Bangladesh Bond Market
Bangladesh Bond Market
Bangladesh Bond Market
No 30
Asian bond markets: issues
and prospects
November 2006
The papers in this volume were presented at a BIS/Korea University conference of central
bankers, scholars and market participants held in Seoul on 21-23 March 2004. The papers
should be read as reflecting market conditions at that time. The views expressed are those of
the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the BIS or the central banks
represented at the meeting. Individual papers (or excerpts thereof) may be reproduced or
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© Bank for International Settlements 2006. All rights reserved. Brief excerpts may be
reproduced or translated provided the source is stated.
Bank of Korea
Seongtae Lee Deputy Governor1
Keun-Man Yook Deputy Director General, International Relations Office
Junggon Oh Head, International Finance Research Team,
International Department
Hanyang University
Daekeun Park Professor, Department of Economics
Korea University
Yoon Dae Euh President
Young Sup Yun Professor of Finance/Director, Institute of Northeast
Asian Business and Economics
Hasung Jang Professor of Finance/Director, Asian Institute of
Corporate Governance
Yung-Chul Park Professor, Department of Economics
Kee-Hong Bae Associate Professor of Finance, College of Business
Sogang University
Woon Ryul Choi Dean, Graduate School of Business/Professor of
Finance
1
Now Governor. All affiliations and titles as of conference date.
iv BIS Papers No 30
List of participants and authors from outside Korea
Université de la Mediterranée
Éric Girardin Professor, Centre de Recherche sur les Dynamiques et
Politiques Économiques et l’Économie des Ressources
Deutsche Bank
Kyungjik Lee Associate, Asia Fixed Income Research
Bank Indonesia
Treesna Suparyono Deputy Director, Directorate of Monetary Management
Evy Berliana Deputy Manager, Directorate of Monetary Management
Bank of Japan
Atsushi Takeuchi Deputy Director, Planning and Coordination Division,
International Department
BIS Papers No 30 v
Nomura Securities Co Ltd
Fumiaki Nishi Managing Director, Investment Banking Products
Division
Waseda University
Toshiharu Kitamura Professor
Deutsche Bank
Martin Hohensee Head of Fixed Income and Credit Research, Asia
PIMCO
Aaron Low Senior Portfolio Manager
Bank of Thailand
Atchana Waiquamdee Assistant Governor
University of California-Berkeley
Barry Eichengreen Professor
Pipat Luengnaruemitchai Student
vi BIS Papers No 30
Citigroup
Kate Kisselev Vice President, Global Country Risk Management
Cornell University
Warren Bailey Professor
Introduction
The development of Asian bond markets
Barry Eichengreen ....................................................................................................................1
Opening addresses
For the advent of a promising and sound Asian bond market
Tae-Shin Kwon .......................................................................................................................13
Asian financial cooperation as seen from Europe
Gunter Baer ............................................................................................................................16
Overview
Developing the bond market(s) of East Asia: global, regional or national?
Robert N McCauley and Yung-Chul Park ...............................................................................19
Why doesn’t Asia have bigger bond markets?
Barry Eichengreen and Pipat Luengnaruemitchai ..................................................................40
Comments by Ric Deverell .....................................................................................................78
Comments by Junggon Oh .....................................................................................................80
Consolidating the public debt markets of Asia
Robert N McCauley ................................................................................................................82
Comments by Junggon Oh .....................................................................................................99
Lunch address
Huhn-Gunn Ro......................................................................................................................101
Dinner address
Seongtae Lee .......................................................................................................................171
BIS Papers No 30 ix
Credit risk management
Minding the gap in Asia: foreign and local currency ratings
Kate Kisselev and Frank Packer.......................................................................................... 174
Comments by Tom Byrne .................................................................................................... 200
Building infrastructure for Asian bond markets: settlement and credit rating
Daekeun Park and Changyong Rhee .................................................................................. 202
Comments by Tom Byrne .................................................................................................... 222
Creation of a regional credit guarantee mechanism in Asia
Gyutaeg Oh and Jae-Ha Park.............................................................................................. 224
Comments by Guorong Jiang .............................................................................................. 241
Lunch adrress
Kap-Soo Oh ......................................................................................................................... 243
x BIS Papers No 30
The development of Asian bond markets 1
Barry Eichengreen
1. The problem
The 1997-98 crisis in Asia prompted considerable rethinking of the role of financial markets
in the region’s economic development. Banks had long been at the centre of Asian financial
systems. For a set of late-developing economies with urgent needs for financial
intermediation, banking systems were easier to get up and running. Governments could
supply the equity capital and in some cases the managerial talent. Close cooperation
between banks and governments allowed the authorities to influence the flow of funds -
ideally, to ensure that finance flowed towards sectors that were the locus of productivity
spillovers and generators of export revenues. Large corporations in need of funding for
expensive investment projects that might require a lengthy incubation period could be
confident of a stable source of external finance.
Up to the mid-1990s this bank-centred financial system was one of the foundation stones of
East Asian economic growth. The crisis that followed then revealed that this form of financial
organisation also had serious weaknesses. The short maturity of bank loans meant that
when confidence was disturbed, as happened in 1997-98, what had once been a set of
patient lenders might not be so patient any more. Seeing their funding decline, banks might
call in their loans, subjecting their borrowers to a painful credit crunch. Moreover, with the
opening of capital accounts, banks might be in a favoured position to access foreign funds,
not least because of the perception that their obligations were guaranteed by the public
sector. They aggressively extended their intermediation role by borrowing offshore and
onlending the proceeds to domestic customers. Generally, the tenor of these foreign credits
was even shorter than that of the banks’ own loans, exposing them to a maturity mismatch
that might cause serious problems if confidence was shaken. Since most foreign funds were
denominated in dollars, euros or yen, the banks were exposed to either a dangerous
currency risk if they onlent in local currency or an equally serious credit risk if they onlent in
those same foreign currencies. Meanwhile, deregulation allowed banks to take on additional
risks using techniques with which supervisors found it difficult to keep pace. And insofar as
the banks had allowed themselves to be utilised as instrumentalities of the government’s
industrial policies, they anticipated help from the official sector in the event of difficulties.
Thus, the moral hazard inevitably associated with the existence of a financial safety net
appears to have been particularly pervasive in the Asian case.
This episode of financial turmoil led to the restructuring of banking systems and to efforts at
upgrading their supervision and regulation. But it also created an awareness of the need for
better diversified debt markets and specifically for bond markets to supplement the
availability of bank finance. Bank and bond finance have different advantages. Bonds and
securitised finance generally are thought to have better risk-sharing characteristics. Risks
can be more efficiently diversified when they are spread across a large number of individual
security holders. This spreading of risks and the existence of liquid secondary markets in
standardised securities encourages creditors to make long-term commitments and allows
debtors to borrow for extended periods of time.
1
Revised, November 2004.
BIS Papers No 30 1
Banks, in contrast, have a comparative advantage in the information-impacted segment of
the economy. They invest in building dedicated monitoring technologies. (This is one way of
thinking about what distinguishes banks from other financial market participants.)
Consequently they are well placed to identify and lend to small, recently established
enterprises about which public information is scarce. In addition, by pooling the deposits of
households and firms with non-synchronised demands for liquidity, they are able to provide
maturity transformation services for small savers reluctant to lock up their funds for extended
periods. As concentrated stakeholders, they contribute to effective corporate governance and
are prepared to incur the costs of litigation when legal recourse is required.
The point is not that banks or bond markets are better; there is little systematic evidence of
the unconditional superiority of one financial form over the other. Rather, there is a growing
body of evidence that countries benefit from well diversified financial systems with a role for
both well regulated banks and well functioning securities markets. 2 Banks have a
comparative advantage in providing external finance to smaller, younger firms operating in
information-impacted segments of the economy, while securities markets, including debt
markets, do the job more efficiently for large, well established companies. Similarly, banks
and securities markets are subject to different risks. Hence, in financial structure, as in other
areas, diversification may help an economy attain a superior position on the frontier of
feasible risk-return trade-offs. That is, the existence of a well diversified financial system, with
a role for both banks and securities markets, should be conducive both to an efficient
allocation of resources compatible with sustainable medium-term economic growth and to
financial stability - and specifically to minimisation of the risk of late 1990s-style financial
crises.
2
See Demirgüç-Kunt and Levine (1996, 2001).
3
The members of ASEAN are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines,
Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam; the “plus 3” countries are Japan, Korea and China. Another initiative
deserving of mention is the APEC Regional Bond Market Initiative agreed to by the APEC Finance Ministers’
Process (FMP). The FMP was established following the 1997 financial crisis to provide a forum for the
exchange of views and information on regional financial developments and to cooperatively pursue
programmes for the promotion of financial sector development and liberalisation. In 2002 APEC finance
ministers then agreed to a second policy initiative on the development of securitisation and credit guarantee
markets, which aims at using high-level policy dialogues and expert panels to identify impediments to the
development of these markets. For details see www.apec.org, and in particular www.apec.org/
apec/ministerial_statements/sector_ministerial/finance/2003_finance/annex.html.
2 BIS Papers No 30
These working groups can be seen as mechanisms for sharing information and providing
technical assistance about best practice in fostering and regulating bond markets. They can
be seen as working towards the establishment of benchmarks for the development of market
infrastructure against which national policy and practice can be assessed. Private sector
practice has shown such benchmarks to be an effective focal point for reform. 4 The working
groups may thus function as a source of peer pressure for governments to move more
quickly in the direction of creating active and liquid bond markets than they might otherwise,
something that is desirable insofar as the official sector often enjoys privileged access to
bank finance and therefore faces a moral hazard of its own.
Other initiatives seek to remove the obstacles to the development of a pan-Asian bond
market. They seek to encourage Asian investors to build regional bond portfolios by
removing obstacles to cross-border capital flows and by harmonising the regulations,
withholding tax provisions, accounting practices, rating conventions and clearing and
settlement systems that pose obstacles to foreign participation in regional bond markets.
These initiatives respond to the perception that the small size of Asian bond markets is part
of what limits their liquidity, efficiency and growth. To be attractive for investors, a bond
market must operate at a certain minimum efficient scale. Otherwise market participants will
not be able to acquire or dispose of their holdings without moving prices. 5 Small markets with
a limited number of participants may also create scope for strategic behaviour by competitors
and counterparties to deter entry and participation by other investors. 6 There may exist
significant scale efficiency effects in clearing and settlement, payment system data
processing, trading operations, firm-specific information processing activities (such as
listing), and even regulation. 7 In addition, a small market may not be able to develop liquidity
in the full range of marketable instruments, including the derivative instruments needed by
investors to hedge market risk, which in turn may deter participation. 8 For all these reasons,
small countries may find it difficult to develop deep and liquid bond markets. Securing foreign
participation through the removal of impediments to cross-border issuance and investment is
in turn a potential way around this problem.
The most prominent initiative in this area the Asian Bond Fund created by the Executives’
Meeting of East Asia-Pacific Central Banks (EMEAP). 9 Launched in June 2003, the Asian
Bond Fund (ABF) had an initial size of US$1 billion. It invests in a basket of US dollar-
denominated bonds issued by Asian sovereign and quasi-sovereign issuers in EMEAP
countries other than Japan, Australia and New Zealand. It is managed by the Bank for
International Settlements and supervised by an EMEAP Oversight Committee. A second
Asian Bond Fund, under discussion at the time of writing, is to include investments in bond
denominated in regional currencies issued by sovereigns, quasi-sovereigns and creditworthy
4
The use of benchmarking to generate peer pressure for reform is a widespread private sector practice. It is
also used by the European Union as part of its method of “open cooperation”. See Wyplosz (2004).
5
McCauley and Remolona (2000) provide evidence on the relationship between market size and liquidity, as
measured by inter alia bid-ask spreads and market turnover.
6
Mohanty (2001) cites a number of real-world instances where such behaviour has been evident in small and
even medium-sized markets.
7
For evidence on this see Hancock et al (1999), Saloner and Shepard (1995), Malkamaki (1999) and Bossone
et al (2001).
8
See Turner and Van’t dack (1996).
9
EMEAP is a forum of central banks and monetary authorities in the East Asia-Pacific region with 11 members:
Australia, China, Hong Kong SAR, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines,
Singapore and Thailand.
BIS Papers No 30 3
companies. 10 By encouraging the reinvestment of central bank reserves in the qualifying
bond markets and securities of the region, the ABF initiative can be seen as helping to
augment the installed base of local securities holdings and thus overcome the problem of
inadequate scale. More generally this initiative can be seen as one of a set of measures
designed to foster the development of a deep and liquid bond market at the regional level.
3. Dilemmas
There is an almost instinctual tendency on the part of economists to applaud such efforts,
given the compelling nature of the arguments for developing more active bond markets to
round out Asia’s bank-dominated financial systems. But there is also a dilemma. In reality
what we are talking about is capital account convertibility, and capital account convertibility in
advance of the development of regional financial markets. This, of course, is the opposite of
what most of us thought that we had learned from the Asian crisis about the right time at
which to liberalise the capital account. One of the key lessons of the Asian crisis is that it is
important to have strong, diversified and well developed domestic financial markets,
including by implication bond markets, before liberalising the capital account. If financial
markets are underdeveloped, market discipline will be weak, and banks and firms will be
prone to overborrow. Capital account liberalisation will then cause funds to flow in through
the banking system. Cheap funding will encourage the banks to expand their loan portfolios,
resulting in a decline in the average quality of loan projects. Maturity mismatches will be
accentuated if banks use this short-term finance to fund long-term loans, and currency
mismatches will result either for the banks (if they lend in local currency) or their customers
(if their loans are denominated in foreign currency but the borrowers are active in the
production of non-traded goods - as in the case of construction firms). If the flow of foreign
capital then turns around, the whole financial edifice can come crashing down. The Asian
crisis is a stark reminder of the havoc that can be wreaked by this combination of
circumstances.
Thus, macroeconomists will insist that governments should not proceed with capital account
liberalisation unless they have first made progress in developing local bond markets. And
market participants will insist that countries cannot have local bond market development
unless they first have open capital accounts. Lee Hsien Loong, Deputy Prime Minister of
Singapore and head of that country’s Monetary Authority, put the point well in an address
given in 2002: “There is a trade-off between tightening up the capital account, and
developing the bond markets. Measures to restrict offshore foreign currency trading have
been effective, in so far as reducing or eliminating offshore markets is concerned. But these
safeguards come at a cost - they also hinder the development of capital markets, especially
the bond markets. Size and liquidity are essential attributes for a market to attract
international interest. Already in size and liquidity, we clearly lag behind our counterparts in
the West. If Asian markets are fragmented and unable to grow, they risk being ignored by
global investors.” 11
Thus, Asia would seem to be in a classic Catch-22 situation. Without removing capital
controls, attempting to foster domestic bond markets can be an uphill fight. Yet trying to win it
by removing restrictions on the ability of residents and foreigners to invest across borders
10
The stated purpose of ABF2 is to encourage the development of index bond funds in regional markets and
to act as a catalyst for the improvement of domestic bond markets and for greater harmonisation of bond
market infrastructure and legal, regulatory and tax arrangements across the region. For details, see
www.emeap.org/press/15apr04.htm.
11
I owe this quote to Dwor-Frecaut (2003).
4 BIS Papers No 30
could be a risky strategy. It is widely recognised that these trade-offs are implicit in efforts to
build domestic bond markets by removing capital controls. 12 What is less well understood is
that even seemingly benign steps like harmonising regulations and taxation, or creating an
Asian rating agency (or a common standard for national rating agencies), or using central
bank reserves to jump-start private cross-border investment are the equivalent of capital
account liberalisation in the sense that they too would work to encourage cross-border
capital flows. This is their intent, and it would certainly be their effect. And these measures
create risks - as well as conflicting with the conventional wisdom regarding sequencing -
insofar as they encourage capital mobility first and only produce stronger markets later.
The positive message is that governments should proceed with all due speed to strengthen
market infrastructure at the national level: more efficient clearing and settlement systems,
more efficient information provision and assessment (through inter alia the establishment of
disclosure requirements for issuers and the creation of rating agencies), stronger creditor
rights and the development of benchmark assets and yield curves. Even small countries can
make progress in this direction, although they may have to forgo some of the cost savings
associated with the scale efficiency effects enumerated above. They can also overcome
some of the disadvantages of small market capitalisation by consolidating the public debt
and overfunding their fiscal needs. 13 One reading of European experience from the 1950s to
the 1980s is that, through the dedicated pursuit of such measures, reasonably robust and
liquid markets in debt securities can be created. 14 At that point it becomes safe to remove
residual capital controls, as Europe did in the 1990s, and to encourage market participants to
build pan-regional portfolios.
This perspective suggests that Asian countries, especially lower-income Asian countries with
a less developed financial infrastructure, should proceed cautiously with capital account
liberalisation. It suggests that a relatively small Asian Bond Fund (recall that an ABF-I funded
to the tune of US$1 billion compares with regional bond markets with a market capitalisation
of some US$1.5 trillion) is appropriate in that it does not put the cart before the horse. That
is, it does not commit Asian central banks to large amounts of cross-border portfolio
investment before a stronger market infrastructure is in place. It suggests that efforts to foster
the development of bond markets should focus, in the first instance, on measures to
strengthen the market infrastructure at the national level and not on measures to harmonise
and integrate those market structures, thereby encouraging cross-border capital flows, per
se. Measures to harmonise and integrate institutions and regulations should come later, once
those stronger market structures are in place.
The other issue raised by Europe’s experience in creating a regional bond market is the role
of the exchange rate. In Europe, the elimination of currency risk by the creation of the euro
strongly stimulated the development of regional bond markets. This is evident in the dramatic
increase in corporate bond issuance, speculative grade issuance in particular, following the
irrevocable locking of exchange rates in 1999, and in the adoption of the 10-year German
government bond as the benchmark issue for the region. 15 This experience suggests that an
12
The econometric results in Eichengreen and Luengnaruemitchai (in this volume) are consistent with this
emphasis, in that they find a number of alternative measures of capital controls to be negatively associated
with domestic bond market capitalisation in a panel of data for 41 countries.
13
See McCauley (2003).
14
Wyplosz (2001) advances this position.
15
In the first year of the euro, the value of euro-denominated corporate bond issues more than tripled, and the
share of corporate bond issues accounted for by speculative (sub-investment grade) issues rose from 4% to
15%. Corporations were able to place unpredecentedly large issues on European markets; see Detken and
Hartmann (2000). These extraordinary early growth rates have now tailed off a bit, but the rate of growth of
issuance of debt securities by non-financial corporations continues to outrun the growth of their other sources
BIS Papers No 30 5
exchange rate regime that minimises currency risk can lend strong stimulus to the
development of regional bond markets by encouraging investors to build pan-regional
portfolios, thereby enhancing market liquidity and in turn inducing additional issuance and
investment. The paper by Barry Eichengreen and Pipat Luengnaruemitchai in this volume
provides further support for this association between exchange rate stability and bond market
capitalisation.
For Asia, these facts again create something of a dilemma. Another widely drawn lesson of
the Asian crisis is that countries should gravitate towards more flexible exchange rate
regimes in order to limit crisis risk and be able to better tailor domestic money and credit
conditions to local needs. Moreover, the presumption that Asian countries will continue to
move down the road towards capital account convertibility reinforces the argument for
greater exchange rate flexibility, insofar as moving to managed flexibility is an essential
precondition for full capital account liberalisation. 16 Hence, the exchange rate regime
consistent with financial stability in the short run may not be conducive to bond market
development in the longer run.
The severity of this problem is not entirely clear. The observation that countries with more
stable exchange rates have better capitalised bond markets is based on an all-else-equal
comparison. In practice, everything else may not be equal. In particular, macroeconomic
policies that minimise currency risk by holding exchange rates stable may heighten credit risk
by encouraging banks, firms and governments to borrow more freely, thereby exposing them
to financial distress when cyclical conditions deteriorate. Robert McCauley and Guorong
Jiang (2004) find a closer conformance of bond yields across countries with flexible
exchange rates. One interpretation is that credit risk is even more important than currency
risk in driving a wedge between national markets and that in countries where the bulk of debt
is domestic currency denominated these two forms of risk are negatively correlated. If this is
right, then greater exchange rate flexibility may not in the end be an impediment to bond
market development.
The other solution, also suggested by European experience, is monetary unification to
reconcile the desire for exchange rate stability with the reality of capital account convertibility,
along with stronger financial market institutions and regulation to prevent overborrowing and
avoid unnecessary credit risk. From this point of view the Chiang Mai Initiative for swap lines
and other financial supports, ongoing discussions of a collective currency peg and initiatives
to foster the development of bond markets are of a piece. That is to say, these various efforts
to further economic and financial development and cooperation at the regional level are
complementary to one another. The problem is that the time horizon relevant to these
different initiatives is not the same. While furthering the development of bond markets is an
urgent task that should be advanced now in order to foster growth and buttress financial
stability, monetary unification is a long-run objective that presupposes a significantly more
extensive political commitment. 17
The other question in this context is whether Asia is the right level at which to pursue these
objectives. A positive answer is generally presupposed in discussions of exchange rate
stabilisation and monetary unification. There is both the European precedent and the fact of
rapidly growing intraregional trade and foreign investment linkages, heavily centred on
of finance. This enhanced access of euro-denominated corporate debt markets helped to finance a wave of
mergers and acquisitions which in turn promises to strengthen Europe’s corporate sector.
16
See for example Fischer (2003).
17
This is something that is acknowledged even by the proponents. Thus Mallet (2004), in describing discussions
at the 2004 Asian Development Bank meetings for achieving currency union in Asia, reports that “economists
and bankers say a common east Asian currency would take two or three decades.”
6 BIS Papers No 30
China. But it is not clear that a positive answer is appropriate in discussions of bond market
development. There already exist well developed global securities markets into which Asian
countries can link, as emphasised by Robert McCauley and Yung Chul Park in their
contribution to this volume. Many of the large issuers and large investors - multilateral
institutions, foreign government agencies and multinational corporations alike - whose
participation in local markets is desired are headquartered outside Asia. Harmonising
institutions and policies across Asian countries is not the most obvious way of encouraging
their participation; better would be to harmonise institutions and regulations with those
prevailing in global markets. Even if the answer to the question of whether Asian countries
should attempt to integrate into global or regional bond markets is not obvious, that question
should at least be asked.
BIS Papers No 30 7
other things, doing so is likely to undermine their control of the public debt market. But they
still may wish to consider this alternative if they attach priority to the creation of a liquid
domestic market in public debt.
Kee-Hong Bae, Warren Bailey and Young-Sup Yun look more closely at the issue of foreign
participation, analysing data gathered by the IMF for 165 countries on the holdings of local
bonds by foreign investors. They find that measures of property rights protection similar to
those analysed by Eichengreen and Luengnaruemitchai - corruption, risk of expropriation of
private property and the risk that contracts may be repudiated - are the most influential
determinants of foreign participation. By comparison, they find little evidence of a role for
macroeconomic variables like inflation, interest rates and the volatility of growth. This
reinforces the message that countries seeking to develop their bond markets, and specifically
to encourage foreign participation, should focus on building investment-friendly institutions.
Atsushi Taneuchi, in a companion paper, examines these same issues and in addition
characterises the obstacles to non-resident issuance. Compared to Bae, Bailey and Yun, he
puts more emphasis on statutory restrictions such as capital controls, the opacity and lack of
uniformity of withholding tax regimes, and the absence of adequate instruments for hedging
interest rate and currency exposures.
Martin Hohensee and Kyungjik Lee pursue the problem of hedging instruments, both those
traded on futures exchanges and over-the-counter interest rate derivatives such as interest
rate swaps and options. They show that Hong Kong and Singapore, two of the leading bond
markets in the region, also have the most advanced derivatives markets - a fact that is surely
not coincidental. It is impossible to imagine the development of the relevant hedging markets
absent the growth of the underlying bond market, for without trading in the underlying bonds
there would be nothing on which to base the swaps and options in question. The growth of
hedging markets in Hong Kong and Singapore thus reflects the success of these centres in
growing their local bond markets. But it also reflects a transparent and flexible regulatory
regime, which provides market participants the opportunity and the incentive to engage in
derivative transactions. While other Asian countries have launched their own derivatives
markets, these remain relatively illiquid. This suggests that markets in the relevant hedging
instruments tend to develop as a natural by-product of bond market development, although
their growth can also be fostered by putting in place a transparent, market-friendly regulatory
regime.
The case for developing local bond markets is strongest to the extent that the resulting
issues are long in tenor and denominated in local currency, thereby helping to relieve the
double mismatch problem. David Fernandez and Simon Klassen focus on the currency
mismatch aspect, analysing the choice of currency by East Asian bond issuers. In contrast to
Eichengreen and Luengnaruemitchai, they argue for the existence of strong spillovers
between the sovereign and corporate segments of the market. They conclude that sovereign
issuance has played a catalytic role in the genesis of regional bond markets, this despite the
constraints resulting from the traditionally strong fiscal stance of Asian governments. Since
the Asian crisis, however, sovereign issuance has soared, and corporate issues have
followed in its train. Indeed, as the authors emphasise, corporate issuance has been the
most rapidly growing segment of Asian bond markets in the last five years. The constraint on
the further growth of the corporate market, they suggest, is not so much inadequate supply
as inadequate demand - or at least a mismatch in the structure of supply and demand. High-
grade corporates have either ample retained earnings or easy access to equity finance;
hence much of the potential supply of corporate bonds is from sub-investment grade credits.
The demand, from institutional investors in particular, is however for investment grade debt
securities (given restrictive covenants, regulations, etc). One potential solution to this
problem is the development of structured products that allow investors to unpack credit risk
from other characteristics of debt securities. While the market in structured products is
growing as well, Fernandez and Klassen suggest that Asian financial institutions, which are
8 BIS Papers No 30
potential suppliers of such products, need to develop further their expertise and involvement
in this area.
Another potential way of addressing this supply-demand imbalance is the provision of credit
guarantees. Gyutaeg Oh and Jaeha Park argue that the most important constraint on the
development of local currency bond markets is not weakness of creditor rights, imperfections
in the rating function or the absence of a pan-Asian clearing and settlement system, but the
absence of credit guarantees. The underlying constraint to bond market development in the
region, they argue, is the mismatch between the credit quality of potential issuers (which is
often speculative grade) and the credit quality required by provident funds, insurance
companies and other institutions (which, as noted, are often required or prefer to limit their
holdings to investment grade securities). Guarantees against credit and political risk could
bridge this gap, Oh and Park argue: they would guarantee a high rating for issuers, facilitate
the securitisation of outstanding debts, broaden the investor base and improve marketability
by limiting the danger of downgrades. To this end the authors propose the creation of either
public-private partnerships or multilateral institutions to provide guarantees for qualifying
Asian issuers. The question here is why, if there is a demand for such insurance, private
agencies have not sprung up to screen potential customers and provide this service at a
price. And if the answer is that there exist distortions preventing the market from doing this
job, then there is still the danger that the public provision of guarantees will only reintroduce
in another guise the moral hazard problem that arose in the 1990s as a result of the
commercial banks’ implicit guarantees.
One model for Asian countries seeking to develop their bond markets is Japan, which has a
large and highly liquid debt market. Fumiaki Nishi and Alexander Vergus consider the history,
structure and prospects of this market. They show that government debt dominates the
Japanese market, not surprisingly given the large budget deficits run by the government in
the 1990s in the effort to jump-start a deflation-ridden economy. 18 Their conclusion is that the
Japanese corporate bond market has developed relatively slowly due to the long-standing
dominance of Japanese banks over the country’s corporate finance. In this sense Japan is
not a reassuring precedent for other Asian countries, which similarly inherit financial systems
heavily dominated by commercial banks.
Japan also provides lessons, as Nishi and Vergus shows, for Asian countries seeking to
encourage foreign participation in their local bond markets. The first yen-denominated bond
publicly offered by a non-resident issuer in the domestic market was issued by the Asian
Development Bank in 1970. This was followed by sovereign issues by Singapore in 1976 and
the Korea Development Bank in 1978. As controls on non-resident issuance in yen were
gradually relaxed, a variety of foreign corporate issuers followed, creating the so-called
“Samurai market”. 19 However, the development of the Samurai market has been relatively
slow, a disappointing record that the authors attribute the onerous regulations and
registration requirements imposed by the Japanese authorities - and that might be best
avoided by other Asian governments.
The remaining papers consider challenges for the development of market infrastructure, a
task that emerges from these analyses as a key step for countries seeking to foster local
bond markets. Kate Kisselev and Frank Packer consider the rating function, focusing on the
18
In fact, large-scale government bond issuance started already in the second half of the 1980s, and Nishi and
Vergus trace the development of the Tokyo market back to this period.
19
There may be a more general lesson here for Asia’s less developed countries - and for the Asian
Development Bank. Non-resident issuance often starts with the international financial institutions. In addition
to creating a local currency benchmark asset and stimulating liquidity, such issuance provides an instrument
that local issuers tapping foreign currency bond markets can use to swap out of their foreign currency
exposures, limiting the currency mismatch problem.
BIS Papers No 30 9
rating of local currency bonds. Transparent and efficient ratings are essential to creating a
broad and diversified customer base for local currency bonds. But, as Kisselev and Packer
show, local currency sovereign bonds often receive very different ratings than the foreign
currency issues of the same governments. Rating agencies tend to give higher ratings to
local currency issues on the grounds that the sovereign may find it easier to raise domestic
currency denominated resources in times of stress. (In extremis they can always print
money.) Corruption appears to be important for explaining these rating gaps: the greater
perceived corruption, the smaller the rating advantage to local currency bonds. In addition,
countries with higher investment rates, and therefore, presumably, superior growth
prospects, receive more favourable ratings for their domestic currency bonds, relative to their
foreign currency counterparts. There are also important differences between S&P and
Moody’s in how they calibrate this rating gap, suggesting that the market still has some way
to go in arriving at a standard methodology for rating local currency bonds.
One response to dissatisfaction with the global rating agencies is to develop local
counterparts. The performance of local rating agencies, one or more of which now exists in
most Asian countries, is analysed by Daekeun Park and Changyong Rhee. Park and Rhee
argue for standardising the rating systems used by these agencies and creating a pan-Asian
settlement system as a way of fostering the development of a pan-regional bond market.
Their case for local agencies is based on local knowledge and on the observation that global
agencies like S&P, Moody’s and Fitch do not find it worthwhile to provide ratings for the
multitude of small local issuers that comprise the most rapidly growing segment of Asian
borrowing. Unfortunately, local agencies in different countries follow incompatible practices,
assigning government bonds the highest credit ratings and rating other entities’ ratings below
that sovereign ceiling. Since sovereign creditworthiness differs across countries, this renders
ratings of corporate creditworthiness incomparable. Harmonising practices and abandoning
the sovereign ceiling would help, but this is easier said than done. 20
Park and Rhee also consider whether the underprovision of clearing, settlement and
depository services is an obstacle to the development of regional bond markets. They
compare the advantages of clearing and settling cross-border transactions using local
agents, global custodians and cross-border settlement systems operated by international
central securities depositories (ICSDs) like Euroclear and Clearstream. Local custodians
must be hired in each relevant market, and the quality of their services varies. Global
custodians essentially do little more than arrange local custodians for their clients. ICSDs
avoid this duplication and quality variation but have limited coverage in Asia, partly because
of regulatory restrictions on financial transactions in various Asian countries. In addition, time
zone differences mean that Euroclear and Clearstream do not provide real-time clearing for
many Asian transactions. Park and Rhee argue for the creation of an Asian clearing and
settlement system to rectify these problems. The question is whether creating a new system
is really necessary or whether existing networks like Euroclear would provide an expanding
range of services if Asian countries simply relaxed regulatory restrictions on financial
transactions and the volume of bond market turnover increased.
Frank Braeckevelt also finds much to criticise in these areas, describing Asia’s clearing and
settlement infrastructure as opaque and fragmented. But he does not find that infrastructure
is the principal barrier to the development of efficient bond markets in Asia; despite their
fragmentation, existing clearing and settlement systems operate relatively well. Rather, the
principal barriers to the development of regional bond markets, Braeckevelt concludes, are
capital controls that limit the participation of foreign investors, along with factors limiting
market liquidity such as the absence of incentives for Asian institutions to actively manage
20
In any case, it is not clear that local rating agencies provide a meaningful alternative to global agencies, since
in practice they are often affiliated with those global agencies, which are also among their major shareholders.
10 BIS Papers No 30
their portfolios. This is consistent with the view that clearing and settlement issues, rather
than requiring the development of an Asian clearing system, could be resolved by relaxing
regulatory restrictions and encouraging additional market liquidity and turnover.
Finally, the paper by Bernhard Eschweiler analyses the role played by supervision and
regulation in the development of Asian bond markets. Eschweiler finds that supervision and
regulation in the region increasingly resemble global practices, in both structure and content.
At the same time, there is considerable variation within Asia in the quality of regulation, Hong
Kong and Singapore being the only countries that are fully compliant with global standards
and best practices. Where other Asian countries tend to fall down is not so much in the
design of regulation as in its enforcement, reflecting weaknesses in legal systems and
creditor rights. Eschweiler concludes that the fastest route to developing bond markets in
Asia is not through efforts to harmonise market rules and regulations but rather through the
adoption and implementation of global best practices at the national level.
Given this variety of viewpoints and conclusions, it will be evident that there is less than
complete consensus on the priority actions that should be taken to effectively foster the
development of bond markets in Asia. If there is one thing on which observers agree, it is
Eichengreen and Luengnaruemitchai’s point that the slow growth of Asian bond markets is a
problem with multiple dimensions whose solution requires multiple interventions:
strengthening creditor rights, building stronger market infrastructure, improving regulatory
design and enforcement, and removing the capital controls and tax measures that limit
foreign issuance and investor participation - while adapting macroeconomic policies,
including the exchange rate regime, to the reality of financial integration. The small scale of
many Asian economies and financial markets also remains a barrier to the development of
deep and liquid local markets at the national level; on this too there is agreement, although
there is no consensus, at least yet, on whether this means that priority should be attached to
harmonising bond market rules, integrating clearing and settlement systems, and creating
pan-Asian standards for rating agencies so that market growth can proceed at the regional
rather than the national level. Clearly, there is no shortage of positive steps that can be taken
to promote the development of Asian bond markets. The key task going forward is to identify
which such measures should be priorities.
References
Bossone, B, P Honohan and M Long (2001): “Policy for small financial systems”, Financial
Sector Discussion Paper no 6, Washington, DC: The World Bank.
Demirgüç-Kunt, Asli and Ross Levine (1996): “Stock market development and financial
intermediary growth: stylized facts”, World Bank Economic Review 10, pp 291-321.
Demirgüç-Kunt, Asli and Ross Levine, eds (2001): Financial structure and economic growth,
Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
Detken, C and P Hartmannn (2000): “The euro and international capital markets”, ECB
Working Paper 19, Frankfurt: European Central Bank.
Dwor-Frecaut, Dominique (2003): “The Asian bond market: from fragmentation to
aggregation”, Asian Rates and Credit Research, Barclays Capital (12 September).
Fischer, Stanley (2003): “The importance of financial markets for economic growth”, paper
presented to International Derivatives and Financial Markets Conference of the Brazilian
Mercantile & Futures Exchange, Campos do Jordao, Brazil, 21 August.
Hancock, D, D B Humphrey and J A Wilcox (1999): “Cost reductions in electronic payments:
the roles of consolidation, economies of scale, and technical change”, Journal of Banking
and Finance 23, pp 391-421.
BIS Papers No 30 11
Malkamaki, M (1999): “Are there economies of scale in stock exchange activities?”
Discussion Paper 4/99, Helsinki: Bank of Finland.
McCauley, Robert (2003): “Unifying public debt markets in East Asia”, BIS Quarterly Review
(December), pp 89-98.
McCauley, Robert and Guorong Jiang (2004): “Diversifying with Asian local currency bonds”
BIS Quarterly Review (September), pp 51-66.
McCauley, Robert and Eli Remolona (2000): “Size and liquidity of government bond
markets”, BIS Quarterly Review (November), pp 52-60.
Mallet, Victor (2004): “East Asia’s financial activities grow closer: regional bankers’ meeting
says inexorable moves towards integration could lead to a single currency”, Financial Times
(17 May), p 1.
Mohanty, M S (2001): “Improving liquidity in government bond markets: what can be done?”
BIS Papers, no 11, pp 49-80.
Saloner, G and A Shepard (1995): “Adoption of technologies with network effects: an
empirical examination of the adoption of automated teller machines”, Rand Journal of
Economics 25, pp 479-591.
Turner, Philip and J Van’t dack (1995): “Changing financial systems in small open
economies: an overview”, BIS Papers, no 1 (December).
Wyplosz, Charles (2001): “A monetary union in Asia? Some European lessons”, unpublished
manuscript, Graduate Institute for International Studies, Geneva.
——— (2004): “Economic integration and structural reforms: the European experience”, in
World Economic Outlook: Advancing Structural Reforms, Washington, DC: International
Monetary Fund, April, pp 130-131.
12 BIS Papers No 30
For the advent of a promising and sound
Asian bond market
Tae-Shin Kwon
Introduction
Good morning, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen! Let me first thank the President
of Korea University, Dr Yoon Dae Euh, for the invitation to participate in this very important
conference, and also the organisers for their efforts in hosting this occasion. It is my great
honour to have this opportunity to address such a distinguished group of experts and
practitioners from government, academia, financial markets and international organisations.
What policies should we adopt to further develop the Asian bond market? All Asian countries
already share a common understanding of the significance of developing a regional bond
market and have embarked on efforts towards this end. Now it is appropriate for us to
evaluate past performance and elaborate future direction. In this context, I believe strongly
that this conference is very timely and meaningful.
BIS Papers No 30 13
markets will be as a whole. And this, in turn, will raise the efficiency and growth potential of
the region’s economies.
I’d like to make clear that deeper and better balanced capital markets provide a shared
benefit to all economies, serving as more reliable and stable sources of financing. Moreover,
they bring additional benefits for both issuers and investors, such as transparent accounting
practices, well educated financial experts and various types of financial instruments. Such
improvements would undoubtedly bring about a virtuous circle of prosperity all over the
continent.
Future challenges
Despite much endeavour and many achievements to date, we have yet to overcome many
challenges. We have stored up a vast number of ideas and suggestions from numerous
studies and meetings on this issue. It is now time for individual countries to take practical
steps in a more comprehensive and well organised manner. At this moment, we need to pay
more attention to how to create an attractive financial market for domestic and overseas
investors alike.
To this end, first of all, financial reform and liberalisation initiatives need to maintain their
momentum in each economy. In addition, we must create highly competitive financial
institutions within the region to prepare for any unexpected financial market vulnerability. By
14 BIS Papers No 30
doing so, we can strengthen our financial markets and also afford regional market
participants more opportunities to invest in fully qualified bonds equivalent to those issued by
western countries.
Second, we should seek advancement and harmony simultaneously in the regulatory and
supervisory systems of Asian economies by developing advanced transaction regulations
and a more transparent accounting and disclosure system. This, in turn, would enable
investors to minimise liquidity and credit risk.
It is true that one size does not fit all. However, there are many common denominators that
exist in well functioning regulatory and supervisory systems. In this context, we should
endeavour to harmonise regulations for the protection of investors’ interests, which will lead
to a more active regional bond market.
Third, we should accelerate the already extensive efforts to develop market infrastructure.
Solid market infrastructure is the basis for a promising and sound bond market. Therefore,
we should focus more on setting up efficient settlement and credit rating systems,
strengthening institutional investors and improving risk management techniques.
Meanwhile, the so-called credit quality gap between advanced and emerging market
economies is also a major impediment to the development of regional bond markets. To
bridge this gap, we should make better use of securitisation and credit guarantees, which I
know is one of this conference’s primary subjects. From our experience, I am sure that the
combination of securitisation and credit enhancement mechanisms will serve as a model for
the Asian bond market and reduce the gap between borrowers’ credit standing and investors’
requirements.
Korea is keen to contribute to the further development of local currency bond markets in the
region by drawing on the experience gained in developing the country’s bond market and
ABS market after the financial crisis. Finally, we should offer further technical assistance and
advice to emerging market economies in the region. Although many technical assistance
programmes are available, our hard-earned experience can be put at the service of these
economies more efficiently.
It would be in every regional country’s interest to lessen the trials and errors of emerging
market economies in the process of strengthening their bond markets, and at the same time
the developed economies would be able to secure new markets.
Conclusion
The question of whether bond market development will be in vain or will become a stepping
stone for sustainable economic growth wholly depends on our future attitude. Building on the
efforts and progress made so far, member economies have to continuously cooperate with
each other to secure our common goal of developing sound and efficient bond markets in the
region. I can assure you that the Korean government will spare no effort in achieving our
goal, the advent of a promising and sound Asian bond market.
BIS Papers No 30 15
Asian financial cooperation as seen from Europe
Gunter D Baer
It is a great pleasure for me to attend this conference, jointly organised by Korea University
and the BIS. We at the BIS have organised conferences with monetary institutions in the
region, including the State Administration of Foreign Exchange in Beijing and the Bank of
Thailand in Bangkok, but this is the first with an academic institution in the region. We take
this opportunity to salute Korea University on its 100th anniversary and to wish it well in its
next century. As Seoul aspires to become a hub for Northeast Asia, Korea’s world-class
centres of learning will come into their own.
We meet in this splendid academic environment to discuss a practical and topical subject.
The work to be reported and commented on here is certainly of great relevance to a matter
that is enjoying high priority on the agenda of Asian policymakers, namely promoting the
development of Asian bond markets.
In fact, I am convinced that steps to promote the Asian bond market have the potential to
make a contribution to monetary and financial cooperation in Asia that goes beyond simply
deepening and enhancing the efficiency of today’s bond markets. Let me explain what I have
in mind by looking at Asian monetary cooperation through the European rear-view mirror. In
doing so, I will first make some broad-brush comparisons between Asian and European
developments and then present some observations on the forces that, in my mind, have
driven the process of cooperation in Europe - leaving it to you to decide whether a similar
development could be expected in Asia.
At the risk of oversimplifying, there are at least two developments that are prompting closer
monetary cooperation in Asia even as they did in Europe. The first is a marked increase in
trade integration across the region, accompanied by the emergence of poles of economic
growth independent of US demand and by a growing awareness of vulnerability to exchange
rate changes.
In Europe, this process was partly the result and partly the cause of closer monetary
cooperation. And I am proud to say that the BIS, in offering technical and meeting-related
support, played an important role in this process. Without going into detail, let me illustrate
this with a couple of examples. Between 1950 and 1958 the European Payments Union used
the BIS as an agent to permit the multilateralisation of bilateral surpluses and deficits in
Europe, thus preparing the ground for a return to current account convertibility. In the Treaty
of Rome of 1958 the European Community established the Monetary Committee, composed
of very senior central bank and finance ministry officials. And in 1964 the European central
banks set up the Committee of Governors as their central forum for cooperation. This
Committee met for 30 years at the BIS - until a new European institution was established in
Frankfurt.
In Asia the response to growing regional integration broadly paralleled the European
development. Regional central bank forums were launched, such as SEANZA (in 1957) and
SEACEN (formally in 1982), to promote joint training and research. EMEAP started in 1991,
operating first at Deputy Governor and later at Governor level, and soon established working
groups in three financial areas of particular concern to central banks. In fact, these groups
complemented those which had been in existence at the BIS for many years.
The second common trend in the development of monetary cooperation in Asia and Europe
was the impact of crises on the building of institutional arrangements. In Europe, the shock of
the collapse of the Bretton Woods system and the beginning of generalised floating
prompted the creation of the so-called narrow margins arrangement, better known as the
16 BIS Papers No 30
“snake”, supported by the European Monetary Cooperation Fund (EMCF), which settled
intervention balances and provided short-term balance of payments support. Incidentally, this
Fund existed more on paper - all operations were performed by the BIS acting as agent. Still,
the record of these early efforts at monetary and exchange rate stability was pretty
chequered, as inflation differentials necessitated parity changes and/or forced countries to
opt out of the system.
The shock of the foreign exchange and banking crisis in Asia in 1997-98 also initiated steps
towards building firmer institutional structures - though not necessarily of the kind set up in
Europe. The main strategy for building defences against currency crises was to increase the
availability of reserves, either through swap lines as agreed by ASEAN+3 under the Chiang
Mai Initiative, or simply by bolstering reserves as a kind of self-insurance. A different and, in
its multilateral character, potentially far-reaching institutional measure was EMEAP’s
launching last June of the Asian Bond Fund (ABF) in dollar-denominated instruments, aimed
at promoting the development of a regional bond market. It was recognised that a dollar-
denominated fund was the art of the possible rather than the desideratum. Accordingly,
active discussions are now under way to add a second ABF in domestic currency. An
extremely significant and multipronged approach to improving the underlying financial
structure is being pursued in parallel by ASEAN+3.
These developments in monetary cooperation pertain mainly to the past, with Asia lagging
behind Europe, where such cooperation led in 1999 to the creation of a single currency and a
common central bank. Naturally, this gives rise to the speculative question of whether
developments in Asia will take the same turn, that is, follow the European path. Since we at
the BIS do not speculate, I can neatly sidestep this question. However, having been closely
involved for many years in the process of European monetary cooperation, I can highlight
some of the forces that were instrumental in reaching the goal of monetary unification. Then I
shall leave it to you to infer what this could mean for future monetary cooperation in Asia.
Let me start with two more principal observations. The first is that the move towards
monetary union in Europe was foremost a political process. Without the political will and
impetus, monetary and financial integration at today’s level could not have happened.
Having said this, my second principal observation is that the political objective of monetary
union would also not have been achieved without the active part played by the financial
authorities and, in particular, the central banks. Just to remind you, the breakthrough in
moving to monetary union was based on a blueprint of how to realise monetary union (the
Delors Report of 1989) presented by a group of central bank Governors.
But, in addition to these points, I would identify at least three lessons to be drawn from the
process of monetary cooperation in Europe.
First, financing arrangements such as short-term swaps or medium-term balance of
payments loans (as granted by the EMCF and the European Community during the first
phase of the exchange rate mechanism) have frequently been cited as an important
prerequisite for the success of the exchange rate arrangements. I doubt that their
contribution in terms of providing financial resources was really decisive, but I recognise that
these mechanisms were sometimes of enormous psychological and tactical importance for
coming to an agreement in the negotiations.
Second, institutional aspects matter. European experience, however, suggests that big
institutional structures are not necessary for success - at least not until the moment that
responsibility for policy is transferred to a new, common institution. In fact, the process of
European central bank cooperation relied for decades on a very small permanent secretariat,
working independently under the roof of the BIS.
Third, there is nothing better than an operational framework to promote and focus monetary
cooperation. Such a framework could be a swap arrangement requiring accounting and
settlement services, or it could be an ABF or some form of exchange rate mechanism. What
BIS Papers No 30 17
matters is that any such arrangement makes it necessary to meet, to exchange views and to
take decisions in common. This in turn builds knowledge and mutual trust, which provide the
basis for getting through difficult moments in more ambitious cooperative undertakings.
Let me conclude with these observations and, as I said earlier, I leave it to you to judge to
what extent they are relevant for the process of Asian monetary cooperation. In one respect,
however, I am certain the discussions held here between researchers and policymakers form
part of the grand tradition of promoting monetary cooperation. On that note, I wish you all a
challenging and fruitful exchange of views at this conference.
