Library of

European Civilization

General Editor:
Geoffrey Barraclough

Thames and Hudson

* ■ ...—
 BYZANTIUM
AND
EU R O PE
SPEROS V R Y O N I S , JR .

„ |T V L I T E R A L IN S TITU TE

III AME S A N D H U D S O N LONDON

©THAM ES AND HUDSON 19 67

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY JARROLD AND SONS LTD NORWICH

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 CONTENTS

M il; EM PERO RS O FB Y Z A N T I U M 8

i l l A N S IT IO N FRO M A N T IQ U IT Y
AND
I III E M E R G E N C E OF B Y Z A N T IU M

( haos o f the third century n

Uefornis o f Diocletian and Constantine 16
I he barbarian threat 3°
( i isis o f the fourth and fifth centuries 35
|usiiniaii die Great 42

E S T A B L IS H M E N T OF
A H O M O GEN EO U S
B Y Z A N T IN E S O C IE T Y

I h radians and Isaurians 57

Retrenchment 57
The threat o f Islam 62
The new Western empire 66
I )isorder in the Balkans 68
Administrative change 71
Iconoclasm 72
( Inltural changes 78
 Macedonians 83
The Byzantine reconquista 83
Economic life 92
The role o f the Church 99
The Macedonian contribution to Byzantine culture no

III D E C L IN E

Internal problems 12 1
Victory o f the military 123
Social and economic changes 126
The external threat 130
The crisis o f 10 7 1 132
Revival under Alexius I Comnenus 134
Alexius’ successors 14 1
Flowering o f the arts 145
The fall o f Constantinople 150

IV P R O S T R A T IO N A N D C O L L A P S E
The splintering o f Hellenism 153
The Latin administration 159
Interplay o f the Greek and Latin cultures 162
Reconquest o f Constantinople 164
A temporary victory 167
The rise o f the Turks 17 1
The literature o f decline 178
The end o f Byzantium 187
I P IL O G U E 193

III H L I O G R A P H Y i 97

I 1S T O F I L L U S T R A T I O N S 201

M APS 206

IN D E X 209
THE EMPERORS
OF B Y Z A N T IU M

C onstantine I 324-37 C onstantine IV 668-85

CONSTANTIUS 337-61 J ustinian II 685-95
J ulian 361-63 L eontius 695-98
J ovian 363-64 T iberius II 698-705
V alens 364-78 J ustinian II (again)

M
1
T heodosius I 379-95 P hilippicus

1
M

M
A rcadius 395-408 A nastasius II

w
1
OJ
T heodosius II 408-50 T heodosius III 7 15 - 17
M arcian 450-57 L eo III 7 17 -4 1
L eo I 457-74 C onstantine V 74 1-75
L eo II 474 L eo IV 775-80
Z eno 474-75 C onstantine VI 780-97
B asiliscus 475-76 Irene 797-802
Z eno (again) 476-91 N icephorus I 8 0 2-11
A nastasius I 4 9 1-518 S tauracius 8 11
J ustin I 518-27 M ichael I R angabe 8 11 - 1 3
J ustinian I 527-65 L eo V 813-20
J ustin II 565-72 M ichael II 820-29
T iberius I C onstantine 578-88 T heophilus 829-42
M aurice 582-602 M ichael III 842-67
P hocas 602-10 B asil I 867-86
H eraclius 61O-4I L eo V I 886-912
C onstantine III and H era - A lexander 9 12 -13
CLONAS 641 C onstantine VII 913-59
H eraclonas 641 R omanus I L ecapenus 920-44
CON STANS II 641-68 R omanus II 959-63
N icephorus II P hocas 963-69 I saac II (again) and
)()! IN I TZIMISCES 969-76 A lexius IV A ngeli 1203-04
B asil II 976-1025 A lexius V M urzuphlus 1204
( C()NSTANTINE VIII IO25-28 T heodore I L ascaris 1204-22
Komanus III A rgyrus 1028-34 J ohn III D ucas V atatzes
M ichael IV 1034-41 1222-54
M ichael V 10 41-42 T heodore II L ascaris 1254-58
Z oe and T heodora 1042 J ohn IV L ascaris 1258-61
( Constantine IX M ono- M ichael VIII P alaeologus
machus 1042-55 1259-82
Theodora (again) 1055-56 A ndronicus II P alaeologus
M ichael V I 1056-57 1282-1328
Isaac I C omnenus 1057-59 A ndronicus III P alaeologus
( Constantine X D ucas 1059-67 1328-4 1
Komanus IV D iogenes 1068-71 J ohn V P alaeologus 13 4 1-9 1
M ichael VII D ucas 10 71-78 J ohn V I C antacuzene
N icephorus III B otaniates 1347-54
1078-81 A ndronicus IV P alaeo­
A lexius I C omnenus 10 8 1- 111 8 logus 1376-79
)o 1in II C omnenus i i i 8-43 J ohn V II P alaeologus 1390
M anuel I C omnenus 114 3-80 M anuel II P alaeologus
A lexius II C omnenus 1180-83 13 9 1-14 2 5
A ndronicus I C omnenus J ohn VIII P alaeologus
118 3-8 5 1425-48
Isaac II A ngelus 1185-95 C onstantine X I P alaeologus
A iexius III A ngelus 119 5-12 0 3 1449-53
 I T R A N SIT IO N FROM A N T IQ U IT Y
A N D T H E E M E R G E N C E OF B Y Z A N T I U M

CHAOS OF T H E T H I R D CENTURY
The Byzantine empire was born o f the third-century crises which
transformed the world o f antiquity, and though the elements o f
continuity between the Byzantine world and the world o f antiquity
.ire clear and undeniable, so too are the differences. During the course
ot this momentous transformation the empire lost its Latin-pagan
appearance and gradually assumed a Greek-Christian form, though
to be sure Byzantium, like the Roman empire, remained a polyglot,
multi-national and polysectarian state during the greater part o f its
existence. The difficulties which the Roman empire experienced in
the third century were largely the result o f imperfections in the
empire’s political, social and cultural institutions. It was these innate
Ilaws, rather than the power o f the barbarian nations, which pros­
trated the state and threatened to destroy it in the half-century
which preceded the reign o f Diocletian. Perhaps the single most
serious defect in the whole system was the lack o f a regularized
imperial succession. B y the third century the oft-repeated phrase
‘succession by successful revolution’ , came to describe only too truly
the established pattern in the accession to the throne o f the Caesars.
I )ynastic sentiment had failed to take root, and the emasculated
senate was usually, though not always, powerless, so that the armies
became the ultimate arbiters in the promotion and removal o f
emperors. Ambitious generals and rapacious troops combined to
produce a period o f short reigns and violent successions. In the
half-century preceding the reign o f the great reformer Diocletian
there were about twenty rulers (most o f whom died violent deaths)
with an average reign o f two and a half years. This situation had a
highly deleterious effect. In so vast an empire the degradation o f the
ruler to the status o f a tool o f the armies and the accompanying ii
 perversion,of the military function were disasters o f great magnitude.
For the individual around whom the whole system revolved was
divested o f all respect and authority, and the armies were consumed
in selfish enterprises at the expense o f the defence o f the frontier.
The lack o f political stability undoubtedly further aggravated
an economic malaise which beset the empire throughout the third
century. The causes o f this were far more complex than in the case
o f the political disturbances. The economic ills o f the empire included
such factors as an unfavourable balance o f trade with the Orient,
decreasing returns from taxation and disturbance o f economic life
by the increased civil strife and barbarian raids, the high incidence
o f the plague and depopulation, increase in the donations paid to
the troops and rising administrative expenses. Government had
recourse to debasement o f the coinage whereby gold money virtually
disappeared and silver coin was transmuted into copper money.
This debasement induced a meteoric inflation with the result that
society began to rely increasingly on a barter economy.
A profound transformation in the moral and spiritual life o f the
empire was also clearly apparent. The religions o f the Greeks and
Romans had exhibited their greatest vitality when the polis or civitas
was still the focal point o f men’s thoughts and actions. But even then
the character o f Graeco-Roman paganism had been more patriotic
than ethical and spiritual. B y the third century, at a time when
municipal patriotism had been deprived o f any substantial basis,
Graeco-Roman paganism was largely an historical fossil which
promised the individual little. The Oriental mystery cults, combin­
ing that mystery, pomp, and ceremony which so appeal to man’s
emotional character, contrasted sharply with the prosaic indifference
o f much o f Graeco-Roman paganism to man’s needs. The appeal o f
the eastern religions was not exclusively emotional because they also
provided a rationale for living the ethical life in this world. Thus i f a
man shared in the cult o f a particular deity and lived according to
proper ethical precepts, he was assured o f the reward o f immortality in
the afterlife. This offered further comfort to men at a time when society
was coming apart at the seams, and rapacity was often as characteristic
12 o f government officials as o f bandits and pillaging barbarians.
 It lias been plausibly supposed that the religions o f the East
became such formidable competitors to classical paganism not only
because o f their greater emotional and ethical appeal, but also because
the cults had a superior intellectual level. W ith the rise o f philosophy
m the Greek world, knowledge had become the special preserve o f
the philosopher, and was divorced from religion. In the East, where
the priestly classes remained a repository o f both secular and
religious knowledge, there was not this sharp separation between
religion and knowledge. Even though it is true that philosophers did
increasingly concern themselves with questions o f religion, they did
so on such an elevated plain that it remained beyond the comprehen­
sion o f the masses.
Whatever the reasons, there is no doubt that by the third century
the trickle o f the Nile and the Euphrates into the Tiber had become a
torrential flood, and the sects o f Mithra, Christ, Cybele, the Jews,
Isis and Osiris had spread throughout the empire. This dispersion
or dissemination not only acted as a powerful catalyst in the religious
and ethical domains, but was to have a profound effect on the
political and artistic forms o f the succeeding centuries. The revolu­
tion which the spread o f the Oriental mystery religions effected in
the world o f the third century, has not attracted the attention its
significance warrants. The triumph o f Christianity in the fourth
century obscured the importance o f the third-century phenomenon
in the eyes o f Christian intellectuals, who were prejudiced against
CTristianity’s competitors.
In modern times, though scholars have appreciated the orientaliza-
tion o f Graeco-Roman paganism, laymen are much more familiar
with the barbarian invasion from the north than with the religious
invasion from the east. The barbarian penetration o f the imperial
borders was accompanied by wars, destruction and death, so that
the phenomenon was then, and is now, more readily perceptible.
Oriental religions triumphed in thousands o f insignificant daily
encounters, seldom accompanied by any spectacular acts. It is only
at the end o f this cumulative process that the effect was visible, and
by then it had become such an integral part o f society that it was
taken for granted. 13
 The internal disorganization o f the empire greatly facilitated the
onslaught o f foreign peoples on the empire’s northern and eastern
frontiers. In Europe the imperial defences along the Rhine and
Danube were increasingly penetrated by the Germanic tribes.
Beginning on a small scale in the reign o f Alexander Severus, these
raids attained major proportions by the middle o f the century. Saxon
pirates rendered the English Channel unsafe, while in 256 the Franks
crossed the Lower Rhine, and in slightly more than a decade imperial
troops were battling the raiders in both Gaul and Spain. The
Alemanni crossed the Rhine in the south and reached as far as
northern Italy before being halted. The most powerful o f the
Germanic tribes seem to have been those o f the Goths who in 251
killed the emperor Decius and inflicted the most serious Germanic
defeat upon the imperial troops since Varus’ legions had been
destroyed in the reign o f Augustus. Emboldened by their spectacular
successes, the Goths not only extended their depredations to the heart
o f the Balkans (their allies, the Heruli, appeared before Athens in
269), but, taking to the sea, raided the coasts o f the Marmara, Black,
and Aegean Seas. Claudius Gothicus temporarily halted these
attacks south o f the Danube, but Aurelian withdrew the last Roman
legion from Dacia in 270 and the Goths occupied it unhindered.
In the east the danger did not appear in the form o f a new people,
as it had in Europe, but in the form o f a new dynasty. The Parthian
state, which had arisen at the expense o f the Hellenistic kingdom o f
the Seleucids, had by the early third century degenerated into a
loosely-held congeries o f vassal states. I11 the southern district o f
Persia arose a family o f fire priests who successfully rebelled against
the Arsacids and in 224-26 defeated the last Parthian ruler, Artabanus
V, and destroyed the Parthian state. In 226 Ardashir, o f the family o f
Sassan, was crowned shahanshah and a new era in the history o f the
Near East began, for the emergence o f the Sassanids represented
more than a mere change o f dynasty. This neo-Achcmcnid state,
which soon absorbed the former lands o f the Arsacids, was a more
centralized and powerful state than that o f the Parthians - a fact
which the Romans did not in the beginning appreciate. This new
14 monarchy represents the first stage in the process by which the
 This fourth-century cameo shows the capture o f the emperor Valerian by the
Nassau id ruler, Shapur I, in 260

Iranian people rejected the last vestiges o f Hellenism. The establish­

ment o f Zoroastrianism as the official religion o f the state, the
appearance o f a highly-developed hierarchical religious structure
with a mobadhan mobad (a sort o f Zoroastrian pope) at the apex and
the establishment o f a canonical text o f the Avesta, were factors
which gave the Sassanid theocratic state an external similarity to
Byzantium. The highly stratified social structure with its rigid caste
system, however, was immobilized to an extent far beyond anything
I )iocletian (the son o f a freedman) could have conceived.
The first Sassanid rulers regarded themselves as heirs o f the last
I )arius and desired to bring about a re-birth o f the Oriental empire
which Alexander and his generals had overthrown. Sassanid and
Roman (and later Byzantine) armies soon clashed in the border
regions o f the upper Tigris and Euphrates, Syria, and Armenia. The
significance o f the change in dynasties became clear in 260 when
Shapur I defeated the Roman armies and captured the emperor
Valerian. The unexpected but timely appearance o f Odenathus o f 15
 Palmyra and his queen Zenobia halted any further Sassanid conquests
and the empire enjoyed a certain respite. Palmyra, as a traditional
caravan city living from the proceeds o f itinerant commerce and
merchants, had become a blooming commercial centre o f the typical
oasis type, and its prosperity was evident in the thin veneer o f
Graeco-Roman culture assumed by its Arab inhabitants. B y 264 the
Arabs o f Palmyra had defeated the Persians, restored the boundaries
o f the Roman empire and acquired the temporary gratitude o f
Rome.
Though the eastern and northern boundaries o f the empire had
been restored by the latter half o f the century (with the exception
o f the withdrawal from Dacia), the pressures o f Germans and
Persians remained constant, awaiting the opportunity which the
weakness o f the empire would present in the late fourth and fifth
centuries.

R E F O R M S OF D I O C L E T I A N A N D CONSTANTINE
It was indeed fortunate for the empire that two rulers o f unquestion­
able ability assumed direction o f affairs in these critical times.
Diocletian (284-305), pre-eminent as an administrator rather than a
soldier, had made his w ay in the Roman cursus honorum from the
bottom to the very top o f the official hierarchy. During these years
in the imperial administration he had had ample opportunity to
witness the evils besetting the state, and came to the throne rich in
that experience so necessary to successful reformers. His successor
Constantine, though he rose by violent means, also concerned him­
self with reform and his reign was in many ways complementary to
that o f Diocletian. The half-century o f reform associated with the
reigns o f these two monarchs does not represent a sudden departure
from the general development o f the third century, for the immedi­
ate predecessors o f Diocletian had already begun the task o f taming
the administrative, economic, and political chaos, and had attained
some modest successes. But it was Diocletian and Constantine who
realized the significance o f the trend and brought to a successful
conclusion this process o f change by institutional reform on a large
16 scale. Their measures were not promulgated and put into effect

3 Marble head o f Constantine, the first Christian emperor

and founder o f Constantinople ^
 throughout the empire at a given moment, but rather took shape
in a piecemeal fashion during the five and a half decades which
separated the accession o f Diocletian and the death o f Constantine.
It had become obvious to Diocletian that his great empire, so
beset by internal problems and foreign attacks, could no longer be
effectively wielded by a single ruler with the administrative means
employed until then. He therefore created the institution o f the
tetrarchy in the hope that two augusti and two caesars would
succeed where one augustus had failed. In 286 he appointed M axim -
ian augustus in the west, and in 293, when he elevated Constantius
and Galerius as caesars in the west and east, the tctrarchic reform was
completed. This institutional advice was successful during the reign
o f Diocletian and provided the empire with more efficient govern­
ment and defence against foreign attacks.
But the establishment o f the tetrarchy had a bearing on another
problem, the elevation and stabilization o f the imperial office within
the realm. Diocletian had supposed that the system o f two superior
rulers, seconded by their caesars and heirs, would largely put an end
to usurpation by the ambitious. More significant in the attempt to
create respect for imperial authority was the orientalization o f the
monarchy. This orientalization had been going on throughout the
third century, and could be seen in the puerile efforts o f Elegabalus
or in the coinage o f emperors such as Geta and Aurelian. Moreover,
certain elements o f absolute monarchy had long been present in
Greek political tradition. In later times Justinian traced the origins o f
imperial sovereignty to the action o f the Roman senate in 24 b c
freeing the augustus from the compulsion o f the laws and thus
transferring sovereignty from the people to the ruler. But if even in
this earlier period there was a divine element behind the auctoritas o f
the augustus, it was in the third century that the princeps was trans­
formed into an Oriental, divine, absolute monarch. Diocletian’s
arrangements completed the transformation. ‘ Prosky nesis’ or
‘adoratio’ (the eastern ceremony o f genuflection addressed to
divinity), purple robes, jewelled diadems, belts, and sceptres became
permanent parts o f the imperial tradition. The emperor, ruler by
divine grace, was the sole fount o f law. Seclusion o f the monarch, an
Oriental practice by which the person o f the ruler was removed from
contact with the profane, was carefully balanced by the splendid
official ceremonials, at which his power and glory were displayed to
the citizens and courtiers. Constantine’s conversion to Christianity,
it is true, necessitated an adaptation o f the imperial cult to the de­
mands o f a stringent monotheism. But the adaptation which
resulted, Byzantine kingship, was to all purposes the same as that
which emerged under Diocletian. The emperor (as the friend o f
Christ) and his empire (as a reflection o f the heavenly kingdom)
were divinely inspired and protected. The Oriental ceremonies
attendant upon court ritual remained one o f the most characteristic
o f all Byzantine practices.
Administratively and militarily the measures o f Diocletian and
Constantine were calculated to facilitate internal control and defence
from foreign attacks. But the chief threat to imperial power was
internal rather than external, and this problem was given preference.
The greatly expanded bureaucratic apparatus was centralized in the
imperial consistory, made up o f the highest financial and admini­
strative officials o f the court, who addressed the emperor not only on
routine administrative matters, but on high policy as well. In the
provinces the reforms o f Diocletian and Constantine weakened
potential rebels by removing heavy concentrations o f power from
the hands o f officials. As the power o f any given official was directly
related to the size and wealth o f the area which he governed, the
provinces were doubled in number and their size reduced. More
radical were the complementary measures by which civil and mili­
tary authority were thenceforth separated in such a manner that
ambitious provincial officials who might contemplate rebellion were
effectively hamstrung.
Nevertheless, the problem o f defence against Persians and Germans
meant that military considerations were not far behind considerations
o f imperial centralization. The old traditional military frontiers and
policies o f the Roman past were maintained. The emperor repaired
the old border fortresses and town walls, new forts were built, and
the limitanei (or frontier militia) retained their defence stance on the
Rhine, Danube, and Euphrates. But as this older arrangement was no 19
 4, 5 Gold aureus o f Diocletian, struck at 6o/lb., as can be seen on the reverse (right)

longer sufficient to contain the attacks o f Germans and Persians the

military principle o f defence in depth was adopted. The emperors
created mobile field armies stationed in the heartland o f the provinces
rather than on the borders. Such armies in Anatolia or the central
Balkans could protect provincial life from pillaging barbarians who
had broken through the frontiers or be used to reinforce the borders.
In the capital, new forces were added to the crack imperial troops
who accompanied the emperor. Even within the armies, however,
the principle o f separation o f powers, which sought to protect the
emperor from insubordination, was operative, and superior com­
mand o f cavalry and infantry was divided.
The reforms o f the late third and early fourth centuries greatly
increased state expenditure on account o f the considerable increase
in military and bureaucratic personnel. This situation caused
Lactantius to complain that the number o f beneficiaries had begun
to grow greater than the number o f taxpayers, and the increased
financial outlay at the end o f the century proved to be more than the
already strained economy could bear. Debasement o f the coinage
and inflation in the preceding period had created havoc with govern­
ment salaries (which were largely fixed) and with prices. The famous
edict o f prices (a d 301) bears witness to the government’s concern
and also to its failure to fix the cost o f living. If the state were to
survive, it was imperative that its economic life be brought into
20 harmony with harsh reality, and this is precisely what Diocletian
6, 7 The reformed coinage. Gold solidus o£ Constantine, struck at 72/lb., as indicated on the reverse

accomplished. Realizing the inadequacy o f the taxes which the

government collected in cash, Diocletian developed the old levies in
kind, the annonae, which had provided the armies with their physical
necessities. The annona, formerly an extraordinary tax, was hence­
forth applied to the rural population on an annual basis.
The new system o f taxation freed the government from the
vicissitudes o f monetary debasement and price fluctuations, for it
now paid its officials and troops largely in foodstuffs and clothing.
It also forced the government to keep the peasants on the soil to
cultivate it and necessitated systematic assessments o f the arable
land, types o f agricultural production, and population. The tax
apparatus which arose was to have a long life in the Byzantine empire
and was also to affect the tax structure o f the Islamic world. The new
system enabled the government to formulate an annual budget based
on the agricultural produce o f the empire. Yet it would seem
that Diocletian and Constantine did not intend to abandon com­
pletely a money economy. Both instituted coinage reform with
the issues o f good silver and gold coins. Constantine took the gold
coin o f Diocletian (struck at 60/lb.) and struck the solidus (72/lb.)
which was to become the money o f international exchange par
excellence until the eighth century when it would share that distinc­
tion with the gold dinar o f the Arabs. Every five years the traders and
craftsmen o f the towns, who were free from the annona, paid a cash
tax known as the chrysargyron. 21
 It was in the field o f religion that the policies o f the two emperors
contrasted most sharply, for Diocletian remained pagan and Con­
stantine embraced Christianity. The triumph o f Christianity is to be
understood primarily in terms o f two historical facts. First, Christian­
ity was one o f those Oriental mystery cults which, as a result o f their
message and organization, and because o f the peculiar conditions o f
the third-century Roman world, had played an important part in
transforming the emotional climate o f the Mediterranean lands. The
victory specifically o f Christianity, rather than o f some other
Oriental religion, was in large part due to the favour with which
Constantine and his successors regarded it. Christianity had existed
for some three hundred years prior to Constantine, and yet at the
time o f Constantine’s conversion, it was the religion o f a very small
minority in the Mediterranean world. Its victory was the result o f
state support, just as in Sassanid Persia, where the ruler supported
Zoroastrianism, Christianity remained a minority religion, and in
Egypt and Syria, where Christianity had spread and bloomed, the
Arab conquest eventually entailed the decline o f Christianity and
the spread o f Islam. In the same way, the Turkish conquest o f
Anatolia and the Latin preponderance in southern Italy and Sicily
meant the replacement o f Greek Christianity by Islam and Catholic
Christianity respectively; while perhaps the most interesting example
o f the principle cuius regio eius religio was the Iberian peninsula where
Christianity and Islam alternated in consonance with the pulse o f
Arab and Christian military successes.
From the end o f the first century, until Constantine made Chris­
tianity the favoured religion, the reward which the state meted out
to those who professed Christianity was death. In actual practice,
however, though the legal status o f Christianity did not change, the
Christians were tolerated, and by the end o f the second and the early
third century they had not only successfully proselytized among the
upper classes but had also become an accepted part o f the empire’s
society.
The ‘peace’ between the Roman state and the Christian Church
was, however, violently disturbed by the events o f the third century
22 which brought to the throne men o f a new breed. These were the
soldier-emperors from Illyricum who felt that in order to save the
state the old religious practices and ways must be followed.
This revival o f Roman paganism reactivated the waning hostility
between the state and the Christians. When Decius persecuted the
Christians in the years 249-51, it was not so much because he despised
Christianity as a religion, but because the Christians refused to
sacrifice to the gods, and he felt that the safety o f the state could only
be assured by prayers to the gods. Thus the Decian persecution was
politically, rather than religiously, motivated. The Illyrian emperor
Valens renewed discriminatory measures in an effort to destroy the
corporate life o f the Church. When he fell a victim to the Persians,
the Christians could rejoice at their good fortune and Gallienus
promptly returned the confiscated Church property. Thereafter
state persecution o f the Christians ceased until the reign o f Diocletian
and many Christians entered state service.
Diocletian himself observed the ‘peace’ with the Christians for the
greater part o f his reign. Probably he would have been satisfied with
the status quo had it not been for his caesar Galerius. But the latter,
supported by a circle o f neo-Platonists, was a determined opponent
o f the Church and did everything in his power to persuade his
augustus to move against the Christians. A series o f incidents, rightly
or w rongly blamed on the Christians, and the consent o f the oracle
o f the Milesian Apollo, brought Diocletian round to the sentiments
o f his caesar. The emperor and Galerius issued four edicts between
302 and 305 which revived the state’s persecution o f the Church.
Christian churches, scriptures, and liturgical books were to be
destroyed; Christians were henceforth forbidden to assemble and
were placed outside the law ; and all men, women, and children
who refused to sacrifice were to be put to death. M any abandoned
their profession o f Christianity because o f the fearful persecutions,
but such a great number remained steadfast that they filled the prisons
and jails, with the result that there was no room for criminals. In
303, when Diocletian celebrated his vicennial in Rome, he ordered
that all the jailed Christians be forced to sacrifice so that the prisons
might be emptied. Actually Galerius abandoned the persecution in
3 1 1 , as a result o f a fatal illness which he believed to be the vengeance
 o f the Christian God, and surprisingly issued an edict o f tolerance.
But the status o f Christianity became definitive only when Con­
stantine removed his political rivals, Maxentius in 312, and Licinius
in 324. Anxious over the issue o f the conflict with Maxentius,
Constantine was satisfied that the Christian God had indicated His
support in the approaching struggle. The appearance o f the cross in
the heavens with the legend ‘In this shalt thou conquer’, and the
vision in which Christ instructed Constantine to manufacture the
labarum, instilled Constantine with a confidence in Christ’s support
which later seemed to him justified by the results. The emperor did
not immediately accept the exclusive nature o f Christianity; but the
clergy were so pleased with the new turn o f events that they did not
object to the pagan practices which Constantine continued.
It was, o f course, his defeat o f Maxentius in the battle o f the M il-
vian Bridge which marked the beginning o f the ultimate triumph
o f Christianity, for even though it did not become the exclusive
religion o f the state, it now enjoyed imperial preference. Constantine
became a lavish patron o f the Church, supporting it with generous
gifts and privileges, and simultaneously confiscating the treasures o f
the pagan temples.
The Church had miraculously acquired a generous patron, but it
had simultaneously taken on a powerful master. The tradition o f the
Roman emperor as pontifex maximus survived, in a modified form, in
Byzantine caesaropapism. Convinced that the unity and survival o f
his empire depended upon the unity o f the Church, Constantine used
the imperial power and prestige in an effort to heal the disputes
which were now arising among the bishops. In an attempt to
heal the Donatist conflict he received petitions from the bishops,
called a council, exiled bishops, and made use o f persecution. His
behaviour in the Arian controversy illustrates how fully developed
his caesaropapism was. It was he who initiated the call for an ecu­
menical council, brought the bishops to Nicaea and maintained them
at state expense, presided over and directed the deliberations and
enforced upon the bishops the theological solutions which he pre­
ferred. As in so many other institutional transformations, Constantine
24 left his indelible mark on the relations o f Church and state in the east.

8 Constantine presenting a model o f the city to the Virgin;

detail o f a late tenth-century mosaic in Hagia Sophia ^
W l
f "'^'1

&
*. v
> * :
V*t & 3- ' *tf*m**:

S ' ■; 'r :;r' . '

 The emperor would remain the master o f the Church. Though
powerful patriarchs, weak emperors, and exceptional circumstances
might temporarily redress the balance in favour o f the Church, the
survival o f a centralized state enabled the emperor to control the
Church.
The most apparent manifestation o f a change in the established
order was the desertion o f Rome as the imperial capital. Though
Milan replaced it as the imperial centre in the west, the principal
imperial residence came to be located in the east, Diocletian establish­
ing himself in Nicomedia, and Constantine in Constantinople. The
choice o f these two Greek cities indicates that the empire’s political
centre o f gravity had shifted to the east. It was not until the reign o f
Charlemagne that a political centre o f comparable magnitude would
crystallize in the west. When Constantine traced the limits o f his
new city, he was laying the foundations for a metropolis which
would become the largest urban concentration in medieval Europe,
and which would leave its imprint upon history as few cities have.
He decided that the N ew Rome should be inferior in no w ay to the
26 Old Rome. He created a senate, provided the citizens with free
io The Milvian Bridge (Ponte M ilvio) today. The battle that took place here was
decisive in the history o f Christianity

bread and games, and built churches and public buildings on a lavish
scale. He plundered the cities and temples o f their marbles and
statues in order to ornament his new capital.
Historical and geographical forces had made o f Rome an ineffec­
tive capital. In contrast, Constantinople was strategically located
midway between the critical Danubian and eastern frontiers and
between the principal military reservoirs o f the Balkans and Ana­
tolia. The eastern provinces were more populous than those o f the
west, and urban and industrial development there was more vital.
Commercially the new city enjoyed the best natural harbour o f the
medieval world. The Golden Horn, protected from the currents
and winds, was a deep body o f water which could accommodate
large numbers o f vessels. Located at the junction o f water and land
routes which connected east and west, south and north, the city was
to be the greatest commercial emporium o f Europe for many
centuries. Chinese silks, eastern spices, Egyptian wheat, slaves from
the west, and furs from the north indicate the international character
o f the market at Constantinople. The waters immediately adjacent
to the city were (and still are) a rich fishing ground which yielded 27
 an ever-ready source o f sustenance to the inhabitants and citizens.
This location not only provided Constantinople with immense
economic vitality, but also made it impregnable. Guarded as it was
on three sides by water, and girt by an effective system o f land and
sea walls, the capital was secure against either land or naval attack.
Throughout its long history, the empire was able to survive the
virtual loss or at least the occupation o f critical provinces by powerful
enemies. The inability o f the enemies to take this central bastion
(with the exceptions o f 1204 and 1453) enabled the Byzantines to
bide their time until the opportune moment for a successful counter­
attack. One final condition which, along with the others, may have
28 persuaded Constantine to found Constantinople was his desire to
break with the pagan past and to centre the empire in a new Christian
foundation.
Constantine’s dedication o f the new imperial capital in 330
marked the end o f half a century o f momentous reforms. Those
reforms, with their roots in the disorders o f the third century,
institutionalized the transitional trends in disintegrating Roman
society. W hat emerged has been variously characterized as an
absolute monarchy, an Oriental empire, a corporate state. It is undeni­
able that elements o f each were present, for the divinely-ordered
basileus (emperor) presided over a highly centralized administra­
tion which effectively regulated the economic and social life o f each
subject. 29
THE BARBARIAN, THREAT
The reformed and revitalized empire was to be put to an arduous
and violent test by the crisis o f the late fourth and fifth centuries.
This was precipitated by the fear which the Huns spread among the
Goths. These newcomers on the European scene were to be the first
o f a long line o f nomadic conquerors that would terrorize the settled
society o f the Christian and Muslim worlds. Beginning with the
Huns and lasting for a millennium, the continuous strife o f the
Altaic peoples in the wasteland o f central Asia resulted periodically
in the westward march o f Bulgars, Avars, Patzinaks, Uzes, Cumans,
Seljuks, and Mongols. These tribes o f the Altai, who had been
formed by the geographical, climatic, and political turbulence o f
central Asia, confronted not only the Byzantines but even the warlike
Goths with a military system which was efficient, ruthless, and
terrifying.
The Huns, forced to leave central Asia, first appeared in southern
Russia where they dispersed the Alans and destroyed the state o f the
Ostrogoths. Finally they forced the Visigoths to seek refuge in the
Byzantine empire after having defeated them at the Dniester River.
In 376 the Visigoths petitioned Valens for asylum south o f the
Danube and the emperor, not realizing the problems which the
presence o f a whole nation under arms would cause, gave his con­
sent. But when the Visigoths began to enter Byzantine territory, the
imperial authorities were simply not equipped to handle the pro­
visioning and policing o f the barbarian hosts, and to make matters
worse Lupicinus, the comes (Count) o f Thrace, began to exploit the
panic-stricken Goths and enslave their families in return for bread.
The angered barbarians ravaged the Balkans and soon Valens faced
them with his forces outside Adrianople in 378. The ensuing conflict,
in which Valens and perhaps two-thirds o f the imperial forces
perished, was a shattering defeat for the empire, but the barbarians
were unable to exploit their victory, and when they appeared before
Adrianople, Perinthus, and Constantinople, the strongly walled
Greek cities held them at bay.
The accession o f the Spaniard Theodosius I brought an energetic
30 soldier-emperor to the throne who, though not successful in
12 Theodosius (379-95), last emperor o f both east and west, presiding over the
games at Constantinople; relief on the base o f an obelisk, c. 390

destroying the Visigothic menace, provided the tottering empire

with a badly needed breathing period. Secure in his possession o f
the walled cities, Theodosius had to restrict the Visigothic raids
which were desolating the rural areas. In 382 he formally permitted
them to settle in Lower Moesia as federate troops (foederati), and as
they abandoned Dacia, the Huns occupied it unopposed. Theodosius,
evidently an admirer o f their martial qualities, took many o f the
Visigoths into the armies o f the empire. But this was a dangerous
step, the consequences o f which were seen in the history o f the next
few years. The Visigothic king, Alaric, was able to attain the high
office o f magister militum by simply blackmailing the government
with his raids in Thessaly and the Peloponnese. The quarrel between
Arcadius, emperor o f the east, and Stilicho (the Vandal general who 3
i
really ruled the empire in the west) over possession o f Illyricum
greatly improved the prospects o f Alaric. For though Stilicho
defeated Alaric twice in Greece and twice in northern Italy, because
o f the quarrel with Arcadius over Illyricum, he refrained from
destroying the Visigoths. After the death o f Stilicho, Alaric succeeded
in ravaging Italy and in sacking Rome (410). This barbarian chief,
who had paraded his hordes across the empire under the full light o f
history, hoped to cross to Africa and settle his followers there. But he
died prematurely and one o f his successors, Wallia, eventually led
the Visigoths northward and settled them in southern Gaul, where
the emperor commissioned him to drive from Spain the barbarians
who had recently settled there.
These barbarians, the Suevi, Alans, and Vandals, had taken advan­
tage o f Stilicho’s preoccupation with Alaric in northern Italy and
with the province o f Illyricum to march through Gaul, ravaging and
plundering, and make their w ay to Spain. Here the Vandal leader
Gaiseric received an invitation from the rebellious Byzantine
governor o f Africa to support him, with the promise, in exchange,
o f half o f the Byzantine provinces in North Africa. In 429 imperial
vessels ferried the Vandals and Alans to the African coast, and by
439 Gaiseric had taken Carthage. His audacity grew rapidly with
each success, culminating in the sack o f Rome (455) and a raid on the
distant Peloponnese (465).

