Andrea, 1993
Andrea, 1993
Andrea, 1993
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/41298961?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Berghahn Books is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Historical
Reflections / Réflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastatio Constantinopolitana,
A Special Perspective
Translation
Alfred J. Andrea
Over eight decades ago Achille Luchaire declared the question of the
diversion of the Fourth Crusade to Constantinople in 1203 to be an
insoluble problem on which historians should cease wasting their
energies.1 Happily scholars disregarded his judgment and advice. As
both Charles M. Brand and the team of Donald E. Queller and Susan J.
Stratton have demonstrated, the Fourth Crusade remains a focal point
of spirited controversy and productive scholarship.2 The past decade
and a half alone has seen two books and an impressive number of
1. Achille Luchaire, Innocent III: la question &' Orient (Paris, 1907), p. 97.
2. Charles M. Brand, "The Fourth Crusade: Some Recent Interpretations," Medievalia
et Humanistica 12 (1984): pp. 33-45; Donald E. Queller and Susan J. Stratton, "A Century
of Controversy on the Fourth Crusade," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 6 (1969):
pp. 235-277.
Alfred J. Andrea is a Professor of History at the University of Vermont. A brief synopsis of this
paper was presented at the Second International Conference of Crusade Historians , Jerusalem , 3 July
1987.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
108 Historical Reflections/Riflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 109
the work of two hands/ dates probably from the late thirteenth or early
fourteenth century and contains: Ekkehard of Aura's Chronicon universale
ab orbe condito ad annum 1125 (fols. lr-247r); the so-called Annales
Herbipolenses 8 (fols. 247r-253r); the DC (fols. 253r-255r); and a short
account of the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 (fols. 255r-255v). Both
Ekkehard' s Chronicle and the Annales Herbipolenses ( Annals of Wiirzburg)
were copied by a single scribe, whereas a second and distinctly different
hand transcribed the DC and the note on the Fourth Lateran Council.
What is more, the Annals of Wiirzburg is a continuation of Ekkehard's
Chronicle, which also originated in the diocese of Wiirzburg, and follows
it without a break. The DC is, however, clearly not a continuation of the
Annals . Not only is there a break of almost half a century between the
two works,9 the DC' s very format differs substantially from that of the
preceding chronicles. Moreover, it is clearly set apart from the earlier
works by its boldly written title.10 The note on the Fourth Lateran
Council, however, follows the DC without any spatial separation or title.
Even though this short report on the council displays a comparable
preoccupation with numbers and other factual data and shares a
strikingly similar prose style, it is not at all likely that it is the work of
the author of the DC. The account appears in several thirteenth-century
chronicles-The Scottish Chronicle of Melrose, Burchard of Ursberg's
Chronicle, Roger de Wendover's Flowers of History, and Matthew Paris's
Chronica Major a}1 Of these four, the account of the Swabian
11. The Cistercian Chronicle of Melrose incorporates this note into a somewhat fuller
treatment of the council: British Museum, Cottonian MS, Faustina B. IX, fols. 31v-32r
(previously numbered 30v-31r). No critical edition of this chronicle has yet been prepared.
A manuscript facsimile is available in The Chronicle of Melrose, Alan O. Anderson, Marjorie
O. Anderson, and William C. Dickinson, eds., (London, 1936). Burchard, Prae-
monstratensian canon of Ursberg, who flourished as an historian between roughly 1215
and 1230, presents almost word for word the same account as the Marciana codex:
Burchardi Praepositi Urspergensis Chronicon , Oswald Holder-Egger and Bernhard Von
Simson, eds., M.G.H., Script, rer. Germ., 16, 2nd ed. (Hanover, 1916), pp. 111-112. Roger
de Wendover, who composed his Flowers of History from about 1204 to c. 1231, employs
this little note as introduction to his much fuller account of the council: Roger de
Wendover, Flores historiarum, Henry G. Hewlett, ed., 3 vols. (London, 1886-1889), 2:155-
159. Matthew Paris, who succeeded Roger as St Albans abbey's premier historian,
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
110 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
incorporated Roger's account of IV Lateran into his Chronica majora: Matthew Paris,
Chronica majora , Henry Richards Luard, ed., 7 vols. (London, 1872-1883), 2:630-633.
12. There are three significant differences between the essentially same account given
by Roger and Matthew and the strikingly similar accounts that appear in this little post-DC
note and the chronicles of Melrose abbey and Burchard of Ursberg. These latter three
inform the reader that seventy-one prelates and metropolitans attended the council; Roger
and Matthew report the number as seventy-seven. Roger and Matthew also list the Latin
emperor of Constantinople first when they enumerate the major rulers who sent legates
to the council; the other three list the king of Sicily and Western Roman emperor-elect
first. Most significant of all, these three accounts lack a word supplied by Wendover and
Paris. The St Albans chroniclers write: "There was no exact count of the number of agents
representing absent archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and cathedral chapters."
Burchard, Melrose abbey's chronicle, and the Marciana codex leave out the word
procurators, resulting in a sentence that reads: "There was no exact count of the number
of absent archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and cathedral chapters." At the same time,
the Melrose abbey chronicle provides a fair amount of information regarding the council's
provisions for the Fifth Crusade, which Burchard and our codex do not mention.
