < *mara-n-); but cf. for
Jpn. *mana-n-kua alternatively Mong. *maŋka ‘long sandy hill’ (MGCD
481).
-máro (~-ŕ-) to roll, bend: Tung. *mari-; Mong. *marija-, mirija-; Jpn.
*mát(u)áp-; Kor. *mằr-.
PTung. *mari- 1 to bend, curl 2 to turn, return (1 гнуться, виться 2
оборачиваться, возвращаться): Evk. mariw- 1; Evn. marlụ- 1; Man.
mari- 2; SMan. mari- (1178) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 532.
PMong. *marija-, mirija- to creep (up), crawl, be in ambush (под-
ползать, быть в засаде): WMong. marija-, miraɣa-, mirija- (L 529); Kh.
ḿarā-; Bur. maŕā-; Kalm. merǟ-; Mongr. mara (SM 233).
◊ KW 261.
PJpn. *mát(u)áp- to roll up, wrap (свертывать, заворачивать):
OJpn. matup-; MJpn. mátóf-; Tok. mató-; Kyo. mátó-; Kag. mató-.
◊ JLTT 721. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
PKor. *mằr- to roll up, curl up (свертывать, скручивать): MKor.
mằr-; Mod. mal-.
◊ Nam 202, KED 582.
‖ The Mong. form is somewhat dubious semantically (’creep up’ <
‘coil up’?); otherwise the root seems quite reliable.
906 *maru - *mása
-maru ( ~ -ŕ-) heap, crowd, many: Tung. *mar(b)u; Jpn. *mr, *múrà;
Kor. *muri, *múr.
PTung. *mar(b)u 1 heap 2 flock, herd (1 куча 2 стая, стадо): Evk.
murbu 1; Man. maru 2; Ul. marụ(n) 2; Nan. mārõ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 532, 558.
PJpn. *mr, *múrà 1 all, every 2 crowd 3 mountain (все, каждый):
OJpn. m(w)oro, m(w)orom(w)oro 1, mura 2, mure 3; MJpn. mórómóró 1,
múrà 2; Tok. mòromoro 1, mùre 2; Kyo. mórómóró 1, múré 2; Kag.
moromóro 1, múre 2.
◊ JLTT 485, 488.
PKor. *muri, *múr 1 crowd, many 2 every (1 толпа, множество 2
каждый): MKor. múr 2; Mod. muri 1.
◊ Nam 223, KED 657.
‖ Martin 229, Whitman 1985, 127, 194, 239, SKE 153, АПиПЯЯ 279.
An Eastern isogloss. In MKor. cf. also mɨrɨs ‘all, in general’. In Jpn. low
tone would be expected; high tone here was probably induced by the
similar *mr- ‘to heap up’ (see under *malo), which also influenced the
vowel in *mr.
-mása more, stronger: Tung. *masi; Mong. *masi; Turk. *bAsa; Jpn.
*más-.
PTung. *masi hard, strong, strongly (крепкий, сильный, сильно):
Neg. masị; Man. masi-la- ‘become stronger’; Ul. masị; Ork. masị; Nan.
masị; Orch. masị; Ud. mahi.
◊ ТМС 1, 528.
PMong. *masi very, extremely (очень, чрезвычайно): MMong. maši
(SH, HYt); WMong. masi (L 530); Kh. maš; Bur. maša; Kalm. mašə; Ord.
maši.
◊ KW 257.
PTurk. *bAsa also, as well (также, кроме того): OTurk. basa ‘right
after’ (OUygh.); Karakh. basa ‘afterwards’ (MK); Turkm. basa; MTurk.
(MKypch.) basa (AH, Ad-Durr.); Uzb. base ‘frequently, often’; Kirgh.
basa; Kaz. basa (R); Khak. paza; Shr. paza; Oyr. baza; Tv. baza; Yak. bɨha ‘in
the course of’ (?).
◊ EDT 371 (but not from *bas- ‘press’!). Turk. > Mong. basa (Clark 1980, 39, Щербак
1997, 104).
PJpn. *más- 1 to become bigger 2 more, again (1 увеличиваться 2
больше, снова): OJpn. mas- 1, masu(masu) 2; MJpn. más- 1; Tok. màs- 1,
masúmasu 2; Kyo. màs- 1, màsúmásù 2; Kag. más- 1, masumásu 2.
◊ JLTT 473, 721. Kyoto màs- is irregular.
‖ EAS 79, KW 257. TM may be borrowed from Mong. (see Doerfer
MT 144).
 *mébo - *meju 907

-mébo ( ~ -p-) to shamanize, dance: Tung. *mebu-; Jpn. *máp-.

PTung. *mebu- to shamanize, dance (камлать, танцевать): Ul.
mewu-; Ork. mewu-; Nan. meu-; Orch. mewu-; Ud. meu- (Корм. 264).
◊ ТМС 1, 562.
PJpn. *máp- to dance (танцевать): OJpn. map-; MJpn. máf-; Tok.
mà-; Kyo. má-; Kag. má-.
◊ JLTT 722.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mḗča monkey: Mong. *mečin; Turk. *bĒčin; Jpn. *masi.
PMong. *mečin monkey (обезьяна): MMong. sor-məči (IM);
WMong. meči(n) (L 531); Kh. meč; Bur. meše(n); Kalm. sar-möčn (КРС);
Ord. meči(n) ‘a cyclic sign’; Mongr. mećin (SM 237).
◊ TMN 2, 383. Mong. > Nogh., Kaz., KKalp. mešin, Kirgh., Oyr. mečin. The Kalm. and
IM forms are a contamination with sarmagčin (q. v. sub *sara).
PTurk. *bĒčin monkey (обезьяна): OTurk. bečin (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bečin (MK); Turkm. bīǯin; MTurk. bečin (MA, Sangl.); SUygh.
pičin; Chuv. (Bulg.) bexti ‘(year of the) monkey’.
◊ VEWT 66, EDT 295-296, ЭСТЯ 2, 128-129, TMN 2, 382, Лексика 168. All IE sources
(EDT 295, TMN 2, 382-383), like Pers. būzīna, proposed for this word are quite unclear
etymologically and probably borrowed themselves.
PJpn. *masi monkey (обезьяна): OJpn. masi; MJpn. masi, masira.
◊ JLTT 473.
‖ Ozawa 98-99, Лексика 168. The Jpn. parallel shows that, despite
Clark 1980, 43, there is no need for assuming Mong. < Turk. (which is
difficult because of *m-, but still possible; the Mong. variant bečin is
certainly < Turkic).
-meju to shake, sway: Tung. *mej-; Mong. *maji-; Turk. *bań-; Kor.
*mūi- / *mùi’ú-.
PTung. *mej- to shake, sway (качаться): Evk. mej-; Evn. mēji-; Ud.
mejmeli- ‘to descend on skis, sleigh’ (Корм. 264).
◊ ТМС 1, 564.
PMong. *maji- to sway, walk swayingly (качаться, шататься):
WMong. mai-mur- (L 523: maimari), mei-mere-; Kh. majmar-; Bur. majza-
gajr-; Kalm. mǟmr-, mīmr-; Ord. mǟmar.
◊ KW 259, 263.
PTurk. *bań- 1 to wave 2 to sway 3 club-footed 4 curved 5 to bend 6
to be bent, curved (1 махать 2 качаться 3 косолапый, кривоногий 4
кривой 5 гнуть 6 гнуться, быть согнутым): Karakh. maj-ɣuq 3 (MK);
Turkm. majɨr- 5, majrɨq ‘overstrained’, maj-tɨq 3, majmɨq 4; MTurk. ma-
jruq 3, 4 (Abush., Pav.C); Uzb. majriq 3, dial. bajmaq 3 (Radl.); Uygh.
majmaq 3; Krm. majɨš- 6; Kirgh. majrɨj-, majɨš- 6, maj-tar- 5, majrɨq 3, ma-
jmaq 3; Kaz. majɨs- 6, majɨr- 5, majrɨq 3, majmaq 3; KKalp. majɨs- 6, majmaq
908 *mko - *mék῾à
3; Kum. majɨr- ‘to wrench’, majšaj- ‘to mis-step’, majmaq 3; Nogh. majɨs-
6, majɨr- 5; Shr. majrɨq 3, majrɨl- 6; Oyr. majrɨq 4, 3; Tv. majɨš-qaq 4,
majɨrɨq, maj-ta-q 3; Yak. bajātɨŋ- 2, bajāttaŋnā- 1 (Пек. - without nasaliza-
tion), dial. majɣax ‘convolution’.
◊ See ОСHЯ 3, 45-46. Turk. *bańɨ-guk > WMong. majiɣaɣ, Kalm. mǟɣəɣ (KW 259)
‘club-footed’.
PKor. *mūi- / *mùi’ú- to shake, sway (качать(ся)): MKor. mūi- /
mùi’ú-; Mod. mwi- (arch.).
◊ Nam 224, KED 685.
‖ See SKE 144, ТМС 1, 564, ОСНЯ 3, 45-47, Дыбо 12. Turkic has a
normal transfer of nasalization (*bań- < *maj-).
-mko to pull out: Tung. *meK(u)-; Jpn. *mk-; Kor. *mắi-.
PTung. *meK(u)- 1 to pull out (meat from kettle) 2 to borrow 3 to
put aside 4 wooden dish (1 вытаскивать (мясо из котла) 2 брать в
долг 3 отложить в сторону 4 деревянная миска): Evk. meku- 3, mukči-
kāt- 2; Evn. mēk- 1, mēkehek 4; Ul. mukse 4; Nan. muksu 4; Orch. moko 4;
Ud. moxo 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 553, 565.
PJpn. *mk- to pull out (вырывать, отрывать): MJpn. mòk-; Tok.
móg-; Kyo. móg-; Kag. móg-.
◊ JLTT 726. RJ and Tokyo point unambiguosly to low tone; accent in Kyoto and Ka-
goshima is most probably influenced by the Tokyo form.
PKor. *mắi- to pull out, to weed (выдергивать, пропалывать):
MKor. mắi-; Mod. mä-.
◊ Nam 207, KED 598.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-mék῾à to be in a bad position: Tung. *meK-; Mong. *mak-; Jpn. *máká-;
Kor. *màk-.
PTung. *meK- to be beaten (быть избитым, поколоченным): Man.
mekere-.
◊ ТМС 1, 566.
PMong. *mak- 1 to walk with difficulty 2 to strive, be diligent (1 хо-
дить с трудом 2 стараться, быть прилежным): WMong. maqara- 2
(МХТТТ); Kh. maxra- 2; Bur. maxa- 1.
PJpn. *máká- to lose (a game etc.) (проигрывать): OJpn. maka-;
MJpn. máká-; Tok. màke-; Kyo. máké-; Kag. maké-.
◊ JLTT 719.
PKor. *màk- to stop up, block, prevent (препятствовать): MKor.
màk-; Mod. mak-.
◊ Nam 198, KED 569.
‖ Martin 226. Cf. *mak῾e.
 *mék῾ù - *mèl[ú] 909

-mék῾ù meat; part of body: Tung. *meKile; Mong. *mikan; Jpn.

*múkúrua.
PTung. *meKile fat under bird’s skin (жир (птичий подкожный)):
Neg. mexile.
◊ ТМС 1, 565. Attested only in Neg., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *mikan meat (мясо): MMong. mixan (HY 24, 48), miqan
(SH), mixa (IM), miqan (MA); WMong. miqa(n) (L 540); Kh. max(an); Bur.
ḿaxa(n); Kalm. maxən; Ord. maxa(n); Mog. miqōn; ZM miqān (4-1a); Dag.
ḿaga, miag (Тод. Даг. 153), miahe, niahe (MD 191, 198); Dong. miGa,
miɣa; Bao. meGa; S.-Yugh. maxGan; Mongr. maxa (SM 230).
◊ KW 254, MGCD 483.
PJpn. *múkúrua body, dead body (тело, труп): OJpn. mukur(w)o;
MJpn. múkúro; Tok. mùkuro, mukuró; Kyo. múkúró; Kag. mukuró.
◊ JLTT 488. The Tokyo variant mukuró and Kagoshima mukuró point to an accent
variant *mùkùruà.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 294.
-melo a k. of fish: Tung. *melu; Turk. *bẹl.
PTung. *melu plaice (камбала): Orch. mēlu; Ud. melu.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
PTurk. *bẹl a k. of salmon (Salmo taimen) (вид лосося): Tat. bil;
Oyr. bel; Tv. bel; Yak. bil.
◊ Лексика 179.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-mĕlu a k. of berry: Tung. *m[e]likte; Mong. *mojil-; Turk. *bẹleĺ.
PTung. *m[e]li-kte rowan (рябина): Evk. molikta; Ul. milekte; Ork.
milekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 536.
PMong. *mojil bird-cherry (черемуха): MMong. mojil-sun ‘a k. of
fruit’ (SH); WMong. mojil, moji(l)-su (L 542); Kh. mojl; Bur. mojhon; Dag.
mojle (MD 191).
◊ Mong. > Kypch. mojɨl (see Лексика 136).
PTurk. *bẹleĺ rowan (рябина): Turkm. meleš; Tat. mileš; Bashk.
miläš; Oyr. pälä; Chuv. pileš.
◊ VEWT 338.
‖ Дыбо 11. A Western isogloss. Note traces of nasalization pre-
served in PT (one could reconstruct *benleĺ or *belenĺ). Mong *mojil-
regularly < *molil- ( = *beleĺ).
-mèl[ú] to become stale, overripe, wither: Tung. *mel-me- ?; Jpn. *mùrá-;
Kor. *mằrằ-.
PTung. *mel-me- to congeal (of blood) (сгущаться, запекаться (о
крови)): Man. melme-.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
910 *mĺba - *mĺǯu
PJpn. *mùrá- to become stale; to be overboiled (становиться затх-
лым; развариваться): Tok. muré-; Kyo. mùrè-; Kag. mùrè-.
◊ JLTT 729.
PKor. *mằrằ- dry (сухой): MKor. mằrằ-; Mod. marɨ-.
◊ Nam 195, KED 561.
‖ Korean has a “verbal” low tone. Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; the
TM parallel is much more problematic (poorly attested and semanti-
cally distant).
-mĺba ( ~ -p-) to stir up: Tung. *melbi-; Jpn. *mànsì-(p)-.
PTung. *melbi- 1 to row 2 oar (1 грести 2 весло): Evk. melbike 2;
Neg. melbixen 2; Man. melbi- 1, melbiku 2; Ul. melbi- 1, melbike(n) 2; Ork.
melbi 2; Nan. melbi- 1, melbiẽ 2; Orch. mebbu(ku) 2; Ud. megbu, mebu 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 566.
PJpn. *mànsì-(p)- to mix (смешивать): OJpn. mazipa-, maza-; MJpn.
màzìfa-, maza-; Tok. majié-, mazé-; Kyo. májíé-, màzè-; Kag. majié-, màzè-.
◊ JLTT 722.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Phonetically the match is precise; as for the
meaning, one has to suppose a rather frequent development *’row’ >
‘stir up’ > ‘mix’.
-mĺǯu ( ~ -a) head: Tung. *meli-mu; Mong. *malǯa-, *melǯe-; Turk.
*baĺč; Kor. *mrí.
PTung. *meli- 1 neck joint 2 back part of neck 3 sinciput 4 fish skele-
ton 5 skeleton (1 шейный позвонок 2 задняя часть шеи 3 темя 4 ры-
бий костяк 5 скелет): Evn. melimki 1; Neg. īxej-melin 5; Ul. mugǯe 3;
Ork. melimu 2; Nan. mulgikte 4; Orch. muggikta 5.
◊ ТМС 1, 302, 549, 550, 567.
PMong. *mal-ǯa-, *melǯe-, *malaji- bald (лысый): WMong. malǯan
(L 525), melǯen (L 535), malaji-; Kh. malʒan, melʒen; Bur. malzan, melzen,
malān, malaj- ‘be bald’; Kalm. malzn, malǟ-; Ord. malǯan; Dag. malǯin
(Тод. Даг. 153).
◊ KW 254. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. malān (Kał. VII 43, Stachowski 175).
PTurk. *baĺč head (голова): OTurk. baš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
baš (MK, KB); Tur. baš; Gag. baš; Az. baš; Turkm. baš; Sal. baš; Khal. baš;
MTurk. baš (Abush., MA); Uzb. bɔš; Uygh. baš; Krm. baš; Tat. baš; Bashk.
baš; Kirgh. baš; Kaz. baš; KBalk. baš; KKalp. bas; Kum. baš; Nogh. bas;
SUygh. baš; Khak. pas; Shr. paš; Oyr. baš; Tv. ba’š; Tof. ba’š; Chuv. poś;
Yak. bas; battaq ‘hair of head’; Dolg. bas; battak ‘head of reindeer; rein-
deer skin’.
◊ VEWT 64, ЭСТЯ 2, 85-88, TMN 2, 250-253, EDT 375-6, Федотов 1, 452, Ашм. X, 15,
Лексика 194, Stachowski 54, 55.
PKor. *mrí head (голова): MKor. mrí; Mod. məri.
◊ Nam 210, KED 608.
 *mḗmV - *mḕnò 911

‖ EAS 109, SKE 146, АПиПЯЯ 31-32, 282, Мудрак Дисс. 90, Лекси-
ка 194. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 253) criticism is short (“unklar”). On possible
traces in Jpn. see under *k῾ŏjli. An unsuccessful attempt of refuting the
etymology was undertaken by Vovin 2000, who argues that the at-
tested Old Korean form is 麻帝 MC mạ-tìej [ma-te]. However, it is most
probable that MC -t- was used here just to transcribe Korean -r- (since
Middle Chinese, as well known, lacked r-). Anyway, it is hardly possi-
ble to make any decisions on the basis of very inadequate and scanty
Kirim transcriptions.
-mḗmV female breast; foster-mother: Tung. *meme; Mong. *mömü;
Turk. *mēme (*bēme).
PTung. *meme 1 breast (female), udder 2 foster-mother (1 грудь
(ж.), вымя 2 кормилица): Man. meme 2; Nan. meme (dial.) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 567. An onomatopoetic root.
PMong. *mömü female breast (женская грудь): WMong. mömü
(БАМРС); Kh. mȫm, mȫmȫ, mēm.
PTurk. *mēme (*bēme) 1 breast (fem.) 2 nipple 3(poet.) breast (1
грудь (ж.) 2 сосок 3 грудь (поэт.) 4 соска): Tur. meme 1, Old Osm. me-
mek (17th c.); Gag. mämä 1; Az. mämä 2; Turkm. mǟme 3; Khal. mǟmäk;
Uygh. mämä 1; Krm. mämä 2; Tat. mɛmi, mɛmɛj 1; Bashk. mämäj 1;
KKalp. mämmä 1; Nogh. mämäj 1; Yak. mēmē 4.
◊ An onomatopoetic root. See VEWT 333, ЭСТЯ VII.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281. An obvious “nursery” Western isogloss, thus the
PA antiquity is dubious.
-ménč῾o ( ~ *mónč῾a, -nč-) first of all: Jpn. *mántù; Kor. *mònčj(i).
PJpn. *mántù first of all, soonest (прежде всего, скорее всего):
OJpn. madu; MJpn. mádù; Tok. mázu; Kyo. mázù; Kag. mázu.
◊ JLTT 474. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
PKor. *mònčj(i) first of all (сначала, прежде всего): MKor.
mònčj(i); Mod. mənǯə.
◊ Nam 217, KED 612.
‖ Martin 248. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mḕnò self, body: Tung. *mēn; Mong. *mön; Turk. *bu(-n) (?); Jpn.
*mn; Kor. *móm.
PTung. *mēn self, oneself (сам, свой): Evk. mēn; Evn. mēn; Neg.
mēn; Man. meni meni; SMan. meimeni ‘every one, each one, individual’
(2880); Ul. men, mene; Ork. mēn; Nan. mene; Orch. mēn; Ud. mene; Sol.
m.
◊ ТМС 1, 568.
912 *ménrV - *ménrV
PMong. *mö-n he, same (он, тот же): MMong. mun (SH, HYt);
WMong. mön (L 547); Kh. mön; Bur. mün; Kalm. mön (КРС); Ord. mön;
Mog. mɔna (Weiers).
PTurk. *bu(-n) this (этот): OTurk. bu, bun- (Orkh.), bu, mun-
(OUygh.); Karakh. bu, mun- (MK); Tur. bu; Gag. bu; Az. bu; Turkm. bu;
Sal. bu, vu; Khal. bo; MTurk. bu, mun- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bu; Uygh.
bu; Krm. bu, mu; Tat. bu; Bashk. bɨ-l; Kirgh. bu(l); Kaz. bu-l; KBalk. bu;
KKalp. bu-l; Kum. bu; Nogh. bu; SUygh. bu; Khak. pu; Shr. pu; Oyr. bu;
Tv. bo; Tof. bo; Yak. bu; Dolg. bu (mun-).
◊ VEWT 85, EDT 291-292, ЭСТЯ 2, 225-228, Stachowski 63.
PJpn. *mn thing, method, being (вещь, сущность, способ): OJpn.
m(w)ono; MJpn. mònò; Tok. monó; Kyo. mónò; Kag. monó.
◊ JLTT 485.
PKor. *móm body (тело): MKor. móm; Mod. mom.
◊ Nam 218, KED 645.
‖ The Turkic form may belong here if it represents a secondary de-
velopment *bu(-n) ‘this’ < *bun ‘self’; the vocalism, however, speaks
against the comparison (*bạ(-n) would be expected). The root reveals
contaminations with *méŋu ‘whole’ q.v. Illich-Svitych (ОСНЯ 2, 70)
compares the Turk.-Mong. stem with PKartv. *m(a)-, PU *mū / *mō etc.
-ménrV garlic, onion: Tung. *meŋgu-; Mong. *maŋgir, *maŋgina; Jpn.
*mìrà; Kor. *mànắr.
PTung. *meŋgu- a k. of plant (вид травянистого растения, упот-
ребляемого в пищу): Orch. meŋgulike ((Аврорин-Лебедева 206).
◊ ТМС 1, 569. Attested only in Oroch, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *maŋgir, *maŋgina wild onion, ramson (дикий лук, че-
ремша): MMong. maŋgir (HY 8), maŋgirsu(n) (SH); WMong. maŋgir (L
527), maŋgina; Kh. mangir; Bur. mangir; Kalm. maŋgrsn, mäŋgrsn; Dag.
maŋgīrs, mangēs; S.-Yugh. maŋGarsən.
◊ KW 256, 258, MGCD 480. Mong. > Oyr. paɣɨr.
PJpn. *mìrà Allium (лук): OJpn. mjira; Tok. nirá, nìra; Kyo. nírà; Kag.
nirá.
◊ JLTT 498. The reason of *m- > n- in modern Japanese is not quite clear.
PKor. *mànắr garlic (чеснок): MKor. mànắr; Mod. manɨl.
◊ Nam 192, KED 559.
‖ SKE 140, Poppe 35, Lee 24, 26, 28. Low tone in Jpn. is probably
due to contraction. Cf. also Old Koguryo *maiš ‘garlic’ (thus in Miller
1979, 15; Lee reads *mail).
 *meń[o] - *méŋa 913

-meń[o] dwelling place, village: Tung. *mēne-; Mong. *maji-kan; Jpn.

*múrà; Kor. *mằńằrh.
PTung. *mēne- 1 to settle down 2 settled down 3 to stay (1 жить
оседло 2 оседлый 3 оставаться): Evk. mēnē- 1, mēnē 2; Evn. mene 2;
Neg. meneǯe- 3; Ork. meneǯi- 3; Ud. menǯe- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 569.
PMong. *maji-kan tent (шатер): WMong. majiqan (L 523); Kh. ma-
jxan; Bur. majxan; Kalm. mǟxan; Ord. mǟxun; Dag. maikan (Тод. Даг. 153,
MD 188).
◊ KW 259, MGCD 477. Mong. > Man. majqan etc. (see ТМС 1, 520, Rozycki 153; de-
spite Doerfer MT 80, hardly Mong. < Tung.).
PJpn. *múrà village (деревня): OJpn. mura; MJpn. múrà; Tok. murá;
Kyo. múrà; Kag. múra.
◊ JLTT 488.
PKor. *mằńằrh village, vicinity (деревня, окрестности): MKor.
mằńằr (mằńằrh-); Mod. maɨl.
◊ Nam 196, KED 564.
‖ The Kor.-Jpn. form is a derivative in *-rV (*-lV). The Tungus form
fits very well semantically, but raises some phonetic doubts: vowel
length and the quality of -n- (instead *-ń-) do not correspond to other
languages. Cf. perhaps Turk. (Oyr.) man ‘fence’ (VEWT 325). See Vovin
1993, 257.
-méŋa shape, face: Mong. *maji-kaj; Turk. *bEŋiŕ; Jpn. *mána-i.
PMong. *maji-kaj skin covering the head of animals (шкура с голо-
вы животных): WMong. majiqai (L 523); Kh. majxaj (БАМРС); Bur.
māxaj.
◊ Mong. > Neg. makī, Nan. maqị etc. (ТМС 1, 522). One can also mention WMong.
majaɣ, maiɣ ‘appearance, shape’ (Khalkha, Kalm. majag, Mongr. majaG (234), Dag. maigal,
majge-tej (MD 188, MGCD 477) - although the word is sometimes regarded (see Sukheba-
tor) as borrowed < Tib. mayig, mayiga ‘original’.
PTurk. *bEŋiŕ 1 face 2 be similar 3 open forestless place on a moun-
tain slope (1 внешность, вид, лицо 2 быть похожим 3 открытое без-
лесное место на склоне горы): OTurk. beŋiz (Orkh.), meŋiz (OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. meŋiz 1 (MK, KB); Tur. beniz 1, benze- 2; Gag. beniz 1, benze- 2;
Az. bäniz 1, bänzä- 2; Turkm. meŋiz 1, meŋze- 2; MTurk. beŋiz, meŋiz 1
(Sangl.); Uzb. mäŋiz ‘cheek’; Krm. beŋz 1, beŋze- 2; Kaz. meŋze- ‘to con-
sider useful’; KKalp. megze- 2; Khak. mīs 1 (Верб. - Abak.); Oyr. mēs 3;
Tv. mēs 3; Tof. ms 3.
◊ VEWT 70, EDT 352, Лексика 208, ЭСТЯ 7, ФиЛ 207. In Chuv. cf. either min ‘face
colour’ (if not = min ‘red spot on face’, see Лексика 208) or *paŋ > Proto-Perm.*baŋ (Лыт-
кин-Гуляев 37). Turk. > MMong. meŋiz ‘comparison, metaphor’ (Щербак 1997, 129).
PJpn. *mána-i imitating, similarity (подражание, сходство): OJpn.
mane; MJpn. mane; Tok. màne; Kyo. mánè; Kag. máne.
914 *mĕŋa - *méŋu
◊ JLTT 471.
‖ For the same semantic relationship cf. PA *mat῾i.
-mĕŋa to run, trot: Tung. *meŋ-; Mong. *meŋde-; Turk. *baŋ.
PTung. *meŋ- 1 to hurry 2 to run around (of a dog) 3 to run (of cat-
tle) (1 торопиться, спешить 2 бегать (о бродячей собаке) 3 резвиться
(о скоте)): Evk. meniw-, meŋiw- 1; Evn. men-, menu- 1, munŋъn- 2; Man.
muŋre-, muŋgire- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 556-557, 569. Cf. also Evn. All. maŋdị- ‘to trot’.
PMong. *meŋde- to hurry; to scurry (спешить; суетиться):
WMong. meŋde-, megde- (L 536); Kh. meŋde-, megde-; Bur. megde-; Kalm.
meŋdə-; Ord. meŋde-, megde-.
◊ KW 261. Mong. meŋde- > Evk. mendē-lē- etc., see Doerfer MT 103.
PTurk. *baŋ 1 to trot, ride 2 trot (1 идти рысью, скакать 2 бег):
OTurk. maŋ ‘a step’ (OUygh.); Karakh. maŋ- (KB) 1; Tur. man- (dial.) 1;
MTurk. maŋ- (Sangl.) 1; Uygh. maŋ- 1; Kirgh. maŋ 2, maŋ- 1; Kaz. maŋ 2;
Nogh. maŋ 2; SUygh. maŋ 2, maŋ- 1; Khak. maŋ 2; Shr. maŋ 2; Oyr. maŋ
2; Tv. maŋ- 1; Tof. maŋ- 1; Yak. maŋɨj- 1.
◊ EDT 766, 767, VEWT 326.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-meŋe ( ~ -i, -a) mole, scar: Mong. *meŋge; Turk. *beŋ; Kor. *məŋ.
PMong. *meŋge birth-mark, mole (родинка): MMong. məŋge (HY
48); menge (MA 239); WMong. meŋge (L 536); Kh. meŋge; Bur. menge;
Kalm. meŋgə.
◊ KW 261.
PTurk. *beŋ mole on the face (родинка на лице): OTurk. meŋ
(OUygh.); Karakh. meŋ (MK); Tur. ben, benek; Gag. ben, benek; Az. bänäk;
Turkm. meŋ, menek; Sal. meŋ; MTurk. meŋ (Sangl.); Tat. biŋ; Bashk. miŋ;
Kirgh. meŋ; Kaz. meŋ; KKalp. meŋ; Kum. miŋ; Nogh. meŋ; Khak. miŋ;
Oyr. meŋ; Tv. meŋ; Chuv. miŋ (may be < Tat.); Yak. meŋ; Dolg. meŋ.
◊ VEWT 70, 334, EDT 346, Лексика 208, Stachowski 178.
PKor. *məŋ scar, bruise (шрам, синяк): Mod. məŋ.
◊ KED 615.
‖ KW 261. Despite TMN 1, 512, Щербак 1997, 129 Mong. is hardly <
Turkic (final vowel is unexplained).
-méŋu whole: Tung. *meŋde-; Mong. *men-dü; Jpn. *mú-i.
PTung. *meŋde- whole (целый): Neg. meŋden; Man. meŋde ‘глухое
окно’; Ul. meŋde(n); Ork. meŋde(n); Nan. mendẽ; Orch. meŋde.
◊ ТМС 1, 570.
PMong. *mendü sane, healthy (здоровый, целый): MMong. mendü
‘normal’ (HYt); WMong. mendü (L 535); Kh. mend; Bur. mende; Kalm.
mendə; Ord. möndü; S.-Yugh. mȫndə.
◊ KW 261, MGCD 484. Mong. > Evk. mendu, see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 127.
 *méra - *mésV 915

PJpn. *mú-i 1 body 2 self 3 fruit (1 тело 2 сам 3 плод): OJpn. mi 1, 2,

3; MJpn. mí 1, 2, 3; Tok. mì 1, 3, mí-zukara 2; Kyo. mí 1, 3; Kag. mí 1, 3.
◊ JLTT 476, 483.
‖ KW 261, SKE 151, Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 69, 280. The Japanese
meaning was partially influenced by the root *mēno q.v.
-méra a k. of berry: Tung. *m[e]rVŋV; Mong. *maril; Turk. *bürü-lgen;
Kor. *mr’úi.
PTung. *m[e]rVŋV 1 rowan 2 cloudberry (1 рябина 2 морошка):
Evk. moroŋo 2; Nan. mīrēŋkule (Он. 263) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 547.
PMong. *maril a k. of red round berry or fruit (вид красной круг-
лой ягоды или плода): WMong. maril (МXTTT); Kh. maril.
PTurk. *bürü-lgen a k. of berry (вид ягоды): Uygh. bölǯü(r)gän; Tat.
börlegen; Bashk. börδögɛn; Kirgh. büldürkön; Kaz. büldirgen; Nogh.
bö/üldirgen; Chuv. peₙrleₙxen.
◊ VEWT 93, Лексика 139-140 (forms like Kaz. büldirgen may reflect the same stem:
*bürül-degen). Cf. also Mong. forms: bürelgene ‘калина’, bȫrölgönö ‘костяника’ which may
be of Turkic origin.
PKor. *mr’úi grapes (виноград): MKor. mr’úi; Mod. məru.
◊ Nam 212, KED 608.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 44, Дыбо 11. Turk. *bürü-lgen < *berü-lgen with labial at-
traction.
-méru (~-ŕ-) spot: Tung. *merī-; Mong. *merije- / *marija-; Jpn. *múrá.
PTung. *merī- variegated (пестрый): Evk. merī-kte, merī-me; Evn.
märgị-ta; Man. mersen ‘spot’.
◊ ТМС 1, 571-572.
PMong. *merije- / *marija- spotted, variegated (пятнистый, пест-
рый): Kh. erēn ḿarān; Bur. eŕēn maŕān; Ord. erēn merēn.
PJpn. *múrá spot, spotted (пятно, пятнистый): MJpn. mura; Tok.
mùra; Kyo. múrá; Kag. múra.
◊ JLTT 488.
‖ Poppe 35, АПиПЯЯ 74. Turk. *beŕe ‘to ornament’ (ЭСТЯ 2,
105-106) would be a good match; but it may be in fact a crasis < *bedŕe
(see *peda).
-mésV wild apple, grape: Tung. *mes(k)u-; Kor. *ms.
PTung. *mes(k)u- grape (виноград): Man. muču; Jurch. me-ču (130);
Ork. muskeri ‘name of a tree’; Nan. muksulte; Ud. mesukte.
◊ ТМС 1, 572.
PKor. *ms wild apple; cherry (дикое яблоко; вишня): MKor. ms.
◊ Nam 212.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
916 *mèto - *mét῾ò
-mèto to ask: Tung. *mete-; Mong. *möči-; Jpn. *mt-ma-; Kor. *mūd-.
PTung. *mete- to warn, let know (предупреждать, сообщать): Evk.
metew-; Evn. metu-; Neg. metew-; Ork. metteu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 572.
PMong. *möči-, *mötü- to examine, investigate (испытывать, экза-
меновать): MMong. močgi- (SH); WMong. möče- (L 544); Kh. möči-,
möcö-; Bur. müšxe-; Kalm. möčə-; Mongr. mutoG ‘soupҫon, doute’ (SM
253).
◊ KW 267, TMN 1, 502.
PJpn. *mt-ma- to ask, demand (спрашивать, требовать): OJpn.
m(w)otoma-; MJpn. mòtòma-; Tok. motomé-; Kyo. mótómé-; Kag. mòtòmè-.
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mūd- to ask (спрашивать): MKor. mūt- (-r-); Mod. mut- (-r-).
◊ Nam 223, KED 675.
‖ Should be kept distinct from *muti ‘to know, believe’ (although
contaminations were possible).
-mét῾i(-rkV) bird’s crop or navel; pudenda: Tung. *motoka; Turk.
*böteke; Jpn. *mitua; Kor. *mrtkn.
PTung. *motoka vulva (vulva): Evk. motoko; SMan. motəqun ‘genita-
lia of a nubile girl’ (122), motərə ‘child῾s vulva’ (123).
◊ ТМС 1, 547. ?? Cf. Evn. mereldiwke ‘cerebellum’.
PTurk. *böteke 1 bird’s crop, craw 2 kidneys of animals 3 vulva 4
bird’s stomach (1 зоб птицы 2 почки животных 3 vulva 4 желудок у
птиц): Karakh. bütege 1 (OKypch., At-Tuhfat); Az. pätänäk 4; Turkm.
peteke 1 (perhaps a back-borrowing < Mong.?); Tat. bütäkä 1, böteg 3;
Bashk. bütägä 1; Kirgh. bötög/kö 4; Kaz. bötäkä 2; KKalp. böteke 1, 2; Kum.
böteke 1; Nogh. böteke, bötege 1; Chuv. pudege 1,2; Yak. bötögö 4.
◊ EDT 304 (sub ‘egg-plant’), VEWT 84, Ашм. X, 44. Turk. > Mong. betege ‘bird’s
crop’.
PJpn. *mitua pudenda (гениталии): OJpn. mjitwo.
PKor. *mrtkn bird’s navel; (KED) the craw (crop) of a bird or in-
sect (птичий пупок): MKor. mrtkn; Mod. məlt:əguni.
◊ Nam 212, KED 613.
‖ The initial vowel correspondence is not quite clear (probably sec-
ondary labialization in PT).
-mét῾ò most: Mong. *-med; Jpn. *mt-m; Kor. *mằt.
PMong. *-med the most, the eldest (самый, старший): MMong.
döji-med (SH) ‘the eldest of younger sisters’; WMong. -mad, -med
(МХТТТ); Kh. -mad, -med.
◊ Occurs in some compounds: aqa-mad ‘the eldest (brother)’, egeči-med ‘elder
(woman)’, jeke-med ‘the elder ones’ etc.
 *mìlt῾e - *míŋa 917

PJpn. *mt-m the most (самый): OJpn. m(w)ot(w)om(w)o; MJpn.

mótòmò; Tok. móttomo; Kyo. móttómó; Kag. mottómo.
◊ Accent correspondences are rather uncertain; but the evidence is for the most part
in favour of high tone on the first syllable.
PKor. *mằt the eldest (старший): MKor. mằt; Mod. mat.
◊ Nam 199, KED 578.
‖ SKE 142, EAS 79, Martin 247. Cf. also similar forms (maybe spe-
cialized usages of the same root): MKor. māti / mátắi ‘top’, Jpn. maT-
‘emphatic prefix’; Evk. mātālīkān ‘up to the top’, moton ‘even’.
-mìlt῾e ( ~ -i) full, fill: Tung. *milte-; Mong. *melteji-; Jpn. *mìt-.
PTung. *milte- full, whole (полный, целый): Evn. miltъrъ; Ork.
milte-milte.
◊ ТМС 1, 536-537.
PMong. *melteji- to fill, overflow (наполнять, переполнять):
WMong. melteji- (L 535); Kh. meltij-; Bur. meltɨ-; Kalm. meltǟ- (КРС).
PJpn. *mìt- full, be filled (полный, наполняться): OJpn. mjit-;
MJpn. mìt-; Tok. michí-; Kyo. mìchì-; Kag. mìchì-.
◊ JLTT 725.
‖ KW 260, АПиПЯЯ 111, 278. The root is very similar to *mólo ‘full,
fill’ and may indeed be derived: *mol-t῾i. Such an explanation, how-
ever, would involve a metatony in Japanese and borrowing in TM
(milte- < Mong. melte-), so we prefer to separate the two roots for the
time being.
-mińa ( ~ -o, -u) a k. of grass: Turk. *bɨńan; Kor. *mìnàrí.
PTurk. *bɨńan a k. of grass (солодка, лебеда): Tur. bojan, mejan; Az.
bijan; Turkm. bujan; MTurk. bijan, CCum. bujan; Uzb. mija; Uygh. buja;
Tat. dial. mɨja; Kirgh. mɨja; Kaz. mɨja; KKalp. bojan; Kum. mija; Nogh.
mɨja; Chuv. mъjan.
◊ Егоров 131. Turk. > Kalm. bujā ‘лебеда’, Russ. Siber. bojalɨč ‘солянка древовидная’
Аникин 125.
PKor. *mìnàrí celery, parsley (сельдерей, петрушка): MKor.
mìnàrí; Mod. minari.
◊ Liu 345, KED 687.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-míŋa ( ~ -o, -u) large number, thousand: Mong. *miŋgan; Turk. *bɨŋ.
PMong. *miŋgan thousand (тысяча): MMong. mingan (HY 43),
minqa(n) (SH), minɣān (IM); WMong. miŋɣa(n) (L 539); Kh. ḿangan; Bur.
ḿanga(n); Kalm. miŋɣn (КРС); Ord. miŋGa(n); Dag. miange(n) (MD 191);
Mongr. miŋxən (SM 238).
◊ Mong. > Evk. miŋgan etc., see Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki 158.
PTurk. *bɨŋ thousand (тысяча): OTurk. bɨŋ, biŋ (Orkh., OUygh.),
miŋ(OUygh.); Karakh. miŋ (MK, KB); Tur. bin; Gag. bin; Az. min; Turkm.
918 *m[]ro - *mač῾e
müŋ; Sal. miŋ; Khal. miŋ; MTurk. miŋ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. miŋ; Uygh.
miŋ; Krm. min; Tat. meŋ; Bashk. meŋ; Kirgh. miŋ; Kaz. mɨŋ; KBalk. miŋ;
KKalp. mɨŋ; Kum. miŋ; Nogh. miŋ, mɨŋ; SUygh. meŋ; Khak. muŋ; Shr.
muŋ; Oyr. muŋ; Tv. muŋ; Chuv. pin; Yak. muŋ.
◊ VEWT 76, MNT 4, 1742, EDT 347-347, Лексика 574. Cannot be < Chin. (see Clauson
1964, 24-25).
‖ EAS 78, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 72. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss,
but the Mong. form can hardly be explained as borrowed from Turkic,
despite TMN 4, 33, Щербак 1997, 107. Cf. perhaps MKor. màńắn ‘forty’
< ‘big number’?
-m[]ro arrow: Tung. *m[i]rV; Mong. *merge-n; Turk. *bǖri.
PTung. *m[i]rV 1 arrow 2 cross-bow (1 стрела 2 самострел): Evn.
mīr 1; Nan. moralị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 537.
PMong. *merge-n sharp-shooter (хороший стрелок): MMong. mer-
gan (HY 37, SH); WMong. mergen (L 537); Kh. mergen; Bur. merge(n);
Kalm. mergn; Ord. mergen; Dag. mergen (Тод. Даг. 154), meregen (MD
190); Dong. merɣen (Тод. Дн.); Mongr. mergen (SM 236), murgen.
◊ KW 261-262, MGCD 485. A later semantic development is ‘sharp-shooter’ >
‘skilled, wise’, although Doerfer (TMN 1, 498) suggests rather ‘skilled’ > ‘skilled in shoot-
ing’. If he is correct, the Mong. word should be removed from the Altaic etymology. In
any case, Mong. > Manchu mergen ‘a very good hunter or fisherman; outstanding, wise,
worthy, skilled’, Evk. mergen ‘mind, reason’ etc. (see ТМС 1, 571, Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki
158),
PTurk. *bǖri head of an arrow (наконечник стрелы): Karakh. büri
‘end of shaft inserted into arrow head’ (MK); Yak. bür-ges (dimin.) ‘awl,
arrow with awl-like head’; Dolg. bǖrges ‘ein Kampfpfeil mit pfriemför-
miger Spitze’.
◊ EDT 356, VEWT 71, Stachowski 69.
‖ A Western isogloss. Vocalism is somewhat uncertain.
-mač῾e to move, climb: Tung. *miči-; Mong. *mača-; Kor. *mìčh-.
PTung. *miči- to move, move back (подвигаться, придвигаться;
отодвигаться): Evk. miči-; Evn. mịt-/č-; Nan. mịčị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 539.
PMong. *mača- to climb up, hurry (карабкаться; спешить):
WMong. mača- (L 519: maču-); Kh. maca-; Kalm. macə- (КРС); Ord.
maču-.
PKor. *mìčh- to reach, come to (достигать): MKor. mìčh-, mičh-;
Mod. mičhi-.
◊ Liu 346, 348, KED 693.
‖ One of common Altaic motion verbs.
 *màga - *măk῾ó 919

-màga glory, praise: Tung. *m[ia]g-; Mong. *magta-; Turk. *bAgatur;

Jpn. *màw-s-; Kor. *mār.
PTung. *m[ia]g- 1 to shamanize 2 to be noisy, produce noise (1 кам-
лать 2 шуметь): Evk. migdi- 2; Orch. magui- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 520, 535.
PMong. *magta- to praise, glorify (хвалить, прославлять): MMong.
maxta- ‘to laud, carol’ (HY 32), maqta- (MA); WMong. maɣta- (L 520);
Kh. magta-; Bur. magta-; Kalm. maktə-; Ord. maGta-; Dag. maktāl ‘praise’;
S.-Yugh. maχda-; Mongr. mašdaG ‘discours prononcé à la louange du
gendre le jour du mariage’ (SM 233), maxda-.
◊ KW 254, MGCD 475, 476. Mong. > Manchu makta- etc. (see Rozycki 153).
PTurk. *bAgatur hero (герой): OTurk. baɣatur (Orkh., n. pr.);
Turkm. bātɨr; MTurk. (Xwar.) bahatur, CCum. baɣatur; Kirgh. bātɨr; Oyr.
bātɨr; Tv. mādɨr; Yak. bātɨr.
◊ EDT 313, VEWT 55. Cf. the name of the Xiongnu shanyu, MC mâw-ton (*maɣu-tur).
This Turkic word was borrowed into numerous surrounding languages (Iranian, Mongo-
lian etc., see the literature in ЭСТЯ). Modern forms like batɨr, batur are back-borrowings
from Mong.; forms of the type baxatir - back-borrowings from Persian.
PJpn. *màw-s- to speak (polite) (говорить (вежл.)): OJpn. mawos-;
MJpn. maus-; Tok. mṓs-; Kyo. mṓs-; Kag. mṑs-.
◊ JLTT 726.
PKor. *mār speech (речь): MKor. mār; Mod. māl.
◊ Nam 200, KED 579.
‖ Kor. *mār < *maga-r.
-măk῾ó illness, stomach sickness: Tung. *muxa-; Mong. *mekeji-; Turk.
*b(i)ăk; Jpn. *manka.
PTung. *muxa- 1 stomach disease 2 to be ill, sick (1 желудочное за-
болевание 2 болеть): Evk. mukān 1; Ul. mōko ‘идол от желудочной
болезни’ ( < *muka-ka); Ork. muxule- 2; Nan. muxu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PMong. *mekeji- to suffer from hunger or stomach pains (страдать
от голода или болей в желудке): WMong. mekeji-; Kh. mekij- ‘втяги-
вать живот’ (БАМРС); Kalm. mekē- ‘иметь подтянутый, тощий
живот’; Ord. meχī-.
◊ KW 260.
PTurk. *b(i)ăk bad, evil (плохой, дурной, негодный): Oyr. baɣaj;
Tv. ba’q; Tof. ba’q; Yak. baɣajɨ ‘fool, monster’.
◊ VEWT 57.
PJpn. *manka evil, bad luck (зло, несчастье): OJpn. maga.
◊ JLTT 470.
‖ The TM-Mong. match suggests that the original meaning was
‘stomach sickness’, with a later development into a more general ‘sick-
ness, disease’ and ‘misfortune, bad (circumstabces)’ elsewhere.
920 *mk῾o - *mák῾ù
-mk῾o frog: Tung. *moKo(lV)-; Mong. *mekelej, *melekej; Turk.
*b(i)āka; Kor. *mkùrí.
PTung. *moKo(lV)- 1 bat 2 chipmunk (1 летучая мышь 2 бурун-
дук): Evk. mokoločī 1; Evn. mokotoj 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 544.
PMong. *mekelej, *melekej frog (лягушка): MMong. menekai (HY
12), minäkäj (MA), menēkī (Lig.VMI); WMong. melekei (L 534), menekei
(DO 461); Kh. melxij; Bur. melxej; Kalm. mekl; Ord. meleχī; Dag. meleg,
melek (Тод. Даг. 154), melehe (MD 190).
◊ KW 260, MGCD 484.
PTurk. *b(i)āka frog (лягушка): OTurk. baqa (OUygh.); Karakh. baqa
(MK); Tur. bā; Gag. qurbā; Az. baɣa; Turkm. Gurbāɣa; Sal. paɣa; Khal.
bāqa ‘turtle’; MTurk. baqa (AH, Ettuhf.), baqqa (MA); Uzb. baqa; Uygh.
baqa, paqa; Krm. baqa; Tat. baqa; Kirgh. baqa; Kaz. baqa; KBalk. maqa;
KKalp. baqa; Kum. baqa; Nogh. baqa; Khak. paɣa; Shr. paɣa; Oyr. baqa; Tv.
paɣa; Tof. baɣa; Yak. baɣa.
◊ VEWT 58, EDT 311-312, 646-647, ЭСТЯ 2, 40-41, 6, 160-161 (see ibid. on the ono-
matopoeic nature of the component *Kur-) , Лексика 179-180. A more precise reconstruc-
tion would be perhaps *b(i)ākka, with expressive gemination (suggested by non-voicing
in Kypchak). Turk. > Hung. béka, see Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *mkùrí frog, toad (лягушка, жаба): MKor. mkùrí.
◊ Nam 209.
‖ SKE 144, Лексика 180. An unmistakable match is PT *b(i)āka :
MKor. mkùrí. The Mong. forms may belong here if we assume the ar-
chaic nature of the Kalm. form (mekl), with innovations elsewhere. In
TM one has to suppose a secondary shift of meaning: ‘toad’ > ‘small
creature’ (bat, chipmunk).
-mák῾ù neck: Tung. *muKa; Turk. *bAkan; Jpn. *múk-; Kor. *mòk.
PTung. *muKa skin from deer’s neck (шкура с шеи оленя): Evk.
muka.
◊ ТМС 1, 551. Attested only in Evk., but having possible Kor. and Jpn. parallels.
PTurk. *bAkan necklace, torque (ожерелье): Karakh. baqan (MK).
◊ EDT 316.
PJpn. *múk- to turn (one’s head) towards, to face (поворачивать
(голову) к чему-л.): OJpn. muk-, mukap-; MJpn. muk-, múkáf-; Tok. mùk-,
mùka-; Kyo. múk-, múká-; Kag. múk-, muká-.
◊ JLTT 728.
PKor. *mòk neck (шея): MKor. mòk, mòkài; Mod. mok.
◊ HMCH 199, Nam 214, KED 636.
‖ SKE 150, Martin 233.
 *mak῾u - *malu 921

-mak῾u fur: Tung. *muKa; Mong. *makalaj; Jpn. *muku.

PTung. *muKa fur clothes (меховая одежда): Evk. mukā, mukčukē;
Evn. mụqa; Ud. moksuhö ‘shirt’.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 553. Evk. > Dolg. mükčükē (Stachowski 183); deriv. mukā-lkan > Dolg.
mukālkan (Stachowski 181).
PMong. *makalaj fur hat (меховая шапка): MMong. maqalai,
malaqaj (SH), maɣala (IM), maqalaj (MA); WMong. malaɣaj (MXTTT); Kh.
malgaj; Bur. malgaj; Kalm. maxlǟ; Mog. malGɛi (Weiers); Dag. malgaj
(MD); Dong. maGala (Tod. Dong.); Mongr. marGa.
◊ KW 254. Mong. > Man. maxala, see Doerfer MT 138, Rozycki 152-153.
PJpn. *muku thick, shaggy hair (густая шерсть): Tok. muku,
mùkuge; Kyo. mùkúgè; Kag. mukugé.
◊ JLTT 488. Tonal reconstruction is not quite clear.
-mali(-k῾V) bright, to shine: Tung. *mia(l)-; Mong. *mel-; Turk. *bAlk-;
Kor. *mằrk-.
PTung. *mia(l)- 1 to glitter (of eyes) 2 to blind (eyes) 3 glittering,
bright 4 blinded, blind (1 сверкать (о глазах) 2 слепить (глаза) 3 яр-
кий, ослепительный 4 ослепленный, слепой): Evk. millūn- (Вас. 252)
1, mlkēsē 4; Nan. mịarị 3; Orch. mia-n- 2; Ud. mili- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 534, 535.
PMong. *mel- bright, polished, shiny (светлый, блестящий, бле-
стеть): WMong. meli-ji-, (L 534) melmeji-; Kh. melij-; Bur. melmen, melgen,
meliger, melij-; Ord. melmeŋ, melmeger.
PTurk. *bAlk- to shine, glitter (сверкать, сиять): Tur. balk- (dial.);
Turkm. balqɨlda-; MTurk. (MKypch., Xwar.) balqɨ-(CCum., AH, Qutb);
Krm. balqɨ-; Tat. balqɨ-; Bashk. balqɨ-; Kaz. balqɨ-; KKalp. balqɨ-; Kum.
balqɨ-; Oyr. malqɨl, malʁɨl ‘bright, shining’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 56-57.
PKor. *mằrk- clear, transparent (ясный, прозрачный): MKor.
mằrk-; Mod. mak- [malk-].
◊ Nam 203, KED 587.
‖ SKE 139.
-malu a k. of evergreen tree: Tung. *molari; Mong. *majila-su; Turk.
*bAla- (?); Jpn. *murua.
PTung. *molari cypress (кипарис): Man. molori.
◊ ТМС 1, 545. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *majila-su cypress (кипарис): WMong. majila-su (L 522);
Kh. majls.
◊ Mong. > Manchu mailasun ‘arbor vitae, cypress’ (see Rozycki 153).
PTurk. *bAla- (?) fir tree (ель): Bashk. balaštɨ (VEWT); Kirgh. balatɨ
‘young fir tree’; KBalk. balas (VEWT).
922 *màĺà - *mni
◊ VEWT 60 (the Bashk. and KBalk. forms are only found there, so the root is some-
what dubious).
PJpn. *murua juniper (можжевельник): OJpn. murwo.
‖ Mong. majila- < *mali-la.
-màĺà to measure, measure: Tung. *miali-; Mong. *malu; Jpn. *màsù;
Kor. *már.
PTung. *miali- 1 to measure 2 a measure of weight 3 a measure for
powder (1 мерить 2 мера веса 3 мерка для пороха): Man. ḿali- 1,
ḿalin 2; Jurch. mia-liaŋ-ha 2 (524); Nan. (On.) mialaqo 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 524.
PMong. *malu vessel, basket (for grain) (сосуд, корзина (для зер-
на)): WMong. malu (L 524); Kalm. mal.
◊ KW 254.
PJpn. *màsù a measure (for grain) (мера (зерна)): OJpn. masu;
MJpn. màsù; Tok. masú; Kyo. másù; Kag. masú.
◊ JLTT 473.
PKor. *már a measure (18 kg) (мера веса): MKor. már; Mod. mal.
◊ Nam 200, KED 578.
‖ SKE 138, Martin 236, Miller 1976, 350-351, АПиПЯЯ 69. A com-
pletely regular match. It is interesting to note Karakh. (EDT 379) bašɣan
‘a large fish weighing between 100 and 50 raṭls’ (MK), used as a simile
for the head-man of a tribe - although the word may, of course, be de-
rived from baš ‘head’ (as suggested in EDT) - and thus unrelated to the
present root.
-mni to be confused, hesitate: Tung. *mian-; Mong. *men-; Turk. *bȫn;
Kor. *mńi-.
PTung. *mian- to be confused, wonder (тревожиться, растеряться,
удивляться): Evk. mēmbe-; Evn. mǟn-; Ul. mn-; Nan. mịan-; Orch. mǟn-.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
PMong. *men- to become dull, numb, stupid (глупеть, терять соз-
нание, цепенеть): WMong. mene-re- (L 536); Kh. menere-; Bur. mener-;
Kalm. menr-; Ord. menen ‘stupid’; Dag. mener- (Тод. Даг. 154).
◊ KW 261. Mong. meneg > Yak., Dolg. menik (Stachowski 178); Mong. meneŋ ‘stupid’ >
Manchu menen ‘paralysed, stupid’ (Rozycki 157).
PTurk. *bȫn 1 stupid, foolish 2 to go mad (1 глупый 2 сходить с
ума): Karakh. mün- 2 (IM); Tur. bön 1, 2; Turkm. mȫn 1 (cf. also mǖn
‘timidity’).
◊ ОСНЯ 3, 53, 55. In ЭСТЯ 7 and VEWT 343-344 confused with other similar roots:
*bün ‘defect’, *bun- ‘madness’ (q. v. sub *mùne, *múnu) .
PKor. *mńi- to be afraid, scared (бояться): MKor. mńi-, mńijp-
(-w-); Mod. musəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 228, KED 660.
 *màrà - *mat῾è 923

‖ Vocalism is not quite certain: in Turk. one has to suppose a secon-

dary labialization: *bȫn < *bēn; in Kor. - vowel assimilation in a long
wordform (*mńi- < *mằńi-), as well as secondary palatalization *-n- >
*-ń-.
-màrà ( ~ -ŕ-) male, mature: Tung. *miare-; Jpn. *màrà.
PTung. *miare- to marry (жениться, выходить замуж): Evk. mirē-;
Evn. mierъn-; Neg. mijēn-; Ul. miren-; Ork. mīren-; Nan. marin- (dial.).
◊ ТМС 1, 538-539.
PJpn. *màrà penis (penis): OJpn. mara; MJpn. màrà.
◊ JLTT 472.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Note also several possible matches in Bur.:
morgo ‘male bear’, murā ‘male, mature’, mergeser ‘3 y.-old pig’.
-msò a cutting or grinding tool: Tung. *mōsa; Mong. *mese; Jpn.
*màsà-.
PTung. *mōsa 1 grinder, grinding stone 2 to grind 3 to thresh 4
thresher (1 жернов 2 молоть 3 молотить 4 молотилка): Man. mose-la-
2, mose-la-qu 1; Ul. moso-lo-qu 1; Nan. mōso (Bik., Он.) 1; mōso-la- 3, mōso-
laqo 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 547.
PMong. *mese sword, blade, axe (меч, лезвие, топор): MMong.
mese (SH); WMong. mese (L 537); Kh. mes; Bur. mese < Khalkha ?; Kalm.
mesə; Ord. mese.
◊ KW 262, TMN 1, 499.
PJpn. *màsà- 1 sword 2 timber axe (1 меч 2 топор): OJpn. masakari
2; MJpn. màsàfì 1, màsàkàrì 2; Tok. masakari 2.
◊ JLTT 472.
‖ Cf. also Orok masāri ῾axe’ (probably < Jpn.).
-mat῾è to bend: Tung. *mita-; Mong. *mata-; Jpn. *mətər-.
PTung. *mita- 1 to bend over 2 to go back (1 перегибаться, разги-
баться 2 отскакивать обратно): Man. mita- 1; Jurch. mi-ta-buje- 2 (539).
◊ ТМС 1, 539.
PMong. *mata- (/ *mita-) to bend, bow (сгибать, склонять(ся)):
WMong. mata- (L 530), matari-, mitara- ‘se courber’ (SM); Kh. mata-; Bur.
mata-; Kalm. matə-; Ord. matǟ-; Dag. mata- (Тод. Даг. 154: matĺēn ‘bent,
curved’); Mongr. mātari ‘petit pain enroulé et cuit au bain-marie’ (SM
234).
◊ KW 258, MGCD 482. Mong. > Evk., Man. mata- (ТМС 1, 533), see Doerfer MT 61.
PJpn. *mətər- 1 to bend 2 to deviate (1 изгибаться 2 отступать, рас-
ходиться): OJpn. motor- 1; Tok. motór- 2; Kyo. mótór- 2; Kag. motór- 2.
◊ JLTT 727. Accent is not quite clear.
‖ Correspondences are regular, and the etymology seems quite reli-
able.
924 *mat῾i - *mójńi
-mat῾i head skin, face: Tung. *miata; Mong. *metü; Turk. *bĕt.
PTung. *miata skin from animal’s head (шкура с головы животно-
го): Evk. mta; Evn. mǟt; Neg. mta; Ul. mta; Ork. mta; Nan. mịata;
Orch. miata; Ud. mäta (Корм. 260); Sol. ḿta ‘face’.
◊ ТМС 1, 535.
PMong. *metü like, as, similar (похожий, подобно): MMong. metu
(SH, HYt); WMong. metü (L 538); Kh. met; Bur. mete; Kalm. metə, mötə;
Ord. mötü; Mog. metu (Weiers); Dong. mutu; Bao. mətgo; Mongr. madu
(SM 229).
◊ KW 262, MGCD 485.
PTurk. *bĕt 1 face 2 side, near (1 лицо 2 сторона, близко): OTurk.
bet 1 (OUygh.); Tur. bet-beniz ‘face colour’; Az. bät-bäniz ‘face colour’;
MTurk. bet 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. bet 1, 2; Uygh. bät 1, 2; Krm. bet 1; Tat. bit 1,
2; Bashk. bit 1, 2; Kirgh. bet 1, 2; Kaz. bet 1, 2; KBalk. bet 1, 2; KKalp. bet
1, 2; Kum. bet 1, 2; Nogh. bet 1, 2; Oyr. bet 1; Tv. beti 2; Tof. be’t 2; Chuv.
pat- 2 (pit 1 < Tat.); Yak. bet- 2.
◊ VEWT 72, EDT 296, ЭСТЯ 2, 121-122, Лексика 207.
‖ EAS 79, KW 262, Лексика 207-208. A Western isogloss. The Jpn.
cognates present problems. Ozawa 292-293 compares OJ mod(w)ok(j)i
‘resembling, similar’, which is quite irregular vocalically. It is interest-
ing to note Modern Jpn. mitai id. (used exactly in the same suffixed po-
sition and being phonetically quite a good match for Mong. metü etc.,
but attested late and usually analysed (folk-etymologically?) as a de-
siderative form of mi- ‘to see’.
-moje to hate, dislike: Tung. *mujē-; Mong. *mejeɣe-; Kor. *mùi-.
PTung. *mujē- to treat badly, oppress (обижать, притеснять): Evk.
mujē-; Evn. mȫje-.
◊ ТМС 1, 551.
PMong. *mejeɣe- envious, conceited (завистливый, тщеславный):
Bur. mejēn; Kalm. mejērkəg (КРС), mejǖr- (KW 260).
PKor. *mùi- to dislike, hate (не любить, ненавидеть): MKor. mui-,
mi-p- (-w-); Mod. mip- (-w-), miwə-ha-.
◊ Nam 224, 233, KED 699.
‖ SKE 153, ТМС 1, 551.
-mójńi ( ~ -n-) to become overripe, rot: Tung. *munī-; Turk. *bAńɨl; Jpn.
*mín-r-; Kor. *mằi-b-.
PTung. *munī- 1 to rot (trans.), spoil 2 to rot (1 гноить, портить 2
гнить): Evk. munī- 1, munu- 2; Evn. mun- 2; Sol. mune- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 557.
PTurk. *bAńɨl overripe (перезрелый): Karakh. majɨl, majɨl- ‘to be-
come overripe’ (MK).
◊ EDT 772. Cf. also Oyr. mɨnčɨk ‘musty’.
 *mŏjo - *mók῾[ú] 925

PJpn. *mín-r- to ripen, become ripe (созревать): OJpn. m(j)in(w)or-;

Tok. mìnor-, minór-; Kyo. mínór-; Kag. minór-.
◊ JLTT 724.
PKor. *mằi-b- bitter, acid, to make acid (горький, кислый, ква-
сить): MKor. mằip- (-w-); Mod. mäp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 208, KED 605.
‖ Medial *-j- has to be reconstructed to account for the secondary
palatalization in Turkic and for the -i-reflex in Korean.
-mŏjo to be mislead, mad: Tung. *mija-; Turk. *boj-; Jpn. *maju(a)-; Kor.
*mì-čhi-.
PTung. *mija- to go astray, be mislead (заблудиться, сбиться с пу-
ти): Evk. mija-; Evn. mie-; Neg. mī(j)-; Ul. mi-; Ork. mī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 536.
PTurk. *boj- 1 to be dilatory and careless 2 to rage, rough-house 3
rampant 4 to rot, spoil (1 быть неосторожным, рассеянным 2 буя-
нить 3 буйный, ретивый 4 протухать, портиться, хиреть): Karakh.
bojba- (MK) 1; Turkm. bojna- 2, bojnaq 3; Uzb. bọj-la- 4; Krm. boj-ɣɨn
‘fainted’; Bashk. buj-la- 2; Kirgh. buj-da- ‘to be confused’; Tv. boj-la- 4.
◊ EDT 385.
PJpn. *maju(a)- to go astray (сбиваться с пути): OJpn. maju-p- / ma-
jwo-p-; MJpn. majof-; Tok. mayó-; Kyo. máyó-; Kag. mayó-.
◊ JLTT 722. Accent reconstruction is not clear: either *májúa- (Kyoto-Kagoshima, with
deviation in Tokyo) or *màjùa- (Tokyo-Kyoto, with deviation in Kagoshima); the word is
unfortunately absent in RJ.
PKor. *mì-čhí- to be mad (сходить с ума): MKor. mì-čhí-; Mod. mi-
čhi-.
◊ Liu 346, KED 693.
‖ SKE 149.
-mók῾[ú] to bow: Tung. *miaxu-; Mong. *meküji-; Turk. *bok-; Jpn.
*mánká-.
PTung. *miaxu- to bow, kneel (кланяться, становиться на колени):
Neg. mixeret-; Man. ńaqura-; SMan. jaqurə-, jaquru- (1447); Jurch.
mia-ku-ru- (466); Ul. ḿêxoron-; Ork. mχoran-; Nan. mịχoran-, mịaqora-;
Orch. mäxurava-; Ud. mäula-.
◊ ТМС 1, 536. Cf. also *mekč- ‘hump’ (ТМС 1, 565-566).
PMong. *meküji- to bow (кланяться, нагибаться): WMong. meküji-
(L 574); Kh. mexij-, möxij-.
PTurk. *bok- to bend knees, bow, cross the legs (сгибать колени,
нагибаться, скрещивать ноги): Karakh. boq- (MK); Kaz. buq-; KKalp.
buq-; Oyr. bɨɣɨ-; Yak. bokuj-.
◊ EDT 311, VEWT 79.
926 *móle - *molk῾o
PJpn. *mánká- to bow, bend (сгибать(ся)): OJpn. maga-(r-); MJpn.
mágá-(r-); Tok. màgar-, màge-; Kyo. mágár-, mágé-; Kag. magár-, magé-.
◊ JLTT 719.
‖ ТМС 1, 536. The parallel seems plausible, although in Jpn. one
would rather expect -u-.
-móle to present, gift: Tung. *mula-; Mong. *melǯe-; Turk. *bẹlek; Jpn.
*mráp-, *mər-; Kor. *mūr-.
PTung. *mula- to pity (жалеть): Evk. mulān-; Evn. mụlān-; Neg. mo-
lān-; Ul. munalsị-; Ork. mụnālị-; Nan. monịalsị-; Orch. muńalisi-; Ud.
muńali-; Sol. mụlān-.
◊ ТМС 1, 554.
PMong. *melǯe- 1 a bet, wager 2 to bet (1 ставка, пари 2 делать
ставку): MMong. milǯeldu- ‘ссориться (из-за вещи)’ (MA); WMong.
melǯige 1, melǯi- 2 (MXTTT); Kh. melʒē 1, melʒe- 2; Bur. melze- ῾refuse’;
Kalm. melzə 1 (КРС); Ord. melǯēčǖl- ‘faire concourir pour un prix’.
◊ Mong. > Manchu melǯe- etc. (see Rozycki 156).
PTurk. *bẹlek gift (подарок): OTurk. belek (OUygh.); Karakh. belek
(MK); Tur. belek (dial.); Khal. pelek; MTurk. belek (Sangl.); Uygh. bäläk
(dial.); Krm. belek ‘приплод’; Tat. büläk; Bashk. büläk; Kirgh. belek;
SUygh. pelek (ЯЖУ); Oyr. belek; Tv. belek; Chuv. pil ‘blessing’; Yak. belex;
Dolg. belek.
◊ VEWT 69, TMN 2, 413, EDT 338, ЭСТЯ 2, 112-113, Дыбо 1997, 78-79, Лексика
348-349, Stachowski 57. In Егоров 160, Федотов 1, 431 the Chuv. form is regarded as a
variant of pexil ‘blessing’ ( < Pers.), which is insecure phonetically. Derivation from
bele’swaddle’ (Clark 1977, 132) is highly dubious. The labialized vowel in Bashk., Tat. is a
result of contamination with *bölek ‘part’. Turk. > WMong. beleg, Kalm. beləg (KW 41;
TMN ibid., Щербак 1997, 104), whence Evk. belek etc., see Doerfer MT 141 (but Аникин
127 regards Evk. belek as borrowed < Yak.).
PJpn. *mráp-, *mər- 1 to obtain, receive gifts 2 to guard, protect (1
получать, принимать подношения 2 защищать): OJpn. m(w)orap- ‘to
expect, await’, m(w)or- 2; MJpn. móráf- 1, mor- 2; Tok. mòra- 1; Kyo.
mórá- 1; Kag. morá- 1.
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mūr- to pay, compensate (платить, возмещать): MKor.
mūr-, mùr’í-; Mod. mul-, mulli-.
◊ Liu 334, Nam 224, KED 677, 679.
‖ The basic meaning of the root is “to present (or obtain) a gift”; a
metaphorical change “present a gift > condescend > pity” must have
occurred in TM.
-molk῾o to creep, slide: Tung. *milkü- / *mirkü-; Mong. *mölki-; Jpn.
*məkə-jəp- (~-ua-).
PTung. *milkü- / *mirkü- to creep (ползти): Evk. mirki-, dial. milki-;
Evn. mirkъ-; Neg. mīxi-; Man. miču-, miǯi-; SMan. muči-, ḿuči- (1236,
 *mólo - *móńde 927

2302); Ul. miču-; Ork. mitu-; Nan. miku-; Orch. mikki-; Ud. miki-; Sol.
milki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 537-538.
PMong. *mölki- to creep (ползти): WMong. mölkü- (L 546); Kh.
mölxö-; Bur. mülxi-; Kalm. mölkə-; Ord. mölχö-; Mog. ZM molku- (10-4b);
Dag. milku-, mulku- (Тод. Даг. 154); S.-Yugh. məlgə-.
◊ KW 265, MGCD 489.
PJpn. *məkə-jəp- (~-ua-) to creep (as snake) (ползти (о змее)):
OJpn. m(w)ok(w)oj(w)op- ( ~ -g-); MJpn. mokojof-.
‖ Poppe 36.
-mólo full, to fill, thick: Tung. *mila-; Mong. *mel- / *möl-; Turk. *bol;
Jpn. *mr-; Kor. *mīr-.
PTung. *mila- wide open, broad (широко раскрытый): Man. mila,
mila-χun.
◊ ТМС 1, 536. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *mel- / *möl- 1 to be full, become full 2 quite, full (1 быть
полным, наполняться 2 вполне, полный): WMong. melmeji- (L 534),
melmelǯe- / mölmülǯe- (L 535, 546) 1; Kh. melmij-, melmelʒe- 1; Bur.
melmelʒe- 1; Kalm. melmɛ:- 1, mel 2; Ord. melčirme- 1, melǖ, melē.
◊ KW 260.
PTurk. *bol abundant, full (обильный, полный): Tur. bol; Turkm.
bol; Uzb. bɔl (Chag.), mɔl (Uzb.); Tat. mul; Kirgh. mol; Chuv. püle-mes;
pül-lə ‘stalwart’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 184-185.
PJpn. *mr- to fill, heap up (наполнять, нагромождать): OJpn.
m(w)or-; MJpn. mór-; Tok. mòr-; Kyo. mór-; Kag. mór-.
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mīr- tide (разлив, прилив): MKor. mīr-mr (mr ‘water’);
Mod. mīlmul.
◊ Nam 234, KED 697.
‖ Note traces of nasalization in Turkic (should one reconstruct
*bonl?). Cf. also *mìlt῾e.
-móńde hare: Tung. *mundu-kān; Mong. *möndele; Turk. *bAńɨ-; Jpn.
*mm-.
PTung. *mundu-kān hare (заяц): Evk. mundukān; Evn. mụnrụqan;
Neg. monoxān.
◊ ТМС 1, 556.
PMong. *möndele young of a tarbagan (детеныш тарбагана):
WMong. möndele (L 547: möndül); Kh. möndöl.
◊ Cf. also WMong. moltuɣčin (L 542) ‘rabbit’.
PTurk. *bAńɨ- 1 hare 2 marmot (1 заяц 2 сурок): Tat. bajbaq 2;
Bashk. bajbaq 2; Oyr. majčɨq 1; Chuv. molgaś/č.
928 *móńù - *moŋe
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, under *majmak ‘club-footed’, Сетаров 1970. The traditional etymology of
Chuv. (Федотов 1, 362, Егоров 134-135) from an unattested Udm. *mu ‘earth’ + lud keč
‘field hare’ is quite incredible: the Chuv. form is well explained < *bańɨ-l-kač (a diminu-
tive).
PJpn. *mm- flying squirrel (белка-летяга): MJpn. mómí; Tok. mo-
monga.
◊ JLTT 484.
‖ The root (containing a rare cluster *-ńd-) must have denoted a
small wild animal, most probably a hare. It occurs with various suf-
fixes; a common formation may be Chuv. mulgaś < *bańɨ-l-(kač) = PM
*mönde-le < *móńde-lV.
-móńù heart; breast: Tung. *miańam; Jpn. *múnà-i; Kor. *mằńằm.
PTung. *miańam heart (сердце): Evk. mwan; Neg. mwan; Man.
ńaman; SMan. ńamən (86); Ul. mwa(n); Ork. mwa(n); Nan. m’ǟwa(n);
Orch. mǟwa(n); Ud. meäwa(n-); Sol. ḿēɣã, mīɣã.
◊ ТМС 1, 533-534. All languages except Manchu underwent an assimilative change
*miańam > *miawan; however, Manchu ńaman speaks strongly in favour of the original
palatal *ń, corresponding well to the external data.
PJpn. *múnà-i breast (грудь): OJpn. mune; MJpn. múnè; Tok. muné;
Kyo. múnè; Kag. múne.
◊ JLTT 488. muna- in OJ compounds (muna-saka etc.).
PKor. *mằńằm heart (сердце): MKor. mằńằm; Mod. maɨm.
◊ Nam 196, KED 564.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. See SKE 136, EAS 79, Whitman 1985, 202, 237,
АПиПЯЯ 48, 290, Robbeets 2000, 103. The MKor. variant njəm- in
njm-thòŋ ‘heart’ (which Lee 1958, 115 attempts to compare separately
with Manchu ńaman), is most probably just a contraction in a com-
pound < *mằńằm-thòŋ.
-moŋe red, blood-red: Tung. *muŋsi; Mong. *min-či- / *men-te- (?); Jpn.
*məmi ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *muŋsi 1 red (as blood) 2 clot of blood (1 красный (как
кровь) 2 сгусток крови): Evk. munŋi 1; Evn. munsъ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 556.
PMong. *min-či- / *men-te- to become red (краснеть): WMong.
minči-; Kh. minčij-; Bur. mentɨ-; Kalm. minč-.
◊ In KW 263: mintə ulān urlt ‘mit hellroten Lippen’. Ramstedt says *minta < Tib.
mendi < Sanskr. mendhī ‘Lawsonia alba; wird zum Rotfärben der Nägel verwendet’; minčī-
is glossed (ibid.) as ‘prahlerisch gekleidet sein’.
PJpn. *məmi ( ~ -ua-) red cloth, red colour (красная ткань, красный
цвет): MJpn. momi; Tok. mómi; Kyo. mómí; Kag. mómi.
◊ JLTT 484. Tone reconstruction is not quite clear.
‖ Since the Mong. reflex is somewhat dubious, basically a
Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
 *more - *móre 929

-more to hurt, damage, wound: Tung. *mur-dul-; Mong. *mer; Turk.

*bert-; Jpn. *miar- ( ~ *mair-).
PTung. *mur-dul- 1 to slaughter (a deer) 2 to peel (bark) (1 зако-
лоть (оленя) 2 ободрать (кору)): Evk. murdul- 1, murdune- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 558. Attested only in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *mer 1 wound 2 (expr. for) a painful sensation 3 to gnaw at
smth. (1 рана 2 (изобр.) чувство боли 3 глодать что-л.): MMong. mer
(MNT, SH) 1; WMong. mer 2, mere- 3 (L 536); Kh. mer 2, mere- 3; Bur.
mere- 3; Kalm. mer 2, mer- 3.
◊ KW 261, 262.
PTurk. *bert- to break, damage, wound (ломать, вредить, ранить):
OTurk. bert- (OUygh.); Karakh. bert- (MK); Tur. bert-; Gag. bert-; Az.
pärt-; Turkm. berti-; Khal. pärt-lä- ῾to throw’; MTurk. bertik ‘bone’ (in the
context: bone fracture) (Pav. C.); Tat. birt-; Bashk. birt-; Kirgh. bertik
‘contortion’, bertin- = mertin- (refl.); Kaz. mertik ‘contortion’; KKalp.
mert-; Nogh. mertik ‘contortion’; Khak. pirtək ‘mutilation’; Shr. peret-;
Oyr. bert-in- (refl.); Tv. bertik ‘mutilation’; Chuv. part ‘(imit.) crackling’.
◊ VEWT 71, EDT 358, 359, ЭСТЯ 2, 70-72. Turk. > Mong. berte-.
PJpn. *miar- ( ~ *mair-) to decrease, diminish, drain away (умень-
шаться, ухудшаться): MJpn. mer-; Tok. meri (n.).
◊ JLTT 475, 723.
‖ The Jpn. parallel is not quite certain, both semantically and pho-
netically; if it really belongs here it might demand a reconstruction
*mojre.
-móre ( ~ -ŕ-) to long, show affection: Tung. *mur-; Mong. *mereji-; Jpn.
*mútú-m-.
PTung. *mur- 1 spiritual power, luck 2 thought, mind, determina-
tion, resolution 3 love, affection 4 to think (1 душевная сила, удача,
счастье 2 мысль, ум, решимость 3 любовь, влечение 4 думать): Evk.
murač 1; Man. muǯin 2, muǯilen 2, 3; muru ‘shape, form’; SMan. muǯin 2
(1998); muru ‘pattern, outline’ (2343); Jurch. miuʒil[e]n-be (506) ‘heart’;
Ul. muru(n) 2, muruči- 4; Ork. muru(n) 2, murutči- 4; Nan. murũ 2, mu-
ruči- 4; Orch. muiči- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 558, 559.
PMong. *mereji- to strive, make an effort (стремиться): WMong.
mereji- (L 536); Kh. merij-.
PJpn. *mútú-m- to be friendly, show affection (быть дружествен-
ным, приветливым): OJpn. mutub-; MJpn. mútúm-, mútúb-; Tok.
mùtsum-; Kyo. mútsúm-.
◊ JLTT 729.
‖ One of the common Altaic verbs of emotion.
930 *móri - *mot῾ì
-móri road, track; to follow: Mong. *mör; Turk. *bar-; Jpn. *mítí; Kor.
*mōr-.
PMong. *mör road, track (дорога, след): MMong. mor (HY 4, SH),
mor (IM), mur (MA); WMong. mör (L 548); Kh. mör; Bur. mür; Kalm.
mör; Ord. mör; Mog. mür; KT mor (11-2b); Dag. mure (MD 192); Dong.
mo; Bao. mor; S.-Yugh. mör; Mongr. mōr (SM 240), (MGCD mur).
◊ KW 266, MGCD 491.
PTurk. *bar- 1 to walk, go (away) 2 to come, reach (1 ходить, идти 2
приходить, достигать): OTurk. bar- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. bar- 1
(MK); Tur. var- 2; Gag. var- 1, 2; Az. var- 2; Turkm. bar- 1; Sal. var-, bār-,
pār- 1 (ССЯ); Khal. var- 1; MTurk. bar- 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. bɔr- 1, 2;
Uygh. ba(r)- 1; Krm. bar- 1; Tat. bar- 1; Bashk. bar- 1; Kirgh. bar- 1; Kaz.
bar- 1; KBalk. bar- 1; KKalp. bar- 1; Kum. bar- 1, 2; Nogh. bar- 1; SUygh.
par- 1; Khak. par- 1; Shr. par- 1; Oyr. bar- 1, 2; Tv. bar- 1; Tof. bar- 1;
Chuv. pɨr- 1; Yak. bar- 1; Dolg. bar- 1.
◊ VEWT 62, ЭСТЯ 2, 64-65, EDT 354, Stachowski 52. Chuv. -ɨ- is unclear.
PJpn. *mítí road (дорога): OJpn. mjiti; MJpn. mítí; Tok. mìchi; Kyo.
míchí; Kag. míti ( = míT).
◊ JLTT 481.
PKor. *mōr- to pursue, drive (преследовать, гнать): MKor. mōr-;
Mod. mol-.
◊ Liu 325, HMCH 307, KED 641.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 89, 277.
-mót῾i joint: Mong. *möči; Kor. *mằtằi.
PMong. *möči body part, extremity (часть тела, конечность):
MMong. muče (MA 405); WMong. möči (L 544: möče, möči); Kh. möč; Bur.
müse; Kalm. möčə; Ord. möčö; Dag. muǯi (Тод. Даг. 155), (MGCD) moiǯi;
Mongr. mučir.
◊ KW 267, MGCD 492. Mong. > Kirgh. mučö, Kaz. muše, Yak. müsä etc. (see TMN 1,
505, Щербак 1997, 206).
PKor. *mằtằi joint (of bamboo; of body) (коленце (бамбука); сус-
тав): MKor. mằtằi; Mod. madi.
◊ Nam 195, KED 561.
‖ A Mong.-Kor. isogloss.
-mot῾ì ( ~ -u-) land: Jpn. *mita ( ~ -u-); Kor. *mut.
PJpn. *mita ( ~ -u-) earth (земля):
◊ JLTT 481. A Ryukyu isolate: cf. Nase mìčá, Hateruma ntá etc.
PKor. *mut dry land (суша): MKor. mut; Mod. mut [muth].
◊ Nam 223, KED 685.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
 *múdu - *múkč῾[à] 931

-múdu dragon: Tung. *muduri; Jpn. *múi ( ~ *mi); Kor. *mìr.

PTung. *muduri dragon (дракон): Man. muduri; SMan. muduri
(2276); Jurch. mudu-ur (135); Ul. muduli; Nan. muduri; Orch. muduri; Ud.
mudile (Корм. 262); Sol. mudur.
◊ ТМС 1, 550. TM > Dag. mudur (Тод. Даг. 155).
PJpn. *múi ( ~ *mi) snake (6th Zodiac sign) (змей (6 знак зодиа-
ка)): OJpn. mi; MJpn. mi; Tok. mì; Kyo. mé; Kag. mí.
◊ JLTT 476.
PKor. *mìr dragon (дракон): MKor. mìr.
◊ Nam 233.
‖ Whitman 1985, 61, 239 (Kor.-Jpn.); see also the discussion in Miller
2000. An interesting Eastern isogloss.
-mjre shoulder: Tung. *mǖre; Mong. *mörü; Jpn. *mt-; Kor. *mi-.
PTung. *mǖre shoulder (плечо): Evk. mīre; Evn. mīr; Neg. mīje;
Man. meiren; SMan. mirin (65); Ul. ŋujre; Ork. mujre; Nan. mejre; Orch.
mije; Sol. mīri, mīre.
◊ ТМС 1, 538.
PMong. *mörü shoulder (плечо): MMong. muru (SH), muro (HY 46),
murun (MA); WMong. mörü(n) (L 549); Kh. mör; Bur. mür(e); Kalm. mörn
(КРС); Ord. mörö; Dag. muru, mur (Тод. Даг. 155), mure (MD 192);
S.-Yugh. murə, mərə.
◊ MGCD 491.
PJpn. *mt- to carry, hold (нести, держать): OJpn. mot-; MJpn. mòt-;
Tok. mót-; Kyo. mòt-; Kag. mòt-.
◊ JLTT 728.
PKor. *mi- to carry on the shoulder (нести на плече): MKor. mi-;
Mod. mē-.
◊ Nam 212, KED 616.
‖ Poppe 35, ТМС 1, 538, SKE 145, Колесникова 1972a, 91-92, АПи-
ПЯЯ 291, Дыбо 308, Rozycki 156. The cluster *-jr- accounts for Kor. -i-
(but note that in TM it may be perhaps reconstructed directly: a recon-
struction *mūjre is also possible).
-múkč῾[à] a k. of hammer: Tung. *mukča; Jpn. *mútì; Kor. *màčhí.
PTung. *mukča mallet (палица, дубина): Neg. mụkočan; Man. mu-
qšan; SMan. muqəšan, muqəsan ‘club, stave’ (679); Ul. mụkča; Nan. moksa-
‘to hit with a mallet’; Orch. mučaŋki; Ud. mūsi- ‘to hit with a fist, mallet’
(Корм. 263); Sol. mụx.
◊ ТМС 1, 553, 561.
PJpn. *mútì whip (кнут, бич): OJpn. muti; MJpn. muti; Tok. múchi;
Kyo. múchì; Kag. múchi.
◊ JLTT 489. Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *mútì, but the Tokyo accent is irregular.
932 *mūko - *muktu
PKor. *màčhí wooden hammer, mallet (деревянный молоток, ко-
лотушка): MKor. màčhí; Mod. mačhi.
◊ Liu 301, KED 567.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Turk. *bɨčkak ‘knife’ (if
re-analysed semantically on analogy with *bɨč- ‘cut’). The vowel reflex
in Jpn. points to a variant *mukč῾o (or mukč῾u).
-mūko snake: Tung. *mǖkǖ; Mong. *mogaji; Turk. *böke; Jpn. *múkátai
( ~ -tia); Kor. *mək-.
PTung. *mǖkǖ snake (змея): Neg. mīxi; Man. meixe; SMan. meixə
(2271); Jurch. muj-xe (165); Ul. mui; Ork. mui / mujɣi; Nan. mujki; Orch.
mīki; Ud. miki.
◊ ТМС 1, 537-538.
PMong. *mogaj snake (змея): MMong. moxai (HY 12), moqai (SH),
məɣa (IM), muɣaj (MA); WMong. moɣai (L 541); Kh. mogoj; Bur. mogoj;
Kalm. moɣǟ, moɣā; Ord. moGȫ; Mog. maɣōī; ZM māɣāj (21-7a); Dag. mogo,
mogu, mog (Тод. Даг. 154); Dong. moGi, moɣəi; Bao. moGui; S.-Yugh.
moɣui, moGoi; Mongr. muGw (SM 244), moGui (Huzu).
◊ KW 263, MGCD 487, TMN 1, 508-509.
PTurk. *böke a big snake (большая змея): Karakh. böke (MK).
◊ Лексика 180, EDT 324. Clauson doubts MK’s derivation of böke ‘warrior’ from ‘big
snake’ (MK quotes a folk-tale about the snake with seven heads called böke, and says that
the warriors are called by it); but external evidence rather supports Kashgari’s point of
view. If this is the case, MMong. bökö ‘warrior, wrestler’ (whence Evk. buku etc., see Doer-
fer MT 235) must be a Turkic loanword (see EDT ibid.).
PJpn. *múkátai (~-tia) centipede (многоножка): MJpn. múkádè; Tok.
mùkade; Kyo. mùkádè; Kag. mukáde.
◊ JLTT 487. Accent is not quite clear: most dialects (including RJ) point to high tone
on the first two syllables, but Kyoto suggests rather *mùkátài.
PKor. *mək- a big black snake (большая черная змея): Mod.
mək-kuri, mək-kurəŋi.
◊ KED 609.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 36, 293, Лексика 180. The Mong.-Tung. match is pre-
cise; other reflexes present bigger or lesser problems, possibly of taboo-
istic nature. PJ has irregular tone (but cf. the accentuation in Kyoto,
pointing to *mùká-); in PT one would rather expect a back vowel; the
Kor. word is analysed as “ink-snake” (which is probably a
folk-etymology).
-muktu ( ~ -i) stump, horn foundation: Tung. *mugde-ke; Mong.
*mugǯi-; Kor. *mìth.
PTung. *mugde-ke stump (пень): Evk. mugdekēn; Evn. muɣdъkъn;
Neg. mugdixēn; Man. mukdexen; Ul. mugdu(n); Ork. mūgde(n); Nan.
mugdu, mugdekẽ; Orch. mugde(n); Ud. mugda῾a (Корм. 262); Sol. mugdexẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 549-550.
 *muĺi - *mĺi 933

PMong. *mugǯi- 1 short-necked and plump 2 hornless, hairless (1

короткошеий и толстоватый 2 безрогий, безволосый): WMong.
muɣǯiɣar (МХТТТ) 1; Kh. mugǯgar 2; Ord. muGdū 2.
PKor. *mìth bottom, foundation (дно, основание): MKor. mìt, mìth;
Mod. mit [mith].
◊ Nam 234, 235, KED 699.
‖ The old deriving stem is perhaps preserved in Mong. muqur,
moɣutur ‘blunt, hornless’, MMong. muɣular id., Khalkha moxo-, Kalm.
muxə- ‘to make blunt’ etc. (whence numerous TM forms, see ТМС 1,
552-553). Some of them (especially suffixless forms or forms with -l-,
like Evk. muku- ‘to become blunt’, Sol. moxō ‘blunt’, Evn. muk- ‘to chop
off’) may actually be genuine, see Poppe 55. In Mong. cf. also the
fronted variant mökü ‘blunt’ (KW 265).
-muĺi ignorant: Tung. *mul-(di-); Mong. *mulgu-; Jpn. *misu-; Kor.
*mòrắ-.
PTung. *mul-(di-) to be unable (не уметь): Evk. mulli-; Evn. mụlrъ-
‘to doubt’; Neg. molị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 555.
PMong. *mulgu- to act foolishly (поступать глупо): WMong.
mulɣu- (MXTTT); Kh. mulga-.
PJpn. *misu- annoying, bothersome (надоедливый, привередли-
вый): OJpn. mjisu-.
PKor. *mòrắ- to be unable, ignorant (не уметь, не знать): MKor.
mòrắ-; Mod. morɨ-.
◊ Nam 215, KED 630.
‖ Jpn. -s- (even in the absence of Turkic forms) points to PA *-ĺ-
here.
-mĺi ice, hail: Mong. *möl-sü, *möl-dür; Turk. *bū(n)ŕ; Jpn. *míns-rá-;
Kor. *múrúi.
PMong. *möl-sü, *möl-dür 1 ice 2 hail (1 лед 2 град): MMong. mol-
sun (HY 1, SH), mulsun (MA), mundur (HY 2), mūlsūn (Lig.VMI);
WMong. mösü(n), mölsü(n) (L 546, 550) 1, möndür 2; Kh. mös 1, möndör 2;
Bur. müĺhe(n); Kalm. mösn; Ord. mösü; Dag. meise, meis (Тод. Даг. 154) 1;
murtul 2 (Тод. Даг. 155), mejse 1 (MD 190), muretule 2 (MD 192); Dong.
mensun (MGCD mandəu 2); Bao. menšu (MGCD minśəu); S.-Yugh. mösən;
Mongr. morʒə (SM 240), (MGCD molsə).
◊ KW 266, 267, MGCD 489, 492. Mong. *möl-dür is proved by the Dagur form, as well
as by Turkic loans: Chag. möldür, Uygh. möldür. See VEWT 341, Лексика 32.
PTurk. *bū(n)ŕ ice (лед): Karakh. buz (MK, KB, IM); Tur. buz; Gag.
buz; Az. buz; Turkm. būz; Sal. muz; Khal. buzäk; MTurk. buz, muz
(Abush., MA, Sangl.); Uzb. muz; Uygh. muz; Krm. buz; Tat. boz; Bashk.
boδ; Kirgh. muz; Kaz. muz; KBalk. buz; KKalp. muz; Kum. buz; Nogh.
934 *mùní - *mnǯù
buz; SUygh. pɨz; Khak. pus; Shr. mus; Chuv. pъₙr; Yak. mūs, būs; Dolg.
būs.
◊ VEWT 91, EDT 389, ЭСТЯ 2, 238-239, Лексика 17-18, TMN 2, 336, Stachowski 67.
PJpn. *míns-rá- 1 to fall (of rain with snow) 2 wet snow, rain with
snow (1 идти (о дожде со снегом) 2 мокрый снег, дождь со снегом):
MJpn. mizora- 1; Tok. mìzore 2; Kyo. mízóré 2; Kag. mizóre 2.
◊ JLTT 482.
PKor. *múrúi hail (град): MKor. múrùi; Mod. muri (dial.).
◊ Nam 221, KED 658.
‖ EAS 79, SKE 155, Poppe 35, 138. The Turkic form presents biggest
problems: it must be explained as a result of dissimilation and contrac-
tion - *bū(n)ŕ (cf. obvious traces of nasalization in reflexes) < *būĺ(V)ŕ <
*mĺi-ŕV or even *mūĺi-dVŕV (cf. Mong. *möldür, Evk. melder-); early
loss of *-i- would then also account for the back vowel reflex. All other
forms are more or less plausibly united under the protoform *mĺi.
-mùní ( ~ -o-) a k. of skin or cloth: Tung. *mune-; Jpn. *mìn.
PTung. *mune- 1 skin, fur (from deer’s feet) 2 to pad skis with skin,
fur 3 fur clothes (1 шкурка, мех (с ног оленя) 2 подбивать лыжи
шкуркой, мехом 3 меховая одежда): Evk. munekse 1; Evn. munъs 1,
muni- 2, munek 3; Ul. munekse 1; Ork. muneske 1, munesi- 2; Nan. munekse
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 557.
PJpn. *mìn straw coat (соломенный плащ, накидка): OJpn. mjino;
MJpn. mìnó; Tok. míno; Kyo. mìnó; Kag. míno.
◊ JLTT 480. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps MMong. (HY) minda-sun,
WMong. mindasu(n), Khalkha ḿandas ‘floss-silk, silk thread’.
-mnǯù a k. of of badger: Tung. *mō[nǯ]ika; Mong. *minǯi; Jpn.
*mùnsìnà.
PTung. *mō[nǯ]ika bear eating ants (медведь-муравьед): Evk.
mōdikā; Neg. monoqo; Man. moǯian, močinǯi; Ul. monoko(n); Nan. monoqo
‘Tibetan bear’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 1, 542.
PMong. *minǯi beaver (бобер): WMong. minǯi, (L 539) miŋǯi(n); Kh.
minǯ.
PJpn. *mùnsìnà a k. of badger (“badger-bear”, anakuma badger)
(вид барсука): OJpn. muzina; MJpn. mùzìnà; Tok. mujiná, mùjina; Kyo.
mújìnà; Kag. mujína.
◊ JLTT 489. Accentuation in Kagoshima and the Tokyo variant mùzina are aberrant.
‖ The root contains a rare cluster -nǯ- (with not quite clear reflexes
in TM); nevertheless, the etymology seems probable.
 *muŋo - *mri 935

-muŋo suffering: Tung. *miŋnī- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *muŋ; Turk. *buŋ; Jpn.
*munkua-.
PTung. *miŋnī- ( ~ -ü-) to nag (of joints, heart) (ныть (о суставах,
сердце)): Evk. miŋnī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 537. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *muŋ difficulty (трудность): MMong. muŋ (SH); WMong.
muŋ (L 551: muŋla- ‘to be in need’); Kh. munla- ‘to be in need, to be ex-
hausted’ (БАМРС).
PTurk. *buŋ suffering (мучение, страдание): OTurk. buŋ (Orkh.),
muŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. muŋ (MK); Tur. bun; Gag. bun; Turkm. muŋ-lɨ
‘sorrowful’ (dial.); MTurk. muŋ (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. muŋ; Uygh. muŋ;
Tat. moŋ; Bashk. moŋ; Kirgh. muŋ; KKalp. muŋ; Kum. muŋ; Nogh. muŋ;
Oyr. muŋ; Tv. muŋ; Yak. muŋ; Dolg. muŋ.
◊ VEWT 344, EDT 347, ОСНЯ 2, 73, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 182.
PJpn. *munkua- horrible (ужасный): Tok. mugó-; Kyo. múgò-; Kag.
múgo-.
◊ JLTT 853. The PJ accent is unclear.
‖ Владимирцов 350, Poppe 71. Mong. may be < Turk. The root
seems to be different from *mùne q. v.
-murgu wheat: Tung. *murgi; Jpn. *mùnkí; Kor. *mírh.
PTung. *murgi barley (ячмень): Man. muǯi; Jurch. mir-ɣe-i ‘product
of agriculture’ (825); Ul. muǯi; Nan. muǯi; Sol. mụrgil ‘ярица, яровое
поле’.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 558. TM > Dag. murgil ‘wheat’ (Тод. Даг. 155).
PJpn. *mùnkí wheat, barley (пшеница, ячмень): OJpn. mugji;
MJpn. mùgjí; Tok. múgi; Kyo. mùgí; Kag. mugí.
◊ JLTT 487.
PKor. *mírh wheat (пшеница): MKor. mír (mírh-); Mod. mil.
◊ Nam 234, KED 696.
‖ Martin 251, АПиПЯЯ 69. An Eastern isogloss; but cf. also Turk.
*bogu- ( < *borgu- ?) in *bogu-daj > *bugdaj (ЭСТЯ 2, 232-234, Лексика
461, Chuv. pъₙri ‘полба’; borrowed in Mong. buɣudaj, see Щербак
1997, 110, Hung. búza ‘wheat’, see MNTESz 398; not < Chin., despite
Joki 1963, 106, Menges 1984, 285), *boguŕ ‘хлеб в зерне’, *bogur-sak >
Mong. Kh. bōrcog ‘вид печенья’. Cf. also Bur. murā ‘flour’.
-mri water: Tung. *mū; Mong. *mören; Jpn. *mí(-n-tú); Kor. *mr.
PTung. *mū water (вода): Evk. mū; Evn. mȫ; Neg. mū; Man. muke;
SMan. mukē, mukū (347); Jurch. mo (51); Ul. mū; Ork. mū; Nan. muke;
Orch. mū; Ud. mu-de ‘inundation’; Sol. mū.
◊ ТМС 1, 548-549.
PMong. *mören river (река): MMong. muren (HY 2, SH), murän
(MA); WMong. mören (L 548); Kh. mörön; Bur. müre(n); Kalm. mörn;
936 *muŕu - *musi
Ord. mörön; Dag. mure (Тод. Даг. 155, MD 192), mur (Тод. Даг. 155);
Dong. moren, moran; Bao. moroŋ; S.-Yugh. merēn, merēm; Mongr. murōn
(SM 250).
◊ KW 267, MGCD 298, 492. Mong. > MTurk. mürän ‘river’ (TMN 1, 506, Щербак
1997, 206). The MMong. form in LHa - merän - is certainly not enough to reconstruct PM
*meren, as attempted by Doerfer (TMN 1, 507) (cf. -ö- or -ü- in other sources). This is ob-
viously done in order to attack the traditional etymology of the word, which nevertheless
still holds.
PJpn. *mí(-n-tú) water (вода): OJpn. mjidu; MJpn. mídú; Tok. mìzu;
Kyo. mízú; Kag. mízu ( = míT).
◊ JLTT 483.
PKor. *mr water (вода): MKor. mr; Mod. mul.
◊ Nam 229, KED 675.
‖ EAS 79, 147, KW 267, Poppe 35, Lee 1958, 115, Martin 246, ОСНЯ
2, 61, Murayama 1962, 109, Menges 1984, 277 -278, АПиПЯЯ 28-29, 69,
86, 278, Rozycki 160. Turkic has preserved the root only within the ar-
chaic compound *jag-mur ‘rain’. Tone in Jpn. is irregular (probably be-
cause of reduction and the position within a compound; suffixless *mi
is also attested in OJ, but its accent is unknown); loss of resonant pre-
supposes a suffixed form: *mí < *mr(i)-gV (cf. Manchu mū-ke).
-muŕu to press, damage: Tung. *muru-; Turk. *buŕ- / *boŕ-; Kor. *mīr-.
PTung. *muru- 1 to press 2 to oppress 3 to touch (1 давить 2 при-
теснять 3 задеть, зацепить): Evn. murke- 2, mụrlā- 3; Man. muri(nǯa)-
‘be stubborn’; Ul. murū- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 559, 532.
PTurk. *buŕ- / *boŕ- to damage, destroy (причинять вред, разру-
шать): OTurk. buz- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. buz- (MK, KB); Tur. boz-;
Gag. boz-; Az. poz-; Turkm. boz-; Khal. puz- ( < Ogh.?); MTurk. buz-
(Sangl.); Uzb. buz-; Uygh. buz-; Krm. buz- (T,H,K); Tat. boz-; Bashk. boδ-;
Kirgh. buz-; Kaz. buz-; KBalk. buz-; KKalp. buz-; Kum. buz-; Nogh. buz-;
SUygh. puz-; Khak. pus-; Shr. puza-; Oyr. bus-; Tv. bus-; Chuv. pъₙs-.
◊ EDT 389, VEWT 91, TMN 2, 337, Федотов 1 404, Егоров 150, ЭСТЯ 7. -s- in Chuv.
may be explained either as a loan from Kypch. or as a reflex of the old cluster -ŕs- (Муд-
рак Дисс. 98).
PKor. *mīr- to push, press (толкать, давить): MKor. mīr’oat-, mī-či-;
Mod. mīl-, mīl-čhi-.
◊ Nam 233, 234, KED 696, 698.
‖ See also notes to *bùro.
-musi a k. of flour: Tung. *musi; Mong. *musi; Jpn. *mìs; Kor. *mìsí.
PTung. *musi 1 roasted flour 2 drink made of roasted flour 3 jelly
(made of fish skin) (1 поджаренная мука 2 питье, смешанное с под-
жаренной мукой 3 студень (из рыбьей кожи)): Neg. mosịn 3; Man.
 *músu - *m[u]ti 937

musi 1, 2; Jurch. mu-ĉin (538) 1; Nan. mus ‘frozen (of meat, fish)’ (On.);
Ul. mosị(n) 3; Orch. mosị(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 547, 560.
PMong. *musi pap made of flour thinned with water or bouillon
(каша из муки, разбавленной водой или бульоном): WMong. musi
(L 552); Kh. moši ‘напиток из поджаренной муки’ (БАМРС).
PJpn. *mìs miso (a k. of thick bean gruel) (вид густой бобовой ка-
ши): MJpn. mìsó; Tok. míso; Kyo. mìsó; Kag. misó.
◊ JLTT 481.
PKor. *mìsí a k. of gruel, mixed water and rice flour (вид каши, во-
да, смешанная с рисовой мукой): MKor. mìsí; Mod. misi.
◊ Nam 233, KED 690.
‖ Kor. and Jpn. have a tone mismatch, so borrowing is not ex-
cluded; a borrowing in Mong. < Man. or vice versa is also possible (see
Rozycki 160, proposing Mong. > Manchu).
-músu to bind, strand: Mong. *musgi-; Jpn. *músú(m)p-; Kor. *mɨsk-.
PMong. *musgi- to twist, strand (rope) (скручивать (веревку)):
WMong. musgi- (L 552: muski-, muški-); Kh. mušgi-; Bur. mušxa-; Kalm.
moškl-, muškl-; Ord. mušχi- ‘крутить ( о желудке), выкручивать, изви-
ваться ( о змее)’; Dag. morki-; Dong. mušɨɣəi-; Bao. məśGə-; Mongr.
mušgi- (SM 252), muśgə-.
◊ KW 265, 269, MGCD 495. Mong. > Evk. motki-, see Doerfer MT 127. Cf. also
WMong. mösün ‘strand of rope’ (L 550).
PJpn. *músú(m)p- to bind (связывать): OJpn. musub-; MJpn. músúb-;
Tok. mùsub-; Kyo. músúb-; Kag. mùsùb-.
◊ JLTT 729.
PKor. *mɨsk- to bind (связывать): MKor. mɨsk-, mɨs-; Mod. muk-
[muk:-].
◊ Nam 232, KED 670.
‖ Martin 227. ? Cf. Man. maselaqu ‘loops, trap’ (ТМС 1, 533).
-musu ( ~ -a, *mosi) to smile: Tung. *musim-; Mong. *misije-.
PTung. *musim- to smile, sneer (улыбаться, усмехаться): Evn.
musъm-; Neg. musi-musi; Man. ḿosiri-la-; Ork. musimu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 561.
PMong. *misije- to smile, laugh (смеяться, улыбаться): WMong.
misije- (L 540); Kh. mišē-; Bur. miher-.
‖ ТМС 1, 561. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-m[u]ti to know, believe: Tung. *mute-; Mong. *mede-; Turk. *büt-; Kor.
*mìt-.
PTung. *mute- can, be able (мочь, уметь): Man. mute-; SMan. mutə-,
mutu- ‘to be capable’ (3020); Ul. mute-; Ork. mute-; Nan. mute- (On.).
938 *mṓč῾a - *módè
◊ ТМС 1, 561 (reflexes coincide with *mute- ‘to fulfil’: in PTM a merger occurred of
the Altaic roots *mŭt’i ‘to complete’ and *m[u]ti ‘to know, believe’).
PMong. *mede- to know (знать): MMong. mede- (HY 33, SH), mēdɛ-,
mīdɛ- (IM), mid- (MA); WMong. mede- (L 531); Kh. mede-; Bur. mede-;
Kalm. medə-; Ord. mede-; Mog. mede- (Weiers); Dag. mede- (Тод. Даг.
154, MD 189); Dong. meǯie-, meiǯie-; Bao. made-, mede-; S.-Yugh. mede-;
Mongr. mude- (SM 244).
◊ KW 259, MGCD 483. Mong. > Evk. mede-, Nan. mede- etc. (ТМС 1, 563-564), see
TMN 1, 512-513, Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki 155.
PTurk. *büt- 1 to believe 2 sign, token (1 верить 2 знак): Karakh.
büt- 1 (MK, KB); MTurk. büt- 1 (Pav. C.); Uygh. püt- 1 (dial.); Shr. püt- 1;
Oyr. büt- 1; Yak. bit 2.
◊ VEWT 93, EDT 298-299 (together with büt- ‘finish’), ЭСТЯ 2, 279-280.
PKor. *mìt- to believe (верить): MKor. mìt-; Mod. mit-.
◊ Nam 234, KED 695.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 15, 294. See SKE 149, EAS 149. Mong. *mede- is perhaps
< *möde- with secondary delabialization.
-mṓč῾a ( ~ -u, -o) edge, end: Tung. *muč-; Turk. *būč-gak, -mak; Kor.
*mằčh-.
PTung. *muč- 1 edge, limit, end 2 to turn back, return (1 край, пре-
дел, конец 2 поворачивать назад, возвращаться): Evk. mučū- 2; Evn.
mụčụ- 2; Neg. močo- 2; Jurch. muta-bun (378) 2; Ul. mụča 1, mụčụ-ǯị- 2;
Ork. mụčča 1, mụttụ- 2; Nan. moča 1, močogo- 2; Sol. mosō- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 561, 562.
PTurk. *būč-gak, -mak (outer) corner, angle (внешний угол):
Karakh. bučɣaq (MK) ‘region of the world, corner’; Tur. buǯak; Gag.
buǯaq; Az. buǯaɣ; Turkm. būǯaq ‘lower ends of a winebag’; MTurk. buǯaq
(Sangl.); Tat. počmaq; Krm. bučaq, bučqaq; Chuv. pəₙśmex.
◊ VEWT 85, ЭСТЯ 2, 282-283. Despite EDT 294 and Clark 1980, 38, not derived < *bɨč-
‘cut’ (because of semantic and phonetic - vowel length and vowel quality - differences).
PKor. *mằčh- 1 to finish 2 finish, end (1 заканчивать 2 конец):
MKor. mằs-, măčh-, mằčhắ- 1, mằčhắm 2; Mod. mačhi- 1.
◊ Nam 198, 205, 206, KED 568.
‖ EAS 79, АПиПЯЯ 76, Дыбо 13.
-módè ( ~ -u-, -o) bend, circle: Tung. *moda-; Jpn. *mt-pər-; Kor.
*mùd-Vph > *mùrVph.
PTung. *moda- 1 bend 2 rim, hoop (1 извилина, излучина 2 обод,
обруч): Evk. mōdan, mōdar 1; Man. mudan 1; Ul. modo-čo(n) 2; Nan. modã
1; Orch. muda(n) ‘turn’, muda(ŋ)gi- ‘to return’; Ud. mudaŋa 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 542. The Evk. length is not parallelled elsewhere and is probably secondary
(misrecorded?).
PJpn. *mt-pər- to turn round (вращаться): OJpn. motop(w)or-;
MJpn. mótófór-.
 *mṓjńo - *móju 939
◊ JLTT 727.
PKor. *mùd-Vph > *mùrVph knee (колено): MKor. mùrùp(h),
mùrằp; Mod. murɨp.
◊ Nam 221, KED 657.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 296. An Eastern isogloss.
-mṓjńo neck: Tung. *moń-ga-n, *moń-pen; Mong. *mundaɣa; Turk.
*bōjn; Jpn. *nəmpV; Kor. *mjə-k.
PTung. *moń-ga-n, *moń-pen neck (шея): Evk. moŋon, meŋun;
meŋer ‘counter, scruff’; Neg. moŋon; Man. moŋgon, meifen; SMan. muŋan
‘throat’ (63), mifin (60); Jurch. mei-fen (509) ‘neck, throat’; Ul. moŋgo(n);
Ork. moŋo(n); Nan. moŋo(n); Orch. moŋo(n); Ud. müö (< *moń-gi?); moŋoli
‘necklace; collar’.
◊ ТМС 1, 538, 546, 570, Дыбо 1996, 254-255.
PMong. *mundaɣa crest, withers (of a horse) (холка (лошади)):
WMong. mundaɣa (L 551); Kh. mundā; Bur. mundā; Kalm. mundā; Ord.
mundā.
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bōjn neck (шея): OTurk. bojɨn (OUygh.); Karakh. bojun,
bojɨn (MK), bojun (KB); Tur. bojun; Gag. bojnu; Az. bojun; Turkm. bojun;
Sal. bojnɨ; Khal. būun; MTurk. bojn, bojun (Sangl., MA); Uzb. bụjin;
Uygh. bojun; Krm. bojun; Tat. mujɨn; Bashk. mujɨn; Kirgh. mojun; Kaz.
mojɨn; KBalk. bojun; KKalp. mojɨn; Kum. bojun; Nogh. mojɨn; SUygh. mo-
jin; Khak. mojɨn; Shr. mojun; Oyr. mojun; Tv. mojun; Tof. möän (mojnu);
Chuv. mъj; Yak. mōj; Dolg. muoj.
◊ VEWT 80, EDT 386, ЭСТЯ 2, 180-182, Лексика 233-234, Stachowski 183. Turk.
forms like Kirgh. mojnoq > Mong. Kh. moinog ‘Wamme’ (see Щербак 1997, 108).
PJpn. *nəmpV neck (шея):
◊ A local Ryukyu word: Hateruma nùbùsŃ, Yonaguni nùbí.
PKor. *mjə-k neck, throat (шея, горло): MKor. mjək; Mod. mjək.
◊ Nam 213, KED 619.
‖ EAS 98, Poppe 34, 67 (Turk.-Tung.), АПиПЯЯ 53, 280, Дыбо 5,
Лексика 234. In Japanese, unfortunately, only Ryukyu forms are at-
tested, which probably underwent an influence of the PJ root *nəmp- ‘to
stretch, lengthen’; still, the origin of the Ryukyu stem from this PA root
seems probable. The Kor. form is morphologically = PT *bojnak <
*mojńo-k῾V; cf. also MKor. mŋ-’i ‘yoke, harness’ with preservation of
nasal. The TM form also reflects velar suffixation (*mojn-ga-).
-móju all, whole: Tung. *muja-; Jpn. *múina; Kor. *măin.
PTung. *muja- whole (целый, весь): Man. mujaχun; Nan. mo; Ud.
muje῾i (Корм. 262).
◊ ТМС 1, 551.
940 *mk῾a - *mŏk῾V
PJpn. *múina all (весь): OJpn. mina (Old Kyushu dial. mone); MJpn.
mína; Tok. miná; Kyo. mìnná; Kag. míńna.
◊ JLTT 479.
PKor. *măin most, extremely, very (весь, самый, очень): MKor.
măin; Mod. mǟn.
◊ Nam 208, KED 603.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-mk῾a ( ~ -u-, -k-) to sow, scatter: Tung. *moK-; Jpn. *màk-.
PTung. *moK- to scatter, throw out, sow (рассеивать, разбрасы-
вать, сеять): Neg. moklakunda-; Man. maqta-; SMan. maqətə-, mahətə-
(1549); Nan. moGlola-.
◊ ТМС 1, 543.
PJpn. *màk- to sow (сеять): OJpn. mak-; MJpn. màk-; Tok. mák-; Kyo.
mák-; Kag. màk-.
◊ JLTT 720.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mók῾ì old, aged: Tung. *muxu-; Mong. *mökü-; Turk. *bük-tel- (~ö) (?);
Jpn. *múkási; Kor. *muk-.
PTung. *muxu- 1 to lose powers, be exhausted 2 to die 3 distress,
loss (1 изнемогать, истощаться 2 умирать 3 нужда, лишения): Evk.
mekčerē-, mukčerē- 2; Evn. mụqj 3; Man. moχo- 1; Ul. moχo- 1; Nan.
moχo- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 543, 552, 566 (cf. also Oroch māk- ‘to die’).
PMong. *mökü- to perish, fade away (погибать, вымирать):
WMong. mökü- (L 545); Kh. möxö-; Bur. müxe-; Kalm. mökr- ‘be unable’;
Ord. möχö- ‘subir des malheurs’; Dag. muku- (Тод. Даг. 155); Bao.
mɛgə-.
◊ KW 265, MGCD 493, 609.
PTurk. *bük-tel- mature (зрелый): Karakh. büktel (MK).
◊ EDT 325.
PJpn. *múkási once upon a time, in old times (когда-то, дав-
ным-давно): OJpn. mukasi; MJpn. múkási; Tok. mùkashi; Kyo. mùkàshí;
Kag. mukáshi.
◊ JLTT 487. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
PKor. *mùk- to become old, stale; to stay, remain (стариться; оста-
ваться): MKor. mùk-; Mod. muk-.
◊ Liu 332, KED 668.
‖ Martin 247, Дыбо 13, ТМС 1, 566.
-mŏk῾V dirt: Tung. *muK-; Mong. *moki-; Turk. *bok; Kor. *muk.
PTung. *mux- 1 to fart 2 bad smell (1 портить воздух 2 вонь): Evk.
mukē- 1, mukēn 2; Evn. mukē- 2; Neg. muke- 1; Nan. moxan mońi ‘elder’
 *mola - *mòle 941

(Bik.) (“stinking tree”, cf. Mong. ömgij xovol) (Сем 143); Orch. moki 2;
Ud. muakta- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PMong. *moki- gum, clay, sulphur (смола, глина, сера): WMong.
mokin (L 542: moki); Bur. moxi(n); Kalm. mokn.
◊ KW 264. Despite Аникин 111, 388, not connected with *boki ‘нагар в курительной
трубке’.
PTurk. *bok dirt, dung (грязь, навоз): OTurk. boq ‘ярь’ (OUygh.);
Karakh. boq ‘mildew on bread’ (MK), ‘dung’ (IM); Tur. bok; Gag. boq;
Az. poχ; Turkm. boq; MTurk. (OKypch.) boq (AH, Houts.); Krm. boq;
Kirgh. boq; KBalk. boq; KKalp. boq; Nogh. boq; Khak. pox; Oyr. boq; Tv.
boq; Tof. moq; Chuv. pъₙx.
◊ VEWT 79, EDT 311, ЭСТЯ 2, 183. Turk. > WMong. boɣ, Kalm. bog (KW 48-49; see
TMN 2, 349, Щербак 1997, 108).
PKor. *muk 1 jelly 2 coarse flour (left in the sieve) (1 желе 2 грубая
мука (остающаяся в сите)): Mod. muk 1, mugəri 2.
◊ KED 652, 668.
‖ Дыбо 10.
-mola ( ~ -u-) blunt, short: Tung. *melu- ~ *mulu-; Mong. *moli-; Jpn.
*marV- (?).
PTung. *melu- ~ *mulu- 1 (to become) blunt 2 teethless (1 тупиться
2 беззубый): Evn. mele- 2; Neg. melu-melu 1, melmetu 2; Man. mentexe 2;
Ul. muluptu- 1; Ork. melli-melli 1; Nan. mulup- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 567.
PMong. *moli- 1 to be blunt 2 blunt (1 быть тупым 2 тупой):
WMong. moli-ji- 1, moluɣur (L 542) 2; Kh. molgor 2; Bur. molxi 2; Kalm.
mölī- 1; Dag. ? mūle- ‘loose one῾s sharpness’ (MD 192).
◊ Mong. moliɣar ‘blunt’ (Kalm. möĺəgər) > Kirgh. molaq ‘animal with a broken horn’
(KW 265).
PJpn. *marV- short (короткий):
◊ The root is attested only in Ryukyu: Hateruma márù-, Yonaguni màrá-.
‖ The Jpn. parallel is somewhat dubious (a local Ryukyu word, and
the semantic match is not quite convincing).
-mòle sick, weak: Tung. *mul-; Turk. *bül-; Jpn. *mr-; Kor. *mɨră-.
PTung. *mul- 1 to fall ill 2 weak, tired (1 заболевать 2 слабый, ус-
талый): Evk. mul- (Вас.), multe 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 555 (Evk. > Yak. möltö-, not vice versa). Attested only in Evk., but having
possible external parallels.
PTurk. *bül- 1 to be destroyed, ruined 2 to destroy (1 разрушаться,
разоряться 2 разрушать): MTurk. OKypch. bül- ‘to remove, fire’ (AH);
Krm. bül- 1; Tat. böl- 1; Bashk. böl- 1; Kirgh. bülün- ‘to be alarmed’; Kaz.
bülin- 1, büldir- 2.
◊ VEWT 92, EDT 332.
942 *mṓli - *mólu
PJpn. *mr- fragile (хрупкий): OJpn. m(w)oro-; MJpn. mòrò-; Tok.
moró-; Kyo. mórò-; Kag. móro-.
◊ JLTT 835. The Kagoshima accent is aberrant.
PKor. *mrằ- soft, weak (мягкий, слабый): MKor. mɨră-, mr-; Mod.
murɨ-.
◊ Nam 226, KED 656.
‖ Martin 242 (Jpn.-Kor.)
-mṓli to cut into pieces: Tung. *m[o]l-; Mong. *möli-; Turk. *bȫl-; Kor.
*mằrằ-.
PTung. *m[o]l- 1 to cut (into pieces etc.) 2 into small pieces (adv.) 3
wood cuttings 4 to break into pieces (1 разрезать на куски 2 на мел-
кие части 3 обрезки дерева 4 надламывать, переламывать): Evk.
meleɣe-, mēlepte-, molopto- 1; Evn. melles 2; Ul. molǯị 3; Nan. molǯị- 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 544, 567.
PMong. *möli- to cut (boughs etc.) (обрезать (сучки и т.п.)):
WMong. möli- (L 546); Kh. mölö-; Bur. müli-; Kalm. möl-.
◊ KW 265.
PTurk. *bȫl- to divide, separate (делить, отделять): OTurk. böl-
(Orkh.); Tur. böl-; Gag. böl-; Az. böl-; Turkm. bȫl-; Khal. bīel-; MTurk. böl-
(Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. bọl-; Uygh. bö(l)-; Krm. böl-; Tat. bül-; Bashk. bül-;
Kirgh. böl-; Kaz. böl-; KBalk. böl-; KKalp. böl-; Kum. böl-; Nogh. böl-;
Khak. pöl-; Shr. pöl-; Oyr. böl-; Tof. böl-; Chuv. pöl-.
◊ VEWT 84, EDT 332, TMN 2, 323, ЭСТЯ 2, 214-217. Turk. > Mong. bölög, böleg
‘group, division’ (see TMN 2, 325, Щербак 1997, 109).
PKor. *mằrằ- to cut, trim (резать, подрубать): MKor. mằrằ-; Mod.
marɨ-.
◊ Nam 195, KED 562.
‖ PKE 108. In Kor. one has to suppose vocalic assimilation *mằrằ- <
*mòrằ- (cf. similarly *k῾ṓli).
-mólu ridge, corner: Tung. *mulu; Turk. *bul-; Jpn. *múná-i; Kor. *mằrằ.
PTung. *mulu 1 ridge of roof 2 bench (1 матица, конек (крыши) 2
скамья): Neg. mulu 1; Man. mulu 1, mulan 2; SMan. mulə, mulu ‘ridge,
ridgepole’ (462); Jurch. mul-an (239) 2; Nan. mulu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 554, 555.
PTurk. *bul- 1 corner, angle 2 direction (1 угол 2 направление, сто-
рона света): OTurk. buluŋ 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. buluŋ 1 (MK);
MTurk. OKypch. buluŋ 1 (CCum.); Uygh. buluŋ 1; Tat. bolɨn ‘meadow’;
Bashk. bolon 1; Kirgh. buluŋ 1; Kaz. bulɨq ‘edge’; Khak. puluŋ 1; Tv. buluŋ
1; Tof. buluŋ 1; Yak. buluŋ 1.
◊ VEWT 88, EDT 343, ЭСТЯ 2, 261-262. Turk. > Mong. buluŋ (see Clark 1977, 133,
Щербак 1997, 110), whence Evk. bolon (Doerfer MT 125).
 *móĺe - *mónŋo 943

PJpn. *múná-i ridge (of roof) (конек (крыши)): OJpn. mune; MJpn.
múné; Tok. muné; Kyo. múné; Kag. múne.
◊ JLTT 488. The Tokyo accent is irregular (mùne would be expected).
PKor. *mằrằ ridge (of roof) (конек (крыши)): MKor. mằrằ, măr;
Mod. maru.
◊ Nam 195, Liu 285, 289, KED 561.
‖ Lee 1958, 115 (Kor.-TM), Whitman 1985, 183, 237 (Kor.-Jpn.). De-
spite SKE 139, hardly a loan in Manchu from Kor. In Jpn. we have to
assume *múná < *mura-n (cf. Turk. buluŋ); in Turkic - a secondary nar-
rowing (*buluŋ < *boluŋ).
-móĺe to bite, gnaw: Tung. *mul-; Mong. *mölǯi-; Jpn. *músír-; Kor.
*mr-.
PTung. *mul- 1 to swallow 2 jaw (1 глотать 2 челюсть): Man. muĺa-
1, muĺan 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 554.
PMong. *mölǯi- to gnaw (глодать): WMong. mölǯi- (L 546); Kh.
mölǯi-; Bur. mülže-; Kalm. mölǯə-; Ord. mölǯi-; Mog. ZM molǯi- (16-6a);
Mongr. murē- (SM 248), mori- (Huzu).
◊ KW 265.
PJpn. *músír- to pluck out, pick out (выдергивать, срывать): MJpn.
músír-; Tok. mùshiru; Kyo. múshír-; Kag. mushír-.
◊ JLTT 729.
PKor. *mr- to bite (кусать): MKor. mr-; Mod. mul-.
◊ Nam 229, KED 677.
‖ SKE 154, ОСНЯ 2, 70; Ozawa 296-297; АПиПЯЯ 295.
-mónŋo to knead, press, stroke: Tung. *monŋi-; Mong. *mun-; Turk.
*boŋ; Jpn. *mm- (~-uá-); Kor. *mằn-čí-.
PTung. *monŋi- 1 to squeeze, rumple 2 mallet (1 мять, комкать,
растирать 2 колотушка): Evk. moni-, moŋi- 1; Evn. monŋ- 1; Neg.
moŋnị- / monŋị- 1, moŋị 2; Man. monǯi- 1; SMan. ḿonǯi- ‘to massage, to
rub’ (1571); Ul. monǯịčị- 1; Ork. monǯị- 1, mōnịčụ(n) 2; Nan. moŋgịčị- 1,
meŋki ‘spoon, ladle’; Orch. moŋiči- 1; Ud. muŋgi 2 (Корм. 263).
◊ ТМС 1, 545.
PMong. *mun- mallet (колотушка): WMong. muna (L 551), monča
(L 542); Kh. muna; Bur. munsa; Kalm. munə (КРС).
PTurk. *boŋ mallet (молоток, колотушка): Tv. moŋ; Tof. moŋ.
◊ Лексика 383.
PJpn. *mm- (~-uá-) to knead, rumple (мять, жать, комкать): OJpn.
m(w)om-; MJpn. móm-; Tok. mòm-; Kyo. móm-; Kag. móm-.
◊ JLTT 726.
PKor. *mằn-čí- to stroke, rub (гладить, тереть): MKor. mằn-čí-;
Mod. manǯi-.
944 *mṓńe - *mṓŋi
◊ Nam 199, KED 576.
‖ SKE 144, Lee 1958, 114, Лексика 383.
-mṓńe ( ~ -o) a k. of fruit: Tung. *moja- (-ń-?); Mong. *mono-su; Turk.
*bōń-; Jpn. *mm ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *moja- (-ń-?) name of a tree similar to quince (назв. дерева,
похожего на айву): Man. mojoro, mujari.
◊ ТМС 1, 550. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *mono-su bird-cherry (черемуха): WMong. mono-su(n)
(МХТТТ); Kh. monos.
PTurk. *bōń- 1 black currants 2 hazel-nut (1 черная смородина 2
орех): Chuv. mъjъr 2; Yak. mōńńoɣon 1.
◊ Федотов 1, 346. Cf. also Yak. dial. majɨara ‘raspberry’. Chuv. > Hung. mogyóro ‘ha-
zelnut’.
PJpn. *mm ( ~ -ua-) peach (персик): OJpn. m(w)om(w)o; MJpn.
mómó; Tok. mòmo; Kyo. mómó; Kag. mómo.
◊ JLTT 484.
‖ EAS 123-124, Poppe 36, Мудрак Дисс. 75.
-mṓŋi ( ~ -e) round: Tung. *muŋu-, *muŋbu-; Mong. *möɣer; Turk.
*bōn-čok; Kor. *mūŋ-.
PTung. *muŋu-, *muŋbu- 1 oval, round 2 blunt, rounded (1 оваль-
ный, круглый 2 тупой, закругленный): Evk. mumō 2, mumbu-me 1,
mombo- ‘roll’; Evn. muŋuti 1; Man. mumuri 2; Nan. muŋgel-muŋgel bī 1.
◊ Tung. > Yak. mumur / muŋur ‘blunt’. See ТМС 1, 544, 556, 558. Evk. munčukē ‘beads’
may be derived or else may be a later Turkism.
PMong. *möɣer wheel, hoop (колесо, обруч): MMong. mo’er ‘felloe,
rim’ (HY 18); WMong. möger (L 545); Kh. mȫr; Bur. mȫr(e); Kalm. mȫr;
Dag. mēr (Тод. Даг. 154).
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bōnčok beads, small balls as ornaments (бусы, маленькие
шарики в качестве украшений): OTurk. mončuq (Orkh., OUIgh.);
Karakh. mončuq (MK); Tur. bonǯuk; Gag. bonǯuq; Az. munǯuɣ; Turkm.
mōnǯuq; Khal. munǯuq; MTurk. mɨnčaɣ (Sangl.), bunǯuq (Pav. C.), munčaq
(MA); Uzb. munčɔq; Uygh. mončaq (dial.); Krm. munǯax; Tat. muncaq
(КСТТ); Bashk. munsaq (dial.); Kirgh. mončoq; Kaz. monšaq; KBalk. min-
čaq; KKalp. monšaq; Kum. minčaq; Khak. mončɨx, monńɨx (dial.).
◊ VEWT 340, EDT 349, ЭСТЯ 7. One can argue that this form is derived from *bōjn
‘neck’ (in old sources the word is usually reserved for neck ornaments). Forms like
mojɨn-ča-k, attested in Tat., Bashk., Nogh., Kirgh., as well as Chag. mɨnčaɣ, KBalk., Kum.
minčaq should be probably explained that way; but the form *bōn-čok itself may rather
reflect earlier *mōŋi-č῾V(k῾V) ‘round ornament’, with secondary contaminations. Turk. >
Russ. munčakъ, see Аникин 395.
 *mṑro - *mórV 945

PKor. *mūŋ- round, small round stone (круглый, маленький круг-

лый камешек): MKor. mūŋ’rí-tōr; Mod. muŋi ‘round thing, lump’,
muŋuri ‘round stone’.
◊ Nam 224, KED 685.
‖ OJ mapa-r- ‘turn round’ may belong here if it goes back to <
*moŋ-bV (cf. Tungus forms), although the vocalism is not quite right; cf.
also Mong. (dissimilation?) bömbüger ‘round’, see EAS 116.
-mṑro a k. of weed: Tung. *mōr-; Jpn. *m (~*muà); Kor. *mắr.
PTung. *mōr- 1 sedge 2 horse-tail (weed) (1 осока 2 хвощ): Evk.
mōrda 1, moriŋā 2; Nan. mōri ‘ивняк’ (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 546.
PJpn. *m (~*muà) edible seaweed (водоросли (съедобные)): OJpn.
m(w)o; MJpn. mò; Tok. mò; Kyo. mṓ; Kag. mó.
◊ JLTT 484. Modern accentuation points rather to high tone, but RJ explicitly has a
low tone.
PKor. *mắr edible seaweed (водоросли (съедобные)): MKor. mắr;
Mod. marɨm.
◊ Nam 201, KED 562.
‖ Whitman 1985, 144, 155, 237. An Eastern isogloss. In Turk. cf. pe r-
haps Oyr., Shor parga ‘weed’ (which would require a modification of
the PA form to *màro). The loss of resonant in Jpn. presupposes a suf-
fixed form like *mòr(o)-gV (cf. the Turkic parallels) or *mòr(o)-ŋV (cf.
Evk. moriŋa).
-mórV horse: Tung. *murin; Mong. *mori; Turk. *bura (?); Kor. *mằr.
PTung. *murin horse (лошадь): Evk. murin; Evn. mụrn; Neg. mojịn;
Man. morin; SMan. morin (2182); Jurch. mu-rin; Ul. mụrị(n); Ork. mụrị(n);
Nan. morị; Orch. muri(n); Ud. mui; Sol. morĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 558-559.
PMong. *mori horse (лошадь): MMong. morin (HY 9, SH), mori
(IM), murin (MA); WMong. mori(n) (L 543); Kh. moŕ; Bur. mori(n); Kalm.
mörn; Ord. mori(n); Mog. morin; ZM morin (20-6), KT muren (19-2b);
Dag. mori, moŕ (Тод. Даг. 155, MD 192); Dong. mori; Bao. more; S.-Yugh.
mōrə; Mongr. mori (SM 241).
◊ KW 267, MGCD 487, TMN 1, 507. Oirat (Kalm.) > Russ. мерин; Bur. > Russ. dial.
mórin, see Аникин 391.
PTurk. *bura (?) soul of a sacrificial animal (horse) (душа жертвен-
ного животного (коня)): Khak. pura ‘picture of a male maral on a sha-
man drum’; Oyr. pura (dial.) ‘sacrificial animal’.
◊ The Oyr. word is usually identified with bura ‘camel’ < PT *bugra; the absence of
vowel length (*būra would be normally expected) is, however, baffling and could indicate
a different origin of the Oyr. and Khak. words. Cf. perhaps also Yak. burgunas ‘young
cow, cow without calves’.
PKor. *mằr horse (лошадь): MKor. mằr; Mod. mal.
946 *múbè - *mude
◊ Nam 201, KED 578.
‖ EAS 79, 141, Новикова 1984. Somewhat dubious as a PA etymon:
the Turkic reflex is questionable, the Tungus forms may be borrowed
from Mong., see TMN 1, 507-508, Doerfer MT 25, Rozycki 159 (al-
though the vocalism is not quite satisfactory for a loan); however, the
Kor. word is hard to explain as a Mong. borrowing.
-múbè blunt, hornless, hairless: Tung. *mub-(up)-; Mong. *müjide; Jpn.
*mápí-rə(n)ka-; Kor. *mbi- / mbi-.
PTung. *mub-(up)- to become blunt (тупиться): Evn. mb-/p-; Neg.
mōp-; Man. mufujen.
◊ ТМС 1, 549.
PMong. *müjide hornless (безрогий): Bur. müjde.
◊ Attested only in Buriat, but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *mápí-rə(n)ka- to disrobe, make naked (снимать одежду,
оголять): MJpn. máfírógá-.
◊ JLTT 718 (Martin transcribes mabiroke-).
PKor. *mbi- / *mbi- 1 to be naked 2 to be bald (1 быть голым 2
быть лысым): MKor. mi- 2, mi-wàs- 1 (pàs- ‘to take off clothes’); Mod.
mui- 2, mä-n, mi-n ‘pure, bare’.
◊ Nam 212, 232, KED 603, 664, 693.
‖ The Jpn. word is traditionally analysed as ‘totally spread’ - most
probably a folk-etymological reanalysis; note the obvious semantic
parallel between MJ mafiroge- and MKor məi-was-.
-mùč῾e branch (of a pine, conifer): Tung. *muči-kta; Mong. *möčir; Jpn.
*màtú.
PTung. *muči-kta 1 needles (branches) of a conifer 2 bamboo bast (1
хвоя 2 бамбуковое лыко): Evk. mučukte 1, muču- ‘to be green (of a
larch)’; Evn. mụčịt 1 (also ‘young green sprouts’); Man. mučiχa 2.
◊ ТМС 1,562. Evk. > Yak. mučukta, Dolg. möčükte (see Kał. TJ 266, Stachowski 180).
PMong. *möčir branch, twig (ветка): WMong. möčir (L 545); Kh.
möčir; Bur. müšer; Kalm. möčr; Ord. möčǖr; Dag. cf. mučurtu (Тод. Даг.
155), mučurete (MD 192) ‘grapes’; Mongr. mučir.
◊ KW 267, MGCD 493.
PJpn. *màtú pine tree (сосна): OJpn. matu; MJpn. màtú; Tok. mátsu;
Kyo. màtsú; Kag. matsú.
◊ JLTT 474.
‖ Колесникова 1972a, 94; АПиПЯЯ 76.
-mude soon, finally: Tung. *mudan; Mong. *mödü.
PTung. *muda-n end, limit, finish (конец, предел): Evk. mudan;
Evn. mụdn; Neg. modan; Ul. mụda(n); Nan. modã; Ud. muda(n); Sol.
mudã.
◊ ТМС 1, 550. TM > Dag. madan (Тод. Даг. 153).
 *mūga - *múgdà 947

PMong. *mödü soon, shortly, later (скоро, вскоре, позже):

WMong. mödü (L 545); Kh. möd.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also PJ *mat- ‘to wait’, *mata
‘again’. Ramstedt (SKE 142) compares the Tung. form with Kor. ma-
čhida ‘to end, finish’ (Ramstedt: mătčhida), but MKor. has always -č- or
-s- in this verb (mằč-tá, mằs-tá), see *mṓč῾a.
-mūga bonfire: Tung. *mōgdi; Mong. *maj; Jpn. *mákí.
PTung. *mōgdi instrument for obtaining fire (огниво): Evk. mōgdi;
Evn. mōdgị; Neg. mōgdị; Nan. moduli; Orch. mōdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 541-542.
PMong. *maj bonfire (костер): WMong. mai (L 522); Kh. maj.
PJpn. *mákí ( ~ -ui) firewood (дрова): Tok. màki; Kyo. mákí; Kag.
máki.
◊ JLTT 470. The word is not attested in OJ and may be actually = ma-ki ‘true wood’
(see ibid.).
‖ Somewhat dubious because of a possible alternative etymology of
the Japanese word and because of tonal discrepancy between TM and
Japanese.
-múgdà bank, earth: Tung. *megdī / *mugdī; Mong. *muǯi; Turk.
*bodun; Jpn. *mátì; Kor. *màt(h).
PTung. *megdī / *mugdī steep bank (берег (террасовый, крутой)):
Evk. megdīn; Evn. meɣdin; Neg. megdin; Man. mudun; Ul. megdi(n); Ork.
megǯi(n); Nan. megǯĩ (dial. mudũ ‘meadow’, possibly < Manchu); Orch.
megdi(n); Ud. mogʒo῾ (Корм. 260).
◊ ТМС 1, 550, 563.
PMong. *muǯi territory, province (территория, провинция):
WMong. muǯi (L 554); Kh. muǯ; Bur. možo; Kalm. muǯə; Ord. muǯi; Dag.
moǯi (Тод. Даг. 155, MD 191).
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bodun people (народ): OTurk. bodun (OUygh., Orkh,);
Karakh. boδun (MK).
◊ EDT 306, TMN 2, 812, Лексика 316.
PJpn. *mátì street, quarter (улица, квартал): OJpn. mati; MJpn. mátì;
Tok. machí; Kyo. mátì; Kag. máti.
◊ JLTT 473.
PKor. *màt(h) place, enclosure, yard (место, огороженное место,
двор): MKor. màt, màth; Mod. madaŋ, (arch.) mat [mat, math].
◊ Nam 199, 206, KED 560, 578, 596.
‖ EAS 78-79, Whitman 1985, 171, 237, АПиПЯЯ 279. The hypothesis
of borrowing in Korean from Tibetan (SKE 137) is untenable. The
Turkic form may be alternatively derived from *bod ‘body’, in which
case it may be unrelated to other forms above.
948 *mùgdó - *mújŋi
-mùgdó ( ~ *mògdé) to coil, turn round: Tung. *mugdi-; Mong. *muǯi-,
*moǯi-; Jpn. *mntr-; Kor. *mr-.
PTung. *mugdi- to coil, make turns (извиваться, делать поворо-
ты): Evk. mugdi-; Neg. mugdeli ‘round and round’; Nan. megǯen-; Ud.
mugǯili-.
◊ ТМС 1, 549.
PMong. *muǯi-, *moǯi- slanting, to be awry (косой, кривой):
WMong. muǯiji-, moǯiji- (v.), muǯiɣar, moǯiɣar (adj.) (L 554); Kh. muǯī-,
muʒgar; Bur. muža-; Kalm. muǯi- ‘to disjoint’; Ord. muǯugur ‘halting,
lame’.
◊ KW 268.
PJpn. *m(n)tr- to come back, return (возвращаться): MJpn.
mòdòr-; Tok. modór-; Kyo. módór-; Kag. mòdòr-.
◊ JLTT 725.
PKor. *mr- to return, turn around, retreat (возвращать(ся), пово-
рачиваться, отступать): MKor. mr-; Mod. murɨ-.
◊ Nam 226, KED 657.
‖ Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-mújŋi horn; cartilage, tendon: Tung. *muŋi; Mong. *möɣer-sü (-ŋ-);
Turk. *bujŋuŕ (*büjŋüŕ); Kor. *mi’ìm.
PTung. *muŋi tendon (сухожилие (на конце мышцы)): Evk. muŋi.
◊ ТМС 1, 557. Attested only in Evk., but having plausible external parallels.
PMong. *möɣer-sü (-ŋ-) cartilage, gristle (хрящ): MMong. muqur-
sun ‘marrow, pith’ (MA); WMong. möge(r)sü, möŋgürsü (L 545:
mögeresü(n)); Kh. mögȫ(r)s, mȫrs; Bur. meŋgērhe(n); Kalm. mȫrsn; Ord.
mȫrösü, mȫrös; Dag. muemči; Mongr. muŋgirʒə (SM 248), (MGCD
mungərsə).
◊ KW 268, MGCD 489.
PTurk. *bujŋuŕ (*büjŋüŕ) horn (рог): OTurk. müjüz (OUygh.);
Karakh. müŋüz (MK); Tur. bojnuz; Gag. bujnus; Az. bujnuz; Turkm. bu-
jnuz; Sal. moŋɨz; MTurk. müŋüz, mügiz (Pav. C.); Uzb. mụgiz; Uygh.
müŋgüz; Krm. muŋguz; Tat. mögez; Bashk. mögöδ; Kirgh. müjüz; Kaz.
müjiz; KBalk. müjüz; KKalp. mujiz; Kum. müjüz; Nogh. müjiz; SUygh.
moŋɨs; Khak. mǖs; Shr. mǖs; Oyr. mǖs; Tv. mɨjɨs; Tof. miis; Chuv. mъjraga;
Yak. muos; Dolg. muos.
◊ VEWT 347, EDT 352, ЭСТЯ 2, 243, Лексика 148, Stachowski 183.
PKor. *mi’ìm gums (десны): MKor. nì-s-mi’ìm, ní-s-m’jòm,
ni-s-mɨ’ɨm, ni-s-mɨi’jom (ni- ‘tooth’.
◊ Nam 127. The modern form it-mom is a result of reinterpreting the compound as
‘tooth’s flesh’ (mom).
 *mujre - *múk῾è 949

‖ EAS 120, Poppe 73, KW 268, VEWT 347b (but PTM *mǖre ‘shoul-
der’ is not related); ТМС 1, 557 (Tung.-Mong.); АПиПЯЯ 282, Лексика
148.
-mujre a bird of prey: Tung. *muri; Turk. *bürküt; Kor. *māi.
PTung. *muri eagle (орел): Evk. muri; Neg. mūju; Ud. mui, muji.
◊ ТМС 1, 558.
PTurk. *bürküt 1 aquila fulva 2 eagle (1 беркут 2 орел): Turkm.
bürgüt 1, 2; MTurk. bürküt (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. burgut 1,
2; Uygh. bürküt 1, 2; Tat. brkĭt 1, 2; Bashk. brkt 2; Kirgh. bürküt 1;
Kaz. bürkĭt 1; KKalp. bürkit 1; Oyr. bürküt, mürküt 1; Tv. bürgüt 1; Chuv.
pərgət 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 300, Лексика 169, TMN 2, 331-333. Turk. > Mong. bürgüd ‘eagle’, Russ.
беркут. As suggested in ЭСТЯ the original stem may have been *bür- (preserved in Kaz.,
KKalp. bür- ‘to grasp prey (of an eagle)’).
PKor. *māi falcon (сокол): MKor. māi; Mod. mǟ.
◊ Nam 206, KED 596.
‖ The cluster *-jr- is reconstructed to account for the loss of *-r- in
Korean.
-mjV to cut, tear: Tung. *mǖ- (*mūj-); Kor. *mi-.
PTung. *mǖ- (*mūj-) to cut (резать): Evk. mī-; Evn. mī-ne-; Neg. mī-;
Man. mej-le-, mej-te-; SMan. miti- ‘to lop off’ (1731); Ul. ŋui-; Ork. mī-;
Nan. mui-; Orch. mi-; Ud. mine-.
◊ ТМС 1, 535.
PKor. *mi- 1 to tear a hole 2 to get torn (1 прорывать дыру 2 раз-
рываться): MKor. mi- 2; Mod. mī- 1, 2, mii- 2.
◊ Liu 344, KED 687.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-múk῾è to wrap, tie up: Tung. *muK-; Mong. *muku-; Jpn. *mák-; Kor.
*moka-.
PTung. *muK- 1 cover, case 2 covered tent 3 ring, neck ring of sable
tails 4 globular (1 покрышка, чехол 2 крытый шалаш 3 кольцо,
опушка из собольих хвостов вокруг шеи 4 шаровидный): Evk. mu-
kāk 2, muku 1, mukče 4; Man. muxi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 550, 552, 554. Some other forms (Sol. mụxali ‘globular’, Man. muχaĺan ‘pel-
let’, Nan. muxergiẽ ‘ring’ etc.) may be borrowed < Mong., see Doerfer MT 118, 144, Rozy-
cki 159; but for the forms listed above it is highly unlikely.
PMong. *muku-, *mökü- 1 to wrap, tie up 2 to make round 3
rounded, spherical (1 заворачивать, завязывать 2 округлять 3 округ-
ленный, сферический): WMong. muqulaji-da- 1 (L 553: muqulajid- 2,
muqulaɣ, muquliɣ 3); mökülig, mökürig 3 (L 545, 546); Kh. muxlaj-da- 1,
muxlag, möxlög 3; Bur. müxerēn 3; Mongr. moŋGuloG, muŋGuloG (SM
950 *m[ù]k῾è - *mk῾é
239, 248) 3, muGu ‘petites pierres rondes avec lesquelles les enfants
jouent’ (SM 244).
PJpn. *mák- to wrap, wind around, tie into (заворачивать, обматы-
вать): OJpn. mak-; MJpn. mák-; Tok. màk-; Kyo. mák-; Kag. mák-.
◊ JLTT 720.
PKor. *moka- 1 bundle 2 numerative for bundles (1 связка 2 счет-
ное слово для связок): Mod. mogami 1, mogä 2.
◊ The forms are quoted from SKE 150 (where they are incorrectly compared with
Mong. boɣ-ča etc.); KED 627 lists only mogä “all together, in the lump”.
‖ Cf. *ma[k῾]o.
-m[ù]k῾è to suck: Tung. *muKu-; Mong. *meke; Turk. *bök-; Jpn.
*màkà-nàp-; Kor. *mk-.
PTung. *muKu- to fill mouth with liquid (набрать в рот жидко-
сти): Evk. muku-; Evn. mụq-; Neg. moxon- ~ mokun-; Man. muku-; Ud.
mukun-; Sol. moxo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PMong. *meke 1 female breast, to suck 2 to move jaws (1 грудь (ж.),
сосать 2 двигать челюстями): WMong. meke-re- 2; Kh. mexre- 2; Bur.
mexer- 2; Dag. mek 1, mekē- 2 (Тод. Даг. 154: mekē- ‘to suck’), meke 1 (MD
190).
PTurk. *bök- to be satiated, full (насыщаться, наедаться): Karakh.
bök- (MK); Tur. bɨk-; Gag. bɨq-; Krm. bɨq-; Bashk. bük-; Kirgh. bök-; Kaz.
bök-; Nogh. bök-; SUygh. pek-; Tv. pök-; Tof. pök- (note the absence of
pharyngealization - pointing to PT length?); Yak. böɣöx ‘satiated’; Dolg.
bögök ‘satiated’.
◊ VEWT 83 (together with bük- ‘to lock’), EDT 324, ЭСТЯ 2, 211, Stachowski 63.
PJpn. *màkà-nàp- to feed, provide meals (кормить, предоставлять
пищу): MJpn. makanaf-; Tok. makaná-; Kyo. mákáná-; Kag. màkànà-.
◊ JLTT 719.
PKor. *mək- 1 to eat 2 to drink (1 есть 2 пить): MKor. mk- 1; Mod.
mək- 1, 2.
◊ Nam 211, KED 609.
‖ PKE 109, Lee 1958, 115, АПиПЯЯ 295, Дыбо 14. Korean has a
verbal low tone; delabialization in Mong. (*möke or *müke would be ex-
pected) is not quite clear (cf. the same process in *mede- < *muti).
-mk῾é a k. of fish: Tung. *mōk-; Mong. *mök-; Jpn. *mànkúrúa.
PTung. *mōk- 1 a k. of white-fish 2 a k. of small fish 3 crucian (1 вид
сига 2 вид мелкой рыбы 3 карась): Evk. mōkčakā 1, mekē 3; Ork. mokkiri
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 544, 566.
 *mūk῾o - *mula 951

PMong. *mök- 1 young of river fish 2 female carp (1 мальки реч-

ной рыбы 2 самка карпа): WMong. möküče 1, mökürü 2 (МХТТТ); Kh.
möxöc 1, möxrǖ 2 (Gomb.).
◊ Cf. Manchu muxuru ‘female čime fish’: Mong. mökürü may be < Manchu (see Suk-
hebaatar; but a reverse borrowing is also possible).
PJpn. *mànkúrúa tuna-fish (тунец): Tok. màguro; Kyo. màgùró; Kag.
maguró.
◊ JLTT 470.
‖ Cf. also Kor. mik:uri ‘амурский вьюн’.
-mūk῾o ( ~ -u) male: Tung. *muxa- / *muxe-; Mong. *mok-; Turk. *būka.
PTung. *muxa- / *muxe- 1 man 2 male (1 мужчина 2 самец): Neg.
muxeti 2; Man. muχan 2; Nan. moχa(n) 1, 2; Orch. mueti 2; Ud. mugeti,
mueti 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 543, 554.
PMong. *mok- 1 2-years old male deer 2 penis (1 двухлетний самец
оленя 2 penis): Bur. moxotor 1; Kalm. moxr 2 (КРС).
PTurk. *būka bull (бык): OTurk. buqa (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
buqa (MK, KB); Tur. boa; Gag. buɣa, bua; Az. buGa; Turkm. buGa; MTurk.
buɣa (Sangl.); Uzb. buqa; Uygh. buɣa, buqa; Krm. buɣa; Tat. buɣa (dial.);
Bashk. buɣa; Kirgh. buqa; Kaz. buqa; KBalk. buɣa; KKalp. buɣa; Kum.
buɣa; Nogh. buɣa; SUygh. puqa; Khak. puɣa; Shr. puɣa; Oyr. buqa; Tv.
buɣa; Tof. buxa; Yak. buga.
◊ VEWT 87, EDT 312, ЭСТЯ 2, 230-232, Sinor 1962, 320-321, Лексика 437. Turk. >
Mong. buqa (see TMN 2, 299, Щербак 1997, 110), whence Evk. buka etc. (see TMN ibid.,
Poppe 1966, 194, Doerfer MT 99). Turk. > Hung. bika, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-mk῾Ỻ ( ~ -o-) mole: Tung. *muktu-; Jpn. *mənkura / *munkura.
PTung. *muktu- 1 short-tailed mouse 2 mole (1 короткохвостая
мышь 2 крот): Neg. muktuj 1; Man. muqdun, muqtun 1, 2; Ork. muktuli
1, 2; Nan. muktur 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 552.
PJpn. *mùnkura mole (крот): MJpn. ùgùrò-mòtì (also ugura-); Tok.
mògura, mùgura; Kyo. mùgúrà, mùgùrá; Kag. mugurá.
◊ JLTT 484, 560. Accent is varying greatly, but low tone on the first syllable may be
more or less reliably reconstructed.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-mula a k. of deer: Tung. *mul-; Mong. *maral; Turk. *bulan.
PTung. *mul- 1 deer 2 young of elk, small deer 3 deer herd (1 олень
2 детеныш лося, маленький олень 3 стадо оленей): Evk. mulkān 1;
dial. mêlêlê, Nep. mlan 2; multa 3; Evn. mụlqan 1; Neg. molkān 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 534, 555.
952 *muma - *mùne
PMong. *maral mountain deer (горный олень): MMong. maral
(SH), mārāl (LH), maral (MA); WMong. maral (L 529); Kh. maral; Bur.
maral; Kalm. marl.
◊ KW 257. Mong. > Kaz. maral etc. (VEWT 327, TMN 1, 495, Щербак 1997, 206).
PTurk. *bulan elk (лось): Karakh. bulan ‘unicorn from the Kyfchak
country’ (MK); MTurk. bulan (Ettuhf.), bulnaq (AH) ‘onager’; Uzb. bulɔn;
Tat. bolan; Bashk. bolan; Kirgh. bulan; Kaz. bulan; Nogh. bulan; Khak.
pulan; Shr. pulan; Oyr. bulan; Tv. bulan; Chuv. pъₙlan.
◊ VEWT 88, TMN 2, 356, EDT 343, ЭСТЯ 2, 260, Лексика 154. Chinese origin (Щер-
бак 1961, 141-142) is hardly possible; it is curious to note MK’s meaning: ‘unicorn with its
horn collecting snow and rain’. Turk. > Russ. буланый (horse color name)’; > Hung. bölény
‘aurochs’, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ Дыбо 8, Лексика 154. A Western isogloss. Mong. *maral regularly
< *mala-r.
-muma ( ~ *mema) a k. of small wild animal: Tung. *mume- / *meme-;
Mong. *mamu-wna; Jpn. *mami.
PTung. *mume- / *meme- 1 bear 2 white hare (1 медведь 2 заяц
(белый)): Evk. mombokī 2; Evn. mömö, mēmeke, mēmeče 1; Man. mamuke,
mamutun 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 526, 544, 568. The Even form is considered to be < Yukagh. meme, but the
direction of loan may as well be reverse.
PMong. *mamu-wna rabbit (кролик): WMong. mamuuna (МХТТТ);
Kh. mamūna (МХТТТ).
◊ Hardly < TM, despite Sukhebaatar.
PJpn. *mami a k. of badger, bear-badger (вид барсука, барсук-мед-
ведь): Tok. mami.
‖ An expressive root; one of many common Altaic words for small
animals.
-mùne defect, lack: Mong. *mun-du-; Turk. *bün; Jpn. *màntù-.
PMong. *mun-du- to become insufficient (становиться недостаточ-
ным): WMong. mundu- (L 551: muŋda-); Kh. munda-; Kalm. mundə-.
◊ KW 268.
PTurk. *bün defect, sin (недостаток, грех): OTurk. mün (OUygh.);
Karakh. mün (MK); Tat. min (КСТТ); Kirgh. mün, min; Kaz. min; KKalp.
min; Kum. min-siz ‘flawless’; Nogh. min.
◊ VEWT 347, EDT 347, 767 (confused with other roots), ОСНЯ 3, 55-56, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *màntù- poor (бедный): OJpn. madu-si; MJpn. màdù-si; Tok.
mazu-shí-; Kyo. mázúshì-; Kag. mazushí-.
◊ JLTT 834.
‖ Cf. *mn[u], *múnu - the roots are sometimes difficult to distin-
guish. Cf. also Evk. modu ‘greedy, miserly’ (ТМС 1, 542).
 *múnu - *mùńa 953

-múnu wrong, mad, uneasy: Tung. *moŋ-nV- (*mon-ŋV-); Mong. *mun-;

Turk. *bun-; Jpn. *múntú-ká-.
PTung. *moŋ-nV- (*mon-ŋV-) 1 stupid 2 inconvenient (1 глупый 2
неудобный): Evk. moŋnon 1; Ul. monị 2; Nan. monịã 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 544, 545.
PMong. *mun- 1 to become mad 2 ignorance 3 shame (1 сходить с
ума 2 невежество 3 стыд): MMong. mənɣəq (IM); moŋqax ‘stupid’ (HY
38), muŋqax ‘silly’ (SH); WMong. muna- 1, muŋgaq 2 (L 551: muŋɣani-,
muŋkina- ‘to become stupid, be confused’, munaid ‘outrageous’); Kh.
muna- 1, munxag 2, mundur 3; Bur. munga- 1; Kalm. munə- 1, muŋxəg,
moŋxū 2, mundr 3; Ord. munu- 1, muŋχaG 2, munǟda- ‘to behave stu-
pidly’.
◊ KW 264, 268, 269. Cf. also WMong. muŋdani- ‘lose one’s mind’ (L 551: ‘be in a diffi-
cult position, in need or distress’) (Kalm. mondń-, KW 264) (-ŋ- probably under influence
of *muŋ q. v. sub *muŋo).
PTurk. *bun- 1 to become mad, foolish 2 mad, crazy 3 to become
old, senile (1 сходить с ума, глупеть 2 сумасшедший, слабоумный 3
дряхлеть): OTurk. mun- 1, muŋqul 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. mun- 1, munduz
2 (MK, KB); Tur. buna- 1; Gag. bun- ‘to be tired, dissatisfied’, bunaq ‘se-
nile person’; Turkm. mun- 3; Sal. munax ‘irrational’ (ССЯ); Krm. buna- 1,
3; Khak. munu- 3; Tv. muŋɣaq ‘resentful’, mɨnɨ- 3 (Todž.), muŋ dial. 2 (<
*mun-k?); Yak. mun- ‘to go astray’; Dolg. mun- ‘go astray, lose one’s
way’.
◊ VEWT 514, EDT 348, 768, 769, ОСНЯ 3, 53, Stachowski 181.
PJpn. *múntú-ká- difficult (трудный): MJpn. mútuká-si; Tok. mùzu-
kashi-, muzukashí-; Kyo. múzúkáshì-; Kag. muzukashí-.
◊ JLTT 835.
‖ KW 268, Poppe 35, ОСНЯ 3, 53. Lee 1958, 114 cites also a MKor.
məŋthəŋ’i ‘stupid’, which we were unable to locate (but Manchu
mentu-χun with which he compares it, is probably < Mong. meŋde-ɣe-,
see *mĕŋa).
-mùńa to guard, graze: Tung. *mun-di-; Mong. *mana-; Jpn. *màmuà-r-;
Kor. *mòńí-.
PTung. *mun-di- to look, observe (смотреть, наблюдать): Evk.
munni-li-, mundi-; mundē- ‘to comprehend’; Evn. menri-; Sol. mundi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 556.
PMong. *mana- to graze, guard (пасти, охранять): WMong. mana-
(L 525); Kh. mana-; Bur. mana-; Kalm. manə-; Ord. mana-; Dag. mana-
(Тод. Даг. 153); S.-Yugh. mana-; Mongr. manā-.
◊ KW 256, MGCD 479.
PJpn. *màmuà-r- to guard, protect (защищать, охранять): OJpn.
mamwor-; MJpn. màmòr-; Tok. mamór-; Kyo. mámór-; Kag. mamór-.
954 *mūńa(kV) - *muŋĺe
◊ JLTT 720. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *mòńí- to graze (пасти): MKor. mòńí-.
◊ Nam 216.
‖ Korean has a verbal low tone; an old derivative is probably MKor.
màńắr ‘office’ ( > Man. mejren etc.).
-mūńa(kV) a k. of deer: Tung. *mōń(i)ka-; Turk. *buńgak; Jpn. *manaka.
PTung. *mōń(i)ka- 1 deer (1 year old) 2 young boar 3 young pig (1
олень (дикий, годовалый) 2 кабан (молодой) 3 поросенок): Evk. mō-
jka, mōjkačān, mōjikān 1; Man. mixan, mixačan 3; SMan. mihan 3 (2197);
Nan. mojxa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 543. Evk. > Dolg. muojka (Stachowski 183).
PTurk. *buńgak female maral (самка марала): OTurk. mujɣaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. mujɣaq (MK), muŋɣaq (KB); Khak. mɨjɣax; Oyr.
mɨjɣaq; Tv. mɨjɣaq; Tof. mɨjɣaq.
◊ VEWT 344, EDT 772, Лексика 153.
PJpn. *manaka a respectful name for a deer (почтительное назва-
ние оленя): OJpn. manaka.
‖ Лексика 153. The Jpn. form is traditionally analysed as resp. pre-
fix mana- + ka ‘deer’, which may be a folk etymology in the light of ex-
ternal evidence; otherwise the root is a Turk.-TM isogloss. Cf. Mong.
(Khalkha) dial. mundu ‘female deer’, Tuva mɨndɨ, Tof. mundučaq id. - see
Аникин, 142. According to Helimski and Anikin, the Turkic forms are
borrowed from Southern Samoyedic, and Mongolian < Turkic; but the
S.-Sam. word has no Uralic etymology, while Mong. mundu - if not for
its poor attestation - could be a regular reflex of PA *mūńa, and a possi-
ble source both for the Turkic (Tuva-Tof.) and the Samoyedic forms.
-muŋĺe angle: Tung. *moŋla; Turk. *büŋüĺ; Jpn. *masu-.
PTung. *moŋla 1 measure of length (distance between the thumb
and the index finger) 2 finger (1 мера длины (расстояние между
большим и указательным пальцем) 2 палец): Ul. mowgolo 2; Ork.
momgụ, moŋbo 1,2; Orch. moŋlo 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 545. The Orok and Ul. form are probably dissimilative developments of
*moŋglo < *moŋla.
PTurk. *büŋüĺ angle (угол): Karakh. müŋüš (Rabg.); MTurk. müŋüš
(Sangl.); Uzb. mujuš, mujɨš; Krm. müjüš, müvüš; Tat. müješ; Bashk. mügeš
(dial.); Kaz. müjis; KBalk. müjüš; KKalp. müješ; Kum. mujuš, müjüš;
Nogh. müjis; Yak. muŋ, muŋnuk; Dolg. muŋ, munnuk.
◊ VEWT 344, EDT 771, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 182 (on a different etymology of Yak.
muŋnuq see Clark 1977, 133).
PJpn. *masu- square shape, shape with angles (квадратная форма):
MJpn. masu-gata; Tok. masugata.
 *múŋna - *múra 955

‖ An interesting Turk.-TM-Jpn. match; the meaning in TM probably

reflects an intermediate stage “angle between the index finger and
thumb”.
-múŋna mist, rain: Tung. *meŋ- / *muŋ-; Mong. *maŋ-; Turk. *bunar;
Kor. *mah.
PTung. *meŋ- / *muŋ- 1 mist, darkness 2 cool, sombre (1 мгла, су-
мерки 2 прохладный, пасмурный): Ul. meŋ-meŋ 1, muŋti 2; Nan. meŋt
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 557, 570.
PMong. *maŋ- 1 fog 2 dark 3 to dawn (1 туман 2 темный 3 рассве-
тать): MMong. manan 1 (MA 233); WMong. manan 1 (L 525: manaŋ,
manan), maŋsar 2, maŋka- 3; Kh. manan 1, manda- 3; Bur. mana(n), manaŋ
1; Kalm. manār 1, maŋsər 2, maŋxǟ- 3; Ord. mana, manāri 1; Dag. manən 1
(Тод. Даг. 153: manan), manen 1 (MD 189); S.-Yugh. manaŋ 1; Mongr.
namān (SM 256), manān.
◊ KW 255-257, MGCD 479.
PTurk. *bunar mist (туман): Tat. monar; Bashk. munar, monar; Kirgh.
munar; Kaz. munar; KKalp. munar; Nogh. munar.
◊ Лексика 35-36. A Kypchak root, but hardly borrowed from Mong. (because of the
-u-vocalism); perhaps it is rather a modification of indigenous *buŋar (*-ŋ- would be ex-
pected in Turkic) under Mong. influence.
PKor. *mah 1 rain, rainy season 2 southern wind (1 дождь, дожд-
ливый сезон 2 южный ветер): MKor. ma (mah-) 1, 2; Mod. čaŋ-ma 1,
ma, ma-pharam 2.
◊ Nam 191, KED 558, 568, 1404.
‖ Kor. mah < *maŋh (just like *kahi < *kaŋhi etc.).
-múra round; turn, return: Tung. *murV-; Mong. *murui; Turk. *bur(a)-;
Jpn. *már; Kor. *muri.
PTung. *murV- 1 to walk round, return 2 round (1 обходить вокруг
2 круглый): Evk. muru- 1, murume 2; Evn. merъk- 1, merēti 2; Neg. mejel
2; Man. murǵen 2; Ul. muru-muru 2; Ork. morolime 2; Nan. murǵi 2; Ud.
mogol῾uö ‘around’.
◊ ТМС 1, 559-560. TM (cf. Man. murixan ‘bend, turn’, Evk. morokō ‘river bend’) > Dag.
morikal ‘river bend’ (Тод. Даг. 155), moronku, murunku ‘screw-thread’ (ibid.).
PMong. *murui awry, curve (кривой): MMong. muru, muri (IM),
muri (MA); WMong. murui (L 552); Kh. muruj; Bur. muŕū; Kalm. muŕū;
Ord. murₙī; Dag. morčigui (Тод. Даг. 155: morčigoi); Mongr. murī (SM
249).
◊ KW 269. Cf. also *molir (Kalm. mölr, Khalkha mölgör) < *moril ‘round’.
PTurk. *bur(a)- to twist, wind round (крутить, вертеть, поворачи-
вать): Tur. bur-; Gag. bur-; Az. bur-; Turkm. bur-; Khal. burq- ‘вывернуть
руку’; MTurk. bur- (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. bur-, bura-; Uygh. bur-; Krm.
956 *mro - *mùsi
bur-; Tat. bor-; Bashk. bor-; Kirgh. bur-, bura-; Kaz. bur-, bura-; KBalk.
bur-; KKalp. bur-, bura-; Kum. bur-; Nogh. bur-, bura-; Khak. pur-; Shr.
pur-; Oyr. buru-; Chuv. pъₙr-.
◊ VEWT 89, EDT 355, ЭСТЯ 2, 264-267. Turk. *bur(g)agu > Kalm. burɣū, see KW 62.
PJpn. *már round (круглый): OJpn. maro; MJpn. máró; Tok. màru-;
Kyo. máru-; Kag. mári.
◊ JLTT 834.
PKor. *muri halo, ring (round the sun or moon) (ореол, кольцо (во-
круг солнца или луны)): Mod. muri.
◊ KED 658.
‖ Poppe 36, ОСНЯ 2, 74-75, АПиПЯЯ 93, 278 (however, Kor. mɨrɨ- -
rather to *mugdo q.v.).
-mro tree, forest: Tung. *mō; Mong. *mo-du ( < *mor-du); Jpn. *mrí;
Kor. *mōi(h), *mòró.
PTung. *mō tree (дерево): Evk. mō; Evn. mō; Neg. mō; Man. moo;
SMan. mō (2129); Jurch. mo (117); Ul. mō; Ork. mō; Nan. mō; Orch. mō;
Ud. mō; Sol. mō.
◊ ТМС 1, 540-541.
PMong. *modu tree (дерево): MMong. modun (HY 9, SH), mu-du-ni
(SH), mudon (IM), mudun (MA); WMong. modu(n) (L 541); Kh. mod(on);
Bur. modo(n); Kalm. modn; Ord. mudu(n); Mog. modun; ZM mādun
(19-2a); Dag. mōd (Тод. Даг. 155), mōde (MD 192); Dong. mutun; Bao.
mutoŋ, mortoŋ; S.-Yugh. mūdən; Mongr. mōdi (SM 238).
◊ KW 263, MGCD 486.
PJpn. *mrí forest (лес): OJpn. m(w)ori; MJpn. mórí; Tok. mòri; Kyo.
mórí; Kag. móri.
◊ JLTT 485.
PKor. *mōi(h), *mòró 1 mountain 2 wood, forest (1 гора 2 лес):
MKor. mōi [mōih-] 1, mòró 1, 2; Mod. mwē, me (arch.) 1.
◊ Nam 215, 219, KED 616, 651.
‖ EAS 79, KW 263, Poppe 35, Martin 237, АПиПЯЯ 33-34, 69, 292;
SKE 150, Doerfer MT 24. The parallel form *mōi in Kor. presupposes a
suffixed form *mōr-jV(-gV) (?).
-mùsi steam, spirit: Tung. *musun; Mong. *mösü(n); Turk. *bus; Jpn.
*mùs-.
PTung. *musun spirit, ghost (дух, сила природы): Evk. musun;
Evn. mụsan.
◊ ТМС 1, 561.
PMong. *mösü(n) personality, relationship with others; recurrent
occasion (качество, отношения с другими; повторяющийся случай):
WMong. mösü(n) (L 550); Kh. mös; Bur. nege mühen ‘сразу’; Mongr.
musu (: nige-musu) ‘entièrement, tout à fait, en entier’ (SM 275).
 *msV - *mt῾ì 957
◊ The root is also grammaticalized and can be appended to numerals (negemösen ‘si-
multaneously’ etc.).
PTurk. *bus steam, fog (пар, туман): Karakh. bus (MK); Tur. pus;
MTurk. bus (Ettuhf., CCum.); Uygh. bus (dial.); Bashk. boϑ; Kum. pus;
Nogh. pus; Shr. pus; Tv. bus; Tof. bus; Chuv. pъₙs.
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 370, ЭСТЯ 2, 277, Лексика 34. Turk. > Russ. dial. bus ‘drizzle, flour
dust’, see Аникин 146
PJpn. *mùs- 1 to steam 2 spirit (1 варить на пару 2 дух): OJpn. mus-
1, musupji 2; MJpn. mùs- 1; Tok. mús- 1; Kyo. mùs- 1; Kag. mùs- 1.
◊ JLTT 729.
‖ For PT *bus cf. alternatively PTM *bušu- ‘drizzle’ (ТМС 1, 117).
-msV ( ~ -ō-, -ō-) swamp, pond: Tung. *mūsa; Kor. *mós.
PTung. *mūsa pools in a swamp (лужи на болоте, болото травя-
ное): Evk. mūsu / mūsa.
◊ ТМС 1, 548. Attested only in Evk., with a possible Korean parallel.
PKor. *mós pond, lake, swamp (пруд, озеро, болото): MKor. mós;
Mod. mot [mos].
◊ Nam 218, KED 647.
‖ See SKE 152. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Chuv. pozъ
‘well’ ( < *bos-).
-mt῾ì to complete, gather together: Tung. *mute-; Mong. *möči-; Turk.
*büt-; Jpn. *muta; Kor. *mòt-.
PTung. *mute- 1 to fulfil 2 to overpower (1 исполнить 2 одолеть,
смочь): Man. mute- 2; Jurch. mu-te-bulu (740) 1; Ul. mute- 2; Ork. mute-
2; Nan. mute- 2; Orch. mute- 2; Ud. mute- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 561.
PMong. *möči- 1 just enough 2 to be just enough (1 в обрез, еле-еле
2 хватать только-только): WMong. möčis 1; Kh. möčis, möčǖ 1; Kalm.
möčəg 1, möčə- 2.
◊ KW 267.
PTurk. *büt- 1 to end, accomplish 2 to be ended 3 to create, build 4
to heal 5 to grow, ripen (1 кончать, завершать 2 кончаться 3 созда-
вать, строить 4 заживать 5 вырастать, вызревать): OTurk. büt- 2, 4, 5
(OUygh.); Karakh. büt- 2, 4, 5 (MK); Tur. bit- 2, 5; Gag. bit- 2; Az. bit- 2;
Turkm. bit- 2, 4, 5; Khal. bit- 2; MTurk. büt- 2, 4, 5 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
bit- 2, 4, 5; Uygh. büt- 2; Krm. bit- 2, 5; Tat. bet- 2, bet-ɛš- 4; Bashk. böt- 2,
böt-öš- 4; Kirgh. büt- 1,2, 4, 5; Kaz. bit- 2, 4; KBalk. bit- 2, 5; ‘to close’;
KKalp. pit- 2, 4, 5; Kum. bit- 2, 5; Nogh. bit- 2, 4, 5; SUygh. pɨt-, put- 1,2;
Khak. püt- 3, 4; Shr. püd-ür- 3; Oyr. büt- 1, 4, 5; Tv. bü’t- 2, 4; Tof. bü’t- 2;
Chuv. pəₙt- 2; Yak. büt- 1,2, 4; Dolg. büt- 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 93, TMN 2, 267, EDT 298-9, 306, ЭСТЯ 2, 152-154, 302-303, Stachowski 68.
Cf. also PT *bütün ‘all, whole’ - a derivative from *büt-. Turk. > Mong. *büte-, *bütü- (KW
69-70, TMN 2, 268-269, Щербак 1997, 111).
958 *mỺ - *mỺ
PJpn. *muta together with (вместе с): OJpn. muta.
PKor. *mòt- all (весь): MKor. mòtắ-; Mod. modu.
◊ Nam 214, 217, KED 641. Derived from the verbal root mòt- ‘to gather, flock to-
gether’.
‖ EAS 58, АПиПЯЯ 27, 70, 86, 274, Дыбо 13. Doerfer (TMN 2, 208)
is hardly right in criticizing the Turk.-Tung. match : it is quite satisfac-
tory both phonetically and semantically.
-mỺ an interrogative root: Mong. *-mu, -mi; Turk. *-mi; Jpn. *m-si; Kor.
*m.
PMong. *-mu, -mi final interrogative particle (конечная вопроси-
тельная частица): MMong. -mu, -mi (SH).
PTurk. *-mi interrogative particle (вопросительная частица):
OTurk. -mu; Karakh. -mu; Tur. -mi; Gag. -mi; Az. -mi; Turkm. -mi; Sal.
-mi; Khal. -mi; MTurk. -mu; Uzb. -mi; Uygh. -mu; Krm. -mo; Tat. -mi;
Bashk. -mɨ; Kirgh. -bɨ; Kaz. -ma/me; KBalk. -mu/mɨ; KKalp. -ma/me; Kum.
-mi; Nogh. -ma/me; Khak. -ma/-me; Shr. -ma/me; Oyr. -ba/be; Tv. -be;
Chuv. -im.
◊ Морфология 2.
PJpn. *m-si an interrogative / dubitative particle (частица вопроса
/ сомнения): OJpn. mosi; MJpn. mósi; Tok. móshi; Kyo. móshì; Kag.
móshi.
◊ JLTT 485.
PKor. *m what (что): MKor. m-; Mod. muət.
◊ Nam 225, KED 663.
‖ SKE 147, АПиПЯЯ 297. Cf. perhaps also Evk. mu ‘or’ (in inter-
rogative sentences) (Титов 1926, 94). Further Nostratic parallels of this
grammaticalized interrogative stem see in ОСНЯ 2, 66-8.
 N

-ná thou: Turk. *-ŋ; Jpn. *ná; Kor. *n.

PTurk. *-ŋ an ending of the 2d person (окончание 2-го л.): OTurk.
-ŋ (Orkh., OUygh.), -ɣ (Orkh.); Karakh. -ŋ (MK, KB); Tur. -n; Gag. -n;
Az. -n; Turkm. -ŋ; Sal. -ŋ; Khal. -ŋ; MTurk. -ŋ; Uzb. -ŋ; Uygh. -ŋ; Krm.
-n, -j; Tat. -ŋ; Bashk. -ŋ; Kirgh. -ŋ; Kaz. -ŋ; KBalk. -ŋ; KKalp. -ŋ; Kum. -ŋ;
Nogh. -ŋ; SUygh. -ŋ; Khak. -ŋ; Shr. -ŋ; Oyr. -ŋ; Tv. -ŋ; Chuv. -n; Yak. -ŋ;
Dolg. -ŋ.
◊ Морфология 23-26, 28, 32.
PJpn. *ná thou (ты): OJpn. na; MJpn. ná-mùdí, ná-múdí.
◊ JLTT 490.
PKor. *n thou (ты): MKor. n; Mod. nə.
◊ Nam 103, KED 329.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 102, 280. Velarization in Turkic is not quite clear and
probably secondary (perhaps a fusion with the attributive *-k῾i). The
root is widely used only in the Kor.-Jpn. area, and its original function
(to judge from the OJ opposition of si and na) was probably limited to
the oblique stem of the suppletive 2d p. paradigm.
-nable net, fish-trap: Tung. *nalba; Turk. *jɨlɨm.
PTung. *nalba fish trap (верша, ловушка для рыбы): Evk. nalba;
Ul. nalbịχa(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 580.
PTurk. *jɨlɨm net (сеть): Turkm. jɨlɨm; MTurk. ilim (CCum.); Uzb.
jɨlɨm (dial.); Tat. ǯɨlɨm; Bashk. jɨlɨm; Kirgh. ǯɨlɨm; Kaz. žɨlɨm; KKalp. žɨlɨm;
Kum. jɨlɨm; Nogh. jɨlɨm; Chuv. śiləm; Yak. ilim; Dolg. ilim.
◊ VEWT 200, ЭСТЯ 4, 282-283, Stachowski 125. Turk. > Hung. gyalom, see Gombocz
1912.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-nad[i] seven: Tung. *nada-n; Turk. *jẹt(t)i; Jpn. *nana-; Kor. *nìr-kúp.
PTung. *nada-n seven (семь): Evk. nadan; Evn. nadъn; Neg. nadan;
Man. nadan; SMan. nadən (2741); Jurch. nadan (642); Ul. nada(n); Ork.
nada(n); Nan. nadã; Orch. nada(n); Ud. nada(n); Sol. nadã.
◊ ТМС 1, 576-577.
960 *naja - *nàje
PTurk. *jẹt(t)i seven (семь): OTurk. jeti (Yen., OUygh.); Karakh. jeti
(MK); Tur. jedi; Gag. jedi; Az. jeddi; Turkm. jedi; Sal. jitti; Khal. jieti, jätti
(< Az.?); MTurk. jeddī (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jetti; Uygh. jätti; Krm. jedi; Tat.
ǯide; Bashk. jete; Kirgh. ǯeti; Kaz. žeti; KBalk. jeti, ǯeti, žeti; KKalp. žeti;
Kum. jetti; Nogh. jeti; SUygh. jeti, jiti, ǯetä; Khak. čittə; Shr. četti; Oyr.
jeti; Tv. čedi; Chuv. śiǯə; Yak. sette; Dolg. hette.
◊ EDT 886, VEWT 199, ЭСТЯ 4, 167-168, TMN 4, 139, Stachowski 102.
PJpn. *nana- seven (семь): OJpn. nana-; MJpn. nànà-; Tok. naná-;
Kyo. nánà-; Kag. nànà-.
◊ JLTT 493. As with most other numerals, the accent reconstruction is not quite clear.
PKor. *nìr-kúp seven (семь): MKor. nìr-kúp; Mod. ilgop.
◊ Nam 124, KED 1350.
‖ Mong. *dal- ‘7’ may suggest PA *ĺad[i]- (with a development >
Mong. *ĺal- (through assimilation) > dal-). The medial consonant in gen-
eral behaves rather irregularly: one may suggest an original cluster like
*-dd- to explain the Turkic reflex. Jpn. *nana- regularly < *nada-n ( = TM
*nada-n); in Kor. one has to assume vowel elision already after *-d- > -r-
(i.e. *nìr-kup < *nìrV-kup). Despite all these difficulties, the numeral
‘seven’ seems to be safely reconstructable for PA. Cf. also Koguryo
*nanən ‘seven’, see Lee 28, 39, Menges 1984, 278.
-naja to envy, wish: Tung. *nadi-; Mong. *najida-; Jpn. *nàità-m- ( ~ -ia-).
PTung. *nadi- 1 to suspect, doubt, deny 2 to consider (1 подозре-
вать, сомневаться, отрицать 2 полагать, считать): Evk. nadi- 1, 2; Evn.
nadät- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 577-578.
PMong. *najida- 1 to hope, trust 2 envy (1 надеяться, доверять 2
зависть): WMong. najida- 1, najidaŋɣui 2 (L 558); Kh. najda- 1, najdangui
2; Bur. najda- 1; Kalm. nä, nǟtəg ‘hope’ (КРС); Dong. naita- 1 (Тод. Дн.).
PJpn. *nàità-m- ( ~ -ia-) to envy, be jealous of (завидовать, ревно-
вать): OJpn. netam-; MJpn. nètàm-; Tok. netam-.
◊ JLTT 734.
‖ Poppe 37, 140, 158, JOAL 70. All forms reflect a dental suffix.
-nàje pole, shaft: Tung. *najü; Jpn. *n.
PTung. *najü pole, shaft of fish-fork (шест, древко остроги): Evk.
naj, naji; Evn. naj; Ul. naị; Ork. naụ, nawị; Nan. naị; Orch. nai.
◊ ТМС 1, 578.
PJpn. *n bamboo for arrows (бамбук для стрел): OJpn. no; MJpn.
nò.
◊ JLTT 499.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
 *nàjĺV - *nak῾i 961

-nàjĺV ( ~ -e-) age: Mong. *na-su; Turk. *jāĺ; Kor. *náh.

PMong. *na-su(n) age, year of life (возраст, год жизни): MMong.
nāṣun (IM), nasun ‘life’ (MA), nasu-tu ‘...years old’ (SH); WMong.
nasu(n) (L 566); Kh. nas; Bur. naha(n); Kalm. nasn; Ord. nasu(n); Dag.
nase (MD 195,Тод. Даг. 156), nas (Тод. Даг. 156); Dong. nasun; Bao.
nasoŋ; S.-Yugh. nasən, nas; Mongr. nasə (SM 260).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 501. Mong. > Evk. nasun, see Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *jāĺ age; year (возраст; год): OTurk. jaš (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaš (MK); Tur. jaš; Gag. jaš; Az. jaš; Turkm. jāš; Sal. jaš; Khal. jāš;
MTurk. jaš (Ettuhf., AH); Uzb. jɔš; Uygh. jaš; Krm. jaš; Tat. jaš; Bashk.
jäš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz. žas; KKalp. žas; Kum. jaš; Nogh. jas; SUygh. jas;
Khak. čas; Shr. čaš; Oyr. jaš, aš; Chuv. śol; Yak. sās.
◊ EDT 975-6, ЭСТЯ 4, 161-163, Федотов 2, 130, TMN 4, 97, Лексика 84.
PKor. *náh age (возраст): MKor. ná (náh-); Mod. na, nä.
◊ Nam 85, KED 284.
‖ EAS 75, SKE 157, KW 272, АПиПЯЯ 288, Лексика 84. Mong.
nasun regularly < *nal-sun and the assumption of its being borrowed
from Turk. (Щербак 1997, 123) is absolutely improbable (Doerfer in
TMN 4, 97 refutes the comparison without further discussion). The
cluster *-jĺ- has to be reconstructed to account for the loss of resonant in
Korean (*-h is a trace of a velar suffix: *najĺV-gV). It could be also inter-
esting to mention a verb attested in MJpn.: neba- ( < *nai-(m)pa-) ‘to
grow old; to become grown up’ - perhaps with an irregular loss of -s-
(that would be an expected reflex of *-ĺ-) in a cluster. The root should
be distinguished from *ńāĺ(b)a ‘young’ q.v. (which, however, certainly
influenced the Turkic reflex - whence an irregular long vowel).
-najV(rV) lake, river: Tung. *niāru; Mong. *naɣur; Kor. *nāih.
PTung. *niāru 1 lake 2 swamp (1 озеро 2 болото): Evk. ńārut 1;
Evn. ńarụqaɣ 2; Man. ńari 2; Nan. nịarõ 2; Ud. ńau 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 636.
PMong. *naɣur lake (озеро): MMong. na’ur (HY 2, SH), nāwor ‘sea’
(IM), nāwur (Lig.VMI); WMong. naɣur (L 558); Kh. nūr; Bur. nūr; Kalm.
nūr; Ord. nūr; Dag. naur (Тод. Даг. 156), naure (MD 195); Mongr. nūr
(SM 290), (MGCD nōr).
◊ KW 282, MGCD 516, TMN 1, 515. Mong. > Evk. nor etc., see Doerfer MT 103.
PKor. *nāih river (река): MKor. nāi (nāih-); Mod. nǟ.
◊ Nam 101, KED 315.
‖ Should be kept apart from *núŕe, despite ОССHЯ 2, 89.
-nak῾i ( ~ -o) a k. of skin: Tung. *naKita; Mong. *nekej.
PTung. *naKita bear skin (медвежья шкура): Evk. nakita; Evn.
naqt; Neg. naxata; Ork. natta; Ud. na῾ta (Корм. 265).
◊ ТМС 1, 579.
962 *nālV - *nne
PMong. *nekej sheepskin (овчина): MMong. nəkē (IM); WMong.
nekei (L 572); Kh. nexij; Bur. nexɨ ‘меховой’; Kalm. nek (КРС); Ord.
neχī; S.-Yugh. nəkī; Mongr. nikī (SM 276), nekī.
◊ MGCD 506.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nālV earth, land: Tung. *nā; Mong. *nala-; Turk. *jalaŋ; Kor. *nàráh.
PTung. *nā earth (земля): Neg. nā; Man. na; SMan. nā (2066); Jurch.
na (37); Ul. nā; Ork. nā; Nan. nā; Orch. nā; Ud. nā.
◊ ТМС 1, 572-573.
PMong. *nala- extensive, wide (широкий, обширный): WMong.
nalai (L 561); Kh. nalaj; Kalm. nalǟ.
◊ KW 270. Cf. also WMong. nelei- id. (L 573). Mong. > Yak., Dolg. nalaj-, nelej- (Kał.
JW 187, VII 48, Stachowski 184, 185).
PTurk. *jalaŋ field, steppe (поле, степь): Khal. čalaŋ; Uzb. jalaŋ; Tat.
jalan, dial. jalaŋ; Bashk. jalan; Kirgh. ǯalaŋ (dial.); Khak. jalaŋ; Shr. čalaŋ;
Oyr. alaŋ.
◊ VEWT 181, ЭСТЯ 4, 91. Turk. > Russ. jeláń , see Аникин 197.
PKor. *nàráh country (страна): MKor. nàráh; Mod. nara.
◊ Nam 87, KED 287.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 290, EAS 75, SKE 161 (the Japanese parallel cited by
Ramstedt is dubious), Menges 1984, 278-279. The PTM form points to
original length, so the low tone in Korean is irregular.
-nmo testicle: Tung. *nāma / *māna (*māŋa); Mong. *(n)im; Turk.
*jum-.
PTung. *nāma / *māna (*māŋa) testicle (testiculi): Evk. nāma; Evn.
maŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 530, 581.
PMong. *(n)im testicles (testiculi): WMong. im, nim (L 409: confused
with im ‘mark, sign’); Kh. im; Bur. em-nī- ‘to castrate’; Kalm. im; Ord.
im, em.
◊ KW 207.
PTurk. *jumur bowels, intestines (кишки, внутренности): Karakh.
jumur (MK); Tv. čumur ‘maw’; Tof. ńumur ‘maw’.
◊ EDT 937-8. Historically the root should be probably kept distinct from *jum-
‘round’ and *jumurtka ‘egg’ - although internal contaminations were of course inevitable.
‖ A Western isogloss; somewhat dubious because of tabooistic ir-
regularities and rather scarce attestation.
-nne skin: Tung. *nansa; Turk. *jn.
PTung. *nansa 1 skin (of man) 2 skin (of animals) (1 кожа 2 шкура):
Evk. nanna 2; Evn. nanrъ 2; Neg. nana 1; Man. notχo, nontoχo ‘shell’; Ul.
nanta 1; Ork. nata 2; Nan. nanta 2; Orch. nasa 2; Ud. nehä 1, 2; Sol. nanda
1, 2.
 *nàsà - *nāǯV 963
◊ ТМС 1, 583-584, 606.
PTurk. *jn skin, body (кожа, тело): OTurk. jɨn (OUygh.); Karakh.
jɨn (MK); Yak. sīn.
◊ VEWT 203, EDT 941, Лексика 266-267.
‖ Лексика 267. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-nàsà grief, pity: Tung. *nasa-; Jpn. *nàsàkài.
PTung. *nasa- to regret, grieve (скорбеть, горевать): Man. nasa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 586. Attested only in Manchu, with a possible parallel in Jpn.
PJpn. *nàsàkài pity, sympathy (сострадание, жалость): MJpn.
nàsàkè; Tok. nasaké, násake; Kyo. násàkè; Kag. nasaké.
◊ JLTT 494.
‖ A TM-Jpn. isogloss.
-nát῾a ( ~ l-, -t-) a k. of plant, cereal: Turk. *jAt-; Jpn. *nátúmái; Kor. *nāt.
PTurk. *jAt- winter rye (озимая рожь): Khak. čadɨɣ ‘bush’ (Sag.);
Shr. jadɨɣan (Верб.); Oyr. adaɣan; Tv. čadaɣ ‘low plant’.
◊ VEWT 177.
PJpn. *nátúmái jujube (ююба, плод ююбы): OJpn. natum(j)e; MJpn.
nátúmé; Tok. nàtsume; Kyo. natsumé; Kag. natsúme.
◊ JLTT 494. Accent in Kyoto is aberrant.
PKor. *nāt cereal (злак): MKor. nāt; Mod. nāt.
◊ Nam 94, KED 302.
‖ Cf. perhaps Evk. latarā ‘усыпанный ягодами (о ветке, кусте)’
(ТМС 1, 495).
-nāǯV summer, midday: Mong. *naǯir; Turk. *jāj; Kor. *náč.
PMong. *naǯir summer (лето): WMong. naǯir (БАМРС); Kh. naǯir
(БАМРС); Bur. nažar; Dag. naǯir (Тод. Даг. 156), naǯire (MD 194).
◊ MGCD 463.
PTurk. *jāj 1 summer 2 summer pasture 3 spring (1 лето 2 летнее
пастбище 3 весна): OTurk. jaj (Orkh., OUygh.) 1, 3; Karakh. jaj (MK) 1,
3; Tur. jaj-la 2; Az. jaj 1, jajla 2; Turkm. jāj-la 2; Sal. jij 1; MTurk. jaj 1
(AH, Ettuhf.); Bashk. jej 1; Kirgh. ǯaj 1; KBalk. ǯaj, žaj, zaj 1; Kum. jaj 1;
Nogh. jaj 3 (dial.); SUygh. jaj 1; Khak. čaj 1; Shr. čaj 1; Oyr. jaj, aj 1; Tv.
čaj 1; Chuv. śu, śъv 1; Yak. saj 1; Dolg. hajɨn 1.
◊ VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 74, 78-79, EDT 980, Лексика 74, Федотов 2, 128, Stachowski
93.
PKor. *náč day, day-time (день, дневное время): MKor. náč; Mod.
nat [nač].
◊ Nam 101, KED 312.
‖ SKE 162, EAS 75, Лексика 74 (Turk.-Mong.). Unsubstantial criti-
cism in TMN 4, 253 (for Kor.: “aus semantischen Gründen nicht hier-
her” (?), “lautlich unsicher” (?)”; for Mong.: “...müßte der bur. und dag.
964 *nḗ - *nébì
Wortschatz erst noch gründlicher untersucht worden” (?). Let us note,
however, a tonal discrepancy between Turkic and Korean.
-nḗ to lie, put: Tung. *nē-; Mong. *niɣu-; Jpn. *ná-; Kor. *nū-b-.
PTung. *nē- to put (класть): Evk. nē-; Evn. nē-; Neg. nē-; Ul. nē-;
Nan. nē-; Orch. nē-; Ud. ne-de-; Sol. nē-.
◊ ТМС 1, 614-615. An old derivative may be *na-kan ‘bed’ (ТМС 1, 576).
PMong. *niɣu- to hide, conceal (прятать): MMong. ni’u- (SH), niu-
(MA); WMong. niɣu- (L 579); Kh. nū-; Bur. ńū-; Kalm. nū-; Ord. nū-;
Dong. niu-; S.-Yugh. nū-; Mongr. nǖ- (SM 279), niu-.
◊ KW 281-282, MGCD 516.
PJpn. *ná- 1 to lie 2 to sleep (1 лежать 2 спать): OJpn. na- 1, wi-na- 2;
MJpn. na- 1, i-na-, né-búr- 2; Tok. nè- 1, nè-mur- 2; Kyo. nê- 1, 2; Kag. né-
1, némur- 2.
◊ JLTT 734.
PKor. *nūb- to lie (лежать): MKor. nūp- (nūw-); Mod. nup- (nu-).
◊ Nam 116, KED 365.
‖ Martin 235, АПиПЯЯ 72, 94, 276. One of common Altaic monosyl-
labic verbs. Mong. reflects a suffixed form ( = Kor. nūb-); length in TM
is exceptionally preserved in a monosyllabic root.
-nébì new: Tung. *nebi; Mong. *niɣu-n; Turk. *jub-ga; Jpn. *nípí-; Kor.
*n-.
PTung. *nebi 1 new, fresh 2 younger (brother, sister) 3 wife’s
brother’s wife (1 новый, свежий 2 младший (брат, сестра) 3 невестка
(жена брата жены)): Evn. neji 1, nȫ 2; Man. neje 3, neče 3; Ul. neu 2; Ork.
new, neu 2; Nan. neil 2 (plur.).
◊ ТМС 1, 616, 617-618, 626. Cf. also *nē ‘now’ (ТМС 1, 614).
PMong. *niɣu-n child, boy (ребенок, мальчик): MMong. no’un (HY
29), nu’u(n) (SH); WMong. niɣun, nuɣun (L 580); Kh. nugan, nugūn ( <
WMong.); Dag. nōn (Тод. Даг. 158), non (MD 200).
PTurk. *jub-ga bastard, adopted son (внебрачный, приемный
сын): Karakh. juvɣa (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 874, VEWT 209 (erroneously united with juvqa ‘soft, weak’).
PJpn. *nípí- new (новый): OJpn. nipji-; MJpn. nífí-; Tok. nìi-; Kyo.
níí-; Kag. ní-ke.
◊ JLTT 497.
PKor. *n- younger relative (in compounds) (младший родствен-
ник (в сложениях)): MKor. nə-s-harmi ‘wife of grandfather’s younger
brother’; Mod. n- [n-s-] ‘younger brother’ (in compounds).
◊ Nam 105, KED 336.
‖ SKE 172, АПиПЯЯ 110, 279. Turkic has a vowel metathesis:
*jub-ga < *jab-gu.
 *nč῾á - *negle 965

-nč῾á to scrape, scrape off (skin); to fade: Tung. *neču-; Mong. *ničügen;
Jpn. *nàntá-.
PTung. *ńeču- 1 to scrape off, to tan (skin) 2 to fade, exuviate (1 со-
скабливать (шкуру), дубить 2 линять): Evk. ńečū- 1, ńečelle- 2; Evn.
ńičuh, ńečuh ‘scraped skin, suede’, ńečēlre- 2; Ork. netu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 655. ń- in Evk. and Evn. is assimilative.
PMong. *ničügen naked, bare (голый): MMong. ničugun, ničuxun
(SH), nəčegen (IM), ničkūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. ničügen (L 577: ničügün);
Kh. nücgen; Bur. ńüsege(n); Kalm. nücəgn; Ord. nüčügün; Dag. nušikē
(Тод. Даг. 159: ńuškēn, ńiškōn); Dong. mučuɣun (Тод. Дн.); nučugun;
Bao. niśkoŋ; Mongr. nićigōr, nućigōr (SM 279, 291), nəčigōr.
◊ KW 282, MGCD 521. Mong. > Evk. ńučakin, Man. ńošuxun / ńoxušun id.
PJpn. *nàntá- to stroke, pat (гладить): OJpn. nada-; MJpn. nàda-;
Tok. nadé-; Kyo. nàdè-; Kag. nàdè-.
◊ JLTT 730.
‖ Дыбо 1995b. (Mong.-Tung.).
-neč῾è ( ~ l-) late: Turk. *jEče; Jpn. *ntì; Kor. *nč-.
PTurk. *jEče as before, previously (как и раньше, прежде): OTurk.
ječe (Orkh.).
◊ EDT 882.
PJpn. *ntì after, afterwards (потом, впоследствии): OJpn. noti;
MJpn. nòtì; Tok. nochí, nòchi; Kyo. nóchí; Kag. nochí.
◊ JLTT 501. The Kyoto reflex and the Tokyo variant nòchi are irregular and may point
to a variant *ntí in PJ.
PKor. *nč- late (поздний): MKor. nč- (cf. also nàčòi ‘evening’);
Mod. nɨt- [nɨč-].
◊ Nam 90, 118, KED 375.
‖ Martin 234-235. The low tone in Kor. may be explained as “ver-
bal”; but cf. an alternative variant *ntí in PJ.
-negle (~-a) snag, root: Tung. *nelge; Mong. *newle; Jpn. *nài (~ nìa);
Kor. *nr.
PTung. *nelge 1 snag 2 block 3 saddle (1 коряга 2 колода 3 седло):
Evk. nelge 1; Evn. nelgъ 1, 2; Ork. nēlge 3; Orch. negge 1, 2; Ud. nege 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 619.
PMong. *newle brushwood; block (валежник; колода): WMong.
neüle (MXTTT); Kh. nǖl; Bur. nǖle.
PJpn. *nài ( ~ nìa) root (корень): OJpn. ne; MJpn. nè; Tok. nè; Kyo.
nḕ; Kag. né.
◊ JLTT 495.
PKor. *nr board (доска): MKor. nr; Mod. nl.
◊ Nam 105, KED 332.
‖ ТМС 1, 619.
966 *negre - *néji
-negre ( ~ -i) a k. of deer: Tung. *ne(r)gdi; Turk. *jẹgre-n; Kor. *nɨrə-.
PTung. *negdi a female deer (важенка): Evk. negdi.
◊ ТМС 1, 615.
PTurk. *jẹgre-n 1 yellow (of a horse) 2 deer, antelope (1 рыжий (о
масти лошади) 2 олень, джейран, антилопа): OTurk. jegren 1 (Orkh.);
Tur. ǯeran, ǯeren (DS) 1, 2; Turkm. jegren, jergen 1, dial. ǯeren 1, 2;
MTurk. ǯejren (Буд.) 1, ǯeren 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. ǯijrɔn 1; Uygh. ǯirən 1,
dial. ǯeren, ǯərrən, ǯegren 2; Tat. ǯiren 1, jɛrdɛ (Tar.) 1; Bashk. jeren 1;
Kirgh. ǯejren 1, 2, ǯērde 1; Kaz. žijren 1; KKalp. žijren 1; Nogh. jijren 1;
SUygh. ǯiger, jiger, ǯiɣɨr, jiɣɨr 2; Khak. čigren, dial. čigər 1; Shr. čeren, če-
gren, čergen (R) 1; Oyr. jeren, jēren, ēren 1, 2; Tv. čēren 2; Chuv. śüren 1;
Yak. sier 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 22-24, 36. Turk. > Mong. ǯeɣir-, ǯeɣerde (TMN 1, 289, 4, 184) > Sol. ǯegerẽ
‘antelope’, Man. ǯerde (see Doerfer MT 136) > MKor. čjərta (măr) (see Lee 1958, 119). Pers.
ǯejran ( < Turk. or Mong.) is widely borrowed back into Turkic (Tur., Az. ǯejran etc.).
PKor. *nɨrə- female deer, doe (косуля, важенка): Mod. nɨrəŋi.
◊ KED 366.
‖ The Evk. form most probably reflects a suffixed *ner-gdi; less
probable is a specific development of the cluster *-gr-. Cf. *ĺóre.
-neji louse, nit: Tung. *nej(l)e-; Mong. *ni-sa-; Kor. *ní.
PTung. *nej(l)V- small louse, nit (мелкая вошь, гнида): Evk. nej-ke;
Ul. ńile-kte; Ork. neli-ɣe; Nan. ńile-ke.
◊ ТМС 1, 616.
PMong. *ni-sa- to crumble (e. g. lice), to crush with the finger-nails
(щелкать пальцами, придавить ногтями): WMong. nise-le- (L 586:
nisal-, nisla-, nisel-, nisači-); Kh. ńasla-, ńasči-; Bur. ńaha ‘finger flip’, ńa-
hal-; Kalm. nisəl-; Ord. nisal- ‘to kill by pressing between fingernails’;
Mongr. nesələ-.
◊ KW 277, MGCD 509.
PKor. *ní louse (вошь): MKor. ní; Mod. i.
◊ Nam 119, KED 1316.
‖ SKE 165, EAS 76, АПиПЯЯ 296. The Mong. form presupposes an
earlier *ni-(su) ‘louse’.
-néji even, equal: Tung. *neje-; Mong. *nej; Jpn. *ní-.
PTung. *neje- 1 even 2 similar (1 ровный 2 похожий): Evk. ńe-rke 2
(dial.); Ul. neje(n) 1; Nan. nejẽ 1; Orch. neige, neiŋe 1; Ud. neige 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 616, 654 (but Manchu nejgen ‘equal’ is obviously < Mong., see Rozycki 161).
PMong. *nej 1 all together, in accord 2 to unite, join, connect 3
equal, alike (1 вместе, согласно 2 объединять(ся) 3 равный, похо-
жий): WMong. nei 1, neji-če-, neji-le- 2, neji-gen 3 (L 569, 570); Kh. nij 1,
nijce-, nijle- 2, nijgen 3; Bur. nī-te 1, nī-le- 2; Kalm. nī 1, nīdə- 2; Ord. nī 1,
nīči- 2, nīgün, nīte, nīgüŋ 1.
 *nko - *nek῾u 967
◊ KW 277, 278.
PJpn. *ní- to resemble (быть похожим): OJpn. ni- ; MJpn. ní-; Tok.
nì-; Kyo. ní-; Kag. ní-.
◊ JLTT 736.
‖ A good Mong.-TM-Jpn. parallel.
-nko to leave, put aside: Tung. *neku-; Mong. *nögü-ɣe; Jpn. *nk-;
Kor. *nòh-.
PTung. *neku- 1 to bring 2 gift (1 нести, приносить, относить 2
подарок): Evn. nēkъr 2; Nan. nuku- 1; Ud. nexu-, neu-ɣi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 619, 667.
PMong. *nögü-ɣe other (другой): MMong. noko’e (SH); WMong.
nögüge (L 592); Kh. nögȫ; Bur. nügȫ; Kalm. nög (КРС); Ord. nögȫ; Bao.
noge ‘he’ (Тод. Бн.).
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. nöŋüö ‘next’ (see Kał. MEJ 35, Stachowski 186).
PJpn. *nk- to leave, put aside (оставлять, откладывать): OJpn.
nok-, nokos-; MJpn. nòkos-; Tok. nokós-; Kyo. nókós-; Kag. nokós-.
◊ JLTT 737. The Kagoshima accent is rather strange (influenced by Tokyo?), cf. the
intransitive match nòkòr- ‘to remain, be left’ which is quite regular.
PKor. *nòh- to put, let go (класть, пускать): MKor. nòh-; Mod. no-
[noh-].
◊ Nam 114, KED 353.
‖ Martin 239. Korean has the verbal low tone. The Mong. form is
somewhat questionable: it can belong here if ‘other’ < ‘the one left’; on
the other hand, it may be a historical derivative < *nige-ɣü where *nige-
= *nige- ‘one’ (see *nŏŋe).
-neku lowland, water meadow: Tung. *nekte; Mong. *nigu.
PTung. *nekte 1 tilth, tillage 2 lowland 3 low (1 пашня 2 низина 3
низкий): Evk. nekte 1, 2, 3; Evn. ńätkun 3; Neg. nekte 2, 3; Ul. nekte 2;
Ork. nēktē-gi 2, nēkte 3; Nan. nekte 2, 3; Orch. nekte 3; Ud. nektele 2; Sol.
nekte 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 616, 617.
PMong. *nigu water-meadow (заливной луг): WMong. niɣu (L
579); Kh. nug; Bur. nuga; Kalm. nuɣə.
◊ KW 280. Mong. > Kaz. nuw etc.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nek῾u to weave: Mong. *neke-; Jpn. *nuki.
PMong. *neke- to weave, knit (ткать, вязать): MMong. neke- (SH),
nik- (IM); WMong. neke- (L 572); Kh. nexe-; Bur. nexe-; Kalm. nekə-; Ord.
neχe-; Mog. neka- (Weiers); Dag. nege-; Dong. nokie-; S.-Yugh. neke-;
Mongr. niki- (SM 276), neke-.
◊ KW 274, MGCD 507.
968 *nek῾V - *nèĺbù
PJpn. *nuki weft thread (уточная нить, уточная пряжа): OJpn.
nuk(j)i; Tok. nuki-íto.
◊ JLTT 502.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-nek῾V friend, relative: Tung. *neku-; Mong. *nökör.
PTung. *neku- younger relative (sister / brother) (младший родст-
венник (сестра / брат)): Evk. nekū; Neg. nexu(n); Man. neχu ‘slave girl’;
Ul. neku(n); Ork. noko(nō); Nan. neku; Orch. neku; Ud. nêä-diga; Sol. nexũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 617-618. The Manchu word could be derived from MMong. nekun ‘servant’
(see Rozycki 161), on which see *nk῾e, but may as well be derived from *neku, with its
meaning being a result of confusing the two roots. In Manchu we also have neku ‘a
woman’s female friend’, and in Jurch. - nekur ‘friend’, both of which can be borrowed <
Mong. (see Rozycki 162). See also notes to *neŋu- (sub *nŋu).
PMong. *nökör friend (друг): MMong. nokor (HY 31, SH), nūkər
(IM); WMong. nökör (L 593: nökür); Kh. nöxör; Bur. nüxer; Kalm. nökr;
Ord. nöχör; Dag. nugur (Тод. Даг. 158); Dong. nokiə; Bao. noker (Тод.
Бн.); S.-Yugh. nökör; Mongr. nokor (SM 283), nukor (Huzu) 3.
◊ KW 279, MGCD 515. Despite Doerfer TMN 1, 521ff the attested MMong. noko’e
(SH; = nököɣe) ‘other, second’ does not prove that the original meaning was ‘other’: cf.
Russ. другой ‘other’, transparently derived < друг ‘friend’). Mong. > Chuv. kər-nüker
‘дружка’ (see Róna-Tas 1973-1974).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. The root seems to be different from *nk῾e
and *ńṑge, although there may have been some natural confusion. It is
interesting to note Jpn. naka(ma) ‘friend’ - perhaps a secondary con-
tamination with naka ‘middle’?
-nelk῾V new-born; spring: Tung. *nelki; Mong. *nilka.
PTung. *nelki spring (весна): Evk. nelki; Evn. nelkъ; Neg. nelkī; Ork.
nelčiri; Orch. nekki; Ud. neki; Sol. nelxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 620.
PMong. *nilka new-born (новорожденный): MMong. nilqa (SH,
MA 124); WMong. nilqa (L 584); Kh. ńalx; Bur. ńalxa, nilxa; Kalm. nilxa;
Ord. nilxa; Dag. ńalka (Тод. Даг. 156), ńaleke (MD 199); Mongr. narG
(SM 258).
◊ KW 276. Cf. also nilǯaraj id.
‖ Владимирцов 369. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nèĺbù ( ~ -p-) fringe: Tung. *nelbi; Jpn. *nùsà.
PTung. *nelbi fringe (бахрома): Evk. nelbi; Evn. nebъlen.
◊ ТМС 1, 619.
PJpn. *nùsà paper offerings, paper pieces on a stick (бумажные
приношения, бумажки на палочке или веточке): OJpn. nusa; MJpn.
nùsà; Tok. nusa.
◊ JLTT 502.
 *nelmu - *nmè 969

‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Karakh. (MK) jɨšɨɣ ‘thread,

string, cord’ (although the vocalism is not clear).
-nelmu a k. of cloth, coat: Tung. *nelme-; Mong. *nolom; Turk. *jAlma.
PTung. *nelme- upper garment, coat (кафтан, верхняя одежда):
Evk. nelmekēn.
◊ ТМС 1, 620, 635. Isolated in Ewk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *nolom brocade (парча): WMong. nolom (L 590: nolum); Kh.
nolom.
PTurk. *jAlma a thick quilted coat (толстая стеганая куртка):
OTurk. jalma (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jalma (MK).
◊ EDT 929, TMN 4, 190-192.
‖ Дыбо 15, ТМС 1, 635. A Western isogloss. Note also MJpn. (late
attested) nume ‘a k. of silk’ (if not < numa- ‘to be slippery, smooth’)?
-nema to add, exceed: Mong. *neme-; Turk. *jem-; Kor. *nm-.
PMong. *neme- to add (добавлять): MMong. neme- (HY 33, SH);
WMong. neme- (L 573); Kh. neme-; Bur. neme-; Kalm. nem-; Ord. neme-;
Dag. neme- (Тод. Даг. 157, MD 197); Dong. nime-; S.-Yugh. nemē-;
Mongr. nimē- (SM 276), nəmē-.
◊ KW 274, MGCD 504.
PTurk. *jem- 1 moreover, and 2 addition (1 более того, к тому же 2
добавление): OTurk. jeme 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jeme 1 (MK); Yak.
semse 2.
◊ EDT 934.
PKor. *nm- to exceed, to overflow (превосходить, переходить,
переливаться через край): MKor. nm-; Mod. nm-.
◊ Nam 105, KED 335.
‖ EAS 76, Владимирцов 369, SKE 163, Poppe 38, 68. Manchu forms
(nem-sele- ‘to add, increase’ etc.) may be borrowed < Mong. (see ТМС 1,
622, TMN 1, 519, Doerfer MT 103, Rozycki 162). MKor. has also a syn-
onymous nàm-. Despite TMN 1, 520 borrowing in Kor. < Mong. is quite
improbable.
-nmè to patch: Tung. *neme- / *nama-; Mong. *nem-; Turk. *jama-; Jpn.
*nmì.
PTung. *neme- / *nama- to patch (латать, штопать): Evk. neme-,
nama-; Evn. nemēt-; Neg. nemes-; Man. nemki-; Ul. namui (n.); Ork. nem-
besse-, nambotčị-; Nan. namu (n.); Orch. namasi-; Ud. neme-.
◊ ТМС 1, 622 (cf. also *nama- ‘to stick to, etc.’, ТМС 1, 581).
PMong. *nem- 1 to cover 2 to cover (by a horse-cloth) (1 покрывать
2 покрывать (попоной)): MMong. nemur- 1 (SH), nembe- 1 (HYt),
nəmilä, nimlä ‘horse-cloth’ (MA 238, 239); WMong. nemür- 1, nemne- 2 (L
574); Kh. nömr- 1, nemn- 2; Bur. nemeri- 1,2 nemne 2; Kalm. nemr- 1,
970 *nŋu - *nŋu
nemnə- 2; Ord. nemne- 2, nömör ‘protection contre le vent’; Dag. nembu- 1
(Тод. Даг. 157), nemur ‘cover’; Bao. nambəǯo- 2; S.-Yugh. nemle- 2, nemnēl
‘horse-cloth’; Mongr. nembe- (SM 270), nəmba- 1, nemberge (SM 270)
nemnoŋ ‘horse-cloth’ 2.
◊ KW 275, MGCD 505, 515. Mong. > Evk. neme- ‘to cover’ etc. (ТМС 1, 622), see Doer-
fer MT 51, Rozycki 162.
PTurk. *jama- to patch (латать, штопать): Karakh. jama- (MK); Tur.
jama-; Gag. jama-; Az. jama-; Turkm. jama-; Sal. jama-; MTurk. jama- (Et-
tuhf.); Uzb. jama-; Uygh. jama-; Krm. jama-; Tat. jama-; Bashk. jama-;
Kirgh. ǯama-; Kaz. žama-; KBalk. zama-; KKalp. žama-; Kum. jama-;
Nogh. jama-; SUygh. jama-; Khak. nama-; Shr. naba-; Oyr. jama-, ama-;
Tv. čama-; Yak. samā-; Dolg. hamā-.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 934-935, ЭСТЯ 4, 108, Stachowski 94. Turk. > WMong. ǯama-,
Kalm. zamə- (KW 466).
PJpn. *nmì cypress bark used for preventing boat leaking, boat
caulking (кипарисовая кора, используемая для предотвращения те-
чи в лодке): MJpn. nómì.
◊ JLTT 500 (also giving variants noma, nome).
‖ Poppe 68. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 4, 194) criticism the
Turk.-Tung. match appears quite satisfactory.
-nŋu female relative (sister or brother’s wife): Tung. *neŋu-; Mong.
*nagaču; Turk. *jeŋe; Kor. *nù’i.
PTung. *neŋu- 1 sweetheart 2 younger (brother, sister) (1 возлюб-
ленная 2 младший (сестра, брат)): Evn. neŋńe 1; Neg. neŋuj (L.-Amg.)
2; Man. non 2; SMan. nun ‘younger sister; husband’s younger sister;
younger woman’ (904,914); Jurch. nexun (nexun-un) ‘younger sister’
(291); Orch. neŋu 2; Ud. neŋu 2.
◊ ТМС 1 618, 622. The Jurch. word may reflect a contamination with PTM *neku-
‘younger relative’ (v. sub *nek῾o).
PMong. *nagaču maternal relative (родственник со стороны мате-
ри): MMong. naxačü(i) ‘uncle (mother’s brother)’ (HY 28); WMong.
naɣaču (L 556); Kh. nagac; Bur. nagsa, nagasxaj; Kalm. naɣəc (КРС); Ord.
naGa, naGan, naGǟ, naGači; Dag. naučō, nagču (Тод. Даг. 155), nauči,
naučō (MD 195); S.-Yugh. naGačə; Mongr. naG (SM 254), naGai.
◊ MGCD 497. Mong. > Manchu nakču (see Rozycki 161).
PTurk. *jeŋe elder brother’s wife (жена старшего брата): OTurk.
jeŋge (OUygh.); Karakh. jeŋge (MK); Tur. jeŋge; Az. jeŋgä; Turkm. jeŋŋe;
Sal. jeŋGo, jeŋko, jaŋgu; Khal. neŋe; MTurk. jeŋge (Pav. C.), jinge (AH);
Uygh. jeŋge; Tat. ǯiŋgɛ; Bashk. jeŋge; Kirgh. ǯeŋe; Kaz. žeŋge; KKalp.
žeŋge; Nogh. jeŋge; SUygh. jeŋge, jiŋge, iŋge; Khak. nige; Shr. neŋe; Oyr.
jeŋe, eŋe; Tv. čeŋge; Yak. saŋas; Dolg. haŋas.
◊ EDT 950, VEWT 197-8, ЭСТЯ 4, 189-190, Лексика 313, Stachowski 96.
 *np῾é - *nep῾V(ĺV) 971

PKor. *nù’i (boy’s) sister (сестра (мальчика)): MKor. nù’i; Mod.

nui.
◊ Nam 115, KED 358.
‖ EAS 76; TMN 4, 207 (“kaum annehmbar...Lallwort”).
-np῾é to spread, cover: Tung. *nep-te-; Mong. *nebseji-; Turk. *jap-;
Jpn. *nmpú- (~-ua-); Kor. *nìp-.
PTung. *nep-te- 1 to spread out, make even 2 even, flat (1 рассти-
лать, разглаживать 2 ровный, гладкий): Evk. nepte- 1, nepteme 2; Neg.
nepte-nepte 2; Ul. nepte-nepte 2; Ork. nette- 1; Nan. nepte-nepte 2; Orch.
nepteŋge 2; Ud. neptele 2
◊ ТМС 1, 623-624.
PMong. *nebseji- to be broad and long (e.g. of cloth) (быть широ-
ким и длинным (напр., о ткани)): WMong. nebseji- (L 567); Kh. nevsij-;
Bur. nebšɨ-.
PTurk. *jap- to cover; to close, shut (the door) (покрывать; закры-
вать (дверь)): Karakh. jap- (MK); Az. jap- (dial.); Turkm. jap-; MTurk.
jap- (AH, Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jɔp-; Uygh. jap-; Krm. jap-; Tat. jap-;
Bashk. jap-; Kirgh. ǯap-; Kaz. žap-; KBalk. ǯap-, žap-, zap-; KKalp. žap-;
Kum. jap-; Nogh. jap-; Khak. čap-; Shr. čap-; Oyr. jap-, ap-; Tv. šɨp-; Yak.
sap-; Dolg. hap-.
◊ VEWT 187, EDT 870-871; ЭСТЯ 4, 127-128 (with a careful distinction of *jap- ‘cre-
ate, make’ and *jap- ‘cover’), Stachowski 96-97. Derivates mean ‘cloth, covering’ (see Лек-
сика 545).
PJpn. *nmpú- (~-ua-) to spread (расстилать): OJpn. n(w)obu-;
MJpn. nòbu-; Tok. nobé-; Kyo. nòbè-; Kag. nòbè-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nìp- to put on (clothes) (надевать (одежду)): MKor. nìp-;
Mod. ip-.
◊ Nam 126, KED 1364.
‖ ТМС 1, 624. Verbal low tone in Korean.
-nep῾V(ĺV) a k. of insect, butterfly: Tung. *nelbige (?); Mong.
*naɣalinkaj; Turk. *japɨĺgak; Kor. *nàpắi.
PTung. *nelbige bat (летучая мышь): Evk. nelbiɣē.
◊ ТМС 1, 619. Attested only in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *naɣalinkaj dung fly, gad-fly (навозная муха): WMong.
naɣalinqai (L 557); Kh. nālinxaj; Ord. nāliŋxǟ.
PTurk. *japɨĺgak 1 small louse 2 nit 3 a k. of gad-fly 4 leech (1 ма-
ленькая вошь 2 гнида 3 вид овода 4 пиявка): Gag. japɨšqan 4; Turkm.
japɨšaq 1; Tat. jabɨšqaq 2, 3; Bashk. jäbeškɛk 1, 2; Oyr. japšɨq, apšɨq 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 134.
PKor. *nàpắi butterfly (бабочка): MKor. nàpắi; Mod. nabi.
◊ Nam 88, KED 291.
972 *nèra - *nèra
‖ A common derivative *nep῾V-ĺV is reflected in PT *japɨĺ-(gak), PM
*naɣali-(nkaj) and probably Evk. nelbiɣe < *nepli-ge. The root must have
denoted a small flying insect, with a further development > ‘small bit-
ing insect’ in Turkic. It may well be that the initial consonant was *l-
(since the only TM reflex is the isolated Evk. dialectal form nelbiɣe); cf.
perhaps also a wider spread Evk. name of the caterpillar - lepurēgdi,
lepčerēgdi (ТМС 518), although it is usually derived from PTM *lepu-
‘fluffy’.
-nèra thin, flat: Tung. *ner- / *nar-; Mong. *nari-n; Turk. *jAr-; Jpn.
*nàràs-; Kor. *jrp- ( < *njr-p- ?).
PTung. *ner- / *nar- 1 lean 2 thin 3 weak (1 худой 2 тонкий 3 сла-
бый): Evk. ńurkūn 1, 2; Man. ńere 2, 3, nar-χun 2; SMan. narəhun ‘fine,
thin, exact’(2408); Jurch. nar-gi ‘narrow’ (670).
◊ ТМС 1, 585-586, 649, 654-655. Doerfer TMN 1, 515, MT 138, Rozycki 161 regard
Man. narxun as borrowed < Mong. (cf. Mong. nari-qan ‘rather fine, thin, slender’), which
is somewhat dubious, but not entirely excluded.
PMong. *nari-n thin (тонкий): MMong. narin (SH, MA), narən (IM) ,
nārīn (LH); WMong. narin (L 566); Kh. narīn; Bur. narin; Kalm. närn;
Ord. narīn; Mog. nōrin (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. narin (Тод. Даг. 156),
narien (MD 195); Dong. narunni; Bao. naroŋ; S.-Yugh. narən; Mongr.
narin (SM 258), narəŋ.
◊ KW 273, MGCD 501, TMN 1, 513. Mong. > Chag. narin (see TMN 1, 515).
PTurk. *jAr- 1 thin, lean 2 poor 3 flat (1 тонкий, тощий 2 бедный 3
плоский): OTurk. jarlɨɣ 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jarlɨɣ 2 (MK); Turkm. jarlɨ
2 (dial.); MTurk. jarlɨɣ 2 (R., Bud.); Krm. jarlɨ 2; Tat. jarlɨ 2; Bashk. jarlɨ 2;
Kirgh. ǯarō 1, ǯardɨ, ǯarlɨ, ǯarɨlɨ 2; Kaz. žara- 1, žar(ɨ)lɨ 2; KBalk. žarlɨ, zarlɨ
2; KKalp. žarlɨ 2; Kum. jarlɨ 2; Nogh. jarlɨ- 2; Oyr. jartɨčaq 3; Tv. čarɨɣ-da-
1.
◊ EDT 967, VEWT 189, 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 143, Лексика 334-335. The most widely spread
form, attested since Old Uyghur, is *jAr-lɨ(g) ‘poor’; the evidence of Oyr., Tuva, Kirgh.
and Kaz., however, suggests the existence of a primary stem *jAr(ɨ)- ‘thin, lean’. Turk. >
Hung. gyarló ‘sinful’ (< *jarlɨɣ), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *nàràs- to make even, flat (выравнивать, сглаживать): OJpn.
naras-; MJpn. nàràs-; Tok. narás-; Kyo. nàràs-; Kag. nàràs-.
◊ JLTT 732. Kyoto points to *nàrás-, but RJ and Kagoshima rather to *nàràs-.
PKor. *jrp- thin (тонкий): MKor. jrp-; Mod. jlp-, jālp-.
◊ Nam 376, KED 1182.
‖ If the Korean form is related here, it must be one of the irregular
cases of *n- lost in front of -j-, -i- already in Middle Korean; however,
since the -jə- diphthong is also not quite regular, the Korean match is
rather questionable.
 *nèra - *nre 973

-nèra ( ~ -ŕ-) a k. of big tree: Tung. *ner- ( ~ ń-); Mong. *nara-su; Jpn.
*nàrà.
PTung. *ner- ( ~ ń-) larch (лиственница): Evn. ńermi.
◊ ТМС 1, 654. Attested only in Evn., with possible external parallels.
PMong. *nara-su pine tree (сосна): MMong. narasun (HY 6);
WMong. nara-su(n) (L 565); Kh. nars; Bur. narha(n); Kalm. narsan
(СЯОС); Ord. narasu; Dag. nars, narsu (Тод. Даг. 156), narese ‘cypress,
cedar’ (MD 195).
◊ MGCD 501. Mong. nara-t (pl.) > Chuv. narat, see Róna-Tas 1973-1974.
PJpn. *nàrà a k. of oak (вид дуба): OJpn. nara; MJpn. nàrà; Tok. nára;
Kyo. nárà; Kag. nára.
◊ JLTT 493. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ The Mong.-Jpn. match appears certain; the Even parallel is iso-
lated and less reliable.
-nre name; announcement, order: Mong. *nere; Turk. *jạr-; Jpn. *nr-;
Kor. *(n)ìr(h)-.
PMong. *nere name (имя): MMong. nere (SH, HYt), nirin (IM), nir
(MA); WMong. nere (L 575); Kh. ner; Bur. nere; Kalm. nerə; Ord. nere;
Mog. nerä; nirä (15-3a); Dag. ner (Тод. Даг. 157), nere (MD 198); Dong.
niere; Bao. nere (Тод. Бн.), nare; S.-Yugh. nere; Mongr. nere (SM 273).
◊ KW 275, MGCD 506.
PTurk. *jạr- 1 order 2 announcement, call 3 judge 4 law, justice (1
приказ 2 объявление, клич 3 судья 4 закон, правосудие): OTurk.
jar-lɨɣ 1,2 (OUygh.), jarɣan 3; Karakh. jar-lɨɣ 1,2 (MK); Tur. jar, ǯar 2
(dial.); Az. ǯar 2 (dial.); Turkm. jarlɨq 1, dial. ǯar 2; MTurk. jar 2
(Abush.), jar-lɨɣ 1,2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. jarɣu 4, dial. ǯar 2; Uygh. ǯar
2; Tat. jar 2, jarlɨq 1; Kirgh. ǯar 2; Kaz. žar 2; KKalp. žar 2; Oyr. ar 2; Tv.
čar 2; Chuv. śɨrlъx 1.
◊ VEWT 188-9, EDT 966-7, ЭСТЯ 4, 18-20 (one can hardly agree with Clauson that
jarlɨɣ is a loan from an unknown source). Mong. loans from Turk. are widely spread:
Mong. ǯar ‘announcement’, ǯarqu, ǯarɣu ‘judgement, court’, ǯarliq ‘order’, ǯarɣuči ‘judge’
(see TMN 1, 278, 4, 58-66, 157, Щербак 1997, 123).
PJpn. *nr- to announce, order (возвещать, приказывать): OJpn.
nor-; MJpn. nór-.
◊ JLTT 737.
PKor. *(n)ìr(h)- 1 name 2 say, tell (1 имя 2 сказать): MKor. ìrhúm 1,
nìrắ-, nìr’ó- 2; Mod. irɨm 1, irɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 406, 120, 124, KED 1326, 1327. The noun seems to be clearly deverbal, but is at-
tested only without the initial *n-.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 37, 72, 294. Closed -ạ- in Turk. is not quite clear.
974 *néro - *nìbi
-néro to fly; to rise: Tung. *nere-; Mong. *narba-; Turk. *jAr-man-; Jpn.
*nr-; Kor. *nằr-.
PTung. *nere- to flap (wings) (порхать, махать крыльями): Evk.
nere-nŋe-; Evn. nerъk-.
◊ ТМС 1, 625.
PMong. *narba- to flap, flutter, sway (махать, развеваться): Bur.
narba-; Kalm. narməlǯə- (КРС).
PTurk. *jAr-man- to climb up (залезать): OTurk. jarma-, jarman-
(OUygh.); Karakh. jarman- (MK); Turkm. jarmaš-; Khal. jarmalaq ‘seesaw
for children’; MTurk. jarman- (Sangl.); Tat. jarpa- ‘to put on airs’; Kirgh.
jarmaš-; Kaz. žarmas- ‘to cling to’; KKalp. žarmas- ‘to cling to’; Khak. čar-
ban-; Shr. čarban-; Oyr. jarman- (Верб.).
◊ VEWT 190, EDT 969.
PJpn. *nr- 1 to rise 2 to ride (1 подниматься 2 ехать верхом):
OJpn. nor- 1, 2; MJpn. nór- 1, 2; Tok. nòr- 1; Kyo. nór- 1; Kag. nór- 1.
◊ JLTT 737.
PKor. *nằr- to fly (лететь): MKor. nằr-; Mod. nal-.
◊ Nam 96, KED 302.
‖ SKE 159, ТМС 1,625 (Tung.-Kor.), Martin 240, АПиПЯЯ 296. In
Kor. cf. also nắr-kái ‘wing’ (with change of tone?), mod. narɨ-da ‘to
transport’. The Turk. and Jpn. forms can be alternatively compared
with MKor. nīr- ‘to stand up, rise’.
-nèse ( ~ -o) flat, to flatten: Tung. *nese-; Jpn. *ns-.
PTung. *nese- to straighten, make level, flat (выравнивать, вы-
прямлять): Evn. nesēn-, nehēn-; Neg. neskī-; Ul. nese-; Ork. nese ‘ground
surface’; Nan. nesi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 625-626.
PJpn. *ns- 1 a k. of small flat-iron 2 to stretch, flatten (1 вид ма-
ленького утюга 2 растягивать, разглаживать, утюжить): OJpn.
n(w)osi 1; MJpn. nòsì 1; Tok. nós- 2, noshí 1; Kyo. nós- 2, nóshì 1; Kag.
nós-, nòs- 2, noshí 1.
◊ JLTT 501, 737. Verbal accent (nós- in Kyoto and the variant nós- in Kagoshima) is
not quite clear.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; on a possible Turk. reflex see under *dasi.
-nìbi ( ~ -e) to smoke, to smell: Tung. *nibu(p)-; Mong. *neɣü-; Jpn.
*nìp-p-; Kor. *nắi.
PTung. *nibu(p)- to smoke (дымить(ся), коптить(ся)): Evk. nuw-;
Neg. nūp-; Ul. ńiup-ti-; Ork. nū-či-; Nan. ńup-či-; Orch. ńu-či-; Ud.
ńusesi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 607-608.
PMong. *neɣü- 1 to curl (of smoke) 2 charcoal (1 виться (о дыме) 2
уголь): MMong. ne’uresun 2 (HY 22), nūrson (IM); WMong. negür-sü 2
 *nibĺa - *nbŕo 975

(L 569: neɣüresü(n)); Kh. nǖ-gelte- 1, nǖrs 2; Bur. nǖrhe(n) 2; Kalm. nǖrsen

2 (KPC); Ord. nǖresü, nǖres 2; Dag. neurese 2 (MD 198).
◊ The Mong. word for ‘coal’ (MMong. ne’üre-sün) is compared by Poppe 38 with
Man. nemu ‘ore’, nemuri ‘coal mine’ (ТМС 1, 621) < *nebu- (?).
PJpn. *nìp-p- to smell (пахнуть): OJpn. nipop-; MJpn. nìfòf-; Tok.
nió-; Kyo. níó-; Kag. nìò-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nắi smoke (дым): MKor. nắi; Mod. nä.
◊ Nam 102, KED 315.
‖ EAS 77, SKE 158 (Tung.-Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 297. Kor. -ă- is most
probably a result of vowel contraction after the loss of *-b-.
-nibĺa clay, to smear: Tung. *ńiblü-; Turk. *joĺa; Jpn. *nasur-.
PTung. *ńiblü- to paint, smear (красить, мазать): Neg. ńịja-, ńlị-;
Man. ju-; Ul. ńili-; Ork. ńilitči-; Nan. ńiule-; Ud. jeule-.
◊ ТМС 1, 638.
PTurk. *joĺa red clay (красная глина): Tur. joša (SDD); MTurk. juša
(MA); Kirgh. ǯošo; Oyr. jožo; Yak. soho.
◊ VEWT 128, ЭСТЯ 4, 31. Turk. > MMong. (MA) ǯuša, WMong. ǯosa ‘red clay, red
earth’ (rather than vice versa, despite VEWT 128 - although forms with -s- like Kaz.,
KKalp. žosa are reborrowed from Mong.).
PJpn. *nasur- to smear, rub (мазать, тереть): Tok. nasúr-; Kyo.
násúr-; Kag. nasúr-.
◊ JLTT 733. PJ accent is unclear.
‖ The vowel *-o- in Turkic is probably due to the medial cluster
(*joĺa < *jɨbĺa).
-nbŕo face, resemblance: Mong. *niɣur; Turk. *jǖŕ; Jpn. *nər-.
PMong. *niɣur face (лицо): MMong. ni’ur (HY 45, SH), nojur (IM),
niur (MA); WMong. niɣur (L 580); Kh. nǖr; Bur. ńūr, nǖr; Kalm. nǖr;
Ord. nǖr; Mog. nǖr; Dong. niu (MGCD nu); Bao. nōr (MGCD nor, nur);
S.-Yugh. nǖr, nȫr; Mongr. nǖr (SM 280) (MGCD niur).
◊ KW 283, MGCD 520, 563.
PTurk. *jǖŕ face (лицо): OTurk. jüz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jüz
(MK); Tur. jüz; Gag. jüz, üz; Az. üz; Turkm. jüz; Sal. jüz, jiz; Khal. jīz;
MTurk. jüz (MA, AH, Ettuhf.); Uygh. jüz; Krm. jüz, juź, jiz, iz; Tat. jöz;
Bashk. jöδ; Kirgh. ǯüz; Kaz. žüz; KKalp. žüz; Kum. jüz; Nogh. jüz;
SUygh. jüz; Khak. čüs; Oyr. jüs, üs; Chuv. śъₙvar ‘mouth’; Yak. sǖs
‘forehead’; Dolg. hǖs ‘forehead’.
◊ VEWT 213-4, ЭСТЯ 4, 259-260, Лексика 206, Мудрак Дисс. 154, Stachowski 117.
Khalaj jīz = Yak. sǖs prove that Turkm. jüz is secondary. Turk. > MMong. (MA) jüz ‘sur-
face’ (Щербак 1997, 196).
PJpn. *nər- to resemble (быть похожим): OJpn. n(w)or-.
‖ VEWT 214. *-ǖ- in Turk. is due to contraction.
976 *nkV - *nk῾e
-nkV ( ~ -ā-) duck: Tung. *nīKǖ; Mong. *nigu-sun.
PTung. *nīKǖ 1 duck 2 bird (1 утка 2 птица): Evk. nīkī, -čēn 1; Evn.
ńieki, nīki; Man. ńexe 1; SMan. īxə 1 (2201); Jurch. mie-xe (591) 1; Ork.
nēčē / ńēče 2; Nan. ńice(n) 2; Ud. ńuɣeǯiɣe ‘duckling’; Sol. nīxī 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 590-591.
PMong. *nigu-su duck (утка): MMong. noqosun (HY 14), noqosu
(SH), nuɣasun (MA 261b), nūqāsūn (LH), nūqāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong.
niɣusu, niɣul (L 595: nuɣusu(n)); Kh. nugas; Bur. nugaha(n); Kalm.
nuɣəsn; Ord. nuGus, nuGusu; Dag. nogese, nause, nuagese (MD 195, 200).
◊ KW 281.
‖ KW 281, Poppe 1974, 121, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Tung.-Mong. isogloss.
The TM form can hardly be regarded as a mongolism, therefore (de-
spite Poppe 1966, 31) this root should be carefully distinguished from
ТМ *ńuŋńakī ‘goose’ (= Karakh. juɣaq id.). Mong. has parallel forms
niɣusun and noɣusun - possibly resulting from contamination.
-nìk῾é to become sour, ripen: Tung. *ńeK- ~ *niK-; Mong. *negsi-; Jpn.
*nìnkà-; Kor. *nìk-.
PTung. *ńeK- ~ *niK- to rot, become sour (of food) (прокисать (о
пище), делаться противным на вкус): Man. ńekde-.
◊ ТМС 1, 651. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *negsi- to rot, become sour (of food) (гнить, скисать (о пи-
ще)): WMong. nigsi- (MXTTT); Kh. negše-.
PJpn. *nìnkà- bitter, sour (горький, кислый): MJpn. nìgà-; Tok.
nigá-; Kyo. nígà-; Kag. nigá-.
◊ JLTT 837.
PKor. *nìk- to be boiled, ripen (свариваться, созревать): MKor.
nìk-; Mod. ik-.
◊ Nam 124, KED 1339.
‖ ТМС 1, 651 (Mong.-Tung.). Verbal low tone in Kor.
-nk῾e ( ~ -ā-) servant: Tung. *nīka-; Mong. *nek-.
PTung. *nīka- 1 relative 2 servant, slave 3 Chinese 4 ordinary man,
people (1 родственник 2 слуга, раб 3 китаец 4 мужик, деревенщина):
Evk. ńīkī (Nerch.) 1; Neg. nịkan 3, (arch.) 2; Man. niqan 3, 4; Ul. ńiqa(n) 2,
3 (arch.); Ork. ńaqqa(n) 2; Nan. ńịqã 3; Orch. ńiŋka 3, (arch.) 2; Ud. niŋka
3, (arch.) 2; Sol. nixã 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 590, 637.
PMong. *nek- servant(s) (слуга, слуги): MMong. nekun (HY 31, SH).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *ńṑge, *nek῾V.
 *nk῾ú - *nilko 977

-nk῾ú to grind, crunch; knead: Tung. *ń[i]Ki-; Mong. *niku-; Turk. *jɨk-;
Jpn. *nnk-p- / *nùnkù-p-; Kor. *nìkì-.
PTung. *ń[i]Ki- 1 to gnaw, crunch 2 to swallow 3 to destroy, demol-
ish (1 грызть, разгрызать 2 проглотить 3 разрушать(ся)): Evk. ńeki- 1;
Man. niqča- 3; Nan. ńikike- 2 (Kur.-Urm.).
◊ ТМС 1, 591, 637, 651.
PMong. *niku- to grind, rub, knead (размалывать, растирать, ме-
сить): MMong. nuqu- (MA 316); WMong. niqu-, nuqu- (L 586); Kh.
nuxa-; Bur. ńuxa-; Kalm. nuxə-; Ord. nuxu-; Mog. nuqu-; ZM noqu (8-2a);
Dag. nogu-; Bao. noGə-; Mongr. nuGu- (SM 288).
◊ KW 281, MGCD 519. Mong. > Man. ńoxu- etc., see Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki 163.
PTurk. *jɨk- to crush, grind; overthrow (разрушать, размалывать;
свалить): OTurk. jɨq- (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨq- (MK); Tur. jɨk-; Gag. jɨq-;
Az. jɨx-; Turkm. jɨq-; Khal. juq-; MTurk. jɨq- (MA, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jiq-;
Uygh. jiq-; Krm. jɨq-, jɨx-; Tat. jɨq-; Bashk. jɨq-; Kirgh. ǯɨq-; Kaz. žɨq-;
KKalp. žɨq-; Kum. jɨq-, jix-; Nogh. jɨq-; Khak. juq-; Oyr. jɨq-, ɨq-; Chuv.
śъx- (dial.).
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 897, ЭСТЯ 4, 273-274.
PJpn. *nnk-p- / *nùnkù-p- to rub, wipe (off) (стирать, смахи-
вать): OJpn. nogop-; MJpn. nògòf-; Tok. nugú-; Kyo. núgú-; Kag. nùgù-.
◊ JLTT 738.
PKor. *nìkì- to knead, mix (месить, смешивать): MKor. nìkì-; Mod.
igi-.
◊ Nam 119, KED 1319.
‖ Poppe 39, Дыбо 1995b.
-nilko ( ~ -u) old, grown-up: Turk. *jɨlkɨ; Kor. *nrk-.
PTurk. *jɨlkɨ age; aged (grown-up) animal (возраст; взрослое жи-
вотное): OTurk. jɨlqɨ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jɨlqɨ (MK); Az. ilxɨ, ɨlxɨ
(dial.); Turkm. jɨlqɨ; MTurk. jɨlqɨ (AH, Ettuhf.), ɨlqɨ (Бор. Бад., Abush.);
Uzb. jilqi; Uygh. ǯi(l)qa, žilqi; Krm. jɨlqɨ; Tat. jɨlqɨ; Bashk. jɨlqɨ; Kirgh. ǯɨlqɨ;
Kaz. žɨlqɨ; KBalk. ǯɨlqɨ, zɨlqɨ; KKalp. žɨlqɨ; Kum. jɨlqɨ, jilqɨ; Nogh. jɨlqɨ;
Khak. čɨlɣɨ; Shr. čɨlɣɨ; Oyr. ɨlqɨ; Tv. čɨlɣɨ; Yak. sɨlɣɨ.
◊ EDT 925-926, ЭСТЯ 4, 281-282, Лексика 444.
PKor. *nrk- old (старый): MKor. nrk-; Mod. nɨk- [nɨrk].
◊ Nam 118, KED 373.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss; cf. also Kor. nɨ(l)ktari ‘old beast’ (see SKE
171). The parallel is striking, but one should keep in mind that the stem
may be actually derived from *nàjĺV ‘age’, with additional influence of
*jɨl ‘year’ in Turkic.
978 *nĭmči(-k῾V) - *nìŋi
-nĭmči(-k῾V) fat in the intestines, fat food, roe: Tung. *nim(u)kse; Mong.
*nimǯi-ge, *nümǯi-ge; Turk. *(j)inčgek.
PTung. *nim(u)kse 1 stomach (of animals) 2 intestine fat (1 желу-
док животного, содержимое желудка 2 кишечный жир, животное
сало): Evk. nimne 1; Evn. nimne 2; Neg. nimtumu ‘smell of fat’; Man.
nimeŋgi 2; SMan. niməŋə ‘grease, fat; vegetable oil’ (340); Ork. numiśe 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 314, 594, 595.
PMong. *nimǯi-ge, *nümǯi-ge sheep fat (бараний жир): WMong.
nümǯige (L 597); Kh. nünǯig, nümǯig; Bur. nemžege(n), ünžege(n).
PTurk. *(j)inčgek milt, roe (икра): Tat. inči, jincɛ (Sib.); Yak. iskex;
Dolg. istek.
◊ VEWT 172, 203, Лексика 151, Stachowski 129.
‖ Лексика 151. A Western isogloss.
-nīme top of head: Tung. *nīme-kte; Turk. *jem-kek; Jpn. *mínái; Kor.
*nìmáh.
PTung. *nīme-kte skin on young horns (кожица на молодых ро-
гах): Evk. nīmekte; Evn. ńiemъt; Neg. mīmekte; Ud. ńimakta.
◊ ТМС 1, 596.
PTurk. *jem-kek 1 sinciput 2 fontanelle (1 темя 2 родничок):
Karakh. ümgük 2 (MK); Tur. imik 1; Gag. imik ‘brain’; Az. ämgäk 2;
MTurk. (MKypch.) jimük (AH) 1; Tat. jümök (Bar.) 1; Kirgh. emgek 2;
Kaz. eŋbek 2; KKalp. eŋbek 2; Khak. ēmek (dial.) 1; Shr. näbäk (R) 1; Oyr.
emgek (R - Tel.), jömök (R - Oyr.) 2, (Tuba) nömek 1; Tv. čövek 1; Chuv.
śamga ‘forehead’.
◊ VEWT 42, 208, 171, 521, ЭСТЯ 1, 352, Егоров 202, Лексика 201-202. Chuv. > Bashk.
suŋqa ‘hump of the occipital bone’.
PJpn. *mínái mountain top (вершина горы): OJpn. mjine; MJpn.
míné; Tok. mìne; Kyo. míné; Kag. míne.
◊ JLTT 480.
PKor. *nìmáh forehead (лоб): MKor. nìmá (nìmáh-); Mod. ima.
◊ Nam 121, KED 1328.
‖ Лексика 202, Дыбо 1995b. Tone in Kor.-Jpn. is irregular. In Jpn.
one has to assume metathesis (*míná- < *nímá-), quite probable in a root
with two nasals.
-nìŋi burden, load: Tung. *niŋu-; Jpn. *nì; Kor. *ni(ŋ)-.
PTung. *niŋu- 1 to prop, support 2 support, prop (1 подпирать,
опираться 2 опора): Evn. nīnut-, nīnen- 1, nīnun 2; Man. neŋge-bu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 597-598.
PJpn. *nì burden, load (ноша, груз): OJpn. ni; MJpn. nì; Tok. ní;
Kyo. nì; Kag. nì.
 *nra - *níre 979
◊ JLTT 496. A reconstruction *n-i is also not excluded - if the same root may be re-
covered in OJ no-sakji ‘first crop of the year, sent as tribute to the court’; the derivation is,
however, not entirely convincing.
PKor. *ni- to carry on the head (нести на голове): MKor. ni-; Mod.
i-.
◊ Liu 169, KED 1321.
‖ Martin 227. An Eastern isogloss.
-nra spine: Tung. *niri-; Mong. *niruɣu; Turk. *jɨr-; Jpn. *nà(n)tùki.
PTung. *niri- spine, spine vertebra (позвоночник, хребет, позвон-
ки): Evk. niri; Evn. ńịrị; Neg. nịjịkta; Ul. ńịrịqta; Ork. ńịrịkta; Nan. ńịrịqta;
Orch. ńīkta; Ud. ńīkta; Sol. nērde.
◊ ТМС 1, 639-640.
PMong. *niruɣu spine, vertebra, marrow (позвоночник, позвонки,
костный мозг): MMong. niru’u(n), niri’un (SH), nirisun ‘spine’ (HY 47),
nīrɣon (IM), nīrɣūn (Lig.VMI), nirun (MA); WMong. niruɣu(n) (L 585);
Kh. nurū; Bur. ńurga(n), ńurū; Kalm. nurɣən; Ord. nurū ‘back, spine’;
Dag. nirō (Тод. Даг. 158); Dong. nurun; S.-Yugh. nurūn; Mongr. nuru
(SM 291), nurə.
◊ KW 281, MGCD 519, TMN 1, 530.
PTurk. *jɨr- left, North (левый, Север): OTurk. jɨr-ɣaru (Orkh.), ir-,
jir- (OUygh.).
◊ VEWT 201, EDT 954, 959, 973. The comparison is possible if we suppose a usual
development ‘North’ < ‘back’.
PJpn. *nà(n)tùki brain, marrow (мозг, костный мозг): OJpn.
nadukji; MJpn. nàdùki.
◊ JLTT 494.
‖ EAS 76-77, KW 281, Poppe 39, 116, Колесникова 1972a, 88-89,
Дыбо 306. Despite Doerfer MT 114, evidently not a loan in TM from
Mong.
-níre ( ~ -ŕ-, -o) a k. of foliage tree, elm: Tung. *nir-; Jpn. *nírai; Kor.
*nrp.
PTung. *nir- ( ~ ń-) 1 a k. of poplar 2 brushwood (1 тополь-черно-
тал 2 хворост): Evn. ńirāwi 1, ńịrgụqị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 639. Attested only in Evn., with probable parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *nírai elm (вяз): OJpn. nire; MJpn. níre; Tok. nìre; Kyo. nírè;
Kag. nírè.
◊ JLTT 498. All sources point to a high tone on the 1st syllable.
PKor. *nrp elm (вяз): MKor. nrp; Mod. nɨrɨp.
◊ Nam 118, KED 366.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
980 *nìt῾á - *nìt῾à
-nìt῾á weak, quiet: Tung. *nita-; Mong. *nete-; Turk. *jit-; Jpn. *nàntà- /
*nnt-; Kor. *njth-.
PTung. *nita- 1 weak, faded 2 to weaken, diminish (1 слабый, блед-
ный 2 уменьшаться, ослабевать): Man. nitan 1, nitara- 2; Jurch. ni-ta-ba
(463) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 601.
PMong. *nete- to become still worse, deteriorate (ухудшаться):
WMong. nete-re- (МXTTT); Kh. netre-; Bur. neter- ‘become thin, attenu-
ate; to be in arrears of work’.
PTurk. *jit- to be lost (теряться, пропадать): OTurk. jit- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jit- (MK); Tur. jit-; Az. it-; Turkm. jit-; MTurk. jit-
(Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jit-; Uygh. jit-, jüt-; Krm. jɨt-; Kirgh. ǯit-;
Kaz. žit-; KKalp. žit-; Khak. čət-; Tv. čit-; Chuv. śət-; Yak. süt-; Dolg. hüt-.
◊ EDT 885, VEWT 204, ЭСТЯ 4, 204-205, Stachowski 116.
PJpn. *nàntà- / *nnt- 1 to quieten, keep quiet 2 quiet, peaceful (1
успокаивать 2 тихий, спокойный): OJpn. nadama- 1, nodo 2; MJpn.
nàdàma-, nodoma- 1, nodoka 2; Tok. nadamé- 1, nadáraka, nódoka 2; Kyo.
nádámé- 1, nádárákà, nòdókà 2; Kag. nàdàmè- 1, nadaraká, nodoká 2.
◊ JLTT 730.
PKor. *njth- shallow, superficial, light (мелкий, поверхностный,
легкий): MKor. njth-; Mod. jət- [jəth-], jat- [jath-].
◊ Nam 109, KED 1120, 1189.
‖ A common derivative *nìt῾á-rV- is reflected in PM *nete-re- = Man.
nita-ra- = PJ *nàntà-ra-(ka).
-nìt῾à sharp weapon, a k. of knife: Mong. *nitula-; Turk. *jiti; Jpn. *nátá;
Kor. *nát.
PMong. *nitula- to slaughter (cattle) (резать (скот)): MMong. nitul-
‘to cut off’ (SH); WMong. nitula- (L 586); Kh. ńadla-, ńatla-; Ord. nutul-.
◊ Cf. also nitu- ‘to perish’ (L 586).
PTurk. *jiti sharp (острый): OTurk. jiti (OUygh.); Karakh. jitig (MK,
KB); Tur. iti- (v.); Az. iti; Turkm. jiti; Khal. jitti; MTurk. iti (AH, Ettuhf.),
itik (Pav. C.), iti- v. (Pav. C.); Uygh. ištik; Krm. jiti, iti; Tat. ǯete; Kaz. žiti;
KBalk. žütü; Kum. itti; Khak. čətəg; Shr. čidig; Tv. čidig, čidi- (v.); Chuv.
śivǯə (?); Yak. sɨt; Dolg. hɨt.
◊ EDT 889, ЭСТЯ 4, 205-206, Stachowski 121. Cf. also Tur. jat ‘weapon’, jataɣan ‘a k.
of sword’ (VEWT 192, TMN 4, 52).
PJpn. *nátá hatchet (топорик): Tok. nàta, natá; Kyo. nátá; Kag. nátà.
◊ JLTT 494.
PKor. *nát sickle (серп): MKor. nát; Mod. nat [nas].
◊ Nam 94, KED 311.
 *n - *n 981

‖ See SKE 162 (Kor-Jpn.). The Jpn. word is not attested in OJ and MJ
texts and may well be borrowed from Korean - which would also ex-
plain the irregular high tone.
-n eye: Tung. *ńia-sa; Mong. *nidü; Turk. *jāĺ ‘tear’; Jpn. *mài(N), *mì-;
Kor. *nún.
PTung. *ńia-sa eye (глаз): Evk. sa; Evn. ǟsl; Neg. sa; Man. jasa;
SMan. jasə (10); Jurch. ŋia-ĉi (496); Ul. ịsal(ị); Ork. isal; Nan. nasal, dial.
ńisal(a), ịsal, ŋasar; Orch. isa; Ud. jehä; Sol. īsal.
◊ ТМС 1, 291-292. The Nan. and Jurch. forms unmistakeably point to an initial nasal,
lost in other languages in the exceptional position before the diphthong *iā. Other traces
of initial nasal can be seen in: Man. ńońo ‘pupil of the eye’, Neg. ńuińaki ‘eyebrow’, Evn.
ńȫŋeti ‘one-eyed’ (pointing perhaps to a derivative *ńiā-ŋu- with later assimilations >
*ńūŋu- ~ *ńūńu-).
PMong. *nidü eye (глаз): MMong. nidun (HY 45, SH), neidun (IM),
nidun (MA); WMong. nidü(n) (L 578); Kh. nüd; Bur. ńüde(n); Kalm.
nüdn; Ord. nüdü(n); Mog. nüdün; ZM nodun (2-3a); Dag. nide (MD 199,
Тод. Даг. 157), nid (Тод. Даг. 157); Dong. nuduŋ, -n; Bao. nedoŋ;
S.-Yugh. nudun; Mongr. nudu (SM 287).
◊ KW 282, MGCD 520.
PTurk. *jāĺ tear (слеза): OTurk. jaš (OUygh.); Karakh. jaš (MK); Tur.
jaš; Az. jaš; Turkm. jāš; Sal. jaš; Khal. jāš; MTurk. jaš (AH, Бор. Бад.);
Uzb. jɔš; Uygh. jaš; Krm. jaš; Tat. jɛš; Bashk. jäš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz. žas;
KKalp. žas; Kum. jaš; Nogh. jas; SUygh. jas; Khak. čas; Oyr. aš; Tv. čaš;
Chuv. koś-śol.
◊ VEWT 192, EDT 975-976, Ашм. VII, 32, ЭСТЯ 4, 161-163 (because of external evi-
dence should be distinguished both from *jāl’ ‘age’ and *jāl’ ‘fresh, green’).
PJpn. *mài(N), *mì- 1 eye 2 to see (1 глаз 2 видеть): OJpn. me 1, mji-
2; MJpn. mè 1, mì- 2; Tok. mé 1, mí- 2; Kyo. mèe 1, mì- 2; Kag. mé 1, mí- 2.
◊ JLTT 474, 724. Nasal -N can be reconstructed on the basis of Hateruma (Ryukyu)
mìŃ - although one cannot exclude that this is a later addition.
PKor. *nún eye (глаз): MKor. nún; Mod. nun.
◊ Nam 115, KED 359.
‖ EAS 77, Poppe 39, Menges 1984, 281, Street 1980, 300-301, АПи-
ПЯЯ 30-31, 78, 87, 275. For the Turkic form cf. Mong. *ni-l-mu-sun (KW
281; Владимирцов 146), ТМ *(i)ńa-mū-, MKor. nún-mr, PJ *na-mi(n)tV
‘tear’ < PAlt. *ńā(ĺ)-mūri ‘water of the eye’. PT irregularly preserves
length here: it is probably due to the influence of other homophonic
and synonymic roots. Jpn. *m- here deserves special comment. It is a
usual reflex of *ń- or *ŋ-, but none can be safely reconstructed here (not
*ń- because of Mong. ni-dün, not *ŋ- because of TM *ńia-sa). One may
note, however, that Jpn. has n- in *na-mi(n)tV ‘tear’, and perhaps also in
the old deverbative OJ niram- (also *nia-m- > nem-) ‘to glare at, keep an
eye on’ = Kor. nori- ‘to have an eye upon’ = TM *ńia-ru- ‘to stare’ (ТМС
982 *nbo - *nač῾i
1, 291) = Karakh. jeze- (EDT 985, TMN 4, 163) ‘to patrol, keep an eye on’
< PA *nā-ŕV. One can also pay attention to the nasal suffix present in
Kor. nu-n and Jpn. *mai(N); it may suggest that we are actually dealing
with reflexes of an archaic suffixed form *na-ŋ(V), the velar in which
also can account for some unexpected TM forms: Jurch. ŋia-ĉi and Nan.
dial. ŋasar ( < *ŋia-sa < *ńiaŋ-sa). Japanese may have had a similar as-
similation (*ma-iN < *ŋa-ŋ < *na-ŋ), while the suffixless form is pre-
served in a compound (*na-mi(n)ta < *na) and a derived verb (niram-).
Cf. also KBalk. ǯalamuq ‘tear’ (probably < Bulg., reflecting a trace of the
original compound in PTurk.). Traces of *-ĺ- in some forms (Turk. *jāĺ,
Mong. *nil-mu-sun) may reflect a distinct root, preserved in Mong.
*naliqa ‘wing-like membrane, corner of the eye’, as well as nilma / milma
‘pupil of the eye’.
-nbo ( ~ -o-) storm, natural disaster: Tung. *ńō[be]-kte; Mong.
*nöɣe-le-; Turk. *jubug ( ~ *jabug); Jpn. *nàw(u)í.
PTung. *ńō[be]-kte 1 storm cloud 2 heavy rain 3 spindrift cloud 4
hail (1 грозовая туча 2 ливень 3 перистое облако 4 град): Evk. ńōkta
1, 2, dial. ńēkte, ńokta 3; Evn. ńonto 2; Neg. ńekte 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 643, 651.
PMong. *nöɣe-le- to come in gusts (дуть сильными порывами (о
ветре)): WMong. nöɣele- (L 592); Kh. nȫlö-.
PTurk. *jubug ( ~ *jabug) boulders which a torrent carries down;
boulders displaced and falling to the bottom of the valley (камни, не-
сомые потоком; оползень): Karakh. juvuɣ ( ~ javuɣ) (MK).
◊ EDT 873.
PJpn. *nàw(u)í earthquake (землетрясение): OJpn. nawi; MJpn.
nàwí.
◊ JLTT 491.
‖ The vocalism is not quite secure due to assimilations; nevertheless
the root seems well reconstructable.
-nač῾i to forget, refuse: Tung. *ńaču-; Mong. *niča-; Kor. *nìč-.
PTung. *ńaču- 1 to faint 2 to go back the same way (1 потерять соз-
нание, упасть в обморок 2 вернуться (по той же тропе)): Evn. ńatlan-
2; Neg. ńačụla- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 636.
PMong. *niča- to refuse; turn back (отказываться, сдаваться, отхо-
дить назад): WMong. niča- (L 577: niču-); Kh. ńaca-; Bur. nisa-, niza-.
PKor. *nìč- to forget (забывать): MKor. nìč-; Mod. it- [ič-].
◊ Nam 127, KED 1370.
‖ PTM *ńaču- is a secondary contraction < *naču; PA *n- (not *ń-) is
indicated by Mong. *n-.
 *nda - *năke 983

-nda ( ~ -o-) to suffer, pine, tarry: Tung. *ńāda; Mong. *naǯa- ( <
*naǯi-); Turk. *jAdna-; Jpn. *nàjàm-.
PTung. *ńāda 1 late 2 to tarry (1 поздний 2 медлить): Evk. ńāda 1,
ńādụ- 2; Man. ńada 1; Nan. ńādoala- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 627.
PMong. *naǯa- ( < *naǯi-) to be slow, hesitant, careless (медлить,
сомневаться, быть неосторожным): WMong. naǯaɣai (adj.), naǯaɣaida-
(L 567); Kh. naʒgaj, naʒgajda-; Bur. nazgaj, nazgajr-.
PTurk. *jAdna- ( ~ -j-) to long for (желать, стремиться): Turkm. ja-
jna- dial. ‘to suffer, worry’; Shr. čajna-; Oyr. jajna-, ajna- ‘to pine’.
◊ VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 80. The stem seems to be distinct from the homonymous *jadna
(*jajna-) ‘to be spread; be wide open (eyes)’ which may be derived from *jĀd- ‘spread’ q.
v. sub *ǯādV (see ЭСТЯ 4, 79); let us note, however, that many of the reflexes of the latter
may actually reflect our *jadna- ‘to long for, miss’ (cf. especially Kirgh. ǯajna- ‘to stare
with envy and hope’, Tur. jajna- ‘to live in prosperity’ etc.).
PJpn. *nàjàm- to suffer, be troubled (страдать, мучиться): OJpn. na-
jam-; MJpn. nàjàm-; Tok. nayám-; Kyo. náyám-; Kag. nàyàm-.
◊ JLTT 733.
‖ One of common Altaic verbs of emotion. The original meaning
was probably something like ‘languish’, which would explain all the
individual semantic developments.
-nji pus, snot: Tung. *ńā-; Mong. *nij-.
PTung. *ńā- 1 to rot 2 pus (1 гнить 2 гной): Evk. ńa- 1, ńākse 2; Evn.
ńāw- 1, ńās 2; Neg. ńā- 1, ńāksa 2; Man. ńa- 1, ńaki 2; Ul. ńā- 1, ńǟqsa 2;
Ork. ńā- 1; Nan. ńā- 1, ńāqsa 2; Orch. ńā- 1, ńāksa 2; Ud. ńā- 1, ńaŋä 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 628.
PMong. *nij- 1 snot 2 to blow nose (1 сопли 2 сморкаться):
MMong. nisun 1 (HY 48), nisūn 1 (LH); WMong. nisu 1, ni(g)i- 2 (L 582,
586); Kh. nus(an) 1, nij- 2; Bur. ńuha(n) 1, nī- 2; Kalm. nusn 1, nī- 2; Ord.
nusu 1, nī- 2; Dag. nī-, ńō- 2, ńōse 1 (MD 199) ; nī- 2, nios 1; Mongr. nūsoŋ
(SM 291) 1.
◊ KW 281, MGCD 519. There is some confusion in Mong. between this root and
MMong. (SH) ni-sun ‘tear’, Dong. nigusun id., which is most probably derived from *ni-
‘eye’ (and TM *ńā-kse ‘pus’, despite Doerfer MT 25, has of course nothing to do with the
latter).
‖ Poppe 38. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-năke neck, vertebra: Tung. *nikimna; Mong. *nigur-su; Turk. *jaka.
PTung. *nikimna 1 neck 2 nape of neck (1 шея 2 задняя часть
шеи): Evk. nikimna 1; Evn. ńịqn 2; Neg. nịxma 1, 2; Ul. ńịqị(n) 1, 2; Ork.
nịqịmńa ‘neck of deer’; Sol. nixama, nixima 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 591. Cf. also Dag. (Тод. Даг. 158) ńokol ‘nape of neck’, probably < TM.
PMong. *nigur-su spinal marrow, vertebral gristles (спинной мозг,
позвоночные хрящи): WMong. niɣursu(n), nuɣu(r)su(n) (L 580); Kh.
984 *nák῾ì - *nála
nuga(r)s; Bur. nugarha(n); Kalm. nuɣərsn; Ord. nuGusu; Dag. nokč;
S.-Yugh. nurɣusən.
◊ KW 281.
PTurk. *jaka collar; edge (воротник; край): OTurk. jaqa (OUygh.);
Karakh. jaqa (MK); Tur. jaka; Az. jaxa; Turkm. jaqa; Sal. jaxa; Khal. jaqa;
MTurk. jaqa (Pav. C., Ettuhf.); Uzb. jɔqa; Uygh. jaqa; Tat. jaqa; Bashk.
jaɣa; Kirgh. ǯaqa; KBalk. ǯaɣa, žaɣa; Kum. jaɣa; Nogh. jaɣa; Khak. čaɣa;
Shr. čaɣa; Oyr. aqa; Tof. čaɣa (Рас. ФиЛ); Chuv. śoɣa; Yak. saɣa.
◊ VEWT 180, 82-83, EDT 898, ЭСТЯ 4, 82-84, Федотов 2, 146-147. Turk. > WMong.
ǯaqa, ǯiqa, Kalm. zaxə (KW 463-464; TMN 4, 103-104, Щербак 1997, 122), whence Evk. ǯaka
(Doerfer MT 125).
‖ A Western isogloss. See VEWT 180 (Turk.-Tung.; but Kor. mjək
‘neck’ cannot belong here), ОСНЯ 2, 92, АПиПЯЯ 293. Doerfer (TMN
4, 104) tries (in vain) to destroy the Turk.-Tung. paralle l (“aus laut-
lichen ... als auch semantischen Gründen inkorrekt” - ?). The compari-
son of the Mong. form with Man. ikursun in KW 281, Rozycki 115
should be regarded as erroneous (Man. ikursun < ТМ *xīkerī q.v.). For
further Nostratic parallels see ОССНЯ 2, 92.
-nák῾ì mild, soft: Tung. *ńaKa; Jpn. *níkuá- / *níkí-; Kor. *nk.
PTung. *ńaKa 1 well, feeling well 2 peace, quietude (1 хорошо, по-
легчать (о больном) 2 мир, спокойствие): Evk. ńaka 1; Evn. ńaq 1;
Man. neku(la)- ‘to be glad’; niqton ‘peace, quietude’; Orch. ńaka 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 591, 617, 628.
PJpn. *níkuá- / *níkí- mild, soft (in part. of heart, soul) (мягкий, до-
брый (в частн. о сердце, душе)): OJpn. nikwo-, nikji- (nikji-tama); MJpn.
níkó-, níkí-.
◊ JLTT 497.
PKor. *nk soul (душа): MKor. nk; Mod. nək [nəks].
◊ Nam 104, KED 332.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. The original meaning must have been ‘mild’,
particularly (but not necessarily) applied to feelings, whence the more
general meaning ‘soul’ in Kor. Turk. *jakĺɨ ‘good’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 63-64)
may be a merger of this root with *jakɨĺ- ‘to approach’ (q.v.).
-nála shallow, shallow place: Tung. *niala-; Mong. *naliɣur; Turk.
*jAl-kɨ-,-pak; Kor. *nằrằ.
PTung. *niala- 1 overflowed place 2 shallow (1 место, затопляемое
в половодье 2 мелкий): Evn. ńalakụ 2; Nan. nịala / ńala 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 629.
PMong. *naliɣur declivity; pool; overflowed plain (пологий, пока-
тый, отлогий; лужа; наводненная плоскость): WMong. naluɣu (L
562), nalaɣar; Kh. nalū; Bur. naĺūr, nalūr, nalagar; Kalm. nalū (СЯОС).
 *nlo - *nĺi 985
◊ The verb nalu- ‘to bend; lean’ may present a secondary semantic development < ‘to
form a declivity’.
PTurk. *jAl-kɨ- 1 shallow 2 wave (1 мелкий 2 волна): Turkm. jalpaq
1; Tv. čalɣɨɣ 1, čalɣɨjaq 2.
◊ (?) Cf. also Chag. jalɣin ‘Salzsteppe’ etc. ( < ‘shallow place’?), see VEWT 183.
PKor. *nằrằ ford; ferry point (брод; паромная переправа): MKor.
nằrằ; Mod. naru.
◊ Nam 232, KED 288.
‖ ТМС 1, 629 (Tung.-Mong.).
-nlo blade, sharp: Tung. *ńūl(u)-; Mong. *nüjile-; Jpn. *na; Kor. *nắrh.
PTung. *ńūl(ü)- to shave (skin) (скоблить (шкуру, мездру)): Evk.
ńūl-, ńūli-; Evn. ńūl-; Neg. ńul-; Orch. ńulu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 645.
PMong. *nüjile- to sharpen, whet (точить): WMong. nüile- (L 597),
nüilü- DO 505; Kh. nijle-; Kalm. nīl- (КРС); Ord. nǖl-, nīl-.
PJpn. *na blade (лезвие): OJpn. na.
◊ JLTT 490.
PKor. *nắrh blade (лезвие): MKor. nắr (nắrh-); Mod. nal.
◊ Nam 95, KED 302.
‖ Jpn. *na goes back to a suffixed form *nāl(o)-gV ( = Kor. *nắrh);
Mong. reflects a regular dissimilation *nüjile- < *nüli-le ( < *nilü-le or
*nelü-le).
-nlpá tin, lead: Tung. *ńālban; Jpn. *nàmári.
PTung. *ńālban tin (жесть): Evk. ńālbān; Evn. ńālbān; Neg. ńalban.
◊ ТМС 1, 629.
PJpn. *nàmári lead, tin (свинец, жесть): OJpn. namari; MJpn.
nàmári; Tok. nàmari; Kyo. nàmárì; Kag. namarí.
◊ JLTT 492. Except for Tokyo, all accent reflexes point to *nàmárì.
‖ An interesting TM-Jpn. isogloss; cf. also Old Koguryo *naimul (see
Miller 1979, 8). Jpn. *nàmá-ri < *nàpan-(r)i, with usual regressive nasali-
zation.
-nĺi raw, fresh: Tung. *ń(i)ali-; Mong. *nilaɣu; Turk. *jāĺ; Kor. *năr.
PTung. *ń(i)ali- 1 raw 2 meat (1 сырой 2 мясо): Evk. ńalikin 1; Evn.
ńalъqča 1; Neg. ńalị-xịn 1; Man. jali 2; SMan. jali 2 (302); Jurch. ja-li (511)
2; Ul. ńālụ(n) 1; Ork. nālụ/ńālụ 1; Nan. ńalkị 1; Ud. ńaliɣi 1; Sol. jali ( <
Man.).
◊ ТМС 1,340,630. Length in Ul. and Orok may be secondary (due to the loss of -k-).
PMong. *nilaɣu raw (сырой; приторный): WMong. nilaɣun (L 584:
niluɣun); Kh. ńalūn; Bur. ńalū(n); Kalm. nilūn ‘widrig; übelriechend (wie
Fisch)’; Ord. nulūn; Dag. nilčun.
◊ KW 276, MGCD 509.
986 *náme - *namńa
PTurk. *jāĺ fresh, raw (свежий, сырой): OTurk. jaš (OUygh.);
Karakh. jaš (MK); Tur. jaš; Gag. jaš; Az. jaš; Turkm. jāš; MTurk. jaš (AH,
Ettuhf.); Krm. jaš; Bashk. jäš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz. žas; KBalk. ǯaš, žaš, zaš;
Nogh. jas; Khak. čas; Oyr. jaš, aš; Tv. čaš.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 161-163, EDT 975-976, VEWT 192 (one of several *jāĺ roots). Within Turkic
interacts actively (in fact almost completely merges with *jāĺ ‘green’ and *jāĺ ‘young’ - but
all three roots, and, additionally, *jāĺ ‘tear’ and *jāĺ ‘age’ - seem to have different Altaic
origins.
PKor. *năr smth. raw, fresh (нечто сырое, свежее): MKor. năr;
Mod. nal.
◊ Nam 96, KED 302.
‖ EAS 110, Poppe 39, SKE 159, АПиПЯЯ 280-281, Дыбо 12, Doerfer
MT 114. Preservation of n- in Mong. suggests a reconstruction *nāĺi,
with PTM *ńali- secondarily < *niali-.
-náme a k. of vessel: Tung. *nim(b)a; Mong. *namaɣa; Turk. *jAm; Kor.
*nìmắr.
PTung. *nim(b)a 1 light boat 2 board for tanning skins (1 легкий
челн 2 доска для обработки шкур 3 ящичек): Evn. nịmba 2; Man. ni-
mašaqu 1; Sol. nêmo 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 587, 594.
PMong. *namaɣa vessel, trough (сосуд, корыто): WMong. namaɣa
(L 562); Kh. namā; Kalm. namā.
◊ KW 271.
PTurk. *jAm large earthenware vessel (большой глиняный сосуд):
MTurk. jam (Pav. C.); Uzb. jɔm; Kirgh. ǯam.
◊ VEWT 183. Räsänen compares also Küär. jam-ɨɣ ‘zubereitetes Leder’ (R 3, 308) -
which is possible if the original meaning was “a large vessel for tanning skins”. One can
also mention Yak. sɨma ‘large leather bag’ (Пек. 2, 2455 suggests borrowing < Russ. сума,
but in that case *sɨmā would be expected).
PKor. *nìmắr prow, stern (нос, перед (лодки); корма): MKor.
nìmắr; Mod. imul.
◊ Nam 122, HMCH 271, KED 1320.
‖ There are some indications in Turkic and TM that the root in ques-
tion denoted a big vessel for tanning skins; in the Eastern area, how-
ever, it is also used for a boat or part of a boat (with a natural transition
‘vessel’ > ‘boat’).
-namńa to ride, mount: Tung. *ńamńa-; Mong. *namna-.
PTung. *ńamńa- to ride (ехать верхом): Evk. ńamńa-; Evn. ńamńị-;
Neg. ńamńa-; Man. ńamńa-; Ul. ńamńa-; Ork. ńamńa-; Nan. ńamńa-; Sol.
nanna-.
◊ ТМС 1, 632.
 *nańa - *nắŋe 987

PMong. *namna- to follow; to shoot from a horse (преследовать;

стрелять с коня): WMong. namna- (L 563); Kh. namna-; Bur. namna-;
Kalm. namnə- (KPC); Ord. namna-.
‖ A Tung.-Mong. isogloss. See ТМС 1, 632, Doerfer MT 56 (suggest-
ing TM > Mo, with doubt).
-nańa to arrange, steer: Tung. *ńiani-; Turk. *jań-; Jpn. *nama-.
PTung. *ńiani- to make straight; to steer (a boat) (выпрямлять;
править (лодкой)): Evk. ni-; Evn. ǟn-; Neg. nị-; Ul. ńewča-; Ork. qụta-;
Nan. ŋqoča-; Orch. iŋkiča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 290-291.
PTurk. *jań- 1 to rout 2 to lead smth. aside 3 to take smb. along (1
выгонять, обращать в бегство 2 отводить в сторону 3 брать кого-л. с
собой): OTurk. jaj- (Ongin) 1, jań-; Tv. čaj- 2; Yak. sãjɨs- 3.
◊ EDT 942. Cf. also *jaj-ra- ‘to fall apart’ (VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 80); the root is some-
what hard to distinguish from *jāj- ‘to shake’ - but seems to be distinct.
PJpn. *nam- to arrange (be arranged) in a row (расставлять(ся) в
ряд, упорядочивать(ся)): OJpn. nam- (intr.), nama- (trans.).
◊ JLTT 731, 732.
‖ The original meaning is well reconstructable as ‘to arrange, take
or lead (smb. or smth.) in a row’.
-náŋa calm, quiet: Tung. *ńaŋa; Jpn. *nánkì.
PTung. *ńaŋa quiet, slow, easy (тихий, неторопливый, спокой-
ный): Evn. ńāŋa; Neg. ńāŋakkān; Ul. ńan-ǯa; Ork. nandị; Sol. nandaxānǯ.
◊ ТМС 1, 583. TM > Dag. nandākan ‘quietly’ (Тод. Даг. 156).
PJpn. *nánkì calm water, windless weather (штиль, безветренная
погода): OJpn. nagji; Tok. nagí; Kyo. nágì; Kag. nági.
◊ JLTT 491.
‖ A Tung-Jpn. isogloss; on a possible Turkic reflex see under *zìŋke.
-nắŋe to curse, swear: Tung. *niŋī-; Mong. *niɣül-, -g-; Turk. *jAŋɨl;
Jpn. *nnsír-.
PTung. *niŋī- to curse, damn (проклинать): Evk. niŋī-; Evn. ńiŋi-;
Neg. niŋi-; Ork. niŋiči-; Sol. niŋīl (n.).
◊ ТМС 1, 598.
PMong. *niɣül-, -g- 1 sin, evil 2 to be compassionate (1 грех 2 со-
страдать): MMong. niwol (IM) 1; WMong. nigül 1, nigüles- 2 (L 582); Kh.
nügel 1, nigǖl-se- 2; Bur. nügel 1; Kalm. nǖl 1; Ord. nǖl, nigǖl 1; Dag.
nugul (Тод. Даг. 158) 1.
◊ KW 283.
PTurk. *jAŋɨl 1 mistake, fault 2 to err, make a mistake (1 ошибка,
вина 2 ошибаться): OTurk. jaŋɨl- 2, jaŋluq 1(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
jaŋɨl- 2, jaŋluq 1(MK); Tur. janlɨš 1, janɨl- 2; Gag. jannɨš 1; Az. janlɨš 1;
Turkm. jalŋɨš 1, jalŋɨš- 2; MTurk. jaɣɨl- (Бор. Бад., Ettuhf., Pav. C.) 2;
988 *nàŋu - *nŕ[à]
Uzb. jaŋliš- 2; Uygh. jeŋil-, jaŋliš- 2; Krm. jaŋɨl-, jaŋɣɨl- 2; Tat. jalɣɨš- 2;
Bashk. jaŋɨlɨš- 2; Kirgh. ǯaŋɨl- 2; Kaz. žaŋɨl- 2; Kum. jaŋɨl-, jaŋlɨš- 2;
SUygh. jaŋɨl 1; Shr. nāl- 2; Oyr. jaŋɨl-, aŋɨl- 2.
◊ VEWT 186, EDT 950, 951, ЭСТЯ 4, 120-121. Suffixless *jaŋ is poorly attested and
probably does not exist.
PJpn. *nnsír- to curse, swear (ругать, порицать): MJpn. nónósír-;
Tok. nonoshír-; Kyo. nónóshír-; Kag. nonoshír-.
◊ JLTT 737. The Tokyo accent is aberrant; otherwise all forms point to high tone.
‖ A common derivative *nắŋe-lV is reflected in PT *jaŋɨ-l = PM
*nigü-l = Sol. niŋī-l.
-nàŋu / *ŋàŋu field, grazing place, hunting place: Tung. *ŋuŋi / *ŋoŋi(-
ka) ; Mong. *nuntug / *nintug; Turk. *(i)aŋɨŕ; Jpn. *nùa; Kor. *nón.
PTung. *ŋuŋi / *ŋoŋi(-ka) 1 place of hunting wild deer 2 place of
good fishing or hunting (1 место охоты (на дикого оленя) 2 место
удачного лова, добычи (рыбы, пушнины)): Evk. ŋuŋi 1; Nan. wāŋqo 2
(On.)
◊ ТМС 1, 666.
PMong. *nuntug / *nintug grazing place, native place (пастбище;
территория, страна, родина): MMong. nuntux (SH, HYt), nutux (SH);
WMong. nutuɣ (L 596), nituɣ; Kh. nutag; Bur. ńutag; Kalm. nutəɣ; Ord.
nutuG; Mog. nuntuq; Dag. notog (Тод. Даг. 158), noteke (MD 200);
S.-Yugh. nutuG; Mongr. nontoG (SM 283).
◊ KW 281. MGCD 519.
PTurk. *(i)aŋɨŕ stubble-field (жнивье, сжатое поле): Karakh. aŋɨz
(MK); MTurk. aŋɨz (San.).
◊ EDT 191-192.
PJpn. *nùa field (поле): OJpn. nwo; MJpn. no; Tok. nó; Kyo. nṑ; Kag.
nò.
◊ JLTT 499.
PKor. *nón rice field (рисовое поле): MKor. nón; Mod. non.
◊ Liu 157, KED 346.
‖ Martin 247-248. A good common Altaic root, but demonstrating
some assimilative effects. Jpn. *nùa reflects a suffixed form *nàŋ(u)-gV.
-nŕ[à] young; spring, summer: Tung. *ńar-gu-; Mong. *nirai; Turk. *jāŕ;
Jpn. *nátù; Kor. *njr-m.
PTung. *ńar-gu- 1 new, fresh 2 young willow (1 новый, свежий 2
молодая ива): Man. ńarxu-n 1; Nan. ńargị 2; Orch. ńargi 2.
◊ See ТМС 635, 639.
PMong. *nirai new-born (новорожденный): WMong. nirai (L 585);
Kh. ńaraj; Bur. naraj-nilsagaj; Kalm. nirā, nirǟ; Ord. nirā.
◊ KW 277. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. ńɨraj, see Kał. MEJ 22, Stachowski 187.
 *nombu - *nombu 989

PTurk. *jāŕ 1 spring 2 summer (1 весна 2 лето): OTurk. jaz 2 (Orkh.,

OUygh.); Karakh. jaz 2 (MK); Tur. jaz 2; Gag. jāz 2; Az. jaz 1; Turkm. jāz
1; Sal. jaz 1; Khal. jāz 2; MTurk. jaz (AH 1, Ettuhf. 2); Uzb. jɔz 2; Uygh.
jaz 2; Krm. jaz 1; Tat. jaz 1; Bashk. jaδ 1; Kirgh. ǯaz 1; Kaz. žaz 2; KBalk.
zaz 2; KKalp. žaz 2; Kum. jaz 1; Nogh. jaz 2; SUygh. jaz 1; Khak. čas 1;
Oyr. jas, as 1; Tv. čas 1; Chuv. śor 1; Yak. sās 1; Dolg. hās 1.
◊ VEWT 193, ЭСТЯ 4, 71, EDT 982, Лексика 73, Stachowski 100, Федотов 2, 138-139.
PJpn. *nátù summer (лето): OJpn. natu; MJpn. natu; Tok. natsú; Kyo.
nátsù; Kag. nátsu.
◊ JLTT 494.
PKor. *njr-m summer (лето): MKor. njrm; Mod. jərɨm.
◊ Nam 107, KED 1163.
‖ EAS 111, KW 277, Владимирцов 145-146, Poppe 38, 81, Martin
243, ОСНЯ 2, 84, АПиПЯЯ 74, Лексика 73-74. The Mong. form cer-
tainly cannot have a Turkic origin (despite Щербак 1997, 123). Doerfer
(TMN 4, 67) attacks the etymology desperately (“Kor. njərɨm... ist laut-
lich ausgeschlossen”; “mo. nirai ‘frisch’ ist semantisch unklar”; “bei
ma. ńarxun fragt es sich, ob es nicht ein Lw. < Mo. ist” (but isn’t Mo.
“semantisch unklar”?), etc. The root has indeed some problems: Mong.
and Kor. reflect rather an assimilative variant *nāŕi than *nāŕa; but the
comparison still remains quite reliable.
-nombu thin: Tung. *nem(i)- / *niambu-; Mong. *nimgen.
PTung. *nem(i)- thin (тонкий): Evk. nemkūn; Evn. nemkun; Neg.
nemkūn; Man. nekel’en; SMan. niŋkən, niŋkin (2414); Jurch. nen-ke-xun
(623); Ul. nemi; Ork. nemdūke; Nan. nemi; Orch. nemi, nemne; Ud.
nemnese῾ (Корм. 268); Sol. nemekũ, nennekũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 621. The original root must have been *niambu- (*ńiambu-), and it has left
numerous traces: cf. Evk. jembu, jume-kin, ńumē-kūn ‘thin, lean’, Evn. ńubuke, ńebuke,
ńȫmeŋi id., Nan. jembuk ‘loose’. However, the root was heavily influenced by *ńem- ‘soft’
(v. sub *nùmà) and perhaps also by Mong. nimgen ‘thin’ (although direct borrowing of
the words meaning ‘thin’ from Mongolian is hardly probable), which gave rise to the
variant *nem(i)- ‘thin’.
PMong. *nimgen thin (тонкий): MMong. ningen (HY 53), nɛmgɛn
(IM), nimkän (MA); WMong. nimgen, nimegen (L 584); Kh. nimgen; Bur.
nimgen; Kalm. nimgn; Ord. nemgen, nimgen, nemgün; Dag. ningen (Тод.
Даг. 158, MD 199); Dong. ninkien (MGCD ninkian); Bao. niŋgaŋ;
S.-Yugh. nemgen (MGCD neŋgen); Mongr. neŋgen (SM 271), (MGCD
nemgen).
◊ KW 276, MGCD 508. Cf. also nimna-gan ‘thin, lean’.
‖ Poppe 38, АПиПЯЯ 51, 286, KW 276. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. A
probable reflex in Jpn. is OJ num(j)er- ‘be slippery’ - with the meaning
influenced by *nàmià ‘slippery’ (see *numa). The roots *nombu and
*numa generally tend to influence each other.
990 *nŏŋe - *nòru
-nŏŋe one, single: Tung. *noŋ- ~ *non-; Mong. *nige(n); Turk. *jaŋɨŕ;
Jpn. *nəmi; Kor. *njn(k).
PTung. *noŋ- ~ *non- 1 to begin 2 to be the first 3 at first (1 начи-
нать 2 быть первым, опережать 3 сперва, сначала): Evk. nono- 1; Evn.
non- 2; Neg. nonon 3; Man. nene- 2; Orch. noŋon 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 605.
PMong. *nige one (один): MMong. nikan (HY 42, SH), nigɛn (IM),
nigän (MA); WMong. nige(n) (L 580); Kh. neg; Bur. nege(n); Kalm. negn;
Ord. nege; Mog. nikän; nikä (25-1a); Dag. neg, nek (Тод. Даг. 157), neke
(MD 196); Dong. nie(kie); Bao. nege; S.-Yugh. niɣe; Mongr. nige, nigen-
(SM 274).
◊ KW 274, MGCD 503.
PTurk. *jaŋɨŕ lonely, single (одинокий, единственный): OTurk.
jaŋus (Yen.); Turkm. jaŋɣɨz (dial.); Bashk. jaŋɣɨz; Kirgh. ǯaŋɣɨz; KBalk.
ǯaŋɣɨz; SUygh. jaŋɣɨs; Khak. čaɣɨs, naɣɨs; Oyr. d’aŋɨs; Tv. čaŋɨs; jaŋɣɨs
(Todzh.); Tof. ńū~s; Yak. soɣotox.
◊ VEWT 187, ДТС 235, ЭСТЯ 4, 98. Usually regarded as a contraction < jalaŋɣuz,
which is probably wrong in the face of external evidence.
PJpn. *nəmi only (только): OJpn. nomji; MJpn. nomi; Tok. nomi.
PKor. *njn(k) other, different (другой): MKor. njn (njnk-); Mod.
jənɨ.
◊ Nam 106, KED 1161.
‖ A good common Altaic root.
-nṑri to heat: Tung. *ńūre-; Mong. *nurma; Jpn. *nìrà(n)k-.
PTung. *ńūre- to become hot (of metal) (накаляться (о металле)):
Evk. ńūre-; Evn. ńȫr-; Neg. ńuje-.
◊ ТМС 1, 649.
PMong. *nurma hot ashes, coals, bonfire (горячие уголья, костер):
WMong. nurma (L 596); Kh. nurma; Bur. nurma; Kalm. nurm (КРС).
PJpn. *nìrà(n)k- to put heated metal into water (закалять металл):
MJpn. nìràg-.
◊ JLTT 736.
‖ EAS 77. Mong. *nurma is probably a contraction < *niru-ma.
-nòru ( ~ -ŕ-) to untie, unwrap: Tung. *ner- (?*niar-); Jpn. *nura-; Kor.
*nắrí-.
PTung. *ner- (?*niar-) to unwrap, untie (разворачивать, распус-
кать): Man. nerki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 625. Attested only in Manchu, with possible cognates in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *nura- to untie (развязывать(ся)): OJpn. nura-.
◊ JLTT 738.
PKor. *nắrí- to tie round (обвязывать): MKor. nắrí-; Mod. nɨri-.
◊ Nam 92.
 *noso - *núdurgi 991

‖ An Eastern isogloss. It would be tempting to add also PT *jȫr- ‘to

untie’ (see under *dòru) and perhaps also *jȫrge- ‘to wrap, twist’ (see
ЭСТЯ 4, 234-237), but vocalism raises problems.
-noso ( ~ *nusi) heavy, clumsy: Tung. *nis-; Mong. *nüser.
PTung. *nis- 1 heavy, dense 2 clumsy, unwieldy (1 тяжелый, плот-
ный 2 неуклюжий): Evn. nụsqa, nụsụŋa 2; Man. niša 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 601, 613.
PMong. *nüser clumsy, unwieldy (громоздкий, тяжелый):
WMong. nüser (L 597); Kh. nüser.
‖ ТМС 1, 613. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-núdi to burn, boil: Mong. *nidu-; Jpn. *ní-; Kor. *nùd-.
PMong. *nidu- nitre, salt-petre (селитра): WMong. nidu-qan (L 578).
PJpn. *ní- to boil (варить): OJpn. ni-; MJpn. ní-; Tok. nì-; Kyo. ní-;
Kag. ní-.
◊ JLTT 736.
PKor. *nùd- to burn, singe (жечь, палить): MKor. nùt- (nùr-); Mod.
nūt- (nūr-).
◊ Liu 165, KED 364.
‖ Martin 240 (Kor.-Jpn.).
-núdurgi fist: Tung. *nurga; Mong. *nidurga; Turk. *jɨdruk / *judruk;
Jpn. *nínkír-.
PTung. *nurga fist (кулак): Evk. dial. nụrka; Neg. nojga, nelga; Man.
nuǯan; SMan. nuǯan (79); Ul. ńụGǯa; Orch. nugga; Sol. norɣa, nuruga.
◊ ТМС 1, 590.
PMong. *nidurga fist (кулак): MMong. nudurxa (HY 46), nudurqa
(SH), nūdor- ‘to hit with the fist’ (LH), nudurqa (MA); WMong. nidurga;
Kh. nudargan; Bur. ńudarga; Kalm. nudrɣə; Ord. nudurGa; Bao. nədərGa;
S.-Yugh. nudurGa; Mongr. nudurGa (SM 288), nudərGa.
◊ KW 280, MGCD 517.
PTurk. *jɨdruk / *judruk fist (кулак): OTurk. jɨdruq (OUygh.);
Karakh. juδruq (MK); Turkm. judruq (dial.); Krm. juduruq, judurux; Tat.
jodrɨq; Bashk. joδroq; Kirgh. ǯuduruq; Kaz. žudɨrɨq; KKalp. žudɨrɨq;
SUygh. uzruq; Khak. nuzurux; Shr. nuzruq; Oyr. udruq; Tv. čuduruq;
Yak. suturuq.
◊ EDT 892, Дыбо 182-183, ЭСТЯ 4, 248-249, Лексика 253. Turk. > Kalm. ǯudr-xə ‘mit
der Faust die Haut abziehen, die Haut und das Fleisch zwängen und so abhäuten’ (KW
115). Many modern languages reflect (such as Turkm. jumruq etc.) reflect secondary
forms *jumruk or *jumduruk - an obvious result of contamination with *jum- ‘round’.
PJpn. *nínkír- to hold in the hand (хватать, держать в руке): OJpn.
nigjir-; MJpn. nígír-; Tok. nìgir-; Kyo. nígír-; Kag. nìgìr-.
◊ JLTT 735.
992 *nugu - *nùmà
‖ EAS 77, KW 280, Владимирцов 187, 369, Poppe 39, Дыбо 317,
Лексика 253. Despite Щербак 1997, 125 and Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki
164 borrowing in Mong. from Turk. and TM from Mong. is excluded.
TM has a regular loss of *-d- before -r-, with subsequent vowel contrac-
tion; Jpn. also reflects a contraction: *núdurgi > *nuj(u)ki- > *ni(n)ki-. It is
interesting to note that all subgroups reflex the form with *-rgi; this
means that Mong. nidur(a)-, nidu-či- ‘to strike with the fist’ may be ana-
logical back-formations (or else the most archaic forms reflecting suffix-
less *núdu).
-nugu ( ~ l-) to put in: Mong. *nöɣe-; Turk. *jɨg-; Kor. *njh-.
PMong. *nöɣe- to keep, preserve (сохранять, откладывать):
WMong. nöɣe- (L 592); Kh. nȫ-; Bur. nȫ-; Kalm. nȫ- (КРС); Ord. nȫ-.
PTurk. *jɨg- to collect (собирать): OTurk. jɨɣ- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jɨɣ- (MK); Tur. jɨɣ-; Gag. jɨv-; Az. jɨɣ-; Turkm. jɨɣ-; Sal. jiɣ-;
MTurk. jɨɣ- (Pav. C., MA, AH); Uzb. jiɣ-; Uygh. jiɣ-; Krm. ǯɨj-; Tat. ǯɨj-;
Bashk. jɨj-; Kirgh. ǯɨj-; Kaz. žɨj-; KBalk. žɨj-; KKalp. žɨj-; Kum. ǯɨj-; Nogh.
jɨj-; SUygh. jɨɣ-, jiɣ-, jiq-; Khak. čɨɣ-; Shr. čɨɣ-; Oyr. jū-, u-; Tv. čɨɣ-.
◊ EDT 897, VEWT 200, ЭСТЯ 4, 271-272, 272-273, TMN 4, 183.
PKor. *njh- to put in (класть, вкладывать): MKor. njh-; Mod. jə-
[jəh-] (dial.), nə- [nəh-].
◊ Nam 108, 109, KED 336, 1189.
‖ A perfect phonetic match would be PTM *lugu- ‘to put out, take
out’ (ТМС 1, 506-507), but the semantics is baffling.
-nùmà warm; soft, mild: Tung. *ńume-/ *ńama / *ńem-; Mong. *nomu-
/*neme- / *nima-; Turk. *jɨm-ĺčak; Jpn. *nàmià.
PTung. *ńume-/ *ńama /*ńem- 1 warm 2 soft 3 quiet 4 weak, loose
(1 теплый 2 мягкий 3 спокойный 4 слабый, расслабленный): Evk.
ńama, -pču 1, ńemu-me 2, ńumu- 3; Evn. ńam 1, ńumъn 3; Neg. nam,
ńamagdị 1, ńamu, nemu 2; Man. neme-ri 2; Ul. ńama 1; Ork. namauli 1;
Nan. ńǟma, ńama 1, nemu 2, nimeku ‘weakness’; Orch. ńama 1; Ud. ńa-
mahi 1; Sol. namagdi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 630-631, 652-653.
PMong. *nomu- /*neme- / *nima- gentle, meek, quiet, mild (спо-
койный, кроткий, мягкий, нежный): MMong. nomuqan (HYt),
nomuɣan (MA); WMong. nomuqan, nomuj (L 591), nemegün (L 574),
nimaɣun; Kh. nomxon; Bur. nomoj, nomxon; Kalm. nomɣən, nemǖn; Ord.
nomoxon; Dag. nomūkuŋ, -n (Тод. Даг. 158: nomxon, nomukan); nomehon
(MD 200); S.-Yugh. nomxon, nomukan (MGCD nomoGon); Mongr. nomu.
◊ KW 275-277, 279, MGCD 513. The deriving stem is WMong. nom, Kalm. nom ‘mild-
ness, friendliness’ (KW 279). Mong. > Evk. nomokōn, Man. nomoxon etc., see Doerfer MT
57, Rozycki 164.
 *nra(-k῾V) - *nuru 993

PTurk. *jɨm-ĺča-k soft, mild (мягкий): OTurk. jɨmšaq (Orkh.), jumšaq

(OUygh.); Karakh. jumšaq (MK); Tur. jumšak; Gag. jɨmɨšaq; Az. jumšaG;
Turkm. jumšaq; MTurk. jumšaq (AH, Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jumšɔq;
Uygh. jumšaq; Krm. jɨmšaq, jɨmšax; Tat. jomšaq; Bashk. jomšaq; Kirgh.
ǯumšaq; Kaz. žumsaq; KBalk. ǯumšaq, žumušaq; Kum. jɨmɨšaq; SUygh.
jumsaq; Khak. čɨmǯax, nɨmzax; Shr. čɨmža-; Oyr. jɨmžaq, ɨmžaq; Tv.
čɨmčaq; Chuv. śemźe; Yak. sɨmna-ɣas; Dolg. hɨmna-gas.
◊ EDT 938, VEWT 201, ЭСТЯ 4, 252-253, Stachowski 118. The deriving stem *jɨm-ĺča-
‘to be soft’ is also present in most of the above languages.
PJpn. *nàmià slippery, smooth (скользкий, гладкий): OJpn. namje;
MJpn. nàmè; Tok. naméraka; Kyo. námérákà; Kag. nameraká.
◊ JLTT 492.
‖ EAS 76, KW 275, Martin 232 (Jpn.-Kor.), ОСНЯ 2, 86-87, АПиПЯЯ
69, 292, Дыбо 12, Мудрак Дисс. 91. The original meaning must have
been ‘soft, tender’ (generally, or particularly - of weather, fruits etc.).
An expressive root with phonetic variation, tending to contaminate
with *nombu ‘thin’ q.v. (hence vocalic variation in Mongolian and
Tungus; but despite Doerfer MT 69 it is hardly appropriate to regard
the TM forms as mongolisms). In Mong. cf. also nalmi-gar ( <
*namli-gar?) ‘excessively soft, weak’.
-nra(-k῾V) ( ~ -ŕ-) hair: Tung. *ńūrikte; Mong. *norakai; Kor. *narot.
PTung. *ńūri-kte hair (волос): Evk. ńūrikte; Evn. ńūrit; Neg. ńijukte;
Ul. nukte; Ork. nūrikte, ńīrukte; Nan. nukte; Orch. ńūkte; Ud. ńūkte; Sol.
nūrikte, nūrte.
◊ ТМС 1, 648.
PMong. *norakai short (of hair) (короткий (о волосах)): WMong.
noraqai (L 591); Kh. norxoi.
PKor. *narot whiskers, beard (бакенбарды, борода): MKor. narot,
naros; Mod. narut [narus].
◊ Liu 132, KED 288.
‖ SKE 162.
-nuru song and dance: Tung. *ńur(g)a-; Mong. *nürgi-; Turk. *jɨr; Kor.
*nòr-.
PTung. *ńur(g)a- 1 cheerful, vigorous 2 to dance (and sing) (1 бод-
рый, удалой (в песнях) 2 плясать (с пением)): Evk. ńurarīkān 1; Evn.
nörgъ- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 606-607, 648.
PMong. *nürgi- noisy discussion (шум, оживленное обсуждение):
WMong. nürgegen (MXTTT); Kh. nürgēn; Bur. nürxir-, nerxir-.
PTurk. *jɨr song (песня): Karakh. jɨr (MK); Tur. jɨr; Az. jɨr (dial.);
Turkm. jɨr (dial.); Sal. jür; MTurk. jɨr (R.); Uzb. ǯir; Krm. jɨr, ir; Tat. ǯɨr;
994 *núŕe - *nutu
Bashk. jɨr; Kirgh. ǯɨr; Kaz. žɨr; KBalk. zɨr, ǯɨr, žɨr; KKalp. žɨr; Kum. jɨr;
Nogh. jɨr; SUygh. jɨr, jer.
◊ EDT 192, VEWT 201, ЭСТЯ 4, 285, TMN 4, 233. The root should be distinguished
from *ɨr (v. sub *íru), although actively contaminating.
PKor. *nòr- 1 song 2 to take leisure, amuse oneself (1 песня 2 раз-
влекаться, отдыхать): MKor. nòr’ái 1, nōr- 2; Mod. norä 1, nōl- 2.
◊ Nam 113, KED 340, 347.
‖ A derivative *nuru-gV is reflected in PM *nür-gi-, Evn. nör-gъ-,
MKor. nòr’ái.
-núŕe to become wet, soak: Tung. *ń[ü]r-; Mong. *nor-; Turk. *jüŕ-; Jpn.
*núrá-.
PTung. *ń[ü]r- 1 to swim (of animals) 2 shallow place (1 плавать (о
животных) 2 мель): Evn. ńịrgị 2; Man. ńere- 1; Ud. ńu-xana- ( < *ńur-) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 639, 645, 655.
PMong. *nor- to soak, be wet (мокнуть, быть мокрым): MMong.
nur- (IM); WMong. nor- (L 591); Kh. nor-; Bur. noro-; Kalm. nor-; Ord.
nor-; Dag. noir-, (Тод. Даг. 158) noirgā-; Dong. noro-; Mongr. nōri- (SM
284).
◊ KW 279, MGCD 513.
PTurk. *jüŕ- to swim, float (плавать): OTurk. jüz- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jüz- (MK); Tur. jüz-; Gag. jüz-; Az. üz-; Turkm. jüz-; MTurk. jüz-
(AH, Ettuhf.), üz- (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. juz-; Uygh. üz-;
Krm. jüz-, üz-; Tat. jöz-; Bashk. jöδ-; Kirgh. ǯüz-; Kaz. žuz-; KBalk. ǯüz-,
žüz-; KKalp. žüz-; Kum. juz-; Nogh. jüz-; Khak. čüs-; Shr. čüs-; Oyr. jüs-,
üs-; Yak. sötüö ‘bathing’, sötüölē- ‘to bathe’; Dolg. hötüölē-, hütöl- ‘to
bathe’.
◊ VEWT 214, EDT 984, ЭСТЯ 4, 261.
PJpn. *núrá- to get wet (мокнуть): OJpn. nura-; MJpn. núra-; Tok.
nùre-; Kyo. núré-; Kag. nuré-.
◊ JLTT 738. Cf. also *núr- ‘to paint, smear’.
‖ The vocalism in TM is not quite certain, but initial *ń- (corre-
sponding to Mong. n- and Jpn. *n-) points to PA *n- followed by a
diphthong.
-nutu ( ~ -a) to pound, pestle: Tung. *nutiku; Mong. *nidü-.
PTung. *nutiku pestle (пест): Ul. nutiku; Nan. nūčiku, nutku.
◊ ТМС 1, 613.
PMong. *nidü- 1 to pound, crush 2 pestle (1 молотить, толочь, раз-
мельчать 2 пест): WMong. nidü- 1, nidügür 2 (L 578); Kh. nüde- 1, nüdǖr
2; Bur. ńüde- 1; Kalm. nüd- 1, nüdǖr 2 (КРС); Ord. nüdü- 1, nüdǖr 2; Dag.
nide- 1 (MD 199, Тод. Даг. 158: nude-, nide-), nidunku 2; Dong. nudu- 1,
nudn 2; Bao. nədə-; S.-Yugh. nudu-; Mongr. nidi- (SM 271), nudə-, nədə-
(Huzu) 1, nidir (SM 272), nədər 2.
 *nòču - *nóle 995
◊ MGCD 521.
‖ ТМС 1, 613, АПиПЯЯ 16. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-nòču to seize, steal: Mong. *noču-; Jpn. *nùsùm-.
PMong. *noču- to seize; attack (хватать; набрасываться, атако-
вать): WMong. noču- (L 587); Kh. noco-; Bur. noso-; Ord. nočo-.
PJpn. *nùsùm- to steal (красть): OJpn. nusum-; MJpn. nùsùm-; Tok.
nusúm-; Kyo. núsúm-; Kag. nùsùm-.
◊ JLTT 739.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-nṑdà ( ~ -ū-) lovely: Tung. *nōdi; Jpn. *nàtùkà-.
PTung. *nōdi beautiful, handsome (красивый): Evk. nōdi; Evn. nod;
Neg. noditi; Ul. ńōdụ-; Ork. nōdị.
◊ ТМС 1, 603.
PJpn. *nàtùkà- lovely, dear (милый, дорогой): OJpn. natuka-si;
MJpn. nàtùkà-si; Tok. natsukashí-; Kyo. natsukáshi-; Kag. natsukáshi-.
◊ JLTT 836. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (probably under lit. influence).
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-nóle to burn, flame: Tung. *nul-; Mong. *nöl-; Turk. *jula; Jpn. *nr-sí;
Kor. *nuri-.
PTung. *nul- to kindle (зажигать): Evk. nul-; Evn. nụlụ-; Neg. nụl-;
Ul. ńulčuku ‘poker’; Nan. ńulku- ‘to stir coals’.
◊ ТМС 1, 609. Initial ń- in Ul. and Nan. is not quite clear.
PMong. *nöl- flame (пламя): WMong. nöle (L 593), nölüɣe, nüle; Kh.
nöl; Kalm. nülə; Dag. nulē ‘spark’ (MD 200); Mongr. nolī (SM 283).
◊ KW 282. Cf. also Kalm. nȫləg (KW 280) ‘bonfire’ < *nöɣe-leg, perhaps < *nöle-leg.
PTurk. *jula light, torch (свет, факел): OTurk. jula (OUygh.);
Karakh. jula (MK, KB, IM); KBalk. ǯula ‘дренажный фитиль’; Kum.
jula ‘gun barrel; wick’; Khak. čula (R); Oyr. jula (R); Tv. čula ‘lamp‘
(Tuva, if not < Mo).
◊ VEWT 210, EDT 919. Turk. > Mong. ǯula (KW 479, Щербак 1997, 125), whence Evk.
ǯula (Doerfer MT 125).
PJpn. *nr-sí bonfire, flame (костер, пламя): MJpn. norosi; Tok.
nòroshi; Kyo. nóróshí; Kag. noróshi.
PKor. *nùrí- to have a burnt, rank smell (пахнуть горелым): MKor.
nùrí-; Mod. nuri-, nori-.
◊ Liu 162, KED 342, 357 (’to be rank, foul-smelling’).
‖ PKE 132, Poppe 38, АПиПЯЯ 72. Turkic *-u- is not quite regular
here (but on the basis of the attested forms a reconstruction *jola is also
not excluded). The Korean form may belong here only if the meaning
“burnt smell” (not “rank” or “foul smell”) is original.
996 *nk῾é - *numu
-nk῾é to pass: Tung. *nuK-; Mong. *nögči-; Jpn. *nuànkà-.
PTung. *nuK- 1 to loose way (of deer) 2 a lonely deer 3 to move to
another location 4 to lead the way 5 to stumble, make a wrong move (1
заблудиться (об олене) 2 олень, который пасется один 3 переходить
на другое место 4 идти впереди (ведя за собой остальных) 5 осту-
питься, ошибиться в шаге): Evk. nuken 2, nukiw- 4, 5; Evn. nök- 1; Nan.
nukte- 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 609.
PMong. *nögči- to pass (проходить, миновать): MMong. nokči-
(SH, HY 38); WMong. nögči- (L 592); Kh. nögči-, nöxcö-; Bur. nügše- ‘to
pass away’; Kalm. nökc-; Ord. nögči-; Dag. nurši- (Тод. Даг. 159);
Mongr. noGsi- (SM 282).
◊ KW 280, MGCD 514.
PJpn. *nuànkà- 1 to pass 2 to escape (1 проходить мимо 2 убегать):
OJpn. nwoga-nap- / nuga-nap- 1, n(w)ogara- 2; MJpn. nogara- 2; Tok.
nogaré- 2; Kyo. nógáré- 2; Kag. nògàrè- 2.
◊ JLTT 736.
‖ One of the many common Altaic verbs of motion.
-nuli to rob, oppress: Mong. *nölüɣe; Turk. *julɨ-; Kor. *nùr-.
PMong. *nölüɣe influence (влияние): MMong. nüles-kui ‘humanity’
(HY 49); WMong. nölüge (L 594); Kh. nölȫ; Bur. nülȫ(n); Kalm. nölȫn
(СЯОС); Dag. nulē (MD 200).
PTurk. *julɨ- 1 to pillage, attack 2 thief, scoundrel (1 грабить, напа-
дать 2 вор, бродяга, голодранец): OTurk. julɨ- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. julɨ- (MK) 1; Tat. jolqɨš 2; Bashk. jolqoš 2; Kirgh. ǯulu-š- ‘to fight
(of women)’; Khak. čulɣus (Sag.), čulɣas (Koib., Kach.) 2; Shr. čulɣuš 2;
Tv. čul- 1.
◊ EDT 919. Should be separated from *jol- ‘pick out’ (v. sub *ńlo).
PKor. *nùr- to press, repress (давить, подавлять): MKor. nùr-;
Mod. nūrɨ-.
◊ Liu 162, KED 357.
‖ SKE 173.
-numu ( ~ l-, -i) task, important affair: Tung. *nume; Turk. *jumuĺ; Jpn.
*numa.
PTung. *nume habit (привычка): Evn. nume.
◊ ТМС 1, 610. Attested only in Evn., but having interesting external parallels.
PTurk. *jumuĺ work, service, necessity (работа, служба, необходи-
мость): OTurk. jumuš (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jumuš (MK) 1; Tur. jumuš;
Turkm. jumuš; Uzb. jumuš 1; Krm. jumuš; Tat. jomɨš; Bashk. jomɨš; Kirgh.
ǯumuš; Kaz. žumɨs; KBalk. zumuš; KKalp. žumɨs; Khak. nɨmɨs; Oyr. ju-
muš, ńumuš; Tv. čɨmɨš; Chuv. śъₙmъₙl.
 *n[u]ńa - *n[u]ńa 997
◊ VEWT 211, ЭСТЯ 4, 251, EDT 938 (with a highly dubious derivation from *jum-
‘round’).
PJpn. *numa important place, thing, affair (важное место, дело):
OJpn. numa, num(j)i.
‖ It is interesting to note WMong. nom (with a variant lom) ‘(reli-
gious) law, religious book’. It is, of course, a borrowing < OT nom <
Sogd. nwm < Gr. nomos, but the variant lom could indicate that there
had been an original *lom that merged with the borrowed nom. In that
case a reconstruction of *l- for PA would be justified.
-n[u]ńa a k. of grass: Tung. *ńuńV; Mong. *nimniɣa; Turk. *jon-ɨrčka;
Jpn. *nàntúna; Kor. *nàńí.
PTung. *ńuńV a k. of plant (вид растения): Evk. ńuńaldiwūn ‘назв.
растения (“льняное волокно”)’; Man. nono “ситник, водяной лук”.
◊ ТМС 1, 605, 646.
PMong. *nimniɣa dandelion (одуванчик): Bur. ńamńā; Kalm. nemn
ceceg (РКС).
PTurk. *jon-ɨrčka clover (клевер): OTurk. jorunčɣa (OUygh.);
Karakh. jorɨnčɣa (MK); Tur. jonǯa; Gag. jonǯa; Az. jonǯa; Turkm. jorunǯa;
Khal. jovunǯä; MTurk. jonǯa (AH), jönča (Houts.), joŋɨčqa, jorunčqa (R.);
Uzb. ǯumrušqa; Tat. jonča; Bashk. jonsa; Kirgh. ǯoŋɣučqa; Kaz. žoŋɨ(rɨ)šqa;
KKalp. joŋɨšqa; Kum. jonɣurčqa.
◊ VEWT 207, TMN 4, 228-229, EDT 971, ЭСТЯ 4, 227-228, Лексика 126-127.
PJpn. *nàntúna shepherd’s purse (пастушья сумка): MJpn. nàdúna;
Tok. nàzuna; Kyo. názúná; Kag. nazuná.
◊ JLTT 494. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
PKor. *nàńí shepherd’s purse (пастушья сумка): MKor. nàńí; Mod.
näŋi.
◊ Nam 89, KED 328.
‖ Martin 240, Дыбо 10, Robbeets 2000, 104. The root denotes some
sort of wild-growing flower (clover, dandelion, shepherd’s purse), but -
as most plant names - raises some problems. Mong. nimniɣa must rep-
resent a transformation of *nin-miɣa, with not quite clear suffixation.
The tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular. If the
original Turk. form is *jor-ɨnčka (cf. (QB) jor “porridge” - a semantic
derivation like Russ. кашка ‘clover’?), it does not belong here. On the
other hand, cf. PT *jandak ‘name of a thorny plant, camel-thorn, thistle’
(EDT 947, VEWT 185). It appears semantically distant from the other
forms, but may represent a secondary development due to association
with jan- ‘burn’ (’burning plant’). The reconstruction in this case would
have to be changed to *nuńa - better explaining consonant reflexes and
Mong. vocalism, but also suggesting a secondary restructuring in
Turkic (*jɨn-dak > *jan-dak).
998 *nŋu - *nuŋu
-nŋu wool, down: Tung. *nuŋari; Mong. *nowur-; Turk. *juŋ; Jpn.
*núnuá.
PTung. *nuŋari wool, down (шерсть, пух): Man. nuŋGari; SMan.
nuŋan (144, 2283).
◊ ТМС 1, 611 (cf. also Man. nuŋGasun ‘thin woollen cloth’ - possibly < Mong.).
PMong. *nowur- 1 wool 2 down (1 шерсть 2 пух): MMong. nuŋqasu
(SH) 1, unqasun 1 (МА); WMong. noɣasu, noŋɣasu, nousu 1 (L 589:
noɣusu(n)); noɣulur 2 (L 588: noɣulur, noulur, noluur); Kh. nōs 1; nōrs, nō-
lūr 2; Bur. nōho(n) 1; nōlūr 2; Kalm. nōsn 1; nȫlǖr 2; Ord. nōs 1, nōlūr, nū-
lūr 2; Dong. noGosun 1; Bao. noGosuŋ, noχsoŋ 1; S.-Yugh. ŋGuasən,
Guasən 1; Mongr. nGuasə 1.
◊ KW 279, 280, MGCD 509. Mong. noɣulur > Evk. lolur (see ТМС 1, 503).
PTurk. *juŋ 1 wool 2 small feathers, down 3 feather 4 faded fur (1
шерсть 2 пух 3 перо 4 линька): OTurk. juŋ 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. juŋ 1
(KB), 2, 3 (MK); Tur. jün 1; Gag. jün 1; Az. jun 1; Turkm. jüŋ 1; Sal. juŋ 1;
Khal. juŋ 1; MTurk. juŋ 1 (Бор. Бад.), jüŋ 1 (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. juŋ 1;
Uygh. juŋ, ǯuŋ 1; Krm. jün, jun 1; Tat. jon 3; Bashk. jön 3; Kirgh. ǯün
1,2,3; Kaz. žün 1; KKalp. žün 1; Kum. jün 1; Nogh. jün 1; SUygh. juŋ, jüŋ,
jun 3; Khak. nüŋ 2; Shr. čum 2; Oyr. jüŋ, jum, jɨm, uŋ 1; Tv. čüŋ 1; Chuv.
śъₙm 1; Yak. suŋ 4.
◊ VEWT 211, EDT 941, ЭСТЯ 4, 267-268, Лексика 146. This root should not be con-
fused with *jüg ‘feather’ (v. sub *d[é]gi).
PJpn. *núnuá fabric, cloth (ткань, полотно): OJpn. nun(w)o, (East.
dial.) ninwo; MJpn. núnó; Tok. nùno; Kyo. nùnó; Kag. núno.
◊ JLTT 502. The Kyoto accent is irregular.
‖ EAS 119-120, KW 279, Poppe 73, ТМС 1, 611, АПиПЯЯ 285, Дыбо
9, Лексика 146. Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is impossible, despite
Щербак 1997, 125. The Turk.-Mong. match is quite regular, despite
TMN 4, 228.
-nuŋu chief, master: Tung. *nuŋ-; Turk. *jɨŋak; Jpn. *nùsí (?).
PTung. *nuŋ- 1 main part, stem, stalk 2 main riverbed (1 главная
часть, ствол, стебель 2 главное русло реки): Evk. nuŋīn, nuŋnī 1, 2;
Evn. nn 2; Ud. nuŋni 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 611.
PTurk. *jɨŋak side, direction (сторона, направление): OTurk. jɨŋaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. jɨŋaq (MK).
◊ VEWT 201, EDT 949. As suggested by Clauson, merged with jaŋak in later Turkic.
PJpn. *nùsí master (хозяин): OJpn. nusi; MJpn. nusi; Tok. núshi;
Kyo. nùshí; Kag. nùshí.
◊ JLTT 502.
‖ A problematic case. The original meaning may be reconstructed as
“main direction” (whence “direction, point of the compass” in Old
 *núra - *nure 999

Turkic and “main riverbed, stem” in TM), with a development > “chief,
master” in Jpn. However, Jpn. nusi may belong here only if -si is an
original attributive suffix (*nu-si < *nuŋ-si). There is also a very similar
root *ńunŋe meaning ‘direction, sign’, with ample opportunity for con-
taminations - which in fact almost certainly occurred in TM.
-núra to pile, stack: Tung. *nora-; Mong. *norum; Jpn. *nárá(m)p-; Kor.
*nar- ( ~ -ă-).
PTung. *nora- to pile, stack (складывать (в кучу, в костер, в коп-
ну)): Man. nora-; Nan. norxon ‘соединительные поперечные валики,
расположенные на концах нарт’ (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 606.
PMong. *norum stack, pile (штабель, стог): WMong. norum (L 591);
Kh. norom.
PJpn. *nárá(m)p- to be placed in a row (выстраиваться в ряд):
OJpn. narab-; MJpn. náráb-; Tok. nàrab-; Kyo. náráb-; Kag. naráb-.
◊ JLTT 732.
PKor. *nar- ( ~ -ă-) be in a row, side by side (быть друг рядом с
другом): Mod. naran-ha-.
◊ KED 287.
‖ ТМС 1, 606 (TM-Mong.). Cf. also MKor. núrí ‘paddy pile’, núrí-
‘pile up paddies or grasses’ (see Lee 1958, 116) - because of quite excep-
tional tone and vocalism probably borrowed from Manchu. The Man-
chu form, despite Rozycki 163, can be hardly explained as borrowed <
Mong. In Turkic cf. perhaps Khak. (Верб.) jurlas ‘crosswise supports for
the firewood (for better burning)’.
-nure ( ~ -ŕ-) slow: Tung. *nur-; Mong. *nör-; Jpn. *nərə- (~-ua-); Kor.
*nàrhó-.
PTung. *nur- to do smth. ceaselessly, constantly (не прерывать, де-
лать что-л. постоянно): Evk. nur-nur ‘slightly’; Man. nur-χu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 613.
PMong. *nöri lengthy, lingering (длительный, продолжитель-
ный): MMong. norus- ‘to doze, be dormant’ (HY 34); WMong. nöri(n) (L
594); Kh. nör; nörö- ‘to be annoying, boring’.
PJpn. *nərə- (~-ua-) slow (медленный): MJpn. noro-; Tok. noró-;
Kyo. nórò-; Kag. nóro-.
◊ JLTT 837. Accent unclear: Kagoshima A points to *nuáruá-, but Tokyo norói - to
*nuàruà-.
PKor. *nàrhó- slow, late (медленный, поздний): MKor. nàrhó-,
nɨrɨi-; Mod. nɨri-.
◊ Nam 95, Liu 166, KED 366.
‖ Martin 241.
1000 *nru - *núŕi
-nru ( ~ -o) dwelling place: Tung. *nora-; Mong. *niruɣu; Turk. *jūrt;
Kor. *nùrí.
PTung. *nora- dwelling place (местопребывание, убежище, гнез-
до): Man. noro(-n).
◊ ТМС 1, 606. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *niruɣu 1 general state 2 foundation, surface (1 общее со-
стояние чего-л. 2 основа, поверхность): WMong. niruɣu(n) (L 585) 1;
Kh. nurū(n) 1, 2; Bur. ńurū 2; Kalm. nurɣən 2; Mog. nira- ‘placer’, nere-
‘remplir une vase’; Mongr. nire- ‘ajuster, adapter’ (SM 278).
◊ KW 281. The word has coincided phonetically with niruɣu ‘back, spine’ - with
which it originally has nothing in common. Cf. also MMong. (HY 16) niri’un ‘house-top’
(differing from niri-sun ‘spine’) and perhaps reflecting the archaic meaning.
PTurk. *jūrt dwelling place, camping-site (жилище, стоянка):
OTurk. jurt (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jurt (MK); Tur. jurt (dial.); Az.
jurt; Turkm. jūrt; Khal. jūrt; MTurk. jurt (Pav. C., Houts., AH); Uzb.
jurt; Uygh. ju(r)t; Krm. jurt; Tat. jort; Bashk. jort; Kirgh. ǯurt; Kaz. žurt;
KBalk. žurt; KKalp. žurt; Kum. jurt; Nogh. jurt; SUygh. jurt; Khak. čurt;
Shr. čurt; Oyr. jurt, urt; Tv. ču῾rt; Chuv. śort; Yak. surt; Dolg. hurt.
◊ EDT 958, VEWT 211, TMN 4, 212-213, ЭСТЯ 4, 254-255, Лексика 490-491, 494, Фе-
дотов 2, 144-145, Stachowski 113.
PKor. *nùrí world, living place (мир, обиталище): MKor. nùrí;
Mod. nuri (arch.).
◊ Nam 114, KED 357.
‖ Mong. *niruɣu probably < *nuriɣu (under the influence of *niruɣu
‘back, spine’?). It would be also possible to regard the Manchu form as
borrowed < Mong. (but preserving the earlier meaning), in which case
the PA reconstruction would be *nṓru.
-núŕi ( ~ -e) a k. of berry, grape: Tung. *nure; Mong. *nüre; Turk. *jüŕüm;
Kor. *nùrúk.
PTung. *nure wine (вино): Man. nure; Jurch. niu-re (520); Sol. nurē.
◊ ТМС 1, 625. Other forms: Evk. nere-, Nan. niru, Man. ńara-n ‘wine’ are probably
borrowed < Mong. nere- ‘to distil wine’.
PMong. *nüre bilberry (черника): WMong. nüre; Kh. nür, ners; Bur.
nerhe(n); Kalm. nersn.
◊ KW 275. Cf. also Mong. nere- ‘to press, ferment (wine)’.
PTurk. *jüŕüm grape (виноград): OTurk. üzüm (OUygh. - med.);
Karakh. üzüm (MK), jüzüm (IM); Tur. üzüm; Gag. jüzüm; Az. üzüm;
Turkm. üzüm; MTurk. üzüm (Pav. C.), jüzüm (Houts.); Uzb. uzum;
Uygh. üzüm; Krm. izim, jüzüm; Tat. jözem; Bashk. jöδöm; Kirgh. ǯüzim;
Kaz. žüzüm; KBalk. ǯüzüm; KKalp. žüzim; Kum. jüzüm; Nogh. jüzim;
SUygh. üčüm (< Mong.?); Chuv. iźəm.
◊ EDT 288, VEWT 214, ЭСТЯ 1, 625, Федотов 1, 173. Turk. > Mong. üǯüm ‘grapes’,
see TMN 2, 54, Clark 1980, 40.
 *núŕi - *núŕi 1001

PKor. *nùrúk yeast (закваска, дрожжи): MKor. nùrúk, nùrk; Mod.

nuruk.
◊ Nam 114, KED 357.
‖ Lee 1958, 116 (Kor.-TM), Дыбо 10. The distinction between *nüre
and *nere- in Mong. is somewhat peculiar and may suggest the exis-
tence of two original roots.
 Ń

-ńabĺu(-ǯV) young, child: Tung. *ńab[l]ǯa-; Mong. *ǯulǯa-gan; Jpn.