13, 14 Rulers o f east and west. The Vandal general Stilicho (left) was the real
power behind Honorius, the western emperor. Right, marble head presumed to be
Arcadius, emperor o f the east
 The Italian peninsula, largely isolated by the establishment o f the
Visigoths in the northwest and the Vandals in the south, became an
easy prey to another Germanic people, the Ostrogoths. This people
had been settled by the imperial government as foederati in northern
Pannonia on the borders o f Italy after the breakup o f Attila’s
empire in 452. When in 476 the German Odovacer deposed the last
emperor o f the west, the Byzantine ruler Zeno commissioned the
Ostrogothic leader Theodoric to invade Italy and to supersede the
ruler there \ . . until he should come’ . In fact Zeno did not come and
by 493 Theodoric had formed the Ostrogothic kingdom. W ith the
establishment o f the Burgundians and Franks in Gaul and the Saxons
in England, the dismemberment o f the empire in the west was
complete and a new host o f Germanic kingdoms had arisen on the
carcass o f the empire.
It is significant that the Germanic threat had first appeared, in its
most violent form, in the east. Both Visigoths and Ostrogoths had
threatened the east; but in spite o f their repeated successes, they were
forced to move westwards, and although the west resisted, and might
perhaps even have prevailed under Stilicho, after his death it col­
lapsed. The reasons for the success o f the east are to be sought in its
greater material and spiritual resources. The Balkans bore the initial
brunt o f the furor Teutonicus, but the Germans were not able to
destroy the wealth and manpower o f Anatolia, Armenia, the
Caucasus, Syria, and Egypt. The strength which the more developed
urban society o f the east gave the empire is impressive. This society
also successfully resisted the internal penetration o f the barbarians
which threatened to Germanize the armies and bring the bureaucracy
under its control. W hen the Goths’ general Gainas attempted to
take over the government in Constantinople, he aroused a national­
ism which matched in ferocity that o f the nineteenth century.
Synesius, a Greek intellectual from the province o f Cyrenaica,
admonished the emperor that to have Germans in the army was the
equivalent o f bringing wolves into the sheepfold. Elaborating on the
old Hellenic theory that Greeks and barbarians were different in kind
and their union unnatural, he suggested that i f they could not be
34 sent beyond the Danube whence they had come, they should be put
 1 6 Gold coin o f
Theodoric the Great,
Ostrogothic ruler o f Italy,
who was nominally the
Byzantine emperor’s
deputy but in fact a
powerful independent
monarch

to labour in the fields. The Goths o f Anatolia, who had sided with
Gainas, were defeated by the local inhabitants, and when Gainas and
his Goths finally abandoned Constantinople, the citizens slew several
thousands o f the barbarians as they were departing.
The east had survived because it had the men, the resources,
and the w ill to survive. The west, unequal to the east in manpower
and wealth, was further debilitated by the breakdown o f the admini­
stration and the military machine.

C R I S I S OF T H E F O U R T H A N D FIFTH CENTURIES
Free o f Germans, the east was, however, faced with religious
problems which nearly succeeded in destroying it where the Ger­
mans had failed, and which were absent in this high degree in the
west. Christianity had experienced a remarkable expansion following
the conversion o f Constantine, for in the century that followed his
death, all rulers, save Julian, were dedicated Christians, Furthermore,
the evolution o f ecclesiastical institutions prior to 3 12 had endowed
Christianity with a well-developed administrative mechanism, the
efficiency o f which played an important role in its resistance to
persecution and then its spread. This apparatus, with the episcopacy
at the top and descending through the various lower clerical orders,
constituted a hierarchic pyramid which the neophyte had to ascend
from the bottom in order to attain any high office. Though many o f 35
 the bishops conceived o f their function in the light o f the Old
Testament, the influence o f the imperial administration upon the
structure o f the Church is obvious.
If, however, the spread o f Christianity implied its worldly involve­
ment, reaction to this situation, combined with the asceticism in the
N ew Testament, gave rise to monasticism. The heremitic monas-
ticism o f St Anthony and the cenobitic foundations o f St Pachomius
in Egypt represent the crystallization o f these ascetic tendencies within
the Church. Though both types o f monasticism remained popular
in the Byzantine empire, it was fortunate that St Basil adopted the
Pachomian version, and this ensured that the energies and power o f
the monastic movement would contribute to society at large.
A further result o f the growth o f the Church was the rivalry o f
certain episcopal sees within the Church structure. One o f the great
problems o f any federation is the difficulty o f reconciling the
theoretical equality o f all members with the realistic fact that
obviously some members are more important than others. In the
fifth century this rivalry became quite bitter as the bishops o f
Alexandria and Rome resented the rapid rise in prominence o f the
bishops o f Constantinople, and the Antiochene bishops attempted
unsuccessfully to put an end to the pretensions o f the episcopate o f
Jerusalem. Behind the ensuing struggle between the Churches o f
Constantinople and Rom e was the principle that the rank and impor­
tance o f a bishopric in the ecclesiastical administration depended upon
the size and importance o f the city in the civil administration. Just

17 St Menas, represented in this sixth-

century Coptic ivory box, was an
Egyptian martyred during
the Diocletian persecutions
1 8,19 Profane and sacred aspects o f Coptic art. W ool embroidery o f a dancer (left);
wall painting o f the Virgin and Child (right)

as the bishops o f Old Rome had enjoyed a position o f ecclesiastical

pre-eminence because Rome had been the capital o f the empire, so
now the bishop o f Constantinople claimed to enjoy a similar position
because he was bishop o f the N ew Rome. It was in response to these
claims o f Constantinople that Pope Damasus expounded the
doctrine o f Petrine supremacy in the late fourth century.
The great intellectual achievement o f the Church in the fourth and
fifth centuries was the definition o f Christianity through the
formulation o f a theology. Modern man for the most part considers
theology as little more than the irrelevant speculation o f the priestly
caste, neutralized and bypassed by the advance o f scientific thought. 37
 the bishops conceived o f their function in the light o f the Old
Testament, the influence o f the imperial administration upon the
structure o f the Church is obvious.
If, however, the spread o f Christianity implied its worldly involve­
ment, reaction to this situation, combined with the asceticism in the
N ew Testament, gave rise to monasticism. The heremitic monas-
ticism o f St Anthony and the cenobitic foundations o f St Pachomius
in Egypt represent the crystallization o f these ascetic tendencies within
the Church. Though both types o f monasticism remained popular
in the Byzantine empire, it was fortunate that St Basil adopted the
Pachomian version, and this ensured that the energies and power o f
the monastic movement would contribute to society at large.
A further result o f the growth o f the Church was the rivalry o f
certain episcopal sees within the Church structure. One o f the great
problems o f any federation is the difficulty o f reconciling the
theoretical equality o f all members with the realistic fact that
obviously some members are more important than others. In the
fifth century this rivalry became quite bitter as the bishops o f
Alexandria and Rome resented the rapid rise in prominence o f the
bishops o f Constantinople, and the Antiochene bishops attempted
unsuccessfully to put an end to the pretensions o f the episcopate o f
Jerusalem. Behind the ensuing struggle between the Churches o f
Constantinople and Rome was the principle that the rank and impor­
tance o f a bishopric in the ecclesiastical administration depended upon
the size and importance o f the city in the civil administration. Just

17 St Menas, represented in this sixth-

century Coptic ivory box, was an
Egyptian martyred during
the Diocletian persecutions
i 8,19 Profane and sacred aspects o f Coptic art. W ool embroidery o f a dancer (left);
wall painting o f the Virgin and Child (right)

as the bishops o f Old Rome had enjoyed a position o f ecclesiastical

pre-eminence because Rome had been the capital o f the empire, so
now the bishop o f Constantinople claimed to enjoy a similar position
because he was bishop o f the N ew Rome. It was in response to these
claims o f Constantinople that Pope Damasus expounded the
doctrine o f Petrine supremacy in the late fourth century.
The great intellectual achievement o f the Church in the fourth and
fifth centuries was the definition o f Christianity through the
formulation o f a theology. Modern man for the most part considers
theology as little more than the irrelevant speculation o f the priestly
caste, neutralized and bypassed by the advance o f scientific thought. 37
 But Byzantine society was theologically oriented. Theology seems
to have been the favourite topic o f conversation even with the
ordinary citizens o f Constantinople. Gregory o f Nyssa remarked
that when he went to the capital, the citizens were talking unintellig­
ible theology. ‘I f you ask someone how many obols a certain thing
costs, he replies by dogmatizing on the born and unborn. I f you ask
the price o f bread, they answer you, the Father is greater than the
Son, and the Son is subordinate to Him. I f you ask is m y bath ready,
they answer you, the Son has been made out o f nothing.’
The Greek passion for logic and speculation is abundantly evident
in the theological controversies o f the period and it might even be
said that theology represented a Christian sublimation o f these
Greek traits. The acts o f the first four ecumenical councils are the
conclusions which Greek theologians, utilizing Greek logic, extra­
polated from Christian teaching. The effort to define Christianity
in these councils, however, was as important politically as it was
religiously, for it eventually resulted in the disaffection o f Syria,
Palestine, and Egypt. Thus when Constantine had stated that God
demanded the unity and the well-being o f the Church as the price
for the empire’s prosperity, he had been, in a sense, prophetic. For
in the Byzantine empire the existence o f one emperor, one admini­
stration, and one church constituted the bonds which held the
multi-national populations together. The Trinitarian controversy,
which the Alexandrian priest Arius provoked when he stated that
Christ was less than God, consumed theologians and emperors for
over h alf a century. The Council o f Nicaea condemned the doctrines
o f Arius in 325, but since Constantius supported him the government
did not renounce the heresy until 381 when Theodosius I called the
ecumenical council o f Constantinople. Here the theologians formu­
lated the basic creed recited in the majority o f Christian churches
today. In asserting the full divinity o f the Trinity, the bishops
condemned a certain Apollonarius o f Laodicia, who had declared
that Christ was not fully man.
Arianism gradually subsided in the east, but was soon followed by
the Christological controversy, and this new debate, arising from the
38 different teachings o f the two theological schools o f Antioch and
 Alexandria, became further complicated by the ecclesiastical
ambitions o f the various participants. C yril, the patriarch o f Alexan­
dria, launched a bitter attack upon Nestorius, the patriarch o f
Constantinople, which culminated in the council o f Ephesus (431),
over which C yril, supported by his unruly Egyptians, presided.
Not surprisingly, he condemned Nestorius, and in so doing, formu­
lated the view that in Christ there occurred the union o f two natures,
the human and the divine. Though Nestorius himself evidently did
not subscribe to the views with which C yril charged him, the heresy
to which he lent his name emphasized the human nature o f Christ
at the expense o f the divine. The other extreme o f the Christian
position, emphasizing the divine at the expense o f the human, was
the salient characteristic o f the other Christological heresy, M ono­
physitism. C yril’s Egyptian followers distorted his doctrine o f the
union o f the two natures and declared that though there were two
natures before this union in Christ, afterwards there was only one
nature, the divine. It was the fourth ecumenical council at Chalcedon
which condemned the Monophysite doctrine and insisted upon the
completeness o f Christ in both his humanity and divinity. The council
censured Euytches, the propounder o f the Monophysite doctrine,
and his supporter, the Alexandrian bishop Dioscurus.
The council o f Chalcedon is a major landmark in the ecclesiastical
and political history o f the world. It completed the definition o f
Christianity which the councils o f the preceding century had
commenced, and it elevated the See o f Constantinople to a position
which overshadowed the Church o f Alexandria and which claimed
equality with Rome. The decisions o f Chalcedon also had political
consequences far beyond anything that the participants could have
imagined. Monophysitism originated as the position assumed by
certain theologians and bishops, but as a result o f its spread in Egypt
and Syria (those regions which had resisted complete Hellenization),
it eventually became associated with non-Greek populations. The
toleration which Zeno and Anastasius I accorded Monophysitism
enabled it to take such firm root that the emperors o f the sixth and
seventh centuries vacillated between persecution and compromise in
an unsuccessful effort to bring the Monophysites o f these provinces 39
 20 Julian the Apostate besieges Ctesiphon, capital o f the Sassanid empire, in the
campaign o f 362-63

back into the folds o f the state Church. The long-term political effect
o f the Christological controversy was the promotion o f disaffection
and the development o f cultural separatism within the empire.
In spite o f the formal triumph o f Christianity and state sponsorship
the Byzantine Church retained a strong missionary spirit. The
repeated anti-pagan decrees o f Constantine and Theodosius I
indicate that paganism was dying a slow death, and the revived
opposition o f Julian and the Roman senate to Christianity prolonged
its existence. In the more isolated areas paganism persisted for many
centuries, as was the case in the southern Peloponnese where the
Greeks did not receive Christian baptism until the ninth century.
Moreover, defeated paganism emerged quite often in the bosom o f
the Church in the form o f heresies. The Church was not able to
wean the people away from the pagan practices which had been
intimately associated with everyday life, and our own celebrations
o f 25 December and the N ew Year, hagiolatry, and other practices
are all evidence o f the compromises which Christianity had to make.
Even today in rural Greece the clergy still oppose the sacrifice o f
cocks by the peasants on the grounds that it is a pagan practice.
It was, however, in literature and learning that paganism won its
40 most obvious victory. When Christianity spread through the
Graeco-Roman world, it entered a literary and intellectual domain
which was superior to that o f the Semitic Near East. As Christianity
had very little with which to replace Graeco-Roman tradition in this
respect, Christian intellectuals were torn between the Christian texts
and classical literature. But in order to cope with the Mediterranean
world, Christianity had to accommodate itself to the lettered tradi­
tions that prevailed there, and the very use o f Greek in the N ew
Testament is p ro o f o f this necessary accommodation. The Alex­
andrians, Clement and Origen, created Christian scholarship by
adopting Greek critical and philological methods, and the Cappa­
docian fathers carried the process o f acculturation to its logical
conclusion. They accepted the value o f Greek paideia but declared it
to be incomplete. Christianity, they proclaimed, was the fulfilment
o f thepaideia o f the ancients, but they believed that the classics should
be studied for their literary form rather than for their content.
Christianity did bring new forms in certain respects—in ecclesiastical
history, for example, and in hagiography, and hymnography - but
the churchmen played a critical role in preserving the classics, copy­
ing and studying them and writing long commentaries on them.
This they did until the end o f the empire.

2 1 St Gregory Nazianzus, one o f the four fathers o f the eastern Church, and the
emperor Theodosius
JUSTINIAN THE GREAT
Justinian (527-65), more than any other ruler, was responsible for
establishing the finished forms and setting the tone o f the Byzantine
society which Diocletian and Constantine had established. His
personality and genius inspired and permeated all the great achieve­
ments that were accomplished during his long rule. In this respect
his role in the history o f the time was perhaps more important than
that o f Pericles in fifth-century b c Athens or o f Louis X IV in
France. O f obscure peasant origins, Justinian nevertheless received an
excellent education, and is perhaps the most remarkable example o f
that social mobility by which obscure but capable individuals could
rise spectacularly in the Byzantine empire. Possessed o f a lofty con­
ception o f his office, Justinian determined to reconstitute the empire
territorially, to unify the quarrelling factions in the Church, and to
simplify the legal accumulations o f the past centuries. The union o f
these elevated ideals with Justinian’s inexhaustible energies (his
subjects called him the sleepless emperor) resulted in the reconquest
o f much o f the west, the codification o f the law, and a phenomenal
artistic accomplishment. His beautiful consort, Theodora, was
perhaps o f even lower origins (she was the daughter o f a bear-tamer
at the hippodrome). All agree that she was a powerful personality,
and in spite o f the rather poor press she received from the prejudiced
Procopius, there is no doubt that she had a certain influence over
Justinian. In fact the relationship o f Theodora and Justinian recalls
the association o f Pericles and Aspasia. Though Justinian seems to
have maintained his own policies in most matters, his determined
wife often followed her own desires in such matters as the support
o f the Monophysite clergy. Perhaps her most decisive act was her
intervention in the resolution o f the court council that the emperor
should flee Constantinople during the Nika rebellion o f 532. Had
Justinian followed the decision to flee, his reign would have ter­
minated before the consummation o f the works for which it is
famous.
W hen the circus factions o f the Blues and Greens rioted in
January 532 they were carrying on an activity which had long been
42 familiar and dear to the inhabitants o f the empire’s cities. From at

22 An aristocratic family watching the games

at the Hippodrome in Constantinople ►
 ,
2 3 24 M osaic portraits o f Justinian and T heodora in the C hurch o f S. Vitale in R avenna

least the first century sports organizations had existed which were
responsible for the games in the hippodromes o f the cities. W ith the
passage o f time increasing numbers o f young men came to be
associated with one or another o f these circus factions. B y the fourth
and fifth centuries the competition o f the two most important o f
these, the Blues and Greens, had become so violent that it was accom­
panied by riots and urban warfare. The factions, however, came to
be much more than troublesome sport clubs, for with the barbarian
invasions which threatened the cities, the empire armed the demesmen
(citizens) and thereby converted the factions into an urban militia.
In a sense these urban militia sports organizations became the last
refuge o f the liberties o f the empire’s cities, and when Byzantine
authorities spoke o f ‘demokratia’, they usually had in mind the
rebellions and riots o f the Blues and Greens. Though the factions
44 usually fought one another, they joined forces and almost overthrew
25 Mosaic in S. Apollinare Nuovo showing the palace o f Theodoric with the city o f Ravenna
in the background

Justinian in the great Nika rebellion o f 532. It was during these events
that Theodora saved Justinian’s throne by urging him to fight to the
end. The rebellion, which destroyed a substantial part o f the city’s
centre, was finally defeated in a blood bath during which, contem­
poraries report, 30,000 perished.
The Nika riots stand as a turning-point o f Justinian’s reign; after
their suppression Justinian embarked upon his reconquest o f the
west, the rebuilding o f the capital, and the completion o f the codi­
fication o f the law.
In spite o f the fact that the imperial collapse in the west had been
complete, there were certain conditions favourable to tne Byzantine
reconquest. The indigenous population considered the Goths and
Vandals as Arian heretics, whereas the emperor o f Constantinople
represented the religious establishment. Their settlement in Italy
and Africa and their association with a more advanced society had 45
 begun to transform many o f the barbarian leaders, with the result
that the successors o f both Theodoric and Gaiseric were somewhat
tamer. Finally, the complex system o f marriage alliances, which
Theodoric had arranged with the Vandal, Thuringian, and Visigothic
kingdoms, collapsed and left the Vandals and Ostrogoths diplomatic­
ally isolated. After having concluded a peace with the Persians in the
east, Justinian sent Belisarius to North Africa in 533. This brilliant
general, with only 16,000 men, rapidly put an end to the Vandal
kingdom, and by the following year returned to Constantinople
where the Vandal king Gelemir and his treasures (which the Vandals
had taken from Rome in 455) graced Belisarius’ triumph in the
hippodrome.
The political situation in Italy greatly facilitated the Byzantine
invasion o f the peninsula, for not only had the Ostrogoths and
Vandals turned against one another (as a result o f this the Ostrogoths
had, with incredible lack o f foresight, permitted the Byzantine fleet
to use Sicily as a base for the African expedition), but Queen
Amalasuntha had close relations with Justinian. At the same time
Byzantine diplomacy had assured papal support by the denunciation
in 5 18 -19 o f the Henoticon (482) o f the emperor Zeno. The Heno-
ticon, an edict o f Monophysitic nature, had alienated the papacy and
caused a schism between the churches o f Constantinople and Rome,
which furnished Theodoric with a considerable diplomatic and
political advantage in his relations with Byzantium. W hen the
murder o f Amalasuntha at the hands o f an anti-Byzantine Gothic
faction deprived Justinian o f his principal pawn, he sent Belisarius
to accomplish by arms what diplomacy had failed to do.
The invasion o f Sicily in 535 marked the beginning o f the recon­
quest o f Italy which was to last for more than two decades and was to
devastate the peninsula. The length and difficulty o f the campaign
was due to the meagreness o f the manpower and financial resources
which Justinian placed at Belisarius’ disposal. The inadequacy o f
Belisarius’ troops (he began the task with only 8,000 soldiers)
enabled the Goths to carry on a protracted resistance and often to
retake lands and cities from the Byzantines (Rome changed hands
46 five times). Hence it was not until the middle o f the century that the
eunuch Narses settled the issue favourably, by which time Byzantine
arms had also utilized Visigothic dynastic disputes to regain a foot­
hold in Spain.
B y exploiting the diplomatic isolation o f his opponents in the
west and by assuming a defensive stance in the east, Justinian had
succeeded in converting the Mediterranean once more into an im­
perial lake, and the destruction o f the two barbarian kingdoms had
also brought a temporary lustre to the imperial name. Justinian
realized his imperial and Christian ideals not only in the political
action o f reconquest but also extensively in his architectural and
artistic embellishment o f the empire. Byzantine art was heavily
indebted to Helleno-Oriental developments in Anatolia, Syria and
Egypt, but the product which emerged was no servile imitation. It
remained faithful to the Christianized Greek spirit and contrasted
sharply with Coptic and Syrian art. The political, religious and
economic centralization o f the empire in Constantinople was decisive
in the character o f Byzantine art, and the appearance o f an inspired
monarch with a handful o f gifted architects and artists not only
induced a crystallization but simultaneously produced the apogee o f
Byzantine art. Constantinople itself sent forth the architects and
plans for churches, civic buildings, and fortifications to its provinces.
Even in such a detail as the carving o f capitals o f columns the domina­
tion o f Constantinople is reflected, for most such capitals were o f a
uniform Constantinople type and were hewn from the Proconessian
quarries near the capital.

26 Cornice and capitals from the Church o f SS. Sergius and Bacchus, built in the
reign o f Justinian

47
 27 Byzantine masons at work,
miniature from a psalter

The N ika riots, by virtue o f the extensive destruction which

they caused to the capital, enabled Justinian to give full play to his
passion for building and to provide the city with architectural
monuments worthy o f its status as the greatest city west o f China.
Constantinople had grown so rapidly after 330 that in the fifth
century new land walls had to be built in order to protect the greatly
expanded metropolis. As the disturbances o f 532 had gutted exten­
sive sections o f the district near the palace, including Hagia Sophia
and the senate buildings, Justinian determined to rebuild the church
on a magnificent scale and for this purpose purchased the remaining
48 houses in order to demolish them. The new church which he con-
structed ranks, along with the Parthenon and St Peter’s in Rome, as
one o f the three most important buildings in European history, and
is the most significant edifice in the religious architecture o f eastern
Europe and the Near East. Just as in the military realm Justinian was
served by competent generals, so too in his building activities he
enjoyed the assistance o f talented architects, the best known o f whom,
Anthemius o f Tralles and Isidore o f Miletus, built this famous
church. Justinian assembled marble and stone from the pagan monu­
ments o f Athens, Rome, Ephesus and Baalbek, and the quarries o f
Greece, Egypt, Africa and Asia M inor furnished new marbles. The
splendour o f the marbles was enhanced by the lavish application o f 49
■1 If
MBf

29, 3 ° Hagia Eirene

(above) was built in
532 under Justinian.
The Roman tradition
o f practical civic
building was con­
tinued by Justinian,
during whose reign
these underground
cisterns (left) were
constructed
31 The Aqueduct o f Valens, Constantinople, was built in 368 to carry water to the
imperial palaces

gold, silver, ivory and semi-precious stones. Justinian and his archi­
tects, at the head o f several thousand workers, terminated this
1 lerculean labour in the relatively short period o f five years.
At the inauguration ceremony o f the completed church
(27 December 537), the patriarch received Justinian at the church’s
entrance and thereby initiated a new period in Byzantine ceremonial
which was to last within the empire itself until 1453. Justinian
entered the church and proclaimed aloud, ‘Glory to God who has
deemed me worthy o f accomplishing such a w o r k ! O Solom on !
I have vanquished th ee!’ Architecturally the great accomplishment
was the raising o f the enormous central dome (thirty-one metres in
diameter) which the architects achieved by a series o f devices trans­
ferring the great weight o f the dome successively onto four pen-
dentives and then onto four huge piers. The interplay o f the light
which entered through the windows in the dome and walls, with the 51
 splendid marbles and mosaic decoration, and the spatial arrangement
o f the building, were to overpower and awe worshippers and
observers for a millennium. Justinian supplied the capital with a new
senate building, public baths and cisterns, and o f course with other
churches. Second in importance to Hagia Sophia was the Church o f
the H oly Apostles built in the form o f the Greek cross and sur­
mounted with five domes. In the provinces his artistic efforts are still
to be seen as far west as Italy and as far east as Mount Sinai. Finally,
the imperial architects o f the period girt the frontiers with an exten­
sive network o f fortresses in the vain hope o f holding the barbarians.
As famous as Hagia Sophia, but more significant historically, was
the legal monument which Justinian bequeathed, with the assistance
o f the untiring Tribonian, to succeeding centuries. Though local
practice and law were very much alive, the legal relations o f Byzan­
tine society formally rested upon the enormous legal repository
which centuries o f imperial edicts and the legal opinions o f famous
lawyers had created. Justinian accompanied the simplification and
codification o f the law with a reform in the textbooks and instruction
o f law in the schools.
The patronage o f Justinian and the splendour o f the age were also
reflected in the intellectual activity o f the capital and the provinces,
an activity which was to be largely centralized in Constantinople
after the loss o f the eastern provinces to the Arabs. Procopius, in
spite o f his occasional slanders, is the dominant literary figure. In his
history o f Justinian’s wars he is a worthy continuator o f the ancient
Greek historiographical traditions. His analysis o f the plague which
decimated the empire in 542, so closely modelled on its Thucydidean
counterpart, is illustrative o f the inspiration which Herodotus,
Thucydides, and Polybius furnished to Byzantine historiography
and which accounts for its superiority to that o f the medieval West.
Because o f this continuity Greek historiography has a record o f
longevity second only to that o f the Chinese. Choricius o f Gaza, too,
followed the classical pattern in rhetoric by modelling his oratory
on that o f Demosthenes. In contrast to this archaistic classicism was
Justinian’s closing o f the ancient schools o f philosophy in Athens.
52 The greatest o f the Byzantine hymnographers, Romanus Melodus,

32 Interior o f Hagia Sophia, after an engraving made about 1850,

which gives a better idea o f the scale o f the building than modern photographs
33, 34 Byzantine craftsmanship at its best. The agate ‘Rubens vase’ (once owned by the painter),
c. 400 (left); and a personification o f India (right), a silver plate o f the sixth century

composed religious poetry in conformity with the spoken rather

than written Greek, whereas the court poet, Paul Silentiarius
composed his description o f Hagia Sophia in classical hexameters.
This development o f two languages remained a characteristic o f the
Byzantine tradition until modern times. The progress o f Greek as the
official language o f the government was well on its w ay by the end
o f Justinian’s reign, a process which harmonized with reality.
The evolution which took place in the three centuries between
Diocletian’s accession and Justinian’s death had effected dramatic
changes in Mediterranean society without causing any drastic and
abrupt break with the past. The institutions which this evolution
produced had attained political and economic uniformity, but in
spite o f Justinian’s activity they had not succeeded in producing a
religious and cultural homogeneity. These disparate elements
effectively hindered the integration o f Byzantine society and thus
54 greatly weakened it.
 35, 36 The silver-gilt cross with
gems (above) was presented by
Justin II to the pope in about 570,
and is much restored. The carved
throne (c. 550) o f Archbishop
Maximian o f Ravenna is considered
the finest piece o f large-scale ivory
work in the world. It was probably
made in Constantinople by several
hands
37 This multi-solidus gold piece (now lost) was minted to celebrate Belisarius’
victory over the Vandals, but shows the glorified emperor Justinian in military dress
 II E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF A H O M O G E N E O U S
B Y Z A N T IN E SOCIETY

HERACLIANS AND ISAURIANS

Retrenchment
Justinian had accomplished his spectacular reconquest o f the west at
a very high price: the neglect o f the Balkan and Asiatic provinces.
The most remarkable example o f this was the Syrian campaign o f
the Persian monarch Chosroes who, in 540, sacked the great metro­
polis o f Antioch. This neglect, compounded by the financial exhaus­
tion ensuing from Justinian’s grandiose projects, was to bear bitter
fruit in the seventh century. Furthermore, the centralizing forces so
manifest in the artistic, legal, religious and political programme o f
Justinian failed to overcome the centrifugal tendencies in the west
and above all in the east. The process by which the east disengaged
itself from Byzantine Hellenism in the sixth and seventh centuries
put the finishing touches to a development which had moved fitfully
for a millennium.
It is ironic that the religious differences which became the focal
points o f strife between Constantinople and the non-Greek eastern
provinces ultimately derived from the position o f the theological
schools o f Antioch and Alexandria, both o f which schools represented
Greek metaphysical traditions. In spite o f the condemnation o f
Monophysitism at Chalcedon (451), the succession o f two M ono-
physite emperors (Zeno and Anastasius I) and the passivity o f Justin I
provided several decades o f conditions favourable to the spread o f
Monophysitism in Egypt and Syria. Justinian was thus faced with a
body o f strongly-rooted sectaries and his task o f bringing the
Monophysites into the Church was further complicated by his need
to placate the papacy and by Theodora’s unashamed patronage o f the
Monophysite clergy. Accordingly, there is an extraordinary range 57
 and diversity in Justinian’s theological actions. He was, variously, a
supporter o f the decisions o f the council o f Chalcedon, a Theo-
paschite, and a Monophysite o f the Aphthartodocetist persuasion,
as he tried vainly to please one and all.
Monophysitism had the advantage o f two very capable leaders in
the sixth century who gave the sect articulate form : Severus who
formulated Monophysite theology, and Jacob Baradaeus who
erected the ecclesiastical structure o f the Monophysite Church.
In a period when the Chalcedonians occupied many o f the bishoprics
Jacob ordained Monophysite bishops for the same episcopal sees; and
though they were unable to take over the sees to which they were
appointed, he thereby created the skeleton o f a Monophysite
hierarchy which could, under more propitious circumstances,
replace the Chalcedonian clergy. The emergence o f Monophysitism
gave further impetus to the development o f Coptic and Syriac as
liturgical and literary languages so that by the early seventh century
the conflict brewing between Chalcedonian Greeks and Egyptian-
Syrian Monophysites was ethnic as well as religious.
The succession o f the incompetent and brutal Phocas (602-10)
marked the low point o f the decline which followedjustinian’s death.
An almost complete military collapse in the east and the Balkans,
bloody repression o f the eastern sectaries, and the suicidal strife o f
the Blues and Greens in the cities were rapidly debilitating and
consuming the empire. The papacy alone rejoiced in the rule o f the
bloodthirsty Phocas. This was Phocas’ reward for taking the side
o f Pope Gregory I who had earlier protested against the assump­
tion by the patriarch o f Constantinople o f the title oecumenical
patriarch. However, the ease with which Heraclius, son o f the
Armenian exarch o f North Africa, put an end to the reign o f Phocas
indicates that the Byzantines were sickened by him.
W hen Heraclius arrived in Constantinople the empire’s position
appeared beyond redemption, for the Avars, with their Slav and
Bulgar subjects, were overrunning the Balkans, and the Persians
were advancing through the eastern provinces, until in 615 they had
actually occupied Egypt, Syria, and Palestine. The Persians subjected
58 Jerusalem to massacre and fire, carrying o ff to Ctesiphon the Holy
Cross and the patriarch; and in Egypt a Coptic governor now ruled
the land under the aegis o f Persia. W ith the encampment o f the
Persian armies under Shahen on the Bosphorus, Heraclius was
virtually cut o ff from the principal sources o f manpower and
revenues in the greater part o f the Balkans and the Near East. But
CConstantinople, protected by God, the Virgin, and its impregnable
mural and maritime defences, remained inviolate. So long as the
enemy could not capture this nerve centre, the empire possessed in
Constantinople a remarkable vehicle o f regeneration. The wisdom o f
Constantine the Great in choosing this site for his capital was to be
proved many times in the history o f Byzantium.
Heraclius, however, found the situation so hopeless that he
decided to abandon Constantinople for Carthage where his family
enjoyed prestige and where eight decades o f Byzantine rule had
restored economic prosperity. But accident intervened. The ship
which had been loaded with the palace treasures sank in a storm, and
the patriarch Sergius bound the emperor by oath not to abandon the
capital and offered the treasures o f the Church to the state. Heraclius
now concentrated on building up his military strength, postponing
any m ove against the Persians until the day after Easter in 622 when
lie sailed from Constantinople to Issus and there began a series o f
gruelling campaigns that were to last until 628.

3 8, 39, 40 Imperial portraits: gold solidus o f Phocas (probably issued in 603); solidus o f Heraclius
(between 613 and 629), shown with his son, afterwards Constantine III; and a later solidus o f
Heraclius (between 629 and 631), now with a heavy beard and moustache, and grown-up son
 This Perso-Byzantine war, accompanied by feverish religious
passions and hatreds, is perhaps the first full-fledged crusade o f the
Middle Ages. The poet-chronicler, George o f Pisidia, casts the
emperor in the role o f pious fighter for the faith as he describes how,
on the eve o f the first encounter between Heraclius and the Persian
Shahr Barz in the Anti-Taurus,

Cymbals and all kinds o f music gratified the ears o f Shahr

Barz and naked women danced before him, while the Christian
emperor sought delight in psalms sung to mystical instru­
ments, which awoke a divine echo in his soul.

In 623, while campaigning in Azerbaijan, the Byzantine troops

systematically destroyed the fire temples o f the Persians in city after
city. In particular they destroyed Thebarmes, supposed birthplace o f
Zoroaster, in revenge for the Persian desecration o f Jerusalem.
The great crisis came when the Avars laid siege to Constantinople
in 626. Chosroes sent Shahr Barz with a new army to co-operate
with the Avars in besieging the capital, and ordered Shahen (under
pain o f death) to hunt down Heraclius in the east. The emperor,
refusing to abandon Anatolia and the gains he had made in four
years o f campaigning, set out for Azerbaijan where he received assist­
ance from the Khazar khan. Meanwhile the siege o f Constantinople
was pushed forward throughout the month o f Ju ly, at the end o f
which time the Avar khan arrived; but his great assault on the land
walls was repulsed, it is said by a miraculous icon o f the Virgin. All
further efforts by both Avars and Persians failed before the spirited
defenders (Constantinople was defended by only about 12,000 men)
and finally the siege was abandoned. The composition o f the famous
Akathistos hymn (still sung in Orthodox churches during the Easter
season) is traditionally associated with the patriarch Sergius and this
successful defence o f the city.
The end came in 627 when Heraclius inflicted a decisive defeat on
the Persian forces in the region between Nineveh and Gaugamela
where a thousand years earlier Alexander had destroyed the Ache-
60 menid empire. In 628 the Sassanids, their power broken, sued for
 41 The emperor
Heraclius (610-41),
son o f the governor
o f North Africa,
who replaced the
incompetent and
brutal Phocas.
He saved Byzantium
from the Persians,
only to see the Arabs
sweep away his Middle
Eastern and North
African possessions

peace and relinquished all their conquests. Heraclius returned to

Constantinople where he was received by the patriarch Sergius and
the Holy Cross, recently recaptured, was raised in a joyous cere­
mony. A year later the emperor, accompanied by his family,
journeyed to Jerusalem where he restored the Cross. Heraclius must
have looked back to the year 622 as the turning-point not only in his
personal fortune but in that o f the empire. He could not know that
this same date marked the reversal o f fortune in the life o f another
man, a Semite o f Arabia, who also abandoned his own city o f
Mecca, to go forth to a battle for dominion over men’s souls and
minds. 61
 The restoration o f Byzantine power in the east was temporary and
Heraclius himself saw the beginning o f its collapse. The immense
exertion which had led to his spectacular victory over the Sassanids
simultaneously depleted the empire and contributed further to the
weakness arising from sectarian and cultural pluralism. Heraclius
and his successors made continued attempts to compromise with the
Monophysites in a desperate effort to maintain some kind o f internal
cohesion in the critical areas. From 626 onward Sergius and Heraclius
appealed to the Armenians and Syrians by enunciating the doctrine
that, though Christ was both human and divine, He was possessed
o f only one energy. W hen this doctrine met with opposition from
Chalcedonians the patriarch and emperor shifted their ground and ^
declared in the Ecthesis (638) that Christ had one w ill (Mono-
thelitism). But the results were no more satisfactory. As late as 648
the emperor Constans II attempted to hold the conflicting parties
together by forbidding discussions o f energies or wills in his Typicon,
but again to no avail. When, in 680-81, the sixth ecumenical
council condemned Monophysitism and Monothelitism and asserted
two wills and two energies without division, alteration, separation,
or confusion, Monophysitism was no longer a political problem. The
Arabs, in conquering Egypt, Syria, Palestine and Armenia, had
removed the Monophysites from the empire and relegated the
question to the realm o f academic theology. So long as the emperors
had hopes o f saving the eastern provinces they tried to satisfy the
M onophysites; now it was no longer necessary.

