Prince Because Certain Parts of The Writing Were Not in Accordance With Church

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Andrew Bridges

AP Government
July 9, 2009

“The Prince”

Niccolò Machiavelli was a noted politician and writer born May 3, 1496 in

Florence, Italy. Machiavelli was raised in a time when the map of Europe was ever

changing due to fighting among France, Spain, and the Holy Roman Empire. Early

on, he served as a civil servant to the Florentine Republic. Due to his intelligence

and political expertise, he quickly advanced to become the Secretary to the Second

Chancery of the Florentine Republic. Holding this position was a great honor that

came with much power. Unlike many great people, Machiavelli’s contemporaries

realized his brilliance while he lived.

Machiavelli is most widely known for his work, The Prince. He intended it to

be a brief work containing advice and information that Machiavelli had acquired

over his time through his experience in government as well as his extensive studies

for Lorenzo de Medici the Magnificent. The pope immediately condemned The

Prince because certain parts of the writing were not in accordance with Church

teachings. In addition, it is chiefly concerned with gaining and keeping power at all

costs rather than leading as the Church would want a ruler to rule. Fortunately, The

Prince survived the Church’s condemnation to become one of the greatest political

writings that we have ever known.

In the beginning of The Prince, Machiavelli warns of problems caused by

mixed principalities. A mixed principality is an established state with new territory.


As Machiavelli says, there are many problems caused by this arrangement. One

problem is trying to gain the respect of the conquered people as well as dealing with

those who helped put the prince in power. Machiavelli explains:

…One must always offend those over whom he becomes a new prince,
both with men at arms and with infinite other injuries that the new
acquisition brings in its wake. So you have as enemies all those whom
you have offended in seizing that principality, and you cannot keep as
friends those who have put you there because you cannot satisfy them
in the mode they had presumed and because you cannot use strong
medicines against them, since you are obligated to them. (Pg. 8)
This is an interesting dilemma because people rarely think about having to satisfy

those who put the ruler in power. The prince becomes a slave to these people.

Machiavelli tells how to easily overcome these difficulties. Moving the

prince’s residence to the new territory will remedy the first difficulty of appeasing

the offended. This way, the prince is close to his new subjects and can better

prevent dissent. Having the prince nearby also has a psychological effect on the

governed. “…The subjects are satisfied with ready access to the prince, so that they

have more cause to love him if they want to be good and, if they want to be

otherwise, more cause to fear him.” (Pg. 10) The same advice also applies to new

territories that speak a different language. To address the other issue of appeasing

those who put the prince in power, Machiavelli later states that one should not go to

war if one cannot succeed alone. If one uses the services of another to gain territory,

one is indebted to the other indefinitely. This situation will create a prince that is

governed rather than a prince that governs.


Machiavelli also has advice to give concerning the establishment and

governance of cities. First, he speaks of how to administer to cities that lived by

their own laws before they were occupied. His instructions are as follows, “…first,

ruin them; second, go there to live personally; third, let them live by their laws,

taking tribute from them and creating within them an oligarchical state which keeps

them friendly to you.” (Pg. 20) Once again, Machiavelli states that having the prince

live in the conquered state is the best way to stop any problems from arising. The

fact that this is a recurring piece of information means that it is exceptionally

important. It brings a prince closer to the people he governs, which is a good thing.

Just as Machiavelli says, “Keep you friends close and your enemies closer.”

The guidelines for establishing and governing new cities differ from

governing developed cities only slightly. There are two different ways one becomes

the leader of a new city. The first way is by virtue. The second is by fortune.

Machiavelli states, “He who relies less on fortune has maintained himself more.”

(Pg. 22) This means that the stronger ruler will be the one that has earned the

position rather than receiving the position because of wealth or status. Later on he

says, “Those like these men, who become princes by the paths of virtue, acquire

their principality with difficulty but hold it with ease.” (Pg. 23) This quote becomes

particularly true when a ruler tries to introduce new laws.

Machiavelli’s advice pertaining to law also changes depending on whether a

principality is old or new. Above, he is quoted saying that principalities living by

their own laws before they were occupied should be allowed to live by their laws.

This, however, does not work in new principalities. New principalities do not yet
have laws to govern their actions. Machiavelli warns that a prince must be wary

when making laws. “And it should be considered that nothing is more difficult to

handle, more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to manage, than to put

oneself at the head of introducing new orders.” (Pg. 23) He then goes on to explain

why. “For the introducer has all those who benefit from the old orders as enemies,

and has lukewarm defenders in all those who might benefit from the new orders”.

(Pg. 23) He says later that the incredulity of man or the unwillingness to believe that

the laws will fully benefit one brings on this "lukewarmness." This creates of tough

situation for the prince.