*mus-.
PTung. *ńab[l]ǯa- young, boy, child (молодой, мальчик, ребенок):
Ul. ńawǯa(n); Ork. naoǯoqqa(n); Nan. naonǯoã; Ud. ńa῾ula (Корм. 269).
◊ ТМС 1, 636.
PMong. *ǯulǯa-gan young of plants, animals (молодое растение
или животное): MMong. ǯolǯiqan (LH), ǯulǯaɣan (MA); WMong.
ǯulǯaɣa(n) (L 1079); Kh. ʒulʒgan, ʒulʒaga; Bur. zulzaga; Kalm. zulǯiɣən;
Ord. ǯulǯaGa; Dag. ǯilǯig, (Тод. Даг. 143) ǯilǯag; Dong. ǯunǯuɣa; Bao.
ǯinǯiGə; S.-Yugh. ǯilǯaGan; Mongr. iiGa ‘petits de certains animaux,
bourgeon’ (SM 86).
◊ KW 479, MGCD 462.
PJpn. *mus- 1 to be born 2 girl 3 boy (1 рождаться 2 девочка 3
мальчик): OJpn. mus- 1, musu-me 2; MJpn. mus- 1, mùsú-mè 2; Tok.
musumé 2, mùsuko 3; Kyo. músùmè 2, músúkó 3; Kag. musúme 2, musúko
3.
◊ JLTT 489, 729. Accent in musuko and musume is surprisingly different: *músú-kua,
but *mùsù-mia (or *mùsú-mia).
‖ The etymology seems probable, although the medial cluster dem-
onstrates a complicated behaviour. It is not quite clear whether -ǯa- in
Mong. and Tung. should be treated as a suffix or as a part of the root
here.
-ńằjla ( ~ -o) shoot, sprout; teeth, gills: Tung. *ńal-; Mong. *ǯal-magaj;
Jpn. *mài; Kor. *ní.
PTung. *ńal- 1 groove on upper lip 2 gums of teeth (1 желобок на
верхней губе 2 десны): Man. ńalma 1, ńa-si, ńa-ša 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 630, 636. With the original meaning ‘sprout’ one could also compare Evk.
ńalba-kta ‘young grass’, and perhaps Ud. ńalasa ‘white strip of fur close to animals’ neck’
(ТМС 1, 629).
PMong. *ǯal-magaj gills (жабры): WMong. ǯalmaɣai (L 1032),
ǯaŋɣalai; Kh. ʒalmagaj; Bur. žaŋgār.
PJpn. *mài shoot, sprout (росток, побег): OJpn. me; MJpn. me; Tok.
mé; Kyo. mḕ; Kag. mé.
 *ńĺba - *ńàme 1003
◊ JLTT 474.
PKor. *ní tooth (зуб): MKor. ní; Mod. i.
◊ Nam 119, KED 1316.
‖ Дыбо 1995b (Mong.-Tung.). The semantic interchange between
‘teeth’ and ‘sprouts’ is quite common, so in this respect the etymology
seems plausible. In Jpn. one has to suppose a suffixed form *ma(i) <
*ńằjl(a)-gV; medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of reso-
nant in Kor. The root seems to be unattested in Turkic, but cf. Tur. dial.
jalama ‘white spot on horse’s head from forehead down to the lower
lip’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 91) - cf. the semantic development in TM.
-ńĺba young: Tung. *ńalba-; Mong. *ǯalaɣu; Turk. *jāĺ; Jpn. *masa-.
PTung. *ńalba- 1 young grass 2 meat of a young animal 3 spawning
4 young of birds (1 молодая травка 2 мясо молодого животного 3 не-
рест 4 птенец): Evk. ńalbakta 1, nilben 2; Evn. ńalaq 3; Neg. ńalamŋị 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 592, 629, 630.
PMong. *ǯalaɣu young (молодой): MMong. ǯalaw, ǯalu (IM),
ǯălăwă, ǯălu (MA), ǯala’ui (SH); WMong. ǯalaɣu (L 1029); Kh. ʒalū; Bur.
zalū; Kalm. zalū; Ord. ǯalū; Mog. ǯalau (Weiers); ZM ǯalāwu (10-3a); Dag.
ǯalō (Тод. Даг. 142, MD 175); Dong. ǯalau, ǯalao; S.-Yugh. ǯalū; Mongr.
al (SM 79), (MGCD ǯalau).
◊ KW 465, MGCD 427. Mong. > Evk. ǯalaw, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *jāĺ young (молодой): Tur. jaš; Turkm. jāš; Sal. jaš; MTurk.
jaš (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jɔš; Uygh. jaš; Krm. jaš, ješ; Tat. jɛš; Kirgh. ǯaš; Kaz.
žas; KBalk. ǯaš, žaš, zaš; KKalp. žas; Kum. jaš; Nogh. jas; SUygh. jas;
Khak. čas; Oyr. jaš, aš; Tv. čaš; Tof. češ.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 162, VEWT 192 (one of several *jāĺ roots; within Turkic hardly distin-
guishable from *jāĺ ‘green vegetables; green’, but historically different).
PJpn. *masa- to be prematurely developed (быть преждевременно
развитым): Tok. masé-; Kyo. màsè-; Kag. masé-.
◊ Accent is not quite clear: Kagoshima points to *másá-, but Kyoto and Tokyo rather
to *màsá-.
‖ KW 465, Street 1980, 298.
-ńàme goat, deer: Tung. *ńamī-; Turk. *jɨmga; Kor. *jm-sjó.
PTung. *ńamī- female deer (важенка, самка оленя): Evk. ńamī;
Evn. ńamị; Neg. ńam; Ork. namị.
◊ ТМС 1, 631.
PTurk. *jɨmga wild mountain she-goat (дикая горная коза): OTurk.
ɨmɣa (OUygh.); Karakh. ɨmɣa, jɨmɣa (KB), ɨmɣa (IM); Tur. Old Osm. ime,
ɨma ‘goat’, dial. ‘deer with straight horns’; Turkm. umGa; MTurk. ɨmɣa
(Sangl.); Oyr. umɣa; Tv. čuŋma.
◊ VEWT 165, EDT 158, Лексика 154-155. Yak. ɨmaga (because of medial -g-) is most
probably < Evk.
1004 *ńam(ń)ekt῾V - *ńằmò
PKor. *jm-sjó goat (коза): MKor. jm-sjó; Mod. jəmso.
◊ Nam 377, KED 1183.
‖ EAS 78, 116, KW 214, Poppe 32, АПиПЯЯ 20. Loss of *n- in Kor. is
not quite clear: perhaps *jm- < *njm- through dissimilation. Mong.
jimaɣan ‘goat’ (MGCD 734) may be borrowed from Turk. (see Щербак
1997, 124; but cf. the WMong. variant nimaɣan and Bur. ńamā (Влади-
мирцов) which may be genuine); Mong. > Tung. (ТМС 1, 312), see
Poppe 1966, 190, Doerfer MT 37.
-ńam(ń)ekt῾V a k. of tree: Tung. *ńamńikta; Mong. *ǯimuɣu-su; Turk.
*jɨmurt; Jpn. *mmìti; Kor. *nàmòk.
PTung. *ńamńi-kta 1 a k. of willow 2 mulberry tree (1 тальник, вер-
ба, краснотал 2 тутовое дерево): Evk. ńamńīkta 1; Evn. imukeɣ,
imŋekēw, inmēkte 1; Neg. ńamnịkta 1; Man. nimadan ‘a k. of tree’; ni-
mala(n) 2; SMan. nimalən 2 (2163); Jurch. hin-ma-lar (108) 2; Ud. ńauta 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 314, 632, 593.
PMong. *ǯimuɣu-su buckthorn, bird-cherry (крушина, черемуха):
WMong. ǯimuɣu-su; Kalm. ǯimūsn.
◊ KW 111.
PTurk. *jɨmurt bird-cherry (черемуха): Karakh. jumušɣa ‘medlar’
(MK); Tur. jumurt (dial.); Az. ǯumurt ‘крушина’; Uzb. šumurt; Khak.
nɨmɨrt; Shr. nɨbɨrt; Oyr. jɨmɨrt, ɨmɨrɨt; Chuv. śəₙməₙrt.
◊ EDT 881, VEWT 211, ЭСТЯ 4, 283, Егоров 211, Лексика 136. Not quite clear is the
relation of OT jemšen ‘a k. of wild fruit, berry’ (EDT 939).
PJpn. *mmìtì maple (клен): OJpn. m(w)omjiti; MJpn. mòmìdì; Tok.
mómiji; Kyo. mómìjì; Kag. momijí.
◊ JLTT 484. The Tokyo accent points to a variant *mmìtí.
PKor. *nàmòk tree (дерево): MKor. nàmò (nàmk-); Mod. namu.
◊ Nam 87, KED 288.
‖ KW 111, АПиПЯЯ 297, Дыбо 10. Correspondences are regular
except for the tonal discrepancy between Kor. and Jpn.
-ńằmò hundred: Tung. *ńamā; Mong. *ǯaɣu-n; Turk. *jom-; Jpn.
*muàmuà.
PTung. *ńamā hundred (сто): Evk. ńamā; Evn. ńama; Neg. ńama; Sol.
namāǯi.
◊ ТМС 1, 631.
PMong. *ǯaɣu-n hundred (сто): MMong. ǯa’un (HY 43), ǯa’u(n)
(SH), ǯa’ūn (IM); WMong. ǯaɣu(n) (L 1024); Kh. ʒūn; Bur. zū(n); Kalm.
zūn; Ord. ǯū(n); Dag. ǯau(n) (Тод. Даг. 143, MD 176); Bao. ǯoŋ (Тод.
Бн.); Mongr. oŋ (SM 90).
◊ KW 482.
PTurk. *jom- 1 big number, quantity, all 2 to come together, assem-
ble (1 большое число, количество, все 2 собирать(ся)): OTurk. jomɣɨ
 *ńamo - *ńanŋa 1005

(OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jomɣɨ (MK) 1, jomɨt- (MK) 2; Tur. jumuš- 2 (dial.);

MTurk. jomut- 2 (Houts.); Krm. jom-, jomul-, jumul- 2; SUygh. jumɨt-,
jumut- 2.
◊ EDT 935, ЭСТЯ 4, 219-220.
PJpn. *muàmuà hundred (сто): OJpn. mwomwo; MJpn. mòmò.
◊ JLTT 485.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 78. Mong. *ǯaɣu- < *ńaŋu- < *ńamŋu- (or -ɣ- as a result of
contamination with *čobe ‘ten’ q.v.). In Jpn. *muàmuà < *mmuà as a re-
sult of late vowel assimilation.
-ńamo turf, moss: Tung. *ńamulsa; Mong. *ǯim; Turk. *jom (?/*joŋ).
PTung. *ńamulsa swamp moss (болотный мох): Evk. ńamulla; Evn.
ńamlr; Neg. ńamula; Man. ńamala; Ul. ńamụlta; Ork. namụĺta; Nan.
ńamolta.
◊ ТМС 1, 632-633.
PMong. *ǯim turf (торф): WMong. ǯim (L 1056); Kh. ǯim.
PTurk. *jom (?/*joŋ) 1 turf 2 weed (1 торф 2 сорняк): Oyr. joŋ 1;
Chuv. śom 2.
◊ VEWT 206, Федотов 2, 135. Cf. also *jom-suk, *jom-sul ‘weed, moss’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 231,
with a variety of dialectal reflexes: Tur. josun, jomsuk, Chag. josun, Kum. jansaw etc.).
Turk. > Hung. gyom ‘weed’, see MNyTESz 1, 1132.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńna to turn back; again: Tung. *ńān; Turk. *jAn-; Jpn. *mani-ma.
PTung. *ńān again, once more (снова, еще раз): Evk. ńān; Evn. ńān;
Neg. ńān; Nan. ńā; Orch. ńa; Ud. ńa; Sol. n.
◊ ТМС 1, 633.
PTurk. *jAn- 1 to turn back 2 again (1 поворачивать назад 2 сно-
ва): OTurk. jan- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), jana 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jan-
1 (MK), jana 2 (MK); Tur. jine, jene 2; Az. jenä 2; Turkm. jene 2; MTurk.
jan- 1, jana 2 (Бор. Бад., Abush.); Uzb. jɔn- 1, jana 2; Uygh. jan- 1, jana 2;
Krm. jana, janɨ, jane 2; Tat. jan- 1, jɛnɛ 2; Bashk. jänä 2; Kirgh. ǯan- 1,
ǯana 2; Kaz. žäne 2; KKalp. žäne 2; Nogh. jana 2; SUygh. jan- 1; Khak.
nan- 1; Shr. nan- 1; Oyr. jan-, an- 1; Tv. čan- 1.
◊ EDT 941-942, 943, ЭСТЯ 4, 111-112, 114-115.
PJpn. *mani-ma in the same state (в прежнем, том же самом со-
стоянии): OJpn. manima; MJpn. mámá; Tok. mamá; Kyo. mámá; Kag.
máma.
◊ JLTT 471 (not mentioning OJ mani-ma). Original accent is not quite clear due to a
secondary contraction in all modern dialects.
‖ The Turkic root is verbal, but it is worth noting adverbial usage of
the root in all branches where it is attested.
-ńanŋa a k. of small bird: Tung. *ńa(n)ŋa-; Mong. *ǯana; Jpn. *mami-.
PTung. *ńa(n)ŋa- bullfinch (снегирь): Evn. ńaŋarki.
1006 *ńáŋa - *ńargu
◊ ТМС 1, 633. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯana bullfinch (снегирь): WMong. ǯana (МХТТТ); Kh.
ʒana; Bur. zana.
PJpn. *mami- a k. of blackbird (вид дрозда): Tok. mami-jiro,
mami-chajinai.
‖ ТМС 1, 633, Дыбо 1995b.
-ńáŋa dirt, to smear: Tung. *ńaŋ-; Jpn. *mámíra-.
PTung. *ńaŋ- dirt, be smeared with dirt (грязь, пачкаться грязью):
Evk. ńaŋńa; Evn. ńaŋsъ; Neg. ńaksalkān, ńaŋsalkān; Man. nantuχun;
SMan. nantuhun ‘foul-minded, evil-smelling’ (2552); Ul. jaŋsa; Ork.
naŋịsa; Nan. jaŋsa, ńaŋsa; Orch. ńaŋsa.
◊ ТМС 1, 633-634.
PJpn. *mámíra- to be smeared (быть вымазанным): MJpn. mámíra-;
Tok. mamiré-; Kyo. mámíre-; Kag. mamiré-.
◊ JLTT 720. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ńaŋo nut: Tung. *ńaŋu-; Mong. *ǯiɣag; Turk. *jAŋgak; Jpn. *mamai.
PTung. *ńaŋu- cone, nut, fruit stone (шишка, орех, косточка пло-
да): Evk. ńaŋta; Evn. ńaŋt; Man. ńańun ‘palm nut’; Ork. naŋụ- ‘to crack
nuts’; Orch. ńańikta; Ud. ńaŋta.
◊ ТМС 1, 634-635.
PMong. *ǯiɣag walnut (грецкий орех): MMong. ǯi’ax (HY 7); Ord.
ǯaG; Mongr. aG (SM 77), aŋgiraG (SM 81).
◊ Bao. ǯanGəg, Kalm. ǯaŋɣəg < Turk.
PTurk. *jAŋgak walnut (грецкий орех): OTurk. jaɣaq (Orkh.);
Karakh. jaɣaq (MK); Turkm. jaŋaq, jaŋɣaq (dial.); Khal. jaɣāq; MTurk.
jaŋɣaq (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jɔŋɣɔq; Uygh. jaŋaq, jaŋɣaq; Tat. jaŋaq,
ǯaŋɣaq (dial.); Kirgh. ǯaŋaq, ǯaŋɣaq; Kaz. žaŋɣaq; KKalp. žaŋɣaq.
◊ VEWT 186, ЭСТЯ 4, 59-60, Лексика 112. Turkic > Hung. dió (see MNyTESz 1, 641).
PJpn. *mamai bean (боб): OJpn. mame; MJpn. màmè, màmé; Tok.
mamé; Kyo. màmê; Kag. mamé.
◊ JLTT 471. The root reveals a variation of accent reflexes between *màmài and
*màmâi.
‖ EAS 75, АПиПЯЯ 78, Дыбо 10.
-ńargu a young male deer (elk): Tung. *ńargu-; Mong. *ǯorgul; Turk.
*jargun.
PTung. *ńargu- young elk (молодой лось): Evk. ńargučān; Evn. ńar-
čān; Neg. ńatčān; Man. ńarχuča; Orch. naguča.
◊ ТМС 1, 635.
PMong. *ǯorgul young elk or deer (молодой олень или лось):
WMong. ǯorɣul (L 1071); Kh. ʒorgol; Bur. zorgol ‘годовалый изюбр’.
 *ńéč῾ù - *ńĕka 1007

PTurk. *jargun some kind of wild quadruped (вид дикого четверо-

ногого): OTurk. jarɣun (Orkh., OUygh.-YB); Kirgh. jarɣɨn ‘a mongrel of
a yak and cow’; Khak. čarɣɨn ‘2-year-old bear-cub’ (Борг.); Tv. čarɨ ‘a
producent reindeer’.
◊ EDT 963.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńéč῾ù to be annoyed: Tung. *ńeču-; Turk. *jačan-; Jpn. *mútúkár-.
PTung. *ńeču- 1 to tease, annoy 2 to hit (1 дразнить, раздражать 2
бить): Evk. ńeču- 2; Man. neči- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 655.
PTurk. *jačan- be ashamed, embarrassed (стыдиться, смущаться):
Karakh. jačan- (MK); Tur. (Osm.) jačan-; MTurk. jačan- (CCum.); Chuv.
śüźen- ‘to be shocked’.
◊ EDT 882, VEWT 176, (incorrectly) Федотов 2, 151.
PJpn. *mútúkár- to be annoyed, cranky (раздражаться): OJpn. mu-
tukar-; MJpn. mutukar-; Tok. mùtsukar-; Kyo. múzúkár-.
◊ JLTT 729.
‖ One of the many common Altaic verbs of emotion.
-ńĕka ( ~ -o, -u) place on the back of an animal: Tung. *ńegde; Mong.
*ǯagal; Turk. *jAgɨr.
PTung. *ńegde 1 breast vertebra 2 curve on horse’s back in the re-
gion of the neck and shoulder blades (1 грудные или междулопаточ-
ные позвонки 2 выгиб в спине лошади (у оконечности гривы и пе-
редних лопаток)): Evk. ńegde, ńagda 1; Evn. ńit, ńet 1; Neg. ńagda 1;
Man. nikde 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 650, 591.
PMong. *ǯagal dark spots on neck and shoulders (темные пятна на
шее и плечах): WMong. ǯaɣal (L 1022); Kh. ʒagal ‘grey’; Bur. ʒagal;
Kalm. zaɣəl; Ord. ǯaGal.
◊ KW 463. Mong. > Kaz. žaɣal, Turkm. jaqal etc. (see ЭСТЯ 4, 10-11); > Manchu ǯaxala
(see Rozycki 118).
PTurk. *jAgɨr 1 chap, saddle-gall on back of an animal 2 wound,
chafe on human body (1 ссадина на спине животного 2 рана, ссадина
на человеческом теле): Karakh. jaɣɨr 1 (MK); Tur. jaɣɨr 1; Az. jaɣɨr 1;
Turkm. jaɣɨr 1; MTurk. jaɣɨr 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. jaɣir 2; Uygh. jeɣi(r) 1;
Kirgh. ǯōr 1; Kaz. žawɨr 1; KKalp. žawɨr 1; Nogh. jawɨr 1; Oyr. ūr 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 65, TMN 4, 183. External evidence suggests that this root should be kept
distinct from *jagɨr, *jagrɨn ‘back, shoulderblade’ (v. sub *dagV).
‖ A Western isogloss.
1008 *ńéŋńi - *ńésa
-ńéŋńi East or South (wind), warm season: Tung. *ńeŋńe; Mong.
*ǯeɣü-n; Jpn. *mínámí.
PTung. *ńeŋńe spring (весна): Evk. ńeŋńe; Evn. neɣńi; Neg. ńeŋńe;
Man. ńeŋńeri; SMan. ńaŋəńari (2726); Jurch. nie(ŋ)nen (73); Ul. ńeŋńe;
Ork. ńeŋńē / neŋne; Nan. ńeŋńe; Orch. ńeŋńe.
◊ ТМС 1, 653-4.
PMong. *ǯeɣün East; left (восток; левый): MMong. ǯe’un (HY 50),
ǯeu’un (SH) ‘left wing troups’; ǯȫ’ēn ‘left’ (MA), ǯūn ‘left’ (IM); WMong.
ǯegün (L 1044); Kh. ʒǖn; Bur. zǖ(n); Kalm. zǖn; Ord. ǯǖn ‘North, left’;
Dag. ǯun (Тод. Даг. 145); S.-Yugh. ǯǖn.
◊ KW 485, MGCD 465. Mong. > Evk. ǯeɣin etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, Doerfer MT 23,
Rozycki 127.
PJpn. *mínámí South; South wind (юг; южный ветер): OJpn. mji-
namji; MJpn. mínámí; Tok. mìnami; Kyo. mínàmì; Kag. minámi.
◊ JLTT 479. The Kyoto accent is quite irregular; but RJ and other dialects point
unanimously to high tone.
‖ Дыбо 1995b. In Jpn. cf. perhaps also *minki ‘right’ ( < *’East’ as
opposed to *pìntárí ‘left’ < ‘West’, see *p῾ṑrí).
-ńĕra earth, floor: Tung. *ńerke; Mong. *ǯir-; Turk. *jẹr.
PTung. *ńerke 1 earth 2 hearth (1 земля 2 очаг): Evk. jerke, dial.
ńerke 1; Evn. ńerke 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 355.
PMong. *ǯir- 1 litter of grass or leaves spread under an animal be-
ing flayed 2 doormat (1 подстилка из травы 2 циновка): WMong. ǯirig
1 (L 1060), ǯirum 2; Kh. ǯuram 2.
PTurk. *jẹr earth, land (земля): OTurk. jer (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. jẹr (MK), jer (KB); Tur. jer; Gag. jeŕ; Az. jer; Turkm. jer; Sal. jer;
Khal. jer; MTurk. jẹr (MA); Uzb. jer; Uygh. jär; Krm. jer; Tat. ǯir; Bashk.
jer; Kirgh. ǯer; Kaz. žer; KBalk. žer; KKalp. žer; Kum. jer; Nogh. jer;
SUygh. jer; Khak. čir; Shr. čer (R.); Oyr. er; Tv. čer; Tof. čer; Chuv. śər;
Yak. sir; Dolg. hir.
◊ VEWT 198, EDT 954, ЭСТЯ 4, 191-192, Лексика 53, Stachowski 104-105. Bulg. >
Hung. szer ‘place’ (in toponyms), see Sinor 1990.
‖ ТМС 1, 355. A Western isogloss.
-ńésa luck, fortune: Tung. *ńes-; Jpn. *mású-rá-.
PTung. *ńes- 1 luck 2 lucky (shooter) (1 счастье 2 удачливый (стре-
лок)): Evn. ńes 1; Man. nosiki 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 655.
PJpn. *mású-rá- brave man (храбрец, герой): OJpn. masura-(wo);
MJpn. másúrá-wò; Tok. màsurao, masuráo; Kyo. másúráó; Kag. masuráo.
◊ JLTT 473.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
 *ńíkrV - *ńmi 1009

-ńíkrV a k. of thorny tree: Tung. *ńikri-kta; Mong. *ǯeɣergene; Jpn.

*míkúri.
PTung. *ńikri-kta 1 thicket 2 a k. of larch (1 заросли 2 вид листвен-
ницы): Evk. nikrikāɣ 1; Evn. naqrịt 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 591.
PMong. *ǯeɣergene a k. of plant (Ephedra vulgaris) (эфедра):
WMong. ǯeɣergene (L 1043); Kh. ʒērgene; Bur. zērgene; Kalm. zērgənə
‘ежевика; малина (лесная)’ (КРС); Ord. ǯērgenek, ǯērgünek; S.-Yugh.
ǯǖregene.
◊ MGCD 139.
PJpn. *míkúri bur reed (колючий тростник): MJpn. míkúri.
◊ JLTT 478.
‖ For the phonetic development in Mong. cf. *bŭkrV, *č῾ik῾o (*č῾ik῾rV).
-ńiĺu ( ~ -o) to polish, scrape: Tung. *nili-; Mong. *ǯilgü-; Turk. *jɨĺ-; Kor.
*(n)īr-.
PTung. *nili- to scrape off, polish (соскребать, полировать): Evk.
nili-; Man. nila- / nile-; Ul. ńīli-; Nan. ńīla-; Ud. nila- (Корм. 266).
◊ ТМС 1, 592.
PMong. *ǯilgü- to shave, scrape, wipe (брить, соскребать, сти-
рать): WMong. ǯülgü-, ǯilgü- (L 1085); Kh. ʒülge-; Bur. zülge-; Kalm.
zülgə-; Ord. ǯülgü-.
◊ KW 483.
PTurk. *jɨĺ- to rub, polish (тереть, полировать): Tat. jɨš- (Sib.);
Khak. čɨs-; Oyr. jɨš-.
◊ VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 1, 667.
PKor. *(n)īr- to clear out, rinse (вычищать, промывать): MKor. īr-;
Mod. īl- (NKor. nil-).
◊ Nam 405, KED 1351.
‖ SKE 69, Дыбо 15.
-ńmi (~-e) host, guest: Tung. *ńime-; Jpn. *mìmà-p-; Kor. *nīm.
PTung. *ńime- to visit, be a guest (посещать, приходить в гости):
Evk. ńime-; Evn. ńimeɣ-; Neg. ńimej-; Ul. ńime-ri-; Ork. ńimē-ri-; Nan.
nime-ri-; Orch. ńime-ri-; Ud. ńime-li-; Sol. nimau-.
◊ ТМС 1, 595-596.
PJpn. *mìmà-p- to visit (a sick person etc.) (посещать, навещать
(больного и т.п.)): MJpn. mima-f-; Tok. mìma-, mimá-; Kyo. mímá-; Kag.
mìmà-.
PKor. *nīm host (хозяин): MKor. nīm; Mod. im-gɨm.
◊ Nam 125, KED 1361.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
1010 *ńŋči - *ńiro
-ńŋči thin, narrow; short: Tung. *nisi-; Mong. *ǯiǯig; Turk. *jiŋč-ge; Jpn.
*mìnsìkà-.
PTung. *nisi- small (маленький): Evk. nisimkūn; Evn. nịsa ‘small
beads’; Neg. nịsịmkn; Man. nisiχa ‘small fish’.
◊ ТМС 1, 600.
PMong. *ǯiǯig small (маленький): WMong. ǯiǯig (L 1065); Kh. ǯiǯig;
Bur. žežeg; Kalm. ǯiǯəg.
◊ KW 109.
PTurk. *jiŋč-ge thin (тонкий): OTurk. jinčge (OUygh.); Karakh.
jinčke (MK); Tur. inǯe; Gag. inǯä; Az. inǯä; Turkm. īnče ( < jinče); Sal.
läšgi; MTurk. ičke (Pav. C.), inčge (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ingička; Uygh. inčikä;
Krm. inǯä; Tat. nečkɛ; Kirgh. ičke; KBalk. inčge; KKalp. žiŋiške; Nogh.
jiŋiške; SUygh. šige; Khak. niske; Tv. čiŋge; Tof. ńiŋge; Chuv. śinźe; Yak.
sińniges; Dolg. hinńiges.
◊ VEWT 203, EDT 944-5, ЭСТЯ 1, 364-365, Stachowski 104.
PJpn. *mìnsìkà- short (короткий): OJpn. mjizika-; MJpn. mìzìkà-;
Tok. mijiká-; Kyo. míjíká-; Kag. mijiká- [ = mišiké].
◊ JLTT 835.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 110, 278, Дыбо 12, Дыбо 1995b.
-ńipV a k. of weed, bush: Tung. *nibēkte; Mong. *ǯiba.
PTung. *ńibē-kte 1 bush growing near the water 2 dwarf birch tree
3 horse-tail 4 fern (1 заросли кустарника, мелкий тальник 2 карли-
ковая береза 3 хвощ 4 папоротник): Evk. niwēkte 1, 2, dial. niwekte 3;
Evn. ńīwekēw 2; Neg. ńīwekte 2; Ork. ńīwekte 2; Ud. niekte 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 589, 601.
PMong. *ǯiba sulphurweed, a k. of plant growing near the water
(Peucedanum L.) (горичник байкальский): WMong. ǯau (МXTTT), ǯab
(БАМРС); Kh. ǯav.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-ńiro ( ~ -ŕ-) a k. of big fish: Tung. *ńiru- / *ńeri-; Mong. *ǯirga; Jpn.
*mərəkə ( ~ -ua).
PTung. *ńiru- / *ńeri- grayling (fish) (хариус): Evk. niru, neriɣē; Evn.
nêrgat, nöriɣe; Neg. ńeju; Orch. ńū-ča; Ud. ńuu-sa.
◊ ТМС 1, 640, 654.
PMong. *ǯirga a k. of salmon (вид лосося): WMong. ǯirɣa (L 1059);
Kh. ǯarga; Kalm. ǯirɣə.
◊ KW 112. Mong. > Yak. ǯarɣā, Kum. čarɣa ‘grayling’ etc. (VEWT 100).
PJpn. *mərəkə ( ~ -ua) gudgeon (пескарь): Tok. moroko.
‖ ТМС 1, 640. Cf. Chuv. śarlan ‘herring’. Cf. also Kalm. jarɣə
‘salmon’ < unattested Turk.??
 *ńama - *ńáme 1011

-ńama low, level; side of the mountain: Tung. *niama; Mong. *nam;
Turk. *jAmač; Jpn. *mama.
PTung. *niama 1 lowland 2 low 3 overfall 4 shallow place, isthmus
(1 равнина 2 низкий 3 быстрина 4 отмель, перешеек): Evk. namŋa 1,
nemkēn 2, ńami 3; Man. ńamašan 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 582, 621, 631.
PMong. *nam low, level (низкий, ровный): WMong. nam, namaɣu
(L 562); Kh. nam, namū; Bur. nam; Kalm. nam.
◊ KW 270.
PTurk. *jAmač side of a mountain (склон горы): Tur. jamač; Gag.
jamač; Az. jamaǯ; Turkm. jamač (dial.); MTurk. jamač, jamaǯ (R, Pav. C.).
◊ VEWT 184, ЭСТЯ 4, 111.
PJpn. *mama precipice (обрыв): OJpn. mama.
‖ Phonetics in the Mong.-Tung. area presents some problems,
probably because of an early dissimilation *ńama > *nama in part of the
dialects, and some dialectal mixture afterwards (cf. several different
reflexes in Evk.).
-ńáme to curse, harm: Tung. *ńim- / *ńum-; Mong. *ǯime; Turk.
*jem-ür-; Jpn. *mmá-; Kor. *namɨra-.
PTung. *ńim- / *ńum- 1 shame 2 shameless 3 awkward 4 weakness,
sickness 5 to weaken, be exhausted, sick 6 to be sorry, sad (1 стыд 2
бесстыжий 3 неловко, неудобно 4 слабость, болезнь 5 ослабевать,
истощаться 6 печалиться, грустить): Evk. ńumu 4; Evn. ńụmr 1, ńụm-
5; Neg. ńomụ- 5; Man. nime- 5; SMan. nimə- 5 (713); Ul. ńimeremdi,
ńumeremǯi 2, ńumursi- 6; Nan. ńịmorịǯị, ńomorị 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 596, 645, 646.
PMong. *ǯime 1 guilt 2 defect, defective (1 вина 2 изъян, недоста-
ток): MMong. ǯemdeg 2 (SH); WMong. ǯime 1 (L 1056), ǯemdeg 2 (L
1045); Kh. ʒem 1, ʒemdeg 2; Bur. zeme 1; Kalm. zem 1 (КРС); Ord. ǯime;
Dag. emden 2; S.-Yugh. ǯemteg 2.
◊ MGCD 440.
PTurk. *jem-ür- 1 to crush, destroy 2 to curse, reproach (1 ломать,
разрушать 2 порицать, упрекать): OTurk. jemir- (OUygh.) 1, 2;
Karakh. jemür- (MK) 1; Az. jümür- 1; Turkm. jemir- 1; MTurk. jimir-,
jümür- (R., Буд.) 1; Uygh. jimir- 1; Krm. jemir- 1; Tat. ǯimer- 1; Bashk.
jemer- 1; Kirgh. ǯemir- 2, 1; KKalp. žemir- 1; Kum. jemir- 1; Nogh. jemir-
1; Shr. nebir- 1; Oyr. jemir-, emir- 1; Tv. čemir- 1; Chuv. śəₙməₙr- 2, 1.
◊ EDT 937, VEWT 197, ЭСТЯ 4, 183-184, Егоров 210. The meaning ‘crush, destroy,
widespread in modern languages, must be a secondary development from the original
more abstract ‘harm’ (whence also ‘curse, reproach’).
PJpn. *mmá- to argue, conflict (ссориться, спорить): Tok. mòme-;
Kyo. mómé-; Kag. momé-.
1012 *ńàmi - *ńằrke
PKor. *namɨra- to curse, swear (ругать): MKor. namɨra-; Mod. na-
mura-.
◊ Nam 88, KED 289.
‖ Turkic forms like Kirgh. ǯeme, Tuva čeme, Oyr. eme, Yak. seme- are
most probably < Mong.; Chuv. śamlan- ‘to perish’ is not quite clear.
-ńàmi trace: Tung. *ńiam-; Mong. *ǯim; Turk. *jam.
PTung. *ńiam- 1 old trace 2 to trace (an animal) (1 след (старый) 2
распутывать следы (зверя)): Evk. ńmirī 1; Ud. ńāma- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 631, 637.
PMong. *ǯim path, trace (тропинка, след): WMong. ǯim (L 1056);
Kh. ǯim; Bur. žem; Kalm. ǯim (КРС); Ord. ǯim.
PTurk. *jam post station (почтовая станция): OTurk. jam (late
OUygh.); Tur. jam (Red.); MTurk. jam (Abush., Sangl.); Tat. jam (possi-
bly from Russian).
◊ VEWT 183, EDT 933. Turk. > MMong. ǯam ‘post station’, WMong. ǯam ‘way, street,
road’ (hardly vice versa; see the discussion in Щербак 1997, 195). Mong. > Man. ǵamun,
Nan. jamõ, Ul. jamụ(n), see Doerfer MT 142 (with a strange initial reflex, suggesting rather
an unattested Mong. variant *jam; Chinese origin suggested by Doerfer TMN 4, 110-118 is
improbable - for purely phonetical reasons: the actual Middle Chinese form was not
“*gam oder ähnlich”, as suggested ibid., but 站 ṭém; even the later fricativized shape čam
(Zhongyuan yinyun) can hardly have yielded Mong. ǯam, to say nothing of the TM vari-
ants with j-).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńằrke to pinch (hair): Tung. *nirku-; Mong. *ǯirge-; Turk. *jarkak; Jpn.
*m(n)k-.
PTung. *nirku- short hair (of deer) (короткая, редкая шерсть (оле-
ня)): Evk. nirku; Man. nirGa, nirχan.
◊ ТМС 1, 600.
PMong. *ǯirge- to pinch (hair, etc.) (щипать (волосы и т.п.)): Kh.
ǯirge-; Bur. žarxi-.
◊ The meaning ‘pinch (hair)’ is hardly related to the other meaning of ǯirge-, ‘cut,
split’ (on which see under *ǯre); it is most probably an accidental homonymy.
PTurk. *jarkak skin (tanned, without hair) (шкура (дубленая, без
волос)): Turkm. jarɣaq; MTurk. jarɣaq (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ǯɔrɣaq
(dial.); Uygh. ja(r)ɣaq; Tat. jarɣaq; Bashk. jarɣaq; Kirgh. ǯarɣaq; Kaz.
žarɣaq; KKalp. žarɣaq; Kum. jarɣaq (dial.); Nogh. jarɣaq; Oyr. jarɣaq,
arɣaq; Tv. čarɣaš ‘hairless (skin); placenta’; Chuv. śorɣax ‘film, mem-
brane’.
◊ VEWT 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 141-142, Лексика 385, Ашм. XII, 277-278, Федотов 2, 145-146.
Turk. > WMong. ǯarɣaɣ, Kalm. zarɣəg (KW 467).
PJpn. *m(n)k- to pinch (hair, feathers, etc.) (выщипывать (волосы,
перья и т.п.)): MJpn. mòg-; Tok. móg-; Kyo. móg-; Kag. móg-.
◊ JLTT 726. Accent in Kyoto and Kagoshima is irregular (under Tokyo influence?).
 *ńăŕe - *ńàŕì 1013

‖ Дыбо 1995b. The root is quite reliable both phonetically and se-
mantically.
-ńăŕe (?*ĺ-) to draw: Tung. *ńiru-; Mong. *ǯiru-; Turk. *jạŕ-; Kor. *nìrk-.
PTung. *ńiru- to draw, write (рисовать, писать): Neg. niju-; Man.
niru-; SMan. juru- (1391); Ul. ńuru-; Ork. ńiru-; Nan. ńiru-; Orch. ńiru-;
Sol. niruɣan ‘drawing’.
◊ ТМС 1, 600. TM > Dag. niru-, nuru- (Тод. Даг. 158).
PMong. *ǯiru- 1 scratch, draw, write 2 line, row (1 царапать, рисо-
вать, писать 2 линия, ряд): MMong. ǯiru- (MA); WMong. ǯiru- 1 (L
1060), ǯirum 2 (L 1061); Kh. ʒura- 1, ǯuram 2; Bur. zura-; Kalm. zur-; Ord.
ǯuru- 1, ǯurā 2; Dag. ǯurī- (Тод. Даг. 145), ǯori- ‘point to; draw ( a pic-
ture)’ (MD 180); Mongr. ūri- (SM 95).
◊ KW 481, MGCD 464. Cf. Mongr. arG ‘ligne de démarcation entre deux champs’
(83) and WMong. ǯiruqai. Mong. > Yak. suruj, Dolg. huruj- ‘write’ (see Kał. MEJ 23, Sta-
chowski 113). Mong. ǯiru-ɣa ῾line’ > Man. ǯurgan id. (see Rozycki 128).
PTurk. *jạŕ- to write (писать): Karakh. jaz- (MK Oghuz.); Tur. jaz-;
Gag. jaz-; Az. jaz-; Turkm. jaz-; Khal. jaz-; MTurk. jaz- (Pav. C., Ettuhf.);
Uzb. jɔz-; Uygh. jaz-; Krm. jaz-; Tat. jaz-; Bashk. jaδ-; Kirgh. ǯaz-; Kaz.
žaz-; KBalk. ǯaz-, zaz-; KKalp. žaz-; Kum. jaz-; Nogh. jaz-; Chuv. śɨr-.
◊ VEWT 193, ЭСТЯ 4, 70-71, EDT 984. Turk. > Hung. ír- (MNyTESz 2, 227-228).
PKor. *nìrk- to read (читать): MKor. nìrk-; Mod. ik- [ilk-].
◊ Nam 125, KED 361.
‖ Владимирцов 188, Poppe 28, Дыбо 14. Initial *l- is possible if we
relate here Jurch. lar-ru- ‘to write’ (809) - the PTM form in this case
must be reconstructed as *liru-. Despite Doerfer’s criticism (TMN 4,
69-70), the etymology seems quite plausible (and the TM forms can cer-
tainly not be explained as borrowed < Mong.).
-ńàŕì man, young man: Tung. *ń(i)ari; Mong. *ǯer-me-; Turk. *jeŕne;
Jpn. *mì(n)tù; Kor. *nắr-ná-.
PTung. *ń(i)ari 1 man 2 person 3 young man (1 мужчина 2 человек
3 юноша): Evk. nirawī 3; Evn. ńarị 1, 3; Neg. ńjaw 3; Man. ńalma 1, 2;
SMan. nanə ‘person, human being’ (827); Jurch. neRma (295) 1, 2; Ul. ńī
1; Ork. nari 1; Nan. naị 1, 2, dial. nịŕa 1; Orch. ńǟ, ńī 1; Ud. nī 1; Sol. nirō
1.
◊ ТМС 1, 598-599.
PMong. *ǯer-me- young man (юноша): Kh. (Bayat) ǯermegei; Bur.
žerbeger ‘shapely, handsome (of a man)’.
PTurk. *jeŕne son-in-law, sister’s husband (зять, муж сестры):
Karakh. jezne (MK); Az. jeznä; Turkm. jezne (dial.); MTurk. jeznä
(Houts.); Uzb. ǯeznä, ǯezdä; Tat. ǯiznɛ, ǯizni; Kirgh. ǯezde; Kaz. žezde;
KKalp. žezde; Nogh. jezde; SUygh. jezde; Khak. čiste; Shr. česte; Oyr. jeste,
este; Tv. česte.
1014 *ń[ō]ba - *ńṑgè
◊ EDT 988, VEWT 199, TMN 4, 165, ЭСТЯ 4, 169-170, Лексика 298. Cf. also Chuv.
śarmъk ‘young, young man’ ( > Hung. gyermek).
PJpn. *mì(n)tù- young, healthy and fresh-looking (молодой, пышу-
щий здоровьем): OJpn. mjidu, mjitu-mjitu-; Tok. mizumizushí-; Kyo.
mízúmízúshì-; Kag. mizumizúshi-.
◊ JLTT 483.
PKor. *nắr-ná- brave, nimble (храбрый, проворный): MKor.
nắr-ná-; Mod. nallä-.
◊ Nam 96, KED 303.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 291.
-ń[ō]ba to walk, to go out: Tung. *ńē(b)- ~ *ńū(b)-; Jpn. *màwə- ( ~ -u);
Kor. *ní-.
PTung. *ńē(b)- ~ *ńū(b)- to go out (выходить): Evk. jū-; Evn. ńȫ-;
Neg. jū- / ńū-; Ul. ńie- / ńē-; Ork. nē-; Nan. ńie- / ńē-; Orch. ńū-; Ud. ńū-;
Sol. jū-.
◊ ТМС 1, 348-349.
PJpn. *màwə- ( ~ -u) to walk, come (идти, ходить, приходить):
OJpn. mawi-r-, mawu-; MJpn. màwí-r-; Tok. máir-; Kyo. màìr-; Kag. màìr-.
◊ JLTT 719. Tok. máir- < maír- with an accent shift in a diphthong.
PKor. *ní- to go (идти): MKor. ní- (nj-).
◊ Nam 119. Cf. also nìră-, nìr- ‘to reach’.
‖ EAS 77. An Eastern isogloss. The vocalic structure of the TM
forms is not quite clear (because of contractions), thus the PA recon-
struction is not secure. Cf. perhaps Mong. ǯow ‘пошла вон! (о собаке)’.
See SKE 165.
-ńṑgè son-in-law, nephew: Tung. *ńōg-; Mong. *ǯeɣe; Turk. *jEgin; Jpn.
*mùkuâ.
PTung. *ńōg- relative, sister’s son (родственник, ребенок млад-
шей сестры): Evn. ńȫɣe.
◊ ТМС 1, 644. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯeɣe grandson, nephew (внук, племянник): MMong. ǯeje
(HY 28); WMong. ǯege (L 1051: ǯige); Kh. ʒē; Bur. zē; Kalm. zē; Ord. ǯē;
Dag. ǯē (Тод. Даг. 143); Dong. ǯə; S.-Yugh. ǯī; Mongr. ē (SM 86).
◊ KW 474, MGCD 438. ? Mong. > TM ǯā.
PTurk. *jEgin nephew (племянник): OTurk. jegen, jegin (OUygh.);
Tur. jēn, jegen, jejen; Turkm. jegen; MTurk. jeken, jegen (R.); Uzb. ǯijän;
Tat. ǯijɛn; Bashk. jejän; Kirgh. ǯēn; Kaz. žijen; KKalp. žijen; Nogh. jijen;
SUygh. jegen; Khak. čēn; Shr. čēn; Oyr. jēn, ēn; Tv. čēn; Yak. sien.
◊ EDT 912-913, VEWT 194, ЭСТЯ 4, 166-167, Лексика 293.
PJpn. *mùkuâ son-in-law, bridegroom (зять, жених): OJpn.
muk(w)o; MJpn. mùkó; Tok. múko; Kyo. mùkô; Kag. mukó.
◊ JLTT 487.
 *ńṓĺe - *ńṑpo 1015

‖ Владимирцов 198. The Jpn. word is to be analysed as *mu- ( <

*ńōge) + *kua ‘son, child’.
-ńṓĺe ( ~ -i) green, vegetable: Tung. *ńoli-; Mong. *ǯöl(ü)ge; Turk. *jāĺ-ɨl.
PTung. *ńoli- 1 green moss, green mould 2 bluish 3 bruise 4 green-
ish (1 зеленый мох, зеленая плесень 2 синеватый 3 синяк 4 зеленова-
тый): Man. ńolmon 1; Ul. ńolǯokto 3; Ork. nōlto / ńōlto 3; Nan. ńolā 2;
Orch. noligi 4; Ud. ńoliɣi, ńolo 2, 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 601-603 (to be distinguished from *ńog-!).
PMong. *ǯöl(ü)ge green meadow (зеленый луг): MMong. ǯolge (SH,
see TMN 1, 295); WMong. ǯölge (L 1085: ǯülge); Kh. ʒüleg; Bur. zülge;
Kalm. zölgə; Mongr. čorgō ‘vallée avec une rivière au milieu’ (SM 440).
◊ KW 477. Mong. > Kirgh. ǯülgö etc., see ЭСТЯ 4, 37-38, TMN 1, 295.
PTurk. *jāĺ-ɨl 1 green 2 yellow (1 зеленый 2 желтый): OTurk. jašɨl
(Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jašɨl (MK, KB) 1; Tur. ješil 1; Gag. ješil 1; Az.
jašɨl 1; Turkm. jāšɨl 1; Sal. jäšil 1; Khal. ja:šɨl 1; MTurk. jašɨl (MA) 1; Uzb.
jašil 1; Uygh. ješil 1; Krm. ješli 1; Tat. jɛšel 1; Bashk. jäšel 1; Kirgh. ǯašɨl 1;
Kaz. žasɨl 1; KBalk. žašil 1; KKalp. žasɨl 1; Kum. jašɨl 1; Nogh. jasɨl 1;
SUygh. jahsɨl 1; Khak. čazɨl 1; Shr. čažɨl (R.) 1; Oyr. ažɨl 1; Chuv. śulźa,
śulǯa, śъvъlś ‘leaf’ ( = Bashk. jäšelsä ‘greens, vegetables’); Yak. saha-r- 2;
Dolg. haha-r- 2.
◊ Derived from PT *jāĺ ‘young, green vegetables’ (OUygh. jaš, MK jaš, Turkm. jāš, see
ЭСТЯ 4, 162, EDT 975, 976, Федотов 2, 134, Stachowski 93). This root is often mixed with
homophonous *jāĺ ‘tear’ and *jāĺ ‘age, year’, see ЭСТЯ 4, 161-164 (all three roots have
different Altaic etymologies). Turk. > Mong. jasil ‘buckthorn’ (Clark 1980, 41).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńoŋe cold: Tung. *ńeŋde- / *ńuŋde-; Mong. *ǯiŋ-de-; Turk. *jEŋ.
PTung. *ńeŋde- / *ńuŋde- 1 cold 2 clear, frosty (weather) (1 холод-
ный 2 ясный, морозный): Evk. ńeŋdelē 2; Ul. nụŋdụlị 1; Ork. nuŋduli 1;
Nan. noŋǯị-sị 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 653.
PMong. *ǯiŋ-de- to suffer from cold (страдать от холода): WMong.
ǯiŋ-de- 3 (L 1057: ǯiŋgine-); Kh. ǯindi-, ǯiŋgene- 3; Kalm. ǯiŋdə- (КРС);
Ord. ǯiŋ ‘frost’; S.-Yugh. ǯiŋgene-.
◊ MGCD 445.
PTurk. *jEŋ frazil (шуга, наледь): Khak. neŋ; Oyr. ńeŋ (dial.); Tv.
čeŋ.
◊ VEWT 197 (if not < unattested South.-Sam.?)
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńṑpo front, in front, front side: Tung. *ńōb- (/ *ńāb-); Mong. *ǯöb; Jpn.
*màpiâ; Kor. *njp.
PTung. *ńōb- (/ *ńāb-) 1 before, in front 2 to go forward 3 the one in
front, leading (1 вперед, впереди 2 идти вперед, опережать 3 пере-
1016 *ńoru - *ńŭmi
довой, ведущий): Evk. ńō- 2, ńōɣū, ńōw 3, ńāw-de 1; Evn. ńōɣ, ńōw 3;
Neg. ńōɣū, ńōw 3; Ul. jo-ro-, ńo-ro- 2; Ork. nawra- 2, ńowụ 3; Nan.
mịo-rịa- 2; Orch. ńau-kä 1, ńō-ki 3; Ud. ńōɣi- 2, ńau-xe, ńou-xe 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 627, 641-642.
PMong. *ǯöb straight, right (прямой, правый): MMong. ǯuep (HY
51), ǯob (SH); WMong. ǯöb (L 1072); Kh. ʒöv; Bur. züb; Kalm. zöb, zöwl-
‘make straight’; Ord. ǯöb; Dag. ǯugi-, ǯewul (Тод. Даг. 143, 145); ǯuhi
‘correct’ (MD 180), ǯubšē- ‘to approve’ ( = Khalkha ʒövšȫ-); Dong. ǯo;
Mongr. ǯo, ǯwo ‘vrai, véritable’ (SM 74), uw ‘délibération’ (SM 95), ǯob.
◊ KW 477, 478, MGCD 456, 457. Mong. > Man. ǯebe-le, Jurch. ǯe-wen ‘right’.
PJpn. *màpiâ front, before (перед, впереди): OJpn. mapje; MJpn.
màfè; Tok. máe; Kyo. màê; Kag. maé.
◊ JLTT 469.
PKor. *njp side (сторона): MKor. njp; Mod. jəp(h).
◊ Nam 109, KED 1189.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297. TM reflects a form with early dissimilation: *ńṑpo >
*ńōbo; other forms point to a diphthong in PA.
-ńoru strap, rag: Tung. *ń(i)ara-, *ńiarma-; Mong. *ǯur-; Turk. *jur-.
PTung. *ń(i)ara-, *ńiarma- 1 skin (not smoked) 2 a k. of cloth 3 up-
per layer of meat (1 шкура (непродымленная) 2 вид одежды 3 верх-
ний тонкий слой мяса (над ребрами медведя)): Evk. ńarahin 1, ńar-
makān 2; Neg. ńanmakan 3; Ork. nalma(n) 2; Nan. nịarma, ńarma 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 635.
PMong. *ǯur- strip, strap, torn piece (полоса, оторванный кусок):
WMong. ǯurma, ǯurim, ǯurbus (L 1080); Kh. ǯurvas; Ord. ǯurwus ‘qui a la
forme d῾une ligne’, ǯurus.
PTurk. *jur- patch of cloth, rag (лоскуты, лохмотья): OTurk. jurun
(OUygh.); Karakh. jurun (MK); MTurk. jurun (Abush., Sangl.); Krm.
jurq- ‘to pinch (hair)’; Tat. joron (dial.); Bashk. jorqaq, joron; Kaz. žurɨn
(dial.); KBalk. ǯurun; KKalp. žurɨndɨ; Khak. čurux; Oyr. d’urun; Tv. ču-
ruq; Tof. čuruq; Chuv. śorъm ‘bundle of flax or hemp’.
◊ VEWT 211, EDT 970, ЭСТЯ 4, 255-256, Ашм. XII, 270.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ńŭmi to close (eyes, mouth): Tung. *ńim-; Mong. *ǯimüji-; Turk. *jüm-
/ *jum-.
PTung. *ńim- to close (eyes) (закрывать (глаза)): Evk. nimŋi-; Evn.
ńimru-; Neg. ńimni-; Ul. ńịmarGụ-; Ork. ńimmi-; Orch. ńimsi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 594-595.
PMong. *ǯimüji- to close (eyes, mouth) (закрывать (глаза, рот)):
WMong. ǯimüi- (L 1056: ǯimiji-); Kh. ǯimij-; Bur. žemɨ-; Kalm. ǯimī-; Ord.
ǯimī-; Mongr. imu- (SM 88).
◊ KW 111.
 *ńūno - *ńūŋne 1017

PTurk. *jüm- / *jum- to close (eyes, mouth) (закрывать (глаза,

рот)): Karakh. jüm- (MK); Tur. jum-; Gag. jum-; Az. jum-; Turkm. jum-;
Sal. jum-; Khal. jim-; MTurk. jum- (Pav. C., MA, AH); Uzb. jum-; Uygh.
jum-, žum-; Krm. jum-; Tat. jom-; Bashk. jom-; Kirgh. ǯum-; Kaz. žum-;
KBalk. ǯum-, žum-; KKalp. žum-; Kum. jum-; Nogh. jum-; SUygh. jum-;
Oyr. um-; Yak. sim-.
◊ EDT 934, VEWT 210, ЭСТЯ 4, 245-246.
‖ KW 111, EAS 65, Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss. Mong. is hardly
borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 125.
-ńūno to adze, scrape off: Tung. *ńüŋ-; Mong. *ǯoma-gul; Turk. *jōn-.
PTung. *ńüŋ- 1 to make notches 2 to scrape off, adze (with an axe)
(1 делать зарубки 2 соскребать, стесывать (топором)): Evn. ńiŋ- 1;
Man. ńoŋGaǯa-, ńoŋGala- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 638, 644.
PMong. *ǯoma-gul wooden chips, shavings (щепка, стружка):
WMong. ǯomuɣul (L 1070); Kh. ʒomgol; Bur. zomgōl, zomgōhon; Kalm.
zomɣəl.
◊ KW 476.
PTurk. *jōn- to adze, plane (обтесывать, строгать): OTurk. jon-
(OUygh.); Karakh. jon- (MK); Tur. jon-; Gag. jon-; Az. jon-; Turkm. jōn-;
MTurk. jon- (AH, Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.), jön- (Pav. C.); Uzb. jọn-; Uygh.
jonu-; Krm. jon-; Tat. jun-; Bashk. jun-; Kirgh. ǯon-; Kaz. žon-; KBalk.
ǯon-; KKalp. žon-; Kum. jon-; Nogh. jon-; Shr. non-; Oyr. jon-, on-; Tv.
čon-; Chuv. śon-; Yak. suor-; Dolg. huor-.
◊ EDT 942; VEWT 206, ЭСТЯ 4, 221-222, Федотов 2, 136, Stachowski 112. Final -r- in
Yak. is somewhat strange - perhaps an early contamination with *jüŕ- q.v. sub *ǯuŕi (?)
‖ KW 476. A Western isogloss. Medial -m- in Mong. is probably
secondary (assimilatory here). Note that all languages reflect a deriva-
tive *ńūno-gV (in Turk. cf. *jōn-ga ‘chips, wooden shavings’ = Mong.
*ǯomu-gu-l = TM *ńüŋ(g)-).
-ńūŋne direction, sign: Tung. *ńuŋ-; Mong. *ǯöŋ; Turk. *jȫn; Jpn.
*muna-i.
PTung. *ńuŋ- 1 to direct, give directions 2 direction, instruction 3
instructor, director, master 4 council, advice (1 указывать, направлять
2 указание, направление 3 начальник, хозяин 4 совет): Evk. nuŋnī-,
ńuŋnī- 1, nuŋnīɣē, ńuŋnīɣē 2, ńuŋe 3; Evn. ńūn- 1, ńūnъn 2, ńuŋun 3,
ńuŋse-ɣъn 4; Neg. nuŋni- 1, ńuŋu 4; Ork. nuŋe, ńuŋe 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 612. Depalatalized *n- in some of the forms may be due to contamination
with PTM *nuŋ- < PA *nuŋu q.v.
PMong. *ǯöŋ omen, sign; natural course of things (знамение, знак;
естественный ход вещей): WMong. ǯöŋ (L 1075); Kh. ʒön; Kalm. zöŋ;
Ord. ǯöŋ ‘manière d῾être propre; manière d῾être constante’.
1018 *ńŋńù - *ńŋńù
◊ KW 478.
PTurk. *jȫn 1 side, direction 2 to be directed towards, head towards
3 reason, method, cause 4 regular, easy 5 cheap 6 origin (1 сторона, на-
правление 2 направляться, поворачиваться 3 причина, способ, от-
ношение 4 простой, правильный 5 дешевый 6 происхождение):
OTurk. jon 3 (OUygh.); Tur. jön 1, 3, jünel- 2; Az. jön 1; Turkm. jȫnel- 2;
MTurk. jön 1 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jọnal- 2, ǯọn 4 ( < Kypch. or Mong.);
Uygh. jönɛl- 2; Krm. jöne- 2; Tat. jün 3, 5, jünäl- 2; Bashk. jün 3, 4, jünɛlɛ-
2; Kirgh. ǯön 1, 4, 6, ǯönö- 2; Kaz. žön 1; KBalk. ǯöne- 2; KKalp. žön 1;
Nogh. jöne- 2.
◊ VEWT 208, EDT 941, ЭСТЯ 4, 232-234. Tat. > Chuv. jünə ‘cheap’ (Федотов 1,
204-205).
PJpn. *muna-i centre, essence (сущность, суть): OJpn. mune; MJpn.
múné, mùnè; Tok. muné; Kyo. múnè; Kag. múne.
◊ JLTT 488. The oblique stem is muna- (e.g. in muna-ti, muna-wake etc.) Original ac-
cent is not quite clear: modern dialects reflect *múnà-i (homophonous with *múnà-i
“breast”), but MJ fixes a variation between múné and mùnè.
‖ An interesting common Altaic root, with quite plausible phonetic
and semantic correspondences; however, some contaminations with
*nuŋu ‘chief, master’ were possible.
-ńŋńù liquid faeces: Tung. *ńōŋńa; Mong. *ǯuŋgag; Turk. *jin (/*jɨn);
Jpn. *ùmì; Kor. *nú(ŋ)-.
PTung. *ńōŋńa 1 faeces, contents of intestines 2 liquid glue (1 по-
мет, содержимое кишок 2 жидкий клей): Evk. ńōńa 1; Evn. ńōńa,
ńōŋńa 1; Ud. ńoŋo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 643-644.
PMong. *ǯuŋgag faeces of young animals, dirt, mucus (помет мо-
лодых животных, жидкая грязь): MMong. ǯunda’ul (SH); WMong.
ǯuŋɣaɣ (L 1079); Kh. ʒungag; Bur. zungag; Kalm. zunɣəG; Ord. ǯuŋGaG;
S.-Yugh. duŋGag.
◊ KW 480, MGCD 463.
PTurk. *jin (/*jɨn) faecal masses (content of intestines) (фекальные
массы (содержимое кишок)): OTurk. jin (jiŋ) (OUygh.); Karakh. jin
(MK); Tat. ǯen dial.; Bashk. jen; Kirgh. ǯin; Kaz. žɨn; KKalp. žin; SUygh.
jin, jiŋ; Khak. nən; Oyr. jin, in; Tv. čin.
◊ EDT 941, VEWT 203, ЭСТЯ 4, 27-28, Лексика 148-149.
PJpn. *ùmì pus (гной): OJpn. umji; MJpn. ùmì; Tok. umí; Kyo. úmì;
Kag. umí.
◊ JLTT 562.
PKor. *nú(ŋ)- to defecate, urinate (испражняться, мочиться):
MKor. nú-; Mod. nu-.
◊ Liu 161, KED 356.
 *ńuŕge - *ńlo 1019

‖ SKE 172, Дыбо 10, Лексика 149. In Jpn. one has to suppose either
a secondary dissimilation (*ùmì < *mùmì), or a preliminary assimilation
*ńŋńu > *ŋŋńu ( > *ùmì).
-ńuŕge a k. of weed: Tung. *nirge- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *ǯürgij; Turk. *jiŕ; Jpn.
*mərəkəsi.
PTung. *nirge- ( ~ -ü-) 1 buckwheat 2 selfheal 3 young grass 4 a k. of
swamp plant 5 burdock (1 гречиха 2 черноголовка 3 молодая трава 4
вид болотного растения 5 лопух): Evk. nirgēkte 2, 3; Evn. ńiergēt 4;
Neg. nidgēkte 5; Sol. nirgē 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 599-600. TM > Dag. nirgēs ‘grain’ (Тод. Даг. 158).
PMong. *ǯürgij knotweed, climbing buckwheat (Polygonum L.)
(ломонос сибирский, хмель белый): WMong. ǯürgij, (L 1085: ǯürgüj
‘Atragene sibirica’); Kh. ʒürgij.
PTurk. *jiŕ Artemisia abrotonon (вид полыни): OTurk. jiz ( ~ -e-)
(OUygh.); Karakh. jiz ( ~ -e-) (MK).
◊ EDT 982, VEWT 204.
PJpn. *mərəkəsi sorghum (сорго): Tok. mòrokoshi; Kyo. mórókóshí;
Kag. morokoshí.
◊ The word is not attested in OJ and MJ; it is not quite clear whether it can be
equated with OJ morokosi ‘China’.
‖ Phonetically a good match, but botanical details remain to be
clarified.
-ńlo ( ~ -u-) to pluck, pick out: Tung. *ń[u]l-; Mong. *ǯul-; Turk. *jol-;
Jpn. *mr-.
PTung. *ń[u]l- 1 to exuviate, fade 2 naked (1 линять, вылезать (о
шерсти, перьях) 2 голый): Evk. nil- / ńil-, ńīlarga- 1; Evn. nl- 1; Neg.
ńolaxn, ńelakin 2; Man. niltu- 1, ńolmoŋge 2; Ul. ńuli- 1, ńelao 2; Ork.
nllị- 1, nịlawụ 2; Nan. ńịlaqõ 2; Orch. ńulaki 2; Ud. ńuli-, ńulu- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 592, 643.
PMong. *ǯul- 1 to pick, pluck 2 to lose hair, be plucked (1 срывать,
вырывать 2 терять волосы, быть выщипанным): WMong. ǯulga- 1,
ǯulbu- 2 (L 1078), ǯulmu- 1, 2 (L 1079); Kh. ʒulga- 1, ʒulba-, ʒulma- 1, 2;
Bur. zulgā- 1, zulbagar, zulmar (adj.) 2; Kalm. ǯulɣə-; Ord. ǯulGā- 1, ǯulbₙī-
‘avoir peu ou point de poils (peau d῾animal né avant terme’; ǯulbura- 2;
S.-Yugh. ǯulGu- 1.
◊ KW 115, MGCD 462. Mong. > Evk. ǯulgā-, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *jol- to tear out, pick out, pluck (срывать, вырывать, выщи-
пывать): OTurk. jol- ~ jul- (OUygh.); Karakh. jol- ~ jul- (MK); Tur. jol-,
julɨ-; Gag. jol-; Az. jol-; Turkm. jol-; Khal. jilu-; MTurk. jul- (R.), julɨ-
(Houts.); Uzb. jul-; Uygh. jul-, žul-; Krm. jul-, julu-; Bashk. jolo-; Kirgh.
ǯul-; Kaz. žul-; KBalk. žul-; KKalp. žul-; SUygh. jul-; Khak. čul-; Shr. čul-;
Oyr. jul-, ul-; Tv. čul-; Chuv. śъₙl-; Yak. suluj-.
1020 *ńóro - *ńbV
◊ EDT 918, ЭСТЯ 4, 216; often confused with *jül- ‘shave’ (v. sub *zŭli). Turk. forms
like *julk- (VEWT 210) may be borrowed from Mong.
PJpn. *mr- to pluck, tear off (вырывать, срывать, выщипывать):
OJpn. m(w)or-; MJpn. mor-.
◊ JLTT 727. Low tone is indicated by attested Ryukyu forms.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 91-92.
-ńóro ( ~ -u-, -e) arrow, harpoon: Tung. *ńuru (~-i); Mong. *ǯoruɣa; Jpn.
*mrí (~-ua-).
PTung. *ńuru (~-i) arrow (стрела): Evk. ńur; Evn. ńụr; Neg. ńoj;
Man. niru; SMan. ńurə, jurə (820); Jurch. niru (237); Sol. niru, nụr(ụ).
◊ ТМС 1, 648. Manchu jōro ‘arrow with bone tip’ may be a variant of the same root
(hardly a loan from Mong. ǯoruɣa, because ǯ- > j- is not possible).
PMong. *ǯoruɣa arrow with bone head (стрела с костяным нако-
нечником): WMong. ǯoruɣa (L 1072); Bur. žorxo ῾bone arrow (for dice
play)’.
◊ Mong. > Man. ǯoro id.
PJpn. *mrí (~-ua-) fish-fork, harpoon (гарпун, острога): Tok. mòri,
móri; Kyo. mórí; Kag. móri.
◊ JLTT 485.
‖ A good match denoting a hunting weapon.
-ńu- six: Tung. *ńu-ŋu-; Mong. *ǯirgu-ɣa-; Jpn. *mu-.
PTung. *ńu-ŋu-n six (шесть): Evk. ńuŋun; Evn. ńuŋъn; Neg. ńuŋun;
Man. niŋgun; SMan. niŋun, ńuŋun (2740); Jurch. niuŋ-ǯu (641); Ul.
ńuŋgu(n); Ork. nuŋgu(n); Nan. ńuŋgũ; Orch. ńuŋu(n); Ud. ńuŋu(n); Sol.
ńuŋũ.
◊ ТМС 1, 647-648.
PMong. *ǯirgu-ɣa- 1 six 2 sixty (1 шесть 2 шестьдесят): MMong.
ǯir’ua’an (HY 43), ǯirqo’an (SH) 1, ǯiran (HY 43) 2, ǯ[i]rɣān 1, ǯɛirān 2
(IM); WMong. ǯirguɣan 1 (L 1059), ǯira(n) (L 1058); Kh. ʒurgān 1, ǯar 2;
Bur. zurgā(n) 1, žaran 2; Kalm. zurɣān; Ord. ǯurGā(n) 1, ǯira 2; Dag.
dirgō(n), ǯirgō(n) 1 (Тод. Даг. 137, 144), ǯar 2 (Тод. Даг. 142 ǯara(n)),
ǯireuō 1 (MD 179); S.-Yugh. ǯiran 2; Mongr. irGōn (SM 93), iran (SM
92), ǯiran 2.
◊ KW 481, MGCD 432.
PJpn. *mu- six (шесть): OJpn. mu-; MJpn. mú-; Tok. mù-; Kyo. mú-;
Kag. mù-.
◊ JLTT 489. As with other numerals, the accent reconstruction is not clear.
‖ Poppe 28, АПиПЯЯ 78.
-ńbV entertainment: Tung. *ńōba; Mong. *ǯuɣa; Turk. *juba-.
PTung. *ńōba 1 joke, entertainment 2 to joke (1 шутка, забава 2
подшучивать): Man. jōbo 1, ńobo-, ńobu- 2; SMan. jovə ‘joke, jest’ (1299).
◊ ТМС 1, 345.
 *ńugńa - *ńuk῾V 1021

PMong. *ǯuɣa amusement, entertainment (забава, развлечение):

WMong. ǯuɣa, ǯuɣaɣa (L 1077); Kh. ʒugā; Bur. zugā; Kalm. zuɣāca- ‘to
walk’ (СЯОС).
PTurk. *juba- 1 to be comforted, consoled, entertained 2 to comfort,
entertain (1 утешаться, забавляться 2 утешать, развлекать): Tur. ju-
wat- (dial.) 2; MTurk. ǯuwat- 2 (R); Uzb. juwan- (dial.) 1; Krm. juwan-,
juwun- 1, juwut- 2; Tat. juwan- 1; Bashk. jɨwan- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 240. Some forms, like Kum. jɨban-, Uzb. jupan- reflect rather *jupa-; the
variation of *-b- and *-p- is not quite clear in this root.
‖ Владимирцов 210. A Western isogloss.
-ńugńa water bird, goose: Tung. *ńuŋńakī; Turk. *jugak; Kor. *nńí.
PTung. *ńuŋńakī goose (гусь): Evk. ńuŋńakī; Evn. nŋqị ‘баклан’,
nēŋen; Neg. ńoŋnixīn, ńoŋńaxī; Man. ńoŋńaχa; SMan. ńuŋəńahə (2248);
Jurch. niuŋ-nia-xa (646); Ul. ńụŋńa; Ork. nụŋna; Nan. ńoŋńa; Orch.
ńuŋńa; Ud. ńuŋńa῾i; Sol. nụnnaxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 611, 623, 646-7.
PTurk. *jugak a k. of water bird (diver, goose) (вид водной птицы
(гагара, гусь)): Karakh. juɣaq (MK,KB).
◊ VEWT 243, EDT 901, Лексика 171.
PKor. *nńí bustard (дрофа): MKor. nńí; Mod. nsä.
◊ Nam 104.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 171.
-ńūje warm, to burn: Tung. *ńē-; Mong. *ǯöɣe-; Jpn. *muája-.
PTung. *ńē- 1 to sweat 2 sweat (1 потеть 2 пот): Evk. ńē- 1, ńēkse 2;
Evn. ńēs 2; Neg. ńēseŋ 2; Man. nej 2; Ul. jeseŋgi 2; Ork. nēseŋgi 2; Nan.
ńeseŋgi 2; Orch. ńeseŋi 2; Ud. niheŋe- 1, ńēŋi 2; Sol. nēĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 650.
PMong. *ǯöɣe- warm, warmish, cooled (теплый, тепловатый, про-
хладный): MMong. ǯu’en (SH), ǯue’en (HY 6) ‘cool’; WMong. ǯögen,
ǯögeg (L 1074); Kh. ʒȫn, ʒȫg; Kalm. zȫg.
◊ KW 479. The meaning ‘cool’ may be secondarily induced by *ǯiŋ-de- (q. v. sub
*ńoŋe).
PJpn. *muája- to burn (гореть): OJpn. mwoja-; MJpn. mója-; Tok.
mòe-; Kyo. móé-; Kag. moé-.
◊ JLTT 726.
‖ A rare case of preservation of *-ua- after a labial in PJ; in fact we
may be dealing here with a contraction of a more complex underlying
form like *majU-ja- (with an original passive suffix).
-ńuk῾V ( ~ -k-) gum, juice: Tung. *ńuK-; Turk. *juk / *jok.
PTung. *ńuK- 1 birch juice 2 larch gum (1 березовый сок 2 смола
лиственницы): Evk. ńuksen 1, ńukse 2; Ud. ńuktu- ‘to wet, soak’.
◊ ТМС 1, 645.
1022 *ńuŋe - *ńt῾Ỽ
PTurk. *juk / *jok 1 resin, gum 2 residues of food on dishes, sticky
substance 3 to stick to (1 смола 2 остатки пищи на посуде; то, что
прилипло 3 прилипать): Karakh. juq 2 (MK); Tur. jok 2 (dial.); Turkm.
joq 2, joq- 3; MTurk. juq- 3 (R.); Uzb. juq 2, juq- 3; Uygh. juq- 3; Krm. juq-,
jux- 3; Tat. joq- 3; Bashk. joq- 3; Kirgh. ǯuq 2, ǯuq- 3; Kaz. žuq- 3; KKalp.
žuq 2, žŭq- 3; Kum. juq 2, juq- 3; Nogh. juq- 3; Khak. čux 1, čux- 3; Oyr.
juq-, uq- 3; Tv. čuq 1; Tof. čuq 1; Chuv. śъₙɣъₙr ‘liquid mire, sludge’
(dial.)
◊ EDT 895, VEWT 119, ЭСТЯ 4, 211, Лексика 117, Ашм. XIII, 52.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Related may be some plant names (as
‘juicy’?): cf. Yak. sugun ‘blue-berry’; Evk. ńukekte ‘mayflower’; OJ
mukagwo, nukagwo ‘bulb sprout’ (for the latter cf., however, alterna-
tively: WMong. nakija ‘shoot of grass, leaf bud’; Man. ńaχara, ńaχari id.,
see ТМС 1, 628).
-ńuŋe thigh: Tung. *ńuŋī; Mong. *ǯoɣa; Jpn. *muàmuâ.
PTung. *ńuŋī 1 thigh 2 muscles (of arms and legs), calf (of leg) (1 го-
лень, бедро 2 мышцы (рук и ног), икра (ноги)): Evk. ńuŋī 1; Orch.
ńuŋńa 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 646.
PMong. *ǯoɣa waist part of the back (поясничная часть спины):
WMong. ǯo (МХТТТ); Kh. ǯō; Bur. zō; Kalm. zō, zōn.
◊ KW 477.
PJpn. *muàmuâ thigh, hip (бедро): OJpn. mwomwo; MJpn. mòmó;
Tok. mómo, momó; Kyo. mòmô; Kag. mómo.
◊ JLTT 485. Accent in Kagoshima and the Tok. variant momó are not quite clear.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 78.
-ńt῾Ỽ plant glue: Tung. *ńūte; Mong. *ǯutaŋ; Jpn. *mti ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *ńūte resin, pitch, gum (смола, сера (древесная)): Evk.
ńūte; Evn. ńūt; Neg. nūte; Ul. nūte; Ork. ńūte; Nan. nūte; Orch. ńute; Ud.
ńute.
◊ ТМС 1, 649.
PMong. *ǯutaŋ gruel, broth (каша, кашица): WMong. ǯutaŋ (L
1081); Kh. ʒutaŋ; Bur. zutan; Kalm. zutŋ (КРС); Ord. ǯutaŋ; S.-Yugh.
čətaŋ.
◊ MGCD 464.
PJpn. *mti ( ~ -ua-) birdlime made from holly bark (клей для лов-
ли птиц): OJpn. m(w)oti; MJpn. mótí; Tok. móchi; Kyo. móchí; Kag. mo-
chí.
◊ JLTT 486. The accent in Tokyo must be original, because it differentiates the word
from mòchi ‘rice cake’ ( < *mtí); elsewhere the two accent patterns have merged.
‖ The root must have denoted some kind of sticky plant substance.
 *ńỺjVrV - *ńỺjVrV 1023

-ńỺjVrV ( ~ -g-, -ŕ-) gland: Tung. *ńeru / *ńiru; Mong. *nojir; Jpn.
*múrá-ua.
PTung. *ńeru / *ńiru 1 gland 2 spleen (1 железа 2 селезенка): Evk.
ńerun (dial. ńaru, ńiru) 1, 2; Evn. ńiruń 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 654.
PMong. *nojir pancreas (поджелудочная железа): WMong. nojir (L
589: “fat adhering to the intestines”); Kh. nojr; Bur. nojr; Kalm. nör
(КРС).
PJpn. *múrá-túa kidney (почка): OJpn. muratwo; MJpn. múrádó.
◊ JLTT 488.
‖ ТМС 1, 654. Mong. reflects a dissimilation *ńỺjVrV > *nVjrV. The
vocalism is not quite certain because of the variation in TM reflexes.
 Ŋ

-ŋa 1st person pronoun (oblique stem?): Mong. *na-m-; Jpn. *a-; Kor. *nà.
PMong. *na-m- 1st Sg. ps. pronoun (obl. cases) (мест. 1-го лица (в
косв. пад.)): MMong. nad-, namaj (IM), nid-, nad-, namaj (MA); WMong.
nad-, namaji (Poppe, 1955); Kh. nad-, namaj(g); Bur. nam-, namā(ji); Kalm.
nan-, namǟ(g); Ord. nada, namǟ; Mog. nan-, namɛi (Acc.).; Dag. nam- (MD
194); Dong. (na)ma-, nami; Bao. nād-; Mongr. nd-.
PJpn. *a- 1st p. pron. (местоим. 1 лица): OJpn. a-.
◊ This pronoun (as shown, e.g. in Itabashi 1998) could have been used parallelly with
wa-, but differed in that it could participate in compounds (like a-se ‘my spouse’, a-duma
‘my wife’ etc.), which was impossible for wa. This may indicate that the original function
of *a was ‘oblique stem of the 1st p. pr.’.
PKor. *nà I (я): MKor. nà; Mod. na.
◊ Nam 85, KED 284.
‖ SKE 156, АПиПЯЯ 296. The root serves as oblique stem in Mong.,
which may have been its original function; traces of it may be also dis-
covered in OJ, see above.
-ŋli hand: Tung. *ŋāla; Turk. *el, -ig.
PTung. *ŋāla hand (рука): Evk. ŋāle; Evn. ŋāl; Neg. ŋāla, ŋala; Man.
gala; SMan. Galə (68); Jurch. ŋa-la (504); Ul. ŋāla; Ork. ŋāla; Nan. ŋāla,
ŋala, nala; Orch. ŋāla, ŋala; Ud. ŋala; Sol. nāla, nāli.
◊ ТМС 1, 656-657.
PTurk. *el, -ig hand (рука): OTurk. elig (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
elig (MK); Tur. el; Gag. jeĺ; Az. äl; Turkm. el; Sal. el; Khal. äl; MTurk. el,
elig (Abush., MA, Бор. Бад., Sangl.); Uzb. ilik (arch.); Uygh. ilik (dial.);
SUygh. ɨlɨɣ; Shr. ilik (Верб.), ilgilik ‘mitten’; Tof. eldik ‘mitten’; Chuv. alъ;
Yak. ilī, elī; Dolg. ilī.
◊ VEWT 39, EDT 140-1, ЭСТЯ 1, 260-261, Лексика 251, Егоров 24, Stachowski
125-126.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 17, 47, 282; Дыбо 316, Лексика 251-252. A Turk.-Tung.
isogloss.
-ŋalma a biting insect: Tung. *ŋalma-; Jpn. *àmû.
PTung. *ŋalma- mosquito (комар): Evk. ŋanmakta; Neg. ŋanmakta;
Man. Galman; SMan. Galəmən (2259); Ul. Galmaqta, Garmaqta; Ork. nal-
 *ŋnsa - *ŋăńa 1025

maqta, ŋalmaqta; Nan. Garmaqta; Orch. gamakta; Ud. ŋamakta; Sol. na-
makta.
◊ ТМС 1, 657.
PJpn. *àmû gad-fly (овод, слепень): OJpn. amu; MJpn. àbú; Tok. ábu;
Kyo. àbû; Kag. abú.
◊ JLTT 376.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 81. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ŋnsa debt: Tung. *nāŋsa; Turk. *asɨg; Jpn. *nàs-.
PTung. *nāŋsa debt (долг): Evn. nān; Neg. nāŋna; Man. nasχun ‘fa-
vourable occasion’; SMan. nasəhun ‘opportunity, chance’ (2652); Ul.
naŋda; Ork. naŋda; Nan. naŋda; Orch. naŋna; Ud. naŋda.
◊ ТМС 1, 582-583, 586. Man. > Dag. nasgun (Тод. Даг. 156).
PTurk. *asɨg profit (прибыль, выгода): OTurk. asɨɣ (OUygh.);
Karakh. asɨɣ (MK, KB); Tur. asɨ; MTurk. asɨ (IM), assɨɣ (Houts.); Uzb.
dial. as gör- ‘to help’; Uygh. dial. assɨ; Chuv. ozъ; Yak. as.
◊ VEWT 29, ЭСТЯ 1, 196-197, Егоров 277, Федотов 2, 290-291, Лексика 344. Turk. >
Mong. asiɣ > Man. ajsi (TMN 2, 58-59, Щербак 1997, 102).
PJpn. *nàs- to pay back a debt (возвращать долг): MJpn. nas-; Tok.
nás-; Kyo. nàs-; Kag. nàs-.
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms underwent a metathesis (frequent for
roots with two nasals): *nāŋsa < *ŋānsa.
-ŋăńa clear sky: Tung. *ńaŋńa; Turk. *ańaŕ; Jpn. *àmâi.
PTung. *ńaŋńa clear sky (ясное небо): Evk. ńaŋńa; Evn. ńanịn; Neg.
ńaŋńa; Man. ńaŋńa; Ork. nāŋna; Orch. ńaŋńa; Ud. ńaŋńa.
◊ ТМС 1, 634. Cf. also *ńaŋ-ma- ( > *ńamŋa-) ‘to become clear (of sky); to appear (of
hoar-frost)’ (ТМС 1, 632, 633).
PTurk. *ańaŕ clear sky; frost (ясное небо; мороз): OTurk. ajaz
(OUygh.); Karakh. ajas (MK); Tur. ajaz; Gag. ajaz; Az. ajaz; Turkm. ajaz;
Khal. hajāz; MTurk. ajaz (Sangl.), ajaz, ajas (CCum.); Uzb. ajɔz; Uygh.
ajaz; Krm. ajaz/s; Tat. ajaz; Bashk. ajaδ; Kirgh. ajaz; Kaz. ajaz; KBalk. ajaz;
Kum. ajaz; Nogh. ajaz; SUygh. ajas; Khak. ajas; Shr. ajas; Oyr. ajas; ajɨz
(dial.); Tv. ajas; Chuv. ojar.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 102-3, VEWT 11, TMN 2, 170, Лексика 13, Федотов 2, 298. A different suf-
fixation is seen in Tur. (dial.) ajam, Kaz., Kirgh. ajɨq ‘clear (weather’). A derivative *ań-gɨŕ-
(pointing to original *-ń-) is found in Kaz. aŋɨzaq, Turkm. aŋzaq ‘cold with dry wind’ (see
ЭСТЯ ibid.).
PJpn. *àmâi sky; rain (небо; дождь): OJpn. ame; MJpn. àmè; Tok.
áme; Kyo. àmê; Kag. amé.
◊ JLTT 381.
‖ Дыбо 11. In TM one has to suppose a metathesis (typical for roots
with two nasals): *ńaŋńa < *ŋań-ŋa.
1026 *ŋńì - *ŋḕlu
-ŋńì to take smb. with (oneself): Tung. *ŋāni-; Mong. *naji-; Jpn. *ìmuà;
Kor. *nīń-.
PTung. *ŋāni- to fetch, go to take smth. or smb. (пойти, чтобы при-
нести что-л.): Ul. ŋan-ǯụ-; Nan. ŋānị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 657.
PMong. *naji- 1 friendship 2 accord; feast 3 to be combined, unite (1
дружба 2 согласие; праздник, пир 3 объединяться): MMong.
naira-qui ‘debt, justice, right’ (HY 49); WMong. nai 1 (L 558), najir 2, na-
jira- 3 (L 559); Kh. naj 1, najr 2, najra- 3; Bur. najr 2, najral ‘harmony’;
Kalm. nǟ 1, nǟr 2, nǟr- 3; Ord. nǟ ‘marque d’amitié’, nǟr 2, nǟra- ‘be
friends’; Dag. ńara- ‘to love, be attached’ (Тод. Даг. 156).
◊ KW 273, 274. Mong. > Man. nara- ‘to be attached’.
PJpn. *ìmuà beloved, friend (любимая, подруга): OJpn. imwo;
MJpn. ìmò; Tok. imōtó “younger sister”, imo-se “consorts”; Kyo. ímṓtó;
Kag. imōtó.
◊ JLTT 423.
PKor. *nīń- to combine, continue (соединять, продолжать): MKor.
nīń-; Mod. īt- [is-].
◊ Nam 127, KED 1369.
‖ See also Robbeets 2000, 110.
-ŋḕlu fright, be afraid: Tung. *ŋēle-; Turk. *jAl-; Jpn. *ùrà-m-; Kor.
*nōr-ra-.
PTung. *ŋēle- to be scared, frightened (бояться, пугаться): Evk.
ŋēle-; Evn. ŋēl-; Neg. ŋēle-; Man. gele-; SMan. gelə- (1886); Ul. ŋele-; Ork.
ŋēle-; Nan. ŋele-; Orch. ŋēle-; Ud. ŋele-; Sol. nēle-.
◊ ТМС 1, 667-669.
PTurk. *jAl- 1 to be afraid 2 to suspect, slander 3 slander (1 бояться
2 подозревать, клеветать 3 клевета): OTurk. jala 3 (OUygh.); Karakh.
jala- 2, jala 3 (MK); Tur. jɨl- 1, Osm. jal-; MTurk. jala 3 (MKypch. -
CCum.); Tat. jala 3; Bashk. jala 3; Kirgh. ǯala 3, ǯala- 2; Kaz. žala 3;
KKalp. žala 3; Nogh. jala 3; Oyr. d’ala ‘fine, charge’; Yak. jula 3.
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 918-919, ЭСТЯ 4, 87, Федотов 2, 483.
PJpn. *ùrà-m- to resent, regret (обижаться, сожалеть): OJpn.
uramu-; MJpn. ùràm-; Tok. urám-; Kyo. úrám-; Kag. ùràm-.
◊ JLTT 779. Cf. also *ùriàp-, OJ urep- ‘to grieve’.
PKor. *nōr-ra- be startled, frightened, terrified (пугаться): MKor.
nōrrá-; Mod. nolla-.
◊ Liu 158, KED 348.
‖ Menges 1984, 279-280 (Kor.-TM). Despite Doerfer MT 21, TM can-
not be borrowed from Mong. gelme- (which, despite Poppe 25 and
АПиПЯЯ 18, is probably unrelated at all).
 *ŋḗni - *ŋḗnu 1027

-ŋḗni to go (down, away): Tung. *ŋene-; Mong. *neɣü-; Turk. *ēn-; Jpn.
*ín-; Kor. *nàń(ắ-).
PTung. *ŋene- to go, walk (идти, ходить): Evk. ŋene-; Evn. ŋen-;
Neg. ŋene- / gene-; Man. genu- ‘to go together’; SMan. genə- (1171);
Jurch. ŋe-ne-xie (713); Ul. ŋene-; Ork. ŋene-; Nan. ene-; Orch. ŋene-; Ud.
ŋene-; Sol. nene-.
◊ ТМС 1, 669-671.
PMong. *neɣü- to roam, migrate, nomadize (странствовать, коче-
вать): MMong. ne’utke ‘to change a place’ (HY 40), ne’u-, nou’u- (SH),
nū- (IM); WMong. negü- (L 569); Kh. nǖ-; Bur. nǖ-; Kalm. nǖ-; Ord. nǖ-;
Mog. nɔu- (Weiers); Dag. neu- (Тод. Даг. 157, MD 198); S.-Yugh. nǖ-.
◊ KW 282, MGCD 520. Mong. neɣü- > Man. neo-, see Poppe 1966, 192, Rozycki 162;
Mong. neɣü-lge ‘migration’ > Evk. nulgī etc. (see ТМС 1, 609-610).
PTurk. *ēn- to go down (спускаться, идти вниз): OTurk. en- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. en- (MK); Tur. in-, dial. en-; Gag. jin-; Az. en-; Turkm.
īn-; Khal. n-; MTurk. en- (MA, IM, Pav. C.); Krm. en-; Tat. in-, iŋ-;
Bashk. in-; Kaz. en-, dial. eŋ-; KKalp. en-; Kum. in-; Nogh. en-; Khak. in-;
Shr. en-; Oyr. en-; Chuv. an-; Yak. enie.
◊ VEWT 43, ЭСТЯ 1, 353-354, Егоров 26.
PJpn. *ín- to go, leave (уходить): OJpn. in-; MJpn. ín-.
◊ JLTT 697.
PKor. *nàń(ắ)- to go, move forward (идти, двигаться вперед):
MKor. nās- (nań-), nań-, nàńắ-; Mod. nāt- [nas-], naa-ka-.
◊ Nam 89, 99, 101, KED 292, 311.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 72, 292, Дыбо 13. Mong. *neɣü- < *ŋeŋü- < *ŋenü-.
-ŋḗnu to attack, tease: Tung. *ŋen-; Mong. *naŋ-si-; Turk. *jān(u)-; Jpn.
*una-kas-.
PTung. *ŋen- to attack, fight (нападать, драться, убивать): Evk.
ŋen-či-, ńeŋ-; Evn. ńen-; Man. ne-či-; Ud. ŋeneusi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 653, 671.
PMong. *naŋ-si- to grumble; to act imprudently, foolishly (ворчать,
жаловаться; действовать глупо, опрометчиво): WMong. naŋsi- (L
564); Kh. nanši-; Kalm. naŋši- ‘to talk nonsense, twaddle’; Ord. naŋši-
‘gronder’.
◊ KW 272.
PTurk. *jān(u)- to threaten (угрожать): OTurk. jan- (OUygh.);
Karakh. jan- (MK); Gag. jān-; Az. janɨ- (dial.); Turkm. jān-ǯa- ‘to re-
proach’; Uzb. jan-; Uygh. ǯonu-; Tat. jana-, dial. janu-; Bashk. jana-;
KBalk. žan-, žaŋ-, ǯanɨ-, zanɨ-; Yak. sān-.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 942, ЭСТЯ 4, 114, Лексика 564. Turk. > WMong. ǯanu-, Kalm. zan-
(KW 466). The Turkm. form is related to *jenč- ‘crush’ in ЭСТЯ 185; the latter has also a
variant *janč-, and the Turkm. form may in fact reflect a contamination of these two roots.
1028 *ŋḕrá - *ŋḕrá
PJpn. *una-kas- to urge, force (заставлять, принуждать): MJpn.
ùnàgás-, únákas-; Tok. unagás-, ùnagas-; Kyo. únágás-; Kag. ùnàgàs-.
◊ JLTT 779 (Martin gives also the meaning ‘bend the neck’, obviously deriving the
form from unag- ‘hang around the neck’ - but, as far as we know, this meaning is not
attested anywhere, and the relationship is not evident at all). Accent reconstruction is not
clear (both high and low tone variants are attested).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 81 (with a different Jpn. form, see under *ánta), Ды-
бо 15.
-ŋḕrá day, sun, light: Tung. *ŋēr(i)-; Mong. *naran; Turk. *jạr-ɨn; Jpn.
*àrí-; Kor. *nár.
PTung. *ŋēr(i)- light (свет): Evk. ŋērī; Evn. ŋēri; Neg. ŋējin; Man.
gexun; SMan. gūxun ‘bright’ (2050); Jurch. ŋe-xun (736); Ul. ŋegǯe(n);
Ork. ŋegde-; Nan. ŋegǯẽ; Orch. ŋegǯe; Ud. ŋegǯe, ŋei.
◊ ТМС 1, 671-672.
PMong. *naran sun (солнце): MMong. naran (HY 1, SH), narăn (IM),
naran (MA); WMong. nara(n) (L 565); Kh. nar(an); Bur. nara(n); Kalm.
narn; Ord. nara(n); Mog. naran; ZM nārān (19-5a); Dag. nar (Тод. Даг.
156), nare (MD 194); Dong. naran; Bao. naraŋ; S.-Yugh. naran; Mongr.
nara (SM 257).
◊ KW 272, MGCD 500.
PTurk. *jạr-ɨn 1 morning 2 tomorrow 3 next year (1 утро 2 завтра 3
следующий год): OTurk. jarɨn 1 (Orkh.); Karakh. jarɨn 2 (MK); Tur.
jarɨn 2; Gag. jārɨn 1, 2; MTurk. jarɨn 1, 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jarɨn 3 (dial.);
Bashk. jarɨn 3 (dial.); KKalp. žarɨn 3; SUygh. jarɨn 3; Chuv. ɨran 2; Yak.
sarsɨn 1; Dolg. harsɨn 1.
◊ EDT 970, VEWT 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 147-148, Егоров 343, Лексика 80, Stachowski 97.
Räsänen derives the stem from *jar- ‘to shine, glitter’, but this is dubious both for pho-
netic reasons (OT has jaru- ‘to shine’, but jarɨn ‘morning’) and because of external evi-
dence.
PJpn. *àrí- dawn (рассвет, заря): OJpn. ari-ake; MJpn. àrí-ake; Tok.
àriake; Kyo. áríáké; Kag. ariaké.
◊ JLTT 384. Kyoto accent is irregular, but all other dialects seem to point to *àrí-.
PKor. *nár sun, day, weather (солнце, день, погода): MKor. nár;
Mod. nal.
◊ Nam 95, KED 302.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 86, АПиПЯЯ 295. See SKE 159, EAS 75 (Mong.-Kor.);
one frequently links Turk. *jāŕ ‘spring’ (see SKE ibid., KW 272, VEWT
193), but the latter should be separated (see *nŕ[a]); instead it seems
plausible to compare Turk. *jarɨ-n ‘tomorrow, morning’ - see Лексика
80-81. TM *ŋēr(i)- ‘light’ is a perfect phonetic and semantic match and
should be separated from Mong. gere-l ‘light’ (especially because the
rule *ŋ- > Mong. g- is most probably false) - despite KW 134, Poppe 25,
ОСНЯ 1, 228-229, АПиПЯЯ 18, Дыбо 11; on the etymology of the latter
 *ŋndó - *ŋaji 1029

see under *gari (despite Poppe 1972, 101, Doerfer MT 21, the TM form
of course cannot be borrowed from Mong. gerel).
-ŋndó dog: Tung. *ŋinda-; Turk. *ɨt / *it; Jpn. *ìnú.
PTung. *ŋinda- dog (собака): Evk. ŋinakin, ginakin; Evn. ŋịn; Neg.
ŋinaxin/ninaxin; Man. indaxun; SMan. jonəhuŋ, inəhuŋ (2177); Jurch.
ŋinda-xiun (147); Ul. ịŋda; Ork. ŋinda; Nan. ịnda; Orch. inaki; Ud. ina῾i
(Корм. 238); Sol. ninaxĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 661-662.
PTurk. *ɨt / *it dog (собака): OTurk. ɨt (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ɨt
(MK, KB); Tur. it (arch.); Az. it; Turkm. it; Sal. išt; Khal. it ; MTurk. ɨt
(Pav. C.); Uzb. it; Uygh. it; Tat. et; Bashk. et; Kirgh. it; Kaz. it; KBalk. it;
KKalp. ijt; Nogh. ijt; SUygh. ɨšt; Tv. ɨ’t; Tof. ɨ’t; Chuv. jɨdъ; Yak. ɨt; Dolg.
ɨt.
◊ VEWT 174, TMN 2, 173-4, EDT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 385, Егоров 83, Лексика 188, Sta-
chowski 262.
PJpn. *ìnù dog (собака): OJpn. inu; MJpn. ìnù; Tok. inú; Kyo. ínù;
Kag. ínu ( = íŃ).
◊ JLTT 425.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 49, 72, 101, 274, Дыбо 9, Лексика 189.
-ŋàbi deceased, funeral: Tung. *ŋiabi; Turk. *jẹbe-; Jpn. *m ( ~ *muà).
PTung. *ŋiabi 1 deceased person 2 invisible person 3 to bury (1 по-
койник 2 невидимка (о шамане) 3 хоронить): Evk. ŋwi 1; Evn. ŋebi 2;
Ul. ńewu- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 658.
PTurk. *jẹbe- 1 cemetery, grave 2 soul of the deceased 3 ghost 4 fu-
neral (1 кладбище, могила 2 душа умершего 3 дух, привидение 4
похороны): SUygh. ever 2; Khak. nebeg 1, ibərəg 4; Tv. čeveg 1; Chuv.
śъₙva 1; Yak. sibien 3.
◊ VEWT 197.
PJpn. *m ( ~ *muà) funeral, mourning (похороны, траур): OJpn.
m(w)o; MJpn. mò; Tok. mò; Kyo. mó; Kag. mó.
◊ JLTT 484. Modern dialects point rather to *m.
‖ Дыбо 15.
-ŋaji ( ~-e) lower side: Tung. *ŋia-; Turk. *ej-; Kor. *nằrí-.
PTung. *ŋia- lower, closer to the shore (нижний, близкий к бере-
гу): Evk. ŋ-ɣū; Evn. ŋ-la; Neg. nwụ / ŋwụ; Man. wa-la; Ul. wajị; Ork.
ŋoị; Nan. waj-la, ŋoj-la; Orch. ŋǟa-la; Ud. ŋeä-la; Sol. nēx ‘shore’.
◊ ТМС 1, 658-660. Man. > Dag. wala (Тод. Даг. 129).
PTurk. *ej- lower side (нижняя сторона): Chuv. aj.
◊ A Chuvash isolate (see VEWT 38, Федотов 1, 28), but having probable external
parallels.
PKor. *nằrí- to go down (опускаться): MKor. nằrí-; Mod. näri-.
1030 *ŋàkča - *ŋŋe
◊ Nam 92, KED 320.
‖ See SKE 161 (Kor. nằrí- = TM *ŋia-la-). Vocalism is not quite certain
because of contractions.
-ŋàkča nose, part of nose: Tung. *ŋiaksa, *ŋiaksi-n; Mong. *nagčar-kaji;
Kor. *nằčh.
PTung. *ŋiaksa, *ŋiaksi-n nose (нос): Evn. ńs, ŋs; Neg. ńasin
‘bear’s nose’; Ul. waqsa; Ork. naqsa; Nan. ŋoqso (dial.); Orch. ŋikso; Ud.
ŋühö; Sol. nnča.
◊ ТМС 1, 587, 636. Cf. also Evn. ńịqlčan, Neg. ńexilče ‘nose bridge’. ТМС 1, 637.
PMong. *nagčar-kai back of nose (спинка носа): WMong. naɣčarqai;
Kh. nagčirxaj; Bur. nagsagar ‘flat-nosed’; Kalm. nakcrxǟ.
◊ KW 270.
PKor. *nằčh face (лицо): MKor. nằčh, nằs; Mod. nat [načh].
◊ Nam 100, 101, KED 313.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 293.
-ŋk῾u dog, wolf: Tung. *ŋōKe; Mong. *nokaj; Turk. *eker; Kor.
*nəkori.
PTung. *ŋōKe 1 sable 2 male (of dog, wolf, fox) 3 wolf 4 racoon (1
соболь 2 самец (собаки, волка, лисы) 3 волк 4 енот): Evk. ńēkē 1; Evn.
ŋȫke 2; Man. ńoxe 3, nuxere ‘puppy’; SMan. juxə, juxu 3 (2204); Nan.
naoto 4 ( < *ŋoke-tu); Orch. ŋöksjö 3; Ud. nautu 4.
◊ ТМС 1, 587, 651, 665, 606.
PMong. *nokaj dog (собака): MMong. noxai (HY 11), noqai (SH),
noɣaj (IM), nuqaj (MA); WMong. noqai (L 592); Kh. noxoj; Bur. noxoj;
Kalm. noxǟ, noxā; Ord. noxȫ; Mog. noqɛi; ZM noqei (21-5); Dag. nogo,
nogu, nog (Тод. Даг. 158) nohe (MD 200); Dong. noGi, noɣəi; Bao. noGui;
S.-Yugh. noxGui; Mongr. noxwə (SM 282), noxui (Huzu).
◊ KW 278, MGCD 513, TMN 1, 520.
PTurk. *eker hunting dog (охотничья собака): Khal. eger; MTurk.
iger (Буд.); Tat. igɛr (Sib.); Bashk. igɛr ‘a bastard of a wolf and a dog’;
Nogh. eger (Kum.); Shr. eger; Oyr. eger; Chuv. agar jɨtti ( > Hung. agár,
see Gombocz 1912).
◊ VEWT 38, 23.
PKor. *nəkori badger (барсук): MKor. nəkori; Mod. nəguri.
◊ Nam 103, KED 329.
‖ Lee 1958, 115, АПиПЯЯ 18; a different analysis see in ОСНЯ 2,35.
-ŋŋe fir-tree: Tung. *ŋiāŋ-ta; Jpn. *mmì (~-ua-).
PTung. *ŋiāŋ-ta fir-tree (пихта): Evk. ŋāŋte; Evn. ŋāŋt; Neg. ŋāŋta;
Man. wantaχa; Ul. waŋta; Ork. waŋta / waŋịta; Nan. waŋta, dial. ŋaŋta;
Ud. ŋaŋta.
◊ ТМС 1, 657-658. Southern languages show here a w-reflex, typical for *ŋ- before
diphthongs and back vowels, so -ā- in the Northern subgroup must be secondary (a trace
 *ŋŏbu - *ŋṑk῾è 1031
of it is perhaps preserved in the Tompon dialect of Even, where the recorded form is
ńaŋta).
PJpn. *mmì (~-ua-) fir-tree (пихта): MJpn. mòmì; Tok. mómi; Kyo.
mómí; Kag. momí.
◊ JLTT 484. The accent reconstruction is not quite certain: Kyoto and Kagoshima
point aberrantly to a high tone, and both accents (mòmì and mómì are attested in RJ).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 81. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ŋŏbu to pour: Tung. *ńiabe-; Mong. *jeɣü-le-; Turk. *ju(b)-; Kor.
*nūb-.
PTung. *ńiabe- to strew, pour (рассыпать): Evn. ńū-; Ul. jeweri-;
Ork. jeweri-; Nan. jeweri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 352, 644.
PMong. *jeɣü- to pour over, strew over (наливать, переливать):
WMong. jegüle- (L 431); Kh. jǖle-; Bur. jǖle-; Kalm. jǖ-, jǖl-; Ord. jǖ-.
◊ KW 221.
PTurk. *ju(b)- to wash; to bathe, to swim (мыть; купаться, пла-
вать): Karakh. ju- (MK); Tur. ju-; Az. ju(w)-; Turkm. juw-; Sal. ju-; Khal.
jū-; MTurk. ju- (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. juw-; Uygh. juw-, juj-; Krm.
juw-; Tat. ju-; Bashk. jɨw-; Kirgh. ǯū-; Kaz. žuw-; KBalk. ǯuw-, žuw-, zuw-;
žūn-; KKalp. žuw-; Kum. ǯuw-; Nogh. juw-; SUygh. juw-, ju-; Khak. čuɣ-;
Tv. čū-; Tof. ču-; Chuv. śu-; Yak. sū-j-; Dolg. hū-j-.
◊ EDT 870, VEWT 209, ЭСТЯ 4, 238, Stachowski 114.
PKor. *nūb- to wash in limewater, bleach (мыть в известковой во-
де): Mod. nūp- (nuw-).
◊ KED 365.
‖ ТМС 1, 352. It is tempting to compare also Evk. ńewte, Evn. ńewte
‘spring, well’ (*’washing or pouring place’) and perhaps also OJ mjiwo
‘water-way, seaway’ (if mji- is to be analysed as ‘water’, the -wo part
stays completely obscure).
-ŋṑk῾è ( ~ -k-) to rise, elevation: Tung. *ŋōKe ~ *ŋēKu; Turk. *jok-; Jpn.
*k-.
PTung. *ŋōKe ~ *ŋēKu hill, high shore (гора, высокий берег): Evk.
ŋēke, ŋōke, ŋēku.
◊ ТМС 1, 667. Isolated in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *jok- 1 up, above 2 hill, elevation (1 вверх, наверх 2 возвы-
шенность, подъем): OTurk. joqaru 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. joqaru 1,
joq 2 (MK); Tur. jukarɨ 1, jokuš 2; Gag. juqar(ɨ) 1; Az. juxarɨ, dial. uxarɨ 1,
joxuš 2; Turkm. joqarɨ 1; Khal. juqqar 1; MTurk. joqaru (AH), juqar (Pav.
C.) 1, joquš (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. juqɔri 1; Uygh. juqari 1; Krm. joɣarɨ 1, jo-
quš, joqɨš 2; Tat. juɣarɨ 1; Bashk. juɣarɨ 1; Kirgh. ǯoɣor(u) 1; Kaz. žoɣarɨ 1;
KBalk. oɣarɨ 1; KKalp. žoqarɨ 1; Khak. čoɣar 1; Yak. soɣoru, soɣurū ‘South;
centre’; Dolg. sogurū ‘South’.
1032 *ŋōle - *ŋ[u]
◊ EDT 896, 906, ЭСТЯ 4, 213-214, 215, Stachowski 211.
PJpn. *k- to rise (подниматься): OJpn. oku-; MJpn. òkù-; Tok. okí-;
Kyo. òkì-; Kag. òkì-.
◊ JLTT 740. Modern dialects point rather to *k-; *-ə- is reconstructed on the basis of
the caus. OJ oko-s-.
‖ The reconstruction of the diphthong in this root is based on PT *j-:
one should suppose an early development *ŋō- > *jo- in Turkic (which
explains the vocalic reflex). Cf. *úgu ‘up, above’ (which could also in-
fluence the Turkic form due to mutual influence of synonymous *jüg-
and *jok-).
-ŋōle red, pink; yellow: Tung. *ŋule-; Mong. *öle; Turk. *Āl; Jpn.
*mùrà-sákì; Kor. *nùr-.
PTung. *ŋule- red, reddish, pink (алый, румяный, розовый): Evn.
ŋule-ńe.
◊ ТМС 1, 666. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *öle having grey spots, variegated (пестрый, с серыми
пятнами): MMong. ole (SH); WMong. öle, öle-gčin; Kh. öl; Bur. üle ‘си-
вый, сизый’; Kalm. ölə, öləkčn; Ord. ölö ‘grey’.
◊ KW 294, 295, TMN 1, 174-175. Mong. > Oyr. ölö ‘variegated’ etc. (KW ibid., VEWT
371), Man. ulu.
PTurk. *Āl red, scarlet (красный, алый): OTurk. al (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. al (MK, KB); Tur. al; Gag. al; Az. al; Turkm. āl; MTurk. al (Pav.
C., Houts.), al ‘bright red’ (CCum.); Uygh. al; Krm. al; Tat. al; Bashk. al;
Kum. al; Nogh. al.
◊ EDT 120-121, TMN 2, 94-95, ЭСТЯ 1, 125-126. A loanword in Russ. алый.
PJpn. *mùrà-sákì purple; gromwell, purple flower (фиолетовый;
Lithospermum erythrorhizon, фиолетовый цветок): OJpn. murasakji;
MJpn. mùràsákì; Tok. murásaki; Kyo. mùràsákì; Kag. murasakí.
◊ JLTT 488. A compound of *mura ‘*purple’ + saki ‘blooming’.
PKor. *nùr- yellow (желтый): MKor. nùr-; Mod. nurɨ-, norɨ-.
◊ Nam 114, KED 357.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297. Turk. > Mong. al (KW 6, Щербак 1997, 97). The
Jpn. parallel is quite convincing, despite a mismatch in tone (probably
distorted in a long compound).
-ŋ[u] three, thirty: Mong. *gu-; Turk. *otuŕ; Jpn. *mi-.
PMong. *gu- 1 three 2 thirty (1 три 2 тридцать): MMong. xurban
(HY 42), qurban (SH), qorbān (IM), ɣŭrban (MA) 1, qučin (HY 43), qučin
(IM), ɣučin (MA) 2; WMong. ɣurban 1, ɣuči(n) 2 (L 364, 369); Kh. gurav,
gurvan 1, guč(in) 2; Bur. gurba(n) 1, guša(n) 2; Kalm. ɣurwn 1, ɣučn 2;
Ord. Gurwa 1, Guči 2; Mog. ɣurbōn 1; ZM ɣorbn (25-1a) 1; Dag.
guarba(n) (Тод. Даг. 133), guarəb 1, goči (Тод. Даг. 132, MD 151) 2,
guarebe (MD 152) 1; Dong. Guron, Guran 1; Bao. Goraŋ 1, Gob-araŋ 2;
 *ŋūja - *ŋŋt῾è 1033

S.-Yugh. Gurwan 1, quǯin 2; Mongr. Gurān (SM 126) 1, xoin (SM 169),
xuǯin 2.
◊ KW 156, MGCD 305. Mong. ɣučin > Evk. gutin, gučin etc. (ТМС 1, 175, Doerfer MT
79).
PTurk. *otuŕ thirty (тридцать): OTurk. otuz (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ottuz (MK); Tur. otuz; Gag. otuz; Az. otuz; Turkm. otuz; Khal.
hottuz, hottuz; MTurk. otuz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọttiz; Uygh. ottuz; Krm. otuz;
Tat. utɨz; Bashk. utɨδ; Kirgh. otuz; Kaz. otɨz; KBalk. otuz; KKalp. otɨz;
Nogh. otɨz; SUygh. otus; Khak. otɨs; Oyr. oduz, odus; Yak. otut; Dolg. otut.
◊ EDT 74, ЭСТЯ 1, 489, Stachowski 197.
PJpn. *mi- three (три): OJpn. mji-; MJpn. mi-; Tok. mí-; Kyo. mí-;
Kag. mì-.
◊ JLTT 482. As usual in numerals, the accent reconstruction is insecure.
‖ ? Cf. also Turk. *üč (*öč) ‘three’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 641-642, Stachowski 254).
The match is somewhat problematic, basically because of the absence
of the TM cognate, shortness of the root and unclear suffixation. The
basic phonological correspondence pointing to PA *ŋ- is, however, ob-
served, and the parallel seems to be worth noting.
-ŋūja smell: Tung. *ŋō-; Turk. *jɨd (?); Kor. *nái.
PTung. *ŋō- 1 to smell 2 smell (1 пахнуть 2 запах): Evk. ŋō- 1, ŋō 2;
Evn. ŋō- 1, ŋō 2; Neg. ŋō- 1; Man. wa 2; SMan. wā ‘smell, odor,
scent’(2456); Ul. wāqolị ‘ferret’; Ork. ŋōkkị- 1; Nan. waŋqolị ‘ferret’; Orch.
ŋōkki- 1, ŋōkulǟ ‘ferret’; Ud. ŋoisi- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 663-664.
PTurk. *jɨd smell (запах): OTurk. jɨd (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨδ (MK);
Tur. ij; Az. ij; Krm. ij; Khak. jɨs; Tv. čɨt; Yak. sɨt; Dolg. hɨt.
◊ EDT 883, ЭСТЯ 1, 380-382 (confused with *ɨjs), Stachowski 120.
PKor. *nái smell (запах): MKor. nái; Mod. nä.
◊ Nam 101, KED 315.
‖ The Turkic form may belong here if *-d is a result of dissimilation
(*jɨd < *jɨj) or a suffix.
-ŋŋt῾è root: Tung. *ŋǖŋte; Mong. *ündü-sü; Jpn. *mt.
PTung. *ŋǖŋte root (корень): Evk. ŋīŋte, nīŋte; Evn. ŋŋtъ; Neg.
ŋiŋte; Ul. ŋuiqte; Ork. muikte; Nan. muikte; Orch. ŋiŋte; Ud. ŋiŋte.
◊ ТМС 1, 662. PTM also has *ŋǖŋti ‘heel’ (see ibid.), which may be a historical deriva-
tive.
PMong. *ündü-sü root (корень): MMong. undus (’original’) (HY 53),
həndusun (MA); WMong. ündüsü(n) (L 1007); Kh. ündes; Bur. ündehe(n);
Kalm. ündəsn; Ord. öndös, ündüsü; Dag. undus (Тод. Даг. 171), unduse
(MD 232); Dong. undusun.
◊ KW 458, MGCD 693. Mong. > Evk. undehun, see Doerfer MT 128.
1034 *ŋ[V] - *ŋ[V]
PJpn. *mt root, foundation (корень, основание): OJpn. moto;
MJpn. mòtò; Tok. motó; Kyo. mótò; Kag. motó.
◊ JLTT 486.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 39, 92, 291.
-ŋ[V] what, who (interrog. pronoun): Tung. *ŋǖ; Mong. *jaɣu-n-,
*jaɣuma; Turk. *nē; Jpn. *nỼ; Kor. *nú-.
PTung. *ŋǖ who (кто): Evk. ŋī, nī; Evn. ńī, ŋī; Neg. nī, ŋī; Man. we;
SMan. wē (2895); Ul. ŋui, ui; Ork. ŋui; Nan. ui; Orch. ńī; Ud. nī; Sol. nīxẽ.
◊ ТМС 1, 660-661.
PMong. *jaɣu-n-, *jaɣuma 1 what 2 thing (1 что 2 вещь): MMong.
ja’un (HY 803), ja’u(n) (SH), jān (IM) 1, jan 1, jamă 2 (MA); WMong. jaɣu
1, jaɣuma 2 (L 424, 425); Kh. jū 1, jm 2; Bur. jū, jūn- 1, jǖmen 2; Kalm.
jun, jūn- 1, jmn 2; Ord. jū 1, jumu 2; Mog. jem(ä) 1; ZM īmä (16-3a) 2;
Dag. jō 1, jm 2 (Тод. Даг. 147, MD 172); Dong. jan 1; Bao. jaŋ 1;
S.-Yugh. ima 2, jān 1; Mongr. jān 1, jama 2, (j)amar ‘comment’ (SM 5,
487).
◊ KW 221, MGCD 742.
PTurk. *nē- what (что): OTurk. ne (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ne (MK,
KB); Tur. ne, neme; Gag. ne; Az. nä; Turkm. nǟ, nǟmä; Sal. ne; Khal. ne;
MTurk. ne (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. ne; Uygh. nä; Krm. ne; Tat. ni, nɛrsɛ;
Bashk. ni, nämä; Kirgh. ne, neme; Kaz. ne; KBalk. ne; KKalp. ne, neme;
Kum. ne, neme; Nogh. ne; SUygh. ni; Khak. nime, ni; nō ῾which’ (*ne-gu);
Shr. nebe ῾thing’, nō ῾what’ (*ne-gu); Oyr. ne, neme; Tv. čǖ (*če-gü), čüve
(*čegü-me); Tof. čǖ, čüme; Chuv. məₙn (metathesis < *ne-me); Yak. tuox
(*suox < *če-gu+ok?); Dolg. tuok.
◊ The earliest PT form must have contained a unique initial nasal (generally nasals
were not allowed word-initially), having yielded specific reflexes in modern languages.
See VEWT 352, EDT 774-5, Stachowski 230-231, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 1, 356.
PJpn. *nỼ what (что): OJpn. nani; MJpn. nàní; Tok. náni; Kyo. nàni;
Kag. náí.
◊ JLTT 493.
PKor. *nú- who (кто): MKor. nú-; Mod. nu-gu.
◊ Nam 114, KED 356.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 55, 81, 104, 278 (with literature). Initial *n- in Jpn. is
probably due to assimilation to the following nasal (the most usual
form is *na-ni); there also exists an interrogative *i- (in *i-ka ‘how’,
*i-n-ture ‘which’ etc., reflecting nasalless *ŋi-. Vocalism in this archaic
monosyllabic pronoun is not quite clear, evidently because of different
suffixation.
 *ŋṓjču - *ŋṑla 1035

-ŋṓjču thin, small: Tung. *ŋüši- (*ŋujši-); Mong. *öčü-; Turk. *ōču-; Jpn.
*úsú-; Kor. *nằč-.
PTung. *ŋüši- (*ŋujši-) small (маленький): Evk. nitkūn (dial.); Neg.
ńitkūn; Man. isuxun ‘tiny’; Jurch. osu-wan (669); Ul. ńūči; Ork. nūči; Nan.
nūči; Orch. ŋīči; Ud. ŋič῾a; Sol. nisxũ, nisūx.
◊ ТМС 1, 589-590.
PMong. *öčü- small, little (маленький): MMong. uču(e)gan (HY 52),
učugan, učuge(n) (SH), učkēn, očkeon (IM), učun, učukan, hučuken (MA);
WMong. öčüken, üčüken (L 629); Kh. öčǖxen, öcǖxen; Bur. üsȫ(n) ‘few’;
Kalm. ücǖ(kn); Ord. ečǖken, öčȫχön; Dag. učēk(en), učīken (Тод. Даг. 171)
učēke(n), učiken, ušiken (MD 230, 233); Bao. ǯigaŋ; Mongr. ćōgön.
◊ KW 432, 460, MGCD 154.
PTurk. *ōču- 1 thin, light, easy, worthless 2 youngest 3 to diminish
(1 тонкий, легкий, простой, дешевый 2 младший 3 уменьшаться):
OTurk. učuz 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. učuz 1 (MK); Tur. uǯuz 1; Gag.
uǯüs 1; Az. uǯuz 1; Turkm. uǯz 1; MTurk. uǯuz 1 (Pav. C.); Krm. uǯɨz,
uǯuz 1; Tat. ŭčɨz 1 (dial.); KBalk. učuz 1; Kum. učuz 1; Khak. očɨ (dial.) 2;
Shr. očɨ (Верб.) 2; Yak. uohun- 3.
◊ EDT 32, VEWT 509, 356, ЭСТЯ 1, 567-568, Лексика 339-340. Some Kypch. forms
(Tat. ŭčsɨz, Bashk. ŭshŭδ ‘cheap’) are probably a result of reinterpreting učuz as uč-sɨz
“edgeless” - as a result of late folk etymology.
PJpn. *úsú- thin (тонкий): OJpn. usu-; MJpn. úsú-; Tok. ùsu-; Kyo.
úsu-; Kag. úsu- [= úši-].
◊ JLTT 843.
PKor. *nằč- low, inferior (низкий, худший): MKor. nằs-kāp-, năč-;
Mod. nat- [nač-].
◊ Nam 100, 101, KED 312.
‖ EAS 148, АПиПЯЯ 18, 43, 292; SKE 162-163. Medial *-j- has to be
reconstructed to account for the peculiar vowel behaviour in Mong.
and TM.
-ŋṑla long; extend: Tung. *ŋōli-; Mong. *nolig; Turk. *ula-; Jpn. *nàn-kà-;
Kor. *nắr-.
PTung. *ŋōli- long (длинный): Evk. ŋōnim, ŋōnigdi; Evn. ŋonm;
Neg. ŋonom; Man. golmin; SMan. Goləmin (2409, 2602, 2844); Jurch.
ŋolmi-gi (690); Ul. walmị; Ork. ŋonimi; Nan. ŋonịmị, wonịmị, onịmị; Orch.
ŋońimi, ŋońmi; Ud. wanimi, wańimi; Sol. ninomi, gonóm.
◊ ТМС 1, 664-665.
PMong. *nolig long, boring (долгий, скучный): WMong. noliɣ
(МXTTT); Kh. nolig.
PTurk. *ula- 1 to extend, prolong 2 to attach, join (ends) (1 удли-
нять, надставлять, продлевать 2 присоединять): OTurk. ula- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. ula- 2 (MK); Tur. ula- 2; Turkm. ula- 1, 2; MTurk. ula-
1036 *ŋònŋi - *ŋṑŕa
(Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. ulä- 1, 2; Uygh. uli- 2; Tat. ŭla- (dial.); Kirgh. ula- 2;
Khak. ula- 1; Shr. ula- 1; Oyr. ula- 1, 2; Tv. ula- 1, 2.
◊ EDT 126-127, ЭСТЯ 1, 587-588. The original meaning was certainly ‘to extend, pro-
long’ - as seen also from the derivatives *ula-m ‘still more, continuously’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 591)
(whence Mong. *ulam id., see TMN 2, 107), *ula-ju ‘still more, as much as’, *ulag ‘order,
relay, relay station’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 588-590) (whence Mong. *ulaɣa id., see TMN 2, 106, Щербак
1997, 161; with the meaning ‘relay horse’ penetrated into some Ugric languages, despite
Sinor 1965, 312-315 who proposed an opposite direction of borrowing);
PJpn. *nànkà- long (длинный): OJpn. naga-; MJpn. nàgà-; Tok. nagá-;
Kyo. nága-; Kag. náge.
◊ JLTT 836. The Kagoshima tone is irregular.
PKor. *nắr- be extended, extend (растягивать(ся), увеличиваться):
MKor. nắrí-; Mod. nɨl-.
◊ Nam 92, KED 372.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 109, 276. The PTM form should be reconstructed with
*-l- (despite АПиПЯЯ); therefore it belongs here rather than to PT *ȫn-,
Mong. *ön-.
-ŋònŋi straight: Tung. *ŋunŋe; Mong. *üne-; Turk. *öŋ-ed-; Jpn. *ùmà-.
PTung. *ŋunŋe straight (прямой): Evk. ŋuŋne; Evn. ŋūn; Neg.
ŋuńŋe; Jurch. ŋun-du (661).
◊ ТМС 1, 666-667.
PMong. *üne- right, correct (правильный, верный): MMong. unen
(SH, HYt); WMong. ünen (L 1009); Kh. ünen; Bur. ünen; Kalm. ünn; Ord.
ünen; Dag. unen (Тод. Даг. 171, MD 232); Mongr. nem ‘prix, valeur, bon
prix’ (SM 269).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 695. Mong. > Evk. unērē etc., see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 218.
PTurk. *öŋ-ed- 1 to tune (an instrument) 2 to recuperate 3 to rem-
edy (1 настраивать (инструмент) 2 выздоравливать 3 лечить):
OTurk. öŋed- 2, öŋedtür- (caus.) 3 (OUygh.); Kirgh. öŋde- 2; Kaz. öŋde- 2;
KKalp. öŋde- 2; Chuv. (Anatri) əner- 1.
◊ EDT 179, 182, Егоров 64, Мудрак 135. Федотов 1, 153 compares the Chuv. form
with OT oŋar- ‘to correct’, which is phonetically worse.
PJpn. *ùmà- proficient, worthy; delicious (достойный, удачный;
вкусный): OJpn. uma-; MJpn. ùmà-; Tok. umá-; Kyo. úmà-; Kag. umá-.
◊ JLTT 843.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, Дыбо 12.
-ŋṑŕa to surpass, win, contest: Tung. *ŋōr-ča-; Turk. *oŕ-; Jpn. *àràsuap-.
PTung. *ŋōr-ča- to contest, to wrestle (соревноваться, бороться):
Evk. ŋōrča-; Neg. mōjčan-; Ul. wāča-; Ork. wōto- / ŋōto-; ŋu(r)- ‘to over-
come’; Nan. wāča-.
◊ ТМС 1, 665.
PTurk. *oŕ- to surpass, win (превосходить, побеждать): OTurk. oz-;
Karakh. oz- (MK); Tur. dial. oz-; Turkm. oz-; MTurk. oz- (Pav. C., Houts.,
 *ŋūja - *ŋje 1037

AH, IM; Uzb. ụz-; Uygh. oz-; Krm. oz-; Tat. uz-; Bashk. uδ-; Kirgh. oz-;
Kaz. oz-; KBalk. oz-; KKalp. oz-; Kum. oz-; Nogh. oz-; SUygh. joz-; Khak.
os-.
◊ See VEWT 367, ЭСТЯ 1, 425.
PJpn. *àràsuap- to contest (состязаться, сражаться): OJpn. araswop-;
MJpn. àràsof-; Tok. arasó-; Kyo. árásó-; Kag. arasó-.
◊ JLTT 676. Kagoshima has irregular tone (àràsò- would be expected).
‖ Дыбо 15. Ozawa 170 compares the Jpn. form with Mong. arča- ‘to
quarrel, fight’, but the latter is rather a reflex of *ēŕa q.v. We should
note that the Jpn. form may also belong to a different root, PA *erV
‘seek, contest’ (a possible Mong.-Turk. isogloss, on which see under *īre
‘reach’).
-ŋūja to be able: Tung. *ŋū-; Turk. *u(j)-; Jpn. *a-.
PTung. *ŋū- 1 to win, overcome 2 to be able (1 победить, перегнать
2 уметь): Ork. ŋū- 1; Ud. ńoni- 2 (?).
◊ ТМС 1, 563, 643, 665.
PTurk. *u(j)- to be able, capable (мочь): OTurk. u- (OUygh., Orkh.);
Karakh. u- (MK); Chuv. -i-/-j-; Yak. uj-.
◊ VEWT 510, EDT 5.
PJpn. *a- to be able, capable (мочь): OJpn. a-; MJpn. a-; Tok. e-.
‖ Cf. also potential forms in Mongolian languages: Ord. -ūn ‘if it is
possible to’, Bur. -ūtaj ‘going to’.
-ŋje long hair: Tung. *ŋūjelse; Mong. *öjekeji; Turk. *öjek; Jpn. *b
(*buà).
PTung. *ŋūjelse 1 hair under the neck 2 tie, scarf (1 волосы под ше-
ей 2 шарф, шейный платок): Evk. mujālle, mūjēlle 1; Evn. ŋöjelrъ ~
möjelrъ 1, ŋȫjeke 2; Ork. ŋīwelte 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 551, 665.
PMong. *öjekej lower part of animal’s belly (нижняя часть живота
животного): WMong. öjekei, (L 633 öjüke); Kh. öjöxij.
PTurk. *öjek part of animal’s skin under the neck or between legs
(подгрудок): Tur. öjek (dial.); Turkm. öjek (dial.); MTurk. öjek (Pav. C.);
Tat. üjäk (R); Bashk. üjsek; Kirgh. ȫk; Khak. ȫk; Oyr. öjök; Tv. öjek; Chuv.
vaja, vaǯa.
◊ VEWT 369-370, ЭСТЯ 1, 515, Лексика 146, 423.
PJpn. *b (*buà) tail (хвост): OJpn. wo; MJpn. wò; Tok. ó; Kyo. ṑ;
Kag. ó.
◊ JLTT 503.
‖ Дыбо 10, Лексика 146, 423. In Jpn. *ua would be expected - which
would yield OJ wo (therefore undistinguishable from *bua or *bə).
1038 *ŋju - *ŋúpu
-ŋju to sleep: Tung. *ŋu(j)a; Mong. *nojir; Turk. *ū-dɨ-, *ū-dɨ-k-la-; Jpn.
*úi-.
PTung. *ŋu(j)a- to sleep (спать): Evk. ńa-sō-, nińa-; Man. nu-nǯi-bu-
‘to make sleepy’; Orch. ŋua-; Ud. ŋuha-.
◊ ТМС 1, 597, 611, 636, 666 (for phonology see АПиПЯЯ 50).
PMong. *nojir sleep (сон): MMong. nuir (MA), nojir (SH); WMong.
nojir (L 589); Kh. nojr; Bur. nojr; Kalm. nȫr; Ord. noör; Mog. noir, nɛir;
ZM nāʔir (6-5a); Dag. noir (Тод. Даг. 158), noire (MD 200); Dong. no;
Bao. nor; S.-Yugh. nūr; Mongr. nōr (SM 284).
◊ KW 280, MGCD 511.
PTurk. *ū-dɨ-, *ū-dɨ-k-la- to sleep (спать): OTurk. udɨ- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. uδɨ- (MK); Tur. uju-; Gag. uju-; Turkm. ūqla-; Sal.
uχla-; Khal. ū,  ‘sleep’ (n.); MTurk. uju- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. uxla-;
Uygh. uxla-; Krm. juxla-; Tat. joqla-; Bashk. joqla-; Kirgh. uqta-; ujqu (n.);
Kaz. ujɨqta-; KBalk. ǯuqla-; KKalp. ujqɨla-; Kum. uju- ‘to stiffen’; Nogh.
ujkla-; SUygh. uzu-; Khak. uzu-; Tv. udu-; Tof. udu-; Chuv. ɨjɣъ ‘sleep’
(n.); Yak. utuj-; Dolg. utuj-.
◊ The form *ūdɨkla- is derived from *ūdɨk ‘sleepy’, derived from *ūdɨ- ‘to sleep’, which
in its turn is derived from *ū ‘sleep’ (preserved in Yak., Dolg. ū, Khal. ū). See VEWT 508,
EDT 2, 42-3, 46-7, 49, ЭСТЯ 1, 579-581, 586-587, Егоров 342, Stachowski 247.
PJpn. *úi- sleep, to sleep (сон, спать): OJpn. wi-na- ‘to sleep’, i
‘sleep, dream’;; MJpn. i-na- ‘to sleep’, wí-nébúri ‘sleep’; Tok. (*i-)ne-; ine-
búri, ineburí ‘drowsiness’; Kyo. ìnébúrì ‘drowsiness’; Kag. ineburí
‘drowsiness’.
◊ JLTT 697 (ignoring the variant wi-). OJ i and wi- obviously reflect variants of devel-
opment of PJ *úi.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 18, 50, 101, 280, Мудрак Дисс. 102.
-ŋúpu ( ~ -o-) a k. of clamp: Tung. *ŋubi; Mong. *gub-; Jpn. *úpái.
PTung. *ŋubi 1 saddlegirth 2 rowlock (as a two-pronged fork) (1
подпруга 2 уключина (в виде двурогой вилки)): Evk. ŋuwi 1; Ork.
ŋojo 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 664, 666.
PMong. *gub- 1 wooden clamp put on the nose of a young camel;
stick attached to the neck of a dog 2 to put a saddlecloth on the back of
an animal 3 to catch fish with a net (1 деревянный зажим на носу мо-
лодого верблюда; палка, прикрепленная к шее собаки 2 класть по-
пону на спину животного 3 ловить рыбу сетью): MMong. xubuči’ur
‘big net’ (HY 21); WMong. ɣubaǯi 1, ɣubči- 2, 3 (L 363); Kh. guvǯ 1, guvči-
2, 3; Bur. gubša- 3, gubšūr ῾net’; Kalm. ɣuvǯə 1 (КРС).
◊ Mong. > Evk. gupči- (Poppe 1972, 97, ТМС 1, 153).
PJpn. *úpái fish-trap (ловушка для рыбы): OJpn. upe; MJpn. úfé;
Tok. ue.
◊ JLTT 560.
 *ŋurV - *ŋsí 1039

‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term: as seen from the re-

flexes, it could denote a device that could snap around some object (a
fish-trap, a clamp, a two-pronged rowlock etc.).
-ŋurV young male: Tung. *ŋur; Mong. *gura; Turk. *urɨ.
PTung. *ŋur male (of small carnivores) (самец (мелких хищни-
ков)): Evk. ŋur; Nan. mur.
◊ ТМС 1, 667.
PMong. *gura roebuck (самец косули): MMong. quraltuq ‘Dam-
hirsch’ (SH); WMong. ɣura (L 368); Kh. gur; Bur. guran; Kalm. ɣurə.
◊ KW 155. Mong. > Oyr. quran etc. (ЭСТЯ 6, 159-160), Evk. guran etc., see Doerfer MT
79, Rozycki 95.
PTurk. *urɨ male child, son (мальчик, сын): OTurk. urɨ (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. urɨ (MK, KB); Kirgh. urum ‘descendants (us. male)’;
Yak. urtūs ‘boy’ (Пек.).
◊ EDT 197, Лексика 315.
‖ SKE 177, EAS 107. A Western isogloss. See also *gúri.
-ŋsí ( ~ -o-) heel: Tung. *ŋusē-; Mong. *ösügeji; Jpn. *ùsírə.
PTung. *ŋusē- ski straps (ремни, завязки (у лыж)): Evk. ŋusāmne;
Evn. ŋusemne; Neg. musemne; Ork. wēspse; Nan. muesemse; Orch.
ŋusemse.
◊ ТМС 1, 667.
PMong. *ösügej heel (пятка): MMong. osogo (HY 47), osügei (SH),
usegei (MA); WMong. ösügei; Kh. ösgij; Bur. hüjeɨ; Kalm. ösk; Ord. ösögī.
◊ KW 301. Clark 1980, 58 proposes (with doubt) borrowing < Turk. ökče (see s.v.
*p῾ŏk῾i), which is hardly acceptable.
PJpn. *ùsírə after, behind (задняя сторона, после, позади): OJpn.
usiro; MJpn. usiro; Tok. ùshiro; Kyo. ùshírò; Kag. ushiró.
◊ JLTT 564. Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *ùsír, Tokyo - rather to *ùsír.
‖ The original meaning is probably preserved in Mongolian, with a
specialization (’heel’ > ‘heel strap, ski strap’) in TM, and a generaliza-
tion (’heel’ > ‘back’) in Japanese.
 O

-ó this, that (deictic particle): Tung. *u-; Mong. *on-; Turk. *o(-l); Jpn. *-.
PTung. *u- 1 this 2 that (1 этот 2 тот): Man. u-ba 1; SMan. evā (2620,
2884) 1; Ud. u-ti 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 293-294.
PMong. *on- other, different (другой): WMong. ondu, ončuɣui (L
612, 613); Kh. ondō; Bur. ondō; Ord. ondōn; Dag. enčū (Тод. Даг. 140)
‘other’, ondolō- ‘to change’ (Тод. Даг. 159); Dong. doniə; S.-Yugh. ondōn.
◊ MGCD 529.
PTurk. *o(-l) that (тот): OTurk. o-l (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. o-l
(MK); Tur. o; Gag. o; Az. o; Turkm. ol; Sal. u; Khal. , o, ụ-ra; MTurk. o-l
(AH); Uzb. ụ; Uygh. u; Krm. o; Tat. u-l; Bashk. o-šo, u; Kirgh. o-šo; Kaz.
o-l; KBalk. o-l; KKalp. o-l, u-sɨ ‘this’; Kum. o-l; Nogh. o-l; SUygh. o-l, o;
Khak. ol; Oyr. o-l; Tv. ol; Tof. ol; Chuv. vъₙ-l; Yak. ol; Dolg. ol.
◊ VEWT 360, ЭСТЯ 1, 444-445, 456, 492-494, TMN 2, 93, EDT 123-4, Stachowski 191.
The form o is attested later than ol, but it certainly does not mean that it was absent in PT
(despite Clauson).
PJpn. *- a deictic root (this) (дейктическая основа (этот)):
◊ A Ryukyu root: Nase ú-N, Shuri ú-nù, Hateruma ù-nù, Yonaguni ù-nú etc. The form
o-re is attested in OJ as ‘thou’ with a pejorative meaning, whence some modern dialectal
forms (Kagoshima wáí, Shuri ú-nǯú, ʔjā, Nase ʔjá, Hateruma D, Yonakuni ùdà). It is not
quite clear whether it is the same root as Ryukyu *o- ‘this’.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 280. A Korean match (dubious) see in SKE 176.
-obri ( ~ -e) dawn: Tung. *(x)oru-; Mong. *öwr; Turk. *ürüŋ (*örüŋ).
PTung. *(x)oru- to flame up (вспыхнуть): Evk. orumna-.
◊ ТМС 2, 25. Attested only in Evk., with possible parallels in Turk. and Mong.
PMong. *öwr dawn (рассвет): MMong. ur (MA 382); WMong. ör (L
1010: ür, 1014: üür); Kh. ǖr; Bur. ǖr; Kalm. ör; Ord. örö, ör; Dag. ur; Bao.
or; S.-Yugh. ojir; Mongr. ōr (SM 298).
◊ KW 298, MGCD 686.
PTurk. *ürüŋ (*örüŋ) 1 white 2 dawn (1 белый 2 рассвет): OTurk.
ürüŋ 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ürüŋ 1 (MK, KB); Tur. ürün ‘milk, yo-
ghurt’; Khal. hirin, hürün 1; MTurk. ürüŋ (Sangl.) 1; Kirgh. ürüŋ baraŋ 2;
Yak. ürüŋ 1, örüös, ürüös ‘белая кайма на морде’; Dolg. ürüŋ 1.
 *óče - *ṓč῾é 1041
◊ EDT 233-4, Лексика 601, Stachowski 253.
‖ KW 298, VEWT 375, АПиПЯЯ 288. A Western isogloss.
-óče late, evening: Mong. *öčüge; Jpn. *s-; Kor. *či.
PMong. *öčüge yesterday (вчера): MMong. ɛčgen (IM), učug (MA),
očigan, očigen ‘recent, shortly’ (SH), očigen ‘recent’ (HYt), hečegen (LH),
hūčken odur (Lig.VMI); WMong. öčigen, öčüg-edür (L 629); Kh. öčigdör,
öcögdör; Bur. üsegder; Kalm. öcgldr, ücgldr; Ord. üčügüdür, čügüdür, čüg-
dür; Mog. čikaudur, uškudur (Weiers), üčkōn (Ramstedt 1906); ZM
očkädur (19-10b); Dong. učuGudu (MGCD fučuɣudu); S.-Yugh. čugdur;
Mongr. ćigu (SM 449).
◊ MGCD 551, KW 302, 460. Some (late) MMong. forms, as well as one of Dong. vari-
ants reflect *h- which must be secondary (influence of *hečü-s ‘end’?).
PJpn. *s- late (поздний): OJpn. oso-; MJpn. ósó-; Tok. òso-; Kyo.
ósò-; Kag. óso-.
◊ JLTT 839.
PKor. *či yesterday (вчера): MKor. či; Mod. əǯe.
◊ Nam 365, KED 1135.
‖ Martin 234-235. Cf. TM: Nan. wasoana ‘not long ago’ (see ТМС 2,
295). Kor. ə- is probably a result of secondary assimilation ( < *či or
*ùči).
-ṓč῾é bad, anger: Tung. *(x)uč- ( ~ -š-); Mong. *öče-; Turk. *ȫč; Jpn. *nt-.
PTung. *(x)uč- ( ~ -š-) 1 to take revenge 2 to miss, yearn (1 мстить 2
скучать, тосковать): Evk. učin- 2; Evn. ụčaŋkat- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 296, 297.
PMong. *öče- to take revenge, be inimical (мстить, быть враждеб-
ным): MMong. öčeldü- (MA).
◊ MMong. öčeldü- = Turk. *ȫčeĺ(č)- (OT öčeš-), but can hardly be a loan, despite Щер-
бак 1997, 197.
PTurk. *ȫč revenge, anger (месть, гнев): OTurk. öč (OUygh.);
Karakh. öč (MK); Tur. öč; Az. öǯ; Turkm. ȫč; Khal. hǯäš-; MTurk. öč
(AH), öǯ (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọč; Uygh. öč; Krm. öč; Tat. üč; Bashk. üs; Kirgh.
öč; Kaz. öš; KBalk. öč; KKalp. öš; Kum. öč; Nogh. öš; Khak. üs; Oyr. öč;
Tv. öš; Chuv. vəₙǯəₙ; Yak. ös; Dolg. östȫk ‘enemy’.
◊ EDT 18, ЭСТЯ 1, 558-559, Мудрак 54, EDT 18, TMN 2, 134, Stachowski 201. Turk. >
MMong. (MA) öč (see Clark 1980, 52; but not > ös, see s.v. *se!).
PJpn. *nt- 1 to fear 2 to intimidate (1 бояться 2 запугивать): OJpn.
odu- 1; MJpn. ódú- 1, ódó-s- 2; Tok. oji- 1, odos- 2.
◊ JLTT 740, 744.
‖ Mong., Turk. and Jpn. reflect a common reciprocal derivative
*ṓč῾é-ĺV- ‘to be inimical (towards each other)’, on which see above.
1042 *odi - *ge
-odi ( ~ -e) day, time: Mong. *üd-; Turk. *öd.
PMong. *üd- 1 afternoon 2 day 3 evening (1 полдень 2 день 3 ве-
чер): MMong. ude 1 (HY 5), udur (SH, HY 5) 2, udeši (HY 5) 3, ädär, od,
ädor (IM), udēši ‘night’, uder 2 (LH), hudeši (MA); WMong. üde 1 (L 995),
edür (L 295) 2; Kh. üd 1, ödör 2, üdeš 3; Bur. üde 1, üder 2, üdeše 3; Kalm.
üdə 1, ödr 2 (КРС); Ord. üde 1, üdür 2, üdeši 3; Mog. ɔdur, udur 2
(Weiers); Dag. udur 1, 2 (Тод. Даг. 170), üdeši ‘yesterday’, udure 2;
Dong. dur 1, udu 2; Bao. udu 1, udər 2; S.-Yugh. ude 1, udur 2; Mongr.
udur, dur (SM 464) 1, 2.
◊ MGCD 540, 687. Mong. > Manchu uden ‘rest at midday’ (see Rozycki 215).
PTurk. *öd time (время): OTurk. öd (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
öδ(leg) (MK), öδleg (KB); Tur. öjle ‘midday’; Az. öjlä ‘midday’; Turkm.
öjle ‘midday’; MTurk. öj (IM), öjle ‘midday’; Krm. üjlɛ ‘midday’; Tat. öjlɛ
‘midday’; Nogh. üjlɛ ‘midday’; Oyr. öj; Chuv. vara ‘later’.
◊ EDT 35-36, 56, ЭСТЯ 1, 516-517, VEWT 368, Лексика 68-69. Turk. > Hung. idő (<
*öd-eg), see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 1, 189.
‖ KW 455, Владимирцов 153, Лексика 68-69. A Turk.-Mong. iso-
gloss. Cf. also Mong. udaɣa, Mongor udā ‘time’ (MGCD 666). Nan. udur
‘heat’ may be borrowed < Mong.
-odi ( ~ -e) sexual passion: Tung. *uda-; Mong. *(h)uǯid; Turk. *öd-.
PTung. *uda- 1 pregnant 2 to bear calves 3 first-born child 4 birth
pains 5 placenta (1 беременная 2 телиться 3 первенец 4 родовые му-
ки 5 плацента, послед): Evk. udaja 4, udačān 5; Evn. odandrä- 2; Neg.
odịn 1; Ork. ụdịma 3; Orch. udama 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 6, 248.
PMong. *(h)uǯid sexual passion, lust (сексуальное влечение, вож-
деление): WMong. uǯid (L 893); Kh. uǯid.
PTurk. *öd- 1 lust, sexual passion 2 to feel lust 3 passion 4 oestrum
(1 половое влечение 2 чувствовать влечение 3 страсть, тоска 4 теч-
ка): OTurk. ödlen- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. öδig (MK, KB) 1, öδlen- 2 (MK);
Turkm. öjer- ‘to espouse’ (caus.); MTurk. öδüg (Qutb) 1, öjge (Pav. C.) 4;
Kirgh. (ǯürögün) öjü- ‘to be worried, frustrated’; Khak. özeləs 3; Chuv.
vəₙrge 3.
◊ EDT 50, 58, VEWT 518.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ge lonely, orphan: Tung. *ugī; Mong. *ügej; Turk. *ög-; Kor. *ói.
PTung. *ugī few (мало): Evk. uɣī-kun; Neg. oɣ; Ul. oị; Ork. oji; Nan.
oị; Orch. uji.
◊ ТМС 2, 246.
PMong. *ügej not, without (не, без, не имеющий чего-л.): MMong.
ugai (HY 51, SH), uge’u ‘to be destitute, suffer’ (HY 37), ugej (IM), ugäj
(MA); WMong. ügei (L 997); Kh. ügij, ügüj, -güj; Bur. ügɨ, dial. übej;
 *òje - *je 1043

Kalm. ugā, ug; Ord. ügₙī, ugₙī, ügₙē, ugₙē; Mog. ügɛi; ZM gei (27-5a);
Dag. uwei (Тод. Даг. 170), uej (MD 231); Dong. ui; Bao. gi; S.-Yugh. uɣui;
Mongr. ugwī, gwī (SM 468).
◊ KW 446, MGCD 689. Mong. > Evk. ugei, see Doerfer MT 128. The same root (but
with different suffixation) is probably reflected in *öɣe- (MMong. o’er, o’e-sun ‘self’, o’ere
‘other, different’ (SH), WMong. öber, öbesü-ben, öbere, ögere, Khalkha ȫr, ȫsȫ, ȫr, Mongr.
gōro (175)).
PTurk. *ög- 1 unrelated; step-relative 2 other, different (1 неродной;
приемный родственник (пасынок, мачеха) 2 другой, отличный):
OTurk. ögej 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ögej 1 (MK), ögün 2 (KB); Tur. üvej 1;
Gag. jüvä 1; Az. ögäj 1; Turkm. ögej, övej 1; MTurk. ögej 1 (Pav. C.), ögün
2 (Abush.); Uzb. ọgej 1; Krm. ögej 1; Tat. ügi 1; Bashk. ügäj 1; Kirgh. ögej
1; Kaz. ögej 1; KBalk. ögej 1; KKalp. ögej 1; Kum. ögej 1; Nogh. ögej 1;
Khak. ȫj 1; Shr. ȫj 1; Oyr. öj 1; Yak. egian 2; Dolg. egin-egin 2.
◊ EDT 109, 119, VEWT 369, 306, ЭСТЯ 1, 495-496, TMN 2, 159, Stachowski 43 (with
some confusion of the Yakut variants egin, egian and eŋin; on the latter see *eŋ). In Az. one
would rather expect *öjäj; -g- is probably preserved due to dissimilation.
PKor. *ói lonely, orphan (одинокий, сирота): MKor. ói, ói-rằp-
(-w-); Mod. we, werop- (-w-).
◊ Liu 586, KED 1220, 1222.
‖ Рясянен 1955, 106, TMN 2, 159-160.
-òje to swim: Tung. *ujV-; Mong. *üji- / *oji-mu-; Jpn. *jnk-
(*juànk-).
PTung. *ujV to swim (of birds) (плавать (в осн. о птице)): Evk.
uju-,uju-kta-; Neg. ojị-jan-; Ork. onnō-; Nan. ońoan-, ojana-; Ud. wujan-,
ujan-.
◊ ТМС 2, 252.
PMong. *üji- / *oji-mu- 1 to sink, to put in in a pot for boiling 2 to
swim (1 погружаться, класть в котел для варки 2 плавать): MMong.
ojna- 2 (IM); WMong. üi-, üjü- 1 (L 999), ojimu-, ojima- 2 (L 604); Kh. üj-
1, ojmo- 2; Bur. üj- 1; Kalm. ȫm- 2 (КРС); Ord. oömo- ‘to pass the ford’;
Mongr. (w)ī- (SM 484) 1.
◊ Mong. ojimu- > Yak., Dolg. ojmō-, see Kał. MEJ 36, Stachowski 190.
PJpn. *jnk- (*juànk-) to swim (плавать, плыть): MJpn. òjòg-;
Tok. oyóg-; Kyo. ójóg-; Kag. òjòg-.
◊ JLTT 744.
‖ EAS 98, АПиПЯЯ 79, 99, 277.
-je life, age: Tung. *uju-; Mong. *üje; Turk. *öj (?); Jpn. *j-.
PTung. *uju- alive (живой): Man. wei-xun; SMan. veixun (695); Ul.
uju(n); Ork. uju(n); Nan. ujũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 252.
1044 *ójle - *ṓjV
PMong. *üje generation, age (поколение, возраст): MMong. uje
(SH, HYt); WMong. üje (L 1001); Kh. üje; Bur. üje; Kalm. üj (КРС); Ord.
üje; Dag. uje (Тод. Даг. 170, MD 231); Mongr. uje (SM 479).
◊ MGCD 691. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. üje (Stachowski 249). The connection with üje
῾joint’ should be regarded as folk-etymological.
PTurk. *öj (?) time, age (время, возраст): Tv. öj; Yak. öjǖn (dial.).
◊ ОСНЯ 1, 242. The form is poorly attested and rather dubious (the Tuva form may
be < Oyr. öj < PT *öd q. v. sub *odi).
PJpn. *j- to grow old (стареть): OJpn. oju-; MJpn. òjù-; Tok. oí-;
Kyo. òì-; Kag. oí-.
◊ JLTT 740. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular. Final *-ə can be observed in OJ ojo-si
‘old’.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 242, Ozawa 65-66 (Mong.-Jpn.).
-ójle ( ~ -i) small fruit: Tung. *ulīn-kta; Mong. *ölir; Kor. *òijs.
PTung. *ulīn-(kta) wild apple (дикое яблоко): Evk. ulīkta ‘wild ap-
ple’, ulukta ‘bird-cherry’; Man. uli ‘pear; rowan’; Ul. unikte; Nan. uńikte;
Ud. uliŋkie; Sol. ulītte.
◊ ТМС 2, 261, 264.
PMong. *ölir wild apple (дикое яблоко): MMong. olirsun (SH)
‘wild pear’; WMong. ölir ‘small apples’ (L 633); Kh. ülir (БАМРС); Bur.
ülir.
◊ KW 300. Cf. *üril (with occasional mixture).
PKor. *òijs plum (слива): MKor. òi’js, oi’jač, oi’jas; Mod. ojat [ojas].
◊ Nam 387, KED 1202.
‖ Дыбо 10. Cf. Turkm. ülǯe ‘cherry’; Kum., KBalk. ülkü ‘bush,
shrub’, Bashk. ölköm id.? Despite Doerfer MT 81, Rozycki 217, TM can-
not be < Mong. or vice versa. Cf. also *èri, *ùjrV.
-ṓjV to sew, pierce: Tung. *uji-; Mong. *oja-; Turk. *ōj-.
PTung. *uji- to bind, knot together (привязывать, связывать): Evk.
uj-; Evn. uj-; Neg. uj-; Ul. ui-; Ork. uj-; Nan. ui-; Orch. uji-, uju-; Ud.
uji-pti ‘a k. of rope’; Sol. uji-.
◊ ТМС 2, 250-251.
PMong. *oja- to sew, stitch (шить): MMong. oja- (MA, LH);
WMong. oja- (L 606 oju-); Kh. ojo-; Bur. ojo-; Kalm. ujə-; Ord. ojo-; Mog.
wɔja- (Weiers), oī- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. oji-, ojo- (Тод. Даг. 159), oj-
(MD 201); Mongr. jō- (SM 493).
◊ KW 447, MGCD 526.
PTurk. *ōj- 1 to pick, peck 2 embroidery 3 thimble (долбить, делать
дыру, ковырять): OTurk. oj- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. oj- (MK) 1; Tur. oj- 1,
oja 2; Gag. oj- 1; Az. oj- 1; Turkm. ōj- 1, ōjmaq 3; MTurk. oj- (Sangl.) 1,
ojmaq 3; Uzb. ọj- 1; Uygh. oj- 1; Krm. oj- 1; Tat. uj- 1; Bashk. uj- 1; Kirgh.
oj- 1, ojmoq 3; Kaz. oj- 1; KBalk. oj- 1; KKalp. oj- 1; Kum. oj- 1; Nogh. oj-
 *oki - *ṓki 1045

1; SUygh. oj- 1; Khak. oj- 1; Shr. oj- 1; Oyr. oj- 1; Tv. oj- 1; Chuv. ъjъ, ijə
(NW) ‘chisel’; Yak. ojuo-t- ; ojun- ‘to be split off’; ojū ‘picture’; Dolg. ojū
‘picture’.
◊ VEWT 358, 359, EDT 265, 266, ЭСТЯ 1, 425-428, 434, Лексика 98, Stachowski 190;
also a noun: *ōj ‘pit, lowland’ (Tof. (Рассадин 1995) oj ‘brook bed’ etc.; *ōj-ɨk ‘wound; pit’.
‖ EAS 143, KW 447. A Western isogloss. The Turkic and Mongolian
forms clearly point to the original meaning ‘pierce, sew’, so the attribu-
tion of the TM form (“to tie, bind”) is not quite reliable. One has to deal
with a possibility that the TM forms, despite their wide distribution,
are actually borrowed from Mong. uja- ‘to tie, bind’ (which cannot be
genetically related to Mong., since the latter goes back to PM *huja- - so
far without Altaic etymology -, with h- well preserved in Southern
Mongolian languages).
-oki to sing, recite: Tung. *(x)og- ~ *(x)ok-; Mong. *üge; Turk. *okɨ-; Jpn.
*uka-ip-; Kor. *o’ăi-.
PTung. *(x)og- ~ *(x)ok- to sing (петь): Evn. oɣt-.
◊ ТМС 2, 5. Attested only in Evn. (Evk. uɣun ‘tale’ is probably < Mong.), but having
probable external parallels.
PMong. *üge word (слово): MMong. uge (HY 34, SH), ugule- ‘say,
speak’ (SH, HYt), eule- (Lig.VMI); WMong. üge(n) (L 996); Kh. üg; Bur.
üge; Kalm. ügə (КРС); Ord. üge; Mongr. uge (SM 467), ugo (Huzu), gule-
‘parler’ (SM 141).
◊ MGCD 689.
PTurk. *okɨ- to call, read, recite (звать, читать, декламировать):
OTurk. oqɨ- (OUygh.); Karakh. oqɨ- (MK); Tur. oku-; Gag. oqu-; Az. oxu-;
Turkm. oqa-; Khal. họqu-; MTurk. oqɨ- (AH), oqu- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb.
ọqi-; Uygh. oqu-; Krm. oxɨ-, oqu-, oxu-; Tat. uqɨ-; Bashk. uqɨ-; Kirgh. oqu-;
Kaz. oqɨ-; KBalk. oqu-; KKalp. oqɨ-; Kum. oxu-; Nogh. oqɨ-; Yak. oguj-,
uguj-.
◊ EDT 79, VEWT 359, ЭСТЯ 1, 439-441.
PJpn. *uka-ip- to pray to gods (молиться богам): OJpn. ukep-;
MJpn. ukef-.
◊ JLTT 778.
PKor. *o’ăi- to recite (декламировать): MKor. o’ăi- ‘sailors’ song’;
Mod. wē-, weu-.
◊ Liu 577, KED 1221, 1223.
‖ Despite poor representation in TM, the root is well preserved
elsewhere and appears to be well reconstructable for PA.
-ṓki ( ~ -e) to belch, nauseate: Tung. *oKor-; Mong. *ogi-, *ogsi-; Turk.
*ȫk-.
PTung. *oKor- to nauseate (тошнить): Man. oχorša- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 10. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
1046 *k῾à - *òk῾è
PMong. *ogi-, *ogsi- 1 to nauseate 2 to belch (1 чувствовать тошно-
ту 2 рыгать): WMong. ogi- 1 (L 603), oɣsi- 2 (L 601); Kh. ogi-, ogši- ‘to
vomit’; Bur. oxi- 2; Kalm. ogl- 1; Ord. ogši- ‘faire les efforts et produire
les bruits qui précèdent le vomissement’; S.-Yugh. ogiši-.
◊ MGCD 523. Mong. > Tel., Chag. oqɨ-; Uzb. oqči-, Tat. ukšɨ- etc.
PTurk. *ȫk- 1 to belch 2 to nauseate (1 рыгать 2 чувствовать тош-
ноту): Tur. öjür- 1,2; Turkm. ȫge- 2; MTurk. öki- (AH) 2; Uzb. öjĭ- (dial.);
Yak. ögüj- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 503.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 503. An expressive Western isogloss.
-k῾à sharp point, notch: Tung. *ok-; Mong. *oki; Turk. *ok; Jpn.
*àkuàjaì.
PTung. *ok- 1 arrow with wooden head 2 fish fin 3 fishing hook (1
стрела с деревянной головкой 2 плавник (рыбы) 3 рыболовный
крючок): Evk. oki-kta 2; Man. oki jōro 1; Ork. ōqo 3; Ud. o῾ ‘fish gear’
(Корм. 273).
◊ ТМС 2, 9, 10.
PMong. *oki top, tip, edge (верхушка, кончик): WMong. oki (L
607); Kh. o.
PTurk. *ok arrow (стрела): OTurk. oq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oq
(MK, KB); Tur. ok; Gag. oq; Az. oχ; Turkm. oq; MTurk. oq; Uzb. ụq;
Uygh. oq; Krm. oq; Tat. uq; Bashk. uq; Kirgh. oq; Kaz. oq; KBalk. oq;
KKalp. oq; Kum. oq; Nogh. oq; SUygh. oq; Khak. ux; Shr. oq; Oyr. oq; Tv.
o’q; Chuv. oɣъ; Yak. ox.
◊ VEWT 389, ЭСТЯ 1, 437-438, TMN 2, 153, Лексика 577, Федотов 2, 296. Cf. also
Turk. *oklagu ‘rolling pin’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 441-442), Khal. họqlaɣo (derived from ok-la- ‘to roll’ (R
1 1000, Chag.), a denominative from ok ‘wheel axle’ in the Oghuz and Qarluq groups).
PJpn. *àkuàjaì pheasant’s spur (шпора фазана): OJpn. akwoje;
MJpn. àkòjè.
◊ JLTT 377.
‖ Poppe 98, 134, KW 284. The morphological structure of Jpn. is not
quite clear (perhaps some old compound is reflected); this, together
with rather scarce representation in TM, makes the reconstruction not
quite reliable. Note that the Jpn. form may also continue PA *gV q.v.
-òk῾è to grieve, be angry: Tung. *(x)ukt-; Mong. *uki-la-; Turk. *ökün-;
Jpn. *k-r-.
PTung. *(x)ukt- 1 weeping, grief 2 angry 3 to insult (1 рыдание, го-
ре 2 сердитый 3 оскорблять): Man. uqtu 1, uqtun 2; Orch. ukta- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 254.
PMong. *uki-la- to weep, sob (плакать, рыдать): MMong. ukila-
(MA); WMong. ukila- (L 868); Kh. uxila-.
 *ò[k῾]è - *ṓk῾è 1047

PTurk. *ökün- to repent, regret (раскаиваться, сожалеть): OTurk.

ökün- (OUygh.); Karakh. ökün- (MK); Tur. ökün-; Turkm. ökün-; MTurk.
ökün- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọkin-; Krm. ökün-; Tat. ükĭn-; Bashk. ükĭn-; Kirgh.
ökün-; Kaz. ökĭn-; KKalp. ökin-; Nogh. ökin-.
◊ EDT 111, VEWT 370, ЭСТЯ 1, 523-524, TMN 2, 154 (with a quite artificial inner
etymology: medium in -n from *ök- ‘think’? - which in fact is a noun *ȫg, derived from
*ȫ(j)-).
PJpn. *k-r- to be angry (сердиться): MJpn. òkòr-; Tok. okór-; Kyo.
ókór-; Kag. okór-.
◊ JLTT 740. The word may belong here if it is not a secondary development < *əkər-
‘to rise’.
‖ Cf. *uk῾e (with possible contaminations).
-ò[k῾]è wife, female: Tung. *uKu-; Mong. *oki-n / *öki-n; Turk. *ög (*ök);
Jpn. *ku.
PTung. *uKu- 1 female 2 daughter-in-law (1 самка 2 невестка): Evk.
uku-čēn 1; Evn. uki 1; Neg. uxi 1; Man. uki 1, uxen 2; Ul. we-če(n) 1; Ork.
uwe-če(n) 1; Nan. we-če 1; Orch. wēčke 1; Ud. guasa῾ 1 (Корм. 223).
◊ ТМС 2, 256, 257.
PMong. *oki-n / *öki-n girl, daughter (девушка, дочь): MMong.
okin (HY 29), oki(n) (SH), ugen (IM), ūkin/ukin (LH); WMong. okin, ökin
(L 633); Kh. oxin; Bur. üxin; Kalm. okn (КРС); Ord. oχin; Mog. ukin
(Weiers); Dag. ugin, ujin (Тод. Даг. 170), ujn (MD 231); Dong. očin (Тод.
Дн.); Bao. oken (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. fuun, śun (SM 103).
◊ TMN 1, 167.
PTurk. *ög (*ök) 1 mother 2 sister (1 мать 2 сестра): OTurk. ög
(Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Tur. öke, öge (dial.) 2; MTurk. öke (R.) 2; Uygh. uka,
hükä 2.
◊ EDT 99, ЭСТЯ 1, 519-520, Лексика 300.
PJpn. *ku wife, spouse (жена, супруга): MJpn. oku; Tok. óku-sama,
óku-san; Kyo. ókù-sàmà; Kag. oku-samá.
‖ Цинциус 1972a, 31-32, Дыбо 7. Voiced -g in OT is not quite clear;
otherwise correspondences are regular.
-ṓk῾è to put, heap; to give: Tung. *oK-; Mong. *ök-, *ög-; Turk. *ȫk-; Jpn.
*k-; Kor. *ukɨr.
PTung. *oK- 1 to heap up (firewood) 2 to economize, spare (1 скла-
дывать (дрова) 2 сохранять, экономить): Ork. okpoụtčị- 1; Nan. okči- 2
(Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 10.
PMong. *ök-, *ög- to give (давать): MMong. ok- (HY 39, SH), ok-su
(IM), ug(i)- (MA); WMong. ög- (L 630); Kh. ög-; Bur. üge-; Kalm. ög-;
Ord. ög-; Mog. ögü-; ZM ug- (40-12); Dag. ug-, uk-, (Тод. Даг. 170), uke
1048 *ōk῾e - *ok῾V
(MD 232), uke-, uku-; Dong. ogi-; Bao. oke-; S.-Yugh. og-; Mongr. uGo-
(SM 466).
◊ KW 294, MGCD 541.
PTurk. *ȫk- 1 to heap up 2 many (*ȫküĺ) (1 накладывать, нагромо-
ждать 2 много (*ȫküĺ)): OTurk. ük- 1, üküš 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
ük- 1, üküš 2 (MK); Tur. ögüš 2; MTurk. ök- 1 (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb.
uj- 1; Tat. j- 1; Bashk. j- 1; Kirgh. üj- 1; Kaz. üj- 1; KKalp. üj- 1; Nogh.
üj- 1; Khak. üg- 1; Shr. uɣa ‘heap’; Oyr. ǖ- 1; Yak. ügüs 2; Dolg. ügüs 2.
◊ EDT 100, 118, ЭСТЯ 1, 620-621, Stachowski 249. Modern forms point rather to *-g-;
reasons for this voicing are not quite clear.
PJpn. *k- to put (класть): OJpn. ok-; MJpn. ók-; Tok. òk-; Kyo. ók-;
Kag. ók-.
◊ JLTT 741.
PKor. *ukɨr to congregate, be numerous (собираться толпой, ки-
шеть, быть в большом количестве): Mod. ugɨl-ugɨl ha-, ugɨl kəri-, ogɨl
kəri-.
◊ KED 1236.
‖ SKE 285 (Turk. : Kor.), АПиПЯЯ 288.
-ōk῾e ( ~ -k-) deep place, place far from the shore: Tung. *(x)uK-; Turk.
*ȫkü; Jpn. *əki.
PTung. *(x)uK- 1 ice-hole, glade 2 river rift 3 river (1 полынья 2 по-
рог на реке 3 река): Evk. uktel 1, uksi 2; Evn. oqāt 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 9, 253, 254.
PTurk. *ȫkü hole in ice (полынья): Tur. öɣü; Turkm. öjü; MTurk.
ökü; Kaz. üki; KKalp. üki; Chuv. vagъ.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 517, VEWT 370.
PJpn. *əki open sea (открытое море): OJpn. okji; Tok. òki; Kyo. ókí;
Kag. okí.
◊ JLTT 505. Original accent not clear.
‖ The parallel seems plausible; the common meaning here may be
formulated as “a place (in the sea or river) distant from the shore”.
-ok῾V coire: Tung. *oxa-; Mong. *(h)ok-.
PTung. *oxa- 1 coire 2 testicles 3 women’s genitals (1 coire 2 testiculi
3 половые органы (женские)): Evk. oko- 1; Man. uχala 2; SMan. uhalə 2
(117); Nan. uxara (dial.) 2; Ud. ua 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 10, 242, 253. Cf. also Ud. ῾oso penis (which can, however, be a borrowing <
Mong. oǯoɣai).
PMong. *(h)ok- coire (coire): MMong. uqa- (MA, IM), həka- (Leid.);
Kh. oxo- (БАМРС).
◊ Initial h- in the Leiden manuscript must be secondary.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
 *ŏli - *óligV 1049

-ŏli ( ~ -e) to die; to be hungry, exhausted: Tung. *(x)olbu-; Mong. *öl-;

Turk. *öl-.
PTung. *(x)olbu- soul of the dead; shadow (душа умершего; тень):
Evk. elbu, olbu-n.
◊ ТМС 2, 445. Attested only in Evk., with probable parallels in Turkic and Mongo-
lian.
PMong. *öl- 1 to be hungry 2 hungry (1 быть голодным 2 голод-
ный): MMong. oles- (HY 25, SH), əleso- (IM), uläs- (MA) 1, uləs- (LH),
ulūs- (Lig.VMI); WMong. ölüs- 1, ölüŋ 2 (L 634); Kh. öls- 1, ölön 2; Bur.
üld- 1, ülen 2; Kalm. öls- 1; Ord. ölödö- 1, öl ‘hunger’; Mog. üläsu-; ZM
olaṣ (6-2a); Dag. (x)unsu- (Тод. Даг. 171 unsu-, 180 xunsu-), ulese- 1 (MD
232), ulsu- 1; Dong. oliesu- 1; Bao. olos-, oləs- 1; S.-Yugh. öl ‘hunger’;
Mongr. losə- (SM 226) 1.
◊ KW 295, MGCD 541, 542.
PTurk. *öl- 1 to die 2 (*öl-tür-) to kill (1 умирать 2 (*öl-tür-) уби-
вать): OTurk. öl- 1 (Yen., OUygh.), ölür- 2 (Orkh., Yen., OUygh.);
Karakh. öl- 1 (MK, KB), öldür- 2 (MK, KB); Tur. öl- 1, öldür- 2; Gag. jöl- 1,
öldür- 2; Az. öl- 1, öldür- 2; Turkm. öl- 1, öldür- 2; Sal. ül- 1, üldyr- 2; Khal.
hil-/he.l-, öl- ‘to die (of animals)’ ( < Az.); MTurk. öl- 1 (Sangl.), ölür- 2
(Abush.), öltür- 2 (Abush.); Uzb. ụl-, ụldir- 2; Uygh. öl- 1, öltür- 2; Krm.
oĺ- 1, oĺder- 2; Tat. ül- 1, üter- 2; Bashk. ül- 1, ülter- 2; Kirgh. öl- 1, öltür- 2;
Kaz. öl- 1, öltir- 2; KBalk. öl- 1, öltür- 2; KKalp. öl- 1, öltir- 2; Kum. öl- 1,
öltür- 2; Nogh. öl- 1, öltir- 2; SUygh. jül- 1, jülɨr- 2; Khak. öl- 1, öder- 2;
Shr. öl- 1, ödür- 2; Oyr. öl- 1, öltür- 2; Tv. öl- 1, ölür- 2; Tof. öl- 1, ölür- 2;
Chuv. vil- 1, vəₙler- 2; Yak. öl- 1, ölör- 2; Dolg. öl- 1, ölör- 2.
◊ VEWT 371; ЭСТЯ 1, 525-527, TMN 2, 112, 162-3; EDT 125-126, 133-134, 151, Sta-
chowski 199.
‖ A Western isogloss. See EAS 146, KW 295, Poppe 108 (but the Evk.
form that he lists is probably < Mong.), TMN 2, 112, АПиПЯЯ 281, Ды-
бо 13; see further Nostratic parallels (Ural. *welV et al.) in МССНЯ, 367.
-óligV ( ~ u-) female (of animals), pig: Tung. *uligan; Mong. *ölögčin;
Turk. *Vlagŕɨn.
PTung. *uligan pig (свинья): Neg. olgịn; Man. ulǵan; SMan. vələǵan
(2195); Jurch. ulhian (162); Ul. orgị(n); Ork. orgị(n); Nan. olgịã; Ud. wagê;
Sol. ulg.
◊ ТМС 2, 259.
PMong. *ölögčin female (of animals), bitch (самка (животных), су-
ка): WMong. ölögčin (L 634: ölügčin); Kh. ölögčin; Bur. ülegšen; Kalm.
öləgčn (КРС); Ord. ölögčin; S.-Yugh. lögčin.
◊ MGCD 543.
PTurk. *Vlagŕɨn pig, swine (свинья): OTurk. (ɨ)laɣzɨn (Orkh. - a cy-
clical sign), laɣzɨn (OUygh.).
1050 *olu - *ṑlu
◊ EDT 764.
‖ A Western isogloss. Somewhat dubious because of the possibly
borrowed nature of the OT word.
-olu to be startled, annoyed: Tung. *ola-; Mong. *(h)ul-, *(h)ül-; Turk.
*ol-; Jpn. *uru-sa-.
PTung. *ola- to be afraid, startled (бояться, пугаться): Evk. olo-; ol-
bon- ‘to be bored’; Evn. ol-; olbān- ‘to be bored’; Neg. olo-ldo-; Man.
oli-χa-; Jurch. ol-ɣu-hun (673) ‘weak’; Ul. olo-; Ork. olo-; Nan. olo-,
olɣamsaq ‘fainted’; Orch. olo-; Sol. olo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 12, 15.
PMong. *(h)ul-, *(h)ül- to be weak, dizzy (слабеть, теряться, те-
рять сознание): WMong. ulbuji-, ulbaji- (L 872), ülbüi-, ülbeji- (L 1004);
Kh. ulbaj-, ülbij-; Bur. ulū; Kalm. ulwi-.
◊ KW 449.
PTurk. *ol- 1 skilless, talentless, careless 2 simple (1 неумелый, не-
брежный 2 простой): Karakh. ulɨn- ‘to be bewildered’ (MK); Az. olmaja
‘an expression of warning, bewilderment’; Kirgh. oldoqson 1, oloq, oloɣoj
‘one-eyed’; Kaz. olaq 1; Khak. olaŋaj 2; Tv. olutpaj ‘lazy’; Chuv. vъₙli-žali
1; Yak. oloj- ‘to make a stupid face’.
◊ VEWT 360, ДТС 609 (EDT 149 only quotes OT ulɨn- ‘to be twisted’ which is proba-
bly a different root).
PJpn. *uru-sa- boring, annoying (скучный): MJpn. urusa-; Tok.
urusá-; Kyo. úrúsà-; Kag. urúsa-.
◊ JLTT 843. Accent is not clear: Tokyo points to low tone, Kagoshima - to high.
‖ A common derivative *olu-bV is reflected in Mong. *ul-ba-ji- and
TM *ol-ba-n-.
-ṑlu to be, become; to come: Tung. *ō-; Mong. *ol-; Turk. *ol-ur-,
*ol(u)-tur-; Kor. *ó-.
PTung. *ō- 1 to make; become 2 new (1 делать; стать 2 новый): Evk.
ōmakta 2, ō- 1; Evn. ō- 1; Neg. ō- 1; Man. o- 1; SMan. o- 1 (3018); Jurch.
o-fia (829) 1; Ul. o- 1; Ork. o- 1; Nan. o- 1; Ud. o-, ō- 1; Sol. ō- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 3-4.
PMong. *ol- to find, obtain (находить, получать): MMong. ol- (SH,
HYt), ula- (IM), ul- (MA); WMong. ol- (L 607); Kh. ol-; Bur. olo-; Kalm.
ol-; Ord. ol-; Mog. wɔl-, ɔl-, ul- (Weiers); ZM āl (24-9a); Dag. wal-, ol-, olo-
(Тод. Даг. 159), ole- (MD 201); Dong. olu-; Bao. ol-, olə-; S.-Yugh. ōl-;
Mongr. ōli- (SM 296), (MGCD ulə-).
◊ KW 284, MGCD 526, 527.
PTurk. *ol-ur-, *ol(u)-tur- to sit (сидеть): OTurk. oltur- (OUygh.),
olur- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oltur- (MK), ol- ‘to be’ (At., IM), ‘to be-
come ripe’ (MK, IM, Bulgat); Tur. otur-; Gag. otur-; Az. otur-; Turkm.
otur-; Sal. oht(ɨr)-; MTurk. oltur- (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.), (?) ol- ‘to
 *oĺa - *oĺi 1051

be’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. ụtir-; Uygh. oltur-; Krm. otur-; Tat. utɨr-; Bashk. ultɨr-;
Kirgh. otur-; Kaz. otɨr-; KBalk. oltur-; KKalp. otɨr-; Nogh. oltɨr-; Khak.
odɨr-; Oyr. otur-; Tv. olur-; Tof. olur-; Chuv. lar-; Yak. olor-; Dolg. olor-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 489-492. EDT 125, 331-332, VEWT 79, TMN 2, 358, Stachowski 192. See
also the comments on *bōl- ‘ to be, become’. From the forms phonetically looking like ol-
‘to be, become’ the only actual reflexes of PT *ol- may be Middle Uygh. (At., Tefs., IM -
opposed to bar, bir-) and Middle Kypchak (Bulgat, Ettuhf.), cf. ЭСТЯ 2, 186; Chag. ol-
may as well be < Oghuz.
PKor. *ó- to come (приходить): MKor. ó-; Mod. o-.
◊ Nam 379, KED 1196.
‖ SKE 174, Menges 1984, 281-282, АПиПЯЯ 284. Note the loss of *-l-
in Kor. and some Turkic forms, which may indicate the original mono-
syllabic nature of the verb (*ṑl).
-oĺa a k. of grass: Mong. *(h)ulalǯi; Turk. *oĺ-; Jpn. *asi.
PMong. *(h)ulalǯi sedge (осока): WMong. ulalǯi (L 871); Kh. ulalǯ;
Bur. ulalž.
PTurk. *oĺ- a k. of plant (вид растения): Khak. ozɨj ‘волчье лыко’;
Shr. ozɨj ‘волчье лыко’ (Kond.), ɨzɨ ‘чернотал’ (Mras.); Chuv. vəₙldəₙren
‘nettle’.
PJpn. *asi reed, rush (тростник): OJpn. asi; MJpn. ásí; Tok. áshi; Kyo.
àshí; Kag. ashí.
◊ JLTT 385. Original accent is not quite clear: modern dialects point to *àsí, but RJ has
ásí.
‖ A possible comparison, but the Turkic reflexes are rather sparse
and somewhat dubious.
-óĺa ( ~ u-, -) ford, shallow place: Tung. *ola-; Mong. *(h)olam; Jpn. *ásá-.
PTung. *ola- to ford, wade (переходить вброд): Evk. olo-; Evn. olā-;
Neg. olō-; Man. olo-; Ul. onị-; Ork. onno-; Nan. ono-; Orch. olo-; Ud. olo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 15-16. Forms like Evk. olom may be < Mong. (see Poppe 1966, 196).
PMong. *(h)olam ford (брод): WMong. olam (L 609: olum, oluŋ); Kh.
olom; Bur. olom; Kalm. olm.
◊ KW 285. Mong. > Turk., see ЭСТЯ 1, 452).
PJpn. *ásá- shallow (мелкий): OJpn. asa-; MJpn. ásá-; Tok. àsa-; Kyo.
ásà-; Kag. ása-.
◊ JLTT 826.
‖ Poppe 98. TMN 1, 178, Doerfer MT 25, Rozycki 167 consider Mo <
TM, which is dubious.
-oĺi ( ~ -e) chest bone, collar bone: Tung. *(x)uli-n; Turk. *öĺün.
PTung. *(x)uli-n chest, chest bone, collar bone (грудь, грудная
кость, ключица): Evk. ulin; Evn. ölken; Man. ulxun, ulku.
◊ ТМС 2, 261.
1052 *mu - *omuŕV
PTurk. *öĺün 1 shoulder joint 2 shoulder bone 3 chest 4 collar bone 5
shoulder (1 плечевой сгиб 2 плечевая кость 3 грудь 4 ключица 5 пле-
чо): OTurk. öšün (OUygh.) ‘some body part (shoulder joint?)’; Karakh.
öšün (MK) 1; Uygh. (dial.) öšni, öšne 5; Tat. (dial.) üžün 2; KBalk. öšün 3;
Shr. öštü 5; Oyr. öžün 4; Tv. öžün ‘upper arm’; Tof. ö’ün 5.
◊ EDT 263, Дыбо 160, Лексика 241-242. Stachowski 201 compares also Yak., Dolg. öt-
tük ‘hip’ ( < *öĺün-ik).
‖ Лексика 241-242. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-mu hip; back part, buttocks: Tung. *omga; Mong. *(h)omu-; Turk.
*omV-; Kor. *òmìnòi.
PTung. *omga upper part of hip; behind (бедро, ляжка; круп): Ul.
ombo / oŋbo; Ork. omGo; Nan. oŋbo; Orch. ombo.
◊ ТМС 2, 5. Cf. also Evk. omoŋ ‘сало’.
PMong. *omu- 1 large intestines 2 North, back side (1 толстые киш-
ки 2 север, задняя сторона): MMong. umere (HY 50), umer- (SH) 2, um-
ken ‘stomach’ (MA 276); WMong. umusu 1, umara (L 874) 2; Kh. ums 1,
umar 2; Bur. omho(n) 1; umara 2; Kalm. umsn, omsn 1.
◊ KW 286, 449.
PTurk. *omV- 1 bone head 2 head of hip bone 3 hip bone, thigh
bone 4 clavicle (1 головка кости 2 головка бедренной кости 3 бедрен-
ная кость 4 ключица): Tur. omaǯa, umača, uma 1; Az. omba 2; Turkm.
omača 3; MTurk. oma, omaǯa (Pav. C.), (MKypch.) 2, omaǯa kemiɣi
(At-Tuhf.) 4; Khak. omɨx ‘knee-cap’ (dial.).
◊ TMN 2, 132, ЭСТЯ 1, 453.
PKor. *òmìnòi buttocks, behind (ягодицы, задница): MKor. òmìnòi.
◊ Nam 380.
‖ PTM and PT probably reflect a common derivative *mu-kV. The
meaning ‘buttocks’ in Mong. gave rise to two widely separated seman-
tic reflexes: a) > ‘large intestine’; b) > ‘back’ > ‘North’.
-omuŕV shoulder, collar bone: Mong. *omur-; Turk. *omuŕ.
PMong. *omur- collar bone, clavicle (ключица): MMong. omori’ut
(SH); WMong. omuruɣu(n), omuruu (L 611); Kh. omrū; Bur. omoŕū(n)
‘грудина (лошади)’; Kalm. omrūn (КРС); Ord. omorū, umurū; Mongr.
muršdaG ‘pomme d’Adam’ (SM 251).
◊ Mong. > Kaz. omɨraw, Khak. omɨrɨɣ etc., see ЭСТЯ 1, 453.
PTurk. *omuŕ shoulder (плечо): Tur. omuz; Turkm. omuz; MTurk.
omuz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọmiz; Krm. omuz; KBalk. omuz; Kum. omuz; Chuv.
ъₙmъₙr.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 453-455, Лексика 240.
‖ Poppe 68, Колесникова 1972a, 93-94, Дыбо 308; Лексика 241. A
Turk.-Mong. isogloss, but, despite Щербак 1997, 129, not a loanword
in Mong. < Turk.
 *ṓni - *ṑni 1053

-ṓni high: Mong. *öndü-; Turk. *ȫn-; Jpn. *untu; Kor. *un-tu.
PMong. *öndü- 1 high 2 to rise (1 высокий 2 подниматься):
MMong. undur (HY 52, SH) undus ‘to stay vertically’ (HY 53), undur
(MA); WMong. öndür 1 (L 637), öndeji- 2 (L 636: öndüji-, öndeji-); Kh.
öndör 1, öndij- 2; Bur. ünder 1, ündɨ- 2; Kalm. öndr 1, öndē- 2; Ord. ündür
1, öndī-; Dag. xundur 1 (Тод. Даг. 179), undī- 2 (Тод. Даг. 171), hundere 1
(MD 166); Dong. undu 1; Bao. onder, under 1; S.-Yugh. uŋdur, oŋdur 1,
oŋdö- 2; Mongr. ndur, undur (SM 264, 472) 1.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 545, TMN 1, 178-179. Initial x- in Dagur is quite enigmatic. Cf. also
önör ‘numerous, populous’ (Poppe 69; L 639: önür). Also ondui-, onduɣar (KW 286, L 613);
öŋgei-, öŋgüi- ‘to overhang, jut or project over’ (L 637) ( > Man. eŋgele- id., see Rozycki
70?). Mong. > Man. enduri ‘God’ etc., see Doerfer MT 81.
PTurk. *ȫn- to grow, rise (расти, подниматься): OTurk. ön- (ün-)
(OUygh.); Karakh. ön- (ün-) (MK); Turkm. ȫn-; Khal. hin-; MTurk. ön-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. un-; Uygh. ün-; Kirgh. ön-; Kaz. ön-; KKalp. ön-; SUygh.
ün-; Tv. ün-; Chuv. əₙn-; Yak. ǖn-; Dolg. ǖn-.
◊ EDT 169, VEWT 372, ЭСТЯ 1, 530-532, Мудрак Дисс. 77, 137, Егоров 40-41, Clark
1977, 161, Stachowski 255.
PJpn. *untu high and respected, precious (высокий, уважаемый,
драгоценный): OJpn. udu.
◊ JLTT 566.
PKor. *un-tu height (of the side of shoes or bowls) (высота): Mod.
undu.
◊ KED 1244.
‖ Владимирцов 164; Ozawa 57-59; АПиПЯЯ 18, 290. Comparison
with Tung. (see АПиПЯЯ) should be abandoned. Ramstedt (SKE 55)
compares Kor. ənč- (MKor. jnč-) ‘to put on the top, place above’ (?),
considering Kor. undu to be a mongolism.
-ṑni ( ~ -e) angle: Tung. *ōn-; Mong. *önčüg.
PTung. *ōn- 1 angle, corner 2 to bend 3 bay 4 cross-roads (1 угол 2
гнуть 3 залив 4 развилок, распутье): Evk. ōnŋān 1; Evn. onịt- 2; Neg.
onŋị- 2; Man. oŋGolo 4; Ul. onǯo 3; Ork. onị 1, ondo 3; Nan. ondo 3; Orch.
ōŋo 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 19, 21-22.
PMong. *önčüg 1 angle 2 back (of axe) (1 угол 2 обух (топора)):
WMong. önčüg 1 (L 636); Kh. öncög 1; Bur. ünseg 2; Kalm. öncəg 1; Ord.
önčök 1; Dag. nōčoko 1.
◊ KW 296, MGCD 546.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
1054 *ṑnV - *óŋdu
-ṑnV ( ~ ū-) to fall, lie: Tung. *ōn-; Mong. *una-.
PTung. *ōn- (to fall) on one’s back (падать навзничь, на спину):
Evk. ōŋkān-; Evn. ōŋqị; Neg. ōŋka-pk; Man. ončoχon; SMan. ončəhən, on-
čuhun (525); Ul. ōndị; Ork. ōndon; Nan. ōnǯị.
◊ ТМС 2, 21.
PMong. *una- to fall (падать): MMong. una- (MA, SH, LH), on-
(IM); WMong. una- (L 875); Kh. una-; Bur. una-; Kalm. un-; Ord. una-;
Mog. unō-; Dag. wana- (Тод. Даг. 129), uane- (MD 229), uanə-; Dong.
una-; Bao. nā-, na-; S.-Yugh. nā- ‘to lie’; Mongr. unā- (SM 471).
◊ KW 450, MGCD 674.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Some of the TM forms could have been
influenced by reflexes of *òmke ‘to crawl, move’ (q.v.). In Mong. cf. also
(with a velar suffix) WMong. oŋqu, Kalm. oŋxə ‘head over heels’ (KW
287), Khalkha onxoldo- ῾to fall head over heels’.
-ṑńè ( ~ *ū-, -o) shaman, spirit: Tung. *ūńi-; Mong. *oŋgo-n; Jpn. *nì.
PTung. *ūńi- to shamanize (шаманить): Neg. ūńi-; Ork. ūnǯin-;
Nan. un-; Orch. uńi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 277.
PMong. *oŋgo-n spirit, ancestor spirit (дух, дух предков): MMong.
oŋɣun (HY 31); WMong. oŋɣon (L 614: oŋɣun); Kh. oŋgon; Bur. oŋgo(n);
Kalm. oŋɣən; Ord. oŋGon, uŋGun; Dag. oŋgore (MD 202); S.-Yugh. oŋgo.
◊ KW 287, MGCD 528, TMN 1, 179-181.
PJpn. *nì devil (черт): OJpn. oni; MJpn. ònì; Tok. oní; Kyo. ónì; Kag.
oní.
◊ JLTT 506.
‖ ? Cf. OT oŋužin ‘a k. of devil’; TM *ogiaŋä ‘evil spirit’ ( + Orok oŋdo
id.; < Mong.?).
-óŋdu a k. of small wild animal: Tung. *oŋda; Turk. *utɨŕ; Jpn. *uni; Kor.
*òńắrí.
PTung. *oŋda 1 wolverine 2 seal (1 росомаха 2 нерпа): Man. oŋniqa
1; Ul. oŋdo 1; Ork. onnorị 2; Nan. oŋdo 1; Ud. oŋdo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 20, 21.
PTurk. *utɨŕ otter (выдра): Chuv. ъₙdъₙr; Yak. ɨtɨɨ.
◊ Мудрак Дисс. 145. See under *Kạma a discussion of other possible traces of this
root.
PJpn. *uni sea urchin (морской еж): Tok. úni; Kyo. únì; Kag. uní.
◊ JLTT 563 (original accent unclear).
PKor. *òńắrí badger (барсук): MKor. òńắrí; Mod. osori.
◊ Nam 381, KED 1201.
‖ An alternative match for PT could be Evk. hatala ‘beaver’ (ТМС 1,
384).
 *òŋè - *òŋi(čV) 1055

-òŋè exterior, front: Mong. *öŋge; Turk. *öŋ / *oŋ; Jpn. *m.
PMong. *öŋge exterior, colour (внешняя сторона, цвет): MMong.
uaŋgo (= oŋgo) (HY 42), əngin (IM), unke (MA); WMong. öŋge(n) (L 637);
Kh. öŋgö; Bur. üŋge; Kalm. öŋgə; Ord. öngö; Dag. ungu (Тод. Даг. 171);
Dong. ungie; S.-Yugh. öŋgö; Mongr. ngo (SM 293).
◊ KW 297, MGCD 469, 545.
PTurk. *öŋ / *oŋ 1 front, East 2 exterior, color, face (1 перед, восток
2 внешняя сторона, цвет, лицо): OTurk. öŋ 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. öŋ
1, 2 (MK); Tur. öŋ 1; Gag. jön 1; Az. öŋ 1; Turkm. öŋ 1; Khal. ej; MTurk.
öŋ (Abush.) 1, (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. ọŋ 1; Uygh. öŋ 1, 2; Krm. öŋ 1; Tat. uŋ 1;
Bashk. uŋ 1; Kirgh. öŋ 2; Kaz. oŋ 1, öŋ 2; KKalp. öŋ 1, 2; Kum. oŋ 1;
Nogh. öŋ 1; Khak. öŋ 1, 2; Oyr. öŋ 1, 2; Tv. oŋ ‘shape’, öŋ 2; Chuv. um
‘breast’ (if different from om ‘front’, q.v. sub *āl); Yak. öŋ ‘inside of
clothes’, 2.
◊ EDT 167-168, VEWT 362, 372, ЭСТЯ 1, 532-535, Stachowski 199-200, Ашм. III, 232.
The words for ‘front’ and ‘colour, face’ are usually treated as different roots (e.g. in EDT,
ЭСТЯ), but it is hardly possible to separate them phonetically (the variants *oŋ and *öŋ
do not seem to be semantically distributed); the semantic shifts (*’front’ > ‘face’ > ‘colour’)
are quite natural.
PJpn. *m exterior, surface, face (внешняя сторона, поверхность,
лицо): OJpn. om(w)o; MJpn. òmò-tè; Tok. omoté; Kyo. ómòtè; Kag. omoté.
◊ JLTT 506.
‖ EAS 154, Poppe 107 (Turk.-Mong.). Щербак 1997, 131 treats the
Mong. word as borrowed from Turk., which is hardly the case. In the
Turk.-Mong. area the root could have interacted with *ŋo ῾right’
(sometimes also acquiring the meaning ‘front’) q.v.; note also the com-
mon Mong. derivative eŋge-sge ῾rouge, red paint’ ( < ῾face skin’).
-òŋi(čV) windpipe, part of neck: Tung. *uŋ-se, *uŋnu-; Mong. *öŋgül-;
Turk. *öŋüč; Jpn. *ùnà(-nsi).
PTung. *uŋ-se, *uŋnu- 1 palate 2 sinew in deer’s neck 3 aorta, breast
bone 4 Adam’s apple, craw 5 region under the shoulderblade (1 небо 2
жила в шее оленя 3 аорта, выемка у грудной кости 4 кадык, зоб 5
место под лопаткой): Evk. uŋrēn 2, unŋun 1; Evn. önŋъlъk, uŋne 3; Neg.
ūŋele 4; Ork. uŋele 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 275, 30, 279, 280, Дыбо 138-139.
PMong. *(h)öŋgül- hollow under Adam’s apple (ямка под кады-
ком): WMong. öŋgölegür (L 638: öŋgelegür); Kh. öŋgölǖr, öŋgölʒǖr; Kalm.
öŋgəlǖr, öŋgllǖr, üŋgəlǖr.
◊ KW 297.
PTurk. *öŋüč larynx, windpipe (гортань, дыхательное горло):
OTurk. öŋüč (OUygh.); MTurk. öŋü-lük ‘нагрудное украшение’ (R);
Uzb. ɔŋgač; Uygh. öŋgäč; Tat. üŋäč; Bashk. üŋäs; Kirgh. öŋöč; Kaz. öŋeš;
1056 *ŋke - *oŋne
KKalp. öŋeš; Khak. ögös; Shr. ȫs ‘грудная клетка’; Oyr. öč, diL. ȫč (Leb.);
Tv. ȫš; Yak. öŋüs, üŋüs.
◊ VEWT 373, EDT 172, ЭСТЯ 1, 536, Лексика 233.
PJpn. *ùnà(-nsi) back of head, nape (затылок, задняя часть голо-
вы): OJpn. una, unazi; MJpn. ùnàzì; Tok. ùnaji; Kyo. únájí; Kag. unají.
◊ JLTT 563.
‖ KW 297, Лексика 233.
-ŋke (abundant) food, pasture: Tung. *oŋka; Mong. *(h)öŋ; Jpn.
*nk-r-.
PTung. *oŋka pasture, grass food (пастбище, подножный корм):
Evk. oŋko; Evn. oŋq; Neg. oŋko; Man. oŋqo; Ul. oŋqo; Ork. oqqo; Nan.
oŋqo-; Orch. oŋko- ‘to graze’; Ud. oŋkosi- ‘to graze’.
◊ ТМС 2, 21. Evk. > Dolg. oŋko (see Stachowski 194).
PMong. *(h)öŋ abundant, plentiful (season, place) (обильный, бо-
гатый (сезон, место)): WMong. öŋ (L 637); Kh. ön(g); Kalm. öŋ.
◊ KW 297. Yak. öŋ, Kirgh. üŋgü, Kaz. öŋköj are rather borrowed < Mong. than related,
despite VEWT 373.
PJpn. *nk-r- to live abundantly (жить в роскоши, изобилии):
OJpn. ogor-; MJpn. ógór-; Tok. ògor-; Kyo. ógór-; Kag. ogór-.
◊ JLTT 740.
‖ Jpn. ógór- ‘be arrogant’ = Mong. oŋgira- (a variant of the same
root?).
-oŋne same, self; lonely: Mong. *önü-; Turk. *öŋ; Jpn. *ənə.
PMong. *önü- 1 that (very), the same 2 orphan (1 тот самый 2 си-
рота): MMong. onočit, onečit ‘Waisen(kinder)’ (SH 124, 125), önečin 2
(MA 215); WMong. önüki 1, önüčin 2 (L 639); Kh. önȫx 1, önčin 2; Bur.
ünȫxi 1, ünšen 2; Kalm. önčn 2 (КРС); Ord. önöčin 2; Dag. unčun 2 (Тод.
Даг. 171 unčin); Dong. oniečɨn 2 (Тод. Дн.); S.-Yugh. önčin 2; Mongr.
noćin (SM 284), unčin (Huzu) 2.
◊ MGCD 546. Mong. > Man. unučun, see Doerfer MT 138, Rozycki 219.
PTurk. *öŋ desolate, uninhabited (пустынный, необитаемый):
OTurk. öŋ (Orkh., OUygh.); Uygh. oŋčɛ ‘одинокий, уединенный’.
◊ EDT 168.
PJpn. *ənə 1 self 2 the same (1 сам 2 одинаковый, такой же): OJpn.
ono, ono-re 1, onazi 2; MJpn. ónó-rè 1, ònàzí 2; Tok. ònore 1, ònaji 2; Kyo.
ónóré 1, ònàjí 2; Kag. onoré 1, onají 2.
◊ JLTT 506, 507. The original accentuation is not quite clear; it may point to a confu-
sion of different original roots (cf. OJ ojazi ‘the same’, for which the accent is unfortu-
nately not attested).
‖ Ozawa 62-63. The original meaning should be probably recon-
structed as “self”, with a further development > “lonely” (Mong. “or-
 *ṓp῾à - *op῾á(rV) 1057

phan”), typologically a frequent case (cf. Polish sam - samotny etc.),

whence Old Turkic “desolate, deserted”.
-ṓp῾à to drink, inhale: Mong. *uw(u)-; Turk. *ōp-; Jpn. *apa-ik-.
PMong. *uw(u)- to drink (пить): MMong. u- (IM, MA), ū-, u’u- (SH),
au- (LH); WMong. u-, uu- (L 864: uu-, aɣu-, uuɣu-); Kh. ū-; Bur. ū-; Kalm.
ū-; Ord. ū- ‘to drink, to smoke’; Dag. ō- (Тод. Даг. 159, MD 201); Dong.
o-; Bao. ū-, ō-, u-; S.-Yugh. ū-; Mongr. - (SM 462), u-, ōći- ‘boire, prendre
(repas du midi)’ (SM 299).
◊ KW 454, MGCD 664, 665.
PTurk. *ōp- to suck, swallow (сосать, глотать): OTurk. op- (Orkh.);
Karakh. op- (MK); Krm. op-; Tat. up-; Bashk. up-; Kaz. op-; Nogh. op-;
Oyr. op-; Yak. uop-; Dolg. uobu ‘Bissen, Happen’.
◊ EDT 4, VEWT 363, ЭСТЯ 1, 464-465, Stachowski 243.
PJpn. *apa-ik- to breathe heavily, gasp, pant (тяжело дышать, за-
дыхаться): OJpn. apek-; MJpn. áfék-; Tok. aég-; Kyo. áég-; Kag. àèg-.
◊ JLTT 674. A compound with *-ik- ‘breathe’. Accent is difficult to reconstruct: RJ has
high tone, but modern dialects point rather to low.
‖ EAS 78, Владимирцов 211. An expressive root. Cf. also Turk. *öp-
‘to kiss’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 539); Mong. *aɣa-ki-la- (L 25 akila-, Khalkha āxila-) ‘to
gasp for breath, pant’; Evn. ābu- ‘to kiss’ (ТМС 1, 6).
-op῾á(rV) to wear out, be wasted, have a bad appearance: Tung.
*(x)upara-; Mong. *(h)obur; Turk. *op-ra-; Jpn. *ampu-.
PTung. *(x)upara- to neglect, mistake (ошибаться, упускать из ви-
ду): Man. ufara-; SMan. ufarə- (1761).
◊ ТМС 2, 295. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *(h)obur (bad) appearance, arrogance ((плохой) внешний
вид): WMong. obur; oburda- ‘to be arrogant’ (L 599); Kh. ovor ‘appear-
ance’, ovorǯi- ‘to look as an old man’; Bur. obor ‘bad, uncomely’; Kalm.
owr ‘appearance’; Ord. owor.
◊ KW 292.
PTurk. *op-ra- to wear out (intr.), decay (изнашиваться, стареть):
OTurk. apra- 1 (OUygh. ?); Karakh. opra- 1 (MK, KB); MTurk.
opra-/opran-, ofra-/ofran 1 (Sangl.).
◊ VEWT 515, EDT 14.
PJpn. *ampu- 1 to waste, discard, throw away 2 to suffer a loss,
roam in a wasted state (1 выкидывать, выбрасывать 2 терпеть неуда-
чу, потерянно бродить): OJpn. abu-s- 1; MJpn. abura- 2; Tok. aburé- 2;
Kyo. ábúré- 2; Kag. aburé- 2.
◊ The accent is difficult to reconstruct. The attestations of abu-ra- in OJ and MJ (RJ
ábúra-) appear to mean ‘to overflow’ and probably represent a different root.
‖ Cf. *apo, *ebi.
1058 *p῾ìkV - *op῾V
-p῾ìkV lung(s): Tung. *upVkte; Mong. *owuski ~ *awuski; Turk. *öpke;
Jpn. *pùkùpùkùsi; Kor. *púhóa.
PTung. *upVkte 1 lung(s) 2 down, light feather(s) 3 spleen (1 лег-
кие 2 пух, легкие перья 3 селезенка): Evn. öbdъ 3; Man. ufuxu 1;
SMan. ufuxu 1 (85); Ul. upte 2; Ork. upukte 2; Nan. upulte 2, upke 3
(Kur-Urm.); Orch. upukte 2; Ud. ofokto 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 29, 281.
PMong. *owuski ~ *awuski lungs (легкие): MMong. a’ušigi (SH);
WMong. ouski, aɣuski (L 18: aɣušgi(n)); Kh. ūšgi(n), ūšig; Kalm. ōškə; Dag.
aurḱ; Bao. ośgi; S.-Yugh. ūšigən; Mongr. ōsgu.
◊ KW 292, MGCD 664.
PTurk. *öpke lung; anger (легкое; гнев): OTurk. öpke (OUygh.);
Karakh. öpke (MK, IM), öfke (KB); Tur. öfke ‘anger’, öjken ‘lung’ (inter-
dial.? Türki?); Gag. üfke; Az. öxbä (dial. Nuxa); Turkm. öjken; Sal. öhhen
(ССЯ); Khal. hikkä; MTurk. öpke, öfke (Sangl.); Uzb. ọpka; Uygh. öpkä;
Krm. öpke; Tat. üpkä; Bashk. üpkä; Kirgh. öpkö; Kaz. ökpä; KBalk. öpke;
KKalp. ökpä; Kum. öpke; Nogh. öpke; SUygh. ökpe; Khak. ökpe; Shr. ökpe;
Oyr. ökpö; Tv. ökpe (ö’kpe - Бичелдей 2001); Tof. ö’kpe; Chuv. öpke (NW),
üpke.
◊ VEWT 373, EDT 9, ЭСТЯ 1, 540-541, Лексика 276-277.
PJpn. *pùkùpùkùsi lung(s) (легкие): OJpn. pukupukusi; MJpn.
fùkùfùkùsi.
PKor. *púhóa lung (легкое): MKor. púhóa; Mod. pua.
◊ Nam 266, KED 817.
‖ Дыбо 5, Лексика 277.
-op῾V powder: Tung. *upa; Mong. *(h)ow; Turk. *opa.
PTung. *upa flour (мука): Neg. opa; Man. ufa; SMan. ufā (294); Jurch.
wu-fa (531); Ul. upa; Ork. upa; Nan. opa; Orch. upa; Ud. ufa; Sol. ụɣ, uon
‘bread’.
◊ ТМС 2, 247.
PMong. *(h)ow white lead, powder (белый свинец, порошок):
WMong. ou (L 625); Kh. ō; Kalm. ō; Ord. ō.
◊ KW 292, TMN 1, 182.
PTurk. *opa white powder, white lead (белый порошок, свинцо-
вые белила): OTurk. opo (OUygh.); Karakh. opo (MK); MTurk. opa (Et-
tuhf.); Uzb. upa; Uygh. upa; Kirgh. upa; Kaz. opa; KKalp. opa; Shr. oba;
Oyr. obo.
◊ VEWT 363, EDT 6, ЭСТЯ 1, 465-466.
‖ EAS 90, Владимирцов 210. A Western isogloss. Despite TMN 1,
182, Doerfer MT 142, Rozycki 215-216 not borrowed in Mong. from
Turk. or in TM from Mong.
 *ṓp῾V - *ṓre 1059

-ṓp῾V hill, heap of stones: Mong. *obuɣa; Turk. *ōpuŕ.

PMong. *obuɣa heap, heap of stones, grave hill (куча, куча камней,
могильный холм): MMong. obo’o (SH, HY 4); WMong. obuɣa(n) (L
598); Kh. ovō; Bur. obō; Kalm. owā; Ord. owō; Dag. obō (Тод. Даг. 159,
MD 201); S.-Yugh. owō; Mongr. ōbō (SM 296).
◊ KW 291, MGCD 523, TMN 1, 153-155. Mong. > Koman oba, Oyr. obō etc. (ЭСТЯ 1,
398-400), TMN 1, 154-155, 2, 132, Щербак 1997, 207; Evk. oba etc., TMN 1, 156, Doerfer
MT 103, Rozycki 165.
PTurk. *ōpuŕ rough, uneven ground (возвышение, неровность
почвы): Karakh. opuz (MK); Tur. obuz; Turkm. ōbur ‘precipice’.
◊ EDT 17. Cf. also Chuv. juba ‘pillar’ (in particular, ‘grave pillar’) - unlike other forms
like Khak. obā, hardly borrowed from Mong. obuɣa.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 199; Лексика 323. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-ṓp῾V clan, family: Mong. *obug; Turk. *ōpa.
PMong. *obug clan, family (род, семья): MMong. obox (SH);
WMong. obuɣ (L 598); Kh. ovog; Bur. obog; Kalm. obug (СЯОС).
PTurk. *ōpa village, clan (деревня, род): Karakh. oba (MK Oghuz);
Turkm. ōba; MTurk. oba.
◊ EDT 5, ЭСТЯ 1, 400-401.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss - but hardly borrowed in Mong. < Turk.,
despite TMN 2, 133.
-ṓre to plait, weave: Mong. *ör-; Turk. *ȫr-; Jpn. *r-; Kor. *ōr.
PMong. *ör- 1 soft woollen cloth 2 to plait (1 мягкая шерстяная
ткань 2 плести): MMong. ormege (SH) 1, öre- 2 (MA); WMong. örmöge,
ermüge 1 (L 331); Kh. örmög; Bur. ürmege ‘mat’; Kalm. örməG 1; örmči
‘weaver’; Ord. örmögö; Mongr. merge ‘espèce de tissu grossier fait de
poils ou de laine’ (SM 236).
◊ KW 300.
PTurk. *ȫr- to plait (плести): Karakh. ör- (MK); Tur. ör-; Gag. jör-;
Az. hör-; Turkm. ȫr-; Khal. hiri-; MTurk. ör- (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọr-; Uygh.
ö(r)-; Krm. ör-; Tat. ür-; Bashk. ür-; Kirgh. ör-; Kaz. ör-; KKalp. ör-; Nogh.
ör-; Khak. ür-; Oyr. ör-; Chuv. var ‘best sort of flax’; Yak. ör-; örǖ ‘plait-
ing’; Dolg. örǖ ‘plait’.
◊ EDT 195, VEWT 374, 375, ЭСТЯ 1, 544-546, Лексика 394, Stachowski 200. Cf. also
*örken ‘smth. plaited’, *ör-mek ‘Stoff aus Kamelhaar, Spinngewebe’ (cf. also Yak. örböx
‘тряпка’). Turk. *ör-čüg > Hung. orsó ‘spindle’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *r- to weave (ткать): OJpn. or-; MJpn. ór-; Tok. ór-; Kyo. òr-;
Kag. òr-.
◊ JLTT 742. For accent cf. RJ ór- (modern dialects have merged phonetically ór-ù ‘to
weave’ and wòr-ù ‘to bend’, which are well distinguished in early sources).
PKor. *ōr strands of rope (пряди веревки): MKor. ōr; Mod. ōl.
◊ Liu 579, KED 1207.
1060 *ṑr(e)kV - *ri
‖ Poppe 110 (Turk.-Mong.). Mong. *ör-mege may be < Turk. (cf.
TMN 2, 47, Щербак 1997, 197), but may also reflect a common
Turk.-Mong. derivative. The Turk. form can be alternatively compared
with TM *poro-, *pori- ‘turn round, spin’, Mong. hor-či- id. (see *p῾áru),
but the Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. comparison seems closer semantically.
-ṑr(e)kV to be frightened, startled: Tung. *(x)ūrkan-; Mong. *ürgü-; Turk.
*ürk-; Jpn. *ntrk-.
PTung. *(x)ūrkan- to lose consciousness, be knocked out (терять
сознание, быть оглушенным): Evk. ūrkan-; Evn. rqn-; Neg. ojkan-;
Ud. ukana-.
◊ ТМС 2, 286.
PMong. *ürgü- to be afraid, frightened (бояться, пугаться):
MMong. urgu- (SH), orgo- (IM), urgu- (MA); WMong. ürgü-; Kh. ürgü-,
ürge-; Bur. ürge-; Kalm. ürgə-; Ord. ürgü-; Dag. xurgi-; Bao. hergə; Mongr.
furgudi-, xargudi- (SM 110, 162).
◊ KW 459, MGCD 696. Mong. > Man. urxu- (ТМС 2, 286). Initial x- in Dagur is not
quite clear and may reflect a merger with a different root; MMong. forms clearly have 0-
(Poppe 1983, 115 cites hürgü-, but the source is unknown),
PTurk. *ürk- to be afraid (бояться): OTurk. ürk- (OUygh.); Karakh.
ürk- (MK); Tur. ürk-; Gag. jürük-; Az. ürk-; Turkm. ürk-; Khal. hirk-;
MTurk. ürk- (Pav. C.), ürük- (AH); Uzb. hürk-; Uygh. ürkü-; Krm. ürk-;
Tat. rk-; Bashk. rk-; Kirgh. ürk-; Kaz. ürkĭ-; KBalk. ürk-; KKalp. ürk-;
Kum. ürk-; Nogh. ürk-; SUygh. örk-; Khak. ürük-; Oyr. ürkü-; Yak. ürg-üt-
‘to frighten’; Dolg. ürg-üt- ‘to frighten’.
◊ EDT 221, VEWT 522, ЭСТЯ 1, 635-637, Stachowski 253.
PJpn. *ntrk- to be startled, horror-struck (пугаться): OJpn.
od(w)or(w)ok-; MJpn. òdòròk-; Tok. odorók-; Kyo. ódórók-; Kag. odorók-.
◊ JLTT 740. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ EAS 122, Poppe 80, 83, 111. Mong. may be < Turk., see Щербак
1997, 162. There is also a possibility of confusion of this root with *p῾uri
q.v. - in Turkic their reflexes could have merged, and in Mong. some
dialects (cf. the Dagur form) may reflect *hürgü-.
-ri ( ~ -e) to cover: Tung. *ura- / *ur-ke; Mong. *örü-; Turk. *ört-; Kor.
*òrái.
PTung. *ura- / *ur-ke 1 become covered by top (of milk) 2 (milk)
top, cream 3 door (1 подергиваться пенкой (о молоке) 2 пенки, слив-
ки 3 дверь): Evk. urke 3; Evn. urkъ 3; Neg. ujke 3; Man. oro- 1, oroqu 2,
uče 3; SMan. učī 3 (451); Ul. uče 3; Ork. ute 3; Nan. ujke 3; Orch. ukke 3;
Ud. uke 3; Sol. ukke, urke 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 286, 288.
PMong. *örü- 1 top of milk 2 cover of roof-window (1 сливки 2 по-
крышка дымохода в юрте): MMong. eruge, oruge 2 (SH), uremä 1, uruke
 *ŏri - *óru 1061

2 (MA 329, 278); WMong. örüme 1 (L 644), erüke, örke 2 (L 332); Kh. öröm
1, örx(ön) 2; Bur. ürme(n) 1, ürxe 2; Kalm. örm 1, örkə 2; Ord. örmö 1, öröχö
2; Dag. urum 1 (Тод. Даг. 171), urume ‘ a k. of cheese’ (MD 233);
S.-Yugh. öröm 1; Mongr. jermen (SM 492), rmēn 1.
◊ KW 299, 300, MGCD 549. Mong. örüme > Man. oromo, Evk. urumu (Doerfer MT 103),
Yak. örümä; örüke > Oyr. örökö etc. (see Лексика 517); > Sol. örxȫ (ТМС 2, 286), see Doerfer
MT 21 (but hardly > PTM *urke ‘door’ which seems rather to be a genuine cognate).
PTurk. *ört- to cover (покрывать): OTurk. ört- (OUygh.); Karakh.
ört- (MK); Tur. ört-; Gag. jört-; Az. ört-; Turkm. ört-; Sal. öxt-; MTurk. ört-
(AH), örüt- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ört- (dial.); Krm. ört-; Chuv. vit-.
◊ EDT 202, VEWT 375, ЭСТЯ 1, 551-552, Егоров 55, Федотов 127. The suffixless root
*ör- may be found (see ЭСТЯ ibid.) in Chag. ör- ‘be covered’ (Abush.); cf. also Tur. dial.
örek ‘blanket, covering’.
PKor. *òrái door, gate (дверь, ворота): MKor. òrái; Mod. orä (arch.).
◊ Nam 380, KED 1198.
‖ Lee 1958, 118 (TM-Kor.), Константинова 1972, 240-241, ТМС 2,
288, Rozycki 215.
-ŏri ( ~ -e) to dig: Tung. *urī-; Mong. *örüm; Turk. *or-.
PTung. *urī- to scoop, dig out (черпать, вытаскивать): Evk. urī-;
Evn. uri-; Neg. ojị-; Man. wara-; Ork. uri-; Nan. orịčị-; orị ‘scoop’; Ud. ui-;
Sol. orū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 23, 284.
PMong. *örüm drill, gimlet (сверло, бурав): MMong. jorəm (IM);
WMong. örüm (L 644); Kh. öröm; Bur. ürem; Kalm. örm; Ord. ürüm, öröm;
S.-Yugh. urəm; Mongr. urəm.
◊ KW 300, MGCD 549. Mong. probably > Man. eruwen ‘drill, auger’ (Rozycki 72).
PTurk. *or- 1 to dig 2 hole, pit 3 to tear out, drag out (1 копать 2 ды-
ра, яма 3 вырывать, вытаскивать): Karakh. oru 2 (MK); Turkm. or- 1, or
2; Chuv. var 2; Yak. orō- 3; Dolg. orō- 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 466-468, TMN 2, 144, Stachowski 196. Turk. > Kalm. ur ‘hole, pit’. The
Chuv. form may point to a variant *ōr (?).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-óru to cry, shout: Tung. *or-; Mong. *ori- / *uri-; Turk. *orɨ; Jpn.
*úru-tápa-.
PTung. *or- 1 roaring (of a tiger) 2 echo 3 to sound, resound 4 to
rave 5 to shout 6 to roar (of a bear) 7 shout (of an aurochs) 8 to call (1
рев (тигра) 2 эхо 3 звучать, отдаваться (об эхе) 4 бредить 5 кричать 6
реветь (о медведе) 7 крик (изюбра) 8 звать): Evk. or- 5, 6, 7; Man. or
1, ori- 4, ura- 3; Nan. oral 2, orịqo 7; Sol. oŕ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 23.
PMong. *ori- / *uri- to shout, call (кричать, звать): MMong. uri ‘to
call’ (HY 34), uri- ‘to invite’ (MA); WMong. orila-, uri- (L 619, 881); Kh.
orilo-; uri- ‘to invite’; Bur. oril- ‘to weep’, oriloldō(n) ‘shouting, howling’;
1062 *rù - *rù
Ord. uri- ‘to invite’; Dag. ori- (Тод. Даг. 160, MD 203); Bao. ure- ‘to in-
vite, call’ (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. uri- (SM 476).
PTurk. *orɨ 1 shout, outcry 2 to make a noise, shout 3 to shout to-
gether (1 крик, выкрик 2 шуметь, кричать 3 кричать вместе): OTurk.
orla- (OUygh.) 2; Karakh. orɨ 1, orlaš- 3 (MK); MTurk. orɨ (IM); Khak.
orlas- 3; Oyr. orla- ‘to moo’, orlas- 3.
◊ EDT 197, 230.
PJpn. *úru-tápa- to complain, sue (жаловаться): OJpn. urutapa-;
MJpn. uttáf-; Tok. ùttae-, uttaé-; Kyo. úttáe-; Kag. ùttàè-.
◊ JLTT 781. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ МССНЯ 345 (Mong.-Tung.). An expressive root. Mong. may be <
Turk. Cf. also notes to *lo.
-rù inner side: Tung. *(x)urī-; Mong. *oro-; Turk. *or-; Jpn. *ùrà.
PTung. *(x)urī- station, dwelling place (стойбище, жилище): Evk.
urī-kīt; Evn. örikit; Sol. urīlẽ.
◊ ТМС 2, 285. Cf. perhaps also TM *ura ‘behind, buttocks’ ( < ‘back part’), see ТМС 2,
282.
PMong. *oro- to enter (входить): MMong. oro- (HY 36, SH), ur- (IM),
wora- (Lig.VMI), ur- (MA); WMong. oro- (L 620: oru-); Kh. oro-; Bur. oro-;
Kalm. or-; Ord. oro-; Mog. ɔru- (Weiers); Dag. war(a)- (Тод. Даг. 129),
ore-, uare- (MD 202, 230) warə-; Dong. oro-; Bao. orə-; S.-Yugh. orō-;
Mongr. uro- (SM 477).
◊ KW 288-289, MGCD 532. Cf. also Mong. urača ‘hut’ ( > Turk. orača, Yak. uraha, see
Лексика 501).
PTurk. *or- 1 place 2 palace 3 lair, den 4 middle 5 place of staying
(of the army, ruler etc.) 6 army (1 место 2 дворец 3 берлога, логово 4
середина 5 место стоянки (армии, правителя) 6 армия): OTurk. orun
1 (OUygh.), ordu 2, 5, ortu 4 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. orun 1, ordu 2, 3,
otra ~ ortu (MK) 5; Tur. orun 1, ordu 6, orta 4; Gag. orta 4; Az. ordu 6, orta
4; Turkm. orun 1, orta 4, orda 6; MTurk. orun 1, ordu, orda 5, orta 4 (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ọrin 1, ọrda 5, ọrta 4; Uygh. orun 1, o(r)da 5, orta 4; Krm. orun 1,
ordu 6, orta 4; Tat. urɨn 1, urda 5, urta 4; Bashk. urɨn 1, urda 5, urta 4;
Kirgh. orun 1, ordo 5, orto 4; Kaz. orɨn 1, orda 4, 5, orta 4; KBalk. orun 1,
orta 4; KKalp. orɨn 1, orda 5, orta 4; Kum. orun 1, orda 5, 6, orta 4; Nogh.
orɨn 1, orda 5, orta 4; SUygh. orɨn 1, orta, orto, otra 4; Khak. orɨn 1, orda 5,
ortɨ 4; Oyr. orɨn 1, ordo 5, orto 4; Tv. orun 1, ortu 4; Chuv. vɨrъn 1, vъda 4;
Yak. ordū 1, 3, 5, oron 1, orto 4; Dolg. onnu 1.
◊ EDT 203-204, 233, VEWT 364, 365, TMN 2, 141, ЭСТЯ 1, 470-472, 474-479, Лексика
495, 563, 569, Stachowski 193, 196. Turkic is the source of Mong. oron ‘place’, ordo(n) ‘pal-
ace’ (cf. TMN 1, 164-165, 2, 38-39, Щербак 1997, 130), whence Man. oron etc., see Doerfer
MT 116. The PT *ordu ‘place of staying’ may need to be separated from other forms here:
it contains a very untypical *-rd- cluster (as opposed to *or-tu ‘middle’) and may reflect
 *orusi - *ŏrV 1063
an ancient borrowing from some unknown source. Cf. in that respect WMong. örte- ‘to
change post horses’, örtegen ‘postal relay station’, also somewhat obscure in origin.
PJpn. *ùrà inside; back side (внутренняя сторона; задняя сторона,
изнанка): OJpn. ura; MJpn. ùrà; Tok. urá; Kyo. úrà; Kag. urá.
◊ JLTT 563.
‖ Murayama 1962, 110 (Jpn.-TM). Cf. *ōŕi (the two roots are liable to
mergers).
-orusi river, to flow: Mong. *urus-; Turk. *örs, *örsen.
PMong. *urus- to flow (течь): MMong. oros- (LH); WMong. urus- (L
886); Kh. ursa-; Bur. urda-; Kalm. ursə- (КРС); Ord. urus-; Dag. orsu-,
(Тод. Даг. 160), orese- (MD 203), orso-; Dong. usuru-, urusu-; S.-Yugh.
urus-, urusu-, usuru-; Mongr. urosə- (SM 478).
◊ MGCD 296, 681.
PTurk. *örs, *örsen 1 river, river bed 2 to flow (1 река, русло реки 2
течь): Karakh. özen (AH) 1; Az. öz- 2; Turkm. özen 1; Chuv. vazan 1; Yak.
örüs 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 510-511.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Phonetically a good match would be Jpn.
*úrúsí ‘lacquer’ ( < *’liquid’?), but semantics raises doubts. Poppe 102
compares *urus- with Evk. urigden ‘backwater’ - the same comparison
see in ОСНЯ 1, 240-241. Cf. also Yak. ürex, Dolg. ürek ‘river’ (Sta-
chowski 253) - suggesting that *-si might be an original suffix.
-orV deer, antelope: Tung. *oran; Mong. *(h)oroŋgo; Turk. *orga.
PTung. *oran reindeer (олень): Evk. oron; Evn. orn; Neg. ojon; Man.
oron; Ul. oro(n); Nan. orõ; Orch. oro; Ud. oro.
◊ ТМС 2, 24-25.
PMong. *(h)oroŋgo a k. of antelope (вид антилопы): WMong.
oroŋɣu (L 623: oruŋɣu); Kh. oroŋgo; Bur. oroŋgo; Kalm. orŋgə ‘rhinoceros’
(КРС 403); Ord. oroŋgo.
PTurk. *orga female or young maral (самка или детеныш марала):
Tat. orɣacaq (Sib.); Khak. orɣa, orɣača (Kyz.); Shr. orɣa.
◊ Борг. 629.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ŏrV to mow, hay: Tung. *orā-kta; Turk. *or-.
PTung. *orā-kta grass (dry), hay (сухая трава, сено): Evk. orokto,
orōkto; Evn. orāt; Neg. ojokto; Man. orχo; SMan. orəhə ‘grass’ (2130);
Jurch. or-ɣo (116); Ul. orχoqta; Ork. oroqto; Nan. oroqta; Orch. ōkto; Ud.
ōkto; Sol. orōkto.
◊ ТМС 2, 24.
PTurk. *or- to mow (косить): Karakh. or- (MK); Tur. ora-; Turkm.
or-; Chuv. vɨr-.
1064 *ŏŕe - *ṓŕì
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 468, Лексика 469.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ŏŕe ( ~ -i) other, one of two: Tung. *urē-; Mong. *öre-; Turk. *öŕ-ge.
PTung. *urē- 1 to be similar, resemble 2 similar (1 быть похожим,
напоминать 2 похожий): Evk. urē- 1; Evn. urēč 2; Ork. urexe 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 289.
PMong. *öre- 1 to set in order, put in line, arrange in a row 2 half of
a carcass; hobble for legs on one side of a horse 3 one of two (objects) (1
приводить в порядок, располагать в ряд 2 половина туши; односто-
ронние путы 3 один из двух (предметов)): MMong. ore’elesun (HY 44)
2, ore’ele 3 (SH), urele 2 (MA); WMong. örü- (L 643), öre- 1, örügel 2 (L
643); Kh. örö- 1, örȫl 2; Bur. ürȫhe(n), ürȫle 3; Kalm. ör- 1 örēsn 3; Ord. örȫl
2; Dag. ergūlen 2 (Тод. Даг. 140); Bao. rɛji 3; S.-Yugh. örlölöd 2, örlȫ 3.
◊ KW 298, 299 MGCD 548, 549. Mong. > Chag. örük etc. ‘foot hobbles’ (VEWT 375).
PTurk. *öŕ-ge other (другой): OTurk. özge (OUygh.); Karakh. özge
(MK - Tefs.); Tur. özge; Az. özgä; Turkm. özge; MTurk. özge (AH, Pav.
C.); Uzb. ọzgä; Uygh. özgä; Krm. özge; Tat. üzgä; Kirgh. özgö; Kaz. özge;
KBalk. özge; KKalp. özge; Kum. özge; Nogh. özge; SUygh. üzge; Shr. öske;
Oyr. öskö; Tv. öske.
◊ EDT 285, VEWT 377, ЭСТЯ 1, 508.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ṓŕì middle, inside: Tung. *uri; Mong. *örü; Turk. *ȫŕ; Jpn. *útì.
PTung. *uri 1 stomach, belly 2 breast collar 3 inner fat 4 maw 5 up-
per layer of yukola (1 живот, желудок 2 нагрудник 3 внутренний
жир 4 сычуг 5 верхний слой юколы): Evk. ur, uri-gde 1; uri-ptun 2; orik
4; Evn. ur 1, orъqъn 3; Neg. uji-pun 2; Ul. uru-ptu(n) 2; Ork. uritte ‘fish
belly’; Nan. orịχta 5; Sol. orxĩ 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 23, 24, 30, 281. Evk. > Dolg. örögö(tö) ‘fish belly’ (Stachowski 200).
PMong. *örü inside, breast (внутренность, грудь): MMong. oro (HY
46), ore (SH); WMong. örü (L 643); Kh. ör; Bur. üre; Kalm. örə; Ord. örö,
ör; Mog. ZM ourä ‘heart, mind’ (4-4a); Dag. erecū ‘chest, bosom, breast’
(MD 145).
◊ KW 298.
PTurk. *ȫŕ inside, the essential part (середина, внутренность, сущ-
ность): OTurk. öz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öz (MK); Tur. öz; Gag. jöz;
Az. öz; Turkm. ȫz ‘self’; Khal. z; MTurk. öz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọz; Uygh. öz;
Krm. öz; Tat. üz; Bashk. üδ; Kirgh. öz; Kaz. öz; KKalp. öz; Kum. öz;
Nogh. öz; SUygh. üz; Oyr. üs; Chuv. var; Yak. üös; Dolg. üös.
◊ EDT 278, VEWT 376-7, ЭСТЯ 1, 506-512, Лексика 90, 117, Stachowski 252. The
word and its derivatives have a wide scope of meanings: ‘middle’ > ‘heartwood, central
crossbeam, pole’ (*ȫŕek).
 *ṓŕi - *se 1065

PJpn. *útì middle, inside (середина, внутренность): OJpn. uti;

MJpn. útì; Tok. ùchi; Kyo. úchí; Kag. úchi.
◊ JLTT 565. The Kyoto and Tokyo forms point to a variant *útí.
‖ EAS 112, KW 298, Poppe 81, АПиПЯЯ 74, Лексика 90. Despite
TMN 2, 146, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk. Cf. *òru.
-ṓŕi to rise, up: Mong. *ergü- (*örgü-); Turk. *ǖŕ (/*ȫŕ); Jpn. *ura(i); Kor.
*òrắ-.
PMong. *ergü- (*örgü-) to lift, raise (поднимать): MMong. ergu-
(HY 33, SH), wärgo- (IM), urg(i)- (MA); WMong. ergü-, örgü- (L 325); Kh.
örgö-; Bur. ürge-; Kalm. örgə-; Ord. ürgü-; Dag. erewē- (MD 146), ergue-;
Dong. uGu-; S.-Yugh. orgomǯilī; Mongr. urgu- (SM 475).
◊ MGCD 548. Cf. also WMong. örni- ‘to grow, increase’. Derived is WMong. örgüge,
ergüge, Khalkha örgȫ ‘tent, palace’ > Khak. örge etc., see KW 299. Note that the root should
be kept distinct from *öre- ‘to arrange, put in a row’ (v. sub *ŏŕe).
PTurk. *ǖŕ (/*ȫŕ) on top, high above (наверху, высоко над): OTurk.
üze / öze (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. üze (MK); Tur. üzer ‘upper part’; Az.
üzäri; MTurk. üze (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); SUygh. üze, üzi; Oyr. üzeri; Chuv.
vir (<*öŕ); Yak. ǖhe, üöhe; Dolg. ühe, üöhe.
◊ A common Turkic derivative is *üŕ-t (with secondary vowel shortening): OT üst,
Turkm. üst, Tat. ös, Khal. ist etc. ‘upper part’. See EDT 280-281, VEWT 523, 524, ЭСТЯ 1,
622-623, 638-639, Stachowski 249, 251, 255.
PJpn. *ura(i) end of a branch, top of a tree (конец ветки, верхушка
дерева): OJpn. ura, ure; Tok. ura.
◊ JLTT 563. PJ accent is unclear.
PKor. *òrắ- to rise (подниматься): MKor. òrắ-, òr-; Mod. orɨ-.
◊ Nam 380, KED 1199.
‖ SKE 178, EAS 107, ОСНЯ 1, 254. Despite Щербак 1997, 131 the
Mong. stem cannot be regarded as a Turkic loanword. The root is
sometimes difficult to distinguish from *p῾ōre q.v. See also notes to
*p῾ŏlge.
-se to be bad, guilty: Tung. *us(a); Mong. *ös; Turk. *osa-; Jpn. *sr-.
PTung. *us(a) 1 bad 2 to become sad 3 hate 4 guilt, crime 5 to be sick
6 to be unable, not want (1 плохой 2 огорчаться 3 ненависть 4 вина,
преступление 5 болеть, чувствовать недомогание 6 не мочь, не хо-
теть): Evk. usa 1, usē- 5, usē-če- 6; Evn. ụs 1,4, öse- 5, 6; Neg. osa 1; Man.
osχa 1, usa- 2; SMan. usa- ‘to be sad, to grieve’ (1933); Jurch.
usu-ɣa-buren (384) 3; Ul. osisi- 6; Nan. osisi- 6.
◊ ТМС 2, 290-293.
PMong. *ös revenge, hate (месть, ненависть): MMong. osül, oš(i)
(SH); WMong. ös, ösige (L 645: ös, ösije); Kh. ös; Bur. ühȫ(n), üšȫrxe-;
Kalm. ös, öš; Ord. ös, öšȫ.
◊ KW 301.
1066 *ti - *ti
PTurk. *osa- 1 careless, dilatory 2 bad, evil 3 to be careless, negli-
gent 4 negligence, harm (1 небрежный, медлительный 2 плохой,
злой 3 быть небрежным, беспечным 4 небрежность, беспечность,
увечье): OTurk. osal 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. osal 1, osan- 3 (MK); Tur. osal 2
(dial.), usan- 3; Az. osal 1 (dial.), usan- 3; Turkm. osal 1; MTurk. osal 1
(Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ọsal 2; Uygh. osal 2; Krm. osal 1, 2, usan- 3; Tat.
usal 2; Bashk. usal 2; Kirgh. osol 2; Kaz. osal 2; KBalk. osal 2; KKalp. osal
2; Kum. osal 2; Nogh. osal 2; Chuv. osal 2; Yak. ohol 4.
◊ VEWT 365-366, EDT 247, 248, ЭСТЯ 1, 479-481, 608 (distinguishes osal and usan- -
but the narrowing osan- > usan- is a local Oghuz phenomenon and probably secondary,
due to interdialectal loans), Егоров 277, Федотов 2, 290. Turk. > Mong. osal (MMong.
(SH) osolda-), see TMN 2, 149, Clark 1980, 39, not vice versa - despite Щербак 1997, 207.
PJpn. *sr- to be scared, afraid (бояться): OJpn. os(w)or-; MJpn.
òsòr-; Tok. osoré-; Kyo. ósóré-; Kag. òsòrè-.
◊ JLTT 743.
‖ EAS 102, Poppe 65, Finch 1987, 58. Despite TMN 2, 135, Щербак
1997, 131, Clark 1980, 51, Mong. ös cannot be borrowed from Turk. *ȫč
(see *ṓč῾e). Attempts to disprove the Turk.-Tung. match in TMN 2,
149-150 are unsuccessful.
-ti ( ~ -t῾-) to move, change place: Tung. *(x)utur-; Mong. *oči-; Turk.
*öt-; Jpn. *ùtù-r-; Kor. *tɨ-.
PTung. *(x)utur- to reel, turn round (вертеться): Evk. utur-.
◊ ТМС 2, 295. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *oči- to walk, move, go (идти, двигаться): MMong. očira
‘before, along’ (SH); WMong. oči- (L 599); Kh. oči-; Bur. ošo-; Dag. vaǯire-
‘to come in’, vāǯi ‘track’; Dong. ečɨ- (Тод. Дн.); Bao. šǯe-, hǯe- (Тод. Бн.);
Mongr. śi- (SM 387).
◊ WMong. has also a not quite clear variant eči- id. (possibly also reflected in some
South Mong. languages). Without palatalization cf. MMong. (SH, HY) ot-, (MA) udu-,
WMong. od(u)-, Kalm. od- ‘be on one’s way’ (KW 283).
PTurk. *öt- to pass by, pass through (проходить мимо, проходить
через): OTurk. öt- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öt- (MK); Az. öt-; Turkm.
öt-; Sal. öt-; MTurk. öt- (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ọt-; Uygh. öt-; Krm. öt-;
Tat. üt-; Bashk. üt-; Kirgh. öt-; Kaz. öt-; KBalk. öt-; KKalp. öt-; Kum. öt-;
Nogh. öt-; SUygh. jüt-; Khak. öt-; Oyr. öt-; Tv. öt-; Chuv. vit-; Yak. öt-.
◊ EDT 39, VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 554-555.
PJpn. *ùtù-r- to move, change place (двигаться, менять место):
OJpn. utu-r-; MJpn. ùtù-r-; Tok. utsúr-; Kyo. útsúr-; Kag. ùtsùr-.
◊ JLTT 781.
PKor. *tɨ- to move, change one’s place (двигаться, менять место):
Mod. tɨ-.
◊ SKE 264 (NKor.).
 *ōt῾a - *ṓt῾è 1067

‖ The Kor. form (attested only in SKE) has a frequent loss of initial
vowel.
-ōt῾a ( ~ -t-) fire; hot, warm: Tung. *(x)utinŋe; Mong. *(h)očki-n; Turk.
*ōt; Jpn. *àtà- / *àtù-; Kor. *tằ-.
PTung. *(x)utinŋe wood fire (лесной пожар): Evk. utinŋe; Evn.
utöŋŋö.
◊ ТМС 2, 294.
PMong. *(h)očki-n spark (искра): WMong. oči(n) (L 599); Kh. oč;
Bur. ošo(n); Kalm. očn; Ord. oči; Mog. ukin; ZM očkä (18-3b); Dong. očin;
Bao. oken; Mongr. śun, fuun.
◊ KW 291. Mong. > Turk. učqun ‘spark’ (see Лексика 368-369; not attested in
OTurkic).
PTurk. *ōt fire (огонь): OTurk. ot (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ot (MK);
Tur. ot ‘flame, fire’ (arch.); Az. od; Turkm. ōt; Sal. oht; Khal. ht; MTurk.
ot (Pav. C., Abush., MA); Uzb. ụt; Uygh. ot; Tat. ut; Bashk. ut; Kirgh. ot;
Kaz. ot; KBalk. ot; KKalp. ot; Nogh. ot; SUygh. ot; Khak. ot; Oyr. ot; Tv.
ot; Tof. ot; Chuv. vot; Yak. uot; Dolg. uot.
◊ VEWT 366, EDT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 483-484, Лексика 356, 361, Федотов 1, 133, Sta-
chowski 245. OT ot-čuq was borrowed in MMong. as očaq ‘hearth’ (see Щербак 1997, 196).
PJpn. *àtà- / *àtù- 1 warm 2 hot (1 теплый 2 горячий): OJpn. ata-
take- 1, atu- 2; MJpn. àtàtáka 1, atu- 2; Tok. atataká- 1, atsú- 2; Kyo. átátáka-
1, átsù- 2; Kag. atataká- 1, atsú- 2.
◊ JLTT 387, 826.
PKor. *tằ- warm, hot (теплый, горячий): MKor. tằ-sằ-; Mod.
t:at:ɨt-ha- [t:at:ɨs].
◊ Nam 136, KED 381.
‖ KW 291, ОСНЯ 2, 104, АПиПЯЯ 70, 97, 102, 278, Martin 234, Лек-
сика 356. The Mong. form may belong here if *očkin < *očikin < *oti-kin;
however, it may also reflect PA *p῾ōči ‘spark’ q.v. Korean has a frequent
loss of initial vowel. Tone in Jpn. is irregular.
-ṓt῾è old: Tung. *(x)ut-; Mong. *öte-; Turk. *ȫtü-; Jpn. *t-nà.
PTung. *(x)ut- 1 old 2 earlier, before 3 old age (1 старый 2 раньше,
прежде 3 старость): Evk. utakān 3; utu 1, utēle 2; Evn. ute 1, ȫtel 2; Neg.
utēle 2; Ud. uteli 2; Sol. utaci ‘grandfather’.
◊ Cf. also Evn. ụta-qan ‘old woman’. See ТМС 2, 293, 294, 295.
PMong. *öte- 1 to be old, old 2 old man (1 быть старым, старый 2
старик): MMong. otogu (HY 27, SH), utɛgu (IM), utägu (MA) 2; WMong.
ötel- 1, ötegü 2 (L 646); Kh. ötöl 1, ötgös 2; Bur. ütelhe(n) 1, ütȫ 2; Kalm. ötl
1, ötəgə 2; Ord. ötöl- ‘to get old’; Mog. ütäɣǖ 2; ZM otäl (10-3a) 2; Dag.
utel ‘constantly, traditionally’; utule- 1, utāči 2 (Тод. Даг. 171); Dong.
očien 2, očielu- 1; Mongr. sdōli- (SM 337) 1, sdōgu 2.
◊ KW 302, MGCD 551, TMN 1, 160.
1068 *t῾è - *t῾è
PTurk. *ȫtü- 1 old 2 old, abandoned house 3 everything old 4 name
of the homeland of the Turks (“old country”) (1 старый 2 старое, за-
брошенное жилище 3 старье 4 назв. местности): OTurk. ötüken 4
(Orkh.); Karakh. ötüken 4 (MK); Tv. ötükän ῾name of a mountain ridge
in Tuva’ (ФиЛ 215); Tof. ötükän ῾ровное широкое место на белках,
удобное для пастьбы оленей’ (ФиЛ 215); Chuv. vadъ 1; Yak. ötöx 2;
Dolg. ötök 3.
◊ Лексика 85; ДТС 393; Stachowski 201. Chuv. va- points only to PT *ȫ-. Turk. > Bur.
ütügen ῾shaman word for earth’ > Yak. ütügen ‘неизвестная даль; преисподняя’ (Пек. III
3195).
PJpn. *t-nà grown-up man, aged person (взрослый): MJpn. otona;
Tok. òtona; Kyo. òtónà; Kag. òtónà.
◊ JLTT 513.
‖ EAS 146, KW 302, Poppe 51, 107 (Mong.-Chuv.-Tung.), Дыбо 11,
Лексика 85. Despite Doerfer MT 46, TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong.
-t῾è (~-t-) sound: Tung. *(x)ot-; Mong. *öči-; Turk. *öt-; Jpn. *t.
PTung. *(x)ot- to shout, cry (кричать): Evk. otutka-.
◊ ТМС 2, 29. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *öči- 1 to report; to pray 2 to sing a song (1 докладывать,
сообщать; молиться 2 петь песню): MMong. oči- (SH, HYt) 1;
WMong. öči- 1; Kh. öč- 1; Kalm. öčə- 1; Ord. öčö- ‘réciter à haute voix
(prière)’; Dag. učule- 2 (Тод. Даг. 172).
◊ KW 302. Mong. (cf. the Dag. form) > Man. učule- ‘sing’, Man., Sol. učun ‘song’ (see
ТМС 2, 297).
PTurk. *öt- 1 to sing (of birds) 2 to say 3 to ask, request (1 петь (о
птицах) 2 сказать, говорить 3 просить): OTurk. öt- 1 (OUygh.), ötün- 3
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öt- 1, ötün- 3 (MK); Tur. öt- 1; Turkm. ötün- 3;
Sal. edi- 2; MTurk. öt- 2 (Pav. C.); Uygh. ötün- 3; Tat. üten- 3; Tv. e’t- 1;
Tof. e’t- 1; Chuv. avъt- 1; Yak. et- 2; Dolg. et- 2.
◊ VEWT 52, ЭСТЯ 1, 556, 557-558, EDT 39, 62, Егоров 21, Stachowski 48. The Chuv.
form is somewhat aberrant phonetically: it is possible that the actual Chuv. reflex of this
root is vitən- ῾to ask’ - while Chuv. avъt- (together with avtan, atan ῾cock’, Tat. ätäč ῾cock’)
goes back to a separate PT root *ebt-, possibly going back to PA *ip῾i (~-p-,-e) ῾to say,
speak’ q.v.
PJpn. *t sound (звук): OJpn. oto; MJpn. ótò; Tok. otó; Kyo. ótò; Kag.
óto.
◊ JLTT 513.
‖ KW 302, Владимирцов 323, Poppe 51, АПиПЯЯ 286. Despite
TMN 2, 134, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk.
 *ŏt῾k῾V - *t῾ù 1069

-ŏt῾k῾V grass: Tung. *okta; Mong. *(h)otul; Turk. *ot.