The threat o f Islam

The Arab conquests o f the seventh century, which so altered the
historical development o f Europe and the Middle East, are as
inexplicable and startling to us today as they were to the Byzantines.
The new religion which the prophet Muhammed preached trans­
formed much o f Arabian society by providing it with religious bonds
o f unity and an elan vital which had previously been lacking. The
Arabs had also acquired considerable knowledge o f the outside
world, whether as mercenaries o f the Byzantines and Persians or as
62 merchants in the carrying trade between the Mediterranean and the
 Indian Ocean. When the Arabs finally spilled out o f the Arabian
peninsula they found the Byzantines not yet recovered from the
Persian struggle and suffering from the internal convulsions o f
religious discord. The Persians, defeated by the Byzantines, had in
addition suffered from a fossilized social structure that resulted in the
jacquerie and communism o f the Mazdakites.
Soon after the death o f Muhammed (632) the Arabs began to raid
the regions o f both empires immediately to the north. Their attacks
on Byzantine territory culminated in the battle o f the Yarm uk
(636), a crushing defeat for the Byzantines, which settled the fate o f
Syria and Palestine, though the Hellenic centres o f Jerusalem and
Caesarea did not fall until 638 and 640. The Chalcedonian patriarch
o f Jerusalem, Sophronius, received the caliph Um ar in Jerusalem
and served as his guide to the principal holy sites. The most uncom­
promising opponent o f Heraclius’ attempt to placate the M ono-
physites with Monothelitism, Sophronius reaped the rewards o f his
obstinacy when he witnessed Umar reverently kneeling in the
precinct o f the Church o f the Resurrection. This sight moved Soph­
ronius to remark: ‘The abomination o f the desolation which was
spoken o f by Daniel the prophet is in the holy place.’ In 637 the
Arab armies defeated the Persians at Kadesiya, in 640 Am r ibn al-As
invaded Egypt and one year later the acquisition o f Syria, Palestine
and Iraq was completed by the conquest o f Mesopotamia. In less
than a decade a little-known people had with ease terminated a
millennium o f Graeco-Roman rule in the Near East and had settled
the fate o f the Sassanid state.
The critical phase o f the struggle between Byzantium and the new
Islamic giant took place in the reign o f Constantine IV (668-85),
when the ambitious caliph M uawiyya set out to take Constantinople.
I Ie sent his armies repeatedly into Asia M inor and, in a phenomenal
display o f adaptation, created an Arab naval power which soon
occupied Cyprus, Rhodes, Chios and Cyzicus. His forces first
besieged Constantinople in 669, but the major effort o f the Arabs
came in the five-year period 674-78. The Arab fleet based at Cyzicus
and the armies which marched across Anatolia tried to storm the
powerful bastion, but in vain, and both the Arab fleet and army
 42, 43 The Islamic coin (below),
bearing an adaptation o f a
Christian cross on steps, indicates
the extent o f Byzantine cultural
penetration. Right, Mecca as it
appeared in 1800; the window­
less building in the centre is the
K a’ba

suffered a humiliating disaster in which the dreaded Greek fire

invented by a Greek from Syria made its debut. Constantine IV had
providentially equipped his fleet with siphons for propelling the
secret weapon, and Greek fire became one o f the most dreaded
weapons o f the imperial fleets. This Byzantine victory was crucial for
the history o f both Christendom and Islam, far more so than the
victory o f Charles Martel at Poitiers (732). The empire was able to
overcome the greatest military effort o f Islam and thus to preserve
the Christian character o f European civilization. The defeat o f
M uaw iyya turned the Arab power back to the Middle East whence it
had come, and though the Arabs succeeded in taking Spain, Islamic
civilization was eventually confined to non-European areas.
In contrast to Syria, Palestine and Egypt where the Arabs had
found a predominantly Monophysite and non-Greek population,
64 Anatolia and the European provinces represented a predominantly
Greek-speaking Orthodox population. Consequently when the
rapid advance o f the Arabs halted on the borders o f Anatolia and at
the maritime borders o f the Mediterranean islands, the geographic,
political and ethnic boundaries coincided. Asia M inor remained an
integral part o f the empire, intimately involved in the annual raids
and counter-raids o f the two sides, while the Arab maritime advance
halted with the conquest o f Crete and Sicily in the ninth century.
The emergence o f Islamic power, monopolizing Byzantine mili­
tary efforts, was the ultimate cause for Byzantium ’s loss o f the west.
In this sense the Arab invasion did result in the disruption o f the
unity in the old Mediterranean world. W hen the Arabs occupied
the Byzantine territories, however, they adopted the urban civiliza­
tion o f Damascus and Antioch, o f Jerusalem and Alexandria, so that
Byzantine social, economic and cultural institutions continued after
the conquest. But in the political realm there was a sharp break <$5
 between the Islamic and Christian portions o f the Mediterranean.
Furthermore, it was the Arab invasions which led the papacy
to turn its back on Constantinople and to face northwest Europe,
thus beginning the policy which led to the alienation o f east and
west.

The new Western empire

Less than half a century after Narses had re-established Byzantine
rule in Italy, the Lombards conquered most o f the peninsula.
Although the emperors did not neglect Italy (Constans II even made
an expedition to Italy in 663 in an effort to expel the conquerors)
their life-and-death struggle with the Arabs and Bulgars made it
virtually impossible for them to check the Lombards. Differences
between the Churches o f Constantinople and Rome appeared early
because o f the swift rise o f the former as the most important o f the
eastern patriarchal seats, and by the eighth century the Iconoclastic
controversy exacerbated relations. Nevertheless, the popes relied
upon the emperors for protection against the troublesome Lombards.
But the fall in 751 o f Ravenna, the centre o f the Byzantine exarchate
in central Italy, and the inability o f Constantine V to halt the
Lombards because o f his intensive military campaigns against the
Bulgars and the Arabs, isolated the papacy. The result was that three
years later Pope Stephen II journeyed beyond the Alps to meet the
Frankish ruler Pepin - a step which started the famous partnership
between the Carolingians and the papacy and culminated in Charle­
magne’s coronation by the pope in Rome on 25 December 800.

44 Constantine V ‘Copronymoils’
(741-75), under whom the persecution
66 o f icon-worshippers reached its height
45 Irene, widow o f Leo III, was the only woman who ruled the empire on her
own (797-802). She did little to enhance its power or prosperity, but re-introduced
for a time the worship o f icons

This act deeply disturbed the Byzantines because it violated the

principle o f one empire, and they attempted to oppose Charles’
usurpation. But in the hostilities which ensued Constantinople was
forced to concede to Charlemagne the title o f Basileus in 812. There
was now an empire o f the east and one o f the west as well, and the
Byzantine monopoly was broken. The emergence o f the western
empire is the most spectacular moment in the rise o f a new society
in western Europe. Just as the genius o f Justinian had marked the
emergence o f Byzantine civilization in the sixth century, so the
figure o f Charlemagne helped to mould the civilization o f western 67
 Europe which began to take shape in his time. As the centuries
passed the two societies grew apart in political, social, economic,
cultural and spiritual life and their separate development is the basis
o f the difference between western and eastern Europe in modern
times. B y causing the papacy to seek out the Carolingians the Arab
successes in the east played an important role in laying the foundation
o f western European culture. It was also other peoples o f the east,
the Mongols and the Turks, who at a later period effectively isolated
the peoples o f Byzantine culture from the culture o f the west, and
so sharpened the differences which are so apparent in the history o f
Europe during early modern times. Thus the impact o f the Orient,
Islamic and Altaic, has been one o f the decisive factors in the whole
development o f east and west in Europe.

Disorder in the Balkans

In the Balkan regions Justinian’s neglect coincided with the mount­
ing demographic pressure o f new peoples. The lands to the south
o f the Danube, areas o f pillage and raiding since the fourth cen­
tury, had been occupied by Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Huns, Gepids,
and Heruli, who had desolated the northern h alf o f the peninsula,
so that by the sixth century when the Slavs and Bulgars settled there
they effected a major ethnographic change. The Slav and Bulgarian
tribes which had made their w ay to the Danubian shores early in the
sixth century took advantage o f Justinian’s pre-occupation with the
west to cross the borders and to raid imperial territory almost
unopposed. The Bulgars invaded the Balkan peninsula in 540,
ravaged Thrace, Macedonia, Illyricum, and pressed south as far as
Corinth. The Sklavenoi similarly invaded Illyricum in 548, their
raid culminating in the sack o f Dyrrachium on the Adriatic. Their
failure before the walls o f Thessalonica two years later was the first
in a long series o f attempts by both Slavs and Bulgars to break out
into the Aegean, and the loss o f the city would have entailed serious
consequences for Byzantine control in the Greek peninsula. The
pressure o f the barbarians over the years was such that the Thes-
salonicans attributed their salvation to the miraculous intervention
68 o f St Demetrius, their patron saint.
 The Altaic people known as Kotrigurs invaded the Byzantine
districts in 559, reaching Thermopylae in central Greece and the
environs o f Constantinople in the east. Justinian himself and the
populace o f the capital were panic-stricken, for there were no armies
with which to defend the city. Fortunately Belisarius, who had been
disgraced by the jealous emperor, hastily gathered a group ofpeasants
and horses and succeeded in terrifying and driving o ff the Kotrigurs.
Thus, for the greater part o f Justinian’s reign the Balkans were the
scene o f activity o f various Slavic and Altaic tribes which raided the
land sporadically without any overall supervision or direction. The
appearance o f the Avars on the Danube in 561 altered the situation
radically. The Avars, like their predecessors the Huns, were an
Altaic people who had abandoned the Asiatic steppe under the
pressure o f the newly-formed Oguz empire. Desiring lands in the
empire and having beeri, refused by Justinian, the newcomers set
out to take them by force. Much as the Huns had made military
vassals o f the Germans, so the Avars subjugated the Slavs and Bul-
gars and utilized their manpower in the conflict with Byzantium.
The emperor Maurice temporarily halted the threat when for the
last time he re-established the Danube as the imperial boundary in
599-600. But the rebellion o f the army at the prospect o f lengthy
campaigns in the inclement Balkans followed by the chaotic rule o f
Phocas (602-10) decided the fate o f the northern and central
Balkans. The barbarians poured into the peninsula, destroyed
Byzantine authority and began to settle on the land in great numbers.
W ith the capture o f the principal urban centres in the north, the
newcomers destroyed the focal points o f the Church and the
administration in provinces which had previously suffered depopula­
tion. Thus the invasions not only resulted in a drastic ethnographic
transformation, but also obliterated Christianity and Byzantine
civilization. T w o and a half centuries were to elapse before the
elements o f Byzantine culture could again be introduced in the area
now occupied by the Slavs and Bulgars.
Though the Avars succeeded in occupying much o f the Balkans
and even in taking the towns o f the north, the walled urban centres
o f Thrace and Greece proved to be the final obstacle to their success. 69
 Nevertheless, with their Slav and Bulgar auxiliaries they seriously
threatened Thessalonica and Constantinople in the early seventh
century and once more the fate o f Byzantine civilization hung in the
balance. Thessalonica, in particular, was exposed to the invading
hordes because o f its strategic location m idway between Con­
stantinople and southern Greece. The plight o f the empire is drama­
tically recounted in the miracula o f St Demetrius, the city’s patron
saint:
Under the episcopate o f John the people o f Sklavenoi arose,
an immense people composed o f Drogouvites, Sagoudates,
Velegazites, Vaiounites, Verzites, and other peoples. Having
made and armed ships o f a single tree trunk, they ravaged all
Thessaly, the neighbouring isles and the isles o f Helladicon,
the Cyclades, all Achaea, Epirus, the majority o f Illyricum and
part o f Asia, leaving behind them all o f the cities and eparchies
as deserts.

At this time, also, the Avars and their followers made a great
effort to reduce Thessalonica in a siege which endured for thirty-
three days. Thanks to the energies o f its archbishop and also to the
strength o f the city walls, the city, flooded with refugees who had
managed to flee from various parts o f the Balkans, survived the
attacks.
W ith their failure before Thessalonica and their even more
dramatic defeat before the walls o f Constantinople in 626, the Avar
threat disappeared. The Bulgars and Slavs shortly escaped from
A var tutelage and the Bulgarian khan Kubrat established the Bulgars
in the regions o f the northern Vardar. During this period the rear­
guard o f the Slav invaders, the Croats and Serbs, also entered the
Balkans. Their settlements were o f course densest in the northern
Balkans, but Slavs settled extensively in parts o f Greece as well. It
was the less numerous Bulgars, however, who became the most
powerful group politically. Constantine IV suffered a military defeat
at their hands in 680, and was forced to cede the lands north o f
Mount Haemus to the khan Asperuch, though the empire enjoyed
70 a respite during the reign o f Constantine V who crushed the Bulgars
ill repeated campaigning. But the recklessness o f Nicephorus I,
which led to his death and the defeat o f his army in the mountainous
passes o f northern Bulgaria, enabled the Bulgarian ruler Krum to
establish the Bulgarian state on firm foundations.
The centuries o f barbarian invasions and the disastrous policy o f
Justinian and o f some o f his successors produced a completely new
ethnographic and political pattern in the Balkans. The ninth-century
map o f the Balkans indicates how complete this change was. There
were Croats in the west, Narentines in Dalmatia, Serbs and Bulgars
in the north and east, and finally numerous Slavs who had settled in
Greece where, however, they were eventually absorbed by the
indigenous population.

Administrative change
The pressure to which the repeated blows o f the barbarian peoples
subjected Byzantium not only resulted in great losses but also
stimulated great internal change and readjustment. This internal
evolution indicates that even though Byzantine statecraft never
conceived the possibility o f altering the framework o f autocracy,
it was nevertheless capable o f great institutional adaptability and
resilience. For centuries the administration had been based on
Diocletian’s separation o f civil and military authority, and this
arrangement had given the empire respite from rebellion. But the
new situation, in which external forces threatened Byzantium with
destruction, demanded effective military action. The separation o f
civil and military power, because o f the paralysis o f action which it
entailed, had to be abandoned. The invasion o f the Lombards and
the incessant raids o f the Berbers had prompted the emperor
Maurice to reunite political and military authority in each area
in the hands o f one individual, the exarch o f Ravenna and the ex­
arch o f Carthage. Thus began the militarization o f the provincial
administration, a process which was to lead to extensive social
change as well. The process was carried further when, at the time o f
the Persian invasions o f the early seventh century, Heraclius decided
to militarize the administration in those Anatolian districts which
were still controlled by the empire. As a result the strategos (general) 71
 o f a theme (province) became the supreme official in both the
military and civil life o f his theme. Furthermore, the creation o f a
theme entailed the settlement o f troops in that particular province,
who were supported by gifts o f land. Henceforward the perform­
ance o f military duty by the soldiers o f the themes and their enjoy­
ment o f their freehold lands became inseparable.
The Arab conquests and the invasions o f the Slavs and Bulgars led
to a further development and extension o f the thematic system, and
eventually the militarization o f provincial government came to
comprehend the whole o f the empire. Because o f the loss o f the major
part o f the Balkans, the themes o f Anatolia became the principal
recruiting ground o f the Byzantine army, which they remained for
the next four centuries. There is no doubt that the new administrative
establishment was o f great benefit to the empire for it actually
created a new peasant army. The peasant soldiery, with its small land-
holdings from which it derived the wherewithal to equip itself,
provided each province with an indigenous army ready at all times
to meet the foe. The appearance o f this new ‘national’ army was
matched by a corresponding decline in the prominence o f the foreign
mercenaries who had been so conspicuous an element in the Byzan­
tine armies during preceding centuries. The loyalty o f the latter had
never gone far beyond their pay, whereas that o f the new peasant-
soldier derived from emotional as well as economic sources. Further­
more, the elevation o f a section o f the peasantry into a military
class, together with government support o f the peasant as a free
landowner and thereby a strengthening o f the peasant class as a
whole, helped greatly to revitalize the empire’s social structure. For
in the centuries that followed, the emperors were able to restrict the
power o f the great landed magnates by supporting and utilizing the
peasantry. The amelioration o f the conditions o f the peasant class
was also a great boon to the imperial fisc as the peasants assumed a
considerable portion o f the tax burden.

Iconoclasm
I f the invasions o f Arabs, Slavs, and Lombards constituted a crisis
for the body o f the empire, the Iconoclastic controversy may be

46 The Bulgars’ invasion o f Byzantine territory; illustrations in a twelfth-

century Slavonic manuscript. In the lower half, Krum, king o f the Bulgars, is
taunting the captured emperor Nicephorus I
 I ' I

* 0J

m§mmmmmmm
 i

47, 48 Iconoclasm. A coin o f Justinian II (left) still bears the head o f Christ.
Right, the emperor Leo III (717-4 1), who launched the attack on icons

described as a crisis o f the empire’s soul. The quarrel over the

admissibility o f images in religious art erupted in the eighth century.
B y the time when Leo III began to attack the use o f images as idola­
trous, the importance o f icons in Byzantine piety and art quite
paralleled the Graeco-Roman reverence for and attachment to
religious statues. The struggle between the Iconoclasts and the
defenders o f the icons became so vicious that it consumed society for
more than a century. The Church’s admission o f the image in re­
ligious art during the third and fourth centuries was o f momentous
importance, for had the Church not done so the Graeco-Roman
artistic traditions would have largely expired and European art
would possibly have taken a course similar to that o f Islamic art.
But in spite o f the Church’s acceptance o f these traditions there
appeared early a voice in the Church which condemned images
because they were related to pagan practice, and because their use
contravened the Mosaic prohibition o f the graven image. Neverthe­
less, an intensification o f the cult o f icons was discernible in the latter
h alf o f the sixth century when the disintegration o f political affairs
induced men to hope for miracles, magic and superhuman inter­
vention. As the older tendency o f the Greek and Hellenized popula­
tions to associate magical powers with physical images reasserted
itself, the leaders o f society did nothing to suppress it. Rather they
74 promoted this development by such official acts as canon 82 o f the
i **

council o f 692 (which ordained that henceforth Christ might no

longer be represented as a lamb but only as a human) and the placing
o f Christ’s image on the coins minted under Justinian II.
The reaction against the use o f icons came to a head in 726 when
I eo III (a Syrian by orgin), at the urging o f certain bishops and after a
volcanic eruption which he thought to be the result o f G od’s anger,
forbade their use as idolatrous. Their removal and destruction
provoked a violent reaction against Leo in many quarters. The
empire and papacy severed relations, the theme o f Hellas revolted,
and a cleric safely domiciled in the distant lands o f the caliphate
wrote a series o f theological tracts defending the images. John o f
IDamascus established the basic theological position o f Orthodoxy in
supporting the icons and successfully defended their use against the

49 An Iconoclast
whitewashing
an image
 50 The Iconoclasts substituted symbols for images. This cross, replacing the apse
mosaic, survives in Hagia Eirene

charges o f idolatry. It was the Incarnation, he reasoned, which

justified the making o f images, for thus one can depict the human
aspect o f Christ. Further, the use o f images could not be condemned
on the grounds that pagans had also used physical likenesses o f their
gods, for on the same grounds one would have to condemn Christian
exorcism and other practices. Finally, the icon was a record o f past
events, an imitation (just as man was made in the image o f God),
and was related to its prototype in a neoplatonic manner. The
proper attitude o f the beholder o f the icon was respect and not, as the
Iconoclasts had charged, worship.
The programme o f the Iconoclasts attained its greatest successes
under the vigorous son o f Leo. Constantine, slanderously nicknamed
Copronymous (Dung-name) by his outraged opponents, carried the
attack to the heart o f resistance by waging open warfare on the
monastic establishments. He confiscated their properties, martyred
some o f the monks, drafted others into the army, and forced many
76 to marry nuns. On the theological plane he shifted the Iconoclastic
arguments from the charge o f idolatry and entered the realm o f
Christological controversy at the council o f Hieria in 754. All who
painted or worshipped images were either Nestorians or M ono-
physites because the human and divine natures o f Christ were insep­
arably united. Anyone who believed he could depict the human
Christ was a Nestorian; i f he believed that it was the divinity, he was
not only a Monophysite but had also violated the uncircumscrib-
ability o f God. Constantine’s own theology was, however, slightly
Monophysitic for he tied Christ’s humanity so closely to His divinity
that He could not be pictorially depicted. The basic positions o f
both sides were thus formed by the middle o f the eighth century, but
the conflict continued after the reign o f Constantine in a less acer­
bated form. The seventh ecumenical council o f Nicaea restored the
icons temporarily in 787, but their final restoration took place only
in 843. The controversy, though o f Christological significance, was
o f broader importance because, in assuring the continuity o f the
Graeco-Roman tradition in Byzantine art, the Hellenic spirit
triumphed over this Judaic concept which would have given
Byzantine society a more Oriental coloration. Byzantium thus
withstood both Oriental military and intellectual advances.

51 The empress Theodora, last o f the Macedonian dynasty, restoring icons

77
 52 Though the eastern
territories had never
been fully Hellenized,
Byzantine influences are
often evident in their
art, for example in the
Virgin’s features in this
sixth-century Syrian
ivory panel

Cultural changes
The seventh century was, in many ways, the ‘Dark A ge’ o f Byzan­
tium, for aside from the great losses which the empire suffered, there
is also a void in contemporary literary remains. The Arab conquests
had resulted in the loss o f the Near East and North Africa, while the
Slavs and Bulgars had occupied most o f the Balkans. These tremen­
dous losses had deprived the Byzantines o f the important Balkan
78 and Armenian military recruiting grounds, as well as the fruits o f
Syrian industry and Egyptian agriculture. The loss o f such great
cities as Antioch, Damascus, Alexandria and Carthage altered the
polycentric character o f the empire, and Constantinople remained
the sole urban centre o f great size; thus Byzantine society became
further centralized. This is markedly reflected in artistic and literary
developments wherein John o f Damascus represents the last afterglow
o f Byzantine cultural achievement in the lost provinces. The Greeks,
Copts and Syrians o f the lost provinces were now integrated into the
Arab caliphate and subjected to a different culture. It is rather
startling that the Egyptian and Syrian Christians, who resisted
Hcllenization by rejecting the decisions o f the council o f Chalcedon
and developing their own languages, were none the less slowly
absorbed by the new masters o f the Near East. The Arabization and
Islamization o f these peoples is one o f the truly remarkable cultural
phenomena in the history o f mankind. The appearance o f the Arabs
on the eastern and southern shores o f the Mediterranean led them
to create a seapower which forced the Byzantines to share a con­
dominium over the eastern waters, while commercially, the profit­
able carrying trade between the Far East and the Mediterranean
now fell into Arab hands.

53 Arabization in the
provinces lost to
Byzantium during the
seventh century had a
decided effect on the
later art style. Even
Christian subjects, such
as this Nativity from a
Syriac Gospel o f c. 1216 ,
show an eastern
(perhaps Persian)
influence in the
treatment o f the figures
and their dress
 Great as these losses admittedly were, there were compensatory
factors. The Arab occupation o f the Byzantine provinces in the
Levant had relieved the empire o f troublesome districts which had
developed separatist tendencies. Constantinople no longer had to
w orry about enforcement o f unpopular ecclesiastical decisions in
Syria and Egypt, nor about the political loyalty o f the Monophysite
populations. As the imperial boundaries receded, retrenchment
produced a comparative strengthening o f the state. This was due to
the fact that the new borders corresponded more nearly with ethnic
and religious lines, for the inhabitants o f the empire were now
largely Greek-speaking and Orthodox. Effective political control by
Arabs, Slavs and Lombards had halted in eastern Anatolia, Thrace,
Greece, southern Italy and Sicily, in just those areas where the Greek­
speaking groups were strongest and resisted linguistic Arabization
or Slavonization. The Islamic threat greatly subsided as a result o f
tribal strife which led to the overthrow o f the Umayyads and the
eastward transfer o f the capital from Damascus to the regions o f the
Tigris-Euphrates.
These great territorial losses finally gave the Byzantine empire
a cultural homogeneity which the reforms o f Diocletian and
Constantine and the magnificent achievements ofjustinian had failed
to produce. The effort to absorb the easternmost provinces had en­
tailed greater assimilative powers than the empire could generate.
W ithin the southern Balkans and Anatolia, however, Byzantine
culture proved irresistible and by the sixth century the non-Greek
languages o f western and central Anatolia were dead or moribund.
Lydian, Phrygian, Celtic, Lycian, Gothic, Cappadocian and Isaurian
were first reduced to rural patois and finally extinguished before the
language o f administration, commerce and religion.
The large numbers o f foreign groups which the emperors period­
ically settled in Anatolia similarly succumbed. The large settlement
o f Slavs in Greece caused the German historian Jacob Fallmereyer to
remark that ‘not a single drop o f pure Greek blood flows in the
veins o f the modern Greeks’. A number o f modern historians,
under the influence o f nineteenth-century racial theories which
80 associated creative genius and cultural accomplishment with ‘purity
54 The Great Mosque o f Damascus (715), an example o f Islamic adaptations o f
Byzantine culture

o f blood’, continue to accept his conclusions. However, the M y­

cenaean and classical Greeks were already products o f ethnic mixture,
so that even in antiquity the Greeks were not ‘o f pure blood’,
whatever that may mean. When the Slavic tribes came to Greece
they settled in a society which was far more developed and so in the
course o f the centuries they were largely absorbed, Christianized,
and Hellenized. In the Peloponnese they have left behind only their
Slavic place-names and a few scattered notices in the sources as
testimony to their former existence as a separate ethnic entity.
Culturally, they seem to have had very little effect, a fact confirmed
by the investigations o f the Slavic philologist Miklosich who found
only 129 words o f Slav origin in the Greek language. In spite o f
the large number o f Slavs who settled in Greece, investigation o f the
skeletons o f ancient and modern Greeks has revealed a strong con­
tinuity in physical type. The physical anthropologist C. Coon was
so struck by this evidence that he wrote in The Races of Europe: 81
 It is inaccurate to say that the modern Greeks are different
physically from the ancient Greeks; such a statement is based on
an ignorance o f the Greek ethnic character. In classical times
the Greeks included many kinds o f people living in different
places, as they do today. I f one refers to the inhabitants o f
Attica during the sixth century, or to the Spartans o f Leonidas,
then the changes in these localities have probably not been
nearly as great as that between the Germans o f Tacitus and the
living South Germans, to cite but one example. . . . The Greeks,
in short, are a blend o f racial types. . . . The Nordic element
is weak as it probably has been since the days o f Homer. The
racial type to which Socrates belonged is today the most
important. . . . It is m y personal reaction to the living Greeks
that their continuity with their ancestors o f the ancient world is
remarkable rather than the opposite.

In the final analysis, however, it is the continuity o f culture rather

than physical type which is the critical factor, and the Slavs caused
no break or alteration in this. The homogeneity which the empire
now attained is reflected in the cultural transformation o f the
Armenians and Slavs who entered imperial service, as well as in the
emergence o f the new indigenous theme armies.
Byzantine society and economic life were undoubtedly affected
by the loss o f the urban centres o f the Levant as well as by the
violent destruction o f city life by the Slavs in a large part o f the
Balkans. The complete disappearance o f the towns in the empire
would, o f course, have meant the end o f the Graeco-Roman tradi­
tions o f Byzantine civilization. However, town life survived in the
urban centres o f Greece and Thrace where Sparta, Patras, Corinth,
Athens, Thebes, Castoria, Thessalonica, Adrianople and Constan­
tinople remained after the Slavic holocaust. But it was in Asia
Minor that the Graeco-Roman towns remained, relatively speaking,
shielded from ethnic migrations. Muslim and Christian caravans
traversed the cities o f the plateau, and merchant vessels visited the
ports, so that the Anatolian towns served not only as administrative
82 and ecclesiastical centres but also as focal points o f commerce. The
village clusters were closely bound to their metropolitan centres
where the farmers went to sell their grain, buy goods, and to petition
the patron saint at his shrine and the judge in his court. The pro­
vincial towns were connected with Constantinople by commercial
as well as bureaucratic and religious bonds. The survival o f this urban
society was accompanied by a money economy to which govern­
ment expenditure further contributed. Annual governmental
disbursement in military pay for Anatolia may have reached
1,000,000 gold solidi, and the farmers paid part o f their tax in gold.
The urban and economic character o f the empire thus differed
from that o f the west where manoralism had replaced urbanism.
The survival o f Byzantium under such difficult conditions is not
the sole evidence o f its vitality, for by the middle o f the ninth century
the empire began to reimpose its culture upon most o f those areas
which the Slavs had taken. At this time the Moravian and Bulgarian
princes requested the emperor to send missionaries who would in­
troduce Christianity to their kingdoms. There ensued a bitter
competition between Rome and Constantinople over Slav souls, and
though Constantinople was forced to abandon Moravia, it succeeded
in converting the Bulgars to the Byzantine version o f Christianity.
C yril and Methodius, known as ‘the apostles to the Slavs’, laid the
foundations o f Orthodox Slavonic Christianity by creating a
Slavonic alphabet for the translations o f the liturgy and Scriptures
from Greek into a Slav dialect. This was the beginning o f a process
which was to spread Byzantine culture to the south Slavs, Rumanians
and Russians. The role o f the Greek Church in Slav civilization
parallels the role o f the papacy in western Europe.

MACEDONIANS
The Byzantine reconquista
The recovery from the crisis o f the seventh century and the resultant
consolidation in the eighth century produced a strengthened empire
which was to attain new heights during the Macedonian dynasty
(867-1056). Thanks to the patronage and guidance o f the Mace­
donians the empire not only achieved spectacular military and social
gains, but experienced a new literary and artistic flowering. 83
 The initiative in these matters did not, it is true, come exclusively
from the Macedonian dynasty, for Michael III and his advisers had
already set out many o f the directive lines which the Macedonians
followed. In the two centuries after the accession o f Basil I a new and
glorious chapter was written in the pages o f Byzantine military
annals as the boundaries o f the empire were expanded. The recon-
quista o f the Macedonians was not as extensive as that o f Justinian,
but it had the virtue o f being realistic. W arfare on the eastern frontier
had become stabilized and by the ninth century had come to consist
o f raids and counter-raids, with the advantages often on the side o f
the Arabs. The development o f this type o f activity on the borders
formed the milieu from which originated the medieval Greek epic,
Digenes Akritas. Both in the epic and in the warfare against Islam one
sees the existence and rise o f the great military families o f Anatolia,
that is, the families ofPhocas, Argyrus, Sclerus, Ducas, Maleinus and
others. The power o f these provincial dynasties developed from a
combination o f high positions in the army and extensive estates in
the Anatolian districts.
The Byzantine advance on the eastern front began when Basil I
decided to put an end to the border principality o f the Paulicians.
A dualist heretical sect o f Armenian origin which rejected the Old
and much o f the N ew Testament, denied the efficacy o f the Cross,
relics and icons, abhorred developed ecclesiastical institutions, the
Paulicians had succeeded with the aid o f the Arabs in forming an
independent state. After the sect had been uprooted in Byzantine
territory by the empress Theodora, the Paulicians had fled to the
Arabs and eventually established themselves in the city ofTephrike,
whence they raided the Byzantine empire regularly. Their most
capable leader was a former imperial official, Chrysocheir, who had
hesitated between loyalty to the empire and defection to the heretics.
The patriarch Photius had watched over Chrysocheir carefully,
admonishing him to remain faithful, but Chrysocheir finally opted
for a life o f heresy and freebooting. His military campaigns were far
more dangerous than those o f his predecessors. They carried him as
far west as Bithynia and Ephesus where he stabled his horse in the
84 Church o f St John (867-68), and his impudence was such that he
55 The Thessalonican brothers Cyril and Methodius, ‘the apostles to the Slavs’, are shown in
this eleventh-century fresco kneeling before Christ in the presence o f St Andrew, St Clement
and angels

informed an imperial embassy which arrived in Tephrike in 869

that Basil should restrict himself to the European provinces and
leave Anatolia to the Paulicians. One year later Basil managed to
destroy a number o f Paulician villages; but he suffered defeat before
Tephrike and would have lost his life had it not been for the valour
o f an Armenian soldier, Theophylactus the Unbearable, father o f the
future emperor Romanus I Lecapenus. The event had a traumatic
effect on Basil who thenceforth prayed daily in his chapel that he
might not only live long enough to see Chrysocheir’s death but also
that he might personally pierce the heretic’s skull with three arrows. 85
 T w o years later Chrysocheir was defeated and killed. The Paulicians
fled eastward, Tephrike was occupied by the imperial armies, and a
century later, when the advance o f the imperial forces enabled them
once more to establish contact with the Paulicians, John Tzimisces
transplanted large numbers o f them to Philippopolis, which from
then on became the centre o f these bellicose sectaries.
W ar against the Arabs would have followed the Paulician
campaigns but for the involvement o f the empire in Sicily, Italy and
Bulgaria. The geographical location and extent o f Byzantine
possessions burdened the state with warfare on two very distant
frontiers a thousand miles apart. In 904 the Arabs achieved their last
great military success at the expense o f Byzantium when the rene­
gade Leo o f Tripoli sacked Thessalonica and carried o ff into slavery
22,000 o f its inhabitants.
W ith the accession o f Romanus I Lecapenus, the offensive on the
eastern front, which had lapsed with the end o f the Paulician cam­
paigns, was renewed. The architect o f the new offensive in Anatolia
was a Byzantine general o f Armenian origin, John Curcuas, described
in the sources as a second Belisarius and Trajan. His military talents
and achievements inspired an eight-volume biography which
unfortunately has not survived. Curcuas assumed direction o f affairs
in eastern Anatolia in 923 and for the next twenty years systema­
tically pushed the Arabs back. His most significant victory was the
recapture o f the city o f Melitene, which he Christianized by offering
its Muslim inhabitants the choice o f conversion or exile. More
spectacular in the eyes o f both Curcuas and his contemporaries was
the return o f the image o f Christ on the silken towel which Christ
is alleged to have sent to Abgar, the legendary king o f Edessa. The
Muslims o f Edessa ransomed their city from the siege machines o f
Curcuas by giving him this celebrated image.
The momentum o f the counter-offensive gathered strength under
Nicephorus Phocas and John Tzimisces. Phocas, known as the
‘white death o f the Saracens’ , achieved the first o f his spectacular
victories with the reconquest o f Crete in 960-61. Under the Arabs
Crete had been a corsairs’ lair whence the islands and shores o f the
86 Aegean were raided, and its possession had made possible the action
on Thessalonica in 904. The reconquest was followed by the mission­
ary activities o f the Anatolian monk, St Nicon, who, after converting
the Cretan Muslims, went on to Lacedaemonia to bring the faith
to the unruly Slavs settled near Sparta. The expulsion o f the Arabs
from Crete and the occupation o f Cyprus in 965 removed the
danger o f Arab naval raids on the Aegean and Anatolian coasts, and
once more Byzantine naval power emerged as the decisive force in
the eastern Mediterranean. In Anatolia S ay f ed-Daula made valiant
efforts to avoid the final catastrophe which threatened the Hamdanid
dynasty in Cilicia and northern Syria. But Aleppo, S ay f ed-Daula’s
capital, surrendered a year after the fall o f Crete and he him self lived
to hear the news o f the fall o f Tarsus in 965. When the imperial
troops entered this important Cilician city they quickly transformed
it into a Christian town by again offering the Muslims a choice
between exile and conversion, and also by bringing in Greek and
Armenian colonists.
The last great victory o f Phocas’ armies was the capture o f
Antioch in 969. The restoration o f this patriarchal seat and com­
mercial centre to the Christian empire after centuries o f subjection
to the infidel was the most stirring accomplishment o f Phocas’ reign.
The religious passions o f the combatants were the most salient
features o f the bitter struggle. For the Muslims the jihad or religious
war was a duty enjoined by Islam. Phocas, highly religious and an
ascetic, wished to have every soldier who fell in the wars declared
a martyr for the faith, but was frustrated by the disagreement o f the
patriarch. Phocas’ bellicosity is vividly revealed in a letter which he
sent to the caliph in 964:

In the fighting in the passes your men o f arms have been

chased like a troop o f animals. W e have reduced to impotence
your peasants and their women. The tall buildings have been
destroyed and their ruins, once flourishing centres, have
turned into an uninhabited desert. O nly the ow l’s cry and its
echo from the columns fill the solitude.
Antioch is not far . . . soon I shall reach it with a numerous
multitude . . . O you who inhabit the deserts o f sand, 87
 maledictions upon you. Return to your country o f Sana, your
first home. Soon I shall conquer Egypt by m y sword and its
richness shall swell m y booty. . . .
I shall conquer all the east and west and I shall send out in all
places the religion o f the cross. Jesus has His throne which is
elevated above all the heavens . . . while your prophet has been
buried in the ground. M ay his bones decompose into dust . . .
and his sons be plagued by death, captivity and dishonour.