13. Burchard of Ursberg, Chronkon , pp. 81-82.
14. So Innocent HI reminded Theodore Lascaris on 17 March 1208 when, in reference
to the Fourth Crusade, he wrote: "...the Greeks... are punished by the just judgment of
God... and the evil are punished through the agency of the evil... so that the evil lost in an
evil manner." PL 215: 1373-1374.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 111
15. A Latin shortened form of the Greek Kyrios Isaakios- Lord Isaac.
16. SS., 16:9-12.
17. Carl Hopf, Chroniques grtco-romanes incites ou peu connues (Berlin, 1873), pp. 86-92.
18. M.A.C. de Muschietti and B.S. Diaz Pereyra, " Devastatio Constantinopolitana:
Introduccibn, traducci6n y notes," Anales de historia antigua y medieval 15 (1970): pp. 171-
190. One must be careful in using the notes since they contain a number of factual errors.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
112 Historical Reflections/Riflexions Historiques
19. Fol. 253r (Hopf, 86): Anno ab incarnationi Domini M°C°CI°I domino Innocentio
Romane ecclesiae presidente.
20. SS., 16:1.
21. Carl Klimke, Die Quellen zur Geschichte des viertett Kreuzzuges (Breslau, 1875), p. 61.
22. Ibid., pp. 62-63.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 113
titles combined with place names to identify every other character in his
story. Moreover, within these pages the marquis always appears as the
uncontested leader of the army. Tessier concluded that the work was
written as an official journal by either a German or, more likely, an
Italo-Lombard member of the entourage of Marquis Boniface, and this
author was probably a lay person.23
Almost half a century later M. Kandel offered additional observations
on the DC. He agreed with Tessier that the account was an official
journal but looked to the French circle of Baldwin of Flanders for its
source. Kandel compared the Devastatio with two known official
documents of the crusade, the encyclical letters of 1203 and 1204 which
the collective baronage and Emperor Baldwin respectively sent to the
West,24 and argued that the DC's author borrowed from both those
reports while composing his own account. Kandel also noted that all of
the information provided by the DC regarding the exploits of the
marquis of Montferrat is general in nature and was common knowledge.
To the contrary, he argued, the DC provides unique details of the
actions of Baldwin, count of Flanders, and his brother Henry of Hainaut.
Indeed, if the journal has any heroes, they are these two men.25
What then was the author's profession? Kandel admitted that the
evidence is perplexing. As Tessier had pointed out, such phrases as "we
struggled with the Greeks and drove them back from the walls"26
seem to indicate that he took an active part in the fighting. Moreover,
when recounting the story of the discord between the Venetians and the
pilgrim clergy, the author not only adopts a tone of detachment but also
refers to these clerics as "our clergy," apparently treating them as a class
to which he did not belong.27 At the same time, his use of Latin and,
more tellingly, his manner of dating according to the ecclesiastical
calendar suggest a clerical background. In the end, Kandel concluded
that the author was a French secular cleric, who traveled east in the
train of the count of Flanders. He variously functioned as warrior and
23. Jules Tessier, La Quatribne croisade: la diversion sur Zara et Constantinople (Paris,
1884), pp. 18, 21, 24-27.
24. The best editions of these letters are in W. Prevenier, ed., De Oorkonden der graven
van Vlanderen (1191- aanvang 1206), 3 vols. (Brussels, 1964), 2:542-45 (no. 260), 591-601 (no.
274).
25. Kandel, "Observations," pp. 180-187.
26. Fol. 255r (Hopf, 92):... cum Grecis dimicavimus et a muris eos repulimus.
27. Tessier, Quatri&me croisade , pp. 17-18.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
114 Historical Reflections/Riflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 115
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
116 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 117
that she has produced the best and most complete analysis of the work
to date, I disagree with several of her conclusions and will argue the
following points. 1) The Devastatio' s author was a subject of the empire
and probably came from the German Rhineland. 2) His account does not
show any bias in favor of Boniface, Baldwin, or Henry, and it is not
likely that he traveled in the party of any of these leaders. 3) His work
is decidedly unofficial and shows no demonstrable use of any other
record or account-the encyclical letters of 1203 and 1204 included. 4)
Albeit unofficial, this story is, as Arthur has perceptively noted,
structured around a series of contracts; 5) This contractual schema does
not, however, lead to the inevitable conclusion that our author was
either a merchant or a notary. It is much more likely that he was a
secular cleric. This, in turn, suggests that he might well have been an
ecclesiastical administrator. 6) Even though he was a person who
probably was involved in ecclesiastical business, his perspective was
that of a pauper Christi, and his account betrays a decided bias against
the rich and mighty who sold out the crusade and "Christ's poor/' Let
us look at each of these points in turn.
Several clues suggest that the author lived within the boundaries of
the Western empire. In his opening lines the author uses the contest
between Philip of Swabia and Otto of Brunswick as one of two
chronological points of reference by which to set his story. More
significantly, when describing how the crusade army totally vacated
Constantinople in August of 1203, he states: "No one who might be
from the Roman empire stayed behind in the city."41 Such words
would not have been used by a Venetian or by subjects of the kings of
France and England. At the same time, it does not appear likely that the
author came from any region of imperial Italy, given the fact that he
mentions no Italian participant of the crusade, save the marquis. While
he identifies three Cistercian abbots-a Frenchman, a Fleming, and an
Alsatian- by their abbeys,42 he never directly mentions the Italian Peter
of Locedio, an intimate of Boniface de Montferrat, one of the leading
ecclesiastical figures on the crusade, and one of the few Cistercian
abbots who traveled all the way to Constantinople with the army.43
41. Fols. 254r-254v (Hopf, 89-90): Nullus tamen qui de Romano imperii esset, infra
civitatem remanere. Pertz and Hopf correct this to remaneret.