18 BIS Papers No 30
Developing the bond market(s) of
East Asia: global, regional or national?
The various initiatives to develop Asian bond markets tend to draw on a shared analysis of
the Asian crisis of 1997-98. It is generally agreed that the mismatch between foreign
currency debt and domestic currency cash flows, on the one hand, and short-term debt and
long-term investments, on the other, left Asian firms and banks vulnerable to changing
evaluations of creditworthiness and to exchange rate depreciation. More controversial is a
related argument, which gained force as East Asia, excluding Japan, moved into a
substantial current account surplus after the crisis. Asia is thought to be missing an
opportunity if its savings flow into global capital markets only to be reinvested in some
measure in the region at higher yields and at the discretion of global investors. 2 The
development of a regional bond market or domestic bond markets is promoted to make
financial structures more resilient, to diversify sources of financing and to increase the asset
menu for investment in Asia.
Discussion of means to promote bond market development in East Asia can lose clarity
owing to the very different images of the desired outcome held by the participants. In
particular, some participants envision the creation of a regional market in which borrowers
from around the region obtain funding in regional currencies from regional investors. Others
envision improvement to the markets in which predominantly domestic borrowers meet
predominantly domestic investors. For the sake of completeness and of drawing distinctions
as boldly as possible, it is also worthwhile to consider a third image, namely that of
globalised financial markets in which East Asian borrowers and investors participate as
relatively small players.
This paper first defines terms and proceeds to sketch out these three alternative paths:
global, regional and national. It then considers where markets currently stand, recognising
that reality cuts across the neat ideal types sketched. Next, policies proposed to develop
bond markets are lined up with the different images. Finally, we conclude with our own views
on the preferred image.
1
The authors are grateful to Clifford Dammers, Guorong Jiang, Malcolm Knight, Francis Lau, Bob Rankin and
Philip Wooldridge for drawing various points to our attention and to Christian Dembierment, Denis Pêtre and
Swapan-Kumar Pradhan for statistical assistance. Any errors remain those of the authors. Views expressed
are those of the authors and not the Bank for International Settlements.
2
This is not the place to analyse these widely shared presumptions in depth. Suffice it to say that Korea’s
sizeable bond market before the crisis did not prevent a crisis. Moreover, it is not clear, at least at the
aggregate level, that Korea suffered a currency mismatch problem. Bond market development can only keep
East Asian savings in East Asia on a net basis if it increases domestic investment or consumption, leading to
higher absorption and narrow current account surpluses. Gross flows are another matter. For development of
the currency mismatch question, the prospects for narrower current accounts and two-way capital flows,
respectively, see Cho and McCauley (2003), Park (2004) and McCauley (2003a).
BIS Papers No 30 19
1. Defining terms
Asian bonds are defined by residence of issuer. They are interest bearing obligations of
Asian governments, financial institutions or corporations, wherever marketed and in whatever
currency of denomination.
Bond markets can be classified according to residence of issuer, targeted investors and
currency of denomination. For instance, the BIS international securities data cover everything
but issues by residents targeted at resident investors denominated in domestic currency
(Table 1). Issues by non-residents targeted at resident investors and denominated in
domestic currency are part of the foreign bond markets, which go by various colourful names
(yankee for United States; samurai for Japan; bulldog for the United Kingdom). Offshore (or
“euro” in the old sense) markets involve targeting investors with bonds not denominated in
their domestic currency.
Table 1
Classification of BIS securities statistics
Issues by residents Issues by non-residents
In domestic currency
Targeted at resident Domestic International (foreign: yankee,
investors samurai, bulldog)
Targeted at non-resident International (offshore or International (offshore or
investors euromarket) euromarket)
In foreign currency International International
Source: BIS (2003a), p 14.
Our approach to defining global, regional and national or domestic markets relies primarily on
the “who’s who” of issuers and investors and to a lesser extent on currency of denomination.
Thus, global markets require broad international participation on the sell and the buy side,
but can, conceptually at least, operate in as few as one or as many as all of the world’s
currencies. A regional bond market would be defined primarily as one that brings together
issuers and investors from a region, and secondarily as one that uses the currencies of the
region. Finally, domestic bond markets feature mostly domestic issuers and investors,
although foreign investors may play a more or less important role, while the currency of
choice is the local currency.
We fine-tune our definitions of global, regional and national or domestic markets to East Asia and
play down the distinction between onshore and offshore markets. Global bond markets would
mostly feature dollar or euro bonds underwritten in London, placed in Asia and Europe and
housed in Euroclear or Clearstream, as well as truly global bonds, which are also
SEC-registered, offered simultaneously offshore and in the United States and housed in both the
offshore depositories and the US Depository Trust Company. 3 Yen issues by Asian borrowers
are taken to be examples of regional bonds whether they are legally sold offshore (relative to
Japan) as euroyen bonds, onshore as samurai bonds or onshore as private placements. Issues
by Asian borrowers non-resident in Hong Kong SAR or Singapore denominated in Hong Kong or
Singapore dollars (foreign bonds rather than offshore bonds) are also termed regional bonds. It
should be clear, therefore, that we consider that there are potentially several regional bond
markets in East Asia. Further, one can imagine domestic regulations or withholding taxes
3
As well as the near-global bonds, underwritten offshore and placed in the United States under the SEC Rule
144a.
20 BIS Papers No 30
favouring Thai or Korean borrowers selling Thai baht or Korean won bonds in Tokyo or Hong
Kong. Such an offshore market would also count as a regional bond market, owing to issuers
and investors sharing East Asian residence and the use of a regional currency.
4
In the bank loan market, the major investors, namely banks, are in the swap business, while the smaller firms
that rely on bank loans are less ready to manage a swap book.
BIS Papers No 30 21
firms that sell US dollar bonds could all be presumed to be prepared to swap out of the US
dollar liabilities into Canadian dollar liabilities to achieve a desired currency mix of liabilities. In
addition, the tilt towards the US dollar bond market by Canadian firms would enable their
bonds to gain value from the greater depth, breadth and liquidity of US dollar markets,
including the superior interest rate hedging and dealer financing capacities in the US dollar.
Graph 1
Currency denomination of bonds
issued by Canadian corporations
100%
90%
Other
80%
70%
Euro-US$
60%
50% US$
40%
30% Euro-CA$
20%
CA$
10%
0%
1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2001
Graph 2
US dollar share of Canadian assets/liabilities
Per cent
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Cash M3 Funds Business loans Corporate bonds
Source: Murray and Powell (2002).
22 BIS Papers No 30
The Canadian corporate sector’s integration into the global dollar bond market is matched in
East Asia by firms in Hong Kong and Singapore. In part, this reflects the importance of
multinational firms headquartered in the two city economies, such as Hutchison Whampoa,
which in 2003 built up a single dollar bond to the size of $4 billion. Relying on a different
source of data, Fernandez and Klassen (2004) find that Philippine firms denominate the bulk
of their bonds in the dollar.
Graph 3
International share of corporate debt securities
Per cent
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
CA AU CN HK JP KR MY SG TH
Source: BIS Quarterly Review, Tables 12C and 16B, data for September 2003.
One can see aspects of this global vision at work in the market for East Asian dollar bonds.
Thus it is widely thought that one of the largest holders of the Republic of Korea’s 2013 dollar
bond is an insurance company connected to one of the largest chaebol in Korea. It is thought
to have bought the dollar paper and to have swapped the dollar cash flows for Korean won
cash flows, thereby matching its liabilities to its policyholders.
Proponents of the global image of bond market development for East Asia would readily
acknowledge that cross-currency hedging markets need to develop further. Only then could it
be assumed that firms can sell dollar bonds and hedge into domestic currency liabilities, and
institutional investors can buy dollar bonds and hedge into domestic currency assets. In the
face of capital controls, non-resident equity investors and multinational firms have
contributed to the development of non-deliverable forward foreign exchange markets in the
region (Ma et al (2004)). More to the point are the longer-term cross-currency swap markets,
which allow the hedging of whole streams of cash flows stretching over years. These tend to
have been small at the time of the last comprehensive measurement, in April 2001, although
they have generally grown since (Table 2).
Table 2
Cross-currency swap markets: daily
turnover in millions of US dollars
AU CN HK IN ID JP KR MY NZ PH SG TW TH CA EU
BIS Papers No 30 23
Global bond market integration with many currencies
There is another, more inclusive image of global bond markets. Instead of a duopoly or
oligopoly of currencies, the international bond market can be conceived of as an open
competition among currencies. Currencies from East Asia and the Pacific could be, and to
some extent are, integrated into this global bond marketplace. The euro has surpassed the
dollar in this market and, taken together, the two currencies represent about 85% of
outstanding international bonds - close to a duopoly in practice (Graph 4). Sterling represents
the next biggest currency sector, with 7% of outstanding bonds. Taken together, currencies
of East Asia and the Pacific (broken out on the right-hand side) amount to $650 billion in
international bonds, about 6% of the total of over $11 trillion. Of these, the Japanese yen
represents the largest part (about three quarters of the regional total), with 4% of outstanding
international bonds. The Australian dollar, Hong Kong dollar, Singapore dollar and New
Zealand dollar bonds follow. There is a small New Taiwan dollar segment as well, while a
few equity-linked capital issues for Thai banks were denominated in Thai baht and sold to
international investors. All in all, five or six of the EMEAP economies have a presence in the
international bond market.
The international bond markets have shown a willingness to accept peripheral or “exotic”
currencies, especially when these offer higher yields to compensate for lack of familiarity,
greater perceived exchange rate risk and often lower liquidity. Thus, higher coupon
payments have characterised the so-called dollar bloc currencies (the Canadian, Australian
and New Zealand dollars) when these have sold well. The process of monetary unification in
Europe led to “convergence plays” on the Finnish markka, Irish pound, Portuguese escudo,
Spanish peseta, Italian lira and, most recently, the Greek drachma. This same thinking now
warms investors to Polish zloty and Czech koruna bonds (Table 3). In contrast, investors
interested in Hungarian forint bonds have had to enter the domestic market and buy
government bonds.
Table 3
Minor currency bonds outstanding in the
international bond market, end-2003
Billions of US dollars
Outside Europe, foreign investors have had their choice between buying South African rand
bonds in the international bond market and buying the government bonds in the domestic
market. Chile and Mexico have not allowed their bonds denominated in their respective
pesos to be sold in international markets.
A common element in the dollar bloc, peripheral European and other issues is a higher
coupon than that available on bonds denominated in major currencies. One could argue, in
fact, that, although all of the currency sectors listed in Table 3 satisfy the BIS definition of
international bonds, the relatively low-coupon Hong Kong dollar, Singapore dollar and New
Taiwan dollar bonds have not been widely marketed outside the three economies. If wider
demand in the international bond market does indeed depend on attractive coupons, then the
higher-coupon, moderate-inflation currencies of East Asia may have the best shot at
international portfolios. In particular, the Korean won, Philippine peso and Indonesian rupiah
24 BIS Papers No 30
in East Asia, and Indian rupee bonds in South Asia, could meet with the greatest demand.
The acceptance of such bonds to investors in global offshore markets has not been tested to
date owing to the unwillingness of domestic authorities to permit them.
Graph 4
Currency composition of the international bond market
BIS Papers No 30 25
Of greater relevance is the record of the international bond market before the introduction of
the euro. Scrolling back 10 years, what role did the Deutsche mark, its surrogates (like the
Dutch guilder, Danish krone or ECU), and its immediate competitors like the French franc
and others, play in the meeting the international financing needs of European governments,
banks and corporations?
Looking at the left-hand panel of Graph 5, it is clear that the euro’s predecessor currencies
played a predominant role in the international bond offerings of European (defined here as
current EU) borrowers. To be sure, dollar issues figure importantly, but since at least five years
before the euro, its predecessor currencies have accounted for more issuance than the dollar.
The regional element is even larger when the share of sterling bonds is taken into account.
The right-hand panel tells a very different story. Issuance by East Asian governments, banks
and corporations in the international bond market is overwhelmingly dollar-denominated.
Regulation, buy-side characteristics and exchange rate management have all played roles in
preventing Asia’s currencies from posing tougher competition to the dollar.
To begin with, the authorities in important Asian countries have not been prepared to accept
non-resident issues targeted at resident investors or offshore issues in their currencies. In
the case of Singapore, foreign issuers have been allowed to sell Singapore dollar bonds, but
only to swap the proceeds into foreign currency. Thus, a multinational company with
operations in Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand that found the Singapore dollar an
attractive currency to borrow in, both because of its movement with regional currencies and
because of the low interest rate, might be able to access the Singapore dollar bond market,
but not hold liabilities in the Singapore dollar at the end of the day. Regulation in the form of
Japanese-language registration requirements has also made especially opportunistic
issuance in the yen difficult.
Graph 5
Announced international bonds and
notes issuance by nationality and currency
In billions of US dollars
(semi-logarithmic scales)
1
European Union refers to the current membership. Euro is the euro or its predecessor
currencies. 2 Comprises Australia, China, Hong Kong SAR, India, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Malaysia,
New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan (China) and Thailand.
Sources: Dealogic; Euroclear; ISMA; Thomson Financial Securities Data; BIS.
26 BIS Papers No 30
Nishi and Vergus (2004) emphasise the risk appetite of Japanese investors, and this factor,
unlike regulation which has only eased over time, can explain why East Asian issuance in
yen has not regained the levels reached before the Asian crisis (while that in the dollar has).
Japanese investors are increasingly prepared to run currency risk, otherwise there would not
be such an active market for Australian dollar paper there. When it comes to credit risk,
however, Japanese investors’ own recent domestic financial history has not well prepared
them to accept it. Moreover, they feel burned by their experience with domestic high-yield
issuers like Mycal and more so with foreign high-yield, high-risk issuers like Argentina. Thus,
while a below investment grade issuer like the Republic of the Philippines, or even
investment grade Federation of Malaysia, have tapped the dollar and euro segments of the
international bond market, they have not sold much in the way of yen bonds. The yen bond
market is also limited by the risk appetites of Japanese institutional investors. With rare
exceptions like the leasing group Orix, Japanese institutional investors, like Japanese
households, have been more willing to take on currency risk than credit risk in external
investments. To be fair, as argued by Remolona and Schrijvers (2003), starting with a
low-risk portfolio, yield enhancement through acceptance of credit risk is inherently a trickier
proposition than yield enhancement through acceptance of foreign exchange risk. Because
of the fat left tail of the distribution of returns on risky bonds, diversification requires very
broad portfolios (which are particularly hard for a bond-picking household to assemble).
Exchange rate management may also play a role in the limited development of an Asian
regional bond market. Regional currencies have tracked the yen only to a limited extent, at
least until recently. This means that from the perspective of issuers worried about the
possibility of their liabilities blowing up, selling yen bonds may have posed greater exchange
rate risk than selling dollar bonds. The contrast with Europe would be that after the onset of
generalised floating in 1973, a number of European currencies shared much of the Deutsche
mark’s movements against the dollar, thereby reducing the risk of governments’ and
corporations’ mark borrowing. Nevertheless, Schmidt (2004) has argued that the yen
markets have missed an opportunity in recent years insofar as regional currencies, especially
the Korean won, have shared much of the yen’s movements against the dollar.
Exchange rate management also bears on the attractiveness of the Hong Kong dollar as a
currency to denominate bonds. Typically, there is a premium of long-term Hong Kong dollar
yields over US dollar yields, in part reflecting currency risk and in part reflecting liquidity. To
pay more for a Hong Kong dollar bond than a US dollar bond thus requires a view on the
Hong Kong dollar. Thus, most international issuance of Hong Kong dollar bonds has been
either opportunistic (that is, driven by profitable opportunities to swap the proceeds) or for
funding assets in Hong Kong.
5
Above, it was argued that the Canadian corporate sector had integrated its bonds into global capital markets,
progressively eschewing the Canadian dollar in favour of issuing bonds into the broader, deeper and more
liquid US dollar market. This was taken to be a case of embracing the global bond market. From another
perspective, this is a case of regionalism in bond markets, since many US buy-side investors’ portfolio
guidelines or restrictions would treat Canadian issuers the same as US issuers. What is on one view a strong
case of globalisation, might therefore on another view seem to be a case of regionalism within global markets.
BIS Papers No 30 27
Uridashi market
As explained in the paper in this conference by Nishi and Vergus (2004), Japanese securites
houses market Australian dollar bonds formally issued as international bonds to Japanese
households. Since the household buyers are averse to credit risk, if not currency risk, the
issuers of the bonds are mostly very high-quality governments or agencies from outside
Australia. They are opportunistic issuers looking only for cheap funding when measured
against US dollar Libor or Euribor. Through the swap market, their liabilities ultimately are
taken on by Australian banks or firms financing assets in Australia. While complicated, the
essence of the transactions is the willingness of Japanese households to take on the
currency risk of the Australian dollar in exchange for a decent coupon. And what is clear is
that these bonds require an ongoing investment in providing information to Japanese
households by the Japanese securities firms.
Is it possible to imagine this same marketing being applied to the sale of, say, Korean won
bonds to Japanese households? While Korea does not possess Australia’s aura of a
vacation and honeymoon destination, it has had another advantage in recent years. As noted
above, the won has shared a considerable, albeit varying, part of the yen’s movements
against the dollar. A Japanese investor in a won bond would have experienced less volatility
in the value of their holdings compared to an investment in a US dollar bond. Were such a
co-movement to persist it would favour the development of Japanese demand for won
bonds. Indeed, the relative stability of the won in terms of yen led Korean companies,
reportedly small and medium-sized enterprises with little in the way of yen cash flows, to
build up $7 billion in yen debt from Korean banks in 2002. 6
6
See Financial Supervisory Service (2002).
28 BIS Papers No 30
Hong Kong or Singapore leave open the question of the ultimate beneficial owner (eg an
Indonesian bank branch there holding an Indonesian bond or a French-owned insurer there
holding a Korean bond). There remains room for diverging interpretations of the data on
cross-border holdings of Asian bonds in Asia.
Box
Cross-border holdings of Asian bonds: banks and all investors
Robert N McCauley and Patrick McGuire
While there is broad agreement among policymakers in East Asia that further financial integration in
the region would be desirable, no such consensus has emerged regarding the proper understanding
of the current extent of such integration. Market-based analysts highlight the importance of the
“Asian bid” - that is, a disproportionate representation of regional buyers - in the primary and
secondary market for dollar bonds issued by East Asian governments, banks and firms.1 This view
has been challenged, however, by reference to official Japanese data on holdings of bonds by
Japanese residents, which suggest low and declining holdings of the obligations of Asian issuers.
This box consults two sources of evidence to shed light on the extent of the regional bias in holdings
of international bonds issued by East Asian borrowers. First, the BIS international banking data
report banks’ cross-border claims that take the form of bonds, providing country detail and a time
series perspective. Banks are natural buyers of bonds, especially those of relatively short maturity
or those bearing floating interest rates, but represent just one investor segment. Second, the IMF
portfolio survey of securities holdings provides broader coverage of the investor base, capturing
institutional investors as well as banks, but represents only a snapshot at end-2002. The IMF data
are in principle universal, while the BIS reporting area does not include all the important Asian
economies.
____________________________
1
See Schmidt, 2004.
BIS Papers No 30 29
Box (cont)
Cross-border holdings of Asian bonds: banks and all investors
particular, while Hong Kong SAR, Japan and Singapore are long-time reporters, Australia and
Taiwan (China) have joined only recently. Yet to participate are China, Korea, Malaysia and
Thailand. Thus, Asian holdings of Asian bonds as measured by the BIS data will be smaller than the
actual amount insofar as banks in these latter countries hold bonds issued by their neighbours. The
data include both international bonds and domestic securities held offshore, for instance a Hong
Kong bank’s holdings of a Korean treasury bond (which are, judging by Korean flow of funds data,
very small).2
The BIS banking data do suggest a regional bias in holdings of Asian bonds by Asian banks. This
conclusion emerges from two findings. First, as of the fourth quarter of 2003 BIS area banks held an
estimated $66 billion in bonds issued by borrowers from Asia excluding Japan.3 In terms of country
composition, the largest holdings are vis-à-vis Singapore and Korea (as suggested by the BIS data
on international bonds issued by Asia excluding Japan). Second, an estimated two thirds of these
bonds are held in Asia, including Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore and Taiwan (see the graph below).
About half the rest are held by banks in the United Kingdom.4 Holdings of Asian bonds by reporting
banks in Asia were squeezed by the combination of regional banks’ loss of access to international
interbank markets during the period of the Japan premium and the Asian crisis, but have risen since
late 1999.
Asia
United Kingdom
Rest of the world
40
20
0
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
____________________________
2
The data also include some holdings of short-term paper, such as certificates of deposit, that are not relevant
to the question under discussion.
3
Asia excluding Japan includes Hong Kong, Singapore and Macao, typically classified as offshore centres by
the BIS.
4
The country composition of Hong Kong banks’ bond holdings is estimated using the composition of loans,
and bond holdings are estimated for Japan and Singapore from country by country data on non-loan claims.
30 BIS Papers No 30
Box (cont)
Cross-border holdings of Asian bonds: banks and all investors
The data indicate an uneven but in aggregate high degree of regional bias in bond holdings across
Asia excluding Japan. Asia excluding Japan holds over half (51.3%) the bonds issued by borrowers
in that area (last row of the table). In the first column of the table, for instance, investors in Hong
Kong put 12.8% of their international bond portfolio into Asian bonds, and, given the size of their
aggregate portfolio, they account for a high share (7%) of international holdings of such bonds.
Excluding Japanese bonds, Hong Kong holds 16% of global holdings of Asian bonds. Singapore puts
a higher fraction of its overall international bond portfolio in Asian bonds, but, given its portfolio size,
accounts for a smaller share (13.9%) of global holdings of Asia excluding Japan’s bonds. These
portfolio data support the hypothesis of a regional bias.
It turns out that the largest foreign investor in the region, Japan, does not show an Asian bias. While
Japan’s holdings of Asian bonds amount to more than Hong Kong’s or Singapore’s holdings (last row
of the table), they are very small from the Japanese perspective. Of the grand total of $7.7 trillion in
cross-border bond investment captured by the survey, Asian bonds amount to about $225 billion
(about 3%), of which Japanese bonds account for around two thirds ($160 billion). Global holdings of
bonds from Asia excluding Japan thus amount to approximately 1% of holdings. Japan’s holdings of
bonds from Asia excluding Japan are also around 1%, which is about par. Despite the scale of the
Japanese portfolio and the country’s proximity, therefore, Japan has no disproportionate holdings of
Asian bonds. In contrast, with double digit percentage weights on Asian bonds, investors in Hong
Kong, Indonesia, Korea, Macao (where the currency board vis-à-vis the Hong Kong dollar must play
a role), Malaysia and Singapore do favour regional bonds. Given the scale of holdings, the regional
bias derives mostly from the behaviour of portfolio managers in Hong Kong and Singapore. The
result of a neutral Japanese weight, on the one hand, and regional bias elsewhere in the region, on
the other, is the high fractions of internationally held bonds of Asia excluding Japan to be found in
Asia (Table A, last column).
Table A
Cross-border investment in bonds, end-2002
In millions of US dollars
BIS Papers No 30 31
Box (cont)
Cross-border holdings of Asian bonds: banks and all investors
It can still be asked: who are the beneficial owners of the bonds held in the financial centres of Hong
Kong and Singapore? To the extent that they are held at branches of banks headquartered outside
the region, one could question whether there really is a regional bias. Whether institutional investors
like insurance companies and pension funds would hold bonds in these centres to fund liabilities to
retirees and policyholders outside the region is another issue.
Based on the data reviewed, it can be said that a disproportionate share of cross-border holdings of
bonds issued by East Asian borrowers is held in bank and institutional portfolios located in East
Asia. Whether the ultimate beneficial ownership of these securities, in some sense, is likewise
concentrated in Asia remains an open question.
A third image for bond market development is the improvement of the working of the existing
national bond markets. This image calls for many markets, not one global or regional market,
to be developed.
In the wake of the Asian crisis, and given deliberate attempts in places to increase issuance,
these markets have reached substantial size, aggregating $1.2 trillion across East Asia
excluding Japan (Jiang and McCauley (2004)). Even if one accepts HSBC’s definition of an
investable universe of bonds, one still is confronted with an aggregate size of $270 billion,
and this does not (yet) include China and Indonesia. This is considerably larger than the
stock of dollar-denominated Asian bonds and even a larger multiple of outstanding
yen-denominated Asian bonds. While these markets could no doubt be larger (Eichengreen
and Luengnaruemitchai (2004)), the size of the local bond markets alone should give one
pause when considering proposals that would ignore the development of national markets in
favour of regional markets.
This hesitation only increases when one considers that these national markets suffer to
varying degrees from a lack of liquidity and a lack of investor diversity. One finding that holds
across G10 government bond markets is that size matters for liquidity (McCauley and
Remolona (2000)). That is, the larger the outstanding bonds, the higher the transactions
volume and the narrower the bid-ask spread. This result holds across the local economies as
well, although it appears to be weaker partly because of the developmental efforts of Hong
Kong and Singapore (Graph 6). To be sure, other factors, such as the concentration of
issuance in particular issues and the breadth of financing markets, make a difference. The
implication of the importance of size for liquidity, however, is that global or regional issuance,
particularly by the benchmark issuer, the government, comes at an opportunity cost. Every
billion dollars of bonds sold abroad are bonds that will not contribute to the liquidity of the
domestic market.
The lack of investor diversity is also related to liquidity. Lack of a diverse investor base tends
to make a bond market one-sided, with all the players at times attempting to adjust their
portfolios in the same direction. In particular, a predominance of buy-and-hold investors can
leave the secondary markets quite inactive. Even if the market has more active accounts,
they may, like the Korean investment trust companies or the Thai bond mutual funds, be hit
simultaneously with liquidity pressure, leading liquidity to dry up and prices to gap. It appears
that a lack of diversity, as measured by the Herfindahl index of the concentration of bond
holding, is related to the bid-ask measure of liquidity (Graph 6).
32 BIS Papers No 30
Graph 6
Liquidity in East Asian bond markets
Size, trading, issue size and concentration
TH
3.5 y = 8.67x – 1.75 ID 7
MY R = 0.60
HK 3 6
One way of diversifying the investor bases in national bond markets is to open them up to
foreign investors, but efforts to develop a regional market could actually hold back such an
opening. In Korea, for instance, while about 40% of the equity market is foreign-owned, only
0.4% of the government bond market is foreign-held. Why this is so is not clear: Takeuchi
(2004) considers the impediments to foreign investment in national bond markets and
McCauley (2004) considers the costs and benefits of doing so. It is sometimes proposed that
an easy way to get around these impediments might be to issue bonds offshore in a regional
bond market. But this would not really bring foreign investors into the domestic bond market.
The next time that investment trust companies or bond mutual funds suffered heavy
withdrawals, there would still be no bid from foreign investors who could see a buying
opportunity in the temporary liquidity pressure on selected institutions.
BIS Papers No 30 33
5. Images of bond market development and policies
This section considers the mapping between images of bond market development and
policies that have been proposed to accelerate bond market development in Asia. Different
intentions imply different policies.
7
See McCauley (2002) for a discussion (now moot) of whether global fixed income markets could function
without US Treasury debt.
34 BIS Papers No 30
Policies for a regional bond market
Policies to promote regional bond market development include those on the sell side, those
on the buy side and infrastructure. Consider each in turn.
Just as integration of new, Asian currency sectors into the global bond market would require
the authorities to permit offshore use of their currencies, so, too, any widening of regional
bond markets from the status quo of the yen would require regulatory change. The European
experience suggests that the regional development occurred on a wider base than the
Deutsche mark alone, over which the German authorities continued to exercise control.
Hybrid currencies like the ECU served as ways around that control.
On the buy side as well, a genuinely regional market would require investment from a
number of countries. Many large portfolios in the region, national pension or provident funds,
for instance, have barely started their external diversification. When they are permitted to
diversify externally, the global dollar and euro markets are among the natural first steps. In
Thailand recently, the Bank of Thailand has authorised external investment of selected
portfolios. In these authorisations, it is reported, some amounts are earmarked for investment
in regional bonds. Thus, there are opportunities in the process of opening up fixed income
portfolios to external investment for channelling funds into regional markets. Analytically, the
question is whether such regional allocations come at the expense of global investment, or
are in addition to them, as policymakers accelerate the opening in the pursuit of regional
bond market development.
Many observers take three policy initiatives for infrastructure to advance regional bond
market development as a package. In particular, they see a regional credit guarantee
agency, a regional bond rating facility and a regional clearing and settlement capacity all as
pieces of infrastructure needed for regional bond market development (Oh and Park (2006),
Park and Rhee (2006)).
From our perspective, the regional credit guarantee agency is less specific to a particular
image of bond market development. A regional credit guarantee agency could support the
credit of borrowers from the region in accessing global, regional or domestic markets. For
example, the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand obtained World Bank guarantees
for the principal and the next interest payment of a 10-year bond (Schmidt (2004, pp 49-50)).
The bond was denominated in dollars and sold in the global market. To take another
example, the Korean Air Lines deal described above used a Korean Development Bank
credit enhancement to access the regional market in Tokyo. To take still another example,
the Hong Kong Mortgage Corporation (a wholly owned subsidiary of the Hong Kong
Monetary Authority), promotes mortgage securitisation in the territory with guarantees.
Substitute a regional credit rating agency for the World Bank, the official Korean guarantor or
the Hong Kong Mortgage Corporation, and it is apparent that a regional credit guarantee
agency could serve any of the three images of bond market development.
Proposals for a regional rating agency or a regional clearing capacity, by contrast, strike us
as specific to the image of regional bond market development. Global rating agencies
already exist, and are increasingly targeting domestic bond markets with ratings specific to
them (Packer (2003), Kisselev and Packer (2006)). National rating agencies also already
exist. Similarly, a regional clearing capacity would sit between the global clearing capacity of
Euroclear and Clearstream, on the one hand, and national clearing operations, on the other
(Braeckevelt (2006)).
BIS Papers No 30 35
One aspect of developing domestic bond markets is opening them up to foreign investment.
As argued above, foreign investment makes for a more diverse base of investors, even if the
inward capital flow is not needed given current balance of payments surpluses in the region.
The reason for the low levels of inward investment in local bond markets is not clear, and
Takeuchi (2006) surveys market writings to identify the most important impediments to
foreign investment.
6. Conclusions
We recommend that emphasis be placed on the third image of bond market development for
Asia. That is, national bond markets should be developed with a view to integrating them with
global markets at some stage. Even if one embraces the image of a global bond market,
development of the national markets would probably be necessary under current
circumstances.
The impulse to regional development can contribute to national bond market development by
bringing politically acceptable peer pressure to bear. The process of discussing the
circumstances under which there could be more regional investment in domestic bond
markets may raise the political salience of policy changes that will make domestic bond
markets more friendly to foreign investors. The announcement by Thailand of an intended
waiver of withholding tax on coupon interest paid to foreigners, which took place at the time
of an international conference on Asian bond market development in Bangkok in October
2003, may be a case in point.
One might ask why peer pressure could accomplish what market pressure has failed to do.
One answer is that market pressure has not been very strong because underlying balance of
payments positions mean that most countries do not need the foreign capital. When
countries in the region were running deficits, eg in the pre-crisis period in Thailand, there
were a large current account deficit and a real funding need, but no government bonds. Now
there are government bonds, but no particular need for additional capital inflows. It might be
noted in this connection that the United States repealed its withholding tax on non-resident
holdings of bonds only once a large current account deficit opened up in the mid-1980s.
Moreover, market pressure is subject to the interpretation that market participants are
arguing their narrow interests - to gain access to new revenue sources in domestic bond
markets - rather than the national interest. This interpretation of self-interested advice in part
reflects the memory of 1997-98. In contrast, peer pressure is less subject to the interpretation
that advice to make markets more investor-friendly is self-interested. Finally, peer pressure
may be more effective when it is collective.
Care must be taken that measures taken to develop regional bond markets do not slow the
development of domestic bond markets: the Korean Air Line deal provides an example of a
very sensible regional issue using both securitisation of cash flows and guarantees to meet
the high demand for credit quality of the Japanese investor base. A less sensible example
would be further duplication of ABF1 - of course, not in the works - which could encourage
dollar issuance by borrowers in the region at the expense of domestic market growth.
Another untoward example would be the sale of government bonds offshore as part of an
effort to develop regional markets. In particular, Kingdom of Thailand baht bonds might be
underwritten and sold in Tokyo. As argued above, however, liquidity divided is liquidity lost.
Every baht bond not traded in Bangkok would be one less bond that could be repurchased
there or that could form part of a benchmark bond there, making the domestic market that
much smaller and less liquid. In addition, in political economy terms, the easy option of
offshore issuance may militate against removing domestic impediments.
Similarly, care must be taken that infrastructure development for the region proves both
consistent with eventual global integration and financially self-sustainable. We have argued
36 BIS Papers No 30
above that a regional credit guarantee agency could serve the goal of domestic bond market
development as well as regional bond market development. The ambition to bring small and
medium-sized enterprise liabilities to the bond market must be informed by an analysis of
losses on such programmes in recent years in Japan, Korea and Hong Kong (Jiang (2004)).
Otherwise such an effort cannot be sustained. Similarly, it is easier to extend guarantees to
highly leveraged firms not enjoying investment grade ratings than it is to ensure the revolving
nature of the guarantees and capital supporting them. The view that Asia is stuck with a
mismatch between the credit ratings that investors desire and the credit ratings that its
companies are assigned is underpinned by a very partial view of corporate finances. The
example of PCCW in Hong Kong, which started as a leveraged buyout of the local telephone
company but is now managing its finances to achieve an A rating, reminds us that, within
limits, corporate credit ratings are choice variables of corporate management.
Regional initiatives for a rating agency and clearing system are structurally more risky in their
dependence on an image of regional bond market development. A regional rating agency will
ultimately have to pass the test of being at least a point of reference for investors from
outside the region. In other words, its establishment needs to anticipate the integration of
bond markets in the region into global markets. By its nature, a regional clearing system
must ultimately be hooked up with national systems on one side and global ones like
Euroclear and Clearstream on the other.
Since this conference is being held in Korea to mark the hundredth anniversary of Korea
University, perhaps we could end with a success criterion for national bond market
development for Korea: instead of two orders of magnitude difference between foreign
ownership of bonds and stocks in Korea, just one order of magnitude. That is, the Korean
bond market might better have 4% foreign ownership than its present level of 0.4%.
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markets”, BIS, International Banking and Financial Market Developments, November,
pp 52-8.
Murray, J and J Powell (2002): “Dollarization in Canada: the buck stops there”, Bank of
Canada Technical Report, 90.
McCauley, Robert N, San-Sau Fung and Blaise Gadanesz (2002): “Integrating the finances
of East Asia”, BIS Quarterly Review, December, pp 83-95.
Nishi, Fumiaki and Alexander Vergus (2006): “Asian bond issues in Tokyo: history, structure
and prospects”, this volume.
Oh, Gyutaeg and Jae Ha Park (2006): “Survey of securitization and credit guarantee
proposals”, this volume.
Packer, F (2003): “Mind the gap: domestic versus foreign currency sovereign ratings”, BIS
Quarterly Review, September, pp 55-63.
Park, Yung-Chul (2004): “The trans-Pacific imbalance: what can be done about it?”,
processed.
38 BIS Papers No 30
Park, Daekeun and Changyong Rhee (2006): “Building infrastructures for the Asian bond
markets: settlement and credit rating”, this volume.
Remolona, E and M Schrijvers (2003): “Reaching for yield: tips for reserve managers”, BIS
Quarterly Review, December, pp 65-73.
Schmidt, Florian (2004): Asia’s credit markets: from high yield to high grade, New York,
Wiley.
Takeuchi, Atsushi (2006): “Identifying impediments to cross-border bond investment and
issuance in Asian countries”, this volume.
Tsang, Donald (1998): Speech to Asian Debt Conference, 6 July,
www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/ 199807/06/0706078.htm.
Woods, J (2002): “Overview: Asian bonds - a class apart?”, HSBC Fixed Income Research,
August.
BIS Papers No 30 39
Why doesn’t Asia have bigger bond markets?
1. Introduction
The 1997-98 financial crisis highlighted the problem of bond market underdevelopment in
Asia. The small size and slow growth of regional bond markets, many observers noted, left
corporate borrowers excessively dependent on bank finance. Given the short tenor of bank
loans, a shock to confidence left Asian economies vulnerable to a disruptive credit crunch.
Since banks denominated many of their loans in foreign currency, exchange rate
depreciation resulted in serious balance sheet damage and thrust highly leveraged
corporations into bankruptcy.
Analysts argued further that Asia’s heavy dependence on banks increased the weight of
political and economic connections in resource allocation. Banks and the companies to which
they lent were linked by family control. Banks were used by the authorities to extend
preferential credit to firms favoured on political or developmental grounds. Financial
institutions carrying out these tasks came to be seen as too big and politically important to
fail, and the guarantees they consequently enjoyed weakened market discipline over their
lending.
The lesson drawn was that Asian countries need better diversified financial systems, and
specifically deep and liquid bond markets, to supplement their banking systems. Better
diversified financial markets would reduce financial fragility and enhance the efficiency of
capital allocation. The development of bond markets would lengthen the tenor of debt and
facilitate the placement of domestic currency bonds, limiting maturity mismatches on
corporate balance sheets. Corporations would be encouraged to disclose more information
and follow internationally recognised accounting practices, strengthening corporate
governance. Borrowers would be distanced from lenders, anonymous and decentralised
bond markets being hard to influence, and markets would be better insulated from
governments, limiting moral hazard and political interference.
The problem of Asia’s underdeveloped bond markets was known to close observers, of
course, even before the 1997-98 crisis. In some cases the absence of bond markets
complicated efforts to finance large infrastructure projects, and enterprises with a high
minimum efficient scale found it hard to meet their financial needs. 2 In principle they could
borrow from a syndicate of banks which could securitise their loans, but securitisation was
costly and difficult in the absence of a bond market. Banks therefore found it hard to diversify
risk created by their acquisition of concentrated stakes in the large enterprises that were their
leading customers. And the development of other financial instruments was limited by the
absence of bond markets on which to base forwards, futures and more exotic derivatives
1
We thank Nancy Brune and Geoffrey Garrett for help with data and Robert McCauley and Ric Deverell for
helpful comments.
2
Infrastructure finance was a particular problem with regard to the privatisation of electricity supply,
telecommunications and transportation services in Asian countries. More generally, securing adequate finance
often required diluting corporate control by issuing equity or giving banks representation on corporate boards.
Since owners saw the dilution of control as unattractive, dynamic enterprises sometimes found it difficult to
access external finance.
40 BIS Papers No 30
contracts. 3 These problems were not specific to Asia, to be sure, but they seemed to
manifest themselves there in particularly dramatic ways.
Coincident with the Asian crisis, contributions to the theoretical literature explained how
countries benefit from well diversified financial systems (see eg Boot and Thakor (1997)).
Equity finance encourages risk-taking, since holders of equity stakes share in supernormal
returns while their losses are truncated on the downside, whereas debt holders, who do not
share in exceptional profits, encourage risk aversion; a well diversified financial system
therefore facilitates risk management. Banks have a comparative advantage in providing
external finance to smaller, younger firms which typically operate in information-impacted
segments of the economy, while securities markets do the job most efficiently for large, well
established companies.
Thus, as early as 1995, before the Asian crisis, the World Bank had issued studies
recommending that Asian countries accelerate bond market development (see eg Dalla et al
(1995)). The crisis then directed additional attention to the problem. The 17 Asian
governments participating in the Asia Cooperation Dialogue at that time set up a Working
Group on Financial Cooperation to establish guidelines for the development of Asian bond
markets. APEC finance ministers agreed on a comprehensive approach to developing sound
and sustainable regional bond markets, including credit guarantees and markets in a variety
of new products (bonds denominated in a basket of Asian currencies being the most
attractive candidate). ASEAN+3 established a Study Group on Capital Market Development
and Cooperation under the leadership of Thailand, Japan, Korea and Singapore.
The most prominent of these responses was a proposal to use the international reserves of
Asian central banks to encourage the development of regional bond markets. The Asian
Bond Fund (ABF) was launched by EMEAP in June 2003, and its members committed to
investing USD 1 billion of the region’s international reserves in Asian sovereign and
quasi-sovereign dollar bonds. 4
The question is whether this use of central bank reserves will have the desired effect.
Perhaps, but some critics of this use of central bank reserves will object that other factors
- improved regulation, enhanced transparency, stronger investor protection and stable
macroeconomic policies - are more important for the development of deep and liquid bond
markets. 5 In their view these fundamentals, and not the allocation of some small fraction of
the reserves of regional central banks to local debt securities, should be the focus of efforts
to develop Asian bond markets.
This uncertainty about what initiatives are most urgently needed to promote Asian bond
markets reflects our incomplete understanding of why those markets are underdeveloped in
the first place. 6 This paper therefore considers the historical, structural, institutional and
3
Herring and Chatusripitak (2000) observe that it may still be possible, despite the absence of these markets,
to tailor forwards, futures and derivatives contracts to the needs of individual customers, but doing so can be
costly, limiting the use of such instruments.
4
Some of the proposal’s initiators had envisaged utilising 1% of the international reserves of Asian central
banks, which would have amounted to USD 12 billion, purchasing domestic currency as well as dollar bonds,
and investing in corporate as well as government securities. At the time of writing, EMEAP is discussing a
second Asian bond fund that might be larger in size and would invest in high-grade domestic currency issues.
5
See Fernandez and Klassen (2003).
6
While earlier studies touched on the issue, none of them, so far as we know, has analysed it systematically.
Burger and Warnock (2003, 2004) are the studies closest in spirit to our own, but they consider only long-term
bonds (not also the short-term bonds considered here) and a subset of the potential determinants of local
market issuance. Claessens et al (2003) consider both domestic and foreign currency denominated issues,
but they limit their analysis to government bonds, putting aside the determinants of corporate bond market
growth. Eichengreen et al (2002) consider corporate as well as government issues, but they too are
BIS Papers No 30 41
macroeconomic determinants of bond market development in a cross section of developing
and developed economies. Section 2 presents an overview of bond markets in emerging
Asia with comparisons to other regions. Sections 3 and 4 enumerate the hypotheses that
have been described to explain bond market underdevelopment. Sections 5 and 6 present
our regression analysis. Section 7 draws out the implications for the development of Asian
bond markets.
The results confirm that small size and fragmentation are part of the explanation for the
underdevelopment of Asia’s bond markets, but only part. In addition, corruption, poor
regulatory quality and failure to compel firms to follow internationally recognised accounting
standards have slowed the development of private debt markets. Countries with competitive,
well capitalised banking systems also have larger bond markets (both public and private),
suggesting the existence of complementarities between banking and bond market
development.
This suggests that, in order to promote the development of bond markets, governments need
to encourage adherence to internationally recognised accounting standards and enhance the
reliability of regulation and contract enforcement. They should distance themselves from the
lending operations of banks in order to accentuate the complementarities between banking
and bond market development. Through this combination of policies, our results suggest,
Asian countries could acquire bond markets as liquid and well capitalised as those of other
regions.
2. Overview
Table 1 describes the stock of external finance in various economies at the end of 2001. For
emerging Asia, bond market capitalisation (the sum of corporate, financial institution and
public sector issues) was 45% of GDP; this was actually higher than the average for all
emerging markets, at 39%, if lower than that for developed economies, at 139%. Note that
we include here only domestic currency bonds issued by residents and targeted to local
investors. 7 At this level of aggregation, Asia is not behind Latin America or emerging central
Europe in terms of bond market development, although it is considerably behind the
developed economies, and in particular the United States. 8
These regional aggregates disguise considerable variation across countries. Corporate bond
market capitalisation is 50% of GDP in Malaysia and 28% in Korea but only 5% in Thailand. 9
Financial institutions are important for bond issuance in Hong Kong SAR, Korea and
Singapore, but less so in China and Malaysia. They figure hardly at all in external finance in
Thailand.
concerned with currency denomination, not market capitalisation. Domowitz et al (2000) and Hale (2003)
analyse the choice between bank and bond finance, but they analyse international bonds and bank loan
syndications, not their domestic counterparts.
7
For more discussion of our measure of bond market capitalisation, see Section 4 below.
8
The picture is not much different when we distinguish between bond issues by non-financial corporations,
financial institutions and governments. Public issues are slightly less important in emerging Asia than in other
emerging markets, reflecting the traditionally strong fiscal position of Asian governments, while issues by
corporations and financial institutions are slightly more important in emerging Asia than elsewhere.
9
These aggregates need to be interpreted cautiously; in some cases they may tell us less about the scale and
health of the bond market than might be naively supposed. Thus, in the Korean case, a considerable fraction
of bond market capitalisation is in the form of asset-backed securities in which the government and its
agencies have absorbed the risky junior tranche that accounts for the majority of the outstanding stock.
42 BIS Papers No 30
Table 2 compares the relative importance of bonds, bank loans and equity markets in
domestic external finance outstanding at the end of 2001. 10 In terms of the composition of
external finance, Asia relies less on bond markets than other emerging market regions; the
share of bonds is a bit more than half that of Latin America and emerging central Europe.
Again, these generalisations disguise considerable variation across countries. For well
known historical reasons, the banking sector is particularly important for external finance in
China, Korea and Thailand. The stock market is important only in Hong Kong, Malaysia and
Singapore, where the authorities have aggressively promoted it. The bond market is the least
important of the three sources of finance in virtually every country (the exception being
Thailand, where it is approximately the same size as the stock market). Bonds are least
important in total external finance in Hong Kong and most important in Malaysia and Korea.
The preceding data are for stocks; flows may offer a clearer picture of recent trends.
According to Table 3, new domestic bank loans were 10% of GDP in emerging Asia in 2001
but only 4% of GDP for the emerging markets as a whole. Domestic bond flotations, in
contrast, amounted to 12% of GDP in 2001 for emerging markets as a whole but only 8% in
Asia.
In sum, this overview confirms that emerging Asia relies less on bonds and more on banks
than other emerging markets, and very much less on bonds and very much more on banks
than developed economies. Recent data suggest that these distinctive characteristics of
Asian financial systems are not growing noticeably less pronounced; in some cases the
opposite may be true.
3. Hypotheses
Five broad hypotheses have been advanced to explain the underdevelopment of Asian bond
markets. One is the region’s history. Banks have dominated Asian financial markets for many
years. Once upon a time there may have been good reasons for their dominance.
Imperfections in the information and contracting environment gave a strong comparative
advantage to bank intermediation, while governments found banks to be convenient vehicles
for advancing their industrial policies. But although these circumstances have now changed,
banks retain their “first mover” advantage. Markets, institutions and social conventions have
adapted to the dominance of bank intermediation. Examples of that adaptation include the
importance of family connections and state involvement in financial relationships. As a result,
bonds may face an uphill battle when seeking to acquire market share.