The death o f Phocas at the hands o f the empress’s lover John

Tzimisces did not interrupt the war. Tzimisces completed the re­
conquest in 975 b y his triumphal procession through Syria, and the
cities o f Damascus, Sidon, and Beirut all capitulated to him. Once
again in control o f northern Syria, the emperors now turned to the
Armenian and Georgian principalities o f northeastern Anatolia.
These were largely assimilated as a result o f the policies o f Basil II
and his successors, so that by the mid-eleventh century Byzantine
military might seemed all-powerful in the east.

88
 56, 57, 58, 59 The religious
significance o f the imperial
office was expressed in many
ways. Leo VI, ‘the W ise’,
kneels before Christ in a
mosaic in Hagia Sophia
(opposite). The ascetic Nice-
phorus Phocas (top) regarded
his office as a crusading one
and fought back the Arabs.
John Tzimisces is crowned by
the Virgin (above). Right,
Constantine VII Porphyro-
genitus, a great art-patron
after the restoration o f
images, is crowned by Christ
 The victories in the east had their parallels in the Balkans where
the reign o f Romanus I Lecapenus once again marks a turning-point.
Earlier it had been far from evident that Byzantine arms would be
successful for Symeon, who succeeded his father on the Bulgarian
throne in 893, defeated and terrorized the empire until his death in
927. N ot only did he force the imperial government to pay tribute,
but when the emperor suspended the payments he advanced with
his army to the walls o f Constantinople itself. The weakness o f the
Byzantine government at that time was such that Symeon obtained
the title o f emperor, was crowned by the patriarch, and arranged the
engagement o f his daughter to the young Constantine VII. But the
revolution which put Romanus Lecapenus in charge o f affairs in
Constantinople was a setback for Symeon, whose aim seems to have
been to replace the Byzantine by a Bulgarian empire. The arrange­
ments Symeon had made for his daughter’s marriage, as well as his
own coronation, were now cancelled and his frustration was
completed when Romanus assumed the imperial title in 919 and
arranged for the marriage o f his own daughter to Constantine VII.
Nevertheless, a compromise was reached five years later when
Romanus met Symeon and accorded him the title o f emperor,
much as Michael I had done in the case o f Charlemagne in 812,
though it was made plain that it was not to apply to the Byzantine
empire. Symeon then became involved with the Serbs and Croats,
and when he died in 927 his son Peter, a more docile type, became an
obedient son-in-law o f Romanus I. Thenceforward Byzantine
influence spread in the Bulgarian kingdom, though it was accom­
panied by the rise o f the dualist heresy o f the Bogomils.
In the reign o f Phocas relations between Byzantium and Bulgaria
once more became agitated and as the emperor was occupied with the
Muslims he called on the Russian prince Svyatoslav for help. The
latter defeated the Bulgarian armies on the banks o f the Danube and
by 969 had made himself master o f the kingdom. This turn o f events
forced John Tzimisces to undertake the great expedition o f 971 in
which the Byzantine armies captured the Bulgarian capital o f Great
Preslav. Svyatoslav was forced to surrender at Silistria, and Tzimisces
90 annexed Bulgaria and abolished the Bulgarian patriarchate.
 Early in the reign o f Basil II, however, the Bulgarians successfully
revolted and formed a short-lived kingdom under the leadership o f
their tsar Samuel. Basil’s efforts to subdue Samuel and prevent
Bulgarian expansion were seriously impeded by wars with Islam, but
even more by the revolt o f the two most powerful Anatolian families
in 986. For a moment it seemed as i f the armies o f Bardas Phocas
and Bardas Sclerus would succeed in removing the Macedonian
dynasty and in splitting the empire into a European and an Asiatic
state. Eventually, however, Basil terminated the civil war success­
fully, but only after an exhausting struggle and with the support o f
Russian troops. He then put an end to Bulgarian resistance, crushing
the enemy forces at the Struma River in 1014. Legend has it that he
blinded 14,000 Bulgarian soldiers after the battle, and that when
Samuel saw the dreadful sight he fell dead. Within a few years the
entire Balkan peninsula was either in Byzantine hands or acknow­
ledged imperial suzerainty.
The renewed power and self-confidence o f the empire and its
rulers produced a new collision with the western empire under
Otto I. W hen Otto was crowned emperor in Rome in 962, his
assumption o f the imperial title was considered in Constantinople
to be an usurpation, and his military expansions into southern Italy
further agitated the Byzantine ruler. It was under these circumstances
that Otto sent his emissary, Liudprand o f Cremona, to Constantinople
in order to arrange a marriage alliance and a dow ry which would
bring Byzantine Italian possessions to the Ottomans. Phocas’ sense
o f imperial propriety was outraged no less than the sensibilities o f
Otto’s ambassador, who has left an acerbic, yet witty, account o f his
embassy to Constantinople. Liudprand’s account is something more,
for it paints in bold strokes a picture o f two societies which over the
centuries have developed differently in every respect. Nicephorus
Phocas repeatedly taunted Liudprand with the remark that his master
was a king, not an emperor, and barbarian rather than a Roman, to
which Liudprand variously replied that the title Roman was more
appropriate to the inhabitants o f Italy on the basis o f language, or
that the Romans as descendants o f the slaves and murderers with
whom Romulus founded Rome were inferior to the Lombards and
 Saxons. His description o f Phocas is an entertainingly vicious
caricature:

He is a monstrosity o f a man, a dwarf, fat-headed and with

tiny mole’s eyes; disfigured by a short, broad thick beard half
going g re y ; disgraced by a neck scarcely an inch lo n g ; piglike
by reason o f the big close bristles on his head; in colour an
Ethiopian and as the poet says, ‘you would not like to meet him
in the dark’ .

Liudprand put forward the ancient Roman view o f the Greeks,

and quoted V irgil’s opinion that ‘their tongues are saucy, but cold
are their hands in w ar’. N ot only were the Greeks cowards but they
were fond o f flattery and given to greed and lying. Nicephorus,
victorious over the Arabs, had equal scorn for western military and
personal qualities, saying that the westerners were debilitated mili­
tarily because o f the heaviness o f their armour and weapons. The
long hair and more elaborate robes o f the Greeks, so different from
western styles, Liudprand associated with Greek effeminacy, and his
reaction to Greek cuisine was choleric. It was bad enough to live in
draughty unheated halls, but to be expected to drink resinated wine
and to eat dishes at imperial banquets which were heavily doused
with vile fish sauces and garlic was insufferable. The vitriolic com­
ments o f Liudprand constitute an important commentary on the
differences between the societies and cultures o f east and west, and
give a preview o f the relations between Greeks and Latins as they
emerged in the later period o f Byzantine history.

Economic life
The fortunate political and military developments o f the Macedonian
period greatly fostered economic prosperity. The expansion o f the
frontiers brought new agricultural lands, manpower and revenues,
and the cessation o f Arab raids with the establishment o f security
allowed the rural population to cultivate their land in peace. The free
92 peasant communities remained important sources o f agricultural
1
wattiipipiiii

6o Basil II, ‘the Bulgar-slayer’, under whom the Byzantine state reached its
last great peak o f power
 6 i, 62 The lives o f ordinary men. W ork in the vineyard, (above)
and sheep-shearing, sailing, ploughing (opposite);
scenes from eleventh-century manuscripts

production alongside the estates o f the great magnates. The techno-

logy o f farming had probably changed little (in contrast to develop­
ments taking place in western Europe) since late antiquity, though
new crops such as rice and certain fruits had been introduced. The
methods o f farming and the crops themselves remained remarkably
constant until the early modern period, and it is interesting that
this persistence o f Byzantine agricultural traditions is still reflected
by the Greek loan-words in the spoken Turkish o f Anatolia. The
main products o f the rural areas were, o f course, cereals, vegetables,
fruits, nuts, livestock, freshwater fish and timber. The river valleys
o f western Asia Minor, the Pontic and southern coastal regions, and
Mesopotamia grew abundant wheat crops, whereas barley was the
principal grain in many o f the plateau regions. In the Balkans the
centres o f grain farming were Thrace and Thessaly. Greece and
Anatolia were then, as today, productive o f a wide variety o f fruits,
most o f which were known in classical times though some (such as
the banana) seem to have been introduced into Anatolia in the
Byzantine period. The vineyards o f Cappadocia were famous for
their wines in the Middle Ages, and Liudprand, as we have already
seen, commented upon the custom o f putting resin in Greek wine,
94 a practice known in both classical and modern Greece.
 m

63, 64, 65 Byzantine craftsman­

ship. A silver dish (610-29)
showing Silenus capering after a
maenad (above). A chalice o f about
1070 (right); the body is set with
semi-precious stones, the stem is
made o f gold, and the rim is
decorated with plaques o f cloisonne
enamel. Opposite, the central panel
o f the late tenth-century Harbaville
triptych. The upper part shows
Christ enthroned with St John
96 and the Virgin; below are saints
 Because o f the survival o f the Graeco-Roman urban centres the
empire possessed a vast reservoir o f craft skills which, when com­
bined with the physical resources o f the provinces, gave Byzantine
industry the qualities o f efficiency and excellence. Arab writers
found the excellence o f Byzantine craftsmen such that they could
compare it only with the virtue o f their Chinese equivalents; and a
twelfth-century Latin author o f a book on crafts included a number
o f technological processes o f Byzantine origin. The regulative men­
tality o f Byzantine statecraft intruded itself upon the organization
o f industry and was no doubt partly responsible for the high quality
o f the products, though regulation was used to control not only
quality but also prices and the availability o f goods.
 The state, through its urban officials, exercised supervision o f the
craftsmen via the corporations into which they were organized. The
guilds, directly descended from those o f the Graeco-Roman world,
had a limited membership and many o f their members managed to
accumulate considerable wealth and achieved social prominence.
B y the later years o f the Macedonian period the guilds were playing
the same role as had the circus factions previously in the political life
o f the city, rioting and removing monarchs and unpopular officials.
The most famous products o f Byzantine industry were the luxury
goods which the imperial goldsmiths and weavers created in the
workshops o f the palace. These brilliant textiles and jewels were
reserved for the imperial family or for official gifts to foreign courts.
Industry seems to have been significant not only in Constantinople
but in the provinces as well, where the raw materials were conven­
iently at hand. The mines o f the Chalcidice, Euboea, Laurium and
Anatolia yielded the essential metals, stone, and alum. The tradition
o f cloth-making was ancient in the urban centres o f Greece, Asia
Minor, and the Aegean isles; and in Byzantine times Corinth,
Patras, Thebes, Laodicea, Cerasus, and Nicaea were famous for the
products o f their looms.
Constantinople under the Macedonians was the greatest emporium
in the Christian world, and attracted merchants and goods from
Europe, the Islamic lands, India, and China. It was also the economic
centre o f the empire, drawing upon the production o f the provinces
for the sustenance o f its citizens and the armed forces. Each provincial
city served as the economic focus o f its neighbourhood where the
villagers sold their agricultural produce and bought the products o f
the local craftsmen. The local fairs (panegyreis), usually associated
with the local patron saint, attracted both Byzantine and foreign
merchants. At the great fairs o f Trebizond, merchants from the east
sold perfumes and spices and bought Byzantine carpets and brocades.
Since these merchants plied the Anatolian routes all the w ay to
Constantinople, the provincial towns profited from international as
well as local trade. The combination o f territorial expansion and
commercial prosperity produced so much state income that Basil II
98 was able to remit taxes for a two-year period.
 The role o f the Church
In a society and period where religion and government were insepar­
able the expansion o f the state’s frontiers produced a corresponding
expansion o f the power o f the Church. In all the reconquered pro­
vinces o f the east, Orthodox bishops once more sat on the episcopal
thrones from which the Orthodox clergy had previously been
banished. The patriarchal see o f Antioch experienced a revival o f its
pre-Islamic glory, but Byzantium had to face again the Monophysite
problem. The Christians o f northern Syria, the districts o f Melitene
and Armenia were predominantly Monophysite, and as the emperors
attempted gradually to enforce ecclesiastical union, the Armenians
and Syrians became increasingly restless in the eleventh century.
Within the empire the increase o f population and prosperity resulted
in the creation o f new bishoprics and metropolitan provinces. After
the conversion o f the Bulgars in the reign o f Michael III Christianity
and Byzantine culture spread throughout the Bulgarian kingdom in
the ninth and tenth centuries. The Church demonstrated its vitality
within the empire by its Christianization o f the Slavs in the Pelo-
ponnese and Anatolia and the Muslims in Crete, an essential process
without which provincial society could not have become unified.
The greatest victory o f the Greek Church, however, was the
conversion o f Kievan Russia in the reign o f Basil II. The emperor,
having received substantial military reinforcements from Prince
Vladimir to combat the serious rebellion o f Bardas Phocas in Asia
Minor, promised to give the Kievan prince his own sister Anna in
marriage, provided that Vladimir and his people were converted to
Christianity. The Russian aid was decisive in Basil’s victory over the
Anatolian rebels but the novelty o f giving a daughter o f the imperial
house to a barbarian ruler was so distasteful that the emperor hesi­
tated to fulfil his part o f the agreement. When Vladimir attacked
the Byzantine possessions in the Crimea, however, Basil gave way,
with the result that Russia came under strong Byzantine influence at
a time when the Russians were becoming civilized. The conversion
o f the Russians represents the greatest territorial expansion o f Greek
missionary activity, and Russian colonists were eventually to carry
the Orthodox faith across Siberia to Alaska and California. 99
66, 6j Textile-workers
were notable among Con­
stantinople’s craftsm en.
This silk-weaving o f the
mid-eighth century (left)
shows two riders hunting
lions. Below, detail o f a
late tenth-century silk
shroud
68 This eighth-century silk textile
portrays a lion strangler — Samson,
or possibly Hercules

The Iconoclastic controversy, which had been such a severe crisis

for the Church, stimulated a final burst o f theological speculation on
the Christological issue, but thereafter the earlier theological vitality
o f the Orthodox Church gave w ay to a concern for the preservation
o f the faith in an unaltered form. Such further developments in
theology as there were could not compare with the earlier theological
accomplishments. On the other hand the monastic movement,
which had borne the brunt o f the struggle with the Iconoclast
emperors, underwent a very intensive development and expansion
in the Macedonian period. Mysticism, intimately related to the
monastic life, remained an important element in Byzantine
religiosity. The appearance o f the great mystic, Symeon the N ew
Theologian, symbolizes an intensification o f personal religious
experience at a time when theological originality had disappeared.
Religious life became less intellectual and more emotional.
The traditional Byzantine sympathy and proclivity for the con­
templative life waxed stronger after the martyrdom which the
monks and nuns suffered at the hands o f Constantine Copronymous
and his agents. Increasing numbers o f men and women sought the
salvation o f their souls in the monasteries which pious emperors, IOI
 69, 7 ° After the Iconoclast crisis monastic
life increased in fervour, becoming more
mystical and emotional, and less
intellectual. The cell o f a tenth-century
monk can be seen (below) in this
representation o f St Luke from a Gospels.
St Catherine’s on M t Sinai (right)
survived the Islamic invasion o f the Near
East and North Africa, which caused a
large-scale exodus o f monks from the
Levant

102

I
merchants, and peasants founded. The rapid increase in monastic
foundations meant not only that large numbers o f men withdrew
from the affairs o f the world, but that the monastic properties
became a liability to the imperial fisc. Hence the emperors o f the
tenth and eleventh centuries resorted to legislation and confiscation
in an effort to restrict the harmful effects o f monastic growth. The
Arab conquest o f the Near East had caused a profound shift in the
geographical centre o f Byzantine monasticism as monks in great
numbers fled from the Levant and re-established themselves in those
lands still remaining in the empire.
The consequence was a decline in the importance o f the eastern
lands as monastic centres. The monasteries o f Palestine, which had
replaced the Egyptian monasteries in pre-eminence in the fifth and
sixth centuries, still attracted some religious men but largely because
the foundations were located in the H oly Land. The monasteries o f
northern Syria, closer to Christian lands and somewhat isolated from
the Muslims by their mountainous situation, maintained a more
lively existence, to which the Byzantine reconquest o f this region 103
 gave a further stimulus. The most remarkable o f the monasteries in
Islamic lands was that o f St Catherine’s on Mount Sinai. Monks had
settled around Mount Sinai as early as ad 400 and over two cen­
turies later Justinian built the present church and the walls which
surround it. Geographical isolation and Muslim protection explain
the survival o f the monastery’s important collection o f manuscripts
and icons, but they render difficult any explanation o f St Catherine’s
importance in the history o f pilgrimage. Its location in Muslim
lands fortunately removed the monastery from the Iconoclastic
measures which destroyed the icons throughout the empire. Con­
sequently, the monastery today possesses the only extensive collection
o f Byzantine painting, a collection which enables scholars to study
the traditions o f Byzantine painting from the pre-Iconoclastic
period to modern times.
After the seventh-century Arab invasions Anatolia became the
most important area o f monastic activity (apart from Constantin­
ople), and it remained so until the Seljuk invasions. Monastic
foundations numbered hundreds, and Mount Olympus near Prusa
and northwest Anatolia were populated by thousands o f monks.
The picture was the same throughout western Anatolia in the regions
o f Apamea, Ephesus, and Miletus. The most interesting physical
remains o f this vibrant monastic life are the conical troglodyte
monasteries o f Cappadocia some seventy miles southwest o f
Caesarea. Indicative o f Anatolia’s importance is the fact that
St Athanasius, the real founder o f Athonite monasticism, was a
Trebizondine and that St Symeon the N ew Theologian was a
Paphlagonian.
Constantinople had also become a very significant centre o f
monastic life since by the sixth century Egyptians, Syrians, Sicilians
and Lycaonians had established religious houses for their com­
patriots in the city. The monastery o f Studium had taken a com­
manding position under its abbot Theodore in the ninth century
and his monastic rule exercised an important influence in the history
o f Byzantine monasticism. The vitality o f this foundation is evident
in the role which its abbots played in Church politics and in the
104 importance o f its scriptorium. The founding o f new monasteries
71 The monastery of St Catherine’s, built by Justinian, contains the only
extensive collection o f pre-iconoclast Byzantine images, including this
sixth-century Virgin enthroned
72 Interior o f the rock-cut church o f Tokale Kilise, Cappadocia, one o f several built in the
area after the Arab invasions

accelerated in the eleventh century and one modern scholar has been
able (without any claim to completeness) to identify some three
hundred monasteries in Byzantine Constantinople.
The principal event in the history o f Greek monasticism during
this era was the emergence o f Mount Athos as a new monastic realm.
H oly men had practised asceticism on the H oly Mountain as early
as the ninth century. There was even an attempt to establish a
coenobium in 870, but the growth o f monasticism was hindered by
the naval raids o f the Muslim pirates o f Crete. Only two years after
Phocas’ reconquest o f Crete his friend Athanasius founded the Great
Laura on Athos, and by the time Tzimisces issued the first document
regulating life on the Mountain there were some fifty-eight settle­
ments o f monks. W ithin a century the number rose to 180, and this
was further expanded by the appearance o f large numbers o f
foreigners in the twelfth century. Russian monks appeared in the
monastery o f X ylourgou (1142), Savas founded a Serbian group
at Chilandar (1198), the Georgian monastery o f Iviron became
106 prominent at an earlier date. Bulgars took over the Zographou
 73 The church o f St John o f Stadium, part o f the great monastery in Constantinople that once
played a vital part in Byzantine affairs

monastery, and the Christian descendant o f a Seljuk sultan founded

the house at Koutloumousiou in the twelfth century.
The growth o f Mount Athos coincided with the decline o f Turkish-
dominated Anatolia and increasing Christianization o f the Slavs.
The monks o f Mount Athos maintained a certain ecclesiastical
independence from the patriarchs in Constantinople until the period
o f the Palaeologues, an autonomy which was observed by the Turks
and is still in effect today. Indeed, Athos remained the spiritual focus
o f the whole o f Orthodox monasticism until the early twentieth
century. In its monasteries the monks cultivated and kept alive the
mystical and ascetic traditions o f the Byzantine fathers, copied and
preserved their literary compositions, and o f course continued the
Byzantine style o f painting. As late as the eighteenth century Russian,
Rumanian, south Slav and Greek clergy were inspired by the
Athonite community. The Russian cleric Velichkovsky, reacting to
Latin influence in Russian seminaries, sought and found in the
libraries o f Athos the Byzantine sources o f piety. These texts and
the Painter’s Manual were translated from the Greek into the various 107

[
 languages o f the Orthodox faithful with the result that Byzantine
traditions o f spirituality and art were temporarily renewed.
O f the monasteries in Greece and the Aegean islands the churches
o f Hosius Lucas (Phocis), Daphni, and Nea Mone (Chios) are well
known for their exquisite mosaics, and the monastery o f St John on
Patmos (late eleventh century) for its manuscripts. The Greek
monastic foundations in Sicily and southern Italy, however, were
more remarkable. Their development apparently coincided with the
settlement o f monks who fled from the Arabs in the seventh century,
and in a manner resembles the experience o f Anatolian monasticism.
These establishments, o f which there were hundreds, developed
their own hagiography and art, and helped to spread Byzantine
civilization in the region. The most famous o f these monasteries,
inspired by St Neilus (d. 1004), was Grottaferrata, but other Greek
monasteries existed as far north as Rome.
Though monasticism had obvious social defects and was intel­
lectually obscurantist, it also had its meritorious side, for monasteries
often provided charity and education to the Christians. The typika,
which regulated the life o f the monks in the various houses, often
record that sums o f money were set aside for the care o f the poor,
orphans, the sick, travellers, etc. Similarly, they describe the contents
o f the monastic library which were largely, though not exclusively,
o f a religious nature. The monks in the scriptoria were perennially
busy copying manuscripts, and it is thought by some that the
scribes o f Studium were responsible for introducing a large-scale
reform o f Byzantine script in the ninth century. This conservative
role o f the monks in preserving literature was essential for Byzantine
education and is responsible for having saved much o f Byzantine
writing from oblivion.
Just as their spiritual needs necessitated the copying o f manuscripts,
the demands o f worship stimulated the development o f painting in
the monasteries. Probably the basic significance o f monasticism was
that it fulfilled the desire o f the Byzantine Christian to abandon the
world and seek the salvation o f his soul in the community o f holy
men. It has been suggested that the flight o f men to the monasteries
108 was often motivated by base considerations, but this alone would not
74 Christ Pantocrator, ruler and stem judge. Dome mosaic at Daphni, near Athens,
c. iioo

account for the great spread, o f monastic life throughout the empire.
Mysticism, which received a further elaboration in the writings and
life o f Symeon the N ew Theologian, represents a refinement o f the
procedure by which the pious could attain salvation. 109
 The Macedonian contribution to Byzantine culture
The Macedonian period constituted a kind o f renaissance, marked by
a significant increase in literary output, educational activity and
a return to the classical authors. It is true that interest in pagan
literature had never completely disappeared, but from the ninth
century until the end of the empire scholars had increasingly intimate
contact with this body of material. The new trends were in part the
result of imperial patronage and the intellectual interests o f certain
exceptional individuals, but the return to ancient tradition was
reflected in other fields and literary classicism was only part o f a
broader archaistic current. Side by side with the classical revival in
literature and education in the Macedonian era, the traditional
religious modes continued in both fields, usually through the efforts
of the monks.
The history of the university founded in Constantinople during
the fifth century is obscure, but it was refounded in the ninth century
by the caesar Bardas, who appointed Leo the Philosopher as its head.
The revival of intellectual interests in Byzantine court circles co­
incides with the great translations of Greek works into Arabic at the
court of Mamun in Baghdad, and one historical anecdote has it that
the promotion of Leo, first to the archbishopric of Thessalonica and
then to the directorship of the university, was prompted by an offer
of the caliph for the services of this learned man. A contemporary
remarked that the emperor Theophilus regarded science ‘as if it were
a secret to be guarded, like the manufacture o f Greek fire, deeming
it bad policy to enlighten barbarians.’

no
75 In the arts the Iconoclast controversy resulted in an upsurge o f classicism,
apparent in this illumination from the tenth-century Theriaca o f N ican d or

76 T h e iv o ry carving on the
V ero li Casket (tenth-eleventh
centuries) is consciously classical in
subject and treatment, though
E u ropa riding her bull is od d ly set
in a scene o f violent stoning 111
 The tenth century is dominated by the figure o f Constantine V II
Porphyrogenitus, who not only patronized but also actively parti­
cipated in the scholarly activity o f the day. The circle which he
formed at court was responsible for a large number o f works,
generally in the form o f compilations, which were intended mainly
to preserve useful information. The emperor himself composed a
manual On the Administration of the Empire, as a diplomatic handbook
for his son so that he might know how to deal with the various
foreign nations. Similarly his treatise On the Ceremonies o f the
Byzantine Court was written in order to preserve the elaborate court
ceremonial, and thus contribute to the power and glory o f the empire.
Members o f the imperial circle also wrote histories intended to fill
gaps in the accounts o f the empire’s affairs, while other encyclopaedic
works o f the tenth century included the Lexicon of Suidas, the Lives
o f the Saints written by Symeon Metaphrastes, and an earlier collec­
tion o f epigrams known to classical scholars as the Antho.logia Pala-
tina. They are important as historical sources and as evidence o f
scholarly and literary continuity on a relatively sophisticated level.
After the death o f Constantine and his son Romanus, men o f an
entirely different temper ascended the throne. Nicephorus Phocas
and John Tzimisces were the scions o f great landowning families
in the provinces o f Anatolia, little given to intellectual pursuits but
devoted to bellicose undertakings against the empire’s foes. They
sought diversion and edification not from men steeped in the classical
literary culture but rather from the monastic ascetics who were the
intellectual descendants o f St Anthony and St Pachomius. Basil II,
defending his position against rough soldiers o f this type, adopted
their attitude, with the result that there was a century-long hiatus in
imperial support for education and the intellectuals. Secular educa­
tion continued, however, on a private, individual level and it was
sufficient to produce one o f the greatest polymaths o f the entire
Middle Ages, Michael Psellus.
The bureaucratic interlude o f the eleventh century, which fol­
lowed the death o f Basil II (1025), increased the government’s need
for well-educated officials. In part because o f this need, in part as a
112 consequence o f the rise o f three intellectuals (Psellus, Xiphilinus,

77 This enamelled container for a relic o f the True Cross,

decorated with jewels and cloisonne enamels, was made around 960 ►
 Leichudes) to prominence in the bureaucracy, and in part because o f
the personality o f Constantine IX the university was reopened in
1045. Its primary duty was to turn out well-educated officials for the
bureaucracy, rather like the classical examination system by which
the Chinese civil service was recruited. The constitution o f the law
school in the University o f Constantinople specifically stated that no
student could practice law until he had finished the courses and
received written and oral testimony to his competence from the
professors. Unfortunately, the constitution o f the second o f the two
faculties, philosophy, has not survived, but something is known o f its
character. The director (with the title ‘consul o f the philosophers’)
was Psellus: thus direction o f the university was completely in the
hands o f the bureaucrats, for Xiphilinus was head o f the law school.
In the philosophical school the candidates first studied grammar, then
rhetoric under Nicetas and John Mauropus, and terminated their
studies with philosophy under Psellus. Psellus, with his characteristic
lack o f modesty, remarked at the height o f his career, that Celts,
Arabs,. Persians and Ethiopians came to Constantinople to hear his
lectures. He was responsible for the revival o f interest in Plato’s
writings which thenceforward remained an important feature o f
Byzantine scholarly life. A prolific author, his writings, both prose
and poetry, range over the whole spectrum o f Byzantine literature:
a history o f the eleventh century, a rich letter-collection encompass­
ing all the important individuals in the society o f his day, philo­
sophical excurses, encomia, condemnations, commentaries (on law,
science, magic, proverbs), and even a topography o f classical Attica.
Though Psellus, Xiphilinus, and Mauropus fell out o f favour with
Constantine IX and the university may have suffered a temporary
setback, it soon recovered for by the latter h alf o f the eleventh
century John Italus is found teaching Plato and Aristotle at the
university as ‘consul o f the philosophers’ .
Secular education based on the study o f the pagan classics emerges
as a vital force in the intellectual formation o f Byzantine society.
Psellus, while still a boy, could recite the entire Iliad by heart, and a
knowledge o f Homer was sufficiently widespread for the man in the
11 4 street to describe the beauty o f Constantine Monomachus’ mistress
78 Plaques from the crown o f Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-55) with
portraits o f the empress Zoe, Constantine himself and Zoe’s sister, Theodora

in verses from his poetry. However, there was a polarization o f

Byzantine education and literature between a classical and a religious
orientation. The appearance o f a Psellus was balanced by the life o f
his monastic counterpart, Symeon the N ew Theologian. Psellus
considered philosophy to be more than a mere auxiliary to theology.
It was the mistress o f all knowledge, whereas theology was merely
one branch o f knowledge. Symeon, though a highly intelligent
man, avoided pagan literature in the course o f his education (a point
on which his biographer lays great stress) and emphasized the im­
portance o f man’s emotional experience rather than the exercise o f
the rational faculties. For the pious monks the study o f the Church
Fathers and the lives o f the saints were the proper models for the
formation o f the mind. This difference in outlook led to an attack on
Leo the Philosopher’s secular curriculum in the university during the 11 5
 79 The Hellenistic influence in secular art. David composing the Psalms, from the
ninth-century Paris Psalter

ninth century and it finally caused Xiphilinus (after he became

patriarch) to attack Psellus’ attachment to philosophy. Thus the
ambivalence o f the Byzantine mind towards the classical heritage
remained a characteristic o f Byzantine life, which, in spite o f the
synthesis o f the Cappadocians, never disappeared.
The prosperity and patronage o f the Macedonians served as a
116 powerful stimulus to Byzantine artists, who created a second golden
80 The monastic reaction against secular Hellenism. Paradise and the Four Rivers, from
the twelfth-century Homilies o f Jacob o f Kokinobaphos

age in Byzantine art. Developments in art and literature were amaz­

ingly parallel for both were characterized by a rediscovery o f and in­
spiration by ancient models, and by the tension between secular taste
and religious sensitivity. Though Iconoclasmhad imposed restrictions
on religious artistic expression, it had opened the w ay for a return
to Alexandrian traditions, and Byzantine art consequently turned
to profane-historical themes and borrowed pure ornamentation 117
from the Arab east. The taste o f the Macedonian rulers gave rise to
an imperial art which was strongly influenced by ancient models
and was largely secular. W hen Basil I built the new palace (.Kainour-
gion) its chambers were decorated with mosaics depicting the
emperor enthroned and surrounded by his victorious generals
presenting him with cities which they had reconquered. There were
also vignettes depicting the emperor’s personal deeds o f valour, and
the emperor’s bedchamber contained mosaics o f Basil and his
empress enthroned, and o f floral decoration.
This imperial style extended to the affluent aristocrats who appar­
ently decorated their mansions in a similar manner. The description
o f the palace o f the epic hero Digenes Akritas is no doubt typical.
The poet describes paintings depicting the deeds o f Achilles and
Bellerophon, the defeat o f Darius, and the victories o f Alexander.
M ythological and profane scenes are prominent on the ivories o f the
eleventh century, and the illuminations in manuscripts o f such pagan
authors as Nicander, Oppian and Apollonius are further indications
o f this secular trend.
W orks o f art in churches and monasteries gave expression to an
opposed tendency at a time when monasticism was undergoing a
phenomenal expansion. The ecumenical council o f 787 had subjected
religious art in churches to dogmatic considerations with the result
that such art developed a powerful iconographic tradition in the
Macedonian epoch. Nevertheless, the return to ancient modes was
such a strong impetus that imperial art had a corresponding influence
on religious art. This influence is most evident in the miniatures o f
religious manuscripts in which the miniaturist often borrows from
ancient themes, mythological scenes and allegories. There is a striving
for realism through the employment o f the picturesque and a
reliance upon architectural and landscape details. But by the twelfth
century the theological tendency o f the monastic element succeeded
in subduing the profane and classical tendency in religious art. A
comparison o f the ninth-century Paris Psalter with the twelfth-
century manuscript o f the Homilies o f the monk Jacob o f Kokino-
baphos illustrates very clearly the rejection o f the secular by the
religious. In the Paris Psalter, David is presented in such a manner as
to recall Orpheus, surrounded by landscapes, architecture, animals,
plants and personifications, all o f which are Hellenistic. In the
twelfth-century manuscript the artist has turned his back on the
ancient models and has reverted to a more theological treatment.
There is nothing surprising about the strength o f the religio-
monastic element in Byzantine literary and artistic traditions, for the
same was the case in western Europe. The remarkable thing is that
the classical tradition remained so strong. Though this rich classical
heritage may have had a stifling effect on literary creativity, its
effects in the field o f art were more positive, and here the w ork it
inspired was truly original. In any event, the classical inheritance
was the basis o f Byzantine superiority over the contemporary west in
literary and artistic standards.

81 Romanus II and
Eudoxia crowned by
Christ; an ivory relief o f
the mid-tenth century
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82 The emperor Nicephorus III Botaniates (1078-81) between St John Chrysostom and the
Archangel Michael
 Ill D E C L I N E , 1057-1204

On the death o f Basil II (1025) the power and glory o f Byzantium

seemed to be securely established, for not since the Heraclian recon­
quests had the empire experienced a comparable expansion. The
state’s boundaries stretched from the Danube to Crete and from
southern Italy to Syria. The eastern waters had once more become a
Byzantine lake where the Greek fleets cruised about freely from their
advance bases in Crete and Cyprus. The brilliant victories o f the late
tenth and early eleventh centuries had brought peace to the empire,
and greatly contributed to the cultural flowering o f the eleventh
century. The conversion o f Russia had resulted in a parallel expansion
o f the Church, making it a formidable rival o f the papacy. The great
conquests had increased the wealth o f the state, filling its treasury to
overflowing. Because o f the growth in revenues and the new booty
Basil II had to build extensive underground vaults so that the
treasury could accommodate this vast income. The peace and
affluence which followed the death o f Basil served as a powerful
stimulus to art and literature both in the capital and the provinces.
The activity o f Psellus and his circle in Constantinople coincided
with great architectural activity in the provinces.