PTung. *okta medicine, powder (лекарство, порошок): Neg. okto;
Man. oqto; SMan. oqətə ‘medicine, drug’ (723); Ul. oqto; Ork. oqto; Nan.
oqto; Orch. okto; Ud. okto.
◊ ТМС 2, 11.
PMong. *(h)otul reed down; reed used for making mats (тростни-
ковый пух; тростник для циновок): WMong. otul (L 625); Kh. otol.
PTurk. *ot grass (трава): OTurk. ot (OUygh.); Karakh. ot (MK); Tur.
ot; Gag. ot; Az. ot; Turkm. ot; MTurk. ot (AH, Pav. C.); Uygh. ot; Krm. ot;
Tat. ut; Kirgh. ot; Kaz. ot; KBalk. ot; KKalp. ot; Kum. ot; Nogh. ot;
SUygh. ot, ut; Khak. ot; Oyr. ot; Tv. o’t; Chuv. udъ, vudъ (dial.) ‘hay’;
Yak. ot; Dolg. ot.
◊ EDT 34-35, ЭСТЯ 1, 481-483, Лексика 119-120, Федотов 2, 294-295, Stachowski 197.
‖ KW 191, Poppe 98, Дыбо 10. A Western isogloss.
-ót῾ó(rV) bushes, low trees: Tung. *utu-n / -r; Turk. *otrug; Jpn. *ntr.
PTung. *utu-n / -r 1 swamp 2 tundra 3 low bushes (1 болото 2 тун-
дра 3 стланик): Evk. utun 1, 2; Ork. uterikte 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 294, 295.
PTurk. *otrug island (остров): OTurk. otruɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. otruɣ
(MK); MTurk. (MKypch.) otrač (dim.) (AH, CCum.); Krm. otrac, otrač,
oturaš; Tat. utraw; Bashk. utraw; Oyr. ortolɨq.
◊ VEWT 367, EDT 65. In some languages the original form was folk-etymologically
reinterpreted as *orta-lɨk ‘located in the middle’. The latter form was borrowed in Mong.,
with regular liquid metathesis, as WMong. olturiɣ, Khalkha oltrig ‘small island, archipel-
ago’ (whence again Khak. oltɨrɨx, Kum. ottɨraɣ (VEWT) ‘island’).
PJpn. *ntr thickly growing bushes (заросли, кусты): OJpn.
od(w)or(w)o; MJpn. ódóró; Tok. odoro.
◊ JLTT 504.
‖ The meanings ‘island’ and ‘forest, bushes’ are frequently associ-
ated in Altaic, so the etymology on the whole seems quite plausible.
Note the common derivative *ót῾ó-rV reflected in PT *ot-ru-g, Orok
ute-ri-kte and PJ *ntr.
-t῾ù ( ~ -t-, -i) tent, house: Tung. *utē-n; Turk. *otag; Jpn. *ùtàina ( ~
-ia-).
PTung. *utē-n house, dwelling (чум, жилище): Evk. uten; Evn.
ūtēn; Neg. ūtēn; Ork. utemi; Orch. ūtečeken; Ud. utuli, utulu.
◊ ТМС 2, 295.
PTurk. *otag 1 tent 2 room (1шалаш 2 комната): Karakh. otaɣ (MK)
1; Tur. otak 1, oda 2; Gag. oda 1; Az. otaG 2; Turkm. otaG 2; MTurk. oda
(Pav. C.) 2; Uzb. ọtɔw 1; Uygh. otaq 1; Krm. oda 2; Kirgh. otō 1; Kaz. otaw
1; KBalk. otow 2; KKalp. otaw 1; Kum. otaw 2; Nogh. otaw 1; SUygh. otaɣ,
otax 1; Khak. otax 1; Shr. odaɣ 1; Oyr. odū 1; Tv. odaɣ 1; Yak. otū 1.
1070 *òǯa - *òǯa
◊ EDT 46, VEWT 366, ЭСТЯ 1, 484-487, TMN 2, 66-67, Лексика 496. Turk. > Mong.
otaq (see TMN 2, 67, Щербак 1997, 130). Some forms (like Tur. oda) suggest *ōtag - a sec-
ondary form, probably originally meaning “hearth” and derived from *ōt ‘fire’ and easily
confused with *otag ‘tent, dwelling place’. The latter, however, is very well attested (often
in the shape *otagu) and certainly containing a short vowel.
PJpn. *ùtàina ( ~ -ia-) a high building (высокое здание, чертог):
OJpn. utena; MJpn. ùtènà; Tok. utena.
◊ JLTT 565 (with an incorrect translation as ‘earthen mound/platform’).
‖ It is not quite clear whether PTM *utē-n and PJ *ùtàina point to a
common derivative *t῾ù-nV; because of the diphthong in the second
syllable Jpn. may rather reflect a compound with some obscure second
element.
-òǯa to play: Tung. *(x)oǯu; Mong. *oǯu-; Turk. *oj-; Jpn. *àjà-.
PTung. *(x)oǯu oestrum (течка): Evn. oǯụ.
◊ ТМС 2, 7. Cf. perhaps also Oroch uǯaǯina- ‘to play on a wooden instrument’ (if the
original meaning was ‘play’ (’playfulness (of animals)’ > ‘oestrum’).
PMong. *oǯu- 1 to kiss 2 penis (1 целовать 2 penis): MMong. oǯu- 1,
aǯoɣa 2 (IM), uǯa- 1, uǯaɣaj 2 (MA), uǯa- 1, uǯoqa, uǯəqai 2 (LH); WMong.
oǯu-, oǯi- 1, oǯuɣui, oǯuɣu 2 (L 626); Kh. oʒo- 1; Bur. ozogoj 2; Kalm. ozā,
ozəɣǟ 2; Ord. oǯoGo, oǯoGȫ 2; Dag. oǯi- (Тод. Даг. 159, MD 201) 1; Mongr.
oǯoGw, ǯoGw, iGw (SM 72) 2.
◊ KW 292. Mong. > Man. oǯo- etc., see Doerfer MT 142, Rozycki 166.
PTurk. *oj- 1 play 2 to play 3 to jump (1 игра 2 играть 3 прыгать):
OTurk. ojun 1, ojna- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. ojun 1, ojna- 2 (MK); Tur. ojun
1, ojna- 2; Gag. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Az. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Turkm. ojun 1, ojna- 2;
Uzb. ọjin 1, ọjna- 2; Uygh. ojun, ojan 1, ojni- 2; Krm. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Tat.
ujɨn 1, ujna- 2; Bashk. ujɨn 1, ujna- 2; Kirgh. ojun 1, ojno- 2; Kaz. ojɨn 1,
ojna- 2; KBalk. ojun 1, ojna- 2; KKalp. ojɨn 1, ojna- 2; Kum. ojun 1, ojna- 2;
Nogh. ojɨn 1; SUygh. oin, ujin 1; Khak. ojɨn 1, ojna- 2; Shr. oin 1; Oyr. ojɨn
1, ojno- 2; Tv. ojun 1, ojna- 2; Chuv. vъₙjъₙ 1; Yak. ōnńū 1, ōnńō- 2, oj- 3;
Dolg. oj- 3, ōnńō- 2.
◊ EDT 274, 275, ЭСТЯ 1, 435-436, Stachowski 190, 198. The verb also has sexual con-
notations, preserved in Kirgh., Oyr., Bashk. and Yak. (where it also means ‘to flirt, be in
love’) and in the common Turkic derivative *ojnaĺ ‘lover’ (see ЭСТЯ ibid.) - important for
establishing external connections.
PJpn. *àjà- 1 to manipulate by strings (dolls etc.) 2 to nurse (1 мани-
пулировать при помощи веревок (куклами и т.п.) 2 нянчить):
MJpn. àjà-túr- 1; Tok. ayatsúr- 1, ayas- 2; Kyo. áyátsúr- 1; Kag. ayatsúr- 1.
◊ JLTT 679. The Tokyo accent is aberrant; otherwise all sources point to low tone.
‖ Poppe 64, TMN 2, 225 (“semantisch möglich, nicht mehr”).
 P

-pábVrV (~ p῾-, -p-, -ŕ-) to swim, flow: Tung. *pabri-; Jpn. *pápúr-.
PTung. *pabri- 1 to swim 2 to bathe (1 плыть, плавать 2 купаться):
Neg. xajwi- 1; Ul. pawrụwụ 1; Ork. paụrị- 2; Nan. faọr’i- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 458.
PJpn. *pápúr- to overflow (переливаться): OJpn. papur-; MJpn.
áfúr-; Tok. afuré-; Kyo. áfúré-; Kag. afuré-.
◊ JLTT 675, 683. The word is rather peculiar phonetically (with both irregular preser-
vation of -p- > -f- and loss of p- > 0-), but there is hardly reason to separate the OJ and the
modern Jpn. forms.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pắdà to spread; flag, standard: Tung. *pad-; Mong. *bad-; Turk.
*bAd-rak / *bAd-ruk; Jpn. *pátà.
PTung. *pad- 1 to spread out (animal’s skin) 2 name of a game
(spreading a rope between fingers) 3 to arrange (in a row) (1 растяги-
вать, распяливать (шкуру животного) 2 натягивание шнура между
пальцами (назв. игры) 3 расставлять, раскладывать): Evk. hadarga 2;
Man. fajda- 3, fajdan ‘row’; SMan. faidən ‘row’ (1624); Ork. pādda- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 297, 308.
PMong. *bad- 1 to spread, expand, develop 2 flag, standard (1 рас-
простирать, распространяться 2 флаг, знамя): WMong. badara- 1,
badaŋ 2 (L 66); Kh. badra- 1, badan 2; Bur. badar- 1; Kalm. badr- 1; Ord.
badara- 1; Dag. badara- 1 (Тод. Даг. 123), badare- (MD 117); Dong. patara-
1.
◊ KW 27, MGCD 130. Mong. > Evk. badara-, Man. badara- etc., see Doerfer MT 69.
Sukhebaatar suggests a loan Mong. badaŋ < Tib. badan ‘flag’, but the case is not quite clear:
the Tibetan word itself is clearly borrowed, but the source is not really known (it is
hardly Sanskr. patākā id.), and may be actually Mongolian.
PTurk. *bAd-rak / *bAd-ruk banner, flag (знамя, флаг): OTurk.
badruq (OUygh.); Karakh. batraq (MK: ‘a lance with piece of silk at its
head’); Tur. bajrak; Gag. bajraq; Az. bajraG; Turkm. bajdaq; MTurk. bajraq
(Pav. C.); Uzb. bajrɔq, (dial.) bajdaq; Uygh. bajraq, vajraq, (dial.) bajaq;
Krm. bajraq; Tat. bajraq; Bashk. bajraq; Kaz. (dial.) bajraq; KBalk. bajraq;
KKalp. bajraq; Kum. bajraq; Nogh. bajraq.
1072 *pằgdì - *pjbu
◊ EDT 307, VEWT 55, TMN 2, 385-387, ЭСТЯ 33-34, 36, Лексика 565. Turk. (Chag.) >
Pers., Arab. Clauson’s hypothesis about borrowing from Sanskr. is unfounded because
Sanskrit lacks anything similar.
PJpn. *pátà flag, banner (флаг, знамя): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátà; Tok.
hatá; Kyo. hátà; Kag. háta.
◊ JLTT 401.
‖ Cf. *bdi.
-pằgdì ( ~ p῾-) to moisten, dip: Tung. *pagda-; Jpn. *pìtà-; Kor. *pt-.
PTung. *pagda- to smear (мазать): Evk. hagda-; Evn. hāda-; Ul.
paGda-; Nan. pāGda-.
◊ ТМС 2, 308.
PJpn. *pìtà- 1 to be dipped, become wet 2 to dip, soak (1 окунаться,
увлажняться 2 окунать, мочить): OJpn. p(j)itas- 2; MJpn. fìtàr- 1; Tok.
hitár- 1, hitás- 2; Kyo. hítár- 1, hítás- 2; Kag. hìtàr- 1, hìtàs- 2.
◊ JLTT 690. Tokyo has also irregular accent variants: hìtar-, hìtas-.
PKor. *pt- to float (плавать): MKor. pt-; Mod. t:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 172, KED 523.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Turk. *bat- may be a contamination of this
root with *pat῾a q.v. The Korean match is somewhat dubious semanti-
cally, unless one presumes a semantic development ‘float’ < ‘be wet,
flow’; this may be corroborated by apparently related (dialectal?) vari-
ants MKor. pàthắ- ‘to strain, filter’ and MKor. phjtì- ‘to overflow’.
Ramstedt (SKE 191) compares the TM forms with MKor. pằrằ- ‘to plas-
ter, smear’, which is dubious (see *píla ).
-pàjá ( ~ p῾-) to shine, glitter: Tung. *paja-; Jpn. *pàjá-.
PTung. *paja- 1 to glitter (of snow) 2 blinded by bright light (1 бле-
стеть (о снеге) 2 ослепленный (ярким светом)): Evk. hajakat- 1; Ud.
pajaktu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 308. Ud. p- points to a borrowing from some unattested Nan. or Ul. form.
PJpn. *pàjá- 1 to be bright, glitter, shine 2 to eclipse (1 блестеть,
сверкать 2 наступать (о солнечном или лунном затмении)): OJpn.
paja- 1, 2; MJpn. faja- 1, 2; Tok. haé- 1; Kyo. hàè- 1; Kag. hàè- 1.
◊ JLTT 682.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pjbu ( ~ p῾-) to add, increase: Tung. *pāb-; Jpn. *pùjà- (~-w-); Kor.
*phó.
PTung. *pāb- to add (добавлять): Evk. hāw-; Evn. hāw-; Neg. xāw-;
Ul. pajị-; Ork. poị-; Nan. poaị-; Sol. āwi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 306-307.
PJpn. *pùjà- (~-w-) to increase, grow (увеличиваться, возрастать):
Tok. fué- (caus. fujá-s-); Kyo. fùè-; Kag. fùè-.
◊ JLTT 693, 696.
 *pàje - *pàjò 1073

PKor. *phó 1 many, several, quantity 2 to pile up (1 много, не-

сколько, количество 2 нагромождать): MKor. phó (adv.) 1, phằ- ‘do
smth. repeatedly’ , pho-kai- 2; Mod. pho 1, pho-gä-da 2.
◊ Liu 720, 725, KED 1753.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Aspiration in Korean may be due to secon-
dary affixation (*phó < *po-h- < *pVbV-g-); however, a reconstruction
*pāgu- is not excluded for PTM, and therefore the PA form may be as
well reconstructed as *pājgu (*-j- is needed anyway to explain fricativi-
zation in Japanese).
-pàje ( ~ p῾-) a k. of grass: Tung. *pajī-kta; Jpn. *p ( ~ *puà).
PTung. *pajī-kta grass (dry) (трава (сухая)): Evk. hajīkta; Evn. hajt;
Neg. xajta; Man. fojō; Ul. pajqta; Ork. paịqta; Nan. pajaqta; Ud. xaikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 309.
PJpn. *p ( ~ *puà) spike, ear (of grain) (колос): OJpn. p(w)o; MJpn.
fò; Tok. hó; Kyo. hṓ; Kag. hó.
◊ JLTT 413. RJ and Tokyo point to low tone, but Kyoto and Kagoshima are aberrant.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pjkù owl: Tung. *pige ( ~ *piage); Mong. *beg-; Turk. *bĀjk-; Jpn.
*pùkù-; Kor. *púhuŋ.
PTung. *pige ( ~ *piage) kite (коршун): Evk. hiɣen; Evn. huhen,
hösen; Neg. xiɣē-čēn; Ul. piču(n); Ork. pčandi; Nan. pīčuẽ; Orch. xiwočo;
Sol. igēs.
◊ ТМС 2, 322-323.
PMong. *beg- barred owl (сыч): WMong. beg-; Kh. beg-batār,
beg-bātar; Bur. begserge; Kalm. böksə šowūn ‘eagle-owl’.
◊ KW 55.
PTurk. *bĀjk- owl (сова): Tur. bajkuš; bajkara ‘hawk’; Turkm. bājGuš;
MTurk. bajquš, bajqɨz; Kaz. bajɣɨz; Shr. pajoq ‘a k. of bird’.
◊ VEWT 57, ЭСТЯ 2, 32-33. Turk. > MMong. (ZM) beiquš.
PJpn. *pùkù- owl (сова): MJpn. fùkùròfù, fùkùrókù; Tok. fukurō.
◊ JLTT 417.
PKor. *púhŋ owl; kite (сова; коршун): MKor. púhŋ, púhuŋ,
púhuŋ’í; Mod. puəŋi.
◊ Nam 266, KED 817.
‖ An expressive root with somewhat violated correspondences. Cf.
some similar bird names: Khak. pegem ‘wood-hen’, Bur. bug-bātar ‘owl’
(if the analysis ‘demon-hero’ is a folk etymology); Oroch bajakuli ‘name
of a bird’, Man. bajbula ‘magpie’.
-pàjò ( ~ p῾-) spring or autumn wind: Tung. *pajī-; Jpn. *pàjàtì.
PTung. *pajī- 1 freezing weather (in spring or autumn) 2 Northern
or Eastern wind 3 to blow (of spring wind) 4 frost (1 заморозки (вес-
ной или осенью) 2 северный или восточный ветер 3 дуть (о весен-
1074 *pko - *pák῾[ò]
нем ветре) 4 иней): Evk. hajī 1, 2, hajī- 3; Nan. χatqa (Kur-Urm.) 1;
Orch. xaika 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 309.
PJpn. *pàjàtì wind storm (сильный ветер): OJpn. pajati, pajate;
MJpn. fàjàtì, fajate; Tok. hàyate, hayáte; Kyo. háyàtè; Kag. hayaté.
◊ JLTT 402. The Tokyo accent is unclear.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. In Turkic cf. perhaps either Karakh. (MK)
ojuq ‘mirage’ or *bej > Chuv. paj ῾frost’.
-pko ( ~ p῾-, -k῾-, -e) rock, cliff: Tung. *pākta; Jpn. *pəki.
PTung. *pākta 1 hill, mound 2 precipice 3 sand bank (1 бугор, воз-
вышенность 2 обрыв 3 берег (песчаный)): Neg. pakta 1 ( < South.); Ul.
pāqta 2; Ork. paqtaị 3; Nan. pāqta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 32.
PJpn. *pəki steep rock (крутая скала): MJpn. foki.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; MKor. pàhói could also be related (if sepa-
rated from *búge q.v.).
-pák῾à ( ~ *p῾-) to insert, shut in, sew in: Tung. *paKū-; Jpn. *pák-; Kor.
*pàk-.
PTung. *paKū- to close in, buckle, shut up (закрывать, замыкать,
запирать): Evk. hakū-; Evn. haq-; Neg. xaxụ-; Sol. axụ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 311. TM > Dag. xaku ‘closed’ (Тод. Даг. 172); Evk. hakuma ‘closed circle’ >
Dag. xakimā ‘circle dance’ (ibid).
PJpn. *pák- to put on (shirts, trousers) (надевать (рубашку, шта-
ны)): OJpn. pak-; MJpn. fák-; Tok. hàk-; Kyo. hák-; Kag. hàk-.
◊ JLTT 684. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (under lit. influence?).
PKor. *pàk- to insert; to sew with a double stitch (вставлять; сши-
вать двойным швом): MKor. pàk-; Mod. pak-.
◊ Liu 364, KED 710.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-pák῾[ò] a k. of fish or sea animal: Tung. *paxan; Turk. *buka ( = *boka);
Jpn. *púká; Kor. *pòk.
PTung. *paxan bream (лещ): Ul. paχa(n); Nan. paχã.
◊ ТМС 2, 32.
PTurk. *buka perch (окунь): Tat. ala-boɣa; Kaz. ala-buɣa; Khak.
ala-buɣa.
◊ VEWT 15, Лексика 178 (traditionally regarded as a compound *āla ‘variegated’ +
*buka ‘bull’, which is dubious because of the parallelism in Tat.: ala-balɨq ‘crucian’ :
ala-boɣa ‘perch’ - suggesting that the second part of both compounds is originally a fish
name).
PJpn. *púká shark (акула): MJpn. fúká; Tok. fùka, fuká; Kyo. fúká;
Kag. fúka.
◊ JLTT 417.
 *pala - *pằlgà 1075

PKor. *pòk porpoise, (KED) globefish, swellfish, puffer (дельфин):

MKor. pòk; Mod. pog-ə, pok-čäŋi.
◊ Liu 388, KED 798.
‖ Лексика 178. The vocalism reflects a variation between *pak῾o (in
most languages) and *pak῾u ( > Jpn. *púká), perhaps under the influence
of a similar fish name *bek῾u q.v.
-pala ( ~ *p῾-) tooth: Tung. *palV; Jpn. *pa; Kor. *par.
PTung. *palV molar (коренной зуб): Ul. palị; Nan. paloa.
◊ ТМС 2, 313.
PJpn. *pa tooth (зуб): OJpn. pa; MJpn. fa; Tok. há; Kyo. h; Kag. há.
◊ JLTT 394. The PJ accent is not quite clear: Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *pà, but
Kyoto has h (pointing rather to *pá), and RJ has a special tone mark (fá, but with the
upper dot to the right).
PKor. *par tooth (in comp. with *ni-) (зуб (в слож. с *ni-)): MKor.
ni-s-par; Mod. ip:al.
◊ Nam 127, KED 1369.
‖ EAS 55-56, AKE 14, ОСНЯ 3, 95, АПиПЯЯ 109, 278. An Eastern
isogloss. Jpn. reflects a suffixed form *pal(a)-gV (cf. Nan. paloa).
-plčà to be ashamed: Tung. *pālǯe-; Mong. *balči-; Jpn. *pàntù-i.
PTung. *pālǯe- to be ashamed (стыдиться): Evk. hālǯe-; Evn. halǯụ-;
Neg. xalǯa-; Man. anči-aša-; Ork. xalǯē-; Nan. χalǯa-; Orch. xagǯa-; Ud.
xagǯa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 313.
PMong. *balči- to be ashamed (стыдиться): WMong. balači- (L 78);
Kh. balči-; Bur. balšɨsa bari-.
PJpn. *pàntù-i shame (стыд): OJpn. padi; MJpn. fàdì; Tok. hají; Kyo.
hájì; Kag. hàjí.
◊ JLTT 403. For -u- cf. padukasi ‘shameful’.
‖ PA length is responsible for the preservation of b- in Mong. (oth-
erwise *halči- would be expected).
-pằlgà foot: Tung. *palga-n; Turk. *bAlak; Jpn. *pànkì; Kor. *pár.
PTung. *palga-n 1 foot 2 sole (1 нога 2 подошва): Evk. halgan 1;
Evn. halgn 1; Neg. xalgan 1; Ul. palǯa(n) 1; Ork. palǯa(n) 1; Nan. palgã 2;
Orch. xaga ‘paw’; Ud. xaga ‘paw; bear’s trace’; Sol. alɣã 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 312.
PTurk. *bAlak 1 ankle 2 trouser leg 3 foot sole (1 щиколотка 2 шта-
нина 3 стопа): Tur. balaq 2 (dial.); Az. balaG 2; Turkm. balaq 2; MTurk.
balaq 2 (Pav. C.); Krm. balaq 2; Tat. balaq 1, 2; Bashk. balaq 2; Kaz. balaq 2;
‘bird’s foot’; KBalk. balaq 2, 3; KKalp. balaq 2; Kum. balaq 2; Nogh. balaq
2.
◊ VEWT 59, TMN 2, 312, ЭСТЯ 2, 51, Лексика 478. Turk. > Russ. Siber. baláki (pl.)
(Аникин 114). [The latter contains a mistake: balaq ‘пахи’ is not attested in Kirgh. - it is
1076 *pli - *pli
found in Radloff marked as Kirgh., which means Kazakh. Modern Kazakh dictionaries
do not note this meaning; according to the КТТС (1, 86) it means ῾a trouser leg from the
knee downwards; horse’s ankle; part of bird’s leg from the knee down to the ankle’. In
Kirgh. a related stem may be balak-ta- ‘to hang loose (of clothes, particularly of wide trou-
ser legs)’.]
PJpn. *pànkì shin (голень): OJpn. pagji; MJpn. fàgì; Tok. hagí; Kyo.
hágì; Kag. hagí.
◊ JLTT 395. In Ryukyu dialects the word means ‘foot, leg’: cf. Nase hágì, Hateruma
páN, Yonaguni háN ‘foot, leg’ etc.
PKor. *pár foot (нога): MKor. pár; Mod. pal.
◊ Nam 245, KED 722.
‖ EAS 52, Цинциус 1984, 29-30, ОСНЯ 3, 67-70, Menges 1984, 284,
АПиПЯЯ 13, 43, 68, 96, 279.
-pli a k. of fish: Tung. *palu; Mong. *bilaɣu; Turk. *bālɨk; Jpn. *pírámái
(~-miá); Kor. *par-.
PTung. *palu a k. of fish (similar to bream) (вид рыбы (похожей на
леща)): Man. falu.
◊ ТМС 2, 298. Cf. also Evk. pulwāne, palwāne ‘язь’ ( borrowed from some
South.-Tung. form); huldi ‘pike’.
PMong. *bilaɣu 1 carp 2 a k. of salmon (1 карп 2 таймень, язь, со-
рога): WMong. bilaɣu; buluu, buluɣu 1 (БАМРС); Kh. bulū cagān 1; Bur.
bulūsxai 2.
◊ Cf. also Bur. Okin. baĺuɣan < *baliɣugan, Darkh. baĺus ‘гольян, мелкий хариус’ (see
Аникин 115, but hardly borrowed < Turkic), with a usual vowel variation of the type
milaɣa / maliɣa.
PTurk. *bālɨk fish (рыба): OTurk. balɨq (OUygh.); Karakh. balɨq
(MK); Tur. balɨk; Gag. balɨq; Az. balɨG; Turkm. bālɨq; Sal. baluχ; MTurk.
balɨq, balɨɣ (MA, Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. baliq; Uygh. beliq; Krm. balɨx;
Tat. balɨq; Bashk. balɨq; Kirgh. balɨq; Kaz. balɨq; KBalk. balɨq; KKalp. balɨq;
Kum. balɨq; Nogh. balɨq; Khak. palɨx; Shr. palɨq (R.); Oyr. balɨq; Tv. balɨq;
Tof. balɨq; Chuv. polъ; Yak. balɨk; Dolg. balɨk.
◊ EDT 335, ЭСТЯ 2, 59-60, Лексика 177, Федотов 1, 443, Stachowski 52.
PJpn. *pírámái (~-miá) fluke, plaice (камбала): OJpn. p(j)iram(j)e;
Tok. hìrame; Kyo. hìràmé; Kag. hiráme.
◊ Tokyo and Kagoshima point unambiguosly to high tone, while Kyoto accent is ir-
regular.
PKor. *par- carp (карп): MKor. parkaŋ’i; Mod. palgaŋi.
◊ Liu 368, KED 724 (the word is attested in MKor. with -a-, not -ă-, thus Martin’s
derivation: “a red one” cannot be correct).
‖ VEWT 61, KW 31 (but Kalm. balɣă zaɣăsn ‘a k. of fish’, also com-
pared by Ramstedt, is a Turkism), SKE 185, АПиПЯЯ 282, Дыбо 8,
Лексика 177.
 *pli - *pằluk῾V 1077

-pli to be separated, divided: Tung. *pālan; Mong. *belčir; Turk.

*bẹldir; Jpn. *pìràk-; Kor. *pr-.
PTung. *pālan bifurcation, fork (развилина): Evk. hālān; Neg. xalan;
Ul. xala(n); Nan. pālã; Orch. xāla(n); Ud. xala(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 312.
PMong. *belčir cross-road; joint of two rivers (перекресток; соеди-
нение двух рек): MMong. belčir (SH); WMong. belčir (L 97); Kh. belčir;
Bur. belšer; Kalm. belčr.
◊ KW 42.
PTurk. *bẹldir cross-roads, separation of two roads or rivers (пере-
кресток, развилка двух дорог или рек): OTurk. beltir (OUygh.);
Karakh. beltir (MK); Tat. pilter ‘вода, скапливающаяся около болота’
(КСТТ); Khak. piltər; Shr. peltir; Oyr. beltir; Tv. beldir; Yak. bilir.
◊ VEWT 69, EDT 334, Лексика 98.
PJpn. *pìràk- to open (открывать): OJpn. pjirak-; MJpn. fìràk-; Tok.
hirák-; Kyo. hírák-; Kag. hìràk-.
◊ JLTT 689.
PKor. *pr- to be opened, separated (быть широко открытым, раз-
деленным): MKor. pr-; Mod. pl-, plli-, palɨ- (trans.).
◊ Nam 256, KED 706, 765, 766.
‖ KW 42, SKE 150, Лексика 98. Mong. may be borrowed from Turk.
(see TMN 1, 238, Щербак 1997, 104).
-pằluk῾V hammer: Tung. *paluka; Mong. *haluka; Turk. *bAlka.
PTung. *paluka hammer (молоток): Evk. halka; Evn. halq; Neg.
xalka; Man. folχo; Ul. palawụ(n); Ork. palo; Nan. paloa; Orch. xalua,
xaluwa; Ud. xaluga; Sol. alxa.
◊ ТМС 2, 313.
PMong. *haluka hammer (молоток): MMong. hol[o]ɣa (IM);
WMong. aluqa(n) (L 34); Kh. alx(an); Bur. alxa; Kalm. alxə; Ord. aluxu;
Mog. aluqa (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xallogu (MGCD 106), xaldugu (Тод.
Даг. 173).
◊ KW 7.
PTurk. *bAlka hammer (молоток): Uzb. balɣa (Chag.); Tat. balɣa
(Sib.); Kirgh. balɣa.
◊ VEWT 61, ЭСТЯ 2, 57-58. Turk. > Mong. balɣu, balig (KW 31).
‖ KW 7, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 30-31, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 78
(although, despite the two latter authors, in this case one can hardly
think of a loanword). A Western isogloss. May be an old “Wander-
wort” (cf. PIE *pelek’u-). Low tone and shortness reconstructed because
of Mong. *h-.
1078 *pàńé - *pap῾ó
-pàńé ( ~ p῾-) shadow: Tung. *pańa-; Jpn. *pn ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *pám.
PTung. *pańa-n shadow (тень): Evk. hańan; Evn. hịńān; Neg. xańan;
Man. fajaŋGa ‘soul, spirit’; SMan. faiŋə ‘soul’ (771); Ul. pańa(n); Ork.
pana(n); Nan. pańã; Orch. xańa(n); Ud. xańa(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 315.
PJpn. *pn ( ~ -ua-) dim (тусклый): OJpn. p(w)on(w)o(-ka); MJpn.
fònó(-ka); Tok. hónoka; Kyo. hònókà; Kag. honoká.
◊ JLTT 414.
PKor. *pám night (ночь): MKor. pám; Mod. pam.
◊ Nam 248, KED 733.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 31. An Eastern isogloss. The Korean etymology in
SKE 187 - to TM *pak- ‘dark’ - is hardly plausible). Cf. perhaps also TM
*pāŋ-sa- ( < *pań-ŋsa?) ‘black’.
-pańi ( ~ p῾-) ornament, attire: Tung. *pani-; Jpn. *pìnâ; Kor. *pìń-.
PTung. *pani- 1 to attire 2 attire (1 наряжаться 2 наряд): Evk.
hani-sin 2; Evn. hānị 2, hānị- 2; Neg. xānị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 314.
PJpn. *pìnâ ornamental doll (кукла (как украшение)): MJpn. fíná
(fínà), fifina, fiina; Tok. hína; Kyo. hìnâ; Kag. hiná.
◊ JLTT 407.
PKor. *pìń- to attire; to blossom (наряжать(ся); цвести): MKor. pìs-
(pìń-).
◊ Nam 280.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-pap῾ó ( ~ p῾-, -b-) work, order: Tung. *paba ( ~ -p-); Mong. *(h)eb; Jpn.
*pampi-.
PTung. *paba ( ~ -p-) 1 work 2 skilful, diligent 3 to work (1 работа 2
работящий, умелый, усердный 3 работать): Evk. hawā 1, hawal- 3;
Evn. hawa 1, hawad- 3; Neg. xawadịjin 2, xawādakta- 1; Man. fafuri 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 307.
PMong. *(h)eb system, order, co-operation (система, порядок, со-
трудничество): WMong. eb (L 284); Kh. ev; Bur. eb; Kalm. eb; Ord. eb.
◊ KW 116. Mong. > Chag. ep etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 286-287, see VEWT 46). Cf. perhaps also
(with back vocalism) WMong. aburi ‘conduct, behaviour’ (L 7), aɣali, aɣasi id. (L 12).
PJpn. *pampi- to serve, to be (pol.) (служить, быть (вежл.)): MJpn.
faberi (MJ); Tok. haber-.
◊ JLTT 682.
‖ A rather abstract common Altaic root. Note WMong. abu-ri which
can probably be identified with Man. fafu-ri < *pap῾ó-rV (but MJ faberi is
rather < *pampi ari, with a Jpn. auxiliary verb.
 *parki - *pằsi 1079

-parki mighty, brave: Tung. *parga; Mong. *berke; Turk. *berk.

PTung. *parga 1 brave 2 silly 3 scoundrel (1 храбрый 2 глупый 3
негодяй): Man. ada 3; Ul. parGa(n) 1; Ork. parGa ‘miserly; harmful’;
Nan. farGa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 34.
PMong. *berke difficult; competent, skilled (трудный, тяжелый;
сведущий в чем-л., компетентный): MMong. berke (HY 51, SH, IM),
berket- ‘to become firm’ (MA); WMong. berke (L 99); Kh. berx; Bur. berxe;
Kalm. berkə (КРС 95); Ord. berχe.
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. berke ( but hardly > Chuv. parga, despite Róna-Tas 1971-1972).
PTurk. *berk mighty (мощный, крепкий): OTurk. berk (OUygh.);
Karakh. berk (MK); Tur. berk; Az. bärk; Turkm. berk; MTurk. berk (Pav.
C.); Bashk. birĭk; Kaz. berĭk; SUygh. perik; Chuv. parga; Yak. bert; Dolg.
bert.
◊ EDT 361-362, ЭСТЯ 2, 116-120, Stachowski 58.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-pró ( ~ p῾-, -ŕ-) to buy, sell: Tung. *pār-; Jpn. *pàrá-p-; Kor. *pắrh-.
PTung. *pār- to buy, sell (покупать, продавать): Evn. hārat-.
◊ ТМС 2, 317. Attested only in Evn., with probable parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *pàrá-p- to pay (платить): OJpn. parap-; MJpn. fàráf-; Tok.
hará-; Kyo. hárá-; Kag. hàrà-.
◊ JLTT 684. Kyoto reflects a variant *pàràp-.
PKor. *pắrh- to sell (продавать): MKor. phắr-; Mod. phal-.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1736.
‖ EAS 56. An Eastern isogloss.
-pằsi to press, pinch: Tung. *pasu-; Turk. *bas-; Jpn. *pìsà- / *ps-; Kor.
*ps-kí-.
PTung. *pasu- to press, pinch (давить (пальцами, рукой)): Evk.
hasu-; Evn. as asqlan (Ol.) ‘handful’; Neg. xas-; Ul. pasala-; Nan. pasoala-;
Sol. asụ-xụ ‘handful’.
◊ ТМС 2, 318.
PTurk. *bas- to press (давить): OTurk. bas- (OUygh.); Karakh. bas-
(MK); Tur. bas-; Gag. bas-; Az. bas-; Turkm. bas-; Sal. pas-; MTurk. bas-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔs-; Uygh. bas-; Krm. bas-; Tat. bas-; Bashk. baϑ-; Kirgh.
bas-; Kaz. bas-; KBalk. bas-; KKalp. bas-; Kum. bas-; Nogh. bas-; SUygh.
pas-; Khak. pas-; Oyr. bas-, pas-; Tv. bas-; Tof. ba’s-; Chuv. pos-; Yak.
battā-; Dolg. battā-.
◊ EDT 370-371, VEWT 64, TMN 2, 245-6, ЭСТЯ 2, 74-77, Лексика 393, 571, Федотов
1, 448, Stachowski 55. Turk. > Mong. basu- > Man. basu-, see TMN 2, 246, Doerfer MT 135.
PJpn. *pìsà- / *ps- thin (тонкий): OJpn. p(w)oso-; MJpn. fòsò-; Tok.
hosói; Kyo. hósò-; Kag. hosó-.
1080 *pasi - *pàt῾á
◊ JLTT 828. Ryukyu dialects reflect a variant *pìsà-, cf. Shuri Fís-, Hateruma pìšà-,
Yonaguni xìtč-.
PKor. *ps-kí- to press, hold tight, compress (давить, сжимать):
MKor. pskí-; Mod. k:ī-.
◊ Nam 80, KED 262.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 68, 280, Дыбо 13. In Jpn. ‘thin’ < ‘pressed, compressed’.
The root is actively interacting with *psa and *p῾úsa q. v. The vowel
variation in Japanese dialects may point to a variant *pằse.
-pasi ( ~ p῾-) to run, hurry: Tung. *pasi-; Mong. *hesüre-; Kor. *pàs- /
*pàč-.
PTung. *pasi- 1 to hurry, scurry 2 commotion, hurry (n.) (1 торо-
питься, суетиться 2 торопливость, смятение): Evn. hasụl- 1; Man.
fači-xin, faču-xun 2, fačiaša- 1; SMan. fačuhun ‘disordered’ (1065); faču-
huru- ‘to fall into disorder’ (1066); Sol. paig 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 36. The root has some peculiarities: p- in Sol. probably means that the word
is borrowed < Manchu. Manchu -č- : Evn. -s- is quite strange: it may point to a derivation
fači- < *pasi-či- in Manchu. TM > Dag. pačgurā- ‘to become confused’ (Тод. Даг. 160).
PMong. *hesüre- to jump, leap (прыгать, скакать): WMong. üsür-
(L 1014); Kh. üsre-; Bur. hür-; Kalm. ösr- (КРС); Ord. üsür-; Mog. üsürü-
(Ramstedt 1906); Dag. xesre- (Тод. Даг. 176), xesure-; hesere- (MD 161);
S.-Yugh. sur-.
◊ MGCD 697.
PKor. *pàs- / *pàč- 1 to be hurried, urgent 2 to make hurry (1 быть
срочным, поспешным 2 торопить, спешить): MKor. pàspằ- 1, pàčh- 2;
Mod. pap:ɨ- 1, pap:i-ha- 2.
◊ Liu 371, 373, KED 707.
‖ The root should be distinguished from *bàšo q.v. (cf. the distinc-
tion in Manchu), although some contaminations were possible. Note a
peculiar alternation *-s-/*-č- both in TM and Kor., possibly indicating
an old suffixed variant *p῾asi-č῾V. PJ *pasir- ‘run’, because of its vocal-
ism, is rather to be attributed to PA *p῾eĺo q.v.
-pàt῾á to get, get into: Turk. *bat-; Jpn. *pàtàr-; Kor. *pàt-.
PTurk. *bat- 1 to sink 2 to fit into, get into (1 погружаться 2 попа-
дать): OTurk. bat- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. bat- 1 (MK); Tur. bat- 1; Gag. bat-
1; Az. bat- 1; Turkm. bat- 1; Sal. pat- 1; MTurk. bat- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bɔt-
1; Uygh. bat-, pat- 1; Krm. bat- 1; Tat. bat- 1; Bashk. bat- 1; Kirgh. bat- 1, 2;
Kaz. bat- 1; KBalk. bat- 1; KKalp. bat- 1; Kum. bat- 1; Nogh. bat- 1;
SUygh. pat- 1; Khak. pat- 1; Shr. pat- 1; Oyr. pat- 1, 2; Tv. ba’t- 1; Tof. ba’t-
1; Chuv. pot- 1; Yak. bat- 2, batarɨ ‘into, deep into’; Dolg. batarɨ ‘into,
deep into’.
◊ EDT 298, VEWT 65, ЭСТЯ 2, 78-80, TMN 2, 230-231, Stachowski 55, Федотов 1, 455.
 *pt῾e - *peč῾i 1081

PJpn. *pàtàr- to collect (taxes etc.) (собирать (налоги), взимать):

OJpn. patar-; MJpn. fàtàr-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *pàt- to get, obtain (получать): MKor. pàt-; Mod. pat-.
◊ Nam 244, KED 721.
‖ Poppe 89. Korean has a usual “verbal” low tone. See also *pagdi,
*p῾etV.
-pt῾e louse, biting insect: Tung. *pānta- / *pēnte-; Mong. *batagana;
Turk. *bɨt; Kor. *pátắrí.
PTung. *pānta- / *pēnte- 1 rainworm 2 flea (1 дождевой червь 2
блоха): Evk. hānteku 2; Nan. pēnte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 47, 315.
PMong. *batagana fly (муха): WMong. bataɣana (L 91); Kh. batgana;
Bur. bataganā(n); Kalm. batxənə; Ord. bataGana.
◊ KW 36.
PTurk. *bɨt louse (вошь): OTurk. bit (OUygh.); Karakh. bit (MK);
Tur. bit; Gag. bi ; Az. bit; Turkm. bit; Sal. bišt; Khal. bit; MTurk. bit (Pav.
C.); Uzb. bit; Uygh. pit; Krm. bit; Tat. bet; Bashk. bet; Kirgh. bit; Kaz. bit;
KBalk. bit; KKalp. bijt; Kum. bit; Nogh. bijt; SUygh. bɨšt; Khak. pət; Shr.
pit; Oyr. bijt; Tv. bɨ’t; Tof. bɨ’t; Chuv. pɨjdъ; Yak. bɨt.
◊ VEWT 76, EDT 296, ЭСТЯ 2, 151-152, Лексика 182.
PKor. *pátắrí a k. of bee (вид пчелы): MKor. pátắrí; Mod. pādəri.
◊ Nam 237, KED 704.
‖ Лексика 182. Mergers with *p῾unte were possible (which may ex-
plain the non-etymological -n- in TM). Cf. also Kor. pindä ‘bedbug’?
-pát῾ò ( ~ *p῾-) loom, detail of a loom: Tung. *pata-n; Jpn. *pátà; Kor.
*pằtằi.
PTung. *pata-n part of a weaving machine (ткацкое бердо): Man.
fatan.
◊ ТМС 2, 318.
PJpn. *pátà loom (ткацкий станок): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátà; Tok.
hatá; Kyo. hátà; Kag. háta.
◊ JLTT 401.
PKor. *pằtằi comb of a loom (гребень ткацкого станка): MKor.
pằtằi; Mod. padi.
◊ Nam 240.
‖ Lee 1958, 109. An interesting Eastern isogloss.
-peč῾i ( ~ p῾-) to be ashamed: Tung. *pečke-; Mong. *hiče-; Kor. *pskrì-.
PTung. *pečke- 1 to be surprised 2 strange, wonderful; base, vile (1
удивляться 2 странный, причудливый; подлый, низкий): Man. fe-
čexun, fečuxun 2, fečiki (n.); Ul. peksi-, peske- 1; Ork. peske- 1; Nan. pekse- 1;
Orch. peksi-, pekse- 1.
1082 *pédá - *pegò
◊ ТМС 2, 48, 305.
PMong. *hiče- to be ashamed (стыдиться): MMong. xiǯe- (HY 36),
xiče- (SH), hič[e]- (IM), (h)iči- (MA); WMong. iče-, iči- (L 397-8); Kh. iče-;
Bur. eše-; Kalm. ič- (КРС); Ord. iča-, eči-; Dag. xiči- (Тод. Даг. 184), šiči-
(Тод. Даг. 184, MD 215); Dong. šɨǯə-, šəǯe-; Bao. ǯe-, šiče-; S.-Yugh. hǯe-;
Mongr. śē- (SM 389), śiǯē-.
◊ MGCD 415.
PKor. *pskrì- to be ashamed (стыдиться): MKor. pskrì-; Mod.
puk:ɨri-.
◊ Nam 274, KED 810.
‖ SKE 203. MKor. pskrì- = pčkrì- (-s- and -č- are usually neutral-
ized in this position).
-pédá spot, ornament: Tung. *pede-; Mong. *beder; Turk. *bEdiŕ; Jpn.
*pantara.
PTung. *pede- 1 to ruddle, mark (deer, by cutting its ear) 2 dirty (1
метить (оленя, надрезая ухо) 2 грязный): Evk. pedenē- 1 (Kamn.); Evn.
hedenin 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 360. The dialectal Evk. form must be a borrowing from some unattested
Southern Tungus form (as suggested by initial p-).
PMong. *beder stripe, spot (полоса, пятно): WMong. beder, bider (L
103); Kh. bider, beder; Bur. büder; Kalm. bedr; Ord. beder ‘ornaments on
metal or stone’.
◊ KW 41. Mong. > Manchu bederi id. (see Rozycki 27).
PTurk. *bEdiŕ painted ornamentation (рисованное украшение):
OTurk. bediz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. beδiz (MK).
◊ EDT 310, VEWT 67.
PJpn. *pantara in spots, scattered about (пятнистый, лежащий
пятнами): OJpn. padare; MJpn. fadara.
◊ JLTT 395.
‖ EAS 112, KW 41, Poppe 53 (Turk.-Mong.). Despite Щербак 1997,
163, Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk. High tone reconstructed be-
cause of Mong. *b-. See also notes to *méru.
-pegò ( ~ p῾-, -e) wart: Tung. *pegu(-ŋkte) ( ~ -b-); Mong. *heɣü; Jpn.
*pəkurə ( ~ -ua-).
PTung. *pegu(-ŋkte) ( ~ -b-) 1 wart 2 callosity (1 бородавка 2 мо-
золь): Evk. hewum 2, heŋte 1; Evn. heŋtъ 1; Neg. xewu-kte 2, xeŋte 1; Man.
fuxu 1; SMan. fuxə, fuxu ‘wart, knot’ (150, 2136); Ul. pukte 1; Ork. peukte
1; Nan. pūkte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 359, 367. Evk. > Dolg. heŋte (see Stachowski 101).
PMong. *heɣü wart (бородавка): WMong. egüü (L 303); Kh. ǖ(n);
Bur. ǖ(n); Kalm. ǖn; Ord. ǖ; Dag. xueči; Dong. xeuʒɨ; Bao. xəuʒɨ; Mongr.
xūrʒə.
 *pek῾a - *pḗk῾ò 1083
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685.
PJpn. *pəkurə ( ~ -ua-) mole (родинка): Tok. hokuro.
‖ Poppe 61, Цинциус 1984, 45; Miller 1985, 147-148.
-pek῾a to be embarrassed: Tung. *peku-; Mong. *bakar-da-.
PTung. *peku- to be embarrassed, troubled (смущаться, досадо-
вать, стесняться): Evk. hekir-; Evn. hekuruŋči-; Man. foχodo-, foχoto-, fex-
ere-; fuqǯiša-; Jurch. fe-xi-lar (373); Ul. peken-.
◊ ТМС 2, 302, 362-363.
PMong. *bakar-da- to be embarrassed (беспокоиться, смущаться):
WMong. baqarda-; Kh. baxarda-; Bur. baxarda-; Ord. baxarda-.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-pk῾i big, solid, firm: Tung. *pegdi; Mong. *hike; Turk. *bek; Kor.
*phək ( < *pəkh) / *pak.
PTung. *pegdi 1 big, large 2 important (1 большой 2 важный): Evk.
hegdi 1; Man. fuǯun 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 302, 359.
PMong. *hike big (большой): MMong. jeke (HY 52, SH), ike, ikä
(IM), jik (MA); WMong. jeke (L 431); Kh. ix; Bur. jexe; Kalm. ikə; Ord.
iχe; Mog. ikä, (j)ẹkä, ZM īkä (6-2b); Dag. xige, xig (Тод. Даг. 176), šige
(Тод. Даг. 183), šihe (MD 215); Dong. fugie; Bao. hgo, fgo, (MGCD) fguo;
S.-Yugh. šge, (MGCD) šige; Mongr. šge (SM 378).
◊ KW 205-206, MGCD 415, TMN 1, 553. Initial *h- here is quite certain, but is ren-
dered as j- in MMong. because of early palatalization (*hike > *hjeke > jeke). Mong. > Man-
chu jekeŋge ‘noble, grand’ (see Rozycki 224).
PTurk. *bek firm, solid, stable (крепкий, прочный): OTurk. bek
(OUygh.); Karakh. bek (MK); Tur. pek; Gag. pek; Turkm. bek; MTurk. bek,
pek (Pav. C.); Krm. bek; Tat. bik; Bashk. bik; Kirgh. bek; Kaz. bek; KBalk.
bek; KKalp. bek; Kum. bek; Nogh. bek; SUygh. poq, pɨq; Khak. pik; Shr. pek;
Oyr. bek, pek; Tv. be’k; Chuv. pak ‘suddenly, abruptly’; Yak. bige; Dolg.
bige.
◊ EDT 323, VEWT 68, ЭСТЯ 2, 117-120, Stachowski 60. Closed -i- in Yak. is probably
secondary.
PKor. *pəkh / *pak 1 very 2 vigorously (1 очень 2 сильно, крепко):
MKor. phək; Mod. phək 1, pak 2.
◊ Liu 723, KED 710, 1743.
‖ SKE 62 (Mong.-Tung., incorrectly criticized in TMN 1, 554), 213.
Turk. > WMong. beki, bekü > Evk. beki (see Doerfer TMN 1, 238, MT 101).
Low tone and shortness reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. Cf. also
*p῾àka ‘mighty’ (the two roots could interfere because of similarity).
-pḗk῾ò ( ~ b-) to wish, plan: Mong. *baka-; Turk. *bken-; Jpn. *pàkàr-.
PMong. *baka- to covet, wish (желать, желание, стремление):
WMong. baqa-, baqa (n.) (L 92); Kh. bax (n.); Bur. baxa-; Kalm. baxə (n.);
1084 *pek῾V - *pélaba(nV)
Ord. baxa ‘satisfaction’; Mongr. baGa-, paGa- ‘atteindre, combattre’ (SM
18, 301).
◊ KW 28.
PTurk. *bken- 1 to feel joy, appreciate 2 to strive, hope (1 радо-
ваться, быть благодарным 2 стремиться, надеяться): Karakh. biken- 1;
Tur. beɣen- 1; Az. bäjän- 1; Turkm. begen- 1; Kirgh. bekǖ ‘big joy, feast’;
Chuv. pigen- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 101.
PJpn. *pàkàr- to plan, decide, measure (планировать, решать, из-
мерять): OJpn. pakar-; MJpn. fàkàr-; Tok. hakár-; Kyo. hákár-; Kag. hàkàr-.
◊ JLTT 683.
‖ Cf. *bàka which could have influenced some of the reflexes (in par-
ticular, the accentological irregularity of Jpn. *pàkàr- may be explained
by a secondary analogy with *bàkàr-).
-pek῾V ( ~ p῾-) hot, warm: Tung. *peku-; Kor. *pukh ( ~ -ɨ-).
PTung. *peku- hot (горячий): Evk. heku; Evn. hök; Neg. xeku-gdi;
Man. aḱa-n ‘heat’, aqu- ‘to warm, dry’; Ul. pukeuli ‘hot’, pkki- ‘to bake’
( > Ud. piki-le- id.); Ork. xekkuli, xekusi ( < Oroch.); Nan. peku ‘hot’, pịqị-
‘to warm, heat’; Orch. xeku, xekusi; Ud. xekuhi; Sol. exūgdi.
◊ ТМС 2, 362, 322. The root should be distinguished from *pigi- (v. sub *p῾agV).
PKor. *pukh ( ~ -ɨ-) warm (of weather) (теплый (о погоде)): Mod.
phuk-ha-.
◊ KED 1762.
‖ EAS 53. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-pélaba(nV) a figure made of stone or clay: Tung. *pelbu; Mong.
*barimal; Turk. *bAlbal; Jpn. *páníwá, *panipai, *panima.
PTung. *pelbu antropomorphic pendant for women’s hair (подвес-
ка (женское украшение в виде изображения человека)): Evk. helbu.
◊ ТМС 2, 363. Attested only in Evk., but having interesting external parallels.
PMong. *barimal sculpture (скульптура): WMong. barimal (L 88);
Kh. baŕmal.
PTurk. *bAlbal a stone pillar erected on a grave (каменная колон-
на на могиле, истукан): OTurk. balbal (Orkh., Yen.).
◊ EDT 333. Borrowed (possibly from an unattested Bulgar source) in Old Russ.
bolvanъ, Hung. bálvány ‘stone idol’ (suggestion of Melioranski, evidently preferable to the
hypothesis of Korsch-Dmitriev < Pers. pahlavān, see Шипова 84-85, Аникин 114).
PJpn. *páníwá, *panipai, *panima figures of men and animals
made of clay (фигурки людей и животных из глины): OJpn. paniwa,
panipe, panima; MJpn. fáníwá; Tok. hàniwa; Kyo. háníwá; Kag. haníwa.
◊ JLTT 398.
‖ The comparison is very tempting, although one has to suppose
secondary folk-etymological reanalysis in Mong. (where barimal /a
 *pma - *prV 1085

regular development < *balima-r/) is associated with bari- ‘to build’, and
in Jpn., where all the variants are associated with pani ‘red clay’.
-pma ( ~ p῾-) lip; to munch, eat: Tung. *pemu-; Jpn. *pàm-.
PTung. *pemu-n lip (губа): Evk. hemun; Evn. hemъn; Neg. xemun;
Man. femen; SMan. femən ‘lips’ (28); Ul. pemu(n); Ork. pemu(n); Nan.
pemũ; Orch. xemu(n); Ud. xemu(n); Sol. emme.
◊ ТМС 2, 365.
PJpn. *pàm- eat (есть): OJpn. pam-; MJpn. fàm-.
◊ JLTT 684.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps Khalkha omgono- ‘to chew with
a toothless mouth’. On another possibility of finding Turkic and Mon-
golian matches see under *emV.
-peńo ( ~ *b-, *p῾-, -o-) flame, light: Jpn. *pənə; Kor. *pằńắ-.
PJpn. *pənə 1 flame 2 dawn (1 пламя 2 рассвет): OJpn.
p(w)ono-p(w)o 1, ake-b(w)ono 2; MJpn. fónó-fó, fònò-fò 1, áké-bónó 2; Tok.
hónoo, honóo 1, àkebono 2; Kyo. hònóò 1, ákébónó 2; Kag. honoó 1, akebóno 2.
◊ JLTT 379, 414. Original accent is not quite clear, because the root is attested only in
compounds.
PKor. *pằńắ- to shine brightly, glare (сверкать, сиять): MKor. pằńắ-;
Mod. nun-pusi-.
◊ Nam 242, KED 362.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
-pép῾à dust, ashes: Tung. *pepke-; Mong. *baɣa-su; Jpn. *páp(u)í; Kor.
*pap.
PTung. *pepke- grey (серый): Evk. hepkeme; Evn. hēwkēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 368.
PMong. *baɣa- 1 dirt, excrements 2 to defecate (1 грязь, навоз 2 ис-
пражняться): MMong. bāsun (IM), bāṣun (IM), basun (MA); WMong.
baɣasu(n) 1, baɣa- 2 (L 67, 68); Kh. bās(an) 1, bā- 2; Bur. bāha(n) 1, bā- 2;
Kalm. bāsn 1, bā- 2; Ord. bās(u) 1; Dag. bāse 1, bā- 2 (MD 116), bās 1;
Dong. basun 1, ba- 2; Bao. basoŋ 1, ba- 2; S.-Yugh. pāsən 1, pā- 2; Mongr.
bāsə (SM 23) 1, bā- 2 (SM 18).
◊ KW 37, MGCD 128, 129. Cf. also *baɣa-la- ‘to suppurate’ (KW 37).
PJpn. *páp(u)í ashes (зола): OJpn. pap(j)i; MJpn. fáfí; Tok. hài; Kyo.
háí; Kag. hé.
◊ JLTT 396.
PKor. *pap refuse, scraps, dust (мусор, пыль): Mod. pap.
◊ KED 734.
‖ SKE 189.
-prV gland, callus: Tung. *peri; Mong. *ber-seɣü; Turk. *ber.
PTung. *peri abrasion, chafe (on horse’s back) (ссадина, стертая
кожа на спине лошади): Man. feri.
1086 *pŕe - *psá
◊ ТМС 2, 305. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *ber-seɣü callus, hard growth (мозоль, твердый нарост):
WMong. bersegüü (L 100); Kh. bersǖ; Bur. ber ‘bump’; Kalm. bersǖ; Ord.
bersǖ.
◊ KW 43.
PTurk. *ber swelling, gland (железа, желвак): Turkm. berč; Kaz.
berišek ‘thick pus’ (R); Khak. mir; Chuv. par; Yak. bert / berge.
‖ KW 43. A Western isogloss. For Turkic cf. alternatively Mong.
marma- ‘be covered with scars’ (cf. traces of nasalization in Turkic lan-
guages).
-pŕe ( ~ -i) to feel discomfort, trouble: Tung. *peru-; Mong. *berbeji-;
Turk. *bẹŕ-.
PTung. *peru- to despair, be troubled (отчаиваться, тревожиться):
Evk. herū-; Evn. heri-; Man. furu ‘angry’; Nan. peurekpen-.
◊ ТМС 2, 303, 370.
PMong. *berbeji- to chill, grow numb from cold; to be frightened,
shy (затекать (от холода), зябнуть; пугаться, стесняться): WMong.
berbeji- (L 99); Kh. bervij-; Bur. birba- ‘to feel aversion’; Kalm. berw-;
Ord. berwī-.
◊ KW 43. Cf. *berele-, with a possibility of contamination.
PTurk. *bẹŕ- to shiver, tremble; to hate, be bored, feel aversion ( дро-
жать; ненавидеть, скучать, чувствовать отвращение): OTurk. bez-
(Orkh.); Karakh. bez- (MK); Tur. bez-; Az. bez-, bezik-; Turkm. bezik-;
MTurk. bez- (Qutb, CCum.); Uzb. bez-; Uygh. bäz-; Krm. bez-; Tat. biz-;
Bashk. biδ-; Kirgh. bez-; Kaz. bez-; KBalk. bez-; KKalp. bez-; Kum. bez-;
Nogh. bez-; Yak. biskī-.
◊ EDT 389, ЭСТЯ 2, 103-105, TMN 2, 387, Мудрак Дисс. 172 (~--, -ĕ-).
‖ A Western isogloss. High tone reconstructed because of Mong.
*b-.
-psá ( ~ -o) handle: Tung. *pesin; Mong. *hesi; Turk. *basu-; Jpn.
*pàsú-i.
PTung. *pesin handle (рукоятка, ручка): Evk. hesin; Evn. hesъn;
Neg. xesin; Man. fesin; SMan. fešən, fesən (594); Ul. pesi(n); Ork. pesi(n);
Nan. pesĩ; Orch. xesi(n); Ud. xehi.
◊ ТМС 2, 371.
PMong. *hesi handle, stem (ручка, стебель): MMong. hɛši (IM), niši
[with a secondary n- and a usual loss of *h- before s] (MA 299);
WMong. esi (L 334); Kh. iš; Bur. eše; Kalm. išə; Ord. eši, iši; Dag. xeši
(Тод. Даг. 176), heši (MD 161); Bao. jɛśi; S.-Yugh. šə.
◊ KW 210, MGCD 413.
PTurk. *basu- sledge-hammer, mallet (молот, колотушка): Karakh.
basu (MK); Uzb. baska; Khak. pasxa; Oyr. masqa.
 *psu - *pḕǯo 1087
◊ VEWT 64.
PJpn. *pàsú-i chopsticks (палочки для еды): OJpn. pasi; MJpn. fàsí;
Tok. háshi; Kyo. hàshí; Kag. hashí.
◊ JLTT 400. The reconstruction *pàsú-i is based on the old Ainu loanword pasuy id.
‖ EAS 54, 102, Poppe 11, 65, , ОСНЯ 3, 77-78, Цинциус 1984, 71-72,
АПиПЯЯ 79. Despite Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 76, TM is not < Mong.
-psu hoar-frost, cold: Mong. *(h)osu-; Turk. *bes; Kor. *psắ-.
PMong. *(h)osu- to freeze, to suffer from cold weather (мерзнуть,
страдать от холода): WMong. osu- (L 624); Kh. oso-, osgo-.
PTurk. *bes hoar-frost (иней): Tur. dial. besim, peseɣü, pesen; Tat. bɛs;
Bashk. bäϑ; Chuv. pas.
◊ Лексика 37-38.
PKor. *psắ- hail (град): MKor. psắ-nūn.
◊ Nam 289. Connection with psắr ‘rice’ (“rice-snow”) cannot be excluded, cf. also the
modern form s:aragi-nūn.
‖ Shortness and low tone reconstructed because of Mong. *(h)-. The
etymology is somewhat questionable because of late attestation in
Turkic and a possibility of an alternative analysis of the Korean form
(see above).
-pètá ( ~ *p῾-, -t῾-) to drop, fall: Tung. *pet-ke-; Jpn. *pàtá-; Kor. *ptr-.
PTung. *pet-ke- to fall, drop (падать, валиться): Evn. hetkъŋči-.
◊ ТМС 2, 371. Attested only in Evn., with possible parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *pàtá- to finish; anchor (кончаться; ставить на якорь): OJpn.
pata-; MJpn. fata-; Tok. haté-; Kyo. hàtè-; Kag. hàtè-.
◊ JLTT 686.
PKor. *ptr- to drop, fall; finish (падать, валиться; кончаться):
MKor. ptr-tí-; Mod. t:ərə-ǯi-.
◊ Nam 151, KED 449.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. also Kor. ptr- ‘shake’.
-pḕǯo to dance: Tung. *pēǯe-; Mong. *böǯi-; Jpn. *pàjà-s-.
PTung. *pēǯe- to dance, roundelay (танцевать, водить хоровод):
Evk. hēǯe-; Evn. hēǯe-; Neg. xēǯen-; Ork. xede (n.).
◊ ТМС 2, 361.
PMong. *böǯi- to dance (танцевать): MMong. boǯi (HY 35), buǯo-
(IM), buǯi- (MA); WMong. böǯi- (L 153: büǯi-); Kh. böǯi-, büǯi-; Bur. büžeg;
Kalm. böǯi-, büǯi-; Ord. böǯök ‘elégant, joli’, böǯöglö-.
◊ KW 54.
PJpn. *pàjà-s- to accompany, sing and dance in unison (аккомпани-
ровать, танцевать и петь в унисон): MJpn. fajas-; Tok. hayás-; Kyo.
háyás-; Kag. hàyàs-.
◊ JLTT 686.
1088 *píla - *pĺǯi
‖ PA length is responsible for the preservation of b- in Mong. (oth-
erwise *höǯi- would be expected).
-píla to rub, plaster: Tung. *pilki-; Mong. *bila-; Jpn. *pár-; Kor. *pằrằ-.
PTung. *pilki- to rub, smear (натирать, гладить): Evk. hilki-; Ork.
pikki-; Nan. pịlqị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 324.
PMong. *bila- to smear, plaster (мазать, лепить): WMong. bila- (L
103); Kh. ala-; Bur. bila-; Ord. bila-.
PJpn. *pár- to plaster (лепить, наклеивать): OJpn. par-; MJpn. fár-;
Tok. hàr-; Kyo. hár-; Kag. hár-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *pằrằ- to plaster, stick on (штукатурить, намазывать): MKor.
pằrằ-; Mod. parɨ-.
◊ Nam 241, KED 706.
‖ Martin 238 (Kor.-Jpn.). Irregular vowel in Korean (*parV- would
be expected) can be probably explained by vowel assimilation, as well
as by secondary adjustment of this root to părăm ‘wall’ q.v.
-ple a k. of hawk: Tung. *pilakta; Mong. *heliɣe; Turk. *bElin.
PTung. *pilakta 1 a k. of hawk 2 a k. of woodpecker (1 вид ястреба
2 вид дятла): Evk. hilakta 1, 2; Ul. pịlaqta, plaqta 2; Nan. pịlaqta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
PMong. *heliɣe hawk, kite (ястреб, коршун): MMong. xele’e (HY
13), iläs (MA), həlē- (LH); WMong. elije (L 310); Kh. elē; Bur. eĺē; Kalm.
el; Ord. elē, ilē; Dong. helie; Bao. heloŋ.
◊ KW 119, MGCD 257. Mong. > Yak. elia, ? > Bulg. *ileg > Hung. ölyú, ölyuv (see Gom-
bocz 1912, VEWT 40).
PTurk. *bElin hawk (ястреб): Az. beli-baGlɨ; Uzb. belin (Chag.); Krm.
beliŋ.
◊ VEWT 69.
‖ Shortness and low tone reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. A
Western isogloss; cf. perhaps OJ p(j)e- in p(j)è-wò ‘foot-cord for a falcon’
(wo ‘cord, rope’), although the word pe is not attested separately. PJ
*pìa < *pl(e)-gV would be a very good match for Mong. *heliɣe.
-pĺǯi to become overripe, pickled: Tung. *pil(b)-; Mong. *(h)ilǯi-; Turk.
*biĺč-; Jpn. *pìsì-kuá; Kor. *pìrí-.
PTung. *pil(b)- 1 slime 2 to eat raw fish, meat 3 ear pus (1 слизь 2
есть сырое (мясо, рыбу) 3 ушной гной): Evk. hilbi 1, hilbikā- 2, dial.
pila 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 38, 324. A rather rich group of derivatives - attested, however, only in Evk.
PMong. *(h)ilǯi- to become rotten, overboiled (перевариться, сгни-
вать): WMong. ilǯira-, ilǯire- (L 408: ilǯara-, ilǯira-, ilǯire-); Kh. jalʒra-;
Bur. ilzar-; Kalm. ilǯr-.
 *píńŋe - *píńŕa 1089
◊ KW 206. Mong. > Dolg. ilǯi, ilǯirij- (see Stachowski 125).
PTurk. *biĺč- to become boiled, ripe (свариваться, созревать):
OTurk. biš- (OUygh.); Karakh. biš- (MK, KB); Tur. piš-; Gag. piš-; Az.
biš-; Turkm. biš-; Khal. bɨš-; MTurk. biš- (Sangl.); Uzb. piš-; Uygh. piš-;
Krm. biš-, piš-; Tat. beš-, peš-; Bashk. beš-; Kirgh. bɨš-; Kaz. pis-; KBalk.
biš-; KKalp. pis-; Kum. biš-; SUygh. pɨs-; Khak. pɨs-; Shr. pɨš-; Oyr. bɨš-;
Tv. bɨš-; Tof. bɨš-; Chuv. piś-; Yak. bus-.
◊ VEWT 76, EDT 376-377, ЭСТЯ 2, 161-164. Mong. bišlaq, basilaɣ ‘a k. of home cheese’
< Turk. *bɨĺ-lak (Clark 1980, 42, Щербак 1997, 107).
PJpn. *pìsì-kuá anchovy (анчоусы): MJpn. fìsìkó.
◊ JLTT 409.
PKor. *pìrí- to smell (of raw fish, blood) (пахнуть (сырой рыбой,
кровью)): MKor. pìrí-; Mod. piri-.
◊ Liu 412, KED 852.
‖ JOAL 119.
-píńŋe scar, pimple: Tung. *pinŋa; Mong. *beɣere; Turk. *bẹńŕ; Kor.
*pńrm.
PTung. *pinŋa scar (шрам): Evk. hinŋa; Evn. hịnŋn; Neg. xịnŋan;
Man. fiχa ‘ulcer’; Ork. pịna.
◊ ТМС 2, 299, 325.
PMong. *beɣere pus (гной): WMong. begere (MXTTT); Kh. bēr.
◊ Man. berxe ‘eye pus’ (ТМС 1, 127) < Mong.
PTurk. *bẹńŕ 1 swelling 2 scar, ulcer (1 железа 2 шрам, язва):
Karakh. bez (MK, IM) 2; Tur. bez 2; Az. bäz, väz; Turkm. mǟz 2; MTurk.
bez (Sangl.), mez (Sangl.) 1, 2; Uzb. bez 2; Uygh. bäz; Tat. biz 1, 2; Bashk.
biδ; Kirgh. bez 1, 2; Kaz. bez 1, 2; KBalk. bez 1, 2; KKalp. bez 1, 2; Kum.
bez 1, 2; Nogh. bez; Tv. bes 1; Tof. bes 1; Chuv. pür ‘pus’.
◊ VEWT 72, EDT 388, Егоров 142, Федотов 1, 384, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *pńrm pimple, blotch (прыщ): MKor. pńrm; Mod.
pusɨrəm, pūrəm.
◊ Nam 271, KED 813, 816.
‖ Егоров 171 (Chuv.-Mong.), Лексика 209 (with a different Turkic
parallel), Robbeets 2000, 111.
-píńŕa needle: Tung. *pi[ńr]a; Mong. *birim; Turk. *bińŕ (*biŋŕ); Jpn.
*pàrí; Kor. *pànắr (/-r-).
PTung. *pi[ńr]a 1 thick needle 2 fish-hook (1 толстая игла 2 удоч-
ка, рыболовный крючок): Evk. hinna (dial. hinda, hindra) 2; Nan. bịnǯā.
◊ ТМС 1, 83, 2, 325. Phonology is somewhat irregular (perhaps due to a rare medial
cluster): in Nan. *pịnǯã would be expected.
PMong. *birim awl (шило): WMong. birim; Kalm. birm.
◊ KW 46.
PTurk. *bińŕ (*biŋŕ) awl (шило): Tur. biz; Az. biz; Turkm. bijz/bīz;
MTurk. biz (MA), bigiz (Pav. C.); Uzb. bigiz; Uygh. biz; Krm. biz; Tat. bez;
1090 *pŋa - *prò
Bashk. beδ; Kirgh. miz; Kaz. biz, dial. bigiz; KBalk. miz; KKalp. biz; Kum.
biz; Nogh. biz; SUygh. pɨz-, puz-; Khak. pəs; Shr. pis; Oyr. mis; Tv. bis;
Tof. bis.
◊ VEWT 75, ЭСТЯ 2, 130-131, TMN 2, 311. The Chag. form bigiz is quite strange: per-
haps it is a result of denasalization of *biŋiz < *biŋŕ (this would then suggest a velar nasal
in the root).
PJpn. *pàrí needle (игла): OJpn. pari; MJpn. fàrí; Tok. hári; Kyo. hàrí;
Kag. harí.
◊ JLTT 399.
PKor. *pànắr (/-r-) needle (игла): MKor. pànắr, parăr; Mod. panɨl.
◊ Nam 236, 238, KED 703.
‖ KW 46, Martin 237. Despite Doerfer’s skepticism (TMN 2, 311),
Ramstedt’s comparison still holds. Low tone in Jpn. is perhaps due to
contraction (it does not match either Kor. or *b- in Mong.).
-pŋa ( ~ *p῾-) to separate, emit: Tung. *piŋta-; Jpn. *pànà-.
PTung. *piŋta- to separate (from the herd, flock) (отделять(ся) (от
стада)): Evk. hiŋtal-; Evn. hntl-.
◊ ТМС 2, 326.
PJpn. *pànà- to emit, separate (испускать, отделять(ся)): OJpn.
pana-t-, panara-; MJpn. fànà-t-, fana-s-, fànàra-; Tok. hanát-, hanás-,
hanaré-; Kyo. hánát-, hánás-, hánáré-; Kag. hànàt-, hànàs-, hànàrè-.
◊ JLTT 684.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-prò (~ b-) beak, nose: Turk. *burun (*burɨn); Jpn. *kútí-(n)-pírù; Kor.
*pūrì.
PTurk. *burun (*burɨn) 1 nose 2 front part 3 before (1 нос 2 перед-
няя часть 3 перед, впереди): OTurk. burun 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. bu-
run 1, 3 (MK, KB); Tur. burun 1; Gag. burnu 1; Az. burun 1; Turkm. bu-
run 1; Sal. purnɨ 1; Khal. burɨn 1; MTurk. burun 1, 3 (Sangl.); Uzb. burun
1; Uygh. burun 1; Krm. burun 1; Tat. borɨn 1; Bashk. moron 1, boron 3;
Kirgh. murun 1; Kaz. murɨn 1; KBalk. burun 1; KKalp. murɨn 1; Kum.
burun 1; Nogh. burɨn 1; SUygh. p’urɨn 3; Khak. purun 1, 3; Shr. purnu,
(Верб.) purun 1, 3; Oyr. burun 3; Tv. murnu 2; Tof. murnu 2; Yak. murun
1; Dolg. munnu 1.
◊ VEWT 90, EDT 366-367, ЭСТЯ 2, 269-273, Лексика 214-215, Stachowski 182. Cf.
*bur- ‘to smell’ (VEWT 89).
PJpn. *kútí-(n)-pírù lips, beak (губы, клюв): OJpn. kuti-pjiru; MJpn.
kútí-bírù; Tok. kùchibiru; Kyo. kùchìbírù; Kag. kuchibíru.
◊ JLTT 467. A compound with *kútí ‘mouth’.
PKor. *pūrì beak (клюв): MKor. pūrì; Mod. pūri.
◊ Nam 265, KED 814.
 *psa - *páge 1091

‖ Whitman 1985, 191, АПиПЯЯ 283, Лексика 215. Turk. *bur- must
be a secondary assimilation < *bɨr-.
-psa ( ~ p῾-) to insert, press between: Tung. *pisa-; Jpn. *pàsàm-; Kor.
*ps-kì’ú-.
PTung. *pisa- to insert a wedge, to patch (вставлять клин, латать):
Evk. hisā-; Neg. xịsa-; Ul. pịsa-; Nan. pịsa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 328.
PJpn. *pàsàm- to press between, to wedge into (зажимать между,
вклинивать): OJpn. pasam-; MJpn. fàsàm-; Tok. hasám-; Kyo. hásám-;
Kag. hàsàm-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *ps-kì’ú- 1 to insert into a rim 2 to butt, stick in (1 вставлять в
оправу 2 вставлять, вкалывать): MKor. ps-kì’ú- 1, ps-tìr- 2; Mod. k:iu-
1, č:irɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 80, 181, KED 271, 1530.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Mergers of this root with *pằsi and *p῾úsa q.v.
were possible.
-pisV ( ~ p῾-, -a-) seed, grain: Tung. *pise-; Kor. *psí.
PTung. *pise- 1 seed, offspring; kin 2 millet (1 семя, приплод; пле-
мя 2 просо): Evn. hese-n 1 (Okh.); Man. fise-n 1, fisi-ke 2; Ul. pikse 2;
Nan. pikse, Kur-Urm. fisxe 2.
◊ See ТМС 2, 38 (where the Nan. and Ul. forms are qualified as borrowed from Man-
chu, which is hardly justified; Oroch pikse is < Ul.), 300, 371. One should probably unite
the Manchu stems ‘breed, offspring’ and ‘millet’ (*’seed’). The -e-vowel in Even is not
quite clear.
PKor. *psí seed (семя): MKor. psí; Mod. s:i.
◊ Nam 326, KED 1032.
‖ EAS 54, 82, SKE 231, Цинциус 1984, 40, Lee 1958, 110, АПиПЯЯ
296. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Since the TM forms meaning “millet” go
back to the same root, the second of Ramstedt’s etymologies (SKE 214,
comparison with Kor. phi ‘millet’) should be rejected. In Kor. cf. also
psắr ‘(fine) rice’ (see Lee 1958, 109).
-páge ( ~ p῾-) a k. of weed, panicum: Tung. *pig-; Jpn. *píjái; Kor. *phí.
PTung. *pig- 1 nettle, hemp 2 to peel fibre (from nettle) 3 to spin
threads (1 крапива, конопля 2 снимать волокно с крапивы (для из-
готовления ниток) 3 сучить нитки): Evk. hiɣa- 3; Neg. xīkte 1; Man. e
1; Ul. pīkte 1; Ork. pīkte 1; Nan. pīkte 1; Orch. xīkte 1, xig-du- 2; Ud. sikte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 322.
PJpn. *píjái panicum Crus-Galli (куриное просо): OJpn. pjije;
MJpn. fíjé; Tok. hìe; Kyo. híé; Kag. híe.
◊ JLTT 405.
PKor. *phí millet (просо): MKor. phí; Mod. phi.
1092 *pki - *pắlagV
◊ Nam 465, KED 1771.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Kor. phí < *pìhí (with vowel reduction).
-pki liver: Tung. *pākin; Turk. *biagɨr.
PTung. *pākin liver (печень): Evk. hākin, hakin; Evn. hāqn; Neg.
xākịn; Man. faxun; SMan. fahun (91); Ul. pā; Ork. pāɣa / pāqa; Nan. pā;
Orch. pāɣa, pāqa; Ud. xa῾i (Корм. 304); Sol. āxĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 310.
PTurk. *biagɨr liver (печень): OTurk. baɣɨr (OUygh.); Karakh. baɣɨr
(MK); Tur. baɣɨr ‘breast, bosom’; Az. baɣɨr; Turkm. baGɨr; Sal. baɣɨr;
MTurk. baɣɨr (Бор. Бад., MA); Uygh. beɣir; Krm. baɣɨr; Tat. bawɨr; Bashk.
bawɨr; Kirgh. bōr; Kaz. bawɨr; KBalk. bawur; KKalp. bawɨr; Nogh. bawɨr;
SUygh. baɣɨr; Khak. pār; Tv. bār; Tof. bār; Chuv. pəₙver; Yak. bɨar; Dolg.
bɨar ‘belly; liver’.
◊ VEWT 55, EDT 317, ЭСТЯ 2, 17-19, 22-23, Лексика 278, Stachowski 69.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 45, 286, Мудрак Дисс. 196-197, Лексика 278. A
Turk.-Tung. isogloss, demonstrating again the rule of monophthongi-
zation in PTM after *p- (see *palagV, *pari).
-pắlagV fortress, group of houses: Tung. *palVga; Mong. *balaga-sun;
Turk. *bialɨk; Jpn. *pái.
PTung. *palVga a group of houses (группа домов): Man. falGa.
◊ ТМС 2, 298. Attested only in Manchu, but probably archaic.
PMong. *balaga-sun city, fortress (город, крепость): MMong. bal-
axasun (HY 4), balaqasun (SH), bal(a)ɣaṣun (IM), balɣasun (MA); WMong.
balaɣasun (L 80: balɣasu(n)); Kh. balgas; Bur. balgāha(n), balgān ‘hovel’;
Kalm. balɣəsn; Ord. balGasu, balGus; Dag. balga, balag ‘house, dwelling
place’ (Тод. Даг. 124); Mongr. ba(r)Gāsə, warGāsə (SM 21, 481).
◊ KW 31. Mong. > Evk. balaɣan, balgahun etc., see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 73;
Аникин 113-114 proposes rather Mong. > Russ. balagán ; Russ. > Yak., Evn. balaɣan.
PTurk. *bialɨk city, fortress (город, крепость): OTurk. balɨq (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. balɨq (MK); Khal. baluq ‘деревня’; MTurk. balɨq (Pav.
C.); SUygh. balɨq, paluq; Chuv. püler.
◊ TMN 2, 257, EDT 335-336, ЭСТЯ 2, 59, ОСНЯ 3, 91, Лексика 485, Мудрак Дисс.
194.
PJpn. *pái hearth; household (очаг; домашнее хозяйство): OJpn.
pe; MJpn. fé.
◊ JLTT 403.
‖ EAS 56, KW 31, Владимирцов 147-148, ОСНЯ 3, 91-92, Sinor
1981 (listing all forms but considering the Turkic word to be borrowed
from Ugric), Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 194. Despite TMN 1, 216, 2, 258,
Щербак 1997, 104 the Mong. form is hardly borrowed from Turk. Jpn.
*pá-i presupposes a form *pắl(a)-gV = TM *palVga etc. Note that this is a
case of monophthongization after *p- in TM (cf. similarly *pari, *pāki).
 *pànà - *pàri 1093

-pànà ( ~ *p῾-) face (colour), colour: Tung. *pian-; Kor. *s-pám.

PTung. *pian- 1 appearance, face, colour 2 face side (1 внешность,
лицо, цвет 2 лицевая сторона): Man. an 1; Ud. ṕäńia (Bik.) 2 ( <
South.).
◊ ТМС 2, 36-37.
PKor. *s-pám cheek (щека): MKor. spám; Mod. p:jam.
◊ Nam 248, KED 758.
‖ A TM-Kor. isogloss. One of the cases of prefixed *s- in body parts
in Korean (cf. *s-pj ‘bone’, *s-pr ‘horn’, *s-kòrí ‘tail’).
-papi ( ~ *p῾-) a k. of small bird: Tung. *piabi; Jpn. *pipa; Kor. *pjp-sāi.
PTung. *piabi a k. of sparrow (вид воробья): Evk. hiwi, Yerb. hwi
‘клест, снегирь, дрозд ореховый’; Man. abqu, afiqu ‘воро-
бей-конопляник’.
◊ ТМС 2, 321.
PJpn. *pipa siskin (чиж): Tok. hiwa.
◊ JLTT 412.
PKor. *pjp-sāi jenny wren, Korean crow-tit (крапивник): MKor.
pjp-sāi (-sāi ‘bird’); Mod. pǟpsä.
◊ Nam 258, KED 756.
‖ An onomatopoeic Eastern isogloss.
-pàri finger, finger width (measure): Tung. *pargan; Turk. *biarŋak; Jpn.
*pia; Kor. *pắr.
PTung. *pargan 1 ski bedding for the foot 2 a measure of length
(one centimeter) (1 подстилка на лыже для ступни 2 мера длины
(один сантиметр)): Evk. hargan 1, 2; Nan. pajGa 1; Ud. xaga 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 317.
PTurk. *biarŋak finger, thumb (палец, большой палец): Karakh.
barmaq (Tefs., IM); Tur. parmak, dial. barnak; Gag. parmaq; Az. barmaG;
Turkm. barmaq; Sal. parmax; Khal. barmaq; MTurk. barmaq (Sangl., MA);
Uzb. barmɔq; Uygh. barmaq; Krm. barmaq; Tat. barmaq, dial. barnaq;
Bashk. barmaq, (Pallas) parnaq; Kirgh. barmaq; Kaz. barmaq; KBalk. bar-
maq; KKalp. barmaq; Kum. barmaq; Nogh. barmaq; Chuv. pürne.
◊ VEWT 63, ЭСТЯ 2, 66-68, Дыбо 319-320, Лексика 253-255.
PJpn. *pia layer (слой): OJpn. pje; MJpn. fe.
◊ JLTT 403.
PKor. *pắr 1 layer 2 set (1 слой 2 набор): MKor. pắr 1, 2; Mod. pəl 2.
◊ Liu 353, KED 764.
‖ Whitman 1985, 153-154, 210 (Kor.-Jpn.). Jpn. *pia < *pàr(i)-ga (cf.
TM *par-ga-) or < *pàr(i)-ŋa (cf. PT *biar-ŋa-k). For the reflex *-a- in TM
see notes to *palagV. The original meaning is ‘finger, finger width’,
whence ‘bedding, layer (“one finger thick”)’. Such a combination of
1094 *pằt῾è - *pt῾e
meanings is still clearly seen in TM (without which the Turkic and
Jpn.-Kor. forms would be hardly comparable).
-pằt῾è to suffer: Tung. *pita-; Mong. *hataɣa-; Turk. *b(i)at; Jpn. *ptp-
/ *pùtùk-.
PTung. *pita- 1 to worry 2 to suffer (1 беспокоиться 2 страдать):
Evk. hitačil- 1; Evn. ht- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 328.
PMong. *hataɣa- to envy, jealousy (завидовать, ревность): WMong.
ataɣa(n) (L 58); Kh. atā(n); Bur. atā(n); Kalm. atān; Dag. xatarkā- (Тод.
Даг. 175).
◊ KW 17.
PTurk. *b(i)at bad, unworthy (плохой, негодный): OTurk. bat
(Orkh., OUygh.); Tv. pat.
◊ EDT 296, VEWT 65.
PJpn. *ptp- / *pùtùk- to be angry, disturbed (сердиться, трево-
житься): OJpn. putukum-; MJpn. futuk-, fòtòfòr-, fùtùkùm-.
◊ JLTT 693, 695. OJ potopor- and putuk- are hard to separate; the vocalism in putuk-
may have been influenced by putukurwo / put(w)ok(w)orwo ‘breast’ (or else the vocalism in
potopor- may have been influenced by a homonymous potopor- ‘to emit heat’).
‖ OJ pətə-pə-r- and PM *hata-ɣa- may reflect a common derivative
*pằt῾è-p῾V.
-pt῾e tough; swift: Tung. *pit(a); Mong. *bat-; Turk. *biāt; Kor. *patɨk /
*potɨk.
PTung. *pit(a) hard, tough (крепко, плотно): Evk. pit ( < South.);
Man. fita; Ul. pịtam ‘near, close’; Ork. pịtamǯi; pit ‘just, soon’.
◊ ТМС 2, 39.
PMong. *bat- 1 hard, tough 2 urgent (1 прочный, надежный 2
срочный, поспешный): MMong. batu (SH, HYt), bāṭu (IM), batu (MA)
1; WMong. batu 1 (L 91), bačim 2 (L 65); Kh. bat 1, bačim 2; Bur. bata 1,
bašam 2; Kalm. batə 1, bačm 2; Ord. batu 1 bačimda- ‘to hurry’; Dag. bate 1
(MD 120), batu 1; Dong. putu 1; Bao. batə; S.-Yugh. batə 1; Mongr. padu
(SM 300), padə 1.
◊ KW 36, MGCD 146.
PTurk. *biāt swift, quick (быстрый): OTurk. bat (OUygh.); Karakh.
bat (MK); Tur. pat ‘suddenly’; Turkm. bāda ‘at once’; MTurk. bat
(Sangl.); Uzb. bɔt; Uygh. pat; Kirgh. bat; Tv. pat ‘extremely’; Chuv. pidə (
< *püdə?) ‘most, very’.
◊ VEWT 65, EDT 296, Егоров 162, Федотов 1, 437.
PKor. *patɨk / *potɨk persistently, obstinately (упрямо, настойчи-
во): Mod. padɨk-padɨk, podɨk-podɨk.
◊ KED 704.
 *pka - *pltorV 1095

‖ Poppe 51, KW 36, PKE 146-147. The Kor. form is expressive and
not quite regular.
-pka a k. of weed: Tung. *puka; Mong. *(h)agi; Turk. *bakɨr; Jpn.
*pàkuá-; Kor. *phá ( ~ *páh).
PTung. *puka 1 henbane 2 fern 3 dry grass for fire (1 белена 2 па-
поротник 3 сухая трава для растопки): Man. fuqtala 2, fuxen 3; Ul.
poqo 1; Nan. poqaqã 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 40, 301, 302.
PMong. *(h)agi wormwood (полынь): WMong. agi (L 19); Kh. aǵ;
Bur. aja; Ord. agi ‘artemisia maritima Bess.’.
◊ S.-Yugh. ajī id. (MGCD 96) may be a literary loan.
PTurk. *bakɨr cockle (куколь): Tat. baqra; Chuv. poxra.
◊ Федотов 1, 441-442. Cf. Oyr. pagɨr ‘allium nutans’, ‘слизун’.
PJpn. *pàkuá- a k. of weed (Stellaria media Cyr.) (мокричник): Tok.
hàkobe; Kyo. hàkóbè; Kag. hakobé.
PKor. *phá ( ~ *páh) onion (лук): MKor. phá; Mod. pha.
◊ Nam 461, KED 1728.
‖ Дыбо 11. Kor. *phá < *puhá ~ *păhá with usual vowel reduction.
The Turkic forms are very scantily attested and somewhat dubious
(one would rather expect *bagɨr).
-póko buttock: Tung. *pika; Mong. *bögse.
PTung. *pika 1 rear, buttocks 2 naked, with naked buttocks (1 зад,
ягодицы 2 голый, без штанов): Evk. hikańa 1; Neg. xịxańa 1; Man. aqu
2; SMan. aku 2 (207); Ul. pịqa 2 (Суник 1985, 225); Nan. piqa 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 323, 299.
PMong. *bögse rump, buttock (зад, ягодицы): MMong. bokse (SH),
bukse (MA 123); WMong. bögse(n) (L 126); Kh. bögs; Bur. bügse; Kalm.
böksə; Ord. bögsö ‘buttock, vulva’; Dag. bursu, burse (Тод. Даг. 128), burs;
Dong. bursu, burse, bugsu (Poppe); S.-Yugh. bəgse.
◊ KW 55, MGCD 161. Usually considered to be borrowed < Turk. bögsek (see Щербак
1997, 109, Лексика 278, EDT 329), but the Turkic word means “upper part of chest”
which makes the loan theory extremely dubious. Mong. > Kirgh., Kaz. böksö ‘buttocks’
(see EDT 329), Evk. buksu etc., see Doerfer MT 130, Rozycki 37.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. High tone can be reconstructed because
of Mong. *b-.
-pltorV (/-ld-) a k. of small bird: Tung. *pilti-; Mong. *bolǯir- /
*boldur-; Turk. *bɨldur- (*buldɨr-); Jpn. *pàtuâ; Kor. *pìtùrí.
PTung. *pilti- a k. of wild duck (утка-свиязь): Evk. hiltiwir, hiltiɣir.
◊ ТМС 2, 324. Attested only in Evk., with probable external parallels.
PMong. *bolǯir- / *boldur- lark (жаворонок): MMong. bildu’ur,
bilǯi’ur ‘lark’ (SH); WMong. bulduraɣun, (L 119) bolǯimar, bolǯimur; Kh.
1096 *pṓro - *pṓro
bolǯmor, boǯrogo; Bur. bulžamar, bulžamūr; bolžūxaj, bulžūxaj ‘young of a
bird’; Kalm. bolǯūxǟ ‘young of a bird’, buldərūn; Ord. bilǯūxǟ ‘little bird’.
◊ KW 50, 59. Mong. > Manchu baldargan ‘a k. of bird’.
PTurk. *bɨldur- (*buldɨr-) a bird smaller than a grey partridge,
quail (рыжая куропатка, степной рябчик): Tur. bɨldɨrǯɨn; Az. bɨldɨrčɨn
(dial.); MTurk. bɨldɨrčɨn (Sangl., Houts., Bulgat); Uzb. bulduriq ‘Steppen-
huhn’; Kirgh. bulduruq; Kaz. buldɨrɨq; KKalp. buldɨrɨq; Chuv. pъₙldъₙrǯan
(dial.); Yak. bɨlǯɨrɨt, bɨllɨrɨt ‘snipe’.
◊ EDT 309, TMN 2, 312, VEWT 73-74, ЭСТЯ 2, 305-306, Лексика 173. Turk. > Russ.
Siber. buld’ur’uk (Аникин 140).
PJpn. *pàtuâ pigeon (голубь): OJpn. patwo; MJpn. fato; Tok. háto;
Kyo. hàtô; Kag. ható.
◊ JLTT 402.
PKor. *pìtùrí pigeon (голубь): MKor. pìtùrí, pitărki, pitori, pituroki;
Mod. pidulgi.
◊ Nam 276, KED 851.
‖ Martin 228, Лексика 174. An expressive root with not quite pre-
cise correspondences (like in many bird names). Vocalism is rather
hard to reconstruct: in PT we have to assume a secondary delabializa-
tion (*buldɨr- > *bɨldur-). Note velar suffixation in several Turkic and
Mongolian forms; the PJ form also may go back to *poltor-ga > *poltoɣa
> *patua.
-pṓro a k. of plant: Tung. *piregde; Mong. *burga-; Turk. *bōr-.
PTung. *piregden a k. of plant (вид кустарника): Ul. piragda
‘чубушник’; Nan. piregdēn сирень крупная (Сем Ю.А.-Сем Л.И. 1988,
14).
◊ ТМС 2, 39.
PMong. *burga-, *buraɣa 1 willow 2 (willow) bushes (1 ива 2 кус-
ты, заросли (ивы)): WMong. burɣasu(n) 1, buraɣa, burɣa 2 (L 137); Kh.
burgas(an), burgās(an) 1, burgana ‘a k. of maple’, burā 2; Bur. burgāha(n) 1,
2; Kalm. burɣəsn 1, burā 2; Ord. burGasu 1; Dag. bargās (Тод. Даг. 124),
baregase (MD 119); Mongr. burGāsə.
◊ KW 61,62, MGCD 170. Cf. also borolǯi ‘кедровник на болотах’. TMN 1, 225. Mong
> MTurk. burɣasun, see Щербак 1997, 201 (whence Russ. Siber. burgás, see Аникин
143-144); > Evk. burgan etc. (ТМС 1, 111, Rozycki 39).
PTurk. *bōr- a k. of plant or tree (вид дерева или растения):
Turkm. bōrǯaq ‘эфедра’; Kirgh. boruq ‘small reed’; Oyr. borsuq ‘yew’;
Yak. borū ‘хвощ’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
 *póro(-k῾V) - *pósò 1097

-póro(-k῾V) ( ~ -u-) wrinkle, callosity: Tung. *pirki- ( ~ -ü-); Mong.

*boruɣa; Turk. *burkɨ.
PTung. *pirki- ( ~ -ü-) to obtain a callosity (натирать мозоль): Evk.
hirki-; Evn. ịrq-.
◊ ТМС 2, 327. Cf. perhaps also Man. furu ‘pustule (in mouth); knag (on a tree)’, ТМС
2, 303.
PMong. *boruɣa bone callosity (мозоль на кости): WMong. boruu;
Kh. borō; Bur. bordigor ‘с наростами ( о коре дерева’; bordij- ‘быть
шероховатым’; Kalm. borā(n) ‘Fehler in der Haarbekleidung des Pfer-
defusses’.
◊ KW 51.
PTurk. *burkɨ wrinkled (сморщенный): OTurk. burqɨ; Karakh.
burqɨ, burqɨɣ ‘wrinkle’.
◊ EDT 360.
‖ A Western isogloss. High tone may be reconstructed because of
Mong. *b-. Reflected are forms with different suffixes (*poro-k῾V and
*poro-gV).
-pósò stairway, step (of stairs): Tung. *pise-; Mong. *bosuga; Turk.
*bAs-kɨč; Jpn. *pásì.
PTung. *pise- 1 to make a penthouse 2 penthouse 3 opposite walls
from roof to ceiling (1 делать навес 2 навес 3 стены напротив друг
друга от крыши до потолка): Man. fise- 1, fiseku, fiseŋge 2; Nan. pisoa 3
(Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 300.
PMong. *bosuga threshold (порог): MMong. bosoxa (HY 16), bosoqa
(SH) ῾threshold’, bosaqa, bosaɣa ‘door-post’ (MA 141, 143); WMong.
bosuɣa (L 122); Kh. bosgo; Bur. bohogo, bogoho; Kalm. bosəɣə, bosxə; Ord.
bošoGo; Dag. basarga, basarag (Тод. Даг. 125) (MGCD basrag); Mongr.
bosGo (SM 29), (MGCD pusGo).
◊ KW 52, MGCD 158. Mong. > Chag. bosaɣa etc. (VEWT 85, TMN 1, 227, Щербак
1997, 201, ЭСТЯ 2, 197-198, Лексика 512), Chuv. pusaxa ‘stirrup, threshold, ladder’
(Róna-Tas 1971-1972). A variant form must have been *basu(r)ga, cf. Dag. basrag and TM
loanwords: Evk. basurga etc. (ТМС 1, 76, Doerfer MT 101).
PTurk. *bAs-kɨč stairway (лестница): Uzb. basqɨǯ (Chag.); Khak.
pasxɨs; Tv. basqɨš.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 77 (usually derived < *bas- ‘to press, trample’).
PJpn. *pasi bridge, ladder (мост, лестница): OJpn. pasi; MJpn. fásì;
Tok. hashí; Kyo. háshì; Kag. háshi.
◊ JLTT 400.
‖ In PT *bos- would be expected; the root had changed to *bas-
probably because of the folk-etymological resemblance to *bas- ‘press’.
Cf. *bási ‘penthouse’.
1098 *poǯi - *pbi
-poǯi ( ~ p῾-, -u-) root: Tung. *puǯuri; Mong. *hiǯaɣur.
PTung. *puǯuri root, beginning (корень, основание): Man. fuǯuri.
◊ ТМС 2, 302. Attested only in Manchu - but cf. perhaps PTM *puǯurga- ‘to contort,
twist (an arm, leg)’ ( < ‘uproot’?) (ТМС 2, 337).
PMong. *hiǯaɣur 1 root, stalk, stem 2 origin 3 back (1 корень, сте-
бель, ствол 2 происхождение 3 задняя сторона): MMong. uǯu’ur
‘stalk, stem’ (HY 50), xuǯa’ur (’root’ HY 7, SH), uǯawur, hiǯauri (MA) 1,
xuǯa’ur 2 (HYt), hūǯāwur (LH), hūǯaūr (Lig.VMI); WMong. uǯuɣur,
iǯaɣur 1 (L 418); Kh. joʒōr 1, uʒūr 3; Bur. uzūr 1, 2; Kalm. jozūr 1; Ord.
iǯūr 1, 2; Dag. xoǯōr (Тод. Даг. 176) 1, 2; hoǯore 1 (MD 163); Mongr. sʒūr,
śūr (SM 340, 392), (MGCD śiǯūr).
◊ KW 220, MGCD 732, TMN 1, 535. Mong. > Evk. (Kamn.) iʒagur, Sol. oǯōr, see Doer-
fer MT 102, Rozycki 80 (but not Man. fuǯuri!).
‖ Владимирцов 187, Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 53. A Mong.-Tung.
isogloss.
-pbi to mince, saw: Tung. *pubu-; Mong. *(h)üji-; Turk. *bij-; Jpn.
*piwa-; Kor. *pjàpắi-.
PTung. *pubu- 1 to saw 2 saw (1 пилить 2 пила): Evk. huwu- 1, hū-
wun 2; Evn. h-na-; Neg. xo-; Man. fufu- 1, fufun 2; Ul. p- 1, pụpụ(n) 2;
Ork. pụpụ-la-, ppụ(n) 2; Nan. pō- 1, popõ 2; Orch. xū 2; Ud. xu 2; Sol. ōgĩ,
gĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 336. The existing form reflect the verbal stem *pubu- and the derived noun
*pubu-pu(n) (with some later confusion because of the loss of *-b-).
PMong. *(h)üji- to crush, pulverize (ломать на мелкие куски, кро-
шить): WMong. üi-le-, üi-re- (L 1001); Kh. üjre-; Bur. üjre-.
PTurk. *bij- sharp edge, knife (острый край, нож): OTurk. bi
(OUygh.); Khak. pi-ze- ‘to whet, sharpen’; Yak. bī; Dolg. bī.
◊ EDT 291, VEWT 75, Лексика 398, 399-400, Stachowski 61.
PJpn. *piwa- to mince, cut into small slices (размельчать, резать на
мелкие куски): OJpn. pjiwa-.
◊ JLTT 688.
PKor. *pjàpắi- to mince, rub (in hands) (крошить, растирать (в ру-
ках)): MKor. pjàpắi-; Mod. pibi-.
◊ Liu 374, KED 854.
‖ Correspondences are basically regular, with the following com-
ments: in Turkic one has to suppose secondary delabialization *bij- <
*büj- ( < *büb-); the Kor. form pjàpắi- must be denominative, derived
from a noun *pjàpắ- < *pibV-pu- < *pubi-p῾u- ( = PTM *pubu-pu-). Cf.
*p῾ōpo : the two roots are sometimes hard to distinguish.
 *pč῾à - *pk῾í 1099

-pč῾à to tear, split, cut: Tung. *puče- ( ~ -š-); Mong. *biči-; Turk. *bɨč-;
Jpn. *pàtùr-; Kor. *pčč-.
PTung. *puče- ( ~ -š-) 1 to split, burst 2 to pierce through (1 лопать-
ся, рваться, раскалываться 2 протыкать, продирать): Evk. huče-rge- 1;
Ud. pusege- 1 ( < unattested Nan. or Ulch.).
◊ ТМС 2, 358 (the Manchu and Orok forms are included incorrectly).
PMong. *biči- 1 small 2 to demolish, crush (1 маленький 2 уничто-
жать, разламывать): WMong. biči-qan 1 (L 102), bič-al- 2 (L 101); Kh.
acxan 1, acla- 2; Bur. bišɨxan 1, bisal- 2; Kalm. bičkn 1; Ord. bičaxan 1;
Dag. piči ‘into small pieces’; Bao. beǯiGən 1 (Тод. Бн.); Mongr. paǯilə
‘into small pieces’.
◊ KW 47, MGCD 154. Mong. > Yak. bɨčɨk etc. (VEWT 75).
PTurk. *bɨč- / *bič- to cut (резать): OTurk. bɨč- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. bɨč- (MK); Tur. bič-; Gag. bič-; Az. bič-; Turkm. bič-; MTurk. bič-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. bič-; Uygh. pič-; Krm. bič-; Tat. pĭč-; Bashk. bĭs-, bɨs-;
Kirgh. bič-; Kaz. pĭš-; KBalk. bič-; KKalp. piš-; Kum. bič-; SUygh. pɨš-;
Khak. pɨs-; Oyr. bɨč-; Tv. bɨš-; Tof. bɨ’š-; Chuv. pəₙś-; Yak. bɨs-; Dolg. bɨs-.
◊ EDT 292-293, VEWT 73, ЭСТЯ 2, 158-160, Stachowski 71. Turk. > Hung. biczak
‘knife’ ( Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *pàtùr- to pare, whittle, remove the skin (подрезать, срезать,
сдирать): OJpn. patur-; MJpn. fàtùr-.
◊ JLTT 686.
PKor. *pčč- to tear (раздирать): MKor. pčč-; Mod. č:it- (-č-).
◊ Nam 441, KED 1559.
‖ EAS 144, KW 47, ОСНЯ 1, 178. In Turk. also OT biče ‘small’, Tuva
biče id. Cf. also MKor. pčằ- ‘to wring out, squeeze’ (SKE 18); MKor. pči-
‘to cut’ (SKE 32); mod. pit-ta (piǯ-) ‘cut, slice’. Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 427)
doubts are hardly justified - the semantic development in Mong. is per-
fectly well explainable. One should note, however, that low tone in Jpn.
does not correspond to Mong. *b- here (one would rather expect *h-);
either this is an incorrect tone notation (the Jpn. word is attested in RJ,
but not accented in Hirayama’s dictionary), or an irregularity in an ex-
pressive etymon.
-pk῾í a k. of insect: Tung. *peKe ( < *puKe ?); Mong. *böküne; Turk.
*bökelek; Jpn. *pínkúrásí.
PTung. *peKe ( < *puKe ?) nit (гнида): Evk. heke.
◊ ТМС 2, 362. Attested only in Evk., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *böküne 1 gad-fly 2 mosquito (1 овод 2 комар): MMong.
boko’una (HY 12); WMong. böküne (L 127), bökügene 1; Kh. böxnö 1; Kalm.
bökǖnə 2; Ord. böχöŋ 2; Mongr. pugunoG (SM 307).
◊ KW 55.
1100 *pk῾ì - *púŋu
PTurk. *bökelek gad-fly (овод): Az. böjäläk; Turkm. bökelek; Yak.
bügülex, bügüje.
◊ ЭСТЯ 2, 212-213, Лексика 185.
PJpn. *pínkúrásí a k. of cicada (вид цикады): OJpn. pjigurasi; MJpn.
fígúrásí; Tok. hìgurashi; Kyo. hígúráshí; Kag. higuráshi.
◊ JLTT 406.
‖ Лексика 185.
-pk῾ì ( ~ p῾-) short: Tung. *poKa-; Mong. *hokar; Jpn. *pìkù-.
PTung. *poKa- 1 short 2 sacrum (anat.) (1 короткий 2 крестец):
Evk. hokopčo 2; Man. foxolon ‘short’, faqari ‘short-legged’, faqača ‘short
one’; SMan. ohələn, ohulun 1 (2412); Jurch. fo-xo-lo (691) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 331.
PMong. *hokar short (короткий): MMong. okor (HY 52), oqor (SH),
hoqar (IM), aqar (MA); WMong. oqor, aqar; Kh. oxor, axar; Bur. oxor;
Kalm. oxər; Ord. axur, uxur; Mog. uqar; ZM waqar (11-6a); Dag. uakar
(Тод. Даг. 178), huakare (MD 165); Dong. oqo; Bao. Gor; S.-Yugh. xoGor;
Mongr. xuGor (SM 179), xoGor.
◊ KW 4, 284, MGCD 524. Some variants with 0- are probably secondary (although it
is somewhat strange to find them in MMong.). Mong. > Russ. Siber. oxar, oxára, axara
‘шерсть, наросшая после первой стрижки овцы’, see Аникин 103.
PJpn. *pìkù- low (низкий): OJpn. p(j)ik(j)i ‘low, short’; Tok. hikú-;
Kyo. híkù-; Kag. hikú-.
◊ JLTT 828.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 292 (without the Jpn. parallel). See Poppe 11, 55, Цин-
циус 1984, 42. Despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 132,
Rozycki 78 the TM forms are hardly borrowed from Mong.
-púnri ( ~ p῾-) fish scales, fin: Tung. *ponda; Jpn. *pírái; Kor. *pìnr.
PTung. *ponda footwear made of fish skin (обувь из рыбьей ко-
жи): Ul. pondo; Ork. pondo; Nan. pondoqto.
◊ ТМС 2, 41.
PJpn. *pírái fin (плавник): MJpn. fíré; Tok. hìre; Kyo. híré; Kag. híre.
◊ JLTT 408.
PKor. *pìnr (fish) scales ((рыбья) чешуя): MKor. pìnr; Mod. pinɨl.
◊ Nam 276, KED 850.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-púŋu a k. of fish: Tung. *poŋdV; Mong. *boŋčiliki; Turk. *bɨŋɨt
(~-ń-,-d); Jpn. *pùnâ; Kor. *pì’út.
PTung. *poŋdV 1 gudgeon 2 grayling (1 пескарь 2 хариус): Ul.
puŋgu 1; Nan. pendē 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 47 (Evk. punnu, pundu, Oroch pende and Ud. poŋehä are borrowed).
PMong. *boŋčiliki plaice (камбала): WMong. boŋčilgi (Kow.); Kh.
bončilgo.
 *pga - *pgí(-rV) 1101
◊ Mong. > Manchu poŋčilki id. (despite Sukhebaatar, not vice versa).
PTurk. *bɨŋɨt (~-ń-,-d) Salmo lenoc (ленок): Khak. mind-ər ‘burbot’;
Tv. mɨjɨt; Tof. miit; Yak. bɨjɨt.
◊ VEWT 336, Лексика 177.
PJpn. *pùnâ crucian (карась): OJpn. puna; MJpn. fùná; Tok. fúna;
Kyo. fùnâ; Kag. funá.
◊ JLTT 418.
PKor. *pì’út mackerel, (KED) herring (скумбрия, макрель): MKor.
pì’út; Mod. piut [pius].
◊ Nam 278, KED 856.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 177-178.
-pga to tie up, strangle: Tung. *poga-; Mong. *boɣo-; Turk. *bog-.
PTung. *poga- to choke, pant (задыхаться): Evk. hoɣo-; Neg. xoɣo-;
Man. fo-do-; Ud. xō-.
◊ ТМС 2, 330.
PMong. *boɣo- to tie up, wrap; to hinder (завязывать, заворачи-
вать; препятствовать): MMong. bo’o- (SH), bo’am (HY 4) ‘dam, bar-
rage’; WMong. boɣu-; Kh. bō-; Bur. bō-; Kalm. bō-; Ord. bō-; Bao. boGəldə-;
Mongr. bō- (SM 26).
◊ KW 53. Mong. > Evk. boɣoli, Neg. bōla- (Poppe 1966, 190, ТМС 1, 87).
PTurk. *bog- 1 to tie up 2 to strangle 3 to hinder 4 bundle (1 завязы-
вать 2 душить 3 препятствовать): OTurk. boɣ- 2, boɣ 4 (MK); Karakh.
boɣ- 2, boɣ 4 (MK); Tur. bō- 2, dial. boɣ 4, boɣa- 1; Gag. bū- 2; Az. boɣ- 1, 2;
Turkm. boɣ- 1, 2; MTurk. boɣ- 2, boɣ 4 (Pav. C.); Uzb. bọɣ- 1, 2; Uygh.
boɣ- 2; Krm. boɣ- 2; Tat. bu- 2; Bashk. bɨw- 2; Kirgh. bū- 1, 2; Kaz. bu- 2;
KBalk. buw- 1, 2; KKalp. buw- 1, 2; Kum. buw- 2; Nogh. buw- 2; SUygh.
poɣ- 1, 2; Khak. poɣ- 1, 2; Oyr. pō-, po-, bū-, pu- 1, 2; Tv. boɣ- 1, 2; Chuv.
pъv- 2; Yak. buoj- 3; Dolg. buoj- 3 (’to pacify, appease’).
◊ EDT 311, VEWT 78, ЭСТЯ 2, 164-167, Stachowski 66.
‖ EAS 58, KW 53, Владимирцов 277, Poppe 21 (although words for
‘slave’ should be kept apart, see *bŏga); Дыбо 15 (compares TM *bōki-,
see *bṑki). A Western isogloss. Shortness and high tone are recon-
structed because of Mong. *b-; note, however, that Mong. can be bor-
rowed from Turk. (see TMN 2, 346, Щербак 1997, 108). If this is the
case, the real Mong. reflex could be *bög-si- ‘choke’, *böɣe-lǯi- ‘vomit’,
suggesting a reconstruction *pge or *pgi.
-pgí(-rV) kidneys, testicles: Tung. *pugi- / *puki-; Mong. *böɣere; Turk.
*bögür, *bögrek; Jpn. *púnkúri; Kor. *pɨr / *pur.
PTung. *pugi- / *puki- intestines, stomach (внутренности, желу-
док): Evk. huɣi-te / huki-te; Evn. huktъ; Neg. xuxi-n; Ul. puku(n); Ork.
puxi(n); Nan. puxĩ; Orch. xūki; Ud. xuɣi.
◊ ТМС 2, 339.
1102 *pgV - *pgV
PMong. *böɣere kidney(s); testicle(s) (почки; testiculi): MMong.
bo’ere (HY 47, SH); WMong. bögere (L 124); Kh. bȫr; Bur. bȫre; Kalm. bȫrə;
Ord. bȫrö; Mog. böärä; ZM bürä (4-4b); Dag. būr; Dong. bore, boro; Mongr.
bōro (SM 28).
◊ KW 56-57.
PTurk. *bögür, *bögrek kidney(s) (почки): OTurk. bögür (OUygh.);
Karakh. bögür (MK); Tur. böjrek, böbrek; Gag. bǖr, bȫrek, bǖrek; Az. böjür,
böjräk; Turkm. bevrek, bövrek; MTurk. bögrek (Pav. C.); Uzb. bujrak; Uygh.
böräk; Krm. bögrek, bivrek; Tat. büjer, bjĭräk; Bashk. bjr; Kirgh. böjrök;
Kaz. büjĭr, büjrek; KBalk. börek; KKalp. büjir, büjrek; Kum. büjrek; Nogh.
büjrek; Khak. pügürek, pürek; Shr. pǖrek; Oyr. börök; Tv. bǖrek; Tof. bȫrek;
Chuv. püre; Yak. büör.
◊ EDT 328, VEWT 83, TMN 2, 353, ЭСТЯ 2, 205-207, Лексика 278, Stachowski 68.
PJpn. *púnkúri testicles (testiculi): MJpn. fúgúri; Tok. fuguri (dial.).
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *pɨr / *pur kidney; testicle (почка; testiculus): MKor. pɨr / pur;
Mod. pul.
◊ Liu 399, 407, KED 832.
‖ KW 57, Владимирцов 195, Martin 250, АПиПЯЯ 68, Дыбо 6,
Лексика 278. Despite TMN 2, 353, Щербак 1997, 108, there is no need
at all to suppose Mong. < Turkic. The variant *puki- in TM is assimila-
tive ( < *pugi-). Cf. also MKor. pùri ‘fish bladder’.
-pgV ( ~ -u-) deer (male): Tung. *pegu(le)-; Mong. *bojir; Turk. *bugu,
-ra.
PTung. *pegu(le)- ( / *po-) young of elk, elk (лосенок, лось): Evk.
hoglokān, heglen, hewlen.
◊ ТМС 2, 360. An Evk. word with probable external parallels; its relationship to a
homophonous TM name of a constellation (Ursa Major or Minor) is not quite clear.
PMong. *bojir male (of animals: elk, otter etc.) (самец животных
(лося, выдры и др.)): WMong. bojir (L 113); Kh. bojr; Kalm. bȫlcən ‘ot-
ter’ (КРС 114).
PTurk. *bugu, -ra 1 deer (male) 2 camel stallion (1 олень 2 самец
верблюда): OTurk. buɣu 1 (13th c.), buɣura 2 (Orkh.); Karakh. buɣra 2
(MK); Tur. buɣur 2, dial. buɣu 1; Az. buɣur 2; Turkm. buɣra 2; MTurk.
buɣu 1, buɣra, buɣur 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. buɣu 1; Uygh. buɣu 1, (dial.) buɣra,
boɣra 2; Kirgh. būra 2; Kaz. bura 2; KBalk. bū 1; KKalp. buwra 2; Nogh.
bora 2; SUygh. pɨrɣa 2; Oyr. bura 2; Tv. būra 2, būr ‘male elk’; Yak. būr
‘male reindeer, male’; Dolg. būr ‘male reindeer’.
◊ EDT 317-318, ЭСТЯ 2, 235-238, Лексика 152, Лексика 446-447, Stachowski 67.
Turk. buɣura > Mong. buɣura (see TMN 2, 296, Щербак 1997, 110). Щербак 1997, 201
considers Turkic *bugu to be borrowed from Mongolian buɣu ‘male deer’ (which may be
true for some Kypchak forms: Kirgh. buɣu, Kaz. bŭɣɨ, Nogh., KKalp. buɣɨ), but in fact one
can also think of a loan in the opposite direction: Turk. > Mong. buɣu (KW 58, MGCD
 *pòjńỺ - *póki 1103
166), further > Evk. buɣu etc., see Doerfer MT 78. Turk. > Russ. Siber. burá ‘female camel’;
Mong. (Bur.) būra > Russ. Siber. búra id., see Аникин 142.
‖ KW 58, Лексика 152. A Western isogloss. High tone reconstructed
because of Mong. *b-.
-pòjńỺ ( ~ p῾-) vessel; boat: Mong. *haji-ǯagan; Jpn. *pùná-i; Kor. *pắi.
PMong. *haji-ǯagan ship (корабль): MMong. haiǯaɣa (IM).
PJpn. *pùná-i boat, vessel (лодка, сосуд): OJpn. pune; MJpn. fùné;
Tok. fúne; Kyo. fùné; Kag. funé.
◊ JLTT 418. puna- in OJ compounds (puna-pjito etc.).
PKor. *pắi boat (лодка): MKor. pắi; Mod. pä.
◊ Nam 251, KED 743.
‖ Martin 226, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ 67, 288 (with a different
Turk. parallel, see *eńa). Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss (the Mong. form
is poorly attested and has a somewhat obscure suffixation; besides, one
would rather expect *huji- or *heji-). Jpn. > MKor. pòńắ, mod. posigi ‘ba-
sin, bowl’ (on the other hand, Kor. pắi may be the source of OJ pé ‘bow,
front of boat’, see JLTT 403).
-póju ( ~ *p῾-) child, young (of animals): Tung. *puj(u)-, *puj-kte; Jpn.
*pít; Kor. *pùthj.
PTung. *puj(u)-, *puj-kte 1 small 2 child 3 junior (1 маленький 2
ребенок 3 младший): Evk. hujukūn 1, hute 2, huju-digi 3; Evn. hut 2;
Neg. xute 2; Man. aŋGu, fijaŋu 3; Ul. pikte 2, pụjaŋGụ 3; Ork. putte 2;
Nan. pikte 2, poja(ŋGo) 3; Orch. xītke, xiteke 2; Ud. site 2; Sol. ute 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 37, 338, 357-358. TM > Dag. xutām ‘child’ (Тод. Даг. 180).
PJpn. *pít person (человек): OJpn. pjito; MJpn. fítò; Tok. hitó; Kyo.
hítò; Kag. híto.
◊ JLTT 410. The root *pí- may be also observed in OJ pjí-kwo ‘great-grandson; prince’,
pjí-mje ‘princess’.
PKor. *pùthj pupil of the eye (зрачок глаза): MKor. núns-pùthj;
Mod. nun-pučhə.
◊ Nam 116, KED 363. -pùthj, originally “child” (with a widely spread metaphor
“pupil of the eye” = “child of the eye”) is folk-etymologically perceived as = puthjə “Bud-
dha”.
‖ Murayama 1962, 110, АПиПЯЯ 80, 107, 277. An Eastern isogloss.
Jpn. has a contraction (like in *kík- < *k῾ūjlu-k῾-).
-póki ( ~ -k῾-, -e) to run, run away: Tung. *pukti-; Mong. *bög-si-.
PTung. *pukti- to run, gallop (бежать, мчаться): Evk. hukti-; Evn.
hȫtu-; Neg. xukti-; Man. feksi- / fekče-; SMan. fekəši- (1232); Ul. pukti-; Ork.
pukči-; Nan. pukči-; Orch. xukti-; Ud. xukti-; Sol. uktelī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 340-341. Cf. also Evk. hukulwa- ‘to ride (along a path)’.
PMong. *bög-si- to run (slowly), trot; run (as a hare) (бежать, тру-
сить, скакать): WMong. bögsi-; Kalm. bökšə-.
1104 *pōki - *pk῾è
◊ KW 55. Cf. also Ord. bögö- id.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; high tone can be reconstructed because
of Mong. *b-. Cf. perhaps also Jpn. coll. fuke- ‘to run away, flee’ (dubi-
ous because of very late fixation).
-pōki ( ~ p῾-) (?) deep: Mong. *(hü)gün; Jpn. *pùkà-.
PMong. *(hü)gün deep (глубокий): MMong. gun (HY 52, SH);
WMong. gün (L 391); Kh. gün, dial. gǖn; Bur. gün; Kalm. gün; Ord. gün;
Dag. guen (MD 153); Dong. gun; Bao. guŋ (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. guŋ;
Mongr. fugwən (SM 104).
◊ KW 139, MGCD 308.
PJpn. *pùkà- deep (глубокий): OJpn. puka-; MJpn. fùkà-; Tok. fuká-;
Kyo. fúkà-; Kag. fuká-.
◊ JLTT 828.
‖ Cf. perhaps -pók in MKor. pắi-s-pók ‘navel’ (*’belly cavity’?); TM
*pokV-n (ТМС 1, 469) ‘corner of the eye’. In Turkic cf. perhaps OUygh.
boɣaj (boɣań?) ‘low’, borrowed in Mong. as WMong. boɣoni (see EDT
322). This all seems rather uncertain; but for Mong. the reconstruction
*hügün (based on the archaic Mongor form fugun) seems probable, and
the Mong.-Jpn. parallel at least seems satisfactory.
-pk῾è ( ~ -k-) to dig, cut off; a cutting instrument: Tung. *poK-; Mong.
*hoktal-, *(h)okčira-; Turk. *bügde ( ~ -ö-); Jpn. *pk.
PTung. *poK- 1 to pound, crush, mince 2 to break (1 толочь, раз-
мельчать 2 ломать): Evk. hoko- 2; Evn. hokak- 2; Ork. poqpụ- 1; Nan.
poqpị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 40, 330-331.
PMong. *hoktal- 1 to chop, cut off 2 to be broken off (1 отрубать,
отрезать 2 отламываться): MMong. xoxtol- (SH), uqtal- (MA), hotqal-
(LH) 1; WMong. oɣtal-, oɣtul- (L 602) 1, oɣčira- (L 601: oɣčura-) 2; Kh.
ogtlo- 1, ogcro- 2; Bur. otol- 1; Ord. ogtol- 1; Dag. ogtolo- 1 (Тод. Даг. 159) (
< lit.); Dong. otolu-; Bao. hdolə-; Mongr. sdoli- (SM 338).
◊ Mong. > Manchu oktala- ‘to cut off the nose (an ancient punishment)’ (see Rozycki
167).
PTurk. *bügde ( ~ -ö-) dagger (кинжал): OTurk. bü/ögde (OUygh.);
Karakh. bü/ögde (MK, KB).
◊ EDT 325, TMN 2, 294-295, Лексика 566. Turk. > Pers. bogda ‘big knife’.
PJpn. *pk pole-axe, battle-axe, halberd (алебарда): OJpn. p(w)oko;
MJpn. fòkò; Tok. hóko; Kyo. hókò; Kag. hóko.
◊ JLTT 413. Accent in both Tokyo and Kagoshima is irregular, suggesting a loan from
the Kyoto area.
‖ Cf. other similar roots: *p῾ùjge, *bk῾ù, *p῾ge, *p῾ago.
 *póńe - *pru 1105

-póńe ( ~ p῾-) smoke: Tung. *puń-; Mong. *huni-; Kor. *pńk.

PTung. *puń- to smoke (дымить(ся)): Ul. punǯiči-, puńambu-; Ork.
pun-; Nan. poŋqị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 43-44. Ul. or Nan. > Oroch puńa ‘smoky’, Ud. puŋkisi- ‘to smoke out’.
PMong. *huni- 1 smoke 2 mist (1 дым 2 мгла, дымка): MMong.
xunin (HY 1, SH) 1, honi (IM) 1, hunin (MA) 1; WMong. unijar, ünijer 2
(L 877, 1010); Kh. uniar 2; Bur. uńār 2; Kalm. uńār, ünǟr 2; Ord. unār(i) 2;
Mog. ZM honaɣ (3-8b) ‘smell, odour’; Dag. xoni (Тод. Даг. 177), xoń,
xonētu 1; onir (Тод. Даг. 159) 2 ( < lit.), honi 1 (MD 163); Dong. funie 1;
Bao. fənə 1; Mongr. funi (SM 107), xuni (Minghe) 1, 2.
◊ KW 449, 458, MGCD 676, 682.
PKor. *pńk kitchen (кухня): MKor. pńk, pɨńəp; Mod. puək [puəkh].
◊ Nam 271, KED 817.
‖ ТМС 2,43-44, Цинциус 1984, 54-55, АПиПЯЯ 295. In Korean one
has to presume a semantic shift “smoking place” > “kitchen”.
-pòŋa ( ~ *p῾-) bud: Tung. *poŋga; Jpn. *pànà; Kor. *poŋ’ori.
PTung. *poŋga bud, cone (бутон, головка цветка, шишка): Man.
boŋGu, boŋqo; Ul. poŋGorpị; Nan. poŋgo ‘bush’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 41. Manchu has an assimilative (expressive) voicing *p- > b-.
PJpn. *pànà flower (цветок): OJpn. pana; MJpn. fànà; Tok. haná; Kyo.
hánà; Kag. haná.
◊ JLTT 398.
PKor. *poŋ’ori bud (бутон, головка цветка): MKor. poŋ’ori; Mod.
poŋori.
◊ Liu 391, KED 807.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-pru to snow, rain: Tung. *pur-; Mong. *boruɣa; Turk. *bora-; Jpn.
*pùr-; Kor. *pora.
PTung. *pur- 1 to drizzle 2 slush 3 to fall (of first snow) 4 wind
(changing its direction) (1 моросить (о дожде) 2 шуга, слякоть 3 вы-
падать (о первом снеге) 4 ветер (меняющий направление)): Evn.
horụ- 3, hrqa 4; Man. furana- ‘запылиться’; Ork. purē- 1; Nan. puruekme
2.
◊ ТМС 2, 44, 334, 349, 353.
PMong. *boruɣa 1 heavy rain 2 to snow, sleet (1 ливень 2 идти (о
снеге, дожде со снегом)): MMong. boro’an (SH); WMong. boruɣa(n) 1 (L
121), burɣana- 2 (L 137: burɣani-); Kh. borō(n) 1, burgana- 2; Bur. borō 1,
burga- 2; Kalm. borān 1; Ord. borōn 1; Mog. bɔrɔn (Weiers) 1; S.-Yugh.
boroŋ; Mongr. burōn (SM 36) ‘little rain’.
◊ KW 51, MGCD 158. Mong. > Chag. boraɣan etc. (TMN 1, 219-220); Evk. būrga etc.
(ТМС 1, 111).
1106 *pótirkV - *pōto
PTurk. *bora- 1 North wind 2 to snow heavily (1 северный ветер 2
обильно падать (о снеге)): Tur. bora(k) 1; Turkm. bora- 2; Kaz. bora- 2.
◊ VEWT 80, ЭСТЯ 2, 189-192, Лексика 45.
PJpn. *pùr- to rain, snow (идти (о дожде, снеге)): OJpn. pur-; MJpn.
fùr-; Tok. fúr-; Kyo. fùr-; Kag. fùr-.
◊ JLTT 694.
PKor. *pora snow-storm (снежная буря): Mod. nun-pora, nun-pore.
◊ KED 362.
‖ Poppe 21, Ozawa 288-289, ОСНЯ 1, 188-189, АПиПЯЯ 69. Cf.
*boru, a contamination with which should explain Mong. *b- (one
would expect *h- with low tone and shortness).
-pótirkV breast, breast bone: Tung. *putukā; Mong. *büdürkei; Jpn.
*pútúkr.
PTung. *puturkā 1 heartwood 2 spine (1 сердцевина 2 спинной
хребет, спинной мозг): Evk. hutukā, dial. hurka 1, 2; Evn. hụtqa 2; Neg.
xojkān 1, 2; Ud. xutiga 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 353, 356-357. Evk. > Dolg. hutuka, hutukā (Stachowski 114).
PMong. *büdürkei breast bone, breast handle (грудная кость):
WMong. büdürkei (L 144); Kh. büderxij; Kalm. büderkə (KPC 125); Ord.
büdürχī.
PJpn. *pútúkr breast, bosom (грудь, пазуха): OJpn. putukuro;
MJpn. fútókóró; Tok. fùtokoro; Kyo. fútókórò; Kag. futokóro.
◊ JLTT 419.
‖ Cf. also Yak. bötüön ‘грудная кость’; Az. pötänä ‘потроха’.
-pōto ( ~ -ū-, -ū-) to think, intend: Tung. *pōt[e]-; Mong. *bodu-; Jpn.
*ptua; Kor. *pt-t.
PTung. *pōti- 1 sense 2 to pay attention (1 смысл 2 обращать вни-
мание): Evk. hōtiwūn 1; Evn. hotịčịw- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 335.
PMong. *bodu- to think (думать): WMong. bodu- (L 109); Kh. bodo-;
Bur. bodo-; Kalm. bodə-; Ord. bodo-; Dag. bodo- (Тод. Даг. 127), bode-
(MD 124), bodu-; Dong. bodo-; S.-Yugh. bodo-.
◊ KW 48, MGCD 156.
PJpn. *ptua measure, degree (мера, степень): OJpn. p(w)otwo;
MJpn. fodo; Tok. hodó, hòdo; Kyo. hódó; Kag. hódo.
◊ JLTT 413. Original accent is not quite clear. Modern dialects point to *ptuá or
*ptuà (? *ptuà), and MJ accentuation is not attested.
PKor. *pt-t will, intention (воля, намерение): MKor. ptt; Mod. t:ɨt
[t:ɨs].
◊ Nam 174, KED 544.
‖ Lee 1958, 119 (Kor.-Mong.). Cf. also MKor. pthk ‘reason’; without
vowel reduction perhaps also MKor. pùr, mod. purə ‘intentionally, on
 *puč῾ù - *pgò 1107

purpose’. Mong. > Evk. bodo- etc. (see ТМС 1, 88, Doerfer MT 78). The
Jpn. reflex is not quite certain, being somewhat distant semantically
and aberrant accentologically (TM length should correspond to low
tone in Jpn.). The voicing in modern dialects (Tok. hodo etc.) also con-
tradicts *-t- in *pōto. One should consider a possibility of relating Kor.
pthk and PJ *pətua (*pə(n)tua) to PA *p῾ēt[e] ‘name, to call’ (’name’ as the
essence or reason of the called object?) which would be phonologically
more plausible (assuming Gruntov’s rule about *C῾VCV > *CVC῾V in
early PJ).
-puč῾ù ( ~ b-,-u-o,-a-u) two, pair; half: Turk. *buč-uk; Jpn. *puta-; Kor.
*pča-k.
PTurk. *buč-uk half (половина): Karakh. bɨčuq (MK, IM); Tur. bu-
čuk; MTurk. bučuq (Sangl., MKypch. - AH).
◊ VEWT 85, EDT 294, ЭСТЯ 2, 283-284. Usually regarded as derived from *bɨč- ‘to
cut’, which is dubious in the light of external evidence.
PJpn. *puta- two (два): OJpn. puta-; MJpn. fútà-, fútá-; Tok. fùta-;
Kyo. hùtá-; Kag. fúta-.
◊ JLTT 419. Original accentuation, as with other numerals, is hard to reconstruct.
PKor. *pča-k 1 pair 2 one of a pair (1 пара 2 один из пары): MKor.
pčàk 1, 2; Mod. č:ak 2.
◊ Nam 415, KED 1386.
‖ EAS 96, Martin 249-250, АПиПЯЯ 109, 278. Korean has a frequent
vowel reduction between a stop and an affricate, which makes the pre-
cise vowel reconstruction difficult.
-pgò distressed, restive: Tung. *pūg-; Mong. *bug; Jpn. *pk(a)-.
PTung. *pūg- 1 mad, crazy 2 to have a troubled, disquiet sleep 3 an-
gry bear (not sleeping during hibernation) (1 сумасшедший 2 перево-
рачиваться с боку на бок, плохо спать 3 медведь-шатун): Evk. hūɣī 1,
hūɣ 3; Evn. hökъčen 3; Neg. xūɣēčēn 3; Man. fuχa-ša- 2; foqǯian
‘hot-tempered’; Nan. pue-se- 2; Orch. xui-si- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 301, 337.
PMong. *bug demon (черт, демон): WMong. buɣ (L 131); Kh. bug;
Bur. bug; Kalm. bug ‘demon of mist’; Ord. buGu.
◊ KW 58. Also WMong. buɣ-sa- ‘to be angry, irritated’ ( > Chag. buxsa- etc.).
PJpn. *pk(a)- to be distressed, restive (волноваться, быть в смяте-
нии): MJpn. fòk(a)-; Tok. boké-; Kyo. bòkè-; Kag. boké-.
◊ JLTT 680. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular. One of the few cases of secondary ex-
pressive initial voicing in modern Japanese.
‖ See SKE 207. An expressive root; cf. *buk῾V.
1108 *pk῾a - *púla
-pk῾a craw, crop: Tung. *pukēn; Mong. *bakawu, *bakalaɣur; Turk.
*bokak.
PTung. *pukēn crop, craw (зоб): Evk. hukēn; Neg. xūxēn; Man. fuqa
‘navel of animals, musk bag’; Ul. poko; Nan. poqõ ‘tear follicle’ (On.);
Ud. xuguńä.
◊ ТМС 2, 342.
PMong. *bakawu, *bakalaɣur 1 crop, craw, goiter 2 throat (1 зоб 2
горло): WMong. baqaɣu, baqau, baquu (L 92, 93) 1, baqalaɣur 2; Kh. baxū
1, baxlūr 2; Bur. baxalūr, baxalzūr 2; Kalm. baxəlūr, baxəlzūr 2; Ord. baxu,
baxū 1.
◊ KW 28. Mong. > Oyr. paqɨlūr. The forms meaning ‘throat’ have undergone a partial
contamination with *bagalǯaɣur (v. sub *bku).
PTurk. *bokak crop, craw (зоб): Karakh. boqaq (MK); Tur. boɣak; Az.
buxaG; Turkm. buqaw; MTurk. boqaɣu (AH); Uzb. buqɔq; Uygh. poqaq;
Bashk. boɣaq; Kirgh. boɣoq; Kaz. buɣaq; KBalk. boɣaq; KKalp. buɣaq; Kum.
buɣaq; Khak. poɣo; Oyr. boɣoq; Yak. moɣox.
◊ VEWT 79, TMN 2, 349, ЭСТЯ 2, 202, Лексика 150.
‖ Дыбо 10, Лексика 150. A Western isogloss. High tone is recon-
structed because of Mong. *b-. The root is actively contaminating with
*bku ‘throat’ q.v.
-púk῾V all, complete: Tung. *puK-; Mong. *bük-; Kor. *pukh.
PTung. *puK- completely, all (все, совсем, вполне): Man. fuχali.
◊ ТМС 2, 302. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *bük- all, everything (все, целиком): MMong. bugude
(HYt), bügde (IM), bogde (LH); WMong. bükü, büküli, bügüde (L 145); Kh.
büx, büxel, bügd; Bur. büxɨ; Kalm. bügdə (КРС); Ord. bügüde, büxül,
büxüli; Dag. bugede (MD); Mongr. pugilī (SM 306).
◊ Mong. > Evk. bukuli, Sol. buxuli (see ТМС 1, 105).
PKor. *pukh completely, exhaustively (полностью, целиком):
Mod. phuk, phok.
◊ KED 1762.
‖ ТМС 2, 302. The root is not preserved in Turkic - but cf. perhaps
the isolated Yak. buka barɨ ‘all together’, buka ‘perhaps’, buka-tɨn ‘com-
pletely’ (Dolg. buka ‘exactly’, bukatɨn ‘completely’, see Stachowski 64).
-púla ( ~ -o-) to swell: Tung. *pul-; Mong. *bul-; Jpn. *párá-.
PTung. *pul- 1 hump 2 swelling, convexity (1 горб 2 опухоль, вы-
пуклость): Evk. hulin 1, hulka 2; Evn. hụln 1; Ork. pulu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 345.
PMong. *bul- swelling, lump (опухоль, выпуклость): MMong. bulu
‘hob’ (HY 18); WMong. buluw, bulduruw (L 134, 136: bulu, bulduru); Kh.
bulū, buldrū; Bur. bula, bulū; bulxaj- ‘be convex’; Kalm. bulə; Dag. bol, bolo
‘bolster’ (Тод. Даг. 127).
 *puli - *plo 1109
◊ KW 59. An expressive root with numerous derivatives (bul-t-, bul-č-, bül-t- etc.);
there also exist variants with -a- (bal-t-, bal-č- etc.). Most of these forms can also be found
borrowed in modern Turkic and Tungus languages (see, e.g., Doerfer MT 73). Bur. >
Russ. Siber. buldurun ‘кочка’ (Аникин 140).
PJpn. *párá- to swell (пухнуть, опухать): OJpn. para-; Tok. hàre-;
Kyo. háré-; Kag. haré-.
◊ JLTT 685.
‖ An expressive root, but seems to be a good match between Mong.,
TM and Japanese.
-puli ( ~ p῾-,-ĺ-, -o-e) red: Tung. *pula-; Mong. *hulaɣan; Kor. *prk-.
PTung. *pula- red (красный): Evk. xula-ma,-rin; Evn. hụlańā; Neg.
xolajin; Man. fulǵan; SMan. fələǵan, fulǵan (2419); Jurch. fula-gian (617);
Nan. folǵǟ(n); Ud. xulaligi; Sol. ụl.
◊ ТМС 2, 343-344.
PMong. *hulaɣan red (красный): MMong. xula’an (HY 41, SH),
holām (IM), hula’an, hulan (MA); WMong. ulaɣan (L 869); Kh. ulān; Bur.
ulān; Kalm. ulān; Ord. ulān; Mog. ulōn; ZM uln (13-8); Dag. xulān (Тод.
Даг. 179), hulān (MD 166); Dong. xulan; Bao. felaŋ, fulaŋ; S.-Yugh. łān;
Mongr. fulān (SM 105).
◊ KW 448, MGCD 671, TMN 1, 540.
PKor. *prk- red (красный): MKor. prk-; Mod. puk- [pulk].
◊ Nam 274, KED 844.
‖ AKE 14, Lee 1958, 110, EAS 53, 143, KW 448, Poppe 12, 74, Цин-
циус 1984, 54, Menges 1984, 287, АПиПЯЯ 40, 291, Rozycki 80-81. De-
spite Poppe 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong (and vice versa, as suggested in TMN 1, 540); borrowing in Kor.
from TM is also highly improbable.
-plo last year; to become old, wear out: Tung. *polo-kta; Mong. *boli-;
Turk. *bɨldur (/*buldɨr); Jpn. *pr-(m)pə-.
PTung. *polo-kta 1 old, worn out 2 last year’s (1 старый, изношен-
ный 2 прошлогодний): Evk. holokto 1; Neg. xolokto 2; Nan. polōqto 2
(On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 332.
PMong. *boli- to become old, weak, cease (стареть, слабеть, пре-
кращать(ся)): MMong. b[o]li- (IM), buli- (MA); WMong. boli- (L 117);
Kh. boli-; Bur. boli-.
PTurk. *bɨldur (/*buldɨr) past time, last year (прошлое, прошлый
год): Karakh. bɨldɨr (MK); Gag. bɨldɨr; Az. bildir; Turkm. bildir; MTurk.
bɨltɨr (AH), bɨlɨr (Pav. C.); Uzb. bultɨr; Uygh. bultu(r); Krm. bɨltɨr; Tat.
bɨltɨr; Bashk. bɨltɨr; Kirgh. bɨltɨr; Kaz. bɨltɨr; KBalk. bɨltɨr; KKalp. bɨltɨr;
Kum. bɨltɨr; SUygh. pɨtɨr; Khak. pɨltɨr; Yak. bɨlɨr; Dolg. bɨlɨr.
◊ EDT 334, VEWT 74, ЭСТЯ 2, 139-140, Лексика 71, Stachowski 70.
1110 *pne - *pùnV
PJpn. *pr-(m)pə- to perish (погибать): OJpn. p(w)orobu-; MJpn.
fóróbu-; Tok. hòrobi-; Kyo. hóróbí-; Kag. horobí-.
◊ JLTT 692. Final *-ə- is reconstructed on the basis of the caus. OJ p(w)orob(w)os-.
‖ The suffixless form is preserved only in Mong. boli-; PT and PTM
may reflect a common derivative *plo-ktV.
-pne to ride: Tung. *punŋe-; Mong. *hunu- ( / *unu-); Turk. *bǖn-
(/*bīn-); Jpn. *pana-; Kor. *pòm-nór-.
PTung. *punŋe- 1 to drive (deer) 2 running deer (1 гнать (оленей) 2
олень-бегун): Evn. hunik 2; Ul. puŋne- 1; Ork. puŋne- 1; Nan. puŋne- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 44, 348.
PMong. *hunu- / *unu- to ride, mount (ехать верхом, сидеть вер-
хом): MMong. uno- (SH), unu- (MA), unu- (LH); WMong. unu- (L 877);
Kh. una-; Bur. una-; Kalm. un-; Ord. unu-; Mog. uni-; ZM onu-; Dag.
ono-, on- (Тод. Даг. 160), one- (MD 201); Dong. huntra-, unu-; Bao. fune-,
honə-; S.-Yugh. funa-; Mongr. funi-, xuni-, xoni- (SM 107, 171, 183).
◊ KW 450, MGCD 674. The variation of *h- and *0- within Mong. is unclear: a con-
tamination with the root reflected in PM *unagan ‘foal’ (v. sub *ènŋù) is not excluded.
PTurk. *bǖn- (/*bīn-) to ride on, to mount, to rize (ехать верхом):
OTurk. bin- (Orkh.), mün- (OUygh.); Karakh. mün- (MK, KB); Tur. bin-;
Gag. pin-; Az. min-; Turkm. mün-; mīn- (dial.); Sal. min-, mim-, miŋ-
(ССЯ); MTurk. min- (Sangl.); Uzb. min-; Uygh. min-; Krm. min-; Tat.
men-; Bashk. men-; Kirgh. min-; Kaz. min-; KBalk. min-; KKalp. min-;
Kum. min-; Nogh. min-; SUygh. min-; Khak. mün-; Shr. mün-; Oyr. min-;
Tv. mun-; Tof. mun-; Chuv. minder ‘pillow’; Yak. mīn-; Dolg. mīn-.
◊ VEWT 338, TMN 4, 34, EDT 348, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 180. Shortness in Turkm. is
not clear. On the derivative *bin-ig- > *binge-ĺ- ‘to ride behind someone else on the same
horse’ see EDT 771, Stachowski 178. Chuv. minder may be < Kypch., cf. Turk., Gag.,
Turkm., Nogh. minder, Kum. minnir, Tat., Bashk. mendär - see Федотов 1, 359.
PJpn. *pana- to run, trot, jump (бежать, скакать, прыгать): MJpn.
fana-; Tok. hané-; Kyo. hànè-; Kag. hané-.
◊ JLTT 684. Tone unclear: Kyoto and Tokyo point to *pàná-, Kagoshima - to *páná-.
PKor. *pòm-nór- to ride swiftly (быстро ехать, мчаться): MKor.
pòm-nór-.
◊ Nam 263.
‖ The Mong. form has a strange variation of *h- and *0-, so far un-
explained.
-pùnV ( ~ p῾-, -o-) year, spring / summer: Tung. *pune-; Mong. *hon;
Kor. *póm.
PTung. *pune 1 time, period 2 South (1 время, период 2 юг): Man.
fon 1; SMan. fon ‘occasion’ (2649); Jurch. fowan (fom-wan) do (81) 1,
fAn-ti (592) 2; Ul. punele 2; Nan. fõ (Kur-Urm.) 1 ( < Man.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 300. Ul. or Nan. > Oroch punele, Ud. puńalanǯini ‘South’. The original
meaning may be reconstructed as *’summer’ ( > a) ‘South’; b) season, time).
 *puŋga - *púre 1111

PMong. *hon year (год): MMong. xon (HY 5, SH), hun (IM), hun
(MA); WMong. on (L 611); Kh. on; Bur. on; Kalm. on; Ord. on; Dag. xōn
(Тод. Даг. 177), hōn (MD 164); Dong. xon; Bao. xoŋ, hoŋ (Tunren);
S.-Yugh. hon, χon; Mongr. fən, xwən (SM 98), fen, fon (Huzu), xön, xon
(Minghe).
◊ KW 286, MGCD 444, 528.
PKor. *póm spring (весна): MKor. póm; Mod. pom.
◊ Nam 263, KED 804.
‖ EAS 53, 141, SKE 205, KW 286, 295, Poppe 11, 69, Цинциус 1984,
43. Despite Doerfer MT 143, Rozycki 78-79, the TM forms meaning
‘time’ are hardly < Mong. Cf. perhaps also Jpn. *pàrû ‘spring’ (if -ru is
regarded as a suffix < *pUn-ra); see Whitman 1985, 188, 202, 211.
-puŋga ( ~ p῾-, -u-) musk smell, bad smell: Tung. *poŋga; Mong.
*huŋga-su; Kor. *pāŋkui.
PTung. *poŋga 1 musk deer 2 musk (1 кабарга, мускусный олень 2
кабарговая струя, мускус): Evk. hoŋgo 2; Evn. hoŋgačan 1; Man. fońo 1;
Ul. poŋGol 2; Nan. poŋGol 2; Orch. xoŋgolo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 333.
PMong. *huŋga-su fart (кишечный газ): MMong. xuŋši’ut (pl.)
(SH), hun[u]s (IM), honɣū- ‘to fart’ (LH), ənqu- ‘to fart’ (MA 98);
WMong. uŋɣasu(n), uŋɣusu(n) (L 876); Kh. uŋgas(an); Bur. ungaha(n);
Kalm. oŋgъ-, uŋgъ-; Ord. uŋgusu; Mog. uŋɣu- ‘to fart’ (Weiers); ZM onɣu
‘flatus’ (3-8b); Dag. xongə-, xongos; Dong. hunGu-, -sun; Bao. hoŋGə-, -
soŋ; S.-Yugh. hoŋgo-, -sən; Mongr. uŋGwāsə, ŋGwāsə (SM 292, 472),
uŋGusə (SM 472), ŋGosə (Huzu).
◊ KW 450, MGCD 675.
PKor. *pāŋkui flatulence, wind in the bowels (кишечные газы):
MKor. pāŋkui; Mod. paŋgwi.
◊ Nam 250, KED 736.
‖ Poppe 72 (Mong.-Kor.). The stem may be derived from *p῾úńe
‘smell’ q.v.
-púre leaf, bud: Mong. *bor-; Turk. *bür; Jpn. *pá.
PMong. *bor- cone (шишка): WMong. borɣučuj, borɣučuɣ (L 121);
Kh. borgocoj; Bur. borbōsgoj.
◊ Cf. also bordo- ‘to feed (with grain)’ (S.-Yugh. bordo-, MGCD 157), possibly derived
from the same root.
PTurk. *bür 1 bud 2 leaf 3 grain (1 почка 2 лист 3 зерно): OTurk.
bür 1 (OUygh.); Tur. bürčük 1, bürtük 3 (dial.); Krm. bürtük 3; Tat. börö 1;
Bashk. börö 1; Kirgh. bür 1; KBalk. bürtük 3; KKalp. bürtik 3; Kum. bürtük
3; Nogh. bürtik 3; Khak. pür 2; Tv. bürü 2; Tof. bür 2; Chuv. pəₙrǯe ‘grain,
particle’; Yak. burduk ‘flour’; Dolg. burduk ‘flour’.
1112 *pure - *pŕi
◊ VEWT 92, EDT 354, Лексика 114-115, Stachowski 67. Turk. > WMong. bür, Kalm.
bür (KW 67).
PJpn. *pá leaf (лист): OJpn. pa; MJpn. fá; Tok. hà; Kyo. h; Kag. há.
◊ JLTT 394.
‖ Jpn. *pá presupposes a suffixed form *púr(e)-gV ( = Mong.
*bor-gu-).
-pure pipe: Mong. *bürije-n; Turk. *burgu; Jpn. *patiku.
PMong. *bürije-n trumpet, trumpet horn (труба): WMong. bürije(n)
(L 149), bürege; Kh. bürē(n); Bur. büŕē; Kalm. bürē; Ord. bürē; Dag. burē
(Тод. Даг. 128); Mongr. būraG (MGCD 177).
◊ KW 67. Mong. > Man. buren.
PTurk. *burgu 1 trumpet 2 pipe (of a plant) (1 труба 2 трубка (рас-
тения)): OTurk. burɣu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. borɣuj (MK) 1; Tur. boru 1;
Gag. boru 1; Az. boru 1; MTurk. burɣu 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. burɣu 1; Krm.
borɨ 1; Tat. bɨrɣɨ (Tob.) 1; Bashk. borɣo 1; KBalk. bɨrɣɨ 1; Kum. bɨrɣɨ 1;
SUygh. pɨra 1; Khak. pɨrɣɨ 1, 2, mɨrɣɨ 1; Shr. pɨrɣɨ 1; Tv. murɣu 1, 2; Tof.
murɣu 1, 2; Chuv. pъrъx 1.
◊ EDT 361, TMN 2, 286, ЭСТЯ 2, 194-195. Turk. > Mong. : Khalkha burguj ‘wire for
pipe cleaning’, Bur. burgɨ ‘drill’. Turk. > Russ. Siber. borga (Аникин 134-135).
PJpn. *patiku bamboo (used for making trumpets) (бамбук (ис-
пользуемый для изготовления труб)): MJpn. fatiku; Tok. hachiku.
◊ Accent unknown.
‖ Laufer 1919, 575 (Doerfer: “lautlich unmöglich”). Cf. perhaps Nan.
furgẽ ‘loud, bass’ (ТМС 2, 303). The final velar element is suffixed, and
the suffixes are different here (Jpn. -k- pointing to *-k῾- or -k-, but
Turcic and Mongolian - to *-g-).
-pŕi ( ~ -e) to wink, wrinkle: Tung. *puri-; Mong. *hür-; Turk. *büŕ- /
*bür-.
PTung. *puri- to wink (мигать, моргать): Evk. hurim-; Evn. hụrm-;
Neg. xojịm-; Nan. porịa ‘scowling’.
◊ ТМС 2, 352.
PMong. *hür- to wrinkle (морщиться): MMong. hurni- (MA 187);
WMong. ürčiji-, ürči- (L 1011); Kh. ürčij-; Bur. ürzɨ-; Ord. ürčī-, örčī-.
PTurk. *büŕ- / *bür- to wrinkle (морщиться): Karakh. bür- (MK,
KB), büz- (IM); Tur. bür- (dial.), büz-; Az. büz-, bürüš-; Turkm. bür-, büz-;
MTurk. bür- (Sangl.); Uzb. buriš-; Uygh. pü(r)-; Krm. bürüš-; Tat. bör-;
Bashk. bör-; Kirgh. bür-; Kaz. bür-; KKalp. bür-; Kum. bürüš-; Nogh. bür-;
Khak. pür-; Chuv. pəₙr-.
◊ VEWT 92, EDT 355, ЭСТЯ 2, 294-296 (contaminates with *bür- ‘to cover’). Егоров
157, Федотов 1, 421.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 56. A Western isogloss. Low tone is reconstructed
because of Mong. *h-.
 *pūsa - *puse 1113

-pūsa outside, exterior: Tung. *pūski-; Mong. *busu-; Jpn. *pásí; Kor.
*pàsk.
PTung. *pūski- counter, opposite (напротив): Evk. hūskī; Evn. hu-
wuski; Neg. hosk.
◊ ТМС 2, 355.
PMong. *busu- other (другой): MMong. busi ‘foreigner’ (IM), busu
(SH, HYt), būši ‘foreigner’ (Lig.VMI); WMong. busu (L 140); Kh. bus;
Bur. busa; Kalm. busə; Ord. busu; Mog. biši (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. bišin
(Тод. Даг. 126), biši(n); Dong. puse; Mongr. buśi.
◊ KW 46, 63.
PJpn. *pásí outer edge (внешний край): OJpn. pasi; MJpn. fásí; Tok.
hàshi; Kyo. háshí; Kag. hashí.
◊ JLTT 400. The Kagoshima accent is unexpected (a regular reflex would be háshi).
PKor. *pàsk outside, exterior; other (внешний; другой): MKor. pàs,
pàsk; Mod. pak [pak:].
◊ Nam 248, 250, KED 713.
‖ Turk. *baĺ(č)ka ‘other’ is very similar, but phonetically unclear.
Another irregularity is the tonal discrepancy between TM and
Kor.-Jpn. (note that the TM reconstruction is not quite certain: one
should perhaps reconstruct *pubuski because of the Even form, and ei-
ther separate the TM form from the rest or suppose a form with a clus-
ter like *pubsa). On the whole, a tempting but not quite secure etymol-
ogy.
-púsa ( ~ -o-) a k. of fish: Tung. *puse-; Mong. *basiŋga; Jpn. *pansai.
PTung. *puse- 1 trout 2 black amur (fish) 3 a k. of fish (1 форель 2
черный амур 3 вид рыбы): Evn. hēsъmki 1; Man. fuseli 3; Nan. fusuli 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 304, 371.
PMong. *basiŋga a k. of roach (вид рыбы (плотва, вобла)):
WMong. basiŋɣa (L 90); Kh. bašinga; Kalm. bašŋgə ‘вобла (мелкая)’.
◊ KW 36.
PJpn. *pansai goby (бычок): Tok. háze; Kyo. házè; Kag. háze.
◊ JLTT 403. Original accent unclear (high-low, to judge from Kyoto and Kagoshima,
but low-high - from Tokyo).
‖ High tone is reconstructed because of Mong. *b-; voicing in Jpn. is
unclear.
-puse to break through, break out: Tung. *pos-; Turk. *bös-; Jpn. *pansa-.
PTung. *pos- 1 to burst, break out 2 through (1 лопаться, раскалы-
ваться 2 насквозь): Man. fusxu- 1; Ul. pos 2; Ork. pos 2; Nan. pos, fos 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 42, 358.
PTurk. *bös- 1 to break through 2 rupture, hernia (1 прорываться 2
прободение, грыжа): Uygh. bös- 1; Tat. büs- 1, büser 2.
◊ VEWT 84.
1114 *pti - *pt῾ò
PJpn. *pansa- to burst open, split (лопаться, раскалываться): Tok.
hazé-; Kyo. hàzè-; Kag. hazé-.
◊ JLTT 686. The PJ accent is not quite clear.
‖ Reason for voicing (prenasalization) in Jpn. is not quite clear.
-pti ( ~ -u-, -e) to quilt, weave: Mong. *hüde-; Turk. *büt-.
PMong. *hüde- to quilt, tuft (простегивать): MMong. hüdesü (SH)
‘lanière servant à fixer un objet en le perҫant d’outre en outre’; WMong.
üde- (L 995); Kh. üde-; Bur. üde-; Kalm. üd- (КРС); Ord. üdēri ‘little
strap’; Dong. xudu-; Mongr. sdē- ‘rapiécer’ (SM 334), šdē- (Huzu).
◊ MGCD 688.
PTurk. *büt- 1 to join, intertwine, adhere 2 to wind, weave (1 при-
соединяться, переплетаться, примыкать 2 плести, ткать): Karakh.
bütüš- (MK) 1; Tur. bitiš- 1; Az. bitiš- 1; Turkm. bitiš- 1; Uzb. bitiš- 1; Tat.
böter- ‘крутить, свертывать’; Bashk. bötörgös ‘деталь ткацкого станка’;
Kaz. bitis- ‘мириться’; Chuv. pəₙdəₙr- 2.
◊ EDT 309-310. Федотов 1, 427
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Low tone and shortness may be recon-
structed because of Mong. *h-. The root is similar to *p῾út῾a and *bòt῾e
q.v., but still should be probably reconstructed as a separate etymon.
-put῾i[m]uk῾V a k. of berry: Tung. *putumukte; Kor. *ptárkì.
PTung. *putumukte 1 honeysuckle, woodbind 2 strawberry (1 жи-
молость 2 земляника): Evk. hutumukte 1, 2; Evn. hutъmtъ 1; Neg.
hutumte 1; Ud. xutumukte 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 357. Oroch utumukte and Nan. kutumiekte are quite irregular (a possible dif-
ferent etymology of the Nan. word see under *korteme).
PKor. *ptárkì raspberry, strawberry (малина, земляника): MKor.
ptárkì; Mod. t:algi.
◊ Nam 140, KED 402.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-pt῾ò poplar, branch, stick: Tung. *pota; Mong. *buta; Turk. *būta-; Jpn.
*pəta; Kor. *ptr.
PTung. *pota willow (тальник, верба): Ork. potoqto; Nan. fotoχa.
◊ ТМС 2, 45. The TM forms are certainly not borrowed from Mong., despite Rozycki
77 (who additionally follows ТМС in confusing the root with *pude- q. v. sub *p῾ude, and
*puči- q.v. sub *p῾úč῾í).
PMong. *buta bushes (кусты): MMong. buta (SH); WMong. buta,
butu (L 141); Kh. but; Bur. buta; Kalm. butə; Ord. buta; Dag. boto (Тод.
Даг. 128); Dong. puda; S.-Yugh. but; Mongr. budā ‘herbes ou plantes
croissant en touffes, touffe (herbes)’ (SM 31), butā (Huzu).
◊ KW 63, MGCD 171.
PTurk. *būta- 1 to cut branches 2 branch 3 nail (1 срезать ветви 2
ветвь 3 гвоздь): OTurk. butɨq 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. butɨq, butaq 2 (MK);
 *pỼt῾ok῾V - *pỼt῾ok῾V 1115

Tur. buda- 1, budak 2; Gag. buda- 1, budaq 2; Az. buda- 1, budaG 2; Turkm.
pūda- 1, pūdaq 2; Sal. pu/ūtax 2 (ССЯ); Khal. (buta ‘bush’ - a backloan
from Pers.?); MTurk. buda- 1 (Pav. C.), (MKypch.) buda- 1 (AH); Uzb.
buta- 1, butɔq 2; Uygh. puta- 1, putaq; Krm. buta- 1, butaq 2; Tat. bota- 1,
botaq 2; Bashk. bota- 1, botaq 2; Kirgh. buta- 1, butaq 2; Kaz. buta- 1, bu-
tanaq 2 (buta ‘bush’ < Iran.); KBalk. buta- 1, butaq 2; KKalp. puta- 1, putaq
2; Kum. buta- 1, butaq 2; Nogh. bɨta- 1, butaq 2; Khak. pɨdɨra- 1; Oyr. buda-
1, budaq 2; Tv. bu’duq 2; Chuv. pъₙda 3; Yak. bɨtā- 1, butuk 2 (Пек.); mutā-
1, mutuk 2; Dolg. mutuk 2.
◊ EDT 301, 302, VEWT 90, TMN 2, 330, Лексика 103, Stachowski 183. Turk. >
WMong. butaq ‘branch’ (see Щербак 1997, 111) (but Mong. buta can be hardly explained
as a loan).
PJpn. *pəta log (полено): MJpn. fota; Tok. hota.
◊ Accent unknown.
PKor. *ptr poplar, willow (тополь, ива): MKor. ptr; Mod. pədɨl.
◊ Liu 375, KED 759.
‖ KW 446, Poppe 12, 52, Цинциус 1984, 52-53, Дыбо 10, Лексика
104. Despite some confusion between *pōt῾o and *p῾ude, the two roots
are clearly distinguishable. Kor. *ptr must be delabialized < *pòtr.
-pỼt῾ok῾V ( ~ p῾-, b-) cuckoo: Jpn. *pttkí-su; Kor. *pkúk-.
PJpn. pttkí-sù cuckoo (кукушка): OJpn. p(w)ototogjisu; MJpn.
fòtòtógísù; Tok. hototógisu; Kyo. hótótógìsù; Kag. hototogísu.
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *pkúk- cuckoo (кукушка): MKor. pkúk-sāi; Mod. p:ək:ugi.
◊ Nam 254, KED 758.
‖ An onomatopoeic Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
 P῾

-p῾ač῾V to open, split up: Tung. *pač-; Mong. *(h)ača; Turk. *ač-.
PTung. *pač- crack, split, interval (щель, промежуток): Evn. hačịq.
◊ ТМС 2, 319. Attested only in Evn., but having probable Turkic and Mongolian par-
allels.
PMong. *(h)ača bifurcation (развилка, разветвление): MMong.
āčiba ‘развилина’ (MA); WMong. ača(n) (L 7); Kh. ac; Bur. asa; Kalm.
acə; Ord. ača.
◊ KW 18. Mong. > Man. ačan, Kirgh. ača etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 210).
PTurk. *ač- to open (открывать): OTurk. ač- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. ač- (MK); Tur. ač-; Gag. ač-; Az. ač-; Turkm. ač-; MTurk. ač-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔč-; Uygh. ač-; Krm. ač-; Tat. ač-; Bashk. as-; Kirgh. ač-;
Kaz. aš-; KBalk. ač-; KKalp. aš-; Kum. ač-; Nogh. aš-; SUygh. ač-; Khak.
as-; Shr. aš-; Oyr. ač-; Tv. a’š-; Tof. a’š-; Chuv. uś-; Yak. as-.
◊ EDT 18-19, VEWT 3, ЭСТЯ 1, 209-210, Федотов 2, 292.
‖ A Western isogloss. KW 18, Poppe 63, Цинциус 1984, 36-37 (with
somewhat different TM data), TMN 2, 14 (: “semantisch unwahr-
scheinlich”).
-p῾ač῾V ( ~ -č-) blessing, favour: Mong. *hači; Turk. *ačɨ-.
PMong. *hači favour, service (милость, услуга): MMong. xači ‘fa-
vour, rewards’ (HYt), xači qari’un ‘thanks’ (HY 40), xači (SH); WMong.
ači (L 7); Kh. ač; Bur. aša; Kalm. ačə; Ord. ači; Dag. ači ( < lit.) (Тод. Даг.
122, MD 111); S.-Yugh. haǯig (MGCD).
◊ KW 18, MGCD 125. WMong. ačiguri (Kalm. ačūr, KW 19) > Nan. ačeuri.
PTurk. *ačɨ- 1 precious gift; wellbeing 2 to tend, make comfortable,
be favourable 3 to pity, have compassion (1 драгоценный дар; благо-
состояние 2 быть благоприятным, благосклонным, ухаживать 3 жа-
леть, иметь сострадание): OTurk. ačɨɣ 1, ačɨn- 2; Tur. aǯɨ- 3; Az. aǯɨ- 3;
KBalk. ačɨ- 3; Yak. ahɨn- 3; Dolg. ahɨn- 3.
◊ EDT 22, 29, ЭСТЯ 1, 92 (together with *iāčɨ- ‘bitter’), Stachowski 29. Turk. >
WMong. ačuɣ ‘wages, rent’ (L 8). In modern languages the root tends to be confused with
*iāčɨ- ‘bitter, bitterness’ (v. sub *p῾č῾o ), thus the Oghuz voicing may be a result of secon-
dary contamination and not due to original vowel length; but the two roots are rather
well distinguished in Old Turkic, see EDT ibid.
 *p῾āda - *p῾dì 1117

‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; cf. perhaps Nan. pāčila- ‘жечь багульник

во время камлания’.
-p῾āda to separate, some, other: Tung. *pādi; Turk. *adɨ-; Jpn. *pá(n)tú-;
Kor. *ptắ-n.
PTung. *pādi separate(ly) (отдельный, отдельно): Evk. hādi ‘some,
part of’; Evn. hādị-n ‘some, other’; Man. faǯu ‘space between’; Ul. pāǯị;
Ork. padị; Nan. pāǯị; Sol. adĩ ‘some’.
◊ ТМС 2, 305-306. TM *pā ‘part’ (ibid.) is probably a different root (there is no
-di-suffix in TM), so Doerfer’s (MT 239) doubts about TM *pādi- = Turk. *ad- have no
ground.
PTurk. *adɨ-r- to separate (отделять): OTurk. adɨr- (Orkh., OUygh.);
adɨn (OUygh.) ‘other’; Karakh. aδɨr- (MK); aδɨn (MK) ‘other’; Tur. ajɨr-;
Gag. ajɨr-; Az. ajɨr-; Turkm. ajɨr-; Khal. hadru-, hadur-; MTurk. ajɨr-
(Abush.); Uzb. ajir-; Uygh. ajra-, ajri- (dial.); Krm. ajɨr-; Tat. ajɨr-; Bashk.
ajɨr-; Kirgh. ajɨr-; Kaz. ajɨr-; KBalk. ajɨr-; KKalp. ajɨr-; Kum. ajɨr-; Nogh.
ajɨr-; SUygh. azɨr-; Khak. azɨr-; Shr. azɨr-; Oyr. ajrɨ-; Tv. adɨr-; Chuv. ojъr-;
Yak. atɨr-; atɨn ‘other’; Dolg. atɨn ‘other’.
◊ VEWT 6, EDT 60, 66-67, ЭСТЯ 1, 93, 114-116, Федотов 2, 270, Stachowski 39. Turk.
> MMo, WMong. aǯira- (see Щербак 1997, 94), whence again Uzb. aǯra- etc. (see ЭСТЯ
ibid.).
PJpn. *pá(n)tú- 1 to separate 2 some, only (1 отделять 2 некоторый,
только): OJpn. patu-ka 2; MJpn. fádú-s- 1; Tok. hàzus- 1; Kyo. házús- 1;
Kag. hazús- 1.
◊ JLTT 686.
PKor. *ptắ-n other (другой): MKor. ptắ-n; Mod. t:a-n.
◊ Nam 138, KED 393.
‖ Korean has a frequent vowel loss between two stops (which oc-
curred before *-d- > -r- and thus explains medial -t-). Correspondences
are regular except for the aberrant high tone in Jpn.
-p῾dì a k. of vessel: Tung. *padu; Turk. *diĺ; Jpn. *pítú, *pítú-ki.
PTung. *padu bag, pouch (сумка): Man. fadu; SMan. fadə (248); Ul.
padụ(n); Ork. padụ; Nan. pado.
◊ ТМС 2, 31.
PTurk. *diĺ vessel (сосуд): OTurk. ediš (OUygh.); Karakh. ed/δiš
(MK), ijiš (IM); Turkm. īdiš (dial.); Khal. hidš; MTurk. ediš (Abush.,
Sangl.), iδiš (Qutb); Kirgh. idiš; Kaz. ɨdɨs; KKalp. ɨdɨs; Khak. dial. edis; Tv.
idiš; Yak. ihit.
◊ VEWT 36, EDT 72, ЭСТЯ 1, 328-329. Turk. > Mong. idiš (see Щербак 1997, 119).
Yak. ihit < isit < itis; most of the other modern forms are probably backloans < Mong.
PJpn. *pítú, *pítú-ki 1 box 2 coffin (1 ящик 2 гроб): OJpn. pjitu 1,
p(j)ituk(j)i 2; MJpn. fítú 1, fítúki 2; Tok. hìtsu, hìtsugi; Kyo. hítsú, hítsúgí;
Kag. hitsú, hitsúgi.
◊ JLTT 411. Accent in Kag. hitsú is aberrant.
1118 *p῾ádo - *p῾ágdi
‖ PTM *padu and PJ *pítú may reflect a common derivative like
*padi-bV (otherwise final -u is hard to explain).
-p῾ádo wall: Tung. *padira-; Mong. *(h)adar; Kor. *pằrằm.
PTung. *padira-n wall (стена): Man. faǯiran; SMan. faǯərəhən (463);
Jurch. fa-dar-an (64); Ul. padịra(n); Nan. paǯirã.
◊ ТМС 2, 31.
PMong. *(h)adar 1 ceiling 2 shelves (1 потолок 2 полки): WMong.
adajir, adar 1, 2 (L 9); Kh. adar 1; Bur. adajir, aār 2.
PKor. *pằrằ-m wall (стена): MKor. pằrằ-m; Mod. param.
◊ Nam 241, KED 705.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Chuv. pora ‘сруб’. See Redei 4,347. The Kor. form
can be formally analysed as derived from pằrằ- ‘to plaster’, but this is
probably a result of secondary reinterpretation (see under *pila).
-p῾dV sober, attentive: Mong. *hada- / *haǯi-; Turk. *ād-.
PMong. *hada- / *haǯi- 1 to beware, be careful 2 worth attention, at-
tention (1 быть осторожным, внимательным 2 заслуживающий вни-
мания, внимание): MMong. xada’u- 1 (SH); WMong. aǯi- 1, aǯig 2 (L
61); Kh. aǯig 2; Bur. aǯig, adag 2; Kalm. aǯig 2; Ord. aǯigla- ‘observer avec
attention’.
◊ KW 2.
PTurk. *ād- 1 to sober up 2 sober, conscious (1 трезветь 2 трезвый,
сознательный): OTurk. adɨn- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. aδɨl- (MK,KB), aδɨn-
(MK, KB) 1, aδɨɣ (MK) 2; Tur. ajɨl-, dial. aj(ɨh)-, Osm. ajɨn- 1, ajɨk 2; Az.
ajɨl- 1, ajɨG 2; Turkm. ājɨl- 1, dial. ajɨq 2; MTurk. ajɨl- (Sangl.) 1, ajɨq
(Houts., Pav. C., IM) 2, ajɨɣ (IM, Qutb) 2; Uzb. dial. ajɨq 2; Tat. dial. ajɨl-
1, ajɨq 2; Bashk. ajɨq- 1, ajɨq 2; Kirgh. ajɨq- 1; Kaz. ajɨq- 1, ajɨq 2; KKalp.
ajɨq- 1, ajɨq 2; Nogh. ajɨq- 1; Khak. ajɨɣ 2; Chuv. orъl- 1, orъ 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 113-114, EDT 46, 61, Федотов 2, 285.
‖ KW 2. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-p῾ágdi foot, foot sole: Tung. *pagdi(-kī); Mong. *(h)adag; Turk. *adak;
Jpn. *pí(n)túmai ( ~ -ia).
PTung. *pagdi(-kī) sole, foot sole (ступня, подошва): Evk. hagdikī;
Neg. xakkị; Ork. paGǯe; Nan. χaGdịkị (dial.); Orch. xagdi; Ud. xagdiɣi.
◊ ТМС 2, 308.
PMong. *(h)adag end, lower part of stream (конец, устье, низ тече-
ния): WMong. adaɣ (L 9); Kh. adag; Bur. adag; Kalm. adəg; Ord. adaq.
◊ KW 1.
PTurk. *adak foot (нога): OTurk. adaq (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
aδaq (MK); Tur. ajak; Gag. ajaq; Az. ajaG; Turkm. ajaG; Sal. aja(:)χ; Khal.
hada:q, hadaq; MTurk. ajaq (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. ɔjɔq; Uygh. ajaq; Krm.
ajax; Tat. ajaq; Bashk. ajaq; Kirgh. ajaq; Kaz. ajaq; KBalk. ajaq; KKalp. ajaq;
 *p῾àgò - *p῾ágò 1119

Kum. ajaq; Nogh. ajaq; SUygh. azaq; Khak. azax; Shr. azaq; Oyr. aaq; Tv.
adaq ‘bottom part’; Tof. adaq ‘сошки; нижняя часть’; Chuv. ora; Yak.
ataq; Dolg. atak.
◊ VEWT 5, EDT 45, ЭСТЯ 1, 103-105, Лексика 288, Федотов 2 283, Stachowski 38.
PJpn. *pí(n)túmai ( ~ -ia) hoof (копыто): MJpn. fítúme; Tok. hìzume,
hízume; Kyo. hízúmé; Kag. hizumé.
◊ JLTT 413. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ KW 1, Poppe 52, VEWT 5 (Turk.-Mong.; but the Kor. parallel
listed there - patak ‘bottom, foundation’ - should be rather compared
with TM *pata ‘id.’, see *p῾át῾a(-kV)), АПиПЯЯ 282, Лексика 288. De-
spite TMN 4, 266 Mong. cannot be < Turk. Further Nostr. parallels (PIE
*ped- ‘foot’ etc.) see in МССНЯ, 368.
-p῾àgò ( ~ -e-, -a, *p῾ùgà) to dig, cave: Mong. *haɣur; Jpn. *pàkà; Kor.
*phằ-.
PMong. *haɣur cave, mine (яма, пещера): MMong. haur, huur
‘grave’ (MA); WMong. aɣurqai, uɣurqai (L 18), urqai; Kh. ūrxaj; Bur.
ūrxaj; Kalm. ūrxǟ; Ord. ūrgǟ.
◊ KW 454.
PJpn. *pàkà grave, tomb (могила): OJpn. paka; MJpn. fàkà; Tok. haká;
Kyo. hákà; Kag. haká.
◊ JLTT 396.
PKor. *phằ- to dig (копать): MKor. phằ-; Mod. pha-.
◊ Nam 461, KED 1729.
‖ SKE 212, EAS 56. Kor. phằ- is a result of usual reduction < *pVhằ-.
-p῾ágò ( ~ p-) box, vessel: Tung. *paga, -ča, -kī; Jpn. *pákúa; Kor.
*phắkái.
PTung. *paga, -ča, -kī 1 box, birch vessel, scoop 2 window, window
frame (1 короб, чуман (берестяной) 2 окно, оконная рама): Evk.
haɣa, haɣakī, haɣačan; Neg. xa-čaw, xa-vụn 1; Man. fa 2; SMan. fā 2 (466);
Jurch. fah-ha (209) 2; Ul. pača(n) 1, pawa 2; Ork. pawa 2; Nan. pāčã 1, pāwa
2; Ud. xasa῾a 1 (Корм. 305).
◊ ТМС 2, 31, 308.
PJpn. *pákúa box (ящик): OJpn. pakwo; MJpn. fákó; Tok. hàko; Kyo.
hákó; Kag. háko.
◊ JLTT 397.
PKor. *phắkái scoop, dipper (черпак): MKor. phắkái, phắkà; Mod.
phagä.
◊ Nam 461, KED 1728 (derivation from phắ- ‘to dig’ is implausible both phonetically
and semantically).
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *buk῾[e]. Kor. *phắkái < *pago-kai ( = PTM
*pagakī), which explains seemingly irregular tone correspondence be-
tween Kor. and Jpn.
1120 *p῾āji - *p῾là
-p῾āji part: Tung. *pā; Mong. *hejil-; Jpn. *pia.
PTung. *pā part (часть): Evk. hā, hā-n; Evn. hānị; Neg. xā; Man. fa-li;
Jurch. far far (far-ar far-ar) ‘separately’ (781); Ul. pa-sị; pānị ‘some, oth-
ers’; Ork. pō; Nan. pa-sị; poani ‘some, others’; Orch. xa; Ud. xa(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 305-306.
PMong. *hejil- to separate (отделять): MMong. xejil- (SH); Bur. īle-
‘to churn butter’ (? *’separate’); Dag. xeile- (Тод. Даг. 175).
PJpn. *pia part (часть, доля): OJpn. -bje (in compounds); MJpn. -be.
◊ JLTT 390. Cf. also OJ pje-datar- ‘to become separated’.
‖ Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p῾-.
-p῾ajo to rub off, wipe off, cut off: Tung. *pajū-; Mong. *haɣu-; Turk.
*ajɨt-; Jpn. *pajas-; Kor. *pūi-.
PTung. *pajū- to break, tear (ломать, разрушать, рвать): Evk. ha-
jūp-; Evn. hājụ-; Neg. xajị-, xajụ-; Orch. xāju-; Ud. xai-.
◊ ТМС 2, 309.
PMong. *haɣu- to scoop out, drain (вычерпывать, осушать):
MMong. xa’u-, xa’ut- (SH); WMong. aɣu- (L 15).
PTurk. *ajɨt- to rub off, peel off (стирать, сдирать шкуру): Tur.
ajɨt-la-, ajɨk-la-; Uygh. ajt-.
◊ VEWT 12, Radloff 1, 48, 222. Cf. also Khak. ajɣɨ ‘smooth, polished’ (VEWT 11).
PJpn. *pajas- to cut in small pieces (резать на мелкие куски):
MJpn. fajas- ‘to cut’; Tok. hayas- (dial.).
PKor. *pūi- to rub (тереть): MKor. pūi-.
◊ Nam 269.
‖ One of the common Altaic “Verba des Schlagens”, with a rather
uncertain semantics. The basic meaning seems to be “rub off, peel off”,
whence “break, tear into small pieces” etc. MMong. xa’ut- may reflect
the same derivative as PT *ajɨt-, PA *p῾ajo-t῾V.
-p῾là field, level ground: Tung. *pāla-n; Turk. *ala-n / *ala-ŋ; Jpn. *pàrà;
Kor. *pr(h)-.
PTung. *pāla-n 1 meadow, open ground 2 floor (1 поляна, ровное
место 2 пол): Evn. hālinr 1; Neg. palan 2 ( < South.); Man. fala(n) 2;
SMan. falən 2 (454); Ul. pala(n) 2; Ork. pālla(n) 2; Nan. palã 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 32, 313. Shortness in Nan. palã is probably secondary (or a misrecording).
PTurk. *ala-n / *ala-ŋ level ground, plain (равнина): Karakh. alaŋ
(MK); Tur. alan, dial. ala; Turkm. alaŋ, āla; MTurk. alaŋ (Pav. C.); Krm.
alaŋ; Tat. alan; Kaz. alaŋ; KKalp. alaŋ; Nogh. alaŋ; Tv. alāq, alandɨ; Chuv.
olъx; Yak. alās, al; Dolg. alɨn, al.
◊ EDT 147, ЭСТЯ 1, 134-135, Федотов 2, 277, Stachowski 32, 33. Length in the Turkm.
variant āla is not clear. Yak. alās > Russ. Siber. alás (Аникин 80-81).
PJpn. *pàrà level ground, plain (равнина): OJpn. para; MJpn. fàrà;
Tok. hára; Kyo. hára; Kag. hàrá.
 *p῾aĺi - *p῾ĺŋa 1121
◊ JLTT 399. Tokyo reflects rather *pàrá.
PKor. *prh- fields, meadows (поля, луга): MKor. phrí; Mod. pəl,
phəl.
◊ Nam 463, KED 764, 1744.
‖ Martin 238, АПиПЯЯ 67.
-p῾aĺi relationship, friendship: Tung. *pal- ( ~ -ā-); Turk. *ĺ.
PTung. *pal- ( ~ -ā-) 1 to have relations with 2 relationship, friend-
ship 3 quarrel, contest 4 to quarrel (1 заводить связи, сближаться 2
связь, дружба 3 ссора, спор 4 ссориться): Man. fali- 1, falin 2; Ul. pālị
3; Ork. pālị 3; Orch. palimači- 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 33.
PTurk. *ĺ friend, companion, mate (друг, товарищ): OTurk. eš
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eš (MK); Tur. eš; MTurk. eš (Sangl.); Tv. eš;
Tof. eš; Chuv. jɨš ‘family’.
◊ EDT 253-254, ЭСТЯ 1, 313-314, Егоров 83, Лексика 314.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Original vowel length is not quite clear: in
Turkic the reconstruction is based only on the absence of pharyngeali-
zation in Tuva-Tof., while in TM critical evidence is lacking from Evk.
and Nan.
-p῾ĺŋa ( ~ -e) palm (of hand): Tung. *palŋa; Mong. *haliga(n); Turk. *āja
( ~ -ń-); Kor. *pār.
PTung. *palŋa palm (of hand) (ладонь): Evk. hanŋa; Evn. hanŋ;
Neg. xańŋa; Man. falaŋGu; SMan. faləŋə (71); Ul. pańa; Ork. xaŋŋa / xaŋa;
Nan. pajŋa; Orch. xaŋa, xaŋŋa; Ud. xań῾a.
◊ ТМС 2, 312, 314. All languages, except Manchu, reflect *pańŋa; Manchu probably
reflects a more archaic variant *pal(i)ŋa, simplified to *pańŋa elsewhere.
PMong. *haliga(n) palm (of hand) (ладонь): MMong. xalaqan (HY
46, SH), alaqan (MA); WMong. alaɣa(n) (L 26); Kh. alga; Bur. aĺga(n);
Kalm. aĺxən; Ord. alaga; Mog. olaqɛi (Ramstedt 1906); ZM alaqa (2-9b);
Dag. xaləg, (Тод. Даг. 173) xalaga, halehe (MD 156); Dong. hanGa; Bao.
halgə; S.-Yugh. halaʁan; Mongr. (x)arGa (SM 13), xalGa (MGCD).
◊ KW 7, Дыбо 231. Mong. > Kirgh. alaqan, Uygh. aliqan etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 133), Evk. aliga,
Sol. aĺga (ТМС 1, 312).
PTurk. *āja ( < *āŋa) palm (of hand) (ладонь): OTurk. aja (OUygh.);
Karakh. aja (MK, KB); Tur. aja; Turkm. āja; MTurk. aja (Sangl.;
MKypch.- Houts., AH); Bashk. aja ‘мера длины - пальма; гребень для
чесания пуха’; Kaz. aja ‘center of a palm’; KBalk. ajaz (< формы 3 л.);
Kum. aja; Nogh. aja; SUygh. χaja, χajan; Khak. aja.
◊ VEWT 10, ЭСТЯ 1, 100-101, Дыбо 179-181, Лексика 252.
PKor. *pār armful (охапка): MKor. pār; Mod. pāl.
◊ Nam 245, KED 723.
1122 *p῾nŋi - *p῾ăp῾a
‖ EAS 107, KW 7, Poppe 95, Цинциус 1984, 27-28, ОСНЯ 3, 94-95,
Дыбо 317, Лексика 252, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 73 (but note that TM
forms meaning ‘foot, sole’ should be certainly kept apart, see *pằlka).
The Mong.-Tung. match here seems impeccable, and (despite MT and
Rozycki) borrowing is excluded. The Turkic form presents problems
with a unique cluster development *-ĺŋ- > *-lń- > -ń-, but still is proba-
bly the reflex of the same root. The Korean form may belong here if we
suppose a secondary semantic development ‘palm’ > ‘handful’ > ‘arm-
ful’.
-p῾nŋi to trace, investigate: Tung. *panŋū-; Mong. *hana-; Turk. *ēŋe-;
Jpn. *pima-.
PTung. *panŋū- 1 to ask 2 to investigate 3 to follow smb. (1 спра-
шивать 2 исследовать 3 следовать за кем-л.): Evk. hanŋū- 1, hanŋi- /
hāŋī- 3; Man. fonǯi- 1, 2; SMan. onǯi- ‘to ask, to question, to ferret out’
(1288); Jurch. fanǯu-mij (775) 2; Ul. pan-sị- 1; Ork. panụ-; Ud. xauntasi- 1;
Sol. aŋ- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 314-315.
PMong. *hana- to trace, follow, be in wait for (следить, следовать,
поджидать): WMong. ana- (L 42); Kh. ana-; Mongr. xana- ‘se guérir’
(SM 8).
◊ The Mongor variant ana- is < lit. Mong.
PTurk. *ēŋe- to look after smb. (смотреть за кем-л.): Turkm. ǟŋet-;
Kirgh. ene- ‘обращать внимание, замечать (при отр.)’; Yak. eŋej-.
PJpn. *pima- to keep smth. in secret (держать что-л. в тайне):
MJpn. fima-; Tok. hime-.
◊ JLTT 689. Original accent is not clear: in RJ the form is not attested, Tokyo and
Kyoto point to *pìmá-, but Kagoshima - to *pímá-.
‖ The original meaning, still well traceable in Mong. and Jpn., must
have been ‘to follow (smb.) secretly, investigate stealthily’.
-p῾ăp῾a shaman, sorcery: Tung. *pap-; Mong. *hab; Turk. *apačɨ, *apakɨ;
Jpn. *papur-.
PTung. *pap- 1 to yell (of a shaman) 2 to divine 3 shaman, sorcerer
(1 кричать (о шамане во время камлания) 2 гадать 3 шаман, кол-
дун): Evk. haptaj 3; Neg. xaptụ- 1; Man. fada- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 297, 316. Evk. has both aptaj and haptaj, of which the former may be < Yak.
or Bur., but the latter preserves the old root ( = Neg., Manchu); an example of Wortmis-
chung.
PMong. *hab sorcery (колдовство): MMong. xab (SH), hab (IM);
WMong. ab (L 1); Bur. ab; Kalm. ab KW 1, avə КРС 20; S.-Yugh. fawa
‘shaman’ (MGCD 160).
 *p῾ap῾o - *p῾árà 1123
◊ Mong. > Oyr., Yak. ap (see KW 1, VEWT 21); Mong. *habtaj (Bur. abtaj) > Evk. aptaj,
Yak. aptā-, Dolg. aptā-k (Kał. MEJ 129, Stachowski 35); Mong. ab-galdai ‘shaman mask’ >
Evk. awagaldai, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *apačɨ, *apakɨ 1 bogy 2 figure set up to avert the evil eye 3
idol (1 бука 2 фигурка для отвода сглаза 3 идол): Karakh. abačɨ 1,
abaqɨ 2 (MK); Tur. apaq, abaq ‘jinn, ghoul’ (dial.), ‘fool’; MTurk.
(MKypch.) abaq ‘doll’ (Houts., At-Tuhf.); Uzb. ɔpa-lar ‘female evil
ghosts’ (lit. “elder sisters”); Krm. abaq, abax 3; KBalk. abačɨ 1; Yak. abāhɨ
‘evil ghost’.
◊ VEWT 1, 2, EDT 6, 8. Quite dubious is the hypothesis (see Аникин 71, TMN 4,
307-310, Clark 1977, 127) of the Turkic forms being borrowed from Mong. abuɣаči ‘re-
ceiver’ (all the more so because the Bur. form is not abāša, but abagša, i. e. reflecting -g-,
not -ɣ-). See a detailed discussion in Stachowski 2001.
PJpn. *pápúri priest (жрец, священник): OJpn. papuri; MJpn. fáfúri.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 31-32. See also Miller-Naumann 1991, Miller 1998
(connecting it with Old Chinese *pap ‘law’), and recently Stachowski
2001 (although Yak. aba ‘gift’ should be rather kept apart).
-p῾ap῾o to attack: Mong. *hawl-; Turk. *op-.
PMong. *hawl- surprise attack (внезапное нападение): MMong.
xa’ul-, xau’ul- (SH 75) ‘to attack, capture’; WMong. uulɣa (L 889); Kh.
ūlga; Bur. ūla-gar ‘hot-tempered’; Kalm. ūlɣa ‘vanguard’, ūlɣa-la- ‘to be-
long to the vanguard, rob’; Mongr. xli- ‘courir’ (SM 180).
◊ KW 454.
PTurk. *op- 1 to attack 2 to rob (1 нападать 2 грабить): OTurk.
op-la- 1 (Orkh.); MTurk. op- 2 (R - ShS); Krm. op- 2; Kirgh. ob-dul- 1; Kaz.
op- 2 (R); Tv. opla- 1.
◊ EDT 11, ЭСТЯ 1, 464 (together with *ōp- ‘suck’), R I 1155.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. In TM cf. perhaps Evn. hapkon- ‘to sit in
ambush’ (ТМС 2, 316).
-p῾árà cross-beam, constructing piece: Tung. *para(n); Mong. *(h)aran-ga;
Turk. *ara-n; Jpn. *párì.
PTung. *para(n) 1 place for the hut, floor 2 perch 3 lattice(d) (1 пло-
щадка для чума, пол 2 насест 3 решетчатый): Evk. haran 1; Evn. harān
1; Neg. hajān 1; Man. fargi ~ farki 2, faraŋga 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 299, 317. Evk. > Dolg. haran (see Stachowski 97).
PMong. *(h)aran-ga balcony, verandah, platform, shed (балкон, ве-
ранда, платформа, сарай): WMong. araŋɣa (L 49); Kh. araŋga; Bur.
araŋga; Kalm. arŋga.
◊ KW 14. Bur. > Russ. Siber. aranga (Аникин 93).
PTurk. *ara-n 1 shed 2 stable 3 fold 4 store-room (1 хлев 2 скотный
двор 3 загон 4 кладовая, лабаз): Karakh. aran 1 (MK); Turkm. aram
(dial.) 3; MTurk. aran 1 (Sangl.); Krm. aran 3; Tat. aran 1; Bashk. aran 1;
1124 *p῾ra - *p῾ra
Kaz. aran 3; Kum. aran 1; Nogh. aran 3; Yak. araŋas (< *aran-gač, Dimin.)
4, dial. arān ‘место, на котором стоит чум, палатка’; Dolg. araŋas 4.
◊ VEWT 23, 66, EDT 232, Лексика 523-524. Turk. > Russ. Siber. arán (Аникин 92).
Yak. > Evk. araŋas > Russ. Siber. arangas (Аникин 93). Despite Stachowski 36, the Yak.
and Dolg. word is not borrowed < Mong. araŋga - which could not explain the derivation
suffix - but is rather a productive derivative from the common Turkic root, with a mean-
ing variant “auxiliary building”.
PJpn. *párì cross-beam (балка): MJpn. fárì; Tok. harí; Kyo. hárì; Kag.
harí.
◊ JLTT 399. The Kagoshima accent is irregular (*hári would be expected).
‖ Lee 1958, 109 compares the TM forms also with Kor. dial. paradi,
paraǯi ‘a window in the wall’.
-p῾ra to be tired: Tung. *paru-; Mong. *(h)ari-; Turk. *r-; Jpn. *pátá-;
Kor. *parh-.
PTung. *paru- to faint, feel giddy (кружиться (о голове), терять
сознание): Evk. harū-; Evn. hārụ-; Man. fara-; Nan. farịnda-; Ud. xau-ne-.
◊ ТМС 2, 317-318. Despite Poppe 1972, 98 not a loan < Mong.
PMong. *(h)ari- to be tired, exhausted (уставать, истощаться):
WMong. ari-, ar-ɣu- (L 52: argi- ‘to grow old, to become senile’); Kh.
argi-; Kalm. ar-ɣə-; Ord. argi- ‘говорить ошибочно, выжить из ума (от
старости)’.
◊ KW 13. For *h- Poppe (1972, 98) cites (MA) harun ‘stubborn (horse)’ - but this is
translated by Chag. harun id. and may well be a loan < Chag.
PTurk. *r- 1 to be tired, exhausted 2 to become lean (1 уставать 2
худеть): OTurk. ar- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. ar- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. ar-
1; Az. arɨG (Adj.) 1; Turkm. ār- 1; Khal. harqān, harqan (Ger.) 1; MTurk.
ar- (Sangl., Abush., Pav. C., AH, Qutb, IM) 1; Uzb. hɔri- 1, (Khor.) hār- 1;
Uygh. ar- 1; Tat. ar- 1; Bashk. arɨ- 1; Kirgh. arɨ- 1; Kaz. arɨ- 1; KBalk. arɨ-
1; KKalp. harɨ- 1; Kum. arɨ- 1; Nogh. arɨ- 1; Khak. ar- 2; Shr. ar- 2; Oyr.
arɨ- 1; Tv. ar- 2; Chuv. ɨr- 1; Yak. ɨr- 2.
◊ VEWT 22, ЭСТЯ 1, 160-162, EDT 193, Егоров 343.
PJpn. *pátá-ra-k- to work (работать): MJpn. fatarak-; Tok. hàtárak-;
Kyo. hátárák-; Kag. hataráḱ-.
◊ JLTT 685. Cf. also *pátá- / *pàtá- ‘to end, be exhausted’ (with accent variation, see
АПиПЯЯ 139; but this form may be alternatively compared with MMong. hečüs ‘end’
(HY), WMong. ečüs, Khalkha eces, Bur. eses, Kalm. ecəs (КРС), Dag. heči- ‘get thin, waste
away’ etc.).
PKor. *parh- to be lean, emaciated (быть тощим, истощенным):
Mod. phari-ha-.
◊ KED 1730.
‖ AKE 15, EAS 139, KW 13, Poppe 96, АПиПЯЯ 73, Цинциус 1984,
34, Мудрак Дисс. 182.
 *p῾are - *p῾ărV 1125

-p῾are ( ~ -e-) man, people: Mong. *haran; Turk. *Eren.

PMong. *haran people (народ): MMong. haran (SH, HYt), harān
(IM), harən (Lig.VMI), harān (MA); WMong. aran (L 49); Kh. aran, pl.
arad; Bur. arad; Kalm. ardə (КРС); Ord. arat.
PTurk. *Eren man, mankind (человек, человеческий род): OTurk.
eren (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. eren (MK); MTurk. eren (Pav.C.); Uygh.
ejen (Lob.); S.-Uygh. eren; Krm. eren; Tat. irɛn (dial.); Kirgh. eren; Kaz.
eren; Khak. iren. ◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 290-291.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-p῾arkV excrement: Tung. *parga- ( ~ -rk-); Mong. *hargal; Turk. *ark.
PTung. *parga- ( ~ -rk-) excrement, to defecate (помет, испраж-
няться): Man. faǯan, faǯa-; SMan. faǯən (104, 497, 2327).
◊ ТМС 1, 50. Attested only in Manchu (with -ǯ- regularly < *-rg- or -rk-), with prob-
able parallels in Turkic and Mongolian; despite Rozycki 72-73 borrowing from Mong. is
extremely unlikely.
PMong. *hargal dung, excrement (навоз, кизяк): MMong. horɣ[a]l
(IM), hărɣal (MA); WMong. arɣal, arɣasu(n) (L 52); Kh. argal; Bur. argal;
Kalm. arɣəsn; Ord. argal; Dag. xargal (Тод. Даг. 174); S.-Yugh. harʁal;
Mongr. xarGar (SM 161), (MGCD: xarGal).
◊ KW 14, MGCD 118. Mong. > Chag. arɣasun, see Щербак 1997, 203; > Evk. argahun
(see Doerfer MT 130 - but not Man. faǯan!), Russ. dial. argál, argasún (Аникин 94, 95).
PTurk. *ark excrement (навоз, экскременты): Karakh. arq (MK);
Turkm. arq (А-Б); Khal. harq; MTurk. Kypch. arq (Houts.); Khak. arɨx.
◊ EDT 213, VEWT 26.
‖ EAS 53, 125, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 33. A Western isogloss.
-p῾ărV thill: Tung. *para; Mong. *(h)aral; Turk. *arɨĺ; Kor. *parko.
PTung. *para 1 saddle arc 2 sleigh 3 thill (1 лука седла, клин (по-
среди лука) 2 сани 3 оглобля): Evk. hara, dial. hāren 1; Man. fara 2, 3;
SMan. farə ‘shaft’ (1252); Ul. para 2; Ork. paụra ‘полозья’; Nan. para 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 316-317. TM > Dag. pār ‘sleigh’ (Тод. Даг. 160).
PMong. *(h)aral thill (оглобля): MMong. aral ‘axle, pivot’ (HY 18);
WMong. aral (L 48); Kh. aral; Bur. aral ‘carriage; thills’; Ord. aral; Dag.
aral (MGCD 116); S.-Yugh. aral (MGCD 116); Mongr. rāl (MGCD 116).
◊ TMN 2, 40. Note that both HY and Southern Mong. forms point to *0- (if we are not
dealing with later loans). Mong. > Sol., Oroch aral id.
PTurk. *arɨĺ thill (оглобля): Tur. dial. arɨš; Turkm. arɨš; MTurk. arɨš
(Pav. C.); Uzb. dial. ariš; Krm. arɨš; Tat. arɨš; Bashk. arɨš; Kaz. arɨs; KBalk.
arɨš; KKalp. arɨs; Kum. arɨš; Nogh. arɨs.
◊ VEWT 26, TMN 2, 40-41, ЭСТЯ 1, 189-191, Лексика 555. Turk. > Kalm. arš ‘thill’
(KW 15). The word is attested late, and Clauson 1965, 166 proposes a loan < Arab. ʕariṣ.
PKor. *parko a k. of horse-drawn sleigh (вид саней, запрягаемых
лошадьми): MKor. parko; Mod. palgu.
◊ Nam 245, KED 724.
1126 *p῾ắsi - *p῾átà(kV)
‖ Poppe 11, 77, 78-79, Цинциус 1984, 32-33, Ramstedt 1916, 3, Lee
1958, 108, Лексика 555, Rozycki 74. The root is frequently quoted, but
indeed rather problematic (cf. TMN 2, 40-41). If the Mong. form is *aral
(accounting for the HY and South Mong. evidence), and the Turkic
form is borrowed from a different source, all we are left with are the
Tungus and Korean forms - which, however, are difficult to explain as
loans.
-p῾ắsi to hang: Tung. *pasi-; Mong. *(h)asa-; Turk. *as-; Jpn. *písà(n)k-.
PTung. *pasi- to hang (повисать, повесить): Man. fasi-; Ork. pasị-;
Nan. pasị-; Orch. xasi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 464.
PMong. *(h)asa- to climb up; to stick, cling to (ползти вверх; цеп-
ляться к чему-л.): WMong. asa- (L 55); Kh. asa-; Bur. aha; Kalm. as-.
◊ KW 16.
PTurk. *as- to hang (висеть): OTurk. as- (OUygh.); Karakh. as-
(MK); Tur. as-; Gag. as-; Az. as-; Turkm. as-; Khal. has-; MTurk. as-
(Sangl., Houts.); Uzb. ɔs-; Uygh. as-; Krm. as-; Tat. as-; Bashk. aϑ-; Kirgh.
as-; Kaz. as-; KBalk. as-; KKalp. as-; Kum. as-; SUygh. as-; Tv. a’s-; Chuv.
us-, os-.
◊ VEWT 28, EDT 240, ЭСТЯ 1, 192-193, Егоров 277, Федотов 2, 289.
PJpn. *písà(n)ka- to hold in hands (держать в руках): OJpn.
p(j)isaga-; MJpn. físàga-; Tok. hisage-.
◊ JLTT 690 (but the derivation < *piki-sanka-, based on the modern expressive variant
hissage-, is wrong; the word is attested as p(j)isaga- in OJ).
‖ KW 5, 16, Poppe 65, Цинциус 1984, 34-35. The Mong. parallel is
somewhat dubious semantically.
-p῾átà(kV) ( ~ -t῾-) fish fin; gills: Tung. *pati(ke); Turk. *atkak; Jpn. *pátá.
PTung. *pati(ke) 1 tail fin 2 fish tail (1 хвостовой плавник 2 хвост
рыбы): Neg. xepkī 2; Man. fetxe 1, fetxeku 2; Ul. patị 2; Ork. pačị, pačịkke
1,2; Nan. pač 1, pačqị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 482; 2, 35.
PTurk. *atkak gills (жабры): Khak. atpax; Shr. attaq; Oyr. atqaq.
◊ VEWT 31. A local Siberian word; should be kept distinct from *ạt(kɨ)- ‘pinch, pinch-
ful, handful’ (q.v. sub *p῾ắt῾à(-kV)).
PJpn. *pátá fish fin (рыбий плавник): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátá.
◊ JLTT 401.
‖ The root is very similar phonetically to *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) ‘bottom, lower
side’ and the two roots could in fact have influenced each other in
Turkic and Japanese. The TM languages, however, clearly oppose
them. The TM evidence may indeed point to a different second vowel
in ‘fish fin’ - perhaps a reconstruction like *p῾átì(kV) would be more
 *p῾át῾à - *p῾t῾à 1127

plausible; in the latter case the -a-vocalism in Jpn. would be secondary,

under the influence of *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) ‘bottom’.
-p῾át῾à uncultivated land, field: Mong. *(h)atar; Turk. *Atɨŕ; Jpn. *pátà /
*pàtá; Kor. *pàt(h).
PMong. *(h)atar uncultivated land (необработанная земля):
WMong. atar (L 58); Kh. atar; Bur. atar; Mongr. atər (MGCD 124) < lit..
PTurk. *Atɨŕ watered field, boundary (орошаемое поле, межа):
Karakh. atɨz ‘any strip of land between two dikes’ (MK); Turkm. atɨz;
Uygh. etiz; Kirgh. adɨr ‘холмистая местность, увалы’; Kaz. atɨz; Shr.
adɨs ‘загон 1/18 десятины’.
◊ VEWT 31, EDT 73. Turk. > Mong. atiz (Щербак 1997, 102). Cf. also *ātag ‘island’.
PJpn. *pátà / *pàtá field (поле): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fàtá; Tok. hatá,
háta; Kyo. hátà; Kag. hátà.
◊ JLTT 401. Reflexes reveal a variation between *pátà (Tokyo hatá, Kagoshima hátà)
and *pàtá (RJ fàtá, Tokyo háta, Kyoto hàtá).
PKor. *pàt(h) field (поле): MKor. pàt, pàth; Mod. pat [path].
◊ Nam 244, 250, KED 741.
‖ EAS 53, SKE 192-193, Poppe 51, 82, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ
16, 67, Martin 231.
-p῾t῾à to strike, hit: Tung. *pāt(i)-; Mong. *(h)atalga; Turk. *ạt-; Jpn.
*pàtà-k-; Kor. *pat-.
PTung. *pāt(i)- 1 to strike, hit 2 clapper, beetle 3 to hew off (1 бить,
ударять 2 колотушка 3 отделять, разделывать тушу): Evk. hatal- 3
(Sakh.); Neg. pātị 2 ( < South.); Ul. pātị-čị-, pātị-la- 1, pātị 2; Ork. pāt-čụ- 1;
Nan. pāčị-čị- 1, pačị 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 57, 2, 35. Shortness in the Evk. form (attested only in the innovative Sakh.
dialect) is evidently secondary.
PMong. *(h)atalga adze (долото): WMong. atalɣa; Kh. atlaga; Bur.
atalga; Kalm. atlɣə.
◊ KW 18. Mong. > Yak. adalɣa, Kirgh. atalɣɨ etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 201-202).
PTurk. *ạt- to throw, shoot (бросать, стрелять): OTurk. at-
(OUygh.); Karakh. at- (MK); Tur. at-; Gag. at-; Az. at-; Turkm. at-; Khal.
hat-; MTurk. at- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔt-; Uygh. at-; Krm. at-; Tat. at-;
Bashk. at-; Kirgh. at-; Kaz. at-; KBalk. at-; KKalp. at-; Kum. at-; Nogh.
at-; SUygh. at-; Khak. at-; Shr. at-; Oyr. at-; Tv. at-; Chuv. ɨvъt-, dial. ut-;
Yak. ɨt-; Dolg. ɨt-.
◊ EDT 36, VEWT 31, ЭСТЯ 1, 199-200, 203, 204, Егоров 342, Федотов 2, 469, Sta-
chowski 262.
PJpn. *pàtà-k- to flap, clap, slap (хлопать, выбивать): MJpn. fatak-;
Tok. haták-; Kyo. háták-; Kag. hàtàk-.
◊ JLTT 685.
1128 *p῾ắt῾à(-kV) - *p῾ắt῾à(-kV)
PKor. *pat- to strike against, push, gore with the horns (ударять,
толкать, бодать): Mod. pat- (-d-).
◊ KED 721.
‖ SKE 194, 247, PKE 147, Цинциус 1984, 36.
-p῾ắt῾à(-kV) bottom, lower side: Tung. *pata, *pataka; Mong. *hatku;
Turk. *ạt(kɨ-); Jpn. *pátá; Kor. *pàtók.
PTung. *pata, *pataka 1 feet pads 2 fetlock 3 sole 4 bottom 5 paw,
hoof 6 sledge runner 7 butt (of tree) (1 подушечки на лапе 2 щетка
под копытом 3 подошва 4 дно, низ 5 лапа, копыто 6 полоз нарты 7
комель, дерево, погруженное в воду): Evk. hata 1,2; Evn. hat 3,4, hatịqa
2; Neg. xata 1,2; Man. fatan 3,4, fatχa 5; SMan. fatəhə, fatəqə ‘hoof’ (2289);
Ul. pata 6; Ork. patta 7; Nan. pata 5; Ud. xedi 6.
◊ ТМС 2, 318. Some languages reflect a variant *piakta (*piatka) - see ТМС 2, 320.
PMong. *hatku handful; to clutch (горсть; сжимать в руке):
MMong. xatqu (SH); WMong. adqu, adqu- (L 12); Kh. atga; Bur. adxa;
Kalm. atxə, adəg; Ord. adxu, adxu-; Dag. xatku (Тод. Даг. 175; MGCD:
xataku); S.-Yugh. atGə-, atGəm ( < lit.).
◊ KW 1, 17, MGCD 124.
PTurk. *ạt(kɨ-) 1 handful 2 pinch(ful) 3 barb of the fish-fork hook (1
горсть, пригоршня 2 щепотка 3 бородка, зазубрина крючка остро-
ги): Tur. atɨm 2, atkɨ ‘weft; wooden fork; strap on footwear, scarf’; Az.
atGɨ ‘cross-bar’, atɨm 2; Turkm. atɨm 2; Uzb. ɔtim 2; Tat. atqɨrɨ (dial.)
‘cross-beam’; Kirgh. atɨm 2; Oyr. atqaq 3; Tv. adɨm 1, atqaq 3, atpaq
‘hanger for horse harness’, atpaq-ta-l- ‘to hitch on to smth.’, atpaŋna-
‘grasp (of a child)’; Chuv. ɨdam ‘armful’.
◊ Егоров 344, Мудрак Дисс. 85, VEWT 31. If we exclude obvious loans from Mong.
adqu-, all the other forms clearly fall into two types. 1) PT *ạtɨm ‘handful, pinchful’ 2) PT
*Atkɨ- ‘smth. hitched, clutching, clinging’. The latter (Tuva atkak) is linked in EDT 47 with
OUygh. atqaq ‘vikalpa’. There is a number of OUygh. Buddhist terms that can be derived
from a stem meaning ‘grasp, hitch’: atqaq ‘1) vikalpa, attachment to the material world
(whence borrowed in Mong. atqaɣ ‘illusion, prejudice’), 2) viṣaya, ‘idea, notion, subject’,
atqaq-lɨɣ ‘appertaining to smth.’, atqa-n- ‘be connected, clinging to (the material world)’,
atqa-nč-sɨz ‘devoid of sense perceptions’, atqanɣu ‘viṣaya’, atqanɣu-luɣ ‘correlated’ (cf.
(alquqa) atqanɣuluɣ tutǯaqlɨɣ ‘correlated (with everything) (and) grasping (everything)’),
see ДТС 68, EDT 47. This all seems to indicate a primary root *ạt- meaning both ‘to cling,
hitch on to smth., grasp’ and ‘a grasp, handful’ (also ‘armful’ if we take into account the
Chuv. meaning). Note that in Siberian languages this root (*ạt-ka-k) is additionally con-
fused with the local word for ‘gills’ - which has a quite separate Altaic origin (see under
*p῾átà(kV) ‘fish fin’).
PJpn. *pátá side (край, сторона): OJpn. pata; MJpn. fátá; Tok. hàta;
Kyo. hátá; Kag. hatá.
◊ JLTT 401. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *pàtók bottom, lower part (дно, нижняя часть): MKor. pàtók,
pàtáŋ; Mod. padak.
 *p῾t῾i - *p῾ḗč῾V 1129
◊ Nam 237, KED 703.
‖ EAS 52, KW 1, Poppe 11, 50, Цинциус 1984, 35, 36, Lee 1958, 109,
АПиПЯЯ 70, Дыбо 317, Лексика 252-253, Rozycki 75. In Kor. cf. per-
haps also MKor. pthŋ ‘step (of stairs)’, ptr ‘staircase’, ‘yard’. The
original meaning was no doubt ‘bottom’, ‘bottom side’, with a subse-
quent development > ‘bottom of hand or foot’ > ‘sole, palm’ in the
Western Altaic region. In Turkic and Mongolian such a semantic
change was probably favoured by a contamination with yet another PA
root, *p῾et῾V ‘to pinch’ (q.v.), so that the final meaning resulted in ‘take a
handful, clutch’.
-p῾t῾i trousers, boots: Tung. *pati; Turk. *ētük; Kor. *pàtì.
PTung. *pati winter boots (унты): Evk. hati.
◊ ТМС 2, 318-319.
PTurk. *ētük boot (ботинок, сапог): OTurk. etük (OUygh.); Karakh.
etük (MK); Tur. edik; Turkm. ǟdik; Sal. ītix, itix; MTurk. etük (Pav. C.),
ötük (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. (dial.) ädik, ötik, ötük; Uygh. ötük; Tat. itĭk;
Kirgh. ötük; Kaz. etik; KKalp. etik; Kum. etik; Nogh. etik; Khak. ödək; Oyr.
ödük; Tv. idik; Chuv. adъ; Yak. eterbes; Dolg. eterbes.
◊ EDT 50, VEWT 52, ЭСТЯ 1, 319-321, Егоров 36, Лексика 479, Stachowski 48.
PKor. *pàtì trousers (брюки): MKor. pàtì; Mod. paǯi.
◊ Nam 237, Liu 360, KED 709.
‖ The Evk. word, albeit isolated in TM, builds a good bridge be-
tween the Turkic and the Korean forms.
-p῾ē to be unable: Tung. *pē-; Mong. *jada-; Jpn. *piá-r- ( ~ -ai-).
PTung. *pē- to be unable, not dare (не мочь, не решаться): Evk. hē-;
Evn. hē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PMong. *jada- to be unable, have no power (не мочь): MMong.
jada- (SH, HY 54, IM); WMong. jada- (L 422); Kh. jada-; Bur. jada-; Kalm.
jadə- (КРС); Ord. jada-; Mongr. jadā-, idā- ‘se fatiguer, être épuisé’ (SM
188).
◊ Mong. > Oyr. jada- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 67-68), Dolg. ǯadaŋɨ (Stachowski 88); > Manchu
and South Tung. jada- ‘to be poor, weak’ (Rozycki 222).
PJpn. *piá-r- ( ~ -ai-) to humble oneself; become less (унижаться;
уменьшаться): OJpn. p(j)er-; MJpn. fér-; Tok. hèr-; Kyo. hér-; Kag. hér-.
◊ JLTT 687.
‖ One of the common Altaic monosyllabic verbal roots; Mong. and
Jpn. reflect suffixed forms.
-p῾ḗč῾V to be tired, defeated: Tung. *peče-; Mong. *heče-; Turk. *ēč- (~ī-).
PTung. *peče- to be tired (уставать): Evk. heče-; Evn. heč-.
◊ ТМС 2, 372-3.
1130 *p῾edí - *p῾ḕjk῾V
PMong. *heče- to be exhausted, tired (уставать): MMong. xiǯe- ‘to
be confused’ (HY 36), hiči- (MA), həče- (LH); WMong. eče- (L 291); Kh.
ece-; Bur. ese-; Kalm. ecə-; Ord. eči- ‘to become lean’; Mog. ečä- (Ramstedt
1906); Dag. xeče- (Тод. Даг. 176: xee-), xeči-; Dong. heče-; S.-Yugh. χǯē-.
◊ KW 129, MGCD 273.
PTurk. *ēč- (~ī-) to submit (подчинять): OTurk. ičik- (Orkh.,
OUygh.), ečik- (Yen.); Karakh. ečik- (MK); Turkm. eǯīz ‘weak, fenceless’;
Uygh. ečin- ‘to repent, regret’; Khak. is- ‘to obey’.
◊ EDT 25.
‖ EAS 96, PKE 32, Цинциус 1984, 72. A Western isogloss. Despite
Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 98, TM cannot be borrowed from
Mong. A Western isogloss: the Korean parallel mentioned in PKE 32
(č:i- ‘be inferior to, weakened’) is unreliable - probably a misreading of
či- id.
-p῾edí energetic: Tung. *pede; Mong. *(h)ide; Turk. *ide (/*ede); Jpn.
*pintua-.
PTung. *pede swift, energetic (быстрый, энергичный): Neg. xeden;
Nan. pede; Orch. xidus (adv.).
◊ ТМС 1, 480.
PMong. *(h)ide 1 energy, force, craft 2 energetic, young (1 энергия,
сила 2 энергичный, юный): WMong. ide 1 (L 398), ider 2 (L 400); Kh. id
1, ider 2; Bur. edi 1, edebxi ‘activity’; Kalm. idə 1 (КРС); Ord. ẹde 1;
S.-Yugh. idir 2 ( < lit. ider).
◊ MGCD 406. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. eder (Kał. VIII, Stachowski 43).
PTurk. *ide (/*ede) very, of course, emphatic adverb (очень, усили-
тельное наречие): OTurk. idi (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. iδi (KB); iδrig
‘anything hard’ (MK - Argu); Tat. eje; Bashk. eje; Kirgh. iji; Kaz. ije;
Khak. əze; Shr. eze; Tv. ide; Chuv. ara; Yak. iti.
◊ EDT 41, 65, ЭСТЯ 1, 335. Tat., Chuv. ije ‘yes’, erroneously related here in ЭСТЯ,
have different connections, cf. Khak. ja ‘yes’, Tof. ijen, ijne, MTurk. Xwar., Kypch., Osm.
ineŋ, inen (EDT 42); the Kypchak forms above, because of the merger of *-d- and *-j-, can
have either origin.
PJpn. *pintua- horrible; extreme (ужасный, чрезвычайный): MJpn.
hido-; Tok. hidó-; Kyo. hídò-; Kag. hído-.
◊ The word is attested late (since Edo) and the accent reconstruction is not clear;
however, its Chinese origin (suggested in JLTT 848) is dubious.
‖ The meaning ‘horrible’ in Japanese must be secondary, going back
to < ‘extreme’ < ‘powerful, energetic’, reflected elsewhere.
-p῾ḕjk῾V brain, head: Tung. *pējKe; Mong. *heki; Kor. *pákì.
PTung. *pējKe 1 brain 2 forehead 3 top of the head (1 мозг 2 лоб 3
темя, макушка): Evk. hējē, heje 2; Evn. hēje 3; Neg. xējē 2; Man. fexi 1;
SMan. fixe (5) 1; Ul. pēje 2; Ork. pēje 2; Nan. pēje 2.
 *p῾ḕjló - *p῾èjńé 1131
◊ ТМС 2,304, 361.
PMong. *heki 1 head 2 front (1 голова 2 начало, перед): MMong.
xeki (SH, HYt), hikin (MA) 1; WMong. eki(n) 2 (L 305); Kh. ex 2; Bur.
exi(n) 1; Kalm. ekn 2; Ord. eχe 1, 2; Mog. ekin 1; ZM ekin (2-1a); Dag. xeki
(Тод. Даг. 175), heki 1 (MD 159); S.-Yugh. šəgən 1; Mongr. xəgi ‘source,
commencement’ 2 (SM 166).
◊ KW 118, MGCD 274.
PKor. *pákì top of the head (темя, верхушка головы): MKor.
tjŋ-pákì (tjŋ- < Chin.).
◊ Nam 155.
‖ KW 118, АПиПЯЯ 294, Poppe 56, Lee 1958, 109. Despite Doerfer
MT 236, TM is not borrowed from Mong. Mong. *h- (not b-) before a
long vowel indicates PA *p῾.
-p῾ḕjló belly, liver: Tung. *pēlbu-; Mong. *helige; Jpn. *pàrà; Kor. *pắi.
PTung. *pēlbu- to be pregnant (быть беременной): Evk. hēlbu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 363. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *helige liver (печень): MMong. xeligan (HY 47), xelige(n)
(SH), hilgä (IM), iligän (MA); WMong. elige (L 309); Kh. eleg, elgen; Bur.
eĺge(n); Kalm. elkn, elgn; Ord. elege; Mog. ilkan ‘Herz’ (Weiers), elkän; ZM
elkan (4-2a); Dag. xeleg (Тод. Даг. 175), helehe (MD 159); Bao. helgə, xelge;
S.-Yugh. heleɣe; Mongr. xalege (SM 152), xelige, xalige (Huzu), xelge
(MGCD).
◊ KW 119, MGCD 257.
PJpn. *pàrà belly (живот): OJpn. para; MJpn. fárà; Tok. hará; Kyo.
hárà; Kag. hará.
◊ JLTT 399. Modern dialects (especially Kagoshima) point to *pàrà, but the attested RJ
form is fárà.
PKor. *pắi belly (живот): MKor. pắi; Mod. pä.
◊ Nam 251, KED 743.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 68, 90 (with literature), 274, Martin 243. See also notes
on *boga. Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of -l- in Ko-
rean; Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p῾-.
-p῾èjńé bone: Tung. *peń-ŋen; Mong. *ja-su; Turk. *(j)n-čik; Jpn.
*pnià; Kor. *s-pj.
PTung. *peń-ŋen knee (колено): Evk. henŋen; Evn. henŋen; Neg.
heńŋen; Ul. peńe(n-); Ork. pene, peŋe(n-); Nan. peiŋẽ; Orch. heŋŋe, heŋen;
Ud. heŋe; Sol. eŋẽ.
◊ ТМС 2, 366.
PMong. *ja-su bone (кость): MMong. jasun (HY 15, 48, SH), jāṣon
(IM), jasun (MA); WMong. jasu(n) (L 430); Kh. jas(an); Bur. jaha(n); jan-
garxaj ‘shin-bone’; Kalm. jasn; Ord. jasu; Mog. jōsun; KT jsun (6-4b);
1132 *p῾èk῾à - *p῾èk῾à
Dag. jas (Тод. Даг. 147), jase (MD 169); Dong. jasun; Bao. jasoŋ; S.-Yugh.
jasən; Mongr. jasə (SM 490).
◊ KW 217, MGCD 737, TMN 1, 553. Cf. also Kalm. jan-dəɣər ‘bony’, Bur. jandagar
‘bony’.
PTurk. *(j)n-čik 1 shin, shank 2 shin bone 3 boot-top strap 4 heel (1
голень 2 кость голени 3 ремешки для подтягивания голенищ 4 пят-
ка): Karakh. jinǯik 2 (IM); Tur. inǯik 1; Turkm. īnǯik 1, 2; Sal. inǯix го-
лень (ССЯ); MTurk. inǯik ‘cou de pied’ (Pav. C.); Krm. inčik, inǯik 1; Tat.
jinǯik 1 (КСТТ); Bashk. jensek 1; KBalk. inčik 2; Shr. enǯik 4; Oyr. enčik 4
(Leb.); Tv. inčik 3; Yak. inńiäx 1 (Пек. 1941).
◊ VEWT 172, 203, Лексика 286.
PJpn. *pnià bone (кость): OJpn. p(w)one; MJpn. fònè; Tok. honé;
Kyo. hóne; Kag. honé.
◊ JLTT 414.
PKor. *s-pj bone (кость): MKor. spj; Mod. p:jə.
◊ Nam 258, KED 774.
‖ Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 12, 13, 39-40, 67, 92, 274, Лексика 286. The
irregular tone correspondence between Turk. and Kor.-Jpn. here
should be probably explained by a secondary contraction *-ej- > *-- in
PT. The medial *-j- is also responsible for the loss of *-ń- in Kor. and for
the emergence of *j- in Mong. (*ja-su < *jan-su < *p῾ejńe-sV). Kor. has
here the *s-prefix (cf. also *s-kòrí ‘tail’, *s-pr ‘horn’).
-p῾èk῾à to emit, throw: Tung. *peK-; Mong. *haka-la-; Turk. *ek-; Jpn.
*pàk-; Kor. *ph-.
PTung. *peK- 1 to throw 2 to scatter, strew (1 бросать, кидать 2 сы-
пать): Man. faχa- 1; Ork. pektikke- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 46, 297.
PMong. *haka-la- to throw, abandon (бросать, выкидывать, поки-
дать): Mongr. χaGala-, šGala- (SM 149).
PTurk. *ek- 1 to sow 2 to scatter (1 сеять 2 разбрасывать): OTurk.
ek- (Late OUygh.) 1; Karakh. ek- (MK, KB) 1, 2; Tur. ek- 1; Gag. ek- 1; Az.
äk- 1, 2; Turkm. ek- 1; Sal. ex- 1; Khal. häk- 1; MTurk. ek- (Abush., Sangl.)
1; Uzb. ek- 1; Uygh. ek- 1; Krm. ek- 1; Tat. ik- 1; Bashk. ik- 1; Kirgh. ek- 1;
Kaz. ek- 1; KKalp. ek- 1; Nogh. ek- 1; Chuv. ak- 1.
◊ EDT 100, ЭСТЯ 1, 251-252. Turk. > Hung. eke ‘plough’ (< *äkäɣ), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *pàk- to spit out; to emit (выплевывать; испускать): OJpn.
pak-; MJpn. fàk-; Tok. hák-; Kyo. hák-; Kag. hàk-.
◊ JLTT 684.
PKor. *ph- to emit, spread (испускать, распространять): MKor.
ph-; Mod. phi-.
◊ Nam 464, KED 1772.
‖ SKE 184. See also notes to *bura ῾abandon’.
 *p῾ĕk῾V - *p῾ĺo 1133

-p῾ĕk῾V acid, astringent: Tung. *pekču-; Mong. *(h)ekeɣü; Turk. *ek-ĺči-.

PTung. *pekču- acid, astringent (терпкий, вяжущий, острый (на
вкус)): Man. fekčuxun.
◊ ТМС 2, 304. Cf. perhaps Evk. hepkeripču ‘bitter’ (ТМС 2, 368) < *pek-pe-ripču ?
PMong. *(h)ekeɣü acid, bitter (кислый, горький): WMong. ekegün
(L 305); Kh. exǖ; Bur. exǖn; Kalm. egǖn, ekǖn; Ord. ekǖn.
◊ KW 117, 118.
PTurk. *ek-ĺči- 1 sour, acid, bitter 2 to be sour, bitter (1 кислый,
горький 2 быть кислым, горьким): Karakh. ekšig (MK) 1; Tur. ekši 1,
ekši- 2; Gag. īši 1, īši- 2; Az. äkši 1; Turkm. egšit- 2; MTurk. ekši 1, ekši- 2
(Pav. C.); Krm. ekši 1, ekši- 2; Chuv. jəksü ( < *jəkśü) 1.
◊ EDT 118, ЭСТЯ 1, 259-260, Мудрак Дисс. 199.
‖ ТМС 2, 304. A Western isogloss.
-p῾éle ( ~ -o) to mock; to feel mocked at, be shy, distracted: Tung. *pel-;
Mong. *hel-; Turk. *elük; Jpn. *prá-.
PTung. *pel- 1 to insult, mock 2 not dare (1 оскорблять, издеваться
2 не сметь): Evk. hel- 2; Man. fele- 1; SMan. felə- ‘to murder a superior
person’ (741).
◊ ТМС 2, 304.
PMong. *hel- 1 to be sad, anguish 2 to decline (of mental facilities),
be dumbfounded 3 wild, ignorant (1 быть печальным, тосковать 2
отупеть, остолбенеть 3 дикий, невежественный): MMong. xelumu- 1
(HY); WMong. elemeg 3 (МХТТТ); Kh. elmere- 2 (Gomb.), elmeg 3.
PTurk. *elük mockery, ridicule (насмешка, издевательство):
Karakh. elük (MK); Turkm. ilgezik ‘glib, jaunty’ (?); Krm. elik; Khak. elək.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 264-265, EDT 142. Turk. > WMong. eleg, ileg, Khalkha eleg (KW 119).
PJpn. *prá- 1 to be distracted 2 to fall in love, lose one’s head (1
смущаться, быть сбитым с толку 2 влюбляться, терять голову):
OJpn. p(w)ora- 1, 2; MJpn. fóra- 1, 2; Tok. hòre- 2; Kyo. hóré- 2; Kag. horé-
2.
◊ JLTT 692.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 68.
-p῾ĺo to walk, to run: Tung. *peli- (/*puli-); Mong. *hülde-; Turk. *ẹĺ-;
Jpn. *pàsìr-; Kor. *prb-.
PTung. *peli- (/*puli-) 1 to walk 2 to hurry (1 ходить 2 спешить,
торопиться): Evk. helde- (dial.) 1, helin-(če)- 2; Evn. höl- 1, helīŋ-(či)- 2;
Neg. xul- 1, xenindu- ‘in a hurry’; Man. feĺe- 1; Jurch. ful-ĉwi (421) 1; Ul.
pulikte- 1; Ork. puli- 1, pelin- 2; Nan. pul-si- 1, penin- 2; Orch. xuli- 1; Ud.
xuli(hi)- 1, xelin-e- 2; Sol. ul-.
◊ ТМС 2, 363-364. A probable derivative is *pelbu- ‘to lead, take with oneself’ (ТМС 2,
363).
1134 *p῾émi - *p῾éŋi
PMong. *hülde- to chase (гнать): MMong. xulde- (SH); WMong.
ülde- (БАМРС); Kh. ülde- / öldö-; Bur. ülde-.
PTurk. *ẹĺ- to walk, trot, amble (ходить, брести, ехать иноходью):
OTurk. eš- (Orkh.); Karakh. eš- (MK); Tur. eš-; Gag. ieš-; Tat. äšt- (dial.);
Oyr. eš- (dial.); Chuv. iš-; Yak. is-; Dolg. is-.
◊ EDT 255, ЭСТЯ 1, 316, Stachowski 129.
PJpn. *pàsìr- to run (бежать): OJpn. pasir-; MJpn. fàsìr-; Tok. hashír-;
Kyo. háshír-; Kag. hàshìr-.
◊ JLTT 685.
PKor. *prb- to tread, trample (ступать, топтать): MKor. prp-
(-w-); Mod. pāp- [pālp-].
◊ Nam 247, KED 732.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 46-47, JOAL 119, Street 1985, 646.
-p῾émi thread, twist a thread: Tung. *pem- / *pim-; Mong. *himer-; Jpn.
*pím.
PTung. *pem- / *pim- 1 to wind, be twisted 2 loop on a thread, rope
(1 скручиваться 2 петля (на конце аркана или веревки), кольцо (для
аркана)): Evn. hemъr- 1, hịmqan 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 325, 366.
PMong. *himer- to spin, twist (a thread) (сучить, вить (нить)):
WMong. imer- (L 409); Kh. imre-; Bur. emir-; Kalm. imr-; Ord. ẹmere-,
emere-, imere-; S.-Yugh. xemeri-.
◊ KW 208, MGCD 410.
PJpn. *pím lace, thread, rope (шнурок, нить, веревка): OJpn.
pjim(w)o; MJpn. fímó; Tok. hìmo; Kyo. hímó; Kag. hímo.
◊ JLTT 407.
‖ Cf. notes to *p῾ujme for possible reflexes in Manchu, Jurchen and
Korean.
-p῾eńu a k. of edible root: Tung. *peńe-kte; Mong. *(h)ojimu; Turk. *Ań.
PTung. *peńe-kte name of an edible root (вид съедобного корня):
Evk. heńekte; Evn. hntъ ‘лилия даурская, сарана’.
◊ ТМС 2, 325, 367.
PMong. *(h)ojimu fern (папоротник): WMong. ojimu, (L 604) ojima;
Kh. ojim; Kalm. ojm (КРС 393).
PTurk. *Ań onion, edible root (сарана): Kaz. āj, aj (Katanov); Khak.
aj (Koib.); Tv. a; Tof. a.
◊ VEWT 10.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾éŋi to gape, hole: Tung. *peŋ-; Turk. *eŋ-; Jpn. *pímá; Kor. *pŋ-.
PTung. *peŋ- 1 hole in ice or snow 2 to laugh, chuckle (1 полынья,
проталина 2 смеяться, хохотать): Evk. heŋke 1, heŋne- 2; Evn. heŋke 1.
 *p῾ép῾a - *p῾ḗra 1135
◊ ТМС 2, 367. On the possibility of uniting the meanings ‘hole’ and ‘laugh’ see be-
low.
PTurk. eŋ- 1 to be perplexed 2 stupid 3 bashful, gauche 4 to torture,
pester (1 быть в недоумении 2 глупый 3 застенчивый, робкий 4 из-
мучить, привести в состояние растерянности): Karakh. eŋ- 1; (caus.)
eŋit-, eŋtür- (MK); endik 2 (MK); Tur. (dial.) endik 3; MTurk. (Xwar.) entik
2 (Qutb); Uzb. enka-tenkasini čiqar- 4; Kirgh. enȫ ‘ротозей’, ente- ‘to be-
come confused’, eŋke ‘stupid person’; Khak. iŋde-t- ‘to flounder (of
thoughts)’; Chuv. ankъ-minkə ‘stupidity, madness’ (but may be < Tat.,
see *aŋ-); Yak. ? eŋej- ‘to look greedily on food, wait for a sop’.
◊ EDT 168, 179, 181, ЭСТЯ 1, 155, 156-157 (sub *aŋ- ‘perplexed, silly’).
PJpn. *pímá gap (промежуток, щель): OJpn. p(j)ima; MJpn. fímá;
Tok. hìma; Kyo. hímá; Kag. híma.
◊ JLTT 406.
PKor. *pŋ- 1 to open up, spread open (slightly) 2 to smile, grin,
chuckle (1 раскрываться, приоткрываться 2 улыбаться, смеяться, хо-
хотать): MKor. pŋ’-, pŋkr- 1; Mod. paŋgɨ-, pəŋgɨ-, paŋgɨt [paŋkɨs] ha-,
pəŋgɨt [pəŋkɨs] ha- 1, 2.
◊ Liu 381, KED 736, 772.
‖ SKE 197-198. Most languages reveal a variation of meanings ‘gap’
> ‘to gape’ ( > ‘laugh, smile, be perplexed’). On a possible trace of this
root in Mong. see *àŋa.
-p῾ép῾a a k. of insect: Tung. *pep-; Mong. *haba-kai; Turk. *apa-; Jpn.
*pápái.
PTung. *pep- 1 locust 2 earth-worm (1 саранча 2 земляной червь):
Man. febsexe 1, febǵe 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 304. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *haba-kai spider (паук): WMong. abaqai, (L 3) abaɣaqai (Bur.
and Kalm.); Kh. avgaldaj; Bur. abāxaj; Mongr. xāx (SM 151), xāxai.
◊ See also notes to *araɣalǯin (sub *ara).
PTurk. *apa- grasshopper (кузнечик): Shr. abačaq; Oyr. abačɨjaq;
Chuv. oba ləₙbəₙžəₙ ‘бабочка совка’, oba nъrri ‘медведка (насекомое)’.
◊ VEWT 1. Contaminations with abačɨ ‘чучело’, aba ‘father > bear’.
PJpn. *pápái fly (муха): OJpn. pape; MJpn. fáfé; Tok. hàe; Kyo. háé;
Kag. háe.
◊ JLTT 395.
‖ An expressive root (possibly denoting originally some kind of lo-
cust or grasshopper), with some tabooistic changes in Turkic and Mon-
golian.
-p῾ḗra bee: Tung. *perē-; Mong. *herbekei; Turk. *ārɨ; Jpn. *pátí; Kor.
*pr-.
PTung. *perē- bumble-bee (шмель): Evk. herēptin (Вас.).
1136 *p῾èrì - *p῾èrì
◊ Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *herbekei butterfly (бабочка): MMong. xerbegai (HY 12),
hirbäkäi (MA); WMong. erbekei, erbeɣekei (L 319); Kh. ervēxij; Bur. erbēxej;
Kalm. erwk; Ord. erwēkī; Dong. həbəɣəi; Mongr. xalege (SM 152), xelige,
xalige (Huzu), xerbuge (MGCD).
◊ KW 127, MGCD 264.
PTurk. *ārɨ wasp, bee (пчела, оса): Karakh. arɨ (MK); Tur. arɨ; Gag.
ārɨ; Az. arɨ; Turkm. arɨ, ārɨ (ЭСТЯ); Khal. hārɨ; MTurk. arɨ (Sangl., Pav.
C., Qutb), aru (AH); Uzb. ari, tukli ari ‘humble-bee’; Uygh. hɛrɛ; Kirgh.
ārɨ; Kaz. ara, tükti ara ‘humble-bee’; KKalp. hɛrre; Khak. ār, tüktig ār
‘hornet’; Oyr. arū; Tv. arɨ, Todzh. harɨ; Chuv. təgəld-ora ‘humble-bee’ ?
(təgəl ‘shaggy’); Yak. ɨŋɨrɨa.
◊ VEWT 25, EDT 196-197, TMN 2, 47, ЭСТЯ 1, 186-187, Лексика 186, Ашм. XV, 23,
Федотов 2, 213-214. Turk. > Mong. ari (not vice versa, despite Щербак 1997, 100).
PJpn. *pátí bee (пчела): OJpn. pati; MJpn. fátí; Tok. hàchi; Kyo. háchí;
Kag. háchì.
◊ JLTT 401.
PKor. *pr- bee (пчела): MKor. pr, pri; Mod. pl.
◊ Liu 375, 379, HMCH 50, Nam 254, KED 764.
‖ Martin 226, АПИПЯЯ 67, Лексика 186.
-p῾èrì edge: Tung. *pere; Mong. *hir-; Turk. *Erneg; Jpn. *piàrì.
PTung. *pere bottom, floor (дно, пол): Evk. here; Evn. her; Neg. xeje;
Man. fere; SMan. ferə (2594); Ul. pere(g); Ork. pereɣ, perel; Nan. pereg,
perel; Orch. xē; Ud. xē; Sol. eri.
◊ ТМС 2, 368-371 (PTM *per-gī ‘bottom’ and *pere-mǖ ‘sole’ are derived from the
same root).
PMong. *hir- 1 floor, ground 2 bottom 3 blade, edge (of knife) 4
edge, border, shore (1 пол, почва 2 дно 3 лезвие, острие (ножа) 4 ост-
рый край, берег): MMong. xiru’ar (HY 51), xira’ur (SH), hiruar, hirur
(MA) 1; WMong. iruɣar, iruɣal 1 (L 415), ir 3 (L 412), irmeg 4 (L 415); Kh.
jorōl 2, ir 3, irmeg 4; Bur. ojōr 2, eŕ 3, erimeg 4; Kalm. jorāl 2; Ord. irōl 2,
īrmek; Dag. xigōr 1, xir 3 (Тод. Даг. 146: ir < lit.), šowōre, šigōre 2, šire 3
(MD 215); Dong. širo 1; Bao. holər 1; S.-Yugh. horūl 1, hir 3, ermeg 4 ( <
lit.); Mongr. ir 3 ( < lit.).
◊ KW 219, MGCD 411, 412, 740.
PTurk. *Erneg edge (of a dish) (край, кромка (посуды)): Tur. ernek
(dial.); Turkm. erŋek; MTurk. ernek (Pav. C.); Tat. irnäw; Bashk. irne- ‘to
border’; Kirgh. erdȫ; Kaz. ernew; KKalp. ernek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 301. The root is attested late and may be theoretically derived from *Erin
‘lip’ (v. sub *ằré); however, the latter can also mean ‘edge (of a dish)’ in some languages
and one can suspect that PT actually merged *Erin ‘lip’ and *Erin ‘edge’, while the form
*Erneg was derived only from the latter.
 *p῾erkV - *p῾ro 1137

PJpn. *piàrì edge, brink (край): MJpn. fèrì; Tok. herí; Kyo. hérì; Kag.
herí.
◊ JLTT 404.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 69-70, АПиПЯЯ 12, 281, ЭСТЯ 1, 301. Jpn. *piari
instead of *piri probably under the influence of *pia ‘edge, border’ q.v.
(or else it may indicate a reconstruction *p῾èjrì). Cf. *p῾ire.
-p῾erkV to tie round, surround: Tung. *perke-; Mong. *hergi-.
PTung. *perke- to bind, tie round (связывать, перевязывать, обвя-
зывать): Evk. herke-; Evn. herkъ-; Neg. xejke-; Ork. pitu- ‘man’s girdle’;
Sol. ekke-.
◊ ТМС 2, 369-370. Note that Ud. xeke-, Ul. xerke- and Nan. xerke- are rather borrowed
< Man. xergi- < PTM *kerge- (v. sub *kèra).
PMong. *hergi- to go round (кружиться, вертеться): MMong. xergi-
(SH), hirgi- (MA); WMong. erge-, ergi- (L 323); Kh. ergi-; Bur. erje-; Kalm.
ergi-; Ord. erge-; Mog. irga- ‘to spin a spindle’ (Weiers); Dag. ergi- ( <
lit.), xergi-, xorgi- (Тод. Даг. 140, 177); S.-Yugh. heregdī-; Mongr. xərgi-
(SM 167), xargi- (Huzu).
◊ KW 124, MGCD 267. Mong. > Man. erguwe- etc., see Doerfer MT 72; > Yak. ergij-,
Dolg. ergij- (see Kał. MEJ 67, Stachowski 47).
‖ Poppe 103, Цинциус 1984, 70. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾ro to wish, desire: Tung. *per-; Mong. *(h)eɣe-re- ( < *here-re-?);
Turk. *er-; Jpn. *pər-; Kor. *pắrá-.
PTung. *per- 1 to esteem 2 to wait (1 уважать 2 ждать): Evk. heriče-
1, herū- 2; Evn. her- 1, herut-/-č- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 369-370. Cf. also *perge- ‘to try; to wonder’ (ТМС 2, 45-46; not reflected in
Evn. and Evk.).
PMong. *(h)eɣe-re- ( < *here-re-?) to seek, wish, hope (стремиться,
желать, надеяться): WMong. eɣere- (L 298); Kh. ēre-.
◊ Mong. > Yak. eren- ‘to hope’, erel ‘hope’ (Kał. MEJ 16, Stachowski 46).
PTurk. *er- 1 coquetry 2 cockering, endearment 3 cockered, beloved
4 entertainment , joke (1 кокетство 2 баловство, ласка 3 избалован-
ный, любимый 4 забава, шутка): Tur. erke (dial.) 3; Az. ärkä (dial.) 2, 3;
Turkm. ermek 4 (dial.); MTurk. erke 1, 2, 3 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. erkä 1,
3, ermak 4; Uygh. ärkä 3, ermäk 4; Tat. irkä 3, (dial.) irmäk 4; Bashk. irkä 3,
irmäk 4; Kirgh. erke 3, ermek 4; Kaz. erke 3, ermek 4; KBalk. erke 3; KKalp.
erke 3, ermek 4; Kum. erke 3; Nogh. erke 3; Khak. irkä 3; Shr. erke 3, erbek 4;
Oyr. erke 3, ermek, erbek 4; Tv. erɣe 2; Chuv. jərgən ῾wriggler, trickster’
(Ashm.); Yak. erke 2.
◊ VEWT 48, ЭСТЯ 1, 296-297, 300-301, TMN 2, 181-182. The root is widely spread, al-
though unattested in older sources; its relationship to *eriĺ- ‘contest’ (suggested in ЭСТЯ
297) is dubious.
PJpn. *pər- to wish, hope (желать, надеяться): OJpn. p(w)or-.
◊ JLTT 693.
1138 *p῾erV - *p῾èsì
PKor. *pắrá- to desire (желать, надеяться): MKor. pắrá-; Mod. para-.
◊ Nam 240, KED 704.
‖ Martin 230, Дыбо 14. Cf. also MKor. pjrằ- ‘to purpose, intend’ (cf.
SKE 198).
-p῾erV thumb: Tung. *peru-; Mong. *herekei; Turk. *erŋek.
PTung. *peru- thumb (большой палец): Evk. huruɣučēn; Evn.
hörъɣъn; Neg. xöjeŋen; Man. ferxe; Ul. poro(n); Ork. poro(n), pero(n); Nan.
perxe; Orch. xōŋo(n); Ud. xue; Sol. orogun, urɣun.
◊ ТМС 2, 354. Doerfer MT 68-69 regards Manchu ferxe and Nan. perxe as borrowed
from Mong., separating them from the rest of TM forms (derived ibid. from *puru- ‘to
crush’ - ?). This all is clearly unacceptable, because in fact we are dealing with a very
clear case of e/u alternation after a labial.
PMong. *herekei thumb (большой палец): MMong. xeregai (SH),
hərəkejin (gen.) (LH); WMong. erekei (L 322); Kh. erxij; Bur. erxɨ; Kalm.
erk (Dörbet); Ord. ereχī; Dag. xereg, (Тод. Даг. 175) xergī; herehe (MD
161); S.-Yugh. hermegči.
◊ KW 125, MGCD 271.
PTurk. *erŋek finger, thumb (палец, большой палец): OTurk.
erŋek (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. erŋek, dial. ernek (MK); MTurk. ernek
(Pav. C.); Khak. irgek; Oyr. ergek; Tv. ergek; Yak. erbex; Dolg. erbek ‘peg’.
◊ EDT 234, ЭСТЯ 1, 299, Лексика 253-255, Stachowski 47.
‖ EAS 54, KW 125, Владимирцов 285, Poppe 11, 79, ОСНЯ 3, 73-76,
Цинциус 1984, 71, ЭСТЯ 1, 299, Дыбо 318-321, Мудрак Дисс. 194,
Лексика 253-255, Rozycki 76. A Western isogloss. Assumption of
Mong. < Turk. (Щербак 1997, 116) is impossible. Cf. also Mong.
*(h)arba- ‘to spread (of fingers)’. It is also interesting to note the equa-
tion (see Lee 1958, 109) of Manchu fereχe siŋguri (lit. ‘fingered mouse’)
‘bat’ = MKor. prk-čúi id. (čui ‘mouse’). This may be a trace of the root in
Korean; however, also possible is a local merger (in Korean and Man-
chu) of this root with PA *p῾ore ‘feather, wing’ - in that case the com-
pounds would mean rather ‘winged mouse’.
-p῾èsì ( ~ -a-) old, former: Mong. *(h)esi; Turk. *es-(kü); Jpn. *pìsà-si;
Kor. *ps-ki, *ps-tái.
PMong. *(h)esi origin, beginning (происхождение, основание, на-
чало): WMong. esi (L 334); Kh. iš; Bur. eše; Kalm. ešn; Ord. iši.
◊ KW 128.
PTurk. *es-(kü) old, ancient (старый): OTurk. eski (OUygh.);
Karakh. eski (MK, KB); Tur. eski, dial. esgi; Gag. eski; Az. äski, äsilli
‘grown up’; Turkm. esgi; MTurk. eski (Sangl., Pav. C., AH, IM); Uzb.
eski; Uygh. eski, öski; Krm. eski; Tat. iske; Bashk. iϑke; Kirgh. eski; Kaz.
eski; KBalk. eski; KKalp. eski; Kum. esgi, eski; Nogh. eski; Oyr. eski; Chuv.
 *p῾ḗta - *p῾ḕtá 1139

as-lъ ‘great’, az- (-atte, -anne) ‘grandfather, grandmother’; Yak. ösük ‘an-
cient times’.
◊ VEWT 50, ЭСТЯ 1, 306-308, Лексика 86, EDT 246, Федотов 1, 63-64. Cf. also Turk.
*asɨ- ‘old, last year’s’ (VEWT 29).
PJpn. *pìsà-si ancient, long ago (древний, давно): OJpn. pjisasi;
MJpn. fìsàsi; Tok. hisashí-; Kyo. hísáshì-; Kag. hisashí-.
◊ JLTT 828.
PKor. *ps-ki, *ps-tái 1 time 2 mealtime (1 время 2 время еды):
MKor. pski, pstái 1; Mod. t:ä 1, k:i 2.
◊ Nam 77, 147, KED 260, 418-419.
‖ See KW 128 (Turk.-Mong.), Лексика 86. Korean has a frequent
vowel reduction between a stop and a fricative.
-p῾ḗta to step, walk: Tung. *pete-; Mong. *(h)ada-; Turk. *āt-.
PTung. *pete- 1 to run quickly, hurry 2 to jump (away, off) (1 бе-
жать, мчаться 2 прыгать, отпрыгивать): Evk. hetekēn- 2; Evn. heteken-
1; Neg. xetexen- 2; Man. finte- 2; Ul. peten- 2; Ork. potčo- 2; Nan. petēn- 2;
Orch. xete- 2; Ud. xetigen-e- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 372.
PMong. *(h)ada- 1 to hurry 2 hurried walking (1 спешить 2 быст-
рый шаг): WMong. adaɣa- 1 (L 9), adam 2 (L 10); Kh. adga- 1; Kalm.
adɣə-1, adm 2.
◊ KW 1.
PTurk. *āt- 1 to step 2 to walk 3 step (n.) (1 шагать 2 ходить 3 шаг):
Tur. adɨm 3, adɨm at-, Osm. ad- 1; Az. adɨm at- 1, adɨm 3; Turkm. dial. āt-,
ǟt-, ǟt-le- 1, ǟdim, dial. ādɨm 3; Sal. a’tla- 2; MTurk. adɨm (Pav. C.) 3; Uzb.
ɔdim, dial. adɨm 3; Uygh. atli- 1; Krm. adɨm 3; Tat. atla- 1, adɨm 3, atɨ
‘step’; Bashk. atla- 1, aδɨm 3; Kirgh. atta- 1, adɨm 3; Kaz. atla- 1, adɨm 3;
KBalk. atla- 1; KKalp. atla- 1, adɨm 3; Nogh. atla- 1, adɨm 3; Khak. alta- 1,
atɨx- ‘to jump’; Oyr. alta- 1 (< atla-); Chuv. odъm 3, ot- 2; Yak. atɨllā- 1;
Dolg. atɨllā- ‘to jump, hop’.
◊ VEWT 31, ЭСТЯ 1, 88-89, 322, Федотов 2, 293-294, Stachowski 39.
‖ KW 1, АПиПЯЯ 15, 71, 280 (with an erroneous Jpn. match, see
*ja). A Western isogloss.
-p῾ḕtá meat; skin: Tung. *pētē; Mong. *(h)adaska; Turk. *et; Jpn. *pàntá.
PTung. *pētē 1 seal fat 2 seal skin 3 seal (1 сало нерпы 2 шкура
нерпы 3 нерпа): Evk. hētē 1; Evn. hēte 1, hētes 2; Neg. xētē 1, 3; Man. fetxi
3; Ork. pte 3, pteske 2; Orch. xēte 3, xētekse 2; Ud. xete 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 372.
PMong. *(h)adaska unworked leather (необработанная кожа):
MMong. adasqa ‘old skin’ (MA 402); WMong. adasqa (L 11); Kh. adsaga;
Kalm. adsxə (КРС 28).
◊ One should mention MMong. (SH) hudesu ‘leather’ < *hede-sü (?).
1140 *p῾ḗt[e] - *p῾et῾V
PTurk. *et meat (мясо): OTurk. et (OUygh.); Karakh. et (MK); Tur.
et; Gag. jet’; Az. ät; Turkm. et; Sal. äht; Khal. ät ( < Az.?); MTurk. et (Pav.
C.); Uzb. et; Uygh. ät; Krm. et; Tat. it; Bashk. it; Kirgh. et; Kaz. et; KBalk.
et; KKalp. et; Kum. et; Nogh. et; SUygh. jeht; Khak. it; Shr. et; Oyr. et; Tv.
e’t; Tof. e’t; Chuv. üt; Yak. et; Dolg. et.
◊ VEWT 52, EDT 33, ЭСТЯ 1, 311-312, Лексика 455, Stachowski 48.
PJpn. *pàntá skin, flesh (кожа, плоть): OJpn. pada; MJpn. fada; Tok.
háda; Kyo. hàdá; Kag. hadá.
◊ JLTT 395.
‖ For semantics cf. MKor. săr ‘flesh, muscle’, ‘skin’. АПиПЯЯ 283,
Дыбо 14, Лексика 455.
-p῾ḗt[e] name, to call: Tung. *pete-; Turk. *āt; Jpn. *pəta-ja-; Kor. *pr- /
*pr-.
PTung. *pete-n fate (судьба): Man. feten.
◊ ТМС 2, 305. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *āt name (имя): OTurk. at (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. at (MK);
Tur. ad; Gag. āt; Az. ad; Turkm. āt; Sal. āt; Khal. āt; MTurk. at (Pav. C.);
Uzb. ɔt, dial. (Namangan) ät; Uygh. at; Krm. ad; Tat. at; Bashk. at; Kirgh.
at; Kaz. at; KBalk. at; KKalp. at; Kum. at; Nogh. at; SUygh. at; Khak. at;
Shr. at; Oyr. at; Tv. at; Tof. at, (adɨ); Chuv. jat; Yak. āt; Dolg. āt.
◊ VEWT 30-1, EDT 32-3, ЭСТЯ 1, 198-199, Егоров 355, Stachowski 41-42.
PJpn. *pəta- 1 to put on airs; to joke, call names 2 arrogant speech (1
кокетничать, зазнаваться; шутить, издеваться 2 надменная речь):
OJpn. p(w)otaki koto 2; MJpn. fotaja- 1.
PKor. *pr- / *pr- to call (звать): MKor. pr- / pr-; Mod. purɨ-.
◊ Nam 270, KED 813.
‖ The parallel seems interesting (with a semantic development ‘call’
< > ‘name’ > ‘omen’, ‘fate’), but back *ā in Turkic is not quite clear (one
should rather expect *ēt); perhaps we should reconstruct dialectal vari-
ants *p῾ḗte / *p῾ḗta. See also notes to *pōto.
-p῾et῾V ( ~ p-, -t-) to pinch: Tung. *pet-; Kor. *pt-t-, *ptằ-.
PTung. *pet- 1 to pinch 2 to grab 3 to dig, pick 4 to pluck, collect (1
захватить щепотку, отщипнуть 2 хватать 3 копать, рыть 4 срывать,
собирать): Evk. hetu-kēt- 1; Evn. hetъkle- 1; Man. fata- 1, fete- 3; SMan.
fatə- 1, 4 (1165, 1575); Ul. patarači- 2; Nan. pata- (Он.) 4, fete- (Bik.,
Kur-Urm.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 305, 371-372. Forms with -a- reflect a partial contamination with *pāt(i)- q.
v. sub *p῾t῾à. Rozycki 76 supposes Man. fete- < Mong. ete-, which is impossible due to the
absence of *h- in Mongolian (v. sub *ìt῾ù).
PKor. *pt-t-, *ptằ- to pinch, pick, pluck (срывать, выщипывать):
MKor. pt-t-, ptằ-; Mod. t:ɨt-, t:a-.
◊ Nam 137, 174, KED 380, 532.
 *p῾ĭč῾i - *p῾íjo 1141

‖ Lee 1958, 109. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss, with usual vowel loss be-
tween two stops in Kor. Cf. *pat῾a. On possible reflexes in Turkic and
Mongolian (a result of contamination) see under *p῾ắt῾à(-kV).
-p῾ĭč῾i to drink, pour: Tung. *piče-; Mong. *(h)ečüg-le-; Turk. *ič-.
PTung. *piče- to sprinkle, gush forth (брызгать, плескать): Evn. he-
čēpkin-; Nan. pičkē- (Он. 331).
◊ ТМС 2, 373.
PMong. *(h)ečüg-le- to give drinks to spirits (делать возлияния ду-
хам): WMong. ečügelkül- (МXTTT); Kh. ecegle-.
PTurk. *ič- to drink (пить): OTurk. ič- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ič-
(MK); Tur. ič-; Gag. ič-; Az. ič-; Turkm. ič-; Sal. īč-; Khal. ič-; MTurk. ič-
(Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. ič-; Uygh. ič-; Krm. ič-; Tat. eč-; Bashk. es-;
Kirgh. ič-; Kaz. iš-; KBalk. ič-; KKalp. iš-; Kum. ič-; Nogh. iš-; SUygh. ɨš-;
Khak. əs-; Shr. iš-, eš- (R., Верб.); Oyr. ič-; Tv. iš-; Tof. iš-; Chuv. əś-; Yak.
is-; Dolg. is-.
◊ VEWT 168, EDT 19, ЭСТЯ 1, 391, Егоров 66, Stachowski 129.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾ĭjk῾e rib, breast bone: Tung. *piKen; Turk. *ejekü.
PTung. *piKen breast bone (грудная кость): Evk. hiken; Evn. hiken.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
PTurk. *ejekü side, upper rib (бок, верхнее ребро): OTurk. ejegü
(OUygh.); Karakh. ejegü (MK, KB); Tur. eje; (Osm.) ejegi; MTurk. ejegü,
üjegi (Sangl.); Tv. ēgi; Tof. ē~gi; Chuv. ajъk; Yak. ojoɣos ( < *ajaku-č?);
Dolg. ojogos.
◊ VEWT 38, EDT 272, Егоров 38, Мудрак Дисс. 64, Лексика 275, Stachowski 190.
‖ Лексика 275. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾íjo spindle, part of loom or cross-bow: Tung. *pia-la-; Turk. *ijik; Jpn.
*pí; Kor. *pu-.
PTung. *pia-la- 1 part of a cross-bow 2 name of a tree (used for
bows) (1 лучок (для самострела) 2 назв. дерева (употребляемого на
луки)): Neg. plaxa 1; Man. filan 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 36. The Neg. word is borrowed from some unattested Southern Tungus
form.
PTurk. *ijik spindle (веретено): Karakh. ik, jik, ijik (MK); Tur. iɣ, ij,
iji; Gag. ī; Az. ij; Turkm. īk; MTurk. ik (Pav. C.); Uzb. ik, jik, ǯik; Kirgh.
ijik; KKalp. ijik; SUygh. ǯik; Shr. īk; Oyr. īk, ijik; Chuv. jəge.
◊ VEWT 170, EDT 99, ЭСТЯ 1, 336-337, Егоров 77. Az., Turk., Gag. have a secondary
voicing due to early contraction *-iji- > *-ī-. Turk. > Mong. ig ‘spindle’ (Щербак 1997, 123);
the derivative *ijik-lig (Chag. ikliɣ ‘violin’, cf. Khak. īk id. (see VEWT 179) > Kalm. ikəĺə
(KW 206).
PJpn. *pí shuttle (of a loom) (челнок (ткацкого станка)): OJpn. pji;
MJpn. fí; Tok. hi.
1142 *p῾k῾è - *p῾le
◊ JLTT 405.
PKor. *pu- 1 to spin 2 to twist (1 сучить, прясть 2 выкручивать):
MKor. pūi-thr-; Mod. pɨ- (dial., SKE 203); pi-thɨl-.
◊ Nam 269, KED 859. The simple verb is cited from Ramstedt’s SKE; in other sources
it is only attested as part of a compound with thɨr- ‘twist’ (v. sub *tok῾V).
‖ SKE 203. An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-p῾k῾è ( ~ -k-) to file, polish, rub: Tung. *piKi-; Turk. *ke-; Jpn. *pík-.
PTung. *piKi- to rub (тереть): Evk. hiki-; Evn. hịk-; Neg. xixi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
PTurk. *ke- 1 to file 2 file (n.) (1 пилить, обтачивать 2 напиль-
ник): Karakh. ike- ( ~ ege-) 1 (MK); Tur. eje 2; Gag. ija 2; Az. äjä 2; Turkm.
īge 2; MTurk. ekäk 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. egɔw 2; Uygh. ekäk, igäk 2; Krm. ege,
egew 2; Tat. igä- 1, igäw 2; Bashk. igä- 1, igäw 2; Kirgh. ege-, ögö- 1, egȫ,
ögȫ 2; Kaz. ege- 1, egew 2; KBalk. egew 2; KKalp. ege- 1, egew 2; Kum. egew
2; Nogh. ege- 1, egew 2; Khak. ige- 1; Oyr. ege- 1, egü 2; Tv. eɣe-, öɣe- 1, eɣē
2; Chuv. jəgev ‘whetstone’; Yak. igī 2; Dolg. igī 2.
◊ EDT 101, VEWT 38, ЭСТЯ 1, 326-328, TMN 2, 93, Егоров 77, Лексика 399, Sta-
chowski 123.
PJpn. *pík- to file, to saw (пилить): OJpn. pjik-; MJpn. fík-; Tok. hìk-;
Kyo. hík-; Kag. hík-.
◊ JLTT 689. The basic meaning of the verb attested in OJ is ‘pull’; modern Jpn. has,
however, also the meaning ‘to file, saw’, and in OJ there is a derived noun pjikji, pjikji-ri
‘rubbing wood for producing fire’ (where pji- is definitely attested and cannot be = pi
‘fire’). The meaning ‘pull’ therefore is either unrelated or secondarily derived < ‘file, rub’.
‖ Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 198, Лексика 399. Mong. egeɣü is proba-
bly borrowed from Turkic. Closed * in Turk. is not quite clear: it is ei-
ther the result of narrowing in a polysyllabic stem, or a reflex of the lost
*p῾- (cf. the diphthongization in Chuv. jəgev).
-p῾le ( ~ -i) to fly, soar, flap: Tung. *pīlu-; Mong. *hele-; Jpn.
*pìrù(n)kap-.
PTung. *pīlu- to soar; to drop (of leaves) (лететь, парить; облетать
(о листьях)): Man. ele-; Nan. pīluen-.
◊ ТМС 2, 38.
PMong. *hele- to soar (парить): MMong. hilkǟn ‘smth. drooping’
(IM); WMong. ele- (MXTTT); Kh. ele-; Bur. eli-; Kalm. el- (КРС); Ord.
ele-; Dong. helie-.
PJpn. *pìrù(n)kap- to flap, flutter (развеваться): OJpn. p(j)irugapjer-;
MJpn. fìrùgafer-; Tok. hirugáer-; Kyo. hírúgáér-; Kag. hirugaér-.
◊ JLTT 690. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 105-106.
 *p῾ìlo - *p῾mù 1143

-p῾ìlo to dry, heat: Tung. *pile-; Mong. *hil-; Jpn. *p-.