42. Guy of Vaux de Cernay, Simon of Loos, and Martin of Pairis.
43. Elizabeth A.R. Brown, "The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and
Greece, 1204-1276/ Traditio 14 (1958): pp. 68-69, 73-74, 77-80, deals with Abbot Peter's
crusade exploits and his subsequent adventures in the Levant.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
118 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
44. The other major chronological error also involves "French" crusaders- Baldwin of
Flanders and Henry of Hainaut. See p. 120 below.
45. Gunther of Pairis, Historia Constantinopolitana, Paul Riant, ed., Exuviae sacrae
Constantinopolitanae, 2 vols. (Geneva and Paris, 1877-1878), 1:57-126 (Hereafter cited as HQ;
Otto of St. Blasien, Ad librum VII chronici Ottonis Frisingensis Episcopi continuatae historiae
appendix , M.G.H., SS., 21:331-32; Burchard of Ursberg, Chronicon, pp. 87-88.
46. Gunther of Pairis, HC, 105, 116, tells us that his abbot did not know the
commercial " romana lingua " that was used in the Levant; he was also able to communicate
with a Bohemian priest only through recourse to Latin. Throughout the pages of this
history, Abbot Martin travels and communicates almost exclusively with fellow Germans.
E.g., pp. 73, 80, 82-83.
47. Identified by Geoffrey de Villehardouin, La ConquHe de Constantinople , Edmond
Faral, ed., 2 vols., 2nd rev. ed. (Paris, 1961), 1:74, sec. 74.
48. Annales Marbacenses, M.G.H., SS., 17:170.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 119
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
120 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
53. Robert of Clari, La Conquite de Constantinople, Philippe Lauer, ed., (Paris, 1956),
passim. E.g., pp. 5-6, sec. 4.
54. Hugh of St. Pol, Epistola, Rec. hist. Gaules, 18:517-19.
55. HC, 103.
56. Fol. 253r (Hopf, 86). Villehardouin, Conquite, 1:10, sec. 8, informs us that Baldwin
and Henry swore the Cross on Ash Wednesday (23 February), 1200.
57. Fol. 254r (Hopf, 88). It is highly unlikely that Count Baldwin had a brother also
named Baldwin. We know of only three of his brothers, Henry, Eustace, and Philip, and
all three survived him. Philip remained in Flanders as regent and did not die until 1212;
Henry succeeded Baldwin as Latin emperor of Constantinople in 1206, and Eustace,
probably his half-brother, appears as late as 1207 in the battle lists against Ioannitsa and
Theodore Lascaris (Villehardouin, Conquite, 2:306, sec. 493, and passim).
58. One could choose to see the phrase "Balduwinus, frater comitis Flandrie, ibi
defunctus est" as an interpolation by a later editor, since it does make the sentence
ungraceful. However, the DC's author was not a polished stylist, and this awkward
sentence is consistent with the general quality of his prose.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 121
59. Fol. 254v (Hopf, 90): "Since, however, the emperor failed to pay what he had
promised Lord Henry, Henry immediately left him, returned to the army, and brought
back with him many of its knights and foot soldiers."
60. Fol. 255r (Hopf, 91). Villehardouin, Conquite, 2:28, sec. 228, states that
Mourtzouphlus lost the imperial standard and an icon of Our Lady. Gari, Conquite, 66-67,
sec. 66, lists Mourtzouphlus's losses as the icon, the imperial capel, which can mean either
helmet or crown, and his standard. Ralph of Coggeshall, Chronicon Anglicanum, Joseph
Stevenson, ed., (London, 1875), 149, notes that the imperialia which Morkulfus (sic) lost
consisted of a golden shield and the golden icon of Mary. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines,
Chronica , M.G.H., SS., 23:883, mentions only the icon. For Baldwin of Flanders's account,
see below.
61. Villehardouin, Conquite , 1:148, 172, 178-180, sees. 148, 170, 177; Clari, Conquite , 46-
50, sees. 45-48.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
122 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 123
66. Of course, the Lombards did not see themselves as countercrusaders. They
simply, and prudently, wished to hurry along a foreign army. Thematically, however, this
policy becomes, for the DC, the first in a series of countercrusade actions.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
124 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
67. Fol. 255r (Hopf, 92): In sexta feria ante passionem Domini, quae fuit Idus Aprilis
V°, naves producunt ad muros.
68. Fol. 254r (Hopf, 88). This is the initial mention of Alexius the Younger in the DC,
and the implication is that this overture was unexpected. Actually, Prince Alexius had
already met Boniface de Montferrat at Philip of Swabia's court at Hagenau in late 1201,
and in August of 1202 Alexius contacted a number of crusaders in Verona: Jaroslav Folda,
"The Fourth Crusade, 1201-1204: Some Reconsiderations," Byzantinoslavica 26 (1965): pp.
277-290. The basic source for these negotiations is Villehardouin, CotiquHe, 1:70-74, sees.
70-72.
69. Fol. 254r (Hopf, 89). Niketas Choniates, Historia, Jan-Louis van Dieten, ed., (Berlin,
1975), pp. 550-551, and Villehardouin, ConquHe, 1:184, sec. 182, make it clear that Isaac II
was already back on the imperial throne when the crusaders entered the city.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 125
Henry seems a lot closer to the truth than the DC's 15,000, and some
have questioned the DCs estimate that the level of mortality among the
crusaders awaiting passage in Venice was so great that "the dead could
barely be buried by the living/'70 While this last item may be a case
of exaggeration, as a rule of thumb we can say that if the Devastatio' s
author witnessed or directly participated in an event, his reporting of it
contains facts and figures that have a high degree of reliability. The
more he depends on camp rumor, the less dependable his information.