A second hypothesis emphasises structural characteristics of the region’s economies. Small
countries presumably find it more difficult to develop bond markets insofar as liquid securities
markets have a certain minimum efficient scale. Endowment theories suggest that the
geographical environment shapes the long-standing institutions that influence financial
development. The strength of bondholder protections may depend on a country’s legal
tradition (see La Porta (1998)). Not all of these structural characteristics are impervious to
change, but even the most malleable of them may be difficult to change quickly.
A third hypothesis focuses on the developmental stage of the region’s economies. Compared
to the economies of western Europe and North America, most Asian countries have
10
Strictly speaking, total external finance (that is, financing from outside the corporation, excluding retained
earnings and depreciation) would also include credit provided by foreign sources, for which we lack
information. To avoid double-counting, we exclude bonds issued by financial institutions from this comparison.
Including them makes little difference for the comparisons with which we are concerned in this paper. The
main effect is to further increase the value of bond market capitalisation in the advanced economies.
BIS Papers No 30 43
undergone the transition to modern economic growth relatively recently. Some are still poor.
At the core of this situation is the underdevelopment of market-supporting institutions,
including the institutions needed to support financial markets. From this perspective, Asian
financial markets are underdeveloped because of the unreliability of contract enforcement
and uncertainty of investor rights that are characteristic of less developed economies. These
are problems that economies presumably grow out of, though how quickly they do so
depends on country-specific circumstances.
A fourth hypothesis focuses on the structure and management of the financial system. This
explanation considers, inter alia, the intensity of competition among financial institutions, the
quality of prudential supervision and regulation, the existence of a well defined yield curve,
the absence of institutional investors and rating agencies, and the adequacy of trading,
settlement and clearing systems. 11
Fifth and finally are macroeconomic policies. The currency risk created by flexible exchange
rates may limit the market for domestic currency denominated securities. Domestic interest
rate volatility may make it unattractive to hold long-term debt securities. Such instability may
be a serious impediment to bond market development. Finally, controls on capital flows, such
as those limiting the ability of foreigners to purchase domestic capital and money market
securities or to repatriate their interest earnings and principal, may discourage foreign
participation in domestic markets and rob those markets of liquidity.
4. Empirical implications
We now turn from broad hypotheses to empirical implications, illustrating our points with
information for 41 economies. The data are for all economies for which the BIS reports
estimates of domestic bond market capitalisation. 12 Hence, the sample is not limited to Asia.
But neither are questions about the development of bond markets limited to Asia. In
analysing the determinants of bond market development we seek to take advantage of the
information content of a wide cross section of economies. The variables that we use to
operationalise our five hypotheses are shown in Table 4. 13
Economic size. Small countries may lack the minimum efficient scale needed for deep and
liquid bond markets. 14 The amount of money that can be raised by issuing on the local
11
Independent agencies that rate corporate issuers provide information that should help to attract a large base
of active investors into the bond market. While some Asian countries have independent rating agencies
(Malaysia, for example, has two), others do not. A large population of institutional investors is important for
creating a demand for domestic bonds (Schinasi and Smith (1998)). Conversely, heavy regulation of mutual
funds may prevent fund managers from actively participating in corporate bond markets. Finally, it has been
argued that the absence of well developed clearing, settlement and trading systems have rendered some
Asian bond markets illiquid and unattractive (Trairatvorakul (2001)).
12
The BIS compiles these data from national sources, and attempts to eliminate international debt securities
from its estimates of domestic bond market capitalisation. Capitalisation is only one measure of bond market
development, of course; turnover is another obviously relevant dimension. But only capitalisation is available
for a broad cross section of countries. Previous studies (eg McCauley and Remolona (2000)) suggest that
capitalisation and turnover on domestic bond markets are strongly if imperfectly correlated.
13
Information on data sources can be found in the appendix.
14
Eichengreen et al (2002) provide evidence that small size is similarly the most robust determinant of the
inability of emerging markets to borrow abroad in their own currencies (“original sin”). Here the obvious
explanation is that countries whose debt issuance is small have trouble getting international investors to add
securities denominated in “exotic” currencies to their investment portfolios. This will be the case when the
increase in management costs is constant but the diversification benefits decline with each additional
currency. This is probably an appropriate point at which to discuss how domestic bond market development
44 BIS Papers No 30
market may be too small to attract multinational corporations and other potential foreign
issuers. The market may be too small to justify inclusion in the global bond market indices
constructed by the leading investment banks, in which case there will be no demand to hold
local securities in order to track the index. Markets in small issues may be characterised by
price volatility as buyers and sellers enter and exit. Similarly, it may be difficult to put on and
take off positions without being noticed. There being fixed costs of learning about the
performance characteristics of an issue, investing in small issues may not be attractive for
portfolio managers, who will consequently demand a yield premium in order to do so. 15 And if
adverse selection is present, it may be that no premium will create a demand. A bivariate
scatter plot of bond market development (measured as domestic bond market capitalisation
as a share of GDP, averaged over the 1990s) and country size (GDP at purchasing power
parity (PPP), also averaged over the 1990s) shows a weakly positive relationship between
the two variables (Figure 1). 16
Natural openness. Entrenched interests will seek to prevent their advantaged position from
being undermined by market competition. Banks, for example, will attempt to prevent their
dominant market share from being eroded by competition from securities markets. But
entrenched interests will be less able to insist on policies that suppress competing sources of
supply when the economy is exposed to international competition. This is Rajan and
Zingales’ (2001) explanation for why more open economies do less to suppress securities
markets. That said, Figure 2 does not suggest a particularly strong relationship between
openness, measured as the ratio of exports to GDP, and bond market development.
Legal system. Legal traditions differ in the priority they attach to protecting minority
investors. La Porta et al (1998) predict that common law systems in the British tradition,
which offer stronger investor protection than systems in the French civil law tradition, should
promote the development of financial markets. But the same legal traditions may not affect
all aspects of financial development equally. Where investor rights are weak, savers may
prefer investing through banks rather than bonds since politically well connected banks are
better able to enforce their claims (Sharma (2000)). Systems with weak investor rights may
also encourage creditors to demand assets with seniority (bonds rather than stocks). 17
Geographical/disease endowments. Endowment theories suggest that environmental
factors shape long-standing institutions influencing financial development. Authors like Beck
et al (2002) argue that countries with less favourable geographical and disease environments
should have less developed financial markets. They present evidence that endowments
(measured by settler mortality or distance from the equator) are correlated with financial
relates to original sin. In principle, domestic bond market development is a route to solving this problem. As
domestic markets gain scale and liquidity, foreign participation will be easier to attract, both because those
local currency markets will become easier to enter and exit (transaction costs will decline) and because they
will constitute a greater share of the global portfolio (diversification benefits may increase). In practice,
however, this route to “redemption” appears to work only very slowly. Data in Burger and Warnock (2004)
indicate that as of 2001 US residents held only USD 2.5 billion bonds issued by emerging markets, whereas
emerging markets had more than USD 1.6 trillion of local currency bonds outstanding (and more than
USD 2.2 trillion of total bonds outstanding). In other words, while foreign participation in local bond markets
has attracted much comment, as a quantitative phenomenon it remains inconsequential.
15
This phenomenon is familiar in the context of foreign bond issues; see Eichengreen and Mody (2000).
16
All variables are similarly measured as averages for the 1990s in the scatter plots that follow, except where
expressly noted otherwise.
17
La Porta et al (1998), when reporting a positive correlation between debt/GNP and common law legal tradition,
define debt as the sum of corporate bonds and bank loans. Beck et al (2002) consider financial intermediary
credits to the private sector divided by GDP. Thus, neither set of authors addresses the impact on bond
markets that is our concern here.
BIS Papers No 30 45
intermediary and stock market development. Figure 3 suggests the existence of a positive
relationship between distance from the equator and bond market development.
Riskiness of the investment environment. Bonds are a way for investors to limit risk. It
follows that entities issuing bonds are generally of higher credit quality than those issuing
equity claims (Harwood (2000)). In some countries, however, there may be a dearth of high-
quality issuers with proven business models and records of financial probity. Consistent with
this idea, Figure 4 suggests that bond market capitalisation rises as investment risk declines.
Law and order. Countries with more reliable law enforcement are more attractive to
investors. Figure 5 confirms the existence of a positive relationship between the size of bond
markets and the International Country Risk Guide (ICRG) measure of law and order. To the
extent that corruption undermines law enforcement, corruption and bond market
development should be negatively correlated. Figure 6 is consistent with this hypothesis
(since, on the ICRG scale utilised here, a higher score indicates a lower level of corruption).
Weak corporate governance and transparency. If corporate governance is weak,
managers will be able to enrich themselves at the expense of holders of debt and equity
claims. If banks enjoying long-term relationships with borrowers have a comparative
advantage in detecting and correcting insider abuses, savers may prefer to invest via banks
rather than securities markets. Lenders will also prefer banks to bond markets where
transparency is low, since banks have a comparative advantage in information-impacted
markets (Diamond (1991), Hale (2003)). In support of this hypothesis, Figure 7 shows that
the quality of accounting standards is positively associated with bond market development.
Developmental stage of the economy. There are a number of reasons why economic
development and bond market development go hand in hand. Less developed countries
have volatile investment environments and heavy government involvement in commercial
activity. Often they have weak creditor rights, inadequate transparency and poor corporate
governance. GDP per capita can be thought of as capturing these aspects of
underdevelopment insofar as they are not already absorbed by our other explanatory
variables. Figure 8 is consistent with the notion that economic development and bond market
development are positively associated. 18
Size of the banking system. Banks and bond markets compete in providing external
finance; in some circumstances, well developed banking systems may succeed in depriving
bonds of market share. At the same time, banks serve as dealers and market-makers, whose
presence is needed for the development of a liquid and well functioning bond market. 19
Figure 9 suggests that the complementarities dominate - that, on balance, banking systems
and bond markets develop together.
Banking concentration. Benston (1994), Schinasi and Smith (1998), Smith (1998) and
Rajan and Zingales (2003) suggest that banks with market power may attempt to stifle the
development of securities markets by setting loan and deposit rates strategically or use
moral suasion to discourage public placements by firms with which they have relationships.
That said, Figure 10, which juxtaposes banking sector concentration against bond market
development, does not show a particularly strong relationship between the two variables.
18
It suggests that bond markets are less developed than levels of per capita GDP and a broader sample of
national experiences would predict in, inter alia, Hong Kong SAR, Singapore and Japan, while they are rather
better developed in Malaysia.
19
See Harwood (2000) and Hawkins (2002). In many countries, regulators require that bond business be done
in a separately capitalised subsidiary, although such firewalls may be more apparent than real. At the same
time, dealers need a diversified and active investor base with which to buy and sell; they cannot simply trade
among themselves. Without such a base, dealing will not be profitable. One suspects, therefore, that dealers
are not so much a precondition for bond market development as a corollary.
46 BIS Papers No 30
Absence of public sector funding needs. The development of a government securities
market “helps promote a class of dynamic, profitable fixed-income dealers” (Harwood
(2000)). In addition, an active and liquid corporate bond market requires a benchmark yield
curve on the basis of which risky credits can be conveniently priced. 20 That yield curve is
typically constructed from a suite of outstanding treasury securities, requiring governments to
issue a range of maturities on a regular schedule. If a government has modest funding
requirements, there may be little need to develop an active and liquid bond market and little
regular issuance to maintain a well defined yield curve. 21 Figure 11 is consistent with the
existence of a positive relationship between private and public sector bond market
capitalisation. 22
Poor regulatory enforcement. Investors will be reluctant to take positions in markets
characterised by opportunistic participants and delivery risk, problems that regulation is
designed to mitigate. Elements of an adequate regulatory framework include disclosure
standards, penalties for accountants and auditors providing false information, and sanctions
for insider trading and market manipulation. Equally important is the clear and consistent
implementation of regulations. Figure 12 shows that bureaucratic quality is positively
correlated with bond market development. 23
Interest rate variability. Where interest rates are variable, investors will have little appetite
for long-term fixed rate notes, since there is significant risk that the purchasing power of such
assets will be eroded. Investors’ limited appetite for long-term bonds may thus limit the
demand for securitised debt. In addition, high levels of interest rate volatility may be an
indication of inadequate market liquidity, insofar as returns are affected by the entrance or
exit of a few buyers and sellers from the market. Figure 13 illustrates the negative
relationship between nominal interest rate volatility and bond market development.
Level of interest rates. Since few firms can service debts when interest rates are high, high
rates tend to have a depressing impact on issuance. It follows, as shown in Figure 14, that
countries with high interest rates show signs of having poorly capitalised bond markets.
Exchange rate regime. It is argued (by eg Goldstein (1998)) that pegged exchange rates
encourage foreign investors to underestimate the risks of lending to banks and corporations,
20
Schinasi and Smith (1998) note other advantages of the existence of a benchmark issue: since they are liquid,
benchmark assets are widely used in repo markets and are typically usable as collateral for a wide range of
other financial contracts.
21
It is in principle possible for governments without ongoing funding needs to circumvent this constraint by
overfunding the fiscal deficit (issuing more debt than strictly necessary, rolling it over as it matures, and
depositing the resulting cash surplus with the central bank, which allows the central bank to retire its
sterilisation bonds, thereby unifying the public sector bond market); see McCauley (2003). Thus, despite not
running current budget deficits, the Hong Kong Monetary Authority has been able to create a liquid market in
Exchange Fund Paper (EFP), with a 10-year yield curve, even in the absence of current government budget
deficits. EFP was introduced in 1990 with the issuance of 91-day bills, followed by 182- and 364-day bills in
1990 and 1991, two- and three-year notes in 1993, five-year notes in 1994, seven-year notes in 1995 and
finally 10-year notes in 1996. The outstanding stock of EFP is more than HKD 100 billion, or more than 8% of
GDP, and more than 20% of total debt instruments. It is issued through competitive tender bids, was listed on
the stock exchange in 1999 to enhance liquidity, and can be used as collateral for trading stock options and
futures. Taiwan, China financed a significant part of its National Development Plan starting in 1991 through
bond issuance, using a US Treasury bond-type auction system (Lynch (2001)). Similarly, despite limited public
funding needs, the government of Singapore decided in 1998 to increase the issuance of government
securities, especially longer-term bonds of benchmark size, and in May 2000 it introduced a repo facility for
primary dealers.
22
Note that the variable on the vertical axis, private market capitalisation, is different from that in the other
figures.
23
Using simple tabulations, Domowitz et al (2000) similarly find that the share of domestic finance accounted for
by bonds in emerging markets rises with the quality of accounting standards.
BIS Papers No 30 47
and that the resulting foreign competition may slow the development of domestic
intermediation. From this point of view, greater exchange rate flexibility should encourage the
development of domestic bond markets (as argued by, inter alia, World Bank (2003)). Of
course, to the extent that foreign participation is valuable for the growth and development of
domestic markets, discouraging the participation of international investors by introducing
additional risk into the market may not produce the desired result. 24 In fact, countries with
fixed exchange rate regimes do not appear to have bigger bond markets (Figure 15). Figure
16, however, is consistent with the view that stable exchange rates are conducive to bond
market development.
5. Multivariate analysis
We now test the importance of these factors using a multivariate regression analysis of
annual data from 1990 to 2001. The dependent variable, as in the scatter plots, is bond
market capitalisation as a share of GDP. Recall that this measure includes only domestic
currency bonds issued by residents and targeted to local investors. 25
All equations are estimated using panel generalised least squares (GLS) with corrections for
heteroskedasticity and panel-specific autocorrelation. We start in Table 5 with preliminary
regressions exploring the importance of, alternately, historical, structural, financial,
developmental and macroeconomic factors. Definitive hypothesis tests, of course, require
considering all five categories of explanation simultaneously. We do so in the final column of
the table.
The first three columns show the effects of structural characteristics of countries. Consistent
with earlier arguments, country size and openness are positively related to bond market
development. Distance from the equator, a proxy for endowment theories, similarly enters
with its expected positive sign. 26 But where previous studies have shown that English
common-law legal tradition favours equity market development and bank intermediation, the
same does not appear to be true of bond markets. It may be that stronger investor rights
encourage investors to attach less importance to seniority and to substitute equity for debt
securities. 27 Overall, these results lend support to structural explanations for bond market
development.
24
There is also the possibility that the correlation reflects causality running in the other direction, from the
existence of a large domestic financial market to the willingness of countries to countenance additional
exchange rate variability (Calvo and Reinhart (2002)).
25
Thus, a limitation of our analysis is that we do not have information on foreign currency denominated issues or
issues by non-residents denominated in local currency targeted to resident investors. We also do not know
what share of the domestic currency issues we include are interest rate or exchange rate indexed. Note that
our measure excludes issues denominated in foreign currency, issues by non-residents, and issues by
residents targeted to non-residents, all of which are counted as international securities, as they presumably
should be.
26
It is not possible to use settler mortality rates in an analysis of Asian bond markets, since relatively few Asian
countries were colonised by the European powers, and settler mortality estimates (and logic) are based on
data for and the experience of one-time colonies.
27
However, the coefficient on this variable is significantly different from zero in only one of the two equations in
which it is included. Adding dummy variables for other legal origins does not alter these findings. For example,
when we add French legal origin, the new variable enters positively (and significantly), while English legal
origin continues to enter negatively and significantly. Since the French civil law tradition is associated with
relatively weak investor rights, the opposite signs on the two variables are consistent with the explanation in
the text.
48 BIS Papers No 30
These regressions also include a dummy variable for Asia, which we interpret as reflecting
aspects of the region’s history not captured by other variables. The negative coefficient on
this variable supports historical explanations for the undercapitalisation of the region’s bond
markets. 28
The specification in column 4 considers proxies for the developmental stage of the economy:
the safety of the investment environment (predictability of contract enforcement, danger of
expropriation), an index of the reliability of law enforcement, and per capita GDP as a
summary measure of development. While per capita GDP has its expected positive
coefficient, investment risk and law and order (which are scaled so that higher values
indicate a more stable investment environment) enter with negative signs. We will return to
these variables below.
Columns 5 and 6 consider governance and regulation of the corporate and financial sectors.
Column 5 shows that countries which have better rankings on the ICRG’s measure of
corruption and which adhere to international accounting standards (which is likely to enhance
the effectiveness of corporate governance) have larger bond markets. 29 Column 6 shows that
countries ranking higher in terms of bureaucratic quality have larger bond markets, which we
interpret in terms of the efficiency and reliability of regulation. Similarly, countries with better
developed banking sectors have better developed bond markets - bank and bond market
intermediation appear to be complements rather than substitutes. On the other hand,
countries with more concentrated banking systems appear to have smaller bond markets,
consistent with arguments suggesting that banks with market power may use it to discourage
bond flotations. Again, we will return to these findings below.
Column 7 considers macroeconomic factors. While the volatility of interest rates is not
significant, their level, as measured by the interbank rate minus Libor, suggests that higher
interest rates are associated with smaller bond markets. 30 The coefficient on the volatility of
changes in exchange rates is marginally significant, although it is, surprisingly, positive.
Finally, the capital controls dummy (where a value of one indicates an open capital account)
suggests that controls slow bond market development. 31 As we show below, this last result is
the one that turns out to be robust.
Column 8 considers the entire range of hypotheses. 32 It suggests that no single class of
factors is wholly responsible for the underdevelopment of Asian bond markets; rather, the
present state of affairs reflects a confluence of influences. Structure and inheritance matter:
the size of the economy, its openness, its location, and the origin of its legal system all
28
Note that the coefficient predictably becomes smaller in absolute value the more other independent variables
are included in the specification.
29
This is consistent with results in Burger and Warnock (2004) suggesting that countries with stronger
institutions have larger domestic bond markets.
30
Domowitz et al (2000) similarly provide evidence that countries with higher rates of inflation issue less
domestic debt and more equity.
31
A variety of alternative measures of capital controls point in the same direction. Thus, in addition to the binary
(“IMF-style”) open or closed measure, we experimented with Brune et al’s (2003) measure, which ranges from
zero to nine depending on how many of the nine categories of capital account restrictions a country has in
place. We looked separately at capital account openness for inflows and outflows. We also looked separately
at controls on inflows and outflows pertaining to capital and money market securities. In virtually all cases we
obtained the same positive and statistically significant coefficient on controls when using the specification in
column 7.
32
Adding all of the explanatory variables substantially reduces the number of observations (from 475 in the full
sample to 284 in column 8). However, the observations from countries in Asia remain well represented. While
accounting for 22% of the observations in the full sample, they account for 25% of the observations in
column 8.
BIS Papers No 30 49
influence bond market capitalisation. Factors like these may be difficult to change, although
some of them, such as the handicap of small size, may be overcome through initiatives like
the Asian Bond Fund. In addition, adherence to internationally recognised accounting
standards and the size and concentration of the banking sector are important for bond
market capitalisation. These are policy variables; our results thus suggest that countries can
accelerate the development of their bond markets by improving the quality and reliability of
regulation, requiring corporations to adhere to internationally recognised accounting
standards, and encouraging competition in financial intermediation. In addition, there is a role
for macroeconomic policy: both the level of interest rates and the presence or absence of
capital controls matter in the consolidated specification.
At first blush, a number of the results are anomalous or at least counter-intuitive. Thus, we
appear to find that interest rate volatility is good for bond market development. At the same
time, there is little evidence of a relationship between exchange rate volatility and bond
market development. We will have more to say about these counter-intuitive results below.
Note also that when we add direct measures of institutions - such as bureaucratic quality,
corruption, law and order, and the investment profile - the effect of per capita GDP washes
out. This is not inconsistent with explanations for bond market growth emphasising the
developmental stage of the economy, but it suggests that the effects of economic
development and underdevelopment operate through the aforementioned institutional
channels.
We looked further at the robustness of the positive association of bank and bond market
development, which runs contrary to some popular arguments, and which is likely to be
controversial. We also regressed non-public bond market capitalisation on bank credit to the
private sector as a share of GDP, adding the entire vector of controls. 33 Excluding public
sector bonds and considering only bank credit to the private sector avoids the possibility that
the positive association between the two variables is simply picking up liquidity requirements
and other policies forcing the banking sector to hold government bonds - and the greater
ability of the government to compel such behaviour in countries where the banking system is
relatively large. In this alternative specification the coefficient on bank credit continues to
enter with a positive coefficient and differs from zero at the 99% confidence level.
Finally, note that the dummy variable for Asia continues to matter statistically and
economically. Its effect is large: the coefficient of –17 suggests that Asian bond markets are
17% smaller as a share of GDP than their counterparts in countries with comparable
characteristics in other parts of the world. One interpretation of this is that the development of
bond markets continues to be held back by Asia’s history and current circumstances in ways
that are not fully captured by the other explanatory variables. We will revisit this finding
below.
An eclectic set of policy implications would seem to flow from these findings. The Asian Bond
Fund and the removal of capital account restrictions may help domestic bond market
development by relaxing the constraint of small market size, although such policies may be a
mixed blessing insofar as capital account liberalisation prior to domestic market development
poses risks as well as promising rewards. But market size is far from the entire problem. In
addition, governments seeking to promote domestic bond markets must require adherence to
international accounting standards by security issuing firms and encourage growth and
competition in banking so as to maximise the complementarities between banking system
and bond market development. They should adopt stable macroeconomic policies to make it
attractive to hold domestic currency denominated debt instruments.
33
In further regressions not reported here.
50 BIS Papers No 30
Even if they take these steps, the results of this section suggest, Asian governments still
should not expect to succeed in developing bond markets with the depth and liquidity
characteristic of continental Europe and the English-speaking economies, due to the extent
to which the region’s markets, institutions and social conventions have adapted to the
dominance of bank intermediation. This is undoubtedly the most controversial conclusion
seeming to emerge from the present section. It is important, therefore, to subject it to further
analysis.
34
The main differences were that the corruption and law and order variables became significant (lower levels of
corruption and more reliable law enforcement were associated with larger bond markets), while distance from
the equator and domestic credit provided by the banking sector lost their significance.
35
Asian governments have tended to run surpluses, with a few prominent exceptions, and this otherwise
admirable behaviour may have stymied the development of bond markets (for reasons explained above).
36
The observations here are only about half the number in the full sample. However, Asian economies are still
well represented: they account for 21% of the reduced sample.
37
As we will see shortly, disaggregating public and private debt makes this anomaly disappear entirely.
38
To be precise, accounting standards are significant in column 1, where the three-year average of the fiscal
balance is included, but not in column 2, where an alternative measure of fiscal policy is used.
39
Table 4 shows that there is a positive correlation between the strength of fiscal policy and the quality/safety of
the investment environment, which may explain this result.
BIS Papers No 30 51
greater importance of corruption and rule of law is also reassuring. However, the loss of
significance of bureaucratic quality and accounting standards is less reassuring; at face
value this suggests that financial transparency and the quality and reliability of regulation are
not so important after all. At a minimum, it suggests that it is hard to distinguish the effects of
transparency, regulation and fiscal policy.
But when one distinguishes public debt from private debt (debt issued by both non-financial
corporations and financial institutions), one finds that budget deficits are a significant
determinant of public debt market capitalisation (columns 6 and 7) but not private debt
market capitalisation (columns 4 and 5). In other words, while governments that run deficits
have significantly more public debt (as a matter of definition), public sector deficits do not
appear to encourage private debt issuance. That there is no net effect is unsurprising given
arguments that a history of strong fiscal policies is both good and bad for private debt
markets. (It creates a more stable investment environment, but complicates the creation of a
well defined yield curve and slows the development of a class of dynamic fixed income
dealers.) 40
Note, further, that in the regressions for private debt the coefficients on accounting standards
regain their significance even through fiscal policy is still included. 41 In contrast, they are
insignificant in the equations for public debt. The same is true for corruption and bureaucratic
quality. Thus, while institutional characteristics and regulatory practices like accounting
standards, corruption and bureaucratic quality matter for private debt market capitalisation,
they evidently matter less for public debt market capitalisation. 42
Another difference introduced by disaggregating public and private debt has to do with the
relationship between banking systems and bond markets. Earlier, when considering total
debt, we found evidence that both the size and concentration of the banking sector matter
(positively and negatively respectively). 43 Disaggregating reveals that the size of the banking
system matters mainly for the capitalisation of private debt markets - in other words, there is
evidence of complementarities between the development of banking and the development of
private debt markets. In contrast, banking system concentration is negatively associated with
public debt. Readers familiar with Asia’s economic and financial history will conjecture that in
countries with concentrated banking systems the government was able to use the banks as
agents for its industrial policy, channelling private savings towards favoured industries and
activities, whereas in countries with atomistic banking systems less subject to manipulation,
direct government expenditures were required for these purposes.
We also find, upon disaggregating public and private debt, that the earlier evidence of a
positive relationship between interest rate volatility and bond market development
disappears. In contrast, the level of interest rates and the stability of the exchange rate
continue to matter, as before, for both private and public debt.
Finally, analysing public and private debt separately reveals that the significance of capital
controls derives from their impact on the volume of public debt. Evidently, governments that
40
To put the point the other way, chronic deficits create an ample supply of sovereign securities from which to
construct a benchmark yield curve but at the same time crowd out private debt issues (McCauley and
Remolona (2000)). Our results suggest that these two effects roughly cancel each other out.
41
Corruption and bureaucratic quality are not significant in the regression for public debt, except in one case
where the coefficient on bureaucratic quality is marginally significant at the 90% level, and there it counter-
intuitively enters with a negative sign.
42
This explains the unstable pattern of coefficients when total debt is considered and measures of fiscal policy
are added or dropped.
43
However, the evidence that the size of the banking system is important was much weaker when we included
measures of fiscal policy.
52 BIS Papers No 30
open the capital account are better able to fund themselves, whether by selling debt to
foreigners or owing to credibility effects. Of course, we know from the Asian crisis that to fund
government deficits in this way before putting the other prerequisites for capital account
liberalisation in place can be a risky business. And the insignificance of both capital account
openness and past deficits for private bond market capitalisation suggests that any benefits
for corporate bond market development are at best indirect.
Note that adding a measure of past fiscal policies eliminates the previously negative
coefficient on the dummy variable for Asia in the equations for total debt. This is true whether
fiscal policy is measured as the past year’s deficit or as a moving average of past deficits.
Moreover, the coefficient on Asia is now positive, not negative, including in column 3, where
past fiscal policy is measured by the public debt and the coefficient is significantly different
from zero (columns 1-3). Once we control for the traditionally strong fiscal stance of Asian
countries, in other words, there is no longer support for the notion that their bond markets are
smaller than can be explained by their economic characteristics and policies. 44
7. Conclusions
Asia’s underdeveloped bond markets and dependence on bank finance have attracted
concern since before the crisis of 1997-98. The result has been a host of official responses,
ranging from reports by the multilateral financial institutions on the importance of reliable
contract enforcement, strengthened prudential regulation and improved market infrastructure
to the Asian Bond Fund funded by EMEAP central banks. But it remains uncertain whether
these initiatives will succeed in surmounting the fundamental obstacles to bond market
development in the region, since there has been little systematic analysis of the nature of
those obstacles. This is a gap that the present paper seeks to fill.
We find that the slow development of local bond markets is a phenomenon with multiple
dimensions. To some extent the problem is one of minimum efficient scale: larger countries
have better capitalised bond markets when capitalisation is measured relative to GDP. 45 But
market size is not the entire problem. In addition, the failure of countries to adhere to
internationally recognised accounting standards has slowed the development of private debt
markets. Corruption and low bureaucratic quality, which are signs of unreliable securities
market regulation, work in the same direction. Countries with competitive, well capitalised
banking systems, on the other hand, have larger bond markets.
Macroeconomic policy appears to have played both a supporting and impeding role. On the
one hand, Asia’s strong fiscal balances, while admirable on other grounds, have not been
conducive to the growth of government bond markets. Fortunately, there is little evidence
that the small size of public debt markets is an insurmountable obstacle to corporate bond
market development. On the other hand, the stability of exchange rates in the region
appears, if anything, to have encouraged bond market development.
Over time, markets, institutions and social conventions have adapted to the status quo,
which in the case of Asia is the dominance of bank finance. Some may worry that, as a result
44
Indeed, when we limit our attention to private debt (columns 4 and 5), both estimates of the Asia dummy are
significantly greater than zero. For public debt, the sign of the coefficient on the Asia dummy is sensitive to
how fiscal policy is measured, and it is never significant at the 95% confidence level.
45
In addition to being supported by our empirical results, this fact is evident in Europe’s experience, where the
advent of the euro has relaxed the constraint of market size at the national level and greatly enhanced the
liquidity of the bond markets, the corporate bond market in particular.
BIS Papers No 30 53
of this inheritance, Asian countries will not be able to develop bond markets as efficient and
well capitalised as those of the advanced industrial countries. In this respect our results are
reassuring: they suggest that the region’s structural characteristics and macroeconomic and
financial policies account fully for differences in bond market development between Asia and
the rest of the world. Once one controls for these characteristics and policies, in other words,
there is no residual “Asia effect”.
One obstacle that the region must overcome in order to accelerate this process is the legacy
of capital controls. The evidence is strong that capital controls discourage foreign
participation in domestic bond markets and that they discourage bond market development
more generally. But we also know, not least from the Asian crisis, that capital account
liberalisation is only prudent when domestic financial markets are already deep, liquid and
robust. Here, obviously, is a dilemma. Capital account liberalisation makes sense only when
domestic market development is sufficiently advanced, but developing domestic financial
markets is harder when the capital account remains fully or partly closed. There is no easy
way of finessing this problem. 46 The only solution is to work harder at strengthening market
regulation, market infrastructure and the other domestic preconditions for the development of
local bond markets before giving that process a further push by finally opening the capital
account.
Data appendix
The data set covers the period 1990-2001 at an annual frequency. Sample economies are
Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, the Czech Republic,
Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hong Kong SAR, Hungary, Iceland, India,
Ireland, Italy, Korea, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Peru,
the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Singapore, South Africa, Spain, Sweden,
Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States.
46
In particular, harmonising market regulations and withholding tax regimes or creating a pan-Asian payment
and settlement system with the goal of encouraging more cross-border investment in the region and thereby
producing deeper and more liquid markets would be tantamount to encouraging more capital flows and thus
equivalent to early capital account liberalisation. In other words, doing so would promote market development
but also heighten crisis risk, which is the very dilemma referred to in the text (Eichengreen (2004)).
54 BIS Papers No 30
Exchange rates
Exchange rates are end-month (local currency per US dollar) from line AE in International
Financial Statistics.
Institutional variables
Measures of government stability, investment profile, law and order, corruption and
bureaucratic quality are from the International Country Risk Guide:
Investment profile is an assessment of factors affecting the risk to direct investment. The
risk rating assigned is the sum of three subcomponents, each with a maximum score of four
points and a minimum score of zero points. A score of four points equates to very low risk
and a score of zero points to very high risk. The subcomponents are:
• Contract viability/expropriation
• Profit repatriation
• Payment delays
Law and order are assessed separately, with each subcomponent comprising zero to three
points. The law subcomponent is an assessment of the strength and impartiality of the legal
system, while the order subcomponent is an assessment of popular observance of the law. A
higher score indicates better law and order.
Corruption is an assessment of corruption within the political system. The index ranges from
zero to six, where a higher score means a lower degree of corruption.
Bureaucratic quality is the measure of institutional strength and quality of the bureaucracy.
High points are given to countries where the bureaucracy has the strength and expertise to
govern without drastic changes in policy or interruptions in government services. In the
low-risk countries, the bureaucracy tends to be somewhat autonomous from political
pressure and to have an established mechanism for recruitment and training.
Other variables
The following series are from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators:
GDP (constant 1995 US dollars)
GDP (current US dollars)
GDP per capita (constant 1995 US dollars)
GDP per capita, PPP (current international US dollars)
GDP, PPP (current international US dollars)
Interest rate spread (lending rate minus deposit rate)
Interest rate spread (lending rate minus Libor)
Lending interest rate (in per cent)
Credit to private sector (as a percentage of GDP)
Deposit interest rate (in per cent)
BIS Papers No 30 55
Domestic credit provided by banking sector (as a percentage of GDP)
Market capitalisation of listed companies (as a percentage of GDP)
Market capitalisation of listed companies (current US dollars)
Overall budget deficit, including grants (as a percentage of GDP)
Real effective exchange rate index (1995 = 100)
S&P/IFC investable index (annual change, in per cent)
Stocks traded, total value (as a percentage of GDP)
Stocks traded, turnover ratio (in per cent)
56 BIS Papers No 30
Table 1
Total outstanding external finance (end-2001)
As a percentage of GDP
Developed
economies 194.13 122.92 20.55 85.18 33.64
Australia 93.99 101.55 12.25 17.13 16.75
Canada 93.18 90.86 10.50 59.60 14.33
Japan 308.67 92.10 16.48 104.45 15.94
New Zealand 120.00 36.82 0.00 28.36 0.00
United States 160.56 137.48 23.90 83.53 43.32
Europe 121.30 156.25 8.05 44.12 28.44
Sources: World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI); BIS.
BIS Papers No 30 57
Table 2
Composition of external finance (end-2001)
As a percentage of total
Outstanding
Domestic credit domestic debt
Stock market
provided by banking securities (corporate
capitalisation
sector issuers and public
sector)
Developed
economies 45.92 29.08 25.01
Australia 41.79 45.15 13.06
Canada 36.66 35.75 27.58
Japan 59.17 17.65 23.18
New Zealand 64.80 19.88 15.32
United States 39.60 33.91 26.50
Europe 42.32 38.72 18.96
58 BIS Papers No 30
Table 3
New external finance in emerging markets
As a percentage of GDP
Emerging
markets 22.47 27.03 18.69 23.20 20.28
Domestic 18.05 24.47 15.77 19.56 17.33
Equities 1.00 0.92 1.26 0.67 0.54
Bonds
Private 0.30 0.33 0.30 2.59 3.25
Public 10.45 17.73 11.50 10.25 9.09
Bank loans
Private 4.55 4.49 2.25 5.29 2.72
Public 1.74 1.00 0.46 0.76 1.72
International 4.42 2.56 2.93 3.64 2.95
Equities 0.50 0.16 0.46 0.84 0.25
Bonds
Private 1.12 0.56 0.64 0.58 0.88
Public 1.12 0.81 1.01 0.86 0.83
Bank loans
Private 1.14 0.61 0.65 1.04 0.79
Public 0.54 0.42 0.18 0.32 0.20
BIS Papers No 30 59
Table 3 (cont)
New external finance in emerging markets
As a percentage of GDP
Bank loans
Private 1.18 0.27 0.26 0.81 0.80
Public 0.65 0.43 0.21 0.37 0.16
Bank loans
Private 1.46 4.50 –1.48 0.45 4.24
Public –2.38 1.66 –1.53 –1.71 3.54
International 3.36 3.38 3.03 2.63 2.39
Equities 1.07 0.56 0.45 0.15 0.00
Bonds
Private 0.52 0.82 0.69 0.33 0.66
Public 0.52 0.96 1.05 0.50 0.78
Bank loans
Private 0.73 0.55 0.49 1.49 0.43
Public 0.52 0.50 0.35 0.17 0.52
60 BIS Papers No 30
Table 3 (cont)
New external finance in emerging markets
As a percentage of GDP
Bank loans
Private 1.15 0.98 1.21 1.27 0.84
Public 0.41 0.39 0.11 0.28 0.19
Note: Dollar amounts are from Tables 4.2 and 4.3 in the IMF’s Global Financial Stability Report: Market
Developments and Issues (March 2003). GDP data are from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators.
Emerging markets include China, Hong Kong SAR, Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Argentina, Brazil,
Chile, Mexico, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland.
BIS Papers No 30 61
62
Table 4
Correlations of explanatory variables
Budget
Dummy Dis- Concen- balance
GDP Interest Exchange
Exports Dummy for tance Invest- Law Account- tration Bureau- Interest (% of
GDP, per Corrup- Bank rate rate
to GDP for English from ment and ing in cratic rate GDP)
PPP capita, tion credits vola- vola-
(%) Asia legal equa- profile order standards banking quality spread 3-year
PPP tility tility
origin tor sector moving
average
GDP, PPP 1
Exports to
GDP (%) –0.2511 1
Dummy for
Asia –0.1045 0.517 1
Dummy for
English legal
origin 0.2960 0.3069 0.2452 1
Distance
from equator 0.0131 –0.4452 –0.6842 –0.3749 1
Investment
profile 0.1807 0.1415 –0.1082 0.0953 –0.0496 1
Law and
order 0.1658 0.0917 –0.3004 0.2509 0.5557 0.0247 1
GDP per
capita, PPP 0.4217 –0.0032 –0.4491 0.1586 0.6141 0.171 0.7602 1
Corruption –0.0273 –0.0552 –0.3841 –0.0111 0.6711 –0.0405 0.6468 0.6298 1
Accounting
standards 0.1402 0.3326 0.1509 0.4985 0.1489 –0.0344 0.4411 0.4720 0.4028 1
Bank credit 0.3339 0.0322 0.1145 0.1976 0.1700 –0.0498 0.4414 0.4301 0.2420 0.3269 1
BIS Papers No 30
Concent-
ration in
banking
sector –0.5322 0.2670 –0.1784 –0.1083 0.2408 –0.0719 0.1574 0.1041 0.4159 0.2559 –0.1242 1
BIS Papers No 30
Table 4 (cont)
Correlations of explanatory variables
Budget
Dummy Dis- Concen- balance
GDP Interest Exchange
Exports Dummy for tance Invest- Law Account- tration Bureau- Interest (% of
GDP, per Corrup- Bank rate rate
to GDP for English from ment and ing in cratic rate GDP)
PPP capita, tion credits vola- vola-
(%) Asia legal equa- profile order standards banking quality spread 3-year
PPP tility tility
origin tor sector moving
average
Bureaucratic
quality 0.2337 0.0745 –0.3017 0.2666 0.5625 0.1557 0.7582 0.8176 0.7016 0.5669 0.4373 0.1927 1
Interest rate
volatility –0.1436 –0.1417 0.0729 –0.2013 –0.3703 –0.0713 –0.6644 –0.5824 –0.4733 –0.3767 –0.3942 –0.0222 –0.5799 1
Interest rate
spread –0.1516 –0.2699 –0.0111 –0.2893 –0.2219 –0.2787 –0.6057 –0.5791 –0.295 –0.3633 –0.389 –0.0602 –0.5275 0.7165 1
Exchange
rate volatility –0.2516 –0.0326 –0.0347 –0.2457 0.1406 –0.2046 –0.0866 –0.0696 0.0998 0.0258 0.1191 0.1883 –0.0383 0.1795 0.2693 1
Budget
balance (%
of GDP)
3-year
moving
average –0.0459 0.5713 0.4628 0.3817 –0.549 0.3514 –0.087 –0.1121 –0.2364 0.1223 –0.0909 –0.0481 –0.0294 0.0907 –0.1719 –0.1969 1
63
64
Table 5
Multivariate analysis
(3.47)*** (4.60)***
Bureaucratic quality 12.327 1.554
(11.10)*** (1.17)
Standard deviation of interbank interest rates –0.222 0.605
(0.83) (2.19)**
BIS Papers No 30
Table 5 (cont)
Multivariate analysis
Note: Absolute value of z statistics in parentheses; * = significant at 10%; ** = significant at 5%; *** = significant at 1%.
65
66
Table 6
Sensitivity analysis
GDP, PPP (current international billions of US 0.011 0.011 0.005 0.006 0.005 0.006 0.010
dollars) (13.78)*** (12.75)*** (3.95)*** (13.00)*** (13.43)*** (5.99)*** (9.09)***
Exports to GDP (in per cent) 0.176 0.159 0.113 0.130 0.106 0.131 0.236
(2.45)** (1.87)* (3.58)*** (3.59)*** (3.10)*** (3.03)*** (6.05)***
Dummy for Asia 7.484 5.217 13.259 8.805 7.743 8.673 –8.124
(1.26) (0.80) (4.94)*** (3.90)*** (3.07)*** (1.57) (1.71)*
Dummy for English legal origin –4.718 –7.270 –20.759 –15.939 –14.394 9.714 4.957
(1.16) (1.54) (8.35)*** (7.59)*** (7.20)*** (2.77)*** (1.55)
Distance from equator 111.762 79.264 69.202 58.224 48.715 73.631 63.661
(6.02)*** (4.08)*** (8.02)*** (6.91)*** (6.18)*** (6.03)*** (6.03)***
Investment profile 0.357 0.111 0.187 –0.149 –0.087 0.260 –0.028
(1.06) (0.33) (1.31) (0.97) (0.59) (1.14) (0.11)
Law and order 2.066 –0.097 –0.387 0.217 0.288 1.452 1.021
(2.08)** (0.09) (1.07) (0.49) (0.65) (1.87)* (1.18)
GDP per capita, PPP (current international –0.035 0.662 –0.372 –0.143 –0.203 –0.712 –0.745
thousands of US dollars) (0.09) (1.65)* (2.21)** (0.70) (1.09) (2.58)*** (2.95)***
Corruption 2.500 2.552 0.201 1.208 1.353 0.456 0.978
(2.99)*** (2.73)*** (0.57) (3.03)*** (3.58)*** (0.72) (1.34)
Accounting standards (La Porta et al (1998)) 0.330 –0.095 0.351 0.480 0.446 –0.134 0.102
BIS Papers No 30
Table 6 (cont)
Sensitivity analysis
Standard deviation of change in log of exchange –57.932 –95.382 –17.051 –21.608 –25.153 –31.280 –38.613
rates (3.07)*** (4.21)*** (2.14)** (2.24)** (2.51)** (2.23)** (2.63)***
IMF capital controls dummy variable 5.740 4.859 –0.218 1.336 1.056 4.385 5.667
(1= if capital account is open) (3.24)*** (2.81)*** (0.29) (1.44) (1.20) (3.00)*** (4.07)***
Fiscal balance (as a percentage of GDP) three-year –1.357 0.165 –1.204
moving average (5.91)*** (1.58) (6.83)***
Lagged overall budget balance (as a percentage of –0.871 0.078 –0.348
GDP) (5.09)*** (1.21) (2.52)**
Outstanding domestic debt securities issued by 1.094
public sector (as a percentage of GDP) (45.88)***
Constant –41.317 9.632 –36.844 –49.076 –45.686 7.940 –8.686
(3.93)*** (0.63) (7.52)*** (9.93)*** (9.84)*** (0.71) (0.91)
Note: Absolute value of z statistics in parentheses; * = significant at 10%; ** = significant at 5%; *** = significant at 1%.
67
Figure 1
Bond markets and country size
y = 47.0216 + 0.0132 x
t-stat: 7.72) (3.25) r-squared: 0.21
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India
China
Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
0 2,000 4,000 6,000 8,000
GDP (constant 1995 billions of US dollars)
Figure 2
Bond markets and exports to GDP
y = 56.6124 + −0.0343 x
t-stat: (5.98) (0.15) r-squared: 0.00
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Philippines Singapore
India China
Thailand Hong Kong SAR
0
0 50 100 150
68 BIS Papers No 30
Figure 3
Bond markets and distance from equator
y = 16.2301 + 106.4054 x
t-stat: (1.08) (3.11) r-squared: 0.22
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India
China
Thailand Hong Kong SAR
0
0 .2 .4 .6 .8
Distance from equator
Note: Measured by absolute value of the latitude of a country, scaled between zero and one.
Source: La Porta et al (1999).
Figure 4
Bond markets and investment profile
y = −83.1888 + 19.4645 x
t-stat: (2.16) (3.64) r-squared: 0.25
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Philippines Singapore
India China
Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
4 5 6 7 8 9
Investment profile
BIS Papers No 30 69
Figure 5
Bond markets and law and order
y = −28.4493 + 17.4018 x
t-stat: (1.29) (3.91) r-squared: 0.28
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India China
Thailand Hong Kong SAR
0
2 3 4 5 6
Law and order
Figure 6
Bond markets and corruption
y = −22.9929 + 17.8387 x
t-stat: (1.02) (3.58) r-squared: 0.25
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India China Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
2 3 4 5 6
Corruption
70 BIS Papers No 30
Figure 7
Bond markets and accounting standards
y = 0.7577 + 0.9480 x
t-stat: (0.02) (1.53) r-squared: 0.07
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Philippines Singapore
India
Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
40 50 60 70 80
Accounting standards (La Porta et al (1998))
Figure 8
Bond markets and GDP per capita
y = 22.6556 + 2.0626 x
t-stat: (2.92) (5.33) r-squared: 0.42
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India
China
Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
0 10 20 30 40 50
GDP per capita (constant 1995 thousands of US dollars)
Source: WDI.
BIS Papers No 30 71
Figure 9
Bond markets and banking sector development
y = 17.5699 + 0.4158 x
t-stat: (1.43) (3.43) r-squared: 0.23
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India China Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
0 100 200 300
Domestic credit provided by banking sector (% of GDP)
Source: WDI.
Figure 10
Bond markets and bank concentration
y = 73.9533 + −30.3529 x
t-stat: (3.49) (0.91) r-squared: 0.02
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India Thailand China
Hong Kong SAR
0
.2 .4 .6 .8 1
Concentration in banking sector
72 BIS Papers No 30
Figure 11
Public and private sector bond market development
y = 6.8623 + 0.3966 x
80
60
40 Korea
Malaysia
Japan
20
Singapore
Hong Kong SAR
China
Thailand
0 India Philippines
0 20 40 60 80 100
Outstanding domestic debt securities issued by public sector (% of GDP)
Source: BIS.