PTung. *pile- to dry under the sun (греться на солнце): Evn. hilъt-;
Neg. xilet-.
◊ ТМС 2, 324.
PMong. *hil- heat, warmth (тепло): WMong. ilči(n) (L 403); Kh. ilč;
Bur. elše ‘ray(s), warmth of the sun’; Kalm. ilčə; Ord. ilči, ẹlči, nilči; Dag.
hilči; šilči (Тод. Даг. 183), šiliči (MD 216); S.-Yugh. hilbər.
◊ KW 207, 276, MGCD 409.
PJpn. *p- to dry up (сохнуть): OJpn. pu- (po-); MJpn. fi-, fu; Tok. hí-;
Kyo. hí-; Kag. hì-.
◊ JLTT 690. Final *-ə- can be determined on the basis of the caus. *p-s-, OJ p(w)os-.
‖ One of the few verbs losing *-lV in Jpn. (cf. *gèle , *sóle ), thus pos-
sibly a monosyllabic root (*p῾ìl).
-p῾mà a k. of nut or berry: Tung. *pimi-kte; Jpn. *pàmì; Kor. *pām.
PTung. *pimi-kte red bilberry (брусника): Evk. himikte; Evn. hiēmtъ.
◊ ТМС 2, 324-325. Evk. > Dolg. himikte (Stachowski 104).
PTurk. *imen oak tree (дуб): Turkm. imen; Uzb. eman; Tat. imɛn;
Oyr. ermen; Chuv. joman, NW öman.
◊ VEWT 42, Егоров 348, Лексика 124, Федотов 2, 485. Cf. Mong. iman bor ‘a k. of
reddish tree (with black bark and round leaves)’ (may be a Turkism).
PJpn. *pàmì Phlomis umbrosa; chestnut, acorn, filbert, oxalis
(Phlomis umbrosa; каштан, лещина): OJpn. pamji; MJpn. fàmì; Tok.
-bami.
◊ The root is present in compounds: pasi-bamji, turu-bamji, kata-bamji - see JLTT 397.
PKor. *pām chestnut (каштан): MKor. pām; Mod. pam.
◊ Nam 248, KED 733.
‖ Martin 248, JLTT 397 (Kor.-Jpn.). An Eastern isogloss.
-p῾mù sign: Tung. *pim-; Mong. *(h)im; Turk. *ɨm; Jpn. *púmì.
PTung. *pim- sign (знак, метка): Evk. him.
◊ ТМС 2, 324. Attested only in Evk., but hardly borrowed from Mongolian (because
of h-) and having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)im sign (знак, метка на ушах скота): WMong. im, ime
(L 409); Kh. im; Bur. emni- ‘to mark cattle’; Kalm. im; Ord. ẹm, im.
◊ KW 208. Mong. > Evk. im (but not him, despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99).
PTurk. *ɨm sign (знак): Karakh. im (~ɨm) (MK); Tur. im; Turkm. üm;
MTurk. ɨm (Pav. C.); Tat. ɨm; Bashk. ɨm; Kirgh. ɨm; Kaz. ɨm; KKalp. ɨm;
Kum. jum; Nogh. ɨm; Oyr. um; Tv. im; Yak. im; Dolg. imnēk ‘signed’.
◊ EDT 155, VEWT 171, ЭСТЯ 1, 278, 632-633, Stachowski 126.
PJpn. *púmì text, letter (текст, буква): OJpn. pum(j)i; MJpn. fúmì;
Tok. fumí, fúmi; Kyo. fúmì; Kag. fúmi.
◊ JLTT 417.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 38-39, Poppe 1972, 99, АПиПЯЯ 12.
1144 *p῾ìrá - *p῾ĭru
-p῾ìrá far: Mong. *hiri-če-; Turk. *ɨra-; Jpn. *pàrú-kà-.
PMong. *hiri-če- to separate, sunder (отделять, разъединять):
MMong. xiriče-, xiriǯe- (SH).
PTurk. *ɨra-k far, distant (далекий): OTurk. ɨraq (OUygh.); Karakh.
jɨraq (MK, KB); Tur. ɨrak adv.; Gag. jɨraq; Az. iraG adv.; Turkm. ɨrāq
(arch.); Sal. jɨrax; Khal. hɨrāq; MTurk. jɨraq (Pav. C., MA), ɨraq (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jirɔq, irɔq; Uygh. jiraq; Krm. jɨraq; Tat. jɨraq; Bashk. jɨraq; Kirgh.
ɨraaq; Kaz. žɨraq; KKalp. ɨraq, žɨraq; Kum. jɨraq; SUygh. jiraq, jürɨq; Khak.
ɨrax; Oyr. ɨraq, raq; Tv. ɨraq; Tof. ɨraq; Yak. ɨrāx; Dolg. ɨrāk.
◊ PT*ɨra-k- is derived from *ɨra- ‘to be far’. See EDT 198, 214, ЭСТЯ 4, 286-287, Sta-
chowski 261.
PJpn. *pàrú-kà- far (далекий): OJpn. paru-ka-; MJpn. fàrú-kà-; Tok.
háruka; Kyo. hàrúkà; Kag. haruká.
◊ JLTT 399.
‖ PT *ɨra-k = PJ *pàrú-kà < PA *p῾ìrá-k῾V.
-p῾ire ( ~ -ŕ-) bank, steep bank: Tung. *piri; Mong. *her-gi; Jpn.
*pi(n)tipa.
PTung. *piri steep (slope, bank) (крутой (склон, берег)): Evk. hir-ki;
Evn. hiri-le ‘rock, cliff’.
◊ See ТМС 2, 327.
PMong. *her-gi (?) steep bank (крутой берег): MMong. (hergi), ergi
(SH, HY 4); WMong. ergi (L 323); Kh. ereg; Bur. erje; Kalm. ergə; Ord.
erge; Dag. əriǵ, ergi (Тод. Даг. 140); S.-Yugh. erɣə; Mongr. xargi, jergi (SM
162), xerge, xargi.
◊ KW 124, MGCD 266. Mong. > Man. ergi, see Doerfer MT 137. Loss of *h- in Dag.
and S.-Yugh. is not quite clear.
PJpn. *pi(n)tipa bank (берег): OJpn. pjidipa (dial.).
◊ Cf. MJ fìdà, mod. hida ‘pleat’ (on cloth, but also on mountain); see JLTT 405.
‖ The comparison of PTM *piri with PT *jr (АПиПЯЯ 13) should
be abandoned, since it does not explain PT closed *ạ (on the etymology
of the Turkic word see rather *ǯḗro). For a possible Korean parallel see
under *p῾ṓlo. Cf. *p῾eri.
-p῾ĭru to pray, bless: Tung. *pirugē-; Mong. *hiruɣe-; Turk. *ɨr-; Kor.
*pīr-.
PTung. *pirugē- to pray (молиться, заклинать): Evk. hiruɣē-; Evn.
hirge-; Neg. xīɣē-; Man. firu-; Sol. irugē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 327-328.
PMong. *hirüɣe- 1 to bless 2 benediction (1 благословлять, мо-
литься 2 благословение): MMong. xiru’e- (SH) 1, hirē- (MA 185) 1;
WMong. irüge- 1, irügel 2 (L 415); Kh. jörȫ- 1, jörȫl 2; Bur. jürȫ- 1, ürȫr 2
(Alar.); Kalm. jörl 2; Ord. örȫ- 1, örȫl 2; Dag. hirbe- (Тод. Даг. 176:
xirbe-), šurēl 1 (Тод. Даг. 184); Mongr. śurō- (SM 402) 1.
 *p῾ís[a] - *p῾ísi(KV) 1145
◊ KW 220.
PTurk. *ɨr- 1 prediction, luck 2 omen 3 premonition (1 предсказа-
ние, счастье 2 знамение 3 предчувствие): OTurk. ɨrk 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. ɨrk 1 (MK); Tur. ɨrk 1; Krm. ɨrɨz ‘dignity’; Bashk. ɨrɨχ 1 (dial.);
Kirgh. ɨrk ‘welfare’, ɨrɨs 1; Kaz. ɨrɨq 1; KBalk. ɨrɨs 1; KKalp. ɨrɨs 1; Kum.
ɨrɨs 1; Nogh. ɨrk 3, ɨrɨs 1; SUygh. ɨrq 1; Khak. ɨrɨx 1, ɨrɨs 1; Shr. ɨrɨs 1; Oyr.
ɨrɨs 1; Chuv. ərex ‘soul; expedience’; Yak. ɨrā 3.
◊ VEWT 166, 167, EDT 213, ОСНЯ 3, 119-120, ЭСТЯ 1, 665.
PKor. *pīr- to beg, pray (просить, умолять): MKor. pīr-; Mod. pīl-.
◊ Nam 279, KED 862.
‖ EAS 53, 150, Владимирцов 181-182, Poppe 12, 60, ОСНЯ 3,
119-124, Цинциус 1984, 39, Дыбо 14. Despite Poppe 1966, 197, 1972,
100, Doerfer MT 23, TM is hardly < Mong.
-p῾ís[a] oblique: Mong. *(h)isü; Jpn. *pású; Kor. *pìsk-.
PMong. *(h)isü across, obliquely (наискось): WMong. isü; Kalm. is;
Ord. iš maš uguī ‘in every direction’.
◊ KW 210.
PJpn. *pású slanted, oblique (косой, наклонный): Tok. hàsu; Kyo.
hású; Kag. hásu.
◊ JLTT 400.
PKor. *pìsk- slanted, oblique (косой, наклонный): MKor. pìs-,
pìs-k-; Mod. pik:i-, pit:ul-.
◊ Nam 279, 280, KED 850, 851.
‖ SKE 202, Martin 228. Preservation of -i- in Kor. presents a prob-
lem, as well as very scarce representation in Mong. (only Kalm.). PA
*p῾- (not *p-) is reconstructed because of *(h) in Mong., together with
high pitch in Jpn.
-p῾ísi(KV) to break, cleave, peck: Tung. *pis(k)-; Mong. *heske-; Jpn.
*písí, *pisi(n)k-; Kor. *pskr.
PTung. *pis(k)- 1 crack 2 to prick (with a fish-fork) 3 to split 4 to
prick, incise 5 to tear 6 to be torn (1 трещина 2 колоть (острогой) 3
трескаться 4 прокалывать 5 рвать 6 (быть) разодранным): Evk. his-
mat- 4; Evn. hịsqān- 3; Neg. xịskan 1, xịsmịkịt- 2; Man. pes seme 6 (bor-
rowed < South. Tung. or with expressive p-?); Ork. pesitči- 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 48, 328.
PMong. *heske- to cut, shape, slice (вырезать): MMong. isk-, hečke-
(MA), həčkə- (LH); WMong. eske- (L 334); Kh. esge-, esxe-; Bur. esxe-;
Kalm. iškə-, išək-; Ord. esχe-; Dag. xerkī- (Тод. Даг. 175), xerke-; Bao.
segə-; S.-Yugh. hədge-.
◊ KW 211, MGCD 272. The S.-Yugh. form is a contamination of *heske and *etke- (see
*ete-).
1146 *p῾č῾o - *p῾ằge
PJpn. *písí, *pisi(n)k- 1 fish-fork 2 to break up (1 двузубые вилы,
острога 2 разбивать, раздавливать): MJpn. físí 1, físíg- 2; Tok. hishi 1,
hishíg- 2; Kyo. híshíg- 2; Kag. hìshìg- 2.
◊ JLTT 690. In *pisi(n)k- RJ has high tone, but all modern dialects point rather to
*pìsì(n)k-.
PKor. *pskr chisel (долото): MKor. pskr; Mod. k:ɨl.
◊ Nam 74, KED 247.
‖ In Kor. cf. also psús-tōl ‘whetstone’, ps- ‘to rub’, psùs- / psùč- ‘to
rub, to whet’, psó- ‘to sting; to shoot’, pís ‘comb’.
-p῾č῾o acid, salty: Tung. *pč-; Turk. *iāčɨ-g; Kor. *pčắ-.
PTung. *pč- to spoil (of food) (испортиться (о пище)): Evk.
hūčilke-, hučilku-.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PTurk. *iāčɨ-g bitter, acid (горький, кислый): OTurk. ačɨɣ (OUygh.);
Karakh. ačɨɣ (MK); Tur. aǯɨ; Gag. aǯi; Az. aǯɨ; Turkm. āǯɨ, āǯɨɣ; Sal. āǯɨ;
Khal. hāčuɣ, hāčuq; MTurk. ačɨ (Abush.); Uzb. ačči, ɔčči (dial.); Krm. aǯɨ,
ačɨ; Tat. ačɨ; Bashk. asɨ; Kaz. aššɨ; KBalk. ačɨ; KKalp. aššɨ; Kum. aččɨ;
Nogh. ašɨ; Oyr. aču; Tv. ažɨɣ; Tof. aǯɨɣ; Chuv. jüźə; Yak. ah; Dolg. ah.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 89-93, Егоров 82, Мудрак 115, Stachowski 30. In most languages also at-
tested as a verbal stem *iāčɨ- ‘to become bitter, sour’.
PKor. *pčắ- salty, briny (соленый): MKor. pčắ-; Mod. č:a-.
◊ Nam 415, KED 1375.
‖ PKE 22. Vowel length in Tung. is not clear (the root is attested
only in some Evk. dialects, thus the phonology is not quite reliable
here). Kor. has a usual vowel reduction between a stop and affricate.
-p῾ằge rain: Tung. *pigi-n; Mong. *(h)aɣa-; Turk. *jag-; Kor. *pí.
PTung. *pigi-n 1 storm 2 wind (1 буря 2 ветер): Evk. xigin 2; Neg.
xiɣin / xijin 1; Ul. piwsu(n) 1; Ork. sii 1; Nan. piugi- 1 (v.); Ud. sī 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 322.
PMong. *(h)aɣa- heavy rain (ливень): WMong. aɣadar (L 12); Kh.
ādar; Bur. ādar.
PTurk. *jag- 1 to rain 2 rain (1 идти (о дожде) 2 дождь): OTurk. jaɣ-
1 (Orkh.), jaɣmur 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jaɣ- 1 (MK, KB); Tur. jā- 1, jāmur
2; Gag. jā- 1, jāmur 2; Az. jaɣ- 1, jaɣmur, jaɣɨš, jaɣɨn 2; Turkm. jaɣ- 1,
jaɣmɨr, jaɣɨš, jaɣɨn 2; Sal. jaɣ- 1, jaɣmur 2; Khal. jaɣ- 1; MTurk. jaɣ- 1,
jaɣmur / jamɣur 2 (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf., MA), jaɣɨn 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. jɔɣ-
1, jɔmɣir, jɔɣin 2; Uygh. jaɣ- 1, jamɣu(r), jaŋmur, jeɣin 2; Krm. jaɣmur 2;
Tat. jaw- 1, jaŋɣɨr, jawɨm 2; Bashk. jaw- 1, jamɣɨr, jawun 2; Kirgh. ǯā-, ǯau-
1, ǯamɣɨr, ǯān 2; Kaz. žaw- 1, žaŋbɨr, žawɨn 2; KBalk. žawun, ǯanɣur;
KKalp. žaw- 1, žawɨn, žamɣɨr 2; Kum. jaw- 1, jaŋɣur, jaŋur, jawɨn / jawun
2; Nogh. jaw- 1, jamɣɨr; SUygh. jaɣ- 1, jaɣmir; Khak. čaɣ- 1, naŋmɨr 2; Shr.
 *p῾agu - *p῾agV 1147

čaɣ-, čā- 1, naɣbɨr, namɨr 2; Oyr. jā-, a- 1, aŋmɨr, āš 2; Tv. čaɣ- 1, ča’s 2;
Tof. čaɣ- 1; Chuv. śu- 1, śomъr 2; Yak. samr 2; Dolg. hamr 2.
◊ VEWT 177, EDT 896, 903-4, 908, ЭСТЯ 4, 57, Лексика 25, Федотов 2, 135, Sta-
chowski 95.
PKor. *pí rain (дождь): MKor. pí; Mod. pi.
◊ Nam 275, KED 848.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 13, 34, 283, Vovin 2000 (with a strange assertion that PT
*jag- means ῾fall’).
-p῾agu stripes, rope ornaments: Tung. *p[u]g-; Mong. *hoɣu-sur; Jpn.
*pu; Kor. *poh.
PTung. *p[u]g- 1 ornament 2 drawing (1 орнамент (витой) 2 рису-
нок): Evk. huɣak 2, hiɣerente 1; Ork. pūripteŋi, pueripteŋgi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 323, 337.
PMong. *hoɣu-sur rope (веревка): MMong. xoošin (SH, Козин);
WMong. oɣusur (L 603); Kh. ōsor; Bur. ōhor; Kalm. ōsər (КРС); Ord. ōsor;
Mongr. fujāsar.
◊ MGCD 522. Mongr. fujā-sar reflects a contamination with fujā- (PM *huja-) ‘to tie,
bind’.
PJpn. *pu stripes, (woven) stitch, mesh ((вышитые) полосы, швы):
OJpn. pu.
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *poh diaper, wrapping cloth (пеленки): MKor. po (poh-);
Mod. po.
◊ Nam 259, KED 786. Usually treated as a loan < Chin. 褓 id., but final -h in MKor.
cannot be explained.
‖ The Kor. match is somewhat dubious (even if it is not a loan, its
meaning was certainly influenced by the similar Chinese word), but
Mong., TM and Japanese still form a plausible match.
-p῾agV hot; sun, day: Tung. *pigi-; Mong. *heɣe-; Jpn. *pí; Kor. *pài.
PTung. *pigi- 1 to warm, be warmed 2 to be sun-tanned (of skin) (1
греть, греться 2 загорать (о коже)): Evk. hiɣit- 1; Evn. hiɣъt- 1; Neg. xō-
‘пригорать’; Man. fo- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 467, 2, 322, 331. Neg. and Man. reflect *pigi-b-.
PMong. *heɣe- to heat, be heated (греть, палить; греться): MMong.
xe’u- (SH); WMong. ege-, egege-, egsi- (L 296, 297, 300); Kh. ē-; Bur. igā-
‘греть (о солнце), греться (на солнце)’; Kalm. ē-; Ord. ē-; Dag. ē- (Тод.
Даг. 183); Dong. šie-; Bao. hē-; S.-Yugh. hī-; Mongr. xē- (SM 166), śē-.
◊ KW 130, MGCD 248. Cf. also *heg-či-, WMong. egči-, Kalm. ekčə- id. (KW 118).
PJpn. *pí sun, day (солнце, день): OJpn. pji; MJpn. fí; Tok. hì; Kyo.
hé; Kag. hí.
◊ JLTT 404. RJ has also a variant fì (besides the normal fí), but high tone is supported
by the accent of the derived *pí-rù ‘day, daytime’ (RJ fírù, Tokyo hirú, Kyoto hírù, Kago-
shima híru).
1148 *p῾àká - *p῾le
PKor. *pài dawn (рассвет): MKor. sài-pài (sāi- ‘to dawn’).
◊ HMCH 152, Nam 295 (gives sài-pái, although HMCH has explicitly sài-pài). Modern
sä-bjək (KED 922) ‘dawn’ is probably related, with a secondary suffixation.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 108, 277. Final vowel uncertain, due to contractions in
Kor.-Jpn. originated by the loss of *-g-.
-p῾àká mighty, heavy: Tung. *piaKa; Turk. *iagɨr; Jpn. *pànkiá-.
PTung. *piaKa 1 diligent, smart 2 disobedient, brave 3 to arouse (1
ловкий, старательный 2 озорной, непослушный, смелый 3 возбуж-
дать): Evk. hka 1; Evn. hịqār 2; Nan. pikpu- 3 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 319.
PTurk. *iagɨr heavy (тяжелый): OTurk. aɣɨr (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. aɣɨr (MK, KB); Tur. aɣɨr; Az. aɣɨr; Turkm. aGɨr; Sal. aɣɨr; Khal.
aɣr; MTurk. aɣɨr (Pav. C.); Uzb. ɔɣir; Uygh. eɣir; Tat. awɨr; Bashk. awɨr;
Kirgh. ōr; Kaz. awɨr; KBalk. awur; KKalp. awɨr; Khak. ār; Tv. ār; Tof. ār;
Chuv. jɨvъr; Yak. ɨar; Dolg. ɨara-kan.
◊ VEWT 8, EDT 88-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 85-87, Егоров 82-83, Лексика 338-339, Stachowski 258.
PJpn. *pànkiá- mighty, passionate, severe (мощный, страстный,
суровый): OJpn. pag(j)e-si; MJpn. fàgé-si; Tok. hageshí-; Kyo. hágéshì-;
Kag. hageshí-.
◊ JLTT 827.
‖ In Turkic one has to suppose the semantic development ‘mighty,
severe’ > ‘heavy’ (cf. similarly ‘important, authoritative’ > ‘heavy’ in
Mong., see under *kuńi). Cf. also *pek῾i.
-p῾àlbí a k. of small bird: Tung. *pialakī; Turk. *jelbe; Jpn. *pìmpárí.
PTung. *pialakī partridge (куропатка): Evk. hlakī; Evn. hǟlịkị; Neg.
xlax; Man. eleŋku; Ul. pla.
◊ ТМС 2, 320.
PTurk. *jelbe a k. of small bird (вид маленькой птички): Tur. jelve;
MTurk. jälvä (AH); Khak. jelbegej ‘a k. of bird’ (Верб.); Oyr. eleči ‘tit-
mouse’.
◊ VEWT 196, TMN 4, 192.
PJpn. *pìmpárí skylark (жаворонок): OJpn. pjibari; MJpn. fìbárí;
Tok. hìbari; Kyo. hìbàrí; Kag. hibarí.
◊ JLTT 405.
‖ Дыбо 9.
-p῾le strap: Tung. *pīl(a)-; Mong. *hila-su; Turk. *jelö; Jpn. *pírái (
~-ia); Kor. *pjrí.
PTung. *pīl(a)- 1 strap(s) 2 to tug 3 belt 4 bridle (1 лямка, завязки 2
надеть лямку (на плечо) 3 ремень 4 узда): Evn. hịlpn 1; Neg. xla- 2;
Man. feleku 4; Ork. pịtụ ( < *pil-tu) 3; Ud. silipti 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 323-324, 304.
 *p῾àlk῾i - *p῾ắnč῾i 1149

PMong. *hila-su thread (нить): Dag. šilās, xilās (Тод. Даг. 183), šilāse
(MD 216).
◊ MGCD 685.
PTurk. *jelö tether, rope for calves (веревка для привязывания же-
ребят, телят): Karakh. jelü (MK) ( ~ jalu); Tur. ǯele (DS); Az. ǯälä;
MTurk. ǯele (Pav. C.) ‘string, bow-string’; Uzb. ǯelə; Uygh. ǯili (dial.);
Tat. jele (dial.); Bashk. jele (dial.); Kirgh. ǯele; Kaz. želi; KKalp. želle; Oyr.
jele, ele; Tv. čele; Yak. sele.
◊ EDT 919, ЭСТЯ 4, 21-22. Turk. > WMong. ǯele (rather than vice versa, despite
VEWT 125).
PJpn. *pírái ( ~-ia) women’s kerchief worn as ornament (шарф,
женский платок-украшение): OJpn. pjire; MJpn. fíré.
◊ JLTT 408 (confused with ‘fish fin’).
PKor. *pjrí guiding net rope (ведущая веревка у сети): MKor.
pjrí; Mod. pjəri.
◊ Liu 382, KED 775.
‖ OJ has irregular tone and vowel (one would rather expect -ə-),
thus a loan from Korean cannot be excluded (although the Kor. and
Jpn. meanings are rather distant).
-p῾àlk῾i lightning, thunder: Tung. *pialki-; Turk. *jAlkɨ-; Jpn. *pìkàr-;
Kor. *pnkái.
PTung. *pialki- (/-rk-) 1 to flash (of lightning) 2 lightning 3 to thun-
der (1 сверкать (о молнии) 2 молния 3 греметь (о громе)): Evk. hlki-
1, hlkin 2 (/-rk-); Ul. pịčụ- 1; Nan. pojqana- 1; Orch. xǟkki- 3.
◊ See ТМС 2, 320.
PTurk. *jAlkɨ- 1 to glitter 2 flame, ray (1 блестеть, сиять 2 пламя,
блеск, луч): Tur. jalkɨn 2; Turkm. jalqɨm 2; MTurk. jalqun 2 (R); Uzb.
jɔlqin 2; Uygh. jalqun 2; Tat. jalqɨ- 1 (dial.), jalqɨn 2; Bashk. jalqɨn 2; Kaz.
žalqɨn 2; Oyr. alqɨn 2.
◊ VEWT 181, ЭСТЯ 4, 106-107, Лексика 357. Usually united with *jal- (v. sub *ǯale),
but seems to have a distinct Altaic origin.
PJpn. *pìkàr- to flash, glitter, shine (сверкать, блестеть, светить):
OJpn. pjikar-; MJpn. fìkàr-; Tok. hikár-; Kyo. híkár-; Kag. hìkàr-.
◊ JLTT 688.
PKor. *pnkái lightning (молния): MKor. pnkái; Mod. pəngä.
◊ Nam 256, KED 762.
‖ Street 1985, 641, АПиПЯЯ 13.
-p῾ắnč῾i to crush: Tung. *pianči-; Mong. *niča- / *niǯa-; Turk. *jạnč- /
*jenč-; Jpn. *pínták-.
PTung. *pianči- to crush (разрушать, раскалывать): Evn. hênčik-;
Neg. xiŋčel-.
◊ ТМС 2, 321.
1150 *p῾ani - *p῾àŋk῾i
PMong. *niča- / *niǯa- to crush (ломать): WMong. niča-či-, niča-la-,
niǯa-la-, niča-ra-, niǯa-ra- (L 577, 587); Kh. ńacla-, ńacra-; Bur. ńas ‘звуко-
подражание, изображающее треск’; Mongr. śarG ‘cassé, brisé, fêlé,
tesson’ (SM 389).
◊ Mong. > Evk. ńičā- etc., see ТМС 1, 640.
PTurk. *jạnč- / *jenč- to crush (ломать): OTurk. janč- (OUygh.);
Karakh. janč-, jenč- (MK); Tur. jenč-; Turkm. jenč-; MTurk. jenč- (R.);
Uzb. jänč-; Uygh. jänč-; Krm. janč-, jenč-, janc-; Tat. jɛnče-; Kirgh. ǯanč-;
Kaz. žanšɨ-; KKalp. ženš-; Kum. janč-; Nogh. janšɨ-; Shr. naš-; Yak. sɨs- /
sɨń-.
◊ EDT 944, ЭСТЯ 4, 184-185. Turk. > WMong. ǯanči-, janči-, KW 466, Щербак 1997,
122. See also notes to *jān(u)- ‘threaten’.
PJpn. *pintak- to crush (ломать, разрушать): OJpn. p(j)idak-; MJpn.
fídák-.
◊ JLTT 688.
‖ Дыбо 1995b (Tung.-Mong.). In Mong. one has to suppose a co n-
traction *niča- < *hin(i)ča- (cf. similarly *hunis- > nis- ‘to fly’). An expres-
sive root, but seems well reconstructable for PA.
-p῾ani hen, chicken, hazel-hen: Tung. *pinukī; Mong. *jaŋgali; Jpn.
*pina; Kor. *pjəŋ-.
PTung. *pinu-kī hazel-hen (рябчик): Evk. hinukī; Evn. hiniki; Neg.
xīnkī; Man. oxa ‘chicken’; Ul. pinu; Ork. pinu; Nan. pimu; Orch. ximmui,
ximui; Ud. sumugi.
◊ ТМС 2, 300, 325.
PMong. *jaŋgali a k. of small variegated bird (вид маленькой пест-
рой птицы): WMong. jaŋɣali (МXTTT); Kh. jaŋgaĺ.
PJpn. *pina chicken (цыпленок): MJpn. fíná, fínà; Tok. hína; Kyo.
hìnâ; Kag. hiná.
◊ JLTT 407. Original accent is not quite clear: while modern dialects point to *pìnâ, RJ
has variants HL and HH.
PKor. *pjəŋ- chicken (цыпленок): MKor. pjəŋ’ari, píjùk; Mod.
pjəŋari.
◊ Liu 384, 413, KED 785.
‖ Lee 1958, 109 (Kor.-TM). Modern Jpn. hiyoko (JLTT 412) < Kor.
-p῾àŋk῾i door post, detail of a house: Tung. *piaŋkV; Mong. *(h)enike;
Turk. *jAŋak; Jpn. *pìnkùrái.
PTung. *piaŋkV 1 shelf 2 lower tent cover (1 полка 2 нижняя по-
крышка чума): Evn. hiŋku 2; Ul. pŋGa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 321.
PMong. *(h)enike door-post, lintel of a door (дверной косяк):
WMong. enike (L 319); Kh. enex; Ord. eneχe.
 *p῾ári - *p῾áru 1151

PTurk. *jAŋak door post (дверной косяк): Karakh. (qapuɣ) jaŋaqɨ

(MK); Tat. jaŋaq; Bashk. jaŋaq; Oyr. jāq; Tv. čāq.
◊ DT 948, ЭСТЯ 4, 123-124. The root is traditionally considered merely a variant of
*jạjŋak ‘cheek, jaw’ (v. sub *zni), but it may be possible to separate them etymologically.
Tat. > Chuv. janax > Mari, Udm. janak (Федотов 2, 500).
PJpn. *pìnkùrái a cypress plank or stave (доска или перекладина
из кипариса): MJpn. fìgùré.
◊ JLTT 406. The first syllable is usually treated as *pi ‘cypress’, but the second part is
not clear, and the word may well be not a compound.
‖ The Turkic form raises some questions because it has actively
merged with *jạjŋak ‘cheek, jaw’ < *zni q.v.
-p῾ári a k. of worm: Tung. *piaru; Mong. *(h)irukai; Jpn. *pìrû; Kor.
*pr-.
PTung. *piaru 1 worm (in meat) 2 moth 3 beetle (1 червь (в мясе) 2
моль 3 жук): Man. aru 1; Ul. piru(n) 2; Ork. paraụ 3; Nan. pịro, fịaro 2;
Ud. päu 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 37.
PMong. *(h)irukai caterpillar (гусеница): WMong. iruqai (МXTTT);
Kh. jarxai.
PJpn. *pìrû water leech (пиявка): OJpn. p(j)iru; MJpn. fìrú; Tok. híru;
Kyo. hìrû; Kag. hirú.
◊ JLTT 408.
PKor. *pr- worm, insect (червь, насекомое): MKor. pr’əi; Mod.
pəlle.
◊ Nam 256, KED 766.
‖ SKE 198, АПиПЯЯ 297.
-p῾áru to spin, plait, wrap: Tung. *por-; Mong. *horiɣa-, *horči-; Turk.
*ar-; Kor. *pòròkí.
PTung. *por- 1 to spin, turn round 2 to weave (nets) (1 кружить(ся),
вращать(ся) 2 плести (сети)): Evk. horol- 1; Evn. herelkin- ‘to turn into’;
Neg. xojịl- 1; Man. foro- 1; SMan. forə-, foru- 1 (270, 1776); Ul. pori- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 47, 334.
PMong. *horiɣa-, *horči- 1 to wrap 2 to roll, rotate (1 заворачивать,
закручивать 2 вращаться): MMong. xorči- 2 (SH), orčul- 2 (IM), hura- 1,
horči-/orči- 2 (MA 238, 186, 270), horči- 2 (LH); WMong. orija-, oruɣa- 1 (L
618, 621) orči- 2 (L 616); Kh. orō- 1, orči- 2; Bur. oŕō- 1, oršo- 2; Kalm. orā-
1, orčə- 2; Ord. orō- 1, orčin ‘around’; Dag. oŕē- (Тод. Даг. 160) ( < lit.);
Dong. xoro- 1; Bao. horə-; S.-Yugh. horō-; Mongr. furō-, xurō- (SM 111,
185), xuro- (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 288, 290, MGCD 531. Mong. > Kaz. ora- etc. (ЭСТЯ 1, 469).
PTurk. *ar- 1 weft, woof 2 warp (1 уток 2 основа ткани): OTurk.
arušɨ arqaɣɨ (Ough.) 1; Karakh. arqaɣ (MK, IM) 1, arɨš 2; Tur. arɣač (-ǯɨ) 1,
1152 *p῾rV - *p῾[o]bu
eriš, Osm. arɨš 2; Az. arɣaǯ 1, äriš 2; Turkm. arGač 1, arGa- ‘шить
кое-как’, eriš 2; MTurk. arɣač (Sangl.) 1, arɨš (Sangl.) 2; Uzb. dial. arɣa 1;
Uygh. arqaq 1; Khak. arɣa- ‘вышивать гладью’; Oyr. arkū 1; Tv. eriš 2;
Chuv. ura 1.
◊ VEWT 25, 26 (confused with *arka-), EDT 216, 239, ЭСТЯ 1, 170, Федотов 2, 284,
Лексика 396. Turk. > WMong. arqaɣ, Kalm. arxəɣ (KW 14, Щербак 1997, 101). The front
row variant *eriĺ is peculiar: it may reflect a merger with a different root, reflected in
Chuv. arla- ῾to spin’, with possible parallels in Mong. ere- ῾to wind, tie round’, Nan.
(Kur-Urm.) erin ῾band, necking’ (ТМС 2, 463).
PKor. *pòròkí swaddlingclothes (пеленки): MKor. pòròkí.
◊ Nam 260.
‖ EAS 53, 126, Poppe 11, 98, Цинциус 1984, 44-45, Rozycki 79. De-
spite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Kor. *pòròkí
can be alternatively compared with PT *bele- ‘to swaddle’ (ЭСТЯ 2,
111-112).
-p῾rV to split, crack: Tung. *p[ia]ri-; Mong. *jara-; Turk. *jār-.
PTung. *p[ia]ri- 1 to split 2 split, crack (1 расщеплять 2 щель, тре-
щина): Evk. hir-ke- 1, hiri-kte 2; Evn. hir 2; Man. ere- 1, ere-n, fi-qtu 2;
Ork. pīri-kte 2; Nan. pịarị, Bik. fịrịgda mōnị ‘name of a tree for making
bows’ (“трескун-дерево”).
◊ ТМС 2, 327.
PMong. *jara- to split open, open wide (раскрываться, расщеп-
ляться): MMong. jāra- (IM), jară- (MA); WMong. jara-, ira- (L 412, 428);
Kh. jara-; Bur. jara-; Kalm. ir- (КРС) ‘надрезать (кожу)’; Ord. ir-; Dong.
jara-; Mongr. jāra- (SM 489).
PTurk. *jār- 1 to split 2 split, crack (1 рассекать, раскалывать 2
щель, трещина): OTurk. jar- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jar- 1 (MK); Tur. jar-
1; Gag. jar- 1; Az. jar- 1, jar-ɨG 2; Turkm. jār- 1; Sal. jar- 1; MTurk. jar- 1
(AH); Uzb. jɔr- 1; Uygh. ja(r)- 1; Krm. jar- 1; Tat. jar- 1; Bashk. jar- 1;
Kirgh. ǯar- 1; Kaz. žar- 1; KBalk. ǯar- 1; KKalp. žar- 1; Kum. jar- 1; Nogh.
jar- 1; SUygh. jar- 1; Khak. čar- 1; Shr. čar- 1; Oyr. jar-, ar- 1; Tv. čar- 1;
Chuv. śor- 1; Yak. sar-kāx (adj.) ‘split’; Dolg. sar-kāk (adj.) ‘split’.
◊ EDT 954-955, VEWT 188-189, ЭСТЯ 4, 135-137, Федотов 2, 139,Stachowski 209.
Very widespread are the derivatives *jārɨk, *jārma ‘crack, split’ (see ЭСТЯ ibid.); Turk.
*jārɨm ‘half’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 147) > Mong. ǯarim, ǯarimduq (KW 470, Щербак 1997, 123).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾[o]bu nest: Tung. *pubi / *pebi; Mong. *heɣür; Turk. *uja.
PTung. *pubi / *pebi nest (гнездо): Evk. huɣi; hewe ‘шалаш’; Evn.
hewi; Neg. xūɣī; Man. feje; SMan. fei (2299); Ud. xui; Sol. ubī, ūwī.
◊ ТМС 2, 337.
PMong. *heɣür nest (гнездо): MMong. xe’ud (SH), he’ut (HYt), wur
(MA 168); WMong. egür (L 301); Kh. ǖr; Bur. ǖr; Kalm. ǖr; Ord. ǖr; Dag.
 *p῾òk῾e - *p῾ole 1153

xeur (Тод. Даг. 176), heure (MD 161); Dong. xo; Bao. xor, hor; Mongr. fōr
(SM 100).
◊ KW 461, MGCD 685.
PTurk. *uja nest (гнездо): OTurk. uja (OUygh.); Karakh. uja (MK);
Tur. juwa; Gag. juwa; Az. juwa; MTurk. juwa, uja (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. uja;
Uygh. uwa, uga; Krm. juwa, uja; Tat. oja; Bashk. oja; Kirgh. uja; Kaz. uja;
KKalp. uja; Kum. uja; Nogh. uja; SUygh. uja, oja ‘egg’; Khak. uja; Oyr.
uja; Tv. uja; Tof. uja; Chuv. jъₙva; Yak. uja; Dolg. uja.
◊ VEWT 511, EDT 267, ЭСТЯ 4, 239, Егоров 73, Stachowski 242.
‖ VEWT 511 (with a dubious Mong. parallel), АПиПЯЯ 286. A
Western isogloss. The TM vocalism is not quite clear (we would expect
a diphthong *ia). Kor. pogɨm(čari) ‘nest’, compared with TM in SKE 204,
cannot be related for phonetic reasons.
-p῾òk῾e pair, couple: Mong. *(h)ekire; Turk. *ẹk(k)i; Jpn. *pká; Kor.
*pk-.
PMong. *(h)ekire twins (близнецы): WMong. ikere, ikire (L 401); Kh.
ixer; Bur. exir; Kalm. ikr; Ord. eker, ekir.
◊ KW 206. Mong. ikire ‘twins’ > Evk. ikirē etc., see Doerfer MT 99, Rozycki 115.
PTurk. *ẹk(k)i two (два): OTurk. eki (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ẹki
(MK); Tur. iki; Gag. iki; Az. iki; Turkm. iki; Sal. išky; Khal. äkki, äkkị;
MTurk. iki (AH, IM); Uzb. ikki; Uygh. ikki; Krm. ekɨ; Tat. ike; Bashk. ike;
Kirgh. eki; Kaz. eki; KBalk. eki; KKalp. eki; Kum. eki; Nogh. eki; SUygh.
šigɨ; Khak. eke; Shr. igi; Oyr. eki; Tv. ĩji; Tof. i’xi; Chuv. ikkə; Yak. ikki;
Dolg. ikki.
◊ VEWT 39, EDT 100-1, ЭСТЯ 1, 337-339, Егоров 67-68, Stachowski 124.
PJpn. *pká other (другой): OJpn. p(w)oka; MJpn. fòká; Tok. hòka;
Kyo. hòká; Kag. hoká.
◊ JLTT 413. Most dialects (and RJ) point to *pká, but Tokyo indicates a variant *pká.
PKor. *pk- next, following (следующий): MKor. pk-; Mod.
pəgɨm.
◊ Nam 254, KED 758.
‖ EAS 93, Владимирцов 321, АПиПЯЯ 284. Mong. *(h)ekire ‘twins’
= PT *ẹkiŕ (ЭСТЯ 1, 252-254) (although it is frequently regarded as bor-
rowed from Turk., see TMN 2, 190-191, Щербак 1997, 119-120, Rozycki
115, this is hardly the case; borrowed is Mong. ikes ‘placenta’, see Clark
1980, 39). A different etymology of the Japanese word (: MKor. pask) see
Martin 238. Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-p῾ole blanket, skin (as covering): Tung. *pul-sa; Mong. *hel-de-; Turk.
*Eltiri; Jpn. *pərə.
PTung. *pul-sa blanket, sleeping bag (одеяло, спальный мешок):
Evk. hulla; Evn. hụlr; Neg. xola; Ul. pụlta; Ork. pụlta; Nan. polta; Orch.
xukta; Ud. xulaha; Sol. ula.
1154 *p῾ŏlge - *p῾ŏlge
◊ ТМС 2, 345.
PMong. *hel-de- to dress, soften, tan (of leather) (дубить, разми-
нать (кожу)): WMong. elde- (L 307); Kh. elde-; Bur. elde-; Kalm. eld-; Ord.
elde-; Bao. fələ-; S.-Yugh. elde- ( < lit.).
◊ KW 119, MGCD 256.
PTurk. *Eltiri skin of kid or lamb (шкура козленка или ягненка,
каракуль): Karakh. elri, eldiri (MK); Tur. elteri (dial.); Turkm. elteri, elter
(dial.); MTurk. eltirik (IM); Uygh. älterä; Tat. iltĭr; Bashk. iltĭr; Kaz. eltĭrĭ;
KBalk. eltĭrĭ, eltir; KKalp. eltiri; Kum. eltir; Nogh. eltiri.
◊ EDT 135, ЭСТЯ 1, 269-270.
PJpn. *pərə cloak on armour (накидка на доспехах): MJpn. foro;
Tok. hóro; Kyo. hórò; Kag. hóro.
◊ Accent is not quite clear (both Kyoto and Kagoshima may reflect literary influ-
ence).
‖ KW 119.
-p῾ŏlge to pray, sacrifice: Tung. *pulga-; Mong. *(h)ergül; Turk. *ạlkɨ-;
Jpn. *pə(n)k- ( ~-ua-).
PTung. *pulga- 1 to sacrifice 2 alms, charity 3 sacrifice (1 приносить
жертву 2 дары, милостыня 3 жертва): Evk. hulga- 1; Man. fulexu 2;
Ud. xula 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 344.
PMong. *(h)ergül sacrifice, donation (жертвоприношение, по-
жертвование): WMong. ergül (L 326); Kh. örgöl; Bur. ürgel.
◊ The word appears to be quite transparently derived from ergü-, örgü- ‘to raise, lift
up’ (also ‘to offer, present’) q. v. sub *ṓŕi. We suspect, however, that this may be a case of
secondary reanalysis: *(h)ergül would be a quite regular reflex of *(h)elgü-r or *(h)elgü-l =
Turk. *ạlkɨĺ ‘blessing’. Note that in Lessing’s dictionary we find separate entries: ergül
‘donation, sacrifice’ vs. örgül ‘elevation’ (L 641).
PTurk. *ạlkɨ- 1 to bless, praise 2 blessing, praise 3 curse (1 благо-
словлять, восхвалять 2 благословение, хвала 3 проклятие, прокли-
нать): OTurk. alqa- (OUygh.) 1, alqɨš (OUygh., Yen.) 2; Karakh. alqɨš 2
(MK); Tur. alkɨš 2; Az. alGɨš 2; Turkm. alqɨš 2; MTurk. alqa- 1 (Pav. C.);
Uzb. ɔlqiš 2; Uygh. alqiš 2; Krm. alɣɨš 2; Tat. alqɨš 2; Bashk. alqɨš 2; Kirgh.
alqa- 1, alqɨš 2; Kaz. alɣɨs 2; alqa- 1 (dial.); KBalk. alɣɨš 2; KKalp. alɣɨs 2;
Kum. alɣɨš 2; SUygh. alqɨs 2; Oyr. alqa- 1; Tv. a’lɣɨš 3; Chuv. ɨlɣan 3; Yak.
alɣā- 1, alɣ 2 ( < Tuva); Dolg. algā- ‘to shamanize’ ( < Tuva).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 137-138, EDT 137-138, Егоров 343, Stachowski 31, Мудрак Дисс. 181 (re-
garding the Yak. form as borrowed < Tuva because of its vocalism).
PJpn. *pə(n)k- ( ~-ua-) to pray (молиться): OJpn. p(w)ok-; Tok.
koto-hog-.
◊ JLTT 691.
‖ An interesting common Altaic religious term.
 *p῾oli - *p῾ĺo 1155

-p῾oli ( ~ -ĺ-) fly, midge: Tung. *pulmi-kte; Mong. *hilaɣa-n; Kor. *pắrh.
PTung. *pulmi-kte midge (мошка): Evk. hunmīkte; Evn. humtъčen;
Neg. xunmuɣekte; Ul. pulte, pumikte; Ork. pulikte, pumikte; Nan. purmikte;
Orch. pumikte; Ud. xumukte.
◊ ТМС 2, 348. Evk. > Dolg. hünmükte (Stachowski 115).
PMong. *hilaɣa-n fly (муха): WMong. ilaɣa (МХТТТ); Kh. jalān; Bur.
ilāhan; Kalm. iləsn ῾midge(s)’ (РКС); Dag. xilā (Тод. Даг.).
PKor. *pắrh fly (муха): MKor. phắr, phắrì; Mod. phāri.
◊ Nam 462, KED 1730.
‖ Mong. and Kor. reflect a common derivative *p῾oli-gV.
-p῾ṓlo way, path; patch, precipice: Tung. *pile-; Turk. *jōl; Kor. *pjər-.
PTung. *pile- 1 thawed patch 2 open (ground) (1 проталина 2 от-
крытое место): Evk. hile, hilekē 1, -kēn 2; Evn. hileŋe 1; Neg. xilexe 1;
Man. fili-ta-χun 2; Ud. sileŋe-gisi- ‘to form (of thawed ground patches)’.
◊ ТМС 2, 324.
PTurk. *jōl road (дорога): OTurk. jol (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jol
(MK, KB); Tur. jol; Gag. jol; Az. jol; Turkm. jōl; Sal. jol; Khal. juōl;
MTurk. jol (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. jụl; Uygh. jol; Krm. jol; Tat. jul; Bashk.
jul; Kirgh. ǯol; Kaz. žol; KBalk. žol; KKalp. žol; Kum. jol; Nogh. jol;
SUygh. jol; Khak. čol; Shr. čol; Oyr. ol; Tv. čol ‘fate’; Tof. čol ‘fate’; Chuv.
śol; Yak. suol; Dolg. huol.
◊ VEWT 205-6, EDT 917, ЭСТЯ 4, 29, 217-218, Федотов 2, 131, Лексика 531, Sta-
chowski 112.
PKor. *pjər- precipice; road above precipice (обрыв; дорога над об-
рывом): MKor. pjəro, pjər; Mod. pjəraŋ, pjəre, pjəru.
◊ Nam 258, KED 775.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 283. Mong. ǯol ‘luck’, usually compared with PT *jōl
(see VEWT 206 etc.), should be rather regarded as a loanword (because
of the specific meaning), see TMN 4, 226-227, Щербак 1997, 124. The
TM form is compared to Kor. pəl ‘meadow, plain’ (SKE 196), for which
another etymology is given in АПиПЯЯ (see *p῾āla). Note, however,
that Kor. pjər- may be also derived from PA *p῾āre ‘split, precipice’
(q.v.).
-p῾ĺo star: Mong. *hodu; Turk. *jul-duŕ (*-dɨŕ); Jpn. *psí; Kor. *pjr.
PMong. *hodu star (звезда): MMong. xodun (HY 1, SH), hudun (IM),
hudun (MA); WMong. odu(n) (L 600); Kh. od; Bur. odon; Kalm. odn; Ord.
udu; Dag. xodo, xod (Тод. Даг. 176), hode (MD 162); Dong. xodun; Bao.
xodoŋ; S.-Yugh. hodən; Mongr. fōdi (SM 99).
◊ KW 283. Mong. > Manchu odontu ‘starred, having stars’ (see Rozycki 166).
PTurk. *jul-duŕ (*-dɨŕ) star (звезда): OTurk. jultuz (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. julduz (MK); Tur. jɨldɨz; Gag. jɨldɨs; Az. ulduz; Turkm. jɨldɨz; Sal.
jyldus; Khal. julduz; MTurk. julduz (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. julduz; Uygh.
1156 *p῾ṑpo - *p῾ṑpo
jultuz; Krm. jɨldɨz; Tat. joldɨz; Bashk. jondoδ; Kirgh. ǯɨldɨz; Kaz. žuldɨz;
KBalk. žulduz; KKalp. žuldɨz; Kum. julduz; Nogh. juldɨz; SUygh. juldɨs;
Khak. čɨltɨs; Shr. čɨltɨs; Oyr. ɨldɨs; Tv. sɨldɨs; Tof. sɨltɨs; Chuv. śъₙldъₙr;
Yak. sulus; Dolg. hulus.
◊ VEWT 210, TMN 3, 260-1, EDT 922-3, ЭСТЯ 4, 279-280, Лексика 53, Stachowski
111.
PJpn. *psí star (звезда): OJpn. p(w)osi; MJpn. fósí; Tok. hòshi; Kyo.
hóshí; Kag. hóshi.
◊ JLTT 415.
PKor. *pjr star (звезда): MKor. pjr; Mod. pjəl.
◊ Liu 383, HMCH 151, KED 780.
‖ PKE 150, Martin 243, АПиПЯЯ 13, 36, 90, 277. In TM cf. perhaps
Evn. hildenre- ‘to dawn’ (ТМС 2, 324). In Turkic one would rather ex-
pect *juĺ-, but the root is only used with the suffix *-du-ŕ, and in pre-
consonantal position *-ĺ- and *-l- were neutralized (“Helimski’s rule”).
Note Turk. *jul-du- = Mong. *ho-du- ( < *hol-du-) ( = Evk. hil-de-), with
the same affixation throughout the Western Altaic area.
-p῾ṑpo (*p῾ṑjpo) to cut through, grind: Tung. *pībē-; Mong. *(h)öb-;
Turk. *ob-; Jpn. *ppur-; Kor. *pìpi-.
PTung. *pībē- to whet, sharpen (точить): Evk. hīwē-; Evn. hīw-; Neg.
xīwu-; Man. fojfo-; Ul. pīwe-; Ork. pīwē-; Nan. pịa-; Orch. xīwe ‘whet-
stone’; Ud. sue ‘whetstone’; Sol. īwe ‘whetstone’.
◊ ТМС 2, 321-322.
PMong. *(h)öb- 1 to flay, skin 2 small pieces, fragments (1 сдирать
кожу, свежевать 2 кусочки, мелкие части): WMong. öbči- 1, öbdel 2 (L
627); Kh. övči- 1, övdöl 2; Bur. übše- 1, übdel 2; Kalm. övče- 1 (КРС 411);
Ord. öbči- 1; Mog. übči- ‘to cut in pieces’ (Weiers).
PTurk. *ob- to crush, mince, grind (давить, крошить, молоть, из-
мельчать): Karakh. uv- (ov-) (MK, KB); Tur. ov-, oɣ-; Gag. ū-; Az. ov-;
Turkm. ov-; Khal. huv- ‘rub’; Uygh. uva-; Krm. uw-; Tat. u(w)-; Bashk.
ɨw-; KBalk. uw-; Kum. uw-; SUygh. uɣ-; Khak. uɣ-; Tv. ū-; Chuv. ъₙv-
‘grind’; Yak. ub-ax.
◊ VEWT 510, ЭСТЯ 1, 401-403, 560-561, EDT 4-5.
PJpn. *ppur- to cut through (разрезать, зарезать): OJpn. p(w)opur-;
MJpn. fòbúr-.
◊ JLTT 691.
PKor. *pìpi- to bore through; to rub (сверлить; тереть): MKor.
pìpi-; Mod. pibi-.
◊ Nam 277, KED 854.
‖ In TM cf. also derived forms: Orok pīpu, Ul. pīpu, Ud. siɣi ‘drill’
(ТМС 2, 39) - possibly reflecting a contamination with *pubi q.v. In
 *p῾ṓp῾[á] - *p῾ṑrí 1157

Turkic one would rather expect *job-, so perhaps we should rather re-
construct *p῾ṑjpo.
-p῾ṓp῾[á] to walk, go away: Tung. *pupē-; Mong. *jabu-; Turk. *(j)ēp-;
Jpn. *pápúr-.
PTung. *pupē- to go away, become separated (отлучаться): Evn.
hupēn-.
◊ ТМС 2, 351. Attested only in Evn., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *jabu- to walk (ходить): MMong. jabu- (HY 34, SH), jābu-,
jabu- (IM), jabu- (MA); WMong. jabu- (L 420); Kh. java-; Bur. jaba-; Kalm.
jow-; Ord. jawu-; Mog. jobu-; Dag. jaw(a)-, jau- (Тод. Даг. 147), jau- (MD
169); Dong. javu-; Bao. ju-; S.-Yugh. jawə-; Mongr. j- (SM 494), (MGCD,
Minghe jau-).
◊ KW 220, MGCD 731, TMN 1, 546. Mong. > Man. jō- etc., see Poppe 1966, 196, Doer-
fer MT 82, Rozycki 222.
PTurk. *(j)ēp- 1 be on one’s way 2 send (1 быть в пути 2 посылать):
Turkm. īber- 2; Uzb. ibɛr-, jubɔr- 2; Uygh. ebɛr- 2; Krm. jeber-; Tat. žibɛr-
2; Bashk. jebɛr- 2; Kirgh. ǯiber- 2; Kaz. žiber- 2; KKalp. žiber-; Nogh. jiber-
2; Chuv. jabal- 1; Yak. īp- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 322-324, Мудрак Дисс. 198. The explanation < *d-bar- ‘lead and take’ is
clearly unsatisfactory.
PJpn. *pápúr- 1 to roam, wander 2 to throw away (1 бродить 2 вы-
брасывать, оставлять): OJpn. papur- 2; MJpn. fáfúra- 1, fafur- 2; Tok.
hṑr-; Kyo. hṓr-; Kag. hṓr-.
◊ JLTT 692. MJ fafi-iri ‘entrance’, mod. hairu ‘to enter’ may represent the same root
(influenced by *pap- ‘to crawl’ q. v. sub *p῾ba).
‖ Дыбо 13. The etymology seems convincing, despite some vocalic
problems (we would either expect *jāp- in Turkic or *pəp- ~ *pup- in
Jpn.).
-p῾ṑrí back, West: Tung. *perki-n / *purki-n; Mong. *hörö-ne; Turk.
*ār-t; Jpn. *pìntárí.
PTung. *perki-n / *purki-n West (запад): Jurch. fu-ri-si (591); Ul.
perxi(n); Nan. perxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 48.
PMong. *hörö-ne West (запад): MMong. xorone (HY 50), xorene,
xorone (SH); WMong. öröne, (L 644) örüne; Kh. örnö; Bur. ürne.
PTurk. *ār-t 1 back 2 mountain pass (1 спина, задняя сторона; 2
перевал): OTurk. art 1, 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. art 1, 2 (MK, KB);
Tur. art (-dɨ) 1; Gag. ārd 1; Az. ard 1; Turkm. ārt 1; Sal. ari 1; Khal. hārt
1; MTurk. art 1 (Pav.C), 2 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ɔrt 1; Uygh. art 1; Krm. art 1;
Tat. art 1; Bashk. art 1; Kirgh. art 1, 2; Kaz. art 1; KBalk. art 1; KKalp. art
1; Kum. art 1; Nogh. art 1; SUygh. ard; art 1; Shr. artɨɣ ‘shoal’; Oyr. art 1;
Tv. a’rt 1; Tof. a’rt 1; Yak. ārtɨk 2.
1158 *p῾ŕe - *p῾ŏt῾e
◊ EDT 200-201, VEWT 26-27, ЭСТЯ 1, 179-180.
PJpn. *pìntárí left (левый): OJpn. p(j)idari; MJpn. fìdári; Tok. hìdari;
Kyo. hìdàrí; Kag. hidarí.
◊ JLTT 405.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 12. The Jpn. match is somewhat dubious semantically
(possible if one assumes ‘left’ < ‘West’) and has an irregular low tone.
-p῾ŕe ( ~ *p῾ŕo) to screw, carve, scratch: Tung. *pur- / *per-; Mong.
*(h)erü-; Turk. *ẹŕ-; Jpn. *pr-.
PTung. *pur- / *per- 1 screw 2 to engrail 3 bore, drill 4 to gnaw (of
mice, rats) 5 notch, scar (1 винт, винтовая нарезка 2 делать винтовую
нарезку 3 сверлить 4 грызть (о мышах, крысах) 5 зазубрина): Evk.
huriwūk 1, huril- 2, herewul 3; purul- 3 ( < *Nan.); Man. furdan 5; Nan.
furgi- 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 44, 303, 352.
PMong. *(h)erü- to dig, hack (копать, рубить, долбить): WMong.
erü- (L 332).
PTurk. *ẹŕ- 1 to scratch, scrape 2 to knead, press 3 to grind, crush 4
to soak, dilute 5 to rub, smear (1 скрести, царапать 2 разминать, да-
вить 3 толочь, растирать 4 мочить, разжижать 5 растирать, обмазы-
вать): Karakh. ez- (MK) 1; Tur. ez- 2, 3, 4; Gag. ez- 2, 3; Az. äz- 2; Turkm.
ez- 4; Khal. äz- 2; MTurk. ez- (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.) 5; Uzb. ez- 2, 5; Uygh.
äz- 2, 3; Krm. ez- 2, 3; Tat. iz- 2; Bashk. iδ- 2; Kirgh. ez- 2; Kaz. ez- 2, 4;
KBalk. ez- 2, 3; KKalp. ez- 2; Kum. ez- 3; Nogh. ez- 2; Chuv. ir- 2, 4.
◊ EDT 279, ЭСТЯ 1, 235-236, Егоров 71, Федотов 1, 170.
PJpn. *pr- to dig, carve, engrave (копать, вырезать, гравировать):
OJpn. p(w)or-; MJpn. fòr-; Tok. hór-; Kyo. hór-; Kag. hòr-.
◊ JLTT 693.
‖ Poppe 103. The Jpn. form may reflect a merger with another ro ot >
Mong. *bula- ‘to dig, bury’.
-p῾ŏt῾e ( ~ -t-, *p῾ăt῾u) light: Tung. *puta-; Turk. *ạt-; Kor. *pjt.
PTung. *puta- 1 to blaze 2 light of fireflies 3 firefly 4 dark red (1 за-
гораться, сверкать, блестеть 2 свет (от светляков) 3 светляк 4 тем-
но-красный): Evk. huta-l- 1; Evn. hutā-l- 1; Neg. xotol-xotol 1; Man. fa-
taqu 4; Ul. pụta-lụ- 1, pụta-ǯa(n) 2; Ork. pụtamụ 3; Nan. potal 1; Orch.
xuta-rǟ- 1; Ud. xuta- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 356. There is also a variant *pude-, see ТМС 1, 475.
PTurk. *ạt- to dawn (рассветать): Karakh. at- (MK, Tefs.); Tur. at-;
Gag. at-; Turkm. at-; MTurk. at- (Abush.); Uygh. at-; Tat. at-; Bashk. at-;
Kirgh. at-; Kaz. at-; KBalk. at-; KKalp. at-; Kum. at-; Nogh. at-; Khak. at-;
Shr. at-; Oyr. at-; Tv. a’t-; Tof. a’t-; Yak. ɨt-.
◊ Usually confused with *at- ‘to shoot, throw’, but certainly distinct.
PKor. *pjt light (свет): MKor. pjt; Mod. pjət [pjəth].
 *p῾udo - *p῾ùgV 1159
◊ Nam 258, KED 786.
‖ SKE 199.
-p῾udo ( ~ p῾odo) to wake, cause: Tung. *pidu- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *(h)uda-;
Turk. *od-.
PTung. *pidu- ( ~ -ü-) to instigate, cause (заставлять, обязывать):
Evn. hidu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 323. Attested only in Evn., with possible parallels in Turkic and Mongolian.
PMong. *(h)uda- to conceive, design, instigate (затеять, задумать):
WMong. uda- (L 861: udu-); Kh. uda-; Ord. udu-.
PTurk. *od- 1 awake 2 to wake up (intr.) 3 to wake up (trans.) (1
бодрствующий 2 просыпаться 3 будить): OTurk. oduɣ 1, odun- 2,
odɣur- 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. oδuɣ 1, oδun- 2, oδɣur- 3 (MK); Tur. ujan- 2,
(dial.) ujar- 3; Gag. ujan- 2; Az. ojan- 2; Turkm. ojan- 2, ojar- 3; MTurk.
ujan- 2, ujat- 3 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. ujɣɔn- 2; Uygh. o(j)ɣan- 2; Krm. ojan-, ujan-
2, ojat- 3; Tat. ujan- 2; Bashk. ujan- 2; Kirgh. ojɣon- 2; Kaz. ojan- 2, ojat- 3;
KBalk. ujan- 2, ujat- 3; KKalp. ojan- 2, ojat- 3; Kum. ujan- 2, ujat- 3; Nogh.
ujan- 2, ujat- 3; SUygh. ozɣan- 2; Khak. usxun- 2, usxur- 3; Oyr. ojɣon-,
ujɣun- 2, ujɣus 3; Tv. odun- 2; Chuv. vъₙran- 2, vъₙrat- 3.
◊ EDT 47, 48, 62, VEWT 357, ЭСТЯ 1, 430-432.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾ùgV to flay, cut: Tung. *püg-; Mong. *(h)öɣe-le-; Turk. *eg-dü; Jpn.
*pà; Kor. *púi-, *pó.
PTung. *püg- to flay (свежевать): Evk. hiɣ-; Evn. hiɣ-; Neg. xiɣ-; Ul.
puju-; Ork. puji-; Nan. puji-; Orch. sī- (Khad.); Ud. sī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 322.
PMong. *(h)öɣe-le- to trim, hack (подрубать, обрубать, долбить,
соскребать): WMong. öɣele- (L 631); Kh. ȫle-; Bur. ȫle-; Kalm. ȫl-; Ord.
ȫlö-.
◊ KW 304.
PTurk. *eg-dü a curved knife (кривой нож): OTurk. egdü (OUygh.);
Karakh. egdü (MK); Tur. egdi (dial.); Turkm. egdi; Kirgh. ijdi; Chuv.
avdъ; Yak. iät.
◊ EDT 102, VEWT 37. The semantics must have been secondarily influenced by *eg-
‘to bend, curve’.
PJpn. *pà blade (лезвие): OJpn. pa; MJpn. fa; Tok. há; Kyo. h; Kag.
hà.
◊ JLTT 395.
PKor. *púi-, *pó 1 to reap, mow 2 plough (1 косить, жать 2 плуг):
MKor. púi- 1, pó 2; Mod. pī- (dial.); posɨp ‘plough, ploughshare’.
◊ Nam 259, 269, KED 792, 850.
‖ Poppe 11 compares the Mong. form with TM *pule- which is less
likely. Jpn. pà and MKor. pó reflect a contraction < *pugV-ga. An ex-
1160 *p῾[]ju - *p῾ukò
pressive root with not quite clear vocalic correspondences, rather diffi-
cult to distinguish from several similar: cf. *pok῾e, *p῾ge, *p῾ago.
-p῾[]ju a k. of tree: Tung. *pōj-, *pōj-ki- ( > *piā-kī-); Mong. *hoj; Turk.
*ɨ, *ɨ-(ń)gač; Jpn. *pí; Kor. *pə-.
PTung. *pōj-, *pōj-ki- ( > *piā-kī-) 1 birch 2 larch 3 swamp, low for-
est (1 береза 2 лиственница 3 болото, тундра): Evk. hōj, dial. hēj 3,
h-kī 2; Evn. hǟ-kịta 2; Neg. x-xi-ta, x-nakta 2; Man. a 1; Ul. p 1; Ork. p
1; Nan. pêa 1; Sol. oi 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 319-320, 330. Despite Poppe 1972, 99, *pōj is hardly borrowed < Mong.
PMong. *hoj 1 wood, forest 2 mountain (1 лес 2 гора): MMong. xoi
(HY 2, SH) 1; WMong. oi 1; Kh. oj 1; Bur. oj; Kalm. ȫ 1; Ord. öi 1; Dag. oi
(Тод. Даг. 159, MD 200) ( < lit.); Dong. xoj 1; Bao. xi 2; Mongr. f (SM
99), xoj (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 303, TMN 1, 541-542.
PTurk. *ɨ, *ɨ-(ń)gač tree (1 дерево 2 лес): OTurk. ɨɣač (Orkh.,
OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jɨɣač (MK) 1; Tur. aɣač 1; Gag. āč 1; Az. aɣač 1;
Turkm. aGač 1; Sal. aɣač, -š 1 (ССЯ); Khal. haɣač 1; MTurk. aɣaǯ (Pav. C.)
1; Uzb. jɔɣɔč 1; Uygh. jaɣač 1; Krm. aɣač, -c 1; Tat. aɣač 1; Bashk. aɣas 1;
Kirgh. ǯɨɣač 1; Kaz. aɣaš 1, 2; KBalk. aɣač 1, 2; KKalp. aɣaš 1; Kum. aɣač 1,
2; Nogh. aɣas 1, 2; SUygh. jiɣaš 1; Khak. aɣas 1, 2; Shr. aɣaš 1, 2; Oyr. aɣaš
1, 2; Tv. ɨjaš 1, 2; Tof. ńɛš 1; Chuv. jɨvъś 1; Yak. mas 1; Dolg. mas 1.
◊ VEWT 7, ЭСТЯ 1, 71-73, TMN 2, 73f, EDT 79-80, Егоров 83, Лексика 104, Sta-
chowski 176. The form contains perhaps PT *ɨ ‘bush, tree’ as the first component (for OT ɨ
see EDT 1), cf. the OT combination ɨ ɨɣač; but the second element is yet unclear.
PJpn. *pí Japanese cypress (кипарисовик японский): OJpn. pji;
MJpn. fí; Tok. hìnoki, hínoki.
◊ JLTT 407.
PKor. *pə- birch (береза): Mod. pə-n-namu.
◊ SKE 199. Cf. also MKor. phí-nàmò, mod. phi-namu (Nam 465, KED 1772) ‘linden
tree’.
‖ SKE 199 (Turk.-Tung.-Kor.), Цинциус 1984, 37-38, АПиПЯЯ 284,
Дыбо 11, Лексика 104. A rather complicated case, because of contrac-
tions and compounds. For the second part of the PT compound cf. per-
haps Mong. gesi-ɣü(n) ‘branch’. The old compound *p῾ūju-*gVša, beside
Turk. *ɨgač, may be reflected in OJ pàjàsi ‘forest’, ТМ *pā(j)k[š]a ‘wood’
(ТМС 2, 311)).
-p῾ukò a k. of rope, embroidery: Tung. *püKV-; Mong. *(h)ugulǯa;
Turk. *oka; Jpn. *puki.
PTung. *püKV- sealine, rope (of horse hair) (леска, бечевка (из
конского волоса)): Evn. hikъr; Ork. pūla; Nan. pōr; Orch. xū.
◊ ТМС 2, 323.
 *p῾ula - *p῾un[e] 1161

PMong. *(h)ugulǯa spiral embroidery (спиральная вышивка, ор-

намент): WMong. uɣulǯa, uɣalǯa (L 864); Kh. ugalʒ; Bur. ugalzatūl- ‘вы-
шивать узоры’; Ord. ugₙälǯi, ugulǯi.
PTurk. *oka gimp (позумент): Tat. uqa; Bashk. uqa; Kirgh. oqo; Kaz.
oqa; KBalk. oqa; KKalp. oqa; Nogh. oqa.
◊ VEWT 460. A local Kypchak word.
PJpn. *puki lapel of lining (отворот подкладки): Tok. fuki.
‖ The Mong. form is homonymous with *ugulǯa ‘mountain deer’
and may be unrelated (“deer embroidery”?).
-p῾ula ash tree: Tung. *pula; Mong. *hulija-sun; Jpn. *pari.
PTung. *pula ash tree, asp tree, poplar (ясень, осина, тополь): Evk.
hula; Evn. hụl; Neg. xol; Man. fulχa; Jurch. fulto ‘каштан’ (121); Ul. pụlị;
Ork. pụlụ; Nan. polo; Orch. xulu; Ud. xulu; Sol. ụlụ.
◊ ТМС 2, 342-343. Evk. hula, hologdan > Dag. xolordan (Тод. Даг. 177).
PMong. *hulija-sun ash tree, poplar, aspen (ясень, тополь, осина):
WMong. ulijasu(n) (L 873); Kh. ulijas(an); Bur. uĺāha(n); Kalm. ulāsn;
Ord. ulāsu; Dag. olēs ( < lit.), xolordan mōd; Dong. xulasun.
◊ KW 448, MGCD 673.
PJpn. *pari black alder (японская ольха): OJpn. pari; Tok. han-no-ki.
◊ JLTT 399.
‖ EAS 55, KW 448, Цинциус 1984, 54, Rozycki 81. Despite Doerfer
MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. In Turkic cf. Bashk. jɨla
῾ash-tree’ - although attested only in Bashkir, a perfect semantic and
phonetic match for this root.
-p῾un[e] a small wild animal: Tung. *püń-; Mong. *hünegen; Turk.
*enük ( ~ *ünek).
PTung. *püń- 1 jerboa, flying squirrel, mole 2 weasel 3 hedgehog (1
пищуха 2 ласка 3 еж): Evk. hińekī 1; Neg. xińexī 2; Ul. puntulče 3; Nan.
punčilkē 3 ( > Neg. punčulkēn id.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 326.
PMong. *hünegen fox (лиса): MMong. xunegan (HY 10), h[o]nägǟn
(IM), hunägän (MA), hongen (LH); WMong. ünege(n) (L 1008); Kh.
üneg(en); Bur. ünege(n); Kalm. üngn ‘female of a wild animal or bird’;
Ord. ünege; Dag. xunug(u) (Тод. Даг. 180), hunehe (MD 166); Dong.
funieɣe; S.-Yugh. heneɣen, henegen; Mongr. funige, xunige (SM 108, 183),
funəgə.
◊ KW 458, MGCD 694.
PTurk. *enük ( ~ *ünek) young of a wild animal, puppy (детеныш
дикого животного, щенок): OTurk. enük (OUygh.); Karakh. enük
(MK); Tur. enik, enǯek; Gag. jenik; Az. änix (dial.); MTurk. enük (Pav. C.);
Uzb. enük (Chag.); Shr. ünegeš; Oyr. ünegeš; Tv. enik; Chuv. anǯъk; Yak.
ünüges; Dolg. ünüges.
1162 *p῾ŭŋi - *p῾ri
◊ EDT 183, VEWT 44, ЭСТЯ 1, 281-283, Егоров 29, Stachowski 251.
‖ A Western isogloss, with not quite secure correspondences: in TM
one would rather expect *pun-. Thus it is not excluded that the Evk.
and Evn. forms reflect a vowel metathesis < *puni-ki.
-p῾ŭŋi other: Tung. *puŋtu; Turk. *öŋi; Jpn. *pina.
PTung. *puŋte other, someone else’s (другой, чужой): Evk. huŋtu;
Evn. hȫntъ; Neg. xöŋtö; Orch. xonto, xoŋto; Ud. xoŋto; Sol. entū.
◊ ТМС 2, 349-350.
PTurk. *öŋi other (другой): OTurk. öŋi (OUygh.); Karakh. öŋi (MK);
Turkm. öŋŋe ‘the rest’; Krm. öŋge, oŋga; Tat. üŋgä (dial.); Kirgh. öŋgö;
Kaz. öŋge; KKalp. öŋge; Kum. oŋge (dial.); Nogh. öŋge.
◊ EDT 170-171, ЭСТЯ 1, 537-538, VEWT 372 ( > Kalm. öŋgn, KW 297).
PJpn. *pina province, barbarians (провинция, варвары): OJpn.
pjina; MJpn. fina; Tok. hina.
◊ JLTT 407.
‖ ТМС 2, 350.
-p῾ùŋi to twist, twirl: Tung. *puŋ-; Turk. *eŋir-; Jpn. *pìniàr-.
PTung. *puŋ- 1 to graze, brush against 2 to shake (1 задевать, заце-
плять, трогать 2 шевелить, качать): Evk. huŋna- 1; Evn. huŋri- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 349.
PTurk. *eŋir- 1 to spin 2 to surround (1 крутить 2 окружать):
OTurk. eŋir- (OUygh.) 1; MTurk. eŋir- (Буд.) 2; Tv. r- 1.
◊ EDT 113, VEWT 37.
PJpn. *pìniàr- to twist, twirl (крутить, вертеть): MJpn. fìnèr-; Tok.
hinér-; Kyo. hínér-; Kag. hìnèr-.
◊ JLTT 689.
‖ Delabialization in PT (*öŋir- would be expected) must be ex-
plained by the influence of *egir- q.v.
-p῾ri to be afraid, angry: Tung. *purkē-; Mong. *hurin; Jpn. *pìrù-m-.
PTung. *purkē- 1 to be bored 2 to be angry (1 скучать, тосковать 2
сердиться): Evk. hurkē- 1; Evn. hörken- 1; Man. fuḱe-, fuče- 2; Orch. xok-
kosi-; Ud. xokoho (adv.).
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 353.
PMong. *hurin anger (гнев): WMong. urin (L 884); Kh. urin; Bur. uri
gari bološohon ‘to be in bad spirits’; Kalm. uŕn; Dong. xō; Bao. hor.
◊ KW 451.
PJpn. *pìrù-m- to retreat frightened, to run away (в страхе отсту-
пать перед ч.-л., бежать от ч.-л.): MJpn. fìrù-m-; Tok. hirúm-; Kyo.
hírúm-; Kag. hìrùm-.
◊ JLTT 690.
‖ Because of the loss of initial *p῾- in Turk. the root may interfere
with *ṑr(e)ke q.v.
 *p῾úsa - *p῾ŭsi 1163

-p῾úsa to take off, scrape off: Tung. *pusi-; Mong. *hisuge; Jpn. *pásám-;
Kor. *pàs-.
PTung. *pusi- to shave, scrape off (состригать, соскабливать): Evk.
hus-; Evn. hụs-; Neg. xos-; Man. fusi-; Ul. pụsị-; Ork. pụsị-; Nan. posị-;
Orch. xusi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 355.
PMong. *hisuge tongs (щипцы): Dag. šisug, xisug (Тод. Даг. 184),
isū ‘tweezers’ (MD 174).
PJpn. *pásám- to shear (стричь, состригать): MJpn. fásám-; Tok.
hasám-; Kyo. hásám-; Kag. hàsàm-.
◊ This tone variant seems to have been originally different from *pàsàm- < *psa q.v.,
but modern dialects have merged the two forms completely.
PKor. *pàs- to strip off, take off (clothes); naked (сдирать, снимать
(одежду); голый): MKor. pàs-; Mod. pət- / pat- [-s-].
◊ Nam 249, KED 735, 771.
‖ In Kor. cf. also also psk-tì- ‘to perish, disappear’, pskắ- ‘to strip off
skin, peel’, modern pasjə-ǯida ‘crumble, go to pieces’; see SKE 192, 199,
EAS 101-102; Цинциус 1984, 56. The isolated Daghur form could be a
borrowing from Tungus (derivatives from this root can also mean ‘scis-
sors’, ‘razor’, ‘tweezers’ - cf. Evk. husiwun, Evn. hụhoŋko, Orok pụsqqụ
etc.) - but the immediate source is unclear. On a possible Turkic reflex
see under *isV.
-p῾ŭsi to sprinkle: Tung. *pisu- / *pusu-; Mong. *hösür-; Turk. *üskür-;
Kor. *pòsòi- / *pusɨi-.
PTung. *pisu- / *pusu- to sprinkle (брызгать): Evk. husu-; Evn. hus-;
Neg. xusi-; Man. fisi-, fise-, fusu-; SMan. fusu- (1658); Ul. pisuri-; Ork.
pisitči-, possolị-; Nan. pisi-, fisi-, fuksu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 39, 42, 355.
PMong. *hösür- 1 to sprinkle 2 to pour (1 брызгать 2 лить):
WMong. ösür- 1 (L 1014: üsür-); Kh. üsre- 1; Kalm. ösr- 1; Dag. xesurə-
(Тод. Даг. 176: xesre-); Mongr. fiʒuru-, fuʒuru- (SM 103) 2.
◊ KW 301.
PTurk. *üskür- to cough, sprinkle (from mouth) (кашлять, брыз-
гать (ртом)): Tur. öksür-; Gag. ǖsür-; Az. öskür-; Turkm. üsgür-; Khal.
êsür-; MTurk. öksür- (Houts., Pav. C.); Krm. öksür-, öksir-; Khak. üskür-;
Chuv. üzər-.
◊ VEWT 376, ЭСТЯ 1, 637-638.
PKor. *pòsòi- / *pusɨi- to wash, sprinkle (мыть, брызгать): MKor.
pòsòi- / pusoi-; Mod. pusi-.
◊ Nam 261, 265, KED 816.
1164 *p῾so - *p῾gè
‖ EAS 54, 149, KW 301, Poppe 11, 65, ОСНЯ 2, 102, Цинциус 1984,
50. Cf. also an expressive OJ form: bjisi-bjisi ‘sound of wiping one’s
nose’.
-p῾so carving, sign: Tung. *pǖsi-ke-; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *pǖsi-ke- 1 tablet for writing 2 tablet for cutting tobacco (1
дощечка для письма 2 доска для резки табака): Evn. hsq 2; Man.
fusixen 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 477, 2, 328.
PKor. *ps- to write (писать): MKor. psɨ-, ss-, s-; Mod. s:ɨ-.
◊ Liu 484, KED 1023.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-p῾ba to crawl, squat: Tung. *pebi-; Mong. *(h)oji-či-; Jpn. *pàp-.
PTung. *pebi- to squat (сидеть на корточках, поджав ноги): Evk.
hewič-, hewē-; Evn. hewdē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PMong. *(h)oji-či- to fall, tumble (падать, спотыкаться): WMong.
ojiči- (L 604); Kh. ojči-.
PJpn. *pàp- to crawl (ползти): OJpn. pap-; MJpn. fàf-; Tok. há-; Kyo.
há-; Kag. hà-.
◊ JLTT 686.
‖ In TM we must suppose *pebi- < *pobi- (with a frequent confusion
of e and o after labials).
-p῾ṑči ( ~ -e) spark; to extinguish: Tung. *pōsi-; Turk. *öč-.
PTung. *pōsi- 1 spark 2 glowing or extinguished coal 3 ray (1 искра
2 горящий или потухший уголек 3 луч): Evk. hōsin 1; Evn. hosn 1;
Neg. xosịnčā 2; Man. foson 3; Ul. posị 1; Ork. posị(n) 1; Nan. posị 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 334-335.
PTurk. *öč- to extinguish, go out (of fire) (гаснуть): OTurk. öč-
(OUygh.); Karakh. öč- (MK, KB); Tur. dial. öč-; Turkm. öč-; Khal. hič-;
MTurk. öč- (Sangl., Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. ụč-; Uygh. öč-; Tat. üč-; Kirgh.
öč-; Kaz. öš-; KBalk. öčül-; KKalp. öš-; Khak. Sag., Koib. ös-; Shr. öč-; Oyr.
öč-; Tv. öš-; Yak. ös-.
◊ VEWT 368, EDT 19-20, ЭСТЯ 1, 559-560.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. *p῾učV (on a possible Mong. reflex see
under *ōt῾a).
-p῾gè to be proud, rejoice: Mong. *(h)öɣegsi-; Turk. *ög-; Jpn. *pkr-.
PMong. *öɣegsi- to develop a taste or liking for; to be importunate
(входить во вкус чего-л.; быть настойчивым): WMong. ögegsi-
(МXTTT); Kh. ȫgši-; Bur. ȫgšȫ- ‘to encourage’.
 *p῾[ò]jamV - *p῾oje 1165

PTurk. *ög- 1 to praise 2 to rejoice (1 хвалить 2 радоваться): OTurk.

ög- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), ögir- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. ög- 1 (MK); Tur. öɣ-, öv-
1; Turkm. öw- 1; Krm. öv- 1; Tv. ȫrü- 2; Yak. üör- 2; Dolg. üör- 2.
◊ EDT 100, 113, VEWT 369, ЭСТЯ 1, 494-495, Stachowski 251.
PJpn. *pkr- to be proud (гордиться): OJpn. p(w)okor-; MJpn.
fókór-; Tok. hokór-; Kyo. hókór-; Kag. hokór-.
◊ JLTT 692. The tone in Tokyo is irregular (hòkor- would be expected).
‖ Cf. also Evk. heɣe- ‘to sing and dance’.
-p῾[ò]jamV snake: Tung. *püjmur; Mong. *jamu; Turk. *uman; Jpn.
*pàim(p)V; Kor. *pắjàm.
PTung. *püjmur dragon, monster (resembling a constrictor, croco-
dile or sheat-fish) (дракон, чудовище (напоминающее удава, кроко-
дила или сома)): Neg. ximu; Ul. pujmu(l); Ork. pomoị; Nan. pujmur;
Orch. ximu, sīmu.
◊ ТМС 1, 466.
PMong. *jamu 1 worm (causing e. g. toothache) 2 farcy, glanders (1
червь (вызывающий, напр., зубную боль) 2 сап): WMong. jamu, (L
426) jama; Kh. jam 2; Kalm. jam 1; Ord. jamu, jama ‘chancre, cancer’;
S.-Yugh. jam 2.
◊ KW 214, MGCD 734.
PTurk. *uman worm (червь): Chuv. ъₙman.
◊ Isolated in Chuvash, but probably archaic.
PJpn. *pàim(p)V snake (змея): OJpn. pemji; MJpn. fèmí; Tok. hébi;
Kyo. hèbí; Kag. héT.
◊ JLTT 404.
PKor. *pắjàm snake (змея): MKor. pắjàm; Mod. pǟm.
◊ Nam 242, KED 756.
‖ Martin 251, АПиПЯЯ 91, 278. Due to contractions of the sequence
*-VjV-, the vowels are somewhat difficult to reconstruct.
-p῾oje ( ~ -u-,-o-, -i) pain, sore: Tung. *puje; Mong. *höɣe.
PTung. *puje wound, sore (рана, болячка): Evk. huje; Evn. huj;
Neg. xuje; Man. feje; SMan. fei (708); Ul. puje; Ork. puje; Nan. puje; Orch.
xije, sije; Ud. sie.
◊ ТМС 2, 338.
PMong. *höɣe 1 pus, abscess 2 to rot (1 гной, нарыв 2 гнить):
MMong. hu’ugai (SH) ‘es möge stinken, verdorben sein (ondegen)’,
hesün (or hoesun) 1 (LH); WMong. öɣe-ri 1 (L 632); Kh. ȫrs 1; Kalm. ȫŕ 1
(КРС); Dag. xū- 2; Dong. fu- 2; Bao. hu- 2; S.-Yugh. hǖ- 2; Mongr. fū- 2.
◊ MGCD 408.
‖ Цинциус 1984, 46. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
1166 *p῾ojme - *p῾okt῾o(-rV)
-p῾ojme ( ~ -o) trousers, stockings: Tung. *pe(j)m-; Mong. *hojimu-su;
Turk. *ojma; Jpn. *pəmuta.
PTung. *pe(j)m- boots (сапоги, унты): Evk. hemčurē; Neg. xemčira;
Man. foǯi, fomo(či); Jurch. fom-či (556); Ork. pmo-nị ‘top of boots’; Orch.
xebbire; Sol. xočoro.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 365-366. Cf. also Evk. hma ‘щетка под копытом оленя; меховая кай-
ма’. Evk. > Dolg., Yak. ömčürä, Russ. Siber. amčur (pl.) (Аникин 86).
PMong. *hojimu-su stockings (чулки): MMong. kojimusun (HY 23)
(khuo- instead of xuo-), h[o]imāsun (IM), imasūn (LH); WMong.
ojimusu(n), ojimasu(n) (L 605); Kh. ojms(on); Bur. ojmho(n); Kalm. ȫmsn;
Ord. öimos(u).
◊ KW 304. Mong. > Evk. oimahun, oimusu (see Doerfer MT 130, Rozycki 78 - but not
Man. fomon!).
PTurk. *ojma 1 felt out of which boots are made 2 leather or skin
bag (1 войлок для сапог 2 кожаный мешок): Karakh. ojma (MK);
MTurk. ojma (Sangl.).
◊ EDT 273 (but derivation from Uj- ‘squeeze’, supported also by Clark 1977, 159, is
highly dubious because of external parallels).
PJpn. *pəmuta leather armlet (for bow-shooting) (кожаный нару-
кавник (для стрельбы из лука)): OJpn. pomuta.
‖ KW 304, Владимирцов 268, Poppe 11, 67, Цинциус 1984, 41-42.
Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is quite dubious, despite Щербак 1997,
161. The stem may be derived from *p῾ojV ‘to bind’ - reflected in PM
*huja- (HY 39 xuja-, WMong. uja-, Khalkha uja-, Mongor fujā-) id.
-p῾ójV a k. of fruit: Tung. *puju-; Kor. *pằi.
PTung. *puju- 1 plum 2 a k. of bush (1 слива 2 вид кустарника):
Neg. xujumke 2; Man. fojōro 1; Jurch. fojow (107) 1; Nan. puju 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 475-476, 2, 300.
PKor. *pằi pear (груша): MKor. pằi; Mod. pä.
◊ Nam 251, KED 743.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-p῾okt῾o(-rV) environs: Tung. *pokta; Mong. *hogtorgui; Turk. *otar;
Jpn. *pətəri ( ~ -ua-); Kor. *pàthàŋ.
PTung. *pokta road (дорога): Evk. xokto; Evn. hōt; Neg. xokto; Ul.
poqto; Ork. pokto; Nan. foqto; Orch. xokto; Ud. xokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 331. Evk. > Dolg. hoktokit (Stachowski 107).
PMong. *hogtorgui empty space, heaven (пустое пространство,
небо): MMong. xoxtorxu (HY 51), xoxtorqu ‘empty’, xoxtoru ‘through-
out’ (SH); WMong. oɣturɣui, oɣtarɣui (L 602); Kh. ogtorgui ‘universe’;
Bur. ogtorgoj; Kalm. oktrɣū; Ord. uGturGₙī.
◊ KW 284.
 *p῾ó[k]u - *p῾òk῾à 1167

PTurk. *otar 1 pasture 2 far environs 3 (summer) camp, dwelling

place, village 4 herd (1 пастбище 2 дальние страны 3 хутор, деревня
4 отара, стадо баранов): Turkm. otar 1; Uzb. ọtɔr 4; Krm. otar 1; Tat.
utar 3; Bashk. utar 3; Kirgh. otor 1, 2; Kaz. otar 1; KKalp. otar 1; Kum. otar
3; Nogh. otar 1; Oyr. odor 1; Tv. odar 1; Yak. otor 3.
◊ VEWT 367, ЭСТЯ 1, 487-488. Usually derived from *ot ‘grass’ but the morphologi-
cal pattern is unclear; the word might well be archaic despite lack of ancient attestation.
Cf. also Balkan words like Hung. határ etc., most probably of Turkic origin. Turk. >
WMong. otar, Kalm. otr (KW 291).
PJpn. *pətəri ( ~ -ua-) environs (окрестности): OJpn. p(w)ot(w)ori;
MJpn. fòtóri; Tok. hotorí / hòtori; Kyo. hótórí; Kag. hotorí.
◊ JLTT 416. Accent is not quite clear: most forms point to a low tone on the first syl-
lable (except the Kyoto form which is quite irregular).
PKor. *pàthàŋ 1 place 2 background, ground, texture (1 место 2
фон, основа): MKor. pàthàŋ 1; Mod. pathaŋ 2.
◊ Nam 239, KED 710.
‖ Kor. pathaŋ is probably < *păthaŋ through assimilation.
-p῾ó[k]u to swell: Tung. *puk- / *pok-; Turk. *okra; Jpn. *púkúrà-; Kor.
*pak- ( ~ -ă-).
PTung. *puk- / *pok- 1 to swell, swollen 2 bubble, blister 3 cracks in
skin 4 rough (of skin) (1 пухнуть, вспухший 2 пузырь, волдырь 3 тре-
щины (на коже) 4 грубый, загрубевший (о коже)): Evk. hokoripču 4;
Man. fuqa 2; Ul. pukte- 1, poqo 2; Ork. puɣju 1, puqa 2; Nan. pukče- 1, poqa
2, fo-rini (Bik.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 42-43, 331, 335.
PTurk. *okra 1 pimple, pustule 2 disease of cattle (1 прыщ 2 бо-
лезнь скота): MTurk. oqra (Буд.) 1; Tat. uqra 2; Bashk. uqra ‘овод
бычачий’; Kaz. oqra 1.
◊ VEWT 360.
PJpn. *púkúrà- to swell (пухнуть): OJpn. pukura-; MJpn. fúkúrà-;
Tok. fùkure-; Kyo. fúkúré-; Kag. fukuré-.
◊ JLTT 694.
PKor. *pak- ( ~ -ă-) boiling, bubbling (пузырящийся, кипящий):
Mod. pagɨl- / pəgɨl- / pogɨl-.
◊ KED 703.
‖ Дыбо 14. An expressive and not quite regular root: in Turkic and
Korean we probably have to presuppose an assimilative variant *p῾ók῾u,
whereas the TM form points rather to *p῾óku. See also notes to *bgà.
-p῾òk῾à ( ~ -u-, -k-) a k. of clothing: Tung. *pokta; Turk. *uk; Jpn.
*pàkàmà.
PTung. *pokta cloth, gown (ткань, халат): Evk. hokto; Neg. xokto;
Man. foqto; Ul. poqto; Ork. χoqto, poqto; Nan. poqto; Orch. pokto.
◊ ТМС 2, 331. Cf. also Man. fakuri ‘trousers’ ( > Dag. xakur, Тод. Даг. 173).
1168 *p῾ok῾e - *p῾ŏk῾i
PTurk. *uk felt stocking (войлочный чулок): Karakh. uɣuq (MK);
MTurk. uq (Pav. C.); Khak. ux; Oyr. uq; Tv. uq.
◊ EDT 83, ЭСТЯ 1, 581, Лексика 481. The form in MK is probably = *uk-ug (derived
from the simple *uk reflected elsewhere). The root should be distinguished from *ujuk (v.
sub *ujV(k῾V)).
PJpn. *pàkàmà trousers (штаны, мужская юбка): OJpn. pakama;
MJpn. fàkàmà; Tok. hakamá; Kyo. hákàmà; Kag. hakamá.
◊ JLTT 396.
‖ A common Altaic term, denoting probably some sort of trousers
or stockings.
-p῾ok῾e to fall, lie: Tung. *pukelē-; Mong. *(h)öke-; Turk. *ök-.
PTung. *pukelē- 1 lie 2 roll down 3 fall (1 лежать 2 катиться 3 па-
дать): Evk. huklē- 1, hukēl- 2; Evn. huklē- 1, hukъl- 2; Neg. xuɣle- 1; Man.
fuxese- 2; Ul. pulu- 2, 3; Nan. fukulgi- (dial.) 1, puelin- 2; Orch. xukeli- 3;
Sol. ugĺa- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 340, 342.
PMong. *(h)öke- to bow forwards (нагибаться вперед): WMong.
öke-ji-; Kalm. ök-.
◊ KW 293.
PTurk. *ök- to fall down, bow down (падать, склоняться): Oyr.
üküs- ‘to nod, fall asleep sitting’; Chuv. ük-; Yak. ököj- ‘to bow (for-
wards)’; Dolg. ököj- ‘to bow (forwards)’.
◊ Stachowski 199.
‖ KW 294, Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss. Very scantily represented
in Turkic and Mongolian, thus rather dubious.
-p῾ŏk῾i ( ~ -k-, -e) to trample, kick: Tung. *peK- / *poK-; Turk. *ökče.
PTung. *peK- / *poK- 1 to trample, tread 2 to kick (1 топтать(ся) 2
пинать (ногами)): Evk. hek- 1, hokči-, hekī-, hekči- 2; Evn. hek- 1, hēki- 2;
Neg. xeɣi-, xek- 1, xekilē- 2; Man. fexu- 1, ōqočo-, ōqoǯo- 2; SMan. fuxu-
(1610); Orch. xeki- 1; Ud. xeŋde- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 331-332, 361-362.
PTurk. *ökče heel (пятка, каблук): Tur. ökče; Gag. jökčä; Turkm.
ökǯe; MTurk. ökče (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọkčä; Uygh. ökčä; Krm. ökče; Tat. ükčä;
Bashk. üksä; Kirgh. ökčö; Kaz. ökše; KKalp. ökše; Nogh. ökše; Tv. ēǯek.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 520-521.
‖ ЭСТЯ 1, 520-521, Лексика 289. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *p῾uske.
-p῾ŏk῾i (-ŕV) ( ~-e) ox, cow: Tung. *puKur / *puKun; Mong. *hüker;
Turk. *öküŕ.
PTung. *puKur / *puKun cow (корова): Evk. hukur; Evn. höken,
hökön; Sol. uxur ‘ox’ (possibly < Mong.).
◊ ТМС 2, 341.
 *p῾ṓle - *p῾ṓle 1169

PMong. *hüker ox (бык): MMong. xuker (SH), xuger (HY 10), ukär
(MA); WMong. üker (L 1003); Kh. üxer; Bur. üxer; Kalm. ükr ‘cow’
(КРС); Ord. üker; Mog. ükär (Weiers), ZM okär (20-4); Dag. xukur (Тод.
Даг. 179), hukure (MD 166); Dong. fugie(r); Mongr. fugor (SM 104), xukur
(Minghe).
PTurk. *öküŕ ox (бык, вол): OTurk. öküz (OUygh.); Karakh. öküz
(MK); Tur. öküz; Gag. jöküz; Az. öküz; Turkm. ökiz, öküz; MTurk. öküz
(Pav. C.); Uzb. họkiz; Uygh. öküz, höküz; Krm. oküz, ögüz; Tat. ugĭz;
Bashk. ugĭδ; Kirgh. ögüz; Kaz. ögĭz; KBalk. ögüz; KKalp. ögiz; Kum. ögüz;
Nogh. ögiz; SUygh. kus; Chuv. vъₙgъₙr; Yak. oɣus; Dolg. ogus.
◊ EDT 120, VEWT 370, ЭСТЯ 1, 521-523, Лексика 439, Stachowski 190. Clauson 1959
derives the form from Tokh. B okso (corrected to Tokh. A in EDT); justly refuted by Doer-
fer TMN 1, 539 because of original *p-. Turk. (Bulg.) > Hung. ökör, see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 23.
‖ Владимирцов 322, Poppe 12, 56, ОСНЯ 3, 126-128, Цинциус
1984, 46. Щербак 1997, 131, TMN 1, 539. A Western isogloss. Doerfer
MT 67 (following Sinor 1962, Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99) would wish
Mong. to be borrowed < Turk. and TM < Mong.; phonology, however,
speaks plainly against it.
-p῾ṓle wet, succulent; grass, plant: Tung. *pul-; Turk. *ȫl; Kor. *prh-.
PTung. *pul- 1 to grow, blossom 2 shoot, offspring 3 horse-tail (bot.)
4 panicle 5 wild grape (1 произрастать, пускать ростки 2 побег, рос-
ток 3 хвощ 4 метелка 5 дикий виноград): Evn. hul 3; Man. fulxu- 1,
fulxun 2; Nan. polaŋqa 4; Orch. xolomụktA 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 302, 342, Он. 334, Аврорин-Лебедева 246.
PTurk. *ȫl 1 moist, wet 2 marsh (1 влажный 2 болото): OTurk. öl
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. öl (MK, KB) 1; Tur. öl 1, Osm. öl ‘pool’;
Turkm. ȫl, dial. hȫl 1; Khal. hl, hl; MTurk. öl (Pav. C.) 2, (Sangl.) 1;
Uzb. hụl 1; Uygh. höl ‘damp, moist’; Kirgh. öl 1; KKalp. höl 1; Khak. öl 1;
Shr. ǖl 1; Oyr. ül 1; Tv. öl 1; Chuv. vilə 1; Yak. üöl 1.
◊ VEWT 371, Егоров 54, ЭСТЯ 1, 524-525, TMN 2, 161-2. The common Turk. deriva-
tive *öleŋ (ЭСТЯ 1, 527-528, Лексика 119) means ‘rich grass’ (hence Chuv. valem; >
MMong. olaŋ, oleŋ (SH), WMong. ölüŋ, Kalm. ölŋ, see KW 295, TMN 2, 161, Щербак 1997,
165, 197).
PKor. *prh- 1 green 2 grass (1 зеленый 2 трава): MKor. phr- 1, phr
2; Mod. phurɨ- 1, phul 2.
◊ Nam 464, 465, KED 1761, 1763. Rising tone in phr is probably secondary (due to
contraction < *prVh).
‖ EAS 56, SKE 215, Poppe 110, KW 295, VEWT 371, Цинциус 1984,
47-48. АПиПЯЯ 296. Cf. also Old Koguryo *pä(l)lŏk- ‘green’, see Miller
1979, 9. The etymology seems quite satisfactory, despite Doerfer’s
(TMN 2, 161-162) critical attempts (“semantisch nicht ganz befriedi-
gende Vergleich”).
1170 *p῾oĺńe - *p῾mu
-p῾oĺńe ashes; grey: Tung. *pulńe-; Mong. *hüne-sü; Turk. *oń ( ~ -j).
PTung. *pulńe- ashes (зола): Evk. huleptēn; Evn. hultēn; Neg. xulēp-
tēn; Man. fuleŋgi; SMan. filiŋi (493); Jurch. fule-ŋi (65); Ul. puneqte; Ork.
punekte; Nan. puńektẽ, (dial.) xulefte; Orch. xulepte; Ud. xulepte(n); Sol.
ulukt.
◊ ТМС 2, 347.
PMong. *hüne-sü ashes (пепел): MMong. xunesu (SH), honǟsun
(IM), hunäsun (MA); WMong. ünesü(n) (L 1009); Kh. üns(en); Bur.
ünehe(n); Kalm. ümsn; Ord. ünisü, ünes; Mog. ɛnasun, unasun (Weiers),
ZM unäsun (18-1b); Dag. xunse (Тод. Даг. 179), hunse (MD 166), xuns;
Dong. funiesun; Bao. homsoŋ; S.-Yugh. henesən, nesən; Mongr. funēʒə (SM
107), (MGCD funēsə).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 695.
PTurk. *oń ( ~ -j) grey, dun, ash-coloured (of a horse) (серовато-ко-
ричневый): Karakh. oj (MK); MTurk. Kypch. oj (Houts.); Khak. oj; Tv.
oj.
◊ EDT 266, VEWT 358.
‖ Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 60. АПиПЯЯ 37, 289, Rozycki 81. A
Western isogloss.
-p῾òme breast, part of breast: Tung. *pum-te; Mong. *(h)ün-Külčig; Turk.
*ömül-dürük; Kor. *púmh.
PTung. *pum-te part of body around the heart (околосердечная
сумка): Evk. humte.
◊ ТМС 2, 347. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)ün-Külčig part of body around the heart, pericardium
(часть тела вокруг сердца): WMong. öŋgülčei, üŋgülčig, (L 1010)
üŋgülčeg; Kh. ünxelceg; Kalm. üŋglcəg; Ord. üŋgelčik.
◊ KW 459.
PTurk. *ömül-dürük breastplate (нагрудник): Uzb. ọmildiriq; Uygh.
ömüldürük; Bashk. ümelderek; Kirgh. ömüldürük; Kaz. ömildirik.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 530, Лексика 553.
PKor. *púmh 1 breast, bosom 2 to carry in one’s bosom (1 грудь, па-
зуха 2 нести за пазухой): MKor. phum 1, phúm-, phɨm- 2; Mod. phum 1,
phum- 2.
◊ Liu 726, 728, KED 1766.
‖ SKE 216, EAS 56.
-p῾mu to walk (in a substance): Tung. *pom-; Mong. *homba-; Turk.
*omač-; Jpn. *púm-.
PTung. *pom- 1 to leave a fresh trace 2 to crawl near 3 to wander 4
scoop (1 оставить свежий след 2 подкрадываться 3 бродить 4 чер-
пак): Evk. homolon- 2; Evn. hōm- 1, homịn- 3, homqa 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 332.
 *p῾ońa - *p῾ṑńŋa 1171

PMong. *humba- to walk submerging into water (snow, grass); to

swim, bathe (ходить в воде (снегу, траве); плавать, купаться):
MMong. unba- ‘to swim’ (MA); WMong. umba-, ombu- (L 874); Kh.
umba-; Bur. umba-; Mog. umbɔm ‘sich waschend’ (Weiers); Dag. xompā-,
(Тод. Даг. 171), unpā- (MD 233), umpa-, xumpa-; Dong. unba-, umba-;
Bao. mba-; S.-Yugh. umba-, mbā-; Mongr. xumbā- (SM 182).
◊ MGCD 673.
PTurk. *omač- 1 to dive 2 scoop (1 погружаться 2 черпак): Khak.
omač 2; Shr. omaš 2; Tv. omāš 2; Yak. umus- 1.
◊ VEWT 361, 514.
PJpn. *púm- to tread, trample (ступать, топтать): OJpn. pum-;
MJpn. fúm-; Tok. fùm-; Kyo. fúm-; Kag. fúm-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ The common meaning may be postulated as ‘to move with some
difficulty, through some substance (water, grass, snow etc.)’.
-p῾ońa ( ~ -e-) wrinkle, to wrinkle: Tung. *pońi- / *peńi-; Mong. *hani-.
PTung. *pońi- / *peńi- wrinkle, to wrinkle (морщина, морщиться):
Evk. hońi-, huńi-; Ork. peni-; Ud. xeŋiem; Sol. xońēs.
◊ ТМС 2, 332.
PMong. *hani- 1 to close eyes 2 eyelids (1 закрывать глаза 2 веки):
MMong. xanisqa (HY 45), hanisqa (MA) 2, hanasqa ‘eyebrows’ (Lig.VMI);
WMong. ani- 1, anisqa 2; Kh. ani- 1, anisga 2; Bur. ani- 1; Kalm. ani- 1;
Ord. ani- 1; Dong. xani- 1; Bao. hani- (MGCD 113); Mongr. (x)ana- (SM
8), xani- (SM 156), xanə- (MGCD 113), xanasGa (SM 155).
◊ KW 11.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾ṑńŋa to crush, break, tear off: Tung. *pōnŋa- / *pēnŋa-; Turk. *oŋur-,
*oŋ-; Jpn. *pànà-; Kor. *pằńằ-.
PTung. *pōnŋa- / *pēnŋa- 1 to crush, crushed 2 to chop (1 раско-
лоть, разбить 2 рубить): Evk. hōŋna-, hōŋnī-, hoŋ- 2; Evn. hōn-, ōnŋa- 2;
Neg. xoŋnị- 2; Ul. peŋ 1; Ork. peŋ, pem 1; Nan. peŋ, pēŋ (adv.) 1; Orch.
xōŋi- 2; Ud. xuaŋni- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 47, 329.
PTurk. *oŋur-, *oŋ- to crush, break off (ломать, отламывать):
Karakh. oɣur- (MK); Turkm. oŋur-, omur-; Tat. umɨr-; Bashk. umɨr-;
Kirgh. omur-; Kaz. omɨr-; KKalp. omɨr-; Nogh. omɨr-; Khak. or-; Tv. ōr-;
Yak. oŋ- ‘to pick out’; Dolg. oŋ- ‘to pick out’.
◊ EDT 91, ЭСТЯ 1, 461; Stachowski 194. Derived is PT *oŋur-tka ‘spine, backbone’
(see ЭСТЯ 1, 463-464).
PJpn. *pànà- to chop off (отрубать): OJpn. pana-; MJpn. fànà-; Tok.
hané-; Kyo. háné-; Kag. hané-.
◊ JLTT 684. The accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
1172 *p῾ŏŋe - *p῾re
PKor. *pằńằ- to crush, break (ломать, разламывать): MKor. pằńằ-;
Mod. pasu-.
◊ Nam 242.
‖ One of the common Altaic “Verba des Schlagens”. Korean has a
usual low verbal tone.
-p῾ŏŋe ( ~ -i) mildew, slime: Tung. *puŋ-; Mong. *(h)öŋgür; Turk. *öŋeŕ.
PTung. *puŋ- mildew (плесень): Evk. huŋna; Neg. xoŋnan-; Man.
funtan; SMan. fəntan (440); Ul. pụŋda; Ork. pụŋda; Nan. poŋdã; Orch.
xuŋna.
◊ ТМС 2, 349.
PMong. *(h)öŋgür scurf, slime (налет, слизь): WMong. öŋgür, öŋger
(L 638); Kh. öŋgör; Bur. üŋger; Kalm. öŋgr ‘gall, gastric juice’; Ord. öŋgör.
◊ KW 297. Mong. > Kirgh., Oyr. öŋör, Yak. öŋür (VEWT 373, Rona-Tas 1970, 216).
PTurk. *öŋeŕ 1 slime (on dishes) 2 mildew (1 налет, слизь (на стен-
ках посуды) 2 плесень): Bashk. üŋäδ 2; Kaz. öŋez 1; Yak. öŋüs 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 538.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾re fire; to burn: Tung. *puri- / *piri-; Mong. *(h)örde-; Turk. *ört; Jpn.
*p-i; Kor. *pr.
PTung. *puri- / *piri- to dry (over fire) (сушить (над огнем)): Evk.
hiriw-, huri-; Neg. xī-wun ‘woven basket for drying fish or meat over
fire’; Man. ariŋǵa-; Orch. xi ‘shelf over fire for drying fish’.
◊ ТМС 2, 327.
PMong. *(h)örde- to burn, flame up (пылать): WMong. örde-; Kh.
ördö-; Kalm. ördə-; Ord. ördö-.
◊ KW 298.
PTurk. *ört 1 flame 2 to burn (tr.) 3 steppe fire 4 to get burnt (1 пла-
мя 2 жечь 3 степной пожар 4 обгорать): OTurk. ört 1, 3 (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. ört 1, 3 (MK); Turkm. örte- 4; MTurk. ört 1, 3 (Pav. C.);
Tat. ürt 1; Kirgh. ört 1; Khak. ört 3, örte- 2; Tv. örtet- 2; Tof. ö’rt 3; Chuv.
virt 3; Yak. ört 3.
◊ VEWT 375, EDT 201, 208-9, ЭСТЯ 1, 550-551, Лексика 357-358.
PJpn. *p-i fire (огонь): OJpn. pi; MJpn. fì; Tok. hí; Kyo. hìi.
◊ JLTT 405.
PKor. *pr fire (огонь): MKor. pr; Mod. pul.
◊ Nam 273, KED 832.
‖ EAS 54, 147, KW 300, Martin 232, Menges 1984, 286 -287, АПиПЯЯ
73, 93-94, 98, 275, Лексика 358. Mong. örde- may be < Turk.; but cf. also
Khalkha ürevse- ‘to flame up’. Jpn. *p- presupposes a suffixed form
*p῾r(e)-gV.
 *p῾ṓre - *p῾ore 1173

-p῾ṓre top: Tung. *pora-n; Mong. *horaj, *horgil; Turk. *ȫr-; Jpn. *pərə.
PTung. *pora-n 1 top (of head), top 2 tuft, forelock (1 макушка, вер-
шина 2 вихор): Evk. xoron 1; Neg. xojo(n) 1; Man. foron 2; SMan. forən,
forun (2068); Ul. poro(n) 1; Ork. poro(n) 1; Nan. porõ 1; Orch. xō(n) ‘space
above’; Ud. xō(n) ‘above’ (postp.); Sol. or ‘mountain pass’.
◊ ТМС 2, 334.
PMong. *horaj, *horgil top, top of head (вершина, макушка):
MMong. xorai (SH), xorgil (SH), hurai (MA); WMong. orai (L 621: orui),
orgil (L 618); Kh. oroj, orgil; Bur. oroj; Kalm. orā; Ord. orȫ; Mog. ZM orei
(1-8a); Dag. oŕē (MD 203), xor; Bao. xoro.
◊ KW 287-288, MGCD 531. Mong. > Kirgh., Kaz. oraj etc. (VEWT 364, ЭСТЯ 1, 473).
PTurk. *ȫr- 1 to rise 2 up, above (1 подниматься 2 верх, наверху):
OTurk. ör- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ör- 1 (MK); Tur. ör 2, (dial.) ör- 1;
Turkm. ȫr-; Khal. här-äk- 1; MTurk. ör 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọr 2; Uygh. ör 2;
Tat. ür 2, ür- 1; Bashk. ür 2, ür- 1; Kirgh. ör 2; Kaz. ör 2, ör- 1; KBalk. ör 2;
KKalp. ör 2; Kum. ör 2; Nogh. ör 2; SUygh. ür 2; Yak. ürüt ‘upper part’;
Dolg. örüt, öttü ‘side’, örüte ‘above’.
◊ EDT 195, VEWT 373, ЭСТЯ 1, 542-544, Stachowsi 200, 253. Cf. also OT örgin
‘throne’ (EDT 225), Chag. örük ‘tent’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 546) - which should be kept distinct from
the later borrowed (from Mong., see under *ōŕi) örge ‘tent’, see Clark 1977, 142.
PJpn. *pərə top of carriage (верх (экипажа)): Tok. hóro; Kyo. hórò;
Kag. hórò.
◊ The Jpn. form can be compared with other Altaic forms if it is historically distinct
from *pərə ‘cloak on armour’ ( < PA *p῾ole q.v.). Accentologically both words are identical
and equally irregular.
‖ Cf. also WMong. orbaji- ‘in die Höhe stehen, emporragen’, MTurk.
orpat-, örpet- id. (KW 290). Despite Doerfer MT 39, TM cannot be bor-
rowed from Mong. Cf. *ṓŕi.
-p῾ore ( ~ --, -ŕ-) feather, wing: Tung. *purakī; Mong. *(h)örbelge; Jpn.
*pərə.
PTung. *purakī 1 wing 2 wing bone 3 feather arista (1 крыло 2
кость крыла 3 ость (пера)): Evk. hurakī 1, 2, 3; Evn. hụrịqị 2; Neg. xọjax
2.
◊ ТМС 2, 352.
PMong. *(h)örbelge feather (перо): WMong. örbelge, örbülge (L 640);
Kh. örvölgö; Kalm. örwlgə, örwələg; Ord. örwölgö.
◊ KW 301.
PJpn. *pərə falcon’s wings; underwing feathers of a bird (крылья
сокола; перья под крыльями): MJpn. foro, foro-fa.
◊ JLTT 415.
‖ The root is not very widely attested, but seems quite reliable.
1174 *p῾ṑrV - *p῾ṓt῾è
-p῾ṑrV trace: Tung. *pōr-da-; Mong. *horum /-im; Turk. *oruk; Kor.
*pórám.
PTung. *pōr-da- to make an imprinted drawing on birch bark (де-
лать тисненый рисунок на бересте): Evk. hōrda-.
◊ ТМС 2, 333. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *horum /-im trace (след): MMong. xorim, xorum (SH) ‘path’;
WMong. oru, orum (L 620, 623); Kh. or, orom; Bur. orom; Kalm. orm; Ord.
orom; Mog. oram (Ramstedt 1906) ‘Platz’.
◊ KW 289. Mong. > Kaz. oram etc. (VEWT 364).
PTurk. *oruk 1 road 2 path (1 дорога 2 тропа): OTurk. oruq 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. oruq 1 (MK, Tefs.); Khak. orɣax 2; Tv. oruq 1;
Tof. oruq 1; Yak. orox 2; Dolg. orok 2.
◊ EDT 215, Stachowski 196. Räsänen (VEWT 364; similarly in Лексика 531-532,
ЭСТЯ 4, 218) derives this word from *or- ‘to dig’, which is rather dubious semantically.
PKor. *pórám sign (знак): MKor. pórám; Mod. poram.
◊ Liu 386, KED 789.
‖ SKE 206, Лексика 532, ТМС 2, 333.
-p῾t῾è to burn, singe: Tung. *put-; Mong. *hutuɣa; Turk. *üt-; Kor.
*pth-, *pt-, *ptí-.
PTung. *put- to roast, grill (жарить, обжигать, опаливать): Man.
fuči-ala-; SMan. fičialə- ‘to singe’ (379).
◊ ТМС 2, 304. In Manchu cf. also fotor ‘curling (of smoke)’, foto ‘stink, stench’. Cf. also
Evk. (Kamn.) petere- ‘to smoke, fume’ - because of p-, probably a loan from some
South.-Tung. language.
PMong. *hutuɣa 1 smoke 2 to smoke, fumigate (1 дым 2 дымить):
WMong. utuɣa(n), utaɣa(n) (L 889); Kh. utā(n) 1, uta- 2; Bur. utā(n);
Kalm. utān; Ord. utā; Dag. xutā 1 (Тод. Даг. 180), xoto- 2; Dong. fudu- 2;
S.-Yugh. hdā, χdā 1, χdu- 2.
◊ KW 452, MGCD 676, 682, 683.
PTurk. *üt- to singe (палить, опаливать): Karakh. üt- (MK); Tur. üt-
(dial.); Az. üt-; Turkm. üt-; MTurk. üt- (IM); Tat. t-; Bashk. t-; Kaz.
üjt-; KKalp. üjt-; Chuv. vət-; Yak. üt-.
◊ EDT 40, VEWT 524, ЭСТЯ 1, 640, TMN 2, 9-10.
PKor. *pth-, *pt-, *ptí- 1 to burn, catch fire 2 to cauterize 3 to boil,
steam (1 гореть, загораться 2 прижигать 3 варить, тушить): MKor.
pth- 1, pt- 2, ptí- 3; Mod. put(h)- 1, t:ɨ- 2, č:i- 3.
◊ Nam 173, 180, 275, KED 523, 846, 1528.
‖ SKE 265 (criticized with no reason at all in TMN 2, 10: “unan-
nehmbar”).
-p῾ṓt῾è hole: Tung. *putē; Mong. *hütü-; Turk. *ǖt; Jpn. *pətə; Kor. *pot.
PTung. *putē 1 hole 2 to break through 3 nostril (1 дыра 2 проби-
вать 3 ноздря): Man. feteri 3; Ork. putē 1, putē- 2; Nan. putē- 2 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 305.
 *p῾ùb(a)gV - *p῾ubá-ktV 1175

PMong. *hütü- vulva (vulva): MMong. [o]tkeon (IM), hutukun (MA),

hotugūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. ütügü(ü) (L 1014); Kh. ütrē; Kalm. ütgn;
Ord. ütügü; Mog. utkun (Weiers); ZM odkun (3-5a), KT idkun (Lig.VMI
35); Mongr. sdogu (SM 337).
◊ KW 460.
PTurk. *ǖt hole (дыра): OTurk. üt (OUygh.); Karakh. üt (MK); Khal.
ht; Kirgh. üt; Khak. üt; Oyr. üt; Tv. üt; Yak. ǖt; Dolg. ǖt.
◊ EDT 36, VEWT 524, ЭСТЯ 1, 639-640, Stachowski 255.
PJpn. *pətə vulva (vulva): OJpn. p(w)oto.
◊ JLTT 415.
PKor. *pot- vulva (vulva): Mod. pōǯi, dial. podäŋi.
◊ KED 794.
‖ KW 460, Poppe 112, Poppe 1950, Lee 1958, 109, Ozawa 140 -141,
Цинциус 1984, 66.
-p῾ùb(a)gV broom, stick: Tung. *pebgure (/*pu-); Turk. *ubɨg; Jpn.
*pàpákí; Kor. *púi.
PTung. *pebgure (/*pu-) ski stick, circle on ski stick (лыжная пал-
ка, кружок на лыжной палке): Evk. hewgurē; Neg. xebguje; Ul.
pegbere(n); Ork. pebgire; Nan. fubguru (Bik.); Orch. xebbiru ‘hook on
walking stick’.
◊ ТМС 2, 358.
PTurk. *ubɨg sticks supporting the upper rim of a yurt (жерди,
поддерживающие верхний край юрты): OTurk. uɣ (MK); ujuɣluɣ ( =
uvuɣluɣ) ‘tent pole’ (MK); Tur. huɣ ‘hut’; Turkm. ūq; MTurk. uɣ (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ūɣ (dial.); Alt. ū ‘das Stangenrippe der Jurte, über welches die
Filzdecken ausgebreitet werden’ (R - Teleut); Shr. uɣ, ū ‘house, yurt’
(R); Uygh. oq (dial.); Kirgh. ūq; Kaz. ŭwɨq; KKalp. uwɨq.
◊ EDT 76, 271, VEWT 510, TMN 2, 150-151, ЭСТЯ 1, 583, Лексика 517-518.
PJpn. *pàpákí broom (метла): OJpn. papakji; MJpn. fàfákí; Tok. hṑki,
hṓki; Kyo. hōkì; Kag. hōkí.
◊ JLTT 414. Dialects show some tonal variation, but all point to a low tone in the first
syllable.
PKor. *púi broom (метла): MKor. púi; Mod. pi.
◊ Nam 269, KED 848.
‖ Vocalic reconstruction is not quite certain in a trisyllabic stem. TM
*pebgure probably < *pobgure (due to frequent variation of *o and *e
close to labials).
-p῾ubá-ktV sack, bellows: Tung. *putakān; Mong. *huwta; Jpn.
*pampuki.
PTung. *putakān sack, bag (мешок, сумка): Evk. hutakān; Evn.
hụtqan; Neg. xotakān; Man. fintaχa; Ul. pụta(n); Ork. pụta; Nan. pōtačã;
Orch. xuta(ka); Ud. xuta῾a (Корм. 307); Sol. ụtxã.
1176 *p῾uču - *p῾ùčV
◊ ТМС 2, 356. Evk. > Dolg. utaka, hutaka (see Stachowski 247).
PMong. *huwta sack (мешок): MMong. xuxuta (HY 20, SH), hutana
(IM), ută (MA); WMong. uɣuta, uuta (L 865); Kh. ūt; Bur. ūta; Kalm. ūtə;
Ord. ūta; Dong. fuda; Bao. fda, fuda; S.-Yugh. ūta ( < lit.); Mongr. fūda
(SM 101).
◊ MGCD 395, 665.
PJpn. *pampuki bellows (мехи): OJpn. pabuk(j)i.
‖ Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 52. Despite Doerfer MT 47, Rozycki
76-77, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.; but to be related, it has to
go back to an earlier form like *pubta-kān.
-p῾uču wart, pimple, excrescence: Tung. *pusi(-kV); Turk. *uč-; Jpn.
*pùsù-mpái; Kor. *pčm.
PTung. *pusi(-kV) 1 excrescence (on a tree) 2 to swell (1 нарост (на
дереве) 2 вздуваться, вспухать): Evn. hȫskъn- 2; Man. fuqsuxu, fusku,
fusxu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 335.
PTurk. *uč- 1 rash, inflammation, pustules on lips (during cold, fe-
ver) 2 catarrh, cold, fever 3 to appear (of rash), catch cold (1 сыпь, вос-
паление, прыщи на губах (во время простуды, лихорадки) 2 про-
студа, лихорадка 3 появляться (о прыщах, сыпи), простужаться):
Karakh. učɣuq (MK) 2; Tur. učuk 1; Gag. učuq 1; Az. učuG 1; Turkm.
učuq 1; MTurk. učuq (Бор. Бад., Pav. C.) 1, 2; Uzb. učuq 1, učun- 3;
Uygh. učuq 1; Krm. učun- ‘to become epileptic’; Bashk. ŭsŭn- 3; Kirgh.
učuq 1; Kaz. ŭšɨq 1, ŭšɨn- 3; KKalp. ušɨq 1, ušɨn- 3; Nogh. ušɨq 1, ušɨn- 3.
◊ EDT 22, 23, ЭСТЯ 1, 616, TMN 2, 139. Turk. > Kalm. učəg ‘простуда’, see TMN
ibid.
PJpn. *pùsù-mpái wart, excrescence (бородавка, нарост): OJpn.
pusube; MJpn. fùsùbé.
◊ JLTT 419.
PKor. *pčm scab, herpes, ringworm (струп, лишай): MKor. pčm;
Mod. pəǯim.
◊ Nam 255, KED 761.
‖ Irregular accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. (besides,
the Kor. vowel is aberrant: we would rather expect -u- or -o-, or a
vowel reduction).
-p῾ùčV ( ~ *p-, -o-) to blow: Tung. *pus-; Jpn. *pùsù-(m)pur-; Kor.
*pùčhi.
PTung. *pus- 1 to blow, blow out (fire) 2 to fan 3 fan (1 дуть, заду-
вать (огонь) 2 обмахиваться (веером) 2 веер): Evk. hus- 1; Man. fusxe-,
fisi(xi)- 2, fusxe-ku 3; Jurch. fu-sxe-ŋu 3 (221); Nan. fexse- ‘to shake’,
fexseŋku ‘bellows’.
◊ ТМС 2, 36, 304, 336.
 *p῾úč῾í - *p῾ŭdi 1177

PJpn. *pùsù-(m)pur- to smoke (дымить(ся)): MJpn. fùsùbór-; Tok.

fusubur-.
◊ JLTT 695.
PKor. *pùčhi fan (веер): MKor. pùčhi; Mod. pučhä.
◊ Nam 266, KED 821.
‖ SKE 211-212, Lee 1958, 111. An Eastern isogloss; may be actually a
variant of *p῾ṑči - if the original meaning was ‘to blow out (fire)’. Kor.
low tone reflects the stem’s original verbal nature.
-p῾úč῾í ( ~ -o-) a k. of willow, blossoming bush: Tung. *puči-; Mong.
*hüčije-; Jpn. *púntí.
PTung. *puči- red willow (красный тальник): Ul. pučekte; Nan. fu-
čile (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 2, 45.
PMong. *hüčije- willow (ива): MMong. xiǯesun (HY 7), ičesūn
(Lig.VMI), ičēsun (MA); Bur. üšȫhe(n), išēhen (Lig.); Mongr. śōʒə ‘arbre’
(SM 390).
◊ There is no difference between the syllables ‘če’ and ‘ǯe’ in Sino-Mongolian.
PJpn. *púntí Wistaria floribunda DC (Wistaria floribunda DC):
OJpn. pudi; MJpn. fúdí; Tok. fùji; Kyo. fújí; Kag. fúji.
◊ JLTT 420.
‖ Poppe 11, 51; Цинциус 1984, 51.
-p῾ude ( ~ -u-) willow, maple: Tung. *pode-; Mong. *huda; Turk.
*öd(r)eŋi; Kor. *ptrkí.
PTung. *pode- 1 willow 2 elm (1 ива, верба 2 вяз): Evk. hedepte 2;
Man. fodo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 45, 360.
PMong. *huda willow (ива): MMong. xutan (SH); WMong. uda (L
860); Kh. ud; Kalm. udən; Ord. uda; Dag. xudikān (Тод. Даг. 179); Mongr.
sdoxo (SM 337).
◊ KW 446.
PTurk. *öd(r)eŋi maple (клен): Uygh. üräŋgi; Tat. öjɛŋke, örɛŋge;
Bashk. öjäŋkä; Kaz. ujeŋki; KBalk. ürge; Kum. ürge; Chuv. vəₙrene.
◊ VEWT 522, Дмитриева 1972, 191, Егоров 52, Федотов 1, 118, Bläsing 2001.
PKor. *ptrkí bush(es) (куст(ы)): MKor. ptrkí; Mod. t:əlgi.
◊ Nam 152, KED 447.
‖ Cf. *pṓt῾o.
-p῾ŭdi to follow: Tung. *pude-; Mong. *hüde-; Turk. *ud-; Kor. *ptɨ-.
PTung. *pude- 1 to follow along 2 expel an evil spirit (1 провожать,
сопровождать 2 прогонять злого духа): Man. fude- 1; SMan. fedə-
(1456); Jurch. fude-mij (410) 1; Ul. pude-či- 2; Nan. pude- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 249.
1178 *p῾gé - *p῾ugu
PMong. *hüde- follow, see off (провожать): MMong. xüde- (HY 36),
xude- (SH), hude- (MA); WMong. üde- (L 995); Kh. üde-; Bur. üde-; Kalm.
üdə-; Ord. üde-; Mongr. r ‘track’.
◊ KW 455. Mong. > Tuva üde-, Yak. ütäi- etc. (VEWT 519).
PTurk. *ud- to follow, conform (следовать, соответствовать, пови-
новаться): OTurk. ud- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. uδ- (MK); Tur. uj-;
Gag. uj-; Az. uj-; Turkm. uj-; MTurk. uj- (Abush.); Uzb. ujuš-; Uygh.
ujuš-; Krm. uj-; Tat. ŭjɨš-; Bashk. ŭjŭš-; Kirgh. ujuš-; Kaz. ŭjɨs-; KKalp.
ujɨs-; Nogh. ujɨs-; Yak. utā ‘next’.
◊ EDT 38, ЭСТЯ 1, 573-574.
PKor. *ptɨ- to follow a pattern, make like (следовать образцу, ими-
тировать): MKor. ptɨ-; Mod. t:ɨ-.
◊ Liu 247, KED 523.
‖ EAS 55, KW 455, Poppe 52, 111 (Tung.-Mong.), Цинциус 1984, 58.
Despite TMN 1, 537, Doerfer MT 80, TM forms (except Evk. ude-) can-
not be borrowed from Mong.
-p῾gé to tear off, sever: Tung. *pōg- / *peg-de-; Mong. *(h)ug- / *(h)üg-;
Jpn. *pànk-; Kor. *phí-.
PTung. *pōg- / *peg-de- 1 to cut off 2 to tear off 3 to prick with an
awl 4 awl (1 отрезать, обрезать 2 отдирать 3 колоть шилом 4 шило):
Evk. hōɣ- 1, hegde-lī- 2; Evn. heɣdъk- 2; Neg. xegde-l- 2; Ork. pū- 3; Nan.
xoị- 1 (Kur-Urm.); Orch. xoị- 1, xū-gu 4, xegde- 2; Ud. xegdeli- 2 (Корм.
307), xuai- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 43, 329, 360. Evk. > Dag. xōglō- (Тод. Даг. 176).
PMong. *(h)ug- / *(h)üg- to tear, tear out (драть, выдирать):
WMong. uɣǯira-, ügtege- (L 998); Kh. ugʒra-, ügtē-; Bur. ugzar-; Kalm.
ugǯər- KPC 527; Mongr. sdē- ‘arracher, déraciner’ (SM 334).
PJpn. *pànk- to tear off (сдирать): OJpn. pag-; MJpn. fàg-; Tok. hág-;
Kyo. hág-; Kag. hàg-.
◊ JLTT 683.
PKor. *phí- to cut, reap, sever (отрезать, отделять, сжинать):
MKor. phí-; Mod. pē-.
◊ Nam 255, KED 773.
‖ EAS 55, Martin 229. An expressive root (cf. also *pok῾e, *p῾ùgV,
*p῾ago ).
-p῾ugu ( ~ -o) tinder; excrescence: Tung. *pug(i)ju-; Mong. *huɣula;
Turk. *ugu-.
PTung. *pug(i)ju- 1 tinder, tree excrescence 2 convex (1 нарост
(древесный) 2 выпуклый): Evk. hujulgen 1; Evn. pogụra 2 ( < S.-Tung.);
Neg. poɣjụ 1 ( < S.-Tung.); Man. forǯin 1; Ork. pugju 1; Nan. porǯị 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 40, 338.
 *p῾ŭgV - *p῾ūji 1179

PMong. *huɣula tinder (трут): WMong. uɣula (L 866: ujil ‘excres-

cence on a tree’; ?L 14: aɣli id.); Kh. ūl; Bur. ūla ‘пробка’; Dag. xuāĺ;
S.-Yugh. χū; Mongr. fula ‘amadou’ (SM 105).
◊ MGCD 663.
PTurk. *ugu- tinder (трут): Chuv. ъₙvъₙ.
◊ Мудрак Дисс. 147.
‖ VEWT 508, Мудрак Дисс. 147. A Western isogloss. MMong. hula,
(IM) holā, WMong. ula, Mongor fula may be a different root, corre-
sponding directly to TM *pula (ТМС 2, 343) id. (see EAS 55, Poppe 12,
Цинциус 1984, 53, Doerfer MT 132) - however, in TM *pug(u)la is also
reconstructable, and MMong. hula may well be a variant of *huhula.
-p῾ŭgV ( ~ -k-) to attack, rob: Tung. *pukču-; Turk. *ogrɨ.
PTung. *pukču- to attack (нападать): Evk. hukču-; Evn. höč-; Neg.
xokčo-; Ul. xokčo-; Ork. pokče-; Nan. xukču-, fukču-; Orch. xokčo-; Ud.
xokčo-; Sol. ekči-.
◊ ТМС 2, 341-342.
PTurk. *ogrɨ thief (вор): OTurk. oɣrɨ (OUygh.); Karakh. oɣrɨ (MK);
Tur. uuru; Az. oɣru; Turkm. oɣrɨ; Sal. oɣrɨ; MTurk. oɣrɨ (Pav. C.); Uzb.
ọɣri; Uygh. oɣri, oɣur; Krm. oɣrɨ; Kirgh. ūru; Kaz. ŭrɨ; KKalp. urɨ; Kum.
oru, uru; SUygh. oɣur; Khak. oɣɨr; Shr. oɣrɨ; Oyr. ūr; Tv. ōr; Chuv. vъₙrъₙ;
Yak. uor- ‘to steal’; Dolg. uor- ‘to steal’.
◊ EDT 90, ЭСТЯ 1, 412-414, TMN 2, 77-78, Stachowski 244. Turk. > Mong. *oɣurčak,
see Щербак 1997, 164; Hung. or, orv ‘mischievous’, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾uje to whirl, boil: Tung. *puju-; Mong. *hujil-; Turk. *üjük.
PTung. *puju- to boil (кипеть): Evk. huju-; Evn. huj-; Neg. xuj-;
Man. fuje-; SMan. fei- (348); Ul. puju-; Ork. puj-; Nan. puju-; Orch.
xuju-si-; Ud. xui-hi-; Sol. uji-.
◊ ТМС 2, 337-338.
PMong. *hujil whirlpool (водоворот): MMong. xujil (SH); WMong.
ujil, (L 604) ojil; Kh. ujl; Ord. uil.
PTurk. *üjük 1 quicksand 2 to sink (1 зыбучий песок 2 тонуть, по-
гружаться): Karakh. üjük (MK, KB) 1, üjük- (MK) 2; Turkm. üjk ‘slush’;
MTurk. (Xwar.) üjük ‘dregs in wine’ (Qutb).
◊ EDT 271, 272.
‖ Poppe 67, Цинциус 1984, 59. A Western isogloss.
-p῾ūji to stiffen: Tung. *pū-; Mong. *(h)öje-; Turk. *ujɨ-.
PTung. *pū- 1 to stiffen 2 to fade (1 онеметь, затечь (о руках, но-
гах) 2 выцвести (о ткани)): Evk. huwun- 2; Evn. hū- 1, hb- 2; Man. fu-
1; Ud. xuwe- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 335-336.
1180 *p῾ujme - *p῾ukǯi
PMong. *(h)öje- 1 weak, clumsy 2 (to be) unable to get up (1 сла-
бый, неуклюжий 2 быть истощенным, не в состоянии встать):
WMong. öjügede- 2 (МXTTT); Kh. öjȫ-dö- 2; Bur. üjē 1, üjede- 2; Kalm. öj
1, öjɛd- 2 (КРС 413).
PTurk. *ujɨ- to stiffen (неметь, цепенеть): OTurk. ujɨrqan- joqurqan-
(OUygh.); Tur. ujuš-; Gag. ujvaš-; Az. ujuš-; MTurk. ujuš- (AH); Uzb.
ujuš-; Tat. ŭjɨ-, ŭjɨš-; Bashk. ŭjŭ-, ŭjŭš-; KKalp. ujɨ-; Nogh. ujɨ-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 582, ДТС 608.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-p῾ujme to mix: Tung. *pume- ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *hüjime-; Kor. *pmr-.
PTung. *pume- ( ~ -ü-) to mix up (смешивать, перемешивать):
Man. fumere-; Jurch. fume ‘to bundle’ (856).
◊ ТМС 2, 302.
PMong. *hüjime- to hustle, be mixed up (толкаться, мешаться):
WMong. üime- (L 1001); Kh. üjme-; Bur. üjme-; Kalm. ǖm- (КРС); Ord.
üjme-; Dag. xuimu-.
◊ MGCD 691.
PKor. *pmr- 1 to bind, tie up 2 to mix (1 связывать 2 смешивать):
MKor. pmr- 1; Mod. pəmul- 2.
◊ Nam 254, KED 760.
‖ Poppe 12, Lee 1958, 110, Цинциус 1984, 59. The root is somewhat
dubious: the older meaning attested in Kor. is ‘to bind, tie up’, and the
root may actually reflect PA *p῾émi ‘twist a thread’ (q.v.); the same is
true of the TM forms that may in fact (especially because for Jurch. the
meaning ‘bind’ is attested) go back to the same PTM root *pem-.
-p῾ujV to nauseate: Tung. *puji-; Mong. *hoji-; Jpn. *pə- ( ~ -u-).
PTung. *puji- to nauseate (тошнить): Evn. hụjịrqịt-; Man. fuja-.
◊ ТМС 2, 337.
PMong. *hoji- 1 to nauseate 2 nausea (1 тошнить 2 тошнота):
WMong. oi 2 (МХТТТ); Kh. oj 2; Bur. oj- 1; Dag. xoi- 1.
◊ MGCD 524.
PJpn. *pə- ( ~ -u-) to sneeze (чихать): OJpn. pu-, pana-pu- (pana
‘nose’); MJpn. fáná-fi-.
◊ JLTT 690.
‖ An expressive root; correspondences, however, seem to be regu-
lar.
-p῾ukǯi thigh, rump: Tung. *pogǯV; Mong. *(h)ögǯeg.
PTung. *pogǯV 1 lower part of the back 2 tail (1 нижняя часть спи-
ны 2 хвост): Evk. hogǯō 1, 2; Evn. hogǯị 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 329.
 *p῾k῾ŋi - *p῾ŭle 1181

PMong. *(h)ögǯeg buttock, hind side of thigh (задница, задняя

сторона бедра): WMong. ögeǯeg (L 632), öǯigeneg; Kh. ögʒög; Kalm.
ögzəg, öǯəgnnəg.
◊ KW 293. Mong. > Man. uča etc., see TMN 2, 138, Doerfer MT 116.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾k῾ŋi to rub, wipe off: Tung. *puŋku; Mong. *hüŋgü-; Turk. *ǖk-; Jpn.
*púk-.
PTung. *puŋku kerchief (for wiping off) (платок (для стирания)):
Man. fuŋku, fu- ‘to wipe off’; SMan. fuŋku ‘handkerchief’ (246); Ul.
poŋqo; Ork. pukku; Nan. puŋku; Sol. xunku, umku, uŋku.
◊ ТМС 1, 477.
PMong. *hüŋgü- to rub, knead, crumple (тереть, мять пальцами):
MMong. hunku-, unku- (MA 191, 277, 382); WMong. üŋgü- (L 1010
üŋge-); Kh. ünge-; Bur. ünge-; Ord. üŋgü-; Dong. fungu-; Mongr. fuŋgu-
(SM 109).
◊ MGCD 695, SM 109, Most. DO 759.
PTurk. *ǖk- to grind, crush, rub (молоть, крошить, растирать):
OTurk. ögi- ( ~ ü-) (OUygh.); Karakh. ögi- ( ~ ü-) (MK); Tur. öjüt-, övüt-;
Gag. ǖt-; Az. üjüt- 2; Turkm. üvi-, üvüt- 2; MTurk. ügüt- (AH); Uygh. ük-
(dial.); Tat. ük- (dial.); Kirgh. ük-; Kaz. ük-; KKalp. ük-, ügi-.
◊ EDT 101-102, ЭСТЯ 1, 618-619. The root clearly has a *-k-, with a development >
*-g- > *-ɣ- in Oghuz pointing to an original long vowel. It should be therefore distin-
guished from PT *ög- ‘to knead, press’ which shows only reflexes of *-g-.
PJpn. *púk- to wipe off (стирать, смахивать): Tok. fùk-; Kyo. fúk-;
Kag. fúk-.
◊ JLTT 694.
‖ The root means ‘to wipe off’ in the Eastern area, but rather ‘to rub
off, crush’ in Turkic and Mongolian.
-p῾ŭle ( ~ -i) to be left, surplus: Tung. *pule-; Mong. *hüle-; Turk. *üle-.
PTung. *pule- to be left, surplus (оставаться, излишек): Evk. hele-,
hule-; Evn. hul-; Neg. xule-; Man. fulu; Ul. pule-; Ork. pule-; Nan. pule-;
Orch. xule-; Ud. xule-; Sol. ule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 364-365.
PMong. *hüle- 1 surplus, to leave 2 more than 3 remain, get left (1
излишек, оставлять 2 больше чем 3 оставаться (на месте), отста-
вать): MMong. xule- (SH) 1, xüle’u (SH, HYt), holu (IM), hul(a)u (MA) 2;
WMong. üle- 1 (L 1004), ilegü, ilegüü, ülegüü 2 (L 405), ülde-, ülede- 3; Kh.
üle- 1, ilǖ 2, ülde- 3; Bur. üle- 1, ülǖ 2, ülde- 3; Kalm. ülǖ, ilǖ 2, ülde 3; Ord.
üli-, üle- 1, ilǖ 2; Mog. ZM ulou (16-1a); Dag. xulu- 1, xulū 2 (Тод. Даг.
179), hulū 2, huledē 3 (MD 166), ilū ‘many’ <lit.? (MD 171); Dong. fəiliə- 1,
śiliu, šiliu 2; Bao. śilu, šilu, xelu (Tungren) 2; S.-Yugh. helē- 1, hölǖ, χölǖ 2;
Mongr. fulē- (SM 106) 1, fulǖ (SM 106), xoliu, šilǖ, xilǖ (Huzu).
1182 *p῾lgi - *p῾li
◊ KW 456, 457 MGCD 287, 409, 692.
PTurk. *üle- 1 to divide, distribute, endow 2 lot, endowment (1 раз-
делять, распределять, наделять 2 доля, надел): OTurk. üle-, üleš- 1,
ülüg, ülüš 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. üle-, üleš- 1, ülüg, ülüš 2 (MK, KB); Tur.
üleš- 1, üleš 2; Turkm. üle, ülüš 2, üle-, üleš- 1; MTurk. ülü 2, üle- 1 (AH),
üleš- 1, üleš 2 (Pav. C.), ülüš 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. uläš- 1, uĺuš 2;
Uygh. üläš- 1, ülüš 2; Krm. üleš-, ülüš- 1, ülüš 2; Tat. läš- 1, lĭš 2; Bashk.
läš- 1, lš 2; Kirgh. ülöš, ülüš 2; Kaz. üles- 1, üles 2; KBalk. üleš- 1, üleš,
ülüš 2; KKalp. üles- 1, üles 2; Kum. üleš- 1; Nogh. üles- 1, ülis 2; SUygh.
ülis- 2; Khak. üle- 1, ülüs 2; Shr. üle-, üleš- 1, üleš, ülüš 2; Oyr. ülü, ülöš 2,
üle-, üleš-, ülöš- 1; Tv. üle- 1, üleš 2; Chuv. valeś- 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 627-629, EDT 127, 142, 153, 154, Егоров 46, Федотов 1, 98-99, VEWT 520,
TMN 2, 120-121.
‖ EAS 55, Владимирцов 187, Poppe 12, 111, Цинциус 1984, 60,
Rozycki 82. A Western isogloss. Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be
borrowed from Mong.
-p῾lgi ( ~ -o-) to blow: Tung. *pul(i)gi-; Mong. *hüliɣe-; Jpn. *pùk-; Kor.
*pūr-.
PTung. *pul(i)gi- to blow (дуть): Man. fulǵe-; SMan. filixi- (2126);
Nan. fulgi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 336.
PMong. *hüliɣe- to blow (дуть): MMong. xüli’ə (SH), hulä-, huile-
(MA); WMong. ülije- (L 1006); Kh. ülē-; Bur. üĺē-; Kalm. ül-; Ord. ülē-;
Dag. xūl-; Dong. fulie-, fəiliə-; Bao. file-, hilə-; S.-Yugh. pīle-; Mongr. pīle-
(SM 302), pūle-.
◊ KW 457, MGCD 692.
PJpn. *pùk- to blow (дуть): OJpn. puk-; MJpn. fùk-; Tok. fúk-; Kyo.
fúk-; Kag. fùk-.
◊ JLTT 694.
PKor. *pūr- to blow (дуть): MKor. pūr-; Mod. pūl-.
◊ Nam 267, KED 835.
‖ EAS 55, KW 457, SKE 209, Lee 1958, 110, Poppe 12, 112, Цинциус
1984, 57, Martin 226. Not borrowed in TM < Mong., despite Rozycki 81.
In Turk. the root has probably merged with *uĺV ‘to freeze’ q.v. (cf. the
meaning ‘to blow (of a cold wind)’ in Chuv.).
-p῾li root, foundation: Tung. *pule-; Mong. *(h)ölmej; Jpn. *pú-; Kor.
*prhắi.
PTung. *pule- root (корень): Man. fulexe; SMan. fuləxə, fuluxu
(2145).
◊ ТМС 2, 302.
PMong. *(h)ölmej sole of foot (подошва, ступня): MMong. o[li]mi
‘upper part of a foot, metatarsus’ (HY 47); WMong. ölmei (L 633); Kh.
 *p῾lo - *p῾ulu 1183

ölmij; Bur. üĺme, üĺmɨ ‘плюсна, ступня; подъем (у обуви)’; Kalm. ölmɛ
‘front part of the foot (folklore)’ (КРС 414); Ord. ölmī.
◊ Mong. > Ul. elmi etc. (see ТМС 2, 454).
PJpn. *pú- foot (of a mountain), foundation (подножие (горы), ос-
нование): OJpn. pu-m(w)oto; MJpn. fú-mótó, fú-mótò; Tok. fumotó; Kyo.
fúmótó; Kag. fumotó.
◊ JLTT 418. A compound with *mətə ‘root, foundation’.
PKor. *prhắi root (корень): MKor. pɨrhăi, pɨrhɨi, pùrhói, pùrhúi; Mod.
p:uri.
◊ Nam 268, 274, KED 814.
‖ SKE 1949, 209, Lee 1958, 109, Цинциус 1984, 61, АПиПЯЯ 291.
The Mong. form can belong here only if the attested HY form o[li]mi is
aberrant, reflecting the stage of language (or dialect) with h- already
lost. Otherwise Mong. reflexes are to be separated from this root. On
possible Turkic reflexes see under *ula.
-p῾lo cheek: Tung. *pul-; Mong. *hurul; Jpn. *p-p (~-ua-); Kor. *pór-.
PTung. *pul- 1 corner (of mouth) 2 cheek 3 inner side of cheek 4
gum 5 cheekbone 6 nose (of animal) (1 уголок (рта) 2 щека 3 внутрен-
няя сторона щеки 4 десна 5 скула 6 нос (зверя)): Evk. hullir 6; Evn.
hulrn 3; Neg. xolịn 1; Man. fulǯin 2; Ul. plị (Sch.) 5, pụltụ(n) 3; Ork.
pụlčị 3; Nan. polpị 3 , (Bik.) felče 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 346.
PMong. *hurul lip (губа): MMong. xurül (HY 46), horol (IM), hurul
(MA), horūl (LH); WMong. urul, ulur, uruɣul (L 886); Kh. ural, urūl; Bur.
ural; Kalm. url, ūrl; Ord. urūl; Mog. urul (Weiers), ulur (Ramstedt 1906);
KT orol (2-1a); Dag. xorōl, xorol, xollo (Тод. Даг. 178), horele (MD 164);
Dong. furuŋ, furun, furəu; Mongr. urōl (with unclear loss of h-).
◊ KW 451, MGCD 682.
PJpn. *p-p (~-ua-) cheek (щека): OJpn. p(w)op(w)o; MJpn. fòfó;
Tok. hóo, hóho; Kyo. hóò; Kag. hóo.
◊ JLTT 414. The Kyoto and Kagoshima accent contradicts the old records and the To-
kyo evidence: this is probably due to contraction.
PKor. *pór- cheek (щека): MKor. pó-čjókái; Mod. pol.
◊ Nam 261, KED 803.
‖ EAS 55, Цинциус 1984, 53, Lee 1958, 110, АПиПЯЯ 75, Martin
228. Mong. *hurul regularly < *hulu-r. As for the Jpn. form, it may be a
reduplication (as thought traditionally; in this case *pə- < *p῾ùl(o)-gV), or
reflect an already suffixed form, cf. e. g. Nan. polpị ( < *p῾ùlo-pV).
-p῾ulu (~-o) (?) possessions, estate: Turk. *ulu-ĺ; Kor. *pùrr.
PTurk. *ulu-ĺ country, city (страна, город): OTurk. uluš (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. uluš (MK); Krm. uluš.
1184 *p῾ĺi - *p῾nte
◊ EDT 152-153, Лексика 317, 494. Turk. > Mong. ulus (see TMN 1, 177, Clark 1980, 41,
Щербак 1997, 161), whence again modern Turkm., Oyr. etc. ulus (ЭСТЯ 1, 592).
PKor. *pùrr possessions, estate (владения, состояние): MKor.
pùrr.
◊ HMCH 352.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss; dubious because the Kor. word is very
sparsely attested.
-p῾ĺi to open up: Tung. *pule-; Turk. *üĺ-; Kor. *prh-.
PTung. *pule- 1 to open up 2 to burst, break through (1 открывать,
раскрывать 2 прокалывать, проламывать): Evk. hulen- 1, hulte- 2;
Evn. hultъl- 2; Neg. xulexet- ‘рыться (в вещах)’, xultejkin- 2; Man. fonto-,
funto- 2; Nan. poldolị- 2; Ud. xulegde- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 346, 347.
PTurk. *üĺ- 1 to perforate, cut a hole in 2 drill, borer (1 прокалы-
вать, буравить 2 бурав): Karakh. üš- (MK) 1; Tur. üš- 1; Az. üškü, üšgü 2
(dial.); Turkm. üšgi 2 (dial.); Kirgh. üšü- 1, üškü 2; Kaz. üskĭ 2.
◊ EDT 256, ЭСТЯ 1, 643-644, VEWT 523.
PKor. *prh- to loosen, undo, explain (развязывать, распаковывать,
расслаблять): MKor. phr-; Mod. phul-.
◊ Nam 465, KED 1763.
‖ SKE 210, 215-216. Cf. also MKor. părk- ‘to get away or free from’;
Bur. ülxe- ‘to bead, string’ ( > Evk. ulge- etc.). Despite Poppe 1972, 99,
the TM forms cannot be borrowed < Mong. ülte- (see s.v. *uĺi).
-p῾uma ( ~ p-, -u-, -e) a k. of big predator: Tung. *pomā- / *pume-; Kor.
*pm.
PTung. *pomā- / *pume- bear (медведь): Evk. homōtī, humej.
◊ ТМС 2, 332, 347.
PKor. *pm tiger (тигр): MKor. pm; Mod. pm.
◊ Nam 256, KED 767.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; within TM attested only in Evk., thus
somewhat dubious.
-p῾nte a k. of insect: Tung. *pundimi; Mong. *hötün; Jpn. *ptaru ( ~
-ua-); Kor. *pántó.
PTung. *pundimi midge (мошка): Man. funǯima; Nan. ponǯịmị.
◊ ТМС 2, 41.
PMong. *hötün worm, larva (червь, личинка): WMong. ötü(n) (L
646); Kh. öt; Bur. üt; Kalm. ötn; Ord. ütü; Dag. xudu (Тод. Даг. 179);
Dong. xodəu; Bao. hodəg; S.-Yugh. öt ( < lit.).
◊ KW 302, MGCD 550.
PJpn. *ptaru ( ~ -ua-) firefly (светляк): OJpn. p(w)otaru; MJpn. fo-
taru; Tok. hótaru; Kyo. hótàrù; Kag. hotarú.
 *p῾ŭnV - *p῾úńe 1185
◊ JLTT 415. Accent correspondences are not quite clear, but in any case point to a low
tone in the first syllable.
PKor. *pántó firefly (светляк): MKor. pántó, pántòi; Mod. pandi.
◊ Nam 243, KED 716.
‖ Mergers with *pāt῾e were possible (esp. in Jpn., where otherwise
-a- would be expected). Reasons of the loss of -n- in Mong. are not
clear.
-p῾ŭnV to hit the target: Tung. *penū- / *punū-; Mong. *honu-; Turk.
*una-.
PTung. *penū- / *punū- to notice, guess (замечать, догадываться):
Evk. henū-; Evn. hēn-; Neg. xenu-; Ul. punu-; Ork. xenun-; Ud. xōno-,
xuene- ‘to be surprised’.
◊ ТМС 2, 366.
PMong. *honu- 1 to hit (target), guess 2 to compete in bow-shooting
3 to shoot over the target 4 gist, essence (1 попадать (в цель), угады-
вать 2 соревноваться в стрельбе из лука 3 стрелять выше цели 4
сущность): MMong. xontuča- 2, 3 (SH), nu- (IM); WMong. onu- 1, ontus-
3, oni-su(n) 4 (L 615); Kh. ono-, no- 1, ońs 4; Bur. ono- 1; Kalm. on- 1; Ord.
ono-; Dag. nō- 1 (MD 200); Mongr. nū- ‘regarder; atteindre, le but,
toucher’ (SM 287)?.
◊ KW 286.
PTurk. *una- to agree, be satisfied (соглашаться, быть удовлетво-
ренным): OTurk. una- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. una- (MK); Tur. una-
(dial.); Az. una- (dial.); Turkm. una-; MTurk. una- (Бор. Бад., Abush.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. una-; Uygh. una-; Kirgh. una-; Kaz. una-; KBalk. una-;
KKalp. una-; Nogh. una-; Khak. una-.
◊ EDT 171, VEWT 514, ЭСТЯ 1, 596-597.
‖ A Western isogloss. ? Cf. Jpn. pono-mek- ‘to show vaguely, guess’
etc. (if not the same as pono-ka).
-p῾úńe nose; smell, to smell: Tung. *puń-; Mong. *hünir; Jpn. *páná.
PTung. *puń- smell, to smell (запах, нюхать): Evk. huńŋukte-; Evn.
hīnemsi; Neg. xun; Man. fun, fuŋsan, fuŋšun; SMan. fuŋəsən, fuŋəsun
‘smelling of an animal, smelling of urine’ (435, 2326); Ul. pū(n); Ork.
pū(n), pūniɣe; Nan. p, dial. fũ; Orch. xū(n), xūń; Ud. xu(n); Sol. .
◊ ТМС 2, 349. Length in some languages is compensatory.
PMong. *hünir 1 smell 2 to smell (1 запах 2 пахнуть): MMong.
xunir, xunor, xuŋši’ut (pl.) (SH), xunir (HYt), hujir (IM), hunir (MA) 1,
hunir 1, hunis- 2 (MA); WMong. ünür (L 1010), ünir 1; Kh. üner 1; Bur.
üner 1; Kalm. ünr 1; Ord. ünir 1; Dag. xūnu- 1 (Тод. Даг. 179); Dong. funi
1; Bao. hun-de- 2; S.-Yugh. honər, honor 1; Mongr. funir 1, funis- 2 (SM
108).
◊ KW 458, MGCD 695.
1186 *p῾úńe - *p῾ùŋké
PJpn. *páná nose (нос): OJpn. pana; MJpn. fáná; Tok. hàna; Kyo. háná;
Kag. hána.
◊ JLTT 397.
‖ EAS 55, Цинциус 1984, 61, АПиПЯЯ 78, 277, Rozycki 82. Despite
Doerfer MT 80, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Initial *p῾- (not
*p-) is reconstructed because of *h- in Mong. and high pitch in Jpn. Cf.
*póńe.
-p῾úńe hair; feather: Tung. *puńe-; Mong. *hü-sü; Jpn. *pánái.
PTung. *puńe- hair (волос(ы)): Evk. heńekte ‘пыжик (мех молочно-
го олененка)’; Man. fuńexe; SMan. fenixə ‘hair, fur’(2, 143, 2282), funiɣe;
Jurch. fun-ir-xie (497).
◊ ТМС 2, 303, 367. A possible derivative is *punu-ktV ‘young horns of deer’ reflected
in Man. funtu, Nan. puntu, dial. fuŋku (ТМС 2, 47); cf. also Man. fuŋGala ‘feather’, en ‘ar-
row feathers’.
PMong. *hü-sü hair (волос): MMong. xüsun (HY 45, SH), häson
(IM), usun (MA); WMong. üsü(n) (L 1013); Kh. üs(en); Bur. ühen; Kalm.
üsn; Ord. üsü; Mog. üsün; ZM oṣu; Dag. xusu (Тод. Даг. 180), huse (MD
167), xus; Dong. usuŋ, usun; Bao. suŋ; S.-Yugh. həsun; Mongr. fuʒə (SM
102), (Huzu) sʒə (MGCD šʒu).
◊ KW 460, MGCD 697.
PJpn. *pánái feather (перо): OJpn. pane; MJpn. fáné; Tok. hàne; Kyo.
hánè; Kag. háne.
◊ JLTT 398.
‖ ОСНЯ 3, 83-84, Цинциус 1984, 61-62, АПиПЯЯ 29-30, 112, 275,
KW 460 (Mong. ~ TM); an alternative etymology of Poppe (Poppe 70:
linking the TM form with Mong. ünegen ‘fox’ and Yak. ünügäs ‘puppy’)
is obviously untenable. Cf. also Mong. *hö-dün ‘feather’ ( < *hön-dün ?).
-p῾ùŋké fade, exuviate: Tung. *puŋk- / *peŋk-; Mong. *(h)oŋgu-; Turk.
*oŋ- / *öŋ-; Jpn. *pànká-; Kor. *pŋkr-.
PTung. *puŋk- / *peŋk- 1 to fade, exuviate 2 to fall off 3 pale, faded,
dark (1 линять 2 осыпаться, падать 3 бледный, неясный, темный):
Evn. heŋkъl- 1,2; Man. fundexun 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 319, 367.
PMong. *(h)oŋgu- to fade, exuviate (линять): WMong. oŋgu- (L
613); Kh. ongo-; Bur. ongo-.
PTurk. *oŋ- / *öŋ- to fade, become pale (линять, блекнуть): OTurk.
öŋ- (OUygh.); Karakh. oŋ- (MK); Uzb. ọŋ-; Uygh. oŋ-, öŋ-; Tat. uŋ-;
Bashk. uŋ-; Kirgh. oŋ-; Kaz. oŋ-; KBalk. oŋ-; KKalp. oŋ-, öŋ-; Kum. oŋ-;
Nogh. oŋ-; Khak. oŋ-; Oyr. oŋ-; Tv. oŋ-; Chuv. ъₙn- ‘ohne Flamme bren-
nen’.
◊ EDT 169, VEWT 362, 372, ЭСТЯ 1, 460-461.
 *p῾ri - *p῾ri 1187

PJpn. *pànká- to fade, become bald (сходить (о краске); лысеть):

Tok. hagé-; Kyo. hàgè-; Kag. hàgè-.
◊ JLTT 683. The word is attested late, but seems to be different from *pànk- ‘to tear
(off)’.
PKor. *pŋkr- to take off clothes; to fade, exuviate (снимать одеж-
ду; линять): MKor. pŋkr-.
◊ Nam 257.
‖ In Turk. *üŋ would be expected; the vocalism was probably influ-
enced by the homonymous *oŋ / *öŋ ‘colour, exterior’. Kor. has a usual
verbal low tone.
-p῾ri seed: Tung. *pur-; Mong. *hüre; Turk. *urug ( ~ *or-); Jpn. *pú;
Kor. *pòrì.
PTung. *pur- 1 young (boy, child) 2 children 3 family 4 breed (1 мо-
лодой 2 дети 3 семья 4 приплод, выводок): Evk. hur-kēn 1, hurū 3,
huril 2; Evn. hur-ken 1, hurъl 2; Neg. xujil 2; Man. fur-sun 4; Ul. purul 2;
Ork. puriɣe 1, puril 2; Nan. puri 3, puril 2; Orch. xī 2; Sol. ukkēx, urkēx 1,
uril 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 353-354, 357-358, АПиПЯЯ 45.
PMong. *hüre seed, child, descendant (семя): MMong. xüre (HY 7),
huran, hurun (MA); WMong. üre (L 1011); Kh. ür; Bur. üri; Kalm. ürn;
Ord. ür, üre; Dag. xur (Тод. Даг. 180), hure (MD 167); Dong. fure; Bao.
fure, fərɛ; S.-Yugh. hure; Mongr. furē (SM 110), xurē (Minghe).
◊ KW 459, MGCD 696. Mong. > Sol. ur (see Doerfer MT 137; but not Man. fur-sun, de-
spite Doerfer ibid. and Rozycki 83).
PTurk. *urug ( ~ *or-) 1 seed 2 child, girl 3 kin, kind 4 relatives (1 се-
мя 2 ребенок, девочка 3 род, племя 4 родственники): OTurk. uruɣ
(OUygh.) 1, 3; Karakh. uruɣ (MK, KB) 1, 3; Turkm. uruG 3; MTurk. uruɣ
(Sangl.) 4; Uzb. uruɣ 1; Uygh. uruq 1; Tat. orlɨq 1; Bashk. orloq 1; Kirgh.
uruq 3; Kaz. urɨq 1; KBalk. urluq 1; KKalp. urɨq 1; Nogh. urlɨq 1; Tv. uruɣ
2; Tof. uruɣ 2; Chuv. vъₙrъₙ 1; Yak. urū 4; Dolg. urū 4.
◊ VEWT 516, TMN 2, 47, EDT 214-5, ЭСТЯ 1, 604-606, Лексика 115-116, 307, 323-324,
Stachowski 246. Deriving the word from *ur- ‘beat, hit’ (VEWT) is of course incorrect.
Some forms reflect a variant form *uru-lɨk. Turk. > Mong. uruɣ (see TMN 2, 51, Щербак
1997, 162).
PJpn. *pú growth (поросль): OJpn. pu; Tok. fù; Kyo. f; Kag. fú.
◊ JLTT 416.
PKor. *pòrì barley (ячмень): MKor. pòrì; Mod. pori.
◊ Nam 260, KED 790.
‖ KW 459, Poppe 111, Цинциус 1972a, 52-59, 1984a, 62-63, АПи-
ПЯЯ 47-48, 286, Лексика 116, Doerfer MT 137. Jpn. *pú < *p῾úr(i)-gV ( =
Turk. *urug etc.)
1188 *p῾ri - *p῾ŭrV
-p῾ri to shake: Tung. *por-; Mong. *(h)üre-; Turk. *ur-; Jpn. *púrú-p-.
PTung. *por- to hit, strike (бить, ударять): Man. fori-; SMan. ori- ‘to
pound, to beat’ (1582).
◊ ТМС 2, 301. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *(h)üre- to strew, scatter (рассыпать; устранять, разру-
шать): WMong. üre- (L 1011); Kh. üre-; Bur. üri-; Kalm. ür- ‘demolish’;
Ord. ürē- ‘faire subir une perte’.
◊ KW 459.
PTurk. *ur- 1 to beat, hit 2 to pour, strew (1 бить, ударять 2 сы-
пать): OTurk. ur- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. ur- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. vur-
1; Gag. ur- 1; Az. vur- 1; Turkm. ur- 1; Khal. hur- 1; MTurk. ur- (Abush.,
Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. ur- 1; Uygh. ur- 1; Krm. ur- 1; Tat. ŭr- 1; Bashk. ŭr- 1;
Kirgh. ur- 1; Kaz. ŭr- 1; KBalk. ur- 1; KKalp. ur- 1; Kum. ur- 1; Nogh. ur-
1; Khak. ur- 2; Shr. ur- 2; Oyr. ur- 2; Tv. ur- 2; Chuv. vъₙr- 1.
◊ EDT 194-195, VEWT 515, ЭСТЯ 1, 599-600.
PJpn. *púrú-p- to shake; to sieve (трясти; просеивать): OJpn.
puru-p-; MJpn. fúrú-f-; Tok. fùru-; Kyo. fúrú-; Kag. furú-.
◊ JLTT 695.
‖ Mong. also has a back variant *(h)uri-, reflected in *(h)uri-ldu- ‘to
contest, fight’ (WMong. urildu-, uraldu-, Khalkha uralda-) = PT *uru-ĺč-
id.
-p῾ri ( ~ -e) to blow: Tung. *pū-; Mong. *(h)uri-; Turk. *ür-.
PTung. *pū- to blow (дуть): Evk. huw-; Evn. hū-; Neg. xūw-; Ul. pū-;
Ork. pū-; Nan. pū-; Orch. xū-; Sol. ū-gū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 336.
PMong. *(h)uri- to blow (in one’s face) (дуть (в лицо)): WMong. uri-
(МХТТТ); Kh. uri-; Bur. uŕā- ‘to eddy (of dust)’; Ord. uri-.
PTurk. *ür- to blow (дуть): OTurk. ür- (OUygh.); Karakh. ür- (MK);
Tur. ür- (dial.); MTurk. ür- (Pav. C., AH, Houts.), hür- (R.); Krm. ür-;
Tat. ör-; Bashk. ör-; Kaz. ür-; KKalp. ür-; Nogh. ür-; Khak. ür-; Oyr. ür-;
Tv. ür-; Chuv. vəₙr-; Yak. ür-; Dolg. ür-.
◊ EDT 195-196, ЭСТЯ 1, 635-636, Stachowski 253.
‖ EAS 55, 149. A Western isogloss.
-p῾ŭrV forest: Tung. *pure; Turk. *orman.
PTung. *pure thicket, forest (тайга, лес): Evk. hur, hure; Neg. xujēn;
Ul. pure(n); Ork. pure(n); Nan. purẽ; Orch. xue(n); Ud. xuenče- ‘to go
hunting’.
◊ ТМС 2, 351-352. TM > Dag. xureǯē (Тод. Даг. 180).
PTurk. *orman forest (лес): OTurk. orman (OUygh. late); Tur. orman;
Turkm. ormon (dial.); Sal. ormän; MTurk. orman (Pav. C.); Uzb. ọrman;
Krm. orman; Tat. urman; Bashk. urman; Kirgh. ormon; Kaz. orman; KBalk.
orman; KKalp. orman; Kum. orman; Nogh. orman; Chuv. vъₙrman.
 *p῾ŭrVk῾V - *p῾ŭŕi 1189
◊ ДТС 371, ЭСТЯ 1, 472-473.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-p῾ŭrVk῾V rope, lasso: Tung. *purka; Mong. *huraka; Turk. *uruk.
PTung. *purka lasso (петля, силок, аркан): Evk. hurka; Evn. hụrq;
Neg. xojka; Ul. puča; Ork. pụta; Nan. pojqa; Orch. xukka; Ud. xuka.
◊ ТМС 2, 352-353.
PMong. *huraka lasso, bird net (аркан, сеть для ловли птиц):
MMong. xuraqa (SH), uruqa (MA 367); WMong. uriqa, uraqa(n) (L 880);
Kh. urxi(n); Bur. uŕxa; Kalm. urxə; Ord. uraxa; Dag. xuarkə (urga Тод.
Даг. 171 < lit.), uarehe (MD 230).
◊ KW 451, MGCD 681. Mong. > Manchu urgan ‘lasso’ (see Rozycki 219).
PTurk. *uruk 1 rope 2 lasso (1 веревка, бечева, канат 2 аркан):
OTurk. uruq (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. uruq (MK) 1; Tur. urɣan, urgan 1; Gag.
urɣan 2; Turkm. urGan 1; Sal. urχan, orχan 1; MTurk. orɣan (AH) 1;
KKalp. urqan 1; SUygh. uruq 2; Khak. urux 2; Shr. uruq 2; Oyr. uruq 2;
Tv. uruq 2.
◊ EDT 215, VEWT 516, ЭСТЯ 1, 585 (confused with *ukruk), 602-603. Some modern
forms reflect a secondary derivative *urkan.
‖ EAS 53, 125, Poppe 101, Цинциус 1984, 55. A Western isogloss.
Despite TMN 2, 87, Щербак 1997, 162, Mong. cannot be borrowed <
Turkic; again, despite Doerfer MT 18, TM cannot be < Mong. (all be-
cause of archaic *p- preservation both in Mong. and TM). Quite enig-
matic is the relationship of this root to synonymous *uk῾urkV q.v.
-p῾ŭŕi ( ~ -e) to crush: Tung. *puru-, *purgu-; Mong. *hürü-; Turk. *üŕ-;
Kor. *pɨr-.
PTung. *puru-, *purgu- to crush (толочь, дробить): Evk. huru-,
hurgu-, horo-; Evn. huruŋ-, hor-ča-; Man. furu-; SMan. furu- ‘to chop, to
cleave’ (1730); Ul. pori-; Nan. purtu ‘crumbs’.
◊ ТМС 2, 333, 352, 354. Cf. also Man. furdexe ‘fur’, Nan. furde, ferde id. (ТМС 2, 303;
see Doerfer MT 143: Mong. hürte-sün = Man. furdexe).
PMong. *hürü- to rub, grate, file (тереть): MMong. xuru- (SH);
WMong. ürü- (L 1013); Kh. üre-; Bur. üre-; Kalm. ür- ‘to brake, comb
(wool)’ (КРС); Ord. ürē-, ürü-.
◊ Cf. also *(h)ürte-sün ‘лоскутья, обрезки’; WMong. uru- ‘to tear, rip’.
PTurk. *üŕ- to break, tear, demolish (ломать, рвать, уничтожать):
OTurk. üz- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. üz- (MK); Tur. üz- (dial.); Az. üz-;
Turkm. üz-; Khal. hüs-gün-, hiz- (üzgün- < Az.); MTurk. üz- (Pav. C.);
Uzb. uz-; Uygh. üz-; Krm. uź-, iz-; Tat. z-; Bashk. δ-; Kirgh. üz-; Kaz.
üz-; KBalk. üz-; KKalp. üz-; Kum. üz-; Nogh. üz-; SUygh. jüz-, juz-;
Khak. üs-; Oyr. üs-; Tv. üs-.
◊ EDT 279-280, VEWT 524, ЭСТЯ 1, 621-622.
1190 *p῾sa - *p῾ske
PKor. *pɨr- in pieces, in crumbs (на куски, в крошку): MKor. pɨrə-;
Mod. purə 1.
◊ Liu 404, KED 812.
‖ EAS 54, 56, 149, Poppe 12, 111, SKE 210, ОСНЯ 2, 101, Цинциус
1984, 63-64. Despite Rozycki 83, TM cannot be borrowed < Mong.
-p῾sa plan, reason: Tung. *puse; Mong. *hasaɣu-; Turk. *us; Jpn.
*pánsú; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *puse reason (причина, повод): Evk. hohut-, hošut- (dial.)
‘to be smb.’s equal’; Evn. huse.
◊ ТМС 2, 335, 355.
PMong. *hasaɣu- to ask (спрашивать): MMong. asax (HY 34),
xasax-, asax- (SH), hasox-, haṣoɣ- (IM), asaɣ-, asaq- (MA), hasaq (Lig.VMI);
WMong. asaɣu- (L 55); Kh. asū-; Bur. asū-; Ord. asū-; Mog. asuɣu-; ZM
asaɣ (23-3b); Dag. xasō- (Тод. Даг. 174), asō (MD 115), hasō (MD 157);
Dong. asa- ( < lit.); Bao. asGə-, asxə- ( < lit.); Mongr. saGa- (SM 318).
◊ MGCD 122.
PTurk. *us 1 mind, reason 2 way of using smth. (1 ум, рассудок 2
способ использования чего-л.): OTurk. usuɣ ( ~ o-) 2; Karakh. usuɣ ( ~
o-) 2 (MK), us 1 (MK - Oghuz); Tur. us 1; Turkm. os 1, os- ‘to think’;
MTurk. us 1 (Pav. C.); Krm. us 1; Chuv. ъₙs 1.
◊ EDT 240, 245, ЭСТЯ 1, 606-607.
PJpn. *pánsú plan, intention (план, намерение): MJpn. fázú; Tok.
hàzu; Kyo. házú; Kag. házu.
◊ JLTT 403.
PKor. *ps- to use (употреблять, использовать): MKor. ps-; Mod.
s:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 319, KED 1023.
‖ An interesting common Altaic abstract term (although voicing in
Jpn. is not quite clear).
-p῾ske to kick, knock: Tung. *poske-; Mong. *(h)öskil-; Jpn. *pànsìk-.
PTung. *poske- to kick (пинать, лягать): Man. fesxule-; Ork.
poskolo-; Nan. puskule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 990. TM > Dag. peškule- (Тод. Даг. 160).
PMong. *(h)öskil- to kick (пинать): WMong. öskül-, öskil- (L 417:
iskül-, öskele-, ösküle-); Kh. öšgil-; Bur. üšxel-; Kalm. öškl-; Ord. ösköl-;
Mongr. sgor ‘coup de pied’, sgorda- (SM 349).
◊ KW 302.
PJpn. *pànsìk- to knock away (with a finger) (отталкивать щелч-
ком пальца): OJpn. pazik-; MJpn. fàzìk-; Tok. hajík-; Kyo. hájík-; Kag.
hàjìk-.
◊ JLTT 686.
 *p῾út῾à - *p῾VbV 1191

‖ Poppe 11, 65, 90, Цинциус 1984, 50-51; TM cannot be borrowed <
Mong., despite Rozycki 76. Cf. *p῾ŏk῾i.
-p῾út῾à ( ~ -o-) rope; woof, yarn: Tung. *put-; Mong. *huta; Turk. *otgun;
Jpn. *pátà; Kor. *patak ( ~ -ă-).
PTung. *put- 1 lap 2 thread, rope (1 подол 2 нить, веревка): Man.
futa 2 (Захаров 1079); SMan. fətā 2 (661); Ul. putu(n) 1; Nan. putũ 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 45. The Manchu form is certainly not < Mong., despite Rozycki 83.
PMong. *huta thread (нить): MMong. xudasun (HY 23), heiṭosun
(IM), utasun (MA), hūtāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. utasu(n) (L 888); Kh.
utas, utsan; Bur. utaha(n); Kalm. utsn; Ord. utasu; Dong. udasun; Bao.
ndasoŋ; S.-Yugh. šdāsən; Mongr. sdāʒə (SM 332), (MGCD šdāsə).
◊ KW 453, MGCD 685. Mong. > Evk. utasun (but not Man. futa!), see Doerfer MT 132.
PTurk. *otgun a broad strap on the left side of the saddle to which
the buckle of the girth is fastened and secured with its tongue (широ-
кий ремень, к которому прикрепляется подпруга): Karakh. otɣun
(utɣun) (MK).
◊ EDT 47.
PJpn. *pátà loom; cloth (ткацкий станок; ткань): OJpn. pata; MJpn.
fátà; Tok. hatá; Kyo. hátà; Kag. háta.
◊ JLTT 401.
PKor. *patak ( ~ -ă-) cloth, weave, texture (ткань): Mod. padak.
◊ KED 703.
‖ Poppe 12, 51; Цинциус 1984, 56-57; UAJ 1995, 88 (Kor.-Jpn.).
-p῾VbV many, ten / hundred (an auxiliary stem): Tung. *poba; Mong.
*ha-; Turk. *ōn; Jpn. *-pə ~ *-pua.
PTung. *poba 1 ten (a bundle of ten squirrels) 2 collection, gathering
(1 десяток (связка белок) 2 собрание): Ork. pōwo 1; Nan. poã 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 40.
PMong. *ha- 1 ten 2 all (1 десять 2 весь, все): MMong. xarban (HY
43, SH), harbān (IM), hărban (MA) 1; WMong. arban 1; Kh. arav, arvan 1;
Bur. arba(n) 1; Kalm. arwn 1; Ord. arwa 1; Mog. arbōn; ZM arbn (25-3a);
Dag. xarab (MGCD), xarba(n) (Тод. Даг. 174), harebe (MD 157) 1; Dong.
haran, haruan 1; Bao. harwaŋ (MGCD), habran (Tungren) 1, hane 2;
S.-Yugh. harwan 1; Mongr. xar(w)an (SM 165), xarwan 1 (MGCD), xana 2.
◊ KW 15, MGCD 114.
PTurk. *ōn ten (десять): OTurk. on (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. on
(MK); Tur. on; Gag. uon, on; Az. on; Turkm. ōn; Khal. ōn; MTurk. on
(Pav. C.); Uzb. ọn; Uygh. on; Krm. on; Tat. un; Bashk. un; Kirgh. on; Kaz.
on; KBalk. on; KKalp. on; Kum. on; Nogh. on; SUygh. on, un; Khak. on;
Oyr. on; Tv. on; Chuv. vonъ; Yak. uon; Dolg. uon.
◊ EDT 166, VEWT 362, TMN 2, 163, ЭСТЯ 1, 455-456, Лексика 573, Федотов 1, 130-
131, Stachowski 244.
1192 *p῾VbV - *p῾VbV
PJpn. *-pə ~ *-pua hundred (in names of hundreds) (сто (в назв. со-
тен)): OJpn. -p(w)o.
‖ The original root structure is not quite clear: perhaps one has to
suppose a monosyllabic root *p῾ō-, with suffixed *-ba(n) or *-n.
 S

-sa to buy, sell: Turk. *sat-; Jpn. *sirə; Kor. *sà-.

PTurk. *sat- to sell (продавать): OTurk. sat- (OUygh.); Karakh. sat-
(MK); Tur. sat-; Gag. sat-; Az. sat-; Turkm. sat-; Sal. sat-; Khal. sat-;
MTurk. sat- (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔt-; Uygh. sat-; Krm. sat-; Tat. sat-; Bashk.
hat-; Kirgh. sat-; Kaz. sat-; KBalk. sat-; KKalp. sat-; Kum. sat-; Nogh. sat-;
SUygh. sat-; Khak. sat-; Shr. sat-; Oyr. sat-; Tv. sat-; Chuv. sot-; Yak. at-;
Dolg. at- (in at, atastas-).
◊ EDT 798-799, VEWT 405, Лексика 335, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 67, Stachowski 38, 39.
Turk. > Hung. szatócz ‘salesman’ (< *satɨɣ-čɨ), see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *sirə price; material (цена; товар, вещь): OJpn. siro.
◊ JLTT 526.
PKor. *sà- to buy (покупать, торговать): MKor. sà-; Mod. sa-.
◊ Nam 282, KED 869.
‖ Лексика 335. The match is acceptable (as one of the Common Al-
taic monosyllabic verbal roots) if -rə in Jpn. is a historical suffix. Cf.
perhaps also TM *sali- ‘esteem; price’ - which may reflect a merger of
this root with *sáĺo ‘love’ q.v.
-sábà to hinder, obstruct: Mong. *saɣa-; Turk. *sab-; Jpn. *sápár-.
PMong. *saɣa- to be detained, stopped, linger (задерживаться, ос-
танавливаться, медлить): MMong. sa’ara- (SH); WMong. saɣara-,
saɣata- (L 657, 658); Kh. sār-, sāt-; Bur. hār- ‘ослабевать’, hāt-; Kalm.
sātə-; Ord. sāta-; Dag. sāta- (Тод. Даг. 162), sāte- (MD 204); Bao. sāGe- ‘to
wait’ (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. sād ‘obstacle’, sādūl-.
◊ Mong. > Oyr. sāt-, sara- etc., KW 318, MGCD 583, 584, VEWT 405; > Yak. sārat, Dolg.
hārat- (Kał. MEJ 28, Stachowski 100) > Evk. sāta-, Man. sarta-, ТМС 2, 67).
PTurk. *sab- 1 to be stopped, hindered, discontinued 2 to stop, fin-
ish 3 to turn off (the road) 4 to get rid of 5 to turn downwards, decline 6
to pass, pass away (1 кончаться, останавливаться 2 переставать, пре-
кращаться 3 сворачивать (с пути) 4 избавляться 5 склоняться книзу,
удаляться, устраняться 6 проходить, исчезать): Karakh. savra- 1,
savɨl- 5 (MK); Tur. sav- 4, savuš- 6; Gag. sauš- 6; Az. sovul- 2, sovuš- 6;
Turkm. sow- 3, sowul- 2, 3; MTurk. sav- 3, 4 (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔw-, sū-,
sɔwul-, suwul- (dial.) 2; Krm. savuš- 6.
1194 *sāba - *sábó
◊ EDT 788-789, 791, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sápár- to hinder, obstruct (препятствовать, задерживать):
OJpn. sapar-; Tok. sàwar-; Kyo. sáwár-; Kag. sawár-.
◊ JLTT 748.
‖ Ozawa 215-216.
-sāba sign: Tung. *sab(i)-; Mong. *saɣam; Turk. *sāb-; Jpn. *sàmpàk-.
PTung. *sab(i)- 1 sign, omen 2 to plan 3 to mark, make notches (1
знак, предзнаменование 2 планировать 3 помечать, делать заруб-
ки): Man. sabi 1; Jurch. sabi-biar (861) 2; Ork. sawị- 3; Nan. sowōča ‘веха’;
Orch. sawi- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 51, 54.
PMong. *saɣam ruse, dodge, pretext (предлог, уловка): WMong.
saɣam (МХТТТ); Kh. sām (Gomb. 429); Kalm. sām.
◊ KW 317. The word is not listed in Lessing’s dictionary, which includes, however, a
WMong. sobin ‘omen, sign’ ( < Manchu?).
PTurk. *sāb word, speech (слово, речь): OTurk. sab (Orkh.), sav
(OUygh.); Karakh. sav (MK); Tur. sav; Turkm. sāv-čɨ ‘matchmaker’, dial.
sāw; Sal. sōǯi ‘matchmaker’ (ССЯ); MTurk. sav (AH); Oyr. sabɨr (bičig)
‘богатырское письмо’; Chuv. sъₙvъₙ ‘verse, poem’.
◊ VEWT 391, EDT 782-783, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 20.
PJpn. *sàmpàk- to discern, judge (разрешать, судить): MJpn.
sabak-; Tok. sabák-; Kyo. sábák-; Kag. sàbàk-.
◊ JLTT 744.
‖ Japanese has an irregular low tone.
-sắbí a k. of big fish: Tung. *sabu-; Turk. *sEbrük; Jpn. *símpí.
PTung. *sabu- white-fish (сиг): Evk. sawčān; Neg. sawčān; Ul. sawụ;
Nan. sao; Orch. saū.
◊ ТМС 2, 52.
PTurk. *sEbrük sturgeon (севрюга): Turkm. süjrik; Tat. söjrök; Kum.
süjrük; Nogh. süjrik.
◊ VEWT 438, TMN 3, 291, Лексика 178, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. also Chuv. šəvər sъmsa lit. ‘sharp
nose’ (a contamination). Turk. > Hung. sőreg, see MNyTESz 3, 581.
PJpn. *símpí tuna fish (тунец): OJpn. sibji; MJpn. síbí; Tok. shibi.
◊ JLTT 522.
‖ Лексика 179.
-sábó service: Tung. *sab-; Mong. *sibe-gčin; Turk. *sab-; Jpn.
*sámpúrap-.
PTung. *sab- 1 to present gifts 2 to get accustomed (1 предлагать
дары, угощать 2 привыкать): Evk. sawka- 2; Evn. hawq- 2; Neg. sawlị-
1; Man. soli- ‘to call guests; to propose a position’; SMan. šioli-, sioli-
(1438) ‘to invite’; Ul. saụlị- 1; Nan. saolị- 1; Orch. sawli-, sauli- 1; Ud.
sauli- 1.
 *sč῾i - *sč῾i 1195
◊ ТМС 2, 51-52. TM > Dag. soli- (Тод. Даг. 163).
PMong. *sibe- female servant (служанка): MMong. šibekčin (MA),
səbəkčin (LH); WMong. sibegčin (L 694); Kh. šivegč; Kalm. šiwəkčn; Ord.
šīwegčin.
◊ KW 362. Mong. > Evk. čiwekčin (see Poppe 1972, 102). It is interesting to note Evk.
čiwek, čawak ‘male servant’ (ТМС 2, 375) which may witness an unattested Mong. *sibeg
id.
PTurk. *sab- 1 gift 2 booty 3 regale 4 wedding gifts 5 part of booty
(1 подарок 2 добыча 3 угощение 4 свадебные гостинцы 5 часть до-
бычи): Tur. savɣa 3 (dial.), (Osm.) savɣat 1; Az. savɣat 1; Turkm. sovɣat 1;
Khal. sav- ‘bewirten’; MTurk. sauɣat (R.) 1, (CCum.) sajɣat 2; Uzb. sɔwɣa
1; Uygh. soɣa 1; Krm. sawɣa 1; Tat. sawɨm, sawɨn (dial.) 4; Kirgh. sōɣa 1,
sōrun 5; Kaz. sawɣa 1; KBalk. sawɣa 1; Kum. savɣat 1; Nogh. sawɣa 1;
SUygh. savra ‘пирожок, который едят при богослужении’.
◊ Turk. > WMong. sauqa, sauɣa, sauɣad (L 677) (VEWT 406, Лексика 349-350; Щербак
1997, 165; Doerfer TMN 1, 345-346, ЭСТЯ 7). An attempt of a Turkic etymology for
Mong. *saw-ga, hardly satisfactory ( < *sab- ‘hit’ or ‘obstruct’) see in Eren 1972; the Late
Avestan origin of the Mong. word (suggested by Doerfer in TMN and supported by
Менгес 1979, 135-136) is quite dubious.
PJpn. *sámpúrap- to be hired, serve as samurai (быть на службе):
OJpn. saburap-; MJpn. sábúraf-; Tok. samurai (n.).
◊ JLTT 747 (but the assertion that the form with -b- is Heian and later, is wrong; it is
certainly attested earlier and precedes the later attested variant samuraf- / sauraf-).
‖ Дыбо 15 compares Tung. with Turk. *sep- ‘to equip, fit out;
dowry’, but this is phonetically less plausible because of voiceless *-p-
in Turkic; see on this root under *sap῾u.
-sč῾i wise, careful: Tung. *sāče-; Mong. *seče-n; Turk. *sEč-; Jpn.
*sita-ta-.
PTung. *sāče- to be careful (остерегаться, быть осторожным): Evk.
sāče-.
◊ ТМС 2, 68.
PMong. *seče-n wise, clever (мудрый, умный): MMong. sečen (SH,
HYt), čečen (IM); WMong. sečen, čečen (L 680); Kh. secen, cecen; Bur.
sesen; Kalm. cecn (КРС); Ord. sečin, ǯičin; Dag. sečin (Тод. Даг. 163, MD
204).
◊ Mong. > Evk. sečen etc., see TMN 1, 333, Doerfer MT 51.
PTurk. *sEč- to choose, select (выбирать): OTurk. seč- (OUygh.);
Karakh. seč- (MK); Tur. seč-; Gag. seč-; Az. seč-; Turkm. seč-; MTurk. seč-
(IM, Pav. C.); Krm. seč-; Yak. es- ῾to drag out the net’.
◊ EDT 794-795, VEWT 407, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sita-ta- 1 certainly, definitely 2 to acknowledge, admit, rec-
ognize, determine (1 точно, надежно 2 признавать, распознавать):
OJpn. sitata 1; MJpn. sitatam- 2.
1196 *sagè - *ságú
◊ Cf. also OJ sita ‘heart, mind’ - if etymologically different from sita ‘below’ (which
seems rather probable).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 76 (with a wrong inclusion of Jpn. *sát-, see *sṓra)
-sagè to cry, shout: Tung. *sag-; Mong. *siɣu-g-; Turk. *sɨgɨt-; Jpn.
*sakai(m)p-.
PTung. *sag- 1 to shout, cry 2 to sigh 3 to pity 4 noise, sound (1 кри-
чать 2 вздыхать 3 жалеть 4 шум, звук): Evk. saɣisō- 1, saɣinā- 2; Evn.
sag- 2 (Arm.), hagor 4 (Sakk.); Ork. saGdan- 3; Orch. saɣiki 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 52, 54.
PMong. *siɣu- to be noisy (шуметь): WMong. siɣu-, (L 758) šuugi-,
siɣugi-, šougina-; Kh. šūgi-; Bur. šūjā-; Kalm. šūǵə-; Ord. šūgi-; Mongr.
šoGinā- (SM 381).
◊ KW 369.
PTurk. *sɨgɨt- 1 to cry, weep 2 weeping (1 плакать, рыдать 2 плач):
OTurk. sɨɣɨt (Orkh.) 2; Karakh. sɨɣɨt (MK) 2; MTurk. sɨɣɨt 2 (IM); Krm.
sɨɣɨt 2; Nogh. sɨjt 2; Khak. st 2; Oyr. sɨɣɨt 2; Yak. ɨtā- 1; Dolg. ɨtā- 1.
◊ EDT 806, VEWT 415, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 262.
PJpn. *sakai(m)p- to cry, shout (кричать): OJpn. sakeb-; MJpn.
sákéb-; Tok. sakéb-; Kyo. sákéb-; Kag. sàkèb-.
◊ JLTT 746. Accent not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to *sàkài(m)p-.
‖ An expressive root; in Jpn. we must assume a vowel assimilation
(*-ə- would be expected).
-sago ( ~ z-) old, age: Tung. *sag-d-; Mong. *seɣü-der; Kor. *sằ-n.
PTung. *sag-da- 1 senior 2 old 3 old man (1 старший 2 старый 3
старик): Evk. sagda-ɣī 1; Evn. haɣdɣ 1; Neg. sagd 2; Man. saqda 3;
SMan. sahədə 2, 3 (848); Ul. saGdi. 2; Ork. saGda 2; Nan. saGǯị 3; Orch.
sagdi 1, 2; Ud. sagdi ‘big’; Sol. sagdī, saddī 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 53. TM > Dag. sagdī, sardī (Тод. Даг. 161).
PMong. *seɣü-der age (возраст): WMong. seɣü-der (L 683); Kh.
sǖder; Kalm. sǖdr.
◊ KW 341.
PKor. *sắ-n grown-up (взрослый): MKor. sằn.
◊ Nam 289.
‖ Mong. and TM reflect the common derivative *sago-dV.
-ságú a k. of coniferous tree: Tung. *sak-si-; Turk. *sagɨr, *sagrɨ; Jpn.
*súnkúi.
PTung. *sak-si- juniper (можжевельник): Man. saqsin.
◊ ТМС 2, 57. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *sagɨr, *sagrɨ thuja (туя): OTurk. saɣrɨ ‘a k. of plant’ (OUygh.
- Suv.); Uzb. sawir; Tat. sawɨr; Bashk. sawɨr.
◊ ДТС 481, Дмитриева 208.
 *sagu - *sàjbo 1197

PJpn. *súnkúi cryptomeria (криптомерия): OJpn. sugi; MJpn. súgí;

Tok. sùgi; Kyo. súgí; Kag. súgi.
◊ JLTT 532.
‖ The root is poorly attested in TM, but the Turkic and Japanese
words appear to form a good match.
-sagu a k. of vessel: Mong. *sag-su; Turk. *sAgut; Kor. *sòth.
PMong. *sag-su a k. of basket made from bamboo (вид корзины):
WMong. saɣsu (L 658); Kh. sags.
◊ Mong. > Neg. saksa ‘coffin’, Man. saqsu ‘basket’ (see Rozycki 173).
PTurk. *sAgut dishes, vessel; instrument (посуда, сосуд; орудие,
инструмент, утварь, сбруя): Tur. savut ‘weapon’; Turkm. sowut (arch.,
dial.); MTurk. sawut, saut (R.), saqɨt (MA); Uzb. sɔwut; Uygh. sawut;
Krm. sawut, saɣɨt; Tat. sawɨt; Bashk. hawɨt; Kirgh. sōt; Kaz. sawɨt; KBalk.
sawut; KKalp. sawɨt; Kum. sawut; Nogh. sawɨt.
◊ VEWT 393-394. It may be possible to follow Räsänen and to derive the form *sagu-t
from *sagu ‘corn measure; pail’ (see VEWT ibid., ЭСТЯ ibid., EDT 805), which would
speak in favour of PT *-g-. On the other hand, cf. Karakh. savdɨč ‘a basket plaited from
twigs’ (EDT 785). The specific synonymy ‘vessel, dishes’ : ‘instrument, gear’ and even
‘weapon’ (cf. KBalk. sawut ‘weapon’, MTurk. (Zenker) sawut ‘arrow with long sharp end’,
Bashk. dial. ϑawɨt ‘hunting knife’) may in fact reflect a contamination with a quite differ-
ent root, see *sAg[u]n ‘arrow, arrow head’.
PKor. *sòth kettle (котел): MKor. sòt, sòth; Mod. sot [soth].
◊ Nam 310, KED 994.
‖ Cf. also PT *sagɨr ‘kettle’ (VEWT 393).
-sằja ( ~ z-) clear, dawn: Tung. *saj-; Jpn. *sàjà-; Kor. *sāi-.
PTung. *saj- 1 dawn 2 to dawn 3 light 4 clear, bright (1 рассвет, за-
ря 2 рассветать 3 свет 4 светлый, светловатый): Evk. sajirūl- 2,
sajirūlǯarī 1, (dial.) šajama 3, hājeme 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 55, 309, 423. Attested only in Evk., with probable parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *sàjà- clear, light (светлый, ясный): OJpn. saja, saja-ke-; MJpn.
sàjà, sàjà-ke-; Tok. sáyaka; Kyo. sàyákà; Kag. sayaká.
◊ JLTT 520.
PKor. *sāi- to dawn (рассветать): MKor. sāi-; Mod. sǟ-.
◊ Nam 295, KED 921.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Dag. sajarin ‘dawn’ is probably < Tung.
-sàjbo sound: Tung. *sabu-da-; Turk. *seb-; Jpn. *sàwàk-.
PTung. *sabu- 1 to rustle, sound 2 noise, splash (1 шуршать, зву-
чать 2 шум, плеск): Evk. sawuda- 1; Nan. saoG 2; Ud. safuta- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 52, 65.
PTurk. *seb- to speak (говорить): Tur. söjle-, dial. sövle-; Gag. sȫle-;
Az. söjlä-; Turkm. söjle-; MTurk. söjle- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. sọjla-, dial. sävlä-;
Tat. süjlä-, dial. sövle-, sevle-; Bashk. hüjlä-; Kirgh. söjlö-, süle-; Kaz. söjle-;
1198 *săjgo - *saji
KBalk. söle-; KKalp. söjle-; Kum. söjle-; Khak. söle-; Oyr. sǖle-; Tv. sögle-;
Chuv. sujlaš-, sol’a-; Yak. ülä-.
◊ VEWT 429, Федотов 2, 54-55, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sàwàk- to sound, make a noise (звучать, шуметь): OJpn. sa-
wak-; MJpn. sàwàk-; Tok. sawág-; Kyo. sáwág-; Kag. sawág-.
◊ JLTT 748. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ An expressive and rather insecure root: the Turkic form are late
attested and irregular.
-săjgo to filter, ooze: Tung. *saji-ǯa (~-g-); Mong. *saɣa-; Turk. *sag-; Jpn.
*sú; Kor. *sắi-.
PTung. *saji-ǯa (~-g-) sieve (сито): Ul. sajǯa; Nan. sajǯa.
◊ ТМС 2, 55.
PMong. *saɣa- to milk (доить): MMong. sa’a- (SH), sa- (MA 319);
WMong. saɣa- (L 656); Kh. sā-; Bur. hā-; Kalm. sā-; Ord. sā-; Mog. sɔ-
(Weiers); ZM sā- (23-5b); Dag. sā- (Тод. Даг. 161, MD 204); Dong. sa-;
Bao. sā-; S.-Yugh. sā-; Mongr. s(w)ā- (SM 356), sāli ‘animal qu’on trait,
femelle (brebis, chèvre)’ (SM 321).
◊ KW 317, MGCD 585. Mong. > Sol. saga- ‘to milk’, see Poppe 1961, 191.
PTurk. *sag- to milk (доить): OTurk. saɣ- (OUygh.); Karakh. saɣ-
(MK); Tur. sā-, dial. saɣ-; Gag. sā-; Az. saɣ-; Turkm. saG-; Sal. sax-; Khal.
sa:ɣ-; MTurk. saɣ- (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔɣ-; Uygh. saɣ-; Krm. sav-; Tat. saw-;
Kirgh. sā-; Kaz. saw-; KKalp. saw-; Kum. sav-; Nogh. saw-; SUygh. saɣ-;
Khak. saɣ-; Oyr. sā-; Tv. saɣ-; Chuv. sъₙv-; Yak. ɨa-.
◊ VEWT 393, EDT 804, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sú bamboo sieve, mat (бамбуковое сито, циновка): MJpn.
sú; Tok. su.
◊ JLTT 531.
PKor. *sắi- to leak, ooze (сочиться, протекать): MKor. sắi-; Mod.
sǟ-.
◊ Nam 296, KED 921.
‖ EAS 85, KW 317, Владимирцов 194. Poppe 29, 59 (Turk.-Mong.),
АПиПЯЯ 15. Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 144. *-jg- is probable because of the TM reflex and loss of *-g- in
Jpn.; Korean high tone (rather untypical for a verb) is also possibly due
to contraction (see also *sắjV ‘shallow place’ - a possible source of con-
tamination).
-saji to notch, pierce: Tung. *saji-; Mong. *seji-; Turk. *sAj-.
PTung. *saji- to make notches (делать зарубку): Neg. saj-; Ul. saị-;
Nan. saị-; Ud. sai-.
◊ ТМС 2, 54.
 *sajk῾V - *sajo 1199

PMong. *seji- to carve, engrave, make a notch (вырезать, делать за-

рубку): WMong. sejile-, sejiči-le- (L 684); Kh. sijle-; Bur. hīle-; Kalm. sīl-,
sīčə-; Ord. sīl-, sīle-; Dag. seile- (MD 207), seile-; S.-Yugh. sīl-.
◊ KW 328, 329, MGCD 603. Mong. > Man. seči-.
PTurk. *sAj- to pierce (прокалывать, вонзать): OTurk. saj-
(OUygh.); Uygh. saj-; Kirgh. saj-; Shr. saj-; Oyr. saj-.
◊ VEWT 400, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-sajk῾V knucklebone: Tung. *sajKa; Turk. *siaka.
PTung. *sajKa shin-bone (голень, берцовая кость): Man. sajχa.
◊ ТМС 2, 56. The word is hardly borrowed from Mong. siɣai, Khalkha šagaj, despite
Doerfer MT 138 (however, Sol. sāxa ‘knucklebone’ is quite possibly < Mong.).
PTurk. *siaka knucklebone (бабка, косточка): Tur. saka (dial.);
Turkm. saqa (dial.); Uzb. sɔqa; Uygh. saqa; Tat. saɣa; Bashk. haqa, haɣa;
Kirgh. saqa; Kaz. saqa; KKalp. saqa; Kum. saqa; Nogh. saqa; Khak. soɣa
(dial.); Tv. saGa; Chuv. šok ‘жох’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, TMN 3, 254, Ашм. XVII, 214, Дыбо 1993. Turk. > WMong. saqa, Kalm. saxə
(KW 308).
‖ Дыбо 1993. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Not quite reliable because of
poor attestation in TM. Note, however, that PM *sigaji ‘knucklebone’
would be a good match - if it were not derived (or secondarily con-
taminated?) from *siɣa, see under PA *siŋu.
-sajo interval, space between: Tung. *saja; Mong. *söɣem; Turk. *saja-;
Jpn. *sai ( ~ sia).
PTung. *saja interval (between fingers) (промежуток (между
пальцами)): Evk. saja; Evn. hajāldo ‘fingers’; Ul. saja(n); Ork. saja(n);
Nan. sajã.
◊ ТМС 2, 55.
PMong. *söɣem small span (малая пядь): WMong. sögem, sögüm (L
731); Kh. sȫm; Bur. hȫm ‘span’; Kalm. sȫm; Ord. sȫm; S.-Yugh. sōm.
◊ KW 335, MGCD 608. Mong. > Evk. sūm etc., see Doerfer MT 109.
PTurk. *saja- to be rare, thinned out (быть редким, прорежен-
ным): Tat. sajɨq- (dial.) ‘to become rare’, sajaq ‘rare’; Bashk. hajaq ‘rare’
(dial.); Khak. saja-; Oyr. saja-; Chuv. sojak ‘bastard’.
◊ VEWT 395, TMN 3, 306, ЭСТЯ 7. The root is not widely attested, but its likely de-
rivative is *saja-k ‘young male horses separated from the herd; lonely man, wanderer’,
spread much wider (see ЭСТЯ 7). Chuv. sojak definitely reflects the same form and is not
borrowed from Mar. sajak, but rather vice versa, despite Федотов 2, 53.
PJpn. *sai ( ~ sia) a measure of land (99 m2) (мера земли (99 m2)):
MJpn. se; Tok. se.
‖ EAS 153. The Jpn. word may be related if one assumes an original
meaning ‘interval (in general)’. Mong. *söɣem < *seɣöm (with a frequent
labialization transfer).
1200 *sajri - *sắjV
-sajri to stick out, protrude, stand: Tung. *sara-; Mong. *sar(b)aji-; Turk.
*ser-; Kor. *sj-.
PTung. *sara- to spread out (расстилать, раскрывать): Man. sara-.
◊ ТМС 2, 64. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sar(b)aji- to spread out (распростираться, быть вытяну-
тым): WMong. sarbaji- (L 675); Kh. sarvaj-; Bur. harbaj-, haraj-; Kalm.
sarwǟ-; Ord. sarwǟ- ‘to have a great number of ramifications (of a tree
branch)’.
◊ KW 314. Mong. sarbaji- > Oyr. sarbai-, Yak. sarbaj-, Dolg. harbaj- (Stachowski 97); >
Manchu sarbaxun ‘lying spread-eagled on the back’ (see Rozycki 174).
PTurk. *ser- 1 to endure, be patient; to stay immobile, linger 2 to
spread (1 быть терпеливым; задерживаться, оставаться в одном по-
ложении 2 растягивать): OTurk. ser-, seril- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. ser- 1,
seril- ‘to sway and almost fall down’ (MK); Tur. ser- 2; Gag. ser- 2; Az.
sär- 2; Turkm. ser- 2; Sal. ser- 2; MTurk. ser- 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb. sär- 2
(dial.); Krm. ser- 2; SUygh. sär- 2; Chuv. sar- 2.
◊ VEWT 411, EDT 843, 851, ЭСТЯ 7. Some authors express doubt as to the compati-
bility of OT and modern Turkic forms; it seems, however, that the meanings are unitable
within a trans.-intrans. opposition (“spread” - “to be spread > remain”.
PKor. *sj- stand (стоять): MKor. sj-; Mod. sɨ-, sə-.
◊ Nam 303, KED 1023.
‖ KW 314, SKE 225, PKE 173, Дыбо 12, АПиПЯЯ 297. The unex-
pected -b- in Mong. may be due to a mixture with *serbe- ‘bristle, stand
on end’, see under *sirp῾a. Medial *-j- is to be reconstructed to account
for the loss of *-r- in Kor.
-sắjV shallow, stony place: Tung. *saj-; Mong. *sajir; Turk. *saj; Jpn. *sái
~ *siá; Kor. *si-m.
PTung. *saj- sandbank (песчаная насыпь): Evk. sajaŋ ‘забереги’
(water above ice along the bank); Neg. saị-čaụ; Ul. sịja(n) ‘sand’; Nan.
sịjã ‘sand’.
◊ ТМС 2, 54, 55.
PMong. *sajir stony riverbed, pebbles (каменистое русло реки,
галька): WMong. sajir (L 660); Kh. sajr; Bur. hajir; Kalm. sǟrə; Ord. sǟr.
◊ KW 319, 320. Mong. > Tuva sajɨr.
PTurk. *saj 1 area covered with stones, stony desert, stony riverbed
2 shallow place, shallow (1 каменистое место, каменистая пустыня,
каменистое русло реки 2 мелкое место, мелкий): OTurk. saj 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. saj 1 (MK); Tur. saj 1 (dial.); Az. saj 1; Turkm. saj 1;
MTurk. saj 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔj 1, sajɔz 2; Uygh. saj 1; Krm. saj 1; Tat. saj
1, saj-ɨq- ‘be shallow’; Bashk. haj 1; Kirgh. saj 1; Kaz. saj 1, sajɨz, sajaz 2;
KBalk. saj 1; KKalp. saj 1, sajɨz 2; Kum. saj 1; Nogh. saj 1; Khak. saj 1, 2;
 *sằkà - *ski 1201

Shr. saj 1; Oyr. saj 1; Tv. saarɨɣ; Chuv. sujъr čulə (Anatri) ‘pebble, rub-
ble’; Yak. ajān ‘старица’.
◊ VEWT 394, Лексика 93, EDT 858, ЭСТЯ 7, Ашм. XI, 162. Yak. > Evk., Evn. ajān
TMS 1, 21; > Russ. Siber. aján (Аникин 104).
PJpn. *sái ~ *siá shallow place (отмель): OJpn. se; MJpn. sé; Tok. sè;
Kyo. sé; Kag. sé.
◊ JLTT 520.
PKor. *si-m spring, shallow well (источник, мелкий колодец):
MKor. sim, săi’om; Mod. sǟm.
◊ Nam 296, 297, KED 926.
‖ KW 320, Владимирцов 284, Poppe 29, 67, TMN 3, 236
(“möglich”). In Korean the original root may have interacted with *sắi-
‘leak, ooze’ < *săjgo (q.v.).
-sằkà heap, pile, hill: Tung. *saK-; Turk. *saka; Jpn. *sàkà; Kor. *sàh-.
PTung. *saK- 1 icedrift 2 pile, stack 3 foot of a mountain, base of a
pillar (1 торос (ледяной) 2 штабель 3 основание (горы, столбов в
жилище)): Neg. saks 1; Man. saqsaχun 2, saqsan 1, 2; saχa- ‘to pile, ac-
cumulate’ (Lee 1958, 116); Ul. saqsị 1; Nan. saqsị, dial. (with unclear vo-
calism) sōqsị 1; Orch. saksi 1; Ud. sakta(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 57.
PTurk. *saka foot of the mountain (подножье горы): Karakh. saqa
(MK); Kaz. saɣa.
◊ VEWT 396, EDT 805, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sàkà slope, hill (склон, холм): OJpn. saka; MJpn. sàkà; Tok.
saká; Kyo. sákà; Kag. saká.
◊ JLTT 516.
PKor. *sàh- to pile up, to prop (накладывать, подпирать): MKor.
sàh-; Mod. s:a- [s:ah-].
◊ Nam 285, 294, KED 919.
‖ Lee 1958, 116 (Kor.-TM). Korean has a verbal low tone.
-ski to jump, shake: Tung. *saka-; Mong. *sege-; Turk. *sēk-.
PTung. *saka- to shake (of ground) (дрожать (о земле)): Nan. saqa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 56. Attested only in Nan., with possible Turkic and Mong. parallels.
PMong. *sege- 1 to trot 2 to shake from side to side (1 бежать ры-
сью 2 раскачиваться из стороны в сторону при ходьбе): WMong.
sege- 1 (L 681); Kh. sege- ‘скакать’ (БАМРС); Kalm. segelǯ- 2; Ord. sege-
1.
◊ KW 321.
PTurk. *sēk- to jump (прыгать, скакать): Karakh. sekri- (MK); Tur.
sek-, sejir-; Az. säk-, säjri-; Turkm. segre- (arch.), sǟkdir- ‘to gallop’;
MTurk. sek-, segri- (Pav. C.); Uzb. säkrä-; Uygh. säkrä-; Krm. säkir-; Tat.
siker-; Bashk. hiker-; Kirgh. sekir-; Kaz. sekir-; KBalk. sekir-; KKalp. sekir-;
1202 *sakosako - *sák῾a
Khak. segir-; Shr. segri-; Oyr. sekir-, segir-; Chuv. sik-; Yak. ekkirie-; Dolg.
ekkirē-.
◊ VEWT 408, EDT 822, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 48-49, Stachowski 44. Closed reflex in
Chuv. is unclear.
‖ KW 321. A Western isogloss.
-sakosako magpie: Tung. *saksa(ki); Mong. *siɣaǯigaj; Turk. *sagɨsgan;
Jpn. *kàsàsákì.
PTung. *saksa(ki) magpie (сорока): Evk. saksa ‘утка-саксан; кулик’;
Neg. saksa ‘утка-саксан’; Man. saqsaχa, čaqsaχa; Ul. saqsị; Ork. saqsan;
Nan. saqs; Orch. saqsan.
◊ ТМС 2, 56.
PMong. *siɣaǯigaj magpie (сорока): MMong. saǯixai (HY 14),
saǯiqaj (MA), sāǯiɣaj (Lig.VMI); WMong. siɣaǯigai, siɣaǯaɣai, šaɣaǯaɣai (L
748); Kh. šāʒgaj; Bur. šāzgaj; Kalm. šāzəɣā, šāzəɣǟ; Ord. šāǯaGǟ; Dag. sāǯig
(Тод. Даг. 161), sāǯihe (MD 204); Dong. saǯəGi, saǯɨɣəi; Bao. saǯiGi;
S.-Yugh. saǯiGai; Mongr. saaG (SM 317), (MGCD šaǯiGai).
◊ KW 354, MGCD 699.
PTurk. *sagɨsgan magpie (сорока): Karakh. saɣɨzɣan (MK); Tur.
saksaɣan; Gag. saqsan, saqsān; Az. saɣsaɣan; Turkm. saqasGan; Sal.
sɨxsɨɣan; MTurk. saqɨzɣan (Abush., Pav. C.), saqsaɣan (Pav. C.); Uzb.
zaɣizɣɔn; Uygh. seɣizɣan; Krm. sawusqan; Tat. sawɨsqan, sajɨsqan; Bashk.
hajɨϑqan; Kirgh. saɣɨzɣan; Kaz. sawɨsqan; KKalp. sawɨsqan; Kum.
sawusɣan; Nogh. sawɨsqan; SUygh. saqɨsqan; Khak. sāsxan; Shr. saɣisqan;
Oyr. saŋɨsqan; Tv. sāsqan.
◊ VEWT 396, Лексика 175, EDT 818, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *kàsàsákì magpie (сорока): OJpn. kasasak(j)i; MJpn. kasasaki;
Tok. kàsasagi, kasásagi; Kyo. kàsàságì; Kag. kasasagí.
◊ JLTT 441.
‖ KW 354, Дыбо 8, Лексика 175. An onomatopoeic reduplicated
root. Cf. other similar bird names: MKor. kāčhí id. (Martin 236), koskori
‘oriole’; OJ sazaki (mod. miso-sazai) “японский крапивник”; Karakh.
čekik ‘lark’, TM *čukčeŋē ‘кулик’. Ozawa (99-101) compares Mong. (Al-
tan Tobči) čaɣčaɣai, Khalkha cagcxaj ‘a k. of small bird’ (’чекан,
каменка’).
-sák῾a ( ~ -k-) edge, end (of a stick, pole): Tung. *saku-; Turk. *sakanak;
Jpn. *sákí.
PTung. *saku- a prop (for a kettle) (подставка, тренога (для подве-
шивания котла над огнем)): Man. saqura; Nan. saqora.
◊ ТМС 2, 54.
PTurk. *sakanak ends of sticks in tent framework (концы палочек,
составляющих решетку юрты): Kirgh. saqanaq; Kaz. saɣanaq; KKalp.
saɣanaq.
 *sák῾a - *sàk῾ò 1203
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 505 (Turk. > Kalm. saɣənəG id.). Cf. also Tuva saq ‘end of bow’,
Old Turk. saq id. (ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *sákí edge (конец, край): OJpn. sakji; MJpn. sákí; Tok. sàki;
Kyo. sákí; Kag. sáki.
◊ JLTT 517.
‖ The meaning in Japanese (’edge’) must be a generalization of the
more concrete earlier ‘end (of a stick, pole)’.
-sák῾a ( ~ -k-, -o) luck in hunting: Tung. *saKa; Jpn. *sáki.
PTung. *saKa hunt, hunting (охота): Man. saχa; Jurch. saxa-da-mij
(481).
◊ ТМС 2, 56.
PJpn. *sáki fortune, luck (счастье, удача): OJpn. sakji.
◊ JLTT 517. Cf. also *saki-pap-, *sákár- ‘flourish’, *sakaja- ‘prosper’: these all may be de-
rived from the same root *sak-, but mergers with the root *sák- ‘to blossom’ were also
possible.
‖ A not quite secure Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Since words for ‘hunt’ of-
ten go back to names of hunted animals, one can think of comparing PT
*sajkak ( ~ *sajgak) ‘antelope’ (attested since Chag., see VEWT 395, ЭСТЯ
7), with the resulting correction of the PA reconstruction to *sajk῾a. Cf.
also *sgò and *sku.
-sàk῾a ( ~ z-) sharp instrument, to cut, split: Tung. *sak-pi; Jpn. *sàk-;
Kor. *sàkí-.
PTung. *sak-pi axe (топор): Ul. saqpị.
◊ ТМС 2, 56. Attested only in Ul., with parallels in Kor. and Jpn.
PJpn. *sàk- to rip, split (расщеплять, раздирать): OJpn. sak-; MJpn.
sàk-; Tok. sák-; Kyo. sàk-.
◊ JLTT 746.
PKor. *sàkí- to carve, engrave (вырезать, гравировать): MKor.
sàkí-; Mod. sägi-.
◊ Nam 282, KED 920.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-sàk῾ò ( ~ z-) a k. of fish: Tung. *sakan-; Jpn. *sàkâi (~-ia); Kor. *sòkóarí.
PTung. *sakan- 1 pike 2 taimen (1 щука 2 таймень): Evk. sakanan 1;
Neg. saxanan 2; Ul. sakanu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 56.
PJpn. *sàkâi (~-ia) salmon, white-fish (кета, сиг): MJpn. sàkè; Tok.
sáke; Kyo. sàkê; Kag. sáke.
◊ JLTT 517. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *sòkóarí perch, (KED) a mandarin fish (Siniperca scherzeri)
(окунь): MKor. sòkóarí; Mod. s:ogari.
◊ Nam 307, KED 969.
1204 *sak῾o - *săk῾V
‖ An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps also Oyr. sagalak ‘рыбка-урюп’,
Mong. (L 657) saɣamqa ‘salt water fish, perch(?)’. Like in many fish
names, details are not clear: note that the TM forms may be actually
borrowed from Jpn. sakana ῾fish’ (originally ‘wine-side dish’). Cf. also
*suku.
-sak῾o ( ~ z-, -u) salt: Tung. *saKV; Kor. *sòkòm.
PTung. *saKV 1 dried (of meat, fish) 2 salt (1 вяленый (о мясе, ры-
бе) 2 соль): Man. saqa 1; Ud. sa῾i 2 (Корм. 280).
◊ ТМС 2, 54, 55.
PKor. *sòkòm salt (соль): MKor. sòkòm; Mod. sogɨm.
◊ Nam 306, KED 970.
‖ A rather dubious Tung.-Kor. isogloss; perhaps a variant of the
root *sak῾V ‘to ferment’ q.v.
-sak῾u(rV) a k. of stinging insect: Mong. *sag; Turk. *sakɨrtka; Jpn.
*su(n)karu.
PMong. *sag insect eggs, nits (яйца насекомых, гниды): WMong.
saɣ (L 656); Kh. sag; Bur. haga- ‘to swarm (of insects)’.
PTurk. *sakɨrtka tick (клещ): Karakh. saqɨrqu (MK); Tur. sakɨrɣa,
dial. saɣra; Gag. saqɨrɣa; Turkm. saqɨrtGa; MTurk. saqurɣa (AH); Kum.
qasartqɨ; Nogh. qasartqɨ; SUygh. saqɨrtqɨ, saqartqɨ, saqatqɨ; Khak. saɣartxɨ;
Shr. sartqa; Oyr. sartqa; Tv. sarɣɨ; Yak. saχsɨrɣa ‘fly’.
◊ VEWT 396, Лексика 183, EDT 816.
PJpn. *su(n)karu digger wasp, Ammophila infesta Smith. (оса-пес-
корой, Ammophila infesta Smith.): OJpn. sugaru; MJpn. sugaru.
◊ JLTT 594.
‖ Лексика 183.
-săk῾V to ferment: Tung. *saku; Mong. *saga- / *saka-; Turk. *sakɨŕ /
*sagɨŕ; Kor. *sàk- / sk-.
PTung. *saku 1 stale water, muddy water 2 to become turbid, make
turbid (of water) (1 застоявшаяся, ржавая вода 2 мутнеть, мутить
(воду)): Evk. šaka- (Kamn.) 2; Evn. saq 1, saqab- 2 (Arm.); Nan. saqo / saqụ
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 56, 80-81.
PMong. *saga- / *saka- to ferment, to trickle (бродить, сочиться):
WMong. saɣa-; Kh. saga-; Bur. haxaj- ‘to become covered with mud’ (?);
Kalm. saxə-.
◊ KW 308.
PTurk. *sakɨŕ / *sagɨŕ gum, resin (смола, мастика): Karakh. saɣɨz,
saqɨz (MK); Tur. sakɨz; Gag. saqɨz; Az. saɣɣɨz; Turkm. saqɨz; MTurk. saqɨz
(IM, Pav. C.); Uzb. saɣiz; Uygh. seɣiz; Krm. saqɨz; Tat. saɣɨz; Bashk. haɣɨz;
 *sali - *salkV 1205

Kirgh. saɣɨz; Kaz. saɣɨz; KKalp. saɣɨz; Kum. saɣɨz; Nogh. saɣɨz; Khak. sās;
Oyr. saŋɨs; Tv. sāt; Chuv. soɣъr; Yak. ɨas; Dolg. ɨas.
◊ EDT 817-818, VEWT 396, Лексика 117-118, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 70, Stachowski 258.
Cf. also *sakɨŕ ‘clay’ (Лексика 375, ЭСТЯ 7 ibid.). MK glosses saɣɨz as ‘gum, resin’, and
saqɨz as ‘any viscous substance’, so a merger of two original roots is not excluded.
PKor. *sàk- / *sk- 1 to exude, effervesce, ferment 2 to rot, become
spoiled 3 ferment, yeast (1 киснуть, бродить, выделяться (о поте, пу-
зырьках из воды etc.) 2 гнить, портиться 3 фермент, закваска):
MKor. sàk- 1, sk- 2, skím 3; Mod. sak- 1, s:ək- 2, səgim 3.
◊ Liu 435, 448, 450, KED 888, 940.
‖ EAS 91, KW 308, SKE 220 (Doerfer’s skepticism in TMN 3, 255 is
hardly justified). The variation of *-g- and *-k- in Turkic and Mongolian
is suspicious (cf. also the Nanai form pointing rather to *-k-), perhaps
indicating that we are dealing with a merger of two different roots - cf.
also the variety of reflexes in Korean; cf. also *sak῾o and *zúko.
-sali to dislike, neglect: Tung. *sali- / *sel-; Turk. *sal-; Jpn. *sira-; Kor.
*sirh-.
PTung. *sali- / *sel- 1 to slight, disregard, neglect 2 to be angry (1
пренебрегать 2 сердиться): Evk. sel- 1; Evn. hel- 1; Neg. sel- 1; Ork. sali-
2; Nan. sali- 1 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 58, 139-140. The vowel -e- in North. Tung. is unclear.
PTurk. *sal- 1 to quarrel, dislike, swear 2 bad influence, bad conse-
quence (1 ссориться, ругаться 2 дурное влияние, плохие последст-
вия): Karakh. salɣa ‘a restive horse’ (MK); Kirgh. saldar 2; Kaz. sal ‘a
quarrelsome person’, salɨs- 1, saldar 2; KKalp. saldar 2; Khak. salčɨ- 1; Tv.
saldar 2; Chuv. sol- ‘to damn’.
◊ EDT 826, Федотов 2, 57, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sira- to go mad, become foolish (сходить с ума, быть идио-
том): MJpn. sira-; Tok. shire-.
◊ JLTT 752 (united with ‘get known’, probably by mistake).
PKor. *sirh- to dislike, feel repugnance for; be unpleasant (не лю-
бить; быть неприятным): Mod. sil- [silh-].
◊ KED 1060.
‖ SKE 234.
-salkV a k. of board, frame: Tung. *salk-; Mong. *salga; Turk. *sāl.
PTung. *salk- 1 pole, post 2 frame of a loom 3 paddle on a ski stick
(1 столб, жерди 2 рамка (у ткацкого берда) 3 лопатка (нп лыжной
палке)): Evk. salkamča 1; Evn. halqmča 1; Man. salχu 2; Ork. saltịnqo 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 58, 59.
PMong. *salga stretcher, litter (носилки): WMong. salɣa (L 665); Kh.
salga.
1206 *sálo - *saĺ(b)i
PTurk. *sāl rafter (плот): Karakh. sal (MK); Tur. sal; Az. sal; Turkm.
sāl; Sal. sal; MTurk. sal (AH, Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. sɔl; Uygh. sal; Krm.
sal; Tat. sal; Bashk. hal; Kirgh. sal; Kaz. sal; KKalp. sal; Kum. sal; Nogh.
sal; Khak. sal; Shr. sal; Oyr. sal; Tv. sal; Chuv. solъ; Yak. āl.
◊ EDT 824, VEWT 397, Лексика 537, Федотов 2, 59, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > MMong. (SH)
sal, WMong. sal, Kalm. sal (KW 309; TMN 3, 231, Щербак 1997, 144).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-sálo ( ~ *z-) to be separated: Tung. *salga-; Mong. *sal(u)-; Jpn. *sár-;
Kor. *sằr-.
PTung. *salga- 1 interval between legs 2 cross-road 3 to distribute (1
промежность 2 разветвление дорог 3 раздавать, распределять): Evk.
salgan 1; Evn. hālg 1; Neg. salga 1; Man. salǯa 2, sarǵa 1, sala- 3; SMan.
śarixi, arixi ‘crotch’ (134); Ork. salda(n) 1; Nan. salGã 1; Orch. sāga 1; Ud.
saga 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 58. Manchu cannot be < Mong., despite Rozycki 173.
PMong. *sal(u)- to become separated; to branch off (отделяться; от-
ветвляться): MMong. salqaxda- ‘zugeteilt werden’ (HYt); WMong.
sal(u)- (L 663); Kh. sala-; Bur. hala-; Kalm. sal-; Ord. sal-; Dag. sala-; salā
‘branch’ (Тод. Даг. 161); sale (MD 205); Dong. sala ‘branch’; S.-Yugh.
sal-, sala ‘branch’; Mongr. sal-, sala ‘branch’.
◊ KW 309-310, MGCD 590, TMN 1, 334. Mong. > Kirgh. salā etc.; Evk. salu- etc., see
Doerfer MT 26, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sár- to go away (уходить): OJpn. sar-; MJpn. sár-; Tok. sár-;
Kyo. sár-; Kag. sár-.
◊ JLTT 747. The accent in Tokyo is irregular.
PKor. *sằr- to disappear, vanish (пропадать, исчезать): MKor. sằr-;
Mod. sara-ǯi-.
◊ Nam 291, KED 871.
‖ KW 309, Martin 245, Martin 1996, 76, Street 1985, 640.
-saĺ(b)i loose: Tung. *sala-; Mong. *sel(b)-, *salb-; Turk. *seĺ-; Kor. *sər-.
PTung. *sala- to become loose (становиться свободным, расшаты-
ваться): Orch. sala-.
◊ ТМС 2, 57; perhaps also Man. sala- ‘to give away, distribute’.
PMong. *sel(b)-, *salb- to be untied; untied, free (развязываться,
расслабляться; развязанный, свободный): WMong. selbeji-, salbaji- (L
664); Kh. selǖn; Bur. helen xatarxa ‘бить баклуши’; Kalm. selw-, salwǟ-.
◊ KW 323. Also WMong. solbaji-, Kalm. solwǟ- (KW 330); WMong. salaji-, Kalm. salǟ-;
saldai- (L 665), Kalm. saldǟ- (KW 309). Mong. salbaji- > Oyr. salbai-, Kirgh. salpī- (see ЭСТЯ
7).
PTurk. *seĺ- to untie (развязывать): OTurk. säš- (OUygh.); Karakh.
säš- (MK); MTurk. jäš- (Sangl.), säš- (MKypch. - Houts.); Tat. čiš-; Bashk.
 *sáĺo - *sằmpi 1207

sis-; Kirgh. čeč-; Kaz. šeš-; KKalp. šeš-; Kum. čeč-; Nogh. šeš-; Khak. sis-;
Shr. šeš-; Oyr. čeč-; Tv. češ-; Tof. če’š-; Chuv. sal-t-; Yak. es-.
◊ VEWT 413, EDT 857, Егоров 177, Федотов 2, 10.
PKor. *sər- to fit loosely, to treat lightly, handle carelessly (плохо
подходить, небрежно выполнять): Mod. səl-darɨ-.
◊ KED 951.
‖ KW 323, SKE 227, EAS 72, Street 1980, 296. Cf. also Mong. salaŋ
‘negligent, careless’ ( > Kirgh. salaq etc., see ЭСТЯ 7, VEWT 397).
-sáĺo ( ~ z-) to love: Tung. *sali-; Jpn. *sású-p-; Kor. *sằràŋ.
PTung. *sali- to esteem, appreciate (уважать, ценить): Man. sali-;
sali-n ‘price’; Ul. salụ-; Ork. salị-; Nan. salị-; Orch. sāli-.
◊ ТМС 2, 58. Cf. also Orok salda- ‘be merry, joke’ (ibid.).
PJpn. *sású-p- to lure, seduce, entice (соблазнять): OJpn. sasup-;
MJpn. sásóf-; Tok. sàso-; Kyo. sásó-; Kag. sasó-.
◊ JLTT 748.
PKor. *sằràŋ love (любовь): MKor. sằràŋ; Mod. saraŋ.
◊ Nam 286, KED 871.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; but cf. perhaps also Turk.: Chuv. šъldъr
‘beautiful’ (Ашм. XVII 289), Yak. ɨllar- ‘сильно увлекаться’. Cf. also
notes to *sa.
-sāmo shape, appearance: Tung. *sāma; Turk. *som; Jpn. *sámà.
PTung. *sāma sign (знак, метка): Evk. sāme; Evn. hām; Man. samχa;
Ork. sama-lkị; Nan. sāmogd ‘a talisman placed on the breast of the de-
ceased so that the shaman can recognize him when taking his soul to
the other world’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 60-61.
PTurk. *som 1 number; honour 2 shape, silhouette (1 число, счет;
почет 2 форма, вид): Khal. soma 2; Khak. som 2; Oyr. som 2; Tv. soma 2;
Chuv. som 1; Yak. omoon 2.
◊ VEWT 427, Федотов 2, 61-62, ЭСТЯ 7. The relationship to *sōm ‘whole (piece)’ (see
ibid.) is not quite clear.
PJpn. *sámà form, shape (форма, вид): OJpn. sama; MJpn. sama;
Tok. samá; Kyo. sámà; Kag. sáma.
◊ JLTT 517.
‖ The comparison seems probable, despite tonal incongruence be-
tween TM and Jpn. Ramstedt (SKE 222) compares Manchu forms with
Kor. sam ‘a speck or mote in the eye’ (that may rather belong to *sḗmi
q.v.).
-sằmpi quick, short time: Tung. *sampa-; Mong. *samba-ga(n); Turk.
*sAp ( ~ -b); Jpn. *sìmpà-raku; Kor. *spằrằ-.
PTung. *sampa- quick (быстрый): Ul. sap, sapa-lị; Nan. sampar;
Orch. sapa; Ud. saŋmu; Sol. sampal.
1208 *sằmù - *sám[u]
◊ ТМС 2, 60.
PMong. *samba-ga(n) readiness, resourcefulness; convenient time
(готовность, находчивость; удобный момент): WMong. sambaɣa (L
667); Kh. sambān; Bur. hambān; Kalm. sambān (KW: < Tib.?).
◊ Various loan theories had been put forward: Ramstedt (KW) - from an unknown
Tibetan source; Sukhebaatar < Sanskr. *sambhaga (very dubious semantically); however,
the word may well be genuine.
PTurk. *sAp ( ~ -b) a turn (to do smth.) (очередь (что-нибудь де-
лать)): OTurk. sab (OUygh.); Karakh. sab (MK).
◊ EDT 782, VEWT 401 (erroneously united with sap ‘handle’).
PJpn. *sìmpa-raku for a short time (на (короткое) время): MJpn.
sìbà-raku, sìbá-raku; Tok. shibáraku; Kyo. shìbáràkù; Kag. shibarakú.
◊ JLTT 522.
PKor. *spằrằ- quick, swift (быстрый): MKor. spằrằ-; Mod. p:arɨ-.
◊ Nam 242, KED 706.
‖ Kor. has a usual vowel reduction between a fricative and a stop.
-sằmù tar, soot, fumigation: Tung. *samŋī-n; Turk. *samala ?; Jpn. *sùmì.
PTung. *samŋī- fumigation, to fumigate (дымокур, окуривать (ды-
мокуром)): Evk. samŋī-; Evn. hamŋị-; Neg. samŋ-; Ork. samŋị; Nan.
samŋịčị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 60. Evk. > Dolg. hamńɨt, hamŋɨt ‘Rauchabzug’ (see Stachowski 95).
PTurk. *samala ? tar (деготь): MTurk. samla, samala (MA, AH,
CCum.); Chuv. sъₙmala.
◊ VEWT 399. It is also worth noting Bashk. humalaq ‘lump of clay’ and Tat. sumala
‘tar’ (possibly < Chuv.). Федотов 2, 23-24. The word is attested quite late and is usually
regarded as borrowed < Russ. смола. This might be true, but let us note that no other
Russian words were hitherto discovered in Chagatai.
PJpn. *sùmì charcoal; ink (уголь; чернила): OJpn. sumji; MJpn.
sùmì; Tok. sumí; Kyo. súmì; Kag. sumí.
◊ JLTT 533.
‖ Phonetically a good match, but otherwise not quite reliable: if the
Turkic parallel is to be removed as a late loanword, the semantic match
between ‘fumigation’ in TM and ‘charcoal’ in Japanese becomes less
convincing.
-sám[u] shaman: Tung. *samā-n; Mong. *süme; Jpn. *súmiá-.
PTung. *samā-n shaman (шаман): Evk. samān; Evn. hamān; Neg.
samān; Man. sama(n); SMan. samən (1090); Ul. samā(n); Ork. sama(n);
Nan. samã; Orch. sama(n); Ud. sama(n); Sol. sam.
◊ ТМС 2, 59. TM > Dag. samān (Тод. Даг. 161).
PMong. *süme temple, joss-house (храм, кумирня): MMong. sume
ger (HY 17), sume (SH); WMong. süme (L 743); Kh. süm; Bur. hüme;
Kalm. sümə (КРС); Ord. süme; Dag. sum (Тод. Даг. 164), sume (MD.
213); Mongr. səmēn (SM 343), smēn.
 *sámV - *sańV(-k῾V) 1209
◊ MGCD 617.
PJpn. *súmiá- emperor (император): OJpn. sumjera-, sumje; MJpn.
súméra-; Tok. sumera-gi.
◊ JLTT 533.
‖ Ozawa 117-118, JOAL 68. The parallel seems interesting, but front
vocalism in Mong. demands some special explanation.
-sámV a k. of fish: Jpn. *sámpá; Kor. *sam-.
PJpn. *sámpá mackerel (макрель): OJpn. saba; MJpn. sábá; Tok. sàba;
Kyo. sábá; Kag. sába.
◊ JLTT 515.
PKor. *sam- mackerel (макрель): Mod. sam-čhi.
◊ KED 905.
‖ Martin 236. Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss, and the precise recon-
struction is not quite clear (if *-mp- is to be reconstructed, cf. Man.
sampa ‘crayfish, crab’?). From other languages one could link a quite
isolated Turkish form semek ‘fish’ (used as a synonym for balɨq).
-sanǯV ( ~ z-) to hang down, lower: Tung. *sanǯika; Mong. *sanǯi-.
PTung. *sanǯika nose ring (серьга, кольцо, кляп (в носу)): Man.
sančiχa; Ul. sanǯaχa; Nan. sanǯaχa; Orch. sanǯaχa, sanǯiχa; Ud. sanǯehä.
◊ ТМС 2, 61.
PMong. *sanǯi- to hang down (свисать): WMong. sanǯi- (L 673); Kh.
sanǯi-; Bur. hanža-; Kalm. sanǯə-; Ord. sanǯik sanǯik ge-.
◊ KW 312. Mong. > Yak. sanǯɨj- ‘hang down, dangle’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Note also Tar. saŋgila- ‘herabhängen (von
den Ohren)’ (KW 312, VEWT 400) - hardly a loanword from Mong, but
phonetically strange (why -g-?).
-sáńo ( ~ z-) hole, interval: Tung. *saŋa-; Kor. *sằńí.
PTung. *saŋa- hole, crack (дыра, отверстие): Evk. saŋār; Evn. haŋār;
Neg. saŋā; Man. saŋGa; SMan. saŋə ‘cave’ (2361); Ul. saŋGalị; Ork. saŋGa;
Nan. saŋGar; Orch. saŋa; Ud. saŋa; Sol. saŋār.
◊ ТМС 2, 62.
PKor. *sằńí space between, interval (промежуток): MKor. sằńí;
Mod. sai.
◊ Nam 288, KED 881.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; valid if TM *saŋa- < *sań-ga-.
-sańV(-k῾V) bird dung: Tung. *sańa; Mong. *saŋga-; Turk. *saŋk.
PTung. *sańa bird dung (птичий помет): Neg. sańan; Ud. sańa.
◊ ТМС 2, 61.
PMong. *saŋga- bird dung (птичий помет): MMong. sanqa- ‘to
defecate (of birds and insects)’ (MA); WMong. saŋga-su(n) (L 672); Kh.
saŋgas; Kalm. saŋɣəsn.
◊ KW 313.
1210 *saŋe - *saŋu(ńV)
PTurk. *saŋk bird dung (птичий помет): Karakh. saŋ (MK); Tur.
sank; MTurk. saŋq (B); Kirgh. zaŋ; saŋɣɨt- ‘to defecate’; Kaz. saŋɣɨ- ‘to
defecate’.
◊ EDT 831, VEWT 401, Лексика 150-151, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ KW 313, Лексика 151, ЭСТЯ 7. A Western isogloss.
-saŋe ( ~ z-) to envy: Tung. *saŋgu-; Jpn. *sənia-m-; Kor. *sài’ó-.
PTung. *saŋgu- to enjoy other people’s grief (радоваться (чужой
беде)): Man. saŋgu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 62. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *sənia-m- to grudge, envy (испытывать недоброе чувство,
завидовать): OJpn. sonem-; MJpn. sóném-; Tok. soném-; Kyo. sóném-;
Kag. sònèm-.
◊ JLTT 755. Original accent is not quite clear: modern dialects reflect rather *sniàm-.
PKor. *sài’ó- to be jealous (ревновать): MKor. sài’ó-; Mod. säu-.
◊ Nam 296, KED 924.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; Mong. *sinu- ‘to covet’ would fit semanti-
cally, but phonetically rather continues PA *sńi q.v.; cf. also *sni.
-sằŋo (~ *z-) cold, cool: Tung. *saŋu-n, *saŋu-ksa; Mong. *seɣü-; Jpn.
*sàmù-.
PTung. *saŋu-n,*saŋu-ksa 1 cool 2 hoar-frost (1 прохладный, про-
хлада 2 иней): Evk. saŋun 1, saŋuksa 2; Evn. haŋụt- ‘be covered with
hoar-frost’; Neg. saŋun 1, saksa 2; Ul. saqsa, saŋaqsa 2; Ork. saŋnụ 1, saŋe
2; Nan. sāqsa 2; Ud. saŋuhä 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 62-63.
PMong. *seɣü- 1 shadow 2 shaded, dark (1 тень 2 затененный,
темный): MMong. seu’uder (HY 42), se’uder 1 (SH), seuder (IM, MA 267,
Lig.VMI); WMong. seɣü-der 1 (L 683), seɣü-müg 2; Kh. sǖder 1, sǖmelʒe-
‘shimmer’; Bur. hǖder 1 hǖmeger ‘shimmer’; Kalm. sǖdr 1, sǖm, sǖməɣ 2;
Ord. sǖder 1; Dag. seuder, suidur (Тод. Даг. 164) 1; S.-Yugh. sūder 1;
Mongr. sūdər 1.
◊ KW 341-342, MGCD 615. Mong. > Neg. sewdele-, Man. sebderi etc. (ТМС 2, 134).
PJpn. *sàmù- cold (холодный): OJpn. samu-; MJpn. sàmù-; Tok.
samú-; Kyo. sábù-; Kag. samí.
◊ JLTT 839.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 112, 274.
-saŋu(ńV) ( ~ z-) smoke: Tung. *saŋńan; Mong. *suwnag.
PTung. *saŋńan smoke (дым): Evk. saŋńan; Evn. hāń; Neg. saŋńan;
Man. šaŋǵan; SMan. šiaŋən (491); Jurch. ĉaŋ-gian (619); Ul. saŋńa(n); Ork.
saŋna(n); Nan. saŋńa(n); Orch. saŋńa(n); Ud. saŋńa(n); Sol. saŋa.
◊ ТМС 2, 63.
 *sápa - *sắp῾í 1211

PMong. *suwnag column of smoke (столб дыма): WMong. suɣunaɣ,

suunaɣ (L 735); Kh. sūnag; Bur. hūnagta- ‘to stretch, extend (of smoke)’.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-sápa brace, vice: Tung. *sabga; Mong. *sabsalga; Turk. *sabak; Kor.
*sàpók.
PTung. *sabga 1 bough, stick (for drying fish) 2 a k. of vice (1 сучок
(на котором сушат рыбу) 2 зажим (палка с расщепом для укрепле-
ния бересты при лучении рыбы)): Nan. sabGa 1; Orch. sabba 2; Ud.
sagba 2 (Корм. 280).
◊ ТМС 2, 51.
PMong. *sabsalga vice (тиски, зажим): WMong. sabsalɣa (L 654);
Kh. savsalga; Ord. sabsalGa.
PTurk. *sabak ? vice (тиски): Tur. ? savak ‘water chute’; Tv. sāk.
◊ Phonetically a good match pointing to PT *sabak - but very poorly represented and
dubious semantically (the meaning ‘water chute’ in Turkic - because of the shape of the
object?).
PKor. *sàpók brace, pivot pin (скоба, шкворень): MKor. sàpók;
Mod. sabuk.
◊ Liu 433, KED 876.
‖ A common derivative *sápa-kV is reflected in Turkic, TM and Ko-
rean.
-sapV ( ~ -e-) to hit, throw: Mong. *saba-; Turk. *saba-.
PMong. *saba- to throw, hit against smth. (бросать, ударять о
что-л.): MMong. saba- (MA); WMong. saba- (L 653); Kh. sava-; Bur.
haba-; Kalm. saw- (KРС); Ord. sawa-; Mog. saba- (Ramstedt 1906).
PTurk. *saba- to beat, hit, fight (бить, драться): Karakh. savaš- ‘to
fight’ (MK); Tur. savaš-; Gag. savaš-; Turkm. dial. savaš; MTurk. savaš-
(Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. savaš-; Krm. savaš-.
◊ VEWT 391, EDT 793, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; may be just a specialization of *sĕpo q.v.
-sắp῾í stick, pole: Tung. *sap-kun; Mong. *sibeɣe; Jpn. *sìmpá ~ *símpá;
Kor. *sp.
PTung. *sap-kun root (корень): Evn. hopkon; Neg. sapkun.
◊ ТМС 2, 64, 333.
PMong. *sibeɣe stick, pole, rod; fence (палка, шест; забор):
MMong. šibe’e (HY 3); WMong. sibeɣe(n), sibei (L 694); Kh. šivē; Bur. šebē;
Kalm. šiw ‘fortress, citadel’ (КРС); Ord. šiwē.
PJpn. *sìmpá ~ *símpá firewood (дрова, хворост): OJpn. siba; MJpn.
sìbà, sìbá; Tok. shìba, shíba; Kyo. shìbá; Kag. shibá.
◊ JLTT 522. Most forms point to *sì(m)pá, although a variant *sí(m)pá may be also
postulated on the basis of Tokyo shìba.
PKor. *sp firewood (дрова, хворост): MKor. sp; Mod. səp [səph].
1212 *sằp῾í - *săp῾í
◊ Nam 301, KED 961.
‖ PKE 177, Martin 227 (Kor.-Jpn.). The accent variants in Jpn. are
due to a confusion of PA *sáp῾i ‘stick’ and *spe ‘swamp vegetation’ q. v.
As opposed to *sèp῾u ‘long twig, rod’ (q. v.) this root must have denoted
twigs and branches used as firewood and also suitable for making
fences (cf. Mong. sibeɣe ‘fence’ and OJ siba-gakji ‘twig fence’).
-sằp῾í long hair: Tung. *sap-; Mong. *sabaga; Turk. *sapak; Jpn. *sìmpái;
Kor. *sap-.
PTung. *sap- 1 beard, moustache 2 pubic hair (1 борода, усы 2 во-
лосы на лобке): Man. sabula 2; Nan. sapsoqta 1 (Kur-Urm.), safala 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 64.
PMong. *sabaga yak wool (шерсть яка): WMong. sabaɣa; Kh. savga;
Bur. habagša ‘thick thread made of sinew’, habiga ‘bride’s small braid’;
Kalm. sawəg ‘long and thick hair’.
◊ KW 315 (but Kalm. may be < Turk.)
PTurk. *sapak branch, bunch (ветвь, кисть): Turkm. sapaq; Kaz. sa-
baq; Oyr. sabaq.
◊ VEWT 391. The stem is usually regarded as derived from *sạp ‘handle’ (see e.g.
ЭСТЯ 7); the latter indeed also means ‘stalk’ and has a derivative *sạpak ‘handle, stalk’.
PJpn. *sìmpái pistils, stamens (пестики, тычинки): MJpn. sìbé; Tok.
shíbe; Kyo. shíbè; Kag. shibé.
◊ JLTT 522. The Kyoto accent is aberrant.
PKor. *sap- long-haired dog (лохматая собака): MKor. sapsări, sàp-
sár-kàhí; Mod. sapsari, sapsal kǟ.
◊ Liu 439, KED 906.
‖ ТМС 2, 64.
-săp῾í to sprinkle, scatter: Tung. *sabda-; Mong. *sabir- / *sibere-; Turk.
*sep-; Jpn. *simpuki; Kor. *sp-.
PTung. *sabda- to trickle, ooze (капать, сочиться, стекать): Evk.
sawda-; Evn. habd-; Neg. sabda-; Man. sabda-; SMan. savədə (2022, 2021);
Jurch. sada-ra; Ul. sabda-; Ork. sabda-; Nan. sabda-; Ud. sabda-.
◊ ТМС 2, 51.
PMong. *sabir- / *sibere- to sprinkle, trickle (моросить, брызгать,
цедить(ся)): WMong. sabira-, sibere-, sibsi- (L 695); Kh. savira-, šivre-,
šavši-; Kalm. säwr- ‘to sprinkle, scatter’.
◊ KW 319. The Mong. form seems to be borrowed in a number of TM expressive
forms: Orok sêpēr ‘морося’, sepitči- / seputči- ‘брызгать, выплескивать’, Man. šufur se-
‘рассыпаться’, sabara- ‘разливать, разбрасывать’.
PTurk. *sep- to scatter, sprinkle (рассыпать, брызгать): Tur. sep-;
Az. säp-; Turkm. sep-; Khal. säp-; MTurk. sep- (IM, AH); Uzb. sep-; Uygh.
säp-; Krm. sep-; Tat. sip-; Bashk. hip-; Kirgh. sep-; Kaz. sep-; KKalp. sep-;
Kum. sep-; Nogh. sep-; Oyr. sep-; Chuv. sap-.
◊ VEWT 410, Лексика 26, ЭСТЯ 7.
 *sàp῾ì - *sarču 1213

PJpn. *simpuki splash, spray (брызги): Tok. shibuki.

PKor. *sp- 1 to wet, soak 2 to wash 3 to scatter, sow (1 мокнуть 2
мыть 3 разбрасывать, сеять): MKor. sprí- 1, spắr- 2, spìh- 3; Mod. p:uri-
1,3, p:al- 2.
◊ HMCH 312, Nam 247, 272, 279, 280, KED 725, 814.
‖ An expressive root, but nevertheless with satisfactory correspon-
dences. Korean has a usual vowel reduction in two of the root’s deriva-
tives. Mong. *sabir- may be a result of partial contamination with *sĕpo
‘throw, scatter’ q.v.
-sàp῾ì shore: Tung. *sapsV; Turk. *sEp; Jpn. *sìp.
PTung. *sapsV bank, shore (берег, берег у самой воды): Ul. sapsị;
Nan. sapsị; Orch. sapsa.
◊ ТМС 2, 64.
PTurk. *sEp duct, river branch, bay (приток, залив, боковой рукав
реки): Khak. sip; Oyr. sep; Tv. sep.
◊ VEWT 410, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sìp tide (прилив): OJpn. sip(w)o; MJpn. sìfò; Tok. shió; Kyo.
shíò; Kag. shió.
◊ JLTT 525.
‖ A good common Altaic root, although not very widely repre-
sented.
-sara ( ~ *sero, *sura, *sora, *z-) monkey: Mong. *sar-magčin, *sar-bačin;
Jpn. *sàrû.
PMong. *sar-magčin, *sar-bačin monkey (обезьяна): MMong.
sor-məči (IM); WMong. sarmaɣčin, sarbačin (L 675, 676); Kh. sarmagčin;
Bur. harmagšan; Kalm. sar-möčn (КРС); Ord. sarmaGčin.
◊ A somewhat distorted compound with *mečin (v. sub *mḗča) in the second part. The
restructuring occurred under the influence of other animal names with a frequent female
suffix -gčin.
PJpn. *sàrû monkey (обезьяна): OJpn. saru; MJpn. sàrú; Tok. sáru;
Kyo. sàrû; Kag. sarú.
◊ JLTT 518.
‖ Ozawa 96-99. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. ?Cf. perhaps Turk. *sarsal
‘weasel’ (EDT 854 etc.)
-sarču ( ~ *š-) locust, dragon-fly: Tung. *čačaraku; Mong. *čarča-; Turk.
*sarɨnčga; Jpn. *sunsu-musi; Kor. *čằnčárí.
PTung. *čačaraku a k. of locust (вид саранчи): Man. čačaraqu.
◊ ТМС 2, 386. An isolated Manchu form, and borrowing < Mong. (see Rozycki 42)
cannot be entirely excluded.
PMong. *čarča- locust, grasshopper (саранча, кузнечик): WMong.
čarča, čarčaɣa(i), čarčaxai (L 165); Kh. carcā(n), carcāxaj; Bur. sarsā; Kalm.
1214 *sark῾V - *sáro
carcə, carcā, carcāxǟ; Ord. ǯarčā; Dag. čārčān (Тод. Даг. 180); Bao. ǯaGǯaG;
S.-Yugh. čarčaGī; Mongr. ćāraG (SM 443), čārǯaG.
◊ KW 422, MGCD 563.
PTurk. *sarɨnčga locust (саранча): Karakh. sarɨčɣa (MK); MTurk.
sarɨnčqan (AH); Khak. sarɨsxa, sarɨnčqa ‘a k. of dragonfly’; Oyr. sarɨšqa,
sarɨsqa.
◊ EDT 845, VEWT 404, ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 187 (confused with *siarɨɣ ‘yellow’).
PJpn. *sunsu-musi a k. of cricket (вид сверчка): MJpn. suzumusi;
Tok. suzúmushi; Kyo. súzúmùshì; Kag. suzumúshi.
◊ Original accent unclear.
PKor. *čằnčárí dragon-fly (стрекоза): MKor. čằnčárí; Mod. čamčari.
◊ Nam 416, KED 1396.
‖ KW 422, Лексика 187. An onomatopoeic insect name, with usual
in such a case assimilations.
-sark῾V to drip, splatter: Tung. *sargi-; Mong. *sark-; Turk. *sark-.
PTung. *sargi- to splatter (of water, rain) (журчать, шуметь (о ру-
чье, дожде)): Evk. sargi-; Evn. harg- ‘to snort, pant’; Nan. sarGị-
(Naikh.).
◊ ТМС 2, 65.
PMong. *sark- to sprinkle, drip (брызгать, капать): WMong.
sarkira-, sarqaji-; Kh. sarxij- ‘звукоподражание плеску, журчанию,
шороху’; Kalm. sarkr-, sarkl-; Ord. sarχira- ‘to murmur’.
◊ KW 313.
PTurk. *sark- to drip, ooze (капать, стекать по капле, сочиться):
Karakh. sarq- (MK); Turkm. sar(ɨ)q-; MTurk. sarq- (AH); Uzb. sa(r)qi-;
Krm. sarq-, sarx-; Tat. sarqɨ-; Bashk. harqɨ-; Kirgh. sarɨq-; Kaz. sarɨq-,
sarqɨ-; KKalp. sarɨq-; Kum. sarq-; Nogh. sarq-; Khak. sarɨx-; Tv. sarɨq-;
Chuv. sərɣən-.
◊ VEWT 404, EDT 847-848, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss. Note some of the Turkic derivatives (Kum.
sarqɨm ‘thin flow’, Tat. dial. sarqɨm ‘thick whey left after pressing curds’
etc., see ЭСТЯ 7) which may speak in favour of the original meaning
‘to ooze, be filtered’. In this case the root may actually be derived from
*srV ‘to be rare, thinned out’ (q.v.) (assuming that length in TM was
secondarily shortened); cf. especially the common Western derivative
*sār-k῾V ‘maw used for filtering / fermenting’.
-sáro a k. of blossoming plant: Tung. *sara-ča; Mong. *sere- / *serke-;
Turk. *sarga-; Jpn. *sátúkí.
PTung. *sara-ča a k. of plant (mountain barberry?) (назв. растения
(горный барбарис?)): Man. sarača.
◊ ТМС 2, 65. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
 *sàrpa - *sàrp῾a 1215

PMong. *sere- / *serke- a k. of blossoming plant (вид цветущего

растения: 1 багульник болотный, 2 патриния сибирская, 3 люцер-
на, 4 мимоза): WMong. ser(k)eɣeg, (L 691) serkelig 2; Kh. sereleg 1,
serkeleg 2; Bur. herxēneg 3, herhen 4; Kalm. serkənəg 3 (КРС).
◊ Cf. also Khalkha sarnaj ‘rose’.
PTurk. *sarga- 1 a plant which grows in damp places 1 a plant
growing in saline grounds (1 растение, живущее во влажных местах
2 растение, живущее на солончаках): OTurk. sarɣan 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. sarɣan, sarɣan qamɨš 2 (MK); Az. saraGan ‘скумпия (кустар-
ник)’; Chuv. ? surъx səlli ‘овсяника овечья’ (? Дмитриева 1988, 42; lit.
‘sheep oats’).
◊ EDT 849, VEWT 403. Cf. also *siaŕ ‘reed’ (in Oghuz languages, see under *siaŕ
‘marsh’ - perhaps a contamination), as well as some forms dealt with under *sarɨmsak (v.
sub *sera).
PJpn. *sátúkí a k. of rhododendron (вид рододендрона): MJpn.
satuki; Tok. sàtsuki; Kyo. sátsúkí; Kag. satsúki.
‖ Cf. *s[é]rko, with a possibility of contaminations.
-sàrpa ( ~ -p῾-) weak, exhausted: Mong. *sarba-ɣa; Turk. *sarp; Jpn.
*sàmpù-.
PMong. *sarba-ɣa 1 to be exhausted, weak 2 fever (1 быть исто-
щенным, слабым 2 лихорадка): WMong. sarbaɣa-da- 1 (БАМРС); Kh.
sarvāda- 1; Bur. harig, harmaj 1; Mongr. sarbā 2.
◊ For Bur. harig ‘weak, exhausted’ cf. WMong. (L 675) sariɣ ‘impatient; light-minded’.
PTurk. *sarp difficult (трудный): OTurk. sarp (OUygh.); Karakh.
sarp (KB); Tur. sarp; Az. sarp; Turkm. sarp; MTurk. (MKypch.) sarp
(CCum., Houts.).
◊ VEWT 404, EDT 845.
PJpn. *sàmpù- grieved, cheerless, lonesome (унылый, грустный,
одинокий): OJpn. sabu-si; MJpn. sabu-si; Tok. sabishí-; Kyo. sábíshì-;
Kag. sabishí-.
◊ JLTT 839.
‖ Some evidence from Mong. (Bur. harig) seems to indicate that the
root may be just *sara, with the old derivative *sar(a)-p῾V reflected in
most languages.
-sàrp῾a a k. of tool: Tung. *sarpukī; Mong. *sorbi; Turk. *sa(r)pan; Jpn.
*sàpí; Kor. *sárp.
PTung. *sarpukī chopsticks (палочки, щипцы (для еды)): Neg.
sapk; Man. sabka; SMan. safəqə (570); Jurch. sabu(n)xa (257); Ul. salbụ;
Ork. sab; Nan. sarb; Orch. sappui; Ud. safugu; Sol. sarpa, sarpo.
◊ ТМС 2, 66-67. TM > Dag. sarpa (Тод. Даг. 162); WMong. sabqa(n) (L 654), Khalkha
savx, Kalm. sawxə (KW 315), Dag. sabehe, sabeke (MD 204).
1216 *sarp῾e - *sarp῾i
PMong. *sorbi staff, stick (палка, посох): MMong. sorbi (HY 20);
WMong. sorbi (БАМРС); Kh. sorvi ‘shaman῾s staff’ (БАМРС); Bur.
hoŕbo.
PTurk. *sa(r)pan plough (плуг): Karakh. saban (MK); Tur. saban;
Gag. saban; Az. sapan; Sal. sovan ‘соха’ (ССЯ); MTurk. saban (IM, AH),
sapan (Pav. C.); Uygh. sapan; Krm. saban; Tat. saban; Bashk. haban; Kaz.
saban; KBalk. saban; Kum. saban, sarapan ‘plough breast’; Nogh. saban;
Chuv. sorban ‘plough breast’.
◊ VEWT 402, Лексика 468, Ашм. XI, 205, ЭСТЯ 7, Molnár 2001. Turkm. dial. sāvan
‘ploughfield’ may point to length, but is not quite clear because of -v-. The root may have
been influenced by PT *sạp ‘handle’ (v. sub *sèp῾ù).
PJpn. *sàpí a k. of hoe (вид мотыги): OJpn. sapji; MJpn. sàfí.
◊ JLTT 516 (but the hypothesis of Jpn. < Kor. < Chin. is groundless).
PKor. *sárp spade, shovel (лопата): MKor. sárp; Mod. sap.
◊ Nam 292, KED 906.
‖ Martin 242, АПиПЯЯ 73, Doerfer MT 82. The root must have de-
noted a k. of stick used in agriculture, most probably digging stick or
hoe, with a later transition to “plough”, and in TM, exotically, to “eat-
ing stick” or “chopsticks”. Mong. sabqa, because of the absent -r-, is
most probably < Manchu, whereas the original root is preserved as
*sorbi ‘stick, staff’ (although the -o-vowel here is a bit strange - *sarb-
would be expected; perhaps we are actually dealing with a suffixed
form like *sorbuji, with a secondary labialization < *sarbuji).
-sarp῾e colt, foal: Mong. *sarbaɣa; Turk. *sɨp.
PMong. *sarbaɣa 2-year-old colt (двухлетний жеребенок):
WMong. sarbaɣa; Kh. sarwā; Kalm. sarwā.
◊ KW 314 ( > Oyr. sarbaɣa etc., see ЭСТЯ 7).
PTurk. *sɨp 2-year-old colt; donkey colt (двухгодовалый жеребе-
нок; осленок): Karakh. sɨp (MK); Tur. sɨpa; Az. sɨpa; Khal. supa; MTurk.
sɨpa (Houts.); SUygh. sɨp.
◊ EDT 783, ЭСТЯ 7. Note also Osm. (R.) sɨrpa id.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-sarp῾i (~-e) a k. of needle: Tung. *sarpu-; Turk. *sạp-.
PTung. *sarpu- needle for weaving nets (игла (для вязания сетей)):
Neg. sapk; Man. sarba, sarfu, surafu; Ul. sarpụ(n); Ork. salpị ~ sarpị; Nan.
sarpol; Orch. saptu; sapsaŋki ‘a k. of needle’.
◊ ТМС 2, 64, 129.
PTurk. *sạp- 1 to thread a needle 2 needle (вдевать нитку, проты-
кать): OTurk. sap- (OUygh.) ‘to graft’; Karakh. sap- (MK) 1; Az. sap 2;
Turkm. sap- 1, sap 2; Khal. sap 2; MTurk. sap- (R) 1, sap (Pav. C.) 2; Uzb.
sap- (dial.); Uygh. sap-; Krm. sap-; Tat. sap-; Bashk. hap-; Kaz. sap-; Chuv.
sɨp-.
 *saru - *sarumV 1217
◊ EDT 784, VEWT 401-402. Turk. > Bur. hab ‘sinew thread’ (unattested Mong. sab >
Yak. sap ‘thread’).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-saru to be worn out, torn: Mong. *sar-ni-; Turk. *saran; Jpn. *sutar-.
PMong. *sar-ni- 1 to stray, disperse 2 lose powers (1 расходиться,
рассеиваться, разламываться 2 терять силы): WMong. sarni- 1,2 (L
676); Kh. sarni- 1; Bur. harni- 2; Kalm. sarni- 1; Ord. sarni- 1.
◊ KW 314.
PTurk. *saran miser, miserly (скупой, скряга): OTurk. saran
(OUygh.); Karakh. saran (MK); Uzb. saraŋ; Uygh. saraŋ; Krm. saran,
saraŋ; Tat. saran; Bashk. haran; Kaz. saraŋ; KKalp. saraŋ; SUygh. saran;
Oyr. saran, saram; Yak. araŋ.
◊ VEWT 403, EDT 853-854, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. Chuv. soran ‘wound, loss, damage’.
PJpn. *sutar- to become unfashionable, deteriorate (выйти из упот-
ребления, быть в упадке): OJpn. sutar-; MJpn. sútár-; Tok. sùtare-; Kyo.
sútáré-; Kag. sùtàrè-.
◊ JLTT 759. The verb is usually regarded as a passive (intransitive) of *sútá- ‘throw
out, discard’, and it was certainly influenced by the latter accentologically. But the accent
in Kagoshima (suté- vs. sùtàrè-) as well as the external parallels show that it is originally a
distinct root, probably with low tone (*sùtàr-).
‖ ЭСТЯ 7.
-sàru ( ~ -e-) a bird of prey: Mong. *sar; Turk. *sar(ɨ); Kor. *súrí.
PMong. *sar 1 bird of prey 2 snipe (1 хищная птица 2 бекас):
MMong. sar (HY 14) ‘duck-hawk, harrier’; WMong. sar (L 674); Kh. sar
1, sarālǯin 2; Bur. harālža(n) 2; Kalm. sar ‘big kite’; Mongr. sār (SM 326).
◊ KW 313. Mong. > Oyr. sɨrālin etc. (ЭСТЯ 7).
PTurk. *sar(ɨ) 1 bird of prey, kite 2 a k. of falcon 3 starling 4 siskin (1
хищная птица, коршун 2 сарыч 3 скворец 4 чиж): Tur. sarɨ-ǯa 4; Az.
sar 2; Turkm. sar 3; MTurk. sar, sariča 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔr 2; Uygh. sa(r)
1; Tat. sarɨč 2; Bashk. har 2; Kirgh. sarɨ 1; SUygh. sar 1; Tv. sarɨ 2.
◊ VEWT 402b, Лексика 170, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *súrí eagle, hawk (орел, ястреб): MKor. súrí; Mod. suri.
◊ HMCH 180, Liu 474, KED 1002.
‖ KW 313, VEWT 402, ТМС 2,64 (Evk. sar < Mong.), KW 313. Cf.
also Jurch. siel ( < *siar-) ‘hawk’.
-sarumV ( ~ z-, -ŕ-) eyelash, eyebrow: Tung. *sarimi-; Mong. *sormu-;
Kor. *sm.
PTung. *sarimī- 1 to wink 2 eyelash, eyebrow (1 моргать 2 ресни-
ца, бровь): Evk. sarimī- 1, sarimikta 2; Evn. harъm- 1, harъmtъ 2; Neg.
sajịmta 2; Man. solmin 2; SMan. śulimin 2 (17); Ul. sarumta 2; Ork.
sịr(ụ)mụqta 2; Nan. sarmaqta 2; Orch. sāmikta 2; Ud. sāmikta 2; Sol. sam-
mikta, sarmilta, sarmitta 2.
1218 *sarV - *srV
◊ ТМС 2, 66. TM > Dag. sarmilta ‘eyebrow’ (Тод. Даг. 162).
PMong. *sormu- eyelash (ресница): MMong. sormue (HY 45), suri-
musun (’body hair’) (SH), ṣormoṣu ‘eyelid’ (IM), surbisun (MA), sarmasūn
(Lig.VMI); WMong. sormu(u)su(n) (L 729); Kh. sormos(on), sormūs(an);
Bur. hoŕmoho(n); Kalm. sormsn; Ord. sormūs, sormūsu; Dong. somosun.
◊ KW 332, MGCD 607.
PKor. *sm eyebrow (бровь): MKor. nún-sm.
◊ Nam 115.
‖ KW 332, Rozycki 186.
-sarV song, feast: Tung. *sari; Turk. *sarɨn.
PTung. *sari-n feast (пир, праздник): Man. sarin; SMan. sarin, arin,
śarin (960); Nan. sarị.
◊ ТМС 2, 66. TM > Dag. sarše- ‘to have a feast’.
PTurk. *sarɨn song, sad song (песня, заунывная песня): MTurk.
sarna- (R) ‘to sing’; Kaz. sarɨn; Kum. sarɨn; Khak. sarɨn; Shr. sarɨn; Oyr.
sarɨn; Tv. sɨrɨn.
◊ VEWT 404, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-srV to be rare, thinned out: Tung. *sār-; Mong. *sar-; Turk. *sAr-.
PTung. *sār- 1 crumbly 2 small, split 3 to rarefy, to weed (1 рыхлый
2 мелкий, раздробленный 3 разрежать, полоть): Evn. sarkama 1;
Neg. saj 2; Man. sarḱa- 3; Ul. sar (bi) 2; Ork. sār (bī) 2; Nan. sār (bī) 2;
Orch. sar 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 66.
PMong. *sar- to be rare, net-like (быть редким, прореженным):
WMong. sarčiɣar ‘thin and crispy’ (L 675); Kh. sarʒaj-; Bur. harsaj-.
PTurk. *sAr- 1 to filter, separate 2 to be filtered, separated 3 sieve
for filtering liquids (1 процеживать, отделять 2 процеживаться, от-
стаиваться 3 сито для процеживания жидкостей): Karakh. sarma- 2,
sarɨm 3 (MK; EDT 852-853: serme-, serim); Turkm. sarGan ‘milk product
made of boiled milk together with the contents of the stomach of a
newborn lamb’; MTurk. sar- 1 (Diz.).
◊ ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss. It is interesting to note the Turkm. form sar-
Gan, which may reflect an old derivative *sār-k῾V ‘maw, paunch and its
products’ (reflecting the role played by the maw, ventriculus in the fil-
tering and fermenting process) : cf. PT *sarkɨńuk ‘maw, paunch’ (EDT
849-850, ЭСТЯ 7), WMong. sarkinaɣ ‘ventriculus, second stomach’ (L
676; possibly < Turkic); Evk. sargākte ‘upper coverage of the stomach’.
See also notes to *sark῾V.
 *saŕi - *sŕi 1219

-saŕi to get cold, freeze: Mong. *ser-; Turk. *sAŕak / *sArk-.

PMong. *ser- cool, fresh (прохладный, свежий): MMong. seri’un
(HY 5), seri’ut- (SH); WMong. serigün (L 691); Kh. serǖn; Bur. heŕūn;
Kalm. serǖn; Ord. serǖn; Dag. serūn (Тод. Даг. 163, MD 211); S.-Yugh.
sörǖn; Mongr. sarin (SM 328), sarəŋ.
◊ KW 326, MGCD 601. Mong. *seriɣün ‘fresh, cool’ > Evk. serun, Man. serguwen etc.
(see Doerfer MT 119, Rozycki 178); > Turk. serin, MTurk. serövün etc., see Лексика 16,
ЭСТЯ 17; Yak. serīn, sörǖn, Dolg. herǖn, hörǖn (Kał. MEJ 17, Stachowski 102).
PTurk. *sAŕak / *sArk- 1 to become numb 2 hoar-frost 3 cold wind
(1 неметь, цепенеть 2 иней 3 холодный ветер): Karakh. sarq- 1, sarqɨm
2 (MK); Tur. (dial.) sazaq, sazaɣan 3; Az. sazaG 3; MTurk. (Xwar.,
MKypch.) sarq- 1 (Qutb, AH); Kaz. sazar- 1; Nogh. sazar- ‘to be bored’;
Khak. sarnax 3 (Kach.); Tv. sarɣɨ- ‘to nag, feel pain’.
◊ EDT 848, 849. Лексика 42, 43. Despite EDT 847, the basic meaning is not “weak
downward movement with no force behind it”: in fact we have here a confusion of sev-
eral originally different roots (see *sark- ‘overflow, drip’; *sal- ‘put down, lower’, with the
derivative *salk- which has influenced the meaning of *sark- in some languages).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. In Kor. and Jpn. the reflex of this root
may have merged with *sílgu q.v. (cf. PKE 175).
-sŕi to know; beware, feel: Tung. *sā-; Mong. *seri-; Turk. *sEŕ- (~-ē-);
Jpn. *sír-; Kor. *sari-.
PTung. *sā- to know (знать): Evk. sā-; Evn. hā-; Neg. sā-; Man. sa-;
SMan. sa- (1856); Jurch. ĉaŋ-xi (353); Ul. sāwụ; Ork. sā-; Nan. sā-; Orch.
sā-; Ud. sā-; Sol. sā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 49-51.
PMong. *seri- to wake; notice (просыпаться; замечать): MMong.
seri- (HY 35, SH), sere-ba ‘to feel, sense’ (HY 33), sere- (SH), siri-, sri-
(MA), sīr- (IM); WMong. sere-, seri- (L 689); Kh. sere-; Bur. heri-; Kalm.
ser-; Ord. sere-; Mog. serä-; Dag. sere- (Тод. Даг. 163, MD 211); Dong.
šieri-; Bao. sere-; S.-Yugh. ser-; Mongr. sari- (SM 327), (MGCD serə-).
◊ KW 325, MGCD 600. Mong. > Evk. seri- etc. (see Doerfer MT 38, Rozycki 178).
PTurk. *sEŕ- (~-ē-) 1 to feel, understand 2 doubt (1 чувствовать, по-
нимать, воспринимать 2 сомнение): Karakh. sez- (MK) 1; Tur. sez- 1;
Az. sez- 1; Turkm. seza(wār); MTurk. sez- 1 (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. sez- 1;
Uygh. säz- 1; Krm. sez- 1; Tat. siz- 1; Bashk. hiδ- 1; Kirgh. sez- 1, sez ‘feel-
ing’; Kaz. sez- 1; KBalk. sez- 1; KKalp. sez- 1; Kum. sez- 1; Nogh. sez- 1;
Khak. sis- 1; Oyr. ses- 1, ses ‘understanding’; Tv. sezik 2; Tof. sezik 2.
◊ VEWT 413, EDT 860-861, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. sezik > WMong. sesig (but seǯig is probably
genuine, see under *sàǯV).
PJpn. *sír- to know (знать): OJpn. sir-; MJpn. sír-; Tok. shìr-; Kyo.
shír-; Kag. shír-.
◊ JLTT 752.
1220 *sáŕo - *sŕo(-gV)
PKor. *sari- 1 to beware, be careful, spare oneself 2 wisdom (1 быть
осторожным, беречься 2 мудрость): MKor. sɨrkɨi 2; Mod. sari- 1, sɨlgi
2.
◊ Nam 321, KED 873, 1027. The -ɨ-vowel in sɨrkɨi is probably a secondary result of as-
similation.
‖ EAS 71, KW 325, Poppe 29, 82 (Turc-Mong.), Murayama 1962, 111,
1978, 277-278, Miller 1981, 852, ОСНЯ 2, 107-108, Ozawa 228-229, АПи-
ПЯЯ 74, 91, 276, Дыбо 14, Martin 234. TM preserves length in a mono-
syllabic root after loss of the resonant. Mong. cannot be explained as a
loanword, despite Щербак 1997, 144.
-sáŕo fence, village: Tung. *saru; Mong. *siröge; Turk. *soŕak; Jpn. *sátuá.
PTung. *saru- 1 a sit in boat made like a tent 2 fence (1 сиденье (в
лодке, в виде беседки) 2 забор, изгородь): Ul. sārụ(n) 1; Ork. sarị(n) 1,
sarụqa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 67.
PMong. *siröge fence, barrier made of pointed sticks (забор):
WMong. sirüge, (L 757) šörge; Kh. šörög; Bur. šürge; Kalm. šörgə.
◊ KW 366.
PTurk. *soŕak village (деревня): OTurk. sozaq ( ~ -u-) (OUygh.).
◊ EDT 861, VEWT 429.
PJpn. *sátuá village (деревня): OJpn. satwo; MJpn. sátó; Tok. sàto;
Kyo. sátó; Kag. sáto.
◊ JLTT 519.
‖ A common derivative *sáŕo-kV is reflected in OT sozaq, PM *sirö-ge
and Orok sarụqa.
-sŕo(-gV) a k. of big fish: Tung. *sarga-; Mong. *siröge; Turk. *sāŕV-gan.
PTung. *sarga- 1 perch 2 grayling 3 white-fish 4 herring (1 окунь 2
хариус 3 сиг 4 сельдь): Evk. sargaka 1; Neg. sajgatị 2; Man. sarGa nimaχa
3; Ul. sarGadị 2; Ork. sarụkki 4; Orch. sagati 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 65, 67.
PMong. *siröge ruff (fish) (ерш): WMong. sirüge; Kalm. šörgə zaɣəsn.
◊ KW 366. Cf. also Shor šaraɣan < Mong. *siraɣan. See Mudrak D 195-196.
PTurk. *sāŕV-gan 1 carp 2 snake, dragon (1 сазан 2 змей, дракон):
Tur. sazan 1; Gag. sazan 1; Az. sazan 1; Turkm. sāzan (VEWT); MTurk.
sazɣan 2 ( > Tur. sazɣan); Uzb. sazan 1 (dial.); Bashk. hazan, saδan 1
(dial.); Kirgh. sazan 1; Kaz. sazan 1; Kum. sazan 1; Khak. sazan 1; Tv.
sazan 1.
◊ VEWT 406, Лексика 179, ЭСТЯ 7. Bulg. > Hung. sárkány ‘dragon’, see Gombocz
1912, MNyTESz 3, 493-494.
‖ Лексика 179, Miller 2000, 61-62. A Western isogloss. Cf. also Kor.
salgi ‘Amur grayling’, perhaps borrowed from TM.
 *sàǯV - *sebe 1221

-sàǯV to slander, condemn: Tung. *saǯī-; Mong. *seǯig; Turk. *saj-; Jpn.
*sài-r- ( ~ *sià-r-).
PTung. *saǯī- to condemn (осуждать, порицать): Evk. saǯī-ča-; Sol.
sāǯilā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 54.
PMong. *seǯig doubt (сомнение, недоверие): WMong. seǯig (L
692); Kh. seǯig; Bur. heǯeg; Kalm. seǯəg (КРС); Ord. seǯik.
PTurk. *saj- 1 to slander, lie 2 slander, lie (1 клеветать, лгать 2 кле-
вета, ложь): Uzb. sajiɣ ‘delirium’; KKalp. saj- 1; Khak. sajɣa- 1, sajɣax 2;
Oyr. sajɣaq 2; Chuv. soj- 1, soj 2.
◊ VEWT 395, ЭСТЯ 7, Ашм. XI, 160.
PJpn. *sài-r- ( ~ *sià-r-) to urge; to contest (побуждать; соперни-
чать): MJpn. ser-; Tok. sér-; Kyo. sér-; Kag. sèr-.
◊ JLTT 749.
‖ Mong. is usually regarded as < Turk. *seŕik, see *sŕi (see VEWT
413, Clark 1980, 40; cf. also WMong. sesig id.).
-sebe to love, have fun: Tung. *sebǯe-; Mong. *sebki-; Turk. *seb-; Jpn.
*sua(m)pa-p-; Kor. *sipɨ-.
PTung. *sebǯe- fun, to have fun (веселье, веселиться): Evk. sebǯen;
Evn. hebǯēk-; Neg. sebǯen-; Man. sebǯen, sebǯele-; SMan. sevəǯən ‘pleasure,
enjoyment’ (1941), sevəǯəŋə ‘enjoyable’ (1942), sevəǯələ ‘to enjoy’ (1943);
Ul. sebǯeni; Ork. sebǯen; Nan. sebǯeni; Orch. sebǯen-; Ud. sebǯeŋke, sebu
‘interesting’.
◊ ТМС 2, 133-134. Man. > Dag. sebǯile- (Тод. Даг. 162).
PMong. *sebki- to rest, refresh oneself, relax (отдыхать, освежать-
ся, расслабляться): WMong. seb (ge-), sebki-, sebkire- (L 678, 679); Kh.
sevxij-; Bur. heb ge-; Kalm. sew ge-.
◊ KW 327. Mong. > Man. sebi-, sebki-.
PTurk. *seb- to love, like (любить): OTurk. sev- (OUygh.); Karakh.
sev- (MK); Tur. sev-; Gag. sev-; Az. sev-; Turkm. söj-; Khal. säv-; MTurk.
sev- (IM, Pav. C.); Uzb. sev-, sɔj-; Uygh. söj-; Krm. sev-, süj-; Tat. sj-;
Bashk. hj-; Kirgh. süj-; Kaz. süj-; KBalk. süj-; KKalp. süj-; Kum. süj-;
Nogh. süj-; Oyr. sǖ-; Chuv. sav-; Yak. iäj-.
◊ EDT 784, VEWT 406-407, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sua(m)pa-p- to recreate, have fun (развлекаться, веселить-
ся): OJpn. swobap-.
◊ JLTT 754.
PKor. *sipɨ- to wish, want (желать, хотеть): MKor. sipɨ-; Mod. sip-
[siph-], siphɨ-.
◊ Nam 325, KED 1043, 1066.
‖ EAS 71, Doerfer MT 240, Дыбо 14. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 3, 316)
doubts, the root is common Altaic. The Jpn. vowel is quite irregular:
1222 *sebV(nV) - *ségì
perhaps in Jpn. and Kor. we should presuppose a suffixed form
*sebV-p- ( > Kor. sipɨ-, PJ *sua-p-, with further suffixation *sua-p-ap-). Cf.
also WMong. (L 653) sabla-ldu- ‘to show favour, be gracious’.
-sebV(nV) ( ~ z-) strange, supernatural: Tung. *seben; Mong. *sebe-ɣün;
Kor. *sòn ( < *sVbVn).
PTung. *sebe- 1 ghost (shaman’s aid) 2 idol 3 God (1 дух (помощ-
ник шамана) 2 идол 3 бог): Evk. sewũ 1; Evn. hewki 3; Neg. sewen; Ul.
sewo(n) ~ sewe(n); Ork. sewe; Nan. sewẽ; Orch. sewē(n), seweru 1, seweki 2;
Ud. sewe(n) 1, sewexi 2; Sol. sew 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 135 (also *sebe-ki).
PMong. *sebe-ɣün strange (странный, необычный): WMong. se-
begün (L 678); Kh. sevǖn.
PKor. *sòn guest (гость): MKor. sòn; Mod. son.
◊ Nam 308, KED 985.
‖ Лексика 266.
-sèdá ( ~ z-) to think, determine: Mong. *sede-, *sed-ki-; Jpn. *sàntàmà-.
PMong. *sede-, *sed-ki- to think of, to intend (думать, намеревать-
ся): MMong. setki- (HY 33, SH), sītki- (IM), sitkl ‘angry’ (MA); WMong.
sede-, sedki- (L 680); Kh. setge-; Bur. hede-; Kalm. sed-, setkə-; Ord. sedχil
‘conscience, thought, feeling’; Dag. serkin (Тод. Даг. 163); Bao. səgtə-;
S.-Yugh. sedgel ‘thought’; Mongr. sgir (SM 347), (MGCD sgəl ‘thought’).
◊ KW 327, MGCD 593, 601.
PJpn. *sàntàmà- to determine (решать, определять): OJpn. sadama-;
MJpn. sàdàmà-; Tok. sadamé-; Kyo. sádámé-; Kag. sàdàmè-.
◊ JLTT 745.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-sedurk῾V ( ~ z-) nose bone: Tung. *serge-; Mong. *sadurkaj.
PTung. *serge- 1 gills 2 nose bone (1 жабры 2 кость (носовая)):
Evk. sergekte 1; Nan. seǯurẽ 2 (Kur-Urm.).
◊ ТМС 2, 143, 145.
PMong. *sadurkaj nose bones (кости, хрящи носа): WMong.
sadurqai, (L 656) sadarqai; Kalm. sadrxǟ; Ord. sadarxǟ.
◊ KW 307.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, with a typical loss of *-d- before *-r- in
TM.
-ségì ( ~ z-) to litter, mat: Tung. *seg-; Mong. *seg-l-; Jpn. *sík-; Kor.
*skắr-.
PTung. *seg- 1 to litter 2 litter, mat (1 подстилать 2 подстилка, ци-
новка): Evk. seɣī- 1, sekte 2; Evn. heɣ- 1, heɣtъ 2; Neg. sek- 1, sekte 2; Man.
sekte- 1, sekǯi 2; Ul. segdi- 1, segdi 2; Ork. seji- 1, segǯi(n) 2; Nan. segǯi 2;
Orch. segdi 2; Ud. soktou(n) 2.
 *segsV - *segu 1223
◊ ТМС 2, 136-137. Evk. > Dolg. hekte (see Stachowski 101).
PMong. *seg-l- mat (циновка): MMong. segu’ul- ‘to roll up (as a
mat)’ (SH); WMong. segel, seglei (L 682: segli); Kh. segel, seglij.
PJpn. *sík- to litter, strew (расстилать): OJpn. sik-; MJpn. sík-; Tok.
shìk-; Kyo. shík-; Kag. shík-.
◊ JLTT 751.
PKor. *skắr- to spread out (as mat) (расстилать (напр. циновку)):
MKor. skắr-; Mod. k:al-.
◊ Nam 22, KED 44.
‖ Cf. *sík῾e.
-segsV nape, back of head: Tung. *sekse-; Mong. *segseji- / *sogsoji-;
Turk. *sügsün.
PTung. *sekse- back of head (затылок): Man. seksexe.
◊ ТМС 2, 139. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable Turk. and Mong. paral-
lels.
PMong. *segseji- / *sogsoji- to bristle, stick out (торчать (о воло-
сах)): WMong. segsüi-, segseji-, soɣsuji- (L 682, 723); Kh. segsij-, sogsoj-;
Bur. hagsagar/hegseger ‘легкий, воздушный, пушистый (о хорошем
мехе)’ hegselze- ‘пушиться о мехе’; Kalm. seksi-; Ord. segsī-.
◊ KW 322.
PTurk. *sügsün nape (затылок): OTurk. süsgün (OUygh.) ‘backside,
rump’; Tur. sügsün, süjsün (dial.); Az. süjsün; MTurk. (MKypch.) süksün
(AH); Oyr. süskenek.
◊ EDT 856, Лексика 234-235, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ Лексика 235. A Western isogloss. Turk. *sügsün < *segsün through
vowel assimilation.
-segu a k. of small fur animal: Tung. *segep(ke); Mong. *sowsar; Turk.
*sogur ( ~ -a-).
PTung. *segep(ke) sable (соболь): Evk. seɣep; Evn. heɣъp; Neg. seɣep;
Man. seke; Jurch. sep-ke (191); Ul. sēpe; Ork. seppe; Nan. sēpe; Sol. segeŋi.
◊ ТМС 2, 137.
PMong. *sowsar marten (куница): WMong. sowsar, (L 741, DO 595)
suusar; Kh. sūsar; Kalm. suwsr (КРС); Ord. sūsar.
◊ Mong. > Turk. sawsar etc. (not vice versa, despite TMN 3, 297-298, Clark 1980, 39,
ЭСТЯ 7; Khalkha > Bur. (Okin., Tunk.) sūsari ‘помесь куницы и соболя’.
PTurk. *sogur ( ~ -a-) a small fur animal (marmot) (вид грызуна (су-
рок)): Karakh. soɣur (MK); Tat. suwɨr; Bashk. hɨwɨr; Oyr. sɨɣɨrɣan ‘a
small rodent’; Chuv. sъₙvъₙr.
◊ EDT 815, VEWT 416, 425, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. *sowsar < *saɣu-sar, with labial attrac-
tion.
1224 *sḕgù - *sejŋi
-sḕgù healthy; blood: Tung. *sēgV-; Mong. *saji(n); Turk. *sạg; Jpn.
*sùkù-jaka; Kor. *sà’ó-náb-.
PTung. *sēgV- 1 blood 2 red (1 кровь 2 красный (*sēgǯe-)): Evk.
sēkse 1, (dial.) segǯen 2; Evn. hēs 1; Neg. sēkse 1; Man. seŋgi 1; SMan. šiŋə
1 (165); Jurch. seŋ-ŋi (512) 1; Ul. sēkse 1, segǯe(n) 2; Ork. sekse 1, sēgde(n)
2; Nan. sēkse 1, sēgǯẽ 2; Orch. sēkse 1, segǯe 2; Ud. sakeä 1; Sol. sēkče 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 136, 138-139. The pure root is preserved in Evk. sēɣī-, Neg. sē- ‘to bleed,
flow (of blood)’.
PMong. *saji(n) 1 good 2 beautiful (1 хороший 2 красивый):
MMong. sajin (HY 55, SH), ṣājn ‘healthy’ (IM), sajn (MA); WMong. sajin
1 (L 660), sajiqan 2 (L 661); Kh. sajn 1, sajxan 2; Bur. hajn 1 hajxa(n) 2;
Kalm. sǟn 1; Ord. sǟn; Mog. sōīn; Dag. sain 1, saixan (saikan) 2 (Тод. Даг.
161, (MD 204, 205); Dong. sain 1, saiGan 2; Bao. saŋ 1, sexaŋ 2; S.-Yugh.
sain 1, saiχGan 2; Mongr. sn (SM 343), (MGCD: sain ) 1; sGan (SM 341)
(MGCD saixan) 2.
◊ KW 319, MGCD 588, 589, TMN 1, 371. Mong. > Manchu, Jurchen sain (see Rozycki
173); > Chuv. sajъ (Róna-Tas 1973-1974).
PTurk. *sạg healthy (здоровый): OTurk. saɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. saɣ
(MK); Tur. saɣ, sā; Gag. sā; Az. saɣ; Turkm. saG; Sal. sax ‘right’ (ССЯ);
Khal. sāɣ; MTurk. saɣ (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. sɔɣ; Uygh. saɣ; Krm. saw; Tat.
saw; Bashk. haw; Kirgh. sō; Kaz. saw; KBalk. sav, sau; KKalp. saw; Kum.
saw; Nogh. saw; sawlaj ‘whole, all’; SUygh. saɣ; Shr. saɣ; Oyr. sū, su;
Chuv. sɨvъ.
◊ TMN 3, 334-5, EDT 803, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sùkù-jaka healthy (здоровый): MJpn. sukujaka, sùkùjókà; Tok.
sukóyaka; Kyo. sùkóyákà; Kag. sukoyaká.
◊ JLTT 533.
PKor. *sà’ó-náb- strong, tough (сильный, крепкий): MKor.
sà’ó-náp- (-b-); Mod. sānap- (-w-) ‘rough, fierce, violent’.
◊ Nam 284, KED 869.
‖ EAS 85, KW 319, Владимирцов 266-267, Poppe 29 (Turk.-Mong.;
Doerfer TMN 1, 372 refutes the match for absolutely unclear reasons),
АПиПЯЯ 289, Мудрак Дисс. 182. The semantic correlation ‘blood’:
‘health, healthy’ is rather usual, thus the TM form belongs here with
great probability. Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.
-sejŋi relative by marriage: Tung. *seŋgi; Turk. *siŋil; Jpn. *sai ( ~ sia);
Kor. *sjā’òŋ.
PTung. *seŋgi relative by marriage (свойственник): Neg. seŋgi;
Jurch. seŋ-ŋi-ŋ (328); Ul. seŋgi; Ork. śeŋgi; Nan. seŋgi (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 138-9 (to be distinguished from ‘blood’!).
PTurk. *siŋil 1 younger sister 2 younger brother (1 младшая сестра
2 младший брат): OTurk. siŋil 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. siŋil 1 (MK);
 *séjra - *sèjV 1225

Turkm. siŋli 1 (dial.); Sal. siŋil, siŋni, siŋne 1; MTurk. siŋil 1 (Abush.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. siŋil 1; Uygh. siŋil 1; Krm. siŋli 1; Tat. sĭŋĭl 1; Bashk. hĭŋlĭ
1; Kirgh. siŋdi 1; Kaz. siŋli 1; KKalp. siŋli 1; Nogh. siŋli 1; SUygh. sɨŋnɨ 1;
Shr. siŋnim (Chul.) 2; Chuv. šъll-ъm 2.
◊ EDT 839, Лексика 311, ЭСТЯ 7. The original meaning was probably “younger sis-
ter of husband” (still observable in Old Turkic); note also the meaning “younger brother”
in Chuv. and in Chul. siŋnim.
PJpn. *sai ( ~ sia) beloved one (возлюбленный): OJpn. se.
◊ JLTT 521.
PKor. *sjā’òŋ husband (муж): MKor. sjā’òŋ.
◊ Nam 297.
‖ KW 328. MKo also has sj’r ‘bastard’ which may be related to the
same root. The Jpn. form presupposes a suffixed *sejŋ(i)-gV ( = TM
*seŋgi).
-séjra ( ~ z-) three, a three-part object: Mong. *sereɣe; Jpn. *sárápí; Kor.
*sih.
PMong. *sereɣe trident, pitchfork (трезубец, вилы): WMong.
serege, serige, serije (L 689); Kh. serē; Bur. herē; Kalm. ser; Ord. serē ‘tête
de flèche à plusieurs pointes’; Dag. serē (Тод. Даг. 163, MD 211).
◊ KW 325, MGCD 599. Mong. > Oyr. särä.
PJpn. *sárápí rake, pitchfork (грабли, вилы): MJpn. sáráfí.
◊ JLTT 518.
PKor. *sih three (три): MKor. si (sih-); Mod. sēt [sēs].
◊ Nam 302, KED 968.
‖ SKE 225, PKE 171. Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for loss
of *-r- in Kor. Cf. perhaps also Man. sertej ‘three-lipped, having a hare-
lip’; MKor. shri, mod. s:əre ‘rake, harrow’ ( = Mong. *sereɣe).
-sèjV thin, rare: Tung. *sēr; Mong. *seji-; Turk. *sedre- ( < *sej-re-); Jpn.
*sài- ( ~ *sià-); Kor. *sri.
PTung. *sēr thin, rare (тонкий, редкий): Man. seri; Ul. ser bi; Nan.
sēr.
◊ ТМС 2, 144.
PMong. *seji-, *sejire- to be rare, thinned (быть редким, проре-
женным): WMong. seji-, sejire- (L 684); Kh. sij-, sijre-; Bur. hijre-; Kalm.
sīr-; Ord. sīre-.
◊ KW 328.
PTurk. *sedre- 1 to be rare, have wide intervals 2 gappy, rare, perfo-
rated (1 быть редким, с широкими промежутками 2 редкий, дыря-
вый): OTurk. sedrek 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. seδre- 1, seδrek 2 (MK); Tur.
sejrek 2; Gag. sīrek 2; Az. sejräk 2; Turkm. sejrek 2; Sal. serex 2; MTurk.
sejrek 2 (AH); Uzb. sijräk 2; Uygh. siräk 2; Krm. serek 2; Tat. sirä- 1 (dial.) ,
1226 *sèk῾u - *sèk῾u
siräk 2; Bashk. hiräk 2; Kirgh. sejrek 2; Kaz. sĭre- 1, sĭjrek 2; KKalp. sĭjrek 2;
Kum. sijrek 2; Nogh. sĭjrek 2; Chuv. sajra 2.
◊ EDT 802, VEWT 407.
PJpn. *sài- ( ~ *sià-) narrow (узкий): OJpn. se-, seba-; MJpn. sèbà-;
Tok. semá-; Kyo. sémà-; Kag. semá-.
◊ JLTT 839, 840.
PKor. *sri interval, space (интервал, промежуток): MKor. srì;
Mod. səri (arch.).
◊ Nam 299, KED 936.
‖ Владимирцов 282, Мудрак Дисс. 101, ЭСТЯ 7, TMN 3, 308-309.
Despite Щербак 1997, 144 not borrowed in Mong. < Turk.
-sèk῾u to preserve, be aware: Tung. *sexu-; Mong. *saki-; Turk. *sạk(ɨ)-;
Jpn. *sùk-; Kor. *sàkí-.
PTung. *sexu- sensitive, responsive (чуткий): Ul. sexuli; Nan. sexur.
◊ ТМС 2, 139.
PMong. *saki- to protect, guard (охранять, наблюдать, следить
за): MMong. saqi- (MA), saki- (SH, HYt); WMong. saki- (L 662); Kh.
saxi-; Bur. haxi-; Kalm. säkə-, sakə-; Ord. saχi-; Dag. sagi- (Тод. Даг. 161),
sahi- (MD 204) ; sagī-; Dong. saGi-, saɣəi-; Bao. sGe-; S.-Yugh. sāɣə-;
Mongr. sagi- (SM 319), (MGCD sgə-).
◊ KW 308, 318, MGCD 596.
PTurk. *sạk(ɨ)- 1 aware 2 be aware, protect (1 осторожный, бди-
тельный 2 быть осторожным, беречь(ся)): Karakh. saq 1, saqɨn- 2
(MK); Tur. sak, sax 1 (dial.), sakɨn- 2; Gag. saq 1, saqɨn- 2; Turkm. saq 1,2;
MTurk. saqɨn- 2 (Houts.) , saqin- 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔɣ 1 (dial.); Krm.
saqɨn- 2; Tat. saq 1; Bashk. haq 1; Kirgh. saq 1; KBalk. saq 1; KKalp. saq 1;
Kum. saq 1; Nogh. saq 1; SUygh. saqa 1, saq-, saqɨ- 2; Khak. sax 1, saɣɨ- ‘to
wait’; Oyr. saqɨ- 2; Tv. sa’ɣɨ- 2; Chuv. sɨɣъ ‘guard’.
◊ VEWT 395-6. Turk. > WMong. saɣ, Kalm. sag (KW 307).
PJpn. *sùk- to like (любить, нравиться): MJpn. suk-; Tok. súk- ‘to
like’, sùk-as- ‘to quieten’; Kyo. sùk-, súkás-; Kag. sùk-, sukás-.
◊ JLTT 758. The causative differs in tone from *sùk- and may actually reflect a differ-
ent original root.
PKor. *sàkí- 1 to read characters, interpret 2 to know each other (1
читать знаки, переводить 2 знать друг друга, знакомиться): MKor.
sàkí- 1, sàkói- 2; Mod. sägi- 1, sagwi- 2.
◊ Nam 282, KED 868, 920.
‖ KW 318. Mong. is hardly borrowed from Turk., despite TMN 3,
218-219, Щербак 1997, 144. Korean has a usual “verbal” low tone. Cf.
*sk῾a.
 *sela - *sèĺbò 1227

-sela ( ~ -o) bolt, hinge: Tung. *selu-(mi)-; Mong. *silbi-; Turk. *salma /
*salŋu; Jpn. *saru.
PTung. *selu-(mi)- 1 cross-bow 2 arrow (1 самострел 2 стрела):
Evk. selu, sele 2; Evn. helike 2; Neg. senmu 1, 2; Man. selmin, selḿen (also
“cock in bird-trap”); Nan. sermi 1, 2; Orch. semmi 1, 2; Ud. seŋmi 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 143.
PMong. *silbi- button loop (пуговичная петля): WMong. silbi (L
705); Kh. šilbe; Bur. šelbe; Kalm. šilwə; Ord. šilbe (šilbi).
◊ KW 357. Mong. > Oyr. šilbi.
PTurk. *salma / *salŋu 1 sling 2 horse noose 3 snare 4 button hole (1
праща 2 аркан 3 силок 4 петля для пуговицы): Karakh. salŋu (MK) 1;
Khal. salɣọ 1; MTurk. salma 3 (Pav. C.); Uygh. salma 4; Bashk. halmawɨr
1; Kirgh. salmōr 1; Kaz. salma ‘ornamental bands in a yurt’; Khak. salba 1
(Sag.); Chuv. solъ ‘bracelet’.
◊ VEWT 399, EDT 827, Ашм. XI, 174. Usually derived from *sal- ‘put’ or *sal-ɨn-
‘hang, droop’ - all very dubious semantically. With other suffixes cf. perhaps Uzb. sɔldɔw
‘tug’, Tuva saldɨrɨk ‘belt shaped as a loop’
PJpn. *saru door lock, bolt (дверной засов, болт): MJpn. saru; Tok.
saru.
‖ A common Altaic derivative *sela-mV is reflected in PTM *selu-mi-,
PT *sal-ma and possibly (with denasalization) in Mong. *sil-bi-.
-séle ( ~ z-) mutually: Mong. *selü-; Jpn. *sr-p-; Kor. *sr.
PMong. *selü- to alternate (чередоваться, меняться): MMong. silgi-
‘to billow, welter’ (MA) (?); WMong. selü-, (L 686) selgü-; Kh. sele-; Bur.
helge-; Kalm. sel-.
◊ KW 322. Mong. (with a secondary semantic development: “to repair”) > Khak. seli-
‘to repair’ etc. (VEWT 409).
PJpn. *sr-p- to fit each other, be adjusted (подходить друг к дру-
гу, быть прилаженным): OJpn. s(w)or(w)opa- ‘to fit, adjust’ (tr.); MJpn.
sorof-, sórób-; Tok. soró-; Kyo. sóró-; Kag. sòrò-.
◊ JLTT 756. Accent in Tokyo and Kagoshima is aberrant.
PKor. *sr each other, mutually (друг друга, взаимно): MKor. sr,
srù, srằ; Mod. səro.
◊ Nam 299, KED 935.
‖ KW 322.
-sèĺbò ( ~ z-) oar, spoon: Mong. *selbi-ɣür; Jpn. *sànsì; Kor. *súr.
PMong. *selbi- 1 oar 2 to row (1 весло 2 грести): WMong. selbigür 1,
selbi- 2 (L 686); Kh. selbǖr 1, selbe- 2; Bur. heĺǖr, heĺbǖr, helbe 1; Dag. seli
(Тод. Даг. 162: selbe), selebe- 2 (MD 207).
◊ MGCD 598. Mong. > Man. selbi ‘oar; to row’ (see Rozycki 177).
PJpn. *sànsì spoon (ложка): MJpn. sazi; Tok. sají, sáji; Kyo. sájì; Kag.
sají.
1228 *sēma - *sĕme
◊ JLTT 520 (but the theory of borrowing from Chinese ḍạ-e ‘teaspoon’ is quite im-
probable: chaji would be expected in Jpn.).
PKor. *súr spoon (ложка): MKor. súr; Mod. sul (dial.).
◊ Nam 315, KED 1018.
‖ A Chinese origin of Kor. súr, suggested in Martin 1996, 92, is quite
improbable.
-sēma to get lost, deviate: Tung. *sēm-; Mong. *samur-; Turk. *sAm-; Jpn.
*sámá-.
PTung. *sēm- to be lost (теряться): Evk. sēm-.
◊ ТМС 2, 141.
PMong. *samur- 1 to stir, mix smth., make a disorder 2 disorder (1
помешивать, приводить в беспорядок 2 беспорядок): MMong.
sama’ura- 1, sama’u(i) 2 (SH), samao’u ‘rebellion’ (HYt); WMong. samura-
1 (L 668), samaɣun 2 (L 667); Kh. samra- 1, samūn 2; Bur. hamar- 1; Kalm.
samūr-, samr- 1; Ord. samur- ‘to stir tea’; Dag. samra- (Тод. Даг. 161),
samarə- 1; S.-Yugh. samər- 1, samūn 2; Mongr. samurā- ‘être en désordre,
se révolter’ (SM 322), samuri- ‘mêler en remuant, remuer avec une
cuiller’ (SM 323); samurō 2.
◊ KW 311, MGCD 592. Mong. > Man. samara- etc., see Doerfer MT 122, Rozycki 174.
PTurk. *sAm- 1 a complicated affair with no obvious way out 2 to
be sad, tired 3 to rave 4 fool (1 затруднительное дело, положение 2
быть печальным, усталым 3 бредить 4 глупец): Karakh. samurtuɣ 1
(MK); Turkm. samra- 3, samsɨq 4; Oyr. samzɨl- 2.
◊ EDT 830.
PJpn. *sámá- to wander, falter (бродить, шататься): OJpn.
sama-jwop-; MJpn. sámá-jof-; Tok. samayó-; Kyo. sámáyó-; Kag. samayó-.
◊ JLTT 747.
‖ High tone in Jpn. is irregular.
-sĕme (-a) fat: Tung. *semesik; Mong. *semǯi; Turk. *semiŕ; Kor. *sam.
PTung. *semesik inner fat (нутряной жир, сальник): Evk. semesik;
Evn. hemehъk; Neg. semesix; Man. semsu.
◊ ТМС 2, 142.
PMong. *semǯi inner fat, fat on liver (внутренний жир, жир на пе-
чени): MMong. simeǯi (MA 320); WMong. semǯi (L 687: semeǯe,
semeǯi(n)); Kh. semǯ; Bur. hemže; Kalm. semǯn; Ord. semeǯi(n).
◊ KW 323. Mong. > Man. semeǯen, see Rozycki 178 (but not > semsu, TM *semesik).
PTurk. *semiŕ 1 fat (adj.) 2 fat (n.) 3 fatten (1 жирный 2 жир 3 жир-
неть, тучнеть): OTurk. semiz 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. semiz (MK) 1;
Tur. semiz 1; Az. sämiz- 3; Turkm. semiz 1; Sal. semüs 2; MTurk. semiz 1
(Pav. C.); Uzb. semiz 1; Uygh. semiz 1; Krm. semiz 1; Tat. simɨz 1; Bashk.
himiz 1; Kirgh. semiz 1; Kaz. semiz; KBalk. semiz 1, 2; KKalp. semiz 1;
 *sḗmi - *sḗmi 1229

Kum. semiz 1, 2; Nogh. semiz 1; SUygh. semiz 1; Khak. simis 1; Oyr. semis
1; Tv. semis 1; Tof. semis 1; Chuv. samъr 1; Yak. emis 1; Dolg. emis 1.
◊ EDT 830, VEWT 409, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 45. A common Turkic derivative is
*semri- / *semir- ‘to become fat’, see EDT ibid., ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *sam placenta, caul (плацента, оболочка плода): Mod. sam.
◊ KED 901.
‖ EAS 71, KW 323, Poppe 29, Дыбо 14. It is interesting to note OJ
same-nuri ‘a way of applying varnish’ (if same- here is not = sama- ‘to
fade’). Despite Poppe 1974, 120, *-ǯi in Mong. is a quite common suffix
(see Poppe 1973, 234) and the Mong. form can hardly be regarded as
borrowed < Turkic (Clark 1980, 39 says that the case “defies explana-
tion” (as a borrowing); likewise, the TM forms are difficult to explain as
borrowed < Mong.
-sḗmi scar, pock-mark, stain: Tung. *semke; Mong. *seme-; Turk. *sēm
(~-ī-); Jpn. *símí; Kor. *sām.
PTung. *semke 1 callus 2 to get a callus, wear out 3 rough, rare (of
cloth) 4 holey 5 skimmer (1 мозоль 2 натереть мозоль, износиться 3
грубый, редкий (о ткани) 4 дырявый 5 шумовка): Evk. semke 1,
semke- 2; Neg. semeriŋgu 5; Man. semejen, semexun 3; Ul. semm bi 4; Ork.
sempeke 4; Nan. semm bī 4; Orch. semteke 4; Ud. sempe- 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 141, 142.
PMong. *seme- 1 to become worn out, torn (of cloth) 2 caus. 3
pocked, holey (1 снашиваться, раздираться 2 снашивать, раздирать
3 дырявый, щербатый): WMong. semere- 1, semele- 2 (L 687), semeger 3;
Kh. semre- 1, semle- 2, semger 3; Bur. heberi-; Kalm. semr- 1, seml- 2; Ord.
semere- 1; Dag. seme- 2 (Тод. Даг. 162).
◊ KW 323.
PTurk. *sēm (~-ī-) 1 inflammation 2 pimple (on face) (1 воспаление
2 прыщ (на лице)): Az. sim ‘blood-poisoning’; Turkm. sīm 1; KKalp.
semik ‘mark, mole on body’; Khak. simiske 2.
◊ The Oghuz form may reflect a contamination with the borrowed Arab. word for
‘poison’ (Tur. sem).
PJpn. *símí pock-mark; stain (оспина, веснушка; пятно): OJpn.
simji; Tok. shìmi; Kyo. shímí; Kag. shími.
◊ JLTT 524.
PKor. *sām 1 spot (in the eye) 2 wart, mole (1 пятно (в глазу) 2 бо-
родавка, родинка): MKor. sāmákói 2; Mod. sam 1, sāmagwi 2.
◊ Liu 433, KED 873, 901.
‖ See also notes under *sāmo.
1230 *sḕmi - *sḕnV
-sḕmi ( ~ z-) caution, attention: Tung. *sēme-; Jpn. *símìas-; Kor. *sàm-.
PTung. *sēme- 1 to get used 2 to accustom, habituate 3 to guess, be
suspicious (1 привыкать 2 приучать 3 догадываться, подозревать):
Evk. sēme- 1; Evn. hēmgi- 2; Man. semki- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 141, 142.
PJpn. *símìas- to show (показывать): OJpn. simjes-; MJpn. símès-;
Tok. shimés-, shìmes-; Kyo. shímés-; Kag. shimés-.
◊ JLTT 751. The accent in RJ and PJ is exceptional, showing that the word is treated
as a compound *sí- ‘make’ + *mi-as- ‘show, cause to see’. One may suppose that original
*sìmà-s- (causative from the attested *sìmà-, OJ sìmà-, Tokyo shimé- “mark, mark out as
one’s territory”) was restructured under the influence of *mì-as- ‘show’.
PKor. *sàm- to take care, use caution (быть осторожным): MKor.
sàm-ká-; Mod. samga-.
◊ Nam 293, KED 901.
‖ SKE 222-223. An Eastern isogloss; on Jpn. tone see note above.
-sèmpa ( ~ z-, -o) rust: Tung. *septu / * semtu; Jpn. *sàmp(u)ì.
PTung. *septu / * semtu rust (ржавчина): Evk. semtu; Neg. semti;
Man. sebden; Ul. septu-če; Ork. septu; Nan. septu-če; Orch. semtu; Ud.
semtu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 141-142.
PJpn. *sàmp(u)ì rust, mould (ржавчина, плесень): OJpn. sab(j)i;
MJpn. sàbì; Tok. sabí; Kyo. sábì; Kag. sabí.
◊ JLTT 515.
‖ Miller 1985, 151. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-sni heel, ankle: Tung. *seńu-; Turk. *sinčök ( ~ -e-); Kor. *sín.
PTung. *seńu- 1 front (of footwear) 2 footwear 3 heel (1 носок (обу-
ви) 2 обувь 3 пятка): Evk. senteme 2, suńukī 1; Evn. hönki 1; Neg. seńočhi
3.
◊ ТМС 2, 127, 143.
PTurk. *sinčök ( ~ -e-) 1 ankle-bone 2 shin-bone (1 лодыжка 2 го-
лень): Tur. sinǯik 1 (dial.); Bashk. sensek (dial.) 2; Tv. šünčük ‘hip joint’;
Tof. šüŋǯük ‘hip joint’; Yak. sünjüöx 2.
◊ Дыбо 1989 (but not < Perm.).
PKor. *sín footwear (обувь): MKor. sín; Mod. sin.
◊ Liu 498, KED 1047.
‖ In Mong. cf. siɣaqai ‘slippers’ (if not < siɣa ‘knuckle bone’).
-sḕnV hole: Tung. *sēn; Mong. *sen-.
PTung. *sēn needle hole (иголочное ушко): Evk. sēn; Evn. hē(n);
Neg. sēn; Man. sen; Ul. se(n); Ork. se; Nan. s; Ud. sie.
◊ ТМС 2, 142.
 *seŋa - *sĕpo 1231

PMong. *sen- hole, handle with hole (дырка, ручка с дыркой):

WMong. senǯi; Kh. senǯ; Bur. henže; Kalm. senǯi; Ord. senǯi; Dag. senǯi;
S.-Yugh. senǯi.
◊ KW 324, MGCD 599.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-seŋa ( ~ -o, -u) fringe, hair lock: Tung. *seŋne; Mong. *saŋ-; Turk.
*sAŋak / -at.
PTung. *seŋne 1 gill 2 fringe 3 cock’s comb (1 жабры 2 бахрома 3
петушиный гребень): Evk. senŋen 1; Evn. heŋne 1, heŋnen 2; Neg. sēńŋe
1; Man. seŋgele 3,2; SMan. səŋələ ‘mane; comb, crest’ (2280); Ul. sene /
seńe 1, senem bi ‘bearded’; Ork. sene 1; Nan. sejŋe 1; Orch. sene 1; Ud. seŋe
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 143.
PMong. *saŋ- 1 hair on temples 2 forelock of a horse 3 bang, fringe
(1 волосы на висках 2 конский чуб 3 челка): WMong. saŋmai 1; (L 672)
saŋna 2; Kh. saŋgas ‘bushy or tousled hair’; Bur. hanšag 1; Kalm. saŋmǟ,
sāməg 2; Ord. saŋmǟ, saŋnǟ 2,3.
◊ KW 313, 317. Mong. > Shor sanmī, Kirgh. sāmaj etc. (see ЭСТЯ 7).
PTurk. *sAŋak / -at 1 gills 2 place on neck where the jaw ends 3
beard, barb (of axe) (1 жабры 2 место на шее, где заканчивается че-
люсть 3 бородка (топора)): Tat. saŋaq 1, (dial.) 3; Bashk. haŋaq (dial.) 3;
Nogh. saŋɣaq 1; Oyr. saŋat, saŋɨt 2; Tv. st 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 222. There is some confusion between this root and *sakak q. v.
sub *šek῾a.
‖ Лексика 222. A Western isogloss.
-sĕpo to throw, scatter: Tung. *sebu-; Mong. *sib-; Turk. *sabur-; Kor.
*supuk-.
PTung. *sebu- to scatter (e. g. hay for drying) (разбрасывать (напр.
сено для просушки)): Man. so-, sō- ‘to scatter, sprinkle’; Ul. seuseli-;
Nan. seuseli-.
◊ ТМС 2, 102, 147. With *-p- cf. also Orok sepitči- ‘to spill’, sepkedu- ‘to scatter (of
deer)’ (ТМС 2, 144) - but cf. also *săp῾í.
PMong. *sib- 1 to hit, beat 2 to throw (1 бить 2 бросать): WMong.
sibqa(či)- 1 (L 696), sib(e)- 2; Kh. šavxra- 1; Kalm. šiwə- 2.
◊ KW 362.
PTurk. *sabur- to winnow, scatter (веять, рассеивать, разбрасы-
вать): Karakh. savur- (MK); Tur. savur-; Az. sowur-; Turkm. sowur-;
Khal. savur-; MTurk. savur- (Pav. C.); Uzb. sawur-; Uygh. sowu(r)-; Krm.
savur-; Tat. suwɨr-, sɨwɨr- (dial.); Kaz. suwɨr-; KBalk. suwur-; KKalp.
suwɨr-; Kum. suwur-; Nogh. suwɨr-; Khak. sobɨr-; Shr. sabɨr-; Oyr. sobɨr-;
Tv. sār-; Chuv. sъₙvъₙr-.
◊ VEWT 391, EDT 791, ЭСТЯ 7.
1232 *sepV - *sep῾a
PKor. *supuk- to heap up, heaping up (нагромождать, наклады-
вать с верхом): MKor. supuk-; Mod. subuk-ha-, sobok-ha-.
◊ Liu 474, KED 1003.
‖ Cf. *săp῾í, *sapV (with a possibility of partial mergers).
-sepV inner fat, entrails: Tung. *sebe; Mong. *sebe-sü.
PTung. *sebe 1 inner fat (of animals) 2 to melt fat (1 внутренний
жир (животных) 2 вытапливать жир): Evk. sewen 1, sewe- 2; Evn.
hewje ‘one of bear’s names’; Ork. seɣine 1; Orch. sewe- 2; Ud. sewesi- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 135.
PMong. *sebe-sü entrails of animals; cud; spittle of camels (содер-
жимое кишок жвачных животных; жвачка; плевок верблюда):
WMong. sebesü(n), sebüsü(n) (L 679); Kh. sevs; Bur. hebhe(n); Kalm.
sewsn; Ord. sewesu(n); S.-Yugh. səwēsən.
◊ KW 327, MGCD 596.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps mod. Turkic forms like Turk.
suǯuq ‘entrail’ etc. - perhaps < PT *sab-čuk.
-sép῾à to grip: Tung. *sepe-; Mong. *siɣü(re)-; Jpn. *sápár-.
PTung. *sepe- 1 handful 2 to pinch, take a handful 3 to clutch (1
горсть 2 брать горстью 3 хватать, зажимать): Man. sefere 1, sefere- 2;
SMan. sefərə-, sevərə- ‘to grip, to grasp’ (1542); sevərəkə ‘handful, fistful’
(2830); Nan. sefele- 3 (Bik.).
◊ ТМС 2, 402 (confused with *šopa-).
PMong. *siɣü(re)- to grip, seize (хватать): WMong. sigür(e)- (L 703);
Kh. šǖre-; Bur. šǖre-; Kalm. šǖr-, šǖ-; Ord. šǖr-; Dag. šūr-; S.-Yugh. šǖr-;
Mongr. šū- ‘gagner (jeu, procès)’, šūri- ‘insérer’ (SM 386), šūr ‘bâtonnets
dont on se sert pour manger’ (SM 385), śūrda-.
◊ KW 372, MGCD 727.
PJpn. *sápár- to touch (трогать): MJpn. sáfár-; Tok. sàwar-; Kyo.
sáwár-; Kag. sawár-.
◊ JLTT 748.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 41. Cf. *šóp῾a.
-sep῾a ( ~ -o) to wave, sway: Tung. *sep-; Mong. *sebe-; Turk. *sapɨ-.
PTung. *sep- to sway, shake (branches) (качать (ветвями)): Evk. se-
pine-.
◊ ТМС 2, 144. Attested only in Evk., but having probable Turk. and Mong. parallels.
PMong. *sebe- to wave, sway (махать): WMong. sebe-, sebi- (L 679);
Kh. seve-; Bur. hebi-; Kalm. sewə- (КРС); Ord. sewe-.
PTurk. *sapɨ- to sway, wave, shake up (махать, развеивать, взбал-
тывать): Karakh. sabɨ- (MK); Kirgh. sapɨr-; Kaz. sapɨr-; KKalp. sapɨr-;
Nogh. sapɨr-; Shr. sabɨr- ‘to blow (of wind)’.
◊ EDT 785. A possible derivative is sapan ‘sling’ (see ЭСТЯ 7).
‖ A Western isogloss.
 *sèp῾ó - *sera 1233

-sèp῾ó side, inner side: Mong. *saba; Jpn. *smpá; Kor. *sōp.
PMong. *saba frontier, limit; any container, internal organs (грани-
цы; любое вместилище, внутренние органы): MMong. saba ‘vessel,
dish’ (HY 20); WMong. sab, saba (L 653); Kh. sav; Bur. haba; Kalm. sawə.
◊ KW 315. Mong. > Kaz. saba etc. (ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *snpá side (бок, сторона): MJpn. sòbá; Tok. sóba; Kyo. sòbá;
Kag. sobá.
◊ JLTT 529.
PKor. *sōp inner side (внутренняя сторона): MKor. sōp.
◊ Nam 310.
‖ The etymology seems to be satisfactory both phonetically and se-
mantically.
-sèp῾ù ( ~ š-) stick, rod: Mong. *sibsi-rga; Turk. *sạp; Jpn. *sùpà-dai.
PMong. *sibsi-rga, *sib-ka- 1 stick, rod (used for punishment);
cudgel 2 to hit, beat with a switch (1 палка, прут (для наказаний); ду-
бина 2 бить палкой, прутом): WMong. sibsirɣa 1, sibsiɣurda-, sibqači-,
sibqaɣurda- (2) (L 695, 696); Kh. šavšraga 1; Kalm. šiwšrɣə 1; Ord.
šiwxₙada- 2.
◊ KW 362. Mong. > Man. sibsiqa. Manchu also has šuwarǵan, šuwarǵan ‘rod, whip’,
probably also borrowed from Mong. *sibkaɣur(ga) (cf. also šuwaršaǵa- ‘to punish with
sticks’ < sibsiɣur-).
PTurk. *sạp handle (рукоятка, ручка): Karakh. sap (MK); Tur. sap;
Gag. sap; Az. sap; Turkm. sap; MTurk. sap (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔp; Uygh.
sap; Krm. sap; Tat. sap; Bashk. hap; Kirgh. sap; Kaz. sap; KBalk. sap;
KKalp. sap; Kum. sap; Nogh. sap; SUygh. sap; Khak. sap; Oyr. sap; Tv.
sɨ’p; Chuv. sɨbъ; Yak. up; Dolg. up.
◊ EDT 782, Лексика 119, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 245.
PJpn. *sùpà-dai a long straight twig, switch (длинная ветка, прут):
OJpn. supa-je; MJpn. sùfà-jè.
◊ JLTT 535.
‖ Originally opposed to *sắp῾i (q.v.) as a long twig or stick with a
handle (used for punishment etc.).
-sera ( ~ -u, -o) a k. of garlic: Tung. *sergu- ( ~ -ǯ-); Mong. *sar-; Turk.
*sarɨmsak.
PTung. *sergu- ( ~ -ǯ-) wild garlic (дикий чеснок): Man. seǯulen.
◊ ТМС 2, 137. Attested only in Manchu, with probable cognates in Turk. and Mong.
PMong. *sar- 1 Lilium tenuifolium 2 turnip (1 сарана 2 репа):
WMong. sarana 1, sarmug 2 (L 675, 676); Kh. sarāna 1, sarmag 2; Bur. ha-
rāna 1; Ord. sarānaG 1.
◊ Mong. > Russ. saraná, see Аникин 484.
PTurk. *sarɨmsak 1 garlic 2 rhubarb (1 чеснок 2 ревень): Karakh.
sarmusaq, samursaq 1 (MK); Tur. sarmɨsak 1; Gag. sarmusaq 1; Az.
1234 *seri - *sēri
sarɨmsaG 1; Turkm. sarɨmsaq 1; Sal. samsax 1; Khal. sarɨmsaq 1; MTurk.
sarɨmsaq 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. sarimsɔq 1; Uygh. samsaq 1; Krm. sarɨmsaq 1;
Tat. sarɨmsaq 1; Bashk. harɨmhaq 1; Kirgh. sarɨmsaq 1; Kaz. sarɨmsaq 1;
KBalk. sarɨsmax 1; KKalp. sarɨmsaq 1; Kum. samursaq 1; Nogh. sarɨmsaq 1;
SUygh. samsaq 1; Tv. sarapsa 2.
◊ VEWT 404, EDT 853, Лексика 144, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Mong. sarimsaɣ (see TMN 3,
248, Щербак 1997, 144). Cf. also Khak., Oyr. sarɣaj ‘саранка’, Kirgh. sargaldak ‘a k. of
plant with yellow flowers’, Kaz. sarɣaldaq ‘tulip’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-seri table, prop: Tung. *seri; Mong. *sireɣe; Turk. *serü; Jpn. *sì(n)tí;
Kor. *sìr’i.
PTung. *seri decking, covering (настил (из досок)): Man. sarχu
‘shelf’; Ul. seri; Nan. seri.
◊ ТМС 2, 66, 145.
PMong. *sireɣe table (стол): MMong. šir (MA); WMong. sirege(n)
(L 716); Kh. širē; Bur. šerē; Kalm. šir; Ord. širē(n); Dag. širē (Тод. Даг.
184); Dong. šəre, šɨrə / śirə; Bao. šele, śilɛ; S.-Yugh. šere; Mongr. śirē (SM
399).
◊ KW 359, MGCD 719. Mong. > Chag. širä etc. (see TMN 1, 367-368, Щербак 1997,
210); > Evk. širē (see Doerfer MT 128).
PTurk. *serü shelf in the house (полка в доме): Karakh. serü (MK);
Tur. seri (dial.); Kirgh. sere ‘shelf, penthouse’; Khak. sīr (Kyz.); Oyr. seri
(Leb.) ‘a box for storing nuts’; Tv. seri ‘shed, penthouse’.
◊ EDT 844 (read as saru which is hardly the case), Лексика 520. Turk. > WMong. sörü
‘support, prop’ (L 732).
PJpn. *sì(n)tí a k. of table, prop (вид столика, подставки): MJpn.
sìdí.
◊ JLTT 528.
PKor. *sìr’i a prop, canterbury, shelf (подставка, этажерка, пол-
ка): MKor. sìr’i; Mod. sirəŋ.
◊ Nam 327, KED 1036.
‖ Lee 1958, 116 (Kor.-TM), Лексика 520. The Kor.-Jpn. tones are ir-
regular, perhaps because of some interaction between this root and
*sṓru, *šṑri q.v.
-sēri ( ~ z-, -ŕ-) thread, embroidery: Tung. *serē-; Kor. *sīr.
PTung. *serē- 1 to embroider 2 threads (for embroidering) 3 em-
broidery (1 вышивать 2 нитки (для вышивания) 3 вышивание): Evk.
serē- 1, serē 3; Evn. herē- 3; Man. sereme 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 146.
PKor. *sīr thread, silk thread (нить, шелковая нить): MKor. sīr;
Mod. sil.
◊ Liu 499, KED 1055.
 *s[é]rko - *sero 1235

‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. It resembles the ‘silk’ / ‘China’ ser-/sen-

Wanderwort, so it can actually go back to OC 纖 *sen (MC sjen) - but
rendering MC -n with Kor. -r is extremely strange.
-s[é]rko a k. of blossoming bush: Tung. *seŋkürē; Mong. *surgar; Jpn.
*sákúra; Kor. *sằrkó.
PTung. *seŋkürē a k. of bush, багульник (багульник): Evk. seŋkirē;
Evn. heŋkъje; Neg. seŋkijē; Man. seŋkiri an ‘назв. растения’; Ul. seŋkure;
Ork. sekkure; Nan. sēŋkure; Orch. seŋki; Ud. seŋkie.
◊ ТМС 2, 143.
PMong. *surgar ledum, Labrador tea (ledum; багульник болот-
ный): WMong. surɣar (MXTTT 491); Kh. surgar.
PJpn. *sákúra sakura (сакура): OJpn. sakura; MJpn. sákúrà; Tok.
sàkura; Kyo. sákúrá; Kag. sakúra.
◊ JLTT 517. Modern dialects point rather to *sákúrá, but RJ has a low tone on the final
syllable. The word can hardly be separated from *sák- ‘to blossom’ (OJ sak-, Tokyo sàk-,
Kyoto sák-, Kagoshima - with an irregular tone - sàk-).
PKor. *sằrkó peach, apricot (персик, абрикос): MKor. sằrkó; Mod.
salgu.
◊ Nam 291, KED 896.
‖ The etymology seems plausible, despite some phonetic problems,
both explainable as metatheses in an expressive plant name: Mong.
surgar instead of an expected *sargur, and TM *seŋkürē instead of an
expected *serkü-(ŋē?). Cf. *sáro, with a possibility of contaminations.
-sero to be curved, coiled: Mong. *sariwu; Turk. *sạr-; Jpn. *sər- ( ~ -ua-);
Kor. *sàrí- / *srí-.
PMong. *sariwu curved, winding (кривой, изгибающийся):
WMong. sariɣu, sariu (L 676); Kh. sariu; Bur. haŕū; Kalm. sarū, sarǖ;
Mongr. sarī (: murī ~) ‘tortueux’ (SM 328).
◊ KW 314.
PTurk. *sạr- to wind around (обматывать, завертывать): Karakh.
saru- (MK); Tur. sar-; Gag. sar-; Az. sarɨ-; Turkm. sara-; MTurk. sar- (AH,
Pav. C.); Krm. sar-, sarɨ-; Tat. sar-; Khak. sarɨ-; Chuv. sɨr-.
◊ EDT 844, VEWT 402, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. *sarɨ-k > WMong. sariɣ, Kalm. säriɣ ‘ring for
binding a horse’ (cf. Chag. sar-ča, Khak. sar-čɨn id.), see KW 318-319, VEWT 403.
PJpn. *sər- ( ~ -ua-) to be curved, bent (изгибаться): MJpn. sor-; Tok.
sór-; Kyo. sór-; Kag. sór-.
◊ JLTT 756. Accent is not quite clear: Tokyo points to *sòr-, Kagoshima - to *sór-.
PKor. *sàrí- / *srí- to coil, curl, wind (извиваться, загибаться):
MKor. sàrí-, srí-; Mod. sari-, səri-.
◊ Liu 432, 449, KED 873, 936.
‖ SKE 224. The vowel in Kor. is aberrant (one would expect *ă); oth-
erwise quite regular.
1236 *seru(k῾V) - *sése
-seru(k῾V) ( ~ z-) a k. of box or bag: Tung. *seruk; Mong. *sarku; Jpn.
*sùr(u)ì; Kor. *srk.
PTung. *seruk 1 bag 2 dish made of birch bark (1 сума 2 берестя-
ная посуда): Evk. seruk 1; Evn. hēruk 1,2; Neg. sējux 1; Ork. seruku 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 146.
PMong. *sarku vessel, kitchen dish (сосуд, кухонная посуда):
WMong. sarqu; Kalm. sarxə.
◊ KW 313. Mong. > Man. sarχu.
PJpn. *sùr(u)ì a bamboo box for travelling (бамбуковая коробка
для путешествий): OJpn. suri; MJpn. sùrì.
◊ JLTT 534.
PKor. *srk a k. of box (вид ящика): MKor. srk; Mod. səlgi.
◊ Nam 301, KED 950.
‖ Tone correspondences are not quite clear; the Kor. word is alter-
natively compared (see Lee 1958, 117) with Manchu šulχu ‘basket’. Cf.
*sóra.
-sèrỼ buttock, to defecate: Tung. *seri(gi); Mong. *sari-; Turk. *sɨrɨ- ~
*sarɨ-; Jpn. *sìrì.
PTung. *seri(gi) 1 buttocks 2 coccyx, waist vertebra (1 ягодицы, зад
2 копчик, поясничные позвонки): Evk. sergi 2, sirgin (Uchur) 2; Evn.
heri 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 145.
PMong. *sari- to urinate (of a dog) (мочиться (о собаке)): WMong.
sari- (L 675: ‘to urinate in an irregular manner’); Kh. sari- (Gomb.); Bur.
hari-; Kalm. säŕ-; Ord. sari-.
◊ KW 319. Mong. > Kirgh. sarɨ- id.
PTurk. *sɨrɨ- ~ *sarɨ- to defecate (of a dog) (испражняться (о соба-
ке)): OTurk. sɨrɨ- ~ sarɨ- (MK).
◊ EDT 845.
PJpn. *sìrì buttock (ягодицы): OJpn. siri; MJpn. sìrì; Tok. shirí; Kyo.
shírì; Kag. shirí.
◊ JLTT 526.
‖ Because of the uncertainty of Turkic vowel the vocalic reconstruc-
tion is not quite certain.
-sése to order, threaten, incite: Tung. *sesu-; Turk. *ses; Jpn. *ss-; Kor.
*sìskú-.
PTung. *sesu- to order, ask to do smth. (заказывать, поручать,
просить что-л. сделать): Ul. sesu-; Ork. sesu-; Nan. sesu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 144.
PTurk. *ses 1 threat 2 to threaten (1 угроза 2 угрожать): Tur. sek-
sen-, segsen- (dial.); Az. säksän- 2; MTurk. sesken- 2 (Pav. C., AH); Uzb.
seskän- 2; Uygh. säskin- 2; Krm. sesken- 2; Tat. siskän- 2; Bashk. hiϑkän- 2;
 *sési - *si 1237