This person from the ranks was, in all likelihood, a secular cleric and
probably a low-level ecclesiastical administrator. Certainly his use of the
ecclesiastical calendar and his reference to two Introit antiphons strongly
suggest a clerical background, and the fact that he lists churchmen first
in his catalogues of the French and German crusade leaders hints at a
clerical mind-set. However, anyone who sees him as a cleric must
address several vexing points raised by Tessier and Arthur. It is true
that our author employs a tone of detachment when dealing with the
dispute between the pilgrim clergy and the Venetians over the
patriarchate of Hagia Sophia. It is equally true that the supernatural
plays no role in this entire history. Moreover, the author never directly
mentions the schism that separated the Latin and Greek Churches
nor does he tell his readers of Alexius IV' s promise to return the Greeks
to Roman obedience-a curious but not unique oversight by a clerical
witness to the Fourth Crusade.72
These objections become far less telling when we perceive that the
author essentially adopted the Epistle of St. James, 2:5-7, as the thematic
70. Fol. 253v (Hopf, 87): inter quos adhuc crevit mortalitas mirabilis, ita ut a vivis vix
possent mortui sepeliri. For criticism, see Queller, Fourth Crusade , p. 48. Of course this is
a literary topos, but to dismiss this as evidence simply on that basis is to overlook the fact
that, until the twentieth century, disease was the greatest killer of soldiers.
71. However, after reporting Henry of Hainaufs abandonment of Alexius IV's
campaign in northern Greece, the author writes: "The marquis, along with a few
Christians [i.e., Latin crusaders], remained with the emperor." Possibly this strange turn
of phrase reflects a belief that the Greeks were not fully Christians, insofar as they were
schismatics.
72. Cf. Gunther of Pairis, HC, 78, 85, and Gesta episcoporum Halberstadensium, M.G.H.,
SS., 23:118, which mention the schism. However, the Anonymous of Soissons's De terra
Iherosolimitana et quomodo ab urbe Constantinopolitana ad hanc ecclesiam allate sunt reliquie, A.J.
Andrea, ed., in Historical ReflectionsIRtflexions Historiques 18 (1992): pp. 147-175 and Riant,
Exuviae, 1:3-9, which is based on the exploits of Nevelon of Chfcrisy, bishop of Soissons,
does not mention the schism, even though it belongs to the genre of relic translation
literature.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
126 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
Did not God choose those who are poor in the eyes of the world
to be rich in faith and heirs of the kingdom he promised to those
who love him? Yet you treated the poor man shamefully. Are not
the rich exploiting you? They are the ones who hale you into the
courts and who blaspheme that noble name which has made you
God's own.73
In short, this cleric identified with the crusade's poorer elements- the
pauperes Christi-and he told his story from their perspective. Even as he
counted material losses and gains, his ultimate interest was the progress
of the pilgrimage undertaken by those who were "poor in the eyes of
the world."
This author has, as we have seen, been accused of being anti-
Venetian.74 If we examine the DC closely, we see that his rancor was
directed not so much against the Venetians as against all the rich and
mighty, Venetians, French nobility, and even avaricious clerics alike.
Contracts abound in this account and give it structure, but as we look
more deeply we see that the two core contracts, the crusade vow and
the implied compact between the pilgrim rank and file and their leaders,
are consistently violated, and in the end there is no proper balancing of
accounts. Therefore, the thematic argument of the DC is that the Fourth
Crusade was a series of broken promises, not only by Alexius IV but
also by the rich and powerful, and in the end both the crusade and the
poor of Christ were sold out.
Throughout the DC we see the wealth and success of the crusade's
leaders contrasted with the poverty and miseries of the commons. When
the count of Champagne dies, the marquis accepts his pilgrimage funds
and swears to carry out the count's intentions. Upon Master Fulk's
death, the "innumerable wealth" which Fulk had raised, "to pay for the
work of this holy army," passes into the receivership of two French
lords.75 Somehow, however, despite this reservoir of funds, the poor
suffer in the course of the crusade.
73. Translation according to The New American Bible (New York, 1970).
74. Note 40 above.
75. Fol. 253v (Hopf, 86-87): Cuius infinitam pecuniam domnus Odo Campaniensis et
ca stella nus de Colcith acceperunt...in opus huius sacri exercitus expendendum.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 127
Their troubles begin in Italy. The Lombards hurry them along from
city to city, refusing to sell them provisions or to allow them to tarry
more than a night. The Venetians also refuse the pilgrims the hospitality
of their houses and force them to camp in tents on the Isle of St.
Nicholas. Here the Venetians inexplicably and quite arbitrarily hold the
pilgrims captive for four months while charging them an exorbitant price
for food. Such treatment drives the majority of the army to leave Venice,
seeking passage from other ports. Those who elect to remain in Venice
suffer an inordinately high mortality rate. Their misery is relieved when
Cardinal Peter arrives in Venice. He lifts their morale by his preaching
and dispenses the sick, the very poor, women, and similar unsuitable
pilgrims from their crusade vows. Having done this, he returns to
Rome, and once again the rank and file are in the control of the rich and
powerful. The marquis arrives and is confirmed as the army's leader.