Figure 12
Bond markets and bureaucratic quality
y = −36.1273 + 29.1189 x
t-stat: (1.85) (4.85) r-squared: 0.38
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
China India
Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4
Bureaucratic quality
Note: See data appendix.
Source: ICRG.
BIS Papers No 30 73
Figure 13
Bond markets and interest rate volatility
y = 68.9338 + −5.1011 x
t-stat: (10.18) (3.41) r-squared: 0.24
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore Philippines
China
Thailand
Hong Kong SAR
0
0 5 10 15 20
Standard deviation of interbank interest rates
Figure 14
Bond markets and the level of interest rates
y = 66.8278 + −1.1315 x
t-stat: (9.03) (2.30) r-squared: 0.12
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
China India
Hong Kong SAR
Thailand
0
0 20 40 60 80
Interest rate spread (lending rate minus Libor)
Sources: GFD; WDI.
74 BIS Papers No 30
Figure 15
Bond markets and fixed exchange rate regime
y = 52.6573 + 14.9173 x
t-stat: (6.70) (0.59) r-squared: 0.01
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore
Philippines
India China
Thailand Hong Kong SAR
0
0 .2 .4 .6 .8
Fixed exchange rate regime dummy (Reinhart-Rogoff)
Figure 16
Bond markets and exchange rate volatility
y = 71.9603 + −647.6625 x
t-stat: (5.34) (1.37) r-squared: 0.05
Outstanding domestic debt securities (% of GDP)
150
Japan
100
Malaysia
50 Korea
Singapore Philippines
India
Hong Kong SAR ChinaThailand
0
0 .02 .04 .06 .08
Standard deviation of change in log of exchange rates
BIS Papers No 30 75
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76 BIS Papers No 30
Harwood, A, ed (2000): Building local bond markets: an Asian perspective, International
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Harwood (ed), Building local bond markets: an Asian perspective, International Finance
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BIS Papers No 30 77
Comments on Barry Eichengreen and
Pipat Luengnaruemitchai’s paper
“Why doesn’t Asia have bigger bond markets?”
Ric Deverell
I thank the Korea University and the BIS for organising this highly topical conference, and for
inviting me to participate. Thanks also to the authors for their thought-provoking presentation
and paper, which touch on many of the issues which will be discussed over the coming two
days. My comments can be loosely categorised into three sections. First, I will elaborate on
the genesis of the Asian Bond Fund, and the motivations underpinning its introduction.
Second, I will comment on the methodology adopted in the paper, and suggest some
avenues for further work. And third, I will discuss conclusions.
78 BIS Papers No 30
2. The results
The paper attempts to shed light on what initiatives are “most urgently needed to promote
Asian bond markets”. In order to achieve this, it sets out five hypotheses (historical,
structural, developmental stage, structure of financial system, and macroeconomic) and
proxies each with several variables. Using these variables, a broad-based cross-country
econometric analysis is undertaken.
While this broad-brush approach is useful as part of the initial sorting process, in general the
discussion of the empirical results is presented as being more certain than the regressions
seem to support. As many of the implications drawn depend on model specification, it would
be useful to make a judgment as to the preferred model and then to discuss the results.
Alternatively, variables that are robust across model specifications could be singled out as
the most likely determinants.
Consistent with this, several of the conclusions warrant further analysis. First, the paper
sends mixed messages about the effect of exchange rate stability/volatility. On page 53, last
full paragraph, it is suggested that “On the other hand, the stability of exchange rates in the
region appears, if anything, to have encouraged bond market development”. However, on
page 50, first full paragraph, the paper suggests “...there is little evidence of a relationship
between exchange rate volatility and bond market development”. One of the things we have
been trying to achieve in emerging markets over recent years is better management of
currency mismatch. Part of the solution in our view has to be demand-oriented. That is, there
will be little interest in managing currency mismatch if everyone thinks that the exchange rate
will be stable. We should not sell currency stability as a means of promoting financial
stability.
Second, the paper does not adequately distinguish the type of bond markets that we are
seeking to promote, and as such does not explore the important issue of currency
denomination of bond markets. Presumably one of our ultimate goals is for bond markets to
facilitate borrowing in domestic currency in order to reduce currency mismatch (the so-called
problem of original sin). Understanding what allows countries to do this is one of the more
important questions the international community faces at the moment.
A third point relates to the type of bond market desired. In the paper, bond market
development is defined primarily as aggregate capitalisation. While this may be a useful
general proxy, it is not clear that bigger is always better - particularly if a large part of
capitalisation is due to large levels of government debt. It is interesting to note that, on this
metric, the Australian bond market is almost identical as a share of GDP to that seen in
developing Asia. Development may be better defined relative to some metric of secondary
market liquidity - for example, bid-offer spread or turnover (ratio of outstandings).
A fourth point relates to the relatively controversial finding that bank financing is
complementary to bond market development. Given that market-based financing dominates
in some countries, while bank-based financing dominates in others, it may also be useful to
split the samples into bank financing and market-based financing countries and examine the
relationship between banking sector and bond market development in the subsamples.
3. Conclusions
While the paper says that its intention is to help prioritise potential initiatives, its conclusions
are very general, with many factors found to be relevant. Given the general nature of the
analysis, no convincing argument is put forward that there is any particular initiative that will
be more crucial than others. This suggests that more work needs to be done to test which
reforms are more urgent.
BIS Papers No 30 79
On the Asian bond market: comments on
Barry Eichengreen and Pipat Luengnaruemitchai’s paper
“Why doesn’t Asia have bigger bond markets?”
Junggon Oh 1
The main arguments of the above paper are as follows: causes of the underdevelopment of
the Asian bond markets include small economic size, poor legal systems, risky investment
environments, weak corporate governance and insufficient transparency, low levels of
economic development, less developed banking systems, inappropriate interest rate and
exchange rate policies, and capital controls. Results of empirical tests using panel
generalised least squares (GLS) on data for 41 countries for the period of 1990-2001 support
this general hypothesis.
An important finding in this paper is to show empirically the existence of complementarities
between banking sector and bond market development. It is necessary to stress again the
importance of the banking sector in the period of transition from a bank-centred financial
system to a market-centred one after the East Asian crisis, because the sector contributes to
a decrease in information asymmetry and transaction costs through long-run close
relationships with customers, etc.
There is a hierarchy of external finance in the financial system. The share of bank credit is
the largest among external financing sources in most countries mainly because transaction
costs and information asymmetry are relatively low in the banking sector (Table 1).
Table 1
Composition of external finance
2001, in per cent
1
The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Bank of Korea.
80 BIS Papers No 30
In order to develop the bond market, infrastructure development and the introduction of legal
requirements in areas such as information disclosure, accounting standards, credit ratings,
etc, are necessary in order to reduce transaction costs and information asymmetry. A
competitive banking system can also reduce information asymmetry and transaction costs
through long-run close relationships with customers and can thereby contribute to the
development of the bond market.
However, there are some points to be discussed regarding this paper: Are conclusions
specific to Asia or general to all regions? Can empirical tests for Asia only, rather than for
41 countries, obtain the same results?
BIS Papers No 30 81
Consolidating the public debt markets of Asia
Robert N McCauley 1
The large reserves of East Asian central banks have received a great deal of attention
(Aizenmann and Marion (2002)). Some observers consider that these have made regional
finances more robust and better able to weather sudden withdrawals of capital. Others have
criticised the reserves as low-yielding external assets that are accumulated at the expense of
higher-yielding domestic investment. Others worry that exchange rate management that
gives rise to the reserves might result in investment in the traded goods sector that will prove
wasteful if exchange rates subsequently appreciate.
Less attention has been paid to the financing of the reserve build-up. The financing, or
sterilisation, of the foreign exchange reserve build-up has presented an opportunity for bond
market development, but policy has not made the most of this opportunity. While the interest
bearing debts issued by central banks to finance the reserve build-up have added to the sum
of public debts outstanding, they have generally also segmented that market into government
debt per se and central bank debt. While from a macroeconomic standpoint this choice
seems innocent, from a market development standpoint it has serious drawbacks.
This paper starts by considering the alternatives faced by a central bank in financing large
holdings of foreign exchange reserves. These choices are ranked, with use of government
securities in the first position. Then the transactions needed to use government securities to
finance reserves when these are held by the central bank are outlined. Then the benefits of
this approach are adduced and the issues that must be faced are discussed. These include
the attitude of the government and the rating agencies above all, and the practical questions
of the return to be paid to the government for its deposit at the central bank, the duration of
the extra government debt and consistency with the government budgetary process.
This proposal was originally made with reference to East Asia, especially Indonesia, Korea,
Malaysia, Taiwan (China) 2 and Thailand (McCauley (2003)). 3 Recently, the People’s Bank of
China (PBOC) and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) both reached a crossroads as they ran
out of government securities to sell to sterilise purchases of foreign exchange. While the
PBOC opted for central bank bills, the RBI persuaded the government to issue new
government debt to sterilise. The contrast between these two cases illustrates that the
greatest impediment to the use of government securities is the natural reluctance of finance
ministers to issue, and parliaments to authorise, the needed expansion of recognised
government debt.
1
The author is grateful to Claudio Borio, Brian Coulton, Jeong-Ho Hahm, Corrinne Ho, Hak-Ryul Kim, Kyunjik
Lee, Guonan Ma, Madhu Mohanty, Ramon Moreno, T K Ogawa, Junggun Oh and William White and
participants in seminars at the Reserve Bank of Australia, the Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research, the
Reserve Bank of India, the Bank of Korea and the Bank of Thailand for helpful discussions. Any errors remain
those of the author. Views expressed are those of the author and not the Bank for International Settlements.
2
Hereinafter Taiwan.
3
Until very recently the government of Hong Kong SAR had not issued any government debt, and the argument
of this paper did not apply there. Similarly, it would not apply to Chile, where the central bank is the only issuer
of public debt. With the 2004-05 budget, however, the Hong Kong government will become an issuer in Hong
Kong dollars, and the opportunity for a bond market development through consolidating the Exchange Fund
paper and government debt per se will arise.
82 BIS Papers No 30
1. The choice of sterilisation instrument
Most Asian central banks have seen their foreign exchange reserves (or foreign assets more
generally) outgrow their monetary liabilities (base money). This observation points to the
practice of sterilising foreign asset growth, typically implemented initially by selling domestic
assets like government paper. At some point, the central bank runs out of government paper
and must then mop up any additional excess liquidity by issuing its own liabilities.
Major Asian central banks reached this crossroads some time ago. Central banks in small
open economies like Singapore and Malaysia have had foreign exchange reserves well in
excess of base money for many years, and have managed money market liquidity at least in
part via the liability side of their balance sheets. The Indonesian, Korean and Taiwanese
central banks all reached similar crossroads in the 1980s. The PBOC and the RBI only just
reached it in 2003 and 2004, respectively. 4
The crossroads between sale of domestic assets and issuing a central bank liability is the
first branching on the diagram below (Figure 1). While it is possible to increase the demand
for central bank liabilities by increasing reserve requirements, this alternative goes against
the international trend towards lower reserve requirements and is not considered here. 5 The
key choice is then between “non-market” and “market” liabilities. In the first case, the central
bank accepts a deposit from the government or quasi-government body; in the second case,
the central bank sells an interest bearing liability to market participants. This distinction is
drawn based on the issuance mechanism and the identity of the immediate claimant on the
central bank.
The burden of this paper is that taking government deposits (the non-market approach) is the
best choice because it is most conducive to the development of money and bond markets
when the government has debt outstanding. In this case, the central bank’s issuance of its
own liability to market participants creates in effect two sovereign issuers in the domestic
bond market. 6 This segments the bond market in a manner that works against liquidity. Thus,
the best advised approach is to use a combination of government securities and a
4
This stylised progression towards a need to issue other liabilities for liquidity management purposes can be
accelerated if the central bank holds a substantial sum of unmarketable domestic assets. Thus the Bank of
Korea, burdened with loans to particular sectors at below market interest rates, started to sell its own interest
bearing liabilities long before foreign exchange reserves reached the level of the monetary base. See Oh
(2004) in this volume for a current proposal to fiscalise directed central bank credit as a first step towards
consolidating public bond markets. Similarly, quasi-fiscal burdens caused the PBOC to reach the crossroads
well before its foreign exchange reserves attained the level of the monetary base. In particular, the PBOC’s
claims on the asset management companies and other domestic assets of questionable market value meant
that it ran out of tradable domestic assets at a relatively early stage (Ma and Fung (2002)).
5
The RBI (2004b) notes: “In case CRR [cash reserve ratio] is not remunerated, it has the distortionary impact of
a ‘tax’ on the banking system. CRR is also discriminatory in that it has an in-built bias in favour of financial
intermediaries that are not required to maintain balances with the Reserve Bank… It is also to be noted that
the medium term objective of monetary policy is to bring down the CRR to its statutory minimum level of
3.0 per cent of NDTL [net demand and time liabilities]… Nevertheless, use of CRR as an instrument of
sterilisation, under extreme conditions of excess liquidity and when other options are exhausted, should not be
ruled out altogether by a prudent monetary authority ready to meet all eventualities.”
6
The RBI (2004b) reasons: “Issuance of central bank securities can fragment the debt market due to the
availability of two competing sovereign issues, one of the Central Government and the other of the Reserve
Bank. Normally, central banks issue securities at the short end of the maturity spectrum, on the premise that
the capital inflows are transient and may reverse over a short period; in the event of reversal, liquidity could be
matched by the maturing central bank paper. However, the Group felt that in the Indian context, issuance of
government securities at the short end, particularly for the cash management needs, would also be quite
significant and, therefore, market fragmentation remains a key issue.”
BIS Papers No 30 83
government deposit at the central bank as the sterilisation instrument once the central bank
has run out of domestic assets to sell or to repo into the market.
Figure 1
Instrument choices for absorbing liquidity
CN (social security?)
Non-market IN (government deposit 2004)
SG (government deposit)
TW (postal saving)
CN (PBOC bills)
Public ID (SBIs)
securities KR (MSBs)
MY (BNM bills)
TW (NCDs)
(b) Issue liabilities TH (BOT bonds)
Take
deposits ID (“FASBI”)
MY (tender)
Market
SG
Private
transaction
IN (2003)
SG
TH
Swap dollars for
domestic currency
The other alternative sterilisation instruments are ordered by their desirability in terms of
developing the domestic money and bond markets. Thus, if the central bank must issue its
own liabilities, these can contribute to market development best if they are tradable
securities. Thus public securities are to be preferred to private transactions. Among private
transactions, ones that involve only the domestic currency are probably better suited to
market development than ones that involve foreign exchange. The latter tend to channel the
development of the local money market into the foreign exchange swap market. 7 Indeed,
before the crisis, such swap markets were the best developed money markets in East Asia.
Thus deposit-taking from banks can be ranked above short-term foreign exchange swaps.
The issuance of any central bank liability to market participants is seen as inferior to
“overfunding”, which the next section outlines.
7
The RBI (2004b) put forward another argument against the use of foreign exchange swaps, namely that “forex
sold by the Reserve Bank through swaps has been used by the market for extending forex loans to customers
for meeting rupee expenditure. To the extent that such loans are not hedged, the forex finds its way back into
the reserves of the Reserve Bank attenuating the efficacy of swaps as a sterilisation instrument”.
84 BIS Papers No 30
2. Overfunding the fiscal deficit to transform central bank debt
To unify the domestic public bond market, the government can “overfund” its own fiscal
needs in order to replace debt issued by the central bank to market participants. First, the
government sells more debt than it needs to finance any deficit and to roll over maturing
issues (overfunding). This produces a cash surplus that the government places on deposit
with the central bank, thereby draining bank reserves. The central bank is then in a position
to pay off its maturing obligations to market participants, thereby reinjecting bank reserves.
From the standpoint of the private sector, this would essentially mean a swap of claims on
the central bank for claims on the government. The case shown in Table 1 entails an
overfunding of sufficient scale to permit the central bank to buy some government securities
outright for further use in monetary operations.
Table 1
Mechanics of overfunding and refunding
Government overfunds its deficits and places the proceeds on deposit with the central bank
Assets Liabilities
Central bank shifts its liabilities from market participants to the government
Assets Liabilities
Singapore has recently engaged in such an operation. In order to develop its bond market,
the Singapore government more than doubled its outstanding government securities, thereby
raising the outstanding stock to 39% of GDP at end-2001, despite fiscal surpluses (see Lian
(2002, p 184)). In fiscal 2001/02 and 2002/03, deposits placed by the government with the
MAS grew by SGD 21.7 billion, mainly reflecting “the proceeds from the larger issuance of
Singapore Government Securities through the [Monetary] Authority to the public and the
Central Provident Fund Board”. 8 This allowed “provisions and other liabilities” to fall by
SGD 10.9 billion over the two years, “due largely to the reduction in the Authority’s
borrowings from banks as part of its money market operations”. At the same time, holdings of
Singapore government securities (SGSs) by the MAS rose by SGD 118 million. “The
increase was in line with the Authority’s policy to build up its portfolio of SGSs for more active
use in repurchase transactions as part of its money market operations.” These transactions
implied the changes shown in Table 2.
8
This and the following citations are from MAS (2002, 2003, p 62 and p 84, respectively).
BIS Papers No 30 85
Table 2
Selected changes to the Monetary Authority
of Singapore’s balance sheet, 2001/02-2002/03
In millions of Singapore dollars
Assets Liabilities
The authorities in India decided not to issue a central bank security - which would have
required a change in the RBI’s legislation - in favour of overfunding from the outset.
Reflecting its assessment of the balance of the arguments laid out below, the RBI persuaded
the government and parliament to accept selling more government paper than needed to
satisfy the public sector borrowing requirement and to place the proceeds in a non-interest
bearing blocked account at the RBI. This decision took effect in April 2004, more or less just
as the RBI ran out of government securities available for draining operations.
Despite the call in RBI (2004a) for an inframarginal instrument to sterilise surplus liquidity of
an “enduring” nature, it was easy to imagine that the new Market Stabilisation Scheme would
operate marginally. That is, as the RBI intervened and acquired further foreign exchange,
additions would be made to auctions of government bills or bonds, with the proceeds placed
in a blocked account at the RBI. The contrast between the top and bottom panels of Table 3
covering selected changes in the RBI’s balance sheet in the first and second quarters of
calendar 2004, respectively, is consistent with this interpretation. Foreign asset growth
slowed, but remained substantial. Whereas, in the first quarter of calendar 2004, reverse
repos and outright sales of Indian government securities did the heavy lifting, in the second
quarter the deposits under the Scheme took over. Instead of selling government securities
outright or on a reversed basis, the RBI received deposits from the government, which in turn
was funding the deposits with additional sales of its securities.
Events during the second quarter, however, showed that the Scheme was operating
increasingly inframarginally. As capital flows reversed starting in May, the RBI began net
sales of dollars that continued to July (RBI (2004d, p 79)). As a result, there was no need for
sterilisation at the margin. Still, additions to the Scheme put the RBI in a position to allow
reverse repos to run off. In effect, the Scheme came to be used to rebuild the RBI’s stock of
government securities that can be used to absorb liquidity in the future. Issuance of
government securities continued under the Scheme into the third quarter, and by the middle
of the quarter (14 August 2004) INR 464.8 billion had been raised. 9
9
Because government deposits are invested in government securities held in the RBI’s portfolio, the reduction
in regular deposits by the Indian government shown in the lower panel of Table 3 also released government
securities. Thus, the government deposits under the Scheme have released government securities for use for
future absorption through two channels.
86 BIS Papers No 30
Table 3
Selected changes to the Reserve Bank of India’s balance sheet
In billions of Indian rupees
Assets Liabilities
Assets Liabilities
10
This section draws on McCauley and Remolona (2000) and Jiang and McCauley (2004).
BIS Papers No 30 87
cost in a $50 billion bond market. Similarly, if the extraction of information from order flows
entails economies of scale, then overall trading activity may also matter.
The evidence from G10 bond markets suggests that size does make a difference to the
liquidity of government bond markets (Graph 1), though it is not the only factor of
importance. 11 The larger the outstanding stock of publicly issued central government debt,
the higher the turnover in cash and futures trading. And the higher the turnover, the better
the liquidity as measured by the tightness of the bid-ask spread. 12 Nevertheless, other factors
also play a role. These include: holdings by government accounts and other “buy and hold”
investors; the concentration of outstanding debt in benchmark issues; the industrial
organisation of the dealers and construction of trading platforms; taxes; arrangements for
sale and repurchase; and the efficiency of clearing and settlement systems (CGFS (1999b)).
Graph 1
Size and liquidity
6 SE 15
US 5 12
DE JP
FR CH FR
CA IT 4 9
SE GB
JP
BE 3 CA 6
BE IT
CH GB DE
2 US 3
1
0
1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0
1 2 3 4 5 6
Source: H Inoue, The structure of government securities markets in G10 countries: summary of
questionnaire results, in CGFS (1999a).
Size matters for liquidity in Asia (Graph 2, upper panels). A larger market tends to be
associated with higher trading volumes (both variables are in logs), which are in turn
associated with tighter bid-ask spreads. This is similar to (although somewhat weaker than)
the relationship between size, turnover and liquidity observed in G10 government bond
markets and ascribed to economies of scale in market-making.
Using the existence of an active government bond futures market as well as bid-ask spreads
in G10 markets, McCauley and Remolona (2000) suggest that the critical size for a liquid
market is around $100-200 billion. In Asia, China and India have crossed this threshold, and
Korea and Taiwan are approaching it. Australia’s experience, however, suggests that, under
the right circumstances, liquid government bond cash and futures markets can both be
sustained at a much smaller size (Australia (2003)). Equally, though, the $100-200 billion
threshold may be too low under less favourable circumstances.
11
See CGFS (1999a).
12
The bid-ask spread measures only one dimension of liquidity, since it does not capture market depth or
resilience in respect of absorbing large orders. See CGFS (1999a,b) for a discussion.
88 BIS Papers No 30
Graph 2
Liquidity in East Asian bond markets
Size, trading, issue size and concentration
HK HK 3
PH 2
MY MY
2
TH 1.5
SG KR
ID 1
IN TW
1 0
0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 1 2 3 4
TH
3.5 y = 8.6963x − 1.7479 ID 7
MY R = 0.6001
HK 3 6
As noted by RBI (2004c, p 416), “issuance of central bank securities can fragment the debt
market due to availability of two competing sovereign issues, one of the Central Government
and the other of the Reserve Bank”. The cost of such fragmentation can be illustrated by the
case of Korea. The Bank of Korea sells monetary stabilisation bonds of a maturity of up to
two years, while the government’s treasury bonds extend out to five or 10 years. Where the
two debt programmes overlap, for instance at the one-year or two-year maturity, the yields
are generally identical. 13 In this case, at least, the fear expressed in RBI (2004c) that two
sovereign issuers could produce two separate yield curves does not seem justified. Another
13
I am indebted to Kyunjik Lee for pointing out to me that the data from the Korea Money Broker Corp and
Korea Securities Dealers Association quoted by Reuters are inconsistent or otherwise erroneously suggest
minor differences in yields on the two public bonds.
BIS Papers No 30 89
observation, however, does suggest a possible loss of liquidity from two sovereign issuers.
The yield on the very liquid three-year bond, which is served by a successful futures contract,
is often below or about the same as the yield on the two-year monetary stabilisation bond
(Graph 3). Confronted by such a strong demand for a benchmark issue, a single debt
manager might well issue more three-year bonds and fewer two-year bonds. If the single
debt manager did not want to extend the duration of the debt by selling more three-year
bonds, then a “barbell” of issuance - more one- and three-year paper and less two-year
paper - would better satisfy market demand and thereby reduce financing costs, given the
yields shown in Graph 3.
Graph 3
Yields on public obligations in Korea
Selected dates in 2003; in percentages
4.6
4.4
4.2
4.0
One-year Two-year Three-year Four-year Five-year
The case of Korea suggests that transforming central bank debt into debt of longer maturity
might be particularly advantageous in that it would allow greater issuance at longer
benchmark maturities. But it also suggests that market functioning would be improved even if
government debt simply replaced central bank debt at the shorter maturities characteristic of
the latter.
3.2 Prospective increase in the size of government bond markets in East Asia
How much of a difference would the transformation of central bank debt into government
debt make to the government bond markets in East Asia? The answer varies across the
region. The potential stock of government debt would be a third as high again as its current
level in Indonesia, half as high again as its current level in Malaysia and Thailand (Graph 4),
and more than twice its current level in Korea and Taiwan (Table 4 and Graph 5). This could
make a substantial difference to liquidity. For instance, Malaysia’s bond market is dominated
by such buy and hold investors as the provident fund (see Harun (2002)). Were the level of
government debt to rise by 50%, a significant amount of this debt might be available for
trading by more active accounts.
90 BIS Papers No 30
Graph 4
Outstanding public debt in three Southeast Asian economies
In billions of domestic currency1
300 750
80
500
150 40
250
0 0 0
Oct 99 Oct 00 Oct 01 Oct 02 92 94 96 98 00 02 99 00 01 02 03
1 2
For Indonesia, in trillions. Truncated at zero between February 2001 and December 2002.
Sources: CEIC; national data.
Table 4
Potential increase in size of government bond markets
BIS Papers No 30 91
Graph 5
Outstanding public debt in two Northeast Asian economies
In billions of domestic currency1
Korea Taiwan, China
3,000
100
2,000
50
1,000
0 0
Jul 97 Jul 99 Jul 01 Jul 03 Sep 94 Sep 97 Sep 00 Sep 03
1
For Korea, in trillions.
Sources: Central Bank of China (CBC); CEIC; national data.
92 BIS Papers No 30
4. Issues to be resolved
Five practical issues need to be resolved before central bank debt can be transformed into
government debt. The first two relate to whether the policy is advisable or politically feasible,
and the other three relate to aspects of the implementation of the policy. The first challenge
is to overcome the natural reluctance of finance ministers to increase outstanding debt for
which they are explicitly responsible. Second is the question of whether the rating agencies
would take a dimmer view of the fiscal position. If these deal-breaker issues can be resolved,
then three implementation issues must be faced. What yield should the central bank pay on
the government deposit? What is the maturity profile and duration of the government
securities to be issued? Finally, how can the uncertain scale of sterilisation needs in a year
be reconciled with the budgetary process?
14
Note that the strictures that have evolved against central banks’ making advances to governments (as
opposed to buying government debt in the market) do not apply to the reverse case of governments making
deposits in the central bank. These strictures attempt to keep monetary policy from becoming subservient to
the needs of the government. No such issue is raised by the government placing deposits with the central
bank. Were a government displeased with a monetary policy choice, it might threaten to withdraw its deposits.
But so long as the central bank had other tools to drain the resultant increase in bank reserves held in reserve,
this threat would not impinge on monetary policy or compromise central bank independence.
15
Adam Smith (1937), in his chapter on the public debt, observed that, in the happy case in which taxes
earmarked to service a debt proved excessive (generally owing to the reduction in interest on the debt), they
were often paid into a sinking fund intended to pay off debt. Such a “fund is almost always applied to other
purposes”, however: “During the most profound peace, various events occur which require an extraordinary
expense, and government finds it always more convenient to defray this expense by misapplying the sinking
fund than by imposing a new tax. Every new tax is immediately felt more or less by the people. It occasions
always some murmur and meets with some opposition… To borrow from the sinking fund is always an
obvious and easy expedient for getting out of the present difficulty.”
BIS Papers No 30 93
debt, subsequent moves to recapitalise the Chinese banks have taken place off-budget. 16
The irony in the contrast between the unwillingness of the Chinese ministry of finance and
the willingness of the Indian ministry of finance is that the reported debt position of the
central Chinese government is among the healthier in Asia, whereas that of the Indian
government is among the least healthy; at the same time, the Chinese government enjoys an
investment grade rating, whereas the Indian government labours under a speculative rating.
As long as Singapore was the outstanding example of overfunding the public sector
borrowing requirement in order to sterilise foreign exchange holdings, policymakers could
conclude that this option is open only to governments with the strongest debt positions and
ratings. Contrary to this conclusion, the government of the large country with the weaker
fiscal accounts has agreed to overfund.
Perhaps another reason for the difference between the Chinese and Indian cases is the
central bank’s relationship to the market, and market participants’ involvement in the larger
political process. The RBI’s consultative process allowed market participants an opportunity
to weigh in and to steer policy in a direction conducive to the development of a broad, deep
and liquid government bond market. 17
16
This includes the purchase of non-performing loans at par by the asset management companies (Ma and
Fung (2002)), the injection of foreign exchange reserves by the PBOC into the Bank of China and China
Construction Bank, the recent capital injection into the Bank of Commerce, and the use of PBOC bills to buy
non-performing loans from the big banks. Also consistent with the ministry of finance’s aversion to additions to
its explicit debt was resistance to PBOC proposals to turn its claims on distressed financial institutions into
government securities.
17
The RBI formed an internal review group to study the choice of sterilisation instruments. Drawn from the
departments responsible for internal debt, government accounts, monetary policy, economic research, foreign
exchange reserve management and legal affairs, it considered the various options and reviewed the
experience in a number of countries, including China, Korea, Malaysia and Thailand. The group held
discussions with market participants during the review and received written comments after the report was
posted on the RBI website in December 2003 (RBI (2004c,d)). At the time, the Indian financial press featured
well informed commentary on the issue and alternatives. With respect to the PBOC issuance of bills, by
contrast, after-the-fact commentary by market economists rarely addressed the merits of the sale of PBOC
bills or other feasible alternatives. Rather, the focus was put on whether this sterilisation tool would work and
thus whether the pegged exchange rate would hold.
18
The ratios that, say, Standard & Poor’s examines suggest that the operation described above would not have
a significant implication for the assessment. Three out of four fiscal debt concepts in Standard & Poor’s
glossary would not seem to be affected by a change in the locus of financing of the foreign exchange
reserves. The general government debt is a broad aggregate across the public sector that would include the
central bank’s debt. The two net debt aggregates vary in netting out cash, deposits, loans and equity holdings
or, more restrictively, only cash and deposits. Either one should be unaffected both because of the breadth of
the concept of the government and because of the netting. Finally, the central government’s gross debt is
included in the gross debt concept, and this one could well be increased by the overfunding proposed. It
should be noted, however, that this narrow gross concept is last on the list, no doubt because it is the least
comparable or the most manipulable because of its non-inclusion of “non-commerical off-budget and quasi-
fiscal activities” included in the general government concept.
19
If one believes that the rating agencies take no heed of what lies behind government debt, one is led to an
absurd result in the case of Japan. Consider the case in which the ministry of finance sold the bulk of Japan’s
94 BIS Papers No 30
Asked whether the use of government securities to sterilise foreign exchange holdings would
result in a downgrading, representatives of both Moody’s and Fitch pointed to the case of
Singapore. The additions to its government debt described above in Section 2 did not result
in downgradings. Indeed, in the discussion of this paper at the BIS/Korea University
conference, Tom Byrne of Moody’s noted that Singapore received an upgrade even as its
government debt increased. At another conference a month earlier in Seoul, Brian Coulton,
Senior Director of Fitch Ratings in Hong Kong, held that the rating agencies would not
mechanically react to overfunding. 20
foreign exchange reserves to the Bank of Japan. In this case, government debt would fall by 10-20% of GDP.
Would the rating agencies upgrade the Japanese government under these circumstances?
20
His text (Coulton (2004, p 3)) reads: “While Korea’s government debt - including guaranteed bonds issued by
KAMCO and KDIC - is in line with its ‘A’ rating peers at 40% of GDP, the prospect of continued fiscal prudence
bodes well for a declining public debt ratio in the next few years, notwithstanding increased issuance of foreign
exchange stabilisation bonds by the Ministry of Finance and Economy (MOFE) to finance foreign exchange
market intervention” [emphasis added].
21
The Bank of Thailand would require legislation to enable it to remunerate government deposits. For practice
across industrial countries, see Borio (1997, pp 60-2).
22
Notwithstanding this, it is said that a disagreement between the Korean ministry of finance and the Bank of
Korea in the early 1990s over the proper rate of return ultimately undid an arrangement whereby the Bank of
Korea issued government debt as a sterilisation instrument.
BIS Papers No 30 95
the duration of reserve portfolios has moved out to the two- to five-year range (McCauley and
Fung (2003)). If the duration of the domestic currency financing portfolio were lengthened
and it were desired to maintain the longer duration of the reserve portfolio, the latter could be
lengthened.
The Indian authorities have tended to view the inflows that have led to the growth of foreign
exchange reserves as not very stable and have thus tended to finance the reserves with
short-term securities. 23 In principle, the Indian government can sell either bills or coupon
securities to fund its blocked account at the RBI. In practice, the majority of the issuance has
taken the form of treasury bills. 24 In the event, this issuance has been very well received by
the market owing to the previous scarcity of such paper. In the past, the Indian government
had prudently avoided selling much short-term paper out of concern for the rollover risk,
given the large government debt. Given the blocked account, however, such a concern for
the rollover of maturing paper seemed no longer relevant. 25
23
RBI (2004b, p 291-2) shows that two of the biggest sources of the reserve build-up were non-resident Indian
deposits and foreign institutional investor purchases of Indian equities.
24
RBI (2004e, p 131) reports that “the total amount raised under the MSS [Market Stabilisation Scheme]
amounted to Rs 46,480 crore [464.8 billion rupees] by 14 August 2004, inclusive of Rs 20,000 crore raised
through dated securities of residual maturity of up to 2.5 years”.
25
If the government repaid maturing short-term debt with funds drawn from the blocked account, the RBI might
need to drain bank reserves, so that the liquidity risk is not so much absent as transferred.
96 BIS Papers No 30
next budget year. Such an arrangement would leave the central bank able to intervene and
to sterilise without immediate assistance from the fiscal authorities, an important matter
where the central bank controls intervention policy. At the same time, the eventual
involvement of the finance ministry and parliament in the financing of the foreign exchange
reserves could help ensure that the public sector at large, and not just the central bank,
knowingly takes on the foreign exchange risk.
5. Conclusions
If these issues can be resolved, then the central bank debt that has financed large holdings
of foreign exchange reserves could be consolidated with government debt. In particular,
issuing government debt beyond the need of the public sector borrowing requirement could
finance a government deposit with the central bank. This would allow a run-off of central
bank liabilities.
The benefits from lumping central bank liabilities into government debt are likely to be
substantial. Government bond markets could increase in size to anywhere from 137 to 222%
of their current size in East Asia. Properly handled, such an increase would make these bond
markets more liquid and thereby more attractive to investors.
References
Aizenmann, Joshua and Nancy Marion (2002): “The high demand for international reserves
in the Far East: what’s going on?”, NBER Working Papers, no 9266, October.
Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation (1999): Compendium of sound practices: guidelines to
facilitate the development of domestic bond markets in APEC member economies,
September.
Australia, Commonwealth of (2003): Statement 7: budget funding, Budget for 2003-04,
Canberra, May.
Borio, Claudio E V (1997): “The implementation of monetary policy in industrial countries: a
survey”, BIS Economic Papers, no 47, July.
Committee on the Global Financial System (1999a): “Market liquidity: research findings and
selected policy implications”, CGFS Working Group Reports, no 11, May.
——— (1999b): “How should we design deep and liquid markets? The case of government
securities”, CGFS publications, no 13, October.
Coulton, Brian (2004): “Global perspectives on the Korean economy”, paper presented to the
International conference on a new vision and strategy under changing leadership in
Northeast Asia, sponsored by the Ministry of Finance and the Economy and the Korean
Development Institute, 27-28 February (www.newvision.go.kr/data/s1-2_coulton.doc).
Eichengreen, Barry and Pipat Luengnaruemitchai (2006): “Why doesn’t Asia have bigger
bond markets?”, this volume.
Harun, S (2002): “The development of debt markets in Malaysia”, in The development of
bond markets in emerging economies, BIS Papers, no 11, June, pp 147-50.
Hong Kong Monetary Authority (2003): Annual report 2002, Hong Kong: HKMA.
Jiang, Guorong and Robert N McCauley (2004): “Asian local currency bond markets”, BIS
Quarterly Review, June, pp 67-79.
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Lian, T S (2002): “Debt market development in Singapore”, in The development of bond
markets in bond emerging economies, BIS Papers, no 11, June, pp 183-89.
Ma, Guonan and Ben S C Fung (2002): “China’s asset management companies”, BIS
Working Papers, no 115, August.
McCauley, Robert N (2002): “International market implications of declining Treasury debt”,
Journal of Money, Credit and Banking, vol 34, no 3, part 2, August, pp 952-66.
——— (2003): “Unifying the government bond markets of East Asia”, BIS Quarterly Review,
December, pp 89-98.
——— (2004): “Striking the balance: benefits and costs of foreign investment in Asian bond
markets”, paper presented to Korea Institute of Finance Korea Day seminar, Financial
cooperation in East Asia, Asian Development Bank, Jeju, Korea, 14 May 2004.
McCauley, Robert N and Ben S C Fung (2003): “Choosing instruments in managing dollar
foreign exchange reserves”, BIS Quarterly Review, March, pp 39-46.
McCauley, Robert N and Guorong Jiang (2004): “Diversifying with Asian local currency
bonds”, BIS Quarterly Review, September, pp 51-66.
McCauley, Robert N and Eli Remolona (2000): “Size and liquidity of government bond
markets”, BIS, International Banking and Financial Market Developments, November,
pp 52-8.
Monetary Authority of Singapore (2002): Annual Report 2001/2002, August.
——— (2003): Annual Report 2002/2003, August.
Oh, Junggun (2006): “Comments on McCauley’s paper ‘Consolidating the public debt
markets of Asia’”, this volume.
Reserve Bank of India (2004a): “Report of the Internal Group on Liquidity Adjustment
Facility”, Reserve Bank of India Bulletin, January, pp 23-68.
——— (2004b): “Report on foreign exchange reserves”, Reserve Bank of India Bulletin,
March, pp 289-99.
——— (2004c): “Report of the Working Group on Instruments of Sterilisation”, Reserve Bank
of India Bulletin, April, pp 387-421.
——— (2004d): “Report of the Working Group on Instruments of Sterilisation: suggestions
from market participants/experts and comments of the Reserve Bank of India”, Reserve Bank
of India Bulletin, April, pp 423-8.
——— (2004e): Annual Report, 2003-04.
Smith, Adam (1937): “Of public debts”, in The wealth of nations, New York, Modern Library,
book 5, chapter 3.
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98 BIS Papers No 30
Comments on McCauley’s paper
“Consolidating the public debt markets of Asia”
Junggon Oh 1
The main arguments of the paper are as follows: dual mismatches of foreign borrowings,
ie currency and maturity mismatches, were important causes of the East Asian financial
crisis. Accordingly, it is necessary to develop the region’s bond markets. In particular,
unifying government bond markets and central bank debt markets may contribute to the
development of bond markets.
The benefits of unifying government bond markets and central bank debt markets are as
follows: an increase in liquidity in the secondary bond market through the development of the
repo market and thereby the development of the government bond market; and advantages
for monetary operations through greater influence on short-term rates with the help of a
reduction in the burden of redemptions of maturing debt and interest payments.
Monetary
Stabilisation
Bonds 25.8 25.0 23.5 45.7 51.5 66.4 79.1 84.3 105.5
Government
bonds 23.3 25.7 28.6 41.6 61.2 71.2 82.4 98.3 135.8
(Treasury
bonds) 3.0 4.9 6.3 18.8 34.2 42.6 50.9 55.6 81.4
Corporate
bonds 61.0 76.0 90.1 122.7 119.7 133.6 154.4 180.0 187.4
Total 164.6 190.0 234.2 343.9 376.2 429.3 501.6 544.8 574.1
Looking at the table, these suggestions seem acceptable, but there are some practical
problems, which include: the difficulty of creating synergy effects from the consolidation of
two markets to reduce the liquidity premium; and the possibility of reducing the efficiency and
independence of monetary policy.
First, as relates to the difficulty of creating synergy effects from the consolidation, it should be
taken into account that the two debts have different characteristics. In particular, government
bonds have a relatively easy periodical issuance and are readily fungible, while central bank
debt is issued to offset changes in bank reserves due to autonomous factors such as flows of
government funds or changes in foreign exchange holdings.
1
Views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Bank of Korea.
BIS Papers No 30 99
Second, as relates to the possibility of reducing the efficiency and independence of monetary
policy, it should be pointed out that, in fact, it is difficult to reach an agreement on the issue of
government bonds for monetary stabilisation, and the practical procedures for reaching an
agreement on the issue from the parliament are complicated.
As an alternative, it may be suggested that bonds be issued by the central bank and interest
on them be paid by the government, as in Germany, New Zealand and Israel, etc. In
Germany, an issue of three-, six- and nine-month government bonds up to DM 25 billion was
decided by the Bundesbank, and in New Zealand, government bonds and central bank debt
of three-month maturities for monetary operations are used together for monetary
stabilisation, with the interest on the central bank debt paid by the government. More central
bank independence is a prerequisite to the implementation of these policies.
As another alternative in Korea, a more feasible step-by-step approach may be considered,
taking the current situation into account. As a first step, quasi-fiscal burdens of the Bank of
Korea due to aggregate credit ceiling loans, and the underwriting of non-performing asset
management fund bonds etc would be transferred to the government to reduce the issuance
of Monetary Stabilisation Bonds (MSBs). As a second step, interest on MSBs would be paid
by the government. And as a third step, Monetary Stabilisation Government Bonds (MSGBs)
would be substituted for MSBs. Amounts, time and conditions of the issue of MSGBs up to a
certain amount agreed on by the parliament would be decided by the BOK.
In order to introduce these approaches, it is important to have independence and
coordination between government bonds and MSBs, and monetary, fiscal and foreign
exchange rate policies. Step-by-step substitution of the government bonds for MSBs seems
more feasible and desirable, in line with the improvement of circumstances for the
independence of the central bank and of understanding about the use of government bonds
for monetary policy operation.
Huhn-Gunn Ro
As the head of the central securities depository of Korea, I accept as a great honour and
pleasure the task of conveying a congratulatory message to this international conference on
Asian bond markets, which is being held under the joint auspices of the Institute of Northeast
Asian Business and Economics of Korea University and the Bank for International
Settlements.
In addition, I would like to thank all the prominent scholars and experts in the securities and
financial fields who are gracing this conference with their attendance. It really is a privilege
for the Korea Securities Depository (KSD) to support this wonderful conference, where
outstanding papers are being presented and heated discussions are being held on the
subject of our common interest, the nurture of Asian bond markets.
Also, I would like to take this opportunity to give my special thanks to Professors Yung-Chul
Park and Young-Sup Yun of Korea University and all the researchers at the Institute of
Northeast Asian Business and Economics for having spared no effort to successfully
organise this conference.
As you are well aware, one of the convincing arguments for the root cause of the 1997 East
Asia foreign exchange crisis is that East Asia unwittingly invited the crisis. It did so by
financing long-term investments with short-term liabilities and financing projects producing
domestic currency cash flows with foreign currency debt.
I believe it is encouraging that after the financial crisis we are giving serious consideration to
developing Asian bond markets and discussing this topic in earnest within the framework of
ASEAN+3 and APEC.
The further development of Asian bond markets is expected to bring about the following
three effects. First, it will retain Asia’s savings within the region, helping Asian corporations
easily finance long-term projects with long-term liabilities. Second, it will provide more
diverse investment vehicles to Asian investors. Finally, it will lay the groundwork for
enhanced economic cooperation among Asian countries and ultimately perhaps encourage
the evolution of an Asian key currency.
However, the prospects are not necessarily rosy. There are a lot of problems which need to
be addressed in order to nurture the Asian bond market. Decisions need to be made on
areas such as the issuance methods for Asian bonds, credit enhancement measures, and
development of the depository and settlement systems within the region, to name but a few.
Under the current circumstances, it is very significant that Asian countries have reached a
consensus on the importance of tackling the recognised problems and formed a working
group comprising experts from each Asian country.
I firmly believe that more developed Asian bond markets would make a strong contribution to
bringing each Asian country’s capital market to an international level. Increased financial
cooperation among Asian countries would be a welcome by-product of this effort.
This international conference provides a golden opportunity for us to consider the prospects
for and the tasks relating to the development of Asian bond markets and to seek the joint
prosperity of Asian countries on the firm foundation of stable financial systems.
1. Introduction
A key theme in restructuring economies in the developing world is opening local capital
markets to foreign portfolio investments. This can be accomplished by permitting foreign
investors to enter the local capital markets directly or by allowing local assets to trade in
overseas markets. In theory, this permits firms in developing economies to draw from the
global pool of capital to undertake useful investments that generate profits and employment.
Furthermore, the scrutiny of foreign investors, foreign analysts and foreign stock listing
standards can help resolve agency problems, effectively transmitting higher quality reporting
and governance standards to firms in developing countries (Obstfeld (1998), Stulz (1999)).
There is now much theory and empirical evidence to support the notion that foreign equity
capital flows are beneficial. One way foreign equity capital flows benefit local capital markets
is by causing a fall in the cost of equity capital because of increased risk sharing between
domestic and foreign agents. 2 This increased risk sharing reduces systematic risk, which in
turn reduces the cost of equity capital. 3 There is also increasing evidence that openness to
foreign portfolio investment enhances the governance of local corporations. Doidge (2003),
for example, reports evidence that cross-listing in the United States affords greater protection
to minority shareholders. More generally, the evidence in Kaminsky and Schmukler (2002)
suggests that equity market liberalisation tends to spur the process of institutional reform, not
the other way around.
In this paper, we examine what attracts foreign investors to the local bond markets. While we
have much evidence on the dynamics of foreign equity investment, there is little evidence on
foreign bond investment. 4 The issue is important in that liquidity is essential in order to build
up mature bond markets and foreign investors are crucial in building liquidity. Foreign
investors hold at least 20% of government bonds in markets as diverse as Canada, Sweden
and the United States. 5 For emerging markets that largely lack domestic institutional
investors such as mutual funds, pension organisations, insurance companies, etc, foreign
investors are likely to be even more important. They will not only provide demand but also
bring more varied investment objectives and thus provide liquidity.
1
We thank the discussant and conference participants for their comments.
2
There is also greater liquidity following increased capital inflows. Amihud and Mendelson (1986) and Amihud
et al (1997) discuss the effect of liquidity on equity risk premiums.
3
The effect of increased risk sharing on equity premiums is discussed in Stapleton and Subrahmanyan (1977),
Errunza and Losq (1985), Eun and Janakiramanan (1986), Alexander et al (1987), and Stulz (1999a,b).
Empirical evidence consistent with the risk sharing view of stock market liberalisation is provided in Henry
(2000) and Chari and Henry (2002).
4
See Bekaert and Harvey (2003) and the references therein.
5
See Exhibit 2 in Beckert and Pitsilis (2000).
6
The data are from the Coordinated Portfolio Investment Survey (CPIS) and includes 67 investing countries
(and bonds held by international organisations and as reserve assets) and 236 countries receiving investment
(other countries classified as “confidential” and “unallocated” and international organisations). For the
purposes of the survey, long-term debt securities include bonds, debentures and notes with an original
maturity of more than one year. Short-term debt securities cover treasury bills, commercial paper and bankers’
acceptances with an original maturity of one year or less.