IN T E R N A L PROBLEMS
Yet, within half a century o f Basil’s death, both the Macedonian
dynasty and the prosperity which it had created had disappeared. In
the early years o f the reign o f Alexius I Comnenus ( 10 8 1- 1118 ) the
empire had declined to a pale shadow o f its former glory, its posses­
sions largely contained by Adrianople in the west and the Bosphorus
in the east. So complete was this decline that it is quite startling to the
historian. Its cause was a remarkable confluence o f internal ills which
exhausted the body o f the empire as it was being attacked from the
outside by vigorous new forces. The most virulent o f these illnesses
was the strife between the civil bureaucrats and the provincial generals. 12 1
 Since the very foundation o f the empire by Diocletian and Constan­
tine there had existed a sharp division between the men o f the pen and
those of the sword, a tension noticeable in other highly-developed
empires, such as the Chinese and Islamic. The separation o f civil and
military power by Diocletian had tended to weaken the military
class, but with the system o f themes, and the subordination o f both
powers to the generals, the military class again became powerful.
Their domination o f society was further facilitated by the fusion o f
the strategoi with the great provincial landowners. The successes o f
Byzantine arms in the tenth and eleventh centuries bred a great
arrogance in this military class and an ambition to overthrow the
hegemony o f the bureaucrats within the government. Thanks to his
cruel vigour Basil II was able to bridle these ambitions through mili­
tary action and unrelenting persecution; and the sequestered lands
o f the magnates constituted an important source o f revenue for the
imperial fisc under him. But Basil was succeeded by his incompetent
brother Constantine, and when Constantine died, leaving three
daughters as heirs, the lack o f a competent male successor, who could
control the military and their competition with the bureaucracy,
brought disaster.
At first the bureaucratic circle o f the capital, consisting among
others o f eunuchs, university professors and the aristocratic families
o f Constantinople, established its control over the organs o f govern­
ment and successfully frustrated the ambitions o f the generals. The
difference in character o f the two groups manifested itself in rebel­
lions o f the generals and retaliatory persecutions by the civil officials.
Upon the death o f Constantine VIII the succession devolved upon
his unmarried daughter Zoe, and the competition o f the bureaucrats
and soldiers centred about the choice o f the empress’s husband.
Though the legal fiction o f dynastic succession was maintained, it
was grotesquely perverted by the plots o f the two factions contending
to furnish their own candidates as prince-consort. Until 1057 the
generals were repeatedly defeated, unleashing in the course o f
this thirty-years period at least one major rebellion annually.
So long as representatives o f the dynasty survived, the bureau-
122 crats were successful in maintaining their hegemony, for dynastic
sentiment had taken firm root in the people o f Constantinople. This
was manifested clearly when Michael V unsuccessfully attempted to
put an end to the Macedonian line. The nephew o f an obscure
eunuch, John Orphonotrophus, who had succeeded where the
powerful generals had failed (by promoting successive love-affairs
between Zoe and his nephews), Michael V dared to banish Zoe from
the palace. The wrath o f the Constantinople guildsmen and citizens
put a violent end to his attempted usurpation. The power which
possession o f the capital gave the administrative officials was drama­
tically stated by the general Cecaumenus, who advised his son never
to rebel against the emperor since whoever possessed Constantinople
would always prevail.

VICTORY OF T H E M I L I T A R Y
The first success o f the generals took place in 1057 in the rising o f
Isaac Comnenus. It is significant that the principal Anatolian aristo­
crats joined the ranks o f the revolutionaries in Asia Minor, but in
spite o f this formidable array the civil element might have remained
secure in Constantinople had it not been for certain significant
developments within the city. There the leader o f the civil aristo­
cracy, Constantine Ducas, had become dissatisfied with the control
which the court eunuchs and officials exercised over Michael VI.
Consequently he joined the conspiracy o f Comnenus and, as he was
married to the niece o f the patriarch Cerularius, this no doubt helped
to swing Cerularius to the side o f the Anatolians. Psellus, head o f the
senate and the intellectuals in the bureaucracy, had been closely
associated with Ducas in former years; hence it is no surprise that he
betrayed Michael V I to the advancing armies. W hen Isaac Comnenus
approached Constantinople the patriarch unleashed a rebellion o f
the guildsmen which culminated in the removal o f Michael V I and
the accession o f a general to the throne. Isaac I could boast that he had
taken the empire with the sword (he did so by depicting himself
with sword in hand on the gold coinage), but the victory o f the mili­
tary was a hollow one inasmuch as the assistance o f the bureaucratic
leader Constantine Ducas had made it possible. W hen Isaac retired
from the throne (1059) Ducas succeeded him and the bureaucrats 123
 under the direction o f Psellus pursued the military establishment
relentlessly. Until the final victory o f the military aristocracy under
Alexius I (1081) the course o f the struggle vacillated between the
two sides.
The prolonged struggle between the generals and civil officials
convulsed the empire at a critical period. The generals, frustrated by
the officials in the capital, had recourse to the armies which they
commanded and repeatedly denuded the frontiers o f military forces
in order to attack their enemies in the capital. They did this at a time
when the pressure o f the Seljuks, Patzinaks and Normans was in­
creasingly threatening the frontiers o f the empire. The employment
o f the armies in the political struggle not only diminished their
numbers and effectiveness, but finally led to the systematic disband­
ing o f the native levies by the bureaucrats who had every reason to
fear them. The military service o f the inhabitants in the border regions
was commuted to a cash payment, and funds were generally with­
held from the military so that by the time o f Constantine X Ducas
the bureaucrats had effectively destroyed the national armies and
replaced them with mercenary Normans, Germans, Patzinaks and
Armenians.

83 Coin o f Isaac Comnenus,

sword in hand - indicating
that the imperial crown was
124 his by right o f the sword
84 Crown bearing the
portrait o f Michael VII
Ducas, during whose
reign (1071-78) Bari, the
last Byzantine possession
in Italy, was lost and the
Seljuks advanced in Asia
Minor

This return to mercenary armies was a serious weakness which

played a significant role in the collapse o f the state. The loyalty o f
the mercenaries extended only as far as their cash subsidy, but the
empire fell on hard times and more often than not the subsidies were
not forthcoming. The foreign troops then began to victimize the
empire they had been hired to protect, plundering the inhabitants
and in some cases attempting to carve out states o f their own. The
hostility between the bureaucrats and soldiers found expression in
the literature o f the times. Cecaumenus, a rough, w ily soldier who
wrote in the vernacular rather than the cultivated language o f a
Psellus, admonished his son: ‘Do not wish to be a bureaucrat, for
it is not possible to be both a general and a comedian.’ Another
chronicler, writing o f the reign o f Michael VII and his teacher
Psellus, was equally sarcastic:
 85 Students and teachers; illumination from the fourteenth-century Skylitzes Codex

[Michael Ducas] busied himself continuously with the

useless and unending study o f eloquence and with the com­
position o f iambics and anapaests; moreover he was not pro­
ficient in this art, but being deceived and beguiled by the consul
o f the philosophers [Psellus], he destroyed the whole world.

The imbalance between sword and pen ranks foremost among the
causes which led to the collapse o f the Byzantine empire.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGES

Side by side with this rise o f the generals there was a certain
'feudalizing' o f the empire's society, for the generals were simul­
taneously owners o f vast landed estates with large armed retinues o f
their own. The fusion o f the landed magnate with the strategos was
complete by the early tenth century and the generalship o f an Ana­
tolian province became virtually hereditary in families such as those
o f Scleras, Phocas and Argyrus. The expansion o f these families'
land-holdings and the growth o f population in the provinces created
a great land hunger in the tenth century which endangered the free
communities o f peasant land-holders. Though Byzantium's economy
was based on a cash currency and men often became wealthy in
shipping and industry, the principal form o f investing capital was
the purchase o f land. In the case o f the aristocrats this propensity for
acquiring land was further stimulated by the fact that the govern-
126 ment had excluded the upper classes from many business enterprises.
 As the expansion o f this class threatened to devour the free peasants
the emperors issued a series o f vigorous laws which attempted to halt
this process and to stabilize agrarian relations between the two classes.
Romanus I Lecapenus, who promulgated the first o f these decrees,
realized that the disappearance o f the free villagers would undermine
the entire fiscal, military and social foundations o f the empire. He
and succeeding emperors ordered the return o f the land to the
peasants, but the very frequency o f these laws is clear pro o f o f their
ineffectiveness. It could not have been otherwise, for their imple­
mentation was often in the hands o f the very class against which they
were directed. The danger which such a landed aristocracy presented
was made abundantly clear in the rebellion o f Phocas and Sclerus
against Basil II. The size o f the magnates’ possessions was so enor­
mous that Eustathius Maleinus, for example, could entertain Basil II
with his army for an extended period o f time.
Upon the death o f Basil the last restraint on the magnates vanished
and in the course o f the eleventh century they effectively (though
not completely) eliminated the free peasantry. It was upon the
magnates that the general-emperor Alexius Comnenus, who suc­
ceeded in 1081, based his government. The result was that the army
passed under aristocratic control. Already in the mid-eleventh
century the emperors had begun to grant state properties in usufruct
to those who had performed important services to the state. Such
grants, known as pronoia, became the basis o f military service under
Alexius. The transformation o f the pronoia into something compar­
able to the western fie f created a military landowning society in
Byzantium which differed from that o f the Latin west only in that
the elements o f homage and sub-infeudation were missing. It is
true that the emperors retained control o^er the pronoia system for a
long time. But eventually it became decentralized, and when the
Latins conquered the empire in 1204 the Greek aristocracy in many
places recognized in the Latin barons and fiefs the counterparts o f
the Byzantine archontes and pronoiai.
The Macedonian expansion had once more brought large ethnic
groups within the empire’s borders without being able to absorb
them culturally. Basil’s conquest o f Bulgaria had culminated in the 127
86 Armenian architecture. The cathedral o f Ani, designed by an identified Armenian archi­
tect, Trdat, was built between 989 and 1001

subjugation o f the land, but even so there were a few rebellions on

the part o f the Bulgarians during the eleventh century. Further south
there was an unsuccessful rising among the Vlachs in Thessaly during
the reign o f Constantine X , though this does not seem to have been
motivated by ethnic considerations. M ore serious, however, were
the ethnic problems which the emperors encountered in eastern
Anatolia, for large numbers o f Armenians and Syrians inhabited the
regions which the Macedonian dynasty conquered. M oreover,
the emperors colonized those areas which the Muslims vacated, such
as Melitene and Cilicia, with Armenians and Syrians as well as
Greeks. In the eleventh century the Turkish raids also drove large
numbers o f Armenians into Byzantine territory with the result that
a large Armenian element settled in Cappadocia side by side with
128 the Greeks.
 The presence o f these new elements raised problems for the state
not only because the Armenians retained their political and military
institutions, forming a state within a state but also because both the
Armenians and Syrians were Monophysites. The principal measure
by which the empire attempted to absorb these new elements was
ecclesiastical union, a policy which had failed to integrate the non-
Greek elements o f the east in the sixth and seventh centuries and
which now failed again with tragic results. The main effort to bring
about union took place in the reign o f Constantine X Ducas (1059-
67). First the Syrians were summoned to Constantinople, but when
their ecclesiastical leaders refused to agree to union they were exiled.
In 1065 h was the turn o f the Armenian clergy and princes. Though
for a moment it seemed as i f the negotiations would succeed, in the
end Kakig Bagratouni, the former king o f Ani, refused to give
his consent. But although the Armenians, in contrast to the Syrians,
were allowed to return to eastern Anatolia, Kakig declared war
on the Greek clergy and population and slew the archbishop o f
Caesarea. It was his intention to desert to the Turks, but he was
slain by the Greeks before he could do so.

87 Armenian art. Eleventh-century miniature showing the Holy Women at the Sepulchre
 A few years later the Greeks o f Sebasteia complained to Romanus
IV that they had suffered more from the Armenians than from the
Turks, and the emperor had to exercise great caution in these areas
lest they should attack his armies. The old Monophysite problem
emerged once more, as it had in the seventh century, to threaten
the security o f the empire. The council o f 1605 which so exacerbated
relations between Monophysites and the Orthodox had a much more
immediate and important effect upon the political fate o f Byzantium
than did the schism o f 1054 between Greeks and Latins. The former
played a critical part in the Turkish conquest o f Anatolia; the latter
became important only in the twelfth century and then partly as a
result o f the loss o f Anatolia.
A growing economic illness, the basic cause o f which are not
clear, greatly complicated the empire’s difficulties. To what degree
the growth o f monastic and private estates reduced state revenues in
the eleventh century it is difficult to say, but doubtless it played a
growing role. There seems to have been considerable mismanage­
ment o f state finance after the death o f Basil II due to the prodigality
o f emperors and empresses while the growth o f the mercenary units
in the army further strained the imperial purse. But perhaps the most
serious decline in revenues arose as the Patzinaks and Seljuks raided
the provinces and rendered them unproductive. I f the causes o f the
economic decline are not clear their manifestation in the coinage is
evident enough. From its institution by Constantine I until the early
eleventh century the Byzantine gold solidus had undergone very little
change, remaining stable for seven hundred years. In the first h alf
o f the eleventh century it suffered a growing debasement until by
1080 it contained only a very small percentage o f gold. In a central­
ized state which relied upon money to support its military and
bureaucratic structures the financial collapse was o f course very
serious.

THE EXTERNAL THREAT

As these developments undermined the empire, new peoples
appeared on the far-flung borders and advanced while the empire
13 ° progressively weakened. Basil II had contemplated the reconquest
 o f Sicily from the Arabs, but he did not live long enough to carry
out his plans. The victorious campaigns o f George Maniaces, which
temporarily brought Syracuse and eastern Sicily under Byzantine
authority, might ultimately have succeeded had the persecution o f
the military by the bureaucracy in Constantinople not caused
Maniaces to rebel in 1043. This Byzantine general had, significantly,
employed Norm an mercenaries during his Sicilian campaigns.
Sixteen years later the Norm an adventurers, under the leadership o f
Robert Guiscard, began to establish themselves as an independent
pow er in the Byzantine lands o f southern Italy. The political instincts
o f the Scandinavians, who had already intervened in Russia, France
and England, made the Normans the most dangerous o f all mer­
cenaries and by the latter h a lf o f the century they threatened the
Byzantine empire from within and without.
In the north the nomadic peoples o f the Altai once more cast their
shadow upon the Balkan provinces for the Patzinaks, a Turkic people
w ho had played an important part in Byzantine diplom acy, crossed
the Danube in 1048 and began to raid the empire. Constantine
M onomachus eventually gave them lands in the Balkans where they
were to exercise the function o f border troops, and much to the
disgust o f the bureaucrats he raised the Patzinak chieftains to the
rank o f senators. T he disturbances w hich they caused greatly in­
creased when another T urkic people, the Uzes, invaded the Balkans
as they sought to flee from the Cum ans. T h eir depredations spread
death and destruction so w id ely that the inhabitants seriously
thought o f evacuating the Balkan peninsula.
T he most im portant o f these nom adic peoples w ere the Seljuk
Turks w ho began to plunder Anatolia in the first h a lf o f the eleventh
century. T he Seljuks, so nam ed after an eponym ous ancestor, w ere
descended from the O guz T urks w h o had established a great em pire
in M on golia during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries. A fter the
break-up o f this state various T u rkic tribes m oved westwards along
the Russian steppe to the Balkans, or south o f the Caspian to the
borders o f the Islam ic w o rld . T h e Patzinaks and Uzes are repre­
sentatives o f the T u rk ic peoples w h o fo llo w ed the m ore northerly
route, the Seljuks o f those w h o fo llo w ed the route to the M uslim 13 1
 lands. Converted to Islam in the tenth century, the Seljuks entered
the eastern lands o f the Islamic peoples as the mercenaries o f warring
states. Under the leadership o f Toghril they established a great
kingdom in Persia and revived the caliphate at a time when it was
very weak. The power o f the Seljuk sultans derived from their
nomadic Turkish tribes, but once the sultans had established them­
selves as the rulers o f much o f the Middle East the recalcitrant
tribesmen were too difficult to control. Therefore they were shunted
to the borders o f the B yzantine empire where their bellicose nature
and desire for booty could be satisfied at the expense o f the Christian
foe. Muslim authors bear ample testimony to the fear which those
nomads inspired in the sedentary society o f Islam, one Persian
official even advising that the thumbs o f the Turks should be hacked
o ff so that the nomadic horsemen might not draw their dreaded
bows.

THE C R I S I S OF I O 7I
In 10 7 1 the deteriorating internal and external conditions very
nearly destroyed the empire. This was the year when Bari, the last
Byzantine possession in Italy, was lost, thus ending the centuries o f
Byzantine domination in southern Italy, while at the other end o f the
empire the Seljuks defeated Romanus IV at the battle o f Manzikert
and began the conquest and settlement o f Anatolia. This process,
which was to last four hundred years, marks one o f the great turning
points o f world history, since it was the basic factor in the transition
from the Byzantine to the Ottoman empire. Romanus IV (1067-71),
a representative o f the Anatolian generals, had successfully plotted
to gain the throne with the intention o f rescuing the empire from the
wretched state to which Constantine Ducas had brought it. His
vigorous military expeditions against the Turks in Anatolia were the
last glimmer o f the warrior traditions o f Basil II, but Romanus was
too late. The armies which served him were composed largely o f
unreliable mercenaries, and the plots o f Psellus with the Ducas family
effectively frustrated his undertakings.
W hen in 10 71 Romanus set out for his third Anatolian campaign,
132 the progress o f his journey was marred by ill omens at every stage.
 88 A Byzantine army defeated by the Turks;
miniature from the Skylitzes Codex

First the imperial tent collapsed; then a fire consumed the royal
stables; the Greeks o f Sebasteia complained to him o f Armenian
treachery; on another occasion his foreign mercenaries attacked h im ;
and finally his forces marched past a battlefield cn which lay the
bleached bones o f a previously defeated Byzantine army. Romanus
divided his forces into three groups, with one o f which he encamped
by the city o f Manzikert in the vicinity o f which, unknown to the
emperor, were the forces o f the Seljuk sultan, Kilij Arslan. The battle
which ensued was a military accident. Neither ruler was aware o f
the presence o f the other, and Romanus had fatally divided his forces.
Even after the scouts on both sides had informed their rulers o f the
situation the battle could have been avoided, for Kilij Arslan asked
the emperor for peace. Romanus, however, decided that he must
settle the Turkish issue once and for all, for the Turks were elusive
and it was hard to come to grips with them.
The events o f the battle reflect only too accurately the evils which
plagued the empire. The Armenian soldiers, as a result o f religious
animosity, deserted en masse on the field o f battle, as did a small body
o f Patzinaks. But the most important factor in the Byzantine defeat
was the premeditated desertion o f the general Andronicus Ducas,
nephew o f Constantine X Ducas and a leading personality in the
bureaucratic faction. He had decided to secure the future o f his
family (Romanus had exiled his father) and as commander o f the
rear-guard he spread the false rumour that the emperor had been
defeated, and retired from the battle with his forces. His withdrawal 133
 spread panic throughout the Byzantine army, and the emperor was
taken captive and brought before the joyous sultan who treated him
with honour.
Adronicus returned to Constantinople with news o f the defeat
and the bureaucratic faction proceeded to the coronation o f Michael
V II Ducas. Kilij Arslan had in the meantime released Romanus and
the existence o f two rival emperors plunged the empire into civil
war just at the moment when Turkmen tribes began to enter
Anatolia unopposed. During the next ten years the quarrelling
bureaucrats and generals bid against each other for the services o f the
Turkmen chieftains in the civil strife, handing many towns over to
Turkish garrisons and ensuring the success o f the Turkish occupation.
The loss o f Anatolia to the Turks was to prove fatal to the empire,
for without its rich provinces Constantinople remained a huge
head deprived o f the body needed to sustain it.

REVIVAL U N D E R ALEXIUS I C O M N E N U S
W hen Alexius Comnenus ascended the throne he possessed an
empire reduced to such pitiful straits that its days seemed numbered.
That the empire was saved and its life prolonged another three and a
half centuries is a remarkable testimony to the qualities o f this soldier-
emperor. The Comnenoi not only saved the empire, bringing it
a last glimmer o f greatness, but they managed to do this with
resources which were marginal at best, for Anatolia was largely lost
to the Turks. N o sooner had Alexius donned the imperial purple
than he was faced by a Norman invasion which could easily have
delivered the knock-out blow. B y now Robert Guiscard had con­
solidated his hold on southern Italy, and decided to conquer C on­
stantinople, for the Normans had undergone a certain measure o f
Byzantinization following their conquest o f the former Byzantine
province. The Norman rulers eventually adopted the Byzantine
autocratic style in their architecture, representation on coins, etc.
Meanwhile, Norman society in southern Italy was remarkably rich,
drawing on Greek, Lombard and Arab elements. The Norman
chancellery and coinage were trilingual, and this cultural pluralism
134 manifested itself in practically every facet o f society.
89 The great emperor
Alexius Comnenus,
who exploited
the Crusaders for
his own purposes,
and held off the
Normans, Patzinaks
and Turks
by war or diplomacy
 The appearance o f the Normans in Italy and the attempt o f
Guiscard to control both sides o f the entrance to the Adriatic Sea
greatly alarmed Venice which found its growing maritime power
threatened. In consequence the Venetians were glad to accept
Alexius’ proposal for an alliance against the Normans, particularly as
the desperate need o f the empire for naval assistance led Alexius to
grant the Venetian merchants those formidable commercial privileges
in the empire which lay at the basis o f the rise o f Venice’s com­
mercial empire. Nevertheless, the Byzantine maritime city D yrra-
chium, the starting point o f the Via Aegnatia, fell to Guiscard in
1081 in spite o f Venetian aid, and the advance o f the Normans seemed
irresistible. But a sedition, stimulated by Byzantium, forced Guiscard
to return to Italy in 1082, and this diversion enabled the imperial
forces to retake Thessaly, while Dyrrachium fell to the Venetians.
The death o f Guiscard (1085) provided Alexius with a badly-needed
respite, for by 1090-91, the Patzinaks, allied with the Turkish emir o f
Smyrna, were attacking Constantinople by land and sea. The crisis
 90 The twelfth-century Norman cathedral at
^ Cefalu contains this mosaic o f Christ, made
by Byzantine craftsmen

91, 92 Byzantine cultural influences were

particularly strong in Venice. These scenes
from the N ew Testament in ivory (right) and
the mosaic o f the Last Supper in St M ark’s
(below) show Byzantine aspects o f twelfth-
century Venetian art
 was acute, but fortunately Alexius, having secured the alliance o f
the Cumans, inflicted a crushing defeat on the Patzinaks at M t
Levounion in an action which resulted in the almost complete exter­
mination o f these nomads. The emperor had weathered the worst
o f the storm. Alexius could now pause to marshal his strength
for the reconquest o f Anatolia where the various Turkish chieftains
were quarrelling with one another.
The emperor’s plans were suddenly jolted when the advance ele­
ments o f the First Crusade made their w ay through the Byzantine
provinces to Constantinople. At an earlier date Alexius had appealed
to the west for aid, but he had envisaged restricted numbers o f
mercenaries rather than the formidable crusading hosts which had
been roused by Pope Urban’s preaching at the council o f Clermont.
In this new confrontation between east and west the differences to
which Liudprand had earlier referred soon became painfully evident.
Constantinople and Rome, the heirs o f the Greeks and the Latins,
developed from two different cultures, and historical forces had
accentuated their basic differences over the centuries. In the absence
o f a powerfully organized and centralized state, the papacy had
acquired considerably greater freedom o f action and political power
than had the Greek patriarchate, which was prevented by the exist­
ence o f a strong secular power in Constantinople from executing the
same ambitious policies as its western counterpart.
Friction between the two Churches existed from the fourth
century, and as the centuries passed the differences accumulated. The
Monophysite problem had resulted in the Acacian schism between
pope and patriarch in the fifth century. Later, at the time o f the
Iconoclastic controversy, Leo III not only alienated the papacy by his
proscription o f images, but also proceeded to transfer Illyricum and
southern Italy from papal to patriarchal jurisdiction. This combined
with the Lombard pressures to turn the popes from the Byzantines
to the Carolingians - a fateful step. The conversion o f the south
Slavs, begun under the patriarch Photius, once more led to a tem­
porary break in relations between Rome and Constantinople. B y
1024, however, there seems to have been an agreement between the
138 heads o f the two Churches that each should be supreme in its own
 sphere, but the Cluniac movement had the effect o f rejuvenating
the papacy, providing it with a new elan. From the time o f Pope
Leo IX this new reformatory trend spread rapidly, and wherever its
representatives went they enforced a stricter subservience o f spiritual
life to the papacy. As papal influence spread into the Byzantine
regions o f southern Italy it encountered resistance from the Greek
Church. Finally, the presence o f ambitious clerics on the thrones,
o f Rome and Constantinople furnished the spark which ignited the
explosive differences separating the Catholic and Orthodox Churches.
Pope Leo IX sent the haughty Cardinal Humbert as head o f a lega­
tion to present the papal point o f view to the patriarch Cerularius,
who was himself one o f the most powerful men ever to hold the
patriarchal office. Cerularius displayed an equally imperious temper
in handling both emperors and popes and the controversy between
the two Churches quickly came to a head. It focused upon minutiae
o f dogma and ritual - celibacy o f the clergy, the use o f unleavened
bread in communion, fasting on the Sabbath, and the famous clause
filioque - all concrete points which the popular mind could readily
grasp. The intransigence o f both sides culminated in 1054, when
Humbert arrogantly placed an excommunication o f Cerularius on
the altar o f Hagia Sophia, and Cerularius in turn excommunicated
Humbert and his retinue. Though there were no immediate conse­
quences, the schism o f the two Churches formalized the differences o f
east and west, and the political complications o f the twelfth century
arising from the Crusades soon gave real substance to this religious
schism. It is only in the present generation that the Orthodox and
Catholic Churches have agreed to withdraw the maledictions they
hurled at one another over nine hundred years ago.
The Crusading mentality was coloured by the effect o f these
religious and cultural differences. Even in the First Crusade, which
o f all the Crusades was the one most nearly ‘pure’ in motivation,
w orldly considerations were present. The Italian cities observed the
movement through the eyes o f the greedy merchant, while the N o r­
mans intended to exploit the Crusade to acquire new lands and vic­
tories at the expense o f Byzantium. Alexius, faced with the presence
o f powerful western armies, decided to use them to reconquer 139
 93 The battle o f Dorylaum, where Byzantines and Crusaders defeated the Seljuks.
This victory enabled them to invade Cilicia (1104)

what he could o f Anatolia. In 1096-97 the Crusading leaders

gathered in Constantinople where the emperor finally persuaded
them to swear an oath, agreeing that all lands formerly belonging to
140 the empire which they might conquer would be returned to Alexius.
In return the emperor would support the westerners in their march.
The bargain which the emperor had struck bore fruit when the
defeated Turks surrendered Nicaea to the Byzantines. Shortly
thereafter Byzantine forces drove the Turks from the entire western
region o f Anatolia, but the apparent harmony o f Greeks and
Crusaders was smashed when Bohemund claimed the city of Antioch
for himself in 1098. The Byzantine reconquest o f Cilicia (1104)
brought Graeco-Norman antagonism to a head once more, and
Bohemund, playing upon religious differences, spread propaganda
stories that the Greeks had betrayed the Crusade and prepared to
invade the empire from the west. This time, however, Alexius was
in an entirely different situation from that in which Guiscard had
found him in 1081. Bohemund was defeated in western Greece and
forced to surrender, ignominiously agreeing to hold Antioch as a
fie f bestowed by the emperor. Though Alexius had successfully
thwarted Norman efforts to destroy the empire, the Norman heritage
was to remain a bitter one for the Byzantines throughout the twelfth
century, culminating in the Norman sack o f Corinth, Thebes, and
Thessalonica.

Al e x i u s ’ successors
After thirty-seven arduous years as ruler Alexius had greatly
strengthened the empire and restored its glory, having found
Byzantium virtually destroyed, deprived o f its fairest provinces,
and with the foes at the door. Through sheer ability he defeated the
Normans, destroyed the Patzinaks, exploited the Crusaders, and
forced the Turks to retreat. The position o f the empire at his death,
however, was not that which it had been a century earlier, for
unfortunately the reconquest o f Anatolia had been incomplete,
leaving the central plateau in the hands o f the Seljuks, and the defeat
o f Guiscard had been made possible by the commercial immunities
that Alexius gave the Venetians in order to secure their assistance.
The inheritance o f John II and Manuel I Comnenus was thus an
ambivalent one, compounded o f empty glory and unpleasant reality.
Though it is true that Venice had developed an efficient maritime
enterprise by the eleventh century, it was the concessions which it 14 1
 94 Virgin and Child between the emperor John II Comnenus and the empress
Eirene; mosaic o f about 1 1 1 8 in Hagia Sophia

acquired in 1082 that established the basis for its commercial empire
and marked the start o f Italian encroachment on the empire’s
economic life. The emperors made repeated but unsuccessful efforts
to throw o ff this stranglehold, but in the end the western merchants
were like parasites devouring the empire’s strength.
Alexius had granted Venetians the right o f trading in the ports o f
the empire duty free, a concession which put them far beyond
competition from Byzantine merchants, who were still required to
pay the formidable array o f commercial taxes. The unfortunate
result was not only that the carrying trade passed from the hands o f
the Greeks into the hands o f the Venetians, but a rich source o f
revenue was forever alienated from the empire’s treasury. Alexius
further allotted the Venetians a quarter in Constantinople and three
quays with warehouses on the Golden Horn for their ships and
merchandise. To the large numbers o f western mercenaries who had
previously come to Byzantium there was thus added a new influx o f
Latin merchants whose numbers in twelfth-century Constantinople
142 would eventually attain tens o f thousands. The fierce competition
95 Manuel Comnenus, during whose reign
Anatolia was effectively lost to Islam

96 Tekfur Saray, a palace in Constantinople,

probably built by Manuel Comnenus
 o f Venice’s rivals, coupled with Byzantine fear o f an exclusive
Venetian commercial monopoly within the empire, led to the
granting o f similar privileges to Pisa and Genoa as the emperors
attempted to play one Italian city o ff against another.
John II Comnenus attempted to strike a balance between Turkish
affairs in Anatolia and the affairs o f the west, and he not only con­
solidated the Anatolian gains o f his father but extended them at
the expense o f the Seljuks. The accession o f the more flamboyant
Manuel, however, upset this balance, largely because he was hypno­
tized by the west. He surrounded himself with Latins, adopted Latin
customs (he loved to participate in western jousting tournaments),
and took as his second wife a Latin princess. He became so deeply
engrossed in Italian and German politics that he neglected the
defence o f the Byzantine Anatolian provinces, allowing Kilij Arslan
to eliminate his Danishmend rivals and to make the Seljuk power
once more a serious threat. Finally realizing the drastic changes that
had taken place in Anatolia, Manuel set out with his armies to attack
the Seljuk capital o f Konya (ancient Iconium) in 117 6 .
As the Byzantine armies moved from western Anatolia into the
mountain passes leading to the plateau they suffered continuous
harassment from the numerous Turkmen tribes that lived on the
borders between Seljuks and Greeks. Having arrived in the Phrygian
pass o f Myriokephalon, Manuel’s army suddenly found itself
surrounded and the battle that followed was another Manzikert for
the Byzantine soldiery, which suffered disaster in this critical en­
counter. The fighting was obscured by a raging sandstorm during
which the slaughter o f friend and foe became indiscriminate but
after the defeated emperor accepted Kilij Arslan’s terms it became
evident that in spite o f their victory the Turks had also suffered
heavy loss. The retreating Byzantines saw large numbers o f dead
whose facial skin and genitals had been removed by the Turks so that
the Greeks would be unable to recognize the extent o f the casualties
which the Muslim Turks had suffered. Nevertheless, after this defeat
the Byzantines renounced any hope o f driving the Turks from Asia
M inor and during the remainder o f the twelfth century the Turkmen
144 tribes, following the rivers from their sources in the mountains to
their outlets in the Aegean, mercilessly devastated the regions which
the Comnenoi had so meticulously recolonized.
In the west, Serbs and Bulgars took advantage o f the chaos which
enveloped Byzantine political life in the last quarter o f the twelfth
century to establish their independence, and Frederick Barbarossa
could count on the support o f both the Anatolian and Balkan foes
o f the empire as he marched through these regions on the w ay to the
Holy Land. The degeneration o f the empire’s relations with the west
carried over into the relations between the Latins and Greeks o f
Constantinople. Manuel, having previously concluded alliances with
Pisa and Genoa, decided to strike at the Venetians within the empire,
and on 12 March 1 1 7 1 all Venetians in the empire were arrested and
their ships and goods confiscated.
The affluence o f the Venetians in Byzantium had created an intoler­
able situation and finally led to the breach between the empire and
the republic. So oppressive was the economic hegemony o f the
Latins in Constantinople that the inhabitants o f the capital sided with
Andronicus when he marched on Constantinople in 118 3 to seize
power from Alexius II and his Latin mother. The riots which broke
out in the streets culminated in a brutal attack upon the lives and
property o f the Latins in the city. There is no doubt that the events
o f 1 1 7 1 and 118 3 constitute an important landmark leading to the
Latin conquest o f the city in 1204. The Venetians had extorted the
maximum in official concessions and commercial profit, in order to
protect and increase their gains; all that remained was military
conquest o f Constantinople. It seemed momentarily that the
Normans would anticipate the Venetians in this respect for they
took the city o f Thessalonica by storm in 118 5 and subjected the
inhabitants to merciless treatment. Though the Norman advance on
Constantinople was halted, the fate o f Thessalonica constituted both
revenge for the massacre o f the Latins in 118 3 and a foretaste o f what
would happen to the Greeks in 1204.