The barons swear allegiance to him, and he and those same barons
swear to remain with the Venetians for a year, and again the
commoners' troubles begin.
The Venetians and the army finally set sail, and on their way to Zara
the Venetians force all of Istria, Dalmatia, and Slavonia to acknowledge
their overlordship and to pay tribute. Finally the host arrives at Zara
where, the DC pointedly notes, "their oath came to naught."76 The
phrase was unambiguous in its thirteenth-century context: the crusade
vow was violated by an enterprise that even it could not stop. No
reason is explicitly given for the army's siege and assault on the city,
although our author clearly implies that it was an integral part of the
Venetians' program of subjugating the northern and eastern Adriatic
coasts.
The citizens eventually surrender the city and all of their possessions
to the doge, who retains half for himself and his people and gives the
other half to the pilgrims. Both factions loot the city mercilessly and
then, as often happens to thieves, they have a falling out. The result is
almost one hundred dead crusaders and Venetians. Meanwhile, the
poorer elements are neglected. In the DC's words: "The barons kept the
city's goods for themselves, giving nothing to the poor. The poor
labored mightily in poverty and hunger."7 As a result, more than
several thousand leave the army at this juncture. Once again the
leaders' avarice, this time that of the barons, has led to a significant
76. Fol. 253v (Hopf, 87): Iadram navigaverunt, in qua iuramentum periit.
77. Fol. 253v (Hopf, 88): Bona ville barones sibi retinuerunt; pauperibus nichil
dederunt. Pauperes egestate et fame maxime laboraverunt.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
128 Historical Reflections/Riflexions Historiques
thinning of the crusader ranks. The debits in the account ledger of our
clerical chronicler keep mounting.
When a messenger arrives at Zara from Alexius the Younger on 1
January 1203 the marquis and barons swear allegiance to him. Upon
learning of this new compact, the lower orders swear that they will
never sail to Greece, and consequently another large segment breaks off
and heads to Hungary.
Although reduced to dire straits at both Venice and Zara, obviously
many from the ranks still stay with the army and sail to Constantinople.
Even though ultimately Alexius and the Greeks break their promises,
success follows upon success for the crusaders. Henry of Hainaut, who
had broken off campaigning with Alexius because the young emperor
did not pay what he had promised, receives his recompense with his
extraordinary victory over Mourtzouphlus. But what about the
commoners?
When Constantinople is finally won, the Greeks surrender their
possessions into the marquis's hands. The army gathers together its
spoils, filling three very large towers with silver. The pilgrim barons
secure the imperial crown for one of their own, Baldwin of Flanders. "At
the same time/' the DC informs us, "the Venetians occupied the church
of the Holy Wisdom, saying: 'the empire is yours; we shall have the
patriarchate.'"78 While the Venetians and, presumably, the upper
elements of the pilgrim clergy bicker over this rich and holy spoil, the
ranks receive their share of the loot. Consider the chronicler's words:
78. Fol. 255r (Hopf, 92): Eodem tempore Veneti occupaverunt ecclesiam beatae Sophie,
dicentes: "Imperium est vestrum; nos habebimus patriarchatum."
79. I accept HopPs argument that, in the manuscript which we possess, milia is
erroneously substituted for marcas: p. 92, n. 3. Two Old French sources provide the same
figures of 20, 10, and 5 marks: L'Estoire de Eracles Empereur et la conqueste de la Terre
d'Outremer, RHC, OCC., 2:275; Ernoul et Bernard le Tresorier, Chronique, Louis de Mas
La trie, ed., (Paris, 1871), pp. 375-376. Villehardouin, Conquite, 2:58-60, sees. 254-255, notes
that 100,000 marks was distributed among the ranks according to the ratio 4:2:1 for
knights, mounted sergeants, and infantry respectively. If we assume that the sums
distributed were in 20, 10, and 5 mark shares and that there were three clerics and
mounted sergeants and six foot soldiers for every common knight, then this would mean
that about 12,500 rank and file crusaders received this booty. This figure easily falls within
the range of most modern estimates of the crusade army's size: Queller, Fourth Crusade,
p. 177, n. 59.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 129
every knight, ten marks to each cleric and mounted sergeant, and
five marks to each foot soldier.80
80. Fol. 255r (Hopf, 92): Interea ceperunt communia dividere, et quasi quedam
preludia XX milia unicuique militi dare, clerico et servienti equiti X milia, pediti V milia.
81. Clari, ConquHe, 79-81, 95-96, sees. 81, 98, complained bitterly that the crusade
leaders kept all gold, gems, fine clothes, and houses for themselves and only divided
common silver utensils among the ranks.
82. Donald E. Queller, Thomas K. Compton, and Donald A. Campbell, "The Fourth
Crusade: The Neglected Majority," Speculum 49 (1974): pp. 441-465, merits careful study
in this regard.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
253r Devastatio Constantinopolitana1
1. In the top margin of fol. 253r another hand has written: Coronica captionis
Constantinopolitanae.
2. incarnatione] incarnationi MS
3. domino] domno P (Pertz)
4. Burgundiam] Burgundia MS
5. Franciam] Frantiam MS H (Hopf)
6. cuius-Fulco] cuius etiam magister auctoritate Fulco MS
7. Sancti Pauli] S. Pauli H P
8. Blois] Glois MS P
9. Parisiensis] Pariensis MS P
10. infinitiva] infinita P H
11. dominus] domnus P
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
132 Historical Reflections/Riflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 133
medietatem ville sibi et suis retinuit. Aliam medietatem dedit
peregrinis. Villam sine misericordia spoliaverunt.