Kirgh. ses 1; Kaz. ses 1, sesken- 2; KKalp. sesken- 2; Nogh. sesken- 2; Oyr.
seste- 2; Chuv. sъzъr-lan-dъr- 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *ss- to allure, incite (возбуждать, подстрекать): MJpn.
sosor- ‘to be excited, nervous’; sosonokas-; Tok. sosór- / sòsor-, sosonokás-;
Kyo. sósór-, sósónókás-; Kag. sosór-, sosonokás-.
◊ JLTT 756.
PKor. *sìskú- 1 to contest, contend 2 to quarrel, be annoying (1 со-
ревноваться, состязаться 2 ссориться, досаждать): MKor. sìskú- 1;
Mod. sik:ɨrəp- 2.
◊ HMCH 333, Nam 327.
‖ A suffixed form *sése-k῾V is reflected in PT *ses-ke-n- and PK
*sìs-kú-.
-sési deer, wild animal: Tung. *sesi-n; Turk. *sạs-na- (?); Jpn. *sisi; Kor.
*sàsắm.
PTung. *sesi-n herd (of deer, wild animals) (стадо (оленей, диких
животных)): Evk. sesin; Evn. hesъn; Neg. sesin; Man. sesi-le-ŋge; Ork.
sesi(n); Nan. sesĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 146.
PTurk. *sạs-na- pig (свинья): Chuv. sɨsna.
◊Федотов 2, 77.
PJpn. *sisi deer (олень): OJpn. sisi.
◊ JLTT 527.
PKor. *sàsắm deer (олень): MKor. sàsắm; Mod. sasɨm.
◊ Nam 284, KED 878.
‖ EAS 102, АПиПЯЯ 79. For the Turk. semantics cf. OJ wi-no-sisi
‘pig, swine’. The Turkic reflex, however, is not quite secure: there is
only an isolated Chuvash word and the vowel reflex seems aberrant;
also unclear is the phonology of the Hung. ( < Bulg.) loanword disznó
(presupposing *ǯisnaɣ, see MNyTESz 1, 646-647).
-si thou: Tung. *si; Turk. *sẹ-; Jpn. *si.
PTung. *si; *sū 1 thou 2 you (your, yours) (pl.) (1 ты 2 вы (ваш)):
Evk. si 1, sū (su-n) 2; Evn. hī 1, hū (hu-n) 2; Neg. sī 1, sū (su-n) 2; Man. si
1, suwe (suweni) 2; SMan. šī (2873) 1, sō, soń (2874) 2; Ul. si 1, sue (sun) 2;
Ork. si 1, sū (su-n) 2; Nan. śi 1, sue (sun) 2; Orch. si 1, su (su-n) 2; Ud. si 1,
sū (su-n) 2; Sol. i 1, sū (su-n) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 72-73, 115.
PTurk. *sẹ- thou (ты): OTurk. sen (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. sen
(MK); Tur. sen; Gag. sän; Az. sän; Turkm. sen; Sal. sē(n); MTurk. sen
(Pav. C.); Uzb. sen; Uygh. sän; Krm. sɨn; Tat. sin; Bashk. hin; Kirgh. sen;
Kaz. sen; KBalk. sen; KKalp. sen; Kum. sen; Nogh. sen; SUygh. sen; Khak.
sin; Shr. sen; Oyr. sen; Tv. sen; Tof. sen; Chuv. ezə; Yak. en; Dolg. en.
1238 *sìbi - *sbi
◊ VEWT 409, EDT 831-832, Stachowski 45, ЭСТЯ 7. See ibid the reflexes of PT *siŕ
‘you’ (pl.).
PJpn. *si thou (2d p. pron.) (ты): OJpn. si.
◊ OJ si is not frequent and is sometimes hard to distinguish from the deictic / em-
phatic particle si; however, there are several text examples firmly identifying its function
as a 2d p. pronoun. It is used parallelly with the far more frequent na, but never occurs in
compounds or with suffixes -re or -no; it is thus probable that it originally functioned as
the direct stem as opposed to na as the oblique stem in a suppletive paradigm. See more
detailed discussion in Murayama 1950, Miller JOAL and Itabashi 1998 (pace the latter
author, however, we must say that the coincidence of si ‘thou’ and si ῾deictic / emphatic
pronoun and particle’ must be just a coincidence).
‖ EAS 72, АПиПЯЯ 52, 284.
-sìbi bitter, bitter plant: Tung. *sipa ( ~ -b-); Mong. *sibag; Turk. *sibüt;
Jpn. *sìmpù- / *sìp-; Kor. *ps-.
PTung. *sipa ( ~ -b-) garlic (чеснок): Man. sifa mača; SMan. suandā
(317).
◊ ТМС 2, 100. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sibag Artemisia (полынь): WMong. sibaɣ (L 693); Kh.
šawag; Kalm. šawəg ‘чабрец, тимьян’ (КРС); Ord. šawaG ‘artemisia
campestris’.
◊ Mong. > Chag. šibag ‘a k. of plant’.
PTurk. *sibüt dill, coriander (укроп, кориандр): Karakh. sibüt
(MK).
◊ EDT 785. (If not < Pers.)
PJpn. *sìmpù- / *sìp 1 astringent, tart 2 salt (1 вяжущий, терпкий
2 соль): OJpn. sibu- 1, sip(w)o 2; MJpn. sìbù- 1, sìfò 2; Tok. shibú- 1, shió 2;
Kyo. shíbù- 1, shíjo 2; Kag. shibú- 1, shió 2.
◊ JLTT 522, 525, 840. The words seem to be related, but the reason for voicing in sìbù-
is not quite clear.
PKor. *ps- 1 liver (KED: gall-bladder, gall) 2 bitter (1 печень 2
горький): MKor. psrki 1, ps- 2; Mod. s:ɨlgä 1, s:ɨ- 2.
◊ Nam 319, 321, KED 1024, 1027.
‖ For the usage of the root to denote bitter plants cf. also OJ
sibu-kusa ‘sorrel’; perhaps also MKor. psúk ‘Artemisia’ (which is tempt-
ing to identify with Mong. sibag). In Kor. we have a secondary metathe-
sis < *spɨ-, like psr- < *spɨr- < *šĭp῾V ‘sweep’ q.v.
-sbi to tuck up, tie up: Tung. *sib-; Mong. *siɣu-; Turk. *sib- (*süb-);
Jpn. *sìmpàr-.
PTung. *sib- 1 to turn up (sleeves) 2 to spin, twist 3 to wrap (1 засу-
чивать (рукава, штанины) 2 сучить, вить 3 оборачивать, подворачи-
вать): Evk. sipku- 3; Evn. hipku- 3; Man. sibere- 2; Ul. sịbarụ- 1; Ork. sipku-
3; Nan. sịbịrị- 1; Orch. sibari- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 74, 92.
 *sibo - *sìča 1239

PMong. *siɣu- to tuck up (засучивать): WMong. siɣu-, šuɣu- (L 700);

Kh. šū-; Bur. šū-; Kalm. šūrd- (КРС); Ord. šū-; Dag. sū-; Bao. śurə-;
Mongr. śū-.
◊ MGCD 725.
PTurk. *sib- (*süb-) 1 to spin (thread) 2 to pull out fibre 3 thread, fi-
bre (1 прясть (нитку) 2 вытягивать волокно 3 нить, волокно): Tur.
süj-, süv- (dial.) 1, 2, sümek, süjüm 3; Gag. sümek 3; Az. sümäx (dial.) 3;
Turkm. süj- 2, sümek, süjüm 3; Chuv. səvem (sĕvem) 3.
◊ ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sìmpàr- to tie, bind (завязывать): OJpn. sibar-; MJpn. sìbàr-;
Tok. shibár-; Kyo. shíbár-; Kag. shìbàr-.
◊ JLTT 749.
‖ The Jpn. form may be actually a combined reflex of PA *sbi, *suba
and *špo, all distinguished only in the Western Altaic branch.
-sibo ( ~ z-) wedge, to wedge: Tung. *siba-; Mong. *sibaga; Kor.
*sobija-ki.
PTung. *siba- 1 to beat a wedge in 2 wedge (1 вбивать клин 2
клин): Evk. siwa- 1, siwakī 2; Neg. sịwax 2; Man. sia 2; SMan. šivā (683)
‘wedge, peg, plug’; Ul. sịwal 2; Ork. sụwal 2; Nan. sịwar 2; Ud. soa῾i 2
(Корм. 286).
◊ ТМС 2, 75.
PMong. *sibaga wedge; lot (клин; жребий): WMong. sibaɣa(n) (L
693); Kh. šavga ‘lot’; Bur. šabxa ‘gun’s cock’; Kalm. šawxə.
◊ KW 352. Mong > Kirgh. sɨbaɣa etc.
PKor. *sobija-ki wedge, sharp stick (клин, острая палочка): MKor.
sòi’jàkí, sojaki; Mod. s:wǟgi.
◊ Nam 311, KED 995.
‖ Despite Doerfer MT 69 hardly a loan in TM from Mong.
-sìča ( ~ *š-) nut, cone: Tung. *sisi; Turk. *s[ɨ]ča-kaj; Kor. *čs / *čās.
PTung. *sisi nut (орех): Man. sisi, sisiri; Jurch. sisi (128); Nan. sịsịqta;
Sol. īikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 426-427. Cf. also Sol. sučū ‘cedar nut’ (ТМС 2, 132).
PTurk. *s[ɨ]ča-kaj 1 cone 2 nut tree (1 шишка 2 орешник): Oyr.
čočoɣoj 1; Chuv. šъₙškъₙ 2.
◊ VEWT 113, Дмитриева 1972, 174. Cf. perhaps Yak. sihik, Dolg. sisik ‘alder’ (Sta-
chowski 210).
PKor. *čs 1 fir tree, Chamaecyparis obtusa Endl. 2 cone, pine nuts
(1 вид пихты 2 шишка, сосновые семена): MKor. čs-namo 1, čās 2;
Mod. čn-namu 1, čāt [čās] 2.
◊ Liu 646, 653, KED 1400, 1430.
‖ Because of assimilations the original initial consonant is not quite
clear.
1240 *sidí - *sido
-sidí ( ~ š-) to suspend: Mong. *sidur-; Turk. *südre-; Jpn. *sinta-r-; Kor.
*sīd-.
PMong. *sidur- 1 to pull the reins by stretching the head forward or
downward (of a horse); to straighten 2 straight, honest (1 натягивать
вожжи; выпрямлять 2 прямой, честный): MMong. šidurxu (HY 54) 2,
šidurɣu 2 (MA); WMong. sidur- (L 698) 1; Kh. šudra- 1, šudraga 2; Kalm.
šudrɣə 2 (КРС); Ord. šudurGa 2.
PTurk. *südre- 1 to pull, tug 2 belt for fastening loads (1 тащить,
тянуть 2 ремень для привязывания ноши): Tur. sürü-; Turkm. süjre-;
Sal. sure-; MTurk. sǖre- (Bud.), söjre- (Ettuhf.), südrä- (R.); Uzb. sudrä-;
Uygh. sörä-; Tat. süjrä-; Bashk. hjrä-; Kirgh. süjrö-; Kaz. süjre-; KBalk.
süjre-; KKalp. süjre-; Kum. süjre-; Nogh. süjre-; Khak. sözər-; Tv. södürt-
1, södürge 2; Chuv. sədər-; Yak. ötǖ 2; Dolg. ötǖ 2.
◊ VEWT 435, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 202.
PJpn. *sintar- to droop, hang down (свешиваться): OJpn. sida-r-, tr.
sida-; MJpn. sida-r-.
◊ JLTT 750.
PKor. *sīd- to load (нагружать): MKor. sīt- (-r-); Mod. sīt- (sīr-).
◊ Nam 327, KED 1055.
‖ The Turk. form must go back to *sidüre- ( = Mong. sidur-). In TM
cf. perhaps Man. sidara- ‘to stretch, straighten’, siǯi(r)χun ‘straight’
(ТМС 2, 79), if not < Mong., as suggested by Rozycki 181).
-sido ( ~ -u, *sudu, š-) tassel, string: Mong. *siǯim, *sidem-; Turk. *sɨd-;
Kor. *sti.
PMong. *siǯim, *side- 1 thin string, rope 2 to sew with wide stitches
(1 тонкая веревка 2 шить крупными стежками): WMong. siǯim,
sideme-sü(n) (L 697, 722) 1; Kh. šiǯim 1, šid- 2; Bur. šežem 1; Kalm. šiǯm,
šidmsn 1, šidə- 2; Ord. šiǯim 1; Dag. šiǯi- 2 (Тод. Даг. 183); Dong. šiǯie- 2.
◊ KW 355. Mong. > Turk. siǯim etc. (ЭСТЯ 7), Man. siǯin (Doerfer MT 138, Rozycki
180); Oyr. šidä-; Yak. sitim, Dolg. hitim (Kał. VIII 82, Stachowski 105).
PTurk. *sɨd- 1 skirt, lap 2 to tuck up (sleeves, skirts) (1 пола, подол
2 подворачивать (рукава, полы)): Karakh. sɨδɨɣ 1, sɨtɣa- 2 (MK); Tur.
siɣ, sij, siji (dial.) 1, sa-, dial. sɨɣa- 2; Gag. suva-, sua- 2; Turkm. sɨj 1; Tat.
sɨjɨr- 2 (dial.); Khak. sɨzɨm ‘band on a shaman’s beater’; Chuv. šъraś ‘tas-
sel (on the end of belt); coating (on skirt edges)’.
◊ EDT 799-800, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *sti belt (ремень): MKor. sti; Mod. t:i.
◊ Nam 177, KED 550.
‖ SKE 239. Note Khak. sɨzɨm = PM *siǯim, but hardly a loan from
Mongolian, and pointing to a common derivative *sido-mV.
 *sidu - *sgà 1241

-sidu ( ~ -o, -a) to rub off, peel off: Tung. *sidu-; Mong. *sidur-; Turk.
*sɨdɨr-.
PTung. *sidu- to rub off, peel off (соскабливать): Evk. sidi-; Evn.
sd-; Neg. sidu-; Man. sidu-, šudu-; Ul. sịdụ-; Nan. sịdo-; Orch. sīdi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 79.
PMong. *sidur- to rub off (стирать, скрести, скоблить): WMong.
sidur-; Kh. šudar-; Bur. šudar-; Kalm. šudr-.
◊ KW 367. Mong. > Kirgh. sɨdɨr- etc., see ЭСТЯ 7.
PTurk. *sɨdɨr- to rub off, peel off (сдирать, стирать): Karakh. sɨδɨr-
(MK); Tur. sɨjɨr-; Gag. sɨjɨr-; Az. sijir-; Turkm. sr-; Khal. sɨdur-, sɨzɨr-;
MTurk. sɨjɨr- (AH); Tat. sɨjɨr- (dial.); Kirgh. sɨjɨr-; Kaz. sɨjɨr-; KBalk. sɨjɨr-;
Nogh. sɨjɨr-; SUygh. sɨzɨr-; Khak. sɨzɨr-; Shr. sɨzɨr-; Oyr. sɨjɨr-, sɨr-; Chuv.
šъjъr-.
◊ EDT 802, VEWT 414, Лексика 380, ЭСТЯ 7. The Turk. derivative *sɨdrɨm > (MK)
sɨδrɨm, Ogh. sɨrɨm was probably probably borrowed in Mong. sirin ‘unworked leather’.
‖ KW 367, Лексика 380-381, Doerfer MT 50-51, Rozycki 180 (but
hardly borrowed in TM < Mong.). A Western isogloss.
-sidV ( ~ z-, -a-) young boy or girl: Tung. *sida-; Kor. *stắr.
PTung. *sida- 1 young boy 2 young (of a bear, tiger) (1 подросток 2
медвежонок, тигренок (до года)): Man. sidan 1; Ud. sīǯ῾a 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 79.
PKor. *stắr girl, daughter (девочка, дочь): MKor. stắr; Mod. t:al.
◊ Nam 142, KED 401.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-sgà border, interval: Tung. *sig-; Turk. *sɨgra; Jpn. *sàkàpì.
PTung. *sig- interval (промежуток): Evk. sigdilē; Evn. hidla; Neg.
sigle; Man. si, sidu; SMan. šidən (2575); Sol. igdẽ.
◊ ТМС 2, 76.
PTurk. *sɨgra 1 valley 2 interval between two fingers (1 долина 2
промежуток между пальцами): Karakh. sɨɣra 1 (MK - Oghuz), sɨɣraq
(AH) 2.
◊ VEWT 415, EDT 815.
PJpn. *sàkàpì border (граница): OJpn. sakapji; MJpn. sàkàfì; Tok.
sakái; Kyo. sákàì; Kag. sakaí.
◊ JLTT 516.
‖ The root is very sparsely attested in Turkic, but the attestations
are archaic and the root seems generally reliable.
-sgà ( ~ z-) sigh, holding breath: Tung. *sigu-; Mong. *seɣüre-sü; Jpn.
*sàkùrì.
PTung. *sigu- 1 to become silent (stop breathing or talking) 2 to stop
crying 3 to breathe loudly (of a dog) (1 замолкать (задерживать дыха-
1242 *sígá - *sigí
ние, голос) 2 переставать плакать 3 громко дышать (о собаке)): Evk.
siɣuna- 1, 3; Evn. hịɣ- 2; Nan. siŋčien- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 78.
PMong. *seɣüre-sü 1 sigh 2 to pant (1 вздох 2 часто дышать, зады-
хаться): MMong. se’urel- 2 (SH); WMong. sigüresü(n), següresü(n) 1 (L
703); Kh. sǖrs, šǖrs 1; Kalm. šǖkr- (КРС); Dag. sūrese 1 (MD 213); Mongr.
surēʒə (SM 365).
PJpn. *sàkùrì hiccough (икота): MJpn. sàkùrì; Tok. shakkuri.
◊ JLTT 517.
‖ Cf. *soge.
-sígá ( ~ z-) to look, search: Tung. *sig-; Mong. *sigiɣa-; Jpn. *sánk-; Kor.
*čhắč-.
PTung. *sig- 1 to peep, look out, spy 2 to appear (1 подсматривать,
выглядывать 2 появляться): Evk. siɣin- 1; Evn. hiē- 2; Neg. siɣin- 1;
Man. ša- 1; Ul. si-len- 2; Ork. sịgbadda- ‘to frown’; Ud. sikpesi-, sīsi- 1; Sol.
igī- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 76, 77-78. The Manchu form, despite Rozycki 192, is hardly borrowed from
Mong. siɣa- (actually sigiɣa- with a stable -g-).
PMong. *sigiɣa- to look, spy (смотреть, подсматривать): MMong.
šixaǯəu’uǯe ‘a spy’ (HY 32); WMong. sigiɣa- (L 721: siɣa-, siqaɣa-); Kh.
šagā-; Bur. šagā-; Kalm. šaɣā-; Dag. šigē- (Тод. Даг. 183); Mongr. sge- (SM
346), sGe-.
◊ KW 344, TMN 1, 355 (although derivation from sika- ‘to press’ is of course impossi-
ble).
PJpn. *sánk- to search (искать): OJpn. sagur-; MJpn. ságúr-; Tok.
sàgur-, sàgas-; Kyo. ságúr-, ságás-; Kag. sagúr-, sagás-.
◊ JLTT 745.
PKor. *čhắč- to search, look for (искать): MKor. čhắč-; Mod. čhat-
[čhač-].
◊ Nam 449, KED 1576.
‖ ТМС 2, 78, Martin 236, Martin 1996, 27. Kor. *čhắč- is an assimila-
tion < *sVhắč- = PJ *sá(n)kas-.
-sigí ( ~ z-, -e, -o) rain, (snow) storm: Tung. *sig-; Mong. *siɣurga; Jpn.
*sinkúrai.
PTung. *sig- 1 deep fog, mist 2 to cover (of fog, mist) 3 autumn (1
туман (густой) 2 застилать (туманом) 3 осень): Evk. siglamāt- 2,
siɣelese(nī) 3; Man. siGan 1; Ud. siga- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 78, 79.
PMong. *siɣur- 1 to blow (of snow storm) 2 snow storm (1 буше-
вать (о метели) 2 метель): MMong. ši’urɣan 2; WMong. siɣur- 1,
siɣurɣa(n) 2 (L 701); Kh. šūra- 1, šūrga 2; Bur. šūrga 2; Kalm. šūr- 1, šūrɣn
2 (КРС); Ord. šūrGan 2; Dag. šōrgə 2; S.-Yugh. šūrGa 2; Mongr. śūrGa 2.
 *sgó - *sĭgò 1243
◊ MGCD 724. Mong. is the probable source of Turkm. sɨrɣɨn, Oyr. sɨrɣɨn, Tat. sɨraw
etc. (see Лексика 49), as well as of Man. šurga- (see Rozycki 196).
PJpn. *sinkúrai drizzling rain (in autumn) (моросящий дождь
(осенний)): OJpn. sigure; MJpn. sìgúrè; Tok. shìgure; Kyo. shígúré; Kag.
shiguré.
◊ JLTT 523. Accent is not quite clear: RJ and Kagoshima suggest *sì(n)kúrài, but
Kyoto and Tokyo - rather *sí(n)kúrái.
‖ Miller 1976, 378; 1985, 149.
-sgó thick growth: Tung. *sigǖ; Mong. *siguj; Jpn. *sìnkài-.
PTung. *sigǖ thick growth (чаща): Evk. siɣī; Evn. hịɣị; Neg. siwū;
Man. ša, šuwa; Ul. su; Ork. sɣị; Nan. sịo; Orch. siǯai; Ud. siǯa῾i, siǯampa῾i
(Корм. 284).
◊ ТМС 2, 77.
PMong. *siguj thick growth (чаща, заросли): MMong. šikui (SH);
WMong. siɣui (L 700); Kh. šuguj; Bur. šugɨ; Kalm. šuɣū; Ord. šuxₙī; Dag.
šigē (Тод. Даг. 163: sigī).
◊ KW 367, MGCD 726. Mong. > Evk. čiɣī, see Poppe 1972, 102.
PJpn. *sìnkài- thick growth, grow thickly (чаща, заросли, густо
расти): OJpn. sige-r-, sige- (adj.); MJpn. sige-r-, sìgè- (adj.); Tok. shigér-,
shìgemi / shigemí; Kyo. shígér-, shígémí; Kag. shìgèr-, shigemí.
◊ JLTT 750, 840. The noun *si(n)kai-mi reveals unclear accent variation in Kyoto and
Tokyo.
‖ KW 367, Poppe 30, 58, АПиПЯЯ 79, Rozycki 197. The TM form is
classified as a borrowing from Mong. by Doerfer MT 47, which cannot
be excluded.
-sĭgò deer, horned animal: Tung. *sig- / *seg-; Mong. *seɣenek ( ~ -i-);
Turk. *sɨg-; Jpn. *sika.
PTung. *sig- / seg- wild deer (дикий олень): Evk. segǯen, dial. sek-
serge; Nan. segǯi ‘herd of wild swine’; Ud. sigisa ‘годовалый изюбр’.
◊ ТМС 1, 325, 327; 2, 136.
PMong. *seɣenek ( ~ -i-) he-goat (2 years old) (козел (2 лет)):
WMong. segenek (L 684: sejinüg); Kh. sijneg; Bur. hīneg ῾castrated
he-goat; ox’; Kalm. sīnək.
◊ KW 328.
PTurk. *sɨg- 1 deer, male maral 2 large bovine (1 олень, марал 2 ко-
рова, крупный рогатый скот): OTurk. sɨɣun 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. sɨɣun
1, sɨɣɨr 2 (MK); Tur. sn 1, sr 2; Gag. sr 2; Az. sɨɣɨn 1, sɨɣɨr 2; Turkm.
sūɣun 1, sɨɣɨr 2; Sal. sɨxɨr 2; Khal. sɨɣɨr 2; MTurk. suɣun, sojɣun (Pav. C.),
sɨɣɨn (AH), sɨjɨn (Ettuhf.) 1, sɨɣɨr (AH) 2; Uzb. sujɣun 1 (dial.), sigir 2;
Uygh. sigir, sijir 2; Krm. suvun 1, sɨjɨr 2; Tat. sɨjɨr 2; Bashk. hɨjɨr 2; Kirgh.
sɨjɨr 2 (dial.); Kaz. sɨjɨr 2; KKalp. suwɨn 1, sɨjɨr 2; Kum. sɨɣɨr, sɨjɨr 2; Nogh.
1244 *sgú - *sjŋò
sɨjɨr 2; SUygh. suɣun, soɣun 1; Khak. sn 1; Shr. sn 1; Oyr. sūn, sɨɣɨn 1;
Tv. sn 1.
◊ EDT 811, 814-815, VEWT 414, 415, Лексика 152-153, 435, ЭСТЯ 7. The forms of the
sɨɣun type most probably go back to *sɨgɨ-gun - which may explain both the Turkm.
length (sūɣun) and forms like Chag. sojɣun.
PJpn. *sika deer (олень): OJpn. sika; Tok. shìka, shíka; Kyo. shíkà;
Kag. shiká.
◊ JLTT 523. Significant accent variation in dialects does not allow to reconstruct a
common accent pattern.
‖ KW 329, Лексика 153, Miller 1985, 146, 1986, 49. Cf. *sák῾a and
*sku.
-sgú ( ~ *š-) to insert: Mong. *siɣa-; Turk. *sɨg-; Jpn. *súnká-.
PMong. *siɣa- to beat in (a nail, peg etc.) (вбивать (гвоздь, кол и
т.п.)): WMong. siɣa- (L 699); Kh. šā-; Bur. šā-; Kalm. šā-; Ord. šā-; Dag.
šā- (MD 213); Mongr. šiGā-.
◊ KW 353, MGCD 701.
PTurk. *sɨg- to enter, fit into (вмещаться): OTurk. sɨɣ- (OUygh.);
Karakh. sɨɣ- (MK); Tur. sɨɣ-, s-; Gag. s-; Az. sɨɣ-; Turkm. sɨɣ-; Sal. sɨx-;
MTurk. sɨɣ- (Pav. C.); Uzb. siɣ-; Uygh. siɣ-; Krm. sɨɣ-; Tat. sɨj-; Bashk.
hɨj-; Kirgh. sɨj-; Kaz. sɨj-; KKalp. sɨj-; Kum. sɨj-; SUygh. sɨɣ-; Oyr. sɨj-.
◊ EDT 804, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *súnká- to insert, fasten into a hole (вставлять, продевать):
MJpn. súgá-; Tok. sùge-; Kyo. súgé-; Kag. sugé-.
◊ JLTT 757.
‖ VEWT 418. Cf. *sók῾u. Mong. has also sige-, siged- ‘to get stuck, be-
come inserted’ - which is compared in KW 356 with PT *sik- ‘coire’.
-sjŋò gift, offer: Tung. *siŋu-; Mong. *süj; Turk. *sɨjŋ; Jpn. *snàpà-.
PTung. *siŋu- 1 gift 2 to present (1 подарок 2 дарить): Ul. sŋna(n)-
2, sịŋnaqụ 1; Nan. siŋle-, suŋle- (Bik.) 2, suŋle-ku (Naikh.) 1; Ud. suŋula- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 119, 128.
PMong. *süj tax, marriage price (выкуп за невесту): WMong. süi (L
741); Kh. süj; Bur. hüjte: hüjte xubita ‘intended (bride)’; Kalm. sǖ, sī; Ord.
süj.
◊ KW 328. Mong. > Tuva suj.
PTurk. *sɨjŋ gift (from an inferior to a superior) (подарок (от ниже-
стоящего вышестоящему); почет): Karakh. siŋüt (MK) ῾a gift without
a return gift’; Tur. sɨj-lɨ ‘respected’ (dial.); Turkm. s-la- ‘to respect’;
MTurk. sɨj-la- ‘to pay respect’ (CCum.); Uzb. sɨj (dial.); Krm. sɨj; Tat. sɨj;
Bashk. hɨj; Kirgh. sɨj; Kaz. sɨj; KBalk. sɨj; KKalp. sɨj; Kum. sɨj; Nogh. sɨj;
SUygh. si-la- ‘to treat, entertain’ (ЯЖУ), su-luk; Khak. sɨj, sɨjɨx; sɨj-la- ‘to
treat, entertain’; Shr. sɨj; Oyr. sɨj; Tv. sɨ-ɣa- ‘to treat, entertain’; Tof. sɨ-ɣa-
‘to treat, entertain’; Chuv. (sъj < Tat.).
 *sìjp῾ó - *siju 1245
◊ EDT 836, VEWT 415, Лексика 350, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *snàpà- to present, offer (to gods etc.) (предоставлять, при-
носить жертвоприношения): OJpn. sonapa-; MJpn. sònàfà-; Tok. sonaé-,
sonáe-; Kyo. sónáé-; Kag. sònàè-.
◊ JLTT 755.
‖ Mong. *süj probably (with a rather usual vowel interaction) <
*sijü.
-sìjp῾ó to press, knead: Tung. *sip-; Mong. *sibka(r)-; Turk. *sɨjpa-; Jpn.
*sìmpò-r-; Kor. *spù-pi-.
PTung. *sip- 1 to knead, squeeze, press 2 to bend under a heavy
load (1 месить, валять (тесто); мять, сжимать 2 согнуться под тяже-
стью): Evk. sipčarga- 2; Man. sibere- 1; Ork. siperu- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 74, 93. In Manchu the root has merged with sibere- ‘spin, roll’ < *sip- (v. sub
*sŏp῾u).
PMong. *sibka(r)- to squeeze out, press (выдавливать, выжимать):
WMong. sibqar- (L 696); Kh. šavxra-; Bur. šavxa-; Kalm. šawxər-, šowxər-;
Ord. šiwχₙara-; Bao. šiχa-; Mongr. šGurā- (SM 378).
◊ KW 352-353, 366, MGCD 702.
PTurk. *sɨjpa- to knead, caress (растирать, гладить, ласкать):
Turkm. spa- (sɨjpa-); MTurk. sipa- (R.); Uzb. sijpa-; Uygh. sipa-; Krm.
sɨpa-; Tat. sɨjpa-, sɨpɨr-; Bashk. hɨjpa-, hɨpɨr-; Kirgh. sɨjpa-; Kaz. sɨjpa-;
KBalk. sɨjpa-; KKalp. sɨjpa-; Kum. sɨjpa-; Nogh. sɨjpa-; Khak. sɨjba-; Shr.
sība-, sɨba-; Oyr. sɨjma-; Tv. sujba-.
◊ VEWT 415, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sìmp-r- to press, squeeze (давить, выжимать): MJpn. sìbòr-;
Tok. shibór-; Kyo. shíbór-; Kag. shìbòr-.
◊ JLTT 749.
PKor. *spù-pi- to rub, squeeze (тереть, давить): MKor. spùpi-.
◊ Nam 267.
‖ Ozawa 220-221. Kor. has a usual vowel reduction between a frica-
tive and a stop.
-siju ear-ring: Tung. *sia-kan; Mong. *süji-ken; Turk. *sɨrga.
PTung. *sia-kan pendants on ear-ring (подвески (у серьги)): Neg.
sêxan; Ork. sêɣa; Nan. sịqa(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 69.
PMong. *süj-ken ear-ring (ушная серьга): MMong. sūjke (IM), sujke
(MA); WMong. süiken, (L 742) süike, süikü; Kh. süjx; Bur. hīxe; Kalm. sīkə;
Ord. süjχe; Dag. sujhe (MD 212); Mongr. sūge (SM 357).
◊ KW 328. Mong. > Man. suiχun (see Rozycki 189).
PTurk. *sɨrga ear-ring (серьга): Tur. sɨrɣa (dial.); Az. sɨrɣa; Turkm.
ɨsɨrɣa; Sal. sɨrɣa; MTurk. sɨrɣa (AH), ɨsɨrɣa (IM, Pav. C.), asirɣa (Houts.);
Uzb. isirɣa; Krm. sɨrɣa; Tat. sɨrɣa; Bashk. hɨrɣa; Kirgh. sɨrɣa; Kaz. sɨrɣa;
1246 *sju - *sík῾e
KBalk. sɨrɣa; KKalp. sɨrɣa; Kum. sɨrɣa; Nogh. sɨrɣa; SUygh. sɨrqa; Khak.
ɨzɨrɣa; Shr. sɨrɣa; Oyr. sɨrɣa; Tv. sɨrɣa; Yak. ɨtɨrɣa.
◊ VEWT 419, ЭСТЯ 7. The word is attested late and presents some problems. Most
forms point to *sɨrga which may reflect an original suffixed form *sɨ(j)-rga ( = Mong.
süji-ke-); but some forms reflect *ɨsɨrga or *asɨrga - perhaps under a secondary influence of
*as- ‘to hang’. Turk. > Russ. исерга, серьга (attested since XIVth c.)
‖ A Western isogloss. It looks as if it were derived from *sju ‘bite,
break’ q.v. - lit. ‘an ear-biter’ (?).
-sju ( ~ -o) to bite, break: Tung. *sia-; Mong. *süji-; Turk. *s-.
PTung. *sia- 1 to chew 2 to bite (1 жевать 2 кусать): Evk. s- 1; Evn.
hǟ-; Neg. s- 1; Man. saj- 2; SMan. šia- 2 (1533); Ul. s- 1; Ork. s- 1; Nan.
śǟ- 2; Orch. sǟ- 1; Ud. sa- 1.
◊ ТМС 2,69.
PMong. *süji- to be destroyed, broken (разрушаться, ломаться):
WMong. süi-d-, süi-re- (L 741, 742); Kh. süjde-, süjre-; Bur. hüjd ‘harm,
ruin’; Ord. süjd-; Dag. sujte- (MD 212).
PTurk. *s- 1 to break, damage, harm 2 to be broken (1 ломать, на-
рушать, портить 2 ломаться): OTurk. sɨ- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh.
sɨ- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. sɨ- 1; Gag. sɨn- ‘to be defeated’; Az. sɨn- 2; Turkm.
s-n- 2; Sal. sun- 2; sɨndɨr- 1 (ССЯ); Khal. si- 1; MTurk. (MKypch.) sɨ-
(AH) 1; Uzb. sin- 2; Uygh. sin- 2; Krm. sɨn- 2; Tat. sɨ-n-dɨr- 1; Bashk. hɨn-
2; Kirgh. sɨn- 2; Kaz. sɨn- 2; KBalk. sɨn- 2; KKalp. sɨn- 2; Kum. sɨn- 2;
Nogh. sɨn- 2; Khak. sɨn- 2; Shr. sɨn- 2; Oyr. sɨn- 2; Tv. sɨn- 2; Tof. sɨn- 2;
Yak. ? īr- ‘to tear’.
◊ VEWT 413-414, EDT 782.
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. *süji- is a usual metathesis < *sijü-. Cf.
also *siju ‘ear-ring’.
-sík῾e ( ~ -k-) a detail of the house entrance: Tung. *siK-; Mong. *seg;
Turk. *sekü; Jpn. *síkímí.
PTung. *siK- 1 penthouse 2 a bar (under threshhold, into which the
door heel is inserted) (1 навес, терраса 2 брус (под порогом, в кото-
ром вращается дверная пятка)): Man. sixin 1, siaqu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 80-81. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *seg tent (шатер): WMong. seg; Kh. seg (БАМРС); Kalm.
seg.
◊ KW 321.
PTurk. *sekü stone bench, pedestal (каменное или глинобитное
сиденье, лежанка, помост): Karakh. sekü (MK); Tur. seki; Az. säki;
Turkm. seki; Tat. säki; Bashk. hikĭ; Kirgh. seki; Chuv. sagъ; Yak. eɣe
‘knolls’.
◊ VEWT 408, TMN 3, 262, EDT 819, Лексика 519. Turk. > Pers. sakū id. (despite EDT,
not vice versa); > Hung. szék ‘chair’ (Gombocz 1912).
 *sík῾è - *sk῾ù 1247

PJpn. *síkímí threshold (порог): OJpn. sikjimji; MJpn. síkímí; Tok.

shìkii; Kyo. shíkíí; Kag. shikíi.
◊ JLTT 523. Modern shikii is actually a merger of OJ síkjímjí ‘threshhold’ and sikiwi
(attested only in MJ) ‘rush plant’.
‖ Cf. *ségi.
-sík῾è ( ~ š-, *sék῾ì) a plant with specific smell or taste: Mong. *sikür; Jpn.
*síkími.
PMong. *sikür names of plants with specific taste (1 лапчатка кус-
тарниковая или курильский чай 2 солодка, лакричник): WMong.
sikür (МXTTT) 1; Kh. šüxer 1; Bur. šüxer, šexer 2.
◊ Mong. > Chuv. śüxre ῾fern’, see Дмитриева 2000.
PJpn. *síkími Illicium anisatum (a tree with poisonous fruits) (вид
аниса): OJpn. sikjimji; MJpn. síkímí; Tok. shikimi.
◊ JLTT 523.
‖ Cf. Kor. siktä ‘Pleioblastus Simoni’. The root also means “um-
brella” in Mong., and as such may be actually identical to *sík῾e ῾detail
of the house’ (perhaps as an old name of some umbellate plant?).
-sk῾ù ( ~ š-) to press: Mong. *sika-; Turk. *sɨk-; Jpn. *súkú-má-; Kor.
*skằ-.
PMong. *sika- to press (жать, давить): MMong. šiqa- (SH, HYt);
WMong. siqa- (L 721); Kh. šaxa-; Bur. šaxa-; Kalm. šaxə-; Ord. šaxa-; Dag.
šaga- (Тод. Даг. 182); Dong. šɨGa-; S.-Yugh. šəGa-; Mongr. šGā- (SM 377),
šiGā-.
◊ KW 344, MGCD 711. Mong. > Man. sixa-, see Doerfer MT 136, Rozycki 180.
PTurk. *sɨk- to press (давить, жать): OTurk. sɨq- (OUygh.); Karakh.
sɨq- (MK); Tur. sɨk-; Gag. sɨq-; Az. sɨx-; Turkm. sɨq-; Khal. sɨq-; MTurk.
sɨq- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. siq-; Uygh. siq-; Krm. sɨq-; Tat. sɨq-; Bashk. hɨq-;
Kirgh. sɨq-; Kaz. sɨq-; KBalk. sɨq-; KKalp. sɨq-; Kum. sɨq-; Nogh. sɨq-;
SUygh. sɨq-; Khak. sɨq-; Oyr. sɨq-; Tv. sɨq-; Yak. ɨk-; Dolg. ɨk- ‘to milk’.
◊ EDT 804-805, VEWT 415-416, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 259.
PJpn. *súkú-má- to press, shrink (сжимать): MJpn. súkúmá-; Tok.
sukume-.
◊ JLTT 758.
PKor. *skằ- to get thin, diminish (уменьшаться, утончаться):
MKor. skằ-; Mod. k:a-.
◊ Nam 17, KED 6.
‖ EAS 154, KW 344, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 30, 55. Mong. is
hardly a borrowing, despite Щербак 1997, 147. The Jpn. form is a par-
tial contamination with *slgu q. v.
1248 *sik῾V - *sila
-sik῾V ( ~ z-, -k-) evening, dream: Tung. *sikse; Kor. *skú-m.
PTung. *sikse evening (вечер, вечером): Evk. sikse; Evn. hīsъr; Neg.
sikse; Man. sikse ‘yesterday’; SMan. čikəsē, čekəsē (2712); Jurch. sih-ser
(84); Ul. sikse; Ork. sšeksše; Nan. sikse; Orch. sikse; Ud. sikie.
◊ ТМС 2, 81.
PKor. *skú-m dream (сон): MKor. skú-m; Mod. k:um.
◊ Nam 63, KED 219.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-sìlá (almost) completely, additionally: Tung. *sila; Mong. *sila; Turk.
*sil ?; Jpn. *sàrá.
PTung. *sila scarcely (едва, еле): Neg. sịla; Man. saĺan; Ul. sịla; Nan.
sịlã; Orch. sīla; Ud. sīla.
◊ ТМС 2, 82.
PMong. *sila completely, utterly (полностью, целиком): WMong.
sila (L 748: šal); Kh. šal; Bur. šal; Kalm. šalə (КРС); Ord. šal; Dag. šal
(Тод. Даг. 182).
PTurk. *sil horse that eats too little food (слишком мало едящая
лошадь): OTurk. sil at (MK); sil kiši ‘abstemious person’.
◊ OT = Mong. sila buli ideku ‘to eat without appetite’
PJpn. *sàrá additionally, also, newly (еще, к тому же, снова): OJpn.
sara-sara; MJpn. sàrá; Tok. sára; Kyo. sàrá.
◊ JLTT 518.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 276. Martin (1966, 237) compares the Jpn. form with
Kor. sái ‘new’, but this word has probably a different origin (see *zèjńa).
The Turkic form is very poorly attested (only in MK’s phrase) and
somewhat dubious.
-sila dew, liquid; hoar-frost: Tung. *sile-; Mong. *sil-; Turk. *sil-; Kor.
*srí.
PTung. *sile- dew (роса): Evk. sile-kse; Evn. hīli; Neg. sile-kse; Man.
sile-ŋgi; Jurch. sie-le-un (10), cf. siel-hi ‘spring’ (48) (2-431); Ul. silemse;
Ork. śile-śke; Nan. sile-mse; Orch. sileŋse; Ud. silihe; Sol. iliki.
◊ See ТМС 2, 85-86.
PMong. *sil- 1 slime 2 saliva 3 to get wet 4 slobbery (1 слизь 2 слю-
на 3 мокнуть 4 слюнявый): WMong. silaj 1 (L 749: šalai ‘watery stool,
diarrhea’), silö-sü(n) 2 (L 708), sil-boji- 3, silükei 4 (L 708); Kh. šalaj 1, šüls
2, šolboj- 3, šülxij 4; Bur. šülhe(n) 2; Kalm. šülsn 2 , šülk 4 (КРС); Ord.
šölösü, šölös 2; Dag. šuls 2 (Тод. Даг. 184: šulse, šille), šulese (MD 218);
Mongr. śorgo ‘salive, bave’ (SM 397).
◊ MGCD 729. Mong. silükej > Turk. (Turkm. sülekej etc.).
PTurk. *sil- 1 spittle, saliva 2 slime (1 слюна, плевок 2 слизь): Tur.
sel, selik (dial.) 1; Az. selik 1; MTurk. silik (Ettuhf.) 1; Uzb. šilik 2; Uygh.
šilim, šillik 2; Kirgh. silämägäj (R.) 1; Kaz. sĭlemej 1.
 *sla - *slgù 1249
◊ See ЭСТЯ 7. Most of the Turkic words for ‘saliva’ are attested late and look like
borrowings < Mong. silü-kej; Yak. sil must also be borrowed (because of initial s-), per-
haps from Mong. silö-sü (with secondary loss of suffix?). The above forms, however, can
be hardly explained as mongolisms.
PKor. *srí frost (иней): MKor. srí; Mod. səri.
◊ Nam 299, KED 936.
‖ SKE 230, EAS 71-72, VEWT 435. Cf. also Old Koguryo *salgan
‘frost’ (Miller 1979, 8).
-sla to rub, clean: Tung. *silkü-; Mong. *silu-; Turk. *sīl- / *sla-; Jpn.
*sárá-; Kor. *sr-.
PTung. *silkü- to wash, clean (стирать, мыть): Evk. silki-; Evn.
hilqъ-; Neg. sịlkị-; Man. silǵa-; Ul. silču-; Ork. siltu-; Nan. sịlqo-; Orch.
sikki-; Ud. siki-.
◊ ТМС 2, 84.
PMong. *silu- to rub off, peel (соскребать, сдирать): WMong. silu-,
šulu- (L 757); Kh. šula-; Bur. šula-; Kalm. šul-; Ord. šulu-; Mongr. šuli-
(SM 385), (MGCD śulə-).
◊ KW 367, MGCD 727. Mong. > Oyr. šɨlɨ- etc.
PTurk. *sīl- / *sla- 1 to wipe, rub 2 clean (1 тереть, стирать, чис-
тить 2 чистый): OTurk. sil- 1, silig 2 (OUygh.), silik 2 (Orkh.); Karakh.
silig 2 (MK); Tur. sil- 1, sili 2; Gag. sil- 1; Az. sil- 1; Turkm. sl- 1; Khal.
sīl- 1; MTurk. sil- 1 (IM), sīla- 1 (Abush.), silä- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. silä- 1;
Uygh. sila- 1; Krm. sil-, sɨla- 1; Tat. sɨla- 1; Bashk. hɨla- 1; Kirgh. sɨla- 1;
Kaz. sɨla- 1; KBalk. sɨla- 1; KKalp. sɨla- 1; Kum. sɨla- 1; Nogh. sɨla- 1; Tv.
sili- ‘to become clean’; Chuv. šъl- 1.
◊ EDT 824-825, 826-827, VEWT 416, 421, TMN 3, 265, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Kalm. šilə-
‘kick or sweep away with one’s foot’ (KW 357). Turk. *silig / *sɨlɨg ‘clean, clear’ (see ЭСТЯ
7) > Mong. siluɣun ‘plain, simple, pure’ ( > Evk. šilun id.).
PJpn. *sárá- 1 to whiten, bleach 2 to clean (bottom of smth.) (1 отбе-
ливать 2 отчищать): OJpn. saras- 1; MJpn. sárás- 1; Tok. sàras- 1, sàra- 2;
Kyo. sárás- 1, sárá- 2; Kag. sarás- 1, sará- 2.
◊ JLTT 747.
PKor. *sr- to wash, clean (мыть, очищать): MKor. sr-; Mod.
səl-gət- (-č-).
◊ Liu 450, KED 950.
‖ EAS 72, 124, 150, SKE 230, Мудрак Дисс. 42.
-slgù to tremble, quiver, be benumbed: Tung. *silgü-; Mong. *silgeɣe-;
Turk. *silk-; Jpn. *súkúm-; Kor. *sir-.
PTung. *silgü- to tremble, shake (from fever, cold etc.) (дрожать (от
холода, страха), чувствовать озноб): Evk. silgin-; Evn. hilgъn-; Neg.
silgin-; Man. šurge-; Ul. silǯun-; Ork. sildun-; Nan. sirgun-; Orch. siggina-.
◊ ТМС 2, 83, 430.
1250 *silV - *sílV
PMong. *silgeɣe- to shake, tremble (дрожать): MMong. šilgut-
(SH); WMong. silgege-, silge- (L 706); Kh. šilgē-; Bur. šelgē-; Kalm. šilg-;
Ord. šilgē-; S.-Yugh. šögȫ-; Mongr. śirgō-, śurgō- ‘se secouer pour faire
tomber lapoussière ou l’eau qui adhère aux poils (animaux), branler
violemment (tête)’ (SM 398).
◊ KW 357, MGCD 717.
PTurk. *silk- to shake (трясти, встряхивать): OTurk. silk- (OUygh.);
Karakh. silk- (MK); Tur. silk-; Gag. silk-; Az. silk-; Turkm. silk-; Khal.
silk-; MTurk. silk- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. silki-; Uygh. silki-; Krm. silk-; Tat.
sĭlk-; Bashk. hĭlk-; Kirgh. silk-; Kaz. silki-; KBalk. silk-; KKalp. silki-; Kum.
silk-; Nogh. silk-; Khak. sĭlĭk-; Oyr. silki-; Tv. silki-; Yak. ilk-.
◊ EDT 826, VEWT 422, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *súkúm- to become numb (цепенеть): MJpn. súkúm-; Tok.
sùkum-, sukúm-; Kyo. súkúm-; Kag. sukúm-.
◊ JLTT 758.
PKor. *sir(h)- 1 to be cold (of hands, feet etc.) 2 to quiver, shake (1
замерзать (о конечностях) 2 дрожать, трястись): Mod. siri- 1, silluk
ha- 2.
◊ KED 1036, 1056.
‖ EAS 71, 122, KW 357, SKE 233, 235, Poppe 30, 76. Mong. is hardly
borrowed from Turkic, despite Щербак 1997, 144; Tung. is hardly bor-
rowed from Mong., despite Doerfer MT 46. The meaning in Kor. and
Jpn. may reflect the influence of another root, PA *saŕi q.v.; in Jpn. there
is an additional contamination with *sk῾u ‘press’ q.v.
-silV ( ~ z-, -ĺ-) strap, yoke, dewlap: Tung. *sil-; Mong. *silaŋ.
PTung. *sil- 1 yoke belt 2 breakwater 3 dewlap 4 chock-boot 5
breast ornament (1 ремень ярма 2 волнорез 3 подгрудок 4 шейная
колодка 5 нагрудное украшение): Evk. šiliptin ‘boot straps’ (dial.);
Neg. siliptin 2; Man. selxe 3, selxen 4; Ul. selče 5; Nan. siliptun 1 (Он.);
Orch. silipke 2; siliktauka ‘interlacement of sledge straps’.
◊ ТМС 2, 84, 140, 426.
PMong. *silaŋ hip strap and breeching in harness, harness, yoke,
dewlap (шлея; подгрудок): WMong. šalaŋ (L 749); Kh. šalan; Kalm.
šalŋ.
◊ KW 347.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-sílV ( ~ z-, -ĺ-) a k. of vessel: Tung. *silV; Kor. *sìr.
PTung. *silV 1 plate 2 k. of basket (1 тарелка 2 вид корзины): Nan.
sịlịa 1, (Bik.) silfo 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 84.
PKor. *sìr earthenware jug (глиняный кувшин): MKor. sìr; Mod.
siru.
 *sīĺa - *sīĺa 1251
◊ Nam 325, KED 1036.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. The root is poorly attested and rather du-
bious.
-sīĺa sharp stick; tooth: Tung. *sila(-bun); Mong. *sidü; Turk. *sīĺ / *sĺ;
Jpn. *sàs-, *sàsì; Kor. *sár.
PTung. *sila(-bun) spit (вертел): Evk. silawun; Evn. hịlụn; Neg.
sịlawụn; Man. šolon; Ul. sịlopụ(n); Ork. sịlopụ(n); Nan. sịlpõ; Orch. silō(n);
Ud. silou(n); Sol. ila- ‘to roast’.
◊ ТМС 2, 82. Most languages also reflect the verb *sila- ‘to roast on a spit, to put on a
spit’.
PMong. *sidü tooth (зуб): MMong. šidun (HY 45), šidu, sudu (SH),
sidon (IM), šidun, sidun (MA), sidūn (LH); WMong. sidü(n) (L 698); Kh.
šüd(en); Bur. šüde(n); Kalm. šüdn; Ord. šüdü; Mog. südün; Dag. šide (Тод.
Даг. 183, MD 215), šid; Dong. šədun; Bao. (š)doŋ, hdoŋ; S.-Yugh. šdən,
šədən; Mongr. šdi (SM 371).
◊ KW 370, MGCD 728.
PTurk. *sīĺ / *sĺ 1 tooth 2 sharp stick (1 зуб 2 вертел, острый колы-
шек): OTurk. sɨš 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. sɨš 2 (MK); Tur. šiš 2; Az. šiš 2;
Turkm. čīš 2; MTurk. sɨš 2 (Sangl.); Uygh. šiš 2; Krm. šɨš 2; Tat. šeš 2;
Bashk. šeš 2; Kirgh. šiš 2; Kaz. is 2; KBalk. šiš 2; KKalp. is 2; Kum. čiš 2;
Khak. səs 2; Shr. šɨš 2; Oyr. šiš 2; Tv. šiš 2; Tof. šiš 2; Chuv. šъl 1.
◊ VEWT 424, TMN 3, 324, EDT 856-7. Turk. > Kalm. čiš, šiš (KW 442). An interesting
common Turkic derivative is *sīĺ-le > *sīle ‘судак’ (fish name), as “fish with teeth” (Turkm.
sīle, Chuv. šъla etc., see ЭСТЯ 7; Turk. > Hung. süllő, see MNyTESz 3, 628): such deriva-
tion may be postulated on analogy with KKalp. tĭsli, Uzb. tišli (baliq) ‘судак’, lit. ‘fish with
teeth’.
PJpn. *sàs-, *sàsì to prick, stab; sharp stick (вонзать, колоть; острая
палочка): OJpn. sas-, sasi; MJpn. sàs-, sasi; Tok. sás-, sashí; Kyo. sás-;
Kag. sàs-.
◊ JLTT 748.
PKor. *sár arrow; sting (стрела; жало): MKor. sár; Mod. sal.
◊ Liu 436, HMCH 277, KED 895.
‖ EAS 108, VEWT 424, Doerfer TMN 3, 325-326 (with quite unjusti-
fied doubts), MT 240 (Turk.-Tung.), Miller 1970, 129, Street 1980, 300,
АПиПЯЯ 288, Дыбо 13, Мудрак Дисс. 41-42, Лексика 228. The com-
parison with Kor. and Jpn. seems very probable, although here we
have a rather rare case of tonal irregularity: one would expect a low
tone in Kor. and a high tone in Japanese. In Jpn. the tonal irregularity
could be explained by a contamination with some different root - e.g.,
with the root reflected in PT *sanč- ‘to pierce’ (ЭСТЯ 7); but the Kor.
high tone is still unexplained. It is interesting to note the common
Turkic-Mongolian derivative meaning “2-year-old sheep or camel”:
Turkic *siĺek / *diĺek (see VEWT 424), MMong. šilegu, Khalkha šilbe, Bur.
1252 *sìmò - *simo
šülge (certainly not a loan in Mong. < Turk., despite Rona-Tas 1970, 215
with a detailed analysis of the words, see Poppe 1974, 123). The variant
*diĺek (attested in MK tišek and in Yak. tisege, see EDT 563) is an obvious
innovation in a part of Old Turkic dialects, following the replacement
of *siĺ ‘tooth’ by *diĺ q.v., just like WMong. sidüleŋ “2-year-old sheep” is
an innovation following the replacement of original *sil ‘tooth’ by the
suffixed formation *sil-dü > sidü.
-sìmò a k. of bird: Tung. *sim-; Mong. *similǯen; Turk. *sɨm; Jpn. *sìmài
( ~ -ià).
PTung. *sim- 1 kingfisher 2 a k. of woodpecker 3 a k. of titmouse 4
eagle-owl (1 зимородок 2 вид дятла 3 вид синицы 4 филин): Evk.
sennekūn, dial. sendekūn 2; Man. simari, simatun 3; Ul. sindi 1; Ork.
simiktu 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 86, 88, 143.
PMong. *similǯen a k. of bird of prey (вид хищной птицы):
WMong. similǯen (МХТТТ); Kh. šimelʒen ‘a dark bird of prey with a
white head’.
◊ Cf. also somaraŋ ‘titmouse’.
PTurk. *sɨm grouse (рябчик): Karakh. sinič (KB) (? = simnič) ‘a k. of
songbird’; Khak. sɨm; Shr. sɨnma; Oyr. sɨmda; Chuv. šъngъrč ‘starling’;
Yak. ɨm ‘crossbill’, sɨlg ɨmta ‘wagtail’.
◊ ДТС 500, VEWT 416.
PJpn. *sìmài ( ~ -ià) a k. of hawfinch, Coccothraustes coccothraustes
japonicus (вид дубоноса): MJpn. sìmè; Tok. shimé; Kyo. shímè; Kag.
shimé.
◊ JLTT 524.
‖ It is hard to determine the original meaning of the root - some
kind of middle-sized bird, probably with a big beak.
-simo ( ~ -u) to be silent, whisper: Tung. *sim-; Turk. *sɨm-.
PTung. *sim- to be silent, whisper (молчать, шептать): Evk.
simūlā-; Evn. hịmụn-; Neg. sịmụ-; Ul. sim-; Ork. sịmụ-; Nan. simu-; Ud.
sim-sim; Sol. sin-gadá ‘silently’.
◊ ТМС 2, 88.
PTurk. *sɨm- 1 to talk unintelligibly 2 to whisper (1 говорить нев-
нятно 2 шептать): Karakh. sumlɨ- (MK, KB) 1; Turkm. sɨm-sɨm 2; Khak.
sɨm ‘silence’; Tv. sɨmɨran- 2; Tof. sɨmɨra- 2 (ФиЛ); Chuv. səmpəltet-
‘лопотать’.
◊ EDT 829.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
 *símta - *siŋra 1253

-símta to meet an obstacle: Mong. *simda-; Turk. *sɨmta-; Jpn. *sámáta-.

PMong. *simda- 1 to endeavour, make effort 2 to rush, hurry (1 ста-
раться, прилагать усилия 2 торопиться): WMong. simda- 1, 2 (L 709);
Kh. šamda- 1, 2; Bur. šamda- 2; Kalm. šamdə- 2 (КРС).
PTurk. *sɨmta- to neglect, be careless about (smth.) (пренебрегать,
быть неосторожным): OTurk. sɨmta- (OUygh.).
◊ EDT 828.
PJpn. *sámáta- to hinder (препятствовать): OJpn. sama-taga-; MJpn.
sámá-taga-; Tok. sàmatage-, samatagé-; Kyo. sámátágé-; Kag. samatagé-.
◊ JLTT 747 (Reasons for accent vacillation in Tokyo are unclear).
‖ Despite EDT 828, the Mong. verb cannot be < Turkic.
-sni ( ~ -e, -o) to suffer, endure: Tung. *sinŋi-; Mong. *sinal-; Jpn.
*sìn-(m)p-, *sìnuà-(n)k-.
PTung. *sinŋi- 1 to be sorry 2 to offend, do wrong 3 to be poor, dis-
tressed 4 mourning 5 sad (1 жалеть 2 обижать, желать зла 3 быть
бедным, мучиться 4 траур 5 печальный): Evk. siŋni- 1, sini- 3; Neg.
sińŋin- 1, sińŋije- 2; Man. siŋgira- 2, sinaGan 4; Jurch. sin-na-lar 5 (375);
Ul. siŋgere- 2, sineǯu-, sinewli- 3; Ork. siŋgere- 2, sīnedu- 3; Nan. siŋgere- 2,
sineǯi- 3; Orch. siŋgere- 2, sineǯi- 3; Ud. sunǯuge-si- 2, sinehä 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 89, 90, 91.
PMong. *sinal- to be sad, bothered (печалиться, расстраиваться):
WMong. sinal(a)- (L 710); Kh. šanal-; Bur. šanal-; Kalm. šanl-; Ord. ši-
nalga- (causative); Mongr. šənāli- (SM 374).
◊ KW 348.
PJpn. *sìn-(m)p-, *sìnuà-(n)k- to endure (терпеть, страдать):
OJpn. sinob-, sinwog-; MJpn. sìnòg-; Tok. shinóg-; Kyo. shínóg-; Kag.
shìnòg-.
◊ JLTT 751, 752. On the distinction between *sìnuà- and *sínuá- see under *sínuá-p- (v.
sub *sńi).
‖ The root is rather difficult to distinguish from *sńi and *saŋe q.v.
-siŋra double bone (of animals): Tung. *sire-; Mong. *siɣira; Turk.
*sɨŋɨr-.
PTung. *sire- 1 elbow bone 2 shin bone (1 локтевая кость 2 берцо-
вая кость): Evk. sirēk, sirēkē 1; Evn. hirъmtъ 1; Neg. sijimte 1; Man. sira 2;
Ork. simuse ‘calf of leg’; Nan. sireme 1; Orch. simikte ‘shoulder bone’;
Ud. simikta, simukta 1; Sol. irmū 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 94, 97.
PMong. *siɣira double bone (of animals) (двойная кость, бедро
(животных)): MMong. šijira ‘hoof’ (SH); WMong. sigira, sigere (L 702);
Kh. šijr; Bur. šīre; Kalm. šīrə; Ord. šīra; Dag. širem; Dong. šəGara ‘foot’
(Тод. Дн.); S.-Yugh. šīra; Mongr. śirā (SM 397).
◊ KW 363, MGCD 713.
1254 *síŋri - *sìŋù
PTurk. *sɨŋɨr 1 double shin bone (1 кости голени 2 парное копы-
то): Tur. sɨrnak (dial.) 2; Az. sɨŋɨr (dial.) 1; Turkm. sɨŋraq, sɨrnaq 2;
MTurk. saŋraq (Pav. C.), sɨɣraq (AH) 2; Krm. sɨrča ‘бедро’; Tat. sɨjraq 2,
(КСТТ) sɨrɨsxan 1; Bashk. sɨraq 2; Kirgh. sɨjra ‘пятка’; Kaz. sɨjraq 2;
KKalp. sɨjraq 2; Kum. sɨjraq 2; Nogh. sɨjraq 2; Khak. sɨrsax 1; Tv. sār ‘верх
ступни’, sɨrɨ ‘копыто’, srɣaq 2; Yak. rāx 2.
◊ EDT 803, ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 147-148, 287. In some languages the reflex may have
merged with *sɨdɨr-gak (v. sub *sudu).
‖ EAS 120, Дыбо 313-314, Лексика 287. A Western isogloss, but cf.
*siŋu: the form may be an archaic derivative.
-síŋri sinew: Tung. *sire-; Mong. *sinda-su; Turk. *siŋir; Kor. *sì’úr.
PTung. *sire- sinew, thread (сухожилие, нить): Evk. sirekte; Evn. si-
ren (Arm.); Neg. sijekte, sijēn; Man. sirge / sirxe, siren; SMan. širəxē ‘fiber’
(269); Ul. siri, sirekte; Ork. sirekte; Nan. sirikte (Kur-Urm.), sīrẽ; Orch. sije,
sijekte; Ud. sie, siekte; Sol. irikte, iritte.
◊ ТМС 2, 97. Despite superficial resemblance and Doerfer MT 26, the word has noth-
ing to do with Mong. *sirmö- / *sirbö- ‘sinew’ (which is = TM *sumu-, see under *sorme).
PMong. *sinda-su sinew (жила, сухожилие): WMong. sindasu(n) (L
710); Kh. šandas; Bur. šandāha; Kalm. šandəsn (КРС); Ord. šindasu.
PTurk. *siŋir sinew (сухожилие, жила): OTurk. siŋir (OUygh.);
Karakh. siŋir (MK); Tur. sinir; Gag. sinir; Turkm. siŋir; MTurk. siŋir
(AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. siŋir; Krm. sinir; Tat. seŋer; Bashk. hĭŋĭr; Kaz. siŋir;
KBalk. siŋir; KKalp. siŋir; Kum. siŋir; Nogh. siŋir; Khak. sīr; Oyr. siŋir;
Tv. sīr; Chuv. šъnъr; Yak. iŋīr; Dolg. iŋīr.
◊ EDT 841, VEWT 423, Лексика 264, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 127.
PKor. *sì’úr string, sinew; bow string (веревка, жила; тетива):
MKor. sì’úr; Mod. siwi.
◊ Nam 326, KED 1040.
‖ EAS 120, Мудрак Дисс. 43, Лексика 264.
-sìŋù bone; shin bone: Tung. *siŋa-; Mong. *siɣa; Turk. *siŋök / *sɨŋok;
Jpn. *sùnài; Kor. *sin.
PTung. *siŋa- 1 pelvis, pelvis bone 2 swelling of deer’s joints (1 таз,
тазовая кость 2 опухоль суставов у оленя): Evk. šaŋalran (Sym.) 1,
siŋargaǯaran 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 90, 424. The forms are attested only in several Evk. dialects, but have rather
plausible external parallels.
PMong. *siɣa knucklebone, anklebone (бабка, щиколотка):
MMong. ši’a (HY 48, SH), šīɣai (LH), šīɣa (Lig.VMI); WMong. siɣa(n),
šaɣa(n), siɣai (L 747); Kh. šā, šagai; Bur. šagaj; šagabša, šagajbša ‘stockings,
socks’; Kalm. šā ‘bones for divination’, šaɣā (КРС); Ord. šā; Mongr. śā
(SM 393) ‘cheville du pied, osselets avec lesquels jouent les enfants’,
šG ‘jambe (de l’homme ou des animaux)’ (SM 378).
 *sípa - *sípa 1255
◊ Cf. also WMong. siɣu, Kalm. šō (Mongor šōr, MGCD 721) ‘ein Knochen im Handge-
lenk; Würfelknochen’ (KW 366). Mong. > Man. santu ( = Mong. šagantu), see Doerfer MT
138.
PTurk. *siŋök bone (кость): OTurk. süŋök (Orkh.), süŋük (OUygh.);
Karakh. süŋük (MK, KB); Tur. süŋük, söŋek, sümük (dial.); Az. sümük;
Turkm. süŋk, süjek; Sal. senix; Khal. simik; MTurk. süŋek (Abush.,
Sangl.); Uzb. sujak; Uygh. söŋäk; Tat. söjɛk; Bashk. höjäk; Kirgh. söök;
Kaz. sujek; KBalk. süjek; KKalp. süjek; Kum. süjek; Nogh. süjek; SUygh.
sɨmɨk; Khak. sȫk; Shr. sȫk; Oyr. sȫk; Tv. sȫk; Tof. sȫk; Chuv. šъₙmъₙ; Yak.
uŋuoχ; Dolg. oŋuok.
◊ VEWT 437, EDT 838-839, Лексика 260-261, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 195. With different
suffixation cf. Uygh. söŋgäč ‘thigh, hip, thigh bone’; Yak., Dolg. öŋürges ‘cartilage’ (Sta-
chowski 200).
PJpn. *sùnài 1 shin 2 marrow (1 голень 2 костный мозг): OJpn.
sune 2; MJpn. sune 1, 2; Tok. suné 1; Kyo. súnè 1; Kag. suné 1.
◊ JLTT 534.
PKor. *sin shin, thigh (голень, бедро): MKor. sin-tàrì.
◊ Nam 323.
‖ KW 440, АПиПЯЯ 285, Дыбо 314-315, Мудрак Дисс. 42. Cf.
*siŋri.
-sípa clay, to smear: Tung. *siba-; Mong. *siba-; Turk. *sɨba-; Jpn. *sápá.
PTung. *siba- 1 to smear (with clay) 2 bog, marsh 3 to poultice (1
мазать (глиной) 2 топь, болото 3 класть припарки): Evk. siwa- 1;
Evn. hịwtaɣ 2; Man. šabarGan gida- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 74. Cf. also Oroch sibiki- ‘to scrape, plane’ (?).
PMong. *siba- 1 to smear (with clay) 2 clay (1 мазать (глиной) 2
глина): MMong. šibar (HY 3, SH), šibar (IM), šibar (MA) 2; WMong. siba-
1; sibar 2 (L 693, 694); Kh. šava- 1, šavar 2; Bur. šaba- 1, šabar 2; Kalm. šaw-
1, šawr 2; Ord. šawa- 1, šawar 2; Mog. ZM šəbə- (5-1b); Dag. šawar (Тод.
Даг. 182), šaure (MD 214), šaur 2; Dong. šuva- 1, šuva 2; Bao. šbar, hbar 2;
S.-Yugh. šəbar 2; Mongr. šawar (SM 369), šəura 2.
◊ KW 352, 353, MGCD 701, 722. Mong. > Kirgh. sabɨr ‘dirt’.
PTurk. *sɨba- to smear (мазать): OTurk. suva- (OUygh.); Karakh.
suva-, suval-, suvaš- (MK); Tur. sɨva-; Gag. suwa-; Az. sua- (dial.); Turkm.
suwa-; Sal. suva-, sova-; Khal. sɨva-; MTurk. suwa- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. suwa-;
Uygh. suwa-.
◊ EDT 785, 789, 793, VEWT 414, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. also the toponym Sɨvaš. The root is
somewhat confused with *sɨba- ‘to water, irrigate’ (a derivative of *sɨb ‘water’ q.v. sub
*suba), but they should be certainly kept distinct.
PJpn. *sápa 1 bog, marsh 2 to dip; to smear with lacquer (1 болото 2
окунать; мазать лаком): OJpn. safa 1; MJpn. sáfá 1, safa-s- 2; Tok. sawá
1, sawas- 2; Kyo. sáwà 1; Kag. sáwa 1.
1256 *sipa - *spe
◊ JLTT 520, 748. Modern dialects point unanimously to *sápà, but RJ shows high tone
in the 2d syllable.
‖ KW 352, Poppe 30, 46. Correspondences are quite regular, and
there is hardly any need in assuming (despite Poppe 1966, 198, Doerfer
MT 123) Tung. < Mong. However, Mong. may be borrowed from
Turkic (see Щербак 1997, 148-150), in which case a reconstruction *síba
is also possible.
-sipa ( ~ š-, -u, -o) worm, insect: Mong. *sibaǯi; Turk. *sɨbuĺgan.
PMong. *sibaǯi insect (насекомое): WMong. šabaǯi, sibaǯi (L 747);
Kh. šaỻǯ; Bur. šabxaj ‘worm’; Kalm. šivǯə.
◊ KW 361.
PTurk. *sɨbuĺgan earth-worm (червь, дождевой червь): Karakh.
sovušɣan (MK); Tur. soluǯan; Gag. soluǯan; Az. soxulǯan; Turkm.
soɣulǯan; Sal. suɣulǯun; MTurk. soɣulǯan (AH, Pav. C.), solunǯan (AH);
Uzb. čuwalčaŋ; Uygh. čuwalčaŋ; Krm. suwalčan, swalcan; Tat. sualčan;
Bashk. sĭläwsĭn; Kirgh. sȫlǯan, söjülǯan; KBalk. suwalčan; Kum. suwalčan;
Nogh. šɨlawšan; Khak. sōsxan (dial.), somɨsxan; Oyr. čojlošqon; Tv.
šɨjlašqɨn; Chuv. šъₙvъₙrъₙlǯan, śölźen, śəₙvəₙlźen.
◊ VEWT 425, EDT 793-794. The PT form can be reconstructed despite numerous ex-
pressive irregularities.
‖ A Turko-Mongolian isogloss.
-spe swamped ground, swamp vegetation: Tung. *sībe; Mong. *siber;
Turk. *seb-; Jpn. *símpà / *sìmpá.
PTung. *sībe horse-tail, swamped ground where it grows (хвощ,
заболоченная почва, где растет хвощ): Evk. sīwēɣ; Evn. hīweɣ; Neg.
siwu-kte; Man. sia / sibe; Ul. siu-kte; Nan. siu-kte.
◊ ТМС 2, 76.
PMong. *siber swamped forest (заболоченный лес): WMong. siber,
sibir (L 695); Kh. šiver; Bur. šeber; Kalm. šiwr; Ord. šiwer ‘terrain humide
et où il y a du gazon touffu’.
◊ KW 362. Cf. also Khalkha šivers ‘Lycopodium’.
PTurk. *seb- spurge, euphorbia (молочай): Turkm. söv-dek.
◊ Attested only in Turkm., but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *símpà / *sìmpá turf (дерн): MJpn. síbà; Tok. shìba / shíbà; Kyo.
shìbá; Kag. shíba.
◊ JLTT 522. RJ has síbà, but modern dialects show variation between *síbà and *sìbá (
> Tok. shíba, Kyo. shìbá).
‖ ТМС 2, 76, АПиПЯЯ 79. Despite Poppe 1966, 198, Doerfer MT 52,
TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. The irregular voicing in Jpn. ( <
PA *-p-) must be due to a confusion with a very similar root, *sìmpá ~
*símpá ‘firewood’ < PA *sắp῾í; Jpn. dialects show a great deal of confu-
sion between these two roots.
 *spi - *sipV 1257

-spi ( ~ z-, -o) to whisper, cough: Tung. *sibu-; Mong. *sibi-; Jpn. *sìpa-.
PTung. *sibu- to whisper (шептать): Evk. siwutā-; Evn. hịwụln-;
Neg. sịwụtā-; Man. šu-sina-; Ul. sịwčụ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 75-76.
PMong. *sibi- 1 to whisper 2 whispering (1 шептать 2 шепот):
WMong. sibine-, sibene-, sibegene- 1, sibir, siber, sibenel 2 (L 694, 695); Kh.
šivne- 1, šiver, šivnel 2; Bur. šebene- 1 šeber 2; Kalm. šiwr 2 (КРС); Ord.
šiwene- 1, šiwer 2; Dag. šabkālči- 1; S.-Yugh. šabrā- 1.
◊ MGCD 714. Mong. > Kirgh. sɨbɨr.
PJpn. *sìpa- to cough (кашлять): OJpn. sipa-buk-; MJpn. sìfa-búk-;
Tok. shiwabuk-.
◊ JLTT 753.
‖ Poppe 46. An expressive root, cf. *sbi.
-sìpò ( ~ *z-) a k. of tree: Tung. *sibu-; Mong. *sibür; Jpn. *sìpì; Kor.
*súp(h), *sùphr.
PTung. *sibu- 1 nut tree 2 cone (1 орешник 2 шишка): Evk. su-
wukičī 1; Nan. siučixĩ 2; Ud. seutigi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 117, 147.
PMong. *sibür bush-oak, Quercus (вид дуба): WMong. sibür (L
697).
PJpn. *sìpì a k. of beech-like eternally green tree, Lithocarpus Sie-
boldii Makino (вид вечнозеленого дерева): OJpn. sipji; MJpn. sìfì; Tok.
shíi; Kyo. shíì; Kag. shií.
◊ JLTT 523. The Tokyo form has an irregular accent (probably due to contraction).
PKor. *súp(h), *sùphr wood, forest, thicket (лес, заросли): MKor.
súp(h), sùphr; Mod. sup [suph], suphul.
◊ Liu 476, 479, Nam 314, KED 1011, 1022.
‖ Korean reflects a suffixed form like *sipo-kV. Cf. perhaps Nan.
čịGbora ‘black birch’ (which would change the reconstruction to *š-).
-sipV ( ~ z-, -b-) a k. of small bird: Tung. *sibi; Mong. *sibawu.
PTung. *sibi swallow (ласточка): Man. sibirGan; Jurch. sih-biar-xun
(183).
◊ ТМС 2, 398 - the root should be distinguished from *čipi- q. v. sub *č῾p῾[ú] (al-
though with some difficulty).
PMong. *sibawu bird (птица): MMong. šiba’un (HY 13, SH), šibān
(IM), šibawun (MA); WMong. sibaɣu(n), sibau (L 693); Kh. šuvū; Bur.
šubū(n); Kalm. šowūn; Ord. šiwū, šuwū; Dag. šowō; S.-Yugh. šūn; Mongr.
šū (SM 383), (MGCD śau).
◊ KW 366, MGCD 725. Mong. > Chag. šibaɣun (Щербак 1997, 209).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; a Turkic parallel could be found in Russ.
сапсан ‘peregrin’ (considered to be Turkic [Шипова 278], but the
source is actually unknown). Cf. *č῾p῾[u].
1258 *sp῾í - *sira
-sp῾í a k. of pipe: Mong. *sib-; Turk. *sīpek; Jpn. *simpai.
PMong. *sib- 1 to perforate 2 tattooing needle, perforator 3 smoking
pipe (1 протыкать 2 игла для татуировки, протыкания 3 куритель-
ная трубка): WMong. sibe- 1, sibegür 2, sibsiɣür 3 (L 694, 695), sibsirɣa
‘l’extrémité d’une baguette de correction’; Kh. šive- 1, šivǖr 2, šivšǖr 3;
Bur. šebšǖr; Ord. šive- 1; Mongr. śiśur ‘mèche de fouet’ (SM 401).
PTurk. *sīpek 1 infant’s urinal in a cradle 2 pivot (of a hand-mill
etc.) 3 corn-cob (1 мочеотводная трубочка в люльке 2 стержень,
шкворень (ручной мельницы и т.п.) 3 початок кукурузы): Karakh.
sibek 1, 2 (MK); Tur. sübek 1, 2, 3; Uzb. sübäk 3 (dial.).
◊ EDT 788, ЭСТЯ 7. Modern languages reveal some very irregular reflexes like Kaz.,
KKalp. sobɨq 3, Tur. sümek, sömek 1, 2, 3 (with -m- also in Kum. sümek, Nogh. simek, Uzb.
sumak 1, 2 etc.; some languages have variants with č- or š- like Kirgh. čömök 3, šimek 1, 2).
These all can be either irregular expressive variants with secondary diffusion or reflect
contaminations with some other (not quite clear) roots.
PJpn. *simpai heart of rice straw (сердцевина стебля риса): MJpn.
sibe; Tok. shibe.
‖ Cf. also PT *spɨŕgu ‘flute’ (ЭСТЯ 7). In TM one may note Neg.
sịwsaxawụn ‘wire (for pipe cleaning’), Nan. sịosaqo ‘wire (for burning a
hole), sịosan- ‘to burn (a hole with a wire)’, Oroch siapti ‘mouthpiece
(of a tobacco pipe)’ (ТМС 2, 74, 75). These words are hardly borrowed
from Mong. sibsiɣür, but are rather reflexes of original *sibe- ‘pull out,
pick out’ (see *zupi) influenced by the Mong. word.
-sp῾i ( ~ z-, -p-) to spy; slander: Tung. *sipki-; Mong. *sibsi-; Jpn. *sìpù-.
PTung. *sipki- 1 to spy, peep 2 to slander (1 подсматривать 2 кле-
ветать, сплетничать, подстрекать): Evk. sipkit- 1, sipku- 2; Evn. hịpq-
1; Neg. sịpkịt- 1; Man. sibki- 1; SMan. šifəḱa- ‘to study’ (1853); Ork. sip-
kiči- ‘hide’; Orch. sippiči- 1; Sol. irkiī- ‘listen, hearken’.
◊ ТМС 2, 92, 93.
PMong. *sibsi- to blemish, defame (позорить, клеветать): WMong.
sibsi- (L 695); Kh. šivšig (Gomb. 808) ‘shame, disgrace’; Kalm. šiwšə-.
◊ KW 362.
PJpn. *sìpù- to slander (клеветать): OJpn. sipu-; MJpn. sìfu-; Tok.
shií-; Kyo. shíí-; Kag. shií-.
◊ JLTT 750. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ A good Mong.-Tung.-Jpn. verbal match.
-sira ( ~ -u) hill, high mountain: Tung. *sirk-; Mong. *siru- / *siro-; Turk.
*sɨrt.
PTung. *sirk- 1 a small hillock 2 cape (1 холмик, кучка 2 мыс): Evk.
sirkun (Uchur) 2; Nan. sirge 1 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 95.
 *sĭra - *sire 1259

PMong. *siru- / *siro- 1 rock, cliff 2 high mountain (1 скала, мыс 2

высокая гора): WMong. siruɣ 1, šoroŋ 2 (МХТТТ); Kh. šurag 1, šoron 2.
PTurk. *sɨrt 1 back, spine (of animal) 2 tableland, mountain ridge (1
спина, позвоночник (животного) 2 горный хребет): Karakh. sɨrt-la-
‘to climb up a small valley’ (MK); Tur. sɨrt 1, 2; Az. sɨrt (dial.) 2; Turkm.
sɨrt 2; MTurk. sɨrt (AH) 2, sirt (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. sirt 1, 2; Uygh. sirt 1;
Krm. sɨrt 1; Tat. sɨrt 1, 2; Bashk. hɨrt 1, 2; Kirgh. sɨrt 2; Kaz. sɨrt 2; KBalk.
sɨrt 1; KKalp. sɨrt; Kum. sɨrt 1, 2; Nogh. sɨrt ‘back part’; Khak. sɨrt 1; Oyr.
sɨrt 1; Tv. sirt 1, 2; Tof. sɨ’rt 1, 2; Chuv. šъrt 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 419, EDT 847, Лексика 268, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Hung. szirt (see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 756).
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 45-46. A Western isogloss.
-sĭra ( ~ -u, -o) to quilt, sew together: Tung. *sira-; Mong. *siri-; Turk.
*sɨrɨ-.
PTung. *sira- to sew together, piece down (сшивать, надставлять):
Evk. sira-; Evn. hirq-; Neg. sịja-; Man. sira-; SMan. šira- ‘to connect, to
tie together, to join’ (1699, 1763, 2959); Jurch. sir(a)-ru ‘inherit’ (425); Ul.
sịra-; Ork. sịra-; Nan. sịra-; Orch. sija-; Ud. seä-.
◊ ТМС 2, 94.
PMong. *siri- to quilt, stitch (простегивать, прошивать): WMong.
siri- (L 717); Kh. šire-; Bur. šere-; Kalm. šir- (КРС); Ord. šire-, širi-; Dag.
širi- (Тод. Даг. 184: šire-), šire (MD 217); Dong. šɨri-; S.-Yugh. širə-;
Mongr. śiri- ‘contre-pointer’ (SM 399), śirə-.
◊ MGCD 720. Mong. > Kirgh. šɨrɨ- id.
PTurk. *sɨrɨ- to sew tightly, quilt, smock (строчить, простегивать,
прошивать): Karakh. sɨrɨ- (MK); Tur. sɨrɨ- (dial.); Az. sɨrɨ-; Turkm. sɨra-;
MTurk. sɨrɨ- (R.); Uygh. sɨrɨ- (dial.); Tat. sɨr-; Bashk. hɨr-; Kaz. sɨrɨ-;
KKalp. sɨrɨ-; Kum. sɨrɨ-; Nogh. sɨrɨ-; Khak. sɨrɨ-; Oyr. sɨr-; Tv. sɨrɨ-.
◊ VEWT 418, 419, EDT 845, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ Tekin 1969, 70. A Western isogloss.
-sire a measure of length or width: Tung. *siru; Turk. *sere; Jpn. *sirə.
PTung. *siru span between the big finger and index finger (расстоя-
ние между большим и указательным пальцами): Man. šuru; Ul.
siru(n); Ork. sirobgi, sirogbi; Nan. siru; Orch. sijo; Ud. süö.
◊ ТМС 2, 80.
PTurk. *sere span between the big finger and index finger (расстоя-
ние между большим и указательным пальцами): Tur. sere; Gag. serä;
Turkm. sere; Uzb. särä (dial.); Kirgh. sere; Kaz. sere.
◊ VEWT 411, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sirə a unit of field width (единица площади поля): OJpn.
siro.
1260 *sirp῾a - *siŕu
◊ JLTT 526.
‖ ЭСТЯ 7.
-sirp῾a (~-o,-u) thick hair, bristle: Tung. *sirpa-kta; Mong. *ser- / *sir-;
Turk. *sɨrt.
PTung. *sirpa-kta horse’s hair, bristle (конский волос, щетина):
Neg. sịtpakta; Man. siqa; SMan. šikā ‘tail horse-hair, horsetail’ (2292); Ul.
sịrpaqta; Nan. sịrbaqta ~ sịrpaqta; Orch. sipakta, sịppakta.
◊ ТМС 2, 99-100.
PMong. *ser- / *sir- 1 crest 2 long rod, switch 3 bristle 4 to bristle,
stand on end 5 spine ramification 6 sticking out, protruding (1 гребень,
холка; плавник 2 метла, длинный прут 3 щетина, толстая нить 4
щетиниться, стоять дыбом 5 спинной отросток 6 торчащий, тор-
чать, выступать): MMong. širun ‘uneven, rugged’ (MA 336); WMong.
serbege, serbe 1 (L 688), sirbegür, sirbigür, sirbegül (L 715) 2, sirke(g) 3 (L
718), serbeji-, sirbeji- 4 (L 689), serteŋ 5, (L 691) 6; Kh. servēn 1, širvǖl 2,
širxeg 3, servij- 4, serten 5, sertger, sertij- (V.) 6; Bur. herbē 1, šerxeg 3,
herteger 6; Kalm. serw 1, širkə, širkəg 3; šarwǟ- ‘in die Höhe ragen (die
Haare)’, sertəgər 6; Ord. serwī- 4, serteger ‘sticking out (about ears)’; Dag.
širgē 3.
◊ KW 326, 351, 360, MGCD 721. Mong. sirkeg > Oyr. šärkäk.
PTurk. *sɨrt thick hair, bristle (толстый волос, щетина): Karakh.
sɨrt (MK); Tat. sɨrt (dial.); Bashk. šɨrt ( < Chuv.?); Chuv. šъrt.
◊ EDT 846, VEWT 419-420, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Hung. serte ‘bristle’ (Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 526).
‖ KW 360, Мудрак Дисс. 45, Лексика 268. A Western isogloss.
Mong. sirke-, serte- may belong here if they go back to *sirp-ke-, *serp-te-
(cf. the TM and Turkic forms). See also notes to *sajri ‘stick out, pro-
trude’.
-siŕu ( ~ -o) pain: Tung. *sir; Mong. *sir-; Turk. *sɨŕ-; Kor. *sìrm.
PTung. *sir sharp pain (in one’s joint) (острая боль (в суставе)): Ul.
sir; Nan. sir.
◊ ТМС 2, 95.
PMong. *sir- 1 inner pain 2 contagious disease (1 внутренняя боль
2 заразная болезнь): WMong. sira 1, sirig 2; Kh. šar 1; Bur. šara ‘heart-
burn’; Kalm. šarə 1, širəg 2.
◊ KW 349.
PTurk. *sɨŕ- 1 to feel pain 2 pain, suffering (1 ощущать ломоту,
чувствовать боль 2 боль, ломота, страдания): Karakh. sɨzla- (MK) 1;
Tur. sɨzɨ- 1, sɨzɨ 2; Gag. sɨzɨ 2; Turkm. sɨzla- 1; MTurk. sizgi 2 (R.); Tat. sɨs
2 (dial.); Kirgh. sɨz 2; Kaz. sɨz 2; Chuv. sъrъltat- ‘to feel ague’ (?).
◊ EDT 863, VEWT 420.
 *sísu - *sít῾ì 1261

PKor. *sìrm worry, trouble (заботы, тревоги): MKor. sìrm; Mod.

sirɨm.
◊ Liu 495, KED 1036.
‖ KW 349.
-sísu ( ~ z-) to baste, cloth: Tung. *sise-; Mong. *sisegej; Jpn. *súsuá; Kor.
*sɨs-.
PTung. *sise- 1 to baste 2 list (of clothes) (1 приметывать, наметы-
вать 2 оторочка): Man. sise- 1, sisexen 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 99. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sisegej felt (войлок): MMong. sisgai (HY 22, SH), isgai
(SH), sisəkəj, sisukej (MA), sīseke (Lig.VMI); WMong. isegei, esegei (L 416);
Kh. esgij, isgij; Bur. hejɨ / hegej; Kalm. išk; Ord. esegī; Mog. siskei
(Weiers); Dag. šisegī, šidegī (Тод. Даг. 184), šidehe (MD 215); S.-Yugh. skī;
Mongr. sg (SM 346), səgī.
◊ KW 211, MGCD 413. Mong. > Man. sisxe etc., see Doerfer MT 80, Rozycki 185.
PJpn. *súsuá lap, skirt (подол): OJpn. suswo; MJpn. súsó; Tok. sùso;
Kyo. súsó; Kag. susó.
◊ JLTT 535.
PKor. *sɨč- to baste (приметывать): MKor. sɨs-; Mod. sičhi-.
◊ Nam 322, KED 1042.
‖ Lee 1958, 117.
-sít῾ì ( ~ z-) to think, worry, be anxious: Tung. *sita-; Mong. *sitü-; Jpn.
*sítáp-; Kor. *sìtrp-.
PTung. *sita- 1 be embarrassed, perplexed 2 to tarry (1 смущаться 2
мешкать): Evk. sita- 1; Man. šita- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 99.
PMong. *sitü- to trust, believe (доверять, верить): MMong. šitu (HY
38); WMong. sitü- (L 720); Kh. šüte-; Bur. šüte-; Kalm. šüt-; Ord. šütü-;
Dag. šute- (Тод. Даг. 184, MD 218); S.-Yugh. šütēn ‘object of worship’;
Mongr. šden ‘pièce d’étoffe rouge ou jaune qu’on met aux idoles pour
les vénérer’ (SM 371).
◊ KW 372, MGCD 729.
PJpn. *sítáp- to be anxious, to miss, to care (заботиться, скучать,
любить): OJpn. sitap-; MJpn. sítáf-; Tok. shìta-; Kyo. shítá-; Kag. shitá-.
◊ JLTT 753.
PKor. *sìtr- 1 to tire, be tired 2 to be emaciated, wither 3 to be dis-
pleased, disinclined; to be unsatisfactory (1 уставать 2 истощаться,
увядать 3 быть недовольным, нерасположенным; быть неудовле-
творительным): MKor. sìtr- 2, sìtrp- 1; Mod. sidɨl- 2, sidɨl-ha- 3.
◊ Nam 324, KED 1035.
‖ In MKor. cf. also sìtr- ‘to be emaciated, wither’.
1262 *sìt῾ò - *săbi
-sìt῾ò ladder, framed wall: Tung. *sitkī; Mong. *sita; Jpn. *sìtmi; Kor.
*satări.
PTung. *sitkī wall, side (of tent) (стенка (юрты)): Evk. sitkī; Evn.
hitki; Neg. sitkī; Sol. īttũ 'summer panelling (of tent)'.
◊ ТМС 2, 99, 426.
PMong. *sita stairs (лестница): MMong. šatu (MA 407); WMong.
šatu(n) (L 754); Kh. šat(an); Bur. šata; Kalm. šatə; Ord. šatu; S.-Yugh. šātə.
◊ KW 351, MGCD 710. Mong. > Chag. šatu etc. (despite Doerfer TMN 3, 317, Turk. >
Mong. is impossible because of initial š-).
PJpn. *sìtmi blinds, shutter (навес, жалюзи): OJpn. sit(w)om(j)i;
MJpn. sìtòmì; Tok. shitomi.
◊ JLTT 528.
PKor. *satări stairs (лестница): MKor. satări; Mod. sadari, sadak-tari.
◊ Nam 282, KED 870.
‖ KW 351, SKE 217. The etymology seems plausible, despite Doer-
fer’s (TMN 3, 318) doubts (“Zusammenhang der kor. Form mit der
tü.-mo. scheint zweifelhaft”) - although the Korean vocalism is in fact
not quite clear.
-sit῾Ỻ ( ~ z-, š-) bands tied to sacrifices: Mong. *seter; Jpn. *sintai (~-ia).
PMong. *seter bands tied to sacrificial animals (ленты, привязы-
ваемые к жертвенным животным): WMong. seter (L 692); Kh. seter;
Bur. heter; Kalm. setr ‘heilig, geweiht; geweihtes Opfervieh’; Ord. seter
‘consecration d῾une pièce de betail à une divinité’; Mongr. sder (SM
335).
◊ KW 327. Lessing writes: “from Tib. seter”, but we were unable to identify such a
word. Sukhbataar 1997 derives the word from Tib. che thar ‘eternity, immortality (?)’,
which seems rather far-fetched, both phonetically and semantically.
PJpn. *sintai (~-ia) tassels tied to sacrifices (тесемки, привязывае-
мые к приношениям божеству): MJpn. side; Tok. shide.
◊ Formally derived from *sinta- ῾to let hang down’, but etymologically hardly sepa-
rable from Mong. seter.
‖ A rather striking Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Evk. čita-
rān- ‘натянуть, затянуть (ремнем, поясом)’ (ТМС 2, 400); Sol. īttũ
‘летняя обшивка юрты из прутьев’ (ТМС 2, 426).
-săbi to sew, perforate, awl: Tung. *sibi-; Mong. *siböge; Kor. *hō-.
PTung. *sibi- to thread (нанизывать): Evk. šiwikēme, šuwikēme ‘вы-
шитый бисером’ (Sym.); Neg. sịwla-; Man. sujfun ‘awl’ ( <*sibi-pun); Ul.
sī-; Ork. sīwi-; Nan. sī-; Orch. siwi-; Ud. sūla ‘stick for stringing fish
(while drying)’.
◊ ТМС 2, 117, 121, 428.
PMong. *siböge awl (шило): MMong. šibuge (SH), sebgä (IM), šibug
‘awl’, sibig ‘sting’ (MA); WMong. sibüge(n) (L 696); Kh. šövög; Bur.
 *sbo - *sằjrí 1263

šübge; Kalm. šöwgə; Ord. šöwögö; Dag. šeugu (Тод. Даг. 183); Dong.
sumeGe, suməɣə; Bao. sebgu (MGCD səbkə); S.-Yugh. šəwaɣe; Mongr.
šubuge, šūge (SM 383, 384), (MGCD śūge).
◊ KW 367, MGCD 723. Mong. > Man. sibke etc., see Poppe 1966, 198, Doerfer MT 132.
PKor. *hō- to sew, broad-stitch (шить (широкими стежками)):
MKor. hō-; Mod. hō-.
◊ Nam 490, Liu 755, KED 1840.
‖ The root is actively (esp. in Mongolian) contaminating with *sp῾i
‘pipe’ (as something which may be poked, perforated).
-sbo a k. of stick: Tung. *sōba; Mong. *seɣül; Jpn. *sàwùa.
PTung. *sōba bough, stick (for hanging kettle over fire) (палка (для
подвешивания над огнем котла, чайника)): Neg. sōwa; Nan. sogbin
(Он.).
◊ See ТМС 2, 103.
PMong. *seɣül oar (весло, рулевое весло): WMong. seɣül (L 683);
Kh. sǖl; Kalm. sǖl.
◊ KW 342. The root is homonymous with *seɣül ‘tail’ (v. sub *sbu), but certainly dif-
ferent historically; although now it is almost obsolete (but noted both in Lessing’s and
Ramstedt’s dictionaries), it is certainly archaic. Mong. > Oroch sui(l), Nan. soịl, Neg.
se(w)ul etc. (see ТМС 2, 120).
PJpn. *sàwùa pole (шест, жердь): OJpn. sawo; MJpn. sàwò; Tok. saó;
Kyo. sáò; Kag. saó.
◊ JLTT 518.
‖ Cf. *sắp῾í , *sèp῾ù (with possible contaminations in Mongolian).
-sgi a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *siakta; Mong. *siɣer; Turk. *següt.
PTung. *siakta willow (ива): Evk. skta; Evn. hǟt; Neg. skta; Man.
sajχuwa; Orch. säkta, siakta; Ud. sakta.
◊ ТМС 2, 70.
PMong. *siɣer nut tree (ореховое дерево): WMong. šeger (L 754);
Kh. šēr.
PTurk. *següt willow (ива): OTurk. sögüt ‘tree’ (OUygh.); Karakh.
sögüt; Tur. söjüt, sȫüt; Gag. sǖt; Az. söjüd; Turkm. söwüt; Khal. säjät;
MTurk. sügüd (Pav. C.); Uzb. sögät; Uygh. säwät; SUygh. sögüt, segɨt;
Khak. sȫt; Yak. üöt; Dolg. üöt.
◊ EDT 819, VEWT 429, Лексика 126, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 252.
‖ VEWT 429, Дыбо 11. A Western isogloss. Length is reconstructed
to account for *-ia- (after a fricative) in TM.
-sằjrí nit, louse: Tung. *sire-; Mong. *sirke; Turk. *sirke; Jpn. *sìrám(u)i;
Kor. *hj.
PTung. *sire- 1 louse 2 helminth 3 worm (1 вошь 2 глист 3 червь):
Evk. sirikte 2; Neg. sekki 3; Ul. sịlma 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 85, 95, 138.
1264 *sjri - *sjri
PMong. *sirke louse (of animals) (вошь (на животных)): MMong.
sərke ‘nit’ (MA 323); WMong. sirke (L 718: “a k. of flea”); Kh. širx; Bur.
šerxe; Kalm. širkə; Ord. širχe.
◊ KW 360.
PTurk. *sirke nit (гнида): OTurk. test; Karakh. sirke (MK); Tur. sirke;
Gag. sirkä; Az. sirkä; Turkm. sirke; Khal. sirkä; MTurk. sirke (IM); Uzb.
sĭrkɛ; Uygh. sĭ(r)kä; Krm. sirke; Tat. sĭrkɛ; Bashk. hĭrkä; Kirgh. sirke; Kaz.
sĭrke; KBalk. sirke; KKalp. sirke; Kum. sirke; Nogh. sirke; Khak. sĭrge; Oyr.
sirke; Tv. sirge; Tof. si’rxe; Chuv. šъrga.
◊ VEWT 423, EDT 850, Лексика 182, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Hung. serke, see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 523-524.
PJpn. *sìrám(u)í louse (вошь): OJpn. siram(j)i; MJpn. sìrámí; Tok.
shìrami; Kyo. sìràmí; Kag. sìràmí.
◊ JLTT 525.
PKor. *hj nit (гнида): MKor. hj; Mod. səkhä.
◊ Nam 488, KED 939. Modern səkhä is a dialectal form < *hjə-kai.
‖ KW 360, АПиПЯЯ 73, 83, 87, 276 (confused with the reflexes of
*suru q.v.), Лексика 182, Whitman 1985, 168. In Turkic a secondary
narrowing (*sirke < *serke or *sarke) occurred. Mong. may be < Turkic.
In Kor. we have to suppose *sàjri > *hj (with tone modified because of
contraction).
-sjri white: Tung. *siarū-; Mong. *sira; Turk. *siarɨg; Jpn. *sìruà-; Kor.
*hắi-.
PTung. *siarū- 1 lightning, rainbow 2 light (1 молния, радуга 2
свет, светлый): Evk. srū-n 1; Man. šari 2; Ork. srro, sịro 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 72, 381.
PMong. *sira yellow (желтый): MMong. šira (HY 41, SH), širā (IM),
širă (MA); WMong. sira (L 714); Kh. šar; Bur. šara; Kalm. šarə; Ord. šara;
Mog. šira; ZM sirā (13-7); Dag. šara, šar (Тод. Даг. 183), šari (MD 214);
Dong. šəra, šɨra; Bao. šira; S.-Yugh. šəra; Mongr. śira (SM 397).
◊ KW 349, MGCD 707. Mong. > Manchu sira (see Rozycki 184).
PTurk. *siarɨg 1 yellow 2 white (1 желтый 2 белый): OTurk. śarɨɣ
(Orkh.), sarɨɣ (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. sarɨɣ (MK); Tur. sarɨ 1; Gag. sarɨ 1; Az.
sarɨ 1; Turkm. sārɨ 1; Sal. sarɨ 1; Khal. sāruɣ ‘orange’; MTurk. sarɨɣ 1
(Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. sariq 1; Uygh. seriq 1; Krm. sarɨ 1; Tat. sarɨ 1;
Bashk. harɨ 1; Kirgh. sarɨ 1; Kaz. sarɨ 1; KBalk. sarɨ 1; KKalp. sarɨ 1; Kum.
sarɨ 1; Nogh. sarɨ 1; SUygh. sarɨɣ 1; Khak. sarɨɣ 1; Oyr. sarɨ 1; Tv. sarɨɣ 1;
Tof. sarɨɣ 1; Chuv. šorъ 2; Yak. araɣas 1; ar ‘butter’; Dolg. ar ‘butter’.
◊ VEWT 403-4, EDT 848, Лексика 601, Федотов 2 462-463, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 37.
Vowel length in Turkm. and Khal. must be secondary (influenced by forms like Mong.
sāral ‘yellowish’?). Bulg. > Hung. sár, sárga, dial. sárog ‘yellow’, see Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 227.
 *saku - *sk῾à 1265

PJpn. *sìruà- white (белый): OJpn. sirwo-; MJpn. sìrò-; Tok. shiró-;
Kyo. shíro-; Kag. shiro-.
◊ JLTT 840.
PKor. *hắi- white (белый): MKor. hắi-; Mod. hi-.
◊ Nam 482, KED 1898.
‖ KW 349, Владимирцов 146, 318, Lee 1958, 117, АПиПЯЯ 26, 73,
86, 278, Мудрак Дисс. 195. Mong. is not borrowed from Turkic, despite
Щербак 1997, 144 (Doerfer TMN 3, 221 says: “aus lautlichen Gründen
unwahrscheinlich” (?)); the meaning ‘yellow’, however, may be secon-
darily induced by the Turkic forms - since the original meaning of the
root, preserved also in Chuvash, was most certainly ‘white’. Medial *-j-
is reconstructed to account for the loss of *-r- in Kor. Cf. also Old
Koguryo *šilap ‘white’ (see Miller 1979, 7).
-saku ( ~ z-) chaff, husks: Tung. *suK-; Mong. *saga-; Jpn. *suku-mə;
Kor. *skór.
PTung. *suK- pods or buds (of elm tree) (стручки, почки (вяза)):
Man. suqǯi.
◊ ТМС 2, 122. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *saga- different sorts of buckwheat (различные сорта гре-
чихи): WMong. saɣaɣ, saɣada(i) (L 656); Kh. sagag, sagadaj; Kalm. saksǟ,
saksā; Ord. saGat, saGaG ‘rye, buckwheat’; Mongr. saGa (SM 318).
◊ KW 308.
PJpn. *suku-mə turf; rice husks (дерн; рисовая шелуха): MJpn.
suku-mo “dead parts of water plants or weeds”; Tok. sukumo.
◊ JLTT 533.
PKor. *skór forage (фураж, кормовая трава): MKor. skór; Mod. k:ol.
◊ Nam 51, KED 157.
‖ Korean has a rather frequent loss of vowel between a fricative and
a stop (*skór < *sVkor).
-sk῾à to think, worry: Tung. *siaK-; Mong. *sege-, *seke-; Turk. *siāk-;
Jpn. *sákà-; Kor. *skắi-.
PTung. *siaK- 1 to speak within oneself 2 to respond, call back (1 го-
ворить про себя 2 отзываться): Evk. sikine- 1 (Nep.); Orch. sijau- 2; Ud.
sieu- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 80, 81.
PMong. *sege-, *seke- 1 to recover (one’s senses) 2 intelligence (1
приходить в себя 2 разум, сознание): WMong. seke(ge)- 1, segeɣe 2 (L
681, 685: seke, sege, sekege, segege); Kh. sexe- 1, sexē, segē 2; Bur. hegēr- 1,
hegē(n) 2; Kalm. segn 2; Ord. segē 2; Dag. sekēn (Тод. Даг. 162) 2
(MGCD segē).
◊ KW 321, MGCD 602.
1266 *salo(-kV) - *salo(-kV)
PTurk. *siāk- 1 to think, contemplate, worry 2 to miss 3 intelligence
4 thought, worry 5 to read 6 to remember 7 mourning, sad remem-
brance (1 думать, размышлять, грустить 2 скучать 3 разум 4 мысль,
волнение 5 читать 6 помнить 7 оплакивание, печальное воспомина-
ние): OTurk. saq- 1, saqɨš 4 (OUygh.); Karakh. saq-, saɣɨn- 1, saqɨš 4 (MK);
Tur. saɣɨ 7; Turkm. sāGɨn- 2; MTurk. saɣɨn- (Bud.) 2, saɣɨ (Pav. C.) 1;
Uzb. sɔɣin- 2; Uygh. seɣin- 2; Krm. saɣɨn- 1, 2; Tat. saɣɨ 4, saɣɨn- 2; Bashk.
haɣɨn- 2; Kirgh. saɣɨn- 2; Kaz. saɣɨn- 2; KKalp. saɣɨn- 1, 2; Kum. saɣɨn- 2;
Nogh. saɣɨn- 2; Khak. saɣɨn- 2; Tv. saɣɨn- 2, 6, saɣɨš 3; Chuv. šoɣъš 4; Yak.
āx- 5, aɣɨn- 2, 6; Dolg. āk- 5, agɨn- 2, 6.
◊ Мудрак 113-114, VEWT 395, EDT 813, Федотов 2, 464, Stachowski 28, 41 (confused
with *sạk-, from which it is often really hard to distinguish), ЭСТЯ 7. Voicing of medial
-k- is regular after a long vowel (but it is somewhat strange in MK’s text - note also its
absence in saqɨš).
PJpn. *sákà- clever, intelligent (умный, мудрый): OJpn. saka-si;
MJpn. sákà-si; Tok. sakashí-; Kyo. sákáshì-; Kag. sakáshi-.
◊ JLTT 839. RJ and Kagoshima point to high tone, while Tokyo is aberrant.
PKor. *skắi- to awake (просыпаться): MKor. skắi-; Mod. k:ǟ-.
◊ Nam 29, KED 68.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 195. Cf. *sèk῾u. The variant with *-g- in Mong. is
obviously assimilative.
-salo(-kV) a k. of small fur animal: Tung. *solüki; Mong. *sileɣü-sü;
Turk. *sialɨk; Kor. *sɨra-.
PTung. *solüki 1 kolinsky 2 ferret (1 колонок 2 хорек): Evk. soliɣā
(dial.) 1; Man. silixi / soloxi 2; Nan. soĺụ 1; Ud. solüö 1; Sol. sōligi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 109 (some forms - but not all - are borrowed from Mong. soluŋga).
PMong. *sileɣü-sü lynx (рысь): MMong. šile’usun (HYt); WMong.
silegüsü(n), silügüsü(n) (L 708); Kh. šilǖs; Bur. šelǖhe(n); Kalm. šilǖsn,
šülǖsn; Ord. šölǖs; Dag. šulūs (Тод. Даг. 184); Mongr. šēle (SM 374).
◊ KW 371. Mong. > Kum. silewsün etc. (Щербак 1997, 210, ЭСТЯ 7), Man. silun
(Rozycki 182).
PTurk. *sialɨk a k. of squirrel, chipmunk (вид белки, бурундук):
Tat. šulɨɣan ( < *Chuv.); Shr. saɣɨl ‘белка’; Oyr. salɨq (dial. - Leb.); Chuv.
*šolxan > Mari šulgan (TLT 65).
◊ Лексика 165.
PKor. *sɨra- lynx (рысь): Mod. sɨrasoni.
◊ KED 1024.
‖ Лексика 165. The Kor. form is somewhat unclear morphologi-
cally; the -ɨ- vowel may be a distortion of the expected *-ă- or *-u- in a
long form. Cf. *sólukV.
 *same - *sāŋa 1267

-same ( ~ -i, -o-) wound, pain: Mong. *sim-si-; Kor. *hmr.

PMong. *sim-si- to feel gnawing pain (чувствовать ноющую боль):
WMong. simsire-, simsirid- (L 710); Kh. šimšire-; Bur. šemšer-; Kalm.
šimšər- (КРС); Ord. šimšire-.
PKor. *hmr scar, wound; fault, mistake (шрам, рана; ошибка,
вина): MKor. hmr; Mod. həmul.
◊ Nam 484, KED 1821.
‖ A Mong.-Kor. isogloss.
-sńi to be distressed, think with sadness: Mong. *sinu-; Turk. *siāń-
(~-j-); Jpn. *sínuá-p-.
PMong. *sinu- to covet, yearn, be greedy (жаждать, быть жад-
ным): WMong. sinu- (L 713); Kh. šuna-; Bur. šuna-; Kalm. šun-; Ord. ši-
norxo-, šonorxo-, šono- ‘to desire’.
◊ KW 368.
PTurk. *siāń- (~-j-) 1 poor, distressed 2 to be distressed, anxious,
fearful 3 to squander 4 to pain, be sore (of a foot) 5 distress 6 beggar (1
бедный, несчастный 2 быть расстроенным, подавленным, испуган-
ным 3 растрачивать (имущество) 4 ныть (о ноге) 5 расстройство 6
странник, нищий): Karakh. saj-pa- 3; Turkm. sājɨl 1; MTurk. saj-pa- 3;
Uygh. saj- 4; KKalp. sajɨl 6; Oyr. sajlɨɣ 1 (dial.), sajaq 5 (dial., R - Kumd.);
Tv. sajmaara- 2; Chuv. šujɣan- 2.
◊ EDT 859, Ашм. XVII, 111.
PJpn. *sínuá-p- to be sad, think with sadness (вспоминать с тос-
кой): OJpn. sinwo-p-; MJpn. sínób-; Tok. shinób-, shìnob-; Kyo. shínób-;
Kag. shìnòb-.
◊ JLTT 751, 752. OJ has a distinction between sinwop- ‘think with sadness’ and sinob-
‘endure’ which have been hopelessly confused in modern dialects. We also have OJ sin-
wog- ‘endure’. RJ has sìnòg- (regularly reflected as Tokyo shinóg-, Kyoto shínóg-, Kago-
shima shìnòg-), but sínób- ‘endure’ (by Heian sinwop- and sinob- had already merged), the
accent trace of which is the Tokyo variant shìnob-. One should probably reconstruct
*sínuá-p- ‘think with sadness’ opposed to *sìn-(m)p-, *sìnuà-(n)k- ‘endure’ with subse-
quent inevitable confusions.
‖ Cf. *sni and *saŋe: the roots are sometimes different to distin-
guish.
-sāŋa a k. of big fish: Tung. *siaŋa-; Jpn. *sama-i.
PTung. *siaŋa- 1 burbot 2 eel (1 налим 2 угорь): Evk. sŋān 1; Evn.
hǟŋn; Nan. sǟŋasa, dial. siŋa, sānā 1; Ud. seä 1, dial. saŋasa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 71.
PJpn. *sama- shark (акула): OJpn. same; MJpn. sámé; Tok. sàme,
samé; Kyo. sámé, sàmê; Kag. sáme.
◊ JLTT 517. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
1268 *săŋe(rV) - *sarpu
-săŋe(rV) ( ~ z-) yellowish, greyish: Tung. *siŋa(r)-; Mong. *saɣar-.
PTung. *siŋa-(ri-) yellow, yellowish (желтый, желтоватый): Evk.
siŋama, siŋarīn; Evn. hịŋańa; Neg. sịŋajịn; Sol. iŋarĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 90.
PMong. *saɣar-al greyish, ash-grey (сероватый): WMong. saɣaral (L
657); Kh. sāral; Bur. hāral ‘light-bay’; Kalm. sāral ‘light-bay’ (КРС); Ord.
sāral; Dag. sāral, sālal (Тод. Даг. 162), sārele (MD 204); S.-Yugh. sāral.
◊ MGCD 584. Mong. > Man. sarla (see Rozycki 175).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-sp῾í ( ~ z-) to wither, rot: Tung. *siaba- ( ~ -p-); Mong. *sebesüre-; Jpn.
*símpm-.
PTung. *siaba- ( ~ -p-) 1 rotten wood 2 to rot, coagulate (1 гнилуш-
ка, трухлявое дерево 2 вянуть, сохнуть): Evk. swaksa 1; Evn. hǟwụs 1;
Man. šubure- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 69, 428.
PMong. *sebesüre- to rot, decay (of vegetables) (гнить, портиться
(об овощах)): WMong. sebisüre- (L 679: sebesüre-); Kh. sevsre-.
PJpn. *símpm- to wither (вянуть): OJpn. sib(w)om-; MJpn. síbóm-;
Tok. shìbom-; Kyo. shíbóm-; Kag. shibóm-.
◊ JLTT 749.
‖ Correspondences are quite regular, and the root seems reliable.
-sắp῾ú to add, addition: Tung. *sup-; Turk. *sep-; Jpn. *súmpa-.
PTung. *sup- 1 to gather in a crowd 2 completely 3 all (1 собирать-
ся в кучу, толпиться 2 сплошь 3 весь): Evk. sup- 1, suwūl 3; Neg. sup 2;
Ul. sup 2; Ork. sup 2; Nan. sup 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 117, 128.
PTurk. *sep- 1 to equip, fit out, add 2 addition; dowry (1 прибав-
лять, снаряжать 2 добавка, приданое): OTurk. sep- 1(OUygh.);
Karakh. sep 2 (MK); Tur. sep 2; Turkm. sep-li ῾with a dowry’; Uzb. sep 2;
Uygh. säp 2; Krm. sep 2; Tat. sip 2; Kirgh. sep 2; Kaz. sep 2; Kum. sep 2;
Nogh. sep 2; Oyr. sep 2; Chuv. sap-la- ‘to compensate’; Yak. ep- 1, ebī
‘more, additionally’; Dolg. ebī ‘more, additionally’.
◊ EDT 783, 784, VEWT 410, Stachowski 43. Turk. > WMong. seb, see KW 320.
PJpn. *súmpa- bring many into one, to unify, control (объединять,
контролировать): OJpn. suba-; MJpn. súba-; Tok. subé-; Kyo. súbé-; Kag.
subé-.
◊ JLTT 757. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ A probable Jpn.-Turk.-TM match.
-sarpu scar, wound: Tung. *surba-kta; Mong. *sorbi; Kor. *hr-.
PTung. *surba-kta pimple, ulcer, scab (прыщ, сыпь, струпья): Evk.
surbakta; Evn. hụrbt; Man. surgi.
◊ ТМС 2, 129.
 *sắŕi - *sắŕi 1269

PMong. *sorbi scar, wound (шрам, рана): WMong. sorbi (L 729);

Kh. sorvi; Bur. hoŕbo; Kalm. sörwə (КРС); Ord. sorwi.
PKor. *hr- to be worn out, sore, develop a boil (быть измученным,
израненным, нарывать): MKor. hr-; Mod. hl-.
◊ Nam 485, KED 1826.
‖ Cf. perhaps some Turkic forms: Karakh. (MK) sorɨš-, sorɨt- ‘to
wrinkle’, Tuva sortɨla- ‘to be painful’, sortɨlāš ‘dimple’, Khak. sortɨx ‘hol-
low cheeks’ (although one would rather expect *a-vocalism and preser-
vation of labial in Turkic).
-sắŕi earth, sand; marsh: Tung. *siru-; Mong. *siraɣu; Turk. *siaŕ; Jpn.
*situ; Kor. *hằrk.
PTung. *siru- sand (песок): Evk. sirugī; Neg. sijun; Jurch. sir-xe (67);
Ul. siru(n); Nan. siro(n); Orch. sija; Sol. irukt.
◊ ТМС 2, 96.
PMong. *siro- earth (земля): MMong. šira’u (HY 2), širo’ai (SH), širu
(IM), širăw, šira- (MA); WMong. siraɣu, siruɣa(i), siroi (L 719); Kh. šorō,
šoroj; Bur. šorōj; Kalm. šorǟ, šorā; Ord. šorō; Dag. širō, širtal (Тод. Даг.
184), širetele (MD 217); Dong. šəura; Bao. širo, śiru; S.-Yugh. šərū; Mongr.
śirū (SM 400).
◊ KW 365, MGCD 722. Cf. also WMong. sirke, sirki, Kalm. širkə ‘hard earth (with
sand)’ (KW 360).
PTurk. *siaŕ marsh, dirt (болото, грязь): MTurk. saz (Houts.); Uzb.
sɔz; Uygh. saz; Tat. saz; Bashk. haδ; Kirgh. saz; Nogh. saz; Khak. sas; Oyr.
sas; Chuv. šor(ъ).
◊ It is not quite clear whether the Oghuz name for ‘reed’ (Tur. saz, Turkm., Gag. sāz,
see Лексика 135, ЭСТЯ 7) and ‘swamp’ as ‘reed growth’ (Tur. sazlɨk, Turkm. sāzlɨq) be-
longs here, too, or else reflect a different root. In the former case one should prefer the
reconstruction *siāŕ. See VEWT 406, TMN 3, 222, Лексика 93, Федотов 2, 462, ЭСТЯ 7.
Bulg. > Hung. sár ‘dirt’, see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 487-488.
PJpn. *situ damp place, dampness (влажность, влажное место):
MJpn. situ; Tok. shitsu.
◊ The word is usually considered to be an on-reading of the Chinese character 濕 MC
śip. The latter should normally have a reading MJ sifu, mod. shū (which exists), while
situ/shitsu, attested in separate usage since Middle Japanese, appears quite irregular pho-
netically for a Chinese loan. We should rather think of a genuine *situ, misconceived as a
Chinese loanword.
PKor. *hằrk earth (земля): MKor. hằrk; Mod. hɨk [hɨlk].
◊ Nam 480, KED 1894.
‖ KW 365, Poppe 30, 60, 114, VEWT 406 (without the Korean paral-
lel), AKE 8, EAS 155, Miller 1985b, 205, АПиПЯЯ 291, Дыбо 11, Муд-
рак Дисс. 195, Лексика 93. Despite Poppe 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 65,
the TM form is hardly borrowed from Mong. The Turk.-Mong. match is
characterized by Doerfer (TMN 3, 222), in his usual style, as “lautlich
1270 *ssa - *sobe
und semantisch unsicher”. In Kor. cf. perhaps also MKor. hrì- ‘dirty’ (
< *hằri with vowel assimilation?).
-ssa noise, sound: Tung. *siasi-n; Turk. *ses; Jpn. *sàsà-.
PTung. *siasi-n noise, sound (шум, звук): Ul. ssị(n); Ork. ssị(n);
Nan. sịasĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 72.
PTurk. *ses voice, sound (голос, звук): Tur. ses; Gag. ses; Az. säs;
Turkm. ses; Khal. säs, sas; Uzb. säs (dial.); Krm. ses; Kaz. ses; KKalp. ses;
Kum. ses; Nogh. ses; Chuv. sazъ.
◊ VEWT 413, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sàsà- to whisper (шептать): OJpn. sasajak-; MJpn. sàsàjak-;
Tok. sasayák-, sàsayak-; Kyo. sásáyák-; Kag. sasayák-.
◊ JLTT 748. Kagoshima accent is aberrant (pointing to a variant *sásá-, also reflected
in Tokyo sàsayak-). Cf. also OJ sasa-mek-, saza-mek-, mod. sàzamek- ‘to shout, rustle, make
an uproar’ (with the same accent aberration in Kagoshima).
‖ An expressive root, but probably of common Altaic origin.
-sata to ill-treat, betray: Mong. *sadur; Turk. *siat-ga-.
PMong. *sadur treacherous, vile (вероломный, подлый): WMong.
sadur (L 656); Kh. sadar (Gomb.); Bur. hadan ‘flippant, rakish’; hadarxaj
‘hasty, reckless (of words)’; Kalm. sadr.
◊ KW 307.
PTurk. *siat-ga- 1 to oppress, ill-treat 2 to be ill-treated 3 to rave, be
confused (1 подавлять кого-л., беспокоить, мешать 2 подвергаться
(чему-л.) 3 бредить, сбиваться с толку): OTurk. satɣa- (OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. satɣa- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. sata-š- 1; Gag. sataš- 1; Az. sata-š- 1;
Turkm. sata-š- 2; MTurk. (MKYpch.) satɣa- (CCum.) 1; Krm. sataš- 1;
Tat. sataš- 3; Bashk. hataš- 3; Kum. sataš- 1; Nogh. satas- 3; Chuv. šot
‘trouble, anxiety’ (but Федотов 2, 463 derives it < Russ. счет); Yak.
ataɣasta-.
◊ VEWT 405, EDT 800.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-sobe ( ~ -p-) freckles, pimples: Tung. *subgu; Mong. *seb; Turk. *seb-.
PTung. *subgu 1 fish skin 2 skin, bark (1 кожа (рыбья) 2 кожа, ко-
ра): Evk. subgu 1; Neg. sobgụ 1; Man. suku 2; SMan. soqə 2 (145, 2132,
2284); Jurch. su-gu (514) 2; Ul. sugbu 1; Ork. subgu/sugbu 1; Nan. sobGo 1;
Orch. subbu 1; Ud. sugbu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 115, 116.
PMong. *seb 1 defect, scab 2 freckles (1 дефект, изъян, струп 2 вес-
нушки): WMong. seb 1 (L 678), sebegi 2 (L 679: sebke); Kh. sev 1, sevx 2;
Kalm. seb 1, sewgə 2; Ord. seb 1, sebχe, sewχₙe; S.-Yugh. seb.
◊ KW 320, 327, MGCD 596. The form sebke, as well as MMong. (MA) sebkil ‘freckles’
may be < Turkic.
 *s[ó]č῾i - *soga 1271

PTurk. *seb- freckles (веснушки, сыпь): Tur. sivil; Az. säpgi; Turkm.
sepgil (dial.); Uzb. sepkül (dial.); Uygh. säpkä, säpkü; säpgün (dial.); Tat.
sipkĭl; Bashk. hipkĭl; Kirgh. sepkil; Kaz. sekpil; KBalk. sepkil; KKalp. sepkil;
Kum. sepkil; Khak. sikpe; Tv. sekpil; Yak. ebir.
◊ VEWT 411, KW 327, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Hung. szeplő, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ A Western isogloss. The Mong. root noun *seb makes the inner
Turkic derivation < *sep- ‘to scatter’ (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 7) rather improb-
able. The TM form presupposes a semantic development ‘skin defect’ >
‘wrinkled skin’ > ‘fish skin’; cf. for it, however, alternatively WMong.
sabkin ‘dressed leather’.
-s[ó]č῾i to flee; to pursue: Tung. *suča-; Mong. *soči-; Turk. *suč-; Jpn.
*sítá-(n)kap-; Kor. *čòčh-.
PTung. *suča- to flee (убегать, ускользать): Evk. suča-; Evn. hụč-;
Neg. soča-; Man. suǯu-; SMan. suǯi- (1231); Nan. čoča-; Orch. čoča-, čuča-;
Ud. susa-; Sol. čača-.
◊ ТМС 2, 132.
PMong. *soči- to fear, be afraid of (пугаться): MMong. soči-, čoči-
(SH); WMong. soči-, čoči- (L 193); Kh. coči-; Bur. sošo-; Kalm. coč-, čoč-;
Ord. ǯoči-; Dag. čoči- (Тод. Даг. 182), čoči- ‘be amazed, astonished’ (MD
130); S.-Yugh. čoči-; Mongr. sai- (SM 317), (MGCD šaǯi-).
◊ KW 431, 444, MGCD 577. Mong. > Chag. čočɨ- (see Щербак 1997, 202); Yak. sohuj-,
Dolg. hohuj- (Kał. MEJ 92, Stachowski 107).
PTurk. *suč- to flee, shy away from smth. (убегать): Karakh. sučɨ-
(MK); MTurk. suču- (Qutb.).
◊ EDT 795. Cf. perhaps also *suč ‘fault, avoiding to do smth.’ (VEWT 431, EDT 794,
ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *sítá-(n)kap- to follow (следовать): OJpn. sita-gap-; MJpn.
sítá-gaf-; Tok. shìtaga-; Kyo. shítágá-; Kag. shitagá-.
◊ JLTT 753.
PKor. *čòčh- 1 to follow, pursue 2 trace (1 следовать за, преследо-
вать): MKor. čòčh- 1, čàčhói 2; Mod. čot- [čočh-] 1, čačhwi 2.
◊ Nam 411, 431, KED 1384, 1488.
‖ KW 444, Владимирцов 407, SKE 41; Martin 232, АПиПЯЯ 77.
The root seems quite reliable, although not devoid of phonetic pecul i-
arities: the Jpn. form seems to points to a diphthong, while the Turkic
and Mong. forms would be better derived from a form like *suč῾u or
*suč῾o.
-soga cross-bow, arrow: Tung. *sug-; Mong. *saɣali; Turk. *sAg[u]n;
Jpn. *sa; Kor. *hoàr.
PTung. *sug- 1 spear, arrow 2 fish fork 3 a k. of knife (1 копье, стре-
ла 2 острога 3 вид ножа): Ul. sugbe 3; Nan. sugbe 2; Orch. suggudi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 118.
1272 *sóga - *sóga
PMong. *saɣali cross-bow (арбалет): WMong. saɣali (L 657); Kh. sāĺ;
Bur. hāli; Kalm. sāĺə.
◊ KW 317. Mong. > Neg. saɣla ‘prop for a cross-bow arrow’.
PTurk. *sAg[u]n arrow, arrow head (стрела, наконечник стрелы):
MTurk. saɣan (AH); Khak. soɣan; Shr. soɣan; Oyr. soɣon, sōn; Tv. soɣun.
◊ VEWT 426, ЭСТЯ 7. Stachowski (193) relates here also Yak. ono-ɣos, Dolg. ono-gos
‘arrow’, which may be right if onoɣos < *sagun-gač with secondary vowel shortening (al-
though the root should be kept distinct from *sokɨm / *sokan, derived from *sok- ‘to pierce,
hit’ - medial *-g- cannot be explained). See also notes to *sAgut ‘vessel’.
PJpn. *sa arrow (стрела): OJpn. sa.
◊ JLTT 515 (despite Martin, the word is also attested separately, not just within com-
pounds; its relation to soja ‘a k. of arrow’ is not at all obvious).
PKor. *hoàr bow and arrow (лук и стрела): MKor. hoàr; Mod. hwal.
◊ Liu 758, KED 1862.
‖ Note an identical derivative in Mong. and Jpn.: Mong. *saɣadag
‘quiver’ (WMong. saɣadaɣ, Khalkha sādag, L 656, KW 316-317, MGCD
584; Mong. > Chag. saɣdaq, Oyr. sadaq etc., see TMN 1, 337, Щербак
1997, 209, Лексика 567, ЭСТЯ 7) = PJ *sàjá ‘sheath’ (OJ sàjá, JLTT 520).
-sóga back, back skin: Tung. *sogda-nsa; Mong. *sajir / *saɣari; Turk.
*sagrɨ; Jpn. *sá- / *s-; Kor. *h-.
PTung. *sogda-nsa back (спина): Evk. sogdonno; Ud. sogdühö; Sol.
čogdonó (Ивановский).
◊ ТМС 2, 103.
PMong. *sajir / *saɣari 1 shagreen, callus 2 back (1 мозоль, слезаю-
щая кожа 2 спина): MMong. sa’ari 1,2 (SH), sārī ‘Ein Leder aus der
Haut des Hinterteils eines Pferdes oder Esels’ (LH); WMong. sajir,
saɣari(n) 1 (L 657, 660); Kh. sajr 1; Kalm. sǟr ‘verschiedene Hautstücke’;
Mog. sairin ‘thick skin’ (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. sār; Bao. sirəG; S.-Yugh.
sār; Mongr. sari ‘peau à poils courts, fourrure’ (SM 328).
◊ KW 319, MGCD 588. Mong. > Man. sarin, see Doerfer MT 136, Rozycki 175; cf.
Аникин 487.
PTurk. *sagrɨ 1 croup skin, shagreen 2 back of horse (1 кожа с кру-
па, шагрень 2 круп лошади): Karakh. saɣrɨ 1 (MK); Tur. sārɨ, saɣrɨ 1, 2;
Az. saɣrɨ 2; Turkm. saGrɨ 1, 2; MTurk. saɣrɨ (AH, IM) 2, saɣri (Pav. C.) 1,
2; Uzb. saɣri 1, 2; Uygh. saɣra 1, 2; Tat. sawrɨ 2; Bashk. hawɨr; Kirgh. sōru
1, 2; Kaz. sawɨr 2; KKalp. sawrɨ 2, sawɨr 1; Kum. savru, sawurɨ 2; Nogh.
sawɨr 2; SUygh. saɣɨr; Oyr. sūru, sūrɨ; Chuv. sъran ‘worked leather of
bovines’.
◊ EDT 815, VEWT 393, Лексика 385-386, Дыбо 119, Федотов 2, 30 (but with another
etymology), ЭСТЯ 7. Bulg. *suran is the probable source of Tat. suran and Mong. sur(an)
‘leather strap’ - whence Manchu sur ‘strap’.
PJpn. *sá- / *s- back (спина): OJpn. se (so-); MJpn. sé; Tok. sé; Kyo.
s; Kag. sé.
 *sgdú - *sòge 1273
◊ JLTT 521. High tone in Tokyo is irregular.
PKor. *h- 1 waist 2 shagreen, skin (of snake etc.) (1 поясница 2
сброшенная кожа, кожа (змеи etc.)): MKor. hrí 1, hŋ’ùr 2; Mod. həri,
hə-guri 1, həmul 2.
◊ Nam 484, 486, KED 1821.
‖ KW 319, Дыбо 306, TMN 3, 225 (doubting the common origin of
the Turk. and Mong. forms). Kor. həri was originally attributed (see
PKE 54, Martin 245, АПиПЯЯ 76, 289) to PA *k῾éĺe; it seems, however,
that the root is just *hə-, and it is better to derive it from *sóga, both for
this reason and because of an apparent lack of development *k῾- > h- in
Korean.
-sgdú ( ~ z-) vein, sinew: Tung. *sigde; Mong. *sudal; Jpn. *sùntí.
PTung. *sigde 1 spinal vertebra, sinew 2 filé 3 mountain ridge (1
спинной позвонок, спинное сухожилие 2 филе 3 горный хребет):
Evk. sigde 1, 2; Neg. sigde 3; Ul. sigde 1; Ork. sigderi ‘yukola’; Nan. sigde
1; Orch. sigde 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 76-77. Evk. > Dolg. higde, sigde (Stachowski 103).
PMong. *sudal vein, sinew (вена, жила, сухожилие): MMong. su-
dasun (HY 48), suǯi’asu, suǯijasu (SH); sudun ‘grass root’ (SH), sədəsun,
sədason (LH), sudasun, sudusun (MA), sodāsūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. sudal,
suda-su(n) (L 734); Kh. sudal, sudas; Bur. hudaha(n) ‘vein’; hudal ‘pulse’;
Kalm. sudəsn (КРС); Ord. sudal; Dag. sodol (Тод. Даг. 163); Dong. sudan,
sɨdasun; S.-Yugh. šdāsən, šəldasən; Mongr. sdāʒə (SM 331), šdāsə (Huzu),
sdar ‘racine secondaire, radicelle’ (SM 332).
◊ MGCD 612, 723. Mong. > Evk. sudasun, Man. sudala etc., see Doerfer MT 104, Rozy-
cki 188.
PJpn. *sùntí vein, sinew (жила, сухожилие): OJpn. sudi; MJpn. sùdí;
Tok. súji; Kyo. sùjí; Kag. sují.
◊ JLTT 535.
‖ A good common Altaic anatomical term.
-sòge wart; pock-mark: Tung. *sogi-; Mong. *söɣel; Turk. *s[e]göl ( /
*sögil); Kor. *hók.
PTung. *sogi- pock-mark (оспина): Man. soǵa.
◊ ТМС 2, 103. Attested only in Manchu, but having good Turk. and Kor. parallels.
PMong. *söɣel wart (бородавка): WMong. sögel; Kalm. sȫl; Ord. sȫl
‘ugly, unpleasant’ (?).
◊ KW 335.
PTurk. *s[e]göl ( / *sögil) wart (бородавка): OTurk. sögöl (OUygh.);
Karakh. sigil (MK); Tur. sigil; Az. zijil; Turkm. siŋŋil; Khal. sijil; MTurk.
sigil, sükül, süjäl (Pav. C.); Uzb. sugäl; Uygh. sögäl; Krm. süvel; Tat. söjäl;
Bashk. hjäl; Kirgh. sȫl; Kaz. süjel; KKalp. šüjel; Kum. süjel; Nogh. šüjel;
Khak. sȫl; Oyr. sȫl; Tv. sȫl; Tof. sȫl; Chuv. šъₙklъₙ, šəₙgəₙl (dial.).
1274 *sgu - *sgu
◊ VEWT 429, EDT 820, ЭСТЯ 7. Some irregularities are due to the root’s expressive
nature.
PKor. *hók wart (бородавка): MKor. hók; Mod. hok.
◊ Liu 757, KED 1845.
‖ VEWT 429, KW 335, Владимирцов 213, АПиПЯЯ 285. The Mong.
form can be borrowed from Turkic, but the Tungus and Korean forms
are evidently genuine. The variation *sigöl / *sögöl in Turkic points per-
haps to original *segöl (which would be the expected form).
-sgu shallow, shallow place: Tung. *sigi-; Mong. *siɣa-r; Turk. *sɨg;
Jpn. *sú.
PTung. *sigi- ice-hole (прорубь): Evk. sigi-lēn ‘frazil’; Evn. hịɣlān;
Neg. siɣin ~ sijin; Ul. si(n); Ork. sī(n); Nan. sĩ; Orch. sla ‘snow crust’;
Ud. sī(n).
◊ ТМС 2,78.
PMong. *siɣa-r dreg, sediment (осадок, отстой): WMong. siɣaru(n),
siɣaruɣ (L 699); Kh. šār; Bur. šāra; Kalm. šār, šar; S.-Yugh. šar; Mongr.
śārō (SM 395), šārō.
◊ KW 353, MGCD 700.
PTurk. *sɨg shallow (мелкий): OTurk. sɨq (sɨɣ) (OUygh.); Karakh. s,
sɨq (MK); Tur. sɨɣ; Tv. sk.
◊ VEWT 415, EDT 804, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sú shallow place, sandbank (отмель): OJpn. su; MJpn. sù;
Tok. sú, sù; Kyo. sú; Kag. sú.
◊ JLTT 531. RJ sù points to *sù, supported by the Tokyo variant sú; however, Tokyo
sù and all other dialect forms go back to *sú. A possibility of being borrowed from Mid-
dle Chinese 州 ćü is not excluded - although not very significant (the word is attested in
archaic texts containing very few Chinese loanwords).
‖ Delabialization in Turkic is not quite clear (*sug would be ex-
pected).
-sgu sun; sky: Tung. *sigūn; Jpn. *suà-rá; Kor. *hắi.
PTung. *sigūn sun (солнце): Evk. siɣūn; Neg. siɣun; Man. šun;
SMan. šun, sun (2033); Ul. siu(n); Ork. su(n); Nan. siu(n); Orch. seu(n);
Ud. sū(n); Sol. igũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 78.
PJpn. *suà-rá sky (небо): OJpn. swora; MJpn. sòrá; Tok. sóra; Kyo.
sòrá; Kag. sorá.
◊ JLTT 530.
PKor. *hắi sun; year (солнце; год): MKor. hắi; Mod. hä.
◊ Nam 482, KED 1808.
‖ Lee 1958, 118, АПиПЯЯ 49, 81, 292. An Eastern isogloss. It is also
interesting (cf. Whitman 1985, 148-150) to note MKor. hànắr ‘sky’,
which may, together with PJ *suàrá id., go back to a complex form
*sog[u]n-lV.
 *sōje - *sṓjri 1275

-sōje to consider, count: Tung. *sū-; Mong. *siɣü-; Turk. *sā(j)-; Kor.
*hji-.
PTung. *sū- 1 to mark 2 sign (1 отмечать 2 знак): Evk. sū- 1; Evn.
hụ-ɣār 2; Man. so ‘omen’; Orch. sū- 1; Nan. sū ‘talisman’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 101, 115. The isolated Manchu se- ‘say, speak’ may actually reflect the same
root (with the vowel reduced in weak syntactic position, or < *su-j with a frequent devel-
opment uj > e).
PMong. *siɣü- to judge, examine (судить, проверять, экзамено-
вать): WMong. sigü- (L 702); Kh. šǖ-; Bur. šǖ-; Kalm. šǖ-; Ord. šǖ-;
S.-Yugh. šǖ-.
◊ KW 372, L 702, MGCD 728, TMN 1, 364-365.
PTurk. *sā(j)- to count, to consider (считать): Karakh. sa- (MK); Tur.
saj-; Gag. saj-; Az. saj-; Turkm. sāj-; MTurk. sa- (AH, IM), saj- (Ettuhf.);
Krm. saj-; Kaz. saj-; Chuv. su-, sъv-; Yak. ā-.
◊ VEWT 390, EDT 781-782, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 53. A common Turkic derivative is
*sā-n ‘number, count’ (VEWT 390, 400, ЭСТЯ 7), whence *sāna- ‘to count, determine’ >
Mong. sana- ‘think’ (cf. Щербак 1997, 144). Turk. > Hung. sám ‘number, figure’, szán - ‘to
pity’ (Gombocz 1912).
PKor. *hji- to count (считать): MKor. hji-; Mod. hējari-, dial. hē-.
◊ Nam 489, KED 1829, 1830.
‖ Exceptional preservation of length in a monosyllabic stem in TM.
-sṓjri to suck, to lick: Mong. *soru-; Turk. *sōr-; Jpn. *sìtá; Kor. *hj,
*hàr-hắ-.
PMong. *soru- to draw in, suck in (всасывать): WMong. soru-, sor-
(L 729); Kh. soro-; Bur. horo-; Kalm. sor-; Ord. soro-; S.-Yugh. soro-.
◊ KW 332, MGCD 607. Mong. > Sol. soro- ῾to suck’, Evk. sorūl ῾mouthpiece’.
PTurk. *sōr- to suck (сосать): OTurk. sor- (OUygh.); Karakh. sor-
(MK); Tur. soru-; Az. sor-; Turkm. sōr-; Khal. suor-; MTurk. sor- (AH,
Houts.); Uygh. šora-; Tat. suɨr-; Bashk. hur-; Kirgh. sor-; Kaz. sor-; KKalp.
sor-; Kum. sor-; Nogh. sorɨ-; Khak. sor-; Shr. sor-; Oyr. sōr-, sor-, soru-; Tv.
sor-.
◊ EDT 843.
PJpn. *sìtà tongue (язык): OJpn. sita; MJpn. sìtà; Tok. shitá; Kyo.
shítà; Kag. shitá.
◊ JLTT 527.
PKor. *hj, *hàr-hắ- 1 tongue 2 to lick (1 язык 2 лизать): MKor. hj
1, hàr-hắ- 2; Mod. hjə 1, hat- [halth-] 2.
◊ Nam 479, 487, KED 1801, 1831.
‖ KW 332, VEWT 429. The Jpn. and Kor. forms (compared in Whit-
man 1985, 168, 236, and additionally in Vovin 2000 - although his fur-
ther attempts to link the Kor.-Jap. root to PA *k῾ăli should be rejected)
seem to fit here phonetically (although there is a tone discrepancy); as
for semantics, one should probably reconstruct the original meaning
1276 *sṓjru - *sk῾ù
‘suck’, whence ‘lick’ and ‘tongue’ in the Eastern area. Medial *-j- has to
be reconstructed to account for the loss of resonant in Kor.; it had also
probably caused a dissimilation in the Western area (*sōjri > *sōjri),
which explains the -o-reflex in Turkic.
-sṓjru pole, tent made of poles: Tung. *siaraŋ; Mong. *surgaɣag; Turk.
*sruk / *sūrɨk; Kor. *hjə.
PTung. *siaraŋ stake (жердь): Evk. sraŋ; Evn. hǟrъŋ; Neg. sjaŋ.
◊ ТМС 2, 72.
PMong. *surgaɣag pole, shed made of poles (шест, жердь, навес из
жердей): WMong. surɣaɣaɣ (L 739); Kh. surgāg; Bur. hurgāg.
PTurk. *sruk / *sūrɨk stake, pole (шест): OTurk. sɨruq (OUygh.);
Karakh. sɨruq (MK); Tur. sɨrɨk; Gag. sɨrɨq; Az. sɨrɨɣ (dial.); Turkm. srɨq;
Khal. sɨrɨq; MTurk. sɨrɨq, suruq (Pav. C.), sɨruq (AH); Krm. sɨrɨq; Bashk.
hɨrɨq (dial.); Kaz. sɨrɨq; KKalp. sɨrɨq; SUygh. suruq; Khak. sɨra; Oyr. sɨrɨq,
sɨra; Tv. sɨra; Yak. uraɣas.
◊ EDT 848, VEWT 420, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Mong. širug (KW 369; TMN 3, 311-312),
whence again Kirgh. šɨrɨq.
PKor. *hjə a house rafter (стропило, балка): MKor. hjə; Mod.
sək:arä, dial. hjək:arä.
◊ Nam 488, KED 933.
‖ Medial *-jr- is reconstructed because of the Korean reflex. Some
confusion was possible between this root and the synonymous *šṑri
q.v.
-sōku ( ~ z-) loop, lace: Tung. *siaKu; Mong. *segel-dereg; Jpn. *suki.
PTung. *siaKu- loop, hinge (петля (на окнах, дверях)): Ul. śaqụ(n),
sχụ(n); Nan. sịoχor.
◊ ТМС 2, 57. The nature of the intervocalic velar is unclear.
PMong. *segel-dereg / *sagal- loop, lace (петля, шнурок): WMong.
segeldereg (L 657: saɣaldurɣa ‘string for attaching objects to the saddle or
for fastening a hat under the chin’); Kh. segeldreg, sagaldraga; Bur. hagal-
darga ‘ременная застежка (под уздой)’; Kalm. segldr- ‘продевать (че-
рез отверстие)’; S.-Yugh. saldərGa.
◊ KW 321, MGCD 587.
PJpn. *suki swaddling cloth, belt for fastening a child (пеленки, ре-
мень для привязывания ребенка): OJpn. sukji.
‖ The match seems plausible, despite somewhat scanty attestation.
-sk῾ù small, few: Tung. *siKe-; Jpn. *sùkù- / *sùkuà-; Kor. *hòk-.
PTung. *siKe- short (короткий, куцый): Man. sixete.
◊ ТМС 2, 81. Cf. also Man. saqa ‘few’. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable
external parallels.
 *sk῾ù - *sóle 1277

PJpn. *sùkù- / *sùkuà- few (мало, немного): OJpn. suku-na-,

sukwo-si; MJpn. sùkù-na-, sùkó-sì; Tok. sukuná-, sukóshi; Kyo. súkúnà-,
sùkóshì; Kag. sukuná-, sukóshi.
◊ JLTT 533, 841.
PKor. *hòk- small, few MKor. hòk-.
◊ Nam 492.
‖ Vovin 2000 (comparing *sùkuà- and *hòk; but his attempt to sepa-
rate PJ *sùkù-na- and *sùkuà- is hardly successful). An Eastern isogloss.
-sk῾ù to be hollow, crack: Tung. *six-; Mong. *sekeɣe / *segeɣe; Turk.
*suk-; Jpn. *súk-; Kor. *sk-m, *skí-.
PTung. *six- 1 hollow vessel, whistle 2 to put into, insert (1 труба,
полый сосуд 2 вложить во что-л.): Neg. sikču- 2; Man. siGan / siχan 1;
Nan. sịχa(n) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 80-81.
PMong. *sekeɣe / *segeɣe crack, hole (трещина, отверстие):
WMong. sekege (L 685); Kh. sexē; Bur. hegē.
◊ Cf. also seg ‘interval’, sekü- ‘to lift, make an opening by lifting’. It is also interesting
to note the derived seküɣür ‘brimmed hat’ (“hat with liftable brims”) = OT (MK) suqarlač
börk ‘t hat’.
PTurk. *suk- 1 to stick in, insert 2 hollow wood, whistle (1 втыкать,
вставлять 2 полая древесина, свисток): OTurk. suq- (OUygh.) 1;
Karakh. suq- 1, suqɨm 2 (MK); Turkm. soq- 1; MTurk. suq- (Qutb,
Houts.); Kirgh. suq- 1; Kaz. suɣ- 1; KBalk. suɣ- 1; Khak. sux- 1; Oyr. suq-
1; Tv. suq- 1; Yak. uk- 1.
◊ VEWT 432, EDT 805, 811.
PJpn. *súk- 1 to be hollow 2 crack, hole (1 быть полым 2 щель, от-
верстие): MJpn. súk- 1, suki 2; Tok. sùk-, sùki 2; Kyo. súk-, súkí 2; Kag.
súk-, súki 2.
◊ JLTT 758.
PKor. *sk-m, *skí- 1 crack 2 to insert, to sheath (1 щель 2 вклады-
вать): MKor. sk-m 1, skí- 2; Mod. k:ī- 2.
◊ Nam 74, 80, KED 262.
‖ Cf. *sgu, with a possibility of mergers.
-sóle to make, put: Turk. *sal-; Jpn. *sỺ-; Kor. *hằ-.
PTurk. *sal- 1 to put, throw 2 to drop, lower 3 tax 4 heavy (1 класть,
кидать 2 опускать 3 налог 4 тяжелый): OTurk. sal- 1 (OUygh.);
Karakh. sal- 1,2 (MK, KB); Tur. sal- 1, salgɨn 3; Gag. sal- 1; Az. sal- 2;
Turkm. sal- 1; Sal. sal- 1; Khal. sal- 1; MTurk. sal- 1 (Pav. C., Abush.);
Uzb. sɔl- 1; Uygh. sa(l)- 1; Krm. sal- 1; Tat. sal- 1, sal-ɨm 3; Bashk. hal- 1;
Kirgh. sal- 1; Kaz. sal- 1; KBalk. sal- 1; KKalp. sal- 1; Kum. sal- 1; Nogh.
sal- 1; SUygh. sal- 1, salɨɣ 4; Khak. sal- 1, salɨm 4; Shr. sal- 1; Oyr. sal- 1;
Tv. sal- 1; Tof. sal- 1; Chuv. sol- 1, solъm ‘heaviness’.
1278 *sŏlo - *sōlu
◊ VEWT 397, EDT 824, Федотов 2, 57, ЭСТЯ 7. Several derivatives with a velar suffix
are used in Turk. for denoting downward motion or hanging: cf. OT salɨɣ ‘taxes’, Kirgh.
salɨq ‘taxes; hanging down, limp’; SUygh. salɨɣ ‘heavy’; Tur. salkɨ ‘weak, lax’, Kirgh. salqɨ,
Uzb. sɔlqi- ‘be loose, hang down’ (see TMN 3, 265-266, ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *sỺ- make, auxiliary verb (делать, служебный глагол): OJpn.
s-u; MJpn. s-u; Tok. sù-; Kyo. sú-; Kag. sú-.
◊ JLTT 759.
PKor. *hằ- to make, auxiliary verb (делать, служебный глагол):
MKor. hằ-; Mod. ha-.
◊ Nam 470, KED 1781.
‖ SKE 59 (without the Turk. parallel), Whitman 1985, 168, 235,
АПиПЯЯ 286. Mongolian parallels (both in SKE 59 and in KW 309,
VEWT 397) are highly dubious. For the Auslaut relations cf. *gèle: one
of the possible PA monosyllabic verbal roots (*sól).
-sŏlo some internal organ: Tung. *silu-kta; Mong. *söl-; Turk. *solak.
PTung. *silu-kta intestine (кишка (тонкая)): Evk. silu-kta; Evn.
hịlt; Neg. sịlta; Ork. sịlụ-qta; Orch. sulukta; Ud. sulukta; Sol. ilụkta.
◊ ТМС 2, 85. Evk. > Dolg. hɨlukta (Stachowski 118).
PMong. *söl- testicles (testiculi): Kalm. sölz.
◊ KW 333.
PTurk. *solak 1 spleen 2 gills (1 селезенка 2 жабры): Karakh. solaq
(MK); Khak. palɨx sulazɨ ‘молоки’ (Борг., Kach.); Chuv. sola 1,2.
◊ VEWT 427, EDT 826, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 57.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *šằĺi (with possible contaminations).
-sōlu easy, quick, smart: Tung. *siali-; Mong. *sila-magai; Jpn. *sura-;
Kor. *húrí-.
PTung. *siali- diligent, smart, quick (ловкий, проворный, стара-
тельный): Man. silin; Nan. sǟlị.
◊ ТМС 2, 70.
PMong. *sila-magai prompt, quick, smart; bold, reckless (быстрый,
ловкий; храбрый, смелый): WMong. silamaɣai, šalamaɣai, šalamaɣ (L
749); Kh. šalamgai; S.-Yugh. šalamGa.
◊ MGCD 703. Derivation (or influence) from *sila ‘completely, utterly’ (q. v. sub *sìlá)
is not excluded.
PJpn. *sura- easy, quick (легко, без труда): MJpn. sura-ri; Tok.
surári, surarí, súrasura; Kyo. súràrì, súràsùrà; Kag. surári, surasurá.
◊ PJ accent is not quite clear (low tone is most probable, but the word is expressive
and reveals some irregularities).
PKor. *húrí- to charm, bewitch, seduce (завлекать, очаровывать):
MKor. húrí-; Mod. huri-, hori-.
◊ Nam 494, KED 1877.
‖ ТМС 2, 70 (TM-Mong.). In Korean one must suppose a semantic
development ‘to be quick, smart’ > ‘to charm, seduce’.
 *sṓĺe - *sṑmi 1279

-sṓĺe to mock, slander: Tung. *sulu; Mong. *sila-; Turk. *siāĺ-; Jpn.
*ssír- ( ~ *suásír-); Kor. *hār-.
PTung. *sulu 1 rogue 2 to mock (1 шалун 2 дразнить, обижать):
Ul. sulu 1, sulu-de- 2; Ork. sụlụ-da- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 125.
PMong. *sila- to talk nonsense; to squander (говорить чепуху; про-
матывать, расточительствовать): WMong. šali- (L 750); Kh. šali-; Bur.
šali-; Kalm. šäĺ-; Ord. šaligla- ‘to talk nonsense’.
◊ KW 354.
PTurk. *siāĺ- 1 wild 2 to be astonished 3 to slander (1 дикий 2 быть
изумленным 3 клеветать): Karakh. saš 1 (MK); Tur. šaš- 2; Az. čaš- 2;
Turkm. čāš- 2; Khal. šašqa- 3; Chuv. šuldra ‘pert’.
◊ VEWT 405.
PJpn. *ssír- ( ~ *suásír-) to slander (клеветать): OJpn. s(w)osir-;
MJpn. sósír-; Tok. soshír-; Kyo. sóshír-; Kag. soshír-.
◊ JLTT 756. The Tokyo accent is aberrant.
PKor. *hār- to slander (клеветать, порочить): MKor. hār-.
◊ Nam 478.
‖ EAS 109, KW 354.
-sòmì ( ~ z-) wet snow, hoar-frost: Tung. *sumu; Mong. *simarga; Jpn.
*sìm.
PTung. *sumu wet snow, rain with snow (мокрый снег, дождь со
снегом): Evk. sumu.
◊ ТМС 2, 126. Attested only in Evk., but with good parallels from Mong. and Jap.
PMong. *simarga wet snow (мокрый снег): WMong. simarɣa, simer-
gen, šamaraɣ (L 709); Kh. šamarga; Bur. šamarga(n); Kalm. šamrɣə; Ord.
šimarGa, šimarxaG ‘grésil’.
◊ KW 348.
PJpn. *sìm frost, cold rain (иней, холодный дождь): OJpn.
sim(w)o; MJpn. simo; Tok. shimó; Kyo. shímò; Kag. shimó.
◊ JLTT 524.
‖ The match with Japanese is both phonetically and semantically
precise, so the root seems quite reliable (despite sparse attestation in
TM).
-sṑmi ( ~ z-) to close, bind tight: Tung. *sōm-; Mong. *sima-; Jpn.
*sìmà-r-.
PTung. *sōm- 1 to close 2 to hide (1 закрывать 2 прятать(ся)): Evk.
sōm- 1; Evn. hōm- 1; Neg. sōm- 1; Man. somi- 2; SMan. omi-, śomi- (1556);
Jurch. so-mi-biar (819) 2; Ul. somị- 1; Ork. somị- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 109.
PMong. *sima- to press, bind tight; to wrap up, to tuck (зажимать,
туго завязывать; заворачивать, подворачивать): WMong. sima-la-,
1280 *sóna - *sono
-ra- (L 709: simala-, simali-); Kh. šamla-, šamra-; Bur. šamar-, šama-; Kalm.
šaml- (КРС); Ord. šima- ‘to roll up one’s sleeve, to beat someone’; Dag.
šamla- (Тод. Даг. 182); Mongr. šəmā; šəmāli- ‘arrière-fax; retrousser,
relever’ (SM 374).
◊ Mong. > Chag. šimal- etc. (see ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *sìmà-r- to be closed, shut (быть закрытым, закрываться):
OJpn. sima-r-; MJpn. sima-r-; Tok. shimár-; Kyo. shímár-; Kag. shìmàr-.
◊ JLTT 751.
‖ Jpn. *sìmà-r- may reflect both *sṑmi-lV (Mong. *sima-la-) and
*sṑmi-rV (Mong. *sima-ra-).
-sóna one, single: Tung. *soni; Mong. *sondu-; Turk. *s[ɨ]ŋar ( <
*s(i)an-gar); Jpn. *sa-, *sane; Kor. *hằnàh.
PTung. *soni single, odd (одиночный, нечетный): Man. soni-χon,
sońo.
◊ ТМС 2, 111. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sondu- odd (нечетный): WMong. sonduɣai (L 726); Kh.
sondgoj.
PTurk. *s[ɨ]ŋar ( < *s(i)an-gar) one of a pair, one of two sides (один
из пары, одна из двух сторон): OTurk. sɨŋar (Orkh., Ouygh.); Karakh.
sɨŋar (MK); Tur. sɨnar; Khal. sɨjar; Uzb. siŋar; Tat. sɨŋar; Kirgh. sɨŋar; Kaz.
sɨŋar; KKalp. sɨŋar; Kum. sɨŋar; Nogh. sɨŋar; SUygh. sɨŋar; Shr. sār; Oyr.
sɨŋar, saŋar; Tv. sār; Yak. aŋar; Dolg. aŋar.
◊ EDT 840-841, VEWT 417, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 34.
PJpn. *sa-, *sania 1 a prefix of reciprocal action 2 completely, defi-
nitely (1 префикс совместного действия 2 совершенно, совсем):
OJpn. sa- 1, sane 2.
◊ JLTT 515. In some cases the meaning of the prefix is quite uncertain (euphonic?), e.
g. sa-wi ‘wild boar’, sa-jwo ‘night’ etc.; but with verbs it usually denotes reciprocal or
combined action (e. g. sa-ne- ‘sleep together’, sa-narabe- ‘put together on one line’ etc.).
PKor. *hằnàh one (один): MKor. hằnà (hằnàh-); Mod. hana.
◊ Nam 469, KED 1780.
‖ SKE 60, ТМС 2,11, АПиПЯЯ 296.
-sono ( ~ z-) night: Tung. *siŋkē; Mong. *söni.
PTung. *siŋkē dark night (темная ночь): Evk. siŋkē; Evn. hiŋku;
Neg. siŋkelten; Ork. sikkew, sikkelte; Ud. siŋkeu- ‘to shine (of full moon)’
(Корм. 286).
◊ ТМС 2, 91.
PMong. *söni night (ночь): MMong. sueni (HY 5, SH), suni (IM),
suni (MA); WMong. söni (L 732); Kh. šönö; Bur. hüni; Kalm. sȫ, sȫn; Ord.
söni, sönö; Mog. süni; ZM sāni (19-7a); Dag. suni (Тод. Даг. 164, MD
213); Dong. šieni; Bao. sone; S.-Yugh. sȫnə; Mongr. soni (SM 353).
 *soŋre - *sp῾è 1281
◊ KW 335.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-soŋre vertebra, spine ramification: Tung. *soro-ptun; Mong. *seɣer;
Turk. *sEŋir.
PTung. *soro-ptun 1 breast bone ramification 2 stomach (1 отрос-
ток грудной кости 2 желудок): Evk. soroptūn 1; Evn. horpn 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 113-114.
PMong. *seɣer spine, vertebra, rib ends; mountain ridge (позвоноч-
ник, позвонки, концы ребер): WMong. seger (L 682); Kh. sēr(en)
‘breast part of spine’; Bur. hēr; Kalm. sēr; Ord. sēr; Dag. sēr; S.-Yugh.
sīra, sǖr.
◊ KW 328, MGCD 596. Mong. > Man. seire.
PTurk. *sEŋir 1 outer angle 2 protruding edge of a mountain or wall
(1 внешний угол 2 выступ горы или стены): OTurk. seŋir 1, 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. seŋir 2 (MK); Tur. senir (dial.) ‘hill between valleys,
ridge between mountains’; Kirgh. seŋir 2; Kaz. seŋir 2; Oyr. seŋir 1.
◊ VEWT 410, EDT 840, Лексика 98, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ KW 328, Владимирцов 250-251, Poppe 73, EAS 119. A Western
isogloss: on a possible Kor. match see under *soga.
-spe ( ~ -i) rib: Tung. *subi-; Mong. *sübe-; Turk. *sabar.
PTung. *subi- 1 false rib 2 rib gristles (1 ложное ребро 2 реберные
хрящи): Evk. suwin 1; Evn. hịwịna 1; Neg. sịwịna 1; Man. sibexe 2; Ud.
suepti 1; Sol. suỻ ȫtelē ‘short rib’.
◊ ТМС 2, 117. The Manchu form is qualified as borrowed < Mong. by Rozycki 179,
but is more probably genuine.
PMong. *sübe- 1 side, flank 2 false rib (1 бок 2 ложное ребро):
MMong. sube’e ‘Lendenhöhlung, die Weichen’ (SH); WMong. sübege 1
(L 741), sübergen 2 (L 741: ‘sternum’); Kh. süvē 1, süvreg 2; Bur. hübȫ 1,
hebergedehen ‘rib gristles’; Kalm. süw ‘the two lower ribs’; Bao. səbdə 1.
◊ KW 341, MGCD 615. Mong. > Kirgh. sübȫ etc., see VEWT 436, ЭСТЯ 7.
PTurk. *sabar 1 brisket with ribs 2 side (1 грудинка с ребрами 2
бок): Oyr. sabar 1; Tv. saar 2.
◊ Cf. also Yak. sabar ‘eagle’s breast’ ( < OTuva?).
‖ KW 341; Doerfer MT 61-62 (Mong.-Tung.: “schwierige Verhält-
nisse”). A Western isogloss. Phonetically a good match would be Kor.
həpha ‘lung’, but the meaning raises some doubts.
-sp῾è sideway, to follow by sideway: Tung. *supti-; Turk. *sap-; Jpn.
*sp-.
PTung. *supti- 1 to leave behind 2 to stay behind (1 оставить поза-
ди 2 отстать, остаться позади): Evk. supti- 1; Evn. hụptụ- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 128-129.
1282 *sṓp῾ì - *sŏp῾u
PTurk. *sap- 1 to leave the way, go astray, deviate 2 sideway 3
dodge, trick (1 уходить с дороги, отклоняться 2 окольная дорога 3
уловка, трюк): Tur. sap- 1; Gag. sap- 1; Az. sap- 1; Turkm. sap 3, sap- ‘to
change’; MTurk. sap- 1 (AH, CCum.) , sapa ‘deviating’ (Pav. C.), sapaq 2
(Vam.); Tat. sap- 1; Kaz. sap- 1; Chuv. sup- 1.
◊ VEWT 402, EDT 784, ЭСТЯ 7, Ашм. XI, 187, Федотов 2, 64.
PJpn. *səp- to follow (следовать): OJpn. s(w)op-; MJpn. sóf-; Tok. sò-;
Kyo. só-; Kag. só-.
◊ JLTT 756.
‖ The original meaning is well reconstructable as ‘to follow by
sideway’, possibly an element of hunting terminology.
-sṓp῾ì thorn, thorny bush: Tung. *sup-; Mong. *süje; Turk. *siāpan; Jpn.
*sípína.
PTung. *sup- 1 to prick 2 prickly thorn, bush 3 to stick into (1 зано-
зить 2 заноза; колючий кустарник 3 втыкать, пришпиливать): Evk.
sup- 1, supirē 2; Neg. sup- 1, supukta 2; Man. sifi- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 100, 128.
PMong. *süje / *söɣeg 1 offshoot from root, sprouts 2 bush (1 по-
бег, отросток от корня 2 куст): WMong. süje(ge) 1 (L 742), söɣeg 2; Kh.
süje 1, sȫg 2; Bur. hȫg 2; Kalm. süjə 1.
◊ KW 340.
PTurk. *siāpan 1 straw 2 thorn (1 солома 2 колючка): OTurk.
saman (OUygh.); Karakh. saman (MK Cigil); Tur. saman; Gag. saman; Az.
saman; Turkm. sāman; Khal. sabana ‘spike beard’; MTurk. saman (Pav.
C.,Ettuhf., Houts.); Uzb. sɔmɔn; Uygh. saman; Krm. saman; Kirgh. saman,
(R) samal; Kaz. saban; KKalp. saban ‘straw’, sabat ‘sedge’; Kum. saman;
Nogh. saman; Khak. sabal ‘branches of coniferous trees’; Tv. savaŋ;
Chuv. šъₙma ‘angelica’.
◊ VEWT 399 (borrowed in Kalm., KW 316), TMN 3, 335-336, EDT 829, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sípína ear of corn (пустой колос): MJpn. sífína; Tok. shiina.
‖ A suffixed form *sṓp῾ì-nV is reflected in PT *siāpan and PJ *sípína.
-sŏp῾u oval-shaped, conus-shaped: Tung. *sip-; Mong. *sibo-; Turk.
*supɨ.
PTung. *sip- 1 oval-shaped, conus-shaped 2 narrow (1 продолгова-
тый, суженный к концу 2 узкий): Man. sibsiχun 1, 2; Nan. sikpi 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 466.
PMong. *sibo- conus-shaped, sharpened (конусообразный, остро-
верхий): WMong. šoboɣar, šoboji- (L 754: šobuɣur, šobuji-); Kh. šovoj-;
Bur. šobogor; Kalm. šowɣr (КРС); Ord. šowoGor.
PTurk. *supɨ 1 conus-shaped 2 oval, long (1 конусообразный 2
овальный, продолговатый): Karakh. subɨ 1 (MK); MTurk. subu, subɨ
 *sorek῾V - *srme 1283

(AH); Uzb. sụpɔq 2; Kirgh. sopaj ‘long person’, sopaq ‘conus-shaped cyl-
inder’; Kaz. sopaq 2; KKalp. sopaq 2.
◊ EDT 784-785. Turk. > WMong. subaɣ, Kalm. sowəɣ, KW 332). Cf. also Tur. sopa ‘big
stick’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-sorek῾V ( ~ -i-) female or gelded ungulate animal: Tung. *surki; Mong.
*serke; Turk. *sarɨk.
PTung. *surki pregnant female animal (беременная (о самке жи-
вотных)): Evk. surki; Man. suči; Ork. suči; Nan. surki; Ud. suki (Корм.
288).
◊ ТМС 2, 130.
PMong. *serke gelded goat (кастрированный козел): WMong.
serke (L 691); Kh. serx; Bur. herxe; Kalm. serkə (КРС); Ord. serχe; Dag.
selek, selke (Тод. Даг. 162); S.-Yugh. serke.
◊ MGCD 601. On Turkic loans < serke (Kirgh. serke etc.) see TMN 1, 341, Лексика 429,
ЭСТЯ 7.
PTurk. *sarɨk 1 sheep 2 a k. of tailless sheep (1 овца 2 русская овца
(без курдюка)): Tat. sarɨq 1; Bashk. harɨq 1; Kaz. sarɨq 2; KKalp. sarɨq 2;
Khak. sara-dax ‘a 2-year-old maral’, sar-tax ‘young of a roe’ (Борг.); Tv.
sara-daq ‘a 2-year-old maral’; Chuv. sorъx 1.
◊ Лексика 432, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 66.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 67. A Western isogloss.
-sòri to flow, be soaked: Tung. *sora-; Jpn. *sìtà-t-; Kor. *hr-.
PTung. *sora- 1 to be soaked, wet 2 to rinse, wash (1 промокать, на-
мокать 2 промывать): Neg. soj- 1; Man. sura- 2; Nan. soro- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 104, 129.
PJpn. *sìtà-t- to drop, leak (капать, протекать): OJpn. sita-ta-,
sita-da- (tr.); MJpn. sìtà-ta-; Tok. shitatár-; Kyo. shítátár-; Kag. shìtàtàr-.
◊ JLTT 753.
PKor. *hr- to flow (течь): MKor. hr-; Mod. hɨrɨ-.
◊ Nam 496, KED 1890.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; cf. notes to *sŕi, *šŭŕu. In Korean we would
rather expect *-ă- or *-u-/-o-; -ɨ- may be a result of vowel assimilation.
-srme sinew: Tung. *sumu-; Mong. *sirmö- / *sirbö-; Kor. *hím.
PTung. *sumu- sinew (жила): Evk. sumu; Evn. hum; Neg. sumu;
Man. sube; SMan. suvu ‘tendon’ (170); Ul. sumul; Ork. sumu ~ xumu;
Nan. sumul; Orch. sumu(l); Ud. sumul(i); Sol. sumul.
◊ ТМС 2, 126. Note also Evk. sura ‘vein’ (ТМС 2, 129).
PMong. *sirmö- / *sirbö- sinew (жила, нерв, сухожилие): MMong.
širmusu (SH), širbusun (HY 48), sirboṣu, sirboson (IM), širbusun (MA);
WMong. sirbüsü(n), sirmüsü(n) (L 716); Kh. šörmös(ön), šürbüs,
šörvös(ön); Bur. šürbehe(n), šürmehe(n); Kalm. šürwsn, šir(w)ǖsn; Ord.
1284 *ssu - *sóti
šörwös, šörwösü; Dag. širbes, širbus (Тод. Даг. 184); Mongr. šbuʒə (SM
370), šuluʒə (SM 385), (MGCD śurbusə).
◊ KW 371, MGCD 723. Oyr. širi < Mong. (?)
PKor. *hím sinew; strength (жила; сила): MKor. hím; Mod. him.
◊ Nam 500, KED 1901.
‖ In Turkic cf. perhaps *sürmeč ‘women’s plait’ (VEWT 438), Chuv.
sərme kobъz ‘violin’ (’string instrument’). See SKE 63.
-ssu to scoop; to wash: Tung. *sisa-; Turk. *sus-; Jpn. *súsú-k-; Kor.
*sìs-, *ss-.
PTung. *sisa- to scrape, grub, rummage, pick out (скоблить, рыть-
ся): Man. siša-; Ul. sịsa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 98.
PTurk. *sus- 1 to scoop 2 bucket 3 scoop (1 черпать 2 ведро 3 чер-
пак): Karakh. susɨq 2, susɣaq 3 (MK); Tur. susak ‘jar, jug’; Gag. susaq 3;
Turkm. sus-; Uygh. us-; Krm. sus-; Tat. sŭs- 1, sŭsqaq 3; Bashk. hŭs-;
Kirgh. suz-; Khak. sus-; Shr. sus-; Oyr. sus-; Tv. us-; Chuv. ъₙs- (ăs-); Yak.
usājax 3.
◊ EDT 856, VEWT 434, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *súsú-k- to wash (мыть): OJpn. susu-k-; MJpn. súsú-k-; Tok.
sùsugu; Kyo. súsúgú; Kag. susúg-.
◊ JLTT 759.
PKor. *sìs-, *ss- 1 to wash 2 to cleanse, wipe off (1 мыть 2 чистить,
стирать): MKor. sìs- 1, ss- 2; Mod. s:it- [s:is-] 1, 2.
◊ Nam 322, 328, KED 1065.
‖ The Kor. reflex is irregular (we should expect *h-), perhaps due to
the influence of the second -s-. It is alternatively possible to reconstruct
*sisu with an irregular labialized reflex in PT (instead of *sɨs-), on anal-
ogy with *sub < *sɨb ‘water’. One should also keep in mind that Middle
Korean has actually two forms (sìs- ‘wash’ and ss- ‘cleanse, wipe off’)
that have merged in modern s:it-, so we may in fact be dealing with a
confusion of two original roots.
-sóti ( ~ *z-) behind, bottom: Tung. *soti; Mong. *sido; Jpn. *sítá; Kor.
*stá(h).
PTung. *soti tail fin (хвостовой плавник): Ul. sotị; Nan. soč.
◊ ТМС 2, 114.
PMong. *sido short and thin tail (тонкий, короткий, торчащий (о
хвосте)): WMong. šodu-, šoduji- (L 755); Kh. šodo-; Bur. šodon, šodogor;
Kalm. šodə-; Ord. šodoGor ‘short, sticking out (of a tail, branches of a
tree, or of a plait)’.
◊ KW 364.
PJpn. *sítá (the place) below (низ, нижняя часть): OJpn. sita; MJpn.
sítà; Tok. shìta; Kyo. shítá; Kag. shítà.
 *sót῾e - *suba 1285
◊ JLTT 527. All dialects point to *sítá, but RJ has a low tone on the 2d syllable.
PKor. *stá(h) earth (земля): MKor. stá (stáh-); Mod. t:aŋ.
◊ Nam 133, KED 413. The addition of -ŋ in modern Korean is not quite clear.
‖ Martin 248, АПиПЯЯ 296. In Kor. “earth” < “bottom” (cf. the
meaning in Jpn.); *stá- reflects a usual reduction < *sỼtá-(gV).
-sót῾e ( ~ *sat῾u) thigh, hip: Turk. *satan; Kor. *htúi(h).
PTurk. *satan thigh, hip (бедро): Tur. satan; Turkm. satan; MTurk.
satan (Pav. C.); KKalp. satan; Chuv. sodanъ ‘buttocks, behind’.
◊ VEWT 405, ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 281, Ашм. XI, 211.
PKor. *htúi(h) foot, leg (нога): MKor. hthúi.
◊ Nam 485.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss.
-s[o]ǯe sharp stick: Tung. *suǯa-ku; Mong. *seǯi-; Turk. *söje-.
PTung. *suǯa-ku 1 stick, prop, support 2 ski stick (1 палка, подпор-
ка, подставка 2 лыжная палка): Evk. suǯax 2; Neg. sụǯaχ 1; Man.
suǯaqu 1, suǯa- ‘to support’; SMan. suǯa- ‘to support, to hold up’ (1642);
Ork. sụǯaqụ 1; Nan. soǯa ‘a gun support’, soǯaqo ‘a hanger made of three
poles’ (On.); Ud. suǯu-fine- ‘to stand on one’s elbows and knees’.
◊ ТМС 2, 120.
PMong. *seǯi- 1 to butt with horns, gore 2 margin, hem, slit (1 бо-
дать рогами 2 край, разрез): WMong. seǯi- 1, seǯigür 2 (L 692, 693); Kh.
seǯi- 1, seǯǖr 2; Bur. heže- ‘to shake (one’s head)’; Kalm. seǯ- 1; Ord. seǯi-
1.
◊ KW 321.
PTurk. *söje- 1 to prop, lean, support 2 support, supporting stick 3
door-post (1 подпирать, опираться 2 опора, подпорка 3 дверной ко-
сяк): Tur. süjen, süɣen (dial.) 2, söɣken-, sövken- (dial.) 1; Gag. süvän, sövä,
süvä 2; Az. söjkän- 1; Turkm. söje- 1, söje, söjget 2; MTurk. söje- 1, söje 2
(Pav. C.), süjen- (Ettuhf.) 1; Uzb. suja- 1; Uygh. süjü- 1; Tat. sjä- 1;
Bashk. hüjä- 1; Kirgh. süjö-, sȫn- 1; Kaz. süje- 1; KBalk. süje- 1; KKalp.
süje- 1; Kum. süje- 1; Nogh. süje- 1; Shr. söjbe, söjge 3; Tv. sögü 3; Chuv.
səₙven- ‘to stick to, cling to’; Yak. öjȫ- 1; Dolg. öjön- 1.
◊ VEWT 435, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 198. Many forms reflect derivatives *söj-ke-(n)- /
*söj-ge-(n)-.
‖ A Western isogloss. Preservation of labial vowel in Turk. is excep-
tional: *seje- would be normally expected.
-suba ( ~ -u) water: Mong. *usu; Turk. *sɨb.
PMong. *usu water (вода): MMong. usun (HY 3, SH), oṣun, uṣun
(IM), uṣun (MA); WMong. usu(n) (L 887); Kh. us; Bur. uha(n); Kalm. usn;
Ord. usu(n); Mog. usun; ZM osun (15-5b); Dag. oso, os (Тод. Даг. 160), ose
(MD 203); Dong. usu; Bao. se; S.-Yugh. qusun, Gusun; Mongr. fuʒu (SM
102), sʒu (MGCD šʒu).
1286 *sbi - *sbu
◊ KW 452, MGCD 682, TMN 1, 167.
PTurk. *sɨb water (вода): OTurk. śub (Orkh.), sub, suv (OUygh.);
Karakh. suv (MK); Tur. su; Gag. su; Az. su; Turkm. suv; Sal. su; Khal.
suw; MTurk. su (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. suv; Uygh. su; Krm. su; Tat. sɨw;
Bashk. hɨw; Kirgh. sū; Kaz. su; KBalk. sū; KKalp. suw; Kum. suw; Nogh.
suw; SUygh. su; Khak. suɣ; Shr. suɣ; Oyr. sū; Tv. suɣ; Tof. suɣ; Chuv. šɨv;
Yak. ū; utax ‘thirst’ < *sub-sak; Dolg. ū.
◊ VEWT 431, TMN 3, 281-2, EDT 783-4, Лексика 88, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 247. The re-
construction of *ɨ is conditioned by the Chuv. palatalization. Cf. also *sɨbu- ‘to become
watery’, *sɨbu-k ‘watery, liquid’ (ЭСТЯ 7). Other Common Turkic derivatives are *sɨb-sɨ-
‘to become watery’ and *sɨb-sa- ‘to be(come) thirsty’, see the analysis in ЭСТЯ 7 and EDT
792. The derivative *sɨb-sɨ ‘a watery decoction’ (not attested as such, but cf. OT suvsuš id.
(EDT 792)) was borrowed in Mong. as sub(a)su id. (L 733), Khalkha suvs ‘watery’. Modern
Kypchak and Siberian forms like Chag. susɨn, Kirgh. sūsun etc. may reflect a secondary
loan from Mongolian.
‖ Владимирцов 160, АПиПЯЯ 27, 284. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
Mong. *u-su can be explained as a normal dissimilation < *su-su ( <
*sub-su); cf. similar cases in *sisegeji > *isegeji ‘felt’, *sü(t)-sü > *ü-sü
‘milk’, *sus- > *us- ‘disappear, perish’. The relationship of the Mong.
and Turk. forms is strengthened by the presence in Turkic of archaic
derivatives *sɨb-sɨ-, *sɨb-sa-.
-sbi ( ~ *z-) to be hoarse (of voice): Tung. *sīb-; Mong. *söɣe-; Jpn.
*siwa-(n)kara- ( ~ -p-); Kor. *sùb-.
PTung. *sīb- to become hoarse (хрипнуть): Evk. sīw-; Evn. hiw-ken-;
Neg. sije-; Ul. sī-; Ork. sī-; Nan. sije-; Ud. si-.
◊ ТМС 2, 74.
PMong. *söɣe- to become hoarse (хрипнуть): WMong. söge- (L 730);
Kh. sȫ-; Bur. hȫlde-; Kalm. sȫ-; Ord. sȫ-.
◊ KW 335.
PJpn. *sipa-(n)kara- ( ~ -w-) to be hoarse (хрипнуть): Tok. shiwa-
gare-.
PKor. *sùb- to become hoarse (хрипнуть): MKor. sùi’ú-; Mod. swī-.
◊ Liu 480, KED 1022.
‖ An expressive root, cf. *spi.
-sbu end: Tung. *sube-; Mong. *seɣül; Turk. *sīb-ri; Jpn. *súwá-i; Kor.
*sìbúr.
PTung. *sube- 1 end, edge 2 top (1 конец, кончик 2 верхушка):
Evk. suwerē 1, 2; Evn. hūre 1, 2; Neg. suwejē 2; Man. subexe 1; Ul. suwe 2;
Ork. suwe 2; Nan. suwe, sue 2; Orch. su-ŋe 1, 2; Ud. sue 2; Sol. sugur 1, 2.
◊ See ТМС 2, 118 (with an alternative comparison - Mong. sibüge(n) ‘awl’, which
seems less probable).
PMong. *seɣül tail; end (хвост; конец): MMong. se’ul (HY 15, SH),
sūl, sɛbūl (IM), sul, siul (MA); WMong. segül (L 683); Kh. sǖl; Bur. hǖl;
 *suču - *sudu 1287

Kalm. sǖl; Ord. sǖl; Mog. söül; ZM sul (20-9); Dag. seuli, seul (Тод. Даг.
163); Dong. šien, šian; Bao. šienčix, śančig; S.-Yugh. sǖl; Mongr. sūr (SM
363), (MGCD sūl).
◊ KW 342, MGCD 615. Mong. > Evk. sūl, see Doerfer MT 127.
PTurk. *sīb-ri sharp, sharp-edged (острый, конический): OTurk.
süvri (OUygh.); Karakh. süvri (MK); Tur. sivri; Gag. sivri; Az. sivri;
Turkm. süjri; Krm. sivri, süvrü; Kirgh. süjrü; Kaz. süjir; KKalp. süjri,
süjir; Oyr. sǖrü, sǖri; Tv. sǖr; Chuv. šəₙvəₙr; Yak. üörbe.
◊ EDT 791, VEWT 438, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *súwá-i end, edge (конец, край): OJpn. suwe; MJpn. súwé;
Tok. sùe; Kyo. súé; Kag. súe.
◊ JLTT 532.
PKor. *sìbúr edge (край, конец): MKor. sì’úr, sì’úrk; Mod. siul
(arch.), sul.
◊ Liu 497, KED 1018, 1040.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 70, 295, Мудрак Дисс. 46. Turk. *sīb-ri < *sb-ri (with a
frequent fronting  > i).
-suču diarrhoea: Tung. *sosa-; Mong. *čiča-ga; Turk. *sɨč-; Kor. *ččhi-.
PTung. *sosa- 1 diarrhoea 2 to have diarrhoea 3 birds’ dung (1 по-
нос 2 страдать поносом 3 птичий помет): Man. soso- 2; Ul. soso 1;
Ork. soso 1; Nan. soso 3; Orch. soso 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 114.
PMong. *čiča-ga diarrhoea (понос): MMong. čiči- ‘to defecate’
(MA); WMong. čičaɣa (L 175); Kh. čacga; Bur. šeše- ‘to have diarrhoea’,
šešehe(n); Ord. čičaGa ‘верблюжья язва’.
PTurk. *sɨč- to defecate (испражняться): Karakh. sɨč- (MK); Tur.
sɨč-; Gag. sɨč-; Az. sɨč- (dial.); Khal. sɨč-; MTurk. sɨč- (AH, IM); Tat. čɨč-,
tɨč-; Kirgh. čɨč-; Kaz. tɨš-; KKalp. tɨš-; Kum. čɨč-; Shr. šɨš-; Oyr. čɨč-; Chuv.
sɨs-.
◊ EDT 795, VEWT 414, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *ččhi- to have diarrhoea (страдать поносом): MKor. ččhi-;
Mod. čīčhi-.
◊ Nam 438, KED 1538.
‖ EAS 96, 144, SKE 36-37. Mong. is hardly < Turk., despite Щербак
1997, 145. Mong. and Kor. have an assimilation (*s- > *č-), usual for this
type of roots. In Jpn. cf. perhaps OJ susu-pana, MJ sùsú-bànà ‘snivel from
the nose’ (cf. mod. hana-kuso, lit. ‘nose faeces’).
-sudu ( ~ -a) a hoof deformation: Tung. *sudu; Mong. *södürge; Turk.
*sɨdɨr-gak; Jpn. *sia ( ~ *sai).
PTung. *sudu bulging part of the shin (выпуклая часть голени):
Man. sudu.
◊ ТМС 2, 120. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
1288 *suga - *sjro
PMong. *södürge hoof disease (болезнь копыт): WMong. södürge
(L 730); Kh. södrög; Kalm. südü-gülǯ- ‘to limp slightly’.
◊ KW 339.
PTurk. *sɨdɨr-gak 1 a cloven hoof 2 double shin bone (1 раздвоен-
ное копыто 2 двойная голенная кость): Karakh. sɨδɨrɣaq (MK) 1; Uzb.
siɣraq 1; Khak. sɨzɨro ‘fork’; Yak. ɨtarča ‘сковородник оленьей кости’
(Пек.).
◊ EDT 803. Cf. *sɨŋɨr-.
PJpn. *sia ( ~ *sai) shaggy hoof (мохнатое копыто): MJpn. se.
◊ JLTT 521.
‖ An interesting common Altaic body part name. The final vowel is
difficult to reconstruct because of contraction in Jpn.
-suga a k. of bird: Tung. *sog-; Mong. *sojir; Turk. *sɨgɨrčɨk; Kor. *sāi.
PTung. *sog- bullfinch (снегирь): Ud. soɣduɣu.
◊ ТМС 2, 103. Attested only in Ud., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sojir black-cock (тетерев): WMong. sojir (L 724); Kh. sojr;
Bur. hojr ‘wood cock’.
◊ Mong. > Yak. suor ‘raven’ > Evk. sōr id. (?).
PTurk. *sɨgɨrčɨk 1 grouse, hazel-hen 2 starling (1 куропатка, ряб-
чик 2 скворец): Karakh. sɨɣɨrčuq 1 (MK); Tur. sɨɣɨrčɨk 2; Gag. sržɨq 2;
Az. sɨɣɨrčɨn 2; MTurk. siɣirčiq, siɣirčuq, siɣirčin (R.); Tat. sɨɣɨrčaq, sɨrčɨq,
čɨjɨrčɨq 2; Bashk. sɨjɨrsɨq 2; Kirgh. čɨjɨrčɨq 2; Kum. sɨjɨrtɣɨč 2; Khak. sɨɣɨraj
‘bullfinch’; Tv. sɨɣɨrɣa ‘oriole’; Chuv. šъŋgъrǯъ 2.
◊ VEWT 415, EDT 816, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *sāi bird (птица): MKor. sāi; Mod. sǟ.
◊ Nam 295, KED 919.
‖ Cf. also MKor. sòiròkí ‘a k. of bird’. The Kor. word (with an unsuc-
cessful etymology in SKE 218) was compared with Turk. *sar in АПи-
ПЯЯ 295; but the latter should be rather compared with Kor. súrí, see
*sàru.
-sjro yellowish, light: Tung. *sür-; Mong. *sirga; Turk. *sūr; Kor. *sji-.
PTung. *sür- 1 yellowish, greyish 2 reddish 3 white (horse) (1 жел-
товатый, сероватый 2 рыжеватый, красноватый 3 белый (о лоша-
ди)): Evn. hịraŋan 1; Man. suru morin 3; Nan. sūr- 2 (Он.); Ud. sī ‘yellow
paint’.
◊ ТМС 2, 95, 131. Length in the dialectal Nanai form (quoted from Onenko) is un-
clear, probably a misrecording. The Manchu form is peculiar: one would wish it to be <
Mong. sira morin ‘white horse’, but the vocalization is extremely strange. On the other
hand, Kor. sjəra măr (see Lee 1958, 119) makes it quite probable that such a form did,
indeed, exist in Manchu, but probably got mixed up later with the original root *sür-.
PMong. *sirga yellow (of a horse) (соловый): MMong. širqa (SH),
širɣa (MA 336); WMong. sirɣa (L 716); Kh. šarga, šargal; Bur. šarga, šargal;
 *s[k]i - *sŭli 1289

Kalm. šarɣə (КРС); Ord. šarGa ‘буланый’, šarGul ‘white horse with
black eyes and hooves’; ‘light brown’; Dag. šarga, šarag (Тод. Даг. 183).
◊ Mong. > Evk. sirga etc., see Poppe 1966, 198, Doerfer MT 100, Rozycki 184.
PTurk. *sūr grey (серый, бурый): Turkm. sūr; Krm. sur; Tat. sorɨ;
Bashk. hor, hörö; Kirgh. sur; Kaz. sur; KKalp. sur; Kum. sür; Oyr. sur;
Chuv. sъₙrъₙ.
◊ VEWT 433, TMN 3, 287, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *sji- whitish (беловатый): MKor. sji-; Mod. sē-.
◊ Nam 306, KED 963.
‖ Doerfer MT 241. The Mong. vocalism is not quite regular: perhaps
-i- instead of u~o under the influence of the following *-j- (which has to
be reconstructed to account for Kor. -i-).
-s[k]i ( ~ *š-) a k. of bird: Turk. *süglin; Jpn. *sìnkî; Kor. *skuŋ.
PTurk. *süglin pheasant (фазан): Karakh. süglin, süvlin (MK); Tur.
sülün; Turkm. sülgün; MTurk. sülgün, süglün (Pav. C.); Uzb. sülgün;
KKalp. süjlin (dial.); Khak. sülen ‘heron’; Shr. šülen ‘heron, stork’ (?).
◊ VEWT 435, EDT 820-821, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sìnkî woodcock, snipe (вальдшнеп, бекас): OJpn. sigji;
MJpn. sìgi; Tok. shígi; Kyo. shìgî.
◊ JLTT 523.
PKor. *skuŋ pheasant (фазан): MKor. skuŋ; Mod. k:wəŋ.
◊ Nam 64, KED 225.
‖ Korean has a frequent loss of vowel between a fricative and a
stop. The medial consonant is not quite clear: perhaps Turk. *süglin <
*süklin with a secondary voicing.
-sku ( ~ -a) to copulate, insert: Tung. *sōKān; Mong. *sige-d-; Turk.
*sik-.
PTung. *sōKān 1 copulation 2 to copulate (1 случка, спаривание 2
спариваться): Evk. sōkān 1; Ud. soni- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 105.
PMong. *sige-d- to get stuck, be inserted (втыкаться, застревать):
WMong. siged- (L 701); Kh. šigde-; Bur. šegede-; Kalm. šigdə- (КРС); Ord.
šiged-.
PTurk. *sik- 1 to copulate 2 penis (1 спариваться, coire (cum
femina) 2 penis): Karakh. sik- 1, sik 2 (MK); Tur. sik- 1, sik 2 (R.).
◊ EDT 818, TMN 3, 312-313.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic one would rather expect -ɨ-, so the
vocalism is not quite regular.
-sŭli a k. of worm: Tung. *silV-; Turk. *sül-.
PTung. *silV- helminth, worm (глист, червь): Neg. silikte; Ul.
silimbu, silekte; Ork. siloqta; Orch. silikte; Ud. silikte.
◊ ТМС 2, 95.
1290 *sūli - *sumi
PTurk. *sül- leech (пиявка): Tur. sülük, dial. sülümen, sülen; Gag.
sülük; Az. sülüx (dial.); Turkm. sülük; MTurk. sülük (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb.
zuluk; Uygh. zülük; Krm. sülük; Tat. slĭk; Bashk. hlk; Kirgh. sülük,
zülük; Kaz. sülĭk; KKalp. sülĭk; Kum. sülük; Nogh. sülĭk; Oyr. šülük;
Chuv. səₙləₙk.
◊ VEWT 436, 425, Лексика 185, ЭСТЯ 7. Initial z- in some forms may be due to the
influence of Pers. zalu ‘leech’ (> Az. zäli).
‖ Лексика 185. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-sūli ( ~ z-, -ĺ-) gall: Tung. *sī, *sīl-se; Mong. *söl-sü.
PTung. *sī, *sīl-se gall (желчь): Evk. sī; Neg. silte; Man. silxi; SMan.
šilixi ‘gall bladder’ (93); Jurch. si-li-xi (516); Ul. silte, sīlte; Ork. sīlte; Nan.
silte, siltē; Ud. silihe; Sol. īlde.
◊ ТМС 2, 73.
PMong. *söl-sü gall (желчь): MMong. šuelüsun (HY 47), sülsu (SH),
səlsən (IM); WMong. sösü(n), sölsü(n) (L 732); Kh. sös; Bur. hülhen; Kalm.
čösn (КРС) (?); Ord. ǯüsü (?); Dag. čuleči ‘spleen, gall bladder?’ (MD
131) (?); Dong. šiensun; Bao. selsoŋ; S.-Yugh. sȫsun; Mongr. sūrʒə (SM
364), sūlʒə.
◊ MGCD 618. The Kalm. and Dag. forms may reflect a formation like *söl-čin with as-
similations.
‖ ТМС 2, 73, Rozycki 182. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. The root tends
to merge with *šṑli ‘juice, fluid’ (q.v.).
-sulu ( ~ *z-, -ĺ-) conifer, pine tree: Tung. *sol-; Mong. *silmeɣü-sü; Kor.
*sór.
PTung. *sol- pine tree (сосна): Evn. holtịn.
◊ ТМС 2, 332. Attested only in Evn., with possible external parallels.
PMong. *silmeɣü-sü needles of a conifer (хвоя): WMong. sil-
megüsü(n), silmügüsü(n), silbegüsü(n), silbüsü(n), silümüsü(n) (L 707); Kh.
šilmǖs; Bur. šelbǖhe(n), šelbehe(n); Kalm. šiləwsn (KРС).
PKor. *sór pine tree (сосна): MKor. sór; Mod. sol, so-namu.
◊ Nam 310, KED 970, 990.
‖ SKE 240.
-sumi dark, obscure: Tung. *sim-; Mong. *süme-; Turk. *süm.
PTung. *sim- shadow, dark place (тень, темное место): Evk.
simŋun; Evn. himŋъn; Neg. simŋun; Man. silmen; Ork. simgu(n); Nan.
siŋm.
◊ ТМС 2, 87.
PMong. *süme- obscure, indistinct, faint, dull (темный, неясный,
бледный): WMong. sümeg, sümeger, (v.) sümeji- (L 743, 744); Kh. sümeg,
sümger, sümij-; Mongr. sumoko ‘évaporations des hautes montagnes’
(SM 359).
PTurk. *süm darkness, shadow (темнота, тень): Chuv. səₙm.
 *s[ù]mk῾i - *sna 1291
◊ An isolated Chuvash form.
‖ Räsänen 1955. A Western isogloss.
-s[ù]mk῾i cough: Tung. *simki-; Turk. *simük, *simki-; Jpn. *sàik- ~
siàk-.
PTung. *simki- to cough, cough (кашлять, кашель): Evk. simki-;
Evn. hiēmkъ-; Neg. simki-; Ul. siŋbi-; Ork. sipki-; Nan. siŋbi-, simki-; Orch.
simpi; Ud. simpi-; Sol. simki-.
◊ ТМС 2, 87.
PTurk. *simük, *simki- 1 snot, nose phlegm, mucus 2 to blow one’s
nose (1 сопли 2 сморкаться): Karakh. seŋregü (MK) ‘continuously dis-
charging mucus from one’s nose’; Tur. sümük 1, sümkür- 2; Gag. sümük
1, sümkür- 2; Turkm. sümük 1, sümgür- 2; MTurk. sümük 1, sümkür- 2
(AH, Pav. C.); Krm. siŋir- 2; Tat. simgir 1, sĭŋgĭr- 2; Kirgh. simbir- 2; Kaz.
sĭŋbĭr- 2; KKalp. sĭŋbĭr- 2; Nogh. simgir- 2; Khak. sĭŋĭr- 2; Tv. siŋmir- 2;
Chuv. šəngar- (šăngar-) 2.
◊ VEWT 436, EDT 841, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sàik- ~ siàk- to cough (кашлять): MJpn. sek-; Tok. sék-; Kyo.
sèk-; Kag. sèk-.
◊ JLTT 749.
‖ An expressive root with some vocalic irregularities.
-sùmu a k. of grass, flower: Tung. *sum-; Mong. *sim-; Jpn. *sùm-.
PTung. *sum- grass or berry names (названия трав или ягод): Evk.
sumuŋi ‘шикша (ягода-водяница’; Man. somina orxo ‘a grass name’.
◊ ТМС 2, 110, 126.
PMong. *sim- various grass names (1 копеечник альпийский 2
гречиха, змееголовник чужестранный): WMong. simarsu 1, simeldeg 2
(L 709: dracocephalum fruticulosum, dracocephalum peregrinum); Kh.
šamars 1, šimeldeg 2; Bur. šamarha(n); Kalm. šimndəG ‘weisse Nieswurz’,
šimgəG ‘Lamium album?’.
◊ KW 358.
PJpn. *sùm- 1 violet 2 Prunus sallicina Lindley (a k. of plum) (1 фи-
алка 2 вид сливы): OJpn. sumjire 1, sum(w)om(w)o 2; MJpn. sùmíre 1,
sùmómo 2; Tok. sùmire 1, sùmomo, sumómo 2; Kyo. sùmírè 1, sùmòmó 2;
Kag. sumiré 1, sumomó 2.
◊ JLTT 534.
‖ The root must have denoted some blossoming berry or shrub.
-sna to hear, observe: Mong. *sonos-; Turk. *sn; Kor. *s(j)ən-.
PMong. *sonos- hear (слышать): MMong. sonos- (HY 32, SH), ṣonāṣ-
(IM), sunas- (MA); WMong. sonus-; Kh. sonso-; Bur. honor ‘с чутким
слухом’; Kalm. sonəs-; Ord. sonos-; Mog. sonusu-; ZM sonasā (7-4b); Dag.
sonso- (Тод. Даг. 163), sonse- (MD 211), sonsu-; Dong. sonosu-; Mongr.
sunosə- (SM 362).
1292 *sni - *sni
◊ KW 331, MGCD 606. Cf. also WMong. sonin, Kalm. sońn ‘interesting, peculiar’ (KW
331), MMong. (SH) sonin ‘new’, Dag. sonin ‘fresh, virgin, strange, new’ (MD 211) ( > Evk.
sonin etc., see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 187).
PTurk. *sn 1 observation, test 2 to test (1 наблюдение, опыт 2 ис-
пытывать): OTurk. sɨna- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. sɨna- 2 (MK); Tur. sɨna- 2;
Az. sɨna- 2; Turkm. sn 1, sna- 2; Khal. sīnä- 2; MTurk. sin 1 (R.), sɨna- 2
(Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. sin 1, sina- 2; Uygh. sini- 2; Krm. sɨnčɨ ‘explorer’;
Tat. sɨna- 2, sɨnšɨ ‘explorer’; Bashk. hɨn 1, hɨna- 2; Kirgh. sɨn 1, sɨna- 2;
Kaz. sɨn 1, sɨna- 2; KBalk. sɨna- 2; KKalp. sɨn 1; Kum. sɨna- 2, sɨnčɨ
‘prophet’; Nogh. sɨna- 2; Khak. sɨna- 2; Oyr. sɨna- 2.
◊ EDT 835, VEWT 417, ЭСТЯ 7 (the root should be distinguished from *sɨjn ‘body,
idol’ q. v. sub *sùnu, although they tend to contaminate). Turk. > Mong. sina-, see Щер-
бак 1997, 145.
PKor. *sjən- to be interesting, startling; boring (быть интересным,
поразительным; скучным): Mod. səngəpta (orth. sjən-).
◊ KED 943.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Mong. isogloss; the Kor. form is late attested and
somewhat insecure. Cf. perhaps also Manchu suŋǵen ‘clever, smart’ ( <
*’perceiving’?).
-sni fade, extinguish: Tung. *sī- ( ~ -ǖ-); Mong. *sönü-; Turk. *sȫn-; Jpn.
*sín-.
PTung. *sī- ( ~ -ǖ-) extinguish (гасить, гаснуть): Evk. sī-; Evn. hī-w-;
Neg. sī-w-; Orch. sī-wi-; Sol. ī-gū-.
◊ ТМС 2, 73.
PMong. *sönü- fade, extinguish, be ended (пропадать, гаснуть,
кончаться): MMong. sunə- (MA), süno’e- (tr.) (SH); WMong. sönü- (L
732); Kh. sönö-; Bur. hüne-; Kalm. sön-; Mongr. sunō- (SM 361), (MGCD
sunē-).
◊ KW 333, MGCD 609.
PTurk. *sȫn- to fade, disappear (пропадать, гаснуть): OTurk. sön-
(OUygh.); Karakh. sön- (MK); Tur. sön-; Az. sön-; Turkm. sȫn-; MTurk.
sön- (IM, Abush.); Krm. sön-; Tat. sün-; Bashk. hün-; Kaz. sön-; KKalp.
sön-; Kum. sön-; Nogh. sön-; Chuv. sün-.
◊ EDT 834, VEWT 430, ЭСТЯ 7. The Chag. and Old Osm. form söjün- id. is not quite
clear ( and may suggest PT *sȫjn-). Turk. > Hung. szűn-ik- ‘to weaken’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *sín- die (умирать): OJpn. sin-; MJpn. sín-; Tok. shìn-; Kyo.
shín-; Kag. shín-.
◊ JLTT 752.
‖ EAS 71, KW 333, Poppe 30, 70, Ozawa 231-232, АПиПЯЯ 72, 274.
Mong. is hardly < Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 147.
 *súnŋi - *sùnu 1293

-súnŋi a k. of knife or lance: Tung. *siŋńa-; Mong. *sumun; Turk.

*süŋgü; Kor. *sòní.
PTung. *siŋńa- big knife (on a shaft) (большой нож (на древке)):
Neg. siŋńa-pun; Ul. sịnasụ; Ork. sịnasụ; Nan. sịŋa-so; Orch. sina-ku.
◊ ТМС 2, 91.
PMong. *sumun arrow (стрела): MMong. sumun (HY 19), sumu(n)
(SH), sūmūn (Lig.VMI), səmū (IM), sumun (MA); WMong. sumu(n) (L
737); Kh. sum(an); Bur. homo(n); Kalm. sumn; Ord. sumu(n); Dag. som
(Тод. Даг. 163), some (MD 211), somo; Dong. sumu; Bao. səmoŋ; S.-Yugh.
səmən; Mongr. sumu (SM 359).
◊ KW 337, MGCD 612.
PTurk. *süŋgü lance, spear (копье, пика): OTurk. süŋüg (Orkh.),
süŋü (OUygh.); Karakh. süŋü (MK); Tur. süŋgü; Gag. süŋgü; Az. süŋgü;
Turkm. süŋgi; MTurk. süŋgü (IM, Pav. C.); Krm. süŋgü; Tat. sŋgĭ;
Bashk. hŋg; Kaz. süŋgĭ; KBalk. süŋü; Kum. süŋü; Nogh. süŋgĭ; Chuv.
sъₙnъₙ; Yak. üŋǖ.
◊ EDT 834-835, VEWT 437, TMN 3, 279, Лексика 569, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *sòní bow (лук): MKor. sòní; Mod. swenwe.
◊ Nam 307, KED 995.
‖ Possibly connected etymologically with *súŋe ‘fight’.
-súnŋu ( ~ z-) island, shallow place: Tung. *suŋnī-; Mong. *sinaɣa-; Jpn.
*súná.
PTung. *suŋnī- tussock (in a swamp) (кочка (в болоте)): Evk.
suŋnīkēɣ, sumnīkēɣ; Neg. semkeɣ; Ul. suŋpu(n); Ork. suŋči; Nan. suŋpũ,
sumkũ, suŋku(n); Orch. sompo.
◊ ТМС 2, 128. -m- in some forms is probably due to assimilation.
PMong. *sinaɣa- 1 island 2 bend of a river; ridge, mountain ridge (1
остров 2 излучина реки; горный хребет): MMong. sina’a (SH) 1;
WMong. sinaɣa (L 710) 2; Kh. šanā 2; Ord. šinā ‘a salient part of the
chain of mountains’.
PJpn. *súná sand (песок): MJpn. suna-gwo; Tok. sùna; Kyo. súná;
Kag. súna.
◊ JLTT 534.
‖ The meaning ‘shallow place’ explains the semantic developments
( > ‘island’, ‘sand’; ‘tussock in a swamp’).
-sùnu form, shape: Mong. *süne-sü; Turk. *sɨ(j)n; Jpn. *sùn-kata.
PMong. *süne-sü soul (душа): MMong. sunäsu ‘breast’ (MA);
WMong. süne-sü(n) (L 744); Kh. süns; Bur. hünehe(n); Kalm. sümsn,
sünsn; Ord. sünesü, sünes; Dag. sumse (Тод. Даг. 164), sumese (MD 213),
sumsu; S.-Yugh. sunesən; Mongr. sunēʒə (SM 361), (MGCD sunēsə).
◊ KW 340, MGCD 617. Mong. > Evk. sunesun, see Poppe 1966, 197, Doerfer MT 128.
1294 *sùŋe - *súŋe
PTurk. *sɨ(j)n 1 body, stature 2 monument, tomb 3 the exterior 4
idol 5 foreign person (1 тело, стан 2 памятник, могила 3 внешность 4
идол 5 чужеземец): OTurk. sɨn 1,2 (OUygh.); Karakh. sɨn 1,2 (MK), 5
(KB); Tur. sin 2, 3; MTurk. sin 2 (R.); Uzb. sin 1; Tat. sɨn 4; Bashk. hɨn 2,
4; Kirgh. sɨn 1; Kaz. sɨn, sɨjaq 1; KBalk. sɨn 2; KKalp. sɨn 1, 2; Kum. sɨn 2;
Nogh. sɨn 1; Khak. sɨn 1; Shr. sɨn 1; Oyr. sɨn 1; Tv. sɨn 1.
◊ EDT 832, VEWT 418, 422, ЭСТЯ 7 (with a great deal of confusion - but probably a
single root), Лексика 266.
PJpn. *sùn-kata form, shape (форма, вид): OJpn. sugata; MJpn.
sùgàtá; Tok. súgata; Kyo. súgàtà; Kag. sugatá.
◊ JLTT 532. A compound with *kátà ‘form, shape’.
‖ Originally probably a shamanistic term (’soul’, ‘shape’).
-sùŋe hoar-frost: Tung. *süŋü-; Mong. *söŋ; Turk. *seŋ; Jpn. *sùnsù-;
Kor. *sŋ- / *sn- / *sán-.
PTung. *süŋü- 1 frost, hoar-frost, snow grains 2 cold (1 иней, кру-
пинки снега 2 холод): Evk. siŋi-kse 1; Evn. hīŋъ-lgъn 1; Man. su(ŋ)- ‘to
be covered by frost’; Jurch. siuŋ-hun (91) 2; Nan. suŋgu 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 90-91.
PMong. *söŋ frazil, small floating pieces of ice (шуга): WMong. söŋ
(L 731); Kh. sön; Bur. hüŋ; Kalm. söŋ; Ord. söŋ.
◊ KW 333.
PTurk. *seŋ frazil (шуга, ледяное сало): Turkm. seŋ (dial.); MTurk.
seŋ (B); Uzb. säŋ (dial.); Kaz. seŋ; KKalp. seŋ; Nogh. seŋ; Chuv. san.
◊ VEWT 410 (without Chuv.; the Kypch. forms may be borrowed from Mong.),
ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sùnsù- cool (прохладный): OJpn. suzu-si; MJpn. sùzù-si; Tok.
suzushí-; Kyo. súzúshì-; Kag. suzushí-.
◊ JLTT 841.
PKor. *sŋ- / *sn- to be chilly (быть холодным, прохладным):
MKor. snằr-hă-, sánăr-hă-; Mod. siŋgəŋ siŋgəŋ ha-, sənɨr-ha-, sanɨr-ha-.
◊ Nam 282, 299, KED 869, 935, 1065.
‖ KW 333, SKE 234, АПиПЯЯ 81. The vowel in Turkic is unclear.
Cf. also Old Koguryo *ṣäñäli ‘zephyr’ (see Miller 1979, 7). The Kor. and
Jpn. form reflect a derived form *sùŋ(e)ĺV.
-súŋe fight, wrestling: Tung. *süŋkē-; Turk. *söŋü-ĺ / *süŋü-ĺ; Jpn.
*súmápú.
PTung. *süŋkē- 1 luck (in hunting) 2 hunter’s talisman 3 hunters’
protecting spirit (1 удача (на охоте) 2 охотничий талисман 3 дух-по-
кровитель охотника): Evk. siŋkēn 1; Neg. siŋkēn 2,3; Ul. suŋke(n), su(n)
~ sē(n) 2; Ork. sukke(n) 2; Nan. sū ~ sũ 2; Orch. siŋke(n) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 91.
 *s[ú]ŋu - *sùŋu 1295

PTurk. *söŋü-ĺ / *süŋü-ĺ battle (битва): OTurk. söŋüš / süŋüš (Orkh.,

OUygh.); Karakh. söŋüš (MK).
◊ EDT 842, VEWT 437 (hardly derivable from *süŋü ‘spear’).
PJpn. *súmápú wrestling (борьба): MJpn. súmáfú; Tok. sùmō; Kyo.
súmṓ; Kag. sumṓ.
◊ JLTT 534. In MJ attested also as a verb sumaf- ‘to wrestle’.
‖ An element of common Altaic hunting or warrior terminology.
-s[ú]ŋu to sink: Tung. *suŋta; Mong. *siŋge-; Turk. *siŋ-; Jpn. *síntúm-.
PTung. *suŋta deep (глубокий): Evk. suŋta; Evn. hntъ; Neg. soŋta;
Ul. sụŋta; Ork. sụqta; Nan. soŋta; Orch. suŋta; Ud. suŋta; Sol. snta.
◊ ТМС 2, 128.
PMong. *siŋge- to soak, dissolve (впитываться, растворяться):
WMong. siŋge- (L 711); Kh. šinge-; Bur. šenge-; Kalm. šiŋgə-; Ord. šiŋge-;
Dag. šingē- (Тод. Даг. 184: šiŋge-, šiŋgē-); Bao. šəŋgə-; S.-Yugh. šeŋgē-;
Mongr. šəŋgē- (SM 377), śingē-.
◊ KW 359, MGCD 718. Mong. > Man. siŋge- (Doerfer MT 136, Rozycki 183).
PTurk. *siŋ- to sink, submerge (уходить в землю, погружаться):
OTurk. siŋ- (OUygh.); Karakh. siŋ- (MK); Tur. sin-; Gag. sin-; Az. sin-;
Turkm. siŋ-; Sal. siŋ-; MTurk. siŋ- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. siŋ-; Uygh. siŋ-;
Krm. sin-; Tat. sĭŋ-; Bashk. hĭŋ-; Kirgh. siŋ-; Kaz. siŋ-; KBalk. siŋ-; KKalp.
siŋ-; Kum. siŋ-; Nogh. siŋ-; SUygh. sɨŋ-; Khak. sɨŋ- ‘to fit into’; Shr. sɨŋ-
‘to fit into’; Tv. siŋ-; sɨŋ- ‘to fit into’; Chuv. šъnъś-; Yak. iŋ-.
◊ EDT 833-834, Мудрак Дисс. 43, ЭСТЯ 7. The Khak., Shor and Tuva forms may
have been influenced by *sɨg- ‘to fit into’ (v. sub *sgú).
PJpn. *síntúm- to sink (погружаться): OJpn. sidum-; MJpn. sídúm-;
Tok. shìzum-; Kyo. shízúm-; Kag. shìzùm-.
◊ JLTT 754.
‖ KW 359, Владимирцов 173, Poppe 31, 72, 116 (Turk.-Mong.),
Мудрак Дисс. 43. Mong. siŋge- may be borrowed from Turk. (see Щер-
бак 1997, 144), but cf. also WMong. suŋɣu-, šuŋɣa-, Kalm. suŋgə-, šuŋgə-
‘to dive’, Dag. šungu- (KW 337, 368, MGCD 726; Mong. > Kirgh. süŋgü-
etc., see ЭСТЯ 7) < *siŋV-kV. The Jpn. form fits here rather well (*síntú-
= TM *suŋ-ta), but we would rather expect *-u-.
-sùŋu to whine, weep: Tung. *soŋa-; Turk. *siŋ- (~ -ɨ-); Jpn. *sùná-.
PTung. *soŋa- to weep (плакать): Evk. soŋo-; Evn. hoŋ-; Neg. soŋo-;
Man. soŋGo-; SMan. soŋə- (190); Ul. soŋGo-; Ork. soŋo-, soŋGo-; Nan.
soŋGo-; Orch. soŋo-; Ud. soŋo-; Sol. soŋo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 111-112.
PTurk. *siŋ- (~ -ɨ-) 1 whining or buzzing noise 2 to whine, moan (1
скулеж, визг 2 визжать, хныкать, стонать): Karakh. siŋ 1, siŋile- 2; Tur.
sinle-, dial. senele- 2; Bashk. hɨŋ-qɨlda- ‘to sob’; Kaz. sɨŋɣɨr 1, sɨŋ-qɨlda- 2;
1296 *sŋV(-kV) - *sra
Khak. sɨŋ 1, sla- 2; Tv. sla- 2; Chuv. šъngъr 1, šъngъrdat- 2; Yak. iŋersij-
‘to neigh, coo’ (Пек.).
◊ EDT 832, 840.
PJpn. *sùná- to pout, frown (дуться, хмуриться): Tok. suné-; Kyo.
sùnè-; Kag. sùnè-.
◊ JLTT 759.
‖ An onomatopoeic root, but with quite good correspondences. Cf.
also notes to *sńi.
-sŋV(-kV) a k. of flying insect: Tung. *süŋke; Mong. *simaɣul; Turk.
*siŋek; Jpn. *sáimì ( ~ -ia-).
PTung. *süŋke beetle (жук): Nan. suŋkẽ; Ud. siŋke.
◊ ТМС 2, 91.
PMong. *simaɣul 1 mosquito 2 insect (1 комар 2 насекомое):
MMong. šimu’ul (HY 12), šimul ‘fly’ (MA); WMong. simaɣul, simuɣul 1, 2
(L 710); Kh. šumūl 1; Bur. šumūl 2; Kalm. šomūl, šumūsn; Ord. šimūli;
Dag. šomōl (Тод. Даг. 184) šomōle (MD. 217) 1.
◊ KW 364.
PTurk. *siŋek 1 mosquito 2 fly (1 комар 2 муха): Karakh. siŋek 1,2
(MK); Tur. sinek 2; Gag. sinek 2; Az. sinäk 1; Turkm. siŋek 2; MTurk.
siŋak, siŋgek 2 (Pav. C.); Krm. sinek 2; SUygh. sɨŋgek ‘gad-fly’; Khak. sik,
sēk 2; Oyr. sēk 1; Tv. sēk 2; Chuv. šъna 2.
◊ EDT 838, VEWT 422-423, Лексика 185, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. also Yak., Dolg. ɨŋɨrɨa ‘bee,
wasp’ (Stachowski 261). Turk. > Hung. szunyog ‘mosquito’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *sáimì ( ~ -ia-) cicada (цикада): OJpn. semji; MJpn. sémì; Tok.
sèmi; Kyo. sémì; Kag. sémi.
◊ JLTT 521. The tone in Tokyo is irregular (pointing to *sáimí).
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 42-43, Лексика 186. An insect name, with taboois-
tic irregular vocalic changes.
-sra arrow; fight, battle, success in battle: Tung. *sori; Mong. *sur;
Turk. *sr-; Jpn. *satu-i; Kor. *sàră-.
PTung. *sori 1 fight, battle 2 victim 3 to shoot arrows into each other
(1 драка, битва 2 жертва 3 стрелять друг в друга из лука): Man. sori-
3, sori 2; Jurch. sori (455) 1; Ul. sorị 1; Ork. sorị(n) ; Nan. sorị 1; Orch. sōri.
◊ ТМС 2, 113.
PMong. *sur competition in bow-shooting (соревнование в стрель-
бе): WMong. surčin (L 738: sur ‘archer’s target’, 739: surčin ‘archer’);
Bur. hurša ‘arrow’; Kalm. sur.
◊ KW 338. Mong. sur ‘archer’s target’ is being confused with sur(an) ‘leather belt,
strap’ (borrowed from Turkic, see under *sóga) and sometimes glossed as ‘archer’s tar-
get made of leather straps’ - most probably a result of folk etymology.
 *suru - *sŕe 1297

PTurk. *sr- 1 arrow, tip of an arrow 2 sabre 3 fight (1 стрела, нако-

нечник стрелы 2 сабля 3 битва): Turkm. srma 2; Khak. sɨr 1; Chuv.
šъrъm 3; Yak. ɨrba 1.
◊ VEWT 418 (Khak.)
PJpn. *satu-i success in hunting (удача на охоте): OJpn. sati; MJpn.
sati; Tok. sáchi; Kyo. sáchì; Kag. sáchi.
◊ JLTT 519. Accent is not quite clear: Kyoto and Kagoshima point to *sátùi, but Tokyo
is aberrant. For *-u- cf. OJ satu-ja ‘hunting arrow’.
PKor. *sàră- to capture (брать в плен): MKor. sàră-čàp- (“to take
captive”); Mod. saro-čap-.
◊ Nam 283, KED 872.
‖ The Korean reflex is somewhat dubious, being traditionally de-
rived < *sār- ‘to live’ (sară-čap- = ‘to take alive’). This, however, may be a
secondary folk etymology, the original meaning of the compound be-
ing ‘to take booty’.
-suru ( ~ z-, -ŕ-) ant, insect eggs: Tung. *sura; Mong. *sirgolǯi; Kor. *sɨr-.
PTung. *sura (sora) 1 flea 2 to lay eggs in deer’s nose 3 insect laying
eggs in deer’s nose 4 bumble-bee 5 eggs of flies, insects 6 pollen (1 бло-
ха 2 откладывать яйца в носовой полости оленя 3 насекомое, откла-
дывающее яйца в носовой полости оленя 4 шмель 5 мушиный по-
мет, яйца насекомых 6 пыльца): Evk. soro- 2, soroŋki / sereŋki 3, sorop-
tun / sereptin 4; Neg. sōja 1; Man. suran 1, soroḱa 4, sere 5; SMan. suran 1
(2254); Ul. sụra 1, sora 6; Ork. sụra 1; Nan. sora 1, 6; Orch. sūa 1; Ud. sua 1
(Корм. 288); Sol. sora 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 112, 113. Man. soroḱa > Dag. soroḱē (Тод. Даг. 164); TM > Dag. sura ‘flea’
(ibid.).
PMong. *sirgolǯi ant (муравей): MMong. široxalǯin (HY 12);
WMong. širɣolǯi, (L 717) sirɣulǯi(n); Kh. šorgōlǯ; Bur. šorgōlzo(n), šor-
gōlžo(n); Kalm. šorɣəlǯn; Ord. šurGulǯi, šurGūlǯi, šorGolǯi; Dag. suaigālǯi
(Тод. Даг. 164), suajhaleǯi (MD 212); Mongr. śorGoin (SM 397).
◊ KW 365. Mong. > Evk. čêrgolǯi (see Poppe 1972, 101).
PKor. *sɨr- to lay eggs (of insects, fish) (класть яйца (о насекомых
или рыбах)): MKor. sɨr-; Mod. sɨl-.
◊ Liu 487, KED 1027. Cf. also mod. swi ‘eggs of fly’ (with a consonant alternation
similar to the one in the reflexes of PA *mro q. v.).
‖ Cf. *sằjrí.
-sŕe sound: Tung. *sür-; Mong. *sür- / *sur-; Turk. *söŕ; Kor. *sòrắi.
PTung. *sür- 1 to creak, screak 2 to shout, cry (1 трещать (от моро-
за) 2 кричать, орать): Evk. sirgi- 1; Man. sure- 2; SMan. surə-, suru- 2
(192).
◊ ТМС 2, 95, 131.
1298 *sŕi - *sŕi
PMong. *sür- / *sur- 1 to cry out 2 to sound, make noise (of wind) (1
выкрикивать 2 звучать, шуметь (о ветре)): WMong. süre- 2, sura- 1,
sürkire- 2 (L 745); Kh. sür, sürxre- 2; Kalm. sur- 1, sür 2.
◊ KW 338, 340. The root should be distinguished from WMong. sür ‘majesty, mili-
tancy’ (despite Doerfer TMN 1, 344, who posits a quite improbable semantic develop-
ment: “imponierendes Aussehen” > “jemandem durch Schreien imponieren”).
PTurk. *söŕ word, speech (слово, речь): OTurk. söz (OUygh.);
Karakh. söz (MK); Tur. söz; Gag. söz; Az. söz; Turkm. söz; Sal. söz; Khal.
sez, söz; MTurk. söz (AH, IM, Ettuhf.); Uzb. söz; Uygh. söz; Krm. söz; Tat.
süz; Bashk. hüδ; Kirgh. söz; Kaz. söz; KBalk. söz; KKalp. söz; Kum. söz;
Nogh. söz; SUygh. söz; Khak. sös; Shr. sös; Oyr. sös; Tv. sös; Yak. ös;
Dolg. ös.
◊ EDT 860, VEWT 430, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 200-201. One should also mention PT
*sör-ček ‘tale, story, fairy tale’ (see ЭСТЯ 7).
PKor. *sòrắi voice, sound (голос, звук): MKor. sòrắi; Mod. sori.
◊ Nam 307, KED 972.
‖ KW 338, Lee 1958, 119. Despite Doerfer ’s criticism in TMN 3, 296
the comparison seems reliable.
-sŕi to flow, drip: Tung. *sir-; Mong. *sür-; Turk. *süŕ-.
PTung. *sir- 1 spring, well 2 to strain, press out 3 to milk (1 родник,
ключ 2 выжимать 3 доить): Evk. sir- 2, 3; Evn. hịr- 3; Neg. sij- 3; Man.
šeri 1, siri- 2; SMan. šeri, seri 1 (2085); Ul. sịrị- 2, 3; Ork. sịrị- 2, 3; Nan.
sire (Bik.) 1, sịrị- 2; Orch. sī- 3; Ud. sie ‘bay with spring water’; sī- 2, 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 93, 101.
PMong. *sür- to rain in small drops, sprinkle (моросить, брызгать):
WMong. sürči- (L 744); Kh. šürši-, sürši-, sürči-; Kalm. sürči-; Dag. ? surē
‘pour (water)’ (MD 213).
◊ KW 341.
PTurk. *süŕ- 1 to strain, filter 2 to swim, float 3 to walk in water (1
цедить, фильтровать 2 плавать 3 ходить в воде): OTurk. süz- 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. süz- 1 (MK); Tur. süz- 1, süzül- 2; Gag. süz- 1; Az. süz-
1, 2; Turkm. süz- 1; Khal. sīz- 1; MTurk. süz- 1 (AH, Pav. C.), 2 (Pav. C.);
Uzb. suz- 2; Uygh. süz- 1; Krm. süz- 1; Tat. söz- 1, (dial.) 2; Bashk. hδ- 1;
Kirgh. süz- 1, 2; Kaz. süz- 1; KBalk. süz- 1; Kum. süz- 1; Nogh. süz- 1; Tv.
süs- 3; Chuv. sər- 1, “to catch fish by a drag-net”.
◊ EDT 861, ЭСТЯ 4, 261; 7; VEWT 420 (the root should be distinguished from *sɨŕ- ‘to
ooze’, q.v. sub *šŭŕu), Лексика 411, Ашм. XI, 311-312, 314, Федотов 2, 44-45. The mean-
ings ‘to strain, filter’ and ‘to swim, float’ go back to a common meaning ‘*to flow’ (addi-
tionally the semantic development > ‘swim’ could have been influenced by *jüŕ- ‘to
swim’ q.v. sub *núŕe). Bulg. > Hung. szűr- ‘to ooze’, see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3,
812-813.
 *suŕo - *sútu 1299

‖ A Western isogloss. The root may in fact be the same as *sòri (re-
flected in the Eastern area) q.v., but modified under the influence of a
synonymous *šŭŕu q.v.
-suŕo to drag; sleigh: Tung. *siru-; Turk. *soŕ-; Jpn. *srì ( ~ *-ui, -əi);
Kor. *sùr’úi.
PTung. *siru- to rotate, roll, glide (кружиться, катиться, соскаль-
зывать): Evk. sirun-; Evn. hirun-; Neg. siwun-; Man. šurde-; Ork. siso-lo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 96-97, 430. The meaning in Manchu (’roll, rotate’) is secondary < ‘move
quickly’. One is also tempted to relate here Manchu seǯen ‘carriage’ that can be treated as
an assimilation < *siǯen < *sir-gen; all other TM forms (Nan. seǯẽ, Ul. seǯen etc., see ТМС 2,
137) in that case should be considered borrowed < Manchu.
PTurk. *soŕ- to drag (тащить): Az. soz-; Turkm. soz-; Uygh. soz-; Tat.
sus-; Bashk. huδ-; Kirgh. soz-; Kaz. soz-; KBalk. soz-; Kum. soz-; Yak. sos-;
Dolg. hohun-.
◊ VEWT 429, Stachowski 107.
PJpn. *srì sleigh (сани): Tok. sóri; Kyo. sórì; Kag. sórì.
◊ JLTT 531. The Tokyo accent is irregular (sorí would be expected) and may be due to
borrowing.
PKor. *sùr’úi carriage, cart (повозка): MKor. sùr’úi; Mod. sure.
◊ Nam 315, KED 1001.
‖ Lee 1958, 118 (Kor.-TM).
-súsa a k. of bamboo: Tung. *susē-gde; Turk. *sɨs; Jpn. *sásá; Kor. *sàsắr.
PTung. *susē-gde a k. of plant (willow with yellow bark) (вид рас-
тения (тальник с желтым лубом)): Orch. susēgde.
◊ ТМС 2, 131. Attested only in Oroch, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *sɨs a k. of grass (мордовник): Oyr. sɨs qomurɣaj, qomuraj
(qomurɣaj ‘pipe’).
◊ Attested only in Oyrot, with possible external parallels.
PJpn. *sásá small bamboo (мелкий бамбук): OJpn. sasa; MJpn. sásá;
Tok. sàsa; Kyo. sásá; Kag. sása.
◊ JLTT 518.
PKor. *sàsắr bamboo chip, lot (бамбуковая щепка, ветка): MKor.
sàsắr; Mod. sat [sas].
◊ Nam 284, KED 906 (in modern Korean mixed with *sat ‘thin mat’, on which see
under *zakt῾i).
‖ The root is very sparsely attested and thus not quite reliable.
-sútu ( ~ *z-) to throw out, push out: Tung. *sut-; Mong. *side-; Jpn.
*súta-; Kor. *sòt-.
PTung. *sut- 1 to scatter, throw about 2 to hit out, push out (1 раз-
брасывать, рассыпать 2 вышибать, выбивать): Evk. sutigā- 2; Man.
sota- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 114, 131.
1300 *st῾i - *suǯakV
PMong. *side- to throw, fling (бросать, кидать): WMong. side- (L
697); Kh. šide-; Bur. šede-.
PJpn. *súta- to throw out (выбрасывать): OJpn. suta-; MJpn. súta-;
Tok. sùte-; Kyo. súté-; Kag. suté-.
◊ JLTT 760.
PKor. *sòt- to throw out, pour out, empty (выбрасывать, выливать,
опустошать): MKor. sòt-; Mod. s:ot-.
◊ Nam 310, KED 990.
‖ Lee 1958, 117 (Kor.-TM).
-st῾i (~ -t-) milk, a k. of liquid: Tung. *site-; Mong. *ü-sü-n; Turk. *sǖt;
Kor. *st-.
PTung. *site- 1 to soak (intr.) 2 slightly trickling (of woman’s milk)
(1 промокать 2 скудно, мало (о молоке кормящей женщины)): Neg.
site- 1; Nan. sitã (On.) 2; Ul. site- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 100.
PMong. *ü-sü-n milk (молоко): MMong. sün (SH), sūn (IM), su
(MA), sūn (Lig.VMI); WMong. sü(n) (L 744), üsün; Kh. sǖ(n); Bur. hün,
dial. ühe(n); Kalm. sün, üsn; Ord. üsü(n); Mog. sün; ZM sun (15-5a); Dag.
sū (Тод. Даг. 164, MD 213); S.-Yugh. sun; Mongr. sun (SM 360).
◊ KW 340, 460, MGCD 614. Mong. > Manchu sun (see Rozycki 190).
PTurk. *sǖt milk (молоко): OTurk. süt (OUygh.); Karakh. süt (MK);
Tur. süt; Gag. süt; Az. süd; Turkm. sǖt; Sal. süt; Khal. sīt; MTurk. süt
(AH, Abush.), süd (Pav. C.); Uzb. sut; Uygh. süt; Krm. süt; Tat. st;
Bashk. ht; Kirgh. süt; Kaz. süt; KBalk. süt; KKalp. süt; Kum. süt; Nogh.
süt; SUygh. süt, söt; Khak. süt; Shr. süt; Oyr. süt; Tv. süt; Chuv. səₙt; Yak.
ǖt.
◊ EDT 798, VEWT 438, Лексика 448-449, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *st-m 1 sweat 2 water after washing rice (1 пот 2 вода после
промывки риса): MKor. st-m 1, st-mr 2; Mod. t:am 1, t:ɨmul 2.
◊ HMCH 209, Liu 249, KED 409, 526.
‖ Лексика 449. Mong. cannot be a Turkic loanword, despite Щер-
бак 1997, 150. The form must be traced to *süt-sün > *sü-sün (with a
regular dissimilative development > *üsün). Kor. has a frequent loss of
vowel between a fricative and a stop. The original meaning must have
been ‘liquid’ or ‘milk-like liquid’ (with drops or bubbles on the surface)
- whence, on the one hand, “sweat” and “soak”, on the other - “milk”
(in the Turk.-Mong. area).
-suǯakV a k. of small animal: Tung. *suǯakī; Mong. *čičaguli; Turk.
*sɨčgan.
PTung. *suǯakī cat (кошка): Evk. suǯakī (Urm.).
◊ ТМС 2, 120.
 *sōdV - *sógà 1301

PMong. *čičaguli mole; gopher, prairie squirrel (крот; суслик):

WMong. čičaɣulin (L 175); Ord. šara ǯičūli ‘espèce de rat des champs’.
◊ It is interesting to note Krm. (K.) sɨčavul ‘rat’ - a mongolism?
PTurk. *sɨčgan rat, mouse (крыса, мышь): OTurk. sɨčɣan (OUygh.);
Karakh. sɨčɣan (MK); Tur. sɨčan; Gag. sɨčan; Az. sɨčan; Turkm. sɨčan;
Khal. sɨčɣān; MTurk. sɨčan (Pav. C.), sɨčɣan (AH, IM); Uzb. sĭčqɔn; Uygh.
sačqan, čačqan; Krm. sɨčan; Tat. sɨčqan, tɨčqan; Bashk. sɨsqan; Kirgh. čɨčqan;
Kaz. tɨšqan; KBalk. cɨcxan; KKalp. tɨšqan; Kum. čɨčqan; Nogh. šɨšqan;
SUygh. šɨɣan; Khak. sɨsxan; Shr. šɨšqan; Oyr. čɨčqan; Chuv. šъži, šъ(r)ži;
Yak. čɨs.
◊ EDT 796, VEWT 414, Лексика 167, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Hung. cickány ‘field mouse’, see
Gombocz 1912.
‖ EAS 96, TMN 3, 308; Лексика 168. A Western isogloss. The root
seems plausible, but has some phonetic irregularities. Instead of Evk.
suǯakī one could perhaps compare Tung. *šolčikī ‘ferret’ (ТМС 2, 405).
Shor čolasčaɣa, Khak. čolǯanaχ ‘ласка, хорек’ (VEWT 115) is probably <
TM.
-sōdV ( ~ z-, -ū-) to scoop: Tung. *sōda; Kor. *st-.
PTung. *sōda 1 scoop-net 2 to scoop (1 сачок 2 черпать): Man. šodo-
2, šodoqu 1; Nan. sōdō 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 104.
PKor. *st- to scoop, ladle (черпать): MKor. st-; Mod. t:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 173, KED 523.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Korean has a frequent vowel reduction be-
tween a fricative and a stop, which explains the -t-reflex.
-sógà ( ~ -u-) drunken, alcoholic drink: Mong. *sogta-; Turk. *sUg-; Jpn.
*sáká-i; Kor. *sù’r.
PMong. *sogta- to get drunk (пьянеть, напиваться): MMong. soxta-
(HY 35, SH), ṣoxta- (IM), suqta- (MA); WMong. soɣta-, soɣtu- (L 723); Kh.
sogto-; Bur. hogto-; Kalm. soktə-; Ord. soGtū; Dag. sorto- (Тод. Даг. 164),
sogetō, soretō ‘a drunk’ (MD 211) soretu-; Dong. sodo-, sudo-; Bao. soxte-;
S.-Yugh. soGtō-, soGdō-; Mongr. soGdō- (SM 351), sdō-.
◊ KW 329-330, MGCD 603.
PTurk. *sUg- 1 to procure cheese 2 dried cheese (1 готовить сыр 2
сушеный сыр): Karakh. suɣ- 1, suɣut 2 (MK).
◊ EDT 805-806. For suɣut cf. Hung. sajt (rather than to Chuv. čъgъt - despite Gom-
bocz 1912, Федотов 2, 400 et al.).
PJpn. *sáká-i sake, alcoholic drink (сакэ): OJpn. sake; MJpn. sáké;
Tok. sàke; Kyo. sáké.
◊ JLTT 517. Modern sakana ‘fish’ is a late word, going back to MJ saka-na ‘food (orig.
‘vegetables’) taken together with sake’; it is not attested in OJ.
1302 *soge - *sogì
PKor. *sù’r wine, alcoholic drink (вино, алкогольный напиток):
MKor. sù’r, sù’ùr; Mod. sul.
◊ Nam 314, KED 1018.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 275. The Jpn.-Kor. comparison see in Martin 235 (with a
somewhat fantastic reconstruction). Actually Korean drops -g- quite
regularly, while -r is an obvious suffix; the vowel -u-, however, is a
problem (*-a- would be expected), and should be probably explained as
a result of contraction (thus *sù’r < *sagV-bVr or the like). Existing TM
forms (see ТМС 2,106) are clearly borrowed from Mongolian, see Doer-
fer MT 39, Rozycki 186. Cf. also Karakh. suɣdɨč ‘winter parties, ar-
ranged by turns’.
-soge to breathe, breath: Tung. *sug-; Mong. *süji-; Turk. *soglɨ-; Kor.
*sūi-.
PTung. *sug- 1 breath 2 vapour 3 soul 4 sacrifice 5 hurricane, wind 6
to breathe (1 дыхание 2 пар 3 дух, душа 4 жертвоприношение 5
вихрь, ураган 6 дышать): Evk. suɣī 5, suɣina- 6; Evn. hụjị 5; Neg. sugde
4, soɣ 5; Man. suqdun 1,2,3, su 5; SMan. suvədun, suvudun ‘air, vapor,
steam’ (351); Ul. sugdu- ‘to place a sacrifice before an idol’, sị 5; Ork.
sugditči- ‘to place food in front of a deceased’, sị 5; Nan. sugdu(n) 2, sōị
5; Orch. sūi 5; Ud. sogdo 2; Sol. sōwī 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 118-119.
PMong. *süji- 1 to pant 2 to blow (1 тяжело дышать, задыхаться 2
дуть): WMong. süile- 1 (L 742); Kh. süjle- 1; Bur. hüje- 2; Kalm. sǖkn- 1,
sǖgə- 2 (КРС); Ord. süjle- 1.
PTurk. *soglɨ- to breathe heavily, pant (тяжело дышать, задыхать-
ся): Tur. solu-; Gag. solu-; MTurk. solu- (Pav. C., IM); Krm. solu-; Tat.
sula-; KBalk. solu- ‘to rest’; Kum. solu-; Nogh. solɨq-; Oyr. sōlu-; Chuv.
sɨvla-; Yak. uoluj- ‘to be very scared’.
◊ VEWT 426, ЭСТЯ 6.
PKor. *sūi- to breathe; to rest (дышать; отдыхать): MKor. sūi-; Mod.
swī-.
◊ Nam 316, KED 1022.
‖ ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. *sga.
-sogì a k. of meat dish: Tung. *sugulē-n; Mong. *suɣumaj; Turk. *sögül-;
Jpn. *suki-jaki.
PTung. *sugulē-n meat prepared for boiling (мясо, приготовлен-
ное для варки): Evk. suɣulēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 119. Attested only in Evk., but having interesting external parallels.
PMong. *suɣumaj a k. of meat dumplings (вид мясных пельме-
ней): WMong. suumai (МXTTT); Kh. sūmaj.
PTurk. *sögül- 1 to roast meat 2 roasted meat, meat for roasting (1
жарить (мясо) 2 жареное мясо, мясо для жарения): OTurk. sögül- 1
 *sogŋV - *sogú 1303

(OUygh.); Karakh. sögül- 1 (MK), sögüš 2 (MK Oghuz); Tur. (dial.)

sögür-, sövür- 1, söviš, sögüš 2; Turkm. sövüš 2; MTurk. sögül- 1 (AH),
sögüš 2; Yak. üöl- 1; Dolg. üöl- 1.
◊ EDT 821, 823, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 251.
PJpn. *suki-jaki a k. of meat dish (вид мясного блюда): MJpn.
sugi-jaki; Tok. sukiyaki.
◊ A compound with *jak- ‘burn’.
‖ Note the morphological match between Evk. suɣulēn and PT
*sögü-l- (or *sögü-ĺ-).
-sogŋV a k. of onion: Tung. *seŋKule ( < *soŋKule?); Mong. *soŋgina
(*soɣoŋgina); Turk. *sogan; Kor. *sòŋ’ì.
PTung. *seŋKule garlic (чеснок): Man. seŋgule, seŋkule, semkele;
SMan. seməkələ ‘scallion’ (318).
◊ ТМС 2, 143. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *soŋgina onion (лук): MMong. so’oŋgina (HY 8), sunqină
(MA); WMong. soŋgina (L 727); Kh. songin; Bur. hongino; Kalm. soŋginə;
Ord. soŋginoG; Dong. sunguna; Mongr. suŋGunoG.
◊ KW 331. Mong. > Man. soŋgina (see Rozycki 191).
PTurk. *sogan onion (лук): OTurk. soɣun (OUygh.); Karakh. soɣun
(MK); Tur. soɣan; Gag. suvan, suan; Az. soɣan; Turkm. soɣan; Sal. soɣan,
soɣän; Khal. soɣan; MTurk. soɣan (AH, IM, Pav. C.); Uygh. soɣan; Tat.
suɣan; Bashk. huɣan; Kirgh. soɣan, soɣon; KBalk. soxan; Kum. soɣan;
Nogh. soɣan; SUygh. soxan; Chuv. soɣan.
◊ EDT 812, VEWT 425, Лексика 141, 465, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 69-70. Forms like Oyr.
soɣono, sōno, Tuva soɣuna may be < Mong.
PKor. *sòŋ’ì 1 lotus seed 2 bud, bunch (1 семя лотоса 2 почка,
гроздь): MKor. sòŋ’ì 1; Mod. soŋi, soŋari 2.
◊ Nam 310, KED 994.
‖ KW 331, Дыбо 10. Despite Щербак 1997, 166, hardly a borrowing
in Mong. < Turk. Hypotheses about the Chinese origin of the word
(KW 331, Дмитриева 166-167) are hardly grounded: one has to sup-
pose Chin. > Mong., with a secondary addition of the Mong. plant suf-
fix -gina, with a subsequent borrowing Mong. > Turkic (which is hardly
plausible because of old attestation within Turkic); the Manchu parallel
also speaks against borrowing from Chinese. See also notes on *sugu
‘weed’ (there may have been some confusion of these two roots in
Kor.-Jpn. and in Turkic).
-sogú to search, choose: Tung. *sugele- (/ *segule-); Mong. *soŋgu-
(*soɣoŋgu-); Turk. *sogra- ?; Jpn. *sunkur-.
PTung. *sugele- (/ *segule-) to search, search through (искать, обы-
скивать): Man. suwele-, seole-; Ul. sewlu-; Nan. seule-.
◊ ТМС 2, 134.
1304 *sṓjk῾ì - *sṓjk῾ì
PMong. *soɣoŋgu- to choose (выбирать): MMong. so’aŋgu (HY 34),
soonkuul- (SH Козин); WMong. soŋgu- (L 726); Kh. soŋgo-; Bur. hunga-;
Kalm. suŋɣə- (КРС); Ord. suŋGu-; Dag. soŋgo- (Тод. Даг. 164); Dong.
sunɣu- (Тод. Дн.).
PTurk. *sogra- ? 1 to search (through) 2 to ask (1 обыскивать 2
спрашивать): Karakh. soɣrut- 1 (MK); MTurk. sora- 1, soraɣaq ‘search,
perquisition’ (Pav. C.); Chuv. šɨra- 2.
◊ EDT 816. Федотов 2, 466-467 derives the Chuv. form < *sōr(a)- ‘ask’ (v. sub *sṓra),
but the initial š- remains unclear in both cases. Because of this, and because of the Hapax
nature of the OT form the it is actually not quite clear whether the root *sogra- exists at
all. An argument in its favour is the semantic match between OT and Chagatai and the
resulting semantic distinction (*’search (through)’) from *sōr(a)- ‘ask’.
PJpn. *sunkur- to choose, select (выбирать, отбирать): MJpn.
súgúr-; Tok. sugúr-; Kyo. súgúr-; Kag. sùgùr-.
◊ JLTT 758. Accent not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to *sù(n)kùr-.
‖ Ozawa 233-234.
-sṓjk῾ì to curse: Tung. *sujKu-; Mong. *sögeɣe- / -k-; Turk. *sȫk-; Jpn.
*sikar-.
PTung. *sujKu- 1 to curse 2 to caper (1 ругать, бранить 2 озорни-
чать): Man. sujxu- 2 ( > Nan. sujxu-, sojxo- id.); Nan. soị-, (Kur.-Urm.)
soqola- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 104, 121.
PMong. *sögeɣe- / -k- to curse, rebuke (ругать, винить): MMong.
soko- (HY 35), suke- (MA), suge- (IM); WMong. sögege- (L 730); Kh. söxȫ-;
Bur. hüge-; Mog. suka- (Weiers); Mongr. sgō- ‘maudire, injurer, faire des
imprécations’ (SM 348).
◊ Cf. also WMong. šoɣ ‘joke’, Dag. (?) čok id. (Тод. Даг. 181).
PTurk. *sȫk- to curse, swear (ругать, бранить): OTurk. sök-
(OUygh.); Karakh. sög- (MK); Tur. söw-; Gag. sǖ-; Az. söj-; Turkm. sȫg-;
MTurk. sög- (AH, Pav. C.), sök- (Houts., Ettuhf.); Uzb. sọk-; Uygh. sök-;
Krm. sök-; Tat. sük-; Bashk. hük-; Kirgh. sök-; Kaz. sök-; KKalp. sök-;
Kum. sök-; Nogh. sök-; Khak. sök-; Shr. sök-; Oyr. sök-; Yak. üöx-; Dolg.
üök-.
◊ EDT 818-819, VEWT 429-430, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 251.
PJpn. *sikar- to curse (ругать): MJpn. sikar-; Tok. shìkar-, shikár-;
Kyo. shíkár-; Kag. shìkàr-.
◊ JLTT 750. Original accent unclear (both *síkár- and *sìkàr- are possible).
‖ KW 333, Poppe 109. Hardly borrowed in Mong. < Turk., despite
Щербак 1997, 147. Medial *-j-, preserved in Manchu, explains the
vowel -i- in Jpn. (otherwise *suk- would be expected).
 *soke - *sokV 1305

-soke to kneel, be inclined: Tung. *suku-; Mong. *sögüd-; Turk. *sök-.

PTung. *suku- to abut feet (in boat) (упираться ногами (при греб-
ле)): Ul. sučepu(n) (n.); Nan. sikupũ (n.); Orch. sukule-; Ud. suku- ‘to
kick’.
◊ ТМС 2, 123.
PMong. *sögüd- to kneel (стоять на коленях): MMong. sogat- (HY
35), sogot- (SH)-, suked- (MA); WMong. sögüd- (L 731); Kh. sögd-; Bur.
hügde-; Kalm. sögd-, sökt-; Ord. sögöd-; Dag. sugdu-; S.-Yugh. sögöd-;
Mongr. sogodi- (SM 352), (MGCD sugodə-).
◊ KW 333, MGCD 608. Cf. also sög ‘an order for a camel to kneel’.
PTurk. *sök- to kneel (преклонять колени, стоять на коленях):
OTurk. sök-, sökit- (OUygh.), sökür- (Orkh.); Karakh. sök- (MK, KB),
sökit- (MK); Tv. sögej-, sögürü-.
◊ EDT 819, 820, 822, VEWT 430. Turk. *sök-ür- > WMong. söküre-, Kalm. sökr- (KW
333).
‖ EAS 71, 148, KW 333, Poppe 30. A Western isogloss. The Mong.
forms may be < Turkic (cf. OT sökit-); but cf. also Mong. soɣsuji-, Kalm.
soksī- ( > Oyr. soqsoj- etc., VEWT 426) ‘to sit without motion’ (KW 329).
-soke ( ~ -u-, -k῾-) to split: Turk. *sök-; Jpn. *snk-.
PTurk. *sök- to split, tear apart (разделять, распарывать, разди-
рать): OTurk. sök- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. sök- (MK); Tur. sök-; Gag.
sök-; Az. sök-; Turkm. sök-; MTurk. sök- (AH, IM, Abush.); Uzb. sọk-;
Uygh. sök-; Krm. sök-; Kirgh. sök-; Kaz. sök-; KBalk. sök-; KKalp. sök-;
Kum. sök-; Nogh. sök-; Khak. sök-; Oyr. sök-; Tv. sö῾k-.
◊ EDT 819, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *snk- to chop, split off (отрубать, отщеплять): MJpn. sòg-;
Tok. sóg-; Kyo. sòg-.
◊ JLTT 755.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also Mong. segre- ‘to be torn to
pieces’ (although delabialization is unexplainable).
-sokV stuffed guts: Tung. *sokta; Mong. *sugu-; Turk. *sogut / *soktu.
PTung. *sokta 1 yukola (part from fish’s back) 2 fat, grease (1 юкола
(часть, отрезанная от позвоночника) 2 жир, сало): Neg. soktou 2;
Orch. soqto 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 106.
PMong. *sugu- 1 stuffed guts, stuffed stomach 2 fish bladder (1
фаршированные кишки, фаршированный желудок 2 рыбий пу-
зырь): WMong. suɣuči, subuǯi (L 734) 1; Kh. suvǯ 1; Bur. hugabša 1;
Kalm. soɣəǯi 1, soɣāl 2.
◊ KW 329. Variants suɣuči / subuǯi point to *sugu-bči (preserved in Bur. hugabša).
1306 *sṑk῾e - **sk῾o
PTurk. *sogut / *soktu stuffed guts, sausage (набитые внутренно-
сти, колбаса): Karakh. soɣut, soqtu (MK); Kirgh. soqto; Kaz. soqta; Tv.
sūk-xan.
◊ EDT 806.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-sṑk῾e to be harmed, deceived: Tung. *sōk-; Mong. *sögüɣe; Turk.
*sökel; Kor. *sòk-.
PTung. *sōk- 1 to err, be mistaken 2 to caper, rough-house (1 оши-
баться 2 озорничать, буянить): Evk. sōkto- 1; Evn. hōta- 1; Ork. soqodo-
2; Nan. sōdo- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 105, 106.
PMong. *sögüɣe lack of powers, disability (беспомощность):
WMong. sögüge (МXTTT); Kh. sögȫ.
PTurk. *sökel ill (больной): Karakh. sökel (MK); Tur. sökel; Az. sökäl
(dial.); MTurk. sökäl (AH), sökül (Pav. C.).
◊ EDT 820, ЭСТЯ 7. The deriving stem is probably preserved in Turkm. sök- ‘to
weaken’.
PKor. *sòk- 1 to err, be deceived 2 to deceive (1 ошибаться, обма-
нываться 2 обманывать): MKor. sòki- 2; Mod. sok- 1, sogi- 2.
◊ Nam 307, KED 980, 984.
‖ Korean has a usual verbal low tone. Cf. *sk῾o.
*sk῾o ( ~ -k-) to hit, harm: Tung. *suK-; Mong. *sogug; Turk. *sok-; Jpn.
*sk-nap-.
PTung. *suK- 1 to break, crush 2 to harm, spoil 3 edge of ski stick 4
arrow-head (1 ломать 2 портить 3 наконечник лыжной палки 4 на-
конечник стрелы): Evk. suku- 2, sukča- 1; Evn. hụčak- 1; Ork. sūkpe,
sūpke 3; Nan. sokpi-so 4 (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 123.
PMong. *sogug flaw, defect (недостаток, дефект): WMong. soɣuɣ
(MXTTT); Kh. sogog.
PTurk. *sok- to hit, beat, crush (бить, ударять, сокрушать): OTurk.
soq- (OUygh.); Karakh. soq- (MK); Tur. sok-; Turkm. soq-; MTurk. soq-
(Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. sọq-; Uygh. soq-; Krm. soɣ-; Tat. suq-; Bashk. huq-;
Kirgh. soq-; Kaz. soq-; KBalk. soq-; KKalp. soq-; Nogh. soq-; SUygh. soq-;
Khak. sox-; Shr. soq-; Oyr. soq-; Tv. soq-; Tof. so’q-; Chuv. sъₙx-; Yak.
oɣus-; Dolg. ogus-.
◊ EDT 805, Лексика 396, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 190. Homonymous *sok- ‘to pierce,
stick into’ and *sok- ‘to weave, knit’ (see ЭСТЯ ibid.) may represent originally different
roots.
PJpn. *sk-nap- 1 to harm, damage 2 to deceive (1 вредить 2 обма-
нывать): OJpn. s(w)ok(w)o-nap- 1; MJpn. sòkò-naf- 1, 2; Tok. sokoná- 1;
Kyo. sókóná- 1; Kag. sokoná- 1.
 *sṓlo - *sólukV 1307
◊ JLTT 755. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular (perhaps influenced by literary Jpn.).
‖ Cf. *sṑk῾e, *šŭk῾u, *sák῾a.
-sṓlo to be lax, loose: Tung. *sula-; Mong. *sula; Turk. *sōl; Jpn. *səra- ( ~
-ua-); Kor. *săr-.
PTung. *sula- to leave (оставлять, оставаться): Evk. sula- / sulā-;
Evn. hụlā-; Neg. sola-pča-; Ul. solaoǯụ-; Ork. sụlaw-; Nan. solō-; Orch. su-
lagi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 124.
PMong. *sula loose, lax, vacant (расслабленный, свободный):
MMong. sula (MA), sulara- ‘to loosen’ (SH); WMong. sula (L 736); Kh.
sul; Bur. hula ‘weak, lax’; Kalm. sulə; Ord. sula; Dag. sual, sol (Тод. Даг.
163), suale (MD 212); Dong. sula ‘weak’; Bao. səla; S.-Yugh. sula; Mongr.
səlā (SM 342), (MGCD sulā).
◊ KW 336, MGCD 577, 612. Mong. > Evk., Manchu sula id. (see ТМС 2, 124, Rozycki
190).
PTurk. *sōl left (левый): OTurk. sol (OUygh.); Karakh. sol (MK);
Tur. sol; Gag. sol; Az. sol; Turkm. sōl; MTurk. sol (Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb.
sọl; Uygh. sol; Krm. sol; Tat. sul; Bashk. hul; Kirgh. sol; Kaz. sol; KBalk.
sol; KKalp. sol; Kum. sol; Nogh. sol; SUygh. sol, söl; Khak. sol; Shr. sol;
Oyr. sol; Tv. sol.
◊ EDT 824, VEWT 426, ЭСТЯ 7. Also *sōlak, whence WMong. solaɣai, Kalm. solɣǟ (KW
330, Щербак 1997, 166), whence again Kaz. solaqaj etc. (VEWT 427).
PJpn. *səra- ( ~ -ua-) to deviate (отклоняться): MJpn. sora-; Tok.
soré-; Kyo. sòré-; Kag. soré-.
◊ JLTT 755. Accent is not clear: Kagoshima points to *srá-, but Kyoto and Tokyo
rather to *srá-.
PKor. *săr- to fit loosely, be shaky (свободно вмещаться, быть
шатким): Mod. salgapta (orth. săl-găpta).
◊ SKE 221.
‖ KW 336, SKE 221 (the Kor. form is found only there and thus
questionable). Despite Doerfer MT 26, TM forms are hardly borrowed
from Mong.
-sólukV ( ~ z-, -ĺ-, -ak-, -k῾-) a k. of small fur animal: Tung. *sulakī;
Mong. *soluŋga; Kor. *sằrk.
PTung. *sulakī fox (лиса): Evk. sulakī; Evn. hụlǟ; Neg. solax; Ul. sụlị;
Ork. sụlị; Nan. solị; Orch. sulaki; Ud. sula῾i (Корм. 289); Sol. sụlaki, sụlaxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 124.
PMong. *soluŋga kolinsky (колонок): MMong. solaŋqa ‘weasel’
(SH); WMong. soluŋɣa (L 726: “Siberian marten, weasel”); Kh. soloŋgo;
Bur. holoŋgo; Kalm. solŋgə; Ord. soloŋGo; Mongr. suloŋGo (SM 358).
◊ KW 330. Mong. > Evk. soloŋgō etc., see Doerfer MT 39.
1308 *sṑlV - *sònŋu
PKor. *sằrk badger; wild cat (барсук; дикая кошка): MKor. sằrk;
Mod. sak [salk].
◊ Nam 292, KED 901.
‖ SKE 221, Lee 1958, 117, Poppe 1950, 579, Miller 2000, 62 . Cf.
*salo(-kV).
-sṑlV yellow, bleak: Tung. *sō-; Turk. *sol-.
PTung. *sō- yellow (желтый): Man. suwajan, soχon; SMan. sujan,
suajan (2423); Jurch. so-gian (618); Ul. sōgǯo(n), som; Ork. sogdo, som;
Nan. sojã, sōGǯõ, sōlā, sōm; Orch. sogǯo; Ud. soligi ‘reddish’ (of hair).
◊ ТМС 2, 103-104.
PTurk. *sol- to wilt, wither (вянуть, чахнуть, блекнуть): Karakh.
soluš- (MK); Tur. sol-; Gag. sol-, solu-; Az. sol-, solux-; Turkm. sol-; Khal.
suōluq-; Uzb. sọl-; Krm. sol-, solu-; Tat. sul-; Bashk. hulɨ-; Kirgh. solu-;
Kaz. sol-; KKalp. sol-, solɨ-; Kum. sol-, solu-; Nogh. sol-.
◊ EDT 828, VEWT 427, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-sòmú (~ z-) gore, gusset: Tung. *soma; Mong. *sumu; Jpn. *sùmí; Kor.
*sắmái.
PTung. *soma tail fin, belly fin (плавник (брюшной, околохвосто-
вой)): Ud. somo.
◊ ТМС 2, 110. Attested only in Ud., with possible external parallels.
PMong. *sumu lap (in woman’s garment) (пола от правой под-
мышки донизу в женской одежде): WMong. sumu (БАМРС); Kh.
sum.
PJpn. *sùmí inner angle (внутренний угол): OJpn. sumji; MJpn.
sùmí; Tok. súmi; Kyo. sùmí; Kag. sumí.
◊ JLTT 533.
PKor. *sắmái sleeve (рукав): MKor. sắmài, sắmắi; Mod. somä.
◊ Nam 287-288, KED 973/
‖ The original meaning was probably ‘inner angle in a robe’ (hence
‘right lap’ in Mong. and ‘sleeve’ in Kor.), with a generalization ( > ‘in-
ner angle’) in Japanese; the TM match is semantically plausible (a fur-
ther development ‘gusset’ > ‘fish fin’), but very scantily attested and
thus dubious.
-sònŋu trace, back, behind: Tung. *soŋka ( ~ *sonŋV-ka); Mong.
*sun-du-; Turk. *soŋ; Jpn. *sùm-.
PTung. *soŋka ( ~ *sonŋV-ka) trace (след): Man. soŋqo; SMan. soŋqə,
soŋqu (2384).
◊ ТМС 2, 111. Attested only in Manchu; but cf. perhaps also Sol. son-či- ‘to ride’
(ibid.), perhaps < ‘sit behind the rider’ (cf. the meanings in Mong. *sun-du-).
PMong. *sun-du- 1 to ride sitting behind the rider 2 to follow one
another (1 сидеть верхом позади наездника 2 идти следом): MMong.
 *snu - *snu 1309

sundu-la- 1, sundu-r- 2 (SH), sundula- (MA); WMong. sundula-, sundala- 1

(L 737); Kh. sundla- 1; Bur. hundalda- 1; Kalm. sundəl- 1; Ord. sundala- 1.
◊ KW 337, TMN 1, 348. Mong. > Manchu sundala- etc. (see Rozycki 190-191).
PTurk. *soŋ back, end, after (задняя часть, конец, позади): OTurk.
soŋ (OUygh.); Karakh. soŋ (MK); Tur. son; Gag. sonu; Az. son; Turkm.
soŋ; Sal. son; Khal. soj; MTurk. soŋ (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔŋ; Uygh.
soŋ; Krm. soŋ, son; Tat. sŭŋ; Bashk. huŋ; Kirgh. soŋ; Kaz. soŋ; KKalp. soŋ;
Kum. soŋ; Nogh. soŋ; SUygh. soŋ; Khak. soŋ; Shr. sōn, sō; Oyr. soŋ; Tv.
soŋ, sō.
◊ EDT 832-833, VEWT 428, TMN 3, 337, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. also Karakh. (MK) sɨŋarsuk ‘back
side of the horse’.
PJpn. *sùm- to end (кончаться): MJpn. sùm-; Tok. súm-; Kyo. súm-;
Kag. sùm-.
◊ JLTT 759.
‖ EAS 119, KW 337 (the Turk.-Mong. match seems valid despite
criticism in TMN 1, 348).
-snu dog hunt, dog rope: Tung. *suna; Turk. *sonar; Jpn. *sùnà-tər-;
Kor. *sànhằiŋ.
PTung. *suna dog rope (сворка (поводок для нескольких собак)):
Evk. suna; Evn. hŋkan; Man. suna; Ul. sụna; Ork. suna; Nan. sona; Orch.
sūna ‘shaman’s posterior belt’.
◊ ТМС 2, 127. Since the archaic meaning must have been ‘hunting with dogs’, it
seems possible to connect also Manchu sunte-, suntebu- ‘to destroy the enemy’ (ТМС 127)
(whence Dag. suntu- id., Тод. Даг. 164). Evk. > Dolg. hunakān (see Stachowski 111).
PTurk. *sonar hunting (with dogs) (охота (с собаками)): Tur. (Kur-
dak) sumar-la- ‘to hunt’ (R.); Tat. sunar; Bashk. hunar; Kirgh. sonor; Kaz.
sonar-la- ‘to trace’ (КТТС); Chuv. (Bulgar) somor ‘dog’; Yak. sonor.
◊ VEWT 428, ЭСТЯ 7 (here related to *sonɨ ‘untouched snow or grass’ which is rather
dubious). Tat. > Chuv. sunar ‘id.’ (Федотов 2, 63).
PJpn. *sùnà-tər- to fish (ловить рыбу): OJpn. suna-tor-; MJpn.
sùnà-tòr-; Tok. sunador-.
◊ JLTT 759.
PKor. *sànhằiŋ hunting (охота): MKor. sànhằiŋ; Mod. sanjaŋ.
◊ Nam 289, KED 869. In KED it is explained as a Chinese borrowing: 山行 ‘going to
the mountains’, which is probably a folk etymology: in Middle Korean the word is usu-
ally not spelled with Chinese characters (see HMCH 307), means all sorts of hunting,
while the Chinese compound does not denote hunting at all (just “mountain trip”).
‖ The Kor. form is a secondary derivative from an unattested verb
*sàn-hă-, which explains the “verbal” low tone (although the -a-vowel is
not quite expected, possibly - a dissimilation from *sằn-hă-). The Jpn.
meaning is obviously secondary (“hunting” > “fishing”).
1310 *sṓra - *sū
-sṓra to ask, inform: Tung. *sure; Mong. *sori-; Turk. *sōr(a)-; Jpn. *sát-
( ~ -ua); Kor. *srb-.
PTung. *sure wise (мудрый, чуткий): Man. sure; SMan. surə (1991);
Jurch. su-re (753).
◊ ТМС 2, 117.
PMong. *sori- to try, test, attempt (пытаться, пробовать): MMong.
sori- (SH); WMong. sori- (МXTTT); Kh. sori-; Bur. hori-; Kalm. sör-
(КРС); Ord. sori-.
PTurk. *sōr(a)- to ask (спрашивать, просить): OTurk. sor-
(OUygh.); Karakh. sor- (MK); Tur. sor-; Gag. sor-; Az. sor-; Turkm. sōra-;
Sal. sor-, sur-; MTurk. sor- (Sangl.); Uzb. sọra-; Uygh. sora-; Krm. sor-;
Bashk. hŭra-; Kirgh. sura-; Kaz. sura-; KBalk. sor-, sura-; KKalp. sora-;
Kum. sora-; Nogh. sora-; SUygh. sura-; Khak. sur-; Oyr. sura-; Tv. sura-.
◊ EDT 843-844, VEWT 56, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Mong. sur- ‘to learn’, sura- ‘ask’ (see TMN
3, 239-242, Щербак 1997, 145; note that at least part of modern Turkic forms like sura-
may be borrowed back < Mong.), whence Evk., Man. sura-, see Doerfer MT 131.
PJpn. *sát- ( ~ -ua) wise (мудрый): OJpn. sat(w)o-; MJpn. sátó-; Tok.
sató-; Kyo. sátò-; Kag. sáto-.
◊ JLTT 839. The accent in Tokyo is aberrant, but RJ and Kagoshima point to *sát-.
PKor. *srb- to speak, tell (говорить, сообщать): MKor. srp- (-w-);
Mod. sarwe-.
◊ Nam 292, KED 872.
‖ Martin 234 (Turk.-Mong.-Kor.).
-sóra ( ~ z-, -u-, -ŕ-) a k. of dish, basket: Tung. *sora; Jpn. *sárá; Kor. *sòr-.
PTung. *sora basket (корзина): Man. šoro; SMan. sorə (656); Ul. soro;
Nan. soro.
◊ ТМС 2, 113.
PJpn. *sárá plate (тарелка): OJpn. sara; MJpn. sárá; Tok. sàra; Kyo.
sárá; Kag. sárà.
◊ JLTT 518. The form is sometimes considered to be borrowed from Sanskr. ҫarāva,
which is rather dubious.
PKor. *sor- 1 dish, vessel 2 bamboo basket (1 блюдо, сосуд 2 бам-
буковая корзина): MKor. sòrá ~ sórá 1, sor 2; Mod. sorä ‘a k. of saucer’.
◊ Nam 307, Liu 462, 467, KED 972.
‖ SKE 242, Martin 250. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. perhaps Khak. sara
‘a vessel for sifting flour’.
-sū well, very, extremely: Tung. *sō; Mong. *su; Jpn. *su; Kor. *su.
PTung. *sō very, verily, significantly (очень, чрезвычайно, значи-
тельно): Evk. sō 1; Evn. hō 1; Neg. sō 1; Orch. so ‘word added after ad-
dressing smn.’.
◊ ТМС 2, 101.
 *suba - *suba 1311

PMong. *su 1 hail, blessing 2 distinction, genius (1 поздравление,

благословение 2 гений, нечто выдающееся): MMong. su 1 (HP, SH,
HYt), su-tu ‘blessed, happy’ (HYt, SH); WMong. su 1, (L 740) suu 2; Kh.
sū 2; Kalm. sū; Ord. sudu.
◊ KW 339, TMN 1, 342.
PJpn. *su very, quite, straight (pref.) (очень, вполне, прямо
(преф.)): OJpn. su; MJpn. su; Tok. su.
◊ JLTT 531.
PKor. *su pure, simple (pref.) (простой, чистый (преф.)): MKor.
su-; Mod. su-t- [su-s-].
◊ Liu 473, KED 1020.
‖ A common Altaic monosyllabic root.
-suba ( ~ -bg-) steam, odour: Tung. *subgi-; Mong. *sabsa-; Turk.
*sogul-.
PTung. *subgi- steam, smoke (пар, дым): Evk. subgin; Evn. hebgi;
Neg. subgin; Ul. subgi(n); Ork. subgi(n); Nan. subgĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 115-116.
PMong. *sabsa- to rise (of steam, smoke) (подниматься (о паре,
дыме)): WMong. sabsa- (L 654); Kh. savsa-; Bur. habha-; Kalm. sabsal-
(СЯОС).
PTurk. *sogul- to dry off, peter out (of liquids) (высыхать, испа-
ряться, убывать (о жидкостях)): OTurk. soɣul- (suɣul-) (OUygh.);
Karakh. soɣul- (suɣul-) (MK); Tur. soɣul-; MTurk. sovul- (Ettuhf.), soɣal-,
suɣal- (R., Bud.); Tat. suwal- (dial.); Bashk. hɨwal-; Kirgh. sōl-; Kaz. su-
wal-; Nogh. suwal-; SUygh. soɣul-; Khak. sōl-; Shr. sōl-; Oyr. sōl-; Tv. sōl-;
Chuv. sɨval-; Yak. uol-; Dolg. uol-.
◊ VEWT 425, EDT 809, Stachowski 244.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-suba ( ~ -o, -u) to tie, bind: Tung. *sub-; Mong. *soji-; Turk. *sub-luk
(*sɨb-luk).
PTung. *sub- 1 to tie, bind 2 string, rope 3 harness strap 4 mouth-
piece (1 увязывать 2 лента, тесьма 3 ремешок (у лямки-упряжи) 4
мундштук): Evk. suptilgi 2; Evn. huhtiŋ 2, (Arm.) sovar 3; Neg. soptịn- 1;
Man. subexe 2; Ul. supsien- 1, sụptaŋGị 2, soi 4; Ork. sū- 1; Nan. sopsịn- 1,
soptaŋGị 2; Orch. supti(n) 2, soị 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 114, 116-117, 129.
PMong. *soji- to tie up a horse, to keep a horse tied (держать ло-
шадь на привязи): WMong. soji- (L 724); Kh. soj-; Bur. hoj-; Kalm. sȫ-
(КРС); Ord. soö-; S.-Yugh. soi-.
◊ MGCD 603. Mong. > Man. sojō- ‘to keep a horse tied’ (see Rozycki 188). It is also in-
teresting to note Sol. sowi- id. See ТМС 2, 103.
1312 *subV - *sūč῾i
PTurk. *sub-luk (*sɨb-luk) horse’s bit (удила): Tur. suluk (dial.);
Turkm. suwluq (dial.); MTurk. suluq (Pav. C.); Uzb. suluq, suwliq; Tat.
sɨwlɨq (dial.); Kirgh. sūluq, sūlduruq; Kaz. suwlɨq; KKalp. suwlɨq; Nogh.
suwlɨq; SUygh. suluq; Khak. suɣlux; Shr. suɣuluq; Oyr. suluq, sūluq; Tv.
suɣluq.
◊ ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *sp῾i, *špo. The three roots are very diffi-
cult to sort out; *suba seems to be particularly connected with harness-
ing.
-subV ( ~ z-, -p-) a 1-year-old animal: Tung. *sube; Mong. *subaj.
PTung. *sube 1 a 1-year-old deer 2 a roe (with thin legs) (1 олене-
нок-однолетка 2 важенка (тонконогая)): Evk. sujūkēn 1, dial. šuwiŋen
2; Ork. suwe, sue 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 117, 121, 428.
PMong. *subaj female animal (cow, mare etc.) which has not born a
foal (or calf) during the year (яловая (корова, кобыла)): WMong. subai
(L 733); Kh. suvaj; Bur. hubaj; Kalm. suwrxǟ, suwǟ, suwā; Ord. suwǟ.
◊ KW 338, 339. Mong. > Sol. suvɛi gēg (ТМС 2, 117).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-súču ( ~ *súčo, *z-) soot, coal: Mong. *čučal(i) / *čičula; Jpn. *sùsû; Kor.
*sùsk.
PMong. *čučali / *čičula fire-brand (головня): WMong. čučali (L
205), čičula; Kh. cucal; Bur. susal; Kalm. cucəl; Ord. ǯučali ‘remplace le
mot “Gal” ‘feu’ chez les personnes qui observent la coutume du nere
Gǟlaxu’.
◊ KW 434.
PJpn. *sùsû soot (сажа): OJpn. susu; MJpn. sùsú; Tok. súsu; Kyo.
sùsû; Kag. susú.
◊ JLTT 535.
PKor. *sùsk coal (уголь): MKor. sùs (sùsk-); Mod. sut [sučh].
◊ Nam 316, KED 1021.
‖ Martin 242. Mong. has an assimilation *čuč- < *suč-, usual in roots
of this type.
-sūč῾i sweet: Mong. *čöčügej; Turk. *sǖči-.
PMong. *čöčügej cream (сливки): WMong. čöčügei (МХТТТ); Kh.
cöcgij; Bur. süsegɨ.
PTurk. *sǖči- sweet (1 сладкий 2 становиться сладким): OTurk.
süčig ‘sweet’ (Orkh.), süčüg ‘wine; sweet’ (OUygh.); Karakh. süči- ‘to be
sweet’ (MK, KB), sücig (MK, KB, IM) ‘wine, sweet’; Tur. süǯi (Osm.),
süǯü ‘wine’; Turkm. süjǯi 1, süjǯe- 2; MTurk. süčüg ‘sweet, wine’ (Qutb,
Houts.); Uzb. sučuk ~ čučuk ‘sweet, insipid’, čuču- 2; Uygh. süčük ~ čüčük
 *suda - *súgò 1313

1, čüčü- 2; Tat. töče ‘insipid, sweet’; Bashk. sösö ‘insipid’, sösö- 2; Kirgh.
čüčü 1.
◊ EDT 795, 796-797, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Turko-Mongolian isogloss.
-suda to spit out, spurt: Mong. *sadara-; Turk. *sud-.
PMong. *sadara- to spurt, jet (бить струей): WMong. sadara- (L 655:
“to leak heavily over a wide surface”); Kh. sadra-; Ord. sadara-.
PTurk. *sud- to spit out (выплевывать): OTurk. su/od- (OUygh.);
Karakh. su/oδ- (MK); Khak. *suz- (Koib. > Kam. suz-, Joki 1952, 276-277);
Chuv. sor-.
◊ VEWT 431, EDT 799, Егоров 196, Федотов 2, 65.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.
-sugá a k. of water-bird: Tung. *sugen ( ~ -b-); Jpn. *sankí; Kor. *sói.
PTung. *sugen ( ~ -b-) 1 gull 2 heron (1 чайка-рыболов 2 цапля):
Man. suwan / suwen 1; Jurch. su-wen (181) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 117.
PJpn. *sankí heron (цапля): OJpn. sag(j)i; MJpn. sagi; Tok. sàgi, sági;
Kyo. ságí; Kag. ságì.
◊ JLTT 515. Variants *sá(n)kí (reflected in most dialects) and *sà(n)kí (cf. Tokyo sági)
can be reconstructed.
PKor. *sói kingfisher (зимородок): MKor. sói-sāi.
◊ Nam 311.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. Karakh. sügič ‘a k. of bird’ (?) (EDT 819).
-súgò ( ~ -o-) inside, deep inside: Tung. *sug-; Mong. *suɣu(wu); Turk.
*soglɨ-; Jpn. *sk; Kor. *so’ok.
PTung. *sug- 1 to place properly 2 to put a child into the cradle (1
разложить по местам 2 положить ребенка в люльку): Evk. suɣi- 1;
Ork. sɣatčị- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 118, 119.
PMong. *suɣu(wu) armpit (подмышка): MMong. su’u (HY, SH),
suw (IM); WMong. suɣu(n), suu (L 734); Kh. suga; Bur. huga; Kalm. sǖ,
sū; Ord. sū; Dag. sō (Тод. Даг. 163); Dong. suɣə, sunGo; Bao. soχo;
S.-Yugh. sū; Mongr. sū ‘aisselle’ (SM 355).
◊ KW 339, 341, MGCD 609.
PTurk. *soglɨ- to thrust the hand (into one’s bosom) (засовывать ру-
ку (за пазуху)): Karakh. soɣlɨ- (MK).
◊ EDT 810.
PJpn. *sk bottom (дно): OJpn. soko; MJpn. sókó; Tok. sòko; Kyo.
sókó; Kag. sóko.
◊ JLTT 530.
PKor. *so’ok deep inside (глубоко, в глубине): MKor. so’ok; Mod.
sōk.
1314 *sugú - *sùjli
◊ Nam 307, KED 979.
‖ Martin 247 (Kor.-Jpn.). It is hard to choose between *-u- and *-o-:
Turkic and Korean evidence is not decisive (in Turkic - only MK; in
Kor. so’ok could well be an assimilation < *să’ok).
-sugú ( ~ -o-) a k. of weed: Tung. *suga-kta; Mong. *suji-ka; Jpn. *sunkai,
*suKaN-; Kor. *sɨŋ’a.
PTung. *suga-kta wormwood (полынь): Neg. soɣakta; Man. suku;
Ul. soaqta; Ork. sụaqta; Nan. sōaqta; Orch. suakta.
◊ ТМС 2, 105.
PMong. *suji-ka wormwood (полынь): WMong. sujiqa (L 735); Kh.
suix; Ord. sujGa.
◊ Mong. > Man. suixa (Doerfer MT 145, Rozycki 189); not vice versa despite Sukhe-
baatar 172.
PJpn. *sunkai 1 sedge 2 sorrel (1 осока 2 щавель): OJpn. suge 1;
MJpn. suge 1; Tok. sùge 1, sukampo, suiba 2; Kyo. súgé; Kag. sugé.
◊ JLTT 532. Accent in PJ is not quite clear.
PKor. *sɨŋ’a sorrel (щавель): MKor. sɨŋ’a; Mod. sɨŋa.
◊ Liu 489, KED 1031.
‖ ТМС 2, 105, Doerfer MT 145. Cf. also Kalm. soɣə ‘a k. of big plant;
a k. of reed’ (KW 329). In the Kor.-Jpn. area there may be some confu-
sion between the reflexes of this root and PA *sogŋV ‘onion’: Kor. sɨŋ’a
and modern Jpn. forms like sukampo and suiba may actually go back to
the latter.
-suji ( ~ z-, suju) sour: Tung. *suje-; Jpn. *sù-; Kor. *si-, *sūi-.
PTung. *suje- 1 lye 2 liquid strained from wine ferment (1 щелок 2
брага (жидкость, сцеженная с винной закваски)): Man. sujen.
◊ ТМС 2, 121.
PJpn. *sù- sour (кислый): OJpn. sujur- ῾to pickle, make sour’; MJpn.
sù-; Tok. sú-; Kyo. sú-; Kag. sù-.
◊ JLTT 840. Cf. also MJ sì ( < *su-i) ‘sorrel’.
PKor. *si-, *sūi- 1 sour 2 to become sour (кислый): MKor. si-, sằi-
1, sūi- 2; Mod. si- 1, swī- 2.
◊ Nam 296, 322, Liu 479, KED 1022, 1035.
‖ Martin 242. An Eastern isogloss.
-sùjli green plants, edible plants: Tung. *sol-gi; Mong. *söl; Turk. *suli /
*süli; Kor. *súi.
PTung. *sol-gi 1 vegetables 2 sprouts (from a root) (1 зелень, ово-
щи 2 отпрыски (от корня)): Man. sogi 1, solo 2; SMan. ogə, śogi
‘greens, leafy vegetables’ (303); Jurch. sol-ŋi (524) 1; Ul. solǯị 1; Nan. solgị
1; Orch. soggixa 1; Ud. sogühö 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 103, 108.
 *sku - *sku 1315

PMong. *söl grass having preserved its green colour (трава, сохра-
нившая до осени зеленый цвет): WMong. söl, sölü (L 731); Kh. söl;
Kalm. söl.
◊ KW 333.
PTurk. *suli / *süli oats (овес): Turkm. süle; MTurk. suvlu ‘spelt’
(CCum.); Uzb. suli; Uygh. sulu; Krm. sülü; Tat. solɨ; Bashk. holo; Kirgh.
sulu; Kaz. sulɨ, süli; KKalp. sulɨ; Kum. sulu; Nogh. sulɨ; Khak. sula, sulu;
Oyr. sula; Tv. sula; Chuv. səₙləₙ.
◊ VEWT 432, Лексика 464, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > WMong. suli, Kalm. suĺə (KW 336).
PKor. *súi crops (урожай, хлеб на корню): MKor. súi.
◊ Nam 316.
‖ Medial *-j- should be reconstructed to explain loss of *-l- in Kor.
The root seems to be a Wanderwort (see Аб. 3, 194-195, Cтеблин-Ка-
менский 1972, 31, NCED 965), but may be reconstructable for PA.
-sku to scoop, bucket: Tung. *soKa-; Mong. *sugu-; Turk. *sogur-; Jpn.
*súkúp-; Kor. *sok-kori.
PTung. *soKa- to scoop, ladle (черпать): Evk. soko-; Evn. hụqụ-;
Neg. soxo-; Ul. sū-su-; Ork. sō-; Nan. sō-lo-; Orch. soko-; Ud. so῾-lo- (Корм.
287).
◊ ТМС 2, 105.
PMong. *sugu- 1 to take out 2 to fall out, slip out (1 вытаскивать 2
ускользать, вырываться, выпадать): WMong. suɣula- 1, suɣura- 2
(МXTTT); Kh. sugul- 1, sugura- 2; Bur. hugal- 1, hugar 2; Kalm. suɣl- 1
(КРС); Ord. suGul- 1; Mongr. sūli-; sūrā- ‘tirer hors de, retirer, arracher
1; sorti en se détachant 2’ (SM 358, 363), soGor ‘sillon, conduit d’ea
‘fossé’ (SM 352).
PTurk. *sogur- to take out, pull out (вытаскивать, выдергивать):
Karakh. soɣur- (suɣur-) (MK) ‘to gulp down’; Turkm. soɣur-; Sal. soxur-;
MTurk. soɣur-, suwur- (Pav. C.); Uzb. suɣur-; Uygh. suɣu(r)-; Krm. su-
wur-; Tat. suɨr-; Bashk. huɨr-, hur-; Kirgh. sūr-; Kaz. suwɨr-; KKalp.
suwɨr-; Kum. suwur-; Nogh. suwɨr-; Khak. sūr-; Shr. sūr-; Oyr. sūr-.
◊ VEWT 432, EDT 816 (confused with sogur- ‘to drain off, dry off’ - probably a differ-
ent root, see *sog-, *sogul-), ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *súkúp- to scoop (черпать): MJpn. súkúf-; Tok. sùku-; Kyo.
súkú-; Kag. sukú-.
◊ JLTT 758.
PKor. *sok-kori a k. of basket (вид корзины): MKor. sok-kori (kori
‘basket’); Mod. sokhuri.
◊ Liu 464, KED 978.
‖ KW 336, Дыбо 15. Cf. *šuga(lV) (with possible contaminations).
1316 *sūku - *suk῾e
-sūku deer, female deer: Tung. *sog-ǯe-; Mong. *sogu(ɣa); Turk. *sūkak;
Jpn. *su(n)karu.
PTung. *sog-ǯe- wild deer (дикий олень): Evk. sogǯon (Тит.); Ud.
suǯelihe ‘изюбр’.
◊ See ТМС 2, 120, 136.
PMong. *sogu-(ɣa) female deer (лань, оленуха): WMong. soɣu (L
724); Kh. sogō; Bur. hogō(n); Kalm. soɣə; Dag. sugā (Тод. Даг. 164), suā ‘a
female elk in advanced pregnancy’ (MD 212).
◊ KW 329. Despite Sukhebaatar, not a borrowing from Turk. sgun (which denotes a
male maral; see *sīgo).
PTurk. *sūkak antelope, deer (антилопа, олень): OTurk. suqaq
(OUygh.); Karakh. suqaq (MK, KB); Turkm. sōɣaq (dial.); MTurk. soqaq
(AH), sɨqaq (Pav. C.); Krm. soɣaq, soɣax.
◊ EDT 808, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *su(n)karu a k. of deer (вид оленя): MJpn. sugaru ~ sukaru.
◊ JLTT 594. The word is not attested in modern dialects, and its traditional reading
sugaru is based on a wrong association with sugaru ‘digger wasp’.
‖ Cf. *sák῾a and *sgò.
-suku ( ~ z-, -o-) a k. of fish: Tung. *sugǯansa; Mong. *sogoču; Jpn.
*sukai.
PTung. *sugǯa-nsa 1 salmon 2 fish (1 лосось 2 рыба): Evk. sugǯanna
1; Evn. hụǯnr 1; Neg. sogǯana 1; Ul. sụgdata 2; Ork. sundata 2; Nan.
soGdata 2; Orch. sugǯasa 2; Ud. sugǯehä 2; Sol. sụgǯanda ‘burbot’.
◊ ТМС 2, 118-119.
PMong. *sogoču sea fish with golden cheeks (морская рыба с золо-
тыми щеками): MMong. soqosun ‘a k. of fish’ (SH); WMong. soɣoču (L
724: soɣuču ‘a k. of salt water fish’); Kh. sogoc (MXTTТ).
◊ Man. soxočo is rather < Mong. than vice versa, despite Sukhebaatar.
PJpn. *sukai a k. of fish, large salmon (чавыча): OJpn. suke; Tok.
suke.
◊ JLTT 532.
‖ The comparison with Jpn. sakana ‘fish’ in JOAL 98 should cer-
tainly be rejected (the only meaning of sakana attested in OJ is “food
(vegetables) eaten with sake”, thus the modern meaning ‘fish’ is obvi-
ously secondary). Cf. *sàk῾ò.
-suk῾e branches, tamarisk: Tung. *suK-; Mong. *sukaj; Turk. *süksük;
Kor. *sak-.
PTung. *suK- 1 dry cedar 2 branch 3 stalk (of lily etc.) (1 кедр (засо-
хший) 2 ветка 3 стебель (лилии и т.п.)): Ul. suktu 2; Ork. suktu 1, soqto
2; Nan. sūktu 2, sūksu 4 (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 122, 123, 137.
 *suk῾ì - *súme 1317

PMong. *sukaj 1 tamarisk 2 red willow (1 тамариск 2 краснотал):

MMong. suqai (MA); WMong. suqaj 1 (L 741); Kh. suxaj 1; Bur. huxaj 2;
Kalm. suxā ‘таволжанка’ (КРС); Ord. suxǟ 1; Dag. suahe (MD 212).
◊ Mong. > Evk. sukai etc., see TMN 1, 347-348, Doerfer MT 132, Rozycki 189.
PTurk. *süksük tamarisk (вид дерева или кустарника, тамариск):
OTurk. süksük (OUygh.); Karakh. süksük (MK); MTurk. süksük (Abush.,
Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. süksük ‘firewood’; Uygh. süksük; Oyr. söskän
‘spiraea’; Tv. söskän ‘spiraea’.
◊ VEWT 430, 435, EDT 823, ЭСТЯ 7.
PKor. *sak- dry branch (сухая ветвь): Mod. sakčəŋ.
◊ KED 889 (sakčəŋi).
‖ The Turkic and Mongolian forms basically denote ‘tamarisk’ or
‘tamarisk branches’, but whether this meaning was original is not quite
clear. Perhaps the root just denoted dry branches (used basically as
firewood).
-suk῾ì ( ~ *š-, *z-, *sik῾u) village: Jpn. *suki; Kor. *sk-.
PJpn. *suki village (деревня): OJpn. sukji.
PKor. *skúr province, village (провинция, деревня): MKor. skúr,
skór, skằwằr, skắ’òr; Mod. sigol.
◊ Nam 317, KED 1033.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss. Suffixation in Korean is not quite clear: per-
haps a compound with ko’ăr ‘district’ q.v.
-suma nose, part of nose: Tung. *soŋgi-; Mong. *samsaɣa; Turk. *sum-.
PTung. *soŋgi- 1 nose 2 tip of nose 3 nose ring (1 нос 2 кончик носа
3 кольцо в носу): Man. soŋgiχa, soŋgin, suŋgin 2, 3; Jurch. soŋgi (501) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 61. Cf. Nan. (Он.) sonĩ ‘bear’s nose’.
PMong. *samsaɣa wing of nose (крыло носа): WMong. samsaɣa (L
668: samsa ‘nasal septum’); Kh. samsā; Bur. hamāg ‘gills’ (dial.) (?); Kalm.
samsaj (СЯОС); Ord. samsā.
PTurk. *sum- nose (нос): Chuv. sъₙmza.
◊ VEWT 399, Егоров 181, Федотов 2, 24 (but not to tumšuk!). An isolated Chuvash
form with possible external parallels.
‖ A Western isogloss. Rather sparsely represented and not quite re-
liable.
-súme a k. of weed, hemp: Tung. *sum-; Mong. *sömü-sü; Turk. *süm- ?;
Jpn. *sua; Kor. *sàm.
PTung. *sum- name of a wormwood-like plant (назв. растения, по-
хожего на чернобыльник): Man. sumpa.
◊ ТМС 2, 126.
PMong. *sömü-sü vegetable brew, decoction (отвар из овощей,
трав): WMong. sömüsü(n), sömesü(n) (L 731); Kh. söms; Ord. šömösü,
šömös; Dag. sumus.
1318 *sume - *sna
PTurk. *süm- ? 1 a k. of weed 2 a sort of wheat with very light
grains (1 костер дантониевидный 2 сорт пшеницы с легкими зерна-
ми): Tur. sümter 2; Turkm. sümsüle 1.
◊ The root is poorly reflected and hardly reliable.
PJpn. *sua hemp (конопля): OJpn. swo.
◊ JLTT 529.
PKor. *sàm hemp (конопля): MKor. sàm; Mod. sam.
◊ Nam 293, KED 901.
‖ Martin 233. Jpn. *sua presupposes a suffixed form *súm(e)-gV. The
root can be traced in all branches, but everywhere is rather scantily
represented and thus not quite reliable; the exact sort of the denoted
plant is also not quite clear.
-sume ( ~ z-) piece of wood: Mong. *sumun; Jpn. *suama.
PMong. *sumun hub or centrepiece of a plow or wagon, cross-beam
(поперечная перекладина в колесе телеги): WMong. sumu (МXTTT);
Kh. sum; Bur. huma dial. ‘рассоха (в сохе)’.
PJpn. *suama timber (древесина, строевой лес): OJpn. swoma;
MJpn. soma; Tok. soma.
◊ JLTT 530.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-sùnà seed, grain: Turk. *sunu; Jpn. *sànài.
PTurk. *sunu caraway seed (тминное зерно): OTurk. sunu (OUygh.
med.); Karakh. sunu (MK).
◊ EDT 834. Clauson considers the Arabic translation šūnīz to be a loan from Persian;
the Persian form gašnīz (> modern East Iranian languages, see Стеблин-Каменский 1982,
75), on the origin of which see Henning 1963, 195-199, of course cannot be the source of
Turkic forms.
PJpn. *sànài kernel, seed (ядро, косточка): OJpn. sane; MJpn. sànè;
Tok. sane.
◊ JLTT 518.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 280. A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss. The root is rather dubious
(because of its scarce attestation and specific meaning in Turkic bor-
rowing from some unknown source is not excluded).
-sna ( ~ z-, -ō-) crest, hair lock: Tung. *sōna; Mong. *sančig.
PTung. *sōna plait, crest (гребень (птицы), султан (на головном
уборе)): Man. sončoχo, sonoqdon, sonoqton; Nan. sōno, sōnočo.
◊ ТМС 2, 111.
PMong. *sančig hairlock on the temples (локоны на висках):
MMong. sanǯiq (MA); WMong. sančiɣ (L 671); Kh. sančig; Bur. hanšag;
Kalm. sančig (СЯОС).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. also Mong. sonubtur ‘султан’ (на го-
лове) - either < *sanu-btur or secondarily borrowed from Manchu.
 *sūnu - *sre 1319

-sūnu ( ~ -o) to stretch: Tung. *sūn-; Mong. *sunu-; Turk. *sūn-.