FLOWERING OF T H E A R T S
The era o f the Comnenoi and Angeloi, an era o f political de­
cline, was nevertheless one in which the arts, especially literature, 145
97 This mosaic in St Mark’s, Venice, shows the appearance o f the original church, which was
modelled on the Holy Apostles in Constantinople

flourished. Though artistic activity, because o f less favourable politi­

cal and economic factors, was not as extensive as under the Mace­
donians, Byzantine influence is to be seen in the art o f Kievan Russia,
Venice, Norman Sicily and the Holy Land. It is perhaps not the least
remarkable phenomenon o f the late empire that its political de­
generation was accompanied by increased literary output and by the
high quality, i f not quantity, o f artistic production. This is in itself
an interesting commentary upon the supposed interrelationship
between political success and cultural flowering which historians
often presuppose.
In contrast to its political fortunes, the literary life o f the empire
under the Comnenoi and Angeloi represents both continuity with
146 and intensification o f the literary life which had developed in the
98 Byzantine art exercised a profound influence over the art o f Kievan Russia,
particularly through this icon, the Virgin o f Vladimir, painted in Constan­
tinople about 112 5 and subsequently taken to Russia 147
 eleventh century. Even more than their Macedonian predecessors
the scholars and writers o f the twelfth century studied and imitated
the classical authors, though the traditional religious literature also
remained a constant element in the Byzantine cultural picture. It is
true that the Church condemned John Italus for daring to equate
philosophy with theology, but on the other hand the two greatest
classical scholars o f the time were archbishops. The erudition o f
Eustathius o f Thessalonica, evident in his voluminous commentaries
on the Homeric and Pindaric texts, constitutes a monument in the
history o f Greek scholarship and the aesthetic receptivity o f these
cleric-scholars to Greek poetry is clearly stated in the very first line
o f Eustathius’ Homeric commentary. ‘I f anyone wishes to escape
the power o f Homer’s Sirenes perhaps it would be a good thing for
him to smear his ears with w ax in order to avoid bewitchment.’
Eustathius’ house in Constantinople had become a school in which
he educated young men in the classics, his most cultivated student
being the future archbishop o f Athens, Michael Acominatus. This
infatuation with the rich literary testament o f the Greeks was an
integral element in the Byzantine feeling o f cultural superiority over
the rest o f the world. Anna Comnena repeatedly apologizes for
defiling her history with names and words o f barbarian origin,
whereas Michael Acominatus is a medieval forerunner o f those
modern classicists who make their pilgrimages to the Acropolis and
simultaneously berate contemporary Athenians for lacking the
physical and intellectual qualities o f Apollo and Plato. An Anatolian
disciple o f cultural Hellenism born in Phrygia, Michael journeyed to
Athens to take up his episcopal duties there and greatly looked for­
ward to his stay among the descendants o f Pericles. But it soon be­
came obvious to him, as he preached to the congregation in the
Parthenon (now a church dedicated to the Virgin), that the Athens
o f Pericles was no more. His existence was none the less a pleasant
one in contrast to that o f another learned archbishop. Theophylact,
who had studied at the feet o f Psellus, suffered a veritable exile when
appointed to the archbishopric o f Ochrid in the mountains o f the
western Balkans. O f what use was literary culture when one was
148 condemned to an audience o f croaking frogs and stupid peasants?
 The vernacular tongue, as well as classical Greek, found its
exponents, and both types o f language were employed to relate the
sad state o f Byzantine society. In spite o f the influence o f the language
and spirit o f the great pagan historians, the twelfth-century historians
o f Byzantium were anything but indifferent to the political and
military realities o f their time. Far from the spirit o f antiquarianism,
which preoccupation with classical antiquity so often inspires, Anna
Comnena describes in bold strokes the military prowess o f the
Normans and Latins, filling out her story with detailed observations
on Latin superiority in military technology. The historian Choniates
stated, without apology, that the chaos o f the late twelfth century in
parts o f Byzantine Anatolia was such that many Greeks preferred to
live under the Sultan.
These historians trace the empire’s misfortunes clearly and ob­
jectively. The poets o f Constantinople, though dependent on their
tight-fisted patrons, could write social satire as readily as platitudinous
encomia, and obviously did so with greater pleasure. Typical was
John Tzetzes who recorded some o f the flavour o f life in Constan­
tinople during the twelfth century. T o him Constantinople, perhaps
because o f its cosmopolitan character, was a city o f evil in which
thieves and corrupters were canonized as saints. He boasts that on the
streets o f Constantinople he could greet Scythian, Latin, Persian,
Alan, Arab, Russian and Je w each in his own language. The most
remarkable o f these poets, Theodore Ptochoprodromus, used the
vernacular tongue for his stinging comments on social conditions.
The same language had been used by Catacolon Cecaumenus (he
notes that he has been criticized for his uneducated Greek) a century
earlier in the admonitions which he addressed to his own son and to
the emperor. His son is to keep his wife in seclusion lest she, and the
family honour, fall victim to the w ily arts o f the seducer. I f he
desires long life, he must not keep company with physicians. The
poet warns the emperor, among other things, that the employment o f
barbarian officials w ill bring evil to the empire. But the vernacular
tongue received more artistic treatment at the hands o f Ptocho­
prodromus who used it to complain o f perverted social values. In
his poem ‘Anathema on Letters’, for example, he relates how, in 149
 spite o f long years spent in study, he is in a perpetual state o f hunger.
Uneducated craftsmen, on the other hand, are well paid, their
larders stocked, and their tables graced by fish, stews, roasts, tripe,
wine, pure wheat bread and Vlach cheese, while his own pantry is
filled exclusively with papers. The artisans’ retort was that the poet,
who was also a priest, should either satiate his hunger with his
verses or else remove his vestments and do some real work, as they
did. The complaint o f this literary figure that the labourer makes
more money is familiarly modern, as is also the anti-clericalism o f
the workers.

T H E F A L L OF C O N S T A N T I N O P L E
The ills o f Byzantium, apparent in this literature, so weakened the
empire that by the end o f the twelfth century the end was virtually
inevitable. Manuel’s schemes had destroyed the strength which
Alexius I and John had so laboriously nourished. The Angeloi may
have been the nominal successors to the Comnenoi, but they lacked
the abilities which the extraordinary position o f the empire
demanded.
Henry VI, inheritor o f a double portion o f hatred for the Byzan­
tines (he was a Hohenstaufen who had taken Norman Sicily), had
prepared an expedition against the empire which halted only because
o f his premature death as the fleet was about to sail from Messina in
119 7. T w o years later at a tournament held on the estates o f Count
Tibald o f Champagne a fiery preacher had inspired the nobles to
take the Cross, an event which was very distant from Constantinople
and not at all extraordinary in terms o f Crusading precedent. The
knights obtained support from Pope Innocent III and began to make
plans for the invasion o f Egypt. W ith the passing o f time, however,
direction o f the Crusade came progressively under the influence o f
powerful anti-Byzantine forces.
On the death o f Tibald in 120 1 leadership o f the movement passed
into the hands o f Boniface o f Montferrat, a man with personal
interests in both the H oly Land and Byzantium and a strong in­
dividual who ended any effective control o f the papacy over the
150 Crusade. A friend o f the German ruler, Philip o f Swabia, he visited
the latter’s court and undoubtedly had some interesting conversa­
tions there. For Philip, married to Irene, the daughter o f the dis­
possessed Byzantine Isaac II, was also host to the young son o f Isaac,
Alexius. The Crusaders, once arrived in Venice, were unable to raise
the 85,000 silver marks which the Venetians had demanded as the
price for taking the Crusaders to their destination. But the wily doge,
Dandolo, had a very interesting proposition by the acceptance o f
which the payment o f the 85,000 marks could be postponed. The
Crusaders should help the Venetians to retake the Dalmatian city o f
Zara from the Hungarians, and in return Venice would transport
the Crusaders to Egypt. The Venetians thus harnessed the Crusaders
to their own selfish interests from the beginning. The Crusaders were
used to attack a Christian town while only a little earlier the Vene­
tians had entered into negotiations with the ruler o f Egypt which
were meant to secure Egypt against attack by the Crusaders. After
the capture o f Zara, Alexius and the Crusaders struck the fatal
bargain by which Alexius offered to pay the Crusaders the money
owed Venice in return for their aid in restoring his father Isaac
to the throne in Constantinople.
The combination o f Byzantine dynastic politics, German
schemes, and Crusader ambitions had fallen into the hands o f
Dandolo who now cleverly exploited them to the maximum on be­
half o f Venetian interests in Byzantium. The Crusaders and Venetians
entered Constantinople in the summer o f 1203, Isaac was restored to
the throne and Alexius crowned co-emperor. But Alexius was not
able to fulfil the promises he had made the Crusaders for he lacked
money and the people resisted ecclesiastical union with the Latins.
The relation o f Latins and Greeks now became greatly strained. The
former pillaged the Greek villages in the city’s environs and burned a
portion o f the city itself, and the Crusaders and Venetians, having
decided to abandon the struggle against the Muslims, made an
arrangement for the expected partition o f the Byzantine empire.
The future emperor, whom they would elect from their own group,
would receive the two palaces of Constantinople and one-fourth o f
the city and empire, the remaining three-quarters to be evenly
divided between Venetians and Crusaders. In April 1204, after 151
Alexius V had removed Isaac and Alexius IV, the Latins attacked the
city and this time their victory was complete. The emperor, patri­
arch, and Theodore Lascaris, along with other Greeks, fled to Asia
M inor and the Balkans to organize resistance there, and the Latin
soldiery subjected the greatest city in Europe to an indescribable sack.
For three days they murdered, raped, looted and destroyed on a scale
which even the ancient Vandals and Goths would have found un­
believable. Constantinople had become a veritable museum o f
ancient and Byzantine art, an emporium o f such incredible wealth
that the Latins were astounded at the riches they found. Though
the Venetians had an appreciation for the art which they discovered
(they were themselves semi-Byzantines) and saved much o f it,
the French and others destroyed indiscriminately, halting to refresh
themselves with wine, violation o f nuns, and murder o f Orthodox
clerics. The Crusaders vented their hatred for the Greeks most
spectacularly in the desecration o f the greatest church in Christendom.
They smashed the silver iconostasis, the icons and the holy books
o f Hagia Sophia, and seated upon the patriarchal throne a whore
who sang coarse songs as they drank wine from the church’s holy
vessels.
The estrangement o f east and west, which had proceeded over the
centuries, culminated in the horrible massacre that accompanied the
conquest o f Constantinople. The Greeks were convinced that even
the Turks, had they taken the city, would not have been as cruel as
the Latin Christians. The defeat o f Byzantium, already in a state
o f decline, accelerated political degeneration so that the Byzantines
eventually became an easy prey to the Turks. The Crusading move­
ment thus resulted, ultimately, in the victory o f Islam, a result which
was o f course the exact opposite o f its original intention.
 IV P R O S T R A T I O N A N D C O L L A P S E

T H E S P L I N T E R I N G OF H E L L E N I S M
The consequences o f the Crusaders’ act in the final Islamic victory
over the Greek empire were great, but the immediate effects were
also significant. Loss o f The City (fj 716X15), as Greeks called Con­
stantinople then and as they call it even today, splintered the unity
o f medieval Greek society. The Greeks could no longer consider
Constantinople, over whose political and religious life a western
emperor and a Catholic patriarch presided, as the focal point o f their
loyalty, though desire for and belief in the ultimate repossession o f
the city constituted a dominating motive in the Orthodox world.
Constantinople was lost, but the empire survived. W hile the Latins
occupied the queen o f cities and many o f the provinces, Greek
nobles, clergy, and soldiers fled in large numbers to those districts
which were still free from the Westerners. In these areas, to which
mountains or seas barred the Latins from ready access, Greek political
entities crystallized around the cities o f Nicaea, Trebizond and Arta
(in Epirus). The newly-formed kingdoms competed with one
another for the allegiance o f the Greeks, and their competition to
reconquer Constantinople from the Latins somewhat eased the
pressure on the latter. The founders o f the dynasties which took root
in Epirus, Bithynia and Chaldia were all related to imperial families
and their dynastic connections greatly enhanced their claims to the
obedience o f the provincial Greeks. The political splintering o f the
Byzantine world which resulted from the Latin conquest not only
retarded the Greek reconquest o f Constantinople but, as it survived
long after 126 1, further contributed to the final collapse. However,
the existence o f independent states in Pontus, western Asia M inor
and western Greece served to revitalize the Hellenism o f those areas,
for the rulers did much to foster the economic, religious and cultural
life o f their subjects. 153
 La in T rebizond

Michael Angelus Comnenus Ducas, founder o f the despotate o f

Epirus, had decided to make his political fortune by joining the
Latin conquerors o f Greece. But it soon became evident to the
Byzantine adventurer that there was very little hope o f fulfilling his
ambitions as a soldier in the Latin armies, so he turned elsewhere.
Relying upon family connections in central and western Greece,
Michael Angelus succeeded in taking Arta where he forced the
deposed but itinerant Alexius III to crown him despot, thereby
dignifying his opportunism with legitimacy. A w ily politician and
vigorous campaigner who knew how to manipulate Latins and
Bulgars, he soon expanded the boundaries o f the despotate westward
to Dyrrachium and eastward to Thessaly.
Trebizond enjoyed even greater protection from Latin aggrand­
izement than did Epirus, for it was several hundred miles distant
154 from the Latins, and the city could boast o f many other advantages.
Its strategic geographical location made o f it one o f the great com­
mercial emporia o f the east, where Latin and Greek boats met
Muslim caravans, bringing profitable income to the Trebizondines.
Though the immediate hinterland o f the city was not extensive (the
Turks ruled the plateau to the south o f the mountains) it was well
watered and fertile. The Turkish conquest o f the plateau had largely
isolated Trebizond in the late eleventh century and stimulated
separatist sentiment among many o f its inhabitants. The most
powerful family in the region, that o f Gabras, had caused the Com -
nenoi many anxious moments as they demonstrated their independ­
ence quite openly; indeed, the history o f this aristocratic clan in the
twelfth century is particularly interesting. One Gabras, principal
defender o f Trebizond against the Turks, was put to death by them
for refusing to apostatize, and a special service was sung in his honour
as late as the nineteenth century. Paradoxically, another branch o f
the family furnished three viziers to the Seljuk court at Konya.

ioo W all painting from Hagia Sophia in Trebizond, showing die expulsion o f die
devil from the daughter o f the woman o f Canaan
 io i T he walls o f N icaea

The individuality o f the city is further reflected in the pride o f its

panegyrists who always pointed to its colonization in antiquity by
Athenians (via Sinope and Miletus). As in the case o f the founder
o f the Epirote despotate, Alexius and David Comnenus were not
only related to an emperor, but their family had strong local con­
nections. Their grandfather, Andronicus I, had governed Sinope,
and their aunt was Queen Thamar o f Georgia. The two princes had
escaped the massacre o f Andronicus’ family, which accompanied
his fall in 1185, and had been raised at the Georgian court. Thamar
took advantage o f the Latin pressure on Constantinople in 1204 to
occupy the city o f Trebizond with Georgian troops and then to
place her nephews in control o f it. David, the more daring o f the
brothers, soon expanded control over the Pontus Littoral from
Trebizond to Heracleia in the west.
It was the third o f these Greek succession states, the empire o f
Nicaea, which was fated to restore Byzantine honour in Constan­
tinople. Unlike Trebizond (which was too far away) and Epirus
(which was economically poor), Nicaea enjoyed both a propitious
geographical location and the possession o f an extensive, fertile
156 hinterland. The rich valleys o f western Anatolia, watered by the
 103 The emperor Theodore
Lascaris, who began the Greek
reconquest o f the splintered
Byzantine empire

104 The coronation o f Baldwin

o f Flanders, emperor o f the Latin ►
states with Venetian support

rivers that streamed down from the mountains, supported a pros­

perous agricultural life and a dense population, while the important
cities o f Smyrna, Ephesus, Magnesia, Pergamum, Prusa, Nicomedia
and Nicaea gave this region a strong commercial and urban char­
acter. The city o f Nicaea, closer to Constantinople than Trebizond
or Arta, was nevertheless virtually impregnable, located as it was
on the shores o f Lake Ascania and surrounded by strong walls. In
addition it enjoyed the prestige o f having been the scene o f the
first and last o f the ecumenical councils recognized by the Greek
Church.
The despot Theodore Lascaris was one o f those Byzantine officials
who had left the capital, preferring to fight on in western Anatolia.
The situation in these regions was extremely confused as other
Greeks began to establish rival principalities and, more important,
Latins, Seljuks and Trebizondines began to press in on all sides. But
Theodore obtained a respite to organize his forces after the Latin
empire suffered a disastrous defeat at the hands o f the Bulgarian
monarch Ioannitsa in 1205. Three years later, the Church having
158 elected a new patriarch, Theodore was crowned emperor and so the
imperial traditions took root in the Byzantine polity o f Nicaea.
Kaihusrau, Sultan o f Konya and host o f Alexius III, decided to invade
the Nicaean domains in 1 2 1 1 , on the pretext o f restoring Alexius
but actually to conquer the land. In a hotly contested battle which
took place near the Maeander River, Theodore killed the Sultan
and the victory which followed assured the eastern boundaries o f
the state. B y 1 2 1 4 peace had been concluded with the Latins and
Theodore had reconquered from the Comnenoi the Black Sea coast
as far east as Sinope.

THE LATIN A D M IN IS T R A T IO N
The Latin settlement o f those lands which had been successfully
wrested from the Greeks was a complex one. The D oge Dandolo,
who had feared the ambitions o f Boniface, saw to it that a weaker
man, Baldwin o f Flanders, was elected emperor, while the Venetian
Thomas Morosini was chosen patriarch. The partition o f the con­
quest proceeded according to the general lines previously agreed
upon. Baldwin received Thrace, five-eighths o f Constantinople,
northwest Asia Minor, and a few o f the islands. His frustrated 159
 competitor Boniface took the important city o f Thessalonica with
adjacent lands in Macedonia and Thessaly, giving Attica and
Boeotia to his vassal, Otto de la Roche. The Venetians, political
realists that they were, claimed only those regions which would
constitute no liability for their commercial interests, the most
important being the section o f Constantinople (three-eighths)
which they received. In addition they acquired Dyrrachium, Ragusa
(on the Dalmatian coast), Coron, Modon (in the southern Pelo-
ponnese), certain ports on the Hellespont and Marmora, and the city
o f Adrianople. In terms o f actual territory the Ionian islands, Crete,
and the isles o f the Aegean constituted the bulk o f their holdings.
The Peloponnese, or Morea as it was called, capitulated to W illiam
o f Champlitte and Geoffrey o f Villhardouin. Spectacular as the
victory o f the Latins had been, the congeries o f Latin states which
arose represented a dismally weak political system which could exist
only because o f the threefold division o f the Greeks. The Crusaders
superimposed a developed western feudal system over their new
lands which produced a fatal decentralization o f power. Though all
the knights held their lands from the emperor o f Constantinople,
the interests o f the Latins in the provinces often diverged from his.
And the Venetians had been careful to stipulate that they were not
required to swear the oath o f fealty to the emperor, a factor which
further weakened the Latin empire.
The basic weakness o f the new Latin states lay in the fact that the
subject population was largely Greek and so loyalty to the ruling
class was largely, though not universally, absent. Ecclesiastical
differences cemented the hatred o f the Greeks for their new masters,
for one o f the basic policies o f the Latins was to establish the ecclesias­
tical supremacy o f the Catholic Church. Pope Innocent III, excited
by the prospect o f bringing the Greek Church into the Catholic
fold, was outraged by the massacre and rapine which accompanied
the Latin entry into Constantinople, and repeatedly admonished
Latin clerics and lords to treat the Greeks in a more Christian
manner, but usually to no avail.
A number o f the Greek bishops, including the patriarch o f
160 Constantinople and the famous archbishop o f Athens, Michael
Acominatus, had fled the Latin-held lands, seeking refuge in Epirus,
Nicaea, Bulgaria and Trebizond. Others remained in their sees,
sometimes ignoring Latin ecclesiastical demands and often maintain­
ing contact with the clergy in non-Latin territory. The Catholics
decided that the Greek clergy were to keep the churches in those
regions inhabited exclusively by Greeks, but in mixed areas the
bishops were to be Latins. The hierarchy o f the Church in the
conquered areas thus passed into the hands o f the Catholics, whereas
the village priests remained Greek. W ith some exceptions the Latin
bishoprics were filled by adventurers little inspired by the religious
life, who treated their Greek parishioners as schismatics. V ery often
the Greek clergy who conformed to the demands o f the papacy and
hence were supported by Innocent, were removed by fanatic Latin
bishops who wished to take over all the bishoprics.
The Greek bishops were often equally irreconcilable. The arch­
bishop o f Corfu, for example, roundly told the Crusaders who
stopped there en route for Constantinople in 1203 that he could not
understand their arguments in favour o f papal primacy unless they
were referring to the fact that it was Roman soldiers who had
crucified Christ. Nevertheless, in spite o f their great political
animosity, the Nicaean Greeks and the Latins did engage in religious
discussions, the most important o f which were held in Constantinople
(12 0 6 ,12 14 -15 ). The appearance o f Nicholas Mesarites, metropolitan
o f Ephesus, as the Greek representative undoubtedly helped to
strengthen the resistance o f the Greeks in Constantinople, but it did
little to improve relations between the two Churches. The hostility
and rigidity o f Catholic and Orthodox extended even to details o f
protocol and procedure. The dispute between the papal cardinal and
Mesarites over precedence is a case in point. When Mesarites
entered Hagia Sophia the cardinal failed to rise in greeting, alleging
that as he wore purple slippers, to rise would be unbecoming to the
imperial dignity which attached to the wearing o f purple. The
metropolitan o f Ephesus was not to be outdone, however, and
pulling off his slipper, displayed that its lining was purple also.
Being more humble than his Latin adversary, he claimed, he had
naturally refrained from a more ostentatious display o f the purple! 16 1
I N T E R P L A Y OF T H E G R E E K A N D LATIN CULTURES
The intercourse o f Greeks and Latins was perhaps less agitated in
spheres other than the religious. The fusion o f Byzantine and
Frankish elements in the Peloponnese is reflected in the so-called
Chronicle o f the Morea, the text o f which exists in Greek, French,
Aragonese, and Italian. The Greek magnates o f the peninsula joined
with the Latin knights and formed one feudal society. The Byzantine
pronoia was equated with the Frankish fief, and the two terms were
used interchangeably in the Chronicle. Latin feudalism was thus
grafted on to the Byzantine land-holding system and such Latin
terms as liege (already known in the relations between Comnenoi
and the Crusading lords) and homage passed into Greek by trans­
literation (lizios) and translation (anthropea).
The same sort o f accommodation seems to have occurred in the
field o f literature. Greek and French romance literature followed a
similar evolution, and just as parallel developments in Byzantine and
Latin feudalism had prepared the w ay for a fusion o f the two, so
a fusion took place in the case o f this type o f literature. There was
also a direct influence o f the French romance on that o f the Byzan­
tines as the latter developed in the thirteenth and subsequent
centuries.
The preponderance o f the west in economic life, so evident in the
twelfth century, was now firm ly established. The influence o f the
Italian merchants became so great that the maritime and mercantile
vocabularies, not only o f Greek, but later o f Turkish as well, were
largely Italian. The results o f this Latin dominance were strongest
in those Venetian insular possessions which remained under western
rule until the late eighteenth century. Though proselytization by the
Catholic Church failed to attain the same degree o f success in the
Ionian islands as in certain o f the islands o f the Aegean, the cultural
borrowing o f the Ionian islanders was very extensive. The most
felicitous blending o f the two strains is to be seen in the great school
o f Cretan painting, which continued in the Ionian islands after the
Turkish conquest o f Crete in the seventeenth century caused the
painters to disperse. The literature o f the islanders also experienced a
162 new flowering under the inspiration o f Italian models. The Italian

105 St Luke and St James, painted in Constantinople, probably

►
in the thirteenth century; from an Acts and Epistles
1

io6 The great bronze horses o f St Mark’s, brought to Venice after the sack o f Constantinople

imprint on the Ionian islands was so strong that their inhabitants had
a different outlook from that o f their compatriots on the mainland
even as late as the nineteenth century.
The most obvious type o f Latin ‘borrowing’ from the Greeks
consisted o f the objects o f classical and Byzantine art which came
into Europe after 1204, the most famous o f which are the great
bronze horses standing over the entrance to St M ark’s in Venice.
Constantinople, the great repository o f holy relics, now became the
supply house for all Europe. More exceptional was the case o f
W illiam o f Moerbeke, archbishop o f Corinth (1277-81), who
translated many o f Aristotle’s works into Latin. But as interest in the
reunion o f the two Churches spread in the west, the desire to learn
Greek was motivated more by religious than by other considerations.

RECONQUEST OF C O N S T A N T I N O P L E
In the competition between the Balkan and Asiatic Greeks to
reconquer Constantinople fortune at first favoured the despotate o f
164 Epirus. Theodore Angelus, successor o f Michael Angelus, took
 Thessalonica from the Latins in 1224 and had himself crowned
emperor soon afterwards by the archbishop o f Ochrid. His defeat
at the hands o f the Bulgarian Tsar Asen II on the field o f Klokotinitza
in 1230 put an abrupt end to Epirote imperial pretensions. Until his
death in 12 4 1 Asen enjoyed a certain pre-eminence in Balkan affairs,
but it was the Nicaeans who finally began to extend their control in
Thrace and Macedonia.
Under the leadership o f John III Ducas Vatatzes (1222-54) the
empire o f Nicaea emerged as the most powerful o f the Greek states,
playing a role which was something more than local. Vatatzes con­
cluded a marriage alliance with Frederick II, talked with the pope
o f union, and concluded an agreement with the Seljuks in the face
o f the M ongol storm. Internally he succeeded in restoring great
prosperity to his Anatolian realm. A tariff policy which protected
local manufactures against Italian competition revived the old
Byzantine textile industry, while the warehouses o f the ports were
full o f goods from all over the world. He paid particular attention
to the towns, fdling their silos with agricultural products and main­
taining at state expense craftsmen who specialized in the making o f
arms. Education also profited as he brought together collections o f
books in the various cities. His reign demonstrates the advantageous
side o f that splintering which the Latin conquest o f 1204 had caused,
for prior to that date the Byzantine capital had neglected its fairest
province. Furthermore, his extension o f Nicaean power in the
Balkans, crowned by the occupation o f Thessalonica in 1246,
isolated the Latins in Constantinople, and made the final reconquest
only a matter o f time.
The final triumph was, ironically, not to be the work o f the
Lascarid dynasty, for in 1258 Michael Palaeologus, descendent o f an
old aristocratic family, seized effective control o f power and founded
the most long-lived o f the Byzantine imperial dynasties. At this
juncture the rapid progress o f the Anatolian Greeks had inspired
their enemies to come together in a last effort to thwart their further
advance. Manfred, the son o f Frederick II, put himself at the head
o f a coalition which also included the despotate o f Epirus and the
Latin principality o f the Morea. The fateful battle at Pelagonia in 165
 western Greece (1259) was a smashing victory for Michael Palaeo-
logus, which left him free not only to concentrate on Constantinople,
but also to advance in the Morea. In order to neutralize the Venetian
navy, the only force still capable o f effective resistance, Michael
secured Genoese support by the treaty o f Nymphaeum, which
guaranteed Genoese merchants very handsome commercial rewards
within the empire. But Genoese aid proved unnecessary, for a small
body o f Nicaean troops, reconnoitring in the neighbourhood o f
Constantinople, found the city undefended and took it with ease on
25 June 126 1. In the joyous celebration which followed, Michael
had himself crowned anew by the patriarch, this time in Hagia
Sophia. In this w ay the traditions o f Constantinople as head o f the
Greek empire and Church were renewed.
The expulsion o f the hated Franks from Constantinople was a
great victory for Byzantium, but in other ways it was a source o f ill
fortune. Once in possession o f Constantinople, Michael found him­
self involved not only with the various Balkan states, but above all
with Latin Crusaders who hoped to re-establish the Latin empire o f
Constantinople. Furthermore, in shifting the capital to Europe,
Michael turned his back on western Anatolia and neglected the very
provinces which had made the reconquest possible. The neglect o f
these regions at the very moment when Turkish pressure was once
more increasing was to prove fatal. The more immediate danger,
however, came from developments in the west where the ambitious
Charles o f Anjou, brother o f the French King Louis IX , had won the
kingdom o f Sicily from Manfred. B y the treaty o f Viterbo (1267)
with Baldwin II, the deposed emperor o f Constantinople, Charles
began to muster allies for an expedition against Constantinople.
His diplomacy built up connections with the Latin Morea, Epirus,
the Bulgars and the Serbs, and for fifteen years Michael VIII lived
under the threat o f a Latin Crusade. Fortunately Byzantine diplom­
atic skill prevented Charles from launching his Crusade. As a first
step Michael concluded an ecclesiastical union with the Latin Church
at Lyons in 1274, accepting papal supremacy in return for which the
pope compelled Charles to desist from his plans. The succession o f
166 the French pope Martin IV gave Charles another opportunity, and
he was on the point o f unleashing his forces when the outbreak o f
the Sicilian Vespers (1282) put an end to his schemes. Byzantine gold
was used to encourage discontent in Sicily and brought the forces
o f Peter III o f Aragon into the island.

A TEMPORARY VICTORY
Michael VIII had succeeded in raising Byzantium once more to a
position o f world prominence by virtue o f his spectacular victories
over the Latins. But the accomplishment was ephemeral, and the
possession o f Constantinople proved to be a burden beyond the
means o f a government which had abandoned its real base o f strength
in Asia Minor in order to pursue a deceptive policy o f glory in the
Balkans. Though the consequences o f Michael’s policy were not
fully revealed during his lifetime, the fact remained that, having
plunged into the political world o f the Balkans and the west, the
Byzantine state could not turn back, although it was physically
unequal to the task. Furthermore, Michael’s dynastic, military and
economic policies reduced Byzantine Anatolia to a rebellious
province in which the native soldiery was disbanded, agricultural
life dislocated, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy alienated.

107 Tower at Galata, the citadel o f the Genoese merchant community, established
in Constantinople as part-payment for Genoese help against the Latin states
108, 109 Michael VIII Palaeologus (left), who rekindled the last embers o f
Byzantine power; and his unlucky successor, Andronicus II (right)

Andronicus II (1282-1328) harvested the bitter fruit o f Michael’s

labours, for though he succeeded to the throne in Constantinople
rather than in Nicaea he found the state exhausted by Michael’s
policies. The story o f the empire after the death o f Michael VIII
becomes a tale o f military disaster, economic decline, and political
catastrophe which makes melancholy reading. The pretensions o f
Michael had subjected the empire to increasing demands at a time
when its resources were diminishing. When he usurped the imperial
pow er Michael had sought to satisfy his military and aristocratic
supporters by making their pronoia or fiefs hereditary. This set a
precedent, and during the next two centuries there was a steady
increase in the number o f hereditary pronoia, often accompanied by
freedom from military service. At the same time the Palaeologoi
granted an increasing number o f tax exemptions to the possessors o f
168 non-military lands, with the result that tax revenues and military
 n o The emperor John VI Cantacuzene enthroned, with bishops and
monks, at a council summoned by him in 1351

personnel steadily decreased. Customs revenue also shrank, as a

consequence o f the stranglehold o f the Genoese and Venetians over
the economic life o f the empire. W hile by the fourteenth century
the annual customs revenues o f the Genoese in Galata reached the
sum o f 200,000 hyperpera, across the Golden Horn in Constantinople
the Greeks levied only 30,000 hyperpera. It is estimated that at the
end o f the thirteenth century the income o f the state was only
one-eighth o f what it had been under the Isaurian dynasty. This
impoverishment even affected the sumptuous court ceremonial; at
the coronation o f John V I Cantacuzene, for example, the gold and
silver plate was replaced by plate o f lead and clay.
Dynastic competition, social struggles and religious strife during
the fourteenth century destroyed what little strength the empire
possessed and played into the hands o f the Serbs and Ottoman
Turks. In 13 2 1 Andronicus III, grandson o f Andronicus II, raised the 169
 spectre o f dynastic rebellion by marching on the capital and forcing
his grandfather to give him part o f Macedonia and Thrace. W hen
the family strife was renewed the two emperors sought support from
the Serbs and the Bulgars. The sins o f Andronicus III were visited
upon his own younger son John V, for upon the latter’s accession
John Cantacuzene had him self declared emperor. During the next
fourteen years the empire suffered the horrors o f intense civil war,
and once again the rival parties, placing their own political interests
above the welfare o f the state, competed for the services o f Serbs,
Turks, and Venetians.
The religious controversy over Hesychasm further paralysed
society in the mid-fourteenth century as the exponents o f Hesychast
doctrine sided with Cantacuzene and the opponents with John V.
The controversy arose when the westerner Barlaam attacked the
mystical exercises o f the monks o f Mount Athos and Gregory
Palamas came to their defence. The hesychast attained mystical
ecstasy by sitting on his legs, head on chest and eyes focused on the
navel, invoking the name o f Jesus as he held his breath. B y this
exercise the mystic saw the uncreated light which surrounded Jesus
at the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor. The conflict was not only
theological, it also represented another phase in the continuing
encounter between Byzantine monasticism and humanistic tradi­
tions. Hesychasm was vindicated because o f the support it received
from Cantacuzene, but eventually it was restricted to a small number
o f ascetics.
Nevertheless, this last great theological debate o f the Eastern
Church was important in so far as it contributed to the anarchy and
confusion o f Byzantine society which the civil wars had caused. In
the course o f the struggle the regency o f John V also fomented class
strife at the expense o f Cantacuzene, who represented the aristocracy
o f Byzantine society. Because o f the civil war and political and
economic decline, the gap separating the rich from the poor had
greatly widened and at the prodding o f the government o f John V
the lower classes (the political zealots) rose in the towns o f Thrace
and Macedonia, establishing their own municipal government in
170 Thessalonica and expelling the aristocrats.
 When John Cantacuzene finally fell from power in 1354 and
retired to a monastery to write his famous history, he left the
empire in a shambles. Society had been split along dynastic, social
and religious lines, while Serbs and Turks had not only been allowed
to expand at the expense o f Byzantium but had been brought in as
mercenaries. The years o f civil war had seriously dislocated Byzantine
society, disrupting agriculture and destroying the tax-producing
elements in the provinces.
Exploiting this weakness the Serbian ruler Milutin (12 8 2 -13 2 1)
had by the end o f the thirteenth century pushed ahead with the
conquest o f Macedonia south o f Skoplje. The civil wars o f the
fourteenth century brought the Serbs as far south as Thessaly and
Aetolia after they had eliminated their Bulgarian neighbours at the
battle o f Velbuzd (1330). The Serbian involvement in Byzantine
affairs, which began during the civil war o f Andronicus II and
Andronicus III, reached a high point during the reign o f the great
Serbian ruler Stephan Dusan (133 1-5 5 ). Dusan first concluded an
alliance with Cantacuzene in 1342-43, but soon abandoned him for
John V in order to further his own interests. As Cantacuzene turned
towards Constantinople and abandoned Macedonia, Dusan occupied
most o f Albania, and o f central and northern Greece, and in 1346 the
Serbian patriarch crowned him emperor o f the Serbs and Greeks.
Like the Bulgarian ruler Symeon during the tenth century, Dusan
attempted to found an empire on the Byzantine pattern, but his
effort was short-lived for on his death (1355) the Serbian empire
collapsed and was replaced by a number o f petty states.