Tercio die postquam Iadra intrata est, orta est seditio inter Venetos
et peregrinos. In qua seditione fere C homines occisi sunt. Bona ville
barones sibi retinuerunt; pauperibus nichil dederunt. Pauperes
egestate et fame maxime laboraverunt. Unde cum multum super
barones clamarent, impetraverunt naves, que ipsos in Anchonam
deferrent, et per licentiam mille discesserunt, praeter licentiam
quoque amplius quam mille (Fuit enim edictum, ne quis de exercitu
254r extrahere aliquem auderet). Ex oxoriis autem que istos// portabant,
duo perierunt. Exercitus apud Iadram hiemavit. Veneti muros et
domos civitatis ita funditus eiecerunt, ut16 una [rupes] super
alteram non remaneret. Cum naves essent in portu Iadre, tres ex
navigibus magnis perierunt.
In circumcisione venit nuntius regis Fhylippi cum litteris eius,
rogans marchionem et barones, ut sororium suum Alexim
imperatorem in negotio suo adiuvarent. Marchio cum omnibus
baronibus illi17 iuravit. Quod cum populus cognovisset, se videlicet
in Greciam iturum, convenerunt, et facta conspiratione iuraverunt, se
nunquam illuc ituros. Unde abbas Vallensis et domnus Symon de
Monteforti et Engelrant de Boves recesserunt cum magna multitudine
militum et aliorum, et venientes in Ungariam, a rege honorifice sunt
suscepti. In palmis Rainaldus18 de Monmiral19 in legatione in
Syriam missus est. Dominica secunda post pascha naves a Iadra
ceperunt exire. Eodem20 tempore venit Alexis imperator de
Alemannia. Omnes ville, civitates et castella de Arraguso usque
Corphu eum in pace receperunt. Apud Corphu congregatus est
exercitus. In pentecosten a Corphu recessit-Balduwinus, frater
comitis Flandrie, ibi defunctus est~et feliciter Constantinopolim venit,
et omnes insule per viam illi servierunt.
In Kal. Iulii naves Constantinopolim venerunt et vi applicuerunt,
imperatore cum toto suo exercitu contradicente. Imperator cum suis
fugit in civitatem; nos civitatem obsedimus. In octava apostolorum
Petri et Pauli castrum quod erat in portu ex opposito civitatis vi
16. ut] H reads ita ut in the MS and "corrects" it to ut. Actually, ita is crossed out in
the MS.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
234 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 135
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
236 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Devastatio Constantinopolitana 137
38. quae-muros] quae fuit Idus Aprilis, quinque naves producunt ad muros P
39. erat nobis] nobis erat P H
40. marcas] milia MS P, m[arcas] H; HopPs argument, which I accept, is that the
original MS abbreviated marcas as M, which a later scribe misread as milia.
41. See above.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
138 Historical Reflections/Riflexions Historiques
gravi languore detentus venire non potuit, sed misit pro se vicarium
Anderanum episcopum. Alexandrinus vero sub Sarracenorum
dominio constitutes, fecit quod potuit, mittens pro se diaconum
germanum suum. Primates autem et metropolitanni45 LXXI.
255v Ceteri // abbates et priores ultra octingentos. Archiepiscoporum
vero, episcoporum, abbatum, priorum, et capitulorum absencium non
fuit certus numerus. Legatorum vero regis Sicilie in Romanorum
imperatorem electi, imperatoris Constantinopolitani, regis Frande,
regis Anglie, regis Ungarie, regis Ierosolimitani, regis Cypri, regis
Aragonie, necnon et aliorum principum et magnatum, civitatum etiam
aliorumque locorum ignes affuit multitudo.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastation of Constantinople1
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
140 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastation of Constantinople 141
As this army, drawn from the diverse regions of the world, was
assembling in Lombardy, the Lombards, after deliberation, promulgated
an edict that no one should provide hospitality to a pilgrim beyond one
night or sell them provisions. Consequently, the Lombards hurried the
pilgrims along from city to city. Moreover, the lord pope had ordered
that passage be taken from Venice. When they arrived there, they were
likewise driven from urban dwellings and were placed on the isle of St
Nicholas.28 Here, after pitching their tents, they awaited passage from
1 June to 1 October [1202]. A sistarius19 of grain sold for fifty solidi.30
As often as it pleased the Venetians, they decreed that no one release
any of the pilgrims from the aforementioned island. Consequently the
pilgrims, almost like captives, were dominated by them in all respects.
Moreover, a great fear developed among the commons. Therefore, many
returned home; many others flocked into Apulia to other ports and
crossed the sea. A minority remained in Venice, among whom an
unusual mortality rate now arose. The result was that the dead could
barely be buried by the living.
On the feast of St Mary Magdalene,31 the lord cardinal Peter came
to Venice and, in a marvelous manner, raised the morale of all the
pilgrims by his enthusiastic preaching. He sent the sick, paupers,
women, and all feeble persons home, with letters from him. Having
done this, he departed and returned to Rome. On the feast of the
Assumption of Blessed Mary33 the marquis came to the army and was
confirmed as leader of the army. All the barons swore allegiance to him.
The marquis and all the barons swore to the Venetians that they would
remain in support of them for one year. While this was happening, the
crusade movement, crusaders were still expected to fund their own travel costs; and the
diversions to Zara and Constantinople were largely a consequence of the army's lack of
sufficient money.