7
For summary statistics, we only report results for end-2002, because those for end-2001 are similar. We use
the terms long-term and short-term bonds or paper for long-term and short-term debt securities.
8
We use the list of tax havens compiled by EscapeArtist Inc which can be obtained from the website
EscapeArtist.com.
9
For more on the regional bias issue, please also refer to McCauley and Park (2006).
10
This pattern appeared for New Zealand for end-2001 which is not reported here. Considering Australia and
New Zealand are both common law countries, one might maintain that the rule of law argument is at work
here, but it is premature to do so without further analysis.
11
See Table 1 of Stulz and Williamson (2003).
Africa,
From East North Latin Tax
Europe Middle
Asia America America Havens Subtotal
(28) East and
In (10)1 (2) (7) (17)
Asia (3)
East Asia (14) 76,376 109,154 16,997 12,816 399 138,430 354,172
2
[21.56%] [30.82%] [4.80%] [3.62%] [0.12%] [39.09%] [100%]
{14.43%}3 {3.39%} {3.28%} {2.86%} {9.18%} {7.33%} {5.36%}
Africa,
From East North Latin Tax
Europe Middle
Asia America America Havens Subtotal
(28) East and
In (10)1 (2) (7) (17)
Asia (3)
Tax Havens (44) 18,267 18,027 5,272 398 319 7,884 50,167
[36.41%] [35.93%] [10.51%] [0.79%] [0.64%] [15.72%] [100.00%]
{16.35%} {4.31%} {3.30%} {21.69%} {40.59%} {4.14%} {5.69%}
Table 3.3
East Asian country breakdown of
long-term debt securities, year-end 20021
In millions of US dollars
From Hong
New
Australia Kong Indonesia Japan Korea Malaysia Philippines Singapore Thailand Subtotal
In Zealand
SAR
Australia – 11,333 1 17,092 20 26 358 10 3,761 – 32,601
2
[0.00%] [34.76%] [0.00%] [52.43%] [0.06%] [0.08%] [1.10%] [0.03%] [11.54%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
3
{0.00%} {41.72%} {1.14%} {57.01%} {1.66%} {15.78%} {50.42%} {7.52%} {22.53%} {0.00%} {42.67%}
China – 1,232 – 578 38 – – 2 416 – 2,266
[0.00%] [54.37%] [0.00%] [25.50%] [1.69%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.09%] [18.37%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {4.54%} {0.00%} {1.93%} {3.18%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {1.51%} {2.49%} {0.00%} {2.97%}
Hong Kong – – 57 1,137 455 40 – 58 1,653 20 3,421
SAR [0.00%] [0.00%] [1.67%] [33.23%] [13.30%] [1.17%] [0.00%] [1.70%] [48.33%] [0.58%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {64.80%} {3.79%} {37.86%} {24.45%} {0.00%} {43.82%} {9.91%} {100.00%} {4.48%}
Indonesia – – – 49 78 1 – 4 869 – 1,000
[0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [4.86%] [7.77%] [0.09%] [0.00%] [0.40%] [86.90%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.16%} {6.46%} {0.55%} {0.00%} {3.01%} {5.21%} {0.00%} {1.31%}
Japan – 5,351 – – 29 – 282 5 3,828 – 9,495
[0.00%] [56.36%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.31%] [0.00%] [2.97%] [0.05%] [40.31%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {19.70%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {2.41%} {0.00%} {39.75%} {3.74%} {22.93%} {0.00%} {12.43%}
Korea – 4,202 – 5,348 – 51 69 15 2,586 – 12,271
[0.00%] [34.24%] [0.00%] [43.58%] [0.00%] [0.42%] [0.56%] [0.12%] [21.07%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {15.47%} {0.00%} {17.84%} {0.00%} {31.38%} {9.77%} {11.12%} {15.49%} {0.00%} {16.06%}
Malaysia – 2,085 3 1,823 332 – – 9 1,830 – 6,083
[0.00%] [34.28%] [0.05%] [29.98%] [5.46%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.15%] [30.08%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {7.68%} {3.41%} {6.08%} {27.65%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {6.85%} {10.96%} {0.00%} {7.96%}
109
110
From Hong
New
Australia Kong Indonesia Japan Korea Malaysia Philippines Singapore Thailand Subtotal
In Zealand
SAR
New 251 – – 1,258 – – – – 279 – 1,788
Zealand [14.03%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [70.36%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [15.63%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{99.93%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {4.20%} {0.00%} {0.02%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {1.67%} {0.00%} {2.34%}
Philippines – – 5 1,389 81 4 – – 595 – 2,074
[0.00%] [0.00%] [0.22%] [66.96%] [3.92%] [0.22%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [28.68%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {5.12%} {4.63%} [6.76%} {2.73%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {3.56%} {0.00%} {2.71%}
Singapore – 1,842 23 680 144 41 – 23 – – 2,753
[0.00%] [66.91%] [0.82%] [24.69%] [5.23%] [1.49%] [0.00%] [0.84%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {6.78%} {25.69%} {2.27%} {11.98%} {25.05%} {0.00%} {17.43%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {3.60%}
Taiwan, – 674 – 46 – – – 7 333 – 1,060
China [0.00%] [63.58%] [0.00%] [4.32%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.66%] [31.40%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {2.48%} {0.00%} {0.15%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {5.27%} {1.99%} {0.00%} {1.39%}
Thailand – 447 – 550 24 1 – – 542 – 1,564
[0.00%] [28.58%] [0.00%] [35.20%] [1.53%] [0.04%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [34.64%] [0.00%] [100.00%]
{0.00%} {1.65%} {0.00%} {1.84%} {2.00%} {0.34%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {3.25%} {0.00%} {2.05%}
Subtotal 252 27,167 89 29,951 1,203 165 710 134 16,693 21 76,376
[0.33%] [35.55%] [0.12%] [39.24%] [1.57%] [0.22%] [0.93%] [0.17%] [21.85%] [0.03%] [100.00%]
BIS Papers No 30
{100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%}
1 2 3
Data for Vietnam and Cambodia are not reported here. In [ ] is the percentage when the IN country subtotal (far right) is 100%. In { } is the percentage when the FROM
country subtotal (bottom) is 100%.
BIS Papers No 30
Table 3.4
East Asian country breakdown of
short-term debt securities, year-end 20021
In millions of US dollars
From Hong
New
Australia Kong Indonesia Japan Korea Malaysia Philippines Singapore Thailand Subtotal
In Zealand
SAR
Australia – 9,795 – 1,657 – – – – 5,130 50 16,632
[0.00%]2 [58.89%] [0.00%] [9.96%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [30.84%] [0.30%] [100%]
{0.00%}3 {64.39%} {0.00%] {47.65%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {42.11%} {69.44%} {53.61%}
China – 1,569 – – – – – – 53 – 1,622
[0.00%] [94.40%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [3.17%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {10.31%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.43%} {0.00%} {5.23%}
Hong Kong – – – 12 4 – – 50 111 2 179
SAR [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [6.52%] [2.40%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [27.93%] [62.018%] [1.12%] [100%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.34%} {18.70%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {100.00%} {0.91%} {2.78%} {0.58%}
Indonesia – – – 2 – – – – 89 – 90
[0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [1.85%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [98.63%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.05%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.73%} {0.00%} {0.29%}
Japan – 1,396 – – – – 1 – 2,789 – 4,186
{0.00%} [33.35%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.02%] [0.00%] [66.63%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {9.18%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {100.00%} {0.00%} {22.90%} {0.00%} {13.49%}
Korea – 1,761 – 125 – 9 – – 523 10 2,428
[0.00%] [72.53%] [0.00%] [5.15%] [0.00%] [0.35%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [21.56%] [0.41%] [100%]
{0.00%} {11.58%} {0.00%} {3.60%} {0.00%} {94.68%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {4.30%} {13.89%} {7.83%}
Malaysia – 43 – – 19 – – – 126 – 187
[0.00%] [22.99%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [9.89%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [67.20%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {0.28%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {80.43%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {1.03%} {0.00%} {0.60%}
111
112
From Hong
New
Australia Kong Indonesia Japan Korea Malaysia Philippines Singapore Thailand Subtotal
In Zealand
SAR
New – – – 171 – – – – 2,754 10 2,935
Zealand [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [5.83%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [93.82%] [0.34%] [100%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {4.92%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {22.60%} {13.89%} {9.46%}
Philippines – – – – – – – – 104 – 104
[0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.86%} {0.00%} {0.34%}
Singapore – 303 – 1,510 – – – – – – 1,814
[0.00%] [16.70%] [0.02%] [83.26%] [0.00%] [0.03%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} [1.99%} {0.00%} {43.44%} {0.00%} {5.54%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {5.85%}
Taiwan, – 131 – – – – – – 224 – 355
China [0.00%] [36.90%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [62.97%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {0.86%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {1.84%} {0.00%} {1.14%}
Thailand – 213 – – – – – – 279 – 492
[0.00%] [43.29%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [0.00%] [56.81%] [0.00%] [100%]
{0.00%} {1.40%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {2.29%} {0.00%} {1.59%}
Subtotal – 15,211 – 3,477 23 9 1 50 12,182 72 31,024
[0.00%] [49.03%] [0.00%] [11.21%] [0.07%] [0.03%] [0.00%] [0.16%] [39.27%] [0.23%] [100%]
BIS Papers No 30
{100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%}
1 2 3
Data for Vietnam and Cambodia are not reported here. In [ ] is the percentage when the IN country subtotal (far right) is 100%. In { } is the percentage when the
FROM country subtotal (bottom) is 100%.
BIS Papers No 30
Table 3.5
Top 10 country breakdown of long-term
debt securities investment, year-end 2002
In millions of US dollars
From
United United Cayman
Germany Luxembourg Italy Netherlands Japan France Canada Subtotal
States Kingdom Islands
In
East 60,227 50,087 13,750 16,113 3,821 3,769 29,951 15,733 627 899 194,977
Asia (14)1 [30.89%]2 [25.69%] [7.05%] [8.26%] [1.96%] [1.93%] [15.36%] [8.07%] [0.32%] [0.46%] [100.00%]
{12.84%}3 {6.42%} {2.52%} {3.12%} {1.25%} {1.10%} {2.79%} {2.63%} {4.10%} {2.13%} {4.16%}
Europe (42) 230,012 345,738 426,727 390,163 190,146 265,737 413,010 450,439 2,605 3,190 2,717,766
[8.46%] [12.72%] [15.70%] [14.36%] [7.00%] [9.78%] [15.20%] [16.57%] [0.10%] [0.12%] [100.00%]
{49.04%} {44.31%} {78.15%} {75.64%} {62.32%} {77.87%} {38.47%} {75.37%} {17.01%} {7.55%} {57.99%}
North 106,024 206,101 57,071 82,675 43,198 60,612 395,281 78,321 7,988 31,770 1,069,044
America (2) [9.92%] [19.28%] [5.34%] [7.73%] [4.04%] [5.67%] [36.98%] [7.33%] [0.75%] [2.97%] [100.00%]
{22.60%} {26.41%} {10.45%} {16.03%} {14.16%} {17.76%} {36.82%} {13.11%} {52.15%} {75.19%} {22.81%}
Latin 33,863 10,794 7,676 4,236 11,489 2,453 8,472 3,264 1,989 5,404 89,640
America [37.78%] [12.04%] [8.56%] [4.73%] [12.82%] [2.74%] [9.45%] [3.64%] [2.22%] [6.03%] [100.00%]
(21)
{7.22%} {1.38%} {1.41%} {0.82%} {3.77%} {0.72%} {0.79%} {0.55%} {12.99%} {12.79%} {1.91%}
Africa, 4,273 2,643 4,890 1,044 1,515 238 3,737 723 29 178 19,270
Middle East
and [22.17%] [13.72%] [25.38%] [5.42%] [7.86%] [1.24%] [19.39%] [3.75%] [0.15%] [0.93%] [100.00%]
Southeast
Asia (42) {0.91%} {0.34%} {0.90%} {0.20%} {0.50%} {0.07%} {0.35%} {0.12%} {0.19%} {0.42%} {0.41%}
Tax 33,746 60,705 35,948 21,436 52,185 8,467 210,916 48,923 1,869 185 474,411
Havens (44) [7.11%] [12.80%] [7.58%] [4.52%] [11.00%] [1.78%] [44.46%] [10.31%] [0.39%] [0.04%] [100.00%]
{7.19%} {7.78%} {6.58%} {4.16%} {17.10%} {2.48%} {19.65%} {8.19%} {12.20%} {0.44%} {10.12%}
113
114
From
United United Cayman
Germany Luxembourg Italy Netherlands Japan France Canada Subtotal
States Kingdom Islands
In
Other 910 104,219 3 148 2,750 3 12,152 221 209 629 121,244
Nations (73)
[0.75%] [85.96%] [0.00%] [0.12%] [2.27%] [0.00%] [10.02%] [0.18%] [0.17%] [0.52%] [100.00%]
{0.19%} {13.36%} {0.00%} {0.03%} {0.90%} {0.00%} {1.13%} {0.04%} {1.36%} {1.49%} {2.59%}
Subtotal 469,055 780,287 546,065 515,815 305,105 341,279 1,073,551 597,623 15,316 42,255 4,686,351
[10.01%] [16.65%] [11.65%] [11.01%] [6.51%] [7.28%] [22.91%] [12.75%] [0.33%] [0.90%] [100.00%]
{100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%}
1 2 3
In ( ) next to the region’s name is the number of countries. In [ ] is the percentage when the IN country subtotal (far right) is 100%. In { } is the percentage when the
FROM country subtotal (bottom) is 100%.
BIS Papers No 30
BIS Papers No 30
Table 3.6
Top 10 country breakdown of short-term debt
securities investment, year-end 2002
In millions of US dollars
From
United United Cayman
Germany Luxembourg Italy Netherlands Japan France Canada Subtotal
States Kingdom Islands
In
East Asia 3,323 5,396 49 4,550 346 486 3,477 858 13 158 18,656
(14)1 [17.81%]2 [28.92%] [0.26%] [24.39%] [1.85%] [2.61%] [18.64%] [4.60%] [0.073%] [0.85%] [100%]
{2.14%}3 {7.04%} {0.36%} {4.97%} {3.77%} {5.32%} {7.23%} {1.22%} {0.30%} {2.01%} {3.84%}
Europe (42) 130,171 41,468 9,434 53,290 7,740 6,178 11,940 50,503 1,069 2,956 314,749
[41.36%] [13.17%] [3.00%] [16.93%] [2.46%] [1.961%] [3.79%] [16.04%] [0.35%] [0.94%] [100%]
{83.81%} {54.07%} {69.22%} {58.20%} {84.36%} {67.68%} {24.83%} {71.80%} {24.48%} {37.68%} {64.74%}
North 16,324 18,690 3,990 28,868 246 1,582 15,153 14,886 3,151 3,710 106,600
America (2) [15.31%] [17.53%] [3.74%] [27.08%] [0.23%] [1.48%] [14.21%] [14.00%] [2.96%] [3.48%] [100%]
{10.51%} {24.37%} {29.28%} {31.53%} {2.68%} {17.33%} {31.52%} {21.16%} {72.15%} {47.30%} {21.93%}
Latin 357 712 8 117 46 15 – 47 – 617 1,919
America [18.60%] [37.10%] [0.42%] [6.10%] [2.40%] [0.78%] [0%] [2.50%] [0%] [32.15%] [100%]
(21) {0.23%} {0.93%} {0.06%} {0.13%} {0.50%} {0.16%} {0.00%} {0.07%} {0.00%} {7.87%} {0.39%}
Africa, – 538 7 26 – 72 – 1 – 7 651
Middle East
and [0.00%] [82.64%] [1.08%] [3.99%] [0.00%] [11.06%] [0.00%] [0.15%] [0.00%] [1.08%] [100%]
Southeast
Asia (42) {0.00%} {0.70%} {0.05%} {0.03%} {0.00%} {0.79%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.00%} {0.09%} {0.13%}
Tax Havens 5,143 1,962 141 4,685 797 793 17,318 4,023 129 292 35,283
(44) [14.58%] [5.56%] [0.40%] [13.28%] [2.26%] [2.25%] [49.08%] [11.40%] [0.37%] [0.83%] [100%]
{3.31%} {2.56%} {1.03%} {5.12%} {8.69%} {8.69%} {36.02%} {5.72%} {2.95%} {3.72%} {7.26%}
115
116
From
United United Cayman
Germany Luxembourg Italy Netherlands Japan France Canada Subtotal
States Kingdom Islands
In
Subtotal 155,318 76,699 13,629 91,562 9,175 9,128 48,080 70,336 4,367 7,844 486,138
[31.95%] [15.78%] [2.80%] [18.83%] [1.89%] [1.88%] [9.90%] [14.47%] [0.90%] [1.61%] [100%]
{100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%} {100.00%}
1 2 3
In ( ) next to the region’s name is the number of countries. In [ ] is the percentage when the IN country subtotal (far right) is 100%. In { } is the percentage when the
FROM country subtotal (bottom) is 100%.
BIS Papers No 30
Table 3.7
Rule of law breakdown of long-term
bonds, year-end 2002
In millions of US dollars
From Civil/
Common Civil/French Civil/German
Scandinavian Subtotal
In (13)1 (18) (5)
(4)
From Civil/
Common Civil/French Civil/German
Scandinavian Subtotal
In (13)1 (18) (5)
(4)
4. Regression results
We begin our empirical analysis by estimating cross-country regressions that examine
whether differences in foreign bond investments can be accounted for by cross-country
differences in property rights protection, while controlling for other macro factors that may be
important.
This table presents the amount of local bonds held by foreign investors as of the end of 2001, gross
domestic product in 2001, percentage of bonds over GDP, legal origin indicator, property rights
index and creditor rights index for each of 47 sample countries. The property rights index is the sum
of three indexes from La Porta et al (1998). Legal origin indicator “1” is English origin, “2” French,
“3” German, and “4” Scandinavian. Each index ranges from zero to 10. Each index measures
government corruption, the risk of expropriation by the government and the risk of the government
repudiating contracts. High values of property rights indexes indicate better protection of property
rights. The creditor rights index is the sum of four dummy variables, each of which measures “no
automatic stay on assets”, “secured creditors first”, “restrictions for going into reorganization” and
“current management does not stay in the reorganized firm”. High values of creditor rights indicate
better protection of creditor rights.
Panel B: correlations
(1) Short-term
debts/GDP 1.00
(2) Long-term 0.72 1.00
debts/GDP (0.00)
(3) Property rights index 0.65 0.61 1.00
(0.00) (0.00)
(4) Creditor rights index –0.09 –0.22 –0.11 1.00
(0.55) (0.15) (0.46)
(5) GDP per capita 0.52 0.53 0.90 –0.18 1.00
(0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.25)
(6) Inflation rate –0.24 –0.22 –0.38 0.07 –0.37 1.00
(0.11) (0.14) (0.01) (0.66) (0.01)
(7) Growth rate of GDP 0.33 0.30 0.41 0.01 0.34 –0.67 1.00
(0.02) (0.04) (0.00) (0.96) (0.02) (0.00)
(8) Lending rate –0.40 –0.41 –0.62 0.15 –0.57 0.79 –0.72 1.00
(0.01) (0.01) (0.00) (0.34) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00)
12
We also scale the foreign investor-held bonds by the size of the bond markets in the sample countries. The
results are similar.
13
The data were downloaded from www.treas.gov/tic/country-longterm.html, and are also available in the
Treasury’s monthly bulletin. Across our sample of emerging market countries, only Sri Lanka lacks data from
this source.
The table presents results from an additional cross-sectional regression of bond holdings by foreign investors
to test the robustness of results reported in Table 3. The sample includes 45 countries. The dependent variable
is the short/long-term bonds held by foreign investors as of the end of 2001 over GDP. This table presents
several additional country level regressions of country median loan spreads to test the robustness of results
reported in Table 4.3. Independent variables include the lending rate and log of per capita GNP, property rights
index, creditor rights index, legal tradition dummies, GNP growth volatility, stock market capitalisation over
GDP and country credit rating. Numbers in parentheses are standard errors. ***Significant at the 1% level.
**Significant at the 5% level. *Significant at the 10% level.
Country credit rating: We examine if our results survive when we include the country credit
rating. We use Standard and Poor’s Foreign Currency Sovereign Credit Rating as a proxy for
country credit rating. While not reported, we also examine country credit rating scores
obtained from IMD survey data as of 2001 and find similar results. The S&P ratings data are
available for 40 countries. For our sample countries, the S&P ratings range from AAA to B−
with a rank of one to 16. We convert these rank values to continuous variables. Intuitively,
bonds of countries with better credit ratings are likely to be preferred by foreign investors and
one would expect that this variable is positively related to our dependent variable. The results
show that the property rights index is significant and positive in explaining both short-term
and long-term bonds held by foreign investors even after controlling for credit rating.
However, for long-term bonds, neither the property rights index nor the country credit rating
is significant, perhaps due to strong correlation between these two variables.
2002 data: To examine if the results are robust across time, we reexamine the data in year
2002. The results are very similar to those using the data in year 2001.
6. References
Alexander, Gordon, Cheol Eun and S Janakiramanan (1987): “Asset pricing and dual listing
on foreign capital markets: a note”, Journal of Finance, 42, 151-58.
Amihud, Yakov and Haim Mendelson (1986): “Asset pricing and the bid-ask spread”, Journal
of Financial Economics, 17, 223-49.
Amihud, Haim Mendelson and Beni Lauterbach (1997): “Market microstructure and securities
values: evidence from the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange”, Journal of Financial Economics, 45,
365-90.
Bae, Kee-Hong and Vidhan Goyal (2003): “Property rights protection and bank loan
contracts”, Journal of Financial Economics, submitted.
Becker, Robert and Emmanuel Pitsilis (2000): “A case for Asian bond markets”, the
McKinsey Quarterly 2000, Number 4.
Bekaert, Geert and Campbell Harvey (2003): “Emerging markets finance”, Journal of
Empirical Finance, 10, 3-55.
Chari, A and Peter Blair Henry (2002): “Risk sharing and asset prices: evidence from a
natural experiment”, Journal of Finance, 59, 1295-324.
Claessens, S, S Djankov, J P H Fan and L H P Lang (2002): “Disentangling the incentive and
entrenchment effects of large shareholdings”, Journal of Finance, 57, 2741-71.
Demirgüç-Kunt, A and V Maksimovic (1998): “Law, finance, and firm growth”, Journal of
Finance, 53, 2107-37.
——— (1999): “Institutions, financial markets, and firm debt maturity”, Journal of Financial
Economics, 54, 295-336.
Doidge, Craig (2003): “U.S. cross-listings and the private benefits of control: evidence from
dual-class firms”, Journal of Financial Economics, forthcoming.
Introduction
In discussing bond markets in Asia, academics and policymakers typically begin by noting
that the Asian crisis of 1997-98 in part resulted from the underdevelopment of the region’s
domestic bond markets and the resultant currency and duration mismatches. When
assessing the progress made in developing these markets in the post-crisis years,
academics and policymakers usually observe that, while several domestic currency
government bond markets have moved ahead, corporate bond markets have lagged (Asian
Development Bank (2002), Reserve Bank of Australia (2003)). The policy conclusion is
therefore often drawn: to prevent another Asian crisis, Asian bond markets must be further
developed.
This paper has two objectives, one straightforward and factual, the other more speculative.
First, we let the data on Asian bond issuance speak for themselves, finding that since 2000,
primary issuance by Asian corporates in local currency has far eclipsed US dollar-
denominated paper. We conclude that the post-crisis growth of the domestic currency
corporate market is underappreciated (this section expands on points made in Fernandez
and Klassen (2003)). We comb through the data on issuance to point out cross-country,
cross-sector and duration differences, but the overall message is that corporate issuance,
per se, has grown significantly. Second, looking forward, we argue that the problem of Asia’s
corporate bond market development will not be one of the supply of domestic currency
obligations. Rather, it will have more to do with demand: demand side factors that lead to the
contrast between a liquid US dollar bond market in Asia and the relatively illiquid local
markets. The difference is a by-product of financial market globalisation generally and is one
that has drawn investors in Asia towards structured products and away from “plain vanilla”
local currency issues.
1
Hereinafter Taiwan.
Government issuance has led the way for local bond market
development
Issuance of local currency government bonds has grown substantially since the Asian crisis
(Klassen (2004)). Taking two snapshots of issuance, one in 1999 and one in 2003, shows that
government issuance has grown roughly 40% over that period (Table 1). The amount of
renminbi-denominated bonds issued by the Chinese government remains the largest in non-
Japan Asia, but considerable increases in issuance have come out of other economies that
have run substantial fiscal deficits, such as Malaysia, the Philippines, India and Taiwan.
Korean issuance to refinance financial sector restructuring and for other needs has also risen.
Table 1
Government gross bond issuance
In billions of US dollars
Size matters and Asia has it: domestic corporate bond markets have
grown considerably
Before the Asian crisis, the words “liquid” and “internationalised” could not have been used to
describe any of the corporate, local currency debt markets in non-Japan Asia. The
BondWare data (recalling the biases cited earlier) show that in 1998 corporations in Asia
excluding Japan issued a paltry USD 222 million-equivalent of local currency bonds
(Graph 2, with amounts converted at prevailing exchange rates). What is effectively a zero
line for corporate, local currency issuance across the region continued through the 1997-98
regional crisis. On the other hand, the same graph shows that there was some foreign
currency issuance before the crisis, though it largely came from one entity: the Singapore-
headquartered Asia Pulp and Paper. By the end of 1998, total US dollar corporate issuance
out of the region stood at USD 8.8 billion.
Another way to think about this very skewed currency composition of debt issuance is that
local currency bonds made up less than 2% of total corporate issuance before the Asian
crisis and a mere 6% during the crisis period. So, the problem of Asia’s corporate, local
currency bond markets before the regional financial crisis could not have been more basic -
they almost did not exist but for a few examples in Hong Kong SAR, Singapore and possibly
Korea. The obvious first step towards creating markets that could ameliorate the double
mismatch of currency and duration was for the domestic, corporate bond markets to grow
from their paltry size.
Looking at the data, it is immediately apparent that the growth in the size and the shift in the
composition of Asia’s corporate bond markets has been even more striking than those of
Asia’s government bond markets. Since the Asian crisis, local currency bond issuance by
corporations has soared: Graph 2 shows that, by 1999, corporate issuance in local currency
surpassed that in US dollars, and since then the race has not been a contest. Total local
currency bond issuance in non-Japan Asia was over 10 times higher in 2000 than it was just
Prospects for the issuance of Asian local currency corporate bonds are
bright
So, the overall message regarding the supply of local currency corporate bonds in Asia is
that the situation today is already very positive. Governments had taken the lead after the
Asian crisis and corporates have followed.
And the future of corporate bond supply looks even brighter. Simply looking at scheduled
redemptions (Graph 11), reflecting the short-dated characteristic of local bonds pointed out
above, there is more issuance in the pipeline. Once the stock of debt has been built up, as it
has over the past several years, issuance tends to be perpetuated: supply begets more
supply.
2
Although arguably, given the zero-sum nature of derivatives, the same level of sophistication should be
required for the Asian buyers of structural products.
100
Foreign
90
Local
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
PH MY KR ID TH CH SG HK TW IN
Chart 2
Currency mix of corporate bonds
USD billions
90
Local Foreign
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
USD
26%
Yen
3%
Euro
2%
Intra-Asian
< 1%
Local Currency
69%
Chart 4
Foreign currency mix of government and corporate bonds
Per cent of total, 1998-2003
100
90 Govt Corp
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
TH TW IN KR ID MY CH SG HK PH
759
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
-6,002
1994
1995
1996
1997
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
Source: BondWare, December 2003.
Chart 7
Maturity structure of corporate bonds
Per cent of total
90
80 Domestic Foreign
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
0-5 6-10 11-15 15-20 20+
Local Foreign
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
Chart 9 Chart 10
Local currency issuance Foreign issuance
USD billions, 1998-2003 USD billions, 1998-2003
70
200
180 60
160
50
140
120 40
100
30
80
60 20
40
20 10
0
0
Corp Financial Quasi
Corp Financial Quasi
60 Local Foreign
50
40
30
20
10
0
2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020 2022
Chart 12
Measures of excess liquidity
USD billions/per cent
350 94
1
Sterilized liquidity (LHS) 92
300 Loan/deposit ratio (RHS)
90
88
250
86
84
200
82
80
150
78
100 76
Jan 00 Jul 00 Feb 01 Aug 01 Mar 02 Sep 02 Apr 03 Nov 03
1
Combined size of Asian central bank issuance to mop up excess liquidity.
Source: BondWare, December 2003.
400
300
250
200
150
100
Jan 00 Jul 00 Feb 01 Aug 01 Mar 02 Sep 02 Apr 03 Nov 03
References
Asian Development Bank (2002): Bond market development in East Asia: issues and
challenges, May.
Fernandez, D G and S Klassen (2003): “Asia Bond Fund crawls, but should it ever walk?”,
Global Data Watch, JPMorgan, 20 June.
Klassen, S (2004): Asian Government Issuance 2004, JPMorgan, 16 January.
McCauley, R N (2003): “Unifying government bond markets in East Asia”, BIS Quarterly
Review, December.
McCauley, R N and E Remolona (2000): “Size and liquidity in government bond markets”,
BIS Quarterly Review, November.
Reserve Bank of Australia (2003): “Bond market development in East Asia,” Reserve Bank of
Australia Bulletin, December.
Chart 1
Public debt and deficit levels since 1984
170 -9
General govt debt as a % GDP (lhs)
160
-8
General govt deficit as % GDP (rhs)
150
-7
140
130 -6
120
-5
110
-4
100
90 -3
80
-2
70
-1
60
50 0
CY84
CY85
CY86
CY87
CY88
CY89
CY90
CY91
CY92
CY93
CY94
CY95
CY96
CY97
CY98
CY99
CY00
CY01
CY02
CY03
CY04
In particular, after the bubble burst at the beginning of the 1990s, Japan government bond
issuance accelerated, reaching an estimated 36.4 trillion yen of new bond issuance in
FY2003 and bringing the outstanding volume to approximately 500 trillion yen, or an
estimated 140% of GDP, at the end of FY2003.
Development of the corporate bond market in Japan has been a slow process, due mainly to
the strong influence of commercial banks interested in preserving the importance of lending
as the main channel for corporate financing. However, during the last decade, with banks
weakened by non-performing loans, corporate bond issuance has been increasing.
For a number of reasons related to events in Japan and internationally, the bulk of the
international yen bond market is currently taken by euroyen issuance, with the Samurai
market carving out only a very small share, as can be seen in the breakdown of new
issuance presented in Chart 2 below.
The rather conservative Japanese individual investor portfolio constrains the development of
Japan’s bond market. Household financial assets numbering 1,400 trillion yen
(US$ 13 trillion) are for the most part held in cash and bank deposits, complemented by
significant insurance and pension policy claims, leaving only a relatively small portion of the
market for direct securities purchases by Japanese households (Chart 3).
Chart 3
Japanese household financial assets,
breakdown and investment channels
As of end-September 2003
Foreign Foreign
Securities Currency
0.6% Deposits
Equities 0.3% Cash
6.4% 2.4%
Domestic
Bonds
4.2%
Others
16.0% Yen
Deposits
45.4%
Pension
9.0%
Insurance
15.6%
At present, current deposits enjoy unlimited government guarantees in case of bank failure;
however, the introduction of a ceiling on such guarantees (10 million yen per depositor per
bank), ie the so-called pay-off system, is planned to take effect in April 2005, and is expected
to cause significant movement of retail money out of deposits into other financial instruments.
Chart 4
Asset-liability mismatch of the banking system
(Yen trn)
540
Deposits
520
500
480
App. 100
trillion yen
460
440 Lending
420
400
94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03
Chart 5
Bond holdings
(Yen trn) (Yen trn)
5,000 500
446
4,500 450 Large Banks 418
Private Investors
4,000 400 Insurance Co.s
Public Sector 348
318 330 328
3,500 350 298
3,000 2,869 300 256 270
2,500 2,537 250
1,756 2,141 191
2,000 1,554 200
1,584
1,500 1,375 1,460 150 116 114
1,000 100
1,612
500 890 1,186 1,351 1,291 1,270 50
719 819
- 0
FY94 FY95 FY96 FY97 FY98 FY99 FY00 FY01 FY98 FY99 FY00 FY01 FY02 FY03
Increased inflow of funds into the bond markets has tended to push down interest rates in
Japan since the peak of 1989. As can be seen in Chart 6, while reacting to political and other
Chart 6
Government bond yields and yen IRS rates
for 5 and 10 years since 2000
(%)
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
10yr JGB
0.50
10yr \/\ Swap
5yr JGB
5yr \/\ Swap
0.00
00/07 00/10 01/01 01/04 01/07 01/10 02/01 02/04 02/07 02/10 03/01 03/04 03/07 03/10 04/01
Source: Nomura.
Chart 7
Historical Samurai issuance
(Yen bn)
4,500
4,000 3,873.7
3,500
3,000
2,500
2,232.9
2,123.3
2,000
1,700 1,656.5
1,552.4
1,500 1,173
1,115 1,126 1,194 1,162.5
1,000 915
811.8
722 663 720 681 660.5
590 635 638.6
495 420
500 296 333 261
205
6 33 85 40 0 20 65
0
1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002
Source: Nomura.
Looking at the ratings breakdown of Samurai issuance during its most active period, one can
perceive the activity of AA borrowers with structured Samurais in 1994-1998 (popular as the
yen was steadily depreciating after hitting a peak in 1995), while between 1999-2001 the
market was open mainly for BBB, and more recently mostly for single A, ratings.
Chart 8
Samurai issuance trends by rating
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0 AA
1994
A
1995
1996
1997
BBB
1998
1999
2000
BB
2001
2002
O ct-03
Source: Nomura.
Chart 9
Samurai bond issuance in Asia and share of the total
600 35.00%
30.00%
500
25.00%
400
20.00%
300
15.00%
200
10.00%
100
5.00%
0 0.00%
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Oct- 03
Source: Nomura.
Table 1
Samurai bonds by Asian issuers, 1970 to date
Chart 10
Historical Euroyen Issuance
E uroyen Issuance
7,000 1,200
5,000
bi
(Yenbn)
800
Amount(Yen
No. of Issue
4,000
Issue Amount
600
3,000
Issue
400
2,000
200
1,000
- -
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
Source: Nomura.
Chart 11
Historical Shogun issuance
Shogun Issuance
(USD mil) (No. of Issues)
1000 10
881.2 Amount (USD mil.)
755
800 8 No. of Issues
8 674
600 6
5
400
180 198
175
200 2
1
1 1 50
0 0
85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94
Source: Nomura.
Chart 12
Historical Daimyo issuance
Daimyo Issuance
(Yen bn) (No. of Issues)
400 10
9 Amount (Yen bn)
305 No. of Issues
300 280
7
190
200 5 5
130 140
3 3
100
40
1
- 0
87 88 89 90 91 92
Source: Nomura.
Source: Nomura.
Other efforts have been made to develop new products to satisfy very liquid but conservative
domestic investors. Asset-backed securities, index-linked securities and other types of new
products have been marketed in Japan. But products offering foreign exchange risk and
equity risk have traditionally been, and still are, the most popular ones.
Also, many relatively small, tailor-made transactions targeting the specific requirements of
institutional investors are executed through issuers’ MTN programmes, with numerous small
MTN transactions adding up to an ample market volume, as presented in Chart 14. Again,
most issues tend to offer foreign currency exposure through some structure, with the “power
reverse dual currency” being the most popular recently.
Chart 14
MTN issuance
Total Amount and Number of Issues
3000
2000
1000
0
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
Total Size (Bil Yen) 663.81556 776.13905 988.079069 1329.221434 1120.95 1026.25
Total Number of Issues 426 635 1145 1360 1951 2552
Structure Type
PRD
93.4%
Source: Nomura.
Chart 15
Uridashi issuance 2000-2003
25.0 Others
EUR
20.0 AUD
USD
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0
2000 2001 2002 2003
Source: Nomura.
Expansion of this market to Asian currencies is a natural issue at hand, and this will require
the resolution of a number of market-related, regulatory and technical issues, ie:
– First, acceptance by Japanese investors of AAA or AA rated (such as those issued
by the ADB) bonds denominated in Asian currencies;
– Next, opening of the market for Asian local entities issuing in local currencies; this
will require further improvement of credit stories across the region (the market
traditionally accepts AAA to AA issuance);
Current issues
We have outlined above procedural issues still weighing mainly on the Samurai market.
However, they can and have been easily overcome, should this market be sufficiently
attractive for borrowers. Much more crucially, there are a number of important market-related
issues which have been affecting the yen markets in all their facets:
1. As Japan’s rating was downgraded to the AA/A category, it became difficult for
higher rated borrowers to tap the market. Among Japanese investors, it is invariably
difficult to sell any instrument whose terms are better than those for Japanese
government bonds.
2. Some emerging market sovereigns, as well as some companies hitherto perceived
as top-grade defaulted or suffered downgrades. Until 2001, sub-investment grade
issues had been very popular as investors were attracted by their yield pick-up amid
ever falling domestic interest rates. As a result, the Japanese market is extensively
exposed to the Argentine problem, with no prospect of resolution in sight, souring
the current market sentiment toward credit risk.
3. However, for some regular, especially Asian, visitors to the Samurai market, their
domestic liquidity became very high and the requirements for international fund-
raising diminished. In particular, some Asian countries, such as Thailand, Malaysia
and China, which used to be regular issuers in the Samurai market, have seen their
international funding requirements drastically reduced.
4. As absolute levels of interest rates elsewhere have been “catching up” with low yen
interest rates, the exchange risk associated with borrowing in yen started to
outweigh the attractiveness of yen for international borrowers.
5. The emergence of the euro as a single currency and of the associated single capital
market has attracted countries in other regions, in particular EU and EU accession
countries, to finance in the euro market, taking them further away from alternatives,
including the yen market.
6. As regards Asia, the position of the dollar remains very strong, with many currencies
pegged to the dollar and foreign reserves also still mainly in dollars. As is widely
known, recently Asian central banks, together with Japan, have been supporting the
dollar, adding record amounts of US Treasuries to their foreign reserves in the
process. It can be observed that not only the yen- but also the euro-denominated
issuance is also rather limited in the region.
7. Another obvious reason for the decline of the yen’s relative importance in the
international markets is that some Japanese demand has shifted to non-yen
currencies.
While the main focus of this paper is on bonds, the picture of capital flows from Japan to Asia
will not be complete without briefly mentioning the equity market. If the underlying theme of
this discussion is the flow of Japanese capital into Asian currencies or Asian credits, then
while such flow via bonds may have been limited, Japanese investors have made substantial
investments in Asian equities.
To briefly recall the history, the opening of the Japanese equity market started around the
same time as that of the bond market, and in 1972, the first foreign public equity offering in
Japan was made by a US company, General Telephone and Electronics, while in 1973 the
first listings on the Tokyo Stock Exchange were made by four US companies joined by their
French confrère.
Since then, although there have been ups and downs in the amount and number of
companies conducting equity financing in Japan or listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange, the
Japanese market has over the years made an ample contribution to international and Asian
equity financing.
This contribution has been particularly visible in recent cases of major global offerings of
Chinese companies, on some of which it was reported that they “would not have succeeded
without the Japanese demand”. What in our view makes them worth mentioning is that
through these equity purchases Japanese investors have been aggressively investing in
Asian currencies and Asian corporate credits, implicitly taking Asian sovereign exposure as
well.
Bibliography
Japan Securities Research Institute (2003): Japan Securities Market in 2002
(ISBN 4-89032-814-9).
Annex 4:
Bond structures in the liberalisation of Japan’s capital market:
from Samurai via Shogun and Daimyo to euro with Uridashi and global
:
1970 First Samurai bond
ADB yen 6bn
1972 First sovereign
Samurai: 1977 First Euroyenbond (EIB)
Australia yen 10bn 1978 Foreign currency Euroyen: Euromarket yen
. denominated domestic denominated bonds
1979 First corporate bonds allowed
Heavily controlled issuance until 1983
Samurai:
1985 First Shogun bond: 1984 Broad deregulation
Sears yen 20bn
Forex bond fully placed .
. Further gradual liberation of issuer
domestically (IBRD) .
Various deregulation 1987-92 Daimyo bonds criteria, domestic placement,
.
. secondary flowback, etc.
. Domestic yen bonds
1989 First structured
. with euro settlement
Samurai (RDC) .
. 1990 First global bond ($)
Denmark yen 120bn ..
1993 Last Shogun with Japanese offering
. .
1994 Public offering through Uridashi
1996 Lifting of eligibility .
fixed price re-offer of eurobonds star 1992 First global yen bond:
criteria .
. Global syndication and
Record Samurai . . simultaneous offering in
issuance . . Japan, US and Euro
. market (IBRD)
1997 Asian crisis, first . . .
Samurai default 2000 Large exchangeable bond issuance .
. 2001- Surge in forex (AUD, USD, EUR) . .
2002 Issuance: yen 638bn Uridashi issuance . .
2002 Issuance: USD 24.5bn . 2002 Issuance: yen 556bn
2002 Issuance: yen 2,251bn
167
Comments on Nishi and Vergus’s paper
“Asian bond issues in Tokyo: history,
structure and prospects”
Toshiharu Kitamura
As a discussant of the Nomura paper, “Asian bond issues in Tokyo: history, structure and
prospects”, I would like to focus on a few implications of Japanese experiences for emerging
Asian bond markets.
Seongtae Lee
Ladies and gentlemen, I am very pleased to speak here today at this Asian Bond Market
Research Conference, co-hosted by Korea University and the BIS.
As you are well aware, over the past half century the Asian region has achieved
unprecedentedly high economic growth, and it has now emerged as among the key players
in the world economy. With this continuing remarkable economic growth, trade within the
Asian region is growing rapidly, and there is also a greatly increasing demand for financing.
However, regional financial markets have so far not developed sufficiently to meet this
demand.
Asia’s bond markets, in particular, are far less developed than those of developed countries.
According to IMF statistics, the amount outstanding of the primary bond markets of Asia’s
nine emerging market economies combined totalled USD 1.473 trillion as of the end of 2002.
This is only 8% the size of the US primary bond market, 12% that of the 15 EU countries
combined and 21% that of Japan. The ratio of Asia’s outstanding stock of bonds to GDP is a
mere 43%, far lower than the figures of 182% in the United States, 146% in the European
Union and 175% in Japan. In their secondary bond markets as well, almost all regional
economies have much smaller ratios of turnover to average outstanding stocks compared
with advanced nations.
There is an argument that the 1997 financial crisis was aggravated by these poorly
developed regional bond markets. The argument goes that because the financial structures
of Asian economies were overly reliant on banks and Asian bond markets were poorly
developed, the Asian countries had to rely for investment on short-term foreign borrowings,
which were inevitably withdrawn in a hurry once the regional crisis hit.
Recently, the Asian countries have accumulated significant amounts of foreign assets,
thanks to their continued current account surpluses. However, due to the underdeveloped
bond markets here, some say that there have been some inefficiencies in both the raising
and the managing of foreign funds in the region.
In the wake of the financial crisis, therefore, countries in the region came to realise the
necessity of developing their bond markets and related infrastructure. This enlightenment
has become the momentum driving the countries in the region to make the necessary efforts.
Let me now share with you the efforts Korea has made since the financial crisis in order to
develop its bond markets, and tell you what we have achieved so far.
Before the financial crisis, Korea did not have to issue large quantities of government bonds,
due to observing its balanced budget principle. Once the crisis had broken out, however, the
long-cherished principle of maintaining balanced budgets was abandoned, and the
government began to actively issue bonds, as a means of financing the soaring fiscal deficit
and supporting economic recovery. With technical support from the IMF and the World Bank,
Korea also embarked, in a step-by-step manner, on a series of institutional improvements.
These included the introduction of regular government bond auctions, the establishment of a
primary dealer system, the integration of different types of government bonds, the opening of
the Korean government bond futures market and the introduction of a fungible issue system.
For its part, the Bank of Korea (BOK), the nation’s central bank, has also made considerable
efforts to help develop the country’s bond markets, including the government bond market.
Before the crisis, Korean government bond issuance was to some extent not carried out in
accordance with the market mechanism. A portion of any bond issue was discretionarily
Introduction
As governments embrace the goal of developing local currency bond markets as an
alternative to inflows of foreign capital, 3 rating agencies now commonly assign a domestic
currency rating to sovereigns in addition to a foreign currency one. In Asia, 18 major
sovereigns with foreign debt ratings now have a domestic currency rating from a major rating
agency. Usually the domestic rating is higher, reflecting the presumed greater ability and
willingness of sovereigns to service debt denominated in their own currency. However, the
gap between the two ratings is uniform neither across borrowers nor across agencies.
The distinctions between local and foreign currency ratings are likely to have increasingly
important implications for the development of capital markets globally and in Asia in
particular. The degree to which rating policies favour a particular currency of denomination
might provide significant incentives in terms of investor acceptance and market pricing.
Rating policies might reinforce government policy initiatives and regulations as well. 4
In this paper, we first provide a comparative overview of domestic and foreign currency
ratings globally and in Asia in particular. Asian credits are similar to the global sample in
terms of both the newcomer status of local currency ratings and the tendency for the
local/foreign currency rating gap to be largest in the lower investment grade/upper
non-investment grade region. However, differences of opinion among rating agencies
regarding the relative creditworthiness of local and foreign currency obligations are quite
pronounced in Asia. Within a linear regression framework, we then examine the determinants
of the difference between local and foreign currency ratings, and find evidence that
differences among agencies are driven by distinctions in their overall rating policy rather than
a distinct Asian factor per se. Other than the paper of Trevino and Thomas (2001), ours is
1
Former Vice President, Citigroup Global Country Risk Management.
2
This paper was completed in early 2005. Márcia Elyseau provided helpful research assistance. Thanks are
also due to Robert McCauley, as well as the discussant at the BIS-Korea University Asian bond markets
conference, Thomas Byrne, for useful comments at an earlier stage of the paper. Participants in the BIS
workshop on bond markets in Hong Kong, and the 17th annual Australasian Banking and Finance Conference
in Sydney in 2004, also provided useful comments. The views expressed do not necessarily represent those
of the Bank for International Settlements or Citigroup.
3
While the first Asian Bond Fund invested in dollar-denominated debt, East Asian central banks announced in
late 2004 the launch of a second fund with a mandate to invest in domestic currency denominated bonds. See
the press statement of the Executives’ Meeting of East Asia-Pacific Central Banks (EMEAP), 16 December
2004.
4
For the most part, regulations that key off agency ratings make little distinction between foreign and domestic
currency rated claims. Those exceptions that do exist favour domestic currency ratings and/or domestic
currency claims. For instance, under the standardised approach of Basel II, a new capital adequacy
framework for banks, in the case of foreign currency exposures to multilateral development banks whose
convertibility and transfer risk are “considered by national supervisory authorities to be effectively mitigated”,
the domestic currency rating may be used for risk weighting purposes instead of the foreign currency rating
(see Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (2004)). In addition, the framework gives national authorities
the general discretion to apply even lower risk weights to their banks’ exposures to sovereign (or central bank)
domestic currency obligations, which is not the case with foreign currency obligations.