T H E RI S E OF T H E T U R K S
The real danger, however, lay not in the Balkans but in Asia Minor.
Here were the bellicose Turks who, having inherited the doctrine o f
holy war from the faltering Arabs, were to carry the centuries-old
conflict between Byzantine Christendom and Islam to a conclusion.
Turkish conquest and rule, by now three hundred years old in much
o f Anatolia, had effected great changes in the peninsula. Prior to
the battle o f Manzikert the population o f Asia M inor had con­
sisted largely o f Greeks and Armenians, and even as late as the 17 1
 mid-thirteenth century they outnumbered their Turkish neighbours.
But with the establishment o f the Muslim Turks in the peninsula the
Christians o f Asia Minor were subject to relentless cultural pressures,
for, as the Arab historian Ibn Khaldun observed, ‘A nation that has
been defeated and comes under the rule o f another nation will
quickly perish.’
The Turkish conquests and settlements in Anatolia had caused
considerable upheaval, dislocation and destruction among the
Christians, and the peninsula was not to be pacified until the latter
half o f the fifteenth century. The Church in particular was crushed
as it lost its properties, churches and income, and was subjected to
heavy taxation in the period prior to the unification o f Anatolia by
Muhammed II. The Orthodox Christians, cut o ff from the heart o f
their society and deprived o f effective Christian leadership (for the
bishops were excluded from their sees in Turkish lands for long
periods), were exposed to strong proselytizing currents in the new
Islamic society. Because o f the upheavals which Christian society
had experienced, the Dervish orders, most prominent o f which were
the Mevlevis and Bektashis, found the Christians psychologically

m , i i 2 Jalal al-din Rum i

(left), fourteenth-century
sufi and ascetic, was the
spiritual founder o f the
M evlevi order o f Der­
vishes, who are shown
(right) during part o f their
ritual dance (‘sem aj. The
liberal Mevlevis played an
important role in the
Islamization o f the Anato­
172 lian Christians
 prepared for their religious preaching. These sufi brotherhoods were
thus instrumental in transforming the majority o f the Greek and
Armenian Christians into Turkish Muslims, and in so doing they
effected a cultural revolution equivalent in magnitude to that which
the Arabs had carried through centuries earlier in Byzantine Syria,
Egypt and Palestine.
The political life o f Anatolia had been temporarily stabilized with
the establishment o f the empire o f Nicaea and the emergence o f a
strong sultanate o f Konya in the first half o f the thirteenth century.
But the withdrawal o f Michael VIII to Constantinople in 126 1 once
more relegated western Anatolia to administrative chaos and econ­
omic decline. Meanwhile, on the Islamic side, Seljuk prosperity was
destroyed when the rebellions o f the Turkmen tribes so weakened
the sultanate that it fell a victim to the Mongols in 1243. The dis­
appearance o f these two stabilizing forces once more turned Anatolia
into a battlefield o f Turkish chieftains who, at the head o f various
combinations o f tribes, carved out a number o f petty Turkish
principalities as they overran the Seljuk and Byzantine domains.
The most important o f these emirates, that o f Osman, was located in
northwest Anatolia on the borders o f Byzantine Bithynia. B y the
early fourteenth century, Osman was able to exploit the decline o f
Byzantine control to conquer most o f this region, and his son Orhan
rounded out the conquest by reducing Prusa (1326), Nicaea (133 1),
and Nicomedia (1337).
After a few decades o f consolidation, in which the Christian and
Muslim elements and institutions o f Bithynia fused to produce
early Ottoman society, the Ottoman Turks crossed the Dardenelles
to Europe much as the Nicaean Greeks had done during the thir­
teenth century. Cantacuzene had secured the help o f Turkish troops
in the civil war by giving his daughter in marriage to the Sultan
Orhan in 1344-45, and introduced them into Thrace where they
plundered the populace mercilessly. Ten years later, after a fearful
earthquake had destroyed the walls o f Gallipolis, Orhan seized this
key town on the European side o f the straits and the Turkish con­
quest o f the Balkans began. The collapse o f Dusan’s empire, together
i?4 with the weakness o f Bulgaria and Byzantium, created a power
 1 13 A sketch by
Gentile Bellini
o f one o f the Janissaries,
elite troops recruited
by the Ottomans
from Christian children
who were converted to Islam
and maintained
as a permanent
professional army

vacuum which literally sucked the Turks into Europe. B y 1365

they had shifted their capital from Prusa to the European city o f
Adrianople, symbolizing in this manner the westward orientation
o f their political programme. Though the Turks bypassed the city
o f Constantinople because o f its defensive strength their advance
subdued the Bulgars and then brought the Serbs to their knees at the
battle o f Kossovo in 1389. The Sultans had succeeded because o f
the weakness o f their opponents but also because they had created
the most formidable military machine in all o f Europe and the Near
East. Much o f the vitality o f both the military and the administration
derived from the system by which the Ottomans took the cream o f
the Christian youth, converted them to Islam, and then trained them
to wield the sword and the pen. The crack troops, the Janissaries, and
eventually the viziers were recruited from these converted Christian
youths, the devshirmes. 175
 1 14 Manuel II Palaeologus, emperor
and author, who travelled to the west
in a vain attempt to obtain aid against
the Turks

W hen Bayezid I Yildirim , the Thunderbolt, succeeded his father

Murad I and expanded deep into both the Balkans and Anatolia,
the days o f the empire grew shorter. Bayezid’s conquests in Europe
were put to a severe test by the appearance o f a crusading force
under Sigismund o f Hungary. Though the initial impact o f the
western knights at the battle o f Nicopolis (1396) alarmed the Otto­
man ranks, the forces o f the Sultan annihilated the Crusaders. This
victory proved that the Sultan’s position in the Balkans was firm ly
established, and Manuel II Palaeologus, fearing that the end was in
sight, left his capital in 1399 and went to Venice, London, and Paris
to seek aid. Only a miracle could now save Constantinople, im­
mersed as it was in an Ottoman sea. Once more in its long history,
176 however, a miracle did occur and the life o f Greek Constantinople
*

was prolonged another half century. For in 1402 Bayezid met his
master at the battle o f Angora where the last great world conqueror
in the steppe tradition, Tim ur (Tamerlane), crushed the Ottomans
and almost destroyed their empire. But Byzantium was too weak
to take advantage o f this opportunity and the west was still smarting
from the defeat at Nicopolis. Thus, the opportunity passed and
capable Ottoman sultans restored the unity and vigour o f the young
state. The most the empire could do was once again to negotiate
ecclesiastical union with Rome (1438-39), but to no practical avail.
The union was violently received in the empire and as far away as
K iev the Slav ruler imprisoned the metropolitan o f Kiev for having
signed the document o f union and betrayed the Orthodox cause.
The union divided the Byzantine world in the final hour without
resulting in any significant material aid from the west.

1 1 5 , 1 1 6 Andrew Palaeologus, despot o f the Morea, from a fresco by Pinturicchio (below left);
and John VIII Palaeologus portrayed in the famous fresco o f Benozzo Gozzoli in the Medici
Palace, Florence
T H E L I T E R A T U R E OF D E C L I N E
In spite o f the civil wars and military disasters which destroyed the
empire, both art and literature flourished in the Palaeologan period.
Though the obscurantist monastic outlook which was hostile to the
classics persisted, the interest o f Byzantine intellectuals now turned
from the form o f classical literature to its content. The Byzantine
humanists studied Plato and Homer not only for the richness o f their
language but also because they found the subject-matter interesting
and edifying; in short, they were intellectually sympathetic to the
qualities and virtues which the ancient authors described. The
university in Constantinople was once more reconstituted, and when
Manuel II Palaeologus returned from his journey to the west he
reformed it in the light o f what he had seen at the Sorbonne.
Thessalonica, already distinguished as a centre o f classical studies
in the twelfth century, and Mistra were also important for their
schools and intellectual activity. Mistra, the Byzantine capital o f the
Morea, became the focal point o f a Greek national and intellectual
revival under the political leadership o f the Palaeologan princes and
178 sustained by the literary activity o f George Gemisthus Pletho. It is
 1 17 Mistra, a hill town
. in the Peloponnese,
^ much as it was
in the fourteenth century

118 The entry

into Jerusalem;
detail o f a wall-painting
(c. 1380)
in the Church
o f the Peribleptos, Mistra

interesting that Greek consciousness and cultural life were once more
centred in their original homeland after having moved eastward
during the Hellenistic-Roman and Byzantine eras. The conquests o f
Alexander and the rule o f the Caesars had made Alexandria and
Antioch the centres o f Hellenism; later Constantine had made
Constantinople the centre o f the Greek-speaking world. After the
Arab invasions Anatolia had become the heartland o f Orthodox
society, but the Turks, having reinvigorated the military power o f
Islam, erased the Greek character o f Asia Minor, with the result that
Greece once more became the centre o f the Greek world.
The most spectacular aspect o f Palaeologan intellectual life was the
contact and exchanges between the Greek and Italian humanists o f
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Though relations between
Italy and Byzantium had become much closer since the eleventh
century, these had been largely political and economic. Thanks to the
rise o f humanistic scholarship in the west and in the east, however,
scholars o f both worlds began to be interested in each other’s litera­
ture. Greek scholars began to translate Latin works into their own
language and it is significant that they chose profane as well as 179
 religious compositions. The fourteenth-century scholar and ambassa­
dor to Venice, Maximus Planudes, translated works by Cato, Ovid,
Cicero and Caesar, and Demetrius Cydones rendered into Greek
such important theological treatises as the Summa Theologica o f
Thomas Aquinas and the anti-Islamic polemical tract o f Ricoldo da
Monte Croce. This latter became the principal source for Byzantine
knowledge o f Islamic doctrine.
But the Italy o f Petrarch and Boccaccio thirsted more for Greek
literature than did the Greeks for Latin. When the Greek humanist
Manuel Chrysolorus accepted an invitation to lecture in Florence on
Greek language and literature he was enthusiastically received, and
after his return to Constantinople in the early fifteenth century
Italian students soon followed him there. The interest o f the Italians
in learning Greek was motivated not only by pure humanism, for
there was also the burning issue o f religious union as well as econ­
omic and political involvement in the east. Religious and scholarly
motivations momentarily fused, however, when the Byzantine
emperor, accompanied by Greek scholars and clergy, came to
Florence to effect the ecclesiastical union o f 1439. The Italian
humanists were enthralled by the arrival o f such learned classicists as
Bessarion and Pletho, and their presence in Italy gave a considerable
impetus to the progress o f Greek studies.
Greek literati of this late period became increasingly conscious o f
the empire’s decline and reflected this in their writing. One o f the
most brilliant o f the humanists, the bureaucrat Theodore Metochites
(d. 1332), had experienced the civil strife o f Andronicus II and
Andronicus III and had followed closely the Ottoman conquest o f
Bithynia. He clearly perceived the ever-widening disparity between
imperial ceremony and pretensions in Constantinople and the grim
reality o f the empire’s position. The only cure for the melancholy
which this perception inspired, he wrote, would be to remain
ignorant o f the empire’s past greatness. But since the historical
monuments o f past greatness could not be ignored, Metochites
sought consolation in ruminating on the role o f Chance ('Tyche).
The lives o f men and nations, he said, are governed by uncertainty
and oscillations. 18 1

. 119 Theodore Metochites, humanist writer and bureaucrat, shown holding

the Church o f Kariye Jam i, which was decorated under his patronage
 Nations which formerly ruled over others were then enslaved
in their turn. This was the case with the Assyrians who became
subject to the Persians, just as the Persians and all their subjects
become subject to the Macedonians, and the Macedonians to the
Romans. And these events occur in an alternating fashion accord­
ing to chance o f time and Tyche. N or is there anything constant
in human affairs nor unchangingly eternal. Just as every in­
dividual man or animal suffers birth, growth, decay and
destruction and death, thus is it also in human affairs, govern­
ments, and dynasties. They also are in constant flux and change,
and never constant. They come into being, progress, and then,
gradually decaying and changing into the opposite state, they
come to an end and die.

It was this reversal o f fortune common to all states which, according

to Metochites, had overtaken Byzantium.
These sad conditions inspired literary satire in the vernacular
tongue, which ridiculed far more crudely than Metochites the
unrealistic tone o f much o f Byzantine traditionalism. B y the fifteenth
century the empire had become so insignificant that historians such
as Chalcocondyles and Critoboulos took as the subject o f their
narratives not Byzantium but the Ottoman Turks. Other men o f
letters, not resigned to the approaching end, recommended positive
programmes o f action. The Latinophile Bessarion proposed what
historians today would call ‘westernization', for he recommended
that Greek youths be sent to the west to study western technology.
Pletho conjured up a new Greek state, along Platonic lines, which
should be founded in the Peloponnese and which should return to
paganism. But despite these ‘secular’ explanations and proposals
Byzantine society retained its religious outlook to the very end and
sought an essentially religious explanation for the catastrophic turn
o f events. Preachers told their congregations that God had sent the
Turks to serve as divine chastisement o f the sinful Christians. The
most famous and sulphuric o f these Byzantine preachers was Joseph
Bryennius, the violence o f whose sermons matched the very violence
182 o f the Turkish conquest.
 Our rulers are unjust, those who oversee our affairs are
rapacious, the judges accept gifts, the mediators are liars, the
city dwellers are deceivers, the rustics are unintelligible, and all
are useless. Our virgins are more shameless than prostitutes, the
widows more curious than they ought to be, the married
women disdain and keep not faith, the young men are licentious
and the aged drunkards. The nuns have insulted their calling,
the priests have forgotten God, the monks have strayed from the
straight road. . . . M any o f us live in gluttony, drunkenness,
fornication, adultery, foulness, licentiousness, hatred, jealousy,
envy, and theft. W e have become arrogant, braggarts, avarici­
ous, selfish, ungrateful, disobedient, deserters, robbers, traitors,
unholy, unjust, unrepentant, irreconcilable. . . . It is these
things and other things like them which bring upon us the
chastisements o f God.

Whatever the causes o f decline, be they the instability o f human

affairs, the virtues o f the Turks, or the sins o f the Greeks, it is remark­
able that even at this late date the outlook o f society was not fatal­
istic. For implicit in the explanation o f Byzantine decline was the
possibility o f reversing the unfortunate state o f Christian society.
Tyche was not constant, sins could be abandoned and the virtuous
life resumed, and Greek folklore expressed the common belief that
eventually the Turks would be removed.
Though literary activity in a period o f stress can be explained by
the stimulating effect o f political and military crises, these same
conditions often exercise a deleterious effect on artistic output and
development. For in periods o f disaster survival becomes the primary
concern o f society and the energies, time, and money which art
demands are not available. It is therefore extraordinary that Palaeo-
logan art stands out as one o f the really great achievements o f
Byzantine society. The high quality o f this art is spectacularly
revealed in the Church o f the Chora (Kariyejam i) which, under the
patronage o f Theodore Metochites, was embellished with brilliant
mosaics and exquisite frescoes, though it is to be seen also in the
monuments o f Thessalonica, Mistra, and Serbia. 183
[20, 12 1 The age 1
o f the Palaeologues
witnessed a last great
flowering
o f Byzantine art.
The mosaics in the
Church o f Kariye Jami,
which include this
Christ Pantocrator (above),
are particularly notable.
The new
humanistic approach
is seen in this
portrait (left)
From a manuscript
o f Hippocrates, c. 1342
 mamm

122, 123 The naturalistically

depicted shepherds (left)
come from a mosaic (c. 1312)
in the Church
o f the H oly Apostles
(below left) in Salonica,
an important cultural centre

124 Hagia Maria Pammarkaristos

(below right) is one o f the best
surviving later Byzantine exteriors
in Constantinople
125 The Anastasis: Christ descending into Hell and raising Adam and Eve from the dead.
Detail o f a wall painting in Kariye Jam i, c. 1 310
 THE END OF B Y Z A N T I U M
The approaching end o f the drama could be delayed no longer.
Thanks to the rule o f the energetic Murad II (14 2 1-5 1) the Ottoman
empire was once more firm ly established in both the Balkans and
Anatolia, and it only remained for Muhammed II to provide the
new empire with its logical capital, Constantinople. In spite o f its
complete isolation, Constantinople still presented formidable
obstacles to Muhammed who realized that the city could not be
easily reduced. Therefore he built the fortress o f Rumeli Hisar at the
narrow point on the Bosphorus so that he might block the grain
ships sailing to Constantinople. Muhammed was also concerned as
to how he might breach the great land walls which barred his
entrance into the city. It was the great misfortune o f the Byzantine
emperor to lose the services o f his Transylvanian cannon-maker
Urbanus, who deserted to Muhammed and built some extraordinary
pieces both for Rurneli Hisar and for the coming siege o f Con­
stantinople.
Constantine X I did what little he could with the meagre resources
at hand. He appealed to Pope Nicholas V for aid and the result was
the last tem porary ecclesiastical union o f the two Churches in 1452.
The megadux Lucas Notaras and the anti-unionists denounced the
act and declared that they would prefer to see the Turkish turban
rather than the Latin tiara in Constantinople, but many o f the people
o f Constantinople dissented stating that they would rather see the
city in the hands o f the Latins, who at least professed a belief in
Christ. Thus the union divided the Greeks at this critical hour while
failing to bring them the necessary aid from the west.
Muhammed deployed his troops before the land walls o f Con-
staninople on Friday, 6 April 1453, and so commenced the last
siege o f Constantinople by barbarian armies. The struggle was
unequal because the Ottoman forces, which conservative estimates
place at 80,000, far outnumbered both the total number o f the
emperor’s forces (a mere 9,000) and the population o f Constantinople
itself (probably less than 50,000). The first bombardment o f the city
began on 1 1 April and the naval attack of the Ottoman fleet on
19 April was thwarted by the megadux Notaras at the iron chains 187
 blocking the entrance to the Golden Horn. The failure o f the
Ottomans to force the chains and bring their fleet into the Golden
Horn was serious, for it meant that the Greeks and Genoese could
concentrate their scanty manpower on the land walls where the bulk
of the Ottoman army was situated. But on the night o f 22 April the
Ottomans hauled their ships from the Bosphorus over the hill o f
Galata and to the accompaniment o f rolling drums and screeching
trumpets slid them into the waters o f the Golden Horn.
N o w the sea walls were exposed to Muslim attack and the em­
peror had to divert soldiers from the land walls to man the extensive
walls along the northern shore o f Constantinople. Even though this
was a great Turkish success, the siege dragged on through the month
o f M ay and Muhammed offered Constantine terms by which the
emperor could abandon Constantinople for the Morea. Constantine
chose the path o f honour and informed the Sultan that he preferred

126, 127 Rumeii Hisar (above), fort built on the Bosphorus by Muhammed II (opposite)
 to die defending the capital. Muhammed therefore prepared a final
assault and on 27 M ay inspected his troops, personally assigning
each body its position. On the morning o f the next day the Byzan­
tines worked feverishly to repair breaches in the walls, litanical
processions filled the streets, and miraculous icons were placed on
the walls. The emperor, surrounded by Greeks and Latins, proceeded
to Hagia Sophia where they heard the last Christian mass o f the
Byzantine empire and then returned to their positions on the walls.
The first Turkish assault, which began on the evening o f 28 May,
was repulsed but was followed by a second and more determined
attack by the Anatolian soldiery. After they had been repelled,
Muhammed ordered a third and final attack by the crack Janissaries
on the morning o f 29 M ay. During this attack the Genoese general,
Giustiniani Longo, was mortally wounded and suddenly the Sultan’s
standards were seen to float at one point inside the walls. The em­
peror and his troops continued to resist at the St Romanus gate where
Constantine was slain by the Turks.
The Turks had finally breached the citadel o f eastern Christianity
and now the scenes o f 1204 were repeated. Men, women, and
children were massacred without discrimination or pity. After the
first orgy o f slaughter the victorious Muslims systematically plun­
dered churches, monasteries, palaces and houses. Great numbers o f
prisoners were taken and enslaved, and the booty which the Otto­
man soldiery gathered was such as they had never seen before.
The historian Ducas describes the plunder o f the city in detail:

Three days after the fall o f the city he [Muhammed] released

the ships so that each might sail o ff to its own province and city,
each carrying such a load that it seemed each would sink. And
what sort o f a cargo ? Luxurious cloths and textiles, objects and
vessels o f gold, silver, bronze, and brass, books beyond all
counting and number, prisoners including priests and lay
persons, nuns and monks. All the ships were full o f cargoes,
and the tents o f the army camps were full o f captives and o f the
above enumerated items and goods. And there was to be seen
190 among the barbarian host one wearing the sakkon o f an

128 The capture o f Constantinople by the Turks ►

 archbishop, another wearing the gold epitrahelion o f a priest,
leading their dogs clothed instead o f with the usual collars with
gold brocaded amnous (ecclesiastical vestments). Others were
to be seen seated at banquets, with the holy discs before them
containing fruit and other foods, which they were eating, and
with the holy chalices from which they drank their wine. And
having loaded all the books, reaching unto a number beyond
numbering, upon carts, they scattered them throughout the
east and west. For one nomisma ten books could be bought
(and what kind o f books), Aristotelian, Platonic, theological,
and every other kind. There were gospels which had every type
o f embellishment, beyond number, they smashed the gold
and silver from them and some they sold, others they threw
away. And all the icons were thrown into the flame, from which
flame they broiled their meat.

After three days o f horrible pillaging Muhammed entered Hagia

Sophia, mounted the pulpit accompanied by an imam, and the
Friday prayer was recited. The Sultan then entered the Christian
sanctuary where he personally destroyed the altar, an act which
symbolized the end o f a thousand years o f history.
 EPILOGUE

Pitiful as was its end, the history o f Byzantium nevertheless reads

like a great epic. The Byzantines carried the torch o f civilization
unextinguished at a time when the barbarous Germanic and Slav
tribes had reduced much o f Europe to near chaos: and they main­
tained this high degree o f civilization until western Europe gradually
emerged and began to take form. It is no exaggeration to credit the
empire with the preservation o f European civilization from Islam
in the seventh and eighth centuries. Had the empire fallen before the
Arab attacks, Islam would have spread to much o f Europe, with
unforseeable consequences, while it was still in an amorphous state.
The Slavonic east would doubtless have received the Islamic faith,
as would much o f central Europe. Italy, isolated between Muslim
Spain and an Islam established in the Balkans and central Europe,
would have been seriously threatened, and so would the papacy.
Indeed, invasions from Arab-held Sicily might well have established
the sway o f Islam in the Italian peninsula.
The empire developed a great and original art which was decisive
in much o f the Slav world, and the influence o f which is to be
discerned in Venetian and Ottoman architecture as well as in some o f
the earlier schools o f painting in Italy. Its civilization played an
important role in the evolution o f such widely divergent phenomena
as religious music, monasticism and humanism in the west. Certainly
one o f its greatest services was the preservation o f so much o f the
classical Greek literary heritage, an inheritance which is at the very
basis o f western humanism. And finally, it created Christian theo­
logy, the most impressive intellectual monument o f the Middle
Ages.
What is the relationship o f Byzantium and the ‘modern Byzantine
derivatives’ - that is, the Balkans and Russia - to Europe? Geo­
graphically, o f course, these ‘Byzantine derivatives’ are part o f 193
 Europe. But historically speaking the answer is not so simple, for
eastern and western Europe present strong differences, differences
which were already visible by the time o f Liudprand’s embassy to
the court o f Nicephorus Phocas. The historical European civilization
o f which one usually speaks is that o f the Latin-German west
which, arising from the feudal age, developed and experienced the
Renaissance, the Reformation, the Enlightenment and modern
industrialism.
The Byzantine cultural area (especially Byzantium and the
Balkans) began to feel the pressure o f the west in the later Middle
Ages and to undergo many o f its influences in commercial life,
military forms, technology, literature and art. But the military
victories o f the Altaic peoples (the Mongols in Russia, and the Turks
in the Balkans) halted this development by re-orienting these
societies toward the Muslim east. Consequently the encounter
between Byzantium and the Latin west, which had begun so dis­
astrously for the east but which seemed so promising, was postponed
for four hundred years (until the nineteenth century), at which time
the Balkan peoples were faced with the impossible task o f bridging
the gap between the Renaissance and the Industrial Revolution in a
very brief space o f time. In Russia, where the M ongol yoke was
removed much earlier, the Tsars began to make the rapprochement
with the west much earlier.
But i f Byzantium differed from the west and had much that to
western eyes smacked o f the exotic Orient, Byzantine society was as
different and distinct from Islamic as it was from western society.
This is still evident to the traveller today who leaves central Europe
and passes through the Balkans to the Islamic countries, for as the
traveller moves eastward the degree o f ‘strangeness’ increases. The
Balkans form the transitional area between Europe and the Islamic
Near East, and so it was in the Middle Ages. The west, Byzantium,
and Islam developed in areas which in part had belonged to the
Roman empire and therefore all three societies shared in the Graeco-
Roman tradition. It is this fact which gives a vague unity to these
three societies o f the medieval period, in contrast to the societies o f
194 China, India and the Altai.

129 A group o f Constaninople nuns, w

from a manuscript produced in that city about 1400
. . nfoi(klritfyMiUy|
) ..V
 In the west this tradition was altered by the disappearance o f the
Greek element and the admixture o f the Germanic strain, whereas in
the Near East the Greek element had been weak. Though the early
Arab conquerors were affected by their Byzantine environment and
inherited much o f Greek literary culture and Byzantine institutions,
it was Persia and Arabia which finally predominated. Thus as the
west and Islam gradually developed in their own ways, they moved
further away from Byzantine civilization. Byzantium remained
closest to the parent culture and though this endowed its society with
great sophistication it also constituted shackles which deterred a
more vigorous development. Byzantium represents a society and
culture m idway between those o f Islam and the Latin west, more
akin to either than the west was to Islam or Islam to the west. It
was a result o f this medial position that the Orthodox peoples were
psychologically prepared to accept westernization at least a century
before the Muslims, and that they have felt less ill at ease than the
Muslims about the problems which such an adjustment has demanded.
 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPH Y

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L. Bréhier, Vie et mort de Byzance (Paris 1947)
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A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602: A Social, Economie, and Adminis­
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A R T , L IT E R A T U R E AND L E A R N IN G
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 L I S T OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S

1 H ea d o f the E m p e r o r D io c le tia n . M a rb le . 16 G o ld co in w ith p o rtrait o f T h e o d o ric the

P art o f an o v e r life-size statue. A rc h a e o ­ G re a t. 4 9 3 -5 2 6 . M u se o d elle T e r m e , R o m e .
lo g ic a l M u se u m , C o n sta n tin o p le . P h o to : P h o to : D eutsch es A rc h â o lo g isc h e s Institut,
H irm e r Rom e

2 T h e V ic t o r y o f Sh ap u r I o v e r V a lerian . 1 7 St M en as in a nich e. I v o r y p y x is . P ro b a b ly
Sassanian cam eo . F o u rth ce n tu ry . C a b in e t des A le x a n d ria n . S ix th cen tu ry. B ritis h M u se u m ,
M éd ailles, P aris L o n d o n . P h o to : H irm e r

3 H ea d o f C o n sta n tin e the G rea t. M a rb le . 18 A dan cer and sm all an im a l. W o o l e m ­

B asilica N o v a , P ala zz o dei C o n se rv a to ri, b ro id e ry , part o f a cla v u s. F ifth o r sixth
R o m e . P h o to : H irm e r ce n tu ry . M u se u m o f F in e A rts, B o s to n

4, 5 G o ld aureus o f D io cle tia n . B ritis h M u se u m , 19 T h e V ir g in and C h ild . D e ta il o f a w a ll-

L o n d o n . P h o to : P eter C la y t o n p ain tin g . S ix th o r seven th ce n tu ry . M o n a s­
te r y o f B a w it. P h o to : C o p tic M u se u m ,
6, 7 G o ld solidus o f C o n sta n tin e. B ritis h M u se u m , C a iro
L o n d o n . P h o to : P eter C la y to n
20 J u lia n the A p o sta te besieges C te sip h o n . M s.
8 C o n sta n tin e offers h o m a g e to the V ir g in . G r. 5 10 , f. 409V. B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le ,
D e ta il o f m osaic. T e n th c en tu ry. H a g ia P aris
S o p h ia , C o n sta n tin o p le. P h o to : H irm e r
2 1 St G r e g o r y N a zian zu s an d T h e o d o siu s. M s.
9 C o n sta n tin e I at the M ilv ia n B rid g e . D e tail G r. 5 10 , f. 239 . B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le ,
o f m in iatu re fr o m the S e rm o n s o f St P aris
G r e g o r y o f N a zian zu s. c. 88o. M s. G r. 5 10 .
B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris 22 L e a f fr o m iv o r y d ip ty c h o f the L a in p a d ii,
p ro b a b ly rep resen tin g the H ip p o d r o m e at
10 P o n te M ilv io , R om e. P h o to : M an se ll- C o n sta n tin o p le, c. 3 5 5 . M u se o C ristia n o ,
A n d erso n Brescia
11 C o n sta n tin o p le : b ird ’ s-e ye v ie w o f the c ity . 23 H ea d o f Ju stin ia n . D e ta il o f m o saic. S ix th
N in th to e leven th cen turies. R e co n stru ctio n c e n tu ry . S. V ita le , R a v e n n a . T h a m e s and
p ain tin g b y A la n S o rre ll H u d so n arch ives

1 2 T h e o d o siu s p resid in g o v e r the gam es. 24 H ea d o f E m p re ss T h e o d o ra . D e ta il o f

M a rb le base o f the E g y p t ia n o b elisk, c. 390. m o saic. S ix th ce n tu ry . S. V ita le , R a v e n n a .
T h e H ip p o d ro m e , C o n sta n tin o p le . P h o to : T h a m e s an d H u d so n arch iv es
H irm e r
25 T h e P ala ce o f T h e o d o ric . D e ta il o f m osaic.
1 3 S tilich o . R e l ie f o n the rig h t w in g o f an iv o r y E a r ly six th c en tu ry. S. A p o llin a re N u o v o ,
d ip ty c h , c. 400. C a th e d ra l T re a s u ry , M o n z a . R a v e n n a . P h o to : M a rz a ri
P h o to : H irm e r
26 C h u rc h o f S S . S e rg iu s an d B a c c h u s, C o n ­
14 H e a d o f A rca d iu s. P en te lic m arb le. 3 9 5 -4 0 0 . stan tin op le. D e ta il o f the co rn ice an d capi­
A rc h a e o lo g ic a l M u se u m C o n sta n tin o p le. tals. 5 2 7 -3 6 . P h o to : Jo s e p h in e P o w e ll
P h o to : M a rtin H iirlim a n n
2 7 M aso n s at w o r k . M in ia tu re fr o m a psalter.
15 Sh ip s at C lassis. M o sa ic. E a r ly six th cen tu ry. 10 6 6 . B ritis h M u se u m , L o n d o n . P h o to :
S. A p o llin a re N u o v o , R a v e n n a . P h o to : C o u rte s y o f the T ru stee s o f the B ritish
M a rz a ri M u se u m 201
 28 The Golden Gate and walls of Constanti­ 44 G o ld so lid u s o f C o n stan tin e V (o b ve rse).
nople from the south, c. 400. Photo: Hirmer 7 4 1 - 7 5 . P . D . W h ittin g C o lle c tio n . P h o to :
P eter C la y t o n
29 Hagia Eirene, Constantinople. Exterior, c.
532 and later. Photo: Hirmer 45 G o ld s o lid u s w ith p o rtrait o f the E m p re ss
Iren e. 7 9 7 -8 0 2 . B ritis h M u se u m , L o n d o n .
30 Yeribatan-Saray. Underground cisterns built P h o to : J o h n W e b b
by Justinian. Photo: Hirmer
46 T h e w a rs o f N ic e p h o r u s 1 again st K r u m and
31 The Aqueduct of Valens, Constantinople. the cap tu re o f N ic e p h o ru s. Illu m in a tio n s
Built 368. Photo: Hirmer fr o m S la v o n ic c o p y o f the M an asses C o d e x .
13 4 5 . V a tic a n L ib r a r y , R o m e
32 Hagia Sophia, Constantinople. Interior.
Built 532-7. Engraving after Fossati: A y a 47 G o ld s o lid u s o f Ju stin ia n II, the reverse
S o p h ia , C o n sta n tin o p le , as recently restored b y sh o w in g C h r ist, K in g o f K in g s . 6 8 5 -9 5 .
order o f H .M . the S u lta n A b d u l M e d jie l. P . D . W h ittin g C o lle c tio n . P h o to : P eter
London, 1852 C la y t o n

33 ‘Rubens vase’. Agate, c. 400 ad. Walters 48 G o ld so lid u s o f L e o III. 7 1 7 - 4 1 . P . D . W h it ­

Art Gallery, Baltimore tin g C o lle c tio n . P h o to : P e te r C la y t o n

34 The Personification of India. Silver dish. 49 Ico n o clast w h ite w a s h in g an im a g e . M in ia ­

Sixth century. Archaeological Museum, tu re fr o m the C h lu d o v P salter. N in th cen­
Constantinople. Photo: Hirmer tu ry . P u b lic L ib r a r y , M o s c o w . P h o to :
C o lle c tio n de l ’ E c o le des H au tes E tu d es,
35 Cross of Justin II. Silver gilt. c. 575. Capella P aris
delle Reliquie, Basilica Vaticana, Rome. 50 M o sa ic cross in the apse o f H a g ia E ire n e ,
Photo: Mansell-Alinari C o n sta n tin o p le . E ig h th to n in th centuries.
36 Throne of Archbishop Maximian. John the P h o to : C o u r te s y o f the B y z a n tin e Institute
Baptist and the four Evangelists. Ivory. Inc.
Sixth century. Museo dell’ Arcivescovado, 5 1 T h e o d o ra restores the icon s. M s. G r. 1 6 1 3 .
Ravenna. Photo: Hirmer fo l. 39 2. V a tic a n L ib r a r y , R o m e

37 M u lt i-s o lid u s gold piece of Justinian. 534-8. 52 T h e A d o r a tio n an d the N a t iv it y . Iv o r y

Electrotype of gold original formerly in the d ip ty c h . S ix th cen tu ry. B ritis h M u se u m ,
Cabinet des Médailles, Paris. British Museum, L o n d o n . P h o to : H irm e r
London. Photo: Peter Clayton
53 T h e N a t iv it y . M a n u scrip t w ith S y r ia c text.
38 Gold s o lid u s of Phocas. Probably issued 603. 1 2 1 6 - 2 0 . B ritis h M u se u m , L o n d o n . P h o to :
P. D. Whitting Collection. Photo: Peter C o u r te s y o f the T ru stees o f the B ritish
Clayton M u se u m

39 Gold s o lid u s of Heraclius and Constantine. 54 T h e G re a t M o s q u e o f D am ascu s. A rc h ite c ­

613-29. P. D. Whitting Collection. Photo: tu ral scene fr o m a b o v e the en tran ce o f the
Peter Clayton c o u rty a rd . M o sa ic . 7 1 5 . P h o to : J . E . D a y to n

40 Gold so lid u s of Heraclius and Constantine. 55 S S . C y r i l an d M e th o d iu s k n ee lin g b e fo re

629-31. P. D. Whitting Collection. Photo: C h rist. F resco in San C le m e n te , R o m e .
Peter Clayton E le v e n th c e n tu ry . F r o m J . W ilp e r t — D i e
R o m isc h e n M o s a ik e n u n d M a le re ie n
41 Statue of Heraclius. Bronze. 610-41.
Barletta. Photo: Hirmer. 56 L e o V I re c e iv in g the in v e stitu re o f H o ly
W is d o m . D e ta il o f m o saic. H a g ia So p h ia ,
42 Reverse type of a bronze coin of Abd al C o n sta n tin o p le . L a te n in th c en tu ry. P h o to :
Malik. P. D. Whitting Collection. Photo: T h a m e s an d H u d so n arch iv es
Peter Clayton
57 W e ig h t rep resen tin g N ic e p h o ru s P h o cas,
43 Mecca. Engraving by Hunglinger showing d ied a d 6 10 . B ritis h M u se u m . P h o to :
the Ka’ba. 1803. British Museum, London. C o u r te s y o f the T ru stee s o f the B ritish
202 Photo: R. B. Fleming & Co. Ltd M u se u m
58 G o ld solidus. J o h n I T z im isce s c ro w n e d b y 72 T o k a le K ilise , C a p p a d o c ia . W a ll-p a in tin g ,
the V irg in . P . D . W h ittin g C o lle c tio n . s h o w in g earlier an d later la ye rs. P h o to :
P h o to : P eter C la y to n Jo s e p h in e P o w e ll

59 E p ip h a n y o f the E m p e r o r C o n sta n tin e V I I

73 T h e ch u rch o f St J o h n o f S tu d iu m , C o n ­
P o r p h y ro g e n itu s . Iv o ry re lie f, c. 944. stan tin op le. In terio r, lo o k in g east. c. 463.
M u se u m o f F in e A rt , M o s c o w . P h o to : P h o to : H irm e r
H irm e r