28. Today known as the Lido.
29. About a pint.
30. Two and a half pounds-probably over a month's income for a Venetian middle
class family.
31. 22 July 1202.
32. Letters certifying that they were released from their sacred crusade vows. Without
such certification, they were liable to excommunication. The contrast is striking between
these people, who were legitimately dispensed from their vows, and those who were the
cause of the crusade vow's being broken at Zara.
33. 15 August 1202.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
142 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
ships were prepared and loaded. There were 40 ships, 62 galleys, and
100 transports.
The fleet began to move out on 1 October. As they left the harbor,
Lord Stephen de Perche's ship, Viola, was lost. The Venetians, in
company with the pilgrims, made their way across the sea and arrived
in Istria.35 They forced Trieste36 and Mugla37 into submission; they
compelled all of Istria, Dalmatia,38 and Slavonia39 to pay tribute.
They sailed into Zara,40 where their oath came to naught. On the
feast of St Martin42 they entered Zara's harbor. They besieged Zara
from every side, both on land and water. They erected more than 150
machines and mangonels, as well as ladders, wooden towers, and
numerous instruments of war. They also undermined the wall. After the
citizens of Zara saw this, they surrendered the city on the fifteenth day,
with the result that, saving only their persons, they placed everything
they owned in the possession of the doge of Venice. The doge reserved
half of the town for himself and his own people; the other half he gave
to the pilgrims.43 They looted the city without mercy.
On the third day following entry into Zara, a quarrel arose between
the Venetians and the pilgrims, in which almost one hundred people
were killed. The barons kept the city's goods for themselves, giving
nothing to the poor. The poor labored mightily in poverty and hunger.
Consequently, when they complained greatly about the barons, they
managed to get ships to ferry them to Ancona,44 and one thousand
departed with leave and, in addition, more than a thousand without
leave (For there was an order that no one dare to release anyone from
34. This count of 202 ships is consonant with estimates provided by other sources:
Queller, Fourth Crusade , 58.
43. Venice claimed Zara as rebel Venetian territory. Notwithstanding this claim, the
Venetians gave the crusaders the interior portion of the city for their use (and presumable
plunder) while they retained the harbor: Queller, Fourth Crusade, p. 65.
44. A port city on Italy's Adriatic coast.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastation of Constantinople 143
the army). Out of the transports ferrying them, two were lost. The army
wintered over in Zara. The Venetians so completely razed the walls and
houses of the city that not one stone remained on another. While the
ships were in the harbor at Zara, three of the great vessels were lost.
On the feast of the Circumcision,45 a messenger arrived from King
Philip46 bearing a letter from him requesting that the marquis and the
barons assist his brother-in-law, Emperor Alexius,47 in his affairs. The
marquis, along with all the barons, swore allegiance to him. When the
rank and file learned of this, namely that they were to travel to Greece,
they gathered together and, after having made a compact, swore they
would never go there. As a consequence, the abbot of Vaux, Lord Simon
de Montfort, and Enguerrand de Boves49 left with a large multitude
of knights and others, and upon arriving in Hungary, they were
honorably received by the king.50 On Palm Sunday, Rainald de
Monmiral52 was sent to Syria on a legation. On the second Sunday
after Easter,53 the ships began to depart from Zara. At this same time
Emperor Alexius arrived from Swabia.54 All the towns, cities, and
castles from Ragusa55 to Corphu56 received him in peace. The army
rendezvoused at Corphu. On Pentecost,57 it withdrew from Corphu
(where Baldwin, the brother of the count of Flanders died) and arrived
at Constantinople without mishap, and all the islands along the way
became subject to it.
47. Actually Prince Alexius, the future Emperor Alexius IV (r. 1203-1204). Philip was
married to Irene, sister of Alexius and daughter of the deposed emperor of Constantinople
Isaac H (r. 1185-1195, 1203)
48. Simon IV (r. 1181-1218), future leader of the Albigensian Crusade.
49. Count of Boves since 1191.
52. Cousin of the counts of Champagne and Blois, Rainald was a leading opponent
of the proposal to assist Prince Alexius.
53. 20 April 1203.
54. Alemannia. See p. 119 above.
55. Today the Croatian city of Dubrovnik.
56. Today known as the island of K£rkira, it is located off of the coasts of southern
Albania and northwest Greece.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
144 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
58. Alexius III (r. 1195-1203), who had deposed his brother Isaac II.
59. 29 June-6 July.
60. The tower of Galata, situated across the harbor of the Golden Horn from
Constantinople.
61. 17 July 1203.
62. 18 July 1203.
63. Emperor Isaac II.
64. Emperor Alexius HI.
65. Now Emperor Alexius IV. He was solemnly anointed co-emperor on 1 August
1203, the feast of St Peter. It is difficult to believe that this date was chosen randomly.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastation of Constantinople 145
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
146 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
72. Since the Byzantine merchant marine was then a shadow of its former greatness,
one wonders how many "Greek" ships were actually captured.
73. 27 December 1203.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastation of Constantinople 147
77. Alexius Ducas, called "Mourtzouphlus," who reigned as Alexius V (r. 1204).
Alexius Ducas's nickname referred to his bushy, dark eyebrows that gave his face the look
of a condemned criminal whose face had been blackened prior to execution.
