D

Death, Overview medicine. The formal study of death and the

personal, social, cultural, ethical, and legal issues
Bryan Reuther that surround it is called thanatology, named after
Center for Psychological Studies, Nova the Greek god of death, Thanatos.
Southeastern University, Davie, FL, USA

Definition
Introduction
Death is defined as a state of being, the termina-
Death, most generally, indicates some type of tion of life, or the ending or passing of something.
“ending.” Commonly, it refers to the end of life Death is most commonly viewed as the cessation
itself. As such, death is something that all human of biological function from a living organism. For
beings, as living, biological organisms, inevita- the former, a precise definition is hard to deter-
bly must face. Indeed, our unique awareness of mine because of the complexity relationship
death embeds our experience with a temporal between human consciousness and brain/body
dimension, which implicitly and explicitly function as well as the close boundary between
shapes our lives across the developmental life life and death. In the United States, the Uniform
span (see Kastenbaum, 1992, 2012; Yalom, Determination of Death Act (National Confer-
1980, and Mauer 1966) for concepts of death in ence of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws,
early development). Death terminates a person’s 1981) defines death as “either (1) irreversible
life and subjective narrative - resulting in noth- cessation of circulatory and respiratory functions,
ingness and nonbeing. This terrifying realization or (2) irreversible cessation of all functions of the
often conjures immense anxiety, and people have entire brain, including the brain stem.” These
historically looked for ways to cope with the criteria are determined by medical professionals.
ontological and existential issues surrounding “Brain death,” at least as it relates to modern
death. Included are religious and cultural notions materialist-based brain function, results in the
of the afterlife and even quests for immortality. loss of human subjective life as consciousness,
However, despite the significance death has on mental life, and thought also terminate. Death
humanity, most of us experience day-to-day life also refers to the ending or passing of something,
with little immediate awareness of death. such as a relationship or cultural movement. The
Consequently, the topic of how to understand impact can be great on a person, especially if the
and handle our mortal being has been extensively person derived part of his or her self-concept on
addressed in religion (especially through whatever ended. In a way, we can see how the
ritualized practices), philosophy, literature, and ending of a cultural movement or relationship can

T. Teo (ed.), Encyclopedia of Critical Psychology, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-5583-7,

# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014
D 368 Death, Overview

alter the way a person interacts with the world, knowing it is inevitable while simultaneously
resulting in the possible disruption of meaning not knowing when or how it will occur. It is to
systems and fragmentation of the self. this extent that death remains a strong threat to
a person’s ontological security (Giddens, 1991;
Mellor, & Shilling, 1993).
Keywords The anthropologist Ernest Becker (1973/
1997) in The Denial of Death engaged both
Dying; existentialism; anxiety; fear; psychopa- Freud and existentialist thinkers (particularly
thology; grief; loss; bereavement; thanatos; Søren Kierkegaard and Otto Rank) to make it
near-death experiences; meaninglessness clear that human beings use civilization for
death denying purposes. He argued that cultures,
religions, and social groups offer ready-made
Traditional Debates value systems that help people avoid death anxi-
ety. Similarly, the psychiatrist Robert Jay Lifton
In the pursuit of understanding death and human (1979) introduced the concept of “symbolic
experience, two main theoretical perspectives immortality” which he defined as our ongoing
have emerged: one based upon Freud’s psycho- seeking out of different biological and sociocul-
analytic theory and the other addressed by exis- tural ways to ensure that we leave a mark on the
tentialist writers. Sigmund Freud (1913/1953) world that survives our own physical deaths.
wrote the fear of death was not a primary More recently, Becker’s and Lifton’s writings
human concern and was manifest of a much (among others) have inspired an experimental-
deeper fear. For example, castration anxiety was experimental paradigm in social psychology
considered a “deeper” concern than death. Later, called terror management theory that investigates
Freud expanded his ideas of death to explain the human mortality in relation to human behavior
atrocities and destruction that occurred during and cognition (Solomon, Greenberg, &
World War I (which could not be accounted for Pyszczynski, 2004). Numerous studies suggest
by Eros, otherwise known as the “life drive”). that people tend to uphold and enforce the mean-
Consequently, Freud theorized that an opposing ing laden symbols of their cultural and religious
instinctual “death drive,” which he called Than- norms/values and rely on intimate attachment
atos, also must exist. Both drives are intertwined relationships when death (death reminders)
and in constant conflict, resulting in the person becomes salient.
always being subject to the manifest expression In the context of dying, there is a general
of one of these forces. debate over whether or not there are universal
According to existentialist thought, death is stages. Elisabeth K€ubler-Ross (1969) in her
one of the main and, in contrast with Freud, pri- book On Death and Dying presents a stage
mary human concerns. Martin Heidegger (1962) theory, which includes (1) Denial and Isolation,
emphasized the temporal dimension death brings (2) Anger, (3) Bargaining, (4) Depression,
to existence through being-towards-death. Each and (5) Acceptance. Conversely, research has
person, which Heidegger calls Dasein (being- demonstrated that these stages are not universal.
there), is being-towards-death. This structure For example, George Bonanno, one of the
situates every action as part of a larger contextual biggest critics of the K€ubler-Ross’s stages,
pathway, which is directed towards and finalized rejects these stages as “universal” to the dying
by death (Heidegger, 1962). Death is thusly the process and contends that there may not be
end of Dasein’s possibilities. Moreover, death – at any depression/grief due to general resiliency,
the same time that it threatens a person with positive social support, and sociocultural
nonexistence – thrusts a person into a fuller variables.
and more authentic apprehension of life. Death What occurs to human consciousness after
presents us with the rather peculiar paradox of physical death? Most religions and cultural
Death, Overview 369 D
groups have a conception of the afterlife that upon the argument of self-determination, ought
involves consciousness or the soul transcending to have the right to be assisted in suicide and to
corporeal life. Reports of near-death experiences voluntary euthanasia (Prado, 2003). It is further
(NDEs) have supported some notion of con- argued that the power of elective death and life
sciousness extending beyond physical life. How- sustainment is controlled by “public” medicine,
ever, naturalistic and neurobiological alternatives politics, and society, which strips the individual
have been identified to explain the phenomena of person of the deeply private and personal aspect
NDEs (see Blackmore, 1993), casting further sci- of death (Prado, 2003; Salem, 1999). Specifi-
entific doubt of an afterlife. cally, in the United States, elective death other- D
wise known as physician-assisted suicide (PAS)
is a states-rights issue, with three states, Oregon,
Critical Debates Montana, and Washington, having legislature
legalizing PAS in some form or another. The
Death anxiety is one of the core concerns of legality of elective death, PAS, and voluntary
existential thought and is specifically analyzed euthanasia in other countries varies around the
in existential psychotherapy. In this view, world.
neurotic/psychotic or psychopathological presen- Phillip Mellor and Chris Shelling (1993)
tations are viewed as compensatory expressions contend that modernity has stripped people of
of coping with the precarious and often meaningful structures garnered through ritual
destabilizing deeper mortality issues. Trauma, practices. This is mostly due to the lack of
for instance, in an experience that may confront plausibility science casts on the notion of an
a person with death firsthand (or vicariously). afterlife. As such, without viable replacement
Many psychotherapists do not focus on death meaning structures, people are naked in the face
anxiety, claiming that it does not arise or is irrel- of death. However, it is not the dismissal of
evant to address in psychotherapy. However, religious rituals that is problematic per se but
Irvin Yalom (1980) disagrees, claiming that it is rather the “reflexive deconstruction of public
an underlying theme, and even if not explicitly value-systems, including ritualistic and bodily
spoken about, it remains embedded in everyday referents and practices (p. 428).” In this view,
life, manifest in our everyday choices, fears, and people are alone to construct meanings and
sense of responsibility. Notably, one area where it answer questions associated with life and death,
may more or less explicitly arise is in the context which brings to the surface many existential
of grief counseling. In the case, not only is the issues, including alienation, isolation, meaning-
person’s dealing with the loss, but the loss itself lessness, anxiety, and despair.
may also bring up his or her own death and The pushing away of death concerns has been
mortality issues. associated not only with de-emphasis of ritual and
Albert Camus (1955/1991) said many years the stripping away of public value systems but
ago the only real (philosophical) question is also the emergence of an aging-phobic society.
whether or not to die. Today, the right to die (or Lee (2004) mentions how modern society, in an
elective death), and the surrounding moral, legal, attempt to avoid death, relies on social institutions
and social issues, is an ongoing debate. The cen- to handle most of the stages of the dying process
tral issue centers on passive versus active means through hospitals, funeral parlors, undertakers,
of dying, that is, the moral and ethical distinctions life insurance policies, etc. Indeed, the avoidance
between intentionally allowing a disease process of death (or the signs that one is progressing
to result in death and intentionally causing death towards death) also manifests in westernized
by using outside means, such as pharmaceuticals cultures through antiaging creams and plastic
(Mowery, 2007). In the context of medical care, surgery procedures. Still, as Paul T.P. Wong
each person has the general right to refuse or (2010) states, inasmuch as we are repelled by
cease medical treatment and, similarly, based death, we also remain fascinated by it: take
D 370 Deception

for example, violent and war-related video games. death act. Washington, DC. Accessed from
From this, a seemingly passive acceptance and http://pntb.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/Uniform-
Determination-of-Death-1980_5c.pdf
even enjoyment comes from death. Also, the pri- Prado, C. G. (2003). Foucauldian ethics and elective
vatization of the manufacturing of weapons and death. Journal of Medical Ethics, 24(3/4), 203–211.
war machines has major implications of the way Salem, T. (1999). Physician-assisted suicide: Promoting
death is held in society, such that death – as it autonomy-or medicalizating suicide. The Hastings
Center Report, 29(3), 30–36.
pertains to war – is an industry. Consequently, Solomon, S., Greenberg, J., & Pyszczynski, T. (2004). The
whether though human denial, fascination, or cultural animal: Twenty years of terror management
exploiting human conflict, death, at the very theory and research. In J. Greenberg, S. L. Koole, &
least, is pushed off onto specialized social T. Pyszczynski (Eds.), Handbook of experimental
existential psychology (pp. 13–24). New York:
institutions and, at the worst, is seemingly Guilford Press.
commercialized for the purpose of profit and Wong, P. T. P. (2010). Meaning making and positive
economic gain. psychology of death acceptance. International Journal
of Existential Psychology and Psychotherapy, 3(2).
Accessed from http://journal.existentialpsychology.
org/index.php?journal¼ExPsy&page¼article&op¼view
Article&path%5B%5D¼163&path%5B%5D¼wong-
References mm-html
Yalom, I. (1980). Existential psychotherapy. New York:
Becker, E. (1973). Denial of death. New York: Free Press. Basic Books.
Blackmore, S. (1993). Dying to live: Near-death experi-
ences. Amherst, NY: Prometheus.
Camus, A. (1955/1991). The myth of Sisyphus and other Online Resources
essays (trans: O’Brien, J.). New York: Vintage Books Death, Faith, and Existentialism. http://philosophynow.
International. org/issues/27/Death_Faith_and_Existentialism
Freud, S. (1913/1953). Thoughts for the times of war and American psychological association – death and dying.
death. In J. Ernest (Ed.), Collected works, Vol. IV http://www.apa.org/topics/death/index.aspx
(pp. 299-317). London: Hogarth. Thinkquest.org emotional stages of dying. http://library.
Giddens, A. (1991). The consequneces of modernity. Palo thinkquest.org/C0122781/psychology/stages.htm
Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. Death–Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. http://plato.
Heidegger, M. (1962/2008). Being and time. New York: stanford.edu/entries/death/
Harper and Row.
Kastenbaum, R. (1992). The psychology of death
(2nd ed.). New York: Springer.
Kastenbaum, R. (2012). Death, society and human
experience (11th ed.). New York: Pearson. Deception
Kubler-Ross, E. (1969/1997). On death and dying.
New York: Scribner. Michael Pettit
Lee, R. L. M. (2004). The deconstruction of death:
Postmodern and near-death. Journal of Near – Death
Department of Psychology, York University,
Studies, 22(3), 179–194. Toronto, ON, Canada
Lifton, R. J. (1979). The broken connection: On life and
the continuity of death. Arlington, VA: American Psy-
chiatric Publishing.
Maurer, A. (1966). Maturation of concepts of death. The
Introduction
British Journal of Medical Psychology, 39(1), 35–41.
Mellor, P. A., & Shilling, C. (1993). Modernity, Definition
self-identity, and the sequestration of death. Sociology, Deception involves the use of words or actions to
27(3), 411–431.
Mowery, R. L. (2007). The family, larger systems, and
induce false beliefs. Psychologists tend to distin-
end-of-life decision making. In D. Balk, C. Wogrin, guish between the intentional deception of other
G. Thorton, & D. Meagher (Eds.), Handbook of than- individuals and various forms of self-deception.
atology: The essential body of knowledge for the study Deception is a common – although controversial –
of death, dying, and bereavement (pp. 93–101).
New York: Routledge.
means through which psychologists seek to
National conference of commissioners on uniform increase the ecological validity of their studies.
state laws. (1981). Uniform determination of To counteract the influence of social desirability
Deception 371 D
and other biases, psychologists often want to deceptive responses in the name of saving
disguise the purpose of the study from the a fictional friend. When the lie detector moved
participants. into a policing context, John Larson and
Leonarde Keeler did much to convince suspects
of the machine’s infallibility. They intentionally
Keywords deceived suspects about the test’s accuracy. This
was because the lie detector did not actual mea-
Deception; ethics; social psychology; sure deception itself, but worked to reveal the
experimentation individual’s convictions about the truthfulness D
of their own statements (Pettit, 2013).
Deception became a routine aspect of psycho-
Traditional Debates logical research during the1920s as psychologists
began to study moral character and personality
As initially conceptualized by Wilhelm Wundt, under experimental conditions. The work of the
experimental psychology excluded the use of Character Education Inquiry, under the direction
deception from its research design. Wundt of Hugh Hartshorne and Mark May, is emblem-
insisted that reliable experiments required a atic of this shift. Hartshorne and May wanted to
highly trained and informed observer carefully understand under what conditions would ordi-
reporting on the introspective content of their nary school children would lie, cheat, and steal.
consciousness under the controlled conditions Hartshorne and May’s Studies in Deceit
provided by the experimenter. Indeed, the role (1928) laid out some of their concerns about
of experimenter and participant (most frequently relying on deception to secure reliable results.
the laboratory head and his graduate students) On the one hand, as religiously minded scientists
were exchanged during the course of the experi- seeking to encourage youthful morality, they
ment (Danziger, 1990). During this period, the wanted to be as honest with their participants as
use of deception was reserved for the investiga- possible. On the other hand, they realized that
tion of phenomena on the margins of psychology studying dishonest behavior (rather than opinions
and for persons marked as socially other from the or attitudes) required low visibility on the psy-
scientist. This use of deception can be traced back chologist’s part. These pragmatic concerns won
at least to the Franklin Commission’s famed out. What one sees in the Character Education
exposé of Mesmeric phenomena (Kaptchuk, Inquiry’s methodological is an approach towards
1998). Between 1870 and 1920, notable physi- participants formerly reserved for individuals
cians (George Beard) and psychologists (Hugo marked as deviant if not criminal. This completed
M€ unsterberg and Joseph Jastrow) championed the refutation of Wundtian conception of the
the deployment of deception in their exposés of active participant (Pettit, 2013).
paranormal phenomena. They justified deceit on The experimental deployment of deception
the scientist’s part because they assumed that the became even more prevalent in the postwar
participants were inherently deceptive and could years with the rise of a social psychology
not be trusted to offer reliable responses. They influenced by Kurt Lewin. He contended that it
understood the spirit medium as a fraud in both was necessary to recreate within the laboratory
a scientific and legal sense (Pettit, 2013). the same dynamic system which governed life
Another site where deception featured promi- outside its walls. An experiment was an ideal
nently was in the early validation of the lie detec- situation – a carefully defined one whose varying
tor. Deception was both the mental state under conditions were well controlled by the scientist –
investigation, but crucial to the test’s success. but which contained crucial elements of real sit-
Experiments conducted by William Moulton uations. After Lewin’s death in 1947, his student
Marston at Harvard University in the 1910s Leon Festinger became the widely acknowledge
involved mock trials where participants faked leader of American social psychology and an
D 372 Deception

ardent champion of the use of deception in 18,000 psychologists about their opinions and
research design (Korn, 1997). soliciting examples of egregious behavior. In
Stanley Milgram represents the most contro- 1971, the Committee published a heavily criti-
versial use of deception within psychology and cized set of ethical principles in the APA Monitor.
his famous obedience experiments feature prom- A revised set of ethics was published in 1973
inently in research ethics classes. In a decade (Stark, 2010).
shaped by nascent concerns over a wide range
of civil rights, Milgram’s experiments and decep- Critical Debates
tion more broadly came under sustained scrutiny. In a critical survey of medical ethics, Cooter
Baumrind (1964) argued that the distressing sit- (1995) contends that this field tends to represent
uation in which Milgram placed his participants already existing vested interests rather than chal-
may induce long-term psychological harm, lenge medical authority. Bioethicists routinely
which the concrete benefits obtained (the tenta- fail to consider alternative socioeconomic or
tive knowledge of the behavioral sciences) did political alternatives to the existing order. Similar
not justify. Kelman (1967) raised concerns that criticisms have been raised about how psycholo-
the widespread reliance on deception within psy- gists manage the ethics of deception. At the heart
chology not only risked harming the participants of debates about deception in psychology resides
but damaging the quality of the relationship the tension between a conviction in the essential
between experimenters and subjects. He worried manipulability of people under the right circum-
that this would compromise the objectivity of stances and a picture of human nature which
future experiments as it might lead to decreasing stresses the wilful participant’s defiance of the
naiveté among potential recruits. Drawing on scientist’s intentions (Derksen, 2010). In criticiz-
archival evidence, Nicholson (2011b) suggests ing deception, Kelman (1967) did suggest that
that these 1960s critics may have actually psychologists were unwittingly contributing to
underestimated the harm done to Milgram’s the wider historical trend of subjecting formerly
participants. autonomous individuals to systematic manipula-
In 1953, the American Psychological Associ- tion, which he saw as characteristic of “mass
ation established its first code of ethics. The result societies.” Harris (1988) has documented how
of postwar attempts to demarcate psychology as the psychologist’s preferred term for revealing
a recognized helping profession; the code experimental deception – debriefing – has mili-
focused on the proper treatment of clients in tary origins and speaks to the actual lack of
a clinical setting. It mentioned the importance autonomy that the process bestows upon partici-
of not subjecting humans to emotional stress, pants. The current (2002) Ethical Principles leave
but did not mention deception specifically. In the decision of whether deception is appropriate
1966, the American Psychological Association in the hands of the individual most likely to
commissioned a second committee chaired by benefit from the research, the designer of the
social psychologist Stuart Cook to craft a set of experiment (Ortmann & Hertwig, 1997).
guidelines for the treatment of human subjects. In analyzing the responses to the Cook Com-
The second committee was not a response to the mission’s survey and the resulting code, Stark
Milgram experiments, but to the US surgeon gen- (2010) suggests that the social psychologists
eral’s announcement that year that all scientists who crafted the ethical guidelines championed
needed to get prior approval if their research a view of human nature she calls “the resilient
involved human subjects. Targeting specifically self.” Responses to the 1971 draft split along
medical research, the announcement included the disciplinary lines with clinical and counseling
social and behavioral sciences. As part of its psychologists emphasizing the potential long-
efforts, the Ad Hoc Committee on Ethical Stan- term ill effects of deception on a person’s mental
dards in Psychological Research took an empiri- health. This “fragile self” was opposed by
cal approach to ethics – sending surveys to neobehaviorist social psychologists who drew
Decolonization, Overview 373 D
upon their own experimental findings to docu- Kaptchuk, T. J. (1998). Intentional ignorance: A history of
ment people’s resilience to momentary influ- blind assessment and placebo controls in medicine.
Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 72(3), 389–433.
ences. The code approved in 1973 reflected Kelman, H. C. (1967). Human use of human subjects: The
these neobehaviorist convictions rather than problem of deception in social psychological experi-
those of their “humanistic” critics (Stark, 2010). ments. Psychological Bulletin, 67, 1–11.
Nicholson (2011a) has subjected these debates to Korn, J. H. (1997). Illusions of reality: a history of decep-
tion in social psychology. New York: State University
gender analysis, documenting how Milgram’s of New York Press.
graduate students cast his critics as emasculating, Nicholson, I. (2011a). “Shocking” masculinity: Stanley
coddling mothers seeking to undermine their milgram, “obedience to authority”, and the crisis of D
tough-minded science. manhood in cold war America. ISIS, 102, 238–268.
Nicholson, I. (2011b). “Torture at Yale”: Experimental
Debates over psychology’s reliance on decep- subjects, laboratory torment and the “rehabilitation”
tion have been most acrimonious when they have of Milgram’s’Obedience to authority. Theory and Psy-
occurred at the juncture with other disciplines. chology, 21(6), 737–761.
The once advocated therapeutic benefits of Ortmann, A., & Hertwig, R. (1997). Is deception accept-
able? American Psychologist, 52, 746–747.
deceiving of children in cases of adoption and Pettit, M. (2013). The science of deception: Psychology
sex reassignment have been questioned by advo- and commerce in America. Chicago: University of
cates since the 1970s (Fausto-Sterling, 2000; Chicago Press.
Herman, 2008). The rise of behavioral economics Stark, L. (2010). The science of ethics: Deception, the
resilient self, and the APA code of ethics,
has demonstrated differing disciplinary standards 1966–1973. Journal of the History of the Behavioral
for the acceptability of deception. Economists Sciences, 46, 337–370.
are much more wary about the use of investiga-
tive deception than psychologists, fearing the
damaging effects rumored deceit would have on
their discipline (Hertwig & Ortmann, 2001). Decolonization, Overview

Jeffrey Paul Ansloos

References Graduate School of Psychology, Fuller
Theological Seminary, Los Angeles, CA, USA
Baumrind, D. (1964). Some thoughts on ethics of
research: After reading Milgram’s “behavioral study
of obedience. American Psychologist, 19(6), 421–423.
Cooter, R. (1995). The resistible rise of medical ethics. Introduction
Social History of Medicine, 8(2), 257–270.
doi:10.1093/shm/8.2.257. In the wake of diverse criticism of the colonialist
Danziger, K. (1990). Constructing the subject. Cam-
bridge, Mass: Cambridge University Press.
paradigm emerging in multiple disciplines over
Derksen, M. (2010). People as scientific instruments. the last century, including that of the social sci-
Spontaneous Generations, 4, 21–29. ences, the discourse of decolonization has
Fausto-Sterling, A. (2000). Sexing the body: Gender recently gained significant attention. It is
and the construction of sexuality. New York: Basic
a concept that has a strong relationship to the
Books.
Harris, B. (1988). Key words: A history of debriefing in discourse of postcolonialism; however, it can
social psychology. In J. Morawski (Ed.), The rise of also be constructed as a distinct discourse due to
experimentation in American psychology some its differing foundational assumptions.
(pp. 188–212). New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press.
Literature on decolonization draws from a wide
Herman, E. (2008). Kinship by design: A history of adop- range, including Western and Indigenous
tion in the modern united states. Chicago: University philosophical discourses, historical analyses of
of Chicago Press. sociopolitical movements, and some qualitative
Hertwig, R., & Ortmann, A. (2001). Experimental prac-
tices in economics: A methodological challenge for
and quantitative social science inquiry. In defini-
psychologists? The Behavioral and Brain Sciences, tion, decolonization is operationalized in
24, 383–451. a variety of ways depending on the particular
D 374 Decolonization, Overview

discipline employing the term. Despite the plu- neocolonialism is active throughout the world,
rality of semantic associations, there remain and must be met with an active resistance. Kohn
some unifying elements that promote some (2012) makes the distinction that where
coherence as a critical discourse. postcolonialism is interested in “hybridity, dias-
pora, representation, narrative, and knowledge/
power,” decolonization is interested in “revolu-
Definition tion, economic inequality, violence, and political
identity.” As a paradigm it mainly addresses
Any discussion of the unifying elements of questions of methodology and ethics of Indige-
decolonial discourse must first assert some work- nous resistance.
ing definitions of the terms colonialism and
postcolonialism. Unfortunately, both concepts
are equally difficult to define due to their wide Keywords
and varying usage in contemporary social and
political theory. Taking a multidimensional Decolonization; decolonialism; anticolonization;
approach and synthesizing the language of postcolonialism; indigenization; indigenous;
a variety of perspectives, colonialism can be gen- identity politics
erally defined as a sociopolitical agenda, action,
posture, or project of imperialist oppression and
domination. In contemporary philosophy and History
social science, colonial movements are com-
monly identified within European and Western The history of the discourse of decolonization
imperialism, situated between the sixteenth and is situated in the broader movement of
twentieth century (Kohn, 2012). Postcolonialism postcolonialism, of which the most significant
can be generally defined as a discursive approach cannon of research emerged in between 1960
which analyzes (a) the structure and impact of and 2000. The contextual emergence of these
colonialism and (b) the subsequent struggles critical works is situated within the political
against sociopolitical domination by those movements of the international community
oppressed in colonization, or as they are fre- between 1940 and 2012. The United Nations
quently referred to in postcolonialist literature, has been significantly involved in propelling
the colonized. For some, decolonization is then this discourse into the international political
a descriptive feature of postcolonial theory, sphere, by aligning international legal mandates
mainly concerned with a critical analysis of in favor of a decolonizing agenda. Eighty nations
the distribution of power within a colonial have been formally decolonized since the forma-
social construction, and further, how that power tion of the United Nations in 1945, 11 of which
is constructed and functions to legitimate, and are a direct result of the General Assembly
employ aspects of culture, or more specifically resolutions. In the 1940s, upwards of one-third
knowledge (Fanon, 1968; Memmi, 1965; of the International community was considered to
Said, 1979; Spivak, 1988, 1996, 2010). Within be “non-self-governing, dependent on colonial
contemporary critical Indigenous social sciences, powers” (UN, 2012). Within two decades,
the term decolonization can also be understood these colonial structures were being powerfully
as distinct discourse reflected as a paradigm delegitimized with the increased role of
of sociopolitical resistance. As a paradigm, postcolonial theory and decolonial methods. In
decolonization is an active assertion of 1960, the United Nations formed the Special
self-determined sociopolitical and cultural rights Committee on Decolonization, which gave
to Indigenous frames of reference for identity and oversight to multiple resolutions that were passed
worldview. It challenges the rhetorically latent in the General Assembly, becoming internation-
myth of a postcolonial age, and asserts that ally binding law, further setting the stage for
Decolonization, Overview 375 D
contemporary discussions and charters of cultural contribution to the discourse of decolonization
rights, human rights, and the self-determined concerns the topic of epistemic violence. From
rights of Indigenous peoples. Spivak’s vantage point, decolonization can only
occur when the Subaltern voice can be heard on
her or his own terms, within the epistemological
Traditional Debates frame of reference flowing from the Indigenous
culture. The solution to the problem from her
The early debates surrounding decolonization vantage point is through the process of resistance
were situated mainly as a feature of postcolonial by the subaltern and through decolonizing the D
theory developed by Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire, colonizer. These traditional postcolonial cri-
Albert Memmi, Edward Said, and Gayatri tiques set the frame for the contemporary emer-
Spivak. Fanon, a psychiatrist, in his work entitled gence of critical decolonial social science.
The Wretched of the Earth (1961), analyzed the
psychological impact of colonialism on the colo-
nized. Fanon concluded that the psychological Critical Debates
health of colonized communities was sacrificed
as their own cultures were undermined in being Contemporary decolonial debates tend to be
subjugated to the sociopolitical and economic centered on what constitutes a decolonial
interests of colonial oppressors. Fanon’s alterna- paradigm. Most paradigms that have been
tive was to engage the notion of decolonial resis- suggested are characterized by two main features:
tance through violence which he believed methodology and axiology. In terms of method-
functioned to cleanse the colonized psyche. Sim- ology, a variety of scholars and practitioners are
ilarly, contemporaries of Fanon, Aimé Césaire advancing decolonial methods (Alfred, 2005;
(1955) and Albert Memmi (1965), wrote multiple Chilisa, 2012; Smith, 1999; Turner, 2006;
works analyzing the nature of colonial oppres- Wilson, 2008). Probably the most significant
sion, adding emphases on the construction of race contribution to decolonization as a contemporary
as a definitive technology of colonial endeavors, methodology in Indigenous studies comes
as well as calls for liberation rooted within Marx- from Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999) in her work,
ist conceptions of reinvention and redistribution Decolonizing Methodologies. Smith describes
of social and economic power. In the 1970s, decolonial methodologies as both a deconstruc-
Edward Said (1979) furthered the discussion of tive and reconstructive. She advances the
colonial deconstruction through a critical analy- idea that there are diverse decolonial processes
sis of the field of Orientalism. In this work he whereby dominant paradigms are politically,
argued that Orientalism was structured in terms socially, spiritually, and psychologically
of a reductive binary relationship between the delegitimized within the Indigenous context by
colonizer and a racial and/or cultural other. It the assertion of Indigenous paradigms. Smith
was in the context of this relationship where the articulates seven critical strategies for decoloni-
colonizer asserted claims of knowledge of the zation including deconstruction and reconstruc-
other’s culture. In doing so, the colonizer formu- tion, self-determination and social justice, ethics,
lated not only the reductive categories of the language, internationalization of Indigenous
other (such as Oriental) but also gained the thin experiences, history, and critique. In contrast
coherence of a colonialist identity. Said’s work to her colleagues, Smith differs from the
proved to be foundational for the later develop- traditional tasks of postcolonialists in that her
ment of critical decolonial and Indigenous psy- understanding of decolonial method is not
chology. Finally, Gayatri Spivak (1988, 1996, as rooted in the rhetoric of resistance. Her
2010) advocated for what she coined the Subal- understanding of decolonial methods emphasizes
tern voice, which for her is particular category of Indigenous affirmative actions. Chilisa (2012)
the colonially oppressed. Her most profound similarly articulates decolonial methodology as
D 376 Decolonization, Overview

“a process of centering the concerns and world- their perspectives; (b) the imperative of cultural
views of the colonized Other so that they under- preservation, revitalization, reconstitution, and
stand themselves through their own assumptions evolution; and (c) the protection and flourishing
and perspectives” (p. 13). of Indigenous culture and communities
Indigenous critical theorist, Dale Turner (Alfred, 2005; Sinclair, Hart, & Bruyere, 2009;
(2006) describes decolonization as a form of Wilson, 2008).
rhetorical warfare whereby Indigenous people
through the assertion of their own philosophies
and traditions make a claim of sociocultural International Relevance
legitimacy. His work echoes that of Spivak
in some senses; however, he envisions The decolonial paradigm continues to have
a multidimensional approach to the articulation a profound impact internationally. The
of Indigenous philosophy, which is influenced decolonial discourse has resulted in the prolifer-
significantly by Wittgenstein’s theory of ation of movements of decolonization on multi-
language. For Turner, there are multiple types ple levels of the international community, no
of word warriors – who in their respective roles more significantly than in the United Nations
in academia – contextualize and reinterpret (UN). With the legal clout of the international
Indigeneity in a multilingual approach that is community, decolonizing efforts within colonial,
constitutive of Indigenous reality. The work of neocolonial, and postcolonial settings continue
political theorist, Taiaiake Alfred (2005) simi- on a variety of societal structures, systems,
larly asserts that a rejection of colonial domina- and academic disciplines. The contemporary
tion occurs through an alignment with an relevance of the decolonization methodology,
Indigenist agenda shaped by an Indigenous within the international community, as it relates
sociopolitical, cultural, and spiritual identity. to the social sciences, remains strong. Within
For these various theorists, if colonialism is the social science, especially that of emerging
understood to the deconstruction, delegitimiza- Indigenous paradigms of social science,
tion, and domination of culture, decolonization decolonization is seen as a foundational step
is understood to be the active reconstruction, towards self-determinism, cultural revitalization,
legitimization, and liberation of Indigenous iden- and indigenization (Smith, 1999). According to
tity, knowledge, and worldviews. When exam- the UN’s categories of colonial states, there
ined through historical analyses, decolonial remain 16 non-self-governing territories in the
enterprises have also taken the form of active world (UN, 2012). Many supposed postcolonial
armed resistance, as well as nonviolent active continents have ongoing Indigenous sociopolitical
resistance. Both Turner and Alfred’s perspectives oppression characteristic of neocolonial struggles.
of decolonial resistance are essentially nonvio- The decolonial methodology articulates within
lent; however, they remain committed to the these contexts the ongoing structures which
employment of traditional Indigenous concep- promote dependencies, while promoting Indige-
tions of cultural warfare. An emerging contingent nous resistance, on multiple levels including
of Indigenous and critical researchers committed political, social, economic, and cultural.
to various nonviolent paradigms are also
asserting a decolonial method rooted in more
explicit nonviolent traditions (Martı́n-Baró in Practice Relevance
Ansloos, 2012; Aron & Corne, 1996; Dueck &
Reimer, 2009). One of the main criticisms of decolonization –
Finally, decolonial paradigms are also casting mainly by Indigenous researchers – is the lack of
the frame of axiological concerns. Decolonial concreteness in decolonial practice (Smith, 1999;
axiology emphasizes (a) an affirmation of the Wilson, 2008). With some exceptions, decoloni-
dignity and legitimacy of Indigenous people and zation has remained abstracted and isolated
Decolonization, Overview 377 D
within academic and sociopolitical discourse and analysis of the oppression of Indigenous cultures,
inaccessible to the lives of the majority of Indig- understand the intergenerational legacy of colo-
enous peoples. The response of this disconnec- nialism, and will be evermore equipped to assert
tion has been the promotion of concrete a self-determined critical-Indigenous response.
Indigenous methods of Indigenization, which
are consistent with the goals and aims of
Indigenist agendas. Some critical figures do References
stand out as offering concrete practice recommen-
dations within the social sciences: (a) Linda Smith, Alfred, T. (2005). Wasâse: Indigenous pathways of action D
and freedom. Toronto, ON, Canada: University of
Dale Turner, and Taiaiake Alfred, and their respec-
Toronto Press, Higher Education Division.
tive criterions of decolonial research tasks; (b) the Ansloos, J. P. (2012, June). Towards critical yet peaceable
American Psychological Association’s Task Force indigenous psychologies. Poster presented at the 73rd
on Indigenous Psychology, especially the work of annual meeting of the Canadian Psychological
Association, Halifax, NB, Canada.
members who articulate best and promising prac-
Aron, A., & Corne, S. (Eds.). (1996). Ignacio
tices including Louise Sundararajan, Alvin Dueck, Martı́n-Baró: Writings for a liberation psychology.
Joseph Gone, Eduardo and Bonnie Duran, New York, NY: Harvard University Press.
Anthony Marsella, and Laurence Kirmayer; and Cesaire, A. (1955). Discours sur le colonialisme. Paris,
France: Présence Africaine.
(c) the indigenous social workers, such as Raven
Chilisa, B. (2012). Indigenous research methodologies.
Sinclair, Michael Anthony Hart, and Gord London, England: Sage.
Bruyere, articulating practices of decolonial and Dueck, A., & Reimer, K. (2009). A peaceable psychology:
indigenous social work. Christian therapy in a world of many cultures. Grand
Rapids, MI: Brazo Press.
Fanon, F. (1968). Black skin, white masks (C. Markmann,
Trans.). New York, NY: Grove Press.
Future Directions Guha, R., & Spivak, G. C. (1988). Selected subaltern
studies. New York, NY: Oxford UniversityPress.
Kohn, M. (2012). Colonialism, overview. In E. Zalta
Along with decolonization aiding in the increased
(Ed.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy (Sum-
self-determinism of sociopolitical and cultural mer 2012 ed.). Retrieved from http://plato.stanford.
rights of Indigenous peoples and the delegitimi- edu/archives/sum2012/entries/colonialism/
zation of various colonial dependencies, the Memmi, A. (1965). The colonizer and the colonized.
New York, NY: Orion Press.
future direction in the field of decolonization is
Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. New York, NY: Vintage.
largely rooted in the work of Indigenization. As Sinclair, R., Hart, M. A., & Bruyere, G. (2009).
a partner to the decolonial method, Indigeniza- Wı́cihitowin: Aboriginal social work in Canada.
tion seeks to revitalize Indigenous cultures. The Halifax, NB, Canada: Fernwood Publishing.
Spivak, G. C., Landry, D., & MacLean, G. M. (1996). The
decolonial discourse has prompted the revitaliza-
Spivak reader: Selected works of Gayatri Chakravorty
tion and development of Indigenous paradigms, Spivak. New York, NY: Routledge.
shaped by Indigenist sociopolitical agendas and Spivak, G. C., & Morris, R. C. (2010). Can the subaltern
which are oriented by Indigenous methodology. speak?: Reflections on the history of an idea.
New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
All these methods are intrinsically foundational
Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing methodologies:
to the process of Indigenization, making it Research and indigenous peoples. New York, NY:
a corollary partner of decolonial discourse. This Zed Books.
progression need not be interpreted as the historic Turner, D. A. (2006). This is not a peace pipe: Towards
a critical indigenous philosophy. Toronto, ON,
retirement of the discourse of decolonization.
Canada: University of Toronto Press.
Even as legally defined postcolonial contexts United Nations. (2012). The United Nations and
gain independence, the reaches of colonization decolonization, history. New York, NY: Author.
are far reaching in almost every stratum of Indig- Accessed from http://www.un.org/en/decolonization/
history.shtml
enous identity and culture, and therefore, as
Wilson, S. (2008). Research is ceremony: Indigenous
a method, decolonization is the ongoing task of research methods. Halifax, NB, Canada: Fernwood
many generations, that will through diligent Publishing.
D 378 Defense Mechanisms

Online Resources self, and reversal. A tenth, sublimation, “pertains

Overview of Colonialism through Stanford University. rather to the study of the normal than to neurosis.”
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/colonialism/
Splitting and denial are usually treated as
Overview of Identity Politics through Stanford University.
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/identity-politics/#6 defenses too.
American Psychological Association, Division 32, Task
Force on Indigenous Psychology. http://www.
indigenouspsych.org/
The United Nations and Decolonization. http://www.un.
Keywords
org/en/decolonization/
Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society. http:// Anxiety; dualisms; projective identification;
decolonization.org/index.php/des social defense; defended subject

History
Defense Mechanisms
If the concept of defense mechanism is to be of
Wendy Hollway use to critical psychology (including psychoso-
Department of Psychology, The Open cial studies), it must demonstrate its extension
University, Milton Keynes, UK beyond the individual and beyond intrapsychic
processes into unconscious intersubjectivity.
This has been achieved through the concept of
Introduction projective identification, developed in the
Kleinian and post-Kleinian tradition (Hinshel-
While the idea of defensive behavior, as in wood, 1991, p. 432). Projective identification is
“defensive-aggressive,” stems from animal and a defense against anxiety involving a “phantasy
comparative psychology, the term “defense remote from consciousness” (Klein, 1946) – the
mechanism” was coined by Sigmund Freud. “ph” spelling of phantasy designates an uncon-
Defenses are set in motion by anxiety. Depending scious process – whereby unacceptable parts of
on theoretical emphasis, they are regarded more the self are forced (projected) into external
as a sign of neurotic or psychotic anxiety and/or objects. In paranoid-schizoid modes of organiz-
playing a part in normal development. The idea ing experience, it is coupled with defensive
of defense mechanism reflects the conflictual, splitting of experience into good and bad and
part-hidden, non-unitary, and dynamic basis projecting out split parts to protect the self from
of subjectivity that is the hallmark of all unbearable states of mind. The ability to bear the
versions of psychoanalysis, emphases which coexistence of good and bad in the same object
make it a vital conceptual resource for critical (especially an object on which one depends) is
psychology. a hallmark of the depressive position, which in
Kleinian theory involves emotional development.
Oscillation between these positions or modes is
Definition increasingly seen as characteristic of all states of
mind over time, depending on external and inter-
Sigmund Freud defined “defense mechanism” as nal, current, and biographical experience of
“a general designation for all the techniques threats to the self and valued objects.
which the ego makes use of in conflicts which Wilfred Bion (1959) was influential in
may lead to neurosis” (Freud, 1926[1925], developing a notion of normal projective identi-
p. 153). Anna Freud (1937) listed nine defenses, fication, which could function as the basis of
some of which have fallen out of use: regression, unconscious communication of a person’s state
repression, reaction-formation, isolation, undo- of mind, paradigmatically between a preverbal
ing, projection, introjection, turning against the infant and its mother. This became the basis of
Defense Mechanisms 379 D
his theory of thinking, which defies two impor- affects the way tasks are carried out. The social
tant dualisms that critical psychology has been defense system was famously demonstrated by
concerned to critique and transcend: that between Isabel Menzies Lyth (1960) in her account of
cognition and emotion and that between a consultancy in a London teaching hospital that
a separate autonomous individual and a related started out addressing a problem of serious drop-
connected one. An infant, faced with unbearable out rates of trainee nurses. She noted that the
and at that stage necessarily meaningless emo- nature of the nurses’ work played an objective
tional experiences, communicates, through pro- part in stimulating early anxieties and thus
jective identification, a state of mind hopefully contributed in large part to the gravity of their D
received by a mother, not so much through con- anxieties. She showed how specific defensive
scious thought but through a state of reverie that techniques were learned by new recruits and
enables her to metabolize that state of mind into reproduced in nursing routines. For example,
thinking, act as a container and return it detoxi- breaking up the care of patients between several
fied. Over time those relations are introjected, nurses and frequent moving between wards
along with a capacity for containment and thus meant that little emotional closeness could
the ability to turn raw emotional experience into develop between nurse and patient, thus avoiding
thinking. This emphasis on unconscious intersub- conscious anxiety about suffering and death but
jective communication provides a radical also reproducing denial and depersonalization.
opening out of psychoanalytic theory into other Splitting and projection were seen to occur
levels of analysis: group, organizational, and between senior and junior staff (e.g., harsh
societal. The idea that a person contains parts discipline and irresponsibility, respectively).
of others provides an intersubjective account of
subjectivity and a psychoanalytic account of that
contact, inside and outside the clinic. Critical Debates
According to Bob Hinshelwood (1991, p. 432)
there were “three major attempts to develop The crucial point regarding the social level of
a psychoanalytic theory of society based on analysis is that projective processes do not remain
Kleinian concepts,” all relying on the concept of at the individual psychic level, but become an
projective identification. For present purposes the objective feature of the way organizations are
first, social defense systems, is most relevant. structured and divisions of labor specified, so
In 1940s Britain, as part of a social mobiliza- that people come to act objectively on the basis
tion for war, some analysts became interested in of inherited effects of unconscious defenses
social psychological issues such as group psy- (Trist, 1950/1990). This is an example of projec-
chology and used Kleinian psychoanalysis to go tive identification. A continuing tradition of psy-
beyond theories of groups as an aggregation of chosocial analysis in healthcare institutions (see
individuals, for example, Hinshelwood & Skogstad, 2000) treats “culture”
Individuals may put their internal conflicts as a psychosocial process that includes uncon-
into persons in the external world, may scious elements and sees attitudes and beliefs as
unconsciously follow the course of the conflict often a rationalizing expression of defenses and
by means of projective identification [and the splitting of objects into good and bad.
reinternalize it by means of introjective This way of conceptualizing a dynamic
identification]. (Jaques, 1953, p. 21 cited in interplay between social life and emotional expe-
Hinshelwood, 1991, p. 430). rience places the idea of a social defense as “a
In an extension of this idea, Elliott Jacques mediating term, occupying the hyphen, the
(1953) described how institutions could become transitional space between the psycho and the
forms of collective defense, incorporated into social” in a psychosocial approach (Hoggett,
routine institutional life, and expressed as 2010a). Paul Hoggett uses the “perverse social
a subculture that has unconscious origins and defense” to outline an analysis of neoliberal
D 380 Delinquency

capitalist denial split off from its consequences in Hinshelwood, R. D. (1991). A dictionary of kleinian
social suffering (Hoggett, 2010b). thought. London: Free Association Books.
Hinshelwood, R. D., & Skogstad, W. (Eds.). (2000).
The idea of defenses against anxiety has been Observing organisations: Anxiety, defence and culture
taken up in empirical psychosocial research in health care. London: Routledge.
exploring the implications of a “defended sub- Hoggett, P. (2010a). Perverse social structures. Journal of
ject” (participant) and a “defended researcher” Psycho-social Studies, 4(1). www.uwe.ac.uk/hlss/
research/cpss/Journal_Psycho-Social_Studies/v4-1/
for methodology and reflexivity (Hollway & Paul%20Hoggett%20Perverse%20Social%20Struc-
Jefferson, 2013). In traditional psychology, for tures.pdf. Accessed 27 June 2012.
example, questionnaire and psychometric test Hoggett, P. (2010b). Government and the perverse social
responses, based on self-report, respondents are defence. British Journal of Psychotherapy, 26(2),
202–212.
assumed to be transparent to themselves. In in- Hollway, W., & Jefferson, T. (2013). Doing qualitative
depth interviewing, especially in the case of anx- research differently: Free association, narrative and
iety provoking topics, a psychoanalytic episte- the interview method (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
mology requires interpretation of the potential Jaques, E. (1953). On the dynamics of social structure.
Human Relations, 6, 10–23.
defenses of the interviewee, manifest in hesita- Klein, M. (1946) Notes on some schizoid mechanisms,
tions, changes of emotional tone, indirect refer- Envy and Gratitude and other works 1946-1963, pp.
ences, etc. (Clarke & Hoggett, 2009). It also 1–24. London: Virago.
requires that researchers attend to the emotional Menzies Lyth, I. (1960). Social systems as a defence
against anxiety. Human Relations, 13, 95–121.
atmosphere of the research encounter, and not Trist, E. L (1950/1990). Culture as a psychosocial process.
proceed on the assumption of a “transparent In E. L. Trist & H. Murray (Eds.), The social engage-
subject.” Likewise, a critique of the idea that ment of science. London: Free Assocation Books,
subjectivity is describable in discursive and pp. 1–34.
Urwin, C. (2007). Doing infant observation differently?
narrative terms suggests a shift from talk-based Researching the formation of mothering identities in
research methods to forms of observation that an inner London borough. International Journal of
pay attention to the language of bodies, affects, Infant Observation and Its Applications, 10, 239–252.
and practices (Urwin 2007; Hinshelwood &
Skogstad, 2000, Chap. 2). A debate about Online Resources
the consequences of using psychoanalytically http://nosubject.com/index.php?title¼Defense_mechanism.
Accessed 27 June 2012.
informed methodology in empirical psychosocial
studies, for example, on power relations, ethics,
and interpretation continues (see Frosh & Baraitser,
2008 and replies; Hollway & Jefferson, 2013).
Delinquency

Lorenz Huck
References Independent Scholar, Berlin, Germany
Bion, W.R. (1959) Attacks on linking, Int. J. Psycho-
Analysis 40: 308-15; republished in (1967) Second
Thoughts, pp110-119. Introduction
Clarke, S., & Hoggett, P. (Eds.). (2009). Researching
beneath the surface. London: Karnac. Just as “childhood” (Ariès, 1962), “youth” is at
Freud, A. (1937). The ego and the mechanisms of defence.
London: Hogarth Press.
least in some aspects a social construction: It
Freud, S. (1926[1925]). Inhibitions, symptoms and anxi- takes specific social conditions to release young
ety. Standard edition of the complete psychological people from work for a certain period of time,
works of Sigmund Freud. Volume XX. London: allowing and obliging them to educate them-
Hogarth Press.
Frosh, S., & Baraitser, L. (2008). Psychoanalysis and
selves (Gillis, 1975).
psychosocial studies. Psychoanalysis, Culture and Wherever and whenever “youth” as a separate
Society, 13(4), 346–365. phase of life exists, problematizing juvenile
Delinquency 381 D
behavior seems to be a common theme. Ancient Definition
Egypt Papyri testify to teachers’ concerns about
their pupils’ tendency to love beer more than “Delinquency” is commonly understood as
books, and Senecas dictum “Juvenile vitium a minor offense or misdeed, often committed by
regere non posse impetum” (“It is the fault of young people. Hence, the term is often used with
youth that it cannot govern its own impulses”) the epithet “juvenile.”
shows that similar concerns were raised in
ancient Rome.
In modern societies, young people are without Keywords D
dispute consistently overrepresented in criminal
statistics (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 124). Youth; Sociology; Criminal career; Adoles-
There are, however, two conflicting tendencies in cence-limited offenders; Chronic offenders;
dealing with juvenile misconduct: On the one Criminality; Youth; Center for contemporary cul-
hand, there is a widespread readiness in the gen- tural studies; Desistance; Life course approach;
eral public to excuse it (especially in its less Life-course-persistent offenders; Psychopathy;
severe forms), showing a “boys will be boys” Subcultural theory; Techniques of neutralization
attitude. Moreover, it is widely accepted in
psychology and the social sciences that minor
and sporadic delinquent behavior is normal, Traditional Debates
ubiquitous, and transitional. Many contributors
to the field even believe that delinquent Scholarly occupation with juvenile delinquency
behavior is to a certain extent a functional way dates back at least to the Enlightenment era – as
of working on important developmental tasks shown, e.g., by John Locke’s “Some Thougths
(e.g., Hurrelmann, 2004). Correspondingly, a Concerning Education” (1693) or Rousseaus
separate juvenile criminal law has been “Émile” (1762).
developed in most modern societies, which aims However, most theories, which are currently
at the moral education of young people rather discussed, can be traced back to developments of
than at retribution. twentieth century US American mainstream
On the other hand, juvenile crime is often criminology. As can be said about criminological
sensationalized and exaggerated by news research in general (> criminality), traditional
media, instilling fear among the public and debate on delinquency focuses on the question of
inspiring a call for tough action. Correspond- which biological, psychological, or social causes
ingly, in the last decades, criminologists, leg- yield delinquent behavior as an effect. Thereby,
islators, and prosecutors started to define human beings are reduced to objects, and their
groups of juvenile offenders, who are seen to actions are reduced to blind reactions.
be particularly aggressive and dangerous, and This traditional approach is based on a posi-
label them, e.g., as “chronic offenders.” Since tivist paradigm and accordingly researchers mea-
these youths are thought to be unimpressed by sure variables drawn from various disciplines and
traditional means aiming at education, their research traditions in a multifactor research
incapacitation by long-term imprisonment design without caring for their theoretical
seems legitimate. integration.
By showing which life circumstances make A classic example for this approach is
criminal behavior necessary from the point of Glueck’s and Glueck’s famous longitudinal
view of juvenile offenders, critical psychologists study (1950). Starting in 1939 Glueck and Glueck
and critical criminologists turn against the followed the career trajectories of 500 delinquent
sensationalization of juvenile delinquency and and 500 nondelinquent boys until 1964. Initially,
against special treatments applied to certain they assessed more than 250 (medical, anthropo-
groups of juvenile delinquents. logical, psychological, sociological, and other)
D 382 Delinquency

variables. Based on their research they developed “Life-course-persistent” offenders, on the con-
prediction tables (including five factors like “dis- trary, show a stable pattern of criminal behavior
cipline of boy by father,” “affection for boy by crime throughout their lives. Moffitt identified
mother,” and “family cohesiveness”), which several personal (e.g., “reading difficulties,”
overall failed to come up to expectations. None- “low intellectual abilities,” “hyperactivity”) and
theless, Glueck’s and Glueck’s theoretical eclec- social (e.g., “poor parenting,” “much family
ticism proved to be a successful model for conflict,” “low SES”) risk factors associated
modern research on juvenile delinquency like with this trajectory. Data did not fully support
the Dunedin study (see below) or the British her taxonomy which lead to several revisions
National Child Development Study show. (Moffitt, 2003).
Using data from the Philadelphia cohort study, Hare, the main proponent of the concept of
Wolfgang, Figlio and Sellin (1972) confirmed the “psychopathy” (> criminality), claims that it
long held belief that a minority of juvenile is possible to identify even adolescents and chil-
offenders is responsible for the overwhelming dren as “psychopaths.” For this purpose, he
majority of offenses. They showed that 6 % of developed a youth version of his “Psychopathy
the Philadelphian 1945 birth cohort committed Checklist” (PCL-Y, Forth, Kossen, & Hare,
60 % of the registered criminal acts and labeled 2003). Research shows that the checklist has
this group as “chronic offenders.” In essence, some prognostic validity concerning recidivism.
these results have since been confirmed by sev- But this association seems to be explained only
eral studies in various contexts, seemingly legit- by behavioral variables, not by trait variables,
imating the search for differentiating features of which are essential to Hare’s theory (e.g.,
the minority group in question. Corrado, Vincent, Hart, & Cohen, 2004).
Supported by data from the Cambridge Study
in Delinquent Development, Farrington (2003)
argues that the most important childhood risk Critical Debates
factors at age 8–10 for later offending were mea-
sures of family criminality, daring or risk taking, In the 1950s, several subcultural theories of juve-
low school attainment, poverty, and poor parent- nile delinquency were developed in the frame-
ing. According to him, the average conviction work of a genuinely sociological approach and
career lasted from age 19 to 28 and included inspired by the social disorganization theory of
five convictions. the Chicago School and Sellin’s conflict theory:
The view that criminal careers tend to be lim- A.K. Cohen, e.g., strove to explain the criminal
ited to youth and early adulthood is shared by behavior of working class boys, which seemed to
Sampson’s and Laub’s “age-graded theory of be “non-utilitarian, malicious, and negativistic”
social control” (1993) and Gottfredson’s and (Cohen, 1955, p. 25), particularly certain forms of
Hirschi’s “General Theory of Crime” (1990; > vandalism and theft. Cohen argues that working
“criminality”). class boys share middle classes goals and values.
Drawing upon data from the Dunedin Concurrently though, they are unable to meet
Multidisciplinary Health and Development middle classes standards because of their work-
Study, Moffitt identified two types of juvenile ing class socialization. As a result, they experi-
delinquents (1993): According to her, “adoles- ence status frustration, which leads to
cence-limited” offenders commit crime to solve resentments against middle class values and to
problems all youths must face, specifically to corresponding destructive acts.
bridge the gap between their relatively high Walter B. Miller criticized Cohen and his fol-
level of biological maturity and cognitive ability lowers for “taking the middle class community
and their relatively low status in modern socie- and its institutions as an implicit point of refer-
ties. Accordingly, they desist from their short- ence” (1958, p. 19). He argues that lower class
lived criminal careers once they reach adulthood. boys do not react to middle class culture but to the
Delinquency 383 D
demands of their very own class: “Following Glueck’s former subjects, they are able to specify
cultural practices which comprise essential under which specific conditions life circum-
elements of the total life pattern of lower stances like marriage or work relationships lead
class culture [e.g. “toughness,” “smartness,” or to desistance – and which role human agency
“excitement”] automatically violates certain plays in the process.
legal norms” (ibid., p. 18). Laub’s and Sampson’s commitment to
Sykes and Matza also criticized Cohen’s subject-oriented methods might mark a trend in
assumption that delinquent boys oppose general critical criminological research concerning
society’s norms. According to their own studies delinquency. D
(Sykes & Matza, 1957), delinquent boys agree
with society’s values. To rationalize their mis-
deeds after the fact, delinquent boys use several References
techniques of neutralization, e.g., denying their
Ariès, P. (1962). Centuries of childhood. New York:
responsibility or dehumanizing their victims. Vintage.
Around the end of the 1960s, several critical Clarke, J., Hall, St., Jefferson, T., & Roberts, Br. (2006
criminological movements started to gain [1975]). Subcultures, cultures and class. In St. Hall &
momentum (> criminality). One approach of T. Jefferson (Eds.), Resistance through rituals. Youth
subcultures in post war Britain (2nd ed., pp. 3–59).
particular relevance was developed in Great Brit- Abingdon, New York: Routledge.
ain at the Center for Contemporary Cultural Stud- Cohen, A. K. (1955). Delinquent boys. New York: Free
ies in the context of the National Deviancy Press.
Council. Drawing upon Gramscian theory, Corrado, R. R., Vincent, G. M., Hart, S. D., & Cohen, I. M.
(2004). Predictive validity of psychopathy
a group of young researchers (i.e., Clarke, Hall, checklist: Youth version for general and violent
Jefferson, & Roberts, 2006) put its focus on youth recidivism. Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 22(1),
culture and juvenile delinquency, interpreting the 5–22.
behavior of “teds,” “mods,” “skinheads,” and Farrington, D. P. (2003). Key results from the first 40 years
of the Cambridge study in delinquent development. In
“punks” as a way of coping with problems they T. P. Thornberry & M. D. Krohn (Eds.), Taking stock
had to face as members of their class: “In of delinquency: An overview of findings from contem-
addressing the ‘class problematic’ of the particu- porary longitudinal studies (pp. 137–183). New York:
lar strata from which they were drawn, the differ- Kluwer/Plenum.
Forth, A., Kossen, D., & Hare, R. (2003). Psychopathy
ent subcultures provided for a section of working checklist – Youth version. Toronto, Canada: Multi-
class youth (mainly boys) one strategy for nego- Health Systems.
tiating their collective existence. But their highly Gillis, J. (1975). Youth and history: Tradition and change
ritualised and stylised form suggests that they in European age relations, 1750–present. New York:
Academic Press.
were also attempts at a solution to that problem- Glueck, S., & Glueck, E. (1950). Unraveling juvenile
atic experience: a resolution which, because delinquency. New York: The Commonwealth Fund.
pitched largely at the symbolic level, was fated Gottfredson, M. R., & Hirschi, T. (1990). A general theory
to fail” (Clarke et al., 2006 [1975], p. 35). of crime. Stanford, Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University
Press.
One of the most important recent contribu- Hurrelmann, K. (2004). Lebensphase Jugend. Eine
tions to the critical debate on delinquency is Einf€ uhrung in die sozialwissenschaftliche
Laub’s and Sampson’s “life course approach.” Jugendforschung (7th ed.). Weinheim, Germany:
Laub and Sampson use data from Glueck’s and Juventa.
Laub, J., & Sampson, R. (2006). Shared beginnings, diver-
Glueck’s aforementioned study to show with the gent lives: Delinquent boys to age 70. Cambridge,
help of statistical methods that trajectories of MA/London: Harvard University Press.
desistance from criminal activity in the middle Miller, W. B. (1958). Lower class culture as a generating
adult years cannot be identified based on typo- milieu of gang delinquency. Journal of Social Issues,
14, 5–19.
logical accounts rooted in childhood and individ- Moffitt, T. E. (1993). Adolescence-limited and life-
ual differences (2006, p. 110). Moreover, by course-persistent antisocial behavior: A developmen-
interviewing a large subgroup of Glueck’s and tal taxonomy. Psychological Revue, 100(4), 674–701.
D 384 Depersonalization, Overview