5
Another frequently cited justification for notching is that the incidence of default on local currency debt has
been lower than that on foreign currency debt (S&P (2003)). However, this is usually based on the default
statistics, which include defaults on bank debt. As for the cases of default on rated bonds, the limited default
experience to date suggests that it is not obvious that default on foreign currency bonds tends to precede or
be more likely than that on domestic currency bonds (see Packer (2003)).
6
Though there was a difference of approach over whether foreign currency ratings should be upgraded or
domestic currency ratings downgraded, the major rating agencies eliminated or narrowed outstanding
domestic/foreign currency rating gaps for euro area countries ahead of and during the transition to the euro
(for further discussion, see McCauley and White (1997)).
Regression analysis
The previous sections present the stylised facts that, in the case of S&P ratings, there is
more likely to be a gap between the foreign currency and domestic currency ratings if a
country is in Asia, and that such a gap is likely to be larger if a country is in Asia rather than
elsewhere. In the case of Moody’s, rating gaps in Asia are smaller than elsewhere. Are these
facts simply the by-product of different observable endowments among the Asian economies
versus elsewhere, which might tend to magnify both the gap and the agency differences,
given the agencies’ respective rating technologies? Or rather, might there be an unobserved
factor common to Asia that is driving the results, reflecting rating agency biases and/or
omitted variables?
Previous literature
According to general descriptions of the rating process by the rating agencies themselves
(see Moody’s (2003a, 2004) and S&P (2002, 2004), sovereign local and foreign currency
ratings are based on a wide array of quantitative and qualitative factors that are intended to
capture political risk, income and economic structure, growth, monetary policy, budgetary
and public debt management, and external liquidity and debt. However, quantitative studies
of ratings - such as Cantor and Packer (1996), Moody’s (2003b) and Borio and Packer
(2004) - find that most of the variance in Moody’s and S&P ratings can be explained by a
relatively small number of variables. Typically, the debt burden itself, default history, per
capita income and economic growth are important as indicators of a country’s wealth and
ability to pay, and indices of political risk are also important, presumably because they proxy
for willingness to pay.
Partly because they have been around longer, the literature is more developed with regard to
the determinants of foreign currency ratings. Specifically, Cantor and Packer (1996) found
that per capita income, inflation, external debt, economic development, and default history
were particularly strong predictors of foreign currency ratings. A weaker relationship existed
between sovereign ratings and GDP growth and the fiscal balance, and there was no
statistical relationship between ratings and the external balance. Moody’s (2004) found that
7
The four countries are India, Lebanon (one notch), Turkey (two notches) and Japan (five notches).
Methodology
To address our questions about what is driving the prevalence and magnitude of rating gaps
in Asia and globally, we estimate regression models for the foreign currency ratings of
Moody’s and S&P, the local currency ratings of each agency, and the gap between the
foreign currency and local currency ratings. We also estimate a set of regressions where the
left-hand side variables are the differences between Moody’s and S&P’s local currency
ratings, foreign currency ratings, and notching gaps. In each of our regressions, we use a
fixed effects specification and examine the Asian countries’ fixed effects for evidence of an
unobserved common factor.
We proceed by identifying 61 variables that reflect political risk, default history, external debt
burden, macroeconomic performance, and government financial management, and we
collect annual data on these variables for the 101 countries that have both foreign currency
and local currency ratings at either S&P or Moody’s from 1995 to 2003. 8 Ratings are recoded
numerically with AAA and Aaa equal to 1, AA+ and Aa1 equal to 2, and so on. Each end-year
rating is assumed to be the function of explanatory variables from that same year, and the
candidate explanatory variables are listed in Table 7. In many cases, these variables may
capture overlapping aspects of ability and willingness to repay foreign or local currency debt,
so we pare the list of variables in each regression by identifying subcategories of variables
that may capture the same concept. These subcategories are also listed in Table 7.
We start by fitting a regression model to S&P foreign currency ratings. Within each
subcategory of variables, we test the fit of each variable separately. For example, we start by
testing the fit of each of the CPI-related variables. If no CPI variable is significant at the
.10 level, we proceed to the GDP growth subcategory, leaving out a CPI variable. In cases
where only one CPI variable is significant, we retain it while testing GDP growth variables. In
cases where several CPI variables are separately significant, we include them together in the
regression to see whether they are robust to one another’s inclusion. We then eliminate
variables that are not robust according to t-statistic, and retain robust CPI variables while
testing GDP growth variables. After moving through all subcategories in this way, we then
eliminate variables that are no longer statistically significant at the .10 level to arrive at the
final S&P foreign currency specification. Hausman tests in nearly every specification suggest
8
The sample criteria are that a country must have a foreign currency rating and a local currency rating from
either S&P or Moody’s at any time between 1995 and 2003, and all economic, political, and financial indicators
must be available from the sources listed in Table 7.
Rating regressions
The final regressions of S&P and Moody’s foreign currency ratings on full sets of explanatory
variables are shown in the first two columns of Table 8. In both regressions, all of the
explanatory variables are significant at the .05 level and take the expected signs. Per capita
GDP is significant at both agencies, with higher levels of income leading to better ratings.
While higher per capita GDP may well imply higher costs associated with default, this
variable is also likely to proxy for other indicators of development and creditworthiness.
M2/reserves is also significant at both agencies, and this variable captures monetary
volatility, excess monetary liquidity, and reserve volatility, so that greater variation in this ratio
leads to a worse foreign currency rating. Investment is significant at both agencies and has
the expected interpretation: higher rates of investment should generate the ability to repay
debts. Overall political risk is an important determinant of both agencies’ ratings; higher
levels of political risk are associated with worse ratings. The importance of political risk is
underscored by the fact that an additional source of political risk is significant in each
agency’s ratings, with control of corruption associated with better S&P ratings, and regulatory
quality associated with better Moody’s ratings. Finally, the time elapsed since the last default
on foreign currency obligations is also important at both agencies, with longer periods without
default associated with better ratings.
The most obvious difference between the agencies’ foreign currency rating methodologies is
in the treatment of debt and external vulnerability, two critical components of foreign currency
ratings. Standard & Poor’s appears to focus on total public sector indebtedness, with higher
public debt/GDP ratios resulting in worse ratings. It also considers exchange rate regime,
with pegged and managed floating regimes penalised by half a notch. The significance of the
exchange rate regime variable highlights the view that rigid exchange rates may be a direct
constraint on debt servicing capacity; if governments must use reserves to defend a
currency, less foreign exchange remains available for debt servicing. By contrast, Moody’s
appears to weight more directly the net external debt burden, as a fraction of exports.
Adding country-specific fixed effects to the regression improves the fit, as all of the cross-
sectional fixed effects are significant. It is noteworthy that although the average of the fixed
effects in both the S&P and Moody’s regressions implies ratings for Asian sovereigns that
are 1.4-1.5 notches better on average than for other countries, there is enough variation
within the country fixed effect coefficients that an F-test cannot reject the hypothesis of no
difference between Asian and non-Asian countries. Thus, higher credit ratings in Asia can be
explained more on the basis of better fundamentals in Asian countries and country-specific
factors than the result of an “Asia factor”.
Conclusion
This paper has analysed the patterns of the foreign and local currency ratings of S&P and
Moody’s both in Asia and globally, with a particular emphasis on whether ratings and the
gaps between foreign and local currency ratings are driven by the same factors in Asia as
elsewhere in the world, and whether the different rating agencies take the same approach to
ratings and gaps. We find that rating gaps in Asia can be explained by many of the same
factors that drive gaps globally, and that the evidence for an Asia-wide effect on ratings is
slim.
The local-foreign currency rating gaps of both agencies can be partly explained by inflation,
M2, and M2/reserves, but we also find evidence of a divergence across the rating agencies
Table 1
Domestic and foreign currency sovereign ratings
Number of Asian sovereigns in parentheses
Number of sovereigns
Pre-1985 15 (3) 0 (0)
1986-90 22 (8) 2 (0)
1991-95 20 (3) 32 (7)
1996-2000 55 (4) 65 (9)
2001-04 17 (0) 20 (2)
Total 129 (18) 119 (18)
Note: Sovereigns are deemed to have a rating if one of the three major agencies has a rating outstanding. The
United States did not receive a foreign currency rating until 1992.
Sources: Fitch Investors Service; Moody’s Investors Service; Standard & Poor’s.
Table 2
The credit quality of newly assigned sovereign ratings
Median rating
Pre-1985 AAA ...
1986-90 A AA+
1991-95 BB+ AAA
1996-2000 BB BBB
2001-04 B+ B+
Note: Sovereigns are deemed to have a rating if one of the three major agencies has a rating outstanding.
Sources: Fitch Investors Service; Moody’s Investors Service; Standard & Poor’s.
AAA 18 (2) 0 0
AA 8 (2) 2 (1) 0
A 7 (0) 8 (1) 5 (2)
BBB 2 (1) 6 (0) 6 (1)
BB 3 (0) 11 (2) 4 (1)
B 18 (1) 4 (2) 1 (1)
Note: Ratings indicate the broad letter grade category, eg AA stands for credits rated AA+, AA and AA–.
Source: Standard & Poor’s.
Table 5
Domestic vs foreign currency rating gaps, November 2004
Asian countries in parentheses
Moody’s S&P
Number of sovereigns
4-notch differential – –
3-notch 6 (0) 8 (0)
2-notch 7 (0) 8 (4)
1-notch 15 (2) 31 (6)
No difference 62 (10) 59 (6)
–1-notch 2 (0) –
–2-notch 1 (1) –
–3-notch – –
–4-notch – –
–5-notch 1 (1) –
Total 94 (14) 106 (16)
Australia 0 0 1 1
China 0 – 1 –
Hong Kong SAR 1 1 2 1
India 1 –2 0 –
Indonesia 1 0 0 –
Japan 0 –5 –1 0
Korea 2 0 2 –
Macau SAR – 0 – –
Malaysia 2 1 2 –
Mongolia 0 – – –
New Zealand 1 0 1 1
Pakistan 2 0 – –
Papua New Guinea 1 0 1 –
Philippines 2 0 1 –
Singapore 0 0 0 0
Taiwan, China 0 0 2 –
Thailand 2 0 2 –
Vietnam 1 – 1 –
Sources: Transparency International; Political Risk Services’ International Country Risk Guide; Kaufmann et al
(2003); EIU; Datastream; Standard & Poor’s; JPMorgan Chase.
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Macroeconomic
Inflation, log 1-yr 0.366 3.930
Inflation, 1-yr
Inflation, log 10-yr
Per capita GDP, log –3.016 –7.870 –2.231 –5.360 –1.752 –3.170 –0.985 –2.950
GDP growth, 3-yr avg –0.093 –3.460
M2, 10-yr % chg
M2, log 10-yr % chg
M2, 1-yr log volatility 0.334 2.600
M2, 5-yr volatility
M2/reserves, 5-yr log
volatility 0.463 2.680 0.908 4.950 0.734 4.840
M2/reserves, log 10-yr
% chg
M2/reserves, 1-yr volatility
M2/reserves, log 5-yr %
chg
Investment –0.053 –2.970 –0.083 –4.210 –0.064 –3.000
Saving
Political
Political risk score –0.034 2.560 –0.030 1.970 –0.045 –2.630
Regulatory quality –1.418 –6.300
Control of corruption –1.264 –4.120 –1.466 –3.700
Government finance
Public debt/GDP 0.041 7.040 0.072 9.690 0.037 7.300
Domestic debt/GDP
Budget revenue/GDP
External
Net debt/exports 0.004 2.420
Short-term debt/GDP
Import cover
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
External (cont)
Exchange rate rigidity 0.493 2.580 0.584 2.510
Exchange rate, 1-yr chg –0.012 –3.320
Real effective exchange
rate
Years since foreign
currency default, log –0.346 –2.910 –0.236 –2.790
Years since local currency
default, log –0.661 –2.110
Years since local currency
default
Time-series fixed effects
Year 1995 –0.143 –0.580
Year 1996 –0.197 –0.650 0.013 0.040 –0.854 –2.330 –0.151 –0.610
Year 1997 –0.031 –0.110 0.482 1.650 –0.613 –1.790 –0.049 –0.230
Year 1998 –0.255 –1.400 0.376 1.960 –0.461 –2.070 0.195 1.220
Year 1999 –0.298 –1.810 0.224 1.240 –0.154 –0.730 0.023 0.160
Year 2000 –0.196 –1.230 0.121 0.710 –0.237 –1.150 0.035 0.250
Year 2001 –0.244 –1.580 0.158 0.950 –0.123 –0.590 –0.003 –0.020
Year 2002 –0.341 –2.380 –0.259 –1.590 –0.327 –1.760 –0.029 –0.220
Cross-sectional fixed
effects
Argentina 42.066 11.990 36.030 9.340 30.755 6.210 20.740 6.650
Australia 38.690 10.100 29.766 7.150 27.594 5.110 8.888 2.590
Austria 24.271 4.310 7.661 2.100
Bahrain 37.817 10.290 26.200 5.090
Barbados
Belgium 21.543 3.750
Bolivia 31.343 10.230
Botswana 35.650 11.300 25.630 5.710 12.167 4.310
Brazil 39.252 11.950 34.015 9.460 27.670 5.950 19.606 6.750
Bulgaria 35.604 11.350 33.375 10.180 26.324 6.060 17.419 6.340
Canada 36.597 9.060 29.884 7.130 24.147 4.270 7.431 2.060
Chile 37.966 11.700 32.059 9.160 26.727 5.840 12.227 4.190
Colombia 33.313 10.380 26.989 7.660 23.193 5.430 11.423 4.040
Costa Rica 39.463 11.870 33.270 9.380 30.149 6.480 16.238 5.480
Croatia 36.586 10.760 32.284 8.980 23.328 4.780 13.537 4.480
Cyprus 37.123 9.760 31.503 7.860 23.764 4.450 11.859 3.480
Czech Republic 36.820 10.910 31.375 8.690 23.978 4.950 11.826 3.910
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Cross-sectional fixed
effects (cont)
Denmark 38.360 9.380 29.897 6.880 26.363 4.600 7.895 2.150
Dominican Republic 38.269 12.400 32.239 9.560 30.655 6.800 18.846 6.970
Ecuador 38.642 12.060 34.761 10.510 25.128 5.550 19.327 6.970
Egypt 30.896 10.180 29.295 9.540 19.215 4.590 11.276 4.250
El Salvador 35.873 11.580 29.702 8.800 24.268 5.580 14.114 5.200
Estonia 36.972 11.500 29.650 8.300 27.612 6.030 12.079 4.190
Finland 36.491 8.890 27.110 6.100 26.513 4.700 6.196 1.690
France 34.486 8.610 27.636 6.530 22.736 4.050 7.248 2.010
Germany 35.456 8.850 24.001 4.270 7.269 2.010
Greece 23.261 4.310 9.722 2.800
Guatemala 16.280 6.170
Hong Kong SAR 42.158 11.200 32.084 6.070
Hungary 24.702 5.080
Iceland 41.818 10.380 31.264 7.140 27.720 4.870 8.048 2.230
India 31.870 12.330 21.837 6.190 15.682 7.020
Indonesia 32.841 11.540 29.574 9.980 23.548 5.990 17.839 7.220
Ireland 37.489 9.390 26.707 4.770 8.711 2.450
Israel 37.226 9.370 32.177 7.990 21.479 3.870 10.981 3.090
Italy 33.010 7.990 29.440 6.960 19.251 3.340 7.742 2.100
Jamaica 35.997 10.120 34.626 10.150 22.921 4.660 11.676 3.760
Japan 34.617 7.990 31.204 7.300 20.567 3.390 7.603 1.980
Jordan 34.562 10.920 32.587 10.230 22.675 5.220 15.437 5.550
Kazakhstan 35.176 11.550 28.188 8.300 26.046 6.260 14.228 5.450
Kuwait 37.615 10.110 25.484 4.810 14.352 4.270
Latvia 36.325 11.560 30.374 8.870 25.933 5.850 12.829 4.590
Lebanon 35.836 9.370 36.395 10.130 22.581 4.370 15.976 4.760
Lithuania 36.458 11.320 31.195 8.930 26.082 5.790 13.767 4.790
Malaysia 35.989 11.030 31.147 9.020 24.230 5.350 12.750 4.400
Malta 36.123 9.870 23.025 4.490 13.197 4.050
Mauritius 12.026 4.140
Mexico 39.169 11.620 32.694 9.030 27.604 5.880 15.226 5.130
Moldova 18.243 7.750
Mongolia 37.041 11.780 24.691 5.480
Morocco 33.859 11.220 30.190 9.710 22.095 5.310 14.429 5.420
Netherlands 37.108 9.170 26.405 4.710 7.186 1.990
New Zealand 37.625 10.050 28.299 7.000 26.987 5.130 8.080 2.400
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Cross-sectional fixed
effects (cont)
Nicaragua 30.400 10.390 14.347 5.670
Norway 39.149 9.610 28.197 4.910 9.101 2.490
Oman 40.673 11.660 32.591 8.510 31.162 6.520 16.078 5.180
Pakistan 30.697 11.400 28.556 9.950 21.952 6.060 17.578 7.520
Panama
Papua New Guinea 32.810 11.660 22.335 5.810 15.894 6.590
Paraguay 37.156 12.600 27.770 6.800 18.626 7.290
Peru 36.977 12.040 32.898 10.050 28.206 6.640 15.282 5.620
Philippines 32.411 11.240 29.233 9.850 21.378 5.350 13.338 5.330
Poland 36.635 11.040 30.687 8.630 25.441 5.450 11.975 4.030
Portugal 34.721 9.280 23.997 4.550 8.481 2.540
Qatar 40.000 9.770 26.635 4.650 14.710 4.040
Romania 38.991 12.850 34.770 10.550 29.474 6.930 20.244 7.560
Russia 35.430 11.070 32.009 9.180 24.258 5.310 17.049 6.140
Senegal 24.887 6.810
Singapore 35.674 8.950 23.292 4.100 7.136 1.990
Slovakia 37.991 11.490 32.044 8.990 25.251 5.370 12.211 4.160
Slovenia 37.127 10.310 30.644 7.890 23.436 4.510
South Africa 35.953 11.180 29.310 8.460 24.724 5.500 11.810 4.120
Spain 35.348 9.100 28.584 7.000 24.312 4.530 7.837 2.270
Sweden 37.393 9.120 24.457 4.180 7.650 2.080
Switzerland 39.128 9.490 28.306 4.950 8.411 2.280
Thailand 33.952 10.990 30.294 9.300 24.058 5.640 12.422 4.540
Trinidad 37.049 10.550 32.732 8.840 24.834 5.090 13.992 4.500
Tunisia 34.659 11.100 22.762 5.280 13.575 4.920
Turkey 38.494 11.610 33.704 9.780 28.213 6.090 19.083 6.490
Ukraine 34.907 12.320 30.390 9.840 26.194 6.530 20.564 8.480
United Kingdom 37.322 9.360 29.444 7.000 26.323 4.720 8.137 2.300
United States 37.749 9.170 26.569 4.640 8.305 2.260
Uruguay 38.842 11.300 33.406 9.030 28.855 6.010 16.581 5.370
Venezuela 39.969 11.910 34.759 9.520 21.854 7.350
Vietnam 22.940 6.270
1 1
Asia average 35.473 3.31 29.931 3.57 24.272 4.551 11.963 2.931
Non-Asia average 36.897 3.471 31.457 3.581 25.381 4.851 13.124 3.071
1
Standard deviations are given for the average Asian and non-Asian fixed effect. Asian countries are shaded.
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff T-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Macroeconomic
Inflation, log 1-yr 0.308 2.830
Inflation, 1-yr
Inflation, log 10-yr
Per capita GDP, log –2.711 –5.950 –2.121 –4.980 –2.375 – 3.510 –0.873 – 2.280
GDP growth, 3-yr avg –0.084 – 2.700
M2, 10-yr % chg
M2, log 10-yr % chg
M2, 1-yr log volatility 0.311 1.920
M2, 5-yr volatility
M2/reserves, 5-yr log
volatility 0.713 3.230 0.995 4.970 0.909 4.910
M2/reserves, log 10-yr
% chg
M2/reserves, 1-yr
volatility
M2/reserves, log 5-yr %
chg
Investment –0.069 –3.000 –0.086 –3.920 –0.029 –0.940
Saving
Political
Political risk score –0.046 –2.760 –0.029 –1.820 –0.024 –1.090
Regulatory quality –1.497 –6.400
Control of corruption –1.140 –2.750 –0.972 – 1.960
Government finance
Public debt/GDP 0.045 6.770 0.073 7.730 0.040 6.430
Domestic debt/GDP
Budget revenue/GDP
External
Net debt/exports 0.004 2.480
Short-term debt/GDP
Import cover
Exchange rate rigidity 0.787 3.230 –0.005 –0.020
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff T-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Exchange rate, 1-yr chg –0.012 – 2.800
Real effective exchange
rate
Years since foreign
currency default, log –0.325 –2.430 –0.221 –1.790
Years since local
currency default, log –0.660 – 1.720
Years since local
currency default
Time-series fixed
effects
Year 1995
Year 1996 –0.215 –0.600 0.059 0.190 –1.545 – 1.270 –0.214 –0.260
Year 1997 –0.058 –0.180 0.516 1.730 –0.973 –1.370 –0.248 –0.500
Year 1998 –0.213 –0.930 0.456 2.240 –0.646 – 2.370 0.220 1.220
Year 1999 –0.443 –2.170 0.255 1.380 –0.262 – 1.100 0.044 0.280
Year 2000 –0.266 –1.350 0.158 0.900 –0.272 – 1.180 0.071 0.460
Year 2001 –0.148 –0.780 0.196 1.150 –0.200 – 0.860 0.042 0.280
Year 2002 –0.263 –1.470 –0.177 –1.060 –0.376 – 1.830 –0.025 –0.170
Cross-sectional fixed
effects
Argentina 39.570 9.620 34.692 8.830 35.235 5.710 19.210 5.350
Australia 36.199 8.100 28.422 6.690 30.294 4.550 7.289 1.850
Austria
Bahrain
Barbados
Belgium
Bolivia
Botswana 28.629 5.140 10.885 3.360
Brazil 37.071 9.640 32.753 8.940 30.491 5.300 18.052 5.390
Bulgaria 33.426 9.130 32.276 9.680 29.534 5.510 15.930 5.020
Canada 33.786 7.190 28.552 6.680 26.811 3.860 5.802 1.390
Chile 36.166 9.590 31.014 8.710 29.023 5.160 10.972 3.280
Colombia 30.443 7.980 25.606 7.110 27.059 5.160 9.520 2.910
Costa Rica 37.060 9.570 32.133 8.910 33.356 5.830 14.695 4.300
Croatia 34.400 8.690 31.170 8.530 26.913 4.430 12.095 3.470
Cyprus 34.230 7.720 30.211 7.390 27.498 4.170 10.130 2.580
Czech Republic 34.822 8.830 30.308 8.260 27.211 4.490 10.487 3.020
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff T-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Cross-sectional fixed
effects (cont)
Denmark 35.246 7.400 28.507 6.430 29.739 4.230 6.134 1.450
Dominican Republic 35.755 9.780 31.099 9.060 34.246 6.050 17.399 5.580
Ecuador 36.262 9.650 33.006 9.680 28.911 5.110 17.471 5.420
Egypt 28.747 8.190 28.293 9.050 22.728 4.400 9.921 3.220
El Salvador 32.775 8.880 28.547 8.290 27.874 5.150 12.751 4.080
Estonia 35.197 9.110 28.555 7.850 30.841 5.380 10.684 3.220
Finland 32.920 6.830 25.521 5.610 29.454 4.250 4.067 0.960
France 31.425 6.750 26.284 6.100 26.562 3.840 5.439 1.310
Germany 27.516 3.970 5.412 1.300
Greece
Guatemala
Hong Kong SAR
Hungary
Iceland 38.791 8.250 29.821 6.680 30.811 4.400 6.394 1.540
India 24.524 5.590 14.530 5.620
Indonesia 30.931 9.260 28.535 9.460 27.729 5.720 16.397 5.730
Ireland 30.222 4.380 6.914 1.680
Israel 34.039 7.380 30.900 7.530 25.650 3.780 9.224 2.240
Italy 29.818 6.220 28.038 6.500 23.316 3.290 5.695 1.340
Jamaica 33.626 8.170 33.567 9.650 26.204 4.280 9.918 2.740
Japan 31.765 6.340 29.971 6.900 23.786 3.180 5.841 1.300
Jordan 32.440 8.840 31.549 9.740 25.674 4.770 13.920 4.310
Kazakhstan 33.312 9.310 27.003 7.820 28.948 5.470 12.862 4.280
Kuwait 29.824 4.550 12.824 3.320
Latvia 34.623 9.380 29.303 8.410 29.186 5.220 11.496 3.580
Lebanon 33.029 7.470 35.215 9.610 26.295 4.100 14.101 3.600
Lithuania 34.212 9.080 30.055 8.460 29.583 5.260 12.306 3.720
Malaysia 33.847 8.910 30.055 8.550 27.586 4.950 11.355 3.400
Malta 26.762 4.200 11.673 3.110
Mauritius
Mexico 37.193 9.390 31.509 8.550 31.178 5.360 13.861 4.040
Moldova
Mongolia
Morocco 31.872 9.110 29.185 9.230 25.134 4.870 13.006 4.230
Netherlands 29.605 4.310 5.326 1.280
New Zealand 35.111 8.040 26.992 6.540 29.325 4.520 6.439 1.670
Independent variables Coeff t-stat Coeff T-stat Coeff t-stat Coeff t-stat
Cross-sectional fixed
effects (cont)
Nicaragua
Norway 31.563 4.460 7.284 1.730
Oman 38.029 9.320 31.326 8.000 34.929 5.960 14.607 4.100
Pakistan 28.435 9.000 27.448 9.390 25.254 5.660 16.048 5.920
Panama
Papua New Guinea 25.262 5.310 14.443 5.180
Paraguay 31.890 6.350 17.309 5.880
Peru 35.454 9.880 31.861 9.560 31.107 5.970 14.024 4.480
Philippines 30.846 9.170 28.249 9.360 23.465 4.760 11.988 4.140
Poland 34.677 8.970 29.568 8.180 28.262 4.880 10.558 3.090
Portugal 27.063 4.140 6.578 1.700
Qatar 30.920 4.380 12.818 3.040
Romania 36.963 10.400 33.667 10.040 33.541 6.370 18.908 6.140
Russia 33.202 8.820 30.807 8.690 28.237 4.940 15.516 4.840
Senegal
Singapore 25.594 3.650 5.476 1.320
Slovakia 35.933 9.310 30.909 8.520 28.566 4.830 10.749 3.180
Slovenia 34.746 8.280 29.469 7.470
South Africa 33.759 8.970 28.144 7.990 27.465 4.970 10.311 3.130
Spain 32.397 7.180 27.208 6.490 27.726 4.220 5.962 1.490
Sweden 27.250 3.790 5.706 1.350
Switzerland 31.229 4.460 6.731 1.580
Thailand 32.163 8.920 29.257 8.840 26.611 5.060 11.044 3.510
Trinidad 34.435 8.380 31.531 8.370 28.781 4.790 12.344 3.440
Tunisia 25.662 4.790 12.084 3.800
Turkey 36.244 9.370 32.518 9.250 31.240 5.420 17.487 5.150
Ukraine 32.890 9.850 29.594 9.320 29.730 5.920 18.295 6.480
United Kingdom 34.690 7.480 28.127 6.550 29.196 4.270 6.513 1.590
United States 29.777 4.260 6.786 1.600
Uruguay 36.342 9.060 32.170 8.540 32.392 5.510 15.040 4.230
Venezuela 37.592 9.500 33.532 9.020
Vietnam
Asia average 32.980 3.891 28.783 3.561 26.418 5.671 10.480 3.391
Non-Asia average 34.401 3.951 30.279 3.681 28.944 5.991 11.373 3.571
1
Standard deviations are given for the average Asian and non-Asian fixed effect. Asian countries are shaded.
Tom Byrne
To understand the ratings gap phenomenon, or lack thereof, the historical dynamics of local
currency ratings need to be explored, in addition to a static look at key indicators as rating
drivers. I will also comment on a number of related points made by the authors.
In assigning local currency ratings, the practice in general is to notch up from the foreign
currency rating on the grounds that there is no foreign exchange constraint or risk of capital
controls being imposed on local currency payments. Governments have the power to tax,
and so can take on a higher local currency than foreign currency debt burden. Domestic
purchasers of government securities, especially banks, are a much more stable investor
base than foreign creditors. However, Moody’s is mindful that the recent historical record of
sovereign default, beginning with the 1998 Russian case, shows that governments have
defaulted on obligations in both foreign and local currency, or in one but not the other, as
well. This means that stylised approaches to rating local currency obligations are not reliable
or accurate. A government’s fiscal and debt position, economic growth prospects,
institutional strengths (in particular, Moody’s takes into account the World Bank’s indicator of
government effectiveness) and policy capabilities need to be taken into account on a case by
case basis.
Moody’s big push for expanding local currency ratings in Asia took place in the aftermath of
the 1997 Asian financial crisis. This was a time when a number of sovereign foreign currency
ratings were many notches (up to six, in the most extreme case, Korea) lower than their
pre-crisis peak. Of course, the lower foreign currency ratings reflected a diminished capacity
to service external debt. (It should be pointed out that, although ratings fell too rapidly, the
Asian financial crisis did not result in any government bond defaults.) Against this
background of “abnormally” low foreign currency ratings, local currency ratings for most of
the Asian emerging market economies were assigned.
Likewise, the assignment of local currency ratings in Asia was also constrained to some
degree by the 1997 crisis. Moody’s recognised that the fiscal cost of the crisis was not fully
reflected in government budgets or debt in early 1998, so we tried to anticipate future
fiscalisation from financial sector restructuring as well as the rise in government debt from
the shift to fiscal stimulus and large budget deficits as governments offset the contractionary
effect of the crisis. Nevertheless, Asian countries’ local currency ratings were generally
assigned two or three notches higher than their foreign currency government ratings in 1998.
The relatively quick adjustment in the external payments position of most countries affected
by the crisis, compared with their slower fiscal consolidation, explains the reduction in the
original notching differential. In general, multi-notch upward movement took place in the
foreign currency ratings, while upward movement in local currency ratings was not as
pronounced, or was absent. Korea and Thailand, for example, sharply reduced external debt
and accumulated large holdings of official foreign exchange reserves. Accordingly, Korea’s
foreign currency government rating was raised four notches, and Thailand’s three notches,
post-crisis. In contrast, Korea’s local currency government rating was raised only one notch
post-crisis, and Thailand’s has remained unchanged, reflecting the large accumulation of
domestic debt and less robust prospects for debt reduction over the long term.
The authors’ rejection of the argument that governments can easily inflate their way out of a
local currency debt problem is well taken. The historical record does not show that this
1. Introduction
The development of bond markets in Asia has recently emerged as an important policy
issue. During the Ninth APEC Finance Ministers Meeting in September 2002, it was agreed
that a regional bond market would be developed through securitisation and credit
guarantees. Since then, a number of meetings have been held on this and related issues.
The consensus for developing regional bond markets for Asian countries is a result of the
1997 Asian financial crisis, which the underdevelopment of the region’s bond markets is
thought to have greatly exacerbated. Firms that had long been dependent upon banks for
funds could not find alternative sources of financing when the crisis erupted. The idea of
creating regional bond markets is also promoted as a means of overcoming the double
mismatch problem that most Asian borrowers face when depending on short-term foreign
currency debt to fund long-term projects generating domestic currency revenues. This is also
considered one of the root causes of the 1997 crisis.
Development of a regional bond market is also seen as a way to facilitate the mobilisation of
East Asian savings within the region. The foreign exchange reserves of most Asian countries
have increased significantly since the financial crisis, boosted by the huge current account
surpluses triggered by the economic recession and sharp currency depreciations brought
about by the financial crisis. By the end of 2002, the Asian economies together held more
than half of the world’s foreign exchange reserves, and the bulk of these were invested in
safe and liquid assets such as US Treasury securities and supranational bonds. At the same
time, until regional bond markets are fully established, East Asian borrowers have to rely on
international financial markets for funding. East Asia as a whole can thus be considered an
importer of safe assets and an exporter of risky assets. As has been pointed out by Oh et al
(2003a), such a pattern of capital flows is not desirable in the sense that it deprives the
region’s financial markets and institutions of valuable opportunities to develop and could
render the countries in the region more vulnerable to financial crises.
Under the Asian Bond Market Initiative, ASEAN+3 has launched six working groups to study
various aspects of regional bond markets including securitisation, regional credit rating
agencies, regional clearing and settlement systems, regional credit guarantee agencies and
so on. 2 The paper focuses on the two topics that primarily address building institutional
infrastructure for the Asian bond market: securities clearing and settlement systems and
credit rating agencies.
Every financial transaction ultimately entails settlement of securities. In order for financial
markets to function properly, reliable and efficient financial substructures, including clearing
and settlement systems, must be established and supported by the legal and regulatory
1
We thank Haeil Jang at the Korea Securities Depository (KSD) for helpful comments and discussions.
2
EMEAP (Executives’ Meeting of East Asia and Pacific Central Banks) has also set up the Asian Bond Fund
(ABF) with contributions from the foreign reserves of each member bank. This fund is managed by the Bank
for International Settlements under the mandate to invest in dollar-denominated bonds issued by qualified
Asian issuers.
3
For a discussion on the pros and cons of two-tier securitisation, please refer to Oh and Park (2003).
4
The need for a common rating standard will become a more concrete problem when the New Basel Accord is
adopted. This is because when capital adequacy regulations consider credit ratings, the financial supervisory
institutions must clarify how the ratings of foreign bonds by foreign agencies will be rated by domestic
standards. For example, when a Japanese financial institution holds a bond that a Korean agency has rated A,
there is a question as to whether a Korean A-rated bond equals a Japanese A-rated bond when assessing the
additional risk factor.
5
In addition to these channels, cross-border trades can be settled through direct membership in the NCSD of
the country of issue. According to BIS (1995), however, this channel is seldom utilised since CSDs typically
prohibit foreign residents from becoming participants.
6
BIS (1995) and the Giovannini Group (2001) compare various methods of cross-border securities settlement.
Table 1
Countries with settlement linkages to Euroclear1
Asia Pacific Australia, New Zealand, Hong Kong SAR, Indonesia, Japan, 9
Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand
Europe Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, 16
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, Austria, Italy
America United States, Argentina, Canada, Mexico 4
Others Russia, South Africa 2
Total 31
1
Includes all countries linked to Euroclear through specialised depositories, common depositories or clearing
depositories.
Source: Korea Securities Depository.
7
Euroclear (2002) lists settlement currencies and cash correspondents.
8
Oh et al (2003b) present the reasons why ICSDs do not include the won among settlement currencies.
9
The Indonesian rupiah is a currency of settlement in Euroclear, but its use became somewhat restricted after
the financial crisis in 1997. The restriction is not due to exchange rate or credit risk to Euroclear: as the
settlement of Euroclear is done via the RTGS and DVP systems, Euroclear is not subject to any exchange
rate or credit risk. The restriction was introduced due to increasing uncertainty with regard to regulation on
capital transactions in Indonesia.
Region Country
Asia Australia (AUD), New Zealand (NZD), Hong Kong (HKD), Nine currencies
Indonesia (IDR), Japan (JPY), Malaysia (MYR), Philippines of nine countries
(PHP), Singapore (SGD), Thailand (THB)
Europe EUR (Austria, Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, 15 currencies of
Ireland, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Luxembourg, the Netherlands), 26 countries
Norway (NOK), Sweden (SEK), Denmark (DKK), Switzerland
(CHF), the United Kingdom (GBP),
[Republic of Croatia (HRK), Czech (CZK), Republic of Iceland
(ISK), Slovakia (SKK), Estonia (EEK), Hungary (HUF),
Lithuania (LTL), Latvia (LVL), Poland (PLN)]1
North/South USA (USD), Argentina (ARS), Canada (CAD), Mexico (MXN) Four currencies
America of four countries
Middle East and South Africa (ZAR), [Kuwait (KWD), Israel (ILS)]1 Three
Africa currencies of
three countries
Others Gold (XAU)2 One currency
Total 32 currencies of 42 countries
1
Countries in [ ] are not clearing members of Euroclear, but their currencies are designated as currencies of
settlement. Russia is a clearing member of Euroclear, but the Russian ruble is not a currency of settlement
(payments are settled in US dollars). Gold is converted into one of the currencies of settlement and then settled
according to its value in the currency in question.
Source: Korea Securities Depository.
In addition to the limitation on the currencies of settlement, there is also limitation on the
countries of settlement. If we exclude Australia and New Zealand, only seven countries in
Asia are directly or indirectly connected to Euroclear: Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore,
Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia, with some restriction on Malaysia and
Indonesia. Other Asian countries such as Korea, China, Taiwan, India and Pakistan are not
clearing members of Euroclear. The low coverage of Euroclear in the Asian region indicates
that there is potential demand for a regional ICSD, and we will take this issue up in the next
section.
The selection criteria for clearing members are not identical to those for currencies of
settlement. All four cases are possible if we compare Table 1 and Table 2. First, countries
such as Japan and Thailand are clearing members of Euroclear, and their currencies are
designated currencies of settlement. Second, Russia is a clearing member of Euroclear, but
its currency is not a settlement currency. Third, there are countries such as Korea that are
not clearing members and whose currencies are not designated as currencies of settlement.
Fourth, countries such as Croatia, the Czech Republic, Israel and Iceland are not clearing
members, but their currencies are used for settlement.
10
For the detailed settlement procedure, refer to Euroclear (2003).
Figure1
Bilateral linkage models of ECSDA
Minor Minor
CSD CSD
CSD CSD
m ajor
CSD
CSD CSD
Minor
Minor
CSD
CSD m ajor m ajor
CSD CSD
Minor Minor
CSD CSD
CSD CSD
m ajor
CSD
CSD CSD
Minor Minor
CSD CSD
Within Asia, Hong Kong has shown the greatest interest in bilateral linkage models. The
Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA) has proposed the establishment of AsiaClear, a
regional settlement institution, by linking the clearing and settlement systems of member
countries in Asia in the manner of the internet. That is, the HKMA defines AsiaClear not as a
single hub institution, but as a common network among individual NCSDs in Asia. Thanks to
advances in information technology, HKMA believes that linking NCSDs is now feasible in
virtual space. For this reason, disagreement over where to locate AsiaClear can be
finessed. 11 In fact, the HKMA has been actively pursuing linkages with other Asian countries;
it now has links with Australia, New Zealand and Korea, and soon will have one with China. 12
11
HKMA (1997a) researched the state of financial market and IT development in Hong Kong that might enable
Hong Kong to function as a financial hub in Asia.
12
See HKMA (1997b, 1997c, 1998, 1999, 2002) on the linkages between HKMA and other NCSDs in Asia.
13
Park and Hong (2001) discuss the advantages and disadvantages of bilateral linkage models.
14
For more details, see ISSA (2002).
15
Direct linkage means that an ICSD has its own omnibus account in a local NCSD. Indirect linkage means that
an ICSD is linked to a local NCSD through a third party such as a specialised or common depository. It is
more common for Euroclear to have indirect linkages with NCSDs.
BA CN HK IN ID JP KR MY PA PH SG TH TW
BA: Bangladesh, CN: China, HK: Hong Kong SAR, IN: India, ID: Indonesia, JP: Japan, KR: Korea,
MY: Malaysia, PA: Pakistan, PH: Philippines, SG: Singapore, TH: Thailand, TW: Taiwan, China.
Source: Korea Securities Depository.
16
This is known as “novation”. DTCC (2000) has an overview of the current development of the CCP industry.
17
The DVP system can also reduce settlement risks, but it cannot effectively cover replacement risk. A CCP can
cover principal as well as replacement risk.
Affiliation
Country Rating agencies (operation, Major stockholders
capital)
Korea KR Fitch Hanil Cement, Korea
Development Bank, Fitch
KIS Moody’s Moody’s
NICE R&I Domestic bank
SCI JCR SB Partners
Japan R&I Nikkei 56.5%
JCR
Moody’s Japan KK Moody’s Moody’s
S&P Japan S&P S&P
Fitch Japan Branch Fitch Fitch
China China Chengxin International Credit Rating Fitch 30%
Co Ltd with-
drawal
Fitch Ratings Hong Kong Limited Fitch Fitch subsidiary
Dagong Global Credit Rating Co Ltd Moody’s Moody’s
S&P office S&P S&P
China Lianhe Credit Rating Co Ltd
India The Credit Rating Information Services of S&P 9.68% acquired by S&P in
India Ltd (CRISIL) 1997
Investment Information & Credit Rating Moody’s Moody’s, Central Bank,
Agency Ltd (ICRA) public financial institutions
Credit Analysis and Research Limited (CARE) IDBI, Canara Bank, UTI
Fitch Ratings India Pvt Ltd Fitch Fitch subsidiary
Indonesia PEFINDO S&P S&P
PT Kasnic Credit Rating Indonesia
Singapore Moody’s Singapore Pte Ltd Moody’s Moody’s
S&P office S&P S&P
Fitch Ratings Singapore Pte Ltd Fitch Fitch
Bangladesh Credit Rating Information & Services Ltd JCR-VIS, Join venture between
(CRISL) RAM JCR-VIS and RAM
Malaysia Rating Agency Malaysia Berhad (RAM) Fitch Fitch 4.9%, minor shares
held by other banks
Malaysian Rating Corp Berhad Fitch Affiliate, but Fitch does not
seem to hold any shares
Pakistan JCR-VIS Credit Rating Co Ltd IIRA, JCR 15%, VIS 67.5%,
CRISL KSE 12.5% ISE 5.0%
The Pakistan Credit Rating Agency (Private) No longer
Ltd, (PACRA) affiliated
with Fitch
Affiliation
Country Rating agencies (operation, Major stockholders
capital)
Philippines Philippine Rating Services Corp (PhilRatings) S&P
Fitch Ratings Manila Representative Office Fitch Fitch affiliate
Taiwan, Taiwan Ratings Corp (TRC) S&P Domestic banks and
China financial institutions
Fitch Ratings Taipei Representative Office Fitch Fitch subsidiary
Moody’s Chinese Taipei branch Moody’s Moody’s
Thailand Thai Rating & Information Services Co Ltd
(TRIS)
Fitch Ratings (Thailand) Ltd Fitch Fitch affiliate
Sri Lanka Fitch Ratings Lanka Ltd Fitch Fitch affiliate
Japan 80 70 33
Hong Kong SAR 30 13 17
Singapore 24 10 4
Australia 100 6 12
Total 234 99 66
Source: Korea Investors Service.
Table 6 shows the number of issuers that have been directly rated by global credit rating
agencies in Asia. In 2001, Moody’s rated the highest number of issuing companies, followed
by S&P. However, ratings have been highly concentrated only in those countries where the
bond markets are relatively more developed, such as Japan, Australia, Korea and Hong
Kong.
Table 6
Number of issuers rated in 2001
S&P Moody’s Fitch Total
Source: ACRAA.
Table 8
Sovereign foreign currency credit ratings
of Standard & Poor’s, June 2004
AAA Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Isle of
Man, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Singapore, Sweden,
Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States
AA+ Belgium, New Zealand, Spain
AA Bermuda, Italy, Portugal
AA– Andorra, Japan, Slovenia, Taiwan
A+ Hellenic Republic, Hong Kong SAR, Iceland, Kuwait, Qatar,
A Botswana, Chile, Cyprus, Malta, Saudi Arabia
A– The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Korea,
Lithuania, Malaysia
BBB+ China, Latvia, Poland, Slovak Republic, Trinidad & Tobago
BBB Oman, South Africa, Thailand, Tunisia
In order to solve this concentration problem, the global agencies could adopt a regional
rating system separate from the global rating system. However, it is doubtful whether they
will develop such a new system for a market that is relatively small. It might create the
unwanted impression that the agencies are adopting a double standard. In addition, the
credibility and accuracy of credit ratings depend on a detailed awareness of local knowledge
along with scientific methodology. If global rating agencies plan to expand into rating local
18
In February 2003, when S&P lowered the rating of three major companies in Germany (Thyssen Krupp, Linde
and Deutsche Post), Europe questioned the fairness of the decision. In August 2003, even though the capital
of Munich Re, an international reinsurance company based in Germany, had been raised, its credit ratings
were lowered from AA– to A+. Germany questioned the credit rating capabilities of the global credit rating
agencies, which led to discussion about establishing a new credit rating agency. Gerke and Pellens (2003)
argue that the global agencies failed to reflect the difference in pension reserve methods in Germany.
4. Conclusion
This paper discussed the issues involved in a building infrastructure for Asian bond markets,
namely establishing a regional security settlement system and credit rating agencies. As for
a clearing and settlement institution for the Asian bond market, we propose establishing a
regional ICSD dubbed AsiaSettle by linking the central banks and NCSDs of each country. At
the initial stage, AsiaSettle would perform as the clearing and settlement system for local
currency-denominated government bonds of Asian countries. The focus in the early stages
on government bonds is extremely important; because the supply of high-quality bonds in the
private sector is low, high-quality government bonds would be an indispensable catalyst for
the development of the Asian bond market. We also discussed the necessity that AsiaSettle
also function as the central counterparty for the exchange of government bonds and possess
Electronic Communication Networks (ECN) platform capabilities. Furthermore, we discussed
the desirable governance structure of AsiaSettle and proposed that AsiaSettle be established
as an institution owned by each country’s NCSD and central bank, or as a new multilateral
agency for Asia.
As for a regional credit rating system, there is a great need for a common credit rating
system amongst the Asian countries to develop the Asian bond market. However, unlike the
clearing and settlement system, it is not recommended that the regional credit rating agency
be established through government support. This recommendation recognises the high costs
Tom Byrne
1. Introduction
The development of the bond market has become one of the most significant policy goals in
Asia. It is widely considered an important step towards preventing another financial crisis.
There is a region-wide realisation that heavy dependence on bank-intermediated financing,
especially on foreign currency short-term financing, was one of the main causes of the Asian
financial crisis. Asia’s dependence on bank-dominated financial systems supported rapid
economic growth, but left the corporate sector over-reliant on short-term bank loans, which
made the financial system - and entire economies - vulnerable to external shocks. The
development of local currency bond markets has, therefore, become one of the important
policy initiatives in Asia to prevent another financial crisis in the region.
The importance of developing the region’s bond markets has also increased recently as the
need to recycle the vast amounts of accumulated official foreign exchange reserves directly
into the region has risen. Since the financial crisis, Asian countries have accumulated
substantial foreign exchange reserves, partly as a result of huge current account surpluses
reflecting high personal savings and subdued investment demand. This increase in foreign
exchange reserves was, initially at least, an intentional policy in response to Asian countries’
realisation that a lack of foreign currency liquidity caused the crisis. Unfortunately, however,
Asia could not benefit much from these reserves since most of them have been invested in
developed markets such as the United States and Europe. Capital flows from developing
economies where investment returns are higher than in mature economies. The reserves are
recycled back into the region in the form of risky assets such as equities and foreign direct
investment. There are thus huge missed opportunities for capital market development in
Asia. Until the Asian bond markets are fully established, East Asian borrowers will have to
turn to the international financial markets. In order to facilitate the recycling of regional
savings and to prevent the recurrence of a financial crisis, both Asian policymakers and
economists concur that sound and liquid bond markets must be developed.