60 P o rtra it o f the E m p e r o r B a s il II B u lg a r o - 74 C h rist P a n to crato r. M o sa ic , c. 1 1 0 0 . T h e

d o m e , D a p h n i, G reece . P h o to : D a v id
cton os. F ro m the P sa lter o f B a s il II. 9 7 6 - 10 2 5
T a lb o t R ic e
(C o d . G r. 1 7 ) B ib lio te c a M a rc ia n a , V e n ic e .
P h o to : H irm e r
75 Illu m in a tio n fr o m the T h e ria ca o f N ic a n d o r .
6 1 W o r k in the v in e y a rd s. M in ia tu re fr o m a T e n th c en tu ry. S u p p l. G r . 2 4 7 f. 4 7 V .
c o p y o f the G o sp els. E le v e n th ce n tu ry . B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris
B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris
76 T h e R a p e o f E u r o p a . D e ta il o f lid o f the
62 Sh eep -sh earin g, sailin g, p lo u g h in g . M in ia ­ V e r o li C ask et. I v o r y . T e n th ce n tu ry to
tures fr o m a c o p y o f the S e rm o n s o f St ele v e n th c en tu ry. V ic to r ia an d A lb e r t
G r e g o r y o f N a zian zu s. E le v e n th cen tu ry. M u se u m , L o n d o n
B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris

63 Silen u s an d a d an cin g M a e n a d . S ilv e r an d

77 R e liq u a r y fo r the T r u e C ro ss. E n a m e ls at
cen tre o f the o u ter co n tain er, c. 9 5 5 . C a th e d ra l
s ilv e r-g ilt dish. 6 1 0 - 2 9 . State H e rm ita g e
T re a s u ry , L im b u r g o n the L a h n . P h o to :
M u se u m , L e n in g ra d . P h o to : S. C . R . L ib r a r y
H irm e r
64 C h a lic e b e a rin g the n a m e o f the E m p e r o r
R o m a n u s. G o ld , p re cio u s stones an d c lo i­ 78 C o n sta n tin e, Zoe, T h e o d o ra . Enam el
son né en am el, c. 10 7 0 . T r e a s u ry o f St M a r k ’ s, p laq u es fr o m the c r o w n o f C o n sta n tin e
V e n ic e . P h o to : O sv a ld o B o h m M o n o m ach o s. 10 4 2 - 5 5 . N a tio n a l M u se u m ,
B u d a p est. P h o to : H irm e r
65 T h e H a rb a v ille T r ip ty c h . C e n tre pan el.
I v o r y . L a te ten th ce n tu ry . L o u v r e , P aris. 79 D a v id co m p o sin g the P salm s. F r o m the
P h o to : H irm e r P aris P salter. N in th ce n tu ry . M s. G r . 13 9 .
B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris. P h o to :
66 T w o riders h u n tin g lio n s. F ra g m e n t o f silk H irm e r
tex tile. M id -e ig h th c e n tu ry . M u sé e H is­
to riq u e des T issu s, L y o n . P h o to : G ira u d o n 80 P arad ise an d the F o u r R iv e r s. F r o m the
H o m ilie s o f Ja c o b o f K o k in o b a p h o s . T w e lft h
67 P attern o f eagles. D e ta il fr o m the S h ro u d o f
ce n tu ry . M s. G r. 12 0 8 . B ib lio th è q u e
St G e rm a in l ’ A u x e rro is . S ilk . L a te ten th
N a tio n a le , P aris
cen tu ry. C h u rc h o f St E u se b iu s, A u x e rre .
P h o to : G ira u d o n
81 T h e C r o w n in g o f R o m a n u s II an d E u d o x ia .
68 A lio n stran gler. S ilk te x tile. E ig h th cen­ I v o r y , c. 950. C a b in e t des M é d ailles, P aris.
tu ry . V ic to ria and A lb e rt M u se u m , L o n d o n . P h o to : H irm e r
P h o to : H irm e r
82 T h e E m p e r o r N ic e p h o ru s B o ta n ia te s, St
69 St L u k e . F ro m an e le v e n th -c e n tu ry G o sp el. J o h n C h ry s o s to m an d an an g el. M in ia tu re
A d d . M s. 2 8 8 1 5 . fo l. 7 6 V . B ritis h M u se u m , fr o m the H o m ilie s o f St J o h n C h ry s o s to m .
L o n d o n . P h o to : C o u r te s y o f the T ru stees o f c. 10 7 8 . m s. C o islin 79. f. 2 v . B ib lio th è q u e
the B ritis h M u se u m N a tio n a le , P aris. P h o to : H irm e r
70 T h e M o n a s te ry o f St C a th e rin e , M ount
Sin ai. P h o to : B e n o R o th e n b e rg 83 G o ld so lid u s o f Isaac I C o m n e n u s . 9 6 9 -7 6 .
P . D . W h ittin g C o lle c tio n . P h o to : P eter
7 1 T h e V ir g in an d C h ild w it h saints an d eagles. C la y t o n
Ico n o n the ch u rch o f S t C a th e rin e , M o u n t
Sin ai. S ix th c en tu ry. P h o to : In stitut F ran çais 84 H o ly C r o w n o f H u n g a r y . G o ld an d en am el.
d ’ A th èn e 1 0 7 4 - 7 . B u d a p e st T re a s u ry . P h o to : M a r b u r g 203
 85 Studen ts an d T each ers. L in e d ra w in g after 1 0 1 T h e W a lls o f N ic a e a . E n g r a v in g fr o m (
the Sk y litz e s C o d e x . T h irte e n th to fo u r ­ T e x ie r : A s i e M in e u re , P aris 1 8 3 5 . P h o to :
teen th cen turies. B ib lio te c a N a c io n a l, J o h n R . F reem an
M a d rid
10 2 T h e V ir g in . M o sa ic (d estro yed ). N in th
86 A n i C a th e d ra l, A rm e n ia . F r o m the n o rth ­ ce n tu ry . C h u r c h o f the A ssu m p tio n , N ic a e a .
w est. 9 8 9 - 10 0 1 . P h o to : A ra G iile r P h o to : K lo u g é

87 H o ly W o m e n at the S epu lch re. M in ia tu re 10 3 T h e o d o re Lascaris. F ro m the C odex

fr o m the G o sp els o f 10 3 8 . M aten ad ara n M o n acen sis. M s. G r. 442. S ta a tsb ib lio th c k ,
6 2 0 1. E re v a n , A rm e n ia . P h o to : E d itio n s M u n ic h
C e rc le d ’ A rt
10 4 C o r o n a tio n o f B a ld w in o f Flan d ers. M s.
88 A B y z a n tin e A r m y defeated b y the T u rk s . G r . 9 0 8 1 . f. 9 9 V . B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le ,
M in ia tu re fr o m the S k y litzes C odex. P aris
T h irte e n th to fo u rte en th cen turies. B ib lio ­
teca N a c io n a l, M a d rid 10 5 St L u k e an d St Ja m e s . F r o m a c o p y o f the
A cts an d E p istles. F irst h a lf o f the thirteen th
89 A le x iu s I C o n m e n u s. M s. G r. 666. f. 20. ce n tu ry . M s. G r . 12 0 8 , f. IV . V a tica n
V a tic a n L ib r a r y , R o m e L ib r a r y , R o m e
90 T h e C a th e d ra l at C e fa lu . M o sa ic in the apse. 10 6 H o rses. B ro n z e . P ro b a b ly H ellen istic.
c. 1 1 5 5 . P h o to : M a n se ll-A lin a ri B a silic a o f S t M a r k ’ s, V e n ic e . P h o to :
M a n se ll-A lin a r i
9 1 Scenes fr o m the N e w T estam en t. I v o r y .
T w e lft h ce n tu ry . V ic to ria an d A lb e rt 10 7 T o w e r o f G alata , C o n sta n tin o p le . F ro m
M u se u m , L o n d o n J . H . S. P a r d o e : B e a u tie s o f the B o sp h o ru s,
92 T h e L ast S u p p er. M o saic. Last q u arter o f the 18 3 8 . B ritis h M u se u m , L o n d o n . P h o to :
tw e lfth ce n tu ry . St M a r k ’ s, V e n ic e . P h o to : J o h n R . F re e m a n
M a rtin H iirlim a n n
10 8 M ic h a e l V I I I P a la e o lo g u s. F r o m the C o d e x
93 B a ttle o f D o r y la u m . M e d ie v a l m in iatu re. M o n acen sis. M s. G r . 442. Sta atsb ib lio th ek ,
B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris M u n ic h

94 T h e V ir g in an d C h ild b e tw e e n the E m p e r o r 10 9 A n d ro n ic u s II P a la e o lo g u s. F r o m a fo u r ­
J o h n C o m n e n u s an d the E m p re ss E ire n e . te e n th -c e n tu ry (?) m an u scrip t. M s. 12 9 3 .
M o sa ic , c. 1 1 1 8 . H a g ia S o p h ia , C o n sta n ti­ B y z a n tin e M u se u m , A th en s. P h o to :
n o p le. P h o to : H irm e r G ir a u d o n

95 M a n u e l C o m n e n u s. M s. G r. 117 6 . f. 11 n o T h e E m p e r o r J o h n V I C an tacu ze n e en­

V a tic a n L ib r a r y , R o m e th ro n ed . F r o m a m an u scrip t o f C a n ta c u -
zenos. 1 3 7 0 - 5 . M s. G r . 1 2 4 2 f. 5V. B ib lio ­
96 T e k fu r S a ra y , C o n sta n tin o p le. P ro b a b ly b u ilt th èqu e N a tio n a le , P aris. P h o to : H irm e r
b y M a n u e l II C o m n e n u s c. 1 1 5 0 . P h o to :
H irm e r in Ja la l a l-d in R u m i. T u r k is h m in iatu re.
S ix te e n th c e n tu ry . Topkapi L ib r a r y ,
97 S t M a r k ’ s, V e n ic e . M o sa ic , s h o w in g the
C o n sta n tin o p le
o rig in a l ap p earan ce o f the ch u rch . 12 6 0 - 7 0 .
P h o to : M a rtin H iirlim a n n 1 1 2 W h ir lin g D e rv ish e s. 1 7 9 2 - 3 . M s. 474 f.
24 8 b . C h e ste r B e a t t y C o lle c tio n , D u b lin
98 T h e V ir g in o f V la d im ir. P an el p ain tin g , c.
1 1 3 0 . T r e t ia k o v G a lle ry , M o s c o w 113 A Ja n is s a r y . S k e tc h b yG e n tile B e llin i, c..
99 H a g ia S o p h ia , T re b iz o n d . E n g r a v in g fro m 14 8 0 . B ritis h M u se u m , L o n d o n
C . T e x ie r : A s i e M in e u re , P aris 18 3 5 . P h o to :
1 1 4 M a n u e l II P a la e o lo g u s. F r o m a c o p y o f the
J o h n R . F reem an
fu n e ra l o ra tio n d e liv e re d b y the E m p e r o r
10 0 E x p u ls io n o f the d e v il fr o m the d a u g h te r o f M a n u e l o n the d eath o f his b ro th e r T h e o ­
the w o m a n o f C an aa n . W a ll-p a in tin g . d o re, D e s p o t o f the M o r a e (d. 14 0 7 ).
T h irte e n th ce n tu ry . H a g ia S o p h ia , T r e b i­ S u p p l. G r. 309, f. v i. B ib lio th è q u e
204 zo n d . P h o to : R u sse ll T ru st N a tio n a le , P aris
i i $ A n d r e w P a la e o lo g u s. Fresco b y B e rn a rd in o 12 3 C h u rc h o f the H o ly A p o stles, Salo n ica.
P in tu ric c h io . A p p a rta m e n te B o r g ia , E a st end. c. 1 3 1 2 . P h o to : C o lle c tio n de
V a tic a n , R o m e . P h o to : M a n se ll-A lin a ri l ’ E c o le des H autes E tu d es, P aris

1 1 6 J o h n V II I P a la e o lo g u s. F resco b y B e n o z z o 12 4 H a g ia M a ria P a m m a rk a risto s, F e tiy e J a m i,

G o z z o li. M e d ic i P alace, F lo re n ce . P h o to : C o n sta n tin o p le . E ast end. T h irte e n th cen­
M a n se ll-A lin a ri tu ry . P h o to : M a rtin H ü rlim a n n

1 1 7 T h e to w n o f M istra. M o s tly fo u rte e n th

ce n tu ry . P h o to : Jo s e p h in e P o w e ll 1 2 $ T h e A nastasis. W a ll-p a in tin g , c. 1 3 1 0 .
K a r iy e J a m i (C h u rch o f St S a v io u r),
1 1 8 T h e E n t r y in to Je ru sa le m . D e ta il o f w a ll- C o n sta n tin o p le . P h o to : B y z a n tin e Institute,
p ain tin g. c. 13 8 0 . C h u r c h o f the P e rib le p to s, W a s h in g to n
M istra. P h o to : Jo s e p h in e P o w e ll
12 6 R u m e li H isar. F o rt b u ilt o n the B o sp h o ru s
1 1 9 T h e o d o re M eto ch ites. D e ta il o f m o saic.
b y M u h a m m e d II. P h o to : M a rtin H ü r li­
1 3 2 0 - 3 0 . T y m p a n u m o f K a r iy e Ja m i,
m an n
C o n sta n tin o p le . P h o to : B y z a n tin e Institute,
W a sh in g to n
1 2 7 P o rtra it o f Su ltan M u h a m m e d II. G en tile
12 0 C h rist P a n to c ra to r. M o sa ic . 130 0 -2 0 . B e llin i. 14 8 0 . N a tio n a l G a lle r y , L o n d o n
K a r iy e J a m i, C o n sta n tin o p le . P h o to :
H irm e r
12 8 T h e S ie g e o f C o n sta n tin o p le . 1 4 5 3 . F ro m
1 2 1 P o rtra it o f F lip p o crate s. F ro m a m an u scrip t B e rtra n d o n de la B r o q u iè r e : V oyage
o f H ip p o cra te s, c. 13 4 2 . M s. G r . 2 14 4 , f. 10 . d ’ outrem er, 14 5 5 . B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le ,
B ib lio th è q u e N a tio n a le , P aris. P h o to : P aris. M s. Fr. 9087, v . 20 7
H irm e r
12 9 G r o u p o f N u n s. F ro m the L in c o ln C o lle g e ,
1 2 2 T w o Sh ep h erd s. D e ta il fr o m T h e N a t iv it y .
T y p ic o n . c. 14 0 0 . M s. G r . 3 $ , f. i 2 r . B o d ­
c. 1 3 1 2 . C h u rc h o f the H o l y A p o stles,
leian L ib r a r y , O x fo r d
Sa lo n ica. A fte r X y n g o p o u lo s , T h e s sa lo -
n iq u e et la P e in tu re M a c éd o n ien n e , A th en s,
1955 T h e m aps w e re d r a w n b y M rs P . S. V e r it y
o______ wo 2.00 300 400 500 m iles

""'-u . Umpire under Ju stin ian , c. 525

IW I » ^ 'Basil H, c. 1025
II111111 -- ,, A lexius 1, c. 1118
207
 INDEX

Numbers in italics refer to illustrations

Abgar, 86
Angora, 177
Acacian schism, 138 Anthemius of Tralles, 49
Acominatus, Michael, 148, 161 Antioch, 38, 57, 65, 79, 99, 141, 179
Adrianople, 30, 82, 121, 160, 175 Apamea, 104
Aegean islands, 160, 162 Apollonius, 118
Aetolia, 171 Arabs, 52, 61-5, 78-80, 86-7,
Africa, 45-6, 48 103-4, 13 1, 134, I7B 174, 193
Alans, 30, 32 Arcadius, 31-2, 14
Alaric, 31-2 Ardashir, 14
Albania, 171 Argyrus, 84, 126
Alemanni, 14 Arius, 38; Arianism, 24, 45
Aleppo, 87 Armenia, 15, 34, 62; Armenian art,
Alexander Sever us, 14 87; Armenians, 82, 99, 124, 128-
Alexandria, 39, 57, 65, 79, 179 30, 133, 172
Alexius I Comnenus, 121, 124, 127, Arsacids, 14
136, 13&-42, 150, 89 Arta, 153-4, 158
Alexius II Comnenus, 145, 156 Artabamus V, 14
Alexius III Angelus, 151, 154, 159 Asen II, 165
Alexius IV Angeli, 152 Asperuch, 70
Alexius V Murzuphlus, 152 Athens, 14, 82, 148, 160
Amalasuntha, Queen, 46 Athos, Mount, 106-7, 170
Amr ibn al-As, 63 Attica, 160
Anastasius I, 39, 57 Aurelian, 14, 18
Andronicus I Comnenus, 156 Avars, 30, 58, 60, 69-70
Andronicus II Palaeologus, 168-9, Azerbaijan, 60
171, 181, 109
Andronicus III Palaeologus, 169- Baldwin o f Flanders, 159, 104
71, 181 Baldwin II, 166
Angeloi, 145-6, 150. See also Balkans, 14, 20, 27, 34, 57, 59, 68-
Emperors of Byzantium, 8 72, 80, 131
Angelus, Michael, 154, 164 Barbarossa, Frederick, 145
Angelus, Theodore, 164 Baradaeus, Jacob, 58 209
 Bardas, n o Charlemagne, 66-7, 90
Bari, 132, 84 China, 97-8, 194
Barlaam, 170 Chios, 63, 108
Basil I, 84-5, 118 Choniates, 149
Basil II, 88, 91, 98-9, 112, 12 1 —
2, Choricius o f Gaza, 52
127, 130, 132, 60 Chosroes, 57
Bayezid I, 176-7 Chrysocheir, 84-6
Beirut, 88 Chrysolorus, Manuel, 181
Baktashis, 172 Cilicia, 87, 128, 141
Belisarius, 46, 69, 57 Claudius Gothicus, 14
Bellini, 113 Clement, 41
Berbers, 71 Clermont, 138
Bessarion, 181-2 Cluniac movement, 139
Bithynia, 84, 153, 174, 181 Comnena, Anna, 148-9
Boeotia, 160 Comnenoi, 134, 145-6, 150, 155,
Bogomils, 90 159. See also Emperors of Byzan­
Bohemund, 141 tium, 8
Boniface of Montferrat, 150,159-60 Comnenus, David, 156
Bryennius, 182 Constans II, 62, 66
Bulgaria, 86, 90-1, 127-8, 161; Constantine I, 16-29, 35, 38, 40, 59,
Bulgars, 30, 58, 66, 68-72, 78, 122, 130, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9
83, 99, 145, 154, 166, 170-1, Constantine III, 39
175 Constantine IV, 63-4, 70
Burgundians, 34 Constantine V (Copronymous), 66,
70, 76-7, 101, 44
Caesarea, 63, 104, 129 Constantine VII, 90, 112, 59
Cappadocia, 94, 128; monasteries Constantine VIII, 122
of, 41, 104, 116, 72 Constantine IX Monomachus, 114,
Carolingians, 66, 68, 138 I 3B 78
Carthage, 32, 59, 7B 79 Constantine X Ducas, 123-4, 128-
Castoria, 82 9 , 13 2 - 3
Catholic Church, 22, 139, 160-1 Constantine XI Palaeologus, 187-
Cecaumenus, 123, 125, 149 90
Cerasus, 98 Constantinople, 26-30, 47, 59-60,
Cerularius, 123, 139 98, 149, 152-3, 160, 164, 1 1 , 12 4 ;
Chalcedon, 39, 57, 79 siege of, 187-93, 128 ; Hagia
Chalcidice, 98 Sophia, 48-52, 54, 152, 161, 166,
Chalcocondyles, 182 190-2, 22 , 26, 28, 3 1 , 32; Hagia
210 Chaldea, 153 Eirene, 29; Kariye Jami, 18 3 , 119,
Constantinople—contd. Dusan, Stephan, 171, 174
120\ SS. Sergius and Bacchus, Dyrrachium, 68, 136, 154, 160
26', aqueduct o f Valens, 31
Constantius, 38 Edessa, 86
Constantius Caesar, 18 Egypt, 22, 34, 38-9, 47, 57-8, 62,
Coon, C., 81 64, 80, 150-1, 174
Copts, 58, 79; Coptic art, 47, 18, 19 Eirene, Empress, 94
Corfu, 161 Elegabalus, 18
Corinth, 68, 82, 98, 141, 164 Ephesus, 84, 104, 158, 161
Coron, 160 Epirus, 153-6, 161, 164-6
Crete, 65, 86-7, 99, 121, 160, 164 Euboea, 98
Crimea, 99 Eudoxia, 81
Critoboulos, 181 Eustathius of Thessalonica, 148
Croats, 70-1 Euytches, 39
Crusades, 138-40, 150, 166; Cru­
saders, 141, 151, 160-2, 166
Ctesiphon, 58, 20 Fallmereyer, Jacob, 80
Cumans, 30, 131, 138 Florence, 181
Curcuas, John, 86 Franks, 14, 34, 162, 166
Cydones, Demetrius, 181 Frederick II, 165
Cyprus, 63, 87, 121
Cyril of Alexandria, 39 Gabras, 145
Cyril of Thessalonica, 83, 55 Gainas, 34-5
Cyzicus, 63 Gaiseric, 32, 46
Galerius, 18, 23
Dacia, 14, 16, 31 Gallipolis, 174
Dalmatia, 71, 151, 160 Gaul, 14, 34
Damascus, 65, 79, 80, 88, 54 Gelemir, 46
Damasus, Pope, 37 Genoa, 144-5; Genoese, 166, 188,
Dandolo, Doge, 15 1, 159 107
Decius, 14, 23 Geoffrey of Villhardouin, 160
Dervishes, 172, 112 Georgia, 156
Diocletian, 11, 15-22, 26, 71, 122, 1 Geta, 18
Dioscurus, 39 George of Pisidia, 60
Donatists, 24 Gepids, 68
Dorylaum, 95 Goths, 14, 30, 35, 45
Ducas, 84, 132-3. See also Emperors Great Preslav, 90
o f Byzantium, 8 Greece, 69, 71, 80-94
Ducas, Andronicus, 133-4 Gregory o f Nyssa, 38 211
 G re g o ry I, Pope, 58 Jo h n III D ucas Vatatzes, 165
Guiscard, R obert, 1 3 1 , 134 , 136 , Jo h n V Palaeologus, 1 7 0 - 1
14 1 Jo h n V I Cantacuzene, 16 9 - 7 1, 174 ,
110
H am danids, 87 Jo h n V III Palaeologus, 116
H en ry V I (H ohenstaufen), 150 Jo h n o f Dam ascus, 75, 79
H eraclius, 5 8 -6 1, 7 1 , 38, jg , 40, 41 Ju lian , 35, 40, 17
H eruli, 14 , 68 Ju stin I, 57
H esychasm , 17 0 Ju stin II, 33
H ieria, 77 Justinian I, 18 , 4 2 -7 , 5 1- 8 , 6 7-9 ,
H on o r ius, 13 104, 23, 37 , 71
H um bert, 139 Justinian II, 75, 47
H uns, 3 0 - 1, 68-9
Kaihusrau, 159
Ibn K h aldun, 17 2 K a k ig B agrato u n i, 129
Iconoclasm , 7 2 -7 , 1 0 1 , 104 , 1 1 7 , K iev , 17 7 ; K iev an Russia, 99
138, 47, 48, 49, K ilij Arslan, 13 3 - 4 , 144
Illyricu m , 2 3, 32, 68, 138 K lokotinitza, 165
Innocent III, Pope, 150 , 160 K o n y a (Iconium ), 144, 15 5 , 159 ,
Ionian islands, 160, 16 2, 16 4 17 4
Iraq, 63 K o sso vo , 17 5
Irene, Em press, 43 K o trigu rs, 69
Isaac I C om nenus, 12 3 , 83 K ru m , 7 1 , 46
Isaac II A ngelus, 1 5 1 - 2 K u brat, 70
Isidore o f M iletus, 49
Islam , 22, 6 2-6 , 86-7, 1 5 1 - 2 , 1 7 1 - 4 , Lacedaem onia, 87
19 3 - 6 ; Islam ic art, 74, 34 Lactantius, 20
Issus, 59 Laodicea, 98
Italus, Jo h n , 1 1 4 , 148 Lascarids, 16 5. See also Em p erors
Italy, 14 , 22, 34, 4 5-6 , 66, 80, 86, o f B yzan tiu m , 8
1 2 1 , 1 3 1 - 9 passim, 193 Latins, 12 7 , 13 0 , 138 , 14 2 -6 7 passim,
187, 189
Ja c o b o f K o kin ob ap h u s, 1 1 8 , 80 Lauriu m , 98
Ja la l al-din R u m i, 1 1 1 Leichudes, 1 1 4
Janissaries, 17 5 , 190, 113 Leo III, 74 -6 , 138 , 45, 48
Jeru salem , 58, 60, 63, 65 Leo V I, 36
Jo h n I Tzim isces, 86, 88, 90, 106, Leo IX , P ope, 139
1 1 2 , 5<? L eo the Philosopher, n o , 1 1 5
212 Jo h n II C om nenus, 1 4 1 , 1 4 4 , 15 0 ,9 4 Leo o f T rip o li, 86
Licinius, 24 M ichael V , 123
Liudprand o f C rem on a, 9 1 - 2 , 94, M ich ael V I, 123
13 8 , 1 9 4 M ichael V II Ducas, 12 5 -6 , 13 4 , 84
Lom bards, 66, 7 1 - 2 , 80, 13 4 , 138 M ichael V III Palaeologus, 16 5 -8 ,
L o n g o , Justiniani, 190 174 , 108
Louis IX , 166 M iklosich , 81
Lyon s, 166 M ilan, 26
M iletus, 104, 156
M acedonia, 68, 160, 16 5, 17 0 ; M ilu tin, 1 7 1
M acedonian dynasty, 8 3 - 1 1 0 , M ilv ian B rid g e , 24, 9, 10
1 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 12 3 , 12 8 , 14 6 M istra, 178 , 18 3, 117 , 118
M agnesia, 158 M ithraism , 13
M aleinus fam ily, 84 M o d o n , 160
M aleinus, Eustathius, 12 7 monasteries, 10 3 -4 , 10 6 -8 , 69, 70, 71
M am un, n o m onasticism , 36, 1 0 1 , 10 3 -8 , 17 0
M anfred, 16 5 -6 M o n g o lia, 1 3 1 ; M on gols, 30, 68,
M aniaces, G eorge, 1 3 1 194
M anuel I C om nenus, 1 4 1 , 14 4 -5 , M onoph ysitism , 39, 42, 46, 57-8 ,
15 0 , 95 62, 64, 77, 80, 99, 1 38 ; M o n o -
M anuel II Palaeologus, 176 , 17 8 , 1 1 4 physites, 12 9 -3 0
M anzikert, 13 2 - 3 , 1 7 1 M onothelitism , 62
M artel, Charles, 64 M o rav ia, 83
M artin IV , 166 M orea (Peloponnese), 32, 99, 160,
M aurice, 69, 7 1 16 2 , 16 5 -6 , 178 , 188
M auropus, Jo h n , 1 1 4 M orosini, Thom as, 159
M axentius, 24 M u a w iy y a , 6 3-4
M axim ian , A ugustus, 18 M u h am m ed , 6 2 -3 . See also Islam
M axim ian o f R avenna, 36 M u h am m ed II, 17 2 , 18 7 -9 2 , 127
M eander, 159 M u rad I, 17 6
M ecca, 6 1, 43 M u rad II, 18 7
M elitene, 86, 99, 128 M uslim s, see Islam, T u rks
M esarites, N ich olas, 16 1 M yriok ep h alo n , 144
M esopotam ia, 63, 94
M essina, 15 0 N arentines, 7 1
M ethodius, 83, 55 N arses, 47, 66
M ctochites, T h eod ore, 1 8 1 - 3 , 119 N estorius, 39; Nestorians, 77
M evlevis, 17 2 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 N icaea, 24, 38, 77, 98, 1 4 1 , 1 5 3 ?
M ichael I R angabe, 90 156 , 15 8 -9 , 1 6 1 , 16 5 -6 , 174 , 10 1 ,
M ichael III, 84, 99 102 213
 Nicander, 118 Paulicians, 84-6
Nicephorus I, 71, 46 Pelagonia, 165
Nicephorus II Phocas, 86-92, 106, Peloponnese, see Morea
112, 194, 57 Pepin, 66
Nicephorus III Botaniates, 82 Pergamum, 158
Nicetas, 114 Perinthus, 30
Nicholas V, Pope, 187 Persia, 19-20, 22; Persians, 58-60,
Nicomedia, 26, 158, 174 62-3
Nicopolis, 176 Peter III o f Aragon, 167
Normans, 124, 131, 134, 136, 139, Peter of Bulgaria, 90
141, 145, 149, 89 Philip o f Swabia, 150-1
Notaras, Lucas, 187 Philippopolis, 86
Phocas (Emperor), 58, 69, 38, 41
Ochrid, 148, 165 Phocas family, 84, 126
Odenathus of Palmyra, 15-16 Phocas, Bardas, 91-2, 99, 127
Odovacer, 34 Photius, 84, 138
Oppian, 118 Pisa, 144, 145
Orhan, 174 Planudes, Maximus, 181
Origen, 41 Pletho, 178, 181-2
Orthodox Church, 60, 83, 99, Procopius, 42
101-8, 130, 139, 161, 177, 196 Prusa, 104, 158, 174-5
Osman, 174 Psellus, Michael, 112, 115-16 , 121,
Ostrogoths, 30, 34, 46, 68 123-6, 132, 148
Otto I, 91 Ptochoprodromus, Theodore, 149
Otto de la Roche, 160
Ottomans, 132, 169, 174-7, 181, Ragusa, 160
187-93, 113 Ravenna, 66, 71, 15, 23, 24, 25
Rhodes, 63
Palaeologoi, 168, 178-9. See also Romanus I Lecapenus, 85-6, 90,
Emperors of Byzantium, 8 112, 127
Palaeologus, Andrew, 115 Romanus II, 81
Palamas, Gregory, 170 Romanus IV Diogenes, 130, 132-3
Palestine, 38, 58, 62-4, 103, 145, Romanus Melodus, 52
150, 174 Rome, 26-7, 32, 37, 39, 46, 66, 138
Parthia, 14 Rumeli Hisar, 187, 126
Patmos, 108 Russia, 30, 99, 121, 131, 146, 98
Patras, 82, 98
Patzinaks, 30, 124, 130-1, 133, 136, St Anthony, 112
214 138, 141, 89 St Athanasius, 104, 106
St Basil, 36 Spain, 47, 64
St Demetrius, 68, 70 Sparta, 82
St Gregory Nazianzus, 21 Stephen II, Pope, 66
St Menas, 17 Stilicho, 31-2, 34, 13
St Nicon, 87 Suevi, 32
St Pachomius, 36, 112 Svyatoslav, 90
St Symeon, 101, 104, 112, 115 Symeon of Bulgaria, 90, 171
Samuel of Bulgaria, 91 Synesius, 34
Sassanids, 15-16, 60, 62-3 Syracuse, 131
Saxons, 34 Syria, 15, 22, 34, 38-9, 47, 57-8,
Sayf ed-Daula, 87 62-4, 80, 87-8, 99, 103, 121, 174;
Scandinavians, 131 Syrians, 128
Sclerus family, 84, 126
Sclerus, Bardas, 91, 127 Tarsus, 87
Sebasteia, 130, 133 Tephrike, 84-6
Seleurids, 14 Thamar, Queen, 156
Seljuks, 30, 104, 124, 130-3, 141, Thebarmes, 60
144, 155, 158, 165, 174, 84. See Thebes, 82, 98, 141
also Turks Theodora (wife of Justinian I), 42,
Serbia, 183; Serbs, 70-1, 145, 166, 45, 57, 24
169-71, 175 Theodora, Empress, 84, 51, 78
Sergius, 59-62 Theodore I Lascaris, 152, 158,
Sever us, 58 103
Shahen, 59-60 Theodoric, 34, 46, 16, 25
Shahr Barz, 60 Theodosius I, 30-1, 38, 40, 12
Shapur I, 15, 2 Theophylact, 148
Sicilian Vespers, 167 Theophylactus, 85
Sicily, 22, 46, 65, 80, 86, 131, 150, Theophilus, n o
166, 193 Thermopylae, 69
Sidon, 88 Thessalonica, 68, 70, 82, 86, 141,
Sigismund, 176 145, 160, 165, 170, 178, 183, 122,
Silcntarius, Paul, 54 123
Silistria, 90 Thessaly, 94, 127, 136, 154, r6o, 17 1
Sinope, 156, 159 Thrace, 68-9, 80, 82, 94, x59, 165,
Skoplje, 171 170-1, 174
Slavs (Sklavenoi), 58, 68-72, 78, Thuringians, 46
80-3, 87, 99, 138 Tib aid o f Champagne, 15 °
Smyrna, 136, 158 Timur (Tamerlane), 177
Sophronius, 63 Toghril, 132 215
Trebizond, 98, 153-6, 158, 161, 99, Venice, 136, 141, 146-7, 151, 164,
100 176 ,19 3,9i, 92,97,106; Venetians,
Tribonian, 52 141-2, 145, 152, 160, 162, 170
Turkmen, 174 Visigoths, 30-1, 34, 46-7, 68
Turks, 68, 128-96 passim Viterbo, 166
Tzetzes, John, 149 Vlachs, 128
Vladimir of Russia, 99
Umar, 63
Wallia, 32
Umayyads, 80
William of Champlitte, 160
Urbanus, 187
William of Moerbekc, 164
Uzes, 30, 131
Xiphilinus, 112, 116
Valens, 23, 30
Valerian, 15, 2 Zara, 151
Vandals, 32, 34, 45, 46 Zeno, 34, 39, 46, 57
Velbuzd, 171 Zoe, 122-3, yS
Velichovsky, 107 Zoroaster, 60; Zoroastrianism, 15
 Library of
European Civilization

Byzantium and
Europe
SPERO S V R Y O N IS JR .

For a thousand years after the collapse of the

western Roman empire, Byzantium pre­
served the heritage of classical antiquity and
stood as the bastion of Christendom against
Persians, barbarian tribes and the rising
forces of Islam. Professor Vryonis gives a
lucid account of this changing social
organism and relates it to the awakening of
civilization in Christian Europe. The endur­
ing vitality of the empire had various causes:
the strategical and commercial advantages
of its virtually impregnable capital, Con­
stantinople; the wealth of the east; the
reservoir of manpower m Anatolia. Riven by
internal religious controversies, txiiw
from without by envious and hostile neigh­
bours, Byzantium seemed endlessly resilient.
Again and again, as the author show s, great
leaders appeared, readapted the imperial
structure to current needs,' and rescued
Byzantium from what appeared to be
irreparable disaster. The factors which
brought about its final collapse were in­
herent in the shifting world-picture. The
greatest and longest-lasting achievements of
the Byzantines, however, were cultural and
artistic. The illustrations in this book testify
to the extraordinary creative energy con­
centrated in the empire and to the wide­
spread influence Byzantium had on the rest
ot Europe.
with 21 colour plates, 3 maps
and 108 black-and-white plates

D n & ls of other titles in the series T & H

T'icr the back f l a p ,2 2 • 2 5 p
 Library of
European Civilization

General Editor: G eoffrey B arraclough

T hisnew series cuts across the traditional
divisions—into nations and periods—under
which European history has been studied
in the past and focuses attention on a number
of important movements and influences
which need to be considered afresh.
The General Editor, Professor of History
at the University of California, La Jolla,
heads a team of outstanding specialists
whose originality of treatment will make
their volumes required reading for serious
students. The general reader will appreciate
particularly the emphasis laid on social
and cultural themes, lavishly illustrated
from a wide range of sources.

The first titles are:

THE RISE OF CHRISTIAN EUROPE
H ugh T revor-R oper
REFORMATION AND SOCIETY
in Sixteenth-Century Europe
A. G. D ickens
THE EVOLUTION OF RUSSIA
O tto H oetzsch
FROM SARAJEVO TO POTSDAM
A. J. P. T aylor
BYZANTIUM AND EUROPE
Speros V ryonis J r .
THE ANCIEN REGIME
C. B. A. B ehrens
ROMANTICISM AND REVOLT
Europe 1815-48
J. L. T almon
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
M argaret A ston

Thames and Hudson

30 Bloomsbury Street London W Ci