PTung. *sūn- 1 to stretch out 2 become lean 3 stretched (adv.) 4 to
faint, lie without consciousness (1 вытягиваться 2 худеть 3 вытянув-
шись 4 лежать без чувств): Evk. sūn- 1; Evn. hụn- 1; Neg. suŋ-gumǯi 3;
Man. suŋ-gi- 2; Ul. suŋ-guǯa- 4; Ork. sun- 4; Nan. suŋ-gure 3; Orch.
suŋguremdi 3; Ud. sŋī- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 126-127. Nanai has secondary vowel shortening.
PMong. *sunu- to stretch out (вытягивать(ся)): MMong. sună-
(MA), sonaɣa (Lig.VMI); WMong. suna-, sunija- (L 738: sunu-, sunija-),
suŋga- (Kow. II, 1382a); Kh. suna-; Bur. huna-; Kalm. sun-; Ord. sunā-;
Mog. suntu- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. sonī- (Тод. Даг. 163), sonu-; Dong.
sumu-; S.-Yugh. sunā-; Mongr. sunā- (SM 360).
◊ KW 337, MGCD 613.
PTurk. *sūn- to stretch, stretch out (протягивать): OTurk. sun-
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. sun- (MK); Tur. sun-; MTurk. sun- (Pav. C.,
AH); Uygh. sun-; Krm. sun-; Tat. son-; Bashk. hŭn-; Kirgh. sun-; Kaz.
ŭsɨn-; KKalp. ŭsɨn-; SUygh. sun-, sɨn-; Khak. sun-; Oyr. sun-; Tv. sun-;
Yak. ūn-.
◊ EDT 834, VEWT 432, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ KW 337, Poppe 30, 70. A Western isogloss, and a quite exceptional
case of a  :  correspondence between PT and PTM (expressive root?
or an old loanword, cf. Doerfer MT 46 ?). On the possibility of Mong. <
Turk. see Щербак 1997, 147.
-sre sour, acid, stinking: Tung. *sūr-; Mong. *sori-; Turk. *sirke; Jpn.
*suarasi; Kor. *sr-.
PTung. *sūr- 1 different kinds of grass 2 fragrant 3 stinking (1 раз-
личные виды трав 2 пахучий 3 вонючий, дурно пахнущий): Man.
surχo, sursen, surseri 1, sur 2; Ul. sōrị 3; Nan. sōrị 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 113, 129. Man. > Nan. sur.
PMong. *sori- different kinds of wild onion (дикий лук): WMong.
sorisun, (L 729: sorisu); Kh. sors; Kalm. sorsn; Ord. sorisu; Mongr. soroʒə
(SM 355).
◊ KW 332. Mong. > Man. sorson, Nan. sorso (ТМС 2, 114, Rozycki 187).
PTurk. *sirke vinegar (уксус): OTurk. sirke (OUygh. - late); Karakh.
sirke (MK, IM); Tur. sirke; Gag. sirkä; Az. sirkä; Turkm. sirke; MTurk.
sirke (MKypch. - AH, CCum.); Uzb. sirka; Uygh. sirkä; Krm. sirke; Tat.
serkä; Bashk. herkä; Kaz. sirke; KBalk. sirkesuw; KKalp. sirke; Kum. sirke;
Nogh. sirkesuv; Chuv. šarak ‘bitter, salted’.
◊ VEWT 423, EDT 850. Turk. > Pers. sirkä.
PJpn. *suarasi a k. of sorrel (Ligusticum chinensis (зоря); Nothos-
myrnium japonicum): OJpn. sworasi.
◊ JLTT 531.
1320 *sri - *sỺ
PKor. *sr- raw, unripe (сырой, недозрелый, недоваренный):
Mod. sl-.
◊ KED 950.
‖ Cf. also Evk. sirahun ‘whey’ (possibly reflecting an unattested
Mong. *sira-sun). MMong. širxe ‘vinegar’ (HY) is most probably bor-
rowed < Turk., see Щербак 1997, 145. The vowel in Turkic is not quite
clear (*sürke or *sörke would be expected); cf. also Karakh. (MK) sorquč
(perhaps sarqɨč or sɨrquč - vocalization is uncertain) ‘a k. of spicy plant
(chicory?)’, see EDT 848.
-sri to go away, drive away: Tung. *suru-; Turk. *sǖr-; Kor. *sr-.
PTung. *suru- to go away (уходить): Evk. suru-; Evn. hör-; Neg.
söjiwuk ‘dowry’ ( = Evk. surūwuk, Evn. höruk).
◊ ТМС 2, 130.
PTurk. *sǖr- to drive away (гнать, прогонять): OTurk. sür- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. sür- (MK); Tur. sür-; Gag. sür-; Az. sür-; Turkm. sür-;
Sal. sür-; Khal. sīr-; MTurk. sür- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. sur-; Uygh. sü(r)-;
Krm. sür-; Tat. sr-; Bashk. hr-; Kirgh. sür-; KBalk. sür-; KKalp. sür-;
Kum. sür-; Nogh. sür-; Khak. sür-; Shr. sür-; Oyr. sür-; Tv. sür-; Chuv.
sir-; Yak. ǖr-; Dolg. ǖr-.
◊ EDT 844, VEWT 437, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 255. Shortness in Turkm. is not clear;
perhaps under the influence of *sür- ‘smear; pull’ (?).
PKor. *sr- to vanish, fade (пропадать, исчезать): MKor. sr-; Mod.
sɨl-.
◊ Nam 320, KED 1027.
‖ SKE 237, EAS 71, Martin 245. Doerfer (TMN 3, 252) protests
against comparing Turk. and Tung. because TM *u (Benzing’s *ö) does
not correspond to PT *ü. This is of course not true; but the root still has
a slight irregularity, namely, high tone in Korean (generally not typical
for a verbal root, and not corresponding to Turkic length).
-surV ( ~ z-, -ŕ-) root (of tooth), fang: Tung. *surka; Mong. *surbalǯi.
PTung. *surka fang (клык): Evk. surka; Evn. hụrq; Neg. sojka; Man.
sučun wejxe; Ul. sụča; Ork. sụtta; Nan. soịqa; Orch. sokka; Ud. suka.
◊ ТМС 2, 130.
PMong. *surbalǯi root (of tooth etc.) (корень (в частности зуба)):
WMong. surbalǯi; Kh. survalǯ; Bur. horbolžo; Kalm. šurwlǯn.
◊ KW 338.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-sỺ ( ~ *š-) this, that (3d pers. pronoun): Turk. *-sɨ/-si; Jpn. *s-.
PTurk. *-sɨ possess. suffix (3d person) (притяжательный суффикс
3-го лица): OTurk. -sɨ; Karakh. -sɨ; Tur. -sɨ; Gag. -sɨ; Az. -sɨ; Turkm. -sɨ;
Sal. -sɨ; MTurk. -sɨ; Uzb. -sɨ; Uygh. -sɨ; Krm. -sɨ; Tat. -sɨ; Bashk. -hɨ;
 *sỺ - *sỺ 1321

Kirgh. -sɨ; Kaz. -sɨ; KBalk. -sɨ; KKalp. -sɨ; Kum. -sɨ; Nogh. -sɨ; SUygh. -sɨ;
Khak. -sɨ; Shr. -sɨ; Oyr. -sɨ; Tv. -zɨ; Tof. -zɨ; Chuv. -šə; Yak. -ta.
PJpn. *s- a deictic root (this) (дейктическая основа (этот)): OJpn.
so-; MJpn. só-; Tok. sò-re; Kyo. só-ré; Kag. sói.
◊ JLTT 529. Cf. also the widely used OJ deictic / emphatic particle and pronoun si.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 277. The root is rare in Altaic, but has reliable external
parallels (see МССНЯ, 1, 7). It may also be represented in Turk. *sajɨ-
‘each, every’, Mong. sajiki ‘the same’).
 Š

-šàčú a k. of soup: Tung. *šasi-kan ( ~ -i-, -ü-); Jpn. *sùsí; Kor. *čs.
PTung. *šasi-kan ( ~ -i-, -ü-) a k. of soup (вид супа): Man. šasiχa(n),
šašan, sase.
◊ ТМС 2, 425. Attested only in Manchu, but having plausible Kor. and Jpn. parallels.
Man. > Dag. sasgan (Тод. Даг. 162).
PJpn. *sùsí a k. of meal (вид блюда (рис с уксусом)): OJpn. susi;
MJpn. sùsí; Tok. sushí, súshi; Kyo. súshì; Kag. sushí.
◊ JLTT 535. Dialectal reflexes point to variants *sùsí and *sùsì.
PKor. *čs pickled food (маринад, соленая или маринованная
пища): MKor. čs; Mod. čət [čəs].
◊ Liu 653, KED 1449.
‖ An Eastern isogloss (Kor. *čs is = *čč, an assimilation < *sč).
-ške ( ~ *č῾-) small finger, index finger: Tung. *čāgdi ( ~ *š-); Mong.
*sige- / *čige-; Turk. *čɨka-ń.
PTung. *čāgdi ( ~ *š-) index finger (указательный палец): Evk.
čāgdi.
◊ ТМС 2, 376.
PMong. *sige- / *čige- 1 small finger 2 to pick (with a finger) (1 ми-
зинец 2 ковырять): MMong. šiɣɨ 1 (SH),šiqči 1 (MA), čuqči-la- 2 (MA
137); WMong. sigeči, sigeǯei, čigeǯei 1 (L 701); Kh. šigčij, čigčij 1, čigči-le- 2;
Bur. šegšɨ, šegšǖdej, šegšegej, šegšegeldej 1, šegše- 2; Kalm. čikči, šikči, čik-
čig 1, čikčl- 2; Ord. šigeči 1.
◊ KW 439, 440, 356.
PTurk. *čɨka-ń small finger (мизинец): Tat. cɨɣanaq parmaq (Sib.);
Bashk. sɨɣanaq, sɨɣansaq (dial.); KBalk. čɨqanaj; Chuv. čaGan ‘cock’s
spurs, knots on horse’s front legs’; Yak. čɨkɨja (with irregular phonol-
ogy).
◊ Дыбо 323, Лексика 257.
‖ Дыбо 323, Лексика 257. A Western isogloss.
-šk῾a white: Tung. *šāk-; Mong. *čagaɣan; Turk. *čakɨr.
PTung. *šāk- 1 white 2 wall-eye (1 белый 2 бельмо): Man. šaχun 1,
2; Ul. čāgǯa(n) 1, čaqị 2; Ork. tagda(n); Nan. čāGǯã 1, čāqị 2; Ud. cagʒa 1
(Корм. 309); Sol. čiɣá 1.
 *šálpu - *šálpu 1323
◊ See ТМС 2, 380-382 (several different roots are united there, among which, e.g.,
Man. čaɣan is obviously < Mong., but other forms are genuine - despite Doerfer MT 116).
Note that Manchu šaχun as well as Nan. čāGǯã, Ul. čāgǯa(n) and Orok tagda(n) may also
reflect suffixed forms of *šā(ŋ)- ‘white’ (v. sub *šŋu).
PMong. *čagaɣan 1 white 2 to become white (1 белый 2 белеть):
MMong. čaxan (HY 41), čaqan, čaqa’an (SH) 1, čaiji- (SH) 2, čaɣan (IM) 1,
čaɣan, čiɣan (MA) 1; WMong. čaɣan 1 (L 158), čaji- 2 (L 160); Kh. cagān 1,
caj- 2; Bur. sagān 1, saj- 2; Kalm. caɣān 1, cǟ- 2; Ord. čagān 1, čǟ- 2; Mog.
čaɣōn; ZM čaɣ (13-7), KT čaɣn (18-4a); Dag. čigān (Тод. Даг. 181, MD
129) 1; čē- 2; Dong. čəGan 1; Bao. čixaŋ 1; S.-Yugh. čaɣān 1; čei- 2; Mongr.
ćiGān (SM 447) 1, ćī- (SM 441), ćē- (SM 447), ćai- (Minghe) 2.
◊ KW 419, 425, MGCD 557, 560, TMN 1, 177. Cf. *čege-ɣen ‘light, white’ (KW 426).
Mong. > Man. čagan ‘white, white paper, books’ (see Rozycki 42).
PTurk. *čakɨr light grey, greyish blue (светло-серый, серовато-го-
лубой): Karakh. čaqɨr (MK, Tefs.) (of eyes); Tur. čakɨr; Gag. čaqɨr;
Turkm. čaqɨr ‘dried in the sun, bleached’; Khal. čaqɨr ‘yellow’; MTurk.
čaqɨr (Sangl.); Uzb. čaɣir-qanɔt ‘a white-eyed dunbird, нырок
белоглазый’; Uygh. čeqir (of eyes); Tat. čaɣɨr (of eyes); Bashk. šaɣɨr
‘whitish’; Kirgh. čekir ‘grey (of eyes), wall-eye’; Kaz. šaɣɨr ‘grey (of eyes,
horses)’, šegir ‘grey (of eyes)’; KBalk. čaɣɨr ‘variegated’; KKalp. šegir (of
eyes); Nogh. šaɣɨr ‘colourless (of eyes)’.
◊ VEWT 96, TMN 2, 77, EDT 409, Федотов 2 387. Despite Fedotov čokur ‘variegated’
is not related, it is < Mong. čobkur (v. sub *šop῾é). Despite Räsänen borrowed from Mong.
can be only Yak. čakɨr ‘white (of a horse)’ (cf. also Dolg. čakɨr, see Stachowski 72), and
perhaps the front-row forms (Kirgh. čekir, Kaz. šegir, KKalp. šegir - because of their re-
striction to the Kypch. area); but Mong.. čakir / čekir ‘whitish’ is itself an obvious Turkism
(see TMN ibid., Clark 1977, 134 with doubts). The root should be distinguished from
nasalized forms: Oyr. čaŋqɨr, Chuv. senker, Yak. čeŋgir, ǯeŋgir, Kirgh. čenkil, čaŋɨl with the
same set of meanings (’whitish, blue’, often of eyes) = Mong. (Khalkha) cenxer id.; those
should be compared with Tokh. A, B tsem ‘blue (of eyes)’, Pers. zangār ‘verdigris’, whence
Tat. zäŋgär (from Pers. zang ‘rust’, further derived with *zā’to leave, remain’, Sak. ysāyä
‘rust’, Osset. zgä, see Bailey 348-349). This is most probably an Iranian loanword in
Turkic, Tokh. and Mong. (although a Chinese origin - cf. MC 青 chieŋ ‘blue’ - is also pos-
sible). Cf. VEWT 104 (Turk. < Mong.), 531.
‖ Владимирцов 248, Цинциус 1984, 12-13, АПиПЯЯ 293. A West-
ern isogloss. The Mong. variants *čaji- / *čeji- reflect most probably a
merger with the root *šŋu ‘clear, light’ q.v.
-šálpu a celestial body: Tung. *čalbaka ( ~ š-); Mong. *čolbun; Jpn.
*súmpárú.
PTung. *čalbaka ( ~ š-) half moon, crescent (полумесяц): Evk. čal-
baka.
◊ ТМС 2, 380. Cf. perhaps also Man. šilǵan ‘name of a constellation’ ( < *šalbikan ?).
1324 *šaŋku - *šŋu
PMong. *čolbun Venus (Венера): WMong. čolmun, čolman, čolbun (L
197); Kh. colmon; Bur. solbon(g); Kalm. colwŋ, colwn; Ord. čolmon, čul-
mun; Dag. čolpon (Тод. Даг. 182); S.-Yugh. čolbon; Mongr. čolbaŋ.
◊ KW 429, MGCD 575. Mong. > Tat. čulpan etc. (see Лексика 50-51).
PJpn. *súmpárú Pleiades (Плеяды): OJpn. subaru; MJpn. súbáru;
Tok. sùbaru, súbaru; Kyo. súbárú; Kag. subáru.
◊ JLTT 531.
‖ Phonetically OJ subaru is a quite satisfactory match for Mong. and
TM forms, so Miller’s (Miller 1988) attempts to derive it either from
Arabic al-zubra ‘mane’ (name for the two stars of the 11th lunar station)
or from MKor. spɨr ‘horn’ are probably not necessary.
-šaŋku a k. of berry: Mong. *čaŋgis; Turk. *čaŋɨĺ; Jpn. *sunkuri.
PMong. *čaŋgis a k. of cranberry (вид клюквы): WMong. čaŋgis (L
164); Kh. caŋgis.
PTurk. *čaŋɨĺ guelder rose, viburnum (калина): Kaz. šeŋgel; Khak.
saŋɨs, sās; Shr. šaŋɨš, šaŋaš; Oyr. čaŋɨš.
◊ VEWT 99, 401.
PJpn. *sunkuri currant (смородина): Tok. suguri.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Jpn. isogloss; Mongolian may be < Turkic.
-šŋu clear, light: Tung. *šā(ŋ)-; Mong. *čaŋ; Turk. *čAŋ; Jpn. *sùm-.
PTung. *šā(ŋ)- white, become white (белый, белеть): Man. šaŋǵan,
ša-li-bu-; SMan. aŋan (2426); Jurch. ĉaŋ-gian (619); Ul. ča-m, ča-lịn-; Nan.
čā-m, čā-lā bi; Orch. čā-m; Ud. ča-m bie, ča-li-gi.
◊ ТМС 2, 380-382 (confused with *šāk- q. v. sub *šk῾V).
PMong. *čaŋ 1 whitish, blond, grey (of hair) 2 white colour (1 бело-
ватый, седой 2 белый цвет): WMong. čaŋkir , čeŋkir 1, čaŋ ‘hoar-frost’
(L 164); Kh. caŋ ‘hoar-frost’; Bur. sanxir 1; Kalm. caŋ 2; Ord. čaŋ
‘hoar-frost’.
◊ KW 421. Mong. čeŋkir > Yak. ǯeŋke, Dolg. ǯeŋke, eŋke ‘clear, transparent’ (see Kał.
IV 88, Stachowski 78).
PTurk. *čAŋ 1 morning dawn 2 mist (1 утренняя заря 2 туман,
мгла): Karakh. čaŋ ( ~ čäŋ) (ЛОК) 1; Tur. čen 2 (dial.) (?); Az. čän, dial.
čaŋ 2; Uygh. čaŋ 2 (dial.); Bashk. šaŋdaq ‘glow in the sky (from celestial
phenomena or from fire)’, dial. saŋɣärt ‘марево’; Khak. saŋmarax
‘марево’; Chuv. śan-/śavъn-talъk ‘weather, climate’ (Федотов 2 84-85;
the second part = Tat. täwlek ‘day, 24 hours’).
◊ ДТС 139, Лексика 35, 36. A somewhat dubious root. The words meaning ‘mist’
may go back to a separate root, PT *čeŋ ‘dust’. Other forms (including the late OT one)
can be < Mong., but semantics is rather against assuming such a loan.
PJpn. *sùm- to become clear, limpid (быть чистым, прозрачным):
OJpn. sum-; MJpn. sùm-; Tok. súm-; Kyo. súm-; Kag. sùm-.
◊ JLTT 759.
 *šéčo - *šek῾a 1325

‖ Mong. has also *čaji- / *čeji- ‘be white, whitish’, associated in the
modern language rather with *čaga-ɣan ‘white’ (see *šāk῾a), but phoneti-
cally rather going back to *čaŋi- < *šaŋu. Despite Rozycki 193, the TM
forms are hardly borrowed < Mong.
-šéčo to scatter, pour out: Tung. *š[e]še-; Mong. *saču- / *čaču-; Turk.
*sạč-; Jpn. *ss-k- (~ -ua-); Kor. *čằčhắi-.
PTung. *š[e]še- to scatter, spatter (сыпать, брызгать): Evk. čičewē-;
Neg. sesexen- ‘to flow, stream’; Man. sisa-; Nan. čičikēle-; Bik. sese-.
◊ ТМС 2, 147, 386-7. Forms with -a-vocalism (Manchu čaču-, čačure-, čačia-, Evk.
čaču-) are borrowed from Mongolian, see Doerfer MT 100.
PMong. *saču- / *čaču- to scatter, sow, spatter (рассыпать, сеять,
разбрызгивать): MMong. saču- (SH), čači- (MA 129); WMong. saču-,
čaču- (L 655); Kh. cac-, sac-; Bur. sasa-; Kalm. cacə-; Ord. sačuGla-; Dag.
čači- (Тод. Даг. 181); Mongr. sai- (SM 317), sairā-, śirā- ‘sačura-, ča-
čura-’ (SM 318).
◊ KW 423. Cf. also MMo, WMong. sačuli, Khalkha cacaĺ ‘libation’ > Evk. čačalī etc.
(Poppe 1966, 195, ТМС 2, 386-387).
PTurk. *sạč- to scatter, spatter, sow (рассыпать, разбрасывать):
OTurk. sač- (OUygh.); Karakh. sač- (MK); Tur. sač-; Gag. sač-; Az. sač-;
Turkm. sač-; Khal. sač-; MTurk. sač- (AH, Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔč-; Uygh. čač-;
Krm. sač-, čač-; Tat. čäč-; Bashk. säs-; Kirgh. čač-; Kaz. šaš-; KBalk. čač-;
KKalp. šaš-; Kum. čač-; Nogh. šaš-; SUygh. sač-; Khak. sas-; Shr. šaš-;
Oyr. čač-; Tv. ča῾ž-; Yak. ɨs-; Dolg. ɨs-.
◊ EDT 794, VEWT 392, Stachowski 262.
PJpn. *ss-k- (~ -ua-) to pour (лить): OJpn. s(w)os(w)ok-; MJpn.
sósók-; Tok. sòsog-, sosóg-; Kyo. sósóg-; Kag. sosóg-.
◊ JLTT 756.
PKor. *čằčhắi- to sneeze (чихать): MKor. čằčhắi-; Mod. čäčhä-gi (n.).
◊ Nam 415, KED 1415.
‖ KW 423, Poppe 63 (Turk.-Mong.). Mong. is not < Turk., despite
TMN 3, 217, Щербак 1997, 144. There are some phonetic uncertainties:
Korean has also a variant ččí- ‘to soak’ (see PKE 30); in TM one ob-
serves a variation between *-i- and *-e-.
-šek῾a upper part of throat: Tung. *čeKe- ( ~ š-); Mong. *sakaɣu; Turk.
*sakak.
PTung. *čeKe- ( ~ š-) upper part of throat (небо, гортань): Evk. če-
ken, čekekte.
◊ ТМС 2, 420. Attested only in Evk., but having probable parallels in Turk. and
Mong.
PMong. *sakaɣu farcy, glanders, diphtheria, craw illness (гланды,
дифтерит, болезнь зоба): WMong. saqaɣu (L 677); Kh. sagū; Bur. hag-
1326 *šrčú - *šero
sar- ‘to be ill (of children)’; Kalm. saxū; Ord. saxū ‘a k. of horse῾s illness’;
S.-Yugh. saGū.
◊ KW 308, MGCD 595. Mong. > Kirgh. saqau etc. (see Лексика 221, ЭСТЯ 7).
PTurk. *sakak 1 place between the neck and the chin 2 gills 3 beard,
barb (of axe) (1 место между шеей и подбородком 2 жабры 3 бород-
ка (топора)): Karakh. saqaq (MK) 1; Tur. sakak 1; Turkm. saqaq 1;
MTurk. saqaq 1 (Abush., Бор. Бад., Pav. C.); Uzb. saqaq 1 (dial.); Tat.
saɣaq 3; Bashk. haɣaq 3; Kirgh. saɣaq 1; Kaz. saɣaq 1; KBalk. saɣaq 2;
KKalp. saɣaq 1, 2; Oyr. saɣanaq 3; Chuv. suɣa, saɣa (Anatri), polъ soɣalъ
(Viryal) 2.
◊ EDT 807-808, ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 220-222, Федотов 2, 68, Ашм. IX, 279, XI, 216.
There is some confusion between this root and *saŋak (v. sub *seŋa). Turk. > WMong.
saɣaɣ, Kalm. saɣəg (KW 308). PT *sakkal ‘beard’ (full list of reflexes see in ЭСТЯ 7) is a
probable derivative ( > MMong. (SH) saɣal, WMong. saqal, Kalm. saxəl, KW 308; > Hung.
szakál, see Gombocz 1912; Mong. > Evk. sakal etc., see Doerfer MT 100).
‖ Лексика 221. A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps MKor. sjk ‘bridle’.
-šrčú sparrow: Tung. *š[i]ču-kān; Turk. *serče; Jpn. *sùnsúmaí.
PTung. *š[i]ču-kān wagtail, small bird (трясогузка, птичка): Evk.
čičakān; Evn. časqụn; Neg. čịčaxịn; Man. čečike; SMan. čičikē (2239); Jurch.
sihčixie ‘sparrow’ (158); Ul. čịčo(n); Nan. čịč; Orch. čičoku; Ud. cikcigi
(Корм. 310).
◊ ТМС 2, 401, 422. Manchu has č- as a result of assimilation, but Jurchen shows that
*š- was the initial consonant. TM > Yak. ččāx, Dolg. ččāk, Tof. šīǯek ‘small bird’ (see Sta-
chowski 77), probably also Yug čičik, Selk. čičik ‘small bird’ (see Starostin 1995, 217 - al-
though the Ket (tъqt) and Kott. (čičaba) forms should be regarded separately, as well as
other Uralic and Caucasian forms quoted ibid.).
PTurk. *serče sparrow (воробей): Karakh. seče (MK); Tur. serče; Az.
särčä; Turkm. serče; Sal. siča, siǯä; MTurk. serčä (Pav. C.); Chuv. śerźi.
◊ EDT 795, VEWT 412, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sùnsúmaí sparrow (воробей): OJpn. suzume; MJpn. sùzúmé;
Tok. sùzume; Kyo. sùzùmé; Kag. suzumé.
◊ JLTT 535.
‖ The root is expressive, but well reconstructable for PA.
-šero to bake, boil: Tung. *čere- ( ~ *š-); Mong. *sira-; Kor. *sằr-m-.
PTung. *čere- ( ~ *š-) to bake (close to fire) (печься (около огня)):
Evk. čere-.
◊ ТМС 2, 422. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sira- to roast, broil (жарить, печь): MMong. širaxasam
‘roasted’ (HY 24), šir- (IM); WMong. sira- (L 714); Kh. šara-; Bur. šara-;
Kalm. šar- (КРС); Ord. šara-; Dong. šəra- (Тод. Дн.); Mongr. śirā- (SM
397).
◊ KW 350.
PKor. *sằr-m- to boil (варить): MKor. sằrm-; Mod. sām- [salm-].
 *šèru - *šk῾i 1327
◊ Nam 292, KED 901.
‖ The etymology appears plausible despite poor attestation in TM.
-šèru lattice, cross-bars: Tung. *šerin; Mong. *sara-; Turk. *sar-; Jpn.
*sùntare; Kor. *sár.
PTung. *šerin helmet visor (забрало (у шлема)): Man. šerin.
◊ ТМС 2, 431. Attested only in Manchu, but having plausible external parallels.
PMong. *sara- 1 shed 2 lattice 3 a net to cover hair 4 visor (1 укры-
тие для скота 2 решетка 3 сетка для покрытия волос 4 козырек на
головном уборе): MMong. ṣarboči ‘visor’ (IM), sarābčimin 4 (Lig);
WMong. sarabči 1 (L 674), sarbači 3 (L 675), saraɣalǯi 1, sarabči(n) 4 (Kow.
II, 1333b); Kh. saravč 1, 4, sarālǯ 2; Bur. harabša 1; Kalm. sarəpčə; Ord.
sarabči 1; Dag. sarbəči; Mongr. sarī ‘toit en saillie, avant-toit, auvent’ (SM
328).
◊ KW 314, MGCD 594. Mong. > Oyr. sarapčɨn; Yak. čarapčɨ, Dolg. čarapčɨ, harapčɨ (see
Kał. MEJ 49, Stachowski 72); > Manchu sarbačan ‘visor on a helmet’ (see Rozycki 174).
PTurk. *sar- a k. of lattice or cross-beam (вид решетки или балки):
Tur. sarak ‘carved frieze, torus’; Kirgh. sarap ‘stringer beam’, sarɨ
‘wooden frame of a frame-house’; Chuv. surban dial. ‘window blind’;
Yak. argɨ ‘cross-bar for drying things’.
◊ Cf. also Tuva (Todzh., Вайнштейн) a’rga ‘lattice for drying wild onions’ (perhaps <
Yak.).
PJpn. *sùntarai ( ~ -ia) bamboo blinds; striped cloth (бамбуковые
шторы; ткань с поперечными полосками): OJpn. sudare; MJpn.
sùdàré; Tok. sùdare; Kyo. súdàrè; Kag. sudaré.
◊ JLTT 532. Usually analysed as *sú + *tarai “reed screen hanging”, which contradicts
accentology and is probably a folk etymology.
PKor. *sár reed net; lattice, cross-bars (тростниковая сеть; решет-
ка): MKor. sár; Mod. sal.
◊ Liu 437, KED 895.
‖ A common derivative *šèru-p῾V- is reconstructable for
Turko-Mongolian (PT *sara-p, *sara-pa-n, PM *sara-b-či). The root evi-
dently denoted some sort of lattice used in construction.
-šk῾i / *šk῾-di urine, to urinate: Tung. *šiKē-n; Mong. *siɣe-; Turk. *sīk;
Jpn. *sitə (~-ua); Kor. *stòŋ.
PTung. *šiKē-n urine (моча): Evk. čikēn; Evn. čikъn; Neg. čixēn;
Man. sike; SMan. šikə (108); Ul. čige(n) / čē(n); Ork. čie(n); Nan. čiẽ; Orch.
čǟ-či- ‘urinate’; Ud. cige (Корм. 310), čeä-kta- ‘urinate’; Sol. ixẽ.
◊ ТМС 2, 392. Despite Poppe 1972, 96, 102, not a borrowing < Mong. Also reflected
are derivatives: *šikelte- / *šikte- ‘to urinate’ (Evk. čikelte-, Ud. čeäkta-, Man. site-), *šike-či-
id. (Neg. čixēt-/-č-, Oroch čǟči-, Ul. čieči-, Nan. čieči-).
PMong. *siɣe- 1 to urinate 2 urine (1 мочиться 2 моча): MMong.
ši’e- (SH) 1, sise 2 (IM), šisun 2 (MA); WMong. sige- 1 (L 701), sigesü(n) 2
(L 702); Kh. šē- 1, šēs 2; Bur. šē- 1, šēhe(n) 2; Kalm. šē-, šēsn 1; Ord. šē- 1,
1328 *šmi - *šmi
šēsü(n) 2; Mog. seisün; ZM sei (3-6a) 2; Dag. sē- (MD 204) ; sē-, sēs 1;
Dong. še- 1, šesun 2; Bao. šie- 1, šiesoŋ 2; S.-Yugh. šī 1, šīsən 2; Mongr. šē-
1, šēʒə 2 (SM 373), (MGCD šēsə) 2.
◊ KW 355, MGCD 711.
PTurk. *sīk 1 urine 2 to urinate (1 моча 2 мочиться): OTurk. sid- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. siδ- 2 (MK); Tur. sij- 2; Az. sij- 2; Turkm. sīdik 1;
Khal. sīd- 2; MTurk. si- (AH, IM); Uzb. sij- 2; Krm. sij- 2; Kirgh. sij- 2;
KBalk. sij- 2; Kum. sij- 2; Nogh. sij- 2; SUygh. siz-, sez-, sɨz- 2; Khak. side-
2; Shr. si- 2; Oyr. sij- 2; Tv. sidik 1; Chuv. šъk 1, šъr- 2; Yak. īk 1; Dolg. īk
1.
◊ EDT 799, VEWT 421, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 130. Only Yak. and Chuv. reflect the
original *sīk; all other languages reflect a derivative *sīg-t- / *sīg-d- (present also outside
Turkic) > *sīd-. Also widely reflected is the secondary derivative *sīd-dik ‘urine’ ( >
Turkm. sīdik etc., see ЭСТЯ 7).
PJpn. *sitə (~-ua) urine (моча): MJpn. sito.
PKor. *stòŋ excrements (испражнения): MKor. stòŋ; Mod. t:oŋ.
◊ Nam 161, KED 485.
‖ KW 355, Владимирцов 198, Poppe 31, 62, АПиПЯЯ 17, Мудрак
Дисс. 40-41, 44. Irregular voicing in Mong. can be explained by the
root’s expressive nature. Cf. also Mong. siǯiŋ ‘a person urinating in his
bed’ - probably reflecting the derivative *šgdi < *šk῾di, attested also in
Turkic, TM, Korean and Japanese.
-šmi to suck, soak: Tung. *šime-; Mong. *sime; Turk. *simü-; Jpn. *sím-;
Kor. *smi-.
PTung. *šime- to soak; suck (просачиваться; сосать): Evn. čịml-;
Man. šime-; Ul. čime-; Nan. čime-.
◊ ТМС 2, 394.
PMong. *sime 1 juice, sap 2 to suck 3 to soak (1 сок 2 сосать 3 впи-
тывать): MMong. šimi- 2 (SH), šimi- 3 (MA 333); WMong. sime 1, sime-,
simi- 2, simed- 3 (L 709); Kh. šim 1, šime- 2, šimde- 3; Bur. šeme 1, šeme- 2;
Kalm. šim; šimə-, šüm- 1; Ord. šime 1, šime- 2; Mog. šimi- 2; Dag. šim;
šime- 1 (Тод. Даг. 183), šimi- 1, šime (MD 216); S.-Yugh. šəme 1, šəme- 2;
Mongr. śime (SM 396), (MGCD śimēn) 1, šəme-, šəmu- (SM 374), (MGCD
śimu-) 2.
◊ KW 357-358, 371, MGCD 717. Cf. also *sim-bu- ‘to dive’. Mong. > Man. simi- etc.
(ТМС 2, 87; Doerfer MT 119; Rozycki 183). Mong. > Yak. sim-.
PTurk. *simü- / *sümü- to suck, swallow (сосать): Karakh. simür-
(MK); Tur. süm-, sümür-; Az. sümür-; Turkm. sümür-; MTurk. sümür-
(Pav. C., IM); Uzb. simir-; Uygh. sümür-; Bashk. hĭmĭr-; Kaz. simir-;
KKalp. simir-; Nogh. simir-; Chuv. sim, səm ‘honey drink’.
◊ VEWT 422, Федотов 2, 50, EDT 829, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sím- to soak (впитываться, просачиваться): OJpn. sim-;
MJpn. sím-; Tok. shìmi-; Kyo. shímí-; Kag. shimí-.
 *šimuč῾V - *šĭp῾V 1329
◊ JLTT 751.
PKor. *smi- to soak, permeate (впитываться, просачиваться):
MKor. smi-; Mod. sɨmi-.
◊ Nam 318, KED 1025.
‖ Ozawa 223, KW 358, Lee 1958, 117, АПиПЯЯ 17, Martin 242,
Whitman 1985, 127, 212, Martin 1996, 82. Korean has a not quite clear
high tone; otherwise correspondences are quite regular.
-šimuč῾V small finger: Tung. *šimučken; Turk. *čɨmɨč-.
PTung. *šimučken small finger (мизинец): Evk. čimčikēn; Evn. čim-
čen; Neg. čmkan; Man. simxun, šumxun; SMan. umuxun ‘finger’ (73); Ul.
čomočon; Nan. čumčuẽ; Orch. čomočko; Ud. cimca῾a (Корм. 310); Sol.
cimitkí, čimèrkí.
◊ ТМС 2, 395.
PTurk. *čɨmɨč- small finger (мизинец): OTurk. čɨčamuq (OUygh.);
Karakh. čɨčamuq (MK); Uzb. čimčalɔq; Uygh. čimalik; Kirgh. čɨmčalaq;
Khak. sɨmalčɨx, čɨmalčɨx; Shr. šɨmalɨq; Oyr. čɨmal (dial.); Tv. šumaš.
◊ Дыбо 322-323, Лексика 256. See ibid. a number of other forms, probably going
back to the same stem, but restructured phonetically because of the root’s expressive
nature.
‖ Дыбо 322, Лексика 257. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. *č- in Turk. is due
to assimilation.
-šĭp῾V to sweep: Tung. *čipi- (~š-,-ü-); Mong. *siɣür-; Turk. *sipür-; Kor.
*psr-.
PTung. *čipi- (~š-,-ü-) to sweep; to scrape (мести (пол); строгать):
Evk. čipi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 398. Attested only in Evk., but having plausible external parallels.
PMong. *siɣür- broom, besom (метла, веник): MMong. ši’ur- ‘to
sweep’, ši’urge (HY 38, 20), šiwur-, šiur (MA); WMong. sigür (L 703); Kh.
šǖr; Ord. šǖrde- ‘to sweep’; Dong. šu, šiu-; Bao. śir, šire-; S.-Yugh. šǖr;
Mongr. šū- (SM 383), (MGCD śūr).
◊ MGCD 727.
PTurk. *sipür- to sweep (мести, подметать): OTurk. sipir-
(OUygh.); Karakh. süpür- (MK); Tur. süpür-; Gag. süpür-; Az. süpür-;
Turkm. süpür-; Khal. sipir-; MTurk. süpür- (IM, Pav. C.); Uzb. supur-;
Uygh. süpär-; Krm. sibir-; Tat. sɨpɨr-, sĭbĭr-; Bashk. hepere-; Kirgh. sɨpɨr-;
KBalk. sibir-; KKalp. sɨpɨr-; Kum. sibir-; Nogh. sɨpɨr-; Khak. sɨbɨr-; Oyr.
sibir-, sɨbɨr-; Tv. sivir-; Chuv. šъₙbъₙr ‘broom’.
◊ EDT 791, VEWT 437, ЭСТЯ 7. Turk. > Hung. seper ‘sweep’ (Gombocz 1912,
MNyTESz 3, 518-519).
PKor. *psr- to sweep, wipe (мести): MKor. psr-; Mod. s:ɨl-.
◊ Nam 321, KED 1027.
1330 *šrV - *šábu
‖ EAS 150, Владимирцов 212, Poppe 30, 47, Мудрак Дисс. 43-44.
Mong. cannot be explained as a loanword, despite Щербак 1997, 144,
or as “bloßer Zufall”, despite TMN 4, 288. In Kor. one has to suppose a
secondary development *psr- < *spr-.
-šrV ( ~ -ŕ-) to melt: Tung. *šīri-; Mong. *siri-.
PTung. *šīri- red copper, bronze (красная медь, бронза): Evk.
čīrikte; Evn. čīrit; Neg. čījikte; Man. sirin; Jurch. [ĉi]ri (573); Ul. čīrikte;
Ork. čirikte; Nan. čīrikte; Orch. čīkte; Ud. cikte (Корм. 310).
◊ ТМС 2, 399. The Manchu and Jurch. forms may be borrowed from Mong. širin.
PMong. *siri- 1 bronze, copper 2 cast iron 3 to melt (1 бронза, медь
2 чугун 3 плавить): MMong. širemun 3 (HY 26, SH); WMong. sirin (L
718) 1, siri- 3 (L 717), siremü(n), sirim, sireme(n) 2; Kh. šire- 3, širin 1,
širem(en) 2; Bur. šerem 2; Kalm. širemn 2, šir- ‘to forge, chill metal’
(КРС); Ord. širemel ‘molten’; Dag. širem 2 (Тод. Даг. 184); Mongr. šērili-
(SM 377) 3.
◊ Mong. > Evk. sirē- etc. (ТМС 2, 97, Doerfer MT 111). On the other hand, Mong. sirin
‘cast iron’ can be borrowed < Manchu (hardly vice versa, despite Rozycki 185).
‖ EAS 72, 112, Мудрак Дисс. 44, Лексика 411. A Mong.-Tung. iso-
gloss (but cf. also OUygh. serit- ‘to melt (butter)’).
-šábu to sit; be seated, implanted: Mong. *saɣu-; Jpn. *súwá-; Kor.
*sà’ò-rí.
PMong. *saɣu- to sit (сидеть): MMong. sa’u- (HY 35, SH), ṣu- (IM),
sau- (MA); WMong. saɣu- (L 658); Kh. sū-; Bur. hū-; Kalm. sū-; Ord. su-;
Mog. sau- (Weiers), söü-; ZM sou- (40-10); Dag. sau- (Тод. Даг.162, MD
204 ), sō- (Тод. Даг. 162); Dong. sau-; Bao. sū-, seu-; S.-Yugh. suu-;
Mongr. sū- (SM 355).
◊ KW 339. Cf. also saɣu-ri- ‘to set (of sun, moon)’.
PJpn. *súwá- 1 to plant, insert 2 to sit (1 сажать, всаживать 2 си-
деть): OJpn. suwa- 1; MJpn. suwa- (RJ súfù) 1, suwar- 2; Tok. sùe- 1,
sùwar- 2; Kyo. súé- 1, súwár- 2; Kag. sué- 1, suwár- 2.
◊ JLTT 757, 760.
PKor. *sà’ò-rí chair (стул): MKor. sà’òrí.
◊ Nam 285.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 277. Initial *š- must be reconstructed because of Kor. *s-.
Kor. sà’òrí appears to be genuine (cf. the match with Jpn. *súwá-r-), but
a loan from Mong. saɣuri(n) ‘seat’ (whence certainly Manchu sōrin)
cannot be excluded, see Lee 1964, 192-193.
-šábu small, narrow: Tung. *šoba- ( ~ -p-); Mong. *saɣa-; Turk. *sEb-re-;
Jpn. *súmp-.
PTung. *šoba- ( ~ -p-) narrow (узкий): Man. šofojōn.
◊ ТМС 2, 427.
 *šàč῾í - *šk῾ù 1331

PMong. *saɣa- to diminish (уменьшаться, укорачиваться):

WMong. saɣa- (L 656); Kh. sā-; Bur. hā-; Kalm. sā-; Ord. sā-.
◊ KW 317.
PTurk. *sEb-re- to diminish (уменьшаться, убывать): Karakh. sevre-
(MK).
◊ ДТС 498.
PJpn. *súmp- to get narrow, contract (сужаться, сокращаться):
MJpn. subom-, subor-, subar-, subomar-; Tok. sùbomar- (itr.), sùbome- (tr.);
Kyo. súbómár- (itr.), súbómé- (tr.); Kag. subomár- (itr.), subomé- (tr.).
◊ JLTT 756, 757.
‖ The root is rather sparsely attested in Turk. and TM, and the vo-
calic reconstruction is not quite secure (note that Jpn. -mp- speaks
rather against the reconstruction of diphthong - unless the form is not
actually a contraction of *súwu-mp- with a labial suffix).
-šàč῾í a k. of rope, fabric: Tung. *čeče; Turk. *sačuk; Jpn. *sì(n)tú; Kor.
*sắčh.
PTung. *čeče patch, rag (лоскут, тряпка): Evk. čeče; Evn. čeče; Neg.
čeče; Man. čeče ‘silk fabric’.
◊ ТМС 2, 422.
PTurk. *sačuk fringe, handkerchief with a fringe (бахрома, платок
с бахромой): Karakh. saču (MK); Tur. sačak; Az. sačaG; Turkm. sačaq ‘a
k. of table-cloth’; MTurk. sačaq (Pav. C., Sangl.); Uzb. sačọq; Krm. sačaq;
Tat. čačaq; Kirgh. sačaq ‘hand towel’; Kaz. šašaq; KBalk. čačaq; KKalp.
šašaq; Kum. čačaq; Nogh. šašaq; Oyr. čačaq.
◊ VEWT 392, EDT 795, 796. Turk. *sačak > WMong. sačaɣ, čačaɣ, Kalm. cacəg (KW 423).
PJpn. *sì(n)tú a specific embroidered fabric (вид вышитой ткани):
OJpn. situ; MJpn. situ; Tok. shítsu, shízu.
◊ JLTT 528.
PKor. *sắčh cord (веревка, шнурок): MKor. sắčh; Mod. säk:i.
◊ Nam 294, KED 920.
‖ The TM form is somewhat irregular: we would rather expect *šiči.
Note, however that in Manchu we may be dealing with assimilation
(čeče < *šeče), while other TM forms may in fact be borrowed from Man-
chu.
-šk῾ù to see badly, have bad eyesight: Tung. *šoKa-; Mong. *sokar;
Turk. *sĀkɨ-; Jpn. *súk-; Kor. *sjōkjŋ.
PTung. *šoKa- 1 one-eyed 2 be purblind, sandblind 3 to shut eyes,
blink (1 одноглазый, кривой, косой 2 быть подслеповатым, засо-
ряться (о глазах) 3 жмуриться, щуриться): Evk. čokotī, čokoro 1; Evn.
čoqaŋị 1; Neg. čoktoxo 1; Man. sogi- ~ soxi- 2; Ul. čōqto 1; Ork. toqto 1;
Nan. čōmian- 3.
1332 *šằĺì - *š[à]mì
◊ ТМС 2, 404, 105. Manchu may be borrowed < Mong. soqui- (see Rozycki 186); if this
is the case, the reconstruction may be *šoka- or *čoka-.
PMong. *sokar blind (слепой): MMong. soxar (HY 49), soqor (SH),
ṣoɣor (IM), suqar (MA); WMong. soqur (L 730); Kh. soxor; Bur. hoxor;
Kalm. soxər; Ord. soxor; Mog. ZM sox-sox ‘hallucination’ (4-6b); Dag.
sogor, sogur, sokor (Тод. Даг. 163), sohore (MD 211); Dong. suGo; Bao.
soxor; S.-Yugh. soGor; Mongr. soGor (SM 352), suGor.
◊ MGCD 608, KW 329 (cf. also soqu-i- (L 730), Kalm. soxī- ‘be blind or have a bad eye-
sight’). Mong. > MTurk., Koman soqur (see Щербак 1997, 209, ЭСТЯ 7); > Evk. sokor (see
Doerfer MT 128).
PTurk. *sĀkɨ- mirage (мираж): Karakh. saqɨɣ (MK), saqɨ- ‘to appear
faintly’ (MK); Tur. saɣɨn; Bashk. haɣɨn; Kirgh. saqɨm; Kaz. saɣɨm; KKalp.
saɣɨm; Kum. saɣɨn; Nogh. saɣɨn.
◊ EDT 808, Лексика 22, ЭСТЯ 7. Cf. perhaps also Khak. sagɨl- ‘to emit rays’.
PJpn. *súk- to be transparent (быть прозрачным): MJpn. súk-; Tok.
sùk-; Kyo. súk-; Kag. súk-.
◊ JLTT 758.
PKor. *sjōkjŋ blind (слепой): MKor. sjōkjŋ; Mod. sōgjəŋ.
◊ Nam 312, KED 969.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 17.
-šằĺì piece of meat, flesh: Tung. *čilki ( ~ š-); Mong. *silbi; Jpn. *sìsì;
Kor. *sắrh.
PTung. *čilki ( ~ š-) 1 muscle, biceps 2 front leg of a bear (1 мышца,
бицепс 2 передняя нога медведя): Evk. čilkī 1; Evn. čịlqa 1; Neg. čịlk 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 394. Evk. > Dolg. čɨlkɨ (see Stachowski 76).
PMong. *silbi shin, shin muscles (голень, мускулы у голени):
MMong. šilibi (HY 48), šilbi, šili (MA 178, 333); WMong. silbi (L 705); Kh.
šilbe; Bur. šelbe; Kalm. šilwə; Ord. šilbi (šilbe); Dag. šilem (Тод. Даг. 183).
◊ KW 357.
PJpn. *sìsì meat (мясо): OJpn. sisi; MJpn. sìsì.
◊ JLTT 527.
PKor. *sắrh flesh, meat; skin (мясо; кожа): MKor. sắr [sắrh-]; Mod.
sal.
◊ Nam 290, KED 895.
‖ Дыбо 311 (Mong.-Tung.); Martin 232, Miller 1986a, 49, АПиПЯЯ
95, 279 (differently). The root must be kept distinct from *sŏlo q.v., but
contaminations were possible.
-š[à]mì island; forest: Tung. *šumi ( ~ č-); Turk. *simek; Jpn. *sìmà; Kor.
*sjm.
PTung. *šumi ( ~ č-) 1 foreland, shallow place 2 tussock (1 коса, от-
мель 2 кочка): Evk. čumi 1, čumdikēn, čummikē 2 (Вас. 529); Neg.
čụmịxān 1; Ud. simo 2 (An.).
◊ ТМС 2, 86, 414.
 *šmu - *št῾ì 1333

PTurk. *simek forest, jungle (лес, чаща): OTurk. simek (OUygh.).

◊ EDT 828-829.
PJpn. *sìmà island (остров): OJpn. sima; MJpn. sìmà; Tok. shimá;
Kyo. shímà; Kag. shimá.
◊ JLTT 524.
PKor. *sjm island (остров): MKor. sjm; Mod. səm.
◊ Nam 305, KED 953.
‖ EAS 155, Martin 234, Miller 1976, 370-371, 1979b, 17-31, Martin
1996, 35. The parallel seems quite plausible (on a similar interchange
between “island” and “forest” see, e.g., under *rV), but vocalism raises
some doubts. The reconstruction *šàmi is possible if one assumes PT
*simek < *semek (which is quite possible, because the word is only at-
tested in OUygh. and may have actually been semek), and PTM *šumi <
*šimu (cf. the Udehe (An.) form simo - perhaps archaic).
-šmu sack: Tung. *šūm-; Mong. *sumal; Turk. *sAmar; Kor. *sjm.
PTung. *šūm- 1 bag 2 sack (1 сумка 2 мешок): Evk. čēmpu, čemtu,
čempuli, čompuli 2; Man. šuma, šuman 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 109, 420. Manchu šuma(n) should be distinguished from Manchu sumala(n)
< Mong. Manchu > MKor. čùmní ‘pocket, sack’ (but note also the variants with ǯ-: Man.
ǯumaŋgi, Bur. ʒumńā, see ТМС 1, 274, Lee 1958, 113 - are these backloans from Korean?)
PMong. *sumal long leather sack (длинный кожаный мешок):
WMong. sumal (L 737); Kh. sumal; Kalm. suml; Ord. sumal; Mongr.
sma(r) ‘besace, petit sac oblong’ (SM 359).
◊ KW 337. Mong. > TM sumala(n) ‘sack’ (ТМС 2, 109), see Doerfer MT 145, Rozycki
190.
PTurk. *sAmar 1 sack, saddle pack 2 big wooden vessel (1 вьючный
мешок 2 большой деревянный сосуд): MTurk. samar 1 (Pav. C.);
Bashk. hamar 2; Kaz. samar 2; KKalp. samar 2; Yak. ampara ‘налуч (кол-
чан)’ (Пек.) ?.
◊ VEWT 399.
PKor. *sjm straw bag, measure of grain (соломенный мешок, ме-
ра зерна): MKor. sjm; Mod. səm.
◊ Nam 305, KED 953.
‖ PKE 176, KW 337.
-št῾ì to set fire, burn: Tung. *šāta (~č-); Mong. *sita-; Jpn. *sitə-ki; Kor.
*stāi-.
PTung. *šāta ( ~ č-) burned coals, ashes (горящие угли, зола): Evk.
čātā; Neg. čāta.
◊ ТМС 2, 386.
PMong. *sita- to catch fire (загораться): MMong. šita-, sita- (MA);
WMong. sita- (L 719); Kh. šata-; Bur. šata-; Kalm. šatə-; Ord. ištā-
‘allumer, mettre le feu à, préparer au feu’; šita-; Dag. šita-, xita- (Тод.
1334 *šóbi - *šṓča
Даг. 176), šitā-, xitā- (Тод. Даг. 184), šate-, šitā- (MD 214, 217); Dong.
šətara-, šidaraɣa-, šɨdəra-; S.-Yugh. šədā-, šədara-; Mongr. sdā- (SM 331),
šda-.
◊ KW 351, MGCD 710.
PJpn. *sitə-ki rice cakes offered to gods (жертвенные рисовые ле-
пешки): MJpn. sitoki, sitogi.
◊ JLTT 528.
PKor. *stāi-, *stk 1 to solder, tinker; to make fire 2 rice cake (1 па-
ять, лудить; разжигать 2 рисовая лепешка): MKor. stāi- 1, stk 2;
Mod. t:äu- 1, t:ək 2.
◊ Nam 147, 152, KED 432, 445.
‖ Mong. s- points to a following front vowel or diphthong, so one
should reconstruct *šā-; in TM *-ā- and -ia- are frequently neutralized
after a palatal. Jpn. *sitəki = Kor. *stk; both forms reflect a derivative
with a velar suffix (*šāt῾i-k῾V ‘smth. burned, baked’); borrowing Jpn. <
Kor. or Kor. < Jpn. is not excluded (see Martin 1996, 45).
-šóbi wrinkle, gills: Tung. *šoba- ( ~ -p-); Jpn. *síwá.
PTung. *šoba- ( ~-p-) 1 wrinkle 2 to wrinkle (1 морщина 2 мор-
щиться): Evk. čoworō- 2; Man. šufa- 2, šufan 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 402, 430.
PJpn. *síwá wrinkle (морщина): OJpn. siwa; MJpn. síwá; Tok. shiwa.
◊ JLTT 528.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. also Kalm. söb, söwö ‘wart’ quoted in
Владимирцов 1912, 213.
-šṓča a k. of metal: Tung. *šušu; Mong. *čas; Turk. *siāč.
PTung. *šušu 1 copper 2 dark red (1 медь 2 темно-красный): Evk.
čučin 2; Evn. čụčụrmị 1; Man. šušu 2; SMan. susə, šušə (fian) ‘violet, pur-
ple’ (2425).
◊ ТМС 2, 418, 430.
PMong. *čas tin (жесть, сплав): WMong. čas; Kh. cas; Bur. sad
‘brass’; Kalm. cas; Ord. čas.
◊ KW 428.
PTurk. *siāč 1 white copper, tin 2 pan (1 белая жесть 2 сковорода):
Karakh. sač 2 (MK); Tur. sač 2; Gag. saǯaq ‘tripod’; Az. saǯ 2; Turkm. sāč
2; MTurk. sač (AH), saǯ (Pav. C.) 2; Chuv. šъₙvъₙś, šuś, šoś 1.
◊ EDT 794, VEWT 391-392, Лексика 406, ЭСТЯ 7, Федотов 2, 438-439.
‖ Лексика 406. A Western isogloss. Mong. and TM have an assimi-
lation (Mong. *sač > *čač > *čas, TM *šusu > *šušu), usual in roots of this
type.
 *šòče - *šṓč῾ko 1335

-šòče hair (of head), feather: Tung. *šoša-; Turk. *s(i)ač; Kor. *číčh.
PTung. *šoša- 1 to arrange hair in a bunch 2 bunch, knot of hair (1
укладывать волосы в пучок 2 пучок, узел волос): Man. šošo- 1,
šošoχon 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 427-428. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *s(i)ač 1 hair (of head) 2 hair 3 hair (on back of head) 4 root
(1 волос (головы) 2 волос 3 волос (на затылке) 4 корень): OTurk. sač 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. sač 1 (MK, KB); Tur. sač 1; Gag. sač 1; Az. sač
1; Turkm. sač 1; Sal. sač 1; sačɨχ 3; Khal. sa:č 1; MTurk. saǯ, sač 1 (Pav. C.,
Sangl.); Uzb. sɔč 1; Uygh. čač 1; Krm. sač 1; Tat. čɛč 1; Bashk. säs 1;
Kirgh. čač 1; Kaz. šaš 1; KBalk. čač 1; KKalp. šaš 1; Kum. čač 1; Nogh. šaš
1; Khak. sas 1; Shr. šaš 1; Oyr. čač 1; Tv. ča’š 1; Tof. čɛ’š 1; Chuv. śüś 2;
Yak. as 3; Dolg. as 2.
◊ VEWT 391, EDT 794, Лексика 197, ЭСТЯ 7, Stachowski 38.
PKor. *číčh feather (перо): MKor. čís, číčh.
◊ Nam 445, 446.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 287, Лексика 197. Kor. has an assimilation, usual for
roots of this type; Manchu also demonstrates an assimilation (šoša- <
*šosa- which would be regularly expected).
-šṓč῾ko young of domestic animals: Tung. *šičukta; Turk. *čōčka; Kor.
*sàskí.
PTung. *šičukta a young domestic animal (детеныш домашних
животных): Evk. čičuha (Barg.) ‘domestic goat’; Man. sučutu ‘a
2-year-old foal’.
◊ ТМС 2, 133, 401.
PTurk. *čōčka 1 young pig 2 child, boy 3 pig (1 поросенок 2 ребе-
нок, мальчик 3 свинья): Karakh. čočuq (MK) 1; Tur. čoǯuk 2; Gag. čoǯuq
2; Az. čošGa 1, 3; Turkm. ǯōǯuq 1 (cf. colloq. čōča ‘camel’); MTurk. čočɣa 1
(Sangl.), (OKypch.) čočqa (Houts.) 1; Uzb. ǯuǯuq 2; Uygh. čošqa 3; Krm.
(K) čočqa 3, čočuq jataɣɨ ‘afterbirth’; (T) čočxa ‘young boy (not a Karaim)’,
(H) cocka 2; Tat. čučqa 3; Bashk. sosqa 3; Kirgh. čočqo 1; Kaz. šošqa 1;
KBalk. čočxa 3; KKalp. šošqa 3; Kum. čočqa 3; Nogh. šošqa 3; Khak. sosxa
3; Shr. šošqa 3; Oyr. čočqo 3; Tv. šošqa 3.
◊ VEWT 113, ЭСТЯ 4, 28, EDT 400. See Stachowski 1985 with an extensive list of ma-
terial but with a strange conclusion that the word “onomatopoetischer Herkunft ist und
somit durch Autogenese zustande kam”.
PKor. *sàskí young of animals (детеныш животных): MKor. sàskí;
Mod. säk:i.
◊ Nam 294, KED 920.
‖ Дыбо 9.
1336 *šogo - *šŏju
-šogo cold: Tung. *šig-; Turk. *sogɨ-k; Jpn. *səjə; Kor. *sik-.
PTung. *šig- 1 to freeze, get cold 2 cold (1 замерзать 2 холодный):
Evk. čig- (dial.) 1; Man. šaxurun 2; SMan. šahurun, sahurun 2 (2061);
Jurch. siuŋhun 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389,423.
PTurk. *sogɨ-k cold (холодный): OTurk. soɣɨq (OUygh.); Karakh.
soɣɨq (KB); Tur. soɣuk; Gag. sūq; Az. sojuG; Turkm. sovuq; Sal. soχ; Khal.
sovuq; MTurk. sawuq/sawuɣ (Sangl.); Uzb. sɔvuq; Uygh. soɣaq; Krm. sūq;
Tat. sɨwɨq; Bashk. hɨwɨq; Kirgh. sūk; Kaz. suwɨq; KBalk. sūq; KKalp. suwɨq;
Kum. sowuq; Nogh. suwɨq; SUygh. soq; Khak. sōx; Shr. sōq; Oyr. sōq; Tv.
sōk; Tof. sōq; Chuv. sivə.
◊ Derived from PT *sogɨ- ‘to cool, get cold’, see VEWT 425, EDT 808 (*sogɨ-k), 806
(*sogɨ-), ЭСТЯ 7, Лексика 15.
PJpn. *səjə gentle, cool (of wind) (прохладный, легкий (о ветре)):
OJpn. sojo; MJpn. sojo; Tok. soyo.
PKor. *sik- to cool off (остывать): Mod. sik-.
◊ KED 1045.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 281, Дыбо 11. Other comparisons of the above roots
(Poppe 61, KW 335, VEWT 425a, SKE 233,240) are quite unreliable. The
Kor. form sik- may go back to *sig-Vk- (cf. Turk. *sogɨk); a similar proto-
type can explain Manchu šaxurun < *šig-ak-urun. It is also interesting to
note WMong. (L 658) saɣsurɣa ‘hoar-frost’ ( < *sug-sarga or *suɣa-surga).
-šṑgV juice: Tung. *šūkse; Mong. *siɣü-sü; Kor. *skúr.
PTung. *šūkse juice (сок): Evk. čūkse; Evn. čūs; Neg. čūxse; Man.
šugi(n) ~ šuxi(n); Ork. sūkse ~ tūkse; Orch. čūkse; Ud. čüöŋki; Sol. sūrče.
◊ Cf. also Evk. čūkin ‘rare (of meat)’. ТМС 2, 411, 428.
PMong. *siɣü-sü juice (сок): MMong. ši’u-su ‘food, provisions’ (HP,
SH); WMong. sigüsü(n) (L 704); Kh. šǖs; Bur. šǖhe(n); Kalm. šǖsn; Ord.
šǖsü, šüs ‘juice of meat’; Dag. čūs (Тод. Даг. 182).
◊ KW 373. Mong. > Man. šusu, Chag. süsün (see TMN 1, 362, Rozycki 196). Cf. also
*siɣü-der ‘dew’ > MMong. (SH) ši’uder, (HY 2) ši’uderen WMong. šigüder, Khalkha šǖder,
Mongr.śūderi (401), ( > MTurk. šigüdärin, Chag. šüdürün etc., see Лексика 39-40).
PKor. *skúr honey (мед): MKor. skúr, pskúr; Mod. k:ul.
◊ Nam 63, KED 217. The attested variant pskúr is probably a result of hypercorrective
spelling.
‖ Владимирцов 199, АПиПЯЯ 17. Korean has a usual vowel reduc-
tion between a stop and a consonant.
-šŏju to skin, peel: Tung. *čī- ( ~ *šī-) ( < *šij-); Mong. *siɣal-; Turk. *soj-.
PTung. *čī- ( ~ *šī-) to scrape off, skin (скоблить, соскабливать):
Evk. čī-.
◊ ТМС 2, 388. Attested only in Evk., with probable parallels in Turk. and Mong.
 *šṑlí - *šṑŋe 1337

PMong. *siɣal- to skin, peel (сдирать кожу, шкуру): WMong. šaɣal-

(L 748); Kh. šāl-; Kalm. šāl- (СЯОС).
PTurk. *soj- to skin, peel (сдирать шкуру, кожу): OTurk. soj-
(OUygh.); Karakh. soj- (MK); Tur. soj-; Gag. soj-; Az. soj-; Turkm. soj-;
Khal. suv-; MTurk. soj- (Ettuhf., Pav. C.); Uzb. sɔj-; Uygh. soj-; Krm. soj-;
Tat. suj-; Bashk. huj-; Kirgh. soj-; Kaz. soj-; KKalp. soj-; Kum. soj-; Nogh.
soj-; SUygh. soj-, so-; Khak. soj-; Shr. soj-; Oyr. soj-; Tv. soj-; Chuv. sü-.
◊ VEWT 425, EDT 858, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-šṑlí juice, fluid: Tung. *šōla; Mong. *silö; Turk. *söl; Jpn. *sìrú.
PTung. *šōla 1 soup 2 juice (1 суп 2 сок): Man. šula 2; Ul. čōlo(n) 1;
Nan. čōlõ 1; Ud. čolo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 405, 429. Man. čola- / čōla- ‘to roast, broil (in a kettle’ is most probably a re-
sult of interdialectal borrowing. The TM languages reflect also *sile / *silu ‘soup’ (see
ТМС 2, 85, 138) which is a loanword from Mong., see Poppe 1966, 198, Doerfer MT 26.
PMong. *silö soup (суп): MMong. šulen (HY 24, SH), šīlɛ (IM), šilän
(MA); WMong. silü(n) (L 708), šülü; Kh. šöl; Bur. šülen; Kalm. šöln, šüln;
Ord. šölö; Dag. šil ‘soup; juice’ (Тод. Даг. 183), šile (MD 216); Dong. šulie
‘soup; juice’; Bao. šile ‘soup; juice’; S.-Yugh. šəlen; Mongr. šulō (SM 385).
◊ KW 371, MGCD 723, 728. Mong. > Chag. sölän, silän, Man. sile etc. (see TMN 1,
369-370, Rozycki 181).
PTurk. *söl 1 juice in meat, lymph 2 soup, bouillon (1 мясной сок,
лимфа 2 суп, бульон): OTurk. söl (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. söl (MK) 1; Tur.
söl (dial.) 1; Tat. sül, sül-gɛn 1; Bashk. hül 1; Kirgh. söl 1; Kaz. söl 1;
KKalp. söl 1; Nogh. söl 1; SUygh. söl ‘ram’s blood’; Chuv. šъl (dial.),
шыл (XIX c., Bible) 2; Yak. öl 2.
◊ VEWT 430, EDT 824, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *sìrú juice; soup; pus (сок; суп; гной): OJpn. siru; MJpn. sìrú;
Tok. shíru; Kyo. shìrú; Kag. shirú.
◊ JLTT 526.
‖ EAS 155, Ozawa 111, Murayama 1962, 110, Мудрак Дисс. 41. The
Turkic vocalism is quite irregular, probably due to contamination with
*sūli ‘gall, pus’ q.v. (a similar merger occurred in PJ).
-šṑŋe scoop, vessel: Tung. *šōŋ-; Mong. *sinaga; Turk. *seŋek.
PTung. *šōŋ- 1 scoop, box, dishes 2 place for dishes (1 ковш, короб-
ка, посуда 2 место в чуме для утвари): Evk. čōŋ 1, čōŋāl 2; Evn. čōŋāl 2;
Neg. čōŋal 2; Man. šaŋšaχa 1; Ul. čuŋne 1; Ork. čoŋol 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 406, 425. Evk. > Dolg. čoŋal, čuoŋāl (see Stachowski 74-75).
PMong. *sinaga ladle, scoop (ковш): MMong. šinaɣa (MA 333);
WMong. sinaɣa (L 710); Kh. šanaga(n); Bur. šanaga; Kalm. šanəɣ (КРС);
Ord. šinaGa; Dong. šɨnaGa; Mongr. šənaGa.
◊ Mong. > Evk. dial. činakā (ТМС 2, 395).
1338 *šop῾a - *šuga(lV)
PTurk. *seŋek jar, mug (кувшин): Karakh. seŋek (MK - Oghuz); Tur.
seŋek; Az. senek.
◊ EDT 838, VEWT 410.
‖ A Western isogloss. One should also mention seŋgesn ‘drinking
vessel’ (KW 410), either an old variant or a modified Turkic loanword.
-šop῾a claw, to claw: Tung. *šopa-; Mong. *sabur.
PTung. *šopa- 1 claws 2 to claw (1 когти 2 хватать когтями): Evk.
čowo-mo 1, čowīlā- 2; Neg. čowo-kī 1; Man. šoforo 1, šoforo- 2; SMan.
sovərəqə, sovərəqu ‘claw’ (2288); šovərə-, sovuru- ‘to grab’ (1541); Nan.
cofola- (Bik.) ‘to compress’; Orch. čopokto 1, čopoktolo- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 402.
PMong. *sabur bird’s claws; fork (птичьи когти; вилы): WMong.
sabur, (L 653) sabar; Kh. savar; Bur. habar; Kalm. sawr; Ord. sawar; Dag.
sabər; S.-Yugh. sabar; Mongr. sawar (SM 330).
◊ KW 316, MGCD 585. Mong. > Oyr. sabar etc.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 41. Cf. *sép῾a.
-šṑri ( ~ *šro) stake, pole: Tung. *šōra; Mong. *siro; Turk. *s(i)ar-ča.
PTung. *šōra pole, tent made of poles (жердь, чум из жердей):
Evk. čōrama; Evn. čōra; Neg. čōramị; Man. šuruqu ‘boat pole’, šuru- ‘to
swim using poles’; Nan. čōro; Ud. čōlo.
◊ ТМС 2, 408, 430. Man. čoron tatan ‘pole tent’ is probably a recent loan from some
TM language (Nanai or Evk.).
PMong. *siro spit, skewer (вертел, шомпол): MMong. širo (SH),
širi’e (HY 21), sire (IM); WMong. siro, (L 756) šoru, siru; Kh. šor, širē; Bur.
šoro; Kalm. šor; Ord. šoro; Dag. šor (Тод. Даг. 184), šorti; S.-Yugh. šoro.
◊ KW 365, MGCD 722.
PTurk. *s(i)ar-ča tethering post (коновязь): MTurk. sarča (R); Khak.
sarčɨn (folkl.); Tv. sarčɨn (R - Soj.).
◊ R 4, 336-337, VEWT 403 (suggesting a derivation from sar-, saru- ‘to tie round’ -
which is also not excluded).
‖ EAS 71, SKE 235, Poppe 30 (with some confusion of this root and
*sṓru q. v.). A Western isogloss; but cf. notes to *seri.
-šuga(lV) bucket: Tung. *šugle-; Mong. *saɣulga; Turk. *sugu.
PTung. *šugle- 1 water bucket made of birch bark 2 woven basket (1
берестяной сосуд для воды 2 плетеная корзина): Evk. čuɣlen 1; Man.
šulxu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 410, 429.
PMong. *saɣulga bucket (ведро): MMong. sa’uluqa (SH); WMong.
saɣulɣa (L 659); Kh. sūlga; Bur. hūlga; Kalm. sūlɣə (КРС); Ord. sūlGa;
Dong. sauɣa (Тод. Дн.), soɣo; Bao. sulGe (Тод. Бн.), solGə; Mongr. srGa
(SM 364), saulGa.
◊ MGCD 609. Mong. > Manchu solxa (see Rozycki 186).
 *šjò - *šŭk῾u 1339

PTurk. *sugu water bucket (ведро для воды): MTurk. suɣur (Pav.
C.); Uygh. suɣa; Shr. sō (Верб.); Tv. sō ‘bucket made of birch bark’; Tof.
sō ‘bucket made of birch bark’.
◊ VEWT 431.
‖ A Western isogloss, with some vocalic irregularities (the recon-
struction *šuga would contradict, however, the consonant reflex *s- in
Turkic and Mongolian). Cf. *sku.
-šjò thorn, (pine) needle: Tung. *šǖje; Mong. *sojuɣa; Turk. *sojagu;
Jpn. *sjà; Kor. *sāi.
PTung. *šǖje 1 needle of a coniferous tree 2 a hair fallen out 3 to be-
come intertwined (of hair, fur) 4 branch, firewood 5 a needle made of
horn 6 fetlock (1 игла (хвойная) 2 вылезшая шерсть 3 сваляться, ска-
таться (о шерсти) 4 ветка, хворост 5 игла из рога 6 щетка (у копыта
лошади)): Evk. čīje 1, 2; Evn. čja- 3; Neg. čịja 2; Man. suja, sujaχa 4,
sujχon / sojχon 5, sojlo 6.
◊ ТМС 2, 104, 121, 390.
PMong. *sojuɣa fang, sprout, hook (клык, побег, крюк): WMong.
sojuɣa (L 724); Kh. sojō; Bur. hojō; Kalm. sojā(n); Ord. sojō; Dag. sojō (Тод.
Даг. 163); Dong. sojə; S.-Yugh. sio.
◊ KW 329, MGCD 604. Mong. > Yak. sojuo ‘needle’, see Аникин 499-500.
PTurk. *sojagu 1 cock’s spur 2 pine needle, toothpick 3 a sharp ob-
ject (1 петушиная шпора 2 сосновая иголка, зубочистка 3 острый
предмет): Karakh. sojaɣu 1 (MK); Kirgh. sojō 3; Kaz. sojaw 2; Kum. sojaw
‘a metallic pendant on a Caucasian belt’; Oyr. sojoq ῾mountain top;
young horn’; Tof. sojā ‘wire for pipe-cleaning’ (< Mong.?); sojaq
῾mountain’ (ФиЛ 227).
◊ VEWT 425, EDT 859. All Kypchak forms may also be < Mong.
PJpn. *sjà arrow (стрела): OJpn. soja; MJpn. sòjà; Tok. soya.
◊ JLTT 531. May be a compound with ja ῾arrow’, but so alone is not attested.
PKor. *sāi straw (солома): MKor. sāi; Mod. sä ‘straw thatch’.
◊ Nam 295, KED 919.
‖ EAS 72, KW 329, SKE 219.
-šŭk῾u sharp instrument: Tung. *šuK-; Mong. *süke; Jpn. *súkí.
PTung. *šuK- 1 chisel 2 to carve, engrave 3 to hit (with horns), butt,
strike 4 notches on bow ends (1 резец, долото 2 вырезать, гравиро-
вать 3 бодать, колоть (рогами) 4 зарезки, выемки (на концах лука)):
Man. šuki- 3, šukun 4; Nan. čuktuli- 2 (Он.); Orch. čūku, tūku 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 403, 429.
PMong. *süke axe (топор): MMong. suke (HY 18, SH, IM); WMong.
süke (L 742); Kh. süx; Bur. hüxe; Kalm. sükə; Ord. süχe; Dag. sugu (Тод.
Даг. 164), suhe (MD 212), sugē; Dong. sugie; S.-Yugh. səge; Mongr. sugo
(SM 352).
1340 *špo - *šúp῾ù
◊ KW 340, MGCD 618. Mong. > Chag. sükü etc. (KW 435), Yak. süge, Dolg. hüge (see
Stachowski 115), Man. suxe etc. (ТМС 2, 123), see Doerfer MT 40, Rozycki 189.
PJpn. *súkí plough (плуг): OJpn. sukji; suk- ‘to plough’; MJpn. súkí;
súk- ‘to plough’; Tok. sùki; Kyo. súkí; Kag. súki.
◊ JLTT 532.
‖ The etymology seems plausible, although the precise meaning of
the root in PA is not quite clear (some sharp instrument used for carv-
ing, chopping or ploughing).
-špo to twist, twisted threads: Tung. *šǖba; Mong. *subu-; Turk.
*sub-luk (?).
PTung. *šǖba 1 to spin, twist (threads) 2 thread 3 fringe (1 сучить
(нитки) 2 нитка 3 бахрома): Evk. čīwa- 1, čīwa 2; Evn. sêwa 2 (Arm.);
Neg. čịwa- 1, čịwa 2; Man. šuwase 3; Orch. čiwa 2; Ud. čua 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 389, 428.
PMong. *subu- to unravel, unstring (развязывать, распутывать):
WMong. subu-, suba-, subi- (L 733); Kh. suva-; Bur. huba-, hubi-.
◊ Mong. > Evk. sūw-, Man. su- ῾untie’ etc. (see ТМС 2, 103).
PTurk. *sub-luk (?) turban (тюрбан): Karakh. suvluq (MK).
◊ EDT 788.
‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. *suba, *sbi.
-šúp῾ù to suck, hold in mouth: Tung. *šupa- (~č-); Mong. *siɣü-; Turk.
*sɨp-; Jpn. *súp-; Kor. *sp-ắr-.
PTung. *šupa- (~č-) to suck (сосать): Evk. čupku- ‘suck out’; Neg. čo-
pon- ‘kiss’, čụpka- ‘soak’; Orch. čop(o)ko- ‘kiss’.
◊ ТМС 2, 408, 415.
PMong. *siɣü- to filter, strain (процеживать): MMong. šu- (MA
337); WMong. siɣü- (L 702); Kh. šǖ-; Bur. šǖ-; Kalm. šǖ- (КРС); Ord. šǖ-.
PTurk. *sɨp- to swallow greedily (жадно глотать, пить залпом):
Tur. sɨp-; Az. sɨfɣar- (dial.); MTurk. sipqar- (Pav. C., Бор. Бад.); Tat.
sɨpɨr-; Bashk. hɨpɨr-.
◊ VEWT 418, 423, ЭСТЯ 7. The Chag. form may have been secondary influenced by
Mong. sibqar- ‘to press, squeeze’.
PJpn. *súp- to suck, inhale (сосать, вдыхать): OJpn. suf-; MJpn. súp-;
Tok. sù-; Kyo. sú-; Kag. sú-.
◊ JLTT 760.
PKor. *sp-ắr- to suck (сосать): MKor. sp-ắr-; Mod. p:al-.
◊ Nam 247, KED 725.
‖ Whitman 1985, 181, 233 (Kor.-Jpn.). Korean has a usual vowel re-
duction between a fricative and a stop.
 *šr[e] - *šŭru 1341

-šr[e] to rub, polish: Tung. *šürü- (/*šurü-); Mong. *sürči-; Turk.

*sür(-t)-; Jpn. *súr-; Kor. *srh-.
PTung. *šürü- (/*šurü-) 1 to rip (with claws) 2 to whet; rip off (skin,
flesh) 3 knife for carving ornaments (1 раздирать (когтями) 2 точить;
сдирать (кожу, мясо) 3 нож для вырезания орнамента): Evk. čuri- 1;
Man. šuru- 2; Ul. čūre(n) 3; Nan. čūruẽ 3; Sol. irụx 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 416, 426, 430.
PMong. *sürči- to rub (тереть, втирать): MMong. surči- (MA 329,
330); WMong. sürči- (L 744); Kh. sürči-; Kalm. sürčə-; Ord. sürči- ‘oin-
dre’.
◊ KW 341.
PTurk. *sür(-t)- to rub, smear (тереть, мазать): OTurk. sürt-
(OUygh.); Karakh. sürt- (MK); Tur. sür-, sürt-; Gag. sürüt-; Az. sürt-;
Turkm. sür-, sürt-; MTurk. sür- (Pav. C.), sürt- (IM), sürüt- (AH); Uzb.
surt-; Krm. sürt-; Bashk. hr-, hrt-; Kirgh. sür-, sürt-; Kaz. sürt-; KBalk.
sürt-; KKalp. sür-, sürt-; Kum. sürt-; Nogh. sür-, sürt-; SUygh. sürt-;
Khak. sürt-; Oyr. sürt-; Tv. sür-; Chuv. səₙr-; Yak. ür-.
◊ EDT 846, VEWT 437, Егоров 188, Лексика 382, ЭСТЯ 7.
PJpn. *súr- to rub, whet, polish (тереть, точить, полировать):
OJpn. sur-; MJpn. súr-; Tok. súr-; Kyo. sùr-; Kag. sùr-.
◊ JLTT 759. Modern dialects reflect *sùr- - due to a merger of *súr- ‘rub’ and *sùr-
‘print, close up’ which are clearly distinguished in RJ.
PKor. *srh- to polish, rub off (полировать): MKor. sɨrh-; Mod. s:ɨl-
[s:ɨlh-].
◊ Nam 322, KED 1028.
‖ SKE 238. Mong. may be < Turk., see Щербак 1997, 198. The genu-
ine reflex may be Mong. *sir- (Khalkha šürge-, Kalm. šürgə- ‘to rub off’,
WMong. sirgü-, KW 371; Khalkha širǖn, Kalm. šürǖn, WMong. sireɣün
‘rough, shaggy’; WMong. sirbe- ‘to sweep’) - although the -i- vowel here
is not quite clear. The root generally displays some variation between
*šre and *šru.
-šŭru beads: Tung. *čuri- / *čurē- ( ~ š-); Mong. *sirü; Turk. *sɨrɨčga.
PTung. *čuri- / *čurē- ( ~ š-) 1 beads 2 fringe (1 бисер, бусы 2 ба-
хрома): Evk. čurikta 1, čurēkte 2; Evn. čụrịt 1; Neg. čujēkte 2; Nan. čū-
ruktu (On.) ‘metal horns on cap’.
◊ ТМС 2, 416-417.
PMong. *sirü beads, coral beads (коралл, коралловые украше-
ния): WMong. sirü, šürü (L 719); Kh. šür; Bur. šüre; Kalm. šür ‘coral’;
Ord. šürü(n); Dag. sur (Тод. Даг. 184: šur); Bao. śirə; S.-Yugh. šurə, śurə;
Mongr. śuru (SM 402), śurə.
◊ KW 371, MGCD 729.
1342 *šŭŕu - *šmo
PTurk. *sɨrɨčga glass, rock crystal (стекло, горный хрусталь):
Karakh. sɨrɨčɣa (MK), sɨrɨnčɣa (KB); Tur. sɨrča; Gag. sɨrča; Turkm. sɨrča
‘enamel’; MTurk. sɨrča (AH, IM), sirčä (Pav. C.); Chuv. šъrźa ‘bead’.
◊ EDT 846, VEWT 419, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-šŭŕu to leak, ooze: Tung. *čurgī- ( ~ š-); Mong. *sir-; Turk. *sɨŕ-.
PTung. *čurgī- ( ~ š-) to flow, drip (стекать, струиться): Evk. čurgī-;
Evn. čụrg-; Ul. čorǯụ-; Nan. čorgi- (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 409, 416.
PMong. *sir- 1 to strain, filter 2 to drizzle (1 процеживать, фильт-
ровать 2 моросить): WMong. sirle-, sir-gü- 1; (L 716) sirbigine- 2; Kh.
širvegene- 2; Bur. šerbe- 2; Kalm. širl-, šir- 1; Mongr. surGu- ‘enduire’ (SM
364).
◊ KW 360, 361.
PTurk. *sɨŕ- 1 to ooze 2 to melt (1 сочиться, капать 2 таять, пла-
виться): Karakh. sɨz- 1, 2; Tur. sɨz- 1; Gag. sɨz- 1, 2; Az. sɨz- 1; Turkm. sɨz-
1; MTurk. sɨz- 1, 2 (AH); Uzb. siz- 1; Uygh. sɨs- 2; Tat. sɨz- 1, 2; Kirgh. sɨz-
1; Kaz. sɨz- 1; Oyr. sɨs- 1, sɨsqɨr- 2; Tv. sɨzɨl- 1, sɨs-qa- ‘to strain’; Chuv.
šъran- 2, šъrat- ‘to strain’.
◊ EDT 861, VEWT 420, ЭСТЯ 7.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 44-45. A Western isogloss; cf. *sŕi, *sòri.
-šmo to dive, submerge, scoop: Tung. *šom-; Mong. *čomu; Turk. *čom-
/ čöm-; Jpn. *smá-; Kor. *sằm-.
PTung. *šom- 1 deep 2 scoop 3 to pour water over oneself 4 to sub-
merge, fall under ice (1 глубокий 2 чашка, черпак 3 облиться водой 4
увязать, проваливаться под лед): Evk. čomko 2; Evn. čumku- 3; Man.
šumin 1; SMan. šumin, sumin 1 (2617); Jurch. ĉu-mi-gi (695) 1; Ud. čompo-
4.
◊ ТМС 2, 406, 414, 429. TM > Dag. somog (Тод. Даг. 163).
PMong. *čomu scoop (черпак): WMong. čomu, čom (L 197: čomu
‘wine cup, goblet’); Kh. com; Bur. sobxon; Kalm. cōmə; Dag. čomō (Тод.
Даг. 182).
◊ KW 431. Mong. > Evk. čomo, Man. čoman, čomo (see Doerfer MT 61; but note that
forms like Evk. čomko are genuine).
PTurk. *čom- / *čöm- 1 to dive 2 to swim 3 to scoop 4 to immerse,
dip 5 scoop (1 погружаться, нырять 2 плавать, купаться 3 черпать 4
окунать 5 черпак, ковш): OTurk. čom- = čöm- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh.
čom-, čöm- 1 (MK), čömče 5 (MK Oghuz); Tur. čömče 5; Az. čömčä 5; Sal.
čum- (čöm-) 1, 2 (ССЯ); MTurk. čom- 1 (Abush.); Uzb. čụm-(mɔq) 1, čụmič
5; Uygh. čom-, čom-ul- (pass.) 1, čömüč 5; Krm. (K) čöm- 1, (T) čom- 1, 2,
(H) com- 1, ‘to flow’; (K) čomɨč, (T) čömüč 5; Tat. čum- 1, čümeč 5; Bashk.
sumɨ- 1, sümes 5; Kirgh. čomul-/čömül- 1, 2, čömü- 1, čömö- 4, čömüč 5;
 *šŏŋe - *šŏŋe 1343

Kaz. šom-ɨl- (pass.) 1, 2, šömiš 5; KBalk. čömüč 5; KKalp. šom-ɨl- (pass.) 1,

2, šömiš 5; Kum. čom- 4, čomuč 5; Nogh. šom-ɨl- (pass.) 1, 2, šomaqa , šömiš
5; SUygh. čomɨš 5 (ЯЖУ); Khak. som- 1,2, somnax ‘spoon’; Shr. šom- 2;
Oyr. čöm- 1, 4, čomɨjaq ‘pannier made of birch bark’; Tv. šɨm-ɨn- (refl.) 1;
Tof. šom- 1, šomuq ‘a small trough made of birch bark’; Chuv. čъₙm- 1 (
< Tat.?; čъm ‘jar’ may be < Pers., see Федотов 2, 401); Yak. som-us- 3.
◊ VEWT 115, TMN 3, 95-99, EDT 422, Егоров 319. Cf. also *čamčak / -ɨ- ‘big spoon’
(VEWT 98; < *čom-čak?). Various forms meaning ‘to squat’ may belong here as well (cf.:
Tur. čömel-, Az. čömäl-, Gag. čömel-, Turkm. čommal-, Tat. čümäš-, Kaz. šömej-, KBalk.
čömel- (’trip over’; cf. also čömel-t- ‘to turn over; dip someone into water’), with a secon-
dary semantic development (’dip, dive’ > ‘fall or sit down, squat’); cf. similar semantic
shifts in PT *čök-.
PJpn. *smá- to dip, dye (красить, погружать в краску): OJpn.
soma-; MJpn. sómá-; Tok. sòme-; Kyo. sómé-; Kag. somé-.
◊ JLTT 755.
PKor. *sằm- 1 to swallow 2 to penetrate (1 глотать 2 проникать,
пронизывать): MKor. sằmskí- 1, sằmằs-, sằmằčh- 2; Mod. samkhi- 1,
samu-čhi- 2.
◊ Nam 287, 293, KED 874, 905.
‖ SKE 21, EAS 64, 141.
-šŏŋe ( ~ -i) deep, hollow: Tung. *šoŋ-; Mong. *čoŋg- / *čöŋk-; Turk.
*čöŋ-.
PTung. *šoŋ- 1 hole, hollow, cave 2 pool, pond (1 яма, впадина,
рытвина 2 пруд): Evn. čōŋịn 2; Neg. čoŋdoxo 1; Man. šonto, šuŋku 1; Ul.
čōŋdō 1; Ork. toŋdo 1; Nan. čoŋdō 1; Orch. čoŋdō, čoŋdoko 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 407, 429. Man. čondoχo < South. TM.
PMong. *čoŋg- / *čöŋk- 1 hole, uneven ground 2 deep (of water) 3
pool 4 hollow, cave 5 bag, pouch 6 small bag (1 ямы в земле, неровная
земля 2 глубокий (о воде) 3 лужа, водоем 4 полый, вогнутый 5 ме-
шочек): WMong. čoŋɣur 1 (L 198), čoŋkijal (L 198) / čoŋgijal 2, čüŋgürüg
4, čüŋke 5 (L 209); Kh. congor 1, conxiol 2, cünxēl 3, cünx 5; Bur. sünxereg
‘pool, basin, pond’; Kalm. coŋɣāl 2, coŋxəg ‘pit’ (КРС); Ord. čöŋχör 1.
◊ Mong. > Chag. čüŋül ‘Wassertümpel’, Kaz. čöŋgöl ‘tiefe Stelle im Wasser’; *čuŋkur
‘tief, Vertiefung’ (VEWT 120); > Evk. čuŋurē, Man. čuŋguru ‘navel, cavity’ etc., see Doerfer
MT 38; > Evk., Evn. čuŋgun ‘hollow, cave’.
PTurk. *čöŋ- 1 leather bucket for milking 2 to submerge 3 hollow,
deep 4 pool, pond (1 кожаное ведро для дойки 2 погружаться 3 по-
лый, глубокий 4 пруд, водоем): Karakh. čöŋek 1; Tur. čöŋgül 4; Kirgh.
čöŋke ‘a metal vessel (чугунок)’; Shr. šüŋür 3; Oyr. čöŋ, čüŋ 3, čöŋ- 2.
◊ EDT 426.
‖ KW 428, 430. A Western isogloss.
1344 **šop῾é - **šop῾é
*šop῾é freckles, spots: Mong. *čob, *čow-kur; Turk. *čap-, *čopur; Jpn.
*səmpa-.
PMong. *čob, *čow-kur 1 small spot, freckle 2 spotted, variegated (1
пятнышко, веснушка 2 пятнистый, пестрый): WMong. čob 1, čouqur 2
(L 199); Kh. covd 1, cōxor 2; Bur. sōxor 2; Kalm. cōxər 2; Ord. čōxor; Dag.
čōxor, čōkor 2 (Тод. Даг. 182), čōkore (MD 130).
◊ KW 429, 431. Mong. > MTurk. čoqur (see Щербак 1997, 203), Evk. čōkur etc. (Doer-
fer MT 101, Rozycki 49).
PTurk. *čap-, *čopur 1 pock-marked, variegated 2 badly bred,
sloppy 3 to appear (of rash, furuncles) (1 пестрый, рябой 2 непороди-
стый, неряшливый 3 высыпать (о сыпи, чирьях)): Tur. čopur 1; Gag.
čɨbar- 3; Az. čopur 1; Turkm. čopur 1; MTurk. čubar ‘cheval gris de fer’,
čibar ‘grey, mottled (horse)’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. čipɔr 1; Uygh. čipa(r) 1; Krm.
čɨbar, cɨbar 1; Bashk. säbärt- ‘to appear (of rash on lips)’, sɨbar 1; Kirgh.
čobur 2; Kaz. šubar 1; KBalk. čapɨr- 3, čubar 1; KKalp. šubar 1; Kum. čapɨr-
3, čopur 1, čubar ‘variegated’; Nogh. šubar 1; Tof. šubar 1.
◊ VEWT 116, 118-119, Егоров 320, Федотов 2, 403. An expressive and late attested
root; appears, however, to be reconstructable for PT. The original shape is probably *čap-
(preserved in čap-ɨr- ‘to appear (of rash)’, with further labial assimilation into *čopur. The
frequently attested variant čupar > čubar is most probably a result of contamination *čopur
and *čubar (reflected in Tat. čuwar, Kirgh. čār that can only reflect *-b-).
PJpn. *səmpa freckles (веснушки): Tok. sobakasu.
‖ KW 429, Владимирцов 255. Cf. also Neg. čaw, čawụ ‘rash’ ( <
Mong.?). An expressive root, with a number of contaminations and
irregularities.
 T

-tằbà ( ~ -p-) a k. of fish: Tung. *dabā; Mong. *dabka; Jpn. *tàpì.

PTung. *daba salmon (кета): Neg. dawā; Ul. dawa; Ork. dawa; Nan.
dawa; Orch. dawa; Ud. dawa.
◊ ТМС 1, 185. Man. dafaχa id. corresponds irregularly and is most probably < Mong.
(despite Doerfer MT 143, Rozycki 53, suggesting an opposite direction).
PMong. *dabka a k. of fish (Doerfer: ‘quadratschnäuzige Meer-
brasse’) (вид рыбы): WMong. dabqa (L 214: sheatfish, catfish, Silurus),
dabqurul (L 215: a k. of fish resembling the carp); Kh. davxā, davxral.
PJpn. *tàpì name of various kinds of perch (назв. различных видов
окуня): OJpn. tapji; MJpn. tàfì; Tok. tái; Kyo. táì; Kag. taí.
◊ JLTT 538 (“sea-bream”).
‖ For Jpn. cf. alternatively TM *tab(u) (ТМС 2, 149) or *topV (ТМС 2,
198).
-tbi bad wind, infectious disease: Tung. *dā(b)-; Mong. *düjiren; Turk.
*dabul.
PTung. *dā(b)- to be infected (заражаться): Evk. dā(w)-; Evn. dāw-;
Neg. dā-; Ul. dā-; Ork. dā-; Nan. dā-; Ud. dā-.
◊ ТМС 1, 184.
PMong. *düjireŋ typhus (тиф): WMong. düireŋ (БАМРС); Kh.
düjren; Bur. düjren übšen.
PTurk. *dabul storm, strong wind (буря, сильный ветер): Tur.
(dial. ) daɣɨl; Turkm. dowul; MTurk. dawul (Pav. C.); Krm. tawul; Tat.
dawɨl; Bashk. dawɨl; Kirgh. dobul, dōl; Kaz. dawɨl; KKalp. dawɨl; Nogh.
dawɨl; Oyr. tōl (dial.); Chuv. tъₙvъₙl; Yak. tɨal; Dolg. tɨal.
◊ VEWT 476, Лексика 46-47, Stachowski 236-237.
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. *düji-ren < *dejü-ren, with a frequent
metathesis of labialization.
-tabu trade, barter: Mong. *daɣ-; Turk. *dab-; Jpn. *tùpìjái; Kor. *tòbi.
PMong. *daɣ- to present, make a gift, distribute (дарить, делать
подарок, распределять): MMong. da’ul- (SH); WMong. dajila- (L 222);
Kh. dajla-; Kalm. dāšl-; Mongr. dābla- ‘vénérer par des sacrifices, offrir,
sacrifier’ (SM 38).
◊ KW 82.
1346 *tbú - *tde
PTurk. *dab- 1 wares 2 goods, livestock 3 cattle 4 to sell, trade (1 то-
вар 2 имущество 3 скот 4 продавать, торговать): OTurk. tabar 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. tavar 1, 2 (MK, KB), 3 (KB), tav- 4 (KB); Tur. davar 3;
Az. davar 3; Turkm. dovar 3; MTurk. tavar (Pav. C.) 1, 3; Uzb. tɔvar 1;
Uygh. tavar 1; Krm. tuvar 3; Tat. tuwar 1; Bashk. tawar 1; Kirgh. tabar 1 (<
Russ.?); KBalk. tuwar 3; KKalp. tawar 1 (< Russ.?); Kum. tuwar 3.
◊ VEWT 451-452, ЭСТЯ 3, 114-117, Лексика 327-328, 336. Turk. > WMong. tawar,
Kalm. tawr (KW 385, Щербак 1997, 150), Russ. товар.
PJpn. *tùpìjái expense (расходы, траты): MJpn. tùfìjé.
PKor. *tòbi barter, trade (торговля): MKor. tò’i.
◊ Nam 157.
‖ An interesting common Altaic economical term. Let us note, how-
ever, that non-standard affixation in Japanese, as well as irregular tone
correspondence, may suggest a borrowing from Korean.
-tbú to endure, obey: Tung. *dābu-; Mong. *daɣa-; Jpn. *tùmpúnai.
PTung. *dābu- 1 to obey 2 to sacrifice 3 to envy (1 подчиняться 2
приносить жертву 3 завидовать): Evn. dabdaŋ- 3; Man. dobo- 2 ( > Nan.
dōbo-); SMan. diovi- (766) 2; Ul. dābụ- 1; Ork. dābụ- 1; Nan. dābo- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 184, 211. The Nan., Ul. and Orok forms look as if they are borrowed from
Manchu (original *-b- should regularly yield -w- here). TM > Dag. dōbo- ‘to sacrifice’ (Тод.
Даг. 137).
PMong. *daɣa- to endure, take responsibility (терпеть, подчинять-
ся, принимать ответственность): MMong. da’a-, da’us- (SH); WMong.
daɣa(ɣa)- (L 216); Kh. dā-; Bur. dā-; Kalm. dā-; Ord. dā-; Dag. dā- (Тод.
Даг. 134); Dong. da-; S.-Yugh. dā-; Mongr. dā- (SM 37).
◊ KW 81, MGCD 183.
PJpn. *tùmpúnai slave, servant (слуга, раб): MJpn. tùbúne.
◊ JLTT 553.
‖ The root reveals quite regular correspondences and is semanti-
cally plausible (Jpn. ‘servant’ = ‘one who obeys, endures’).
-tde trap, to obstruct: Tung. *dad-; Mong. *čidör; Turk. *dd-; Kor. *tət.
PTung. *dad- ferret trap (западня, ловушка на хорьков): Man.
dadari.
◊ ТМС 1, 190. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PMong. *čidör hobbles, fetters (путы, оковы): MMong. čido[r] (IM),
čidär- (MA); WMong. čidür (L 178); Kh. čödör; Bur. šüder; Kalm. čödr;
Ord. čödör; Dag. šider (Тод. Даг. 183); S.-Yugh. čödör; Mongr. ćudor (SM
460).
◊ KW 444, MGCD 577. Mong. > Chag. čidär etc. (VEWT 110); > Evk. čidar etc., see
Poppe 1966, 198, Doerfer MT 38, Rozycki 180.
PTurk. *dd- to hinder, obstruct (препятствовать, задерживать):
OTurk. tɨd- (OUygh.); Karakh. tɨδ- (MK); Turkm. dɨj-, d-ɣɨ ‘stop’;
 *tagi - *tagi 1347

MTurk. tɨj- (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. tij-; Krm. tɨj-; Tat. tɨj-; Bashk. tɨj-;
Kirgh. tɨj-; Kaz. tɨj-; KBalk. tɨj-; KKalp. tɨj-; Nogh. tɨj-; Khak. tɨs-; Oyr.
tijin- ‘to restrain (oneself)’; Chuv. čar-; Yak. tt- ‘touch’; Dolg. tt-
‘touch’.
◊ VEWT 477, EDT 450, Мудрак Дисс. 36, Федотов 2, 391, Stachowski 239.
PKor. *tət trap (ловушка): Mod. tət [təčh, təs].
◊ KED 451, 454.
‖ Final -čh in Kor. orthography is probably secondary, as in a num-
ber of other cases; for Kor. SKE notes also a variant tot. Cf. also Oroch
toti ‘trap’ (ТМС 2, 201) < Kor.?
-tagi complete: Tung. *dagu- ~ -b-; Mong. *deɣüren; Turk. *degül.
PTung. *dagu- ( ~ -b-) 1 content 2 to pour (1 содержимое 2 нали-
вать): Man. dō-la- 2; SMan. dolə-, dolu- 2 (598); Ul. dawụ, daụ 1; Ork. daw,
daụ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 187.
PMong. *düɣüre- 1 to be full, complete 2 full (1 быть полным, со-
вершенным 2 полный): MMong. du’uren (HY 53) 2, du’ur- (SH) 1,
dorun (IM), duran (MA) 2; WMong. dügürü-, degüre-, (L 278: dügür-,
degür-) 1, dügüreŋ, degüreŋ, degüren 2 (L 279); Kh. dǖr- 1; Bur. dǖren 2;
Kalm. dǖr- 1; Ord. dǖrge- (caus.); Mog. dur- 1 (Weiers); ZM dorgn
(24-11a) 2; Dag. dūre- 1 (Тод. Даг. 138, MD 139); Dong. duru- 1; Bao.
derge- (caus.); S.-Yugh. dǖre-, dūr- 1; Mongr. dǖri- (SM 57), (MGCD
diurə-) 1.
◊ KW 107, MGCD 243.
PTurk. *degül is not (нет, не): Karakh. tegül (MK Oghuz); Tur.
degül, dejil; Az. dejil; Turkm. dǟl; MTurk. degül (Pav.C.); Krm. duguĺ; Tat.
tügil; Bashk. tügil; Kirgh. tügül; Kaz. tügil; KKalp. tüwe; Kum. tügül;
Nogh. tuwɨl.
◊ EDT 480, ЭСТЯ 3, 213-214.
‖ KW 107. A Western isogloss. All forms reflect a morphological de-
rivative *tagi-gu(r/l) (which explains both labialization in the second
syllable and front row in Mong.). The Turkic form deserves special
comment: Ramstedt 1924 derived it from *tüke- ῾be exhausted’ (see un-
der *t῾ukì), i.e. “being exhausted, having come to an end” = “is not”. The
semantic derivation seems quite probable, but PT *degül is phonetically
not derivable from *tüke-; it appears rather to be derived from an oth-
erwise unattested PT *degü- < PA *tagi, but with the same semantic
shift. There is yet another possibility available: regarding -(ü)l in Turkic
as a remnant of the negative particle = PM *ülü ῾not’, i.e. *degül = “not
filled, incomplete”.
1348 *tago - *tagù
-tago sharp, to cut: Tung. *da(ga)-; Mong. *daɣa-; Turk. *dogra-.
PTung. *da(ga)- 1 sharp 2 to cut (1 острый 2 резать): Man. da-čun 1;
SMan. dačun 1 (1735); Jurch. da-ču-gi 1 (801); Ul. dā-qarụ 1; Nan. dā-rị- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 191.
PMong. *daɣa- 1 to be able to cut 2 cuttability (1 резать (о ноже,
пиле) 2 режущая способность): WMong. daɣa- 1; Kh. dā- 1; Bur. dā- 1,
dāsa 2; Kalm. dā-; Dag. dā- 1 (MD 131); Bao. da-; S.-Yugh. dā-; Mongr. dā-
‘entrer dans’ (SM 37).
◊ KW 81, MGCD 183. The root has merged with daɣa- ‘to be able, endure’, but seems
to preserve its old meaning.
PTurk. *dogra- to cut into slices, small pieces (резать ломтиками,
кусочками): Karakh. toɣra- (MK); Tur. dōra-; Gag. dora-; Az. doGra-;
Turkm. doGra-; Khal. torɣa-; MTurk. toɣra- (Sangl.); Uzb. tọɣra-; Uygh.
toɣra-; Krm. doGra-, tuvra-; Tat. tura-; Bashk. tura-; Kirgh. tūra-; Kaz.
tura-; KBalk. tuwra-; KKalp. tuwra-; Kum. tuwra-; Nogh. tuwra-; SUygh.
torɣa-; Khak. toɣɨra-; Shr. toɣra-; Oyr. tuɣra-; Tv. dōra-; Tof. dōra-; Chuv.
tura-; Yak. tōrot-.
◊ EDT 472, ЭСТЯ 3, 248-249, Ашм. XIV, 151, Федотов 2, 251.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-tagù root, grass root: Tung. *daga; Mong. *degne- / *dagna-; Turk.
*TAgna; Jpn. *tuku-nai.
PTung. *daga root (корень): Evk. daɣačān; Neg. dā; Man. da; SMan.
dā (2144); Jurch. da (120); Ul. dāča(n), dāni; Ork. dāta(n); Nan. dāč, d;
Orch. daha; Ud. dā, daha; Sol. dagasã, dagsã.
◊ ТМС 1, 188-189.
PMong. *degne- / *dagna- turf (дерн): WMong. degne-gül (L 252:
deŋnegül) / dagna-sun; Kh. degnǖl; Bur. dagnaha(n), degnǖl.
PTurk. *TAgna 1 turf 2 stem, stalk 3 a k. of plant (1 дерн 2 стебель,
ствол 3 вид растения): Karakh. taɣna java 3 (’al-mahrut’) (MK); Oyr.
dial. tunā 1 (Верб.); Chuv. tona 2.
◊ EDT 471, Федотов 1, 247. The OT word is questionable: an OT Hapax, but the sec-
ond part (java) is also a plant root. Taɣna java was added to sour milk in order to colour
it. Cf. Sak. ttumgara, Tokh. B tvānKārai, Tib. (Khotan) don-gra ‘ginger’. Bailey derives from
Iran. *tuvam-kara, i.e. ‘made thick’, but a Turkic origin (with Sak. suffixation) is also pos-
sible. If the Oyr. and Chuv. forms belong here the approximate PT reconstruction could
be *Tagna ‘root, stalk’. Turk. > Mong.: Khalkha tāna ‘лук многокорешковый’.
PJpn. *tuku-nai a k. of yam (вид ямса): Tok. tsukune (imo).
‖ A designation for some root-crop or grass root. Mong. deg-ne-,
Karakh. taɣ-na (although its PT antiquity is somewhat dubious, see
above) may reflect a common derivative *tagù-nV. The resemblance of
Jpn. tsuku-ne also may be not accidental (although synchronically -ne is,
of course, analysable as ne ‘root’).
 *taja - *tjV 1349

-taja to lean on: Tung. *daja-; Mong. *daji- (?); Turk. *daja-; Jpn. *tajə-r- (
~ -ua-).
PTung. *daja- to lean (прислоняться, опираться): Man. daja-.
◊ ТМС 1, 199. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *daji- to bend, sway (наклоняться, раскачиваться):
WMong. daji-bal-, (L 221) dajiba-; Kh. dajba- ‘quake, shake’; Bur. dajbagar
‘club-footed’; Kalm. dǟwl-; Ord. dǟwalǯi-; Mongr. dēwāl- (MGCD 190).
◊ KW 83. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. dajbā- (Kał. JW 182, Stachowski 77).
PTurk. *daja- 1 to prop 2 to lean (1 подпирать, прислонять 2 опи-
раться): Karakh. taja- 1 (MK); Tur. daja- 1, dajan- 2; Gag. daja- 1, dajan- 2;
Az. daja-; Turkm. daja- 1, dajan- 2; MTurk. taja- 1 (Sangl.), 2 (Pav. C.);
Uzb. taja- 1, tajan- 2; Uygh. tajan- 2; Krm. taja- 1; Tat. tajan- 2; Bashk.
taja- 1, tajan- 2; Kirgh. taja- 1, tajan- 2; Kaz. taja- 1; KBalk. tajan- 2;
KKalp. taja- 1, tajan- 2; Kum. taja- 1, tajan- 2; Nogh. taja- 1, tajan- 2;
SUygh. tajan- 2; Khak. tajan- 2; Shr. tajan- 2; Oyr. taja- 1, tajan- 2; Tv.
dajan- 2; Tof. daaq ‘staff’ (Рас. ФиЛ); Chuv. tuja ‘staff’ [tajan- 2 < Tat.];
Yak. tajā- 1, tajan- 2; Dolg. tajan- 2.
◊ VEWT 455, EDT 567, ЭСТЯ 3, 125-127, Stachowski 215. Turk. *daja-k ‘staff’ [per-
haps rather *dajna-k because of Tof. and Yak. forms: Yak. tajax, taax, Dolg. tajax, tańak, see
Stachowski 215, 216) > WMong. tajaɣ, Kalm. tajəg (KW 374-375, TMN 2, 445, Щербак
1997, 152).
PJpn. *tajə-r- ( ~ -ua-) to lean on, rely on (опираться, полагаться
на): MJpn. tajor-; Tok. tayór-; Kyo. táyór-; Kag. tayór-.
◊ JLTT 766. Original accent not quite clear.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 71. The Mong. form is somewhat dubious here for se-
mantic reasons. Cf. perhaps also MKor. tái- ‘mast’ ( < ‘stick, prop’).
-tjV big, good: Tung. *dāji; Mong. *daja-; Turk. *daja-gu.
PTung. *dāji 1 big 2 size of (1 большой 2 размером с): Evn. d- 2;
Neg. d- 2; Ul. dāị 1; Ork. dāi 1; Nan. dāị 1; Ud. dī-ŋki 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 190, 202. The antiquity of all listed forms is somewhat dubious: they all
may be borrowed < Manchu daj < Chinese.
PMong. *daja- 1 all 2 big, great (1 весь 2 большой): MMong. dajir 2
(SH); WMong. dajaɣar, dajan 1 (L 223); Kh. dajār 1; Kalm. dajār 1; Ord.
dajan 1; S.-Yugh. dajār 1 (MGCD 192).
◊ KW 73. Turkm. dajav ‘huge’ may have a Mong. source.
PTurk. *daja-gu 1 young, elegant, fastidious man 2 good, nice 3 ro-
bust, healthy, strong (man) (1 юный, элегантный, утонченный (чело-
век) 2 хороший, приятный 3 крепкий, здоровый, сильный (о чело-
веке)): Karakh. tajuq er 1 (MK); Tur. dajɨ (dial.) 2; Turkm. dajav 3.
◊ EDT 568.
‖ Дыбо 12. A Western isogloss, rather unreliable: the etymology is
acceptable if the TM forms are not < Chinese.
1350 *tjV - *tàk῾u
-tjV elder in-law, elder relative: Tung. *dā; Turk. *dāj-; Jpn. *dia ( ~
*dai).
PTung. *dā 1 in-law 2 elder in-law 3 elder brother of father; grand-
father (1 свойственник 2 старший свойственник 3 старший брат от-
ца; дед): Evk. dā 2; Evn. dā 2; Neg. dāŋta 1; Man. dančan 1; Nan. dā-mịn
3.
◊ ТМС 1, 183-184, 188-189.
PTurk. *dāj- uncle (дядя): OTurk. taɣaj ‘maternal uncle’ (OUygh.);
Karakh. taɣaj ‘maternal uncle’ (MK); Tur. dajɨ; Az. dajɨ; Turkm. dājɨ;
MTurk. taɣaji ‘maternal uncle’ (Sangl., MA); Uzb. tɔɣa; Uygh. taɣa;
Kirgh. taj, taɣa; Kaz. taɣa (dial.); KKalp. dajɨ; Kum. dajɨ; SUygh. taɣɨj;
Khak. taj, tajɨ, tāj; Shr. tajɨ; Oyr. tāj, taj; Tv. dāj; Yak. tāj.
◊ VEWT 455-456, TMN 3, 196, EDT 474, ЭСТЯ 3, 127-129, Лексика 296. Some forms
go back to a suffixed *dāja-kaj.
PJpn. *dia ( ~ *dai) elder brother or sister, elder relative (старший
брат или сестра, старший родственник): OJpn. je.
◊ JLTT 392.
‖ Cf. Bur. Olkh. dajdaj ‘auntie’.
-táke ( ~ d-) snake, lizard: Tung. *dakV (?); Jpn. *tká-; Kor. *tòirjòŋ.
PTung. *dakV sheat-fish (сом): Neg. dāxị; Nan. doaqa; Sol. dāxi.
◊ ТМС 1, 192.
PJpn. *tká- lizard (ящерица): MJpn. tókágè; Tok. tòkage; Kyo.
tòkágè; Kag. tokáge.
◊ JLTT 548. RJ, Tokyo and Kagoshima point to *tká-, but Kyoto - to *tká-. Cf. also
Ryukyu: Yonaguni tùgárà ‘snake’.
PKor. *tòirjòŋ lizard (ящерица): MKor. tòirjòŋ; Mod. toroŋ-njoŋ.
◊ Nam 162, KED 464.
‖ Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; the Tungus parallel is dubious.
-tàk῾u to attach, touch, reach: Tung. *dak-sa-; Mong. *duku-; Turk.
*dAk-; Jpn. *tùk-; Kor. *tàh-.
PTung. *dak-sa- to stick to (прилипать, приставать): Ul. daqsa-;
Ork. daqsa-; Nan. daqsa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 192.
PMong. *duku- to almost reach; to barely pass through (почти дос-
тигать; еле пролезать): WMong. duqu- (L 278); Kh. duxa-; Bur. duxa-
(dial.) ῾to penetrate’.
PTurk. *dAk- to bind to, add to (привязывать, прикреплять):
OTurk. taq- (OUygh.); Karakh. taq- (MK - Oghuz); Tur. tak-; Gag. daq-;
Az. tax-; Turkm. daq-; MTurk. taq- (Sangl., MA); Uzb. taq-, dial. Xwar.
daq-; Krm. taq-; Tat. taq-; Bashk. taq-; Kirgh. taq-; Kaz. taq-; KBalk. taq-;
KKalp. taq-; Kum. taq-; Oyr. taq- (dial. - Tuba).
◊ VEWT 456, EDT 464, ЭСТЯ 3, 129-130.
 *talo - *tál[u] 1351

PJpn. *tùk- to touch, to reach; be attached, attach (трогать, дости-

гать; быть прикрепленным, прикреплять): OJpn. tuk-; MJpn. tùk-;
Tok. tsúk-; Kyo. tsúk-; Kag. tsùk-.
◊ JLTT 774.
PKor. *tàh- to touch, reach to (трогать, достигать): MKor. tàh-, tàhi-;
Mod. tā- [tah-], tǟ-.
◊ Liu 197, 204, KED 418, 422.
‖ A secure common Altaic root.
-talo wing, shoulderblade: Mong. *dalu, *dali; Jpn. *tà-i; Kor. *tằr’ái.
PMong. *dalu, *dali 1 shoulderblade 2 wing (1 лопатка 2 крыло):
MMong. ṭālum (IM) 1, dalu (MA) 1; WMong. dalu 1, dali 2; Kh. dal 1, daĺ
2; Bur. dala 1, dali 2; Kalm. dalə 1; Ord. dalu 1; Mog. dōlu; ZM dlū (2-7a);
Dag. dal 1 (Тод. Даг. 134), dale 1 (MD 132); Dong. daleu, taleu, dale 1;
Bao. dali 1; S.-Yugh. dālə 1; Mongr. dālī (SM 42), dalu (Minghe) 1.
◊ KW 73, MGCD 193. Mong. > Chag. dalu etc. (see ЭСТЯ 3, 131-132); > Evk. dalu
(Poppe 1966, 195, 1974, 121).
PJpn. *tà-i hand, arm (рука): OJpn. te; MJpn. tè; Tok. té; Kyo. tḕ;
Kag. té.
◊ JLTT 545.
PKor. *tằr’ái wing (of a saddle) (крыло (седла)): MKor. tằr’ái; Mod.
tarä.
◊ Nam 141, KED 382 (deriving the word from tắr- ‘hang’, which is dubious).
‖ The Japanese word may belong here if it goes back to *tal(V)-gV ( =
MKor. tằr’ái, but tone correspondence is irregular).
-tál[u] to be together: Tung. *dali-; Mong. *dali-; Turk. *delim; Jpn.
*túrá-; Kor. *tằrí-, *tăr-m-.
PTung. *dali- 1 help 2 due to (1 помощь 2 благодаря): Ul. dalị(n) 1;
Nan. dalịndo 2; Ud. dalindini 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 194.
PMong. *dali-m 1 suitable occasion 2 all together (1 подходящий
случай 2 все вместе): WMong. dalim 1 (L 226); Kh. dalim 1; Bur. dalin 2;
Ord. dalim ‘maniere, mode’.
PTurk. *delim many (много): OTurk. telim (OUygh.); Karakh. telim
(MK); Tur. delim (Osm.).
◊ VEWT 472, EDT 499-500.
PJpn. *túrá- to go together with, bring as company (идти вместе с, в
сопровождении): MJpn. túrá-; Tok. tsùre-; Kyo. tsúré-; Kag. tsuré-.
◊ JLTT 775.
PKor. *tằrí- 1 to be together with 2 to be similar (1 быть вместе с 2
быть похожим): MKor. tằrí- 1; Mod. teri- 1, tam- 2 (orth. tălm-).
◊ Nam 136, KED 408, 456.
1352 *tlV - *tắĺbà
‖ EAS 110, SKE 257, Martin 225. Vocalism is insecure (Kor.-Jpn.
point rather to *tólu).
-tlV to lick: Tung. *dala-; Mong. *dol[u]ɣa-; Turk. *dāla-.
PTung. *dala- 1 to lap, swill 2 to feed (animals) (1 лакать 2 кормить
(животных)): Evk. dala- 1; Evn. dal- 1; Neg. dala- 1; Ul. dala-n- 2; Nan.
dalo- 2; Orch. dalau- 2; Ud. dala- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 193.
PMong. *dol[u]ɣa- to lick (лизать): MMong. dulom- (IM), dula-
(MA); WMong. doluɣa-, dolija- (L 259); Kh. dolō-; Bur. doĺō-; Kalm. dolā-;
Ord. dolō-; Mog. ZM dl (15-6b, 28-12); Dag. dolō- (Тод. Даг. 137, MD
137); Dong. dolu-; Bao. dolə-; S.-Yugh. dōl-; Mongr. dōli- (SM 59).
◊ KW 94, MGCD 224.
PTurk. *dāla- to bite (кусать): Tur. dala-; Gag. dala-; Az. dala-;
Turkm. dāla-; MTurk. tala- (MKypch.: AH, Ettuhf.); Tat. tala-; Chuv.
tula-, recipr. tola-š-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 134-136, Ашм. XIV, 120. This root should be strictly distinguished from
PT *tāla- ‘to rob’, with which it is confused in VEWT 458 and in EDT 492.
‖ EAS 50-51, Poppe 22, 74, Дыбо 13, Мудрак Дисс. 186; TMN 4, 186
(“lautgesetzlich unwahrscheinlich”). A Western isogloss. The Turk.
reflex of the root is usually assumed to be *jālga- ‘to lick’ - which, how-
ever, also matches very well PA *ǯālu ‘saliva, swallow’ and should be
rather attributed there. In Pre-Turk. we have to postulate a semantic
shift 1) ‘lick’ > ‘bite’; 2) ‘saliva(te)’ > ‘lick’.
-tắĺbà other side, outer side: Tung. *dalba; Turk. *daĺ; Jpn. *ds; Kor.
*tàră-.
PTung. *dalba 1 side 2 near (1 сторона 2 близко): Evn. dalbъ 2;
Man. dalba 1; SMan. daləfə, daləvə (2570); Jurch. dalba-la (605) 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 193.
PTurk. *daĺ outer side (наружный, снаружи): OTurk. taš (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. taš (MK, KB); Tur. dɨš; Gag. dɨšar; Az. dɨšarɨ; Turkm.
daš; Sal. dašɨ (Kakuk); Khal. taš; MTurk. taš (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tɔš;
Uygh. taš; Krm. tɨš; Tat. tɨš; Bashk. tɨš; Kirgh. tɨš; Kaz. tɨs; KBalk. tɨš;
KKalp. tɨs; Kum. tɨš; Nogh. tɨs; SUygh. tas; Khak. tas; Shr. taštɨ ‘exterior
side’; Oyr. tɨš; Tv. tɨš; Chuv. tol; Yak. tas; Dolg. tas.
◊ VEWT 466, EDT 556-557, TMN 2, 511, ЭСТЯ 3, 164-167, Ашм. XIV, 115, Федотов 2,
243-244, Stachowski 218. -ɨ- in some languages is not quite clear.
PJpn. *ds other side (внешняя сторона, другая сторона): OJpn.
joso; MJpn. joso; Tok. yosó; Kyo. yósò; Kag. yóso.
◊ JLTT 578.
PKor. *tàrằ- other (другой): MKor. tàrằ-; Mod. tarɨ-.
◊ Nam 129, KED 382.
 *tàĺbe - *tĺ[o] 1353

‖ АПиПЯЯ 76. Jpn. has *-ə- instead of *-a- because of bad compati-
bility of *a and *ə in PJ.
-tàĺbe harness: Mong. *delbeg; Turk. *duĺa-; Jpn. *dsp-.
PMong. *delbeg reins (вожжи): MMong. delbeget (SH); WMong.
delbeg (L 247); Kh. delbeg.
◊ Mong. > Chuv. tilpxepe, see Róna-Tas 1971-1972.
PTurk. *duĺa- 1 to hobble 2 hobble (1 стреножить 2 путы): Karakh.
tuš ‘a belt buckle’ (MK, KB), tuša- 1 (KB), tušaq 2 (MK); Tur. duša- (dial.);
Turkm. dušaq 2; MTurk. (MKypch.) tuša- 1, tušaq 2 (AH); Uzb. tušɔw 2;
Uygh. čušä- 1; Tat. tɨšaw 2; Bashk. tɨša- 1; Kirgh. tuša- 1; Kaz. tusa- 1;
KKalp. tusa- 1; Nogh. tɨsaw 2; Khak. tuza- 1; Shr. tuža- 1; Oyr. tuža- 1;
Tv. du῾ža- 1; Tof. duša- 1; Chuv. tъₙlъₙ 2; Yak. tɨhɨta ‘clothing buckle’ (?).
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 306, EDT 558 (OT tuš ‘buckle’), 561, 562. Turk. > MMong. tušaɣa, WMong.
tuša-, tusi- ‘hobble’, see Clark 1980, 42, Щербак 1997, 159, whence Evk. tusā etc., see Doer-
fer MT 131, Аникин 190.
PJpn. *dsp- 1 to equip 2 equipment (1 облачаться, снаряжаться 2
снаряжение): OJpn. josop-, josop(w)op- 1, josopji 2; MJpn. jòsòf-, jòsòfòf- 1,
jòsòfì 2; Tok. yosṓ-, yosó- / yòso- 1, yosói 2; Kyo. yósṓ-, yósó- 1, yósóí 2; Kag.
yosṓ-, yosó- 1, yosói 2.
◊ JLTT 578, 787. Modern dialects reflect also a variant with high tone: it must be sec-
ondary, under the influence of *ds ‘outer side’ (interpreted as a compound *ds + p-
‘put clothes on the outer side’).
‖ In Turk. one would expect *-ɨ-; the reflex -u- is probably due to the
effect of the original labial in -ĺb-. Note that some forms (Tat., Bashk.,
Yak.) actually reflect *-ɨ-, so perhaps for PT one should rather assume
here a form like *dɨĺo-.
-tĺ[o] mat, mattress: Tung. *dāli; Turk. *döĺe-.
PTung. *dāli mat made of birch-bark (берестяная подстилка): Neg.
dālị; Ul. dālị; Nan. dālị; Orch. dāli.
◊ ТМС 1, 194.
PTurk. *döĺe- 1 to spread out (as mat) 2 mat, mattress (1 расстилать
(циновку) 2 циновка, подстилка, тюфяк): OTurk. töše- 1, töšek 2, (?)
tölet 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. töše- 1, töšek 2 (MK); Tur. döše- 1, döšek 2; Gag.
döše- 1, döšek 2; Az. döšä- 1, döšäk 2; Turkm. düše- 1, düšek 2; MTurk. töše-
1, töšek 2 (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. tọšak 2; Uygh. tüšäk, čüšäk 2; Krm. töše-
1, töšek 2; Tat. tüšə- 1, tüšək 2; Bashk. tüšə- 1, tüšək 2; Kirgh. töšö- 1, töšök
2; Kaz. tösö- 1 (R); KBalk. töšek 2; KKalp. töse- 1, tösek 2; Kum. töšek 2;
Nogh. töse- 1, tösek 2; SUygh. tösek 2; Khak. töze- 1, tözek 2; Shr. töže- 1,
töžek; Oyr. töžö- 1, töžök 2; Tv. döže- 1, döžek 2; Tof. tö’he-n- 1, tö’hek 2;
Chuv. tüžek 2.
◊ EDT 494, 561, 563, VEWT 495, TMN 2, 617, ЭСТЯ 3, 333-335.
1354 *tằnŋù - *tŋo
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. The semantic match is perfect, but front
row vocalism in Turkic is unclear (*doĺ- would be expected).
-tằnŋù to bind, rope: Tung. *daŋ-; Turk. *daŋ-; Jpn. *tùnà; Kor. *tan.
PTung. *daŋ- tight, bound tight, stuffed tightly (тугой, плотно на-
битый): Evk. daŋama; Man. dan ‘trap, snare’.
◊ ТМС 1, 196. Cf. also Man. deŋneen ‘strips (on footwear)’ (ТМС 1, 235).
PTurk. *daŋ- to bind together (связывать): Karakh. taŋ- (MK);
Turkm. daŋ-; MTurk. taŋ- (Abush., Sangl.); Kirgh. taŋ-; Kaz. taŋ-; KKalp.
taŋ-; SUygh. taŋ-; Oyr. taŋ-; Tv. doŋ-na-; Yak. taŋ-; Dolg. taŋ- ‘to put on’.
◊ VEWT 461, EDT 514, ЭСТЯ 3, 145-146, Stachowski 216. Turk. > Kalm. tan- ‘to plait,
knot’.
PJpn. *tùnà rope (веревка): OJpn. tuna; MJpn. tùnà; Tok. tsuná; Kyo.
tsúnà; Kag. tsuná.
◊ JLTT 556.
PKor. *tan bundle (связка): MKor. tan; Mod. tān.
◊ Nam 197, KED 393.
‖ SKE 254-255, ЭСТЯ 3, 146. Cf. *t῾úŋi.
-tàńo to love, long for: Tung. *dańa-la-; Jpn. *tànuà-; Kor. *tń-.
PTung. *dańa-la- to joke, mock (шутить, дразнить): Ul. dańala-.
◊ ТМС 1, 196. Isolated in Ul., but having possible external parallels.
PJpn. *tànuà- 1 pleasant, glad 2 to ask (1 приятный, радостный 2
просить): OJpn. tanwo-si- 1, tano-m- 2; MJpn. tànwò-si- 1, tànò-m- 2; Tok.
tanoshí- 1, tanóm- 2; Kyo. tánóshì- 1, tánóm- 2; Kag. tanoshí- 1, tànòm- 2.
◊ JLTT 763, 841.
PKor. *tń- to love (любить): MKor. ts- (tăńă-).
◊ Nam 144.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-tāŋa shelf: Tung. *dāŋsa; Jpn. *táná.
PTung. *dāŋsa 1 plank 2 saddle shelf 3 leather sole (1 планка 2 пол-
ка седла 3 кожаная подметка): Evk. dānne 2; Evn. dāŋr 1; Man.
daŋnaχan 3; Ul. daŋna 1; Ork. danda 2; Nan. daŋńā 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 196. Shortness in Nanai is unclear.
PJpn. *táná shelf (полка): OJpn. tana; MJpn. táná; Tok. tàna; Kyo.
táná; Kag. tána.
◊ JLTT 541.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; seems plausible, despite irregular tone cor-
respondence. Cf. Chuv. tiŋgəl, teŋgəl ‘bench’.
-tŋo pig: Tung. *dāŋu-; Turk. *doŋuŕ; Kor. *to’a-.
PTung. *dāŋu- a k. of seal (вид тюленя (сивуч)): Neg. dāŋā; Ul.
daụŋGar(ị); Ork. dōŋo, daụnǯarị; Orch. dauŋgai.
◊ ТМС 1, 196.
 *tapV - *tp῾V 1355

PTurk. *doŋuŕ pig (свинья): OTurk. toŋuz (OUygh.); Karakh. toŋuz

(MK); Tur. domuz; Gag. domuz; Az. donuz; Turkm. doŋuz; Sal. toŋas;
MTurk. toŋuz (Sangl.); Uzb. tọnɣis; Uygh. toŋɣuz; Krm. toŋɣuz, domuz;
Tat. duŋɣɨz; Kirgh. doŋuz; Kaz. doŋɨz; KBalk. toŋɣuz; KKalp. doŋɨz; Kum.
doŋɣuz; Nogh. doŋɨz; SUygh. doŋiz.
◊ VEWT 488, EDT 527, ЭСТЯ 3, 267-268, TMN 2, 585-586.
PKor. *to’a- pig (свинья): Mod. twǟǯi.
◊ KED 496. The form is not phonetically deducible from MKor. tòt (q.v.) and must
represent a different root.
‖ SKE 272, EAS 141, Дыбо 9.
-tapV to hurry, gallop: Tung. *dab-; Mong. *dab-; Turk. *dabra-.
PTung. *dab- mettled (of a horse) (ретивый, рьяный (о коне)):
Man. dabdali, dabduri.
◊ ТМС 1, 184. Attested only in Manchu, with parallels in Turk. and Mong.
PMong. *dab- 1 to spur on a horse 2 to hurry along, gallop 3 to ad-
vance 4 to attack (1 пришпоривать коня 2 скакать, спешить 3 про-
двигаться 4 нападать): MMong. dobtul- (MA) 2; WMong. dabi- 1, dabki-
2 (L 212), dabsi- (L 213); Kh. davi- 1, davxi- 2, davši- 3, dovtlo- 2, 4; Bur.
dabxi- 2; Kalm. dabki- 2 (СЯОС); Ord. dabši- 1; S.-Yugh. dabšil- 3, dabtal-
2; Mongr. debši- 3.
◊ MGCD 186, 188.
PTurk. *dabra- to hasten, be in a hurry (спешить): OTurk. tavra-
(OUygh.); Karakh. tavra- (MK); Tur. davran-; Khak. tabɨra-; Shr. tabɨraq
‘quickly’; Tof. dra-q ‘quick’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 112-114, EDT 443. Turkm. dābɨra- is a result of contamination with dābala-
‘to trample’ (v. sub *tp῾V).
‖ ЭСТЯ 3, 114. A Western isogloss.
-tp῾V to stamp, press: Tung. *dap-; Mong. *dabta-; Turk. *dāp-.
PTung. *dap- to flatten, press (сплющивать, прижимать): Evk.
dapča-; Ork. dapāw-.
◊ ТМС 1, 197-198.
PMong. *dabta- to forge, hammer (ковать, молотить): MMong.
dabta- (SH) ; dabši- ‘to knock, hit’ (SH); WMong. dabta- (L 213); Kh.
davta-; Bur. dabta-; Kalm. dawt- KPC 175; Ord. dabta-; Dag. dabete- (MD
131); S.-Yugh. dapta- (MGCD 186).
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. tapta- etc.; Evk. dapta- etc., Doerfer MT 101.
PTurk. *dāp- to trample (топтать): Karakh. tabrɨ- ‘to jump about
(about a camel)’ (MK); Turkm. dābala- ‘to trample’ (of a camel), dābɨra-
‘to ride, stamp’; Tat. tapa- (dial.); Bashk. tapa-; Kaz. tapa-; KKalp.
tapɨlda-; Oyr. tabar- ‘to fall upon’; Yak. tabɨj- ‘to hit with front hooves’
(of a horse); Dolg. tabɨn- ‘to scratch with a hoof’.
1356 *tara - *tro
◊ EDT 443, ЭСТЯ 3, 111-112, Stachowski 214. The Tat., Kaz., Bashk. and KKalp. re-
flect a variant *dapa- (or perhaps expressive *dāppa-, to account for the lack of voicing -p-
> -b- after a long vowel).
‖ Poppe 104, Menges 1982, 105, Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss. There
exists also a not quite reliable variant *t῾abi id. (Mong. tab ‘clinch, rivet’;
TM *tabi- ‘to forge’ (ТМС 2, 149, with yet another variant *tabi-ti- >
*tapti- / *tipti- id., see ibid. and ТМС 2, 186).
-tara swelling, hardening, tumour: Tung. *darga; Mong. *dar-; Jpn. *tari.
PTung. *darga 1 tumour, growth (of neck glands) 2 throat, larynx (1
опухоль (шейных желез) 2 гортань): Evk. dargā 1; Evn. darg 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 199.
PMong. *dar- to become stiff, hard or solid; to become rough, un-
even, hard (затвердевать, огрубевать): WMong. daraji-, darsaji- (L 232,
233); Kh. daraj-, darsaj-.
PJpn. *tari tumour (опухоль): OJpn. tari.
‖ The root is not widely attested, but seems quite reliable.
-tăra a k. of plant, reed: Tung. *daragan; Mong. *darki; Turk. *dạrɨ-g;
Kor. *tār.
PTung. *daragan 1 quitch 2 reed, cane (1 пырей 2 камыш): Man.
darGan 2; Nan. darā 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 198-199.
PMong. *darki brushwood (заросли, валежник): WMong. darki (L
233); Kh. darxi; Bur. darxi.
PTurk. *dạrɨ-g millet (просо): OTurk. tarɨɣ (OUygh.); Karakh. tarɨɣ
(MK); Tur. darɨ; Gag. darɨ; Az. darɨ; Turkm. darɨ; Sal. darɨ; MTurk.
(MKypch.) tarɨ (CCum., AH); Uzb. tariq; Uygh. teriq; Krm. tarɨ, darɨ; Tat.
tarɨ; Kirgh. tarū; KBalk. tarɨ; KKalp. tarɨ; Kum. tari; SUygh. tarɨɣ; Khak.
tarɨɣ; Shr. tarā (possibly < Mong.); Oyr. taral ‘angelica’ (?); Tv. tarā (pos-
sibly < Mong.); Tof. darā (possibly < Mong.); Chuv. tɨrъ ‘corn’.
◊ VEWT 464, EDT 537-538, TMN 2, 480-482, ЭСТЯ 3, 157, Лексика 456-457. Turk. >
Hung. dara ‘grain, groats’, see Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *tār reed (тростник): MKor. tār; Mod. tāl.
◊ Liu 198, KED 401.
‖ Lee 1958, 107 (TM: Kor.), Дыбо 10. PT *dạrɨ-g is usually regarded
as derived < *TArɨ- ‘to cultivate (ground)’ (see sub *t῾òra) which is not
excluded.
-tro to stretch, spread: Tung. *dār-; Mong. *dar-; Turk. *dar-; Kor. *tăr-.
PTung. *dār- 1 to stretch 2 fathom (1 растягивать 2 сажень): Evk.
dār 2; Evn. dār 2; Neg. dā 2; Man. da 2, dara- 1; Ul. dā(l) 2; Ork. dā(ra) 2;
Nan. dā(r) 2; Orch. dā 2; Ud. dā 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 198.
 *trV - *trV 1357

PMong. *darba- 1 to gape, open wide 2 width of the palm of the

hand, width of the finger (1 зиять, широко раскрывать 2 ширина ла-
дони, пальца): WMong. darbaji- 1 (L 232), daruma 2 (L 235); Kh. darvaj-
1, daram 2; Bur. darbaj- 1; Kalm. darwǟ- 1; Ord. darwǟ- 1; Dag. darbalǯi- 1
(Тод. Даг. 135), darbəi- 1 (MGCD 202).
◊ KW 79.
PTurk. *dar- 1 to go apart, scatter, spread 2 to branch, be forked 3
branch 4 claw 5 finger (1 расходиться, рассеиваться, распространять-
ся 2 растопыриваться, разветвляться 3 ветвь 4 лапа 5 палец):
Karakh. tarmaq 4, tarmaqla- 2, tar- 1 (MK); Tur. darga- 1 (dial.); Az.
darma-daɣɨn ‘scattered’; Turkm. darɣa- 1; MTurk. tar- ‘to put an end to
smth.’ (Qutb); Uzb. tarvaj- 2, tarmaq 3; Uygh. tarmaq 3; Tat. tar- 1 (dial.),
tarmaq 3; Bashk. tarba- 2, tarmaq 3; Kirgh. tarba- 2, tarmaq 3; Kaz. tarmaq
3; KKalp. tarba- 2, tarmaq 3; Kum. tarmaq 3; Nogh. tarma- 2, tarmaq 3;
SUygh. tarmaq 5; Khak. tarba- 2; Tv. darba- 2; Chuv. torat 3; Yak. tarbax 5,
tarɣā- 1; Dolg. targat- 1 (tr.).
◊ VEWT 463, EDT 529, ЭСТЯ 3, 150-151, Дыбо 312, Лексика 256, Федотов 2, 251,
Stachowski 218. Widely spread modern Kypchak forms like Kirgh. tara-, tarqa- ‘to be-
come scattered’ etc. are most probably < Mong. tara-, tarqa- (see under *t῾ájri), since the
(rather scanty) Oghuz evidence points to *d-, so Clauson (EDT 529) may be right in think-
ing that there is no etymological connection between PT *dar- and Mong. tara-, tarqa-
‘disperse’. It is also probable that the common Turkic derivatives *darma- ‘to scrape, rake
up; to scatter, disperse in different directions’, as well as *dara- ‘to comb’ (ЭСТЯ 3,
147-149, Stachowski 217) can belong here - although both roots tend to contaminate ac-
tively with PT *dɨrŋa- ‘to scrape’ (q. v. sub *čŭru).
PKor. *tăr- to pull (тянуть, растягивать): MKor. tărăi-; Mod. tari-
(arch.).
◊ Nam 135, KED 383.
‖ Лексика 256, Lee 1958, 107 (Kor.-TM). Cf. *t῾ájri.
-trV follow, follow in a row: Tung. *dā-, *dara-n; Mong. *daraɣa; Turk.
*dārɨ-.
PTung. *dā-, *dara-n 1 to follow, chase, track 2 row, in a row (1 вы-
слеживать, преследовать 2 ряд, в ряд): Evk. dā- 1, daran 2; Evn. dač- 1,
darān 2; Neg. dā- 1, dajan 2; Man. dara- 1, doran 2; Ul. dačị- 1, darịn 2; Ork.
dā- 1, daram 2; Nan. dāčị- 1, darĩ 2; Ud. dǟ 2 (Корм. 226).
◊ ТМС 1, 184, 198-199. Cf. also PTM *de(ri)- ‘to arrange in a row’ (ТМС 1, 230).
PMong. *daraɣa- after, following, in a row (после, следуя за, в
ряд): MMong. darun (SH), cf. daruj-dur (HY 55) ‘now, at this moment’;
WMong. daraɣa (L 231), daruɣa, daru; Kh. darā, daram; Bur. darā; Kalm.
darān; Ord. darādaχi ‘the one who is after’; Dag. darā; S.-Yugh. darā-lal;
Mongr. darla- ‘laisser après soi, instituer’ (SM 46).
◊ KW 77, MGCD 199.
1358 *tḗ - *tèbú
PTurk. *dārɨ- to touch, fall upon, attack (дотрагиваться, нападать):
Tur. (Osm.) darɨ- (14 c.); Az. daraš-; Turkm. dāra-; MTurk. darɨ- (Pav. C.);
Tat. tarɨ-; Bashk. tarɨ-; Yak. tārɨj-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 149. Despite VEWT 133, hardly a mongolism (but Kaz., Nogh., KKalp.
darɨ- are probably < Mong. daɣari-). One should perhaps link also *dArɨ-n-, *dArɨ-l- ‘to
become angry, offended’ (ЭСТЯ 3, 161-162 - pass. or medial forms, i.e. *’to be touched,
approached’).
‖ EAS 51, Poppe 22, 79. A Western isogloss. The Jpn. reflex could
have merged with *čúŕu q. v. TM *daran can be borrowed < Mong. (see
Doerfer MT 73), but *dā- (with preservation of length in a monosyllabic
stem after the loss of -r-) is certainly genuine.
-tḗ to say, sound: Tung. *de(b)-; Mong. *dawu-; Turk. *dē-.
PTung. *de(b)- 1 song 2 to shamanize 3 tune (2 песня 2 камлать 3
напев): Evk. dewej 1, dew-ǯeki- 2; Man. dejeŋgu 3; Orch. dǟ-saŋgo ‘chorus
in shamanizing’.
◊ ТМС 1, 228, 230.
PMong. *dawu- sound, voice, song (звук, голос, песня): MMong.
dau’un (HY 42), dau’u (SH), daulaxči ‘singer’ (HY 30), da’ū (IM); WMong.
daɣu(n), daɣuu, duu (L 219, 278); Kh. dū(n); Bur. dū(n); Kalm. dūn; Ord.
dū(n); Mog. daun (Weiers), döün; ZM doun (5-6a); Dag. dau (Тод. Даг.
135, MD 133); Dong. don, duan ‘voice, song’; Bao. doŋ, dun; S.-Yugh.
dūn; Mongr. dū (SM 62), dau (Minghe).
◊ KW 104, MGCD 233. Mong. daɣu-la- > Evk. dawlā etc., see Doerfer MT 61.
PTurk. *dē- to say (сказать, говорить): OTurk. te- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. te- (MK, KB) 1; Tur. de-; Gag. de-; Az. de-; Turkm. dī-; Sal. dij-;
MTurk. di- (Abush.), te- (MA); Uzb. de-; Uygh. dä-; Krm. de-; Tat. di-;
Bashk. ti-; Kirgh. te-; Kaz. de-; KBalk. de-; KKalp. de-; Kum. de-; Nogh.
de-; SUygh. di-; Khak. tə-; Shr. te-; Oyr. de-; Tv. de-; Tof. de-; Chuv. te-;
Yak. die-; Dolg. die-.
◊ VEWT 467-8, EDT 433-4, ЭСТЯ 3, 221-224, Stachowski 79. Kypchak and some other
languages preserve voiced d- due to the word’s grammaticalized usage.
‖ A Western isogloss. One of several monosyllabic verbal roots.
-tèbú pelvis, lower part of body: Tung. *debu(kī); Jpn. *tùmpì.
PTung. *debu(kī) 1 pelvis 2 lower part of back 3 side (1 таз 2 ниж-
няя часть спины, круп 3 бок): Evk. duwukī, dewukī 1, 2; Evn. dewki 1, 2;
Neg. dōxī, dewexī 1, 2; Man. du, dū 1; Ul. dewe 1; Ork. dewe 1, 2; Nan.
dewe 1; Ud. deuxi 1; Sol. debexi, dewexi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 218.
PJpn. *tùmpì 1 vulva 2 arse (зад): MJpn. tùbì 1.
◊ JLTT 552. The meaning ‘arse’ is attested in Ryukyu dialects (Shuri čibi etc., see
ibid.).
‖ A Tung.-Jap. isogloss.
 *tēga - *tēga 1359

-tēga high; top, mountain: Tung. *deg-; Mong. *deɣe-; Turk. *dāg; Jpn.
*tàkà-; Kor. *tə-.
PTung. *deg- 1 to fly (v.) 2 bird (1 лететь 2 птица): Evk. deg- 1, degi
2; Evn. deɣ- 1, deɣi 2; Neg. deɣ- 1, deɣī 2; Man. deje- 1, dei 2; SMan. dei-,
dii- ‘to fly’ (2300); Ul. degde- 1; Nan. degde- 1; Orch. deili- 1; Ud. dieli- 1;
Sol. degelī- 1, degī 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 228-229. TM > Dag. degī ‘bird’ (Тод. Даг. 136).
PMong. *deɣe- 1 above, up 2 to fly 3 to jump, leap (1 наверх, навер-
ху 2 лететь 3 прыгать, перепрыгивать): MMong. de’ere (HY 50, SH),
dīrä (IM), dir (MA) 1; WMong. deɣe- 1 (L 242, 243), degde- 2 (L 241),
degüli- 3 (L 245); Kh. dē- 1, degde- 2, dǖlle- 3; Bur. dēr(e) 1, degde- 2; Kalm.
dē- 1, degdə- 2; Ord. dē- 1, degde- 2; Mog. dērä ‘auf, oben’, dēkši ‘aufwarts,
mehr, besser’; ZM dei-ra (7-1b), dei-du (24-3b) ‘above’, dekšə- (41-2) ‘to
come up’; Dag. dēre 1, derede-, degede- 2 (MD 135), dē- (Тод. Даг. 136),
derd- 1, (MGCD, Тод. Даг. 136) dēr, derde-; Dong. ǯierə, ǯiedu; Bao.
de-Goŋ 1; S.-Yugh. dīre, dīd; Mongr. dəre (SM 49), dē-di (SM 50), te-šə (SM
418) 1, diginē- ‘sauter sur un pied’ (SM 51), dǖli- ‘sauter, bondir, danser,
battre (coeur)’ (SM 56).
◊ MGCD 206, 211, KW 84, 91.
PTurk. *dāg mountain (гора): OTurk. taɣ (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
taɣ (MK, KB); Tur. daɣ; Gag. dā; Az. daɣ; Turkm. dāG; Sal. dāɣ; Khal. tāɣ;
MTurk. taɣ (MA), taɣ, ṭaɣ (Pav. C.); Uzb. tɔɣ; Uygh. taɣ; Krm. daɣ; Tat.
taw; Bashk. tau; Kirgh. tō; Kaz. taw; KBalk. tau; KKalp. taw; Kum. taw;
Nogh. taw; SUygh. taɣ; Khak. taɣ; Shr. taɣ (Верб.); Oyr. tū; Tv. daɣ; Tof.
daɣ, taɣ; Chuv. tu; Yak. tɨa ‘taiga, wood’; Dolg. tɨa ‘land, tundra’.
◊ VEWT 454, TMN 2, 439-440, EDT 463, ЭСТЯ 3, 117-118, Лексика 94, 111, Sta-
chowski 236.
PJpn. *tàkà- 1 high 2 mountain (1 высокий 2 гора): OJpn. taka- 1,
take 2; MJpn. tàkà- 1; Tok. taká- 1, také 2; Kyo. tákà- 1, tákè 2; Kag. taká- 1,
také 2.
◊ JLTT 539, 841.
PKor. *tə- still more, moreover (еще больше, сверх): Mod. tə.
◊ KED 439.
‖ Poppe 58, 89 (Mong.-Tung.; on Turk. *jẹg- see under *dòge), SKE
260, EAS 51, 145, Цинциус 1972, 4 (but ТМ *dǖ ‘top, above’ cannot be-
long here for phonetic reasons), Miller 1985, 143, АПиПЯЯ 283. TM
cannot be borrowed from Mong., despite Doerfer MT 20, Rozycki 58.
Korean parallels for Jpn. taka-, take in Martin 236 are improbable; but
cf. also Kor. thjə ‘up’ in compounds, see SKE 48; another old derivative
may be Kor. tòt- ‘to rise’ = Mong. degde-]. A different etymology pro-
posed for PT *dāg is the comparison with WMong. tajiɣa ‘forest’ (see
e.g. VEWT 454). The etymology as such cannot be accepted (because of
1360 *tègà - *tegá
the wrong correspondence PT *d- : Mong. t-), but Turkic may in fact
have merged two originally different roots - which would explain an
abnormal correspondence of Turkic long vowel to PJ low tone.
-tègà ( ~ -o) mushroom: Tung. *degunŋēkte; Jpn. *tàkài.
PTung. *degunŋē-kte mushroom (гриб): Evk. deɣinŋēkte; Evn.
dewunŋit; Neg. dewuńŋekte; Ork. dewŋekte; Orch. deuŋekte.
◊ ТМС 1, 229-230. Evk. > Dolg. deginmekte (see Stachowski 78).
PJpn. *tàkài mushroom (гриб): OJpn. tak(j)e; MJpn. tàkè; Tok. take.
◊ JLTT 539.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-tegá (/*t῾egá) round: Mong. *tög/körig; Turk. *deg- / *dög- / *dog-; Jpn.
*tánka; Kor. *thɨ- / *thə-.
PMong. *tögörig round (круглый): MMong. togarik (HY 53), togori-
gai (SH), tugärig (MA); WMong. tögörig, (L 832) tögürig, tögerig, tügürig;
Kh. tögrög, dugarig, dügreg; Bur. tüxerig; Kalm. tögərəg, duɣərɣə; Ord.
tögörök; Dag. tukurin, (Тод. Даг. 169) tukuŕen; S.-Yugh. tögörög.
◊ KW 406, MGCD 236. Cf. also tögüɣe (Kalm. tög) ‘wheel, circle’ (KW 405).
PTurk. *deg- / *dög- / *dog- round (круглый): OTurk. tegirmi
(OUygh.); Karakh. tegirme (MK); Tur. degirmi ‘circle’; Az. däjirmi;
Turkm. tegelek, toGalaq; MTurk. tekirme, tekirmi (Pav. C.); Uzb. tụgarak;
Uygh. dügläk; Krm. togerek; Tat. tügɛrɛk; Bashk. tüŋäräk; Kirgh. tegerek;
KBalk. tögerek; KKalp. döŋgelek; Nogh. tögerek; SUygh. doGɨr; Khak.
toɣɨlax; Shr. toɣalaq; Oyr. toɣoloq; Tv. tögerik; Tof. tȫrej; Chuv. təₙgəₙr
‘mirror’; Yak. tüörem (poet.) ‘round’, tier- ‘to turn round’; Dolg. tier- ‘to
turn round’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 176-179, 281-282, Stachowski 222, 227. One of several expressive common
Turkic roots meaning ‘round’ and displaying phonetic irregularities. Some modern
Turkic forms (not listed above) are probably borrowed from Mongolian: cf., in particular,
Yak. tögǖr, tögürük, Dolg. tögürük ( > Evk. tuɣuruk). Cf. also Лексика 400 (with forms re-
flecting PT *teker). Bulg. > Hung. tükör ‘mirror’, see MNyTESz 3, 1010.
PJpn. *tánka hoop, rim (обруч): Tok. tagá; Kyo. tágá; Kag. tága.
◊ JLTT 537.
PKor. *thɨ- / *thə- 1 reel, spool 2 to spin, turn round (1 катушка 2
крутить): MKor. thəi 1, thr- 2; Mod. the 1, thɨl- 2.
◊ Liu 713, 718, KED 1704, 1724.
‖ Poppe 14, АПиПЯЯ 40-41, 285 (with some confusion of this root
and *t῾òŋke q.v.). An expressive root with some violation of correspon-
dences; but borrowing in Mong. from Turkic is hardly acceptable, de-
spite Щербак 1997, 154. In Mong., a variant *toɣ- may be present in
*toɣuri- ‘go round’ (MMong. (SH) to’ori-, KW 408, Dag. tōri-; > Man.
torgi-, ТМС 2, 204), tojira- id.; a variant *dug- in WMong. duɣuj,
Khalkha duguj, Kalm. duɣu ‘wheel, ring’ (L 271, KW 101), whence Tur.
 *teg[u] - *tḗla 1361

dial. toɣaj, Kum., KBalk. toɣaj ‘ring, part of wheel hoop’. Cf. also PA
*t῾ŏk῾V ‘curved’, also a possible source of contaminations.
-teg[u] to make knots, tie to a hook: Tung. *deg-; Mong. *degeɣe; Turk.
*düg-.
PTung. *deg- 1 to tie with a rope 2 hanger (for drying fish) 3 ski
rope (1 перевязывать веревкой 2 вешала (для сушки рыбы) 3 реме-
шок (лыжного крепления)): Ork. dēg- 1; Nan. degbimu 2; Ud. degumu
2, degseɣi 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 230.
PMong. *degeɣe < (*deɣe-ɣe) 1 hook 2 to be hooked up, suspended
2 to hang up, suspend (1 крюк 2 быть на крюке, подвешенным 3 под-
вешивать): WMong. degege 1 (L 242), degüǯi- 2, degüǯi-le- 3 (L 246); Kh.
degē 1, dǖžle- 3; Bur. degē 1, dǖžel- 3; Kalm. deg1, dǖǯl- 3; Ord. degē; Dag.
degē (Тод. Даг. 136) 1; S.-Yugh. degē 1; Mongr. dege boGodi
‘clopin-clopant’, dǖʒəle- ‘pendre, suspendre, se pendre’ (SM 56).
◊ KW 85, MGCD 212. Mong. > Evk. degē etc., see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 57.
PTurk. *düg- 1 to tie in a knot, make a loop 2 button 3 knot (1 завя-
зывать узлом, делать петлю 2 пуговица 3 узел): OTurk. tüg- 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. tüg- (MK) 1; Tur. düj-; Gag. dǖ-m-ük 3; Az. düj-;
Turkm. düv- 1; Khal. tīin 3; MTurk. tüg- 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. tug- 1; Uygh.
tüg- 1; Krm. tüjüm 3; Tat. töj-mä 2; Bashk. töjön 3; Kirgh. tüj- 1; Kaz. tüj-
1; KBalk. tüj- 1; KKalp. tüj- 1; Kum. tüj- 1; Nogh. tüj- 1; Khak. tüŋme 2;
Shr. tǖn 3; Oyr. tüj- 1; Tv. düj- 1; Tof. düɣ- 1; Yak. tü-m- 1, timex 2; Dolg.
tümük ‘knot’, timēk, timek 2.
◊ EDT 477, ЭСТЯ 3, 307-308, VEWT 503, Stachowski 223. On Mong. loans see SKE
264, TMN 3, 203.
‖ A Western isogloss. Turkic -ü- is quite strange here ( < *degü-?), so
the Turkic match is somewhat dubious.
-tḗla to become loose, faint, tire: Tung. *del(u)-; Turk. *dāl-; Jpn. *tar(a)-;
Kor. *tarh-.
PTung. *del(u)- 1 to become faint, dissolve 2 lose consciousness (1
замирать (о звуке), рассеиваться (о дыме) и т.п. 2 терять сознание):
Evn. dēl- 1; Nan. delu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 231.
PTurk. *dāl- to lose strength, to faint, lose consciousness (терять си-
лы, сознание): OTurk. tal- (OUygh.); Karakh. talɣan ig ‘epilepsy’ (MK);
Tur. dal-; Turkm. dāl- (dial.); MTurk. tal- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tɔl-;
Uygh. tal-; Krm. tal-; Tat. tal-; Bashk. tal-; Kirgh. tal-, talɨ-; Kaz. tal-;
KBalk. tal-; KKalp. tal-; Kum. tal-; Nogh. tal-; Shr. tal-; Oyr. tal-; Tv. dal-;
Tof. dal-; Yak. tāl-.
◊ VEWT 457, EDT 490, ЭСТЯ 3, 133-134.
1362 *télki - *tēlo
PJpn. *tar(a)- 1 to tire 2 loose, lax, tired 3 to become loose, lax (1 ус-
тавать 2 расслабленный, усталый 3 расслабляться): MJpn. tara- 1, 3,
taru- 2; Tok. darú- 2, tàrum- 3; Kyo. dárù- 2, tárúm- 3; Kag. darú- 2, tarúm-
3.
◊ JLTT 764, 847. An expressive root with irregular voicing and somewhat unclear ac-
cent correspondences.
PKor. *tarh- to tire, wear away (уставать, изнашиваться): MKor.
tarh-; Mod. tal- [talh-].
◊ Nam 200, KED 408.
‖ A good common Altaic verbal root.
-télki decking, duck-boards: Tung. *delkē-; Mong. *deleg; Turk. *Tel;
Jpn. *(d)íká(n)ta; Kor. *trkur.
PTung. *delkē(n) wooden platform for storing (помост, полка для
хранения продуктов): Evk. delkēn; Neg. delkē-xen; Ul. de-su; Ork.
delke(n); Nan. deke; Orch. deke(n); Ud. deke(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 233.
PMong. *deleg cross planks in a boat (дощатый настил в лодке):
WMong. deleg (L 248); Kh. deleg.
PTurk. *Tel decking, covering (настил): Turkm. telǟr ‘canopy’;
MTurk. telek ‘a double ceiling for storing goods’ (Pav. C.); KKalp. telek
‘crib, barn’; Yak. tel ‘a mat, plank covering in a sleigh’ (Пек. 3, 2619).
◊ VEWT 471. Yak. telgē- ‘to lay, put in a row’, Tuva delgeg ‘shop window; exhibition’
may be < Mong. delge- ‘раскладывать, выставлять’
PJpn. *(d)íká(n)ta raft (плот): OJpn. ikada; MJpn. íkáda; Tok. ìkada;
Kyo. íkádá; Kag. ikáda.
◊ JLTT 422.
PKor. *trkur 1 raft 2 stump (1 плот 2 пень): MKor. trkur 1, 2;
Mod. tɨŋgəl 2.
◊ Nam 174, KED 546.
‖ Jpn. and Kor. may reflect a common derivative *télki-rV (although
the source of -u- in the second syllable in Korean is not quite clear).
Most languages point to the original meaning ‘board covering’, proba-
bly ‘duck-boards in a boat or raft’ (with a secondary development >
‘plank covering in a sleigh’ in Turkic.
-tēlo wild, mad, dumb: Tung. *dele-; Turk. *dl(b)ü-.
PTung. *dele- 1 wild 2 dumb (1 дикий, одичавший (о животных)
2 тупой, тупеть): Evk. del(e)mī 1; Evn. delmi 1, (?) dīl- 2; Neg. delemi 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 206, 233.
PTurk. *dl(b)ü- mad, stupid (сумасшедший, глупый): OTurk.
telve (OUygh.); Karakh. telve (MK, KB); telü (MK-Oghuz); Tur. deli; Gag.
deli; Az. däli; Turkm. dǟli, telbe; MTurk. telve (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. telba;
Uygh. tälvä ‘sporty’; Krm. deli, teli; Tat. tile, (КСТТ) tilbä; Bashk. tile,
 *telV - *tḗma 1363

tilbä ‘stagger’; Kirgh. teli; delbe ‘stagger’; Kaz. delbe ‘stagger’; KBalk. teli;
KKalp. delbe ‘stagger’; Kum. deli; Nogh. teli; delbe ‘stagger’; Tof. telemir,
teleŋ; Chuv. tiler- ‘to become mad, enraged’.
◊ EDT 493, VEWT 472, ЭСТЯ 3, 214-216, TMN 3, 660-662. The forms meaning ‘stag-
ger’ reveal some irregularities (notably, voiced d- in some Kypchak forms), perhaps due
to interdialectal borrowing.
‖ Дыбо 12. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-telV to split, strike: Tung. *del-; Mong. *dele-; Turk. *del-.
PTung. *del- 1 to split, divide 2 be divided (1 раскалывать, разде-
лять 2 разделяться): Evk. delki- 1; Evn. delkъ- 1, deldъk- 1; Man. dende- 1,
delxe- 2; SMan. dendə- 1 (2622) 1200 1713; Jurch. del-xe (390) 2, deN-de-
(739) ‘to understand’; Nan. delki- 1; Ud. deki- 1 (Корм. 229), dekte- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 232, 233.
PMong. *dele- to strike, beat, hit (бить, ударять): MMong. delet-
(HY 38), dolät- (IM), dilät- (MA); WMong. deled-, deles- (L 248, 249); Kh.
dele-, delde-, delse-; Bur. deli-; Kalm. del-.
◊ KW 86.
PTurk. *del- 1 to bore through 2 to cut 3 to open (1 продырявли-
вать 2 резать): OTurk. tel- 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. tel- 1 (MK); Tur. del- 2;
Gag. del- 1; Az. däl- 2; MTurk. tel- 1 (Sangl., Abush.); Krm. del- 1; SUygh.
telɨk ‘opening’; Tof. del- 1; Yak. tel- 3.
◊ VEWT 471, EDT 490, ЭСТЯ 3, 185-186, TMN 2, 657.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-teĺV ? female: Tung. *delku-; Turk. *diĺi.
PTung. *delku- сватать (to arrange marriage): Nan. delxu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 233.
PTurk. *diĺi 1 female 2 woman (1 самка 2 женщина): OTurk. tiši 1
(OUygh.); Karakh. tiši (MK, KB) 1; Tur. diši 1; Gag. diši 1; Az. diši 1;
Khal. tiši 1; MTurk. tiši (Abush., Sangl.) 1; Krm. diši, tiši 1; KBalk. tiši 1;
Kum. tiši 1; SUygh. tese 1; Khak. təzə 1; Shr. tiži 1; Oyr. tiži 1; Tv. diži 1;
Yak. tɨhɨ 2; Dolg. tɨhɨ 2.
◊ VEWT 482, EDT 560-561, ЭСТЯ 3, 244-245, Лексика 315, Stachowski 237.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; dubious because of very scarce attestation
in TM.
-tḗma in vain, (scarcely) sufficient: Tung. *dem-; Mong. *demej, *dömü-;
Turk. *dēmin; Jpn. *támá; Kor. *tāmắi-n.
PTung. *dem- trick, roguery (чудачество, шалость): Man. demun.
◊ ТМС 1, 234. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels
(“trick, eccentricity” < “trying in vain”).
PMong. *demej in vain (напрасно): WMong. demei (L 250); Kh.
demij; Bur. demɨ; Kalm. demir- ‘to become worse than smth.’; Ord. demī;
Dag. demī (Тод. Даг. 136).
1364 *tmo - *tèmò
◊ KW 87, 98. Mong. > Evk. demej ‘in vain’ etc. (ТМС 1, 234), see Doerfer MT 96; >
Turk. Tel., Bar. temej (VEWT 472).
PTurk. *dēmin 1 enough 2 immediately (1 достаточно 2 немедлен-
но, только что): OTurk. temin 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. temin (MK) 2; Tur.
demin 2; Gag. demin 2; Khal. tīemi 1; Krm. demin (K) 2; Tv. dem 2, demin
2; Tof. dɛ:min 2; Chuv. taman 1, 2.
◊ EDT 507, ЭСТЯ 3, 187-188.
PJpn. *támá occasional(ly), rare(ly) (случайно, редко): MJpn. támá;
Tok. tàma; Kyo. támá; Kag. tamá.
◊ JLTT 539. One can also mention Jpn. dame ‘in vain’ (accent correspondences point
to *támà-i) - a late word with an irregular voiced initial, but very probably having the
same origin.
PKor. *tāmắi-n rarely, only (редко, только, всего лишь): MKor.
tāmắin; Mod. taman.
◊ Nam 130, KED 384.
‖ Martin 240 (Kor.-Jpn.), ТМС 1, 234.
-tmo to drip, soak: Turk. *dam; Jpn. *támár-; Kor. *tằm-.
PTurk. *dam 1 drop 2 to drop (1 капля 2 капать): Karakh. tam- 2
(MK); Tur. dam- 2; Gag. dam-na 1; Az. dam- 2; Turkm. dam- 2; MTurk.
tam 1 (Abush.), tam- 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔm-; Uygh. tam- 2; Krm. tam- 2;
Tat. tam- 2; Bashk. tam- 2; Kirgh. tam- 2; Kaz. tam- 2; KBalk. tam- 2;
KKalp. tam- 2; Kum. tam- 2; Nogh. tam- 2; Oyr. tam- 2; Tv. dam-dɨ 1; Tof.
tam-dɨ 1; Chuv. tom-la- 2; Yak. tammax 1.
◊ VEWT 459, EDT 503, ЭСТЯ 3, 139-140, Федотов 2, 245. There is also a variant *dɨm
‘wetness’ (ЭСТЯ 3, 294).
PJpn. *támár- to accumulate (of water) (скапливаться (о воде и
пр.)): OJpn. tamar-; MJpn. támár-; Tok. tàmar-; Kyo. támár-; Kag. tamár-.
◊ JLTT 762.
PKor. *tằm- to soak, immerse (мочить, окунать): MKor. tằm-; Mod.
tamgɨ-.
◊ Nam 142, KED 409.
‖ In Turkic one would rather expect *dạm: perhaps the variants *dam
and *dɨm reflect original *dạm with later interdialectal borrowings.
-tèmò ( ~ -a) root; strength, soul: Mong. *daŋ-gi ( < *dam-gi); Turk.
*dạmor; Jpn. *tàmà.
PMong. *daŋgi root; origin, generation (корень; происхождение,
поколение): WMong. daŋgi; Kalm. däŋgə.
◊ KW 82.
PTurk. *dạmor 1 vein, artery 2 root (1 жила, сосуд 2 корень):
OTurk. tamar, tamɨr 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. tamur (MK, KB), tamar
(MK-Oghuz) 1; Tur. damar 1; Gag. damar 1; Az. damar 1; Turkm. damar 1;
Sal. tamɨr 1; MTurk. tamur 1, 2 (Sangl., Abush., MA); Uzb. tɔmir 1; Uygh.
tomur, temir 1, 2; Krm. tamur 1, 2; Tat. tamɨr 2; Bashk. tamɨr 1, 2; Kirgh.
 *téŋgu - *tp῾é 1365

tamɨr 2; Kaz. tamɨr 1, 2; KBalk. tamɨr 1, 2; KKalp. tamɨr 1, 2; Kum. tamur

1, 2; Nogh. tamɨr 1, 2; SUygh. tamɨr 1; Khak. tamɨr 1, 2; Oyr. tamɨr 1, 2;
Tv. damɨr 1; Tof. damɨr 1; Chuv. tɨmar 1, 2; Yak. tɨmɨr 1; Dolg. tɨmɨr 1.
◊ VEWT 460, EDT 508, ЭСТЯ 3, 143-144, Лексика 107-108, 264-265, Stachowski 238.
There are also some forms with -o-: Oyr. tomur- ‘to uproot’, Kirgh. tomor ‘name of a plant,
from the root of which dye is produced’, Kaz. tomar id., KKalp. tomar ‘root’ - possibly
contaminations with *Tomar ‘block, log’ (v. sub *t῾ome).
PJpn. *tàmà soul (душа): OJpn. tama; MJpn. tàmàsìfì; Tok. támashii;
Kyo. támàshìì; Kag. tamashíi.
◊ JLTT 539, 540.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 285, Лексика 264-265. Mong. tamir ‘sinew; strength,
force’ is borrowed from Turkic (to judge from its phonology; see Щер-
бак 1997, 153); but the comparison with daŋgi ‘root’ may be accepted
only if one assumes a secondary assimilation *dam-gi > daŋgi.
-téŋgu axle, spindle: Turk. *deŋgil; Kor. *thòŋ.
PTurk. *deŋgil axle (ось): Tur. dingil; Gag. dingil; MTurk. tiŋgil
(MA); Krm. teŋgil; Tat. teŋel (КСТТ); Chuv. təₙnəₙl.
◊ VEWT 474, ЭСТЯ 3, 235-236, Федотов 2, 216-217. Turk. > Hung. tengely ‘axle’, see
Gombocz 1912.
PKor. *thòŋ axle (ось): MKor. thòŋ; Mod. (sal-)thoŋ.
◊ Liu 716, KED 900.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss; Mong. teŋkeleg ‘axle’ is probably < Turkic.
Kor. *thòŋ < *tòŋh.
-tp῾é to wave, flap; fly: Tung. *dep(-si)- / *dapsi-; Mong. *debi-; Turk.
*depre-; Jpn. *tmp-.
PTung. *dep(-si)- / *dapsi- to flap (wings), wave (махать (крылья-
ми), обмахивать): Evk. dawsi-; Evn. daws-; Neg. dawsị-; Man. debsi-,
debdere-; Ul. depsi-; Ork. dapsị-; Nan. depsi-; Orch. depse-; Ud. defi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 186-187, 228. Cf. also *deb-di- / *deb-ke- ‘scatter’ (ТМС 1, 227).
PMong. *debi- 1 to wave, flap, winnow 2 fan (1 махать, веять 2 ве-
ер): WMong. debi-, debis-, debüs-, debül- 1, debigür 2 (L 238, 239, 240); Kh.
deve- 1, devǖr 2; Bur. deje- (Alar) 1, debǖr 2; Kalm. dew- 1, dewǖr 2; Dag.
deuse- 1 (Тод. Даг. 136); delbur (Тод. Даг. 136) 2; Mongr. d(w)ēsə-,
d(w)ēli- (SM 68).
◊ KW 90. Cf. also WMong. degüli-, Khalkha dǖlle- ‘to jump, leap’ (L 245).
PTurk. *depre- to move, stir, shake (двигать(ся), качать(ся)):
OTurk. tepre- (OUygh.); Karakh. tepre- (MK, KB); Tur. depre-, tepre-;
Gag. depre-, tepre-; Az. däbär-, tärpän-; Turkm. depre-, terpen-; Khal. tepre-;
MTurk. tepre- (Sangl.); Uzb. tebra-; Uygh. täwrä-; Krm. tebre-; Tat. tibrän-;
Bashk. tirbä-l-; Kirgh. terbe-l-; Kaz. terbe-l-; tebire-n- ‘взволноваться’;
KBalk. tebre-; KKalp. terbe-; Kum. terbe-n-; Nogh. terbe-l-; SUygh. terwe-;
Khak. tibəre-; Chuv. tapra-n-.
1366 *tre - *tḕrì
◊ VEWT 474, ЭСТЯ 3, 201-202, EDT 443-444, Федотов 2, 173-174.
PJpn. *tmp- to fly (летать): OJpn. tob-; MJpn. tób-; Tok. tòb-; Kyo.
tób-; Kag. tób-.
◊ JLTT 768.
‖ KW 90, Poppe 23, 45, Ozawa 247-248, Miller 1985, 150, 1985a, 82,
ОСНЯ 1, 217-218, АПиПЯЯ 110, 275. Borrowing in TM from Mong.
(Doerfer MT 117) is hardly acceptable.
-tre ( ~ -o) phlegm, secretion: Tung. *derbe-; Turk. *dẹr; Jpn. *dntá-ri,
-rai.
PTung. *derbe- 1 wet, damp 2 to dampen (1 сырой, влажный 2 от-
сыревать): Evk. derbe-kin 1, derbēw- 2; Evn. dörbut- 2; Neg. dejbew- 2;
Man. derbe-xin, derbu-xun 1, derbe- 2; Ul. delbi- 2 (tr.); Ork. delbitči- 2 (tr.);
Nan. derbi-ktu 1, derbe- 2; Orch. debbi- 2 (tr.); Ud. degbi- 2 (tr.) (Корм.
229).
◊ ТМС 1, 236-237.
PTurk. *dẹr sweat (пот): OTurk. ter (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. ter
(MK, KB); Tur. ter; Gag. ter; Az. där (dial.); Turkm. der; Sal. ter; Khal. ter;
MTurk. ter (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ter; Uygh. tär; Krm. ter; Tat. tir;
Bashk. tir; Kirgh. ter; Kaz. ter; KBalk. ter; KKalp. ter; Kum. ter; Nogh. ter;
Khak. tir; Shr. ter; Oyr. ter; Tv. der; Chuv. tar, tẹr (NW); Yak. tir-it- ‘to
sweat’.
◊ VEWT 474, EDT 528, ЭСТЯ 3, 203-204. Chuvash dialects show a variation between
e/ẹ.
PJpn. *dntá-ri, -rai drivel (слюни, слизь): OJpn. jodari; MJpn.
jódáré; Tok. yòdare; Kyo. yódáré; Kag. yodáre.
◊ JLTT 575.
‖ The TM and Jpn. forms may be alternatively compared with PT
*jạr ‘saliva’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 134).
-tḕrì surface, skin; color: Tung. *dēre; Mong. *čiraj; Turk. *dẹri; Jpn.
*(d)ìr.
PTung. *dēre 1 surface 2 face (1 поверхность 2 лицо): Evk. dēr, dere
1, 2; Evn. dere 2; Neg. deɣel 2; Man. dere 2; SMan. derə 2 (52); Jurch.
der-hel (491) 2; Ul. dere(ɣ) 2; Ork. dere(l) 2; Nan. dereɣ, derel 2; Orch. dē 2;
Ud. dēgdi 2; Sol. derel 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 236 (cf. also Evk. dial. deri ‘skin from deer’s head’ - cf. the semantic devel-
opment in Turk.)
PMong. *čiraj face, outlook (лицо, внешность): MMong. čirai (SH,
HYt), čirai (MA); WMong. čirai (L 191); Kh. caraj; Bur. šaraj; Kalm. čir;
Ord. čarǟ; Dag. šar, (Тод. Даг. 183), cari, šari (MD 128, 214) šarā, šarī;
Mongr. ćirī (SM 457), čirē (Huzu).
◊ KW 441, MGCD 563. Mong. > Tat. čɨraj etc. (KW 441, VEWT 109), not vice versa,
despite Щербак 1997, 113 (the cited OT čɨraɣ ‘face’ is actually Kypch. (13th century), and
 *tert῾a - *tēru 1367
obviously borrowed from Mong., not from Iranian (?)); > Yak. sirej, Dolg. hɨraj (Sta-
chowski 119); > Man. čira, see Doerfer MT 137, Rozycki 48.
PTurk. *dẹri skin (кожа): OTurk. teri (OUygh.); Karakh. teri (MK);
Tur. deri; Gag. deri; Az. däri; Turkm. deri; Sal. cīry; Khal. teri; MTurk. teri
(MA, Abush.); Uzb. teri; Uygh. terä; Krm. terɨ; Tat. tire; Bashk. tire;
Kirgh. teri; Kaz. teri; KBalk. teri; KKalp. teri; Kum. teri; Nogh. teri;
SUygh. terɨ; Khak. tēr; Shr. tere; Oyr. tere; Tof. tere (Рас. ФиЛ); Chuv.
tirə; Yak. tirī; Dolg. tirī.
◊ VEWT 475, EDT 530, ЭСТЯ 3, 207-208, Лексика 383, Stachowski 223.
PJpn. *(d)ìr color (цвет): OJpn. iro; MJpn. ìrò; Tok. iró; Kyo. írò;
Kag. iró.
◊ JLTT 426.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 284, Лексика 383.
-tert῾a to pull: Tung. *derde-; Mong. *tata-; Turk. *dart-.
PTung. *derde- tag (of boots); rowlock, thole (ушко (у сапог); ук-
лючина): Man. derde-xun.
◊ ТМС 1, 237. Attested only in Manchu, with probable external parallels.
PMong. *tata- to pull (тянуть): MMong. tata (HY 38, SH), ṭoṭa- (IM),
tata-, tătă- (MA); WMong. tata- (L 785); Kh. tata-; Bur. tata-; Kalm. tat-;
Ord. data-; Mog. tata-; ZM tatā- (4-4a); Dag. tata- (Тод. Даг. 166), tate
(MD 221); Bao. də-; S.-Yugh. tata-; Mongr. ćida- (SM 444), (MGCD hdā-),
tidǖr (SM 416) ‘conduit d’eau, fossé’.
◊ KW 383-384, MGCD 627. Mong. > Manchu tata- (see Rozycki 204).
PTurk. *dart- to pull; to hang (тянуть; подвешивать, взвешивать):
OTurk. tart- (OUygh.); Karakh. tart- (MK, KB); Tur. tart-; Gag. dart-; Az.
dart-; Turkm. dart-, tart-; Sal. ta’t- (ССЯ); MTurk. tart- (Abush., Sangl.);
Uzb. tɔrt-; Uygh. ta(r)t-; Krm. tart-; Tat. tart-; Bashk. tart-; Kirgh. tart-;
Kaz. tart-; KBalk. tart-; KKalp. tart-; Kum. tart-; Nogh. tart-; SUygh.
tart-; Khak. tart-; Shr. tart-; Oyr. tart-; Tv. tɨ’rt-; Tof. tɨ’rt-; Chuv. tort-;
Yak. tart-; Dolg. tart-.
◊ VEWT 465, EDT 534, ЭСТЯ 3, 154-156, Федотов 2, 254, Stachowski 218.
‖ EAS 123, KW 384. A Western isogloss. Mong. cannot be < Turk.,
despite Щербак 1997, 154, and the Turk.-Mong. match cannot be re-
jected on phonetic grounds, despite Doerfer TMN 2, 437. However, in
this case we must suppose a secondary assimilation in Mong.: tata- <
*data-.
-tēru ( ~ č-) to gather, collect: Mong. *dar-ta-; Turk. *dēr-; Jpn. *tùtuàp-.
PMong. *dar-ta- to accumulate, pile up (собирать, нагромождать):
WMong. darta- (L 233); Kh. darta-; Bur. darsa-.
PTurk. *dēr- to collect, gather (собирать): OTurk. ter- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tr- (MK, KB); Tur. der-; Az. där-, der-; Turkm. tīr-;
Sal. tēre- (ССЯ); MTurk. tẹr- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. ter-; Uygh. tär/j-; Tat.
1368 *tḕtu - *tḕtu
tir-, tijr- (КСТТ); Bashk. tir-; Kirgh. ter-; Kaz. ter-; KKalp. ter-; Nogh.
ter-; SUygh. ter-; Khak. tir-, tēr-; Shr. tēr-; Oyr. ter-; Tv. deri-
‘снаряжать’; Yak. terij-; Dolg. terij-.
◊ EDT 529, VEWT 475, ЭСТЯ 3, 204-205, Stachowski 221. Turkm. has an irregular
devoicing (old Kypchak influence?).
PJpn. *tùtuàp- 1 to gather (intr.) 2 to gather, collect (tr.) (1 собирать-
ся 2 собирать): OJpn. tudwop- 1, tudwopa- 2; MJpn. tùtòf-, tùdòf- 1; Tok.
tsudó- 1; Kyo. tsúdó- 1; Kag. tsudó- 1.
◊ JLTT 772. Most sources point to low tone, but Kagoshima reflects rather *tútúap-.
‖ Low tone in Jpn. is irregular (but see above on dialectal reflexes of
*tútúap-).
-tḕtu respect, care: Tung. *dēdu-; Mong. *čida-; Turk. *det-; Jpn. *tùtù-.
PTung. *dēdu- to care, like, love (любить, оберегать, уважать):
Neg. dēdelu-; Ul. dēdu(n); Nan. dēdu; Orch. deduli-.
◊ ТМС 1, 230.
PMong. *čida- to be able (быть способным): MMong. čida- (HY 37,
54, SH, MA); WMong. čida- (L 176); Kh. čada-; Bur. šada-; Kalm. čad-
(КРС); Ord. čida-; Mog. čida- (Weiers); ZM čidn ‘power, strength’
(2-7a); Dag. šadə- (Тод. Даг. 182 šada-), šade- (MD 214); Dong. šɨda-;
S.-Yugh. šəda-, hda-; Mongr. sda- (SM 331), šda- (Huzu); čida- (Minghe).
◊ MGCD 556. Mong. > Chag. čɨda- etc. (see Doerfer 1, 316, Щербак 1997, 202); Chuv.
čъt- ‘to endure’ (see Róna-Tas 1971-1972); Yak. satā-, Dolg. hatā-, see Kał. MEJ 22, Sta-
chowski 98.
PTurk. *det- 1 to strive, exert 2 bold, hero 3 clever, reasonable 4
cheerful, vigorous (1 стараться, напрягать силы, сопротивляться 2
смелый, герой 3 умный, разумный, ловкий 4 бодрый): OTurk. tetik
(OUygh.) 3; Karakh. tet-, tetin- (MK) 1, tetik, teti-l- ‘to become clever’
(MK); Tur. didin- 1, tetik 3; Gag. didin- 1; Turkm. tetǟrik ‘support, help’
(?); MTurk. tetik (Abush., Sangl.) 3; Uzb. tetik 4; Uygh. tetik 4; Tat. täti
‘good’ (nursery word); Bashk. tätäj ‘good thing’ (nursery word); Kirgh.
tetik 3; Kum. tetek ‘pleasure’; Khak. tətən- 1; Oyr. tidim 2, tedü ‘satisfied,
sorrowless’; Tv. didin- 1, didim 2; Tof. titim 2; Yak. tetiänex 4.
◊ VEWT 476, EDT 450, 455, 456, ЭСТЯ 3, 218. Cf. perhaps also Kaz. etc. tetik “device,
mechanism”, Tat., Bashk. täte ‘(gun’s) cock’, Gag. tetik ‘id.; virgin’s hymen’, KKalp. tetik
‘mechanism, essence’, Az. tätig ‘trigger’. Some forms reveal secondary assimilatory de-
voicing.
PJpn. *tùtù- be shy, respectful (быть осторожным, уважительным,
скромным): OJpn. tutu-sim-, tutu-simar-; MJpn. tùtù-sim-; Tok. tsutsu-
shím-; Kyo. tsútsúshím-; Kag. tsùtsùshìm-.
◊ JLTT 776.
‖ Tungus-Manchu has -d- as a result of regular assimilation after
*d- (cf. *tūti and *dē-du- ‘lie’ < *dē-tV).
 *tèt῾o - *tdu 1369

-tèt῾o ( ~ -a, -u) swamp, water pool: Tung. *detu; Turk. *TAdgun.
PTung. *detu swamp, mossy meadow (болото, мшистая поляна):
Evk. det; Evn. det; Neg. det; Man. detu ‘steppe’; Ul. detu; Ork. detu; Nan.
detu; Orch. detu; Ud. deti (Корм. 230).
◊ ТМС 1, 238.
PTurk. *TAdgun a k. of big river (большая, непересыхающая се-
зонно река): Karakh. taδɣun (MK).
◊ EDT 453: Clauson suggests a reading toδɣun (deriving the word from toδ- ‘fill’), but
there is no waw in the text.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-tbúlka a k. of blossoming bush: Tung. *dībekte; Mong. *čibaga; Turk.
*d(i)abɨlku; Jpn. *tùmpákì.
PTung. *dībe-kte 1 dwarf birch tree 2 black birch (1 карликовая бе-
реза 2 черная береза): Evk. dīwekte 1; Evn. diwuɣ 1, diwukeɣ 1; Neg.
diwegde 1; Ul. diwegde 2; Ork. duwete 2; Nan. diwegde 2; Orch. duokte 2;
Ud. duekte 2 (Корм. 229).
◊ ТМС 1, 203.
PMong. *čibaga jujube (ююба): MMong. čibuqan (HY 7); WMong.
čibaɣa(n), čibuɣa (L 174); Kh. čavga; Bur. šabga ‘dried fruit’; Kalm. čiwgə,
čipkə; Ord. čiwaga; Dong. čučuGa; Bao. čimχaŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯūxGan; Mongr.
čuGa (SM 439).
◊ KW 442, MGCD 554. Mong. > late OT čɨbɨqan ‘jujube’ (EDT 396).
PTurk. *d(i)abɨlku 1 Spiraea 2 jujube (1 таволга 2 ююба): OTurk.
tavɨlqu 1 (OUygh. - YB); Karakh. tavɨlqu, tavɨlɣuč 2 (MK); Tur. davɨlga,
davulgu (dial.) 1; Az. tuvulɣu (dial.); MTurk. tabulɣu, tubulɣu (Pav. C.)
‘дерево с красной корой и гибкими ветками’; Tat. tubɨlɣɨ 1; Bashk.
tubɨlɣɨ 1; Kirgh. tabɨlɣɨ 1; Kaz. tobɨlɣɨ 1; Kum. toburɣu 1; Khak. tabɨlɣɨ 1;
Oyr. tabɨlɣɨ 1; Yak. tobuluoskaj 1.
◊ EDT 441, Лексика 134. Turk. > Mong. tabilqa, tabilɣa id., whence again most mod-
ern Turkic forms (Tat. tubɨlɣɨ, Turk. tabulga, Yak. tamɨlɣan, Chuv. tupъlxa); see (somewhat
differently) Аникин 521.
PJpn. *tùmpákì Camelia (камелия): OJpn. tubakji; MJpn. tùbákì;
Tok. tsúbaki; Kyo. tsùbákì; Kag. tsubakí.
◊ JLTT 552. It is interesting to note MKor. toŋpăik, mod. toŋbäk ‘camelia’: it is re-
garded as Sino-Korean, but written as “winter cypress” (冬柏), a character and meaning
combination unattested in Chinese. With a great probability, therefore, MKor. toŋpăik is
borrowed from Jpn. (not vice versa, as suggested by Martin ibid.).
‖ In Turkic one has to suppose vowel metathesis in a trisyllabic
word (*dabɨlku < *dɨbulka). An interesting common Altaic plant name.
-tdu elevation: Tung. *dīdü ( ~ ǯ-); Jpn. *tùtùmí; Kor. *tùtn.
PTung. *dīdü ( ~ ǯ-) mountain ridge (горный хребет): Evk. ǯīdi,
dial. didi; Evn. gidan (Okh.) (? = /didan/); Man. ǯidun; Ul. ǯịdụ; Ork.
ǯịdụ(n); Orch. ǯidi.
1370 *tk῾i - *tilV
◊ ТМС 1, 256. TM > Bur. zudan id. The Evk. form ǯīdi (with ǯ- instead of the regular
*d-) probably reflects interdialectal borrowing.
PJpn. *tùtùmí dike (насыпь, дамба): OJpn. tutumji; MJpn. tùtùmí;
Tok. tsutsumi.
◊ JLTT 558.
PKor. *tùtn hill, elevation (холм, возвышенность): MKor. tùtn;
Mod. tudəŋ, tudək.
◊ Nam 163, KED 503.
‖ Lee 1958, 113 (Tung.-Kor.). An Eastern isogloss. The Korean form
is aberrant in several respects (-u- instead of expected -ɨ-, -t- instead of
expected -r-, low tone instead of expected high), and one may suspect it
in being borrowed < Japanese.
-tk῾i to plant vertically: Tung. *dīKē-; Mong. *čike; Turk. *dik-.
PTung. *dīKē- to hide (прятать(ся)): Evk. dīkē-; Evn. dikъn-; Neg.
dixē-n-; Ud. dige-.
◊ ТМС 1, 205.
PMong. *čike straight, vertically (прямой, прямо, вертикально):
WMong. čike, čeke (L 180); Kh. čix; Bur. sexe; Kalm. čikə; Ord. ǯixe.
◊ KW 439. Cf. also WMong. čig, Kalm. čig ‘straight’ (KW 438). Mong. čike > Oyr. čike
etc.
PTurk. *dik- 1 to plant vertically 2 vertical (1 ставить, сажать вер-
тикально 2 вертикальный): OTurk. tik- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tik-
1, tik 2 (MK); Tur. dik- 1, dik 2; Gag. dik- 1, dik 2; Az. dik 2, dik-ä-l- (refl.)
1, tik- ‘to build’; Turkm. dik- 1, dik 2; Khal. tik- 1; MTurk. tik- 1, tik 2
(Sangl.); Uzb. tik- 1, tik 2; Uygh. tik- 1, tik 2; Krm. tik- 1, tik 2; Tat. tekä- 1,
tekä 2; Bashk. tekä 2, tekä- ‘упирать, устремлять взгляд’; Kirgh. tik- 1,
tik 2; Kaz. tik- 1, tik 2; KBalk. tik ‘крутой’; KKalp. tik- 1, tik 2; Kum. tik-
1, tik 2; Nogh. tik- 1, tik 2; SUygh. tɨk- 1; Khak. tək- ‘to set up a house’;
Chuv. čik- 1; Yak. tik-, tɨk- ‘to sting; to sew’; Dolg. tik- ‘to sew’.
◊ EDT 475-476, ЭСТЯ 3, 224-227, Егоров 325, Федотов 2, 417-418, Stachowski 223.
‖ EAS 50, 150, KW 85, 439, Poppe 16. A Western isogloss. In Mong.
we also have Kalm. dekə- ‘to stick in; coire’ (KW 85), which Ramstedt
(ibid.) compares with the Turkic and TM word; if this were the true
cognate, we would have to think that Mong. *čig, *čike is borrowed <
Turkic (as suggested in TMN 2, 659). The poor attestation of Mong.
deke-, however, raises doubts (so does the final -e in Mong. čike, hardly
to be expected in a Turkic loanword), so the traditional comparison
(Turk. *dik : Mong. *čike) might be the best solution after all.
-tilV tongue; voice: Tung. *dilga-; Turk. *dɨl / *dil.
PTung. *dilga-n voice (голос): Evk. dilgan; Evn. dịlgn; Neg. dịlga-n;
Man. ǯilGan; SMan. ǯiləhan (42); Ul. dịlǯa(n); Ork. ǯịlda(n); Nan. ǯịlGã;
Orch. digga(n); Ud. digana- ‘speak’; Sol. dilgã.
 *tire - *tri 1371
◊ ТМС 1, 206. Without the suffixed *-ga(n) cf. Evk. dila-mkūn, Neg. dịlamkụn ‘high,
thin (voice)’.
PTurk. *dɨl / *dil tongue; language (язык): OTurk. tɨl (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tɨl (MK, KB); Tur. dil; Gag. diĺ; Az. dil; Turkm. dil; Sal.
cil; Khal. til; MTurk. til (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. til; Uygh. til; Krm. tɨl, til;
Tat. tel; Bashk. tel; Kirgh. til; Kaz. til; KBalk. til; KKalp. til; Kum. til;
Nogh. til; SUygh. dɨl; Khak. təl; Shr. til; Oyr. til; Tv. dɨl; Tof. dɨl, tɨl;
Chuv. čəlɣe; čələx ‘пищик в гармошке’; Yak. tɨl; Dolg. tɨl.
◊ VEWT 478, EDT 489-90, ЭСТЯ 3, 228-229, Егоров 323, Лексика 227, Stachowski
237.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 284, Мудрак Дисс. 38, 70, Лексика 228. A Turk.-Tung.
isogloss.
-tire to sink, enter: Tung. *diri-; Turk. *deriŋ; Jpn. *(d)ír-; Kor. *tr-.
PTung. *diri- to sink (тонуть): Ul. diri-; Nan. ǯirie-.
◊ ТМС 1, 208.
PTurk. *deriŋ deep (глубокий): OTurk. teriŋ (OUygh.); Karakh.
teriŋ (MK); Tur. derin; Gag. derin; Az. därin; Turkm. derīŋ (dial.); MTurk.
teriŋ (Sangl.), tereŋ (MA); Uzb. teran; Krm. teren; Tat. tirän; Bashk. tärän;
Kirgh. tereŋ; Kaz. tereŋ; KBalk. teren; KKalp. tereŋ; Kum. teren; Nogh.
teren; Khak. tireŋ; Shr. tereŋ; Oyr. tereŋ; Tv. tereŋ; Tof. dereŋ; Chuv. tarъn;
Yak. diriŋ.
◊ VEWT 475, EDT 551, ЭСТЯ 3, 208-209, Федотов 2, 179.
PJpn. *(d)ír- to enter (входить): OJpn. ir-; MJpn. ír-; Tok. ìr-; Kyo. ír-;
Kag. ír-.
◊ JLTT 698.
PKor. *tr- to enter (входить): MKor. tr-; Mod. tɨl-.
◊ Nam 174, KED 534.
‖ Martin 231. High tone in Kor. is quite exceptional for a verb root
and irregular.
-tri thick, plenty: Tung. *dir-; Mong. *čirgaɣu; Turk. *dīri-; Jpn. *(d)ita-.
PTung. *dir- 1 thick 2 plentiful (of food) 3 gullet (1 толстый 2
обильный (о пище) 3 пищевод): Evk. diram 1, dirga 3; Evn. dịrm 1;
Neg. dịjam 1; Man. ǯiramin 1, ǯiraχun ‘firm, stout’; SMan. ǯiramə 1
(2413); Ul. dịramị 1, dịrgan 2; Ork. ǯịramị 1; Nan. ǯịramị 1, ǯịrgã 2; Orch.
dijami 1; Ud. deämi 1, diga- ‘to eat, feed’; Sol. dirami 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 207-208.
PMong. *čirgaɣu taut, hard, stiff (тугой, твердый): WMong. čirgaɣu
(L 191: čirɣaɣuu); Kh. čargū.
PTurk. *dīri- 1 to live 2 alive 3 to revive (1 жить 2 живой 3 ожи-
вать): OTurk. tirig 2, tiri-l- 3 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tirig 2, tiri-l- 3
(MK, KB); Tur. diri 2, diri-l- 3; Gag. diri 2; Az. diri 2, diri-l- 3; Turkm. dīri
2; MTurk. tiri (Abush.), tirik, tirig (Sangl.) 2, tiri-l- 3 (Sangl.), (MKypch.)
1372 *tre - *tok῾e
tiri1 (AH); Uzb. tirik 2; Uygh. tirik 2; Krm. tiri 2; Tat. tere, terek 2; Bashk.
tere 2; Kirgh. tiri, tirik, tirǖ 2, tiri-l- 3; Kaz. tiri 2; KBalk. tiri 2; KKalp. tiri
2; Kum. tiri 2; Nogh. tiri 2; SUygh. terik 2; Khak. tərəg 2; Shr. tirig 2,
tiri-l- 3; Oyr. tirü 2, tiri-l- 3; Tv. dirig 2, diri-l- 3; Tof. dirig 2; Chuv. čərə 2;
Yak. tilin- ‘to revive’; Dolg. tillij- ‘to revive’.
◊ VEWT 481, EDT 529, 543-544, 547-548, ЭСТЯ 3, 240-242, Егоров 324, Федотов 414,
Stachowski 223.
PJpn. *(d)ita- plentiful, strong (обильный, чрезвычайный): OJpn.
ita-; MJpn. ita-.
◊ JLTT 829.
‖ Дыбо 13.
-tre narrow; short: Tung. *ǯir-; Turk. *d(i)ār; Kor. *tjr-.
PTung. *ǯir- 1 dense, without intervals 2 close, near (1 сплошной,
густой, без промежутка 2 близко, рядом): Man. ǯira 1; Ul. ǯịǯa 2 ( <
*ǯir-g-); Nan. ǯịǯa 2 ( < *ǯir-g-).
◊ ТМС 1, 256, 259.
PTurk. *d(i)ār narrow (узкий): OTurk. tar (OUygh.); Karakh. tar
(MK); Tur. dar; Gag. dar; Az. dar; Turkm. dār; Sal. dar; Khal. tār; MTurk.
tar (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tɔr; Uygh. tar; Krm. tar; Tat. tar; Bashk. tar;
Kirgh. tar; Kaz. tar; KBalk. tar; KKalp. tar; Kum. tar; Nogh. tar; SUygh.
tar; Khak. tar; Shr. tar; Oyr. tar; Tv. tar; Tof. dar (Рас. ФиЛ), tar; Yak. tār.
◊ VEWT 463, EDT 528, ЭСТЯ 3, 146-147, 159-160; cf. Федотов 2, 179.
PKor. *tjr- short (короткий): MKor. tjrằ-, tjr-; Mod. č:ap- [č:alp-],
č:əp- [č:əlp-].
◊ Nam 154, KED 1395.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 297.
-tok῾e to touch, reach: Mong. *dökü-; Turk. *dẹg-.
PMong. *dökü- to approach, move closer (приближаться):
WMong. dökü- (L 266); Kh. döxö-; Bur. düxe-; Kalm. döke- (СЯОС).
PTurk. *dẹg- to touch, to reach (дотрагиваться, достигать): OTurk.
teg- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. teg- (MK, KB); Tur. dej-; Gag. di-; Az. däj-;
Turkm. deg-; Khal. täj-; MTurk. teg- (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. deg-; Uygh.
täg-; Krm. tij-; Tat. tij-; Bashk. tej-; Kirgh. tij-; Kaz. tij-; KBalk. tij-;
KKalp. tij-; Kum. tij-; Nogh. tij-; Khak. tig-; Shr. teg-; Oyr. tij-; Tv. deg-;
Tof. deg-; Chuv. tiv-; Yak. tī-j-; Dolg. tīj-.
◊ VEWT 468-469, EDT 476, ЭСТЯ 3, 173-175, Stachowski 224. Sal. deš-, dial. teš-, tejiš-
‘to burn’ must be derived from the same root (“to reach fire”). A very complicated issue
is the relationship of this root to PT *dēk, *dēki- ‘to, up to’ (usually acting as a postposi-
tion) - see ЭСТЯ 2, 182-185, EDT 477 (added should be also Yak. dieki ‘in the direction of’,
Dolg. diek, diegi ‘side’, see Stachowski 79). The phonology here is quite puzzling: one
would be tempted to regard the medial -k- as an archaism (see below on the irregularity
of *-g- in Turkic), but the open long *-ē- presents great difficulties (since the verbal root
itself most definitely has a short closed *-ẹ-). A possible solution is to correct the recon-
 *tṓle - *tṓĺì 1373
struction *dēk(i) to *dẹge-ki and regard the *-k(i) as an original locative suffix; this seems
plausible because another attested form of the postposition is *dẹgi-n (cf. especially re-
flexes like Tat. dial. tiŋ, KKalp. dejin, Kaz. dejĭn, Nogh. dejim).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; not quite reliable, because in Turkic one
has to suppose assimilative voicing (*dẹg- < *dẹk-). In Korean and Japa-
nese the reflexes of the root could have merged with those of *taku
(q.v.)
-tṓle spleen: Tung. *ǯō(l); Mong. *deliɣün; Turk. *d(i)ālak; Jpn. *(d)í ( ~
*(d)-i); Kor. *tira ( ~ č-).
PTung. *ǯō gall (желчь): Evk. ǯō; Evn. ǯō; Neg. ǯō; Ork. ǯō; Nan. ǯōl;
Orch. ǯō; Ud. ǯō (Корм. 233).
◊ ТМС 1, 260.
PMong. *deliɣün spleen (селезенка): MMong. deli’un (HY 47), dolän
(IM), dilun (MA), dələkun (LH); WMong. deligün (L 250: deligüü); Kh.
delǖn; Bur. delǖn; Kalm. delǖn; Ord. delǖ; Dag. delu(kin), (Тод. Даг. 136)
delkin, delig; S.-Yugh. dölön; Mongr. dəlǖ, dilǖ (SM 55).
◊ KW 86, MGCD 215. Mong. > Evk. delkin etc., see Poppe 1966, 192, 1972, 96, Doerfer
MT 38, Rozycki 58.
PTurk. *d(i)ālak spleen (селезенка): OTurk. tal (OUygh.); Karakh.
talaq (MK); Tur. dalak; Gag. dalaq 1; ‘плавательный пузырь’; Az. dalaG;
Turkm. dālaq; MTurk. talaq (Sangl.); Uzb. talɔq; Krm. talaq; Tat. talaq;
Bashk. talaq; Kaz. talaq; KBalk. talaq; KKalp. talaq; Kum. talaq; Nogh.
talaq; Yak. tāl.
◊ VEWT 457, EDT 495, ЭСТЯ 3, 137-138, Лексика 279. Tat. > Chuv. talak.
PJpn. *(d)í ( ~ *(d)-i) liver (печень): OJpn. i; MJpn. í.
◊ JLTT 420 (gives the meaning ‘gall bladder’).
PKor. *tira ( ~ č-) spleen (селезенка): Mod. čira, čirä.
◊ KED 1529.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 14, Лексика 279. Jpn. *(d)ə-i goes back to a suffixed
form *tṓl(e)-gV ( = Mong. deli-ɣün).
-tṓĺì stone: Tung. *ǯola; Mong. *čilaɣu; Turk. *diāĺ; Jpn. *(d)ísì; Kor.
*tōrh.
PTung. *ǯola stone (камень): Evk. ǯolo; Evn. ǯol; Neg. ǯolo; Ul. ǯolo;
Ork. ǯolo; Nan. ǯolo; Orch. ǯolo; Ud. ǯolo; Sol. ǯolo.
◊ ТМС 1, 263. Evk. > Dolg. ǯolo-ptin (see Stachowski 90).
PMong. *čilaɣu stone (камень): MMong. čila’un (HY 4, SH);
WMong. čilaɣu(n) (L 182); Kh. čulū; Bur. šulū(n); Kalm. čolūn; Ord. čilū;
Dag. čolō (Тод. Даг. 182, MD 130); S.-Yugh. čəlū.
◊ KW 444, MGCD 582.
PTurk. *diāĺ stone (камень): OTurk. taš (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
taš (MK); Tur. taš; Gag. taš; Az. daš; Turkm. dāš; Sal. daš; Khal. tāš;
MTurk. taš (MA); Uzb. tɔš; Uygh. taš; Krm. taš; Tat. taš; Bashk. taš;
1374 *tubu - *tubu
Kirgh. taš; Kaz. tas; KBalk. taš; KKalp. tas; Kum. taš; Nogh. tas; SUygh.
das; Khak. tas; Shr. taš; Oyr. taš; Tv. daš; Tof. taš, daš; Chuv. čol; Yak. tās;
Dolg. tās.
◊ VEWT 466, TMN 2, 437-8, EDT 557, ЭСТЯ 3, 167-168, Егоров 326, Федотов 2,
421-422, Stachowski 219.
PJpn. *(d)ísì stone (камень): OJpn. isi; MJpn. ísì; Tok. ishí; Kyo. íshi;
Kag. íshi.
◊ JLTT 426.
PKor. *tōrh stone (камень): MKor. tōr (tōrh-); Mod. tol.
◊ Nam 159, KED 478.
‖ EAS 49, 108, KW 444, Владимирцов 145, Poppe 15, 77, Poppe
1974, 133-134, Martin 243, Miller 1970, 129, Street 1980, 301, 1985, 646,
АПиПЯЯ 37-38, 71, 92, 277, Дыбо 11, Мудрак Дисс. 196. Certainly not
borrowed in Mong. from Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 154. Counter-
arguments against the etymology by Doerfer (TMN 2, 437-438) are not
convincing.
-tubu two: Tung. *ǯube-; Mong. *ǯiwrin ~ *ǯuirin; Turk. *TVbVr-; Kor.
*tubu, *tuburh.
PTung. *ǯube- two (два): Evk. ǯūr; Evn. ǯȫr; Neg. ǯūl; Man. ǯuwe;
SMan. ǯū (2736); Jurch. ǯuwe (637); Ul. ǯuel(i); Ork. dū; Nan. ǯū, ǯuer;
Orch. ǯū; Ud. ǯū; Sol. ǯūr.
◊ ТМС 1, 276-277.
PMong. *ǯiwrin ~ *ǯuirin 1 two 2 pregnant (lit. of two parts) (1 два
2 беременная (букв. двухслойная)): MMong. ǯi-rin (SH) 1; WMong.
ǯiren (L 1060: ǯirin) 1; Kh. ǯirin (БАМРС) 1, ǯire-msen 2; Bur. žermehe(n)
2; Kalm. ǯirəmsn 2 (КРС); Ord. ǯirmesen 2; Dag. ǯūr(ū) ‘pair’ (Тод. Даг.
145); Mongr. uru (SM 96) 1.
◊ KW 84.
PTurk. *TVbVr- second (второй): OTurk. Bulg. tvirem; Chuv. tebər,
tebərew.
◊ Chuv. -b- is secondary, on analogy with pəₙrem ‘first’.
PKor. *tubu, *tuburh two (два): MKor. tūr (tūrh-), tu’ur, tū-; Mod.
tūl, tū-.
◊ Nam 166, KED 501, 509. The variant *tū- (*tubu-) is attested as the first member of
numerous compounds, both in Middle and Modern Korean.
‖ Poppe 28 (Mong.-Tung.), Lee 1958, 113, АПиПЯЯ 19, 33, 292,
Rozycki 128. In Mong. one would rather expect *č- in front of -i- as the
result of palatalization of *t-; preservation of the voiced consonant may
be due to the interaction of expected variants *čiwrin ~ *duirin. The root
is no doubt a very archaic one; it is probably attested also in several
common Altaic derivatives. Cf. PTM *du-dgu ‘couple, spouses’ = OJ
t(w)otug- ‘to marry’ (*tub-tu-); PM *dab-ku- ‘twice, double, layer’ ( >
 *tùke - **tŭm(k)u 1375

Chag. tapqur, Evk. dapkur etc., see Poppe 1966, 195, TMN 2, 429, Doerfer
MT 101), also reflecting a --less form like *tub-k῾V-; PTM *ǯūpti
(*ǯub(i)-pti) id.
-tùke to pour: Turk. *dök-; Jpn. *tùk-; Kor. *tahi-.
PTurk. *dök- to pour out (лить, сыпать): OTurk. tök- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tök- (MK, KB); Tur. dök-; Gag. dök-; Az. tök-; Turkm.
dök-; Sal. tü’- (ССЯ); Khal. tök-, tek-; MTurk. tök- (Sangl.); Uzb. tọk-;
Uygh. tök-; Krm. tök-; Tat. tük-; Bashk. tük-; Kirgh. tök-; Kaz. tök-; KBalk.
tök-; KKalp. tök-; Kum. tök-; Nogh. tök-; SUygh. tök-; Khak. tök-; Shr. tök-;
Oyr. tök-; Tv. tö’k-; Tof. tö’k-; Chuv. tъₙk-; Yak. tox-; Dolg. tok-.
◊ VEWT 492-493, EDT 477, ЭСТЯ 3, 273-274, Stachowski 225.
PJpn. *tùk- to pour (лить, наливать): MJpn. tùk-; Tok. tsùg-; Kyo.
tsúg-; Kag. tsúg-.
◊ JLTT 772. Modern dialects point to *túnk-, which is probably a result of phonetic
merger with *túnk- ‘to continue, inherit’.
PKor. *tahi- to pour, irrigate (лить, орошать): MKor. tahi-; Mod. tǟ-.
◊ Nam 133, KED 423.
‖ Cf. also Evk. ǯik- ‘to wash away (shores)’, possibly < *ǯük- (see
ТМС 1, 256).
-tĺu ( ~ *č-) wedge, peg: Tung. *ǯul-; Turk. *dīĺ.
PTung. *ǯul- wedge (клин): Evk. ǯulamaptin; Evn. ǯulъmtiŋ; Ul.
ǯilemeče; Ud. ǯolomopti (Корм. 234).
◊ ТМС 1, 272.
PTurk. *dīĺ tooth (зуб): OTurk. tiš (OUygh.); Karakh. tɨš (MK), tiš
(KB); Tur. diš; Gag. diš; Az. diš; Turkm. dīš; Sal. ciš; Khal. tīš; MTurk. tiš
(MA, Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tiš; Uygh. tiš, čiš; Krm. tɨš; Tat. teš; Bashk.
teš; Kirgh. tiš; Kaz. tis; KBalk. tiš; KKalp. tis; Kum. tiš; Nogh. tis; SUygh.
dɨs; Khak. təs; Shr. tiš; Oyr. diš; Tv. diš; Tof. diš; Yak. tīs; Dolg. tīs.
◊ VEWT 481, EDT 557, 564-5, ЭСТЯ 3, 242-244, Лексика 228, Stachowski 224. Cf. also
PT *dīĺ-le- ‘to bite’.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Mong. duldaj ‘stick, staff’.
*tŭm(k)u silent, calm: Tung. *duŋk-; Mong. *düŋ-; Turk. *dɨm-.
PTung. *duŋk- 1 dark, sullen 2 to bow the head 3 to knit the brows
4 to bow the head and slumber 5 to become silent, calm 6 quiet, peace-
ful (1 темный, мрачный 2 опустить голову 3 нахмурить брови 4 дре-
мать (опустив голову) 5 успокаиваться 6 тихий, спокойный): Evk.
duŋkin- 2; Evn. duŋkun- 2, 3; Man. duŋgi, duŋki 1; Ul. duŋgu 6; Ork.
dụŋGalị- 4; Nan. duŋgirien- 5 (Он.), duŋgu 6.
◊ ТМС 1, 223, 224.
PMong. *düŋ- to become dull, murky (of sky), sullen, melancholic
(молчать, быть мрачным, тихим, грустным): WMong. düŋsüi- (L 281);
1376 *todV - *tógà
Kh. dünsī-; Bur. dünjē-; Kalm. düŋg-, düŋgī- ‘be silent’, düŋsī-; Ord. düŋ
‘obscur’.
◊ KW 105.
PTurk. *dɨm- 1 to be silent 2 silently (1 умолкать 2 молча): Turkm.
dɨm- 1; MTurk. tɨn- 1 (Буд. - Кальк. сл., MKypch. - Ettuhf.); Tat. töŋ-köš
‘silent person’ (КСТТ); Bashk. dɨm- 1; Kirgh. tim, tɨm 2; Kaz. tɨm 2;
KKalp. tɨm 2; Khak. tɨmɨl- 1, tɨm 2; Oyr. tɨm- 1, tɨm 2; Chuv. tamal- 2
(with aberrant vocalism).
◊ VEWT 478, ЭСТЯ 3, 340-341.
‖ ОСНЯ 1, 223. A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps Jpn. tsumbo ‘deaf’.
-todV to be full (of stomach, belly): Tung. *tude-; Turk. *dod-.
PTung. *tude- to be constipated (закрепить (о кишечнике)): Evk.
tude-.
◊ ТМС 2, 205. An isolated Evk. form, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *dod- become satiated, full (насыщаться, наполняться):
OTurk. tod- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. toδ- (MK); Tur. doj-; Gag. doj-; Az.
doj-; Turkm. doj-; Sal. toj-; Khal. tod-; MTurk. toj- (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
tọj-; Uygh. toj-; Krm. toj-; Tat. tuj-; Bashk. tuj-; Kirgh. toj-; Kaz. toj-;
KBalk. toj-; KKalp. toj-; Kum. toj-; Nogh. toj-; SUygh. toz-; Khak. tos-;
Shr. tos-; Oyr. toj-; Tv. to’t-; Tof. do’t-; Chuv. tъₙran-; Yak. tot-; Dolg. tot-.
◊ VEWT 483, EDT 451, ЭСТЯ 3, 251-252, Stachowski 227.
‖ Cf. perhaps also Mong. to-sun ῾melted fat’ ( < *tod-su-n ?).
-tògà ( ~ č-, -k-, -u-) wild, ferocious: Mong. *dog-si-; Jpn. *tàkià-.
PMong. *dog-si- wild, ferocious (дикий, жестокий): WMong.
doɣsin (L 256); Kh. dogšin; Bur. došxon; Kalm. dokšn; Ord. dogšin, došχin;
Dag. doršin, dogšin (Тод. Даг. 137), dogešin (MD 136); Dong. doɣun;
S.-Yugh. doašūŋ; Mongr. doGšən (SM 58), doGšin.
◊ KW 93, MGCD 222. Mong. > Oyr. toqšɨn; Man. doksin, see Doerfer MT 137, Rozycki
61.
PJpn. *tàkià- wild, ferocious; brave (дикий, свирепый; храбрый):
OJpn. takje-si-; MJpn. tàkè-sí-; Tok. takeshi (arch.).
◊ JLTT 841.
‖ Ozawa 242, JOAL 68. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. In Turkic cf. perhaps
Turkm. doGum ‘courage’; Kirgh. tuɣulčuɣ ‘courageous, skillful’; Oyr.
tūragar ‘wild, mad, ferocious’.
-tógà ( ~ č-, -u-) falcon: Turk. *dogan; Jpn. *táká.
PTurk. *dogan falcon (сокол): OTurk. toɣan (OUygh.); Karakh. toɣan
(MK); Tur. doɣan; Gag. duan; MTurk. toɣan (Abush., Sangl.); Uygh.
toɣan; Krm. tuɣan.
◊ VEWT 483, TMN 3, 351-352, ЭСТЯ 3, 247-248, Лексика 169. Cf. also *Togrɨl ‘hunt-
ing falcon’ (VEWT 484, TMN 3, 346-347).
 *tógì - *tṓj- 1377

PJpn. *táká falcon (сокол): OJpn. taka; MJpn. táká; Tok. tàka; Kyo.
táká; Kag. táka.
◊ JLTT 538.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss. The root should be distinguished from
*t῾úbé q.v.
-tógì ( ~ -u-, -u) mound, dam: Tung. *dug[i]-; Jpn. *túkà; Kor. *tuk.
PTung. *dug[i]- 1 channel, island 2 straight road (1 протока, мыс
(на реке) 2 прямая тропа): Evk. duɣin, duɣu 1; Man. doqo 2; Ud. duala
‘old channel’.
◊ ТМС 1, 219.
PJpn. *túkà dam, mound (насыпь): OJpn. tuka; MJpn. túkà; Tok.
tsuká; Kyo. tsúkà; Kag. tsúka.
◊ JLTT 554.
PKor. *tuk mound, dam (насыпь, дамба): MKor. tuk; Mod. tuk.
◊ Liu 241, KED 507.
‖ Miller 1986, 54. An Eastern isogloss; cf. perhaps Chag. tögä-baš
‘Steinplatte auf einem Grab’.
-togV a k. of fish: Tung. *dukčā; Mong. *dogdur; Turk. *Tog.
PTung. *dukčā a k. of fish (вид рыбы (кунжа)): Evk. dukčā; Evn.
dụqča.
◊ ТМС 1, 221.
PMong. *dogdur pike, perch (L) (судак): WMong. doɣdur (L 256);
Kh. dogdor.
PTurk. *Tog a k. of fish (вид рыбы): Tat. toɣɨ ‘sturgeon’ (КСТТ);
Shr. toɣ ‘perch’; Oyr. tūlɨ ‘кускуч’.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-tṓj- four: Tung. *dügin; Mong. *dör-ben, *dö-čin; Turk. *dȫrt; Jpn. *də-.
PTung. *dügin four (четыре): Evk. diɣī; Evn. diɣi; Neg. diɣī; Man.
dujn; SMan. duin (2738); Jurch. dujin (639); Ul. dui(n); Ork. ǯīn; Nan. duĩ;
Orch. dī; Ud. dī; Sol. digĩ.
◊ ТМС 1,204. Cf. also *deki ‘fourty’ (ТМС 1, 215; despite Doerfer MT 78-79, cannot be
borrowed from Mong. *dö-čin).
PMong. *dör-ben, *dö-čin 1 four 2 forty (1 четыре 2 сорок):
MMong. dorben (HY 42, SH), dorbǟn (IM), durbän (MA) 1, dočin (HY 43),
dučin (IM), dučin (MA) 2; WMong. dörbe(n) (L 268) 1, döči(n) (L 266) 2;
Kh. döröv 1, döč(in) 2; Bur. dürbe(n) 1 düše(n) 2; Kalm. dörwn 1, döčn 2;
Ord. dörwö 1, döči 2; Mog. dürbōn; ZM dorbn (25-1b); Dag. durub, durəb
1, duči(n), duč 2 (Тод. Даг. 138), duči 2 (MD 138), durube(n) 1 (MD 139);
Dong. ǯieruan, ǯieron 1; Bao. deroŋ, deraŋ 1; S.-Yugh. dörwən, dörwen 1,
döǯin 2; Mongr. dēran (SM 52), dēren 1, tēin, tein (SM 417) 2.
◊ KW 100, TMN 1, 329, MGCD 231, 232.
1378 *tok῾à - *tok῾V
PTurk. *dȫrt four (четыре): OTurk. tört (OUygh.); Karakh. tört
(MK); Tur. dört; Gag. dört; Az. dörd; Turkm. dȫrt; MTurk. tört (Бор. Бад.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. tọrt; Uygh. tö(r)t; Krm. dört; Tat. dürt; Bashk. dürt; Kirgh.
tört; Kaz. tört; KBalk. tört; KKalp. tört; Kum. dört; Nogh. dört; SUygh.
dürt, türt; Khak. tört; Shr. tört; Oyr. tört; Tv. dört; Chuv. tъₙvadъ; Yak.
tüört; Dolg. tüört.
◊ EDT 534, VEWT 495, ЭСТЯ 3, 284-286, Stachowski 235.
PJpn. *də- four (четыре): OJpn. jo-; MJpn. jo-; Tok. yó-; Kyo. yó-;
Kag. yó-.
◊ JLTT 578. Accent unclear (as in other numerals).
‖ EAS 146, KW 100, Владимирцов 360, Poppe 110, Ozawa 154-156,
Murayama 1962, 108, JOAL 35-36, TMN 1, 329-330), АПиПЯЯ 71. In
TMN 2, 608 Doerfer tries to deny the comparison with TM (“es gibt
kein Lautgesetz mo. ö = tu. ü”), which is not justified.
-tok῾à base of a horn, callosity: Tung. *dokta-; Mong. *duku; Turk. *Tok;
Jpn. *takua.
PTung. *dokta- forehead (of an animal) (лоб (животного у верхней
части носа), лобные бугры): Evk. doktonno; Man. doqǯian.
◊ ТМС 1, 213.
PMong. *duku 1 back of the head 2 forehead (1 затылок 2 лоб):
WMong. duqu (L 278); Kh. duxa 1, 2; Bur. duxa 2, 1 (Agin.); Kalm. duxə 1,
2; Ord. duxu 2; Dag. dox 1.
◊ Cf. ZM doqei ‘knob, nodosity’ (2-8a). KW 101.
PTurk. *Tok 1 hummel 2 base of a horn 3 with a shaved head (1 ко-
молый 2 основание рога 3 бритоголовый): Karakh. toq 3 (MK); Khal.
? toq ‘Gipfel, Spitze’; MTurk. toqal (R) 1; Uzb. tọqɔl 1, 3; Uygh. toqal 1;
Krm. toqal ‘с тупым концом’; Bashk. tuqal 1; Kirgh. toqol 1; Kaz. toqal 1,
2; KBalk. toqal 1; KKalp. toqal 1; Nogh. toqal, toqalaq 1, 3; Tv. toqpaq
‘куцый’ (хвост), doqpaq ‘корноухий’; Tof. ? to’q ‘крупный о
шарообразном’.
◊ VEWT 485, 486 (but not < Mong., despite Räsänen); EDT 464.
PJpn. *takua callosity (мозоль): Tok. tako.
‖ The meaning ‘base of a horn’ attested in some Turkic languages is
probably original and explains well the semantic development else-
where ( > ‘callosity’; ‘forehead (of an animal)’ etc.).
-tok῾V ( ~ -k-) to plait, weave: Tung. *duKu-; Turk. *doku-; Kor. *tàh-,
*th-r-.
PTung. *duKu- to strand, plait (вить (веревку)): Neg. dukte-; Ul. dū-;
Nan. dū-.
◊ ТМС 1, 220-221.
PTurk. *doku- to weave (ткать): OTurk. toqu- (OUygh.); Karakh.
toqu- (MK); Tur. doku-; Gag. doqu-; Az. toxu-; Turkm. doqa-; Khal. toqu-;
 *tole - *tòlu 1379

MTurk. toqu- (Sangl.); Uzb. tọqi-; Uygh. toqu-; Krm. toxɨ-; Tat. tuqɨ-;
Bashk. tuqɨ-; Kirgh. toqu-; Kaz. toqɨ-; KBalk. ? toɣustun ‘назв. дерева, из
кот. делают челноки’; KKalp. toqɨ-; Nogh. toqɨ-; SUygh. toqɨ-.
◊ VEWT 484-5, EDT 467, ЭСТЯ 3, 253-254 (to distinguish from *tokɨ- ‘to beat’), Лекси-
ка 395. Turk. > WMong. toki-, Kalm. tokə- ‘to plait’ (KW 398).
PKor. *tàh-, *th-r- 1 to plait, weave 2 to twist, wind (1 плести,
ткать 2 крутить, вить): MKor. tàh- 1, thr- 2; Mod. t:a- [t:ah-] 1, thɨl- 2.
◊ Nam 145, Liu 718, KED 418, 1724.
‖ Дыбо 15.
-tole quiet, languid: Tung. *dulu-; Mong. *döli-gen / *dölü-gen; Turk.
*döle-.
PTung. *dulu- quiet, peaceful, easy (спокойный, смирный): Evk.
dulu-mkūn; Evn. dụlm.
◊ ТМС 1, 223.
PMong. *döli-gen / *dölü-gen quiet, peaceful (мирный, спокой-
ный): MMong. dolüejen (HY 52); WMong. döligen, dölügen, dölgen (L
267); Kh. dölgȫn ( < WMong.); Bur. dülgēn ( < WMong.); Kalm. döln;
Ord. dölȫ(n).
◊ KW 98.
PTurk. *döle- tranquil, sedate, quiet (спокойный, тихий, мирный):
Karakh. tölek (MK); Tur. döle-k, dölen-; Uzb. tölek (Chag.); Chuv. tülek.
◊ EDT 498, VEWT 504.
‖ ТМС 1, 223 (TM-Mong.), Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss.
-tóle ( ~ -o-, -a-) progeny, generation: Turk. *döl; Jpn. *d.
PTurk. *döl 1 progeny, breed 2 new-born animals (1 потомство 2
приплод): OTurk. töl 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. töl (MK Oghuz.) ‘season
when animals give birth to their young; the newborn young’; Tur. döl 1;
Az. döl 2; Turkm. döl 2, ‘sperm’; MTurk. töl 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. tọl 2; Uygh.
töl 2; Tat. tül ‘bird ovary’; Bashk. tül ‘плодовитость; женская половая
клетка’; Kirgh. töl 2; Kaz. töl 2; KBalk. tölü 2, ‘generation’; KKalp. töl 2;
Kum. töl 2; Nogh. töl 2; Khak. töl 1; Shr. töl 1; Oyr. töl-dö- ‘to breed’; Tv.
töl 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 274-276; EDT 490. Turk. > Mong. töl ‘new-born young animals’.
PJpn. *d generation, age (поколение, возраст): OJpn. jo; MJpn. jó;
Tok. yó, yò; Kyo. yò; Kag. yó.
◊ JLTT 575.
‖ A Turkic-Jpn. isogloss; not quite reliable, because the Jpn. form
can have many possible protoforms.
-tòlu ( ~ tùlo) to spin, turn round: Turk. *dolga-; Jpn. *dr-; Kor. *tòr- /
*tùr-.
PTurk. *dolga- to twist, to wrap round (крутить, заворачивать):
Karakh. tolɣa- (MK); Tur. dola-; Az. dola-; Turkm. dola-; Khal. tolɣa-n- ‘to
1380 *tṓŕu - *tṓŕu
walk around’; MTurk. tolɣa- (Abush., MA); Uzb. tọlɣa-; Uygh. tolɣu-;
Krm. tolɣa-; Tat. tolɣa-n- (refl.); Bashk. tula ‘cloth’; Kirgh. tolɣo-; Kaz.
tolɣa-; Kum. dola-n- ‘to tinker with smth.’; Shr. tolɣaj ‘turn’; Oyr. tolɣo-;
Tv. dolɣa-; Tof. dolɣa-; Chuv. tъla, tъₙlla ‘cloth, petersham’.
◊ VEWT 486, EDT 497, ЭСТЯ 3, 259-260, Федотов 2, 187-188, Ашм. XIV, 254-255, 259.
PJpn. *dr- to twist (крутить, изгибать): OJpn. jor-; MJpn. jòr-; Tok.
yór-; Kyo. yór-; Kag. yòr-.
◊ JLTT 787.
PKor. *tòr- / *tùr- 1 revolve 2 surround (1 вращаться 2 окружать):
MKor. tòrá-ka- ‘return’, tòrá-pò- ‘look back’, tōr- 1, tùr- 2; Mod. tol- 1,
turɨ- 2.
◊ Liu 223, 229, 239, KED 479, 504.
‖ Martin 245.
-tṓŕu birch bark, vessel made of birch bark: Tung. *duri; Mong.
*duru-sun; Turk. *Tōŕ; Jpn. *túrú(m)pài; Kor. *turəi.
PTung. *duri cradle made of birch bark (берестяная люлька): Evn.
dör; Neg. duj; Man. duri; SMan. urī (516); Ul. duri; Nan. duri; Orch. duji;
Ud. düi.
◊ ТМС 1, 217.
PMong. *duru-sun liber, bast, bark (specif. birch bark) (лыко, бере-
ста): WMong. duru-sun (L 276); Kh. durs; Bur. durhan; Kalm. dursn; Ord.
durusu.
◊ KW 103.
PTurk. *Tōŕ birch bark 2 birch cover (for a bow) 3 vessel made of
birch bark (береста, изделия из бересты): OTurk. toz (OUygh.);
Karakh. toz ‘полоска для обертывания лука’ (MK); Tur. (Osm.) toz
‘материал для обертки лука’; MTurk. toz ‘кора горного миндаля, ко-
торой обертывают луки’ (Sangl.); Uzb. tọs ‘березовая кора, идущая
на отделку седла’; Tat. tuz; Bashk. tuδ; Kirgh. toz ‘чага’; Kaz. toz;
KKalp. toz; Khak. tos, dial. toš; Shr. tos; Oyr. tos; Tv. tos; Tof. dos; Yak.
tuos; Dolg. tuos xā.
◊ VEWT 491-2, EDT 571, Лексика 103. Turk. > WMong. tous, toos, Kalm. tōs, see
Clark 1980, 39.
PJpn. *túrú(m)pài bucket, pail (ведро, бадья): OJpn. turub(j)e;
MJpn. túrúbè; Tok. tsùrube; Kyo. tsùrúbè; Kag. tsurúbe.
◊ JLTT 557. A rare accent class in MJ: HHL; its modern reflexes are not quite clear.
PKor. *turəi bucket, scoop (ведро, черпак): Mod. ture.
◊ KED 503.
‖ KW 103, TMN 2, 612 (“was nicht ganz unmöglich wäre”), Лекси-
ка 103.
 *túbù - *tgì 1381

-túbù ( ~ -o-) end, edge: Tung. *dubē; Mong. *daɣus-; Jpn. *túpí; Kor.
*tūih.
PTung. *dubē end (конец, край): Evk. duwē; Evn. duwet; Neg. duwe;
Man. dube; SMan. duwe, duwu ‘tip, point, end’ (2604); Ul. duwe; Ork.
duwe; Nan. due; Ud. due.
◊ ТМС 1, 218. TM > Dag. duwē (Тод. Даг. 137).
PMong. *daɣus- to finish (кончать): MMong. da’us- (SH), duson
‘complete’ (IM), dawus- (MA); WMong. daɣus- (L 220); Kh. dūsa-, dūla-;
Bur. dūha-, dūda-; Kalm. dūs-; Ord. dūs-; Dag. dausa- (Тод. Даг. 135);
S.-Yugh. dūs-.
◊ KW 104, MGCD 233.
PJpn. *túpí finish (конец, в конце): OJpn. tupji; MJpn. túfí; Tok.
tsúi(-ni); Kyo. tsúi(-ni); Kag. tsuí(-ni).
◊ JLTT 554. Modern accentuation is not quite clear (probably due to the adverbial
status of the word).
PKor. *tūih behind, back, North (зад, спина, север, конец): MKor.
tūi (tūih-); Mod. twī.
◊ Nam 168, KED 512.
‖ SKE 275-276, АПиПЯЯ 71, Дыбо 12. Cf. perhaps Karakh. (MK)
tuvur- ‘to prick (ears)’.
-tùdì ( ~ -o-) to sound, howl: Tung. *dudu-; Mong. *düdüne-; Jpn. *tùtù-.
PTung. *dudu- to growl, howl (ворчать, бормотать, шуметь): Evk.
duduke-; Evn. dudъlči-; Neg. dudu-; Ork. dudǯi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 219-220.
PMong. *düdüne- to howl, growl (реветь, бормотать): WMong.
düdüne- (L 278); Kh. düdne-; Kalm. düdn-, dadn-; Ord. düdüne-.
◊ KW 71, 104.
PJpn. *tùtù- to murmur, whisper (бормотать, шептать): OJpn. tu-
tum(j)ek-; MJpn. tùtùják-, tutumek-.
◊ JLTT 776.
‖ ТМС 1, 220. An onomatopoeic root, but with good correspon-
dences.
-tgì to pound: Tung. *dug-; Mong. *tügsi-; Turk. *düg-; Jpn. *tùk-; Kor.
*tìh-.
PTung. *dug- 1 hit, beat 2 batter 3 thresh (1 бить, колотить 2 дол-
бить 3 молотить): Evk. duɣ- 1, 2; Evn. dụɣ- 2, duɣ- 1; Neg. dụw- ~ dụɣ- 2,
dukte- 1; Man. du- ~ dū- 1,3; Jurch. du-ŋu-mij (464) 1; Ul. d-čị- 2; Ork. dū-
1, dčị- 2; Nan. dū- 1, dōčị- 2; Orch. dū- 1, 2; Ud. dū- 2, dukte- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 218-219.
PMong. *tügsi- to thresh (молотить): WMong. tügsi- (L 850: tügse-);
Kh. tügši-; Kalm. tükšə-; Ord. dügši- ‘battre avec violence (coeur)’; Dag.
turši-.
1382 *tjk῾ú - *tújpè
◊ KW 414, MGCD 657.
PTurk. *düg- to pound (бить, молотить, долбить): Karakh. tög-
(MK); Tur. döv-; Gag. dǖ-; Az. döj-; Turkm. döv-; MTurk. (MKypch.) tüw-
(AH), tüj- (At-Tuhf.); Krm. tüj-; Tat. töj-; Bashk. töj-; Kaz. tüj-; KBalk.
tüj-; KKalp. tüj-; Kum. tüj-; Nogh. tüj-; Chuv. tü- / təₙv-.
◊ EDT 477, ЭСТЯ 3, 270-272, VEWT 492.
PJpn. *tùk- to pound (молотить): OJpn. tuk-; MJpn. tùk-; Tok. tsúk-;
Kyo. tsùk-; Kag. tsùk-.
◊ JLTT 774.
PKor. *tìh- to pound (молотить): MKor. tìh-; Mod. č:i- [č:ih-].
◊ Nam 182, KED 1560.
‖ Mong. has t- due to contamination with tog-si- ‘to hit, knock’ q.v. ;
Kor. has tìh- with irregular vowel (low tone is usual in verbs) due to
contamination with tìk- ‘to dip down, imprint’ q.v.
-tjk῾ú to make a sign: Tung. *duKū-; Mong. *doki-; Turk. *Tūkrag; Jpn.
*túnká-; Kor. *tjək-.
PTung. *duKū- to write (писать): Evk. dukū-; Evn. dụq-; Neg. duki-.
◊ ТМС 1, 221.
PMong. *doki- to make a sign (делать знак): WMong. doki- (L 257);
Kh. doxi-; Bur. doxi-; Kalm. dok-; Ord. doχi-.
◊ KW 93.
PTurk. *Tūkrag (?) royal sign manual (знак царской власти):
Karakh. tuɣraɣ (MK - Oghuz), tuɣra (IM); Tur. tuɣra; Uzb. tuɣrɔ.
◊ VEWT 496. EDT 471, TMN 3, 342-343. The word may belong here if it is not de-
rived < tūg ‘banner’ ( < Chin.).
PJpn. *tú(n)ká- to let know, inform (сообщать): OJpn. tuga-; MJpn.
túga-; Tok. tsùge-; Kyo. tsúgé-; Kag. tsugé-.
◊ JLTT 772.
PKor. *tjək- to note down, to write (записывать): MKor. tjək-; Mod.
čək-.
◊ Nam 155, KED 1424.
‖ All meanings are well explainable from the original ‘make, pro-
duce a sign’; the diphthong -jə- in Korean is somewhat unexpected and
makes us reconstruct PA *tjk῾ú (otherwise *tk῾u would serve just as
well).
-tújpè ( ~ d-) hill, top: Tung. *dǖ- ( ~ *düb-); Mong. *dobu / *döbe; Jpn.
*(d)ípà.
PTung. *dǖ- ( ~ *düb-) 1 top 2 mountain top 3 taiga region (1 верх 2
вершина горы 3 лесная, таежная местность): Evk. dī- 1; Evn. dī- 1;
Man. de-n, de-le 1; SMan. den ‘tall, high’ (2399, 2615); Ul. duwu 3; Ork.
duww 3; Nan. duje 3; Orch. di-xi 3; Ud. dī- 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 202-203.
 *tuju - *tlu 1383

PMong. *dobu / *döbe 1 hill 2 to be convex, protuberant (1 холм 2

быть выпуклым): WMong. dobu(n) (L 256: dobuŋ), döbe(n); Kh. dov 1,
dovoj- 2; Bur. dobo 1; Kalm. down, döwn 1; Ord. dowoŋ 1; Mongr. toboi- 2
(MGCD 221).
◊ MGCD 221.
PJpn. *(d)ípà rock, cliff (скала): OJpn. ipa; MJpn. ífà; Tok. iwá; Kyo.
íwà; Kag. íwa.
◊ JLTT 429.
‖ Medial -j- should be postulated to account for the vowel (*ü) in
PTM and for the otherwise irregular fronting *u > i in Jpn. For a possi-
ble reflex in Turkic see under *t῾ep῾a.
-tuju to listen, perceive: Tung. *duja; Mong. *duɣul-; Turk. *duj-; Jpn.
*tua-p-.
PTung. *duja noise; to shout, cry (шум; шуметь, кричать): Evn.
dja, dja-.
◊ ТМС 1, 220. Attested only in Evn., but having possible external parallels.
PMong. *duɣul- listen (слушать, слышать): MMong. dūla- (MA),
du’ulqa- (SH) ‘verkünden, bekanntgeben’; WMong. duɣul- (L 271); Kh.
dūla-; Bur. dūla-; Kalm. dūlɣə- (caus.); Ord. dūl-.
◊ KW 104.
PTurk. *duj- to perceive (by ears or nose), notice (слышать, чуять,
замечать): OTurk. tuj- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tuj- (MK); Tur. duj-;
Gag. duj-; Az. duj-; Turkm. duj-; MTurk. tuj- (Sangl.); Uzb. tuj-; Uygh.
tuj-; Krm. duj-, tuj-; Tat. toj-; Bashk. toj-; Kirgh. tuj-; KKalp. tuj-; Nogh.
tuj-; SUygh. tuj-; Chuv. tuj-, refl. tojъn-.
◊ VEWT 497, EDT 567, ЭСТЯ 3, 290-291, Федотов 2, 241, Ашм. XIV, 92-94. Chuv.
may be < Tatar.
PJpn. *tua-p- to ask (спрашивать): OJpn. twop-; MJpn. tóf-; Tok. tò-,
tó-; Kyo. tó-; Kag. tò-.
◊ JLTT 771. Accent is not quite clear (Kag. tò- and the Tokyo variant tó- point to
*tuàp-).
‖ The isolated Even parallel is somewhat dubious, but the rest of
the forms are well explained by the original meaning ‘perceive’
(whence both ‘listen’ and ‘ask’) and correspond well to each other.
-tlu ( ~ -o) barren: Tung. *dūla-; Turk. *dul(k); Kor. *tur-.
PTung. *dūla- barren, farrow (яловая (о важенке оленя)): Evk.
dūlaɣi; Nan. (?) dolboan ῾young, unripe’ (of fruits, vegetables) (Он.).
◊ ТМС 1, 221. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PTurk. *dul(k) widow, widower (вдова, вдовец): OTurk. tul (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tul (MK); Tur. dul; Gag. dul; Az. dul; Turkm. dul;
MTurk. tul (Pav. C.); Uzb. tul; Uygh. tul; Krm. tul; Tat. tŭl; Bashk. tŭl;
Kirgh. tul; Kaz. tŭl; KKalp. tul; Kum. tul; Shr. tul; Oyr. tul; Tv. dulɣujaq;
1384 *tĺdi - *tĺe
Tof. tulɣuńaq; Chuv. tъlъx ‘orphan’; Yak. tulājax ‘orphan’; Dolg. tulājak
‘widow; orphan’.
◊ EDT 490, VEWT 497, ЭСТЯ 3, 292-293, Лексика 293, Ашм. XIV, 258-259, Федотов
2, 189, Stachowski 230.
PKor. *tur- barren (бесплодная, яловая): Mod. tul-, tol-.
◊ KED 478.
‖ KW 409, TMN 3, 349.
-tĺdi to hear: Tung. *dōldī-; Turk. *düĺ-ün-; Kor. *td-.
PTung. *dōldī- to hear (слышать): Evk. dōldī-; Evn. dōldī-; Neg.
dōldi-; Man. donǯi-; SMan. onǯi- (182); Jurch. doldi-sun (351), doldi-u
(354); Ul. dōldịwu; Ork. dolʒi-; Nan. dōld’ị-; Orch. dōgdī-; Ud. dogdi-; Sol.
dōldi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 214-215.
PTurk. *düĺ-ün- to think, understand (думать, понимать): OTurk.
tüšü-t-le-n-il- (OUygh.), tüšün- (OUygh. - USp.); Tur. düšün-; Gag.
düšün-; Az. düšün-; Turkm. düšün-; MTurk. düšün- (Pav. C.); Uzb.
tušun-; Uygh. tüšün-, čüšün-; Krm. tüšün-; Tat. töšen-; Kirgh. tüšün-; Kaz.
tüsin-; KKalp. tüsin-; Kum. tüšün-; Nogh. tüsin-; Oyr. tüžü-met ‘intelli-
gent, reasonable’; Yak. tüs ‘serious, reasonable’.
◊ VEWT 507, EDT 562, ЭСТЯ 335-336.
PKor. *td- to hear (слышать): MKor. tt- (-r-); Mod. tɨt- (-r-).
◊ Nam 173, KED 532.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 48, 290. Korean has a “verbal” low tone.
-tĺe clear sky, noon: Tung. *dōlā; Mong. *düli; Turk. *düĺ.
PTung. *dōlā clear, open sky (ясный (о небе), открытое небо): Evk.
dōlō; Evn. delъd.
◊ ТМС 1, 215.
PMong. *düli middle (of day, night) (середина (дня, ночи)):
MMong. duli (SH, HY 5), d[ä]li (IM); WMong. düli (L 280); Kh. dül;
Mongr. dur ‘midi, milieu du jour’ (SM 66).
PTurk. *düĺ noon (полдень): Karakh. tüš (MK, KB); Tur. düš (dial.);
Turkm. düš (dial.); MTurk. tüš (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tuš; Uygh. čüš;
Krm. tüš; Tat. töš; Bashk. töš; Kirgh. tüš; Kaz. tüs; KBalk. tüš; KKalp. tüs;
Kum. tüš; Nogh. tüs; Oyr. tüš; Tv. dü’š; Tof. düš.
◊ VEWT 507, EDT 559, Лексика 78-79. Turk. > Hung. dél ‘South, noon’, see
MNyTESz 1, 606-607.
‖ Владимирцов 366, Лексика 79. A Western isogloss.
-tĺe ( ~ -i) to bend down, fall: Tung. *dōl-; Mong. *döli-; Turk. *düĺ-.
PTung. *dōl- 1 to bend 2 to contort (1 выгибать 2 вывихивать): Evk.
dōldī- 1; Ork. doltịdda- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 215.
 *tumi - *tuŋa 1385

PMong. *döli- to bend backwards (наклоняться назад): MMong.

dolusgu- (SH); WMong. döli- (L 267: dölügü ‘slightly inclined’); Kh. dölö-;
Bur. düle-; Kalm. döli-.
◊ KW 98.
PTurk. *düĺ- to fall, move down (падать, двигаться вниз): OTurk.
tüš- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tüš- (MK); Tur. düš-; Gag. düš-; Az. düš-;
Turkm. düš-; MTurk. tüš- (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. tuš-; Uygh.
tüš-; Krm. tüš-; Tat. tš-; Bashk. tš-; Kirgh. tüš-; Kaz. tüs-; KBalk. tüš-;
KKalp. tüs-; Kum. tuš-; Nogh. tüs-; SUygh. tüs-; Shr. tüš-; Oyr. tüš-; Tv.
düš-; Yak. tüs-; Dolg. tüs-.
◊ EDT 560, VEWT 507, ЭСТЯ 3, 330-333, Stachowski 235. Turk. (Bulg.) > Hung. dől
(MNyTESz 1, 668-669).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-tumi drum: Mong. *düŋgür; Turk. *düm-; Jpn. *tuntumi.
PMong. *düŋgür shaman’s drum (колотушка шамана): WMong.
düŋgür (L 281); Kh. düŋger.
◊ Mong. > Chag. tüŋür etc.
PTurk. *düm- drum (барабан): Karakh. tümrüg (MK Oghuz.); Tur.
dümrü (Osm.), dümbek; MTurk. dümbek.
◊ EDT 509, VEWT 504-505.
PJpn. *tuntumi drum (барабан): OJpn. tudumji; MJpn. túdúmí; Tok.
tsuzumí; Kyo. tsúzùmì; Kag. tsuzumí.
◊ JLTT 559. Modern dialects point uniformly to *tùntùmì, but RJ has high tone.
‖ An expressive root, reduplicated in Japanese.
-túmu ( ~ č-, -i, u-o, a-u) cold, snot: Turk. *dum; Jpn. *túm-.
PTurk. *dum 1 cold 2 cold, flu (1 холодный 2 простуда): OTurk.
tumlɨɣ 1 (OUygh.), tumaɣu 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. tum, tumlɨɣ 1 (MK),
tumaɣu (MK) 2; Tur. dumaɣ, duma 2, (Osm.) tumlu 1; Turkm. dümev 2;
MTurk. tumaq 2 (MA); Uygh. tumu 2; Tat. tomaw 2; Khak. tɨmo 2; Tv.
dumā 2; Tof. tumā 2; Yak. tɨmn 1, tumū 2; Dolg. tɨmn 1.
◊ VEWT 498, EDT 503, 505, 506, ЭСТЯ 3, 326, Лексика 14-15, Stachowski 238. Turk. >
WMong. tomuɣu, Khalkha tomū ‘influenza’. A probable derivative is Turk. *duman ‘fog’
(ЭСТЯ 3, 295-296, Лексика 33, Stachowski 230), see TMN 2, 568.
PJpn. *túm- cold (холодный): MJpn. tumeta-; Tok. tsùmetai; Kyo.
tsúmétà-; Kag. tsuméta-.
◊ JLTT 842.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss.
-tuŋa cold, frost: Tung. *doŋota; Mong. *daɣara-; Turk. *doŋ.
PTung. *doŋota 1 cold, frost 2 to ice up, freeze (1 мороз 2 обледе-
невать, замерзать): Evk. doŋoto 1; Neg. doŋoto- 2; Ul. doqomdụ- 1; Ork.
doGdo ‘hoard of frozen fish’.
◊ ТМС 1, 216.
1386 *túŋì - *tp῾e
PMong. *daɣara- to freeze, become cold (замерзать, остывать):
MMong. dara- (MA); WMong. daɣara- (L 218); Kh. dāra-; Bur. dāra-;
Kalm. dār-; Ord. dāra- 120; Dag. dāra- (Тод. Даг. 135), dāre- (MD 131);
Dong. daGara-; Bao. dār-; S.-Yugh. dārā-; Mongr. dāra- (SM 44).
◊ KW 82, MGCD 182.
PTurk. *doŋ 1 cold 2 frost 3 frozen 4 freeze, be frozen (1 холодный
2 мороз 3 замерзший 4 замерзать): OTurk. toŋ- 4 (OUygh.); Karakh.
toŋ 2, 3 (MK); Tur. don 2; Az. don 2, don- 4; Turkm. doŋ 3, doŋ- 4; MTurk.
toŋ- 4 (Pav. C.); Uygh. toŋ- 4, toŋ 2, 3; Tat. tuŋ 2; Kirgh. toŋ 2, toŋ- 4;
SUygh. tot 1; Khak. tō-r- 4; Tv. doŋ 3, doŋ- 4; Tof. doŋ 3, doŋ- 4; Chuv.
tъₙm 2 ‘frost’; Yak. toŋ- 4, toŋ 3; Dolg. toŋ- 4, toŋ 3.
◊ VEWT 488, EDT 513, 515, ЭСТЯ 3, 265-267, Лексика 17, Stachowski 226.
‖ ТМС 1, 216, АПиПЯЯ 286, Дыбо 11. A Western isogloss.
-túŋì relative by marriage: Tung. *duŋ-; Turk. *düŋür; Jpn. *túmà.
PTung. *duŋ- coeval (сверстник, ровесник): Man. duŋGami.
◊ ТМС 1, 224. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *düŋür a relative by marriage (1 сват, сваха, посредник при
сватовстве 2 свойственник): OTurk. tüŋür 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. tüŋür 2
(MK); Tur. dünür 1, dial. dünüš ‘родители новобрачных’; Gag. dünür
‘сватовство’; Yak. tüŋür 2.
◊ EDT 523, Рясянен 1955, 172. Yak. > Evk., Evn. tuŋur 2 (ТМС 2, 217).
PJpn. *túmà spouse (супруг, супруга): OJpn. tuma; MJpn. túmà;
Tok. tsúma; Kyo. tsúmà; Kag. tsúma.
◊ JLTT 555. The Tokyo accent is aberrant (*tsumá would be expected).
‖ The isolated Manchu parallel is somewhat dubious semantically
(not a ‘relative by marriage’, but a coeval), but the Turkic and Jpn.
forms correspond well to each other.
-tp῾e ( ~ *tūp῾i, *č-) bottom: Mong. *dow-; Turk. *dǖp.
PMong. *dow- below (внизу): MMong. dora (HY 50), doro (SH), dură
(IM), dură (MA); WMong. doura, doru (L 266); Kh. dor; Bur. doro, dōro;
Kalm. dorə; Ord. doro; Mog. dora; ZM dr (6-8b); Dag. duar, dorōn, dōrōn
(Тод. Даг. 137); dore (MD 137); Dong. dodu, dəura, daura, doura; Bao.
doGoŋ; S.-Yugh. dūra, duGūr; Mongr. dōro (SM 57, 61).
◊ KW 95, MGCD 220, 225.
PTurk. *dǖp bottom; root (дно; основание; корень): OTurk. tüp
(tüb) (OUygh.); Karakh. tüp (tüb) (MK); Tur. dip; Gag. dip; Az. dib;
Turkm. dǖp; MTurk. tüb (Pav. C.), tüp (Abush.); Uzb. tub; Uygh. tüp;
Krm. tüp; Tat. tp; Bashk. tp; Kirgh. tüp; Kaz. tüp; KKalp. tüp; Kum.
tub; Nogh. tüp; SUygh. tüp, top; Khak. tüp; Shr. tüp; Oyr. tüp; Tv. düp;
Tof. düp; Chuv. təp; Yak. tügex (?); Dolg. tügek (?).
◊ EDT 434-435, VEWT 505, ЭСТЯ 3, 317-319, TMN 2, 652-654 ( > Mong. tüb, töb), Лек-
сика 108-109, Stachowski 234.
 *turi - *tūri 1387

‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. The relationship to TM *dō- ‘to sit down

(of birds)’, suggested in ТМС 1, 211, is unclear; if it exists, we may be
dealing here with an archaic case of *-p῾-suffixation.
-turi face: Tung. *duru-n; Mong. *düri; Turk. *dür; Jpn. *tura.
PTung. *duru-n 1 form, outlook 2 pattern, design 3 picture (1 фор-
ма, вид 2 узор 3 рисунок): Evk. durun 2; Neg. dujun / dujin 1; Man. du-
run 1, duru-Gan 3; SMan. durun 1 (2341); Ul. duru(n) 1; Ork. duru(n) 1;
Nan. durũ 1 (On.); Orch. dū(n) 1; Ud. dū(n) 1; Sol. durũ 1.
◊ See ТМС 1, 225-6.
PMong. *düri form, outlook (вид, облик): WMong. düri (L 282); Kh.
dür; Bur. düre; Kalm. dürə, dürsn; Ord. düri; Mog. ZM dor (7-6b) ‘affec-
tion’; Dag. dur (Тод. Даг. 138), dure (MD 139).
◊ KW 105, MGCD 245, 246. Mong. > Man. dursun (Rozycki 64).
PTurk. *dür 1 sort, kind, shape 2 various (1 вид, форма, порода 2
разнообразный): OTurk. törlüg 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. törlüg 1
(MK, KB); Tur. türlü 1, 2; Gag. türlü 1, 2; Az. dürlü (dial.) 2; Turkm. dürli
2; MTurk. törlüg 1 (Sangl.); Uzb. turli 2; Krm. türlü 2; Tat. türli 2; Bashk.
törlö 2; Kirgh. tür 1; Kaz. türli 2, tür 1; KBalk. türlü 2; KKalp. türli 2;
Kum. türlü 2; Nogh. türli 2; Chuv. təₙrləₙ 2.
◊ EDT 546-547, ЭСТЯ 3, 327-328 (loan of forms like Kaz. tür < Mong. düri is hardly
acceptable, despite EDT ibid.).
PJpn. *tura face (лицо): OJpn. tura; MJpn. túrà; Tok. tsurá; Kyo.
tsúrà; Kag. tsùra.
◊ JLTT 556. Modern dialects suggest a reconstruction *tùrà; however, the form at-
tested in RJ is túrà.
‖ KW 105, Владимирцов 165, EAS 51, Poppe 23, 82, Miller 1996,
151, АПиПЯЯ 71, Дыбо 12, Лексика 207 (but PT *jǖŕ is to be separated,
despite all the above sources). The TM forms may be < Mong. (see Do-
erfer MT 76, Rozycki 65), but not necessarily so.
-tūri to wrap, fold: Mong. *dörseji-; Turk. *dǖr-; Jpn. *tùtùm-.
PMong. *dörseji- to shrink, shrivel; be folded (коробиться, ежить-
ся, морщиться): WMong. dörsüji- (МXTTT); Kh. dörsij-; Kalm. dörs-
KPC 212.
PTurk. *dǖr- to fold, roll together (скручивать, засучивать): OTurk.
tür- (OUygh.); Karakh. tür- (MK); Tur. dür-; Gag. dür-; Az. dürmäk ‘бу-
терброд в виде трубочки’; Turkm. düjr-; Sal. tür-; MTurk. tür- (MA,
Pav. C.); Uzb. turmak-la-; Uygh. tü(r)-; Tat. tör-; Bashk. tör-; Kirgh. tür-;
Kaz. tür-; KKalp. tür-; Nogh. tür-; Khak. tür-; Shr. türgek ‘клубок’; Oyr.
tür-; Tv. dür-; Tof. dür-; Yak. tǖr-.
◊ VEWT 506, EDT 530-531, ЭСТЯ 3, 319-320. Turk. > Hung. tűr- ‘to tuck’, see Gom-
bocz 1912.
1388 *tùru - *tti
PJpn. *tùtùm- to wrap (заворачивать): OJpn. tutum-; MJpn. tùtùm-;
Tok. tsutsúm-; Kyo. tsútsúm-; Kag. tsùtsùm-.
◊ JLTT 776.
‖ A good match, but with irregular tone in Jpn.
-tùru ( ~ *tùro) crane: Turk. *durunja; Jpn. *tùrû; Kor. *túrúmí.
PTurk. *durunja crane (журавль): OTurk. turuńja; Karakh. turna
(MK); Tur. turna; Az. durna; Turkm. durna; Tat. torna; Kirgh. turuna;
Kaz. tɨrna; Tv. duruā; Tof. duruā, turuja; Chuv. tъₙrna, (dial. Verkh.)
təₙrne; Yak. turuja.
◊ VEWT 501, TMN 3, 199, EDT 551, ЭСТЯ 3, 301-302, Лексика 173.
PJpn. *tùrû crane (журавль): OJpn. turu; MJpn. tùrú; Tok. tsúru;
Kyo. tsùrû; Kag. tsurú.
◊ JLTT 557.
PKor. *túrúmí crane (журавль): MKor. túrúmí; Mod. turumi.
◊ Liu 238, KED 504.
‖ Martin 229, Murayama 1962, 110, АПиПЯЯ 71, Лексика 173. Cf.
also (phonetically unclear) Mong. toɣuriɣun ‘crane’ (KW 397).
-tti tube, round vessel: Tung. *doda-ka(n); Turk. *dǖtük; Jpn. *tútú.
PTung. *doda-ka(n) a vessel made of birch bark (сосуд из бересты):
Neg. dodoxon; Ork. dodo, dụdụ; Orch. dodō, dodoko.
◊ ТМС 1, 212.
PTurk. *dǖtük pipe (трубка, флейта): Karakh. tütek ‘a spout of an
ewer’ (MK), düdük ‘reed pipe, flute’ (IM); Tur. düdük; Gag. düdük; Az.
düdük; Turkm. tüjdük; Sal. tütülüx (ССЯ); MTurk. (OKypch.) düdük
(AH); Uzb. tutak; Kirgh. tütük; Kaz. tütik; KKalp. tüte; Kum. düdük;
Nogh. düdik.
◊ VEWT 507, EDT 455.
PJpn. *tútú tube (трубка): OJpn. tutu; MJpn. tútú; Tok. tsùtsu, tsutsú;
Kyo. tsútsú; Kag. tsutsú.
◊ JLTT 558. RJ tútú, Tokyo tsùtsu and Kyoto tsútsú point directly to *tútú. However,
the Tokyo variant tsutsú and Kagoshima tsùtsú may indicate a variant *tùtù.
‖ On TM *-d- see under *tḕtu.
 T῾

-t῾à (*t῾è) that: Tung. *ta-; Mong. *te-re; Turk. *ti-(kü); Jpn. *t-; Kor. *tj.
PTung. *ta- that (тот): Evk. tar, tari; Evn. tar; Neg. taj; Man. tere;
SMan. terə (2878); Ul. tāwụ, tị; Ork. tari; Nan. taja; Orch. tī, tei; Ud. tei,
teji; Sol. tajā, tari.
◊ ТМС 2, 164-167.
PMong. *te-re that (тот): MMong. tere (SH, HY), tɛrɛ (IM), tir (MA);
WMong. tere (L 804); Kh. ter; Bur. tere; Kalm. terə; Ord. tere; Mog. t; ZM
ti (26-5); Dag. tere (Тод. Даг. 167, MD 224); Dong. tere; Bao. ter; S.-Yugh.
tere; Mongr. te (SM 416).
◊ KW 393.
PTurk. *ti-(kü) that (тот): Gag. te bu ‘this here’, te o ‘that there’;
Turkm. (dial.) šü-tki,šütüki, bitiki ‘вот этот’ (Akhaltek.); Sal. düɣü, tǖ;
MTurk. (OKypch.) tigi (Bulgat), tik (Ettuhf.); Tat. tege; Bashk. tege;
Kirgh. tigi; Kaz. tigi (dial.); Khak. tege; ĭ-di ‘so, thus’; Tv. dȫ; Tof. tē; Yak.
i-ti ‘this’; Dolg. i-ti ‘this’.
◊ VEWT 479, Räsänen 1957, 36, Котвич 1962, 142, Stachowski 129.
PJpn. *t- that way (так, таким образом): MJpn. to-ni-kaku-ni, tò-
zàmà-káú-zámá.
◊ Attested since Heian, and only in the above expressions meaning “anyway, all di-
rections” (lit. “that way - this way”). JLTT 550, 551.
PKor. *tj that (тот): MKor. tj; Mod. čə.
◊ Nam 154, KED 1417.
‖ EAS 126, KW 393, Lee 1958, 118, АПиПЯЯ 52, 289, Rozycki 207,
Doerfer MT 26 (“Elementarverwandtschaft”). Cf. Mong. terteɣe ‘on that
side’, terse ‘inimical, adverse’ = Turk. tetrü ‘opposite side’, ters ‘per-
verse, wrong’.
-t῾bá foot, footwear: Tung. *tabu-; Mong. *tabag; Turk. *dāpan; Jpn.
*tàmp(u)î.
PTung. *tabu- fur footwear (меховая обувь): Evk. tawur, taubun;
Evn. tēwun; Nan. toa-ma ῾a k. of footwear made of fish skin’ (Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 149, 171. TM > Dolg. tēbin ‘leichte Hausschuhe’ (Stachowski 221).
1390 *t῾abi - *t῾ằgè
PMong. *tabag foot, paw (ступня, лапа): WMong. tabaɣ (L 760); Kh.
tavag, tavxaj; Bur. tabgaj; Kalm. tawəg (КРС); Ord. tawaG; Mongr. tawaG
(SM 412).
◊ Mong. > Kaz. tawa, VEWT 451, Man. taba, ТМС 2, 149, Doerfer MT 136.
PTurk. *dāpan foot, sole (нога, подошва): Karakh. taban (MK); Tur.
taban; Gag. taban; Az. daban; Turkm. dāban; MTurk. taban (Sangl.); Uzb.
tɔbɔn; Uygh. tapan; Krm. taban; Tat. taban; Bashk. taban; Kirgh. taman;
Kaz. taban; KBalk. taban; KKalp. taban; Kum. taban; Nogh. taban; SUygh.
tawan; Oyr. taman; Tv. davan; Tof. daman; Chuv. toban (Anatri).
◊ VEWT 462, EDT 441, ЭСТЯ 3, 110-112, Лексика 289, Федотов 2, 249.
PJpn. *tàmp(u)î a k. of socks (вид носков): MJpn. tàbí; Tok. tábi;
Kyo. tàbî; Kag. tabí.
◊ JLTT 536.
‖ KW 385, Лексика 289. Cf. *t῾op῾u. The Turkic form is quite irregu-
lar - very probably a distortion of the expected *tāban under the influ-
ence of *dāp- ‘to trample’ q.v.
-t῾abi ( ~ -o) to pick up, collect: Tung. *tab-; Mong. *teɣü-.
PTung. *tab- to pick up, collect (подбирать, собирать): Evk. taw-;
Evn. taw-; Neg. taw-; Ul. tawčụ-; Nan. tao-san-; Orch. taw-; Ud. tai-; Sol.
tawiǯa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 148.
PMong. *teɣü- to pick up, collect (подбирать, собирать): MMong.
tu- (MA 359); WMong. tegü- (L 794); Kh. tǖ-; Bur. tǖ-; Kalm. tǖ- (КРС);
Ord. tǖ-; S.-Yugh. tǖ-.
◊ MGCD 656.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-t῾ằgè to unfasten, disentangle: Tung. *taga-; Mong. *tajila-; Jpn. *tk-.
PTung. *taga- to hitch, become entangled (зацепиться, запутаться):
Evk. taɣa-; Neg. tā-; Man. ta-; SMan. ta- (420, 1647); Ul. tā-; Ork. tā-; Nan.
tā-; Orch. tā-; Ud. ta-; Sol. tā-w-.
◊ ТМС 2, 149-150.
PMong. *tajila- to untie, unfasten (развязывать): MMong. ṭajl- (IM);
WMong. tajila- (L 768: tajil-); Kh. tajla-; Bur. tajla-; Kalm. tǟl- (КРС); Ord.
tǟl-; Dag. taila- (Тод. Даг. 165), tajle- (MD 219); Mongr. tli- (SM 414).
PJpn. *tk- to untie, unfasten (развязывать, распутывать): OJpn.
tok-; MJpn. tòk-; Tok. tók-; Kyo. tók-; Kag. tòk-.
◊ JLTT 769.
‖ Cf. also TM *tagdī- ‘to pull out’ (ТМС 2, 150-151), PT *dāga- ῾to
stray, disperse, diverge’ (ЭСТЯ 3, 119-120) - either a different root, or a
variant of the above.
 *t῾go - *t῾àjrá 1391

-t῾go dirt (dust, clay): Tung. *tāksa; Turk. *Tog.

PTung. *tāksa clay (глина): Evk. tāksa; Evn. tās; Neg. tāksa; Ul.
toaqsa; Ork. tōqso; Nan. toaqsa; Ud. takeä.
◊ ТМС 2, 154.
PTurk. *Tog dust (пыль): OTurk. toɣ (OUygh. - late, Lig. VSOu);
Karakh. toɣ (MK, KB); toɣ- ‘to rise (of dust)’; MTurk. toɣ (Pav. C.,
Abush.); Uygh. toɣ (dial., Malov - Xami); Khak. tōla- ‘to crumble’; Tv.
toɣ-la- ‘to crumble’.
◊ VEWT 483, EDT 463.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-t῾ja to float, slide: Tung. *tia- (*taj-); Mong. *taji-tu-; Turk. *tāj-; Jpn.
*taju-.
PTung. *tia- (*taj-) to swim, float (плавать): Evk. tī- / čī- ῾to slip,
slide’; Evn. tǟ-; Neg. tču-.
◊ ТМС 2, 172-173, 174.
PMong. *taji-tu- to slide, drag one’s feet (тащить ноги, шаркать):
WMong. tajituji-, tajitulǯa- (L 769: tajitalǯa-, tajitaɣana-), tajitgar
(МХТТТ); Kh. tajitgar ‘стоптанный на одну сторону; косолапый’;
Kalm. tǟti-, tǟtlzə-; Mongr. dbāra- ‘marcher en chancelant’ (cf.
WMong. tajibalǯa-) (SM 48).
◊ KW 389.
PTurk. *tāj- to slide (скользить): OTurk. taj- (OUygh.); Karakh. taj-
(MK); Tur. taj- (dial.); Turkm. tāj-; MTurk. taj- (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔj-; Uygh.
taj-; Krm. taj-; Tat. taj-; Bashk. taj-, tajɨ-; Kirgh. taj-; Kaz. taj-; KBalk. taj-;
KKalp. taj-; Kum. taj-; Nogh. taj-; SUygh. taj-; Khak. taj- (dial.); Shr. taj-;
Oyr. taj- (dial. Kumd., Leb.); Tv. taj-; Tof. taj-.
◊ VEWT 455, EDT 567.
PJpn. *taju- to float (плавать (на поверхности)): OJpn. taju-tap-.
‖ KW 389. Suffixed forms are perhaps Mong. tesi- ‘slide’, TM *tisa-
‘swim’ (ТМС 2, 188).
-t῾àjrá a k. of vessel: Mong. *torku; Turk. *TAr; Jpn. *tàrápì; Kor. *tājá.
PMong. *torku barrel (кадка, бочка): WMong. torqu (MXTTT); Kh.
torx; Bur. torxo.
PTurk. *TAr raft made of skins (плот из бурдюков): Karakh. tar
(MK); Tur. tar ‘wooden raft’ (dial.); MTurk. (OKypch.) tar (AH).
◊ VEWT 463, EDT 528, Лексика 537.
PJpn. *tàrápì a k. of vessel, wash-tub (вид сосуда, корыто): MJpn.
tàráfi; Tok. tàrai; Kyo. tàráì; Kag. taraí.
◊ JLTT 542. The Tokyo accent is irregular (reflecting a variant *tàrápí). Cf. also *taru
(not attested in OJ, and with irregular accent correspondences) ‘barrel, vat’.
PKor. *tājá wash-tub (корыто): MKor. tàjá; Mod. tǟja.
◊ Nam 132, KED 430.
1392 *t῾ájri - *t῾aklu
‖ Martin 246. Medial *-j- accounts for -j- in Kor.; Mong. has a fre-
quent secondary labialization *torku < *tarku.
-t῾ájri to scatter, disperse: Mong. *tara-, *tarka-; Jpn. *tír-; Kor. *tí-.
PMong. *tara-, *tarka- to disperse, scatter (рассеивать, разбрасы-
вать): MMong. tara ‘scattered’ (SH), tarxa- ‘be scattered’ (SH); WMong.
tara-, tarqa- (L 789, 782); Kh. tara-; Bur. tara-; Kalm. tarā-; Ord. tarā-; Dag.
tare- (MD 221), tarā-; S.-Yugh. tarā-.
◊ KW 380, MGCD 624. Mong. > Chag. tarqa- etc. (EDT 529, see also under *tro); Evk.
tara- (Doerfer MT 126).
PJpn. *tír- to fall (of leaves, flowers) (осыпаться, рассеиваться, опа-
дать): OJpn. tir-; MJpn. tír-; Tok. chìr-; Kyo. chír-; Kag. chír-.
◊ JLTT 768.
PKor. *tí- to fall (of flowers) (опадать (о цветах)): MKor. tí-; Mod.
či-.
◊ Nam 178, KED 1527.
‖ Ozawa 245-246. Despite TMN 1, 253, Щербак 1997, 154, Mong. is
hardly borrowed from Turkic (the OT form is tar-, while modern Kyp-
chak forms like tara-, tarqa- are most probably borrowed < Mong.); on
Turk. *dar- see under *tro. Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for
the loss of *-r- in Kor.
-t῾ki log, rafter: Tung. *tākan; Turk. *TEk-; Jpn. *ti(n)kui ( ~ -əi); Kor.
*thr.
PTung. *tākan log, causeway (бревно, коряга, мостки): Evk. tāken;
Evn. tāqn; Neg. tākan; Man. tuχan; Ork. tō, tōɣo; Nan. tāqã; Orch. tāka;
Ud. ta῾ (Корм. 292).
◊ ТМС 2, 155-156.
PTurk. *TEk- ? 1 yurt poles 2 small yurt (1 купольные шесты юрты
и скрепляющий их обод 2 небольшая юрта): Kirgh. aq tiger 1, tegirt-
mek 2; Kaz. aq tɨɣɨr 1; Khak. tek ‘pole, post (for tying horses)’ (Abakan,
Верб.).
◊ Лексика 502.
PJpn. *ti(n)kui ( ~ -əi) outstanding rafter edges (выступающие кон-
цы стропил): OJpn. tigi; MJpn. tigi; Tok. chigi.
PKor. *thr frame (рама): MKor. thr; Mod. thɨl.
◊ Liu 718, KED 1724.
‖ Basically an Eastern isogloss: the Turkic parallels are late attested
and somewhat dubious. A common Altaic derivative *t῾ki-rV is re-
flected in PT *TEkir- (?), PK *thr and PJ *ti(n)ki-ri.
-t῾aklu a k. of (foliage) tree: Tung. *talgīg; Mong. *togli; Jpn. *tunkai.
PTung. *talgī-g ( ~ -ǖg) brushwood, forest with brushwood (валеж-
ник, чаща с валежником): Evk. talgīɣ; Evn. tālgịɣ; Neg. talgịx.
◊ ТМС 2, 157.
 *t῾ắkta - *t῾akV 1393

PMong. *togli a k. of willow (вид тальника): WMong. toɣli (L 814);

Kh. togil.
◊ Cf. also Khalkha tögle ‘grove’.
PJpn. *tunkai box tree (самшит): OJpn. tug(j)e; MJpn. tuge; Tok.
tsùge; Kyo. tsúgé; Kag. tsugé.
◊ JLTT 553. Tokyo and Kyoto point to *túnkái, but Kagoshima is irregular.
‖ Phonetically plausible (although containing a rare cluster *-kl-),
but, as in many cases, the original sort of the tree is difficult to estab-
lish.
-t῾ắkta to be angry, swear: Tung. *tagda-; Turk. *Tata-; Jpn. *tátár-.
PTung. *tagda- 1 to be angry 2 to be amazed (1 сердиться 2 востор-
гаться, кичиться): Neg. tagda- 1; Man. taqda- 2; Ul. taGda- 1; Ork. taGda-
1; Nan. taGda- 1; Orch. tagda- 1; Ud. tagda- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 150, 153.
PTurk. *Tata- 1 to become angry 2 irascible (1 остервенеть 2
вспыльчивый, раздражительный): Kirgh. tatar- 1; Tv. tadɨ-la- ‘to
nicker, guffaw’; Yak. tatɨas 2.
◊ VEWT 467. Cf. Khalkha tataj ‘an interjection of hate, loathe’, perhaps originally <
Turkic; the Mong. form = Khak., Oyr., Yak., Kirgh. tataj, Tuva dadaj.
PJpn. *tátár- to swear, damn (ругать, проклинать): OJpn. tatar-;
MJpn. tátár-; Tok. tatár-; Kyo. tátár-; Kag. tatár-.
◊ JLTT 765. The Tokyo accent is irregular.
‖ The Jpn. suffixed form may reflect either *t῾ắkta-lV (cf. Tuva tadɨla-)
or *t῾ắkta-rV (cf. Kirgh. tatar-).
-t῾ằkù to repair: Tung. *taku-; Turk. *Tagra-; Jpn. *tùkùr-.
PTung. *taku- to repair (чинить): Evk. taku-; Evn. taq-; Ul. taqụ-;
Ork. tāwčị-; Nan. taGo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 155.
PTurk. *Tagra- to repair (чинить, латать, штопать): Khak. taɣɨra-;
Shr. taɣra-; Tv. taara-; Tof. dāra- ‘шить, сшивать’.
◊ VEWT 454, Расс. ФиЛ 90.
PJpn. *tùkùr- 1 to make 2 to repair (1 делать 2 чинить): OJpn. tukur-
1, tukurop- 2; MJpn. tùkùr- 1, tùkùròf- 2; Tok. tsukúr- 1, tsukuró- 2; Kyo.
tsúkúr- 1, tsúkúró- 2; Kag. tsùkùr- 1, tsùkùrò- 2.
◊ JLTT 774.
‖ Дыбо 15.
-t῾akV completely: Tung. *taKa-; Mong. *tag; Kor. *tà’ằ-.
PTung. *taKa- 1 completely 2 until, for a while (1 совсем 2 пока,
временно): Man. taqa 2; Jurch. ta-ka (434) 2; Sol. taxati 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 153.
PMong. *tag completely (полностью, совершенно): WMong. tag (L
762); Kh. tag; Kalm. tag; Ord. taG.
1394 *t῾ắk῾ì - *t῾ak῾i
◊ KW 374. Mong. > Turk. taq (VEWT 456).
PKor. *tà’ằ- all, completely, exhaust (весь, полностью, исчерпы-
вающий): MKor. tà’ằ-, ta’o-; Mod. tā.
◊ Liu 195, KED 377.
‖ The root is not widely spread, but phonetically and semantically
plausible.
-t῾ắk῾ì ceremony, sacrifice: Tung. *taKu-; Mong. *taki-; Turk. *toku; Jpn.
*tíká-p-.
PTung. *taKu- to shamanize (шаманить; лечить): Neg. takoč-; Nan.
tao-.
◊ ТМС 2, 154.
PMong. *taki- 1 to respect 2 to sacrifice (1 уважать 2 приносить в
жертву): MMong. taki- (SH, HYt); WMong. taki- (L 770); Kh. taxi- 1, 2;
Bur. taxi- 2; Kalm. takə-, täkə- 2; Ord. daχi- 1,2; Dag. taki- (Тод. Даг. 165)
1, (MGCD) tai- 2; S.-Yugh. dakə- 2.
◊ KW 375, 387, MGCD 628.
PTurk. *toku rite, ceremony (обряд (погребальный, свадебный)):
OTurk. toqu (OUygh.); Karakh. toqu (KB); Tur. toka ‘wedding present’
(dial.), ‘handshake’; MTurk. toqa (Sangl.), toqal ‘the least respected wife’
(Pav. C.); Uzb. tọqɔl ‘second wife’; Uygh. toqal ‘younger wife’; Kirgh.
toqol ‘younger wife’; KBalk. toqal ‘first wife in respect to others’; KKalp.
toqal ‘younger wife’; Chuv. tъxlačъ ‘matchmaker’.
◊ EDT 466, Егоров 241 (derives from F.-U. or from tъxъm ‘progeny’ - both quite du-
bious morphologically), VEWT 485. The semantic development is ‘rite, ceremony’ >
‘wedding’ > ‘matchmaker’ / ‘younger wife’.
PJpn. *tíká-p- to swear (клясться): OJpn. tikap-; MJpn. tíkáp-; Tok.
chìka-; Kyo. chíká-; Kag. chiká-.
◊ JLTT 767.
‖ In Turkic one has to suppose *toku < *taku, with secondary labiali-
zation.
-t῾ak῾i ( ~ -u) knee bow, knee cap: Tung. *taxi; Mong. *takim; Turk.
*TaK(ɨ).
PTung. *taxi knee, knee cap (колено, коленная чашечка): Man.
taḱa; Ul. taχị.
◊ ТМС 2, 153.
PMong. *takim knee bow (коленный сгиб): WMong. takim (L 770);
Kh. taxim; Bur. taxim; Kalm. takm, täkm.
◊ KW 375, 387. Mong. > Kypch. taqɨm etc.; > Evk. takim (see Doerfer MT 111; but not
Manchu taḱa, Ul. taxi!) There is also a verb taki-(ji)- ‘to have crooked limbs’ (KW ibid., L
770: ‘become bent, crippled’).
PTurk. *TaK(ɨ) part of horse’s leg (часть ноги лошади): OTurk.
taɣɨ-ɣ (OUygh.- YB, acc.).
 *t῾k῾ò - *t῾ák῾ù 1395
◊ ПДП 425, VEWT 457.
‖ KW 387, Poppe 13, 55. A Western isogloss.
-t῾k῾ò a k. of aquatic animal: Tung. *tāxVr; Jpn. *tàkuà.
PTung. *tāxVr 1 shell, shelled animals 2 crab-octopus 3 horned bee-
tle (1 раковина, раковинные животные 2 краб-осьминог 3 жук-рого-
носец): Evk. tākre 3; Man. taχura 1; Ul. tajra 1; Ork. tāχa 2; Orch. taira 1;
Sol. tāxir 1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 154.
PJpn. *tàkuà octopus (осьминог): OJpn. takwo; MJpn. tàkò; Tok. táko;
Kyo. tákò; Kag. tàkó.
◊ JLTT 539. The Tokyo form reflects a variant *tàkuá.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps also WMong. taqu ‘a k. of fish’ (
> Man. taqu, Nan. taqụ ‘толстолобик’).
-t῾ák῾ù a k. of tree: Tung. *takti-kān; Jpn. *túkúi; Kor. *tàk.
PTung. *takti-kān 1 cedar 2 yew 3 fir (1 кедр 2 тис 3 пихта): Evk.
taktikān 1; Man. taqta mō 3; Ud. taktiɣa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 154. Хелимский 1991, 88 proposed a borrowing < Sam. *tɨtəŋ, which is
hardly acceptable.
PJpn. *túkúi a k. of tree (Zelkwa) (вид дерева (дзельква)): OJpn.
tuki; MJpn. túkí; Tok. tsuki.
◊ JLTT 554.
PKor. *tàk a k. of tree (paper mulberry) (шелковица бумажная
(Broussonetia)): MKor. tàk; Mod. tak.
◊ Liu 197, KED 390.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; cf. also Chag. taq ‘Name eines Baumes, der
langsam brennt’, see SKE 250 (Kor.-Turk.; but it may be < Pers., see
TMN 2, 439 and Bailey 42). Possibly more than one root: cf. also OJ
tuga, mod. toga ‘a k. of fir tree’.
-t῾ák῾ù to use: Tung. *taKura-; Mong. *toki; Jpn. *túkáp-; Kor. *thắ-.
PTung. *taKura- 1 to use 2 to send on service (1 использовать 2 по-
сылать на службу): Man. taqura- 2; SMan. taqurə-, taquru- (1615) 1;
Jurch. tah-xew-ra-xaj (401) 2; Ud. t῾aula- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 155. Man. > Nan. taqora- etc. (see ibid.).
PMong. *toki comfort, order (удобство, порядок): WMong. toki (L
820); Kh. to; Kalm. toxń- ‘to put in order; to recover’ (КРС).
◊ Khak. togun- ‘work’ (VEWT 483) may be borrowed < Mong. (cf. tokino-).
PJpn. *túkáp- to use (использовать): OJpn. tukap-; MJpn. túkáf-;
Tok. tsùka-; Kyo. tsúká-; Kag. tsuká-.
◊ JLTT 773.
PKor. *thắ- to get (money), be paid for service (получать (деньги,
плату за услуги)): MKor. thắ-; Mod. tha-.
1396 *t῾ák῾ù - *t῾lV
◊ Nam 456, KED 1685.
‖ The root is rather abstract, but seems quite reliable.
-t῾ák῾ù ( ~ -k-) (?) salt, to pickle: Tung. *taK(V); Jpn. *túká-.
PTung. *taK(V) salt, bitter substance (соль, горькое вещество):
Evn. taq; Neg. daksun; Man. taqan ‘mustard’; Orch. daksu.
◊ See ТМС 1, 186 (where for the most part Mongolian borrowings are presented), 2,
153. In Negidal and Oroch the initial d- should be apparently explained by Mongolian
influence (although the forms cannot be actual Mongolisms because of medial -k-).
PJpn. *túká- to pickle (солить, мариновать): Tok. tsùke- (tr.), tsùkar-
(itr.); Kyo. tsúké- (tr.), tsúkár- (itr.); Kag. tsuké- (tr.), tsukár- (itr.).
◊ The root should be probably distinguished historically from *túká- ‘to soak’ (q.v.).
‖ A somewhat dubious Tung.-Jpn. isogloss: the comparison is pos-
sible only if Jpn. *túká- ‘pickle’ is distinct from *túká- ‘soak’ (see *t῾éku ).
-t῾la to plunder, seduce: Mong. *tala-; Turk. *tāla-; Jpn. *tárá-s-; Kor.
*tàr’ái-.
PMong. *tala- to rob (грабить): MMong. tala- (SH); WMong. tala- (L
771); Kh. tal-; Bur. talāŋ ‘success’; Kalm. talə-; Ord. tala-; Dag. tale- (MD
220).
◊ KW 376. Mong. > Man. tala- ‘confiscate’, see TMN 2, 543, Rozycki 200.
PTurk. *tāla- 1 to rob, plunder 2 to harm, slander (1 грабить 2 вре-
дить, клеветать): OTurk. tala- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. tala- 1 (KB); Tur.
tala- 1; Az. tala- 1; Turkm. tāla- 1; MTurk. tala- 1 (Abush., Sangl.); Uzb.
tala- 1; Uygh. tala- 1; Krm. tala- 1; Tat. tala- 1; Bashk. tala- 1; Kirgh. tala-
1; Kaz. tala- 1; KKalp. tala- 1; Kum. tala- 1; Nogh. tala- 1; SUygh. tala- 1;
Khak. tala- 1; Oyr. tala- 1; Chuv. tula- 2; Yak. talā- 1 (Пек. 3, 2533).
◊ VEWT 458, TMN 2, No 923, Ашм. XIV, 119-120, EDT 492 (should be distinguished
from *dāla- ‘to bite’).
PJpn. *tárá-s- to deceive, lure (соблазнять, обманывать): MJpn.
tárá-s-; Tok. taras-.
PKor. *tàr’ái- to lure, seduce, coax (соблазнять, заманивать):
MKor. tàr’ái-; Mod. tallä-.
◊ Nam 139, KED 404.
‖ KW 376. Mong. may be < Turk (see TMN 2, 543, Щербак 1997,
152); but Turk. hardly < Samodian, despite Helimski 1995.
-t῾lV ( ~ -ĺ-) open place, open sea: Tung. *tālgi-; Mong. *tala, *tal-b-.
PTung. *tālgi- 1 far from the shore, open sea 2 bay 3 quiet sea sur-
face 4 to become quiet (of wind, weather) (1 далеко от берега, в от-
крытом море 2 залив 3 гладкая поверхность моря 4 стихать (о вет-
ре)): Evk. tālgu- 4; Evn. talargn- 4, talgịn 2, 3; Man. talGan 3; Ul. talǯị 1;
Ork. talda 1; Nan. talgịa 1, talGa 2, talị-talị 3; Orch. tagga-la, tagga-si 1;
Ud. tagä 1.
 *t῾aĺp῾V - *t῾àma 1397
◊ ТМС 2, 150, 157. Nan. has probably a secondary vowel shortening; but cf. also *tala
‘well’, with a possibility of contaminations.
PMong. *tala, *tal-b- 1 steppe, open place 2 quiet, peaceful (1 степь,
открытое место 2 мирный, спокойный): MMong. tala ‘face’ (SH);
WMong. tala 1 (L 771), talbiɣun 2 (L 773); Kh. tal 1, talbiu(n) 2, talbaj
‘square’; Bur. tala 1, taĺān ‘meadow; small lake’, talmaj ‘meadow,
square’; Kalm. talə; Ord. tala; Dag. tal (Тод. Даг. 165), tale (MD 220) 1;
S.-Yugh. tala; Mongr. talā.
◊ KW 375, MGCD 622. Mong. > MTurk. tala, Yak. tāla etc. (VEWT 458); > Man. talfa,
Nan. talbon (Doerfer MT 145, Rozycki 200).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-t῾aĺp῾V thigh, hip: Tung. *talpi; Mong. *talbag; Turk. *taĺak.
PTung. *talpi thigh, hip (бедро): Ul. tarpị; Ork. talpị, talịpụ; Nan.
talpị.
◊ ТМС 2, 169.
PMong. *talbag cushion for sitting (подушка для сидения):
WMong. talbaɣ (L 772); Kh. talbag; Kalm. talwəg.
◊ KW 376. Mong. > Kirgh. talpaq etc. (Лексика 387).
PTurk. *taĺak scrotum (мошонка): Karakh. tašaq MK, IM; Tur. tašak;
Gag. tašaq; Khal. taššaq; MTurk. (MKypch.) tašaq (CCum., Ettuhf., Tel.,
Houts., AH); Uygh. (dial.) tašaq (УЯ); Krm. tašaq; Kirgh. tašaq; KBalk.
tašaq; Khak. (dial.) tažax (Kach.), tazax (Sag.) (Joki 1952, 318); Oyr. tažaq;
Yak. tasaχ.
◊ VEWT 466 (should be distinguished from *diāĺ ‘stone’), EDT 562. (D-T 199 think
that the Khal. geminate is compensating for vowel length in *diāĺ, which would be rather
unprecedented in Turkic).
‖ Дыбо 46. A Western isogloss. The old meaning of the Turk. form
can be reconstructed on the basis of the Mong. loanword tašaɣa ‘hip’
(Khalkha tašā(n) ‘hip, thigh; piece inserted between cloth laps’, Bur.
tašān ‘hip, side’, Kalm. tašā id., Ord. dašā id., but Mongor tašaG ‘scro-
tum’), see Дыбо 1992. The Turkic form is sometimes derived from *diāĺ
‘stone’, with a semantic parallel in Finn. kivi ‘stone’ - kives ‘testiculi’; let
us note, however, both a phonetic discrepancy (*diāĺ ‘stone’ has voiced
*d- and a long vowel), as well as a semantic inconclusiveness: Finnish
kives is a diminutive with the first meaning “plummet on a net”,
whence metaphorically “testicle”, whereas no “plummet” or “sinker”
meanings are attested anywhere in Turkic.
-t῾àma to taste, munch: Tung. *tami-; Mong. *tamsija-; Jpn. *tàmiàs-.
PTung. *tami- 1 to munch 2 to inhale 3 to swallow (1 чавкать 2 вды-
хать 3 глотать (воздух, слюну)): Evk. tam- 1; Evn. tam- 2; Neg. tamančị-
‘сжать зубы’; Nan. tamị- 3.
1398 *t῾āma - *t῾ằma
◊ ТМС 2, 158, 159.
PMong. *tamsija- to munch; to taste (жевать, пробовать на вкус):
WMong. tamsija-; Kh. tamšā-; Bur. tamšā-; Kalm. tamšā-; Ord. tamsuG,
taŋsuG ‘tasty’.
◊ KW 377. Mong. > Manchu tamiša- (see Rozycki 201).
PJpn. *tàmìas- to try (пробовать): OJpn. tam(j)esi ‘example’; MJpn.
tames-; Tok. tamés-; Kyo. támés-; Kag. tàmès-.
◊ JLTT 763.
‖ KW 377, Doerfer MT 55 (“onomatopoetisch-verdächtig”). Cf. Oyr.,
Khak. tamɨ ‘taste’. Jpn. *tamias- may be alternatively derived from
*t῾emV q.v.
-t῾āma wall, roof: Tung. *tamV-; Mong. *tama; Turk. *Tām; Jpn.
*tàmùruá; Kor. *tám.
PTung. *tamV- shed, cover (for a hut) (навес, покрышка для чу-
ма): Evn. tamana; Nan. tamịxị.
◊ See ТМС 2, 159.
PMong. *tama wall (стена): WMong. tama; Kalm. tamə.
◊ KW 377.
PTurk. *Tām 1 roof 2 wall 3 hut (1 крыша 2 стена 3 хибара):
OTurk. tam 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tam 2 (MK), 1 (IM); Tur. dam 1,
3; Gag. dam ‘shed, barn’; Az. dam 1, 3; Turkm. tām 2, 3; Sal. tam 2; Khal.
dām 1 ( < Ogh.); MTurk. tam 1 (Abush.), 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔm 1, 3; Uygh.
tam 2; Tat. tam 2 (КСТТ); Kirgh. tam 2, 3; Kaz. tam ‘dug-out, grave’;
KKalp. tam ‘hut’; Kum. tam 2; Nogh. tam 2; SUygh. tam 2; Khak. tam
‘layer (of earth)’.
◊ VEWT 459 (the root has an irregular *t-/*d- variation), Лексика 529. TMN 2, No 834.
Turk. > Bao. dem ‘wall’.
PJpn. *tàmùruá plot; camp (участок; лагерь): OJpn. tamura; MJpn.
tàmùró; Tok. tamuró, támuro; Kyo. támùrò; Kag. tamuró.
◊ JLTT 541. Dialects reflect a variation between *tàmùruá and *tàmùruà.
PKor. *tám wall (стена): MKor. tám; Mod. tam.
◊ Liu 200, HMCH 230, KED 408.
‖ EAS 116, KW 377. Mong. (Kalm.) tam may be < Turkic. Although
semantically quite plausible, phonetically there are difficulties: PT has a
secondary voicing and Kor.-Jpn. have irregular tone (not correspond-
ing to PT length). See VEWT 459.
-t῾ằma ( ~ -o) to bestow, pay: Tung. *tama-; Jpn. *tàmàp-.
PTung. *tama- 1 to pay 2 price (1 платить 2 цена): Evk. tama- 1;
Evn. tam- 1; Neg. tama- 1; Ul. tama- 1; Ork. tama- 1; Nan. tamã 2; Orch.
tama- 1; Ud. tama- 1; Sol. tama- 1.
◊ See ТМС 2, 158-159.
 *t῾ámu - *t῾ănŋV 1399

PJpn. *tàmàp- 1 to present (pol.) 2 to eat (1 преподносить 2 есть):

OJpn. tamap-, tab-; MJpn. tàmàf- 1; Tok. tabé- 2; Kyo. tàbè-2; Kag. tabé- 2.
◊ JLTT 760. The meaning ‘eat’ is a late specialization < ‘present (politely)’.
‖ Miller 1981, 857, АПиПЯЯ 275. A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Ramstedt
(SKE 254) compares the TM root with different material (Kor. tam- ‘to
fill, put into’ etc.), but we prefer this comparison (for Kor. tam-, Man-
chu tama-, tami- ‘to collect’ cf. rather Jpn. tum- ‘to fill, put into’, see
*t῾amu).
-t῾ámu to put into, gather: Tung. *tama-; Mong. *tama- / *tem-; Jpn.
*túm-; Kor. *tām-.
PTung. *tama- to gather, collect (собирать, подбирать): Man.
tama-; Nan. tama-.
◊ ТМС 2, 148.
PMong. *tama- / *tem- to gather, collect (собирать): MMong. temgu-
(SH); WMong. tama- (L 774); Kh. tama- ‘стягивать цепь облавы, соби-
рать разбросанное; прочесывать’ (БАМРС); Mongr. tuŋgu- ‘ramasser,
recueillir’ (SM 432).
PJpn. *túm- to put into, onto (вкладывать, накладывать): OJpn.
tum-; MJpn. túm-; Tok. tsùm-; Kyo. tsúm-; Kag. tsúm-.
◊ JLTT 774.
PKor. *tām- to put (into a dish, etc.) (класть, накладывать): MKor.
tām-; Mod. tām-.
◊ Nam 142, KED 409.
‖ EAS 116, SKE 254, Lee 1958, 118, АПиПЯЯ 70, Martin 233. Rozy-
cki 201 considers TM < Mong., which is not excluded.
-t῾ànŋú to plunder: Tung. *tanŋa-; Mong. *tonu-; Jpn. *tùmí.
PTung. *tanŋa- to capture, plunder (брать в плен, отнимать, гра-
бить): Evn. tanŋn-; Neg. tanŋan-; Ork. tāna-; Ud. taŋasi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 161.
PMong. *tonu- to plunder (грабить): MMong. tono- (SH); WMong.
tonu- (L 825); Kh. tono-; Bur. tono-; Kalm. ton-; Ord. tono-.
◊ KW 400. Mong. > Chag. tona- etc. (VEWT 488, Щербак 1997, 211).
PJpn. *tùmí sin, crime (грех, преступление): OJpn. tumji; MJpn.
tùmí; Tok. tsúmi; Kyo. tsùmí; Kag. tsumí.
◊ JLTT 556.
‖ Cf. Turk. *Tan- ‘deny, disclaim, be treacherous’ (EDT 513-514).
-t῾ănŋV to count, recite: Tung. *taŋ-; Mong. *taŋna-; Turk. *tạnu-.
PTung. *taŋ- to read, count (читать, считать): Evk. taŋ-; Evn. taŋ-;
Neg. tāŋ-; Orch. taŋǟ-, taŋi-; Ud. taŋi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 161-162.
1400 *t῾āno - *t῾nV
PMong. *taŋna- to search, spy (расспрашивать): WMong. taŋna- (L
777); Kh. tagna-; Bur. tagna-; Dag. tanslə-; Dong. tanǯi-; S.-Yugh. tangə-;
Mongr. tangə-.
◊ MGCD 621.
PTurk. *tạnu- know, get to know (знать, узнавать): Karakh. tanu-
‘сообщить, приказать’ (MK); Tur. tanɨ-; Gag. tanɨ-; Az. tanɨ-; Turkm.
tanɨ-, (dial.) tānɨ-; Sal. tanɨ-, tānɨ-; MTurk. tanɨ- (Abush.); Uzb. tani-;
Uygh. tonu-, tani-; Krm. tanɨ-; Tat. tanɨ-; Bashk. tanɨ-; Kirgh. tānɨ-; Kaz.
tanɨ-; KBalk. tanɨ-; KKalp. tanɨ-; Kum. tanɨ-; Nogh. tanɨ-; SUygh. tani-;
Khak. tanɨ-; Shr. tanɨ-; Oyr. tanɨ-; Tv. tanɨ-; Tof. tanɨ-; Chuv. tɨn ‘witness’.
◊ VEWT 461, EDT 516. Turk. > MMo, WMong. tani- (see Щербак 1997, 153).
‖ Cf. also Kor. tǟ- ‘to tell, indicate, confess’ (SKE 249, EAS 120);
MMong. ta’ul- (HY 40) ‘to understand, distinguish’ ( < *taŋul-).
-t῾āno to stretch, pull: Tung. *tān-; Mong. *teneji-; Jpn. *tana-pik-; Kor.
*tằŋ-kắi-.
PTung. *tān- to stretch, pull (тянуть): Evk. tān-; Evn. tān-; Man.
taŋgiqu ‘device for stretching the bow string’; Ul. tụan-; Ork. tōn-; Nan.
toan-; Orch. tāna-; Ud. tana-; Sol. tan-.
◊ ТМС 2, 160.
PMong. *teneji- to stretch (oneself), be stretched (вытягивать(ся)):
WMong. teneji-, teniji- (L 804); Kh. tenī-; Bur. tenī-; Kalm. tenī-; Ord.
tenere-, tenī-.
◊ KW 391. Mong. > Yak. tenij- ‘be stretched’, tenit-, Dolg. tenīt- ‘stretch’ (Stachowski
220).
PJpn. *tana-pik- to be stretched, spread (растягиваться): OJpn.
tana-pjik-; MJpn. táná-fik-; Tok. tanabík-; Kyo. tánábík-; Kag. tanabík-.
◊ JLTT 763. A compound with *pik- ‘pull’. Accent is not quite clear: RJ and Kago-
shima seem to point to high tone, but Tokyo - rather to low.
PKor. *tằŋ-kắi- to stretch, pull (тянуть, тащить): MKor. tằŋkắi-;
Mod. taŋgi-.
◊ Nam 145, KED 414.
‖ SKE 256. Cf. also Karakh. teŋüč ‘half cubit’ (i.e. ‘big hand-span’, cf.
Slav. pẽdĭ id. < pẽ-tī ‘to stretch, pull’).
-t῾nV ( ~ -ē-) (?) nose, part of face round nose: Mong. *tanaɣa; Turk.
*T(i)āna.
PMong. *tanaɣa nose wings, part of face round nose (крылья носа,
часть лица вокруг носа): WMong. tanaɣa; Bur. xamaraj tanā; Kalm.
tanā.
◊ KW 378.
PTurk. *T(i)āna- nostril (ноздря): Tat. tanaw; Bashk. tanau ‘nose’;
Khak. tan; Tv. tanaq; Yak. tan.
 *t῾aŋa - *t῾ŋe 1401
◊ VEWT 460, Лексика 218. Because of late attestation borrowing from Mong. is not
excluded; but it is not quite probable for phonetic reasons.
‖ Poppe 13, 69, АПиПЯЯ 289, KW 378, VEWT 460. A rather compli-
cated case. Both Turkic and Mongolian forms are attested late, and can
be borrowed from each other. If Mong. < Turk., then one could perhaps
consider instead a possibility of comparing PT *T(i)āna with Mong.
*taŋlaji ‘palate’ (whence again Chag. taŋlaj etc., see KW 379, VEWT
461-462, and Evk. taŋilai, see Doerfer MT 128). However, Mong. *taŋlaji
may be alternatively compared with Turk. *damgak ‘palate’ (ЭСТЯ 3,
142; thus in Владимирцов 285, Лексика 230) - if one supposes a sec-
ondary assimilative change *t- > *d- in Turkic. PT *damgak ‘palate; gills’
may be, in its turn, alternatively compared with Evk. ǯalgama ‘a piece of
skin from deer’s chin’. This knot of etymological problems is yet to be
untangled.
-t῾aŋa a big number: Tung. *taŋgu; Jpn. *tamura.
PTung. *taŋgu hundred (сто): Neg. taŋgụ; Man. taŋgu; SMan. taŋə
(2781); Jurch. tan-gu (663); Ul. taŋGụ; Ork. taŋGụ; Nan. taŋGo; Orch.
taŋgu; Ud. taŋgu; Sol. tangu.
◊ ТМС 2, 163.
PJpn. *tamura group, crowd (группа, толпа): OJpn. tamura.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Somewhat dubious, because in Jpn. the root
is confused with *tamura ‘plot, camp, encampment’ (see *t῾āma), while
in TM the form may be derived < *taŋ- ‘count’ (see *t῾ănŋu).
-t῾ŋe admiration; condolence: Mong. *taŋ-; Turk. *tāŋ; Jpn. *tmú-ráp-.
PMong. *taŋ- 1 delicate, tender 2 to wonder, admire (1 тонкий,
нежный 2 удивляться, восхищаться): WMong. taŋki 1, taŋna-, taŋsi- 2
(L 777, 778); Kh. tan 1, tagna-, tanši- 2; Bur. tangil ‘effeminate, high-fed’;
Kalm. taŋsəg 1, tančl- ‘to be tender’; Ord. taŋχi 1.
◊ KW 378, 379.
PTurk. *tāŋ 1 wonder, surprise 2 wonderful 3 to be surprised (1
удивление 2 удивительный 3 удивляться): OTurk. taŋ 1, taŋsuq 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. taŋ 1, taŋsuq 2 (MK, KB); Tur. tan- 3, tansɨk 2; daŋ 1
(dial.); Az. daŋ 1 (dial.); Turkm. tāŋ 2; Khal. tāŋ 2; MTurk. taŋ 1, taŋsuq 2
(Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. tɔŋ 1; Uygh. taŋ 1; Krm. taŋsɨq 2; Tat. taŋ 1, tansɨq,
(КСТТ) taŋsɨq 2; Bashk. taŋ 1, taŋhɨq 2; Kirgh. taŋ 1, taŋsɨq 2; Kaz. taŋ 1,
taŋsɨq 2; KKalp. taŋ 1, taŋsɨq 2; Nogh. taŋsɨq 2; Khak. taŋna- 3; Oyr. taŋ 1;
Chuv. tonsax 2; Yak. toŋsuk, tomsuk 1.
◊ VEWT 461, 462, TMN 2, 570, EDT 510-511, 525-526, ЭСТЯ 8, Федотов 2, 248. Turk.
> WMong. taŋsuɣ, taŋsu > Man. taŋsu.
PJpn. *tmú-ráp- to condole, mourn for; to visit (соболезновать,
оплакивать; посещать): OJpn. t(w)oburap-; MJpn. tómúráf-, tóbúráf-;
Tok. tòbura-; Kyo. tóbúrá-; Kag. toburá-.
1402 *t῾aŋgiri - *t῾aŋnà
◊ JLTT 770.
‖ KW 378 (Turk.-Mong.).
-t῾aŋgiri oath, God: Tung. *taŋgura-; Mong. *taŋgarag; Turk. *teŋri /
*taŋrɨ; Jpn. *tinkir-.
PTung. *taŋgura- 1 to bow (in front of gods while praying) 2 to tell
fairy-tales (1 кланяться (перед кумирами во время молитвы) 2 рас-
сказывать сказки): Evn. taŋrān- 2; Man. tanǯura- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 161, 163.
PMong. *taŋgarag oath (клятва): WMong. taŋɣaraɣ (L 776: taŋɣariɣ);
Kh. taŋgarag; Bur. tangarig; Kalm. taŋɣərəg (КРС); Ord. taŋGarik; Dag.
taŋgarag (Тод. Даг. 165).
◊ Mong. > Sol. taŋarag, Man. taŋgarik, taŋkari, see Doerfer MT 139, Rozycki 202.
PTurk. *teŋri / *taŋrɨ 1 god 2 sky, heaven (1 бог 2 небо): OTurk.
teŋri 2 (Orkh.), 1, 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. teŋri 1, 2 (MK, KB); Tur. tanrɨ 1;
Az. tanrɨ 1; Turkm. taŋrɨ 1; Sal. tanru (ССЯ) 1; MTurk. teŋri 1 (Sangl.,
MKypch. - CCum., AH et al.); Uzb. taŋri 1; Uygh. täŋri 1; Krm. taŋrɨ,
teŋri 1; Tat. täŋre 1; Bashk. täŋre 1; Kirgh. teŋir 1, 2; KBalk. tejri 1, 2;
KKalp. täŋir 1; SUygh. teŋer 2; Khak. tigər 2; Shr. tegri 2; Oyr. teŋeri 1, 2;
Tv. dēr 2; Tof. dēre 2; Chuv. tora 2; Yak. taŋara 1; Dolg. taŋara 1.
◊ VEWT 474, TMN 2, 577, EDT 523-524, Федотов 2, 252, Stachowski 217. Turk. >
Mong. teŋgeri > Evk. tiŋeri, Sol. teŋer (see Doerfer MT 236).
PJpn. *tinkir- to swear (клясться): OJpn. tig(j)ir-; MJpn. tígír-; Tok.
chigír-; Kyo. chígír-; Kag. chìgìr-.
◊ JLTT 767. Modern dialects point rather to *tìnkìr-.
‖ An interesting common Altaic religious / juridical term. The pro-
posed etymology presumes that the meaning ‘sky’ in Turkic is secon-
dary ( < ‘God’); if it is not the case, one could accept S. Georg’s thesis
about a loan in Turkic < Yenisseian *tɨŋgVr- ‘high’ (see Georg 2001) -
although we must admit that other loans from Yenisseian are unknown
to us.
-t῾aŋnà shell, pearl: Tung. *taŋa; Mong. *tana; Jpn. *tàmà; Kor. *tàŋ’àrí.
PTung. *taŋa bone (whitened from time) (кость (побелевшая от
времени)): Evk. taŋa.
◊ ТМС 2, 162. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *tana mother of pearl (перламутр): MMong. tana (HY 26,
SH); WMong. tana (L 776); Kh. tana(n); Bur. tana; Kalm. tanə; Ord. tana;
Dag. taŋ (Тод. Даг. 165), (M) tane; Mongr. tanā (SM 408).
◊ KW 377-378. Mong. > Man. tana etc., see Doerfer MT 142; > Kypch. tana. Hardly <
Pers. dānä ‘fruit stone’, despite VEWT 460. Аникин 532.
PJpn. *tàmà pearl, jade (жемчуг, яшма): OJpn. tama; MJpn. tàmà;
Tok. tamá; Kyo. tàmá; Kag. tamá.
◊ JLTT 539. The Kyoto accent is not quite regular (pointing rather to *tàmá).
 *t῾ằŋu - *t῾áp῾à 1403

PKor. *tàŋ’àrí shell (раковина): MKor. tàŋ’àrí.