With this recognition Asian countries have stepped up their collaborative efforts to develop
and strengthen the bond markets in the region through diverse forums such as ASEAN+3,
APEC, EMEAP and ACD. Since late 2002, experts and policymakers in Asian countries have
exchanged their views and ideas on various issues relating to the development of bond
markets. One of the most important policy issues that have been intensively discussed by
policymakers and markets experts is how to develop and strengthen the credit guarantee
mechanism in the region. Development of a credit guarantee market is thought to be critical
for the development of the regional bond market, as one of the most critical factors hindering
the development of the regional bond markets is the credit quality gap between the low credit
ratings of issuers and the minimum credit requirements of investors.
This paper is organised as follows. The next section reviews the recent progress of
discussions on the development of the Asian bond markets. In particular, we discuss the
efforts by ASEAN+3, APEC and EMEAP. Section 3 provides an overview and discusses the
characteristics of the Asian bond markets. In addition, we explain why progress in the
development of the bond markets in Asia has been limited. Section 4 explains the rationale
and background for creating a new regional credit guarantee mechanism, focusing on the
Table 1
The six working groups of the ABMI
The working groups analyse two areas: (i) facilitating market access through a wide variety of
issuance and (ii) creating an environment conducive to developing bond markets. The issues
related to market access include: (i) bond issuance by Asian governments to establish
benchmarks, (ii) bond issuance by Asian governments’ financial institutions (governments) to
finance domestic private enterprises, (iii) creation of asset-backed securities markets,
including collateralised debt obligations (CDOs), (iv) bond issuance by multilateral financial
institutions and government agencies, (v) bond issuance for funding foreign direct investment
in Asian countries and (vi) issuance of bonds in a wider range of currencies and introduction
of currency basket bonds. The issues concerning the creation of an environment conducive
EMEAP
central banks
Underlying bonds
ABF2 is likely to have a long-lasting impact on market development in addition to its effect on
demand from the seed money invested by EMEAP. In the process of the development of
ABF2, individual EMEAP economies can leverage the interest and momentum generated
from the collective investment in ABF2 to further develop their domestic bond markets as
appropriate. For instance, the appropriate EMEAP members can work with the relevant
authorities to improve market infrastructure by identifying and minimising the legal, regulatory
and tax hurdles in their markets, thereby facilitating the creation of fixed income products in
the region. The momentum and political impetus generated from the development of the fund
could perhaps help harmonise regulatory procedures, eg cross-registration of bond funds,
and the cross-issuance and trading of bonds, and help address the issue of fragmentation of
regional bond markets.
ABF2 will also improve bond market infrastructure by encouraging the development of
transparent, replicable and credible bond market indices for use in the PAIF and the FoBF
country sub-funds. There is currently a lack of low-cost, passively managed index bond funds
in most EMEAP economies, and most of the existing funds available in the markets are
actively managed. Furthermore, the performance yardsticks for these funds vary
substantially. It is hoped that the ABF2 bond indices would be widely adopted by private
sector fund managers as benchmark indices for their fixed income products. For instance,
private sector participants could clone or customise (by means of adding in corporate issues,
etc) these transparent benchmarks and facilitate the setup of low-cost index bond funds.
Financial
Total Governmen Corporate
institution
bonds t bonds bonds
s’ bonds (B)/(A) (A)/GDP
outstandin outstandin outstandin
outstandin
g (A) g (B) g (D)
g (C)
Table 3
Bond issuance of East Asian countries
In billions of US dollars
Source: Ismail Dalla, “Asset-backed securities market in selected East Asian countries”, World Bank, 2002.
Figure 2
SME financing using credit guarantees and securitisation
Country A Senior
SPC in Senior
Junior country D
SME loans (capital-
abundant
country) Junior
Country B Senior
Credit guarantee
Junior
SME loans
Regional credit
Guarantee institution
Country C Senior
Junior
SME loans
Figure 3
SME financing with currency swaps
Senior
SME loans
Junior
1. Business strategy
The primary guiding principles of the business strategy of the new regional guarantee
institution would be independence and prudence. The institution should not be influenced by
the main issuers or investors, or the country where it is located. The institution should be an
entity staffed by first-rate professionals who are able to analyse complex deal structures.
Finally, the institution should be prudent in risk-taking in order to remain sound and to attain
success.
The institution would provide credit risk guarantees, political risk guarantees and advisory
and structuring services. Under the credit risk guarantees, the institution would provide local
and convertible currency (US dollar, euro and yen) guarantees, partial credit guarantees,
political risk guarantees and guarantees of loans to bond issuers. The products would be
offered in three different phases. During the first phase, the institution would provide credit
enhancement or guarantees primarily for ABSs and infrastructure revenue bonds, and
advisory and structuring services. During the second phase, the institution would add
products for SME CDOs in close cooperation with local credit guarantee agencies. Finally,
during the third phase, the institution would provide a full-fledged range of products including
guarantees for municipal bonds. The institution would not provide guarantees to sovereign
bonds without conditionality. Because of these strict conditions, the institution’s guarantee
business for sovereign bonds might prove to be very limited.
Underwriting would be done according to the reinsurance model based on cooperation with
local guarantee institutions. Instead of taking on the zero-loss policy, the institution would
take on the risks with sufficient provisions. Because the institution would enter business lines
perceived as risky, such as local currency-denominated bond guarantees, the reinsurance
model would mitigate the risks. The role of the local institutions would be strengthened if the
institution adopted the reinsurance business model. In other words, the first loss is assumed
by the local guarantee institutions to the extent that they are able to assume it. The institution
itself might take the burden of the second loss, thus alleviating both the credit risk and the
currency risk.
The target market is ASEAN+3 countries. The institution would operate in all of these
member countries within two years of its inception. However, there would be country, obligor,
institutional and regional concentration limits based on the Fitch’s Emerging Market CDO
Model. The country concentration limits would be based on the country’s ratings: higher-
rated countries have higher concentration limits as their macroeconomic risks are expected
to be lower than the others. The industry concentration limits would vary depending on
whether the industry is global or local. Each obligor should represent no greater than a
certain portion of the total asset pool.
To maximise the benefits of the institution to the Asian region, it is hoped that the new
institution will be rated AAA (both local and foreign currency rating) by one or more
international rating agencies such as Moody’s Investors Service, Standard & Poor’s or Fitch
Ratings. A AAA credit rating extends the scope of benefit even to countries like Japan that
have credit ratings above AA. A AAA rating also increases the spread between rates with
and without guarantee, benefiting both the issuers and the institution. The challenge in
6. Conclusion
This paper reviews recent efforts by Asian countries to develop the regional bond markets,
focusing on the creation of a credit guarantee institution. Establishment of a regional credit
guarantee institution is proposed as a viable solution to deal with the credit quality gap
between the low credit ratings of issuers and the minimum credit requirements of investors.
Combined with securitisation, credit guarantees are urged as an effective means to solve the
problem, among the most serious difficulties in the development of the bond markets in Asia.
The existing guarantee institutions, including multilateral institutions and private guarantee
companies, are not in a position to satisfy the already high demand for guarantees in Asia,
which is expected to grow over time. It is, therefore, believed that a new and more fitting
guarantee institution that can meet the Asian bond markets’ current needs should be
References
Executives’ Meeting of East Asia-Pacific Central Banks (2002): “Payment systems in EMEAP
Economies”, July.
Hong Kong Monetary Authority (2001): “Study on the use and provision of credit guarantee
facilities in Asia”, unpublished report, March.
Ito, T (2003): “Promoting Asian Basket Currency (ABC) bonds”, December, pp 5-6.
Kaminsky, G L and C M Reinhart (1999): “The twin crises: the causes of banking and
balance-of-payments problems”, American Economic Review, vol 89, no 3, pp 473-500.
Moody’s Investor Service (2004): “2003 reviews and 2004 outlook Asian structured finance:
market faces mixed prospects in 2004 after issuance plunged in 2003”, Hong Kong.
Oh, G, D Park, J-H Park and D Y Yang (2003): “How to mobilize the Asian savings within the
region: securitization and credit enhancement for the development of East Asia’s bond
maket”, KIEP Working Paper, 03-02.
Oh, G and J-H Park (2003): “Developing the Asian bond markets using securitization and
credit guarantee”, KIF Financial Economic Series, 2003-04.
Oh, G, J-H Park, D Park and C Rhee (2004): “Building a settlement infrastructure for the
Asian bond markets: AsiaSettle”, KIF Financial Economic Series, 2004-02.
Park, Y-C (2004): “Asian bond market development: creation of a regional credit guarantee
institution”, February.
Park, Y-C and D Park (2003): “Creating regional bond markets in East Asia: rationale and
strategy”, paper presented at the Second Finance Forum of the Pacific Economic
Cooperation Council, Hua Hin, Thailand, 7-10 July.
Yoshitomi, M and K Ohno (1999): “Capital account crisis and credit contraction”, ADB
Institute Working Paper, no 2.
Guorong Jiang 1
The joint paper by Professor Oh and Mr Park on the regional guarantee mechanism for Asia
provides a comprehensive discussion of credit guarantee mechanisms and securitisation in
the context of the ASEAN+3 Asian Bond Markets Initiative. The purpose of credit guarantees
is to bridge the perceived credit quality gap between the generally low credit rating of many
issuers in the region and investor demand for high-grade bonds. The authors propose that a
new regional credit guarantee agency be established, preferably in the form of a multilateral,
public sector organisation with an AAA rating. My main question concerns its financial
viability, even if profit maximisation were not its goal. In this regard, my comments focus on
the possible costs associated with extending the guarantee coverage to non-investment
grade credits, the use of securitisation, the dilemma of risk concentration and the difficulties
in risk mitigation.
The first question is whether the proposed regional credit guarantee agency would be
financially viable, being possibly the only financial guarantor in the world that would
insure a substantial sum of non-investment grade credits. Existing financial guarantors
are considered by the authors as inadequate in the Asian context - they generally are
available only for credits rated BBB or above before insurance. In fact, about three quarters
of the credit enhancements are on credits rated A or above before the guarantees. This
chosen risk profile excludes many Asian corporate credits, which are mostly non-investment
grade - about two thirds of the credits in Asia are non-investment grade and thus are not
potential customers of the existing financial guarantors. It is proposed that the new credit
guarantee agency would distinguish itself from existing guarantors by extending its coverage
to non-investment grade credits, so that a substantial number of Asian corporate credits
could benefit from its credit enhancement services. This could involve substantial costs for
the agency.
• First, to maintain the agency’s AAA rating, the leverage ratio needs to be
substantially reduced in order to cover lower-quality credits.
• Second, the premium charged by the agency needs to reflect the risk the agency
undertakes. However, this could be constrained by the need to provide incentives
for issuers to actively use the credit enhancement services to achieve a lower
funding cost, and the need to be competitive with other competing financing
channels such as bank loans.
• Third, the loss rates could be high, because the default rate is substantially higher
for non-investment grade credits compared to investment grade credits.
• Finally, a guarantee programme run by the public sector frequently suffers from
ultimately costly moral hazard and adverse selection problems. Hong Kong SAR’s
use of co-insurance in small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) financing is a
classic response to these problems. The Special Finance Scheme for SMEs was
launched in August 1998 to help address the liquidity crunch in the aftermath of the
Asian financial crisis. The government provided a 50-70% guarantee on loans
extended to SMEs by commercial banks. Thus, the credit assessments were
performed by banks without government interference. Recently disclosed data show
1
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the BIS.
Kap-Soo Oh
Introduction
In dealing with the aftermath of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, many Asian countries came to
appreciate just how important it is for economic development and growth to keep their
financial system safe and sound. Many of the discussions and debates on the Asian bond
market point to the pivotal role that Asia’s bond market can play in further enhancing the
safety and soundness of the region’s financial system. And it is clear that, for Asia’s bond
market to grow, close cooperation and collaboration among the region’s financial regulators
will be critical.
There follow some thoughts on recent developments in the Asian bond market, on some of
the steps that we can take to further promote its growth, and on the role financial regulators
can play in this endeavour.
Concluding remarks
In the light of the overall situation in Asia, the financial infrastructure and the bond market, it
is clear that the challenges lying ahead will not be easy to overcome. One possible approach
may be to come up with and implement a step-by-step road map for the pan-Asia bond
market based on the development of the local bond markets in the region.
Atsushi Takeuchi 2
1. Introduction
The Asian currency crisis clearly demonstrated the need to develop well functioning local
bond markets in Asia. Before the crisis, companies (including banks) in Asia, regardless of
whether they had earnings in foreign currencies, often funded their business activities in
foreign currencies, taking advantage of the low interest rates at the time. Such funding
typically took the form of short-term bank lending, rolled over repeatedly. The funds raised in
this way were often spent to finance domestic fixed (long-term) investment producing local
currency cash flow, thereby creating the so-called “double mismatch” of maturity and
currency on the companies’ balance sheets. This system collapsed when foreign lenders
ceased to roll over their loans to the borrowers in Asia when market perceptions suddenly
changed, aggravating the crisis.
Since then, Asian governments have made great efforts to foster bond markets in their
respective countries by conducting a series of market reforms. Many of the reform efforts are
concentrated on government bond markets, which is quite understandable given that a well
functioning government bond market is considered a precondition for the development of the
corporate bond market. Such efforts also reflect an increased need for Asian governments to
finance their expanded fiscal spending after the crisis. 3 As a result, the size of local bond
markets in Asia in terms of outstanding amounts has more than doubled since 1998 and is
now estimated to exceed $1 trillion (excluding Japan).
Nonetheless, local bond markets in Asia have room for further improvement in many
aspects. Most notably, secondary markets are not liquid in many countries, which is
evidenced by the low turnover ratio of government bonds. While bid/ask spreads are already
narrow for some countries, they may be biased given the low trading volume (Table 1). A
1998 APEC study pointed out that inactive secondary markets were attributable to a number
of factors such as a lack of reliable benchmark yield curves, a lack of local institutional
investors, underdeveloped trading, clearing and settlement systems, a lack of liquidity, a lack
of committed market-makers, long settlement periods and the absence of bond lending
programmes. Although many of these factors have since seen dramatic improvements, they
remain impediments to active bond trading in many countries.
1
The markets covered in this paper are those of China, Hong Kong SAR, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Malaysia,
the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand, unless explicitly stated otherwise.
2
The views expressed here are entirely the personal opinions of the author and do not reflect the official views
of the Bank of Japan. This paper is prepared for information only. Although the author has endeavoured to
provide accurate and timely information, readers are reminded that there is no guarantee that all information
provided is accurate and up-to-date.
3
There are a number of other reasons to develop local bond markets in Asia. Perhaps the most important is
that development of the bond market introduces “credit risk culture” into the region, which is necessary for the
efficient allocation of resources.
($ billions)
1,200
China Hong Kong SAR
Malaysia Philippines
1,000
Singapore South Korea
Thailand
800
600
400
200
0
1996-03 1997-03 1998-03 1999-03 2000-03 2001-03 2002-03 2003-03
Source: BIS.
Table 1
Liquidity indicators in government bond markets
(times) (bps)
China 0.4 –
Hong Kong SAR 15.6 5-10
Indonesia 0.5 –
Korea 9.6 1
Malaysia 3.7 3-5
Philippines – 25-50
Singapore 5.0 5
Thailand 2.5 2-3
Japan 6.9 7
United States 22 3
1
Ratio of turnover to average outstanding stock in 2002.
Sources: RBA (2003); Mohanty (2002).
Table 2
Foreign investor participation
in local markets
Bonds1 Stocks2
After discussing the rationale for promoting cross-border bond investment and issuance in
Asian local bond markets, this paper tries to identify the specific factors that are hampering
such investment and issuance, taking stock of previous studies and research done by
investment banks, academics and public authorities. The paper also offers some suggestions
on how to tackle this issue with a view to creating integrated regional bond markets in Asia.
Table 3
Performance of HSBC ALBI
Return
ALBI 35.7%
US Treasuries (similar duration) 20.4%
ALBI excess returns over US Treasuries 15.3% point
Of which:
Attributable to capital gains and carry income 11.2% point
Currency gains 4.1% point
There are already encouraging signs that Asian local bond markets are beginning to gain
attention from foreign investors. Investment banks now produce reports on Asian local bond
4
The HSBC ALBI tracks the total US dollar return performance of liquid bonds denominated in local currencies
in mainland China (though the current weighting for China is zero), Hong Kong SAR, India, Malaysia, the
Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan (China) and Thailand.
3. Overview of impediments
Capital controls
Controls on capital transactions are a broad concept which includes controls on capital and
money market instruments, derivatives and other instruments and credit operations. After the
1997 currency crisis, Asian countries adopted various controls on capital transactions and
still maintain many of them. The IMF’s Annual Report on Exchange Arrangements and
Exchange Restrictions offers comprehensive information on this subject.
As for control over foreign ownership of local bonds, China is the only country that imposes a
restriction (Table 4). The launch of the QFII (Qualified Foreign Institutional Investors) system
effective December 2002 was undoubtedly a significant first step toward financial
liberalisation. The total quota authorised for 10 QFIIs (as of 19 November 2003) amounts to
$1.7 billion. However, there are many restrictions that make this system difficult to use. QFIIs
are allowed to invest in government and corporate bonds listed on China’s securities
exchanges only (ie they are not allowed to participate in interbank markets where secondary
Table 4
Selected capital control
measures in Asian countries (1)
Foreign ownership
Note
of local bonds
Sources: IMF (2003b); PwC (2003); BONY (2002, 2003); JPMorgan (2002).
Whether foreign investors can obtain local currency credit from local financial institutions is
another important factor. Foreign investors may find it easier to invest in local bonds if they
have free and timely access to local currency credit. As shown in Table 5, most Asian
countries set a limit on the extension of local currency credit to non-residents.
Restrictions on foreign exchange transactions are also relevant. Even when foreign
exchange transactions for foreign investors to purchase local bonds are permitted,
documentation requirements for approval or reporting may be quite onerous.
Sources: IMF (2003b); PwC (2003); BONY (2002, 2003); JPMorgan (2002).
Table 6
Overview of currency risk hedging instruments
Non-resident access to
Onshore FX forward Offshore market
onshore FX forwards
China Up to four months Not allowed NDF liquid
Hong Kong Liquid No restriction None
SAR
Indonesia Liquid Allowed to hedge principal NDF liquid
and coupon
Korea Liquid Allowed to hedge principal NDF liquid
and coupon
Malaysia Illiquid Prior approval required None
Philippines Liquid Prior approval required NDF illiquid
Singapore Liquid Allowed to hedge principal Deliverable forward
and coupon illiquid
Thailand Liquid Allowed to hedge principal Deliverable forward
and coupon illiquid
Taxation
Taxation has a significant impact on the development of bond markets in general. Capital
gains taxes create a disincentive to trade bonds frequently, thereby reducing arbitrage
opportunities. Moreover, withholding taxes on interest income to foreign investors reduce the
returns from holding bonds. They may also create market fragmentation through distortion if
the treatment of withholding tax is different depending on the types of bonds or investors.
Therefore, it is important to adopt tax policies that are compatible with market development
while not seriously compromising the principles of good taxation.
None of the G7 countries charge withholding tax on interest income obtained from
government bonds held by foreign investors. On the other hand, withholding tax on interest
income is charged in a number of countries in Asia, though the tax rates are not very high
(Table 7). Although there are tax treaties among Asian countries that reduce tax burdens, tax
reclaim procedures are complicated in many countries.
Table 9
Selected features of clearing, settlement
and custody in Asian countries (2)1
International linkage of CSD Custodian
China CMU (Hong Kong, planned) Local custodian
Hong Kong SAR Clearstream (ICSD), Euroclear (ICSD), KSD (Korea), CMU
CDC (China, planned), AustraClear (Australia) and
AustraClear (New Zealand)
Indonesia None Local custodian
Japan None Local custodian
Korea CMU (Hong Kong) Local custodian
Malaysia None ADI
Philippines None Local custodian
Singapore Clearstream (ICSD) and Euroclear (ICSD) MAS, local
custodian
Thailand None Local custodian
1
Government bonds.
Sources: BONY (2002, 2003); IIMA (2003); Citigroup (2003a).
Table 10
Factors affecting issuance of local bonds by non-residents (1)1
4. Way forward
References
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (1998): “Questionnaire survey on developing domestic
bond markets: summary of responses”, APEC Collaborative Initiative on Development of
Domestic Bond Markets, December.
Asian Development Bank (2003): “Harmonization of bond market rules and regulations”,
Background Study for APEC Finance Ministers’ Process, August.
Bank of New York (2001): “China”, Securities Market Report, December.
——— (2002a): “Indonesia”, Securities Market Report, September.
——— (2002b): “Philippines”, Securities Market Report, December.
——— (2003a): “Singapore”, Securities Market Report, January.
——— (2003b): “Hong Kong”, Securities Market Report, August.
——— (2003c): “Malaysia”, Securities Market Report, August.
——— (2003d): “South Korea”, Securities Market Report, August.
——— (2003e): “Thailand”, Securities Market Report, August.
Barclays Capital (2003a): “High returns with low volatility: building baskets of local currency
Asian bonds”, Asia Rates and Credit Research, June.
——— (2003b): “The Asian bond market: from fragmentation to aggregation”, Asia Rates
and Credit Research, September.
Bekaert, G and C Harvey (2002): “Emerging markets finance”, Journal of Empirical Finance,
December.
Burger, J and F Warnock (2003): “Diversification, original sin, and international bond
portfolios”, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System International Finance
Discussion Papers, January.
Citigroup (2003a): “Guide to Asian bond and currency markets 2003”.
——— (2003b): Presentation before members of EMEAP Working Group on Financial
Markets, September.
Introduction
Since the Asian crisis, there has been tremendous growth in Asian bond markets that, in
many cases, has not been matched with commensurate growth in derivative products. For
those markets that grew out of the financial sector recapitalisation prior to the middle of 2003,
there was precious little experience of bearish bond market movement, and therefore
perhaps inadequate appreciation of the importance of hedging instruments at that time.
However, while liquid hedging instruments may not be strictly necessary for the formation of
a bond market, they are recognised as critical to its long-run success. The movement of
Asian central banks to better develop fixed income markets should therefore also endeavour
to strengthen the development of derivatives markets. As a first step in this effort, we present
below a description of the current state of hedging markets in the region.
Korea
Taiwan, China
India
Thailand Malaysia
Philippines
Indonesia
China
Level of restrictions
Asian FX reserves
USDbn
300
China Taiwan, China
Hong Kong SAR South Korea
250 Singapore India
Thailand Indonesia
200 Malaysia Philippines
150
100
50
0
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002
FX derivatives
The degree of regulatory restrictions varies widely across the region; however, the common
purpose of FX control is to protect the local currency from speculation. Therefore, the most
frequent form of FX regulation is to impose hedging requirements on the FX trades. The
authorities often apply stricter rules to non-resident trades. Any restrictions on free capital
1
ADB (2003).
2
Park and Bae (2002).
Hong Kong
Despite the fixed exchange rate regime, Hong Kong has the most liquid and efficient
FX market in the region. There are no restrictions on the onshore FX derivatives market in
Hong Kong. Foreigners can freely trade in the onshore market, so there has not been a need
for a non-deliverable forwards (NDF) market in HKD. The FX forward market is used to
hedge currency exposure on liabilities and assets, as well as to speculate on the yield curve
movements. The market is very liquid up to one-year maturity. The one-year USD/HKD
forward, which generally reflects market sentiment on the currency peg, is watched closely
by the market and the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA). Despite the fixed exchange
rate, the one-year USD/HKD premium has actually been quite volatile in recent years. Local
economic news, comments from senior officials in Hong Kong or China on the subject of the
linked exchange rate, and comments from international rating agencies are some of the
factors that have influenced the forward premium in the past. In 2003 alone, it went from
+350 pips when SARS hit Hong Kong in early 2003, to below –600 pips because of a flood
on liquidity into the economy following the September 2003 G10 meeting which increased
expectations of a regional currency realignment.
pip
600 One-year USD/HKD premium
400
200
–200
–400
–600
–800
Apr 00 Oct 00 Apr 01 Oct 01 Apr 02 Oct 02 Apr 03 Oct 03
Singapore
The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) has continued to drive the expansion in the FX
derivatives market through liberalisation. For example, in 2002, the MAS revised Notice 757
to allow non-residents to transact freely in SGD FX options without filing documentation on
the purpose of each transaction. However, a few basic restrictions still apply to protect the
currency from speculation. For example, banks’ lending to non-resident financial institutions
cannot exceed SGD 5m per entity.
Taiwan, China
The primary goal of the Central Bank of China (CBC) is to prevent speculative activity in the
currency market to maintain the financial stability of Taiwan, China (hereinafter referred to as
Taiwan). Maintaining export competitiveness against countries such as Japan and Korea is
also a major concern for the authorities. The CBC manages the currency via capital controls
and direct intervention, which is supported by its substantial foreign exchange reserves.
Onshore FX spot, forwards and options trades must be explicitly approved by the relevant
regulatory authority. Non-residents are not allowed to access the onshore deliverable market,
preventing arbitrage flows in the onshore FX and interest rate markets. Liquidity in the NDF
market is relatively good, but onshore banks are not allowed to book an NDF trade with
onshore corporates.
Thailand
In January 1998, the Bank of Thailand (BoT) lifted a number of measures imposed previously
to stem FX speculation. In particular, domestic financial institutions were allowed to engage
in spot transactions involving THB with non-residents so that the onshore and offshore spot
THB FX markets became reunited. To safeguard against speculation in the FX market,
however, credit facilities provided by each financial institution to non-residents where there is
no underlying trade or investment activity in Thailand are subject to a maximum outstanding
limit of THB 50m per counterparty. There are no size restrictions on hedging short THB
forward positions, however. In an effort to curb speculative capital inflows, the BoT recently
introduced new measures. Effective as of 12 September 2003, onshore banks were banned
from borrowing more than THB 50m from each non-resident without underlying transactions
for less than three months, including transactions similar to borrowing such as buying FX
forwards and selling/buying FX swaps. On 14 October 2003, additional measures were
introduced to prevent THB speculation. The key changes were: (i) the outstanding
non-resident THB balance cannot exceed THB 300m per account and (ii) non-resident THB
accounts are locked in for at least six months without interest.
Malaysia
In Malaysia, strict capital controls were imposed in September 1998 to insulate Malaysia
from the financial crisis. The government still maintains some strict regulations on the
Indonesia
Under the IMF program, Indonesia’s FX policy has been directed at preventing extreme volatility
in the currency. The Bank Indonesia (BI) tightened capital control in January 2001 by issuing
regulations prohibiting IDR transfers to offshore entities, unless supported by underlying trade or
investment transactions. These restrictions quickly spawned the development of an NDF market
starting in February 2001. Main hedgers are corporates, but hedge trades are somewhat
uncommon, due to high negative carry.3 Liquidity in the onshore and offshore market is generally
low. With the exit from the IMF program at the end of 2003, and inflation trending lower, the Bank
Indonesia may move back to a more liberal exchange rate regime.
Philippines
In the Philippines, Banko Sentral Ng Pilipinas (BSP) operates a managed floating exchange
rate regime in which capital controls, close observation of market positions and intermittent
interventions are used to prevent speculative activity. Corporates are the main hedgers for their
USD loans. Liquidity in both the spot and forward markets is generally quite low. Poor liquidity
and instability in the Philippines have led to squeezes in the peso market. The basic principle
of the BSP in managing foreign exchange is that, outside of the banking system, foreign
currency may be freely bought and sold against the peso. Hence, there is no prohibition
against, for example, exporters selling their USD directly to importers or even to private
investors. FX regulations therefore focus primarily on bank transactions, and the specific rules
and restrictions depend on the nature of the transaction as well as the type of counterparty. In
general, onshore banks may buy foreign currency from both onshore and offshore
counterparties, without prior BSP approval or any documentation requirements. An onshore
interbank FX options market does not exist and even the offshore market is mainly inactive.
India
Historically, India experienced substantial ongoing fiscal deficits and persistent current
account deficits. Consequently, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) maintained capital controls
in an attempt to prevent speculative activity in the rupee market. In recent years, however,
the underlying economic conditions have changed dramatically. India now runs a surplus
current account and substantial capital inflows have allowed foreign exchange reserves to
balloon. The RBI has therefore eased several restrictions and allowed FX derivative trades
for hedging purposes, and the trend towards further flexibility is expected to continue. Most
recently, RBI decided to permit foreign currency/rupee options as of 7 July 2003 in order to
further develop the derivatives market in India and expand the spectrum of hedging products
for currency exposure. Authorised dealers can offer plain vanilla European options and
customers can purchase call or put options. The writing of options by customers is not
permitted. As in the FX spot and forward markets, customers who have genuine foreign
currency exposures are eligible to enter into options contracts, and authorised dealers can
use the product for the purpose of hedging trading books and balance sheet exposure. FX
options trading is still thin, however.
3
The academic evidence strongly rejects the hypothesis that the forward exchange rate is an unbiased
predictor of the future spot rate. Currencies that trade at a forward discount, on average, weaken less than the
amount implied by the forward discount, which is known as the “forward rate bias”.
Table 1
A summary of Asian FX derivatives markets
HKD SGD KRW TWD THB MYR INR IDR PHP CNY
FX forward
Restriction None None Minimal Prior Hedging Onshore Hedging Offer Offer Restricted
approval only only only restricted restricted
Liquidity Good Good Good Good Good Good Good Average Average
Trade size USD 20-50m USD 25m USD 10-20m USD 1-10m USD 5-20m USD 10-20m USD 1-5m USD 0.5-30m USD 2-5m
B/as spread 0.0005-0.0010 0.0002-0.0010 0.3-1.0 0.002-0.020 0.01-0.100 0.0005 0.03-0.05 10-80 0.02-0.25
Daily volume USD 3-5bn USD 6bn USD 1bn USD 500-700m USD 300-600m USD 100-200m USD 150m USD 200m USD 75m
FX options
Restriction None None Minimal Prior Offer
approval restricted
Liquidity Good Good Good Good Hedging Hedging Average
only Market only Market Market
non-existent non-existent non-existent
Trade size USD 25-50m Up to USD 20-50m USD 20m No interbank Just allowed USD 0.5-3m
USD 30m
B/as spread 0.2-0.5 vol 0.5-1.0 vol 1 vol 0.3-1.0 vol 5-7 vol
Daily volume USD 50-100m USD 50 m USD 50m USD 50m USD 20m
NDF
Restriction None Interbank None None None Interbank
only only
BIS Papers No 30
Liquidity Market Market Good Good Market Market Good Average Average Good
non-existent non-existent non-existent non-existent
Trade size USD 5-10m USD 3-10m USD 3-5m USD 3m USD 2-5m USD 5-10m
B/as spread 0.5 won 0.03-0.05 0.05-0.20 20-100 0.15-0.50 0.001-0.005
Daily volume USD 1bn USD 300m USD 20-50m USD 40-60m USD 20-30m USD 50m
BIS Papers No 30
Table 1 (cont)
A summary of Asian FX derivatives markets
HKD SGD KRW TWD THB MYR INR IDR PHP CNY
NDO
Restriction None Interbank None None None None Interbank
only only
Liquidity Market Market Good Good Good Market Average Average Average Average
non-existent non-existent non-existent
Trade size USD 20-50m USD 30m USD 20m USD 5m USD 5m USD 5m USD 10-20m
B/as spread 1 vol 0.7 vol 1 vol 2-4 vol 7 vol 5 vol 1-2 vol
Daily volume USD 250m USD 150m USD 50m Irregular Irregular Irregular USD 250m
Source: DB Global Markets Research.
267
China
Foreign exchange policy in China is determined by the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) and
managed by the State Administration for Foreign Exchange (SAFE). Despite becoming a
major player in global commerce, the Chinese economy in aggregate remains relatively
closed. However, strong global pressure on its currency will likely lead to a more flexible
currency regime in China sooner or later. Although China prefers gradual reform, the officials
made it clear that they wish to liberalise the capital account with the goal of developing a
sophisticated financial sector and an independent monetary policy. Currently, designated
onshore banks and authorised foreign banks are allowed to participate in the FX spot market.
For current account items, relevant documentation is required for transactions of over
USD 1m cumulative amount, while capital account items require pre-approval from the local
SAFE. Only the Bank of China can offer CNY deliverable forwards with the tenor out to 6M.
An active market for CNY NDFs exists, however, onshore corporates are not allowed to take
part in the market.
Hong Kong
The three-year HKD bond futures is one of the few that is settled by physical delivery (the
other being the 10-year TWD contract). Exchange fund notes (EFNs) issued by the HKMA
are reference instruments for the contract. On the Hong Kong Futures Exchange one-month
Hibor futures, three-month Hibor futures and three-year EFN futures are traded. The liquidity
in each of these contracts has declined in recent years, disappointing expectations, probably
due to limited foreign participation and already good liquidity in the OTC derivatives market.
Table 2
Open interest for HKD interest rate futures
Singapore
Currently, there are two exchange-traded interest rate futures products in Singapore: three-
month swap offer rate (SOR) futures and the five-year bond futures. The SOR is an FX
forward-implied interest rate calculated from three-month USD/SGD forwards, and an official
fixing is provided by the Association of Banks in Singapore. Trading in three-month SOR
Taiwan
The Taiwan Financial Futures Exchange introduced government bond contracts only in early
2004 but these have not taken off. Whether the reason is the sharp liquidity and accessibility
differences between on- and off-the-run bonds, reflecting institutional investors’ propensity to
hold bonds to maturity, high transaction costs or other factors, is not clear. Neither a
narrowing of the maturity range for deliverable securities nor the removal of the penalty for
cash settlement has improved liquidity. At the short end of the maturity spectrum, the futures
contract based on 30-day commercial paper has also fizzled. In this case, the choice of
30- rather than 90-day paper seems unfortunate in retrospect. The floating leg of interest rate
swaps, for instance, is based on 90-day yields.
Malaysia
In March 2002, the Malaysian Derivatives Exchange (MDEX) launched Malaysia’s first bond
futures contract, with the five-year government bond being the underlying security. The
contract has similar specifications to the five-year bond futures in Singapore, using a basket
of bonds in pricing and being cash settled. Activity in the contract is not great with average
daily volume or open interest rarely moving above 1,000 contracts. The use of the futures
contract as a hedge for cash bond positions is small. Other futures products in Malaysia are
three-year and 10-year bond futures, launched in September 2003, and three-month KLibor
futures, launched in March 1996. As in the case of the five-year bond futures, liquidity
remains poor.
20,000
20,000
15,000
15,000
10,000 10,000
5,000 5,000
– –
Apr 01 Nov 01 May 02 Dec 02 Jun 03 Jan 04 Feb 02 May 02 Sep 02 Dec 02 Mar 03 Jun 03 Oct 03 Jan 04
Table 3
Foreign participation in Korean three-year bond futures
Three-month CD futures, one-year MSB futures and five-year KTB futures are also listed on
the Korea Futures Exchange (KOFEX), but they are totally inactive at the moment.
India
India launched 10-year bond futures in June 2003. One unique feature is that the settlement
price is based on the value of the notional bond, derived from the zero-coupon curve which
the National Stock Exchange of India (NSE) publishes every day. To date, this product has
been a failure. In fact, in less than three months after the launch, trading in bond futures
literally stopped. There may be several ways to explain this. First, the unique settlement price
calculation adds complication, and is seen by many investors as an opaque “black box”.
Moreover, the basis risk between the NSE curve and the cash prices could also be
substantial and unpredictable. Finally, restrictions on short selling and requiring financial
institutions to use derivatives only for hedging purposes could account for the inactivity of the
product. In this case, the absence of speculators may be cheating the market out of badly
needed liquidity.
4
OECD-World Bank Annual Bond Market Forum, 3 June 2003, Emerging Derivative Markets presented by
Oliver Fratzscher.
Taiwan
The Taiwan Futures Exchange (TAIFEX) launched 10-year bond futures in January 2004.
The contract is settled with physical delivery of bonds maturing between seven and 11 years,
much like the very successful 10-year Japanese Government bond futures contract. In order
to prevent short squeezes on the cheapest and to deliver bonds around the final settlement
date, TAIFEX simultaneously opened a Bond Lending Center. TAIFEX hoped that by
providing effective hedging tools, the launching of bond futures would attract more foreign
funds into the Taiwan bond market. This may eventually take place; however, the initial
market reaction was not very enthusiastic. So far, open interest has stayed below 1,000
contracts.
Hong Kong
Based on the most recent survey done by the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA),
interest rate swaps (IRSs) represent the largest segment (over 73%) of interest rate
derivative transactions in Hong Kong. With about HKD 9.1bn in daily turnover, the liquidity in
the IRS market is far better than the Exchange Fund Note (EFN) market whose daily
turnover is about HKD 2.5bn. HKD swap spreads are among the widest in Asia. While EFNs
are consistently well supported by strong demand from local banks, HKD swaps are much
more sensitive to the volatile risk premium of the currency peg. In addition, the 10-year HKD
swap spread tends to be persistently tight, especially right after the issuance of a new 10-
year EFN. In order to reduce the interest cost of the 10-year paper in an environment of
upward sloping yield curve, the HKMA has consistently swapped the 10-year EFN into a
floater after the issuance, creating downward pressure on the 10-year part of the HKD swap
curve.
Singapore
Interest rate swaps are also more liquid than government bonds in Singapore. The floating
leg of an IRS trade is the swap offer rate (SOR) posted by the Association of Banks in
Singapore. (It is an FX-implied rate, in contrast to a Libor-type fixing in typical G7 trades.
Many countries in Asia are following this model for developing their own interest rate swap
5
Cross-currency swap, a hedging instrument for FX risk, is included here due to its similar trading patterns.
Korea
During the first half of 2003, interest rate swaps held 88% share of total OTC interest rate
derivatives trades in Korea. 6 However, compared to bond futures, turnover of interest rate
swaps is relatively small and volatile. Very recently, daily trading volume has decreased to
less than KRW 0.3trn.
Table 5
Daily turnover for KRW bonds, futures and swaps
KRW trillion
The relative illiquidity of swaps partly stems from the underdeveloped short-term benchmark
rates in Korea. Interest rate swaps use the three-month CD rate as the floating rate, but CDs
are not liquid in the secondary market. The BoK plans to introduce Libor-type interbank rates
in 2H 2004, which will help step up the liquidity of swap trades. IRS trades up to 10 years
with a bid/ask spread of 5 bps up to five years and 10 bps for longer tenors.
Trading in OTC derivatives increased in 2001, fuelled by the increased interest in structured
products. Since then, in order to enhance returns, investors welcomed structured products
whose performance was linked to future market direction or the shape of the yield curve. The
most popular products were dual index floaters and inverse floaters, based on constant
maturity treasury (CMT) or constant maturity swap (CMS) rates as the reference rates.
The Korean IRS market is highly driven by technicals that may not be reflected in the cash
market. The spread between bond yields and swaps (the bond/swap basis) can be quite
volatile, as seen in the chart below. Swaps, therefore, can be a relatively risky hedging tool
for investors.
A USD/KRW cross-currency swap (CCS) can be structured out to 10 years, but one to five
years are more actively traded tenors. Exporters’ USD forward selling and the central bank’s
6
Financial Supervisory Service, internal data.
Taiwan
The Taiwan swap market has been affected by some of same dynamics that have affected
Korea’s. Interest rate swaps trade up to 10 years and the floating rate index is the Taiwan CP
rate. Currency swaps are quoted against six-month US Libor and the approval from CBC is
required for onshore entities to transact in the onshore CCS market. In recent years, with
interest rates declining, investors increased buying offshore debt and swapped cash flows
into TWD to achieve their yield targets. These activities, combined with multilateral entities’
swapping TWD-denominated debt into major currencies, tended to widen out the IRS/CCS
basis. Foreigners can participate in non-deliverable IRS or CCS market where cash flows are
net settled in USD, although liquidity is generally low.
Thailand
In Thailand, the dynamics of the bond/swap basis is slightly unusual. First, the onshore IRS
market adopts the onshore FX forward-implied yield (THBFIX) as the floating rate index. The
basis between onshore CCS and IRS curves is thus minimal, and any cross-currency asset
or liability swapping activity, therefore, directly affects the government bond/IRS basis. Since
the cross-currency swap uses USD Libor as its floating rate index, the onshore bond/swap
basis should theoretically be exactly equal to the Kingdom of Thailand’s USD swap spreads.
Following this theoretical argument, the THB IRS curve should be below the government
bond curve to reflect a positive USD Libor margin for the Kingdom. However, this turns out
not to be the case. An asset swap of Thailand’s offshore 2007 bond has always offered
onshore investors with a yield enhancement opportunity over the onshore market.
Malaysia
With strict government regulation of the currency market, a cross-currency swap market does
not exist in Malaysia. The only active OTC derivative product in the onshore market is the
interest rate swap. Liquidity has improved over the years, but the average trade size is still
small at MYR 10m. The most liquid part of the curve is up to three years with a bid/ask
spread of 5 bps. Commercial banks, finance companies and merchant banks are the
predominant users of the swap market. Given the illiquid nature of the long-term fixed rate
assets such as commercial loans, banks with an expectation of higher interest rates are likely
to hedge in the swap market rather than to sell such assets outright.
Indonesia
In Indonesia, there is no developed IRS market trading onshore at the moment. However,
banks are interested in hedging their liabilities, from fixed to floating or floating to fixed
depending on their situation. As a result, some swap trades were done using the IDRFIX 7
and three-month sale offering of the Bank Indonesia Certificate (SBI) rate as floating rate.
7
IDR interest rate fixing = {([1+(FWD/SPOT)] x [1+(SIBOR x DAYS/360)] – 1} x 360/DAYS
where FWD = average of the offered side of the FX forward points from banks of each day
SPOT = average of mid spot rate provided by each bank
SIBOR = US interest rate for the respective tenor derived from Sibor
DAYS = number of days for each tenor.
India
In India, interest rate swaps were first allowed in July 1999. Since then, the OTC
derivatives market has grown rapidly. Major hedgers are corporates and financial
institutions (FIs). In the past, most hedging came from large borrowers converting fixed
debts to floating. Historically, one of the major hurdles in developing the IRS market has
been the lack of a liquid money market curve. Due to limited credit appetite and the capital
constraints that banks face, the overnight market remains the deepest and the most liquid
in the short end of the curve. The overnight rate has also been the most widely accepted
benchmark for floating rate bond issues. As a result, overnight index swap (OIS) with the
floating rate indexed to the overnight NSE Mumbai interbank offer rate (Mibor) was the
most natural market to develop, and today enjoys high liquidity. Another interest rate swap
indexed to the three-month or the six-month Mumbai interbank forward offer rate (Mifor) is
also highly liquid, in fact far more liquid than OIS with 85% of the total swap trading
volume. Although all of the cash flows are settled in INR, Mifor swap effectively becomes a
CCS trade since the Mifor is essentially FX implied yield derived from onshore USD/INR
forwards.
An increasing number of banks, primary dealers and corporations are actively participating
in the two swap markets. Both the OIS and Mifor curves are active up to five years with a
bid/ask spread of around 5 bps up to five years and 15-20 bps for longer tenors. Lack of
participation from large players, such as public sector banks (PSBs), mutual funds and
insurance companies, is often pointed to as the hurdle to further development. In addition,
corporations can use OTC derivatives only for hedging purposes while no such restrictions
apply in the case of exchange-traded derivatives. One specific case is that corporates
cannot cancel and rebook a currency swap.
China
Although offshore non-deliverable CCS trading is not entirely impossible for China, the
main issue in the onshore Chinese market is how to develop the underlying bond market.
At this point, neither an IRS nor a CCS market exists onshore.
Table 6
A summary of Asian IRS and CCS markets
HKD SGD KRW TWD THB MYR INR IDR PHP CNY
Interest
rate swap
Floating Hibor SOR Three- Three- THBFIX Three- O/n Mibor Three-
rate month CP month CP month month
Klibor PHIFEF
Floating Qtr-Act/365 Semi-Act/ Qtr-Act/365 Qtr-Act/365 Semi-Act/ Qtr-Act/365 Daily-Act/ Qtr-Act/360
legal basis 365 365 365
Fixed legal Qtr-Act/365 Semi-Act/ Qtr-Act/365 Qtr-Act/365 Semi-Act/ Qtr-Act/365 Daily-Act/ Qtr-Act/360 Market
basis 365 365 365 Market
non-
non-existent
existent
Active One- to One- to Two- to Two- to Two- to One- to One- to One- to
tenors 10-year 10-year five-year five-year five-year three-year five-year five-year
Trading HKD 200m SGD 10-30m KRW 10bn TWD 300m USD 10m MYR 10m INR 250m PHP 50m
size
Bid/ask 10bp 2-5bp 5-10bp 5-10bp 10bp 5-15bp 5bp 50-70bp
spread
Daily HKD 10-15bn SGD 500-700m KRW 100-300bn TWD 1-2bn USD 15-20m MYR 25m INR 4-6bn PHP 50m
volume
Cross-
currency
swap
Market Market Market
Floating Hibor vs Six-month Six-month Six-month Six-month Six-month Three-
BIS Papers No 30
Table 6 (cont)
A summary of Asian IRS and CCS markets
HKD SGD KRW TWD THB MYR INR IDR PHP CNY
Credit derivatives 10
Since the mid-1990s, banks have been turning to credit derivatives to more actively manage
the concentration and correlation risk inherent in their loan portfolios. But before the Russian
default in August 1998, many investors viewed credit derivatives as a curious but highly
specialised and exotic corner of the bond market. When suddenly faced with the prospect of
deteriorating credits and bond market illiquidity worldwide following Russia’s default,
investors could see in a very tangible way the attraction of a market where one can buy
protection to reduce risk, and sell protection to diversify a dangerously concentrated portfolio.
According to the latest British Bankers Association (BBA) credit derivatives report
2001/2002, 11 the total notional outstanding for credit derivative products stood at
USD 1.19trn at the end of 2001. By the end of 2004, the total notional outstanding is
expected to increase to USD 4.8trn. Banks are the most important players in this market,
capturing 52% of the protection buying and 39% of the protection selling. Among a variety of
products, single name credit default swaps (CDSs) continued to be the most popular product
with 45% of the market share in 2001. Sovereign single-name CDSs represents the most
actively traded credit derivative instrument in emerging markets. There is an active broker
market for Asian sovereign CDSs. Two-way pricing is generally available for the most liquid
sovereign names in the one to 10 year range. The standard inter-dealer notional trade
amount tends to be USD 5m.
Credit derivatives provide many investment and hedging opportunities that are impossible in
the cash market. Some general uses of credit derivatives in emerging markets include:
8
BIS (2003).
9
An estimate from Prebon Yamane Hong Kong.
10
Xu and Wilder (2003).
11
BBA publishes its report every two years. The latest available numbers are for the year 2001.