Moffitt, T. E. (2003). Life-course-persistent and adoles- meditation and other hypnagogic states. Further-
cence-limited antisocial behavior: A 10-year research more, depersonalization is associated with some
review and a research agenda. In B. Lahey, T. Moffitt,
& A. Caspi (Eds.), Causes of conduct disorder and illnesses, including migraines, and can be caused
juvenile delinquency (pp. 49–75). New York: by seizures correlated with changes in the
Guilford. temporal cortex, a region of the brain that plays
Sampson, R. J., & Laub, J. H. (1993). Crime in the making. a role in integrating sensory information with
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Sykes, G., & Matza, D. (1957). Techniques of neutraliza- internal representation of the self (Vermetten
tion: A theory of delinquency. American Sociological et al., 2007).
Review, 22, 664–670. In Western clinical settings, after anxiety and
Wolfgang, M., Figlio, R., & Sellin, T. (1972). Delin- depression, depersonalization is identified as the
quency in a birth cohort. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press. third most common psychiatric complaint.
Depersonalization can accompany anxiety disor-
ders, borderline personality disorder, panic disor-
ders, mood disorders, posttraumatic stress
Depersonalization, Overview disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and
schizophrenia (Van Der Hart, Nijenhuis, &
Laura K. Kerr Steele, 2006). When chronic or prolonged, deper-
Mental Health Scholar and Psychotherapist, sonalization is thought to become a disorder in
San Francisco, CA, USA itself and is identified as a type of dissociative
disorder by the Diagnostic and Statistical Man-
ual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) and an anxiety
Introduction disorder by the International Classification of
Diseases (ICD-10).
One of the first clinical recordings of depersonal-
ization occurred obliquely through the diagnosis
of “shell shock” to soldiers during the First World Definition
War. Soldiers found wandering from battle, with
no memory of their names or what had happened Generally understood, depersonalization is
to them, were originally thought to have the experience of feeling detached from one’s
sustained organic injuries due to proximity to self and body. Depersonalization can take
exploding shells (Vermetten, Dorahy, & Spiegel, many forms, including, distorted self-perceptions,
2007). Only later was depersonalization seen as being dissociated from emotions, feeling unreal,
a relatively common response to extreme stress feeling like a robot, or feeling split into both
and traumatizing conditions. More recently, participant and observer of one’s actions. Deper-
depersonalization has been associated with child- sonalization has been described as a dreamlike
hood interpersonal trauma, particularly chronic state of observing oneself, and it has been associ-
emotional abuse and neglect. Depersonalization ated with out-of-body experiences. Depersonali-
disorder has also been linked with recreational zation has also been identified with reduced
drug use, including cannabis, Ecstacy, and hallu- feelings of empathy for others. When chronic,
cinogens (Simeon & Abugel, 2008). depersonalization can take the form of internal
The experience of depersonalization is typi- conversations with an imaginary person. There
cally described as ubiquitous across cultures and may be a sense of lack of control, including of
is associated with prosaic life events as well as speech acts, although the capacity for reality
mental disorders. When understood as a mental testing remains intact. Few find the experience
disorder, depersonalization is thought to arise of depersonalization a pleasant one; however,
with extreme fatigue or stress, emotional turmoil, some deliberately induce it through recreational
and intense fear. However, it can occur during drug use (Steinberg & Schnall, 2000).
Depersonalization, Overview 385 D
Depersonalization is also characterized as constructed predominantly from interactions
a psychological defense that emerges when the with media and technology has less opportunities
sense of being detached from one’s self or one’s to mediate self-representations through relation-
body is useful for coping with traumatizing cir- ships, which historically have influenced the
cumstances. As such, it is not unlike other disso- meaning and value given to ideas about the self.
ciative defenses that protect against the potential Gergen claimed media-based identity construc-
psychological impact of threat. Like all responses tion leads to a “spectacular solipsism” in which
to traumatic stress, depersonalization can become there is difficulty distinguishing internal states
a habitual coping defense when it has been from the external world, which is much like the D
repeatedly activated in response to chronic trau- experience of depersonalization (See Fee, 2000).
matization (Sierra, 2009). Simon Gottschalk has also examined the impact
In John Turner’s self-categorization theory, of media on postmodern identity. He concluded
the term depersonalization is used to identify the an outcome of media-saturated identities is
process of constructing personal identities fragmentation, in which the self is as torn apart
through identification with properties of the as the often contradictory, multiple images
group. According to self-categorization theory, displayed on screens. Central to Gottshalk’s
depersonalization occurs when the self is seen as observations is the role of perception and how
interchangeable with other members of a group the ways we perceive our environments ulti-
based on self-identified stereotypical behaviors mately determine how we also perceive ourselves
and beliefs associated with stereotypes of group (See Fee).
members (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & The competitive nature of capitalism, as well
Wetherell, 1987). as enlightenment notions of the self, have been
described as contributing to the widespread com-
partmentalization of emotions, which has also
Keywords been associated with states of depersonalization.
The modern practice of multitasking – or func-
Anxiety disorders; depersonalization disorder; tioning “polyphasically” – has also been
dissociative disorders; media; out-of-body described as potentially contributing to the type
experiences; panopticon; postmodernity; western of split awareness seen in depersonalization
society; self-categorization theory and other dissociative disorders (Steinberg &
Schnall, 2000).

Traditional Debates
Critical Debates
Western culture (and the conditions of late mod-
ern/postmodern societies) has been accused of In some respects, Michel Foucault’s interpreta-
contributing to increased likelihood of instances tion of Jeremy Bentham’s panoptic prison
of depersonalization. Some point to the trauma- structure, in which prison wardens can observe
tizing conditions of modern society as causing inmates without their ability to determine if they
depersonalization, such as wars, genocides, and are being watched, resonates with the experience
the stressful conditions of urban environments in of depersonalization. Foucault described the
which most of the world’s population currently panoptic gaze as the internalization of the expe-
lives (Simeon & Abugel, 2008). Others identify rience of being watched, in which a person sees
the media as culprit, particularly its influential her- or himself as if viewed by another. Institu-
role in identity construction in the postmodern tions, including their discursive practices, can
world. For example, psychologist Kenneth J. contribute to depersonalization and panoptic
Gergen has argued a person whose identity is vision. This form of self observation is laden
D 386 Depersonalization, Overview

with the power dynamics associated with the that underlying their attitudes was the Mayan
institutions and practices from which it is practice of vision, which is embodied and
derived. According to Foucault, “He who is experientially based. As Jordan wrote, “A
subjected to a field of visibility, and who knows disembodied uterus on the screen is, for them,
it, assumes responsibility for the constraints of a disembodied uterus on a screen” (p. 8). Jordon
power; he makes them play spontaneously upon observed that when Western representations of
himself; he inscribes in himself the power rela- the body entered the Yucatan where the Mayan
tion in which he simultaneously plays both roles; TBAs worked, there was little or no effect on
he becomes the principle of his own subjugation” their practices as midwives or on their
(1979, pp. 202–203). understanding of the biomedical model of dis-
Dana Crowley Jack (1991) made a similar ease. At most, these representations provided
observation about the experience of women and a more prestigious way for TBAs to speak, as
depression. According to Crowley Jack, the per- well as being useful for communicating with
spective of the self from the viewpoint of the Western health-care workers.
other – what she calls the “over-eye” – conforms
to outer imperatives and perceived expectations
in order to gain approval from others and protect References
the “authentic” self (p. 94). It is the presence of
the “over-eye” which she claims leads to Crowley Jack, D. (1991). Silencing the self: Women and
depression. HarperCollins: New York.
a woman’s depression because it obscures her
Fee, D. (Ed.). (2000). Pathology and the postmodern:
authentic experiences. Mental illness as discourse and experience. London:
The extent to which depersonalization can be Sage.
witnessed as a culturally determined practice can Foucault, M. (1979). Discipline & punish (A. Sheridan,
Trans.). New York: Vintage Books.
also be seen in Western scientific representations
Jordon, B. (1987). Modes of teaching and learning: Ques-
of the body. Western representations often ignore tions raised by the training of traditional birth atten-
or omit presumably irrelevant contextual depen- dants. Institute for Research on Learning. Report No.
dencies of the object represented, such as its size, IRL87-0004.
Sierra, M. (2009). Depersonalization: A new look at
its relationship to objects that are typically coex-
a neglected syndrome. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
istent with it, its color, or the relationship with the University Press.
object that the perceiver of the representation Simeon, D., & Abugel, J. (2008). Feeling unreal: Deper-
commonly has. Thus, the Western practice of sonalization disorder and the loss of self. Oxford, UK:
Oxford University Press.
abstracting objects from their context rests on
Steinberg, M., & Schnall, M. (2000). The stranger in the
the assumption of an internal invariance and the mirror: Dissociation – the hidden epidemic. New
premise that there exists an underlying causal York: HarperCollins.
structure that transcends contextual dependency. Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., &
Wetherell, M. S. (1987). Rediscovering the social
Representations of the body are expected to relay
group: A self-categorization theory. Cambridge, MA:
true essences, which presumably require shed- Basil Blackwell.
ding contextual dependencies. Van Der Hart, O., Nijenhuis, E. R. S., & Steele, K. (2006).
In a cross-cultural analysis of Mayan tradi- The haunted self: Structural dissociation and the treat-
ment of chronic traumatization. New York: WW
tional birth attendants (TBA) being schooled in
Norton.
Western approaches of viewing the body, Brigitte Vermetten, E., Dorahy, M. J., & Spiegel, D. (Eds.). (2007).
Jordon (1987) observed the limitations of West- Traumatic dissociation: Neurobiology and treatment.
ern visual practices that both depersonalize and Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association
Publishing.
disembody. For the TBAs Western representa-
tions of the body were often viewed as nonsensi-
cal. The TBAs did not grasp the utility of x-rays Online Resources
Depersonalization Research Unit, King’s College London
or diagrams used to represent invisible parts of (http://www.kcl.ac.uk/iop/depts/ps/research/neurobio-
the body such as the uterus. Jordon hypothesized logialmechanisms/depersonalisationresearchunit.aspx)
Depression 387 D
followed by an examination of theories of gender
Depression differences in diagnosis and treatment.

Jane Ussher
University of Western Sydney, Centre for Health Keywords
Research, Penrith, NSW, Australia
Depression; gender differences in diagnosis;
medicalization; critical realism; material-
Introduction and Definition discursive-intrapsychic D

Depression is deemed to be the most prevalent

mental health condition affecting individuals History and Critical Debates
worldwide and expected to become the second
most significant cause of disease and disability by In mainstream psychological and biomedical
2020. In medical and psychiatric discourse, accounts, a discourse of “medical naturalism”
depression is defined through an array of symp- positions depression as a naturally occurring
toms that last for more than 2 weeks, including pathology existing within the sufferer, which
moodiness that is out of character; increased irri- can be objectively defined and measured.
tability and frustration; finding it hard to take Within a realist epistemological framework,
minor personal criticisms; spending less time standardized diagnostic criteria, such as those as
with friends and family; loss of interest in food, laid out in the DSM-V (Diagnostic and Statistical
sex, exercise, or other pleasurable activities; Manual of the American Psychiatric Associa-
being awake throughout the night; increased tion), are used to ensure uniformity in the
alcohol and drug use; staying home from work application of diagnosis, with assessment of
or school; increased physical health complaints, individual symptoms conducted through stan-
such as fatigue or pain; being reckless or taking dardized questionnaires or clinical interviews.
unnecessary risks; and slowing down of thoughts In contrast, critical psychologists have conceptu-
and actions. alized “depression” as a social category created
Epidemiological researchers have reported by a process of expert definition which serves to
that women outnumber men in lifetime preva- medicalize the whole continuum of mild to
lence of depression at a ratio that ranges from severe misery as a unitary psychiatric disorder
2:1 to 4:1. At the same time, studies examining (Kirk & Kutchins, 1992; Littlewood & Lipsedge,
incidence in the previous 1–12 months report that 1982; Stoppard, 2000). Described as
women are between 1.2 and 2.7 times more likely a “disjunctive concept” which is deemed appli-
to have experienced depression than men and cable to individuals with no symptoms in com-
women significantly outnumber men in first mon, a “professional reification about human
admission rates for hospital treatment and in reg- misery, not a fact” (Pilgrim & Bentall, 1999,
ister studies where incidence is calculated by p. 271), this raises questions about estimates
contact with services. Women are also estimated of prevalence in the community, as well as
to be twice as likely as men to be prescribed the reported higher rates of “depression” in
psychotropic medication for depression, in par- women.
ticular selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors The framework of medical naturalism that led
(SSRIs). It has been argued that if we can under- to the establishment of depression as a real entity
stand why women are more likely to be diagnosed which exists independent of perception, lan-
with depression than men, we will understand the guage, or culture has its origins in psychiatric
cause of depression itself. In this account, I will nosology first promoted by Kraeplin in the late
therefore examine the historical development of nineteenth century. Three now-defunct separate
current Western definitions of depression, diagnoses – melancholia, neurasthenia, and
D 388 Depression

mopishness – stand as the precursors of “mental primarily managed by psychotropic medication

depression,” a diagnosis that first appeared in the (Ussher, 2011).
mid-nineteenth century. “Depression” became Public health campaigns are also active in
a widely used term only at the beginning of the promoting depression literacy in everyday life,
twentieth century, translated into “major depres- resulting in a continual widening of the bound-
sive disorder,” and positioned as scientific truth aries of mental illness categories (Busfield,
in the DSM (Kirk & Kutchins, 1992). 2002). At the same time, the pharmaceutical
However, this is very much a Western cultural industry and its allies have been accused of “dis-
concept, as there is no word for “depression” in ease mongering” in their active encouragement
many non-Western cultures. Indeed, many so- of the medicalization of “ordinary ailments.”
called “symptoms” of Western depression are They are deemed to act in conjunction with psy-
not expressed, or positioned as signs of distress, chiatry to legitimate medical intervention for
in non-Western contexts. Rather, suffering is sig- “common personal and social problems,” through
nified by bodily or psychological complaints as direct-to-consumer advertising, promotion of
varied as chest pains (China), burning on the self-diagnosis, and the funding of national edu-
soles of the feet (Sri Lanka), semen loss (India), cational campaigns on how to “beat depression.”
ants crawling inside the head (Nigeria), or Japan is a case in point, where there wasn’t
soul loss (Hmong) (Marecek, 2006). The even a term for mild depression, before SSRIs
influence of Western psychiatry in establishing were promoted by a pharmaceutical company in
and maintaining the legitimacy of the concept 1999. Experiences such as melancholia, sensitiv-
of depression, and at the same time reinforcing ity, and fragility were accepted as part of life, not
a bio-determinist perspective, cannot be under- deemed to be pathological conditions to be alle-
estimated. Since the mid-nineteenth century, psy- viated. However, after vigorous “public educa-
chiatry has claimed authority over the mad and tion campaigns” promoted by the drug company,
melancholic, subjecting “patients” to myriad a new “disease,” kokoro no kaze, was established,
physical “treatments” which included isolation, with a message that it “can be cured by medi-
restraint, enforced bed rest, and immersion in cine.” As a result, sales of SSRIs in Japan quin-
freezing water while shrouded in wet sheets. tupled between 1998 and 2003. This creation and
The first half of the twentieth century saw the expansion of a market for drugs through
emergence of psychosurgery and electroconvul- extending the boundaries of diagnosis to encap-
sive therapy, as well as psychotropic medication. sulate all forms of sadness, misery, or dysphoria
However, between the 1940s and mid-1960s, is not confined to Japan. As Shorter (1997) has
psychiatric theory was dominated by psychoanal- argued, the boundaries of depression have been
ysis, with hysteria and “neurotic disorders” being extending relentlessly outward since the 1960s,
diagnoses applied to women and oedipal notions now encompassing mild levels of mood change,
of gender development underlying explanations as well as major intractable depression, with the
of distress. This was reflected in the diagnostic result that diagnoses of depression have increased
classifications outlined in the first version of the exponentially. This “diagnostic bracket creep” is
DSM, published in 1954, where “mental disor- applauded by proponents of SSRIs, who want the
ders” were considered to result from early expe- boundaries of mental illness to be continuously
riences with parents that become internalized expanded to match the drugs that are developed
through unconscious processes. In the early to treat “conditions.”
1970s, a backlash against psychoanalytic think- Prescriptions for psychotropic medication,
ing occurred in psychiatry, with proponents of primarily SSRIs, have also dramatically
“evidence-based treatment” and a biological increased, because they are viewed as “chemical
model of madness taking control of the disci- cures” that treat a “deficiency disease.” However,
pline, resulting in depression being firmly posi- there is no evidence of specific imbalances in
tioned as an illness within the brain, to be serotonin in individuals reporting depression,
Depression 389 D
and no evidence that making serotonin nerves depression emerges at puberty and is no longer
more active, the aim of SSRIs, can help people present postmenopause.
overcome emotional problems. Scientists them- However, the evidence that “times of great
selves readily admit they are unsure how antide- hormonal fluctuation” across the life-span are
pressants work, and the efficacy of placebos in causally linked to women’s distress is weak. Pre-
comparison to SSRIs is so strong that the phar- menstrual distress has been found to be strongly
macological rationale for the treatment is associated with women’s social and relationship
undermined. Diet and exercise can be as effective context, in particular, with over-responsibility,
as SSRIs in treating depression, as can psycho- relationship dissatisfaction, and communication D
logical therapy, such as cognitive-behavioral problems. Depression in the postnatal period has
therapy (CBT). As SSRIs have also been associ- been conceptualized as an understandable reac-
ated with serious side effects, including suicide, tion to the strains of early motherhood, linked to
aggression, harm to relationships, akathisia, and high and unrealistic expectations, combined with
“out of character” behavior, their widespread use low social support. Finally, community studies
raises many serious concerns. report that the majority of perimenopausal and
menopausal women are happy and satisfied with
their lives, rather than depressed. Social and rela-
Medicalizing Women’s Misery: Feminist tional context and women’s negotiation of mid-
Critiques life change have been reported to be factors
associated with distress (or happiness) at midlife –
Feminist critics also have a long history of cri- rather than hormonal changes in the menopausal
tiquing the medicalization of women’s misery body (Ussher, 2006).
and of seeing psychiatry as a profession that In contrast to this realist biomedical view-
acts to regulate women (Penfold & Walker, point, many feminists have adopted a social con-
1984; Stoppard, 2000; Ussher, 1991). As Phyllis structionist standpoint, arguing that psychiatric
Chesler commented, in her oft-quoted book diagnosis is a gendered practice that pathologizes
“Women and Madness”: femininity (Chesler, 1972; Stoppard, 2000;
Ussher, 1991). Gender role stereotypes used by
Most twentieth century women who are psychiat-
rically labelled, privately treated and publically medical practitioners and gender bias in psycho-
hospitalised are not mad. . .they may be deeply metric instruments which categorize normative
unhappy, self-destructive, economically power- aspects of feminine behavior (such as crying or
less, and sexually impotent – but as women they’re loss of interest in sex) as “symptoms” have been
supposed to be. (Chesler, 1972, p. 25).
deemed to result in medical practitioners diag-
More recently, Jeanne Marecek (2006) argued nosing depression in women at higher rates than
“depression is not something people have, but men. It has also been argued that many women
a set of practices authorized by the culture only label their unhappiness as “depression” and
through which people express to others that they as a result take up a biomedical model to explain
are suffering” (p. 303). Biomedical theories of their “symptoms,” after receiving medical diag-
women’s depression have come under particular nosis and treatment (LaFrance, 2009). The dis-
feminist scrutiny (Ussher, 1989). From cursive construction of women’s unhappiness as
a biomedical perspective, the primary explana- depression in health policy, medical journals,
tion put forward for reports of women’s higher self-help books, drug company literature,
rates of depression is reproductive hormones, in women’s magazines, and other mass circulated
particular estrogen, linked to premenstrual, post- literature also plays a significant role in women
natal, and menopausal stages of the reproductive increasingly positioning their distress as an
life cycle. Justification for this “raging hor- illness, “depression.”
mones” approach is deemed to be found in reports Psychology offers an alternative perspective
that women’s greater propensity to report to biomedicine in relation to the etiology and
D 390 Depression

treatment of depression, but has not escaped (Williams, 2003, p. 50). The act of positioning
feminist scrutiny. In recent years, cognitive- depression as a discursive construct could also
behavioral approaches, in particular, have made appear to negate the existence or magnitude of
some inroad into medical dominance of interven- the misery experienced by many women and
tion, with cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) men, as well as the social, environmental and
now being recommended by many governments relational concomitants of distress. Critical psy-
(including Australia and the UK) as a first-line chologists and feminists who dismiss medicaliza-
treatment for depression. However, feminist tion are also left with the dilemma that at an
critics have argued that there is little evidence individual level, the diagnosis of depression can
of gender differences in the majority of cognitive serve to validate that there is a “real” problem,
“deficits” deemed to underlie depression from isolating prolonged misery from the character of
a cognitive-behavioral perspective, which under- the sufferer.
mines the utility of such theories for explaining However, if we take a critical realist episte-
women’s higher rate of depression (Stoppard, mological standpoint, we can acknowledge criti-
2000). Psychological theories of depression cal psychological and feminist critiques of the
have been dismissed for being overgeneralized medicalization of misery, as well as the findings
and oversimplified or for being based on of a range of research studies which document
a positivist epistemology which positions distress across cultures – even if it is not always
women’s distress as symptoms of an underlying categorized as “depression.” Critical realism rec-
disorder. Indeed, feminist critics have argued ognizes the materiality of somatic, psychological,
that both biomedical and psychological theories and social experience but conceptualizes this
of depression decontextualize what is often materiality as mediated by culture, language,
a social problem, simply acting to legitimize and politics (Bhaskar, 1989). A critical realist
expert intervention, while negating the political, analysis thus allows us to acknowledge the “real”
economic, and discursive aspects of women’s of psychological and somatic distress, whether this
experience (LaFrance, 2009; Stoppard, 2000; distress is mild or severe, yet to conceptualize it as
Ussher, 2011). Psychological treatment has also a complex phenomenon which is only discursively
been the subject of criticism by some feminists. constructed as “depression” within a specific
This is because the solution to depression is still historical and cultural context. Equally, we
positioned within the individual, with women can acknowledge that an individual living in a
entreated to engage in therapy that is seen to particular historical and cultural context, with a
ignore social context or to engage in self- particular set of life circumstances, and a particu-
management strategies. This has been seen to lar set of beliefs and coping strategies, may come
simply maintain the status quo and produce to experience psychological and somatic distress,
more productive citizens, as well as ensure that to label it as depression, and then seek treatment,
social and political inequalities which lead to because of the complex interaction of these
distress in the first place remain unchallenged. different factors within their life. We can also
acknowledge the materiality of embodied distress
and biological concomitants of the phenomenon
International and Practice Relevance: positioned as “depression.” However, within
A Critical Realist Analysis a critical realist framework, none of these material,
discursive, or intrapsychic levels of analysis is
There are limitations, however, to adopting privileged above the other (Ussher, 2011).
a radical social constructionist analysis of Within a critical realist approach, both quali-
depression. Social constructionism has been tative and quantitative research, ranging from
criticized for negating the “real” and in its denial large-scale epidemiological studies to single
of realism, leading to an “abyss of relativism. . . case designs, can be used to provide insight into
in a world where ‘truth’ is all but abandoned” experiences that come to be positioned as
Depression 391 D
“depression” – without seeking universal individual life experience, as well as the cultural
answers or universal solutions, which deny the context within which distress is constructed and
experiences of women and men across different lived, as many feminist therapists have demon-
social, cultural, or relational contexts. This allows strated (Brown, 2010). The task for critical and
us to develop programs of prevention and inter- feminist psychology is to recognize the reality of
vention at a political, social, familial, and individ- prolonged misery, to understand the multiple fac-
ual level. Interventions which focus on one level tors associated with its development, and to avoid
alone – whether this is biomedical, sociocultural, the pathologization of the individual who experi-
psychological, or discursive – will not address the ences and expresses such problems. D
totality of the experiences of individuals who
come to be categorized as depressed.

References
Future Directions Bhaskar, R. (1989). Reclaiming reality: A critical intro-
duction to contemporary philosophy. London: Verso.
We need to question the increasing medicaliza- Brown, L. S. (2010). Feminist therapy. Washington, DC:
tion of misery in the West, in particular the way in American Psychological Association.
Busfield, J. (2002). Rethinking the sociology of mental
which individuals (more often women) who
illness. London: Blackwell.
experience mild distress or understandable prob- Chesler, P. (1972). Women and madness. New York:
lems with everyday life are defined as having Doubleday.
a mental disorder “depression” and told that the Kirk, S., & Kutchins, H. (1992). The selling of DSM: The
rhetoric of science in psychiatry. New York: A. de
optimum treatment is medication, most fre-
Gruyter.
quently an SSRI. The term “depression” may LaFrance, M. N. (2009). Women and depression: Recov-
function to communicate the extent of an individ- ery and resistance. London: Routledge.
ual’s distress and validate subjective experience; Littlewood, R., & Lipsedge, M. (1982). Aliens and alienists:
Ethnic minorities and psychiatry. London: Penguin.
however, it needs to be conceptualized outside of
Marecek, J. (2006). Social suffering, gender, and women’s
a medical model which positions it as pathology depression. In C. L. Keyes & S. H. Goodman (Eds.),
within the person. Critical psychologists and Women and depression: A handbook for the social,
feminists need to be wary of reinforcing medical behavioural and biomedical sciences (pp. 283–308).
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
naturalism through discursively positioning our
Penfold, S., & Walker, G. (1984). Women and the psychi-
research focus or our participant’s experiences as atric paradox. Milton Keynes, UK: Open University
“depression” and instead use terms such as Press.
“severe distress,” “prolonged misery,” or “con- Pilgrim, D., & Bentall, R. P. (1999). The medicalisation of
misery: A critical realist analysis of the concept of
tinuum of depressive experiences” to make the
depression. Journal of Mental Health, 8(3), 261–274.
point that depression is not a unitary, global, Shorter, E. (1997). A history of psychiatry. New York:
transhistorical pathology. Wiley.
There is also a need for social and political Stoppard, J. (2000). Understanding depression: Feminist
social constructionist approaches, London. London:
change so that women and men are not living in
Routledge.
a context of inequality, violence, and abuse – Ussher, J. M. (1989). The psychology of the female body.
factors associated with distress. We need to crit- London: Routledge.
ically examine the gendered socialization of girls Ussher, J. M. (1991). Women’s madness: Misogyny or
mental illness? Hemel Hempstead, UK: Harvester
and women, which may act to increase their
Wheatsheaf.
likelihood of rumination, self-silencing, self- Ussher, J. M. (2006). Managing the monstrous feminine:
objectification, and the internal attribution of Regulating the reproductive body. London: Routledge.
problems, all of which have been linked to Ussher, J. M. (2011). The madness of women: Myth and
experience. London: Routledge.
women’s distress. However, this does not
Williams, S. (2003). Beyond meaning, discourse and the
mean that distress is ignored. It is possible to empirical World: Critical realist reflections on health.
offer therapeutic support which acknowledges Social Theory & Health, 1, 42–47.
D 392 Deprivation, Overview

mortality. The cumulative impact of deprivation

Deprivation, Overview leads to a stunting of development across a range
of areas.
Frank Gruba-McCallister
Clinical Psychology Program, Chicago School of
Professional Psychology, Chicago, IL, USA Definition

Prilleltensky and Nelson (2002) describe depri-

Introduction vation in material terms as failure to provide
conditions, resources, and opportunities neces-
Deprivation has been a subject of theory and sary to fulfill fundamental human needs. This
research in psychology principally in the following definition provides a framework for understand-
forms: sensory, sleep, maternal, and social. Tradi- ing sleep, sensory, maternal, and social depriva-
tional psychology has focused on examining the tion. The impact of deprivation can be viewed in
physiological and psychological consequences of terms of failure to meet material and social needs.
sensory and sleep deprivation. Another area of For example, Bowlby’s (1982) view of maternal
extensive study in psychoanalytic literature has deprivation was informed by evolutionary and
been maternal deprivation (Bowlby, 1982). This ethnological theory in which attachment behav-
understanding of deprivation has tended to focus iors were instinctive in both infants and mothers.
on the role of biological and individual factors in Physiological mechanisms have likewise been
understanding the adverse impact of failing to identified to understand the consequences of fail-
meet basic, innate needs. Many of the applications ing to meet the basic needs for sleep and sensory
of this research have been aimed at removing risks input. At its most basic level, social deprivation
posed by deprivation to individual well-being. translates into doing without the basic material
However, the often acontextual nature of necessities necessary to allow for optimal devel-
such investigation and presumption of value-free opment of human beings (Rank, 2004). Poverty is
science (Prilleltensky 1997; Sarason 1981) the clearest example of such deprivation of basic
has increased the risk of abusive uses of this material needs. The deleterious effect of depriva-
knowledge. One example is the use of sensory tion as a consequence of childhood poverty has
deprivation in torture (McCoy, 2007). been substantiated by multiple research findings
The study of social deprivation or the depriva- (Evans, 2004; Evans & Kim, 2007).
tion of basic capabilities due to factors such as The impact of deprivation extends beyond
low social economic status or marginalization is material. Research on attachment documents
a concern of critical psychology. A significant cognitive, social, and emotional difficulties
example is poverty. The definition of deprivation related to deprivation. Extended sensory depriva-
as the inability of individuals to attain minimal tion gives rise to anxiety, hallucinations, bizarre
standards of consumption to meet basic physical thoughts, and delusions. Likewise, poverty has
needs is used to define absolute poverty. Rank wide-ranging effects. Rogers and Pilgrim (2003)
(2004) describes deprivation or doing without as write, “Poverty is not merely about one moment
the essential defining characteristic of the human of material deprivation. . .It also signifies
experience of poverty. The poor must make sig- a chronic cumulative process of subjective disaf-
nificant compromises regarding daily necessities fection with life. The latter entails a common
in life, such as food, housing, health care, and experience in poor people of anomie and a lack
transportation. As a result of being deprived of of personal control. These subjective experiences
the resources necessary to fulfill basic needs, the are then compounded by a lack of social oppor-
poor experience a host of adverse impacts on tunities to leave poverty by legal means, as well
their quality of life, including chronic elevated as the direct impact of financial poverty.
levels of stress and higher rates of morbidity and These direct economic variables increase the
Deprivation, Overview 393 D
probability of all forms of ill health and mediate academic circles, but extended to the applications
the negative health impact of poor diet and the of competing views to parenting and societal
comforts of drugs and alcohol. Thus, poverty has beliefs on gender roles (Vicedo).
a double effect—one related to external stressors
which affect well-being and another to do with
the hopelessness and fatalism created by chronic Critical Debates
deprivation” (pp. 157–158).
The interdependent relationship between indi- Viewed from the perspective of critical psychol-
vidual factors (biological, psychological) and the ogy, theory and research on deprivation must be D
multiple contexts within which individuals are understood from both and psychological and
embedded is necessary to any understanding of political perspective. This can be illustrated
deprivation. This underlines the importance of using the example of sensory deprivation which
analyzing deprivation from both a political and has been studied as a means of producing thera-
psychological perspective (Prilleltensky, 2008). peutic results (David, 1993), but also has a darker
side when used as part of psychological torture.
This is documented in an article by McCoy
Keywords (2007). He writes, “At the dawn of the Cold
War, the human mind became a covert battle-
Deprivation; poverty; capabilities approach ground for the deployment of new weapons for
mass persuasion and individual interrogation.
From 1950 to 1962, the CIA lead a massive, secret
Traditional Debates research effort to crack the code of human con-
sciousness, a veritable Manhattan Project of the
Traditional debates have been framed within mind with costs for psychological research and
a more individual-focused view of deprivation. operations that reach, at peak, a billion dollars
This is illustrated in contrasting views held by a year” (p. 402). He further documents the
Bowlby (van der Horst & van der Veer, 2010) and involvement of one of the most eminent cognitive
Harlow (Vicedo, 2009) on the need for maternal psychologists of the time in this work D. O. Hebb
love in human infants. Harlow’ studies in which and his work on sensory deprivation.
he reared monkeys using different surrogate Different views of how to define and measure
mothers drew significant attention among psy- the impact of social deprivation suggest different
chologists as well as the general press at the ways redress the adverse impact of poverty (Sen,
time. His initial findings on the importance of 1999). Defining deprivation in solely material
providing a haven of safety and source of security terms, the commodity approach identifies certain
fostering closeness and togetherness were seen goods as intrinsically good. Deprivation is mea-
by Bowlby as validation for maternal love as sured based on a lack of access to such goods or
a biological need and the exclusivity of the mater- commodities. Sen criticizes this approach as
nal relationship. However, as he continued with overemphasizing goods to the neglect of people
his research, Harlow took exception with for whom they are intended and as transforming
a number of Bowlby’s assumptions. Later studies the means for attaining well-being into the ends
found that the mother’s role in encouraging play themselves. The focus is mistakenly placed on
and establishing social relations with peers goods rather than what goods can do for people
influenced later adult behavior in monkeys. or people can do with goods. Some goods can
Looking at the totality of Harlow’s findings, bio- harm some people while benefiting others, and
logical and environmental factors reveal a pattern goods can become bad if there is too much of
of greater complexity and plasticity. The work of them. Sen concludes that commodities are not
Bowlby and Harlow also provide a cogent exam- good in themselves, but only by virtue of what
ple of how scientific findings are not restricted to they can do for human beings.
D 394 Desire

To address social deprivation, Sen advances Rogers, A., & Pilgrim, D. (2003). Mental health and
what he calls the capabilities approach based inequality. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Sarason, S. B. (1981). An asocial psychology and
on his conclusion that poverty cannot be a misdirected clinical psychology. American Psychol-
primarily understood in economic terms. Instead ogist, 36, 827–836.
it is the deprivation of power and control or Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York:
the inability to exercise freedom that poses Anchor Books.
van der Horst, F. C. P., & van der Veer, R. (2010). The
the greatest obstacle to human development. ontogeny of an idea: John Bowlby and contemporaries
He (1999) writes, “What the capability approach on mother-child separation. History of Psychology,
does in poverty analysis is to enhance the 13(1), 25–45.
understanding of the nature and causes of poverty Vicedo, M. (2009). Mothers, machines, and morals: Harry
Harlow’s work on primate love from lab to legend.
and deprivation by shifting primary attention Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences,
away from means to ends that people have 45(3), 193–218.
reason to pursue, and, correspondingly, to
the freedoms to be able to satisfy these ends”
(p. 90, italics in the original). This more holistic Desire
view accords well with the interdependence of
individual, relational, and collective well-being Mario Orozco Guzman1 and Jeannet Quiroz2
(Prilleltensky, 2008). 1
Universidad Michoacana de San Nicola’s de
Hidalgo, Morelia, Michoaca’n, Mexico
2
School of Psychology, UMSNH, Morelia,
Mexico
References

Bowlby, J. (1982). Attachment and loss, vol. 1: Attach- Introduction

ment (2nd ed.). New York: Basic Books. (Original
work published 1969).
David, B. (1993). An overview of research regarding the The concept of desire has been used in both
effectiveness of restricted environmental stimulation philosophy and psychology to refer to an inner
therapy as a complementary treatment for a range of force that gives human beings vitality. As both
behavioral disorders. Neurobehavioral Health Ser-
foundation and motor of the psyche, this concept
vices, 1, 1–3.
Evans, G. W. (2004). The environment of childhood pov- was developed and established on the basis of the
erty. American Psychologist, 59, 77–92. work of Freud. Lacan later reworked the concept
Evans, G. W., & Kim, P. (2007). Childhood poverty and and transferred it to the external determinant of
health: Cumulative risk exposure and stress
language, while the philosophical modernity of
dysregulation. Psychological Science, 18, 953–957.
McCoy, A. W. (2007). Science in Dachau’s shadow: Descartes and Spinoza provided a relevant prior
Hebb, Beecher, and the development of CIA psycho- context for development of the concept. For
logical torture and modern medical ethics. Journal of Freud, desire is the cornerstone of the uncon-
the History of Behavioral Sciences, 43(4), 401–417.
scious formation of dreams, symptoms,
Prilleltensky, I. (1997). Values, assumptions, and prac-
tices: Assessing the moral implications of psycholog- parapraxis, and jokes. As part of the pleasure
ical discourse and action. American Psychologist, principle, it represents the demands of sexuality
52(5), 517–535. in opposition to the reality principle and the strict
Prilleltensky, I. (2008). The role of power in wellness,
moral demands of the superego.
oppression, and liberation: The promise of
psychopolitical validity. Journal of Community Psy-
chology, 36, 116–136.
Prilleltensky, I., & Nelson, G. (2002). Doing psychology Definition
critically: Making a difference in diverse settings.
New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Rank, M. R. (2004). One nation, underprivileged: Why
It is a formative process of the subject that pushes
American poverty affects us all. New York: Oxford it towards experiences of satisfaction and recogni-
University Press. tion in a fundamentally symbolic sense. As
Desire 395 D
a result, it is home to the dimension of truth to pleasure reaches a limit, such as repression,
which the subject must be ethically consistent. desire remains limited although aleays pushing
over board.
In “Beyond the Pleasure Principle” (1920),
Keywords Freud subordinates desire to the repetition com-
pulsion for in this case, the unpleasant, the unde-
Psychoanalysis; lack; other; Freud; Lacan; sirable, is repeated and desire operates with
Martin Baro; Derek Hook; Martiza Montero; a logic beyond the pleasure principle. Lacanian
Rogers thought has identified this logic with the symbolic D
order of language that inserts desire into the circle
of repetition.
Traditional Debates This is why there is no desire without
a subject or without implying an Other. How-
For Descartes, desire is a passion without contra- ever, as proposed by Lacan (1953/1954), desire
dictions that violently wrenches the heart, yet is also appears before language in the dialectic of
not entirely dependent on the individual since as the imaginary, of the seen, the projected, and the
it implies to the future and implies a relationship alienated in the Other. That is, in this primary
built on knowledge. For Spinoza, it is inherent to stage of mirror-stage tension, the Other appears
the human, an appetite with self-awareness. For to sustain the desire of the subject, the Other
Freud, desire implies contradiction, conflict, and appears as aggressive desire. This is where we
therefore a dynamics of the psyche. Freud (1900) find the Lacanian apothegm relating to how
comes close to the reflection of Spinoza when he human desire is the desire of the Other. There
proposes a fundamental role for desire in the is no otherness without desire or desire without
formation of the psyche and goes so far as to otherness, so alienation is fundamental to the
suggest that desire is the core of our existence. formation of the subject. Desire makes of
In terms of what it represents, desire is the force humans beings no adaptable animals because it
of the human psyche. For Freud, desire points subverts the field of need articulated in the
towards the reconstruction of a previously expe- demand formulated by reference to the Other,
rienced satisfaction, and in contrast to Spinoza, as a symbolic space and a treasure trove of
he also proposes that desire is unconscious; thus signifiers. Roudinesco and Plon (1998) highlight
unknowable. the fact that Lacan proposes a “link between
For Freud, desire is formed in the meeting desire founded on recognition (desire of the
between an unprotected being without sufficient desire of the Other) and unconscious desire
resources to deal with survival and a being that (actualization in the Freudian sense)” (p. 216).
offers outside help. Desire therefore appears Desire appears to the extent that demand does
when an appeal is made to another in the search not articulate everything it wants; it is a search
for satisfaction and is awoken because the not only for satisfaction but basically for
Other cannot consistently provide this help. recognition.
For this reason, satisfaction is recreated as
a hallucination. Desire is also part of the precon-
scious that participates in the formation of Critical Debates
dreams as well as a symptom of hysteria. In
both cases, the participation of the desire to The central discussions concerning desire in rela-
punish, to repress, should also be taken into tion to critical psychology can be grouped in 4
account. This other desire, which is precisely main perspectives.
the intervention of repression, is what makes 1. On the basis of what Derek Hook (2004) terms
the pleasure anticipated by unconscious desire psychopolitics, influenced by on the work of
unpleasant. Lacan (1964) proposes that when Frantz Fanon, desire is not considered
D 396 Desire

“transhistoric” or “universal,” but “is an out- one of which is desire that, through its
come of a specific configuration of power, of self-ascription to Derrida’s deconstructive
real material, economic, cultural and sociopo- approach, allows meanings to begin to be dis-
litical conditions. . .” (Hook, p. 116). It also mantled. In this way, desire no longer pos-
establishes how desire not only emerges from sesses a closed, univocal condition. In this
intrapsychic motivations but also intersected sense, Butler (2007) posits that desire does
by the social and historical order. This idea not allow itself to be regulated by hegemonic
runs parallel to Adorno’s correlation among criteria and positions of a sexual and
pleasure and prohibition. In this way, desire is gender order, thus making its scope always
located ab initio in the sociocultural sphere. subversive.
2. The second position can be seen in the work of 3. For Zizek (2004), the dominion-power appa-
Martin-Baró and Maritza Montero. Baró does ratus of capitalist machinery interpellates to
not deal with the concept of desire as such but the individual as a desiring subject,
does discuss the idea of individual desire in a consumer, by offering her/him products
opposition to collective needs. Baró (1982) that will, presumably, satisfy her/his desire;
proposes that desires should be “adjusted” to however, he fails to recognize the fact that
suit needs: “subjective, group and individual “the most elementary desire is the desire to
aspirations are oriented towards the satisfac- reproduce itself as desire (and not to find
tion of true needs” (p. 70). Montero (1997) satisfaction)”(2006, p. 61). Zizek thus coun-
refers to the research process at the commu- terposes the dialectical condition of desire to
nity level, problematizing how individual the inertia of the drive. This mobility of desire
desires bias research work and understanding entails metonymic displacement, for it “never
this as a lack of commitment to the require- points to that which appears to be its object
ments of community work. For psychoanaly- but, rather, always ‘wants something else’” (p.
sis, it makes no sense to speak of individual 221). This symbolic substrate of desire sets it
desire because desire implies a subject apart from satisfaction and approximates it to
ascribed to the Other which is in turn subject the search for recognition by subscribing its
to sociohistorical and cultural transforma- constant aperture.
tions. Granting that desire is the same thing 4. Finally, Rogers (2009), in his work on the
as prohibition; then, it is structure and compo- position of Lacan in critical psychology, dem-
sition include the marks of the symbolic order onstrates how psychoanalysis and critical psy-
and collective demands. Although it is chology can find common ground. For Rogers,
constructed from outside the subject, it builds this is to be found in the notion of “lack”
this subject and also alienates it, so any affir- which is connected to “desire,” which is desire
mation that the Other is an instance where the of the Other, and in how recognition of this
signifier orders desire implies a political ques- lack opens the field of desire. He also points
tion. The Other is, in this sense, a place of out that each sphere of knowledge should be
power and a politics of liberation involves a kept open to the lack that implies recognizing
praxis of disalienation of the subject with “certain discrepancies, yes – but more impor-
respect to the desire of the Other as a place of tantly, a gap as a place where there are no
power. This is what Lacan (1964) refers to as answers, whereas simulation is not possible,
la petite différence. In this same order of ideas, and where the questions we each raise in our
feminist psychology predicated on social separate fields lead nevertheless to impera-
constructivism has made it possible to “focus tives to act – in speech and in deeds – to
attention on the critical analysis of the sustain our humanity through desire, against
established categories of psychological reason- the odds of our own destruction and implica-
ing” (Hare-Mustin & Marecek, 1990, p. 36), tion in it” (Rogers, p. 13). The ethical status of
Determinism 397 D
desire therefore implies a compromise posi-
tion for the subject. Betraying the cause of Determinism
desire implies betrayal of the most authentic
part of your being. For this reason, Lacan Frank Richardson
indicates that “the only thing one can be guiity Department of Educational Psychology,
of, is having given ground one’s desire” (1960, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin,
p. 513). Ceding to desire is to renounce the TX, USA
position of subject in the face of the impera-
tives of submission to any tyrannical order D
emanating from the Other as the place of the
Master. Introduction

Deterministic doctrines are an issue or problem

References for psychology and social theory for fairly obvi-
ous reasons. The idea that all events in the natural
Baro, M. (1990/1982). Guerra y salud mental. In world and all of human behavior and mental life
Psicologı́a social de la guerra: Trauma y terapia.
are governed by ironclad natural laws appears to
San salvador, el salvador: Uca editores.
Butler, J. (2007/1999). Gender trouble. Feminism and the make any sort of free will, personal responsibil-
subversion of identity. New York, NY: Routledge. ity, or self-determination a complete illusion.
Freud, S. (1900/1999). Die Traumdeutung. Gesammelte This is an especially serious concern for critical
Werke II-III. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Fischer.
social scientists. They are concerned not just to
Freud, S. (1920/1999). Jenseits des Lustprinzips.
Gesammelte Werke, XIII. Frankfurt am Main, preserve some sort of meaningful freedom in the
Germany: Fischer. abstract or as a mainly philosophical matter. Crit-
Hare-Mustin, R. T., & Marecek, J. (1990). Making ical social theory and psychology see freedom
a difference: Psychology and the construction of gen-
and responsibility intimately linked. In this view
der. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Lacan, J. (1953/1954). Le séminaire. Livre I. Les écrits of its practitioners, freedom can and should be
techniques de Freud. Paris, France: Seuil (poche), employed to detect forms and instances of dom-
1998. ination and injustice in the social world and to
Lacan, J. (1960). Lacan Séminaires Complets. L’éthique
actively undermine them in order to promote
de la psychanalyse. [Electronic Version].
Lacan, J. (1964/1998). Le séminaire. Livre 11. Le quatre equity, human dignity, and human welfare.
concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse. Paris, Determinism would seem to destroy this kind
France: Seuil (poche). moral belief and purpose. This concern links up
Montero, M. (1997). Entre el deseo indivudual y la
with the worry of many citizens looking at the
necesidad colectiva. AVEPSO Asociacion Venezolana
de Psicologia Social, 8, 77–85. behavioral sciences from the outside that they
Roudinesco, E., & Plon, M. (1998). Diccionario de might lead to a frighteningly manipulative behav-
psicoanálisis. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Paidos. ioral technology or a harsh, depersonalizing
Zizek, S. (2004). Looking awry. Cambridge, MA:
perspective on human life.
MIT Press.
Zizek, S. (2006). The parallax view. Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press.

Online Resources
Definition
Hook, D. (2004). Fanon and the psychoanalysis of
racism [online]. London, England: LSE Research On The doctrine of determinism typically refers to
line. Retrieved from http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/2567 the idea that all events and processes in both the
Rogers, A. G. (2009). A place for lacan in critical psy-
natural and social worlds are seen as governed
chology? Four memos and a gap. Annual Review of
Critical Psychology, 7, 5–15. Retrieved from http:// and hence determined by natural laws, many or
www.discourseunit.com/arcp/7.htm all of which one or another branch of natural or
D 398 Determinism

social science can uncover and formulate. Traditional Debates

“Determinism” in this sense is very much
a product of modern times. Premodern outlooks Dilemmas of Determinism
usually saw humans as contextualized in The result of adopting the doctrine of determinism
a meaningful cosmic order of some kind, in for social scientists, especially for psychologists,
which their purpose was to play their appropriate who deal with the most personal and intimate
role or part. Oversimplifying vastly, we might aspects of human life, is that they face a severe
say that earlier worldviews centered on the dilemma. On the one hand, they are dedicated to
cultivation of character, while the modern out- uncovering general laws of human behavior that
look and culture focus on the achievement of would permit us to freely engineer desired social
power. Critical social scientists are bound to be or psychological effects. On the other hand, how-
suspicious of these earlier worldviews. It seems ever, this rigid picture of human life shaped by
to us that that their philosophies and religions brute causes would seem to effectively rule out the
commonly rationalize arbitrary authority and very kind of creativity and ingenuity social scien-
domination. However, we have to worry, as tists themselves exercise in devising experiments
well, about our own deeply held ideals of and articulating laws and theories of behavior.
social justice. It is not easy to explain their This dilemma can be stated another way, one
place in the world or how they can be justified. that applies to all branches of social science. On
The early and middle twentieth-century critical the one hand, it appears that any viable notion of
theorists of the Frankfurt School and J€urgen freedom requires that there be some ordered
Habermas were well aware of and struggled realm of determination, causes, or influence in
with these questions. which one might act and make a difference. Oth-
The novel, modern scientific outlook on the erwise the freedom would be impotent and mean-
world, fashioned during the Enlightenment in ingless. On the other hand, for that freedom to be
the West, radically objectifies the world or, as meaningful, it has to amount to something more
Max Weber’s famously said, “disenchants” it. than just another effect of causes that play upon
This objectifying outlook leads to the convic- the human agent (Richardson & Bishop, 2002).
tion that only those properties of nature that Bishop (2007) observes that among social sci-
can be precisely quantified are real and that entists, this “obvious tension between determin-
nature itself is a totality of brute material ism and freedom is rarely noticed, seldom
objects in mechanistic, law-governed rela- analyzed, and almost never viewed as something
tions – an aggregate of physical things that that calls the reigning conceptions of psychology
can be mastered through a cool, disengaged into question” (p. 297). He suggests that there
methodology. A great many 20th and now seem to be two main ways this dilemma has
21st social scientists simply took for granted been coped with in modern psychology. One is
this materialistic, deterministic picture of the to assume a fairly strict and conventional deter-
world and assumed the rigid determination of minism while sidestepping the issue that this
all events in the spheres of human behavior, either (1) inconsistently presupposes an implicit
mental life, emotional dynamics, and social notion of real freedom or else (2) undermines
life by causes beyond human control (Slife & some of its own important values and purposes,
Williams, 1995, pp. 94–126). such as the creative activity of psychologists
themselves or the responsible application of
their findings to human problems. The other
approach, adopted by a smaller, diverse group
Keywords of humanist, phenomenological, or existentialist
thinkers, is to vigorously defend ideals of free-
Determinism; free will; efficient causality; final dom of choice and self-actualization. However,
causality; individualism; instrumentalism they usually fail to note that pursuing these ideals
Determinism 399 D
requires some kind of connectedness and influ- difficult position to defend. First of all, freedom
ence among events in human experience and do from restraint and coercion are certainly valuable
not provide a plausible alternative account, an in both a practical and ethical sense. But they
alternative ontology, of this connectedness. This represent a quite limited view of human freedom.
leaves them somewhat at the mercy of the deter- Over half a century ago, Erich Fromm (1941/
ministic and mechanistic view of the world that 1969) identified something he thought was
undermines freedom. The dilemmas posed by a major source of emotional and interpersonal
determinism turn out to be deep seated, confus- problems in living in modern times, namely, the
ing, and seemingly intractable. “ambiguity of freedom” in our kind of society. He D
argues that we have a well-developed sense of
Free Will Debates in Philosophy “freedom from” arbitrary authority and dogmatic
One might hope to turn to philosophy for guid- or irrational impediments to freedom and to
ance in dealing the determinism and free will exercising greater control over nature and our-
question. It has received a lot of attention in selves. However, we sorely lack a corresponding
philosophy circles over the last 50–70 years. sense of “freedom to” or “freedom for” that
But there is much disagreement there about how would give some context, direction, or deeper
to analyze or deal with these issues, with no easy purpose to our increased freedom and opportu-
answers in sight. (For an overview of this debate nity. The result, he feels, is that we tend to
see Kane, 1996). become interchangeable cogs in the social
A relatively small number of philosophers machinery, to become directionless and empty,
hold to a strict determinist view that makes free and to be led by the nose by whatever “sells” in
will an illusion. Many feel this position is ren- the marketplace, including a widespread “person-
dered less plausible given the difficulties of ality market” in which even personal qualities
maintaining strict determinism even in physics must be revised to accommodate the impulses
(Bishop, 2007). or preferences of others. As a result, we tend to
Most other philosophers are either treat others and ourselves as depersonalized
incompatibilists or compatibilists. Incompa- objects. Hungry for substance but unable to find
tibilists argue that we must have some form of it, in Fromm’s view, we tend to sell out our
ultimate responsibility for our purposes, deci- freedom to fascism, fanaticism, the illusion of
sions, and actions that escape determinism. Oth- total fulfillment in romantic love, craving and
erwise, notions like praise, blame, desert, seeking the approval of others at all costs, numer-
creativity, and any claims to human dignity or ous escapisms, or just going shopping.
moral responsibility do not make any sense. In This limited notion of freedom seems to be
contrast, compatibilists think that meaningful associated with or even the cause of other
free will can be seen as quite compatible with problems with compatibilism. For example,
determinism in the human realm. They argue that incompatibilists argue that just freedom from
all the ordinary freedoms we experience and restraint is insufficient to guarantee that a person
desire, such as freedom from coercion, con- is the ultimate source of his or her own values and
straint, and oppression, actually require deter- desires. Where do these values and desires come
minism. Self-determinism actually represents from? Why are they not also ultimately the product
a kind of determinism without constraint or of forces and influences that play upon us rather
oppression, they feel. If we are free to do what than in any sense freely chosen? In the end, isn’t
we want, then it is our will that is causally the contrast between self-determination and deter-
efficacious, not outside obstacles or influences. mination by outside forces a distinction without
Compatibilism may give reflective social sci- a difference? If so, then “freedom from” is
entists who worry about this problem an approach not enough. Compatibilists think that the
that seems to honor freedom while maintaining incompatibilist’s search for freedoms over and
their scientific credentials. However, it is a very above the “ordinary everyday freedoms” they
D 400 Determinism

champion is misguided or a mystification, like “bounded, masterful self” that is expected to

a search for an illusory soul in the body or “function in a highly autonomous, isolated way”
a “ghost in the machine.” Incompatibilists argue and “to be self-soothing, self-loving, and self-
that compatibilist freedom is simply an illusion sufficient.” Unfortunately, Cushman thinks there
and does not capture the idea of freedom (from is evidence that this inflated, would-be autono-
constraint or interference) we most desire and mous self almost inevitably collapses into an
value. “empty self,” whose characteristics of fragility,
Common sense might suggest there are some sense of emptiness, and proneness to fluctuation
truths on both sides of this argument. between feelings of worthlessness and grandios-
Compatibilists are surely right that without ity are often said to be the hallmarks of neurotic
some ordered realm of causes and influences in psychopathology in our day (Kohut, 1977).
which to act and make a difference, and therefore Cushman (1990, p. 604) defines emptiness as,
some form of determination, there is no viable “in part, an absence of communal forms and
sense of freedom. And incompatibilists are con- beliefs” which leaves individuals quite vulnera-
vincing on the point that meaningful freedom ble to influence from cultural forms such as
cannot amount to just another chain of causes advertising and psychology, both professional
and effects. Nevertheless, the debate seems to and “pop,” which emanate authority and
remain irresolvable in the terms in which it is certainty. So it is telling that the goals of
cast. There may be a way of getting past these psychotherapy are usually rendered in terms of
dilemmas and conceiving how a credible kind of more effective individual behavior, enhanced
human freedom might exist in an ordered world self-realization, or personal authenticity. Little
rather than disappearing into cause-effect pro- is said about ethical qualities of character or
cesses or remaining there as a kind of alien pres- commitment that many feel are essential to a
ence in their midst. But that will take identifying worthwhile or fulfilled life.
and rethinking both assumptions about how the First and foremost, such individualism
world works and certain cultural ideals that are decontextualizes the knowing subject from the
widespread in modern culture and rather naively ongoing flow of practical life and human relation-
and uncritically adopted by much social science ships. Charles Taylor (1995) points out that this
theory and research. view fits well with the widespread modern picture
of the self as disengaged, disembodied, and atom-
istic or “punctual.” This self is “distingui-
Critical Debates shed. . .from [the] natural and social worlds, so
that [its] identity is no longer to be defined in
Rethinking Individualism and terms of what lies outside. . . in these worlds”
Instrumentalism and, when mature, is ready to freely and ratio-
The unexamined assumptions that generate the nally treat both itself and the outside world instru-
dilemmas of determinism, succinctly put, are mentally, in order to advance desired individual
individualism and instrumentalism. Many cul- or “social ends.” Taylor suggests that the modern
tural critics and from Tocqueville to the present notion of a “punctual self” confronting a natural
day have identified and critiqued a one-sided and social world to which it has no essential ties is
individualism in modern culture that they feel as much a moral as a scientific ideal. It “connects
promotes liberty and personal independence at with. . .central moral and spiritual ideas of the
the price of a great deal of debilitating alienation modern age,” especially the modern ideal of
and emotional isolation. Recently, for example, “freedom as self-autonomy. . .to be self-responsi-
Cushman (1990, p. 604) contends that both our ble, to rely on your own judgment, to find your
society generally and much theory and research purpose in yourself” (p. 7).
in psychology in the twentieth century forward Taylor’s analysis intimates how closely this
presuppose the mature or ideal individual to be a kind of individualism is tied to instrumentalism,
Determinism 401 D
i.e., to a narrowly pragmatic or instrumental view Instrumentalism and Free Will
of mature human action. Fowers (2005) docu- Despite these problems, the conception of mature
ments the extent to which this influential cultural human action as essentially instrumental allows
ideal pervades the field of psychology. He compatibilist philosophers and many social sci-
describes the instrumental view as one that entists at least to give the appearance of reconcil-
imposes the idea of a sharp separation between ing determinism and free will. Usually views of
means and ends in human activity, with ends or physical or psychological determinism assume
goals in living chosen subjectively and most that the kind of causality operating in the world
human action portrayed in terms of “strategies, is efficient causality or brute cause and effect D
methods, or techniques that are directed toward relations that are governed by inviolable laws.
reaching a goal.” He identifies two key features of The instrumental picture of action appears to fit
the instrumental account. One is that there is “no well within a physical world of efficient causal
necessary connection between one’s goal and the interactions. This might seem like exactly the
means one adopts” to reach it, so the means can kind of world we need to serve as an arena of
be discarded at no cost if another strategy turns instrumental action conceived of as manipulating
out to be more effective or efficient. The other is efficient causes in order to produce desired
that an individual or group’s “strategic expertise effects. Moreover, this action looks like just the
in reaching their goals” is strictly “independent of sort of autonomous, self-determining activity that
the kinds of persons they are,” of their ethical our heavily antiauthoritarian individualistic ethi-
quality or character (p. 56). cal outlook and celebrates!
Individualism and instrumentalism incorpo- However, this appearance of reconciliation
rate some values that most of us rightly prize. disappears upon close scrutiny. This view
But they also contain some profound internal assumes the reality of some kind of freedom but
contradictions that compel them to be rethought presents a picture of things in which the agent
(Richardson, 2012). Individualism insists that really cannot be anything more than a link in the
while individuals have the right to choose their efficient causal chain of events, one that does not
own conception of the good life so long as they really have any power or leverage to manipulate
respect the rights of others to do the same, these that chain. The dilemmas of determinism remain
notions of the good life are subjective or relative in force.
to the choosing individual and cannot be imposed
as authoritative on other people. However, indi- Beyond the Dilemmas
vidualism’s own conception of individual rights Here is a possible way to move beyond these
and dignity and of the good society, defined in dilemmas, one that would seem hospitable to
this way, are not considered merely subjective or the kind of critical social science inquiry that
relative but taken to be universally valid or true. not only is committed to discerning forces in the
The instrumental perspective has appealed to social world that undermine human liberty and
social scientists and professional psychothera- justice but also presupposes a meaningful mea-
pists because – in synch with the cultural status sure of human freedom to diagnose these forces
quo rather than challenging it – it seems to leave and instigate social change. A version of this
questions of goods and values to the individual, approach is sketched in Robert Bishop’s (2007,
thus freeing researchers and therapists to focus on pp. 309–312) The Philosophy of the Social Sci-
value-neutral causal connections and strategies. ences. Bishop argues we need to develop a notion
But we may question that such austere value of what Taylor (1975, p. 148ff.) calls “situated
neutrality is either possible or desirable. For one freedom.” According to Taylor, the modern
thing, it seems plain that instrumentalism is itself understanding of freedom focuses on “negative
an ethical framework because it dictates that liberty,” which is largely what From meant by
choices of values and goals should be left to “freedom from,” which can encourage an attitude
individuals. of “anything goes” or simply “doing what feels
D 402 Determinism

good.” Needed is a conception of “positive lib- activity is felt to be good and is enjoyed for its
erty” or a positive sense of the freedom to do own sake, not undertaken primarily to reach any
things deemed worthwhile by one’s community other outcome or product.
and oneself. From this perspective, people are No one should deny or depreciate everyday
always situated or embedded in cultural and his- instrumental activity as a normal and positive
torical context that greatly defines their identity aspect of human life. Such activity can be reward-
and outlook. This context provides meaningful ing and beneficial and plays a role in most human
objectives and guidelines in terms of which we undertakings. The problem arises when instru-
can deliberate about our aims and possible mental prowess becomes an end in itself,
courses of action. Being situated like this means decoupled from the cultivation of internal goods.
that we cannot escape having some convictions In this view, there are broadly two basic kinds
about the good life, including such things as of human practice, which Guignon (1993) terms
justice, compassion, courage, humility, and for- “means–end” and “constituent–end” practices.
giveness. But it also means that we cannot avoid This is not something preferred or ideal, but
questioning and revising those values and virtues simply a fact of how human behavior and social
in the face of new experiences, including their life are constituted and work. Means–end
being challenged by others who look at things practices are celebrated by instrumentalism. In
from different points of view. Sensitive, chal- constituent–end practices, means cannot be sep-
lenging dialogue is at the heart of this picture of arated from ends because they are “experienced
human agency in a life world. as central to constituting a particular way of life.”
In this life world there are, generally speaking, The whole activity “is undertaken for the sake of
two kinds of human practices. Aims in living in being such and such: I run as a part of being
the instrumental view are largely restricted to a healthy person, or I help someone for the sake
what might be termed “external goods,” such as of being a good friend” (p. 230).
wealth, power, prestige, or various pleasures, What kind of causality is involved in this kind
comforts, and satisfactions, which are the sepa- of life world, where constituent–end practices
rate outcome or payoff of some activity, usually and the cultivation of internal goods are promi-
held as possessions by individuals. Typically, nent? Clearly, it is not exclusively efficient cau-
their supply is limited and they are objects of sality, the sort of means–end connections among
competition. What instrumentalism misses is events whose discernment makes successful
“internal goods” that are qualitatively different instrumental action possible. In this view, what
and have a certain primacy in human life. They is sometimes called “linear determinism across
are an omnipresent and prominent part of human time” is not the exclusive or main form of cau-
behavior. In fact, they provide the infrastructure sality in the human realm. Rather, “final causal-
for and orient, and direct our instrumental activ- ity” plays a central role in the shaping of human
ity. They reflect a different kind of purpose and psychology and social life. Final causality
are found meaningful in a different way than involves the goal, purpose, or end of
external goods. One can attain internal goods something. . .subjects of inquiry are caused by
only by acting in the ways that embody those the telos, or purpose, they have. The entity
goods. Be it spending unstructured time with under consideration “behaves for the sake of”
a child or friend, acting courageously without (Slife & Williams, 1995, p. 115) a purpose or
certainty about the outcome, creative intellectual goal and is therefore determined by it. This is
or artistic endeavor, cultivating a friendship often the commonsense understanding of
(which from time to time will involve one friend humans, that they behave for the sake of their
correcting or challenging the other in a way that intentions or goals, which shape their action. If
puts the friendship temporarily at risk), or prac- humans change their goals, their actions change
ticing meditation or contemplative prayer, the along with this change in aim or purpose. This
Determinism 403 D
causal process has a profound social or relational law. These usually slowly evolving meanings and
dimension. Intentions and aims are refined and conventions shape both their outward practices
modified through dialogue and often quite inti- and institutions and their most inward beliefs and
mate processes of mutual influence with others, feelings. Indeed, to a great extent they shape their
to the extent that we might even want to speak of very identity as persons.
a “shared agency” (Taylor, 1991, p. 311). In this view, there is no need to assume chains
Slife and Williams (1995) insist that it is of causality that are somehow interrupted or
a “misunderstanding of final causality that such altered by other causal forces impinging from else-
intentions are caused by past events. . .by prior where. Some degree of spontaneous, playful, or D
conditioning from one’s environment” rather deliberate reinterpretation of meanings and goals
than “the causes of the actions that accompany occurs constantly as an inherent feature of social
them” (p. 115). In that case, of course, they would and psychological life. Usually things change only
not be intentions or purposes of the sort we all slowly, but they never remain the same.
think we have and that we appraise, rethink, and Streams of efficient causes and their effects
modify often in everyday life. Many social scien- play only a subordinate role in the everyday
tists and others do insist such intentions must be human life world. Law-governed processes in the
reduced to simply the brute effects of preceding natural world, including the human body and
efficient causes. But this view is riddled with brain, clearly cannot be directly violated by an
difficulties. Richardson and Bishop (2002) argue act of will. They impose unalterable constraints
that determinisms of this kind seem quite arbi- on human activity. We may cooperate with these
trarily to assume an exclusively instrumental processes and sometimes instrumentally manipu-
view of human action, in part for ideological late states of affairs. But the purposes and values
reasons based in some variety of modern individ- that guide both instrumental reasoning and our
ualism. Such determinism projects a natural and other culturally meaningful pursuits, including
social world of efficient cause and effect relations the cultivation of internal goods, are hammered
as a field suited for the operation of the kind of out through mutual influence and conversation
purposeful instrumental activity they prize, among the participants in an intersubjective life
where one can choose to manipulate known world. In this human realm, “determinism” can be
causes in order to produce desired effects. How- thought of as referring to processes of influence,
ever, in such a world, any leverage or capacity for dialogue, and constraint that shape human iden-
exercising effective instrumental action either tity, personality, and cultural life. These processes
disappears completely, swallowed up by deter- of mutual shaping are more profound and intimate
minism, or else remains there as an alien, entirely than brute efficient causal forces. In this world,
inexplicable presence. “freedom” can be understood in terms of our par-
It is not necessary to posit prior efficient ticipation in the ongoing, creative reinterpretation
causes that “really” cause intentions and purpose- of our norms and practices.
ful action to account for the high degree of con- The exercise of this kind of freedom can entail
formity, continuity, and coordination in social a very demanding kind of personal responsibility
and cultural life. Human action is deeply social even though it is able to anticipate and control the
and consists greatly in cooperative activities course of events only to a limited degree. It means
motivated and guided by common meanings and living creatively and responsibly down a path that
shared values. Individuals must follow many of is full of surprises and unexpected turns of events.
the same detailed rules and customs to survive From this perspective, freedom and determinism
and participate at all successfully in their society. mesh smoothly rather than determinism ultimately
From this perspective, human activities are quashing freedom or human freedom remaining
governed by changing periodically reinterpreted an undeniable but inexplicable reality. There is no
social rules or conventions rather than by natural freedom without context.
D 404 Developmental Psychology, Overview

References emotional, physical, and cognitive development

for individuals as well as collectives across the
Bishop, R. (2007). The philosophy of the social sciences. life span. Heated debates of how individuals and
New York: Continuum.
groups develop have emerged over the years,
Cushman, P. (1990). Why the self is empty. American
Psychologist, 45, 599–611. however, few developmental psychologists
Fowers, B. (2005). Virtue ethics and psychology: Pursu- embrace the extremes of these discourses. While
ing excellence in ordinary practices. Washington, DC: the field has not reached consensus on definitive
APA Press Books.
explanations of development, findings from
Fromm, E. (1969). Escape from freedom. New York:
Avon. (Original work published 1941) developmental psychology research have signif-
Kane, R. (1996). The significance of free will. Oxford, UK: icant implications for parenting, education, and
Oxford University Press. policy.
Kohut, H. (1977). The restoration of the self. New York:
International Universities Press.
Richardson, F. (2012). Rethinking instrumentalism.
Journal of Consciousness Studies, 19, 177–201. Definition
Richardson, F., & Bishop, R. (2002). Rethinking deter-
minism in social science. In H. Atmanspacher &
There have been many definitions of develop-
R. Bishop (Eds.), Between chance and choice: Inter-
disciplinary perspectives on determinism mental psychology over the years. However
(pp. 425–445). Thorverton, UK: Imprint Academic. different, they all concur that developmental psy-
Slife, B., & Williams, R. (1995). What’s behind the chology is the study of change over time. This
research? Discovering hidden assumptions in the
change includes psychological, perceptual, and
behavioral sciences. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Taylor, C. (1975). Hegel. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge emotional changes that can impact physical, cog-
University Press. nitive, language, and social processes. According
Taylor, C. (1991). The dialogical self. In J. Bohman, to some theoretical perspectives, these changes in
D. Hiley, & R. Schusterman (Eds.), The interpretive
turn can be influenced by social, biological,
turn (pp. 304–314). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press. cultural, and socioeconomic contexts. The field
Taylor, C. (1995). Philosophical arguments. Cambridge, of developmental psychology began with a
MA: Harvard University Press. focus on childhood but over time has expanded
to include the period from conception to
death, with newer research including gene
replication prior to conception. Most develop-
Developmental Psychology, mental psychologists would describe the field as
Overview spanning from the womb to the tomb.

Stephanie M. Reich and Alejandra S. Albarran

School of Education, University of California, Keywords
Irvine, CA, USA
Development; infant, child, and/or adolescent
development; human development; life-span
Introduction development; developmental science

The field of developmental psychology has

experienced much growth and change over the Historical Background
last century. Expanding from the study of
individual psyche and perception, research in The history of the field of developmental
this area now includes the study of all aspects of psychology is relatively brief, and the focus of
the developing organism from cellular develop- the discipline has shifted as more is understood
ment of gametes to the last breath of the elderly. about individual and group differences. While the
Developmental psychologists explore social, underpinnings of developmental psychology can
Developmental Psychology, Overview 405 D
be seen in the writings of the ancient Greeks, included individuals as active contributors to
Shakespeare, and Enlightenment theorists, it their own development.
was not until the late nineteenth century that Jean Piaget’s work was also integral to the
developmental psychology was formalized as notion that individuals are active constructors of
a field. G. Stanley Hall is most frequently their knowledge. A stage theorist, Piaget,
credited with the establishment of the discipline highlighted the importance of the biological as
with the creation of the American Journal of well as the environmental aspects of children’s
Psychology in 1887 and his two-volume text on lives. Specifically, he noted children’s active role
Adolescence (1904). Hall also collaborated with in their own cognitive maturity and thus gave rise D
Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung in their efforts to to constructivist theories of development.
understand the human psyche. Freud’s work In exploring emotional development, John
proposed that there were distinct stages in Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth, while working
development from infancy to adolescence. Hall with children after World War II, identified the
stressed the importance of the transition to importance of relationships between children and
maturity (adolescence), and Jung theorized their caregivers (most frequently mothers). This
about the conscious and unconscious mind, pav- work on attachment conflicted with Watson’s
ing the way for the study of personality. explicit instructions for mothers to withhold
Drawing from the stage theories proposed by affection from children and gave rise to another
Freud, Erik Erikson expanded the notion of realm of research in developmental psychology
development from childhood through adulthood. interested in socio-emotional growth.
This life-span perspective identified different Further expanding the scope of developmental
developmental demands from the first years research was Lev Vygotsky’s focus on the
through old age. Interestingly, these early sociocultural milieu of development. Although
developmental psychologists did not focus on written in the Soviet Union in the 1920s–1930s,
change over time but rather on how early experi- Vygotsky’s work was not translated into English
ences could be predictive of later-life outcomes until the 1970s. This delay may have helped
(Hunt, 1994). Vygotsky’s theories gain traction given the era’s
Shortly after the start of the twentieth century, increasing focus on context. Over the next two
there was a clear understanding of the importance decades, Urie Bronfenbrenner developed the eco-
of studying individual and group differences in logical (later expanded to bioecological) model
development, as demonstrated by Arnold of human development. This systems theory
Gesell’s creation of growth charts documenting posited that humans are embedded in nested
normative development and Théodore Simon and reciprocal systems with proximal and distal
Alfred Binet’s efforts to test intelligence. While influences.
further establishing the discipline of develop- Since the end of the last century, the field of
mental psychology, many of these efforts had developmental psychology has become more
negative consequences, such as providing expansive with a focus on individuals and groups
theories and measurement tools that became and the impacts of numerous contributors to
ammunition for the eugenics movement. development, from genes to cultural settings.
By the 1920s, behaviorism and the work of Childhood, rather than remaining a monolithic
John B. Watson, in particular, flourished, category, has been divided into specific age
drawing attention to the role of the environment brackets, including a space between adolescence
in development and providing legitimacy for and adulthood (emerging adults), and increased
research in developmental psychology to inform attention has been paid to aging, especially old
parenting and education. Over subsequent age. There is also a greater awareness of how
decades, behaviorism expanded with the works development is affected by structural or social
of such theorists as B.F. Skinner and Albert contexts and factors such as poverty, race,
Bandura, spawning social learning theories that and ethnicity.
D 406 Developmental Psychology, Overview

Traditional Debates Continuous Versus Discontinuous Change

While the role of nature and nurture is probably
Nature Versus Nurture the most debated issue in the field, question of
One of the most heated and long-running debates whether development is continuous or discontin-
in developmental psychology has been the role of uous provides another source of disagreement.
nature versus nurture in development. Biological Much of the early work in developmental
maturational views of development (nature) posit psychology used stage theories to describe devel-
that development is the natural unfolding of opment (e.g., Freud, Erikson, Kohlberg, Piaget).
genetic programming. While some theorists in The idea that individuals go through qualitative
this camp ignore any contribution of environ- changes over time has been influential in both
ment, most acknowledge the influence that envi- research and theory. Others, however, have
ronments can have on genotypic expression, with argued that development is a process of gradual
some asserting that genes, actively and passively, quantitative, rather than radical, change (e.g.,
select the environments people experience Vygotsky, Watson). Proponents of theories of
(Scarr & McCartney, 1983). On the other side, continuous change argue that measurement
supporters of the role of the environment insensitivity might lead to the impression of
(nurture) have ranged from ignoring any genetic qualitative change when the gradual process
underpinnings of development to focusing on cannot be observed well. Still others question
how environments drive the bulk of develop- whether different aspects of development
ment, with some variation attributed to biological undergo different patterns of change, with some
processes. While this debate harkens back even to aspects being continuous and others discontinu-
the writings of Aristotle, Locke, and Rousseau, ous (e.g., Siegler).
most developmental scientists acknowledge that
there is no way to disentangle the biological from Universal Versus Sociocultural Influences
the environmental, and more recent research has Another important debate relates to the role of
focused on the interplay between nature and nur- culture in development and whether there are
ture in human development. Psychologist Donald universal processes or if all development is con-
Hebb summarized this idea well when he text dependent. This debate connects to the
suggested that deciding if nature or nurture con- nature/nurture dispute but is not synonymous.
tributes more to development is like asking Appreciation of cultural influences can be biolog-
whether length or width contributes more to the ically based, such as the notion of experience-
area of a rectangle. Like-minded developmental dependent brain plasticity, or can be grounded on
psychologists now appreciate that human the belief that individuals are blank slates waiting
development is a product of an interaction for culture to shape them. The writings of Piaget
between both genes and environments, and new and Vygotsky are illustrative of these opposing
approaches to research address this growing perspectives, with Piaget viewing developmental
awareness (e.g., dynamic systems theories, processes as universal with culture contributing
bioecological perspectives, gene x environment to variations in timing and complexity and
fit theory, epigenetics). Further, with increasing Vygotsky arguing that development is a social
methods for studying genes, newer research has process that is driven through cultural exchanges
found that environmental influences can turn (Piaget, 1952; Vygotsky, 1978). More recently,
genes on and off and that these changes can be efforts have been made to synthesize these views
passed on over multiple generations of offspring. by exploring cultural pathways for universal
Thus, the nature/nurture debate is further development in which cultural values, ecological
complicated by the notion that environmental contexts, and socialization processes are inte-
influences are not necessarily confined to the grated in addressing developmental needs
individuals’ lifetime. (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard, 2003).
Developmental Psychology, Overview 407 D
Critical Debates education). Efforts to use developmental findings
to inform sociopolitical practices and policies can
Research Precision Versus Ecological Validity be seen throughout the field, from Watson’s
Theories of psychological development are Psychological Care of the Infant and Child to
heavily influenced by the methods used to study Zigler’s Project Head Start to Shonkoff and
humans (or in some cases animals). Laboratory Phillips’ From Neurons to Neighborhoods.
settings allow for more control over the research
situation but are often artificial, generating find- Deficit Model Versus Strength-Based
ings that may not be applicable to real-world Perspectives D
settings. As Bronfenbrenner (1977) aptly noted, Derived from general psychology, it is not sur-
“much of developmental psychology is the sci- prising that developmental psychology has often
ence of the strange behavior of children in strange used a deficit model to study development, focus-
situations with strange adults for the briefest pos- ing on what hinders or challenges growth. This
sible periods of time” (p. 513) and therefore may deficit approach has been used for understanding
not be ecologically valid. Additionally, many the effects of trauma and deprivation to assessing
developmental questions are not amenable to lab- the additive impact of risk factors. Only recently
oratory research. Therefore, naturally occurring has developmental psychology embraced a more
experiments, correlational studies, and longitudi- strength-based approach, with an appreciation of
nal observational research are highly prevalent in resilience and a greater focus on what helps indi-
the field. While more sensitive to the social and viduals excel. As Seligman and Csikszentrnihalyi
physical context of development, these studies (2000) point out, “Psychology should be able to
provide challenges in identifying causal relation- help document what kinds of families result in
ships and understanding mechanisms of change, children who flourish, what work settings support
especially if they are reciprocal in nature. the greatest satisfaction among workers, what
policies result in the strongest civic engagement,
Ethical Issues and how people’s lives can be most worth living”
Ethical issues have plagued the field of develop- (p. 5). While identifying risks and ways to fix
mental psychology since its inception. Guidelines problems is still the norm within developmental
for principled procedures of informing partici- research, the newer focus on strengths is seen
pants about research, obtaining assent, and utiliz- most clearly in the area of positive youth
ing active, rather than passive, consenting development.
procedures exist; however, ethical quandaries
still remain. These issues often arise in the design Direct Effects, Reciprocal Influences, and
of interventions with unknown consequences, the Transactional Relationships
decision of whether intervention is warranted at As mentioned above, developmental psychology
all, and the choices to observe, rather than inter- has struggled with how to measure both context
vene, in developmental processes (Fisher & and relationships between individuals and their
Tyron, 1990). Further, the interpretation and dis- environments. Many traditional methods in
semination of research findings with and without developmental research are limited to direct
awareness of how these results might be used to effects and interactions, with little ability to
inform policy is another ethical concern. understand reciprocal and transactional relation-
Throughout the field’s history, research in ships. This limitation is especially striking when
developmental psychology has been used to sup- using quantitative methods that do not allow for
port established and often inequitable practices nonindependence or reciprocal causation.
(e.g., racial and gender segregation), promote dis- Conceptually, the field struggles with what to
criminatory policies (e.g., eugenics), and facilitate include as the environment of the developing
social change (e.g., integration, compensatory person. While context clearly matters, there is
D 408 Developmental Psychology, Overview

much debate about how these factors should be contributor of societal structures (Parker, 1999).
included in the study of development. Findings Issues of power are also seldom addressed in
that discrepancy in wealth within a country can developmental psychology, and this is especially
be a greater determinant of health and well-being true when considering differential levels of
than between-country wealth or that one’s sense power within families (e.g., parents and children,
of agency and civic engagement contribute men and women), between social roles (e.g.,
meaningfully to health (Marmot, 2006) demon- social workers and elderly, teachers and stu-
strate the challenges of identifying context. This dents), across social settings (e.g., low-income
debate is particularly heated around topics such communities, orphanages), and through the
as how to consider (e.g., include in studies, research process (e.g., researchers and partici-
measure) socioeconomic status and its persistent pants). This lack of acknowledgement of power
impact on development. and the determination of what is normative are
not commonly discussed, although some theorists
“Normal” Development and Power have raised some of these questions (e.g.,
Historically, developmental psychology has used Burman, 2008). While greater effort is being
the white, middle class as the standard for mea- placed on exploring the impacts of such things
suring typical development (Guthrie, 2003). as racism, discrimination, oppression, sexism,
Since much of the work was done in university and poverty on developmental trajectories of
settings and because people with higher income children (Garcı́a Coll, 1990), issues of power
and education are more likely to volunteer, these are not often at the forefront of developmental
types of participants became overrepresented in psychology research.
research and therefore, their behavior is seen as
normative. However, these behaviors do not nec-
essarily represent the diversity of people possi- International Relevance
ble. Using such homogeneous samples ensures the
perpetuation of the status quo, by making the There is a difference between what the field of
dominant group the standard by which to compare developmental psychology knows is beneficial
others. This pattern is evident in early psycholog- for health and well-being and what is done with
ical research in which males were studied and people to support their development, especially
findings were generalized to all others. Some of on a global level. While debates may persist
the most famous and often cited research utilized about the impacts of culture and the nature of
exclusively male samples such as Milgram’s stud- development, the field has some definitive
ies of obedience, Festinger’s cognitive dissonance answers about what is detrimental to growth and
theory, Zimbardo’s prison study, Sherif’s Robbers what helps individuals to thrive. Nonetheless,
Cave study, and Kohlberg’s study of moral devel- little of this knowledge is put into practice.
opment. As Carol Gilligan (1993) argued about Almost one billion people starve each year, with
moral development research, the studies of 85 % of those under 5 years. Preventable injury
development using males as a marker of normative and illness are the leading cause of death for
development place female development as inferior children, yet limited efforts are made to promote
to males rather than as different processes. safer environments. Research has repetitively
These uses of homogeneous, dominant groups demonstrated the detrimental impact of not
then can contribute to the power structures that having stable caregivers, stimulating environ-
are rarely acknowledged in psychological ments, or emotional and physical contact,
research (Foucault, 1989). Nonetheless, they are especially for children. Yet countless people
of paramount importance, given that develop- experience extreme deprivation around the
ment occurs in a culturally mediated and socially globe. Thus, while the field’s international
constructed context. As such, development is not relevance is high, findings are not adequately
just an individual act but a product and used to improve human development.
Developmental Psychology, Overview 409 D
Practice Relevance References

The discipline of developmental psychology has Bronfenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecol-
ogy of human development. The American Psycholo-
implications for many fields, especially those
gist, 32, 515–531. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.32.7.513.
involving practice. In particular, the study of Burman, E. (2008). Deconstructing developmental
developmental psychology has practical rele- psychology. New York: Routledge.
vance for parents and other primary caregivers Fisher, C. B., & Tyron, W. W. (Eds.). (1990). Ethics in
applied developmental psychology: Emerging issues
as they investigate ways to care for children that
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will promote positive developmental trajectories. tal psychology). New York: Ablex Publishing.
The field of education draws heavily from devel- Foucault, M. (1989). The history of sexuality: The will to
opmental psychology to support best practices for knowledge. London: Penguin.
Garcı́a Coll, C. (1990). Developmental outcome of minor-
working with infants, children, adolescents,
ity infants: A process oriented look into our begin-
emerging adults, adults, and seniors. Work on nings. Child Development, 61, 270–289. doi:10.1111/
typical development has been helpful in under- j.1467-8624.1990.tb02779.x.
standing atypical development and when and Gilligan, C. (1993). In a different voice: Psychological
theory and women’s development. Cambridge, MA:
how to provide interventions and supports. Social
Harvard University Press.
workers and community practitioners benefit Greenfield, P. M., Keller, H., Fuligni, A., & Maynard, A.
from developmental research when designing (2003). Cultural pathways through universal develop-
universal prevention programs and primary and ment. Annual Review of Psychology, 54, 461–490.
doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145221.
secondary interventions. In addition to the many
Guthrie, R. V. (2003). Even the rat was white: A historical
fields of practice, developmental psychology has view of psychology (2nd ed.). New York: Allyn &
significantly informed policy and hopefully, Bacon.
more of the findings related to what helps indi- Hall, G. S. (1904). Adolescence: Its psychology and its
relations to physiology, anthropology, sociology, sex,
viduals to thrive will be used to inform future
crime, religion, and education (Vol. 2). New York:
policy and practice. Appleton.
Hunt, M. (1994). The story of psychology. Harpswell, ME:
Anchor.
Marmot, M. (2006). Health in an unequal world. Lancet,
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room for continued growth in our understand-
parker1.htm
ing of human development. One promising tra- Piaget, J. P. (1952). The origins of intelligence in children.
jectory for this growth may be through New York: International Universities Press.
developmental psychologists collaborating Scarr, S., & McCartney, K. (1983). How people make
their own environments: A theory of genotype envi-
with researchers in other disciplines (e.g., soci-
ronment effects. Child Development, 54(2), 424–435.
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tion, economics) and moving toward a larger Seligman, M., & Csikszentrnihalyi, M. (2000). Positive
field of developmental science. While these psychology: An introduction. The American Psychol-
ogist, 55(1), 5–14. doi:10.1037//0003·066X.55.1.5.
interdisciplinary perspectives might engender Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development
further dispute in the aforementioned areas as of psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
well as introduce new debates, these discourses University Press.
could broaden thinking in the field. By opening
communication between researchers and prac-
titioners of many disciplines, we may better Online Resources
American Psychological Association. http://www.apa.
achieve holistic understandings of what con-
org/index.aspx
tributes to healthy development and put that Adult development and aging. http://apadiv20.phhp.ufl.
knowledge to better use. edu/
D 410 Deviance

Developmental psychology. http://www.apa.org/about/ Keywords

division/div7.aspx
Journal of applied developmental psychology. http://
www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/01933973 Deviance; Deviant; Interactionism; Positivism;
The International Society on Infant Studies. http://www. Social Control; Social Norms
isisweb.org/view/0/index.html
Society for research in child development. http://www.
srcd.org/
Society for Research in Human Development. http:// Conceptualization and Debate
homepage.psy.utexas.edu/homepage/group/SRHD/
The first and perhaps most essential question one
might ask about deviance is also the source of
conflict and controversy amongst those who
Deviance study the subject, namely, what is it that is
being studied? As suggested by Erich Goode
Christopher Williams (2010), there are two general approaches to the
Criminal Justice Studies, Bradley University, study of deviance. The first is variously
Peoria, IL, USA described as and typically incorporates the
underlying philosophical assumptions of, objec-
tivism, positivism, determinism, absolutism,
Introduction and Definition and essentialism. It assumes that deviance is
inherently different from convention and, by
The notion of deviance as a descriptive label for extension, that deviants have qualities or char-
varieties of human thought, feeling, and behavior acteristics that make them categorically differ-
emerged and evolved specifically within the field ent from nondeviants. Rooted in religious
of sociology beginning in the mid-twentieth cen- traditions and/or naturalistic models of human
tury. The “attitudes,” “behaviors,” and “condi- behavior, what is being studied are violations of
tions” (Adler & Adler, 2006) that would come social norms, and the purpose of that study is
to be classified and studied as “deviant” had most often to discover generalities and pose
theretofore been subject of a variety of descrip- explanations of deviance from which policy
tive terms and associated theoretical content from implications directed toward preventing and
within a variety of disciplines (e.g., “moral insan- controlling deviance and deterring, sanctioning,
ity,” “degeneracy,” “feeblemindedness,” and or treating deviants can be derived. Problemati-
more inclusive terms such as “psychopathol- cally, this paradigm uncritically accepts that
ogy”). From its origins, the concept of deviance norms are a matter of consensus or widespread
promised organizational clarity. Forms and pat- agreement, discounts the relativistic nature of
terns of thinking, feeling, and behaving as diverse those norms, and largely fails to consider the
as mental illness, illicit drug use, violent crime, ways in which conflict, power, and social
and atypical sexual behavior could be studied and processes shape definitions of and reactions to
digested more systematically with their shared deviance.
features delineated and placed within a coherent Although many social scientists working from
framework (e.g., Best, 2004). While the term within the positivist paradigm will define devi-
“deviance” itself derives from a statistical appre- ance straightforwardly as a rule violation, con-
ciation for the ways in which individual cases can structionist and critical sociologists (sometimes
vary from an overall mean or average within grouped as interactionism) are more likely to
a population, it has come to refer more directly regard deviance as a concept, without essential
(and meaningfully) to violations of social norms. and objective properties, whose meaning is
The conceptualization of deviance, however, has socially constructed. Thus, there is nothing abso-
historically been and remains a critical point of lute and unchanging about deviance. Meanings
contention within the social sciences. are constructed and reconstructed, applied
Deviance 411 D
differentially in different social contexts, and illness), overt behaviors (e.g., crime, drug use,
subject to interpretational and situational varia- alternative sexual practices), and conditions
tions. The either/or logic of objectivist epistemol- such as socioeconomic status, physical appear-
ogy gives way to an understanding of human ance, or disease can all attract negative reaction
cognition, emotion, and behavior as potentially from audiences and thus be sources of deviant
both deviant and not deviant simultaneously. The labels and corresponding censure, condemnation,
same belief, act, or condition can mean different and/or control. By this logic, persons who are
things to different people in different social set- involuntarily poor, mentally retarded, and even
tings and, consequently, be reacted to or judged “ugly” can be deviant in the sense that they attract D
variously. negative social reactions (e.g., pity, contempt,
By this logic, it is the application of such rejection, and avoidance).
a construction to a particular act or person that From an interactionist perspective, then, the
makes it deviant – not something inherent in the way in which deviance is defined, how and by
act or person. In the oft-repeated words of How- whom it is defined, how those definitions are
ard Becker (1963: 9), “social groups create devi- maintained, and the nature of the negative reac-
ance by making the rules whose infraction tions to which norms violators are subjected (e.g.,
constitutes deviance, and by applying those institutional processing) are often more signifi-
rules to particular people. . .deviant behavior is cant than deviant acts or persons themselves.
behavior that people so label” [italics in original]. Laws and social norms, as well as perceptions
More specifically for the interactionist, deviance of and reactions to their violation, are fluid. In
is more than a rule violation – it entails and other words, they can and do vary significantly by
arguably requires the presence of four features: time, place, and audience. Additionally, law-
(1) a violation (or perceived violation) of a social makers and agents of social control such as police
norm or rule; (2) a person to whom that violation officers, psychologists and psychiatrists are of
can be attached or attributed; (3) an audience to interest for their roles in the definitional process,
perceive the violation and judge it to be deviant; the application of deviant labels, and the
and (4) a likelihood of negative reaction from that processing of persons who violate social norms
audience followed, perhaps, by formal or infor- (e.g., Pfhol, 2009; Schur, 1980). Political author-
mal intervention or sanction (see Goode, 2010). ities, “moral entrepreneurs” and interest groups,
Deviance may not, for instance, involve the the media, and religion are common sources of
actual violation of a social norm; people can be critical investigation into the construction,
falsely accused of deviant acts or falsely diag- retention, and evolution of deviant categories
nosed as mentally ill and subsequently labeled (see, e.g., Goode and Ben-Yehuda, 2009).
and treated as deviant. By contrast, those who
overtly violate social norms may do so in secrecy
and therefore avoid being perceived and reacted References
to as deviants (e.g., Goffman, 1986).
Adler, P., & Adler, P. (2006). Constructions of Deviance:
It is also crucial to recognize that, just as there
Social Power, Context, and Interaction (5th.). Bel-
exists a wide assortment of social norms that mont, CA: Wadsworth.
inform virtually all elements of human existence, Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of
there is an equally wide variety of specific forms Deviance. New York: Free Press.
Best, J. (2004). Deviance: Career of a Concept. Belmont,
that norm violations can assume. While some CA: Wadsworth.
sociologists favor defining deviance to include Goffman, E. (1986). Stigma: Notes on the Management of
only overt acts, many incorporate cognitive, emo- Spoiled Identity. New York: Touchstone.
tional, and physical attributes, traits, and fea- Goode, E. (2010). Deviant behavior (9th.). Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
tures – some over which individuals have little,
Goode, E., & Ben-Yehuda, N. (2009). Moral Panics: The
if any, control. Attitudes or belief systems (e.g., Social Construction of Deviance (2nd.). Cambridge,
politics, religious or supernatural views, mental MA: Blackwell.
D 412 Diagnosis, Overview

Pfhol, S. (2009). Images of Deviance and Social psychoanalysis; David Cooper; Michel Foucault;
Control: A Sociological History (2nd.). New York: Sigmund Freud; Wilhelm Griesinger; Emil
McGraw-Hill.
Schur, E. (1980). The Politics of Deviance: Stigma Kraepelin; Jacques Lacan; Ronald Laing;
Contests and the Uses of Power. Englewood Cliffs, Philippe Pinel; Thomas Szasz
NJ: Prentice Hall.

Online Resources History

http://www.sociologyguide.com/
http://www.sociologyencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?
id¼g9781405124331_yr2012_chunk_g978140512433 Etymologically, the word “diagnosis” stems from
110_ss1-41 the Greek verb “diagignoskein,” which means “to
discern” or “to distinguish,” as well as “to know
thoroughly” (Harper, 2011). The idea of diagno-
Diagnosis, Overview sis came to psychology via medicine, where
diagnosis refers to the process of determining,
Stijn Vanheule identifying, and naming diseases. Medical
Department of Psychoanalysis and Clinical diagnosis is part of a cyclical process, whereby
Consulting, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium symptoms and complaints are seen as potential
signs of illness: a diagnostician compares symp-
toms and complaints with expert knowledge on
Introduction diseases, such that in a next step, a decision can
be made on the nature of the illness a patient is
In psychology, diagnosis refers to the process of presenting with. Crucial to this process is the
determining and identifying psychological prob- observing stance or the medical gaze of the diag-
lems and/or mental disorders. Diagnosis aims at nostician (Foucault, 2005) and the evaluation of
naming aspects of an individual’s functioning or case-specific symptoms and complaints in terms
designating the functioning of a group, such as of established illness and disease categories.
a family or a corporation. Depending on the the- Characteristically, medical expert knowledge
oretical framework (psychotherapeutic school of covers the areas of etiology, course of illness,
thought, specialist areas in psychology), different outcome, and treatment options. Medical diagno-
interpretations have been given to the term. sis builds on a semiological approach to distress:
A major discussion in the field is whether diag- the patient is seen as the sender of illness signals
nosis should classify psychological problems in that the diagnostician needs to decode.
terms of standard categories and labels or should Starting from a systematic observation of
aim at describing problems in tailor-made clini- cases, Philippe Pinel (1798) was the first to
cal case formulations. develop a comprehensive classification, or nosol-
ogy, of psychiatric diseases. This nosology fol-
lows a medical semiological model. Subsequent
Definition authors that followed a similar semiological
approach but developed their own classification
Diagnosis is the process of determining, identify- systems include Wilhelm Griesinger and Emil
ing, and naming psychological problems and/or Kraepelin. The work of these authors is largely
mental disorders in an individual or in a group. characterized by their presentation of symptoms,
their onset and offset, course, outcome, preva-
lence, predisposing factors, familial illness his-
Keywords tory, and risk factors. This approach typically
aims at describing disease-specific illness pat-
Mental disorder; psychical suffering; classifica- terns. While some of these authors believed that
tion; DSM; medical model; psychotherapy diverse etiological factors might trigger mental
Diagnosis, Overview 413 D
disease, others had more precise assumptions. In 2013 the fifth edition will be published, which
For example, Pinel believed that physical causes, will probably contain more than 300 disorder
heritability, and so-called moral causes, which categories (APA, 2011). While this text is being
refer to the impact of a variety of stressors and written, the revised fourth edition (DSM-IV-TR)
emotional factors, might produce mental illness. is currently being used (American Psychiatric
Kraepelin in his turn exclusively favored Association [APA], 2000). This edition aims at
a biomedical model: “The principle requisite in multiaxial diagnosis on five axes of dysfunction
the knowledge of mental diseases is an accurate (clinical disorders, personality disorders and intel-
definition of the separate disease processes. In lectual disabilities, acute medical conditions and D
the solution of this problem one must have, on physical disorders, psychosocial and environmen-
the one hand knowledge of the physical changes tal factors contributing to the disorder, and global
in the cerebral cortex, and on the other of assessment of functioning). It discerns 264 clinical
the mental symptoms associated with them” disorders and ten personality disorders as well as
(Kraepelin, 1907, p. 115). a number of “not otherwise specified” categories.
With the work of Sigmund Freud, an alterna- All categories make up classes whereby the prob-
tive approach to diagnosis took shape, an lems a person is presenting with can be named. For
approach that doesn’t build on the detection and each disorder, inclusion and exclusion criteria are
description of disease entities, but on theory- defined, based on which a professional can decide
based descriptions of patterns and dynamics of on which disorder a person is suffering: problems
dysfunction. In most psychotherapeutic and psy- are situated relative to a taxonomic list of possible
choanalytic schools of thought, diagnoses aim at disorders and identified in terms of criteria that
grasping modes of psychological and social func- make up classes of disorders.
tioning rather than illness entities. For example, The DSM-I was developed starting from clas-
in Jacques Lacan’s work, the distinction between sification schemes that were introduced by US
neurosis and psychosis refers to different modes military psychiatrists, and contained influences of
of dealing with discourse, experiencing uncon- both biomedical and psychodynamic models of
scious phenomena, and dealing with existential mental disorder. Against the background of critical
issues (Lacan, (2006 [1959]). No presumptions studies on the unreliability of psychiatric diagnosis
on problem-specific biological processes are in the late 1960s and 1970s, the committee that
thereby made. In competing psychotherapeutic developed the DSM-III aimed to create a more
schools of thought, a similar focus on theory- standardized system of categorization. Since then,
specific modes of psychological and social func- the DSM claimed to be atheoretical but actually
tioning can be found. For example, in behavior favored a biomedical approach to mental disorders.
therapy, behavioral analysis is usually considered In the DSM-5, this biomedical approach will be
as an alternative to diagnostic classification. All explicitly confirmed. Neurobiological determi-
attention thereby goes to a theory-specific study nants are (again) believed to be at the basis of
of “the circumstances of the patient’s life pattern, psychiatric disorders. A major goal for developing
relationships among his behaviours, and control- each revision of the DSM has been that the stan-
ling stimuli in his social and his private dardized classification of disorders would ensure
experience” (Kanfer & Saslow, 1965, p. 533). good inter-rater reliability. This goal proved utterly
Standardized diagnostic classification is thereby elusive (Kirk & Kutchins, 1994).
thought of as pragmatically not useful.
Nowadays, diagnosis increasingly takes shape
in terms of the diagnostic system of the American Traditional Debates
Psychiatric Association: the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). Debates in the field of diagnosis are multiple.
The first edition of this handbook was published Throughout history, medically inspired authors
in 1952 and contained 106 disorder categories. have argued over what disorder categories should
D 414 Diagnosis, Overview

be included in the classification system, the inclu- Another author associated with the anti-
sion and exclusion criteria for disorders, and, psychiatry movement, Michel Foucault, formu-
more basically, how symptoms should be defined lated a historical and philosophical critique of
(Berrios, 1996). More fundamentally, debate and diagnostic practices in psychiatry. Starting from
disagreement persist between medically inspired a detailed examination of historical sources, he
and psychotherapeutically inspired authors suggested that giving diagnoses serves as a first
regarding the foundation and rationale of diag- step in the deployment of disciplinary societal
nostic practices. Such debates are not hard to practices. Persons receiving psychiatric diagno-
come by in the evolution of the DSM: the transi- ses are subjected to power regimes via which they
tion from the DSM-I and II to the DSM-III bears are coerced to comply with dominant modes of
witness of a confrontation between biomedical behavior (Foucault, 2005).
and psychotherapeutic thinking; the subsequent While the criticisms outlined above remain
transition from the DSM-III to later editions of valid with respect to DSM-based diagnostics,
the handbook is pervaded by discussions that further problems with the use of this handbook
remain within the boundaries of the biomedical should be mentioned. Here, we will discuss four
model (Strand, 2011). such problems.
First, the DSM can be criticized for its poor
epistemological basis. Whereas scientists usually
Critical Debates agree that theoretical definitions and operational
descriptions of concepts should be thought of as
In the 1960s and 1970s, dominant diagnostic two sides of a coin, the DSM neglects theoretical
practices were criticized by many authors associ- definitions. As a consequence, the system makes
ated with the anti-psychiatry movement, includ- an appeal to users’ intuitive interpretations of
ing Ronald Laing, David Cooper, and Thomas concepts like depression or schizophrenia. The
Szasz. These authors radically rejected the same is true for the descriptive basis on which
medical approach to mental disorders and formu- diagnoses are made. Most criteria are vague and
lated alternative viewpoints. Ronald Laing’s appeal to the diagnostician’s idea of normality.
(1960) central thesis was that the experiences of The DSM bears witness to a naive realist and
patients should be studied phenomenologically post-positivist view of science, whereby mental
with a focus on how a person is embedded in disorders are presumed to be natural entities that
relationships and in the world. Special attention can be observed unambiguously in the world.
was thereby paid to how psychopathology Second, it has been noted that the process via
reflects existential problems. David Cooper which the DSM is constructed diminishes the
stressed that psychopathology is an expression transparency of scientific decision making and
of micro-social problems, situations in which is highly influenced by economic stakes.
the acts and experiences of a certain person are Whereas the term “statistical” in the title of the
invalidated by others: “Madness is not in a person DSM suggests that research lies at the basis of its
but in a system of relationships in which construction, this is by no means the case. All
the labeled patient participates” (Cooper, 1967, versions of the DSM have been constructed based
p. 43). Thomas Szasz (1961) in his turn argued on votes by the members of the disorder-specific
that we should not think of psychiatric diagnoses subcommittees in the DSM task forces of the
in terms of substantives. He aimed to elaborate an American Psychiatric Association. Based on
alternative approach to distress, whereby behav- negotiation and preference, it is decided which
iors and symptoms are analyzed in terms of their categories should be discerned, which diagnostic
communicative value. Similar critiques against criteria are used, and how these criteria are
the medical model in psychiatry continue to be defined. A critical study demonstrated that 56 %
articulated by critical psychiatrists and psychol- of the members who made up the DSM-IV and
ogists (e.g., Timimi & Leo, 2009). DSM-IV-TR committees had substantial
Diagnosis, Overview 415 D
financial ties with the pharmaceutical industry Indeed, whereas earlier diagnostic systems
(Cosgrove, Krimsky, Vijayaraghavan, & served the purpose of organizing treatment and
Schneider, 2006). In the committees for mood guidance for labeled patients, the DSM functions
disorders, schizophrenia, and related psychotic as a management and decision-making tool in
disorders, which are the most frequently diag- diverse settings: the pharmaceutical industry
nosed DSM categories, all members had financial uses it as a basis for randomized controlled drug
ties with the pharmaceutical industry. In the task trials and for marketing drugs; public and private
force that is developing the DSM-5, the health insurers employ it as a basis for financing
intermingling with economic forces is even mental health intervention in terms of disorder D
more remarkable, in that 70 % of the members severity; policy makers in education draw on it as
have financial ties with drug companies (Collier, a basis for differentiating between types of
2010). An effect of these direct links between the pupils; in legal contexts, it is frequently used for
DSM committee members and the pharmaceuti- assessing the penalty and for determining dam-
cal industry is that voting is most likely biased ages; and in academia, it serves as a basis for
towards pharmaceutical models of mental disor- project funding and publishing. These societal
ders. Indications of such bias can be found in the practices have reinforced the DSM and given
problem of false-positive diagnoses that the DSM rise to the reification of diagnoses. Reification
is currently marked by. A diagnosis is false- means that diagnoses are not merely used as
positive when a label is given to someone, while disorder-specific descriptions of symptoms and
in reality no diagnosis should have been given. behaviors, which is what the DSM aimed to
False-positive diagnoses are typically given provide, but are interpreted as stable internal
when diagnostic criteria are overly inclusive and states in an individual and are turned into social
when their definition is vague. They give rise to realities via which a multitude of decisions are
unnecessary treatment, like the use of drugs. The made.
DSM-IV categories for which problems with Fourth, it has been noted that in line with the
false-positive diagnoses have been indicated problem of reification, the DSM engenders stig-
include attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, matization. Characteristics attributed to individ-
autistic disorder, childhood bipolar disorders, uals with labels are usually negative and provoke
minor depressive disorder, primary insomnia, public stigma as well as self-stigma. Public
and social phobia. These are conditions for stigma means that large groups endorse stereo-
which profitable pharmaceutical and health-care types about and act against people with diagnoses
markets are thought to exist. A further problem of mental disorders. Self-stigma means that
with the DSM-5 is that all committee members people’s self-esteem is affected negatively due
had to sign a confidentiality agreement and to public stigma or due to identification with
minutes of committee meetings are kept secret. negative attributes presumed to be typical of
Such secrecy precludes any verification of deci- a disorder (Ben-Zeev, Young, & Corrigan, 2010).
sion-making processes and actually undermines
the validity of the DSM qua system. As stakes
and decision-making processes based on which International Relevance
categories and diagnostic criteria take shape are
hidden away, the rationale for making up diag- DSM-based thinking on mental distress has been
nostic categories becomes obfuscated. exported successfully to non-Western cultures
Third, the DSM has frequently been criticized where it has given rise to new forms of coloniza-
for its all-encompassing impact on the organiza- tion: Western disease categories are promoted as
tion of health care and for the fact that the superior to traditional approaches, disrupt local
position that the DSM has obtained in society practices for dealing with mental distress, and
does not so much depend on its inherent qualities, paved the way for the lucrative sale of
but on heteronomous factors (Strand, 2011). psychopharmaca (Watters, 2010).
D 416 Dialectical Materialism

Efforts are done to harmonize DSM-5-based Foucault, M. (2005). Psychiatric power. Lectures at the
classification with the International Classifi- collège de France 1973–1974. New York, NY:
Picador.
cation of Diseases of the World Health Harper, D. (2011). Online etymological dictionary.
Organization. This might further propagate Retrieved September 7, 2011, from http://www.
medical classification-based approaches of men- etymonline.com/index.php?search¼diagnosis
tal distress. Kanfer, F. H., & Saslow, G. (1965). Behavioral analysis –
An alternative to diagnostic classification. Archives of
General Psychiatry, 12, 529–538.
Kirk, S., & Kutchins, H. (1994). The myth of the reliability
Practice Relevance of DSM. Journal of Mind and Behavior, 15, 71–86.
Kraepelin, E. (1907/1981). Clinical psychiatry. Delmar,
NY: Scholars’ Facsimiles and Reprints.
While in the context of the DSM diagnosis is Lacan, J. (2006 [1959]). On a question prior to any possi-
often considered to be atheoretical and value- ble treatment of psychosis. In J. Lacan & J. A. Miller
free, diverse choices and stakes can be discerned (Eds.), E´crits (pp. 445–488). New York, NY: W. W.
behind all diagnostic systems. Critical thinking in Norton.
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with these choices. thode de l’analyse appliquée à la médecine (2 Vols.).
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Challenges for future research include close crit- Szasz, T. S. (1961). The myth of mental illness. Founda-
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www.criticalpsychiatry.co.uk

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Austen Riggs Center, Stockbridge, MA, USA
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Berrios, G. E. (1996). The history of mental symptoms. Center for Professional Psychology,
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Collier, R. (2010). DSM revision surrounded by
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Dialectical Materialism 417 D
dialectical materialism as a philosophical system In his Philosophical Notebooks, Lenin (1965/
contending to define scientific method and 1914) provides perhaps the most clearly
thought; at best, dialectical materialism is articulated conception of dialectics in the
consigned to a category of historical relic. But dialectical materialist framing. Lenin argues that
even this is problematic: Standard histories of the dialectician – working inherently in
psychology devote space to alchemy and phre- a framework of commitment to transformative
nology, but do not mention dialectical material- (primarily societal) change – should begin with
ism. Yet much psychological thought pays the objectivity of the phenomenon-in-itself. Next,
particular attention to what goes unmentioned in the dialectician should investigate the phenome- D
conscious discourse, recognizing that what is non’s relations to other forces and to the evolu-
present but unrecognized – as Freud named it, tion of the life of the phenomenon. The
the unconscious; as Lacan put it, the Other – often phenomenon is to be understood not only as com-
has particular weight, role, and power. So per- posed of internal – by nature, contradictory –
haps psychology, and critical psychology, can forces; in fact, every phenomenon is seen as
benefit from considering how dialectical materi- comprised of the unity and contention of oppo-
alism considers psychological realities and the sites, in interaction with their context. Dialectics
ways, explicit and covert, dialectical materialism was defined as also needing to study how each
has contributed to diverse areas of psychology. phenomenon is inextricably connected to every
other phenomenon. Lenin argued that dialectics
is not simply restricted to the union of the oppo-
Definition sites, but by obligation also examines the changes
and movements of all properties of a given
To properly understand dialectical materialism in phenomenon. Dialectics therefore concerns itself
the context of critical psychology, we first need to with the process of analyzing how internal
define both dialecticism and materialism. contradictions give rise to new forms and change.
Hegel felt that to study things in their essence Reading Lenin’s definition, one readily appre-
meant to study them in their movement, recog- ciates its developmental and behavioral dimen-
nizing that understandings were inherently partial sions; it not only lends itself to psychological
and incomplete. Thus, as against notions of New- application, but it is inherently psychological.
tonian physics and Renaissance materialism, Whether or not one agrees with the understand-
interpreters of Hegel have summarized his notion ings of history Marxists have developed, or how
of the dialectic as universality of the movement Marxists have applied their understanding of
from thesis to antithesis to synthesis to philosoph- dialectical materialist principles historically, it
ical understanding, which he located in the activ- is this psychological understanding of dialectical
ity of mind. (For a comprehensive contemporary materialism that grounds our discussion.
critical treatment of Hegel’s notion of dialectics,
see Rosen, 1982).
Marx and Engels saw Hegel’s view of dialec- Keywords
tics as an advance over previous systems of phil-
osophical understanding, but fundamentally Dialectics; materialism; dialectical materialism;
idealistic and therefore wrong. In several texts, Marxism; epistemology; metatheory
they relocated the center of action of the dialectic
from mind to world – reality, history – and insisted
that economic, social, political, and psychological Critical Debates
phenomena be seen not just as they were, but as
their negation, that is, what they could become Theory and Metatheory
through struggle. Thus, they reframed Hegel’s Wozniak (1975) outlines three laws of dialectical
dialectic as dialectical materialism. materialism relevant to psychological
D 418 Dialectical Materialism

understanding and practice. First, the law of to simply accept social reality at face value
transformation of quantitative into qualitative because social phenomena are a product of socio-
change implies that an object can undergo an economic realities. Perception of social reality
essential change only if the inherent qualities of then becomes mediated through human under-
an object are changed quantitatively. Next, standing and linked to action, a view in sharp
Wozniak articulates the law of the unity and contrast with much contemporary social cogni-
struggle of opposites – that all phenomena have tion theory. While Marxism has been criticized as
as their essence innate, antagonistic tendencies; negating and annihilating the psychological,
the struggle between these competing forces is Luria argued that, to the contrary, dialectical
seen as the motor of change and development. materialism centers on an essential human, and
Finally, the law of the negation of the negation is thus psychological, role in social life.
defined as the “replacement of the old by the new
(negation) and the re-replacement of the new by Methodology
a newer still (negation of the negation) which Dialectical materialism provides a unique foun-
serves to reinstate aspects of the old but at dation for conceptualizing psychological
a higher level than that at which they existed in methods. First, let us analyze how a dialectical
the old” (Wozniak, 1975, p. 22). materialist psychology differs from other
Tolman (1987) provides a philosophical approaches methodologically. Vygotsky (Van
definition of materialism for psychological der Veer & Valsiner, 1994) criticized two com-
application. He describes materialism as positing peting psychologies (Packer, 2008) – behavior-
that all that exist in the world are matter, that ism, focused on uncritical bondage to material
matter exists independent of the mind’s appre- reality, and introspectionism, which he also iden-
hension of it, and that the laws that govern the tified as idealistic and saw as mental activity
world are objectively knowable. Materialists delinked from material reality. Vygotsky under-
disagree with the philosophy of idealism because stood both approaches as fundamentally flawed
idealism does not assume the independent because they separate wholes from their parts and
existence of objects outside of the mind’s con- incorrectly assume that this is the best way to
ception of these objects. Materialism also understand psychological phenomena (Bickley,
opposes positivism’s narrow conception of 1977). Vygotsky also criticized behaviorism for
objectivity and knowledge and argues that, for jettisoning consciousness from the study of psy-
psychology to be objective, it has to account for chology and believed introspectionism was ide-
the subjective influence of the knower. alistic and flawed for isolating the functions of
(An extrapolation of Tolman’s thinking would consciousness and studying them independently
be that materialism sees clinical psychology as of one another (Van der Veer & Valsiner, 1994).
not fundamentally hermeneutic, agreeing, for Vygotsky believed the way beyond these com-
example, with the fundamental Kleinian stance peting psychologies was to unite practical and
(O’Shaughnessy, 1994)). academic psychology in the project of individual
Luria (2002) suggests that dialectical materi- and collective transformation. Related to this,
alism is based on two premises: Dialectical mate- Vygotsky believed that dialectical materialism,
rialism is the study of the material relationships as a scientific method, needed a strong historical
between events as the primary determinant of foundation, recognizing the various social forces
consciousness; and dialectical materialism that contribute to the science of psychology
assumes that the material conditions of reality (Packer, 2008).
are in flux, always in motion. Thus, change is Similarly, Wallon (1972) argued that dialec-
not linear, and its process is not constant. This tics allows psychology to be simultaneously
fundamental understanding inextricably links a human and natural science. Like Vygotsky, he
psychology to the social – it becomes impossible distinguished dialectical materialism from
Dialectical Materialism 419 D
idealism and behaviorism (Wallon). Wallon psychology must focus on activity and change,
argued that psychology erred when it attempted encompassing what he called primitive and
to derive immutable, timeless laws governing scientific dialectics. The study of primitive
psychological phenomena or when it subordi- dialectics included the investigation of the
nated matter to consciousness. Wallon noted mutual interaction between caretaker and child.
that both behaviorism and idealism/introspec- Scientific dialectics required analysis of the
tionism assume that the world is identical to antagonistic debates between competing scien-
itself, while dialectical materialism assumes that tific theories. Dialectical psychology would
the world is constantly changing because of the analyze how individuals evolve through interac- D
various social forces struggling and opposing one tions with others, and it would recognize that the
another. individual comes in contact with others who are
Wallon rejected behaviorist theory because he likewise in the process of evolving and changing.
recognized the unavoidable impact of the Riegel (1979) distinguished a dialectical mate-
researcher’s subjectivity on empirical research rialist psychology from other approaches in three
(Van der Veer, 1996). On the other hand, Wallon ways. First, he felt, although the dominant psy-
(1972) was suspicious of Lewin and the gestalt chology gains knowledge through experimenta-
psychologists, whom he saw as failing to tion, it fails to take into account the cultural and
acknowledge the impact of history and develop- historical factors that invariably impact research.
ment on consciousness. For Wallon, dialectical Second, while dialectical psychologists welcome
materialism incorporates both higher mental pro- the developmental approach of some psycholo-
cesses (which idealism/introspectionism gists, they question developmental psychologists’
reductionistically claimed as its domain) and the lack of appreciation for historical social influ-
material influences behaviorism claimed as its ences. Finally, dialectical psychology was seen
territory but then distorted by decontextualizing as needing to consider both developmental and
and viewing them as static rather than in constant historical influences as the proper domain of study.
struggle and motion. Ultimately, Wallon argued,
dialectical materialism provides psychology the Consciousness
tools to understand the subject and its reciprocal Dialectical materialist approaches to psychology
relationship with the environment (Wallon). privilege the role of consciousness. Vygotsky
Riegel (1979) argued that a dialectical psy- understood consciousness as the proper locus of
chology offers a superior philosophical and meth- study for a dialectical materialist psychology
odological approach to research. Rejecting the (Bickley, 1977). A dialectical approach necessar-
conventional focus on stability, equilibrium, and ily would analyze the intersections and interac-
balance emphasized in dominant psychology, tions of the functions of consciousness with social
Riegel suggested that individuals develop along realities. Vygotsky (Van der Veer & Valsiner,
four dimensions: inner-biological, individual- 1994) understood that meaning is established
psychological, cultural-sociological, and outer- through the communication of individuals. The
physical; whenever these dimensions are not intersection between thought and language is
advancing at the same pace, crisis emerges. This inherently social because the major purpose of
asynchrony can be regressive, or it can provide language is social communication; this then
the very conditions of possibility for growth and contextualizes psychological phenomena as such.
progress. For Riegel (1979), dialectical psychol- The study of higher mental functions, as
ogy conceptualizes change as arising from the a concrete praxis, examines how the mind is
conflicting antagonisms (crises) amongst these impacted by the historical, social, and economic
dimensions. forces (Elhammoumi, 2009). Dialectical materi-
Riegel (1979) went on to outline a “manifesto” alism offers psychology a perspective that
for dialectical psychology. He felt dialectical emphasizes how the deep structures of society
D 420 Dialectical Materialism

(labor, social power, and capital) give form to the Applications

mental functioning of the individual. This van- While standard psychological treatments
tage point offers a complex and comprehensive discount dialectical materialist contributions,
view of the totality of the reality that produces Google, evidently, does not. “Dialectics +
consciousness. psychology” yields more than 15,000,000 results,
A dialectical materialist account of conscious- “dialectical materialism + psychology” more
ness does not understand consciousness to be than a million. We will mention briefly three
a simple reflection of the values, ideals, and mate- lines of application.
rial conditions of society (Bickley, 1977). For Zaporozec (1980) discusses Soviet psycholo-
example, Bickley offers the example of why gists’ application of dialectical materialism to
certain individuals in a society prefer a movie. empirical psychological research. Luria (1979,
Dialectical materialist psychology has to account 2002), Leontiev (1978), Vygotsky (Van der
for the reasons why some individuals accept and Veer & Valsiner, 1994), and generations of
other individuals reject the implicit ideology of others studied psychology and psychological
a particular movie. topics from a dialectical materialist perspective.
Leontiev (1978) and Luria (1979) recognized Luria and Vygotsky described the social origins
that both interpersonal relationships and material of different psychological functions, viewing
forces impact consciousness. They saw factors psychological functions as developing via labor
mediating the relationship between conscious- and through the thinking of individual subjects.
ness and society as including family, friends, For example, they argued, verbal signs evolve
institutions of learning, and work. While material as means of communications between people; as
forces were seen as shaping these various institu- subjects develop mastery of these signs, they
tions, individuals were seen not only as passive employ them as means to exercise power over
recipients impacted by these forces but also giv- their labor. As subjects’ use of tools increases
ing shape to and part of the development of social physical strength, prolonged use of these signs
and systemic forces. This dialectical materialist builds up mental functions. Luria also conducted
emphasis understands that the reciprocal interac- studies in various cultures to analyze the dialec-
tions between consciousness and social forces tical and historical materialist notion that con-
shape and influence one another. sciousness is mediated through social forces. He
Wozniak (1975), suggesting that psychology studied the people of Uzbekistan (Luria) and
must always be developmental in focus, empha- analyzed how socioeconomic and historical
sizes the grounding assumption in dialectical forces shaped the consciousness and praxis of
materialist psychology that every individual has individuals. Zaporozec observes that this dialec-
the capacity to change. Internal struggle allows tical materialist orientation to research dispels
individuals to use competing forces as a vehicle racist notions that various ethnic groups are
to become self-determined, efficacious agents. In defined by inherent, decontextualized, fixed
this view, the action of an individual is mediated properties. Rather, individual characteristics
by human consciousness. Although conscious- emerge as determined by external factors that
ness arises from processes located in the brain, act upon and then become acted upon by sub-
it is not reducible to neural activity. Wozniak jects in their environment. Beyond this research,
(1975) argues that this conclusion is in line with various Soviet psychologists applied dialectical
the law of the transformation of quantity into materialism to a vast range of psychological
quality, which is contingent on a belief that mat- topics.
ter is hierarchical in organization. Wozniak Where dialectical materialism is not acknowl-
argued that development does not occur through edged as a dominant influence in US psychology,
a linear process. The law of the negation of the it widely guides psychological practice through-
negation suggests that development happens in out the Third World and in some European circles
nonlinear spirals, influenced by consciousness. (Buss, 1979).
Dialectics 421 D
References
Dialectics
Bickley, R. (1977). Vygotsky’s contributions to
a dialectical materialist psychology. Science and
Juan Pascual-Leone
Society, 41, 191–207.
Buss, A. R. (1979). A dialectical psychology. New York: Department of Psychology, York University,
Irvington. Toronto, ON, Canada
Elhammoumi, M. (2009). Vygotsky’s scientific psychol-
ogy: Terra incognita. Cultural-Historical Psychology,
3, 49–54. D
Lenin, V. I. (1965/1914). Collected works (Vol. 38, Introduction
pp. 220–222). Moscow: Progress.
Leontiev, A. N. (1978). Activity, consciousness, and per-
sonality. New York: Prentice Hall. The splitting of a single whole [a totality, JPL]
Luria, A. R. (1979). The making of mind. Cambridge: and the cognition of its contradictory parts [. . .] is the
Harvard. essence [. . .] of dialectics. This is precisely how Hegel,
Luria, A. R. (2002). Psychoanalysis as a system of monis- too, puts the matter (Lenin, 1915/1977, p. 381).
tic psychology. Journal of Russian and East European
Totality is the idea that a phenomenon can be
Psychology, 40, 26–53.
O’Shaughnessy, E. (1994). What is a clinical fact? Inter- comprehended only by first inserting it in the
national Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 75, 409–432. broader structure of which it is a part and in
Packer, M. J. (2008). Is Vygotsky relevant? Vygotsky’s which it has a function, the latter being its
Marxist psychology. Mind, Culture, and Activity, 15,
8–31.
objective meaning independently of whether or
Riegel, K. F. (1979). Foundations of dialectical psychol- not the men acting and creating it are conscious of
ogy. New York: Academic Press. it. It is the category of meaningful structure
Rosen, M. (1982). Hegel’s dialectic and its criticism. (Goldmann, 1970, quoted by Jay, 1984, p. 325,
New York: Cambridge University Press.
from the essay “The dialectics today”).
Tolman, C. W. (1987). Dialectical materialism as
psychological metatheory. In H. J. Stam, T. B. Rogers, For Hegel [. . .] the power of the spirit lies in
& K. J. Gergen (Eds.), The analysis of psychological synthesis as the mediation of all contradictions
theory: Metapsychological perspectives (pp. 211–229). (Gadamer, 1971, p.105).
Washington, DC: Hemisphere Publishing.
Van der Veer, R. (1996). Henri Wallon’s theory of early Dialectic (or dialectics) was originally the art
child development: The role of emotions. Develop- of dialogue and problem-solving method based
mental Review, 16, 364–390.
on argumentation. This is what we find in Plato
Van der Veer, R., & Valsiner, J. (1994). The Vygotsky
reader. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. and Socrates. Later, with Hegel and Marx, it
Wallon, H. (1972). Psychology and dialectical material- became a method for investigating competing
ism. International Journal of Mental Health, 1, 75–79. processes (or conceptual views) that are comple-
Wozniak, R. H. (1975). A dialectical paradigm for
mentary or related, bearing on distinct aspects of
psychological research: Implications drawn from the
history of psychology in the Soviet Union. Human the same evolving whole or totality. Dialectics is
Development, 18, 18–34. a method for rationalist learning that leads to
Zaporožec, A. V. (1980). A. R. Luria’s role in the cognitive development via dialectical syntheses
development of Soviet psychology. Psychological
that generate progressively refined and differen-
Research, 41, 103–112.
tiated stages or levels of analysis. These are
the syntheses that Piaget called in developmental
Online Resources
Alexander Luria. http://marxists.org/archive/luria/index. psychology optimizing equilibration (Piaget,
htm 1975/1985; Pascual-Leone, 2012), which cause
A.N. Leont’ev. http://www.marxists.org/archive/leontev/ new levels of reflective abstraction.
index.htm
Definitions of Dialectics. http://www.marxists.org/refer-
ence/archive/hegel/help/sampler.htm Definition
Lev Vygotsky Archive. http://www.marxists.org/subject/
psychology/index.htm
Psychology and Marxism. http://www.marxists.org/sub- Coaction (in the sense of dynamic interaction)
ject/psychology/index.htm and competition among processes are major
D 422 Dialectics

parts of dialectics, placing dialectics as precursor each in fact serves to regulate or adaptively mod-
of dynamic systems. In ancient Greek, “dia” ify the (falling) effect of the other. Together, they
means “going between” and “legein” means “to cause an invariant outcome: cancellation of
speak”: Dialectics stands for dynamic coactions gravity effects and stability of the arch. Thus
among/between at least two sources of process described, an arch illustrates a minimal dialecti-
(in life or discourse) intertwined and often in cal system constituted by two subsystems
competition (mutual “contradiction”), which (the arch segments) in dynamic interaction. One
may complement one another in codetermining can say (Pascual-Leone, 2012) that two or
outcomes (causing dialectical syntheses at more dynamic systems (DS) constitute an overall
a higher level that neutralize/correct resistances – functional totality, or whole system, whenever:
Hegel’s “negation of the negation”). The bottle (DS1) Each (sub)system is contradictory with
and the table are in dialectical interaction when the others in its functional effects. (DS2) Effects
their respective resistances balance each other, of each of them serve to regulate, compensate, or
allowing the bottle not to fall to the ground. adaptively modify the effects of the others. (DS3)
Resistances (affordances or encumbrances) are All of them are jointly needed to generate an
all we can get from Reality: In any other way, emergent functional invariant, which often is
Reality is perfectly unknown – as Kant claimed. a truly novel performance. Note that in this
Focusing on resistances is an effective way definition five words are particularly important.
to solve Kant’s appearance (what is manifest) Contradictory means the two terms have effects
versus Reality (permanently unknown) antin- vis-à-vis the total system that lead to different
omy. One should write Reality with capital dynamic outcomes, which may in part cancel one
R (Pascual-Leone & Goodman, 1979; Putnam, another. For instance, each segment of an arch falls
1987) to signify an actual source of resistances literally against the other segment. Regulate means
that species of living organisms might encounter. that each of the subsystems can in fact influence
As the philosopher Zubiri (1989) and many the dynamic consequences of the other(s), setting
others (e.g., Hegel, Marx, Cassirer, Whitehead, dynamic limits to its (or their) manifestations – the
Bohm, Merleau-Ponty) suggested, Reality cannot falling of each arch segment is curtailed by the
be characterized by beings (people, computers, falling of the other segment. Emergent is a
cities, etc.) and their interrelations but can be property or entity that might appear; that is, a
characterized by competing processes. There truly novel happening that marks existence of
are no beings until knowledge imposes an a replicable probabilistic invariant – because it
ontology to create reality with small “r,” that is, reoccurs as truly novel event when opposing
the experienced world of particular species dialectical subsystems coact in appropriate cir-
(Pascual-Leone & Goodman, 1979). cumstances. These emergent functional invariants
An example illustrating characteristics of of dialectical systems explain why and how in the
dialectical systems was (unwittingly) provided course of change, during development and/or
by Leonardo da Vinci with the architectural learning, humans and animals keep acquiring
arch. Leonardo says, “What is an arch? An arch truly novel (i.e., neither innate nor strictly
is nothing else than a strength caused by two speaking learned, but dynamically synthesized)
weaknesses [. . .] as one withstands the downfall characteristic response patterns or performances.
of the other the two weaknesses are converted In humans, these patterns are synthesized by
into a single strength” (Leonardo da Vinci, coactive, perhaps emerging, organismic dialectical
1959, p. 210). systems; and because these dialectical systems
Thus, each segment of an arch, due to gravity, are modified or acquired via development/matura-
exemplifies a dynamic constituent of this tion, or learned from the culture or individually
functional totality (or whole). Each segment’s (via neuroplasticity), different truly novel patterns
normal output is to fall, but the two segments of performance keep reemerging again and again,
oppose each other – are in contradiction – and under suitable circumstances, as new functional
Dialectics 423 D
invariants. Piaget’s age-dependent developmental Keywords
stages are good examples of this emergence, but
there are many others: creativity, problem-solving, Dialectic; totality; praxis; contradictions; resis-
etc. Perhaps most true innovations emerge from tances; reality; structure; invariants; materialism;
some sort of dialectical dynamic synthesis. This constructivism; dialectical modes; sociality;
definition of dialectic is consistent with that of lifeworld
Hegel and Marx as formulated by Lenin (see first
epigraph).
Taking a dialectical constructivist perspective History D
(Goldmann, 1970; Pascual-Leone, 2012; Piaget,
1980; Zimmerman, 1978), Piaget called In the Western world, one may highlight four
“reflective abstraction” the dialectical process of key moments of dialectics: Platonic, Hegelian,
internalizing/modeling recurrent probabilistic Marxist, and postmodern materialist (or construc-
invariances emerging from experience during tivist). A simple but broader historical overview
praxis. In my view these invariants – Piaget’s can be found in Wikipedia.
schemes and schematic structures – express For ancient Platonists, dialectic was the rea-
resistances (affordances and encumbrances) soning in dialogue and speculative discourse pur-
encountered with reality. These invariants suing insight and deeper vision on a topic (as
(which Hegel called “reflection determinations”) Plato’s Socratic Dialogues illustrate). Hegel
serve for adaptive coping and may grow into goes beyond this rational speculative aspect of
functionally unitized systems of structures Platonic dialectic. Kant earlier had concluded
arranged into flexible hierarchies, which consti- that all knowledge, external as well as internal,
tute distinct levels of processing – i.e., the spirals is made possible by organismic processes that
of developmental stages – due to restructuring or structure/configure experience and knowing;
cognitive learning, Lenin (1976, p. 14) has using today’s language, he saw the machinery
referred to this as “A development that seemingly of reason as a constructivist power in forming
repeats stages that have already been passed, but cognition.
repeats them differently, on a higher basis Deepening an original insight of Kant, Hegel
(“negation of negation”), a development, so to saw that in true knowledge there is an identity
speak, in a spiral, not in a straight line.” Some (a transcendental affinity) between subject of
dialectical constructivist thinkers from Lukacs to experience and object of experience. For
Habermas (Jay, 1984), particularly those Hegel, true knowledge epistemologically
influenced by Althusser (Callari & Ruccio, reflects the object’s essential structure: Objects
1996), existentialism (Merleau-Ponty, 1973; are not something that mind imposes but that it
Sartre, 1960), or Piaget (e.g., Goldmann, 1970; discovers. As Gramsci, a Marxist thinker,
Pascual-Leone, 2012), regard these functional understood well (Finocchiaro, 1988), to be
totalities as structured coordinations that control useful in practical activity with objects (praxis)
resistances to praxis in relevant contexts (the the structure of knowledge must embody object-
collection of situations eliciting each such total- relevant systems of relations exhibited by
ity). The structuration of these totalities (Sartre’s reality under praxis.
totalization) generates a more or less flexible Hegel was close to such idea: “The diverse is
relational coordination – a structure-of-the- initially exterior to the mind. For as long as we
whole motivated by resistances (Pascual-Leone, just apprehend the experiential diversity we do
2012; Pascual-Leone & Goodman, 1979; not yet think; thinking only begins with
Pascual-Leone & Johnson, 1991), which in the interrelating of this diversity” (Hegel, 1963,
human science may result from society’s institu- p. 84, my translation from French). Just a few
tional rules and regulations (the “practico-inert” lines later he adds: “The content of the represen-
of Sartre, 1960) and the action of others. tations is borrowed from experience, but the very
D 424 Dialectics

form of their unity and other determinations take It is simpler, and empirically grounded, to say
their sources not from what is immediately given that thought expresses internalized experiences
but from the mind” (italics in the original). as probabilistic relational-structural products of
Hegel’s ontological insight is that reality as human activity (praxis). This was Marx’s empha-
a whole is in continuous development, changing sis when he said that Hegel’s dialectics must be
in time, in evolution. Such change appears in inverted (put upside down): The spirit does not
humans as intentional action, often called praxis. cause reality or experience, but instead experi-
Praxis (from ancient Greek meaning “doing” or ence of reality causes emergence (via internal/
“practice”) is a more or less conscious form of mental modeling) of thought and spirit. Such
agency – goal-directed activity addressed to the epistemological inversion makes a major differ-
environment in order to causally achieve some ence for Marx’s dialectics. Another difference is
intended (targeted) final goal. In current critical that whereas Hegel attributed wholeness (i.e.,
theory, praxis is seen as part of “action theory.” emergence of an essential totality) to the Spirit’s
In a second ontological insight, Hegel called synthetic power, which makes this totality unique
contradictions the processes that oppose (as nega- (but only when objective reality is validly
tions, such as resistances) either implicit or captured by the subject), Marx sees instead
explicitly chosen alternative lines of action. multiple active wholes or totalities (Hook,
These chosen action lines Hegel and others call 1978) – totalities that are internalized/
dialectical affirmations (Pascual-Leone, 2012). constructed from experience during specific
Dialectics thus appears as dynamic processes of praxis and within particular concrete situations.
contrasting and resolving contradictions often Totalities are, for instance, causally
caused by resistances of reality (Hegel’s reflec- related domains of social experience with affec-
tion determinations) to our actions. Dialectical tive/intersubjective aspects as well as knowledge
syntheses (active trade-off resolutions to encoun- (educational systems, religion, economics, social
tered contradictions) help to solve these conflicts. sciences, social health, politics, art, biology, etc.).
As Gadamer (1971) emphasized, growth comes These totalities constitute society as an organiza-
from investigating and overcoming contradic- tion of flexible superordinate structures of
tions, bringing more encompassing knowledge. interrelations – at least for active, intelligent par-
In the view of Marx, Lenin, and others, ticipants. Marx sees multiple concrete dialectics
Hegel’s dialectic was tainted by an idealist related to a single generic form that Hegel’s Spirit
attribution of it to a logical Spirit that is ontolog- dialectic pioneered (Hook, 1978; Jay, 1984).
ically absolute and irreducible. However, this is Totalities in Marx are not only active but
a controversial view: Marxist Hegelians such also differentiated. They express similarities
as Lukacs (1978a) and other non-Marxist dialec- (identity/equivalence relations) across aspects of
tical thinkers would disagree with such charac- experience and thought, but they also synthesize
terization of Hegel (e.g., Gadamer, 1971; differences across them, demarcating their
Overton, 2006). As interpreted by Lenin, Hegel’s applicability. These active totalities emerge by
dialectic (in human personal history and nature) finding “the real identity under the apparent
might express unfolding of a mysterious dynamic differentiation and contradiction” and finding
Spirit – which Hegel identifies with the concep- “the substantial diversity under the apparent
tual horizon (or essential totality) towards which identity” (Gramsci’s Notebook, quoted from
thought naturally tends. One does not need to Finocchiaro, 1988, p. 157).
appeal to Spirit to recognize thinking processes After Marx, many forms of dialectical think-
as expressing operative or figurative synthetic ing have emerged that we cannot review (e.g.,
representations, i.e., “truthful” modeling. From Bachelard, 1981; Callari & Ruccio, 1996;
this perspective, logic and dialectics are ulti- Habermas, 1981/1989; Jay, 1984; Sartre, 1960).
mately methods of thought that express reality’s One could call them postmodern materialist
determinations (Ilyenkov, 1977; Wallace, 1975). (Callari & Ruccio, 1996) or constructivist
Dialectics 425 D
dialectics (Goldmann, 1970; Pascual-Leone, Some early dialectical constructivist
2012) without assuming that they share a view. positions, like Bachelard’s (1981) epistemology,
The term “postmodern” indicates an approach use more or less informally a postmodern concept
that avoids foundationalism, essentialism, dog- of dialectics. However, Bachelard is restricted to
matic realism, and unidimensional theorizing, clarifying knowledge in science. This is also
seeking instead multidimensionality and open- the case of Piaget’s cognitive-developmental dia-
ness to multiple social, cognitive, and/or episte- lectics (Inhelder et al., 1976; Pascual-Leone,
mological approaches. And it does so by trying to 2012; Piaget, 1980). Other theoreticians, how-
capture reflective determinations in cognition, ever, have recognized additional complementary D
affect, and the intersubjective. For Gramsci and modes/dimensions of dialectics. Habermas
others, the term “materialist” may raise unwanted (1981/1989), for instance, describes three dialec-
non-relational metaphysical interpretations tical modes in coaction: (1) the objective mode/
(Finocchiaro, 1988). Dialectical constructivism world (where a logical truth applies), (2) the
is the term tacitly intended by Lucien Goldmann intersubjective mode/world (where personal dif-
(1970). He does not talk of constructivism but ferences, worldviews, evaluation criteria for jus-
speaks of dialectical genetic structuralism, fol- tice, morality, aesthetics, etc., apply), and (3) the
lowing Piaget in the 1950s and 1960s. However, social and sociocultural mode/world, with its
his intended meaning for genetic structuralism, institutions that have systems of prescribed rules
i.e., temporally evolving and coacting meaning- for interaction, which confront individuals with
ful dynamic structures (in Piaget’s sense – Piaget, resistances to praxis. These dialectics and their
1970), is what Piaget in the 1970s and 1980s various sources of resistances could lead to com-
called constructivism, i.e., dialectical processes plex integrative models.
that generate structures as dynamic totalities
(Inhelder, Garcia, & Voneche, 1976; Piaget,
1970). This renaming of genetic structuralism Traditional Debates
eliminates confusion with traditional “static”
structures (as found in Levi-Strauss and many A traditional objection to dialectics and
others), and it avoids twenty-first-century ambi- dialectical contradictions is well illustrated by
guities of the term – materialism. Thus, construc- Popper (1965) who, after failing to distinguish
tivist dialectics might be a better name (Pascual- dialectical from formal-logical contradictions,
Leone, 1987, 2012). claimed that dialecticians’ strategy of seeking
Callari and Ruccio (1996) talk of postmodern dialectical contradictions within a given subject
dialectics to encompass distinct concrete dialec- matter (a totality) is misguided, because (logical
tics, often produced by different groups or social but not dialectical!) contradictions indicate only
classes, which interact as dynamic multiplicities. rational errors to be discarded. Many dialectical
These dialectics express processes from within thinkers have shown, however, that these contra-
what Husserl called the lifeworld (Habermas, dictions are different from logical ones. When
1989). They constitute totalities of concrete investigated, they resolve into either new aspects
situational contexts and human-type actions that or dimensions of the totality under study or are
may cause resistances to individuals’ praxis, for shown to be formal-logical contradictions to be
instance, society’s scarcity constraints and analyzed and avoided.
sociocultural conventions/constraints imposed Unlike formal logic, which looks categorically
by institutions and social laws (Sartre, 1960, at reasoning and language to appraise rational
called “practico-inert” this sort of constraints). value (truth, falsity, indifference) and its condi-
The resistances determine the affordances tions, dialectics is driven by concrete thought,
and encumbrances to praxis, which can be reflection, and dialectical contradictions. It
modeled via inferred rational reconstructions expresses process and change (“motion”) within
(Habermas, 1973). the stream of thought and/or reality and can serve
D 426 Dialectics

as method for exploration of ideas and discovery. of dialectics (see Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach –
When formal logic is contrasted to philosophical Goldmann, 1970; Lukacs, 1978b; Marx, Engels,
logic, the latter is assumed to include dialectic as & Lenin, 1977).
part of it. Similarly, when dialectical thinkers Another source of critical debate is the dialec-
conceive dialectic as a rational discipline, they tical concept of totality and totalization
may consider formal logic as a distinct part of (totality’s integrated coordination). Contrary to
dialectics (e.g., Ilyenkov, 1977). Hegel’s view, many currently think that
totalization occurs without the help of a central
agent – a totalizer (Aronson, 1987). A common
Critical Debates view is that dynamic syntheses in individuals
(individual praxis) are caused by a tendency of
A difficulty with Marx’s dialectics is the heavy dominant compatible processes/schemes to apply
assumptions of dialectical materialism and together and jointly overdetermine thinking and/
its multiple interpretations (Jay, 1984). One or performance. According to this principle, all
meaning of the term “materialism” is appropriate, activated processes (in a group or individual) tend
as Gramsci emphasized (Finocchiaro, 1988): The apply to codetermine processing and perfor-
meaning that excludes spiritual transcendence mance within the situation, eventually causing
from the domain of pure thinking (e.g., religious totalization. Under such overdetermination,
thinking is not pure because it involves acts of performance (overt or mental) would be synthe-
faith). In an appropriate materialist interpreta- sized, at every moment, by the dominant (most
tion, all knowledge is active, relational, reflec- activated) cluster of compatible processes at
tively abstracted from experienced (cognitive, the time of synthesis. The contribution of
affective, intersubjective) invariants, and driven different dimensions of processing varies with
by processes within life situations – often inter- relative dominance in the cluster of compatible
nalized in the form of models. An alternative processes generating the outcome. This principle
meaning of materialism, i.e., the belief that of overdetermination was introduced by
immediate material processes (such as basic Freud and used by sociologists (Althusser,
needs, food, security and scarcity – what we 1969; Callari & Ruccio, 1996) as well as
might call the infrastructure of living) are the psychologists (e.g., neo-Piagetians; Pascual-
only important determinants of sociopolitical Leone, 1987, 2012). Other theoreticians appear
dialectics, is nowadays considered mistaken by to use this principle implicitly (Vygotsky,
many (Callari & Ruccio, 1996; Goldmann, 1970; Merleau-Ponty, Sartre, Goldmann, Habermas,
Habermas, 1989; Jay, 1984; Merleau-Ponty, etc., including current neuroscience).
1986; Sartre, 1960). In this materialist view, spir-
itual values, cultural preferences, social historical
knowledge, social, religious or aesthetic feelings International Relevance
and beliefs, etc., which Marx and Engels called
the superstructure, are made to play a small role The concept of dialectics as discussed here has no
in society’s dialectics. In contrast, current national limitations.
approaches to dialectics claim that societal
domains considered superstructure by Marx and
Engels are driving important distinct dialectics, Practice Relevance
and economics must consider them to be causally
comprehensive. One must recognize, however, The concept of dialectics and its methods
that Marx’s and Engels’s views are deeper have influenced analyses in terms of dynamic
than their own emphasis on here-and-now systems, particularly in current social sciences
economic materialism; they would probably and psychology, including social-developmental
have agreed with many liberalized interpretations studies.
Dialectics 427 D
Future Directions da Vinci, L. (1959). In I. A. Richter (Ed.), Selections from
notebooks. London: Oxford University Press.
Finocchiaro, M. A. (1988). Gramsci and the history of
Social totalization without a totalizer is dialectical thought. New York: Cambridge University
a theoretical direction that should be clarified to Press.
comprehend current social problems of many Gadamer, H.-G. (1971). Hegel’s Dialectic. New Haven,
nations, their social “unevenness” and unrest. CT: Yale University Press.
Goldmann, L. (1970). Marxism et sciences humaines.
New forms of economic regulation and new Paris: Gallimard.
forms of activist developmental education may Habermas, J. (1973). Theory and practice. Boston:
then evolve. They began to evolve in some fields Beacon Press. D
(e.g., new Music and Arts educational methods Habermas, J. (1989). The theory of communicative action.
Vol. 2. Lifeworld and system: a critique of functionalist
such as “El Sistema”, a child music orchestra of reason. Boston: Beacon Press.
Venezuela, or the National Dance Institute in Hegel, G. W. F. (1963). Propedeutique philosophique.
the USA). These new sorts of emancipatory Paris: Gonthier, Editions de Minuit.
interventions implicitly use dialectical construc- Hook, S. (1978). From Hegel to Marx: Studies in the
development of Karl Marx. Ann Arbor, MI: University
tivist principles, which rest unexplicated. of Michigan Press.
When talking of Sartre’s failure to explain Ilyenkov, E. V. (1977). Dialectical logic. Moscow:
how society’s totalization can occur without Progress Publishers.
a totalizer, Aronson says that it might be attained Inhelder, G., Garcia, R., & Voneche, J. (1976).
Epistemologie genetique et equilibration. Neuchatel,
when the individual praxis of all members is Switzerland: Delachaux et Niestle.
balanced by a shared sociality, i.e., the “conten- Jay, M. (1984). Marxism and totality. Berkeley, CA:
tion over larger [good] social goals between University of California Press.
mutually interdependent social groups.” This is Lenin, V. I. (1976) Karl Marx. Peking, China: Foreign
Language Press.
Aronson’s (1987, p. 238) way of referring to Lenin, V. I. (1977). On the question of dialectics.
progressive dialectical action in collective pro- In K. Marx, F. Engels, & V. I. Lenin (Eds.),
jects. The hope is that Aronson’s sociality can On dialectical materialism. Moscow: Progress
emerge via both intersubjective communication Publishers.
Lukacs, G. (1978a). The ontology of social being: 1.
and interventions. Habermas’ (1981/1989) Hegel’s False and his genuine ontology. London: Mer-
theory of communicative action points in this lin Press.
direction. Hope is important here. McCarthy Lukacs, G. (1978b). The ontology of social being: 2. Marx.
(1982, p. 386) ends his book on Habermas’ theory London: Merlin Press.
Marx, K., Engel, F., & Lenin, V. I. (1977). On dialectical
with this phrase: “reason cannot flourish without materialism. Moscow: Progress Publishers.
hope. Hope cannot speak without reason.” McCarthy, T. (1982). The critical theory of Jurgen
Habermas. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Acknowledgments I am grateful to Antonio Ferraz, Merleau-Ponty, M. (1973). The visible and the invisible.
Janice Johnson, Sergio Morra, W.F. Overton, and David Evarston, IL: Northwestern University Press.
Rennie (in alphabetic order), whose comments helped to Merleau-Ponty, M. (1986). Adventures of the dialectic.
improve the document. Evarston, IL: Northwestern University Press.
Overton, W. F. (2006). Developmental psychology:
Philosophy, concepts, methodology. In R. M. Lerner
& W. Damon (Eds.), Theoretical models of human
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Pascual-Leone, J., & Goodman, D. (1979). Intelligence dichotomy by bringing the external into the inter-
and experience. Instructional Science, 301–367. nal and, in reverse, introducing the internal into
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Piaget, J. (1970). Structuralism. New York: Harper
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Madrid, Spain: Alianza editorial/Fundacion Xavier
Zubiri.
Definition and Conceptualization

The dialogical self is conceived of as a dynamic

Dialogical Self multiplicity of I-positions in the society of mind.
As a “mini-society,” the self emerges from an
Hubert Hermans intense interconnection with the social and soci-
International Institute for the Dialogical Self, etal context and is intrinsically bound to particu-
Milsbeek, CA, The Netherlands lar positions in time and space. As spatially
located, the embodied I moves from one position
to another in a process of positioning and
Introduction counterpositioning (e.g., as a professional I’m
confronted with people who agree or disagree
Since its inception in the last decade of the past with me and I’m able to take their position and
century, the notion of the dialogical self has answer to it). As a temporal process, the I is
attracted the interest from social scientists and involved in processes of positioning and
practitioners from different disciplines and cul- repositioning (e.g., in a social conflict, my first
tural origins. It weaves two concepts, self and impulse is to defend myself and feel myself in the
dialogue, together in such a way that new phe- position of being accused; however later I’m able
nomena in the functioning of the human mind to reposition myself as being interested in the
become visible. Usually, the self is conceived as background of my opponent’s point of view).
something “internal” that happens within the As a spatiotemporal process, the I fluctuates
mind of the individual person, while “dialogue” among different, contradictory, and opposed
is associated with something “external,” referring positions (both within the self and between self
to a process that takes place between people and perceived, remembered, or imagined others).
involved in some form of exchange. The com- Moreover, like in society at large, these positions
posite concept “dialogical self” transcends this are involved in relationships of dominance and
Dialogical Self 429 D
social power with some positions becoming Keywords
stronger and more influential in the self than
others. As part of sign-mediated social relation- Self; dialogue; dialogical self; identity; social
ships, I-positions can be voiced with the possibil- power; multiplicity; multivoicedness
ity that dialogical relations among them develop.
The voices interact like characters in a story or
movie, involved in processes of question and Historical Background
answer, agreement and disagreement, conflict
and cooperation, and negotiation and integration. Dialogical self theory emerged at the interface of D
Each of them has a story to tell about their own two traditions: American Pragmatism and Rus-
experiences from their own specific point of view. sian Dialogism. As a theory about the self, it is
As different voices, the I-positions exchange inspired by James’s (1890) and Mead’s (1934)
knowledge and information about themselves, cre- classic formulations on the workings of the
ating a complex, multivoiced, narratively struc- (social) self. As a dialogical theory, it elaborates
tured self (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010). on some of the fertile insights presented by
As extended to the environment, the dialogical Bakhtin (1929/1973) who has emphasized the
self consists not only of internal positions (e.g., polyphonic nature of the human mind. Although
I as a working mother, I as a dedicated scientist, some of the views of these authors have signifi-
I as a lover of opera) but also external positions cantly contributed to insights in the social and
(e.g., my parents, my always helpful colleague, dialogical nature of the self, contemporary dia-
my stubborn opponent) (for extension of the self, logical self theory has proposed a conception of
see also James, 1890). In order to understand the the self that takes the theoretical consequences of
self–other relationship in dialogical self theory, it the fact that we are facing unprecedented histor-
is relevant to emphasize that not only internal but ical changes and challenged by the problems of
also external positions can have the quality of an increasingly globalizing society.
I-positions. That is, the other is not conceived as Inspired by the described forerunners, the first
a purely outside entity that is separated from the psychological publication on the dialogical self
self, but as “another I.” This point of view is appeared in the American Psychologist (Hermans,
consistent with Bakhtin (1929/1973), who Kempen, & Van Loon, 1992). The subtitle of this
noticed that “For the author the hero is not ‘he,’ entry “Beyond individualism and rationalism”
and not ‘I’ but a full-valued ‘thou,’ that is another indicated that the proposed concept was an
full-fledged ‘I’” (p. 51). It is also in agreement attempt to go beyond the dominance of the modern
with another dialogical theorist, Martin Buber model of the self in contemporary psychology.
(1970), who referred to the notions of self and
other not as separate terms but as a word pair.
When the I is part of an I–you relationship, the Debate About Modern and Post Modern
other is acknowledged as a subject with whom Models of the Self
a dialogical relationship can evolve. When it is
part of an I–it relationship, the other is reduced to Many discussions in the social sciences contrast a
an object so that dialogue is reduced to mono- modern or “Enlightenment subject” and a post-
logue. Indeed, we can identify with or see our- modern or decentered subject. The subject in the
selves, on a particular level, as identical with an modern model is typically seen as a unified indi-
animal, a tree, or with an object (e.g., an artistic vidual, endowed with the capacities of reason,
creation in which I recognize myself) or with with a “center” as an inner core and with an
nature (e.g., “I as a piece of earth that becomes autonomous existence as separate from its social
aware of itself”). The identification with an ani- context. The postmodern subject, on the other
mal or object can go so far that it is experienced hand, is described as being composed of different
as my extended I. parts that are highly contingent on the changes in
D 430 Dialogical Self

the environment, resulting in a self that is each other. They may also consult themselves,
decentered to a degree that it is losing its inner make an agreement with themselves, criticize
core. In this view, the self consists of contradictory themselves, and may be engaged in a conflict
identities which pull in different directions, so that with themselves. Such relationships have the
identifications are continually shifting. This far potential to function as meaning bridges between
reaching decentralization is well expressed by self and society.
the famous dictum of poet William B. Yeats,
“Things fall apart; the center cannot hold.”
The central notion of dialogical self theory, Critical Debate About Social Power and
I-position, acknowledges the decentering multi- Dominance
plicity of the self, while preserving, at the same
time, its coherence and unity. Subjected to As Callero (2003) has observed, many of the
changes in time, the self is intrinsically involved concepts in mainstream (social) psychology
in a process of positioning and repositioning and, (e.g., self-consistency, self-enhancement, self-
due to its location in space, to the processes of verification, self-monitoring, self-efficacy, self-
positioning and counterpositioning. As such it is regulation, self-presentation, self-knowledge,
distributed by the polyphony of existing, new, self-control, self-handicapping, and self-
and possible positions (decentering movements). deception) are typically considered as containers
At the same time, the I appropriates or “owns” of individual minds, with social and societal
some of them and rejects or disowns others. In influences as external, determining factors. The
this way, the self is involved in a process of notion of social power, so influential in societal
organizing positions as parts of a liveable struc- structures, is conspicuously absent in these con-
ture (centering movements). The “appropriated” cepts. In terms of Callero’s criticism:
(James, 1890) parts that are experienced as The self that is socially constructed is never
“mine” and as “belonging to me” enable the self a bounded quality of the individual or a simple
to find a certain degree of continuity and stability expression of psychological characteristics; it is
a fundamentally social phenomenon, where con-
in the highly discontinuous circumstances of cepts, images, and understandings are deeply deter-
a globalizing and boundary-crossing society. By mined by relations of power. Where these
placing I-positions in a dialogical framework and principles are ignored or rejected, the self is often
processing them in “dialogical spaces,” both conceptualized as a vessel for storing all the par-
ticulars of the person. (Callero, 2003, p. 127)
within and between selves, they are “lifted up”
to the level of mutual enrichment and alterity Indeed, many concepts of the self lack the
(i.e., acknowledging and respecting the fact that struggle and power games that are intrinsic to
the positions of other people are different from society, including the self as a society of mind.
mine and, moreover, accepting and respecting the In fact, such concepts are typical of the modern
fact that the positions in my own self are different model of the self that, under the influence of
from each other, in this way preventing that one Enlightenment, tends to consider the self as an
position takes all power and suppresses the other entity or essence in itself and as something which
ones). When positions receive space to express can be defined and studied in isolation of its
themselves from their own specific point of view, societal context.
they are respected as dialogical partners in the The role of social power and its influence on
“democracy” of the self. the organization of the self becomes very visible
The basic similarity of the self and the social is in religious orthodoxy, the rise of fundamental
well expressed by the fact that what happens movements, and the phenomenon of patriotism.
between people may also take place within the Such views find their expression in collective
self. People can consult each other, make an voices that promote a strongly hierarchical orga-
agreement with each other, may criticize each nization of the position repertoire of the self and
other, and may be involved in a conflict with a reduction of the heterogeneity of positions with
Dialogical Self 431 D
a simultaneous avoidance of internal disagree- Practice Relevance
ment, conflict, and uncertainty. For example,
some forms of religious orthodoxy provide the Practical applications of the dialogical self have
self with a stabilized and indisputable religious been realized on four areas: (a) psychotherapy
position that is based on a belief in a sacred past, and counseling (e.g., treatment of schizophrenia
a social hierarchy of authority of men over and personality disorders, “personification” as
women, adults over children, and God over all a method of conversation with significant others
(Arnett, 2002). and parts of the self as I-positions), (b) coaching
(e.g., “emotional coaching” as an improvement D
of the relationship between self and emotions),
International Relevance and (c) education (e.g., identity development in
a school environment and collaborative learning
Since the moment of the first psychological in the context of developing a dialogical self). All
publication on the dialogical self in 1992, an these applications are presented and discussed in
increasing number of scholars and practitioners the third part of the Handbook of Dialogical Self
have contributed to the further development Theory (Hermans & Gieser, 2012). For practical
and application of the theory. Probably, the applications of dialogical self theory on motiva-
best indication of the international relevance tion, leadership, and conflict resolution, see the
of the theory is the publication of the Hand- final chapter of Hermans and Hermans-Konopka
book of Dialogical Self Theory (Hermans & (2010).
Gieser, 2012), in which authors from 15 coun-
tries have produced 29 chapters about theory,
method (qualitative and quantitative), and Future Directions
applications of the theory. The international
impact is further expressed by the biennial In an editorial introduction to a special issue on
International Conference on the Dialogical self and dialogue, Stam (2010) highlighted three
Self, which is organized in different countries: points of attention to be taken into account in the
the Netherlands (2000), Belgium (2002), future work on the dialogical self. First, the com-
Poland (2004), Portugal (2006), United King- plexity of the phenomenon is inevitably the result
dom (2008), Greece (2010), USA (2012), and of the preceding histories of this notion. The
The Netherlands (2014). insight that we know ourselves via the other is
In 2002, the International Society for Dialog- already discussed in the works of Plotinos and
ical Science was established and in 2004 the finds its more recent expression in the writings of
International Journal for Dialogical Science George Herbert Mead, William James, Mikhail
was launched. Groups of authors collaborate on Bakhtin, and Valentin Volosinov. Although dia-
the publication of research projects and on dis- logical self theory as presented in this entry may
cussion of relevant aspects of the theory. This deviate on significant points of its forerunners,
resulted in a series of special issues in a variety such scholars and traditions can be once again
of psychological journals: Culture and Psychol- consulted for the creation of new ideas that may
ogy (2001, vol. 7, nr. 3), Theory and Psychology contribute to further theoretical developments.
(2002, vol. 12, nr 2, and 2010, vol. 20, nr. 3), Second, the original conception of the dialog-
Journal of Constructivist Psychology (2003, vol. ical self has brought together a number of con-
16, nr 2; 2010, vol. 21, nr. 3; and 2013, vol. 26, temporary scholars who are moving in alternate
nr. 2), Identity. An international Journal of The- or parallel directions. The formulation of the con-
ory and Research (2004, vol. 4, nr 4), Counsel- cept was sufficiently broad to invite clinical,
ling Psychology Quarterly (2006, vol. 19, nr 1), developmental, therapeutic, cultural, personality
and New Directions for Child and Adolescent psychologist, and even cultural anthropologists to
Development (2012, nr. 137). become part of a joint undertaking. However,
D 432 Difference, Overview

after some time, it becomes visible that not every- Online Resources
body has the same thing in mind when talking Articles on the dialogical self. http://scholar.google.com/
scholar?hl=en&q=dialogical+self&btnG=&as_sdt=
about “dialogue” and “dialogical self.” In order to
1%2C5&as_sdtp=
minimize the risk of misunderstanding and con- Handbook of Dialogical Self Theory. http://www.cambridge.
ceptual confusion, collaborative initiatives, like org/us/knowledge/isbn/item6516454/Handbook-of-
international conferences, handbooks, and spe- Dialogical-Self-Theory/?site_locale=en_US
International Society for Dialogical Science. http://web.
cial issues, are helpful to develop and adapt the
lemoyne.edu/~hevern/ISDS/
original conceptions. International Journal for Dialogical Science. http://ijds.
Third, work on the dialogical self is, almost lemoyne.edu/
naturally, concerned with the speakable, International Institute for the Dialogical Self. http://www.
dialogicalinstitute.com/
voiced considerations of subjectivity. Inevita-
Eighth International Conference on the Dialogical Self
bly, the emphasis on the speakable aspects of (upcoming). http://sites.thehagueuniversity.com/
the self evokes, as its dialectical counterpart, dialogical-self/home
a need to focus on its unspeakable and Video with summary of the dialogical self. http://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=TKEKWzZOC3I
unvoiced aspects. Future theory and research
should focus on the nonverbal and implicit
aspects of self and dialogue more than hith-
erto has been done.
Difference, Overview

Lise Bird Claiborne

References Human Development and Counselling
Department; Center for Postgraduate Studies,
Arnett, J. (2002). The psychology of globalization. Amer- University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand
ican Psychologist, 57, 774–783.
Bakhtin, M. (1973). Problems of Dostoevsky’s poetics
(2nd edn.; trans. R. W. Rotsel). Ann Arbor, MI:
Ardis. (Original work published 1929 as Problemy Introduction
tvorchestva Dostoevskogo [Problems of Dostoevsky’s
Art]). Difference is a simple word, yet an incredibly
Buber, M. (1970). I and thou: A new translation with
difficult notion to pin down. As the discipline of
a prologue “I and You” and notes by Walter
Kaufmann. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. psychology took shape late in the nineteenth cen-
Callero, P. L. (2003). The sociology of the self. Annual tury, traditional empirical studies focused on
Review of Sociology, 29, 115–133. measuring differences between people in order
Hermans, H. J. M. (2001). The dialogical self: Toward
a theory of personal and cultural positioning. Culture
to predict human behavior. By the mid-twentieth
and Psychology, 7, 243–281. century, there were huge social upheavals glob-
Hermans, H. J. M., & Gieser, T. (Eds.). (2012). Handbook ally as advocates for various human rights groups
of dialogical self theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge acquired a greater political voice. Many psychol-
University Press.
ogists began to question earlier accounts of
Hermans, H. J. M., & Hermans-Konopka, A. (2010). Dia-
logical self theory: Positioning and counter- difference in various fields. This led to
positioning in a globalizing world. Cambridge, UK: a reconsideration of categories around gender,
Cambridge University Press. ethnicity, age, disability, social class, and
Hermans, H. J. M., Kempen, H. J. G., & Van Loon, R. J. P.
(1992). The dialogical self: Beyond individualism and
sexualities. However, this questioning still
rationalism. American Psychologist, 47, 23–33. tended to maintain the place of the individual in
James, W. (1890). The principles of psychology (Vol. 1). psychology – with its hidden assumptions about
London: Macmillan. the ideal rational and independent person from
Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
a dominant cultural group. Critical psychologists
Stam, H. (2010). Self and dialogue: Introduction. Theory then drew from philosophical debates around
& Psychology, 20, 299–304. notions of difference to further question the
Difference, Overview 433 D
ontological basis for human life beyond notions social categorization processes that carry
of individual identities within corporeal limits of a weight of discrimination or social exclusion
separate bodies. The debates also raised new linked to membership in particular groups.
questions for the politics of change and transfor-
mation as well as for alliances across difference.
Contemporary practice continues to ask ques- Keywords
tions about the best ways to acknowledge varie-
ties of difference simultaneously and to find ways Difference; critical disability studies; differential
for expression of strongly held political traditions psychology; diversity; dualism; feminist D
in a world in which there must be possibilities for psychology; queer theory; rights movements
cooperation despite the differences that divide us.

History
Definitions
The beginnings of empirical psychology were
In the traditional field of differential psychology, linked to the project of measuring differences
“difference” usually referred to variations between people. British researcher Francis
between groups of individuals that could be Galton (1822–1911) was innovative in using
measured in order to study why people are not statistics to study differences between people,
all the same. In contrast, critical psychological notably seeking predictors of variations in “intel-
approaches acknowledge differences between ligence.” His belief in the inherited nature of
peoples that are often politically charged by mental abilities was an important foundation of
oppression, domination, and violence. his work in eugenics (a term he coined). The field
There is no ultimate taxonomy of groups, of differential psychology became a dominant
since every society is likely to construct the force in early twentieth-century empirical psy-
group differences of particular concern in their chology. Numerous studies examined differences
setting. Many critical psychologists attend between individuals in two areas that could be
to cross- and within-society differences in order measured by scaled tests: intelligence and
to understand political and cultural forces that personality (Anastasi, 1958). Behaviors of people
enhance or deter survival in particular who had different scores on particular scales
communities. might then be attributed to an inherent difference
The term “diversity” is often used to signal the in their personal tendencies. Such research relies
variety of differences that may exist between on an ontology of the individual person as
people, as well as between behaviors, qualities, a separate, rational, and knowable “subject” of
and actions. Diversity is sometimes used as enquiry in the discipline. Such studies aim to
a term within a humanist discourse to signal dif- describe group norms of behavior (“central ten-
ference without acknowledging dimensions of dencies”) collated from responses of various
power and oppression between groups of people. “individuals” under controlled circumstances.
The term diversity is sometimes paired with the Early critical research on difference in
term “manage,” a juxtaposition that suggests that psychology drew on political movements advo-
ethnic, religious, gender, and sexuality differ- cating human rights for groups of people differ-
ences are a problem for which strategies of ing in identity by gender, disability, ethnicity, and
change are necessary (Henwood, Griffin, & indigeneity. These rights movements emerged
Phoenix, 1998; Jones, 2004). The suggestion at the end of the Second World War, as
that diversity is a problem also suggests that a response to the racism of mass genocides that
there is an expected norm or dominant category had occurred. A key move was the universal
that contrasts to an “other” or minority category. declaration of human rights of the United Nations
The term “difference,” in contrast, signals the [UN] (1948) was followed by rights conventions
D 434 Difference, Overview

and protocols on behalf of other important polit- differences between the sexes. The move to
ical groupings such as women, children, older research agendas that specifically recognized
persons, disabled people, and indigenous peo- women’s oppression rather than simply describ-
ples. Political work by psychologists in these ing gender differences was an important critical
areas helped to move psychology beyond its tra- move (e.g., Fine, 1985). Some feminists went
ditional empiricist beginnings. further, arguing for a separate psychology of
women. Psychological studies mirrored rights
movements that lobbied for equal pay for
Traditional Debates women’s work and for women to live without
the violence directed against them (most often
Traditional psychological methods investigate by men).
the impact on dependent variables from differ-
ences on one or more independent variables. Per- Gay/Straight Dualism
sonality psychology emphasized intraindividual A significant critical move in psychology was the
factors, for example, by measuring the preva- removal of “homosexuality” as an “abnormal”
lence of particular personality factors in diagnosis in the third Diagnostic and Statistical
a sample of people. Traditional social psychology Manual (DSMIII; see Socarides, 1978). Differ-
investigated interindividual differences by com- ences in sexual orientation were initially studied
paring responses of different groups of people. with descriptive research on group comparisons;
this was similar to studies of gender difference
that ignored the power differential within the
Critical Debates dualism. Rather than simply predict an ontogeny
for the development of sexual orientation
The first critical wave in psychology focused (Bell, Weinberg, & Hammersmith, 1981), more
specifically on hierarchical differences that cre- critical work celebrated lesbian and gay psychol-
ate forms of oppression. A key strategy was to ogy without using heterosexuality as the standard
acknowledge the oppression of marginalized for comparison (e.g., Kitzinger, 1987).
groups by challenging dualisms that define
a group’s relative status. A dualism is a two-part The Able/Disabled and Normal/Abnormal
system in which one term is seen as dominant Dualisms
while the secondary or minority term is seen as War veterans of the mid-twentieth century advo-
lacking or “other” to the dominant term cated for greater recognition of the difficulties
(e.g., male/female, straight/gay, able/disabled/ faced by people with nonnormative bodies.
normal/abnormal, black/white). The dominant The disability rights movement opened a space
group is taken for granted as the everyday, of political identity for all people who have been
expected norm. Research on specific dualisms marginalized by normative expectations of
important for difference closely followed politi- bodily appearance or function (Oliver, 1984).
cal debates about human rights for marginalized Early critics of clinical psychology of the
peoples. 1980s, such as Carl Rogers and R.D. Laing,
were skeptical of the differential psychology
Gender Dualism technique of using scaled tests to measure statis-
Traditional psychology was challenged by tically normative tendencies in emotion and per-
critiques from the 1970s that pointed to the pre- sonality so that people with “abnormal”
ponderance of male “subjects” in psychology responses could be diagnosed and ultimately
experiments; the absence of females from altered with clinical interventions (e.g., Boyle &
research studies appeared to have gone unnoticed Saklofske, 2004). Later, narrative therapists used
for decades. When this bias was acknowledged, a discursive framework to move further away
researchers turned their attention to studying from the focus on the individual’s problems
Difference, Overview 435 D
(e.g., White & Epston, 1990), while other clinical focus from persons as having stable identities to
psychologists criticized the foundations of their the more complex notion of subjectivities.
own discipline (e.g., Hare-Mustin & Marecek, There have been debates about the usefulness
1997). In community psychology there were of a discourse of difference, given the operation
moves towards recognition of survivors of psy- of opposing discourses of unity or assimilation
chiatric services as people who have successfully (Burbules & Rice, 2000). To gain more under-
overcome discrimination, rather than as people standing of the conceptual difficulties involved in
identifiable by diagnostic labels that put them on this area, critical psychologists draw on the work
the negative side of the normal/abnormal of poststructural philosophers of difference. D
dualism. The Psychology Politics Resistance Jacques Derrida’s notion of deconstruction has
Network (see www.discourseunit.com) was been of key importance to critical psychologists
established in 1994 as a way to connect advocacy when dealing with dualisms. Derrida pointed to
groups together throughout the UK and beyond. the impossibility of treating dualisms as true
opposites. By defining one term (e.g., “women”)
Black/White Dualism in terms of its opposite (e.g., “men”), there
A huge number of political struggles are linked to remains the trace of the original that is being
the deconstruction of the notion of “race” as opposed or denied. So the two halves of
a simple category of human difference. The rise a dualism remain linked together, each half
of national independence movements around the implicitly reinstating the other. Derrida’s work
world started to reverse centuries of political gave critical psychologists tools for going beyond
oppression for colonized peoples. Critical psy- the dualism by attending to and unsettling false
chology has taken the identification and critique dichotomies, for example, by introducing a third
of racism – wherever it occurs in societies – as term that unsettles the opposing pair. This is
a core goal. For example, psychologists were cru- particularly useful in the area of gender. Much
cial in debates around reputed differences in work today acknowledges that there are, even in
“intelligence” between “races” of people. US edu- terms of the genome, a number of sexes or gen-
cational psychologist Arthur Jensen’s proposal of ders (Fausto-Sterling, 1993). Ethnographers
inherent limitations in the intelligence (as mea- point to societies that acknowledge a greater
sured by IQ scores) of African Americans led to diversity of possible genders than are described
student riots in the USA in the 1970s; the idea was in most Euro-Western countries (Davies, 2010).
revived in the early 1990s in the USA (Herrnstein This shows the ways that different societies’
& Murray, 1994). Work of critical psychologists notions of gender are constructed from notions
such as Kincheloe, Steinberg, and Gresson (1996) of biological reproduction, sexuality, appearance,
helped to discredit this biased research. and divisions of labor.
Gilles Deleuze was a French philosopher
Contemporary Critical Psychology Debates who went further in questioning the meaning of
It took some time for the various critical groups in difference beyond dualisms and hierarchies. Of
psychology to form a more cohesive approach particular relevance for critical psychology was
that both recognized and refused the discipline his work with psychotherapist Felix Guattari
itself. Particularly important for the project of (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987) that put fragmenta-
critical psychology was the critique of individu- tion and movement as a starting point for life
alism in psychology (Sampson, 1984); the influ- rather than the stability of knowable human bod-
ence of the theory of social construction, adapted ies over time. This has had implications for crit-
from sociological constructs (Gergen, 1985); and ical disability studies, for example, in critique of
the move to consider the work of Michel Foucault essentializing bodies around their impairments
for its implications in deconstructing the subject and arguing against a simple social model of
of psychology (Henriques, Hollway, Urwin, political change as a matter of overcoming
Venn, & Walkerdine, 1984). This changed the barriers (e.g., Goodley & Roets, 2009).
D 436 Difference, Overview

Contemporary critical gender studies have raised questions about how far traditional psy-
moved beyond the female-male dualism to an chological studies have been able to implement
exploration of masculinity and femininity as dis- them (Adams & Salter, 2011), arguing against
courses offering a range of ways to live (Davies, psychological paradigms that use group catego-
1989; Walkerdine, 1988). Studies of sexuality ries as independent variables. In contrast, critical
have moved beyond the assumption that hetero- psychological work recognizes the importance of
sexuality is aligned with the gender dualism; the intersections between racism, sexism, heterosex-
field now encompasses a multiplicity of sexual ism, ableism, and other simplistic identity cate-
and gender orientations including bisexuality, gories based on dualisms. For women of African
transgender, and transsexual lives beyond the ethnicity living in Euro-Western countries, for
gay/straight dualism. The expansion of queer the- example, there is discrimination that exceeds
ory (e.g., Warner, 1993) widened debates beyond sexism assumed to apply to all women or racism
the scrutiny of sexual behaviors to an understand- assumed to be directed at men of nondominant
ing of discourses of heteronormativity (Braun & social groups (Crenshaw, 1989).
Clarke, 2009). Critical research has helped to move research
It should also be noted that age is an important beyond single categories of identity to a more
area of difference. Unlike other dimensions of considered analysis of intersections across
difference, age is unusual because people change important areas of difference that occur simulta-
in somewhat predictable ways over time as they neously in people’s lives (e.g., Cole, 2009) and
get older. Critical psychologists have questioned point to more complex (and sometimes unstable)
the basis for notions such as developmental positionings of power. Critical social psycholo-
“readiness” (Bird, 2006) or the assumption that gists have made considerable moves towards
development is “progressive” (Morss, 1995). redefining earlier studies of “prejudice” towards
Erica Burman (2008a) has shifted the focus more direct confrontation with the ubiquity of
from age differences to discourses that create racism (e.g., Tuffin, 2005). In addition, world-
positions available in societies depending on the wide movements to recognize rights of indige-
status accorded periods such as “childhood.” nous peoples have had their impact on critical
Burman (2008b) in particular has mobilized fem- psychology, particularly in the questioning of
inist and north-south political critiques in her traditional research methods that objectify groups
analyses of the limits of child-rearing advice of people in ways that can be viewed as coloniz-
and uses of developmental discourses by media ing (Smith, 2012).
that support capitalist consumption of images of
children towards economic ends for private
industry as well as nongovernmental charities. International Relevance
Attention to the diversity and complexity of
culture has led to a demise in the study of differ- The field of difference is characterized by its
ences in “race.” There is now greater engagement contributions from a huge range of psychologists
with people’s own experiences and understand- based in varying geographical and cultural sites
ings of their ethnicities, countries of origin, throughout the world. While the creation of the
migration and forced immigration, and religion rights movement can be seen as originally
and cultural practices. The field of critical race stemming from European traditions, each coun-
theory (e.g., Delgado & Stefancic, 2011) brings try has embraced different perspectives and
together the tradition of critical theory and an political concerns of immediate relevance
explicit focus on racism and white privilege in (e.g., An-naim, 1994). Contemporary critical
its examination of the ongoing dynamics of psychology, influenced by philosophers of differ-
power in social institutions. While this work has ence, looks at intersections of difference beyond
had a big impact in education and law, some have simple rights-based dualisms.
Difference, Overview 437 D
Practice Relevance Future Directions

Critical research on difference has become The project of critical psychology continues to
important in community work that seeks explore possibilities for transforming lives
change for marginalized groups defined by beyond using simple dualistic categories to dis-
a particular difference. Critical psychologists criminate between people. (At the same time, it is
contribute to community initiatives that seek important to recognize that some political groups
strategies to challenge racist, sexist, homopho- use difference strategically in order to claim par-
bic, ableist, ageist, and classist social practices. ticular identities for political goals). The study of D
This knowledge is important in a variety of difference in critical psychology goes further
fields including clinical psychology, education, than traditional differential psychology by con-
nursing, medicine, social work, and sidering the importance of power relationships in
counselling. understanding social experience.
Though educational psychology was slow to To conceptualize the complexities around dif-
respond to critiques from difference philoso- ference further, there is increasing interest in
phers (Bird, 1999), contemporary work draws drawing from critical debates in philosophy in
on difference philosophers and a critical order to question the grounds for difference.
engagement with race, class, and gender/sexu- Philosophers of difference (mentioned above)
alized subjectivities (Youdell, 2006). Critically offer possible ways to acknowledge social differ-
discursive psychological work, influenced by ences while at the same time acknowledging the
philosophers of difference, has helped educa- paradox that any attention to difference has the
tors working for social justice to alter practices potential to recreate division. Some crucial work
in inclusive education (see Graham & Slee, at present considers the intersections among
2008). various dimensions of difference rather than
Critical psychologists can make an impact focussing on one difference alone. Critical psy-
with work that questions taken-for-granted chologists seek to respect differences important
notions about marginalized groups. For example, to groups of people while also supporting moves
John Money’s traditional work with parents of towards politically fruitful alliances among peo-
intersexual children (born with both female and ples at particular times in history.
male genitalia) supported surgical recreation of
each child into the normative body of a girl or boy
by removing or reshaping the “extra” parts. References
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Disability 439 D
Youdell, D. (2006). Diversity, inequality, and a post- and take accountability for the discipline’s
structural politics for education. Discourse: Studies collective privilege and power in shaping and
in the Cultural Politics of Education, 27(1), 33–42.
doi:10.1080/01596300500510252. limiting disabled people’s lives.
In this entry, I will primarily use terms “dis-
Online Resources abled people” and “nondisabled people” in order
Disability and Society Journal. http://www.tandf.co.uk/ to challenge the power dynamics between the
journals/carfax/09687599.html two populations by situating disabled people at
Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education the center and nondisabled at peripheral
Journal. http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/cdis
(Linton, 1998). Also, I use words such as D
Feminism & Psychology Journal. http://www.sagepub.
com/journals/Journal200868 mental disability and psychiatric disabilities
Psychology of Women Section of the BPS. http://www. interchangeably to include those who may,
bps.org.uk/networks-communities/member-networks/ otherwise, identify with experiences based in
sections/psychology-women-section/psychology-women
-section mental illness, mental health, or stress (Prise,
Psychology Politics Resistance website. http://www. 2011). Needless to say, psychologists, in various
discourseunit.com/psychology-politics-resistance/ ways, contributed positively to many disabled
Sexualities: Studies in Culture and Society Journal. http:// people’s lives. This “fact” underlies this entry.
www.sagepub.com/journals/Journal200950/
UN rights web sites. http://www.un.org/en/documents/
udhr/
Definition

The general definition of disability used in the

USA is based on the Americans with Disabilities
Disability Act of (1990):
(a) A physical or mental impairment that
Akemi Nishida substantially limits one or more major life
Department of Critical Social Psychology, activities of such individual
The City University of New York, (b) A record of such an impairment
New York, NY, USA (c) Being regarded as having such an impairment
In the realm of psychology, disability is often
understood in a medical framework when the
Introduction disabled individual becomes the object of psy-
chological treatment, study, and individual cure.
This entry traces how psychology has defined The notions of normalcy and disability have
disability as well as normalcy since the beginning a long and tangled codependence, beginning
of the twentieth century in the context of the most prominently within the medical model.
United States. First, it examines roles played by
psychologists in constructing, enforcing, and Medical Model
maintaining social norms and ideals. Secondly, Historically and even today, disability is often
this entry explores how disabled people have understood in the framework of the medical
fought against disability’s pathologization by model. This model defines disability as a biomed-
developing the social and post-social models as ical deficit that originates and resides in individ-
critical contestations of the medical model of ual’s body and/or mind (Fritsch, 2009). Under
deficit. Third, this entry asks how psychology this model, disability is seen as a negative thing,
can contribute to the emancipation of disabled a lack, a transgression, or a disfigurement needing
people and communities by challenging the to be prevented or cured in order for a person to
ableist approaches psychology often takes. assimilate or mimic the social norm. If this assim-
While there are diverse subfields within ilation cannot happen, disabled people are
psychology, psychologists must acknowledge assumed “better off” if they are segregated
D 440 Disability

through institutionalization, incarceration, or impact of ableism (e.g., Watermeyer, 2012).

special education; treated through over-medical- The post-social model analyzes how disability is
ization; or worse eliminated through sterilization constructed and experienced in relation to other
or euthanasia. As a result, disabled people are social identities and injustices (e.g., how race and
individualized and discouraged to identify with disability are interwoven). This intersectional
one another. analysis focuses on the social distribution of
power that constructs and shapes disabling expe-
Social Model riences and the value attached to disability
As disability rights movements gained momen- (Nishida, manuscript). The post-social model
tum throughout the 1970s and on, particularly in also problematizes “normalcy,” challenging the
the USA and the UK, the social model of disabil- construction of this invented standard against
ity was developed as “something imposed on top which others are defined. This model shifts the
of our impairments by the way we are unneces- conversation away from the dichotomy of biolog-
sarily isolated and excluded from full participa- ical and social toward an intersectional under-
tion in society. Disabled people are therefore an standing of bodies and minds in both political
oppressed group in society (UPIAS, 1976, cited and phenomenological contexts. It offers a criti-
in Thomas, 2004, p. 572).” Developed by dis- cal analysis of what constitutes norms, health, and
abled people through the reality of their experi- cultural anxieties about autonomy, independence,
ences, the social model approaches disability as and immortality. The critique of the social model
sociopolitically and culturally constructed. In expands to how it is used; such as how the social
other words, disability is recognized as a social model has been exported to the Global South from
experience produced by ableism; this is distinct the Global North without an examination of con-
from impairment which represents an actual textual differences (Grech, 2009).
difference in body and mind. By blaming ableist
society (e.g., inaccessible built environments, Psychologists’ Role in the Defining of
narrowly defined social norms, and stigmatiza- Disability
tion based on exclusionary social norms) as the The field of psychology plays a critical part in
cause of disablement, disability rights activists defining disability and in constructing and
shifted the responsibility and the problem from enforcing social norms. Psychologists become
individuals’ bodies and minds onto social and gatekeepers to what is “normal” through the
political structures, policies, and interpersonal implementation of measurements and standards
stereotypes and prejudices. By shifting disability such as intelligence tests and the DSM. Indeed,
to a political and minority identity, many disabled psychologists’ livelihoods depend on disabled
people developed a sense of pride around their people as well as on these standards and measure-
disabilities, building solidarity based on shared ments and on their treatment.
struggles.

Reassessing of Social Model: Post-social Keywords

Model
In more recent years, there has been reassessment The medical model; The social model; Disability
of the social model. In this post-social model, rights movement; Disability justice movement;
people approach disability as constructed both Ableism; Normalization
by social experiences as well as bodily and
through the mind (Clare, 2001). Thus, scholars
and activists articulate limitation of the social History
model such as inability to accommodate diverse
experiences of disabled people including chronic Despite the diversity of experience within the
illness, pain, or fatigue or psycho-emotional category of disability (e.g., the history of
Disability 441 D
cognitive and learning disabilities as well as the mother’s prenatal behaviors. These
mental/psychiatric disabilities), writings on the psychological studies of disabilities not only
history of psychological studies of disability in pathologized and medicalized the disability (or
North America often start in the 1950s and 1960s certain differences) but also criminalized them
with the emergence of rehabilitation psychology too (e.g., Graubard, 1967). Also this mainstream
(Gill, 2001). This emergence which attends to history of psychological studies of disability
physical disabilities, in particular, is also attrib- often exclusively focuses on physical disabilities
uted to the return of veterans from WW2 (Serlin, and overlooks how cognitive and psychiatric/
2004). Publications by Wright (e.g., 1959) on mental disabilities have been studied and D
rehabilitation psychology, as well as the publica- mistreated by psychologists.
tion of “Stigma” by Goffman in (1963), directed
many psychologists’ attention toward attitudes
toward disabled people as well as how disabled Traditional Debates
people adjusted to their disabilities and to
a disabling society (e.g., value adjustment). The While psychology drew on the medical model to
first official rehabilitation psychology journal define disability, the medical model, in turn,
was published in 1972. Nonetheless, it was not depended on scholarship in psychology to
until the 1980s that disabled psychologists’ work legitimate and maintain itself. This feedback
emerged in mainstream psychology and disabled loop influenced psychological studies and clini-
people’s perspectives started to be integrated. cal practice over disabled people through the
Many special editions on disability were methods discussed so far (i.e., psychologization).
published by psychological journals in the The interdependence of psychology and the
1980s; some had progressive views, while others medical model also resulted in a particular
stayed within the framework of “how to control distribution of expertise within this closed loop,
and manage disabled people.” This increasing undervaluing disabled people’s own knowledge
integration of disabled psychologists can be of their bodies and minds. There are significant
seen as an effect of the larger US disability rights debates, therefore, about how disabled bodies and
movement of the 1970s and 1980s. The slogan minds have been essentialized, how “stigma” has
“nothing about us without us” heralded the emer- been assumed to be internalized, and how
gence of a collective struggle for independence, nondisabled researchers have been considered
de-institutionalization, and de-medicalization, “objective” scientists of the disability experience.
and many disabled people entered various public Within the research process, disabled people’s
spaces. As disabled psychologists, especially experiences are often overgeneralized and
female disabled psychologists (e.g., Asch, essentialized or taken out of the context – as if
Linton, or Rousso), entered the field, studies on disability and disability identity are independent
intersectionality emerged as well (e.g., Fine & of other identities, contexts, or interpersonal
Asch, 1988a). With this influx, we start seeing relationships. Moreover, researchers’ subjectiv-
more psychological studies that integrate princi- ities and the internalized ableism that influences
ples of disability studies and center disabled the theorization of disability experiences are
people’s firsthand experiences and knowledge in often unexamined with the premise that any
the 1990s (Olkin & Pledger, 2003). scientific discipline is objective, neutral, or
Even with these progressive developments apolitical. Frank (1988), for example, articulated
within the field, one of the common threads of how Goffman’s concept of stigma management is
psychological approaches to “difference” is not universal and does not apply to all. Certainly,
a negative valuation of disability that focuses on living during and after the era of the disability
the management, segregation, and cure of the rights movement, the disabled people in
disabled as well as the search for causes that is Frank’s study (1988) expose their disabilities,
often directed to genetic inheritability as well as instead of hiding them as Goffman suggests.
D 442 Disability

The participants also let nondisabled people deal who are perceived as disabled, and the assumption
with their own internalized ableism, instead of of disability as inherently negative. Rather than
engaging in stigma management. Others have giving a flat account of disabled people’s lives as
pointed out that traditional psychological studies full of oppression, the discipline of psychology can
of disability failed to capture the intertwining of strive to be aware and explicit about the complex
disability experience with one’s other identities, power dynamics within society as well as within
experiences, and other social in/justices (e.g., the research relationship. For example, working
how race, gender, class, and/or sexuality influ- with disabled people is certainly not the only way
ence disability diagnosis as well as acquirement) to study ableism in this society. This is beginning
(Erevelles, 2011; Nishida, manuscript). Hahn to take shape as ideas of intersectionality are inte-
(1988) argues that nondisabled researchers’ anx- grated into psychological analysis (Cole, 2009).
ieties toward disability affect their work. Operat- However, intersectionality must not become
ing from researchers’ assumptions about another way to simply frame complex identity
disability experience and based on a small sample and experiences, thus making it important to con-
of people with certain disabilities (e.g., acquired tinue challenging rigid categories and frameworks
physical disabilities), many studies failed to of “multiple oppressions.” Disability brings
acknowledge the diversity within the disability various experiences; privilege and oppression
community, for example, through intersec- operate together as they intersect or create contin-
tionality with other identities and/or different uum of experience.
types of disability. Moreover, approaching from
the medical model, disabled people are depicted
and treated as an agentless patients in the field Practice Relevance
where psychology is practiced. For these reasons,
many disabled people remain skeptical of Needless to say, these psychological practices
psychology’s mode, methods, and material benefited and improved disabled people’s lives
effects (Goodley & Lawthom, 2005). in some ways. It is crucial for disabled people to
practice self-determination as well as indepen-
dent and interdependent living. To do so we
Critical Debates need the help of these professionals. Now, as
psychology works toward the emancipation of
If psychology’s traditional approach toward disabled people from ableism, building alliances
disability is a medicalized model of management and solidarity, it is important to expand our
and expertise over disabled bodies and minds, the notions of psychological contribution beyond
critical debates build from the social model of the realm of treatment. For example, within the
political reclamation. study of care, the burden on the caregiver is most
Olkin and Pledger (2003) summarize this often emphasized without considering how psy-
“new” critical approach as one based on a social chology might contribute to increasing the qual-
model: taking a lifespan approach, valuing ity of care for disabled care recipients as well as
disability history and culture, focusing on fixing their caregivers by understanding care dynamics
ableist policy and social norms, and researching at macro (state) and micro (interpersonal) levels
with disabled people not on them by centering and by considering the increasing privatization of
disabled people’s firsthand experiences. Fine care and corresponding neglect of disabled peo-
and Asch (1988b) developed a minority model of ple and their families. Some might argue that
disability within which disabled people are recog- a cultural dissociation from our bodies and
nized as a socially oppressed minority group. minds, from aging and frailty of health, and
Equally crucial for the field of psychology is the from the high rates of disability allows policy
process of examining internalized ableism – makers to keep insisting that health and care are
discrimination against disabled people or those “individual” responsibilities.
Disability 443 D
Second, as discussed elsewhere, it is important Emancipation of Disabled People and
for those who work in the treatment and Disability Communities
rehabilitation spheres to learn principles of While many are eager to learn what disability
disability studies and integrate the principles of studies and community can teach psychology,
the social model into their work. Pledger (2003), Goodley and Lawthom (2005) shift the conversa-
for example, discusses how rehabilitation psy- tion by asking: how can psychology contribute to
chology can take the social model approach to the emancipation of disabled people? One
work with disabled people. Some of the ways to strategy may involve being an advocate for
integrate the social model approach in this work disabled clients. Another strategy entails self- D
might be to center disabled people’s experiences and community education around disability
and knowledge or to be an advocate and chal- politics, as well as self-examination and reflec-
lenge the ableism in and outside of the field of tion about how we engage in diagnosis or label-
psychology. ing. A third strategy can be to participate in
Third, it is critical to make our psychological disability social movements as allies and com-
conferences and educational curriculums more rades. Fourth, we may utilize liberating method-
accessible to disabled people. The disability ologies, such as participatory action research, to
task force of the APA has worked on this matter, do research with disability communities for their
educating the psychology community on how to emancipation. Also, as disability studies move to
make our curriculum and conferences more reassess the social model, some argue for the
accessible. Indeed, the APA website offers importance of reintroducing the embodied expe-
“Guidelines of Assessment of and Intervention rience of impairment as well as disablement into
with Persons with Disabilities” beyond a social model of disability.
accessibility. How can the discipline of psychology, which
Fourth, while many people often focus exclu- created and enforced rigid concepts of normalcy,
sively on physical disabilities, one needs to be resist these standards and participate in bringing
aware of disability as a diverse category. How, about radical change? How can psychology
for example, can one think about access beyond respond to disabled people’s yearning and need
the structural? What would full participation for communities and community living, for
for people with all disabilities look like? What quality education, for quality jobs, for quality
is “just” consent? How can we create consent relationships, and for safety by drawing on
forms that do not diminish self-determination, psychological knowledge? How can we begin to
but do acknowledge the history of abuse and understand psychology’s participation in the
mis-consent by psychologists toward the disabil- social construction of ableism, and how can
ity community? Do we need to transform the idea psychologists be part of the change? What can
of consent in fundamental ways? discipline contribute to the process of unlearning
internalized ableism? While many critical psy-
chologists have been engaged in activist practices
Future Directions around the anti-pharmaceutical and anti-
overmedicalization movement, we need more
While there are many approaches to psychology, action, self-reflection, and critical engagement.
a common linkage is that we all are given certain
privileges through our identities as psychologists. Solidarity Within and Across Disability
As we begin to approach disability in various Community (Taking Complicated Matter as
ways, it is critical to be flexible and creative as Complicated)
we imagine how to be accountable for our One of the outcomes of the disability rights
privileges. Below are some common future movement was the emergence of solidarity and
hopes that have been articulated by disability community based on shared struggles or similar
communities and disability studies scholars. disabilities. As a result, many people with mental
D 444 Disability

disabilities (including cognitive and psychiatric), professional work. An unresolved question

as well as minority people with disabilities, were remains: who are we excluding and oppressing
marginalized within many disability rights even as we work toward critical social justice?
movements (Goodley, 2001). Because these
movements were often represented by
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Segregation) with the disability alliance (1976). coping, resilience, and recovery, researching
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fundamental-principles.pdf. ing, and providing a range of individual
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material, and spiritual dimensions.
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resources/assessment-disabilities.aspx Definition
Fritsch, K. (2009). Interview: Resisting easy answers:
Intersectional politics and multi issues organizing,
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Goodley, D. (2011). Disability studies: An interdisciplin- conflicts that are catastrophic for a given group or
ary introduction. London: Sage. groups due to loss of life and cultural capital (e.g.,
Oskamp, S. (Ed.). (1988). Journal of Social Issues, 44(1).
valued community objects and resources),
widespread damage and mass casualties that are
intentional (e.g., the consequences of terrorist
actions) or accidental (e.g., failure of a nuclear
Disasters, Overview power plant or other technology), and loss of life
as well as social and material damage that is
Gavin Sullivan attributed largely to unexpected or overwhelming
School of Social, Psychological and environmental causes (e.g., tsunami, earthquake).
Communication Sciences, Leeds Metropolitan Disasters often focus people’s attention on real
University, Leeds, UK events that have a slow onset (e.g., droughts) or
occur rapidly and give rise to anxiety, shock, and
disbelief in many members of a community, and,
Introduction as such, disaster preparation is clearly distin-
guishable from fears and fantasies about
Disasters are man-made and natural events apocalyptic scenarios (e.g., about the end of the
(e.g., nuclear accidents, typhoons, tsunamis, world, human “extinction events”). Disasters are
D 446 Disasters, Overview

often described as having specific phases of While the normalization of features of PTSD
preparation and preparedness, response, and (such as flashbacks, avoidance of similar situa-
recovery. A variation on this model is tions, anxious feelings) that may not go on to
a depiction of disasters phases that change over manifest the full PTSD syndrome appears to be
time (x-axis) according to emotional highs and useful for people without any previous experience
low (y-axis): pre-disaster, impact, heroic, honey- of situations that overwhelm their usual coping
moon, disillusionment, reconstruction, and abilities, the development of psychosocial
recovery phases (Zunin & Meyers, 2000). support has now replaced the potential harm of
early PTSD prevention interventions through
debriefing. Accordingly, the Inter-Agency
Keywords Standing Committee (2007) published guidelines
for psychological support and mental health ser-
Disaster; catastrophes; accidents; natural vices in disaster and emergency situations that
disasters; international aid; psychosocial support; emphasized community-centered practices.
risk management; risk theory; coping; suffering; While stress and ongoing difficulties with
trauma; post-traumatic stress disorder; disaster coping are acknowledged – including issues such
phases as grief and loss of sense of place (Prewitt Diaz,
2008), adjusting to injuries, and other ways in
which ways in a disaster affect existing
Traditional Debates health and mental health vulnerabilities – the
work of psychologists and other agents in disaster
For psychologists who seek to understand and act contexts is also built upon concepts derived from
in disaster situations, a consistent focus has been positive psychology. For example, notions such as
on the prevention of trauma through the provision resilience and post-traumatic growth are now
of a range of individual and community interven- being used to understand how some individuals
tions (Hobfall, Walter, & Horsey, 2008). and communities cope better with the demands of
The increasing popularity and widespread use of disasters than others. Although developed coun-
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) for tries appear to be well resourced and less vulner-
mental illnesses and disorders by psychiatrists, able to disasters than developing countries, such
clinical psychologists, psychotherapists, and generalizations do not always hold. Bankoff
counselors has extended from concepts and prac- (2007), for example, has noted how vulnerability
tices developed in response to “shell shock” in to several forms of natural disaster in the
war veterans to cultures and communities in Philippines has led to the development of
which the reliable and valid identification of this a culture of disaster. In practice, this means that
particular form of anxiety-related suffering is not communities appear to be better prepared than
emphasized. In western countries, the identifica- nations such as the United States to cope with
tion of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) the material aspects of disaster (e.g., through
was combined with the emergence of the practice housing designs) as well as the social and
of critical incident stress debriefing (CISD). In economic effects of dealing with large numbers
early versions of CISD, individual or group of mutual assistance organizations because of
sessions were used post-disaster in the belief their existing community-based social networks.
(now discredited) that the likelihood of individuals Campbell (2004) gives a general description of
(or groups) developing PTSD could be diminished types of bonding “within group” social capital
by encouraging a form of controlled reliving of and bridging “between group” social capital
the experience with an appropriately credentialed which creates links across diverse social groups.
counselor or critical incident stress debriefer In the case of disasters such as earthquakes,
(Rose, Bisson, Churchill, & Wessely, 2002). there are aspects of social capital that might also
Disasters, Overview 447 D
be called emotional capital. These can include them are “exacerbated by political, economic
forms of trust and reciprocity that are strength- and social forces” (p. 27).
ened by giving and receiving aid on equal terms, As noted above, a variety of descriptive
pride in existing social practices to respond to schemes are used to highlight expected reactions
the emergency situation, and experiences of to disasters. An important feature of critical work
successful activity which “enables people to on responses to disasters, whether this is internal
simultaneously change themselves, their local to a society or is combined with external help, is
communities, and the wider societies in which to understand the context and meanings of all
they live” (p. 213). At a community level, trust types of responses. For example, even though D
and agency may be undermined, for example, by initial priorities appear to be about distribution
needing to accept aid as a type of development of material aid in the form of immediate medical
“gift” (Stirrat & Henkel, 1997). assistance and food as well as access to appropri-
ate technology to effect rescue efforts, the initial
phase of a disaster still occurs in a cultural con-
Critical Debates text. In sociological and psychological accounts,
making sense of a disaster occurs through
Contemporary definitions and conceptualizations a variety of means. For example, use of local
of disasters are a matter of central critical con- knowledge is often described as a way in which
cern. Oliver-Smith (1999) notes: “Like few other communities in such different locations as
phenomena the internal complexity of disasters Christchurch (New Zealand), New Orleans
forces us to confront the many and shifting (United States), or Yogyakarta (Indonesia)
faces of socially constructed reality(ies). The respond to disasters. There are similarities that
complexity is embodied in the multiplicity of can be described in very general terms. For exam-
perspectives as varied as the individual and ple, although Oliver-Smith (2001) notes that the
groups impacted or participating in the event “reconstruction phase is the longest, most expen-
and process” (p. 21). The meanings of disaster sive, most complex and politically volatile of the
are contested depending on the perspective or disaster” (p. 112), it should not be assumed that
discipline used to designate, make sense of, or the unfolding of a disaster in phases is a universal
explain a given instance. Oliver-Smith points out process. In situations in which external aid comes
that disasters are “nonroutine” although even from a country with different cultural assump-
if the disaster event is not predictable, it is impor- tions and practices, it is important that a critical
tant to be aware that “the forms and structures of awareness is fostered because there are widely
ordinary life, particularly those associated varying practices in relation to death and grief,
with the disadvantages suffered by third-world ways of working with government and commu-
societies, accentuate the risk and the resulting nity groups, and differences in how to observe
disaster impact” (p. 23). A further critical issue anniversaries of disasters. Without an appropriate
is what Oliver-Smith describes as the “location critical cultural psychology of disaster, it is pos-
problem,” that is, the limitations of thinking that sible that external aid and psychological inter-
natural disasters originate in an uncontrollable ventions may further reduce the variety of
natural environment. On this view, the reality of resources that seek to conserve in order to cope
hazards and risks takes precedence over vulnera- effectively (Hobfall et al., 2008).
bilities that are material and social. The alterna- The types of advice and interventions that
tive perspective is to think that disasters “are as psychologists are likely to be involved in,
deeply embedded in the social structure and cul- and which they might theorize about and
ture of a society as they are in an environment” research, include psychosocial support and
(p. 25). Thus, hazards are not necessarily located psychoeducation (Hobfall et al., 2008). Both of
only in the environment, and vulnerabilities to these approaches use notions of partnership and
D 448 Disasters, Overview

negotiation to tailor information to complement References

the forms of meaning-making that are demon-
strated in cognitive, narrative, and ritual practice Bankoff, G. (2007). The dangers of going it alone: Social
capital and the origins of community resilience in the
forms in disaster contexts. This often includes
Philippines. Continuity and Change, 22, 1–29.
recommendations and guidelines to incorporate Campbell, C. (2004). Health psychology and community
local knowledge, beliefs, and ideologies (e.g., action. In M. Murray (Ed.), Critical health psychology
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Frosh, S., & Young, L. S. (2008). Psychoanalytic
ate community responses that often have
approaches to qualitative psychology. In C. Willig &
complex, ambivalent relationships to external W. Stainton-Rogers (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of
help). Such partnerships and dialogue may be Qualitative Research in Psychology (pp. 109–126).
difficult to deliver due to inequities of education, London, England: Sage.
Hobfall, S. E., Walter, K. H., & Horsey, K. J. (2008).
knowledge, resources, expertise, and social
Commentary on “Does psychoeducation help prevent
capital between external or local actors and post traumatic psychological distress?” Dose and fit
affected communities. With regard to research are vital to intervention success. Psychiatry, 71,
on these matters, qualitative research that exam- 308–318.
Inter-Agency Standing Committee. (2007). IASC guide-
ines individual, family and community-level
lines on mental health and psychosocial support in
forms of suffering and healing after disasters emergency settings. Geneva, Switzerland: Author.
(rather than trauma and recovery; Priya, 2002, Oliver-Smith, A. (1999). “What is a disaster?” Anthropo-
2012) and psychosocial methods (Frosh & logical perspectives on a persistent question. In A.
Oliver-Smith & S. Hoffman (Eds.), The angry earth:
Young, 2008) may be particularly appropriate
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emerge in post-disaster situations as a result of Oliver-Smith, A. (2001). Anthropology in disaster
changes in identity, roles (e.g., women adopting research and management. NAPA Bulletin, 20, 111–
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Prewitt Diaz, J. O. (2008). Integrating psychosocial pro-
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casualties (i.e., grief and loss), perceptions of ters. American Psychologist, 63, 820–827.
vulnerabilities (e.g., leading to panic about fur- Priya, K. R. (2002). Suffering and healing among the
survivors of Bhuj earthquake. Psychological Studies,
ther disasters such as tsunamis or eruptions after
47, 106–112.
earthquakes), and widespread changes to the Priya, K. R. (2012). Trauma reactions, suffering, and
political and economic context (e.g., feelings of healing among riot-affected internally displaced chil-
anger and injustice, feelings of apathy while dren of Gujarat, India: A qualitative inquiry. Qualita-
tive Research in Psychology, 9, 189–209.
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Rose S. C., Bisson, J., Churchill, R., & Wessely, S. (2002).
ically informed qualitative and ethnographic Psychological debriefing for preventing post traumatic
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doi:10.1002/14651858.CD000560.
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Stirrat, R. L., & Henkel, H. (1997). The development gift:
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Prawitasari-Hadiyono, Sullivan, Schwarz and
Schwarz, S., & von Vacano, M. (in press).
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Zunin, L. M., & Myers, D. (2000). Training manual
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Discourse Analysis 449 D
and hearer, writer and audience, or the parties to
Discourse Analysis a conversation or other interaction, and because it
is necessarily governed and shaped by shared
Stephanie Taylor language, conventions, and expectations.
Department of Psychology, The Open A second, somewhat different, definition is
University, Milton Keynes, UK that a discourse refers to an aggregate of mean-
ings and conventions, such as the established
language and ideas for talking about a topic or
Introduction problem like illness. Because language and D
knowledge are inevitably broad ranging, such
The term “discourse analysis” is mostly associ- discourses are discussed in the plural (e.g., cancer
ated with developments in social psychology in discourses, discourses of ill health). An analysis
the late twentieth century (e.g., Potter & following this definition is likely to look across
Wetherell, 1987). It gave rise to the area or sources for evidence of the discourse and its
subdiscipline now described as discursive practical implications. Discourses are assumed
psychology (see entry), but the original term is to govern and constrain what can be said and
still widely used to refer to a research method. written or otherwise communicated, and hence
Discourse analysis is relevant to critical psychol- understood, in a continuum from language
ogists for its association with two significant use (discourse in the first definition) to society,
challenges. The first is methodological and linked to formal and informal institutions. Other
concerns, broadly, the status of talk data as evi- forms of data may be incorporated in the analysis
dence. The second is ontological and concerns as evidence of the continuum.
the nature and site of phenomena which were It is worth noting a common misinterpretation
conventionally considered internal to the person, of discourse analysis as being “just about words,”
including attitudes, emotions, memories, and ignoring other meaningful practices and/or
identities. Together and separately, these put in nonlinguistic features of the world, such as
question many of psychology’s established bodies. A discourse analyst focuses on language
premises and claims. use either as a particular, socially important, and
meaningful practice worthy of study in its own
right or because language, as already noted, is
Definition part of a continuum of meanings which make up
a social context and also a means of accessing
The simplest definition of discourse is as some them. The misinterpretation perhaps follows
form of language use, such as talk or writing. The from another feature of discourse analysis, that
analysis of discourse may initially be technical, is, the shift of focus away from the language user
involving close examination of details, for or person. Talk or writing is not explained in
example, of word use, grammar, or other features, terms of the thoughts, intentions, experience, or
like pauses or overlaps in people’s talk, possibly personality of an individual. This point is
drawing on sociolinguistics and conversation discussed in more detail below.
analysis. Alternatively, discourse analysis may
follow a more hermeneutic tradition like that
associated with literature studies, involving the Keywords
exploration of images and word associations.
In either case, the discourse is of interest as Discourse; context; subject position; language;
a practice which is social, because it involves practice; discursive work; resource; dilemma;
more than one person, for example, as speaker rhetoric; transcription
D 450 Discourse Analysis

Traditional Debates including within interactions, especially conver-

sations. Discourse analysis is therefore largely an
Discourse analysis is a relatively unusual interpretive approach and its findings are
approach within psychology in that it privileges presented as situationally specific rather than
the social and rejects conceptualizations of the universal. However, psychologists in the conver-
individual as an agentic actor. It is associated sation analytic tradition claim a technical
with theorizations of society and social contexts approach in which a participant’s situated
as preexisting and shaping the lives and actions of response can provide confirmation of an analyst’s
the people within them. Although such a context observation, thereby reestablishing findings as
is assumed to be contoured by power, it is facts rather than interpretations.
envisaged as neither hierarchical nor static; its
nature is emergent, given by the ongoing flows
of historical and cultural change and social Critical Debates
interaction. The influence of context is therefore
never wholly predictable or reducible to the dis- A key tenet of discourse analysis is that talk data
crete factors which are explored in the conven- (since recorded and transcribed talk is probably
tional cause-effect models of nomothetic its most common form of language data) is
scientific research. Discourse analysts explore considered as talk and not as evidence of some-
situated phenomena and meanings rather than thing else, such as what it purports to be about
making the universal claims associated with (e.g., what it reports or describes) or of the
science, and most would challenge the status of thoughts or intentions or emotions of the speaker.
scientific findings as truth. This apparently simple point involves several
Discourse analysis was originally associated significant challenges to established psychology
with a minimally conceptualized person, theory and practice.
reduced, for example, to the “subject position” First, discourse analysis challenges a model of
given by a social context. Although some of the the person which is widespread in psychology,
major theoretical sources for discourse analysis that of a universal agentic “container” individual,
(notably, the work of Michel Foucault) are linked explainable in terms of internal processes and
to determinism, psychologists who adopt discur- events which are the source of her or his talk
sive approaches have tended to sidestep the issue and other actions. Talk is analyzed in terms of
of agency, for instance, by declaring themselves its functions in context and its social sources, but
“agnostic” about the kind of awareness and not as evidence of personality or psyche or any
intentional activity discussed by cognitive other entity “internal” to the individual speaker.
psychologists (and others), or else by theorizing (Perhaps unsurprisingly, subsequent work
a social subject who, though produced by the informed by discourse analysis has to some
social situation in which she or he is located, is extent reinstated the individual, for example, in
also to some extent active and reflective. One terms of “personal order,” Wetherell, 2003;
strand of work in discursive psychology (see “local resources,” Taylor, 2011; or with reference
entry) has developed more complex theorizations to psychodynamic processes and investment,
of such a subject. Hollway & Jefferson, 2000).
Methodologically, discourse analysis is firmly A second challenge is that discourse analysis
associated with qualitative, not quantitative, shifts the source of a social problem, like preju-
approaches. Social contexts and social life are dice (see entry) or racism, from the pathological
discussed and analyzed in terms of situated mean- individual to society as a whole or to a particular
ings, including the accrued associations which context within it. Racist talk is analyzed not as the
are attached to roles and even objects, and the intentional expression of one speaker’s wrong
practices through which such meanings are ideas but as an exemplification of a society’s
established, co-constructed, and contested, everyday practices, such as accepted ways of
Discrimination 451 D
talking about and representing others (the first Hollway, W., & Jefferson, T. (2000). Doing qualitative
definition of discourse above), and of the histor- research differently: Free association, narrative and
the interview method. London: Sage.
ically based understandings, versions of history, Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social
and rationalizations (the second meaning of dis- psychology: Beyond attitudes and behaviour. London:
course above) which shape such practices. Other Sage.
phenomena are similarly studied as features of Schegloff, E. (1997). Whose text? Whose context?
Discourse & Society, 8, 165–87.
a wider social context constituted by established Taylor, S. (2011). Negotiating oppositions and uncer-
practices or commonsense knowledge. A speaker tainties: Gendered conflicts in creative identity work.
is of interest as a means of access to these features Feminism & Psychology, 21, 354–371. D
rather than as a biographically and psychologi- Wetherell, M. (1998). Positioning and interpretative
repertoires: Conversation analysis and post-
cally unique individual. structuralism in dialogue. Discourse & Society, 9,
A third challenge presented by discourse 387–412.
analysis concerns the status of researcher. Pro- Wetherell, M. (2001). Debates in discourse research. In
ponents of a technical analysis (e.g., Schegloff, M. Wetherell, S. Taylor, & S. Yates (Eds.), Discourse
theory and practice: A reader. London: Sage.
1997) would claim the conventional position Wetherell, M. (2003). Paranoia, ambivalence and discur-
of the researcher as a detached observer, sive practices: Concepts of position and positioning in
noting participants’ own interpretations of other psychoanalysis and discursive psychology. In R. Harré
people’s discursive actions. However, even in & F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and others:
Positioning individuals and groups in personal, polit-
this limited role, the researcher will inevitably ical and cultural contexts (pp. 99–120). Westport, CT:
be drawing on knowledge acquired as a member Praegar.
of the social context under study, if only to Wetherell, M., & Potter, J. (1992). Mapping the language
the extent of recognizing its language and of racism. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
everyday practices. Discourse analysts closer to
a Foucauldian or social constructionist tradition Online Resources
Discourse analysis: A bibliographic guide. http://
regard the researcher as an insider and reflexive discourseanalysis.bokee.com/inc/2005012023155556
interpreter, acknowledging her or his own posi- 3641.pdf
tion within the context under study (Wetherell, What is discourse analysis? http://www.restore.ac.uk/
1998; Wetherell, 2001). lboro/resources/links/da.php
For critical psychologists, discourse analysis
is important for its emphasis on social context,
and its explorations of how the workings of
power are implicated with social processes, Discrimination
practices, and knowledges (Edley, 2001).
It avoids reductive explanations in terms of path- Heather E. Bullock1 and Bernice Lott2
1
ological individuals and admits of change and Department of Psychology, University of
variation across sociohistoric circumstances. California – Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, CA, USA
2
This has been particularly relevant to the study University of Rhode Island, Kingston, RI, USA
of persistent inequalities and the subtle and
changing language use which may reinforce
them (e.g., Wetherell & Potter, 1992). Introduction

Many of the greatest societal blights – war,

genocide, poverty, social inequality, and oppres-
References sion – are rooted in discrimination. Social science
research investigates a broad range of questions
Edley, N. (2001). Analysing masculinity: Interpretative
repertoires, subject positions and ideological
related to discrimination: How are stereotypes
dilemmas. In M. Wetherell, S. Taylor, & S. Yates and other legitimizing beliefs related to discrim-
(Eds.), Discourse as data. London: Sage. inatory behaviors? How pervasive is ageism,
D 452 Discrimination

heterosexism, racism, classism, and other forms insults to avoidance and exclusion to physical
of discrimination? How can discrimination be attacks and violence. It can be covert (subtle) or
reduced? How do individual and contextual overt (obvious). Discrimination takes place in
factors interact to increase or decrease the a wide range of social settings – at both the
likelihood of discriminatory treatment? What institutional and interpersonal levels. Institu-
are the personal and societal consequences of tional discrimination refers to the normative
discrimination? Answers to these questions have exclusion of low-status groups from mainstream
important implications for improving intergroup institutions (e.g., education, government, politics,
relations, reducing bias, and alleviating health care, workplace, legal), whereas interper-
inequality. sonal discrimination describes actual or symbolic
face-to-face interactions and behaviors that dero-
gate, avoid, or exclude (Lott, 2010; Lott &
Definition Maluso, 1995). Institutional discrimination can
be illustrated in the USA by federal or state poli-
Discrimination, the behavioral component of cies that restrict marginalized groups from voting
prejudice, refers to unjust or unfair treatment (e.g., people convicted of felony crimes) or impose
based on group membership (e.g., race, ethnicity, economic or other barriers to voting (e.g., requir-
class, gender, (dis)ability, sexual orientation, ing new forms of identification) and that make it
physical appearance). Discriminatory behaviors difficult or impossible to receive public assistance
are acts of exclusion, distancing, and degrada- (e.g., immigrants). Interpersonal discrimination
tion. They can occur independently or in conjunc- has received less empirical attention than institu-
tion with prejudicial attitudes (negative feelings tional discrimination but is equally devastating
toward a particular group) and stereotypes (Lott & Maluso, 1995), with the internet and
(widely held, socially sanctioned and reinforced social networks providing new opportunities to
beliefs about group members). Discrimination, bully and harass.
along with prejudicial attitudes and beliefs, create
and maintain social, economic, and political
inequities.
Keywords
Although the concept of “reverse discrimina-
tion” (i.e., the mistreatment of higher status
Discrimination; prejudice; inequality; racism;
groups by less powerful groups) has grown in
sexism; classism; heterosexism; ableism; ageism
popularity, the term discrimination is typically
reserved for the unfair negative treatment of
low-status groups. A long list of “isms” – racism,
ethnocentrism, sexism, ableism, classism, History
heterosexism, and lookism – describes discrimi-
nation against specific low-power target groups Throughout psychology’s history, discrimination
(e.g., people of color, women, the poor, and has been a focal area of interest, occupying
working class) by those with greater power a central place in studies of intergroup relations
(e.g., whites, men, elites). Traditionally, the prev- (Allport, 1954). In the face of continued bias and
alence and effects of racism, sexism, and other conflict, historical analyses trace conceptual
forms of discrimination were examined indepen- and methodological innovations in studying
dently, but researchers are increasingly focusing discrimination and psychologists’ ongoing
on the intersections of different forms of discrim- attempts to get at the roots, antecedents, and
ination with each other (Choo & Ferree, 2010). bases of bias. Readers are referred to comprehen-
Discrimination occurs along a continuum of sive reviews by Yzerbyt and Demoulin (2010)
severity ranging from verbal put-downs and and Dovidio and Gaertner (2010).
Discrimination 453 D
Traditional Debates research and other self-report measures may
underestimate the prevalence of discrimination.
Mainstream psychologists have used a wide To combat this problem, indirect techniques such
range of methodologies and measures to study as priming and response time are used to assess
discrimination, with disagreement about the implicit prejudice and discrimination. These
“best” measurement techniques. Mainstream techniques seek to minimize the ability to give
social psychological research is largely labora- socially desirable responses by examining
tory based with common measures including associations between positively and negatively
verbal hostility (e.g., negative evaluation of charged words with racial stimuli, for example. D
work, pejorative feedback), tone of voice, non- In priming studies, participants are shown
verbal indicators (e.g., coding of overt facial racially loaded words or images too quickly for
expressions, seating distance), avoidance (e.g., conscious recognition and then asked to make
selecting not to work with an out-group member), a judgment (Quillian, 2006). Racially primed
and aggression against out-group members (e.g., participants have been found to make more racist
delivery of aversive noise, low levels of shock, or judgments than those not exposed to racial primes
exposure to other unpleasant stimuli; Blank, (Quillian, 2006). Response time methods assess
Dabady, & Citro, 2004). In Lott’s (1987) labora- the speed at which words and images are
tory study of interpersonal sexism, men distanced categorized or paired (e.g. Black and lazy);
themselves from women partners by turning their quicker response times are treated as indicative
faces or bodies away, making negative of prejudice (visit https://implicit.harvard.edu/
comments, disregarding advice, and moving implicit/backgroundinformation.html to review
objects closer to themselves. Distancing by men the Implicit Association Test). Implicit tech-
from women was also observed in a sample of niques are widely used, but questions remain
primetime TV shows (Lott, 1989). Audit studies about what is actually being measured. Critics
of discrimination are more common in the socio- contend that these measures fail to capture nega-
logical than psychological literature. These field- tive affect and instead merely assess stereotype
based quasi-experiments typically compare how recognition (see Arkes & Tetlock, 2004).
matched testers/confederates fare in the job or A controversy surrounds the distinction drawn
housing market (for an in-depth discussion, see between “old-fashioned” and “new” racism.
Blank et al., 2004; Quillian, 2006). Testers vary “Old-fashioned” racism refers to discrimination
only in terms of core characteristics of interest that is direct, overt, and blatant, whereas “new
(e.g., race, gender), with differential treatment racism” is conceptualized as indirect, covert,
(e.g., being passed over for a job, denial of subtle, and symbolic (Leach, 2005; Nier &
a rental application) indicative of discrimination. Gaertner, 2012). Proponents of this distinction
Researchers also analyze national data to assess believe “there was a marked change in the formal
the prevalence of discrimination. For example, expression of racism after the 1970s, when de
wage inequities can be documented by statisti- jure equality was achieved in most societies. It
cally holding variables such as educational is argued that the formal expression of racism had
attainment and years in the workforce constant to change to jive with the new reality of de jure
to draw inferences about the relationship of gen- equality” (Leach, 2005, p. 433). Declining public
der and race to earnings (Quillian, 2006). support for overtly racist beliefs (e.g., genetic
Additionally, numerous self-report scales have inferiority of people of color) and policies (e.g.,
been constructed to assess support for racist and segregation) is cited as evidence of the demise of
sexist beliefs, practices, and policies, as well as “old-fashioned” racism, whereas covert deroga-
experiences of discriminatory treatment. tory slurs about cultural difference and opposi-
Contemporary social norms discourage open tion to policies that promote equality may be
disclosure of bias and, as a consequence, survey indicative of “new” racism (Leach, 2005;
D 454 Discrimination

Quillian, 2006). Critics of “new racism” question exclusively on the targets of discrimination
whether, in fact, there is really anything “new” obscures these material and other benefits, and
about it. Leach argues that the denial of societal in doing so, researchers may inadvertently per-
discrimination, often identified as an important petuate the inequalities they seek to expose. By
aspect of “new racism,” was common in demo- ignoring the ways in which high-status groups
cratic societies long before de jure equality. benefit from discriminating against low-status
Leach (2005) also contends that “old-fashioned” minorities, how they maintain and increase their
racism was not particularly popular before de jure power by denying or restricting others from
racial equality and that formal expressions access to resources, mainstream social science
of racial inferiority are not so different today ignores vital economic and political contexts
than during the first half of the twentieth century. and consequences.
He warns that “the notion of a ‘new racism’ Critical psychologists believe that discrimina-
serves to obscure the important historical conti- tion and inequality are interconnected and apply
nuities in formal expressions of racism. . . .[and] radical theories of inequality to understanding the
may actually work to prevent a much needed functions that discrimination serves. This moves
critical social psychological conceptualization a focus on individual behaviors to broader socio-
of racism” (Leach, 2005, p. 434). Similarly, logical analyses of power, intergroup relations,
researchers have recently introduced the concept institutions, and the distribution of resources.
of “benevolent sexism” (e.g., Glick & Fiske, Critical psychology also maintains that research
1997). In contrast to hostile or negative findings must be used to drive institutional
sexism, the new term refers to attitudes, beliefs, change, and psychologists must be willing to
and behavior relevant to women that are play an active role in fighting for social and
interpreted as positive and beneficial (e.g., ideal- economic justice. There is ample evidence of
izing women as morally superior, pure, as need- discrimination’s detrimental consequences for
ing protection). This insidious type of sexism human welfare, and lack of action is more
may well reinforce patriarchy and women’s a matter of political will than lack of powerful
subordinate status. evidence. For example, the deadly consequences
of discrimination on low-income groups and peo-
ple of color are well documented by health dis-
Critical Debates parities research (e.g., Smedley, Stith, & Nelson,
2003). Negative effects of discrimination can be
Critical scholars question how discrimination is relatively immediate as with spikes in blood pres-
conceptualized and operationalized in main- sure or can accumulate across the lifespan, con-
stream psychological research, particularly in tributing to the development of chronic health
experimental and laboratory studies. Laboratory problems (Smedley et al., 2003). Multiple
investigations of discrimination frequently sources of discrimination contribute to health
employ a minimal group paradigm in which par- disparities including stereotyping and distancing
ticipants are assigned to arbitrary groups (e.g., by health-care providers (e.g., lack of eye con-
shirt color) to compete for valued resources. tact, “talking down” to patients), cultural and
Collectively, these studies document how easily linguistic barriers (e.g., lack of translation ser-
intergroup hostility and discrimination can be vices), lack of affordable health care, and finan-
elicited, but in stripping these interactions of cial incentives to limit services (Smedley et al.,
real world power dynamics and history, the 2003). Smedley and his colleagues (2003) have
benefits that dominant groups accrue from proposed a comprehensive set of policy and prac-
discriminatory practices and institutions are min- tice recommendations to reduce health dispar-
imized. Critical scholars call for contextualized ities. Advancing these and other structural
analyses that focus on how discrimination serves changes will require sustained research and advo-
the interests of dominant groups. Focusing cacy efforts.
Discrimination 455 D
Critical and feminist scholars also call for customs (Pettigrew et al., 2011). A meta-analysis
greater attention to the intersections of racism, by Pettigrew and his colleagues (2011) of 515
sexism, classism, and other forms of discrimina- studies found that these conditions facilitated
tion (Choo & Ferree, 2010). Individuals have prejudice reduction but, even in their absence,
multiple social identities (e.g., gender, social intergroup contact reduced prejudice albeit to
class, age) and occupy multiple social locations. a lesser extent. The positive effects of intergroup
Discrimination is typically treated as a unitary contact have been used to advocate for school
phenomenon, focusing exclusively, for example, desegregation and affirmative action.
on racism or sexism and, more recently, additive Researchers and practitioners are not immune D
approaches focus on so-called multiple jeopardy to bias. Low-income clients may be stereotyped
of multiple marginalized identities. Critical as too overwhelmed or culturally “different” to
scholars advocate against reductionist and addi- benefit from therapy; some clinicians may refuse
tive approaches, calling instead for intersectional to work with low-income communities, and US
conceptualizations of group memberships and educators often view low-income parents as
discriminatory treatment. The necessary research uncaring and incompetent (Smith, 2005).
agenda to investigate intersectionality is complex Biases related to gender, race, social class, age,
and will require far more attention to whole- physical disability, and sexual orientation have
person variables (Lott, 2010; Shields, 2008). been found to influence psychiatric diagnoses
(Caplan & Cosgrove, 2004). Multicultural train-
ing seeks to raise awareness of power and status
International Relevance in therapeutic relationships and increase sensitiv-
ity to diverse life experiences and the effects of
Most of the discussion here has focused on discrimination.
research in the United States and North America,
but discrimination is a worldwide phenomenon,
taking many varied forms, and it has been inves- Future Directions
tigated and amply documented worldwide (e.g.,
Badgett & Frank, 2007; Landis & Albert, 2012). Much remains to be known about the effects of
Studies of colonialism, wars, and within-nation discrimination and factors that may influence its
rivalries that include political exclusion, segrega- reduction. Laboratory research dominates the
tion, oppression, and murder inevitably reveal psychological literature, in part, due to conve-
roots in prejudice, stereotypes, and institutional nience and the relative ease with which greater
discrimination. control can be achieved. Field experiments,
although labor intensive, provide much needed
insight into discrimination in real world contexts
Practice Relevance and the outcome of competition among multiple
marginalized groups for scarce resources. In
A large body of social psychological literature a field study by Pager, Western, and Bonkiowski
examines strategies for reducing prejudice and (2009), a team of White, Latino, and Black men
discrimination, with theories of intergroup con- were matched on a set of personal characteristics
tact receiving the most attention (Pettigrew, (e.g., physical attractiveness, accent) and trained
Tropp, Wagner, & Christ, 2011). According to to apply for entry-level positions. The men
this theory, carefully constructed intergroup con- presented equivalent resumes (e.g., education,
tact can reduce prejudice and conflict if certain experience) and were similar in terms of back-
conditions are met. Optimal conditions for con- ground except for prison time served for a drug
tact include equal status between the groups, felony conviction. Compared to equally qualified
a common intergroup goal, a context that sup- whites, Black applicants were half as likely to be
ports cooperation, and supportive laws or called back or offered a job, and Black and Latino
D 456 Discrimination

applicants with “clear” backgrounds fared no Badgett, M. V. L., & Frank, J. (2007). Sexual orientation
better than a White applicant just released from discrimination: An international perspective. New
York, NY: Routledge.
prison. Pager and her colleagues (2010) conclude Blank, R. M., Dabady, M., & Citro, C. F. (Eds.) (2004).
that these findings are indicative of a “racial Measuring racial discrimination: Panel on methods
hierarchy among young men favoring whites, for assessing discrimination. Washington, DC:
then Latinos, and finally blacks as the candidates National Academies Press.
Caplan, P. J., & Cosgrove, L. (Eds.). (2004). Bias in
of last resort” (p. 793). Gaining further insight psychiatric diagnosis. Northvale, NJ: Jason Aronson.
into how interpersonal and institutional discrim- Choo, H. Y., & Ferree, M. M. (2010). Practicing intersec-
ination create and maintain race, gender, and tionality in sociological research: A critical analysis of
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MA: Addison-Wesley. spective. Sex Roles, 59, 301–311.
Arkes, H. R., & Tetlock, P. E. (2004). Attributions of Smedley, B. D., Stith, A. Y., & Nelson, A. R. (Eds.).
implicit prejudice, or “Would Jesse Jackson ‘fail’ the (2003). Unequal treatment: Confronting racial and
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Smith, L. (2005). Psychotherapy, classism, and the poor: Harré & Gillett, 1996; Potter & Wetherell,
Conspicuous by their absence. American Psychologist, 1987) and critical psychology (Holzkamp, 1972;
60, 687–696.
Yzerbyt, V., & Demoulin, S. (2010). Intergroup relations. Teo 1998, 2009) have embraced the ideas of
In S. T. Fiske, D. T. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), various authors, even though they belonged
Handbook of social psychology (5th ed., Vol. 2, to fields outside of psychology – from the
pp. 1024–1083). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. philosopher Wittgenstein’s ostensive definition
of ordinary language to Foucault’s theories on
Online Resources “discourse” as a process with its own material
Applied Research Center: Racial Justice through Media,
reality which simultaneously allows and condi- D
Research and Leadership Development. http://www.
arc.org tions interaction – knowledge of the “psyche,” or
Class Action. http://www.classism.org/ in general that of any psychological construct,
Understanding Prejudice. http://www.understanding- abandons subjectivity to conceptualize interac-
prejudice.org/readroom/
Teaching Tolerance: A Project of the Southern Poverty Law tion as the construct of a symbolic process
Center. http://www.tolerance.org/magazine/archives which is language based and not within the indi-
Project Implicit. https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/ vidual but found in the space of symbolic inter-
backgroundinformation.html action between speakers. This is known as the
dialogical (or discursive) process (Turchi, 2009).

Discursive Configuration Definition

Gian Piero Turchi, Romanelli Michele, Federico “Discursive configuration” is defined as the par-
Bonazza and Anna Girardi ticular valency that elements of ordinary lan-
Department of Applied Psychology, University guage (the symbolic units) manifest when
of Padua, Padua, Italy generating a discursive space configured by the
interactions between the different and therefore
distinguishable constructions of the sense of
reality.
Introduction In order to grasp the significance of the
definition, we must consider how discursive
The concept of “discursive configuration” space is a theoretical space generated in the use
(Turchi, 2002; Turchi & Della Torre, 2007) is of ordinary language, composed of a set of
based on the assumption that which is defined symbolic units – signs (written, verbal, gestural,
by interagents as “reality” is generated dialogi- and graphic) to which a symbolic value is con-
cally in the use of ordinary language as an instru- ventionally assigned – along with a set of rules of
ment which creates reality rather than a vehicle of application to govern their use. The particular
communication of the same. Within psychology, feature of ordinary language (as opposed to
this concept developed in line with theories what are known as formal languages – e.g.,
developed from the twentieth century onwards those coined by disciplines such as mathematics,
(including: Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Bruner, physics, and chemistry) is the fact that its utiliza-
1997; Mead, 1934; Salvini, 1988, 1998; Salvini tion continually generates a different value for
& Galieni, 2002), which focus on the symbolic the symbolic units (the ostensive definition of
exchange that takes shape in the interaction language – Wittgenstein, 1953; this ostensive
between speakers through the use of language, definition has been formalized in use rules – see
which is understood as the process of definition of Discursive Repertory). Therefore,
constructing the meaning of social action. In the the interaction of the different use rules which
same way as the schools of discursive psychology characterize ordinary language permits
(Billig, 1996; De Grada & Bonaiuto, 2002; a continuous generation of “new discursive
D 458 Discursive Configuration

configurations” (i.e., constructions of sense of relevance of their pragmatic implications. In

reality – see Definition). fact, according to their theories, people act in
Given the tendency for each discursive relation to “things” (physical objects, human
repertory to keep the reality thus configured “sta- beings, institutions, ideas) on the basis of mean-
ble” or make it “changeable” (a discursive reality ing they attribute to them, and this is generated
in theoretical terms, but pragmatic for the through the interaction between the individuals.
interagents), each repertory is assigned Meaning therefore becomes a social product,
a specific dialogical weight (which is convention- constructed and reconstructed by means of an
ally attributed and represents a measurement of interpretive and interactive process set in motion
the dialogical capacity to generate reality config- by a person dealing with the “things” he or she
urations). Thus, by means of a process of analysis comes across (Blumer, 1969; Mead, 1934;
of any form of the discursive process (written, Salvini, 1998).
verbal, gestural, graphic) (Turchi, 2009), not only Focusing primarily on the role of language as
is it possible to know the particular sense a vehicle for interaction by means of which the
construction, but we can also evaluate the symbolic meanings of the interaction itself are
dialogical weight of the specific “discursive con- constructed, Edwards and Potter (1992) added
figuration” (which therefore indicates its value in their theory of the “narrative identities” which
terms of interaction between the dialogical the interagents construct and develop in conver-
weights of the various discourse repertories sation with others: therefore, language and the
which generated it). relationship between the speakers which this gen-
erates becomes an ever more predominant theme
in studies in the field of psychology where there is
Keywords increasingly less focus on the reasons for human
action and more on how this action is generated in
Dialogical process; ordinary language; discursive the social and cultural fabric within which this
configuration; mechanistic paradigm; action takes shape. Social processes and the lan-
interactionist paradigm; paradigmatic shift; guage through which these take shape become
narrativist paradigm; effectiveness evaluation; a shared tool for the attribution of meanings:
health promotion these however are not to be found either in the
individuals or their cultural setting as much as in
the encounter that takes place between partici-
History pants engaged in an action (Salomon, 1993).
This led to the rise of social constructionism
The conceptualization of ordinary language as (Gergen, 1999) which shifts the focus of
a tool for the configuration of reality arises from knowledge onto the meanings generated by indi-
the overlap between various schools of viduals in the circumstances in which they inter-
thought: from symbolic interactionism to social act, constantly negotiating and constructing new
constructionism, from discursive psychology to definitions of reality.
reflections on the value of the use of ordinary This, therefore, introduced the concept of
language in Wittgenstein, and from the introduc- “social construction” in the field of psychology,
tion of Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle to the the concept of knowledge, that is, the belief that
conceptualization of the power of discourse by reality can be continually transformed by
Michel Foucault. discursive practices of subjectivity immersed in
In particular, symbolic interactionism, which a “social discourse” (Harré & Gillett, 1994): the
was developed by George Herbert Mead and focus is on language as a powerful constructor of
Herbert Blumer (Blumer, 1937; Mead, 1934), reality.
made a (theoretical and applied) contribution Narrations, according to Bruner (1990), must
addressing the centrality of discourses and the be seen to be actual “spaces” within which
Discursive Configuration 459 D
intentions and interpretations can be negotiated paradigms which allow science to take interac-
and continually reread and re-narrated by tion as the basic principle.
individuals. Therefore, apart from what has been already
Another “push” towards the centrality of lan- said, some aspects of the history of “discursive
guage within the field of psychology was pro- configuration” can be traced back to two concepts
vided by the particular development within in scientific thought: the epistemological reflec-
what became known as discursive social psy- tions which arose in the course of the foundation
chology, from the work of Potter and Wetherell of quantum physics (in particular thanks to
(1987) on interpretive repertories, from which Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle – Heisenberg, D
arose the concept of rhetorical (and thus con- 1927) and the ideas on the philosophy of
stantly changing) construction of reality. That language developed by Ludwig Wittgenstein –
is, the individual is no longer merely a processor Wittgenstein, 1953). In fact, if the contributions
of information but becomes a “strategist” who, described above allowed for a shift towards the
through interaction, chooses how to use lan- concept of interaction, by means of language as
guage (i.e., chooses which repertories to use) a tool for constructing reality, some critical
according to the interactive context and the studies showed how psychology was still tied to
communicative goal he intends to pursue a hypothetical realism: that is, in theorizing the
(Billig, 1996). construction of symbolic meanings underlying
interaction, there remained the conviction that
there were interactive intentions to investigate.
Critical Debates Therefore, thanks in part to the ideas contributed
by what became known as critical psychology, an
The ideas dealt with the previous paragraph all attempt was made to make an even clearer “dis-
have a common denominator with the theories of tinction between the sciences that, like physics,
Foucault who, from the 1970s onwards, made the have an ahistorical, ready-made world as the nor-
relationship between discourse, truth, and power mative assertions of their research and those like
the focus of philosophical study. This is a shift in psychology, which refer to individuals who have
focus from the implications of discursive produc- to a significant extent themselves created the
tions (i.e., “discursive configurations,” based on conditions in which they live and act and can
what has been defined above). It therefore themselves modify them” (Holzkamp, 1972).
becomes vital to examine how these configure The reference to other sciences (like quantum
that which (for the interagents) becomes “real.” physics) becomes a central idea in the definition
For Foucault, discourse has a material reality of of discursive configuration. Heisenberg’s uncer-
its own which, through the theorization of the tainty principle is an epistemological dictate of
concept of “discursive formation,” accounts for enormous importance: it states that knowledge
how each object we speak about takes shape in occurs as a matter of principle (i.e., beginning
a different way depending on the utterances used with the instrument, whether this be theory or
to name, explain, and delimit it (Foucault, 1971). something else that is used to gain knowledge)
That is, the attention – according to Foucault’s and that reality is, by definition, uncertain, in that
way of thinking – shifts to the “truth-effects” it is generated by a continuous interaction
which the production of a discourse has (Rose, between the observed and the observer. This cog-
1979). These ideas gave rise to the definition of nitive step also allowed psychology to proceed on
a paradigm (as defined by Thomas Kuhn, 1962) the basis that the observational datum (i.e., the
which places discursive productions at the center object of knowledge, the psyche) is inextricably
of knowledge: the narrativist paradigm (Turchi, tied to the cognitive instrument used in order to
2002; Turchi & Della Torre, 2007). This know it (as such) and is wholly generated by it
paradigm assumes the cognitive presuppositions and thus by the observation and measurement
of what became known as interactionist instruments. This therefore allows for a shift
D 460 Discursive Configuration

away from mechanistic paradigms towards epistemic shift involved in the adoption of the
interactionist paradigms: there is therefore no concept “discursive configuration.”
need for “knowing the cause and working on
restoring the conditions which existed prior to
the cause” (mechanistic presuppositions), but International Relevance
intervention can take place through “the way in
which we construct a certain reality and work on The concept of “discursive configuration” has
its generation process and the interactions which a dual relevance on an international level: the
subsume it” (interactionist presuppositions) possibility of a paradigmatic shift which concerns
(Marhaba, 1976). the scientific foundations of psychology and the
This operation is important for psychology possibility of application of the concept across
since it opens the way for the potential for using different fields in psychology (e.g., clinical,
interactionist paradigms which examine the organizational, and scholastic).
object of study by defining both of the theoretical The adoption of the concept of discursive con-
entities and the rules through which they interact, figuration becomes relevant on an international
shaping configurations of reality. level in that it allows the different theoretical
In addition to the epistemological contribution approaches within psychology to share the same
of the uncertainty principle, which states that observational data. This is because, apart from
interaction is the generator of reality, another overcoming theoretical fragmentation, the object
major contribution came from Ludwig of the study becomes the language and not differ-
Wittgenstein and the philosophy of language. ent languages. This sharing makes it possible to
For Wittgenstein, reference to discursive implement the rigorousness of interventions in
production implies a central position for ordinary the psychological sphere as well as in research,
language, which he considers a “form of life,” given that we can refer to a measurement value
thanks to what he himself calls “ostensive defini- in discursive configuration (see Dialogical
tion” (a term which first appears in “Philosophical Weight), for example, as a term of comparison
Investigations,” Wittgenstein, 1953). Ostensive for evaluating the effectiveness of any interven-
definition is the capacity of language which allows tion carried out.
us to construct the sense of reality, thanks to Moreover, since the concept of discursive con-
language’s showing of itself, that is, by means of figuration operates on the discursive modalities
the use of symbolic units. To quote Wittgenstein, of construction of reality rather than the contents
“the meaning of a word is its use in language.” of said processes, it proves possible to utilize it
This makes it possible to observe the construction across all the specific fields of application in
of sense of reality, not on the basis of the meaning psychology but also other disciplines. Regardless
of individual terms used in discursive production, of the context within which language is used to
but based on how the terms are utilized (and configure reality, since it is itself the object of
therefore show themselves through ostension) in investigation, it is possible to carry out psycho-
these same discursive productions. logical or social studies, with different objectives,
What has been said above and as can be seen in order to satisfy the requests of various contrac-
from the history of psychology, giving discursive tors or to identify particular needs of the commu-
productions a central position means considering nity (e.g., social cohesion, shared responsibility
ordinary language as the subject of investigation in health promotion, public policy in general).
since it is an instrument for the configuration of
reality and not merely a vehicle for information.
That is, language is no longer an instrument for Practice Relevance
transmitting information, meanings, and commu-
nicative intentions but rather generates these at Moreover, in practical terms, reference to the
the same time that it is being used. This is the ostensive definition of ordinary language makes
Discursive Configuration 461 D
it possible to consider how, in the course of the measurement of the dialogical weight in discur-
flow of discursive productions, there is always sive configurations. The use of a single unit of
and in any case the possibility to generate and measurement in all the theoretical applications
modify the sense of reality of the discourse itself. makes it possible to use this value to quantify
This is due to the fact that ordinary language the effectiveness of individual interventions, by
has the capacity to modify the value of the sym- comparing the dialogical weight of the config-
bolic units (the words and signs with linguistic uration prior to and subsequent to the interven-
valency in general) each and every time the lan- tion with reference to the declared objective. In
guage is used. this way it becomes possible to develop D
Consequently, the application of the a protocol for the evaluation of interventions
narrativist paradigm in the research/intervention in the psychosocial sphere, using an analogous
stages involves considering discursive configura- system to that of randomized, double blind,
tion as a theoretical element generated by clinical trials in medicine, which is a shared
different discursive productions, different practice on an international level for the eval-
“voices” which, in different ways, contribute to uation of the effectiveness of pharmacological
the construction of the reality which is the object treatment.
of the study/research. From this perspective, it is In the same perspective, the practical rele-
the community of speakers, all the voices vance of the adoption of the concept of “discur-
together, that generates the specific discursive sive configuration” allows for the social and
reality. It is therefore in the network of discursive health services of a system country to be orga-
productions that at any given moment there is the nized on the basis of shared objectives for health
possibility to make a change in the construction promotion of and within the community. This
of the sense (of reality) that focuses on the target must be taken as a shared social responsibility
of the intervention. Thus the “voices” which since it is the product of a (discursive) process
constitute a certain community become local which is in any case used by all members of the
resources and may be defined as discursive community. Therefore the objectives of healing
processes that have the capacity to manage/ and care – traditionally pursued by the Health
modify what is configured as critical by the Service System – are subsumed within a general
community: that which the community itself objective of health promotion of the selfsame
presents as a motivation for a request for inter- community. This step can be taken by
vention. It is therefore possible to apply the reorganizing the services so that, independently
objectives of health promotion (Turchi & of the specific area in which the individual
Celleghin, 2010; Turchi & Della Torre, 2007), service operates (e.g., urban security, health ser-
with a view to generating a change in the vices, social services), each becomes a part of
discursive configurations measured; this pros- a network with the shared objective of promoting
pect has a considerable impact on a social level health and increasing social cohesion by
since health promotion objectives feed implementing and exploiting the resources
a process whereby the community feels greater present in the interactions in question.
responsibility for itself (as well as creating an
increase in social cohesion).
This means that it is possible to promote Future Directions
a “rapprochement” among different psychologi-
cal theories since the concept of “discursive con- The concept of “discursive configuration”
figuration” refers back to what is investigated allows psychology as a discipline to make a
across all the theoretical models: the psycholog- paradigmatic shift which involves abandoning
ical dimension as a product of the discursive the concept of cause in favor of the notion of
process. The sharing of this concept in psychol- interaction, coming to rest on the same cogni-
ogy means it becomes possible to use a unit of tive base upon which the development of the
D 462 Discursive Configuration

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il cambiamento tra mutamento di paradigma ed effetti
pragmatici. Padova, Italy: UPSEL Domenighini
Editore. Discursive psychology is a field or subdiscipline
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Turchi, G. P., & Celleghin, E. (2010). Logoi: dialoghi di remembering, emotion), are reinterpreted in dis-
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Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophische Untersuchungen. social or co-constructed rather than individual.
Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell.

Online Resources
http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/archive/00000622 Keywords
http://www.yorku.ca/tteo/Teo1998%20copy.pdf
http://www.dialogicalsciencevaluation.com/ Discourse; talk; practice; interaction; accounts;
resources; rhetoric; discourse analysis;
conversation analysis; ethnomethodology; con-
struction; social constructionism
Discursive Psychology

Stephanie Taylor History

Department of Psychology, The Open
University, Milton Keynes, UK Discursive psychology developed in the late
twentieth century. It builds on previous innova-
tive work in social psychology associated with
Introduction social constructionism, especially the work of
Kenneth Gergen and John Shotter, and discourse
Discursive psychology is a relatively new field or analysis, including the work of Jonathan Potter,
subdiscipline of psychology. It developed in the Margaret Wetherell, and Derek Edwards.
late twentieth and early twenty-first century, Discourse analysis itself drew together Foucaul-
mainly from social constructionism and dis- dian theory and ethnomethodology into
course analysis (see entries), and is strongly asso- a methodological approach which has been
ciated with methodological innovation and the widely used inside and outside the psychology
analysis of language data. However, its greater discipline. Discursive psychology continues to be
importance is theoretical, through the challenges strongly associated with the analysis of language
D 464 Discursive Psychology

data, particularly transcribed talk, but is probably processor and source of action and communica-
now less important methodologically than for tion and, second, a temporal shift in the focus of
the challenges it has presented to established research to the study of talk as ongoing process
psychological theorizations of many phenomena, rather than as evidence of prior events.
including identity (see entry), and for new In the same year, Michael Billig (1987)
developments which have followed from these proposed in his book Arguing and Thinking: A
challenges. Rhetorical Approach to Social Psychology that
In an early article on social constructionism, talk and other language use is active in
Kenneth Gergen (1985) proposed that psycholo- a somewhat different way, as ongoing argument
gists should study the language and “human and debate around choices and dilemmas. He
meaning systems” (p. 270) which mediate discussed the dilemmatic nature of both thought
people’s understandings of the world and them- and ideology, and also the rhetorical nature of
selves. He challenged the claims of other talk, drawing attention to the status of any
psychologists to obtain “objective knowledge” description or statement as one possible version
(p. 269) and suggested social psychologists out of many, selected for its function in ongoing
might have more in common with academics in dialogues and oriented to multiple potential
the social sciences and humanities, such as audiences.
ethnomethodologists, anthropologists, literary Discursive psychology was subsequently
theorists, and historians, than with natural scien- developed in influential work by these authors
tists or experimental psychologists. and their colleagues, the term itself becoming
In 1987, Jonathan Potter and Margaret well known as the title of a 1992 book by Derek
Wetherell published a now-famous book, Edwards and Jonathan Potter. Another ground-
Discourse and Social Psychology: Beyond breaking book, Mapping the Language of Racism
Attitudes and Behaviour, which presents both (1992), by Margaret Wetherell and Jonathan
a methodological and theoretical challenge to Potter, was an important empirical study of prej-
established psychology, particularly to cognitive udice and racism, an area with which discourse
psychology. The methodological challenge con- analysis and discursive psychology remain
cerns the status of talk data. Potter and Wetherell strongly associated, including in the recent work
propose that talk should not be treated as trans- of Susan Condor and Jackie Abell.
parent, that is, as direct information about what it Rom Harré and Grant Gillett (Harré & Gillett,
purports to report or describe. Instead, the talk 1994) suggest that discursive psychology should
should itself be analyzed, following the sociolog- be seen as part of a “second cognitive revolution”
ical theory of ethnomethodology, as a form of (p. 26). The challenge to cognitive psychology
action or practice and also, following social was developed by Derek Edwards in his 1997
constructionism and Foucauldian theory, as con- book, Discourse and Cognition, which proposes
stitutive of what it refers to. The main theoretical the adoption of “a discourse based perspective on
challenge of the book is to the notion of attitudes language and cognition” (p. 19) in which emo-
as already existing “mental” phenomena which tion, for example, is considered in terms of words
are conveyed to a researcher in a participant’s and categories which are resources for talk,
talk. Instead, Potter and Wetherell argue that potentially useable to “perform social actions on
such talk is shaped both by its contextual and for the occasion of their production” (p. 22).
functions and by established ideas and ways of A corollary of these ideas is that the mind itself is
speaking (interpretative repertoires) which are no longer understood as contained and interior to
representative of the wider social context rather the person but envisaged as “spread out as
than particular to individual speakers. The further a distributional flow in what participants say
radical implications of these arguments are, first, and do” (Herman, 2007, p. 312), located in
the rejection of the conventional psychological a range of people’s practices in the different
model of the individual as an agentic cognitive contexts of their lives, in “socio-communicative
Discursive Psychology 465 D
activities unfolding within richly material set- analyzing discursive resources, such as interpre-
tings” (p. 308). tative repertoires or narratives. The diverging
Subsequent work in discursive psychology has trends of these disagreements are towards, on
continued to explore and extend these arguments, the one hand, fine-grained analyses of naturally
with some differences of emphasis. The main occurring talk, transcribed following the Jeffer-
direction follows the premises of conversation sonian notation associated with conversation
analysis (from Harvey Sacks) and ethnomethod- analysis and, on the other, larger evidence bases
ology, for example, in the work of Jonathan Potter, which may be used by researchers to go “beyond
Derek Edwards, and Alexa Hepburn, which is immediate discursive practices to consider a D
particularly concerned with interaction and the much wider range of background conditions. . .
sequential organization of talk, and the work of [and] broader patterns of intelligibility dominant
Elizabeth Stokoe on the forms of shared social in a particular culture” (Wetherell, 2012, p. 101).
knowledge investigated through Membership Cat- These disagreements are probably less impor-
egorization Analysis. The term “critical discursive tant than discursive psychology’s continuing
psychology” (CDP) was formulated by Margaret challenges to established practice in other areas
Wetherell (1998) to describe a “synthetic” of psychology and the social sciences. For exam-
approach followed by herself, Nigel Edley, and ple, for critical psychologists, its relevance lies in
others (e.g., Sarah Seymour-Smith) to investigate its questioning of many accepted ideas and its
the exercise and contest of power within larger concern with power, particularly in critical dis-
social contexts, for example, around gendered cursive psychology. In addition, the argument
identities, by analyzing not only interaction but that talk is a form of behavior and action in its
also the available discursive resources which set own right, rather than an indication of previously
possibilities and limits for discursive work. formulated and fixed views, remains a useful
corrective. It potentially challenges the still wide-
spread practice, in academia and also beyond it,
Critical Debates of presenting short quotations from research
participants as reliable and enduring supporting
Discursive psychology is not associated with tra- evidence for whatever the researcher is advocat-
ditional debates in psychology because it ing. The arguments of discursive psychology also
emerged relatively recently, as a critique of cog- have implications for understandings of accounts
nitive psychology’s concepts and methodological of the past, including witness statements or client
practices. The critique did not prompt a strong talk in a counselling session or official histories.
response or engagement from cognitive psychol- Reinterpreted in terms of their functioning in the
ogy or other parts of the larger psychology disci- situation of telling, such accounts acquire new
pline, and discursive psychology has continued to significance.
develop separately. However, it is marked by More generally, discursive psychology places
a number of well-rehearsed internal debates in question the whole nature and site of the
about its own direction and practice, including “psychological” phenomena which are com-
between critical and discursive psychologists. monly supposed to preexist their description or
Many of these debates are around methodol- expression in talk. The argument that talk about,
ogy. One concerns appropriate data and forms of for example, attitudes, emotions, or remembering
data collection (for instance, whether researchers is not straightforwardly referential and can be
should study “naturally occurring talk” rather extended to a radical reinterpretation of the
than interview data) and another the limits of nature of the person, as in Herman’s account of
interpretation and the status of the analyst, as the distributed “mind,” quoted above, and,
objective observer or engaged interpreter potentially, an actor in context which accords
(Schegloff, 1997; Wetherell, 1998, 2012). There with traditions such as distributed cognition and
is also disagreement about the usefulness of actor-network theory.
D 466 Discursive Psychology

International Relevance example, this project has been recently extended

to the investigation of learning, health, and
Discursive psychology was developed in the UK illness. A somewhat different direction of devel-
in a small number of universities, notably opment is indicated by Margaret Wetherell’s
Loughborough and the Open University. However, recent work on affective practice (Wetherell,
it has important US antecedents including in social 2012) which has connections to critical psycho-
constructionism (the work of Kenneth Gergen, logical work informed by Deleuze, among others,
among others, including the UK psychologist in the work of Paul Stenner and Steve Brown
John Shotter), ethnomethodology (Harold (e.g., Brown & Stenner, 2009) and Johanna
Garfinkel), and conversation analysis (Harvey Motzkau (2009).
Sacks, Gail Jefferson, and Emmanuel Schegloff). The project of discursive reinterpretation has
Discursive psychology retains strong international also been applied to psychoanalysis as part of
links, including Australia, the Netherlands, and a further direction, the theorization and investi-
New Zealand as well as the USA. gation of subjectivity and the subject. The
development of this third direction is perhaps
ironic, given discursive psychology’s original
Future Directions challenge to psychological models or conceptu-
alizations of an agentic actor or bounded individ-
One of the most important continuing directions ual subject. However, the ongoing internal
of work in discursive psychology concerns debates may also have prompted the formulation
prejudice, inequality, and exclusion, and the talk of psychosocial approaches which incorporate
and argument which naturalize and perpetuate psychoanalytic theory and practice, as in the
them. Influential discourse analytic and discur- work of Wendy Hollway, Valerie Walkerdine,
sive psychological research in this area has con- and Helen Lucey. A feature of these approaches
sidered racism in New Zealand (e.g., Wetherell & is that the kind of de-centered subject originally
Potter, 1992, already mentioned) and Australia associated with discursive psychology is to
(e.g., the work of Martha Augoustinos), national- some extent re-centered and given continuity in
ism and nationality, and the nature of prejudice terms of investment and narrative (Hollway &
(including the work of Michael Billig, e.g., Billig, Jefferson, 2000), personal order (Wetherell,
1995). It has been informed by related research in 2003), or narrative and local resources (Taylor,
the area of Critical Discourse Analysis, for 2010). However, discursive psychology’s
example, by Teun van Dijk and Ruth Wodak. emphasis on situatedness and complexity
More recent foci include English and remains a potentially useful corrective to the
British identities, anti-Semitism in the context of completeness and coherence of the (self)-
emerging Eastern European nationalisms regulated subject associated with theories of
(the work of Jovan Byford), and the emotional governmentality (e.g., Rose, 1996).
and affective aspects of prejudice. A related Methodologically, the broader evidence bases
important direction concerns gender, gender referred to above are likely to include “visual”
inequalities, and sexism, for example, in the work data, such as the media images discussed by
of Susan Speer, Elizabeth Stokoe, and Celia many contemporary feminist researchers, and
Kitzinger, often with a strong focus on interac- also the kinds of collected and created artifacts
tional research using conversational analysis. which are increasingly used to elicit talk data.
A second direction is the continuing project
to reconsider conventional psychological con-
cerns in discursive terms, as already discussed,
References
and to disrupt understandings of talk about expe-
Billig, M. (1987). Arguing and thinking: A rhetorical
rience, feelings, and so on as the description or approach to social psychology. Cambridge, UK:
expression of prior events or phenomena. For Cambridge University Press.
Discursive Repertory 467 D
Billig, M. (1995). Banal nationalism. London: Sage.
Brown, S., & Stenner, P. (2009). Psychology without Discursive Repertory
foundations. London: Sage.
Edwards, D. (1997). Discourse and cognition. London:
Sage. Gian Piero Turchi, Romanelli Michele, Federico
Edwards, D., & Potter, J. (1992). Discursive psychology. Bonazza and Anna Girardi
London: Sage. Department of Applied Psychology, University
Gergen, K. J. (1985). The social constructionist movement
in modern psychology. American Psychologist, 40(3), of Padua, Padua, Italy
266–275.
Harré, R., & Gillett, G. (1994). The discursive mind. D
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Introduction
Herman, D. (2007). Storytelling and the sciences of the
mind: Cognitive narratology, discursive psychology, The concept of “Discursive Repertory” (Turchi,
and narratives in face-to-face interaction. Narrative,
2002) in psychology makes it possible for the
15(3), 306–334.
Hollway, W., & Jefferson, T. (2000). Doing qualitative discipline to share a single observational datum
research differently: Free association, narrative and outside of the constraints of any specific theory
the interview method. London: Sage. and has its epistemological foundation in how
Motzkau, J. (2009). Exploring the transdisciplinary
members of the human community use ordinary
trajectory of suggestibility. Subjectivity, 27,
172–194. language (therefore regardless of which lan-
Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social guages they speak). Through the theorization
psychology: Beyond attitudes and behaviour. London: and definition of the concept (which, as described
Sage.
below, is a continuation in evolutionary terms of
Rose, N. (1996). Inventing our selves: Psychology, power
and personhood. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Discursive Psychology – Anolli, 2006; De Grada &
University Press. Bonaiuto, 2002; Harré & Gillett, 1996 – and also
Schegloff, E. (1997). Whose text? Whose context? embraces ideas and contributions from authors in
Discourse & Society, 8, 165–187.
fields outside what is strictly psychology – the
Taylor, S. (2010). Narratives of identity and place. Hove,
England: Routledge. philosophers Michel Foucault and Ludwig
Wetherell, M. (1998). Positioning and interpretative rep- Wittgenstein), psychology can free itself from
ertoires: Conversation analysis and post-structuralism the quest for hypotheses to explain the construct
in dialogue. Discourse & Society, 9(3), 387–412.
of “psyche” and focus instead on what people
Wetherell, M. (2003). Paranoia, ambivalence and discur-
sive practices: Concepts of position and positioning in configure and construct through the use of ordi-
psychoanalysis and discursive psychology. In R. Harre nary language.
& F. Moghaddam (Eds.), The self and others:
Positioning individuals and groups in personal, polit-
ical and cultural contexts (pp. 99–120). Westport, CT: Definition
Praegar.
Wetherell, M. (2012). Affect and emotion: A new social
science understanding. London: Sage. Discursive Repertory is defined as a precise and
Wetherell, M., & Potter, J. (1992). Mapping the language distinct way of using ordinary language, which
of racism. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. (in its ostensive definition) configures a reality
(that is discursive, not “real”), which assumes
a “factual” value for the interagents. This concept
Online Resources is the formalization of the use value of ordinary
Discursive psychology. http://www.psych-it.com.au/ language (i.e., the ostensive definition of the
Psychlopedia/article.asp?id¼211
Discursive psychology. http://www.staff.lboro.ac.uk/
symbolic units and rules of application which
ssde/Edwards-Discursive%20Psychology%20in% compose it) in different rules of use which
20Fitch&Sanders%202004.pdf conventionally represent the different construc-
Conversation analysis vs other approaches to tions of sense of reality. Therefore what the
discourse. http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.
php/fqs/article/view/100/209
interagents see as “fact” is generated by the use
Discursive psychology, rhetoric and the issue of agency. of language (governed by different rules shown in
http://semen.revues.org/8930 a Periodic Table of Discursive Repertories)
D 468 Discursive Repertory

within a theoretical space known as the Traditional Debates

“Discursive Space.” That which is generated dis-
cursively thus imposes itself as “reality” in terms As already mentioned in the introduction, the con-
of its pragmatic effects. cept of Discursive Psychology arose within the field
Three different “classes” have been created to of psychology also thanks to ideas from authors in
classify each Discursive Repertory according to other academic fields. Among these was the con-
how stable or, at the opposite end of the spectrum, cept of discourse analysis from Michel Foucault,
variable the configuration of reality it generates a fundamental part of Discursive Psychology and
actually is (see definition of Discursive Social Constructionism, not to mention the ideas of
Configuration): Ludwig Wittgenstein on the ostensive definition of
1. Maintenance Discursive Repertories: config- ordinary language. These were the foundations
ure a reality “the same as itself,” in that they upon which it became possible to shift from the
reduce the possibility of generating change in study of the multitude of constructs within psychol-
relation to that which the interagents define as ogy to the centrality of language.
“reality.” Discursive Psychology in fact promotes
2. Generative Discursive Repertories: configure a move from the study of language as an abstract
a reality which can be modified since they modality of symbols to that of discursive produc-
increase the possibility for generating change tion as a universal social tool: discursive produc-
in relation to that which the interagents define tion is seen as a social action, and human activity
as “reality.” is considered to be the engine of existence, since
3. Hybrid Discursive Repertory: the use of people produce and “narrate” both the state “of
language can assume either a maintenance or things” and the consequences of these states.
generative valency, depending on the connec- Discourse, therefore, not only transmits informa-
tion with other rules of use. tion and describes objects and events but also
Each Discursive Repertory has also been constitutes a fundamental tool for constructing
assigned a conventional numerical value which both the speakers’ “point of view” about what
represents the contribution of the Repertory to the they are talking about, as well as “what they are
generation of a particular discursive configura- talking about.” The words chosen and the struc-
tion (known as “Dialogical Weight,” insofar as it ture of the sentences in a given situation imply
express the “force” or “energy” that this a certain representation of reality (Anolli, 2006).
Repertory has in the generation and maintenance In line with this idea, in the theorization of the
of a given configuration of reality). Belonging to dialogical self, the aspect of discourse refers in
one of the three classes and the allocation of particular to the dialogue between the various
a specific Dialogical Weight has made it possible parts of the self, each with its own point of view
to organize the rules of use of ordinary language and a particular tendency to action. This dialogue
into a Periodic Table of Discursive Repertories allows individuals to attribute meanings to
which are finite in number but – by means of their relations and to move in the world in the face of
interaction – can generate infinite and uncertain these meanings (Hermans & Dimaggio, 2004;
(not predictable) discursive configurations (as Hermans & Kempen, 1993; Schafer, 1980).
well as generating other Discursive Repertories These aspects were then dealt with in greater
not yet contained in the Periodic Table). depth by Social Constructionism, the contribution
of which was to draw attention to the primacy of
relational, social, and conversational practices as
Keywords a source of knowledge. The construction of knowl-
edge, in fact, is seen as a collective process, shared
Ordinary language; discursive process; discur- by participants who take an active part in the
sive construction of reality; narrativist paradigm; process. Therefore, reality is constructed, moment
discursive psychology by moment, through and in discourse, within
Discursive Repertory 469 D
specific contexts (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Language is taken to be a thought activity which
Mead, 1934; Salvini, 1998), and the relevance of is put into practice in the specific interaction
narration assumes the valency of an instrument for situation. According to this theory, people use
constructing identity (Bruner, 1997). For the latter, discursive strategies to reach certain objectives
in fact, the capacity for narration and, therefore, to in communication. Therefore, depending on the
construct a story allows us to give some sense, situation and on what they want to achieve, they
some meaning to a behavior or event. This is the use specific interpretative repertories (linguistic
origin of the narrative approach, in particular in the images, descriptions, metaphors, and figures of
context of psychotherapy, where human experi- speech, shared within a particular culture). D
ence can no longer be defined as “subjective” but Harré’s critical concept of the human being as
is co-constructed in its meaning thanks to the an information processor led to the rhetorical
interaction between speakers. approach to social psychology (Billig, 1996)
With the change in direction brought by Social where the human being is seen as a rhetor: that
Constructionism, psychology also embraced the is, a person, in his or her communicative interac-
ideas of Michel Foucault on “discourse” and tions, is constantly acting and using rhetoric to
“discourse formation.” The discipline felt the promote a particular world view. In fact, this
need to shift attention from “how a person vision is also supported by opposite arguments
knows what he does about himself” to the descrip- to those held, which, on the one hand, shield what
tion of “how a person understands the sense of has been said from criticism, and, on the other,
what he does” (Mininni, 2003). This leads to allow for the construction of reality through con-
the inclusion of the ideas contributed by Michel stant rhetorical action.
Foucault in “The Order of Discourse” and of two
key concepts in particular: the limits and forms of
expressibility, defined by the rules that a given Critical Debates
society creates for itself in a particular historical
period and which determine what it is possible to The concept of Discursive Repertory shares certain
talk about, what can be constructed as a sphere of theoretical assumptions of Social Constructionism
discourse, and what discursive practices are and ideas of Foucault’s with what has been stated
allowed and actually used, and the discourses, in the previous section. In particular, as regards
not as a system of signs that (symbolically) refer Foucault, there are certain overlaps in relation to
to something else, but as practices which system- the concept coined by the philosopher Ludwig
atically form the objects they are speaking Wittgenstein in his “Psychological Investigations”
about – that is, we start to reflect on how what (Wittgenstein, 1953) “the meaning of a word is its
we talk about is generated by how we speak about use in language”: this opens the door to the scien-
it. On this basis, Foucault developed the theory of tific observation of the construction of sense not on
“discursive formation,” by means of which he the basis of the meaning of the individual terms
explains how each object about which we speak used in discursive productions (contents) but
is formed in a different way according to the depending on the manner in which the terms are
utterances which name it, explain it, and delimit utilized (the use that is made of them) in discursive
it (Foucault, 1971). Therefore, on the basis of the production (ostensive definition).
assumptions of Social Constructionism, and We can therefore see a “reversal” in the
encapsulating the contribution mentioned above, relationship between language and social situa-
Discursive Social Psychology came into being at tion or interaction between the speakers. Whereas
the end of the 1980s (supposedly with the publi- Discursive Social Psychology sees the ways in
cation of “Discourse and Social Psychology” by which language is used as being chosen by the
Potter & Wetherell, 1987): language takes shape speakers according to their own communicative
in the specific social situation in which goals, the Narrativist Paradigm (Turchi, 2002,
a communicative interaction takes place. 2009) – within which the concept of Discursive
D 470 Disease, Overview

Repertory is to be found – identifies ordinary The self across psychology: Self-recognition, self-
language as a foundation for knowledge (Turchi, awareness, and self concept (pp. 145–161). New
York: Academy of Sciences.
2002; Turchi & Celleghin, 2010): that is, it is the De Grada, E., & Bonaiuto, M. (2002). Introduzione alla
use of language which constructs reality and not psicologia sociale discorsiva. Roma: Laterza.
reality which “conditions” its use. The construc- Foucault, M. (1971) L’Ordre du discours, Paris,
tion of sense therefore takes shape not so much as Gallimard. L’ordine del discorso: i meccanismi sociali
di controllo e di esclusione della parola (1971), trad.
a result of the different meanings which may be it. Alessandro Fontana, Einaudi, Torino 1972.
attributed to the contents narrated but rather as Harré, R., & Gillett, G. (1996). La mente discorsiva.
a result of the discursive manner in which these Milano: Cortina, Milano.
contents are narrated. Hermans, H. J. M., & Kempen, H. J. G. (1993). The
dialogical self: Meaning as movement. San Diego,
This therefore means that within the Narrativist CA: Academic Press.
Paradigm, the adoption of the concept of Discur- Hermans, H. J. M., & Dimaggio, G. (2004). The dialogical
sive Repertory implies a cognitive and operative self in psychotherapy. London: Brunner/Routledge.
distinction: psychology identifies ordinary lan- Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
guage as an object of knowledge and no longer Mininni, G. (2003). Il discorso come forma di vita. Napoli,
needs to search for the meaning behind human Italy: Guida.
interaction. In fact, that which historically charac- Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social
terized knowledge in the field of psychology – psychology: Beyond attitudes and behaviour. London,
England: Sage.
splitting it into a multitude of different schools Salvini, A. (1998). Argomenti di psicologia clinica.
of thought – also gave rise to different ways of Padova, Italy: Editore Upsel.
doing basic research (e.g., in community psychol- Schafer, R. (1980). Narration in the psychoanalytic
ogy) and also methods of operative intervention dialogue. Critical Inquiry, 7, 29–53.
Turchi, G. P. (Ed.). (2002). Tossicodipendenza. Generare
(e.g., in clinical psychology) based on different il cambiamento tra mutamento di paradigma ed effetti
definitions of the reference constructs. Taking pragmatici. Padova, Italy: UPSEL.
ordinary language represented by Discursive Rep- Turchi, G. P. (2009). Dati senza numeri. Per una
ertories as the object of knowledge, psychology metodologia di analisi dei dati informatizzati testuali:
M.A.D.I.T. Bologna, Italy: Monduzzi Editore.
makes a shift in the direction of sharing a single Turchi, G. P., & Celleghin, E. (2010). Logoi: dialoghi di
observational datum and of measuring it (by e su “psicologia delle differenze culturali e clinica
means of Dialogical Weight). Not only can this della devianza” come occasione peripatetica per
be of use for basic research, it also has applica- un’agorà delle politiche sociali. Padova, Italy: Upsel
Domeneghini Editore.
tions for evaluating the effectiveness of interven- Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophische Untersuchungen.
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by the community. It becomes possible for oper-
ators to take the “measure” of the contribution of Online Resources
each Repertory to the construction of a sense of http://www.dialogicalsciencevaluation.com/
reality both before and after intervention, thus
better satisfying those same requests.
Disease, Overview
References
Frank Gruba-McCallister
Anolli, L. (Ed.). (2006). Fondamenti di psicologia della Clinical Psychology Program, Chicago School of
comunicazione. Bologna, Italy: Il Mulino. Professional Psychology, Chicago, IL, USA
Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1966). The construction of
reality. New York: Doubleday.
Billig, M. (1996). Arguing and thinking: a rhetorical Introduction
approach to social psychology, revised edition.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Bruner, J. S. (1997). A narrative model of self-construc- Critical psychology offers a critique of the
tion. In J. G. Snodgrass & R. L. Thompson (Eds.), construct of disease based on the positivist and
Disease, Overview 471 D
capitalist ideological assumptions that inform model “. . .assumes disease to be fully accounted
dominant discourses regarding how disease is for by a deviation from the norm of measurable
defined and who has authority to determine the biological (somatic) variables. It leaves no room
presence of disease and the forms of intervention within its framework for the social, psychologi-
appropriate for ameliorating or correcting. This cal, and behavioral dimensions of illness.
critique reveals a number of important issues that The biomedical model not only requires that dis-
have framed debates regarding what constitutes ease be dealt with as an entity independent of
disease. Among these issues are the mind-body social behavior, it also demands that behavioral
question (Stam, 2004); the degree to which aberrations be explained on the basis of disor- D
causes of disease are situated within the individ- dered somatic. . .processes. Thus the biomedical
ual versus within the physical and sociocultural model embraces both reductionism. . .and mind-
environment (Barney, 1994); the extent to which body dualism” (Engel, 1977, p. 130). Engel
using disease to define the meaning and causes of asserts that medicine is in a state of crisis due to
deviance results in prescribing the status quo, its dogmatic adherence to the assumptions of the
social control, and abuse of power (Maracek & biomedical model despite its scientific inadequa-
Hare-Mustin, 2009); and the role of social and cies and its inability to allow physicians to fulfill
cultural context in determining what gets labeled their social responsibilities. Instead, he proposes
as a disease (Conrad & Barker, 2010). Prevailing a different view that he calls the biopsychosocial
social, historical, political, and economic factors model. This alternative view challenges the
not only substantially shape the meaning of dis- reductionist assumption of the biomedical
ease but also exert a powerful influence on the model, observing that biological influences are
specific forms which disease takes (Lasch, 1991). just one of multiple complex interacting factors
The exaggerated emphasis on the individual char- that may or may not culminate in disease. For
acteristic of late capitalist society results in plac- Engel, defining disease must also abandon mind-
ing blame for disease on the victim and body dualism and take into account the experi-
a mystification of the role of the wider social ence of patients, the social context in which
and political reality. As a consequence, the patients live, and the role of the relationship
adverse impact of discrimination, poverty, and with the physician and the health care system in
oppression on well-being and the creation of dis- the treatment of patients. For Engel, the task of
ease are downplayed. Further, disease often the physician is to establish the nature of the
serves to stigmatize those who are labeled problem presented by patients and decide
(Goffman, 1963). The commodification of health whether the problem is best handled in
care has also exerted a profound impact on a medical framework.
what is defined as disease, exposing the increased The biomedical model also adheres to
role of economic motivations in defining a distinction between disease and illness
diseases. A particular concern for critical psy- (Eisenberg, 1977). Disease refers to an objective
chology is the adverse effects of psychologism disorder of bodily functions or with an organic
or psychology’s adoption of the same materialis- cause and identifiable signs and symptoms.
tic, reductionist, and individualistic paradigm as In contrast, illness refers to the subjective
the medical model on those dealing with various experience of the patient as based in both psycho-
forms of suffering and affliction. logical and social meanings. Morris (1998)
observes that conflating disease with objective
and illness with subjective reflects positivist
Definition biases of the biomedical model. Medical knowl-
edge is privileged because it is based on objective
As observed by Engel (1977), the dominant measures, such as medical tests and lab reports,
model used to define disease is biomedical. and the authority of physicians, while the experi-
Based in molecular biology, the biomedical ence of patients is marginalized or dismissed as
D 472 Disease, Overview

unreliable and untrustworthy. The distinction (Foucault, 1976, 1973; Cassell, 1982). Similarly,
reinforces a power differential in which the presupposition that biological bases can be
authority to validate the presence of disease established for many forms of mental disorder
rests solely with the physician while placing has been hotly disputed (Barney, 1994; Szasz,
patients in a submissive role. Morris observes 1974). Social constructionism rejects a strictly
that this distinction is dubious as “objective” positivist view that disease can be explained
tests must be conducted by human beings and solely by objective and biological factors due to
their findings then interpreted by them. Using the role of social and cultural context on
a postmodern framework, Morris argues for the meaning of illness, the experience of those
a biocultural view that recognizes the role played who are ill, and medical knowledge and practice
by biological factors while also understanding (Conrad & Barker, 2010).
diseases as cultural artifacts that operate through
social discourses and give rise to power
differentials. Critical Debates

Debates on the social and political meaning of

Keywords disease have built upon the traditional debates
noted earlier. One example is the concept of
Disease; Illness; Biomedical model; medicalization first proposed by Zola (1983).
Biopsychosocial model; Medicalization; Disease Medicalization functions principally at
mongering; Embodiment a definitional level and is the process whereby
human problems and conditions are defined as
medical conditions and thus come under the
Traditional Debates authority of physicians and other health care pro-
fessionals. Psychiatry, in particular, has been
Classic debates about the nature of disease are a focus of this critique as evidenced in the exten-
embedded within the historical developments sive literature on the ever-expanding number of
that gave rise to the biomedical model (Foucault, DSM diagnoses that transform human
1973). Understanding of the nature of human experiences and issues into medical problems
affliction has moved from moral explanations (Aho, 2008). Such labels continue to valorize
(sin) to legal (crime) to medical (sickness) biological explanations of human distress, veil
(Conrad & Schneider, 1992). Cartesian dualism the role of sociocultural and political factors,
opened the way for dissection but also established and advance the economic profits of the health
a troubling legacy of restricting the focus of care industry. Stam (2004) extends this critique
a scientific study of disease to organic factors by illustrating how the biopsychosocial model is
that could be observed, measured, and manipu- not substantively different from the biomedical
lated. This was accompanied by a neglect or model. They share ideological assumptions
outright denial of the role of psychological and expressed in functionalism that view persons as
social factors (Engel, 1977). The core ontological well-tuned machines that can be analyzed
assumptions of the biomedical model of realism, acontextually.
naturalism, reductionism, and essentialism Both Nye (2003) and Conrad (2005) have
have all been subjects of subsequent debates described the evolution of the medicalization pro-
regarding the nature and treatment of disease. cess since the idea was first proposed. In the earlier
For example, the separation of the body formulations, medicalization was seen as driven by
from one’s personal identity and the treatment physicians and health care providers who were
of the body as if it were a machine have reluctant to surrender their professional authority
been criticized as dehumanizing and having and interested in preserving their monopoly.
a destructive impact on those afflicted by disease An influential critic was Illich (1975) who coined
Disease, Overview 473 D
the terms “medical nemesis” and “iatrogenesis” by References
which he meant the process in which medical
intervention leads to greater illness and social prob- Aho, K. (2008). Medicalizing mental health:
A phenomenological alternative. The Journal of
lems. Medical discourse was also criticized for its
Medical Humanities, 29, 243–259.
reinforcing the status quo and the interests of the Barney, K. (1994). Limitations of the critique of the med-
rich and powerful. Conrad (2005), however, notes ical model. The Journal of Mind and Behavior, 15,
three major changes that have altered what drives 19–34.
Cassell, E. (1982). The nature of suffering and the goals of
medicalization: biotechnology (particularly the
medicine. The New England Journal of Medicine, 306, D
growing impact of the pharmaceutical industry), 639–645.
the growing commodification of health care and Conrad, P. (2005). The shifting engines of medicalization.
transformation of patients into consumers, and Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 46, 3–14.
Conrad, P., & Barker, K. K. (2010). The social construc-
managed care. As a result, he asserts, “Medicaliza-
tion of illness: Key insights and policy implications.
tion is now driven more by commercial and market Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 51, 567–579.
interests than by professional claims-makers” Conrad, P., & Schneider, J. W. (1992). Deviance and
(p. 3). Another recently coined term to describe medicalization: From badness to sickness. Philadel-
phia, PA: Temple University Press.
this trend is “disease mongering” (Payer, 1992) or
Eisenberg, L. (1977). Disease and illness: Distinctions
the practice of expanding the diagnostic boundaries between professional and popular ideas of sickness.
of illnesses and public awareness of such illnesses Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 1, 9–23.
in order to expand markets for those who sell Engel, G. L. (1977). The need for a new medical model:
A challenge for biomedicine. Science, 196, 129–136.
and deliver treatments. Examples are the vastly
Foucault, M. (1973). The birth of the clinic: An archaeol-
expanded marketing of treatments for male ogy of medical perception. New York, NY: Vintage
erectile dysfunction, attention deficit disorder, and Books.
social anxiety disorder. This analysis highlights the Foucault, M. (1976). Mental illness and psychology (A.
Sheridan, Trans.). New York, NY: Harper & Row.
growing role that capitalist ideology plays in the
Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of
defining and treatment of disease. a spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-
Critical psychology has offered a number of Hall.
alternative ways of understanding disease that Illich, I. (1975). Medical nemesis. New York, NY:
Pantheon.
correct for the limitations and dangers of
Kugelmann, R. (2004). Health and illness: A hermeneuti-
traditional views. Kugelmann (2004) describes cal and phenomenological approach. In M. Murray
a hermeneutical and phenomenological approach (Ed.), Critical health psychology (pp. 44–57).
that builds on the distinction noted earlier Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
Lasch, C. (1991). The culture of narcissism. New York,
between illness and disease by adding sickness
NY: W. W. Norton.
as a particular status or social role that is justified Maracek, J., & Hare-Mustin, R. T. (2009). Clinical psy-
by reference to either the presence of disease or chology: The politics of madness. In D. R. Fox, I.
the experience of illness. His formulation takes Prilleltensky, & S. Austin (Eds.), Critical psychology:
An introduction (2nd ed., pp. 75–92). Thousand Oaks,
into account the intersection of human subjectiv-
CA: Sage.
ity with the impact of social, cultural, and Morris, D. (1998). Illness and health in the postmodern
political forces. Santiago Delefosse (2011) age. Advances in Mind-Body Medicine, 14, 237–251.
proposes an embodied-socio-psychological Nye, R. A. (2003). The evolution of the concept of med-
icalization in the late twentieth century. Journal of the
perspective integrating the work of Wallon on
History of the Behavioral Sciences, 39, 115–129.
the primacy of emotion in human development Payer, L. (1992). Disease-mongers: How doctors, drug
and the work of Vygotsky on the development companies and insurers are making you feel sick.
of superior psychological functions. She New York, NY: Wiley.
Santiago Delefosse, M. (2011). An embodied-socio-
argues that this perspective will provide a more
psychological perspective in health psychology?
adequate understanding of the impact of serious Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 5(5),
and chronic illness in terms of alterations of 220–230.
a person’s lifeworld and experience of Stam, H. J. (2004). A sound mind in a sound body:
A critical historical analysis of health psychology. In
embodiment.
D 474 Dissociative Identity Disorder, Overview

M. Murray (Ed.), Critical health psychology defenses to ward off the psychological impact of
(pp. 15–30). Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. abuse led to dissociated aspects of the self
Szasz, T. (1974). The myth of mental illness. New York,
NY: Harper & Row. becoming split-off from the “normal” develop-
Zola, I. K. (1983). Socio-medical inquiries: Recollections, ment processes that would otherwise lead to an
reflections, and reconsiderations. Philadelphia, PA: integrated and unitary self (Kluft, 1985; Hacking,
Temple University Press. 1995; Showalter, 1997).
Philosopher Stephen E. Braude (1991)
Online Resources described the emergence of dissociative identity
Moynihan, R., & Henry, D. (2006, April 11). The fight
against disease mongering: Generating knowledge for disorder as the outcome of a gradual sea change
action [Online essay]. Retrieved from http://www. in psychiatric practice. Like Hacking (1991),
plosmedicine.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371% Braude associated the return of multiple person-
2Fjournal.pmed.0030191 ality disorder with connections to childhood
abuse and also cited the popularity of the made-
for-television movie, Sybil, which first aired in
1973. Yet, Braude also speculated that, at least in
Dissociative Identity Disorder, the USA, disenchantment with Freudian psycho-
Overview analysis and psychological behaviorism, as well
as the likely misdiagnosis of many individuals
Laura K. Kerr with Schizophrenia, led to a greater acceptance
Mental Health Scholar and Psychotherapist, of multiple personalities and dissociative identity
San Francisco, CA, USA disorder as a psychiatric diagnosis.

Introduction Definition

After nearly 70 years of virtually no mention in The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
the medical literature, multiple personality disor- Disorders (DSM-IV) describes dissociative disor-
der resurfaced in the latter part of the twentieth ders as “disruption[s] in the usually integrated
century, receiving a new name, dissociative iden- functions of consciousness, memory, identity, or
tity disorder, and reaching almost epidemic pro- perception” (American Psychiatric Association,
portions. Between 1922 and 1972, fewer than 50 2000, p. 519). Disruption in integrative functions
cases of multiple personality disorder were can lead to amnesia (dissociative amnesia), loss
recorded in the medical literature. By 1990, of sense of place (dissociative fugue), loss of
almost 20,000 cases of dissociative identity dis- sense of self (depersonalization), or the prolifer-
order had been identified (Showalter, 1997). ation of multiple identities (loss of integrated
Historian and philosopher of science Ian identity), which characterizes dissociative iden-
Hacking associated the emergence of dissociative tity disorder. The etiology of dissociative identity
identity disorder with changing interpretations of disorder is believed to be a childhood history of
childhood abuse (Hacking, 1991). In the 1960s severe physical and sexual abuse. Dissociative
“cruelty to children” was reinterpreted as identity disorder is thought to develop when
a pathology requiring medical intervention. Dur- the body’s natural traumatic stress response is
ing this time, multiple personality disorder repeatedly activated by conditions of extreme
became linked to childhood abuse. Pierre Janet’s threat, which over time leads to the emergence
work on dissociation was also rekindled and of a coherent identity capable of organizing
joined with psychosocial theories of child devel- split-off, trauma-related memories in ways
opment to explain the presence of “alter” identi- that allow the child to survive conditions of
ties. Psychiatrist Richard Kluft was the first to chronic victimization (Van Der Hart, Nijenhuis,
theorize that overreliance on dissociative & Steele, 2006). Similar to posttraumatic stress
Dissociative Identity Disorder, Overview 475 D
disorder (PTSD), dissociative identity disorder is between a daughter and a father, or father figure,
described as the outcome of exposure to life- which is thought to be common in histories of
threatening or terrifying events. However, in the women diagnosed with dissociate identity disor-
case of dissociative identity disorder, repeated der. The diagnosis is overwhelmingly given to
activation of traumatic stress responses (e.g., women (nine out of ten diagnoses). Some argue
fight, flight, flee, submit) has led to the chronic, dissociative identity disorder is the outcome of
compartmentalization of trauma-related memo- a patriarchal society that historically has given
ries, similar to how a single episode of trauma men control over the members of a dependent,
leads to the failure to integrate memories of and potentially isolated, family (Herman, 1981). D
a traumatic event with otherwise normal mental Today, research in the neurobiology of trauma
functioning. and the model of structural dissociation supports
a view of dissociated identities arising as the result
of suppressed attempts at activating the body’s
Keywords natural response to traumatic threats. When the
body must repeatedly submit to threat rather than
Childhood abuse; depersonalization; dissocia- fight back or flee, the physiological tendency to
tion; Dissociative Amnesia; Dissociative Fugue; split-off traumatic memories can lead to different
Multiple Personality Disorder; Physical abuse; aspects of the self-organizing around defense
PTSD; sexual abuse; traumatic stress responses responses, which, over time, can begin to function
as alter personalities. With this description of dis-
sociated identities, alter personalities are seen as
Traditional Debates activated defense and survival responses that have
gained complex organization as a result of
Perhaps more than any other mental disorder, dis- repeated activation (Van Der Hart et al., 2006).
sociative identity disorder – and its precursor, mul-
tiple personality disorder – has been accused of
being iatrogenic in origin, which is to say the so- Critical Debates
called alter identities or personalities arise as
a result of the psychiatrist’s or psychologist’s Psychiatrist Horacio Fabrega associated the mod-
search for their existence in highly suggestible ern Western conception of dissociation with
patients. This argument has been part of a larger notions of trance and possession that have dom-
debate in the USA against the veracity of recalled inated throughout human history. According to
memories of childhood sexual abuse – what has Fabrega, trance and possession are ritualized
been called “Repressed Memory Syndrome” – in forms of dissociation that communicate
which psychotherapists have been accused of a person’s social-related distress (2002).
manipulating their patients into believing current Fabrega’s hypothesis suggests dissociation is
symptoms of emotional distress have their origins more than just a defense against trauma and over-
in childhood experiences of sexual exploitation whelming stress; it is also a way for members of
(Hacking, 1995). a social group to identify when a person has
Related to accusations of iatrogenic influences become too overwhelmed by stress without threat
have been perceptions of dissociative identity of social alienation. Possession, however, seems
disorder as the outcome of the feminist move- to work differently, and like dissociative identity
ment rather than scientific studies. The second disorder, may be a way to communicate the vic-
wave of feminism fueled concerns for the preva- timhood engendered by social inequalities that
lence of violence against women, including have become ingrained aspects of society, such
a focus in the mental health community on the as gender oppression.
treatment and eradication of domestic violence. Dissociative identity disorder, like spirit pos-
This included exposing the frequency of incest session, may be a way for the subjugated and
D 476 Diversity

oppressed to voice their realities without fear of

retribution. However, rather than religious insti- Diversity
tutions, those diagnosed with dissociative iden-
tity disorders, like hysterics before them, retreat Nida Bikmen
to the mental health system to speak of experi- Department of Psychology, Denison University,
ences of hurt and humiliation. Fabrega witnessed Granville, OH, USA
how trance and possession became aligned with
different social institutions, including medical
practices: “Ritualized forms of dissociation like Introduction
trance and possession are found in association
with religious and medical practices across the Although psychology developed as a scientific
world and are thus institutionalized in the society. discipline that aimed to identify the universal
Indeed, one can classify societies in terms of laws underlying human behavior, experiences of
whether institutionalized forms of dissociation members of different social groups have been
are predominantly trance, possession, or studied from the early days of the discipline.
a combination of the two” (2002, p. 298). Events in North American and Western European
history in the mid-twentieth century have lead
psychologists to recognize the diversity of
human experience and transform the discipline
References by focusing on this diversity explicitly. Critical
psychologists with their emphasis on context,
American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic power, and justice have been influential in this
and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th edn.).
transformation.
Washington, DC: American Psychological
Association. Study of diversity in psychology focused on
Braude, S. E. (1991). First Person Plural: Multiple processes such as categorization, stereotyping,
personality and the philosophy of mind. New York: prejudice and discrimination, social identity
Routledge.
development, intergroup relations, and more
Hacking, I. (1991). The making and molding of child
abuse. Critical Inquiry, 17(Winter), 253–288. recently on intergroup inequality and social
Hacking, I. (1995). Rewriting the soul: Multiple person- injustice.
ality and the sciences of memory. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
Herman, J. (1981). Father-daughter incest. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press. Definition
Kluft, R. P. (Ed.). (1985). Childhood antecedents of
multiple personality. Washington, DC: American Diversity, as studied by psychologists, is defined
Psychiatric Press.
as social difference. Individuals in a society
Showalter, E. (1997). Histories: Hysterical epidemics and
modern culture. New York: Columbia University differ from each other in terms of the social
Press. categories to which they belong. While categori-
Van Der Hart, O., Nijenhuis, E. R. S., & Steele, K. (2006). zation seems to be a universal of human cognitive
The haunted self: Structural dissociation and the
functioning (Park & Judd, 2005), the bases on
treatment of chronic traumatization. New York: WW
Norton & Company. which categories are formed and the meanings
attributed to the category memberships are
constructed in particular social and historical
Online Resources contexts. For example, historical examinations
Treating dissociative disorders “101”. Retrieved 25 Oct of the creation of the category “race” revealed
2012, from (http://www.isst-d.org/education/dissocia- that it did not become a salient dimension of
tion-101.htm)
categorization until there was need to
What is a dissociative disorder? (2010). Retrieved 25
Oct 2012, from (http://www.sidran.org/sub.cfm? justify slavery and colonization (Smedley &
contentID¼75&sectionid¼4) Smedley, 2005).
Diversity 477 D
Social categories studied by psychologists were thought to be largely due to genetic
include race/ethnicity, gender, social class, age, differences.
disability, religion, sexual orientation, and Despite several critiques within and outside of
physical appearance. Blaine (2007) reported that psychology, these models remained dominant
this order corresponds to the volume of research until the social movements of the 1960s that
in each social category in psychology. That is, shifted researchers’ attention to the effects of
most of the research has been done with individ- social inequality in the United States and Europe.
uals who belong to different racial/ethnic groups. Yet Trickett et al. (1994) report that research
Yet, scholars working on diversity emphasize motivated by the civil rights movement or the D
that the term encompasses many different feminist movement still conceived racial or gen-
categories available to individuals in a society der differences within the framework of deficit
including the categories related to the dominant models. This time, however, the deficits were
culture, such as White, middle class, male, and argued to be caused by oppression and
heterosexual (Trickett, Watts, & Birman, 1994). impoverished environments.
Other dimensions of difference studied by social An important and related development at this
scientists include place (e.g., Southerner) and time was the diversification of psychologists in
political (e.g., conservative) identities, and life- North America. As more women and people of
styles (e.g., singleness) (Lott, 2009). color received graduate degrees and joined
organized psychology, they began doing research
in areas that were directly related to their experi-
Keywords ences. These groups were followed by gay/les-
bian, and disabled psychologists. In addition to
Identity; categorization; culture; intergroup examining social inequality and the effects of
relations; prejudice; inequality oppression, these psychologists focused on the
resilience and positive attributes of the marginal-
ized groups. The work of these researchers con-
History tributed to major policy decisions such as school
desegregation in the United States, the removal of
As mentioned above, experiences of groups that homosexuality as pathology from the Diagnostic
diverge from the mainstream have always been and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
an area of inquiry for psychologists. However, (DSM), and, more recently, civil rights of gays,
the way these experiences have been studied lesbians, and bisexuals.
and the underlying assumptions of the research Further developments that brought diversity
conducted have been subject to major changes studies to the present include the establishment
throughout the twentieth century. Trickett and of the field of cross-cultural psychology in the
colleagues (1994) outlined a history of diversity 1970s, which made “culture” a relevant and
studies that grew from “ethnic minority issues” to important concept in the discipline (Lott, 2009).
the study of “human diversity.” They noted that More importantly, the articulation of a social con-
earlier research in the 1930s was characterized by structionist philosophy of science (Trickett et al.,
“deficit models,” that is, focusing on what mem- 1994), with its focus on how the identities and
bers of disadvantaged groups (e.g., women, worldviews of scientists shape the knowledge
African Americans, disabled, nonheterosexual, they generate, laid the grounds for critical
poor) lacked compared to the dominant groups. psychology’s evaluation of research on social
In these studies, members of disadvantaged groups and intergroup relations. Informed by
groups would be compared to and evaluated the social constructionist perspective, critical
against the norms presented by the advantaged psychologists identified respect for human
group members (white, male, able-bodied, diversity and diverse social identities as
heterosexual, and middle class). The deficits a major value for the discipline of psychology
D 478 Diversity

(Fox & Prilleltensky, 1997). In addition to appre- evidence showed that individualism perpetuates
ciation of diversity, critical psychology focused existing intergroup inequalities and reinforces
explicitly on power and social justice and shifted ingroup bias among members of dominant
the theoretical lens from understanding the dis- groups. Multiculturalism, that is, the model that
advantages of subordinate groups to examining promotes the recognition and valuing of different
and raising awareness of the privileges accumu- social identities, on the other hand, has been
lated and enjoyed by members of the dominant found to be associated not only with increased
groups (Fine, 1997; see also a special issue of well-being of subordinate group members but
the Journal of Social Issues on “systems of also with reduced ingroup bias among dominant
privilege,” Case & Iuzzini, 2012). group members. Yet, multiculturalism may
have its own drawbacks. Depending on how mul-
ticultural policies are implemented, they may
Traditional Debates lead to reifying stereotypes and boundaries
between groups and to resentment among domi-
A very rich body of empirical work within the nant group members. Interpreting difference and
social cognition tradition documented the conse- constructing intergroup relations in ways that do
quences of social categorization in terms of not gloss over structural inequalities but at the
stereotyping, ingroup bias, and intergroup same time do not reinforce divisive boundaries
conflict. The implication of this research has remains a challenge for social scientists.
been that categorization almost inevitably leads Another debate within critical psychology is
to negative emotions and relations between about the use of traditional paradigms to do crit-
members of different social categories and that, ical work. Traditional psychology has been criti-
in order to improve intergroup relations, catego- cized for its focus on the individual as the source
ries should be removed (Park & Judd, 2005). of suffering and for ignoring structural causes of
Critical psychologists have questioned the valid- oppression. This criticism has now been broadly
ity of this claim and suggested instead that adopted by psychologists, both mainstream and
stereotypes and meanings attributed to social cat- critical. Many psychologists doing critical work
egories are consequences, rather than causes, of on inequality between groups do so within the
unequal social relations and hierarchies (e.g., frames of traditional psychology, using
Fine, Weis, & Powell, 1997). These views are established scientific methods. In an early text,
shared by many psychologists using traditional Kitzinger (1997) pointed to the benefits and costs
approaches to the study of intergroup relations as of such an approach to critical research in gay and
well (e.g., Park & Judd, 2005). lesbian psychology specifically. She argued that
while providing scientific evidence that serve the
affirmation of homosexuality benefited sexual
Critical Debates minorities in terms of increased civil rights, the
construction of “homophobia,” for example, as
One point of debate among social scientists as individual pathology located the source of the
well as policy makers working on diversity is oppression experienced by sexual minorities in
cultural beliefs about what difference means and a few deviant individuals, the homophobes. This
how intergroup relations should be structured in focus on the “prejudiced individual” rather than
a society. Plaut (2010) reviewed evidence for oppressive systems and institutions that perpetu-
two models of diversity, individualism (or ate inequality has been criticized more broadly by
colorblindness) and multiculturalism. Individual- recent work in social psychology and is suggested
ism advocates equal treatment of all individuals to contribute to the maintenance of existing hier-
regardless of social category membership. While archies (Plaut, 2010). Yet, while some psycholo-
it is seemingly an egalitarian model, empirical gists with a critical approach find it necessary to
Diversity 479 D
use traditional empirical methods (e.g., experi- metaphor of diversity is the melting pot. The
mentation) (Lott, 2009), others like Kitzinger official stances about diversity shape immigra-
believe that these methods are ultimately tion policies (e.g., who and how many can be
grounded on an epistemology that perpetuates admitted to the country) and, consequently, affect
existing social orders. the lives of immigrants (Deaux, 2006).
In the United States, the policy of affirmative
action aims to increase representation of certain
International Relevance historically disadvantaged groups, mainly
women and ethnic minority groups, in educa- D
While most psychological research on diversity tional and occupational settings. A number of
has been conducted within North American and studies revealed the benefits of increased cultural
Western European contexts, the concept of diver- diversity such as cognitive complexity and
sity gained international relevance as psycholo- increased creativity in problem solving, not only
gists have increasingly become involved in for those who benefit directly from affirmative
examining consequences of globalization. With action policies but for all members of the organi-
the free flow of information, international migra- zation (Crosby, Iyer, Clayton, & Downing, 2003;
tion, and the growth of multinational corpora- Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002). In addi-
tions, globalization brings people from different tion, many schools and workplaces implement
parts of the world in close contact with each diversity training programs, that is, interventions
other. On the one hand, such contact and aware- to reduce prejudice, stereotyping, and intergroup
ness of cultural differences have been theorized conflict. Often, these programs are based on
to facilitate the development of a global identity, increased intergroup contact and dialogue.
that is, self-definitions as a citizen of the world, in However, close scrutiny of these interventions
addition to local identities (e.g., national identity) showed that typically they are not informed by
and openness to diverse values especially among psychological theory and lack methodologically
youth (Jensen & Arnett, 2012). On the other sound evaluations of their effectiveness (Paluck
hand, these interactions have also been suggested & Green, 2009).
to trigger perceptions of threat to one’s national Finally, multicultural competence as a clinical
security or cultural identity that may lead to ter- skill has become important in mental health
rorism (Moghaddam, 2009) and wars (Marsella, practice. Clinicians and counselors are expected
2005). Thus, consequences of globalization (i.e., to develop interpersonal skills that are sensitive
potential for inclusion and peace versus margin- to the backgrounds and unique needs of their
alization, terrorism, and war) seem to be patients of different ethnicities, gender, sexual
ultimately determined by how cultural differ- orientation, and other cultural groups
ences are construed by individuals as well as (Lott, 2009).
powerful actors and groups (Marsella, 2005).

Future Directions
Practice Relevance
In most psychological research, social categories
The way cultural diversity is understood has have been investigated in isolation, that is, by
major implications for governments’ policies focusing on one category membership at a time,
and institutions like schools and workplaces. such as only race or only gender. Yet, individuals
Some countries like Canada and the Netherlands are simultaneously members of many different
adopt multiculturalism as an official state policy. categories, some of which afford privileges to
Others reinforce assimilation to varying degrees, the individual, and others are associated with
such as the United States where the dominant disadvantages. In the last decade, research has
D 480 Diversity

focused increasingly in identifying ways of Fox, D., & Prilleltensky, I. (1997). Critical psychology:
examining the intersections of social identities. An introduction. London: Sage.
Greenwood, R. M. (2012). Standing at the crossroads
The concept of intersectionality has been devel- of identity: An intersectional approach to women’s
oped in the late 1980s by feminist and critical social identities and political consciousness. In
race theorists, but psychologists have been slow S. Wiley, G. Philogene, & T. A. Revenson (Eds.),
in adopting it (see Cole, 2009; Greenwood, 2012 Social categories in everyday experience
(pp. 103–129). Washington, DC: American Psycho-
for reviews), one reason being the difficulty of logical Association.
studying the qualitatively different experiences Gurin, P., Dey, E. L., Hurtado, S., & Gurin, G. (2002).
that result from combinations of multiple social Diversity and higher education: Theory and impact on
categories using the factorial design of psychol- educational outcomes. Harvard Educational Review,
72, 330–366.
ogy experiments. Research in this area developed Jensen, L. A., & Arnett, J. J. (2012). Going global: New
from the early “additive models” in which each pathways for adolescents and emerging adults in
disadvantaged social identity (e.g., African a changing world. Journal of Social Issues, 68,
American + woman + poor) meant increased 478–492.
Kitzinger, C. (1997). Lesbian and gay psychology: A
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Crosby, F. J., Iyer, A., Clayton, S., & Downing, R. (2003). 60, 16–26.
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Divorce, Overview 481 D
Traditional Debates
Divorce, Overview
Legal, religious, and social prohibitions against
Barri Leslie1 and Mandy Morgan2 divorce characterize precapitalist societies.
1
Private Practice, Relationship Coach, Auckland, Whenever the kinship group is the primary prop-
New Zealand erty-owning institution, the group’s collective
2
School of Psychology, Massey University, resources provide a form of insurance for all the
Palmerston North, New Zealand members. Therefore the privilege of membership
is closely monitored. As points of entry for new D
members, marriages are likely to be arranged or
Introduction need the approval of parents or other elders.
In return for access to the kin group’s protection
Marriage and divorce are readily recordable legal and support, obligations of duty to family take
events with most countries and the United precedence over individual rights and desires. As
Nations Organization (UNO), posting divorce divorce confuses lineage, strong prohibitions
statistics online. Consequently, marriage and apply. However, infertility, infidelity, or failure
divorce are the most quoted indicators of to consummate also threaten lineage; therefore,
changing patterns in relationships. Graphs for they constitute justifications for occasional
Eurocentric countries typically show a gradual annulments (Maley, 2003; Shumway, 2003).
rise in divorce rates from the mid-1800s, then The increase in permissive attitudes to divorce
a steep rise from the 1960s, and followed by and the rise in divorce rates in Eurocentric
a leveling trend in recent years, with spikes countries reflect centuries of striving for greater
occurring during economic downturns. Low personal agency. Vigorous debate in capitalist
socioeconomic status and second and third societies has privileged individualistic values,
marriages are high risk factors for divorce, human rights, and women’s rights to property
while educated couples are the most resilient. ownership and financial independence; education
The contemporary relationship field is and careers; happiness and freedom from
complex as increasing diversity in heterosexual domination; and abuse in marriage (Maley,
partnerships is recognized globally, and the 2003; Shumway, 2003).
possibility and reality of legal marriage for However, as divorce rates increased, extensive
homosexual couples gain political momentum in research revealed high personal and social costs
the West. Therefore, marriage and divorce need for men, women, and children, while significant
to be considered in conjunction with statistics benefits in health and wealth accrue in mutually
showing increases in cohabiting and un-partnered satisfying, non-abusive, long-term marriages.
lifestyles (Coontz, 2005). Extensive research continues in the hope
of enabling more stable and fulfilling relation-
ships while also maintaining individual rights
Definition
and gendered equality (Wallerstein, Lewis, &
Blakeslee, 2000).
Divorce is the legal dissolution of a marriage.

Keywords Critical Debates

Divorce; marriage; de facto; cohabiting; Critical analysis offers the power to explicate the
security; romantic love; intimacy; compatibility; struggles of persons as they strive for satisfaction
soulmates; individualism; capitalism; feminism; within the relational structure of marriage. Dis-
environmentalism courses of love and marriage establish the rules,
D 482 Divorce, Overview

rights, and obligations for the essential functions Contemporary empirical evidence that well-
of relationships: partner selection, the provision resourced men are more likely to marry or re-
of income and nurturance for the next generation, partner, plus discursive evidence that women
the value and positions of gendered persons, view their young-family years as problematic
sexual practices, and divorce. The extent to without a financially supportive partner, suggests
which the premises of a particular discourse are the continuing presence of a layer of security
accepted or marginalized varies according discoursing (Leslie & Morgan, 2011).
to its function within the dominant politico- Similarly power and agency are multilayered:
socioeconomic discoursing in different historical while empowered to select partners without
times and places (Leslie & Morgan, 2011). parental approval, lovers helplessly “fall in
The Discourse of Security is the oldest and love.” If “Cupid’s arrow” strikes, lovers are obli-
most ubiquitous relationship discourse because gated to “follow their hearts” even when that
of its functions in precapitalist societies to stabi- requires divorcing the [first] “true love” and mov-
lize marriage, protect lineage, and limit access to ing on to the next. Such romantic love assump-
kin-group resources. The positions available to tions are critiqued as contributors to the increase
women are restricted. As bearers of the next in divorce (Coontz, 2005).
generation, their freedom to adulterate lines of The romantic love positions offered to
inheritance is subjected to rigid patriarchal con- women contrast strongly with security positions.
trols, ensuring “women’s place is in the home,” The rationale of marriage for happiness, plus
and their access to public power resources of gains in education, financial independence, and
education, employment, and property ownership fertility control, enabled women to select their
is constrained. As personal attraction has the partners, reject abuse, and construct marriage
potential to undermine arranged marriage, love and divorce as choices (Coontz, 2005; Maley,
without kin approval is marginalized with stories, 2003; Shumway, 2003).
such as Romeo and Juliet, ending tragically Divorce rates increased exponentially up to
(Maley, 2003; Shumway, 2003). WWII, then declined during the 1950s postwar
In the Discourse of Romantic Love, the rights quest for stability, sanctioned by “Hollywood”
of romantic lovers are enabled by the concomi- narratives implying romantic love would lead
tant emergence of individualistic capitalism. to both security in marriage and happiness-ever-
Complementary politico-socioeconomic dis- after. By the 1960s, these assumptions were
coursing constructs a bounded, competitive, attracting vigorous feminist critique. Comple-
mobile individual. By endorsing rights to per- mentary individualistic assumptions in capital-
sonal happiness over kinship obligations, roman- ism, feminism, and post-pill permissiveness
tic love undermines kin-group rights. Romantic conflicted with security assumptions about
lovers are obligated to “be true to love” and reject “women’s place.” In addition, the ubiquity of
marriage for security. Rights and responsibilities romantic fiction had raised women’s expectations
for partner selection shift from parents to for equality and fulfillment within marriage,
lovers who are enabled to marry across social and in the discursive turbulence of the 1960s,
barriers with the promise of happiness-ever- divorce rates increased dramatically. As no
after (Coontz, 2005, Maley, 2003; Shumway, available discourse supported mutually satisfying
2003). relationships, new discursive resources were
In romantic discourse, gains in status through required (Coontz, 2005; Shumway, 2003).
marriage are reconstructed as rewards for Through subsequent decades three new
personal qualities. Beautiful, loving women, discourses of Intimacy, Compatibility, and
like Cinderella and Beauty, may attract princes Soulmates were constructed. These discourses
with castles, while “gold-digging” Ugly Sisters privilege skillful communication for “working
may not. Similarly “seventh sons” may win prin- through” difficulties. It is theorized that these
cesses through courage and enterprise. communicative discourses are embedded in and
Divorce, Overview 483 D
enabled by the emerging politico-socioeconomic conceptualization: similarity, difference, or
discourse of environmentalism. Environmental admired partner characteristics whether similar
or regulated capitalism incorporates holistic or different (Finkel, Eastwick, Karney, Reis, &
assumptions that individual rights are valued yet Sprecher, 2012).
constrained by obligations to be negotiable in The emerging Discourse of Soulmates ini-
consideration of the rights and well-being of tially drew resources from New Age spirituality
others (Leslie & Morgan, 2011). and Quantum Physics, which have introduced
The Discourse of Intimacy drew resources conceptualizations such as karma, meditation,
from two areas of women’s experience with and connectedness into Eurocentric cultures. D
talk: mutual support in friendship networks Soulmates construct a deep mystical connection
and participation in the “talking therapies” that obligates soul partners to commit to working
(Shumway, 2003). An assumption of intimacy is through life’s challenges in order to learn to
that reciprocal disclosure of thoughts and feelings love profoundly. Those with idealized conceptu-
will generate mutual understanding and close- alizations of their partners as soulmates are likely
ness. Another assumption of intimacy is commit- to resist divorce and strive to overcome difficul-
ment. While romantic love constructs passion as ties, whereas subscribers to soulmate assump-
the sign of “true love” and loss of passion as tions who do not consider their partner meets
justification for divorce, intimacy assumes that ideal are less likely to persist (Franiuk,
passion will fade and offers constructions of Pomerantz, & Cohen, 2004). In post-2000 con-
long-lasting “companionate” or “consummate” structions, soulmates are assumed to have
love, which can be achieved through commit- a significant compatibility score, intimacy’s com-
ment, communication, and “emotional work” mitment to “work it out,” plus “chemistry”
(Sternberg, 1988). (Finkel et al., 2012).
Early proponents of intimacy advocated In these constructions, the resources of inti-
a discursive alliance, with romantic love macy, compatibility, and soulmates are comple-
performing mate selection and intimacy ensuring mentary in privileging multidimensional mate
relationship maintenance. Problematically, this selection over the one-dimensional sexual
alliance may increase the risk of divorce as inti- passion offered by romantic love. The three
macy requires commitment, communication, and discourses also privilege gender equality,
equality, whereas romantic attraction frequently communication, mutual support, and learning,
occurs for persons who resist those practices in order to achieve valued life tasks. For
(Leslie & Morgan, 2011). soulmates the most significant shared task might
A Discourse of Compatibility is being be raising their children in nurturing, stable fam-
constructed to reduce the risk of divorce from ilies, with carefully chosen compatible partners,
“falling for” lovers who resist commitment and where divorce is a legitimate but least preferred
mutuality. It is assumed that satisfaction is more choice, which may be skillfully resisted through
likely when psychological knowledge about mate “work-it-out” practices of intimacy (Leslie &
selection and marriage resilience is incorporated. Morgan, 2011).
Compatibility seekers still expect passionate
attraction but construct it as “chemistry”: just
one of numerous selection factors (Leslie &
References
Morgan, 2011). Increasingly compatibility
seekers are sharing their sole rights for Coontz, S. (2005). Marriage, a history: From obedience to
partner selection with dating websites that offer intimacy or how love conquered marriage. New York,
computer matching for compatibility. The contri- NY: Viking.
Finkel, E. J., Eastwick, P. W., Karney, B. R., Reis, H. T., &
bution of psychologists to such websites has been
Sprecher, S. (2012). Online dating: A critical analysis
rigorously critiqued, as knowledge is still from the perspective of psychological science.
inconsistent in the main areas of Association for Psychological Science in the Public
D 484 Domestic Violence, Overview

Interest, 13, 3–66. Retrieved from http://pspi.sagepub. domestic violence is a private or personal family
com matter rather than a justice issue, along with
Franiuk, R., Pomerantz, E. M., & Cohen, D. (2004).
The causal role of theories of relationships: shame and fear often cited by victims, prevents
Consequences for satisfaction and cognitive strategies. many from coming forward to report these
Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin, 30(11), crimes. The lack of accurate statistics and the
1494–1507. lack of awareness regarding the complexities sur-
Leslie, B., & Morgan, M. (2011). Soulmates, compatibil-
ity and intimacy: Allied discursive resources in the rounding domestic violence (in particular, the
struggle for relationship satisfaction in the new effects of the batterer’s attempts to exert power
millennium. New Ideas in Psychology, 29(1), 10–23. and control over their partners) have led to mis-
Maley, B. (2003). Divorce law and the future of marriage. conceptions about domestic violence. This can be
St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Centre for Independent
Studies. detrimental, because societal perceptions of
Shumway, D. R. (2003). Modern love: Romance, intimacy domestic violence can have an effect on the sup-
and the marriage crisis. New York University Press. port for social policy and services provided to
Sternberg, R. J. (1988). The triangle of love: Intimacy, survivors of what is often termed intimate partner
passion, commitment. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Wallerstein, J. S., Lewis, J. M., & Blakeslee, S. (2000). violence.
The unexpected legacy of divorce: A twenty-five year
landmark study. New York, NY: Hyperion.
Definition
Online Resources
The Guardian datablog: Interactive graph of divorce The term battering has been coined by the battered
rates 1930 to 2010. http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/
datablog/2010/jan/28/divorce-rates-marriage-ons women’s movement to describe the pattern of
The National Marriage Project, University of Virginia. abuse committed against one’s partner in an
http://www.virginia.edu/marriageproject/ attempt to control, coerce, and intimidate (Praxis
United Nations, Department of Economic & Social International, 2003). Intimate partner violence can
Affairs, Population Division. (2009). World
Marriage Data 2008 (POP/DB/Marr/Rev2008). http:// take the form of emotional or physical abuse and
www.un.org/esa/population/publications/WMD2008/ can result in psychological trauma, physical
WP_WMD_2008/Data.html injury, and even death (Domestic Abuse Interven-
tion Programs, n.d.). Often periods of violence are
followed by periods of calm and resolution lasting
upwards of 1 year (Walker, 1979).
Domestic Violence, Overview There is not one agreed-upon theory
explaining the causes of domestic violence
Jamie Franco-Zamudio, Aislinn Shevlin, Nathan (Hanna, 2002). One theory stems from the idea
Tenhundfeld and Victoria Gonzalez that the act is one of displaced aggression, i.e.,
Social Science, Department of Psychology, when men lack power in other areas of their lives,
Spring Hill College, Mobile, AL, USA they become frustrated and sometimes take it out
those that they can control (Haaken, 2010). With
this in mind, it is not surprising that we most often
Introduction hear of men from marginalized social groups,
who lack power in society, being arrested for
Domestic violence is an issue that affects men, domestic violence. However, the higher propor-
women, and children from all backgrounds, with tion of arrests made to men from marginalized
over one million reported cases each year in the groups might be attributed to the fact that they are
United States alone (National Center for Injury already targets of police scrutiny or the fact that
Prevention and Control, 2003). While a majority the stereotypes of their social group include the
of victims continue to primarily be heterosexual notion that they are violent men (Oliver, 2003).
females, no person is immune to domestic vio- Other theories blame patriarchal society and
lence. The prevailing cultural notion that traditional gender-role ideology for the acts of
Domestic Violence, Overview 485 D
dominance (Brownridge, 2002). For example, emphasis has been placed on interventions that
traditional male gender roles are associated with empower victims of abuse, with more of an
dominance, often leading both men and women emphasis placed on changing the behaviors of
to minimize or deny the violent acts and instead the perpetrators.
see them as normative (Fine & Weiss, 1998). There are many different models and theories
to mediate domestic violence. Some focus on the
victim (e.g., social support theory, empowerment
Keywords theory), while other mediation focuses on the
batterer. While batterer’s intervention programs D
Physical abuse; emotional abuse; battering; inti- do exist, there is inconclusive evidence regarding
mate partner violence whether they are effective or not (Healy, Smith, &
O’Sullivan, 1998). These varying models, while
situationally effective, do not address the more
Traditional Debates pertinent issues involving societal perceptions of
victims and how we can help. By confronting
In the past, domestic violence was only associ- societal stigmas, we can better legislate and
ated with physical battering. If battered persons support abuse victims and their families.
did not have outward physical evidence of
domestic violence (e.g., a broken arm, a black
eye), laws did not protect them. This belief car- Critical Debates
ried over the general public. What most failed to
realize is that emotional abuse or the threat of In recent years, psychologists and health officials
physical violence in intimate relationships can have called on public officials to make domestic
actually be more detrimental than physical vio- violence a top priority on the public health
lence (Domestic Violence Abuse Intervention agenda. Injecting domestic violence in the
Project, n.d.). The World Health Organization agenda to increase awareness will inform the
provides accounts of women who claim that public of the consequences of domestic violence
they can heal from a physical wound, but contin- as well as the prevalence (Vine, Elliot, & Keller-
ued psychological abuse and subsequent internal- Olaman, 2010). It will also encourage the imple-
ization and self-blame had more damaging and mentation of preventative programs, education
long-lasting effects. To illustrate the typical pat- on the issue, and better resources for victims of
tern of psychological and physical abuse, Lenore battering. More than one million incidents of
Walker (1979) developed a theory of the cycle of domestic violence are reported each year, and
violence. The cycles manifest in tension building, surveys have suggested that between 20 % and
abusive incident, and finally a honeymoon period 25 % of women are victims of physical abuse by
in which attempts at reconciliation occur. It is their partners; therefore, domestic violence can
during this time that many victims question no longer be viewed as a personal problem
their own role in the violence (Domestic Abuse (Bornstein, 2006). Domestic violence has social
Intervention Programs, n.d.). Upon hearing of and economic consequences as well. Cost esti-
battered women’s accounts of self-blame, the mates range from two to ten billion dollars annu-
Domestic Abuse Intervention Programs (DIAP) ally, but many researchers think these results
developed the Duluth Model. The Duluth Model underestimate the true cost of domestic violence
takes the accountability off the victims and places (National Center for Injury Prevention and
the blame on the perpetrator. The research and Control, 2003). Because these reports rely on
community work of DIAP, which includes Power victims coming forward, it is difficult to tell
and Control Wheel, has already changed the how many cases go unnoticed. Since advocates
views of domestic violence in the legal system of domestic violence victims are often from
and among social workers. As a result, less of an feminist or women’s organizations, the data
D 486 Domestic Violence, Overview

collected is often focused on female victims and Québec with the rest of Canada. Violence Against
male perpetrators. WomensLaw.org states that Women, 8(1), 87–115.
Domestic Abuse Interventions Programs. (n.d.). Stop vio-
95 % of victims of domestic violence are lence in your community. Retrieved from http://www.
women; however, many psychologists suggest theduluthmodel.org/stop-violence/index.html
that the disparity between the genders of victims Dutton, D. G. (2007). The complexities of domestic vio-
is much less apparent (Dutton, 2007). Some psy- lence. American Psychologist, 62(7), 708–709.
Fine, M., & Weis, L. (1998). The unknown city: The
chologists are proponents of utilizing social net- lives of poor and working-class young adults. Boston:
working as a resource for victims of battering as a Beacon Press.
way to provide them with social support and Goodman, L. A., & Smyth, K. F. (2011). A call for a social
encouragement to come forward without concern network-oriented approach to services for survivors of
intimate partner violence. Psychology of Violence,
for the stigma or fear of their abuser (Goodman & 1(2), 79–92.
Smyth, 2011). Grych, J. H., & Swan, S. C. (2012). Toward a more
The World Health Organization (WHO) comprehensive understanding of interpersonal vio-
reminds us that domestic violence is a global lence: Introduction to the special issue on interconnec-
tions among different types of violence. Psychology of
problem. The overarching cultural values, legal Violence, 2, 105–110.
system, and interpersonal norms of each nation Haaken, J. (2010). Hard knocks: Domestic violence and
effect the framing of the issue. The varying the psychology of storytelling. London: Routledge
expectations for the role of women in the family Hanna, C. (2002). Domestic violence. Encyclopedia of
Crime and Justice. Retrieved from http://www.ency-
might have an effect on whether or not women clopedia.com/topic/Domestic_violence.aspx
report intimate partner violence. The WHO Levendosky, A. A., Bogat, G., & Huth-Bocks, A. C.
reported that Latina women often work to main- (2011). The influence of domestic violence on the
tain the family unit for what they felt was the development of the attachment relationship between
mother and young child. Psychoanalytic Psychology,
betterment of their children, which lends itself 28(4), 512–527.
to underreporting. Additionally, women might National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. (2003).
fear that disclosing abuse will bring shame upon Costs of intimate partner violence against women
their family – a particular fear in many collectiv- in the United States. Atlanta, GA: Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention. Available
ist countries. Despite the fervor with which many from: http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/pubres/ipv_cost/
nations prosecute perpetrators of domestic vio- IPVBook-Final-Feb18.pdf.
lence, several nations have what appears to be a Oliver, W. (2003). The structural cultural perspective: A
culture of tolerance. Illustration of these cultural theory of Black male violence. In D. F. Hawkins (Ed.),
Violent crime: Assessing race & ethnic differences
values is highlighted by a survey of Nicaraguan (pp. 280–302). New York: Cambridge University
women which suggests that nearly a third believe Press.
it is appropriate for a husband to beat his wife if Praxis International. (2003). Safe havens: Supervised vis-
he even suspects she is cheating on him. A com- itation and safe exchange grant program California
site program manual. Property of the author. Report
bination of providing resources to empower vic- may be retrieved from http://praxisinternational.org/
tims, intervention programs for abusers, and praxis_publications.aspx
education about the consequences of domestic U.S. Department of Justice. (2011, May). Domestic vio-
violence will likely be the most effective in elim- lence. Retrieved from http://www.ovw.usdoj.gov/
domviolence.htm
inating the problem as a global health issue. Vine, M. M., Elliot, S. J., & Keller-Olaman, S. (2010). To
disrupt and displace: Placing domestic violence on the
public health agenda. Critical Public Health, 20(3),
339–355.
References Walker, L. E. (1979). The battered woman. New York:
Harper & Row.
Bornstein, R. F. (2006). The complex relationship
between dependency and domestic violence: Converg-
ing psychological factors and social forces. American
Psychologist, 61(6), 595–606. Online Resources
Brownridge, D. A. (2002). Cultural variation in male Cycle of violence: http://www.hruth.org/files/library/
partner violence against women: A comparison of CycleofViolence.pdf
Drive, Overview 487 D
Domestic violence around the world: http://www. in the way of a purely natural aptitude, Hegel
someplacesafe.org/DV01.htm reformulates the drive as “quest for reason”;
Domestic violence resource center: http://www.dvrc-or.
org/domestic/violence/resources/C61/ Schopenhauer and Nietzsche then again interpret
The Duluth model: http://www.theduluthmodel.org/about/ the drive towards the end of the nineteenth
index.html century as the “dark side of human nature.”
National online resource center on violence against The concept is introduced into medical discourse
women: http://www.vawnet.org/research/
Healy, K., Smith, C., & O’Sullivan, C. (1998). Batterer by leading sexologists, whereas the conceptuali-
intervention: Program approaches and criminal justice zation of a “sex drive” goes back to Albert Moll
strategies. National Institute of Justice. Retrieved Feb- (1897). D
ruary 20, 2013, from https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles/
168638.pdf
Klein, A. R. (2009). Practical implications of current
domestic violence research: For law enforcement, Definition
prosecutors and judges. National Institute of Justice.
Retrieved February 20, 2013, from http://www.nij. The drive is one of the central concepts of Freud-
gov/topics/crime/intimate-partner-violence/practical-
implications-research/welcome.htm ian psychoanalysis. It is often – and not least
because of the false translation in the first stan-
dard edition by Strachey – mistaken for instinct.
However, the reference of the drive to the biolog-
ical is rather unclear. The drive seems to be more
Drive, Overview of a heuristic device that accounts for both the
corporeality of human experiences and impulses
Markus Brunner1 and Julia K€onig2 and, when focusing specific “drive fates,” their
1
Sigmund Freud University, Vienna, Austria biographical emergence. In the interweaving of
2
Department of Education, Goethe University, nature and life history in the drive concept, psy-
Frankfurt a.M., Germany choanalytically oriented critical (social) psychol-
ogists saw the opportunity to engage with the
concrete mediation of nature and society in the
Introduction (bourgeois) subject.

The notion of the drive has a long history, even

though it is nowadays mostly identified as Keywords
a psychoanalytic concept. In politika Aristotle
speaks of two basic drives – one for procreation Psychoanalysis; metapsychology; Freud; sexuality
and another aiming for self-preservation (ca. 335
BC, I 2, 1252a27–30) – to explain the order and
development of human social groups in relation Traditional Debates
to the family/household (oikos) and to slavery.
This figure is picked up by medieval clerics in the In Freud’s work the drive concept first appears in
discussion of sexual practice and the meaning of the Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality
marriage. While sexual lust as an end in itself (1905). In his seduction theory, developed in
would clearly lead into peril, as Thomas Aquinas Studies on Hysteria (Freud/Breuer, 1895), Freud
argues in Summa Theologiae, the longing for traced the symptoms of his patients to memories
begetting children is enrooted within a natural of early childhood sexual abuse that were aroused
human drive and therefore to be endorsed in puberty and, in the light of blossoming sexual-
(written 1265–1274, II-I, q. 94, a. 2). In German ity, were then reinterpreted and thereby taking
Idealism the notion of the drive becomes up a horrifying meaning, subsequently leading
a contested concept: While Kant discusses deter- to illness. In 1897 he retracted this model of
minants and motives of human agency as drives trauma theory, not only since he doubted the
D 488 Drive, Overview

prevalence of sexual violations of children, but the specific “drive fates” – that is, the object
moreover because he realized that in the uncon- relations developed during the course of life as
scious “one cannot distinguish between truth and well as the fantasies, wishes, and fears captured
fiction that has been cathected with affect” and efficacious within.
(Freud, 1985, p. 264). Thus, he developed the Freud’s drive theory can be divided into three
conception of unconscious fantasies and wishes phases, each of which centers on a dualism of the
(see esp. Freud, 1900), which from 1905 on he drive. At the beginning, the ego- or self-
placed in the context of his new theory of infan- preservation drive embodied by the reality prin-
tile sexuality, inextricably linked with drive the- ciple is opposed to the sexual drive. The latter is
ory. From then on, Freud focused on the conflicts described as “polymorphously perverse” (1905,
of drives, which arose in individual psychosexual p. 191) – that is, it strives at unlimited forms of
development and were seen as a causal force of pleasure – and its energy is called “libido.”
symptoms. With the introduction of narcissism (1914), inex-
Predecessors of the drive concept are, on the tricably linked to the idea of the ego-drive arising
one hand, “inner stimulations” that the “psycho- via a libidinous “cathexis” (libidinal investment)
logical apparatus” has to manage or “bind” (see of the ego, the former antipode dissolves. Drive
Freud 1895) and, on the other hand, the theory in this phase tends towards monism, as the
concept of unconscious wishes emphasized in new dualism between narcissistic and object
The Interpretation of Dreams (1900), which func- libido is false insofar as the two poles can
tion as the distinguishing “[driving] force[s] of the morph into one another. Ultimately, Freud estab-
dream” (p. 561). The drive is not simply a somatic lishes a new polarity between the life-drive or
force. Rather, Freud periodically reconceptualizes Eros that strives for bonding and the death-drive
the relationship between somatic and psychic or Thanatos aiming at the destruction of bonds
moments of the drive: at times it is imputed to (see 1920). In fact the latter turns against the ego
biology and merely represented in the psychic itself, yet it can also be led outwards and express
(1915a, p. 109); at times it is itself the psychic itself as “destructive drive.”
representative of a somatic source of stimulus Laplanche and Pontalis (1967) point out that
(1905, p. 167); and ultimately it is articulated as some contradictions in the drive concept can be
“a concept on the frontier between the mental and resolved through the basic distinction between
the somatic” (1915b, 121f). the dynamics of the bodily needs Freud termed
In Instincts and Their Vicissitudes (1915b), “self-preservation drive” and the “actual” drive,
Freud differentiates between the drive’s source, “sexual” in the broad Freudian sense, operating in
pressure, aim, and object. The source is the mode of pleasure and unpleasure. The former
a bodily situation of tension that imposes has a clear goal and rather corresponds to an
a “demand for work” (p. 122) on the mind, instinct, whereas the latter arises, according to
whereby a quantitative, economic moment – or Freud, from “anaclisis” (attachment) on the
rather a pressure – is introduced. As opposed to relief of bodily urges – so to speak, as their
the notion of instinct, for which an aim and object “by-product” (1905, p. 233) – and is tremen-
are pregiven, Freud shows how variably and arbi- dously variable with respect to goal and object.
trarily the choice of object proceeds. Accord- All his life Freud came back to the question of
ingly, the aim, which is sometimes articulated the drive’s somatic foundation, hereby often refer-
statically as “the removal [or rather: sublation] ring to physiological and biological discourses, as
of this organic stimulus” (1905, p. 167), can the attempt to biologically root the new dualism of
always change along with the chosen object and drives in Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920)
the relation towards it. Thus, in his case analyses shows. But then, Freud himself stressed the spec-
and considerations on the emergence of symp- ulative moment and depicted the theory of drives
toms, character structures, or slips, Freud does self-critically as “our mythology”: Drives “are
not deal with the “drive” as such but rather with mythical entities, magnificent in their
Drive, Overview 489 D
indefiniteness” (Freud, 1933, p. 94). This again individualize and theoretically subjectivize social
justifies a reading of the Freudian drive as conflicts, it is strikingly often Freud’s sophisti-
a heuristic instrument to explore the secrets of cated definition of the drive – as concept on the
the soul. frontier between the mental and the somatic – that
The development of Freudian theory and is dropped in favor of a simplistic endogenic or,
especially the narcissism concept cannot be con- more often, an entirely exogenic approach to
ceived without the great conflicts with his (sexual) socialization.
followers and colleagues Alfred Adler and Carl One of these attacks questions Freud’s dis-
Gustav Jung that led to factions and the founding avowal of the early seduction theory that had D
of new schools. While the rivals inspired Freud’s exclusively built upon the assumption of early
thinking with their criticism, his new concepts experiences of sexual abuse and had later been
were concurrently directed decisively against revised, as Freud was more interested in
“abbreviations” and “adulteration” of Freudian the transformative power of infantile and adult
knowledge. Adler criticized Freud’s concentra- fantasies. In the 1920s Sandor Ferenczi deci-
tion on the sexual and his theory of the sively returned to the idea of neurotic symptoms
unconscious. According to Adler’s ego psychol- being the outcomes of early experiences of abuse
ogy, the sexual is a secondary phenomenon: (see esp. 1932) and implicitly accused Freud of
pivotal instead is an innate physical inferiority having underestimated these due to his focus on
of the human being that is compensated by drive dynamics. The consequent conflict between
a drive for power, which takes the sexual into its Freud and Ferenczi was rediscovered half
service. Jung goes another way. He adheres to a century later by Jeffrey Masson (1984), Alice
the concept of libido, which he extends and Miller (1981) and others, who then pled to dis-
desexualizes at the same time: for him, the libido card the theory of infantile sexuality in favor of
is “the psychic energy” in general and encom- a pure trauma theory. Against their polemic –
passes everything that grows out of biological Freud would have denied and thereby concealed
needs. As opposed to Freud’s extension of the the reality of sexual abuse by reframing the
concept of sexuality to a general principle of existing sexual violence as mere phantasy – can
lust, Jung limits the sexual to the moment of be emphasized that, firstly, Freud never denied
procreation. He rejects the idea of an infantile the influence of traumatic events but rather saw
sexuality, which he understands as a retrojection these as one moment in a complementary series
of adult sexuality onto a presexual phase. This that led to symptoms. Secondly, Ferenczi saw his
extended libido is supported by a whole range of own analyses as a supplement to the Freudian
“natural needs” that are ultimately founded in an knowledge of infantile fantasy activity and
esoteric idea of the unconscious embedded in certainly not as a replacement.
what he called “ethnic souls” [“V€olkerseelen”] Another critique, brought on by the protago-
and archetypes as part of human nature. nists of Freudo-Marxism, was directed against
naturalizing and ontologizing tendencies in
Freudian theory, which, they held, should be his-
Critical Debates toricized. Otto Gross traced the gender-specific
inner-psychological conflicts back to repressive
Since Freud’s establishment of the drive concept bourgeois sexual morality and patriarchal family
in psychoanalytic theory and the first schisms structures. In the context of a Marxist class
following the contentions with Adler and Jung, analysis, Wilhelm Reich also located the nuclear
this pivotal concept has been criticized from sev- family and the individual socialized within as the
eral theoretical as well as political perspectives. historical product of bourgeois-capitalist society.
In the early feminist critique of the patriarchal Both proclaimed that the various forms of per-
bias in Freud’s concept of the bourgeois family as verse, chaotic, and threatening sexual drives dis-
in Leftist critiques of Freud’s tendency to covered by Freud were the effects of a repressive
D 490 Drive, Overview

society, covering primordial “drives of self-devel- of the Freudian concept of the drive in his
opment.” Yet, via this conception of a conflict- Kojève-inspired Hegelian reformulation of drive
free, fundamentally “good” human nature, these theory. Lacan philosophically reconfigures the
proponents ensnared themselves in even stronger drive as a both cultural and symbolic construct.
ontologies or biologism than Freud himself. In this concept the drive does not aim at its object,
A development into this direction can be found which can never be reached anyway, because
in Erich Fromm’s work, too. While he captured it is always constituted in the mode of
the authority-bound personality structures as spe- “afterwardness.” Instead the desired object is end-
cific “drive fates” brought forth by authoritarian lessly encircled. Among the feminist philosophers
family structure in his early work, he later turned and psychoanalysts who followed Lacan in his
from drive theory and replaced it with the concep- Hegelian reformulation of drive theory, Luce
tion of general human needs to which a society Irigaray extrapolated the problem of Lacan still
should adjust itself. It is this abandonment of drive ontologizing sex differences with special verve.
theory by Fromm and other so-called Neo- One of the most recent debates on the subject
Freudians such as Karen Horney or Harry Stack was instigated by Axel Honneth’s effort to revive
Sullivan that led to the so-called culturism debate the relation between psychoanalysis and the
between them and the representatives of critical Frankfurt School, which Habermas had
theory, first and foremost Theodor W. Adorno and dismissed. But then, Honneth’s revision of psy-
Herbert Marcuse. choanalysis included to – again – discard drive
From a feminist perspective, Horney theory altogether by proposing a “primary inter-
especially criticizes the privileging of the male subjectivity” instead of the Freudian “primary
sexual development in Freudian theory and narcissism” and by arguing that object relations
develops a concept of an innate femininity theory would be intermediated best with his
instead. With this she is paying a high price, as Hegelian approach of a theory of recognition.
she drops back behind Freud’s insight into human This intersubjective turn was criticized sharply
bisexuality with its arbitrariness concerning the by Joel Whitebook (2001), who insisted on the
sex drive’s aim and object. Nevertheless she is antagonistic relation of (first) nature and social
shedding light upon the implicit phallocentrism forms of interaction.
inherent on the psychoanalytic theory of feminin- All in all it can be observed that similar figures
ity. Similar to tendencies observed in Freudo- have reappeared in the debates on the psychoan-
Marxist arguments, the debate around the ques- alytic concept of the drive during the last century.
tion: “Is woman born or made?” (Ernest Jones) Recurring arguments have been revised,
eventually slid at this early stage into biologism processed, and refined, while the question still
by stressing innate (gender) dispositions, as Juliet circles around the problem of how to understand
Mitchell (1974) points out. The question is later the relationship between the mental and the
famously addressed by Simone de Beauvoir in somatic in Freudian drive concept. While the
The Second Sex (1949), though she gets to a most first critiques of Jung and Adler took two funda-
different conclusion than the enquirer. mentally different directions (folksy esotericism
In the following phase of discussion on drive of the ontologized archetypes on the one side and
theory, its biologist tendencies are on the other an ego psychology stressing the
problematized. The two most prominent critics conscious abilities and as consequential effects
in this regard are J€urgen Habermas and Jacques an extended social agency of the ego at cost of
Lacan. While the former interprets psychoanaly- the recognition of unconscious dynamics), the
sis as reflexive methodology, thereby emptying following criticism is staged between the poles
psychoanalytic theory of its content matter – of biologizing and sociologizing arguments.
while still adhering to an impulsive basis on Representatives of Critical Theory have instead
human nature – the latter maintains the centrality stressed the dialectics of nature and society,
Drive, Overview 491 D
which Adorno, Marcuse up to Whitebook see “General Theory of Seduction,” which is based
represented within the constitutional maladjust- on the following idea: in the interaction with an
ment of the human subject. As natural human infant the adult care takers also address it with
potentials never fully merge within the social unconscious fantasies. Thereby, they implant
order – especially in the given one – Adorno “enigmatic messages” into the child, which pro-
(1952, 1955) criticized Neo-Freudian thinkers voke a “translation,” a psychic bond, that can
as Fromm, Horney, and Sullivan for taking only ever partially succeed, because of the infants
the critical sting from psychoanalysis by inadequate translation codes but also because the
excommunicating the drive from their neo- messages (as compromise structures of conscious D
conventional sociologized psychoanalysis. and unconscious wishes) are themselves contra-
At last we would like to point out two dictory. The parts of the message that remain
reformulations of drive theory that seem to untranslated constitute the unconscious still
address its core in a promising way for further aiming for further translations. New translations
research: we hereby refer to the work of Alfred continually arise in the course of psychic devel-
Lorenzer and Jean Laplanche. opment – with the aid of new translation codes.
Lorenzer fully recognizes the potential of In Laplanche’s theory the “demand for work”
Freud’s concept of the drive on the frontier on the psychical no longer comes from somatic
between the mental and the somatic and strives sources within but rather from without, as the
to critically acknowledge the Freudian biologism enigmatic message from another person. The dia-
instead of leaving it aside. To decipher the con- lectic of enigmatic message and subsequent
stitution of the drive as both social and natural, he translation/repression always already takes
delineates a historic-materialist theory of social- place in the cultural field that forms the message
ization (see esp. Lorenzer, 1972, 1981) by itself and above all the process of translation.
retracing how the experience of the infant consti-
tutes itself in a bodily mediated process of inter-
action, starting as an intrauterine interplay of two References
organisms. These concrete, individual but also
culturally mediated interactions leave “memory Adorno, T. W. (1952). Die revidierte Psychoanalyse. In
Gesammelte Schriften (Vol. 8, pp. 20–41). Frankfurt a.
traces” (Freud), which Lorenzer theoretically
M.: Suhrkamp.
reformulates as “interactionforms.” They ini- Adorno, T. W. (1955). Sociology and psychology I. New
tially manifest themselves pre-symbolically, Left Review, 46 (1967), 67–80 & Sociology and
namely, “sensual-organismically,” as body, but psychology II. New Left Review, 47(1966), 79–97.
Aquinas, T. (written 1265–1274). Summa Theologiae.
also function as “concepts of life” and are even-
London: Blackfriars 1966–1974.
tually complemented by “sensual-symbolic” and Aristotle (ca. 335 BC): Politika [Politics]. In J. Barnes
“symbolic linguistic” interactionforms, whereas (Ed.), The complete works of Aristotle. The revised
the former represent pre-linguistically symboli- Oxford translation (Bollingen Series) (Vol. 2).
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
zations (e.g., the Freudian cotton reel) and the
de Beauvoir, S. (1949). The second sex. New York: Alfred
latter signify language. A. Knopf, 1954.
Thus, in Lorenzers theory the drive is Ferenczi, S. (1932). The confusion of tongues between
deciphered as structure of interactionforms, adults and children. The language of tenderness and of
passion. International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 30,
more specifically, as “matrix” of sensual practice
225–230. 1949.
always encompassing the “already realized inner Freud, S. (1900). The interpretation of dreams. In Stan-
nature” of the subject, which then belongs no dard edition (Vol. IV & V). London: The Hogart Press
more to an “historical beyond” of an archaic and the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Freud, S. (1905). Three essays on the theory of
nature anymore (see Lorenzer 1980, p. 332 f.). sexuality. In Standard edition (Vol. VII,
Laplanche (1999, 2007) takes up a radical pp. 125–245). London: The Hogart Press and the
decentering of the concept of drive in his Institute of Psychoanalysis.
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Freud, S. (1914). On Narcissism. In Standard edition

(Vol. XIV, pp. 67–102). London: The Hogart Press Drug Prevention
and the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Freud, S. (1915a). Repression. In Standard edition
(Vol. XIV, pp. 146–158). London: The Hogart Press Daniel Sanin
and the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Clinical Psychologist and Drug Prevention
Freud, S. (1915b). Instincts and their Vicissitudes. In Professional, Vienna, Austria
Standard edition (Vol. XIV, pp. 111–140). London:
The Hogart Press and the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Freud, S. (1920). Beyond the pleasure principle. In Stan-
dard Edition (Vol. XVIII, pp. 7–64). London: The Introduction
Hogart Press and the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Freud, S. (1933). New introductory lectures. In Standard
Edition (Vol. XXII). London: The Hogart Press and “Truly meaningful prevention means building
the Institute of Psychoanalysis. a just society. It means reducing poverty, the
Freud, S. (1895). Project for a scientific psychology. stresses of injustice, the loneliness in a society
In Standard edition (Vol. I, pp. 281–391). London: based on consumerism,” says George Albee
The Hogart Press and the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Freud, S. (1985 [1887–1904]). The complete letters of (2010: 99). This is a rather radical notion of pre-
Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess, 1887–1904. vention. The reality looks quite otherwise, alas. In
Cambridge: Belknap/Harvard University Press. general, prevention is seen as something benign
Freud, S., & Breuer, J. (1895). Studies on hysteria. In and innocent, only wanting something good to
Standard edition (Vol. II).
Laplanche, J. (1999). Essays on otherness. London/New happen or develop. But from a critical perspective
York: Routledge. prevention must also be seen as a regulating and
Laplanche, J. (2007). Freud and the sexual. Essays disciplining strategy that ensures that the subjects
2000–2006. New York: International Psychoanalytic monitor themselves and others according to
Books, 2011.
Laplanche, J., & Pontalis, J.-B. (1967). The language of established and dominant categories.
psychoanalysis. London: The Hogarth Press, 1973.
Lorenzer, A. (1972). Zur Begr€ undung einer
materialistischen Sozialisationstheorie. Frankfurt am
Main, Germany: Suhrkamp. Definition
Lorenzer, A. (1981). Das Konzil der Buchhalter. Die
Zerst€orung der Sinnlichkeit. Eine Religionskritik. “Prevention” means the forestalling of something
Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Europ€aische
unwanted: a defined problem should not even
Verlagsgesellschaft.
Lorenzer, A., & G€orlich, B. (1980). Die Sozialit€at der occur. In order to avoid the realization of the
Natur und die Nat€ urlichkeit des Sozialen. Zur unwanted event (e.g., addiction, accidents, dis-
Interpretation der psychoanalytischen Erfahrung eases, calamities, etc.), certain measures have to
jenseits von Biologismus und Soziologismus. In Id &
be taken. These measures can target people or
A. Schmidt (Eds.), Der Stachel Freud. Beitr€age und
Dokumente zur Kulturismus-Kritik (pp. 297–349). structures (e.g., urban planning, architecture,
Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1980. social services, employment). When measures
Masson, J. (1984). The Assault on truth. Freud’s suppres- target people, they could target entire
sion of the seduction theory. New York: Farrar Straus
populations, certain groups, or individuals. In
& Giroux.
Miller, A. (1981). Thou shalt not be aware. Society’s the case of drug prevention, classic measures
betrayal of the child (p., 1984). New York: Farrar are the information about postulated risks of
Straus Giroux. drug use, the promotion of social skills (e.g.,
Mitchell, J. (1974). Psychoanalysis and feminism. Freud,
communication), and the promotion of psycho-
Reich, Laing and women. New York: Pantheon.
Moll, A. (1897). Untersuchungen u€ber Libido sexualis. logical skills (e.g., empathy) (cf. EMCDDA,
Berlin, Germany: Fischer’s Medizinische 2008: 24 ff).
Buchhandlung. H. Kornfeld. The term “drugs” comes from the Dutch word
Whitebook, J. (2001). Mutual recognition and the work of
“droog” which means dry or dried. Originally the
the negative. In W. Rehg & J. Bohman (Eds.), Plural-
ism and the pragmatic turn: The transformation of word was used to refer to dried substances, which
critical theory. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2011. were used as medical powders. Today, in the
Drug Prevention 493 D
English-speaking world the term “drugs” is used Keywords
predominantly in two ways: to name medicines of
all kinds and as a specific term for mind-altering Addiction; harm reduction; life skills; primary
substances used in a nonmedical way which are prevention; secondary prevention; tertiary pre-
(among other factors) held responsible for vention; universal prevention; selective preven-
a certain type of problem subsumed under the tion; indicated prevention; safer use
concept of “addiction.” Most of the substances
falling into the second category were once med-
icines: heroin as a pain- or cough killer, cocaine Traditional Debates D
as a local anesthetic, amphetamine for treating
asthma, etc. In a certain way we could also say The first concepts and methods of drug prevention
that – according to ancient Paracelsus’ dictum came from the treatment-focused medical setting.
that only the dose makes the poison – all of Primary prevention aimed to intervene before the
those substances are medicines, but if their use appearance of the “disease,” secondary prevention
is not consented by official medicine, they wanted to place interventions when symptoms or
become “bad drugs.” signs of the impending “disease” appeared, and
Drug prevention is not a single discipline but tertiary referred to measures that aimed to stop
a more or less systematic approach. It emerged the unfolding or worsening of the “disease” or
first in the 1960 as a reaction to the so-called drug impeding a relapse after a certain person was
revolution (cf. Zinberg, 1984: 11): various move- “healed.” In the 1990s the US-based Institute of
ments at that time (e.g., Civil Rights Movement, Medicine (IOM) proposed a new approach in dif-
Antiwar Movement, Women’s Movement), in ferentiating between universal, selective, and indi-
attacking cultural values, deep-rooted privileges, cated drug prevention (IOM, 1996: 139). While
and unjust circumstances, brought the ruling the old distinction focuses on the “disease” and its
establishment into plight. In this atmosphere of chronology, the new one has its concentration on
general breakup of ingrained conditions, the the target group and its “necessities.” The new
political, economical, intellectual, scientific, and IOM definitions are more genuinely preventive:
cultural leaders and the corresponding “ideolog- the interventions and strategies are organized and
ical state apparatuses” (Althusser), like schools, categorized before “disease” comes into play. Uni-
mass media, religious institutions, and govern- versal prevention makes no distinction in a given
mental entities, reacted to the spreading drug population (e.g., all students are the target group);
consumption with fear-inducing messages selective prevention picks out a certain group of
(“drug scares”; cf. Reinarman, 2012). The (pos- people that are defined “at-risk” (e.g., truants);
sible) risks of drug use were not only depicted as indicated prevention finally targets the single indi-
imperative threats but also distorted to their vidual (whose behavior has been defined as “prob-
extremes: unavoidable social decay, pauperiza- lematic”). Both sets of definitions are still in use,
tion, and death. In this picture addiction appears although the IOM set becomes more and more
in its pseudo-mythical shape, as an always prominent.
returning, sacrifice-demanding being that has its A further system to categorize drug prevention
origins in unintelligible natural processes. Neu- is the structural and the behavioral approach, with
roscience owns parts of its actual success to its the former aiming at the conditions in which
implicit promise of enlightening these dark pro- human lives take place (e.g., laws, social ser-
cesses of the flesh. Because this aura is still pre- vices, town planning, employment, community
sent today, the moral model of addiction (implicit facilities, educational system, architecture) and
or explicit assumption that addiction is caused the latter trying to influence human behavior
due to character weakness and the like) is not directly (e.g., through information, training). In
yet fully replaced by the medical one (assumption general, behavioral approaches are more promi-
that addiction is a “disease,” e.g., like diabetes). nent. On the structural level repressive measures
D 494 Drug Prevention

(e.g., strict laws, high police presence) are very (class, race, gender equality) and is concentrating
popular (cf. Sloboda & Bukoski, 2006, especially on individual- or group-focused dimensions (risk,
Pentz, 217 ff.). Partly this follows the (false) logic vulnerability, predisposition). Addiction research
that if you control the supply you control the is focusing its attention almost exclusively on
consumption as well. Bruce Alexander (1988) “finding” the origins of addiction in genetics
showed with his rat park experiments that mere and biology (cf. Cohen, 2009). Accordingly, pre-
exposure to a drug does not suffice to develop vention science and practice is centering around
“addiction.” Another reason for the attractiveness so-called vulnerable groups (young offenders,
and dominance of repressive strategies is that clubbers, ethnic groups, problem neighborhoods)
these allow to control and suppress certain iden- or the “problematic” individual (experimenting
tified groups that represent a threat to dominant youth, pupils with “ADHD,” etc.). A major point
groups (cf. Reinarman). of critique is that in virtually all drug prevention
Although their results are weak at best, most projects, the goals to achieve are preset. The
prevention projects and programs are those of the person targeted by drug prevention has to become
behavioral approach and universal character car- abstemious, remain abstemious, must present
ried out in schools. This is due to the simple reason central “life skills” (empathy, communication
that students are easiest to reach in their “disci- ability, etc.), or be a competent (unobtrusive)
plinary institutions” (Foucault in Rabinow, 1984: drug user. From a critical psychology perspec-
14 ff., and 258 ff.) and in general they cannot run tive, it is central that the person must have the
away. Furthermore, it is easier to get a prevention possibility of choosing if or what he/she con-
program funded that is for (“innocent”) nonusers sumes. Corresponding drug prevention would
than safer use or harm reduction projects for users, have to provide the information that is essential
although both are preventive. for the potential drug user to make her/his deci-
sions, without pushing in one direction or the
other. On a structural level, (drug) prevention
Critical Debates should struggle to achieve the basics for a just
society, just like George Albee puts it in the
Since prevention has an almost magical, healing citation at the beginning of this entry. This
aura, there is not much critique to be found. Most would not eliminate all problems associated
people would argue that there cannot be much with drugs but surely most of them.
wrong with prevention. But in the light of persis-
tent tendencies to neglect or even deny societal
responsibilities for individual pain and problems,
and to blame the individual’s morale, character References
weakness, or biology, a critical view on the
underlying ideology of prevention is crucial. Albee, G. (2010). Social class, power, ecology and
While the classic welfare state is ever more in prevention. In G. Nelson & I. Prilleltensky (Eds.),
Community psychology. In pursuit of liberation and
retreat and transforming into an “enabling” one
well-being (pp. 97–99). Hampshire, England: Palgrave
(Gilbert & Gilbert, 1989), the obligation for fail- McMillan.
ure and success (including employment, social Alexander, B. (1988). Rat park chronicle. In C. Judith & P.
insurance, pension, health) is shifted more and Erickson (Eds.), Illicit drug use in Canada. A risky
business (pp. 63–68). Scarborough, Toronto, ON,
more onto the individual. Through the discourse Canada: Nelson.
of competence (“life skills”), drug prevention Cohen, P. (2009). The naked empress. Modern neurosci-
brings the moral dimension again into play: the ence and the concept of addiction. Retrieved February
single individual has to train her/his skills and 17, 2012, from http://www.cedro-uva.org/lib/cohen.
empress.html.
a lack of important skills is her/his fault.
EMCDDA. (Ed.). (2008). Prevention of substance abuse.
Consequently the drug prevention discourse Insights 7, prepared by Anneke B€ uhler & Christoph
almost abandoned classic structural dimensions Kr€oger. Lisboa, Portugal: Author.
Drugs, Overview 495 D
Gilbert, N., & Gilbert, B. (1989). The enabling state: from religious understandings. There are a range
Modern welfare capitalism in America. New York, of different approaches to the topic that vary
NY: Oxford University Press.
Institute of Medicine (Ed.) (1996). Pathways of addiction: according to the social function of drugs, such
opportunities in drug abuse research. Washington, as food, medicine, poison, recreational use,
DC: National Academy Press. social habits, and religious rituals (Courtwright,
Rabinow, P. (Ed.). (1984). The Foucault reader. New 2001; Douglas, 1987; Escohotado, 1998; South,
York, NY: Pantheon Books.
Reinarman, C. (2012). The social construction of drug 1999; Xiberras, 1989).
scares. In P. A. Adler, P. Adler, & P. O’Brien (Eds.), There is some controversy on the etymology
Drugs and the American dream. An anthology of the word drug; the most accepted is the Middle D
(pp. 40–47). West Sussex, England: Wiley & Blackwell. Dutch word droghe vate meaning “barrel of dry
Sloboda, Z., & Bukoski, W. J. (2006). Handbook of drug
abuse prevention. New York, NY: Springer. goods” (Vargas, 2008), used in the context of the
Zinberg, N. E. (1984). Drug, set, and setting. The basis early spice trade in fourteenth century between
for controlled intoxicant use. New Haven, CT: Yale the West and the East.
University Press. A commonly accepted medical definition of
drugs refers to any exogenous chemical sub-
Online Resources stance that provokes functional and/or structural
Centre for Drug Research, University of Amsterdam.
http://www.cedro-uva.org/ alterations in any sector of the organic economy.
Institute for Drug Research Bremen. http://www.bisdro. Therefore, drugs concern all the substances that
uni-bremen.de/ cause alteration in the body, including legal and
The Institute of Medicine. http://www.iom.edu/ illegal substances, regardless of their specific
European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addic-
tion. http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/ effects and whether they are used for medical or
National Institute on Drug Abuse. http://www.drugabuse. recreational purposes.
gov/ For the World Health Organization (WHO),
drugs are: “A term of varied usage. In medicine, it
refers to any substance with the potential to
prevent or cure disease or enhance physical or
Drugs, Overview mental welfare; in pharmacology it means any
chemical agent that alters the biochemical or
Ilana Mountian physiological processes of tissues or organisms”
Universidade de Sao Paulo, Sao Paulo, Brazil (in http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/termi-
nology/who_lexicon/en/ and United Nations
Office for Drug Control and Drug Prevention,
Introduction 2003, p. 68).
For the UN, “in the context of international
Debates around drugs and drug use are of crucial drug control, ‘drug’ means any of the substances
importance for critical psychology. While most in Schedule I and II of the 1961 Convention,
debates are centered on pharmacological, medical, whether natural or synthetic” (United Nations
and criminological fields, the debates incorporate Office for Drug Control and Drug Prevention,
central issues for critical psychology, as well as for 2003, pp. 68–69).
sociology, anthropology, economics, anti-psychia- Psychotropic substance refers to “any
try, studies on gender, sexuality, race and class, and chemical agent affecting the mind or mental pro-
every other aspect of the biopolitical economy. cesses (i.e., any psychoactive drug)”. In the
context of international drug control, ‘psychotro-
pic substance’ means “any substance, natural
Definition or synthetic, or any natural material in
Schedule I, II, III or IV of the 1971 Convention”
Contemporary definitions of drugs are primarily (United Nations Office for Drug Control and
derived from medical and legal fields, as well as Drug Prevention, 2003, pp. 70–71).
D 496 Drugs, Overview

Another term commonly used is “narcotics,” Traditionally the word “addiction” has meant
originally from the Greek narkoun meaning to a strong inclination towards certain kinds of con-
sleep or sedate (Escohotado, 1998). Although duct with little or no pejorative meaning attached
WHO classifies a narcotic drug as a “chemical to it. For the Oxford English Dictionary pre-
agent that induces stupor, coma, or insensibility twentieth century, it included being addicted to
to pain (also called narcotic analgesic)” (United civil affairs, to useful reading and also to bad
Nations Office for Drug Control and Drug Pre- habits. Being addicted to drugs was not among
vention, 2003), this term is applied for a wide the definitions; and until quite recently, the term
range of drugs that are not narcotics. “addiction” referred to a habit, good or bad
For the judicial fields, drugs can simply be (Szasz, 1975). Addiction discursively has come
defined in terms of legal classifications. “In the to refer “to almost any kind of illegal, immoral, or
context of international drug control, ‘narcotic undesirable association with certain kinds of
drug’ means any drug defined as such under the drugs” (Szasz, p. 6) and specific behaviors.
1961 Convention” (Laboratory and Scientific It was towards the end of the nineteenth cen-
Section United Nations Office on Drugs and tury and the beginning of the twentieth that the
Crime, 2003, p. 77). association between drug, abuse, and addiction
For religious understandings of drugs, most was established. From 1897 articles started to
Christian traditions consider drugs evil sub- appear using the terms “drug habits,” “drug
stances, impure, and to be extinguished, when addiction,” and “drug patients” (mainly in North
not used within specific rituals (Escohotado, American and British journals) (Parascandola,
1998). For example, alcohol in Christian tradi- 1996).
tions can be understood as a “sacred substance” The medical approach conceives of drug
or “Christ’s blood” within a religious ritual but as addiction primarily as a disease, focusing on the
a threat outside it. toxicology of drugs and their neurological
In order to contextualize discussions on drugs effects. Contemporary UN reports define drug
and drug use, it is fundamental to clarify the addiction as a chronic multifactorial health
notion of addiction, central to contemporary disorder and “largely a function of genetic
debates on drugs. heredity” (United Nations Commission on Nar-
cotic Drugs, 2010, p. 59).
The definition of addiction by WHO is:
Keywords “Addiction refers to the repeated use of
a psychoactive substance or substances, to the
Drugs; psychotropic substances; narcotics; drug extent that the user is periodically or chronically
addiction; habituation; drug dependence intoxicated, shows a compulsion to take the
preferred substance (or substances), has great
Addiction difficulty in voluntarily ceasing or modifying
The concept addiction is central in this debate, substance use, and exhibits determination
a notion largely based on medical perspectives; it to obtain psychoactive substances by
has been broadly used (not only in relation to almost any means” (http://www.who.int/
drugs) and widely disseminated in research, substance_abuse/terminology/who_lexicon/en/
media, public health policies, and lay discourses. and Laboratory and Scientific Section United
It is interesting to note that although the word Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2003, p. 73).
“addiction” is in widespread popular use, the This definition contrasts with “habituation,”
scientific world has agreed to some extent to use which means to become accustomed to any behav-
the term “drug dependence” as a replacement. ior or condition, which discursively it came to
The World Health Organization abandoned the imply a socially accepted use of drugs (Young,
terms “addiction” and habituation in 1964 in 1971). The term habit is used less frequently in
favor of drug dependence. drug debates, as (Sedgwick, 1992, p. 591) noted:
Drugs, Overview 497 D
“the worldly concept of habit has dropped out legal, medical, and religious discourses and
of theorized use with the superinvention in this their intersections.
century of addiction and the other glamorizing During the nineteenth and twentieth century
paradigms oriented around absolutes of compul- the concept of addiction shifted from habit to
sion/volition.” disease and social problem. A key element for
The UN defines “drug dependence” as “a clus- the understanding of this shift concerns the moral
ter of physiological, behavioral and cognitive values that underline this conception in North
phenomena of variable intensity, in which the American and English history, influenced by the
use of a psychoactive drug (or drugs) takes on Protestant religion and the associated temperance D
a high priority. It implies a need for repeated movement (Berridge & Edwards, 1987).
doses of the drug to feel good or avoid feeling The US and UK drug policies have had an
bad.” Psychological or psychic dependence important impact on drug policies worldwide,
refers to the experience of impaired control over particularly the North American role in interna-
drug use. Physiological or physical dependence tional drug control and prohibition (Musto, 1999)
involves the development of tolerance and (the “war on drugs,” named during Nixon’s
withdrawal symptoms upon cessation of use of administration is commented below, on the
the drug, as a consequence of the body’s adapta- section “Drug Policies”). Although the history
tion to the continued presence of a drug of drugs differs according to the country, in
(Laboratory and Scientific Section United many western countries they share certain
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2003, p. 74). aspects, such as the moral influence, the predom-
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of inant medical approach, and law enforcement.
Mental Disorders (DSM) of the American The intervention of the law has had a major
Psychiatric Association and the Classification of impact on modern forms of drug taking. Xiberras
Mental and Behavioral Disorders (ICD 10), (1989) suggests that the classic practice of drug
published by WHO, define drug dependence in use did not lead to rejection from societies; rather
relation to physical and psychological it was part of cultural traditions and everyday
dependence and understand drug addiction as social practices, while the modern forms, over
a mental illness. the last two centuries, have the disapproval of
authorities and a negative reaction from the
judicial power. The intervention of law draws
History the distinction between legal and illegal drug
use, and discursively this has come to imply the
Psychoactive substances have been used through- difference between medical and nonmedical
out history and in practically all societies, with drugs and practices, apart from some drugs
the exception of communities based in the Arctic used in everyday life that are not often regarded
zones, where the climate does not provide the as drugs, such as coffee and tea, or alcohol when
conditions for vegetation (Escohotado, 1998). used by religious rituals.
The use of psychoactive substances constitutes, Escohotado (1998, Vol. 2) proposes five main
therefore, a plural phenomenon, for therapeutic, features of the context of the growth of prohibi-
religious-ritualistic, recreational, and habitual tion and drug control in the nineteenth and
use, as food, poison, medicine, and sacred sub- twentieth century: the traditional religious
stance. These uses vary according to their time, aspects (drugs as impurity), social tensions in
place, and purpose, intrinsically related to relation to the rise of the working class and indus-
social and cultural values within specific trialization (drugs symbolizing the deviation of
historical periods (Berridge & Edwards, 1987; certain groups – Chinese, Mexican, and Black
Escohotado, 1998; Goodman et al. 1995; people), the development of the medical profes-
Xiberras, 1989). Three main discursive fields sion (like the ecclesiastics of other times), the
are highlighted as central in this debate: the state assuming functions that before were
D 498 Drugs, Overview

traditionally performed by civil society (welfare introducing a new approach to drugs, that is, in
state), and the Chinese-English conflict terms of medical regulation and drug control.
(highlighting stereotypes and colonial relations). A range of critical authors consider this classifi-
I also include the role of specific discourses on cation vague, as it does not account for the spec-
gender and sexuality here as another key aspect ificities of drugs. In popular discourses, the term
(such as seen in the ideas of female susceptibility drugs has come to be used as being synonymous
to drug addiction) (Campbell, 2000; Mountian, with illegal drugs (Dally, 1996; Loose, 2002),
2013). and the effects of this discursive ambiguity have
been highlighted in research (Lenson, 1995;
Parascandola, 1996; South, 1999).
Traditional Debates As seen, definitions of drugs are not very pre-
cise, and this problem of defining drugs has been
Academic debates around drugs often center on emphasized repeatedly (Escohotado, 1998). The
medical and legal fields, as well as on anthropo- impossibility of establishing definitive chemical
logical and sociological studies (understanding or physiological criteria illustrates the problem of
drugs according to the social context, studies on the drug field. Hence the definition of drugs
habits, among others). Debates in psychology are appears fluid and this gives space for various
commonly seen oscillating between ‘medical interpretations, producing particular discursive
perspectives’ on drug use, e.g., understanding effects. In this sense, rather than having some
addiction as a mental illness, developing studies inherent specific quality, what is commonly
on the personality of the drug user, therapeutic understood as drugs consist of what are used as
models for treatment; and ‘sociological perspec- drugs and stipulated as such. What is at stake
tives’ (psychological-sociological approaches), here is not the chemical composition of drugs, but
although less frequent, attempting to also con- the meanings and significations towards sub-
sider the social context, and other issues for stances, given according to the convention in
drug use. particular social contexts. In contemporary west-
ern societies, the medical and legal definitions
have become central to the understanding of
Critical Debates drugs and drug use, however, obscuring the
underlying social and cultural assumptions.
A number of critical studies point out a range of Critical analysis of both notions of addic-
issues to be considered regarding traditional tion and dependency highlights how these def-
approaches to drug use and addiction, such as initions are also not very precise, accurate
the moral aspects of debates on drugs, problems from the indeterminacy of levels of behavior
regarding the classification of drugs as well as required to the specificities of substances to
addiction, the effects and problems associated constitute the experience of addiction, and
with drug prohibition, the need to develop thera- framing as a mental illness, it produces par-
peutic models that do not merely criminalize and ticular effects. For example, although this
pathologize the individual who uses drugs, classification can be applied to any individual
awareness regarding over prescription of psychi- using any psychotropic drug for specific dis-
atric drugs, and crucially, the importance of con- eases, the ill subject is often not regarded as
sidering the social and cultural contexts for the an addict. Critical authors argue that drug
use, as well as key social categories such as addiction has become a matter of convention
gender, sexuality, class, race, age, disability, and not of pharmacological specificities
and others. (Szasz, 1975).
Regarding the classification of drugs, the clas- However, not all therapeutic models under-
sification itself highlights the association stand addiction in the same way. Some schools
between the medical and legal realms, of psychoanalysis, for example, do not reduce
Drugs, Overview 499 D
addiction to pathology; rather they locate the Practice Relevance
relationship between the subject and the object
drug within the subject’s discourse, based on Drug Policies
a distinct psychoanalytic ethical perspective These debates are crucial, as they have a clear
(Loose, 2002). impact into public and health policies. Public pol-
Furthermore, it is interesting to note that icies around drugs often oscillate between punish-
dependency is typically seen as an undesirable ment and treatment according to political
aspect of human behavior, conceived as less nat- maneuvers and public opinion about drugs and
ural, less “healthy,” less satisfying, or less drug users. These policies are related to specific D
legitimate. The term is also highly gendered, social and political contexts, where gender, class,
with autonomy regarded as the cultural ideal of race, age, sexuality, and types of drugs are crucial.
western masculinity, and dependence is attrib- The “war on drugs” (named by Nixon’s
uted to the feminized “other.” The moral conno- government in the USA in the 1970s) was the
tation of “drug dependence” has been highlighted culmination of a number of acts and laws for
by several authors (e.g., McDonald, 1994), and drug control, first lead by the USA and incorpo-
even the word “chemical” is saturated by nega- rated by the UN. This “war” has been a key
tive connotations, contrasting it with discourses political strategy for tackling drugs. However,
of the body as organic and natural (Keane, 1999) a number of problems for this war have been
or pure. highlighted in critical research, such as the
The use of the medical terminology of addic- increase in drug taking; the increase in the appa-
tion in everyday language has become wide- ratus of law enforcement; the growth of an illegal
spread, and it has come to connote behaviors market, the problems of creating a universal law
that are seen as “excessive, habitually repetitive, that does not account for local specificities; the
or problematic” (White, 2004, p. 42). Popularly increase in associated violence, repression, invis-
used for behaviors of a compulsive sort in relation ibility of illegal drug use, stigmatization, lack of
to a range of “objects” (e.g., psychoactive reliable information on production and consump-
substances, food, gym, television, computer, tion (Hugh-Jones, 1995), lack of drug quality
internet, games, including here also sex, love, control, and health hazard for users; and increase
and other types of relationships), as seen in sex in contamination from diseases such as HIV and
addiction, love addiction, workaholic, shopa- hepatitis (Dally, 1996).
holic, chocoholic, caffeine addiction, eating The politics of the war on drugs has been
addiction, gym addiction, and relationship addic- questioned by a number of authors, from the
tion. Sedgwick (1992, p. 584) commented that choice of these specific drugs to the political func-
“as each assertion of will has made volition itself tion of the war (Chomsky, 1991; Coomber, 1998;
appear problematic in a new area, the assertion of Dally, 1996; Goldberg, 1999; Lenson, 1995;
will itself has come to appear addictive.” South, 1999). As Hugh-Jones (1995, p. 48) puts
it, “this reified emphasis on substances rather than
on people results in a shift in attention away from
the social forces that lie behind the consumption,”
International Relevance and we can include here the war itself.
In relation to health policies, it is important to
Debates around drugs are central for politics, point out drug policies such as harm reduction,
economics, law, and health and mental health which gained importance in the early 1990s,
fields. Critical debates are needed in order to targeting the transmission of HIV by injecting
advance knowledge in the area and to provide practices; it was a response to previous drug
readings that counterpart the often moral, and at policy campaigns on absenteeism. Harm reduc-
times of moral panic, approaches traditional in tion aims at decreasing drug use (including alco-
the area. hol and cigarette) and harm related to drug use.
D 500 Drugs, Overview

The main rationale is pragmatism, human rights, Campbell, N. (2000). Using women – Gender, drug policy
public health, focus on harm, dialogue, and the and social justice. London, England: Routledge.
Chomsky, N. (1991). Deterring democracy. London,
understanding of drug users as part of the larger England: Verso.
community (Inciardi & Harrison, 2000). It was Coomber, R. (1998). The control of drugs and drug users:
first developed in the UK, Holland, and the USA Reason or reaction? Amsterdam, The Netherlands:
during the 1980s. The UK was prominent in the Harwood.
Courtwright, D. T. (2001). Forces of habit: Drugs and the
development of harm reduction centers (e.g., making of the modern world. Havard, MA: Harvard
Merseyside), in a context of increasing intrave- University press.
nous use of drugs. Dally, A. (1996). Anomalies and mysteries in the ‘war on
Further, a number of critical authors have drugs’. In R. Potter & M. Teich (Eds.), Drugs and
narcotics in history (pp. 199–215). Cambridge, UK:
highlighted the importance of considering speci- Cambridge University Press.
ficities around gender and sexuality (Campbell, Douglas, M. (Ed.). (1987). Constructive drinking – Per-
2000; Ettorre & Riska, 1995; Kohn, 1992), an spectives on drink from anthropology. Cambridge,
attention to the overprescription of psychiatric UK: Cambridge University Press.
Escohotado, A. (1998). Historia de las Drogas (Vols.
drugs (antidepressants) for women, the relation 1–3). Madrid, Spain: Allianza Editorial.
between alcohol and gender violence, stigmati- Ettorre, E., & Riska, E. (1995). Gendered moods – Psy-
zation, and the need for development of drug chotropics and society. London, England: Routledge.
research, treatment, and policy that take into Goldberg, T. (1999). Demystifying drugs – A psychosocial
perspective. London, England: MacMillan Press.
account the intersections between gender, sexu- Goodman, J., Lovejoy, P., & Sherratt, A. (1995). Consum-
ality, class, race, age, and disability. ing Habits - Drugs in History and Anthropology. Lon-
don: Routledge.
Hugh-Jones, S. (1995). Coca, beer, cigars and yage: Meals
and anti-meals in an Amerindian community. In J.
Future Directions Goodman, P. Lovejoy, & A. Sherratt (Eds.), Consum-
ing habits – Drugs in history and anthropology
It is crucial the development of critical research (pp. 47–67). London, England: Routledge.
in the area in order to enlarge the debate around Inciardi, J., & Harrison, L. (2000). Harm reduction:
National and international perspectives. London,
drugs. Critical studies are important to decon- England: Sage.
struct prevalent mainstream moral perspectives Keane, H. (1999). Adventures of the addicted brain. Aus-
on drugs and to challenge the often criminalizing, tralian Feminist Studies, 14(29), 63–76.
stigmatizing, and pathologizing approaches that Kohn, M. (1992). Dope girls – The birth of the British
underground. London, England: Lawrence and
permeate the area, as well as to provide important Wishart.
inputs for the development of interventions that Lenson, D. (1995). On drugs. Minneapolis, MN: Univer-
escape the often moral view on drugs, under- sity of Minnesota Press.
standing drug use in its broader social and cul- Loose, R. (2002). The subject of addiction – Psychoanalysis
and the administration of enjoyment. London, England:
tural context, considering the intersections of Karnac.
gender, sexuality, class, race, age, disability, McDonald, M. (1994). Gender, drink and drugs. Oxford,
and other structural categories. UK: Berg.
This entry was extracted from the book Cul- Mountian, I. (2013). Cultural ecstasies: Drugs, gender
and social imaginary. London, England: Routledge.
tural Ecstasies: Drugs, Gender and Social Imag- Musto, D. F. (1999). The American disease – Origins
inary (London and New York: Routledge by of narcotic control. Oxford, MI: Oxford University
Mountian, I. (2013)). Press.
Parascandola, J. (1996). The drug habit: The association of
the word ‘drug’ with abuse in American history. In
R. Potter & M. Teich (Eds.), Drugs and narcotics in
References history (pp. 156–167). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Berridge, V., & Edwards, G. (1987). Opium and the Peo- Sedgwick, E. K. (1992). Epidemics of the Will. In
ple - Opiate Use in Nineteenth Century England. Lon- J. Crary & S. Kwinter (Eds.), Incorporations
don: Yale University Press and New Haven. (pp. 582–595). New York, NY: Zone.
DSM, Overview 501 D
South, N. (1999). Drugs – Cultures, controls and everyday based on a biomedical formulation of “mental
life. London, England: Sage. disorders,” positioning them as equivalent to
Szasz, T. (1975). Ceremonial chemistry – The ritual per-
secution of drugs, addicts, and pushers. London, medical conditions (Kleinman, 1988; Wilson,
England: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1993). This approach to understanding and cate-
United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs (2010). gorizing distress dominates mental health prac-
Report on the fifty-third session New York: tice and has infiltrated popular discourse. Despite
Economic and Social Council. Accessed in www.
unodc.org/documents/commissions/CND-Uploads/ its dominance, the DSM has been subject to
CND-53-RelatedFiles/E2010_28eV1052082.pdf extensive critique, charged with pathologizing
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. (2003). everyday experiences, medicalizing distress, D
Terminology and information on drugs. (2nd ed.). and acting as a tool for social control and
New York, NY: Author. ISBN: 92-1-148163-5.
Retrieved 2012, from www.unodc.org/unodc/en/sci- a means of maintaining professional and corpo-
entists/terminology-and-information-on-drugs.html rate interests.
Vargas, E. V. (2008). Fármacos e outros objetos sócio-
técnicos: notas para uma genealogia das drogas. In B.
C. Labate, S. Goulart, M. Fiore, E. MacRae, & H. Definition
Carneiro (Eds.), Drogas e cultura: novas perspectivas.
Salvador (pp. 41–65). Salvador, Brazil: EDUFBA.
The DSM is one of the dominant diagnostic
White, W. L. (2004). Lessons of language: Historical
perspectives on the rethoric of addiction. In S. W. systems in the world for classifying “mental
Tracy & C. J. Acker (Eds.), Altering American con- disorders” (alongside the World Health Organi-
sciousness – The history of alcohol and drug abuse in zation’s International Classification of Diseases
the United States, 1800-2000 (pp. 33–60). Amherst,
(ICD)) and is widely adopted by mental health
MA: University of Massachusetts Press.
Xiberras, M. (1989). A Sociedade Intoxicada. Lisbon, professionals. Some examples of diagnoses
Portugal: Instituto Piaget. outlined in the DSM include major depressive
Young, J. (1971). The drugtakers – The social meaning of disorder, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder,
drug users. London, England: Granada Publishing.
schizophrenia, specific phobia, and anorexia
nervosa. Each psychiatric diagnosis is accompa-
nied by a list of diagnostic criteria, as well as
DSM, Overview descriptive information such as prevalence and
course. The DSM does not include information
Michelle N. Lafrance1 and Suzanne on treatment.
McKenzie-Mohr2
1
Department of Psychology, St. Thomas
University, Fredericton, Canada Keywords
2
School of Social Work, St. Thomas University,
Fredericton, Canada Diagnosis; disorder; psychiatry; anti-psychiatry;
mental illness; classification; madness

Introduction
History
Efforts to categorize and describe “madness” date
back to ancient Greece; however, interest in psy- The development of the DSM grew out of a need
chiatric categorization has intensified since the in the United States to gather statistical informa-
turn of the twentieth century (Kirk & Kutchins, tion on psychiatric patients (American Psychiat-
1992). One marked event in this history was the ric Association [APA], 2000). Thus, it emerged
release of the American Psychiatric Associa- as a means of collecting census data rather than
tion’s (APA) third revision of the Diagnostic a tool for clinical work. Multiple approaches to
and Statistical Manual (DSM-III) in 1980. This classification emerged in the early twentieth
manual and its successive revisions have been century, variously emphasizing etiology and
D 502 DSM, Overview

phenomenology and defining characteristics the DSM-III was released in order to correct
(APA, 2000). In 1949, for the first time, the ICD inconsistencies in the system and clarify
(6th edition) included a section on “mental a number of diagnostic criteria. Largely consis-
disorders.” Three years later, the APA published tent with the previous edition, it contained 292
its own version, which was released as the first diagnoses and spanned 567 pages.
edition of the DSM (APA, 2000). DSM-IV (1994). The fourth edition
DSM-I (1952). The first edition of the DSM maintained the theoretical and structural orienta-
spanned 130 pages and contained a total of 106 tion found in the DSM-III but involved an
diagnostic categories, each of which was briefly expanded number of diagnostic categories. It
described. Influenced by the prevailing psycho- contained 297 diagnoses (about three times the
analytic and psychodynamic approaches of the number found in DSM-I) across 886 pages.
time, diagnoses were framed as “reactions” DSM-IV-TR (2000). A “text revision” of the
(e.g., “schizophrenic reaction”). DSM-IV was released that included no substan-
DSM-II (1968). At 134 pages, the DSM-II tive changes or new diagnoses. Rather, the central
was negligibly longer than the first but contained revisions involved updated information such as
a significantly expanded set of diagnoses (182 in descriptions of prevalence, associated features,
total). Although the term “reaction” was elimi- and culture, age, and gender characteristics.
nated in an effort to avoid suggestions of This edition spanned 943 pages, more than
etiology, it continued to reflect a Freudian seven times the length of the first edition.
perspective. DSM-5 (2013). The fifth edition of the DSM
DSM-III (1980). The two previous editions of involved extensive revisions, including a revised
the DSM had been critiqued for their alignment organizational structure, an expanded set of diag-
with psychoanalytic and psychodynamic nostic categories, and the introduction of some
approaches and for the vague and ambiguous dimentional assessment (APA, 2013). At 947
way in which diagnoses were defined. As pages, it is the longest edition of the DSM to date.
a result, inter-rater reliability was poor such that
the same individual could be given different diag-
noses by different psychiatrists. The APA aimed Traditional Debates
to rectify these problems with the third edition by
being atheoretical with respect to etiology and Two issues recur in mainstream debates
introducing explicit diagnostic criteria (APA, about the DSM. The first is whether “mental
2000). This extensive revision (with 265 diagnos- disorders” are best understood as categorical
tic categories across 494 pages) involved or continuous entities. The second revolves
a dramatic move away from Freudian formula- around the reliability and validity of diagnostic
tions and toward a scientific/biomedical approach classification.
based on Kraepelin’s work (Bentall, 2004;
Shorter, 1997). Indeed, the “DSM-III is com- Categorical Versus Dimensional Classification
monly declared to be the most significant factor The DSM represents a categorical approach to
in promoting what has been called the ‘remedica- classification whereby a person is deemed to
lization’ of American Psychiatry” (Wilson, 1993, either have or not have a disorder. In contrast,
p. 399). In repositioning the manual in line with a dimensional system is based on the quantifica-
medical science, the DSM was “transformed tion of attributes along a continuum (e.g., rating
from an obscure desk reference – a peripheral depressed mood on a five-point scale). A central
clinical tool – into an omnipresent, huge compen- debate in mainstream circles has been whether
dium” with broad reaching influence (Kirk & “mental illnesses” are best understood as discrete
Kutchins, 1992, p. 6). categories (differences in kind) or in terms of
DMS-III-R (1987). According to the Ameri- continuous dimensions whereby health and
can Psychiatric Association (2000), a revision of pathology exist at opposite ends of a spectrum
DSM, Overview 503 D
(differences in degree). While noting that has been a revolution in rhetoric, not in reality”
a dimensional approach is associated with (Kutchins & Kirk, 1997, p. 53).
increased reliability and enhanced clinical com- Within mainstream debates, issues of validity
munication, the APA has traditionally adopted have been approached in terms of attempting to
a categorical approach, indicating that it is more identify the correct parameters around diagnostic
“familiar and vivid” and useful in clinical prac- categories. Two issues have figured prominently
tice and research (2000, p. xxxii). However, the in discussions of threats to diagnostic validity.
APA is increasingly moving toward the incorpo- First, comorbidity (the presence of two or more
ration of dimensional approaches. For example, disorders) is the rule rather than the exception D
in the DSM-5, autistic disorder, Asperger’s dis- (APA, 2012). That is, it is common for individuals
order, and pervasive developmental disorder to meet criteria for multiple diagnoses. Second, it
were controversially consolidated into autism is common practice to employ “not otherwise
spectrum disorder, and a hybrid dimensional- specified” criteria, essentially providing
categorical model has been proposed for the a diagnosis in the absence of the required diagnos-
personality disorders (APA, 2013). tic criteria (APA, 2012). Thus, the clinical reality
is that people’s experiences of distress and chal-
Reliability and Validity lenge do not appear to fit neatly into individual
Beginning with the DSM-III, a central concern of diagnostic categories, but rather overlap and fall
the APA has been improving the diagnostic reli- between them. Efforts to address these problems
ability of the DSM. The poor inter-rater reliabil- have focused on refining diagnostic categories and
ity of the first two editions of the DSM sparked criteria based on research and expert consensus. In
questions about the validity of psychiatry as contrast to such rather superficial treatments of
a whole, fanned by the publicity of the Rosenhan diagnostic validity, critical scholars have
(1973) study in which psychiatrists failed to dis- questioned the fundamental validity of diagnostic
tinguish confederates from psychiatric patients. categorization and the very concept of “mental
Thus, the release of the DSM-III has been disorders” (Bentall, 2004; Szasz, 1962).
described as a means to reshape the nomenclature
as well as the status of the discipline (Kirk &
Kutchins, 1992). The APA has since been Critical Debates
devoted to the project of improving diagnostic
reliability, involving the introduction of specified Although the DSM remains the dominant system
diagnostic criteria and the use of field trial for articulating and understanding distress, it has
research. However, the degree to which these been roundly critiqued by consumers of the men-
efforts have been successful has been disputed. tal health system, practitioners, scholars, and
In a thorough reanalysis of the methodology and activists. The following represent some of their
data of the DSM-III, Kirk and Kutchins (1992) key arguments:
concluded that the APA’s claims of success “in
resolving the reliability problem were flawed, “Mental Illnesses” as Problems of Living
incompletely reported, and inconsistent” (p. 15). Rather Than Disease
Moreover, they argued that the intense focus on In his classic text, The Myth of Mental Illness,
reliability as a technical problem that could be Thomas Szasz (1962) argued that “mental ill-
addressed through research and increasingly rigid ness” is not the product of the objective observa-
diagnostic criteria served to distract from the tion of bodily signs, but rather of social
deeper issue of validity and the question “Are judgement. That is, “mental illnesses” are not
the experiences described in the DSM really “things” in the same way as infections or frac-
‘mental disorders’?” After all, a system may be tures, but necessarily involve the moral, ethical,
entirely reliable and entirely invalid. Thus, they and social evaluations of people’s behavior.
concluded that “the DSM revolution in reliability While Szasz did not deny that people experience
D 504 DSM, Overview

significant distress or behave in problematic (Kutchins & Kirk, 1997; Shorter, 1997). The APA’s
ways, he argued that these did not reflect “dis- referendum and subsequent decision in 1973 to
eases” but “problems of living.” strike homosexuality from the DSM reflected the
changing social climate, as well as political pressure
Medicalizing Misery: Individualizing and from gay rights activists (Kutchins & Kirk, 1997;
Decontextualizing Distress Shorter, 1997). The homosexuality controversy
In framing suffering in terms of “disorders,” the highlighted the political and subjective nature of
DSM locates problems within individuals, thereby psychiatric diagnoses and their role in the social
eclipsing the interpersonal, social, and political construction of deviance (Wilson, 1993).
contexts that reliably give rise to people’s suffer-
ing, including poverty, violence, discrimination, Maintaining Industry Interests: Psychiatry,
and oppression (Belle & Doucet, 2003; Caplan & the APA, and Big Pharma
Cosgrove, 2004; Marecek & Hare-Mustin, 2009; It has been argued that in positioning the DSM as
Mezzich et al., 1999). As a result, solutions are a scientific document, and “mental disorders” as
limited to changing the individual at the cost of equivalent to medical disorders, the APA serves
redressing social injustices including sexism and to reduce psychiatry’s marginalization and
racism. Accordingly, mental health practitioners defend it as a legitimate medical specialization
have been charged with helping people adapt to (Kirk & Kutchins, 1992; Wilson, 1993). Further,
oppressive social conditions (Marecek & Hare- the DSM and its ever-expanding list of diagnoses
Mustin, 2009). In keeping with this argument, serves the interests of the pharmaceutical indus-
feminist scholars have been particularly critical try by shaping which experiences are ascribed the
of the DSM, charging it with bias against status of “mental illness” (Kutchins & Kirk,
women, medicalizing and depoliticizing their mis- 1997). Notably, it has been observed that almost
ery, regulating their behavior, and constructing 70 % of the task force members for the DSM-5 are
women’s suffering as individual pathology rather associated with the pharmaceutical industry (an
than a response to systemic misogyny and injus- increase of 20 % over the DSM-IV) (Cosgrove
tice (Caplan, 1995; Caplan & Cosgrove, 2004; et al., 2009). While the APA has attempted to
Marecek & Hare-Mustin, 2009). address this conflict of interest with transparency
measures, these have been deemed insufficient to
Psychiatric Diagnosis as a Means of Social address this bias and restore public trust
Control (Cosgrove et al. 2009).
In contrast to the American Psychiatric Associa-
tion’s positioning of the DSM as an atheoretical Pathologizing Everyday Experiences:
document, it has been argued that psychiatry and Diagnostic Bracket Creep
its “bible” are neither neutral nor value-free (Caplan, The number of diagnoses has risen dramatically
1995; Kirk & Kutchins, 1992). Instead, it is since the first edition of the DSM, resulting in an
a product of the time and place in which it was ever-expanding “bracket creep” whereby every-
constructed and reflects the interests and worldviews day experiences are increasingly labeled as forms
of the authors, who have been predominantly white, of pathology (Kutchins & Kirk, 1997; Shorter,
male, and American psychiatrists with ties to phar- 1997). Accordingly, it is increasingly “normal”
maceutical companies (Caplan, 1995; Cosgrove, to be “abnormal,” leading to fundamental ques-
Bursztajn, & Krimsky, 2009). Thus, the DSM can tions regarding the validity of psychiatric diag-
be understood as a means of “social control” (Szasz, nosis (Caplan, 1995). Moreover, in widening the
1962), whereby those in power maintain the status scope of what is regarded as “disordered,” the
quo by deciding what is (and is not) socially accept- mental health professions extend their reach,
able. For example, homosexuality appeared in ear- while the pharmaceutical industry benefits from
lier editions of the DSM, thereby officially the rising number of diagnoses in need of
pathologizing same-sex desire as “mental illness” treatment (Kutchins & Kirk, 1997).
DSM, Overview 505 D
Discrimination: The Social Implications of Practice Relevance
Diagnosis
Far from being a benign and merely descriptive The adoption of DSM diagnoses can invite an
document, the DSM has very real and potentially individualized, depoliticized, and pathologized
dangerous consequences for those diagnosed understanding of distress and a limited scope
(Caplan & Cosgrove, 2004). The application of within which to formulate solutions. Given the
psychiatric diagnoses often results in individual multiple individual, ethical, and political prob-
shame as well as social and economic costs such lems inherent in psychiatric diagnoses, critical
as discrimination in legal proceedings for child scholars have largely eschewed DSM labels in D
custody and prejudiced insurance practices. favor of more phenomenological and contex-
Moreover, these implications are particularly tualized framings of people’s problems and
problematic for those on the margins of society, experiences (Bentall, 2004; Caplan &
who are most likely to receive more serious diag- Cosgrove, 2004). Many have called for
noses (Caplan & Cosgrove, 2004; Kutchins & a radical shift away from individualistic
Kirk, 1997). understandings and toward more political
approaches to address human misery (Caplan
& Cosgrove 2004; Marecek & Hare-Mustin,
International Relevance 2009). For example, Caplan and Cosgrove
(2004) suggest labeling problems using
A central critique of the DSM is that it implicitly descriptors like “the consequences of poverty”
promotes a Western understanding of the self and or “the damage done by interpersonal discrim-
suffering (Caplan & Cosgrove, 2004; Kleinman, ination/demeaning treatment.” In order to help
1988; Marecek & Hare-Mustin, 2009). “Mental individuals in distress, therefore, change must
disorders” are presented as essential entities of be social and political as well as individual
the universal human that vary only superficially (Caplan, 1995; Marecek & Hare-Mustin,
along culture, age, and gender lines (Mezzich 2009). It is essential, then, that service provi-
et al., 1999). Reflecting this assumption, the sion (including insurance policies) be
DSM is organized such that disorders are first decoupled from the requirement of a DSM
defined with diagnostic criteria, and then quali- diagnosis.
fied through a listing of specific culture- and
gender-related issues that describe variations in
presentation. Further, a separate “Glossary of Future Directions
Cultural Concepts of Distress” is presented in
the appendix of the DSM, suggesting that the The APA appears committed to the pursuit of
disorders in the main text are “culture-free” a biomedical framework for “mental disor-
(Mezzich et al., 1999). This approach has been ders,” with focused attention on scientific
critiqued as ignoring the interpenetration of lan- advancements in molecular genetics, neurosci-
guage, culture, and experience and reducing the ence, and cognitive and behavioral science
expressions of distress in cultures outside of (APA, 2012). Meanwhile, critical approaches
white, middle class America to psychiatric exot- underscore how all knowledge reflects power
ica (Mezzich et al., 1999). In exporting these and is a product of historical and political
ideas, the DSM contributes to the homogeniza- circumstance. As such, these contrasting intel-
tion of expressions and understandings of dis- lectual traditions appear to function as two
tress, while its guise of scientific neutrality solitudes, with the latter having had rather
conceals its ethnocentrism. As such, the DSM limited effect on the former. The challenge
can function as a form of cultural imperialism for critical scholars and activists will be to
(Bentall, 2004; Marecek & Hare-Mustin, 2009; exert greater influence in professional and
Watters, 2010). popular formulations of distress.
D 506 DSM, Overview

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