◊ Nam 145.
‖ In Jpn. the root has partially contaminated with *čèm(b)a ‘round’
q.v. (which may explain the accent disagreement with Kor.). In Turkic
cf. Dolg. (Stachowski 216) tana ‘alter, ausgetrockneter Rentierknochen’:
semantically most close to the Evk. word (see below), but -n- is strange
for a loanword < Evk. taŋa.
-t῾ằŋu a k. of black bird: Tung. *taŋu-; Mong. *taɣu; Jpn. *tùnkúm(u)í.
PTung. *taŋu- 1 jackdaw 2 bird (1 галка 2 птица): Man. taŋGuχa 1;
Nan. taŋGụχa 1; Ud. tuni 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 163, 213.
PMong. *taɣu jackdaw (галка): MMong. alax ta’un (HY 13) ‘daw,
jackdaw’; WMong. taɣu (L 766); Kh. tū; Bur. tūn; Dag. tāgu (Тод. Даг.
165).
◊ Mong. > Evk. tāgụ, Sol. tāɣụ (see Poppe 1966, 191); Dag. tāgu is most probably a
backloan < TM.
PJpn. *tùnkúm(u)í blackbird (дрозд): MJpn. tùgúmí; Tok. tsùgumi;
Kyo. tsùgúmì; Kag. tsugumí.
◊ JLTT 553. The Kyoto accent is aberrant.
‖ One of common Altaic bird names.
-t῾ápỼ to trick, caper: Tung. *tabsa-; Mong. *tebede-; Turk. *Teb; Jpn.
*tápá-.
PTung. *tabsa- to caper (шалить, баловаться; беспокоиться (об
оленях)): Evk. tawha-, tapsān-; Evn. tawsa-; Ork. tapsịčị-; Nan. tapsani
‘get away from me!’ (On.)
◊ ТМС 2, 149.
PMong. *tebede- to fuss, dither; hurry (суетиться; растеряться):
WMong. tebede- (L 789); Kh. tevde-; Bur. tebde-.
◊ Mong. > Yak., Dolg. tietej- (see Kał. VIII 88, Stachowski 222).
PTurk. *Teb trick, device (трюк, шутка): OTurk. teblig ‘tricky’
(Orkh., OUygh.), teb (OUygh.); Karakh. tev (MK), tevlig ‘tricky’ (MK,
KB).
◊ VEWT 468, EDT 434.
PJpn. *tápá- to caper, frolic (шалить, баловаться): OJpn. tapa-k-,
tapa-r-, tapabur-; MJpn. táfábúr-; Tok. tawaké-, tawamuré-; Kyo. táwáké-,
táwámúré-; Kag. tawaké-, tawamuré-.
◊ JLTT 766. The Tokyo accent is aberrant (pointing to a variant *tàpà-).
‖ The final vowel is not clear: Turk. points to *-i, but Jpn. - to *-a or
*-o; otherwise quite regular.
-t῾áp῾à to worship: Tung. *tap-; Mong. *taji-; Turk. *tap-; Jpn. *tápútuá-.
PTung. *tap- to encourage, advise (поощрять, советовать): Man. ta-
fula-; SMan. tavələ- ‘to soothe, to console, to comfort’ (1506).
1404 *t῾ằp῾è - *t῾ăp῾o(rV)
◊ ТМС 2, 172.
PMong. *taji- to sacrifice (приносить жертву): WMong. taji- (L
767); Kh. taj-; tavig ‘sacrifice’; Bur. taj-; Kalm. tǟ-; Ord. tawik ‘sacrifice’.
◊ KW 388, MGCD 620. Mong. taji- > Oyr. tai- etc.
PTurk. *tap- to serve, worship (поклоняться): OTurk. tap-
(OUygh.); Karakh. tap- (MK, KB); Tur. tap-ɨn-; Az. tapɨn-; Turkm. tap-;
MTurk. tap- (Sangl., Pav. C.); Uzb. tɔp-in-; Uygh. tev-in-; Krm. tabɨn-;
Tat. tabɨn-; Bashk. tabɨn-; Kirgh. tabɨn-; Kaz. tabɨn-; KBalk. tabɨn-; KKalp.
tabɨn-; Nogh. tabɨn-; Yak. tap-tā- ‘to love, like’; Dolg. tap-tā- ‘to love,
like’.
◊ VEWT 462, EDT 435, Stachowski 217.
PJpn. *tápútuá- to honour, revere (почитать, ценить): OJpn. taput-
wob-; MJpn. táfútób-; Tok. tattób-, tōtób-; Kyo. táttób-; Kag. tattób-.
◊ JLTT 765.
‖ KW 388, Владимирцов 271, Poppe 13, 42, 47, Дыбо 15 (the root is
frequently confused with *t῾ébo q.v.). Mong. is hardly < Turk., despite
Щербак 1997, 153 and, despite Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 433) attempts at
criticism.
-t῾ằp῾è to go through: Tung. *tap; Mong. *tawul-; Turk. *Top-; Jpn.
*tpr-.
PTung. *tap through (через, насквозь): Evk. tapamnak; Evn. tabdịč;
Neg. tap; Ul. tap; Ork. tap; Nan. tap; Sol. tawakki- ‘to pierce’.
◊ ТМС 2, 164.
PMong. *tawul- to go through (проходить мимо, через): WMong.
tuɣul-, taɣul-, toɣul- (L 766), tauli- (МХТТТ); Kh. tūl-; Kalm. tūl-; Ord.
tūl-; Mongr. t- ‘pousser devant soi, emporter (eau, vent)’ (SM 427).
◊ KW 413. Cf. also WMong. taɣura-, Kalm. tūr- ‘come through’ (KW 413).
PTurk. *Top- to go through (проходить сквозь): OTurk. topul- ‘to
pierce’ (OUygh.); Karakh. topul- ‘to pierce’ (MK, KB); KKalp. topɨl- ‘на-
падать, набрасываться, вторгаться’; Khak. tobɨr-; Yak. tobul- ‘прору-
бить, пробить’; Dolg. tobul-.
◊ VEWT 489, EDT 440, Stachowski 224.
PJpn. *tpr- to go through (проходить через): OJpn. top(w)or-;
MJpn. tòfòr-; Tok. tṑr-; Kyo. tṓr-; Kag. tṑr-.
◊ JLTT 770.
‖ Владимирцов 211, Poppe 47, Miller 1981, 854, Street 1985, 640,
АПиПЯЯ 67. In Turk. *-ɨ- would be expected; perhaps *topul- is a result
of secondary labialization < *tɨpul- (*tɨpol-).
-t῾ăp῾o(rV) earth, dust: Tung. *tap-; Mong. *toɣur-; Turk. *topra-k.
PTung. *tap- to become dirty (пачкаться): Evk. taparā-; Orch. tapti
‘clay’.
◊ ТМС 2, 164.
 *t῾ằrba - *t῾ari 1405

PMong. *toɣur- 1 earth, soil 2 dust (1 земля 2 пыль): MMong.

to’osun 2 (HY 3, SH), ṭūsun 2 (IM); WMong. toɣusu(n); toɣuraɣ 2 (L 817,
818); Kh. tōs 2; Bur. tōrog 2; Kalm. tōsn, tōrŋ 1; Ord. tōsu, tōs 2, ? tōsxo
‘terre cuite, brique’; Dag. tuāral (Тод. Даг. 169), tuāse (MD 226), tuarəl,
tuās 2; Dong. tura 1.
◊ KW 405, MGCD 636. Mong. > Evk. tōraɣ, see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki 211.
PTurk. *topra-k earth, soil (земля, почва): OTurk. topraq (OUygh.);
Karakh. topraq (MK, KB); Tur. toprak; Gag. topraq; Az. torpaG; Turkm.
topraq; Sal. to(:)rɨχ; Khal. turpaq; MTurk. topraɣ/q, tofraɣ/q (Sangl.); Uzb.
tuprɔq; Uygh. tofraq, topraq; Krm. topraq, toprax; Tat. tufraq; Bashk. tu-
praq; Kirgh. topuraq; Kaz. topɨraq; KBalk. topraq; KKalp. topɨraq; Kum.
topraq; Nogh. topɨraq; SUygh. durvaq; Khak. tobɨrax; Shr. tobraq; Oyr. to-
braq; Tv. dovuraq; Tof. to’praq; Chuv. tъₙpra; Yak. toburax.
◊ Derived from PT *topra- ‘to turn into dust, dry out’. See VEWT 489, EDT 443, 444,
Лексика 99. Turk. > WMong. tobrag, Kalm. towrəg (KW 404).
‖ Владимирцов 210. A Western isogloss. Mong. has a frequent sec-
ondary assimilative labialization (toɣur- < taɣur-). Cf. also OT (Suv.)
(kir) tapča ‘грязь’.
-t῾ằrba a k. of small animal: Tung. *targa; Mong. *tarbagan; Turk.
*Tabɨrga; Jpn. *tàtàkaí.
PTung. *targa 1 beaver 2 tiger’s cub (1 бобер 2 тигренок): Man.
tarGan 2; Ul. tarGa 1; Nan. tarGa 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 168.
PMong. *tarbagan tarbagan (тарбаган): MMong. tarbaqan (SH);
WMong. tarbaɣa(n) (L 780); Kh. tarvaga; Bur. tarbaga(n); Kalm. tarwəɣn;
Ord. tarwaGa; Dag. tarbəg, (Тод. Даг. 165) tarbag, tarbug; S.-Yugh.
tarʁuan; Mongr. tōrGa (SM 424), tarbuGa.
◊ KW 381, MGCD 625. Mong. > Manchu tarbaxi, tarbixi etc. (see Rozycki 203).
PTurk. *Tabɨrga musk-deer (кабарга): Khak. tabɨrɣa ‘tarbagan’,
tabɨrɣan ‘flying squirrel’; Shr. tabɨrɣɨ; Oyr. tōrɣɨ; Tv. tōrɣu; Tof. tōrɣu.
◊ VEWT 452. Turk. > Russ. кабарга, see Аникин 230, 519, 600.
PJpn. *tàtàkaí a k. of badger, racoon-dog (вид барсука, енотовид-
ной собаки): OJpn. tatake; MJpn. tàtàké.
◊ JLTT 542.
‖ The root must have denoted some small wild animal (marmot or
racoon-like).
-t῾ari a k. of water bird: Tung. *tarmī; Mong. *čirökej; Turk. *tArakaj.
PTung. *tarmī a k. of duck (вид утки): Evk. tarmī; Neg. tajm; Man.
tarmin ńexe; Ul. tarmị; Nan. tarmị; Orch. taumǟ; Ud. taumä.
◊ ТМС 2, 169.
PMong. *čirökej a k. of duck (вид утки): WMong. čürügü (L 210);
Bur. šürxɨ ‘teal’; Kalm. čörkə ‘teal’ (КРС).
1406 *t῾aso - *t῾at῾àk῾V
◊ Mong. > Oyr. čüräkäj, Kaz. šürügüj etc. (see VEWT 121), whence again Kalm. šörgə
(KW 366-367).
PTurk. *tArakaj 1 snipe 2 hawk 3 a k. of lark 4 a k. of duck (кречет-
ка) 5 corncrake 6 merganser (1 бекас 2 ястреб 3 вид жаворонка 4 ут-
ка-кречетка 5 коростель 6 крохаль): Karakh. tartar ‘a bird like the tur-
tle dove, a water-fowl’ (MK)’; Tur. taraɣaj 2; MTurk. taraɣaj 3; Uzb.
tɔrɣɔq 4; Kirgh. tartar 5; Kaz. tarɣaq ‘steppe bird’, tartar 5; Khak. taraɣaj
1, tārt 5; Oyr. tarqat 6; Tof. tarhat 6 (ФиЛ 233).
◊ VEWT 463, EDT 536. There are two distinctive formations: *tara-kaj (a k. of steppe
bird, but not quite clear - which), and *tartar (basically corncrake, but attested in MK
with the meaning ‘a bird like turtle dove, water-fowl’). They may be related, but the lat-
ter may also represent a borrowing < Sak. tatara ‘partridge’ (cf. also Armen. tatrak ‘tur-
tle-dove’), see Bailey 122.
‖ A Western isogloss. Some Turkic forms may have been influenced
by *torgaj ‘lark’ (q.v.).
-t῾aso wild, wild animal: Tung. *tasaka; Mong. *tosi-; Turk. *tosun.
PTung. *tasaka tiger (тигр): Man. tasχa; SMan. tasəhə (2214); Jurch.
tasxa (136); Sol. tasax.
◊ ТМС 2, 169-170. TM > Dag. tasga, tasxa (Тод. Даг. 166).
PMong. *tosi- to be wild, ferocious (быть свирепым, диким):
WMong. tosi-; Kh. tošigro- ‘to scold, disparage’ (Gomb.); Kalm. toš-.
◊ KW 403.
PTurk. *tosun wild, undisciplined (дикий, необъезженный):
OTurk. tosun (OUygh.); Karakh. tosun (MK); Tur. tosun ‘bull-calf; young
man’; Az. tōsun (dial. ДСАз 385); Turkm. tosun; MTurk. tusan (Буд.);
Uygh. tosun; Kirgh. tusap-sa ‘quarrelsome’; Kaz. tosɨn ‘unexpectedly’,
tosɨrqa- ‘to stand aloof’; Chuv. tos- ‘to rave’.
◊ EDT 555-556, VEWT 491, TMN 2, 613-614, Ашм. XIV, 175, 180, Федотов 2, 255-256.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾at῾àk῾V to hit, fight: Tung. *tatki-; Jpn. *tatak-; Kor. *tằthó-.
PTung. *tatki- to hit the target (попадать в цель): Nan. tatkị-.
◊ ТМС 2, 171. Attested only in Nan., with possible Jpn. and Kor. parallels.
PJpn. *tàtàk- 1 to hit 2 to fight (1 ударять, бить 2 сражаться): OJpn.
tatak- 1, tatakap- 2; MJpn. tàtàk- 1, tàtàkáf- 2; Tok. taták- 1, tataká- 2; Kyo.
táták- 1, tátáká- 2; Kag. tàtàk- 1, tàtàkà- 2.
◊ JLTT 764.
PKor. *tằthó- to fight, struggle (биться, сражаться): MKor. tằthó-;
Mod. tathu-.
◊ Nam 137, KED 389.
‖ Martin 231. An Eastern isogloss.
 *t῾ằt῾e - *t῾at῾V 1407

-t῾ằt῾e to reach, arrive at, stay at: Tung. *tata-; Jpn. *tntùk-; Kor. *tàtằ-d-.
PTung. *tata- to stop, make a camp (останавливаться, располагать-
ся лагерем): Man. tata-; Jurch. tata- (286).
◊ ТМС 2, 171.
PJpn. *tntùk- to reach, attain (достигать): MJpn. toduk-; Tok. todók-;
Kyo. tódók-; Kag. tòdòk-.
◊ JLTT 768. Cf. also the earlier attested *tntk-pr- (OJ todokop(w)or-, modern todo-
kōr-) ‘to be delayed, fall behind’ (possibly, however, related rather to *tntmá- ‘stop’
q.v.).
PKor. *tàtằd- to arrive, reach, attain (достигать): MKor. tàtằt-
(tàtằr-); Mod. tatarɨ-.
◊ Nam 128, KED 380.
‖ Lee 1958, 107. An Eastern isogloss.
-t῾t῾u rash, scabs: Tung. *tuta-ril-; Mong. *tačir; Turk. *tāt (/*tōt); Jpn.
*tútú-(n)ká; Kor. *tti.
PTung. *tuta-ril- to get scabs (заболеть чесоткой): Evk. tutaril-.
◊ ТМС 2, 223. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *tačir having scanty hair (с редкой растительностью, во-
лосами): WMong. tačir (L 762); Kh. tačir; Bur. tašar; Kalm. tačr.
◊ KW 385. Mong. *tatir > Kirgh. tatɨr ‘steppe’.
PTurk. *tāt (/*tōt) 1 rust 2 rash (1 ржавчина 2 пятна на лице):
Karakh. tat 1 (totɨq- ‘to get rusty’) (MK); Tur. tatu 1 (dial.); MTurk. tot
(Pav. C.), (MKypch.) tat 1 (At-Tuhf.); Krm. tot, tut 1; Tat. tut 1, 2, tat
(КСТТ) ‘spot’; Bashk. tut 1, 2, dial. tat ‘scurf in a bucket’; Kirgh. dat 1;
Kaz. tot 1, ‘suntan’; KBalk. tot 1; KKalp. tat 1; Kum. tot 1; Nogh. tot 1, 2,
tat ‘spot’; SUygh. dad 1; Khak. tat 1; Shr. tat 1; Oyr. tot ‘sun-tan’, tat 1;
Tv. dat 1; Tof. tadarɨq 1; Chuv. tut, tudъ 2, todъx 1, 2; Yak. tatār 2.
◊ VEWT 466, EDT 449, Егоров 262, Федотов 2, 256, Лексика 411-412. Length may be
reconstructed because of the lack of pharyngealization in Tuva-Tof.
PJpn. *tútú-(n)ká illness caused by ticks (болезнь, вызываемая кле-
щами): MJpn. tútúgá; Tok. tsutsuga.
◊ JLTT 558.
PKor. *tti rash, scab (сыпь, струп): MKor. tti; Mod. tədeŋi.
◊ Nam 148, KED 440.
‖ Лексика 412. An expressive reduplicated root, perhaps with vari-
ants *t῾āt῾u and *t῾ōt῾u (cf. Turk. *tōt and Evk. tuta-).
-t῾at῾V to cut, chop: Tung. *tagdī-; Mong. *tata-; Kor. *tàtắm-.
PTung. *tagdī- to pull out, tear out, uproot (выдергивать, выры-
вать): Evk. tagdī-; Evn. tād-; Neg. tagdị-; Man. tadu-, tadura-; Ul. taGdị-;
Nan. tadora-; Ud. tagdi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 150-151.
PMong. *tata- to chop, grind (рубить, крошить): WMong. tata- (L
786); Kh. tata-; Bur. tata-; Kalm. tata- (СЯОС).
1408 *t῾éba - *t῾ḕbà
PKor. *tàtắm- to trim, prune (подрубать, подрезать): MKor. tàtắm-;
Mod. tadɨm-.
◊ Nam 128, KED 381.
‖ The TM form can be compared with Mong. and Kor. if it is a con-
traction of a suffixed form *t῾at῾V-gV-. On a possible Japanese reflex see
under *č῾àro.
-t῾éba time: Mong. *tew-ke; Turk. *Teb; Jpn. *támpì.
PMong. *tew-ke history (история): WMong. teüke, tegüke (L 808);
Kh. tǖx; Bur. tǖxe; Kalm. tǖkə ‘story, legend’ (КРС); Ord. tǖχe(n) ‘livre
d῾histoire’.
PTurk. *Teb 1 time 2 day and night (*Teb-lük) (1 время 2 сутки):
MTurk. tewlük 2; Uzb. tävlik 2; Tat. täwlək 2; Bashk. täw ‘at first’, täwlək
2; Kaz. tevlük 2; KKalp. tevlik 2; Shr. tep 1; Tv. teppiže ‘earlier’; Chuv.
talъk 2.
◊ VEWT 468, Егоров 229, Лексика 69.
PJpn. *támpì time, turn (раз, время, случай): OJpn. tabji; MJpn. tábì;
Tok. tabí; Kyo. tábì; Kag. tábi.
◊ JLTT 536.
‖ Владимирцов 256, Poppe 44, VEWT 468, Лексика 69.
-t῾ḕbà to run: Tung. *tēb-; Mong. *tawlai; Turk. *tabɨĺgan; Jpn. *tapasir-.
PTung. *tēb- 1 to catch up with 2 to walk behind 3 to run in leaps (1
догонять 2 идти позади кого-л. 3 бежать прыжками): Evk. tēwul- 1;
Evn. tewut- 2; Ud. tau-mäna- 4.
◊ ТМС 2, 172, 226.
PMong. *tawlai hare (заяц): MMong. taulai (HY 11, SH), taulaj, tulaj
(MA), tāwalai (Lig.VMI); WMong. taulai, tulai (L 788); Kh. tūlaj; Bur.
tūlaj; Kalm. tūlǟ, tūlā; Ord. tūlǟ; Mog. ZM itoulä (21-1); Dag. tauĺē (Тод.
Даг. 166), tauĺ; Dong. taulei, taoləi; Bao. toli; S.-Yugh. tūlī; Mongr. tlī
(SM 430), tolī.
◊ KW 413, MGCD 649, TMN 1, 276. Mong. > Evk. tōlai, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *tabɨĺgan hare (заяц): OTurk. tabɨšɣan (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. tavɨšɣan (MK, IM), tavšan (IM); Tur. tawšan; Gag. tawšan; Az.
dowšan; Turkm. towšan; Sal. tōšen (ССЯ); Khal. dovušɣan; MTurk.
tawušqan (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. tọšqan; Uygh. tošqan; Krm. tawšan;
KKalp. tawšan; Kum. tawšan; Nogh. tawšan; SUygh. tōsqan; Yak.
tabɨsxan.
◊ VEWT 453, EDT 447, Щербак 1961, 136, Лексика 164.
PJpn. *tapasir- to run (бежать): OJpn. tapasir- (tabasir-).
◊ The word is traditionally analysed as ta- (pref.) + pasir- ‘run’ (v. sub *p῾ĺo), but no
prefix ta- seems to be attested. The original stem *tapas- ( = Turk. *tabɨĺ-) must have been
secondary influenced by *pasir- ‘run’.
 *t῾ébo - *t῾ebV 1409

‖ EAS 109, KW 413, Владимирцов 255, Poppe 13, 44, 77, Новикова
1972, 123-124, Лексика 164, Miller 1970, 128, JOAL 118. Both in Turk.
and Mong. there exist also verbal roots (PT *tabɨĺ- ‘to run’, e. g. Chag.
tauš-, tawuš- etc.; WMong. tauli-, taɣuli- ‘to chase, pursue’, see EAS 109,
TMN 1, 276, 2, 616). Despite TMN 1, 277, Щербак 1997, 151, one can
hardly speak about borrowing in Mong. from Turkic.
-t῾ébo to help, assist, serve: Tung. *teb-; Mong. *tab; Jpn. *tá(m)pa-p-;
Kor. *tōb-.
PTung. *teb- 1 to graze (of deer) 2 to protect (1 пастись (об оленях)
2 охранять, защищать): Evk. tewej- 1; Ud. tegbese- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 226.
PMong. *tab 1 pleasure 2 find pleasure in something 3 to love (1
удовольствие, удобство 2 получать удовольствие, удовлетворение 3
любить): MMong. tab 4, taji- 2, ta’ala- 3 (SH), tāla- 3 (Lig.VMI), ta’alam 3
(HY 37), ṭala- 3 (IM), tāla- 3 (MA); WMong. tab 1 (L 760), taɣala- /
tab(a)la- 2 (L 761, 763), tabsi- ‘choyer (enfant)’; Kh. tā, tav 1; tāla- 3; Bur.
tā-taj 1, tāla- ‘fondle, strode, kiss’; Kalm. tab 1, tawlə- 2; Ord. tātǟ ‘agree-
able’; Mog. tāla- 3 (Lig.VMI 67); Dag. tāla- 2 (Тод. Даг. 165), tāle- 3 (MD
218); Mongr. tā 1, dašə- ‘choyer (enfant)’ (SM 47).
◊ KW 373, 386, 388, MGCD 618, 620.
PJpn. *tá(m)pa-p- to protect, help in conflict (защищать, спасать):
MJpn. tábàf-, táfáf-.
◊ JLTT 760.
PKor. *tōb- to help (помогать): MKor. tōp- (-w-); Mod. tōp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 160, KED 484.
‖ KW 373, 388, Poppe 13, 42, 47, Дыбо 15 (the root is often confused
with *t῾áp῾a q.v.).
-t῾ebV to put: Tung. *teb-; Mong. *teɣe-; Turk. *debir-; Kor. *tú-.
PTung. *teb- to put, place (класть, помещать): Evk. tew-; Evn. tew-;
Neg. tew(u)-; Man. tebu-; Ul. tew-či-; Ork. tewe- / teu-; Nan. teu-; Orch.
tewu-, teu-; Ud. teu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 224-225.
PMong. *teɣe- to transport, load (on a carriage) (перевозить, на-
гружать (на повозку)): MMong. te’e- (HY 38, SH); WMong. tegege- (L
792); Kh. tē-; Bur. tē-; Kalm. tē-; Ord. tē-; Dag. tē- (Тод. Даг. 166, MD
222); Mongr. tē- (SM 416).
◊ KW 395, MGCD 629. The second -ge- in WMong. is purely orthographic.
PTurk. *debir- to capsize, subvert (опрокидывать, ниспровергать):
OTurk. tevir- (OUygh.); Tur. devir-; Gag. devir-; Az. devir-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 172-173.
PKor. *tú- to put, place (класть, помещать): MKor. tú-; Mod. tu-.
1410 *t῾édù - *t῾égè(-rV)
◊ Nam 163, KED 502.
‖ Poppe 14, Rozycki 205-206. Cf. *t῾ep῾a , *t῾ḕjbo.
-t῾édù to transmit: Tung. *tedē-; Mong. *teǯije-; Jpn. *tútáp-.
PTung. *tedē- to relate, transmit (сообщать, уведомлять, переда-
вать): Evk. tedēw-; Neg. tedew-; Man. todo-lo ‘omen, admonition’; Ork.
tede- ‘to notice’; Orch. tedu- ‘teach’.
◊ ТМС 2, 228.
PMong. *teǯije- to feed, nourish; raise, educate (кормить; воспиты-
вать, взращивать): MMong. teǯe’emel (~ ko’un) ‘educated child’ (HY 32),
teǯi’e-, teǯije- (SH); WMong. teǯije-, teǯige- (L 808); Kh. teǯē-; Bur. teǯē-;
Kalm. teǯ- (КРС); Ord. teǯē-; Dag. teǯē- (Тод. Даг. 166, MD 223); Dong.
čiəǯə-; Bao. čiǯɛ-; Mongr. ćiē- (SM 446), təǯē-.
◊ MGCD 630.
PJpn. *tútáp- to relate, transmit (передавать, сообщать): OJpn.
tutapa-; MJpn. tútáfa-; Tok. tsùtae-; Kyo. tsútáé-; Kag. tsutaé-.
◊ JLTT 775.
‖ All branches may reflect a common Altaic derivative *t῾édù-bV.
-t῾égè ( ~ -o) to sit; bed: Tung. *tege-; Jpn. *tk; Kor. *thắ-.
PTung. *tege- to sit (сидеть, садиться): Evk. tege-; Evn. tъɣ-; Neg.
teɣet-; Man. te-; SMan. te- (505); Jurch. teh-biar (423); Ul. tēwu; Ork. tē-;
Nan. tēsị-; Orch. tē-; Ud. tē-; Sol. tege-.
◊ ТМС 2, 226-228.
PJpn. *tk bed (постель): OJpn. toko; MJpn. tókó; Tok. tòko; Kyo.
tókó; Kag. tóko.
◊ JLTT 548.
PKor. *thắ- to ride (ехать верхом): MKor. thắ-.
◊ Nam 456, KED 1684.
‖ Lee 1958, 118, АПиПЯЯ 292. As a noun the PTM root has the
meaning “seat, bench”, which makes the comparison with Japanese
quite plausible. An Eastern isogloss - but cf. notes to *t῾égè(-rV) ‘edge,
border’.
-t῾égè(-rV) edge, border: Tung. *tegē-r (/-n); Mong. *teg; Turk. *Tegre;
Jpn. *tkr; Kor. *th.
PTung. *tegē-r /-n 1 lower edge 2 edge (1 нижний край 2 край):
Evk. teɣēr (dial. teɣēn) 1; Neg. teɣen 1; Man. ten 2; Ul. tene ‘beginning’;
Ork. tē(n) / teɣe(n) 1,2; Nan. t 2; Orch. tē 1; Ud. tē(n) 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 228.
PMong. *teg 1 middle 2 side, direction (1 середина 2 сторона, на-
правление): WMong. teg 1, tege 2 (L 792); Kh. teg 1; Bur. teg 1.
PTurk. *Tegre surroundings (окружение, округа): OTurk. tegre
(OUygh.); Karakh. tegre (MK); MTurk. tegre ‘side’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. tegra;
Chuv. tavra; Yak. dieri ‘to, towards’; Dolg. dieri ‘to, towards’.
 *t῾ja - *t῾ḕjbo 1411
◊ EDT 485, VEWT 469, ЭСТЯ 2, 178-179, Stachowski 80.
PJpn. *tkr place (место): OJpn. tokoro; MJpn. tókóró; Tok. tòkoro;
Kyo. tókóró; Kag. tokóro.
◊ JLTT 548.
PKor. *th edge, border, foundation; yard (край, место, основание;
двор): MKor. th (thh-); Mod. thə.
◊ Nam 457, KED 1699.
‖ Lee 1958, 118, Martin 238. The root seems to be homophonous to
*t῾égè ‘sit, bed’ and may be in fact derived (’edge, place’ < ‘sitting place’.
The Turkic reflex here seems probable, but rather controversial: the
word - if it continues PA *t῾égèrV - has been heavily influenced both by
PT *deg-ir- ‘round’ < PA *tega (hence ‘surroundings’) and *dẹg- ‘to
touch, reach’ ( < *tok῾e q.v.).
-t῾ja calm, quiet: Tung. *teje-; Mong. *tajibu-; Jpn. *tàjá-, *tàjù-.
PTung. *teje- 1 to live 2 to be quiet, rest (1 жить 2 быть спокой-
ным, отдыхать): Evk. tiwān- 1; Evn. tiwnъ- 2; Neg. tejewan- 1; Man. teje-
2; Nan. tein- 2 ; Orch. tēŋkuči- (caus.).
◊ ТМС 2, 174-175, 236.
PMong. *tajibu- quiet, calm (спокойный, тихий): WMong. tajibuu,
tajibu (L 767); Kh. taivū; Bur. tajban ‘peace; calm’; Ord. tǟwū.
◊ Cf. also taibu-ra-, taibusi-ra- ‘to be quiet’, taibuŋ ‘peace’ (borrowing from Chinese is
hardly possible).
PJpn. *tàjá-, *tàjù- 1 to interrupt (of breath); stop 2 to be tired, lazy
(1 прерываться (о дыхании), останавливаться 2 уставать, лениться):
OJpn. taja- 1; MJpn. tàjà- 1, tàjù-m- 2; Tok. taé- 1; Kyo. táè- 1; Kag. tàè- 1.
◊ JLTT 761, 766.
‖ Mong. and TM reflect a common derivative *t῾ja-bV.
-t῾ḕjbo to put, set: Tung. *tēb-; Mong. *tabi-; Kor. *tằbi-.
PTung. *tēb- to set, place (ставить, сажать): Evk. tēw-; Evn. tēw-;
Man. teben ‘подставка’; Jurch. tej-bew ‘установленный’ (437).
◊ ТМС 2, 225.
PMong. *tabi- to put, set (класть, ставить): MMong. talibi (HY 39),
talbi- (SH), talbi-/tabi- (MA), ṭal- (IM), talb- (LH); WMong. tabi- (L 760),
talbi- DO 651; Kh. tavi-; Bur. tabi-; Kalm. täw-; Ord. tawi-; Mog. tali-
(Weiers); Dag. tawi-, taw- (Тод. Даг. 165); Dong. tai-; Mongr. t- (SM
413).
◊ KW 387-388. The origin of -l- in MMong. forms is not quite clear (talbi- < *tabi-li-? or
a different root?).
PKor. *tằbi- to become (становиться): MKor. tằwì-, tằ’òi-; Mod. twe-.
◊ Nam 136, 137, KED 497.
‖ Medial *-jb- should be reconstructed to account for -b- (not -ɣ-) in
Mong. corresponding to *-b- in Kor. Cf. *t῾ebV.
1412 *t῾kí - *t῾èk῾á
-t῾kí piece, tear into pieces: Tung. *teke-; Turk. *tikö; Jpn. *tìnkìr-; Kor.
*tàhí-.
PTung. *teke- to tear, burst (рвать, лопаться): Evk. tekē-; Evn.
tъkъk-, tъkъl-; Ul. tekē-; Nan. tekē-.
◊ ТМС 2, 230.
PTurk. *tikö slice, piece (часть, кусок): Karakh. tikü (MK); Tur. tike;
Az. tikä; Turkm. tike; Khal. tike; MTurk. tike (Pav. C.); Kirgh. bir tike ‘a
little bit’.
◊ TMN 2, 918, EDT 478.
PJpn. *tìnkìr- to tear (into pieces) (разрывать, отрывать): MJpn.
tigir-; Tok. chigír-; Kyo. chígír-; Kag. chìgìr-.
◊ JLTT 767.
PKor. *tàhì- to slaughter animals (резать животных): MKor. tàhì-.
◊ Liu 197.
‖ Korean has a usual verbal low tone.
-t῾ékù to become thick (of liquids): Tung. *tekti; Jpn. *túka-; Kor.
*tùth-b-, *tōi-.
PTung. *tekti thick (of liquids) (густой (о жидкостях)): Neg. tekti;
Ul. tekti(n); Nan. tekčĩ; Orch. tekse; Ud. tekti.
◊ ТМС 2, 230. Cf. perhaps also *teke- ‘преть, истлевать’.
PJpn. *túk(á)- to soak (мочить, мокнуть, погружать(ся) в жид-
кость): OJpn. tuk-, tuka-; Tok. tsùke- (tr.), tsùkar- (itr.); Kyo. tsúké- (tr.),
tsúkár- (itr.); Kag. tsuké- (tr.), tsukár- (itr.).
◊ JLTT 773.
PKor. *tùth-b-, *tōi- be thick (of liquids) (быть густым (о жидко-
стях)): MKor. tùthp-, túthp- (-w-), tōi-; Mod. tuthəp- / tuk:əp- (-w-), twē-.
◊ Nam 167, Liu 234, KED 498, 501, 507.
‖ An Eastern isogloss; see notes to *t῾ák῾u.
-t῾èk῾á ( ~ -k-) kind, equal, level: Mong. *teg-si; Turk. *tekiŕ ; Jpn. *tànk-.
PMong. *teg-si equal, level (равный, ровный): MMong. tegusi (HY
54); WMong. tegsi (L 794); Kh. tegš; Bur. tegše; Kalm. tekšə; Ord. degši;
Dag. terš, (Тод. Даг. 166) tegši, terši.
◊ KW 390, MGCD 631. Mong. > Man. teksi etc., see Doerfer MT 100, Rozycki 206; Yak.
dexsi, Dolg. deksi (Kał. MEJ 43, Stachowski 78).
PTurk. *tekiŕ level (ровный): Turkm. tekīz; MTurk. tekiz (Pav. C.);
Uygh. tekiz; Krm. tegiz; Tat. tigez; Bashk. tigeδ; Kirgh. tegiz; Kaz. tegis;
KKalp. tegis; Nogh. tegis; Chuv. tagъr.
◊ VEWT 468, 470. Федотов 2, 165-166 connects the Chuv. form with PT *takɨr ‘level,
smooth’ (which is possible if Chuv. < Tat.), in which case the Chuvash form should be
removed from this etymology.
PJpn. *tànk- 1 kind, class 2 mutually, each other (1 вид, род 2 вза-
имно, друг друга): OJpn. tagupji 1, tagapji (ni) 2; MJpn. tàgùfì 1, tàgáfí
 *t῾ḗk῾í - *t῾elbu 1413

(ni) 2; Tok. tágui 1, tàgai ni 2; Kyo. tágúi 1, tàgàí ni 2; Kag. taguí 1, tagaí ni
2.
◊ JLTT 537, 538. Cf. also OJ tàgàp- ‘to differ from one another’ - probably the same
root as tàgápji ni, but influenced by tígáp- ‘to differ’ (v. sub *t῾ḗk῾í).
‖ KW 390. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 660) criticism, the
Turk.-Mong. match seems quite probable.
-t῾ḗk῾í ( ~ -k-) separate, solitary: Mong. *čig; Turk. *tēk; Jpn. *tínkáp-.
PMong. *čig separately (отдельно): WMong. čiɣ, čiɣ čiɣ (L 178-179);
Kh. čig.
PTurk. *tēk 1 odd 2 only, solitary 3 understanding nothing 4 zero 5
vain, in vain (1 нечетный 2 единственный, только 3 ничего не пони-
мающий 4 ноль 5 напрасный, напрасно): OTurk. tek 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. tek 2 (MK, KB); Tur. tek 1, 2; Gag. tek 1, 2; Az. täk 1, 2; Turkm.
tǟk 1, 2; MTurk. tek 2 (Sangl.); Krm. tek 2; Tat. tik 2; Bashk. tik 2; Kirgh.
tek 5; Kaz. tek 2; KBalk. tegaran 2; KKalp. tegin 2; Kum. tek 2; Nogh. tek 2;
Khak. tik 3; Shr. tek 5; Tv. tik 3, tek 3, 4.
◊ VEWT 470, TMN 2, 660, EDT 475. Turk. > Mong. Khalkha teg ῾zero’, Kalm. teg
‘kurz, niedrig’ (KW 389).
PJpn. *tínkáp- to differ (отличаться): MJpn. tígáf-; Tok. chìga-; Kyo.
chígá-; Kag. chigá-.
◊ JLTT 767.
‖ The etymology appears quite plausible both semantically (in Jpn.
‘differ’ < ‘to be separate from’) and phonetically.
-t῾ḗk῾o bottom, foundation: Tung. *texēn; Mong. *taka; Turk. *TĒk.
PTung. *texēn root, foundation (корень, основание): Evk. tekēn, te-
kēr; Evn. teken; Neg. teken; Ul. texe; Ork. tekke(n); Nan. texe; Orch. teke(n);
Ud. tēge.
◊ ТМС 2, 230-231. The stop -k(k)- in Orok is not clear (old interdialectal loan?).
PMong. *taka horseshoe (подкова): WMong. taqa (L 788); Kh. tax;
Bur. taxa; Kalm. taxə (КРС); Ord. daxa; Dag. tak (Тод. Даг. 165), take
(MD 219); S.-Yugh. daG.
◊ MGCD 627. Mong. > Evk. taka etc. (ТМС 2, 153, Rozycki 197), Chag. taqa etc.
PTurk. *TĒk bottom, lower part (дно, нижняя часть): Turkm. tej;
Khal. tǟ; MTurk. teg (Sangl.); Uzb. tag; Uygh. täg; Kirgh. tek; Kaz. tek
‘origin’; KKalp. tek ‘species, origin’.
◊ EDT 475. Voicing *-k > *-ɣ (-j) in Oghuz points to an original long vowel.
‖ A Western isogloss. Lee 1958, 118 cites MKor. takar ‘horseshoe’
which we were unable to locate.
-t῾elbu dirt: Tung. *telbe; Mong. *tolbu; Turk. *TAlagu; Kor. *trb-.
PTung. *telbe dirt, dirty (грязь, грязный): Neg. telbe; Ul. telbeni;
Ork. telbenuli; Ud. telbeni.
◊ ТМС 2, 180.
1414 *t῾ḗlù - *t῾ḗlù
PMong. *tolbu spot (пятно): WMong. tolbu (L 821); Kh. tolbo; Bur.
tolbo; Kalm. tolwə (КРС); Ord. tolbo, tolmo.
◊ Mong. tolbutai ‘spotted’ > Manchu tolbotu ‘a grey horse with circular markings on
its side’ (see Rozycki 210).
PTurk. *TAlagu 1 deadly poison 2 diarrhoea 3 ulcer disease (1
смертельный яд 2 дизентерия 3 болезнь, связанная с язвами):
Karakh. talaɣu 1, 2; MTurk. dalau 1 (Pav. C.); Tat. talaw ‘a k. of horse
disease’; Bashk. talaw (dial.) ‘Siberian plague’; Kirgh. talō-lo-n- ‘to be-
come covered by red blots’; Kaz. talau ‘Siberian plague’; KBalk. talaw
‘anthrax, plague’; Kum. talaw ‘malignant tumour’; Nogh. talav ‘pest,
plague’.
◊ VEWT 458, EDT 496. Despite Clauson, hardly derived from tala- ‘to harm, rob’.
Modern Oghuz forms (Tur. dial. dalak ‘Siberian plague’, Az. dial. dalax ‘cattle disease’,
Turkm. dālaq ‘camel disease’) are restructured on analogy with *d(i)ālak ‘spleen’ (v. sub
*tṓle). A similarly reinterpreted form is Chuv. talak ‘some inner disease of cattle’ - bor-
rowed from Tatar talawu (see above), but restructured under the influence of the bor-
rowed talaq ‘spleen’.
PKor. *trb- to be dirty (быть грязным): MKor. trp- (-w-); Mod.
trəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 149, KED 442.
‖ In Kor. the reflex is hard to distinguish from that of *t῾ḕŕu q.v.
-t῾ḗlù string, spreader, to spread: Tung. *tel-; Mong. *tele-; Turk. *tēl;
Jpn. *túrù.
PTung. *tel- 1 to cock (a cross-bow) 2 to spread a carcass, to skin 3
spreader (1 насторожить (самострел), натянуть (стрелу) 2 распла-
стывать, свежевать 3 поперечная палка у вертела): Evk. telbe- 1, telge-
2; Evn. telgъ- 2; Neg. telge- 2; Ul. telǯeči- 2; Ork. telde- 2, telbe 3; Nan. tel-
geči- 2; Orch. tegge- 2; Ud. tegesi- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 231.
PMong. *tele- to protract, spread (skins, clothes) (растягивать
(шкуры, ткани, лук)): WMong. tele-, teli- (L 797); Kh. tele-; Bur. telǖr
‘litter, stretcher’; Kalm. tel-; Ord. tele-; Mongr. terge- (SM 418).
◊ KW 390.
PTurk. *tēl 1 wire, string 2 thong 3 strand (1 волосок, струна, про-
волока 2 ремешок, которым привязан наконечник стрелы 3 прядь,
пучок нитей): Karakh. tili 2 (MK); Tur. tel 1; Gag. tel 1; Az. tel 1;
Turkm. til 1; Kum. tel 1; Nogh. tel 1; Chuv. tal 3.
◊ VEWT 471, EDT 491. Turk. > NPers., Kurd., Osset. tel etc. Bailey 129 cites Saka ttīla
‘thread, wire’ and considers it the source of Turkic forms, tracing it back to *tarϑrya - cf.
Pers. tār < *tarϑra. However there are no direct Iranian parallels for the Saka form (cf. Аб.
3, 288, maintaining that the Osset. and Kurd. form do not go back to Proto-Iranian but are
borrowed from neighbouring languages); so the word may well be a Turkism in Saka
and other Iranian languages. The Turkic origin is also corroborated by the Chuv. parallel.
 *t῾ḗlV - *t῾ĕma 1415

PJpn. *túrù bow-string (тетива): OJpn. turu; MJpn. túrù; Tok. tsurú;
Kyo. tsúrù; Kag. tsurú.
◊ JLTT 557.
‖ Despite Doerfer MT 52, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-t῾ḗlV young lamb, calf: Mong. *tölüge; Turk. *Tl.
PMong. *tölüge last year’s lamb (прошлогодний ягненок):
WMong. tölöge, (L 834) tölüge(n); Kh. tölög, tölgö; Bur. tülge(n); Kalm.
töləg (КРС); Ord. tölögö; Dag. tulgu; S.-Yugh. tölöge.
◊ MGCD 646.
PTurk. *Tl 1 to put the kid or calf to a different milch-ewe or cow 2
a kid or calf sucking two milch-ewes or cows (1 отдать ягненка другой
кормящей самке 2 теленок, сосущий двух маток): Karakh. tel- (MK)
1; Tat. tile- 1; Bashk. tile- 1; Kirgh. teli- 1, tel 2; Kaz. tel- 1, tel 2; KKalp.
teli- 1; Oyr. telkin ‘roe (female)’; Tv. tel 2; Yak. tīl 2, tilij- 1.
◊ EDT 490 (sub ‘to pierce’), VEWT 471. Turk. > MMo, WMong. tel, teleɣe id. (see
Щербак 1997, 166).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Mong. has -ö- under the secondary influ-
ence of töl ‘newborn young animals’ ( < Turk. *döl q. v.).
-t῾ḕlV ( ~ -ĺ-) to sober up: Tung. *tēl-; Mong. *telere-.
PTung. *tēl- to sober up, come to one’s senses (протрезвиться,
опомниться): Evk. tēl-; Evn. tel-; Ork. tēli-.
◊ ТМС 2, 231.
PMong. *telere- to sober up, come to one’s senses (трезветь, прихо-
дить в чувство): WMong. telere- (МXTTT); Kh. telre-; Bur. teler-.
‖ ТМС 2, 231. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-t῾ĕma ( ~ -o) net string, net needle: Tung. *teme-; Mong. *tamasu; Turk.
*temen; Jpn. *tamua.
PTung. *teme- 1 big needle 2 axle 3 sledge stick 4 net 5 to hang the
net (1 большая игла 2 ось 3 палка-тормоз, остол 4 сеть 5 вешать
сеть): Evk. temek 3; Neg. teme 1, temti 4; Man. temene ulme 1, temun 2,
tomoo 1; Ul. temti 4; Ork. temetči ‘черпалка’; Nan. temčiku 4, temnegu- 5.
◊ ТМС 2, 196, 234, 235. Man. temene may be < Mong. < Turk. (cf. Doerfer MT 142), but
for other forms it is unlikely.
PMong. *tamasu coating, hand seam, net string (обшивка, строчка
(рукодельная), веревка сети): WMong. tamasu (МXTTT); Kh. tams;
Bur. tamha; Mongr. tamu- ‘filer, tordre du fil, des cordes’ (SM 408).
PTurk. *temen big needle (большая игла): OTurk. temen (OUygh.);
Karakh. temen jigne (MK, IM); Tur. tebene (dial.); Az. tämänä; Turkm.
temen; Khal. temen; MTurk. teben (Pav. C.), (MKypch.) temen (CCum.);
Uzb. temen; Uygh. tömünä; Bashk. tibän enä; Kirgh. temene; Kaz. teben;
KKalp. teben; Nogh. teben; Khak. tibe əŋe; Oyr. temene, tebene; Tv. tevene.
1416 *t῾ème - *t῾ḕmu
◊ VEWT 472, EDT 507. Turk. > WMong. tebene, temene id. (KW 391, TMN 4, 278-279,
Щербак 1997, 154).
PJpn. *tamua a k. of net (рыболовная сеть на ободе с длинной ру-
кояткой): Tok. tamo.
‖ Most sources indicate that the root was used as a fishing term (ei-
ther a string in the net or a needle for the net). Morphologically cf. the
match between PT *temen and Manchu temene ~ temun.
-t῾ème ( ~ -o-) scarce, rare: Tung. *temu-; Jpn. *tm-; Kor. *tmr-.
PTung. *temu- 1 in vain 2 barely, scarcely (1 напрасно 2 чуть, ед-
ва): Evk. tomokūn 1; Ul. tembu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 196, 233.
PJpn. *tm(p)- scarce, poor (скудный, бедный): OJpn. tomo-si;
MJpn. tòmò-si; Tok. toboshí-, tòboshi-; Kyo. tóbóshì-; Kag. tobóshi-.
◊ JLTT 842. Kagoshima and one of the Tokyo variants point to a variant with high
tone in PJ.
PKor. *tmr- rare (редкий): MKor. tmr-; Mod. tɨmul-.
◊ Nam 171, KED 526.
‖ Whitman 1985, 126, 218. An Eastern isogloss.
-t῾èmo ( ~ t-) to burn, kindle: Turk. *Tạm-; Jpn. *tm-s-.
PTurk. *Tạm- 1 to burn (tr.) 2 to kindle 3 to become excited (1 жечь
2 зажигать 3 возбуждаться 4 загораться): OTurk. tam- 4, tamdur- 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. tamδur- 2 (MK); Uygh. tamet- 2 (Lobn.); Tat. tamɨz- 2
(dial.); Kirgh. tam- 4, tamɨz- 2; Kaz. tamɨz- 2; KKalp. tamɨz- 2; Nogh.
tamɨz- 2; SUygh. tam- 4, tam-dɨr- 1; Khak. tam-ɨl- 4, tamɨs- 2; Yak. tɨmɨt- 3,
tɨm-tɨk ‘лучина’.
◊ VEWT 459b, EDT 504, Лексика 363. Clauson thinks the root is < Chin., but this is
highly improbable.
PJpn. *tm-s- to burn, light (зажигать): OJpn. tomos-; MJpn. tomos-;
Tok. tòmos-, tomós-; Kyo. tómós-; Kag. tòmòs-.
◊ JLTT 770.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 286. A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps TM: Ud. tumpali
‘capsule’, Evn. tumtej ‘star’ (ТМС 2, 213).
-t῾ḕmu boat, raft: Tung. *tēmu; Mong. *tamara-; Jpn. *tumu.
PTung. *tēmu 1 raft 2 boat (1 плот 2 лодка): Evk. tēmu 1; Evn. tem 1;
Neg. tem 1; Man. temčiku 2; Ul. temu(n) 1; Ork. temu 1; Nan. temu 1,
temčiẽ 2; Orch. temmu 1, temtiɣe 2; Ud. temtige 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 234.
PMong. *tamara- to float, to swim (плавать): Bur. tamara-.
◊ Attested only in Bur., but having probable external parallels.
PJpn. *tumu big boat (большая лодка): OJpn. tumu.
‖ Phonetically and semantically plausible, but rather sparsely at-
tested in Mong. and Jpn.
 *t῾emV - *t῾ḕŋà 1417

-t῾emV to grope, search: Tung. *temi-; Mong. *temteri-.

PTung. *temi- to grope (ощупывать): Evk. temi-; Evn. temi-; Neg.
temikte-; Ul. temuru-; Ork. temiri-; Nan. temiri-; Ud. teme- (Корм. 298).
◊ ТМС 2, 233-234.
PMong. *temteri- to grope, search by feeling (ощупывать, искать
наощупь): WMong. temteri- (L 800); Kh. temtre-; Bur. temter-; temge
‘наугад’; Kalm. temtr- (КРС); Ord. temtere-; Dag. temilē-, (Тод. Даг. 167)
temīlē-; Dong. čiančiəlu-; Mongr. tendili- (SM 415), temdələ-.
◊ MGCD 631. Cf. also *temüči- ‘to strive’ (KW 391) > Man. temše- etc.; Tel. tämdän-.
The Dag. form may be < TM.
‖ SKE 261, ТМС 2, 234. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; but for a possible
Jpn. parallel see *t῾ama, and for a possible derivative reflected in Turkic
and Japanese see *t῾ìnt῾a.
-t῾eŋa to kick, shake: Tung. *teŋ-; Mong. *taŋga-; Turk. *TEŋ-.
PTung. *teŋ- to flutter, shake, wave; throw; jump (колыхаться, тря-
стись; бросать; прыгать): Man. teŋgelǯe-, teŋki-, teŋne-; Jurch. tiŋ-da-mai
‘to release’ (400).
◊ ТМС 2, 236.
PMong. *taŋga- 1 to kick 2 to be overthrown (1 лягаться 2 опроки-
дываться): WMong. taŋɣara- 1 (МХТТТ); Kh. taŋgara- 1; Bur. taŋgar- 1,
taŋgaj- 2; Ord. taŋGǟ- ‘être couché sur le dos’; Mongr. taŋG- ‘être cou-
ché sur le dos’ (SM 409).
PTurk. *TEŋ- to soar, fly (парить): Karakh. teŋ- (MK); Tur. (dial.)
tüŋ-.
◊ EDT 514. See also Татаринцев СТ 1984 , 4, p. 78-81.
‖ An expressive Western isogloss.
-t῾ḕŋà lowland: Tung. *tēŋ-; Turk. *tEŋ; Jpn. *tànì.
PTung. *tēŋ- 1 plain, lowland 2 low bank 3 pool 4 wide lake (1 рав-
нина 2 низкий берег 3 лужа 4 широкое озеро): Evk. tēn 1, teŋkī 1;
Evn. teŋkъ ‘forest’; Neg. teŋ 2; Man. teŋgin 4; Ork. teŋesi ‘mountain pass’;
Nan. tēŋki 3; Orch. teŋki 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 235, 236. Evk. > Dolg. tēn ‘plain’ (Stachowski 221).
PTurk. *tEŋ 1 pool 2 big river (1 пруд 2 большая река): Karakh. (?)
teŋ (MK) 1; Tur. (Osm.) ten 2; MTurk. tin 2 (R.).
◊ VEWT 473, EDT 512. Chag. > Kalm. teŋ ‘Don’.
PJpn. *tànì valley (долина): OJpn. tani; MJpn. tànì; Tok. taní; Kyo.
tánì; Kag. taní.
◊ JLTT 541.
‖ Turk. *deŋgiŕ ‘sea’ (ЭСТЯ 3, 194-195; > Mong. teŋgis, see Clark
1980, 39) may also belong here (with a secondary voicing). See SKE 280,
EAS 145. Cf. *t῾oŋe ‘air or water space’.
1418 *t῾èŋo - *t῾ĕp῾á
-t῾èŋo a k. of flying insect: Tung. *teŋer- / *toŋor-; Jpn. *tm-; Kor.
*toŋ’ăi.
PTung. *teŋer- / *toŋor- 1 a k. of butterfly 2 spider (1 назв. бабочки
2 паук): Neg. toŋorawk 1; Ork. tēneŋǯi, tegenenǯi 2; Orch. teŋeje 2; Ud.
teŋe 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 198, 237.
PJpn. *tm- dragon-fly (стрекоза): MJpn. tombau, tombo; Tok. tòmbo;
Kyo. tòbó; Kag. tombó.
◊ JLTT 550.
PKor. *toŋ’ăi gad-fly (овод): MKor. toŋ’ăi.
◊ Liu 233.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. perhaps Mong. temeɣel-ǯirgene ‘dragonfly’
(folk-etymologically merging with temeɣen ‘camel’).
-t῾ḕpá to catch, embrace, armful: Tung. *tēbe-; Mong. *teberi-; Jpn.
*tàmpá; Kor. *tpr-.
PTung. *tēbe- 1 to catch 2 to embrace (1 ловить 2 обнимать): Evk.
tewe- / tēwē- 1; Evn. tew- 1, tewel- 2; Neg. tewen- 1; Man. tebeĺe- 2; SMan.
tivələ-, tevilə- (1494).
◊ ТМС 2, 226.
PMong. *teberi- 1 to embrace, grasp 2 armful (1 обнимать, хватать
2 охапка): MMong. tɛbɛr- (IM), tibäri- (MA), teberi- (SH), tebəri- (LH);
WMong. teberi-; Kh. tevri- 1, tever 2; Bur. teber(i)-; Kalm. tewr-; Ord. tew-
ere- 1; Dag. teuŕē- (Тод. Даг. 167, MD 224) 1, teur 2; Dong. čieru-
(čiaoru-); Bao. tēre-; S.-Yugh. tewerde- 1, tewer 2; Mongr. twēri-, tōri- (SM
425, 437) 1, (MGCD tērə-), tēr 2.
◊ KW 395, MGCD 629, 630.
PJpn. *tàmpá bundle (связка): MJpn. taba; Tok. tába; Kyo. tàbá; Kag.
tabá.
◊ JLTT 536.
PKor. *tpr- to lead, take smn. with (вести, брать с собой): MKor.
tpr-; Mod. təbul-.
◊ Nam 150, KED 443.
‖ Poppe 14, 45. Despite Doerfer MT 52, TM c annot be borrowed
from Mong. The Kor. verb has a typical low tone. Kor. tabal ‘bundle,
bunch’ (see Martin 227), which we have attributed to PA *t῾ĕp῾á, seems
to be a better match for Jpn. *tà(n)pá, but Jpn. also has *ta(m)pua ‘knot of
hair’, and the two roots actively interacted in the Kor.-Jpn. area.
-t῾ĕp῾á tuft (of hair): Tung. *teb-; Mong. *tab, *tebeg; Turk. *tepö (-ü);
Jpn. *tampua; Kor. *tapar.
PTung. *teb- 1 rags 2 tail on shaman’s belt (1 лохмотья 2 хвост на
поясе шамана): Evk. tewdukē 1; Sol. tabxa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 148, 225.
 *t῾ep῾à - *t῾ep῾à 1419

PMong. *tab, *tebeg 1 tuft of hair attached to a metal ring (for play);
shuttlecock 2 long hair on back of head (1 пучок волос, прикреплен-
ный к металлическому кольцу (для игры); волан 2 волосы на ма-
кушке, хохол): WMong. tebeg 1, 2 (L 789), tab 2 (L 760); Kh. teveg 1, tav
2; Bur. tebeg 1; Kalm. tewəg 2 (КРС); Ord. teweg 1; S.-Yugh. tebeg.
◊ MGCD 629. Cf. also tobi, Khalkha toỻ ‘тюбетейка’.
PTurk. *tepö (-ü) hill, top; top of head (холм, вершина): OTurk.
töpü; Karakh. tepe (Tefs.), töpü (KB); Tur. tepe, dial. depe; Gag. tepe; Az.
täpä; Turkm. depe; MTurk. tepe, töpe (MA, Pav. C.); Uzb. tepa; Uygh. töpä;
Krm. tebe; Tat. tübɛ; Bashk. tübɛ; Kirgh. töbö; Kaz. töbe; KBalk. töbe;
KKalp. töbe; Kum. töbe; Nogh. töbe; Oyr. töbö; Tv. t῾ej; Chuv. tübə, töbe
(NW); Yak. töbö; Dolg. töbö.
◊ VEWT 494, 505, TMN 2, 450-452, EDT 436, ЭСТЯ 3, 197-199, Лексика 201, Sta-
chowski 227. The original meaning was probably ‘crest, top of head’: cf. Kirgh. tüpök
‘бунчук’, Chuv. təₙbek ‘crest, top of head’. Forms with d- in Oghuz may be a trace of a
different root (see below); but Kirgh. döbö and Uygh. döwä are most probably < Mong.
döbe.
PJpn. *tampua knot of hair on back of head (узел волос на затыл-
ке): MJpn. tabo; Tok. tabo.
◊ JLTT 537.
PKor. *tapar bundle, bunch (связка): Mod. tabal.
◊ Nam 385.
‖ Владимирцов 258. The root is rather difficult to distinguish from
*t῾ēpa ‘to catch, embrace’ and from *t῾òp῾u ‘round, clot’ : an expressive
sound shape, liable to mergers. Note that within Turkic there may have
also been a confusion of this root with PA *tújpè ‘hill, top’, cf. some
Oghuz forms with d- (Doerfer TMN 1, 450-452 attempts to connect
Turk. *tepe with Mong. deɣe- ‘above’, which has a different, quite plau-
sible etymology). The original meaning of *t῾ep῾a could be “top of head”
(whence “tuft of hair on top or back of head”): cf. the common
Turk.-Mong. derivative *t῾ep῾a-lV ‘spot on the forehead of an animal’
(WMong. tögele, Khalkha tȫĺ; Turkm. depel, Az. täpel, Kirgh. töböl etc.),
see Владимирцов 213, KW 408, ЭСТЯ 3, 200.
-t῾ep῾à to cover, obstruct: Tung. *tepku; Jpn. *tapa-; Kor. *tph- / *tùph-.
PTung. *tepku sheath, sack (чехол, мешок): Evk. tepku; Evn.
tъpkun; Neg. tepke; Man. tebku ‘uterus’; Ork. tupo; Orch. tekpu, tepku; Ud.
tekpu.
◊ ТМС 2, 237. TM > Dag. tebke ‘sack, sheath’ (Тод. Даг. 166).
PJpn. *tapa- to obstruct, shut (препятствовать, закрывать): OJpn.
tapa-; MJpn. tafa-.
◊ JLTT 761.
PKor. *tph- / *tùph- to cover (покрывать): MKor. tph-, tùph-, tùp-;
Mod. təp- [təph-].
1420 *t῾p῾a - *t῾èp῾à
◊ Nam 153, 168, KED 454.
‖ SKE 263, PKE 203, EAS 49. An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *t῾ebV and Bur.
tebtēr ‘cover (of pot)’ - a word of obscure origin. For Jpn. cf. alterna-
tively: WMong. čeger, Khalkha cēr ‘taboo, prohibition’, Turk. čeper
‘fence, protecting fender’, see Владимирцов 211-212; cf. also Oroch
čeppe- ‘to sin’?.
-t῾p῾a to hit, tip over: Tung. *tep-; Mong. *taɣ- / *tuji-; Turk. *Tap-la-;
Jpn. *tàpú-.
PTung. *tep- 1 to hit (with a heavy object); to kill (a deer) 2 to tram-
ple 3 to dance 4 to cut through 5 to shoot (1 ударять (тяжелым пред-
метом); закалывать (оленя) 2 топтать 3 плясать 4 пробивать, проре-
зать 5 стрелять): Evk. tepū- 1, tepte- 2, tepti- 4; Evn. tepseŋnī- 2; Neg. te-
pekele- 5; Nan. tepete- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 237, 238. Cf. also an expressive variant *tapta- ‘to clap’ (ТМС 2, 164).
PMong. *taɣ- / *tuji- 1 to dump, capsize 2 to cut, sharpen (1 сбрасы-
вать (всадника), опрокидывать 2 обрезать, точить): MMong. tujla-
‘брыкаться’ (MA 354); WMong. tujila- (L 840) 1 , taɣari- (L 765), tajiri-
(KW) 2; Kh. tujla- 1, tajra- 2; Bur. tajra- 2; Kalm. tūĺ- 1, tǟr- 2; Ord. tuila-
1, tāri- 2; Dag. tāri- 2; S.-Yugh. tār- 2.
◊ KW 388, 413, MGCD 622.
PTurk. *Tap-la- 1 to chop off splinters 2 to forge, hammer (1 тесать
2 ковать 3 трамбовать): Az. tapdala- 2; MTurk. tapla- ‘бить,
выравнивать’ (Pav. C.); Uzb. tɔpta- 3; Uygh. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Krm. tapta- 1,
2, 3; Tat. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Kirgh. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Kaz. tapta- 1, 2, 3; KBalk. tabla-
‘to hammer’; Kum. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Nogh. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Khak. tapta- 2, 3;
Oyr. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Tv. tapta- 1, 2, 3; Chuv. tupta- 2, 3; Yak. taptaj- 2, 3.
◊ VEWT 462, ОСНЯ 2, 108-109, Ашм. XIV, 48.
PJpn. *tàpú- 1 to tip over, collapse 2 to dump, capsize, topple (1
спотыкаться, опрокидываться 2 опрокидывать): OJpn. tapura- 1, ta-
pus- 2; MJpn. tàfúra- 1, tafus- 2; Tok. taoré- 1, taós- 2; Kyo. táóré- 1, táós- 2;
Kag. tàòrè- 1, tàòs- 2.
◊ JLTT 763.
‖ The root should be distinguished from *tp῾V and *t῾óp῾e q.v., al-
though they certainly tend to be confused.
-t῾èp῾à to endure, abstain: Mong. *tebči-; Turk. *TEpiŕ; Jpn. *tàpà-.
PMong. *tebči- to abstain from, abandon (воздерживаться от, по-
кидать): MMong. tebči- ‘hingeben’ (HYt); WMong. tebči- (L 789); Kh.
tewči-; Bur. tebše-; Kalm. tewč- ‘to endure’ (КРС); Ord. debči-.
◊ Mong. > Manchu tebči- ‘to endure, to suffer’ (see Rozycki 204).
PTurk. *TEpiŕ envy (зависть): Karakh. tepiz, tepze- ‘to envy’ (MK,
KB).
◊ EDT 448.
 *t῾ep῾V - *t῾éra 1421

PJpn. *tàpà- to endure (терпеть): OJpn. tapa-; MJpn. tàfá-; Tok. taé-;
Kyo. tàè-; Kag. tàè-.
◊ JLTT 761.
‖ The parallel seems plausible, with the semantic developments
*’endure’ > ‘envy’; *’endure’ > ‘shun, abstain’.
-t῾ep῾V warm, to burn: Tung. *tepe-; Turk. *tẹpi-; Kor. *tb-.
PTung. *tepe- 1 to catch fire, to burn 2 to burn through (1 разго-
раться, пылать 2 сгорать, прогорать): Man. tefe- 2; SMan. tiavə- 1;
Nan. tepe- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 238.
PTurk. *tẹpi- 1 to dry, become dry 2 to suffer from heat (1 сохнуть 2
страдать от жары): Az. täpi- 1; Turkm. tebi- 1; Chuv. tip- 1, 2.
◊ Räsänen (VEWT 253) and Федотов (2, 233) think that the Chuv. form reflects PT
*kep-, but this is impossible for phonetic reasons.
PKor. *tb- be warm (быть теплым): MKor. tp- (tw-); Mod. tp-
(-w-).
◊ Nam 153, KED 451.
‖ The parallel seems reliable, although voicing in Korean is not clear
(note a similar case in *t῾óp῾a).
-t῾ḕra pair, to compare: Tung. *tērī; Jpn. *tàtùap-.
PTung. *tērī 1 couple, pair 2 equal (1 пара 2 одинаковый): Evk. tērī
1; Evn. tēri 1; Neg. tējī 1; Nan. terini 2; Orch. tējī 1; Ud. tie 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 239.
PJpn. *tàtuàp- to compare (сравнивать, уподоблять): OJpn.
tat(w)op(a)-; MJpn. tàtòf(a)-; Tok. tatoé-; Kyo. tátóé-; Kag. tàtòè-.
◊ JLTT 765.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-t῾éra ( ~ -u) hair, wool, thread: Tung. *terge-; Turk. *TAram; Kor.
*trh(í).
PTung. *terge- 1 deerskin, cloth made of deerskin 2 footwear made
of deerskin (1 ровдуга, замша из оленьей шкуры 2 обувь из ровду-
ги): Evk. tergekse 1; Evn. tergъs 1; Neg. tergemi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 238-239.
PTurk. *TAram 1 sinew, sinew thread 2 strand (1 сухожилие,
жильная нить 2 прядь, клок (волос)): Uzb. taram 2; Uygh. taram (R) 1;
Tat. taram 2; taramɨš (КСТТ) 1; Bashk. taramɨš 1; Kirgh. taramɨš 1; Kaz.
taramɨs 1; KKalp. taramɨs 1; Nogh. taramɨs 1; Shr. taram 1; Oyr. taram
(R) 1.
◊ VEWT 463. Usually considered to be derived from *tar- ‘to be divided, go apart’,
which is rather strange semantically.
PKor. *trh- 1 hair 2 feather (1 волос 2 перо): MKor. thrí, thrk;
Mod. thəl 1.
1422 *t῾rbò - *t῾ŕa
◊ Nam 458, KED 1702.
‖ SKE 280, АПиПЯЯ 296. This comparison seems better than relat-
ing the Korean word to Turk. *tel ‘wire’ (SKE 282). Equally unconvinc-
ing is Doerfer’s (TMN 1, 244) attempt of deriving the Turk. forms from
an Iranian source.
-t῾rbò a big cutting instrument: Tung. *terin; Mong. *tarbagaj; Turk.
*törpi-gü; Jpn. *tàtì.
PTung. *terin back of axe (обух (топора)): Evk. terin; Evn. terъn;
Neg. tejin; Man. teru ‘шпенек у мотовила; anus’; Ork. terkile- ‘hit with
back of axe’; Nan. teri(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 239.
PMong. *tarbagaj carpenter’s axe (плотницкий топор): Bur. tarba-
gaj hüxe.
PTurk. *törpi-gü file, rasp (напильник): Karakh. törpigü (MK); Tur.
törpü; Gag. törpü; Az. törpü; Turkm. törpi; MTurk. dörbi (Pav. C.); Bashk.
törpö (dial.); Kirgh. türpü; Kaz. türpi; KKalp. türpi; Nogh. türpi; Tv.
dürbǖ.
◊ VEWT 495, EDT 533.
PJpn. *tàtì big sword (большой меч): OJpn. tati; MJpn. tàtì; Tok.
táchi; Kyo. táchì; Kag. tachí.
◊ JLTT 543.
‖ One should also note Ul. tarpigda ‘a k. of knife’ (ТМС 2, 169; from
a Mong. form like *tarpagaj?).
-t῾erk῾o (*t῾erVk῾o) to think: Tung. *terge-; Mong. *tariki; Turk. *TẹrKe-.
PTung. *terge- 1 to think 2 to doubt (1 думать 2 сомневаться): Evk.
terge- 1; Ul. terge- 2; Nan. tergede- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 238.
PMong. *taraki / *tariki 1 brain, mind 2 head (1 мозг, ум 2 голова):
WMong. tariki(n), taraki(n) 1 (L 781); Kh. tar 1; Bur. tarxi 1,2; Kalm.
tärkə; Ord. tariχi; Mongr. taraGśi (SM 410), taraGśī 1.
◊ KW 387, MGCD 626.
PTurk. *TẹrKe- to observe, research (исследовать, обдумывать,
расследовать): MTurk. te/irke- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. terga- ‘to interrogate’;
Uygh. tärgäw ‘examination, inquiry’; Krm. terge-; Kirgh. terge-; Kaz.
terge-; KBalk. terge-; KKalp. terge-; Kum. terge-; Nogh. terge-; Chuv. tirge-
‘to judge, discriminate’.
◊ VEWT 475, Федотов 2, 236-237 (the meaning ῾judge, discriminate’ cannot be ex-
plained from Arab. terk ῾leave’).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾ŕa ( ~ -o) eagle, vulture: Tung. *ter-; Mong. *tarbalǯi; Turk. *dAŕ; Jpn.
*tátú.
PTung. *ter- falcon, hawk (сокол, ястреб): Evn. tērŋa, terŋē.
 *t῾eŕo - *t῾ḕŕù 1423
◊ ТМС 2, 239.
PMong. *tarbalǯi a k. of eagle (небольшой орел с черной спиной
и пестрыми крыльями): MMong. tarbaǯi ‘a k. of bird’ (MA); WMong.
tarba(l)ǯi (L 780); Kh. tarvalǯ (БАМРС); Bur. tarba(l)ža; Kalm. tarwəǯi.
◊ KW 381. Mong. > Oyr. tarbalǯɨn, Man. tarbalǯi, turbelǯi (see Doerfer MT 131, Rozycki
203).
PTurk. *dAŕ vulture (стервятник): Turkm. dazzarkel; Uygh. tasqara
(dial., Malov - Xami); Bashk. taδɣara; Kirgh. tazqara; Kaz. tasqara; Khak.
tasxa ‘owl’; Oyr. tas quš (Верб.); Tv. das.
◊ Turk. > Kalm. tas (KW 381-382).
PJpn. *tátú dragon (дракон): OJpn. tatu; MJpn. tátú; Tok. tàtsu; Kyo.
tátsú; Kag. tátsu.
◊ JLTT 544.
‖ EAS 111. Cf. also WMong. (L 779) tarasu ‘sp. of small eagle’. The
root is practically homonymous with *t῾eŕo ‘bald’ (q.v.) and may be in
fact a specialization of the latter, as a ‘bald eagle’ (note that this is the
traditional etymology of the Turkic word).
-t῾eŕo bald: Mong. *tar-; Turk. *daŕ (~-ā-); Kor. *tăi- / tắrk.
PMong. *tar- 1 bald 2 scab (on head) (1 лысый 2 парша): MMong.
tarasun ‘bald, naked’ (HY 48), ṭərɣa 1 (IM); WMong. tar 1, taraɣai 2; Kh.
tar ῾having sparse hair’ (БАМРС); Kalm. tar 1; Mongr. tarG ‘chauve,
rasé (tête), nu (terre)’.
◊ KW 380. Mong. > Yak. taraɣaj, Dolg. tarakaj ‘bald’ (Stachowski 217).
PTurk. *daŕ (~-ā-) bald (лысый): OTurk. taz (OUygh.); Karakh. taz
(MK); Tur. daz; Az. daz; Sal. taz (ССЯ); MTurk. taz (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔz;
Uygh. taz; Krm. taz; Tat. taz; Bashk. taδ; Kirgh. taz; Kaz. taz; KKalp. taz;
Nogh. taz; Khak. tas; Shr. tas; Oyr. tas; Tv. tas; Tof. tas.
◊ VEWT 467, EDT 570, ЭСТЯ 3, 124. Turk. > Hung. tar ‘bald’, see MNyTESz 3, 847.
PKor. *tăi- / tắrk 1 a bald head 2 cracks (on hands and feet, from
cold) (1 лысая голова 2 трещины (на руках и ногах, от холода)):
MKor. tắrk 2; Mod. tä-məri 1.
◊ Liu 185, KED 426.
‖ EAS 111, KW 380, SKE 250, Poppe 13. Despite Щербак 1997, 154
we cannot assume borrowing in Mong. from Turkic. Turkic has a sec-
ondary voiced d- (one of the cases of voicing in front of -ŕ-); but a con-
tamination of two roots is also not excluded: cf. also Mong. dar-gar,
dars-gar (L 233: darsa-ɣar) ‘rough, warped (of skin)’. Cf. also notes to
*t῾ŕa ( ~ -o) ‘eagle, vulture’.
-t῾ḕŕù dirt, dung: Tung. *tērgēn; Turk. *tEŕek; Jpn. *tùtì; Kor. *tr-.
PTung. *tērgē- pool, swamp (лужа, болото): Evk. tērgēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 239. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
1424 *t῾i - *t῾ĭbŋe
PTurk. *tEŕek dung (навоз): OTurk. tezek (OUygh. - YB); Karakh.
tezek (MK); Tur. tezek; Gag. tezek; Az. täzäk; Turkm. tezek; Sal. tesex, tözex
(ССЯ); Khal. täzäk; MTurk. tezek (Sangl., MA); Uzb. tezak; Uygh. tezäk;
Krm. tez’ak; Tat. tizäk, kizäk; Bashk. tiδäk; Kirgh. tezek; Kaz. tezek; KBalk.
tezgek; KKalp. tezek; Kum. tezek; Nogh. tezek; Khak. tizek; Shr. tezek; Oyr.
tezek; Tv. de’s ‘clotted blood’; Tof. de’s ‘clotted blood’ (Рас. ФиЛ); Chuv.
? tirəs.
◊ VEWT 477, TMN 2, 508, EDT 574, Федотов 2, 236. Chuv. > Tat., Bashk. tires.
PJpn. *tùtì earth (земля): OJpn. tuti; MJpn. tùtì; Tok. tsuchí; Kyo.
tsúchì; Kag. tsuchí (tsuT).
◊ JLTT 557.
PKor. *tr- dirty, become dirty (грязный, пачкаться): MKor. tr-m-.
◊ Nam 153.
‖ Contaminations with *t῾ōŕe (in Kor. also with *t῾elbu) were possi-
ble.
-t῾i thou: Mong. *či.
PMong. *či, *ta 1 thou 2 you (pl.) (1 ты 2 вы (мн.)): MMong. či, čino
(gen.) (HY 31, SH), či, čenäi (gen.) (IM), či, činu, čini (gen.) (MA) 1, ta,
tano (gen.) 2 (SH); WMong. či 1, činu (gen.), ta 2; Kh. či, činij (gen.) 1, ta
2; Bur. ši, šenī (gen.) 1, ta, tānar, tānad 2; Kalm. či, činə (gen.) 1, tadn 2;
Ord. či, čini (gen.) 1, ta 2; Mog. či-, činɛi (gen.) 1, to 2; ZM či, činei (gen.)
(26-3, 26-10a); Dag. šī, šinī (gen.) 1 (Тод. Даг. 183, MD 215), tā 2 (Тод.
Даг. 164, MD 218); Dong. čə (čɨ), čəni, čəji (gen.), ta 2; Bao. čə (či), čənə
(gen.), čose ~ čase (Abl.) 1, ta 2; S.-Yugh. čə 1, ta 2; Mongr. ći, ćini (gen.)
(SM 441, 450) 1, ta (SM 404) 2.
◊ KW 438, MGCD 619.
‖ Mongolian has alone preserved the Nostratic 2d p. stem *t῾i; other
Altaic languages have retained only the other stem *si (*sa), with the
oblique stem *nV.
-t῾ĭbŋe camel, elk: Tung. *tibŋa; Mong. *teme-ɣen; Turk. *debe.
PTung. *tibŋa male deer, elk (олень-самец, лось): Evk. tiŋer; Ul.
aŋa; Orch. tipaŋa.
◊ ТМС 2, 185.
PMong. *teme-ɣen camel (верблюд): MMong. teme’en (SH), temejen
(HY 11), temē (IM), təmēn (LH), təmən, timen (MA); WMong. temege(n) (L
800); Kh. temēn; Bur. temē(n); Kalm. temn; Ord. temē(n); Mog. temɔ
(Weiers); Dag. temē (Тод. Даг. 166, MD 223); S.-Yugh. temen; Mongr.
timēn (SM 420), təmēn.
◊ KW 390, MGCD 631. Mong. > Evk. temeɣēn etc., see Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT
77-78, Rozycki 206.
PTurk. *debe camel (верблюд): OTurk. tebe (Orkh.), teve (OUygh.);
Karakh. teve (tevej) (MK); Tur. deve; Gag. devä; Az. devä; Turkm. düje;
 *t῾ijV - *t῾[k῾]ù 1425

Sal. töje, töüvä, tüvi; MTurk. deve (Pav. C.), teve (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb.
tuja; Uygh. tögä; Krm. tüje, deve; Tat. djä; Bashk. djä; Kirgh. tȫ; Kaz.
tüje; KBalk. tüje; KKalp. tüje; Kum. tüje; Nogh. tüje; SUygh. te, ti; Khak.
tibe; Oyr. tȫ, tebe; Tv. teve; Tof. tebe (Рас. ФиЛ); Chuv. təₙve; Yak. taba
‘deer’; Dolg. taba ‘deer’.
◊ EDT 447-448, VEWT 468, ЭСТЯ 3, 313-315, Лексика 445, Stachowski 214. Turk. >
Hung. teve, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ EAS 88. A Western isogloss. Initial *d- in Turkic is due to assimila-
tion, but borrowing in Mong. from Turk. cannot be accepted, despite
TMN 2, 671, Щербак 1997, 154.
-t῾ijV louse: Tung. *ti-kte; Turk. *Ti-.
PTung. *ti-kte louse (вошь): Man. čixe; SMan. čixē (2255); Ul. tiqte;
Ork. tikte; Nan. čikte.
◊ ТМС 2, 179. Derived from a root *ti(:)-, cf. PTM *tī-le-/*tī-na- ‘to search for lice in
one’s hair’ (see ТМС 2, 181 and SKE 165).
PTurk. *Ti- a k. of biting insect (вид кусающего насекомого):
OTurk. ti-ler (OUygh.).
◊ See EDT 501: the word is located in a list of harmful biting insects, between flies
and ants.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Very poorly attested in Turkic; but cf. a
further Nostratic etymology (Ural. *täjV, Kartv. *ṭil-) in МССНЯ 335.
-t῾[k῾]ù to stuff into, press into: Tung. *tiki-; Mong. *čiki-; Turk. *tɨkɨ-;
Jpn. *túk-; Kor. *tìk-.
PTung. *tiki- to fit, be placed into (вмещать, помещаться): Ul. tiki-;
Nan. čịqị-; Orch. tiki-; Ud. tixi-.
◊ ТМС 2, 178.
PMong. *čiki- to stuff into, press into (набивать, вдавливать):
MMong. čiqiqsan ‘chock-full’ (MA); WMong. čiki- (L 181); Kh. čixe-; Bur.
šexe-; Kalm. čikə-; Ord. ǯike-; Mog. čikänä ‘packt voll’ (Ramstedt 1906);
Dag. čike- (Тод. Даг. 181), čiki- (MD 129); Dong. čəqi-, čɨGəi-; Bao. čiχə-;
S.-Yugh. čiGə-; Mongr. ćigi- (SM 448).
◊ KW 439, MGCD 573.
PTurk. *tɨkɨ- to stuff in, press in (набивать, вдавливать, втыкать):
OTurk. tɨq- (OUygh.); Karakh. tɨq- (MK); Tur. tɨka-; Gag. tɨqa-; Az. tɨx-;
Turkm. dɨq-; MTurk. tɨq- (Sangl.); Uzb. tiq-; Uygh. tiq-; Krm. tɨq-; Tat.
tɨq-; Bashk. tɨq-; Kirgh. tɨq-; Kaz. tɨq-; KKalp. tɨq-; Kum. tɨq-; Nogh. tɨq-;
Khak. tɨx-; Shr. tɨqta-; Oyr. tɨq-; Tv. dɨɣɨ-; Tof. tɨɣɨ-; Chuv. čɨx-.
◊ VEWT 477-478, EDT 465, ЭСТЯ 3, 337-340, Мудрак 75. The Turkm. form with a
voiced d- is quite irregular and probably reflects a merger with *dik- ῾to insert, plant ver-
tically’.
PJpn. *túk- to poke, thrust (засовывать, протыкать): OJpn. tuk-;
MJpn. túk-; Tok. tsùk-; Kyo. tsúk-; Kag. tsúk-.
◊ JLTT 773.
1426 *t῾ik῾V - *t῾má
PKor. *tìk- to dip down, imprint (вдавливать, погружать): MKor.
tìk-; Mod. č:ik-.
◊ Nam 181, KED 1540.
‖ KW 439, Poppe 15, 16, 55, Мудрак Дисс. 37-38. Cf. also Kor.
tìk-mk- = MJpn. túí-pam- ‘to peck’ (lit. ‘press and eat’). In TM one
would rather expect *-x-; this means perhaps that we could reconstruct
*t῾kù, with assimilation in Mongolian.
-t῾ik῾V to fear, hate: Tung. *tiKun-, *tiKul-; Mong. *čikul; Turk. *tik-.
PTung. *tiKu-n-, *tiKu-l- to be angry (сердиться): Evk. tikul-, tikun-;
Evn. tịqụl-; Sol. tegul-.
◊ ТМС 2, 179.
PMong. *čikul rage, irritability, nervousness (гнев, вспыльчивость):
MMong. čiqul (HY 54); WMong. čiqul, čuqul (L 193); Kh. cuxal; Bur.
suxal; Kalm. cuxl (КРС); Ord. ǯuxuldu- ‘ to lose countenance, to be trou-
bled’.
PTurk. *tik- to hate, fear (ненавидеть, бояться): Tur. tiksin-; Az. dik-
sin-; Turkm. tiksin-; Kirgh. tikireŋde- ‘to assault viciously’; Kaz. tik-baqaj
‘stubborn, violent’, tikireŋde- id.; KBalk. tiklik ‘tension (of relations)’.
◊ Somewhat unclear voicing in Az. See Дыбо 1991.
‖ Дыбо 14. A Western isogloss.
-t῾má (low) noise, sound, to make noise: Tung. *tim-; Mong. *čimeɣe;
Turk. *Tiŋ(mi); Jpn. *tàmár-; Kor. *tamɨr-.
PTung. *tim- 1 calm (of weather) 2 calm, silent 3 to speak silently,
move lips 4 night silence (in the forest) (1 затишье (о погоде) 2 при-
тихнув, примолкнув 3 шевелить губами, ворчать 4 тишина (ночью
в лесу)): Evk. temelken 4; Evn. tịmrn 1, timne- (folkl. tīnme-) 3; Nan.
čịmo-čịmo 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 182, 235. Cf. also Evk. (Kamn.) tamurga- ‘to become silent’.
PMong. *čimeɣe sound, noise; noisy (шум, звук; шумный):
MMong. čime’en (HY); WMong. čimege(n), čime (L 185); Kh. čimē; Bur.
šemē(n); Kalm. čimn; Ord. čimē; Mongr. čimē.
◊ KW 440, MGCD 570.
PTurk. *Tiŋ(mi) 1 sound 2 to talk 3 to grumble (1 звук 2 говорить 3
ворчать): Karakh. [tɨnma ‘do not speak’ (MK - Oghuz.)]; Tur. tɨn- 2,
Osm. tɨn-, dɨn- 2; Az. din- 2; MTurk. (MKypch.) tɨn- 2 (Houts.); Tat.
tɨn-sɨz ‘wordless’; Khak. təmel- 3; Tv. diŋmi ‘rumble, thunder’; Chuv.
čən- 2, čəm-sər ‘wordless’; Yak. tiŋij- ‘to produce loud thumping
sounds’.
◊ Мудрак Дисс. 86, EDT 514. Clauson regards the Oghuz verb as a metaphor from
tɨn- ‘breathe’, which is hardly the case (although some contaminations with this root, as
well as with *Tim- ‘silent’, were possible).
 *t῾ìnt῾a - *t῾ire 1427

PJpn. *tàmár- to be silent (молчать): Tok. damár-; Kyo. dàmàr-; Kag.

dàmàr-.
◊ JLTT 680. Initial voiced d- is secondary (probably expressive).
PKor. *tamɨr- to close the mouth, be silent (закрывать рот, мол-
чать): MKor. tamɨr-; Mod. tamul-. ◊ Liu 193, KED 385.
‖ Мудрак Дисс. 39, 86.
-t῾ìnt῾a to search: Turk. *tint-; Jpn. *tàntùna-.
PTurk. *tint- to search (искать, обыскивать): Tur. (dial.) dindik-le-
(SDD 1, 440); Turkm. tinte-; MTurk. (MKypch.) tint- (CCum.); Uzb.
tinti-; Uygh. tinti-; Krm. tint-; Tat. tente-; Bashk. tente-; Kirgh. tint-; Kaz.
tinti-; KBalk. tint-; KKalp. tint-; Kum. tüntü-, tünt-; Nogh. tint-; Oyr.
tinti-, dial. tɨndɨ- (Баск. Леб., Кум.). ◊ VEWT 481, ЭСТЯ 8.
PJpn. *tàntùna- to search for, ask (искать, спрашивать): OJpn.
taduna-; MJpn. tàdùna-; Tok. tazuné-; Kyo. tázúné-; Kag. tàzùnè-.
◊ JLTT 766.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss: but a possibility exists that the root is actu-
ally a contraction < *t῾emi-t῾a, derived from PA *t῾emV q.v. (for the paral-
lel PT *tint- : Mong. temteri- see KW 391).
-t῾íp῾ò ( ~ t-, -e-, -b-, t῾ap῾e, t῾op῾e, t῾ap῾e) far: Jpn. *tp-; Kor. *pt-.
PJpn. *tp- far (далекий): OJpn. top(w)o-; MJpn. tófó-; Tok. tṑ-; Kyo.
tṓ-; Kag. tṓ-. ◊ JLTT 842.
PKor. *pt- to be separated, have an interval (быть отделенным,
иметь промежуток): MKor. pt-; Mod. t:ɨ-.
◊ Nam 173, KED 523.
‖ A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss; not quite secure because of vowel reduction
and metathesis in Korean (for a similar case cf. Kor. *psr- ‘sweep’ < PA
*šĭp῾V).
-t῾op῾o straw: Turk. *topon; Kor. *tìp.
PTurk. *topon 1 straw 2 chaff, bran (1 солома 2 мякина, полова):
Karakh. topun 'wheat chaff' (MK; EDT glosses 'a lump of food', proba-
bly incorrectly); Turkm. (dial.) tovān, tofān 1; Uzb. tọpɔn 2; Uygh. topan
2; Krm. toban 1; Tat. dial. tuban 2 (Тумашева 216); Kirgh. tɨpɨn 2; Kaz.
topan 2; KKalp. topan 2; Shr. toban 'хлебная пыль, труха'.
◊ ЭСТЯ 8; despite Tekin 1969, 65 should be kept distinct from *topraq 'dust'.
PKor. *tìp straw (солома): MKor. tìp; Mod. čip. ◊ Nam 182, KED 1559.
‖ SKE 35. A Turkic-Korean isogloss; cf. perhaps Evk. tapčikākti, tep-
tekēkti, topčikakta ‘name of a weed’ (ТМС 2, 164).
-t῾ire ( ~ -ŕ-, -i) head: Tung. *tiru-; Mong. *teriɣün.
PTung. *tiru- head pillow (подушка, изголовье): Evk. tirū; Evn.
tiru; Neg. tijū; Man. čirku; SMan. čunuku (520); Ul. tireptu(n); Ork.
tireptu(n); Nan. čireŋku; Orch. tireptu(n); Ud. tiu, tieu; Sol. teru.
1428 *t῾ri - *t῾ro
◊ ТМС 2, 187.
PMong. *teriɣün 1 head 2 before, first (1 голова 2 первый, впере-
ди): MMong. teri’un (HY 45, SH), tīrgɛn (IM), tirun / tirūn (LH) 1;
WMong. terigün 1, 2 (L 805); Kh. türǖ, tergǖn 2; Bur. türǖ(n) 2; Kalm.
türǖn 2; Ord. terigǖn 2 <lit.; Dag. turūn 1, 2 (Тод. Даг. 169), teregun (MD
224) <lit.; Dong. čiaurun, čiərun 1, 2; Bao. teroŋ 1; S.-Yugh. turǖn 1, 2;
Mongr. turū (SM 435) 2, turoŋ (SM 436) 1.
◊ KW 416, MGCD 634, 639, 660.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-t῾ri to press, make a support: Tung. *tirē-; Turk. *dīre-; Kor. *tìr-.
PTung. *tirē- to press, insert, make a support (давить, вдавливать,
вставлять, подпирать): Evk. tirē-; Evn. tiruke-; Neg. tijē-; Man. čir-ge-;
Ul. tire-; Ork. čire-; Nan. čire; Orch. tije-; Sol. tir(e)-.
◊ ТМС 2, 187-8.
PTurk. *dīre- 1 to support 2 support (1 подпереть 2 подпорка):
OTurk. tirek 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. tire- 1 (MK), tirek 2 (Tefs., IM); Tur.
dire- 1, direk 2; Gag. direk 2; Az. dirä- 1, diräk 2; Turkm. dīre- 1, dīrek 2;
Sal. tirək 2 (Kakuk); MTurk. tire- 1, tirek 2 (Sangl.); Uzb. tira- 1, tirak 2;
Uygh. tiräk 2; Krm. direk 2; Tat. terä- 1, teräk 2; Bashk. terä- 1, teräk 2;
Kirgh. tire- 1; Kaz. tire- 1, tirek 2; KKalp. tire- 1; Kum. tire- 1, tirew 2;
Nogh. tire- 1, tirew 2; Khak. təre- 1, təreg 2; Chuv. čarak 2; Yak. tirǟ-, tirex
2.
◊ VEWT 481, EDT 533, 543, TMN 2, 655, ЭСТЯ 3, 237-239, Егоров 317, Федотов 2,
392.
PKor. *tìr- to press, to stick (вдавливать, вставлять): MKor. tìr-;
Mod. čirɨ-, č:irɨ-.
◊ Nam 179, KED 1530.
‖ EAS 150, SKE 35, Мудрак Дисс. 36-37. One of the cases of secon-
dary voicing (*t- > *d- before the following *r, *ŕ) in Turkic.
-t῾ro to take, snatch: Tung. *tī-; Jpn. *tr- (~-ua-); Kor. *tr-.
PTung. *tī- to deprive, take away (отнимать, отбирать): Evk. tī-;
Evn. t-; Neg. tị-ǯajama ῾thief’; Ul. tī-; Nan. čī-; Ud. tī-; Sol. tī-n-.
◊ ТМС 2, 173-174.
PJpn. *tr- ( ~ -ua-) to take (брать): OJpn. t(w)or-; MJpn. tòr-; Tok.
tór-; Kyo. tòr-; Kag. tòr-.
◊ JLTT 771.
PKor. *tr- to hold, lift (держать, нести; поднимать): MKor. tr-;
Mod. tɨl-.
◊ HMCH 336, KED 535.
‖ Martin 233, АПиПЯЯ 279. An Eastern isogloss; Korean has a
usual verbal low tone.
 *t῾iru - *t῾age 1429

-t῾iru ( ~ -u-) morning: Tung. *tirga ( ~ -ü-); Jpn. *tutə ( ~ -ua).

PTung. *tirga ( ~ -ü-) midday (полдень, днем): Evk. tirga; Evn.
tịrgn; Neg. tịdga; Orch. tigga.
◊ ТМС 2, 186-187.
PJpn. *tutə ( ~ -ua) in the morning (утром, рано): MJpn. tùtó; Tok.
tsúto, tsutó; Kyo. tsútò; Kag. tsúto.
◊ JLTT 558. Accent not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to *tút.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-t῾ŕge to run, flee: Tung. *tirgī-; Mong. *terge-; Turk. *tēŕ-.
PTung. *tirgī- 1 to walk 2 (to ride) quickly 3 easily gliding (1 идти
пешком 2 скоро, рысцой (ехать) 3 easily gliding): Evk. tirgī- 1; Man.
čir (seme) 2; Nan. čirgiliečigde (On.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 187, 400.
PMong. *tergil- to run away, flee (убегать): WMong. tergil-, tergid-
(KW 393); Kh. teregle- (БАМРС); Bur. teŕjel-, tergel-, tergede-; Kalm.
tergl-; Mog. ZM tirä ‘defile’ (18-5a); Dag. tergul-.
◊ KW 393.
PTurk. *tēŕ- 1 to run away, flee 2 swift; scary, shy (1 убегать 2 быст-
рый; пугливый, робкий): OTurk. tez- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tez- 1
(MK); Tur. tez 2; Az. täz- 1, täz 2; Turkm. tez- 1, tīz 2; Khal. täz- 1;
MTurk. (MKypch.) dez- 1 (AH); Uygh. täz- 1; Khak. tis- 1; Tv. des- 1; Tof.
des- 1; Chuv. tar- 1; Yak. tehī 2; Dolg. tehī 2.
◊ VEWT 477, EDT 572, Stachowski 220. Turk. > Pers. tīz (not vice versa, as sometimes
suggested).
‖ KW 393, Poppe 14, 104, АПиПЯЯ 295. A Western isogloss. Cf.
also Turk. *Terk ‘quick, hurry’ (VEWT 475), WMong. terkei, Kalm. terk
(KW 393).
-t῾age a k. of vessel: Tung. *tige ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *toguɣa(n); Turk.
*t(i)agar(a).
PTung. *tige ( ~ -ü-) dish(es) (посуда): Evk. tiɣe; Neg. tige.
◊ ТМС 2, 176.
PMong. *toguɣa(n) kettle (котел): MMong. toxo’an (HY 21), toqo’an
(SH), ṭuɣān (IM), tuɣan (MA); WMong. toɣuɣa(n) (L 817); Kh. togō; Bur.
togō(n); Kalm. toɣāčə ‘cook’; Ord. toGō(n); Dag. tugā, tuwā (Тод. Даг.
169), tuā (MD 226); Dong. tuG(u)an; Bao. tuGuŋ; Mongr. tuGō (SM 428).
◊ KW 397. Mong. > MTurk. toɣan (see Щербак 1997, 210).
PTurk. *t(i)agar(a) 1 an earthenware dish 2 trough (1 глиняное
блюдо 2 корыто): Karakh. taɣara (Tefs.) 1; Tur. ṭagar ‘dish’ (Osm.);
Turkm. taGara 2; Uzb. taɣar 1; Tat. taɣaraq 2; Tv. tāqtɨg ‘barrel’.
◊ EDT 471, VEWT 454, Радлов 3, 796-797. Should be distinguished from *dagar ‘sack’
(confused in ЭСТЯ 3, 120-122 and TMN 2, 512-519 - here with an additional confusion
with *dabar ‘wares’).
1430 *t῾ákù - *t῾ku
‖ A Western isogloss. Mong. *toguɣan must be a case of labial attrac-
tion < *tagu-ɣan. But cf. also *t῾áku, as well as Kor. tok ῾earthenware ves-
sel’, togani ‘earthenware dish in which metal or glue is melted’ ( <
Mong.?); cf. also a Wanderwort in Tung. (Ul. tukuru etc. ‘bottle’), Ainu
tokkuri, Jpn. tok(k)uri ‘bottle’, Kor. tuguri ‘round metal dish’.
-t῾ákù a k. of vessel: Tung. *tuku- ~ *taku-; Mong. *tagsi; Turk. *tekne;
Jpn. *túkì; Kor. *tói.
PTung. *tuku- ~ *taku- funnel (for pouring liquid) (воронка (для
наливания жидкости)): Ul. tuqụ(n), taqu(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 155. Attested only in Ul., with probable external parallels.
PMong. *tagsi cup (чашка): WMong. taɣsi (L 766); Kh. tagš; Bur.
tagša.
◊ Mong. > Kaz. tegäš, Sib.-Tat. tigäc ‘vessel’ (VEWT 469).
PTurk. *tekne trough, pan (корыто, лохань, квашня): Karakh. tekne
(MK, IM); Tur. tekne; Gag. teknä; Az. täknä; MTurk. tegene (MA), tegene,
tekene (MKypch. - CCum., AH); Uygh. täŋlä, täŋnä; Krm. tekne; Tat.
tigänä; Bashk. tägäs ‘чаша’ (dial.); Kirgh. degene (Chuj.); Kaz. tegene,
tegeš (Dim.) ‘чаша’; KBalk. tegene; Nogh. tekene; Chuv. tagana.
◊ VEWT 470-471, EDT 484, Егоров 228, Федотов 2, 165. Turk. > Hung. teknȫ, Mari
tagɨna (Gombocz 1912, 18, 227).
PJpn. *túkì cup, vessel (чашка, сосуд): OJpn. tukji; MJpn. túkì; Tok.
(saka-)zuki.
◊ JLTT 554.
PKor. *tói a measure of capacity (1/10 mal); measuring basket (мера
емкости): MKor. tói; Mod. twe.
◊ Nam 161, KED 496.
‖ Except for open *-e- in Turkic (one would expect *-ẹ-) correspon-
dences seem regular - but the root is very similar to *t῾age q.v., as well
as to some regional Wanderwörter, so there may have been some con-
fusion of different etyma.
-t῾ku a horned animal: Tung. *tōKī; Mong. *togij; Turk. *teke.
PTung. *tōKī elk (лось): Evk. tōkī; Evn. tōkị; Neg. tōk; Man. toχo; Ul.
tō; Ork. tō; Nan. tō; Orch. tōki; Sol. tōxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 191-192. Evk. > Dolg. tōkī (see Stachowski 227).
PMong. *togij grown-up elk (взрослый лось): WMong. togij
(БАМРС); Kh. togi.
PTurk. *teke he-goat (козел): OTurk. teke (OUygh.); Karakh. teke
(MK, IM); Tur. teke; Gag. teke; Az. täkä; Turkm. teke; Khal. täkä; MTurk.
teke (Sangl.); Uzb. taka; Uygh. tekä; Krm. teke, tege; Tat. täkä ‘козел,
баран’; Bashk. täkä ‘he-goat, ram’; Kirgh. teke; Kaz. tekä; KBalk. teke;
KKalp. teke; Kum. teke; Nogh. teke; SUygh. teke; Oyr. teke; Tv. de῾ge, te
([dhe]); Tof. te’he; Chuv. taga ‘he-goat, ram’.
 *t῾àk῾à - *t῾k῾ù 1431
◊ See VEWT 470, EDT 477, Лексика 154, 428. Turk. > Mong. teke ‘he-goat’ (KW 390;
TMN 2, 529, Щербак 1997, 154) ( > Man., Sol. texe id., see Doerfer MT 100; Oyr. teke -
instead of the expected *tege - may be also borrowed back < Mong.). The Tur. dialectal
form deke, despite Doerfer, can hardly justify a reconstruction of PT *d-.
‖ A Western isogloss. See Дыбо 7, Лексика 154. The parallel seems
probable, but PT should rather have a closed *ẹ. There may have been
some confusion between this root and another one, represented by PT
*Tagɨ ‘female kulan’ (OT taɣɨ, see EDT 466; Bulg. toxə ‘horse’) and bor-
rowed in (or corresponding to?) Mong. taki ‘wild horse’.
-t῾àk῾à hen; duck: Tung. *tiaku; Mong. *takija; Turk. *tiakɨgu (/ -ŋu);
Jpn. *tàkà(m)pái.
PTung. *tiaku 1 hen 2 quail (1 курица 2 куропатка): Evn. tǟqčaqa 2;
Man. čoqo 1; SMan. čoqō ‘chicken’ (2198); Jurch. tixo (161) 1; Nan. čịqo 1;
Orch. čoko 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 172, 403.
PMong. *takija hen (курица): MMong. takija (HY 13, SH), taqija
(LH), taɣaqū (Lig.VMI); WMong. takija(n) (L 770); Kh. taā; Bur. taā;
Kalm. takā(n); Ord. daχā; Dong. tɨGa, (Тод. Дн.) tɨqa; Bao. təχa, (Тод.
Бн.) texa; S.-Yugh. daqa, daχGa; Mongr. taGau.
◊ KW 375, MGCD 628.
PTurk. *tiakɨgu (/ -ŋu) hen, fowl (курица): OTurk. taqɨɣu (OUygh.);
Karakh. taqaɣu (MK); Tur. tavuk; Gag. tauq; Az. tojuG; Turkm. towuq;
Sal. tox (Kakuk); MTurk. taɣuq, tawuq (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔwuq; Uygh. toxa,
toxu; Krm. tawuq; Tat. tawɨq; Bashk. tawɨq; Kirgh. tōk; Kaz. tawɨq; KBalk.
tawuq; KKalp. tawɨq; Kum. tawuq; Nogh. tawɨq; SUygh. taqaɣɨ; Khak.
taɣax, taŋax; Oyr. taqā; Tv. da’ɣā; Tof. taqqɨńaq (perhaps < Mong.); Chuv.
čъxъ.
◊ VEWT 457, EDT 468, TMN 2, 441-442, Егоров 321. Turk. > Hung. tyúk, see Gom-
bocz 1912.
PJpn. *tàkà(m)pái teal, duckling (чирок, утенок): OJpn. takabe;
MJpn. tàkàbé.
◊ JLTT 538.
‖ KW 375, Владимирцов 206, Мудрак Дисс. 199-200. Despite Щер-
бак 1997, 152, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk. Doerfer’s (TMN 2,
443-444) criticism is also hardly substantial.
-t῾k῾ù shelf: Tung. *tuK-; Turk. *tĀkan; Jpn. *túkú-wái.
PTung. *tuK- 1 prop (in a tent) 2 bars, shelves (in a wooden baking
device) (1 подпорка (в палатке, чуме) 2 перекладины, полки (в дере-
вянном ставне, в котором готовят хлебы и кушанье на пару)): Evk.
tukta 1; Evn. toqrụqan 1; Man. tuqda 2;
◊ ТМС 2, 191, 209.
1432 *t῾lo - *t῾ĺke
PTurk. *tĀkan 1 trestle, rack 2 tripod 3 kettle (1 подвеска, козлы 2
тренога 3 котел): Karakh. taqan 3 (IM); Tur. daɣan 2 (dial.); Turkm. tā-
Gan 2; Tat. taɣan 1; Bashk. taɣan 1; Kaz. taɣan 2; Khak. taxxan 2 (Kyz. -
Joki); Oyr. taɣan 2 (dial. - Баск. Кум.).
◊ Räsänen (Рясянен 1955, 134) derives the forms from tak- ‘to adhere’, but vowel
length clearly contradicts it. Quite dubious, because of geographic distribution, is the
derivation of the word from Greek t»ganon ‘frying pan’ (see Аникин 521-522). The Greek
word itself has no satisfactory etymology (see Frisk 2, 845).
PJpn. *túkú-waí table (стол): OJpn. tukuwe; MJpn. túkúwé; Tok.
tsùkue; Kyo. tsúkúé; Kag. tsukúe.
◊ JLTT 555 (see there on the possibility of reconstructing *tuku-jai).
‖ ТМС 2, 153.
-t῾lo to hang, strap: Tung. *tōli; Mong. *telej; Turk. *TAlk-; Jpn. *tàr-;
Kor. *tắr-.
PTung. *tōli belt, strap for trousers (ремень, гашник (у штанов)):
Evk. tōl; Man. toli; Ud. tolixe.
◊ ТМС 2, 232-233, Вас. 392.
PMong. *telej belt for trousers (ремень для брюк): WMong. telei (L
798); Kh. telē, telij.
◊ Mong. > Evk. teleɣī etc., see ТМС 2, 232-233 (despite Rozycki 206, who regards the
Mong. and TM forms as genuine cognates).
PTurk. *TAlk- tension of cords (натяжение веревок): Karakh.
talqɨɣ; talɣuč ‘poles for fastening burden on animal’s back’, talɣuq
‘wedge for fastening the axe blade’ (MK).
◊ EDT 496.
PJpn. *tàr- to hang (висеть): OJpn. tar-; MJpn. tàra-; Tok. taré-; Kyo.
tàrè-; Kag. tàrè-.
◊ JLTT 764.
PKor. *tắr- to hang, fasten (вешать, прикреплять): MKor. tắr-;
Mod. tal-.
◊ Nam 140, KED 403.
‖ A rare case of high tone in a verbal stem in Korean. The unmis-
takable identity of PM *telej = PTM *tōli suggests that the association of
Mong. teleji ‘belt’ with tele- ‘to spread’ is secondary, due to the merger
of the roots *t῾lo and *t῾ḗlù (q.v.).
-t῾ĺke to splash, overflow: Tung. *tilka-; Mong. *čilga-; Turk. *d(i)āĺ(ɨ)-.
PTung. *tilka- to splatter, overflow (разливаться, выплескивать-
ся): Evk. tilka-; Evn. tịlqъn-; Ul. čịlčan-; Nan. čịlqa-.
◊ ТМС 2, 180-181.
PMong. *čilga- / *čalgi- to splash, splatter, overflow (расплески-
вать, переливать(ся) через край): WMong. čilga-, (L 163) čalgi-; Kh.
calgi-; Bur. salgi-, šalšagana-, šald; Ord. čalgi-.
 *t῾àma - *t῾árko 1433

PTurk. *d(i)āĺ(ɨ)- to overflow (переливаться через край, разли-

ваться): OTurk. taš- (OUygh.); Karakh. taš- (MK); Tur. taš-; Gag. taš-;
Az. daš-; Turkm. dāš-; MTurk. taš- (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔš-; Uygh. taš-; Krm.
taš-; Tat. tašɨ-; Kirgh. tašɨ-; Kaz. tasɨ-; KKalp. tasɨ-; Kum. tašɨ-; Nogh.
tasɨ-; SUygh. tasɨ-; Khak. tas-; Oyr. tašqɨn ‘flood’; Tv. dažɨ-; Yak. tahɨj-.
◊ VEWT 466, EDT 559, ЭСТЯ 3, 169-170.
‖ Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss.
-t῾àma ball, round, curved: Tung. *tiam-; Jpn. *tàma.
PTung. *tiam- sledge bow (дуга (у нарты)): Neg. tmkān; Ul. tmbụ;
Ork. čịmbo; Nan. čịamboã; Orch. tmbua.
◊ ТМС 2, 172.
PJpn. *tàma 1 ball 2 egg (1 шарик 2 яйцо): OJpn. tama 1; MJpn. tàmà
1; Tok. tamá 1, tamágo 2; Kyo. tàmá 1, tàmágò 2; Kag. tamá 1, tamagó 2.
◊ JLTT 539, 540. RJ has both tàmà and tàmá (the former reflected in Tokyo, the latter
in Kyoto).
‖ An expressive Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; like most words for ‘round’,
not quite reliable.
-t῾ame (?) to crush, pound, knead: Tung. *timre; Mong. *čimar; Turk.
*Tam-.
PTung. *timre 1 crumbs 2 flour made of dried meat (1 крошки 2
мука из сушеного мяса): Evk. timre; Evn. tīmrъ; Neg. timne.
◊ ТМС 2, 182.
PMong. *čimar flour kneaded with butter (мука, замешанная с
маслом): WMong. čimar (МХТТТ); Kh. čamar; Bur. šamarha(n) ‘fried
flour’.
PTurk. *Tam- to churn butter (сбивать масло): Karakh. tamɨn-
(MK).
‖ A Western isogloss. If Sukhebaatar (212) is right in deriving the
Mong. form < Tib. phye-mar ῾flour and butter’, the existence of this Al-
taic root becomes rather dubious.
-t῾árko a k. of carriage: Tung. *turki; Mong. *terge; Kor. *tằrkó.
PTung. *turki sleigh, narta (нарта): Evk. turku; Evn. tụrqị; Ul. tụčị;
Ork. tụtčị; Nan. tokị; Orch. tukki; Ud. tuxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 220. Evk. > Dolg. turku (Stachowski 232).
PMong. *terge vehicle (повозка): MMong. tergan (HY 17, SH), tirgän
(MA), terge(n); WMong. terge(n) (L 805); Kh. terge; Bur. terge(n); Kalm.
tergn; Ord. terge(n); Dag. terge, tereg (Тод. Даг. 167), terehe (MD 224);
Dong. čiege; S.-Yugh. tergen; Mongr. tērge (SM 417), tərge.
◊ KW 393, MGCD 634. Mong. > Uygh. tergän etc. (see Лексика 534); Evk. terge etc.,
see Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki 176, 207.
PKor. *tằrkó light carriage (легкая повозка): MKor. tằrkóčí; Mod.
talguǯi.
1434 *t῾ăru - *t῾àsá
◊ Nam 140, KED 402.
‖ SKE 253.
-t῾ăru to curse: Tung. *turē-; Mong. *tarki-; Turk. *Tẹrk-.
PTung. *turē- to curse; to speak (бранить, ругать; говорить): Evk.
turē-; Evn. tȫre-; Neg. tūjē-; Sol. tūrē-.
◊ ТМС 2,222.
PMong. *tarki- to curse (ругать, браниться): WMong. tarki-da-
(МХТТT); Kh. tarxida-; Dag. tareke- ‘fight’ (MD 221).
PTurk. *Tẹrk- to curse, despise (упрекать, ругать): MTurk. te/irke-
(Pav. C.); Uzb. terga-; Uygh. tärgi-; Tat. tirgɛ-; Bashk. tirgä-; Yak. tirē- ‘to
threaten’.
◊ VEWT 481.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾árV ( ~ -ŕ-) to melt: Tung. *tiar-; Jpn. *tr-.
PTung. *tiar- to melt (fat), roast (топить (жир), жарить): Evn. tǟr-;
Neg. tj-; Man. čaru-; SMan. čarə- (382); Ork. čịrụ-; Nan. čịro-; Orch. tiru-.
◊ ТМС 2, 173.
PJpn. *tr- to melt (плавиться): MJpn. toroka-, tórómós-; Tok. tòroke-;
Kyo. tóróké-; Kag. toroké-.
◊ JLTT 771.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Not quite secure because of the vocalic cor-
respondence.
-t῾àsá very: Tung. *tias-; Mong. *tasu; Turk. *tAs; Jpn. *tàsí-; Kor. *tàsí.
PTung. *tias- quite, completely (сплошь, совершенно, полно):
Neg. ts; Ul. ts; Ork. tês; Nan. tịas; Orch. tǟs, tias; Ud. teäsi.
◊ ТМС 2, 173.
PMong. *tasu quite, completely (совсем, совершенно): WMong.
tasu (L 784); Kh. tas; Bur. taha; Kalm. tas; Ord. tas ‘idée de fermeté,
d῾obstination, d῾intensité; aussi: absolutement, strictement, tout droit’.
◊ KW 381.
PTurk. *tAs 1 bad 2 quite (1 плохой, дурной 2 совсем): Karakh. tas
1 (MK - Oghuz, IM); Turkm. tas 2; MTurk. (MKypch.) tas 1 (Houts., Et-
tuhf., Bulgat.); KBalk. tas 1; Khak. tas-xara ‘quite dark’; Tv. tas ‘excel-
lent!’.
◊ VEWT 465, EDT 554.
PJpn. *tàsí- 1 certainly, verily 2 exact (1 точно, совершенно 2 точ-
ный): OJpn. tasi-ni 1, tasi-ka 2; MJpn. tàsí-ka 2; Tok. táshika 2; Kyo.
tàshíkà 2; Kag. tashiká 2.
◊ JLTT 542.
PKor. *tàsí again (опять, снова): MKor. tàsí; Mod. tasi.
◊ Liu 195, KED 386.
 *t῾olge - *t῾ṑlo 1435

‖ Irregular tone and vowel in Korean may suggest a possibility of

loan ( < OJ tasi). Cf. also Mong. tasija ‘lie’ ( > Man. tašan, tašara- etc., see
Doerfer MT 119).
-t῾olge a k. of vehicle: Tung. *tolga; Mong. *telegen; Turk. *Tilgen ( ~
-e-).
PTung. *tolga sleigh (with dogs) (нарта (собачья)): Evk. tolgokī; tol-
godō- ‘to go in a sleigh’; Neg. tolgoxị; Nan. tolkị.
◊ ТМС 2, 194.
PMong. *telegen vehicle (повозка, телега): MMong. telege(n) (SH).
PTurk. *Tilgen wheel (колесо): OTurk. tilgen, tilken (OUygh.).
◊ EDT 499.
‖ A Western isogloss. MMong. may be < Turkic (though not neces-
sarily); a Mongolian source is probable for Chag. tälgän, Nogh. dial.
telegen, KKalp. telegen, see Лексика 534-535 with literature.
-t῾òlgu moon: Mong. *tergel; Jpn. *tùkùi; Kor. *tắr.
PMong. *tergel full moon (полнолуние): MMong. tergel (SH);
WMong. tergel (L 805); Kh. tergel; Bur. terged hara; Kalm. tergel (СЯОС).
◊ Mong. > Evn. tärkan-.
PJpn. *tùkùi moon (луна): OJpn. tuki; MJpn. tuki; Tok. tsukí; Kyo.
tsúkì; Kag. tsúT.
◊ JLTT 554.
PKor. *tắr moon (луна): MKor. tắr; Mod. tal.
◊ Nam 140, KED 401.
‖ Martin 236, АПиПЯЯ 94, 278, Vovin 2000.
-t῾ṑlo to shine, reflect: Tung. *tī-; Mong. *tolui; Jpn. *tàir- ( ~ tìar-).
PTung. *tī- to become full (of moon) (наступать (о полнолунии)):
Evk. tī-; Neg. t-.
◊ ТМС 2, 173.
PMong. *tolui reflecting surface, mirror (отражающая поверх-
ность, зеркало): MMong. toli (HY 21), tūli (Lig.VMI), tuluj (MA);
WMong. tolui, toli(n) (L 821); Kh. toĺ; Bur. toli; Kalm. tolə; Ord. toli ‘metal
mirror’; Dag. toli (Тод. Даг. 168, MD 225: ‘a round iron object used by
shamans’); S.-Yugh. tōlə; Mongr. tōlə.
◊ KW 399, MGCD 639, TMN 1, 274. Mong. > Evk. tōln etc., see Doerfer MT 82, Rozy-
cki 210; Chag. toli (Lig. VMI 69).
PJpn. *tàir- ( ~ tiàr-) to shine (светить): OJpn. ter-; MJpn. tèr-; Tok.
tér-; Kyo. tèr-; Kag. tèr-.
◊ JLTT 767.
‖ The Jpn. diphthong is not quite clear. It is interesting also to men-
tion Turkic data: cf. Karakh. tolun in tolun aj ‘full moon’ (MK, see EDT
501), with tolun formally being a participle from *dol- ‘to be filled’, but
in fact used only in this phrase in the sense of “full moon”. Modern
1436 *t῾oŋe - *t῾op῾è
Turkish has dolunaj ‘full moon’ with d- (just as in dol- ‘be filled’), but
the verb tolun- ‘to become full (of moon)’ - which would correspond
quite regularly to PA *t῾ṑlo. One should reckon with a possibility of
rather archaic contamination in Turkic (since most languages do not
distinguish between the reflexes of *t- and *d-).
-t῾oŋe air or water space: Tung. *tuŋ-; Mong. *töŋk-; Kor. *taŋh / *təŋh.
PTung. *tuŋ- 1 lake 2 backwater (1 озеро 2 заводь): Evk. tuŋer 1,
tuŋuke 2; Evn. töŋēr 1; Neg. töŋēr 1; Man. tuŋgu ‘abyss, deep place’; Ud.
toŋi, tuŋi 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 215, 217.
PMong. *töŋk- 1 to hollow out 2 hollow, groove 3 deep valley (1
опустошать, выковыривать 2 полость 3 ложбина, впадина):
WMong. töŋki- 1, töŋkilge 2 (L 835); Kh. tönxö-, töngö- 1, tönxlög 2; Bur.
tünxi- 1; Kalm. töŋgə 3; Ord. töŋχȫ- ‘piquer ou crever à coup de bec’.
◊ KW 407.
PKor. *taŋh / *təŋh hollow, empty (полый, пустой): Mod. thaŋ,
thəŋ.
◊ KED 1694, 1704.
‖ Doerfer (TMN 3, 207) considers the Kalm. form to be the source of
TM, which is hardly plausible. Cf. *t῾ḕŋa ‘lowland’.
-t῾op῾è to search: Mong. *taɣa-; Turk. *tăp-; Jpn. *təp-; Kor. *toph-.
PMong. *taɣa- to guess (угадывать): MMong. ta’a ‘jealousy, doubt’
(HY 37); WMong. taɣa- (L 763); Kh. tā-; Bur. tā-; Kalm. tā- (КРС); Ord.
tā-; Dag. tauli, tauĺ (Тод. Даг. 166) ‘riddle’ ( = WMong. taɣaburi); Dong.
ta-; Bao. tā-; S.-Yugh. tā-; Mongr. tā- (SM 404).
◊ MGCD 619. Mong. taɣa- > Yak., Dolg. tāj-; taɣaburi > Yak. tābɨrɨn, Dolg. tābɨrn (Kał.
MEJ 56, Stachowski 218-219) > Evn. tābɨrɨn (ТМС 2, 149).
PTurk. *tăp- to find (находить, встречать): OTurk. tap- (OUygh.);
Karakh. tap- (MK); Tur. tap-, dap- (dial.); Az. tap-; Turkm. tap-; Sal. ta’p-
(ССЯ); MTurk. tap- (Sangl.); Uzb. tɔp-; Uygh. tap-; Krm. tap-; Tat. tap-;
Bashk. tap-; Kirgh. tap-; Kaz. tap-; KBalk. tap-; KKalp. tap-; Kum. tap-;
Nogh. tap-; SUygh. tap-; Khak. tap-; Shr. tap-; Oyr. tap-; Tv. tɨp-; Tof.
tɨ’p-; Chuv. top-; Yak. tap- ‘to hit the target’; Dolg. taptar- ‘sich fangen
lassen’.
◊ VEWT 462, EDT 435, Федотов 2, 248, Stachowski 217.
PJpn. *təp- to woo (ухаживать, свататься): OJpn. top-.
PKor. *toph- to search for, to seek everywhere (искать всюду, обы-
скивать): Mod. thoph-.
◊ KED 1715.
‖ Владимирцов 208, Poppe 13, 47, PKE 222, KW 386. Mong. cannot
be < Turk., despite TMN 2, 429, Щербак 1997, 153 (although the vowel
 *t῾p῾é - *t῾op῾u 1437

correspondence is not quite satisfactory: one would expect -e- in

Mong.).
-t῾p῾é to trample: Tung. *tubu- ( ~ -p-); Mong. *teɣe- / *teji- / *tübü-;
Turk. *tep- / *dēp-; Jpn. *túmpú-; Kor. *tjap- (?).
PTung. *tubu- ( ~ -p-) 1 to step, trample 2 stirrup 3 track (1 ступать,
топтать 2 стремя 3 след): Evk. tū(w)- 1; Evn. tȫ- 1; Neg. tụasan 3; Man.
tufon, tufun 2; Jurch. tuw-fu (231) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 202-203.
PMong. *teɣe- / *teji- / *tübü- 1 to kick (with a foot, leg), scratch
earth (with a foot) 2 to trample (1 пинать, царапать землю (ногой) 2
топтать, топать): MMong. te’ure- ‘to crush, trample’ (SH); WMong.
teɣe-, tejir- 1 (L 797: tejire-), tübür- 2 (L 848: tübere-); Kh. tijre-; Bur. tijre-
2,1; Kalm. tē-, tīr- 1, tüwr- 2; Ord. tüwerē, tewerē ‘bruit de sabots
d῾animaux frappant le sol en courant’.
◊ KW 395, 417.
PTurk. *tep- / *dēp- to stamp, tramp (топтать, пинать): Karakh. tep-
(MK, KB); Tur. tep-, dial. dep-; Gag. tep-; Az. täp-, däp-; Turkm. dep-,
dǟb-š-e-; Khal. täp-; MTurk. tep- (Sangl.); Uzb. tep-; Uygh. täp-; Krm. tep-;
Tat. tip-; Bashk. tip-; Kirgh. tep-; Kaz. tep-; KBalk. teber-; KKalp. tep-;
Kum. tep-; Nogh. tep-; SUygh. tep-; Khak. tep-, tip-; Shr. tep-; Oyr. tep-;
Tv. te’p-; Chuv. tab-; Yak. tep-; Dolg. tep-.
◊ VEWT 474, EDT 435, ЭСТЯ 3, 195-197, Stachowski 221.
PJpn. *túmpú- 1 to be trampled, destroyed 2 to trample, break, de-
stroy (1 быть растоптанным, разрушаться 2 растаптывать, разламы-
вать, разрушать): MJpn. túbúra- 1; Tok. tsùbure- 1, tsùbu-s- 2; Kyo.
tsúbúré- 1, tsúbús- 2; Kag. tsuburé- 1, tsubús- 2.
◊ JLTT 772.
PKor. *tjap- (?) to kill, slaughter (убивать, резать (животных)):
Mod. čap- (NKor. tjap-).
◊ KED 1398 regards the word as a metaphorical variant of čap- ‘to hold, catch’; but
SKE 23 gives a dialectal form tjap- which might suggest a different origin.
‖ Владимирцов 272. Cf. *tp῾V, *t῾p῾a (with a possibility of merg-
ers). The Turk. variant *dēp- is secondary, probably under the influence
of *dāp- < *tp῾V, but may be rather old: cf. the match PT *dep-se- : PM
*deb-se- ‘to stamp, tramp’ (a secondary loan is hardly possible in this
case).
-t῾op῾u limit, completely: Tung. *tiap; Mong. *tujil; Turk. *top.
PTung. *tiap extremely, completely (до конца, целиком, напро-
лет): Nan. tịap; Orch. tiap; Ud. tofu.
◊ ТМС 2, 174.
PMong. *tujil end, limit, extremity (конец, предел): WMong. tujil
(L 839); Kh. tujl; Bur. tujl; Kalm. tǖl (СЯОС); Ord. tuil.
1438 *t῾òra - *t῾ṑre
PTurk. *top all, completely; complex, collection (весь, целиком; со-
вокупность): OTurk. top (OUygh.), top-la- ‘to collect’ (Orkh., OUygh. -
YB); Tur. top; Gag. top; Az. top; Turkm. top; MTurk. top (Pav. C.); Uzb.
tọp; Uygh. top; Krm. top; Tat. tuplɨq ‘place where cattle is lying’, tupla-
‘to collect’; Bashk. tup; Kirgh. top; Kaz. top; KKalp. top; Kum. topla- ‘to
collect’; Nogh. top; Yak. tobō- ‘to gather’.
◊ VEWT 489, EDT 493. Clauson considers the form top (rare in OUygh.) to be con-
tracted < tolp < tolup < tol- ‘to be full’, which is quite dubious phonetically.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾òra to cultivate (earth): Mong. *tarija-n; Turk. *TArɨ-; Jpn. *tà.
PMong. *tarija-n crops (зерно): MMong. tarijan (HY 4), tarijat (pl.)
(SH), tariān (IM); WMong. tarijan; Kh. taria; Bur. taŕā(n); Kalm. tarān
(KW), tärn (КРС); Ord. tarā; Dag. tarē, (Тод. Даг. 165) taŕē; Dong. taran
(Тод. Дн.); Bao. taraŋ (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh. tarālǯin; Mongr. tarā (SM 410).
◊ KW 380, MGCD 625. There exists also a verb WMong. tari- ‘to sow, plant’, but this
may be borrowed from Turk. (see TMN 1, 244-245, 2, 480-482, Щербак 1997, 153). On the
other hand, the isolated Oyr. dial. tarān ‘millet, crops’ is most probably < Mong. tarijan.
Mong. tari- > Evk., Man. tari- etc. (see ТМС 2, 168, Doerfer MT 77, Rozycki 203).
PTurk. *TArɨ- to cultivate (ground) (возделывать (землю)): OTurk.
tarɨ- (OUygh.); Karakh. tarɨ- (MK, KB); MTurk. tarɨ- (Abush., Sangl.);
Uygh. teri- (dial.); SUygh. tarɨ-; Khak. tarɨ-; Oyr. tarɨ-; Tv. tarɨ-; Tof. tarɨ-.
◊ EDT 532, ЭСТЯ 3, 157-159 (confused with *dạrɨ-g ‘millet’ q. v. sub *tăra).
PJpn. *tà field (cultivated) (поле (обработанное)): OJpn. ta; MJpn.
tà; Tok. tá; Kyo. t; Kag. tà.
◊ JLTT 536. Cf. also tagayas- ‘to cultivate, plough (earth)’.
‖ KW 380, 387, Poppe 62, Мудрак 181. Jpn. reflects a suffixed form
*t῾òr(a)-gV (cf. Mong. tari-jan). Cf. *tăra: if PT *dạrɨ-g ‘millet’ is derived
from this root, then Mong. *tarija-n should be considered a Turkism,
and the reconstruction should be emended to *tVra.
-t῾ṑre hired labour: Tung. *tōrī-; Mong. *türije-sü; Turk. *ter; Jpn.
*tùtuà-ma-.
PTung. *tōrī- 1 wages, dowry 2 to hire (1 плата, калым 2 нани-
мать): Evk. tōrī 1; Evn. torị 1; Neg. tōj 1; Man. turi- 2, turigen, turixen
῾rent’; SMan. uri- 2 (968); Ul. torị(n), turi(n) 1; Ork. torị 1; Nan. torị 1;
Orch. toji 1; Ud. toi 1; Sol. turgundē- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 199-200, 219. Man. > Nan. turĩ, Ul. turi(n); > Dag. turgun ‘rent’ (MGCD 659).
The Manchu form cannot be borrowed < Mong., despite Rozycki 213 (the only similar
form - Dag. turgun - is itself most probably < TM, see above).
PMong. *türije-sü rent (рента, аренда): WMong. türijesü(n) (L 855);
Kh. türēs; Bur. türse; Ord. türēsü.
PTurk. *ter 1 hired labour 2 wages (1 работа по найму 2 зарплата):
Karakh. ter 1, 2 (MK, IM); Tur. ter oɣlan ‘hired worker’; MTurk. ter 2
 *t῾ór(g)e - *t῾so 1439

(MA); Kirgh. maŋdaj teri 2 (contamination: lit. ‘forehead sweat’); Tv. xol
deri 2 (contamination: lit. ‘arm sweat’); Chuv. tar(a) 1; Yak. terij- ‘to or-
ganize’.
◊ VEWT 474, EDT 528, Лексика 353, Федотов 2, 176 (the root should be kept distinct
from *der ‘sweat’.
PJpn. *tùtuà-ma- to serve, be hired (служить, быть нанятым):
OJpn. tutwoma-; MJpn. tùtòma-; Tok. tsutomé-; Kyo. tsútómé-; Kag.
tsùtòmè-.
◊ JLTT 776.
‖ An interesting Common Altaic term indicating some sort of eco-
nomic relations.
-t῾ór(g)e support, beam: Tung. *turga-; Mong. *terki-; Turk. *Terki; Jpn.
*túrí-(n)ki; Kor. *tòrí.
PTung. *turga- prop, support (подпорка, подставка): Evk. turga;
Evn. tọr; Neg. tojga, tuju; Ul. tụǯakụ; Nan. tojGa; Orch. tugia- ‘to prop’;
Ud. tuga.
◊ ТМС 2, 218, 220.
PMong. *terki- dais (платформа): Dag. terkin (Тод. Даг. 167).
◊ Cf. Man. terki(n) < Mong.?
PTurk. *Terki table, portable table (столик): Karakh. tergi (MK, KB);
MTurk. tirki (CCum.); Krm. tirki ‘sacrificial table’.
◊ VEWT 475, EDT 544.
PJpn. *túrí-(n)ki ceiling beam (потолочная балка): MJpn. túrígí;
Tok. tsurigi.
PKor. *tòrí cross-beam (поперечная балка): MKor. tòrí; Mod. tori.
◊ Liu 225, KED 465.
‖ On Turk. *dīre-, *dīre-k see under *t῾ri- (a contamination). The
Mong. (Dagur) and Manchu forms may ultimately have a Turkic ori-
gin.
-t῾so help, benefit: Tung. *tisū-; Mong. *tüsi-; Turk. *Tus-; Jpn.
*tàsùka-; Kor. *thas.
PTung. *tisū- 1 to clear the way for a caravan; help a child learn to
walk 2 to drive deer (1 расчищать путь для каравана; учить ребенка
ходить 2 гнать оленей): Evk. tisū- 1; Evn. tịssn- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 188-189.
PMong. *tüsi- to assist, help, rely on (помогать, полагаться на):
MMong. tüši- ‘belehnen’ (HYt); WMong. tüsi- (L 856); Kh. tüši-; Kalm.
tüš-; Ord. düši-.
◊ KW 417, TMN 1, 269.
PTurk. *Tus- 1 profit, benefit 2 to be profitable (1 выгода 2 быть вы-
годным): OTurk. tusu 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. tusu 1 (MK), tus- 2, tusuɣluɣ
1440 *t῾ùbu - *t῾udu
‘good service’ (KB); Khak. tuza; Oyr. tuza; Tv. duza; Yak. tuha; Dolg.
tuha-lā- ‘be helpful’, tuhan- ‘use’.
◊ VEWT 501, Stachowski 230. Turk. > MMong. (MA) tusa, WMong. tusa ‘help, ser-
vice’ (see Clark 1977, 157, Щербак 1997, 159; not vice versa, despite Sinor 1970), whence
Man. tusa etc., see Doerfer MT 100, and possibly some modern Turkic forms as backloans.
PJpn. *tàsùka- to help (помогать): OJpn. tasuka-; MJpn. tàsùka-; Tok.
tasuké-; Kyo. tásúké-; Kag. tàsùkè-.
◊ JLTT 764.
PKor. *thas reason; trust (причина; доверие): MKor. thas; Mod. that
[thas] ‘reason; fault’.
◊ Liu 712, KED 1694.
‖ Within Jpn. the form is analysed as a compound *ta ‘hand’ + *suka-
‘help’, which is probably a folk etymology in view of the external evi-
dence; cf. especially Kor. thas which points to *tasVh- = Jpn. *tàsùkà-.
Not quite clear is the position of several forms: WMong. tos- ‘to receive,
encounter’ (maybe, following Clark 1980, 41 < Turk. *dūĺ- ‘to meet’ -
although the latter is certainly borrowed as WMong. tus- ‘to hit upon,
fall to one’s share’, so this would be a somewhat unusual etymological
doublet); Manchu tusu- ‘to marry, celebrate marriage’ (could be a
Mong. loanword, but the semantics is strikingly different). Finally there
is MKor. tsk- ‘to love, like’. This evidence suggests a possibility of a
separate PA root *t῾oso (*t῾osu) ‘to present to the guest, to celebrate’; but
a possibility of later interdialectal loans of the reflexes of *t῾so should
also be considered.
-t῾ùbu stick, staff: Jpn. *tùwái; Kor. *tìp(h)-.
PJpn. *tùwái staff (посох, палка): OJpn. tuwe; MJpn. tùwé; Tok.
tsúe; Kyo. tsùé; Kag. tsué.
◊ JLTT 553.
PKor. *tìp(h)- 1 to carry a cane, stick 2 walking stick (1 нести палку,
шест 2 посох, палка): MKor. tìp- 1; Mod. čip- (čiph-) 1, čiphäŋi 2.
◊KED 1538, 1559.
‖ SKE 34. A Kor.-Jap. isogloss, with Kor. -ph- < *-bV-k- and
usual verbal low tone. In TM cf. perhaps Ewk. tūwkē ‘stick in a cross-
bow’ (cf. the Kor. form), Ulch. tuj-ǯe- ‘to make ready a cross-bow’, pos-
sibly pointing to PTM *tub(i)- ‘stick in a cross-bow’.
-t῾udu a period of time: Mong. *tuǯi; Turk. *Tɨdɨn; Jpn. *tùnâi.
PMong. *tuǯi always; throughout some time (всегда; в течение ка-
кого-л. времени): WMong. tuǯi (L 848); Kh. tuǯ.
PTurk. *Tɨdɨn time, appointed time (срок): OTurk. tɨdɨn (OUygh.);
Karakh. tɨδɨn; Bashk. tɨna (3 Sg. Dat.) ‘промежуток рабочего времени
от одной передышки до другой’.
◊ EDT 457.
 *t῾ge - *t῾úgo 1441

PJpn. *tùnâi long-lasting, always (всегда, вечно, долго): OJpn. tune;

MJpn. tùné; Tok. tsúne; Kyo. tsùnê; Kag. tsùné.
◊ JLTT 556.
‖ Jpn. *tuna- < *tuda-n with nasal assimilation ( = OT tɨdɨn).
-t῾ge ( ~ -o) quay, harbour: Tung. *tügde-; Mong. *tuguj; Jpn. *tù.
PTung. *tügde-lē- 1 to cross a bridge 2 bridge, log (1 перейти по
бревну, мостику 2 мостик, бревно): Evk. tigdelē-, digde- 1, tigdelēn 2;
Evn. tildraun 2; Ork. tugdule 2, tugdule- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 204; 2, 175-176.
PMong. *tuguj brow, gangway, causeway (мостки, сходни):
WMong. tuɣui (МXTTT); Kh. tuguj (МХТТ), duguj-ca- ‘cross a bridge’;
Bur. dugɨ.
◊ Mong. > Neg. toɣị ‘quay, harbour, low shore’ etc. (ТМС 2, 190).
PJpn. *tù ford (переправа; гавань): OJpn. tu; MJpn. tù; Tok. tsú;
Kyo. ts; Kag. tsú.
◊ JLTT 552. Kyoto and Kagoshima point rather to *tú, but RJ has a low tone with cor-
responding high accent in Tokyo.
‖ An interesting Mong.-Tung.-Jpn. match.
-t῾úgo cover: Tung. *tüksa; Mong. *tuɣurga; Turk. *Tugur; Jpn. *tu-i;
Kor. *tù’i.
PTung. *tüksa house cover made of birch bark (берестяная по-
крышка (жилища)): Evk. tiksa; Evn. tịs; Neg. tịksa; Man. tuqsa; Ul.
tụịqsa; Nan. tịsa (Kur-Urm.); Orch. tuksa; Ud. tukeä, tukä.
◊ ТМС 2, 179.
PMong. *tuɣurga felt walls (covering) of a house (войлочные стен-
ки юрты): MMong. to’urqa, tu’urqa (SH); WMong. tuɣurɣa (L 839); Kh.
tūrga; Bur. tūrga; Kalm. tūrɣə; Ord. tūrGa.
◊ KW 413. Mong. > Oyr. tūrɣa. Cf. also WMong. tuɣurma, Kalm. tūrmə id.
PTurk. *Tugur 1 a k. of tent 2 tent covering (1 вид шатра 2 по-
крышка шатра): Tur. turluk (dial.) 2; Turkm. durluq 2; MTurk. tuɣur 1,
tuɣurluq 2 (Pav. C.); Kirgh. tūrduq 2; Kaz. tuwɨrluq 2; KKalp. tuwɨrluq 2.
◊ Лексика 515. Tur. turluk, Turkm. durluG show irregular reflexation; we may be
dealing with some interlingual loans here; the quality of the initial dental in PT is thus
not quite clear.
PJpn. *tu-i grass for roof covering (трава (для крыши)): OJpn. ti
(tu-); Tok. chi.
◊ JLTT 545. For -u- cf. tu-bana ‘flower of the ti grass’.
PKor. *tù’i covering, cover (покрышка, крышка): MKor. tù’i;
Mod. t:uk:əŋ.
◊ Nam 166, KED 501.
‖ KW 413, Лексика 515. In Kor. cf. also thúkú ‘helmet’.
1442 *t῾ukV - *t῾k῾e
-t῾ukV to fall, drop: Tung. *tüK-, *tügde; Kor. *td-.
PTung. *tüK-, *tügde 1 rain 2 to fall, drop (1 дождь 2 падать, опа-
дать): Evk. tigde 1, tik- 2; Evn. tīd 1, tik- 2; Neg. tigde 1, tik- 2; Man. tuxe-
2; Jurch. tu-ho- 2; Ul. tugde 1, tū- 2; Ork. tugde / tugǯe 1, tū- 2; Nan. tugde
1, tū- 2; Orch. tigde 1, tī- 2; Ud. tigde; Sol. tiki- 2, tegde- ‘to rain’.
◊ ТМС 2, 175. Derived from *tük- ‘to fall’ (see ibid. 177-178).
PKor. *td- to fall, drop (падать, капать): MKor. tt- (-r-); Mod. tɨt-
(-r-).
◊ Nam 173, Liu 251, KED 532.
‖ PKE 211. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss (both TM and Kor. reflect a suf-
fixed form *t῾uk-dV).
-t῾k῾e ( ~ -i) hair (on body): Tung. *tiKi ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *tokum; Turk.
*tǖk.
PTung. *tiKi ( ~ -ü-) hair on skin (шерсть на шкуре): Evk. tikikta;
Evn. tīken; Neg. tịkta; Orch. tikta.
◊ ТМС 2, 178.
PMong. *tokum 1 saddle blanket 2 to saddle (1 попона 2 седлать):
MMong. toxu (HY 39), toqu’ul- 2 (SH), ṭoɣu- (IM), tuɣum (LH); WMong.
toqum 1, toqu- 2 (L 829, 830); Kh. toxum, toxom 1, toxo- 2; Bur. toxom 1,
toxo- 2; Kalm. toxəm 1, toxə- 2; Ord. doxom 1, doxo- 2; Dag. toku, toko 1,
togu- 2 (Тод. Даг. 168 toxo-, togo-), toke 1, tohe-, toke- 2(MD 225); Dong.
toɣun 1, toɣu- 2; Bao. toχə- 2; S.-Yugh. toGom 1, toGo- 2; Mongr. tuGun
(SM 429), tuGum 1, tuGu- (SM 428) 2.
◊ KW 397, MGCD 363, 642, 643. Mong. > Oyr. toqɨ-, toqum etc. (see TMN 1, 272, 274,
Лексика 544-545); > Evk. toku-, tokum etc. (see Poppe 1966, 196, Doerfer MT 104, Rozycki
209).
PTurk. *tǖk 1 feather 2 (animal’s) hair 3 (body) hair 4 fur 5 hair (1
перо 2 шерсть (животного) 3 волос (на теле) 4 мех 5 волос): OTurk.
tü 1, 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. tü 3 (MK, KB); Tur. tüj 1-5; Gag. tüj 1, 2, 3; Az.
tük 1,2,3,5; Turkm. tüj 2,3; Sal. tüx, üx 2 (ССЯ); Khal. tīk 3; MTurk. tük,
tüj, tüg 3 (Sangl.); Uzb. tuk 3; Uygh. tük 2, 3; Krm. tik, uk 2, 3; Tat. tök 1,
2, 3; Bashk. tök 2, 3; Kirgh. tük 2, 3; Kaz. tük 3; KBalk. tük 1, 2, 3; KKalp.
tük 1, 2, 3; Kum. tük 3; Nogh. tük 1, 2, 3; Khak. tük 1, 2, 3; Shr. tük 1; Oyr.
tük 1, 2, 3; Tv. dük 3, 5; Tof. dük (Рас. ФиЛ), tük 2, 3, 5; Chuv. təₙk 1, 3;
Yak. tǖ 1, 2, 3, 4; Dolg. tǖ 1, 2.
◊ VEWT 503; EDT 433 (: originally only ‘body hair’, opposed to sač ‘hair of head’, kɨl
‘hair (in general)’ and jüg ‘feather’); Лексика 197-198; Stachowski 236. Loss of *-k in OT
and Yak. is not quite clear (perhaps a rather unique development of the final *-ǖk).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 282, Дыбо 10, Лексика 198. A Western isogloss.
 *t῾ula - *t῾ni 1443

-t῾ula ( ~ -u) to intend, reason: Tung. *tul-; Mong. *tula; Turk. *Tɨlda-.
PTung. *tul- 1 to promise 2 to contemplate 3 plan, intention (1 обе-
щать 2 обдумывать, предполагать 3 план, намерение): Evn. tuleg- 1,
tulbajal- ῾look at smth. peacefully’; Man. tulbi- 2, tulbin 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 210, 212.
PMong. *tula because, for the sake of (потому что, ради): MMong.
tula (SH, HY); WMong. tula (L 840); Kh. tul, tuld; Bur. tula; Kalm. tulə;
Ord. tula; Dag. tualda, tualā(n) (Тод. Даг. 168), tuale (MD 227); Dong.
dula.
◊ KW 409, MGCD 651, 652.
PTurk. *Tɨlda- 1 to allow, refer to 2 reason, excuse (1 обосновывать,
ссылаться 2 причина, повод): OTurk. tɨlda- 1, tɨldaɣ 2 (OUygh.);
Karakh. tɨlda- 1 (KB), tɨldaɣ 2 (MK); MTurk. dɨldaɣ 2 (Houts.); Tat. tɨldaq
2.
◊ VEWT 478, EDT 494 (but not derived from *dɨl ‘tongue’!).
‖ KW 409. A Western isogloss.
-t῾ule ( ~ -o) to weaken, be exhausted: Tung. *tüla-; Mong. *tul-.
PTung. *tüla- 1 to become exhausted 2 to stop growing, weaken 3 to
miss time, opportunity (1 истощаться, обессилевать 2 остановиться в
росте, захиреть 3 упускать время, просрочивать): Evk. tila- 1; Evn.
tịl- 2; Man. tuli- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 180, 210. Man. > Dag. tuli- ‘to miss’ (Тод. Даг. 169).
PMong. *tul- 1 weak, powerless 2 to be exhausted 3 lonely 4 awk-
ward, shy (1 слабый, бессильный 2 истощаться 3 одинокий 4 сму-
щенный, робкий): WMong. tulaki 1 (L 840), tulɣui 3, (L 841) tulɣur 4;
Kh. tulxi 1, tulgar 4; Bur. tuli- 2; Kalm. tulɣū 3.
◊ KW 409.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-t῾ni night, yesterday, dark: Tung. *tīnu-; Mong. *tüne; Turk. *tün.
PTung. *tīnu- yesterday (вчера): Evk. tīnewe; Evn. tīniw; Neg. tīnu-
wej; Ork. čine / čińē; Orch. tinew; Ud. tineneŋi; Sol. tīnuɣ, tīnuge.
◊ See ТМС 2, 183-184.
PMong. *tüne dark (темный): MMong. tun (SH) ‘thick black forest’;
WMong. tüne(n) ‘dark’, tün ‘forest’ (L 853); Kh. tüner; Bur. tünxij- ‘to
become dark’; Kalm. tünə ‘dark; forest’; Ord. tüner, tünir.
◊ KW 415.
PTurk. *tün 1 night 2 yesterday (1 ночь 2 вчера): OTurk. tün 1
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tün 1 (MK, KB), dün, tün ‘night, dark’ (IM);
Tur. tün 1, dün 2; Gag. dün 2; Az. dünän 1; Turkm. tün 1, dǖn 2; MTurk.
tün 1 (Abush.), ‘dark’ (Sangl.); Uzb. tun 1; Uygh. tün 1; Krm. tün 1; Tat.
tön 1; Bashk. tön 1; Kirgh. tün 1; Kaz. tun 1; KBalk. tün 1; KKalp. tün 1;
1444 *t῾nŋá - *t῾ùŋo
Kum. tun, tün 1; Nogh. tün 1; SUygh. tune, tün 1; Khak. tün 1, ‘dark’;
Shr. tün 1; Oyr. tün 1; Tv. dün 1; Tof. dün 1; Yak. tǖn 1; Dolg. tǖn.
◊ VEWT 505, EDT 513, ЭСТЯ 3, 315-316, Лексика 81, Stachowski 236. Cf. also Yak.
tüŋ ‘dark, darkness’ (< *tün-Vk). The variant *dǖn, reflected in some languages, is obvi-
ously due to a secondary influence of *dǖĺ ‘dream’ (v. sub *t῾ūĺke), as well as the archaic
compound *tü-gün ‘yesterday’ (*’that day’), preserved in: Tur. dial. dühün, SUygh. tugɨn,
Tuva, Tof. dǖn.
‖ EAS 148, Владимирцов 165, Poppe 112, Лексика 81. A Western
isogloss. Despite TMN 2, 574, not borrowed in Mong. < Turk.
-t῾nŋá a k. of predator: Tung. *tuŋ-si-; Mong. *činua; Turk. *Toŋa (?);
Jpn. *tànúkí.
PTung. *tuŋ-si- 1 bear’s head 2 bear’s forehead 3 name of a mythical
predator (fox-like, devouring tigers and dragons) (1 голова медведя 2
лоб медведя 3 назв. мифического хищника (похожего на лису, по-
жирающего тигров и драконов)): Evk. tuŋsuku 1; Neg. texseke 2; Man.
tuŋsitun 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 216.
PMong. *činua wolf (волк): MMong. čino (HY 10, SH), čana (IM),
čina (MA); WMong. činua (L 190); Kh. čono(n); Bur. šono; Kalm. čonə;
Ord. čino; Mog. činō; ZM čen (21-5); Bao. čina, čɨna; Mongr. čunō, čuna
(Minghe).
◊ KW 444, MGCD 575. Mong. > Evk. činukaj, see Poppe 1972, 97 (probably with sec-
ondary suffixation).
PTurk. *Toŋa (?) tiger (тигр): OTurk. toŋa (Orkh.) ‘a military title’,
(OUygh.) ‘hero’; Karakh. toŋa (MK).
◊ EDT 515 (with some doubts about the original meaning of the word).
PJpn. *tànúkí racoon dog (енотовидная собака): MJpn. tànúkí; Tok.
tánuki; Kyo. tànúkì; Kag. tanukí.
◊ JLTT 541.
‖ Mong. -n- points to *-nŋ-; TM *tuŋsi- perhaps < *tunŋV-si-.
-t῾ùŋo ( ~ -e) staff: Tung. *tüjŋe(-pun); Mong. *tujiban; Jpn. *tùmìpá.
PTung. *tüjŋe(-pun) staff (посох): Evk. tijewun; Evn. tijun; Neg. ti-
jewun; Man. tejfun; SMan. teifun (676) ‘walking stick, staff’; Ul. tinepu(n);
Ork. teiŋgeptu(n); Nan. tunepũ; Orch. tijō, tijeu(n); Ud. tiu, tieu(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 176.
PMong. *tujiban stick, cudgel (палка, дубина): WMong. tujiban
(MXTTT); Kh. tujvan.
PJpn. *tùmìpá sword-guard (гарда): OJpn. tum(j)ipa; MJpn. tùmìbá;
Tok. tsúba; Kyo. tsùbâ; Kag. tsubá.
◊ JLTT 552.
‖ The *-p῾V is probably an original suffix, but reconstructable al-
ready for PA.
 *t῾up῾i - *t῾p῾o 1445

-t῾up῾i dust, smoke; to rise (dust, smoke): Tung. *tip-; Turk. *tüpi.
PTung. *tip- 1 to rise (of dust, smoke) 2 dirt, smear (with dirt, clay)
(1 подниматься (о пыли, дыме) 2 грязь, пачкать): Evk. tipī- 1, tipa- 2;
Neg. tịp- 2; Man. čifa- 2; SMan. čiva- 2 (2440); Ul. čịptan 2; Ork. čịpa 2;
Nan. čịpčã 2; Orch. tipa 2; Ud. têfakta 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 180, 185.
PTurk. *tüpi 1 high wind 2 dust-storm, storm (1 вьюга 2 пылевая
буря): Karakh. tüpi 1 (MK); Tur. tipi 2; Uzb. (dial.) dübüläj 2; KKalp.
dübelej 2; Tv. düvü 2; Tof. töp῾ö 2; Yak. tibī 1, tip- ‘to blow’; Dolg. tibī 1,
tip- ‘to blow (of a snowstorm)’.
◊ EDT 436, VEWT 503, Лексика 48, Stachowski 222, 223. The Uzb. and KKalp. forms
may reflect a merger with PT *tüge-le(j) (v. sub *t῾ŭge).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 287. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. TM also has variants *tilpa-
/ *tilba- (see ТМС 2, 180) meaning both ‘dirt, smear’ and ‘snowstorm’
and having arisen due to contamination with *t῾elbu q. v.
-t῾p῾o nail; hoof: Tung. *tüpa, *tüp-ken; Mong. *tuwra, *turuɣu; Turk.
*tubńa-k; Jpn. *túmá-i; Kor. *tòph.
PTung. *tüpa, *tüp-ken 1 nail, peg 2 (finger)nail (1 гвоздь, колышек
2 ноготь): Evk. tipken 1; Evn. tipkir, tipken 1; Neg. tipkēn 1; Ul. tukpe(n) 1;
Ork. tupke(n)/-kpen 1; Nan. tukpẽ 1; Orch. tipa 2, tippe 1; Ud. tikpe(n) 1;
Sol. tikkēsũ 1.
◊ ТМС 2,185-186. A suffixless form *tüpa is reflected in Oroch tipa ‘fingernail’(vs.
tippe ‘nail, peg’). TM > Dag. tibke- ‘to nail’, tibkēs ‘nail’ (Тод. Даг. 167).
PMong. *tuwra, *turuɣu 1 hoof 2 lower hard part of hoof (1 копыто
2 нижний край копыта): MMong. turu’un (HY 15), tar (IM) 1, turwun
(Lig.VMI), turu (MA); WMong. turuɣu, taura, tuɣurai 1; tuɣur(a) 2 (L
839); Kh. tūr, tūraj, turū 1; Bur. turū(n) 1; Kalm. turūn 1; tūr 2; Ord. tūrǟ
1; Dag. torō (Тод. Даг. 168) 1; S.-Yugh. turūn 1.
◊ KW 412, 413, MGCD 649. Cf. also tujila- ‘to hit with hooves, feet (of a horse)’.
PTurk. *tubńa-k hoof (копыто): Karakh. tujaɣ (MK), tujnaq (IM);
Tur. dujnak; Turkm. tojnaq; Sal. c’ɨnaɣ (ССЯ); MTurk. tuwaq (Sangl.,
Abush.), (MKypch.) tujaq (AH); Uzb. tujɔq; Uygh. tuwaq; Krm. tujaq;
Tat. tojaq; Bashk. tojaq; Kirgh. tujaq; Kaz. tujaq; KBalk. tujaq; KKalp. tu-
jaq, dojnaq (< Turkm.); Kum. tujaq; Nogh. tujaq; SUygh. tujaɣ, tɨjɨɣ; Khak.
tujɣax; Shr. tujɣaq; Oyr. tujɣaq; Tv. dujuɣ; Tof. duuɣ (Рас. ФиЛ), tujuɣ;
Yak. tuax; Dolg. tuńak.
◊ VEWT 499-500, EDT 519, Лексика 147, Федотов 2, 259-260, Stachowski 230. Chag.,
Uygh. tuwaq point to a labial *-b- in the stem, while Yak. -- and -j- in other languages - to
*-ń-: these reflexes can only be reconciled if we accept a cluster like *-bń- in the protoform
(perhaps a contraction < *tupi-nak or sim.).
PJpn. *túmái finger-nail, claw (ноготь, коготь): OJpn. tume; MJpn.
túmé; Tok. tsùme; Kyo. tsúmé; Kag. tsúme.
◊ JLTT 555. Cf. also OJ tubu-busi ( ~ -p-) ‘ankle’.
1446 *t῾re - *t῾uri
PKor. *tòph finger-nail, toe-nail (ноготь): MKor. thòp; Mod.
son-thop.
◊ Nam 459, KED 1708.
‖ EAS 98, Владимирцов 293, Poppe 66 (Turk.-Mong.), Martin 228,
АПиПЯЯ 96-97, 278, Лексика 147. Despite Doerfer’s (TMN 2, 647-648)
doubts, the Turk. form cannot be separated from the others, although it
shows a somewhat peculiar phonetic development. PJ *túmá- < *túpá-n-:
cf. also OJ tubunak(j)i ‘ankle’ ( = PT *tubńak, Evn. tuwnuke).
-t῾re straps for hanging: Tung. *türü; Turk. *terkü ( ~ -i-); Jpn. *túr-;
Kor. *trí-.
PTung. *türü straps (ремни, подвязки): Evk. tirī; Evn. tịrị; Man.
turu.
◊ ТМС 2, 187.
PTurk. *terkü ( ~ -i-) saddle straps (торока): Karakh. tergü (MK);
Tur. terki ῾rear saddlebow’; Az. tärk ῾place behind the saddle’; Turkm.
tirkiš; MTurk. terki (Pav. C.), (MKypch.) tergü (Houts.); Khak. tirgə; Shr.
terig; Oyr. terki; Tv. dergi; Chuv. türt ῾back, back side’, türt-ləx
‘чресседельник’; Yak. törgǖ.
◊ VEWT 475-476, EDT 544, TMN 2, 499-500. The stem is connected - in a somewhat
unclear fashion - with *tirke- ‘to hitch’ (derived from tiz- ‘to string’ in Хелимский 1986
and Дыбо 1995, 282 - but the latter should be properly reconstructed as *diŕ-, so this deri-
vation is by no means certain). External evidence suggests that *-i- is original here; the
vowel *-e- in *terkü may be due to the influence of *dēr-ke- ‘to gather; equip’ (see *dēr-).
PJpn. *túr- to hang (вешать, подвешивать): Tok. tsùr-; Kyo. tsúr-;
Kag. tsúr-.
◊ JLTT 775. The root should be distinguished from *túr- ‘to fish, angle’ (q.v. sub
*t῾bru).
PKor. *trí- to hang (висеть, вешать): MKor. trí-; Mod. tɨriu-.
◊ Nam 171, KED 526.
‖ The root seems reliable, although the vocalism is not quite certain:
see above the notes on variation *e/i in Turkic; Kor. -ɨ- is also unex-
pected.
-t῾uri ( ~ *t῾oro, -ŕ-) fish roe: Tung. *tiru-kse; Mong. *türi-sü.
PTung. *tiru-kse fish roe (икра): Evk. tirukse, tirēkse; Evn. tīs; Neg.
tise; Man. čerguwe, čerxuwe; Ork. tersu ‘нерестилище’.
◊ ТМС 2, 189. Sol., Ul. turse < Mong.
PMong. *türi-sü fish roe (икра): WMong. türisü(n) (L 855); Kh. türs;
Bur. tüŕhe(n); Kalm. türsn.
◊ KW 416.
‖ KW 416, Poppe 112. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; regarded as a loan
in Mong. from Tung. by Doerfer MT 47-48, which is rather dubious.
 *t῾ru - *t῾ŕe 1447

-t῾ru to hold, obstruct: Tung. *tūrī-; Mong. *tor-; Turk. *tɨrɨ-k; Jpn.
*tùtu-m-.
PTung. *tūrī- 1 to hold, support 2 support (n.) (1 удерживать, под-
пирать 2 опора): Evk. tūrī-n 1; Evn. tör- 1; Neg. tuju 2; Ul. turu-wen- 1;
Ork. toro-ŋolo- 1; Nan. turi-n-, turū- 1; Orch. turi- 1; Sol. ter 2.
◊ ТМС 2,220.
PMong. *tor- to get stuck, to be stopped, to become tangled in smth.
(натыкаться, задевать, запинаться, удерживаться на ч.-л.): WMong.
tor- (L 825); Kh. toro-; Bur. toro-.
PTurk. *tɨrɨ-k latch, obstruction (запор, засов): Tur. tɨrkaz; Az. tɨrɨG;
Tv. tɨrɨq; Tof. tɨrɨq.
◊ VEWT 479.
PJpn. *tùtu-m- to be hindered, blocked (натыкаться на препятст-
вие, задерживаться): OJpn. tutum-; MJpn. tùtum-.
◊ JLTT 776.
‖ Cf. *t῾ór(g)e ‘support, beam’ - a source of possible contaminations.
-t῾ŕe leg; knee: Tung. *türē-kse; Mong. *türej; Turk. *dīŕ; Kor. *tàrí.
PTung. *türē-(kse) boot-top (голенище): Evk. tirēkse; Neg. tijekse;
Man. ture; Ul. turekse; Ork. tureske; Nan. turekse; Orch. tijekse; Ud. tiehe.
◊ ТМС 2, 188.
PMong. *türej boot-top (голенище): WMong. türei, türüi (L 854);
Kh. türij; Bur. türī; Kalm. tür; Ord. türī; Dag. turī (Тод. Даг. 169), tur;
S.-Yugh. turē; Mongr. turī (SM 434), turē.
◊ KW 415, MGCD 660.
PTurk. *dīŕ (*dǖŕ) knee (колено): OTurk. tiz (Orkh.); Karakh. tizle-
(MK) ‘to press with one’s knees’; Tur. diz; Gag. diś; Az. diz; Turkm. dz;
Sal. tüzy, tizy; Khal. tīz; MTurk. diz (Pav. C., MA); Uzb. tiz; Uygh. tiz;
Krm. tɨz; Tat. tez; Bashk. teδ; Kirgh. tize; Kaz. tize; KBalk. tiz; KKalp. dize;
Kum. tiz; Nogh. tiz; SUygh. dɨz; Khak. təzek; Shr. tize (R., Верб.); Oyr.
tize; Tv. diskek; Tof. tiskek; Chuv. čər-puśśi; Yak. tühex.
◊ VEWT 482, EDT 570, ЭСТЯ 3, 336-337, Егоров 323, Лексика 284.
PKor. *tàrí leg (нога): MKor. tàrí; Mod. tari.
◊ Nam 129, KED 383.
‖ EAS 112, KW 415, Владимирцов 361, Poppe 112, Дыбо 6, Муд-
рак Дисс. 39, Лексика 286, Doerfer MT 69-70. Despite АПиПЯЯ 282,
Mongolian and Tungus forms should be still considered as genetically
related to PT *dŕ (*dīŕ), and the reconstruction must be changed ac-
cordingly. This is one of the few cases of secondary voicing in PT (be-
fore *ŕ, *r): the original voiceless reflex is preserved within the Com-
mon Turkic derivative *tir-sgek ‘elbow’ (Лексика 247-248) ( = TM
*türē-kse; the latter form, despite Rozycki 213, cannot be borrowed <
Mong.).
1448 *t῾ūŕi - *t῾t῾u
-t῾ūŕi to suffer, endure: Mong. *türü-; Turk. *döŕ-.
PMong. *türü- 1 to suffer, be in need 2 to torment (2 нуждаться,
страдать 2 огорчать): WMong. türü- 1, türege- 2 (KW); Kalm. tür- 1,
tür- 2.
◊ KW 415-416.
PTurk. *döŕ- to suffer, endure (терпеть, переносить, страдать):
Karakh. töz- (MK); Tur. döz- (dial.); Az. döz-; Turkm. döz-; MTurk. töz-
(MA, Pav. C.); Krm. töz-; Tat. tüz-; Bashk. tüδ-; Kaz. töz-; KBalk. töz-;
Nogh. töz-; SUygh. tüz-; Oyr. tüzünük ῾patient’.
◊ ЭСТЯ 3, 272-273, EDT 572. Turk. Bulg. > Hung. tür-, see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz
3, 1014 (Chuv. tüs- < Tat.).
‖ KW 416. A Turko-Mong. isogloss; in TM cf. perhaps Neg. tojkụ
‘death’, tojkụw- ῾to become ill (unexpectedly)’.
-t῾uŕ(k)u quick, swift: Tung. *tur-ku-; Mong. *tür(ge-n); Turk. *dɨŕ-.
PTung. *tur-ku- 1 to jump 2 to swoop (of a wind gust) (1 прыгать 2
налетать (о порыве ветра)): Evk. turku- 1; Ud. tuku- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 220.
PMong. *tür(ge-n) quick, swift (быстрый; кратковременный):
MMong. turgen (HY 52), turken (MA 359); WMong. tür, türgen (L 854,
855); Kh. tür, türgen; Bur. türge(n); Kalm. türgn; Ord. türgen; Dag.
turegun (MD 228); S.-Yugh. turgen.
◊ KW 416, MGCD 659. Mong. > Evk. turgen etc. (ТМС 2, 219, Doerfer MT 82, Rozycki
213); Yak., Dolg. türgen (Kał. MEJ 20, Stachowski 235).
PTurk. *dɨŕ- 1 to run away 2 to strive 3 to flounce, squib 4 to dash,
race 5 tumble-weed (1 убегать 2 стремиться, рваться 3 суетиться, ме-
таться 4 мчаться 5 перекати-поле): Az. dɨzɨx- 1; Turkm. dɨza- 2; Tat.
tɨz-bɨz kil- 3; Bashk. tɨzdap kit- 1; Kirgh. tɨz qoj- 4; Kaz. tɨzɨlda- 4; KKalp.
tɨzɨlda- 4; Nogh. tɨzban 5.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾t῾u a k. of ungulate: Tung. *tūte-; Turk. *Titir (~ -ɨ-); Kor. *tot(h).
PTung. *tūte- a 4-year-old elk (четырехгодовалый лось): Evk. tūte-
kēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 224. Attested only in Evk., but having probable Turk. and Mong. parallels.
PTurk. *Titir (~ -ɨ-) female camel (самка верблюда): OTurk. titir
(OUygh. - YB); Karakh. titir (MK); MTurk. titir (Houts.).
◊ VEWT 482, EDT 458-459.
PKor. *tot(h) pig (свинья): MKor. tot, toth.
◊ Nam 159, 161.
‖ In Turk. one has to accept secondary fronting (*titir < *tɨtɨr - if the
attested form is not actually tɨtɨr, just wrongly vocalized). It is also
tempting to compare OJ t(w)od(w)o, mod. todo ῾eared seal, Eumetopias
 *t῾bru - *t῾obú 1449

jubatus’ (for a very similar semantic relation cf. PA *tŋo), but the vo-
calism is not quite clear.
-t῾bru net, network: Tung. *turku-; Mong. *towr; Turk. *tor; Jpn. *túrí;
Kor. *tằràčhí.
PTung. *turku- to get caught (in a trap, net) (попадать в ловушку, в
сеть): Evk. turku-; Neg. tojkị-; Ul. tụčụ-; Ork. tụtụ-; Nan. tojqo-; Orch.
tokko-, tukku-; Sol. tụkkụt bi.
◊ ТМС 2, 220.
PMong. *towr net, cage (сеть, клетка): MMong. tor (IM), tur (MA);
WMong. tour (L 829); Kh. tor; Bur. tor; Kalm. tor; Ord. tor; Mog. tor;
S.-Yugh. tor; Mongr. tōr (SM 424).
◊ KW 401, MGCD 641.
PTurk. *tor net for catching birds or fish (сеть): OTurk. tor
(OUygh.); Karakh. tor (MK, KB); Tur. tor; Az. tor; Turkm. tor; Khal. tūr;
MTurk. tor (Abush., Sangl.) ‘net, hair net’; Uzb. tọr; Uygh. tor; Bashk.
tur; Kirgh. tor; Kaz. tor; KKalp. tor; Kum. tor.
◊ TMN 2, No 954, EDT 528, Лексика 419-420. The relationship to *duŕak ‘trap’ (ЭСТЯ
3, 289-290, Лексика 420-421) is not quite clear.
PJpn. *túr- fishing (with a rod, angle) (рыбная ловля): OJpn. tur- ῾to
fish’; MJpn. túrí; Tok. tsùri; Kyo. tsúrí; Kag. tsúri.
◊ JLTT 556. One has to suppose a rather natural semantic development: ‘to fish with
a net’ > ‘to fish (in general)’ > ‘to fish with a rod, to angle’.
PKor. *tằràčhí basket (корзина): MKor. tằràčhí; Mod. taräk:i.
◊ Nam 135, KED 382.
‖ KW 401. Mong. is not < Turk., despite TMN 2, 606-607, Щербак
1997, 158, Sukhebaatar.
-t῾obú ( ~ -p-,-i) fruit, cone: Tung. *tube-; Mong. *toɣur-; Turk. *Tobur-;
Jpn. *tumpu.
PTung. *tube- 1 fruit 2 berry 3 blue-berry (1 плод, фрукт 2 ягода 3
брусника, черника): Evk. tewukte 2; Evn. tъwtъ 2; Neg. tewu-kte 2; Man.
tubixe 1; SMan. ufəxi, uvəxī 1 (323); Jurch. tuwi-xe (525) 1; Ul. tuikte 3;
Nan. čuikte 3; Orch. čikte 3; Ud. teukte 3; Sol. tuwik 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 203, 225-226. TM > Dag. tubig ‘fruit’ (Тод. Даг. 169).
PMong. *toɣur- bud or calyx of a flower; cone (почка, чашечка
(цветка); шишка): WMong. toɣurčaɣ, toɣurčuɣ (L 817); Kh. tōrcog; Bur.
tōrsog; Kalm. tōrcəg.
◊ KW 405.
PTurk. *Tobur- (pine) cone (шишка; бутон): Tur. tomurǯuk; Gag.
tōmruq; Az. tumurǯuG; Krm. tomruq; Tat. tubɨrčɨq; Bashk. tubɨrsɨq; Kirgh.
toburčuq; Kum. tompur; Shr. torum ῾cedar cone’; Oyr. tōrčɨq; Tv. tōruq;
Tof. tōruq; Yak. tuorax.
1450 *t῾ògà - *t῾oge
◊ VEWT 482, Лексика 115, 121. The Siberian forms clearly point to *-b- (or *-g-);
other forms have been influenced by *top and *dom- / *tom- ‘round’ q. v. sub *t῾òp῾ú ,
*t῾mù. Turk. > Mong. (Kalm.) toburčag ‘acorn, cone’ (KW 404); see Poppe 47.
PJpn. *tumpu grain (зернышко): OJpn. tubi; MJpn. túbù; Tok. tsúbu;
Kyo. tsùbú; Kag. tsubú.
◊ JLTT 553. Modern dialects point rather to *tù(m)pú.
‖ The root tends to contaminate with *t῾òp῾ú ‘round’, but still seems
to be clearly distinct in all languages.
-t῾ògà ( ~ -u-) to see, beware: Tung. *tuga- (~ -b-); Mong. *toɣa-; Jpn.
*tàkù-.
PTung. *tuga- (~ -b-) 1 to see 2 to check 3 to beware (1 видеть 2 про-
верять 3 остерегаться): Evn. tewuŋči- 3; Man. tuwa- 1; SMan. tā- 1 (173);
Jurch. tonǯu-lar (804) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 203, 226.
PMong. *toɣa- 1 to pay attention, take into account 2 number, count
(1 обращать внимание на что-л., считаться с чем-л. 2 число, счет):
MMong. to’an (HY 44), to’a (SH) 2, to’a- ‘to count’ (SH), tula- ‘to count’,
tun 2 (MA 311, 316); WMong. toɣa-, toɣaɣa- (L 814) 1, toɣa(n) 2 (L 813);
Kh. tō- 1, tō 2; Bur. tō- 1, tō(n) 2; Kalm. tō- 1, tō 2; Ord. tō- 1, tō 2; Mog. toa
2 (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. tō 2 (Тод. Даг. 167, MD 226), tuāle ‘to count’
(MD 226) tōše- 1; Dong. tolu- ‘to count’ (Тод. Дн.); S.-Yugh. tūn 2;
Mongr. tō (SM 424) 2.
◊ KW 404, MGCD 636, TMN 1, 261. Mong. > Oyr. tō, Man. ton (see Doerfer MT 139,
Rozycki 211). A probable derivative is WMong. tuɣurbi- , Khalkha tūrvi-, Kalm. tūrwə- ‘to
compile, consider, plan’.
PJpn. *tàkù- to plan, consider (планировать, обдумывать): OJpn.
takum-; MJpn. tàkùm-; Tok. takurám-; Kyo. tákúrám-; Kag. tàkùràm-.
◊ JLTT 762.
‖ The etymology was first proposed in fact by Vullers 1855, but re-
jected by Doerfer (TMN 1, 263) without due discussion.
-t῾oge ( ~ -i) fire: Tung. *toga; Mong. *tüɣi-; Turk. *Tögen.
PTung. *toga fire (огонь): Evk. toɣo; Evn. toɣ; Neg. toɣo; Man. tuwa;
SMan. tuā (476); Jurch. towi (21); Ul. tawa; Ork. tawa; Nan. tao; Orch. tō;
Ud. tō; Sol. togo.
◊ ТМС 2, 190.
PMong. *tüɣi- 1 big fire 2 bonfire (1 пожар 2 костер): WMong.
tüimür 1 (L 851); tügüdeg 2 (L 850); Kh. tüjmer 1, tǖdeg 2; Bur. tüjmer 1,
tǖdeg 2; Kalm. tǖmr 1; Ord. tüjmer 1; Dag. tujmere (MD 227), tuimer,
tuimur 1; S.-Yugh. tǖmer 1.
◊ KW 418, MGCD 657.
 *t῾ògì - *t῾oje 1451

PTurk. *Tögen 1 brand 2 tinder (1 головня 2 трут): Karakh. tögün

(MK) 1; Tur. (Osm.) dögün ‘tattoo’; MTurk. tögen (Abush., Sangl.) 1;
Oyr. töön 2; Tv. dȫn ‘wick’; Yak. tüön 2.
◊ EDT 484. Turk. > WMong. tögene, Khalkha tȫn, Kalm. tȫnə, Dag. tuən ‘cauterization’
(L 832, KW 408, MGCD 643).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾ògì span: Tung. *togar; Mong. *töɣe; Jpn. *tùkà.
PTung. *togar big span (большая пядь): Evk. toɣor; Evn. toɣr; Neg.
toɣoj; Man. tō; Ul. tawali; Nan. tawar; Orch. tō; Ud. tō.
◊ ТМС 2, 190-191. Manchu tō, because of the absence of -r, may be actually < Mong.
(see Rozycki 200), but borrowing is impossible for most other forms.
PMong. *töɣe big span (большая пядь): MMong. tūhē (IM);
WMong. töɣe (L 832); Kh. tȫ; Bur. tȫ; Kalm. tȫ; Ord. tȫ; Dag. tuē; Bao. tɛ;
S.-Yugh. tǖ.
◊ KW 408, MGCD 643.
PJpn. *tùkà width of 4 fingers (ширина в 4 пальца): OJpn. tuka;
MJpn. tùká.
◊ JLTT 554.
‖ KW 408, Poppe 60, Rozycki 200.
-t῾gsu to run; hare: Tung. *tuksa-; Mong. *togsi-; Turk. *togus- (?); Kor.
*thóskí.
PTung. *tuksa- 1 to run 2 hare (1 бежать 2 заяц): Evk. tuksa- 1,
tuksa-kī 2; Evn. ts- 1; Neg. toksa- 1, toksak 2; Man. toqsaqa ‘bastard’; Ul.
toqsa 2; Ork. tụqsa- 1, tụqsa 2; Nan. toqsa 2; Orch. tuksan 2; Ud. tukeä- 1,
tuksa 2; Sol. tụkčān- ‘jump, leap’, tụtčaxi, tụrčaxi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 208.
PMong. *togsi- to run away jumping (of antelope etc.) (убегать,
подпрыгивая (об антилопе и т. п.)): WMong. togsi- (L 815); Kh. togši-;
Ord. doGši-.
PTurk. *togus- (?) to jump (скакать): Turkm. tovus-; Chuv. (Bulgar)
doxs ‘(year of) mouse’.
PKor. *thóskí hare (заяц): MKor. thóskí; Mod. thok:i.
◊ Nam 459, KED 1705.
‖ In Turkic languages the root may have been partially contami-
nated with a synonymic *t῾ḕbà ‘run’ (q.v.) (PT *tabɨĺgan ‘hare’); but the
traces of PT *togus are still clearly visible.
-t῾oje ( ~ t῾ajo, t῾ujo) to sound, noise: Mong. *tüji-; Turk. *tōj-; Jpn.
*təjə-.
PMong. *tüji- 1 to be excited, alarmed 2 to sound, make a noise (1
возбуждаться, тревожиться 2 звучать, шуметь): WMong. tüibe-,
düibe- 1, düibed- 2 (L 279, 851); Kh. tüjve-, düjve- 1; Bur. tujer- 2; Kalm.
tǖwdə- 1 (КРС).
1452 *t῾kè - *t῾ŏk῾ù
PTurk. *tōj- to sing (петь): Tur. tujuq (Osm.); MTurk. tujuq ‘a verse
metre’; Uygh. tujuq ‘rhymed verse’; Yak. tuoj- ‘to sing, chant’, tojuk ‘im-
provised song’.
◊ EDT 568.
PJpn. *təjə- to sound, hum, howl (звучать, ворчать, выть): OJpn. to-
jom-, tojok-; MJpn. tojom-; Tok. toyom-, doyom-.
◊ JLTT 681.
‖ Ozawa 253-254. An expressive root.
-t῾kè root, edible root: Tung. *tuKala / -ra; Mong. *tögüčeg; Turk. *Tök;
Jpn. *tkərə.
PTung. *tuKala / -ra wild onion, Lilienzwiebel (дикий лук, сарана):
Evk. tukala; Evn. tökъr; Neg. toxoj; Man. tuḱa(n) da; Orch. tokoi.
◊ ТМС 2, 207.
PMong. *tögüčeg root, root of grass (корень, корень травы, пень):
WMong. tögüčeg (L 832); Kh. tögcög; Bur. tügseg ‘stump’.
PTurk. *Tök tree stump (пень): Khak. tökpes; Shr. tögeš; Tv. töš.
◊ VEWT 493, 495.
PJpn. *tkərə yam (ямс): OJpn. tokoro; MJpn. tòkòrə / tòkóro; Tok. to-
koro.
‖ The TM word is usually considered to be borrowed < Samoyed.;
this seems somewhat dubious because the Samoyed. (Selk. togɨl, Kam.
tuɣul, see UEW 451-452) words point not to *-ŋ- ( < Ural. *suŋV-lV), but
rather to *-k-, and thus may themselves be borrowed < TM.
-t῾ṓk῾i ( ~ -k-, -e) to lie, deceive: Mong. *togla-; Turk. *Tȫkün.
PMong. *togla- to play, frolic, gambol (играть, забавляться, шу-
тить): WMong. toɣla- (L 814); Kh. toglo-; Bur. toglo-; Kalm. togĺ- ‘to play
jumping’ (КРС); Ord. toGlo-.
PTurk. *Tȫkün lie, archness (ложь, лукавство): Karakh. tögün
(ПДП 433 - KBW, R 3, 1245 - KB); Tat. (КСТТ) tügün, tügen; Kirgh.
tögün; Khak. tügen ‘a voodoo way of curing’ (arch.); Shr. tögün; Oyr.
tögün; Chuv. tuga tu- ‘to conjure’, togatmъš ‘sorcerer’; Yak. tüökün,
tüökej; Dolg. tüökün.
◊ VEWT 493, Stachowski 235, Ашм. XIV, 106, 107.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. also WMong. toquɣu, Khalkha toxū
῾joke, jest’, possibly derived from the same root and pointing to PA
*-k῾-. Not quite clear is the relationship to some scattered TM forms:
Man. taqda- ῾to praise, be surprised at’, Evk. takā- ῾to lie’.
-t῾ŏk῾ù buckle, button: Tung. *toxan; Turk. *toku; Jpn. *tuku.
PTung. *toxan button, buckle (пуговица, пряжка): Neg. toxon;
Man. toχon; Ul. toχo(n); Ork. toqo, toχo(n); Nan. toχõ; Ud. toho.
◊ ТМС 2, 192. The variant toqo in Orok is unclear (some old interdialectal loan?).
 *t῾ók῾ù - *t῾ók῾ù 1453

PTurk. *toku buckle (пуговица, пряжка): Karakh. toqu (MK); Tur.

toka; Gag. toqa; Az. toGGa; Turkm. toqa; MTurk. toqqa (Sangl.); Uzb. tọqa;
Kaz. toɣa; KKalp. doɣa, toɣa; Kum. toɣa; Oyr. toɣo (dial. Leb.); Chuv.
tъₙɣa.
◊ VEWT 485, EDT 466-467, TMN 2, 525.
PJpn. *tuku a device on bow to fix the arrow (приспособление на
луке для фиксации стрелы): MJpn. tuku.
‖ Дыбо 15. The word may be in fact identical (or derived from)
*t῾ok῾V ‘curved’ q. v. Doerfer (TMN 2, 526) tries to dismiss the
Turk.-Tung. match for reasons historical (the Manchu forms means
“Chinese button”—but in fact it means “metallic button in general”),
semantic — “Knopf!”(?) — and phonetic (“das -n” - but -n is a very fre-
quent TM suffix). The obvious semantic development in TM seems to
have been “buckle” > “button”.
-t῾ók῾ù ( ~ -k-) to hit, knock, beat: Tung. *tokta-; Mong. *togsi-; Turk.
*tokɨ-; Jpn. *túk-; Kor. *thí-.
PTung. *tokta- 1 to hit, knock 2 to chop 3 sound of knocking (1 ко-
лотить 2 рубить 3 стук): Evk. tokto- 1,2; Evn. towta- 1,2; Neg. tokto- 2;
Man. toq seme 3; Ul. tụqtụri- 1; Nan. tokto- 2; Orch. tokto- 1; Ud. tokto- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 193.
PMong. *togsi- to strike, beat (бить, ударять): WMong. toɣsi- (L
814); Kh. togši-; Bur. togšo-; Kalm. tokšə-; Dag. tokšōr ‘hammer’ (Тод.
Даг. 167).
◊ KW 398.
PTurk. *tokɨ- 1 to hit, knock, strike 2 mallet (1 бить, ударять 2 мо-
лот 3 трогать, касаться): OTurk. toqɨ- 1 (Orkh., OUygh.), toqɨmaq 2
(OUygh.); Karakh. toqɨ- 1 (MK, KB), toqɨmaq 2 (MK, IM); Tur. tokuš- 1,
doku- 1 (dial.), dokun- 3, tokmak 2; Gag. doqun- 3, toqmaq 2; Az. toGGuš- 1,
toxun- 3, toχmaG 2; Turkm. toqmaq 2; Sal. toxmax 2 (ССЯ); Khal. toqu- 1,
toqun- 3, toqmaq 2; MTurk. toqun- 3 (Pav. C.), toqmaq 2 (Sangl.); Uzb.
tọqin- 3, tọqmɔq; Uygh. toqun- 3; Krm. toqɨš- ‘to clink (glasses)’, toqɨn- 3,
toqmaq 2; Tat. tuqɨ- 1, tuqɨn- 3, tuqmaq 2; Bashk. tuqɨlda- 1, tuqmaq 2;
Kirgh. toqmoq 2; Kaz. toqɨl-da- 1, toqpaq 2; KBalk. toqmaq 2; KKalp.
toqɨlda- 1, toqpaq 2; Kum. toqala- 1, toqmaq 2; Nogh. toqpaq 2; Khak. toɣas-
‘to hit upon > meet’, toxpax 2; Shr. toɣaš- ‘to meet’; Oyr. toqul-da- 1, to-
qpoq 2; Tv. toqqu-la- 1, tonur- 3 (< dhon-ur-), doqpaq 2.
◊ VEWT 484-485, TMN 2, 629, EDT 467, 470, ЭСТЯ 3, 253-254, 256-257. The variants
with *d- may be archaic, see below.
PJpn. *túk- to hit, strike, beat (бить, колотить, ударять): OJpn. tuk-;
MJpn. túk-; Tok. tsùk-; Kyo. tsúk-; Kag. tsúk-.
◊ Homonymous with *túk- ‘to poke, thrust’, but written differently and probably dif-
ferent etymologically.
1454 *t῾ŏk῾V - *t῾ṑle
PKor. *thí- to hit, strike, beat (бить, ударять): MKor. thí-; Mod. čhi-.
◊ Nam 460, KED 1654.
‖ KW 398. There may have existed an expressive variant with *t- (cf.
some Turkic forms, Mong. doki-ɣur ‘drumstick’, doki- ‘to hit, knock
down’ (KW 93), Evk. (May.) dokto- ‘to hit, chop’); see Дыбо 13. The root
is of course expressive (see TMN 2, 460), but seems reconstructable for
PA, and distinguishable from *tùgi ‘to pound’.
-t῾ŏk῾V curved: Tung. *tox-; Mong. *tokir; Turk. *Tok-.
PTung. *tox- 1 wheel, hoop 2 to go round, turn round 3 curved, bent
(1 колесо, обод 2 кружиться, вертеться 3 кривой, изогнутый): Evk.
tokor- 2, tokčika- 3; Neg. toxoj- 2, tokčoka 3; Man. toχoro 1; Ork. tōrolị- ‘to
grind’; Nan. toxoriqõ ‘pulley’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 192.
PMong. *tokir curved, bent (кривой, согнутый): WMong. tokir (L
820); Kh. toxir; Bur. toxir; Kalm. tokr ‘искалеченный, вывихнутый’.
◊ KW 398. Also Mong. takir id.
PTurk. *Tokum wheel hoop (обод колеса): Uzb. tọɣin; Tat. tuɣɨm
(dial. d-); Bashk. tuɣɨn, dial. duɣɨn; Kaz. toɣɨn 1; KBalk. toχun 1; KKalp.
toɣɨn 1; Nogh. toɣɨn 1; Chuv. togъn.
◊ VEWT 483, 485, ЭСТЯ 8, Егоров 2256, Федотов 2, 242.
‖ ТМС 2, 192. A Western isogloss. Cf. *t῾ok῾u and *t῾k῾V (see also
notes under *tegá). Despite Poppe 1972, 96, 100, Doerfer MT 69, TM is
not borrowed from Mong.
-t῾ṑle deep water, tide: Tung. *tōlg-; Mong. *tülki-; Turk. *tolku-; Jpn.
*tərə; Kor. *tór.
PTung. *tōlg- 1 deep place close to the bank 2 whirlpool 3 backwa-
ter (1 улово, глубокое место у берега 2 водоворот 3 заводь): Evk.
tōlgā 1, dial. tōlgān 2; Evn. tōlgu 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 194.
PMong. *tülki- rising tide (прилив): WMong. tülkige(n) (L 852); Kh.
tülxē(n).
PTurk. *tolku- 1 to beat (of waves) 2 wave(s) (1 бить (о волнах) 2
волна, волны): Turkm. tolqɨn 2; MTurk. tolqun- 1; Kaz. tolqu- 1; KBalk.
tolqan 2.
◊ VEWT 487. The root is attested late (unless a somewhat uncertain OT (MK) tolɣaɣ
‘snowstorm’ (see EDT 496) belongs here), but is difficult to explain as a loan from Mong.
dolgijan ‘wave’ - with which it probably has nothing in common.
PJpn. *tərə backwater, deep water (заводь, омут): Tok. toro.
PKor. *tór ditch (канава): MKor. tór; Mod. toraŋ.
◊ Nam 159, KED 463.
 *t῾olu - *t῾ṑlu 1455

‖ The root should be distinguished from *dla ‘wave, deep place’,

*čalu ‘sea, to overflow’ - although some contaminations were possible,
especially in the Kor.-Jpn. area.
-t῾olu to pierce, skewer: Tung. *tule-; Jpn. *tura-nuk-; Kor. *tằr(b)-.
PTung. *tule- to skewer; to set up (насадить (на что-л.); наладить,
насторожить): Evk. tule-; Evn. tul-; Neg. tule-; Ul. tule-; Ork. tule-; Nan.
tule-; Orch. tule-; Ud. tule-; Sol. tulu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 212.
PJpn. *tura-nuk- to pierce (протыкать): OJpn. tura-nuk-; MJpn.
túrá-nuk-; Tok. tsuranúk-; Kyo. tsùrànùk-; Kag. tsuranúk-.
◊ JLTT 775. Original accent is unclear.
PKor. *tằr(b)- to pierce (протыкать): MKor. tằr’ó-, tằrp-, trp-; Mod.
t:ɨl- [t:ɨlh-].
◊ Nam 141, 142, Liu 254, KED 510.
‖ Martin 1996, 109. An Eastern isogloss.
-t῾ṑlu head: Tung. *tōl-po-; Mong. *tolugai; Turk. *tul(g)uŋ; Kor. *tằikòr.
PTung. *tōl-po- sinciput, top of head (темя, макушка): Ork.
tolpomụ; Nan. tōrpoã.
◊ ТМС 2, 217. This Nan.-Orok root has certainly nothing to do with TM *tumŋu- (v.
sub *t῾ŭmu).
PMong. *tolugai head (голова): WMong. toluɣai (L 822); Kh. tolgoj;
Bur. tolgoj; Kalm. tolɣǟ, tolɣā; Ord. toloGȫ; S.-Yugh. toloɣuj; Mongr.
torGw (SM 424), (MGCD tolGui).
◊ KW 399, MGCD 639.
PTurk. *tul(g)uŋ 1 temple 2 plait (1 висок, 2 коса): OTurk. tuluŋ
(OUygh.) 1; Karakh. tuluŋ/n 1 (MK), tulun (IM); Tur. tulun 1; Turkm.
duluq ‘cheek’ (?); MTurk. tulɣum 1 (Vam.), (MKypch.) tulum 2 (CCum.,
Houts.), tuluŋ 1 (AH; Tat. tolɨm 2; Bashk. tolom 2; Kirgh. tulum 2; Kaz.
tulɨm; KKalp. tulɨm; Kum. tulum 1 (dial.); Nogh. tulɨm; SUygh. tulɨn 2
(ЯЖУ); Khak. tuluŋ 2; Shr. tuluŋ 2; Oyr. tuluŋ 2; Chuv. tъlъm ‘a tuft of
wool left after shearing sheep’.
◊ VEWT 498, EDT 501, ДТС 585, Лексика 203-204. The Turkm. form is not quite
clear: it has an aberrant (although semantically not very remote) meaning, suffix and
voiced d-.
PKor. *tằikòr forehead (лоб): MKor. tằikòr; Mod. täguri.
◊ Nam 147, Liu 188.
‖ Лексика 204. The Kor. word may be analysed as “bald”+”brain”
(see *t῾eŕo and *kèĺo), so it may be necessary to remove it from the
etymology (although a folk-etymological reanalysis was certainly pos-
sible); if not, the PA reconstruction should rather be corrected to *t ῾ōjlu.
1456 *t῾ṑlV - *t῾ōĺi
-t῾ṑlV to prop, push: Tung. *tōlga-; Mong. *tula-; Turk. *Tol-.
PTung. *tōlga- 1 to stop 2 to collide (1 останавливаться 2 сталки-
ваться): Evk. tōlga- 1; Ork. toldoqpịn- 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 194. TM > Dag. tōlgā- (Тод. Даг. 167).
PMong. *tula- to prop, lean on (опираться, поддерживать):
MMong. tulxa (HY 17) ‘staff’; WMong. tula- (L 840: tul-); Kh. tula-; Bur.
tula-; Kalm. tul-; Ord. tul-; Dag. tolu-, (Тод. Даг. 168), tole- (MD 225),
tolo-; Dong. tulu-; S.-Yugh. tulu-; Mongr. tuli- (SM 430), tulə-.
◊ KW 409, MGCD 651. The Mong. causative tulɣa- > Evk. tulgu-, see Poppe 1972, 97,
ТМС 2, 210.
PTurk. *Tol- to push, collide (сталкиваться, пихать): OTurk. tul-
(OUygh.); Karakh. tul- 1, (caus.) tuldur- (MK); Sal. tōla- ‘разгребать
ногами’; Uygh. (dial.) tola- ‘to wave, shake’ (УЯ); Bashk. tula- ‘to kick’;
KKalp. tolarsaq 2; Yak. toluɣurā- ‘to dangle freely inside an empty
space’.
◊ EDT 491, 495, 501. Derived is probably *Tolarsuk ‘knee or heel joint, sinew’ (VEWT
480, 486, ЭСТЯ 8: OT (MK) tolarsuq, Yak. tolunńaŋ (< *tolu-n-čaŋ-), Kirgh. tolorsuk, Bashk.
tularhɨq, KKalp. tolarsaq; Kaz. tilersek, influenced by tirsek ‘knee’).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-t῾ólV ( ~ -ĺ-) bridge, crossing: Tung. *tul-; Kor. *tằrì.
PTung. *tul- 1 to wade 2 to cross (a mountain ridge) (1 переходить
(по дереву поперек ручья) 2 переехать, перевалить (горный хре-
бет)): Evk. tuldun- 2; Ork. tolo- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 195, 210.
PKor. *tằrì bridge (мост): MKor. tằrì; Mod. tari.
◊ Nam 135, KED 383.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-t῾ōĺi ( ~ -e) breast: Tung. *tulu; Turk. *dȫĺ.
PTung. *tulu ( ~ ü) horse’s breast (грудь (у лошади)): Man. tulu.
◊ ТМС 2, 211.
PTurk. *dȫĺ breast (грудь): OTurk. töš (OUygh.); Karakh. töš (MK,
IM); Tur. döš; Az. döš; Turkm. dȫš; MTurk. töš (Pav. C., MKypch. -
CCum., AH); Uzb. tọš; Uygh. töš; Krm. töš; Tat. tüš; Bashk. tüš; Kirgh.
töš; Kaz. tös; KBalk. töš; KKalp. tös; Kum. töš; Nogh. tös; SUygh. tös;
Khak. tös; Shr. töš; Oyr. töš; Tv. töš, Todzh. döš; Tof. döš; Chuv. čül-lək
‘супонь’; Yak. tüös; Dolg. tüös.
◊ VEWT 495, TMN 2, 615, EDT 558, ЭСТЯ 3, 286-287, Егоров 326, Лексика 271-272,
Stachowski 235.
‖ A somewhat dubious Turk.-Tung. isogloss (with a secondary
voicing *t- > d-), see Лексика 272.
 *t῾ome - *t῾mù 1457

-t῾ome a k. of board: Tung. *tomka-n; Turk. *Tomar; Jpn. *tm (~-muà);

Kor. *tòmá.
PTung. *tomka-n boat made of planks (дощатая лодка): Evk. tom-
kon ; Evn. tȫmkin ‘oar’.
◊ ТМС 2, 196, 201.
PTurk. *Tomar 1 block, log 2 to hack, hew 3 to break off, chip off (1
кусок дерева, чурбан, бревно 2 рубить, обрубать 3 отламывать, от-
калывать): Karakh. tomrum 1 (MK), tomur- 2; Tur. tomruk 1; MTurk.
(MKypch.) tumar (AH) 1; Krm. tomruq 1; Tat. tumar, tumran 1; Bashk.
tumɨr- 2; Kirgh. tomur- 3; Kaz. tomar 1; KBalk. tomuraw 1, tomur- 2;
KKalp. tomar 1; Oyr. tomur- 2; Tv. domur- 3.
◊ VEWT 499, EDT 509. The root should be distinguished from *dom- / *tom- ‘round’
(v. sub *t῾mù). Turk. > Mong. (KW 400) tomuraɣu, Kalm. tomrūn ‘rough, loutish’.
PJpn. *tm (~-muà) stern (корма): OJpn. tom(w)o; MJpn. tòmò; Tok.
tomó, tómo; Kyo. tómò; Kag. tómo.
◊ JLTT 549. The Tokyo variant tómo and Kagoshima tómo are quite irregular tonally.
PKor. *tòmá wooden board (for chopping meat), wooden table (де-
ревянная доска (для рубки мяса), деревянный стол): MKor. tòmá;
Mod. toma.
◊ Nam 157, KED 465.
‖ Accent correspondences between Kor. and Jpn. are irregular: cf.,
however, the irregularity in Jpn. dialects (especially Kagoshima tómò,
pointing to original high tone in the first syllable).
-t῾mù to spin, round: Tung. *tomka-; Mong. *tomu-; Turk. *tom-; Jpn.
*tùmù.
PTung. *tomka- 1 to spin 2 thread (1 сучить (нитки) 2 нитка): Evk.
tomko- 1; Evn. tomko- 1; Neg. tomko- 2; Man. toŋGo 1; Jurch. to-ŋo (250) 1;
Ul. toŋpị- 1; Ork. toqpo- 1; Nan. tompo- 1; Orch. tompo- 1; Ud. tompo- 1;
Sol. toŋxo- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 196. Cf. also *tumu- ‘to spin’ (ТМС 2, 212).
PMong. *tomu- 1 to spin 2 spheric, convex (1 прясть, крутить 2 ша-
рообразный, выпуклый): MMong. tuma- (MA 340); WMong. tomu-,
tamu- (L 776) 1, tombai, tömbei 2; Kh. tom- 1, tombogor, tömbögör 2; Bur.
tomo- 1; Kalm. tom-; Dong. tomu-; Bao. toməl-; S.-Yugh. tumu-; Mongr.
tomu-.
◊ KW 399, MGCD 410.
PTurk. *tom- 1 round, convex 2 ball, smth. round 3 somersault 4
thick, bulging 5 to swell (1 круглый, выпуклый 2 шарик, кольцо 3 ку-
вырком 4 толстый, пухлый 5 пухнуть, вздуваться): Tur. tomak 2; Gag.
tombarlaq 1; Az. tombul 4, dombalaG 3; Turkm. tommaq ‘knob, round end
of stick’, dommar- / tommar- 5; Sal. tombɨx ‘blunt’ (Тен.ССЯ); Uzb. tọmtɔq
‘stump, blunt’; Krm. tomalaq 1; Bashk. tomraj- (dial.) 5; Kirgh. tompoq 1;
1458 *t῾oŋe - *t῾oŋerV
Kaz. tompaq 1; KBalk. tomalaq 1; KKalp. dumalaq 1, tompaq 4, tompaj- 5;
Kum. tompaj- 5, tomaq ‘blunt’; Nogh. tompaq 1; Khak. tomɨr, tombɨr
‘blunt’; Chuv. tъₙmat ‘stubby’; Yak. tomtorɣo ‘ring-formed ornament’.
◊ VEWT 487, ЭСТЯ 3, 261-262. Variants with *d- in Oghuz are most probably expres-
sive (or reflect a secondary assimilation *dom-ba- < *tom-ba-).
PJpn. *tùmù 1 spindle 2 to spin (1 веретено 2 прясть): OJpn. tu-
mugji ‘spun cloth’; MJpn. tumu 1, tùmùg- 2; Tok. tsumu, tsumúg-; Kyo.
tsúmúg-; Kag. tsùmùg-.
◊ JLTT 556, 775.
‖ EAS 50, KW 399, Poppe 14, 68, Ozawa 261-262. Despite Doerfer
MT 27, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-t῾oŋe ( ~ -i) to bow, bend Tung. *toŋ-; Mong. *toŋguji-; Turk. *töŋ-; Kor.
*tòŋkái (?).
PTung. *toŋ- 1 to bend (a branch) 2 cradle’s bow 3 cylindric vessel
(1 нагибать (ветку) 2 дуга люльки 3 сосуд цилиндрической формы):
Evk. toŋo- 1; Man. tuŋgi ‘a k. of bow’; Nan. toŋmã 2; Ud. tuŋʒa῾ 3 (Корм.
297).
◊ ТМС 2, 197, 215.
PMong. *toŋguji- to bend, bow (наклоняться, сгибаться): WMong.
toŋɣuji- (L 824); Kh. toŋgoj-; Bur. toŋgoj-; Kalm. toŋgǟ-; Ord. toŋGȫ-; Dag.
toŋgoi- (Тод. Даг. 168); S.-Yugh. toŋGō-; Mongr. toŋGoi-.
◊ KW 400, MGCD 640. Mong. > Kaz. toŋkaj- etc. (VEWT 488).
PTurk. *töŋ- to bow (наклонять): OTurk. töŋit- (~-ü-) (OUygh.);
Karakh. töŋit- (MK, KB); Turkm. tüŋŋi ‘bent’; Tat. tüŋ- ‘to be toppled,
turn upside down’; Khak. töŋnüg ‘convex’; Oyr. töŋkök ‘convex’; Yak.
töŋköi-.
◊ VEWT 494, EDT 517, ЭСТЯ 3, 279-281.
PKor. *tòŋkái quiver (колчан): MKor. tòŋkái; Mod. toŋgä.
◊ Nam 232, KED 486.
‖ Despite Doerfer MT 82, hardly borrowed in TM from Mong. The
Kor. reflex is questionable, but cf. some semantic developments in TM.
-t῾oŋerV a k. of foliage tree: Tung. *tuŋde (~-r-); Mong. *towrai; Turk.
*To(ŋ)gurak; Jpn. *təniari-.
PTung. *tuŋde (~-r-) willow (ива, тальник): Ul. tuŋde; Ork. tuŋde;
Nan. tuŋde; Orch. tuŋde; Ud. tuŋde.
◊ ТМС 2, 215.
PMong. *towrai a k. of poplar (тополь разнолистный): WMong.
touraj; Kh. tōroj; Kalm. tōrǟ, tōrā.
◊ KW 405.
PTurk. *To(ŋ)gurak 1 poplar 2 willow (1 тополь 2 ива): OTurk.
toɣraq (OUygh. - YB) 1; Karakh. toɣraq (MK) 1; Tur. doranɨ 2 (dial.); Az.
daraŋɣɨ 1 (dial.); Turkm. toGaraq 1, toraŋŋɨ 2; MTurk. turaq (Pav. C.) 1,
 *t῾òŋké - *t῾op῾u 1459

turunqu 2 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. turaŋɣi 1; Uygh. toɣraq 1; Kirgh. tōraq 1; Kaz.
toraŋɣɨ 2; SUygh. torɣaq 1.
◊ VEWT 484, EDT 472. Not quite clear is the relationship to the isolated Tur. toz ‘pop-
lar’.
PJpn. *təniari- ash-tree (ясень): MJpn. tònèríko; Tok. toneriko, ton-
eriko.
◊ JLTT 550.
‖ KW 405.
-t῾òŋké round: Tung. *toŋal-; Mong. *tüŋke- / *tüŋge-; Jpn. *tnkúr;
Kor. *tonkor-.
PTung. *toŋal- 1 round 2 smth. round (1 круглый 2 круг, нечто
круглое): Evk. toŋollo 2; Evn. toŋlr 2; Neg. toŋgulikin 1; Ork. toŋGolto
‘loop’; Nan. toŋgokpịã 1; Orch. tuŋepke ‘ring’.
◊ ТМС 2, 198. Evk. > Dolg. toŋoldo (Stachowski 226).
PMong. *tüŋke- / *tüŋge- 1 to be bulgy, bloated or inflated 2 small
bag, sack (1 быть надутым, мешковатым 2 мешочек): WMong.
tüŋgürčeg 2, tüŋgüi- 1 (L 853: tüŋkerčeg, tüŋkeji-); Kh. tüŋgerceg 2; Kalm.
tüŋgrcəg 2, tüŋg- 1; Ord. tüŋgerčik ‘potbelly’; tüŋgī- 1.
◊ KW 415. Mong. > Khak. tüŋürǯek etc. (VEWT 505).
PJpn. *tnkúr coil (of a rope, snake) (виток, кольцо (веревки,
змеи)): MJpn. toguro; Tok. tòguro, toguró; Kyo. tògùró; Kag. toguró.
PKor. *tonkor- round (круглый): MKor. toŋkori-; Mod. tuŋgɨl-,
toŋgɨl-.
◊ Nam 161, KED 487, 511.
‖ Cf. *tegá.
-t῾ŋta ( ~ -u-) straight: Tung. *toŋda; Mong. *toda-; Jpn. *tàntà-.
PTung. *toŋda straight, honest, true (прямой, справедливый, чест-
ный): Evk. toŋno; Neg. toŋno; Man. tondo; SMan. tondə (2376, 2484);
Jurch. toŋ-do (407); Ul. toŋdo; Ork. toŋdo; Nan. toŋdo; Orch. toŋno(n); Ud.
tōŋdo; Sol. tondōxõ.
◊ ТМС 2, 197-198. Man. > Dag. tondo (Тод. Даг. 168).
PMong. *toda clear, distinct (ясный, четкий): WMong. toda, todu (L
812); Kh. tod; Bur. todo; Kalm. todə; Ord. todo.
◊ KW 396.
PJpn. *tàntà- straight, correct (прямой, правильный): OJpn. tada-si;
MJpn. tàdà-si; Tok. tadashí-; Kyo. tádáshì-; Kag. tadashí-.
◊ JLTT 841.
‖ Ozawa 22-23.
-t῾op῾u knee, knee cap: Tung. *top(V)g-; Mong. *tojig, *tuwkai; Turk.
*topɨk; Jpn. *tu(m)pu-.
PTung. *top(V)g- knee (колено): Evk. tuwnuke, tuɣunuke ‘ankle
bone’; Man. tobǵa; SMan. ovia, ovəǵā (136).
1460 *t῾òp῾ú - *t῾òp῾ú
◊ ТМС 2, 189, 204.
PMong. *tojig, *tuwkai 1 knee 2 huckle-bone (of animals) (1 колено
2 лодыжка (животных)): WMong. tojiɣ 1 (L 819), tuuqai 2 (L 847); Kh.
tojg 1, tūxaj 2; Bur. tojn 1; Kalm. tȫg 1; Ord. toög ‘patella’, tūxǟ ‘положе-
ние игральной кости, которое называется mori’; Dag. twalčig, (Тод.
Даг. 168) tuarečihe (MD 227), tolčig, twalčig ( < *tuɣalčig) 1.
◊ KW 408, MGCD 639. Cf. also (for the Daghur form) WMong. tobčilaɣur, Khalkha
tovčlūr ‘clavicle’, Kalm. topčəlūr ‘das Schlüsselbein; das Vorderblatt des Pferdes’ (KW 401)
- probably a secondary contamination with tobčila-ɣur ῾buckle, clasp’, a derivative of
tobčila- ῾to buckle’. MMong. (HY) tobux ‘knee cap’ may be a Turkism (see Щербак 1997,
157).
PTurk. *topɨk 1 knee cap 2 knee 3 ankle-bone (1 коленная чашечка
2 колено 3 лодыжка): OTurk. topɨq 3 (OUygh.); Karakh. topɨq 3 (MK), 1
(KB, IM); Tur. topuk 3; Gag. topuq 3; Az. topuG 3; Turkm. topuq 3;
MTurk. (MKypch.) topuq (Houts., AH) 3; Uzb. tọpiq 3; Uygh. topuq 3;
Krm. tobuq 3; Tat. tubɨq 1; Bashk. tubɨq 1; Kirgh. topuq, tomuq 1, 3; Kaz.
tobɨq 1, 3; KBalk. tobuq 2; KKalp. tobɨq 3; Kum. tobuq 2; Nogh. tobɨq 1, 3;
SUygh. tōq 1; Khak. tomɨx 1, 3; Oyr. topuq, tomuq 1, 3; Tv. dowuq 1; Tof.
to’puq 1; Yak. tobuk 2; Dolg. tobuk 2.
◊ VEWT 489, EDT 437-8, Лексика 286, Stachowski 224. Both Räsänen and Clauson
derive this word from PT *top ‘pellet, round thing’, but this is not likely because of exter-
nal evidence.
PJpn. *tu(m)pu- knee (колено):
◊ JLTT 553. A Ryukyu root: cf. Nase čìbùší, Hateruma supùšìN etc.
‖ KW 408, Владимирцов 271, Poppe 14, 49, АПиПЯЯ 110, 279, Ды-
бо 6, Лексика 286.
-t῾òp῾ú round: Tung. *tup-; Mong. *tob-; Turk. *top; Jpn. *tùmpú-ra.
PTung. *tup- 1 excrescence on a tree trunk 2 saddle bow (1 нарост
на стволе дерева 2 лука седла): Evk. tupuka 1; Ork. tụpqa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 217.
PMong. *tob- 1 round, convex 2 hill 3 clot 4 button 5 cone (of coni-
fer) 6 heel-piece (1 выпуклый 2 холм 3 комок 4 пуговица 5 шишка 6
каблук): MMong. towči 4 (IM); WMong. toburuɣu, (L 812) toburuu 1,
tobči 4 (L 810); Kh. towx 3, towč 4; Bur. tobogor, tobxogor 1, tobšo 4, tobxo
5,6; Kalm. towxn (KW) 2, towčə 4 (КРС); Ord. toworū, tuwurū 1, dobči(n),
dobxo 4; Dag. tuarč, torči (Тод. Даг. 168) 4 tobeči 4 (MD 225); Dong. tɨǯɨ 4;
Bao. tobči 4; S.-Yugh. tobǯə 4; Mongr. deśi (SM 54) 4.
◊ KW 404, MGCD 637. Mong. tobči > Evk. topči, see Doerfer MT 128.
PTurk. *top round thing (шар, мяч): Karakh. top (MK, IM), topɨq
(MK, KB); Tur. top; Gag. top; Az. top; Turkm. top; Khal. tuop; MTurk. top,
tofuq (Sangl.); (MKypch.) topurčaq ‘round’ (CCum.); Uzb. tọp; Uygh. top,
dop; Krm. top; Tat. tup; Bashk. tup; Kirgh. top; Kaz. top, dop; KBalk. top;
KKalp. top; Kum. top; Nogh. top; Chuv. tubъ.
 *t῾óp῾ú - *t῾ṓr[e] 1461
◊ VEWT 489, EDT 434, 437, TMN 2, 596-597, Егоров 258, Ашм. XIV, 143-144, Федо-
тов 2, 249. One should also note OT tevir- ‘to twist, turn’ - probably a contamination of
*top and *ebür- (OT evir-) id. (see EDT 443). Words meaning ‘cone’ reflect a partial con-
tamination with PT *Tobur- ‘cone’ (v. sub *t῾obú).
PJpn. *tùmpú-rá round (круглый): OJpn. tubura; MJpn. tubura; Tok.
tsúbura, tsùbura; Kyo. tsùbùrá; Kag. tsùbùrá.
◊ JLTT 553.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 284. See TMN 2, 596-601 (with a hopeless confusion of
Turk. *top ‘round thing’, *toprak ‘earth, dust’ and *topɨk ‘knee cap’ - all
of which have different etymologies). Cf. also *t῾obú ‘fruit, cone’ (a dif-
ferent root, but a source of some contaminations).
-t῾óp῾ú ( ~ -u-) a k. of vessel: Tung. *tupi ( ~ -ü-); Mong. *tobid; Turk.
*Topal; Jpn. *tú(m)púa.
PTung. *tupi ( ~ -ü-) woven basket (плетеная корзина): Man. tubi.
◊ ТМС 2, 203. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *tobid trough (корыто): WMong. tobid (MXTTT); Kh. toỻd.
PTurk. *Topal round vessel made of bark (кузовок, лукошко (кор-
зинка, плетеная из коры)): Tat. tubal; Bashk. tubal.
◊ VEWT 489.
PJpn. *tú(m)púa jar (кувшин): OJpn. tup(w)o; MJpn. túfó; Tok. tsùbo;
Kyo. tsúbó; Kag. tsúbo.
◊ JLTT 552.
‖ The root seems well reconstructable, although not very widely
spread.
-t῾ṓr[e] post, pole, tower: Tung. *turu; Turk. *tȫr; Kor. *tàràk.
PTung. *turu pole, mast; sacred pole, place (столб, мачта; шаман-
ский шест, место жертвоприношения): Evk. turu; Neg. tojo; Man.
tura; SMan. turā ‘post’ (460); Jurch. tur-ra (208); Ul. tụra; Ork. toro; Nan.
toro, tora; Orch. tū; Sol. törö ‘door-post’.
◊ ТМС 2, 221 (some forms were possibly influenced by Mong. tura < Turk. tura, but
on the whole loan is hardly acceptable, see Doerfer MT 38). Evk. > Dolg. turū ‘sacred
pole’ (see Stachowski 233).
PTurk. *tȫr honorary place in the house (почетное место в юрте):
OTurk. tör (OUygh.); Karakh. tör (KB), töre (MK); Tur. dör (dial.); Az.
dör (dial.); Turkm. tȫr; MTurk. tör (Pav. C.), töre (Abush.); Uzb. tọr;
Uygh. tö(r); Krm. tör; Tat. tür; Bashk. tür; Kirgh. tör; Kaz. tör; KBalk. tör;
KKalp. tör; Kum. tör; Nogh. tör; SUygh. tör, türi; Khak. tör; Shr. tör; Oyr.
tör; Tv. dör.
◊ VEWT 494, EDT 528-529, TMN 2, 607, Лексика 514.
PKor. *tàràk tower, upper story (башня, верхний этаж): MKor.
tàràk; Mod. tarak.
◊ Liu 192, KED 382.
1462 *t῾ri - *t῾ṓro
‖ Poppe 14, 79. In Kor. -ɨ- would be expected; -a- is possibly a result
of vowel assimilation.
-t῾ri to be born, copulate: Tung. *tur-; Mong. *töre-; Turk. *töre-; Jpn.
*tùrù-(m)p-.
PTung. *tur- 1 to be born, grow 2 to go out 3 herd of deer during
coupling 4 bear family (1 рождаться, расти 2 выходить 3 стадо оле-
ней во время спаривания 4 семья медведей): Evk. turku- 2, turī 3;
Evn. töri 4; Man. tuči- 1, 2; SMan. tiuči- ‘emerge, appear’ (1184); Jurch.
tuj-ti-mij (714) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 202, 219, 221.
PMong. *töre- to be born (рождаться): MMong. tore- (SH, HYt);
WMong. töre- (L 836: törü-); Kh. törö-; Bur. türe-; Kalm. tör-; Ord. törö-;
Mog. türä- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. turu-, (Тод. Даг. 169) ture- (MD 228);
S.-Yugh. törȫ-; Mongr. turo- (SM 435).
◊ KW 407, MGCD 648. Mong. törel ‘kin’ > Evk. turul, see Doerfer MT 126.
PTurk. *töre- to be born, originate (рождаться, происходить):
OTurk. törü- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. törü- (MK, KB); Tur. türe-; Az.
törä-; Turkm. döre-; MTurk. törü-, töre- (Sangl., Abush.); Krm. töre-; Tat.
türä- (dial.); Kirgh. törö-; KKalp. döre-; Khak. törə-; Oyr. törö-; Tv. törü-;
Tof. dörü-; Yak. törȫ-; Dolg. törȫ-.
◊ VEWT 495, EDT 533, ЭСТЯ 3, 283-284, Stachowski 228. The Turkm. voicedness is
unclear.
PJpn. *tùrù-(m)p- to copulate (спариваться): OJpn. turub-; MJpn.
tùrùb-; Tok. tsurum-.
◊ JLTT 775.
‖ KW 407, Владимирцов 322, Дыбо 13. Mong. may be < Turk. (see
Щербак 1997, 158).
-t῾ṓro to be weak, hungry, unable: Tung. *turku- / *turke-; Mong. *tura-;
Turk. *Tōr-; Jpn. *tərə- ( ~ ua).
PTung. *turku- / *turke- be unable (не мочь): Evk. turku-; Evn.
turku-; Neg. tujku-; Ul. teten-; Ork. teten-.
◊ ТМС 2, 220.
PMong. *tura- be lean, meagre (быть тощим, худым): MMong.
tura-, turu- (SH); WMong. tura- (L 843); Kh. tura-; Bur. tura-; Kalm. tur-;
Ord. turu-; Dong. turi-; Mongr. turGan (SM 433).
◊ KW 411, MGCD 653. Mong. > Khak. tura par- ‘to be tired’.
PTurk. *Tōr- 1 to become lean, hungry 2 lean, hungry (1 отощать,
проголодаться 2 тощий, голодный): OTurk. turuq 2 (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. tūr- (ō?) 1 (MK), turuq 1 (MK); MTurk. turɣun ‘fatigué’ (Pav.
C.); Uygh. toryɣ 2; Bashk. torma 2 (dial.); Kirgh. toruq- 1; Kaz. torɨq- 1;
SUygh. tor 2; Oyr. torɨn- (Верб. - Tel.); Tv. dor- 1; Yak. tuor- 1, tuor 2.
◊ VEWT 489, EDT 530, 539, Clark 1977, 157.
 *t῾ro(-k῾V) - *t῾oru 1463

PJpn. *tərə- ( ~ ua) languid, slack, remiss (вялый, медленный):

MJpn. toro-; Tok. toro-.
◊ JLTT 842.
‖ KW 411. Despite Щербак 1997, 159, hardly a borrowing in Mong.
< Turk.
-t῾ro(-k῾V) a k. of bird: Tung. *turākī; Mong. *turaɣu; Turk. *torgaj; Jpn.
*trí; Kor. *tằrk.
PTung. *turākī crow, rook (ворона, грач): Evk. turākī; Evn. tụrqị;
Neg. torāx; Nan. torākị; Orch. tuaxi, tuwaki; Ud. tua῾i; Sol. turāki.
◊ ТМС 2,218 (sub тура- ‘раскрыть’).
PMong. *turaɣu raven, crow (ворон): MMong. tura’un (HY 13);
WMong. turaɣu, turulɣa, turalaɣ (L 843: turlaɣ ‘rook’); Kh. xar torū; tur-
liax ‘галка’; Bur. turlāg; Kalm. torəg, torləg; Ord. xara turū, alaG turū.
◊ KW 401, 402.
PTurk. *torgaj 1 small bird 2 lark (1 маленькая птица 2 жаворо-
нок): OTurk. torɨɣa 1; Karakh. turumtaj ‘a predatory bird used for
hawking’ (MK); Tur. turgaj 2; Az. toraɣaj; Turkm. torGaj 2; Tat. turɣaj 2;
Kirgh. torɣoj 2; Khak. pos-tarɣaj 2; Chuv. tъₙri 2; Yak. tujār 1.
◊ VEWT 490, EDT 550, TMN 2, 482-3, Лексика 176. Turk. > Kalm. torɣǟ (KW 401).
PJpn. *trí bird (птица): OJpn. tori; MJpn. tórí; Tok. tòri; Kyo. tórí;
Kag. tói.
◊ JLTT 550.
PKor. *tằrk fowl (курица, петух): MKor. tằrk; Mod. tak [talk].
◊ Nam 142, KED 407.
‖ KW 402, АПиПЯЯ 70, 274, Дыбо 8, Martin 228, Лексика 176.
-t῾oru a k. of black berry: Tung. *turi-; Turk. *Tor-; Jpn. *tuta; Kor. *tắrái.
PTung. *turi- 1 gooseberry; black currants 2 peas, beans (1 черему-
ха; крыжовник; черная смородина 2 горох, бобы): Evk. turikta 1;
Man. turi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 219. Man. > Neg., Nan. turi (etc.), see ibid.
PTurk. *Tor- 1 cranberry, bilberry 2 elder 3 moss (1 клюква, черни-
ка 2 бузина 3 мох): Khak. torslas 2 (Sag.), torbas 3; Shr. torslaš 2, torbas 3,
torbas čestegi 1; Oyr. torbos 1, 3.
◊ VEWT 490, Дмитриева 181, 192. A local Siberian word with somewhat unclear
morphological structure.
PJpn. *tuta wild grape (дикий виноград): MJpn. tuta; Tok. tsutá,
tsùta; Kyo. tsútà; Kag. tsúta.
◊ JLTT 557. Accent is unclear: Tokyo tsutá and Kyoto tsútà may reflect *tùtá or *tútà;
the Tokyo variant tsùta and Kagoshima tsúta point rather to *tútá.
PKor. *tắrái currants, (KED) fruit of the Actinidia arguta (смороди-
на): MKor. tắrái; Mod. tarä.
◊ Nam 135, KED 382.
1464 *t῾ṓrV - *t῾ŕe
‖ The precise berry denoted by the root is of course unknown (no-
tice the meaning ‘currants’ in TM and Korean).
-t῾ṓrV young animal: Tung. *toro-kī; Mong. *toruj; Turk. *tōrum.
PTung. *tora-kī (~-ǖ) boar (кабан): Evk. torokī; Neg. torok.
◊ See ТМС 2, 200. Yak. toroku ‘boar’ < TM (not vice versa).
PMong. *toruj young pig (поросенок): WMong. torui (L 827); Kh.
toroj; Bur. toroj; Kalm. torǟ; Ord. torȫ ‘young donkey’.
◊ KW 401. Mong. > Chag., Kirgh. torai.
PTurk. *tōr-um 1 young camel 2 a young calf 3 a goat that has
yeaned early 4 young 5 a cow that has not calved yet (1 верблюжонок
2 теленок 3 коза, объягнившаяся в возрасте до 1 года 4 молодой (о
человеке, дереве) 5 нетель): Karakh. torum 1, torpɨ 2 (MK); Tur. deve
torun 1, torum (dial.) 1; torbuč (dial.) 3, (?) toru (dial.) 4; Gag. (?) tor ‘un-
broken (of a horse), untrodden (of a path)’; Turkm. tōrum 1; Sal. torɨ
‘foal’ (ССЯ); MTurk. torum 1 (Sangl., Pav. C.), torbaq 2 (MA 126); Uygh.
topaq 2, topaq-torum ‘young calves’; Tat. tōrbaq (КСТТ) 2; Bashk.
tana-turpaq 2; Kirgh. torpoq 2; Kaz. torpaq 2; Khak. torbax 2; Oyr. torboq 2,
torboč (dial. Kumd.) 5; Tv. dorum 1; Yak. torbos, torbuǯax 2.
◊ EDT 533, 549, VEWT 491. Turk. > WMong. torum, Kalm. torm (KW 402, Щербак
1997, 158, Clark 1977, 155-156. The Tur. dial. doɣrum is a result of contamination with
doɣur- ‘to bear’. Forms like torp-ak are diminutives in -ak (with almost always regular
cluster development). Forms like Tur. torun ‘grandchild’, as well as Tur. dial. tor ‘young’
may be Iranisms (but not Armenisms, as suggested in Буд. 1, 747 - Armen. torn ‘grand-
child’ is itself obviously < Iranian) - see Аб. 3, 280.
‖ ТМС 2, 200 (TM-Mong.), Дыбо 7. A Western isogloss.
-t῾ŕe law, regulation: Tung. *turgun; Mong. *töre; Turk. *töŕ; Jpn.
*tt-np-.
PTung. *turgun reason, cause (причина): Evk. turgun; Man. turgun;
SMan. turuxun (2915); Jurch. tu-ru-wen-; Ul. turgu(n); Nan. turgũ.
◊ ТМС 2, 218-219. TM > Dag. turgun (Тод. Даг. 169).
PMong. *töre order, regulation, matrimony, marriage (правило, за-
кон, сватовство): MMong. tore (HY 49, SH); WMong. töre, (L 835) törü;
Kh. tör; Bur. türe; Kalm. törə; Ord. törö; S.-Yugh. turo; Mongr. turō (SM
434).
◊ KW 407, MGCD 647.
PTurk. *töŕ 1 foundation, root 2 origin, ancestors (1 корень 2 про-
исхождение, основание, род, предки): OTurk. töz (OUygh.) 2;
Karakh. töz (MK, KB) 2; MTurk. töz 1 (’root of the ear’ - Sangl.), 2 (Pav.
C.); Tat. tüz 2 (dial.); Bashk. tüz 2 (dial.); Kirgh. töz, tös 2; Khak. tös
‘original spirits’, tös-te- ‘to lay ground’; Shr. tös 2, tös-tük ‘tree trunk’;
Oyr. tös 2; ‘shrub; original spirits’; Tv. dös 1, 2, ‘shrub’; Tof. dös, tös 1;
Chuv. türe ‘object of dedication; spirit’; Yak. törüt 2; Dolg. törüt.
 *t῾ṓŕe - *t῾ṑsi 1465
◊ VEWT 495, TMN 2, 612, EDT 571, Лексика 109, Федотов 2, 264, Stachowski 228.
PJpn. *tt-np- to be arranged, in order (быть расположенным, в
порядке): OJpn. toto-nop-; MJpn. tòtò-nòf-; Tok. totonó-; Kyo. tótónó-;
Kag. totonó-.
◊ JLTT 771. The accent in Kagoshima is aberrant.
‖ Turk. *törü ‘law’ is probably an old derivative of *töŕ: *törgü, with
an early disappearance of *-g-: cf. Hung. törvény < Old Chuv., pointing
to *-g-. Mong. *töre may be < Turk. (see TMN 1, 266), though not neces-
sarily so.
-t῾ṓŕe soil, dust: Tung. *turV; Mong. *tor-; Turk. *tōŕ; Kor. *tr.
PTung. *turV 1 earth 2 lump of earth (1 земля 2 ком земли): Evk.
tur 1(dial.); Evn. tȫr; Neg. tūj 1; Nan. tur-qa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 217-218.
PMong. *tor- 1 snuff, tar 2 flying dust; black and blue spot, bruise (1
копоть, гарь 2 пыль в воздухе; синяк): WMong. tortag (L 827: tortuɣ) 1,
toru 2 (L 827); Kh. tortog 1; Bur. tortog 1; Kalm. tortəg 1.
PTurk. *tōŕ dust (пыль): OTurk. toz (OUygh.); Karakh. toz (MK);
Tur. toz; Gag. tōz; Az. toz; Turkm. tōz, tozan; MTurk. toz (Sangl.), tos
(Pav. C., Abush.); Uzb. tọzɔn; Uygh. toz; Krm. toz; Tat. tuzan; Bashk. tu-
δan; Kirgh. toz; Kaz. toz; KKalp. toz; Nogh. tozan; SUygh. tos; Khak.
tozɨn; Shr. tozun; Oyr. tozɨn.
◊ VEWT 492, EDT 580-1, Лексика 99-100. Cf. also Yak. tor ‘soot’. Despite Лексика,
the stem tozan is rather not a deverbative in -ɣan from the verb toz- (cf. the absence of any
traces of -ɣ-), but a denominative (like er - eren); this would explain the lack of length in
Turkm. This may also be a noun in -n derived from a denominative verb in -а- (Turkm.
toza- ‘to become dusty’, also without length).
PKor. *trh field, steppe (поле, степь): MKor. tr (trh-); Mod. tl.
◊ Nam 171, KED 533.
‖ KW 405, АПиПЯЯ 19, 70, 91, 274 (but Jpn. *tùti should be rather
attributed to PA *t῾ēŕu), Дыбо 11. Cf. Jpn. doro ‘dirt’ (PJ *tr; attested
late and initial not clear). Contaminations with *t῾ēŕu were possible.
-t῾ṑsi ( ~ -e) face, shape, spot on forehead: Tung. *tōsa-; Mong. *tösü.
PTung. *tōsa- white spot on animal’s forehead (белое пятно на лбу
животного): Evk. tōsa-lān, dial. tōha-kta; Man. tosi.
◊ ТМС 2, 200. Evk. > Yak. tuosaxta id.
PMong. *tösü form, shape, appearance (форма, вид): WMong. tösü,
tösüge (L 837); Kh. tös, tösȫ; Bur. tühȫ(n) ‘подобие, сходство’; Kalm.
tösəw ‘plan’ (КРС); Ord. dösȫ.
◊ Mong. > Chag. tüs, Turkm. tüjs etc. (see VEWT 507).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
1466 *t῾otá - *t῾úbé
-t῾otá to run: Tung. *tut[a]-; Jpn. *tanta-juap-; Kor. *tằd-.
PTung. *tut[a]- to run (бежать): Evk. tutu- ‘crawl away’; Evn. tut-;
Neg. tutu- ‘crawl’; Ul. tụtụ-; Ork. tụta-; Nan. tutu-; Orch. tutu-; Ud.
tutu-; Sol. tute-.
◊ ТМС 2, 223-224.
PJpn. *tanta-juap- to float, ramble (плавать, бродить): OJpn.
tada-j(w)op-; MJpn. tádá-jof-; Tok. tadayó-; Kyo. tádáyó-; Kag. tàdàyò-.
◊ JLTT 761. Modern dialects point rather to *tàntà-, so the original accent is not quite
clear.
PKor. *tằd- to run (бежать): MKor. tằt- (-r-); Mod. tat- (-r-).
◊ Nam 139, KED 401.
‖ SKE 269. An Eastern isogloss. In Kor. cf. also tɨthɨi’ú- ‘to move
away, apart’.
-t῾u five: Tung. *tu-ńga; Mong. *ta-bu-; Jpn. *ì-tù-; Kor. *tà-.
PTung. *tu-ńga five (пять): Evk. tunŋa; Evn. tụnŋn; Neg. tońŋa /
tuŋńa; Man. sunǯa; SMan. sunǯā (2739); Jurch. ĉunǯa (640); Ul. tụńǯa;
Ork. tụnda; Nan. tojŋga; Orch. tuŋa; Ud. tuŋa; Sol. toŋa.
◊ ТМС 2, 214.
PMong. *ta-bu- 1 five 2 fifty (1 пять 2 пятьдесят): MMong. tabun
(HY 43, SH), ṭābun (IM), tabun (MA) 1, tabin (HY 43), ṭabin (IM) 2;
WMong. tabu(n) 1 (L 761), tabi(n) 2 (L 760); Kh. tav 1, taỻ 2; Bur. taba(n);
Kalm. tawn; Ord. tawu(n) 1, tawi 2; Mog. tabun, tābun; ZM tābun (25-1b);
Dag. tāw(an) (Тод. Даг. 164, MD 219), tābu 1, tabi (MD 219), ta 2; Dong.
tavuan, tawun 1; Bao. tavoŋ 1; S.-Yugh. tāwən 1, tawən 2; Mongr. tāwən
(SM 412), tāwun 1, tajin (SM 412) 2.
◊ KW 385, MGCD 619, 620.
PJpn. *ì-tù- five (пять): OJpn. itu-; MJpn. ìtù-; Tok. itsú-; Kyo. ítsù-;
Kag. itsú-.
◊ JLTT 428, 429. Initial i- is not quite clear; it is used on its own with the meaning
‘fifty’, and in i-po ‘five hundred’ (if this is not a contraction < *it(u)-pə).
PKor. *tà- five (пять): MKor. tà-, tà-sằs; Mod. tasət [tasəs].
◊ Nam 131, KED 386.
‖ KW 385, SKE 259, Lee 1958, 117, АПиПЯЯ 70. Cf. perhaps Bulg.
(Mudrak) etə ‘five’ (cf. the Jpn. form).
-t῾úbé a k. of bird of prey: Tung. *tuba; Mong. *tojigun; Jpn. *tmpí ( ~
-ua-); Kor. *tàbàkí.
PTung. *tuba jackdaw, rook (галка, грач): Ul. towa, tụwa.
◊ ТМС 2, 218. Attested only in Ul., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *tojigun falcon (сокол): WMong. tuiɣun, (L 819) tojiɣun; Kh.
tojgon, tojxon; Kalm. tūɣən, tǖɣən.
◊ KW 413, TMN 2, 658. Mong. > MKor. thuikon (see Lee 1964, 192); > Chag. tojɣan,
Yak. tojon, Kaz. tujɣɨn, Nogh. tujɣɨn (should be distinguished from the common Turkic
*dogan, on which see under *toga!).
 *t῾uč῾Ỻ - *t῾ŭge 1467

PJpn. *tmpí ( ~ -ua-) kite (коршун): OJpn. t(w)ob(j)i; MJpn. tóbí;

Tok. tóbi; Kyo. tòbî; Kag. tóbi.
◊ JLTT 547. The Kyoto and Tokyo accents are irregular, pointing to a variant *t(m)pî;
RJ and Kagoshima reflect high level tone.
PKor. *tàbàkí a k. of bird of prey (вид хищной птицы): MKor.
tà’wàkí; Mod. t:aogi ‘crested ibis’; tok-suri ‘eagle’.
◊ Nam 132, KED 387, 473 (tok-suri is explained as ‘bald eagle’, but tok- may well be a
contraction of *tabak-).
‖ The root evidently denoted some big bird of prey (kite, eagle or
falcon); the isolated Ul. form fits in well phonetically, but not so well
semantically.
-t῾uč῾Ỻ ( ~ -o-) axe, hammer: Tung. *tuču-n / *čuču-n; Mong. *čüče; Jpn.
*tùtí; Kor. *tōčhắi.
PTung. *tuču- / *čuču- 1 to scrape (skin) 2 scraper (1 соскабливать 2
скребок): Evk. čuču-lē- 1, čuču-n 2; Evn. čöt-le- 1, čöču-n 2; Neg. čočo- 1,
čočon 2; Ork. tottolo- 1, totto-, tuttu- 2; Nan. tuču-le- 1, tučũ 2; Orch.
čočo-lo- 1, čočo(n) 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 418. Evk. > Yak. tüčün, čüčün ‘scraper’.
PMong. *čüče chisel (долото): WMong. čüče (L 209); Kh. cǖc.
◊ Mong. > Yak. tǖččü, čǖččü ‘chisel’.
PJpn. *tùtí mallet (колотушка): OJpn. tuti; MJpn. tùtí; Tok. tsuchí;
Kyo. tsùchí; Kag. tsuchí.
◊ JLTT 557. In Tokyo *tsúchi would be expected.
PKor. *tōčhắi axe (топор): MKor. tōčhắi, tōčhói; Mod. tōk:i.
◊ Nam 158, KED 461.
‖ Whitman 1985, 141, 217. Mong. and part of TM forms reveal an
assimilation; it is not excluded that TM forms like čuču-n are secondar-
ily borrowed < Mong.
-t῾ŭge storm, dust: Tung. *tuge-; Mong. *tuji-; Turk. *tüge-.
PTung. *tuge- 1 cloud 2 winter (1 облако 2 зима): Evk. tūksu, tūkse
1, tuɣe 2; Evn. töɣečin 1, tuɣe-ni 2; Neg. tokso 1, tuwe, tuɣe 2; Man. tugi 1,
tuweri 2; SMan. tukusu (2009), uxi (2010); Jurch. tuje-ŋi (6), tu-e-li 2; Ul.
tewekse 1, tue 2; Ork. teweske 1, tuwe 2; Nan. tukse 1, tue 2; Orch. tokso 1,
tuwe, tue 2; Ud. tokö 1, tue 2; Sol. tukču 1, tugu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 204-205, 208-209.
PMong. *tuji- thin falling snow, dust-snow (снежная крупа):
WMong. tujaɣu, tujil-dasu; Kh. tujldas; Kalm. tujū.
◊ KW 409.
PTurk. *tüge-le- whirlwind, (snow-)storm (вихрь, (снежная) буря):
Az. tülex (dial.); Turkm. tüvelej; Shr. tǖlek (Верб.).
◊ Лексика 44-45. The root is local, but for phonetic reasons should be kept distinct
from *tüpi ‘wind, storm’ q.v. sub *t῾up῾i (with which it is linked in EDT 436).
‖ A Western isogloss.
1468 *t῾ŭja - *t῾ùji
-t῾ŭja to give, give a feast: Tung. *tuju-; Mong. *taɣu-; Turk. *toj.
PTung. *tuju- 1 to give 2 to give a feast (1 давать 2 давать пир, уго-
щать): Evk. tuju- 2; Evn. töj- 2; Neg. tojo- 2; Man. tuwe-de-, teo-de- ‘to
resell, exchange’; Jurch. tuju-xe 1 (428); Ul. tuju- 2; Ork. tojo- 2; Nan.
tuju- 2; Orch. tojo- 2; Ud. tuju- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 203, 206. Man. > Nan. taoda-, Ul. taụda-, Oroch tauda- ‘to pay, repay’ (ТМС
2, 171); > Dag. tauda- id. (Тод. Даг. 166).
PMong. *taɣu- to give, distribute (давать, распределять): MMong.
ta’ul- (SH).
PTurk. *toj feast; community (пир, праздник): OTurk. toj
(OUygh.); Karakh. toj (MK, KB); Tur. toj; Gag. toj; Az. toj; Turkm. toj;
Sal. töj (ССЯ); MTurk. toj (Sangl., Abush.); Uzb. tọj; Uygh. toj; Krm. toj;
Tat. tuj; Bashk. tuj; Kirgh. toj; Kaz. toj; KBalk. toj; KKalp. toj; Kum. toj;
Nogh. toj; SUygh. toj; Khak. toj; Shr. toj; Oyr. toj; Tv. doj; Tof. toj; Chuv.
toj.
◊ EDT 567, Лексика 309.
‖ SKE 269 (Turk.-Tung.), Дыбо 14. A Western isogloss. The
Turk.-Tung. match seems quite probable, despite TMN 3, 355 (“rein
zufällig”).
-t῾ujbu ( ~ -o-) to carve, engrave, whet: Tung. *tujba-; Mong. *tobi-; Jpn.
*tuà.
PTung. *tujba- adze, scraper (тесло, скребок, рубанок): Evn. tịbaq;
Man. tujbalaqu, tujpan; Ul. tụjba(n); Nan. tojbã; Orch. tība; Ud. tībo, tuibo.
◊ ТМС 2, 174.
PMong. *tobi- to carve, engrave (гравировать): WMong. tobi- (L
811); Kh. tovi-.
PJpn. *tuà whetstone (точильный камень): OJpn. two; MJpn. tò;
Tok. to.
◊ JLTT 547.
‖ The cluster *-jb- (in this case preserved explicitly in TM) accounts
for the preservation of *-b- in Mong. and for the development *-b- > -w-
(-0-) in Japanese.
-t῾ùji thick: Mong. *tüɣüd- / *tüjit-; Turk. *Tujug; Jpn. *tùj-.
PMong. *tüɣüd- / *tüjit- convex, bulging, thick (выпуклый, тол-
стый): WMong. tügdüi-, tügdüger (L 849); tüitü-, tügüdeg; Kh. tügdij-,
tügdger, tǖdeg; Bur. tügdeger ‘сутулый’; Kalm. tǖtī- ‘to be thick and
swollen’.
◊ KW 418.
PTurk. *Tujug whole, complete (полностью): OTurk. tujɣun ‘high
official’ (Orkh.); Tat. (КСТТ) tojoq; Kirgh. tujuq; Shr. tujuq; Oyr. tuj
‘compact, solid’; (dial.) tujaɣ 1 (R - Leb.); Yak. tuj(u)gun ‘excellent’, tu-
julā- ‘to reach a high degree’ (Пек.).
 *t῾úju - *t῾ukí 1469
◊ VEWT 497, EDT 568.
PJpn. *tùj- strong (сильный): OJpn. tujo-; MJpn. tùjò-; Tok. tsuyó-;
Kyo. tsúyò-; Kag. tsuyó-.
◊ JLTT 843.
‖ A good Turk.-Mong.-Jpn. match.
-t῾úju ( ~ -o-) to gleam, shine: Mong. *tuja-; Jpn. *tújá.
PMong. *tuja- ray, gleam (луч, сияние): WMong. tuja, tujaɣa(n) (L
840); Kh. tujā; Bur. tujā(n); Kalm. tojā, tujā; Ord. tujā.
◊ KW 398, 409. Mong. > Evk. tujan, see ТМС 2, 206.
PJpn. *tújá glaze, glitter (блеск): MJpn. tuja; Tok. tsùya; Kyo. tsúyá;
Kag. tsúya.
◊ JLTT 558.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-t῾ukì to come to an end, be exhausted: Mong. *tögüs-; Turk. *tüke-; Jpn.
*tuku-.
PMong. *tögüs- to come to an end (заканчиваться): MMong. tuge-
‘be quite enough’, tegus ‘completely’ (SH); WMong. tögüs-, tegüs- (L
796); Kh. tögsö-; Bur. tügese-; Kalm. tögəs-; Ord. tögös-; Bao. təgɛsaŋ
‘complete, full’.
◊ KW 406, MGCD 644.
PTurk. *tüke- to come to an end (кончаться, истощаться): OTurk.
tüke- (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. tüke- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. tüken-; Gag.
tüken-; Az. tükän-; Turkm. tüken-; Khal. tiken-; MTurk. tüken- (Sangl.);
Uzb. tuga-, tugan-; Uygh. tügü-; Krm. tügen-, tigen-; Tat. tögen-; Kirgh.
tügön-; Kaz. tüges-; KBalk. tügen-; Kum. tügen-; SUygh. tüke-; Khak.
tügel-; Shr. tügen-; Oyr. tügen-; Yak. tüksü, tügüsü ‘enough, completely’.
◊ VEWT 504, EDT 479, 484.
PJpn. *tuku- 1 to come to an end, be exhausted 2 to exhaust (1 за-
канчивать(ся), истощать(ся) 2 истощать, исчерпывать): OJpn. tuku-
1, tukus- 2; MJpn. túkú- 1, túkús- 2; Tok. tsukí-, tsùki- 1; tsukús- 2; tsukare-
‘be tired, exhausted’; Kyo. tsùkì- 1, tsúkús- 2; Kag. tsùkì-1, tsukús- 2.
◊ JLTT 773, 774. Accent is very diverse and hardly reconstructable in this root.
‖ KW 406, Владимирцов 154, Poppe 57, Miller 1981, 863
(Turk.-Jpn.). Despite Щербак 1997, 160, not borrowed in Turk. < Mong.
It seems worth mentioning Evk. dial. tịko- ῾to die (of exhaustion),
starve’ - which may, however, be a derivative of tik- ῾to fall’.
-t῾ukí ( ~ -o-) to transmit, continue: Mong. *tüge-; Jpn. *túnk-.
PMong. *tüge- 1 to be spread, transmitted 2 to transmit, distribute
(1 распространять(ся), передавать(ся) 2 передавать, распростра-
нять, разделять): MMong. tuge’e-, tuke’e- 2 (SH), tuke- 2 (MA); WMong.
tüge- 1, tügege- 2 (L 849); Kh. tüge 1, tügē- 2; Bur. tüge- 1; Kalm. tüg- 1,
tüg- 2 (КРС); Ord. tüwe- 1, tüwē- 2.
1470 *t῾ukV - *t῾ukV
PJpn. *túnk- to continue, be transmitted, succeed (продолжать, пе-
редаваться): OJpn. tug-; MJpn. túg-; Tok. tsùg-; Kyo. tsúg-; Kag. tsúg-.
◊ JLTT 772.
‖ Ozawa 255-256. A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss.
-t῾ukV calf, lamb: Tung. *tuKu-; Mong. *tugul; Turk. *toklɨ.
PTung. *tuKu- 1 calf, young of deer 2 to bear (1 теленок, олененок
2 рожать): Evk. tuku-čēn 1; Evn. tū- 2; Man. tuqšan 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 210.
PMong. *tugul calf (теленок): MMong. tuqul (HY 10, SH), ṭoɣol (IM);
WMong. tuɣul (L 838); Kh. tugal; Bur. tugal; Kalm. tuɣəl; Ord. tuGul;
Mog. tuɣul (Weiers); Dag. tokuĺ, (Тод. Даг. 167) tokoli (MD 225), tokoli,
tokoĺ; Dong. tuGun; Mongr. tuGur (SM 429), tuGul.
◊ KW 409, MGCD 650.
PTurk. *toklɨ lamb (6m. old) (ягненок до полугода): Karakh. toqlɨ
(MK, IM); Tur. toklu; Gag. toqlu; Az. toGlu; Turkm. toqlɨ; Khal. toɣlɨ;
MTurk. toɣlɨ (Pav. C.),(MKypch.) toqlɨ (Houts.); Uzb. tọqli; Tat. tuqtɨ;
tuɣɨš ‘a 1-year-old elk’ (КСТТ); Bashk. tuqtɨ; Kirgh. toqtu; Kaz. toqtɨ;
KBalk. toqlu; KKalp. toqlɨ; Kum. toqlu; Nogh. toqlɨ; SUygh. toqtɨ; Tv.
toɣdu; toš ‘1-year-old elk’; Tof. doš ‘1-year-old elk’ (Рас. ФиЛ); Yak. tu-
gut ‘calf, foal’; Dolg. tugut ‘calf, foal’.
◊ VEWT 485, TMN 2, 524, EDT 469, Лексика 434, Stachowski 229. Turk. > Hung. tok-
lyó ‘lamb’, see Gombocz 1912.
‖ KW 409, Дыбо 7, Sinor 1962, 321, Лексика 434. A Western iso-
gloss. Despite Doerfer MT 104, hardly borrowed in TM from Mong.
The Turk.-Mong. parallel is dismissed by Doerfer (TMN 2, 525), be-
cause “lautgesetzlich ist tü. -q- nicht = mong. -ɣ-” (?).
-t῾ukV ( ~ -k῾-) dam, fishing net: Tung. *tuki-; Mong. *togsija-; Turk.
*Tug.
PTung. *tuki- to fish (рыбачить): Ul. tūkiči- ‘рыбачить ночью в уз-
кой протоке ставной сетью’; Nan. tukieči-.
◊ ТМС 2, 207.
PMong. *togsija- 1 net for catching birds 2 to fish with a net (1 сеть
для ловли птиц 2 ловить рыбу сетью): WMong. toɣsija- 2, toɣša 1 (L
815); Kh. togšō- 2, togšō 1.
PTurk. *Tug dam, fish trap (запруда, верша): OTurk. tuɣ (Orkh.);
Karakh. tuɣ (MK); Uygh. tuɣ; Bashk. dial. tɨw; Kirgh. tuq; Khak. tuɣ; Shr.
tuɣ; Tv. duɣ-da- ‘to make a partition’; Tof. duɣ; Yak. tū.
◊ VEWT 496, EDT 463-464, Рас. ФиЛ 175, Лексика 420.
‖ Дыбо 14. A Western isogloss. The Turk. form may reflect a con-
tamination with *togi ‘mound, dam’ q. v.
 *t῾k῾ù - *t῾ule(kV) 1471

-t῾k῾ù ( ~ -o-) to grasp, seize: Tung. *tux-; Jpn. *tùkàm-; Kor. *thắ-.
PTung. *tux- to take into arms (брать в руки, держать в руках):
Evk. tuk-; Evn. tọk-; Ul. tūwu-le-; Nan. tuxi-si-; Ud. tugele-.
◊ ТМС 2, 206-207.
PJpn. *tùkàm- to grasp, seize (хватать): OJpn. tukam-; MJpn. tùkàm-;
Tok. tsukám-; Kyo. tsùkàm-, tsúkám-; Kag. tsùkàm-.
◊ JLTT 773.
PKor. *thắ- to receive (получать): MKor. thắ-; Mod. tha-.
◊ Liu 710, KED 1685.
‖ Martin 225. Korean has a usual vowel reduction in the first sylla-
ble. An Eastern isogloss.
-t῾k῾V clavicle, elbow: Tung. *tūkre; Mong. *tokaj.
PTung. *tūkre 1 clavicle 2 upper rib (1 ключица 2 верхнее ребро):
Evk. tūkre 1; Evn. tökъr 1; Neg. tuxse 2; Ud. tuhe 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 208.
PMong. *tokoj elbow (локоть): MMong. toqai (HY 46), twoqai
(Lig.VMI), tuqai (MA); WMong. toqoi (L 829: toqui, toqai); Kh. toxoj; Bur.
toxoj; Kalm. toxǟ, toxā; Ord. doxȫ; Mog. toqai; ZM toqai (Lig.VMI 69);
Dong. toɣəi; Bao. toχui; S.-Yugh. doGōnoG; Mongr. tuGwī (SM 429).
◊ KW 397, MGCD 642. Mong. > Yak. toɣonox, Dolg. togonok (Stachowski 225).
‖ Despite Poppe 14, 55 the root should be distinguished from *t῾ok῾V
‘curved’ q.v.
-t῾ule(kV) fox; wolf: Tung. *tulge; Turk. *tülki / tilkü; Jpn. *tuárá.
PTung. *tulge wolf (волк): Sol. tūlge.
◊ ТМС 2, 210. The relationship of this word to Evk. tīle ‘bear’ (ТМС 2, 181) is not
quite clear.
PTurk. *tülki / tilkü fox (лиса): OTurk. tilkü (OUygh.); Karakh. tilkü
(MK, Tefs., IM), tilki (KB); Tur. tilki; Gag. tilki; Az. tülkü; Turkm. tilki;
Sal. t’iligu (Kakuk), tüligu (ССЯ); Khal. tilkü, tülkü; MTurk. tülkü
(Sangl.); Uzb. tulki; Uygh. tülkä; Krm. tülkü; Tat. tölke; Bashk. tölkö;
Kirgh. tülkü; Kaz. tülki; KBalk. tülkü; KKalp. tülki; Kum. tülkü; Nogh.
tülki; SUygh. tolɣo (ЯЖУ); Khak. tülgü; Shr. tülgü; Oyr. tülkü; tilgü (dial.
- Tuba); Tv. dilgi; Tof. dilgi; Chuv. tilə.
◊ See VEWT 480, EDT 498-499, Щербак 1961, 135, Лексика 161.
PJpn. *tuárá tiger (тигр): OJpn. twora; MJpn. twórá; Tok. tòra; Kyo.
tórá; Kag. tóra.
◊ JLTT 550.
‖ See АПиПЯЯ 70, Лексика 161. Jpn. high tone does not corre-
spond to PTM length (the latter, however, is reconstructed only on the
basis of the Sol. form and thus not reliable).
1472 *t῾ulu - *t῾ĺi
-t῾ulu ( ~ -o) torn and scraped skin: Tung. *tul-; Mong. *tulum; Turk.
*tul- (*tol-); Kor. *turumaki.
PTung. *tul- 1 to tear out, lose (horns) 2 to tear out 3 large torn ram
skin (1 выдирать, терять (рога) 2 выдирать 3 крупная мерлушка (с
большого барашка)): Evk. tulduli- 2; Evn. tụldq- 1; Man. tulxu 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 210, 211.
PMong. *tulum leather bag (кожаный мешок): WMong. tulum (L
841); Kh. tulam; Bur. tulam; Kalm. tulm (КРС); Ord. tulum; Mog. tulum
(Weiers).
◊ Mong. > Yak., Turk. tulum, probably also Karaim tulup etc. (see VEWT 498); > Man-
chu tulume, tulum ‘a cow- or sheepskin filled with air that is used to aid a person crossing
the river’ (see Rozycki 212).
PTurk. *tul- (*tol-) 1 skin container 2 scraped skin (1 кожаный ме-
шок 2 голая, ободранная шкура): OTurk. tolquq (OUygh.) 1; Karakh.
tolquq (MK) 1; Az. tuluG 1; Oyr. tulaq 2.
◊ EDT 496, VEWT 497-498, Лексика 387.
PKor. *turumaki overcoat (плащ): Mod. turumaki.
◊ KED 504 (says “a compound noun” - but the components are unclear).
‖ Lee 1958, 118, Poppe 1950, 580, Дыбо 10. Doerfer (TMN 2,
550-553), and similarly Щербак 1997, 157, regard the Mong. forms as
borrowed < Turkic, where he derives all the above forms from *tul-
‘abgesperrt sein’ (a poorly attested reflexive form of the equally poorly
attested *tu- ‘absperren’): hardly acceptable. Since only the velar de-
rivatives (in -kuk, -uk) are early attested in Turkic, it seems more plau-
sible to regard forms like tulum / tulup as borrowed from Mongolian.
-t῾ulV (~ -o-, -ĺ-) to burn: Tung. *tola-; Mong. *tüle-.
PTung. *tola- to kindle (a torch) (зажигать (факел)): Man. tolo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 200.
PMong. *tüle- to burn (жечь): MMong. tulɛ- (IM), tulä- (MA), tulē-
(SH), tūle- (Lig.VMI); WMong. tüle- (L 852); Kh. tüle-; Bur. tüli-, tüle-;
Kalm. tül-; Ord. tüle-, tüli-; Mog. tülēn ‘firewood’; ZM tulän (19-2a) id.;
Dag. tule- (Тод. Даг. 169, MD 227), tulu-; Dong. tulie-; Bao. tule-;
S.-Yugh. telee-; Mongr. tulē- (SM 431).
◊ KW 414, MGCD 658. Mong. > Oyr. tül- etc. (Лексика 364).
‖ Manchu may be borrowed from Mong. (despite vocalic differ-
ences), thus the Proto-Altaic antiquity of the root is dubious; see, how-
ever, a Nostratic etymology in МССНЯ 341.
-t῾ĺi external side: Tung. *tulī-; Mong. *tölöb; Turk. *dūĺ.
PTung. *tulī- exterior, external side (внешняя сторона, внешнее
пространство): Evk. tulī-n; Evn. töl-de-; Neg. tulgi-; Man. tul-gi-; SMan.
tiuli- (2590, 3028); Jurch. tuli-le (601); Ul. tuli; Ork. tulie(n); Nan. tulie;
Sol. tulergi, tul-dēlī.
 *t῾uĺi - *t῾ūĺke 1473
◊ ТМС 2, 211.
PMong. *tölöb form, shape (форма, вид): WMong. tölöb (L 833:
tölüb); Kh. tölöv; Bur. tüleb; Ord. tölöbtī ‘ayant une forme’; tölbör, telber.
PTurk. *dūĺ 1 companion 2 aim 3 meeting 4 side, direction 5 match,
equal 6 opposite side (1 спутник 2 цель 3 встреча 4 сторона, направ-
ление 5 соответствующий, равный 6 противоположная сторона):
OTurk. tuš 1; Karakh. tuš 5, 6; Tur. düš (dial.) 3; Az. tuš 3; Turkm. dūš 3;
MTurk. tuš (Pav. C.) 3; Tat. tš 4; Bashk. tš (dial.) 4; Kirgh. tuš 4, 6;
Kaz. tŭs 6; KKalp. tus 6; Nogh. tus 4; Khak. tus 4; Oyr. tuš 3, 6; Tv. duš 4,
6; Chuv. təₙl 2; Yak. tus 4; Dolg. tus 4.
◊ VEWT 501, EDT 558, ЭСТЯ 3, 303-305, Stachowski 233, Федотов 2, 214. Also a verb
*dūĺ- ‘to meet’ ( > WMong. tus(u)-, Kalm. tus-, KW 412).
‖ A Western isogloss (with secondary voicing before -ĺ in Turkic).
-t῾uĺi ( ~ -e) seed, eggs: Tung. *tola; Turk. *Tüĺ.
PTung. *tola frog eggs (лягушачья икра): Neg. tolo; Orch. tolo; Ud.
toli.
◊ ТМС 2, 195.
PTurk. *Tüĺ fruit, seed (плод, семя): OTurk. tüš (OUygh.); Tat. töš;
Bashk. töš; Chuv. təₙžəₙ > Komi tuś, NW təržə.
◊ EDT 558-559, VEWT 507, Лексика 114, Федотов 2, 225, Егоров 249.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Mong. töl ‘newborn animals’ may reflect a
merger of this root with a borrowing from Turk. *döl q.v.; but cf. per-
haps tulbaɣa(n) (Khalkha tulbān) ‘fry of the Siberian salmon’, tulu ‘Sibe-
rian salmon’ - which can belong here if the meaning ‘salmon fry’ was
original in Mongolian (with a later development > ‘salmon’ and conse-
quent formation of the new derivative for ‘salmon fry’).
-t῾ūĺke ( ~ -i) dream, divination: Tung. *tolki-n; Mong. *tölge; Turk. *dǖĺ
(/*dǖl).
PTung. *tolki-n dream (сон): Evk. tolkin; Evn. tolqn; Neg. tolkịn;
Man. tolgin / tolxin; SMan. olixin (529); Jurch. tol-xin (356); Ul. tolčị(n);
Ork. tolčị(n); Nan. tolkị; Orch. tokki; Ud. to῾si- ‘to dream’ (Корм. 296);
Sol. tolkiī- ‘to dream’.
◊ ТМС 2, 195.
PMong. *tölge prediction, divination (предсказание, гадание):
MMong. tolge (SH), tolegeči ‘prophet, priest’ (HY 27), tulke- ‘to augur,
divine’ (MA 353); WMong. tölge; Kh. tölög; Bur. tüleg; Kalm. tölgə; Ord.
tölgö.
◊ KW 406. Mong. > Oyr. tölgö, Yak. tölkö etc. (see Róna-Tas 1972, 234).
PTurk. *dǖĺ (/*dǖl) dream (сон): OTurk. tül; tüše- ‘to dream’
(OUygh.); Karakh. tüš; tüše- ‘to dream’ (MK); Tur. düš, dial. tüš; Gag.
düš; Az. tüš (dial.); Turkm. dǖš; Sal. tel; MTurk. tüš (Бор. Бад., Abush.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. duš; Uygh. tüš, čüš; Krm. tüš; Tat. tš; Bashk. tš; Kirgh.
1474 *t῾umgi - *t῾mi
tüš; Kaz. tüs; KBalk. tüš; KKalp. tüs; Kum. tüš; Nogh. tüs; Khak. tüs; Shr.
tüš; Oyr. tüš; Tv. düš; Tof. düš; Chuv. təₙləₙk; Yak. tǖl; tühē- ‘to dream’;
Dolg. tǖl; tühē- ‘to dream’.
◊ VEWT 507, TMN 3, 211, EDT 559, 561, 490, ЭСТЯ 3, 323-324, Stachowski 234, 236.
See also Rona-Tas 1972 on Old Uyghur tülek ‘supernatural power’.
‖ KW 406, Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 70; not borrowed in Mong. <
Turk., despite Rona-Tas 1972, 232. A Western isogloss. PT has *d- here
because of secondary voicing before *ĺ, as in a number of other cases;
despite АПиПЯЯ 97, 276 this (more traditional) comparison seems
now preferable for us.
-t῾umgi ( ~ -e) base of tree trunk or grass stalk: Mong. *tüŋge; Turk.
*Tömgek; Kor. *tuŋ-.
PMong. *tüŋge rough and long steppe grass (грубая и длинная
степная трава): WMong. tüŋge; (L 853: tüŋke ‘overgrowth of feather
grass’); Kh. tünge, tünx ‘заросли чия’ (БАМРС); Kalm. tüŋgə.
◊ KW 415.
PTurk. *Tömgek stump (пень): Turkm. töŋŋe; Uzb. tọngak; Krm.
tüngek; Tat. tümgɛk; Bashk. t/düŋgäk, tümkäk; Kaz. diŋgek; KBalk. töŋgek;
KKalp. diŋgek; Kum. töngek; Khak. dial. tökbeš (Joki - Kyz.); Oyr. töŋöš;
Tof. döhöš; Chuv. təm,təmeke; Yak. töŋürgäs, tögürgäs; Dolg. töŋürges.
◊ VEWT 493, ЭСТЯ 3, 279-281, Федотов 215, Stachowski 228.
PKor. *tuŋ- base of tree trunk (основание ствола): Mod. tuŋčhi,
(SKE) tuŋkhəgi.
◊ KED 511.
‖ KW 415. Cf. OJ twoma ‘mat made of grass (miscanthus)’?
-t῾mi a k. of edible root: Tung. *tōma; Mong. *tömü-sün; Turk.
*tum-gu-.
PTung. *tōma a k. of plant similar to potato (назв. растения со съе-
добными корнями, похожими на картофель): Orch. tōma.
◊ ТМС 2, 196. Attested only in Oroch, but having probable parallels in Turk. and
Mong.
PMong. *tömü-sün edible root (съедобный корень): WMong.
tömüsü(n) (MXTTT); Kh. tömsön ‘bulbous plants, potatoes’ (Gomb. 509);
Bur. tümhe(n) ‘луковица растений’; Ord. tömösü, tömös ‘cereal, grains’.
PTurk. *tum-gu- 1 water nut 2 water-lily (1 водяной орех 2 кув-
шинка): Karakh. tumɣujun (IM) 1; Tur. tumaɣan (Osm.) 1; MTurk.
(MKypch.) tumɣɨjuq ‘лепесток водяной лилии’ (Ettuhf.); Tat. tönböjek,
(КСТТ) tomqɨjɨq 2; Bashk. tombojoq 2; Kaz. tumbujuq (R) 1; Oyr. tumɣajaq
2 (Tel.).
◊ VEWT 499.
 *t῾ŭmu - *t῾úmu 1475

‖ A Western isogloss. Cf. perhaps various OJ plant names (tumi,

tumama), although they do not refer specifically to plants with edible
roots.
-t῾ŭmu head, top of head: Tung. *tumŋu-; Mong. *tom-; Turk. *tum-; Jpn.
*tum-.
PTung. *tumŋu- top of head (темя): Evk. tuŋulkēn, temulkēn; Evn.
teŋelek, tuŋelek; SMan. tuŋun; Nan. tembilku; Orch. tumaxa; Ud. temuge.
◊ ТМС 2, 217.
PMong. *tom- 1 chief, first 2 to appoint, nominate 3 hat (1 главный,
первый 2 назначать (на должность) 3 шляпа): MMong. tumbula- (SH)
2; WMong. tomi 1 (L 822), tomila- 2 (L 823), tumurliɣ 3, tumulai 3; (L 824:
tomurčaɣ ‘muzzle for animals’); Kh. tomil- 2, tumlaj 3; Bur. tomil- 2;
Kalm. tumrləg 3; Ord. tomi 1, tumulai 3 (petit bonnet), tomilo- ‘to be
ahead of’; Mongr. tumbu, tombu ‘le premier petit qu’un animal met bas’
(SM 431).
◊ KW 410.
PTurk. *tum- 1 hat, cap 2 snout 3 beak 4 nose (1 шапка 2 морда 3
клюв 4 нос): OTurk. tomaɣa 1 (OUygh. - XIV ), tumšuq 3 (OUygh.);
Karakh. tumšuq 3 (MK, KB); Tur. tomšuk 3; Turkm. tumšuq 2; MTurk.
tumaq 1 (Pav. C.), tumšuq (MA, Abush.) 3; Uzb. tumɔq 1, tumšuq 2, 3, 4;
Uygh. tumaq 1, tumšuq 2, 3, 4; Tat. tumaq 1 (КСТТ), tomšɨq 3, (КСТТ) 4;
Bashk. tomšoq 2, 3; Kirgh. tumaq 1, tumšuq 2, 3; Kaz. tɨmaq 1, tumsɨq 2, 3;
KKalp. tumaq 1, tumsɨq 2, 3; Nogh. tumsɨq 2; SUygh. tɨmsɨq 3; Khak.
tumzux 2, 3, 4; Shr. tunčuq 2, 3; Oyr. tubaq 1 (Leb.), tumčuq 2, 3, 4; Tv.
dumčuq 3, 4; Tof. tun’čuq 3; Yak. tumus 2, 3; Dolg. tumus ‘cape’.
◊ VEWT 499, TMN 2, 642, EDT 509-10, Лексика 216, 483, Radloff 3, 1518, Stachowski
230.
PJpn. *tum- top; head (верх, вершина; голова): MJpn. tuburi, tu-
muri; Tok. tsumurí; Kyo. tsúmúrí; Kag. tsumurí.
◊ JLTT 556. Accent reconstruction is not quite clear (although most of the forms point
to high tone).
‖ АПиПЯЯ 109, 279, Ozawa 130, Лексика 483. Turk. *tumak > Kalm.
toməɣə, whence again Kirgh. tomaɣa etc. (a similar source is probable for
Manchu tomorχan), see TMN 1, 258.
-t῾úmu ( ~ -o-) clever, to plan, understand: Tung. *tum-; Mong. *tomi-;
Jpn. *túmr-.
PTung. *tum- 1 clever 2 to understand (1 умный 2 понимать): Evk.
tumnačī 1; Neg. tumku-n 1; Orch. tumne- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 213.
PMong. *tomi- 1 notion, expression, term 2 to appoint, commission
(1 понятие, термин, формула 2 назначать, отправлять с поручени-
1476 *t῾mV - *t῾ŋe
ем): WMong. tomi-ja(n) (L 822) 1, tomi- 2; Kh. tomjō-n 1, tomila- 2; Bur.
tomjōr- ‘to calculate’; Ord. tomō ‘intelligence; sense’; Dag. tomilə- 2.
◊ MGCD 639. Mong. > Man. tomila- (Rozycki 210).
PJpn. *túmr- to intend (намереваться): OJpn. tum(w)or-; MJpn.
túmór-; Tok. tsùmor-, tsumór-; Kyo. tsúmór-; Kag. tsumór-.
◊ JLTT 774.
‖ ? Cf. Turk. *tolmač ‘translator’.
-t῾mV ( ~ -o-) spittle: Tung. *tumin; Jpn. *tù.
PTung. *tumin spittle (плевок, слюна): Evk. tumin; Evn. tumnin;
Neg. tomon; Ud. tumiŋi- ‘to spit out’; Sol. tomĩ.
◊ ТМС 2, 213.
PJpn. *tù spittle, saliva (слюна): MJpn. tù.
◊ JLTT 552.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; the Jpn. form reflects a suffixed *t῾m(V)-gV.
-t῾ŋe window in roof, funnel, door: Tung. *tuŋke; Mong. *toɣuna; Turk.
*tüŋ-; Jpn. *túa.
PTung. *tuŋke 1 cover of kettle 2 roof (1 крышка чайника 2 кры-
ша): Man. tuxe 1; SMan. tuxē ‘pan lid, kettle lid’ (586); tuɣe 2; Nan. tuŋke
1.
◊ ТМС 2, 216.
PMong. *toɣuna funnel, window in roof, cross-beam (дымоход, ок-
но в крыше, поперечная балка): WMong. toɣuna, toɣunu (L 817); Kh.
tōno; Bur. tōno; Kalm. tōnə (КРС); tōnlǯn ‘cross-shaped’ (KW); Ord.
tōno(n); Dag. cf. tuāngal ‘buttonhole’.
◊ KW 405. Mong. > Man. dono ~ tono ‘funnel, window in roof’ (ТМС 1, 215), Kirgh.
toɣun id. (see TMN 1, 376, Владимирцов 276). WMong. also has a word toɣuna ‘horn
button on the end of an arrow; a k. of arrow’ - which, despite TMN 1, 375, should be
rather kept apart.
PTurk. *tüŋ- funnel, window (дымовое отверстие, окно): OTurk.
tügnük (OUygh. - YB), tünlük (late OUygh. - Lig. VSOu); Karakh. tüŋlük
(MK), t/dünlük (IM); Tur. tüjnük; Turkm. tüjnük; Sal. tümlüx; MTurk.
tüjnik (Pav. C.); Uzb. tujnuk; Uygh. tüŋlük; Tat. tönläk; Bashk. tönlök;
Kirgh. tündük; Kaz. tüŋdik; KKalp. tüŋlik; Kum. tüŋülük; Nogh. tünlik;
SUygh. tɨndɨk; Khak. tünük; Shr. tündük; Oyr. tünük; Tv. dündük; Tof.
düŋnük; Chuv. təₙnəₙ; Yak. tünnük; Dolg. tünnük.
◊ VEWT 505, TMN 2, 643-645, EDT 520, Лексика 506-507, 516, Stachowski 234.
PJpn. *túa door (дверь): OJpn. two; MJpn. tó; Tok. tò; Kyo. tṓ; Kag.
tó.
◊ JLTT 547.
‖ Jpn. reflects a suffixed *t῾ŋ(e)-gV.
 *t῾uŋe - *t῾p῾i 1477

-t῾uŋe to inform: Tung. *tuŋ-; Mong. *tuŋ-; Turk. *Tüŋ-; Jpn. *tuanap-.
PTung. *tuŋ- 1 to warn 2 to know 3 to tell (1 предупреждать 2
знать 3 рассказывать): Evk. tuŋnī- 1, tuŋe- 2; Man. toŋgi- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 197, 216.
PMong. *tuŋ- 1 to call, invoke 2 appeal (1 взывать, призывать 2
воззвание): MMong. tuŋxa- (HY) 1, tuŋqaq 2 (Козин); WMong. tuŋɣaɣ
2; Kh. tunxag 2; Bur. tunxag 2; Kalm. tuŋgəg 2; Ord. tuŋGak 2.
◊ KW 410-411. Mong. > MTurk. tuŋqūl, tuŋɣūl, see Щербак 1997, 212.
PTurk. *Tüŋ- 1 metaphor 2 summary, conclusion 3 interpreter 4 re-
ality (1 притча, иносказание 2 итог, обобщение 3 переводчик 4 явь):
Uygh. tüŋči 3; KBalk. tün 4; Oyr. tüŋ 1 (Верб.), tüŋej ‘одинаковый’; Tv.
tüŋ 2; Yak. tüŋet- ‘делить, распределять’; Dolg. tüŋehe ‘ein Brauch,
dem gemäß ein Jäger das Fleisch des von ihm erlegten Rentiers den
Nachbarn schenkt und für sich selbst nur den Rentierkopf behält, wel-
cher ihm Glück bringen soll’.
◊ VEWT 505, Stachowski 235.
PJpn. *tuanap- to proclaim, narrate (провозглашать, возвещать):
OJpn. twonap-; MJpn. tónáf-; Tok. tonaé-; Kyo. tónáé-; Kag. tonaé-.
◊ JLTT 770. Accent is not quite clear: modern dialects point rather to low tone.
‖ A good common Altaic root.
-t῾úŋi ( ~ -o-) rope, to bind: Mong. *tüŋge; Jpn. *túnk-; Kor. *toŋ-.
PMong. *tüŋge strap, tether (ремешок, путы): WMong. tüŋge; Kh.
tüŋge; Bur. tüŋge ‘straps for bootlegs’; Kalm. tüŋgə.
◊ KW 415.
PJpn. *túnk- to bind together, join (связывать, соединять): OJpn.
tug-; MJpn. túg-; Tok. tsùg-; Kyo. tsúg-; Kag. tsúg-.
◊ JLTT 772.
PKor. *toŋ- 1 bundle 2 to bind (1 связка 2 обвязывать, связывать):
MKor. toŋ 1; Mod. toŋ 1, toŋ’i- 2.
◊ Liu 232, KED 484, 493.
‖ Mong. > Evk. tuŋa, tuŋi. Cf. *tằnŋu.
-t῾p῾i spit, spittle: Tung. *tupi-; Turk. *tüpkür-; Jpn. *tù(m)pàk-.
PTung. *tupi- to spit, spittle (плевать, плевок, слюна): Man. čife-le-;
SMan. čivələ- (36, 408); Ul. tịpụ(n); Ork. tụpịn; Nan. topịn-; Orch. tupin-.
◊ ТМС 2, 213. The variant *tipu- reflected in Manchu and Ul. is probably secondary.
PTurk. *tüpkür- to spit (плевать): Karakh. tüfkür- (Tafs.); Tur.
tükür-; Az. tüpür-; Turkm. tüjkür-; MTurk. tükür- (Pav. C., Ettuhf.); Uzb.
tupur-, tup-la-; Uygh. tükür-, tükär-; Krm. tükür-; Tat. töker-; Bashk.
tökör-; Kirgh. tükür-; Kaz. tükir-; KBalk. tükür-; KKalp. tükir-; Kum.
tükür-; Nogh. tükir-; Khak. tükür-; Shr. tükkür-; Oyr. tükür-; Tv. dükpür-;
Tof. tükkür-.
◊ VEWT 504.
1478 *t῾ùrmV - *t῾[u]tỺ
PJpn. *tù(m)pàk- 1 to spit 2 spittle (1 плевать 2 плевок, слюна):
OJpn. tupak- 1, tupak(j)i 2; MJpn. tùfàkì 2; Tok. tsubaki 2.
◊ JLTT 552.
‖ An onomatopoeic root, but seems well reconstructable for PA (in-
cluding the morphological derivative *t῾p῾i-k῾V > PT *tübkü-r-, PJ
*tù(m)pà-k-).
-t῾ùrmV a k. of vegetable: Tung. *terbe ( ~ *turbe); Mong. *torum(a);
Turk. *turup / *turum.
PTung. *terbe ( ~ *turbe) name of an edible plant (назв. растения
(травянистого, горького, которое едят олени и собаки)): Evk. terwe.
◊ ТМС 2, 238. Found only in Evk., with possible parallels in Turkic and Mongolian.
PMong. *torum(a) turnip (репа): MMong. turma (HY); WMong.
torom (МХТТТ); Kh. torom.
PTurk. *turup / *turum turnip (репа): Karakh. turma (MK); Tur.
tur(u)p; Turkm. turp.
◊ VEWT 501, EDT 549 (the Pers. forms are more probably < Turkic).
‖ A Western isogloss: the PA antiquity is rather dubious because of
late attestation and possible loans. Mong. may be < Turk., cf. TMN 2,
505, Щербак 1997, 159. The Turk. form itself is somewhat doubtful be-
cause of a strange variation -m/-p (see TMN 2, 504-505, with a sugges-
tion of an Iranian origin). A possible source can be Chin. 土卵 tuluan,
MC thólwân, OC thāʔrhōnʔ ‘yam’, lit. ‘earth egg’, whence also MKor.
thóràn, Kor. thoran, Jpn. tororo ‘yam’.
-t῾[u]tỺ to grasp, close, detain: Tung. *tuta-; Mong. *todka-, *tödüge-;
Turk. *tut-; Jpn. *tntə-, *tnt-má-; Kor. *tàt-.
PTung. *tuta- to stay, remain (оставаться): Man. tuta-; SMan. tuta-
‘to stay behind, to remain behind’ (1180); Jurch. duta-xun (720).
◊ ТМС 2, 223.
PMong. *todka-, *tödüge- to detain, fasten (задерживать, прикре-
плять): MMong. tode’e- (SH), todu’e-, toduge- (HYt); WMong. todqa- (L
813: todqar ‘obstacle, obstruction’), tödüge-; tüde- ‘to tarry, hesitate’ (L
849); Kh. totgor ‘помеха, препятствие’; tüde-; Bur. todxor ‘помеха,
препятствие’; Kalm. totxə-; tödəg ‘Schlinge, Haken zum Anbinden od.
Anhaken’.
◊ KW 397, 404, 405.
PTurk. *tut- to grasp (держать, хватать): OTurk. tut- (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. tut- (MK, KB, IM); Tur. tut-; Gag. tut-; Az. tut-;
Turkm. tut-; Sal. tut-; Khal. tut-; MTurk. tut- (Sangl., Abush., MA); Uzb.
tut-; Uygh. tut-; Krm. tut-; Tat. tot-; Bashk. tot-; Kirgh. tut-; Kaz. tut-;
KBalk. tut-; KKalp. tut-; Kum. tut-; Nogh. tut-; SUygh. tut-; Khak. tut-;
Shr. tut-; Oyr. tut-; Tv. tu’t-; Tof. tu’t-; Chuv. tɨt-; Yak. tut-; Dolg. tut-.
◊ VEWT 502, EDT 451, Егоров 268-269, Федотов 2, 268-269, Stachowski 233.
 *t῾ut῾ì - *t῾út῾i 1479

PJpn. *tntə- 1 to close 2 to obstruct, detain (1 закрывать 2 задер-

живать, препятствовать): OJpn. t(w)odu- 1, todo-ma- 2; MJpn. tòdu- 1,
tódó-ma- 2; Tok. tojí- 1, todomé- 2; Kyo. tòjì- 1, tódómé- 2; Kag. tòjì- 1, to-
domé- 2.
◊ JLTT 771, 768. The difference in accents is somewhat strange, perhaps indicating
two originally different roots.
PKor. *tàt- to close (закрывать): MKor. tàt-; Mod. tat-.
◊ Nam 139, KED 401.
‖ KW 397, 404, Martin 228, АПиПЯЯ 15, 71, Ozawa 248-249. Cf.
Mong. *togta- ‘to stop, establish’ ( > late MTurk. toqta-, see TMN 1, 273,
Щербак 1997, 211; Yak. toxtō-, Dolg. toktō-, see Stachowski 226; Man.
tokto- etc., see Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT 119). In Kor. cf. also MKor.
tətăi ‘slowly’, tətăi- ‘to delay, be slow’ (compared with TM in Lee 1958,
118). Mongolian, Korean and Japanese accent variants may indicate
that we are dealing more than with one root here, but the distinction is
difficult to make.
-t῾ut῾ì to beat, strike: Tung. *tute-; Turk. *tüt-; Jpn. *tutuk-; Kor. *tùtrí-.
PTung. *tute- sword, spear (меч, копье): Evk. tutekēn.
◊ ТМС 2, 224. Attested only in Evk., with probable external parallels.
PTurk. *tüt- to quarrel (ссориться): OTurk. tütüš- (OUygh.);
Karakh. tütüš- (MK, KB); Turkm. tüte- ‘be angry at smb.’; MTurk. tütüš-
(MKypch. - Houts.); Chuv. tətər- ‘to scold’.
◊ VEWT 507, EDT 462 (if not a metaphor for *tüt- ‘to fume’).
PJpn. *tutuk- to beat, hit (бить, ударять): OJpn. tutuk-; Tok. tsutsúk-;
Kyo. tsútsúk-; Kag. tsutsúk-.
◊ JLTT 776. Accent reconstruction unclear.
PKor. *tùtrí- to beat, hit (бить, ударять): MKor. tùtrí-; Mod. tudɨri-.
◊ Liu 237, KED 503.
‖ An expressive root, but no doubt common Altaic. The Turkic, Ko-
rean and Japanese forms correspond well to each other; the TM (iso-
lated Evk.) reflex is more questionable.
-t῾út῾i (~ -t-) smoke: Turk. *tüt-ün, *tüt-süg; Kor. *ttkr / *tthr.
PTurk. *tüt-ün, *tüt-süg 1 to smoke 2 smoke (1 дымить 2 дым):
OTurk. tüt(e)-1, tütün, tütsüg 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. tüt(e)- 1 (KB), tüte-t-
caus. (1), tütün, tütsüg 2 (MK); Tur. tüt- 1, tütün 2; Gag. tüt- 1, tütün 2;
Az. tüstü 2; Turkm. tüte- 1, tüsse 2; Sal. cücyn, tɨssɨ 2 (ССЯ); Khal. titi- 1;
MTurk. tütsi 2 (Sangl.), tütün 2 (MKypch. - Houts.); Uzb. tutun 2; Uygh.
tütün ‘tobacco’; Krm. tüte- 1, tutun 2; Tat. tötä- 1, töten 2; Bashk. tötä- 1,
tötön 2; Kirgh. tütö- 1, tütün 2; Kaz. tüte- 1, tutin 2; KBalk. tütün 2;
KKalp. tüte- 1, töten 2; Kum. tütün 2; Nogh. tüte- 1, tütin 2; SUygh. tüt-
1, tutun ‘tobacco’; Khak. tüde- 1, tüdün 2; Shr. tüdün 2; Oyr. tüdün 2; Tv.
1480 *t῾ut῾Ỽ - *t῾ut῾Ỽ
düdüskek ‘haze’; düdü- ‘to rot, mould’; Tof. tütü- (ФиЛ 177 düdü-) ‘to rot,
mould’; Chuv. təₙdəₙm 2.
◊ PT *tüt-ün, *tüt-süg - derivations from *tüt(e)- ‘to smoke’. See VEWT 507, EDT 452,
457-8, 461, TMN 2, 605, Лексика 364-365. The Tuva-Tof. verb meaning ‘to rot’ may be-
long here as well, though the absence of pharyngealization in Tof. is strange.
PKor. *ttkr / *tthr dust (пыль): MKor. ttkr / tthr; Mod. thik:ɨl.
◊ Nam 172, 173, KED 1726.
‖ A Turk.-Kor. isogloss: Mong. *hutuɣa ‘smoke’ must be separated -
despite АПИПЯЯ 34-35, 285.
-t῾ut῾Ỽ ( ~ -o-) a k. of tree (Aesculus turbinata): Jpn. *təti (~ *tuati); Kor.
*tòthórí.
PJpn. *təti (~ *tuati) Aesculus turbinata Blume. (конский каштан):
MJpn. toti; Tok. tochi.
◊ JLTT 551.
PKor. *tòthórí Aesculus turbinata Blume; acorn (конский каштан;
желудь): MKor. tòthórí; Mod. tothori.
◊ Liu 227, KED 470.
‖ Cf. *čkte. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.
 U

-ubč῾V behind, rump, fish fin: Tung. *oči(ka); Mong. *(h)uwča; Turk.
*ūča.
PTung. *oči(ka) 1 groin 2 fish fin (on the back or on belly) 3 fork, bi-
furcation (1 пах 2 рыбий плавник (спинной или подбрюшный) 3
развилка): Evn. očaqa 1, oč 3; Neg. očaxa 2; Man. učiqa 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 29.
PMong. *(h)uwča sacrum, croup, rump (копчик, крестец): MMong.
uča ‘back’ (MA); WMong. uuča, (L 864) uɣuča (MXTTT); Kh. ūc; Bur. ūsa;
Kalm. ūcə (КРС); Ord. ūča; Mog. uča ‘back’ (Weiers).
◊ Mong. > Man. uča etc., see TMN 2, 138, Doerfer MT 116, Rozycki 215.
PTurk. *ūča 1 rump 2 back 3 loins, buttocks (1 крестец 2 спина 3
задница, ягодицы): OTurk. uča (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. uča (MK) 2; Tur.
uǯa ‘hip’; Turkm. ūǯa 1; MTurk. uǯa (AH), uča (AH, Pav. C.) 2, 3; Uygh.
uča 2; Tat. ŭča 1; Bashk. ŭsa 1; Kirgh. uča 1; Nogh. uša 1; SUygh. uǯa, uča
1; Khak. uča 2; Shr. uča 1; Oyr. uča 2; Tv. uža 1; Chuv. vəₙǯəₙ 1; Yak.
uǯuŋax 3.
◊ EDT 20, ЭСТЯ 1, 566-567. The Yak. form has an irregular -ǯ-.
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite TMN 2, 137, Щербак 1997, 160,
Mong. cannot be < Turk. (-uw- is unexplained this way).
-ùbre (~ -ŕ-) truth: Tung. *uru; Mong. *(h)uwr; Jpn. *btu; Kor. *órh-.
PTung. *urē- 1 truth 2 to justify 3 to agree (1 правда 2 оправдывать
3 соглашаться): Evk. urē- 3; Evn. öre- 3; Neg. ujē- 3; Man. uru 1, urgin
‘sample, form’; Jurch. uru-le-be (831) 2; Sol. urubu- ‘to learn (of sol-
diers)’.
◊ ТМС 2, 23, 283, 287, 289.
PMong. *(h)uwr really, purely (e.g. “purely Mongolian”) (чисто
(напр. “чисто монгольский”)): WMong. uur, our (L 890) (e.g. uur
moŋɣul); Kh. ūr, ōr.
PJpn. *btu reality (истина, реальность): OJpn. wotu-(tu), utu-tu;
MJpn. ùtù-(tú); Tok. ùtsutsu; Kyo. ùtsùtsú; Kag. ùtsùtsú.
◊ JLTT 566. Modern dialects point rather to a high tone on the second syllable.
PKor. *órh- right, true (правильный, верный): MKor. órh-; Mod. ol-
(olh-).
1482 *ùč῾e - *č῾i
◊ Nam 383, KED 1210.
‖ PKE 137, Lee 1958, 118.
-ùč῾e reason: Tung. *uč-; Mong. *učir; Turk. *üč-ün; Kor. *áčh.
PTung. *uč- 1 case, fate 2 time, season (1 случай, судьба 2 пора,
время): Evn. ụčịq 1; Man. učuri 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 296-297. Man. may be < Mong. (see Doerfer MT 139, Rozycki 215).
PMong. *učir cause, reason (причина): MMong. učir ‘Gelegenheit,
Zeit’ (HYt); WMong. učir(a) (L 859: učir); Kh. učir; Bur. ušar; Kalm. učr;
Ord. učir; Mog. ZM očur ‘time’ (19-5b); Dag. očir (Тод. Даг. 160).
◊ KW 453.
PTurk. *üč-ün because of, for the sake of (потому что, по причи-
не): OTurk. üčün (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. üčün; Gag. ičin; Az. üčün;
Turkm. üčīn; MTurk. ičün, ičin (Pav. C.), üčün (AH); Uzb. učun; Uygh.
üčün; Krm. ičün; Tat. čĭn; Bashk. čn; Kirgh. üčün; Kaz. üšĭn; KBalk.
üčün; Nogh. üšin; Khak. üčün; Shr. üǯün; Chuv. -šъn; Yak. ihin; Dolg.
ihin.
◊ EDT 28-29, VEWT 169, ЭСТЯ 1, 642-643, Stachowski 123. A variant *uč- is also at-
tested in *učun ‘because’ (VEWT 509), *učra- ‘to meet’ (ibid.; the latter, however, may be <
Mong. učira-, see Щербак 1997, 211; see *ut῾a). The common Turkic form is in fact an
instrumental case.
PKor. *áčh reason (причина): MKor. áčh.
◊ Nam 350.
‖ In Mong. the root reflects a partial contamination with *út῾a q. v.
-č῾i end, edge: Mong. *üǯüɣür; Turk. *ūč; Kor. *učuk.
PMong. *üǯüɣür end, edge (конец, край): MMong. uǯu’uren ‘bis
zum Ende’ (HYt); WMong. üǯügür (L 1017); Kh. üʒǖr; Bur. üzǖr; Kalm.
üzǖr; Ord. üǯǖr; Dag. xuǯūr (Тод. Даг. 179), huǯure (MD 166); Dong.
uǯu; Bao. nǯor (Тод. Бн.), uǯir; S.-Yugh. ǯǖr; Mongr. rū ‘pointe, som-
met, cime’ (SM 312), uǯūr.
◊ KW 460, MGCD 689. Initial x- in Dag. is not clear: under the influence of xoǯōr
‘root’ < *hiǯaɣur (?)
PTurk. *ūč end, edge (конец, край): OTurk. uč (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. uč (MK); Tur. uč; Gag. uč; Az. uǯ; Turkm. ūč; MTurk. uč (AH);
Uzb. uč; Krm. uč; Tat. ŭč; Bashk. ŭs; Kirgh. uč; Kaz. ŭš; KKalp. uš; Nogh.
uš; SUygh. uč; Khak. us; Shr. uč; Oyr. uč; Tv. uš; Chuv. vəₙś; Yak. uhuk;
Dolg. uhuk.
◊ EDT 17-18, ЭСТЯ 1, 611-612, Stachowski 241. The derived *ūč-ɨk ‘end (of thread
etc.)’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 615-616) > Mong. učig ‘end of thread’) (despite TMN 2, 135).
PKor. *učuk top of a tree, upper branches (верхушка дерева): Mod.
uǯuk.
◊ KED 1242.
‖ Medial -ǯ- in Mong. must be due to assimilation.
 *ùč῾ìk῾V - *úč῾u 1483

-ùč῾ìk῾V ( ~ -k-) beautiful, ornamented: Tung. *učik(te); Turk. *üčük- (?);

Jpn. *ùtùkù-; Kor. *skú-mí-.
PTung. *učik(te) 1 sheath 2 ornaments on sheath (1 чехол 2 укра-
шения на чехле): Man. učiqa 1; Ork. učikte 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 250, 297.
PTurk. *üčük- (?) beautiful, handsome (красивый, милый): Yak.
üčügej; Dolg. üčügej.
◊ Stachowski 248. Despite VEWT 518, hardly < Mong. öčüken ‘small’ (which has quite
a different origin, see *ŋṓjču.
PJpn. *ùtùkù- beautiful (красивый): OJpn. utuku-si; MJpn. ùtùkù-si;
Tok. utsukúshi-; Kyo. útsúkúshì-; Kag. utsukushí-.
◊ JLTT 844.
PKor. *skú-mí- to ornament (украшать): MKor. skú-mí-; Mod.
k:umi-.
◊ Nam 62, KED 202.
‖ The Turkic reflex is preserved only in Yak., which may be an im-
portant archaism.
-č῾o to fly, fall: Tung. *(x)uča-; Turk. *uč-; Jpn. *t-.
PTung. *(x)uča- to stumble (спотыкаться): Evk. učawan-; Evn.
ụččoŋčị-; Neg. očaɣan-.
◊ ТМС 2, 296.
PTurk. *uč- fly v. (лететь, летать): OTurk. uč- (OUygh.); Karakh. uč-
(MK,KB); Tur. uč-; Gag. uč-; Az. uč-; Turkm. uč-; Sal. uš-; Khal. uč-,
učɣur-; MTurk. uč- (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. uč-; Uygh. uč-; Krm. uč-; Tat.
oč-; Bashk. os-; Kirgh. uč-; Kaz. uš-; KBalk. uč-; KKalp. uš-; Kum. uč-;
Nogh. uš-; SUygh. uč-; Khak. učux-; Shr. učuq-; Oyr. uč-; Tv. u’š-; Tof.
u’š-; Chuv. vəₙś-; Yak. uhun- ‘float’; Dolg. uhun- ‘float, swim’.
◊ VEWT 509, EDT 19, ЭСТЯ 1, 612-613, Stachowski 241.
PJpn. *t- fall (падать): OJpn. otu-; MJpn. òtu-; Tok. ochí-; Kyo.
òchì-; Kag. ochi-.
◊ JLTT 743. The root *t- is recoverable from derivatives like OJ oto-s- (*t-s-) ‘to
cause to fall’.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 282.
-úč῾u ( ~ -o) spray, urine: Tung. *uče-; Turk. *uč-; Kor. *òčóm.
PTung. *uče- diarrhoea (понос): Evk. učen; Neg. učel- (v.); Ul. uče;
Nan. uce (Bik.); Ud. use.
◊ ТМС 2, 297.
PTurk. *uč- 1 waterfall 2 spray (1 водопад 2 брызги): Tur. učarɨ
‘ausschweifend’; Tat. očoq 2; Kaz. ụšan-teŋiz ‘broad sea’; Oyr. učar 1; Tv.
u’žar ‘river rapid’; Chuv. vəₙǯəₙlt-vəₙǯəₙlt ‘gurgle, guggle (onomat.)’;
Yak. usun ‘river rapid’ (Пек.).
◊ VEWT 509.
1484 *udu - *úgà
PKor. *òčóm urine, urinary bladder (моча, мочевой пузырь):
MKor. òčóm; Mod. oǯum.
◊ Nam 381, KED 1203.
‖ Phonetically plausible; however, late attestation and expressive
reflexes in Turkic reduce the reliability of the etymology.
-udu ( ~ -i, ŋ-) arm, thigh: Turk. *ud-luk; Jpn. *ùntài.
PTurk. *ud-luk hip, thigh (бедро): OTurk. udluq (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. uδluq (MK); Tur. ujluk; Turkm. ujluq, uwluq; MTurk. ujluq (Pav.
C.); SUygh. utuq, otuq; Khak. ustux ‘knee’; Shr. ustuq; Yak. ulluk.
◊ EDT 55, VEWT 510, ЭСТЯ 1, 578-579, Лексика 282.
PJpn. *ùntài arm (рука): OJpn. ude; MJpn. ùdè; Tok. udé; Kyo. údè;
Kag. udé.
◊ JLTT 560.
‖ A Turk.-Jpn. isogloss.
-udV ( ~ u-, o-) ox, buffalo: Mong. *odu-s; Turk. *ud.
PMong. *odu-s wild yak, buffalo (дикий як, буйвол): MMong. odos
(HY 11); WMong. udus (L 862); Kh. odos (БАМРС).
◊ Hardly < Turk. qotuz, despite Clark 1980, 39.
PTurk. *ud ox, bull (вол, бык): OTurk. ud (OUygh.); Karakh. uδ
(MK); MTurk. uj (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uygh. uj; Kirgh. uj;
SUygh. ut; Oyr. uj.
◊ EDT 34, ЭСТЯ 1, 572-573, Лексика 434-435 ( > MMong. uj, Щербак 1997, 161).
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. EAS 153 (despite criticism in TMN 2, 141
the old etymology may still be valid), Лексика 435.
-udV ( ~ o-, u-, o-) rain: Tung. *udu-n; Kor. *òrán-.
PTung. *udu-n rain (with wind) (дождь, ливень): Evk. udun; Evn.
ụdъn; Orch. udu(n); Sol. ụd.
◊ ТМС 2, 248.
PKor. *òrán- heavy rain (ливень): MKor. òrán-pí.
◊ Liu 575.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.
-úgà a k. of ferment: Tung. *ug-; Mong. *(h)aɣag; Turk. *ugut; Jpn. *ákú.
PTung. *ug- 1 gall 2 to rot 3 rotten (1 желчь 2 портиться, гнить 3
гнилой): Evk. uɣī 1, uɣlē- 2; Evn. ugo 1, ūl- 2; Ork. ūɣledixe 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 246.
PMong. *(h)aɣag strength (of tea, etc.) (крепость (чая и т. п.)):
WMong. aɣag, aɣa (L 12); Kh. āg; Bur. āgtaj ‘strong (tea)’; Kalm. āg (КРС
17); ag (KW 2).
◊ KW 2.
PTurk. *ugut ferment (закваска): Karakh. uɣut (MK); Kirgh. uɣut;
Kaz. uvɨt; Oyr. ūt.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 575.
 *uge - *jbà 1485

PJpn. *ákú lye (щелок): Tok. àku; Kyo. ákú; Kag. áku.
◊ JLTT 379.
‖ A reliable common Altaic root.
-uge owl: Tung. *oksari; Mong. *uɣuli; Turk. *ügi.
PTung. *oksari owl (сова): Neg. oksaɣị, oksajị; Ul. ụqsara(n); Ork.
ụqsara; Nan. oqsarã; Orch. uksara.
◊ ТМС 2, 10-11.
PMong. *uɣuli owl (сова): MMong. uli (HY 13), əɣəli ‘eagle-owl’
(IM); WMong. uuli, uɣuli (L 864); Kh. ūĺ; Bur. ūli; Kalm. ūĺə; Ord. ūli;
Mongr. ŋguloG (SM 292).
◊ KW 454.
PTurk. *ügi owl (сова): Karakh. ügi, ühi (MK, KB, IM); Tur. öjü;
Turkm. hüvi; MTurk. ügü (Sangl., CCum.); Uygh. ükä; Tat. öke; Bashk.
ökö; Kirgh. ükü; KKalp. ükü; Khak. ügü; Shr. ügü; Oyr. ükü; Tv. ügü; Tof.
hügü, hij-quš; Chuv. ügə, üxə.
◊ VEWT 519, TMN 2, 156, EDT 101, Лексика 170-171, Федотов 2, 303. Some irregu-
larities are explained by the root’s expressive character.
‖ Лексика 171. An onomatopoetic Western isogloss, which does not
exclude its antiquity (despite TMN 2, 156).
-ugi ( ~ o-, -e, u-) birch or larch bark: Tung. *ug-da-; Mong. *üji(l)-su.
PTung. *ug-da- 1 dry larch 2 building made of dry larch 3 boat (1
сухая лиственница 2 постройка из сухой лиственницы 3 лодка):
Evk. ugdal 1, ugdān 2, ugda-ksa 3; Evn. ụdan 2; Neg. ogda 3, ogdan 2; Ul.
ụGda 3; Ork. ụGda 3; Nan. oGda 3; Orch. ugda 3; Ud. ugda 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 244.
PMong. *üji(l)-sü birch bark (береста): MMong. ujilsun (SH);
WMong. üi(l)-sü (L 1001: üisü(n)); Kh. üjs; Bur. üjhe(n).
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.
-jbà foam: Tung. *(x)ōb-; Mong. *ibil-; Jpn. *àwà.
PTung. *(x)ōb- 1 to get covered by foam 2 foam (on water) 3 to
wash, wash off (1 покрываться пеной 2 пена (на воде) 3 мыть, смы-
вать): Evk. ōvda- 1; Man. obo- 3, oboŋgi 2; SMan. ovə-, ovu- (1691) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 4.
PMong. *ibil- to flow (of milk from the udder at the time of suck-
ing) (течь (о молоке из вымени при сосании)): WMong. ibil-, ibel- (L
397), ibile-; ibel- ‘couler sans discontinuer (mince filet d’eau)’; Kh. ivle-;
Bur. ebel- ‘давать молоко, доиться ( о корове после подпускания те-
ленка)’; Kalm. iwl- (КРС); Ord. ewel-; Dag. ilu-, iwləlg-; S.-Yugh.
wəlǯəwai.
◊ MGCD 405.
PJpn. *àwà foam (пена): OJpn. awa; MJpn. àwà; Tok. awá; Kyo. áwà;
Kag. awá.
1486 *uji - *ùjò
◊ JLTT 387.
‖ Medial *-j- accounts both for an unexpected vowel development
and preservation of -b- in Mong., and for -w- in Jpn.
-uji ( ~ *o-) a k. of small animal: Tung. *oja; Mong. *üjeŋ; Jpn. *u.
PTung. *oja badger (барсук): Ul. ojo; Nan. ojõ; Orch. ojo.
◊ ТМС 2, 9.
PMong. *üjeŋ ermine (горностай): MMong. unen (SH); WMong.
üjeŋ (L 1002); Kh. üjeŋ; Bur. üjeŋ; Kalm. üjn, üjŋ, ǖŋ.
◊ KW 456, 461.
PJpn. *u hare (as a cyclical sign) (заяц): OJpn. u; MJpn. u.
◊ JLTT 559.
‖ One of the many common Altaic names for small animals.
-ujkV a k. of horned animal: Tung. *ujKam; Mong. *ugalǯa; Turk.
*ograk.
PTung. *ujKam 1 mountain ram 2 a k. of horned animal (1 горный
баран 2 вид рогатого животного): Evk. ujam 1; Evn. ụjama 1; Neg.
ojamka 2; Man. wejxen 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 299, 2, 251.
PMong. *ugalǯa male mountain goat (самец горного козла):
MMong. uqulǯa (SH); WMong. uɣalǯa (L 864 uɣulǯa); Kh. ugalʒ; Ord.
ugₙalǯi.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. qulǯa, Uygh. ɣulǯa, Kaz. qulža id.; Man. uxulǯa (see ЭСТЯ 6,
131-132).
PTurk. *ograk mountain goat (горный козел): Karakh. oɣraq (IM).
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 405. Most Turkic languages reflect PT *oglak ‘kid, goat’ - possibly a merger
of *ograk with *ogul ‘son’ (v. sub *uga).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ùjò relation: Tung. *oji-; Turk. *uja; Jpn. *jà.
PTung. *oji- relation, spouse (родственник, супруг): Neg. ojịn; Ork.
ojịsal bi; Sol. ujȫ- ‘to marry’.
◊ ТМС 2, 252.
PTurk. *uja relation, blood relation (родственник, кровный родст-
венник): OTurk. uja (Orkh.); Karakh. uja ‘brother, kinsman’; Turkm. uja
‘sister’; MTurk. uja ‘younger sister’ (Sangl.), ‘brother’ (῾Ali), ‘blood rela-
tion’ (Qutb); Tat. oja ‘family, kin’; Kirgh. ujalaš ‘by one venter’; KKalp.
ujalas ‘by one venter’; Yak. uja ‘generation’.
◊ VEWT 511, EDT 267.
PJpn. *jà parent(s) (родитель, родители): OJpn. oja; MJpn. oja;
Tok. oyá; Kyo. óyà; Kag. oyá.
◊ JLTT 514.
‖ The root probably denoted ‘relative, kin’ in a broad sense.
 *ùjrỺ - *ujV(k῾V) 1487

-ùjrỺ ( ~ o-, -jl-, e-u,a-u) melon: Jpn. *ùrí; Kor. *ōi.

PJpn. *ùrí melon (дыня): OJpn. uri; MJpn. ùrí; Tok. úri; Kyo. ùrí;
Kag. urí.
◊ JLTT 563.
PKor. *ōi melon, cucumber (дыня, огурец): MKor. ōi; Mod. oi, wē.
◊ Nam 386, KED 1202, 1220.
‖ Martin 236, Whitman 1985, 187, 194, 245. A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss:
phonetically very similar to *ójle ‘small fruit’ (q.v.), but the semantic
difference is baffling.
-uju sad, ashamed: Tung. *oji-; Mong. *uj; Turk. *uja-; Jpn. *u-.
PTung. *oji- 1 to become mad, old, forget 2 to be in a poor state (1
выживать из ума, стареть, забывать 2 находиться в стесненном по-
ложении): Man. oj-bo- 1, oj-tobu- 2; SMan. ojərəqu ‘no good’ (3036); Ul.
oj-ba- 1; Sol. oi-mar 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 8, 9.
PMong. *uj 1 mourning, sorrow 2 to be bored, lonely (1 траур, пе-
чаль 2 скучать, быть одиноким): MMong. ui’it- (SH) 2; WMong. ui 1,
ujid- 2 (L 866); Kh. uj 1, ujda- 2; Bur. uj 1, ujda- 2; Kalm. ujd- 2 ‘to be sad,
sorrowful’ (КРС); Ord. ujd- 2.
PTurk. *uja- 1 to be ashamed 2 shame (1 стыдиться 2 стыд): OTurk.
ujad- (OUygh.); Karakh. ujaδ- (MK, KB), ujal- (MK); Tur. ujat- 1, ujat 2
(dial.); Turkm. ujal- 1, ujat 2; MTurk. ujal-, ujat- 1, ujat 2 (Abush., Pav.
C.); Uzb. ujal- 1, ujat 2; Uygh. ujat 2, ujal-, (dial.) ujat- 1; Krm. ujal- 1, ujat
2; Tat. ŭjal- 1, ŭjat 2; Bashk. ŭjal- 1, ŭjat 2; Kirgh. ujal- 1, ujat 2; Kaz. ŭjal-
1, ŭjat 2; KBalk. ujal- 1, ujat 2; KKalp. ujal- 1, ujat 2; Kum. ujat- 1 (tr.),
ujat 2; Nogh. ujal- 1, ujat 2; Khak. ujat- 1, ujat 2; Oyr. ujat 2, ujal- 1; Tv.
ɨjat- 1, ɨjat 2.
◊ VEWT 511, ЭСТЯ 1, 561-563 (confused with *ubut q. v. sub *upo), 576, EDT 269,
272-273.
PJpn. *u- sad, sorry (грустный): OJpn. u-; MJpn. u-; Tok. u-.
◊ JLTT 843.
‖ A dental derivative *uju-tV seems to be reconstructable on the ba-
sis of PT *uja-t-, PM *uji-d- and Manchu oj-ta-bu-. It cannot be excluded,
however, that we are dealing with two different derivatives, somewhat
mixed up: *uju-t῾V- (PT *uja-t-, MMong. uji-t-, Manchu oj-ta-bu-) and
*uju-dV- (OT uja-d-, PM *uji-d-).
-ujV(k῾V) stockings, trousers: Tung. *oji(ki); Turk. *ujuk.
PTung. *oji(ki) thigh coverings, trousers (наголенники, штаны):
Ul. ojị; Nan. ojị, dial. ojïkị; Ud. wa῾ipti, wa῾ikti (Корм. 217).
◊ ТМС 2, 8.
1488 *ùkú - *úku
PTurk. *ujuk (felt) stockings ((войлочные) чулки): OTurk. ujuq
(OUygh. - late); Tur. ujuk (dial.); Turkm. ujuq (dial.); Tat. ŭjɨq; Bashk.
ŭjŭq; Kaz. ŭjɨq; KBalk. ujük; Nogh. ujɨq.
◊ ДТС 608, VEWT 511, ЭСТЯ 1, 581-582, Лексика 481. The root should be distin-
guished from *uk q. v. sub *p῾òk῾à (there is no way of uniting them phonetically).
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ùkú to take, grasp, meet: Tung. *oKa-; Mong. *ugtu-; Turk. *ug-ra-; Jpn.
*ùká-; Kor. *ùhi-.
PTung. *oKa- 1 armful 2 handful (1 охапка 2 горсть, пригоршня):
Neg. oxodo 1; Man. oχoĺō 2; SMan. ohələ- ‘to cup both hands’ (1554);
Nan. oχoj 2 (Kur.-Urm.).
◊ ТМС 2, 10.
PMong. *ugtu- to meet (встречать): MMong. uxtu- (HY 32, SH),
uxdu- (SH); WMong. uɣtu- (L 864); Kh. ugta-; Bur. ugta-; Kalm. uktə-;
Ord. uGtu-; Dag. ortu-, (Тод. Даг. 160), orete- ‘welcome, meet, greet’
(MD 203), orto-.
◊ KW 448, MGCD 669. Mong. > Evk. uktu- etc., see Doerfer MT 111, Rozycki 166.
PTurk. *ug-ur-, *ug-ra- 1 to meet, go to meet; to intend 2 occasion,
reason, time (1 встречать, направляться к; намереваться 2 случай,
причина, раз): OTurk. uɣra- 1, uɣur 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. uɣra- 1,
uɣur 2 (MK); Tur. uɣra- 1, ūr 2; Gag. ūr 2, ūra- 1; Az. uɣur 2; Turkm.
uGra- 1, uGur 2; MTurk. oɣur 2 (R), uɣra- 1 (Бор. Бад.); Uzb. ūr 2 (dial.);
Krm. oɣur 2, oɣra- 1; KBalk. oɣur 2; Kum. oɣur 2.
◊ EDT 89, 91, ЭСТЯ 1, 564-565, TMN 2, 604. Turk. > MMong. (MA) uɣra- (see Щер-
бак 1997, 198).
PJpn. *ùká- to get, receive (получать): OJpn. uka-; MJpn. úká-, ùká-;
Tok. uké-; Kyo. ùkè-; Kag. ùkè-.
◊ JLTT 778. The RJ variant úkú is unclear.
PKor. *ùhi- to take, grasp, pick out (брать, хватать, вытаскивать):
MKor. ùhi-.
◊ Nam 391.
‖ Korean has a usual low verbal tone.
-úku ( ~ o-) wet, wash: Tung. *uK-; Mong. *ug-; Jpn. *úk-; Kor. *hi- ( <
*uhəi-).
PTung. *uK- 1 to get wet, wet 2 to wash (1 мокнуть, мочить 2
мыть, стирать): Evk. uksu- 1; Evn. oqtị- 2; Ul. uksi- 1; Nan. uksi- 1; Orch.
uksi- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 11, 254.
PMong. *ug- to wash (мыть): MMong. ukija- (SH); WMong. ugija-,
uguɣa- (L 865: ugija-, ukija-, uɣa-); Kh. ugā-; Bur. ugā-; Kalm. uɣā- (КРС);
Ord. uGₙā-; Mog. uɣa, ɔɣa- (Weiers); Dag. uā- (Тод. Даг.170, MD 229),
 *uk῾e - *uk῾è 1489

ugā- (Тод. Даг. 170); Dong. uaɣa-; Bao. Gua-; S.-Yugh. Gua-, ʁua-;
Mongr. (u)ŋGwā- (SM 292, 472), ua-.
◊ MGCD 667.
PJpn. *úk- to float (плавать): OJpn. uk-, ukab-; MJpn. úk-, úkáf-,
úkáb-; Tok. ùk-, ùkab-; Kyo. úk-, úkáb-; Kag. úk-, ukáb-.
◊ JLTT 778.
PKor. *hi- to swim (плавать): MKor. hi-, hi-jòm-; Mod. hē-,
hejəm-čhi-.
◊ Nam 486, 487, KED 1829, 1830.
‖ For the Kor. form see notes to *k῾ḗja.
-uk῾e a k. of bucket, fish-trap: Tung. *ukī; Jpn. *bkaî; Kor. *oku.
PTung. *ukī crib, fish-pot, fish basket (верша, снасть для ловли
рыбы): Evk. ukī; Evn. ūkit; Neg. uxī; Man. uku; Nan. uki; Orch. uki; Ud.
uki.
◊ ТМС 2, 253.
PJpn. *bkaî bucket (ведро): OJpn. woke; MJpn. wòké; Tok. óke; Kyo.
òkê; Kag. oké.
◊ JLTT 505 (the etymology as “hemp container” is certainly wrong). OJ has also uke
‘grain container’, which may be just a variant of the same root.
PKor. *oku a k. of fish-trap basket (корзина, сачок для ловли ры-
бы): Mod. ogu.
◊ KED 1195.
‖ An Eastern isogloss.
-úk῾è hill: Tung. *(x)uKu-; Mong. *(h)ukaɣa; Jpn. *bká.
PTung. *(x)uKu- hill (холм): Evk. ukurī; Man. uquda, uqada.
◊ ТМС 2, 256.
PMong. *(h)ukaɣa hill (холм): WMong. uqaɣa (L 891); Kh. uxā; Bur.
uxā (West. dial.).
PJpn. *bká hill (холм): OJpn. woka; MJpn. wóká; Tok. òka; Kyo. óká;
Kag. óka.
◊ JLTT 505.
‖ Cf. *bk῾e.
-uk῾è stupid, arrogant: Tung. *(x)uKu-; Mong. *(h)üki; Turk. *ökte-; Jpn.
*bəkə.
PTung. *(x)uKu- 1 weak 2 stupid (1 слабый 2 слабоумный): Man.
uxu-ken 1, 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 255.
PMong. *(h)üki 1 insincere, crafty 2 stupid (1 неискренний, хит-
рый 2 глупый): WMong. üki 1, ükenče 2 (L 1003); Kh. üx 1, üxēnc 2.
PTurk. *ökte- 1 to infuse pride, courage 2 pride, proud, courageous
(1 ободрять, придавать гордость, храбрость 2 гордость, гордый,
храбрый): Karakh. öktem (KB) 2; Az. ötkäm; Turkm. ökdöm (dial.) 2;
1490 *uk῾i - *úk῾u
MTurk. ökte- 1, öktem 2 (R.); Uzb. ọktam; Uygh. öktäm; Krm. öktem 2;
Kirgh. öktöm 2; Kaz. öktem 2, (dial.) ökte- 1; Nogh. öktem 2; Khak. öktem 2;
Yak. öktöm 2.
◊ EDT 102-103, ЭСТЯ 1. Turk. > Kalm. öktm (KW 294; not vice versa, despite VEWT
370).
PJpn. *bəkə stupid (глупый): OJpn. woko, ukwo.
◊ JLTT 591.
‖ The basic meaning of the root appears to be ‘stupid’, whence ‘in-
sincere’ and ‘proud, arrogant’.
-uk῾i ( ~ -e) to die, be hungry: Tung. *(x)uk-ti-; Mong. *ükü-.
PTung. *(x)uk-ti- to be hungry (голодать): Evk. ukti-.
◊ ТМС 2, 254.
PMong. *ükü- to die (умирать): MMong. ugu- (HYt), uku- (SH), ukɛ-
(IM), uku- (MA); WMong. ügü- (L 1003: ükü-); Kh. üxe-; Bur. üxe-; Kalm.
ükə-; Ord. üχü-; Mog. ükü-; ZM oku (5-8a); Dag. ugu- (Тод. Даг. 170), ū-
(MD 233); Dong. fugu-; Bao. hgude-, fgu-; S.-Yugh. hgu-; Mongr. fugu-
(SM 103).
◊ KW 456, MGCD 698.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; very scantily represented in TM, there-
fore dubious.
-úk῾u to understand, look into: Tung. *oksa-; Mong. *uka-; Turk. *uk-;
Jpn. *úká-(n)káp-.
PTung. *oksa- 1 to submerge in thoughts 2 to change one’s mind 3
to resent, be offended (1 задумываться 2 одуматься, передумать 3
обижаться): Evk. okso- 1; Evn. oɣsa- 2; Nan. oqsa- (On.) 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 11.
PMong. *uka- 1 to understand, think 2 mind (1 понимать, думать 2
ум): MMong. uxa’an 2 (HY 49), uqa- (HY 33, SH) 1, uqa 2 (SH); WMong.
uqa- 1 (L 890); uqaɣa(n) 2 (L 891); Kh. uxa- 1; uxā 2; Bur. uxa- 1; uxā(n) 2;
Kalm. uxə- 1; uxān 2; Ord. uxā, uxān 2; Dag. ogo, owo ‘brain’ (Тод. Даг.
159), ukā 2 (Тод. Даг. 170) uhān 2(MD 231); S.-Yugh. χGua-tu 2.
◊ KW 447, MGCD 684. Mong. > Evk. ukān etc., see Doerfer MT 109.
PTurk. *uk- 1 to understand 2 to hear (1 понимать 2 слышать):
OTurk. uq- (Orkh., OUygh.) 1; Karakh. uq- (MK, KB) 1; Az. dial. uɣuz
‘knowing much’; MTurk. uq- (IM, Qutb); Uzb. uq- 1; Uygh. uq- 1; Tat.
dial. ux- 2; Kirgh. uq- 2; Kaz. uɣɨn- 1; KKalp. uq- 1; Khak. ux- 1, 2; Shr.
uq- 1; Oyr. dial. uq- 2; Tv. uɣ- 1.
◊ VEWT 511-12, EDT 77-8, ЭСТЯ 1, 584-585. Turk. > Hung. ok ‘reason’, see Gombocz
1912.
PJpn. *úká-(n)káp- to look into, inquire (всматриваться, осведом-
ляться): OJpn. ukakap-; MJpn. ukagaf-; Tok. ùkaga-; Kyo. úkágá-; Kag.
ukagá-.
 *úk῾u - *ŭk῾urkV 1491
◊ JLTT 778.
‖ KW 447, ОСНЯ 1, 255-256 (Turk.-Mong.); АПиПЯЯ 289, МССНЯ
333. Despite Щербак 1997, 167, there is hardly a reason to regard
Mong. as a loan from Turkic.
-úk῾u ( ~ -k-) kin, clan: Tung. *uK-; Mong. *(h)ug; Turk. *uk; Jpn. *úkárà.
PTung. *uK- 1 unity, accord 2 kin; successors (1 единство, согласие
2 род; потомство): Man. uxe 1, uqsun 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 254, 257. The root is attested only in Manchu; uqsun may be < Mong. (al-
though suffixation is different), but uxe is no doubt genuine.
PMong. *(h)ug origin, kin (происхождение, род): WMong. uɣ; Kh.
ug; Bur. ug.
PTurk. *uk kin, tribe (род, племя): OTurk. uq ~ oq ‘kin, tribe’;
Karakh. uq ~ oq (MK) ‘share of inheritance’; Kaz. ŭq (dial.); Oyr. uq; Tv.
uq; Chuv. jъₙx.
◊ VEWT 511, ЭСТЯ 1, 582-583, Егоров 76. The OT words are sometimes erroneously
united with *ok ‘arrow’ (thus in EDT 76).
PJpn. *úkárà clan, family (род, семья): OJpn. ukara (ugara); MJpn.
úkárà.
◊ JLTT 560. Analysis as compound *umi-kara is hardly possible (because of voiceless
-k-).
‖ Дыбо 15.
-ŭk῾urkV ( ~ -o-) rope, lasso: Tung. *oKurga; Mong. *uɣurga; Turk.
*ukruk; Kor. *ork-.
PTung. *oKurga loop, snare (петля, силок): Evk. okurga, ukurga;
Man. χurGa, χurqa.
◊ ТМС 2, 352-353. The Manchu form is obviously = Evk. okurga, ukurga and thus, de-
spite Rozycki 112, has nothing to do with MMong. xuraqa - on which see under *p῾ŭrVk῾V.
PMong. *uɣurga lasso pole (шест с арканом): MMong. u’urqa (SH);
WMong. uɣurɣa, urɣa(n) (L 881); Kh. ūrga; Bur. urga; Kalm. ūrɣə (КРС);
Ord. ūrGa; Dag. urga (Тод. Даг. 171).
PTurk. *ukruk lasso, lasso pole (аркан, жердь с арканом): Karakh.
uqruq (MK); Turkm. uquruq (dial.); MTurk. oqruq (AH); Uzb. qọruq;
Uygh. oquruq (dial.); Tat. qŭrɨq; Bashk. qŭrŭq; Kirgh. uquruq; Kaz. qŭrɨq;
KKalp. qurɨq; Kum. uqruq (dial.); Nogh. qurɨq; Yak. ogūr, oguruk.
◊ VEWT 360, EDT 90, ЭСТЯ 1, 585-586. Turk. > Hung. hurok ‘loop’, see Gombocz
1912.
PKor. *ork- 1 rope 2 to tie, bind (1 веревка 2 привязывать, завязы-
вать): Mod. ok [olk] 1, ok- [olk-] 2.
◊ KED 1209.
‖ Владимирцов 247, PKE 136-137. Despite Doerfer MT 96 and
Щербак 1997, 120, the word seems to be inherited (loans Turk. > Mong.
and Mong. > Tung. are not easily explained phonetically). The stem
appears to be an old derivative with the suffix *-rga, but the deriving
1492 *uk῾V - *ŭla
root is hard to find. Poppe 1972, 96 cites Evk. oku- ‘to catch a bird with
a snare’ which we were unable to locate; there exists, however, Manchu
oχolǯon, oχolǯi ‘snare, loop’ (ТМС 2, 10) which is likely to contain the
same root. The relationship to the synonymous *p῾urVk῾V ‘rope, lasso’
q.v. remains unclear; the two stems are clearly distinguished in several
subgroups, but (due to the development *p῾- > h-, 0-) are easily con-
fused. The Mong. form *uɣurga is interesting: it is exactly parallel to
Turkic *ukruk and shows the same cluster development (*-kr- > -ɣ(V)r-)
as *bŭkrV ( > buɣur-čak) and *č῾ik῾-rV ( > čiɣire) q.v.
-uk῾V ( ~ *o-) inner part of knee, armpit: Tung. *(x)oKi-; Mong.
*(h)ogo-da-su; Kor. *òkóm.
PTung. *(x)oKi- place where skin is cut off from deer’s shank (ка-
мыс (место среза шкуры с ног оленя, лося)): Evk. okī-kta.
◊ ТМС 2, 9. Attested only in Evk., but having probable parallels in Mong. and Kor.
PMong. *(h)ogo-da-su part of cloth in the armpit (клин одежды
подмышкой): WMong. oɣodasu; Kalm. oɣədəsn, oGdəsn.
◊ KW 283. Mong. > Manchu oho da ‘armpit area of a jacket’ (see Rozycki 166).
PKor. *òkóm 1 inner angle of knee 2 knee (1 подколенная ямка 2
колено): MKor. òkóm 1; Mod. ogɨm 1, 2.
◊ Nam 378, KED 1195. The deriving stem appears to be ok- / uk- ‘to bend in, turn in’
(KED 1204); the verb is, however, attested very late and may be a back-formation from
the noun.
‖ SKE 174 (Mong.-Kor.; but the TM parallel drawn by Ramstedt and
repeated in Doerfer MT 25 - Evk. ogonī - cannot belong here, being a
reflex of PTM *xoba-nī, see ТМС 2,6), АПиПЯЯ 297. -g- in Mong. must
be explained by assimilation.
-ŭla sole, footwear: Tung. *olā-či; Mong. *ula; Turk. *ul.
PTung. *olā-či short boots (короткие унты): Evk. olōt, olōčik; Evn.
olāčịq; Neg. olot; Ul. olǯụma; Ork. ollōčị; Orch. olōči; Sol. alóci, olóci.
◊ ТМС 2, 16.
PMong. *ula sole of foot or footwear; basis, foundation (подошва
ноги или обуви; основа, основание): MMong. ula (HY 47); hula (MA);
WMong. ula (L 868); Kh. ul; Bur. ula; Kalm. ul; Mog. ulō (Ramstedt
1906); Dag. uale (MD); Bao. la.
◊ KW 448. Mong. > Evk. ula etc., see Doerfer MT 131.
PTurk. *ul 1 foundation 2 sole (1 дно, основание 2 подошва, под-
метка): OTurk. ultaŋ 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. ul 1, uldaŋ 2 (MK); Tur. oltan,
oltaŋ (dial.) 2; Turkm. oltaŋ 2; MTurk. ölteŋ 2 (Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb.
ultɔn 2; Uygh. ultaŋ 2, (dial.) ūl, ul 1; Tat. ŭltan 2; Bashk. ŭltan 2; Kirgh.
ultaŋ 2; Kaz. ŭltan 2; KBalk. oltaŋ, oltan 2; KKalp. ultan 2; Kum. ultan 2;
Nogh. ultan 2; Khak. ultuŋ 2; Oyr. ultaŋ, ultan, ɨltam 2; Tv. ulduŋ 2; Yak.
ulluŋ 2.
 *ulbo - *lo 1493
◊ EDT 124, 131, ЭСТЯ 1, 449-451.
‖ A Western isogloss. Despite Щербак 1997, 161, Mong. cannot be <
Turkic (final -a stays unexplained). The Turkic form, because of a
merger of *p῾- and *0-, can also reflect PA *p῾li q.v.
-ulbo ( ~ -ĺ-, -u, -o-, u- -o) to change: Tung. *olbi-n-; Mong. *(h)olbari-;
Kor. *ōrm-.
PTung. *olbi-n- 1 to drag, carry 2 to change, turn into (1 тащить,
нести 2 меняться, превращаться): Evn. ōlbn- 2; Ul. olbịn- 1; Ork.
olbịn- 1; Nan. olbịn- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 12. Cf. perhaps also *olbi-ku ‘dowry’. The meaning ‘carry’ perhaps goes
back to ‘change (place, position)’.
PMong. *(h)olbari- to change, turn into (меняться, превращаться):
WMong. olbari-, ulbari-, ulari- (L 871, 872); Kh. olbori-, ulira-; Kalm.
ulwr-.
◊ KW 449. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. ularɨj- ‘change’, see Stachowski 242.
PKor. *ōrm- to change place (менять место, передвигаться): MKor.
ōrm-; Mod. ōm- [olm-].
◊ Nam 383, KED 1209.
‖ The root may be *ulo (cf. Mong. ulari- without the -b- element).
-ule ( ~ -i) negative particle: Mong. *ülü.
PMong. *ülü not (не): MMong. ulu (HY 51, SH), ulɛ (IM), ul (MA);
WMong. ülü (L 1006); Kh. ül; Bur. üle; Kalm. ülɛ (СЯОС); Ord. üle, ülü;
Mog. la, lü, lɛ; ZM ulä (27-7a); Dag. ul (Тод. Даг. 170), ule (MD 232);
Dong. ulie; Bao. le; S.-Yugh. lə; Mongr. li (SM 222), lī.
◊ MGCD 692.
‖ So far there are no certain Altaic parallels discovered: cf. perhaps
-ül in Turk. *degül, see *tagi. A Nostratic etymology see in ОСНЯ 1, 17,
263-264.
-lo to cry, howl: Mong. *uli-; Turk. *ūlɨ-; Jpn. *rá-mp-; Kor. *ūr-.
PMong. *uli- to cry, howl (wolves) (кричать, выть (о волках)):
MMong. uli- (MA); WMong. uli- (L 873); Kh. uli-; Bur. uli-; Kalm. uĺ-,
ulə-; Ord. uli-; S.-Yugh. olo-.
◊ KW 448, MGCD 673.
PTurk. *ūlɨ- to cry, howl (кричать, выть): OTurk. ulɨ- (OUygh.);
Karakh. ulɨ- (MK); Tur. ulu-; Gag. ulu-; Az. ula-; Turkm. ūlɨ-; MTurk.
ulu- (AH, IM), ula- (Pav. C.); Uygh. ulu-; Krm. ulu-; Tat. ula-; Bashk.
ŭlŭ-; Kirgh. ulu-; Kaz. ŭlɨ-; KBalk. ulu-; KKalp. ulɨ-; Kum. ulu-; Nogh.
ulɨ-; Khak. ulu-; Oyr. ulu-; Tv. ulu-; Chuv. ъₙlax- ‘to neigh’; Yak. uluj-;
Dolg. uluj-.
◊ EDT 127, VEWT 512, ЭСТЯ 1, 595, Stachowski 243. Yak. has secondary shortening
in a disyllabic stem.
PJpn. *rá-mp- to cry, wail (кричать): OJpn. orab-.
1494 *ulu - *lu
◊ JLTT 742. High tone is reconstructed on the basis of dialectal evidence (Ibuki-jima,
Nakijin wurabin A, see ibid.).
PKor. *ūr- to cry, weep (плакать, рыдать): MKor. ūr-; Mod. ūl-.
◊ Nam 392, KED 1246.
‖ KW 448, PKE 223, JLTT 742. An expressive root. Because of the
merger of *l and *r the Kor.-Jpn. reflexes of this root may also be attrib-
uted to *óru (thus in Lee 1958, 118), and vice versa.
-ulu ( ~ -o) big, many; good: Tung. *ule-; Mong. *olon; Turk. *ulug; Kor.
*ōr-.
PTung. *ule- good (хороший): Man. ulin ‘goods’; Ul. ule(n); Ork.
uliŋga; Nan. ul (On.); Ud. uligdiga῾ ‘beautiful’ (Корм. 301).
◊ ТМС 2, 260-261. Man. > Dag. ulin ‘goods’ (Тод. Даг. 170).
PMong. *olon many (много): MMong. olon (HY 44, SH), ulān (IM),
ulan (MA); WMong. olan (L 607); Kh. olon; Bur. olon; Kalm. oln; Ord.
olon; Dag. walan (Тод. Даг. 129), ualen (MD 229); Dong. olon; Bao. oloŋ;
S.-Yugh. olon; Mongr. olon (SM 298), (MGCD ulon).
◊ KW 285, MGCD 116, 527.
PTurk. *ulug 1 big 2 great 3 grown-up, great (1 большой 2 великий
3 взрослый, крупный): OTurk. uluɣ 1 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. uluɣ 1
(MK, KB); Tur. ulu 2; Az. ulu 2; Turkm. ulɨ 1; MTurk. uluɣ, uluq 1 (Pav.
C.); Uygh. uluɣ 1; Tat. ölkɛn 1; Bashk. ölkän 1; Kirgh. uluu 2; Kaz. ulken 1;
KBalk. ullu 1; KKalp. ülken 1; Nogh. üjken 1; Khak. uluɣ 1; Tv. uluɣ 1;
Tof. uluɣ 1; Yak. ulaxan, ulū 1; Dolg. ulakan, ulū 1.
◊ VEWT 513, 520, TMN 2, 117-118, EDT 136, ЭСТЯ 1, 593-594, 630, Stachowski 242,
243. Turkic languages reveal two variants (*ulug and *ülken, the latter being represented
only in modern languages), probably interrelated. Despite Bang TB X and TMN 2, 118 it
is hard to see any relationship between *ulug (hardly *ullug: some modern forms must
have secondary gemination here) and *ul ‘foundation’.
PKor. *ōr- completely, wholly (совершенно, полностью): MKor.
ōró; Mod. oro-ǯi.
◊ Nam 380, KED 1198.
‖ ОСНЯ 2, 110, АПиПЯЯ 286, Дыбо 12.
-lu ( ~ *o-) to soak, wet: Tung. *ula-; Mong. *(h)ulum; Jpn. *ùrù-p-; Kor.
*ùrí-.
PTung. *ula- 1 to soak, wet 2 river (1 мочить 2 река): Evk. ula- 1;
Evn. ụl- 1; Man. ulGa- 1, ula 2; SMan. ulā ‘large river’ (2090); Jurch. ula
(49) 2; Ork. ụla- 1; Nan. ụlarịkō (dial.) ‘wet’; Ud. ula- 1; Sol. ụlakkū.
◊ ТМС 2, 257-8.
PMong. *(h)ulum swamp (болото): WMong. ulum; Kh. ulam ‘зыб-
кое, топкое место’ (БАМРС); Bur. ulam ‘ford’; Kalm. ulm; Ord. ulum
‘ford’.
◊ KW 448. The Buryat and Ordos meaning has been influenced by olom ‘ford’ (v. sub
*olV).
 *ùlV - *ĺà 1495

PJpn. *ùrù-p- to soak, wet (мокнуть): OJpn. urup(w)op-; MJpn. ùrùf-;

Tok. uruó-; Kyo. úrúó-; Kag. uruó-.
◊ JLTT 780. Accent in Kagoshima is irregular.
PKor. *ùrí- to steep, soak (вымачивать): MKor. ùrí-; Mod. uri-.
◊ Liu 592, KED 1238.
‖ KW 448, EAS 110 (Mong.-Tung.), Murayama 1962, 110 (Jpn.-TM).
Korean has standard verbal low tone. In Turk. cf. perhaps Yak. ul- ‘to
melt’; Kaz. ɨlɣal, Turk. ɨɣal ‘dampness’ (ЭСТЯ 1, 645-646).
-ùlV a k. of bird (partridge / duck): Tung. *ulgumV; Turk. *ular; Kor.
*órhì.
PTung. *ulgumV (/*ulmugV) 1 pheasant 2 gull (1 фазан 2 чайка):
Evk. umŋētī 2; Evn. ȫmŋēti 2; Neg. ömöti 2; Man. ulχuma 1; SMan.
oləhəmə, oləhumə 1 (2250); Jurch. ulhu-ma (188) 1; Ul. olGoma 1; Nan.
olGomị 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 268, 283.
PTurk. *ular 1 partridge 2 snow pheasant 3 wild turkey (1 куропат-
ка 2 глухарь 3 горная индейка): OTurk. ular 1 (OUygh.- med.);
Karakh. ular ‘male partridge’ (MK); Uzb. ular (< Russ.?) 3; Uygh. ular 3;
Kirgh. ular 3; Kaz. ular 3; Shr. ularɨ 1 (Chul.); Oyr. ular ‘vulture’; Tv. ular
3; Yak. ular 2.
◊ EDT 150, VEWT 512 (Mong. ularu < Turk.), Лексика 173. Turk. > Russ. улар.
PKor. *órhì duck (утка): MKor. órhì; Mod. ōri.
◊ Nam 383, KED 1199.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 173.
-úlV ( ~ o-, o-, -ĺ-) meat; deer: Tung. *ul-(k)se; Mong. *(h)ulaj.
PTung. *ul-(k)se meat (мясо): Evk. ulle; Evn. ulъd; Neg. ule; Ul. ulse;
Ork. ulise; Nan. ulekse; Orch. ukte; Ud. ulehe; Sol. uldi, ulde.
◊ ТМС 2, 262. Cf. also *ula ‘deer’ (ТМС 2, 262-263), *uluku- ‘elk’ (ТМС 2, 264).
PMong. *(h)ulaj dead body (of animal) (туша, труп (животного)):
WMong. ulai (L 870); Kh. ulaj; Bur. ulaj; Kalm. ulā; Ord. ulǟ ‘падаль; те-
ло убитого человека’.
◊ KW 448.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Karakh. (MK) oš ‘core (of a
horn etc.)’.
-ĺà ( ~ o-, u-) hemp: Tung. *ula; Mong. *olo-sun; Jpn. *àsà.
PTung. *ula 1 hemp 2 millet (1 конопля 2 просо): Man. olo 1; Nan.
ula 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 15, 257.
PMong. *olo-sun hemp (конопля): MMong. olosun (HY 22);
WMong. olosun (L 610: olusu(n)); Kh. ols; Bur. ulha(n); Kalm. olsn (КРС);
Ord. ulusu(n); Dag. olso (Тод. Даг. 159), olese (MD 201) ; olsu; S.-Yugh.
losən; Mongr. losə (SM 228).
1496 *uĺe - *ŭĺi
◊ MGCD 528.
PJpn. *àsà hemp (конопля): OJpn. asa; MJpn. àsà; Tok. asá; Kyo. àsá;
Kag. asá.
◊ JLTT 384. The accent in Kyoto is irregular (reflecting *àsá).
‖ A good Mong.-Tung.-Jpn. match. Borrowing in Man. from Mong.
is hardly possible, despite Rozycki 166.
-uĺe ( ~ -i) to scrape, row: Tung. *ulī-; Turk. *üĺe-.
PTung. *ulī- 1 to row 2 oar (1 грести 2 весло): Evk. ulī- 1, ulīwun 2;
Evn. ụlịn- 1, ụlịwụn 2; Neg. olịn- 1; Nan. ulbe(n) 2; Ud. ulimagda ‘big
delved boat’ (Корм. 301).
◊ ТМС 2, 258, 260.
PTurk. *üĺe- to scrape earth, dig (скрести землю, копать): Karakh.
üše- (MK); Tv. üže-.
◊ EDT 256.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-uĺi to crush, mince: Tung. *ulē-; Mong. *(h)ülte-; Turk. *uĺa-; Kor. *ori-.
PTung. *ulē- to boil (варить): Evk. ulē-; Evn. ölē-; Neg. ulē-; Ul.
ulu-si-; Ork. ulē-; Nan. ulu-; Ud. olokto-; Sol. ölȫ-, ulȫ-, elȫ-.
◊ ТМС 2, 265.
PMong. *(h)ülte- 1 to crush, pulverize 2 to boil (meat) 3 asunder, to
pieces (1 разбивать, размельчать 2 разваривать (мясо) 3 вдребезги):
WMong. ültü 3, ültü-, ültül-, ültüre- 1, 2 (L 1006); Kh. ült 3, ültle- 1, 2;
Bur. ülti 3, ültil-, ültir- 1, 2.
PTurk. *uĺa- 1 small, minute 2 to become crushed, pulverized,
smaller 3 to crush, pulverize (1 мелкий, маленький 2 дробиться, ста-
новиться меньше 3 растирать, дробить): Karakh. uša-l- 2, ušaq 1; Tur.
ušak 1; Gag. ušaq 1; Az. ušaG 1; Turkm. uša- 2, ušaq 1; MTurk. ušaq 1,
ušal- 2 (Бор. Бад.), ušat- 3 (Бор. Бад., Abush., Pav. C.); Uzb. ušal- 2, ušɔq
1; Uygh. ušaq (dial.), uššaq 1; Kirgh. ušat- 3, ušaq 1; Kaz. ŭsaq 1, ŭsat- 3;
KKalp. usaq 1, usat- 3; Khak. uzax 1; Oyr. uža- 3.
◊ EDT 16, 262 (deriving the forms from uvša- which is hardly the case), ЭСТЯ 1,
617-618.
PKor. *ori- to mince, cut small (размельчать, мелко резать): MKor.
ori-; Mod. ori-.
◊ Liu 576, KED 1199.
‖ For the meaning in TM cf. the semantics in Mong. (both ‘crush
into pieces’ and ‘boil (down to softness)’.
-ŭĺi ( ~ -e) to freeze: Tung. *ula-n; Turk. *üĺi- / *üli-.
PTung. *ula-n 1 frazil 2 glade, polynia (1 наледь 2 полынья): Evk.
ulān 1; Neg. olan 2; Ul. ula(n) 2; Nan. olã 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 258.
 *ĺpe - *uĺu(-kV, 1497

PTurk. *üĺi- (/*üli-) 1 to freeze, congeal 2 to blow (of a cold wind) (1

замерзать 2 дуть (о холодном ветре)): OTurk. üši- 1; Karakh. üši-
(MK) 1; Tur. üšü- 1; Gag. üšü- 1; Az. üšü-, dial. üši- 1; Turkm. dial. üšī- 1;
MTurk. Kypch. üši- (CCum.); Krm. üšü- 1; Tat. öše- 1; Bashk. öšö- 1;
Kirgh. üšü- 1; Kaz. üsi- 1; KKalp. üsi- 1; Kum. üšü- 1; Nogh. üsi- 1; Khak.
üzü-, uču- 1; Oyr. üžü- 1; Tv. ü’žü-; Tof. üši-; Chuv. vaš- 2; Yak. ülüj- 1.
◊ VEWT 523, ЭСТЯ 1, 644-645, EDT 256-247, Мудрак Дисс. 154.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ĺpe ground game: Tung. *ulgu-kī; Mong. *olbo / olbi; Turk. *ǖĺ; Jpn.
*bəsə ( ~ -ua).
PTung. *ulgu-kī chipmunk (бурундук): Evk. ulgukī; Ul. ulǯi; Nan.
ulgi; Orch. uggukǟ; Ud. ugǯixi.
◊ ТМС 2,258.
PMong. *(h)olbo / (h)olbi flying squirrel (белка-летяга): WMong.
olbi, olbo (L 608: olbu), oliba; Kh. olbo, olbi; Bur. olbo.
PTurk. *ǖĺ lynx (рысь): Karakh. üšek (IM); Tur. üšek; Khak. üs (tab.);
Shr. üs; Oyr. ǖs (dial. - Leb.); Tv. üs; Tof. üs; Yak. ǖs; Dolg. üs-kis ‘sable’.
◊ VEWT 523, Щербак 1961, 141, Рас. ФиЛ 239, Лексика 159, Stachowski 254. The ir-
regular reflex of *ĺ in some Siberian languages presupposes tabooistic interlingual bor-
rowings (Tuva < Yak., Shor < Khak.? ).
PJpn. *bəsə ( ~ -ua) otter (выдра): MJpn. woso; Tok. uso.
◊ JLTT 512.
‖ Дыбо 9, Лексика 159.
-uĺu(-kV, -gV) lie: Tung. *ulēk; Mong. *ulig; Turk. *uĺak; Jpn. *ùsuâ.
PTung. *ulēk lie (ложь): Evk. ulēk; Evn. ölēk; Neg. ölöx; Man. uluken;
Orch. oloki- (v.); Sol. ölȫx, elȫx.
◊ ТМС 2, 265.
PMong. *ulig molestation, derision (надоедливость, издевка):
MMong. ulgi-, ulki- ‘to slander’ (SH); WMong. uliɣ; Kh. ulig; Kalm. uĺg
‘nonsense’.
◊ KW 448.
PTurk. *uĺak slander (клевета): Karakh. ušaq (MK); MTurk. ušuluq
‘suspicion’ (Pav. C.), ušaq (CCum.); Uygh. uššaq; Tat. ušaq Tob. ‘slan-
derer’ (R); Bashk. ošaq; Kirgh. ušaq; KBalk. ušaq ‘conversation’; Yak.
usxax ‘rumour’.
◊ VEWT 517, EDT 16 (confused with uvšak ‘small’).
PJpn. *ùsuâ lie (ложь): MJpn. ùsó; Tok. úso; Kyo. ùsô; Kag. usó.
◊ JLTT 564.
‖ Poppe AU 115 (Turk.-Mong., although Turk. *uĺak is not separated
from *ub-ĺak ‘small’ - which is the reason for Doerfer’s objections in
TMN 2, 63).
1498 *úmu - *umuŋ(t)o
-úmu to bear, give birth: Tung. *omu- / *umu-; Mong. *(h)umaj; Turk.
*umaj; Jpn. *úm-; Kor. *ūm.
PTung. *omu- / *umu- 1 to lay eggs 2 offspring, descendant, grand-
child (1 нести яйца 2 отпрыск, потомок, внук): Evk. umū- 1, omolgī 2;
Evn. omolgo 2; Neg. omolg 2; Man. omolo 2; SMan. omələ (887) 2; Jurch.
omo-lo (285) 2; Orch. omolǟ ‘daughter-in-law’; Ud. omolo 2; Sol. omolī 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 17-18, 269 (see also *umūkta). TM > Dag. omol ‘grandchild’ (Тод. Даг. 159).
PMong. *(h)umaj womb (утроба, чрево): MMong. kindik umai ‘na-
vel’ (LH) (with kindik = Chag. kindik ‘navel’); WMong. umaj (L 874); Kh.
umaj; Bur. umaj; Kalm. omǟ ‘woman-ancestor’; Ord. umǟ.
◊ KW 285.
PTurk. *umaj 1 placenta, afterbirth 2 goddess of birth (1 плацента,
послед 2 богиня рождения): OTurk. umaj 2 (Orkh.), 1 (OUygh. - NPr);
Karakh. umaj 1, 2 (MK); Tur. umaǯi ‘bugaboo’; MTurk. (MKypch.) umaj
1 (Ettuhf.); Kirgh. umaj 2; Khak. ɨmaj 2; Shr. umaj 2 (R).
◊ EDT 164-165.
PJpn. *úm- to bear (рождать): OJpn. um-; MJpn. úm-; Tok. ùm-; Kyo.
úm-; Kag. úm-.
◊ JLTT 779.
PKor. *ūm sprout, bud (росток, почка): MKor. ūm; Mod. ūm.
◊ Nam 392, KED 1248.
‖ The Mong. form may also be borrowed < Turk., see Щербак 1997,
166. Cf., on the other hand, Mong. omuɣ ‘kin, clan’ (which, however,
may be a modification of the other attested form, Mong. obuɣ = Turk.
*ōpa, under the influence of the present root; Mong. > Yak., Dolg. omuk,
see Stachowski 193 ).
-umuŋ(t)o to forget: Tung. *omŋa-; Mong. *umta-, *umarta-; Turk.
*umnɨ-t- (~ -mŋ-).
PTung. *omŋa- to forget (забывать): Evk. omŋo-; Evn. omŋ-; Neg.
omŋo-; Man. oŋGo-; SMan. oŋə-, oŋu- (1867); Ul. oŋbo-; Ork. omGo-/oŋbo-;
Nan. oŋbo-; Orch. ommo-; Ud. oŋmo-; Sol. ommo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 17.
PMong. *umta-, *umarta- 1 to sleep 2 to forget (1 спать 2 забывать):
MMong. umarta- 2, umtara-, untara- (SH), unta- 1 (HY 34, SH), unta- 1,
marta- 2 (MA), munṭə- 1 (IM), umart- (LH, Lig.VMI); WMong. umta-,
unta- 1, umarta- 2 (L 874); Kh. unta- 1, marta- 2; Bur. unta- 1, marta 2;
Kalm. untə- 1, martə- 2; Ord. unta- 1, marta- 2; Mog. nunta- 1 (Ramstedt
1906), mɔrta- 2 (Weiers); Dag. wanta- (Тод. Даг. 129), want- 1, marta-
(Тод. Даг. 154), martə- 2; uante- 1, marete- 2 (MD 189, 229); Dong. hun-
tura- 1, mata- 2; Bao. tera- 1, martə- 2; S.-Yugh. nda-, ntā- 1, martā- 2;
Mongr. ntərā-, nćā- (SM 285) 1, mu(r)šda-, maršda- (SM 251), mašdā-
(Huzu) 2.
 *úmu-tki - *umV 1499
◊ KW 450, 257, MGCD 462, 676. The Mog. form and IM munṭə- are interesting: they
may suggest an archaic PM form *um(u)nta- ‘sleep’.
PTurk. *umnɨ-t- (~ -mŋ-) to forget (забывать): OTurk. unɨt-, unut-
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. unɨt- (MK); Tur. unut-; Gag. unut-; Az. unut-;
Turkm. unut-; MTurk. unut- (Pav. C.); Uzb. unut-; Uygh. unut-; Krm.
unut-; Tat. ŭnŭt-; Bashk. ŭnŭt-; Kirgh. unut-; Kaz. ŭmɨt-; KBalk. unut-;
KKalp. umɨt-; Kum. unut-; Nogh. umɨt-; SUygh. unut-; Khak. undu-; Oyr.
undu-, uŋdu-, uŋtu-; Tv. ut-; Chuv. man-; Yak. umun-; Dolg. umun-.
◊ EDT 179, VEWT 514, ЭСТЯ 1, 597-598, Stachowski 243 (reconstruction of *-ŋ- is
possible because of forms like Oyr. uŋtu-, Sag. uŋdu-).
‖ EAS 116, Poppe 68-69, KW 450, VEWT 514, АПиПЯЯ 295. A
Western isogloss.
-úmu-tki egg: Tung. *umūkta; Mong. *ömdege, *emdüge; Turk.
*jumurtka.
PTung. *umū-kta egg (яйцо): Evk. umūkta; Evn. ụmt; Neg. omụkta;
Man. umχan, umGan; SMan. uməhan (332); Ul. omụqta; Nan. omaqta;
Orch. umukta; Ud. umukta; Sol. ụmatta.
◊ Formally derived from *umū- ‘to lay eggs’. See ТМС 2, 269.
PMong. *ömdege, *emdüge egg (яйцо): MMong. amdegan (HY 16),
əndogɛ (IM), undägä (MA); WMong. öndege(n), ömdege(n), öndüge, öm-
düge (L 636); Kh. öndög; Bur. ündege(n); Kalm. öndəgə; Ord. öndögö; Mog.
ündäɣōn (Ramstedt 1906); ZM ondägän (22-1a); Dag. enduge (Тод. Даг.
140, MD 143); Dong. endeGi; Bao. ndegi; Mongr. ndige (SM 263).
◊ KW 296. Mong. > Chuv. (nursery word) maak ‘egg’.
PTurk. *jumurtka egg (яйцо): OTurk. jumurtɣa, jumurɣa (OUygh.);
Karakh. jumurtɣa (MK); Tur. jumurta; Gag. jɨmɨrta; Az. jumurta; Turkm.
jumurtGa; Sal. jymū(r)dda; Khal. jumurqa; MTurk. jumurtɣa (Sangl.); Uzb.
jumurtqa (dial.); Krm. jɨmɨrta, imɨrtxa; Tat. jomɨrqa; Bashk. jomortqa;
Kirgh. ǯumurtqa; Kaz. žumɨrtqa; KBalk. zumurtqa; KKalp. žumurtqa;
Kum. jɨmɨrtqa; Nogh. jumɨrtqa; SUygh. jomut; Khak. nɨmɨrxa; Shr.
nɨbɨrtqa, nuburtqa (Верб.); Oyr. ɨmɨrtqa; Tv. čuurɣa; Tof. ńumurxa; Chuv.
śъₙmarda; Yak. sɨmt; Dolg. hɨmt.
◊ VEWT 211, EDT 938, ЭСТЯ 4, 250-251, Лексика 149, Stachowski 118.
‖ A Western isogloss. The stem may be derived from Common Al-
taic *úmu ‘to bear, give birth’ q. v., see АПиПЯЯ 58, 281, Дыбо 10, Лек-
сика 149. The Turkic form, however, must have also been influenced
by PA *nāmo ‘testicle’ (and/or *ǯŏmu ῾round’), which explains initial *j-.
-umV ( ~ *o-) to drink: Tung. *um(i)-; Mong. *umda; Kor. *mà-.
PTung. *um(i)- to drink (пить): Evk. um-; Neg. om-; Man. omi-;
SMan. iomi- (403); Jurch. umi-La (534); Ul. ụmụwụ; Ork. umi-; Nan. omi-;
Orch. imi-; Ud. umi-; Sol. imê-, imi-, êmu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 266.
1500 *umV - *nŋe
PMong. *um-da 1 thirst, to be thirsty 2 a drink (1 жажда, хотеть
пить 2 питье, напиток): MMong. undan (SH) 1, ondu- (IM), unda’ān 1
(MA), umdān ‘Buttermilch’ (LH); WMong. umda 2, umdaɣas- 1 (L 874);
Kh. undās- 1, und, undā 2; Bur. unda(n), umda(n) 1,2; Kalm. undān; undn,
umdn 1; Ord. unda 1; Mog. undō ‘a drink’; ZM ondān ‘sour buttermilk’
(15-4b); Dong. undasu-; Bao. ndas-; S.-Yugh. ndas-, ndās-; Mongr. ndasə-
(SM 262) 1.
◊ KW 449, MGCD 675.
PKor. *mà- to drink (пить): MKor. mà-sí-; Mod. masi-.
◊ Nam 193, KED 563.
‖ Poppe 69, KW 457, АПиПЯЯ 45, 285, 290. Korean has a frequent
initial vowel loss. Despite Doerfer MT 40, Rozycki 168, the Mong. form
(attested already in the Secret History) cannot be a tungusism.
-umV ? fire, to burn: Tung. *omV-; Turk. *uma- ?; Jpn. *umati (?).
PTung. *omV- hearth (очаг): Nan. oma; Orch. umuxi.
◊ ТМС 2, 16, 269.
PTurk. *uma- ? burn (жечь): Yak. umat-, umaj-; Dolg. ubaj-.
◊ Stachowski 239.
PJpn. *umati (?) fire(?) (огонь(?)):
◊ A Ryukyu word: cf. Nase ʔmáčì.
‖ A highly dubious comparison, because of extremely scarce re-
flexes in Turk. and Japanese.
-nŋe sound, voice: Tung. *uŋ-; Mong. *uŋ-si-; Turk. *ǖn.
PTung. *uŋ- 1 to cry, weep 2 to sing (1 плакать, рыдать 2 петь):
Evk. uŋa- 2, uŋkī- 1; Evn. ụŋǟ-ụŋǟ 1 (onom.); Nan. uŋgu- ‘to say, tell’
(Он.).
◊ ТМС 2, 278, 279.
PMong. *uŋ-si- to read, recite; to pray (читать, декламировать; мо-
литься): MMong. oŋši- (HY 35), uŋši- ‘to shout’ (SH), homš- (IM), ūngši-
‘to read’ (LH); WMong. uŋsi- (L 877), omsi- (SM); Kh. unši-; Bur. unša-;
Kalm. umšə- (КРС); Ord. omši-; Mog. ɔmši-, umši- ‘to read, to sing’
(Weiers); Dag. onši-; Dong. uanšə-; Bao. oŋše- (Тод. Бн.), məši-; S.-Yugh.
onši-; Mongr. mošə- (SM 242), moši-.
◊ MGCD 676.
PTurk. *ǖn sound, voice (звук, голос): OTurk. ün (OUygh.); Karakh.
ün (MK); Tur. ün; Az. ün; Turkm. ǖn; Sal. un; MTurk. ün (Бор. Бад.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. un; Uygh. ün; Krm. ün; Kirgh. ün; Kaz. ün; KBalk. ün;
KKalp. ün; Nogh. ün; Khak. ün; Oyr. ün; Tv. ün.
◊ EDT 167, ЭСТЯ 1, 625-626.
‖ An expressive Western isogloss.
 *ùntu - *uŋe 1501

-ùntu ( ~ o-) whirlpool, tide: Tung. *onda-; Mong. *undu-; Jpn. *ùntu.
PTung. *onda- 1 to rise (of water) 2 water (1 прибывать (о воде) 2
вода): Evn. ȫn(ed)- 1, ōndi 2 (dial.); Nan. onda-ǯi- ‘плавать около сети,
но не попадать в нее (о рыбе, которая часто так ведет себя перед
повышением или понижением уровня воды)’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 18, 30.
PMong. *(h)undu- 1 to spurt, gush forth 2 fountain, well (1 бить
ключом, струей 2 фонтан, источник): WMong. undura- 1 (L 876: un-
dur-); Kh. undra- 1; Bur. ondoli 2; Kalm. undr- 1.
◊ KW 449.
PJpn. *ùntu whirlpool (водоворот): OJpn. udu; Tok. úzu; Kyo. úzù;
Kag. uzú.
◊ JLTT 567. Tokyo points to *ùntú, but Kyoto - rather to *ùntù; Kagoshima uzú is am-
biguous.
‖ Ozawa 59-60 (Mong.-Jpn.).
-uŋe hollow, pit: Tung. *uŋ-; Mong. *oŋgi-; Turk. *üŋ-; Kor. *òŋtáŋ- /
*ùŋtŋ-.
PTung. *uŋ- 1 pit, hole 2 lair, den (1 яма 2 логовище (в хлеве для
свиньи)): Evk. uŋulu 1; Neg. oŋolo 1; Man. oŋGola, uŋGala 1, un 2; Ul.
oŋGolo 1; Nan. oŋGolo 1; Orch. oŋgo 1; Ud. oŋgo 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 274, 280.
PMong. *oŋgi- 1 hole, nest 2 trough, vessel; ship (1 дыра, нора,
гнездо 2 корыто, сосуд; лодка, корабль): MMong. oŋqača (HY 19), un-
qača (MA) 2, ūnkɣača (Lig.VMI) 2, kuǯunin unqarqai ‘neck cavity’ (МА);
WMong. oŋgi, oŋɣarqai, oŋɣurqai (L 614) 1, oŋɣuča 2; Kh. ongi, ongorxoi 1,
ongoc 2; Bur. ongi 1, ongoso 2; Kalm. oŋǵə 1, oŋɣəcə 2; Ord. oŋgi 1; Dong.
onGočo 2; S.-Yugh. oŋGorχi 1, oŋGočo 2; Mongr. uŋkuoG (SM 473),
ŋgučaG 2.
◊ KW 287, MGCD 529. Mong. oŋguča > Evk. oŋkočo etc. (Doerfer MT 123-124 suggests
Mong. < TM, which is more dubious).
PTurk. *üŋ- 1 to dig, delve 2 hole, cave (1 копать, проковыривать 2
пещера, нора): OTurk. üŋür 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. üŋ- 1, üŋür 2 (MK);
Uzb. uŋur 2; Uygh. üŋgür 2; Bashk. ŋ- 1; Kirgh. üŋü- 1, üŋkür- 2; Kaz.
ŋgi- 1, üŋgĭr 2; KKalp. üŋgi- 1, üŋgir 2; Nogh. üŋgi- 1; Tv. üŋɣür 2.
◊ EDT 169, 188-189, ЭСТЯ 1, 634, VEWT 521. Turk. *üŋür > Mong. üŋgür (Щербак
1997, 162).
PKor. *òŋtáŋ- / *ùŋtŋ- pool, bog (лужа, яма, заполненная водой):
MKor. uŋtəŋ, ùŋtŋ’í; Mod. uŋdəŋi, oŋdaŋi.
◊ Liu 597, 598, KED 1251.
‖ KW 287, Rozycki 218. Despite Doerfer MT 111, TM cannot be bor-
rowed from Mong. Mong. (and some Turkic reflexes) go back to a suf-
fixed form *uŋe-kV(jV).
1502 *uŋt῾e - *ùp῾í
-uŋt῾e back, buttock, behind: Tung. *(x)unda-; Mong. *(h)ona-; Kor.
*ŋtəŋ’i.
PTung. *(x)unda- 1 sinew on the back 2 belt (1 спинное сухожилие
2 пояс): Evk. unā 1; Evn. äinapin ‘украшение на переднике’; Neg. ōnan
1, ońapun 2; Man. unda 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 18, 273, 458.
PMong. *(h)ona- croup, behind, anus (круп, ягодицы): WMong.
onduji- ‘to raise the backside (as a diving bird)’ (L 613); Kh. ondoj- ‘вы-
даваться (о крупе)’; Bur. ondoj- ‘приподниматься задом (напр. о ло-
шади)’; Kalm. onǟ; Ord. onō.
◊ KW 286.
PKor. *ŋtəŋ’i ass, behind (задница, зад): MKor. əŋtəŋ’i; Mod.
ŋdəŋi.
◊ Liu 558, KED 1154.
‖ Дыбо 306.
-uŋt῾V pole in the house: Tung. *unde(ken); Mong. *(h)uni-.
PTung. *unde(ken) 1 board 2 horizontal pole in the house 3 house
covering (1 доска 2 горизонтальная жердь в доме 3 покрышка чу-
ма): Evk. une, unekēn 3; Evn. unen ‘dwelling place’, dial. unipkin 2; Man.
undexen 1; Ork. une 3; Nan. undexẽ; Orch. uńi 3; Ud. wanehä 2; Sol. unex
3.
◊ ТМС 2, 273, 274, 276. Evk. > Dolg. ünēkēn (see Stachowski 250).
PMong. *(h)uni- pole (supporting the upper yurt circle) (жердь
(поддерживающая верхний круг юрты)): WMong. uni(n) (L 877); Kh.
uń; Bur. uńā; Kalm. uńn (КРС); Ord. uni.
◊ Mong. > Evk. unije etc., see Doerfer MT 114.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. See ТМС 2, 274.
-ùp῾í to grasp: Mong. *(h)öb; Turk. *üp; Jpn. *ùmpà-p-; Kor. *op- / *up-.
PMong. *(h)öb share, allotted part, inheritance (надел, доля, на-
следство): WMong. öb (L 627); Kh. öv.
PTurk. *üp 1 to rob, snatch, abduct 2 trophies, treasures (1 похи-
щать, грабить 2 трофеи, сокровища): Karakh. üple- 1 (MK); Kirgh. üp
2; Shr. öp 2; Oyr. üp 2; Tv. üp 2, üpte- 1; Yak. üp 2.
◊ EDT 11, ЭСТЯ 1, 634-635, VEWT 521-522.
PJpn. *ùmpà-p- to grasp, seize (хватать, захватывать): OJpn. ubap-;
MJpn. ubaf-; Tok. ubá-; Kyo. úbá-; Kag. ubá-.
◊ JLTT 777. The accent in Kagoshima is aberrant.
PKor. *op- / *up- to pick out, dig out (вытаскивать, выкапывать):
MKor. upui-, upɨi-; Mod. obi-, ubi-.
◊ Liu 593, KED 1201, 1239.
 *ŭra - *ūre 1503

‖ Despite VEWT 522, hardly borrowed in Turkic < Mongolian; the

reverse direction is possible, but semantics of the Mong. word speaks
rather against it.
-ŭra female: Tung. *oru-n; Mong. *(h)argali (?); Turk. *urag-.
PTung. *oru-n daughter-in-law (son’s wife) (невестка (жена сына)):
Man. urun; SMan. orun (927); Nan. or.
◊ ТМС 2, 24.
PMong. *(h)argali female (of mountain ram) (самка архара):
WMong. arɣali (L 52); Kh. argaĺ; Bur. argali; Kalm. argəĺi; Ord. argali.
◊ KW 13, Mong. > Man. argali, see TMN 1, 121, Doerfer MT 135, Rozycki 20. The con-
nection with *araɣa ‘fang’ (see, e.g., Аникин 94), is an obvious folk etymology.
PTurk. *urag- female (самка): Karakh. uraɣut ‘woman’ (MK);
Turkm. urqačɨ; MTurk. urɣačɨ (Pav. C.); Uzb. urɣɔči; Krm. ɨrɣačɨ; Tat.
ŭrɣačɨ (dial.); Bashk. ŭrɣasɨ; Kirgh. urɣāčɨ; Kaz. ŭrɣašɨ; KKalp. urɣašɨ;
Nogh. urɣašɨ.
◊ EDT 218, VEWT 515, ЭСТЯ 1, 603, Лексика 315.
‖ Basically a Turk.-Tung. isogloss. If Mong. argali is related, then
Turk. *arkar (see ЭСТЯ 1, 176, Лексика 155) ‘mountain ram’ must be an
old Mong. loanword - which is somewhat dubious.
-ura ( ~ o-) piebald, brown: Tung. *(x)ur-; Mong. *orug; Turk. *or.
PTung. *(x)ur- piebald (horse) (пегий (о лошади)): Man. urlu.
◊ ТМС 2, 286. Attested only in Manchu, but with probable external parallels.
PMong. *orug 1 greyish, grey-brown 2 white horse with black back
(1 сероватый 2 белый конь с черной спиной): MMong. orox 2 (SH);
WMong. oruɣ 1; Kh. orog 1; Kalm. orəg 1.
◊ KW 288.
PTurk. *or red-brown (of a horse) (каштаново-гнедой (о масти ло-
шади)): Karakh. or (MK, IM); Bashk. ur-ɣujan ‘заяц-русак’; Kaz. or;
Oyr. or ‘grey’; Yak. or ‘blackish piebald’.
◊ EDT 192-193, VEWT 364.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ūre formerly, ancient: Tung. *ūri-; Mong. *orai; Turk. *ür ( ~ *ör); Jpn.
*bətə-.
PTung. *ūri- recently, formerly (некоторое время тому назад, да-
веча, недавно): Evk. ūr, ūri; Evn. ȫr; Neg. uj; Ork. ōra-pči; Orch. uja-da.
◊ ТМС 2, 281.
PMong. *orai evening, late, yesterday (вечер, поздно, вчера):
WMong. orai (L 621: orui); Kh. oroj; Bur. oroj; Kalm. orā (КРС); Ord. orȫ;
Dag. orē (Тод. Даг. 160: oŕē), oŕē (MD 203); Bao. χoro ‘late’ (Тод. Бн.)
(with a quite inexplicable χ-); S.-Yugh. öröi; Mongr. urē (SM 476), urī.
◊ MGCD 531. Mong. > Evk. oroi etc.
1504 *ro - *úŕi
PTurk. *ür ( ~ *ör) long (of time) (долгий (о времени)): OTurk. ür
(Orkh., OUygh.); Oyr. ür; Tv. ür; Yak. ör; Dolg. ör.
◊ EDT 193, VEWT 522, Лексика 84, Stachowski 200.
PJpn. *bətə- 1 day before yesterday 2 year before last (1 позавчера 2
в позапрошлом году): OJpn. woto-tu-pji 1, woto-tosi 2; Tok. ototói 1;
Kyo. ótótóì 1; Kag. ototói 1.
◊ JLTT 513. Original accent not quite clear. The root is also attested as OJ woti ( <
*bətə-i) ‘remote (past); remote (place)’.
‖ Cf. *uŕo (the two roots are very similar, but clearly distinguish-
able).
-ro ( ~ -u) to grow: Tung. *ure-; Mong. *urgu-; Turk. *ur; Jpn. *úrá-; Kor.
*ōr.
PTung. *ure- 1 to grow 2 sprout 3 bush (1 расти 2 росток 3 куст):
Evk. uruktu 3; Man. ursan 2; Jurch. uru-xe ‘ripe’ (539); Nan. ure- 1, urekte
2.
◊ ТМС 1, 323, 2, 286, 287.
PMong. *urgu- to grow (расти): MMong. urqu- (SH), hurɣa-/urɣu-
(MA); WMong. urɣu- (L 881); Kh. urga-; Bur. urga-; Kalm. urɣə- (КРС);
Ord. urGu; Mog. urɣu- (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. orgu-, (Тод. Даг. 160),
orege- (MD 203), orgo-.
◊ MGCD 680.
PTurk. *ur growth, excrescence (нарост, опухоль): Tur. ur; Az. ur;
Tat. ŭrɨ; Bashk. ŭrŭ; Kirgh. ur; Kaz. ŭra; Nogh. urɨ; Shr. ur; Oyr. ur; Tv.
uru; Yak. ur.
◊ ЭСТЯ 1, 598-599. Turk. > Mong. ur id.
PJpn. *úrá- to ripen (зреть): MJpn. úrá-; Tok. uré-; Kyo. ùrè-; Kag.
uré-.
◊ JLTT 779. Tokyo and Kyoto point to a variant *ùrá-.
PKor. *ōr early ripening (рано созревающий): MKor. ōr; Mod. ōl.
◊ Liu 579, KED 1207.
‖ ТМС 2, 286, Miller 1982, 402 (Jpn.-TM).
-úŕi debt: Mong. *öri; Turk. *üŕ-; Jpn. *úr-.
PMong. *öri debt (долг): MMong. uri (IM); WMong. öri (L 641); Kh.
ör; Bur. üri; Kalm. ör, örn; Ord. örö(n); Dag. ure (MD 233), ur; Dong. ori;
S.-Yugh. ȫrə; Mongr. uri (SM 475), urə.
◊ KW 298, MGCD 546.
PTurk. *üŕ- 1 to pay debts 2 thrifty (1 платить долги 2 бережли-
вый, экономный): OTurk. üz- (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. üz- (MK) 1; Turkm.
üz- 1; KBalk. üz- ‘to gain profit’; Khak. üzür 2; Tv. üz-.
◊ EDT 280, VEWT 524. Should be distinguished from *üŕ- ‘to break, tear’.
PJpn. *úr- to sell (продавать): OJpn. ur-; MJpn. úr-; Tok. ùr-; Kyo.
úr-; Kag. úr-.
 *ŕV - *úsu 1505
◊ JLTT 779.
‖ See notes to *arV.
-ŕV craftsman: Mong. *uran; Turk. *ūŕ.
PMong. *uran craftsman, art (мастер, ремесленник, искусство):
MMong. uran (HY 27), uran ‘craft’ (IM); WMong. ura(n) (L 879); Kh.
ur(an); Bur. uran; Kalm. urn (КРС); Ord. uran; Dag. waran (Тод. Даг.
129), uran (Тод. Даг. 171); Dong. uran; S.-Yugh. uran; Mongr. uran (SM
473).
◊ MGCD 677.
PTurk. *ūŕ master, craftsman (мастер): OTurk. uz (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. uz (MK); Tur. uz; Gag. uz; Turkm. ūz; MTurk. uz (Pav. C.);
Uygh. us; Kirgh. uz; Khak. us; Shr. us; Oyr. us; Tv. us; Yak. ūs; Dolg. ūs.
◊ EDT 277, ЭСТЯ 1, 569-570, Stachowski 248.
‖ Poppe 102. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss, but, despite TMN 2, 145, not
Turk. > Mong. (-ŕ is not a suffix here!).
-ùso a k. of clothing: Tung. *usī-; Jpn. *əsə-; Kor. *ós.
PTung. *usī- 1 to bind 2 belt, rope, binding 3 to lace (1 привязывать
2 ремень, веревка, завязка 3 стегать): Evk. usī 2, usī- 1; Evn. usi 2, us- 1;
Neg. usī 2; Man. uše 2, uše- 3; Ul. uesemse 2; Ork. ussi- 1; Nan. use 2;
Orch. usi 2; Ud. uhi 2; Sol. uī 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 290-291.
PJpn. *əsə- 1 to put on upper clothes 2 upper clothes (1 надевать
верхнюю одежду 2 верхняя одежда): OJpn. oso-kji, osu-pji 2; MJpn.
osof- 1, osofi 2.
◊ JLTT 512.
PKor. *ós clothes (одежда): MKor. ós; Mod. ot [os].
◊ Nam 384, KED 1211.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Cf. also Shor uzan ‘наплечник вроде капю-
шона из козлиной кожи, надеваемый звероловами в мокрую пого-
ду шерстью наружу’.
-úsu ( ~ o-, -i) animal; cow: Tung. *us-; Jpn. *úsí; Kor. *sjó.
PTung. *us- 1 herd, flock 2 game, wild animal (1 стадо, стая 2 ди-
кое животное): Evk. usuŋa 1; Evn. ụsụ 1; Ul. uselte 2; Ork. uselte 2; Nan.
uselte 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 292.
PJpn. *úsí cow, bull (корова, бык): OJpn. usi; MJpn. úsí; Tok. ùshi;
Kyo. úshí; Kag. úshi.
◊ JLTT 564.
PKor. *sjó cow (корова): MKor. sjó; Mod. so.
◊ Nam 311, KED 968.
‖ An Eastern isogloss. Korean has a frequent initial vowel reduc-
tion.
1506 *t῾a - *ut῾à
-t῾a ( ~ -t-) to meet: Mong. *učira-; Turk. *ut-; Jpn. *átá-.
PMong. *učira- to meet (встречать): MMong. učira- (SH, HYt);
WMong. učira- (L 859); Kh. učra-; Bur. ušar-; Kalm. učr- (КРС); Ord.
učira-; Dag. wačira- (Тод. Даг. 129), uačire (MD 229); Dong. vočəra-,
očɨra-; Mongr. śurā- (SM 393).
◊ MGCD 683. Mong. > Manchu učara- (see Rozycki 215).
PTurk. *ut- 1 to win 2 opposite (1 выигрывать 2 напротив, на-
встречу): OTurk. ut- 1, utru 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. ut- 1, utru 2 (MK); Tur.
ut- 1; Az. ut- 1; Turkm. ut- 1; Khal. ut- 1; MTurk. ut- 1 (Pav. C.), utru 2
(Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jut- 1; Uygh. ut- 1; Krm. ut- 1, uturu, utru 2; Tat. ŭt- 1;
Bashk. ŭt- 1, ŭtŭrŭ 2; Kirgh. ut- 1, uturu 2; Kaz. ŭt- 1; KBalk. ut- 1;
KKalp. ut- 1; Kum. ut- 1; Nogh. ut- 1; SUygh. utur 2; Khak. ut- 1, udur 2;
Oyr. uduru, udura, udur 2; Tv. ut- 1, udur 2; Chuv. ъt- 1; Yak. utarɨ 2;
Dolg. utarɨ 2.
◊ EDT 38-39, 64, VEWT 517, ЭСТЯ 1, 609, 610-611, Stachowski 247.
PJpn. *átá- to attach, make fit; to fit (приделывать, приспосабли-
вать, подходить): OJpn. ata-, ata-r-; MJpn. átá-, átá-r-; Tok. àte-, àtar-;
Kyo. áté-, átár-; Kag. até-, atár-.
◊ JLTT 678.
‖ Cf. *ùč῾e.
-ut῾à ( ~ *o-) to be able, understand: Tung. *util-; Mong. *(h)udka; Jpn.
*ata-p-; Kor. *tìr-.
PTung. *util- to understand (понимать): Evn. ụtl-; Neg. otịl-; Man.
utulixequ ‘unattentive’; Ul. ụtịlị-; Ork. uttulị-; Nan. otolịo-.
◊ ТМС 2, 293.
PMong. *(h)udka sense, reason, meaning (смысл, значение):
WMong. udqa (L 862); Kh. utga; Bur. udxa; Kalm. utxə; Ord. udxa.
◊ KW 452.
PJpn. *ata-p- to be able (мочь, быть в состоянии): OJpn. atap-.
◊ JLTT 678.
PKor. *tìr- to be able, wise (быть способным, мудрым): MKor.
tìr-; Mod. əǯil-.
◊ Nam 359, KED 1136.
‖ A derivative *ut῾à-lV- (probably *ut῾à-li- to account for the fronting
of the second vowel) is reflectedin PTM *uti-l- and Kor. tìr-.
 Z

-zagè to prevent, obstruct: Tung. *sagi-; Mong. *seg; Turk. *jɨg-; Jpn.
*sək-.
PTung. *sagi- 1 to be shy, timid 2 to worry about smth. (1 стеснять-
ся 2 беспокоиться о чем-л.): Evn. haɣjịŋčị- 2; Neg. saɣjịn- 1; Sol. sāgildi-
1; Nan. sāgo- ‘спохватываться’ (On.).
◊ ТМС 2, 53.
PMong. *seg interruption; rest (перерыв; отдых): WMong. seg (L
681); Kh. seg; Kalm. seg; Ord. seg.
◊ KW 321. Cf. also WMong. saɣali- ‘to avoid, shun’ (L 657).
PTurk. *jɨg- to prevent, obstruct, restrain (препятствовать, сдер-
живать): Karakh. jɨɣ- (KB, AT, Tefs); MTurk. jɨɣ- (Abush.); Uygh. jiɣ-.
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 897.
PJpn. *sək- 1 to get distant 2 stay away from (1 отдаляться 2 отсту-
пать, держаться поодаль): OJpn. sok- 1, soka- 2.
◊ JLTT 755.
‖ The parallel appears plausible, with the semantics ‘prevent’ > ‘in-
terrupt’ or ‘prevent, be prevented from’ > ‘stay away from’.
-zakt῾i cushion, mat: Tung. *sakta(n); Turk. *jạŕtuk / *jạtŕuk; Jpn.
*sitənia; Kor. *sàt.
PTung. *sakta-n mat (циновка): Ul. saqta(n); Nan. saqtã; Orch.
sakta(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 57.
PTurk. *jạŕtuk / *jạtŕuk 1 pillow 2 to prop on a pillow (1 подушка 2
опирать(ся) на подушку): OTurk. jastuq ‘pillow-shaped ingot of silver’
(OUygh.); Karakh. jastuq 1, jasta- 2; Tur. jastɨk 1, jasta- 2; Gag. jastɨq 1;
Az. jassɨx (dial.) 1; Turkm. jassɨq 1; Sal. jastux 1; Khal. jastuq 1; MTurk.
jastuq 1 (AH); Uzb. jɔstiq 1; Uygh. jastuq 1; Krm. jastɨq 1; Tat. jastɨq 1;
Bashk. jaϑtɨq 1; Kirgh. ǯazdɨq, ǯastɨq 1, ǯazda-, ǯasta- 2; Kaz. žastɨq 1, žasta-
2; KBalk. ǯastɨq, zastɨq 1; KKalp. dastɨq 1, žasta-, dasta- 2; Kum. jastɨq, jas-
tuq 1; Nogh. jastɨq 1; SUygh. jastɨq 1; Khak. častɨx 1, časta- 2; Shr. častɨq 1,
časta- 2; Oyr. jastɨq, astɨq 1; Tv. sɨrtɨq, sɨstɨq 1; Chuv. śɨdъr 1; Yak. sɨttɨk 1,
sɨtta- 2; Dolg. hɨttɨk 1.
1508 *zăli - *zàrá
◊ PT *ŕ is indicated by the Chuv. form and probably also (with rotacism) Tuva sɨrtɨk.
Other forms for the most part reflect an assimilated *jaz-t- > *jast-. See VEWT 191, ЭСТЯ
4, 154-155, EDT 974, Stachowski 121.
PJpn. *sitənia cushion (подушка): MJpn. sìtònè; Tok. shìtone; Kyo.
shítóné; Kag. shitoné.
◊ JLTT 528. The reconstruction of accent here is uncertain: RJ and Kagoshima point
to *sìtnià, while both Kyoto and Tokyo - to *sítniá.
PKor. *sàt thin mat (тонкая циновка): MKor. sàt; Mod. sat [sas],
sat-čari.
◊ Nam 290, KED 906. In modern Korean mixed with the reflex of *sàs- ‘bamboo chip’,
see *súsa.
‖ Closed *ạ in Turkic is probably an influence of *jạt- ‘to lie, sleep’
(see *dḕ).
-zăli wind: Tung. *sal-di-; Mong. *salki; Turk. *jẹl; Kor. *sar-.
PTung. *sal-di- cool wind (ветер (прохладный)): Evk. saldin.
◊ ТМС 2, 58. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *salki wind (ветер): WMong. salki(n) (L 665); Kh. salxi; Bur.
halxi(n); Kalm. sälkn, saĺkn; Ord. salχin; S.-Yugh. salGən; Mongr. sarki
(SM 329), (MGCD salkī).
◊ KW 318, MGCD 591. Mong. > Turk. salqɨn ‘cool day’, Oyr. salqɨn etc., Kirgh. salqɨn
‘wind’ etc., see TMN 1, 341, VEWT 398, Щербак 1997, 209, Лексика 16, 41, ЭСТЯ 7, Sta-
chowski 94.
PTurk. *jẹl wind (ветер): OTurk. jel (OUygh.); Karakh. jẹl (MK, KB);
Tur. jel; Az. jel; Turkm. jel; Sal. jel; Khal. jel; MTurk. jẹl (MA); Uzb. jel;
Uygh. jäl; Krm. jel; Tat. ǯil; Bashk. jel; Kirgh. ǯel; Kaz. žel; KBalk. žel;
KKalp. žel; Kum. jel; SUygh. jel; Khak. čil; Shr. čel; Oyr. jel, el; Chuv. śil;
Yak. sillie ‘storm, whirlwind’.
◊ VEWT 195, EDT 916-917, ЭСТЯ 4, 174-175, Лексика 40. Bulg.> Hung. szél ‘wind’,
see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 705-706.
PKor. *sar- gentle, cool (of wind) (слабый, прохладный (о ветре)):
Mod. sallaŋ, səlləŋ, salgiraŋ.
◊ KED 897.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 30, 285. Regular except for a somewhat unexpected
closed *-ẹ- in Turkic.
-zàrá ( ~ -o) skin: Tung. *sarga-; Mong. *sari-; Turk. *jarɨ; Jpn. *st ( ~
ua).
PTung. *sarga- 1 upper layer of dried fish together with the skin 2
armour (1 верхний слой юколы вместе с кожей 2 панцирь): Nan.
sargali (Он.) 1; Sol. sarxi 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 66.
PMong. *sari- 1 sheep skin without hair 2 leather, pellicle 3 scrotum
(1 овчина без шерсти 2 кожа, кожица 3 мошонка): MMong. sarisu
‘goatskin, saffian’ (MA 319); WMong. sarmai 1, sari-su(n) 2 (L 676),
 *zego - *zejĺu 1509

saraɣana-su, saraɣanag 3; Kh. sarmaj 1, saŕs 2, sarānag 3; Bur. harmaj, haŕ-

maj 1, haŕha(n) 2, harāna 3 (scrotum of animals); Kalm. sarmǟ 1, säŕsn 2.
◊ KW 313, 319.
PTurk. *jarɨ 1 leather 2 pellicle (1 кожа 2 кожица): Turkm. jarɨ 1;
MTurk. jarɨ (AH) 1; Tat. jarɨ 2; Bashk. jarɨ 2; Kum. jari 2; Shr. čarɨɣ 1;
Oyr. jarū 1; Yak. sar 1, 2; Dolg. har 2.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 146; Лексика 384, Stachowski 98.
PJpn. *st ( ~ ua) external side (внешняя сторона): MJpn. soto;
Tok. sóto; Kyo. sòtó; Kag. sotó.
◊ JLTT 531.
‖ Jpn. *st instead of *sàt as in a number of other cases, because of
bad compatibility of *a and *ə in PJ.
-zego young man, brave man: Mong. *saɣaka-; Turk. *jEgit / *jigit; Kor.
*súh.
PMong. *saɣaka- 1 nomad neighbour 2 brave man (1 сосед по ко-
чевью 2 храбрец): WMong. saɣaqalta 1 (MXTTT); Kh. sāxalt 1; Bur. hāx-
alzūr 2; Mongr. saGa ‘sarrasin’ (SM 318).
PTurk. *jEgit / *jigit young man, brave man (юноша, храбрец):
OTurk. jigit (OUygh.); Karakh. jigit (MK); Tur. jijit; Gag. īt; Az. igit;
Turkm. jigit; Sal. jihit, iχit; MTurk. jigit (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jigit; Uygh.
jigit; Krm. igit; Tat. jeget; Bashk. jeget; Kirgh. ǯigit; Kaz. žigit; KBalk. ǯigit,
zigit; KKalp. žigit; Kum. jigit, igit; Nogh. jigit; SUygh. jigit, jigɨt, jɨgɨt;
Khak. čīt; Shr. čiŋet; Oyr. īt; Tof. ńīt.
◊ EDT 911, VEWT 203, TMN 4, 185, ЭСТЯ 4, 198-199, Лексика 301. Turk. > WMong.
jigede, Kalm. jēdə (KW 218).
PKor. *súh male (самец): MKor. sú (súh-); Mod. su-.
◊ Nam 313, KED 998.
‖ In Korean one has to presume a rather natural semantic shift
‘young man’ > ‘male’.
-zejĺu metal: Tung. *sele; Mong. *seleme; Turk. *jElme-; Jpn. *sunsu;
Kor. *sói.
PTung. *sele iron (железо): Evk. sele; Evn. hel; Neg. sele; Man. sele;
SMan. selə (2116); Jurch. sele (574); Ul. sele; Ork. sele; Nan. sele; Orch. sele;
Ud. sele; Sol. sele.
◊ ТМС 2, 140.
PMong. *seleme sabre (сабля): WMong. seleme, selme (L 686); Kh.
selm; Bur. helme; Kalm. selmə; Ord. seleme; Dag. selmī (Тод. Даг. 162),
selemij (MD 207); S.-Yugh. selme; Mongr. siləm.
◊ KW 323, MGCD 598. Sukhebaatar and Rozycki 177 derive Mong. < Manchu seleme
‘sable’, but the direction of borrowing was rather reverse.
1510 *zèjńa - *zèjńa
PTurk. *jElme- blade or upper part of sabre (лезвие или конец саб-
ли): Tur. jelme, jälman, jalman, jalɨm; MTurk. jalman (Бор. Бад.); Kaz.
žalman (dial.).
◊ VEWT 196, ЭСТЯ 4, 103-104, Лексика 412 (but relating here jalma ‘quilted coat’ is
dubious).
PJpn. *sunsu tin (жесть, олово): OJpn. suzu; MJpn. suzu; Tok. súzu;
Kyo. súzù; Kag. súzu.
◊ JLTT 535. Accent is not quite clear: Tokyo points to *sù(n)sú, while Kyoto and Ka-
goshima - to *sú(n)sù.
PKor. *sói metal (металл, железо): MKor. sói; Mod. swe.
◊ Liu 469, KED 995.
‖ KW 323, Poppe 29 (Mong.-Tung.), Лексика 412, Whitman 1985,
188, 234 (Kor.-Jpn.). In Turkic -lm- reflects *-ĺm- (“Helimski’s rule”). *-j-
has to be reconstructed to account for the loss of -ĺ- in Kor. This is the
only root pertaining to metal terminology that can be reconstructed for
PA, and it is not quite clear what metal was meant (perhaps meteorite
iron - it is highly dubious that the speakers of PA possessed any kind of
developed metallurgy). Note that in the Turko-Mong. area the metal
name as such was lost and preserved only within the name of iron ob-
jects (sabre, armour).
-zèjńa new: Tung. *seńe-; Mong. *sine; Turk. *jaŋɨ / *jeŋi; Kor. *sái.
PTung. *seńe- raw, unripe (сырой, недоспелый): Man. seni-xun,
seńe-xun.
◊ ТМС 2, 141. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *sine new (новый): MMong. šini (HY 6, SH), sīni (IM), šin,
šini (MA); WMong. sine (L 711); Kh. šine; Bur. šene; Kalm. šinə; Ord. šine;
Dag. šinken (Тод. Даг. 184, MD 217); Dong. šəni, šɨni; Bao. šine; S.-Yugh.
šənə; Mongr. šəni (SM 375), śinə.
◊ KW 358, MGCD 717. Cf. also WMong. sene-r, Kalm. senr ‘new, fresh’ (KW 324).
PTurk. *jaŋɨ / *jeŋi new (новый): OTurk. jaŋɨ (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jaŋɨ (MK); Tur. jeni; Gag. jeni; Az. jeni; Turkm. jaŋɨ ‘just, re-
cently’; Sal. jaŋɨ; Khal. jäŋgi; MTurk. jaŋɨ (MA, Abush.); Uzb. jangụ;
Uygh. jeŋi; Krm. jɨŋgɨ; Tat. jaŋa; Bashk. jaŋɨ; Kirgh. ǯaŋɨ; Kaz. žaŋa;
KBalk. žanɣɨ; KKalp. žaŋa; Kum. jaŋɨ; Nogh. jaŋɨ; SUygh. jaŋɨ; Khak. nā;
Shr. na (Верб.); Oyr. aŋɨ; Tv. čā; Tof. ń; Chuv. śənə; Yak. saŋa; Dolg.
haŋa; hiŋil ‘young’.
◊ VEWT 185 (Räsänen is deriving this word from *jān ‘side’ which is quite improb-
able), EDT 943-4, ЭСТЯ 4, 124-125, Лексика 85, Stachowski 96, 104. Turk. > MMo,
WMong. ǯaŋgi, Kalm. zäŋǵə ‘news’ (KW 470; doubts about this borrowing in TMN 1, 281,
based on the early attestation of the meaning “discussion” in Mong., are hardly
founded).
PKor. *sái new (новый): MKor. sái; Mod. sä.
◊ Nam 295, KED 919.
 *zela - *zelo 1511

‖ АПиПЯЯ 58-59, 283, Лексика 85. Cf. also WMong. saja, Kalm. sā
‘newly’ (KW 316), EAS 72, probably a variant of the same root with
different vocalization. Turkic reflects an attributive form (*jeŋi < *jeń-ki);
medial *-j- has to be reconstructed because of the loss of *-ń- in Kor.
-zela to be awake; to live: Tung. *sele-; Mong. *sülde; Turk. *jạlaŋuk;
Kor. *sār-.
PTung. *sele- 1 to wake up 2 to rejoice (1 просыпаться 2 радовать-
ся): Evk. sele- 1; Neg. sele- 1; Man. sela- 2; Ul. sene- 1; Nan. sene- 1; Orch.
sene- 1; Ud. sele- 1.
◊ ТМС 2, 141. Medial -n- in Ul., Nan. and Oroch is not quite clear. Cf. also Evk. selē-
‘укорять, обвинять, чувствовать’, Evn. hele- ‘жалеть, сострадать’ (ibid.).
PMong. *sülde energy, vitality (энергия, душа, жизненная сила):
MMong. sulder (SH); WMong. sülde (L 743); Kh. süld; Bur. hülde; Kalm.
süldr; Ord. sülde, süldü.
◊ KW 340.
PTurk. *jạlaŋuk person (человек): OTurk. jalaŋuq (OUygh.);
Karakh. jalŋuq (MK, KB); Chuv. śɨn(ъ).
◊ VEWT 182, EDT 930.
PKor. *sār- 1 to live 2 person (1 жить 2 человек): MKor. sār- 1, sārắm
2; Mod. sāl- 1, sāram 2.
◊ Nam 290, 293, KED 871, 897.
‖ The Mong. -ü-reflex is not quite clear: since -ld- is not simplified
in this case, we may suspect that the original form was *süle-de, proba-
bly with usual labialization metathesis < *selü-dü, with consequent
vowel reduction.
-zelo naked: Mong. *sildaŋ; Turk. *jạlɨŋ.
PMong. *sildaŋ naked (голый): WMong. sildaŋ, šaldaŋ (L 750); Kh.
šaldan.
PTurk. *jạlɨŋ 1 naked 2 single, lonely (1 голый 2 одинокий, един-
ственный): OTurk. jalɨŋ 1, jalŋus 2 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jalɨŋ 1,
jalŋus 2 (MK); Tur. jalɨn 1, jalnɨz, dial. jalaŋɨz 2; Gag. jalɨn 1, jalnɨz 2; Az.
jalɨn 1, jalnɨz 2; Turkm. jalaŋ 1, jalaŋač 1, jalŋz 2; Khal. jalɣuz 2; MTurk.
jalɨŋ 1 (Pav. C.), jalan, jalɨnǯaq 1 (Ettuhf.), jalɨŋɨz, jalɨqɨz 2 (Ettuhf.); Uzb.
jaĺäŋ 1, jɔllɣiz 2; Uygh. jalaŋ 1, jalɣuz 2; Krm. jalɨn, jalan 1, jalɣɨz 2; Tat.
jalan 1 (dial.), jalɣɨz 2; Bashk. jaŋɣɨδ 2; Kirgh. ǯalaŋ 1, ǯalɣɨz, ǯaŋɣɨz 2; Kaz.
žalaŋ 1, žalɣɨz 2; KBalk. žalan, zalan 1, žanɣɨz, zanɣɨz 2; KKalp. žalaŋ 1,
žalɣɨz 2; Kum. jalan 1, jaŋɣɨz, jaŋɨz 2; Nogh. jalaŋ 1, jalɣɨz 2; SUygh. jalɨŋ,
jaŋ 1, jaŋɣɨs 2; Khak. čalaŋ 1, čalɣɨs 2; Shr. čalaŋ 1, čaɣɨs, naɣɨs, naŋɨs 2;
Oyr. alaŋ 1, jaŋɨs, aŋɨs 2; Tv. čaŋɣɨs 2; Yak. sńax, sɨgɨnńax 1; Dolg.
hɨgɨnńak 1.
1512 *zep῾i - *zēra
◊ VEWT 182, EDT 929, 930, ЭСТЯ 4, 97-98, 104-106. Turk. > Kalm. jalŋ (KW 214). Cf.
also *jalkɨ ‘single’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 95), Stachowski 106, 118. Yak. sɨgɨnńax < *jalŋɨn-čak; soɣotox <
*jalŋoŕak.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; cf. perhaps also Manchu silχada, silχata
‘lonely, orphan’ ( = Turk. *jalk-).
-zep῾i to hold in mouth, gnaw: Tung. *sepke-; Turk. *jap-; Jpn.
*sipa-pur-; Kor. *sìp-.
PTung. *sepke- 1 to grab (with teeth) 2 to grab 3 to nibble (of fish) (1
хватать (зубами) 2 хватать 3 клевать (о рыбе)): Evk. sepke- 2; Evn.
hepku- 2; Neg. sepkele- 2; Man. seke- 3; Ul. sekpen- 1; Nan. sekpen- 1; Orch.
seppe- 3; Ud. sekpene- 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 144.
PTurk. *jap- 1 to lap 2 greedy 3 lickerish (1 лакать, жадно пить 2
жадный 3 лакомый): Khak. jabɨlɨɣ 2 R 3, 281 (Koib., Kach.); čapla-t- 1,
čapsɨx 3; Oyr. japla-t- 1; Yak. sabɨrɣā- 1.
◊ A local Siberian root.
PJpn. *sipa-pur- to lick, gnaw (лизать, обсасывать, обгладывать):
MJpn. sifabur-; Tok. shabur-.
PKor. *sìp- to hold in mouth, to chew (держать во рту, жевать):
MKor. sìp-; Mod. s:ip-.
◊ Nam 327, KED 1064.
‖ An expressive root, but appears to be well reconstructable for PA.
-zēra light; moon, moon cycle (year): Tung. *sē; Mong. *sara; Turk. *jar-;
Jpn. *sátúkúi; Kor. *sr / *săr.
PTung. *sē year, age (год, возраст): Man. se; SMan. sē (2725); Jurch.
sejŋ-ŋer (82); Ul. sē; Nan. sē; Orch. sē; Ud. se.
◊ ТМС 2, 133.
PMong. *sara moon (луна): MMong. sara (HY 1, SH), ṣarā, saran
(IM), sara (MA); WMong. sara(n) (L 674); Kh. sar; Bur. hara; Kalm. sarə;
Ord. sara(n); Dag. sarūl ‘moon’, sar ‘month’ (Тод. Даг. 162), sare
‘month’, sareule ‘moon’ (MD 206); Dong. sara; Bao. sare, sera; S.-Yugh.
sara; Mongr. sara (SM 326).
◊ KW 313, MGCD 593.
PTurk. *jar- 1 to shine 2 to dawn 3 light 4 candle (1 светить 2 рас-
светать 3 свет 4 свеча): OTurk. jaru- 1, jaruq 3 (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh.
jaru- 1, jaruq 3 (MK); Tur. jarɨk 3 (dial.); Turkm. jarɨq 3 (dial.); Sal. jarux
3; MTurk. jarɨ- (AH), jaru- (Abush.) 1, jaruq 3 (Бор. Бад., Abush.); Uzb.
jɔri- 1, jɔruɣ 3; Uygh. joru- 1, joruq 3; Krm. jarɨ- 1, jarɨq, jarɨx 3; Tat. jarɨq 3
(dial.); Bashk. jarɨq 3 (dial.); Kirgh. ǯar-, ǯarɨ- 1, ǯarɨq 3; Kaz. žarɨq 3;
KBalk. ǯarɨq 3; KKalp. žarɨq 3; Kum. jarɨq 3; Nogh. jarɨq 3; Khak. čarɨ- 1,
čarɨx 3; Shr. čar-, čarɨ- 1; Oyr. jar-, arɨ- 1, arɨq 3; Tv. čɨrɨ- 1, čarɨq 3;
Chuv. śor-da 4; Yak. sarā- 2 (but also sɨrdā-); Dolg. hɨrdā- 2.
 *zíni - *zíni 1513
◊ EDT 956, 962, 963, ЭСТЯ 4, 134-135, VEWT 189 (there are hardly reasons to con-
sider the Chuv. word a borrowing), Федотов 2, 145, Stachowski 119. Turk. (Bulg.?) >
Hung. gyertya ‘candle’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *sátúkúi fifth month of the moon calendar (пятый месяц
лунного календаря): OJpn. satuki; MJpn. satuki; Tok. sàtsuki; Kyo.
sátsúkí; Kag. satsúki.
◊ sa- is treated as a bound noun ‘early (spring)’ in JLTT 515.
PKor. *sr / *sằr year, age (год, возраст): MKor. sr / săr; Mod. sal;
sl ‘beginning of the year’.
◊ Nam 290, 300, KED 896, 950.
‖ Lee 1958, 116 (Kor.-TM), АПиПЯЯ 294. Mong. jara- ‘to shine,
glimmer’, which is usually compared with the PT form (see KW 216,
Владимирцов 317, VEWT 189) is an obvious loanword from Turkic.
Illich-Svitych (ОСНЯ 1, ХV) regards Mong. sara as a prosodic variant of
sira- ‘yellow’, which is hardly the case. Jpn. tone seems to contradict
TM length, but the root is only attested in compounds and may be itself
a contraction (see below), so the tone may well have been displaced. If
the Jpn. word is indeed to be analysed as *sa- ‘early spring’ (+ *tukui
‘month’, ‘moon’), then its original meaning must have been ‘(beginning
of a new) moon cycle, season’ - cf. the meaning ‘season’ in Kor. and
TM, and especially ‘beginning of the year’ in Kor. (note that TM *sē bi-
aga has also the meaning ‘first month of the year’ > Manchu se-bija,
Jurch. sei-bi(a)ha, see the discussion in Lee 1958). The form *sa itself has
to be explained as reflecting a suffixed *zēr(a)-gV or *zēr(a)-ŋV - cf.
Jurch. sejŋe-r and Mong. *sara-ɣu-l.
-zíni shape, observation: Tung. *sinma-; Mong. *sinǯi; Turk. *jint-; Jpn.
*síná.
PTung. *sinma- 1 to choose 2 to test (1 выбирать 2 испытывать,
проверять): Evk. sinma- 1; Evn. hnm- 1; Man. simne- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 89. Orok sịlma- has -l- probably under Mong. influence (Mong. sili- ‘to
choose’). Man. > Dag. šimne- (Тод. Даг. 183).
PMong. *sinǯi 1 shape, form 2 to investigate (1 вид, форма 2 на-
блюдать, исследовать): WMong. sinǯi 1, sinǯile- 2 (L 713, 714); Kh. šinǯ
1, šinǯle- 2; Bur. šenže 1 šenžel- 2; Kalm. šinǯə 1 (КРС); Ord. šinǯi 1.
PTurk. *jint- to search, seek (искать): Karakh. jind- (MK); Khak.
nindi-; Tv. čindi-.
◊ EDT 946, VEWT 203.
PJpn. *síná kind, sort, quality (вид, род, качество): OJpn. sina;
MJpn. síná; Tok. shìna; Kyo. shíná; Kag. shiná.
◊ JLTT 524.
‖ Poppe 115. Despite TMN 3, 315, hardly a loanword in Mong. <
Turk.
1514 *zìŋke - *zăbsa
-zìŋke light, quiet: Tung. *siŋkuti-; Mong. *siŋgen; Turk. *jeŋgül; Jpn.
*sìntúka.
PTung. *siŋkuti- quiet, silent (тихий, молчаливый): Evk. siŋti; Evn.
hkụtị; Nan. siŋčien- ‘to become quiet, stop talking’.
◊ ТМС 2, 91-92.
PMong. *siŋgen liquid, thin, rare, light (жидкий, тонкий, редкий,
легкий): WMong. siŋgen (L 712); Kh. šingen; Bur. šengen; Kalm. šiŋgn
(КРС); Ord. šiŋgen; Mog. siŋgōn (Ramstedt 1906); Dag. šeŋgen (Тод. Даг.
184: šiŋgen); Dong. šəngan; Bao. śiŋgaŋ; S.-Yugh. šeŋgen; Mongr. šəŋgen
(SM 368), śingen.
◊ MGCD 718.
PTurk. *jeŋgü-l, jeŋi-k light (легкий): OTurk. jenik, jöŋül (OUygh.);
Karakh. jüŋül (Tefs., IM), jenik ‘light’, jeni- ‘to become light’ (MK, KB);
Tur. jeni, jünül, jejni; Gag. jilin; Az. jüngül, jejin; Turkm. jeŋil; Khal.
jiŋgil, jejin; MTurk. jeŋgil (Sangl.), jüngül (MKypch. - Ettuhf.); Uzb. jeŋil;
Uygh. jenik, jeŋil; Krm. jeŋil, jeŋgil, jenil; Tat. ǯiŋel; Bashk. jeŋel; Kirgh.
ǯeŋil; Kaz. žeŋil; KBalk. ǯeŋgil, žengil, zengil; KKalp. žeŋil; Kum. jeŋil;
Nogh. jeŋil; SUygh. ǯig (<*jeŋig); Khak. nīk (< *jeŋik); Oyr. eŋil; Tv. čīk (<
*jeŋik); Tof. niŋeš; Chuv. śъₙmъₙl.
◊ EDT 948, 950, VEWT 198, ЭСТЯ 4, 188, 184, Лексика 340. Turk. > Hung. gyenge
‘weak’, see Gombocz 1912.
PJpn. *sìntúka quiet, silent (тихий, молчаливый): OJpn. siduka;
MJpn. sìdúka; Tok. shízuka; Kyo. shìzúkà; Kag. shizuká.
◊ JLTT 529.
‖ The Turkic form may also have been influenced by PA *náŋa q.v.
The Jpn. form is probably metathesized: *sìntúka- < *sìnkutá- ( = TM
*siŋkuti-).
-zīpe a k. of predator: Tung. *sibigē; Mong. *sibor; Turk. *jēbke.
PTung. *sibigē 1 wolf 2 bear (1 волк 2 медведь): Evk. siwigē 1, 2;
Evn. hewjö, hewje 2; Orch. sīwi ‘a mythical dog’.
◊ ТМС 2, 75.
PMong. *sibor panther (барс): Kh. šovor.
PTurk. *jēbke wolverine (росомаха): Khak. jekpe; Tv. čekpe; Yak.
siegen; Dolg. hiegen.
◊ VEWT 195, Stachowski 103.
‖ A Western isogloss. On Mong. ǯeɣeken see under *čágo.
-zăbsa lentil, pea: Tung. *sibsV; Mong. *sisi; Turk. *jasɨ-muk; Jpn.
*sasa(n)kai.
PTung. *sibsV lentils (чечевица): Man. sisa; Ul. siusi; Nan. siusi.
◊ ТМС 2, 98, 100.
PMong. *sisi 1 maize 2 sorgho 3 bean(s) (1 кукуруза 2 гаолян, сор-
го 3 боб(ы)): WMong. sisi 2 (L 719); Kh. šiš 2; Kalm. šiš 1, 3.
 *zà[k῾]ó - *zălVbi 1515
◊ KW 361.
PTurk. *jasɨ-muk lentil (чечевица): OTurk. jasɨmuq (OUygh.); Tur.
jasmɨk; Turkm. jasmɨq (dial.); Sal. jasmux; MTurk. jasmuq (Pav. C.); Uzb.
jɔsmiq; Uygh. jesimuq; Tat. jasmɨq; Bashk. jaϑmɨq; Kirgh. ǯasɨmɨq (dial.);
Kaz. žasɨmɨq (dial.).
◊ EDT 975, VEWT 191, ЭСТЯ 4, 154, Лексика 464-465.
PJpn. *sasa(n)kai Vigna Catiang Endl. var sinensis King. (вигна, ко-
ровий горох): OJpn. sasage; MJpn. sasage; Tok. sasage.
◊ JLTT 518.
‖ In Mong. and Tung. the root may have been confused with a local
Wanderwort for ‘sorgho’, cf. Man. šušu ‘holcus sorghum’, Nan. sịso id.
(cf. also Rozycki 196); Kor. susu id. The direction of borrowings here is
difficult to establish, but note that Mong. *sisi violates the rule of dis-
similation of fricatives - if it were genuine, we would rather expect *sisi
> *isi. A possible scenario, therefore may presuppose a development of
the meaning ‘sorgho’ (from ‘lentils’, ‘peas’) in the TM area, whence it
penetrated into Mongolian and Korean. The root for ‘lentil’, ‘pea’ itself,
preserved in Turkic, TM and Japanese, seems, however, common Al-
taic.
-zà[k῾]ó to hang, droop: Tung. *suka-; Mong. *segle-; Jpn. *sànka-; Kor.
*suk-.
PTung. *suka- 1 to hang, droop 2 aslant (1 свешиваться 2 набок,
вкось): Man. suḱa- 1; Ork. sụqatčị 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 121-122.
PMong. *segle- to hang on (tr.) (вешать на что-л.): WMong. segle-;
Kalm. segl-.
◊ KW 321.
PJpn. *sànka- to lower, move down (опускать(ся)): OJpn. saga-,
saga-r-; MJpn. saga-, sàgá-r-; Tok. sagé-, sagár-; Kyo. sàgè-, ságár-; Kag.
sàgè-, sàgàr-.
◊ JLTT 745.
PKor. *suk- to droop (свисать): MKor. suk-; Mod. suk-.
◊ Liu 476, KED 1013.
‖ Martin 230 (Kor.-Jpn.). Kor. s- (not h-) before *-a- requires recon-
structing PA *z-. In TM one would rather expect *suxa-.
-zălVbi sorcery, witchcraft; to investigate (by magic power): Tung.
*silba-; Mong. *silbe-, *silmo; Turk. *jẹlbi-; Jpn. *sìrà(m)p-; Kor.
*sjrb-.
PTung. *silba- to promise, warn, report (обещать, предостерегать,
указывать): Evk. silba-; Evn. hịlb-; Sol. ilbā-.
◊ ТМС 2, 83.
1516 *zàmo - *zàmo
PMong. *silbe-, *silmo 1 to behave indecently, glance around 2
devil (1 вести себя непристойно 2 демон, черт): MMong. silmosun 2
(HY); WMong. sil(i)belǯi- 1, silmusu 2 (L 707); Kh. šilbelʒ- 1, šulmas 2;
Bur. šolmos 2; Kalm. šilw- 1, šulm 2.
◊ KW 357, 367. The variant simnu(s) ‘devil’ is borrowed from OUygh. šmnu, Sogd.
šmnū; but the -l- in silmu-su is quite unexplainable and must reflect a merger with an
original root.
PTurk. *jẹlbi sorcery, witchcraft (волшебство, колдовство): OTurk.
jelbi (Orkh.), jelvi (OUygh.); Karakh. jelvi (MK); Khak. čəlbəgen ‘mon-
ster’; Shr. čilbi; Oyr. jilbi, ilbi ‘sorcery’, jälbägän ‘monster’; Tv. čilbi; Yak.
ilbi ‘demoniac, possessed’ (borrowed from a j-language?).
◊ EDT 919-920, ЭСТЯ 4, 202-203, VEWT 196 ( > Mong. ǯilbi).
PJpn. *sìrà(m)p- 1 to tune, adjust to rhythm, play rhythmical music
2 to investigate (1 настраивать, играть ритмичную музыку 2 иссле-
довать, проверять): MJpn. sìràba- 1, 2; Tok. shirabé- 2; Kyo. shírábé- 2;
Kag. shìràbè- 2.
◊ JLTT 752.
PKor. *sjrb- to be annoyed, vexed, sad (быть раздраженным, рас-
строенным): MKor. sjrp- (-w-); Mod. srəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 305, KED 935.
‖ Superficially the root may be split into two (’investigate, report’
and ‘magic power, witchcraft, ritual’); they are, however, phonetically
identical and probably represent a development of the single common
meaning. In Korean one has to presuppose a semantic development ‘be
in a trance’ > ‘be vexed, sad’. The root may be related to Mong. sili- ‘to
choose’, silga- ‘to check, verify’, Jpn. sirus- ‘to denote’, sirusi ‘sign’.
-zàmo to hide, conceal: Tung. *sume-; Mong. *sem; Jpn. *sàmá-; Kor.
*súm-.
PTung. *sume- to hide, conceal (прятать, скрывать): Evk. sumet-;
Evn. hum-; Neg. sumēt-; Ul. sumeči-; Nan. sumeči- (On.); Orch. sumeči-
‘whisper’; Ud. sumemesi- ‘whisper’.
◊ ТМС 2, 126.
PMong. *sem secretly (тайно, тихонько, украдкой): MMong. sem,
sim (SH), sɛm- ‘to keep silence’ (IM), sem (MA); WMong. sem (L 687);
Kh. sem; Bur. hem; Kalm. sem; Ord. semēr; Dong. śiəmə; Bao. somkənaŋ;
S.-Yugh. semēr; Mongr. səmugēr (SM 343).
◊ KW 323, MGCD 598.
PJpn. *sàmá- to fade, abate (вянуть, блекнуть): MJpn. sàmà-; Tok.
samé-; Kyo. sàmè-; Kag. sàmè-.
◊ JLTT 747.
PKor. *súm- to hide, conceal (прятать(ся)): MKor. súm-; Mod. sūm-.
◊ Nam 315, KED 1020.
 *zni - *zàre 1517

‖ SKE 244-245. Initial *z- is reconstructed because of Kor. *s- (not

h-).
-zni ear, temple: Tung. *sian; Mong. *sinaɣa; Turk. *jạjŋak.
PTung. *sian ear (ухо): Evk. sn; Neg. sn; Man. šan; SMan. šan, san
(25); Jurch. siaŋ-ha (497); Ul. s(n); Ork. s(n); Nan. sịã; Orch. sǟ; Sol. .
◊ ТМС 2, 70-71.
PMong. *sinaɣa 1 temple 2 cheekbone (1 висок 2 скула): WMong.
sinaɣa, sina 1 (L 710); Kh. šanā 1; Bur. šanā 2; Kalm. šanā 1; Dag. šinā
(Тод. Даг. 184) 2; Mongr. šənā (SM 374).
◊ KW 348.
PTurk. *jạjŋak 1 cheek 2 jaw (1 щека 2 челюсть): Karakh. jaŋaq
(MK) 2; Tur. janak 1; Gag. janaq 1; Az. janaG 1; Turkm. jaŋaq 1; Sal. jaŋax
(ССЯ) 2; MTurk. jaŋaq (Abush., Sangl.) 1, 2; Uzb. jɔnɔq 2, (Kypch. dial.)
ǯaɣ 1, 2; Uygh. jaŋaq 2; Krm. janax, jajax, jaɣaq 1, 2; Tat. jaŋaq 1; Bashk.
jaŋaq 1, 2; Kirgh. ǯāq 2; Kaz. žaq 1, 2; KBalk. ǯɨjaq 1, 2; KKalp. žaq 1, 2;
Kum. jajaq 1, 2; SUygh. jaŋaq, jɨŋaq 1; Khak. nāx 1; Shr. nāq 1; Oyr. āk 1,
2; Tv. čāk 1, 2; Yak. sɨŋāx 1, 2; Dolg. hɨŋāk 1, 2.
◊ EDT 948, VEWT 187, ЭСТЯ 4, 123, Лексика 219-220, Stachowski 119.
‖ KW 348. A Western isogloss. The Turkic reflex is difficult: on the
one hand, it is usually not distinguished from *jaŋak ‘door post’ (which
actually can go back to a quite different source, see *p῾àŋk῾i); on the
other hand, it may also be a modification of *jag-ŋak and have a connec-
tion with TM *ǯegi ‘chin’ (ТМС 1, 281).
-zàre to cut, tear, shave: Tung. *sir-; Mong. *sirka; Turk. *jara; Jpn. *sr-.
PTung. *sir- to cut, cut out (резать, кроить): Evk. sir-; Evn. hir-;
Neg. sij-.
◊ ТМС 2, 93-94.
PMong. *sirka wound (рана): MMong. širqa- ‘to wound’ (SH);
WMong. sirqa(n) (L 719); Kh. šarx; Bur. šarxa; Kalm. šarxə; Ord. šarxa;
Dag. šerkire- ‘to feel sharp pain’ ( = WMong. šarkira-) (Тод. Даг. 183);
Mongr. sgirē- ‘causer une douleur lancinante’ (SM 348).
◊ KW 350. Mong. > Oyr. šɨrqa, Kirgh. sɨrqa- etc.
PTurk. *jara wound (рана): Tur. jara; Gag. jara; Az. jara; Turkm. jara;
Khal. jāra; MTurk. jara (Pav. C.); Uzb. jara; Uygh. jara; Tat. jara; Kirgh.
ǯara; Kaz. žara; KBalk. ǯara, žara, zara; KKalp. žara; Kum. jara; Nogh. jara.
◊ VEWT 189, ЭСТЯ 4, 139-140. Turk. > WMong. jara, Kalm. jarə (KW 215, Щербак
1997, 123, TMN 4, 54-55). Usually regarded as derived from *jār- ‘split’ (q. v. sub *p῾rV),
which may be possible if Khalaj length is original; however, shortness in Turkm. jara, as
well as the probable connection with Mong. *sirka ‘wound’ is contradicting it.
PJpn. *sr- to cut, shave (резать, брить): OJpn. sor-; MJpn. sòr-; Tok.
sór-; Kyo. sòr-; Kag. sòr-.
◊ JLTT 756.
1518 *zsu - *zognV
‖ The root has a general meaning ‘cut’ in the Eastern area (TM and
Japanese), and a more specialized meaning - ‘wound’ - in the
Turko-Mongolian area; it is not quite clear which one is more archaic.
-zsu disorder, devastation: Tung. *suse / *susu; Mong. *(h)us-; Turk.
*jās; Jpn. *súsá-; Kor. *ssk-.
PTung. *suse / *susu 1 disorder, mess 2 abandoned village (1 бес-
порядок, смута 2 покинутая деревня): Neg. susu 2; Man. suse 1, susu
2; Ul. suse 1, susu 2; Ork. su 2; Nan. suse 1, susu 2; Orch. susu 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 131.
PMong. *(h)us- to disappear, perish (пропадать, погибать):
WMong. usta- 1 (L 887: usad-); Kh. usta-; Ord. usad- ‘disparaitre pour de
bon, finir d῾exister’.
PTurk. *jās 1 loss, damage 2 shame (1 потеря, вред 2 стыд): OTurk.
jas 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jas 1 (MK); Chuv. *śos ( > Mari sös “Gedächtnis-
feier”, Hung. gyász, see Gombocz 1912); Yak. sāt 2, sās-tāx (folkl.) ‘en-
emy’; Dolg. hātɨnnar- ‘to shame smb.’.
◊ VEWT 191, ЭСТЯ 4, 150, EDT 973 (in modern languages hard to distinguish from
the borrowed Arab. ya’s ‘despair, grief’ - but in Old Turkic no doubt genuine), Sta-
chowski 100.
PJpn. *súsá- to become wild, come into disorder (дичать, прихо-
дить в упадок): OJpn. susa-b-; MJpn. súsá-b-; Tok. sùsam-; Kyo. súsám-;
Kag. susám-.
◊ JLTT 759.
PKor. *ssk- to mix, mix up (смешивать): MKor. ssk-; Mod. sək:-.
◊ Nam 302, KED 942.
‖ Man. sasuqu ‘cards’, sasu- ‘to shuffle’ (ТМС 2, 67) probably < Kor.
Mong. *us- < *sus- through regular dissimilation (cf. *šuba etc.).
-zognV sleeve: Tung. *sūn; Turk. *jegn; Jpn. *suán-tài.
PTung. *sūn clothes (одежда (верхняя), шуба): Evk. sūn; Neg. sūn;
Ork. sō(n) ~ sū(n); Sol. s.
◊ ТМС 2, 126. Tung. > Yak. suon.
PTurk. *jegn sleeve (рукав): Karakh. jeŋ (MK, KB); Tur. jen; Gag. jen;
Az. jeng (dial.); Turkm. jeŋ; MTurk. jeŋ (Ettuhf., Бор. Бад.); Uzb. jeŋ;
Uygh. jäŋ; Krm. jeng, jeŋg, jiŋ; Tat. ǯin; Bashk. jeŋ; Kirgh. ǯeŋ; Kaz. žeŋ;
KBalk. ǯeŋ, zeŋ; KKalp. žeŋ; Kum. jeŋ, jeŋg; Nogh. jeŋ; SUygh. jiŋ, ǯin;
Khak. nəŋ; Shr. neŋ, nǟš; Oyr. jäŋ, eŋ; Tv. čeŋ; Chuv. śavnъ; Yak. siex;
Dolg. hiek, hien.
◊ VEWT 197, TMN 4, 203, EDT 940, ЭСТЯ 4, 186, Федотов 2, 84, Stachowski 103.
PJpn. *suán-tài sleeve (рукав): OJpn. swode; MJpn. sódè; Tok. sòde;
Kyo. sódé; Kag. sóde.
 *zgtu - *zoĺa 1519
◊ JLTT 529. Modern dialects point rather to *suántái, but the RJ form must be more
archaic. Note also OJ so ‘cloth, dress’ - which is marked as so in JB, but in fact could have
also been swo (see Martin ibid.).
‖ High tone in Jpn. is probably due to contraction (*suán-tai <
*sugan-tai, where -tai = *tai ‘hand’). If *zognV (with a rare -gn- cluster) <
*zonV-gV, the stem may be a derivation of *zōnu ‘fist, hand’ q.v.
-zgtu thigh, shank: Tung. *sigdi-pu; Mong. *seɣüǯi; Turk. *jo(g)ta.
PTung. *sigdi-pu metatarsus (предплюсна): Ork. sigǯipu.
◊ ТМС 2, 77. Attested only in Orok, but having probable parallels in Turk. and
Mong.
PMong. *seɣüǯi hip, thigh (бедро): MMong. suǯi (MA 219);
WMong. següǯi(n) (L 684); Kh. sǖž; Bur. hǖže; Kalm. sǖǯə; Ord. sǖǯi;
Mog. ZM souǯi ‘haunch’ (2-6b); Dag. seuǯi (Тод. Даг. 163); Dong. šiauǯie;
S.-Yugh. sǖǯ; Mongr. sūi (SM 357).
◊ KW 342, MGCD 615.
PTurk. *jo(g)ta 1 thigh, shank 2 body, stature (1 голень 2 туловище,
стан): OTurk. jota (OUygh.) 1; Uzb. žɔta (dial.) 2; Uygh. jota 1; Kirgh.
ǯota 1; Kaz. žota 1; KKalp. žota 2; SUygh. jota, javta, jovta 1; Khak. čoda 1;
Shr. čoda 1; Oyr. jodo, odo 1; Tv. čoda 1; Yak. soto 1.
◊ VEWT 207, ЭСТЯ 4, 29-30, Лексика 282-283.
‖ Лексика 283. A Western isogloss.
-zoĺa to shine, blaze: Tung. *sulū-n; Mong. *soloŋga; Turk. *jạĺ(č)-; Jpn.
*sas-; Kor. *sằr-.
PTung. *sulū-n flame (пламя): Evk. sulūn.
◊ ТМС 2, 125. Attested only in Evk., but with probable external parallels.
PMong. *soloŋga rainbow (радуга): MMong. soraŋxa (HY 2);
WMong. soluŋɣa (L 726); Kh. solongo; Bur. holongo; Kalm. solŋgъ; Ord.
soloŋGo; Dag. sōloŋ ‘dream’, šāringī ‘rainbow’; Mongr. suloŋGo.
◊ KW 330.
PTurk. *jạĺ(č)- 1 to blaze, flame 2 lightning (1 сверкать, сиять 2
молния): OTurk. jašu- 1, jašɨn 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jašu- 1, jašɨn 2 (MK);
MTurk. jašɨn 2 (AH), jašɨq ‘sun’ (R.); Uzb. jašin 2; Tat. jɛšen 2; Bashk.
jäšen 2; Kum. jašɨn 2; Nogh. jasɨn 2; Khak. čazɨn 2; Shr. čažɨn 2; Oyr. jažɨn,
āžɨn 2; Chuv. śiś- 1, śiźəm 2.
◊ EDT 977, 979, VEWT 192, ЭСТЯ 4, 149-150, Лексика 22-23. Turk. *jaĺɨn > Mong.
jašin ‘lightning’ (Щербак 1997, 123).
PJpn. *sas- to shine (светить): OJpn. sas-; MJpn. sas-; Tok. sas-.
◊ Usually not distinguished from the homonymous *sas- ‘to prick; to point’, but at-
tested with the meaning ‘shine’ already in Nara OJ.
PKor. *sằr- to burn, make a fire (зажигать, разводить огонь):
MKor. sằr-; Mod. sarɨ-.
◊ Nam 291, KED 873.
1520 *zōnu - *zúko
‖ The match is quite regular except for the somewhat unexpected
closed *-ạ- in Turkic.
-zōnu fist, hand: Tung. *siantu; Kor. *són.
PTung. *siantu fist (кулак): Man. sinda-a- ‘to clench fists’; Ul. sntụ;
Ork. sttụ; Nan. sịanto, sịantụ; Orch. sǟantu, säntu; Ud. santu.
◊ ТМС 2, 69, 88.
PKor. *són hand (рука): MKor. són; Mod. son.
◊ Nam 308, KED 985.
‖ A Tung.-Kor. isogloss (but cf. notes to *zognV).
-zṓta ( ~ *zto) relative by marriage: Mong. *sadu-n; Turk. *jāt; Jpn.
*sátuá.
PMong. *sadu-n relative by marriage; friend (свойственник; друг):
MMong. sadun (HY 30), ṣādəm (IM); WMong. sadun (L 656); Kh. sadan;
Kalm. sadn; Ord. sadun.
◊ KW 307.
PTurk. *jāt foreign(er) (чужой, иностранный): OTurk. jat (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jat (MK); Tur. jat (dial.); Az. jad; Turkm. jāt; MTurk.
jat (Pav. C., AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jɔt; Uygh. jat; Krm. jat; Tat. jat; Bashk. jat;
Kirgh. ǯat; Kaz. žat; KKalp. žat; Kum. jat; Nogh. jat; Khak. čat; Oyr. jat,
at.
◊ EDT 882, VEWT 192, ЭСТЯ 4, 158-159, Лексика 564. Turk. > WMong. ǯad, Kalm.
zad (KW 462, Щербак 1997, 123).
PJpn. *sátuá adopted parents, tutors (приемные родители, воспи-
татели): MJpn. sátó; Tok. sàto; Kyo. sátó; Kag. sátò.
‖ Mong. > Man. sadun et al. (see Doerfer MT 119, Rozycki 172) >
Kor. sadon ( not < Chin.!).
-zúko to rot, ferment: Tung. *sükü-; Mong. *sogsi-; Turk. *jog-urt-; Jpn.
*súk-.
PTung. *sükü- 1 turbid, muddy 2 swamp (1 мутный, грязный 2
топь, трясина): Evk. siki 1; Evn. hịqụ 1; Neg. sịx 1; Nan. suku 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 80-81, 122.
PMong. *sogsi- to become sour (of curdled milk) (перекисать (о
простокваше)): WMong. šoɣšu- (MXTTТ 853); Kh. šogši-; Bur. šogšo-.
PTurk. *jog-urt curdled, coagulated milk (кислое, свернувшееся
молоко): OTurk. joɣrot, jurɣut, juɣrut (OUygh.); Karakh. juɣrut, joɣurt
(MK); Tur. joɣurt, jourt; Gag. jūrt; Az. joɣurt; Turkm. joɣurt; MTurk.
jaɣurt (Houts., AH); Uzb. ǯurɣɔt (dial.); Kirgh. ǯūrat; KBalk. ǯuwurt, žu-
wurt, zuwurt; Kum. juwurt; Nogh. juwɨrt; SUygh. joɣurt, juɣurt; Yak.
suorat.
◊ EDT 905, ЭСТЯ 4, 207-208. For semantic reasons derivation from *jogur- ‘to knead’
(TMN 4, 173) seems hardly plausible.
 *zŭldu - *zupi 1521

PJpn. *súk- to make paper (out of soaked mash) (делать бумагу (из
размоченной пульпы)): OJpn. suk-; MJpn. suk-; Tok. sùk-; Kyo. súk-;
Kag. súk-.
◊ JLTT 758.
‖ The Jpn. form can also reflect *sak῾V ‘to ferment’ (q.v.).
-zŭldu root, vein: Tung. *suldu-; Mong. *sülde-sü; Turk. *jɨldɨŕ.
PTung. *suldu- 1 to uproot 2 to tear (1 выкорчевывать, выдирать с
корнем 2 драть, выдирать): Evk. sullu- (suldu-) 1; Evn. hụlraq- 1; Neg.
solol- 1; Nan. suldē- 2.
◊ ТМС 2, 125. Cf. also Evk. Chmk. sulrus ‘root’.
PMong. *sülde-sü (bamboo) stem, stalk ((бамбуковый) стебель):
WMong. süldesü(n) (L 743); Kh. süldes.
PTurk. *jɨldɨŕ root (корень): OTurk. jɨltɨz (OUygh.); Karakh. jɨldɨz
(MK); MTurk. iltɨz (Pav. C.); Uzb. ildiz; Uygh. iltiz; SUygh. jɨldɨs; Khak.
čilege (?); Yak. silis.
◊ VEWT 201, EDT 922, ЭСТЯ 1, 350, Лексика 109.
‖ Лексика 264. A Western isogloss.
-zúĺa spine, nape: Tung. *suli-; Mong. *sili; Turk. *jɨĺ; Jpn. *sasu.
PTung. *suli- 1 hump 2 back 3 mane 4 nape (1 горб 2 спина 3 грива
4 загривок): Evk. sulīn 1, 2; Ul. suni 3; Ork. suli 4; Nan. solī, solɣoŋto,
soɣlīn 3; Orch. sūli 3.
◊ ТМС 2, 70, 124.
PMong. *sili back of head, nape; mountain ridge (затылок, загри-
вок; горный хребет): WMong. sili (L 706); Kh. šil; Bur. šele; Kalm. šiĺə;
Ord. šili(n), šile(n); Dag. šələ.
◊ KW 356, MGCD 715. Mong. > Evk., Neg., Man. sil ‘back of head, knife’ (ТМС 2, 82;
Doerfer MT 124); > Oyr. šili.
PTurk. *jɨĺ 1 mountain forest, thicket 2 spine (1 горный лес, чаща 2
хребет): OTurk. jɨš 1 (Orkh.); Karakh. jɨš ‘high ground’ (MK); Tat. jɨš 1;
Bashk. jɨš 1; Kirgh. ǯɨš 1; KKalp. žɨs 1; Khak. čɨs 1; Oyr. ɨš 1; Yak. sis 1, 2;
Dolg. his 1, 2.
◊ EDT 976, VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 4, 44, Лексика 94-95, Stachowski 105.
PJpn. *sasu sticking edges of the roof beams (выступающие края
балок крыши): OJpn. sasu.
‖ EAS 72.
-zupi a small hole; to pull through a hole: Tung. *sibe-; Mong. *sübe;
Turk. *jib; Kor. *sp-.
PTung. *sibe- to pull out, pick out, clean a pipe (вытаскивать, вы-
ковыривать, прочищать трубку): Neg. sije-lge-; Man. sibi-; Ul. sie-sie-;
Ork. sīwe-; Nan. sije-si-.
◊ ТМС 2, 74, 80.
1522 *zodgV - *zŭli
PMong. *sübe hole, ear of needle (дырка, иголочное ушко):
MMong. sube-s (pl.) (SH), sube (MA 205); WMong. sübe (L 741); Kh. süv;
Bur. hübe; Kalm. süwə; Ord. süwe; Mongr. sūle- ‘enfiler’ (SM 358).
◊ KW 341.
PTurk. *jib 1 seam 2 to sew (1 шов 2 шить): Karakh. ji 1 (MK); Tur.
jiv 1; Az. jiv 1; Tat. ǯöj 1, ǯöj- 2; Bashk. jöj 1, jöj- 2; KKalp. jüj 1; Chuv.
śəₙvəₙ- 2, śəₙv 1.
◊ EDT 911, ЭСТЯ 4, 197-198, VEWT 202-203. On the derived *jib-sek ( > *jüb-sek,
*jüg-sek) ‘thimble’ see ЭСТЯ 4, 257-258, Stachowski 117. Bulg. > Hung. szű- in szűcz ‘fur-
rier, tailor’ (*jib-či), cf. MNyTESz 3, 810.
PKor. *sp- 1 to pick out, pluck out, draw 2 to be pulled out, fall out
(1 выщипывать, вырывать, вытягивать 2 выдергиваться, выпадать):
MKor. spă- 1, spóp-tt- (-r-) 2; Mod. p:ǟ-, p:op- 1, p:ā-ǯi- 2.
◊ Nam 242, 263, KED 709, 745, 805.
‖ In Turk. *jib < *jüb (secondary dissimilation). Korean has a usual
vowel reduction. Cf. also notes to *sp῾i ‘pipe’.
-zodgV long hair: Tung. *su(g)da-; Mong. *suda-; Turk. *jogdu.
PTung. *su(g)da- temple; hair on the temples (висок; волосы на
висках): Man. sudan.
◊ ТМС 2, 119. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable Turkic and Mong. par-
allels.
PMong. *suda- thick fold of skin hanging from the throat of cattle,
dewlap (подгрудок): WMong. sudai (L 734); Kh. sudai (БАМРС).
◊ Cf. also sodu(n), sudu (L 723, 734) ‘quill feather’s of a bird’s wing; long feather,
plume’.
PTurk. *jogdu hair in camel’s beard (волосы под подбородком у
верблюда, льва и т.д.): Karakh. joɣdu, joɣru(j) (MK), ǯoɣdu (Oghuz.,
Kypch. MK); Kirgh. ǯoɣdor; Khak. čoɣdɨr; Shr. joɣdra ‘tassel’ (Верб.); Tv.
čoɣdur.
◊ EDT 899, ДТС 270, Clark 1977, 165. Turk. > WMong. ǯoɣdur id.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-zŭli sharp: Tung. *suli-; Mong. *sülbe-; Turk. *jül-; Jpn. *suru-ntə-.
PTung. *suli- to sharpen, sharp (заострять, острый): Evk. sul-; Evn.
höl-; Neg. sul-; Man. šulixun; Ul. suli-; Ork. suli-; Nan. suli-; Orch. sulu-;
Ud. sulu-.
◊ ТМС 2, 123.
PMong. *sülbe- to prick, stick into (вкалывать, закалывать):
WMong. sülbe- (MXTTT); Kh. sülbe-.
PTurk. *jül- 1 to shave 2 to tear off, scrape off (1 брить 2 срывать,
соскребать): Karakh. jüli- 1 (MK); Tur. jülü- 1, 2; Turkm. jül-me- 1;
MTurk. jülü- 1 (Ettuhf.); Krm. ül-, ülü-, ili- 1; Tat. jöle- (dial.) 2; KBalk.
žülü- 1; Kum. jülü- 1; Tv. čülü- 1; Yak. sül- 2; Dolg. hül- 2.
 *znti - *zūru 1523
◊ EDT 919, VEWT 213, ЭСТЯ 4, 216 (confused with *jol- q.v. sub *ńlo), Stachowski
115.
PJpn. *suru-ntə- sharp (острый): MJpn. súrúdó, sùrúdó; Tok. surudó-;
Kyo. súrúdò-; Kag. surúdo-.
◊ JLTT 856. Original accent is not clear.
‖ A good common Altaic root.
-znti a young animal: Tung. *sōn-ŋa- / *sōn-da-; Mong. *sünde-sü;
Turk. *junt.
PTung. *sōn-ŋa- / *sōn-da- young deer, deer calf (олененок, теле-
нок): Evk. sōnŋā; Evn. hōnŋčān; Neg. sōnŋa-čān; Ork. sōndo(n); Orch.
soŋočo(n).
◊ ТМС 2, 110-111.
PMong. *sünde-sü female elk (самка лося): WMong. sündesü, sun-
dasu (L 737); Kh. sündes.
PTurk. *junt horse, mare (лошадь, кобыла): OTurk. junt (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. junt (MK); Tur. jont; MTurk. junt (Ettuhf.), junad
(AH); SUygh. jut, jot; Yak. sono-ɣos ‘young horse’.
◊ EDT 946, VEWT 211, ЭСТЯ 4, 253-254, TMN 4, 199-200. Despite Sinor 1965, 312,
hardly a borrowing from Samoyed.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-zūru hole, nest: Tung. *suru; Turk. *jūr-tu; Jpn. *su.
PTung. *suru cave, lair (пещера, логово): Evk. suru; Evn. hör.
◊ ТМС 2, 130.
PTurk. *jūrtu hole, needle hole (ушко инструмента): Tur. igne
jurdusu ‘ушко иглы’; MTurk. jurdu ‘ушко иглы, стрелы, топора’ (Pav.
C.); Chuv. śъrda ‘ушко иглы, медали, промежуток для резинки на
трусах’.
◊ VEWT 211, EDT 958 (sub jurt), Егоров 208, Федотов 2, 98.
PJpn. *su nest (гнездо): OJpn. su; MJpn. sú; Tok. sù, sú; Kyo. sú;
Kag. sù.
◊ JLTT 531. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ Jpn. *su reflects a suffixed *zur(u)-gV. For Turkic cf. alternatively
Manchu ǯurun ‘hole, cave’.
 Ǯ

-ǯa- eight: Tung. *ǯa-pkun; Jpn. *da-.

PTung. *ǯa-pkun eight (восемь): Evk. ǯapkun; Evn. ǯapqъn; Neg.
ǯapkụn; Man. ǯaqun; SMan. ǯaqun (2742); Jurch. ǯa(h)kun (643); Ul.
ǯaqpu(n); Ork. ǯaqpụ(n); Nan. ǯaqpõ; Orch. ǯappu(n); Ud. ǯakpu(n); Sol.
ǯakk.
◊ ТМС 1, 251.
PJpn. *da- eight (восемь): OJpn. ja-; MJpn. já-; Tok. ya-tsú; Kyo.
yá-tsù; Kag. ya-tsú.
◊ JLTT 574. The accent, like in all numerals, is hard to reconstruct.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. perhaps (with dialectal *ǯ- > j-?) MKor.
j-t- ‘eight’.
-ǯabda a k. of snake: Tung. *ǯabdar; Jpn. *datua.
PTung. *ǯabdar a big snake (большая змея): Evk. ǯabdar; Evn.
ǯabd; Neg. ǯabdan, ǯabdar; Man. ǯabǯan; SMan. ǯavəǯi ‘python’ (2272);
Ul. ǯabda(n); Ork. dabda; Nan. ǯabǯã; Orch. ǯabda; Ud. ǯabda; Sol. ǯagdã.
◊ ТМС 1, 239.
PJpn. *datua snake (змея): OJpn. jatwo-no-kami.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. Cf. Turkm. juvdarxā ‘monster, k. of dragon’
(contaminated with aždaxa < Pers.?)
-ǯàdé ( ~ *ǯèdá) pond, pool: Mong. *ǯada-; Jpn. *dnt.
PMong. *ǯada- pond, pool (пруд): WMong. ǯadaɣai (L 1021); Kalm.
zadəɣǟ usn, zadəɣā usn ‘freies Wasser (nicht im Teiche od. Brunnen)’;
Ord. ǯadagǟ.
◊ KW 463. There is some confusion between this root and ǯadaɣai ‘open, unravelled’,
probably secondary.
PJpn. *dnt backwater (заводь): OJpn. jodo; MJpn. jòdó; Tok. yodo.
◊ JLTT 575.
‖ A Mong.-Jpn. isogloss. There may be, however, some traces in
Turkic as well: cf. Karakh. (MK, see EDT 891-892) jaδɨŋ suv ‘water
spreading over the surface of the ground’, closely paralleling, e.g.,
Khalkha ʒadgaj usu ‘pond, pool’. Cf. also the old name of the Ural river,
PT *jadɨk, which is considered to be pre-Turkish (see EDT 981), but may
be genuine. The attributive usage both in Turkic and Mongolian makes
 *ǯādV - *ǯli 1525

one wonder whether the root in fact is not a specialization of PA *ǯādV

‘spread’ q.v.
-ǯādV to spread, unravel: Mong. *ǯad-; Turk. *jĀd-.
PMong. *ǯad- to untie, unleash (развязывать, раскладывать):
WMong. ǯadaji-, ǯadula- (L 1021: ǯadal-, ǯadala-); Kh. ʒadla-, ʒadra-; Bur.
zadal-, zadar-; Kalm. zadl- ‘to provoke’, zadər- (КРС); Ord. ǯadara- ‘se
répandre (secret, nouvelle)’; Dag. ǯadlā-.
◊ MGCD 422.
PTurk. *jĀd- to spread (расстилать, распростирать): OTurk. jad-
(OUygh.); Karakh. jaδ- (MK); Tur. jaj-; Gag. jaj-; Az. jaj-; Turkm. jāj-;
MTurk. jaj- (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. jɔj-; Uygh. jaj-; Krm. jaj-; Tat. jaj-; Bashk.
jäj-; Kirgh. ǯaj-; Kaz. žaj-; KKalp. žaj-; Kum. jaj-; Nogh. jaj-; Oyr. jaj-,
aj-; Tv. čat-.
◊ VEWT 177, ЭСТЯ 4, 76-77, 80, EDT 883-884.
‖ A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Cf. perhaps Man. dadara- ‘to spread;
yawn’ (ТМС 1, 190; assimilation < *ǯadara-?).
-ǯak῾V ( ~ č-) gravel, pebbles: Tung. *ǯaxar(a); Kor. *čjàkà-.
PTung. *ǯaxar(a) gravel, pebbles (галька): Man. ǯaχara, ǯaχari; Nan.
ǯaχar.
◊ ТМС 1, 244.
PKor. *čjàkà- 1 gravel, pebbles 2 mother of pearl (1 галька 2 перла-
мутр): MKor. čjàkài 2, čjakai-tor 1; Mod. čagal 1, čagä 2.
◊ Nam 419, KED 1372.
‖ Lee 1958, 113. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Because of the MKor. form a
reconstruction *ǯajk῾V is also possible.
-ǯli to ask, invite, lend: Mong. *ǯala-; Turk. *jāl-; Jpn. *(d)írá-.
PMong. *ǯala- to ask, invite (просить, приглашать): WMong. ǯala-
(L 1029); Kh. ʒala-; Bur. zala-; Kalm. zala- (СЯОС); Ord. ǯala-.
PTurk. *jāl- 1 to ask, require 2 to hire, lease 3 price 4 servant 5 en-
voy 6 to be satisfied 7 to give satisfaction (1 просить, требовать 2 на-
нимать 3 цена, плата, наем 4 слуга 5 посол 6 получать удовлетворе-
ние, быть счастливым 7 давать удовлетворение): OTurk. jalvar-, jalɨn-
(OUygh.) 1, jalabač (Orkh., Yen.), jalavač (OUygh.) 5, jalčɨ-t- 7 (OUygh.);
Karakh. jalvar- 1, jalavač, jalavar 5 (MK); Tur. jalvar- 1, jalavač 5; Gag.
jalvar- 1; Az. jalvar- 1; Turkm. jalbar-, jalɨn- 1, jāllav 3, jālčɨ 4 (dial.);
MTurk. jalbar- 1 (MA), jalɨn- 1 (Abush.), jal (Буд.) 3, jalavač (AH) 5, jalčɨ-
6, 7 (Ettuhf., Pav. C.); Uzb. jɔlwar-, jalin- 1, jɔllä- 2, jɔlči- 6; Uygh.
jalbä(r)-, jalvar-, jelin- 1, jalči- 6; Krm. jalbar-, jalvar- 1, jal 3, jalčɨ- 6; Tat.
jalvar-, jalɨn- 1, jalla- 2, jal (Буд.) 3; Bashk. jalbar-, jalɨn- 1, jalsɨ- 6; Kirgh.
ǯalbar-, ǯalɨn- 1, ǯal 3, ǯalčɨ- 6; Kaz. žalbar-, žalɨn- 1, žal 3; KBalk. žalɨn-,
zalɨn- 1, zal 3; KKalp. žalbar- 1, žal 3, žalšɨ- 6; Kum. jalbar-, jalɨn- 1; Nogh.
1526 *ǯắlo - *ǯắlo
jalbar-, jalɨn- 1; Khak. čal 3; Oyr. jal, al 3, jalbar-, albar-, jalɨn-, alɨn- 1;
Tv. čala-, čalwar-, čalɨn- 1.
◊ VEWT 181-183, EDT 920, 921, 922, 931, ЭСТЯ 4, 84-85, 89, 92-93, 102-103, 107; TMN
4, 108, Щербак 1997, 121 (Turk. jalbar- > Mong. ǯalbari-). The root is no doubt archaic, but
presents some problems: the deriving simple stem *jāl is attested late, and there seems to
be no vowel length in the derivatives *jalɨn-, *jal-bar- (although this may be a later secon-
dary shortening). The peculiar suffixation in jalbar-, jalabač, jalabar caused some authors
(see, e.g., Clauson in EDT) to suspect a loanword, but its source is unclear and the forms
may as well be genuine (as are certainly the forms *jāl, *jalɨn-).
PJpn. *(d)írá- 1 to lend 2 to answer 3 answer (1 одалживать 2 отве-
чать; брать в долг 3 ответ): OJpn. iras- 1, irap- 2; MJpn. írás- 1, iraf- 2;
Tok. irae 3.
◊ JLTT 698.
‖ The root is not widely represented outside the Turko-Mongolian
area (only in Japanese), but the phonetic and semantic match appears
to be quite satisfactory.
-ǯắlo to fasten, bind, hang: Tung. *ǯala-n; Mong. *ǯalga-; Turk. *jala-;
Jpn. *dái; Kor. *čằrằ-.
PTung. *ǯala-n 1 joint 2 shoe straps 3 generation; world 4 plummet
(1 сустав 2 завязки на унтах 3 поколение; мир 4 грузило): Evk. ǯalan
1, ǯalaptun 2; Evn. ǯaln 1, ǯalpkịr 2; Neg. ǯalan 1, ǯalaptin 4; Man.
ǯala(n) 1, 3; SMan. ǯalən 1 (75); Jurch. ǯa-la-an (848) 3; Ul. ǯala(n) 1, 3;
Ork. dala(n) 1, 3; Nan. ǯalã 1, 3; Orch. ǯala(n) 1, 3; Ud. ǯala(n) 1, 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 245-246. Man. > Nan. (Naikh.) jalo, jalonị ‘world’ (ТМС 1, 340), Dag. ǯalan
(Тод. Даг. 142).
PMong. *ǯalga- to fasten, join (прикреплять, присоединять):
MMong. ǯalqa- (SH); WMong. ǯalɣa- (L 1030); Kh. ʒalga-; Bur. zalga-;
Kalm. zalɣə- (КРС); Ord. ǯalGa-; Dag. ǯalga- (Тод. Даг. 142), ǯalegā- (MD
175); Dong. ǯanɣa-; Bao. ǯalχə-; S.-Yugh. ǯalGaǯab-; Mongr. irGa- (SM
92), ǯalGā-.
◊ MGCD 427. Mong. > Turk. (late attested) jalɣa- (ЭСТЯ 4, 12-13).
PTurk. *jala- 1 sacred band 2 flag 3 tie, strap (1 священная лента,
веревочка, пучок волос (привязываемая к дереву или шаманской
колотушке) 2 знамя, флаг 3 завязка, повязка): Turkm. jalow (dial.) 2;
MTurk. jalaw (Бор. Бад.) 2; Uzb. jalɔw 2; Uygh. ǯala (dial.) 3; Tat. jalaw
(dial.) 2, jala 3; Kirgh. ǯalau 2; Kaz. žalaw 2; KKalp. žalaw 2; SUygh. ǯala
3; Khak. čala(ŋ)ma 1, čalā 3; Shr. čala 3, čalaba 1; Oyr. jalaɣa, alaɣa 3,
jalama, alama 1; Tv. čalā 3, čalama 1; Yak. salama 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 99-100, VEWT 181. Turk. *jala-gu, *jala-ga and *jala-ma seem to be derived
from a common root, thus it is most probable that Mong. ǯalama ‘sacred strips’ and ǯalaɣa
‘tassel, thick silk thread’ are borrowed from Turkic and not vice versa.
PJpn. *dái handle (ручка, рукоятка): OJpn. je; MJpn. é; Tok. è; Kyo.
é; Kag. é.
 *ǯlV - *ǯape 1527
◊ JLTT 392.
PKor. *čằrằ- 1 to hang up, strangle 2 handle (1 подвешивать, завя-
зывать, стягивать 2 ручка, рукоятка): MKor. čằrằ- 1, čằrò, čằrằ, čằr 2;
Mod. čarɨ- 1, čaru 2.
◊ Nam 412, 416, KED 1376.
‖ Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Jpn.
*dá- presupposes a suffixed *ǯál(o)-gV, cf. Mong. ǯal-ga-.
-ǯlV saliva: Tung. *ǯali-; Mong. *ǯal-gi- / *ǯal-ka-; Turk. *jālga-.
PTung. *ǯali- 1 spittle, saliva 2 to wet with spittle, take into mouth
(1 слюна 2 смачивать слюной, брать в рот): Evk. ǯaliksa 1, ǯalma- 2;
Evn. ǯals 1; Neg. ǯalsa 1, ǯalma- 2; Ul. ǯịlaụqsa 1; Ork. ǯêlusqa 1; Nan.
ǯịloqsa 1; Orch. dileske, duluksa 1; Ud. ǯalehä 1; Sol. ǯalikči 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 246.
PMong. *ǯal-gi- / *ǯal-ka- 1 to swallow 2 phlegm (1 глотать 2 мок-
рота): MMong. ǯalgi-, ǯalki- (SH); WMong. ǯalgi- 1 (L 1031), ǯalqaɣ 2
(MXTTT); Kh. ʒalgi- 1, ʒalxag 2; Bur. zalgi- 1, zalxag 2; Kalm. zaĺgə- 1
(КРС); Ord. ǯalgi- 1; Dag. ǯalgi- (Тод. Даг. 142), ǯilehe- 1 (MD 178);
Dong. ǯanqəi-; Bao. ǯalχə-; S.-Yugh. ǯalGə-; Mongr. ćargi- (SM 443), čalga-
(Huzu).
◊ MGCD 427.
PTurk. *jālga- to lick (лизать): OTurk. jalɣa- (Orkh., OUygh.);
Karakh. jalɣa-, jalva- (MK); Tur. jala-; Gag. jala-; Az. jala-; Turkm. jāla-;
Sal. jala-; Khal. jalɣa-; MTurk. jala- (Pav. C., MA, AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jalä-;
Uygh. jala-; Krm. jala-; Tat. jala-; Bashk. jala-; Kirgh. ǯala-; Kaz. žala-;
KKalp. žala-; Kum. jala-; Nogh. jala-; SUygh. jalɣa-, jaɣla-; Khak. čalɣa-;
Shr. čalɣa-; Oyr. jala-, ala-; Tv. čɨlɣa-; Chuv. śula- / śъvla; Yak. salā-;
Dolg. halan-.
◊ VEWT 182, EDT 926-927, ЭСТЯ 4, 87-88 (with Turkm. jala-), Федотов 2, 132, Sta-
chowski 94. The deriving stem can perhaps be found in Turkish, Gag., Az. jal ‘food, mash
given to dogs, animals’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 85); cf. also *jalgak (ЭСТЯ 4, 90) ‘dish for feeding
animals’; *jalma- ‘to lick’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 95).
‖ A Western isogloss (but cf. perhaps also Kor. čult:i ‘throat’). Cf.
also *tlu.
-ǯape a k. of tool: Tung. *ǯab-; Mong. *ǯebe, *ǯeb-seg; Turk. *jib-.
PTung. *ǯab- 1 arrow for a cross-bow, bolt 2 anvil 3 hammer (1
стрела (самострела) 2 наковальня 3 молот): Evn. ǯābdaw 3; Ul.
ǯabdụ(n) 1, ǯaụdụ 2; Nan. ǯabdu 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 239, 240.
PMong. *ǯebe, *ǯeb-seg 1 end of arrow 2 instrument, weapon, tool
(1 наконечник стрелы 2 орудие, оружие): MMong. ǯebele- ‘to fight
with ǯebe weapons’; ǯebsek 2 (SH), ǯebe 2 (HYt), ǯemṣel ‘axe’ (IM), ǯibsek
‘armour’ (MA 204); WMong. ǯebe 1, ǯebseg 2 (L 1042); Kh. ʒev 1, ʒevseg 2;
1528 *ǯap῾ù - *ǯp῾V
Bur. zebe 1, zebseg 2; Kalm. zer-zewə, zewsəg 2 (КРС); Ord. ǯiwe 1, ǯibseg 2;
S.-Yugh. ǯemseg 2.
◊ MGCD 440. Mong. > Chag. ǯebe, see TMN 1, 285-286, Щербак 1997, 204.
PTurk. *jib- 1 instrument, equipment 2 to provide, equip (1 инстру-
мент, оборудование 2 оборудовать, снабжать): OTurk. jivig 1, jivit- 2
(OUygh.).
◊ EDT 872, 875.
‖ Menges 1951, 109. A Western isogloss. In Turkic *jɨb- would be
normally expected, but a shift ɨ > i after j- is rather common.
-ǯap῾ù to hold, connect: Tung. *ǯapa-; Mong. *ǯaɣa-; Turk. *jAp-; Jpn.
*dup-; Kor. *čàp-.
PTung. *ǯapa- to catch, take hold (хватать, брать): Evk. ǯawa-; Evn.
ǯaw-; Neg. ǯawa-; Man. ǯafa-; SMan. ǯafə-, ǯavə- (1522, 1539); Jurch.
ǯafa-biar (364); Ul. ǯapa-; Ork. dapa-; Nan. ǯapa-; Orch. ǯawa-; Ud. ǯawa-;
Sol. ǯawa-.
◊ ТМС 1, 240-241.
PMong. *ǯaɣa- to be separated at joints; to join at joints (разделять
по суставам; соединять по суставам): WMong. ǯaɣa- (L 1022); Kh. ʒā-;
Bur. zāra- ‘to break, scatter’; Kalm. zā- (КРС); Ord. ǯāra- ‘se disjoindre’.
PTurk. *jAp- to make, create, arrange (делать, создавать, приго-
товлять): OTurk. jap- (OUygh.); Karakh. jap- (MK); Tur. jap-; Gag. jap-;
MTurk. jap- (Ettuhf.); Uygh. jap- (dial.); Tat. jap- (dial.).
◊ EDT 870-871; ЭСТЯ 4, 126-127, where arguments are given in favour of separating
this verb from *jap- ‘to cover’.
PJpn. *dup- to tie, connect (связывать, соединять): OJpn. jup-;
MJpn. jùf-, júf-; Tok. yù-; Kyo. yú-; Kag. yú-.
◊ JLTT 789. Accent reconstruction is not quite certain: modern dialects point rather to
*dúp- (although this may be due to contraction), while RJ has both jùf- and júf-.
PKor. *čàp- to catch, take hold (хватать, брать): MKor. čàp-; Mod.
čap-.
◊ Liu 645, KED 1397.
‖ Poppe 28, EAS 64, Lee 1958, 113, Menges 1984, 266.
-ǯp῾V crack, interstice: Tung. *ǯapka; Mong. *ǯab; Turk. *jāp.
PTung. *ǯapka 1 shore 2 space, interval, crack 3 near (1 берег 2
промежуток, щель 3 близкий): Evk. ǯapka 1; Evn. ǯapq 2; Neg. ǯapka
2; Man. ǯaqa- ‘to make cracks, intervals’; Ul. ǯaqpa 3; Ork. daqpa / dapqa
2; Nan. ǯaqpa 2, 3; Orch. ǯappa 2, 3; Ud. ǯakpa- ‘to pile up’; Sol. ǯakka 1,
ǯikka 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 250-251.
PMong. *ǯab 1 crack 2 gap, interval 3 leisure 4 сorner of the mouth
(1 щель 2 промежуток, интервал 3 свободное время 4 угол рта):
MMong. ǯabusar (~ süeni) ‘midnight’ (HY 6), ǯabsar (MA) 1,2, ǯaba
 *ǯap῾V(ĺV) - *ǯắra 1529

‘Felsspalte’, ǯabaǯi(n) 4 (SH); WMong. ǯab 3, ǯabaɣ 1, ǯabsar 1, 2 (L 1018,

1019); Kh. ʒav 3; ʒavsar 1,2,3; ʒavǯ 4; Bur. zab 3; zabag 1, zabhar 2; Kalm.
zab; zawsr 1; Ord. ǯawaG 1, ǯabsar 2, ǯab 3; Dag. ǯabka 2; ǯebǯ 4 (Тод. Даг.
141: ǯabka, ǯabǯi), ǯabeke ‘ajar’, ǯabede- ‘be on time’ (MD 174); Dong. žava
1, 2; Bao. ǯabte ‘between’; S.-Yugh. ǯab; ǯabsar 2; ǯawāǯə 4; Mongr. absar,
ćabsar (SM 75, 441) 2.
◊ KW 462, 468, MGCD 419, 420. Mong. > Kirgh. ǯapsar etc. Cf. also *ǯaɣa- ‘to separate,
make room’, *ǯaɣag ‘interval’ (KW 469, MGCD 417), MMong. ǯa’ura ‘between’ (SH). Cf.
also WMong. ǯaji, ǯai, Kalm. zǟ ‘space, interval’ (KW 470, MGCD 424). A Mong. source is
probable for Nan. ǯaor, Bik. ǯawara, Ul. ǯawụl ‘cross-road; place where rivers meet’ etc.
(ТМС 1, 241): cf. WMong. ǯabila- ‘to sit cross-legged’ (MGCD 420). Mong. > Man. ǯabdu-
‘to have leisure for’ (see Rozycki 117-118).
PTurk. *jāp canal, ditch (канал): Turkm. jāp; MTurk. jap (Pav. C.);
Uzb. jɔp; Kirgh. ǯap; Kaz. žap; KKalp. žap.
◊ VEWT 187, ЭСТЯ 4, 129 (with suggestion of an Iranian source: Khwar. yāb ‘water’).
‖ ТМС 1, 251, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Western isogloss. For the semantics
in Turkic cf. the TM derivatives: *ǯap-ku ‘afflux, influx’ (ТМС 1, 251),
Man. ǯajfan ‘place where rivers meet’ (ТМС 1, 241); a foreign source for
*jāp is, however, also not excluded.
-ǯap῾V(ĺV) wormwood: Mong. *ǯuwl-; Turk. *jabĺan ( < *japĺan); Kor.
*čjəpɨi-.
PMong. *ǯuwl- wormwood (полынь): WMong. ǯultarɣana (L 1079
‘punk’), ǯuulaŋ (KW); Kh. ʒuldargana; Kalm. zulŋ, zūlŋ, zultrɣən.
◊ KW 480.
PTurk. *jabĺan wormwood (полынь): Karakh. japčan, javčan (MK);
Turkm. jovšan; MTurk. jawšan; Tv. čašpan.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 53-55, EDT 872.
PKor. *čjəpɨi- wormwood (полынь): MKor. čjəpɨi-skor; Mod.
čebi-s:ok, čebi-k:ol.
◊ Liu 655, KED 1464.
‖ KW 480 - doubted by Doerfer in TMN 4, 223.
-ǯắra good, favourable: Tung. *ǯari-n; Turk. *jara-; Jpn. *dr-; Kor. *čar.
PTung. *ǯari-n for, for the sake of (для, ради): Evk. ǯarin; Man.
ǯalin; Sol. ǯārĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 253. -l- in Manchu is not quite clear.
PTurk. *jara- to be beneficial, useful, successful (годиться, быть
годным, полезным): OTurk. jara- (OUygh.); Karakh. jara- (MK); Tur.
jara-; Gag. jara-; Az. jara-; Turkm. jara-; Sal. jara-; Khal. jara-; MTurk.
jara- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jara-; Uygh. jara-; Krm. jara-; Tat. jara-; Bashk. jara-;
Kirgh. ǯara-; Kaz. žara-; KBalk. zaras-; KKalp. žara-; Kum. jara-; Nogh.
jara-; SUygh. jara-; Khak. čara-; Shr. čara-; Oyr. jara-, ara-; Chuv. śoraś-
‘to reconcile’.
1530 *ǯaǯa - *ǯē
◊ EDT 956, VEWT 189, ЭСТЯ 4, 137-139, TMN 4, 56-57, 144, Федотов 2, 141. Turk.
caus. *jarat- > Hung. gyárt- ‘to produce’ (Gombocz 1912).
PJpn. *dr- good, right (хороший, правильный): OJpn. joro-si-;
MJpn. jóró-si-; Tok. yòroshi-, yoroshí-; Kyo. yóròshì-; Kag. yoróshi-.
◊ JLTT 845.
PKor. *čar well, favourably (хорошо, благоприятно): MKor. čar;
Mod. čal.
◊ Liu 644, KED 1392.
‖ See PKE 24. Mong. ǯaru- ‘to use, employ’ may represent a merger
of this root with *ǯóra ‘send’ q. v. MMong. kerek ǯaraq ‘needs’ - proba-
bly < Turk. (see Щербак 1997, 164). Jpn. *dr- instead of *dár- because
of bad compatibility between *a and *ə in OJ.
-ǯaǯa back, buttocks: Tung. *ǯaǯa-; Turk. *jAja.
PTung. *ǯaǯa- to carry on back (нести на спине): Man. ǯaǯa-; SMan.
ǯaǯi- (1606); Nan. ǯaǯa-; Sol. ǯiǯā-.
◊ ТМС 1, 256. Sol. > Dag. ǯiǯā- (Тод. Даг. 143).
PTurk. *jAja 1 buttocks 2 thigh 3 waist (1 ягодицы 2 ляжка 3 пояс-
ница): Karakh. jaja (MK) 1; Uzb. ǯaja 1; Kirgh. ǯaja 1; Kaz. žaja 1; Khak.
čaja 3; Tv. čajā 2.
◊ EDT 980, VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 12, Лексика 281.
‖ Дыбо 5. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ǯāǯV a k. of fish: Tung. *ǯaǯiki; Turk. *jājɨn.
PTung. *ǯaǯiki a k. of fish (вид рыбы): Neg. ǯačịn ‘big pike’; Man.
ǯaǯigi, ǯaǯixi ‘судак’; Nan. ǯaǯịχị ‘верхогляд’; Orch. ǯadigi ‘name of a
fish’; Ud. ǯoǯuɣo ‘sea goby’.
◊ ТМС 1, 242, 254, 261.
PTurk. *jājɨn 1 sheat-fish 2 salmon (1 сом 2 лосось, семга): Tur.
jajɨn 2; Turkm. jājɨn 1; MTurk. jajɨn 2 (AH); Tat. ǯɛjen 1; Bashk. jäjen 1;
Kirgh. ǯajɨn 1; Kaz. žajɨn 1; KKalp. žajɨn 1; Nogh. jajɨn 1; Chuv. śojъn,
śoin (dial.) 1.
◊ VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 80-81, Лексика 178, Федотов 2, 129.
‖ A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ǯē to eat: Tung. *ǯe-p-; Mong. *ǯa- / *ǯe-; Turk. *jē-; Jpn. *da-pa-; Kor.
*čā-.
PTung. *ǯe-p- to eat (есть): Evk. ǯep-, ǯeb-; Evn. ǯeb-, ǯep-; Neg. ǯep-;
Man. ǯe-; SMan. ǯe- (392); Jurch. ǯe-fu (535); Ul. ǯepuwu; Ork. deptu-;
Nan. ǯeb-, ǯep-; Orch. ǯepte-; Ud. ǯo-, ǯe-, ǯepte-; Sol. ǯeg-, ǯeb-.
◊ ТМС 1, 279-280.
PMong. *ǯa- / *ǯe- 1 meal 2 to be hungry (1 еда, пища 2 быть го-
лодным): WMong. ǯoɣog 1 (L 1067: ǯoɣuɣ, ǯoɣ), ǯemü- 2; Kh. ʒōg 1; Bur.
ʒōg 1; Kalm. zōg 1, zöm- ‘to be thirsty’ (КРС); Ord. ǯōG; S.-Yugh. ǯūg 1.
◊ MGCD 448.
 *ǯebò - *ǯebò 1531

PTurk. *jē- to eat (есть): OTurk. je- (OUygh.); Karakh. je-, jẹ- (MK,
KB); Tur. je-; Gag. i-; Az. je-; Turkm. ij-; Sal. ji-; Khal. jiē-; MTurk. je-
(Abush., Sangl.); Uzb. je-; Uygh. jä-; Krm. je-; Tat. ǯim ‘food’; Bashk. je-;
Kirgh. ǯe-; Kaz. že-; KBalk. ǯeje- (arch.); KKalp. že-; Kum. je-; Nogh. je-;
SUygh. ji-; Khak. če-; Shr. čī-; Oyr. e-; Tv. či-; Tof. či-; Chuv. śi-; Yak.
sie-; Dolg. hie-.
◊ VEWT 194, EDT 869-70, ЭСТЯ 1, 333-335, Stachowski 102.
PJpn. *dapa- hungry (голодный): OJpn. japa-.
◊ JLTT 844.
PKor. *čā- to eat (есть): MKor. čā-sí-; Mod. čāsi-, čapsu-.
◊ Nam 411, KED 1380, 1398.
‖ EAS 65, Poppe 27, Lee 1958, 113, АПиПЯЯ 35, 281, Дыбо 13.
Mong. *ǯoɣog ‘meal; pleasure’ was alternatively compared (see KW 477)
with PT *juba- ‘to enjoy; console’ (see ЭСТЯ 4, 240-241) - which is not
excluded, but does not weaken the rest of the etymology. The derived
form with a labial suffix must have already existed in PA (Kor. čap- =
ТМ *ǯe-p- = PJ *da-pa-). The root (one of a number of common Altaic
monosyllabic roots) is quite valid, despite Doerfer’s (TMN 4, 193) criti-
cal attempts. .
-ǯebò soft: Mong. *ǯöɣelen; Turk. *jabaĺ; Jpn. *dapara-.
PMong. *ǯöɣelen soft, tender, weak (мягкий, нежный, слабый):
MMong. ǯue’elen (HY 54), ǯo’elen, ǯo’olen (SH), ǯuulen (MA), ǯūlen
(Lig.VMI); WMong. ǯögelen (L 1074); Kh. ʒȫlön; Bur. zȫle(n); Kalm. ǯȫln;
Ord. ǯȫlön; Dag. ǯeulen (Тод. Даг. 143 ǯeulēn), ǯeulen (MD 176); Dong.
ǯolien; Bao. ǯulaŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯǖlen; Mongr. ōlon (SM 90), ǯōlon.
◊ KW 115, MGCD 455. Despite objections in Аникин 186, a Mong. loanword is per-
haps Evk. ǯulbe ‘soft, fluffy’ etc. (see ТМС 1, 272).
PTurk. *jabaĺ soft, mild; slow, quiet (мягкий, нежный; тихий, мед-
ленный): OTurk. jabaš (OUygh.); Karakh. javaš (MK); Tur. javaš; Gag.
javaš; Az. javaš; Turkm. juvaš; MTurk. javaš (AH, Ettuhf.); Uzb. jɔwwɔš,
juwɔš; Uygh. javaš, juvaš, jugaš (dial.); Tat. juwaš, juaš; Bashk. jɨwaš;
Kirgh. ǯōš; Kaz. žuwas; KBalk. ǯuwaš; Kum. javaš, juvaš; Nogh. juwas;
Khak. čabas; Shr. čabaš, čobaš; Oyr. oboš; Tv. čāš.
◊ See VEWT 175, ЭСТЯ 4, 51-52, TMN 4, 207-208. Cf. also (with different suffixation)
Karakh. jav-ɨl- ‘to become soft’, java (jer) ‘warm, cosy place’; Yak. samaa-n ‘warm, favour-
able (of summer)’.
PJpn. *dapara- soft (мягкий): OJpn. japara-ka-; MJpn. jáfárá- / jàfàra-;
Tok. yawaráka-; Kyo. yáwárákà-; Kag. yawaraká-.
◊ JLTT 575. Accent is not quite clear: RJ has a variation; the adjective seems to point
to low tone (and thus reconstructed in JLTT), but the noun *dapara (Tokyo yàwara, Kyoto
yáwárá) presupposes rather *dápárá (but Kagoshima here also has yawará < *dà-).
‖ A common derivative *ǯebò-ĺV is reflected in Turkic and Mongo-
lian.
1532 *ǯeč῾i - *ǯela
-ǯeč῾i enclosure, market-place: Tung. *ǯeče-n; Mong. *ǯüčije ( <
*ǯičü-ge); Jpn. *(d)ìtí; Kor. *čjči.
PTung. *ǯeče-n boundary; border (межа; граница): Man. ǯečen;
SMan. ǯečən (1033); Jurch. ǯe-čen (44).
◊ ТМС 1, 286. Cf. also Jurch. ǯa-či-li ‘tent’ (214).
PMong. *ǯüčije stable, cattle-shed (стойло, хлев): WMong. ǯüčije (L
1082).
PJpn. *(d)ìtí market (рынок): OJpn. iti; MJpn. ìtí; Tok. íchi; Kyo. ìchí;
Kag. ichí.
◊ JLTT 428.
PKor. *čjči shop, market-place (рынок, лавка): MKor. čjči; Mod.
čəǯa.
◊ Nam 425, KED 1421.
‖ Accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. is irregular.
-ǯḗja sharp point, arrow: Tung. *ǯeje; Turk. *jā(j); Jpn. *da.
PTung. *ǯeje 1 sharp point, blade 2 sharp (1 острие, лезвие 2 ост-
рый): Evk. ǯeje 1; Evn. ǯej 1; Neg. ǯeje 1; Man. ǯejen 1; Jurch. ǯo-n-be (801)
2; Ul. ǯeje 1; Ork. deje 1; Nan. ǯeje 1; Orch. ǯeje 1; Ud. ǯē (Корм. 232), ǯie
1.
◊ A derivative *ǯeje-n is reflected (besides Man. ǯejen), in Evn. ǯejēn, Neg. ǯejēn ‘sharp
edge, border’, Nan. ǯeiŋ-ge ‘needle’. See ТМС 1, 282-3.
PTurk. *jā(j) bow (лук): OTurk. ja (OUygh.); Karakh. ja (MK); Tur.
jaj; Gag. jaj, jajɨ; Az. jaj; Turkm. jāj; MTurk. jaj (Ettuhf.), ja (Houts.);
Uzb. jɔj; Uygh. ja; Krm. jaj; Tat. jɛjɛ, ǯɛjɛ; Bashk. jäjä, jan; Kirgh. ǯaj, ǯā;
Kaz. žaj; KBalk. ǯaja; KKalp. žaj; Nogh. jaj; SUygh. ja ‘arrow’; Khak.
čā-ǯax; Shr. nan ‘bow’, jan-čak ‘small bow’; Oyr. ā ‘arrow’; Tv. ča; Chuv.
śu (in ok-śu); Yak. sā; Dolg. hā, sā.
◊ VEWT 186, EDT 869, TMN 4, 121-122, ЭСТЯ 4, 75, Лексика 570, Федотов 2, 274,
Stachowski 99, 209.
PJpn. *da arrow (стрела): OJpn. ja; MJpn. ja; Tok. já; Kyo. j; Kag. já.
◊ JLTT 569. The root reveals some accent variations: RJ has both já and jà; Kyoto and
Kagoshima point to *dá (or *dâ), while Tokyo - to *dà.
‖ Poppe 27, JOAL 86, 153, АПиПЯЯ 77. A derivative *ǯāj-nV- may
be also reflected in PT *jānu- (~-a-) ‘to whet, sharpen’, Mong. ǯanu- id.
(if not < Turk.).
-ǯela to deceive: Tung. *ǯele- / *ǯelu-; Mong. *ǯali-; Turk. *jAla.
PTung. *ǯele- / *ǯelu- 1 lie, deceit 2 secret (1 ложь, обман 2 тайна):
Evk. ǯelum 2; Evn. ǯelъm 2; Neg. ǯelum 2; Man. ǯele 1, ǯendu 2; Ul. ǯele(n)
1; Ork. ǯele(n) 1, ǯelum-; Nan. ǯelẽ 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 284.
 *ǯélu - *ǯĕĺo 1533

PMong. *ǯali- to deceive (обманывать): WMong. ǯali- (L 1031: ǯali

‘trick, cunning’); Kh. ʒali-; Bur. zaĺxaj ‘lewd’; Kalm. zäĺə ‘cunningness’,
zaĺxǟ ‘cunning’; Dag. ǯelleg ‘cunning’.
◊ KW 465, 470, MGCD 427. Mong. > Man. ǯali (see Doerfer MT 138, Rozycki 120),
Oyr. jalaqqai. There exists also a variant *ǯeli- in ǯelmeji-, ǯilmeji- ‘be cunning’ etc. (see KW
472).
PTurk. *jAla 1 suspicion, false accusation 2 lie (1 подозрение, кле-
вета 2 ложь): OTurk. jala 1 (OUygh.), jalɣan 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jala 1
(MK), jalɣan 2 (MK); Tur. jalan 2; Gag. jalan 2; Az. jalan 2; Turkm. jalan
1,2; Sal. jalɣan 2; MTurk. jalɣan 2 (AH), jalqan 2 (MA); Uzb. jɔlɣɔn 2;
Uygh. jalɣan 2; Krm. jalan, jalɣan 2; Tat. jala 1, jalɣan 2; Bashk. jala 1,
jalɣan 2; Kirgh. ǯala 1, ǯalɣan 2; Kaz. žala 1, žalɣan 2; KBalk. ǯalɣan, žalɣan
2; KKalp. žala 1, žalɣan 2; Kum. jalɣan 2; Nogh. jala 1, jalɣan 2; Oyr. jala,
ala 1.
◊ VEWT 181, 183, EDT 918-919, 926, ЭСТЯ 4, 87, 91-92. Turk. > Mong. jala (KW 214).
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ǯélu a k. of fragrant grass: Tung. *ǯel-; Turk. *jal-; Jpn. *dúrí.
PTung. *ǯel- 1 name of a plant 2 juniper (1 назв. растения (из се-
мян которого добывается масло) 2 можжевельник): Evk. ǯulkirē,
ǯulke ( < *ǯelu-ke?) 2; Man. ǯelmin 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 273, 284.
PTurk. *jal- different grass names (различные названия трав):
Uzb. jalpiz ‘mint’; Kirgh. ǯalbɨz ‘mint’; Oyr. jalɨ ‘солодка’.
◊ VEWT 183, TMN 4, 55.
PJpn. *dúrí lily (лилия): OJpn. juri; MJpn. juri; Tok. yùri; Kyo. yúrí;
Kag. yúri.
◊ JLTT 580.
‖ The Turkic form can be alternatively compared with Evk. ńalikta
‘багульник’.
-ǯĕĺo weak, quiet: Tung. *ǯel-; Mong. *ǯalka-; Turk. *jạĺɨ-; Jpn. *dàs-.
PTung. *ǯel- 1 to become quiet (of a sound), hidden 2 to miss (1 сти-
хать, замирать (о звуке), скрываться 2 не заметить, не обратить вни-
мания): Evk. ǯeliw- 2; Evn. ǯēl- 1; Neg. ǯeliw- 2; Nan. ǯelu- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 283, 284.
PMong. *ǯalka- 1 to be lazy 2 lazy (1 лениться 2 ленивый):
MMong. ǯalixai (HY 37); WMong. ǯalqa- 1 (L 1032); Kh. ʒalxa- 1, ʒalxū 2;
Bur. zalxū 2; Kalm. zalxū 2; Ord. ǯalxū; Dag. ǯalkō 2 (Тод. Даг. 142),
ǯalekō 2 (MD 175).
◊ KW 465, MGCD 429. Mong. > Bashk., Oyr. jalqɨ- etc. (see ЭСТЯ 4, 14-15). Mong. has
also ǯalira- ‘to be lazy, rest’, *ǯali > Bur. zali ‘interval, pause’ (whence Tat., Kum. jal ‘rest’,
see ЭСТЯ 4, 85).
1534 *ǯèmá - *ǯére
PTurk. *jạĺɨ- be lazy, emaciated, weak, quiet (быть ленивым, изму-
ченным; слабым, вялым, робким): MTurk. jašɨq (adj.) (Pav. C.); Uzb.
jəšiq (adj.); Uygh. ješiq (adj.); Bashk. jašɨq (adj.); Kirgh. ǯašɨ-; Kaz. žasɨ-;
KKalp. žasɨ-; Khak. čazɨɣ (adj.); Oyr. jažɨ- (R), ažɨq (adj.); Tv. čažɨ-; Yak.
sɨhɨj-.
◊ VEWT 192, ЭСТЯ 4, 20-21, TMN 4, 173.
PJpn. *dàs- quiet, easy (спокойный, легкий): OJpn. jasu-; MJpn.
jàsu-; Tok. yasú-; Kyo. yásù-; Kag. yasú-.
◊ JLTT 844. Related are probably *jásá-si- ‘gentle, easy’ and *jásá- ‘to be emaciated’,
although the accent variation is not clear.
‖ Correspondences are regular, and the etymology appears quite
plausible.
-ǯèmá a k. of weed or swamp plant: Tung. *ǯemku; Mong. *ǯamug;
Turk. *jam; Jpn. *dm(n)kúi.
PTung. *ǯemku swamp, a k. of swamp plant (болото, вид болот-
ного растения): Evk. ǯemku; Neg. ǯeŋku; Ork. ǯempu; Nan. ǯeŋku; Ud.
ǯempu (Корм. 236).
◊ ТМС 1, 284-285.
PMong. *ǯamug water weeds, sludge (зеленые водоросли):
WMong. ǯamuɣ, ǯamaɣ (L 1033); Kh. ʒamag; Bur. zamag; Kalm. zaməg;
Ord. ǯamaG; Mongr. amburaG ‘ail sauvage’ (SM 79).
◊ KW 466.
PTurk. *jam 1 piece of dust 2 litter floating on the surface of water
(1 соринка 2 мусор, плавающий по воде): Karakh. jam (MK) 1; Tv.
čam 2.
◊ VEWT 205.
PJpn. *dm(n)kúi Artemisia, mugwort (вид полыни): OJpn.
jom(w)ogi; MJpn. jòmógí; Tok. yòmogi; Kyo. yòmògí; Kag. yomogí.
◊ JLTT 576.
‖ Jpn. *dm- < *dàm- because of the incompatibility of *a and *ə in
PJ.
-ǯére ( ~ *ǯáro, -a) armour, weapon: Mong. *ǯer; Turk. *jar-; Jpn. *drpí.
PMong. *ǯer weapon (оружие): MMong. ǯer (SH, HYt); WMong. ǯer
(L 1045); Kh. ʒer; Bur. zer; Kalm. zer; Ord. ǯir.
◊ KW 473.
PTurk. *jar- armour (панцирь, доспехи): OTurk. jarɨq (Orkh.);
Karakh. jarɨq (MK); MTurk. jarɨq (AH).
◊ EDT 962, VEWT 190, ЭСТЯ 4, 147. Modern languages widely reflect *jarak
‘weapon, armour’ (Kirgh. ǯaraq, Uygh. jaraq etc., see ЭСТЯ 4, 139). This seems to be a
contamination of the earlier attested *jarag ‘readiness, opportunity’ (derived from *jara-
‘to be fit, suitable’ q. v. sub *ǯắra; see EDT ibid.) and *jarɨk ‘armour’.
PJpn. *drpí armour, weapons (оружие, панцирь): OJpn. joropji;
MJpn. jórófí; Tok. yòroi; Kyo. yóróí; Kag. yorói.
 *ǯḕri - *ǯḗro 1535
◊ JLTT 577.
‖ An interesting common Altaic cultural term.
-ǯḕri to be annoyed, disgusted: Tung. *ǯēri-; Mong. *ǯirke-; Turk. *jẹr-;
Jpn. *(d)ira-.
PTung. *ǯēri- to boast (хвастаться): Ul. ǯeru-; Ork. dērī-; Nan. ǯēri-;
Orch. ǯeri-.
◊ ТМС 1, 285.
PMong. *ǯirke- to hate, be disgusted (ненавидеть, испытывать от-
вращение): Bur. žerxe-.
◊ Attested only in Buryat, but having quite probable external parallels.
PTurk. *jẹr- to hate (ненавидеть, питать отвращение): OTurk. jer-
(OUygh.); Karakh. jer- (MK); Tur. jer-; Az. jer-; Turkm. īr-; MTurk. jer-
(AH); Kirgh. ǯeri-; Kaz. žer-; KKalp. žeri-; Oyr. jeri-; Yak. sir-.
◊ EDT 955, ЭСТЯ 4, 193, VEWT 198. Yakut shows that the Turkm. length is secon-
dary (īr- = jir-).
PJpn. *(d)ira- to be nervous, angry (нервничать, сердиться): MJpn.
ira-t-, ira-ra-; Tok. ira-dát-, íra-ira; Kyo. írá-dát-, íra-ira; Kag. ìràdàt-, ira-íra
/ ira-irá.
◊ JLTT 698. The original tone is hard to establish, because the root is present only as a
reduplication or part of compound, and the RJ accentuation is not attested.
‖ Phonetically the TM form is a very good match for the rest; the
meaning ‘boast’ may be connected if we suppose a causative formation
(’cause annoyance (e.g. by boasting’) > ‘boast’.
-ǯḗro ( ~ -u) edge, row: Tung. *ǯerin; Mong. *ǯerge; Turk. *jr.
PTung. *ǯerin edge (край): Man. ǯerin; Ul. ǯerin; Nan. ǯerĩ.
◊ ТМС 1, 285.
PMong. *ǯerge row, rank (ряд, разряд): MMong. ǯerge- ‘rank, or-
der’ (SH, HYt); WMong. ǯerge (L 1045); Kh. ʒereg; Bur. zerge; Kalm. zergə
(КРС); Ord. ǯirge; Dag. ǯerigi, (Тод. Даг. 143) ǯerehe ‘rank, degree’ (MD
176), ǯerge, ǯereg; S.-Yugh. ǯerɣe; Mongr. erge (SM 87).
◊ KW 473, MGCD 441. Mong. > Oyr. järgä etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 25); Man. ǯergi etc., see TMN
1, 293, Doerfer MT 117, Rozycki 123.
PTurk. *jr precipice, steep bank (обрыв, крутой берег): Karakh.
jar (MK); Tur. jar; Gag. jar; Az. jar-Gan; Turkm. jār; MTurk. jar (Ettuhf.,
Pav. C.); Uzb. ǯar; Uygh. jar; Krm. jar; Tat. jar; Bashk. jar; Kirgh. ǯar;
Kaz. žar; Kum. jar; Nogh. jar; Khak. čar; Oyr. ar; Chuv. śɨr; Yak. sr;
Dolg. hr.
◊ EDT 953-954, VEWT 188-9, ЭСТЯ 4, 17-18, Stachowski 121.
‖ A Western isogloss. In Turkic one could also compare *jarɨ (*jaru)
‘side’, but the word is attested late, restricted to the Kypchak area and
may be in fact a simplification of *jāk ‘side’+ directional -ru (cf. espe-
cially length in Oyr. ār); see ЭСТЯ 4, 145-146.
1536 *ǯi - *ǯígù
-ǯi ( ~ *ǯa) to come: Tung. *ǯi- ( ~ *di-); Mong. *ǯid-kü-; Turk. *jẹt-.
PTung. *ǯi- ( ~ *di-) to come (приходить): Man. ǯi-; SMan. ǯi-
(1172); Jurch. di-xexe-gi (678), di-hul (712); Ul. diwu; Nan. ǯi-.
◊ ТМС 1, 255.
PMong. *ǯid-kü- to strive (стремиться, стараться): MMong. ǯidku-
(MA 205); WMong. ǯidkü- (L 1049), ǯüdkü-; Kh. ʒütge-; Kalm. zütkə-;
Ord. ǯüdχü-.
◊ KW 484. Mong. > Kirgh. jütkün- ‘erregt sein’ (KW 116).
PTurk. *jẹt- to reach (достигать): OTurk. jet- (OUygh.); Karakh. jet-
(MK); Tur. jet-; Gag. jet-; Az. jet-iš-; Turkm. jet-; Sal. jet-; MTurk. jet-
(Pav. C., Бор. Бад.), jät- (AH); Uzb. jet-; Uygh. jät-; Krm. jet-; Tat. ǯit-;
Bashk. jet-; Kirgh. ǯet-; Kaz. žet-; KBalk. ǯet-, zet-; KKalp. žet-; Kum. jet-;
Nogh. jet-; SUygh. jet-, jit-; Khak. čit-; Shr. čet-; Oyr. jät-, et-; Tv. če῾t-;
Chuv. śit-; Yak. sit-; Dolg. hit-.
◊ EDT 884-885, VEWT 199, ЭСТЯ 4, 193-194, Stachowski 105.
‖ EAS 52, KW 484, SKE 32. A Western isogloss; Ramstedt compares
also Kor. -ti- (mod. -či-) ‘to become’, in which case the reconstruction
should be changed to *di.
-ǯbì house: Tung. *ǯīb; Mong. *ǯuwka; Jpn. *(d)ìpià; Kor. *čìp.
PTung. *ǯīb house, dwelling (дом, жилище): Evk. ǯū; Evn. ǯ; Neg.
ǯō; Man. ǯeofi 'round hovel thatched with straw or birch bark'; Ul. ǯ(ɣ);
Ork. d-qụ; Nan. ǯō; Orch. ǯu(g); Ud. ǯugdi; Sol. ǯūɣ.
◊ ТМС 1, 266-7, 285. For final *-b cf. Evk. ǯūw-čā- ‘to do housework’. PT *ǯūb proba-
bly < *ǯīb; the archaic front vowel is preserved in the derivative *ǯīb-ma- ‘to go to one’s
home, to go visiting’ > Evk. ǯūmā-, Evn. ǯma-, Oroch ǯīma-, Nan. ǯma- etc. (see ТМС 1,
266-7, 257.).
PMong. *ǯuwka stove, hearth (печь, очаг): WMong. ǯuuqa (L 1081);
Kh. ʒūx; Bur. zūxa; Kalm. zūxə; Ord. ǯūxa; Dong. ǯowo, ǯiəwə; S.-Yugh.
ʒouχuə; Mongr. ǯōxo, ʒōxo.
◊ KW 482, MGCD 299, 460. Mong. > Leb., Kumd. joqqɨ.
PJpn. *(d)ìpià house (дом): OJpn. ipje; MJpn. ìfè; Tok. ié; Kyo. íè;
Kag. ié.
◊ JLTT 421.
PKor. *čìp house (дом): MKor. čìp; Mod. čip.
◊ Liu 687, KED 1554.
‖ Martin 234, АПиПЯЯ 15, 69. Low tone in Kor. is irregular.
-ǯígù to hurry, run: Tung. *ǯig-; Mong. *ǯiɣi-; Turk. *jügür-; Jpn. *dúk-.
PTung. *ǯig- 1 running fast; race horse 2 to streak (1 проворно бе-
гающий, беговая лошадь 2 мелькать): Evk. ǯiɣar 1; Evn. ǯịg- 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 255.
PMong. *ǯiɣi- to run, gallop (нестись, мчаться): WMong. ǯiɣi-
(МXTTT); Kh. ǯī-ge-; Kalm. ǯīgə- (КРС).
 *ǯìma - *ǯip῾o 1537

PTurk. *jügür- to hurry, run (спешить, бежать): OTurk. jügür-

(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jügür- (MK); Tur. jügür-, jüjir- (dial.); Az.
jüjür-; Turkm. jüwür- (dial.), jügür-; Sal. jugur-, jü’kür- (ССЯ); MTurk.
jügür- (Houts., MA, AH), jüwür- (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jügir-, jugur-; Uygh.
žügü(r)-; Krm. juwur-, ǯuwur-; Tat. jöger-; Bashk. jüger-; Kirgh. ǯügür-;
Kaz. žügir-; KKalp. žügir-, žuwɨr-; Nogh. juwɨr-; Khak. čügür-; Shr.
čügür-; Oyr. jügür-, ügür-; Tv. čügür-; Yak. sǖr-; Dolg. hǖr-.
◊ EDT 914, VEWT 212, ЭСТЯ 4, 258, Stachowski 116.
PJpn. *dúk- to go, walk (идти, ходить): OJpn. juk-; MJpn. júk-; Tok.
yùk-, ìk-; Kyo. ík-; Kag. ík-.
‖ Turk. *jügür- reveals an assimilatory labialization ( < *jigür-).
-ǯìma dark, quiet: Mong. *ǯim; Jpn. *dàmùi; Kor. *čjmr-.
PMong. *ǯim calmness, quietness (покой, тишина): WMong. ǯim
(L 1056); Kh. ǯim; Kalm. ǯim ‘звукоподражание молчанию’ (sic)
(КРС).
PJpn. *dàmùi darkness (темнота): OJpn. jami; MJpn. jàmì; Tok. yamí;
Kyo. yámì; Kag. yamí.
◊ JLTT 573.
PKor. *čjmr- to become dark (темнеть): MKor. čjmr-; Mod.
čəmul-.
◊ Nam 424, KED 1420.
‖ Whitman 1985, 185, 219 (Kor.-Jpn.). Korean has a usual verbal low
tone.
-ǯip῾o perfume, fumes: Mong. *ǯiɣar; Turk. *jɨpar; Jpn. *(d)impu-s-.
PMong. *ǯiɣar strong perfume, musk (сильный запах, мускус):
MMong. ǯixar (HY 11); WMong. ǯiɣar, ǯaɣar (L 1023); Kh. ʒāŕ; Bur. zār;
Kalm. zār; Ord. ǯār; Dag. ǯār; S.-Yugh. ǯārə.
◊ KW 469, MGCD 419. Mong. > Man. ǯarin, Sol. ǯār, see TMN 2, 3, Doerfer MT 136,
Rozycki 121.
PTurk. *jɨpar smell, perfume, musk (запах, аромат, мускус):
OTurk. jɨpar (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jɨpar (MK); Tur. jɨpar (dial.); Sal.
ju’ar, juχar; MTurk. jɨpar (Houts.), ipar (AH), jɨbar (Pav. C.); Tat. jifar,
ǯufar; Bashk. jofar; Kirgh. ǯɨpar; Kaz. župar; KKalp. župar; Yak. sɨbar.
◊ EDT 878-879, VEWT 201, ЭСТЯ 4, 284.
PJpn. *(d)impu- 1 to smoke, fume 2 to be smoky (1 дымить, окури-
вать 2 дымиться): MJpn. ibus- 1, ibur- 2; Tok. ibús- 1, ibúr- 2; Kyo. íbús-
1, íbúr- 2; Kag. ibús- 1, ibúr- 2.
◊ JLTT 696. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ KW, Владимирцов 209, Poppe 47, 80, 123. Despite TMN 1, 3, not
a loan in Mong. from Turk.
1538 *ǯip῾u - *ǯiŕe
-ǯip῾u evening, darkness: Tung. *ǯip-ku-; Jpn. *dupu.
PTung. *ǯip-ku- ( ~ -ü-) to dusk (смеркаться, темнеть): Evn. ǯipku-;
Neg. ǯipku-, ǯipkil-.
◊ ТМС 1, 259.
PJpn. *dupu evening (вечер): OJpn. jupu, jupu-pje; MJpn. jufu,
jufu-be; Tok. yūbe.
◊ JLTT 580. Original accent is not quite clear.
‖ A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.
-ǯrV to split, slice: Tung. *ǯī-; Mong. *ǯir-; Turk. *jīr-.
PTung. *ǯī- to cut off a slice, slice (срезать, нарезать полосками):
Evk. ǯī-; Evn. ǯi-; Neg. ǯi ‘piece of meat’; Ul. ǯū-; Nan. ǯịlaχa ‘small
piece’; Orch. ǯī-; Ud. ǯī-.
◊ ТМС 1, 255.
PMong. *ǯir- 1 to cut lengthwise, slice 2 to split, hack (1 резать
вдоль, резать ломтиками 2 раскалывать (дрова), разрубать (тушу)):
MMong. ǯisu- 1 (MA 340); WMong. ǯisü- (L 1064) 1, ǯirge- (МХТТ) 2;
Kh. ʒüse- 1, ǯirge- 2; Bur. žühe-, zühe- 1, žarxi 2; Kalm. züsə- (КРС) 1; Ord.
ǯüsü- 1; S.-Yugh. čusu- 1.
◊ MGCD 470. Mong. > Man. ǯisu-. The form ǯirge- shows that ǯisü- was originally a
denominative verb, from a noun *ǯi-sü < *ǯir-sü.
PTurk. *jīr- / *jr- 1 to split lengthwise 2 to break, tear (1 расщеп-
лять вдоль 2 ломать, разрывать): Karakh. je/ir- 1 (MK); Tur. jir- 2
(dial.); Gag. jir- 2; Turkm. jir- 1, 2; MTurk. (MKypch.) jir- 1 (AH); Uzb.
jir- 1; Uygh. jir-, ǯir- 1; Tat. jɨr- 2; Bashk. jɨr- 2; Kirgh. ǯɨr- 2; Kaz. žɨr- 2;
KKalp. žɨr- 2; Kum. jɨr- ‘to dig through’; Nogh. jɨr- 2; Khak. čər- 1; Tv.
čir- 1; Yak. sīr- 2.
◊ VEWT 198, EDT 955, ЭСТЯ 4, 203-204.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ǯiŕe metal; anvil: Tung. *ǯirA; Turk. *jEŕ.
PTung. *ǯirA anvil (наковальня): Evk. ǯira; Neg. dijē-n; Man. ǯerin;
Ul. dere(n); Nan. ǯir; Orch. darasu, deresu; Ud. ǯile, ǯīle (Корм. 233).
◊ ТМС 1, 259.
PTurk. *jEŕ copper (медь): Karakh. jez (TT); Uzb. ǯez; Uygh. ǯäz;
Krm. jez; Tat. ǯiz; Bashk. jeδ; Kirgh. ǯez; Kaz. žez; KBalk. zez; KKalp. žez;
Kum. jez; Nogh. jez; SUygh. ǯes; Khak. čis; Shr. čes; Oyr. jes, es; Tv. čes.
◊ EDT 982, VEWT 199, ЭСТЯ 4, 168-169, Лексика 404-405. Turk. > Mong. jez, ǯes id.
(Clark 1980, 39, Щербак 1997, 123).
‖ Лексика 405. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; phonetically satisfactory,
but not devoid of semantic problems (“metal” in PT vs. “tool for work-
ing metal” in PTM).
 *ǯaba - *ǯàjnà 1539

-ǯaba to call, request: Tung. *ǯiab-; Mong. *ǯaɣa-; Turk. *jab-čɨ; Jpn.
*duá(m)p-.
PTung. *ǯiab- to respond, answer (a call, request) (откликаться (на
зов)): Evk. ǯāw-; Evn. ǯāw-; Man. ǯabu-; SMan. ǯavə-, ǯavu- (1292); Ork.
darra-; Orch. ǯā-; Ud. ǯieu-.
◊ ТМС 1, 240.
PMong. *ǯaɣa- to teach, show, demonstrate, appeal (указывать, по-
казывать, учить): MMong. ǯa’a- (HY 34, SH); WMong. ǯiɣa- (L 1049);
Kh. ʒā-; Bur. zā-; Kalm. zā- (КРС); Ord. ǯā-; Dag. ǯā- (Тод. Даг. 141, MD
174); Dong. ǯa- (Тод. Дн.); Bao. ǯa- ‘to complain’ (Тод. Бн.); S.-Yugh.
ǯā-; Mongr. ā- (SM 75).
◊ MGCD 419.
PTurk. *jab-čɨ in-between, matchmaker (сват): MTurk. javčɨ (Pav.
C.); Uzb. ǯawčɨ (dial.), ǯɔwči; Tat. jawčɨ; Bashk. jawsɨ; Kirgh. ǯūču; Kaz.
žawšɨ; KKalp. žawšɨ; Nogh. jawšɨ; Oyr. ūčɨ, jūčɨ.
◊ VEWT 176, ЭСТЯ 4, 34. Turk. > WMong. ǯabu(l)či, Khalkha ʒūč id. (hardly vice
versa, despite Rona-Tas KM II 125-126).
PJpn. *duá(m)p- to call (звать): OJpn. jwob-; MJpn. jób-; Tok. yòb-;
Kyo. yób-; Kag. yób-.
◊ JLTT 786.
‖ Jpn. *duá(m)p- < *ǯāba-p- (with contraction).
-ǯabo ( ~ *ǯobe, -p-) a k. of fish (salmon): Tung. *ǯobi; Mong. *ǯebeɣe.
PTung. *ǯobi a k. of fish (salmo lenoc) (вид рыбы (ленок)): Neg.
ǯojo; ǯowlatkān ‘a small taimen’; Nan. ǯoị; Ud. ǯüiso, dial. ǯauŋa.
◊ ТМС 1, 262. In Evk. and Manchu we have ǯelbe(n) - obviously through contamina-
tion with yet another root, TM *ǯelī ‘taimen’ (ТМС 1, 284).
PMong. *ǯebeɣe Salmo lenoc (Salmo lenoc): MMong. ǯebge (SH);
WMong. ǯebeɣe (MXTTT); Kh. ʒevē.
‖ A Mong.-Tung. isogloss, but borrowing seems hardly feasible. Cf.
*djgi.
-ǯàjnà to burn; ashes, tar: Tung. *ǯian-; Turk. *jan-, *jan-tɨr-; Jpn. *dànì;
Kor. *čắi.
PTung. *ǯian- 1 to burn, blaze 2 to extinguish 3 to heat 4 torch 5
glowing coals (1 пылать 2 тушить 3 топить 4 факел 5 жар, горящие
угли): Evk. ǯānŋe- 1; Man. jaŋGa 4; Ork. dandallị- 2; Nan. jaŋGoŕa- 3; Ud.
ǯaŋa 5.
◊ ТМС 1,249,342. A specific development of the initial *ǯ- in Manchu and Nanai is
probably conditioned by its position before the diphthong *ia.
PTurk. *jan-, *jan-tɨr- 1 to burn (itr.), blaze up 2 to burn (tr.) 3 to
kindle 4 to shine (1 гореть, загораться 2 жечь 3 зажигать 4 светить):
Karakh. jan- 1 (MK); Tur. jan- 1; Gag. jan- 1; Az. jan- 1, jandɨr- 2; Turkm.
jan- 1; MTurk. jan- 1 (Pav. C.); Uzb. jɔn- 1; Uygh. jan- 1 (dial.); Krm. jan-
1540 *ǯak῾a - *ǯák῾ù
1; Tat. jan- 1, jandɨr- 2; Bashk. jan- 1; Kirgh. ǯan- 1; Kaz. žan- 1; KBalk.
žan- 1; KKalp. žan- 1; Kum. jan- 1; Nogh. jan- 1, jandɨr- 2; Chuv. śon- 1,
śondar- 2; Yak. san-dār- 4.
◊ VEWT 184, EDT 942, 947-948, Федотов 2, 136, ЭСТЯ 4, 112, Лексика 362.
PJpn. *dànì tar, pitch (смола, деготь): OJpn. jani; MJpn. jànì; Tok.
yaní; Kyo. yánì; Kag. yaní.
◊ JLTT 573.
PKor. *čắi ashes (зола, пепел): MKor. čắi; Mod. čä.
◊ Nam 418, KED 1409.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 287. Medial *-j- accounts for loss of *-n- in Kor.
-ǯak῾a order, rent: Tung. *ǯiaka; Mong. *ǯaki-; Turk. *jaka.
PTung. *ǯiaka 1 coin, money 2 valuables, things (1 монета, деньги
2 ценные вещи, вещи): Evk. ǯaka 2; Neg. ǯaxa 1, 2; Man. ǯiχa 1, ǯaqa 2;
SMan. ǯihā (1412) 1; Jurch. ǯie-xa (575) 1, ǯa-xa 2; Ul. ǯaqa 2; Ork. ǯaqa,
ǯaqqa 2; Nan. ǯaqa 2; Orch. ǯaka 2; Sol. ǯaka 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 242, 243. Despite the doublet in Manchu, the forms meaning ῾coin, money’
and ῾valuables’ are hard to separate. Most probably we are dealing with interdialectal
and interlingual loans: Manchu ǯaqa ῾thing(s)’ < Southern TM, while Manchu ǯiχa ῾coin,
money’ (with a secondarily developed meaning) > Nan. ǯịχa, Orok ǯaχa, Ul. ǯêχa etc.
῾money’. The original meaning (preserved, e.g., in Negidal) appears to have been
῾valuable things destined for dowry’. Man. > Dag. ǯiga ‘coin’.
PMong. *ǯaki- to order (приказывать, заказывать): WMong. ǯaki-
(L 1028); Kh. ʒaxi-; Bur. zaxi-; Kalm. zakə- (КРС); Ord. ǯaχi-; Dag. ǯeki-
(Тод. Даг. 142 ǯaki-, 180 čakir-); S.-Yugh. ǯakə-; Mongr. ǯəGān ‘honnête,
loyal, en paix’ (SM 72).
◊ MGCD 437.
PTurk. *jaka rent, lease (плата, наем): OTurk. jaqa (OUygh.).
◊ EDT 898.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ǯák῾ù to pass, fit: Tung. *ǯēk- (*ǯiak-); Mong. *ǯoki-; Jpn. *dúkár-.
PTung. *ǯēk- (*ǯiak-) 1 fitting 2 to fit (1 точно, впору 2 подходить,
быть впору): Neg. ǯēk 1, ǯēk- 2; Ul. ǯēk 1; Ork. ǯīk, ǯēk 1; Nan. ǯēk 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 283. Long -ē- in all sources and the variation -ī- / -ē- in Orok point most
probably to PTM *-ia- (with the expected -- in modern languages confused with -ē- after
an affricate).
PMong. *ǯoki- to pass, fit (подходить, соответствовать): WMong.
ǯoki- (L 1068); Kh. ʒoxi-; Bur. zoxi-.
◊ Mong. > Evk. ǯoki- etc. (see ТМС 1, 262).
PJpn. *dúkár- 1 to be related, connected 2 relation, connection (1
быть связанным, находиться в связи 2 связь, отношение): MJpn. ju-
kar- 1, jukari 2; Tok. yùkari 2; Kyo. yúkárí 2; Kag. yukári 2.
‖ Despite ТМС 283, the TM form has nothing to do with Mong.
ǯöbken ‘only’.
 *ǯale - *ǯap῾e 1541

-ǯale to burn, flash: Tung. *ǯild-; Mong. *ǯali; Turk. *jal-.

PTung. *ǯild- 1 to glance, be wide open (of eyes) 2 star 3 big-eyed (1
уставиться, выпучиться 2 звезда 3 большеглазый): Evk. ǯildarān-,
ǯildarga- 1, (Kamn.) ǯildawkī 2; Evn. ǯịldakụ 3.
◊ ТМС 1, 257. The meaning ‘star’ in the Kamn. dialect of Evenki is clearly secondary
( < ‘flash’), so the comparison with OT julduz proposed ibid. is impossible.
PMong. *ǯali flame (пламя): WMong. ǯali (L 1031); Kh. ʒaĺ; Bur. zali;
Kalm. zäĺə.
◊ KW 470.
PTurk. *jal- 1 to burn, blaze 2 flame (1 гореть, пылать 2 пламя):
OTurk. jal- 1 (OUygh.), jalɨn 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jal- 1 (MK), jalɨn 2
(MK); Tur. jalɨn 2; Gag. jalɨn 2; Turkm. jalɨn 2; MTurk. jalɨn 2 (Бор. Бад.);
Uzb. jalɨŋ 2 (dial.); Krm. jalɨn 2; Kirgh. ǯalɨn 2; Kaz. žalɨn 2; KKalp. žalɨn
2; Kum. jalɨn 2; Nogh. jalɨn 2; SUygh. jalɨn 2; Khak. čalɨn 2; Oyr. jalɨn,
alɨn 2; Tv. čalɨn 2; Chuv. śolъm 2.
◊ VEWT 181, EDT 918, 929, ЭСТЯ 4, 106-107, Лексика 23, 356-357, 363, Федотов 2,
133-134, TMN 4, 187. Cf. also Kypch. jalgavuč ‘frying pan’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 13). Turk. *jaltɨr- ‘to
flash, blazed’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 94) > Mong. iltira- id.; *jaltɨrɨm (ЭСТЯ 4, 281) ‘lightning’ > Mong.
jildurum id. (Щербак 1997, 121).
‖ KW 470. A Western isogloss, but, despite Щербак 1997, 121-122,
hardly a loanword in Mong. < Turkic (final -i of the Mong. form is un-
explained). The Turkic form, however, due to a merger of *ǯ- and *d-
can also reflect PA *dàli ‘to roast, burn’ (q.v.); cf. especially Kypch. jal-
gavuč ‘frying pan’ (ЭСТЯ 4, 13).
-ǯap῾e bare, naked, saddleless: Tung. *ǯipu-čān; Mong. *ǯajidaŋ; Turk.
*jạpɨtak.
PTung. *ǯipu-čān fur coat (worn on bare body) (шуба, нательный
тулуп): Evk. ǯipučān; Man. ǯibča(n); SMan. ǯifəčā, ǯivəčā ‘fox fur coat’
(225); Sol. ǯibća.
◊ ТМС 1, 259.
PMong. *ǯajidaŋ saddleless (бесседельный): WMong. ǯajidaŋ (L
1026); Kh. ʒajdan; Bur. zajdan; Kalm. zǟdŋ; Ord. ǯǟdaŋ.
◊ KW 471. Modern Turkic forms like Kirgh. ǯajdaq ‘saddleless’ are < Mong. (see KW
ibid., VEWT 179), despite some doubts in ЭСТЯ 4, 12.
PTurk. *jạpɨtak without saddle (без седла): Karakh. jabɨtaq (MK);
Tur. japɨldaq (dial.); Gag. jalburdaq; Turkm. japbɨllaq; Uygh. jawdaq;
SUygh. jabɨtaq; Khak. čabdax; Shr. čabɨdaq; Oyr. abɨdaq; Tv. čawɨdaq; Yak.
sɨbɨdax.
◊ EDT 873, ЭСТЯ 4, 49-50.
‖ Владимирцов 271. A Western isogloss. Closed *ạ in Turkic is not
quite clear (perhaps secondary vowel assimilation in Yak.?). Mong.
ǯubčaɣa (L 1077) ‘fur-lined, cloth garment with fur inside’ may be sec-
ondarily borrowed < TM.
1542 *ǯaru(kV) - *ǯók῾è
-ǯaru(kV) a k. of foliage tree, alder: Tung. *ǯugde-n; Turk. *jẹrük; Jpn.
*dunturi.
PTung. *ǯugde-n alder (ольха): Evk. ǯugden; Evn. ǯȫdēkeɣ, ǯogdakaɣ;
Neg. ǯugdēn; Man. ǯuqden, ǯekde ‘a k. of tree’; Ork. ǯuegde; Orch.
ǯugde(n); Ud. ǯugde(n).
◊ ТМС 1, 269.
PTurk. *jẹrük 1 alder 2 cedar (1 ольха 2 кедр): Tat. jerek, jörek 1;
Bashk. jerek 1; KBalk. ǯerk 1; Shr. jürgek 2; Oyr. jürük 2; Chuv. śirək 1.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 206-207, VEWT 204, Лексика 130-131. Turk. > Hung. gyűrű ‘maple’.
PJpn. *dunturi Daphnyphyllum macropodum (дафнифиллум (не-
большое вечнозеленое деревце)): MJpn. juduri-fa; Tok. yuzurí-ha; Kyo.
yúzúrí-há; Kag. yuzurí-ha.
‖ The etymology is possible, though somewhat problematic.
Whether the Japanese Daphnyphyllum may be equated with the Turkic
and TM alder is a botanical question requiring additional clarification;
as for the equation of the Turkic and TM forms, it is possible if we as-
sume PTM *ǯugde- < *ǯurke, with the original velar suffix reinterpreted
as part of the root.
-ǯṓke ( ~ -k῾-) side, corner, direction: Tung. *ǯuku-; Mong. *ǯüg; Turk.
*jāk; Jpn. *dk.
PTung. *ǯuku- 1 road 2 corner (1 дорога 2 угол): Neg. ǯoxon 2; Man.
ǯuGun 1; SMan. ǯohən 1 (1244); Jurch. ǯu-huj (57) 1; Ul. ǯoqo(n) 2; Nan.
ǯoqõ 2; Orch. ǯoko(n) 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 262, 269 (words meaning ‘direction’ are most probably Mongolisms, see
Rozycki 125).
PMong. *ǯüg side, direction (сторона, направление): MMong. ǯuk
(SH), ǯug (MA), ǯuk ‘Ort’ (HYt); WMong. ǯüg (L 1082); Kh. ʒüg; Bur.
züg; Kalm. züg, üzəg; Ord. ǯüg; Mog. ǯug (Weiers); ZM ǯug (6-7b); Dag.
ǯug, ǯur (Тод. Даг. 145), ǯuhe (MD 180); Bao. śoG; S.-Yugh. šog; Mongr.
roG, joG (SM 316), (MGCD ǯoG).
◊ KW 460, 483, MGCD 467.
PTurk. *jāk side (сторона): Turkm. jāq (dial.); MTurk. jaq (R), jaq
(LOQ); Uzb. jɔq; Uygh. jaq; Tat. jaq, ǯaq; Bashk. jaq; Kirgh. ǯaq; Kaz. žaq;
KKalp. žaq; Kum. jaq (dial.); Nogh. jaq; SUygh. jaq.
◊ VEWT 180, ЭСТЯ 4, 82.
PJpn. *dk side (сторона): OJpn. joko; MJpn. jókó; Tok. yòko; Kyo.
yókó; Kag. yóko.
◊ JLTT 576.
‖ Martin 230 (Mong.-Tung.-Jpn.), АПиПЯЯ 77, 291.
-ǯók῾è ice, cold, snow: Tung. *ǯuke; Mong. *ǯike-ɣün; Jpn. *dúkì.
PTung. *ǯuke ice (лед): Evk. ǯuke; Evn. ǯök; Neg. ǯuxe; Man. ǯuxe;
SMan. ǯuxē, ǯuxū (2029); Jurch. ǯu-xe (272); Ul. ǯū, ǯue; Ork. duwe, duke;
 *ǯōlu - *ǯṑŋè 1543

Nan. ǯuke; ǯogbor ‘piece of ice on earth’; Orch. ǯuke; Ud. ǯugde (Корм.
235), ǯuge.
◊ ТМС 1, 260, 271. TM > Dag. ǯuku (Тод. Даг. 145).
PMong. *ǯike-ɣün cool, cold (холодный): WMong. ǯikegün (L 1054);
Kh. ǯixǖn; Ord. ǯiχǖn.
◊ Mong. ǯikir- ‘to shiver with cold’ > Oyr. jikir- id.
PJpn. *dúkì snow (снег): OJpn. jukji; MJpn. juki; Tok. yukí; Kyo. yúkì;
Kag. yúki.
◊ JLTT 579.
‖ Murayama 1974, 177-78, Miller 1985b, 201, 1986, 46.
-ǯōlu river bed, stream: Tung. *ǯila-; Mong. *ǯilga; Turk. *jul.
PTung. *ǯila- swift (not freezing) river current, ice-hole (быстрое
(незамерзающее) течение, прорубь): Man. ǯilan, ǯulan.
◊ ТМС 1, 257.
PMong. *ǯilga river bed, ravine (русло реки, ущелье): MMong.
ǯilɣas (MA 372); WMong. ǯilɣa (L 1055); Kh. ǯalga; Bur. žalga; Kalm. ǯalɣə
(КРС); Dag. ǯalag (Тод. Даг. 142); S.-Yugh. ǯalGa.
◊ MGCD 428. Mong. > Kirgh. ǯɨlɣa etc. (see VEWT 200, ЭСТЯ 4, 36-38).
PTurk. *jul stream, brook, fountain (река, ручей): OTurk. jul
(OUygh.); Karakh. jul (MK); Sal. jul; Khak. čul; Oyr. jul; Chuv. śъₙl.
◊ EDT 917-918, VEWT 209-210, ЭСТЯ 4, 244.
‖ Лексика 89. A Western isogloss.
-ǯŏmu round: Tung. *ǯem- ( ~ -ia-); Turk. *jum-.
PTung. *ǯem- ( ~ -ia-) orbed, spheric (округлый, шаровидный):
Evk. ǯembeme; Neg. ǯeŋge-.
◊ ТМС 1, 284.
PTurk. *jum- 1 round 2 ball of wool, thread (1 круглый 2 клубок):
Karakh. jumɣaq 2 (MK); Tur. jumak 2, jumru 1; Gag. jumaq 2; Az. jumru
1, jumaG 2; Turkm. jumaq 2, jumrɨ 1; Sal. jumax 2; MTurk. jumru 1 (Pav.
C.), jumqaq 2 (MA); Uzb. jumalɔq 1; Uygh. jumlaq 1; Krm. jumɣaq 2; Tat.
jomrɨ 1, jomɣaq 2; Bashk. jomoro 1, jomɣaq 2; Kirgh. ǯumuru 1; Kaz. žumaq
2; KKalp. žumrɨ 1, žumaq 2; Kum. jummaq 2; Khak. nɨŋmax 2; Oyr. jumɣaq
2; Chuv. śъₙmɣa 2.
◊ One of expressive common Turkic roots meaning ‘round, spherical’. See VEWT
210, EDT 871, 873, 877, 936, 937-8, ЭСТЯ 4, 246-247, 249-250. The root has also a variant
(expressive?) *jub-, see ЭСТЯ 4, 237-238, Stachowski 114.
‖ An expressive and not quite reliable Turk.-Tung. isogloss.
-ǯṑŋè dream, echo: Tung. *ǯōŋi-; Mong. *ǯeɣü-; Turk. *jaŋ; Jpn. *dìmài
/ *dùmài; Kor. *čá(ŋ)-.
PTung. *ǯōŋi- to resound, echo; to imitate (раздаваться (эху); под-
ражать): Evn. ǯōŋị-.
◊ ТМС 1, 265. Attested only in Evn., with possible external parallels.
1544 *ǯóra - *ǯóra
PMong. *ǯeɣü- 1 dream 2 to talk in one’s sleep (1 сновидение 2
разговаривать во сне): MMong. ǯeu’udun (HY 35) 1, ǯūdäli- ‘dream,
pollution’ 1 (IM); WMong. ǯegüde(n), ǯegüdü(n) 1 (L 1043), ǯegüle- 2 (L
1044); Kh. ʒǖden 1, ʒǖle- 2; Bur. zǖde(n) 1; Kalm. zǖdn (КРС); Ord. ǯǖde 1;
Mog. ǯöwdüla- (Ramstedt 1906) ‘to dream’; Dag. ǯeud 1 (Тод. Даг. 143
ǯeude 1, ǯeule- 2), ǯeude 1, ǯeule 2 (MD 176); Dong. ǯōǯin 1; Bao. ǯoŋdoŋ,
(Тод. Бн.) ǯudoŋ 1, ǯodele- ‘to have a dream’; S.-Yugh. ǯǖden 1; Mongr.
ūdin (SM 94), ǯūdən 1.
◊ MGCD 465.
PTurk. *jaŋ 1 echo 2 sound, resound 3 to sound, pronounce (1 эхо 2
подражание звукам, звучание 3 звучать): OTurk. jaŋqu 1 (OUygh.),
jaŋra- (Orkh.) 3; Karakh. jaŋqu 1, jaŋra- 3 (MK); Tur. jankɨ 1; Turkm. jaŋ
2, jaŋra- 3; MTurk. jaŋqu 1 (AH); Uzb. jaŋgra- 3; Tat. jaŋɣɨra- 3; Bashk.
jaŋɣɨra- 3; Kirgh. ǯaŋɨr- 3; KKalp. žaŋɣɨr- 3; Kum. janɣɨr- 3; Nogh. jaŋɨra-
3; Oyr. aŋu 1, aŋɨr- 3; Tv. čaŋɣɨ 1; Yak. saŋa 2; Dolg. haŋa 2.
◊ EDT 949, 952, ЭСТЯ 4, 119, 122, 124, Stachowski 96. Turk. > WMong. jaŋ ‘melody’
(Щербак 1997, 164).
PJpn. *dìmài / *dùmài dream (сновидение): OJpn. ime, dial. jumi;
MJpn. ìmè, jume; Tok. yumé; Kyo. yúmè; Kag. yumé.
◊ JLTT 579.
PKor. *čá(ŋ)- to sleep (спать): MKor. ča-, čá-sì-, ča’ăp-so-; Mod. ča-,
ča-si-, čumu-si-.
◊ Nam 411, KED 1374, 1380, 1497. The modern honorific čumu-si- is probably <
*čaŋwu-si- ~ *čaŋup-si- = MKor. ča’ăp-so-.
‖ Semantically a challenging etymology, with some mythological
connotations; nevertheless phonetically impeccable and seems quite
probable as a common Altaic root.
-ǯóra ( ~ -ŕ-) to send, to use: Tung. *ǯori-; Mong. *ǯaru-; Jpn. *dár-; Kor.
*čằrhì-.
PTung. *ǯori- 1 to take aim 2 to show (1 прицеливаться 2 показы-
вать): Man. ǯori- 1, 2; SMan. ǯori- ‘to point to’ (1341); Ork. ǯorị- 1; Nan.
ǯorị- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 265.
PMong. *ǯaru- to send, employ (посылать, давать задание):
MMong. ǯaru- (MA, SH, HYt); WMong. ǯaru- (L 1038); Kh. ʒar-; Bur.
zara-; Kalm. zar-; Ord. ǯaru-; Mog. ǯɔru- (Weiers); Dag. ǯara- (Тод. Даг.
142, MD 175), ǯarə-; Dong. ǯaru-; Bao. ǯare-; S.-Yugh. ǯar-; Mongr. ari-
(SM 83).
◊ KW 467, MGCD 432.
PJpn. *dár- 1 to send 2 to give (1 посылать 2 давать): OJpn. jar- 1;
MJpn. jár- 1; Tok. yàr- 1, 2; Kyo. yár- 1, 2; Kag. jár- 1.
◊ JLTT 785.
 *ǯ[ō]ŕo - *ǯoso 1545

PKor. *čằrhì- to make ready, prepare (подготавливать, готовить):

MKor. čhằrì-; Mod. čhari-.
◊ Nam 447, KED 1563.
‖ Оzawa 299-300, АПиПЯЯ 297. Kor. čh- reflects in this case a me-
tathesis of aspiration (čhări- < *čăr-hi-).
-ǯ[ō]ŕo a big number: Tung. *ǯir-; Turk. *jǖŕ; Jpn. *dr-; Kor. *jrh.
PTung. *ǯir- a very big number (очень большое число): Man. ǯiri,
ǯirun.
◊ ТМС 1, 259, 260. Attested only in Manchu, with possible external parallels.
PTurk. *jǖŕ hundred (сто): OTurk. jüz (Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jüz
(MK); Tur. jüz; Gag. üz; Az. jüz; Turkm. jǖz; Sal. jüz; Khal. jǖz; MTurk.
jüz (MA, AH); Uzb. juz; Uygh. juz; Krm. jüz, juź, jiz, iz; Tat. jöz; Bashk.
jöδ; Kirgh. ǯüz; Kaz. žüz; KBalk. ǯüz, züz; KKalp. žüz; Kum. jüz, juz;
Nogh. jüz; SUygh. juz, jöz; Khak. čüs; Shr. čüs; Oyr. jüs, üs; Tv. čüs;
Chuv. śəₙr; Yak. sǖs; Dolg. hǖs.
◊ EDT 983, VEWT 213, ЭСТЯ 4, 260 (Turkm. jüz), Лексика 574, Stachowski 117.
PJpn. *dr- ten thousand (десять тысяч): OJpn. joro-du; MJpn.
jòrò-du; Tok. yorozu.
◊ JLTT 577.
PKor. *jrh ten (десять): MKor. jr (jrh-); Mod. jəl.
◊ Nam 376, KED 1178.
‖ Whitman 1985, 129, 243 (Kor.-Jpn.). The root presents consider-
able difficulties, and the reconstruction is by no means certain. Pho-
netically: in PT one should expect rather *jūŕ; the Jpn.-Kor. tone does
not correspond to PT length; Kor. *j- is quite exceptional (a better match
for Kor. would be perhaps Mong. *je(r)-sün ‘nine’, *jeri-n ‘ninety’
(Ozawa 32-33 compares Mong. with Jpn., but initial *d- in Jpn. is an
unsurmountable obstacle ); in Kor. cf. also jrh ‘a big quantity, num-
ber’). Criticism see in TMN 4, 222. Still the Manchu-Jpn. match seems
plausible, and some irregularities could be explained by contamina-
tions or tabooistic reasons.
-ǯoso shape: Tung. *ǯese; Mong. *ǯisü; Turk. *josun; Jpn. *dəsi.
PTung. *ǯesē custom (привычка, обычай): Evk. ǯesē.
◊ ТМС 1, 286. Attested only in Evk., but having probable external parallels.
PMong. *ǯisü colour, shape (масть; вид, внешность): MMong.
ǯisu(n) (SH); WMong. ǯisü(n) (L 1064); Kh. ʒüs(en); Bur. zühe(n); Kalm.
züsn; Ord. ǯüsü; Dag. ǯus (Тод. Даг. 145), ǯuse (MD 180); Mongr. ǯusə.
◊ KW 484, MGCD 469. Mong. > Yak., Dolg. ǯühün (see Kał. MEJ 48, Stachowski 91).
PTurk. *josun manner, custom, method (способ, обычай, метод):
Karakh. josun (KB); Az. josun (dial.); MTurk. josun (Abush., Pav. C.);
Uzb. jɔsin; Uygh. josun; Tat. josuq; Kirgh. ǯošun; Kaz. žosɨn, žosaq (dial.);
Oyr. jozaq, jozoq, jozor; Tv. čo῾zu (dial.).
1546 *ǯòto - *ǯòǯu
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 31-32. Also reflected is a form *josuk, *josak. Clauson (EDT 975) and Doer-
fer (TMN 1, 555-557) follow Ramstedt KW 219 and regard the Turkic forms as borrowed
< Mong., which is somewhat dubious because of the peculiar phonology of Mong. josun
(words with *jo- are extremely rare in Mong.). PT *josuk (*josak) also strengthens the the-
sis about the Turkic origin of Mong. josun; Doerfer’s hypothesis that Tat. josuq, Oyr. jozaq
etc. reflect a contamination of *jasak and *josun is not very plausible (*jasak has usually a
quite different meaning ‘impost, tax’ etc.), and there is also a completely unexplained (as
a Mongolism) form Oyr., Tel. jozor. All this makes us rather think of Turk. *josun > Mong.
*josun > Manchu joso, Evk. joso etc. (ТМС 1, 347).
PJpn. *dəsi reason, means (причина, средство): OJpn. josi, josuka;
MJpn. jósí, josuka; Tok. yóshi, yosuga; Kyo. yóshì; Kag. yoshí.
◊ JLTT 577, 578. Accent correspondences are irregular.
‖ A difficult word. On Turk. *josun and Mong. josun see above;
Mong. *ǯisü thus seems a better historical match for Turk. *josun. There
still remain, however, phonetic problems: in Mong. one would rather
expect *ǯüs- or *ǯös-, not *ǯis- (possibly we are dealing with a vocalic
metathesis *ǯisü- < *ǯüsi-?); and Evk. ǯesē - although hardly a Mong.
loanword because of semantic difference - is also not quite regular (one
would expect *ǯis-).
-ǯòto hunger, starvation: Mong. *ǯüde-; Turk. *jut; Jpn. *dàtùrà-.
PMong. *ǯüde- to tire, starve (уставать, изнуряться, истощаться):
WMong. ǯüdere- (L 1082); Kh. ʒüde-, ʒüdre-; Bur. züder-; Kalm. züd-,
züdr-; Ord. ǯudek ‘fatigue’; Dag. ǯudre- (Тод. Даг. 145); S.-Yugh. ǯöderī-.
◊ MGCD 466. Mong. > Oyr. jüdä- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 35, VEWT 212, KW 483).
PTurk. *jut 1 bad weather, bad harvest 2 hunger, trouble (1 дурная
погода, неурожай 2 голод, беда): OTurk. jut (Orkh.) 1; Karakh. jut
(MK) 1; MTurk. jut (Pav. C., AH, Бор. Бад.) 1; Uzb. jut 1; Uygh. ǯut, ǯüt
2; Bashk. jot 2; Kirgh. ǯut 2; Kaz. žut 2; KKalp. žŭt 2; Kum. jut 1; Nogh.
jut 1, 2; SUygh. ǯüt ‘lean, meagre’; Khak. čut 1; Shr. čut 1; Oyr. jut, ut 1,
2; Tv. čut 2; Yak. sut 2.
◊ EDT 883, VEWT 211-212, ЭСТЯ 4, 256-257. Turk. > Mong. *ǯud, *ǯuta- (KW 481,
TMN 4, 210, Щербак 1997, 125).
PJpn. *dàtùrà- to be exhausted, emaciated (истощаться, изнурять-
ся): OJpn. jatura-; MJpn. jàtùrà-; Tok. yatsuré-; Kyo. yátsúré-; Kag.
yàtsùrè-.
◊ JLTT 785.
‖ A common derivative *ǯòto-rV is reflected in Mong. *ǯüde-re- and
Jpn. *dàtùrà-.
-ǯòǯu thick, abundant: Tung. *ǯaǯi- (~-ia-); Mong. *ǯuǯaɣan; Turk.
*jogan; Jpn. *dùtáka-; Kor. *čằč-.
PTung. *ǯaǯi- (~-ia-) 1 to heap up 2 thicket (1 нагромождать, сва-
ливать в кучу 2 чаща): Man. ǯaǯi- 1, ǯaǯixi, ǯaǯuri 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 242. Attested only in Manchu, but having probable external parallels.
 *ǯúbù - *ǯúgi 1547

PMong. *ǯuǯaɣan thick (толстый): MMong. ǯuǯa’an (HY 54, SH),

ǯüǯa’an (HY 22), ǯuǯān (IM), ǯuǯa’ān, ǯuǯān (MA); WMong. ǯuǯaɣan (L
1081); Kh. ʒuʒān; Bur. zuzān; Kalm. zuzān; Ord. ǯuǯān; Mog. ǯuǯɔn
(Weiers); ZM ǯoǯān (18-3a); Dag. ǯuǯān (Тод. Даг. 145), ǯuǯan (MD 180);
Dong. ǯuǯan; Bao. ǯiǯaŋ; S.-Yugh. ǯuǯān; Mongr. ǯuǯwān, ǯuǯān (SM 73).
◊ KW 481-482, MGCD 461.
PTurk. *jogan thick (толстый): OTurk. joɣan (Orkh.), joɣun
(OUygh.); Karakh. joɣun (MK); Tur. joɣun; Az. joɣun; Turkm. joɣn;
Khal. joɣun; MTurk. joɣan (MA); Uzb. jọɣɔn; Uygh. joɣan ‘big’; Tat. ju-
van; Bashk. jɨwan; Kirgh. ǯōn; KKalp. žuwan; Nogh. juvan; SUygh. joɣɨn,
joɣun; Khak. čōn; Shr. čōn; Oyr. jōn, ōn; Tv. čōn; Tof. ńōn; Yak. suon.
◊ VEWT 205, EDT 904, ЭСТЯ 4, 208-209.
PJpn. *dùtá-ka abundant (обильный): OJpn. jutake-; MJpn. jùtákà;
Tok. yútaka; Kyo. yùtákà; Kag. yutaká.
◊ JLTT 580.
PKor. *čằč- be frequent, constant (быть частым, постоянным):
MKor. čằč-; Mod. čač-.
◊ Nam 418, KED 1408.
‖ VEWT 205 (Turk.-Mong.), АПиПЯЯ 287. The Turkic form may
belong here if PT *jogan < *jojga-n. The Japanese form goes back to an
intermediate variant *ǯoč῾u-k῾a (with assimilative devoicing of *-ǯ-).
Korean has a frequent verbal low tone.
-ǯúbù sake, reason: Tung. *ǯubu ( ~ -g-); Mong. *ǯüj; Jpn. *dúwài.
PTung. *ǯubu ( ~ -g-) for, for the sake of (для, ради): Evk. ǯuɣu ~
ʒuwu; Evn. ǯuwu; Neg. ǯuwu-dū; Man. ǯu-lefun.
◊ ТМС 1, 269.
PMong. *ǯüj thing, circumstance, reason (дело, обстоятельство,
причина): MMong. ǯujil (HY); WMong. ǯüi (L 1083); Kh. ʒüj; Bur. züj;
Kalm. zǖ; Ord. ǯǖ, ǯü.
◊ KW 484.
PJpn. *dúwài reason (причина): OJpn. juwe; MJpn. júwè; Tok. yué;
Kyo. yúé; Kag. yúe.
◊ JLTT 579. Accent in Kyoto is irregular in Hirayama, but Martin (ibid.) cites it as
regular yúè.
‖ Ozawa 160-161, JOAL 69.
-ǯúgi millet: Tung. *ǯija- / *ǯije- ( ~ -g-); Turk. *jügür-; Kor. *čòh.
PTung. *ǯija- / *ǯije- ( ~ -g-) 1 millet 2 porridge (1 просо 2 каша):
Neg. ǯākta 1; Man. ǯe 1; SMan. ǯē belə ‘millet (Setaria italica)’ (286);
Jurch. che-(po-le); Nan. ǯiekte 1; Orch. ǯiekte, ǯekte 1; Ud. ǯakta 1; Sol.
ǯakta 2.
◊ See ТМС 1, 244.
1548 *ǯul[u] - *ǯlu
PTurk. *jügür- 1 millet 2 sorgho 3 corn, maize (1 просо 2 сорго 3
кукуруза): OTurk. üjür (OUygh.) 1; Karakh. jügür, ügür (MK), jür (KB)
1; Tat. ǯögärä 2; Kirgh. ǯügörü 2, 3; Kaz. žügeri 3; KBalk. ǯügeri 3; KKalp.
žüweri 2, 3; Tv. ǖrgene ‘a k. of buckwheat’; Chuv. vir 1; Yak. üöre 1.
◊ EDT 275, Лексика 458. Turk. > Mong. ǯügür, Pers. ǯuvārī.
PKor. *čòh millet (просо): MKor. čò (čòh-); Mod. čo.
◊ Nam 427, KED 1468.
‖ PKE 37, Lee 1958, 113, Дыбо 11.
-ǯul[u] halter, rope for binding animals: Tung. *ǯulǯi-; Mong. *ǯiluɣa;
Turk. *jular.
PTung. *ǯulǯi- chain (цепь): Neg. ǯulǯixēn; Ul. dulǯi(n); Ork. dulǯiɣe;
Nan. ǯulǯiē; Orch. ǯuggä(n), ǯugǯe(n) ‘chain; rope for binding animals’.
◊ ТМС 1, 272-273.
PMong. *ǯiluɣa halter (недоуздок, вожжи): MMong. ǯilu’a (SH),
ǯolā (IM); WMong. ǯiluɣa (L 1055); Kh. ǯolō; Bur. žolō; Kalm. ǯolā (КРС);
Ord. ǯilō; Dag. ilō, ǯilō (Тод. Даг. 144), ǯolō ‘reins’ (MD 180); S.-Yugh.
ǯolū.
◊ MGCD 452. Mong. > Chag. čilau, ǯiluɣa, Turkm. ǯɨlaw etc., see TMN 1, 297, Щербак
1997, 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 41-42; Evk. ǯiluɣa etc., see Poppe 1966, 190, 195, Doerfer MT 102,
Rozycki 126.
PTurk. *jular halter (недоуздок): Karakh. jular (MK); Tur. jular;
Gag. jular; Sal. ulur; MTurk. jular (Pav. C., Houts.), jolar (AH); Oyr.
ular; Tv. čular; Yak. sular.
◊ EDT 932, VEWT 210, ЭСТЯ 4, 244-245, Лексика 556.
‖ KW 114, Лексика 557, Tekin 1981, 121-122. A Western isogloss.
Despite Щербак 1997, 125, Mong. cannot easily be explained as a Turk.
borrowing. Doerfer (TMN 1, 297) mentions Turk. *jular : Mong. *ǯiluɣa,
but rejects without explanation.
-ǯlu (~ -a) to slide; smooth, slippery: Tung. *ǯulV-; Mong. *ǯil-; Turk.
*jl-.
PTung. *ǯulV- 1 smooth 2 naked (1 гладкий 2 голый): Evk. ǯulā-kin
2; Evn. ǯụlaqqan 2; Sol. ǯulu-brēx 1, ǯụlāxĩ 2.
◊ ТМС 1, 272-273.
PMong. *ǯil- smooth, level (гладкий, ровный): WMong. ǯilim,
ǯilum, (L 1055: ǯildam ‘level’); Kh. ǯildem; Bur. želeger; Kalm. ǯilm.
◊ KW 110.
PTurk. *jl- 1 to creep 2 snake (1 ползать 2 змея): OTurk. jɨlan 2
(Orkh., OUygh.); Karakh. jɨlan (MK) 2; Tur. jɨlan 2; Gag. jɨlan 2; Az. ilan
2; Turkm. jɨlān 2; Sal. jilɨn 2; MTurk. jɨl- 1 (Vam.), jɨlan 2 (Pav. C.); Uzb.
ǯil- 1, ilɔn 2; Uygh. ilan 2; Krm. jɨlan 2; Tat. jɨl- 1, jɨlan 2; Bashk. jɨlan 2;
Kirgh. ǯɨl- 1, ǯɨlan 2; Kaz. žɨlan 2; KBalk. žɨlan 2; KKalp. žɨlan 2; Kum.
jɨlan 2; Nogh. jɨlan 2; SUygh. jilan 2; Khak. čɨl- 1, čɨlan 2; Shr. čɨlan 2; Oyr.
 *ǯuŕi - *ǯutke 1549

ɨl- 1; Tv. čɨl- 1, čɨlan 2, dial. čulan; Tof. čɨl- 1, čulan 2; Chuv. śəₙlen 2;
Yak. sl- 1.
◊ VEWT 200, EDT 930-1, ЭСТЯ 4, 40-41, 277, Лексика 180. Turk. > MMong. (MA)
jilan (see Щербак 1997, 164). Mong. ǯilu-, ǯulu- ‘roll away, move away’ may be related or
borrowed < Turk.
‖ EAS 65-66, KW 110, ТМС 1, 272, VEWT 200 (but the Kor. form
čičči-da, despite SKE 37, hardly belongs here), АПиПЯЯ 285; hardly
justified is Doerfer’s criticism in TMN 4, 254-255. A Western isogloss.
For the Turk. forms meaning ‘snake’ cf. alternatively TM *sulama /
*salama ‘snake’ (ТМС 2, 57) - if the latter is not borrowed from Russ.
dial. саломея ‘a mythical snake’.
-ǯuŕi to peel, skim off: Mong. *ǯor-; Turk. *jüŕ-; Kor. *čɨrɨ- ( ~ -i-).
PMong. *ǯor- to plane, shave off, peel (строгать, соскребать, сбри-
вать, сдирать): MMong. ǯuru- (MA); WMong. ǯor- (L 1070); Kh. ʒoro-;
Bur. zoro-; zorogodoho(n) ‘shavings’; Kalm. zor- (КРС); Ord. ǯor-; Mog.
ZM ǯuru- ‘to cut’ (22-5); Dag. ǯorgo-, ǯorgu- (Тод. Даг. 144); S.-Yugh.
ǯǖr-; Mongr. ōri- (SM 91), ǯōrə-.
◊ MGCD 454.
PTurk. *jüŕ- to peel off (skin), to skin (сдирать (шкуру)): Karakh.
jüz- (MK); Tur. jüz-; Gag. jüz-; Turkm. jüz-.
◊ EDT 984, ЭСТЯ 4, 261.
PKor. *čɨrɨ- ( ~ -i-) to skim off (as cream), cut off (снимать (сливки
и т. п.), срезать): Mod. čirɨ-.
◊ KED 1530.
‖ SKE 36.
-ǯutke a k. of berry: Tung. *ǯüksi- / *ǯükte; Mong. *ǯedegene; Turk.
*jidgelek.
PTung. *ǯüksi- / *ǯükte 1 blue-berry 2 berry (1 черника, голубика
2 ягода): Evk. ǯiksiŋē 1, ǯikte 2; Neg. ǯikte 1; Man. duqsi 1; Ul. ǯuste 1;
Ork. dusikte 1; Nan. ǯusikte 1; Orch. ǯikte 1; Ud. ǯikte 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 256.
PMong. *ǯedegene strawberry (клубника): WMong. ǯedegene; Kh.
ʒedgene; Bur. zedegene 1, 2; Kalm. zedəgənə.
◊ KW 471.
PTurk. *jidge, *jidge-lek 1 jujube 2 strawberry, berry (1 ююба, лох
2 земляника, ягода): OTurk. jigde 1 (OUygh.); Karakh. jigde 1 (MK);
Tur. ijde 1; Az. ijdä 1; Turkm. igde 1; MTurk. igde (Pav. C.) 1; Uzb. ǯijda 1;
Uygh. ǯigdä 1; Tat. ǯiläk, jeläk (dial.) 2; Bashk. jeläk 2; Kirgh. ǯijde 1; Kaz.
žijde 1, židek 2; KBalk. ǯilek 2; KKalp. žijde 1; Kum. ǯijelek 2; Nogh. jelek 2;
Khak. čistek, sestek 2; Oyr. ilek 2; Chuv. śɨrla 2.
1550 *ǯobá - *ǯṓk῾e
◊ EDT 911, VEWT 202, ЭСТЯ 1, 325-326, Лексика 122, 140. Turk. (Bulg.) > Hung.
szőlő ‘grape’ (<*śiδleɣ), see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 794. Turk. *jigde > Mong. ǯigde,
ǯegde (Щербак 1997, 123); but the TM forms are not borrowed, despite Doerfer MT 73.
‖ Дыбо 10. A Western isogloss. Secondary delabialization in Mong.
(*ǯedegene < *ǯödegene).
-ǯobá ( ~ -u-, --) to cut, crush: Tung. *ǯobga; Mong. *ǯoɣu-; Jpn.
*dàmpù-r-.
PTung. *ǯobga 1 harpoon 2 to cut, cut out (1 гарпун 2 резать, выре-
зать): Evk. ǯewge 1; Neg. ǯobgo 1; Man. ǯo-, ǯō- 2; Ul. ǯoGbo 1; Ork. ǯobbo
1; Nan. ǯobGo 1; Orch. ǯobbo 1; Ud. ǯob῾o; ǯogbo 1 (Корм. 233).
◊ ТМС 1, 260, 281.
PMong. *ǯoɣu- 1 to insert 2 barb of a harpoon (1 вставлять 2 зубец
гарпуна): WMong. ǯoɣu- 1, ǯoɣu 2 (L 1067); Kh. ʒō- 1; Bur. zō- 1.
PJpn. *dàmpù-r- to break, crush (ломать): OJpn. jabur-; MJpn.
jàbùr-; Tok. yabúr-; Kyo. yàbùr-; Kag. yàbùr-.
◊ JLTT 784. Except Kyoto (pointing to *dàmpúr-), all dialects point to PJ *dàmpùr-.
‖ One of the many Altaic “Verba des Schlagens”.
-ǯòkó ( ~ -u-) to stop, abstain from: Tung. *ǯuK-; Mong. *ǯogso-; Jpn.
*dká-.
PTung. *ǯuK- to stop (останавливаться): Evn. ǯökъr-.
◊ ТМС 1, 266. Attested only in Evn., but having plausible external parallels.
PMong. *ǯogso- to stand still, stop, finish (останавливаться, пре-
кращаться): WMong. ǯoɣso- (L 1067: ǯoɣsu-); Kh. ʒogso-; Bur. zogso-;
Kalm. zoksə-; Ord. ǯoGso-.
◊ Mong. > Kirgh. ǯūša- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 34-35), see KW 475, VEWT 127.
PJpn. *dká- to refrain, abstain from (избегать, воздерживаться):
OJpn. joka-; MJpn. jòkà-; Tok. yoké-; Kyo. yòkè-; Kag. yòkè-.
◊ JLTT 786.
‖ A good Mong.-TM-Jpn. parallel (although poorly attested in TM).
-ǯṓk῾e ( ~ -k-) nearly, hardly: Tung. *ǯuke; Mong. *ǯug / *ǯüg; Turk.
*jōk; Jpn. *dəku (?).
PTung. *ǯuke 1 hardly, barely 2 simple, usual (1 едва, еле-еле 2
простой, обычный): Evk. ǯupkēkī ‘enough’; Man. ǯuken 1, 2, ǯuki
‘enough’; SMan. ǯukun ‘on bad terms, bad’ (2507); Ul. ǯuke(n) 1; Nan.
ǯuk 1; Orch. ǯukke, ǯuke 1; Ud. ǯuke 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 272, 275. Man. > Dag. ǯuken (Тод. Даг. 145).
PMong. *ǯug / *ǯüg in vain (напрасно): WMong. ǯug, ǯüg; (L 1083)
ǯüger, ǯügere; Kh. ʒügēr ‘so-so; common’; Kalm. zug, züg; Ord. ǯügē
‘however, but’; ǯügēr ‘ordinaire; sans rien faire’.
◊ KW 479.
PTurk. *jōk is not, there is not (нет, не имеется): OTurk. joq (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. joq (MK); Tur. jok; Gag. joq; Az. jox; Turkm. jōq; Sal.
 *ǯòp῾è - *ǯṓǯe 1551

jox; Khal. jūq; MTurk. joq (Pav. C., AH); Uzb. jọq; Uygh. joq; Krm. joq, jo;
Tat. juq; Bashk. juq; Kirgh. ǯoq; Kaz. žoq; KBalk. ǯoq, žoq, zox; KKalp. žoq,
žaq; Kum. joq; Nogh. joq; SUygh. joq, ǯoq; Khak. čox; Shr. čoq; Oyr. oq;
Tv. čoq; Chuv. śok, śoɣal-; Yak. suox; Dolg. huok.
◊ EDT 895-896, VEWT 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 211-212, Лексика 333, Федотов 2, 129-130, Sta-
chowski 112.
PJpn. *dəku usually, nearly (обычно, часто, почти): OJpn. joku;
MJpn. joku; Tok. yoku.
◊ The word is written differently, but the accent is unknown and it may be actually
an adverbial form of *də- ‘good’ (v. sub *dòge).
‖ Basically a Western isogloss; the Japanese parallel is somewhat
ambiguous.
-ǯòp῾è ( ~ -u-, -o) hollow under knee or neck, corner: Tung. *ǯup(u)ku;
Mong. *ǯobki; Jpn. *dpr.
PTung. *ǯup(u)ku hollow under neck (подшейная ямка): Evk.
ǯupku; Neg. ǯipkun; Man. ǯofoχo ‘wedge, gore, denticle’; Nan. ǯupkũ ‘ot-
ter’s breast’; Ud. ǯokpo ‘breast bow’.
◊ ТМС 1, 262, 266, 275.
PMong. *ǯobki 1 corner of the eye; eyelid 2 corner, one of the four
intermediate points of the four directions (1 уголок глаза; веко 2 угол,
одно из четырех промежуточных направлений, азимут): WMong.
ǯobki 1, ǯobkis 2 (L 1066); Kh. ʒovxi 1, ʒovxis 2; Bur. zubxi 1; Kalm. zowkə 1
(КРС); Ord. ǯobχi 1.
PJpn. *dpr hollow under knee (подколенная впадина): OJpn.
jop(w)oro-kub(w)o; MJpn. jòfòró.
◊ JLTT 577.
‖ An interesting term, basically anatomical, denoting a hollow or
angle in some body part (angle in the corner of the eye; angle / hollow
under the neck; angle / hollow under the knee). A common derivative
*ǯòp῾è-k῾V is reflected in Mong. *ǯob-ki and PTM *ǯup(u)-ku.
-ǯṓǯe to quarrel, speak badly: Tung. *ǯuǯa-; Mong. *ǯüǯig; Turk. *jōj;
Jpn. *dəjə-; Kor. *ččh-.
PTung. *ǯuǯa- 1 to quarrel 2 niggling, peddling (1 спорить, сканда-
лить, судить 2 быть мелочным (в словах, поступках)): Man. ǯuǯu-ra-
2; Ul. ǯụǯa- 1; Nan. ǯoǯa- 1; Orch. ǯuǯa- 1; Ud. ǯuǯa- 1.
◊ ТМС 1, 270-271.
PMong. *ǯüǯig show, act, theatre (представление, театр): WMong.
ǯüǯügi, (L 1073) ǯöčüge, ǯüǯige, ǯüčige; Kh. ǯüǯig; Bur. züžeg.
PTurk. *jōj 1 cunning, lying 2 to defame, disgrace 3 troubles, noise
(1 хитрый, обманщик 2 поносить, позорить 3 волнение, шум):
Kirgh. ǯoj 1; Khak. čoj, čöj 1; Shr. čöj 1; Oyr. joj, oj 1; Chuv. śoj 3; Yak.
sūj- 2.
1552 *ǯu - *ǯuge
◊ VEWT 205, ЭСТЯ 4, 210, Федотов 2, 129.
PJpn. *dəjə- to speak badly (of old persons without teeth) (плохо
говорить (о беззубых стариках)): OJpn. jojom-.
PKor. *čč- to bark (лаять): MKor. čč-; Mod. čit- [čič-].
◊ Nam 441, KED 1559.
‖ Дыбо 14. An expressive reduplicated root, but no doubt archaic.
-ǯu summer: Tung. *ǯu-ga; Mong. *ǯu-n.
PTung. *ǯu-ga in summer, summer (летом, лето): Evk. ǯuɣa; Evn.
ǯụwụnị; Neg. ǯoa; Man. ǯuwari; SMan. ǯuari (2727); Jurch. ǯuha (268); Ul.
ǯụa; Ork. dụwa; Nan. ǯoa; Orch. ǯuwa; Ud. ǯua; Sol. ǯụga.
◊ ТМС 1, 268. TM > Russ. Siber. d’ugany ‘spring and summer’, see Аникин 194.
PMong. *ǯu-n summer (лето): MMong. ǯun (HY 5), ǯūn (IM), ǯūn
(LH); WMong. ǯun (L 1079); Kh. ʒun; Bur. zun; Kalm. zun; Ord. ǯun;
S.-Yugh. ǯun; Mongr. ǯun (SM 73).
◊ KW 480, MGCD 463.
‖ Poppe 28, 101, Rozycki 128. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; but despite
Doerfer MT 24, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.
-ǯŭgdV ( ~ -o-) to hit, strike: Tung. *ǯugd[u]-; Mong. *ǯod-; Turk. *jod-.
PTung. *ǯugd[u]- to hit, push, kick (тыкать, толкать, ударять):
Evk. ǯugdū-; Neg. ǯūkte-; Man. ǯoqǯa-; Nan. ǯugǯukule-.
◊ ТМС 1, 269.
PMong. *ǯoda- to hit, strike, fight (бить, ударять): WMong. ǯoda- (L
1066: ǯodu-); Kh. ʒodo-; Bur. zodō(n) ‘fray, tussle’; Kalm. zod- (КРС); Ord.
ǯodo-.
PTurk. *jod- to destroy (уничтожать, разрушать): OTurk. jod-
(OUygh.); Karakh. joδ- (MK); Turkm. joj-; MTurk. joj- (Houts.), juj-
(AH); Krm. ǯoj-; Tat. ǯuj-; Bashk. juj-; Kirgh. ǯoj-; Kaz. žoj-; KKalp. žoj-;
Kum. joj-; Nogh. joj-; Shr. čos-; Tv. čot-; Yak. sot- ‘to wipe out’; Dolg. hot-
‘to wipe out’.
◊ EDT 885, VEWT 204, ЭСТЯ 4, 210, Stachowski 109.
‖ A Western isogloss.
-ǯuge ( ~ -o-, -i) bee, wasp: Tung. *ǯuge-; Mong. *ǯögeji.
PTung. *ǯuge- wasp, bee (оса, пчела): Evk. ǯuɣuk(te), ǯuwuk(te),
ǯuwun; Evn. ǯewъt; Neg. ǯewekte, ǯeɣekte; Nan. ǯewẽ; Sol. ǯūkte.
◊ ТМС 1, 268.
PMong. *ǯögej bee (пчела): WMong. ǯögei (L 1074); Kh. ʒögij; Bur.
zügɨ; Kalm. zögə.
◊ KW 477.
‖ KW 477, Poppe 28, 58, Дыбо 8. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. Despite
Doerfer MT 47, TM is hardly borrowed from Mong.
 *ǯugi - *ǯjbe 1553

-ǯugi to carry (on the back): Tung. *ǯugū-; Mong. *ǯöɣe-; Turk. *jü-; Kor.
*čì-.
PTung. *ǯugū- to carry, transport (перевозить, перетаскивать):
Evk. ǯuɣū-; Evn. ǯuɣu-; Neg. ǯuɣu-; Man. ǯuwe-; SMan. ǯō- (1239); Ork.
dū-ri-; Orch. ǯu-si-; Ud. ǯū-.
◊ ТМС 1, 269.
PMong. *ǯöɣe- to carry, transport (переносить, перевозить):
MMong. ǯu- (MA), ǯo’e- / ǯu’e- (SH), ǯoge’ul- (HYt); WMong. ǯögege-,
ǯöge- (L 1074); Kh. ʒȫ-; Bur. zȫ-; Kalm. zȫ-; Ord. ǯȫ-; Dag. ǯugā-, ǯugū-
(Тод. Даг. 144); Dong. ǯue-, čue-, ǯo-; Bao. ǯō-, ǯo-; S.-Yugh. ǯǖ-; Mongr.
ō- (SM 89).
◊ KW 479, MGCD 456, 466. The Dag. form may be a secondary loan from TM.
PTurk. *jü- 1 load 2 to load, carry (1 груз, тяжесть 2 нагружать,
везти): OTurk. jük 1, jü-d- 2 (OUygh.); Karakh. jük 1, jü-δ- 2 (MK); Tur.
jük 1; Gag. ük 1; Az. jük 1; Turkm. jük 1; MTurk. jük 1 (Houts., AH);
Uzb. juk 1; Uygh. jük 1; Krm. jük, juk, jik, ik 1; Tat. jök 1; Bashk. jök 1;
Kirgh. ǯük 1; Kaz. žük 1; KBalk. ǯük, žük, zük 1; Kum. jük, juk 1; Nogh.
jük 1; SUygh. jük 1; Khak. čük 1; Shr. čük 1; Oyr. jüj- 2, jük, ük 1; Tv. čü῾k
1, čüdür- 2; Chuv. śəₙk 1; Yak. sük- 2.
◊ EDT 885, 910, VEWT 212, ЭСТЯ 4, 262-263, Лексика 520.
PKor. *čì- to carry on the back (нести на спине): MKor. čì-; Mod. či-.
◊ Liu 682, KED 1527.
‖ EAS 65, KW 479, Владимирцов 197, SKE 31, Poppe 28, 111, Дыбо
13. The comparison seems quite valid, despite doubts in TMN 4, 225.
Despite Poppe 1966, 191, Doerfer MT 24, Rozycki 128, TM is hardly <
Mong. Loss of *-g- in Turkic is probably explained by the fact that the
root is only used with suffixes (*jüg(V)k > *jük, *jüg(V)d > *jüd-).
-ǯjbe weak, bad: Tung. *ǯoba-; Mong. *ǯoba-; Turk. *jubka; Jpn.
*duàwà-; Kor. *čubɨr-.
PTung. *ǯoba- to suffer, be poor (страдать, бедствовать): Evk.
ǯowo- / ǯoɣo-; Evn. ǯow- / ǯoɣ-; Neg. ǯobo-; Man. ǯobo-; SMan. ǯovə-, ǯovu-
(1944); Jurch. ǯo-bo-hun (844) ‘grief, sorrow’; Ul. ǯobo-; Ork. ǯobbo-; Nan.
ǯobo-; Orch. ǯobo-; Ud. ǯō-; Sol. ǯowo-, ǯogo-.
◊ ТМС 1, 260-261.
PMong. *ǯoba- to suffer (страдать): MMong. ǯoubolaŋ ῾worry, ag-
ony’ (HY 37), ǯuba (IM), ǯoba- (MA), ǯoba-, ǯibtura- (SH), ǯibtura- ‘to be
weak’ (HYt); WMong. ǯoba- (L 1065); Kh. ʒovo-; Bur. zobo-; Kalm. zow-;
Ord. ǯowo-; Dag. ǯowo-, ǯogo- (Тод. Даг. 144), ǯobe- (MD 179), ǯobčon
‘suffering’; S.-Yugh. ǯōldə-; Mongr. oGloŋ ‘douleur, souffrance’ (SM 89)
(MGCD ǯobloŋ).
◊ KW 476, MGCD 448, 449. Mong. > Oyr. jobo- etc. (ЭСТЯ 4, 38-39); > Manchu ǯobolon
(Rozycki 124).
1554 *ǯmo - *ǯrVko
PTurk. *jubka thin, slender, unsubstantial (тонкий): OTurk. juqa
(OUygh.), jujqa (Orkh.); Karakh. jupqa, juvqa (MK), juvɣa (MK, KB); Tur.
jufka; Gag. jufqa, jɨfqa; Az. juxa; Turkm. jūqa; Sal. joχba; MTurk. jufqa
(AH), juqa (Ettuhf.); Uzb. jupqa; Uygh. jupqa, juqa, župqa, žuqu; Krm.
juwɣa, jufqa; Tat. juqa; Bashk. joqa; Kirgh. ǯupqa, ǯuqa; Kaz. žuqa; KBalk.
žuqa; KKalp. žŭqa; Kum. juqqa; Nogh. juqa; SUygh. juqa; Khak. čuɣa; Shr.
čoɣa; Oyr. uqa; Tv. čuɣa; Tof. čuɣa; Chuv. śüɣe.
◊ VEWT 209, TMN 4, 211-212, EDT 874, ЭСТЯ 4, 241-242.
PJpn. *duàwà- weak (слабый): OJpn. jwowa-; MJpn. jòwà-; Tok.
yowá-; Kyo. yówà-; Kag. yowá-.
◊ JLTT 845.
PKor. *čubɨr- to be hungry, famished (быть голодным, истощен-
ным): MKor. čū’rì-; Mod. čūri-.
◊ Nam 434, KED 1496.
‖ АПиПЯЯ 77, Rozycki 124. Tungus forms may be borrowed from
Mong. (see Poppe 1966, 194, Doerfer MT 80). Medial *-j- has to be re-
constructed, as in a number of other cases, to explain Mong. -b- (not
-ɣ-) and Jpn. *-w- (not -p-); exceptional back vowel in Turkic may be
also due to dissimilation with the medial *-j-. In Turkic one has to sup-
pose a semantic development ‘thin’ < ‘lean, weak’ (the latter meaning is
actually widely attested since the earliest texts).
-ǯmo (?) to think of, remember: Tung. *ǯōm-; Mong. *ǯimu-; Jpn.
*dm-.
PTung. *ǯōm- (/ *ǯōn-) to remember (помнить): Evk. ǯōn-, ǯōm-kit-;
Evn. ǯōn-, ǯōman-; Neg. ǯon-; Man. ǯo-, ǯono-; Ul. ǯombụ-; Ork. dōndụ-;
Nan. ǯōmbo-; Orch. ǯōmbu-; Ud. ǯoŋi-; Sol. ǯōn-, ǯōm-.
◊ ТМС 1, 264. Final *-n in some forms is unclear.
PMong. *ǯimu- be deep in thoughts or in work (быть поглощен-
ным мыслями, работой): Kalm. ǯum-.
◊ KW 116.
PJpn. *dm- to recite; to count, to read (читать наизусть; считать,
читать): OJpn. jom-; MJpn. jòm-; Tok. jóm-; Kyo. jòm-; Kag. jòm-.
◊ JLTT 786.
‖ The etymology is worth listing, but not devoid of problems: in
Mongolian we have only an isolated Kalmuck form, and the Tung.-Jpn.
equation is possible only if the variant *ǯōn- in TM is secondary.
-ǯrVko courage, joy: Tung. *ǯurga- / *ǯurge-; Mong. *ǯirga-; Jpn.
*drk-p-; Kor. *črkb- / *črkb-.
PTung. *ǯurga- / *ǯurge- 1 ethic, moral 2 honest 3 brave 4 justice (1
нравственный 2 честный 3 храбрый 4 справедливость): Evn. ǯurri 3;
Man. ǯurGan 4, ǯurGanGa 2; SMan. ǯurəhan 4 (1041); Orch. ǯugge 1; Sol.
ǯụrgana 1.
 *ǯr(V)k῾e - *ǯr(V)k῾e 1555
◊ ТМС 1, 277, 278.
PMong. *ǯirga- 1 happiness 2 to enjoy (1 счастье 2 радоваться):
MMong. ǯirqalaŋ 1 (HY 37), ǯirqa- 2 (SH, HYt); WMong. ǯirɣa- (L 1059)
2; Kh. ǯarga- 2; Bur. žargal 1; Kalm. ǯirɣъl ‘life; happiness’; Ord. ǯirGa-
2; Dag. ǯarga- 2 (Tod. 142; MGCD ǯirga-); S.-Yugh. ǯargə- 2; Mongr.
ǯirGa- 2.
◊ KW 112, MGCD 433, TMN 1, 290. Mong. > Man. ǯirga-, see Doerfer MT 117, Rozy-
cki 124; > Khak. čɨrɣa-, Kirgh. ǯɨrɣa- etc. (VEWT 201-202, ЭСТЯ 4, 42-43).
PJpn. *drk-p- to be glad (радоваться): OJpn. joroko-b-; MJpn.
jòròkò-b-; Tok. yorokób-u; Kyo. yórókób-ú; Kag. yòròkòb-.
◊ JLTT 787.
PKor. *črkb- / *črkb- to be glad (радоваться): MKor. črkp- /
črkp- (-w-); Mod. čilgəp- (-w-).
◊ Nam 439, KED 1520.
‖ SKE 38; Poppe 1950, 572, Lee 1958, 113, Menges 1984, 266, АПи-
ПЯЯ 77; Дыбо 5, Martin 231, Miller 1985, 150, 1985a, 83, JOAL 99,
Whitman 1985, 126, Лексика 276. The root is quite reliable, but not
completely regular, probably due to contractions and assimilations (not
quite clear is -i- in Mong. - on analogy with ǯirüke ‘heart’? - and voicing
of -k- in TM).
-ǯr(V)k῾e ( ~ -u-) heart, inner organ: Mong. *ǯirüke ~ *ǯürike; Turk.
*jürek; Jpn. *dksì.
PMong. *ǯirüke ~ *ǯürike heart (сердце): MMong. ǯurokan (HY),
ǯiruge(n), ǯuruge (SH), ǯeorke (IM), ǯurukän (MA) 1; WMong. ǯirüke(n) (L
1062); Kh. ʒürx; Bur. zürxe(n); Kalm. zürkn; Ord. ǯüreχe; Mog. ǯürkä;
Dag. ǯurug, ǯurgu (Тод. Даг. 145), ǯurugu, ǯurehe (MD 180); Dong. ǯuGe
(MGCD ǯuɣə); Bao. ǯirge; S.-Yugh. ǯürgen; Mongr. erge (SM 87), ǯirge 1.
◊ KW 483-484, MGCD 469.
PTurk. *jürek heart; courage (сердце): OTurk. jürek (Orkh.,
OUygh.); Karakh. jürek (MK, KB); Tur. jürek; Gag. jüreḱ; Az. ürek;
Turkm. jürek; Sal. jyrüx; Khal. jirek; MTurk. jürek (MA); Uzb. jurak;
Uygh. jüräk; Krm. jürek; Tat. jörɛk; Bashk. jörek; Kirgh. ǯürök; Kaz. žürek;
KBalk. žürek; KKalp. žürek; Kum. jürek; Nogh. jürek; SUygh. jörek; Khak.
čürek; Shr. čürek (R., Верб.); Oyr. ürek; Tv. čürek; Tof. čürek; Chuv. čəre;
Yak. sürex; Dolg. hürek.
◊ VEWT 213, EDT 965, ЭСТЯ 4, 270-271, Егоров 324, Лексика 276, Stachowski 116.
Chuv. č- is irregular: a contamination with čərə ‘alive’.
PJpn. *dksì spleen (селезенка): MJpn. jòkósì.
◊ JLTT 576.
‖ KW 483-484, Владимирцов 188, АПиПЯЯ 282. One cannot ex-
clude Mong. being borrowed from Turkic (see Щербак 1997, 126), but
there are no special reasons for that.
1556 *ǯVbV - *ǯVbV
-ǯVbV to bite, grit teeth: Tung. *ǯǖ(n)-; Mong. *ǯaɣu-; Turk. *jubut-.
PTung. *ǯǖ(n)- to grit teeth (стискивать зубы): Evk. ǯīn-; Man.
ǯu(n)-.
◊ ТМС 1, 258. Manchu is hardly < Mong., despite Rozycki 127.
PMong. *ǯaɣu- to bite (кусать): MMong. ǯa’u- (SH), ǯa’ū- (IM);
WMong. ǯaɣu- (L 1024); Kh. ʒū-; Bur. zū-; Kalm. zū-; Ord. ǯū-; Mog. ǯau-
(Weiers); Dag. ǯau- (Тод. Даг. 143, MD 176); Dong. ǯau-, ǯao-; Bao. ǯəu-;
S.-Yugh. ǯū-; Mongr. ū- (SM 94), (MGCD ǯau-).
◊ KW 482, MGCD 460.
PTurk. *jubut- to swallow (глотать): Karakh. jut- (MK); Tur. jut-
(judum ‘gulp’); Gag. jut- (judum ‘gulp’); Az. ud-; Turkm. juvut-; MTurk.
jout- (CC); Uzb. jut-; Uygh. jut-; Krm. jut-; Tat. jot-; Bashk. jot-; Kirgh.
ǯut-; Kaz. žut-; KBalk. ǯut-; KKalp. žut-; Kum. jut-; Nogh. jut-; Oyr. ut-;
Chuv. śъt-.
◊ ЭСТЯ 4, 242-243, VEWT 212, EDT 885, Егоров 203. The Turkm. and Koman forms,
as well as reflexes of secondary length in Oghuz, point unmistakably to *-ubu-, con-
tracted in other sources.
‖ ТМС 1, 258, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Western isogloss. The vocalism is
hard to establish because of reduction in PTM.