Table 7
Emerging market sovereign credit default swaps
Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Peru, Panama, Poland, Ecuador, Qatar, Czech
Venezuela, Russia, Turkey, Hungary, Croatia, South Africa, Republic, Israel, Romania,
Bulgaria, Philippines, Korea, China Lithuania, Slovenia, Morocco,
Malaysia, Thailand Tunisia, Egypt, Slovakia
An active credit derivatives market can improve the stability and efficiency of the financial
system by its pricing and diversification of credit risk. It also provides tools to securitise credit
risk that will help develop the overall bond market. The flip side is the potential moral hazard
of the protection buyers and the difficulty of the stakeholders in monitoring the activities. At
present, there are no developed local currency credit derivatives markets in Asia.
References
Akhtar, S (2003): Asian financial markets emerging trends, The European Banking and
Insurance Fair, ADB, 28 October.
Asian Development Bank (2003): Harmonization of bond market rules and regulations,
August.
Bank for International Settlements (2003): OTC derivatives market activity in the first half of
2003, 12 November.
Fabella, R and S Madhur (2003): Bond market development in East Asia: issues and
challenges, January, ADB.
Fratzscher, O (2003): Emerging derivative markets, OECD-World Bank Annual Bond Forum,
World Bank, 3 June.
Hohensee, M et al (2003): Asia local bond markets, Deutsche Bank, June.
Park, Y C and K-H Bae (2002): Financial liberalization and economic integration in East Asia,
PECC Finance Forum Conference, August.
Redward, P (2002): Asian currency handbook, Deutsche Bank, August.
Xu, D and C Wilder (2003): Emerging markets credit derivatives, Deutsche Bank, May.
Aaron Low
Current growth in global derivatives markets makes this a timely and important topic. The
authors have chosen well. With a diverse region and an increasing variety of instruments,
such a study is not easily undertaken. The paper is structured along different instruments
and makes specific assessments which render it easy to read like a good textbook. Rather
than addressing the specifics, which were amply discussed, I would like to concentrate more
on general market and development issues in the following sections. In particular, the first
section concerns market factors while the second section is focused on the regulatory impact
and implications. I conclude with a wish list of questions that may allow us to understand the
future direction of derivatives in Asia.
3. Conclusions
The paper is an excellent survey of regional market structures for futures, swaps and credit
default swaps. There are good examples, highlighting the areas of success as well as the
instruments or countries that have lagged in performance or activity. However, the
arguments are rather dispersed, and the paper lacks a cohesive proposal on how we can
improve liquidity and participation for derivatives trading in the region. Should we concentrate
on a smaller but more focused subset of instruments to pool liquidity? Are markets too
fragmented to benefit from any returns to scale? Should more players be involved and who
should be targeted? Is there sufficient awareness or should there be more education in the
marketplace on the availability and suitability of such instruments for various types of
investors and traders? These are questions the answers to which may point to avenues for
growth. Ultimately, such growth may fortify the entire asset class.
Francis Braeckevelt 2
1. Executive summary
Once neglected as a boring but necessary element of dealing in the capital markets, the
settlement process has caught the attention of both the public and the private sector.
The rise of emerging markets, the growth of financial markets, the increased focus on cross-
border activity and financial market deregulation in different parts of the world made the
settlement process considerably more complex but also made investors fully aware that
operational support systems form a critical part of an effective and efficient capital market.
Today, the creation of a robust clearing and settlement environment has become the topic of
many discussions and the recent technological innovation allowed for important
rationalisation, integration and consolidation trends to emerge. The current fragmented
infrastructure is increasingly perceived as a source of cost inefficiencies and significant risk.
As a result, new models are being developed that aim at mitigating risks and containing or
reducing costs.
In Section I, we highlight some of the current thoughts in today’s clearing and settlement
debate, the generally accepted roles and responsibilities of financial intermediaries, as well
as recommendations made by various national, supranational or private organisations on
how to develop robust and efficient clearing and settlement systems.
In Section II, we assess some selected central securities depositories in Asia. The most
noteworthy observations we have made with regards to the settlement environment in Asia
can, in our opinion, best be summarised as follows:
• The main barriers to developing an efficient bond market in Asia are mainly related
to the trading environment (ie liquidity constraints and foreign investor restrictions)
rather than to infrastructure issues.
• Today’s clearing and settlement infrastructure in Asia is very fragmented. Even
though the current setup operates well and conforms with the criteria outlined in the
US Investor Act of 1940, the infrastructure is not cost efficient and does not mitigate
risks in the settlement process in a comprehensive manner.
• Because of the central role central securities depositories play, it is important that
the intermediaries be structurally, financially and operationally sound. This entails
proper supervision by the public sector, an adequate capital base, stringent risk
management tools (audits, insurance, etc) and business recovery plans.
• Central securities depositories should continue to develop and implement true
delivery versus payment (DVP) systems and provide intraday settlement finality.
1
The information provided is derived from data received from various sources and from the respective
depositories and is believed to be reliable and accurate.
2
Francis Braeckevelt is responsible for Investor Services Product Management in Asia Pacific.
2. Introduction
Asia’s domestic markets continue to recover from the fallout of the severe 1997 financial
crisis and are, today, characterised by more stability and an expectation of growth. GDP in
Asian countries is expected to expand considerably over the coming years and to outpace
the growth in other regions, creating important funding and financing requirements. With the
1997 events fresh in mind, governments and private sector participants are acutely aware of
the dangers of relying on short-term capital, bank financing and capital inflows denominated
in foreign currency and subject to foreign exchange fluctuations.
Asian economies are therefore expected to limit their exposure to these traditional funding
sources by supplementing them with domestic currency financing alternatives.
A key feature in creating an investor-friendly environment is the development of an efficient
capital market, and more specifically a strong and liquid domestic debt market, allowing
market participants (both borrowers and investors) to attract and invest in longer-term
financial products.
Therefore, critical elements required for organising a sound capital market are:
1. the creation of a liquid government bond market, providing basic investment and
funding possibilities and a credible benchmark yield curve to price corporate debt;
2. adequate credit rating coverage, by either global (S&P, Moody’s, Fitch) or local
credit rating agencies;
3. the implementation of a harmonised taxation and regulatory environment;
4. the establishment of operational infrastructure based on efficient and sound clearing
and settlement mechanisms, central depositories and derivatives markets, as well
as securities borrowing and lending and repurchase agreement facilities.
The main drivers of an effective capital market are pricing and demand and supply
considerations. Increasingly, however, market participants appreciate the importance of an
adequate support infrastructure. In other words, where capital markets provide the
fundamental infrastructure to bring investors together, the clearing and settlement
infrastructure ensures the effectiveness and efficiency of the system.
The clearing and settlement process is a series of complex tasks that start with trade
confirmation and continue through the clearing process up to the actual settlement of a trade.
The successful functioning of this system or series of systems is largely dependent on the
close interaction of a number of intermediaries, each responsible for a distinct part of the
process.
3. Definitions
The following list presents some of the definitions commonly used in discussion on clearing
and settlement topics.
1.1 Introduction
It is difficult to unambiguously define the scope or the roles and responsibilities of a clearing
and settlement intermediary by analysing the current operating models. Market practices,
CSDs, clearing houses, CCPs and other parts of the clearing and settlement infrastructure
have developed at different rates, resulting in distinct regulatory, tax and technical
environments.
In the infrastructure section, we will cover:
• basic clearing and settlement services;
• the central counterparty concept;
• the clearing and settlement service model;
• rationalisation/integration/consolidation: public or private initiatives?
2.1 Introduction
Seeing the importance of the clearing and settlement process in maintaining the systemic
soundness of the global financial markets, the operating environment has been analysed by
many international committees and working groups from both the public and private sectors.
As a result, a range of projects have been initiated to develop and promote securities
clearing and settlement systems that can operate in a stable and robust environment while at
the same time reducing risks and costs for their participants.
The operating, monetary, regulatory and infrastructure observations of individual markets are
also relevant in a regional context. The barriers encountered in the rationalisation or
integration process have not halted the progress, but have in some instances slowed it down,
resulting in regional clearing and settlement systems that are currently at varying stages of
development, sophistication and integration.
We will review the clearing and settlement infrastructure and recent developments in:
• the United States;
• Europe;
• Asia.
2.3 Europe
In Europe, the introduction of the euro provided important momentum to the rationalisation
process of stock exchanges, payment systems and securities clearing and settlement
structures. Apart from the single currency, the following developments also accelerated the
process:
• the creation of a single integrated and efficient European capital market;
• an increase in international capital movements;
• technological progress;
• financial deregulation.
The European public institutions involved in this rationalisation effort are the European
Commission, the European Parliament (as the European legislator) and the European
System of Central Banks/Committee of European Securities Regulators (ESCB/CESR),
which combines both central banks and securities regulators. The main requirements that
have been identified for successfully constructing an integrated clearing and settlement
model are:
• the removal of technical, legal and fiscal barriers, to lower the costs and reduce
inefficiencies of cross-border settlement;
• the removal of competitive distortions/unequal treatment of entities performing
similar clearing and settlement activities;
• the creation of clearing and settlement industry standards to ensure a sound system
in which risks can be mitigated, reduced or controlled;
• a market-led rationalisation process with oversight from the public sector, which
covers:
– following through on changes in local laws and regulations, if required;
– remaining vigilant to a particular intermediary emerging as a monopolistic
entity and ensuring that a system for balancing stakeholders’ interests is
provided for;
– paying special attention to the soundness of the clearing and settlement
system and to the low-probability catastrophic risks that can introduce
systemic risks.
The diagrams in Annex 1 represent the current and future state of the European clearing and
settlement system, illustrating the complex nature and the extent of the consolidation and
integration.
2.4 Asia
Unlike the United States or Europe, Asia does not have a single currency or a unified market.
This lack of a homogeneous regulatory and operational environment results in a wide range
of different market practices and allows “domestic” systems to exist side by side. Where the
clearing and settlement systems supporting equity trading in Asia have evolved, the fixed
3.1 Introduction
The challenges that regulators and market participants face in building a robust and efficient
infrastructure are numerous and complex. Many working groups and regulators have
contributed extensively to the creation of an operational and regulatory framework in which
this process can be conducted.
In the next section, some recommendations and research papers published on the subject
have been brought together. The main reports that will be briefly discussed are:
• Global publications:
– G30 recommendations;
– CPSS/IOSCO report.
• European publications:
– Giovannini report(s);
1.1 Introduction
In Section II, we shift our attention and assess the situation in Asia, identifying areas of
strength or potential improvement.
Table 1
The BIS settlement models
Model 1 Systems that settle transfer instructions for both securities and funds on a trade by
trade (gross) basis, with final (unconditional) transfer of securities from the seller to the
buyer (delivery) occurring at the same time as final transfer of funds from the buyer to
the seller (payment).
Model 2 Systems that settle securities transfer instructions on a gross basis, with final transfer
of securities from the seller to the buyer (delivery) occurring throughout the processing
cycle, but settle funds transfer on a net basis, with final transfer of funds from the buyer
to the seller (payment) occurring at the end of the processing cycle.
Model 3 Systems that settle transfer instructions for both securities and funds on a net basis,
with final transfers of both securities and funds occurring at the end of the processing
cycle.
2.1 Introduction
We reviewed the risk management tools and processes adopted by selected central
securities depositories in a country by country analysis. We believe the group of selected
central securities depositories, although not exhaustive, is representative for the Asian region
and includes a mixture of entities serving both the government and corporate bond market
segments.
Table 2
Country by country assessment: markets and depositories
Australia Austraclear
Liquidity constraints
Bond issues are, for a variety of reasons, taken up by local investors and held to maturity. In
addition, because of the countries’ budgetary surpluses, Asian governments have
traditionally not issued large quantities of government paper. Both of these trends have
affected the development of the market infrastructure considerably and have negatively
impacted market liquidity.
• Australia: Commonwealth Government Securities are popular amongst banks/local
institutions and form a large part of their statutory liquidity requirements.
• Korea: Government bonds are acquired by large investment trust companies, banks
and life insurance companies to satisfy reserve requirements. The same investors
also acquire corporate bonds.
• Malaysia: Both Malaysian Government Securities (MGS longer tenures) and private
debt securities (PDS) are typically held till maturity. The local Employees Provident
Fund (EPF) is a big investor in the fixed income market.
• Singapore: About 80-90% of all corporate bonds are acquired by banks and
insurance companies and are typically held as proprietary positions until maturity.
• Thailand: The Bank of Thailand (BOT) generally issues BOT bonds only to financial
institutions, which use them to satisfy reserve and liquidity requirements.
Immobilisation/dematerialisation of securities
Physical securities are almost non-existent in today’s markets. In general, fixed income
paper deposited at the CSDs is either held in dematerialised or immobilised form, or a
combination of the two (depending on the issuer or instrument):
• Securities are held in dematerialised form at the CSDCC (China), NSDL and RBI
(India), BI (Indonesia; for current issues), BOJ (Japan), BNM (Malaysia), BTR
(Philippines), MAS (Singapore; insignificant portion of physical shares still exists),
CBC (Taiwan), TSD and BOT (Thailand).
• Securities are held in immobilised form at the TSCD (Taiwan).
• Instruments deposited at the following depositories are held in either immobilised or
dematerialised form, depending on the issuer or the instrument: Austraclear
(Australia), CMU (Hong Kong; EFBs and EFNs are dematerialised, other
instruments are held in immobilised form at two external settlement banks), KSD
(93% is dematerialised, the remainder is held in immobilised form).
Insurance policies
If guarantee funds are not available, it is important to review the insurance policies a CSD
has arranged to protect itself and its participants against adverse events. When analysing the
available policies, it is important to focus on the policy coverage and carrier, the amounts
insured and the applicable deductible amounts to assess the risk-mitigating capacity of the
specific policies.
• The central banks or linked depositories in our review (CMU (Hong Kong), RBI
(India), BI (Indonesia), BOJ (Japan), BNM (Malaysia), BTR (Philippines) and MAS
(Singapore)) typically do not maintain third-party insurance policies.
• Of the non-central banks, only CSDCC (China) does not maintain insurance.
• NSDL (India), KSD (Korea), TSCD (Taiwan) and TSD (Thailand) maintain insurance
policies to meet claims arising from their depository services and performance.
Communication procedures
Most depositories communicate with their participants through either:
• proprietary technology;
• secure dial-up or leased connections;
• a combination thereof.
Audits
When reviewing the performance, functionality and overall stability of market intermediaries
and providers, it is important to complement proprietary due diligence results with feedback
provided in both internal and external (independent) audit reviews:
• Central banks, as self-regulated entities, are generally subject to statutory audit
reviews by the government and to internal audit reviews.
• Some central banks (eg RBI - India) reported only a statutory audit requirement.
• Austraclear (Australia), CSDCC (China) and CMU (Hong Kong) are subject to both
internal and external audits.
• The NSDL (India) is subject to regular external and ad hoc regulatory (SEBI) audits.
• The KSD (Korea) is subject to annual internal/external and regulatory (FSS) audits.
• The TSCD (Taiwan) is subject to four levels of audit (internal, external and
regulatory (SFC), as well as an operational audit on its computer systems).
• The TSD (Thailand) is audited annually by the SET internal auditor (operational),
twice a year by external auditors (financial), and is subject to an occasional audit by
the SEC.
In addition, risk management policies of the CSDCC (China), CMU (Hong Kong), NSDL and
RBI (India) and the BOJ (Japan) are reviewed separately by specifically appointed risk
review committees.
Even though audit reports were not always made available for review, the depositories stated
that during the last audit no material exceptions were found. Only the NSDL (India) reported
that minor exceptions were found (no further details are available).
Data security
All depositories have implemented rigorous safeguards to ensure data security and
protection, such as unique passwords and user IDs (subject to regular change) and lockout
facilities, and depositories holding physical certificates employ guards to protect the vaults.
2.4.6 Conclusion
The analysis of Asian central securities depositories reveals, in our opinion, that the
depositories reviewed comply with the criteria outlined in Rule 17f-7 of the US Investment Act
of 1940. The structural and operational framework appears to be on a level consistent with
that of other central securities depositories serving comparable securities markets.
As outlined, the broad criteria that depositories must comply with to be considered an eligible
central securities depository under rule 17f-7 are:
• acting as a system of central handling of securities;
• being regulated by a financial regulatory authority;
• holding assets of all participants on equivalent terms;
• identifying and segregating participant assets;
• reporting periodically to participants;
• being examined at regular intervals by a regulator or independent accountant.
Some of the most noteworthy criteria we should retain from the above analysis are that
depositories should:
• consolidate the depository functions to service all securities in a domestic market;
• create real-time RTGS processing models, as these effectively mitigate risks, even
though they tend to be more costly due to the liquidity requirements;
• set up effective support systems, such as securities lending and access to credit
facilities, to ensure the system’s efficiency and effectiveness;
• confirm trade details early on in the process and harmonise settlement cycles to
allow further efficiencies;
• establish integrated and real-time links with the payment systems;
• remove physical certificates from the financial system and keep securities in
immobilised or dematerialised form (where legally possible);
Advantages
• Compared to a highly fragmented infrastructure, this model allows for partial risk
mitigation (systemic, market, operational and liquidity risks) and potential cost
efficiencies.
• Competitive element is retained through the coexistence of several providers.
• Implementation of increased transparency.
Disadvantages
• Investors/participants are required to establish memberships at various systems.
• Investment in interoperability is required - interoperability refers to technical
compatibility of systems but also includes standardised communication/messaging,
fees, contracts and procedures.
• Each component of the system must be efficient to ensure stability and robustness
of the entire system.
• The ongoing costs of existing separate entities (maintenance and innovation) remain
- there are few economies of scale.
• The costs associated with linking multiple back office systems are important.
• The integration of the component systems may be complex.
Advantages
• Full integration provides important economies of scale.
• Economies of scale promote cost efficiencies. The absence of duplication of
processes and investment reduce the required fixed and ongoing maintenance
costs.
• Largest incentive to innovate and provide wider range of services (eg portfolio
services).
Disadvantages
• Most expensive/complex structure to develop (system and processing
re-engineering).
2.5.5 Conclusion
When reviewing the outlook for Asia, it is important to evaluate risks in an integrated
environment and in the current context. Today, Asia is a very fragmented region with large
differences between the infrastructures servicing specific instrument types.
The domestic markets are continuing to evolve, as witnessed by the introduction of certain
functionality or initiatives in various markets:
• establishment of rating agencies for corporate bonds (India and Indonesia);
• implementation of the BI-SSSS (Indonesia).
Future enhancements are being prepared to further enhance the development of the bond
markets:
• STP processing (Australia);
• the expansion of international links and cooperation agreements (Hong Kong);
• introduction of the central counterparty concept for bond clearing (Japan, Thailand);
• a proposal to develop a long-term bond market and benchmark yield curve (Korea);
• introduction of a local fixed income exchange (Philippines);
• launch of 10-year government bond futures contract in January 2004 (Taiwan);
• a plan to move the TSD towards a T+2 settlement cycle (Thailand);
• TSD’s development of a Post Trade Integration Project, aimed at integrating all
system functions and centralising systems linked to market participants (Thailand);
France
United Holland
Kingdom Belgium Germany Switzerland Italy Scandinavia
Portugal
Table 3
G30 recommendations (1)
Recommendation 3 Develop and implement reference data standards (SWIFT, ISIN, BIC)
Table 5
CPSS/IOSCO recommendations
Standard 13 Governance
Governance arrangements for CSDs and CCPs should be designed to fulfil
public interest requirements and to promote the objectives of owners and
users.
Standard 14 Access
CSDs and CCPs should have objective and publicly disclosed criteria for
participation that permit fair and open access.
Standard 15 Efficiency
While maintaining safe and secure operations, securities settlement
systems should be cost-effective in meeting the requirements of users.
Standard 17 Transparency
CSDs and CCPs should provide market participants with sufficient
information for them to identify and evaluate accurately the risks and costs
associated with using the CSD or CCP services.
Annex 4:
CSDs/CCPs and payment systems in Asia
Table 6
CSDs/CCPs and payment systems in Asia
Central Central
Payment Clearing Payment Clearing
CSD clearing CSD clearing
system house system house
counterparty counterparty
China The China Two payment CSDCC CSDCC Same as Same as Same as Same as
Securities systems are Shanghai/ Shanghai/ government government government government
Depository and used to settle Shenzhen Shenzhen bonds bonds bonds bonds
Clearing Corp cash: a paper-
(CSDCC), based credit
Shanghai and advice
Shenzhen collected by
branches the central
bank (PBOC),
and an
electronic real-
time payment
system, China
National
Advance
Payment
System
(CNAPS)
319
320
Table 6 (cont)
CSDs/CCPs and payment systems in Asia
Central Central
Payment Clearing Payment Clearing
CSD clearing CSD clearing
system house system house
counterparty counterparty
Hong Kong Central Clearing House None for those n/a CMU Clearing House n/a n/a
SAR Moneymarkets Automatic settled via CMU Automatic
Unit (CMU)/ Transfer HKSCC Transfer
Settlement via clearing house
Central System System
CCASS: under for securities
Clearing and (CHATS), (CHATS),
continuous net traded on the
Settlement operated by settlement sys- Stock operated by
System Hong Kong tem, HKSCC Hong Kong
(CCASS) Interbank Exchange of Interbank
settlement Hong Kong
(selected Clearing counterparty to Clearing
Exchange Fund Limited both buying and Limited
Notes are (HKICL) selling broker (HKICL)
traded on through
CCASS) novation
India Reserve Bank Cheque, n/a Clearing National Cheque, n/a BOI Shareholding
of India - Public pay-order, Corporation of Securities pay-order, Ltd (BOISL) is
Debt Office banker’s India Limited Depository Ltd banker’s clearing house for
cheque or (CCIL) (NSDL) and cheque or trades on the
Reserve Bank Central Reserve Bank Stock Exchange,
of India cheque Depository of India cheque Mumbai (BSE),
Services (India) National
Interbank Interbank Securities
Ltd (CDSL)
BIS Papers No 30
Table 6 (cont)
CSDs/CCPs and payment systems in Asia
Central Central
Payment Clearing Payment Clearing
CSD clearing CSD clearing
system house system house
counterparty counterparty
Japan Bank of Japan (a) BOJNet n/a n/a CBs: JASDEC (a) FXYCS On-market: On-market:
(Japan (Foreign JSCC (Japan JSCC (Japan
(b) FXYCS Future 2005: Future 2005:
Securities Exchange Securities Securities
(Foreign JGBCC (JGB JGBCC (JGB
Depository Yen Clearing Clearing
Exchange Clearing Clearing
Center, Inc) Clearing Corporation) Corporation)
Yen Corporation) Corporation)
System)
Clearing Others: n/a Off-market: n/a Off-market: n/a
System) (b) BOJNet
(c) Zengin (c) Zengin
System System
(online (online
domestic domestic
yen fund yen fund
transfer and transfer and
remittance remittance
system) system)
321
322
Table 6 (cont)
CSDs/CCPs and payment systems in Asia
Central Central
Payment Clearing Payment Clearing
CSD clearing CSD clearing
system house system house
counterparty counterparty
Malaysia Bank Negara RENTAS (real- n/a n/a (a) KLSE (a) RENTAS (a-i) Securities (a) Securities
Malaysia time gross eligible Clearing Clearing
(b) RENTAS
(BNM) settlement bonds - Automated Automated
system Malaysian Network Network
managed by Central Sdn Bhd Sdn Bhd
BNM) Depository (SCANS) (SCANS)
Sdn Bhd only for
(b) n/a
(MCD) trades
settling
(b) SSTS
via Institu-
eligible
tional
bonds -
Settlement
Bank
Services
Negara
(ISS).
Malaysia
(BNM) (a-ii) n/a for
trades
BIS Papers No 30
settling
via MCD
transfer
mecha-
nism
(b) n/a
BIS Papers No 30
Table 6 (cont)
CSDs/CCPs and payment systems in Asia
Central Central
Payment Clearing Payment Clearing
CSD clearing CSD clearing
system house system house
counterparty counterparty
Philippines Registry of Payment n/a n/a n/a Over the n/a n/a
Scripless settled counter
Securities between
(RoSS) counterparties
via cheques
Optional:
Bangko
Sentral ng
Pilipinas (BSP
- central bank)
RTGS (Q1
2004)
Australia: Austraclear
Settlement process: BIS Model 1
• Settlement cycle: negotiable but generally on a rolling TD + 3 basis.
• Availability of securities is checked in seller’s account and position earmarked.
• If sufficient funds are available, settlement occurs in Austraclear.
• Transactions which would create a securities shortfall are rejected.
• Payment: via a feeder system to the central bank’s RTGS system.
Risk mitigators
• Matching: required but not legally binding. Matched but unsettled trades are
automatically deleted at the end of the settlement day.
• Securities lending: allowed in the market but not offered by Austraclear.
• Buy-in: there are no established buy-in procedures for debt instruments.
Aaron Low
3. Conclusions
This paper points to a “first-best” solution that could be reached if Asia were a homogenous
region. But it highlights issues that suggest extremely challenging work to seriously address
the limitations of the current financial infrastructure. A comforting point is the speed at which
some countries have addressed these issues and restructured their systems. The hope is
that while we have seen the impressive speed in the convergence of the real Asian
economies, the day may not be too far away when we finally witness the convergence of the
Asian financial sector.
Bernhard Eschweiler 1
Executive summary
Modern economies need efficient financial markets. In Asia, financial market development
has primarily been centred around banking and to some degree equity markets. Bond
markets always played a smaller role and some people believe that the absence of large and
robust local bond markets may have helped to cause the Asian crisis. True or not, Asian
policymakers have focused on local bond market development since the crisis. Indeed, local
bond markets have grown in size, but are still viewed as underdeveloped.
This has raised the question, on the one hand, of whether there are too many restrictions
that hamper market development. On the other hand, there is also the question of whether
current prudential regulatory standards are sufficiently sound. The purpose of this paper is to
analyse and compare the different degrees of liberalisation of Asian local bond markets and
their prudential standards. The key findings are as follows.
• The extent of bond market liberalisation and prudential regulation varies
substantially within the region. Only Hong Kong SAR and Singapore are on a par
with global standards and best practices.
• There is ample room for liberalisation and deregulation in most countries to promote
the development of local bond markets.
• Prudential standards are not grossly out of line with the respective degrees of bond
market liberalisation, but that is no reason for complacency since there is a need for
regulators not to fall behind the changes and developments in the marketplace.
• The basic structure and content of securities regulation in Asia looks increasingly
similar to the model adopted in most other parts of the world, but there are notable
deficiencies in some countries concerning enforcement. On the one hand,
supervisors are often too bureaucratic. On the other, they often lack the ability or
even the will to enforce basic standards.
• A key factor undermining the effectiveness of prudential regulation in some
countries is the general weakness of the legal and accounting infrastructure, which
is partly a function of the prevailing attitude towards common rights versus special
interests.
• The two areas with the biggest weaknesses are issuer disclosure and the prevention
of systemic risks. Disclosure standards for new issues are largely observed, but
regular reporting is weak. Supervisors’ understanding of market positions and
related risks, with regard to both individual investors and intermediaries, is often not
sufficient, largely due to resource issues.
In summary, there is clearly a need to strengthen prudential standards in most countries.
However, this may be better achieved and have a greater impact on bond market
1
The views expressed in this report are those of the author and not necessarily those of JPMorgan.
Defining regulation
Any meaningful discussion of financial market regulation first requires a description of the
basic regulatory framework. Not so long ago, financial market regulation in Asia consisted
primarily of a set of rules and restrictions that were mostly aimed at ensuring market (and
broader macroeconomic) stability and protecting onshore financial institutions from offshore
competition. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, some of these rules and restrictions,
especially capital controls, were eased. This led to a surge in offshore borrowing and what
followed is well known history.
One of the key lessons of the Asian crisis is that financial liberalisation should not occur in
isolation. Critical for success is the existence of adequate prudential regulation and
supervision that protects investors, ensures that markets are fair and transparent and
reduces systemic risks. Equally important is that the policy regime, especially the exchange
rate regime, is sufficiently flexible to cope with increased capital mobility.
In the years since the Asian crisis, there has been sustained effort in every country to
improve the prudential regulation and supervision of the financial sector and progress has
been made everywhere, although to different degrees. Some countries have also adjusted
their monetary policy frameworks to cope better with the rise in capital mobility, but the
preference for tight monetary policy control, especially over the exchange rate, has remained
strong. As a result, many countries have been slow to ease the foreign exchange and capital
controls they imposed during the Asian crisis.
Another popular conclusion from the Asian crisis is that financial intermediation relied too
much on traditional commercial banking and that most countries lacked strong local capital
markets. In response, every country in the region has made efforts to promote its local bond
market. These markets have grown substantially compared with the years before the Asian
crisis (on average, more than tripling in size), but most people would still view them as
underdeveloped. Much of the market growth has been driven by government issuance, which
in turn was largely a legacy of the Asian crisis. Buy-and-hold investors, mostly commercial
banks, still dominate markets and liquidity is low, while corporates still struggle to raise funds
in the domestic bond market and rely on bank loans or offshore borrowing.
The recognition that local bond markets remain underdeveloped has more recently led to
several regional efforts to promote their development, including the Asian Bond Fund (ABF)
initiative by the 11 EMEAP central banks. A number of issues have been identified as
hampering the development of local bond markets, including access barriers, especially for
foreigners, lack of funding and hedging instruments, inadequate clearing, settlement and
trading systems, lack of liquid benchmark curves, and last but not least insufficient prudential
regulation and supervision.
This paper will focus on the regulatory aspects and compare the degree of financial
liberalisation of local bond markets with the relevant prudential regulatory and supervisory
conditions. The study focuses on eight local bond markets in non-Japan Asia which are in
EMEAP economies, namely China, Hong Kong SAR, Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, the
Philippines, Singapore and Thailand.
First, however, some more clarification of the term “regulation” is required. The usage of this
term still creates some confusion and often has a negative connotation. On the one hand,
people talk about regulatory restrictions that hamper market development and the need for
deregulation and market liberalisation. On the other hand, there is growing demand for more
sound regulation and supervision of market practices, especially following the Asian crisis
Economic regulation
The motivation behind economic rules and restrictions often varies, but the end effect is that
they undermine the free operation of market forces by prohibiting certain business activities
or making them difficult. Good examples are market entry restrictions, capital controls, price
controls and certain taxes. Often, economic regulations are used to support macroeconomic
policy objectives, like financial market or foreign exchange stability. But while such
regulations may help governments achieve their policy objectives, they are typically
inefficient and lead to a misallocation of resources. Moreover, market participants often seek
loopholes to circumvent these restrictions, which leads to a whole new set of problems.
Another motive behind economic regulations, especially entry barriers, is to protect domestic
financial institutions from foreign competition. However, such protection typically leads to
inefficiencies and preserves poor market practices.
The aim of any developing economy should be to gradually reduce economic regulations and
open up its markets. The only caveat is that such liberalisation should not run ahead of other
economic, policy and market reforms, including the establishment of strong prudential
regulation. Thus, when comparing the different degrees of financial liberalisation in the
region, one needs to be mindful of the circumstances and the feasible extent of deregulation
against the background of economic, policy and market conditions. In other words, the
current degree of financial liberalisation in Hong Kong or Singapore is not a realistic near-
term goal for countries like China or Indonesia.
Prudential regulation
Prudential regulation and supervision are meant to protect investors, ensure that financial
markets are fair, transparent and efficient and reduce systemic risks. A strong prudential
regulatory environment is the key to a successful financial centre. Contrary to popular
wisdom, most financial institutions do not want lax regulation. The customers of financial
firms need the assurance that the institutions with which they do business have high ethical
standards, are prudently run, have high-quality staff, and adhere to the highest business
standards. Unless they have confidence in these factors, they will simply take their business
elsewhere.
Most financial institutions recognise that good regulation is a valuable asset which raises the
value of their services in the eyes of their customers. It is no accident that the most
successful financial centres, New York, London, Hong Kong and Singapore, all have rigorous
supervision. Even so, detailed mechanical rules and ratios enforced by frequent checking are
undoubtedly burdensome. When these rules constrain otherwise desirable transactions, they
can contribute to driving business away.
Good prudential regulation works with the grain of market forces and should provide
incentives to reinforce prudent instincts. This is why the trend of regulation and supervision is
towards encouraging high-quality risk management processes, and away from detailed
monitoring of balance sheet ratios. It stresses transparency, market discipline and self-
regulation, and not just compliance with formal rules. In this spirit, the relationship between
the regulatory agency and the regulated entity should not be adversarial.
The financial sector should regard the supervisor as a partner and counsellor, rather than as
a policeman enforcing rules. The supervisor should be able to offer guidance to the financial
institution when it falls short of best practice elsewhere in the industry, or when the business
model being followed seems to have under-appreciated risks. Only when the institution
Foreign access
There are still substantial restrictions in several countries on access by foreign investors,
issuers and intermediaries who want to participate in the local bond markets (Table 1). At
one extreme, China is currently the most closed market. Investors can only enter the local
bond market if they apply for a Qualified Foreign Institutional Investor (QFII) licence, which is
a laborious process. On the issuance side, the government now seems willing to open the
local market to multilateral agencies, but no bonds have been issued so far. And for
intermediaries, access is currently only available through joint ventures. Even so, the
schedule of China’s WTO agreements and the current reform drive promise more opening of
China’s capital markets to foreign participation in the next few years. Only the move to full
capital account convertibility probably remains many years (if not decades) away, given the
poor health of many domestic financial institutions, especially the state-owned commercial
banks.
At the other extreme, Hong Kong and Singapore are the most open financial centres in the
region. The main difference between the two is the non-internationalisation policy of the
Singapore dollar, which in practice only means that foreign bond issuers must swap the bond
proceeds that are not used for domestic investment purposes into another foreign currency.
Getting an intermediary licence is also a bit more difficult in Singapore compared to
Hong Kong. In between these extremes, Korea, and to a slightly lesser extent Thailand, are
more accessible, especially for investors. Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines are more
on the closed side, in particular in terms of issuer access, which, as with China, is limited to
multilateral agencies on a case by case approval basis.
Issuance restrictions
Bond issuance restrictions not only affect foreign issuers, but domestic issuers as well.
Protection of investor interests is often the motivation behind these rules, but this may come
at the expense of unnecessarily constraining an issuer’s ability to go to the market. There are
two types of issuance models: disclosure-based and merit-based.
The mandatory rating requirement, which is standard in almost every economy except for
Hong Kong and Singapore (note that both these economies are also the only ones without at
least one domestic rating agency), is undoubtedly meant as a protection for investors. This
may put pressure on issuers in the less developed markets to comply with the disclosure
requirements. However, this benefit declines and the rating requirement becomes more of an
additional cost as the market develops and disclosure standards are generally met.
Furthermore, investors may become complacent and rely too much on the judgment of the
rating agencies instead of making their own assessments.
Hedging instruments
Lack of hedging instruments is repeatedly listed as one of the top obstacles to the
development of local bond markets. At the moment, only Hong Kong permits the full range of
hedging instruments. To be sure, derivatives are complex financial instruments and need to
be used with care, but the reluctance to approve their use often has more to do with the fear
that they may be used to destabilise markets than real prudential concerns. It must also be
recognised that hedging instruments can be unavailable despite a neutral stance by the
authorities, owing to a lack of liquidity in the market.
After Hong Kong, Korea, Singapore and Thailand have taken the most steps to liberalise the
use of derivatives in the local fixed income markets (Table 3). In China, the use of derivatives
is still the least developed, but a new series of guidelines is currently paving the way for the
introduction of basic interest rate derivatives. In Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines, the
use of derivatives is highly restricted and, unlike in China, there are no signs that this will
change soon.
Taxation
The issue as regards taxation is not so much one of principle (whether capital income and
gains should be taxed), but one of distortion. There are legitimate reasons why governments
want to tax capital income and capital gains. The problem is that it is difficult, if not impossible,
to tax the different forms of capital income and capital gains equally. Moreover, there is a
growing global trend not to tax foreign investors. So investors are likely to avoid those countries
that still do so. Finally, even if there are tax treaties in place, the paperwork is often so
laborious and refunding takes so long that many foreign investors stay out of the market.
In Asia, taxation is still a key factor that keeps many foreign investors away from local bond
markets. Only Hong Kong and Singapore effectively do not tax foreign investors (Table 4).
China has also done away with the withholding tax and only taxes capital gains if bonds are
not held until maturity. Korea now has tax treaties with many countries, but the high amount
of taxes initially withheld and the long time period until refunds are paid out still deter many
foreign investors.
Table 4
Taxation
Main securities laws China Sec Law Sec & Fut BAPEPAM Sec & Exch Law
Comm Ord Rules, Cap Mkt
Law1
Number of other laws
relevant for securities 7 4 3 4
Main securities China Sec Sec & Fut Comm BAPEPAM Fin Supv Comm
supervisor Reg Comm
Year established 1992 1989 1976 1998
Accountable to State Council Fin Secretary MoF MoFE
2
Staffing 1,525 361 443 1,670
Funding Gov & fees Self-funded Gov & fees Gov & fees
4
Other relevant CBRC, PBoC, HKMA Bank Indonesia FSS, SFC5
regulatory authorities SAFE3
Structure of overall
financial sector
supervision6 Multiple Multiple Multiple Single
Main securities laws Sec Ind Act Sec Reg Code Sec Ind Act Sec & Exch Act
Number of other laws
relevant for securities 7 5 6 4
Main securities Sec Comm Sec & Exch MAS7 Sec & Exch
supervisor Comm Comm
Year established 1993 1936 1971 1992
Accountable to MoF MoF MoF MoF
Staffing2 549 361 987 391
Funding Self-funded Gov & fees Self-funded Self-funded
Other relevant
regulatory authorities BNM, CCM8 BSP9 None Bank of Thailand
Structure of overall
financial sector
supervision6 Semi Multiple Single Multiple
1 2
BAPEPAM = Badan Pangawas Pasar Modal, the capital market supervisory agency. See Central Banking
3
Publications (2004). CBRC = China Banking Regulatory Commission; PBoC = The People’s Bank of China;
SAFE = State Administration of Foreign Exchange. 4 HKMA = Hong Kong Monetary Authority. 5 FSS =
Financial Supervisory Service; SFC = Securities and Futures Commission; the FSS and SFC are executive
bodies of the Financial Supervisory Commission. 6 Integration/division in the supervision of the three main
financial sectors (banking, insurance and securities): multiple = at least one supervisor for each sector; semi =
one supervisor for two sectors; single = one supervisor for all sectors. 7 MAS = Monetary Authority of
8
Singapore. BNM = Bank Negara Malaysia (Central Bank of Malaysia); CCM = Commission Companies of
9
Malaysia. BSP = Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the Philippines).
Table 6
Legal and accounting standards
Hong Kong
China Indonesia Korea
SAR
Conclusion
Comparing the degree of local bond market liberalisation with prudential regulatory and
supervisory standards reveals three clusters (Graph 1). Hong Kong SAR and Singapore are
the most advanced economies in the region and essentially in line with best standards in the
rest of the world. Both have superior prudential regulatory and supervisory systems, but Hong
Kong is slightly more liberal in terms of market access and product innovation. The main
challenge for Hong Kong is to improve cooperation with the mainland authorities in order to
better understand the credit quality of the Chinese parent companies of Hong Kong affiliates.
Graph 1
Liberalisation/supervision grid
100
Singapore
80
Supervision index; 100 = global best practice
Korea
Malaysia
Thailand
60
40 China Philippines
Indonesia
20
0
0 20 40 60 80 100
Liberalisation index, 100 = global best practice
Note: The scatter chart above represents the author’s judgment of the degree of
market liberalisation and supervision based on the analytical framework outlined in
this study and informal feedback from market participants.
References
Asian Development Bank (2003): Harmonization of bond market rules and regulations, August.
Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (2001): The joint forum, core principles, cross-
sectoral comparison, Bank for International Settlements, November.
Central Banking Publications (2004): How countries supervise their banks, insurers and
securities markets.
China, China Securities Regulatory Commission, www.csrc.gov.cn.
Crockett, Andrew (2003): “Principles of financial regulation”, speech at the Seoul Financial
Centre Conference, October.
It is my honour and privilege to serve as the moderator of this panel of distinguished experts
on capital markets. Over the last two days, we have listened to presentations and
discussions about 13 papers analysing many issues involved in developing regional bond
markets in Asia. In order to summarise and better understand what we have learned in this
conference, we have organised this panel discussion with the expectation that the panel
members will help us chart a course of development that will establish deep and liquid
regional bond markets in Asia. For this purpose, I would like to ask the panel members for
their views on some issues that are crucial for Asian bond market development.
The first question I would like to raise is: does Asia need regional bond markets?
• Would it be easier and cheaper to issue local currency bonds in regional bond
markets than in global bond markets?
• Would these regional markets help diversify the foreign exchange reserve portfolios
of Asian countries?
• Would regional bond markets improve resource allocation and stimulate investment
in the region?
The second question refers to the ideal structure of Asian bond markets: what types of
regional bond markets would best serve the bond financing needs of Asian governments and
corporations? Possible approaches are:
• Improving and expanding existing regional bond markets such as the samurai
market in Japan
• Creating an offshore bond market (replication of the old eurobond market)
• Promoting regional financial centres through competition
Finally, I would like to ask the panel members: what could ASEAN+3 do to develop deep and
regional bond markets in Asia? Aspects to consider:
• Develop and open local bond markets - a prerequisite to the promotion of regional
bond markets in Asia
• Facilitate regulatory, tax, and other institutional harmonisation and policy
coordination
• Construct regional capital market infrastructure, including clearing and settlement,
regional rating and credit enhancement institutions
Tom Byrne
This conference addressed issues concerning the development of an Asian bond market.
Moody’s view is that governments and corporations in Asia will continue to seek access to
the global capital market, but that national markets in the region will develop and mature,
allowing firms to increase their funding in domestic debt markets. As in other regions,
Moody’s has in recent years expanded in Asia, by building up its offices in Tokyo, Hong Kong
and Singapore, as well as by buying into local rating agencies. For example, Moody’s has
majority ownership in KIS, one of the national rating agencies in the Korean market. The use
of a national rating scale in Korea - although not integrated into Moody’s global rating scale’s
default and expected loss probabilities - provides local investors with valuable distinctions of
relative creditworthiness in a credit rating convention they are more familiar with.
I think it is important to consider the role of a rating agency, which is valid in any market,
regional or global. In Moody’s view, the main and proper role of credit ratings is to enhance
transparency and efficiency in debt capital markets, by providing an independent opinion of
relative credit risk, reducing the information asymmetry between borrowers and lenders. This
function enhances investor confidence and allows creditworthy borrowers broader
marketability of their debt securities.
Moody’s believes that there is room to enhance the disclosure of its own rating processes.
Moody’s does not believe the accusation that it is a “black box” to be fair or accurate.
Moody’s rating methodologies and practices have been published periodically, and senior
officers of the firm have made speeches to professional forums and made presentations to
government regulators concerning this issue. Moody’s has codified core principles of good
rating practices; they are:
• Ratings must be independent of commercial relationships with an issuer.
• No forbearance: Moody’s shall not refrain from taking a rating action out of concern
for the potential effect it may have on the issuer or the market.
• Controlling conflicts of interest: Moody’s does not give investment advice.
• Confidential information is not disclosed, and used only internally for rating
decisions.
• Judicious consideration will be taken in assessing all the circumstances relevant to
an issuer’s creditworthiness.
• Rating committees make rating decisions that reflect the collective experience of
judgment of the organisation, not the opinion of any single person.
Furthermore, Moody’s believes that independence, objectivity and reliability have been the
heart of the rating agency’s role in credit markets for nearly a century. Moody’s would be
concerned if additional regulatory oversight were to reach into the underlying methodology
and practices of the credit rating practice - particularly if regulation were to change the nature
of the product offered by the rating agency from one based on credibility with the investor
community to one of a licensing function for the government.
Moody’s believes that innovation and competition between rating agencies better serve the
market than harmonisation or cooperation with the industry. Well functioning rating agencies,
in the manner described above, will help improve market transparency and efficiency in
allocating capital.
Aaron Low
2. What types of regional bond markets will best serve the bond
financing needs of Asian governments and corporations?
Absent a common regional currency, the Asian dollar bond market is perhaps the most
attractive alternative to a regional bond market. This approach does imply an additional set of
costs that includes issues of corporate governance, disclosure, rating fees, etc. As long as
developed Asia relies on the external sector and hard currency earnings for its growth, it
would be natural to finance that growth with hard currency debt. Corporations and
governments also look closely at the cheapest form of financing. Local currency and even
offshore issuance increases the financing opportunity set and should be an important priority,
especially for firms that do not have foreign revenues or operations. Regulatory bodies can
facilitate and improve market infrastructure, but markets will gravitate to the cheapest and
most efficient alternative.
Robert N McCauley 1
In his remarks, Sang Yong Park offered a counsel of despair. Only an offshore regional
market, he argued, could break the vested interests that are preventing the development of
domestic bond markets. The flaw in this prescription, however, is that governments have to
allow their currencies to be used offshore, and the same vested interests that block domestic
market development will prevent offshore market development. The US dollar was already
internationalised when the US government made the policy errors that encouraged the
development of the offshore eurodollar bond market. Offshore markets in the Deutsche mark
or Swiss franc were limited by restrictions imposed by the German and Swiss authorities,
with the effect of protecting vested interests. Offshore regional markets do not, in my view,
offer the way forward.
The real choice is between the global bond market and domestic bond markets. As debt
managers, governments need to recognise that global securities firms naturally argue for
global markets. They cannot be expected to give full weight to the direct costs, and perhaps
more importantly, the indirect costs, of going global. Debt managers need to exercise
discipline in choosing between global and national markets. Consider the example of the last
Korean sovereign issue.
Last June, the Republic of Korea sold a $1 billion dollar bond due in 2013 in the global
market. Underwriters Barclays, Citigroup and Goldman Sachs were paid to distribute the
bond to global investors. The trade press, in particular FinanceAsia (June 2003, page 8),
reported that about 75% of the bonds were placed in Asia, with less than 10% in Korea,
15% in Europe and 10% in the United States.
It is widely believed that, owing to secondary market purchases, Samsung Insurance has
become the largest holder of this dollar bond. Since the insurer has Korean won liabilities to
its policyholders, it has reportedly converted the dollar cash flows from this bond into won
with a cross-currency swap.
Consider the Rube Goldberg contraption that this circuit of transactions represents. The
Republic of Korea pays underwriters a fee to place the bond with global investors. Samsung
Insurance pays half the bid-ask spread to the bond’s market-maker and half the bid-ask
spread to the derivatives dealer who arranged the cross-currency swap. Would it not have
been easier and cheaper to sell a 10-year Korean won government bond in the Seoul bond
market?
Look at the transaction from another perspective. The Republic of Korea paid 92 basis points
over the yield on a 10-year US Treasury note on its bond. This was a vast improvement on
the 355 basis points paid in April 1998 on a 10-year bond. Following the money, the $1 billion
is added to Korean foreign exchange reserves. There, Korea’s reserve managers will try to
earn returns over US Treasury yields by investing the $1 billion proceeds. If they are able to
obtain a return of 40 basis points over US Treasury yields by buying agency paper or bonds
backed by credit cards or mortgages, they would be doing well. But this would imply a net
cost of something like 50 basis points per year, or around $50 million over the life of the
1
Views expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Bank for International Settlements.