78. Installed as emperor on 5 February 1204.
79. Actually Nicholas Canabus.
80. Hagia (Sancta) Sophia.
81. On the Black Sea near the entry to the Bosporus.
82. Alexius IV. Emperor Isaac II had already passed away under mysterious
circumstances.
83. Good Friday fell on 23 April in 1204, considerably more than six days after 9 April.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
148 Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques
brought the ships up to the walls and launched an assault. Many were
slain, both from our ranks as well as from those of the Greeks. Because
there was a contrary wind that kept driving us away from the walls, we
retreated, entered the harbor where we had been earlier, and awaited
the coming of the north wind. The north wind began to blow on the day
before the Ides of April;85 we again brought the ships up to the walls,
struggled with the Greeks, and drove them from the walls. We entered
the city and a tremendous slaughter of Greeks ensued. As for those who
attacked and harassed us, we set a fire and drove them back from us
with fire. With the coming of night, Mourtzouphlus fled with a few
followers.
On the following day,86 all the Greeks fell at the feet of the
marquis and surrendered themselves and all their possessions into his
hands. Then we took possession of places for lodging, and Greeks fled
the city. We brought all our spoils and riches together, and we filled
three large towers with silver. Then discussion began about selecting an
emperor. Six were appointed from our side and six from the Venetian
side, to whom was given the power of electing an emperor. They
convened within the octave of Easter,87 and, in the presence of our
whole group and that of the Venetians, they elected and named
Baldwin, count of Flanders, as emperor. He was approved by the army
and on the following Sunday, the one on which "Iubilate" is sung,
he was crowned. At the same time, the Venetians occupied the church
of the Holy Wisdom, saying: "The empire is yours; we shall have the
patriarchate." A schism arose between our clergy and the Venetians.89
84. 9 April 1204, which is the correct date for this assault.
85. 12 April 1204.
86. 13 April 1204.
87. 25 April-2 May.
88. 16 May 1204.
89. Realizing they would soon attack the city, the crusade leaders had drawn up a pact
in March 1204 that provided for the orderly division of Constantinople's spoils, once the
city was taken. The pact stipulated that the right of electing the patriarch of Constantinople
would devolve upon that party- the leadership of either the army or the Venetian navy-
which had failed to secure the election of one of its members as emperor. Notwithstanding
this claim on the patriarchate, the party that had secured the imperial throne would still
retain the right of election to churches that were located within the territory awarded it.
When Baldwin of Flanders was elected emperor, the Venetians elected Thomas Morosini,
a Venetian sub-deacon, as patriarch. The schism that the DC refers to was probably a
manifestation of the disaffection among members of the lower clergy within the army who
felt, rightly or wrongly, that the Venetians were denying them rightful access to their
share of Constantinople's many churches and other ecclesiastical treasures.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Devastation of Constantinople 149
Our clergy appealed and reserved to the lord pope the right of
appointment to the church of the Holy Wisdom.9 Meanwhile, they
began to divide the common booty and to give, almost like certain
downpayments, twenty marks to each and every knight, ten marks to
each cleric and mounted sergeant, and five marks to each footsoldier.
In the year of the Incarnation of the Word, 1215, a holy, ecumenical
synod was held in Rome in the church of the Savior (the one that is
called the Constantinian church),91 in the month of November,92
under the presidency of Lord Innocent HI, in the eighteenth year of his
pontificate. Attending it were 412 bishops, among whom were two
major patriarchs, namely the patriarchs of Constantinople93 and
Jerusalem. The patriarch of Antiodi, held back by severe illness, could
not come but sent a deputy in his place, the bishop of Tortosa. The
patriarch of Alexandria, a subject of Saracen domination, did what he
could and sent in his place his brother, a deacon. There were seventy-
one primates and metropolitans. There were more than 800 additional
abbots and priors. There was no exact count of the number of absent
archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and cathedral chapters. An
enormous multitude of legates was present-legates from the king of
Sicily, who was the Roman emperor-elect,94 from the emperor of
Constantinople,95 the king of France, the king of England, the king of
Hungary, the king of Jerusalem, the king of Cyprus, the king of Aragon,
and from other princes and magnates as well, as well as from cities and
other places.
90. If such an appeal was made, there is no known evidence of it. Pope Innocent
apparently first learned of the March Pact from two Venetian envoys who were sent from
Constantinople to Rome in mid-summer of 1204. The envoys carried a copy of the pact,
along with a request from the crusade leaders that the pope ratify it. Innocent refused,
because the provisions regarding ecclesiastical property were uncanonical: PL 215:519-522.
Although the pope also declared Morosini's irregular election to be null and void, he then
appointed the Venetian churchman as patriarch out of his papal plenitude of power: PL
215: 516. For a fuller analysis, see Andrea, "Pope Innocent," pp. 373-385.
91. The church of St John Lateran.
92. 11-30 November.
93. When Thomas Morosini, first Latin patriarch of Constantinople, passed away in
1211, Venetian and French electors deadlocked, and a disputed election ensued, with two
claimants to the office. The council settled the dispute in favor of Gervase, archbishop of
Heraclea. He officially assumed the post before the council's last session on 30 November
and served until 1219. There was also a Greek patriarch of Constantinople in exile,
Theodore II (r. 1214-1216), who did not participate in the council.
94. Frederick II (r. 1215-1250), nephew of Philip of Swabia.
95. Henry (r. 1206-1216), brother of the deceased Emperor Baldwin.
This content downloaded from 128.223.86.31 on Mon, 20 Jun 2016 15:31:16 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms