Origin of Ganpati Cult
Origin of Ganpati Cult
Origin of Ganpati Cult
By
S. M . M ic h a e l
Institute of Indian CultureBombay
I n t r o d u c t io n
The Ganapati cult is a living reality in India today. It permeates
the thoughts, beliefs and aesthetic values of the people. Ganapati is
the most popular deity worshiped next to Vishnu, Shiva and their
consorts. Unlike some other gods in the Hindu pantheon, his worship
has spread through all of the castes of Hindu society. According to
Margaret and James Stutley (1977: 92): In modern times Ganesa is
regarded as the personification of those qualities which overcome dif
ficulties. He is the typical embodiment of success in life, and its ac
companiments of good-living, prosperity and peace, and hence his images
and shrines are seen throughout India. In all ceremonies (except
funeral rites) and undertakings Ganesa is first invoked.
ganapati is the god of wisdom and he is said to have written down
the Mahabharata from the dictation of Vyasa. As to his appearance,
He is represented as a short fat man of a yellow colour, with pro
tuberant belly, four hands, and the head of an elephant, which has only
one tusk. In one hand he holds a shell, in another a discus, in the
third a club or goad, and in the fourth a water-lily. Sometimes he is
depicted riding upon a rat or attended by one (Dowson 1968: 107).
These extraordinary features of Ganapati have spurred interest
among scholars in tracing the origin of tms most revered deity. Various
hypotheses have been proposed. First let us analyze some of these
hypotheses, before going into detail of the interpretation I would like
to make on this subject.
G a n a p a t i as a H arvest G od
have tried to trace the origin of the Ganapati cult to the harvest season.
They argue that Ganapati was originally called Mushhak Vahan, or
rider on a rat. The word mushhak means a thief, and the
title Mushhak Vahan thus implies that he is a rider on the field
rat, the thief of the field.
The figurative representation of Ganapati as having the head and
the snout of an elephant may possioly have its origins in the familiar
sight of a farmer carrying a load of cornsheaves on his head, with the
lower ears of corn swinging to and fro. The idea, then, of a bumper
crop overriding the pestilence of the rats might have been expressed
by a god with the head of an elephant pictured riding a rat and also
having a round pot-belly (a barn), surrounded by a hooded cobra, the
great destroyer of the field rat. According to Gupte (1919: 55): Con
quest is very often symbolised in this manner. Sniva rides the bull
he conquered; Krishna dances on the hood of the snake Kaliya whom
he vanquished; and so Ganesh rides over the rat he destroys, as Lord
of the Harvest. The orign of the gigantic head of an elephant on one
side and the little field mouse on the other can thus be accounted for
in his figure.
Ganapati is also addressed by the names Surpakarna and
Ekadanta. The meaning of supra (or supa) is winnowing basket
and ekadanta means one-toothed.M Tms ekadanta may thus re
present the plowshare. Since both the winnowing basket and the
plowshare are necessary for the harvest, both Getty and uupte con
clude that Ganapati's origin may have some link with the harvest (Getty
1936: 3; Gupte 1919: 55).
In conformity with the above hypothesis, Pandit Lachmidhar
Shastri (1937) says that the oneinal conception of Ganesha with an
elephant-head and riding on a rat was not a deliberate creation of the
peoples mind. It was the result of a suggestion originating from the
known environment rather than a conscious effort on the part of an
artist, the spontaneous production of the imagination of an agrigultural
people. Ganesha is only an appellative name, the highest title of the
deity, whose original name must have had to do with the wearing of
an elephant head, such as Gajavadadana or Gajanana
There is also another explanation given for Ganapatis association
with the harvest, fhe rat (musika), an animal that multiplies with
tremendous rapidity, is perhaps symbolic of fertility and productive
power. It is well known that banapatis venicle is the rat, and this
association of Ganapati with a rat, and thereby with fertility and pro
ductive power, is thereby explained.
Other relevant names of Ganapati are Gauriputra, Vakratunda,
T H E O R IG IN O F T H E G A N A P A T I C U L T 93
then released in the fields, and as soon as it reaches the fields rain is
expected (Abbot 1932: 346).
The food offered to Ganapati at the time of worship also associates
him with the harvest. During worship Ganapati is offered a broth of
sweet rice called modakas This is made of rice flour, raw sugar
and coconut meat, all things associated with the harvest.
In certain parts of the Ratnagiri District in Maharashtra a special
festival in honor of the rat, the favorite conveyance of Lord Ganesha,
is generally observed on Bhadrapad Sud 5. It is called Undir B i
or the second day of the mouse. On this day food is offered to an
image of the mouse which is worshiped along with an image of Ganapati.
The food offerings made to the image of the mouse are taken the next
day to the fields and the crumbs are thrown in with the standing crops.
It is believea that by doing this the field mice will be appeased and
not damage the standing crops (Census of India 1961:14).
There are also various other rituals which closely associate Ganapati
with the harvest. The last sheaf to be reaped has many names. In
Kanara it is art, holigattu or benappu, the last of which is a synonym
for Ganapati. A ritual is performed to protect the grain on the floor
from the evil or from theft by spirits. As a protection against spirits,
in many districts a line is drawn around the pile of grain and chaff
with the ashes of burnt chaff. Auspicious designs are drawn with
ashes or with turmeric and camphor on the floor as well as on the pile
of grain. Similarly, to prevent any decrease in the grain which could
be attributed to spirits, the cultivators in the Panch Mahals use ashes
to draw the figure of a tree on the pile of grain. In Kandesh they
draw the marks of a svastika and of a douole triangle, and in Karnatak
figures of the sun and moon and symbols of Ganapati.
In Kalwan Taluka, the newly threshed grain is heaped over a plow
and a stone representing Ganapati, and a hen or goat is sacrificed and
eaten. In another ceremony an asan (seat) of grain is always used
for kalasas (the Indian water pot, pitcher or ewer), installed in all santi
ceremonies. According to Margaret and James Stutley (197: 268)
it is An expiatory or propitiatory rite for preventing disease, averting
the effect of curses, adverse stellar influences, or the karmic results of
bad actions in a previous existence. In all the ceremonies mentioned
above the betel nuts and coconuts representing Ganapati are placed on
the grain. These nuts also represent the Saptarsis or Navgrah ( 1 he
Seven Seers RV X . 1307)whom the post-Vedic commentators
identify as the seven great rsis individually mentioned in various pas
sages of the Rig Veda. According to the northern traditionthese
comprise Atri, Vasistha, Kasyapa, Visvamitra, Gotama, Jamadagni and
T H E O R IG IN O F T H E G AN APATI C U LT 95
G a n a p a t i as a N o n -a r y a n G od
From an A n im a l C u lt
Admitting Ganapati to be a Dravidian sun god, Crooke further adds
that Ganapatis elephant head and his vehicle, the rat, indicate that
although Ganapati might have been taken over from indigenous mytho
logy, he originally belonged to an animal cult. Getty, in support of
this idea, says, This seems a plausible theory, since his image is found
in Hindu temples worshiped in company with the animal avatars (in
carnations) of V isnu (Getty 1936: 2). Joseph Campbell (1946: 184)
also makes a note that the elephant as a determinant placed beneath
the anthropomorphic symbols of divine power is a common feature
in early Buddhist reliefs in India.
Risley observes that the rat is a totem of at least one Dravidian
tribe, the Oraons, a fact wmch points to its early symbolism (1969: 113).
But Haridas Mitra is of the opinion that Ganapati was perhaps originally
the special deity of the Ganas, the wild Aryan tribes which inhabited the
desert wastes, mountains and forests of India. These peoples might
have been struck with fear by the strength of the wild elephants. Other
wise unable to ward off their attacks and the havoc they causedthese
people thus might have begun to worship a guardian (Ganapati) in
the form of an elephant. Ih is deity was later affiliated with Pasupati
(Sankara) and Bhutapati (Shiva), and when he was admitted to the
higher Aryan pantheon various descriptions of his origin were given in
the Puranas.
These descriptions doubtless took centuries to grow. As evidence
for his position Mitra points out that Ganesa worship was rather
connected with the elephants as known both from Tantrika and Saivaga-
mtna texts from West and South India respectively. For the increase
of elephants (which were royal beasts, belonging to the king) in the
preserves and for the general prosperity of the people, the kings had
to perform a ceremony called Gaja-sampadana or Gaja-graha (Mitra
N.D.: 19-20).
O t h e r E x p l a n a t io n s
Przyluski suggests that Shiva and Ganesha were originally one and the
same god. According to this theory, Ganapati was another aspect of
Shiva and might therefore have been considered identical with Rudra-
Shivaeven though he had been introduced into the Indian pantheon
as Ganapati, the Lord of the Ganas (Mukerji 1932: 83).
Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya considers Ganapati as a reconciliation
T H E O R I G IN O F T H E G A N A P A T I C U L T 97
C r it ic a l R e m a r k s
None of these numerous theories proposed by the various scholars
98 S. M . M IC H A E L
An I n t e g r a l A p p r o a c h t o t h e P r o b l e m
In our attempt to trace the origin of the cult, let us first consider the
meaning of the term Ganapati This word is composed of two
words, namely gana and pati. The word pati means chief. The
Sanskrit word gana is derived from the Indogermanic hypothetical
root gery meaning to comprise, or to hold together or come to
gether/*
The word gana and the many compounds and derivatives from
it are well known in ancient literature, beginning with the Rig Veda.
Wilson has collected the following meanings for the word gana
a flock, a multitude, a troop, a tribe or class, etc. (Wilson 1819).
The meanings collected by Monier-Williams (1899) and Macdonell
(1893) also agree with the meanings of Wilson. In Indian lexicons
the word gana is given as a synonym of samuha or samghta, meaning
T H E O R IG IN O F T H E G A N A P A T I C U L T 99
Ganapati in the Rig Veda. Apart from knowing the meaning of the
term Ganapati we should also know in what senses tms term has
been used in different contexts of Indian cultural mstory. The word
Ganapati appears the first time in the second mandala of the Rig
Veda, which is the oldest stratum of the Vedic literature. The text
says, We invoke thee, O Brahmanaspati, thou who art the Ganapati
among the ganasthe seer (kavi) among the seers, abounding beyond
measure in foodpresiding among the elders and being the lord of
invocation; come for thy seat where the yajnas are being performed
(Danielou 1954: 110).
After this we come across the word Ganapati only in the tenth
mandala of the Rig Veda: O Ganapati, take thy seat amidst the ganas
thou art called the supremely wise among the seers; nothing nearby or
afar is performed without thee. O thou possessor of wealth, extol
the great and variegated s u n (RV X : 112, 9). These are the only
appearances of the word Ganapati in the Rig Veda. We do, how
ever, find the word gana along with its derivatives, no fewer than
forty-four times, most of wmch refer to the group life of the Maruts.
To understand the context in which the term Ganapati is used
in the Rig Vedait is necessary to look into the nature of Vedic mythology.
Can we conclude that the stories in the Rig Veda are merely myths
Or could the details in the stories have some relationship with the actual
way of living during that period?
Until the nineteenth century historians proclaimed that all myths
were unhistorical and that legendary events like the Trojan war never
took place. But archaeologists such as ochliemann confirmed that
Homer was not all myth and that the Biblical stories of the Flood and
the Tower of Babel were not devoid of a basis in truth (see Encylcopedia
of World Mythology foreword by Rex Warner). Hence to regard all
mythologies and puranas as tales told by prattlers is now rightly held
to be unscientific. Mythology can help us greatly in understanding
the unfolding of civilization, or in understanding various civilized or
primitive cultures, or the human psyche its e lfth e dreams and hopes
and fears of man. Myths are at once both a record of ancient mans
world view as well as a testimony to ms artistic inventiveness (see Nitya-
chaitanya 1960: 18).
Since myths can be the transposition of natural phenomena (Renou
100 S. M . M IC H A E L
a god, like a man, grows and develops into something very much more
than his name. More recently attention has been focussed on the eth
nological approach which tends to emphasize social trends existing in
given societies and to explain the divine society portrayed in myth by
analogy with the social structure of the human society of the gods de
votees. Thus, for example, the naturalist school saw that the Vedic
pantheon could be roughly divided into three classes of godsheavenly
godsgods of the atmosphere, and gods of the earth. The tripartite
classification is accepted by the ethnological school, but it sees the dis
tinction not so much as between heaven, atmosphere, and earth as be
tween the three great classes into which Vedic society seems to have been
divided Brahmans (priests). Kshatriyas (warriors among whom were
included the kings or tribal chieftains), and Vaisays (the mass of
the common people, peasantry, and artisans) (Zaehner 1962: 22-23).
Spencer goes so far as to say that the Vedic gods were the worshiped
souls of the dead (Hopkins 1970: 10). Dumezil says that as far as
the Vedic religion and mythology is concerned, the two antithetical
yet complementary divine rulers Mitra and Varuna are the representa
tives of the class of priests, Indra (or Vayu) of that of warriors, and
Asvins of that of food producers (Dandekar 1968: 438).
A deep study of the gods of the Vedic people reveals that Brah
manaspati and Indra could not be tribal chiefs because, the deities of
the Rigveda were mostly personifications of natural phenomena under
which the herders had to live (Bhattacharyya 1974: 30). The fol
lowing hymn from the Rig Veda confirms this idea:
I call upon Agnifirstfor welfare;
I call upon Mitra-Varuna, here, for aid.
I call upon Night, who brings the world to rest;
I call upon the god of Savitri for support (Campbell 1962:14).
Indra, who is the most prominent divinity in the Rig Vedat is also
an atmospheric god who is often identified with thunder. As such he
destroys the demons of drought and darkness, and heralds the approach
of the rain so vital to India. In the Veda, the most significant myth
which recounts his deeds centers around his slaying of the demon
Vritra, who has enclosed the waters (i.e., the rains) and the sun, and who
is the very embodiment of cosmic chaos (Dandekar 1958: 13).
Through the changing of the praises of these gods by the Vedic priests
the gods were persuaded to confer favors on devout Aryans (Pusalker
1937: 137).
Another reason that Brahmanaspati and Indra cannot be tribal
chiefs is that the doctrine of the divinity of the king or of his office
102 S. M . M IC H A E L
Thus we can say that each tribal chief had his own god, and be
fore the war the chiefs used to pray to their gods for success. The
war god Indra was doubtless the patron deity of a certain tribe.
As this tribe defeated the others, its god Indra became the chief god
of the victorious tribe. That is why Indra is addressed as Ganapati
in the tenth mandala of the Rw Veda.
An analysis of the history of the god-head of Indra shows that by
the end of the Rig Vedic period Indra had become the greatest of the
gods, praised in some two hundred-fifty hymns (Berry 1971:19). But
as is also the case with Agni and Soma, the history of Indra is ambi
valent. For a long time Indra was regarded primarily as a storm god;
later his character of warrior god for the Aryans was emphasized; later
still his positive power in recreating order in a disordered world is
pushed into the foreground, and Indra is constantly involved in mytho
logical battles. His adversary in battle is usually called V rtra and
Indras own stock epithet is Vrtra-han
or Slayer of Vrtra. But
according to Zaehner:
Vrtra (in the neuter) is also used in a more general sense meaning ob
struction, defence or according to Lrershevitch Vigour. And so
Indra is essentially the destroyer of (his enemies power to resist,
the destroyer of their vigour. Vrtra, the encompasser is the
demon who imprisons the waters, and as such he may be considered to
be demon of drought: but he is also the lord of ninety-nine fortresses,
104 S. M . M IC H A E L
Thus the history of Indra bears witness to the fact that he has gradually
raised himself from a lower position to that of supreme god-head.
Apart from the second and tenth mandalas mentioned above, we
do not come across the term Ganapati anywhere else in the Rig
Veda. But as I noted earlier, the word gana along with its deriva
tives, is found many times. In most of these cases, the word gana
refers to the group life of the Maruts.
But who were these Maruts? The Maruts were the sons of Rudra,
and the constant companions of Indra. They were handsome young
spirits, vigorous, who, according to the Rig Vedanumbered either
twenty-seven or one hundred eighty. Like Indra, their leader, the
Maruts were alternately gay youths and fearsome warriors and they
were valuable allies to Indra when he attacked the demon Vritra, rrighten-
ing his followers with their war-cries and adept at harrying the cloud-
cattle in the words of Veronica Ions (1967: 17). Thus the Maruts
were the constant companions of Indra, and like Indra, were youthful
warriors. According to Zaehner (1962: 33)they are the heavenly
counterparts of a young mens tribal confederation or what we would
call a commando-group specially attached to the person of the warrior
king. The main point of our consideration here is that since Indra
is the supreme god to these Maruts, whose group life is called gana
it is logical that Indra should be addressed as G anapati
which meant
the chief of the ganas in the tenth mandala of the Rig Veda.
the Ganapati caused. The text describes how because of the Vinayaka
or Ganapati Princes Royal do not obtain the kingdom, though qualified
to govern. Girls do not obtain bride-grooms, though possessed of the
necessary qualities. Women do not get children even if otherwise
qualified. The children of other women die. A learned teacher qualified
to teach does not obtain pupils, and there are many interruptions and
breaks in the course of a student. Trade and agriculture are unsuccess
ful (Bhandarkar 1965: 147).
The evidence also shows that Indra gradually became less powerful
and significant. Indras association with Rudra and Maruts, who were
considered to be malevolent, might also have contributed in making
his identity as Ganapati, who was a trouble maker and catastrophe
incarnate. There are also scholars who hold that the origin of Ganapati
may be in the descriptions given in Rig Veda of such deities as the
Maruts, Rudra, Brhaspati and Indra (see Mahadevan 1960: 182).
Those who hold this view also believe that Ganesa was originally a
deity of malevolent or malignant nature, but that he later underwent
a transformation, becoming a more benign deity (Bhandarkar 1965: 147).
Thus we can see that during the time of Manu Ganapati was considered
to be a god of the low castes.
The attitude that the Ganapatis were evil incarnate seems to have
persisted for a long time. It is the source of the opinion of Yajnavalkya,
separated by many centuries from the Manava Grhiya Sutra, that the
Ganapatis were trouble makers. While the Manava Grhiya Sutra
mentions four Vinayakas Sala-KatankataKusmanda-rajaputra, Usmita
and Deva-Yajna~-the Yajnavalkya Smrti addresses only one Vinayaka,
though this one has six names Mita, Sammita, Sala, Katankata, Kus-
manda and Rajaputra (Karmarkar 1950: 137). Yajnavalkya also de
scribes how Rudra and Brahmadeva appointed Vinayaka to the leadership
of the Ganas (Mitra N.D.: 20).
As I pointed out earlier, R. G. Bhandarkar traces the beginnings
108 S. M . M IC H A E L
D. A. Pai (1928: 86) and A. P. Karmarkar (1950: 138) also say that
Ganapati worship must have come into vogue during the fifth century.
A careful and comparative study of the iconographic texts char
acterizing the various types of images of Ganapati also tell us that there
110 S. M . M IC H A E L
were not many icons of Ganapati before the sixth century (see Upadhyay
1964: 270). From the seventh century, however, Ganapati figures
regularly in Hindu sculptures (Martin 1972: 190). According to D.
Chattopadhyaya (1959: 138-39):
In Cordingtons Ancient India, we come across an image of Ganapati in
which he appeared in glory and grandeur.1 his sculpture is assigned to
about 500 A.D. and is looked at as one of the earliest in which Ganapati
appeared in this new light. Coomaraswamy, too, has pointed to the fact
that Ganesa does not appear in iconography before the Gupta period
and, further, the figure of Lranesa appears suddenly and not rarely in
the Gupta period. Kane has conjectured that the well known char
acteristics of Ganesa and his worship had become fixed before the fifth
or sixth century of the Christian era.
Thus we can speculate that Ganapati was made into a popular god around
the fifth to sixth centuries.
Why this confusion and contradiction in the Puranas regarding the birth
of Ganapati?
One possible reason may be as follows. I have already pointed
out that in Rig Veda Brahmanaspati and Indra are both addressed as
Ganapati, and were the supreme gods during their respective periods
of history. I have also noted that this supreme position once claimed
by Ganapati might have been changed to that of Arch-mischief
maker by dint of changes in the political and military confederacies
of the time. Now the identification of Ganapati as mischief maker
persisted for a long time, but by the time of the Puranas we might
assume that the tribal chiefs who worshiped this defamed Ganapati
as their patron deity had established their own superiority by victories
over the other tribal chiefs. It is possible that the victorious chiefs
had the elephant as their totem, and the defeated ones had the rat as
theirs. Thus the fact that Ganapati is depicted as having a human
body and an elephant head, and as riding a rat, might have evolved
to symbolize the victory of the chiefs who worshiped him and who had
an elephant as their totem.
An analysis of the Ganapatis mentioned in the texts Manava Grihya
Sutra, Yajnavalkya and Marabharata reveals that these Ganapatis had
different animal appearances. The Tantrika literature indicates that
some of the Ganapatis had the emblem of the bull, and others the em
blem of the snake. Hence there is every possibility that the specific
Ganapati who was the Arch-mischief maker of the time had the
emblem of the elephant. It is also clear that each tribal group had
its own patron god, and that these were represented either as natural
forces (wind, thunder, etc.) or as animals. It is an accepted phenomenon
that gods of the conquered yield their positions to the gods of their
conquerors. Hence it is natural to assume that once those tribes who
had Ganapati as patron were victorious they would have raised their
own patron deity to a high status.
This must then be the reason that the Ganapati seen as the Arch
mischief maker to whom, as we have seenall manner of chaos was
attributed, suddenly in the Puranas becomes the bestower of success
112 S. M . M IC H A E L
Once the Ganapatyas grew in number they began to wear on their fore
head a distinguismng mark of a red circle. They looked on Ganesha
as a supreme deity, superior to Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. As time
went by Ganapati was identified as the god of good luck and of all fortune.
This popularity of Ganapati continues to exist even today among
the masses of the people in India.
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