The answer to this issue is simple. The prince must find out if those with

qualms are just begging, or if they pose a serious threat. If they are just begging,

then no further action must be taken, and putting the laws in place is simple. Let

them beg, it will not hurt anyone. The law should be introduced with the backing of

the military if the dissenters do pose a threat. The prince should back up any

controversial decisions with the threat of action. This will deter almost all who

oppose the laws.

At the time Machiavelli wrote The Prince, the Church was the single largest

landowner in all of Europe. Machiavelli has little to say about ecclesiastic

principalities except that “Thus, only these principalities are secure and happy” and

“all difficulties regarding them come before they are possessed.” (Pg. 45) He speaks

of a prince’s role in this type of state.

These alone have states, and do not defend them; they have subjects,

and do not govern them; and the states, though undefended, are not
taken from them; the subjects, though ungoverned, do not care, and

they neither think of becoming estranged from such princes nor can

they. (Pg 45)

Machiavelli says it all in that last quote. There is no reason to continue about

how to acquire these principalities and govern them, because it is simply not worth

it. The loyalty of these people belongs to their god, not to a ruler. A new prince may

easily take over the land because he will meet little resistance, but he will gain

nothing from the acquisition. Ecclesiastical principalities are best left to

themselves.

The nineteenth chapter of The Prince is entitled “Of Avoiding Contempt ad

Hatred.” The second sentence of this chapter warns against being evil and immoral.

“What makes him (the prince) hated above all, as I said, is to be rapacious and a

usurper of the property and the women of his subjects.” He is very clear about

avoiding evil and immorality. Both actions earn the hatred and contempt of a

prince’s subjects. Without the two, the subjects are content and easily kept in check.

Machiavelli knows, however, that there will be evil and immoral people. His

advice is this:

One could give infinite modern examples of this, and show how many

peace treaties and promises have been rendered invalid and vain

through the infidelity of princes; and the one who has known best

how to use the fox has come out best. But it is necessary to know well

how to color this nature, and to be a great pretender and dissembler.

(Pg. 69)
This passage tells the prince to use evil and immorality to his advantage to achieve

his goals and meet his needs. The prince must act cleverly like the fox, because if he

does, he will always prevail triumphantly.

Whether conquering new territory or just guarding the principality, a prince

needs soldiers. To be safe and successful, a prince needs to have his own soldiers.

He cannot hire mercenaries, or enlist the help of another prince’s army. The latter is

called using auxiliary forces.

I say, therefore, that the arms with which a prince defends his state

are either his own or mercenary or auxiliary or mixed. Mercenary and

auxiliary arms are useless and dangerous… for they are disunited,

ambitious, without discipline, unfaithful, bold among friends, among

enemies cowardly… The cause of this is that they have no love nor

cause to keep them in the field other than a small stipend, which is not

sufficient to make them want to die for you. (Pg 48)

A principality simply cannot thrive if it does not have its own soldiers for these

reasons. In addition, the costs are expensive when using others to fight.

Money is a necessity for a prince. When a prince has money, the question of

frugality presents itself. In the past, Kings like Louis IVX kept a constant lavish party

going always at Versailles. Machiavelli says liberality is not a good long-term

strategy for a prince. It eventually overburdens the taxpayers. “This will begin to

make him hated by his subjects, and little esteemed by anyone as he becomes poor.”

(Pg. 63) Liberality is, however, a surprisingly great short-term strategy. A prince

should be liberal when attaining power, but frugal once he is in power. An example
of this: “Pope Julius II, while he made use of a name for liberality to attain the

papacy, did not think of maintaining it later, so as to be able to make war.” (Pg. 63)

Just as in anything money related, people should not overextend themselves. They

need to have the foresight to save for anything that might arise.

Almost as important as money, is whether a prince should be loved, feared,

or hated. Machiavelli said, “I say that each prince should desire to be held merciful

and not cruel; nonetheless he should take care not to use his mercy badly.” (Pg. 65)

Although a prince should want to be merciful, he must assert his power in the

beginning. If people fear him when he takes power, he will have fewer troubles

later, which will allow him to become loved over time without the worry of an

uprising. “The prince should nonetheless make himself feared in such a mode that if

he does not acquire love, he escapes hatred, because being feared and not being

hated can go together very well.” (Pg. 67)

By this information, one can say that it is highly important for a prince to be

feared. Once he has established himself as a feared leader, he can then begin to be

merciful and become loved. For it is better to be loved than hated. “The prince, as

was said above in part, should think how to avoid those things that make him

hateful and contemptible.” (Pg. 71) By following these guidelines, a prince will stay

in power much longer than one who does not.

In The Prince, truthfulness takes a back seat to gaining and securing power.

On page 69 Machiavelli illustrated this:

Nonetheless one sees by experience in our times that the princes who

have done great things are those who have taken little account of faith
and have known how to get around men’s brains with their

astuteness; and in the end they have overcome those who have

founded themselves on loyalty. (Pg. 69)

In effect, he is saying that nice guys finish last. This kind of attitude is referred to as

Machiavellian for this reason. A prince should always be focused on how to get

ahead. If he takes advantage of someone, so be it.

When a prince lies, or is opaque about his intentions to his people, there is a

kind of distrust between them. This goes back to whether it is better to be loved,

feared, or hated. If a prince is untruthful, the people must fear him, otherwise, his

power is not as secure as it could be. A better prince would lie when necessary, and

sell that lie like it is truth. In this way, he may be able to keep from offending a few

people. This fits with Machiavelli’s ideas. “Thus, it is not necessary for a prince to

have all the above-mentioned qualities in fact, but it is indeed necessary to appear to

have them.” (Pg. 70)

In the chapter entitles “Of Avoiding Contempt and Hatred,” Machiavelli says,

“For a prince should have two fears: one within, on account of his subjects; the other

outside, on account of external powers.” (Pg. 72) The fact that Machiavelli stated

fear of subjects before the fear of external powers is significant. Subversion is a

major cause of the downfall of leaders. Machiavelli says later “When things outside

are not moving, one has to fear that they (the subjects) may be conspiring secretly.”

(Pg 73) The prince must always be on his guard if there are problems within the

principality.
The most obvious solution to subversion is for the prince to be well liked.

This would not let any problems arise. In addition to this, the prince should move

his residence to the place most likely for dissent to befall him for the same reasons

given earlier. The prince should keep his friends close and his enemies closer! If

there are still subversive plots, the prince absolutely must stop them as soon as he

hears about them.

When speaking about leadership and power, one must return to the previous

paragraphs speaking of law, evil and immorality, military and monetary matters,

love, fear, hatred, truthfulness, and subversion. They are all advice about what a

prince should do with his power to be a great leader. This is only part of

Machiavelli’s advice pertaining to power and leadership though.

The first part of Machiavelli’s advice pertaining specifically to power and

leadership is this: “Nothing makes a prince so much esteemed as to carry on great

enterprises and to give rare examples of himself.” (Pg. 87) The public, and other

rulers will form their opinions of a prince based on what they have heard of or seen

him doing. If he does great things occasionally and the public knows only of these

great things, he will be thought much higher of than if they knew everything that he

did. If he does this, then he seems to be a much better and perhaps more powerful

leader than he actually is. Another action that will help the prince is to take a side.

“A prince is also esteemed when he is a true friend and a true enemy, that is, when

without any hesitation he discloses himself in support of someone against another.”

(Pg. 89) By taking a side, the prince is respected much more than if he were to

remain neutral. In this way, he is gaining respect by being noticed.


The reason that Machiavelli’s attitude toward how a prince should act was so

treacherous is because during his epoch, leaders were gaining and losing power

constantly. If a prince were on top, he would not be forever. The Church also

heavily influenced the time. Many leaders were scared to do anything that might

make the Church angry with them. Machiavelli says it would be foolish not to take

advantage of this.

Machiavelli made a point of separating political acts and personal morality by

writing of them in different places. In The Prince, certain chapters are dedicated to a

prince as a politician, and others are specifically about how a prince should act

personally. He did this because the prince should be two different people politically

and personally. How one should act in business is not always how someone should

act socially. A person may be a ruthless conqueror, but at the same time he could be

a gentle ruler. Basic differences exist between politics, and one’s personal life.

These differences necessitate a different set of rules. Machiavelli realized this and

incorporated it into his writing.

Even though The Prince was written centuries ago, many of the points and

lessons within it still apply today. For example, Machiavelli’s advice about evil and

immorality still hold true today. On the news there is nearly always a story of some

political figure’s latest scandal. On July 31, 2009, CNN published a story about

Mayor Peter Cammarano III of New Jersey who was arrested in a federal corruption

probe. He is only one of many. Some congressmen as well as former President Bill

Clinton are notorious for being morally loose. They could easily benefit from
Machiavelli’s advice on avoiding immorality. Although much of the world is settled

now, Machiavelli’s words about obtaining and administering to principalities is still

relevant. On August 10, 2009, Hilary Clinton told CNN reporters that she would

soon be going to war-torn Congo. Part of the problem in Congo is that once a person

gains power, they cannot hold it. In this case, Machiavelli’s suggestions are highly

relevant. For now, Machiavelli’s counsel seems to be perennially applicable to the

leaders of the world.

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